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	<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/api.php?action=feedcontributions&amp;feedformat=atom&amp;user=Robbie</id>
	<title>A Place to Study - User contributions [en]</title>
	<link rel="self" type="application/atom+xml" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/api.php?action=feedcontributions&amp;feedformat=atom&amp;user=Robbie"/>
	<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Special:Contributions/Robbie"/>
	<updated>2026-04-29T02:15:26Z</updated>
	<subtitle>User contributions</subtitle>
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	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Why.Disclosing-the-commons&amp;diff=2883</id>
		<title>Why.Disclosing-the-commons</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Why.Disclosing-the-commons&amp;diff=2883"/>
		<updated>2026-04-28T21:49:57Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;__NOOC__&lt;br /&gt;
{{Setup|tick=Why}} &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt;Disclosing the commons&amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;During the modern era, material means of production and consumption worked best using principles of enclosure, figuratively and literally fencing people, places, and things off to exploit their potentialities in a concentrated, well-organized manner. A post-modern era is beginning in which digital means to realize our hopes and purposes are complementing the familiar material ones with different constraints and possibilities.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Digital systems function best as networks that are logically unbounded and inclusive in which dis-closure supplants en-closure as the optimal path for development. Everyone, everywhere, witting or unwitting, like it or not, are participating in the early emergence of the digital commons, as we slowly work out the optimal ways to put information technologies in the service of our aspirations, fully human and deeply humane.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Creating, recording, storing, retrieving, transmitting, and organizing cultural resources has always required material media, expensive to produce and awkward to use. Only privileged elites and specialists could employ them fully. Most people &#039;&#039;learned about&#039;&#039; primary cultural resources secondhand, and rarely gained experience &#039;&#039;working with&#039;&#039; them. Electronic media have different affordances and constraints, which still we neither understand nor exploit well. [[Why/Let&#039;s change that|&amp;lt;u&amp;gt;Let&#039;s change that&amp;lt;/u&amp;gt;]].&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On &#039;&#039;A Place to Study&#039;&#039; we can enable ourselves and others to work as ordinary people to employ extensive cultural resources directly, when, where, and with whom we like, for purposes that we choose. Our challenge — setting up and maintaining a full, well-organized, easily used collection of important cultural resources and making it freely available to ourselves and everyone else for creative use by anyone, anytime, anywhere — will help to bring major historic possibilities to fruition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;brbox wide numsoff&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;inbox&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;clear:right; border: 1px solid #732626; border-radius: 4px; padding: 0.25em 0.5em 0.25em 0.5em; height: 20em; overflow: auto;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;h3 class=&amp;quot;cent und&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Resources on the commons&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;s1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;{{Resources on the Commons}}&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Tools—catalogs, dictionaries, encyclopaedias, collections, chronologies, programs, and much more—empower the work of intellect. Online, the powerful ones are usually as easy or easier to use that the simple ones!&lt;br /&gt;
* We include attention to language, especially to the verbs with which we speak about our actions, and to our concepts with which we shape our powers of perception, action, and control.&lt;br /&gt;
* We assemble, read, and assess masterwork, diverse creative achievements that set a bar of excellence for aspiration, judgment, and taste.&lt;br /&gt;
* We single out diverse persons, enigmas of virtue and vice, and hone our understanding of human possibility by contemplating their strengths and weaknesses as evident in their efforts to cope with their life circumstances.&lt;br /&gt;
* We explore places, mentalities, junctures, and styles to uncover how people have formed them and themselves in interaction with them.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div style=&amp;quot;margin: 0 10% 0 10%; text-indent: 0; font-weight: 700;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;h3 style=&amp;quot;text-decoration: underline;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Jacques Barzun on intellect as a commons&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Jacques Barzun, &#039;&#039;The House of Intellect&#039;&#039; (New York: HarperCollins Perennial Classics, 1959, 2020) pp. 4-5.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Intellect is the capitalized and communal form of live intelligence; it is intelligence stored up and made into habits of discipline, signs and symbols of meaning, chains of reasoning and spurs to emotion—a shorthand and a wireless by which the mind can skip connectives, recognize ability, and communicate truth. Intellect is at once a body of common knowledge and the channels through which the right particle of it can be brought to bear quickly, without the effort of redemonstration, on the matter in hand. . . . Intellect is community property and can be handed down. . . . And though Intellect neither implies nor precludes intelligence, two of its uses are—to make up for the lack of intelligence and to amplify the force of it by giving it quick recognition and apt embodiment. . . . Intellect is . . .  a product of social effort and an acquirement.&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Where/Library_listing&amp;diff=2882</id>
		<title>Where/Library listing</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Where/Library_listing&amp;diff=2882"/>
		<updated>2026-04-28T21:43:38Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;__NOTOC__&lt;br /&gt;
{{Setup|tick=Where}}&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt;Library listings&amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As our library listings grow, this page will morph to remain useful.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div style=&amp;quot;text-align: center;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p style=&amp;quot;font-family: monospace; font-size: large; font-weight: 700;text-indent:0; letter-spacing: 2.32em;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[[#A|A]][[#B|B]][[#C|C]][[#D|D]][[#E|E]][[#F|F]][[#G|G]]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p style=&amp;quot;font-family: monospace; font-size: large; font-weight: 700;text-indent:0; letter-spacing: 2.32em;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[[#H|H]][[#I|I]][[#J|J]][[#K|K]][[#L|L]][[#M|M]][[#N|N]]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p style=&amp;quot;font-family: monospace; font-size: large; font-weight: 700;text-indent:0; letter-spacing: 2.32em;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[[#O|O]][[#P|P]][[#Q|Q]][[#R|R]][[#S|S]][[#T|T]][[#U|U]]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p style=&amp;quot;font-family: monospace; font-size: large; font-weight: 700;text-indent:0; letter-spacing: 2.32em;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[[#V|V]][[#W|W]][[#X|X]][[#Y|Y]][[#Z|Z]]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2 style=&amp;quot;text-align: center;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Our library — by author&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;A&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;text-align: center;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
* Henry Adams (1838-1918) • [[StudyPage/Henry Adams]] • [[:Wikipedia:Henry Adams|Wikipedia]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Adams/Mont-Saint-Michel and Chartres | Mont-Saint-Michel and Chartres]] (1904)&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Adams/The Education of Henry Adams | The Education of Henry Adams]] (1907, 1918) &lt;br /&gt;
* Aesop (c. 620–564 BCE) • [[StudyPage/Aesop&#039;s Fables]] • [[:Wikipedia:Aesop&#039;s Fables|Wikipedia]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Aesop/Fables | Aesop&#039;s fables ]] (1912)&lt;br /&gt;
* Matthew Arnold {1822-1888) • [[StudyPage/Matthew Arnold]] • [[:Wikipedia:Matthew_Arnold|Wikipedia]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Arnold/Culture and anarchy | Culture and anarchy]] (1869)&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;B&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;text-align: center;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
* Bible • [[StudyPage/Bible]] • [[:Wikipedia:Bible|Wikipedia]] • [[:Wikipedia:King_James_Version|Wikipedia on King_James_Version]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Bible|King James version of the Bible]]&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;C&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;text-align: center;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
* Thomas Carlyle (1795-1881) • [[StudyPage/Carlyle]] • [[:Wikipedia:Thomas Carlyle | Wikipedia]]&lt;br /&gt;
** About: [[Texts:Nichol/Carlyle |Thomas Carlyle ]] (1904)&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;D&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;text-align: center;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;E&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;text-align: center;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
* Ralph Waldo Emerson (1803-1882) • [[StudyPage/Emerson]] • [[:Wikipedia:Ralph Waldo Emerson | Wikipedia]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Emerson/Essays1 | Essays, first series]] (1841)&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Emerson/Essays2 | Essays, second series]] (1844)&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Emerson/Nature | Nature]] (1849)&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Emerson/Representative | Representative men: seven lectures ]] (1850)&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Emerson/Conduct | The conduct of life ]] (1871)&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;F&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;text-align: center;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;F&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;G&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;text-align: center;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;G&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
* Mahatma Gandhi {1869-1948) • [[StudyPage/Mahatma Gandhi]] • [[:Wikipedia:Mahatma Gandhi|Wikipedia]]&lt;br /&gt;
** About: [[Texts:Rolland/Mahatma Gandhi | Mahatma Gandhi]] {1924)&lt;br /&gt;
* Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (1749-1832) • [[StudyPage/Goethe]] • [[:Wikipedia:Johann Wolfgang von Goethe|Wikipedia]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Goethe/Werther | The Sorrows of Young Werther ]] (1774)&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Goethe/Wilhelm-Meister-1 | Wilhelm Meister&#039;s Apprenticeship ]] (1796)&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Goethe/Maxims | Maxims and reflections]] (1833)&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;H&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;text-align: center;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;H&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;I&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;text-align: center;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;I&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;J&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;text-align: center;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;J&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;K&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;text-align: center;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;K&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;L&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;text-align: center;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;L&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
* François de La Rochefoucauld (1613-1680) • [[StudyPage/La Rochefoucauld]] • [[:Wikipedia:François_de_La_Rochefoucauld_(writer)|Wikipedia]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:La Rochefoucauld/Maxims |Reflections, Or, Sentences and Moral Maxims]]&lt;br /&gt;
* John Locke (1632-1704) • [[StudyPage/Locke]] • [[:Wikipedia:John Locke|Wikipedia]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Locke/Understanding | Of the conduct of the Understanding]] (1706)&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;M&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;text-align: center;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;M&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* &amp;lt;span id=&amp;quot;Montaigne&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Michel de Montaigne (1533-1592) • [[StudyPage/Montaigne]] • [[:Wikipedia:Michel de Montaigne|Wikipedia]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Montaigne/Essays|Essays of Michel de Montaigne]] (1580, 1877)&lt;br /&gt;
*** [[Texts:Montaigne/Essays/0 | Preface &amp;amp; Life]] • [[Texts:Montaigne/Essays/1 | Book one]] • [[Texts:Montaigne/Essays/2 | Book two]] • [[Texts:Montaigne/Essays/3 | Book three]]&lt;br /&gt;
** About: [[Texts:St. John/Montaigne | Montaigne the essayist]] 1858&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;N&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;text-align: center;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;N&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;O&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;text-align: center;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;O&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;P&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;text-align: center;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
* &amp;lt;span id=&amp;quot;Plato&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Plato (429?–347BC) • [[StudyPage/Plato]] • [[:Wikipedia:Plato|Wikipedia]] • [https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/plato/ SEP - Plato]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Plato/Apology | Apology ]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Crito | Crito ]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Plato/Euthyphro | Euthyphro ]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Plato/Charmides | Charmides ]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Plato/Laches | Laches, or courage ]]&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;!-- ** [[Hippias Major | Hippias Major ]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Hippias Minor | Hippias Minor ]]  --&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Plato/Euthydemus |Euthydemus]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Plato/Protagoras |Protagoras ]] • [https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/plato-ethics-shorter/ SEP - Plato&#039;s Shorter Ethical Works]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Plato/Cratylus| Cratylus]] • [https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/plato-cratylus/ SEP - Plato’s Cratylus]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Plato/Symposium |Symposium]] • [https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/plato-friendship/ SEP - Plato on Friendship and Eros]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Plato/Ion |Ion]] • [https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/plato-aesthetics/ SEP - Plato’s Aesthetics]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Plato/Gorgias |Gorgias]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Plato/Phaedrus |Phaedrus]] • [https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/plato-rhetoric/ SEP - Plato on Rhetoric and Poetry]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Plato/Meno |Meno]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Plato/Phaedo |Phaedo]] • [https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/plato-metaphysics/ SEP - Plato’s Middle Period Metaphysics and Epistemology]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Plato/Lysis |Lysis]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Plato/Republic |The Republic ]] • [https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/plato-ethics-politics/ SEP-The Republic]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Plato/Critias| Critias ]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Plato/Timaeus| Timaeus ]] • [https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/plato-myths/ SEP - Plato&#039;s Myths]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Plato/Menexenus| Menexenus ]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Plato/Parmenides| Parmenides ]] • [https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/plato-parmenides/ SEP - Plato’s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Parmenides&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Plato/Theaetetus| Theaetetus ]] • [https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/plato-theaetetus/ SEP - Plato on Knowledge in the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Theaetetus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Plato/Sophist| Sophist ]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Plato/Statesman| Statesman ]] • [https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/plato-sophstate/ SEP - Method and Metaphysics in Plato’s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sophist&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Statesman&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Plato/Philebus| Philebus ]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Plato/Laws| Laws ]] • [https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/plato-utopia/ SEP - &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Laws&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;]&lt;br /&gt;
* &amp;lt;span id=&amp;quot;Plutarch&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Plutarch (46-119) • [[StudyPage/Plutarch]] • [[:Wikipedia:Plutarch|Wikipedia]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Plutarch/Lives1 | Lives, vol1]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Plutarch/Lives2 | Lives, vol2]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Plutarch/Lives3 | Lives, vol3]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Plutarch/Lives4 | Lives, vol4]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Plutarch/Morals | Morals]]&lt;br /&gt;
* Thomas Platter&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Platter/Autobiography | Autobiography ]]&lt;br /&gt;
 &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;Q&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;text-align: center;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Q&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;R&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;text-align: center;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;R&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
* François Rabelais (1483-1553) • [[StudyPage/François Rabelais]] • [[:Wikipedia:François Rabelais|Wikipedia]]&lt;br /&gt;
** Five Books of the Lives, Heroic Deeds and Sayings of Gargantua and His Son Pantagruel, translated by Sir Thomas Urquhart of Cromarty and Peter Antony Motteux (1653 &amp;amp; 1708)&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;[[Texts:Rabelais/Gargantua/Introduction | Introduction]] • [[Rabelais/Gargantua/Book1 | Book 1]] • [[Texts:Rabelais/Gargantua/Book 2 | Book 2]] • [[Rabelais/Gargantua/Book 3 | Book 3]] • [[Texts:Rabelais/Gargantua/Book 4 | Book 4]] • [[Rabelais/Gargantua/Book 5 | Book 5]]&lt;br /&gt;
* Romain Rolland (1866-1944) • [[StudyPage/Romain Rolland]] • [[:Wikipedia:Romain Rolland|Wikipedia]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Rolland/Mahatma Gandhi | Mahatma Gandhi]] {1924)&lt;br /&gt;
* &amp;lt;span id=&amp;quot;Rousseau&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778) • [[StudyPage/Rousseau]] • [[:Wikipedia:Jean-Jacques Rousseau|Wikipedia]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Rousseau/Emile-en | Emile, or On Education]] (1762)&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Rousseau/Emile-fr | Emile, ou de l&#039;éducation]] (1762)&lt;br /&gt;
* &amp;lt;span id=&amp;quot;Ruskin&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;John Ruskin (1819-1900) • [[StudyPage/Ruskin]] • [[:Wikipedia:John Ruskin|Wikipedia]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Ruskin/Unto | Unto this last, and other essays]] (1862)&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;S&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;text-align: center;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;S&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
* &amp;lt;span id=&amp;quot;Shakespeare&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;William Shakespeare (1564-1616) • [[StudyPage/Shakespeare]] • [[:Wikipedia:William Shakespeare|Wikipedia]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Shakespeare | The complete works of Shakespeare ]] (1623)&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;T&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;text-align: center;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;T&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;U&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;text-align: center;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;U&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;V&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;text-align: center;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;V&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;W&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;text-align: center;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;W&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
* &amp;lt;span id=&amp;quot;Wollstonecraft&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Mary Wollstonecraft (1759-1797) • [[StudyPage/Wollstonecraft]] • [[:Wikipedia:Mary Wollstonecraft|Wikipedia]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Wollstonecraft/Vindication | Vindication of the rights of woman]] (1792)&lt;br /&gt;
* &amp;lt;span id=&amp;quot;Wollstonecraft&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Virginia Woolf (1882-1941) • [[StudyPage/Virginia Woolf]] • [[:Wikipedia:Virginia Woolf|Wikipedia]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Woolf/Common reader | The common reader ]] (1925)&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;X&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;text-align: center;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;X&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;Y&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;text-align: center;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Y&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;Z&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;text-align: center;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Z&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Where/Our_library&amp;diff=2881</id>
		<title>Where/Our library</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Where/Our_library&amp;diff=2881"/>
		<updated>2026-04-28T21:43:09Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;__NOTOC__&lt;br /&gt;
{{Setup|tick=Where}}&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt;Our library&amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;{{apts}} is not a library, but [[Where_—_Library listings|we have one]]. It contains many of the resources with which we study. Currently it holds a sparse, initial collection as part of developing our prototype. It lacks lots that should be there, includes perhaps some things that should not be there, and what&#039;s there tilts perilously towards the work of dead, white, Western males. And  further, we&#039;ve been acquiring resources for the library in textual media faster than audio and visual media. With time, we will right these imbalances, less by getting rid of what&#039;s over weighted, but by building up what&#039;s underweight. All that is as it is: the caterpillar does not look like the butterfly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We follow our principle: To  begin, BEGIN. We start adding materials to our library, believing they may have special value to those seeking self-formation and liberal learning in the digital commons. As we do that, we start to manifest our ignorance. Does what we have included really have that special value? What further resources, which may have that value, should we include? With these further beginnings, we reiterate the questions, and by proceeding to develop our library, we do not settle those question, we renew and deepen them through our new additions and subtractions to the collection, furthering its beginnings.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div style=&amp;quot;float: right; width: 40%; padding-left: 2em; text-indent: 0; font-weight: 700;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&amp;lt;p style=&amp;quot;text-indent: 0;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;We don&#039;t fully transcend ignorance or reach completion, hence it&#039;s long been said, the road is better than the inn.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thus study is always beginning in ignorance; its resources always growing in incompletion. Acknowledging that infinite regress, students — residents and stewards — have a special responsibility in maintaining and developing {{apts}}. We cannot simply outgrow our biases. We need to cope with our ignorance and to set potential criteria for inclusion and exclusion for a library supporting self-formation and liberal learning in the digital commons.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In summing how he had sought to study culture and communication, Richard Hoggart enunciated some basic rights, which can serve us well building our library — a commitment to &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;&amp;quot;the right of each of us to speak about how we see life, the world; and so the right to have access to the means by which that capacity to speak may be gained. The right, also, to try to reach out and speak to others, not to have that impulse inhibited by social barriers..., the right of wider access to higher education,... for wider access also to the arts as the most scrupulous explorations we can make of our personalities and relationships, and of the nature of our societies, and, as a support to all this, the best uses of mass communications.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Richard Hoggart, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;An imagined life: Life and Times, 1959-1991&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (Oxford:Oxford University Press, 1992) p. 26.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Now some will say, &amp;quot;Wait! Don&#039;t we all have those rights? Look at social media 2.0. Nearly everyone is using it. Its affordances give us the capacity to speak about life and the world, to reach out and speak to others. We enjoy greatly widened access to higher education and to the arts in all their forms, and to voluble talk of cultural, social, and political events, all through unparalleled systems of communication that Hoggart did not live long enough to witness.&amp;quot; As a statement of the current situation, this assertion may seem factually true, speaking very generally, but it does not establish that this situation indicates the limits of our capabilities in the digital commons.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;!--&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Whatever social media 2.0 offers in principle, more precisely in PR puff, it is offering little by way of actual &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;affordances&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Itmakes good sense to reiterate how the current uses of the digital commons are largely useless and in major ways dysfunctional. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In perfecting our resources for study, what should we seek to accomplish? In this question, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;we&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; primarily comprises the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;residents&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, anyone who volunteers, establishing a free account on {{apts}} in order to work actively on it to maintain and develop it, furthering their own self-formation and liberal learning thereby. Through the library of {{apts}}, persons pursuing their self-formation and liberal learning seek resources for study that effectively support that purpose. Residents have a special responsibility to assess a comprehensive collection of such resources and to organize access, free and effective, to visitors and residents alike.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These responsibilities substantially overlap those of library staffs at academic or public libraries, as will our collection of resources. But we have significantly different responsibilities, which merit noting, rooted less in the holdings of the library and more in the basic uses to which people will put those holdings. Lots of people use academic and public libraries to support their efforts to form and comprehend their intentions, but providing them that support is not the controlling factor in the development and management of those libraries.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
 ***To be continued. *** --&amp;gt;&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Where/Study_skills&amp;diff=2880</id>
		<title>Where/Study skills</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Where/Study_skills&amp;diff=2880"/>
		<updated>2026-04-28T21:41:03Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;__NOTOC__&lt;br /&gt;
{{Setup|tick=Where}}&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt;Study skills&amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Let&#039;s concentrate on the basics, the study skills that each and all have acquired. We can speak. We read and write. We use our senses, especially seeing and hearing, to perceive what&#039;s around us. Why should we stop now to study these? We&#039;ve used them to come this far. Why not keep at matters where we&#039;re more thoroughly ignorant?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Life takes place 24/7. We are not born with an empty slate, so many blank spaces that we then fill in one by one with this or that — &amp;quot;Here&#039;s some empty time! I&#039;ll put study into it.&amp;quot; That&#039;s a prescription for an &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;if-only&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; sense of life. We don&#039;t &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;have time for&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; something, or even &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;find time for&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; it; we &amp;lt;b&amp;gt;take time to do&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; something, and in taking time to study something we are basically taking time to improve doing it through recursive repetition. Let&#039;s study this proposition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By taking time to do something, we mean bringing fuller attention to bear upon it, in this case attending to who, what, how, where_—_when, and why we are doing something in order to improve our doing it recursively. A degree of familiarity with what we are doing does not stand as a reason against studying it, but rather it serves as a necessary condition for studying it. That&#039;s why we have to say, to begin, begin. Our basic skills enabling our cultural activity are prime matters for study because we are using them throughout our lives and they provide ubiquitous opportunities for recursive repetition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;{{apts}} offers opportunities to apply our powers of judgment to out basic cultural skills. People often worry whether what they or someone else is saying is ethical or moral, asking whether it measures up to some abstract standard. Often we would do better to ask ourselves whether we would feel it appropriate, sound, or just to say it to any and all persons rather than to some special subset of people. . . .&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Where/Goethe&amp;diff=2879</id>
		<title>Where/Goethe</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Where/Goethe&amp;diff=2879"/>
		<updated>2026-04-28T21:39:07Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;__NOTOC__&lt;br /&gt;
{{Setup|tick=Where}}&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quick thoughts:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h1 style=&amp;quot;text-align: center;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Goethe said,....&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p style=&amp;quot;padding: 1em; font-weight: 700; text-indent: 0;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Here&#039;s a thought. Consider it. If you find parts that make no sense, try to make sense of them. Look things up. Understand the passage. Then tell yourself and others what you think in response. If that&#039;s, &amp;quot;meh...,&amp;quot; that&#039;s fine, pass over it   — the world holds many thoughts. If you have a response, great! and if you have a little time, others may be interested if you explain it in the comment box.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&amp;lt;comment-streams id=&amp;quot; &amp;quot; /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;What do you think?&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;maxim&amp;quot;&amp;gt;This beauty? ― one thought then ― its all very well, but is it mine? And is the truth that I am getting to know my truth? The goals, the voices, the reality, the seduction of it all, luring and leading one on, all that one follows and plunges into ― is it the actual actuality or does one still get no more than a hint of the actual, a breath hovering intangibly on the surface of the actuality one is offered? What one so perceptibly mistrusts is the cut-and-dried way that life is divided up and the ready-made forms it assumes, the ever-recurring sameness of it, the prefabrications passed down by generation after generation, the stock language, not only the words it mouths, but also in its perceptions and emotions.&amp;lt;span style=&amp;quot;font-size: small;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Robert Musil, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The man without qualities&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, v1,ch34.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Translation based on Robert Musil, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The man without qualities&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (Eithne Wilkins &amp;amp; Ernst Kaiser, trans., London: Picador, 1975) Vol 1, 149.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;comment-streams id=&amp;quot;Musil1&amp;quot; /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;maxim&amp;quot;&amp;gt;More than anything else I would like my role in the world to be to educate others to feel more and more for themselves and less and less according to the dynamic law of the collectivity. To educate others in that spiritual asceticism, which would preclude the contagion of vulgarity, seems to be the highest destiny of the teacher of the inner life that I would like to be. &amp;lt;span style=&amp;quot;font-size: small;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Fernando Pessoa, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The book of disquiet&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 103&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Fernando Pessoa, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The book of disquiet&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (Margaret Jull Costa, trans., New York: New Directions, 2017) p. 103.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;comment-streams id=&amp;quot;Pessoa1&amp;quot; /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;maxim&amp;quot;&amp;gt;...that which is best and most pleasant for each creature is that which is proper to the nature of each; accordingly the life of the intellect is the best and the pleasantest life for man, inasmuch as the intellect more than anything else is man; therefore this life will be the happiest.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;span style=&amp;quot;font-size: small;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Aristotle, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Nicomachean Ethics&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, X, vii, 9.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Aristotle, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The nicomachean ethics&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (H. Rackham, trans., Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1962) p.619.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;comment-streams id=&amp;quot;AristotleNEX7&amp;quot; /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;maxim&amp;quot;&amp;gt;This desire to know more than is sufficient is a sort of intemperance. Why? Because this unseemly pursuit of the liberal arts makes men troublesome, wordy, tactless, self-satisfied bores, who fail to learn the essentials just because they have learned the non-essentials. &amp;lt;span style=&amp;quot;font-size: small; font-variant: none;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Seneca, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Epistles&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. LXXXVIII&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Seneca, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Lucilium Epistulae Morales (Richard M. Gummere, trans., Cambriddge: Harvard University Press, 1962) vol. 2, pp. 371 &amp;amp; 373.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;comment-streams id=&amp;quot;Seneca EM58&amp;quot; /&amp;gt;&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Where/Quick_study&amp;diff=2878</id>
		<title>Where/Quick study</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Where/Quick_study&amp;diff=2878"/>
		<updated>2026-04-28T21:36:11Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;__NOTOC__&lt;br /&gt;
{{Setup|tick=Where}}&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt;Quick thoughts&amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p style=&amp;quot;margin: 0 0 0 10%; padding-right: 10em; font-weight: 700; text-indent: 0;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Yes, we take things seriously. But time&#039;s short. Here&#039;s some quick thoughts to grab on the run. What&#039;s your response? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
* [[Where/Key quotes | Quotations to ponder ]]&lt;br /&gt;
* [[Where/Goethe | Goethe said.... ]]&lt;br /&gt;
* [[Where/Montaigne1 | Maxims from Montaigne&#039;s study ]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Where/Study_pages&amp;diff=2877</id>
		<title>Where/Study pages</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Where/Study_pages&amp;diff=2877"/>
		<updated>2026-04-28T21:34:47Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;__NOTOC__&lt;br /&gt;
{{Setup|tick=Where}}&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt;Study pages&amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;Critics obsessed with [Milton&#039;s] great reputation and great scholarship tend to look exclusively to literary sources for his ideas. . . . My not very daring suggestion is that Milton got his ideas not only from books but also by talking to his contemporaries.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Christopher Hill. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Milton and the English Reolution&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (New York: The Viking Press, 1977) p. 5.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We use &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;study pages&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; to help us inform and orient our diverse inquiries. Neither lessons nor assignments, study pages somewhat resemble good travel guides, ones that strengthen their users&#039; agency in doing what they intend to do. Both travel guides and study guides help users make discerning choices for themselves. They provide information about what&#039;s where and notices about why people generally go to see this or that, what importance they have attached to it historically, esthetically, or in some register of fun and adventure. Like the traveler&#039;s guide book, study pages inform a student&#039;s choice, particularly the initial choices to attend first to this and not to that.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div style=&amp;quot;float: right; width: 30%; margin-left: 1em; text-indent: 0; font-weight: 700;border: 1px solid #732626; border-radius: 4px; padding: 0.25em 0.5em 0.25em 0.5em; &amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;Study Pages&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;padding-left: 1em;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;* [[Study_pages/Persons|Persons]]&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;* [[Study_pages/Events|Events]]&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;* [[Study_pages/Concepts|Concepts]]&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;* [[Study_pages/Places|Places]]&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;* [[Study_pages/Periods|Periods]]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As we begin, study pages on {{apts}} are sparse and short for the simple reason that volunteers create {{apts}} and only a few have been doing so for a short time. We trust that the number and scope of study pages will increase, but they should remain in character &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;study pages&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, neither syllabi nor packaged tours. On {{apts}} let&#039;s hold dear that quip, oft attributed to Cervantes, &amp;quot;the road is better than the inn.&amp;quot; Study pages serve persons who are finding their own way, deciding on what roads they will take and making sense of their experiences along the way. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In working with study pages, we should develop guidelines that clearly differentiate them from encyclopedia entries. The two forms overlap to some degree, but the encyclopedia addresses the current state of knowledge about the materials it covers whereas the study page informs the choices a student will likely encounter in advancing self-formation and liberal learning by self-directed engagement with the topic. The two forms differ because each serves a different intent, to know something through the encyclopedia and to do something through the study pages. The latter intent seems vague because we have much less experience with it than we do with the intent of acquiring knowledge about something through an encyclopedia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Let&#039;s start drafting and using study pages, developing our understanding of what will make them effective by continually reflecting our our experience with them. To start, we can group them under various headings such as persons, events, concepts, places, periods, and so on. What are we doing when we contemplate a work, achievement, or example of another in a self-formative way? What happens when we read or watch or hear something moving or meaningful when we do it freely, without ulterior purpose, autonomously? How can we support such experiences taking place?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div style=&amp;quot;float: right; width: 30%; margin-left: 1em; text-indent: 0; font-weight: 700;border: 1px solid #732626; border-radius: 4px; padding: 0.25em 0.5em 0.25em 0.5em;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;It is not wise to think that we can&#039;t; but avoiding that thought leaves us a long ways from understanding that we can. We study to traverse that distance.&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Let&#039;s hypothesize that throughout historical time and across cultures many creative persons wanted to communicate to other persons through the work they crafted things that each had found meaningful in their self-formation and liberal learning. For instance, perhaps Michel de Montaigne did not write his essay, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;&amp;quot;De l&#039;institution des enfans,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; to propound his pedagogical principles as they might be applied in educational praxis, but rather to communicate to Madame Diane de Foix, Contesse de Gutson, and others like her, the range of what would come to his mind when he thought freely and considered self-formation in the context &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;de l&#039;institution des enfans&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;I leave Montaigne&#039;s title of the essay in his French to suggest that we might open up its potential meanings as part of our hypothesis. He could have written &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;de l&#039;éducation&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, or &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;de l&#039;instruction&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, or &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;de l&#039;enseignement&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, but chose &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;de l&#039;institution&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which now primarily means an institution or establishment, but certainly in the 16th century and on into the 19th, it meant not only the organization (e.g. the Royal Institution of Great Britain), but the process of establishing or instituting something. Let&#039;s study Montaigne&#039;s essay, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De l&#039;institution des enfans&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, as if it is an essay about the process by which children form, and let&#039;s do so as part of our instituting {{apts}}.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; Let&#039;s try during summer 2021 [now winter 2022] to organize a small working group to &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;study&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Montaigne&#039;s essay as if he wrote it with this intent, taking all the matters to which he refers, not as digressive ornament, but as integral to the cumulative substance of what he wanted to bring to mind.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Where/Our_landmarks&amp;diff=2876</id>
		<title>Where/Our landmarks</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Where/Our_landmarks&amp;diff=2876"/>
		<updated>2026-04-28T03:07:44Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;__NOTOC__&lt;br /&gt;
{{Setup|tick=Where}}&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt;Our landmarks&amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div style=&amp;quot;float: left; max-width: 200px; margin: 1em 1em 1em 0;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[[File:Statue-of-Liberty-Landmarks.png|200px]]&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;s1 noind&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Keep, ancient lands, your storied pomp!&amp;quot; cries she / With silent lips. &amp;quot;Give me your tired, your poor, / Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free, / The wretched refuse of your teeming shore. / Send these, the homeless, tempest-tost to me, / I lift my lamp beside the golden door!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Concluding lines from &amp;quot;[https://www.poetryfoundation.org/poems/46550/the-new-colossus The New Colossus]&amp;quot; by Emma Lazarus, inscribed on the [[:wikipedia:Statue_of_Liberty|Statue of Liberty]] in New York harbor.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div style=&amp;quot;text-indent: 2em;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To get around {{apts}} well, imagine an actual place, one that&#039;s large and complex, like the city we love, one with a populace dedicated to the free growth of mind. We live, we think and act, in a world comprising actualities, near and far. We can recognize the digital commons as an emerging &#039;&#039;virtual&#039;&#039; actuality within the world in which we live, understanding &#039;&#039;virtual&#039;&#039; in its root Latin meaning, &amp;quot;with functional excellence or power.&amp;quot; People catch on to programs in the virtual world, their world of functional excellence or power, when they see something mimic usefully the way things work in their physical world.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For instance, Facebook tied itself to a pretty superficial, real-world analog, &amp;quot;a directory containing photographs and biographical details of students (esp. incoming freshman) at a university or college, published at the start of the academic year to facilitate contact between students&amp;quot; (OED).  The concept of a facebook immediately suggests to people how they should use the program, connecting names with faces and building little networks of mutual interest and admiration. It has worked; people immediately see a use for it in their lifeworld, but the superficiality of that use has imposed limitations on Facebook that have become increasingly dysfunctional for both persons and the public as the program commands more and more attention.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For Wikipedia, the real-world analog has worked in culturally more constructive ways. Most people basically know on first encounter how to work with Wikipedia, for we have sufficient prior experience with encyclopedias and other alphabetical materials to know what we need to do to search for the information we seek. With Wikipedia, we are like foals who seem to know almost at birth how to stand up and walk. This immediate transparency in how to use it undoubtedly contributed to the rapidity and reach with which Wikipedia caught on.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;With {{apts}}, the real-world analog is less intuitive and more complex. At first, visitors to {{apts}} will think that it is another instance of an encyclopedic type program, after all, it runs on MediaWiki, the public domain program designed and developed for Wikipedia and its sister projects. And indeed, at times searching by keyword on {{apts}} will work, for visitors can access much on it in that way. But {{apts}} does not serve primarily as a means of retrieving information about a range of named topics. With {{apts}} we need to ask consciously, what serves as a real-world analog to it, to a place where persons can work with cultural resources in extended, open-ended efforts to advance their self-formation and liberal learning?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We might liken it to a university, which is similar in the scope of cultural resources and the depth with which people engage with them. But {{apts}} does not have the functional features characterizing universities — no formal programs leading to degrees, no admissions requirements, neither &amp;quot;the faculty&amp;quot; nor &amp;quot;the student body.&amp;quot; The websites of colleges and universities all look and work more or less alike and they do not look and work at all like {{apts}}. What then?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We can leave that question open, as we do with many questions here. However, we loosely take the city, urban life, as the analog to the material world that helps organize {{apts}}. An old medieval phrase — &amp;quot;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stadtluft macht frei nach Jahr und Tag,&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;quot; city air makes one free after a year and a day&amp;quot; — suggests two things about {{apts}}. First that a prolonged engagement our urban way of study may have something to do with our actualizing our autonomy,&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;The medieval phrase referred to customary law, according to which a serf from the countryside who managed to live for a year and a day as a free person in a free city, one independent of the prevailing feudal regimes, would be considered free of any prior obligations as a serf. Let&#039;s hypothesize that behind the legal formality there was a formative aspect: the lord of the manor knew that recovering a serf who had grown accustomed to autonomous life in the city would no longer be suitably servile and more trouble than his labor would be worth.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; and second, that it won&#039;t happen overnight. Let&#039;s now step out of the past towards the future: globalization spreads &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stadtluft&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, city air, everywhere as cities &#039;round the world look and work alike and as digital communications ensnare everyone, everywhere, in reliance on urban resources to conduct themselves in an urban style of life. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Where&amp;diff=2875</id>
		<title>Where</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Where&amp;diff=2875"/>
		<updated>2026-04-28T03:04:13Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;__NOTOC__&lt;br /&gt;
{{Setup|tick=Where}}&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Where?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; situates lived experience&amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
{{AR}}&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Actually, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Where?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; includes &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;When?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;When?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; includes &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Where?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Combined, they situate lived experience, what was, is, or will be taking place. Verbs of actualizing — to &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;happen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, to &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;take place&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, to &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;become&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and all their synonyms — have greater significance for thinking and acting than the verbs of being — to &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;be&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; — however overused we may find verbs of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;being&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in current speech. To say that &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;X is Y&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; establishes nothing substantive; it merely recognizes an identity between a conceptual subject and a conceptual object. To express &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;where and when&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; taking place, we situate it in lived experience, the stuff of life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As a lived experience, study starts as we sense our ignorance or incapacity, as we wonder about some mystery, or as we intuit some possibility, and study emerges as we apply intelligent effort to what might assuage, satisfy, or realize the condition we experience. As complex humans, we experience much to occasion our study, many situations to engage us in it, many resources to sustain and further it. If occasions for study pervade our lived experience, why should we build a special place for it? If each person can and should study for themselves, why should we concentrate attention on it here, our own attention and that of anyone else who might become interested? What takes place &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;here&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, where and when we visit or reside in {{apts}}, beyond the possibilities that arise in any here and now in which study might occur?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To answer these questions, observe how, for many generations, people the world around have established special places within the school of life where instruction can take place through the concentrated practice of teaching. A place of instruction is a place where the art of teaching takes place. What is it that connects to study, as teaching connects to instruction? Let&#039;s respond:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h6 class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;To incite&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; stands to study, as &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;to teach&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; stands to instruction.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h6&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On a place to study, we incite study; we urge or spur it on; we stir it up, we animate, instigate, stimulate it. A place to study is a place where we abet, arouse, encourage, excite, exhort, foment, goad, induce, inflame, inspire, motivate, prompt, provoke, rouse, spur, and urge ourselves and others as active agents of study. It behooves us to design the situations — where and when — to incite all this activity and effort to take place with care, commitment, and art.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* [[Where_—_Study nodes | Study nodes]] — This page will be added soon.&lt;br /&gt;
* [[Where_—_Study groups | Study groups]] — A group will incite the self-formation and liberal learning of its members by supporting their distinctive, personal efforts as each expresses her own ideas and aspirations, tries to transcend her habitual routines, and develops her chosen possibilities.&lt;br /&gt;
* [[Where_—_Study pages | Study pages]] — Like the traveler&#039;s guide book, study pages inform a student&#039;s choice, particularly the initial choices to attend first to this and not to that..&lt;br /&gt;
* [[Where_—_Study skills | Study skills]] — Study requires intellectual skills, the roots of culture — speech, reading, writing, symbol and sign. Like well-used scythes, these need recurrent honing.&lt;br /&gt;
* [[Where_—_Quick study | Quick study]] — We construct lived experience with a diversity of timescales, and a lively mind will find food for thought in short bits — a quick observation, a powerful aphorism, a passing example, or some words of wit.&lt;br /&gt;
* [[Where_—_Our library | Our library]] — A Place to Study is not a library, but we have one, starting small and imbalanced, to which we add materials, believing they may have special value to those seeking self-formation and liberal learning in the digital commons, eventually approximating a collection adequate to our purposes. Our [[Where_—_Library listings|current list]].&lt;br /&gt;
* [[Where_—_Studios | Studios]] — Each resident on {{apts}} has a personal work area to support their study, self-formation, and liberal learning. These work areas are important components of A Place to Study as a whole, spaces in which residents can develop and present their views about what they are doing and why they are doing it.&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=How/We_concentrate&amp;diff=2874</id>
		<title>How/We concentrate</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=How/We_concentrate&amp;diff=2874"/>
		<updated>2026-04-28T03:00:40Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;__NOTOC__&lt;br /&gt;
{{Setup|tick=How}}&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt;We concentrate&amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When I contemplate the digital commons, I see a pullulating growth of initiatives, many commercial, many institutional, many governmental, and some autonomous, growing for their own sake. The situation creates a great clamor for attention. We take a first step in developing our ability to concentrate by ignoring all that.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As an an unenclosed initiative in the digital commons, {{apts}} has no need to grow a user base rapidly&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=How/We_select&amp;diff=2873</id>
		<title>How/We select</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=How/We_select&amp;diff=2873"/>
		<updated>2026-04-28T02:56:35Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;__NOTOC__&lt;br /&gt;
{{Setup|tick=How}}&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt;We curate &amp;amp; organize&amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;If reaping gathers and preps cultural resources for for effective use, curating assesses and presents those resources to their potential users, promoting discrimination and efficiency in their use. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Curating creates a stream of commentary by diverse persons—others, yet like ourselves—to inform, orient, and inspire how we engage with our culture. Good curating should not tell others what to think about a work, nor merely impart information to them about the work. Rather it should help others situate the work in a context meaningful to them so that they can decide how they want to engage with the work and experience it firmly and fully.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On {{apts}} we seek to promote engagement with the resources of our cultures in and through the digital commons. To do so well, we need to think clearly about how engaging cultural resources takes place in the context of the digital commons. The challenges there may differ significantly from those encountered historically in contexts where material objects embody the cultural resources.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Let&#039;s leave moot, for now at least, the question whether people can more productively create cultural resources by using material or digital tools -- in both cases the human will and mind may be the constant limiting factor. Once a work has been created, it gains its cultural power and significance as others reproduce, store, transmit, retrieve, apply it in shaping their lives. The capacities and limitations of these functions in the material marketplace and the digital commons differ radically, at the root, which creates profound problems for understanding how to curate cultural resources in the digital commons. How can and should we curate cultural resources to promote their fulfilling use through the digital commons? On {{apts}}, we should make that question a central concern.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;!--&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Let&#039;s say that good curating enhances the quality of judgment that persons can bring to bear upon the resources of their culture. That may be a fine statement as a general proposition, but in lived experience judgment &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;takes place&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; — it happens, not in general, but in a defined time and place, exercised by a definite person about something in particular. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt; --&amp;gt;&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=How&amp;diff=2872</id>
		<title>How</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=How&amp;diff=2872"/>
		<updated>2026-04-28T02:53:17Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;__NOTOC__&lt;br /&gt;
{{Setup|tick=How}}&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;How?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; joins thinking and acting&amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
{{AR}}&lt;br /&gt;
* &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;What?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; leads to the universe of concepts, nouns;&lt;br /&gt;
* &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;How?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; describes the working of action, verbs.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In this district, we start with the question, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;How do we study?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; That leads us to consider a range of activities important in the work of study to which we locate with links to the right. What&#039;s unusual about them? In most instructional situations, the question &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;How?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; merges with &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;What?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and we get a topical listing, lots of courses, subjects, indicating &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;what students can study&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On {{apts}} we don&#039;t want our inquiry programmed for us in this way. There&#039;s lots and lots of resources here from which each can and should extract concepts, topics for study. But we don&#039;t study in a monochromatic manner, teeth clenched and eyes squinched, in response to some imperative, &amp;quot;Study this!&amp;quot; In its fullness, we study in a highly variegated manner, many different modes of acting, which with reflection we can mix and match to control our movement towards a dynamic purpose. What&#039;s key is not piling up a mound of topics, but keeping the sense of purpose dynamic, imbuing life with a continuous sense of purpose.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
.&amp;amp;nbsp;.&amp;amp;nbsp;.&amp;amp;nbsp;.&amp;amp;nbsp;.&amp;amp;nbsp;.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Who/Visitors&amp;diff=2871</id>
		<title>Who/Visitors</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Who/Visitors&amp;diff=2871"/>
		<updated>2026-04-28T00:28:04Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;__NOTOC__&lt;br /&gt;
{{Setup|tick=Who}} &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt;Visitors&amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Everyone begins on {{apts}} as a visitor. The place is an open city inviting you to study through it. As a visitor, you can go where you like — {{apts}} has no private spaces. There&#039;s a lot to take in to really know your way around. The place is a place to study in the virtual world, and the actual world doesn&#039;t offer too many places to study these days to clue us in about finding our way on our own.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A first-time visitor may see {{apts}} as a big city without all the people, strangely deserted with nothing taking place within it. The life of a city, and of {{apts}}, begins to emerge as one starts doing things in it. As in a city, on {{apts}} visitors have a more circumscribed range of interaction than residents, but visitors can they can do a lot by using the means available to all, thoughtfully commenting wherever they see an &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Add comment&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; link.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Don&#039;t be bashful. {{apts}} exists as a place for persons to develop and express their &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;thinking&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, not to proclaim their ready-made opinions, choosing one from A to D, or rejoining the old Roman populace giving a thumbs up of thumbs down. Speak as you think, not as social convention suggests. Yeah, flip and plain dumb comments will quickly disappear. But thoughtful, genuine ones, expressed in the spirit of open-ended study, will last as contributions to the work of the place.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
{{The activity of study}}&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We value questions, naïve ones and sophisticated ones. We think admitting ignorance, sharing doubts, and understanding disagreements help to spur fruitful study. We are still a long way from the condition in which everyone, everywhere has immediate access, anytime, anyplace, to the whole of human culture to support their life-long study. But the development of digital communications brings very large numbers of persons significantly closer to a reasonable approximation of it. Visitors participate in that emerging world.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In this historically unprecedented juncture, the idea that we should follow a more or less single, more or less sequential path in a life of learning makes no sense. Beginners and experts all find their own paths, crossing frequently, and wouldn&#039;t you know it — beginners in one thing are experts in another, and vice versa. Let each share their questions and share what they think. We are all ignorant; we all doubt putative certainties; and we all must live together despite countless disagreements. These are realities in the midst of which we begin each day. In the midst of that, all of us must exercise our judgment as best we can. In study, we continually use our judgment to form our judgment. The stakes in it are high, the opportunity for it at hand.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;!-- In principle, everyone, everywhere should have immediate access, anytime, anyplace, to the whole of human culture should to support their life-long study. In practice, actual constraints and limitations make that condition a distant aspiration, but one that Everyone, no matter how learned, stands radically ignorant vis-à-vis the current digital representation of human culture&lt;br /&gt;
--&amp;gt;&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Who/Visitors&amp;diff=2870</id>
		<title>Who/Visitors</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Who/Visitors&amp;diff=2870"/>
		<updated>2026-04-28T00:26:20Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;__NOTOC__&lt;br /&gt;
{{Setup|tick=visitors}} &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt;Visitors&amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Everyone begins on {{apts}} as a visitor. The place is an open city inviting you to study through it. As a visitor, you can go where you like — {{apts}} has no private spaces. There&#039;s a lot to take in to really know your way around. The place is a place to study in the virtual world, and the actual world doesn&#039;t offer too many places to study these days to clue us in about finding our way on our own.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A first-time visitor may see {{apts}} as a big city without all the people, strangely deserted with nothing taking place within it. The life of a city, and of {{apts}}, begins to emerge as one starts doing things in it. As in a city, on {{apts}} visitors have a more circumscribed range of interaction than residents, but visitors can they can do a lot by using the means available to all, thoughtfully commenting wherever they see an &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Add comment&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; link.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Don&#039;t be bashful. {{apts}} exists as a place for persons to develop and express their &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;thinking&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, not to proclaim their ready-made opinions, choosing one from A to D, or rejoining the old Roman populace giving a thumbs up of thumbs down. Speak as you think, not as social convention suggests. Yeah, flip and plain dumb comments will quickly disappear. But thoughtful, genuine ones, expressed in the spirit of open-ended study, will last as contributions to the work of the place.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
{{The activity of study}}&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We value questions, naïve ones and sophisticated ones. We think admitting ignorance, sharing doubts, and understanding disagreements help to spur fruitful study. We are still a long way from the condition in which everyone, everywhere has immediate access, anytime, anyplace, to the whole of human culture to support their life-long study. But the development of digital communications brings very large numbers of persons significantly closer to a reasonable approximation of it. Visitors participate in that emerging world.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In this historically unprecedented juncture, the idea that we should follow a more or less single, more or less sequential path in a life of learning makes no sense. Beginners and experts all find their own paths, crossing frequently, and wouldn&#039;t you know it — beginners in one thing are experts in another, and vice versa. Let each share their questions and share what they think. We are all ignorant; we all doubt putative certainties; and we all must live together despite countless disagreements. These are realities in the midst of which we begin each day. In the midst of that, all of us must exercise our judgment as best we can. In study, we continually use our judgment to form our judgment. The stakes in it are high, the opportunity for it at hand.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;!-- In principle, everyone, everywhere should have immediate access, anytime, anyplace, to the whole of human culture should to support their life-long study. In practice, actual constraints and limitations make that condition a distant aspiration, but one that Everyone, no matter how learned, stands radically ignorant vis-à-vis the current digital representation of human culture&lt;br /&gt;
--&amp;gt;&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=What/Anticipation&amp;diff=2869</id>
		<title>What/Anticipation</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=What/Anticipation&amp;diff=2869"/>
		<updated>2026-04-28T00:17:35Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;__NOTOC__&lt;br /&gt;
{{Setup|tick=What}}&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt;Anticipation&amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In this section, we will deal with the primary forms of human communication as we shape and use them in the course of our activities. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Here, let us set aside some common assumptions about the role of thinking in the course of acting. We do not think out a sequential course of action, issuing from it a set of instructions about what to do to guide the progression from start to finish. Rather we anticipate the result, which defines a hypothetical path between the origin and the destination, and then we improvise, to the best we can, and we adjust our movement, always minimizing our perceived deviation from the hypothetical path.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Consciousness does not represent to us surrounding reality so that we can fixate something in awareness and issue the sequence of instructions enabling us to affect a part of it. Rather consciousness enables us to construct, evaluate, and choose among anticipations of what we might do, and to judge and react to deviations from the paths to the anticipations we set in motion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Systems for communicating culturally enable human consciousness to cooperate with others in anticipating what can and should take place and to correct for deviations from that path leading to their anticipations.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[* To be clarified and continued. *]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=What&amp;diff=2868</id>
		<title>What</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=What&amp;diff=2868"/>
		<updated>2026-04-28T00:13:51Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;__NOTOC__&lt;br /&gt;
{{Setup|tick=What}}&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt;What do we seek by asking &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;What?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;outbox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;inbox compact&amp;quot;&amp;gt;06/25: Before revising this further, it is important to substantially draft the section on [[Lifeworlds]]. Without having drafted it, judging what to deal with in this section (and others as well) will be difficult.&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In asking &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;What?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, we seek, not a thing, we seek a concept to enhance our power to think about experience.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Let&#039;s take an instance. A small child points to a flat, black, shiny object on her mother&#039;s desk and says, &amp;quot;What&#039;s that?&amp;quot; Her mother answers, &amp;quot;That&#039;s my cell phone. You see me making phone calls to others with it.&amp;quot; What was the child seeking in asking, &amp;quot;What&#039;s that?&amp;quot; Mother&#039;s answer gives the child, not the physical object, but the name of the concept that we connect in intellection, not only to mother&#039;s particular cell phone, but to a whole class of things we call &amp;quot;cell phones&amp;quot; of which mother&#039;s flat, black, shiny object is an instance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Instead of asking, &amp;quot;What&#039;s that?&amp;quot;, the child could have just grabbed her mother&#039;s cell phone, as she undoubtedly does on occasion. But in asking &amp;quot;What&#039;s that?&amp;quot;, she didn&#039;t want the object, she was asking for the concept that signifies the object in thought. At that point in her thinking, the concept was little more than a name for a nearly empty concept she might associate with a peculiar pattern of mother&#039;s behavior. Interested in the activity that seems to go with the concept, she will pick the phone up and mumble into it, mimicking activity suggested by the concept, but not really getting what &amp;quot;making phone calls to others with it.&amp;quot; She&#039;ll keep trying from time to time, and bit by bit she&#039;ll recognize more features, really affordances, what she needs to do in order to actualize what the concept means, which she doesn&#039;t at first grasp or understand.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;outbox righty wide compact numsoff&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;margin-right: -280px;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;inbox compact&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Let&#039;s note that at their root, concepts have intentional meaning. They concern, not identity, but perceiving and effecting stuff. If the mother answered, &amp;quot;It&#039;s a Google Pixel 4, IMEI 3567...622, she&#039;d have given the identity but the child would shoot back, &amp;quot;What&#039;s a Google Pixel 4?&amp;quot; Adults will often answer a child&#039;s question with a simple factoid, an identifying name, say, &amp;quot;the moon&amp;quot;, and the child will reply asking &amp;quot;What&#039;s the moon?&amp;quot;, and the exchange can go on and on, branching out to other interrogatives as long as the adult sticks to factual responses that don&#039;t have meaning within the child&#039;s intentional world, her lifeworld.  Here&#039;s a better Q&amp;amp;A — &amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
:C:&amp;quot;How far away is the moon?&amp;quot; . . . &amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
:A: &amp;quot;Unh. I think about 240,000 miles, but that doesn&#039;t mean much does it? If you walked all day, every day until you got to be older than your granddad, you&#039;d still have a ways to go.&amp;quot; . . . &amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
:C: &amp;quot;Wow! That&#039;d be pretty hard. I wonder how those astro somethings did it?&amp;quot; . . . &amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
:A: &amp;quot;I think in a rocket, but all I know about rockets is that they can go very far, very fast, but even so it took them three days to get there.&amp;quot; . . . &amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
:C: &amp;quot;Hmm. Someday, maybe, I&#039;ll figure out more about them.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;!--&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;apts&amp;quot;&amp;gt;--&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In asking &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;What?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; we are seeking concepts that we institute with meaning and import in our lifeworld, the world in and with which we intentionally interact, perceiving and effecting it purposefully. In the life course of the person, and in that of human collectivities, people come to perceive the possibility and recognize the value of constructing various intellectual worlds to perceive and act within, with vital interests abstracted away to substantial degrees. Multiple modes of abstraction build up collectively, and each person acquires a unique subset of these modes in the course of their educational formation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These abstract worlds function as dynamic constructions within our lifeworld according to the way we abstract out our agency from them, even though we will keep that agency existentially present through the value and use we attach to the various systems of abstraction. And as we institute diverse forms of abstract thinking into our personal intellectual lives, maintaining our sense of agency becomes a continuing challenge.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Concepts, like notions, exist in thought. Even more strongly, conscious thinking takes place by means of concepts. We use them cognitively to construct and manage our lifeworld and our experience within it. By asking &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;What?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; we are trying to expand our capacity to think consciously about what takes place in the world in which we live by mentally associating concepts to what does or might take place in experience. Thus children, on getting hold of some powerful, new concepts quickly see splendid possibilities with them, not yet having much experience of how the devil lies in the details.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Asking &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;What?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in the course of study leads us to form and grasp the power of concepts. Asking &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;What?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; here on {{apts}} leads us to reflect on what concepts empower us to do in living our lives and to contemplate what enables us to recognize concepts in action from the flux of experience. As a start in building {{apts}}, let&#039;s concentrate on 4 ways concepts empower our living (conceptual empowerment) and 4 experiential sources from which we can extract vitally important concepts (conceptual exemplarity). These are by no means exhaustive, but broadly set a start. In this way, we anchor conceptual study, not in the various branches of knowledge, but in the challenges and opportunities of lives well lived.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Conceptual empowerment — Here we consider four vital matters, four ways concepts enable overlapping modes of acting.&lt;br /&gt;
** [[What/Anticipation |Anticipation]] conceptually postulates a goal or &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;telos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; with reference to which we can activate and guide the capacities we need in order to seek or avoid the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;telos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&lt;br /&gt;
** [[What/Concern |Concern]] defines and assesses our capabilities with reference to our goals so that we can use them optimally in the effort to actualize our anticipations.&lt;br /&gt;
** [[What/Predicament |Predicament]] takes account of the interlocking causalities in the circumstances bearing on our effort to use our capabilities to effect our anticipations.&lt;br /&gt;
** [[What/Possibility |Possibility]] recognizes and tests the limits established on anticipation in light of our concerns and our predicaments.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
* Conceptual exemplarity — Here we concentrate on four domains of experience from which we can extract vitally important concepts.&lt;br /&gt;
** [[What/The-lore-of-life |The lore of life]] consists of the cultural ideas that people, around the world and across the generations, have formed in ordinary experience and pass on through it to their progeny. We mine and refine this lore, the ore of cultural thinking.&lt;br /&gt;
** [[What/Hidden lives |Hidden lives]] compose the great tidal flats of human culture, which buffer stormy forces and stream rich nutrients that nurture the wondrous diversity of human achievement in through historical life. &#039;&#039;&#039;Each life matters.&#039;&#039;&#039; Each person merits the fullest possible resources for achieving fulfillment for themselves to share joyously with others.&lt;br /&gt;
** [[What/Exemplars |Exemplars]] result from the power each and every person possesses to feel moved by an exceptionality intimated by what appears unusual, noteworthy, in their lifeworlds. We identify and empower our exemplars, good and bad, who in and for themselves lead human lives as you or I are doing, and thus we lead our human lives with inspired self-direction. &lt;br /&gt;
** [[What/Masterworkers |Masterworkers]] rise above exemplarity to define a sphere of common endeavor through the corpus of their work and its power to evoke further aspiration, effort, nuance, meaning, and achievement by others. Masterworkers establish styles, shape tastes, define craft, and set norms through the capacity of their peers to recognize excellence.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;.&amp;amp;nbsp;.&amp;amp;nbsp;.&amp;amp;nbsp;.&amp;amp;nbsp;.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;!-- &amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;rbox45&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;small&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Remember: In actual thinking and acting — Who? / What? / How? / Where? / Why? — do not take place sequentially; actuality involves ThinkActing in which we ask Whowhathowwherewhy? at once unconsciously and consciously together.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt; --&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;!-- &amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Draft material from the old, old .org version&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What persons study differs radically from what they might specialize in. What we study comprises a complex, many-sided compound taking place simultaneously at many levels, attending to many objects, pursuing them through many modes of inquiry and reflection. We seek here to encompass the many forms and modes of study, conducting our inquiries through processes of progressive approximation. Progressive approximation moves from a vague, fuzzy, ill-defined sense of what is at issue through successive levels of ramification, disclosing the diversities and complications in the original concern. We will start with six subparts—[[expression]], [[maxim]], [[concerns]], [[predicaments]], [[exemplars]], and [[masterworks]]. These constitute a set of descriptors, each vaguely, rather inclusively approximating an interesting sort of phenomena. We might add to the set. Together, they are not a full classification, neither a typology nor a taxonomy. For each, we will note how it directs study to a particular sort of human activity and we will find how doing so leads to our identifying further descriptors, pointing our attention to a more clearly defined set of activities. And the process can continue through successive levels of awareness.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the pedagogy of study, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;diversity&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;depth&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; serve as key means. Through study, a person builds a framework of associations that cumulatively encompasses the particulars of her experience. When the struts of that framework are diverse and deep, it can integrate experience in comprehensive, inclusive, and powerful ways. In the context of study, however, we should understand neither diversity nor depth in the ways we are accustomed to in the context of established educational institutions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Among educators, diversity has become a term of art, an end the attainment of which statistics about the ethnic background of participants attest. As a means in the context of study, diversity indicates a broad range of differences across which the student can draw useful or insightful connections. What proves important is not the differences as such, but the making intelligent connections between the differences, creating thereby a working network in thought.  Likewise, as a goal in education, depth signifies the degree of completeness in knowledge about a topic a person has attained. In contrast, to study something deeply, one perceives more fully the connections between the matter and the contexts relevant to it, again expanding and strengthening one&#039;s working network in thought.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt; --&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Who/Visitors&amp;diff=2867</id>
		<title>Who/Visitors</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Who/Visitors&amp;diff=2867"/>
		<updated>2026-04-28T00:11:36Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;__NOTOC__&lt;br /&gt;
{{Setup|tick=Clues}} &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt;Visitors&amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Everyone begins on {{apts}} as a visitor. The place is an open city inviting you to study through it. As a visitor, you can go where you like — {{apts}} has no private spaces. There&#039;s a lot to take in to really know your way around. The place is a place to study in the virtual world, and the actual world doesn&#039;t offer too many places to study these days to clue us in about finding our way on our own.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A first-time visitor may see {{apts}} as a big city without all the people, strangely deserted with nothing taking place within it. The life of a city, and of {{apts}}, begins to emerge as one starts doing things in it. As in a city, on {{apts}} visitors have a more circumscribed range of interaction than residents, but visitors can they can do a lot by using the means available to all, thoughtfully commenting wherever they see an &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Add comment&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; link.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Don&#039;t be bashful. {{apts}} exists as a place for persons to develop and express their &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;thinking&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, not to proclaim their ready-made opinions, choosing one from A to D, or rejoining the old Roman populace giving a thumbs up of thumbs down. Speak as you think, not as social convention suggests. Yeah, flip and plain dumb comments will quickly disappear. But thoughtful, genuine ones, expressed in the spirit of open-ended study, will last as contributions to the work of the place.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
{{The activity of study}}&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We value questions, naïve ones and sophisticated ones. We think admitting ignorance, sharing doubts, and understanding disagreements help to spur fruitful study. We are still a long way from the condition in which everyone, everywhere has immediate access, anytime, anyplace, to the whole of human culture to support their life-long study. But the development of digital communications brings very large numbers of persons significantly closer to a reasonable approximation of it. Visitors participate in that emerging world.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In this historically unprecedented juncture, the idea that we should follow a more or less single, more or less sequential path in a life of learning makes no sense. Beginners and experts all find their own paths, crossing frequently, and wouldn&#039;t you know it — beginners in one thing are experts in another, and vice versa. Let each share their questions and share what they think. We are all ignorant; we all doubt putative certainties; and we all must live together despite countless disagreements. These are realities in the midst of which we begin each day. In the midst of that, all of us must exercise our judgment as best we can. In study, we continually use our judgment to form our judgment. The stakes in it are high, the opportunity for it at hand.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;!-- In principle, everyone, everywhere should have immediate access, anytime, anyplace, to the whole of human culture should to support their life-long study. In practice, actual constraints and limitations make that condition a distant aspiration, but one that Everyone, no matter how learned, stands radically ignorant vis-à-vis the current digital representation of human culture&lt;br /&gt;
--&amp;gt;&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Who&amp;diff=2866</id>
		<title>Who</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Who&amp;diff=2866"/>
		<updated>2026-04-28T00:00:09Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;__NOTOC__&lt;br /&gt;
{{Setup|tick=Who}} &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Who?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; seeks the agent at work&amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;outbox lefty thin&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;inbox compact&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
[[File:United States President Barack Obama bends down to allow the son of a White House staff member to touch his head (cropped).jpg|190px]]&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;small&amp;gt;Jacob spoke first. &amp;quot;I want to know if my hair is just like yours,&amp;quot; he told Mr. Obama.... Mr. Obama replied, &amp;quot;Why don&#039;t you touch it and see for yourself?&amp;quot; He lowered his head, level with Jacob, who hesitated. &amp;quot;Touch it, dude!&amp;quot; Mr. Obama said.... &amp;quot;So, what do you think?&amp;quot; Mr. Obama asked. &amp;quot;Yes, it does feel the same,&amp;quot; Jacob said.&amp;lt;/small&amp;gt;&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;[https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:United_States_President_Barack_Obama_bends_down_to_allow_the_son_of_a_White_House_staff_member_to_touch_his_head_(cropped).jpg Wikipedia Commons]&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Here on {{apts}}, we ask &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;who?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; — for instance, &amp;quot;Who studies here?&amp;quot; — not to inventory the identifying characteristics shared by members of a group, but to perceive and recognize others as persons, intentional agents, interacting with us in our experience, as a presence in some way palpable to us.&amp;amp;nbsp;.&amp;amp;nbsp;.&amp;amp;nbsp;.&amp;amp;nbsp;.&amp;amp;nbsp;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Even Presidents are persons, like all of us. Let&#039;s not forget it. We construct and use {{apts}} as a work of persons, for persons, and by persons. Let&#039;s think and act with persons in mind. That&#039;s not always so easy, for we live in a world populated by many roles — student, teacher, employee, manager, cashier, police officer, doctor or lawyer, pastor, sergeant, sailor, reporter, and many more, Presidents, too. Much of our education, formal and informal, teaches us to embody the various roles that circumstances thrust upon us. But our &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;inner-I&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; thinks and feels as the person that lives — not our behaviors, but our lives.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Persons live, or have lived, or will live; we have inner lives, we feel appetites and drives, we have emotions, we perceive, act, and direct ourselves as best we can, coping imperfectly with real constraints. Persons think and reason, we experience our world, we each suffer, enjoy, fear, and hope. We can understand ourselves and other persons because they and us, because we, all of us, are living or have lived, concrete personal lives.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A person lives an historical, existential actuality, as an “I” that inextricably includes both her “I” and her “circumstances.” I cannot abstract my life from the circumstances within which my life takes place, within which I try to conduct it as best I can. Rarely can I do just what I please; freedom arises as we act uncertain about our abilities and the conditions we will meet through the use of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;outbox rt thin&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;inbox compact&amp;quot;&amp;gt;We form ourselves and learn liberally by asking questions when we do not know what we are looking for. We do not answer those questions, but explore how they can clarify our intentions and sense of meaning.&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Let&#039;s speak infrequently about the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;individual&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which best denotes an abstract construction that exists only in thought as a means to group various descriptors together. In contrast to the person, the abstract “individual” &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;is&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; it is a conceptual doll, bearing properties, decked out in various outfits like Barbie or Ken, each named with its qualities classified and counted by careful observers, who predict how the stick figures will behave in a world of statistical abstraction, rigidly motivated by a compound causality, the parts of which aggregate to 100%.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Persons come to {{apts}} as persons studying, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;a student&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in the very simple sense of the term, a person studying. Literally, we come here studying because we come here, unsure what we come here for. This is to say that everyone interacting on {{apts}} does so as a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;student&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, a person studying, and among persons studying, there are no fixed hierarchies, for all are seeking to cope with their ignorance. We meet and interact as peers who interact recognizing our shared intention to clarify our respective sense of agency.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Persons studying can do a lot with {{apts}} simply by using their computer, tablet, or smart phone to interact with the resources here and other persons on it. That&#039;s what all of us will be doing most of the time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To begin with, any student coming to {{apts}} will do so as a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;[[Who/Visitors|visitor]]&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, someone visiting the Place temporarily, perhaps one time only, or recurrently ― occasionally or frequently, perhaps even for an intensive or prolonged stay. Visitors can go wherever they want on the Place, copy and download stuff, and interact through the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Add comment&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; links. Visitors can come and go as they please to partake in the purposes and activities of {{apts}}.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For some visitors, their time and engagement with the Place may build, and they may come to think of themselves as &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;[[Who/Residents|residents]]&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; here. In that frame of mind, anyone &amp;lt;s&amp;gt;can&amp;lt;/s&amp;gt; [currently, will be able to] request a free account, which will give them some additional powers of interaction, and responsibilities too, roughly equivalent to those of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;editors&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; on Wikipedia. With those powers, they can start new pages, add resources to our collections, and work voluntarily to maintain and develop the Place and organize activities through it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Among residents, students living and working on the Place, some will become reflexively engaged with it, a resident student whom we might identify as a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;[[Who/Stewards|steward]]&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, a person taking special care for the potential flourishing of {{apts}}. By procedures to be developed, the stewards will direct the {{cll}} and implement the consensus goals and policies that the residents at {{apts}} set to guide its long-term development as a place to support self-formation and liberal learning in the digital commons.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;head3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[[Who.Who are you?|An Interlude, if you wish]]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But if you want to be strictly Open Source, don&#039;t click. Do 5 minutes of calisthenics, instead, or just move on as you like.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Who&amp;diff=2865</id>
		<title>Who</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Who&amp;diff=2865"/>
		<updated>2026-04-20T15:18:20Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;__NOTOC__ __NOTITLE__&lt;br /&gt;
{{Setup|tick=Who}} &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Who?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; seeks the agent at work&amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;outbox lefty thin&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;inbox compact&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
[[File:United States President Barack Obama bends down to allow the son of a White House staff member to touch his head (cropped).jpg|190px]]&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;small&amp;gt;Jacob spoke first. &amp;quot;I want to know if my hair is just like yours,&amp;quot; he told Mr. Obama.... Mr. Obama replied, &amp;quot;Why don&#039;t you touch it and see for yourself?&amp;quot; He lowered his head, level with Jacob, who hesitated. &amp;quot;Touch it, dude!&amp;quot; Mr. Obama said.... &amp;quot;So, what do you think?&amp;quot; Mr. Obama asked. &amp;quot;Yes, it does feel the same,&amp;quot; Jacob said.&amp;lt;/small&amp;gt;&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;[https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:United_States_President_Barack_Obama_bends_down_to_allow_the_son_of_a_White_House_staff_member_to_touch_his_head_(cropped).jpg Wikipedia Commons]&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Here on {{apts}}, we ask &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;who?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; — for instance, &amp;quot;Who studies here?&amp;quot; — not to inventory the identifying characteristics shared by members of a group, but to perceive and recognize others as persons, intentional agents, interacting with us in our experience, as a presence in some way palpable to us.&amp;amp;nbsp;.&amp;amp;nbsp;.&amp;amp;nbsp;.&amp;amp;nbsp;.&amp;amp;nbsp;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Even Presidents are persons, like all of us. Let&#039;s not forget it. We construct and use {{apts}} as a work of persons, for persons, and by persons. Let&#039;s think and act with persons in mind. That&#039;s not always so easy, for we live in a world populated by many roles — student, teacher, employee, manager, cashier, police officer, doctor or lawyer, pastor, sergeant, sailor, reporter, and many more, Presidents, too. Much of our education, formal and informal, teaches us to embody the various roles that circumstances thrust upon us. But our &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;inner-I&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; thinks and feels as the person that lives — not our behaviors, but our lives.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Persons live, or have lived, or will live; we have inner lives, we feel appetites and drives, we have emotions, we perceive, act, and direct ourselves as best we can, coping imperfectly with real constraints. Persons think and reason, we experience our world, we each suffer, enjoy, fear, and hope. We can understand ourselves and other persons because they and us, because we, all of us, are living or have lived, concrete personal lives.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A person lives an historical, existential actuality, as an “I” that inextricably includes both her “I” and her “circumstances.” I cannot abstract my life from the circumstances within which my life takes place, within which I try to conduct it as best I can. Rarely can I do just what I please; freedom arises as we act uncertain about our abilities and the conditions we will meet through the use of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;outbox rt thin&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;inbox compact&amp;quot;&amp;gt;We form ourselves and learn liberally by asking questions when we do not know what we are looking for. We do not answer those questions, but explore how they can clarify our intentions and sense of meaning.&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Let&#039;s speak infrequently about the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;individual&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which best denotes an abstract construction that exists only in thought as a means to group various descriptors together. In contrast to the person, the abstract “individual” &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;is&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; it is a conceptual doll, bearing properties, decked out in various outfits like Barbie or Ken, each named with its qualities classified and counted by careful observers, who predict how the stick figures will behave in a world of statistical abstraction, rigidly motivated by a compound causality, the parts of which aggregate to 100%.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Persons come to {{apts}} as persons studying, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;a student&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in the very simple sense of the term, a person studying. Literally, we come here studying because we come here, unsure what we come here for. This is to say that everyone interacting on {{apts}} does so as a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;student&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, a person studying, and among persons studying, there are no fixed hierarchies, for all are seeking to cope with their ignorance. We meet and interact as peers who interact recognizing our shared intention to clarify our respective sense of agency.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Persons studying can do a lot with {{apts}} simply by using their computer, tablet, or smart phone to interact with the resources here and other persons on it. That&#039;s what all of us will be doing most of the time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To begin with, any student coming to {{apts}} will do so as a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;[[Who/Visitors|visitor]]&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, someone visiting the Place temporarily, perhaps one time only, or recurrently ― occasionally or frequently, perhaps even for an intensive or prolonged stay. Visitors can go wherever they want on the Place, copy and download stuff, and interact through the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Add comment&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; links. Visitors can come and go as they please to partake in the purposes and activities of {{apts}}.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For some visitors, their time and engagement with the Place may build, and they may come to think of themselves as &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;[[Who/Residents|residents]]&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; here. In that frame of mind, anyone &amp;lt;s&amp;gt;can&amp;lt;/s&amp;gt; [currently, will be able to] request a free account, which will give them some additional powers of interaction, and responsibilities too, roughly equivalent to those of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;editors&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; on Wikipedia. With those powers, they can start new pages, add resources to our collections, and work voluntarily to maintain and develop the Place and organize activities through it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Among residents, students living and working on the Place, some will become reflexively engaged with it, a resident student whom we might identify as a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;[[Who/Stewards|steward]]&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, a person taking special care for the potential flourishing of {{apts}}. By procedures to be developed, the stewards will direct the {{cll}} and implement the consensus goals and policies that the residents at {{apts}} set to guide its long-term development as a place to support self-formation and liberal learning in the digital commons.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;head3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[[Who.Who are you?|An Interlude, if you wish]]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But if you want to be strictly Open Source, don&#039;t click. Do 5 minutes of calisthenics, instead, or just move on as you like.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Who/Visitors&amp;diff=2864</id>
		<title>Who/Visitors</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Who/Visitors&amp;diff=2864"/>
		<updated>2026-04-20T14:37:52Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;__NOTOC__ __NOTITLE__&lt;br /&gt;
{{Setup|tick=Clues}} &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt;Visitors&amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Everyone begins on {{apts}} as a visitor. The place is an open city inviting you to study through it. As a visitor, you can go where you like — {{apts}} has no private spaces. There&#039;s a lot to take in to really know your way around. The place is a place to study in the virtual world, and the actual world doesn&#039;t offer too many places to study these days to clue us in about finding our way on our own.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A first-time visitor may see {{apts}} as a big city without all the people, strangely deserted with nothing taking place within it. The life of a city, and of {{apts}}, begins to emerge as one starts doing things in it. As in a city, on {{apts}} visitors have a more circumscribed range of interaction than residents, but visitors can they can do a lot by using the means available to all, thoughtfully commenting wherever they see an &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Add comment&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; link.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Don&#039;t be bashful. {{apts}} exists as a place for persons to develop and express their &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;thinking&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, not to proclaim their ready-made opinions, choosing one from A to D, or rejoining the old Roman populace giving a thumbs up of thumbs down. Speak as you think, not as social convention suggests. Yeah, flip and plain dumb comments will quickly disappear. But thoughtful, genuine ones, expressed in the spirit of open-ended study, will last as contributions to the work of the place.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
{{The activity of study}}&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We value questions, naïve ones and sophisticated ones. We think admitting ignorance, sharing doubts, and understanding disagreements help to spur fruitful study. We are still a long way from the condition in which everyone, everywhere has immediate access, anytime, anyplace, to the whole of human culture to support their life-long study. But the development of digital communications brings very large numbers of persons significantly closer to a reasonable approximation of it. Visitors participate in that emerging world.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In this historically unprecedented juncture, the idea that we should follow a more or less single, more or less sequential path in a life of learning makes no sense. Beginners and experts all find their own paths, crossing frequently, and wouldn&#039;t you know it — beginners in one thing are experts in another, and vice versa. Let each share their questions and share what they think. We are all ignorant; we all doubt putative certainties; and we all must live together despite countless disagreements. These are realities in the midst of which we begin each day. In the midst of that, all of us must exercise our judgment as best we can. In study, we continually use our judgment to form our judgment. The stakes in it are high, the opportunity for it at hand.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;!-- In principle, everyone, everywhere should have immediate access, anytime, anyplace, to the whole of human culture should to support their life-long study. In practice, actual constraints and limitations make that condition a distant aspiration, but one that Everyone, no matter how learned, stands radically ignorant vis-à-vis the current digital representation of human culture&lt;br /&gt;
--&amp;gt;&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Goethe/Wilhelm-Meister-1&amp;diff=2863</id>
		<title>Texts:Goethe/Wilhelm-Meister-1</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Goethe/Wilhelm-Meister-1&amp;diff=2863"/>
		<updated>2025-12-26T23:11:53Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;__NOTITLE__&lt;br /&gt;
{{Setup|tick=Where}}&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;cent&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt;Wilhelm Meister&#039;s Apprenticeship&amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;Translated from the German of Goethe&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;By Thomas Carlyle&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__TOC__&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;To the Reader.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These two translations, &amp;quot;Meister&#039;s Apprenticeship&amp;quot; and &amp;quot;Meister&#039;s Travels,&amp;quot; have long been out of print, but never altogether out of demand; nay, it would seem, the originally somewhat moderate demand has gone on increasing, and continues to increase. They are, therefore, here republished; and the one being in some sort a sequel to the other, though in rather unexpected sort, they are now printed together. The English version of &amp;quot;Meister&#039;s Travels&amp;quot; has been extracted, or extricated, from a compilation of very various quality named &amp;quot;German Romance,&amp;quot; and placed by the side of the &amp;quot;Apprenticeship,&amp;quot; its forerunner, which, in the translated as in the original state, appeared hitherto as a separate work.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the &amp;quot;Apprenticeship,&amp;quot; the first of these translations, which was executed some fifteen years ago, under questionable auspices, I have made many little changes, but could not, unfortunately, change it into a right translation; it hung, in many places, stiff and labored, too like some unfortunate buckram cloak round the light, harmonious movement of the original,&amp;amp;mdash;and, alas! still hangs so, here and there, and may now hang. In the second translation, &amp;quot;Meister&#039;s Travels,&amp;quot; two years later in date, I have changed little or nothing. I might have added much; for the original, since that time, was, as it were, taken to pieces by the author himself in his last years, and constructed anew, and, in the final edition of his works, appears with multifarious intercalations, giving a great expansion, both of size and of scope. Not pedagogy only, and husbandry and art and religion and human conduct in the nineteenth century, but geology, astronomy, cotton-spinning, metallurgy, anatomical lecturing, and much else, are typically shadowed forth in this second form of the &amp;quot;Travels,&amp;quot; which, however, continues&lt;br /&gt;
a fragment like the first, significantly pointing on all hands towards infinitude,&amp;amp;mdash;not more complete than the first was, or indeed perhaps less so. It will well reward the trustful student of Goethe to read this new form of the &amp;quot;Travels,&amp;quot; and see how in that great mind, beaming in mildest mellow splendor, beaming if also trembling, like a great sun on the verge of the horizon, near now to its long farewell, all these things were illuminated and illustrated: but, for the mere English reader, there are probably in our prior edition of the &amp;quot;Travels&amp;quot; already novelties enough; for us, at all events, it seemed unadlaborvisable to meddle with it further at present.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Goethe&#039;s position towards the English public is greatly altered since these translations first made their appearance. Criticisms near the mark, or farther from the mark, or even altogether far and away from any mark,&amp;amp;mdash;of these there have been enough. These pass on their road: the man and his works remain what they are and were,&amp;amp;mdash;more and more recognizable for what they are. Few English readers can require now to be apprised that these two books, named novels, come not under the Minerva-Press category, nor the Ballantyne-Press category, nor any such category; that the author is one whose secret, by no means worn upon his sleeve, will never, by any ingenuity, be got at in that way.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For a translator, in the present case, it is enough to reflect, that he who imports into his own country any true delineation, a rationally spoken word on any subject, has done well. Ours is a wide world, peaceably admitting many different modes of speech. In our wide world, there is but one altogether fatal personage,&amp;amp;mdash;the dunce,&amp;amp;mdash;he that speaks &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ir&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;rationally, that sees not, and yet thinks he sees. A genuine seer and speaker, under what conditions soever, shall be welcome to us: has he not &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;seen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; somewhat of great Nature our common mother&#039;s bringing forth,&amp;amp;mdash;seen it, loved it, laid his heart open to it and to the mother of it, so that he can now rationally speak it for us? He is our brother, and a good, not a bad, man: his words are like gold, precious, whether stamped in our mint, or in what mint soever stamped.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h6&amp;gt;T. CARLYLE &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;London, November, 1839.&amp;lt;/h6&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;Translator&#039;s Preface to the&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;First Edition of Meister&#039;s Apprenticeship.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Whether it be that the quantity of genius among ourselves and the French, and the number of works more lasting than brass produced by it, have of late been so considerable as to make us independent of additional supplies; or that, in our ancient aristocracy of intellect, we disdain to be assisted by the Germans, whom, by a species of second sight, we have discovered, before knowing any thing about them, to be a tumid, dreaming, extravagant, insane race of mortals,&amp;amp;mdash;certain it is, that hitherto our literary intercourse with that nation has been very slight and precarious. After a brief period of not too judicious cordiality, the acquaintance on our part was altogether dropped: nor, in the few years since we partially resumed it, have our feelings of affection or esteem been materially increased. Our translators are unfortunate in their selection or execution, or the public is tasteless and absurd in its demands; for, with scarcely more than one or two exceptions, the best works of Germany have lain neglected, or worse than neglected: and the Germans are yet utterly unknown to us. Kotzebue still lives in our minds as the representative of a nation that despises him; Schiller is chiefly known to us by the monstrous production of his boyhood; and Klopstock by a hacked and mangled image of his &amp;quot;Messiah,&amp;quot; in which a beautiful poem is distorted into a theosophic rhapsody, and the brother of Virgil and Racine ranks little higher than the author of &amp;quot;Meditations among the Tombs.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But of all these people there is none that has been more unjustly dealt with than Johann Wolfgang von Goethe. For half a century the admiration&amp;amp;mdash;we might almost say the idol&amp;amp;mdash;of his countrymen, to us he is still a stranger. His name, long echoed and re-echoed&lt;br /&gt;
through reviews and magazines, has become familiar to our ears; but it is a sound and nothing more: it excites no definite idea in almost any mind. To such as know him by the faint and garbled version of his &amp;quot;Werther,&amp;quot; Goethe figures as a sort of poetic Heraclitus; some woe-begone hypochondriac, whose eyes are overflowing with perpetual tears, whose long life has been spent in melting into ecstasy at the sight of waterfalls and clouds, and the moral sublime, or dissolving into hysterical wailings over hapless love-stories, and the miseries of human life. They are not aware that Goethe smiles at this performance of his youth, or that the German Werther, with all his faults, is a very different person from his English namesake; that his Sorrows are in the original recorded in a tone of strength and sarcastic emphasis, of which the other offers no vestige, and intermingled with touches of powerful thought, glimpses of a philosophy deep as it is bitter, which our sagacious translator has seen proper wholly to omit. Others, again, who have fallen in with Retsch&#039;s &amp;quot;Outlines&amp;quot; and the extracts from &amp;quot;Faust,&amp;quot; consider Goethe as a wild mystic, a dealer in demonology and osteology, who draws attention by the aid of skeletons and evil spirits, whose excellence it is to be extravagant, whose chief aim it is to do what no one but himself has tried. The tyro in German may tell us that the charm of &amp;quot;Faust&amp;quot; is altogether unconnected with its preternatural import; that the work delineates the fate of human enthusiasm struggling against doubts and errors from within, against scepticism, contempt, and selfishness from without; and that the witch-craft and magic, intended merely as a shadowy frame for so complex and mysterious a picture of the moral world and the human soul, are introduced for the purpose, not so much of being trembled at as laughed at. The voice of the tyro is not listened to; our indolence takes part with our ignorance; &amp;quot;Faust&amp;quot; continues to be called a monster; and Goethe is regarded as a man of &amp;quot;some genius,&amp;quot; which he has perverted to produce all manner of misfashioned prodigies,&amp;amp;mdash;things false, abortive, formless, Gorgons and hydras, and chimeras dire.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Now, it must no doubt be granted, that, so long as our invaluable constitution is preserved in its pristine purity, the British nation may exist in a state of comparative prosperity with very inadequate ideas of Goethe; but, at the same time, thlabore present arrangement is an evil in&lt;br /&gt;
its kind,&amp;amp;mdash;slight, it is true, and easy to be borne, yet still more easy to be remedied, and which, therefore, ought to have been remedied ere now. Minds like Goethe&#039;s are the common property of all nations; and, for many reasons, all should have correct impressions of them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It is partly with the view of doing something to supply this want, that &amp;quot;Wilhelm Meister&#039;s Lehrjahre&amp;quot; is now presented to the English public. Written in its author&#039;s forty-fifth year, embracing hints or disquisitions on almost every leading point in life and literature, it affords us a more distinct view of his matured genius, his manner of thought, and favorite subjects, than any of his other works. Nor is it Goethe alone whom it portrays: the prevailing taste of Germany is likewise indicated by it. Since the year 1795, when it first appeared at Berlin, numerous editions of &amp;quot;Meister&amp;quot; have been printed: critics of all ranks, and some of them dissenting widely from its doctrines, have loaded it with encomiums; its songs and poems are familiar to every German ear; the people read it, and speak of it, with an admiration approaching in many cases to enthusiasm.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;labor&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That it will be equally successful in England, I am far indeed from anticipating. Apart from the above considerations,&amp;amp;mdash;from the curiosity, intelligent or idle, which it may awaken,&amp;amp;mdash;the number of admiring, or even approving, judges it will find can scarcely fail of being very limited. To the great mass of readers, who read to drive away the tedium of mental vacancy, employing the crude phantasmagoria of a modern novel, as their grandfathers employed tobacco and diluted brandy, &amp;quot;Wilhelm Meister&amp;quot; will appear beyond endurance weary, flat, stale, and unprofitable. Those, in particular, who take delight in &amp;quot;King Cambyses&#039; vein,&amp;quot; and open &amp;quot;Meister&amp;quot; with the thought of &amp;quot;Werther&amp;quot; in their minds, will soon pause in utter dismay; and their paroxysm of dismay will pass by degrees into unspeakable contempt. Of romance interest there is next to none in &amp;quot;Meister;&amp;quot; the characters are samples to judge of, rather than persons to love or hate; the incidents are contrived for other objects than moving or affrighting us; the hero is a milksop, whom, with all his gifts, it takes an effort to avoid despising. The author himself, far from &amp;quot;doing it in a passion,&amp;quot; wears a face of the most still indifference throughout the whole affair; often it is even wrinkled by a slight sardonic grin. For the friends of the sublime, then,&amp;amp;mdash;for those who cannot do without heroical sentiments, and&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;quot;moving accidents by flood and field,&amp;quot;&amp;amp;mdash;there is nothing here that can be of any service.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nor among readers of a far higher character, can it be expected that many will take the praiseworthy pains of Germans, reverential of their favorite author, and anxious to hunt out his most elusive charms. Few among us will disturb themselves about the allegories and typical allusions of the work; will stop to inquire whether it includes a remote emblem of human culture, or includes no such matter; whether this is a light, airy sketch of the development of man in all his endowments and faculties, gradually proceeding from the first rude exhibitions of puppets and mountebanks, through the perfection of poetic and dramatic art, up to the unfolding of the principle of religion, and the greatest of all arts,&amp;amp;mdash;the art of life,&amp;amp;mdash;or is nothing more than a bungled piece of patchwork, presenting in the shape of a novel much that should have been suppressed entirely, or at least given out by way of lecture. Whether the characters do or do not represent distinct classes of men, including various stages of human nature, from the gay, material vivacity of Philina to the severe moral grandeur of the uncle and the splendid accomplishment of Lothario, will to most of us be of small importance; and the everlasting disquisitions about plays and players, and politeness and activity, and art and nature, will weary many a mind that knows not and heeds not whether they are true or false. Yet every man&#039;s judgment is, in this free country, a lamp to himself: whoever is displeased will censure; and many, it is to be feared, will insist on judging &amp;quot;Meister&amp;quot; by the common rule, and, what is worse, condemning it, let Schlegel bawl as loudly as he pleases. &amp;quot;To judge,&amp;quot; says he, &amp;quot;of this book,&amp;amp;mdash;new and peculiar as it is, and only to be understood and learned from itself, by our common notion of the novel, a notion pieced together and produced out of custom and belief, out of accidental and arbitrary requisitions,&amp;amp;mdash;is as if a chlaborild should grasp at the moon and stars, and insist on packing them into its toy-box.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;a name=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1_1&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1_1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1_1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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Unhappily the most of us have boxes, and some of them are very small.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yet, independently of these its more recondite and dubious qualities, there are beauties in &amp;quot;Meister&amp;quot; which cannot but secure it some degree of favor at the hands of many. The philosophical discussions it contains; its keen glances into life and art; the minute and skilful&lt;br /&gt;
delineation of men; the lively, genuine exhibition of the scenes they move in; the occasional touches of eloquence and tenderness, and even of poetry, the very essence of poetry; the quantity of thought and knowledge embodied in a style so rich in general felicities, of which, at least, the new and sometimes exquisitely happy metaphors have been preserved,&amp;amp;mdash;cannot wholly escape an observing reader, even on the most cursory perusal. To those who have formed for themselves a picture of the world, who have drawn out, from the thousand variable circumstances of their being, a philosophy of life, it will be interesting and instructive to see how man and his concerns are represented in the first of European minds: to those who have penetrated to the limits of their own conceptions, and wrestled with thoughts and feelings too high for them, it will be pleasing and profitable to see the horizon of their certainties widened, or at least separated with a firmer line from the impalpable obscure which surrounds it on every side. Such persons I can fearlessly invite to study &amp;quot;Meister.&amp;quot; Across the disfigurement of a translation, they will not fail to discern indubitable traces of the greatest genius in our times. And the longer they study, they are likely to discern them the more distinctly. New charms will successively arise to view; and of the many apparent blemishes, while a few superficial ones may be confirmed, the greater and more important part will vanish, or even change from dark to bright. For, if I mistake not, it is with &amp;quot;Meister&amp;quot; as with every work of real and abiding excellence,&amp;amp;mdash;the first glance is the least favorable. A picture of Raphael, a Greek statue, a play of Sophocles or Shakspeare, appears insignificant to the unpractised eye; and not till after long and patient and intense examination, do we begin to descry the earnest features of that beauty, which has its foundation in the deepest nature of man, and will continue to be pleasing through all ages.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;If this appear excessive praise, as applied in any sense to &amp;quot;Meister,&amp;quot; the curious sceptic is desired to read and weigh the whole performance, with all its references, relations, purposes, and to pronounce his verdict after he has clearly seized and appreciated them all. Or, if a more faint conviction will suffice, let him turn to the picture of Wilhelm&#039;s states of mind in the end of the first book, and the beginning of the second; the eulogies of commerce and poesy, which follow; the description of Hamlet; the character of histrionic life in Serlo and Aurelia; that of sedate and lofty manhood in the uncle and Lothario.&lt;br /&gt;
But, above all, let him turn to the history of Mignon. This mysterious child, at first neglected by the reader, gradually forced on his attention, at length overpowers him with an emotion more deep and thrilling than any poet since the days of Shakspeare has succeeded in producing. The daughter of enthusiasm, rapture, passion, and despair, she is of the earth, but not earthly. When she glides before us through the light mazes of her fairy dance, or twangs her cithern to the notes of her homesick verses, or whirls her tambourine and hurries round us like an antique Mænad, we could almost fancy her a spirit; so pure is she, so full of fervor, so disengaged from the clay of this world. And when all the fearful particulars of her story are at length laid together, and we behold in connected order the image of her hapless existence, there is, in those dim recollections,&amp;amp;mdash;those feelings so simple, so impassioned and unspeakable, consuming the closely shrouded, woe-struck, yet ethereal spirit of the poor creature,&amp;amp;mdash;something which searches into the inmost recesses of the soul. It is not tears which her fate calls forth, but a feeling far too deep for tears. The very fire of heaven seems miserably quenched among the obstructions of this earth. Her little heart, so noble and so helpless, perishes before the smallest of its many beauties is unfolded; and all its loves and thoughts and longings do but add another pang to death, and sink to silence utter and eternal. It is as if the gloomy porch of Dis, and his pale kingdoms, were realized and set before us, and we heard the ineffectual wail of infants reverberating from within their prison-walls forever.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;quot;Continuò auditæ voces, vagitus et ingens,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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Infantumque animæ flentes in limine primo:&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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Quos dulcis vitæ exsortes, et ab ubere raptos,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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Abstulit atra dies, et funere mersit acerbo.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The history of Mignon runs like a thread of gold through the tissue of the narrative, connecting with the heart much that were else addressed only to the head. Philosophy and eloquence might have done the rest, but this is poetry in the highest meaning of the word. It must be for the power of producing such creations and emotions, that Goethe is by many of his countrymen ranked at the side of Homer and Shakspeare, as one of the only three men of genius, that have ever lived.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But my business here is not to judge of &amp;quot;Meister&amp;quot; or its author, it is only to prepare others for judging it; and for this purpose the most that I had room to say is said. All I ask in the name of this illustrious foreigner is, that the court which tries him be pure, and the jury instructed in the cause; that the work be not condemned for wanting what it was not meant to have, and by persons nowise called to pass sentence on it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Respecting my own humble share in the adventure, it is scarcely necessary to say any thing. Fidelity is all the merit I have aimed at: to convey the author&#039;s sentiments, as he himself expressed them; to follow the original, in all the variations of its style,&amp;amp;mdash;has been my constant endeavor. In many points, both literary and moral, I could have wished devoutly that he had not written as he has done; but to alter any thing was not in my commission. The literary and moral persuasions of a man like Goethe are objects of a rational curiosity, and the duty of a translator is simple and distinct. Accordingly, except a few phrases and sentences, not in all amounting to a page, which I have dropped as evidently unfit for the English taste, I have studied to present the work exactly as it stands in German. That my success has been indifferent, I already know too well. In rendering the ideas of Goethe, often so subtle, so capriciously expressive, the meaning was not always easy to seize, or to convey with adequate effect. There were thin tints of style, shades of ridicule or tenderness or solemnity, resting over large spaces, and so slight as almost to be evanescent: some of these I may have failed to see; to many of them I could do no justice. Nor, even in plainer matters, can I pride myself in having always imitated his colloquial familiarity without falling into sentences bald and rugged, into idioms harsh or foreign; or in having copied the flowing oratory of other passages, without at times exaggerating or defacing the swelling cadences and phrases of my original. But what work, from the translating of a German novel to the writing of an epic, was ever as the workman wished and meant it? This version of &amp;quot;Meister,&amp;quot; with whatever faults it may have, I honestly present to my countrymen: if, while it makes any portion of them more familiar with the richest, most gifted of living minds, it increase their knowledge, or even afford them a transient amusement, they will excuse its errors, and I shall be far more than paid for all my labor.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;nums&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;apts&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;MEISTER&#039;S APPRENTICESHIP.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;BOOK I.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER I.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The play was late in breaking up: old Barbara went more than once to the window, and listened for the sound of carriages. She was waiting for Mariana, her pretty mistress, who had that night, in the afterpiece, been acting the part of a young officer, to the no small delight of the public. Barbara&#039;s impatience was greater than it used to be, when she had nothing but a frugal supper to present: on this occasion Mariana was to be surprised with a packet, which Norberg, a young and wealthy merchant, had sent by the post, to show that in absence he still thought of his love.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As an old servant, as confidant, counsellor, manager, and housekeeper, Barbara assumed the privilege of opening seals; and this evening she had the less been able to restrain her curiosity, as the favor of the open-handed gallant was more a matter of anxiety with herself than with her mistress. On breaking up the packet, she had found, with unfeigned satisfaction, that it held a piece of fine muslin and some ribbons of the newest fashion, for Mariana; with a quantity of calico, two or three neckerchiefs, and a moderate &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;rouleau&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of money, for herself. Her esteem for the absent Norberg was of course unbounded: she meditated only how she might best present him to the mind of Mariana, best bring to her recollection what she owed him, and what he had a right to expect from her fidelity and thankfulness.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The muslin, with the ribbons half unrolled, to set it off by their&lt;br /&gt;
colors, lay like a Christmas present on the small table; the position of the lights increased the glitter of the gilt; all was in order, when the old woman heard Mariana&#039;s step on the stairs, and hastened to meet her. But what was her disappointment, when the little female officer, without deigning to regard her caresses, rushed past her with unusual speed and agitation, threw her hat and sword upon the table, and walked hastily up and down, bestowing not a look on the lights, or any portion of the apparatus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;What ails thee, my darling?&amp;quot; exclaimed the astonished Barbara. &amp;quot;For Heaven&#039;s sake, what is the matter? Look here, my pretty child! See what a present! And who could have sent it but thy kindest of friends? Norberg has given thee the muslin to make a night-gown of; he will soon be here himself; he seems to be fonder and more generous than ever.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Barbara went to the table, that she might exhibit the memorials with which Norberg had likewise honored &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;her&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, when Mariana, turning away from the presents, exclaimed with vehemence, &amp;quot;Off! off! Not a word of all this to-night. I have yielded to thee; thou hast willed it; be it so! When Norberg comes, I am his, am thine, am any one&#039;s; make of me what thou pleasest; but till then I will be my own; and, if thou hadst a thousand tongues, thou shouldst never talk me from my purpose. All, all that &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;is&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; my own will I give up to him who loves me, whom I love. No sour faces! I will abandon myself to this affection, as if it were to last forever.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The old damsel had abundance of objections and serious considerations to allege: in the progress of the dialogue, she was growing bitter and keen, when Mariana sprang at her, and seized her by the breast. The old damsel laughed aloud. &amp;quot;I must have a care,&amp;quot; she cried, &amp;quot;that you don&#039;t get into pantaloons again, if I mean to be sure of my life. Come, doff you! The girl will beg my pardon for the foolish things the boy is doing to me. Off with the frock. Off with them all. The dress beseems you not; it is dangerous for you, I observe; the epaulets make you too bold.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thus speaking, she laid hands upon her mistress: Mariana pushed her off, exclaiming, &amp;quot;Not so fast! I expect a visit to-night.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Visit!&amp;quot; rejoined Barbara: &amp;quot;you surely do not look for Meister, the young, soft-hearted, callow merchant&#039;s son?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Just for him,&amp;quot; replied Mariana.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Generosity appears to be growing your ruling passion,&amp;quot; said the old woman with a grin: &amp;quot;you connect yourself with minors and moneyless&lt;br /&gt;
people, as if they were the chosen of the earth. Doubtless it is charming to be worshipped as a benefactress.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Jeer as thou pleasest. I love him! I love him! With what rapture do I now, for the first time, speak the word! &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;This&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; is the passion I have mimicked so often, when I knew not what it meant. Yes! I will throw myself about his neck: I will clasp him as if I could hold him forever. I will show him all my love, will enjoy all his in its whole extent.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Moderate yourself,&amp;quot; said the old dame coolly, &amp;quot;moderate yourself. A single word will interrupt your rapture: Norberg is coming! Coming in a fortnight! Here is the letter that arrived with the packet.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And, though the morrow were to rob me of my friend, I would conceal it from myself and him. A fortnight! An age! Within a fortnight, what may not happen, what may not alter?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Here Wilhelm entered. We need not say how fast she flew to meet him, with what rapture he clasped the red uniform, and pressed the beautiful wearer of it to his bosom. It is not for us to describe the blessedness of two lovers. Old Barbara went grumbling away: we shall retire with her, and leave the happy two alone.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER II.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When Wilhelm saluted his mother next morning, she informed him that his father was very greatly discontented with him, and meant to forbid him these daily visits to the playhouse. &amp;quot;Though I myself often go with pleasure to the theatre,&amp;quot; she continued, &amp;quot;I could almost detest it entirely, when I think that our fireside-peace is broken by your excessive passion for that amusement. Your father is ever repeating, &#039;What is the use of it? How can any one waste his time so?&#039;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;He has told me this already,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, &amp;quot;and perhaps I answered him too hastily; but, for Heaven&#039;s sake, mother, is nothing, then, of use&lt;br /&gt;
but what immediately puts money in our purse? but what procures us some property that we can lay our hands on? Had we not, for instance, room enough in the old house? and was it indispensable to build a new one? Does not my father every year expend a large part of his profit in ornamenting his chambers? Are these silk carpets, this English furniture, likewise of no use? Might we not content ourselves with worse? For my own part, I confess, these striped walls, these hundred times repeated flowers and knots and baskets and figures, produce a really disagreeable effect upon me. At best, they but remind me of the front curtain of our theatre. But what a different thing it is to sit and look at that! There, if you must wait for a while, you are always sure that it will rise at last, and disclose to you a thousand curious objects to entertain, to instruct, and to exalt you.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;But you go to excess with it,&amp;quot; said the mother. &amp;quot;Your father wishes to be entertained in the evenings as well as you: besides, he thinks it diverts your attention; and, when he grows ill-humored on the subject, it is I that must bear the blame. How often have I been upbraided with that miserable puppet-show, which I was unlucky enough to provide for you at Christmas, twelve years ago! It was the first thing that put these plays into your head.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Oh, do not blame the poor puppets! do not repent of your love and motherly care! It was the only happy hour I had enjoyed in the new empty house. I never can forget that hour; I see it still before me; I recollect how surprised I was, when, after we had got our customary presents, you made us seat ourselves before the door that leads to the other room. The door opened, but not, as formerly, to let us pass and repass: the entrance was occupied by an unexpected show. Within it rose a porch, concealed by a mysterious curtain. All of us were standing at a distance: our eagerness to see what glittering or jingling article lay hid behind the half-transparent veil was mounting higher and higher, when you bade us each sit down upon his stool, and wait with patience.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;At length all of us were seated and silent: a whistle gave the signal; the curtain rolled aloft, and showed us the interior of the temple, painted in deep-red colors. The high-priest Samuel appeared with Jonathan, and their strange alternating voices seemed to me the most striking thing on earth. Shortly after entered Saul, overwhelmed with confusion at the impertinence of that heavy-limbed warrior, who had&lt;br /&gt;
defied him and all his people. But how glad was I when the little dapper son of Jesse, with his crook and shepherd&#039;s pouch and sling, came hopping forth, and said, &#039;Dread king and sovereign lord, let no one&#039;s heart sink down because of this: if your Majesty will grant me leave, I will go out to battle with this blustering giant!&#039; Here ended the first act, leaving the spectators more curious than ever to see what further would happen; each praying that the music might soon be done. At last the curtain rose again. David devoted the flesh of the monster to the fowls of the air and the beasts of the field: the Philistine scorned and bullied him, stamped mightily with both his feet, and at length fell like a mass of clay, affording a splendid termination to the piece. And then the virgins sang, &#039;Saul hath slain his thousands, but David his ten thousands!&#039; The giant&#039;s head was borne before his little victor, who received the king&#039;s beautiful daughter to wife. Yet withal, I remember, I was vexed at the dwarfish stature of this lucky prince; for the great Goliath and the small David had both been formed, according to the common notion, with a due regard to their figures and proportions. I pray you, mother, tell me what has now become of those puppets? I promised to show them to a friend, whom I was lately entertaining with a history of all this child&#039;s work.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I can easily conceive,&amp;quot; said the mother, &amp;quot;how these things should stick so firmly in your mind: I well remember what an interest you took in them,&amp;amp;mdash;how you stole the little book from me, and learned the whole piece by heart. I first noticed it one evening when you had made a Goliath and a David of wax: you set them both to declaim against each other, and at length gave a deadly stab to the giant, fixing his shapeless head, stuck upon a large pin with a wax handle, in little David&#039;s hand. I then felt such a motherly contentment at your fine recitation and good memory, that I resolved to give you up the whole wooden troop to your own disposal. I did not then foresee that it would cause me so many heavy hours.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Do not repent of it,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm: &amp;quot;this little sport has often made us happy.&amp;quot; So saying, he got the keys, made haste to find the puppets, and, for a moment, was transported back into those times when they almost seemed to him alive, when he felt as if he himself could give them life by the cunning of his voice and the movements of his hands. He took them to his room, and locked them up with care.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER III.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;If the first love is indeed, as I hear it everywhere maintained to be, the most delicious feeling which the heart of man, before it or after, can experience, then our hero must be reckoned doubly happy, as permitted to enjoy the pleasure of this chosen period in all its fulness. Few men are so peculiarly favored: by far the greater part are led by the feelings of their youth into nothing but a school of hardship, where, after a stinted and checkered season of enjoyment, they are at length constrained to renounce their dearest wishes, and to learn forever to dispense with what once hovered before them as the highest happiness of existence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm&#039;s passion for that charming girl now soared aloft on the wings of imagination. After a short acquaintance, he had gained her affections: he found himself in possession of a being, whom, with all his heart, he not only loved, but honored; for she had first appeared before him in the flattering light of theatric pomp, and his passion for the stage combined itself with his earliest love for woman. His youth allowed him to enjoy rich pleasures, which the activity of his fancy exalted and maintained. The situation of his mistress, too, gave a turn to her conduct which greatly enlivened his emotions. The fear lest her lover might, before the time, detect the real state in which she stood, diffused over all her conduct an interesting tinge of anxiety and bashfulness; her attachment to the youth was deep; her very inquietude appeared but to augment her tenderness; she was the loveliest of creatures while beside him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When the first tumult of joy had passed, and our friend began to look back upon his life and its concerns, every thing appeared new to him: his duties seemed holier, his inclinations keener, his knowledge clearer, his talents stronger, his purposes more decided. Accordingly, he soon fell upon a plan to avoid the reproaches of his father, to still the cares of his mother, and, at the same time, to enjoy Mariana&#039;s love without disturbance. Through the day he punctually transacted his business, commonly forbore attending the theatre, strove to be&lt;br /&gt;
entertaining at table in the evening; and, when all were asleep, he glided softly out into the garden, and hastened, wrapped up in his mantle, with all the feelings of Leander in his bosom, to meet his mistress without delay.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;What is this you bring?&amp;quot; inquired Mariana, as he entered one evening, with a bundle, which Barbara, in hopes it might turn out to be some valuable present, fixed her eyes upon with great attention. &amp;quot;You will never guess,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Great was the surprise of Mariana, great the scorn of Barbara, when the napkin, being loosened, gave to view a perplexed multitude of span-long puppets. Mariana laughed aloud, as Wilhelm set himself to disentangle the confusion of the wires, and show her each figure by itself. Barbara glided sulkily out of the room.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A very little thing will entertain two lovers; and accordingly our friends, this evening, were as happy as they wished to be. The little troop was mustered: each figure was minutely examined, and laughed at, in its turn. King Saul, with his golden crown and his black velvet robe, Mariana did not like: he looked, she said, too stiff and pedantic. She was far better pleased with Jonathan, his sleek chin, his turban, his cloak of red and yellow. She soon got the art of turning him deftly on his wire: she made him bow, and repeat declarations of love. On the other hand, she refused to give the least attention to the prophet Samuel; though Wilhelm commended the pontifical breastplate, and told her that the taffeta of the cassock had been taken from a gown of his own grandmother&#039;s. David she thought too small; Goliath was too big; she held by Jonathan. She grew to manage him so featly, and at last to extend her caresses from the puppet to its owner, that, on this occasion, as on others, a silly sport became the introduction to happy hours.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Their soft, sweet dreams were broken in upon by a noise which arose on the street. Mariana called for the old dame, who, as usual, was occupied in furbishing the changeful materials of the playhouse wardrobe for the service of the play next to be acted. Barbara said the disturbance arose from a set of jolly companions, who were just then sallying out of the Italian tavern hard by, where they had been busy discussing fresh oysters, a cargo of which had just arrived, and by no means sparing their champagne.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Pity,&amp;quot; Mariana said, &amp;quot;that we did not think of it in time: we might have had some entertainment to ourselves.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It is not yet too late,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, giving Barbara a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;louis-d&#039;or&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: &amp;quot;get us what we want, then come and take a share with us.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The old dame made speedy work: erelong a trimly covered table, with a neat collation, stood before the lovers. They made Barbara sit with them: they ate and drank, and enjoyed themselves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On such occasions, there is never want of enough to say. Mariana soon took up little Jonathan again, and the old dame turned the conversation upon Wilhelm&#039;s favorite topic. &amp;quot;You were once telling us,&amp;quot; she said, &amp;quot;about the first exhibition of a puppet-show on Christmas Eve: I remember you were interrupted just as the ballet was going to begin. We have now the pleasure of a personal acquaintance with the honorable company by whom those wonderful effects were brought about.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Oh, yes!&amp;quot; cried Mariana: &amp;quot;do tell us how it all went on, and how you felt then.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It is a fine emotion, Mariana,&amp;quot; said the youth, &amp;quot;when we bethink ourselves of old times, and old, harmless errors, especially if this is at a period when we have happily gained some elevation, from which we can look around us, and survey the path we have left behind. It is so pleasant to think, with composure and satisfaction, of many obstacles, which often with painful feelings we may have regarded as invincible,&amp;amp;mdash;pleasant to compare what we now are with what we then were struggling to become. But I am happy above others in this matter, that I speak to you about the past, at a moment when I can also look forth into the blooming country, which we are yet to wander through together, hand in hand.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;But how was it with the ballet?&amp;quot; said Barbara. &amp;quot;I fear it did not quite go off as it should have done.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I assure you,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, &amp;quot;it went off quite well. And certainly the strange caperings of these Moors and Mooresses, these shepherds and shepherdesses, these dwarfs and dwarfesses, will never altogether leave my recollection while I live. When the curtain dropped, and the door closed, our little party skipped away, frolicking as if they had been tipsy, to their beds. For myself, however, I remember that I could not go to sleep: still wanting to have something told me on the subject, I continued putting questions to every one, and would hardly let the maid away who had brought me up to bed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Next morning, alas! the magic apparatus had altogether vanished;&lt;br /&gt;
the mysterious veil was carried off; the door permitted us again to go and come through it without obstruction; the manifold adventures of the evening had passed away, and left no trace behind. My brothers and sisters were running up and down with their playthings; I alone kept gliding to and fro: it seemed to me impossible that two bare door-posts could be all that now remained, where the night before so much enchantment had been displayed. Alas! the man that seeks a lost love can hardly be unhappier than I then thought myself.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A rapturous look, which he cast on Mariana, convinced her that he was not afraid of such ever being his case.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER IV.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;My sole wish now,&amp;quot; continued Wilhelm, &amp;quot;was to witness a second exhibition of the play. For this purpose I had recourse, by constant entreaties, to my mother; and she attempted in a favorable hour to persuade my father. Her labor, however, was in vain. My father&#039;s principle was, that none but enjoyments of rare occurrence were adequately prized; that neither young nor old could set a proper value on pleasures which they tasted every day.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;We might have waited long, perhaps till Christmas returned, had not the contriver and secret director of the spectacle himself felt a pleasure in repeating the display of it, partly incited, I suppose, by the wish to produce a brand-new harlequin expressly prepared for the afterpiece.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;A young officer of the artillery, a person of great gifts in all sorts of mechanical contrivance, had served my father in many essential particulars during the building of the house; for which, having been handsomely rewarded, he felt desirous of expressing his thankfulness to the family of his patron, and so made us young ones a present of this complete theatre, which, in hours of leisure, he had already carved and painted, and strung together. It was this young man, who, with the help of a servant, had himself managed the puppets, disguising his voice to pronounce their various speeches. He had no great difficulty in persuading my father, who granted, out of complaisance to a friend, what he had denied from conviction to his children. In short, our&lt;br /&gt;
theatre was again set up, some little ones of the neighborhood were invited, and the play was again represented.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;If I had formerly experienced the delights of surprise and astonishment, I enjoyed on this second occasion the pleasure of examining and scrutinizing. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;How&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; all this happened was my present concern. That the puppets themselves did not speak, I had already decided; that of themselves they did not move, I also conjectured; but, then, how came it all to be so pretty, and to look just as if they both spoke and moved of themselves? and where were the lights, and the people that managed the deception? These enigmas perplexed me the more, as I wished to be at the same time among the enchanters and the enchanted, at the same time to have a secret hand in the play, and to enjoy, as a looker-on, the pleasure of illusion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The play being finished, preparations were making for the farce: the spectators had risen, and were all busy talking together. I squeezed myself closer to the door, and heard, by the rattling within, that the people were packing up some articles. I lifted the lowest screen, and poked in my head between the posts. As our mother noticed it, she drew me back: but I had seen well enough that here friends and foes, Saul and Goliath, and whatever else their names might be, were lying quietly down together in a drawer; and thus my half-contented curiosity received a fresh excitement. To my great surprise, moreover, I had noticed the lieutenant very diligently occupied in the interior of the shrine. Henceforth, Jack-pudding, however he might clatter with his heels, could not any longer entertain me. I sank into deep meditation: my discovery made me both more satisfied, and less so, than before. After a little, it first struck me that I yet comprehended nothing: and here I was right; for the connection of the parts with each other was entirely unknown to me, and every thing depends on that.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER V.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;In well adjusted and regulated houses,&amp;quot; continued Wilhelm, &amp;quot;children have a feeling not unlike what I conceive rats and mice to have: they keep a sharp eye on all crevices and holes, where they may come at any forbidden dainty; they enjoy it also with a fearful, stolen satisfaction, which forms no small part of the happiness of childhood.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;More than any other of the young ones, I was in the habit of looking out attentively, to see if I could notice any cupboard left open, or key standing in its lock. The more reverence I bore in my heart for those closed doors, on the outside of which I had to pass by for weeks and months, catching only a furtive glance when our mother now and then opened the consecrated place to take something from it, the quicker was I to make use of any opportunities which the forgetfulness of our housekeepers at times afforded me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Among all the doors, that of the storeroom was, of course, the one I watched most narrowly. Few of the joyful anticipations in life can equal the feeling which I used to have when my mother happened to call me, that I might help her to carry out something, whereupon I might pick up a few dried plums, either with her kind permission, or by help of my own dexterity. The accumulated treasures of this chamber took hold of my imagination by their magnitude: the very fragrance exhaled by so multifarious a collection of sweet-smelling spices produced such a craving effect on me, that I never failed, when passing near, to linger for a little, and regale myself at least on the unbolted atmosphere. At length, one Sunday morning, my mother, being hurried by the ringing of the church-bells, forgot to take this precious key with her on shutting the door, and went away, leaving all the house in a deep Sabbath stillness. No sooner had I marked this oversight than, gliding softly once or twice to and from the place, I at last approached very gingerly, opened the door, and felt myself, after a single step, in immediate contact with these manifold and long-wished-for means of happiness. I glanced over glasses, chests, and bags, and drawers and boxes, with a quick and doubtful eye, considering what I ought to choose and take; turned finally to my dear withered plums, provided myself also with a few dried apples, and completed the forage with an orange-chip. I was quietly retreating with my plunder, when some little chests, lying piled over one another, caught my attention,&amp;amp;mdash;the more so as I&lt;br /&gt;
noticed a wire, with hooks at the end of it, sticking through the joint of the lid in one of them. Full of eager hopes, I opened this singular package; and judge of my emotions, when I found my glad world of heroes all sleeping safe within! I meant to pick out the topmost, and, having examined them, to pull up those below; but in this attempt the wires got very soon entangled: and I fell into a fright and flutter, more particularly as the cook just then began making some stir in the kitchen, which was close by; so that I had nothing for it but to squeeze the whole together the best way I could, and to shut the chest, having stolen from it nothing but a little written book, which happened to be lying above, and contained the whole drama of Goliath and David. With this booty I made good my retreat into the garret.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Henceforth all my stolen hours of solitude were devoted to perusing the play, to learning it by heart, and picturing in thought how glorious it would be, could I but get the figures, to make them move along with it. In idea I myself became David and Goliath by turns. In every corner of the court-yard, of the stables, of the garden, under all kinds of circumstances, I labored to stamp the whole piece upon my mind; laid hold of all the characters, and learned their speeches by heart, most commonly, however, taking up the parts of the chief personages, and allowing all the rest to move along with them, but as satellites, across my memory. Thus day and night the heroic words of David, wherewith he challenged the braggart giant, Goliath of Gath, kept their place in my thoughts. I often muttered them to myself; while no one gave heed to me, except my father, who, frequently observing some such detached exclamation, would in secret praise the excellent memory of his boy, that had retained so much from only two recitations.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;By this means growing bolder and bolder, I one evening repeated almost the entire piece before my mother, whilst I was busied in fashioning some bits of wax into players. She observed it, questioned me hard; and I confessed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;By good fortune, this detection happened at a time when the lieutenant had himself been expressing a wish to initiate me in the mysteries of the art. My mother forthwith gave him notice of these unexpected talents; and he now contrived to make my parents offer him a couple of chambers in the top story, which commonly stood empty, that he might accommodate the spectators in the one, while the other held his actors, the proscenium again filling up the opening of the door: my father&lt;br /&gt;
had allowed his friend to arrange all this; himself, in the mean time, seeming only to look at the transaction, as it were, through his fingers; for his maxim was, that children should not be allowed to see the kindness which is felt towards them, lest their pretensions come to extend too far. He was of opinion, that, in the enjoyments of the young, one should assume a serious air; often interrupting the course of their festivities, to prevent their satisfaction from degenerating into excess and presumption.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER VI.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The lieutenant now set up his theatre, and managed all the rest. During the week I readily observed that he often came into the house at unusual hours, and I soon guessed the cause. My eagerness increased immensely; for I well understood, that, till Sunday evening, I could have no share in what was going on. At last the wished-for day arrived. At five in the evening my conductor came, and took me up with him. Quivering with joy, I entered, and descried, on both sides of the framework, the puppets all hanging in order as they were to advance to view. I considered them narrowly, and mounted on the steps, which raised them above the scene, and allowed me to hover aloft over all that little world. Not without reverence did I look down between the pieces of board, and recollect what a glorious effect the whole would produce, and feel into what mighty secrets I was now admitted. We made a trial, which succeeded well.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Next day a party of children were invited: we performed rarely; except that once, in the fire of action, I let poor Jonathan fall, and was obliged to reach down with my hand, and pick him up,&amp;amp;mdash;an accident which sadly marred the illusion, produced a peal of laughter, and vexed me unspeakably. My father, however, seemed to relish this misfortune not a little. Prudently shrouding up the contentment he felt at the expertness of his little boy, after the play was finished, he dwelt on the mistakes we had committed, saying it would all have been very pretty had not this or that gone wrong with us.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I was vexed to the heart at these things, and sad for all the evening. By next morning, however, I had quite slept off my sorrow, and was blessed in the persuasion, that, but for this one fault, I had acted delightfully. The spectators also flattered me with their unanimous approval: they all maintained, that though the lieutenant, in regard to the coarse and the fine voices, had done great things, yet his declamation was in general too stiff and affected; whereas the new aspirant spoke his Jonathan and David with exquisite grace. My mother in particular commended the gallant tone in which I had challenged Goliath, and acted the modest victor before the king.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;From this time, to my extreme delight, the theatre continued open; and as the spring advanced, so that fires could be dispensed with, I passed all my hours of recreation lying in the garret, and making the puppets caper and play together. Often I invited up my comrades, or my brothers and sisters; but, when they would not come, I staid by myself not the less. My imagination brooded over that tiny world, which soon afterwards acquired another form.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Scarcely had I once or twice exhibited the first play, for which my scenery and actors had been formed and decorated, when it ceased to give me any pleasure. On the other hand, among some of my grandfather&#039;s books, I had happened to fall in with &#039;The German Theatre,&#039; and a few translations of Italian operas; in which works I soon got very deeply immersed, on each occasion first reckoning up the characters, and then, without further ceremony, proceeding to exhibit the play. King Saul, with his black velvet cloak, was therefore now obliged to personate Darius or Cato, or some other pagan hero; in which cases, it may be observed, the plays were never wholly represented,&amp;amp;mdash;for most part, only the fifth acts, where the cutting and stabbing lay.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It was natural that the operas, with their manifold adventures and vicissitudes, should attract me more than any thing beside. In these compositions I found stormy seas, gods descending in chariots of cloud, and, what most of all delighted me, abundance of thunder and lightning. I did my best with pasteboard, paint, and paper: I could make night very prettily; my lightning was fearful to behold; only my thunder did not always prosper, which, however, was of less importance. In operas,&lt;br /&gt;
moreover, I found frequent opportunities of introducing my David and Goliath,&amp;amp;mdash;persons whom the regular drama would hardly admit. Daily I felt more attachment for the hampered spot where I enjoyed so many pleasures; and, I must confess, the fragrance which the puppets had acquired from the storeroom added not a little to my satisfaction.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The decorations of my theatre were now in a tolerable state of completeness. I had always had the knack of drawing with compasses, and clipping pasteboard, and coloring figures; and here it served me in good stead. But the more sorry was I, on the other hand, when, as frequently happened, my stock of actors would not suffice for representing great affairs.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;My sisters, dressing and undressing their dolls, awoke in me the project of furnishing my heroes by and by with garments which might also be put off and on. Accordingly, I slit the scraps of cloth from off their bodies, tacked the fragments together as well as possible, saved a particle of money to buy new ribbons and lace, begged many a rag of taffeta, and so formed, by degrees, a full theatrical wardrobe, in which hoop-petticoats for the ladies were especially remembered.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;My troop was now fairly provided with dresses for the most important play, and you might have expected that henceforth one exhibition would follow close upon the heels of another; but it happened with me, as it often happens with children,&amp;amp;mdash;they embrace wide plans, make mighty preparations, then a few trials, and the whole undertaking is abandoned. I was guilty of this fault. My greatest pleasure lay in the inventive part, and the employment of my fancy. This or that piece inspired me with interest for a few scenes of it, and immediately I set about providing new apparel suitable for the occasion. In such fluctuating operations, many parts of the primary dresses of my heroes had fallen into disorder, or totally gone out of sight; so that now the first great play could no longer be exhibited. I surrendered myself to my imagination; I rehearsed and prepared forever; built a thousand castles in the air, and failed to see that I was at the same time undermining the foundations of these little edifices.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;During this recital, Mariana had called up and put in action all her courtesy for Wilhelm, that she might conceal her sleepiness. Diverting as the matter seemed on one side, it was too simple for her taste,&lt;br /&gt;
and her lover&#039;s view of it too serious. She softly pressed her foot on his, however, and gave him all visible signs of attention and approval. She drank out of his glass: Wilhelm was convinced that no word of his history had fallen to the ground. After a short pause, he said, &amp;quot;It is now your turn, Mariana, to tell me what were your first childish joys. Till now we have always been too busy with the present to trouble ourselves, on either side, about our previous way of life. Let me hear, Mariana, under what circumstances you were reared: what are the first lively impressions which you still remember?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These questions would have very much embarrassed Mariana, had not Barbara made haste to help her. &amp;quot;Think you,&amp;quot; said the cunning old woman, &amp;quot;we have been so mindful of what happened to us long ago, that we have merry things like these to talk about, and, though we had, that we could give them such an air in talking of them?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;As if they needed it!&amp;quot; cried Wilhelm. &amp;quot;I love this soft, good, amiable creature so much, that I regret every instant of my life which has not been spent beside her. Allow me, at least in fancy, to have a share in thy by-gone life; tell me every thing; I will tell every thing to thee! If possible, we will deceive ourselves, and win back those days that have been lost to love.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;If you require it so eagerly,&amp;quot; replied the old dame, &amp;quot;we can easily content you. Only, in the first place, let us hear how your taste for the theatre gradually reached a head; how you practised, how you improved so happily, that now you can pass for a superior actor. No doubt you must have met with droll adventures in your progress. It is not worth while to go to bed now: I have still one flask in reserve; and who knows whether we shall soon all sit together so quiet and cheery again?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mariana cast upon her a mournful look, not noticed by Wilhelm, who proceeded with his narrative.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER VII.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The recreations of youth, as my companions began to increase in number, interfered with this solitary, still enjoyment. I was by turns a hunter, a soldier, a knight, as our games required; and constantly I had this small advantage above the rest, that I was qualified to furnish them suitably with the necessary equipments. The swords, for example, were generally of my manufacture; I gilded and decorated the scabbards; and a secret instinct allowed me not to stop till our militia was accoutred according to the antique model. Helmets, with plumes of paper, were got ready; shields, even coats of mail, were provided; undertakings in which such of the servants as had aught of the tailor in them, and the seamstresses of the house, broke many a needle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;A part of my comrades I had now got well equipped; by degrees, the rest were likewise furbished up, though on a thriftier plan; and so a very seemly corps at length was mustered. We marched about the court-yards and gardens, smote fearfully upon each other&#039;s shields and heads: many flaws of discord rose among us, but none that lasted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;This diversion greatly entertained my fellows; but scarcely had it been twice or thrice repeated, when it ceased to content me. The aspect of so many harnessed figures naturally stimulated in my mind those ideas of chivalry, which for some time, since I had commenced the reading of old romances, were filling my imagination.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Koppen&#039;s translation of &#039;Jerusalem Delivered&#039; at length fell into my hands, and gave these wandering thoughts a settled direction. The whole poem, it is true, I could not read; but there were passages which I learned by heart, and the images expressed in these hovered round me. Particularly was I captivated with Clorinda, and all her deeds and bearing. The masculine womanhood, the peaceful completeness of her being, had a greater influence upon my mind, just beginning to unfold itself, than the factitious charms of Armida; though the garden of that enchantress was by no means an object of my contempt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;But a hundred and a hundred times, while walking in the evenings on the balcony which stretches along the front of the house, and looking over the neighborhood, as the quivering splendor streamed up at the horizon from the departed sun, and the stars came forth, and night pressed forward from every cleft and hollow, and the small, shrill tone of the cricket tinkled through the solemn stillness,&amp;amp;mdash;a hundred and a&lt;br /&gt;
hundred times have I repeated to myself the history of the mournful duel between Tancred and Clorinda.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;However strongly I inclined by nature to the party of the Christians, I could not help declaring for the Paynim heroine with all my heart when she engaged to set on fire the great tower of the besiegers. And when Tancred in the darkness met the supposed knight, and the strife began between them under that veil of gloom, and the two battled fiercely, I could never pronounce the words,&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;quot;&#039;But now the sure and fated hour is nigh:&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Clorinda&#039;s course is ended,&amp;amp;mdash;she must die;&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;/br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;without tears rushing into my eyes, which flowed plentifully when the hapless lover, plunging his sword into her breast, opened the departing warrior&#039;s helmet, recognized the lady of his heart, and, shuddering, brought water to baptize her.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;How my heart ran over when Tancred struck with his sword that tree in the enchanted wood; when blood flowed from the gash, and a voice sounded in his ears, that now again he was wounding Clorinda; that Destiny had marked him out ever unwittingly to injure what he loved beyond all else.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The recital took such hold of my imagination, that what I had read of the poem began dimly, in my mind, to conglomerate into a whole; wherewith I was so taken that I could not but propose to have it some way represented. I meant to have Tancred and Rinaldo acted; and, for this purpose, two coats of mail, which I had before manufactured, seemed expressly suitable. The one, formed of dark-gray paper with scales, was to serve for the solemn Tancred; the other, of silver and gilt paper, for the magnificent Rinaldo. In the vivacity of my anticipations, I told the whole project to my comrades, who felt quite charmed with it, except that they could not well comprehend how so glorious a thing could be exhibited, and, above all, exhibited by them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Such scruples I easily set aside. Without hesitation, I took upon me, in idea, the management of two rooms in the house of a neighboring playmate; not calculating that his venerable aunt would never give them up, or considering how a theatre could be made of them, whereof I had no settled notion, except that it was to be fixed on beams, to have&lt;br /&gt;
side-scenes made of parted folding-screens, and on the floor a large piece of cloth. From what quarter these materials and furnishings were to come, I had not determined.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;So far as concerned the forest, we fell upon a good expedient. We betook ourselves to an old servant of one of our families, who had now become a woodman, with many entreaties that he would get us a few young firs and birches; which actually arrived more speedily than we had reason to expect. But, in the next place, great was our embarrassment as to how the piece should be got up before the trees were withered. Now was the time for prudent counsel. We had no house, no scenery, no curtain: the folding-screens were all we had.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;In this forlorn condition we again applied to the lieutenant, giving him a copious description of all the glorious things we meant to do. Little as he understood us, he was very helpful: he piled all the tables he could get in the house or neighborhood, one above the other, in a little room: to these he fixed our folding-screens, and made a back-view with green curtains, sticking up our trees along with it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;At length the appointed evening came: the candles were lit, the maids and children were sitting in their places, the piece was to go forward, the whole corps of heroes was equipped and dressed,&amp;amp;mdash;when each for the first time discovered that he knew not what he was to say. In the heat of invention, being quite immersed in present difficulties, I had forgotten the necessity of each understanding what and where he was to speak; nor, in the midst of our bustling preparations, had it once occurred to the rest; each believing he could easily enact a hero, easily so speak and bear himself, as became the personage into whose world I had transplanted him. They all stood wonder-struck, asking, What was to come first? I alone, having previously got ready Tancred&#039;s part, entered &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;solus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; on the scene, and began reciting some verses of the epic. But as the passage soon changed into narrative, and I, while speaking, was at once transformed into a third party, and the bold Godfredo, when his turn came, would not venture forth, I was at last obliged to take leave of my spectators under peals of laughter,&amp;amp;mdash;a disaster which cut me to the heart. Thus had our undertaking proved abortive; but the company still kept their places, still wishing to see something. All of us were dressed: I screwed my courage up, and determined, foul or fair, to give them David and Goliath. Some of my&lt;br /&gt;
companions had before this helped me to exhibit the puppet-play; all of them had often seen it; we shared the characters among us; each promised to do his best; and one small, grinning urchin painted a black beard upon his chin, and undertook, if any &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;lacuna&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; should occur, to fill it with drollery as harlequin,&amp;amp;mdash;an arrangement to which, as contradicting the solemnity of the piece, I did not consent without extreme reluctance; and I vowed within myself, that, if once delivered out of this perplexity, I would think long and well before risking the exhibition of another play.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER VIII.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mariana, overpowered with sleep, leaned upon her lover, who clasped her close to him, and proceeded in his narrative; while the old damsel prudently sipped up the remainder of the wine.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The embarrassment,&amp;quot; he said, &amp;quot;into which, along with my companions, I had fallen, by attempting to act a play that did not anywhere exist, was soon forgotten. My passion for representing each romance I read, each story that was told me, would not yield before the most unmanageable materials. I felt convinced that whatever gave delight in narrative must produce a far deeper impression when exhibited: I wanted to have every thing before my eyes, every thing brought forth upon the stage. At school, when the elements of general history were related to us, I carefully marked the passages where any person had been slain or poisoned in a singular way; and my imagination, glancing rapidly along the exposition and intrigue, hastened to the interesting fifth act. Indeed, I actually began to write some plays from the end backwards, without, however, in any of them reaching the beginning.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;At the same time, partly by inclination, partly by the counsel of my good friends, who had caught the fancy of acting plays, I read a whole wilderness of theatrical productions, as chance put them into my hands. I was still in those happy years when all things please us, when number and variety yield us abundant satisfaction. Unfortunately, too, my taste was corrupted by another circumstance. Any piece delighted me&lt;br /&gt;
especially, in which I could hope to give delight; there were few which I did not peruse in this agreeable delusion: and my lively conceptive power enabling me to transfer myself into all the characters, seduced me to believe that I might likewise represent them all. Hence, in the distribution of the parts, I commonly selected such as did not fit me, and always more than one part, if I could by any means accomplish more.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;In their games, children can make all things out of any: a staff becomes a musket, a splinter of wood a sword, any bunch of cloth a puppet, any crevice a chamber. Upon this principle was our private theatre got up. Totally unacquainted with the measure of our strength, we undertook all: we stuck at no &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;quid pro quo&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and felt convinced that every one would take us for what we gave ourselves out to be. Now, however, our affairs went on so soberly and smoothly, that I have not even a curious insipidity to tell you of. We first acted all the few plays in which only males are requisite, next we travestied some of ourselves, and at last took our sisters into the concern along with us. In one or two houses, our amusement was looked upon as profitable; and company was invited to see it. Nor did our lieutenant of artillery now turn his back upon us. He showed us how we ought to make our exits and our entrances; how we should declaim, and with what attitudes and gestures. Yet generally he earned small thanks for his toil, we conceiving ourselves to be much deeper in the secrets of theatrical art than he himself was.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;We very soon began to grow tired of tragedy; for all of us believed, as we had often heard, that it was easier to write or represent a tragedy than to attain proficiency in comedy. In our first attempts, accordingly, we had felt as if exactly in our element: dignity of rank, elevation of character, we studied to approach by stiffness and affectation, and imagined that we succeeded rarely; but our happiness was not complete, except we might rave outright, might stamp with our feet, and, full of fury and despair, cast ourselves upon the ground.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Boys and girls had not long carried on these amusements in concert, till Nature began to take her course; and our society branched itself off into sundry little love-associations, as generally more than one sort of comedy is acted in the playhouse. Behind the scenes, each happy pair pressed hands in the most tender style; they floated in&lt;br /&gt;
blessedness, appearing to one another quite ideal persons, when so transformed and decorated; whilst, on the other hand, unlucky rivals consumed themselves with envy, and out of malice and spite worked every species of mischief.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Our amusements, though undertaken without judgment, and carried on without instruction, were not without their use to us. We trained our memories and persons, and acquired more dexterity in speech and gesture than is usually met with at so early an age. But, for me in particular, this time was in truth an epoch: my mind turned all its faculties exclusively to the theatre; and my highest happiness was in reading, in writing, or in acting, plays.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Meanwhile the labors of my regular teachers continued: I had been set apart for the mercantile life, and placed under the guidance of our neighbor in the counting-house; yet my spirit at this very time recoiled more forcibly than ever from all that was to bind me to a low profession. It was to the stage that I aimed at consecrating all my powers,&amp;amp;mdash;on the stage that I meant to seek all my happiness and satisfaction.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I recollect a poem, which must be among my papers, where the Muse of tragic art and another female form, by which I personified Commerce, were made to strive very bravely for my most important self. The idea is common, nor do I recollect that the verses were of any worth; but you shall see it, for the sake of the fear, the abhorrence, the love and passion, which are prominent in it. How repulsively did I paint the old housewife, with the distaff in her girdle, the bunch of keys by her side, the spectacles on her nose, ever toiling, ever restless, quarrelsome, and penurious, pitiful and dissatisfied! How feelingly did I describe the condition of that poor man who has to cringe beneath her rod, and earn his slavish day&#039;s wages by the sweat of his brow!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And how differently advanced the other! What an apparition for the overclouded mind! Formed as a queen, in her thoughts and looks she announced herself the child of freedom. The feeling of her own worth gave her dignity without pride: her apparel became her, it veiled her form without constraining it; and the rich folds repeated, like a thousand-voiced echo, the graceful movements of the goddess. What a contrast! How easy for me to decide! Nor had I forgotten the more peculiar characteristics of my Muse. Crowns and daggers, chains and masks, as my predecessors had delivered them, were here produced once more. The contention was keen: the speeches of both were palpably&lt;br /&gt;
enough contrasted, for at fourteen years of age one usually paints the black lines and the white pretty near each other. The old lady spoke as beseemed a person that would pick up a pin from her path; the other, like one that could give away kingdoms. The warning threats of the housewife were disregarded; I turned my back upon her promised riches: disinherited and naked, I gave myself up to the Muse; she threw her golden veil over me, and called me hers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Could I have thought, my dearest,&amp;quot; he exclaimed, pressing Mariana close to him, &amp;quot;that another, a more lovely goddess would come to encourage me in my purpose, to travel with me on my journey, the poem might have had a finer turn, a far more interesting end. Yet it is no poetry, it is truth and life that I feel in thy arms: let us prize the sweet happiness, and consciously enjoy it.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The pressure of his arms, the emotion of his elevated voice, awoke Mariana, who hastened by caresses to conceal her embarrassment; for no word of the last part of his story had reached her. It is to be wished, that in future, our hero, when recounting his favorite histories, may find more attentive hearers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER IX.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thus Wilhelm passed his nights in the enjoyment of confiding love, his days in the expectation of new happy hours. When desire and hope had first attracted him to Mariana, he already felt as if inspired with new life; felt as if he were beginning to be another man: he was now united to her; the contentment of his wishes had become a delicious habitude. His heart strove to ennoble the object of his passion; his spirit, to exalt with it the young creature whom he loved. In the shortest absence, thoughts of her arose within him. If she had once been necessary to him, she was now grown indispensable, now that he was bound to her by all the ties of nature. His pure soul felt that she was the half, more than the half, of himself. He was grateful and devoted without limit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mariana, too, succeeded in deceiving herself for a season: she shared with him the feeling of his liveliest blessedness. Alas! if but the&lt;br /&gt;
cold hand of self-reproach had not often come across her heart! She was not secure from it, even in Wilhelm&#039;s bosom, even under the wings of his love. And when she was again left alone, again left to sink from the clouds, to which passion had exalted her, into the consciousness of her real condition, then she was indeed to be pitied. So long as she had lived among degrading perplexities, disguising from herself her real situation, or rather never thinking of it, frivolity had helped her through; the incidents she was exposed to had come upon her each by itself; satisfaction and vexation had cancelled one another; humiliation had been compensated by vanity; want by frequent, though momentary, superfluity; she could plead necessity and custom as a law or an excuse; and hitherto all painful emotions from hour to hour, and from day to day, had by these means been shaken off. But now, for some instants, the poor girl had felt herself transported to a better world; aloft, as it were, in the midst of light and joy, she had looked down upon the abject desert of her life, had felt what a miserable creature is the woman, who, inspiring desire, does not also inspire reverence and love: she regretted and repented, but found herself outwardly or inwardly no better for regret. She had nothing that she could accomplish or resolve upon. When she looked into and searched herself, all was waste and void within her soul: her heart had no place of strength or refuge. But the more sorrowful her state was, the more vehemently did her feelings cling to the man she loved: her passion for him even waxed stronger daily, as the danger of losing him came daily nearer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm, on the other hand, soared serenely happy in higher regions: to him also a new world had been disclosed, but a world rich in the most glorious prospects. Scarcely had the first excess of joy subsided, when all that had long been gliding dimly through his soul stood up in bright distinctness before it. She is mine! She has given herself up to me! She, the loved, the wished for, the adored, has given herself up to me in trust and faith: she shall not find me ungrateful for the gift. Standing or walking, he talked to himself; his heart constantly overflowed; with a copiousness of splendid words, he uttered to himself the loftiest emotions. He imagined that he understood the visible beckoning of Fate, reaching out its hand by Mariana to save him from the stagnant, weary, drudging life, out of which he had so often wished for deliverance. To leave his father&#039;s house and people, now appeared a light matter. He was young, and had not tried the world: his eagerness to range over its expanses, seeking fortune and contentment, was&lt;br /&gt;
stimulated by his love. His vocation for the theatre was now clear to him: the high goal, which he saw raised before him, seemed nearer whilst he was advancing to it with Mariana&#039;s hand in his; and, in his comfortable prudence, he beheld in himself the embryo of a great actor,&amp;amp;mdash;the future founder of that national theatre, for which he heard so much and various sighing on every side. All that till now had slumbered in the innermost corners of his soul, at length awoke. He painted for himself a picture of his manifold ideas, in the colors of love, upon a canvas of cloud: the figures of it, indeed, ran sadly into one another; yet the whole had an air but the more brilliant on that account.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER X.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was now in his chamber at home, ransacking his papers, making ready for departure. Whatever savored of his previous employment he threw aside, meaning at his entrance upon life to be free, even from recollections that could pain him. Works of taste alone, poets and critics, were, as acknowledged friends, placed among the chosen few. Heretofore he had given little heed to the critical authors: his desire for instruction now revived, when, again looking through his books, he found the theoretical part of them lying generally still uncut. In the full persuasion that such works were absolutely necessary, he had bought a number of them; but, with the best disposition in the world, he had not reached midway in any.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The more steadfastly, on the other hand, he had dwelt upon examples, and, in every kind that was known to him, had made attempts himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Werner entered the room; and, seeing his friend busied with the well-known sheets, he exclaimed, &amp;quot;Again among your papers? And without intending, I dare swear, to finish any one of them! You look them through and through once or twice, then throw them by, and begin something new.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;To finish is not the scholar&#039;s care: it is enough if he improves himself by practice.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;But also completes according to his best ability.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And still the question might be asked, &#039;Is there not good hope of a youth, who, on commencing some unsuitable affair, soon discovers its unsuitableness, and discontinues his exertions, not choosing to spend toil and time on what never can be of any value?&#039;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I know well enough it was never your concern to bring aught to a conclusion: you have always sickened on it before it came half way. When you were the director of our puppet-show, for instance, how many times were fresh clothes got ready for the dwarfish troop, fresh decorations furbished up? Now this tragedy was to be acted, now that; and at the very best you gave us some fifth act, where all was going topsy-turvy, and people cutting one another&#039;s throats.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;If you talk of those times, whose blame really was it that we ripped off from our puppets the clothes that fitted them, and were fast stitched to their bodies, and laid out money for a large and useless wardrobe? Was it not yours, my good friend, who had always some fragment of ribbon to traffic with; and skill, at the same time, to stimulate my taste, and turn it to your profit?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Werner laughed, and continued, &amp;quot;I still recollect, with pleasure, how I used to extract gain from your theatrical campaigns, as army contractors do from war. When you mustered for the &#039;Deliverance of Jerusalem,&#039; I, for my part, made a pretty thing of profit, like the Venetians in the corresponding case. I know of nothing in the world more rational than to turn the folly of others to our own advantage.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Perhaps it were a nobler satisfaction to cure men of their follies.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;From the little I know of men, this might seem a vain endeavor. But something towards it is always done, when any individual man grows wise and rich; and generally this happens at the cost of others.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Well, here is &#039;The Youth at the Parting of the Ways;&#039; it has just come into my hand,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, drawing out a bunch of papers from the rest; &amp;quot;this at least is finished, whatever else it may be.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Away with it! to the fire with it!&amp;quot; cried Werner. &amp;quot;The invention does not deserve the smallest praise: that affair has plagued me enough already, and drawn upon yourself your father&#039;s wrath. The verses may be altogether beautiful, but the meaning of them is fundamentally false. I still recollect your Commerce personified: a shrivelled,&lt;br /&gt;
wretched-looking sibyl she was. I suppose you picked up the image of her from some miserable huckster&#039;s shop. At that time you had no true idea at all of trade; whilst I could not think of any man whose spirit was, or needed to be, more enlarged than the spirit of a genuine merchant. What a thing is it to see the order which prevails throughout his business! By means of this he can at any time survey the general whole, without needing to perplex himself in the details. What advantages does he derive from the system of book-keeping by double entry! It is among the finest inventions of the human mind: every prudent master of a house should introduce it into his economy.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Pardon me,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, smiling; &amp;quot;you begin by the form, as if it were the matter: you traders commonly, in your additions and balancings, forget what is the proper net result of life.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;My good friend, you do not see how form and matter are in this case one, how neither can exist without the other. Order and arrangement increase the desire to save and get. A man embarrassed in his circumstances, and conducting them imprudently, likes best to continue in the dark: he will not gladly reckon up the debtor entries he is charged with. But, on the other hand, there is nothing to a prudent manager more pleasant than daily to set before himself the sums of his growing fortune. Even a mischance, if it surprise and vex, will not affright, him; for he knows at once what gains he has acquired to cast into the other scale. I am convinced, my friend, that, if you once had a proper taste for our employments, you would grant that many faculties of the mind are called into full and vigorous play by them.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Possibly this journey I am thinking of may bring me to other thoughts.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Oh, certainly! Believe me, you want but to look upon some great scene of activity to make you ours forever; and, when you come back, you will joyfully enroll yourself among that class of men whose art it is to draw towards themselves a portion of the money, and materials of enjoyment, which circulate in their appointed courses through the world. Cast a look on the natural and artificial productions of all the regions of the earth; consider how they have become, one here, another there, articles of necessity for men. How pleasant and how intellectual a task is it to&lt;br /&gt;
calculate, at any moment, what is most required, and yet is wanting, or hard to find; to procure for each easily and soon what he demands; to lay in your stock prudently beforehand, and then to enjoy the profit of every pulse in that mighty circulation. This, it appears to me, is what no man that has a head can attend to without pleasure.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm seemed to acquiesce, and Werner continued.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Do but visit one or two great trading-towns, one or two seaports, and see if you can withstand the impression. When you observe how many men are busied, whence so many things have come, and whither they are going, you will feel as if you, too, could gladly mingle in the business. You will then see the smallest piece of ware in its connection with the whole mercantile concern; and for that very reason you will reckon nothing paltry, because every thing augments the circulation by which you yourself are supported.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Werner had formed his solid understanding in constant intercourse with Wilhelm; he was thus accustomed to think also of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;his&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; profession, of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;his&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; employments, with elevation of soul; and he firmly believed that he did so with more justice than his otherwise more gifted and valued friend, who, as it seemed to him, had placed his dearest hopes, and directed all the force of his mind, upon the most imaginary objects in the world. Many a time he thought his false enthusiasm would infallibly be got the better of, and so excellent a soul be brought back to the right path. So hoping in the present instance, he continued, &amp;quot;The great ones of the world have taken this earth of ours to themselves; they live in the midst of splendor and superfluity. The smallest nook of the land is already a possession which none may touch or meddle with: offices and civil callings bring in little profit. Where, then, will you find more honest acquisitions, juster conquests, than those of trade? If the princes of this world hold the rivers, the highways, the havens, in their power, and take a heavy tribute from every thing that passes through them, may not we embrace with joy the opportunity of levying tax and toll, by &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;our&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; activity, on those commodities which the real or imaginary wants of men have rendered indispensable? I can promise you, if you would rightly apply your poetic view, my goddess might be represented as an invincible, victorious queen, and boldly opposed to yours. It is true, she bears the olive rather than the sword: dagger or chain she knows not. But she, too, gives crowns to her favorites;&lt;br /&gt;
which, without offence to yours be it said, are of true gold from the furnace and the mine, and glance with genuine pearls, which she brings up from the depths of the ocean by the hands of her unwearied servants.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This sally somewhat nettled Wilhelm; but he concealed his sentiments, remembering that Werner used to listen with composure to &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;his&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
apostrophes. Besides, he had fairness enough to be pleased at seeing each man think the best of his own peculiar craft, provided only &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;his&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, of which he was so passionately fond, were likewise left in peace.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And for you,&amp;quot; exclaimed Werner, &amp;quot;who take so warm an interest in human concerns, what a sight will it be to behold the fortune, which accompanies bold undertakings, distributed to men before your eyes! What is more spirit-stirring than the aspect of a ship arriving from a lucky voyage, or soon returning with a rich capture? Not only the relatives, the acquaintances, and those that share with the adventurers, but every unconcerned spectator also, is excited, when he sees the joy with which the long-imprisoned shipman springs on land before his keel has wholly reached it, feeling that he is free once more, and now can trust what he has rescued from the false sea to the firm and faithful earth. It is not, my friend, in figures of arithmetic alone that gain presents itself before us. Fortune is the goddess of breathing men: to feel her favors truly, we must live and be men who toil with their living minds and bodies, and enjoy with them also.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER XI.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It is now time that we should know something more of Wilhelm&#039;s father and of Werner&#039;s,&amp;amp;mdash;two men of very different modes of thinking, but whose opinions so far coincided, that both regarded commerce as the noblest calling; and both were peculiarly attentive to every advantage which any kind of speculation might produce to them. Old Meister, when his father died, had turned into money a valuable collection of pictures, drawings, copper-plates, and antiquities: he had entirely rebuilt and furnished his house in the newest style, and turned his&lt;br /&gt;
other property to profit in all possible ways. A considerable portion of it he had embarked in trade, under the direction of the elder Werner,&amp;amp;mdash;a man noted as an active merchant, whose speculations were commonly favored by fortune. But nothing was so much desired by Meister as to confer upon his son those qualities of which himself was destitute, and to leave his children advantages which he reckoned it of the highest importance to possess. Withal, he felt a peculiar inclination for magnificence,&amp;amp;mdash;for whatever catches the eye, and possesses at the same time real worth and durability. In his house he would have all things solid and massive; his stores must be copious and rich, all his plate must be heavy, the furniture of his table must be costly. On the other hand, his guests were seldom invited; for every dinner was a festival, which, both for its expense and for its inconvenience, could not often be repeated. The economy of his house went on at a settled, uniform rate; and every thing that moved or had place in it was just what yielded no one any real enjoyment.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The elder Werner, in his dark and hampered house, led quite another sort of life. The business of the day, in his narrow counting-house, at his ancient desk, once done, Werner liked to eat well, and, if possible, to drink better. Nor could he fully enjoy good things in solitude; with his family he must always see at table his friends, and any stranger that had the slightest connection with his house. His chairs were of unknown age and antic fashion, but he daily invited some to sit on them. The dainty victuals arrested the attention of his guests, and none remarked that they were served up in common ware. His cellar held no great stock of wine, but the emptied niches were usually filled by more of a superior sort.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;So lived these two fathers, often meeting to take counsel about their common concerns. On the day we are speaking of, it had been determined to send Wilhelm out from home, for the despatch of some commercial affairs.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Let him look about him in the world,&amp;quot; said old Meister, &amp;quot;and at the same time carry on our business in distant parts. One cannot do a young man any greater kindness than initiate him early in the future business of his life. Your son returned so happily from his first expedition, and transacted his affairs so cleverly, that I am very curious to see how mine will do: &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;his&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; experience, I fear, will cost him dearer.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Old Meister had a high notion of his son&#039;s faculties and capabilities: he said this in the hope that his friend would contradict him, and&lt;br /&gt;
hold up to view the admirable gifts of the youth. Here, however, he deceived himself. Old Werner, who, in practical concerns, would trust no man but such as he had proved, answered placidly, &amp;quot;One must try all things. We can send him on the same journey: we shall give him a paper of directions to conduct him. There are sundry debts to be gathered in, old connections are to be renewed, new ones to be made. He may likewise help the speculation I was lately talking of; for, without punctual intelligence gathered on the spot, there is little to be done in it.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;He must prepare,&amp;quot; said Meister, &amp;quot;and set forth as soon as possible. Where shall we get a horse for him to suit this business?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;We shall not seek far. The shopkeeper in H&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;amp;mdash;, who owes us somewhat, but is withal a good man, has offered me a horse instead of payment. My son knows it, and tells me it is a serviceable beast.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;He may fetch it himself. Let him go with the diligence; the day after to-morrow he is back again betimes; we have his saddle-bags and letters made ready in the mean time; he can set out on Monday morning.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm was sent for, and informed of their determination. Who so glad as he, now seeing the means of executing his purpose put into his hands, the opportunity made ready for him, without co-operation of his own! So intense was his love, so full was his conviction of the perfect rectitude of his intention to escape from the pressure of his actual mode of life, and follow a new and nobler career, that his conscience did not in the least rebel; no anxiety arose within him; he even reckoned the deception he was meditating holy. He felt certain, that, in the long-run, parents and relations would praise and bless him for this resolution: he acknowledged in these concurring circumstances the signal of a guiding fate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How slowly the time passed with him till night, till the hour when he should again see his Mariana! He sat in his chamber, and revolved the plan of his journey; as a conjurer, or a cunning thief in durance, often draws out his feet from the fast-locked irons, to cherish in himself the conviction that his deliverance is possible, nay, nearer than short-sighted turnkeys believe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At last the appointed hour struck: he went out, shook off all anxiety, and hastened through the silent streets. In the middle of the great&lt;br /&gt;
square he raised his hands to the sky, feeling as if all was behind him and below him: he had freed himself from all. One moment he figured himself as in the arms of his beloved, the next as glancing with her in the splendors of the stage: he soared aloft in a world of hopes, only now and then the call of some watchman brought to his recollection that he was still wandering on the vulgar earth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mariana came to the stairs to meet him,&amp;amp;mdash;and how beautiful, how lovely! She received him in the new white &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;negligée&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: he thought he had never seen her so charming. Thus did she handsel the gift of her absent lover in the arms of a present one; with true passion she lavished on her darling the whole treasure of those caresses which nature suggested, or art had taught: need we ask if he was happy, if he was blessed?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He disclosed to her what had passed, and showed her, in general terms, his plan and his wishes. He would try, he said, to find a residence, then come back for her: he hoped she would not refuse him her hand. The poor girl was silent: she concealed her tears, and pressed her friend against her bosom. Wilhelm, though interpreting her silence in the most favorable manner, could have wished for a distinct reply; and still more, when at last he inquired of her in the tenderest and most delicate terms, if he might not think himself a father. But to this she answered only with a sigh, with a kiss.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER XII.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Next morning Mariana awoke only to new despondency; she felt herself very solitary; she wished not to see the light of day, but staid in bed, and wept. Old Barbara sat down by her, and tried to persuade and console her; but it was not in her power so soon to heal the wounded heart. The moment was now at hand to which the poor girl had been looking forward as to the last of her life. Who could be placed in a more painful situation? The man she loved was departing; a disagreeable lover was threatening to come; and the most fearful mischiefs were to be anticipated, if the two, as might easily happen, should meet together.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Calm yourself, my dear,&amp;quot; said the old woman: &amp;quot;do not spoil your pretty eyes with crying. Is it, then, so terrible a thing to have two lovers?&lt;br /&gt;
And though you can bestow your love but on the one, yet be thankful to the other, who, caring for you as he does, certainly deserves to be named your friend.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;My poor Wilhelm,&amp;quot; said the other, all in tears, &amp;quot;had warning that a separation was at hand. A dream discovered to him what we strove so much to hide. He was sleeping calmly at my side; on a sudden I heard him mutter some unintelligible sounds: I grew frightened, and awoke him. Ah! with what love and tenderness and warmth did he clasp me! &#039;O Mariana!&#039; cried he, &#039;what a horrid fate have you freed me from! How shall I thank you for deliverance from such torment? I dreamed that I was far from you in an unknown country, but your figure hovered before me; I saw you on a beautiful hill, the sunshine was glancing over it all; how charming you looked! But it had not lasted long, before I observed your image sinking down, sinking, sinking: I stretched out my arms towards you; they could not reach you through the distance. Your image still kept gliding down: it approached a great sea that lay far extended at the foot of the hill,&amp;amp;mdash;a marsh rather than a sea. All at once a man gave you his hand, and seemed meaning to conduct you upwards; but he led you sidewards, and appeared to draw you after him. I cried out: as I could not reach you, I hoped to warn you. If I tried to walk, the ground seemed to hold me fast; if I could walk, the water hindered me; and even my cries were smothered in my breast.&#039; So said the poor youth, while recovering from his terror, and reckoning himself happy to see a frightful dream thrust aside by the most delicious reality.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Barbara made every effort to reduce, by her prose, the poetry of her friend to the domain of common life; employing, in the present case, the ingenious craft which so often succeeds with bird-catchers, when they imitate with a whistle the tones of those luckless creatures they soon hope to see by dozens safely lodged in their nets. She praised Wilhelm: she expatiated on his figure, his eyes, his love. The poor girl heard her with a gratified heart, then arose, let herself be dressed, and appeared calmer. &amp;quot;My child, my darling,&amp;quot; continued the old woman, in a cozening tone, &amp;quot;I will not trouble you or injure you: I cannot think of tearing from you your dearest happiness. Could you mistake my intention? Have you forgotten that on all occasions I have cared for&lt;br /&gt;
you more than for myself? Tell me only what you wish: we shall soon see how it may be brought about.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;What can I wish?&amp;quot; said Mariana; &amp;quot;I am miserable, miserable for life: I love him, and he loves me; yet I see that I must part with him, and know not how I shall survive it. Norberg is coming, to whom we owe our whole subsistence, whom we cannot live without. Wilhelm is straitened in his fortune: he can do nothing for me.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Yes, unfortunately, he is of those lovers who bring nothing but their hearts; and these people, too, have the highest pretensions of any.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;No jesting! The unhappy youth thinks of leaving his home, of going upon the stage, of offering me his hand.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Of empty hands we have already four.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I have no choice,&amp;quot; continued Mariana; &amp;quot;do you decide for me. Cast me away to this side or to that: mark only one thing,&amp;amp;mdash;I think I carry in my bosom a pledge that ought to unite me with him still more closely. Consider and determine: whom shall I forsake? whom shall I follow?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After a short silence, Barbara exclaimed. &amp;quot;Strange, that youth should always be for extremes! To my view, nothing would be easier than for us to combine both the profit and the enjoyment. Do you love the one, let the other pay for it: all we have to mind, is being sharp enough to keep the two from meeting.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Do as you please: I can imagine nothing, but I will obey.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;We have this advantage: we can humor the manager&#039;s caprice and pride about the morals of his troop. Both lovers are accustomed already to go secretly and cautiously to work. For hours and opportunity I will take thought: only henceforth you must act the part that I prescribe to you. Who knows what circumstances may arise to help us? If Norberg would arrive even now, when Wilhelm is away! Who can hinder you from thinking of the one in the arms of the other? I wish you a son, and good fortune with him: he will have a rich father.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These projects lightened Mariana&#039;s despondency only for a very short time. She could not bring her situation into harmony with her feelings, with her convictions: she would fain have forgotten the painful relations in which she stood, and a thousand little circumstances forced them back every moment to her recollection.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER XIII.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the mean time, Wilhelm had completed the short preliminary journey. His merchant being from home, he delivered the letter of introduction to the mistress of the house. But neither did this lady give him much furtherance in his purposes: she was in a violent passion, and her whole economy was in confusion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had not waited long when she disclosed to him, what in truth could not be kept a secret, that her step-daughter had run off with a player,&amp;amp;mdash;a person who had parted lately from a small strolling company, and had staid in the place, and commenced teaching French. The father, distracted with grief and vexation, had run to the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Amt&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; to have the fugitives pursued. She blamed her daughter bitterly, and vilified the lover, till she left no tolerable quality with either: she deplored at great length the shame thus brought upon the family; embarrassing our hero not a little, who here felt his own private scheme beforehand judged and punished, in the spirit of prophecy as it were, by this frenzied sibyl. Still stronger and deeper was the interest he took in the sorrows of the father, who now returned from the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Amt&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and with fixed sorrow, in broken sentences, gave his wife an account of the errand, and strove to hide the embarrassment and distraction of his mind; while, after looking at the letter, he directed that the horse it spoke of should be given to Wilhelm.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Our friend thought it best to mount his steed immediately, and quit a house where, in its present state, he could not possibly be comfortable; but the honest man would not allow the son of one to whom he had so many obligations to depart without tasting of his hospitality, without remaining at least a night beneath his roof.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm had partaken of a melancholy supper, worn out a restless night, and hastened, early in the morning, to get rid of these people, who, without knowing it, had, by their narratives and utterances, been constantly wounding him to the quick.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In a musing mood, he was riding slowly along, when all at once he observed a number of armed men coming through the fields. By their long, loose coats, with enormous cuffs; by their shapeless hats, clumsy muskets; by their unpretending gait, and contented bearing of the body,&amp;amp;mdash;he recognized in these people a detachment of provincial militia. They halted beneath an old oak, set down their fire-arms, and placed themselves at their ease upon the sward, to smoke a pipe of&lt;br /&gt;
tobacco. Wilhelm lingered near them, and entered into conversation with a young man who came up on horseback. The history of the two runaways, which he knew but too well, was again detailed to him, and that with comments not particularly flattering, either to the young pair themselves, or to the parents. He also learned that the military had come hither to take into custody the loving couple, who had already been seized and detained in a neighboring village. After some time, accordingly, a cart was seen advancing to the place, encircled with a city guard more ludicrous than appalling. An amorphous town-clerk rode forth, and made his compliments to the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Actuarius&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (for such was the young man Wilhelm had been speaking to), on the border of their several districts, with great conscientiousness and queer grimaces; as perhaps the ghost and the conjurer do, when they meet, the one within the circle and the other out of it, in their dismal midnight operations.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But the chief attention of the lookers-on was directed to the cart: they could not behold, without compassion, the poor, misguided creatures, who were sitting upon bundles of straw, looking tenderly at one another, and scarcely seeming to observe the by-standers. Accident had forced their conductors to bring them from the last village in that unseemly style; the old chaise, which had previously transported the lady, having there broken down. On that occurrence she had begged for permission to sit beside her friend; whom, in the conviction that his crime was of a capital sort, the rustic bailiffs had so far brought along in irons. These irons certainly contributed to give the tender group a more interesting appearance, particularly as the young man moved and bore himself with great dignity, while he kissed more than once the hands of his fair companion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;We are unfortunate,&amp;quot; she cried to the by-standers, &amp;quot;but not so guilty as we seem. It is thus that cruel men reward true love; and parents, who entirely neglect the happiness of their children, tear them with fury from the arms of joy, when it has found them after many weary days.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The spectators were expressing their sympathy in various ways, when, the officers of law having finished their ceremonial, the cart went on; and Wilhelm, who took a deep interest in the fate of the lovers, hastened forward by a foot path to get some acquaintance with the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Amtmann&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
before the procession should arrive. But scarcely had he reached the&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Amthaus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, where all was in motion, and ready to receive the fugitives, when his new friend, the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Actuarius&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, laid hold of him; and giving him a circumstantial detail of the whole proceedings, and then launching out into a comprehensive eulogy of his own horse, which he had got by barter the night before, put a stop to every other sort of conversation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The luckless pair, in the mean time, had been set down behind, at the garden, which communicated by a little door with the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Amthaus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and thus brought in unobserved. The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Actuarius&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, for this mild and handsome treatment, accepted of a just encomium from Wilhelm; though in truth his sole object had been to mortify the crowd collected in front of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Amthaus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, by denying them the satisfaction of looking at a neighbor in disgrace.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Amtmann&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, who had no particular taste for such extraordinary occurrences, being wont on these occasions to commit frequent errors, and, with the best intentions, to be often paid with sour admonitions from the higher powers, went with heavy steps into his office-room; the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Actuarius&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; with Wilhelm and a few respectable citizens following him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The lady was first produced; she advanced without pertness, calm and self-possessed. The manner of her dress, the way in which she bore herself, showed that she was a person not without value in her own eyes. She accordingly began, without any questions being put, to speak, not unskilfully, about her situation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Actuarius&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; bade her be silent, and held his pen over the folded sheet. The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Amtmann&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; gathered up his resolution, looked at his assistant, cleared his throat by two or three hems, and asked the poor girl what was her name, and how old she was.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I beg your pardon, sir,&amp;quot; said she, &amp;quot;but it seems very strange to me that you ask my name and age, seeing you know very well what my name is, and that I am just of the age of your oldest son. What you do want to know of me, and need to know, I will tell freely without circumlocution.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Since my father&#039;s second marriage, my situation in his house has not been of the most enviable sort. Oftener than once I have had it in my power to make a suitable marriage, had not my step-mother, dreading the expense of my portion, taken care to thwart all such proposals. At length I grew acquainted with the young Melina; I felt constrained to love him; and, as we both foresaw the obstacles that stood in the way of our regular union, we determined to go forth together, and seek in the&lt;br /&gt;
wide world the happiness denied us at home. I took nothing with me that was not my own: we did not run away like thieves and robbers; and my lover does not merit to be hauled about in this way, with chains and handcuffs. The prince is just, and will not sanction such severity. If we are liable to punishment, it is not punishment of this kind.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The old &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Amtmann&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; hereupon fell into double and treble confusion. Sounds of the most gracious eulogies were already humming through his brain, and the girl&#039;s voluble speech had entirely confounded the plan of his protocol. The mischief increased, when to repeated official questions she refused giving any answer, but constantly referred to what she had already said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I am no criminal,&amp;quot; she said. &amp;quot;They have brought me hither on bundles of straw to put me to shame, but there is a higher court that will bring us back to honor.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Actuarius&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, in the mean time, had kept writing down her words: he whispered the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Amtmann&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;quot;just to go on,&amp;amp;mdash;a formal protocol might be made out by and by.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The senior then again took heart, and began, with his heavy words, in dry prescribed formulas, to seek information about the sweet secrets of love.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The red mounted into Wilhelm&#039;s cheeks, and those of the pretty criminal likewise glowed with the charming tinge of modesty. She was silent, she stammered, till at last her embarrassment itself seemed to exalt her courage.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Be assured,&amp;quot; she cried, &amp;quot;that I should have strength enough to confess the truth, though it made against myself; and shall I now hesitate and stammer, when it does me honor? Yes: from the moment when I first felt certain of his love and faith, I looked upon him as my husband; I freely gave him all that love requires,&amp;amp;mdash;that a heart once convinced cannot long refuse. Now do with me what you please. If I hesitated for a moment to confess, it was solely owing to fear lest the admission might prove hurtful to my lover.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On hearing this confession, Wilhelm formed a high opinion of the young woman&#039;s feelings, while her judges marked her as an impudent strumpet; and the townsfolk present thanked God that in their families no such scandal had occurred, or at least been brought to light.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm transported his Mariana into this conjuncture, answering at the bar: he put still finer words in her mouth, making her uprightness&lt;br /&gt;
yet more affecting, her confession still nobler. The most violent desire to help the two lovers took possession of him. Nor did he conceal this feeling, but signified in private to the wavering &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Amtmann&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, that it were better to end the business; all being clear as possible, and requiring no further investigation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This was so far of service that the young woman was allowed to retire; though, in her stead, the lover was brought in, his fetters having previously been taken off him at the door. This person seemed a little more concerned about his fate. His answers were more careful; and, if he showed less heroic generosity, he recommended himself by the precision and distinctness of his expressions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When this audience also was finished, and found to agree in all points with the former, except that, from regard for his mistress, Melina stubbornly denied what had already been confessed by herself, the young woman was again brought forward; and a scene took place between the two, which made the heart of our friend entirely their own.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What usually occurs nowhere but in romances and plays, he saw here in a paltry court-room before his eyes,&amp;amp;mdash;the contest of reciprocal magnanimity, the strength of love in misfortune.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Is it, then, true,&amp;quot; said he internally, &amp;quot;that timorous affection, which conceals itself from the eye of the sun and of men, not daring to taste of enjoyment save in remote solitude and deep secrecy, yet, if torn rudely by some cruel chance into light, will show itself more courageous, strong, and resolute than any of our loud and ostentatious passions?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To his comfort, the business now soon came to a conclusion. The lovers were detained in tolerable quarters: had it been possible, he would that very evening have brought back the young lady to her parents. For he firmly determined to act as intercessor in this case, and to forward a happy and lawful union between the lovers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He begged permission of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Amtmann&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; to speak in private with Melina, a request which was granted without difficulty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER XIV.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The conversation of these new acquaintances very soon grew confidential and lively. When Wilhelm told the downcast youth of his connection with the lady&#039;s parents, and offered to mediate in the affair, showing at the same time the strongest expectation of success, a light was shed across the dreary and anxious mind of the prisoner: he felt himself already free, already reconciled with the parents of his bride, and now began to speak about his future occupation and support.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;On this point,&amp;quot; said our friend, &amp;quot;you cannot long be in difficulty; for you seem to me directed, not more by your circumstances than by nature, to make your fortune in the noble profession you have chosen. A pleasing figure, a sonorous voice, a feeling heart! Could an actor be better furnished? If I can serve you with a few introductions, it will give me the greatest pleasure.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I thank you with all my heart,&amp;quot; replied the other, &amp;quot;but I shall hardly be able to make use of them; for it is my purpose, if possible, not to return to the stage.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Here you are certainly to blame,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, after a pause, during which he had partly recovered out of his astonishment; for it had never once entered his head, but that the player, the moment his young wife and he were out of durance, would repair to some theatre. It seemed to him as natural and as necessary as for the frog to seek pools of water. He had not doubted of it for a moment, and he now heard the contrary with boundless surprise.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Yes,&amp;quot; replied Melina, &amp;quot;I have it in view not to re-appear upon the stage, but rather to take up some civil calling, be it what it will, so that I can but obtain one.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;This is a strange resolution, which I cannot give my approbation to. Without especial reasons, it can never be advisable to change the mode of life we have begun with; and, besides, I know of no condition that presents so much allurement, so many charming prospects, as the condition of an actor.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It is easy to see that you have never been one,&amp;quot; said the other.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Alas, sir,&amp;quot; answered Wilhelm, &amp;quot;how seldom is any man contented with the station where he happens to be placed! He is ever coveting that of his neighbor, from which the neighbor in his turn is longing to be free.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Yet still there is a difference,&amp;quot; said Melina, &amp;quot;between bad and worse. Experience, not impatience, makes me determine as you see. Is there in the world any creature whose morsel of bread is attended with such vexation, uncertainty, and toil? It were almost as good to take the staff and wallet, and beg from door to door. What things to be endured from the envy of rivals, from the partiality of managers, from the ever-altering caprices of the public! In truth, one would need to have a hide like a bear&#039;s, that is led about in a chain along with apes, and dogs of knowledge, and cudgelled into dancing at the sound of a bagpipe before the populace and children.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm thought a thousand things, which he would not vex the worthy man by uttering. He merely, therefore, led the conversation round them at a distance. His friend explained himself the more candidly and circumstantially on that account. &amp;quot;Is not the manager obliged,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;to fall down at the feet of every little &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stadtrath&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, that he may get permission, for a month between the fairs, to cause another &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;groschen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
or two to circulate in the place? Ours, on the whole, a worthy man, I have often pitied; though at other times he gave me cause enough for discontentment. A good actor drains him by extortion; of the bad he cannot rid himself; and, should he try to make his income at all equal to his outlay, the public immediately takes umbrage, the house stands empty; and, not to go to wreck entirely, he must continue acting in the midst of sorrow and vexation. No, no, sir! Since you are so good as to undertake to help me, have the kindness, I entreat you, to plead with the parents of my bride: let them get me a little post of clerk or collector, and I shall think myself well dealt with.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After exchanging a few words more, Wilhelm went away with the promise to visit the parents early in the morning, and see what could be done. Scarcely was he by himself, when he gave utterance to his thoughts in these exclamations: &amp;quot;Unhappy Melina! not in thy condition, but in thyself, lies the mean impediment over which thou canst not gain the mastery. What mortal in the world, if without inward calling he take up a trade, an art, or any mode of life, will not feel his situation miserable? But he who is born with capacities for any undertaking, finds in executing this the fairest portion of his being. Nothing upon earth without its difficulties! It is the secret impulse within, it is the love and the delight we feel, that help us to conquer obstacles, to clear out new paths, and to overleap the bounds of that narrow circle in which others poorly toil. For &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;thee&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; the stage is but a few boards: the parts assigned thee are but what a task is to a school-boy. The&lt;br /&gt;
spectators thou regardest as on work-days they regard each other. For thee, then, it may be well to wish thyself behind a desk, over ruled ledgers, collecting tolls, and picking out reversions. Thou feelest not the co-operating, co-inspiring whole, which the mind alone can invent, comprehend, and complete: thou feelest not that in man there lives a spark of purer fire, which, when it is not fed, when it is not fanned, gets covered by the ashes of indifference and daily wants, yet not till late, perhaps never, can be altogether quenched. Thou feelest in thy soul no strength to fan this spark into a flame, no riches in thy heart to feed it when aroused. Hunger drives thee on, inconveniences withstand thee; and it is hidden from thee, that, in every human condition, foes lie in wait for us, invincible except by cheerfulness and equanimity. Thou dost well to wish thyself within the limits of a common station, for what station that required soul and resolution couldst thou rightly fill? Give a soldier, a statesman, a divine, thy sentiments, and as justly will he fret himself about the miseries of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;his&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; condition. Nay, have there not been men so totally forsaken by all feeling of existence, that they have held the life and nature of mortals as a nothing, a painful, short, and tarnished gleam of being? Did the forms of active men rise up living in thy soul; were thy breast warmed by a sympathetic fire; did the vocation which proceeds from within diffuse itself over all thy frame; were the tones of thy voice, the words of thy mouth, delightful to hear; didst thou feel thy own being sufficient for thyself,&amp;amp;mdash;then wouldst thou doubtless seek place and opportunity likewise to feel it in others.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Amid such words and thoughts, our friend undressed himself, and went to bed, with feelings of the deepest satisfaction. A whole romance of what he now hoped to do, instead of the worthless occupations which should have filled the approaching day, arose within his mind: pleasant fantasies softly conducted him into the kingdom of sleep, and then gave him up to their sisters, sweet dreams, who received him with open arms, and encircled his reposing head with the images of heaven.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Early in the morning he was awake again, and thinking of the business that lay before him. He revisited the house of the forsaken family, where his presence caused no small surprise. He introduced his proposal in the most prudent manner, and soon found both more and fewer&lt;br /&gt;
difficulties than he had anticipated. For one thing, the evil was already &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;done&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: and though people of a singularly strict and harsh temper are wont to set themselves forcibly against the past, and thus to increase the evil that cannot now be remedied; yet, on the other hand, what is actually done exerts an irresistible effect upon most minds: an event which lately appeared impossible takes its place, so soon as it has really occurred, with what occurs daily. It was accordingly soon settled, that Herr Melina was to wed the daughter; who, however, in return, because of her misconduct, was to take no marriage-portion with her, and to promise that she would leave her aunt&#039;s legacy, for a few years more, at an easy interest, in her father&#039;s hands. But the second point, touching a civil provision for Melina, was attended with greater difficulties. They liked not to have the luckless pair continually living in their sight: they would not have a present object ever calling to their minds the connection of a mean vagabond with so respectable a family,&amp;amp;mdash;a family which could number even a superintendent among its relatives; nay, it was not to be looked for, that the government would trust him with a charge. Both parents were alike inflexible in this matter; and Wilhelm, who pleaded very hard, unwilling that a man whom he contemned should return to the stage, and convinced that he deserved not such a happiness, could not, with all his rhetoric, produce the slenderest impression. Had he known the secret springs of the business, he would have spared himself the labor of attempting to persuade. The father would gladly have kept his daughter near him; but he hated the young man, because his wife herself had cast an eye upon him: while the latter could not bear to have, in her step-daughter, a happy rival constantly before her eyes. So Melina with his young wife, who already manifested no dislike to go and see the world, and be seen of it, was obliged, against his will, to set forth in a few days, and seek some place in any acting company where he could find one.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER XV.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Happy season of youth! Happy times of the first wish of love! A man is then like a child that can for hours delight itself with an echo, can support alone the charges of conversation, and be well contented with its entertainment if the unseen interlocutor will but repeat the concluding syllables of the words addressed to it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;So was it with Wilhelm in the earlier and still more in the later period of his passion for Mariana; he transferred the whole wealth of his own emotions to her, and looked upon himself as a beggar that lived upon her alms: and as a landscape is more delightful, nay, is delightful only, when it is enlightened by the sun; so likewise in his eyes were all things beautified and glorified which lay round her or related to her.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Often would he stand in the theatre behind the scenes, to which he had obtained the freedom of access from the manager. In such cases, it is true, the perspective magic was away; but the far mightier sorcery of love then first began to act. For hours he could stand by the sooty light-frame, inhaling the vapor of tallow lamps, looking out at his mistress; and when she returned, and cast a kindly glance upon him, he could feel himself lost in ecstasy: and, though close upon laths and bare spars, he seemed transported into paradise. The stuffed bunches of wool denominated lambs, the waterfalls of tin, the paper roses, and the one-sided huts of straw, awoke in him fair poetic visions of an old pastoral world. Nay, the very dancing-girls, ugly as they were when seen at hand, did not always inspire him with disgust: they trod the same floor with Mariana. So true is it, that love, which alone can give their full charm to rose-bowers, myrtle-groves, and moonshine, can also communicate, even to shavings of wood, and paper-clippings, the aspect of animated nature. It is so strong a spice, that tasteless or even nauseous soups are by it rendered palatable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;So potent a spice was certainly required to render tolerable, nay, at last agreeable, the state in which he usually found her chamber, not to say herself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Brought up in a substantial burgher&#039;s house, cleanliness and order were the elements in which he breathed; and, inheriting as he did a portion of his father&#039;s taste for finery, it had always been his care, in boyhood, to furbish up his chamber, which he regarded as his little kingdom, in the stateliest fashion. His bed-curtains were drawn together in large, massy folds, and fastened with tassels, as they are usually&lt;br /&gt;
seen in thrones; he had got himself a carpet for the middle of his chamber, and a finer one for his table; his books and apparatus he had, almost instinctively, arranged in such a manner, that a Dutch painter might have imitated them for groups in his still-life scenes. He had a white cap, which he wore straight up like a turban; and the sleeves of his night-gown he had caused to be cut short, in the mode of the Orientals. By way of reason for this, he pretended that long, wide sleeves encumbered him in writing. When, at night, the boy was quite alone, and no longer dreaded any interruption, he usually wore a silk sash tied round his body; and often, it is said, he would fix in his girdle a sword, which he had appropriated from an old armory, and thus repeat and declaim his tragic parts; nay, in the same trim he would kneel down and say his evening prayer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In those times, how happy did he think the players, whom he saw possessed of so many splendid garments, trappings, and arms; and in the constant practice of a lofty demeanor, the spirit of which seemed to hold up a mirror of whatever, in the opinions, relations, and passions of men, was stateliest and most magnificent. Of a piece with this, thought Wilhelm, is also the player&#039;s domestic life,&amp;amp;mdash;a series of dignified transactions and employments, whereof their appearance on the stage is but the outmost portion; like as a mass of silver, long simmering about in the purifying furnace, at length gleams with a bright and beautiful tinge in the eye of the refiner, and shows him, at the same time, that the metal now is cleansed of all foreign mixture.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Great, accordingly, was his surprise at first, when he found himself beside his mistress, and looked down, through the cloud that environed him, on tables, stools, and floor. The wrecks of a transient, light, and false decoration lay, like the glittering coat of a skinned fish, dispersed in wild disorder. The implements of personal cleanliness,&amp;amp;mdash;combs, soap, towels,&amp;amp;mdash;with the traces of their use, were not concealed. Music, portions of plays and pairs of shoes, washes and Italian flowers, pin-cushions, hair-skewers, rouge-pots, and ribbons, books and straw hats,&amp;amp;mdash;no article despised the neighborhood of another: all were united by a common element,&amp;amp;mdash; powder and dust. Yet as Wilhelm scarcely noticed in her presence aught except herself; nay, as all that had belonged to her, that she had&lt;br /&gt;
touched, was dear to him,&amp;amp;mdash;he came at last to feel, in this chaotic housekeeping, a charm which the proud pomp of his own habitation never had communicated. When, on this hand, he lifted aside her bodice, to get at the harpsichord; on that, threw her gown upon the bed, that he might find a seat; when she herself, with careless freedom, did not seek to hide from him many a natural office, which, out of respect for the presence of a second person, is usually concealed,&amp;amp;mdash;he felt as if by all this he was coming nearer to her every moment, as if the communion betwixt them was fastening by invisible ties.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It was not so easy to reconcile with his previous ideas the behavior of the other players, whom, on his first visits, he often met with in her house. Ever busied in being idle, they seemed to think least of all on their employment and object: the poetic worth of a piece they were never heard to speak of, or to judge of, right or wrong; their continual question was simply, How much will it &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;bring?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Is it a stock-piece? How long will it run? How often think you it may be played? and other inquiries and observations of the same description. Then commonly they broke out against the manager, that he was stinted with his salaries, and especially unjust to this one or to that; then against the public, how seldom it recompensed the right man with its approval, how the German theatre was daily improving, how the player was ever growing more honored, and never could be honored enough. Then they would descant largely about wine-gardens and coffee-houses; how much debt one of their comrades had contracted, and must suffer a deduction from his wages on account of; about the disproportion of their weekly salaries; about the cabals of some rival company: on which occasions, they would pass again to the great and merited attention which the public now bestowed upon them; not forgetting the importance of the theatre to the improvement of the nation and the world.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;All this, which had already given Wilhelm many a restless hour, came again into his memory, as he walked his horse slowly homewards, and contemplated the various occurrences in which he had so lately been engaged. The commotion produced by a girl&#039;s elopement, not only in a decent family, but in a whole town, he had seen with his own eyes; the scenes upon the highway and in the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Amthaus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, the views entertained by Melina, and whatever else he had witnessed, again arose before him, and brought his keen, forecasting mind into a sort of anxious disquietude; which no longer to endure, he struck the spurs into his horse, and&lt;br /&gt;
hastened towards home.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By this expedient, however, he but ran to meet new vexations. Werner, his friend and future brother-in-law, was waiting for him, to begin a serious, important, unexpected conversation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Werner was one of those tried, sedate persons, with fixed principles and habits, whom we usually denominate cold characters, because on emergencies they do not burst forth quickly or very visibly. Accordingly, his intercourse with Wilhelm was a perpetual contest; which, however, only served to knit their mutual affection the more firmly; for, notwithstanding their very opposite modes of thinking, each found his account in communicating with the other. Werner was very well contented with himself, that he could now and then lay a bridle on the exalted but commonly extravagant spirit of his friend; and Wilhelm often felt a glorious triumph, when the staid and thinking Werner could be hurried on with him in warm ebullience. Thus each exercised himself upon the other; they had been accustomed to see each other daily; and you would have said, their eagerness to meet and talk together had even been augmented by the inability of each to understand the other. At bottom, however, being both good-hearted men, they were both travelling together towards one goal; and they could never understand how it was that neither of the two could bring the other over to his own persuasion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For some time Werner had observed that Wilhelm&#039;s visits had been rarer; that in his favorite discussions he was brief and absent-minded; that he no longer abandoned himself to the vivid depicting of singular conceptions,&amp;amp;mdash;tokens by which, in truth, a mind getting rest and contentment in the presence of a friend is most clearly indicated. The considerate and punctual Werner first sought for the root of the evil in his own conduct; till some rumors of the neighborhood set him on the proper trace, and some unguarded proceedings on the part of Wilhelm brought him nearer to the certainty. He began his investigation, and erelong discovered, that for some time Wilhelm had been openly visiting an actress, had often spoken with her at the theatre, and accompanied her home. On discovering the nightly visits of his friend, Werner&#039;s anxiety increased to a painful extent: for he heard that Mariana was a most seductive girl, who probably was draining the youth of his money; while, at the same time, she herself was supported by another and a very worthless lover.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Having pushed his suspicions as near certainty as possible, he had resolved to make a sharp attack on Wilhelm: he was now in full readiness with all his preparations, when his friend returned, discontented and unsettled, from his journey.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That very evening Werner laid the whole of what he knew before him, first calmly, then with the emphatic earnestness of a well-meaning friendship. He left no point of the subject undiscussed, and made Wilhelm taste abundance of those bitter things which men at ease are accustomed, with virtuous spite, to dispense so liberally to men in love. Yet, as might have been expected, he accomplished little. Wilhelm answered with interior commotion, though with great confidence, &amp;quot;You know not the girl! Appearances, perhaps, are not to her advantage; but I am certain of her faithfulness and virtue, as of my love.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Werner maintained his accusations, and offered to bring proofs and witnesses. Wilhelm waived these offers, and parted with his friend out of humor and unhinged, like a man in whose jaw some unskilful dentist has been seizing a diseased, yet fast-rooted, tooth, and tugging at it harshly to no purpose.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It exceedingly dissatisfied Wilhelm to see the fair image of Mariana overclouded and almost deformed in his soul, first by the capricious fancies of his journey, and then by the unfriendliness of Werner. He adopted the surest means of restoring it to complete brilliancy and beauty, by setting out at night, and hastening to his wonted destination. She received him with extreme joy: on entering the town, he had ridden past her window; she had been expecting his company; and it is easy to conceive that all scruples were soon driven from his heart. Nay, her tenderness again opened up the whole stores of his confidence; and he told her how deeply the public, how deeply his friend, had sinned against her.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Much lively talking led them at length to speak about the earliest period of their acquaintance, the recollection of which forms always one of the most delightful topics between two lovers. The first steps that introduce us to the enchanted garden of love are so full of pleasure, the first prospects so charming, that every one is willing to recall them to his memory. Each party seeks a preference above the other; each has loved sooner, more devotedly; and each, in this contest, would rather be conquered than conquer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm repeated to his mistress, what he had so often told her before, how she soon abstracted his attention from the play, and fixed it on herself; how her form, her acting, her voice, inspired him; how at last he went only on the nights when &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;she&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; was to appear; how, in fine, having ventured behind the scenes, he had often stood by her unheeded; and he spoke with rapture of the happy evening when he found an opportunity to do her some civility, and lead her into conversation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mariana, on the other hand, would not allow that she had failed so long to notice him: she declared that she had seen him in the public walk, and for proof she described the clothes which he wore on that occasion; she affirmed that even then he pleased her before all others, and made her long for his acquaintance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How gladly did Wilhelm credit all this! How gladly did he catch at the persuasion, that, when he used to approach her, she had felt herself drawn towards him by some resistless influence; that she had gone with him between the side-scenes on purpose to see him more closely, and get acquainted with him; and that, in fine, when his backwardness and modesty were not to be conquered, she had herself afforded him an opportunity, and, as it were, compelled him to hand her a glass of lemonade.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In this affectionate contest, which they pursued through all the little circumstances of their brief romance, the hours passed rapidly away; and Wilhelm left his mistress with his heart at peace, and firmly determined on proceeding forthwith to the execution of his project.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER XVI.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The necessary preparations for his journey his father and mother had attended to: some little matters, that were yet wanting to his equipage, delayed his departure for a few days. Wilhelm took advantage of this opportunity to write to Mariana, meaning thus to bring to a decision the proposal, about which she had hitherto avoided speaking with him. The letter was as follows:&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Under the kind veil of night, which has often over-shadowed us together, I sit and think, and write to thee: all that I meditate and&lt;br /&gt;
do is solely on thy account. O Mariana! with me, the happiest of men, it is as with a bridegroom who stands in the festive chamber, dreaming of the new universe that is to be unfolded to him, and by means of him, and, while the holy ceremonies are proceeding, transports himself in longing thought before the mysterious curtains, from which the loveliness of love whispers out to him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I have constrained myself not to see thee for a few days: the sacrifice was easy, when united with the hope of such a recompense, of being always with thee, of remaining ever thine! Need I repeat what I desire? I must! for it seems as if yet thou hadst never understood me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;How often, in the low tones of true love, which, though wishing to gain all, dares speak but little, have I sought in thy heart for the desire of a perpetual union. Thou hast understood me, doubtless; for in thy own heart the same wish must have arisen: thou &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;didst&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; comprehend me, in that kiss, in the intoxicating peace of that happy evening. Thy silence testified to me thy modest honor; and how did it increase my love! Another woman would have had recourse to artifice, that she might ripen by superfluous sunshine the purpose of her lover&#039;s heart, might elicit a proposal, and secure a firm promise. Mariana, on the contrary, drew back: she repelled the half-opened confidence of him she loved, and sought to conceal her approving feelings by apparent indifference. But I have understood thee! What a miserable creature must I be, if I did not by these tokens recognize the pure and generous love that cares not for itself, but for its object! Confide in me, and fear nothing. We belong to one another; and neither of us leaves aught or forsakes aught, if we live for one another.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Take it, then, this hand! Solemnly I offer this unnecessary pledge! All the joys of love we have already felt, but there is a new blessedness in the firm thought of duration. Ask not how,&amp;amp;mdash;care not. Fate takes care of love, and the more certainly as love is easy to provide for.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;My heart has long ago forsaken my paternal home: it is with thee, as my spirit hovers on the stage. O my darling! to what other man has it been given to unite all his wishes, as it is to me? No sleep falls upon my eyes: like the redness of an everlasting dawn, thy love and thy happiness still glow around me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Scarcely can I hold myself from springing up, from rushing forth&lt;br /&gt;
to thee, and forcing thy consent, and, with the first light of to-morrow, pressing forward into the world for the mark I aim at. But, no! I will restrain myself; I will not act like a thoughtless fool, will do nothing rashly: my plan is laid, and I will execute it calmly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I am acquainted with the manager Serlo: my journey leads me directly to the place where he is. For above a year he has frequently been wishing that his people had a touch of my vivacity, and my delight in theatrical affairs: I shall doubtless be very kindly received. Into your company I cannot enter, for more than one reason. Serlo&#039;s theatre, moreover, is at such a distance from this, that I may there begin my undertaking without any apprehension of discovery. With him I shall thus at once find a tolerable maintenance: I shall look about me in the public, get acquainted with the company, and then come back for thee.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Mariana, thou seest what I can force myself to do, that I may certainly obtain thee. For such a period not to see thee; for such a period to know thee in the wide world! I dare not view it closely. But yet if I recall to memory thy love, which assures me of all; if thou shalt not disdain my prayer, and give me, ere we part, thy hand, before the priest,&amp;amp;mdash;I may then depart in peace. It is but a form between us, yet a form so touching,&amp;amp;mdash;the blessing of Heaven to the blessing of the earth. Close by thy house, in the Ritterschaftliche Chapel, the ceremony will be soon and secretly performed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;For the beginning I have gold enough; we will share it between us; it will suffice for both; and, before that is finished, Heaven will send us more.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;No, my darling, I am not downcast about the issue. What is begun with so much cheerfulness must reach a happy end. I have never doubted that a man may force his way through the world, if he really is in earnest about it; and I feel strength enough within me to provide a liberal support for two, and many more. The world, we are often told, is unthankful: I have never yet discovered that it was unthankful, if one knew how, in the proper way, to do it service. My whole soul burns at the idea, that &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;I&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; shall at length step forth, and speak to the hearts of men something they have long been yearning to hear. How many thousand times has a feeling of disgust passed through me, alive as I am to the nobleness of the stage, when I have seen the poorest creatures fancying they could speak a word of power to the hearts of the people! The&lt;br /&gt;
tone of a man&#039;s voice singing treble sounds far pleasanter and purer to my ear: it is incredible how these blockheads, in their coarse ineptitude, deform things beautiful and venerable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The theatre has often been at variance with the pulpit: they ought not, I think, to quarrel. How much is it to be wished, that in both the celebration of nature and of God were intrusted to none but men of noble minds! These are no dreams, my darling! As I have felt in thy heart that thou couldst love, I seize the dazzling thought, and say,&amp;amp;mdash;no, I will not say, but I will hope and trust,&amp;amp;mdash;that we two shall yet appear to men as a pair of chosen spirits, to unlock their hearts, to touch the recesses of their nature, and prepare for them celestial joys, as surely as the joys I have tasted with thee deserved to be named celestial, since they drew us from ourselves, and exalted us above ourselves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I cannot end. I have already said too much, and know not whether I have yet said all, all that concerns &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;thy&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; interests; for to express the agitations of the vortex that whirls round within myself, is beyond the power of words.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Yet take this sheet, my love! I have again read it over: I observe it ought to have begun more cautiously; but it contains in it all that thou hast need to know,&amp;amp;mdash;enough to prepare thee for the hour when I shall return with the lightness of love to thy bosom. I seem to myself like a prisoner that is secretly filing his irons asunder. I bid good-night to my soundly sleeping parents. Farewell, my beloved, farewell! For this time I conclude; my eyelids have more than once dropped together; it is now deep in the night.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER XVII.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It seemed as if the day would never end, while Wilhelm, with the letter beautifully folded in his pocket, longed to meet with Mariana. The darkness had scarcely come on, when, contrary to custom, he glided forth to her house. His plan was, to announce himself for the night; then to quit his mistress for a short time, leaving the letter with her ere he went away; and, returning at a late hour, to obtain her reply, her consent, or to force it from her by the power of his caresses. He&lt;br /&gt;
flew into her arms, and pressed her in rapture to his bosom. The vehemence of his emotions prevented him at first from noticing, that, on this occasion, she did not receive him with her wonted heartiness; yet she could not long conceal her painful situation, but imputed it to slight indisposition. She complained of a headache, and would not by any means consent to his proposal of coming back that night. Suspecting nothing wrong, he ceased to urge her, but felt that this was not the moment for delivering his letter. He retained it, therefore; and, as several of her movements and observations courteously compelled him to take his leave, in the tumult of unsatiable love he snatched up one of her neckerchiefs, squeezed it into his pocket, and forced himself away from her lips and her door. He returned home, but could not rest there: he again dressed himself, and went out into the open air.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After walking up and down several streets, he was accosted by a stranger inquiring for a certain inn. Wilhelm offered to conduct him to the house. In the way, his new acquaintance asked about the names of the streets, the owners of various extensive edifices, then about some police regulations of the town; so that, by the time they reached the door of the inn, they had fallen into quite an interesting conversation. The stranger politely compelled his guide to enter, and drink a glass of punch with him. Ere long he had told his name and place of abode, as well as the business that had brought him hither; and he seemed to expect a like confidence from Wilhelm. Our friend, without any hesitation, mentioned his name, and the place where he lived.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Are you not a grandson of the old Meister, who possessed that beautiful collection of pictures and statues?&amp;quot; inquired the stranger.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Yes, I am. I was ten years old when my grandfather died, and it grieved me very much to see these fine things sold.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Your father got a fine sum of money for them.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You know of it, then?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Yes, indeed: I saw that treasure ere it left your house. Your grandfather was not merely a collector, he had a thorough knowledge of art. In his younger happy years he had been in Italy, and had brought back with him such treasures as could not now be got for any price. He possessed some exquisite pictures by the best masters. When you looked through his drawings, you would scarcely have believed your eyes.&lt;br /&gt;
Among his marbles were some invaluable fragments; his series of bronzes was instructive and well chosen; he had also collected medals, in considerable quantity, relating to history and art; his few gems deserved the greatest praise. In addition to all which, the whole was tastefully arranged; although the rooms and hall of the old house had not been symmetrically built.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You may conceive,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, &amp;quot;what we young ones lost, when all these articles were taken down and sent away. It was the first mournful period of my life. I cannot tell you how empty the chambers looked when we saw those objects vanish one by one, which had amused us from our earliest years, and which we considered as unalterable as the house, or the town itself.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;If I mistake not, your father put the capital produced by the sale into some neighbor&#039;s stock, with whom he commenced a sort of partnership in trade.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Quite right; and their joint speculations have prospered in their hands. Within the last twelve years, they have greatly increased their fortunes, and are now the more vehemently bent on gaining. Old Werner also has a son, who suits that sort of occupation much better than I.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I am sorry the place should have lost such an ornament as your grandfather&#039;s cabinet was to it. I saw it but a short time prior to the sale; and I may say, I was myself the cause of its being then disposed of. A rich nobleman, a great amateur, but one who, in such important transactions, does not trust to his own solitary judgment, had sent me hither, and requested my advice. For six days I examined the collection: on the seventh, I advised my friend to pay down the required sum without delay. You were then a lively boy, often running about me: you explained to me the subjects of the pictures, and in general, I recollect, could give a very good account of the whole cabinet.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I remember such a person, but I should not have recognized him in you.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It is a good while ago, and we all change more or less. You had, if I mistake not, a favorite piece among them, to which you were ever calling my attention.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Oh, yes! it represented the history of that king&#039;s son dying of a secret love for his father&#039;s bride.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It was not, certainly, the best picture,&amp;amp;mdash;badly grouped, of no superiority in coloring, and executed altogether with great mannerism.&amp;quot; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;This I did not understand, and do not yet: it is the subject that charms me in a picture, not the art.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Your grandfather seemed to have thought otherwise. The greater part of his collection consisted of excellent pieces; in which, represent what they might, one constantly admired the talent of the master. This picture of yours had accordingly been hung in the outermost room,&amp;amp;mdash;a proof that he valued it slightly.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It was in that room where we young ones used to play, and where the piece you mention made on me a deep impression; which not even your criticism, greatly as I honor it, could obliterate, if we stood before the picture at this moment. What a melancholy object is a youth that must shut up within himself the sweet impulse, the fairest inheritance which nature has given us, and conceal in his own bosom the fire which should warm and animate himself and others, so that his vitals are wasted away by unutterable pains! I feel a pity for the ill-fated man that would consecrate himself to another, when the heart of that other has already found a worthy object of true and pure affection.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Such feelings are, however, very foreign to the principles by which a lover of art examines the works of great painters; and most probably you, too, had the cabinet continued in your family, would have by and by acquired a relish for the works themselves, and have learned to see in the performances of art something more than yourself and your individual inclinations.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;In truth, the sale of that cabinet grieved me very much at the time; and often since I have thought of it with regret: but when I consider that it was a necessary means of awakening a taste in me, of developing a talent, which will operate far more powerfully on my history than ever those lifeless pictures could have done, I easily content myself, and honor destiny, which knows how to bring about what is best for me, and what is best for every one.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It gives me pain to hear this word destiny in the mouth of a young person, just at the age when men are commonly accustomed to ascribe their own violent inclinations to the will of higher natures.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You, then, do not believe in destiny? No power that rules over us and directs all for our ultimate advantage?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The question is not now of my belief, nor is this the place to explain how I may have attempted to form for myself some not impossible conception of things which are incomprehensible to all of us: the&lt;br /&gt;
question here is, What mode of viewing them will profit us the most? The fabric of our life is formed of necessity and chance: the reason of man takes its station between them, and may rule them both; it treats the necessary as the groundwork of its being; the accidental it can direct and guide, and employ for its own purposes: and only while this principle of reason stands firm and inexpugnable, does man deserve to be named the god of this lower world. But woe to him who, from his youth, has used himself to search in necessity for something of arbitrary will; to ascribe to chance a sort of reason, which it is a matter of religion to obey. Is conduct like this aught else than to renounce one&#039;s understanding, and give unrestricted scope to one&#039;s inclinations? We think it is a kind of piety to move along without consideration; to let accidents that please us determine our conduct; and, finally, to bestow on the result of such a vacillating life the name of providential guidance.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Was it never your case that some little circumstance induced you to strike into a certain path, where some accidental occurrence erelong met you, and a series of unexpected incidents at length brought you to some point which you yourself had scarcely once contemplated? Should not lessons of this kind teach us obedience to destiny, confidence in some such guide?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;With opinions like these, no woman could maintain her virtue, no man keep the money in his purse; for occasions enough are occurring to get rid of both. He alone is worthy of respect, who knows what is of use to himself and others, and who labors to control his self-will. Each man has his own fortune in his hands; as the artist has a piece of rude matter, which he is to fashion to a certain shape. But the art of living rightly is like all arts: the capacity alone is born with us; it must be learned, and practised with incessant care.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These discussions our two speculators carried on between them to considerable length: at last they parted without seeming to have wrought any special conviction in each other, but engaging to meet at an appointed place next day.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm walked up and down the streets for a time: he heard a sound of clarinets, hunting-horns, and bassoons; it swelled his bosom with delightful feelings. It was some travelling showmen that produced this pleasant music. He spoke with them: for a piece of coin they followed&lt;br /&gt;
him to Mariana&#039;s house. The space in front of the door was adorned with lofty trees; under them he placed his artists; and, himself resting on a bench at some distance, he surrendered his mind without restraint to the hovering tones which floated round him in the cool mellow night. Stretched out beneath the kind stars, he felt his existence like a golden dream. &amp;quot;She, too, hears these flutes,&amp;quot; said he within his heart: &amp;quot;she feels whose remembrance, whose love of her, it is that makes the night full of music. In distance, even, we are united by these melodies, as in every separation, by the ethereal accordance of love. Ah! two hearts that love each other are as two magnetic needles: whatever moves the one must move the other with it; for it is one power that works in both, one principle that pervades them. Can I in her arms conceive the possibility of parting from her? And yet I am soon to be far from her, to seek out a sanctuary for our love, and then to have her ever with me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;How often, when absent from her, and lost in thoughts about her, happening to touch a book, a piece of dress or aught else, have I thought I felt her hand, so entirely was I invested with her presence! And to recollect those moments which shunned the light of day and the eye of the cold spectator; which, to enjoy, the gods might determine to forsake the painless condition of their pure blessedness! To recollect them! As if by memory we could renew the tumultuous thrilling of that cup of joy, which encircles our senses with celestial bonds, and lifts them beyond all earthly hinderances. And her form&amp;quot;&amp;amp;mdash;He lost himself in thoughts of her; his rest passed away into longing; he leaned against a tree, and cooled his warm cheek on its bark; and the winds of the night wafted speedily aside the breath, which proceeded in sighs from his pure and impassioned bosom. He groped for the neckerchief he had taken from her; but it was forgotten, it lay in his other clothes. His frame quivered with emotion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The music ceased, and he felt as if fallen from the element in which his thoughts had hitherto been soaring. His restlessness increased, as his feelings were no longer nourished and assuaged by the melody. He sat down upon her threshold, and felt more peace. He kissed the brass knocker of her door: he kissed the threshold over which her feet went out and in, and warmed it by the fire of his breast. He again sat still for a moment, and figured her behind her curtains in the white night-gown, with the red ribbon round her head, in sweet repose:&lt;br /&gt;
he almost fancied that he was himself so near her, she must needs be dreaming of him. His thoughts were beautiful, like the spirits of the twilight; rest and desire alternated within him; love ran with a quivering hand, in a thousand moods, over all the chords of his soul; it was as if the spheres stood mute above him, suspending their eternal song to watch the low melodies of his heart.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Had he then had about him the master-key with which he used to open Mariana&#039;s door, he could not have restrained himself from penetrating into the sanctuary of love. Yet he went away slowly; he slanted, half-dreaming, in beneath the trees, set himself for home, and constantly turned round again; at last, with an effort, he constrained himself, and actually departed. At the corner of the street, looking back yet once, he imagined that he saw Mariana&#039;s door open, and a dark figure issue from it. He was too distant for seeing clearly; and, before he could exert himself and look sharply, the appearance was already lost in the night; yet afar off he thought he saw it again gliding past a white house. He stood, and strained his eyes; but, ere he could arouse himself and follow the phantom, it had vanished. Whither should he pursue it? What street had the man taken, if it were a man?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A nightly traveller, when at some turn of his path he has seen the country for an instant illuminated by a flash of lightning, will, with dazzled eyes, next moment, seek in vain for the preceding forms and the connection of his road; so was it in the eyes and the heart of Wilhelm. And as a spirit of midnight, which awakens unutterable terror, is, in the succeeding moments of composure, regarded as a child of imagination, and the fearful vision leaves doubts without end behind it in the soul; so likewise was Wilhelm in extreme disquietude, as, leaning on the corner-stone of the street, he heeded not the clear gray of the morning, and the crowing of the cocks; till the early trades began to stir, and drove him home.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On his way, he had almost effaced the unexpected delusion from his mind by the most sufficient reasons; yet the fine harmonious feelings of the night, on which he now looked back as if they too had been a vision, were also gone. To soothe his heart, and put the last seal on his returning belief, he took the neckerchief from the pocket of the dress he had been last wearing. The rustling of a letter which fell out of it took the kerchief away from his lips: he lifted and read,&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;As I love thee, little fool, what ailed thee last night? This evening I will come again. I can easily suppose that thou art sick of staying here so long: but have patience; at the fair I will return for thee. And observe, never more put me on that abominable black-green-brown jacket: thou lookest in it like the witch of Endor. Did I not send the white night-gown, that I might have a snowy little lambkin in my arms? Send thy letters always by the ancient sibyl: the Devil himself has selected her as Iris.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;BOOK II.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER I.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Whoever strives in our sight with vehement force to reach an object, be it one that we praise or that we blame, may count on exciting an interest in our minds; but, when once the matter is decided, we turn our eyes away from him: whatever once lies finished and done, can no longer at all fix our attention, especially if we at first prophesied an evil issue to the undertaking.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Therefore we shall not try to entertain our readers with any circumstantial account of the grief and desperation into which our ill-fated friend was cast, when he saw his hopes so unexpectedly and instantaneously ruined. On the contrary, we shall even pass over several years, and again take up our friend, where we hope to find him in some sort of activity and comfort. First, however, we must shortly set forth a few matters necessary for maintaining the connection of our narrative.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The pestilence, or a malignant fever, rages with more fierceness, and speedier effect, if the frame which it attacks was before healthy and full of vigor; and in like manner, when a luckless, unlooked-for fate overtook the wretched Wilhelm, his whole being in a moment was laid waste. As when by chance, in the preparation of some artificial firework, any part of the composition kindles before its time; and the skilfully bored and loaded barrels, which, arranged, and burning after a settled plan, would have painted in the air a magnificently varying series of flaming images, now hissing and roaring, promiscuously explode with a confused and dangerous crash,&amp;amp;mdash;so, in our hero&#039;s case, did happiness and hope, pleasure and joys, realities and dreams, clash together with destructive tumult, all at once in his bosom. In such desolate moments, the friend that has hastened to deliverance stands fixed in astonishment; and for him who suffers, it is a benefit that sense forsakes him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Days of pain, unmixed, ever-returning, and purposely renewed,&lt;br /&gt;
succeeded next: still, even these are to be regarded as a grace from nature. In such hours Wilhelm had not yet quite lost his mistress: his pains were indefatigable struggles, still to hold fast the happiness that was gliding from his soul; again to luxuriate in thought on the possibility of it; to procure a brief after-life for his joys that had departed forever. Thus one may look upon a body as not utterly dead while the putrefaction lasts; while the forces that in vain seek to work by their old appointment, still labor in dissevering the particles of that frame which they once animated; and not till all is disunited and inert, till we see the whole mouldered down into indifferent dust,&amp;amp;mdash;not till then does there rise in us the mournful, vacant sentiment of death,&amp;amp;mdash;death, not to be recalled, save by the breath of Him that lives forever.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In a temper so new, so entire, so full of love, there was much to tear asunder, to desolate, to kill; and even the healing force of youth gave nourishment and violence to the power of sorrow. The stroke had extended to the roots of his whole existence. Werner, by necessity his confidant, attacked the hated passion itself with fire and sword, resolutely zealous to search into the monster&#039;s inmost life. The opportunity was lucky, the evidence at hand, and many were the histories and narratives with which he backed it out. With such unrelenting vehemence did he make his advances, leaving his friend not even the respite of the smallest momentary self-deception, but treading down every lurking-place in which he might have saved himself from desperation, that Nature, not inclined to let her darling perish utterly, visited him with sickness, to make an outlet for him on the other side.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A violent fever, with its train of consequences, medicines, overstraining, and exhaustion, besides the unwearied attentions of his family, the love of his brothers and sisters, which first becomes truly sensible in times of distress and want, were so many fresh occupations to his mind, and thus formed a kind of painful entertainment. It was not till he grew better, in other words, till his strength was exhausted, that Wilhelm first looked down with horror into the gloomy abyss of a barren misery, as one looks down into the hollow crater of an extinguished volcano.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He now bitterly reproached himself, that, after so great a loss, he could yet enjoy one painless, restful, indifferent moment. He despised his own heart, and longed for the balm of tears and lamentation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To awaken these again within him, he would recall to memory the scenes of his by-gone happiness. He would paint them to his fancy in the liveliest colors, transport himself again into the days when they were real; and when standing on the highest elevation he could reach, when the sunshine of past times again seemed to animate his limbs and heave his bosom, he would look back into the fearful chasm, would feast his eye on its dismembering depth, then plunge down into its horrors, and thus force from nature the bitterest pains. With such repeated cruelty did he tear himself in pieces; for youth, which is so rich in undeveloped force, knows not what it squanders when, to the anguish which a loss occasions, it adds so many sorrows of its own production, as if it meant then first to give the right value to what is gone forever. He likewise felt so convinced that his present loss was the sole, the first, the last, he ever could experience in life, that he turned away from every consolation which aimed at showing that his sorrows might be less than endless.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER II.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Accustomed in this way to torment himself, he now also attacked what still remained to him; what next to love, and along with it, had given him the highest joys and hopes,&amp;amp;mdash;his talent as a poet and actor, with spiteful criticisms on every side. In his labors he could see nothing but a shallow imitation of prescribed forms, without intrinsic worth: he looked on them as stiff school-exercises, destitute of any spark of nature, truth, or inspiration. His poems now appeared nothing more than a monotonous arrangement of syllables, in which the most trite emotions and thoughts were dragged along and kept together by a miserable rhyme. And thus did he also deprive himself of every expectation, every pleasure, which on this quarter at least might have aided the recovery of his peace.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;With his theatric talent it fared no better. He blamed himself for not having sooner detected the vanity on which alone this pretension had been founded. His figure, his gait, his movements, his mode of&lt;br /&gt;
declamation, were severally taxed: he decisively renounced every species of advantage or merit that might have raised him above the common run of men, and so doing he increased his mute despair to the highest pitch. For, if it is hard to give up a woman&#039;s love, no less painful is the task to part from the fellowship of the Muses, to declare ourselves forever undeserving to be of their community, and to forego the fairest and most immediate kind of approbation, what is openly bestowed on our person, our voice, and our demeanor.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thus, then, our friend had long ago entirely resigned himself, and set about devoting his powers with the greatest zeal to the business of trade. To the surprise of friends, and to the great contentment of his father, no one was now more diligent than Wilhelm, on the exchange or in the counting-house, in the sale-room or the warehouses: correspondence and calculations, all that was intrusted to his charge, he attended to and managed with the greatest diligence and zeal. Not, in truth, with that warm diligence which to the busy man is its own reward, when he follows with constancy and order the employment he was born for, but with the silent diligence of duty, which has the best principle for its foundation; which is nourished by conviction, and rewarded by conscience; yet which oft, even when the clearest testimony of our minds is crowning it with approbation, can scarcely repress a struggling sigh.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In this manner he lived for a time, assiduously busied, and at last persuaded that his former hard trial had been ordained by fate for the best. He felt glad at having thus been timefully, though somewhat harshly, warned about the proper path of life; while many are constrained to expiate more heavily, and at a later age, the misconceptions into which their youthful inexperience has betrayed them. For each man commonly defends himself as long as possible from casting out the idols which he worships in his soul, from acknowledging a master error, and admitting any truth which brings him to despair.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Determined as he was to abandon his dearest projects, some time was still necessary to convince him fully of his misfortune. At last, however, he had so completely succeeded, by irrefragable reasons, in annihilating every hope of love, or poetical performance, or stage representation, that he took courage to obliterate entirely all the traces of his folly,&amp;amp;mdash;all that could in any way remind him of it. For this purpose he had lit a fire in his chamber, one cool evening,&lt;br /&gt;
and brought out a little chest of relics, among which were multitudes of small articles, that, in memorable moments, he had begged or stolen from Mariana. Each withered flower brought to his mind the time when it bloomed fresh among her hair; each little note the happy hour to which it had invited him; each ribbon-knot the lovely resting-place of his head,&amp;amp;mdash;her beautiful bosom. So occupied, was it not to be expected that each emotion which he thought long since quite dead, should again begin to move? Was it not to be expected that the passion over which, when separated from his mistress, he had gained the victory, should, in the presence of these memorials, again gather strength? We first observe how dreary and disagreeable an overclouded day is when a single sunbeam pierces through, and offers to us the exhilarating splendor of a serene hour.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Accordingly, it was not without disturbance that he saw these relics, long preserved as sacred, fade away from before him in smoke and flame. Sometimes he shuddered and hesitated in his task: he had still a pearl necklace and a flowered neckerchief in his hands, when he resolved to quicken the decaying fire with the poetical attempts of his youth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Till now he had carefully laid up whatever had proceeded from his pen, since the earliest unfolding of his mind. His papers yet lay tied up in a bundle at the bottom of the chest, where he had packed them; purposing to take them with him in his elopement. How altogether different were his feelings now in opening them, and his feelings then in tying them together!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;If we happen, under certain circumstances, to have written and sealed and despatched a letter to a friend, which, however, does not find him, but is brought back to us, and we open it at the distance of some considerable time, a singular emotion is produced in us, on breaking up our own seal, and conversing with our altered self as with a third person. A similar and deep feeling seized our friend, as he now opened this packet, and threw the scattered leaves into the fire; which was flaming fiercely with its offerings, when Werner entered, expressed his wonder at the blaze, and asked what was the matter.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I am now giving proof,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, &amp;quot;that I am serious in abandoning a trade for which I was not born.&amp;quot; And, with these words, he cast the second packet likewise into the fire. Werner made a motion to prevent him, but the business was already done.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I cannot see how thou shouldst bring thyself to such extremities,&amp;quot;&lt;br /&gt;
said Werner. &amp;quot;Why must these labors, because they are not excellent, be annihilated?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Because either a poem is excellent, or it should not be allowed to exist. Because each man who has no gift for producing first-rate works, should entirely abstain from the pursuit of art, and seriously guard himself against every deception on that subject. For it must be owned, that in all men there is a certain vague desire to imitate whatever is presented to them; and such desires do not prove at all that we possess within us the force necessary for succeeding in these enterprises. Look at boys, how, whenever any rope-dancers have been visiting the town, they go scrambling up and down, and balancing on all the planks and beams within their reach, till some other charm calls them off to other sports, for which perhaps they are as little suited. Hast thou never marked it in the circle of our friends? No sooner does a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;dilettante&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
introduce himself to notice, than numbers of them set themselves to learn playing on his instrument. How many wander back and forward on this bootless way! Happy they who soon detect the chasm that lies between their wishes and their powers!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Werner contradicted this opinion: their discussion became lively, and Wilhelm could not without emotion employ against his friend the arguments with which he had already so frequently tormented himself. Werner maintained that it was not reasonable wholly to relinquish a pursuit for which a man had some propensity and talent, merely because he never could succeed in it to full perfection. There were many vacant hours, he said, which might be filled up by it; and then by and by some result might be produced which would yield a certain satisfaction to himself and others.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm, who in this matter was of quite a different opinion, here interrupted him, and said with great vivacity,&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;How immensely, dear friend, do you err in believing that a work, the first presentation of which is to fill the whole soul, can be produced in broken hours scraped together from other extraneous employment. No: the poet must live wholly for himself, wholly in the objects that delight him. Heaven has furnished him internally with precious gifts; he carries in his bosom a treasure that is ever of itself increasing; he must also live with this treasure, undisturbed from without, in that still blessedness which the rich seek in vain to purchase with their accumulated stores. Look at men, how they struggle after happiness&lt;br /&gt;
and satisfaction! Their wishes, their toil, their gold, are ever hunting restlessly,&amp;amp;mdash;and after what? After that which the poet has received from nature,&amp;amp;mdash;the right enjoyment of the world, the feeling of himself in others, the harmonious conjunction of many things that will seldom exist together.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;What is it that keeps men in continual discontent and agitation? It is, that they cannot make realities correspond with their conceptions, that enjoyment steals away from among their hands, that the wished-for comes too late, and nothing reached and acquired produces on the heart the effect which their longing for it at a distance led them to anticipate. Now, fate has exalted the poet above all this, as if he were a god. He views the conflicting tumult of the passions; sees families and kingdoms raging in aimless commotion; sees those inexplicable enigmas of misunderstanding, which frequently a single monosyllable would suffice to explain, occasioning convulsions unutterably baleful. He has a fellow-feeling of the mournful and the joyful in the fate of all human beings. When the man of the world is devoting his days to wasting melancholy, for some deep disappointment, or, in the ebullience of joy, is going out to meet his happy destiny, the lightly moved and all-conceiving spirit of the poet steps forth, like the sun from night to day, and with soft transitions tunes his harp to joy or woe. From his heart, its native soil, springs up the lovely flower of wisdom; and if others, while waking, dream, and are pained with fantastic delusions from their every sense, he passes the dream of life like one awake; and the strangest of incidents is to him a part both of the past and of the future. And thus the poet is at once a teacher, a prophet, a friend of gods and men. What! thou wouldst have him descend from his height to some paltry occupation! He who is fashioned like the bird to hover round the world, to nestle on the lofty summits, to feed on buds and fruits, exchanging gayly one bough for another, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;he&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ought also to work at the plough like an ox; like a dog to train himself to the harness and draught; or perhaps, tied up in a chain, to guard a farmyard by his barking!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Werner, it may well be supposed, had listened with the greatest surprise. &amp;quot;All true,&amp;quot; he rejoined, &amp;quot;if men were but made like birds, and, though they neither spun nor weaved, could yet spend peaceful days in perpetual enjoyment; if, at the approach of winter, they could&lt;br /&gt;
as easily betake themselves to distant regions, could retire before scarcity, and fortify themselves against frost.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Poets have lived so,&amp;quot; exclaimed Wilhelm, &amp;quot;in times when true nobleness was better reverenced; and so should they ever live! Sufficiently, provided for within, they had need of little from without: the gift of communicating lofty emotions and glorious images to men, in melodies and words that charmed the ear, and fixed themselves inseparably on whatever objects they referred to, of old enraptured the world, and served the gifted as a rich inheritance. At the courts of kings, at the tables of the great, beneath the windows of the fair, the sound of them was heard; while the ear and the soul were shut for all beside: and men felt as we do when delight comes over us, and we stop with rapture if, among the dingles we are crossing, the voice of the nightingale starts out touching and strong. They found a home in every habitation of the world, and the lowliness of their condition but exalted them the more. The hero listened to their songs, and the conqueror of the earth did reverence to a poet; for he felt, that, without poets, his own wild and vast existence would pass away like a whirlwind, and be forgotten forever. The lover wished that he could feel his longings and his joys so variedly and so harmoniously as the poet&#039;s inspired lips had skill to show them forth; and even the rich man could not of himself discern such costliness in his idol grandeurs, as when they were presented to him shining in the splendor of the poet&#039;s spirit, sensible to all worth, and exalting all. Nay, if thou wilt have it, who but the poet was it that first formed gods for us, that exalted us to them, and brought them down to us?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;My friend,&amp;quot; said Werner, after some reflection, &amp;quot;it has often grieved me that thou shouldst strive by force to banish from thy soul what thou feelest so vividly. I am greatly mistaken, if it were not better for thee in some degree to yield to these propensities, than to waste thyself by the contradictions of so hard a piece of self-denial, and with the enjoyment of this one guiltless pleasure to renounce the enjoyment of all others.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Shall I confess it,&amp;quot; said the other, &amp;quot;and wilt not thou laugh at me if I acknowledge, that these ideas pursue me constantly; that, let me flee from them as I will, when I explore my heart, I find all my early wishes yet rooted there, firmly,&amp;amp;mdash;nay, more firmly than ever? Yet what now remains for me, wretched as I am? Ah! whoever should have told me&lt;br /&gt;
that the arms of my spirit, with which I was grasping at infinity, and hoping with certainty to clasp something great and glorious, would so soon be crushed and smote in pieces,&amp;amp;mdash;whoever should have told me this, would have brought me to despair. And yet now, when judgment has been passed against me; now, when &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;she&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, that was to be as my divinity to guide me to my wishes, is gone forever,&amp;amp;mdash;what remains but that I yield up my soul to the bitterest woes? O my brother! I will not deceive you: in my secret purposes, she was as the hook on which the ladder of my hopes was fixed. See! With daring aim the mountain adventurer hovers in the air: the iron breaks, and he lies broken and dismembered on the earth. No, there is no hope, no comfort for me more! I will not,&amp;quot; he cried out, springing to his feet, &amp;quot;leave a single fragment of these wretched papers from the flames.&amp;quot; He then seized one or two packets of them, tore them up, and threw them into the fire. Werner endeavored to restrain him, but in vain. &amp;quot;Let me alone!&amp;quot; cried Wilhelm: &amp;quot;what should these miserable leaves do here? To me they give neither pleasant recollections nor pleasant hopes. Shall they remain behind to vex me to the end of my life? Shall they perhaps one day serve the world for a jest, instead of awakening sympathy and horror? Woe to me! my doom is woe! Now I comprehend the wailings of the poets, of the wretched whom necessity has rendered wise. How long did I look upon myself as invulnerable and invincible; and, alas! I am now made to see that a deep and early sorrow can never heal, can never pass away: I feel that I shall take it with me to my grave. No! not a day of my life shall escape this anguish, which at last must crush me down; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;her&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; image too shall stay with me, shall live and die with me, the image of the worthless,&amp;amp;mdash;O my friend! if I must speak the feeling of my heart,&amp;amp;mdash;the perhaps not altogether worthless! Her situation, the crookedness of her destiny, have a thousand times excused her in my mind. I have been too cruel; you steeled me in your own cold unrelenting harshness; you held my wavering senses captive, and hindered me from doing for myself and her what I owed to both. Who knows to what a state I may have brought her! my conscience by degrees presents to me, in all its heaviness, in what helplessness, in what despair, I may have left her. Was it not possible that she might clear herself? Was it not possible? How many misconceptions throw the world into perplexity!&lt;br /&gt;
how many circumstances may extort forgiveness for the greatest fault! Often do I figure her as sitting by herself in silence, leaning on her elbows. &#039;This,&#039; she says, &#039;is the faith, the love, he swore to me! With this hard stroke to end the delicious life which made us one!&#039;&amp;quot; He broke out into a stream of tears; while he threw himself down with his face upon the table, and wetted the remaining papers with his weeping.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Werner stood beside him in the deepest perplexity. He had not anticipated this fierce ebullition of feeling. More than once he had tried to interrupt his friend, more than once to lead the conversation elsewhere, but in vain: the current was too strong for him. It remained that long-suffering friendship should again take up her office. Werner allowed the first shock of sorrow to pass over, while by his silent presence he testified a pure and honest sympathy. And thus they both remained that evening,&amp;amp;mdash;Wilhelm sunk in the dull feeling of old sorrows; and the other terrified at this new outbreaking of a passion which he thought his prudent councils and keen persuasion had long since mastered and destroyed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER III.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After such relapses, Wilhelm usually applied himself to business and activity with augmented ardor; and he found it the best means to escape the labyrinth into which he had again been tempted to enter. His attractive way of treating strangers, the ease with which he carried on a correspondence in any living language, more and more increased the hopes of his father and his trading-friends, and comforted them in their sorrow for his sickness,&amp;amp;mdash;the origin of which had not been known,&amp;amp;mdash;and for the pause which had thus interrupted their plan. They determined a second time on Wilhelm&#039;s setting out to travel; and we now find him on horseback, with his saddle-bags behind him, exhilarated by the motion and the free air, approaching the mountains, where he had some affairs to settle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He winded slowly on his path, through dales and over hills, with a feeling of the greatest satisfaction. Overhanging cliffs, roaring brooks, moss-grown rocky walls, deep precipices, he here saw for the first time; yet his earliest dreams of youth had wandered among such&lt;br /&gt;
regions. In these scenes he felt his age renewed; all the sorrows he had undergone were obliterated from his soul; with unbroken cheerfulness he repeated to himself passages of various poems, particularly of the &amp;quot;Pastor Fido,&amp;quot; which, in these solitary places, flocked in crowds into his mind. He also recollected many pieces of his own songs, and recited them with a peculiar contentment. He peopled the world which lay before him with all the forms of the past, and each step into the future was to him full of augury of important operations and remarkable events.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Several men, who came behind him in succession, and saluted him as they passed by to continue their hasty way into the mountains, by steep footpaths, sometimes interrupted his thoughts without attracting his attention to themselves. At last a communicative traveller joined him, and explained the reason of this general pilgrimage.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;At Hochdorf,&amp;quot; he said, &amp;quot;there is a play to be acted to-night; and the whole neighborhood is gathering to see it.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;What!&amp;quot; cried Wilhelm. &amp;quot;In these solitary hills, among these impenetrable forests, has theatric art sought out a place, and built herself a temple? And I am journeying to her festivities!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You will wonder more,&amp;quot; said the other, &amp;quot;when you learn by whom the play is to be acted. There is in the place a large manufactory, which employs many people. The proprietor, who lives, so to speak, remote from all human society, can find no better means of entertaining his workmen during winter, than allowing them to act plays. He suffers no cards among them, and wishes also to withdraw them from all coarse rustic practices. Thus they pass the long evenings; and to-day, being the old gentleman&#039;s birthday, they are giving a particular festival in honor of him.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm came to Hochdorf, where he was to pass the night, and alighted at the manufactory, the proprietor of which stood as a debtor in his list.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When he gave his name, the old man cried in a glad surprise, &amp;quot;Aye, sir, are you the son of that worthy man to whom I owe so many thanks,&amp;amp;mdash;so long have owed money? Your good father has had so much patience with me, I should be a knave if I did not pay you speedily and cheerfully. You come at the proper time to see that I am fully in earnest about it.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He then called out his wife, who seemed no less delighted than himself to see the youth: she declared that he was very like his father, and lamented, that, having such a multitude of guests already in the house, she could not lodge him for the night.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The account was clear, and quickly settled: Wilhelm put the roll of gold into his pocket, and wished that all his other business might go on so smoothly. At last the play-hour came: they now waited nothing but the coming of the head forester, who at length also arrived, entered with a few hunters, and was received with the greatest reverence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The company was then led into the playhouse, formed out of a barn that lay close upon the garden. Without any extraordinary taste, both seats and stage were yet decked out in a cheerful and pretty way. One of the painters employed in the manufactory had formerly worked as an understrapper at the prince&#039;s theatre: he had now represented woods and streets and chambers, somewhat rudely, it is true, yet so as to be recognized for such. The play itself they had borrowed from a strolling company, and shaped it aright, according to their own ideas. As it was, it did not fail to yield some entertainment. The plot of two lovers wishing to carry off a girl from her guardian, and mutually from one another, produced a great variety of interesting situations. Being the first play our friend had witnessed for so long a time, it suggested several reflections to him. It was full of action, but without any true delineation of character. It pleased and delighted. Such are always the beginnings of the scenic art. The rude man is contented if he see but something going on; the man of more refinement must be made to feel; the man entirely refined, desires to reflect.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The players he would willingly have helped here and there, for a very little would have made them greatly better.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His silent meditations were somewhat broken in upon by the tobacco-smoke, which now began to rise in great and greater copiousness. Soon after the commencement of the play, the head forester had lit his pipe: by and by others took the same liberty. The large dogs, too, which followed these gentlemen, introduced themselves in no pleasant style. At first they had been bolted out; but, soon finding the back-door passage, they entered on the stage, ran against the actors, and at last, jumping over the orchestra, joined their masters, who had taken up the front seats in the pit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For afterpiece an oblation was represented. A portrait of the&lt;br /&gt;
old gentleman in his bridegroom dress stood upon an altar, hung with garlands. All the players paid their reverence to it in the most submissive postures. The youngest child came forward dressed in white, and made a speech in verse; by which the whole family, and even the head forester himself, whom it brought in mind of his own children, were melted into tears. Thus ended the play; and Wilhelm could not help stepping on the stage, to have a closer view of the actresses, to praise them for their good performance, and give them a little counsel for the future.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The remaining business, which our friend in the following days had to transact in various quarters of the hill-country, was not all so pleasant, or so easy to conclude with satisfaction. Many of his debtors entreated for delay, many were uncourteous, many lied. In conformity with his instructions, he had to sue some of them at law; he was thus obliged to seek out advocates, and give instructions to them, to appear before judges, and go through many other sorry duties of the same sort.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His case was hardly bettered when people chanced to incline showing some attention to him. He found very few that could any way instruct him, few with whom he could hope to establish a useful commercial correspondence. Unhappily, moreover, the weather now grew rainy; and travelling on horseback in this district came to be attended with insufferable difficulties. He therefore thanked his stars on again getting near the level country; and at the foot of the mountains, looking out into a fertile and beautiful plain, intersected by a smooth-flowing river, and seeing a cheerful little town lying on its banks, all glittering in the sunshine, he resolved, though without any special business in the place, to pass a day or two there, that he might refresh both himself and his horse, which the bad roads had considerably injured.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER IV.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On alighting at an inn, upon the market-place, he found matters going on very joyously,&amp;amp;mdash;at least very stirringly. A large company of rope-dancers, leapers, and jugglers, having a strong man along with them, had just arrived with their wives and children, and, while&lt;br /&gt;
preparing for a grand exhibition, kept up a perpetual racket. They first quarrelled with the landlord, then with one another; and, if their contention was intolerable, the expressions of their satisfaction were infinitely more so. Undetermined whether he should go or stay, he was standing in the door looking at some workmen, who had just begun to erect a stage in the middle of the square.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A girl with roses and other flowers for sale, coming by, held out her basket to him, and he purchased a beautiful nosegay; which, like one that had a taste for these things, he tied up in a different fashion, and was looking at it with a satisfied air, when the window of another inn on the opposite side of the square flew open, and a handsome woman looked out from it. Notwithstanding the distance, he observed that her face was animated by a pleasant cheerfulness; her fair hair fell carelessly streaming about her neck; she seemed to be looking at the stranger. In a short time afterwards, a boy with a white jacket, and a barber&#039;s apron on, came out from the door of her house towards Wilhelm, saluted him, and said, &amp;quot;The lady at the window bids me ask if you will not favor her with a share of your beautiful flowers.&amp;quot;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;quot;They are all at her service,&amp;quot; answered Wilhelm, giving the nosegay to this nimble messenger, and making a bow to the fair one, who returned it with a friendly courtesy, and then withdrew from the window.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Amused with this small adventure, he was going up-stairs to his chamber, when a young creature sprang against him, and attracted his attention. A short silk waistcoat with slashed Spanish sleeves, tight trousers with puffs, looked very pretty on the child. Its long black hair was curled, and wound in locks and plaits about the head. He looked at the figure with astonishment, and could not determine whether to take it for a boy or a girl. However, he decided for the latter: and, as the child ran by, he took her up in his arms, bade her good-day, and asked her to whom she belonged; though he easily perceived that she must be a member of the vaulting and dancing company lately arrived. She viewed him with a dark, sharp side-look, as she pushed herself out of his arms, and ran into the kitchen without making any answer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On coming up-stairs, he found in the large parlor two men practising the small sword, or seeming rather to make trial which was the better fencer. One of them plainly enough belonged to the vaulting company: the&lt;br /&gt;
other had a somewhat less savage aspect. Wilhelm looked at them, and had reason to admire them both; and as the black-bearded, sturdy contender soon afterwards forsook the place of action, the other with extreme complaisance offered Wilhelm the rapier.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;If you want to take a scholar under your inspection,&amp;quot; said our friend, &amp;quot;I am well content to risk a few passes with you.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Accordingly they fought together; and, although the stranger greatly overmatched his new competitor, he politely kept declaring that it all depended upon practice; in fact, Wilhelm, inferior as he was, had made it evident that he had got his first instructions from a good, solid, thorough-paced German fencing-master.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Their entertainment was disturbed by the uproar with which the party-colored brotherhood issued from the inn, to make proclamation of the show, and awaken a desire to see their art, throughout the town. Preceded by a drum, the manager advanced on horseback: he was followed by a female dancer mounted on a corresponding hack, and holding a child before her, all bedizened with ribbons and spangles. Next came the remainder of the troop on foot, some of them carrying children on their shoulders in dangerous postures, yet smoothly and lightly: among these the young, dark, black-haired figure again attracted Wilhelm&#039;s notice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Pickleherring ran gayly up and down the crowded multitude, distributing his handbills with much practical fun,&amp;amp;mdash;here smacking the lips of a girl, there breeching a boy, and awakening generally among the people an invincible desire to know more of him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On the painted flags, the manifold science of the company was visibly delineated, particularly of the Monsieur Narciss and the Demoiselle Landrinette: both of whom, being main characters, had prudently kept back from the procession, thereby to acquire a more dignified consideration, and excite a greater curiosity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;During the procession, Wilhelm&#039;s fair neighbor had again appeared at the window; and he did not fail to inquire about her of his new companion. This person, whom for the present we shall call Laertes, offered to take Wilhelm over and introduce him. &amp;quot;I and the lady,&amp;quot; said he laughing, &amp;quot;are two fragments of an acting company that made shipwreck here a short while ago. The pleasantness of the place has induced us to stay in it, and consume our little stock of cash in peace; while one of our&lt;br /&gt;
friends is out seeking some situation for himself and us.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Laertes immediately accompanied his new acquaintance to Philina&#039;s door; where he left him for a moment, and ran to a shop hard by for a few sweetmeats. &amp;quot;I am sure you will thank me,&amp;quot; said he, on returning, &amp;quot;for procuring you so pleasant an acquaintance.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The lady came out from her room, in a pair of tight little slippers with high heels, to give them welcome. She had thrown a black mantle over her, above a white &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;negligée&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, not indeed superstitiously clean; which, however, for that very reason, gave her a more frank and domestic air. Her short dress did not hide a pair of the prettiest feet and ankles in the world.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You are welcome,&amp;quot; she cried to Wilhelm, &amp;quot;and I thank you for your charming flowers.&amp;quot; She led him into her chamber with the one hand, pressing the nosegay to her breast with the other. Being all seated, and got into a pleasant train of general talk, to which she had the art of giving a delightful turn, Laertes threw a handful of gingerbread-nuts into her lap; and she immediately began to eat them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Look what a child this young gallant is!&amp;quot; she said: &amp;quot;he wants to persuade you that I am fond of such confectionery, and it is himself that cannot live without licking his lips over something of the kind.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Let us confess,&amp;quot; replied Laertes, &amp;quot;that in this point, as in others, you and I go hand in hand. For example,&amp;quot; he continued, &amp;quot;the weather is delightful to-day: what if we should take a drive into the country, and eat our dinner at the Mill?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;With all my heart,&amp;quot; said Philina: &amp;quot;we must give our new acquaintance some diversion.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Laertes sprang out, for he never walked: and Wilhelm motioned to return for a minute to his lodgings, to have his hair put in order; for at present it was all dishevelled with riding. &amp;quot;You can do it here,&amp;quot; she said, then called her little servant, and constrained Wilhelm in the politest manner to lay off his coat, to throw her powder-mantle over him, and to have his head dressed in her presence. &amp;quot;We must lose no time,&amp;quot; said she: &amp;quot;who knows how short a while we may all be together?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The boy, out of sulkiness and ill nature more than want of skill, went on but indifferently with his task: he pulled the hair with his&lt;br /&gt;
implements, and seemed as if he would not soon be done. Philina more than once reproved him for his blunders, and at last sharply packed him off, and chased him to the door. She then undertook the business herself, and frizzled Wilhelm&#039;s locks with great dexterity and grace; though she, too, appeared to be in no exceeding haste, but found always this and that to improve and put to rights; while at the same time she could not help touching his knees with hers, and holding her nosegay and bosom so near his lips, that he was strongly tempted more than once to imprint a kiss on it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When Wilhelm had cleaned his brow with a little powder-knife, she said to him, &amp;quot;Put it in your pocket, and think of me when you see it.&amp;quot; It was a pretty knife: the haft, of inlaid steel, had these friendly words wrought on it, &amp;quot;Think of me.&amp;quot; Wilhelm put it up, and thanked her, begging permission at the same time to make her a little present in return.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At last they were in readiness. Laertes had brought round the coach, and they commenced a very gay excursion. To every beggar, Philina threw out money from the window; giving along with it a merry and friendly word.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Scarcely had they reached the Mill, and ordered dinner, when a strain of music struck up before the house. It was some miners singing various pretty songs, and accompanying their clear and shrill voices with a cithern and triangle. In a short while the gathering crowd had formed a ring about them, and our company nodded approbation to them from the windows. Observing this attention, they expanded their circle, and seemed making preparation for their grandest piece. After some pause, a miner stepped forward with a mattock in his hand; and, while the others played a serious tune, he set himself to represent the action of digging.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Ere long a peasant came from among the crowd, and, by pantomimic threats, let the former know that he must cease and remove. Our company were greatly surprised at this: they did not discover that the peasant was a miner in disguise, till he opened his mouth, and, in a sort of recitative, rebuked the other for daring to meddle with his field. The latter did not lose his composure of mind, but began to inform the husbandman about his right to break ground there; giving him withal some primary conceptions of mineralogy. The peasant, not being master of his foreign terminology, asked all manner of silly questions; whereat the spectators, as themselves more knowing, set up many a hearty laugh.&lt;br /&gt;
The miner endeavored to instruct him, and showed him the advantage, which, in the long-run, would reach even him, if the deep-lying treasures of the land were dug out from their secret beds. The peasant, who at first had threatened his instructor with blows, was gradually pacified; and they parted good friends at last, though it was the miner chiefly that got out of this contention with honor.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;In this little dialogue,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, when seated at the table, &amp;quot;we have a lively proof how useful the theatre might be to all ranks; what advantage even the state might procure from it, if the occupations, trades, and undertakings of men were brought upon the stage, and presented on their praiseworthy side, in that point of view in which the state itself should honor and protect them. As matters stand, we exhibit only the ridiculous side of men: the comic poet is, as it were, but a spiteful tax-gatherer, who keeps a watchful eye over the errors of his fellow-subjects, and seems gratified when he can fix any charge upon them. Might it not be a worthy and pleasing task for a statesman to survey the natural and reciprocal influence of all classes on each other, and to guide some poet, gifted with sufficient humor, in such labors as these? In this way, I am persuaded, many very entertaining, both agreeable and useful, pieces, might be executed.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;So far,&amp;quot; said Laertes, &amp;quot;as I, in wandering about the world, have been able to observe, statesmen are accustomed merely to forbid, to hinder, to refuse, but very rarely to invite, to further, to reward. They let all things go along, till some mischief happens: then they get into a rage, and lay about them.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;A truce with state and statesmen!&amp;quot; said Philina: &amp;quot;I cannot form a notion of statesmen except in periwigs; and a periwig, wear it who will, always gives my fingers a spasmodic motion: I could like to pluck it off the venerable gentleman, to skip up and down the room with it, and laugh at the bald head.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;So, with a few lively songs, which she could sing very beautifully, Philina cut short their conversation, and urged them to a quick return homewards, that they might arrive in time for seeing the performance of the rope-dancers in the evening. On the road back she continued her lavish generosity, in a style of gayety reaching to extravagance; for at last, every coin belonging to herself or her companions being spent, she threw her straw hat from the window to a girl, and her&lt;br /&gt;
neckerchief to an old woman, who asked her for alms.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Philina invited both of her attendants to her own apartments, because, she said, the spectacle could be seen more conveniently from her windows than from theirs.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On arriving, they found the stage set up, and the background decked with suspended carpets. The swing-boards were already fastened, the slack-rope fixed to posts, the tight-rope bound over trestles. The square was moderately filled with people, and the windows with spectators of some quality.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Pickleherring, with a few insipidities, at which the lookers-on are generally kind enough to laugh, first prepared the meeting to attention and good-humor. Some children, whose bodies were made to exhibit the strangest contortions, awakened astonishment or horror; and Wilhelm could not, without the deepest sympathy, see the child he had at the first glance felt an interest in, go through her fantastic positions with considerable difficulty. But the merry tumblers soon changed the feeling into that of lively satisfaction, when they first singly, then in rows, and at last all together, vaulted up into the air, making somersets backwards and forwards. A loud clapping of hands and a strong huzza echoed from the whole assembly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The general attention was next directed to quite a different object. The children in succession had to mount the rope,&amp;amp;mdash;the learners first, that by practising they might prolong the spectacle, and show the difficulties of the art more clearly. Some men and full-grown women likewise exhibited their skill to moderate advantage; but still there was no Monsieur Narciss, no Demoiselle Landrinette.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At last this worthy pair came forth: they issued from a kind of tent with red spread curtains, and, by their agreeable forms and glittering decorations, fulfilled the hitherto increasing hopes of the spectators. He, a hearty knave, of middle stature, with black eyes and a strong head of hair; she, formed with not inferior symmetry,&amp;amp;mdash;exhibited themselves successively upon the rope, with delicate movements, leaping, and singular postures. Her airy lightness, his audacity; the exactitude with which they both performed their feats of art,&amp;amp;mdash;raised the universal satisfaction higher at every step and spring. The stateliness with which they bore themselves, the seeming attentions of the rest to them, gave them the appearance of king and queen of the whole troop; and all held them worthy of the rank.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The animation of the people spread to the spectators at the windows: the ladies looked incessantly at Narciss, the gentlemen at Landrinette. The populace hurrahed, the more cultivated public could not keep from clapping of the hands: Pickleherring now could scarcely raise a laugh. A few, however, slunk away when some members of the troop began to press through the crowd with their tin plates to collect money.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;They have made their purpose good, I imagine,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm to Philina, who was leaning over the window beside him. &amp;quot;I admire the ingenuity with which they have turned to advantage even the meanest parts of their performance: out of the unskilfulness of their children, and exquisiteness of their chief actors, they have made up a whole which at first excited our attention, and then gave us very fine entertainment.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The people by degrees dispersed; and the square was again become empty, while Philina and Laertes were disputing about the forms and the skill of Narciss and Landrinette, and rallying each other on the subject at great length. Wilhelm noticed the wonderful child standing on the street near some other children at play: he showed her to Philina, who, in her lively way, immediately called and beckoned to the little one, and, this not succeeding, tripped singing down stairs, and led her up by the hand.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Here is the enigma,&amp;quot; said she, as she brought her to the door. The child stood upon the threshold, as if she meant again to run off; laid her right hand on her breast, the left on her brow, and bowed deeply. &amp;quot;Fear nothing, my little dear,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, rising, and going towards her. She viewed him with a doubting look, and came a few steps nearer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;What is thy name?&amp;quot; he asked. &amp;quot;They call me Mignon.&amp;quot;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;quot;How old art thou?&amp;quot;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;quot;No one has counted.&amp;quot;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;quot;Who was thy father?&amp;quot;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;quot;The Great Devil is dead.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Well! this is singular enough,&amp;quot; said Philina. They asked her a few more questions: she gave her answers in a kind of broken German, and with a strangely solemn manner; every time laying her hands on her breast and brow, and bowing deeply.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm could not satisfy himself with looking at her. His eyes and his heart were irresistibly attracted by the mysterious condition of this being. He reckoned her about twelve or thirteen years of age: her&lt;br /&gt;
body was well formed, only her limbs gave promise of a stronger growth, or else announced a stunted one. Her countenance was not regular, but striking; her brow full of mystery; her nose extremely beautiful; her mouth, although it seemed too closely shut for one of her age, and though she often threw it to a side, had yet an air of frankness, and was very lovely. Her brownish complexion could scarcely be discerned through the paint. This form stamped itself deeply in Wilhelm&#039;s soul: he kept looking at her earnestly, and forgot the present scene in the multitude of his reflections. Philina waked him from his half-dream, by holding out the remainder of her sweetmeats to the child, and giving her a sign to go away. She made her little bow as formerly, and darted like lightning through the door.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As the time drew on when our new friends had to part for the evening, they planned a fresh excursion for the morrow. They purposed now to have their dinner at a neighboring &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Jägerhaus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Before taking leave of Laertes, Wilhelm said many things in Philina&#039;s praise, to which the other made only brief and careless answers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Next morning, having once more exercised themselves in fencing for an hour, they went over to Philina&#039;s lodging, towards which they had seen their expected coach passing by. But how surprised was Wilhelm, when the coach seemed altogether to have vanished; and how much more so, when Philina was not to be found at home! She had placed herself in the carriage, they were told, with a couple of strangers who had come that morning, and was gone with them. Wilhelm had been promising himself some pleasant entertainment from her company, and could not hide his irritation. Laertes, on the other hand, but laughed at it, and cried, &amp;quot;I love her for this: it looks so like herself! Let us, however, go directly to the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Jägerhaus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: be Philina where she pleases, we will not lose our promenade on her account.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As Wilhelm, while they walked, continued censuring the inconsistency of such conduct, Laertes said, &amp;quot;I cannot reckon it inconsistent so long as one keeps faithful to his character. If this Philina plans you any thing, or promises you any thing, she does it under the tacit condition that it shall be quite convenient for her to fulfil her plan, to keep her promise. She gives willingly, but you must ever hold yourself in readiness to return her gifts.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;That seems a singular character,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Any thing but singular: only she is not a hypocrite. I like her on that account. Yes: I am her friend, because she represents the sex so truly, which I have so much cause to hate. To me she is another genuine Eve, the great mother of womankind: so are they all, only they will not all confess it.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;With abundance of such talk, in which Laertes very vehemently exhibited his spleen against the fair sex, without, however, giving any cause for it, they arrived at the forest; into which Wilhelm entered in no joyful mood, the speeches of Laertes having again revived in him the memory of his relation to Mariana. Not far from a shady well, among some old and noble trees, they found Philina sitting by herself at a stone table. Seeing them, she struck up a merry song; and, when Laertes asked for her companions, she cried out, &amp;quot;I have already cozened them: I have already had my laugh at them, and sent them a-travelling, as they deserved. By the way hither I had put to proof their liberality; and, finding that they were a couple of your close-fisted gentry, I immediately determined to have amends of them. On arriving at the inn, they asked the waiter what was to be had. He, with his customary glibness of tongue, reckoned over all that could be found in the house, and more than could be found. I noticed their perplexity: they looked at one another, stammered, and inquired about the cost. &amp;quot;What is the use of all this studying?&amp;quot; said I. &amp;quot;The table is the lady&#039;s business: allow me to manage it.&amp;quot; I immediately began ordering a most unconscionable dinner, for which many necessary articles would require to be sent for from the neighborhood. The waiter, of whom, by a wry mouth or two, I had made a confidant, at last helped me out; and so, by the image of a sumptuous feast, we tortured them to such a degree that they fairly determined on having a walk in the forest, from which I imagine we shall look with clear eyes if we see them come again. I have laughed a quarter of an hour for my own behoof; I shall laugh forever when I think of the looks they had.&amp;quot; At table, Laertes told of similar adventures: they got into the track of recounting ludicrous stories, mistakes, and dexterous cheats.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A young man of their acquaintance, from the town, came gliding through the wood with a book in his hand: he sat down by them, and began praising the beauty of the place. He directed their attention to the&lt;br /&gt;
murmuring of the brook, to the waving of the boughs, to the checkered lights and shadows, and the music of the birds. Philina commenced a little song of the cuckoo, which did not seem at all to exhilarate the man of taste: he very soon made his compliments, and went on.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Oh that I might never hear more of nature, and scenes of nature!&amp;quot; cried Philina, so soon as he was gone: &amp;quot;there is nothing in the world more intolerable than to hear people reckon up the pleasures you enjoy. When the day is bright you go to walk, as to dance when you hear a tune played. But who would think a moment on the music or the weather? It is the dancer that interests us, not the violin; and to look upon a pair of bright black eyes is the life of a pair of blue ones. But what on earth have we to do with wells and brooks, and old rotten lindens?&amp;quot; She was sitting opposite to Wilhelm; and, while speaking so, she looked into his eyes with a glance which he could not hinder from piercing at least to the very door of his heart.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You are right,&amp;quot; replied he, not without embarrassment: &amp;quot;man is ever the most interesting object to man, and perhaps should be the only one that interests. Whatever else surrounds us is but the element in which we live, or else the instrument which we employ. The more we devote ourselves to such things, the more we attend to and feel concern in them, the weaker will our sense of our own dignity become, the weaker our feelings for society. Men who put a great value on gardens, buildings, clothes, ornaments, or any other sort of property, grow less social and pleasant: they lose sight of their brethren, whom very few can succeed in collecting about them and entertaining. Have you not observed it on the stage? A good actor makes us very soon forget the awkwardness and meanness of paltry decorations, but a splendid theatre is the very thing which first makes us truly feel the want of proper actors.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After dinner Philina sat down among the long, overshaded grass, and commanded both her friends to fetch her flowers in great quantities. She wreathed a complete garland, and put it round her head: it made her look extremely charming. The flowers were still sufficient for another: this, too, she plaited, while both the young men sat beside her. When, at last, amid infinite mirth and sportfulness, it was completed, she pressed it on Wilhelm&#039;s head with the greatest dignity, and shifted the posture of it more than once, till it seemed to her properly adjusted. &amp;quot;And I, it appears, must go empty,&amp;quot; said Laertes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Not by any means: you shall not have reason to complain,&amp;quot; replied Philina, taking off the garland from her own head, and putting it on his.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;If we were rivals,&amp;quot; said Laertes, &amp;quot;we might now dispute very warmly which of us stood higher in thy favor.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And the more fools you,&amp;quot; said she, while she bent herself towards him, and offered him her lips to kiss; and then immediately turned round, threw her arm about Wilhelm, and bestowed a kind salute on him also. &amp;quot;Which of them tastes best?&amp;quot; said she archly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Surprisingly!&amp;quot; exclaimed Laertes: &amp;quot;it seems as if nothing else had ever such a tang of wormwood in it.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;As little wormwood,&amp;quot; she replied, &amp;quot;as any gift that a man may enjoy without envy and without conceit. But now,&amp;quot; cried she, &amp;quot;I should like to have an hour&#039;s dancing; and after that we must look to our vaulters.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Accordingly, they went into the house, and there found music in readiness. Philina was a beautiful dancer: she animated both her companions. Nor was Wilhelm without skill; but he wanted careful practice, a defect which his two friends voluntarily took charge of remedying.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In these amusements the time passed on insensibly. It was already late when they returned. The rope-dancers had commenced their operations. A multitude of people had again assembled in the square; and our friends, on alighting, were struck by the appearance of a tumult in the crowd, occasioned by a throng of men rushing towards the door of the inn, which Wilhelm had now turned his face to. He sprang forward to see what it was; and, pressing through the people, he was struck with horror to observe the master of the rope-dancing company dragging poor Mignon by the hair out of the house, and unmercifully beating her little body with the handle of a whip.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm darted on the man like lightning, and seized him by the collar. &amp;quot;Quit the child!&amp;quot; he cried, in a furious tone, &amp;quot;or one of us shall never leave this spot!&amp;quot; and, so speaking, he grasped the fellow by the throat with a force which only rage could have lent him. The showman, on the point of choking, let go the child, and endeavored to defend himself against his new assailant. But some people, who had felt compassion for Mignon, yet had not dared to begin a quarrel for her, now laid hold of the rope-dancer, wrenched his whip away, and threatened him with&lt;br /&gt;
great fierceness and abuse. Being now reduced to the weapons of his mouth, he began bullying, and cursing horribly. The lazy, worthless urchin, he said, would not do her duty; refused to perform the egg-dance, which he had promised to the public; he would beat her to death, and no one should hinder him. He tried to get loose, and seek the child, who had crept away among the crowd. Wilhelm held him back, and said sternly, &amp;quot;You shall neither see nor touch her, till you have explained before a magistrate where you stole her. I will pursue you to every extremity. You shall not escape me.&amp;quot; These words, which Wilhelm uttered in heat, without thought or purpose, out of some vague feeling, or, if you will, out of inspiration, soon brought the raging showman to composure. &amp;quot;What have I to do with the useless brat?&amp;quot; cried he. &amp;quot;Pay me what her clothes cost, and make of her what you please. We shall settle it to-night.&amp;quot; And, being liberated, he made haste to resume his interrupted operations, and to calm the irritation of the public by some striking displays of his craft.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As soon as all was still again, Wilhelm commenced a search for Mignon, whom, however, he could nowhere find. Some said they had seen her on the street, others on the roofs of the adjoining houses; but, after seeking unsuccessfully in all quarters, he was forced to content himself, and wait to see if she would not again turn up of herself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the mean time, Narciss had come into the house; and Wilhelm set to question him about the birthplace and history of the child. Monsieur Narciss knew nothing about these things, for he had not long been in the company; but in return he recited, with much volubility and levity, various particulars of his own fortune. Upon Wilhelm&#039;s wishing him joy of the great approbation he had gained, Narciss expressed himself as if exceedingly indifferent on that point. &amp;quot;People laugh at us,&amp;quot; he said, &amp;quot;and admire our feats of skill; but their admiration does nothing for us. The master has to pay us, and may raise the funds where he pleases.&amp;quot; He then took his leave, and was setting off in great haste.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At the question, whither he was bent so fast, the dog gave a smile, and admitted that his figure and talents had acquired for him a more solid species of favor than the huzzaing of the multitude. He had been invited by some young ladies, who desired much to become acquainted with him; and he was afraid it would be midnight before he could get all his visits over. He proceeded with the greatest candor to detail his&lt;br /&gt;
adventures. He would have given the names of his patronesses, their streets and houses, had not Wilhelm waived such indiscretion, and politely dismissed him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Laertes had meanwhile been entertaining Landrinette: he declared that she was fully worthy to be and to remain a woman.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Our friend next proceeded to his bargain with the showman for Mignon. Thirty crowns was the price set upon her; and for this sum the black-bearded, hot Italian entirely surrendered all his claims: but of her history or parentage he would discover nothing, only that she had fallen into his hands at the death of his brother, who, by reason of his admirable skill, had usually been named the &amp;quot;Great Devil.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Next morning was chiefly spent in searching for the child. It was in vain that they rummaged every hole and corner of the house and neighborhood: the child had vanished; and Wilhelm was afraid she might have leaped into some pool of water, or destroyed herself in some other way.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Philina&#039;s charms could not divert his inquietude. He passed a dreary, thoughtful day. Nor at evening could the utmost efforts of the tumblers and dancers, exerting all their powers to gratify the public, divert the current of his thoughts, or clear away the clouds from his mind.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By the concourse of people flocking from all places round, the numbers had greatly increased on this occasion: the general approbation was like a snowball rolling itself into a monstrous size. The feat of leaping over swords, and through the cask with paper ends, made a great sensation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The strong man, too, produced a universal feeling of mingled astonishment and horror, when he laid his head and feet on a couple of separate stools, and then allowed some sturdy smiths to place a stithy on the unsupported part of his body, and hammer a horseshoe till it was completely made by means of it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Hercules&#039; Strength, as they called it, was a no less wonderful affair. A row of men stood up; then another row, upon their shoulders; then women and young lads, supported in like manner on the second row; so that finally a living pyramid was formed; the peak being ornamented by a child, placed on its head, and dressed out in the shape of a ball and weather-vane. Such a sight, never witnessed in those parts before, gave a worthy termination to the whole performance. Narciss and Landrinette were then borne in litters, on the shoulders of the&lt;br /&gt;
rest, along the chief streets of the town, amid the triumphant shouts of the people. Ribbons, nosegays, silks, were thrown upon them: all pressed to get a sight of them. Each thought himself happy if he could behold them, and be honored with a look of theirs.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;What actor, what author, nay, what man of any class, would not regard himself as on the summit of his wishes, could he, by a noble saying or a worthy action, produce so universal an impression? What a precious emotion would it give, if one could disseminate generous, exalted, manly feelings with electric force and speed, and rouse assembled thousands into such rapture, as these people, by their bodily alertness, have done! If one could communicate to thronging multitudes a fellow-feeling in all that belongs to man, by the portraying of happiness and misery, of wisdom and folly, nay, of absurdity and silliness; could kindle and thrill their inmost souls, and set their stagnant nature into movement, free, vehement, and pure!&amp;quot; So said our friend; and, as neither Laertes nor Philina showed any disposition to take part in such a strain, he entertained himself with these darling speculations, walking up and down the streets till late at night, and again pursuing, with all the force and vivacity of a liberated imagination, his old desire to have all that was good and noble and great embodied and shown forth by the theatric art.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER V.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Next morning, the rope-dancers, not without much parade and bustle, having gone away, Mignon immediately appeared, and came into the parlor as Wilhelm and Laertes were busy fencing. &amp;quot;Where hast thou been hid?&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, in a friendly tone. &amp;quot;Thou hast given us a great deal of anxiety.&amp;quot; The child looked at him, and answered nothing. &amp;quot;Thou art ours now,&amp;quot; cried Laertes: &amp;quot;we have bought thee.&amp;quot;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;quot;For how much?&amp;quot; inquired the child quite coolly. &amp;quot;For a hundred ducats,&amp;quot; said the other: &amp;quot;pay them again, and thou art free.&amp;quot;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;quot;Is that very much?&amp;quot; she asked. &amp;quot;Oh, yes! thou must now be a good child.&amp;quot;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;quot;I will try,&amp;quot; she said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;From that moment she observed strictly what services the waiter&lt;br /&gt;
had to do for both her friends; and, after next day, she would not any more let him enter the room. She persisted in doing every thing herself, and accordingly went through her duties, slowly, indeed, and sometimes awkwardly, yet completely, and with the greatest care.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She was frequently observed going to a basin of water, and washing her face with such diligence and violence, that she almost wore the skin from her cheeks; till Laertes, by dint of questions and reproofs, learned that she was striving by all means to get the paint from her skin, and that, in her zealous endeavors towards this object, she had mistaken the redness produced by rubbing for the most obdurate dye. They set her right on this point, and she ceased her efforts; after which, having come again to her natural state, she exhibited a fine brown complexion, beautiful, though sparingly intermingled with red.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The siren charms of Philina, the mysterious presence of the child, produced more impression on our friend than he liked to confess: he passed several days in that strange society, endeavoring to elude self-reproaches by a diligent practice of fencing and dancing,&amp;amp;mdash;accomplishments which he believed might not again be put within his reach so conveniently.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It was with great surprise, and not without a certain satisfaction, that he one day observed Herr Melina and his wife alight at the inn. After the first glad salutation, they inquired about &amp;quot;the lady-manager and the other actors,&amp;quot; and learned, with astonishment and terror, that the lady-manager had long since gone away, and her actors, to a very few, dispersed themselves about the country.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This couple, subsequently to their marriage, in which, as we know, our friend did his best to serve them, had been travelling about in various quarters, seeking an engagement, without finding any, and had at last been directed to this little town by some persons who met them on their journey, and said there was a good theatre in the place.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Melina by no means pleased the lively Laertes, when introduced to him, any more than his wife did Philina. Both heartily wished to be rid of these new-comers; and Wilhelm could inspire them with no favorable feelings on the subject, though he more than once assured them that the Melinas were very worthy people.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Indeed, the previous merry life of our three adventurers was interfered with by this extension of their society, in more ways than one.&lt;br /&gt;
Melina had taken up his quarters in the inn where Philina staid, and he very soon began a system of cheapening and higgling. He would have better lodging, more sumptuous diet, and readier attendance, for a smaller charge. In a short while, the landlord and waiter showed very rueful looks; for whereas the others, to get pleasantly along, had expressed no discontent with any thing, and paid instantly, that they might avoid thinking longer of payment, Melina now insisted on regulating every meal, and investigating its contents beforehand,&amp;amp;mdash;a species of service for which Philina named him, without scruple, a ruminating animal.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yet more did the merry girl hate Melina&#039;s wife. Frau Melina was a young woman not without culture, but wofully defective in soul and spirit. She could declaim not badly, and kept declaiming constantly; but it was easy to observe that her performances were little more than recitations of words. She labored a few detached passages, but never could express the feeling of the whole. Withal, however, she was seldom disagreeable to any one, especially to men. On the contrary, people who enjoyed her acquaintance commonly ascribed to her a fine understanding; for she was what might be called a kind of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;spiritual chameleon&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, or &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;taker-on&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Any friend whose favor she had need of she could flatter with peculiar adroitness, could give in to his ideas so long as she could understand them, and, when they went beyond her own horizon, could hail with ecstasy such new and brilliant visions. She understood well when to speak and when to keep silence; and, though her disposition was not spiteful, she could spy out with great expertness where another&#039;s weak side lay.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER VI.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Melina, in the mean time, had been making strict inquiry about the wrecks of the late theatrical establishment. The wardrobe, as well as decorations, had been pawned with some traders; and a notary had been empowered, under certain conditions, to dispose of them by sale, should purchasers occur. Melina wished to see this ware, and he took&lt;br /&gt;
Wilhelm with him. No sooner was the room opened, than our friend felt towards its contents a kind of inclination, which he would not confess to himself. Sad as was the state of the blotched and tarnished decorations; little showy as the Turkish and pagan garments, the old farce-coats for men and women, the cowls for enchanters, priests, and Jews, might be,&amp;amp;mdash;he was not able to exclude the feeling, that the happiest moments of his life had been spent in a similar magazine of frippery. Could Melina have seen into his heart, he would have urged him more pressingly to lay out a sum of money in liberating these scattered fragments, in furbishing them up, and again combining them into a beautiful whole. &amp;quot;What a happy man could I be,&amp;quot; cried Melina, &amp;quot;had I but two hundred crowns, to get into my hands, for a beginning, these fundamental necessaries of a theatre! How soon should I get up a little playhouse, that would draw contributions from the town and neighborhood, and maintain us all!&amp;quot; Wilhelm was silent. They left these treasures of the stage to be again locked up, and both went away in a reflective mood.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thenceforth Melina talked of nothing else but projects and plans for setting up a theatre, and gaining profit by it. He tried to interest Philina and Laertes in his schemes; and proposals were made to Wilhelm about advancing money, and taking them as his security. On this occasion, Wilhelm first clearly perceived that he was lingering too long here: he excused himself, and set about making preparations for departure.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the mean time, Mignon&#039;s form, and manner of existence, were growing more attractive to him every day. In her whole system of proceedings there was something very singular. She never walked up or down the stairs, but jumped. She would spring along by the railing, and before you were aware would be sitting quietly above upon the landing. Wilhelm had observed, also, that she had a different sort of salutation for each individual. For himself, it had of late been with her arms crossed upon her breast. Often for the whole day she was mute. At times she answered various questions more freely, yet always strangely: so that you could not determine whether it was caused by shrewd sense, or ignorance of the language; for she spoke in broken German interlaced with French and Italian. In Wilhelm&#039;s service she was indefatigable, and up before the sun. On the other hand, she vanished early in the evening, went to&lt;br /&gt;
sleep in a little room upon the bare floor, and could not by any means be induced to take a bed or even a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;paillasse&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. He often found her washing herself. Her clothes, too, were kept scrupulously clean; though nearly all about her was quilted two or three plies thick. Wilhelm was moreover told, that she went every morning early to hear mass. He followed her on one occasion, and saw her kneeling down with a rosary in a corner of the church, and praying devoutly. She did not observe him; and he returned home, forming many a conjecture about this appearance, yet unable to arrive at any probable conclusion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A new application from Melina for a sum of money to redeem the often-mentioned stage apparatus caused Wilhelm to think more seriously than ever about setting off. He proposed writing to his people, who for a long time had heard no tidings of him, by the very earliest post. He accordingly commenced a letter to Werner, and had advanced a considerable way with the history of his adventures, in recounting which he had more than once unintentionally swerved a little from the truth, when, to his vexation and surprise, he observed, upon the back of his sheet, some verses which he had been copying from his album for Madam Melina. Out of humor at this mistake, he tore the paper in pieces, and put off repeating his confession till the next post-day.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER VII.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Our party was now again collected; and Philina, who always kept a sharp lookout on every horse or carriage that passed by, exclaimed with great eagerness, &amp;quot;Our Pedant! Here comes our dearest Pedant! Who the deuce is it he has with him?&amp;quot; Speaking thus, she beckoned at the window; and the vehicle drew up.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A woful-looking genius, whom by his shabby coat of grayish brown, and his ill-conditioned lower garments, you must have taken for some unprosperous preceptor, of the sort that moulder in our universities, now descended from the carriage, and, taking off his hat to salute Philina, discovered an ill-powdered, but yet very stiff, periwig; while Philina threw a hundred kisses of the hand towards him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As Philina&#039;s chief enjoyment lay in loving one class of men, and&lt;br /&gt;
being loved by them; so there was a second and hardly inferior satisfaction, wherewith she entertained herself as frequently as possible; and this consisted in hoodwinking and passing jokes upon the other class, whom at such moments she happened not to love,&amp;amp;mdash;all which she could accomplish in a very sprightly style.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Amid the flourish which she made in receiving this old friend, no attention was bestowed upon the rest who followed him. Yet among the party were an oldish man and two young girls, whom Wilhelm thought he knew. Accordingly it turned out, that he had often seen them all, some years ago, in a company then playing in his native town. The daughters had grown since that period: the old man was a little altered. He commonly enacted those good-hearted, boisterous old gentlemen, whom the German theatre is never without, and whom, in common life, one also frequently enough falls in with. For as it is the character of our countrymen to do good, and cause it, without pomp or circumstance; so they seldom consider that there is likewise a mode of doing what is right with grace and dignity: more frequently, indeed, they yield to the spirit of contradiction, and fall into the error of deforming their dearest virtue by a surly mode of putting it in practice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Such parts our actor could play very well; and he played them so often and exclusively, that he had himself taken up the same turn of proceeding in his ordinary life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On recognizing him, Wilhelm was seized with a strong commotion; for he recollected how often he had seen this man on the stage with his beloved Mariana: he still heard him scolding, still heard the small, soothing voice, with which in many characters she had to meet his rugged temper.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The first anxious question put to the strangers,&amp;amp;mdash;Whether they had heard of any situation in their travels?&amp;amp;mdash;was answered, alas, with No! and, to complete the information, it was further added, that all the companies they had fallen in with were not only supplied with actors, but many of them were afraid lest, on account of the approaching war, they should be forced to separate. Old Boisterous, with his daughters, moved by spleen and love of change, had given up an advantageous engagement: then, meeting with the Pedant by the way, they had hired a carriage to come hither; where, as they found, good counsel was still dear, needful to have, and difficult to get.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The time while the rest were talking very keenly of their circumstances, Wilhelm spent in thought. He longed to speak in private with the old man: he wished and feared to hear of Mariana, and felt the greatest disquietude.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The pretty looks of the stranger damsels could not call him from his dream; but a war of words, which now arose, awakened his attention. It was Friedrich, the fair-haired boy who used to attend Philina, stubbornly refusing, on this occasion, to cover the table and bring up dinner. &amp;quot;I engaged to serve you,&amp;quot; he cried, &amp;quot;but not to wait on everybody.&amp;quot; They fell into a hot contest. Philina insisted that he should do his duty; and, as he obstinately refused, she told him plainly he might go about his business.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You think, perhaps, I cannot leave you!&amp;quot; cried he sturdily, then went to pack up his bundle, and soon hastily quitted the house.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Go, Mignon,&amp;quot; said Philina, &amp;quot;and get us what we want; tell the waiter, and help him to attend us.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mignon came before Wilhelm, and asked in her laconic way, &amp;quot;Shall I? May I?&amp;quot; To which Wilhelm answered, &amp;quot;Do all the lady bids thee, child.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She accordingly took charge of every thing, and waited on the guests the whole evening, with the utmost carefulness. After dinner, Wilhelm proposed to have a walk with the old man alone. Succeeding in this, after many questions about his late wanderings, the conversation turned upon the former company; and Wilhelm hazarded a question touching Mariana.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Do not speak to me of that despicable creature!&amp;quot; cried the old man: &amp;quot;I have sworn to think of her no more.&amp;quot; Terrified at this speech, Wilhelm felt still more embarrassed, as the old man proceeded to vituperate her fickleness and wantonness. Most gladly would our friend have broken off the conversation, but now it was impossible: he was obliged to undergo the whole tumultuous effusions of this strange old gentleman.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I am ashamed,&amp;quot; continued he, &amp;quot;that I felt such a friendship for her. Yet, had you known the girl better, you would excuse me. She was so pretty, so natural and good, so pleasing, in every sense so tolerable, I could never have supposed that ingratitude and impudence were to prove the chief features of her character.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm had nerved himself to hear the worst of her; when all at once he observed, with astonishment, that the old man&#039;s tones grew milder,&lt;br /&gt;
his voice faltered, and he took out his handkerchief to dry the tears, which at last began to trickle down his cheeks.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;What is the matter with you?&amp;quot; cried Wilhelm. &amp;quot;What is it that suddenly so changes the current of your feelings? Conceal it not from me. I take a deeper interest in the fate of this girl than you suppose. Only tell me all.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I have not much to say,&amp;quot; replied the old man, again taking up his earnest, angry tone. &amp;quot;I have suffered more from her than I shall ever forgive. She had always a kind of trust in me. I loved her as my own daughter; indeed, while my wife lived, I had formed a resolution to take the creature to my own house, and save her from the hands of that old crone, from whose guidance I boded no good. But my wife died, and the project went to nothing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;About the end of our stay in your native town,&amp;amp;mdash;it is not quite three years ago,&amp;amp;mdash;I noticed a visible sadness about her. I questioned her, but she evaded me. At last we set out on our journey. She travelled in the same coach with me; and I soon observed, what she herself did not long deny, that she was with child, and suffering the greatest terror lest our manager might turn her off. In fact, in a short while he did make the discovery; immediately threw up her contract, which at any rate was only for six weeks; paid off her arrears; and, in spite of all entreaties, left her behind, in the miserable inn of a little village.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Devil take all wanton jilts!&amp;quot; cried the old man, with a splenetic tone, &amp;quot;and especially this one, that has spoiled me so many hours of my life! Why should I keep talking how I myself took charge of her, what I did for her, what I spent on her, how in absence I provided for her? I would rather throw my purse into the ditch, and spend my time in nursing mangy whelps, than ever more bestow the smallest care on such a thing. Pshaw! At first I got letters of thanks, notice of places she was staying at; and, finally, no word at all,&amp;amp;mdash;not even an acknowledgment for the money I had sent to pay the expenses of her lying-in. Oh! the treachery and the fickleness of women are rightly matched, to get a comfortable living for themselves, and to give an honest fellow many heavy hours.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER VIII.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm&#039;s feelings, on returning home after this conversation, may be easily conceived. All his old wounds had been torn up afresh, and the sentiment that Mariana was not wholly unworthy of his love had again been brought to life. The interest the old man had shown about her fate, the praises he gave her against his will, displayed her again in all her attractiveness. Nay, even the bitter accusations brought against her contained nothing that could lower her in Wilhelm&#039;s estimation; for he, as well as she, was guilty in all her aberrations. Nor did even her final silence seem greatly blamable: it rather inspired him with mournful thoughts. He saw her as a frail, ill-succored mother, wandering helplessly about the world,&amp;amp;mdash;wandering, perhaps, with his own child. What he knew, and what he knew not, awoke in him the painfullest emotions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mignon had been waiting for him: she lighted him up stairs. On setting down the light, she begged he would allow her, that evening, to compliment him with a piece of her art. He would rather have declined this, particularly as he knew not what it was; but he had not the heart to refuse any thing this kind creature wished. After a little while she again came in. She carried below her arm a little carpet, which she then spread out upon the floor. Wilhelm said she might proceed. She thereupon brought four candles, and placed one upon each corner of the carpet. A little basket of eggs, which she next carried in, made her purpose clearer. Carefully measuring her steps, she then walked to and fro on the carpet, spreading out the eggs in certain figures and positions; which done, she called in a man that was waiting in the house, and could play on the violin. He retired with his instrument into a corner: she tied a band about her eyes, gave a signal; and, like a piece of wheel-work set a-going, she began moving the same instant as the music, accompanying her beats and the notes of the tune with the strokes of a pair of castanets.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Lightly, nimbly, quickly, and with hair&#039;s-breadth accuracy, she carried on the dance. She skipped so sharply and surely along between the eggs, and trod so closely down beside them, that you would have thought every instant she must trample one of them in pieces, or kick the rest away in her rapid turns. By no means! She touched no one of them, though&lt;br /&gt;
winding herself through their mazes with all kinds of steps, wide and narrow, nay, even with leaps, and at last half kneeling.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Constant as the movement of a clock, she ran her course; and the strange music, at each repetition of the tune, gave a new impulse to the dance, recommencing and again rushing off as at first. Wilhelm was quite led away by this singular spectacle; he forgot his cares; he followed every movement of the dear little creature, and felt surprised to see how finely her character unfolded itself as she proceeded in the dance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Rigid, sharp, cold, vehement, and in soft postures, stately rather than attractive,&amp;amp;mdash;such was the light in which it showed her. At this moment he experienced at once all the emotions he had ever felt for Mignon. He longed to incorporate this forsaken being with his own heart, to take her in his arms, and with a father&#039;s love to awaken in her the joy of existence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The dance being ended, she rolled the eggs together softly with her foot into a little heap, left none behind, harmed none; then placed herself beside it, taking the bandage from her eyes, and concluding her performance with a little bow.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm thanked her for having executed, so prettily and unexpectedly, a dance he had long wished to see. He patted her; was sorry she had tired herself so much. He promised her a new suit of clothes; to which she vehemently replied, &amp;quot;Thy color!&amp;quot; This, too, he promised her, though not well knowing what she meant by it. She then lifted up the eggs, took the carpet under her arm, asked if he wanted any thing further, and skipped out of the room.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The musician, being questioned, said, that for some time she had taken much trouble in often singing over the tune of this dance, the well-known fandango, to him, and training him till he could play it accurately. For his labor she had likewise offered him some money; which, however, he would not accept.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER IX.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After a restless night, which our friend spent, sometimes waking, sometimes oppressed with unpleasant dreams, seeing Mariana now in all her beauty, now in woful case, at one time with a child on her arm,&lt;br /&gt;
then soon bereaved of it, the morning had scarcely dawned, when Mignon entered with a tailor. She brought some gray cloth and blue taffeta; signifying in her own way that she wished to have a new jacket and sailor&#039;s trousers, such as she had seen the boys of the town wear, with blue cuffs and tiers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Since the loss of Mariana, Wilhelm had laid aside all gay colors. He had used himself to gray,&amp;amp;mdash;the garment of the shades; and only perhaps a sky-blue lining, or little collar of that dye, in some degree enlivened his sober garb. Mignon, eager to wear his colors, hurried on the tailor, who engaged to have his work soon ready.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The exercise in dancing and fencing, which our friend took this day with Laertes, did not prosper in their hands. Indeed, it was soon interrupted by Melina, who came to show them circumstantially how a little company was now of itself collected, sufficient to exhibit plays in abundance. He renewed the proposal that Wilhelm should advance a little money for setting them in motion; which, however, Wilhelm still declined.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Ere long Philina and the girls came in, racketing and laughing as usual. They had now devised a fresh excursion, for change of place and objects was a pleasure after which they always longed. To eat daily in a different spot was their highest wish. On this occasion they proposed a sail.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The boat in which they were to fall down the pleasant windings of the river had already been engaged by the Pedant. Philina urged them on: the party did not linger, and were soon on board.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;What shall we take to now?&amp;quot; said Philina, when all had placed themselves upon the benches.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The readiest thing,&amp;quot; replied Laertes, &amp;quot;were for us to extemporize a play. Let each take a part that suits his character, and we shall see how we get along.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Excellent!&amp;quot; said Wilhelm. &amp;quot;In a society where there is no dissimulation, but where each without disguise pursues the bent of his own humor, elegance and satisfaction cannot long continue; and, where dissimulation always reigns, they do not enter at all. It will not be amiss, then, that we take up dissimulation to begin with, and then, behind our masks, be as candid as we please.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Yes,&amp;quot; said Laertes: &amp;quot;it is on this account that one goes on so pleasantly with women; they never show themselves in their natural form.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;That is to say,&amp;quot; replied Madam Melina, &amp;quot;they are not so vain as men, who conceive themselves to be always amiable enough, just as nature has produced them.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the mean time the river led them between pleasant groves and hills, between gardens and vineyards; and the young women, especially Madam Melina, expressed their rapture at the landscape. The latter even began to recite, in solemn style, a pretty poem of the descriptive sort, upon a similar scene of nature; but Philina interrupted her with the proposal of a law, that no one should presume to speak of any inanimate object. On the other hand, she zealously urged on their project of an extempore play. Old Boisterous was to be a half-pay officer; Laertes a fencing-master, taking his vacation; the Pedant, a Jew; she herself would act a Tyrolese; leaving to the rest to choose characters according to their several pleasures. They would suppose themselves to be a party of total strangers to each other, who had just met on board a merchant-ship.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She immediately began to play her part with the Jew, and a universal cheerfulness diffused itself among them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They had not sailed far, when the skipper stopped in his course, asking permission of the company to take in a person standing on the shore, who had made a sign to him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;That is just what we needed,&amp;quot; cried Philina: &amp;quot;a chance passenger was wanting to complete the travelling-party.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A handsome man came on board; whom, by his dress and his dignified mien, you might have taken for a clergyman. He saluted the party, who thanked him in their own way, and soon made known to him the nature of their game. The stranger immediately engaged to act the part of a country parson; which, in fact, he accomplished in the adroitest manner, to the admiration of all,&amp;amp;mdash;now admonishing, now telling stories, showing some weak points, yet never losing their respect.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the mean time, every one who had made a false step in his part, or swerved from his character, had been obliged to forfeit a pledge: Philina had gathered them with the greatest care, and especially threatened the reverend gentleman with many kisses; though he himself had never been at fault. Melina, on the other hand, was completely fleeced: shirt-buttons, buckles, every movable about his person, was in Philina&#039;s hands. He was trying to enact an English traveller, and could not by any means get into the spirit of his part.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Meanwhile the time had passed away very pleasantly. Each had strained his fancy and his wit to the utmost, and each had garnished his part with agreeable and entertaining jests. Thus comfortably occupied, they reached the place where they meant to pass the day; and Wilhelm, going out to walk with the clergyman, as both from his appearance and late character he persisted in naming him, soon fell into an interesting conversation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I think this practice,&amp;quot; said the stranger, &amp;quot;very useful among actors, and even in the company of friends and acquaintances. It is the best mode of drawing men out of themselves, and leading them, by a circuitous path, back into themselves again. It should be a custom with every troop of players to practice in this manner: and the public would assuredly be no loser if every month an unwritten piece were brought forward; in which, of course, the players had prepared themselves by several rehearsals.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;One should not, then,&amp;quot; replied our friend, &amp;quot;consider an extempore piece as, strictly speaking, composed on the spur of the moment, but as a piece, of which the plan, action, and division of the scenes were given; the filling up of all this being left to the player.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Quite right,&amp;quot; said the stranger; &amp;quot;and, in regard to this very filling up, such a piece, were the players once trained to these performances, would profit greatly. Not in regard to the mere words, it is true; for, by a careful selection of these, the studious writer may certainly adorn his work; but in regard to the gestures, looks, exclamations, and every thing of that nature; in short, to the mute and half-mute play of the dialogue, which seems by degrees fading away among us altogether. There are indeed some players in Germany whose bodies figure what they think and feel; who by their silence, their delays, their looks, their slight, graceful movements, can prepare the audience for a speech, and, by a pleasant sort of pantomime, combine the pauses of the dialogue with the general whole; but such a practice as this, co-operating with a happy natural turn, and training it to compete with the author, is far from being so habitual as, for the comfort of play-going people, were to be desired.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;But will not a happy natural turn,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, &amp;quot;as the first and last requisite, of itself conduct the player, like every other artist,&amp;amp;mdash;nay, perhaps every other man,&amp;amp;mdash;to the lofty mark he aims at?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The first and the last, the beginning and the end, it may well be; but, in the middle, many things will still be wanting to an artist, if instruction, and early instruction too, have not previously made that of him which he was meant to be: and perhaps for the man of genius it is worse in this respect than for the man possessed of only common capabilities; the one may much more easily be misinstructed, and be driven far more violently into false courses, than the other.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;But,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, &amp;quot;will not genius save itself, not heal the wounds which itself has inflicted?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Only to a very small extent, and with great difficulty,&amp;quot; said the other, &amp;quot;or perhaps not at all. Let no one think that he can conquer the first impressions of his youth. If he has grown up in enviable freedom, surrounded with beautiful and noble objects, in constant intercourse with worthy men; if his masters have taught him what he needed first to know, for comprehending more easily what followed; if he has never learned any thing which he requires to unlearn; if his first operations have been so guided, that, without altering any of his habits, he can more easily produce what is excellent in future,&amp;amp;mdash;then such a one will lead a purer, more perfect and happier, life, than another man who has wasted the force of his youth in opposition and error. A great deal is said and written about education; yet I meet with very few who can comprehend, and transfer to practice, this simple yet vast idea, which includes within itself all others connected with the subject.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;That may well be true,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm; &amp;quot;for the generality of men are limited enough in their conceptions to suppose that every other should be fashioned by education, according to the pattern of themselves. Happy, then, are those whom Fate takes charge of, and educates according to their several natures!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Fate,&amp;quot; said the other, smiling, &amp;quot;is an excellent but most expensive schoolmaster. In all cases, I would rather trust to the reason of a human tutor. Fate, for whose wisdom I entertain all imaginable reverence, often finds in Chance, by which it works, an instrument not over manageable. At least the latter very seldom seems to execute precisely and accurately what the former had determined.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You seem to express a very singular opinion,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Not at all,&amp;quot; replied the other. &amp;quot;Most of what happens in the world confirms my opinion. Do not many incidents at their commencement show some mighty purport, and generally terminate in something paltry?&amp;quot; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You mean to jest.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And as to what concerns the individual man,&amp;quot; pursued the other, &amp;quot;is it not so with this likewise? Suppose Fate had appointed one to be a good player; and why should it not provide us with good players as well as other good things? Chance would perhaps conduct the youth into some puppet-show, where, at such an early age, he could not help taking interest in what was tasteless and despicable, reckoning insipidities endurable or even pleasing, and thus corrupting and misdirecting his primary impressions,&amp;amp;mdash;impressions which can never be effaced, and whose influence, in spite of all our efforts, cling to us in some degree to the very last.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;What makes you think of puppet-shows?&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, not without some consternation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It was an accidental instance: if it does not please you, we shall take another. Suppose Fate had appointed any one to be a great painter, and it pleased Chance that he should pass his youth in sooty huts, in barns and stables: do you think that such a man would ever be enabled to exalt himself to purity, to nobleness, to freedom of soul? The more keenly he may in his youth have seized on the impure, and tried in his own manner to ennoble it, the more powerfully in the remainder of his life will it be revenged on him; because, while he was endeavoring to conquer it, his whole being has become inseparably combined with it. Whoever spends his early years in mean and pitiful society, though at an after period he may have the choice of better, will yet constantly look back with longing towards that which he enjoyed of old, and which has left its impression blended with the memory of all his young and unreturning pleasures.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;From conversation of this sort, it is easy to imagine, the rest of the company had gradually withdrawn. Philina, in particular, had stepped aside at the very outset. Wilhelm and his comrade now rejoined them by a cross-path. Philina brought out her forfeits, and they had to be redeemed in many different ways. During which business, the stranger, by the most ingenious devices, and by his frank participation in their sports, recommended himself much to all the party, and particularly to the ladies; and thus, amid joking, singing, kissing, and railleries of all sorts, the hours passed away in the most pleasant manner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER X.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When our friends began to think of going home, they looked about them for their clergyman; but he had vanished, and was nowhere to be found.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It is not polite in the man, who otherwise displayed good breeding,&amp;quot; said Madam Melina, &amp;quot;to desert a company that welcomed him so kindly, without taking leave.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I have all the time been thinking,&amp;quot; said Laertes, &amp;quot;where I can have seen this singular man before. I fully intended to ask him about it at parting.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I, too, had the same feeling,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm; &amp;quot;and certainly I should not have let him go, till he had told us something more about his circumstances. I am much mistaken if I have not ere now spoken with him somewhere.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And you may in truth,&amp;quot; said Philina, &amp;quot;be mistaken there. This person seems to have the air of an acquaintance, because he looks like a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;man&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and not like Jack or Kit.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;What is this?&amp;quot; said Laertes. &amp;quot;Do not we, too, look like men?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I know what I am saying,&amp;quot; cried Philina; &amp;quot;and, if you cannot understand me, never mind. In the end my words will be found to require no commentary.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Two coaches now drove up. All praised the attention of Laertes, who had ordered them. Philina, with Madam Melina, took her place opposite to Wilhelm: the rest bestowed themselves as they best could. Laertes rode back on Wilhelm&#039;s horse, which had likewise been brought out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Philina was scarcely seated in the coach, when she began to sing some pretty songs, and gradually led the conversation to some stories, which she said might be successfully treated in the form of dramas. By this cunning turn, she very soon put her young friend into his finest humor: from the wealth of his living imaginative store, he forthwith constructed a complete play, with all its acts, scenes, characters, and plots. It was thought proper to insert a few catches and songs; they composed them; and Philina, who entered into every part of it, immediately fitted them with well-known tunes, and sang them on the spot.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It was one of her beautiful, most beautiful, days: she had skill to enliven our friend with all manner of diverting wiles; he felt in spirits such as he had not for many a month enjoyed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Since that shocking discovery had torn him from the side of Mariana, he had continued true to his vow to be on his guard against the encircling arms of woman; to avoid the faithless sex; to lock up his inclinations, his sweet wishes, in his own bosom. The conscientiousness with which he had observed this vow gave his whole nature a secret nourishment; and, as his heart could not remain without affection, some loving sympathy had now become a want with him. He went along once more, as if environed by the first cloudy glories of youth; his eye fixed joyfully on every charming object, and never had his judgment of a lovely form been more favorable. How dangerous, in such a situation, this wild girl must have been to him, is but too easy to conceive.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Arrived at home, they found Wilhelm&#039;s chamber all ready to receive them; the chairs set right for a public reading; in midst of them the table, on which the punch-bowl was in due time to take its place.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The German chivalry-plays were new at this period, and had just excited the attention and the inclination of the public. Old Boisterous had brought one of this sort with him: the reading of it had already been determined on. They all sat down; Wilhelm took possession of the pamphlet, and began to read.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The harnessed knights, the ancient keeps, the true-heartedness, honesty, and downrightness, but especially the independence of the acting characters, were received with the greatest approbation. The reader did his utmost, and the audience gradually mounted into rapture. Between the third and fourth acts, the punch arrived in an ample bowl; and, there being much fighting and drinking in the piece itself, nothing was more natural than that, on every such occurrence, the company should transport themselves into the situation of the heroes, should flourish and strike along with them, and drink long life to their favorites among the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;dramatis personæ&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Each individual of the party was inflamed with the noblest fire of national spirit. How it gratified this German company to be poetically entertained, according to their own character, on stuff of their own manufacture! In particular, the vaults and caverns, the ruined castles, the moss and hollow trees, but above all the nocturnal gypsy scenes, and the Secret Tribunal, produced a quite incredible effect. Every actor now figured to himself how, erelong, in helm and harness, he; every actress how, with a monstrous spreading ruff, she,&amp;amp;mdash;would present their&lt;br /&gt;
Germanship before the public. Each would appropriate to himself without delay some name taken from the piece or from German history; and Madam Melina declared that the son or daughter she was then expecting should not be christened otherwise than by the name of Adelbert or of Mathilde.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Towards the fifth act, the approbation became more impetuous and louder; and at last, when the hero actually trampled down his oppressor, and the tyrant met his doom, the ecstasy increased to such a height, that all averred they had never passed such happy moments. Melina, whom the liquor had inspired, was the noisiest: and when the second bowl was emptied, and midnight near, Laertes swore through thick and thin, that no living mortal was worthy ever more to put these glasses to his lips; and, so swearing, he pitched his own right over his head, through a window-pane, out into the street. The rest followed his example; and notwithstanding the protestations of the landlord, who came running in at the noise, the punch-bowl itself, never after this festivity to be polluted by unholy drink, was dashed into a thousand shreds. Philina, whose exhilaration was the least noticed,&amp;amp;mdash;the other two girls by that time having laid themselves upon the sofa in no very elegant positions,&amp;amp;mdash;maliciously encouraged her companions in their tumult. Madam Melina recited some spirit-stirring poems; and her husband, not too amiable in the uproar, began to cavil at the insufficient preparation of the punch, declaring that he could arrange an entertainment altogether in a different style, and at last becoming sulkier and louder as Laertes commanded silence, till the latter, without much consideration, threw the fragments of the punch-bowl about his head, and thereby not a little deepened the confusion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Meanwhile the town-guard had arrived, and were demanding admission to the house. Wilhelm, much heated by his reading, though he had drunk but little, had enough to do, with the landlord&#039;s help, to content these people by money and good words, and afterwards to get the various members of his party sent home in that unseemly case. On coming back, overpowered with sleep and full of chagrin, he threw himself upon his bed without undressing; and nothing could exceed his disgust, when, opening his eyes next morning, he looked out with dull sight upon the devastations of the by-gone day, and saw the uncleanness, and the many bad effects, of which that ingenious, lively, and well-intentioned poetical performance had been the cause.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER XI.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After a short consideration, he called the landlord, and bade him mark to his account both the damage and the regular charge. At the same time he learned, not without vexation, that his horse had been so hard ridden by Laertes last night, that, in all probability, it was foundered, as they term it; the farrier having little hope of its recovering.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A salute from Philina, which she threw him from her window, restored him in some degree to a more cheerful humor: he went forthwith into the nearest shop to buy her a little present, which, in return for the powder-knife, he still owed her; and it must be owned, that, in selecting his gift, he did not keep himself within the limits of proportional value. He not only purchased her a pair of earrings, but added likewise a hat and neckerchief, and some other little articles, which he had seen her lavishly throw from her on the first day of their acquaintance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Madam Melina, happening to observe him as he was delivering his presents, took an opportunity before breakfast to rate him very earnestly about his inclination for this girl; at which he felt the more astonished, the less he thought it merited. He swore solemnly, that he had never once entertained the slightest notion of attaching himself to such a person, whose whole manner of proceeding was well known to him. He excused himself as well as possible for his friendly and polite conduct towards her, yet did not by any means content Madam Melina, whose spite grew ever more determined, as she could not but observe that the flatteries, by which she had acquired for herself a sort of partial regard from our friend, were not sufficient to defend this conquest from the attacks of a livery, younger, and more gifted rival.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As they sat down to table, her husband joined them, likewise in a very fretful humor; which he was beginning to display on many little things, when the landlord entered to announce a player on the harp. &amp;quot;You will certainly,&amp;quot; he said, &amp;quot;find pleasure in the music and the songs of this man: no one who hears him can forbear to admire him, and bestow something on him.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Let him go about his business,&amp;quot; said Melina: &amp;quot;I am any thing but in a trim for hearing fiddlers, and we have singers constantly among ourselves disposed to gain a little by their talent.&amp;quot; He accompanied these words with a sarcastic side-look at Philina: she understood his&lt;br /&gt;
meaning, and immediately prepared to punish him, by taking up the cause of the harper. Turning towards Wilhelm, &amp;quot;Shall we not hear the man?&amp;quot; said she: &amp;quot;shall we do nothing to save ourselves from this miserable &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ennui&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Melina was going to reply, and the strife would have grown keener, had not the person it related to at that moment entered. Wilhelm saluted him, and beckoned him to come near.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The figure of this singular guest set the whole party in astonishment: he had found a chair before any one took heart to ask him a question, or make any observation. His bald crown was encircled by a few gray hairs, and a pair of large blue eyes looked out softly from beneath his long white eyebrows. To a nose of beautiful proportions was subjoined a flowing, hoary beard, which did not hide the fine shape and position of his lips; and a long dark-brown garment wrapped his thin body from the neck to the feet. He began to prelude on the harp, which he had placed before him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The sweet tones which he drew from his instrument very soon inspirited the company.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You can sing, too, my good old man,&amp;quot; said Philina.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Give us something that shall entertain the spirit and the heart as well as the senses,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm. &amp;quot;The instrument should but accompany the voice; for tunes and melodies without words and meaning seem to me like butterflies or finely variegated birds, which hover round us in the air, which we could wish to catch and make our own: whereas song is like a blessed genius that exalts us towards heaven, and allures the better self in us to attend him.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The old man looked at Wilhelm, then aloft, then gave some trills upon his harp, and began his song. It contained a eulogy on minstrelsy,&amp;amp;mdash;described the happiness of minstrels, and reminded men to honor them. He produced his song with so much life and truth, that it seemed as if he had composed it at the moment, for this special occasion. Wilhelm could scarcely refrain from clasping him in his arms: but the fear of awakening a peal of laughter detained him in his chair; for the rest were already in half-whispers making sundry very shallow observations, and debating if the harper was a Papist or a Jew.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When asked about the author of the song, the man gave no distinct reply; declaring only that he was rich in songs, and anxious that they should please. Most of the party were now merry and joyful; even Melina was grown frank in his way; and, whilst they talked and joked together,&lt;br /&gt;
the old man began to sing the praise of social life in the most sprightly style. He described the loveliness of unity and courtesy, in soft, soothing tones. Suddenly his music became cold, harsh, and jarring, as he turned to deplore repulsive selfishness, short-sighted enmity, and baleful division; and every heart willingly threw off those galling fetters, while, borne on the wings of a piercing melody, he launched forth in praise of peacemakers, and sang the happiness of souls, that, having parted, meet again in love.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Scarcely had he ended, when Wilhelm cried to him, &amp;quot;Whoever thou art, that as a helping spirit comest to us with a voice which blesses and revives, accept my reverence and my thanks! Feel that we all admire thee, and confide in us if thou wantest any thing.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The old man spoke not: he threw his fingers softly across the strings, then struck more sharply, and sang,&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;What notes are those without the wall,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;Across the portal sounding?&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Let&#039;s have the music in our hall,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;Back from its roof rebounding.&#039;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
So spoke the king, the henchman flies:&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
His answer heard, the monarch cries,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&#039;Bring in that ancient minstrel.&#039;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;Hail, gracious king! each noble knight,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;Each lovely dame, I greet you!&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
What glittering stars salute my sight!&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;What heart unmoved may meet you!&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Such lordly pomp is not for me,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Far other scenes my eyes must see:&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;Yet deign to list my harping.&#039;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The singer turns him to his art,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;A thrilling strain he raises:&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Each warrior hears with glowing heart,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;And on his loved one gazes.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The king, who liked his playing well,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Commands, for such a kindly spell,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;A golden chain be given him.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;The golden chain give not to me;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;Thy boldest knight may wear it,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Who, &#039;cross the battle&#039;s purple sea,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;On lion breast may bear it:&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Or let it be thy chancellor&#039;s prize,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Amid his heaps to feast his eyes;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;Its yellow glance will please him.&#039;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
I sing but as the linnet sings,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;That on the green bough dwelleth;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
A rich reward his music brings,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;As from his throat it swelleth:&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Yet might I ask, I&#039;d ask of thine&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
One sparkling draught of purest wine,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;To drink it here before you.&#039;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
He viewed the wine: he quaffed it up.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&#039;O draught of sweetest savor!&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
O happy house, where such a cup&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;Is thought a little favor!&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
If well you fare, remember me,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
And thank kind Heaven, from envy free,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;As now for this I thank you.&#039;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When the harper, on finishing his song, took up a glass of wine that stood poured out for him, and, turning with a friendly mien to his entertainers, drank it off, a buzz of joyful approbation rose from all the party. They clapped hands, and wished him health from that glass, and strength to his aged limbs. He sang a few other ballads, exciting more and more hilarity among the company.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Old man,&amp;quot; said Philina, &amp;quot;dost thou know the tune, &#039;The shepherd decked him for the dance&#039;?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;a name=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2_2&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2_2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2_2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[2]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Oh, yes!&amp;quot; said he: &amp;quot;if you will sing the words, I shall not fail for my part of it.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Philina then stood up, and held herself in readiness. The old man commenced the tune; and she sang a song, which we cannot impart to our readers, lest they might think it insipid, or perhaps undignified.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Meanwhile the company were growing merrier and merrier: they had already emptied several flasks of wine, and were now beginning to get very loud. But our friend, having fresh in his remembrance the bad consequences of their late exhilaration, determined to break up the sitting; he slipped into the old man&#039;s hand a liberal remuneration for his trouble, the rest did something likewise; they gave him leave to go and take repose, promising themselves another entertainment from his skill in the evening.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When he had retired, our friend said to Philina, &amp;quot;In this favorite song of yours I certainly find no merit, either moral or poetical; yet if you were to bring forward any proper composition on the stage, with the same arch simplicity, the same propriety and gracefulness, I should engage that strong and universal approbation would be the result.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Yes,&amp;quot; said Philina: &amp;quot;it would be a charming thing indeed to warm one&#039;s self at ice.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;After all,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, &amp;quot;this old man might put many a player to the blush. Did you notice how correctly the dramatic part of his ballads was expressed? I maintain there was more living true representation in his singing than in many of our starched characters upon the stage. You would take the acting of many plays for a narrative, and you might ascribe to these musical narratives a sensible presence.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You are hardly just,&amp;quot; replied Laertes. &amp;quot;I pretend to no great skill, either as a player or as a singer; yet I know well enough, that when music guides the movements of the body, at once affording to them animation and a scale to measure it; when declamation and expression are furnished me by the composer,&amp;amp;mdash;I feel quite a different man from what I do when, in prose dramas, I have all this to create for myself,&amp;amp;mdash;have both gesture and declamation to invent, and am, perhaps, disturbed in it, too, by the awkwardness of some partner in the dialogue.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Thus much I know,&amp;quot; said Melina: &amp;quot;the man certainly puts us to the blush in one point, and that a main point. The strength of his talent is shown by the profit he derives from it. Even us, who perhaps erelong shall be embarrassed where to get a meal, he persuades to share our pittance with him. He has skill enough to wile the money from our pockets with an old song,&amp;amp;mdash;the money that we should have used to find ourselves employment. So pleasant an affair is it to squander the means which might procure subsistence to one&#039;s self and others.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This remark gave the conversation not the most delightful turn. Wilhelm, for whom the reproach was peculiarly intended, replied with some heat; and Melina, at no time over studious of delicacy and politeness, explained his grievances at last in words more plain than courteous. &amp;quot;It is now a fortnight,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;since we looked at the theatrical machinery and wardrobe which is lying pawned here: the whole might be redeemed for a very tolerable sum. You then gave me hopes that you would lend me so much; and hitherto I do not see that you have thought more of the matter, or come any nearer a determination. Had you then consented, we should ere now have been under way. Nor has your intention to leave the place been executed, nor has your money in the mean time been spared: at least there are people who have always skill to create&lt;br /&gt;
opportunities for scattering it faster and faster away.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Such upbraidings, not altogether undeserved, touched Wilhelm to the quick. He replied with keenness, nay, with anger; and, as the company rose to part, he took hold of the door, and gave them not obscurely to understand that he would no longer continue with such unfriendly and ungrateful people. He hastened down, in no kindly humor, and seated himself upon the stone bench without the door of his inn; not observing, that, first out of mirth, then out of spleen, he had drunk more wine than usual.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER XII.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After a short time, which he passed sitting looking out before him, disquieted by many thoughts, Philina came singing and skipping along through the front door. She sat down by him, nay, we might almost say, on him, so close did she press herself towards him: she leaned upon his shoulders, began playing with his hair, patted him, and gave him the best words in the world. She begged of him to stay with them, and not leave her alone in that company, or she must die of tedium: she could not live any longer in the same house with Melina, and had come over to lodge in the other inn for that reason.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He tried in vain to satisfy her with denials,&amp;amp;mdash;to make her understand that he neither could nor would remain any longer. She did not cease with her entreaties; nay, suddenly she threw her arm round his neck, and kissed him with the liveliest expression of fondness.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Are you mad, Philina?&amp;quot; cried Wilhelm, endeavoring to disengage himself; &amp;quot;to make the open street the scene of such caresses, which I nowise merit! Let me go! I can not and I will not stay.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And I will hold thee fast,&amp;quot; said she, &amp;quot;and kiss thee here on the open street, and kiss thee till thou promise what I want. I shall die of laughing,&amp;quot; she continued: &amp;quot;by this familiarity the good people here must take me for thy wife of four weeks&#039; standing; and husbands, who witness this touching scene, will commend me to their wives as a pattern of childlike, simple tenderness.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Some persons were just then going by: she caressed him in the most graceful way; and he, to avoid giving scandal, was constrained to play the part of the patient husband. Then she made faces at the people, when their backs were turned, and, in the wildest humor, continued to commit all sorts of improprieties, till at last he was obliged to promise that he would not go that day, or the morrow, or the next day.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You are a true clod!&amp;quot; said she, quitting him; &amp;quot;and I am but a fool to spend so much kindness on you.&amp;quot; She arose with some vexation, and walked a few steps, then turned round laughing, and cried, &amp;quot;I believe it is just that, after all, that makes me so crazy about thee. I will but go and seek my knitting-needles and my stocking, that I may have something to do. Stay there, and let me find the stone man still upon the stone bench when I come back.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She cast a sparkling glance on him, and went into the house. He had no call to follow her; on the contrary, her conduct had excited fresh aversion in him; yet he rose from the bench to go after her, not well knowing why.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was just entering the door, when Melina passed by, and spoke to him in a respectful tone, asking his pardon for the somewhat too harsh expressions he had used in their late discussion. &amp;quot;You will not take it ill of me,&amp;quot; continued he, &amp;quot;if I appear perhaps too fretful in my present circumstances. The charge of providing for a wife, perhaps soon for a child, forbids me from day to day to live at peace, or spend my time as you may do, in the enjoyment of pleasant feelings. Consider, I pray you, and, if possible, do put me in possession of that stage machinery that is lying here. I shall not be your debtor long, and I shall be obliged to you while I live.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Our friend, unwilling to be kept upon the threshold, over which an irresistible impulse was drawing him at that moment to Philina, answered, with an absent mind, eager to be gone, and surprised into a transient feeling of good will, &amp;quot;If I can make you happy and contented by doing this, I will hesitate no longer. Go you and put every thing to rights. I shall be prepared this evening, or to-morrow morning, to pay the money.&amp;quot; He then gave his hand to Melina in confirmation of his promise, and was very glad to see him hastily proceed along the street; but, alas! his entrance, which he now thought sure, was a second time prohibited, and more disagreeably than at first.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A young man, with a bundle on his back, came walking fast along the street, and advanced to Wilhelm, who at once recognized him for&lt;br /&gt;
Friedrich.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Here am I again!&amp;quot; cried he, looking with his large blue eyes joyfully up and down, over all the windows of the house. &amp;quot;Where is Mamsell? Devil take me, if I can stroll about the world any longer without seeing her!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The landlord, joining them at this instant, replied that she was above; Friedrich, with a few bounds, was up stairs; and Wilhelm continued standing, as if rooted to the threshold. At the first instant he was tempted to pluck the younker back, and drag him down by the hair; then all at once the spasm of a sharp jealousy stopped the current of his spirits and ideas; and, as he gradually recovered from this stupefaction, there came over him a splenetic fit of restlessness, a general discomfort, such as he had never felt in his life before.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He went up to his room, and found Mignon busy writing. For some time the creature had been laboring with great diligence in writing every thing she knew by heart, giving always to her master and friend the papers to correct. She was indefatigable, and of good comprehension; but still, her letters were irregular, and her lines crooked. Here, too, the body seemed to contradict the mind. In his usual moods, Wilhelm took no small pleasure in the child&#039;s attention; but, at the present moment, he regarded little what she showed him,&amp;amp;mdash;a piece of neglect which she felt the more acutely, as on this occasion she conceived her work had been accomplished with peculiar success.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm&#039;s unrest drove him up and down the passages of the house, and finally again to the street-door. A rider was just prancing towards it,&amp;amp;mdash;a man of good appearance, of middle age, and a brisk, contented look. The landlord ran to meet him, holding out his hand as to an old acquaintance. &amp;quot;Ay, Herr Stallmeister,&amp;quot; cried he, &amp;quot;have we the pleasure to see you again?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I am only just going to bait with you,&amp;quot; replied the stranger, &amp;quot;and then along to the estate, to get matters put in order as soon as possible. The count is coming over to-morrow with his lady; they mean to stay a while to entertain the Prince von &amp;amp;mdash;&amp;amp;mdash; in their best style: he intends to fix his headquarters in this neighborhood for some time.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It is pity,&amp;quot; said the landlord, &amp;quot;that you cannot stop with us: we have good company in the house.&amp;quot; The hostler came running out, and took the horse from the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stallmeister&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, who continued talking in the&lt;br /&gt;
door with the landlord, and now and then giving a look at Wilhelm.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Our friend, observing that he formed the topic of their conversation, went away, and walked up and down the streets.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER XIII.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the restless vexation of his present humor, it came into his head to go and see the old harper; hoping by his music to scare away the evil spirits that tormented him. On asking for the man, he was directed to a mean public house, in a remote corner of the little town; and, having mounted up-stairs there to the very garret, his ear caught the fine twanging of the harp coming from a little room before him. They were heart-moving, mournful tones, accompanied by a sad and dreary singing. Wilhelm glided to the door: and as the good old man was performing a sort of voluntary, the few stanzas of which, sometimes chanted, sometimes in recitative, were repeated more than once, our friend succeeded, after listening for a while, in gathering nearly this:&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Who never ate his bread with tears,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Through nights of grief who, weeping, never&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Sat on his bed, midst pangs and fears,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Can, heavenly powers, not know you ever.&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Ye lead us forth into this life,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Where comfort soon by guilt is banished,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Abandon us to tortures, strife;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
For on this earth all guilt is punished.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span style=&amp;quot;margin-left: 17.5em;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Editor&#039;s Version.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The heart-sick, plaintive sound of this lament pierced deep into the soul of the hearer. It seemed to him as if the old man were often stopped from proceeding by his tears: his harp would alone be heard for a time, till his voice again joined it in low, broken tones. Wilhelm stood by the door; he was much moved; the mourning of this stranger had again opened the avenues of his heart; he could not resist the claim of sympathy, or restrain the tears which this woe-begone complaint at last called forth. All the pains that pressed upon his soul seemed now at once to loosen from their hold: he abandoned himself without reserve&lt;br /&gt;
to the feelings of the moment. Pushing up the door, he stood before the harper. The old man was sitting on a mean bed, the only seat, or article of furniture, which his miserable room afforded.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;What feelings thou hast awakened in me, good old man!&amp;quot; exclaimed he. &amp;quot;All that was lying frozen at my heart thou hast melted, and put in motion. Let me not disturb thee, but continue, in solacing thy own sorrows, to confer happiness upon a friend.&amp;quot; The harper was about to rise, and say something; but Wilhelm hindered him, for he had noticed in the morning that the old man did not like to speak. He sat down by him on the straw bed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The old man wiped his eyes, and asked, with a friendly smile, &amp;quot;How came you hither? I meant to wait upon you in the evening again.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;We are more quiet here,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm. &amp;quot;Sing to me what thou pleasest, what accords with thy own mood of mind, only proceed as if I were not by. It seems to me, that to-day thou canst not fail to suit me. I think thee very happy, that, in solitude, thou canst employ and entertain thyself so pleasantly; that, being everywhere a stranger, thou findest in thy own heart the most agreeable society.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The old man looked upon his strings; and after touching them softly, by way of prelude, he commenced and sang,&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Who longs in solitude to live,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Ah! soon his wish will gain:&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Men hope and love, men get and give,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
And leave him to his pain.&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Yes, leave me to my moan!&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
When from my bed&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
You all are fled,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
I still am not alone.&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The lover glides with footstep light:&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
His love, is she not waiting there?&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
So glides to meet me, day and night,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In solitude my care,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In solitude my woe:&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
True solitude I then shall know&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
When lying in my grave,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
When lying in my grave,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
And grief has let me go.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We might describe with great prolixity, and yet fail to express the charms of, the singular conversation which Wilhelm carried on with this wayfaring stranger. To every observation our friend addressed to him,&lt;br /&gt;
the old man, with the nicest accordance, answered in some melody, which awakened all the cognate emotions, and opened a wide field to the imagination.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Whoever has happened to be present at a meeting of certain devout people, who conceive, that, in a state of separation from the Church, they can edify each other in a purer, more affecting, and more spiritual manner, may form to himself some conception of the present scene. He will recollect how the leader of the meeting would append to his words some verse of a song, that raised the soul till, as he wished, she took wing; how another of the flock would erelong subjoin, in a different tune, some verse of a different song; and to this again a third would link some verse of a third song,&amp;amp;mdash;by which means the kindred ideas of the songs to which the verses belonged were indeed suggested, yet each passage by its new combination became new and individualized, as if it had been first composed that moment; and thus from a well-known circle of ideas, from well-known songs and sayings, there was formed for that particular society, in that particular time, an original whole, by means of which their minds were animated, strengthened, and refreshed. So, likewise, did the old man edify his guest: by known and unknown songs and passages, he brought feelings near and distant, emotions sleeping and awake, pleasant and painful, into a circulation, from which, in Wilhelm&#039;s actual state, the best effects might be anticipated.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER XIV.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Accordingly, in walking back, he began to think with greater earnestness than ever on his present situation: he had reached home with the firm purpose of altering it, when the landlord disclosed to him, by way of secret, that Mademoiselle Philina had made a conquest of the count&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stallmeister&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, who, after executing his commission at his master&#039;s estate, had returned in the greatest haste, and was even now partaking of a good supper with her up in her chamber.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At this very moment Melina came in with a notary: they went into Wilhelm&#039;s chamber together, where the latter, though with some hesitation, made his promise good; gave a draft of three hundred&lt;br /&gt;
crowns to Melina, who, handing it to the lawyer, received in return a note acknowledging the sale of the whole theatrical apparatus, and engaging to deliver it next morning.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Scarcely had they parted, when Wilhelm heard a cry of horror rising from some quarter of the house. He caught the sound of a young voice, uttering menacing and furious tones, which were ever and anon choked by immoderate weeping and howling. He observed this frantic noise move hastily from above, go past his door, and down to the lower part of the house.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Curiosity enticing our friend to follow it, he found Friedrich in a species of delirium. The boy was weeping, grinding his teeth, stamping with his feet, threatening with clenched fists: he appeared beside himself from fury and vexation. Mignon was standing opposite him, looking on with astonishment. The landlord, in some degree, explained this phenomenon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The boy, he said, being well received at his return by Philina, seemed quite merry and contented: he had kept singing and jumping about, till the time when Philina grew acquainted with the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stallmeister&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Then, however, this half-grown younker had begun to show his indignation, to slam the doors, and run up and down in the highest dudgeon. Philina had ordered him to wait at table that evening, upon which he had grown still sulkier and more indignant; till at last, carrying up a plate with a ragout, instead of setting it upon the table, he had thrown the whole between Mademoiselle and her guest, who were sitting moderately close together at the time: and the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stallmeister&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, after two or three hearty cuffs, had then kicked him out of the room. He, the landlord, had himself helped to clean both of them; and certainly their clothes had suffered much.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On hearing of the good effect of his revenge, the boy began to laugh aloud, whilst the tears were still running down his cheeks. He heartily rejoiced for a time, till the disgrace which he had suffered from the stronger party once more came into his head, and he began afresh to howl and threaten.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm stood meditating, and ashamed at this spectacle. It reflected back to him his own feelings, in coarser and exaggerated features: he, too, was inflamed with a fierce jealousy; and, had not decency restrained him, he would willingly have satisfied his wild humor; with malicious spleen would have abused the object of his passion, and&lt;br /&gt;
called out his rival; he could have crushed in pieces all the people round him; they seemed as if standing there but to vex him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Laertes also had come in, and heard the story: he roguishly spurred on the irritated boy, who was now asserting with oaths that he would make the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stallmeister&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; give him satisfaction; that he had never yet let any injury abide with him; that, should the man refuse, there were other ways of taking vengeance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This was the very business for Laertes. He went up stairs, with a solemn countenance, to call out the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stallmeister&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in the boy&#039;s name.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;This is a pleasant thing,&amp;quot; said the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stallmeister&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: &amp;quot;such a joke as this I had scarcely promised myself to-night.&amp;quot; They went down, and Philina followed them. &amp;quot;My son,&amp;quot; said the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stallmeister&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; to Friedrich, &amp;quot;thou art a brave lad, and I do not hesitate to fight thee. Only, as our years and strength are unequal, and the attempt a little dangerous on that account, I propose a pair of foils in preference to other weapons. We can rub the buttons of them with a piece of chalk; and whoever marks upon the other&#039;s coat the first or the most thrusts, shall be held the victor, and be treated by the other with the best wine that can be had in town.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Laertes decided that the proposition might be listened to: Friedrich obeyed him, as his tutor. The foils were produced: Philina took a seat, went on with her knitting, and looked at the contending parties with the greatest peace of mind.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stallmeister&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, who could fence very prettily, was complaisant enough to spare his adversary, and to let a few chalk scores be marked upon his coat; after which the two embraced, and wine was ordered. The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stallmeister&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; took the liberty of asking Friedrich&#039;s parentage and history; and Friedrich told him a long story, which had often been repeated already, and which, at some other opportunity, we purpose communicating to our readers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To Wilhelm, in the mean time, this contest completed the representation of his own state of mind. He could not but perceive that he would willingly have taken up a foil against the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stallmeister&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,&amp;amp;mdash;a sword still more willingly, though evidently much his inferior in the science of defence. Yet he deigned not to cast one look on Philina; he was on his guard against any word or movement that could possibly betray his feelings: and, after having once or twice done justice to the health&lt;br /&gt;
of the duellists, he hastened to his own room, where a thousand painful thoughts came pressing round him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He called to memory the time when his spirit, rich in hope, and full of boundless aims, was raised aloft, and encircled with the liveliest enjoyments of every kind as with its proper element. He now clearly saw, that of late he had fallen into a broken, wandering path, where, if he tasted, it was but in drops what he once quaffed in unrestricted measure. But he could not clearly see what insatiable want it was that nature had made the law of his being, and how this want had been only set on edge, half satisfied, and misdirected by the circumstances of his life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It will not surprise us, therefore, that, in considering his situation, and laboring to extricate himself, he fell into the greatest perplexity. It was not enough, that by his friendship for Laertes, his attachment to Philina, his concern for Mignon, he had been detained longer than was proper in a place and a society where he could cherish his darling inclination, content his wishes as it were by stealth, and, without proposing any object, again pursue his early dreams. These ties he believed himself possessed of force enough to break asunder: had there been nothing more to hold him, he could have gone at once. But, only a few moments ago, he had entered into money transactions with Melina: he had seen that mysterious old man, the enigma of whose history he longed with unspeakable desire to clear. Yet of this too, after much balancing of reasons, he at length determined, or thought he had determined, that it should not keep him back. &amp;quot;I must go.&amp;quot; He threw himself into a chair: he felt greatly moved. Mignon came in, and asked whether she might help to undress him. Her manner was still and shy: it had grieved her to the quick to be so abruptly dismissed by him before.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nothing is more touching than the first disclosure of a love which has been nursed in silence, of a faith grown strong in secret, and which at last comes forth in the hour of need, and reveals itself to him who formerly has reckoned it of small account. The bud, which had been closed so long and firmly, was now ripe to burst its swathings; and Wilhelm&#039;s heart could never have been readier to welcome the impressions of affection.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She stood before him, and noticed his disquietude. &amp;quot;Master!&amp;quot; she cried, &amp;quot;if thou art unhappy, what will become of Mignon?&amp;quot;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;quot;Dear little creature,&amp;quot; said he, taking her hands, &amp;quot;thou, too, art part of my&lt;br /&gt;
anxieties. I must go hence.&amp;quot; She looked at his eyes, glistening with restrained tears, and knelt down with vehemence before him. He kept her hands: she laid her head upon his knees, and remained quite still. He played with her hair, patted her, and spoke kindly to her. She continued motionless for a considerable time. At last he felt a sort of palpitating movement in her, which began very softly, and then by degrees, with increasing violence, diffused itself over all her frame. &amp;quot;What ails thee, Mignon?&amp;quot; cried he: &amp;quot;What ails thee?&amp;quot; She raised her little head, looked at him, and all at once laid her hand upon her heart, with the countenance of one repressing the utterance of pain. He raised her up, and she fell upon his breast: he pressed her towards him, and kissed her. She replied not by any pressure of the hand, by any motion whatever. She held firmly against her heart, and all at once gave a cry, which was accompanied by spasmodic movements of the body. She started up, and immediately fell down before him, as if broken in every joint. It was an excruciating moment. &amp;quot;My child!&amp;quot; cried he, raising her up, and clasping her fast, &amp;quot;my child, what ails thee?&amp;quot; The palpitations continued, spreading from the heart over all the lax and powerless limbs: she was merely hanging in his arms. All at once she again became quite stiff, like one enduring the sharpest corporeal agony; and soon with a new vehemence all her frame once more became alive; and she threw herself about his neck, like a bent spring that is closing; while in her soul, as it were, a strong rent took place, and at the same moment a stream of tears flowed from her shut eyes into his bosom. He held her fast. She wept, and no tongue can express the force of these tears. Her long hair had loosened, and was hanging down before her: it seemed as if her whole being was melting incessantly into a brook of tears. Her rigid limbs were again become relaxed; her inmost soul was pouring itself forth; in the wild confusion of the moment Wilhelm was afraid she would dissolve in his arms, and leave nothing there for him to grasp. He held her faster and faster. &amp;quot;My child!&amp;quot; cried he, &amp;quot;my child! thou art indeed mine, if that word can comfort thee. Thou art mine! I will keep thee, I will never forsake thee!&amp;quot; Her tears continued flowing. At last she raised herself: a faint gladness shone upon her face. &amp;quot;My father!&amp;quot; cried she, &amp;quot;thou wilt not forsake me? Wilt be my father? I am thy child!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Softly, at this moment, the harp began to sound before the door: the old man brought his most affecting songs as an evening offering to our friend, who, holding his child ever faster in his arms, enjoyed the most pure and undescribable felicity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;BOOK III.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER I.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Dost know the land where citrons, lemons, grow,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Gold oranges &#039;neath dusky foliage glow,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
From azure sky are blowing breezes soft,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The myrtles still, the laurel stands aloft?&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span style=&amp;quot;margin-left: 12em;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Tis there! &#039;tis there!&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
I would with thee, O my beloved one, go!&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Dost know the house, its roofs do columns bear,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The hall with splendor bright, the chambers glare?&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Therein stand marble forms, and look at me:&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
What is&#039;t, poor child, that they have done to thee?&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Dost know that house?&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span style=&amp;quot;margin-left: 12em;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Tis there! &#039;tis there!&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
I would with thee, O my protector, go!&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Dost know the mount, whose path with clouds is fraught,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Where by the mule through mist the way is sought,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Where dwell in caves the dragon&#039;s ancient brood,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Where falls the rock, and over it the flood,&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Dost know that mount?&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span style=&amp;quot;margin-left: 12em;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Tis there! &#039;tis there!&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Does lead our road: O father, let us go!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span style=&amp;quot;margin-left: 21em;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Editor&#039;s Version.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Next morning, on looking for Mignon about the house, Wilhelm did not find her, but was informed that she had gone out early with Melina, who had risen betimes to receive the wardrobe and other apparatus of his theatre.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After the space of some hours, Wilhelm heard the sound of music before his door. At first he thought it was the harper come again to visit him; but he soon distinguished the tones of a cithern, and the voice which began to sing was Mignon&#039;s. Wilhelm opened the door: the child came in, and sang him the song we have just given above.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The music and general expression of it pleased our friend extremely, though he could not understand all the words. He made her once more repeat the stanzas, and explain them: he wrote them down, and translated them into his native language. But the originality of its turns he&lt;br /&gt;
could imitate only from afar: its childlike innocence of expression vanished from it in the process of reducing its broken phraseology to uniformity, and combining its disjointed parts. The charm of the tune, moreover, was entirely incomparable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She began every verse in a stately and solemn manner, as if she wished to draw attention towards something wonderful, as if she had something weighty to communicate. In the third line, her tones became deeper and gloomier; the words, &amp;quot;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Dost know?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;quot; were uttered with a show of mystery and eager circumspectness; in &amp;quot;&#039;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Tis there! &#039;tis there!&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;quot; lay an irresistible longing; and her &amp;quot;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Let us go!&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;quot; she modified at each repetition, so that now it appeared to entreat and implore, now to impel and persuade.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On finishing her song for the second time, she stood silent for a moment, looked keenly at Wilhelm, and asked him, &amp;quot;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Know&#039;st&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; thou the land?&amp;quot;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;quot;It must mean Italy,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm: &amp;quot;where didst thou get the little song?&amp;quot;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;quot;Italy!&amp;quot; said Mignon, with an earnest air. &amp;quot;If thou go to Italy, take me along with thee; for I am too cold here.&amp;quot;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;quot;Hast thou been there already, little dear?&amp;quot; said Wilhelm. But the child was silent, and nothing more could be got out of her.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Melina entered now: he looked at the cithern,&amp;amp;mdash;was glad that she had rigged it up again so prettily. The instrument had been among Melina&#039;s stage-gear: Mignon had begged it of him in the morning, and then gone to the old harper. On this occasion she had shown a talent she was not before suspected of possessing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Melina had already got possession of his wardrobe, with all that pertained to it: some members of the town magistracy had promised him permission to act, for a time, in the place. He was now returning with a merry heart and a cheerful look. His nature seemed altogether changed: he was soft, courteous to every one,&amp;amp;mdash;nay, fond of obliging, and almost attractive. He was happy, he said, at now being able to afford employment to his friends, who had hitherto lain idle and embarrassed; sorry, however, that at first he could not have it in his power to remunerate the excellent actors whom fortune had offered him, in a style corresponding to their talents and capacities; being under the necessity, before all other things, of discharging his debt to so generous a friend as Wilhelm had proved himself to be.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I cannot describe,&amp;quot; said he to Wilhelm, &amp;quot;the friendliness which you have shown, in helping me forward to the management of a theatre.&lt;br /&gt;
When I found you here, I was in a very curious predicament. You recollect how strongly I displayed to you, on our first acquaintance, my aversion to the stage; and yet, on being married, I was forced to look about for a place in some theatre, out of love to my wife, who promised to herself much joy and great applause if so engaged. I could find none, at least no constant one; but in return I luckily fell in with some commercial men, who, in extraordinary cases, were enabled to employ a person that could handle his pen, that understood French, and was not without a little skill in ciphering. I managed pretty well in this way for a time; I was tolerably paid; got about me many things which I had need of, and did not feel ashamed of my work. But these commissions of my patrons came to an end; they could afford me no permanent establishment: and, ever since, my wife has continued urging me still more to go upon the stage again; though, at present, alas! her own situation is none of the favorablest for exhibiting herself with honor in the eyes of the public. But now, I hope, the establishment which by your kind help I have the means of setting up, will prove a good beginning for me and mine: you I shall thank for all my future happiness, let matters turn out as they will.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm listened to him with contentment: the whole fraternity of players were likewise moderately satisfied with the declarations of the new manager; they secretly rejoiced that an offer of employment had occurred so soon, and were disposed to put up at first with a smaller salary, the rather, that most of them regarded the present one, so unexpectedly placed within their reach, as a kind of supplement, on which a short while ago they could not count. Melina made haste to profit by this favorable temper: he endeavored in a sly way to get a little talk with each in private, and erelong had, by various methods, so cockered them all, that they did not hesitate to strike a bargain with him without loss of time; scarcely thinking of this new engagement, or reckoning themselves secure at worst of getting free again after six-weeks&#039; warning.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The terms were now to be reduced to proper form; and Melina was considering with what pieces he would first entice the public, when a courier riding up informed the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stallmeister&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; that his lord and lady were at hand; on which the latter ordered out his horses.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In a short time after this, the coach with its masses of luggage rolled in; two servants sprang down from the coach-box before the inn; and Philina, according to her custom, foremost in the way of novelties, placed herself within the door.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Who are you?&amp;quot; said the countess, entering the house.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;An actress, at your Excellency&#039;s service,&amp;quot; was the answer; while the cheat, with a most innocent air, and looks of great humility, courtesied, and kissed the lady&#039;s gown.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The count, on seeing some other persons standing round, who also signified that they were players, inquired about the strength of their company, their last place of residence, their manager. &amp;quot;Had they but been Frenchmen,&amp;quot; said he to his lady, &amp;quot;we might have treated the prince with an unexpected enjoyment, and entertained him with his favorite pastime at our house.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And could we not,&amp;quot; said the countess, &amp;quot;get these people, though unluckily they are but Germans, to exhibit with us at the castle while the prince stays there? Without doubt they have some degree of skill. A large party can never be so well amused with any thing as with a theatre: besides, the baron would assist them.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;So speaking, they went up-stairs; and Melina presented himself above, as manager. &amp;quot;Call your folk together,&amp;quot; said the count, &amp;quot;and place them before me, that I may see what is in them. I must also have the list of pieces you profess to act.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Melina, with a low bow, hastened from the room, and soon returned with his actors. They advanced in promiscuous succession: some, out of too great anxiety to please, introduced themselves in a rather sorry style; the others, not much better, by assuming an air of unconcern. Philina showed the deepest reverence to the countess, who behaved with extreme graciousness and condescension: the count, in the mean time, was mustering the rest. He questioned each about his special province of acting, and signified to Melina that he must rigorously keep them to their several provinces,&amp;amp;mdash;a precept which the manager received with the greatest devotion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The count then stated to each in particular what he ought especially to study, what about his figure or his postures ought to be amended; showed them luminously in what points the Germans always fail; and displayed such extraordinary knowledge, that all stood in the deepest humility,&lt;br /&gt;
scarcely daring to draw their breath before so enlightened a critic and so right honorable a patron.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;What fellow is that in the corner?&amp;quot; said the count, looking at a subject who had not yet been presented to him, and who now approached,&amp;amp;mdash;a lean, shambling figure, with a rusty coat, patched at the elbows, and a woful periwig covering his submissive head.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This person, whom, from the last Book, we know already as Philina&#039;s darling, had been want to enact pedants, tutors, and poets,&amp;amp;mdash;generally undertaking parts in which any cudgelling or ducking was to be endured. He had trained himself to certain crouching, ludicrous, timid bows; and his faltering, stammering speech befitted the characters he played, and created laughter in the audience; so that he was always looked on as a useful member of the company, being moreover very serviceable and obliging. He approached the count in his own peculiar way, bent himself before him, and answered every question with the grimaces and gestures he was used to on the stage. The count looked at him for some time with an air of attentive satisfaction and studious observation; then, turning to the countess, &amp;quot;Child,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;consider this man well: I will engage for it he is a great actor, or may become so.&amp;quot; The creature here, in the fulness of his heart, made an idiotic bow: the count burst into laughing, and exclaimed, &amp;quot;He does it excellently well! I bet this fellow can act any thing he likes: it is pity that he has not been already used to something better.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;So singular a prepossession was extremely galling to the rest: Melina alone felt no vexation, but completely coincided with the count, and answered, with a prostrate look, &amp;quot;Alas! it is too true: both he and others of us have long stood in need of such encouragement, and such a judge, as we now find in your Excellency.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Is this the whole company?&amp;quot; inquired the count.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Some of them are absent,&amp;quot; said the crafty Melina; &amp;quot;and at any rate, if we should meet with support, we could soon collect abundant numbers from the neighborhood.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Philina in the mean while was saying to the countess, &amp;quot;There is a very pretty young man above, who without doubt would shortly become a first-rate amateur.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Why does he not appear?&amp;quot; said the countess.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I will bring him,&amp;quot; cried Philina, hastening to the door.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She found our friend still occupied with Mignon: she persuaded him to come down. He followed her with some reluctance: yet curiosity&lt;br /&gt;
impelled him; for, hearing that the family were people of rank, he longed much to know more of them. On entering the room, his eyes met those of the countess, which were directed towards him. Philina led him to the lady, while the count was busied with the rest. Wilhelm made his bow, and replied to several questions from the fair dame, not without confusion of mind. Her beauty and youth, her graceful dignity and refined manner, made the most delightful impression on him; and the more so, as her words and looks were accompanied with a certain bashfulness, one might almost say embarrassment. He was likewise introduced to the count, who, however, took no special notice of him, but went to the window with his lady, and seemed to ask her about something. It was easy to observe that her opinion accorded strongly with his own; that she even tried to persuade him, and strengthen him in his intentions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In a short while he turned round to the company, and said, &amp;quot;I must not stay at present, but I will send a friend to you; and if you make reasonable proposals, and will take very great pains, I am not disinclined to let you play at the castle.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;All testified their joy at this: Philina in particular kissed the hands of the countess with the greatest vivacity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Look you, little thing,&amp;quot; said the lady, patting the cheeks of the light-minded girl, &amp;quot;look you, child, you shall come to me again: I will keep my promise; only you must dress better.&amp;quot; Philina stated in excuse that she had little to lay out upon her wardrobe; and the countess immediately ordered her waiting-maids to bring from the carriage a silk neckerchief and an English hat, the articles easiest to come at, and give them to her new favorite. The countess herself then decked Philina, who continued very neatly to support, by her looks and conduct, that saintlike, guiltless character she had assumed at first.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The count took his lady&#039;s hand, and led her down. She bowed to the whole company with a friendly air, in passing by them: she turned round again towards Wilhelm, and said to him, with the most gracious mien, &amp;quot;We shall soon meet again.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These happy prospects enlivened the whole party: every one of them gave free course to his hopes, his wishes, his imaginations; spoke of the parts he would play, and the applause he would acquire. Melina was&lt;br /&gt;
considering how he might still, by a few speedy exhibitions, gain a little money from the people of the town before he left it; while others went into the kitchen, to order a better dinner than of late they had been used to.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER II.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After a few days the baron came, and it was not without fear that Melina received him. The count had spoken of him as a critic: and it might be dreaded, he would speedily detect the weakness of the little party, and see that it formed no efficient troop; there being scarcely a play which they could act in a suitable manner. But the manager, as well as all the members, were soon delivered from their cares, on finding that the baron was a man who viewed the German stage with a most patriotic enthusiasm, to whom every player, and every company of players, was welcome and agreeable. He saluted them all with great solemnity; was happy to come upon a German theatre so unexpectedly, to get connected with it, and to introduce their native Muses to the mansion of his relative. He then pulled out from his pocket a bundle of stitched papers, in which Melina hoped to find the terms of their contract specified; but it proved something very different. It was a drama, which the baron himself had composed, and wished to have played by them: he requested their attention while he read it. Willingly they formed a circle round him, charmed at being able with so little trouble to secure the favor of a man so important; though, judging by the thickness of the manuscript, it was clear that a very long rehearsal might be dreaded. Their apprehensions were not groundless: the piece was written in five acts, and that sort of acts which never have an end.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The hero was an excellent, virtuous, magnanimous, and at the same time misunderstood and persecuted, man: this worthy person, after many trials, gained the victory at last over all his enemies; on whom, in consequence, the most rigorous poetic justice would have been exercised, had he not pardoned them on the spot.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;While this piece was rehearsing, each of the auditors had leisure enough to think of himself, and to mount up quite softly from the&lt;br /&gt;
humble prostration of mind, to which, a little while ago, he had felt disposed, into a comfortable state of contentment with his own gifts and advantages, and, from this elevation, to discover the most pleasing prospects in the future. Such of them as found in the play no parts adapted for their own acting, internally pronounced it bad, and viewed the baron as a miserable author; while the others, every time they noticed any passage which they hoped might procure them a little clapping of the hands, exalted it with the greatest praise, to the immeasurable satisfaction of the author.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The commercial part of their affair was soon completed. Melina made an advantageous bargain with the baron, and contrived to keep it secret from the rest.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of our friend, Melina took occasion to declare in passing, that he seemed to be successfully qualifying himself for becoming a dramatic poet, and even to have some capacities for being an actor. The baron introduced himself to Wilhelm as a colleague; and the latter by and by produced some short pieces, which, with a few other relics, had escaped by chance, on the day when he threw the greater part of his works into the flames. The baron lauded both his pieces and delivery: he spoke of it as a settled thing, that Wilhelm should come over to the castle with the rest. For all, at his departure, he engaged to find the best reception, comfortable quarters, a good table, applauses, and presents; and Melina further gave the promise of a certain modicum of pocket-money to each.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It is easy to conceive how this visit raised the spirits of the party: instead of a low and harassing situation, they now at once saw honors and enjoyment before them. On the score of these great hopes they already made merry, and each thought it needless and stingy to retain a single &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;groschen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of money in his purse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Meanwhile our friend was taking counsel with himself about accompanying the troop to the castle; and he found it, in more than one sense, advisable to do so. Melina was in hopes of paying off his debt, at least in part, by this engagement; and Wilhelm, who had come from home to study men, was unwilling to let slip this opportunity of examining the great world, where he expected to obtain much insight into life, into himself, and the dramatic art. With all this, he durst not confess how greatly he wished again to be near the beautiful countess. He rather&lt;br /&gt;
sought to persuade himself in general of the mighty advantages which a more intimate acquaintance with the world of rank and wealth would procure for him. He pursued his reflections on the count, the countess, the baron; on the security, the grace, and propriety of their demeanor: he exclaimed with rapture when alone,&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Thrice happy are they to be esteemed, whom their birth of itself exalts above the lower stages of mankind; who do not need to traverse those perplexities, not even to skirt them, in which many worthy men so painfully consume the whole period of life. Far-extending and unerring must their vision be, on that higher station; easy each step of their progress in the world. From their very birth, they are placed, as it were, in a ship, which, in this voyage we have all to make, enables them to profit by the favorable winds, and to ride out the cross ones; while others, bare of help, must wear their strength away in swimming, can derive little profit from the favorable breeze, and in the storm must soon become exhausted, and sink to the bottom. What convenience, what ease of movement, does a fortune we are born to confer upon us! How securely does a traffic flourish, which is founded on a solid capital, where the failure of one or of many enterprises does not of necessity reduce us to inaction! Who can better know the worth and worthlessness of earthly things, than he that has had within his choice the enjoyment of them from youth upwards? and who can earlier guide his mind to the useful, the necessary, the true, than he that may convince himself of so many errors in an age when his strength is yet fresh to begin a new career?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thus did our friend cry joy to all inhabitants of the upper regions, and, not to them only, but to all that were permitted to approach their circle, and draw water from their wells. So he thanked his own happy stars, that seemed preparing to grant this mighty blessing to himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Melina, in the mean time, was torturing his brains to get the company arranged according to their several provinces, and each of them appointed to produce his own peculiar effect. In compliance with the count&#039;s injunctions and his own persuasions, he made many efforts; but at last, when it came to the point of execution, he was forced to be content, if, in so small a troop, he found his people willing to adjust themselves to this or that part as they best were able. When matters would admit of it, Laertes played the lover; Philina the lady&#039;s maid; the two young girls took up between them the characters of the&lt;br /&gt;
artless and tender loved ones; the boisterous old gentleman of the piece was sure to be the best acted. Melina himself thought he might come forth as chevalier; Madam Melina, to her no small sorrow, was obliged to satisfy herself with personating young wives, or even affectionate mothers; and as in the newer plays, a poet or pedant is rarely introduced, and still more rarely for the purpose of being laughed at, the well-known favorite of the count was now usually transformed into president or minister,&amp;amp;mdash;these being commonly set forth as knaves, and severely handled in the fifth act. Melina, too, in the part of chamberlain or the like, introduced, with great satisfaction, the ineptitudes put into his hands by various honest Germans, according to use and wont, in many well-accepted plays: he delighted in these characters, because he had an opportunity of decking himself out in a fashionable style, and was called upon to assume the airs of a courtier, which he conceived himself to possess in great perfection.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It was not long till they were joined by several actors from different quarters; who, being received without very strict examination, were also retained without very burdensome conditions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm had been more than once assailed with persuasions from Melina to undertake an amateur part. This he declined; yet he interested and occupied himself about the general cause with great alacrity, without our new manager&#039;s acknowledging his labors in the smallest. On the contrary, it seemed to be Melina&#039;s opinion, that with his office he had at the same time picked up all the necessary skill for carrying it on. In particular, the task of curtailment formed one of his most pleasing occupations: he would succeed in reducing any given piece down to the regular measure of time, without the slightest respect to proprieties or proportions, or any thing whatever, but his watch. He met with great encouragement; the public was very much delighted; the most knowing inhabitants of the burgh maintained, that the prince&#039;s theatre itself was not so well conducted as theirs.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER III.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At last the time arrived when the company had to prepare for travelling, and to expect the coaches and other vehicles that were to carry them to the count&#039;s mansion. Much altercation now took place about the mode of travelling, and who should sit with whom. The ordering and distribution of the whole was at length settled and concluded, with great labor, and, alas! without effect. At the appointed hour, fewer coaches came than were expected: they had to accommodate themselves as the case would admit. The baron, who followed shortly afterwards on horseback, assigned, as the reason, that all was in motion at the castle, not only because the prince was to arrive a few days earlier than had been looked for, but also because an unexpected party of visitors were already come: the place, he said, was in great confusion; on this account perhaps they would not lodge so comfortably as had been intended,&amp;amp;mdash;a change which grieved him very much.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Our travellers packed themselves into the carriages the best way they could; and the weather being tolerable, and the castle but a few leagues distant, the heartiest of the troop preferred setting out on foot to waiting the return of the coaches. The caravan got under way with great jubilee, for the first time without caring how the landlord&#039;s bill was to be paid. The count&#039;s mansion rose on their souls like a palace of the fairies: they were the happiest and merriest mortals in the world. Each throughout the journey, in his own peculiar mode, kept fastening a continued chain of fortune, honor, and prosperity to that auspicious day.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A heavy rain, which fell unexpectedly, did not banish these delightful contemplations; though, as it incessantly continued with more and more violence, many of the party began to show traces of uneasiness. The night came on; and no sight could be more welcome than the palace of the count, which shone upon them from a hill at some distance, glancing with light in all its stories, so that they could reckon every window.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On approaching nearer, they found all the windows in the wings illuminated also. Each of the party thought within himself what chamber would be his; and most of them prudently determined to be satisfied with a room in the attic, or some of the side buildings.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They were now proceeding through the village, past the inn.&lt;br /&gt;
Wilhelm stopped the coach, in the mind to alight there; but the landlord protested that it was not in his power to afford the least accommodation: his lordship the count, he said, being visited by some unexpected guests, had immediately engaged the whole inn; every chamber in the house had been marked with chalk last night, specifying who was to lodge there. Our friend was accordingly obliged, against his will, to travel forward to the castle with the rest of the company.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In one of the side buildings, round the kitchen fire, they noticed several cooks running busily about,&amp;amp;mdash;a sight which refreshed them not a little. Servants came jumping hastily with lights to the staircase of the main door, and the hearts of the worthy pilgrims overflowed at the aspect of such honors. But how great was their surprise, when this cordial reception changed into a storm of curses. The servants scouted the coachman for driving in hither; they must wheel out again, it was bawled, and take their loading round to the old castle; there was no room here for such guests! To this unfriendly and unexpected dismissal, they joined all manner of jeering, and laughed aloud at each other for leaping out in the rain on so false an errand. It was still pouring; no star was visible in the sky; while our company were dragged along a rough, jolting road, between two walls, into the old mansion, which stood behind, inhabited by none since the present count&#039;s father had built the new residence in front of it. The carriages drew up, partly in the court-yard, partly in a long, arched gateway; and the postilions, people hired from the village, unyoked their horses, and rode off.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As nobody came forward to receive the travellers, they alighted from their places, they shouted, and searched. In vain! All continued dark and still. The wind swept through the lofty gate: the court and the old towers were lying gray and dreary, and so dim that their forms could scarcely be distinguished in the gloom. The people were all shuddering and freezing; the women were becoming frightened; the children began to cry; the general impatience was increasing every minute; so quick a revolution of fortune, for which no one of them had been at all prepared, entirely destroyed their equanimity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Expecting every minute that some person would appear and unbolt the doors, mistaking at one time the pattering of rain, at another the rocking of the wind, for the much-desired footstep of the castle&lt;br /&gt;
bailiff, they continued downcast and inactive: it occurred to none of them to go into the new mansion, and there solicit help from charitable souls. They could not understand where their friend the baron was lingering: they were in the most disconsolate condition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At last some people actually arrived: by their voices, they were recognized as the pedestrians who had fallen behind the others on the journey. They intimated that the baron had tumbled with his horse, and hurt his leg severely: and that, on calling at the castle, they, too, had been roughly directed hither.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The whole company were in extreme perplexity: they guessed and speculated as to what should now be done, but they could fix on nothing. At length they noticed from afar a lantern advancing, and took fresh breath at sight of it; but their hopes of quick deliverance again evaporated, when the object approached, and came to be distinctly seen. A groom was lighting the well-known &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stallmeister&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of the castle towards them: this gentleman, on coming nearer, very anxiously inquired for Mademoiselle Philina. No sooner had she stepped forth from the crowd, than he very pressingly offered to conduct her to the new mansion, where a little place had been provided for her with the countess&#039;s maids. She did not hesitate long about accepting his proposal; she caught his arm, and, recommending her trunk to the care of the rest, was going to hasten off with him directly: but the others intercepted them, asking, entreating, conjuring the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stallmeister&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; till at last, to get away with his fair one, he promised every thing, assuring them, that, in a little while, the castle should be opened, and they lodged in the most comfortable manner. In a few moments they saw the glimmer of his lantern vanish: they long looked in vain for another gleam of light. At last, after much watching, scolding, and reviling, it actually appeared, and revived them with a touch of hope and consolation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;An ancient footman opened the door of the old edifice, into which they rushed with violence. Each of them now strove to have his trunk unfastened, and brought in beside him. Most of this luggage, like the persons of its owners, was thoroughly wetted. Having but a single light, the process of unpacking went on very slowly. In the dark passages they pushed against each other, they stumbled, they fell. They begged to have more lights, they begged to have some fuel. The monosyllabic footman, with much ado, consented to put down his own lantern; then went his&lt;br /&gt;
way, and came not again.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They now began to investigate the edifice. The doors of all the rooms were open: large stoves, tapestry hangings, inlaid floors, yet bore witness to its former pomp; but of other house-gear there was none to be seen,&amp;amp;mdash;no table, chair, or mirror, nothing but a few monstrous, empty bedsteads, stripped of every ornament and every necessary. The wet trunks and knapsacks were adopted as seats: a part of the tired wanderers placed themselves upon the floor. Wilhelm had sat down upon some steps: Mignon lay upon his knees. The child was restless; and, when he asked what ailed her, she answered, &amp;quot;I am hungry.&amp;quot; He himself had nothing that could still the craving of the child: the rest of the party had consumed their whole provision, so he was obliged to leave the little traveller without refreshment. Through the whole adventure he had been inactive, silently immersed in thought. He was very sullen, and full of indignant regret that he had not kept by his first determination, and remained at the inn, though he should have slept in the garret.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The rest demeaned themselves in various ways. Some of them had got a heap of old wood collected within a vast, gaping chimney in the hall: they set fire to the pile with great huzzaing. Unhappily, however, their hopes of warming and drying themselves by means of it were mocked in the most frightful manner. The chimney, it appeared, was there for ornament alone, and was walled up above; so the smoke rushed quickly back, and at once filled the whole chamber. The dry wood rose crackling into flames; the flame was also driven back; the draught sweeping through the broken windows gave it a wavering direction. Terrified lest the castle should catch fire, the unhappy guests had to tear the burning sticks asunder, to smother and trample them under their feet; the smoke increased; their case was rendered more intolerable than before; they were driven to the brink of desperation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm had retreated from the smoke into a distant chamber, to which Mignon soon followed him, leading in a well-dressed servant, with a high, clear, double-lighted lantern in his hand. He turned to Wilhelm, and, holding out to him some fruits and confectionery on a beautiful porcelain plate, &amp;quot;The young lady up-stairs,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;sends you this, with the request that you would join her party: she bids me tell you,&amp;quot; added the lackey, with a sort of grin, &amp;quot;that she is very well off&lt;br /&gt;
yonder, and wishes to divide her enjoyments with her friends.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm had not at all expected such a message; for, ever since the adventure on the stone bench, he had treated Philina with the most decided contempt. He was still so resolute to have no more concern with her that he thought of sending back her dainty gifts untasted, when a supplicating look of Mignon&#039;s induced him to accept them. He returned his thanks in the name of the child. The invitation he entirely rejected. He desired the servant to exert himself a little for the stranger company, and made inquiry for the baron. The latter, he was told, had gone to bed, but had already, as the lackey understood, given orders to some other person to take charge of these unfortunate and ill-lodged gentlemen.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The servant went away, leaving one of his lights, which Wilhelm, in the absence of a candlestick, contrived to fix upon the window-casement; and now, at least in his meditations, he could see the four walls of his chamber. Nor was it long till preparations were commenced for conducting our travellers to rest. Candles arrived by degrees, though without snuffers; then a few chairs; an hour afterwards came bed-clothes; then pillows, all well steeped in rain. It was far past midnight when straw beds and mattresses were produced, which, if sent at first, would have been extremely welcome.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the interim, also, somewhat to eat and drink had been brought in: it was enjoyed without much criticism; though it looked like a most disorderly collection of remains, and offered no very singular proof of the esteem in which our guests were held.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER IV.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The disorders and mischievous tricks of some frolicsome companions still further augmented the disquietudes and distresses of the night: these gay people woke each other; each played a thousand giddy pranks to plague his fellow. The next morning dawned amid loud complaints against their friend the baron, for having so deceived them, for having given so very false a notion of the order and comfort that awaited their arrival. However, to their great surprise and consolation, at an early hour&lt;br /&gt;
the count himself, attended by a few servants, made his entrance, and inquired about their circumstances. He appeared much vexed on discovering how badly they had fared; and the baron, who came limping along, supported on the arm of a servant, bitterly accused the steward for neglecting his commands on this occasion,&amp;amp;mdash;showing great anxiety to have that person punished for his disobedience.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The count gave immediate orders that every thing should be arranged, in his presence, to the utmost possible convenience of the guests. While this was going on, some officers arrived, who forthwith scraped acquaintance with the actresses. The count assembled all the company before him, spoke to each by name, introduced a few jokes among his observations; so that every one was charmed at the gracious condescension of his lordship. At last it came to Wilhelm&#039;s turn. He appeared with Mignon holding by his hand. Our friend excused himself, in the best terms he could, for the freedom he had taken. The count, on the other hand, spoke as if the visit had been looked for.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A gentleman, who stood beside the count, and who, although he wore no uniform, appeared to be an officer, conversed with Wilhelm: he was evidently not a common man. His large, keen blue eyes, looking out from beneath a high brow; his light-colored hair, thrown carelessly back; his middle stature; every thing about him,&amp;amp;mdash;showed an active, firm, and decisive mode of being. His questions were lively. He seemed to be at home in all that he inquired about.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm asked the baron what this person was, but found that he had little good to say of him. &amp;quot;He held the rank of major, was the special favorite of the prince; managed his most secret affairs; was, in short, regarded as his right arm,&amp;amp;mdash;nay, there was reason to believe him the prince&#039;s natural son. He had been on embassies in France, England, Italy. In all those places he had greatly distinguished himself, by which means he was grown conceited; imagining, among other pretensions, that he thoroughly understood the literature of Germany, and allowing himself to vent all kinds of sorry jests upon it. He, the baron, was in the habit of avoiding all intercourse with him; and Wilhelm would do well to imitate that conduct, for it somehow happened that no one could be near him without being punished for it. He was called Jarno, though nobody knew rightly what to make of such a name.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm had nothing to urge against all this: he had felt a sort of inclination for the stranger, though he noticed in him something cold and repulsive.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The company being arranged and distributed throughout the castle, Melina issued the strictest orders that they should behave themselves with decency, the women live in a separate quarter, and each direct his whole attention to the study of dramatic art, and of the characters he had to play. He posted up written ordinances, consisting of many articles, upon all the doors. He settled the amount of fine which should be levied upon each transgressor, and put into a common box.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This edict was but little heeded. Young officers went out and in; they jested, not in the most modest fashion, with the actresses; made game of the actors, and annihilated the whole system of police before it had the smallest time to take root in the community. The people ran chasing one another through the rooms; they changed clothes; they disguised themselves. Melina, attempting to be rigorous with a few at first, was exasperated by every sort of insolence; and, when the count soon after sent for him to come and view the place where his theatre was to be erected, matters grew worse and worse. The young gentry devised a thousand broad jokes: by the help of some actors, they became yet coarser. It seemed as if the old castle had been altogether given up to an infuriate host, and the racket did not end till dinner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Meanwhile, the count had led Melina over to a large hall, which, though belonging to the old castle, communicated by a gallery with the new one: it seemed very well adapted for being changed into a little theatre. Here the sagacious lord of the mansion pointed out in person how he wanted every thing to be.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The labor now commenced in the greatest haste; the stage apparatus was erected and furbished up; what decorations they had brought along with them and could employ were set in order, and what was wanting was prepared by some skilful workmen of the count&#039;s. Wilhelm likewise put his hand to the business; he assisted in settling the perspective, in laying off the outlines of the scenery: he was very anxious that nothing should be executed clumsily. The count, who frequently came in to inspect their progress, was highly satisfied: he showed particularly how they should proceed in every case, displaying an uncommon knowledge of all the arts they were concerned with.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Next began the business of rehearsing, in good earnest; and there would have been enough of space and leisure for this undertaking, had the actors not continually been interrupted by the presence of visitors. Some new guests were daily arriving, and each insisted on viewing the operations of the company.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER V.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The baron had, for several days, been cheering Wilhelm with the hope of being formally presented to the countess. &amp;quot;I have told this excellent lady,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;so much about the talent and fine sentiment displayed in your compositions, that she feels quite impatient to see you, and hear one or two of them read. Be prepared, therefore, to come over at a moment&#039;s notice; for, the first morning she is at leisure, you will certainly be called on.&amp;quot; He then pointed out to him the afterpiece it would be proper to produce on that occasion; adding, that doubtless it would recommend him to no usual degree of favor. The lady, he declared, was extremely sorry that a guest like him had happened to arrive at a time of such confusion, when they could not entertain him in a style more suitable to his merits and their own wishes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In consequence of this information, Wilhelm, with the most sedulous attention, set about preparing the piece, which was to usher him into the great world. &amp;quot;Hitherto,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;thou hast labored in silence for thyself, applauded only by a small circle of friends. Thou hast for a time despaired of thy abilities, and are yet full of anxious doubts whether even thy present path is the right one, and whether thy talent for the stage at all corresponds with thy inclination for it. In the hearing of such practised judges, in the closet where no illusion can take place, the attempt is far more hazardous than elsewhere; and yet I would not willingly recoil from the experiment: I could wish to add this pleasure to my former enjoyments, and, if it might be, to give extension and stability to my hopes from the future.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He accordingly went through some pieces; read them with the keenest critical eye; made corrections here and there; recited them aloud, that he might be perfect in his tones and expression: and finally selected&lt;br /&gt;
the work which he was best acquainted with, and hoped to gain most honor by. He put it in his pocket, one morning, on being summoned to attend the countess.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The baron had assured him that there would be no one present but the lady herself and a worthy female friend of hers. On entering the chamber, the Baroness von C&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;amp;mdash; advanced with great friendliness to meet him, expressed her happiness at gaining his acquaintance, and introduced him to the countess, who was then under the hands of her hair-dresser. The countess received him with kind words and looks. But it vexed him to see Philina kneeling at her chair, and playing a thousand fooleries. &amp;quot;The poor child,&amp;quot; said the baroness, &amp;quot;has just been singing to us. Finish the song you were in the midst of: we should not like to lose it.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm listened to her quavering with great patience, being anxious for the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;friseur&#039;s&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; departure before he should begin to read. They offered him a cup of chocolate, the baroness herself handing him the biscuit. Yet, in spite of these civilities, he relished not his breakfast: he was longing too eagerly to lay before the lovely countess some performance that might interest and gratify her. Philina, too, stood somewhat in his way: on former occasions, while listening to him, she had more than once been troublesome. He looked at the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;friseur&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; with a painful feeling, hoping every moment that the tower of curls would be complete.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Meanwhile the count came in, and began to talk of the fresh visitors he was expecting, of the day&#039;s occupations or amusements, and of various domestic matters that were started. On his retiring, some officers sent to ask permission of the countess to pay their respects to her, as they had to leave the castle before dinner. The footman having come to his post at the door, she permitted him to usher in the gentlemen.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The baroness, amid these interruptions, took pains to entertain our friend, and showed him much consideration; all which he accepted with becoming reverence, though not without a little absence of mind. He often felt for the manuscript in his pocket, and hoped for his deliverance every instant. He was almost losing patience, when a man-milliner was introduced, and immediately began without mercy to open his papers, bags, and bandboxes; pressing all his various wares upon&lt;br /&gt;
the ladies, with an importunity peculiar to that species of creature.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The company increased. The baroness cast a look at Wilhelm, and then whispered with the countess: he noticed this, but did not understand the purpose of it. The whole, however, became clear enough, when, after an hour of painful and fruitless endurance, he went away. He then found a beautiful pocket-book, of English manufacture, in his pocket. The baroness had dexterously put it there without his notice; and soon afterwards the countess&#039;s little black came out, and handed him an elegantly flowered waistcoat, without very clearly saying whence it came.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER VI.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This mingled feeling of vexation and gratitude spoiled the remainder of his day; till, towards evening, he once more found employment. Melina informed him that the count had been speaking of a little prelude, which he wished to have produced in honor of the prince, on the day of his Highness&#039;s arrival. He meant to have the great qualities of this noble hero and philanthropist personified in the piece. These Virtues were to advance together, to recite his praises, and finally to encircle his bust with garlands of flowers and laurels; behind which a transparency might be inserted, representing the princely Hat, and his name illuminated on it. The count, Melina said, had ordered him to take charge of getting ready the verses and other arrangements; and Wilhelm, he hoped, to whom it must be an easy matter, would stand by him on this occasion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;What!&amp;quot; exclaimed our friend, in a splenetic tone, &amp;quot;have we nothing but portraits, illuminated names, and allegorical figures, to show in honor of a prince, who, in my opinion, merits quite a different eulogy? How can it flatter any reasonable man to see himself set up in effigy, and his name glimmering on oiled paper? I am very much afraid that your allegories, particularly in the present state of the wardrobe, will furnish occasion for many ambiguities and jestings. If you mean, however, to compose the play, or have it composed, I can have nothing to object; only I desire to have no part or lot in the matter.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Melina excused himself; alleging this to be only a casual hint of his lordship the count, who for the rest had left the arrangement of the piece entirely in their own hands. &amp;quot;With all my heart,&amp;quot; replied our friend, &amp;quot;will I contribute something to the pleasure of this noble family: my Muse has never had so pleasant an employment as to sing, though in broken numbers, the praises of a prince who merits so much veneration. I will think of the matter: perhaps I may be able to contrive some way of bringing out our little troop, so as at least to produce some effect.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;From this moment Wilhelm eagerly reflected on his undertaking. Before going to sleep he had got it all reduced to some degree of order; early next morning his plan was ready, the scenes laid out; a few of the most striking passages and songs were even versified and written down.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As soon as he was dressed, our friend made haste to wait upon the baron, to submit the plan to his inspection, and take his advice upon certain points connected with it. The baron testified his approbation of it, but not without considerable surprise. For, on the previous evening, he had heard his lordship talk of having ordered some quite different piece to be prepared and versified.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;To me it seems improbable,&amp;quot; replied our friend, &amp;quot;that it could be his lordship&#039;s wish to have the piece got ready, exactly as he gave it to Melina. If I am not mistaken, he intended merely to point out to us from a distance the path we were to follow. The amateur and critic shows the artist what is wanted, and then leaves to him the care of producing it by his own means.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Not at all,&amp;quot; replied the baron: &amp;quot;his lordship understands that the piece shall be composed according to that and no other plan which he has himself prescribed. Yours has, indeed, a remote similarity with his idea; but if we mean to accomplish our purpose, and get the count diverted from his first thought, we shall need to employ the ladies in the matter. The baroness especially contrives to execute such operations in the most masterly manner: the question is now, whether your plan shall so please her, that she will undertake the business; in that case it will certainly succeed.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;We need the assistance of the ladies,&amp;quot; said our friend, &amp;quot;at any rate; for neither our company nor our wardrobe would suffice without them. I have counted on some pretty children, that are running up and down the house, and belong to certain of the servants.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He then desired the baron to communicate his plan to the ladies. The baron soon returned with intelligence that they wished to speak with Wilhelm personally. That same evening, when the gentlemen sat down to play, which, owing to the arrival of a certain general, was expected to be deeper and keener than usual, the countess and her friend, under pretext of some indisposition, would retire to their chamber, where Wilhelm, being introduced by a secret staircase, might submit his project without interruption. This sort of mystery, the baron said, would give the adventure a peculiar charm; in particular the baroness was rejoicing like a child in the prospect of their rendezvous, and the more so, because it was to be accomplished secretly, and against the inclination of the count.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Towards evening, at the appointed time, Wilhelm was sent for, and led in with caution. As the baroness advanced to meet him in a small cabinet, the manner of their interview brought former happy scenes for a moment to his mind. She conducted him along to the countess&#039;s chamber, and they now proceeded earnestly to question and investigate. He exhibited his plan with the utmost warmth and vivacity, so that his fair audience were quite decided in its favor. Our readers also will permit us to present a brief sketch of it here.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The play was to open with a dance of children in some rural scene,&amp;amp;mdash;their dance representing that particular game wherein each has to wheel round, and gain the other&#039;s place. This was to be followed by several variations of their play; till at last, in performing a dance of the repeating kind, they were all to sing a merry song.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Here the old harper with Mignon was to enter, and, by the curiosity which they excited, gather several country-people round them; the harper would sing various songs in praise of peace, repose, and joy; and Mignon would then dance the egg-dance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In these innocent delights, they are disturbed by the sound of martial music; and the party are surprised by a troop of soldiers. The men stand on the defensive, and are overcome: the girls flee, and are overtaken. In the tumult all seems going to destruction, when a person (about whose form and qualities the poet was not yet determined) enters, and, by signifying that the general is near, restores composure. Whereupon the hero&#039;s character is painted in the finest colors; security is promised in the midst of arms; violence and lawless disorder are now to be&lt;br /&gt;
restrained. A universal festival is held in honor of the noble-minded captain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The countess and her friend expressed great satisfaction with the plan; only they maintained that there must of necessity be something of allegory introduced, to make it palatable to his lordship. The baron proposed that the leader of the soldiers should be represented as the Genius of Dissension and Violence; that Minerva should then advance to bind fetters on him, to give notice of the hero&#039;s approach, and celebrate his praise. The baroness undertook the task of persuading the count that this plan was the one proposed by himself, with a few alterations; at the same time expressly stipulating, that without fail, at the conclusion of the piece, the bust, the illuminated name, and the princely Hat should be exhibited in due order; since otherwise, her attempt was vain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm had already figured in his mind how delicately and how nobly he would have the praises of his hero celebrated in the mouth of Minerva, and it was not without a long struggle that he yielded in this point. Yet he felt himself delightfully constrained to yield. The beautiful eyes of the countess, and her lovely demeanor, would easily have moved him to sin against his conscience as a poet; to abandon the finest and most interesting invention, the keenly wished-for unity of his composition, and all its most suitable details. His conscience as a burgher had a trial no less hard to undergo, when the ladies, in distributing the characters, pointedly insisted that he must undertake one himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Laertes had received for his allotment the part of that violent war-god; Wilhelm was to represent the leader of the peasants, who had some very pretty and tender verses to recite. After long resistance he was forced to comply: he could find no excuse, when the baroness protested that their stage was in all respects to be regarded as a private one, and that she herself would very gladly play on it, if they could find her a fit occasion. On receiving his consent, they parted with our friend on the kindest terms. The baroness assured him that he was an incomparable man: she accompanied him to the little stairs, and wished him good-night with a squeeze of the hand.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER VII.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The interest in his undertakings, which the countess and her friend expressed and felt so warmly, quickened Wilhelm&#039;s faculties and zeal: the plan of his piece, which the process of describing it had rendered more distinct, was now present in the most brilliant vividness before his mind. He spent the greater part of that night, and the whole of next morning, in the sedulous versification of the dialogue and songs.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had proceeded a considerable way, when a message came, requiring his attendance in the castle: the noble company, who were then at breakfast, wished to speak with him. As he entered the parlor, the baroness advanced to meet him, and, under pretext of wishing him good-morning, whispered cunningly, &amp;quot;Say nothing of your piece but what you shall be asked.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I hear,&amp;quot; cried the count to him, &amp;quot;that you are very busy working at my prelude, which I mean to present in honor of the prince. I consent that you introduce a Minerva into it; and we are just thinking beforehand how the goddess shall be dressed, that we may not blunder in costume. For this purpose I am causing them to fetch from the library all the books that contain any figures of her.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At the same instant, one or two servants entered the parlor, with a huge basket full of books of every shape and appearance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Montfaucon, the collections of antique statues, gems, and coins, all sorts of mythological writings, were turned up, and their plates compared. But this was not enough. The count&#039;s faithful memory recalled to him all the Minervas to be found in frontispieces, vignettes, or anywhere else; and book after book was, in consequence, carried from the library, till finally the count was sitting in a chaos of volumes. Unable at last to recollect any other figure of Minerva, he observed with a smile, &amp;quot;I durst bet, that now there is not a single Minerva in all the library; and perhaps it is the first time that a collection of books has been so totally deprived of the presence of its patron goddess.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The whole company were merry at this thought: Jarno particularly, who had all along been spurring on the count to call for more and more books, laughed quite immoderately.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Now,&amp;quot; said the count, turning to Wilhelm, &amp;quot;one chief point is,&amp;amp;mdash;which goddess do you mean? Minerva, or Pallas? The goddess&lt;br /&gt;
of war, or of the arts?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Would it not be best, your Excellency,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, &amp;quot;if we were not clearly to express ourselves on this head; if, since the goddess plays a double part in the ancient mythology, we also exhibited her here in a double quality? She announces a warrior, but only to calm the tumults of the people; she celebrates a hero by exalting his humanity; she conquers violence, and restores peace and security.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The baroness, afraid lest Wilhelm might betray himself, hastily pushed forward the countess&#039;s tailor, to give his opinion how such an antique robe could best be got ready. This man, being frequently employed in making masquerade dresses, very easily contrived the business: and as Madam Melina, notwithstanding her advanced state of pregnancy, had undertaken to enact the celestial virgin, the tailor was directed to take her measure; and the countess, though with some reluctance, selected from the wardrobe the clothes he was to cut up for that purpose.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The baroness, in her dexterous way, again contrived to lead Wilhelm aside, and let him know that she had been providing all the other necessaries. Shortly afterwards she sent him the musician, who had charge of the count&#039;s private band; and this professor set about composing what airs were wanted, or choosing from his actual stock such tunes as appeared suitable. From this time all went on according to the wishes of our friend: the count made no more inquiries about the piece; being altogether occupied with the transparent decoration, destined to surprise the spectators at the conclusion of the play. His inventive genius, aided by the skill of his confectioner, produced, in fact, a very pretty article. In the course of his travels, the count had witnessed the most splendid exhibitions of this sort: he had also brought home with him a number of copper-plates and drawings, and could sketch such things with considerable taste.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Meanwhile Wilhelm finished the play, gave every one his part, and began the study of his own. The musician also, having great skill in dancing, prepared the ballet; so that every thing proceeded as it ought.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yet one unexpected obstacle occurred, which threatened to occasion an unpleasant gap in the performance. He had promised to himself a striking effect from Mignon&#039;s egg-dance, and was much surprised when the child, with her customary dryness of manner, refused to dance; saying she was now his, and would no more go upon the stage. He sought to move her&lt;br /&gt;
by every sort of persuasion, and did not discontinue his attempt till she began weeping bitterly, fell at his feet, and cried out, &amp;quot;Dearest father! stay thou from the boards thyself!&amp;quot; Little heeding this caution, he studied how to give the scene some other turn that might be equally interesting.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Philina, whose appointment was to act one of the peasant girls, and in the concluding dance to give the single-voice part of the song, and lead the chorus, felt exceedingly delighted that it had been so ordered. In other respects, too, her present life was altogether to her mind: she had her separate chamber; was constantly beside the countess, entertaining her with fooleries, and daily received some present for her pains. Among other things, a dress had been expressly made for her wearing in this prelude. And being of a light, imitative nature, she quickly marked in the procedure of the ladies whatever would befit herself: she had of late grown all politeness and decorum. The attentions of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stallmeister&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; augmented rather than diminished; and as the officers also paid zealous court to her, living in so genial an element, it came into her head for once in her life to play the prude, and, in a quiet, gradual way, to take upon herself a certain dignity of manner to which she had not before aspired. Cool and sharp-sighted as she was, eight days had not elapsed till she knew the weak side of every person in the house; so that, had she possessed the power of acting from any constant motive, she might very easily have made her fortune. But on this occasion, as on all others, she employed her advantages merely to divert herself,&amp;amp;mdash;to procure a bright to-day, and be impertinent, wherever she observed that impertinence was not attended with danger.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The parts were now committed to memory: a rehearsal of the piece was ordered; the count purposed to be present at it, and his lady began to feel anxious how he might receive it. The baroness called Wilhelm to her privately. The nearer the hour approached, they all displayed the more perplexity; for the truth was, that, of the count&#039;s original idea, nothing whatever had been introduced. Jarno, who joined them while consulting together, was admitted to the secret. He felt amused at the contrivance, and was heartily disposed to offer the ladies his good services in carrying it through. &amp;quot;It will go hard,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;if you cannot extricate yourselves without help from this affair; but, at all events, I will wait, as a body of reserve.&amp;quot; The baroness then told&lt;br /&gt;
them how she had on various occasions recited the whole piece to the count, but only in fragments and without order; that consequently he was prepared for each individual passage, yet certainly possessed with the idea that the whole would coincide with his original conception. &amp;quot;I will sit by him,&amp;quot; said she, &amp;quot;to-night at the rehearsal, and study to divert his attention. The confectioner I have engaged already to make the decoration as beautiful as possible, but as yet he has not quite completed it.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I know of a court,&amp;quot; said Jarno, &amp;quot;where I wish we had a few such active and prudent friends as you. If your skill to-night will not suffice, give me a signal: I will take out the count, and not let him in again till Minerva enter; and you have speedy aid to expect from the illumination. For a day or two I have had something to report to him about his cousin, which for various reasons I have hitherto postponed. It will give his thoughts another turn, and that none of the pleasantest.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Business hindered the count from being present when the play began; the baroness amused him after his arrival: Jarno&#039;s help was not required. For as the count had abundance of employment in pointing out improvements, rectifying and arranging the detached parts, he entirely forgot the purport of the whole; and, as at last Madam Melina advanced, and spoke according to his heart, and the transparency did well, he seemed completely satisfied. It was not till the whole was finished, and his guests were sitting down to cards, that the difference appeared to strike him; and he began to think whether after all this piece was actually of his invention. At a signal from the baroness, Jarno then came forward into action; the evening passed away; the intelligence of the prince&#039;s approach was confirmed; the people rode out more than once to see his vanguard encamping in the neighborhood; the house was full of noise and tumult; and our actors, not always served in the handsomest manner by unwilling servants, had to pass their time in practisings and expectations at their quarters in the old mansion, without any one particularly taking thought about them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER VIII.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At length the prince arrived, with all his generals, staff-officers, and suite accompanying him. These, and the multitude of people coming to visit or do business with him, made the castle like a beehive on the point of swarming. All pressed forward to behold a man no less distinguished by his rank than by his great qualities, and all admired his urbanity and condescension: all were astonished at finding the hero and the leader of armies also the most accomplished and attractive courtier.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By the count&#039;s orders, the inmates of the castle were required to be all at their posts when the prince arrived: not a player was allowed to show himself, that his Highness might have no anticipation of the spectacle prepared to welcome him. Accordingly, when at evening he was led into the lofty hall, glowing with light, and adorned with tapestries of the previous century, he seemed not at all prepared to expect a play, and still less a prelude in honor of himself. Every thing went off as it should have done: at the conclusion of the show, the whole troop were called and presented individually to the prince, who contrived, with the most pleasing and friendly air, to put some question, or make some remark, to every one of them. Wilhelm, as author of the piece, was particularly noticed, and had his tribute of applause liberally paid him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The prelude being fairly over, no one asked another word about it: in a few days, it was as if it never had existed; except that occasionally Jarno spoke of it to Wilhelm, judiciously praised it, adding, however, &amp;quot;It is pity you should play with hollow nuts, for a stake of hollow nuts.&amp;quot; This expression stuck in Wilhelm&#039;s mind for several days: he knew not how to explain it, or what to infer from it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Meanwhile the company kept acting every night, as well as their capacities permitted; each doing his utmost to attract the attention of spectators. Undeserved applauses cheered them on: in their old castle they fully believed, that the great assemblage was crowding thither solely on their account; that the multitude of strangers was allured by their exhibitions; that &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;they&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; were the centre round which, and by means of which, the whole was moving and revolving.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm alone discovered, to his sorrow, that directly the reverse was true. For although the prince had waited out the first exhibitions,&lt;br /&gt;
sitting on his chair, with the greatest conscientiousness, yet by degrees he grew remiss in his attendance, and seized every plausible occasion of withdrawing. And those very people whom Wilhelm, in conversation, had found to be the best informed and most sensible, with Jarno at their head, were wont to spend but a few transitory moments in the hall of the theatre; sitting for the rest of their time in the ante-chamber, gaming, or seeming to employ themselves in business.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Amid all his persevering efforts, to want the wished and hoped for approbation grieved Wilhelm very deeply. In the choice of plays, in transcribing the parts, in numerous rehearsals, and whatever further could be done, he zealously co-operated with Melina, who, being in secret conscious of his own insufficiency, at length acknowledged and pursued these counsels. His own parts, Wilhelm diligently studied, and executed with vivacity and feeling, and with all the propriety the little training he had yet received would allow.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At the same time, the unwearied interest the baron took in their performances obliterated every doubt from the minds of the rest of the company: he assured them that their exhibitions were producing the deepest effect, especially while one of his own pieces had been representing; only he was grieved to say, the prince showed an exclusive inclination for the French theatre; while a part of his people, among whom Jarno was especially distinguished, gave a passionate preference to the monstrous productions of the English stage.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;If in this way the art of our players was not adequately noticed and admired, their persons on the other hand grew not entirely indifferent to all the gentlemen and all the ladies of the audience. We observed above, that, from the very first, our actresses had drawn upon them the attention of the young officers: in the sequel they were luckier, and made more important conquests. But, omitting these, we shall merely observe, that Wilhelm every day appeared more interesting to the countess; while in him, too, a silent inclination towards her was beginning to take root. Whenever he was on the stage, she could not turn her eyes from him; and, erelong, he seemed to play and to recite with his face towards her alone. To look upon each other, was to them the sweetest satisfaction; to which their harmless souls yielded without reserve, without cherishing a bolder wish, or thinking about any consequence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As two hostile outposts will sometimes peacefully and pleasantly converse together across the river which divides them, not thinking of the war in which both their countries are engaged: so did the countess exchange looks full of meaning with our friend, across the vast chasm of birth and rank; both believing for themselves that they might safely cherish their several emotions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The baroness, in the mean time, had selected Laertes, who, being a spirited and lively young man, pleased her very much; and who, woman-hater as he was, felt unwilling to refuse a passing adventure. He would actually on this occasion have been fettered, against his will, by the courteous and attractive nature of the baroness, had not the baron done him accidentally a piece of good, or, if you will, of bad, service, by instructing him a little in the habits and temper of this lady.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Laertes, happening once to celebrate her praises, and give her the preference to every other of her sex, the baron, with a grin, replied, &amp;quot;I see how matters stand: our fair friend has got a fresh inmate for her stalls.&amp;quot; This luckless comparison, which pointed too clearly to the dangerous caresses of the Circe, grieved poor Laertes to the heart: he could not listen to the baron without spite and anger, as the latter continued without mercy,&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Every stranger thinks he is the first whom this delightful manner of proceeding has concerned, but he is grievously mistaken; for we have all, at one time or another, been trotted round this course. Man, youth, or boy, be who he like, each must devote himself to her service for a season, must hang about her, and toil and long to gain her favor.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To the happy man just entering the garden of an enchantress, and welcomed by all the pleasures of an artificial spring, nothing can form a more unpleasant surprise, than if, while his ear is watching and drinking in the music of the nightingales, some transformed predecessor on a sudden grunts at his feet.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After this discovery, Laertes felt heartily ashamed that vanity should have again misled him to think well, even in the smallest degree, of any woman whatsoever. He now entirely forsook the baroness; kept by the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stallmeister&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, with whom he diligently fenced and hunted; conducting himself at rehearsals and representations as if these were but secondary matters.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The count and his lady would often in the mornings send for some of the company to attend them, and all had continual cause to envy the&lt;br /&gt;
undeserved good fortune of Philina. The count kept his favorite, the Pedant, frequently for hours together, at his toilet. This genius had been dressed out by degrees: he was now equipped and furnished, even to watch and snuff-box.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Many times, too, particularly after dinner, the whole company were called out before the noble guests,&amp;amp;mdash;an honor which the artists regarded as the most flattering in the world; not observing, that on these very occasions the servants and huntsmen were ordered to bring in a multitude of hounds, and to lead strings of horses about the court of the castle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm had been counselled to praise Racine, the prince&#039;s favorite, and thereby to attract some portion of his Highness&#039;s favor to himself. On one of these afternoons, being summoned with the rest, he found an opportunity to introduce this topic. The prince asked him if he diligently read the great French dramatic writers, to which Wilhelm answered with a very eager &amp;quot;Yes.&amp;quot; He did not observe that his Highness, without waiting for the answer, was already on the point of turning round to some one else: he fixed upon him, on the contrary, almost stepping in his way, and proceeded to declare that he valued the French theatre very highly, and read the works of their great masters with delight; particularly he had learned with true joy that his Highness did complete justice to the great talents of Racine. &amp;quot;I can easily conceive,&amp;quot; continued he, &amp;quot;how people of high breeding and exalted rank must value a poet who has painted so excellently and so truly the circumstances of their lofty station. Corneille, if I may say so, has delineated great men; Racine, men of eminent rank. In reading his plays, I can always figure to myself the poet as living at a splendid court, with a great king before his eyes, in constant intercourse with the most distinguished persons, and penetrating into the secrets of human nature, as it works concealed behind the gorgeous tapestry of palaces. When I study his &amp;quot;Britannicus,&amp;quot; his &amp;quot;Bérénice,&amp;quot; it seems as if I were transported in person to the court, were initiated into the great and the little, in the habitations of these earthly gods: through the fine and delicate organs of my author, I see kings whom a nation adores, courtiers whom thousands envy, in their natural forms, with their failings and their pains. The anecdote of Racine&#039;s dying of a broken heart, because Louis Fourteenth would no longer attend to him, and&lt;br /&gt;
had shown him his dissatisfaction, is to me the key to all his works. It was impossible that a poet of his talents, whose life and death depended on the looks of a king, should not write such works as a king and a prince might applaud.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Jarno had stepped near, and was listening with astonishment. The prince, who had made no answer, and had only shown his approbation by an assenting look, now turned aside; though Wilhelm, who did not know that it was contrary to etiquette to continue a discussion under such circumstances, and exhaust a subject, would gladly have spoken more, and convinced the prince that he had not read his favorite poet without sensibility and profit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Have you never,&amp;quot; said Jarno, taking him aside, &amp;quot;read one of Shakspeare&#039;s plays?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;No,&amp;quot; replied Wilhelm: &amp;quot;since the time when they became more known in Germany, I have myself grown unacquainted with the theatre; and I know not whether I should now rejoice that an old taste, and occupation of my youth, has been by chance renewed. In the mean time, all I have heard of these plays has excited no wish to become acquainted with such extraordinary monsters, which appear to set probability and dignity alike at defiance.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I would advise you,&amp;quot; said the other, &amp;quot;to make a trial, notwithstanding: it can do one no harm to look at what is extraordinary with one&#039;s own eyes. I will lend you a volume or two; and you cannot better spend your time, than by casting every thing aside, and retiring to the solitude of your old habitation, to look into the magic-lantern of that unknown world. It is sinful of you to waste your hours in dressing out these apes to look more human, and teaching dogs to dance. One thing only I require,&amp;amp;mdash;you must not cavil at the form: the rest I can leave to your own good sense and feeling.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The horses were standing at the door; and Jarno mounted with some other cavaliers, to go and hunt. Wilhelm looked after him with sadness. He would fain have spoken much with this man, who, though in a harsh, unfriendly way, gave him new ideas,&amp;amp;mdash;ideas he had need of.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Oftentimes a man, when approaching some development of his powers, capacities, and conceptions, gets into a perplexity, from which a prudent friend might easily deliver him. He resembles a traveller who, at but a short distance from the inn he is to rest at, falls into the water: were any one to catch him then, and pull him to the bank, with&lt;br /&gt;
one good wetting it were over; whereas, though he struggles out himself, it is often at the side where he tumbled in; and he has to make a wide and dreary circuit before reaching his appointed object.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm now began to have an inkling that things went forward in the world differently from what he had supposed. He now viewed close at hand the solemn and imposing life of the great and distinguished, and wondered at the easy dignity which they contrived to give it. An army on its march, a princely hero at the head of it, such a multitude of co-operating warriors, such a multitude of crowding worshippers, exalted his imagination. In this mood he received the promised books; and erelong, as may be easily supposed, the stream of that mighty genius laid hold of him, and led him down to a shoreless ocean, where he soon completely forgot and lost himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER IX.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The connection between the baron and the actors had suffered various changes since the arrival of the latter. At the commencement it had been productive of great satisfaction to both parties. As the baron for the first time in his life now saw one of those plays, with which he had already graced a private theatre, put into the hands of real actors, and in the fair way for a decent exhibition, he showed the benignest humor in the world. He was liberal in gifts: he bought little presents for the actresses from every millinery hawker, and contrived to send over many an odd bottle of champagne to the actors. In return for all this, our company took every sort of trouble with his play; and Wilhelm spared no diligence in learning, with extreme correctness, the sublime speeches of that very eminent hero, whose part had fallen to his share.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But, in spite of all these kind reciprocities, some clouds by degrees arose between the players and their patron. The baron&#039;s preference for certain actors became daily more observable: this of necessity chagrined the rest. He exalted his favorites quite exclusively, and thus, of course, introduced disunion and jealousy among the company. Melina,&lt;br /&gt;
without skill to help himself in dubious junctures, felt his situation very vexing. The persons eulogized accepted of their praise, without being singularly thankful for it; while the neglected gentlemen showed traces of their spleen by a thousand methods, and constantly found means to make it very disagreeable for their once much-honored patron to appear among them. Their spite received no little nourishment from a certain poem, by an unknown author, which made a great sensation in the castle. Previously to this the baron&#039;s intercourse with the company had given rise to many little strokes of merriment; several stories had been raised about him; certain little incidents, adorned with suitable additions, and presented in the proper light, had been talked of, and made the subject of much bantering and laughter. At last it began to be said that a certain rivalry of trade was arising between him and some of the actors, who also looked upon themselves as writers. The poem we spoke of was founded upon this report: it ran as follows:&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Lord Baron, I, poor devil, own&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;With envy, you your rank and state;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Your station, too, so near the throne;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;Of heirs your possessions great;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Your father&#039;s seat, with walls and mounds,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
His game-preserves, and hunting-grounds.&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
While me, poor devil, it appears,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;Lord Baron, you with envy view,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Since Nature, from my early years,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;Has held me like a mother true,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
With heart and head both light, I poor,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
But no poor wight &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;grew&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, to be sure.&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
My dear Lord Baron, now to me&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;It seems, we well alone should let,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
That you your father&#039;s son still be,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;And I remain my mother&#039;s pet:&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Let&#039;s free from envy live, and hate;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;Nor let&#039;s desire each other&#039;s title:&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
No place you on Parnassus great,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;No noble rank I in requital.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span style=&amp;quot;margin-left: 16em;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Editor&#039;s Version.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Upon this poem, which various persons were possessed of, in copies scarcely legible, opinions were exceedingly divided. But who the author was, no one could guess; and, as some began to draw a spiteful mirth from it, our friend expressed himself against it very keenly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;We Germans,&amp;quot; he exclaimed, &amp;quot;deserve to have our Muses still continue in the low contempt wherein they have languished so long; since we cannot value men of rank who take a share in our literature, no matter how! Birth, rank, and fortune are no wise incompatible with genius and taste; as foreign nations, reckoning among their best minds a great number of noblemen, can fully testify. Hitherto, indeed, it has been rare in Germany for men of high station to devote themselves to science; hitherto few famous names have become more famous by their love of art and learning; while many, on the other hand, have mounted out of darkness to distinction, and risen like unknown stars on the horizon. Yet such will not always be the case; and I greatly err, if the first classes of the nation are not even now in the way of also employing their advantages to earn the fairest laurels of the Muses, at no distant date. Nothing, therefore, grieves me more than to see the burgher jeering at the noble who can value literature; nay, even men of rank themselves, with inconsiderate caprice, maliciously scaring off their equal from a path where honor and contentment wait on all.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Apparently this latter observation pointed at the count, of whom Wilhelm had heard that he liked the poem very much. In truth, this nobleman, accustomed to rally the baron in his own peculiar way, was extremely glad of such an opportunity to plague his kinsman more effectually. As to who the writer of the squib might be, each formed his own hypothesis; and the count, never willing that another should surpass him in acuteness, fell upon a thought, which, in a short time, he would have sworn to the truth of. The verses could be written, he believed, by no one but his Pedant, who was a very shrewd knave, and in whom, for a long while, he had noticed some touches of poetic genius. By way of proper treat, he therefore caused the Pedant one morning to be sent for, and made him read the poem, in his own manner, in presence of the countess, the baroness, and Jarno,&amp;amp;mdash;a service he was paid for by applauses, praises, and a present; and, on the count&#039;s inquiring if he had not still some other poems of an earlier time, he cunningly contrived to evade the question. Thus did the Pedant get invested with the reputation of a poet and a wit, and, in the eyes of the baron&#039;s friends, of a pasquinader and a bad-hearted man. From that period, play as he might, the count applauded him with greater zeal than ever; so that the poor wight grew at last inflated till he nearly lost his senses, and began to meditate having a chamber in the castle, like Philina.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Had this project been fulfilled at once, a great mishap might have been spared him. As he was returning late one evening from the castle, groping about in the dark, narrow way, he was suddenly laid hold of, and kept on the spot by some persons, while some others rained a shower of blows upon him, and battered him so stoutly, that in a few seconds he was lying almost dead upon the place, and could not without difficulty crawl in to his companions. These, indignant as they seemed to be at such an outrage, felt their secret joy in the adventure: they could hardly keep from laughing, at seeing him so thoroughly curried, and his new brown coat bedusted through and through, and bedaubed with white, as if he had had to do with millers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The count, who soon got notice of the business, broke into a boundless rage. He treated this act as the most heinous crime, called it an infringement of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Burgfried&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, or peace of the castle, and caused his judge to make the strictest inquisition touching it. The whited coat, it was imagined, would afford a leading proof. Every creature that possibly could have the smallest trade with flour or powder in the castle was submitted to investigation, but in vain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The baron solemnly protested on his honor, that although this sort of jesting had considerably displeased him, and the conduct of his lordship the count had not been the friendliest, yet he had got over the affair; and with respect to the misfortune which had come upon the poet, or pasquinader, or whatsoever his title might be, he knew absolutely nothing, and had not the most remote concern in it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The operations of the strangers, and the general commotion of the house, soon effaced all recollection of the matter; and so, without redress, the unlucky favorite had to pay dear for the satisfaction of pluming himself, a short while, in feathers not his own.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Our troop, regularly acting every night, and on the whole very decently treated, now began to make more clamorous demands, the better they were dealt with. Erelong their victuals, drink, attendance, lodging, grew inadequate; and they called upon the baron, their protector, to provide more liberally for them, and at last make good those promises of comfortable entertainment, which he had been giving them so long. Their complaints grew louder, and the efforts of our friend to still them more and more abortive.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Meanwhile, excepting in rehearsals and hours of acting, Wilhelm scarcely ever came abroad. Shut up in one of the remotest chambers, to which&lt;br /&gt;
Mignon and the harper alone had free access, he lived and moved in the Shakspearian world, feeling or knowing nothing but the movements of his own mind.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We have heard of some enchanter summoning, by magic formulas, a vast multitude of spiritual shapes into his cell. The conjurations are so powerful that the whole space of the apartment is quickly full; and the spirits, crowding on to the verge of the little circle which they must not pass, around this, and above the master&#039;s head, keep increasing in number, and ever whirling in perpetual transformation. Every corner is crammed, every crevice is possessed. Embryos expand themselves, and giant-forms contract into the size of nuts. Unhappily the black-artist has forgot the counterword, with which he might command this flood of sprites again to ebb.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;So sat Wilhelm in his privacy: with unknown movements, a thousand feelings and capacities awoke in him, of which he formerly had neither notion nor anticipation. Nothing could allure him from this state: he was vexed and restless if any one presumed to come to him, and talk of news or what was passing in the world.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Accordingly, he scarce took notice of the circumstance, when told that a judicial sentence was about being executed in the castle-yard,&amp;amp;mdash;the flogging of a boy, who had incurred suspicions of nocturnal housebreaking, and who, as he wore a peruke-maker&#039;s coat, had most probably been one of the assaulters of the Pedant. The boy indeed, it seemed, denied most obstinately; so that they could not inflict a formal punishment, but meant to give him a slight memorial as a vagabond, and send him about his business; he having prowled about the neighborhood for several days, lain at night in the mills, and at last clapped a ladder to the garden-wall, and mounted over by it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Our friend saw nothing very strange in the transaction, and was dismissing it altogether, when Mignon came running in, and assured him that the criminal was Friedrich, who, since the rencounter with the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stallmeister&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, had vanished from the company, and not again been heard of.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Feeling an interest in the boy, Wilhelm hastily arose: he found, in the court-yard of the castle, the preparations almost finished. The count loved solemnity on these occasions. The boy being now led out, our friend stepped forward, and entreated for delay, as he knew the boy, and had various things to say which might, perhaps, throw light on the affair. He had difficulty in succeeding, notwithstanding all his&lt;br /&gt;
statements: at length, however, he did get permission to speak with the culprit in private. Friedrich averred, that, concerning the assault in which the Pedant had been used so harshly, he knew nothing whatever. He had merely been lurking about, and had come in at night to see Philina, whose room he had discovered, and would certainly have reached, had he not been taken by the way.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For the credit of the company, Wilhelm felt desirous not to have the truth of his adventure published. He hastened to the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stallmeister&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: he begged him to show favor, and, with his intimate knowledge of men and things about the castle, to find some means of quashing the affair, and dismissing the boy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This whimsical gentleman, by Wilhelm&#039;s help, invented a little story,&amp;amp;mdash;how the boy had belonged to the troop, had run away from it, but soon wished to get back, and be received again into his place; how he had accordingly been trying in the night to come at certain of his well-wishers, and solicit their assistance. It was testified by others that his former behavior had been good: the ladies put their hands to the work, and Friedrich was let go.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm took him in,&amp;amp;mdash;a third person in that strange family, which for some time he had looked on as his own. The old man and little Mignon received the returning wanderer kindly; and all the three combined to serve their friend and guardian with attention, and procure him all the pleasure in their power.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER X.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Philina now succeeded in insinuating farther every day into the favor of the ladies. Whenever they were by themselves, she was wont to lead the conversation on the men whom they saw about the castle; and our friend was not the last or least important that engaged them. The cunning girl was well aware that he had made a deep impression on the countess: she therefore talked about him often, telling much that she knew or did not know, only taking care to speak of nothing that might be interpreted against him; eulogizing, on the contrary, his nobleness of mind, his generosity, and, more than all, his modest and respectful conduct to&lt;br /&gt;
the fair sex. To all inquiries made about him she replied with equal prudence; and the baroness, when she observed the growing inclination of her amiable friend, was likewise very glad at the discovery. Her own intrigues with several men, especially of late with Jarno, had not remained hidden from the countess, whose pure soul could not look upon such levities without disapprobation, and meek, though earnest, censures.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In this way both Philina and the baroness were personally interested in establishing a closer intercourse between the countess and our friend. Philina hoped, moreover, that there would occur some opportunity when she might once more labor for herself, and, if possible, get back the favor of the young man she had lost.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;One day his lordship, with his guests, had ridden out to hunt; and their return was not expected till the morrow. On this the baroness devised a frolic, which was altogether in her way, for she loved disguises, and, in order to surprise her friends, would suddenly appear among them as a peasant-girl at one time, at another as a page, at another as a hunter&#039;s boy. By which means she almost gave herself the air of a little fairy, that is present everywhere, and exactly in the place where it is least expected. Nothing could exceed this lady&#039;s joy, if, without being recognized, she could contrive to wait upon the company for some time as a servant, or mix among them anyhow, and then at last in some sportful way disclose herself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Towards night she sent for Wilhelm to her chamber, and, happening to have something else to do just then, left Philina to receive and prepare him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He arrived, and found to his surprise, not the honorable lady, but the giddy girl, in the room. She received him with a certain dignified openness of manner, which she had of late been practising, and so constrained him likewise to be courteous.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At first she rallied him in general on the good fortune which pursued him everywhere, and which, as she could not but see, had led him hither in the present case. Then she delicately set before him the treatment with which of late he had afflicted her; she blamed and upbraided herself; confessed that she had but too well deserved such punishment; described with the greatest candor what she called her &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;former&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
situation; adding, that she would despise herself, if she were not capable of altering, and making herself worthy of his friendship.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm was struck with this oration. He had too little knowledge of the world to understand that persons quite unstable, and incapable of all improvement, frequently accuse themselves in the bitterest manner, confessing and deploring their faults with extreme ingenuousness, though they possess not the smallest power within them to retire from that course, along which the irresistible tendency of their nature is dragging them forward. Accordingly, he could not find in his heart to behave inexorably to the graceful sinner: he entered into conversation, and learned from her the project of a singular disguisement, wherewith it was intended to surprise the countess.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He found some room for hesitation here, nor did he hide his scruples from Philina: but the baroness, entering at this moment, left him not an instant for reflection; she hurried him away with her, declaring it was just the proper hour.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It was now grown dark. She took him to the count&#039;s wardrobe, made him change his own coat with his lordship&#039;s silk night-gown, and put the cap with red trimmings on his head. She then led him forward to the cabinet; and bidding him sit down upon the large chair, and take a book, she lit the Argand lamp which stood before him, and showed him what he was to do, and what kind of part he had to play.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They would inform the countess, she said, of her husband&#039;s unexpected arrival, and that he was in very bad humor. The countess would come in, walk up and down the room once or twice, then place herself beside the back of his chair, lay her arm upon his shoulder, and speak a few words. He was to play the cross husband as long and as well as possible; and, when obliged to disclose himself, he must behave politely, handsomely, and gallantly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm was left sitting, restlessly enough, in this singular mask. The proposal had come upon him by surprise: the execution of it got the start of the deliberation. The baroness had vanished from the room, before he saw how dangerous the post was which he had engaged to fill. He could not deny that the beauty, the youth, the gracefulness, of the countess had made some impression on him: but his nature was entirely averse to all empty gallantry, and his principles forbade any thought of more serious enterprises; so that his perplexity at this moment was in truth extreme. The fear of displeasing the countess, and that of&lt;br /&gt;
pleasing her too well, were equally busy in his mind.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Every female charm that had ever acted on him, now showed itself again to his imagination. Mariana rose before him in her white morning-gown, and entreated his remembrance. Philina&#039;s loveliness, her beautiful hair, her insinuating blandishments, had again become attractive by her late presence. Yet all this retired as if behind the veil of distance, when he figured to himself the noble, blooming countess, whose arm in a few minutes he would feel upon his neck, whose innocent caresses he was there to answer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The strange mode in which he was to be delivered out of this perplexity he certainly did not anticipate. We may judge of his astonishment, nay, his terror, when the door opened behind him; and, at the first stolen look in the mirror, he quite clearly discerned the count coming in with a light in his hand. His doubt what he should do, whether he should sit still or rise, should flee, confess, deny, or beg forgiveness, lasted but a few instants. The count, who had remained motionless standing in the door, retired, and shut it softly. At the same moment, the baroness sprang forward by the side-door, extinguished the lamp, tore Wilhelm from his chair, and hurried him with her into the closet. Instantly he threw off the night-gown, and put it in its former place. The baroness took his coat under her arm, and hastened with him through several rooms, passages, and partitions into her chamber, where Wilhelm, so soon as she recovered breath, was informed, that on her going to the countess, and delivering the fictitious intelligence about her husband&#039;s arrival, the countess had answered, &amp;quot;I know it already: what can have happened? I saw him riding in, at the postern, even now.&amp;quot; On which the baroness, in an excessive panic, had run to the count&#039;s chamber to give warning.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Unhappily you came too late!&amp;quot; said Wilhelm. &amp;quot;The count was in the room before you, and saw me sitting.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And recognized you?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;That I know not. He was looking at me in the glass, as I at him; and, before I could well determine whether it was he or a spirit, he drew back, and closed the door behind him.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The anxiety of the baroness increased, when a servant came to call her, signifying that the count was with his lady. She went with no light heart, and found the count silent and thoughtful, indeed, but milder and kinder in his words than usual. She knew not what to think of it.&lt;br /&gt;
They spoke about the incidents of the chase, and the causes of his quick return. The conversation soon ran out. The count became taciturn; and it struck the baroness particularly, when he asked for Wilhelm, and expressed a wish that he were sent for, to come and read something.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm, who had now dressed himself in the baroness&#039;s chamber, and in some degree recovered his composure, obeyed the order, not without anxiety. The count gave him a book, out of which he read an adventurous tale, very little at his ease. His voice had a certain inconstancy and quivering in it, which fortunately corresponded with the import of the story. The count more than once gave kindly tokens of approval, and at last dismissed our friend, with praises of his exquisite manner of reading.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER XI.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm had scarcely read one or two of Shakspeare&#039;s plays, till their effect on him became so strong that he could go no farther. His whole soul was in commotion. He sought an opportunity to speak with Jarno; to whom, on meeting with him, he expressed his boundless gratitude for such delicious entertainment.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I clearly enough foresaw,&amp;quot; said Jarno, &amp;quot;that you would not remain insensible to the charms of the most extraordinary and most admirable of all writers.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Yes!&amp;quot; exclaimed our friend: &amp;quot;I cannot recollect that any book, any man, any incident of my life, has produced such important effects on me, as the precious works to which by your kindness I have been directed. They seem as if they were performances of some celestial genius, descending among men, to make them, by the mildest instructions, acquainted with themselves. They are no fictions! You would think, while reading them, you stood before the unclosed awful Books of Fate, while the whirlwind of most impassioned life was howling through the leaves, and tossing them fiercely to and fro. The strength and tenderness, the power and peacefulness, of this man, have so astonished and transported me, that I long vehemently for the time when I shall have it in my power to read farther.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Bravo!&amp;quot; said Jarno, holding out his hand, and squeezing our friend&#039;s. &amp;quot;This is as it should be! And the consequences, which I hope for, will likewise surely follow.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I wish,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, &amp;quot;I could but disclose to you all that is going on within me even now. All the anticipations I have ever had regarding man and his destiny, which have accompanied me from youth upwards, often unobserved by myself, I find developed and fulfilled in Shakspeare&#039;s writings. It seems as if he cleared up every one of our enigmas to us, though we cannot say, Here or there is the word of solution. His men appear like natural men, and yet they are not. These, the most mysterious and complex productions of creation, here act before us as if they were watches, whose dial-plates and cases were of crystal, which pointed out, according to their use, the course of the hours and minutes; while, at the same time, you could discern the combination of wheels and springs that turned them. The few glances I have cast over Shakspeare&#039;s world incite me, more than any thing beside, to quicken my footsteps forward into the actual world, to mingle in the flood of destinies that is suspended over it, and at length, if I shall prosper, to draw a few cups from the great ocean of true nature, and to distribute them from off the stage among the thirsting people of my native land.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I feel delighted with the temper of mind in which I now behold you,&amp;quot; answered Jarno, laying his hand upon the shoulder of the excited youth: &amp;quot;renounce not the purpose of embarking in active life. Make haste to employ with alacrity the years that are granted you. If I can serve you, I will with all my heart. As yet I have not asked you how you came into this troop, for which you certainly were neither born nor bred. So much I hope and see,&amp;amp;mdash;you long to be out of it. I know nothing of your parentage, of your domestic circumstances: consider what you shall confide to me. Thus much only I can say: the times of war we live in may produce quick turns of fortune; did you incline devoting your strength and talents to our service, not fearing labor, and, if need were, danger, I might even now have an opportunity to put you in a situation, which you would not afterwards be sorry to have filled for a time.&amp;quot; Wilhelm could not sufficiently express his gratitude: he was ready to impart to his friend and patron the whole history of his life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the course of this conversation, they had wandered far into the park, and at last came upon the highway that crossed it. Jarno stood&lt;br /&gt;
silent for a moment, and then said, &amp;quot;Deliberate on my proposal, determine, give me your answer in a few days, and then let me have the narrative you mean to trust me with. I assure you, it has all along to me seemed quite incomprehensible how you ever could have any thing to do with such a class of people. I have often thought with spleen and disgust, how, in order to gain a paltry living, you must fix your heart on a wandering ballad-monger, and a silly mongrel, neither male nor female.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had not yet concluded, when an officer on horseback came hastily along; a groom following him with a led horse. Jarno shouted a warm salutation to him. The officer sprang from his horse; Jarno and he embraced and talked together; while Wilhelm, confounded at the last expressions of his warlike friend, stood thoughtfully at a side. Jarno turned over some papers which the stranger had delivered to him; while the latter came to Wilhelm, held out his hand, and said with emphasis, &amp;quot;I find you in worthy company: follow the counsel of your friend, and, by doing so, accomplish likewise the desire of an unknown man, who takes a genuine interest in you.&amp;quot; So saying, he embraced Wilhelm, and pressed him cordially to his breast. At the same instant Jarno advanced, and said to the stranger, &amp;quot;It is best that I ride on with you: by this means you may get the necessary orders, and set out again before night.&amp;quot; Both then leaped into their saddles, and left our astonished friend to his own reflections.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Jarno&#039;s last words were still ringing in his ears. It galled him to see the two human beings that had most innocently won his affections so grievously disparaged by a man whom he honored so much. The strange embracing of the officer, whom he knew not, made but a slight impression on him; it occupied his curiosity and his imagination for a moment: but Jarno&#039;s speech had cut him to the heart; he was deeply hurt by it: and now, in his way homewards, he broke out into reproaches against himself, that he should for a single instant have mistaken or forgotten the unfeeling coldness of Jarno, which looked out from his very eyes, and spoke in all his gestures. &amp;quot;No!&amp;quot; exclaimed he, &amp;quot;thou conceivest, dead-hearted worldling, that thou canst be a friend! All that thou hast power to offer me is not worth the sentiment which binds me to these forlorn beings. How fortunate that I have discovered in time what I had to expect from thee!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mignon came to meet him as he entered: he clasped her in his arms, exclaiming, &amp;quot;Nothing, nothing, shall part us, thou good little&lt;br /&gt;
creature! The seeming prudence of the world shall never cause me to forsake thee, or forget what I owe thee!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The child, whose warm caresses he had been accustomed to avoid, rejoiced with all her heart at this unlooked-for show of tenderness, and clung so fast to him that he had some difficulty to get loose from her.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;From this period he kept a stricter eye on Jarno&#039;s conduct: many parts of it he did not think quite praiseworthy; nay, several things came out which totally displeased him. He had strong suspicions, for example, that the verses on the baron, which the poor Pedant had so dearly paid for, were composed by Jarno. And as the latter, in Wilhelm&#039;s presence, had made sport of the adventure, our friend thought here was certainly a symptom of a most corrupted heart; for what could be more depraved than to treat a guiltless person, whose griefs one&#039;s self had occasioned, with jeering and mockery, instead of trying to satisfy or to indemnify him? In this matter Wilhelm would himself willingly have brought about reparation; and erelong a very curious accident led him to obtain some traces of the persons concerned in that nocturnal outrage.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Hitherto his friends had contrived to keep him unacquainted with the fact, that some of the young officers were in the habit of passing whole nights in merriment and jollity, with certain actors and actresses, in the lower hall of the old castle. One morning, having risen early, according to his custom, he happened to visit this chamber, and found the gallant gentlemen just in the act of performing rather a singular operation. They had mixed a bowl of water with a quantity of chalk, and were plastering this gruel with a brush upon their waistcoats and pantaloons, without stripping; thus very expeditiously restoring the spotlessness of their apparel. On witnessing this piece of ingenuity, our friend was at once struck with the recollection of the poor Pedant&#039;s whited and bedusted coat: his suspicions gathered strength when he learned that some relations of the baron were among the party.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To throw some light on his doubts, he engaged the youths to breakfast with him. They were very lively, and told a multitude of pleasant stories. One of them especially, who for a time had been on the recruiting-service, was loud in praising the craft and activity of his captain; who, it appeared, understood the art of alluring men of all&lt;br /&gt;
kinds towards him, and overreaching every one by the deception proper for him. He circumstantially described how several young people of good families and careful education had been cozened, by playing off to them a thousand promises of honor and preferment; and he heartily laughed at the simpletons, who felt so gratified, when first enlisted, at the thought of being esteemed and introduced to notice by so reputable, prudent, bold, and munificent an officer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm blessed his better genius for having drawn him back in time from the abyss to whose brink he had approached so near. Jarno he now looked upon as nothing better than a crimp: the embrace of the stranger officer was easily explained. He viewed the feelings and opinions of these men with contempt and disgust; from that moment he carefully avoided coming into contact with any one that wore a uniform; and, when he heard that the army was about to move its quarters, the news would have been extremely welcome to him, if he had not feared, that, immediately on its departure, he himself must be banished from the neighborhood of his lovely friend, perhaps forever.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER XII.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Meanwhile the baroness had spent several days disquieted by anxious fears and unsatisfied curiosity. Since the late adventure, the count&#039;s demeanor had been altogether an enigma to her. His manner was changed: none of his customary jokes were to be heard. His demands on the company and the servants had very much abated. Little pedantry or imperiousness was now to be discerned in him; he was silent and thoughtful, yet withal he seemed composed and placid; in short, he was quite another man. In choosing the books, which now and then he caused to be read to him, those of a serious, often a religious, cast, were pitched upon; and the baroness lived in perpetual fright lest, beneath this apparent serenity, a secret rancor might be lurking,&amp;amp;mdash;a silent purpose to revenge the offence he had so accidentally discovered. She determined, therefore, to make Jarno her confidant; and this the more freely, as that gentleman and she already stood in a relation to each other where it is not&lt;br /&gt;
usual to be very cautious in keeping secrets. For some time Jarno had been her dearest friend, yet they had been dexterous enough to conceal their attachment and joys from the noisy world in which they moved. To the countess alone this new romance had not remained unknown; and very possibly the baroness might wish to get her fair friend occupied with some similar engagement, and thus to escape the silent reproaches she had often to endure from that noble-minded woman.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Scarcely had the baroness related the occurrence to her lover, when he cried out laughing, &amp;quot;To a certainty the old fool believes that he has seen his ghost! He dreads that the vision may betoken some misfortune, perhaps death, to him; and so he is become quite tame, as all half-men do, in thinking of that consummation which no one has escaped or will escape. Softly a little! As I hope he will live long enough, we may now train him at least, so that he shall not again give disturbance to his wife and household.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They accordingly, as soon as any opportunity occurred, began talking, in the presence of the count, about warnings, visions, apparitions, and the like. Jarno played the sceptic, the baroness likewise; and they carried it so far, that his lordship at last took Jarno aside, reproved him for his free-thinking, and produced his own experience to prove the possibility, nay, actual occurrence, of such preternatural events. Jarno affected to be struck, to be in doubt, and finally to be convinced; but, in private with his friend, he made himself so much the merrier at the credulous weakling, who had thus been cured of his evil habits by a bugbear, but who, they admitted, still deserved some praise for expecting dire calamity, or death itself, with such composure.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The natural result which the present apparition might have had, would possibly have ruffled him!&amp;quot; exclaimed the baroness, with her wonted vivacity; to which, when anxiety was taken from her heart, she had instantly returned. Jarno was richly rewarded; and the two contrived fresh projects for frightening the count still further, and still further exciting and confirming the affection of the countess for Wilhelm.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;With this intention, the whole story was related to the countess. She, indeed, expressed her displeasure at such conduct; but from that time she became more thoughtful, and in peaceful moments seemed to be considering, pursuing, and painting out that scene which had been&lt;br /&gt;
prepared for her.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The preparations now going forward on every side left no room for doubt that the armies were soon to move in advance, and the prince at the same time to change his headquarters. It was even said that the count intended leaving his castle, and returning to the city. Our players could therefore, without difficulty, calculate the aspect of their stars; yet none of them, except Melina, took any measures in consequence: the rest strove only to catch as much enjoyment as they could from the moment that was passing over them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm, in the mean time, was engaged with a peculiar task. The countess had required from him a copy of his writings, and he looked on this request as the noblest recompense for his labors.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A young author, who has not yet seen himself in print, will, in such a case, apply no ordinary care to provide a clear and beautiful transcript of his works. It is like the golden age of authorship: he feels transported into those centuries when the press had not inundated the world with so many useless writings, when none but excellent performances were copied, and kept by the noblest men; and he easily admits the illusion, that his own accurately ruled and measured manuscript may itself prove an excellent performance, worthy to be kept and valued by some future critic.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The prince being shortly to depart, a great entertainment had been appointed in honor of him. Many ladies of the neighborhood were invited, and the countess had dressed betimes. On this occasion she had taken a costlier suit than usual. Her head-dress, and the decorations of her hair, were more exquisite and studied: she wore all her jewels. The baroness, too, had done her utmost to appear with becoming taste and splendor.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Philina, observing that both ladies, in expectation of their guests, felt the time rather tedious, proposed to send for Wilhelm, who was wishing to present his manuscript, now completed, and to read them some other little pieces. He came, and on his entrance was astonished at the form and the graces of the countess, which her decorations had but made more visible and striking. Being ordered by the ladies, he began to read; but with so much absence of mind, and so badly, that, had not his audience been excessively indulgent, they would very soon have dismissed him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Every time he looked at the countess, it seemed to him as if a spark of electric fire were glancing before his eyes. In the end he knew not&lt;br /&gt;
where to find the breath he wanted for his reading. The countess had always pleased him, but now it appeared as if he never had beheld a being so perfect and so lovely. A thousand thoughts flitted up and down his soul: what follows might be nearly their substance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;How foolish is it in so many poets, and men of sentiment as they are called, to make war on pomp and decoration; requiring that women of all ranks should wear no dress but what is simple, and conformable to nature! They rail at decoration, without once considering, that, when we see a plain or positively ugly person clothed in a costly and gorgeous fashion, it is not the poor decoration that displeases us. I would assemble all the judges in the world, and ask them here if they wished to see one of these folds, of these ribbons and laces, these braids, ringlets, and glancing stones, removed? Would they not dread disturbing the delightful impression that so naturally and spontaneously meets us here? Yes, naturally I will say! As Minerva sprang in complete armor from the head of Jove; so does this goddess seem to have stepped forth with a light foot, in all her ornaments, from the bosom of some flower.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;While reading, he turned his eyes upon her frequently, as if he wished to stamp this image on his soul forever: he more than once read wrong, yet without falling into confusion of mind; though, at other times, he used to feel the mistaking of a word or a letter as a painful deformity, which spoiled a whole recitation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A false alarm of the arrival of the guests put an end to the reading; the baroness went out; and the countess, while about to shut her writing-desk, which was standing open, took up her casket, and put some other rings upon her finger. &amp;quot;We are soon to part,&amp;quot; said she, keeping her eyes upon the casket: &amp;quot;accept a memorial of a true friend, who wishes nothing more earnestly than that you may always prosper.&amp;quot; She then took out a ring, which, underneath a crystal, bore a little plait of woven hair beautifully set with diamonds. She held it out to Wilhelm, who, on taking it, knew neither what to say nor do, but stood as if rooted to the ground. The countess shut her desk, and sat down upon the sofa.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And I must go empty?&amp;quot; said Philina, kneeling down at the countess&#039;s right hand. &amp;quot;Do but look at the man: he carries such a store of words in his mouth, when no one wants to hear them; and now he cannot stammer&lt;br /&gt;
out the poorest syllable of thanks. Quick, sir! Express your services by way of pantomime at least; and if to-day you can invent nothing, then, for Heaven&#039;s sake, be my imitator.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Philina seized the right hand of the countess, and kissed it warmly. Wilhelm sank upon his knee, laid hold of the left, and pressed it to his lips. The countess seemed embarrassed, yet without displeasure.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Ah!&amp;quot; cried Philina, &amp;quot;so much splendor of attire, I may have seen before, but never one so fit to wear it. What bracelets, but also what a hand! What a neckdress, but also what a bosom.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Peace, little cozener!&amp;quot; said the countess.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Is this his lordship, then?&amp;quot; said Philina, pointing to a rich medallion, which the countess wore on her left side, by a particular chain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;He is painted in his bridegroom-dress,&amp;quot; replied the countess.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Was he, then, so young?&amp;quot; inquired Philina: &amp;quot;I know it is but a year or two since you were married.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;His youth must be placed to the artist&#039;s account,&amp;quot; replied the lady.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;He is a handsome man,&amp;quot; observed Philina. &amp;quot;But was there never,&amp;quot; she continued, placing her hand on the countess&#039;s heart, &amp;quot;never any other image that found its way in secret hither?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Thou art very bold, Philina,&amp;quot; cried she: &amp;quot;I have spoiled thee. Let me never hear the like again.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;If you are angry, then am I unhappy,&amp;quot; said Philina, springing up, and hastening from the room.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm still held that lovely hand in both of his. His eyes were fixed on the bracelet-clasp: he noticed, with extreme surprise, that his initials were traced on it, in lines of brilliants.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Have I, then,&amp;quot; he modestly inquired, &amp;quot;your own hair in this precious ring?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Yes,&amp;quot; replied she in a faint voice; then, suddenly collecting herself, she said, and pressed his hand, &amp;quot;Arise, and fare you well!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Here is my name,&amp;quot; cried he, &amp;quot;by the most curious chance!&amp;quot; He pointed to the bracelet-clasp.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;How?&amp;quot; cried the countess: &amp;quot;it is the cipher of a female friend!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;They are the initials of my name. Forget me not. Your image is&lt;br /&gt;
engraven on my heart, and will never be effaced. Farewell! I must be gone.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He kissed her hand, and meant to rise; but, as in dreams, some strange thing fades and changes into something stranger, and the succeeding wonder takes us by surprise; so, without knowing how it happened, he found the countess in his arms: her lips were resting upon his, and their warm mutual kisses were yielding them that blessedness which mortals sip from the topmost sparkling foam on the freshly poured cup of love.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Her head lay on his shoulder: the disordered ringlets and ruffles were forgotten. She had thrown her arm round him: he clasped her with vivacity, and pressed her again and again to his breast. Oh that such a moment could but last forever! And woe to envious Fate that shortened even this brief moment to our friends!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How terrified was Wilhelm, how astounded did he start from his happy dream, when the countess, with a shriek, on a sudden tore herself away, and hastily pressed her hand against her heart.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He stood confounded before her: she held the other hand upon her eyes, and, after a moment&#039;s pause, exclaimed, &amp;quot;Away! leave me! delay not!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He continued standing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Leave me!&amp;quot; she cried; and, taking off her hand from her eyes, she looked at him with an indescribable expression of countenance, and added, in the most tender and affecting voice, &amp;quot;Flee, if you love me.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm was out of the chamber, and again in his room, before he knew what he was doing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Unhappy creatures! What singular warning of chance or of destiny tore them asunder?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;BOOK IV.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER I.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Laertes was standing at the window in a thoughtful mood, resting on his arm, and looking out into the fields. Philina came gliding towards him, across the large hall: she leaned upon him, and began to mock him for his serious looks.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Do not laugh,&amp;quot; replied he: &amp;quot;it is frightful to think how time goes on, how all things change and have an end. See here! A little while ago there was a stately camp: how pleasantly the tents looked! what restless life and motion was within them! how carefully they watched the whole enclosure! And, behold, it is all vanished in a day! For a short while, that trampled straw, those holes which the cooks have dug, will show a trace of what was here; and soon the whole will be ploughed and reaped as formerly, and the presence of so many thousand gallant fellows in this quarter will but glimmer in the memories of one or two old men.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Philina began to sing, and dragged forth her friend to dance with her in the hall. &amp;quot;Since Time is not a person we can overtake when he is past,&amp;quot; cried she, &amp;quot;let us honor him with mirth and cheerfulness of heart while he is passing.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They had scarcely made a step or two, when Frau Melina came walking through the hall. Philina was wicked enough to invite her to join them in the dance, and thus to bring her in mind of the shape to which her pregnancy had reduced her.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;That I might never more see a woman &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;in an interesting situation&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;!&amp;quot; said Philina, when her back was turned.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Yet she feels an &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;interest&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in it,&amp;quot; said Laertes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;But she manages so shockingly. Didst thou notice that wabbling fold of her shortened petticoat, which always travels out before her when she moves? She has not the smallest knack or skill to trim herself a little, and conceal her state.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Let her be,&amp;quot; said Laertes. &amp;quot;Time will soon come to her aid.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It were prettier, however,&amp;quot; cried Philina, &amp;quot;if we could shake children from the trees.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The baron entered, and spoke some kind words to them, adding a few presents, in the name of the count and the countess, who had left the place very early in the morning. He then went to Wilhelm, who was busy in the side-chamber with Mignon. She had been extremely affectionate and taking; had asked minutely about Wilhelm&#039;s parents, brothers, sisters, and relations; and so brought to his mind the duty he owed his people, to send them some tidings of himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;With the farewell compliments of the family, the baron delivered him an assurance from the count, that his lordship had been exceedingly obliged by his acting, his poetical labors, and theatrical exertions. For proof of this statement, the baron then drew forth a purse, through whose beautiful texture the bright glance of new gold coin was sparkling out. Wilhelm drew back, refusing to accept of it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Look upon this gift,&amp;quot; said the baron, &amp;quot;as a compensation for your time, as an acknowledgment of your trouble, not as the reward of your talents. If genius procures us a good name and good will from men, it is fair likewise, that, by our diligence and efforts, we should earn the means to satisfy our wants; since, after all, we are not wholly spirit. Had we been in town, where every thing is to be got, we should have changed this little sum into a watch, a ring, or something of that sort; but, as it is, I must place the magic rod in your own hands; procure a trinket with it, such as may please you best and be of greatest use, and keep it for our sakes. At the same time, you must not forget to hold the purse in honor. It was knit by the fingers of our ladies: they meant that the cover should give to its contents the most pleasing form.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Forgive my embarrassment,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, &amp;quot;and my doubts about accepting this present. It, as it were, annihilates the little I have done, and hinders the free play of happy recollection. Money is a fine thing, when any matter is to be completely settled and abolished: I feel unwilling to be so entirely abolished from the recollection of your house.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;That is not the case,&amp;quot; replied the baron; &amp;quot;but, feeling so tenderly yourself, you could not wish that the count should be obliged to consider himself wholly your debtor, especially when I assure you that his lordship&#039;s highest ambition has always consisted in being&lt;br /&gt;
punctual and just. He is not uninformed of the labor you have undergone, or of the zeal with which you have devoted all your time to execute his views; nay, he is aware, that, to quicken certain operations, you have even expended money of your own. With what face shall I appear before him, then, if I cannot say that his acknowledgment has given you satisfaction?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;If I thought only of myself,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, &amp;quot;if I might follow merely the dictates of my own feelings, I should certainly, in spite of all these reasons, steadfastly refuse this gift, generous and honorable as it is; but I will not deny, that, at the very moment when it brings me into one perplexity, it frees me from another, into which I have lately fallen with regard to my relations, and which has in secret caused me much uneasiness. My management, not only of the time, but also of the money, for which I have to give account, has not been the best; and now, by the kindness of his lordship, I shall be enabled, with confidence, to give my people news of the good fortune to which this curious by-path has led me. I therefore sacrifice those feelings of delicacy, which, like a tender conscience, admonish us on such occasions, to a higher duty; and, that I may appear courageously before my father, I must consent to stand ashamed before you.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It is singular,&amp;quot; replied the baron, &amp;quot;to see what a world of hesitation people feel about accepting money from their friends and patrons, though ready to receive any other gift with joy and thankfulness. Human nature manifests some other such peculiarities, by which many scruples of a similar kind are produced and carefully cherished.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Is it not the same with all points of honor?&amp;quot; said our friend.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It is so,&amp;quot; replied the baron, &amp;quot;and with several other prejudices. We must not root them out, lest in doing so we tear up noble plants along with them. Yet I am always glad when I meet with men that feel superior to such objections, when the case requires it; and I recall with pleasure the story of that ingenious poet who had written several plays for the court-theatre, which met with the monarch&#039;s warmest approbation. &#039;I must give him a distinguished recompense,&#039; said the generous prince: &#039;ask him whether he would choose to have some jewel given him, or if he would disdain to accept a sum of money.&#039; In his humorous way, the poet answered the inquiring courtier, &#039;I am thankful, with all my heart,&lt;br /&gt;
for these gracious purposes; and, as the emperor is daily taking money from us, I see not wherefore I should feel ashamed of taking some from him.&#039;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Scarcely had the baron left the room, when Wilhelm eagerly began to count the cash, which had come to him so unexpectedly, and, as he thought, so undeservedly. It seemed as if the worth and dignity of gold, not usually felt till later years, had now, by anticipation, twinkled in his eyes for the first time, as the fine, glancing coins rolled out from the beautiful purse. He reckoned up, and found, that, particularly as Melina had engaged immediately to pay the loan, he had now as much or more on the right side of his account as on that day when Philina first asked him for the nosegay. With a little secret satisfaction, he looked upon his talents; with a little pride, upon the fortune which had led and attended him. He now seized the pen, with an assured mind, to write a letter which might free his family from their anxieties, and set his late proceedings in the most favorable light. He abstained from any special narrative, and only by significant and mysterious hints left them room for guessing at what had befallen him. The good condition of his cash-book, the advantage he had earned by his talents, the favor of the great and of the fair, acquaintance with a wider circle, the improvement of his bodily and mental gifts, his hopes from the future, altogether formed such a fair cloud-picture, that Fata Morgana itself could scarcely have thrown together a stranger or a better.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In this happy exaltation, the letter being folded up, he went on to maintain a conversation with himself, recapitulating what he had been writing, and pointing out for himself an active and glorious future. The example of so many gallant warriors had fired him; the poetry of Shakspeare had opened a new world to him; from the lips of the beautiful countess he had inhaled an inexpressible inspiration. All this could not and would not be without effect.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stallmeister&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; came to inquire whether they were ready with their packing. Alas! with the single exception of Melina, no one of them had thought of it. Now, however, they were speedily to be in motion. The count had engaged to have the whole party conveyed forward a few days&#039; journey on their way: the horses were now in readiness, and could not long be wanted. Wilhelm asked for his trunk: Frau Melina had taken it to put her own things in. He asked for money: Herr Melina had stowed it&lt;br /&gt;
all far down at the bottom of his box. Philina said she had still some room in hers: she took Wilhelm&#039;s clothes, and bade Mignon bring the rest. Wilhelm, not without reluctance, was obliged to let it be so.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;While they were loading, and getting all things ready, Melina said, &amp;quot;I am sorry we should travel like mountebanks and rope-dancers. I could wish that Mignon would put on girl&#039;s clothes, and that the harper would let his beard be shorn.&amp;quot; Mignon clung firmly to Wilhelm, and cried, with great vivacity, &amp;quot;I am a boy&amp;amp;mdash;I will be no girl!&amp;quot; The old man held his peace; and Philina, on this suggestion, made some merry observations on the singularity of their protector, the count. &amp;quot;If the harper should cut off his beard,&amp;quot; said she, &amp;quot;let him sew it carefully upon a ribbon, and keep it by him, that he may put it on again whenever his lordship the count falls in with him in any quarter of the world. It was this beard alone that procured him the favor of his lordship.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On being pressed to give an explanation of this singular speech, Philina said to them, &amp;quot;The count thinks it contributes very much to the completeness of theatrical illusion if the actor continues to play his part, and to sustain his character, even in common life. It was for this reason that he showed such favor to the Pedant: and he judged it, in like manner, very fitting that the harper not only wore his false beard at nights on the stage, but also constantly by day; and he used to be delighted at the natural appearance of the mask.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;While the rest were laughing at this error, and the other strange opinions of the count, the harper led our friend aside, took leave of him, and begged, with tears, that he would even now let him go. Wilhelm spoke to him, declaring that he would protect him against all the world; that no one should touch a hair of his head, much less send him off against his will.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The old man seemed affected deeply: an unwonted fire was glowing in his eyes. &amp;quot;It is not that,&amp;quot; cried he, &amp;quot;which drives me away. I have long been reproaching myself in secret for staying with you. I ought to linger nowhere; for misfortune flies to overtake me, and injures all that are connected with me. Dread every thing, unless you dismiss me; but ask me no questions. I belong not to myself. I cannot stay.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;To whom dost thou belong? Who can exert such a power on thee?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Leave me my horrid secret, and let me go! The vengeance which pursues me is not of the earthly judge. I belong to an inexorable destiny. I cannot stay, and I dare not.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;In the situation I see thee in, I shall certainly not let thee go.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It were high treason against you, my benefactor, if I should delay. I am secure while with you, but you are in peril. You know not whom you keep beside you. I am guilty, but more wretched than guilty. My presence scares happiness away, and good deeds grow powerless when I become concerned in them. Fugitive, unresting I should be, that my evil genius might not seize me, which pursues but at a distance, and only appears when I have found a place, and am laying down my head to seek repose. More grateful I cannot show myself than by forsaking you.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Strange man! Thou canst neither take away the confidence I place in thee, nor the hope I feel to see thee happy. I wish not to penetrate the secrets of thy superstition; but if thou livest in belief of wonderful forebodings, and entanglements of fate, then, to cheer and hearten thee, I say, unite thyself to my good fortune, and let us see which genius is the stronger, thy dark or my bright one.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm seized this opportunity of suggesting to him many other comfortable things; for of late our friend had begun to imagine that this singular attendant of his must be a man, who, by chance or destiny, had been led into some weighty crime, the remembrance of which he was ever bearing on his conscience.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A few days ago Wilhelm, listening to his singing, had observed attentively the following lines:&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
For him the light of ruddy morn&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;But paints the horizon red with flame;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
And voices, from the depths of nature borne,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;Woe! woe! upon his guilty head proclaim.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But, let the old man urge what arguments he pleased, our friend had constantly a stronger argument at hand. He turned every thing on its fairest side; spoke so bravely, heartily, and cheerily, that even the old man seemed again to gather spirits, and to throw aside his whims.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER II.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Melina was in hopes to get established, with his company, in a small but thriving town at some distance. They had already reached the place where the count&#039;s horses were to turn, and now they looked about for other carriages and cattle to transport them onward. Melina had engaged to provide them a conveyance: he showed himself but niggardly, according to his custom. Wilhelm, on the contrary, had the shining ducats of the countess in his pocket, and thought he had the fullest right to spend them merrily; forgetting very soon how ostentatiously he had produced them in the stately balance transmitted to his father.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His friend Shakspeare, whom with the greatest joy he acknowledged as his godfather, and rejoiced the more that his name was Wilhelm, had introduced him to a prince, who frolicked for a time among mean, nay, vicious companions, and who, notwithstanding his nobleness of nature, found pleasure in the rudeness, indecency, and coarse intemperance of these altogether sensual knaves. This ideal likeness, which he figured as the type and the excuse of his own actual condition, was most welcome to our friend; and the process of self-deception, to which already he displayed an almost invincible tendency, was thereby very much facilitated.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He now began to think about his dress. It struck him that a waistcoat, over which, in case of need, one could throw a little short mantle, was a very fit thing for a traveller. Long knit pantaloons, and a pair of lacing-boots, seemed the true garb of a pedestrian. He next procured a fine silk sash, which he tied about him, under the pretence at first of securing warmth for his person. On the other hand, he freed his neck from the tyranny of stocks, and got a few stripes of muslin sewed upon his shirt; making the pieces of considerable breadth, so that they presented the complete appearance of an ancient ruff. The beautiful silk neckerchief, the memorial of Mariana, which had once been saved from burning, now lay slackly tied beneath this muslin collar. A round hat, with a party-colored band, and a large feather, perfected the mask.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The women all asserted that this garb became him very well. Philina in particular appeared enchanted with it. She solicited his hair for herself,&amp;amp;mdash;beautiful locks, which, the closer to approach the&lt;br /&gt;
natural ideal, he had unmercifully clipped. By so doing she recommended herself not amiss to his favor; and our friend, who by his open-handedness had acquired the right of treating his companions somewhat in Prince Harry&#039;s manner, erelong fell into the humor of himself contriving a few wild tricks, and presiding in the execution of them. The people fenced, they danced, they devised all kinds of sports, and, in their gayety of heart, partook of what tolerable wine they could fall in with in copious proportions; while, amid the disorder of this tumultuous life, Philina lay in wait for the coy hero,&amp;amp;mdash;over whom let his better genius keep watch!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;One chief diversion, which yielded the company a frequent and very pleasing entertainment, consisted in producing an extempore play, in which their late benefactors and patrons were mimicked, and turned into ridicule. Some of our actors had seized very neatly whatever was peculiar in the outward manner of several distinguished people in the count&#039;s establishment; their imitation of these was received by the rest of the party with the greatest approbation: and when Philina produced, from the secret archives of her experience, certain peculiar declarations of love that had been made to her, the audience were like to die with laughing and malicious joy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm censured their ingratitude; but they told him in reply that these gentry well deserved what they were getting, their general conduct toward such deserving people, a sour friends believed themselves, not having been by any means the best imaginable. The little consideration, the neglect they had experienced, were now described with many aggravations. The jesting, bantering, and mimicry proceeded as before: our party were growing bitterer and more unjust every minute.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I wish,&amp;quot; observed Wilhelm, &amp;quot;there were no envy or selfishness lurking under what you say, but that you would regard those persons and their station in the proper point of view. It is a peculiar thing to be placed, by one&#039;s very birth, in an elevated situation in society. The man for whom inherited wealth has secured a perfect freedom of existence; who finds himself from his youth upwards abundantly encompassed with all the secondary essentials, so to speak, of human life,&amp;amp;mdash;will generally become accustomed to consider these qualifications as the first and greatest of all; while the worth of that mode of human life, which nature from her own stores equips and furnishes, will strike him much more faintly. The behavior of&lt;br /&gt;
noblemen to their inferiors, and likewise to each other, is regulated by external preferences. They give each credit for his title, his rank, his clothes, and equipage; but his individual merits come not into play.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This speech was honored with the company&#039;s unbounded applause. They declared it to be shameful, that men of merit should constantly be pushed into the background; and that, in the great world, there should not be a trace of natural and hearty intercourse. On this latter point particularly they overshot all bounds.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Blame them not for it,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, &amp;quot;rather pity them! They have seldom an exalted feeling of that happiness which we admit to be the highest that can flow from the inward abundance of nature. Only to us poor creatures is it granted to enjoy the happiness of friendship in its richest fulness. Those dear to us we cannot elevate by our countenance, or advance by our favor, or make happy by our presents. We have nothing but ourselves. This whole self we must give away; and, if it is to be of any value, we must make our friend secure of it forever. What an enjoyment, what a happiness, for giver and receiver! With what blessedness does truth of affection invest our situation! It gives to the transitory life of man a heavenly certainty: it forms the crown and capital of all that we possess.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;While he spoke thus, Mignon had come near him: she threw her little arms round him, and stood with her cheek resting on his breast. He laid his hand on the child&#039;s head, and proceeded, &amp;quot;It is easy for a great man to win our minds to him, easy to make our hearts his own. A mild and pleasant manner, a manner only not inhuman, will of itself do wonders,&amp;amp;mdash;and how many means does he possess of holding fast the affections he has once conquered? To us, all this occurs less frequently; to us it is all more difficult; and we naturally, therefore, put a greater value on whatever, in the way of mutual kindness, we acquire and accomplish. What touching examples of faithful servants giving themselves up to danger and death for their masters? How finely has Shakspeare painted out such things to us! Fidelity, in this case, is the effort of a noble soul, struggling to become equal with one exalted above it. By steadfast attachment and love, the servant is made equal to his lord, who, but for this, is justified in looking on him as a hired slave. Yes, these virtues belong to the lower class of men alone: that class cannot do without them, and with them it has a beauty of its own. Whoever is enabled to requite all favors easily will likewise easily&lt;br /&gt;
be tempted to raise himself above the habit of acknowledgment. Nay, in this sense, I am of opinion it might almost be maintained, that a great man may possess friends, but cannot be one.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mignon clung more and more closely to him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It may be so,&amp;quot; replied one of the party: &amp;quot;we do not need their friendship, and do not ask it. But it were well if they understood a little more about the arts, which they affect to patronize. When we played in the best style, there was none to mind us: it was all sheer partiality. Any one they chose to favor, pleased; and they did not choose to favor those that merited to please. It was intolerable to observe how often silliness and mere stupidity attracted notice and applause.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;When I abate from this,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, &amp;quot;what seemed to spring from irony and malice, I think we may nearly say, that one fares in art as he does in love. And, after all, how shall a fashionable man of the world, with his dissipated habits, attain that intimate presence with a special object, which an artist must long continue in, if he would produce any thing approaching to perfection,&amp;amp;mdash;a state of feeling without which it is impossible for any one to take such an interest, as the artist hopes and wishes, in his work?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Believe me, my friends, it is with talents as with virtue; one must love them for their own sake, or entirely renounce them. And neither of them is acknowledged and rewarded, except when their possessor can practise them unseen, like a dangerous secret.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Meanwhile, until some proper judge discovers us, we may all die of hunger,&amp;quot; cried a fellow in the corner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Not quite inevitably,&amp;quot; answered Wilhelm. &amp;quot;I have observed, that, so long as one stirs and lives, one always finds food and raiment, though they be not of the richest sort. And why should we repine? Were we not, altogether unexpectedly, and when our prospects were the very worst, taken kindly by the hand, and substantially entertained? And now, when we are in want of nothing, does it once occur to us to attempt any thing for our improvement, or to strive, though never so faintly, towards advancement in our art? We are busied about indifferent matters; and, like school-boys, we are casting all aside that might bring our lesson to our thoughts.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;In sad truth,&amp;quot; said Philina, &amp;quot;it is even so! Let us choose a play: we will go through it on the spot. Each of us must do his best, as if he&lt;br /&gt;
stood before the largest audience.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They did not long deliberate: a play was fixed on. It was one of those which at that time were meeting great applause in Germany, and have now passed away. Some of the party whistled a symphony; each speedily bethought him of his part; they commenced, and acted the entire play with the greatest attention, and really well beyond expectation. Mutual applauses circulated: our friends had seldom been so pleasantly diverted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On finishing, they all felt exceedingly contented, partly on account of their time being spent so well, partly because each of them experienced some degree of satisfaction with his own performance. Wilhelm expressed himself copiously in their praise: the conversation grew cheerful and merry.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You would see,&amp;quot; cried our friend, &amp;quot;what advances we should make, if we continued this sort of training, and ceased to confine our attention to mere learning by heart, rehearsing and playing mechanically, as if it were a barren duty, or some handicraft employment. How different a character do our musical professors merit! What interest they take in their art! how correct are they in the practisings they undertake in common! What pains they are at in tuning their instruments; how exactly they observe time; how delicately they express the strength and the weakness of their tones! No one there thinks of gaining credit to himself by a loud accompaniment of the solo of another. Each tries to play in the spirit of the composer, each to express well whatever is committed to him, be it much or little.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Should not we, too, go as strictly and as ingeniously to work, seeing we practise an art far more delicate than that of music,&amp;amp;mdash;seeing we are called on to express the commonest and the strangest emotions of human nature, with elegance, and so as to delight? Can any thing be more shocking than to slur over our rehearsal, and in our acting to depend on good luck, or the capricious choice of the moment? We ought to place our highest happiness and satisfaction in mutually desiring to gain each other&#039;s approbation: we should even value the applauses of the public only in so far as we have previously sanctioned them among ourselves. Why is the master of the band more secure about his music than the manager about his play? Because, in the orchestra, each individual would feel ashamed of his mistakes, which offend the outward ear; but how seldom have I found an actor disposed to acknowledge or feel ashamed&lt;br /&gt;
of mistakes, pardonable or the contrary, by which the inward ear is so outrageously offended! I could wish, for my part, that our theatre were as narrow as the wire of a rope-dancer, that so no inept fellow might dare to venture on it, instead of being, as it is, a place where every one discovers in himself capacity enough to flourish and parade.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The company gave this apostrophe a kind reception; each being convinced that the censure conveyed in it could not apply to him, after acting a little while ago so excellently with the rest. On the other hand, it was agreed, that during this journey, and for the future if they remained together, they would regularly proceed with their training in the manner just adopted. Only it was thought, that, as this was a thing of good humor and free will, no formal manager must be allowed to have a hand in it. Taking it for an established fact, that, among good men, the republican form of government is the best, they declared that the post of manager should go round among them: he must be chosen by universal suffrage, and every time have a sort of little senate joined in authority along with him. So delighted did they feel with this idea, that they longed to put it instantly in practice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I have no objection,&amp;quot; said Melina, &amp;quot;if you incline making such an experiment while we are travelling: I shall willingly suspend my own directorship until we reach some settled place.&amp;quot; He was in hopes of saving cash by this arrangement, and of casting many small expenses on the shoulders of the little senate or of the interim manager. This fixed, they went very earnestly to counsel how the form of the new commonwealth might best be adjusted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;&#039;Tis an itinerating kingdom,&amp;quot; said Laertes: &amp;quot;we shall at least have no quarrels about frontiers.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They directly proceeded to the business, and elected Wilhelm as their first manager. The senate also was appointed, the women having seat and vote in it: laws were propounded, were rejected, were agreed to. In such playing, the time passed on unnoticed; and, as our friends had spent it pleasantly, they also conceived that they had really been effecting something useful, and, by their new constitution, had been opening a new prospect for the stage of their native country.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER III.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Seeing the company so favorably disposed, Wilhelm now hoped he might further have it in his power to converse with them on the poetic merit of the plays which might come before them. &amp;quot;It is not enough,&amp;quot; said he next day, when they were all again assembled, &amp;quot;for the actor merely to glance over a dramatic work, to judge of it by his first impression, and thus, without investigation, to declare his satisfaction or dissatisfaction with it. Such things may be allowed in a spectator, whose purpose it is rather to be entertained and moved than formally to criticise. But the actor, on the other hand, should be prepared to give a reason for his praise or censure; and how shall he do this, if he have not taught himself to penetrate the sense, the views, and feelings of his author? A common error is, to form a judgment of a drama from a single part in it, and to look upon this part itself in an isolated point of view, not in its connection with the whole. I have noticed this within a few days, so clearly in my own conduct, that I will give you the account as an example, if you please to hear me patiently.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You all know Shakspeare&#039;s incomparable &#039;Hamlet:&#039; our public reading of it at the castle yielded every one of us the greatest satisfaction. On that occasion we proposed to act the play; and I, not knowing what I undertook, engaged to play the prince&#039;s part. This I conceived that I was studying, while I began to get by heart the strongest passages, the soliloquies, and those scenes in which force of soul, vehemence and elevation of feeling, have the freest scope; where the agitated heart is allowed to display itself with touching expressiveness.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I further conceived that I was penetrating quite into the spirit of the character, while I endeavored, as it were, to take upon myself the load of deep melancholy under which my prototype was laboring, and in this humor to pursue him through the strange labyrinths of his caprices and his singularities. Thus learning, thus practising, I doubted not but I should by and by become one person with my hero.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;But, the farther I advanced, the more difficult did it become for me to form any image of the whole, in its general bearings; till at last it seemed as if impossible. I next went through the entire piece, without interruption; but here, too, I found much that I could not away with. At one time the characters, at another time the manner of displaying&lt;br /&gt;
them, seemed inconsistent; and I almost despaired of finding any general tint, in which I might present my whole part with all its shadings and variations. In such devious paths I toiled, and wandered long in vain; till at length a hope arose that I might reach my aim in quite a new way.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I set about investigating every trace of Hamlet&#039;s character, as it had shown itself before his father&#039;s death: I endeavored to distinguish what in it was independent of this mournful event, independent of the terrible events that followed; and what most probably the young man would have been, had no such thing occurred.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Soft, and from a noble stem, this royal flower had sprung up under the immediate influences of majesty: the idea of moral rectitude with that of princely elevation, the feeling of the good and dignified with the consciousness of high birth, had in him been unfolded simultaneously. He was a prince, by birth a prince; and he wished to reign, only that good men might be good without obstruction. Pleasing in form, polished by nature, courteous from the heart, he was meant to be the pattern of youth and the joy of the world.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Without any prominent passion, his love for Ophelia was a still presentiment of sweet wants. His zeal in knightly accomplishments was not entirely his own: it needed to be quickened and inflamed by praise bestowed on others for excelling in them. Pure in sentiment, he knew the honorable-minded, and could prize the rest which an upright spirit tastes on the bosom of a friend. To a certain degree, he had learned to discern and value the good and the beautiful in arts and sciences; the mean, the vulgar, was offensive to him; and, if hatred could take root in his tender soul, it was only so far as to make him properly despise the false and changeful insects of a court, and play with them in easy scorn. He was calm in his temper, artless in his conduct, neither pleased with idleness, nor too violently eager for employment. The routine of a university he seemed to continue when at court. He possessed more mirth of humor than of heart: he was a good companion, pliant, courteous, discreet, and able to forget and forgive an injury, yet never able to unite himself with those who overstepped the limits of the right, the good, and the becoming.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;When we read the piece again, you shall judge whether I am yet on the proper track. I hope at least to bring forward passages that shall&lt;br /&gt;
support my opinion in its main points.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This delineation was received with warm approval; the company imagined they foresaw that Hamlet&#039;s manner of proceeding might now be very satisfactorily explained; they applauded this method of penetrating into the spirit of a writer. Each of them proposed to himself to take up some piece, and study it on these principles, and so unfold the author&#039;s meaning.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER IV.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Our friends had to continue in the place for a day or two, and it was not long ere sundry of them got engaged in adventures of a rather pleasant kind. Laertes in particular was challenged by a lady of the neighborhood, a person of some property; but he received her blandishments with extreme, nay, unhandsome, coldness, and had in consequence to undergo a multitude of jibes from Philina. She took this opportunity of detailing to our friend the hapless love-story which had made the youth so bitter a foe to womankind. &amp;quot;Who can take it ill of him,&amp;quot; she cried, &amp;quot;that he hates a sex which has played him so foul, and given him to swallow, in one stoutly concentrated potion, all the miseries that man can fear from woman? Do but conceive it: within four and twenty hours, he was lover, bridegroom, husband, cuckold, patient, and widower! I wot not how you could use a man worse.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Laertes hastened from the room half vexed, half laughing; and Philina in her sprightliest style began to relate the story: how Laertes, a young man of eighteen, on joining a company of actors, found in it a girl of fourteen on the point of departing with her father, who had quarrelled with the manager. How, on the instant, he had fallen mortally in love; had conjured the father by all possible considerations to remain, promising at length to marry the young woman. How, after a few pleasing hours of groomship, he had accordingly been wedded, and been happy as he ought; whereupon, next day, while he was occupied at the rehearsal, his wife, according to professional rule, had honored him with a pair of horns; and how as he, out of excessive tenderness, hastening home far&lt;br /&gt;
too soon, had, alas! found a former lover in his place, he had struck into the affair with thoughtless indignation, had called out both father and lover, and sustained a grievous wound in the duel. How father and daughter had thereupon set off by night, leaving him behind to labor with a double hurt. How the leech he applied to was unhappily the worst in nature, and the poor fellow had got out of the adventure with blackened teeth and watering eyes. That he was greatly to be pitied, being otherwise the bravest young man on the surface of the earth. &amp;quot;Especially,&amp;quot; said she, &amp;quot;it grieves me that the poor soul now hates women; for, hating women, how can one keep living?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Melina interrupted them with news, that, all things being now ready for the journey, they would set out to-morrow morning. He handed them a plan, arranging how they were to travel.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;If any good friend take me on his lap,&amp;quot; said Philina, &amp;quot;I shall be content, though we sit crammed together never so close and sorrily: &#039;tis all one to me.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It does not signify,&amp;quot; observed Laertes, who now entered.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It is pitiful,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, hastening away. By the aid of money, he secured another very comfortable coach; though Melina had pretended that there were no more. A new distribution then took place; and our friends were rejoicing in the thought that they should now travel pleasantly, when intelligence arrived that a party of military volunteers had been seen upon the road, from whom little good could be expected.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the town these tidings were received with great attention, though they were but variable and ambiguous. As the contending armies were at that time placed, it seemed impossible that any hostile corps could have advanced, or any friendly one hung a-rear, so far. Yet every man was eager to exhibit to our travellers the danger that awaited them as truly dangerous: every man was eager to suggest that some other route might be adopted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By these means, most of our friends had been seized with anxiety and fear; and when, according to the new republican constitution, the whole members of the state had been called together to take counsel on this extraordinary case, they were almost unanimously of opinion that it would be proper either to keep back the mischief by abiding where&lt;br /&gt;
they were, or to evade it by choosing another road.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm alone, not participating in the panic, regarded it as mean to abandon, for the sake of mere rumors, a plan they had not entered on without much thought. He endeavored to put heart into them: his reasons were manly and convincing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It is but a rumor,&amp;quot; he observed; &amp;quot;and how many such arise in time of war! Well-informed people say that the occurrence is exceedingly improbable, nay, almost impossible. Shall we, in so important a matter, allow a vague report to determine our proceedings? The route pointed out to us by the count, and to which our passport was adapted, is the shortest and in the best condition. It leads us to the town, where you see acquaintances, friends, before you, and may hope for a good reception. The other way will also bring us thither; but by what a circuit, and along what miserable roads! Have we any right to hope, that, in this late season of the year, we shall get on at all? and what time and money shall we squander in the mean while!&amp;quot; He added many more considerations, presenting the matter on so many advantageous sides, that their fear began to dissipate, and their courage to increase. He talked to them so much about the discipline of regular troops, he painted the marauders and wandering rabble so contemptuously, and represented the danger itself as so pleasant and inspiring, that the spirits of the party were altogether cheered.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Laertes from the first had been of his opinion: he now declared that he would not flinch or fail. Old Boisterous found a consenting phrase or two to utter, in his own vein; Philina laughed at them all; and Madam Melina, who, notwithstanding her advanced state of pregnancy, had lost nothing of her natural stout-heartedness, regarded the proposal as heroic. Herr Melina, moved by this harmonious feeling, hoping also to save somewhat by travelling the short road which had been first contemplated, did not withstand the general consent; and the project was agreed to with universal alacrity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They next began to make some preparations for defence at all hazards. They bought large hangers, and slung them in well-quilted straps over their shoulders. Wilhelm further stuck a pair of pistols in his girdle. Laertes, independently of this occurrence, had a good gun. They all took the road in the highest glee.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On the second day of their journey, the drivers, who knew the country well, proposed to take their noon&#039;s rest in a certain woody spot of the hills; since the town was far off, and in good weather the hill-road was generally preferred.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The day being beautiful, all easily agreed to the proposal. Wilhelm, on foot, went on before them through the hills; making every one that met him stare with astonishment at his singular figure. He hastened with quick and contented steps across the forest; Laertes walked whistling after him; none but the women continued to be dragged along in the carriages. Mignon, too, ran forward by his side, proud of the hanger, which, when the party were all arming, she would not go without. Around her hat she had bound the pearl necklace, one of Mariana&#039;s relics, which Wilhelm still possessed. Friedrich, the fair-haired boy, carried Laertes&#039;s gun. The harper had the most pacific look; his long cloak was tucked up within his girdle, to let him walk more freely; he leaned upon a knotty staff; his harp had been left behind him in the carriage.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Immediately on reaching the summit of the height, a task not without its difficulties, our party recognized the appointed spot, by the fine beech-trees which encircled and screened it. A spacious green, sloping softly in the middle of the forest, invited one to tarry; a trimly bordered well offered the most grateful refreshment; and on the farther side, through chasms in the mountains, and over the tops of the woods, appeared a landscape distant, lovely, full of hope. Hamlets and mills were lying in the bottoms, villages upon the plain: and a new chain of mountains, visible in the distance, made the prospect still more significant of hope; for they entered only like a soft limitation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The first comers took possession of the place, rested a while in the shade, lighted a fire, and so awaited, singing as they worked, the remainder of the party, who by degrees arrived, and with one accord saluted the place, the lovely weather, and still lovelier scene.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER V.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;If our friends had frequently enjoyed a good and merry hour together while within four walls, they were naturally much gayer here, where the freedom of the sky and the beauty of the place seemed, as it were, to purify the feelings of every one. All felt nearer to each other: all wished that they might pass their whole lives in so pleasant an abode. They envied hunters, charcoal-men, and wood-cutters,&amp;amp;mdash;people whom their calling constantly retains in such happy places,&amp;amp;mdash;but prized, above all, the delicious economy of a band of gypsies. They envied these wonderful companions, entitled to enjoy in blissful idleness all the adventurous charms of nature: they rejoiced at being in some degree like them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Meanwhile the women had begun to boil potatoes, and to unwrap and get ready the victuals brought along with them. Some pots were standing by the fire. The party had placed themselves in groups, under the trees and bushes. Their singular apparel, their various weapons, gave them a foreign aspect. The horses were eating their provender at a side. Could one have concealed the coaches, the look of this little horde would have been romantic, even to complete illusion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm enjoyed a pleasure he had never felt before. He could now imagine his present company to be a wandering colony, and himself the leader of it. In this character he talked with those around him, and figured out the fantasy of the moment as poetically as he could. The feelings of the party rose in cheerfulness: they ate and drank and made merry, and repeatedly declared that they had never passed more pleasant moments.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Their contentment had not long gone on increasing, till activity awoke among the younger part of them. Wilhelm and Laertes seized their rapiers, and began to practise on this occasion with theatrical intentions. They undertook to represent the duel in which Hamlet and his adversary find so tragical an end. Both were persuaded, that, in this powerful scene, it was not enough merely to keep pushing awkwardly hither and thither, as it is generally exhibited in theatres: they were in hopes to show by example how, in presenting it, a worthy spectacle might also be afforded to the critic in the art of fencing. The rest made a circle round them. Both fought with skill and ardor. The interest of the spectators rose higher every pass.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But all at once, in the nearest bush, a shot went off, and immediately another; and the party flew asunder in terror. Next moment armed men were to be seen pressing forward to the spot where the horses were eating their fodder, not far from the coaches that were packed with luggage.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A universal scream proceeded from the women: our heroes threw away their rapiers, seized their pistols, and ran towards the robbers; demanding, with violent threats, the meaning of such conduct.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This question being answered laconically, with a couple of musket-shots, Wilhelm fired his pistol at a crisp-headed knave, who had got upon the top of the coach, and was cutting the cords of the package. Rightly hit, this artist instantly came tumbling down; nor had Laertes missed. Both, encouraged by success, drew their side-arms; when a number of the plundering party rushed out upon them, with curses and loud bellowing, fired a few shots at them, and fronted their impetuosity with glittering sabres. Our young heroes made a bold resistance. They called upon their other comrades, and endeavored to excite them to a general resistance. But, erelong, Wilhelm lost the sight of day, and the consciousness of what was passing. Stupefied by a shot that wounded him between the breast and the left arm, by a stroke that split his hat in two, and almost penetrated to his brain, he sank down, and only by the narratives of others came afterwards to understand the luckless end of this adventure.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On again opening his eyes, he found himself in the strangest posture. The first thing that pierced the dimness, which yet swam before his vision, was Philina&#039;s face bent down over his. He felt weak, and, making a movement to rise, discovered that he was in Philina&#039;s lap; into which, indeed, he again sank down. She was sitting on the sward. She had softly pressed towards her the head of the fallen young man, and made for him an easy couch, as far as in her power. Mignon was kneeling with dishevelled and bloody hair at his feet, which she embraced with many tears.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On noticing his bloody clothes, Wilhelm asked, in a broken voice, where he was, and what had happened to him and the rest. Philina begged him to be quiet: the others, she said, were all in safety, and none but he and Laertes wounded. Further she would tell him nothing, but earnestly entreated him to keep still, as his wounds had been but slightly and hastily bound. He stretched out his hand to Mignon, and inquired about the bloody locks of the child, who he supposed was also wounded.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For the sake of quietness, Philina let him know that this true-hearted creature, seeing her friend wounded, and in the hurry of the instant being able to think of nothing which would stanch the blood, had taken her own hair, that was flowing round her head, and tried to stop the wounds with it, but had soon been obliged to give up the vain attempt; that afterwards they had bound him with moss and dry mushrooms, Philina giving up her neckerchief for that purpose.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm noticed that Philina was sitting with her back against her own trunk, which still looked firmly locked and quite uninjured. He inquired if the rest also had been so lucky as to save their goods. She answered with a shrug of the shoulders, and a look over the green, where broken chests, and coffers beaten into fragments, and knapsacks ripped up, and a multitude of little wares, lay scattered all round. No person was to be seen in the place, this strange group thus being alone in the solitude.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Inquiring further, our friend learned more and more particulars. The rest of the men, it appeared, who, at all events, might still have made resistance, were struck with terror, and soon overpowered. Some fled, some looked with horror at the accident. The drivers, for the sake of their cattle, had held out more obstinately; but they, too, were at last thrown down and tied; after which, in a few minutes, every thing was thoroughly ransacked, and the booty carried off. The hapless travellers, their fear of death being over, had begun to mourn their loss; had hastened with the greatest speed to the neighboring village, taking with them Laertes, whose wounds were slight, and carrying off but a very few fragments of their property. The harper, having placed his damaged instrument against a tree, had proceeded in their company to the place, to seek a surgeon, and return with his utmost rapidity to help his benefactor, whom he had left apparently upon the brink of death.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER VI.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Meanwhile our three adventurers continued yet a space in their strange position, no one returning to their aid. Evening was advancing: the darkness threatened to come on. Philina&#039;s indifference was changing&lt;br /&gt;
to anxiety; Mignon ran to and fro, her impatience increasing every moment; and at last, when their prayer was granted, and human creatures did approach, a new alarm fell upon them. They distinctly heard a troop of horses coming up the road they had lately travelled: they dreaded lest a second time some company of unbidden guests might be purposing to visit this scene of battle, and gather up the gleanings.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The more agreeable was their surprise, when, after a few moments, a lady issued from the thickets, riding on a gray courser, and accompanied by an elderly gentleman and some cavaliers, followed by grooms, servants, and a troop of hussars.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Philina started at this phenomenon, and was about to call, and entreat the fair Amazon for help, when the latter turned her astonished eyes on the group, instantly checked her horse, rode up to them, and halted. She inquired eagerly about the wounded man, whose posture in the lap of this light-minded Samaritan seemed to strike her as peculiarly strange.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Is he your husband?&amp;quot; she inquired of Philina. &amp;quot;Only a friend,&amp;quot; replied the other, with a tone Wilhelm liked not at all. He had fixed his eyes upon the soft, elevated, calm, sympathizing features of the stranger: he thought he had never seen aught nobler or more lovely. Her shape he could not see: it was hid by a man&#039;s white great-coat, which she seemed to have borrowed from some of her attendants, to screen her from the chill evening air.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By this the horsemen also had come near. Some of them dismounted: the lady did so likewise. She asked, with humane sympathy, concerning every circumstance of the mishap which had befallen the travellers, but especially concerning the wounds of the poor youth who lay before her. Thereupon she turned quickly round, and went aside with the old gentleman to some carriages, which were slowly coming up the hill, and which at length stopped upon the scene of action.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The young lady having stood with her conductor a short time at the door of one of the coaches, and talked with the people in it, a man of a squat figure stepped out, and came along with them to our wounded hero. By the little box which he held in his hand, and the leathern pouch with instruments in it, you soon recognized him for a surgeon. His manners were rude rather than attractive; but his hand was light, and his help welcome.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Having examined strictly, he declared that none of the wounds were dangerous. He would dress them, he said, on the spot; after which the patient might be carried to the nearest village.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The young lady&#039;s anxiety seemed to augment. &amp;quot;Do but look,&amp;quot; she said, after going to and fro once or twice, and again bringing the old gentleman to the place: &amp;quot;look how they have treated him! And is it not on our account that he is suffering?&amp;quot; Wilhelm heard these words, but did not understand them. She went restlessly up and down: it seemed as if she could not tear herself away from the presence of the wounded man; while at the same time she feared to violate decorum by remaining, when they had begun, though not without difficulty, to remove some part of his apparel. The surgeon was just cutting off the left sleeve of his patient&#039;s coat, when the old gentleman came near, and represented to the lady, in a serious tone, the necessity of proceeding on their journey. Wilhelm kept his eyes bent on her, and was so enchanted with her looks, that he scarcely felt what he was suffering or doing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Philina, in the mean time, had risen to kiss the lady&#039;s hand. While they stood beside each other, Wilhelm thought he had never seen such a contrast. Philina had never till now appeared in so unfavorable a light. She had no right, as it seemed to him, to come near that noble creature, still less to touch her.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The lady asked Philina various things, but in an under-tone. At length she turned to the old gentleman, and said, &amp;quot;Dear uncle, may I be generous at your expense?&amp;quot; She took off the great-coat, with the visible intention to give it to the stripped and wounded youth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm, whom the healing look of her eyes had hitherto held fixed, was now, as the surtout fell away, astonished at her lovely figure. She came near, and softly laid the coat above him. At this moment, as he tried to open his mouth and stammer out some words of gratitude, the lively impression of her presence worked so strongly on his senses, already caught and bewildered, that all at once it appeared to him as if her head were encircled with rays; and a glancing light seemed by degrees to spread itself over all her form. At this moment the surgeon, making preparations to extract the ball from his wound, gave him a sharper twinge; the angel faded away from the eyes of the fainting patient; he lost all consciousness; and, on returning to himself, the horsemen&lt;br /&gt;
and coaches, the fair one with her attendants, had vanished like a dream.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER VII.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm&#039;s wounds once dressed, and his clothes put on, the surgeon hastened off, just as the harper with a number of peasants arrived. Out of some cut boughs, which they speedily wattled with twigs, a kind of litter was constructed, upon which they placed the wounded youth, and under the conduct of a mounted huntsman, whom the noble company had left behind them, carried him softly down the mountain. The harper, silent, and shrouded in his own thoughts, bore with him his broken instrument. Some men brought on Philina&#039;s box, herself following with a bundle. Mignon skipped along through copse and thicket, now before the party, now beside them, and looked up with longing eyes at her hurt protector.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He, meanwhile, wrapped in his warm surtout, was lying peacefully upon the litter. An electric warmth seemed to flow from the fine wool into his body: in short, he felt in the most delightful frame of mind. The lovely being, whom this garment lately covered, had affected him to the very heart. He still saw the coat falling down from her shoulders; saw that noble form, begirt with radiance, stand beside him; and his soul hied over rocks and forests on the footsteps of his vanished benefactress.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It was nightfall when the party reached the village, and halted at the door of the inn where the rest of the company, in the gloom of despondency, were bewailing their irreparable loss. The one little chamber of the house was crammed with people. Some of them were lying upon straw, some were occupying benches, some had squeezed themselves behind the stove. Frau Melina, in a neighboring room, was painfully expecting her delivery. Fright had accelerated this event. With the sole assistance of the landlady, a young, inexperienced woman, nothing good could be expected.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As the party just arrived required admission, there arose a universal murmur. All now maintained, that by Wilhelm&#039;s advice alone, and under&lt;br /&gt;
his especial guidance, they had entered on this dangerous road, and exposed themselves to such misfortunes. They threw the blame of the disaster wholly on him: they stuck themselves in the door, to oppose his entrance; declaring that he must go elsewhere and seek quarters. Philina they received with still greater indignation, nor did Mignon and the harper escape their share.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The huntsman, to whom the care of the forsaken party had been earnestly and strictly recommended by his beautiful mistress, soon grew tired of this discussion: he rushed upon the company with oaths and menaces; commanding them to fall to the right and left, and make way for this new arrival. They now began to pacify themselves. He made a place for Wilhelm on a table, which he shoved into a corner: Philina had her box put there, and then sat down upon it. All packed themselves as they best could, and the huntsman went away to see if he could not find for &amp;quot;the young couple&amp;quot; a more convenient lodging.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Scarcely was he gone, when spite again grew noisy, and one reproach began to follow close upon another. Each described and magnified his loss, censuring the foolhardiness they had so keenly smarted for. They did not even hide the malicious satisfaction they felt at Wilhelm&#039;s wounds: they jeered Philina, and imputed to her as a crime the means by which she had saved her trunk. From a multitude of jibes and bitter innuendoes, you were required to conclude, that, during the plundering and discomfiture, she had endeavored to work herself into favor with the captain of the band, and had persuaded him, Heaven knew by what arts and complaisance, to give her back the chest unhurt. To all this she answered nothing, only clanked with the large padlocks of her box, to impress her censurers completely with its presence, and by her own good fortune to augment their desperation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER VIII.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Though our friend was weak from loss of blood, and though, ever since the appearance of that helpful angel, his feelings had been soft and mild, yet at last he could not help getting vexed at the harsh and unjust speeches which, as he continued silent, the discontented&lt;br /&gt;
company went on uttering against him. Feeling himself strong enough to sit up, and expostulate on the annoyance they were causing to their friend and leader, he raised his bandaged head, and propping himself with some difficulty, and leaning against the wall, he began to speak as follows:&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Considering the pain your losses occasion, I forgive you for assailing me with injuries at a moment when you should condole with me; for opposing and casting me from you the first time I have needed to look to you for help. The services I did you, the complaisance I showed you, I regarded as sufficiently repaid by your thanks, by your friendly conduct: do not warp my thoughts, do not force my heart to go back and calculate what I have done for you; the calculation would be painful to me. Chance brought me near you, circumstances and a secret inclination kept me with you. I participated in your labors and your pleasures: my slender abilities were ever at your service. If you now blame me with bitterness for the mishap that has befallen us, you do not recollect that the first project of taking this road came to us from stranger people, was weighed by all of you, and sanctioned by every one as well as by me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Had our journey ended happily, each would have taken credit to himself for the happy thought of suggesting this plan, and preferring it to others; each would joyfully have put us in mind of our deliberations, and of the vote he gave: but now you make me alone responsible; you force a piece of blame upon me, which I would willingly submit to, if my conscience, with a clear voice, did not pronounce me innocent, nay, if I might not appeal with safety even to yourselves. If you have aught to say against me, bring it forward in order, and I shall defend myself; if you have nothing reasonable to allege, then be silent, and do not torment me now, when I have such pressing need of rest.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By way of answer, the girls once more began whimpering and whining, and describing their losses circumstantially. Melina was quite beside himself; for he had suffered more in purse than any of them,&amp;amp;mdash;more, indeed, than we can rightly estimate. He stamped like a madman up and down the little room, he knocked his head against the wall, he swore and scolded in the most unseemly manner; and the landlady entering at this very time with news that his wife had been delivered of a dead child, he yielded to the most furious ebullitions; while, in accordance with him, all howled and shrieked, and bellowed and uproared, with double vigor.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm, touched to the heart at the same time with sympathy for their sorrows and with vexation at their mean way of thinking, felt all the vigor of his soul awakened, notwithstanding the weakness of his body. &amp;quot;Deplorable as your case may be,&amp;quot; exclaimed he, &amp;quot;I shall almost be compelled to despise you! No misfortune gives us right to load an innocent man with reproaches. If I had share in this false step, am not I suffering my share? I lie wounded here; and, if the company has come to loss, I myself have come to most. The wardrobe of which we have been robbed, the decorations that are gone, were mine; for you, Herr Melina, have not yet paid me; and I here fully acquit you of all obligation in that matter.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It is well to give what none of us will ever see again,&amp;quot; replied Melina. &amp;quot;Your money was lying in my wife&#039;s coffer, and it is your own blame that you have lost it. But, ah! if that were all!&amp;quot; And thereupon he began anew to stamp and scold and squeal. Every one recalled to memory the superb clothes from the count&#039;s wardrobe; the buckles, watches, snuff-boxes, hats, for which Melina had so happily transacted with the head valet. Each, then, thought also of his own, though far inferior, treasures. They looked with spleen at Philina&#039;s box, and gave Wilhelm to understand that he had indeed done wisely to connect himself with that fair personage, and to save his own goods also, under the shadow of her fortune.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Do you think,&amp;quot; he exclaimed at last, &amp;quot;that I shall keep any thing apart while you are starving? And is this the first time I have honestly shared with you in a season of need? Open the trunk: all that is mine shall go to supply the common wants.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It is &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;my&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; trunk,&amp;quot; observed Philina, &amp;quot;and I will not open it till I please. Your rag or two of clothes, which I have saved for you, could amount to little, though they were sold to the most conscientious of Jews. Think of yourself,&amp;amp;mdash;what your cure will cost, what may befall you in a strange country.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You, Philina,&amp;quot; answered Wilhelm, &amp;quot;will keep back from me nothing that is mine; and that little will help us out of the first perplexity. But a man possesses many things besides coined money to assist his friends with. All that is in me shall be devoted to these hapless persons, who, doubtless, on returning to their senses, will repent their present&lt;br /&gt;
conduct. Yes,&amp;quot; continued he, &amp;quot;I feel that you have need of help; and, what is mine to do, I will perform. Give me your confidence again; compose yourselves for a moment, and accept of what I promise. Who will receive the engagement of me in the name of all?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Here he stretched out his hand, and cried, &amp;quot;I promise not to flinch from you, never to forsake you till each shall see his losses doubly and trebly repaired; till the situation you are fallen into, by whose blame soever, shall be totally forgotten by all of you, and changed with a better.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He kept his hand still stretched out, but no one would take hold of it. &amp;quot;I promise it again,&amp;quot; cried he, sinking back upon his pillow. All continued silent: they felt ashamed, but nothing comforted: and Philina, sitting on her chest, kept cracking nuts, a stock of which she had discovered in her pocket.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER IX.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The huntsman now came back with several people, and made preparations for carrying away the wounded youth. He had persuaded the parson of the place to receive the &amp;quot;young couple&amp;quot; into his house; Philina&#039;s trunk was taken out; she followed with a natural air of dignity. Mignon ran before; and, when the patient reached the parsonage, a wide couch, which had long been standing ready as guest&#039;s bed and bed of honor, was assigned him. Here it was first discovered that his wound had opened, and bled profusely. A new bandage was required for it. He fell into a feverish state: Philina waited on him faithfully; and, when fatigue overpowered her, she was relieved by the harper. Mignon, with the firmest purpose to watch, had fallen asleep in a corner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Next morning Wilhelm, who felt himself in some degree refreshed, learned, by inquiring of the huntsman, that the honorable persons who last night assisted him so nobly, had shortly before left their estates, in order to avoid the movements of the contending armies, and remain, till the time of peace, in some more quiet district. He named the elderly nobleman, as well as his niece, mentioned the place they were first going to, and told how the young lady had charged him to take&lt;br /&gt;
care of Wilhelm.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The entrance of the surgeon interrupted the warm expressions of gratitude our friend was giving vent to. He made a circumstantial description of the wounds, and certified that they would soon heal, if the patient took care of them, and kept himself at peace.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When the huntsman was gone, Philina signified that he had left with her a purse of twenty &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;louis-d&#039;or&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; that he had given the parson a remuneration for their lodging, and left with him money to defray the surgeon&#039;s bill when the cure should be completed. She added, that she herself passed everywhere for Wilhelm&#039;s wife; that she now begged leave to introduce herself once for all to him in this capacity, and would not allow him to look out for any other sick-nurse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Philina,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, &amp;quot;in this disaster that has overtaken us, I am already deeply in your debt, for kindness shown me; and I should not wish to see my obligations increased. I am uneasy so long as you are about me, for I know of nothing by which I can repay your labor. Give me what things of mine you have saved in your trunk; join the rest of the company; seek another lodging; take my thanks, and the gold watch as a small acknowledgment: only leave me; your presence disturbs me more than you can fancy.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She laughed in his face when he had ended. &amp;quot;Thou art a fool,&amp;quot; she said: &amp;quot;thou wilt not gather wisdom. I know better what is good for thee: I will stay, I will not budge from the spot. I have never counted on the gratitude of men, and therefore not on thine; and, if I have a touch of kindness for thee, what hast thou to do with it?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She staid accordingly, and soon wormed herself into favor with the parson and his household; being always cheerful, having the knack of giving little presents, and of talking to each in his own vein; at the same time always contriving to do exactly what she pleased. Wilhelm&#039;s state was not uncomfortable: the surgeon, an ignorant but not unskilful man, let nature have sway; and the patient was soon on the road to recovery. For such a consummation he vehemently longed, being eager to pursue his plans and wishes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Incessantly he kept recalling that event, which had made an ineffaceable impression on his heart. He saw the beautiful Amazon again come riding out of the thickets: she approached him, dismounted, went to and fro, and strove to serve him. He saw the garment she was wrapped in fall down from her shoulders: he saw her countenance, her figure, vanish&lt;br /&gt;
in their radiance. All the dreams of his youth now fastened on this image. Here he conceived he had at length beheld the noble, the heroic, Clorinda with his own eyes; and again he bethought him of that royal youth, to whose sick-bed the lovely, sympathizing princess came in her modest meekness.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;May it not be,&amp;quot; said he often to himself in secret, &amp;quot;that, in youth as in sleep, the images of coming things hover round us, and mysteriously become visible to our unobstructed eyes? May not the seeds of what is to betide us be already scattered by the hand of Fate? may not a foretaste of the fruits we yet hope to gather possibly be given us?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His sick-bed gave him leisure to repeat those scenes in every mood. A thousand times he called back the tone of that sweet voice: a thousand times he envied Philina, who had kissed that helpful hand. Often the whole incident appeared before him as a dream; and he would have reckoned it a fiction, if the white surtout had not been left behind to convince him that the vision had a real existence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;With the greatest care for this piece of apparel, he combined the most ardent wish to wear it. The first time he arose, he put it on, and was kept in fear all day lest it might be hurt by some stain or other injury.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER X.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Laertes visited his friend. He had not been present during that lively scene at the inn, being then confined to bed in an upper chamber. For his loss he was already in a great degree consoled: he helped himself with his customary, &amp;quot;What does it signify?&amp;quot; He detailed various laughable particulars about the company; particularly charging Frau Melina with lamenting the loss of her stillborn daughter, solely because she herself could not on that account enjoy the Old-German satisfaction of having a Mechthilde christened. As for her husband, it now appeared that he had been possessed of abundant cash, and even at first had by no means needed the advances which he had cajoled from Wilhelm. Melina&#039;s present plan was, to set off by the next post-wagon, and he meant to&lt;br /&gt;
require of Wilhelm an introductory letter to his friend, Manager Serlo, in whose company, the present undertaking having gone to wreck, he now wished to establish himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For some days Mignon had been singularly quiet: when pressed with questions, she at length admitted that her right arm was out of joint. &amp;quot;Thou hast thy own folly to thank for that,&amp;quot; observed Philina, and then told how the child had drawn her sword in the battle, and, seeing her friend in peril, had struck fiercely at the freebooters, one of whom had at length seized her by the arm, and pitched her to a side. They chid her for not sooner speaking of her ailment; but they easily saw that she was apprehensive of the surgeon, who had hitherto looked on her as a boy. With a view to remove the mischief, she was made to keep her arm in a sling, which arrangement, too, displeased her; for now she was obliged to surrender most part of her share in the management and nursing of our friend to Philina. That pleasing sinner but showed herself the more active and attentive on this account.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;One morning, on awakening, Wilhelm found himself strangely near to her. In the movements of sleep, he had hitched himself quite to the back of the spacious bed. Philina was lying across from the front part of it: she seemed to have fallen asleep on the bed while sitting there and reading. A book had dropped from her hand: she had sunk back; and her head was lying near his breast, over which her fair and now loosened hair was spread in streams. The disorder of sleep enlivened her charms more than art or purpose could have done: a childlike smiling rest hovered on her countenance. He looked at her for a time, and seemed to blame himself for the pleasure this gave him. He had viewed her attentively for some moments, when she began to awake. He softly closed his eyes, but could not help glimmering at her through his eyelashes, as she trimmed herself again, and went away to see about breakfast.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;All the actors had at length successively announced themselves to Wilhelm; asking introductory letters, requiring money for their journey with more or less impatience and ill-breeding, and constantly receiving it, against Philina&#039;s will. It was in vain for her to tell our friend that the huntsman had already left a handsome sum with these people, and that accordingly they did but cozen him. To these remonstrances he gave no heed: on the contrary, the two had a sharp quarrel about it; which ended by Wilhelm signifying, once for all, that Philina must now join&lt;br /&gt;
the rest of the company, and seek her fortune with Serlo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For an instant or two she lost temper; but, speedily recovering her composure, she cried, &amp;quot;If I had but my fair-haired boy again, I should not care a fig for any of you.&amp;quot; She meant Friedrich, who had vanished from the scene of battle, and never since appeared.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Next morning Mignon brought news to the bedside, that Philina had gone off by night; leaving all that belonged to Wilhelm very neatly laid out in the next room. He felt her absence; he had lost in her a faithful nurse, a cheerful companion; he was no longer used to be alone. But Mignon soon filled up the blank.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Ever since that light-minded beauty had been near the patient with her friendly cares, the little creature had by degrees drawn back, and remained silent and secluded in herself; but, the field being clear once more, she again came forth with her attentions and her love, again was eager in serving, and lively in entertaining, him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER XI.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm was rapidly approaching complete recovery: he now hoped to be upon his journey in a few days. He proposed no more to lead an aimless routine of existence: the steps of his career were henceforth to be calculated for an end. In the first place, he purposed to seek out that beneficent lady, and express the gratitude he felt to her; then to proceed without delay to his friend the manager, that he might do his utmost to assist the luckless company; intending, at the same time, to visit the commercial friends whom he had letters for, and to transact the business which had been intrusted to him. He was not without hope that fortune, as formerly, would favor him, and give him opportunity, by some lucky speculation, to repair his losses, and fill up the vacuity of his coffer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The desire of again beholding his beautiful deliverer augmented every day. To settle his route, he took counsel with the clergyman,&amp;amp;mdash;a person well skilled in statistics and geography, and possessing a&lt;br /&gt;
fine collection of charts and books. They two searched for the place which this noble family had chosen as their residence while the war continued: they searched for information respecting the family itself. But their place was to be found in no geography or map, and the heraldic manuals made no mention of their name.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm grew uneasy; and, having mentioned the cause of his anxiety, the harper told him he had reason to believe that the huntsman, from whatever motive, had concealed the real designations.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Conceiving himself now to be in the immediate neighborhood of his lovely benefactress, Wilhelm hoped he might obtain some tidings of her if he sent out the harper; but in this, too, he was deceived. Diligently as the old man kept inquiring, he could find no trace of her. Of late days a number of quick movements and unforeseen marches had taken place in that quarter; no one had particularly noticed the travelling party; and the ancient messenger, to avoid being taken for a Jewish spy, was obliged to return, and appear without any olive-leaf before his master and friend. He gave a strict account of his conduct in this commission, striving to keep far from him all suspicions of remissness. He endeavored by every means to mitigate the trouble of our friend; bethought him of every thing that he had learned from the huntsman, and advanced a number of conjectures; out of all which, one circumstance at length came to light, whereby Wilhelm could explain some enigmatic words of his vanished benefactress.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The freebooters, it appeared, had lain in wait, not for the wandering troop, but for that noble company, whom they rightly guessed to be provided with store of gold and valuables, and of whose movements they must have had precise intelligence. Whether the attack should be imputed to some free corps, to marauders, or to robbers, was uncertain. It was clear, however, that, by good fortune for the high and rich company, the poor and low had first arrived upon the place, and undergone the fate which was provided for the others. It was to this that the lady&#039;s words referred, which Wilhelm yet well recollected. If he might now be happy and contented, that a prescient Genius had selected him for the sacrifice, which saved a perfect mortal, he was, on the other hand, nigh desperate, when he thought that all hope of finding her and seeing her again was, at least for the present, completely gone.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What increased this singular emotion still further, was the likeness which he thought he had observed between the countess and the beautiful unknown. They resembled one another as two sisters may, of whom neither can be called the younger or the elder, for they seem to be twins.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The recollection of the amiable countess was to Wilhelm infinitely sweet. He recalled her image but too willingly into his memory. But anon the figure of the noble Amazon would step between: one vision melted and changed into the other, and the form of neither would abide with him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A new resemblance&amp;amp;mdash;the similarity of their handwritings&amp;amp;mdash;naturally struck him with still greater wonder. He had a charming song in the countess&#039;s hand laid up in his portfolio; and in the surtout he had found a little note, inquiring with much tender care about the health of an uncle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm was convinced that his benefactress must have penned this billet; that it must have been sent from one chamber to another, at some inn during their journey, and put into the coat-pocket by the uncle. He held both papers together; and, if the regular and graceful letters of the countess had already pleased him much, he found in the similar but freer lines of the stranger a flowing harmony which could not be described. The note contained nothing; yet the strokes of it seemed to affect him, as the presence of their fancied writer once had done.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He fell into a dreamy longing; and well accordant with his feelings was the song which at that instant Mignon and the harper began to sing, with a touching expression, in the form of an irregular duet.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;Tis but who longing knows,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
My grief can measure.&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Alone, reft of repose,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
All joy, all pleasure,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
I thither look to those&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Soft lines of azure.&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Ah! far is he who knows&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Me, and doth treasure.&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
I faint, my bosom glows&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;Neath pain&#039;s sore pressure.&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;Tis but who longing knows,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
My grief can measure.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span style=&amp;quot;margin-left: 11.5em;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Editor&#039;s Version.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER XII.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The soft allurements of his dear presiding angel, far from leading our friend to any one determined path, did but nourish and increase the unrest he had previously experienced. A secret fire was gliding through his veins: objects distinct and indistinct alternated within his soul, and awoke unspeakable desire. At one time he wished for a horse, at another for wings; and not till it seemed impossible that he could stay, did he look round him to discover whither he was wanting to go.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The threads of his destiny had become so strangely entangled, he wished to see its curious knots unravelled, or cut in two. Often when he heard the tramp of a horse, or the rolling of a carriage, he would run to the window, and look out, in hopes it might be some one seeking him,&amp;amp;mdash;some one, even though it were by chance, bringing him intelligence and certainty and joy. He told stories to himself, how his friend Werner might visit these parts, and come upon him; how, perhaps, Mariana might appear. The sound of every post&#039;s horn threw him into agitation. It would be Melina sending news to him of his adventures: above all, it would be the huntsman coming back to carry him to the beauty he worshipped.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of all these possibilities, unhappily no one occurred: he was forced at last to return to the company of himself; and, in again looking through the past, there was one circumstance which, the more he viewed and weighed it, grew the more offensive and intolerable to him. It was his unprosperous generalship, of which he never thought without vexation. For although, on the evening of that luckless day, he had produced a pretty fair defence of his conduct when accused by the company, yet he could not hide from himself that he was guilty. On the contrary, in hypochondriac moments, he took the blame of the whole misfortune.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Self-love exaggerates our faults as well as our virtues. Wilhelm though the had awakened confidence in himself, had guided the will of the rest; that, led by inexperience and rashness, they had ventured on, till a danger seized them, for which they were no match. Loud as well as silent reproaches had then assailed him; and if, in their sorrowful condition, he had promised the company, misguided by him, never to forsake them till their loss had been repaid with usury, this was but another&lt;br /&gt;
folly for which he had to blame himself,&amp;amp;mdash;the folly of presuming to take upon his single shoulders a misfortune that was spread over many. One instant he accused himself of uttering this promise, under the excitement and the pressure of the moment; the next, he again felt that this generous presentation of his hand, which no one deigned to accept, was but a light formality compared with the vow his heart had taken. He meditated means of being kind and useful to them: he found every cause conspire to quicken his visit to Serlo. Accordingly he packed his things together; and without waiting his complete recovery, without listening to the counsel of the parson or of the surgeon, he hastened, in the strange society of Mignon and the harper, to escape the inactivity in which his fate had once more too long detained him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER XIII.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Serlo received him with open arms, crying as he met him, &amp;quot;Is it you? Do I see you again? You have scarcely changed at all. Is your love for that noblest of arts still as lively and strong? So glad am I at your arrival, that I even feel no longer the mistrust your last letters had excited in me.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm asked with surprise for a clearer explanation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You have treated me,&amp;quot; said Serlo, &amp;quot;not like an old friend, but as if I were a great lord, to whom with a safe conscience you might recommend useless people. Our destiny depends on the opinion of the public; and I fear Herr Melina and his suite can hardly be received among us.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm tried to say something in their favor; but Serlo began to draw so merciless a picture of them, that our friend was happy when a lady came into the room, and put a stop to the discussion. She was introduced to him as Aurelia, the sister of his friend; she received him with extreme kindness; and her conversation was so pleasing, that he did not even remark a shade of sorrow visible on her expressive countenance, to which it lent peculiar interest.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For the first time during many months, Wilhelm felt once more in his proper element. Of late in talking, he had merely found submissive&lt;br /&gt;
listeners, and even these not always; but now he had the happiness to speak with critics and artists, who not only fully understood him, but repaid his observations by others equally instructive. With wonderful vivacity they travelled through the latest plays, with wonderful correctness judged them. The decisions of the public they could try and estimate: they speedily threw light on each other&#039;s thoughts.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Loving Shakspeare as our friend did, he failed not to lead round the conversation to the merits of that dramatist. Expressing, as he entertained, the liveliest hopes of the new epoch which these exquisite productions must form in Germany, he erelong introduced his &amp;quot;Hamlet,&amp;quot; which play had busied him so much of late.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Serlo declared that he would long ago have represented the play, had it at all been possible, and that he himself would willingly engage to act Polonius. He added, with a smile, &amp;quot;An Ophelia, too, will certainly turn up, if we had but a Prince.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm did not notice that Aurelia seemed a little hurt at her brother&#039;s sarcasm. Our friend was in his proper vein, becoming copious and didactic, expounding how he would have &amp;quot;Hamlet&amp;quot; played. He circumstantially delivered to his hearers the opinions we before saw him busied with; taking all the trouble possible to make his notion of the matter acceptable, sceptical as Serlo showed himself regarding it. &amp;quot;Well, then,&amp;quot; said the latter finally, &amp;quot;suppose we grant you all this, what will you explain by it?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Much, every thing,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm. &amp;quot;Conceive a prince such as I have painted him, and that his father suddenly dies. Ambition and the love of rule are not the passions that inspire him. As a king&#039;s son, he would have been contented; but now he is first constrained to consider the difference which separates a sovereign from a subject. The crown was not hereditary; yet his father&#039;s longer possession of it would have strengthened the pretensions of an only son, and secured his hopes of succession. In place of this, he now beholds himself excluded by his uncle, in spite of specious promises, most probably forever. He is now poor in goods and favor, and a stranger in the scene which from youth he had looked upon as his inheritance. His temper here assumes its first mournful tinge. He feels that now he is not more, that he is less, than a private nobleman; he offers himself as the servant of every one; he is not courteous and condescending, he is needy and degraded.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;His past condition he remembers as a vanished dream. It is in vain that his uncle strives to cheer him, to present his situation in another point of view. The feeling of his nothingness will not leave him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The second stroke that came upon him wounded deeper, bowed still more. It was the marriage of his mother. The faithful, tender son had yet a mother, when his father passed away. He hoped, in the company of his surviving noble-minded parent, to reverence the heroic form of the departed: but his mother, too, he loses; and it is something worse than death that robs him of her. The trustful image, which a good child loves to form of its parents, is gone. With the dead there is no help, on the living no hold. Moreover, she is a woman; and her name is Frailty, like that of all her sex.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Now only does he feel completely bowed down, now only orphaned; and no happiness of life can repay what he has lost. Not reflective or sorrowful by nature, reflection and sorrow have become for him a heavy obligation. It is thus that we see him first enter on the scene. I do not think that I have mixed aught foreign with the play, or overcharged a single feature of it.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Serlo looked at his sister, and said, &amp;quot;Did I give thee a false picture of our friend? He begins well: he has still many things to tell us, many to persuade us of.&amp;quot; Wilhelm asseverated loudly, that he meant not to persuade, but to convince: he begged for another moment&#039;s patience.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Figure to yourselves this youth,&amp;quot; cried he, &amp;quot;this son of princes; conceive him vividly, bring his state before your eyes, and then observe him when he learns that his father&#039;s spirit walks; stand by him in the terrors of the night, when even the venerable ghost appears before him. He is seized with boundless horror; he speaks to the mysterious form; he sees it beckon him; he follows and hears. The fearful accusation of his uncle rings in his ears, the summons to revenge, and the piercing, oft-repeated prayer, Remember me!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And, when the ghost has vanished, who is it that stands before us? A young hero panting for vengeance? A prince by birth, rejoicing to be called to punish the usurper of his crown? No! trouble and astonishment take hold of the solitary young man: he grows bitter against smiling villains, swears that he will not forget the spirit, and concludes with the significant ejaculation,&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;The time is out of joint: O cursed spite,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
That ever I was born to set it right!&#039;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;In these words, I imagine, will be found the key to Hamlet&#039;s whole procedure. To me it is clear that Shakspeare meant, in the present case, to represent the effects of a great action laid upon a soul unfit for the performance of it. In this view the whole play seems to me to be composed. There is an oak-tree planted in a costly jar, which should have borne only pleasant flowers in its bosom: the roots expand, the jar is shivered.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;A lovely, pure, noble, and most moral nature, without the strength of nerve which forms a hero, sinks beneath a burden it cannot bear and must not cast away. All duties are holy for him: the present is too hard. Impossibilities have been required of him,&amp;amp;mdash;not in themselves impossibilities, but such for him. He winds and turns, and torments himself; he advances and recoils; is ever put in mind, ever puts himself in mind; at last does all but lose his purpose from his thoughts, yet still without recovering his peace of mind.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER XIV.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Several people entering interrupted the discussion. They were musical &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;dilettanti&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, who commonly assembled at Serlo&#039;s once a week, and formed a little concert. Serlo himself loved music much: he used to maintain, that a player without taste for it never could attain a distinct conception and feeling of the scenic art. &amp;quot;As a man performs,&amp;quot; he would observe, &amp;quot;with far more ease and dignity when his gestures are accompanied and guided by a tune; so the player ought, in idea as it were, to set to music even his prose parts, that he may not monotonously slight them over in his individual style, but treat them in suitable alternation by time and measure.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Aurelia seemed to give but little heed to what was passing: at last she conducted Wilhelm to another room; and going to the window, and looking out at the starry sky, she said to him, &amp;quot;You have more to tell us about Hamlet: I will not hurry you,&amp;amp;mdash;my brother must hear it as well as I; but let me beg to know your thoughts about Ophelia.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Of her there cannot much be said,&amp;quot; he answered; &amp;quot;for a few master-strokes complete her character. The whole being of Ophelia floats in sweet and ripe sensation. Kindness for the prince, to whose hand she may aspire, flows so spontaneously, her tender heart obeys its impulses so unresistingly, that both father and brother are afraid: both give her warning harshly and directly. Decorum, like the thin lawn upon her bosom, cannot hide the soft, still movements of her heart: it, on the contrary, betrays them. Her fancy is smit; her silent modesty breathes amiable desire; and, if the friendly goddess Opportunity should shake the tree, its fruit would fall.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And then,&amp;quot; said Aurelia, &amp;quot;when she beholds herself forsaken, cast away, despised; when all is inverted in the soul of her crazed lover, and the highest changes to the lowest, and, instead of the sweet cup of love, he offers her the bitter cup of woe&amp;quot;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Her heart breaks,&amp;quot; cried Wilhelm; &amp;quot;the whole structure of her being is loosened from its joinings; her father&#039;s death strikes fiercely against it, and the fair edifice altogether crumbles into fragments.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Our friend had not observed with what expressiveness Aurelia pronounced those words. Looking only at this work of art, at its connection and completeness, he dreamed not that his auditress was feeling quite a different influence; that a deep sorrow of her own was vividly awakened in her breast by these dramatic shadows.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Aurelia&#039;s head was still resting on her arms; and her eyes, now full of tears, were turned to the sky. At last, no longer able to conceal her secret grief, she seized both hands of her friend, and exclaimed, while he stood surprised before her, &amp;quot;Forgive, forgive a heavy heart! I am girt and pressed together by these people; from my hard-hearted brother I must seek to hide myself; your presence has untied these bonds. My friend!&amp;quot; continued she, &amp;quot;it is but a few minutes since we saw each other first, and already you are going to become my confidant.&amp;quot; She could scarcely end the words, and sank upon his shoulder. &amp;quot;Think not worse of me,&amp;quot; she said, with sobs, &amp;quot;that I disclose myself to you so hastily, that I am so weak before you. Be my friend, remain my friend: I shall deserve it.&amp;quot; He spoke to her in his kindest manner, but in vain: her tears still flowed, and choked her words.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At this moment Serlo entered, most unwelcomely, and, most unexpectedly, Philina, with her hand in his. &amp;quot;Here is your friend,&amp;quot; said he to her:&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;quot;he will be glad to welcome you.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;What!&amp;quot; cried Wilhelm in astonishment: &amp;quot;are you here?&amp;quot; With a modest, settled mien, she went up to him; bade him welcome; praised Serlo&#039;s goodness, who, she said, without merit on her part, but purely in the hope of her improvement, had agreed to admit her into his accomplished troop. She behaved, all the while, in a friendly manner towards Wilhelm, yet with a dignified distance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But this dissimulation lasted only till the other two were gone. Aurelia having left them, that she might conceal her trouble, and Serlo being called away, Philina first looked very sharply at the doors, to see that both were really out; then began skipping to and fro about the room, as if she had been mad; at last dropped down upon the floor, like to die of giggling and laughing. She then sprang up, patted and flattered our friend; rejoicing above measure that she had been clever enough to go before, and spy the land, and get herself nestled in.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Pretty things are going on here,&amp;quot; she said; &amp;quot;just of the sort I like. Aurelia has had a hapless love-affair with some nobleman, who seems to be a very stately person, one whom I myself could like to see some day. He has left her a memorial, or I much mistake. There is a boy running about the house, of three years old or so: the papa must be a very pretty fellow. Commonly I cannot suffer children, but this brat quite delights me. I have calculated Aurelia&#039;s business. The death of her husband, the new acquaintance, the child&#039;s age,&amp;amp;mdash;all things agree.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;But now her spark has gone his ways: for a year she has not seen a glimpse of him. She is beside herself and inconsolable on this account. The more fool she! Her brother has a dancing-girl in his troop, with whom he stands on pretty terms; an actress with whom he is intimate; in the town, some other women whom he courts; I, too, am on his list. The more fool he! Of the rest thou shalt hear to-morrow. And now one word about Philina, whom thou knowest: the arch-fool is fallen in love with thee.&amp;quot; She swore it was true and prime sport. She earnestly requested Wilhelm to fall in love with Aurelia, for then the chase would be worth beholding. &amp;quot;She pursues her faithless swain, thou her, I thee, her brother me. If that will not divert us for a quarter of a year, I engage to die at the first episode which occurs in this four times complicated tale.&amp;quot; She begged of him not to spoil her trade, and to show her&lt;br /&gt;
such respect as her external conduct should deserve.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER XV.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Next morning Wilhelm went to visit Frau Melina, but found her not at home. On inquiring here for the other members of the wandering community, he learned that Philina had invited them to breakfast. Out of curiosity, he hastened thither, and found them all in very good spirits and of good comfort. The cunning creature had collected them, was treating them with chocolate, and giving them to understand that some prospects still remained for them; that, by her influence, she hoped to convince the manager how advantageous it would be for him to introduce so many clever hands among his company. They listened to her with attention; swallowed cup after cup of her chocolate; thought the girl was not so bad, after all, and went away proposing to themselves to speak whatever good of her they could.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Do you think, then,&amp;quot; said our friend, who staid behind, &amp;quot;that Serlo will determine to retain our comrades?&amp;quot;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;quot;Not at all,&amp;quot; replied Philina; &amp;quot;nor do I care a fig for it. The sooner they are gone, the better! Laertes alone I could wish to keep: the rest we shall by and by pack off.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Next she signified to Wilhelm her firm persuasion that he should no longer hide his talent, but, under the direction of a Serlo, go upon the boards. She was lavish in her praises of the order, the taste, the spirit, which prevailed in this establishment: she spoke so flatteringly to Wilhelm, with such admiration of his gifts, that his heart and his imagination were advancing towards this proposal as fast as his understanding and his reason were retreating from it. He concealed his inclination from himself and from Philina, and passed a restless day, unable to resolve on visiting his trading correspondents, to receive the letters which might there be lying for him. The anxieties of his people during all this time he easily conceived; yet he shrank from the precise account of them, particularly at the present time, as he promised to himself a great and pure enjoyment from the exhibition of a new play that evening.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Serlo had refused to let him witness the rehearsal. &amp;quot;You must see us on the best side,&amp;quot; he observed, &amp;quot;before we can allow you to look into our cards.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The performance, however, where our friend did not fail to be present, yielded him a high satisfaction. It was the first time he had ever seen a theatre in such perfection. The actors were evidently all possessed of excellent gifts, superior capacities, and a high, clear notion of their art; they were not equal, but they mutually restrained and supported one another; each breathed ardor into those around him; throughout all their acting, they showed themselves decided and correct. You soon felt that Serlo was the soul of the whole: as an individual, he appeared to much advantage. A merry humor, a measured vivacity, a settled feeling of propriety, combined with a great gift of imitation, were to be observed in him the moment he appeared upon the stage. The inward contentment of his being seemed to spread itself over all that looked on him; and the intellectual style in which he could so easily and gracefully express the finest shadings of his part, excited more delight, as he could conceal the art which, by long-continued practice, he had made his own.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Aurelia, his sister, was not inferior: she obtained still greater approbation; for she touched the souls of the audience, which he had it in his power to exhilarate and amuse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After a few days had passed pleasantly enough, Aurelia sent to inquire for our friend. He hastened to her: she was lying on a sofa; she seemed to be suffering from headache; her whole frame had visibly a feverish movement. Her eye lighted up as she noticed Wilhelm. &amp;quot;Pardon me!&amp;quot; she cried, as he entered: &amp;quot;the trust you have inspired me with has made me weak. Till now I have contrived to bear up against my woes in secret; nay, they gave me strength and consolation: but now, I know not how it is, you have loosened the bands of silence. You will now, even against your will, take part in the battle I am fighting with myself!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm answered her in kind and obliging terms. He declared that her image and her sorrows had not ceased to hover in his thoughts; that he longed for her confidence, and devoted himself to be her friend.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;While he spoke, his eyes were attracted to the boy, who sat before her on the floor, and was busy rattling a multitude of playthings. This child, as Philina had observed, might be about three years of age; and Wilhelm now conceived how that giddy creature, seldom elevated in her&lt;br /&gt;
phraseology, had likened it to the sun. For its cheerful eyes and full countenance were shaded by the finest golden locks, which flowed round in copious curls; dark, slender, softly bending eyebrows showed themselves upon a brow of dazzling whiteness; and the living tinge of health was glancing on its cheeks. &amp;quot;Sit by me,&amp;quot; said Aurelia: &amp;quot;you are looking at the happy child with admiration; in truth, I took it into my arms with joy; I keep it carefully; yet, by it, too, I can measure the extent of my sufferings; for they seldom let me feel the worth of such a gift.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Allow me,&amp;quot; she continued, &amp;quot;to speak to you about myself and my destiny; for I have it much at heart that you should not misunderstand me. I thought I should have a few calm instants; and, accordingly, I sent for you. You are now here, and the thread of my narrative is lost.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;&#039;One more forsaken woman in the world!&#039; you will say. You are a man. You are thinking, &#039;What a noise she makes, the fool, about a necessary evil; which, certainly as death, awaits a woman, when such is the fidelity of men!&#039; O my friend! if my fate were common, I would gladly undergo a common evil; but it is so singular! why cannot I present it to you in a mirror,&amp;amp;mdash;why not command some one to tell it you? Oh! had I, had I been seduced, surprised, and afterwards forsaken, there would then still be comfort in despair; but I am far more miserable. I have been my own deceiver; I have wittingly betrayed myself; and this, this, is what shall never be forgiven me.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;With noble feelings, such as yours,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, &amp;quot;you cannot be entirely unhappy.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And do you know to what I am indebted for my feelings?&amp;quot; asked Aurelia. &amp;quot;To the worst education that ever threatened to contaminate a girl; to the vilest examples for misleading the senses and inclinations.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;My mother dying early, the fairest years of my youth were spent with an aunt, whose principle it was to despise the laws of decency. She resigned herself headlong to every impulse, careless whether the object of it proved her tyrant or her slave, so she might forget herself in wild enjoyment.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;By children, with the pure, clear vision of innocence, what ideas of men were necessarily formed in such a scene! How stolid, brutally bold, importunate, unmannerly, was every one she allured! How sated, empty, insolent, and insipid, as soon as he had had his wishes gratified! I&lt;br /&gt;
have seen this woman live, for years, humbled under the control of the meanest creatures. What incidents she had to undergo! With what a front she contrived to accommodate herself to her destiny; nay, with how much skill, to wear these shameful fetters!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It was thus, my friend, that I became acquainted with your sex; and deeply did I hate it, when, as I imagined, I observed that even tolerable men, in their conduct to ours, appeared to renounce every honest feeling, of which nature might otherwise have made them capable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Unhappily, moreover, on such occasions, a multitude of painful discoveries about my own sex were forced upon me; and, in truth, I was then wiser, as a girl of sixteen, than I now am, now that I scarcely understand myself. Why are we so wise when young,&amp;amp;mdash;so wise, and ever growing less so?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The boy began to make a noise: Aurelia became impatient, and rang. An old woman came to take him out. &amp;quot;Hast thou toothache still?&amp;quot; said Aurelia to the crone, whose face was wrapped in cloth. &amp;quot;Unsufferable,&amp;quot; said the other, with a muffled voice, then lifted the boy, who seemed to like going with her, and carried him away.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Scarcely was he gone, when Aurelia began bitterly to weep. &amp;quot;I am good for nothing,&amp;quot; cried she, &amp;quot;but lamenting and complaining; and I feel ashamed to lie before you like a miserable worm. My recollection is already fled: I can relate no more.&amp;quot; She faltered, and was silent. Her friend, unwilling to reply with a commonplace, and unable to reply with any thing particularly applicable, pressed her hand, and looked at her for some time without speaking. Thus embarrassed, he at length took up a book, which he noticed lying on the table before him: it was Shakspeare&#039;s works, and open at &amp;quot;Hamlet.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Serlo, at this moment entering, inquired about his sister, and, looking in the book which our friend had hold of, cried, &amp;quot;So you are again at &#039;Hamlet&#039;? Very good! Many doubts have arisen in me, which seem not a little to impair the canonical aspect of the play as you would have it viewed. The English themselves have admitted that its chief interest concludes with the third act; the last two lagging sorrily on, and scarcely uniting with the rest: and certainly about the end it seems to stand stock-still.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It is very possible,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, &amp;quot;that some individuals of a nation, which has so many masterpieces to feel proud of, may be led&lt;br /&gt;
by prejudice and narrowness of mind to form false judgments; but this cannot hinder us from looking with our own eyes, and doing justice where we see it due. I am very far from censuring the plan of &#039;Hamlet&#039;: on the other hand, I believe there never was a grander one invented; nay, it is not invented, it is real.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;How do you demonstrate that?&amp;quot; inquired Serlo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I will not demonstrate any thing,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm: &amp;quot;I will merely show you what my own conceptions of it are.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Aurelia raised herself from her cushion, leaned upon her hand, and looked at Wilhelm, who, with the firmest assurance that he was in the right, went on as follows: &amp;quot;It pleases us, it flatters us, to see a hero acting on his own strength, loving and hating at the bidding of his heart, undertaking and completing, casting every obstacle aside, and attaining some great end. Poets and historians would willingly persuade us that so proud a lot may fall to man. In &#039;Hamlet&#039; we are taught another lesson: the hero is without a plan, but the play is full of plan. Here we have no villain punished on some self-conceived and rigidly accomplished scheme of vengeance: a horrid deed is done; it rolls along with all its consequences, dragging with it even the guiltless: the guilty perpetrator would, as it seems, evade the abyss made ready for him; yet he plunges in, at the very point by which he thinks he shall escape, and happily complete his course.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;For it is the property of crime to extend its mischief over innocence, as it is of virtue to extend its blessings over many that deserve them not; while frequently the author of the one or of the other is not punished or rewarded at all. Here in this play of ours, how strange! The Pit of darkness sends its spirit and demands revenge: in vain! All circumstances tend one way, and hurry to revenge: in vain! Neither earthly nor infernal thing may bring about what is reserved for Fate alone. The hour of judgment comes; the wicked falls with the good; one race is mowed away, that another may spring up.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After a pause, in which they looked at one another, Serlo said, &amp;quot;You pay no great compliment to Providence, in thus exalting Shakspeare; and besides, it appears to me, that for the honor of your poet, as others for the honor of Providence, you ascribe to him an object and a plan such as he himself had never thought of.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER XVI.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Let me also put a question,&amp;quot; said Aurelia. &amp;quot;I have looked at Ophelia&#039;s part again: I am contented with it, and confident, that, under certain circumstances, I could play it. But tell me, should not the poet have furnished the insane maiden with another sort of songs? Could not some fragments out of melancholy ballads be selected for this purpose? Why put double meanings and lascivious insipidities in the mouth of this noble-minded girl?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Dear friend,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, &amp;quot;even here I cannot yield you one iota. In these singularities, in this apparent impropriety, a deep sense is hid. Do we not understand from the very first what the mind of the good, soft-hearted girl was busied with? Silently she lived within herself, yet she scarce concealed her wishes, her longing: the tones of desire were in secret ringing through her soul; and how often may she have attempted, like an unskilful nurse, to lull her senses to repose with songs which only kept them more awake? But at last, when her self-command is altogether gone, when the secrets of her heart are hovering on her tongue, that tongue betrays her; and in the innocence of insanity she solaces herself, unmindful of king or queen, with the echo of her loose and well-beloved songs,&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;To-morrow is Saint Valentine&#039;s Day,&#039; and &#039;By Gis and by Saint Charity.&#039;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had not finished speaking, when all at once an extraordinary scene took place before him, which he could not in any way explain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Serlo had walked once or twice up and down the room, without evincing any special object. On a sudden, he stepped forward to Aurelia&#039;s dressing-table, caught hastily at something that was lying there, and hastened to the door with his booty. No sooner did Aurelia notice this, than, springing up, she threw herself in his way, laid hold of him with boundless vehemence, and had dexterity enough to clutch an end of the article he was carrying off. They struggled and wrestled with great obstinacy, twisted and threw each other sharply round; he laughed; she exerted all her strength; and as Wilhelm hastened towards them, to separate and soothe them, Aurelia sprang aside with a naked dagger in her hand; while Serlo cast the scabbard, which had staid with him, angrily upon the floor. Wilhelm started back astonished; and his dumb wonder seemed to ask the cause why so violent a strife, about so&lt;br /&gt;
strange an implement, had taken place between them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You shall judge betwixt us,&amp;quot; said the brother. &amp;quot;What business she with sharp steel? Do but look at it. That dagger is unfit for any actress,&amp;amp;mdash;point like a needle&#039;s, edge like a razor&#039;s! What good&#039;s the farce? Passionate as she is, she will one day chance to do herself a mischief. I have a heart&#039;s hatred at such singularities: a serious thought of that sort is insane, and so dangerous a plaything is not in taste.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I have it back!&amp;quot; exclaimed Aurelia, and held the polished blade aloft: &amp;quot;I will now keep my faithful friend more carefully. Pardon me,&amp;quot; she cried, and kissed the steel, &amp;quot;that I have so neglected thee.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Serlo was like to grow seriously angry. &amp;quot;Take it as thou wilt, brother,&amp;quot; she continued: &amp;quot;how knowest thou but, under this form, a precious talisman may have been given me, so that, in extreme need, I may find help and counsel in it? Must all be hurtful that looks dangerous?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Such talk without a meaning might drive one mad,&amp;quot; said Serlo, and left the room with suppressed indignation. Aurelia put the dagger carefully into its sheath, and placed it in her bosom. &amp;quot;Let us now resume the conversation which our foolish brother has disturbed,&amp;quot; said she, as Wilhelm was beginning to put questions on the subject of this quarrel.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I must admit your picture of Ophelia to be just,&amp;quot; continued she; &amp;quot;I cannot now misunderstand the object of the poet: I must pity; though, as you paint her, I shall rather pity her than sympathize with her. But allow me here to offer a remark, which in these few days you have frequently suggested to me. I observe with admiration the correct, keen, penetrating glance with which you judge of poetry, especially dramatic poetry: the deepest abysses of invention are not hidden from you, the finest touches of representation cannot escape you. Without ever having viewed the objects in nature, you recognize the truth of their images: there seems, as it were, a presentiment of all the universe to lie in you, which by the harmonious touch of poetry is awakened and unfolded. For in truth,&amp;quot; continued she, &amp;quot;from without, you receive not much: I have scarcely seen a person that so little knew, so totally misknew, the people he lived with, as you do. Allow me to say it: in hearing you expound the mysteries of Shakspeare, one would think you had just descended from a synod of the gods, and had listened there while they were taking counsel how to form men; in seeing you transact with your&lt;br /&gt;
fellows, I could imagine you to be the first large-born child of the Creation, standing agape, and gazing with strange wonderment and edifying good nature at lions and apes and sheep and elephants, and true-heartedly addressing them as your equals, simply because they were there, and in motion like yourself.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The feeling of my ignorance in this respect,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, &amp;quot;often gives me pain; and I should thank you, worthy friend, if you would help me to get a little better insight into life. From youth, I have been accustomed to direct the eyes of my spirit inwards rather than outwards; and hence it is very natural, that, to a certain extent, I should be acquainted with man, while of men I have not the smallest knowledge.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;In truth,&amp;quot; said Aurelia, &amp;quot;I at first suspected, that, in giving such accounts of the people whom you sent to my brother, you meant to make sport of us: when I compared your letters with the merits of these persons, it seemed very strange.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Aurelia&#039;s remarks, well founded as they might be, and willing as our friend was to confess himself deficient in this matter, carried with them something painful, nay, offensive, to him; so that he grew silent, and retired within himself, partly to avoid showing any irritated feeling, partly to search his mind for the truth or error of the charge.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Let not this alarm you,&amp;quot; said Aurelia: &amp;quot;the light of the understanding it is always in our power to reach, but this fulness of the heart no one can give us. If you are destined for an artist, you cannot long enough retain the dim-sightedness and innocence of which I speak; it is the beautiful hull upon the young bud; woe to us if we are forced too soon to burst it! Surely it were well, if we never knew what the people are for whom we work and study.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Oh! I, too, was in that happy case, when I first betrod the stage, with the loftiest opinion of myself and of my nation. What a people, in my fancy, were the Germans! what a people might they yet become! I addressed this people, raised above them by a little joinery, separated from them by a row of lamps, whose glancing and vapor threw an indistinctness over every thing before me. How welcome was the tumult of applause which sounded to me from the crowd! how gratefully did I accept the present offered me unanimously by so many hands! For a time I rocked myself in these ideas: I affected the multitude, and was again&lt;br /&gt;
affected by them. With my public I was on the fairest footing: I imagined that I felt a perfect harmony betwixt us, and that on each occasion I beheld before me the best and noblest of the land.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Unhappily it was not the actress alone that inspired these friends of the stage with interest: they likewise made pretensions to the young and lively girl. They gave me to understand, in terms distinct enough, that my duty was, not only to excite emotion in them, but to share it with them personally. This, unluckily, was not my business: I wished to elevate their minds; but, to what they called their hearts, I had not the slightest claim. Yet now men of all ranks, ages, and characters, by turns afflicted me with their addresses; and it did seem hard that I could not, like an honest young woman, shut my door, and spare myself such a quantity of labor.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The men appeared, for most part, much the same as I had been accustomed to about my aunt; and here again I should have felt disgusted with them, had not their peculiarities and insipidities amused me. As I was compelled to see them, in the theatre, in open places, in my house, I formed the project of spying out their follies; and my brother helped me with alacrity to execute it. And if you reflect, that up from the whisking shopman and the conceited merchant&#039;s son, to the polished, calculating man of the world, the bold soldier, and the impetuous prince, all in succession passed in review before me, each in his way endeavoring to found his small romance, you will pardon me if I conceived that I had gained some acquaintance with my nation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The fantastically dizened student; the awkward, humbly proud man of letters; the sleek-fed, gouty canon; the solemn, heedful man of office; the heavy country-baron; the smirking, vapid courtier; the young, erring parson; the cool as well as the quick and sharply speculating merchant,&amp;amp;mdash;all these I have seen in motion; and I swear to you, that there were few among them fitted to inspire me even with a sentiment of toleration: on the contrary, I felt it altogether irksome to collect, with tedium and annoyance, the suffrages of fools; to pocket those applauses in detail, which in their accumulated state had so delighted me, which in the gross I had appropriated with such pleasure.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;If I expected a rational compliment upon my acting, if I hoped that they would praise an author whom I valued, they were sure to make one&lt;br /&gt;
empty observation on the back of another, and to name some vapid play in which they wished to see me act. If I listened in their company, to hear if some noble, brilliant, witty thought had met with a response among them, and would re-appear from some of them in proper season, it was rare that I could catch an echo of it. An error that had happened, a mispronunciation, a provincialism of some actor, such were the weighty points by which they held fast, beyond which they could not pass. I knew not, in the end, to what hand I should turn: themselves they thought too clever to be entertained; and me they imagined they were well entertaining, if they romped and made noise enough about me. I began very cordially to despise them all: I felt as if the whole nation had, on purpose, deputed these people to debase it in my eyes. They appeared to me so clownish, so ill-bred, so wretchedly instructed, so void of pleasing qualities, so tasteless, I frequently exclaimed, &amp;quot;No German can buckle his shoes, till he has learned to do it of some foreign nation!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You perceive how blind, how unjust and splenetic, I was; and, the longer it lasted, my spleen increased. I might have killed myself with these things, but I fell into the contrary extreme: I married, or, rather, let myself be married. My brother, who had undertaken to conduct the theatre, wished much to have a helper. His choice lighted on a young man, who was not offensive to me, who wanted all that my brother had,&amp;amp;mdash;genius, vivacity, spirit, and impetuosity of mind; but who also in return had all that my brother wanted,&amp;amp;mdash;love of order, diligence, and precious gifts in housekeeping, and the management of money.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;He became my husband, I know not how: we lived together, I do not well know why. Suffice it to say, our affairs went prosperously forward. We drew a large income: of this my brother&#039;s activity was the cause. We lived with a moderate expenditure, and that was the merit of my husband. I thought no more about world or nation. With the world I had nothing to participate: my idea of the nation had faded away. When I entered on the scene, I did so that I might subsist: I opened my lips because I durst not continue silent, because I had come out to speak.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Yet let me do the matter justice. I had altogether given myself up to the disposal of my brother. His objects were, applause and money; for, between ourselves, he has no dislike to hear his own praises; and his outlay is always great. I no longer played according to my own&lt;br /&gt;
feeling, to my own conviction, but as he directed me; and, if I did it to his satisfaction, I was content. He steered entirely by the caprices of the public. Money flowed upon us: he could live according to his humor, and so we had good times with him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Thus had I fallen into a dull, handicraft routine. I spun out my days without joy or sympathy. My marriage was childless, and not of long continuance. My husband grew sick; his strength was visibly decaying; anxiety for him interrupted my general indifference. It was at this time that I formed an acquaintance which opened a new life for me,&amp;amp;mdash;a new and quicker one, for it will soon be done.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She kept silence for a time, and then continued, &amp;quot;All at once my prattling humor falters: I have not the courage to go on. Let me rest a little. You shall not go, till you have learned the whole extent of my misfortune. Meanwhile, call in Mignon, and ask her what she wants.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The child had more than once been in the room, while Aurelia and our friend were talking. As they spoke lower on her entrance, she had glided out again, and was now sitting quietly in the hall, and waiting. Being bid return, she brought a book with her, which its form and binding showed to be a small geographical atlas. She had seen some maps, for the first time, at the parson&#039;s house, with great astonishment; had asked him many questions, and informed herself so far as possible about them. Her desire to learn seemed much excited by this new branch of knowledge. She now earnestly requested Wilhelm to purchase her the book; saying she had pawned her large silver buckle with the print-seller for it, and wished to have back the pledge to-morrow morning, as this evening it was late. Her request was granted; and she then began repeating several things she had already learned; at the same time, in her own way, making many very strange inquiries. Here again one might observe, that, with a mighty effort, she could comprehend but little and laboriously. So likewise was it with her writing, at which she still kept busied. She yet spoke very broken German: it was only when she opened her mouth to sing, when she touched her cithern, that she seemed to be employing an organ by which, in some degree, the workings of her mind could be disclosed and communicated.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Since we are at present on the subject, we may also mention the perplexity which Wilhelm had of late experienced from certain parts of her procedure, When she came or went, wished him good-morning or&lt;br /&gt;
good-night, she clasped him so firmly in her arms, and kissed him with such ardor, that often the violence of this expanding nature gave him serious fears. The spasmodic vivacity of her demeanor seemed daily to increase: her whole being moved in a restless stillness. She would never be without some piece of packthread to twist in her hands, some napkin to tie in knots, some paper or wood to chew. All her sports seemed but the channels which drained off some inward violent commotion. The only thing that seemed to cause her any cheerfulness was being near the boy Felix, with whom she could go on in a very dainty manner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Aurelia, after a little rest, being now ready to explain to her friend a matter which lay very near her heart, grew impatient at the little girl&#039;s delay, and signified that she must go,&amp;amp;mdash;a hint, however, which the latter did not take; and at last, when nothing else would do, they sent her off expressly and against her will.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Now or never,&amp;quot; said Aurelia, &amp;quot;must I tell you the remainder of my story. Were my tenderly beloved and unjust friend but a few miles distant, I would say to you, &#039;Mount on horseback, seek by some means to get acquainted with him: on returning, you will certainly forgive me, and pity me with all your heart.&#039; As it is, I can only tell you with words how amiable he was, and how much I loved him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It was at the critical season, when care for the illness of my husband had depressed my spirits, that I first became acquainted with this stranger. He had just returned from America, where, in company with some Frenchmen, he had served with much distinction under the colors of the United States.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;He addressed me with an easy dignity, a frank kindliness: he spoke about myself, my state, my acting, like an old acquaintance, so affectionately and distinctly, that now for the first time I enjoyed the pleasure of perceiving my existence reflected in the being of another. His judgments were just, though not severe; penetrating, yet not void of love. He showed no harshness: his pleasantry was courteous, with all his humor. He seemed accustomed to success with women; this excited my attention: he was never in the least importunate or flattering; this put me off my guard.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;In the town, he had intercourse with few: he was often on horseback, visiting his many friends in the neighborhood, and managing the business of his house. On returning, he would frequently alight at my&lt;br /&gt;
apartments; he treated my ever-ailing husband with warm attention; he procured him mitigation of his sickness by a good physician. And, taking part in all that interested me, he allowed me to take part in all that interested him. He told me the history of his campaigns: he spoke of his invincible attachment to military life, of his family relations, of his present business. He kept no secret from me; he displayed to me his inmost thoughts, allowed me to behold the most secret corners of his soul: I became acquainted with his passions and his capabilities. It was the first time in my life that I enjoyed a cordial, intellectual intercourse with any living creature. I was attracted by him, borne along by him, before I thought about inquiring how it stood with me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Meanwhile I lost my husband, nearly just as I had taken him. The burden of theatrical affairs now fell entirely on me. My brother, not to be surpassed upon the stage, was never good for any thing in economical concerns: I took the charge of all, at the same time studying my parts with greater diligence than ever. I again played as of old,&amp;amp;mdash;nay, with new life, with quite another force. It was by reason of my friend, it was on his account, that I did so; yet my success was not always best when I knew him to be present. Once or twice he listened to me unobserved, and how pleasantly his unexpected applauses surprised me you may conceive.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Certainly I am a strange creature. In every part I played, it seemed as if I had been speaking it in praise of him; for that was the temper of my heart, the words might be any thing they pleased. Did I understand him to be present in the audience, I durst not venture to speak out with all my force; just as I would not press my love or praise on him to his face: was he absent, I had then free scope; I did my best, with a certain peacefulness, with a contentment not to be described. Applause once more delighted me; and, when I charmed the people, I longed to call down among them, &#039;This you owe to him!&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Yes: my relation to the public, to the nation, had been altered by a wonder. On a sudden they again appeared to me in the most favorable light: I felt astonished at my former blindness.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;&#039;How foolish,&#039; said I often to myself, &#039;was it to revile a nation,&amp;amp;mdash;foolish, simply because it was a nation. Is it necessary, is it possible, that individual men should generally interest us much? Not at all! The only question is, whether in the great mass there&lt;br /&gt;
exists a sufficient quantity of talent, force, and capability, which lucky circumstances may develop, which men of lofty minds may direct upon a common object.&#039; I now rejoiced in discovering so little prominent originality among my countrymen; I rejoiced that they disdained not to accept of guidance from without; I rejoiced that they had found a leader.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Lothario,&amp;amp;mdash;allow me to designate my friend by this, his first name, which I loved,&amp;amp;mdash;Lothario had always presented the Germans to my mind on the side of valor, and shown me, that, when well commanded, there was no braver nation on the face of the earth; and I felt ashamed that I had never thought of this, the first quality of a people. History was known to him: he was in connection and correspondence with the most distinguished persons of the age. Young as he was, his eye was open to the budding youthhood of his native country, to the silent labors of active and busy men in so many provinces of art. He afforded me a glimpse of Germany,&amp;amp;mdash;what it was and what it might be; and I blushed at having formed my judgment of a nation from the motley crowd that squeeze into the wardrobe of a theatre. He made me look upon it as a duty that I too, in my own department, should be true, spirited, enlivening. I now felt as if inspired every time I stepped upon the boards. Mediocre passages grew golden in my mouth: had any poet been at hand to support me adequately, I might have produced the most astonishing effects.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;So lived the young widow for a series of months. He could not do without me, and I felt exceedingly unhappy when he staid away. He showed me the letters he received from his relations, from his amiable sister. He took an interest in the smallest circumstance that concerned me: more complete, more intimate, no union ever was than ours. The name of love was not mentioned. He went and came, came and went. And now, my friend, it is high time that you, too, should go.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER XVII.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm could put off no longer the visiting of his commercial friends. He proceeded to their place with some anxiety, knowing he should there find letters from his people. He dreaded the reproofs which these would of course contain: it seemed likely also that notice had been given to his trading correspondents, concerning the perplexities and fears which his late silence had occasioned. After such a series of knightly adventures, he recoiled from the school-boy aspect in which he must appear: he proposed within his mind to act with an air of sternness and defiance, and thus hide his embarrassment.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To his great wonder and contentment, however, all went off very easily and well. In the vast, stirring, busy counting-room, the men had scarcely time to seek him out his packet: his delay was but alluded to in passing. And on opening the letters of his father, and his friend Werner, he found them all of very innocent contents. His father, in hopes of an extensive journal, the keeping of which he had strongly recommended to his son at parting, giving him also a tabulary scheme for that purpose, seemed pretty well pacified about the silence of the first period; complaining only of a certain enigmatical obscurity in the last and only letter despatched, as we have seen, from the castle of the count. Werner joked in his way; told merry anecdotes, facetious burgh-news; and requested intelligence of friends and acquaintances, whom Wilhelm, in the large trading-city, would now meet with in great numbers. Our friend, extremely pleased at getting off so well, answered without loss of a moment, in some very cheerful letters; promising his father a copious journal of his travels, with all the required geographical, statistical, and mercantile remarks. He had seen much on his journey, he said, and hoped to make a tolerably large manuscript out of these materials. He did not observe that he was almost in the same case as he had once experienced before, when he assembled an audience and lit his lamps to represent a play which was not written, still less got by heart. Accordingly, so soon as he commenced the actual work of composition, he became aware that he had much to say about emotions and thoughts, and many experiences of the heart and spirit, but not a word concerning outward objects, on which, as he now discovered, he had not bestowed the least attention.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In this embarrassment, the acquisitions of his friend Laertes came very seasonably to his aid. Custom had united these young people, unlike one another as they were; and Laertes, with all his failings and singularities, was actually an interesting man. Endowed with warm and pleasurable senses, he might have reached old age without reflecting for a moment on his situation. But his ill-fortune and his sickness had robbed him of the pure feelings of youth, and opened for him instead of it a view into the transitoriness, the discontinuity, of man&#039;s existence. Hence had arisen a humorous, flighty, rhapsodical way of thinking about all things, or, rather, of uttering the immediate impressions they produced on him. He did not like to be alone; he strolled about all the coffee-houses and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;tables-d&#039;hôte&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; and, when he did stay at home, books of travels were his favorite, nay, his only, kind of reading. Having lately found a large circulating library, he had been enabled to content his taste in this respect to the full; and erelong half the world was figuring in his faithful memory.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It was easy for him, therefore, to speak comfort to his friend, when the latter had disclosed his utter lack of matter for the narrative so solemnly promised by him. &amp;quot;Now is the time for a stroke of art,&amp;quot; said Laertes, &amp;quot;that shall have no fellow!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Has not Germany been travelled over, cruised over, walked, crept, and flown over, repeatedly from end to end? And has not every German traveller the royal privilege of drawing from the public a repayment of the great or small expenses he may have incurred while travelling? Give me your route previous to our meeting: the rest I know already. I will find you helps and sources of information: of miles that were never measured, populations that were never counted, we shall give them plenty. The revenues of provinces we will take from almanacs and tables, which, as all men know, are the most authentic documents. On these we will ground our political discussions: we shall not fail in side-glances at the ruling powers. One or two princes we will paint as true fathers of their country, that we may gain more ready credence in our allegations against others. If we do not travel through the residence of any noted man, we shall take care to meet such persons at the inn, and make them utter the most foolish stuff to us. Particularly, let us not forget to insert, with all its graces and sentiments, some love-story with a pastoral bar-maid. I tell you, it shall be a composition which&lt;br /&gt;
will not only fill father and mother with delight, but which booksellers themselves shall gladly pay you current money for.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They went accordingly to work, and both of them found pleasure in their labor. Wilhelm, in the mean time, frequenting the play at night, and conversing with Serlo and Aurelia by day, experienced the greatest satisfaction, and was daily more and more expanding his ideas, which had been too long revolving in the same narrow circle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER XVIII.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It was not without deep interest that he became acquainted with the history of Serlo&#039;s career. Piecemeal he learned it; for it was not the fashion of that extraordinary man to be confidential, or to speak of any thing connectively. He had been, one may say, born and suckled in the theatre. While yet literally an infant, he had been produced upon the stage to move spectators, merely by his presence; for authors even then were acquainted with this natural and very guiltless mode of doing so. Thus his first &amp;quot;Father!&amp;quot; or &amp;quot;Mother!&amp;quot; in favorite pieces, procured him approbation, before he understood what was meant by that clapping of the hands. In the character of Cupid, he more than once descended, with terror, in his flying-gear; as harlequin, he used to issue from the egg; and, as a little chimney-sweep, to play the sharpest tricks.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Unhappily, the plaudits of these glancing nights were too bitterly repaid by sufferings in the intervening seasons. His father was persuaded that the minds of children could be kept awake and steadfast by no other means than blows: hence, in the studying of any part, he used to thrash him at stated periods, not because the boy was awkward, but that he might become more certainly and constantly expert. It was thus that in former times, while putting down a landmark, people were accustomed to bestow a hearty drubbing on the children who had followed them: and these, it was supposed, would recollect the place exactly to the latest day of their lives. Serlo waxed in stature, and showed the finest capabilities of spirit and of body,&amp;amp;mdash;in particular, an admirable pliancy at once in his thoughts, looks, movements, and&lt;br /&gt;
gestures. His gift of imitation was beyond belief. When still a boy, he could mimic persons, so that you would think you saw them; though in form, age, and disposition, they might be entirely unlike him, and unlike each other. Nor with all this, did he want the knack of suiting himself to his circumstances, and picking out his way in life. Accordingly, so soon as he had grown in some degree acquainted with his strength, he very naturally eloped from his father, who, as the boy&#039;s understanding and dexterity increased, still thought it needful to forward their perfection by the harshest treatment.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Happy was the wild boy, now roaming free about the world, where his feats of waggery never failed to secure him a good reception. His lucky star first led him in the Christmas season to a cloister, where the friar, whose business it had been to arrange processions, and to entertain the Christian community by spiritual masquerades, having just died, Serlo was welcomed as a helping angel. On the instant he took up the part of Gabriel in the &amp;lt;ins title=&amp;quot;Transcriber&#039;s Note: original reads &#039;Annunication&#039;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Annunciation&amp;lt;/ins&amp;gt;, and did not by any means displease the pretty girl, who, acting the Virgin, very gracefully received his most obliging kiss, with external humility and inward pride. In their Mysteries, he continued to perform the most important parts, and thought himself no slender personage, when at last, in the character of Martyr, he was mocked of the world, and beaten, and fixed upon the cross.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Some pagan soldiers had, on this occasion, played their parts a little &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;too&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; naturally. To be avenged on these heathen in the proper style, he took care at the Day of Judgment to have them decked out in gaudy clothes as emperors and kings; and at that moment when they, exceedingly contented with their situation, were about to take precedence of the rest in heaven, as they had done on earth, he, on a sudden, rushed upon them in the shape of the Devil; and to the cordial edification of all the beggars and spectators, having thoroughly curried them with his oven-fork, he pushed them without mercy back into the chasm, where, in the midst of waving flame, they met with the sorriest welcome.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was acute enough, however, to perceive that these crowned heads might feel offended at such bold procedure, and perhaps forget the reverence due to his privileged office of Accuser and Turnkey. So in all silence, before the Millennium commenced, he withdrew, and betook him to a neighboring town. Here a society of persons, denominated Children of&lt;br /&gt;
Joy, received him with open arms. They were a set of clever, strong-headed, lively geniuses, who saw well enough that the sum of our existence, divided by reason, never gives an integer number, but that a surprising fraction is always left behind. At stated times, to get rid of this fraction, which impedes, and, if it is diffused over all the mass of our conduct, endangers us, was the object of the Children of Joy. For one day a week each of them in succession was a fool on purpose; and, during this, he in his turn exhibited to ridicule, in allegorical representations, whatever folly he had noticed in himself, or the rest, throughout the other six. This practice might be somewhat ruder than that constant training, in the course of which a man of ordinary morals is accustomed to observe, to warn, to punish, himself daily; but it was also merrier and surer. For as no Child of Joy concealed his bosom-folly, so he and those about him held it for simply what it was; whereas, on the other plan, by the help of self-deception, this same bosom-folly often gains the head authority within, and binds down reason to a secret servitude, at the very time when reason fondly hopes that she has long since chased it out of doors. The mask of folly circulated round in this society; and each member was allowed, in his particular day, to decorate and characterize it with his own attributes or those of others. At the time of Carnival, they assumed the greatest freedom, vying with the clergy in attempts to instruct and entertain the multitude. Their solemn figurative processions of Virtues and Vices, Arts and Sciences, Quarters of the World, and Seasons of the Year, bodied forth a number of conceptions, and gave images of many distant objects to the people, and hence were not without their use; while, on the other hand, the mummeries of the priesthood tended but to strengthen a tasteless superstition, already strong enough.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Here again young Serlo was altogether in his element. Invention in its strictest sense, it is true, he had not; but, on the other hand, he had the most consummate skill in employing what he found before him, in ordering it, and shadowing it forth. His roguish turns, his gift of mimicry; his biting wit, which at least one day weekly he might use with entire freedom, even against his benefactors,&amp;amp;mdash;made him precious, or rather indispensable, to the whole society.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yet his restless mind soon drove him from this favorable scene to other quarters of his country, where other means of instruction awaited him.&lt;br /&gt;
He came into the polished, but also barren, part of Germany, where, in worshipping the good and the beautiful, there is indeed no want of truth, but frequently a grievous want of spirit. His masks would here do nothing for him: he had now to aim at working on the heart and mind. For short periods, he attached himself to small or to extensive companies of actors, and marked, on these occasions, what were the distinctive properties, both of the pieces and the players. The monotony which then reigned on the German theatre, the mawkish sound and cadence of their Alexandrines, the flat and yet distorted dialogue, the shallowness and commonness of these undisguised preachers of morality, he was not long in comprehending, or in seizing, at the same time, what little there was that moved and pleased.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Not only single parts in the current pieces, but the pieces themselves, remained easily and wholly in his memory, and, along with them, the special tone of any player who had represented them with approbation. At length, in the course of his rambles, his money being altogether done, the project struck him of acting entire pieces by himself, especially in villages and noblemen&#039;s houses, and thus in all places making sure at least of entertainment and lodging. In any tavern, any room, or any garden, he would accordingly at once set up his theatre: with a roguish seriousness and a show of enthusiasm, he would contrive to gain the imaginations of his audience, to deceive their senses, and before their eyes to make an old press into a tower, or a fan into a dagger. His youthful warmth supplied the place of deep feeling: his vehemence seemed strength, and his flattery tenderness. Such of the spectators as already knew a theatre, he put in mind of all that they had seen and heard: in the rest he awakened a presentiment of something wonderful, and a wish to be more acquainted with it. What produced an effect in one place he did not fail to repeat in others; and his mind overflowed with a wicked pleasure when, by the same means, on the spur of the moment, he could make gulls of all the world.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His spirit was lively, brisk, and unimpeded: by frequently repeating parts and pieces, he improved very fast. Erelong he could recite and play with more conformity to the sense than the models whom he had at first imitated. Proceeding thus, he arrived by degrees at playing naturally; though he did not cease to feign. He seemed transported, yet he lay in wait for the effect; and his greatest pride was in moving,&lt;br /&gt;
by successive touches, the passions of men. The mad trade he drove did itself soon force him to proceed with a certain moderation; and thus, partly by constraint, partly by instinct, he learned the art of which so few players seemed to have a notion,&amp;amp;mdash;the art of being frugal in the use of voice and gestures.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thus did he contrive to tame, and to inspire with interest for him, even rude and unfriendly men. Being always contented with food and shelter; thankfully accepting presents of any kind as readily as money, which latter, when he reckoned that he had enough of it, he frequently declined,&amp;amp;mdash;he became a general favorite, was sent about from one to another with recommendatory letters; and thus he wandered many a day from castle to castle, exciting much festivity, enjoying much, and meeting in his travels with the most agreeable and curious adventures.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;With such inward coldness of temper, he could not properly be said to love any one; with such clearness of vision, he could respect no one; in fact, he never looked beyond the external peculiarities of men; and he merely carried their characters in his mimical collection. Yet withal, his selfishness was keenly wounded if he did not please every one and call forth universal applause. How this might be attained, he had studied in the course of time so accurately, and so sharpened his sense of the matter, that not only on the stage, but also in common life, he no longer could do otherwise than flatter and deceive. And thus did his disposition, his talent, and his way of life, work reciprocally on each other, till by this means he had imperceptibly been formed into a perfect actor. Nay, by a mode of action and re-action, which is quite natural, though it seems paradoxical, his recitation, declamation, and gesture improved, by critical discernment and practice, to a high degree of truth, ease, and frankness; while, in his life and intercourse with men, he seemed to grow continually more secret, artful, or even hypocritical and constrained.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of his fortunes and adventures we perhaps shall speak in another place: it is enough to remark at present, that in later times, when he had become a man of circumstance, in possession of a distinct reputation, and of a very good, though not entirely secure, employment and rank, he was wont, in conversation, partly in the way of irony, partly of mockery, in a delicate style, to act the sophist, and thus to destroy almost all serious discussion. This kind of speech he seemed&lt;br /&gt;
peculiarly fond of using towards Wilhelm, particularly when the latter took a fancy, as often happened, for introducing any of his general and theoretical disquisitions. Yet still they liked well to be together: with such different modes of thinking, the conversation could not fail to be lively. Wilhelm always wished to deduce every thing from abstract ideas which he had arrived at: he wanted to have art viewed in all its connections as a whole. He wanted to promulgate and fix down universal laws; to settle what was right, beautiful, and good: in short, he treated all things in a serious manner. Serlo, on the other hand, took up the matter very lightly: never answering directly to any question, he would contrive, by some anecdote or laughable turn, to give the finest and most satisfactory illustrations, and thus to instruct his audience while he made them merry.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER XIX.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;While our friend was in this way living very happily, Melina and the rest were in quite a different case. Wilhelm they haunted like evil spirits; and not only by their presence, but frequently by rueful faces and bitter words, they caused him many a sorry moment. Serlo had not admitted them to the most trifling part, far less held out to them any hope of a permanent engagement; and yet he had contrived, by degrees, to get acquainted with the capabilities of every one of them. Whenever any actors were assembled in leisure hours about him, he was wont to make them read, and frequently to read along with them. On such occasions he took plays which were by and by to be acted, which for a long time had remained unacted; and generally by portions. In like manner, after any first representation, he caused such passages to be repeated as he had any thing to say upon: by which means he sharpened the discernment of his actors, and strengthened their certainty of hitting the proper point. And as a person of slender but correct understanding may produce more agreeable effect on others than a perplexed and unpurified genius, he would frequently exalt men of mediocre talents, by the clear views which he imperceptibly afforded them, to a wonderful extent of power.&lt;br /&gt;
Nor was it an unimportant item in his scheme, that he likewise had poems read before him in their meetings; for by these he nourished in his people the feeling of that charm which a well-pronounced rhythm is calculated to awaken in the soul: whereas, in other companies, those prose compositions were already getting introduced for which any tyro was adequate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On occasions such as these, he had contrived to make himself acquainted with the new-come players: he had decided what they were, and what they might be, and silently made up his mind to take advantage of their talents, in a revolution which was now threatening his own company. For a while he let the matter rest; declined every one of Wilhelm&#039;s intercessions for his comrades, with a shrug of the shoulders; till at last he saw his time, and altogether unexpectedly made the proposal to our friend, &amp;quot;that he himself should come upon the stage; that, on this condition, the others, too, might be admitted.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;These people must not be so useless as you formerly described them,&amp;quot; answered Wilhelm, &amp;quot;if they can now be all received at once; and I suppose their talents would remain the same without me as with me.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Under seal of secrecy, Serlo hereupon explained his situation,&amp;amp;mdash;how his first actor was giving hints about a rise of salary at the renewal of their contract; how he himself did not incline conceding this, the rather as the individual in question was no longer in such favor with the public; how, if he dismissed him, a whole train would follow; whereby, it was true, his company would lose some good, but likewise some indifferent, actors. He then showed Wilhelm what he hoped to gain in him, in Laertes, Old Boisterous, and even Frau Melina. Nay, he promised to procure for the silly Pedant himself, in the character of Jew, minister, but chiefly of villain, a decided approbation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm faltered; the proposal fluttered him; he knew not what to say. That he might say something, he rejoined, with a deep-drawn breath, &amp;quot;You speak very graciously about the good you find and hope to find in us; but how is it with our weak points, which certainly have not escaped your penetration?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;These,&amp;quot; said Serlo, &amp;quot;by diligence, practice, and reflection, we shall soon make strong points. Though you are yet but freshmen and bunglers, there is not one among you that does not warrant expectation more or less: for, so far as I can judge, no stick, properly so called, is&lt;br /&gt;
to be met with in the company; and your stick is the only person that can never be improved, never bent or guided, whether it be self-conceit, stupidity, or hypochondria, that renders him unpliant.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The manager next stated, in a few words, the terms he meant to offer; requested Wilhelm to determine soon, and left him in no small perplexity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the marvellous composition of those travels, which he had at first engaged with, as it were, in jest, and was now carrying on in conjunction with Laertes, his mind had by degrees grown more attentive to the circumstances and the every-day life of the actual world than it was wont. He now first understood the object of his father in so earnestly recommending him to keep a journal. He now, for the first time, felt how pleasant and how useful it might be to become participator in so many trades and requisitions, and to take a hand in diffusing activity and life into the deepest nooks of the mountains and forests of Europe. The busy trading-town in which he was; the unrest of Laertes, who dragged him about to examine every thing,&amp;amp;mdash;afforded him the most impressive image of a mighty centre, from which every thing was flowing out, to which every thing was coming back; and it was the first time that his spirit, in contemplating this species of activity, had really felt delight. At such a juncture Serlo&#039;s offer had been made him; had again awakened his desires, his tendencies, his faith in a natural talent, and again brought into mind his solemn obligation to his helpless comrades.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Here standest thou once more,&amp;quot; said he within himself, &amp;quot;at the Parting of the Ways, between the two women who appeared before thee in thy youth. The one no longer looks so pitiful as then, nor does the other look so glorious. To obey the one, or to obey the other, thou art not without a kind of inward calling: outward reasons are on both sides strong enough, and to decide appears to thee impossible. Thou wishest some preponderancy from without would fix thy choice; and yet, if thou consider well, it is external circumstances only that inspire thee with a wish to trade, to gather, to possess; whilst it is thy inmost want that has created, that has nourished, the desire still further to unfold and perfect what endowments soever for the beautiful and good, be they mental or bodily, may lie within thee. And ought I not to honor Fate, which, without furtherance of mine, has led me hither to the goal of&lt;br /&gt;
all my wishes? Has not all that I, in old times, meditated and forecast, now happened accidentally, and without my co-operation? Singular enough! We seem to be so intimate with nothing as we are with our own wishes and hopes, which have long been kept and cherished in our hearts; yet when they meet us, when they, as it were, press forward to us, then we know them not, then we recoil from them. All that, since the hapless night which severed me from Mariana, I have but allowed myself to dream, now stands before me, entreating my acceptance. Hither I intended to escape by flight; hither I am softly guided: with Serlo I meant to seek a place; he now seeks me, and offers me conditions, which, as a beginner, I could not have looked for. Was it, then, mere love to Mariana that bound me to the stage? Or love to art that bound me to her? Was that prospect, that outlet, which the theatre presented me, nothing but the project of a restless, disorderly, and disobedient boy, wishing to lead a life which the customs of the civic world would not admit of? Or was all this different, worthier, purer? If so, what moved thee to alter the persuasions of that period? Hast thou not hitherto, even without knowing it, pursued thy plan? Is not the concluding step still further to be justified, now that no side-purposes combine with it; now that in making it thou mayest fulfil a solemn promise, and nobly free thyself from a heavy debt?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;All that could affect his heart and his imagination was now moving, and conflicting in the liveliest strife within him. The thought that he might retain Mignon, that he should not need to put away the harper, was not an inconsiderable item in the balance, which, however, had not ceased to waver to the one and to the other side, when he went, as he was wont, to see his friend Aurelia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER XX.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She was lying on the sofa: she seemed quiet. &amp;quot;Do you think you will be fit to act to-morrow?&amp;quot; he inquired. &amp;quot;Oh, yes!&amp;quot; cried she with vivacity: &amp;quot;you know there is nothing to prevent me. If I but knew a way,&amp;quot; continued she, &amp;quot;to rid myself of those applauses! The people mean it well, but they will kill me. Last night I thought my very heart would&lt;br /&gt;
break! Once, when I used to please myself, I could endure this gladly: when I had studied long, and well prepared myself, it gave me joy to hear the sound, &#039;It has succeeded!&#039; pealing back to me from every corner. But now I speak not what I like, nor as I like; I am swept along, I get confused, I scarce know what I do; and the impression I make is far deeper. The applause grows louder; and I think, Did you but know what charms you! These dark, vague, vehement tones of passion move you, force you to admire; and you feel not that they are the cries of agony, wrung from the miserable being whom you praise.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I learned my part this morning: just now I have been repeating it and trying it. I am tired, broken down; and to-morrow I must do the same. To-morrow evening is the play. Thus do I drag myself to and fro: it is wearisome to rise, it is wearisome to go to bed. All moves within me in an everlasting circle. Then come their dreary consolations, and present themselves before me; and I cast them out, and execrate them. I will not surrender, not surrender to necessity: why should that be necessary which crushes me to the dust? Might it not be otherwise? I am paying the penalty of being born a German: it is the nature of the Germans, that they bear heavily on every thing, that every thing bears heavily on them.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;O my friend!&amp;quot; cried Wilhelm, &amp;quot;could you cease to whet the dagger wherewith you are ever wounding me! Does nothing, then, remain for you? Are your youth, your form, your health, your talents, nothing? Having lost one blessing, without blame of yours, must you throw all the others after it? Is that also necessary?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She was silent for a few moments, and then burst forth, &amp;quot;I know well, it is a waste of time, nothing but a waste of time, this love! What might not, should not, I have done! And now it is all vanished into air. I am a poor, wretched, lovelorn creature,&amp;amp;mdash;lovelorn, that is all! Oh, have compassion on me! God knows I am poor and wretched!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She sank in thought: then, after a brief pause, she exclaimed with violence, &amp;quot;You are accustomed to have all things fly into your arms. No: you cannot feel, no man is qualified to feel, the worth of a woman that can reverence herself. By all the holy angels, by all the images of blessedness, which a pure and kindly heart creates, there is not any thing more heavenly than the soul of a woman giving herself to the man she loves!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;We are cold, proud, high, clear-sighted, wise, while we deserve the name of women; and all these qualities we lay down at your feet, the instant that we love, that we hope to excite a return of love. Oh, how have I cast away my whole existence wittingly and willingly! But now will I despair, purposely despair. There is no drop of blood within me but shall suffer, no fibre that I will not punish. Smile, I pray you; laugh at this theatrical display of passion.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm was far enough from any tendency to laugh. This horrible, half-natural, half-factitious condition of his friend afflicted him but too deeply. He sympathized in the tortures of that racking misery: his thoughts were wandering in painful perplexities, his blood was in a feverish tumult.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She had risen, and was walking up and down the room. &amp;quot;I see before me,&amp;quot; she exclaimed, &amp;quot;all manner of reasons why I should not love him. I know he is not worthy of it; I turn my mind aside, this way and that; I seize upon whatever business I can find. At one time I take up a part, though I have not to play it; at another, I begin to practise old ones, though I know them through and through; I practise them more diligently, more minutely,&amp;amp;mdash;I toil and toil at them. My friend, my confidant, what a horrid task is it to tear away one&#039;s thoughts from one&#039;s self! My reason suffers, my brain is racked and strained: to save myself from madness, I again admit the feeling that I love him. Yes, I love him, I love him!&amp;quot; cried she, with a shower of tears: &amp;quot;I love him, I shall die loving him!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He took her by the hand, and entreated her in the most earnest manner not to waste herself in such self-torments. &amp;quot;Oh! it seems hard,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;that not only so much that is impossible should be denied us, but so much also that is possible! It was not your lot to meet with a faithful heart that would have formed your perfect happiness. It was mine to fix the welfare of my life upon a hapless creature, whom, by the weight of my fidelity, I drew to the bottom like a reed, perhaps even broke in pieces!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had told Aurelia of his intercourse with Mariana, and could therefore now refer to it. She looked him intently in the face, and asked, &amp;quot;Can you say that you never yet betrayed a woman, that you never tried with thoughtless gallantry, with false asseverations, with cajoling oaths, to wheedle favor from her?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I can,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, &amp;quot;and indeed without much vanity: my life has been so simple and sequestered, I have had but few enticements to&lt;br /&gt;
attempt such things. And what a warning, my beautiful, my noble, friend, is this melancholy state in which I see you! Accept of me a vow, which is suited to my heart; which, under the emotion you have caused me, has settled into words and shape, and will be hallowed by the hour in which I utter it. Each transitory inclination I will study to withstand, and even the most earnest I will keep within my bosom: no woman shall receive an acknowledgment of love from my lips to whom I cannot consecrate my life!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She looked at him with a wild indifference, and drew back some steps as he offered her his hand. &amp;quot;&#039;Tis of no moment!&amp;quot; cried she: &amp;quot;so many women&#039;s tears, more or fewer; the ocean will not swell by reason of them. And yet,&amp;quot; continued she, &amp;quot;among thousands, one woman saved; that still is something: among thousands, one honest man discovered; this is not to be refused. Do you know, then, what you promise?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I know it,&amp;quot; answered Wilhelm, with a smile, and holding out his hand.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I accept it, then,&amp;quot; said she, and made a movement with her right hand, as if meaning to take hold of his; but instantly she darted it into her pocket, pulled out her dagger quick as lightning, and scored with the edge and point of it across his hand. He hastily drew it back, but the blood was already running down.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;One must mark you men rather sharply, if one would have you take heed,&amp;quot; cried she, with a wild mirth, which soon passed into a quick assiduity. She took her handkerchief, and bound his hand with it to stanch the fast-flowing blood. &amp;quot;Forgive a half-crazed being,&amp;quot; cried she, &amp;quot;and regret not these few drops of blood. I am appeased. I am again myself. On my knees will I crave your pardon: leave me the comfort of healing you.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She ran to her drawer, brought lint, with other apparatus, stanched the blood, and viewed the wound attentively. It went across the palm, close under the thumb, dividing the life-line, and running towards the little finger. She bound it up in silence, with a significant, reflective look. He asked, once or twice, &amp;quot;Aurelia, how could you hurt your friend?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Hush!&amp;quot; replied she, laying her finger on her mouth: &amp;quot;Hush!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;BOOK V.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER I.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thus Wilhelm, to his pair of former wounds, which were yet scarcely healed, had now got the accession of a third, which was fresh and not a little disagreeable. Aurelia would not suffer him to call a surgeon: she dressed the hand with all manner of strange speeches, saws, and ceremonies, and so placed him in a very painful situation. Yet not he alone, but all persons who came near her, suffered by her restlessness and singularity, and no one more than little Felix. This stirring child was exceedingly impatient under such oppression, and showed himself still naughtier the more she censured and instructed him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He delighted in some practices which commonly are thought bad habits, and in which she would not by any means indulge him. He would drink, for example, rather from the bottle than the glass; and his food seemed visibly to have a better relish when eaten from the bowl than from the plate. Such ill-breeding was not overlooked: if he left the door standing open, or slammed it to; if, when bid do any thing, he stood stock-still, or ran off violently,&amp;amp;mdash;he was sure to have a long lecture inflicted on him for the fault. Yet he showed no symptoms of improvement from this training: on the other hand, his affection for Aurelia seemed daily to diminish; there was nothing tender in his tone when he called her mother; whereas he passionately clung to the old nurse, who let him have his will in every thing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But she likewise had of late become so sick, that they had at last been obliged to take her from the house into a quiet lodging; and Felix would have been entirely alone if Mignon had not, like a kindly guardian spirit, come to help him. The two children talked together, and amused each other in the prettiest style. She taught him little songs; and he, having an excellent memory, frequently recited them, to the surprise of those about him. She attempted also to explain her maps to him. With these she was still very busy, though she did not seem to take the&lt;br /&gt;
fittest method. For, in studying countries, she appeared to care little about any other point than whether they were cold or warm. Of the north and south poles, of the horrid ice which reigns there, and of the increasing heat the farther one retires from them, she could give a very clear account. When any one was travelling, she merely asked whether he was going northward or southward, and strove to find his route in her little charts. Especially when Wilhelm spoke of travelling, she was all attention, and seemed vexed when any thing occurred to change the subject. Though she could not be prevailed upon to undertake a part, or even to enter the theatre when any play was acting, yet she willingly and zealously committed many odes and songs to memory; and by unexpectedly, and, as it were, on the spur of the moment, reciting some such poem, generally of the earnest and solemn kind, she would often cause astonishment in every one.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Serlo, accustomed to regard with favor every trace of opening talent, encouraged her in such performances; but what pleased him most in Mignon was her sprightly, various, and often even mirthful, singing. By means of a similar gift, the harper likewise had acquired his favor.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Without himself possessing genius for music, or playing on any instrument, Serlo could rightly prize the value of the art: he failed not, as often as he could, to enjoy this pleasure, which cannot be compared with any other. He held a concert once a week; and now, with Mignon, the harper, and Laertes, who was not unskilful on the violin, he had formed a very curious domestic band.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was wont to say, &amp;quot;Men are so inclined to content themselves with what is commonest; the spirit and the senses so easily grow dead to the impressions of the beautiful and perfect,&amp;amp;mdash;that every one should study, by all methods, to nourish in his mind the faculty of feeling these things. For no man can bear to be entirely deprived of such enjoyments: it is only because they are not used to taste of what is excellent that the generality of people take delight in silly and insipid things, provided they be new. For this reason,&amp;quot; he would add, &amp;quot;one ought, every day at least, to hear a little song, read a good poem, see a fine picture, and, if it were possible, to speak a few reasonable words.&amp;quot; With such a turn of thought in Serlo, which in some degree was natural to him, the persons who frequented his society could scarcely be in want of pleasant conversation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It was in the midst of these instructive entertainments, that Wilhelm one day received a letter sealed in black. Werner&#039;s hand betokened mournful news; and our friend was not a little shocked when, opening the sheet, he found it to contain the tidings of his father&#039;s death, conveyed in a very few words. After a short and sudden illness, he had parted from the world, leaving his domestic affairs in the best possible order.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This unlooked-for intelligence struck Wilhelm to the heart. He deeply felt how careless and negligent we often are of friends and relations while they inhabit with us this terrestrial sojourn; and how we first repent of our insensibility when the fair union, at least for this side of time, is finally cut asunder. His grief for the early death of this honest parent was mitigated only by the feeling that he had loved but little in the world, and the conviction that he had enjoyed but little.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm&#039;s thoughts soon turned to his own predicament, and he felt himself extremely discomposed. A person can scarcely be put into a more dangerous position, than when external circumstances have produced some striking change in his condition, without his manner of feeling and of thinking having undergone any preparation for it. There is, then, an epoch without epoch; and the contradiction which arises is the greater the less the person feels that he is not trained for this new manner of existence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm saw himself in freedom, at a moment when he could not yet be at one with himself. His thoughts were noble, his motives pure, his purposes were not to be despised. All this he could, with some degree of confidence, acknowledge to himself: but he had of late been frequently enough compelled to notice, that experience was sadly wanting to him; and hence, on the experience of others, and on the results which they deduced from it, he put a value far beyond its real one, and thus led himself still deeper into error. What he wanted, he conceived he might most readily acquire if he undertook to collect and retain whatever memorable thought he should meet with in reading or in conversation. He accordingly recorded his own or other men&#039;s opinions, nay, wrote whole dialogues, when they chanced to interest him. But unhappily by this means he held fast the false no less firmly than the true; he dwelt far too long on one idea, particularly when it was of an aphoristic&lt;br /&gt;
shape; and thus he left his natural mode of thought and action, and frequently took foreign lights for his loadstars. Aurelia&#039;s bitterness, and Laertes&#039;s cold contempt for men, warped his judgment oftener than they should have done: but no one, in his present case, would have been so dangerous as Jarno, a man whose clear intellect could form a just and rigorous decision about present things, but who erred, withal, in enunciating these particular decisions with a kind of universal application; whereas, in truth, the judgments of the understanding are properly of force but once, and that in the strictest cases, and become inaccurate in some degree when applied to any other.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thus Wilhelm, striving to become consistent with himself, was deviating farther and farther from wholesome consistency; and this confusion made it easier for his passions to employ their whole artillery against him, and thus still farther to perplex his views of duty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Serlo did not fail to take advantage of the late tidings; and in truth he daily had more reason to be anxious about some fresh arrangement of his people. Either he must soon renew his old contracts,&amp;amp;mdash;a measure he was not specially fond of; for several of his actors, who reckoned themselves indispensable, were growing more and more arrogant,&amp;amp;mdash;or else he must entirely new-model and re-form his company; which plan he looked upon as preferable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Though he did not personally importune our friend, he set Aurelia and Philina on him; and the other wanderers, longing for some kind of settlement, on their side, gave Wilhelm not a moment&#039;s rest; so that he stood hesitating in his choice, in no slight embarrassment till he should decide. Who would have thought that a letter of Werner&#039;s, written with quite different views, should have forced him on resolving? We shall omit the introduction, and give the rest of it with little alteration.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER II.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It was, therefore, and it always must be, right for every one, on any opportunity, to follow his vocation and exhibit his activity.&lt;br /&gt;
Scarcely had the good old man been gone a quarter of an hour, when every thing in the house began moving by a different plan than his. Friends, acquaintances, relations, crowded forward, especially all sorts of people who on such occasions use to gain any thing. They fetched and carried, they counted, wrote, and reckoned; some brought wine and meat, others ate and drank; and none seemed busier than the women getting out the mournings.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Such being the case, thou wilt not blame me, that, in this emergency, I likewise thought of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;my&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; advantage. I made myself as active, and as helpful to thy sister, as I could, and, so soon as it was any way decorous, signified to her that it had now become our business to accelerate a union which our parents, in their too great circumspection, had hitherto postponed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Do not suppose, however, that it came into our heads to take possession of that monstrous empty house. We are more modest and more rational. Thou shalt hear our plan: thy sister, so soon as we are married, comes to our house; and thy mother comes along with her. &#039;How can that be?&#039; thou wilt say: &#039;you have scarcely room for yourselves in that hampered nest.&#039; There lies the art of it, my friend. Good packing renders all things possible: thou wouldst not believe what space one finds when one desires to occupy but little. The large house we shall sell,&amp;amp;mdash;an opportunity occurs for this; and the money we shall draw for it will produce a hundred-fold.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I hope this meets thy views: I hope also thou hast not inherited the smallest particle of those unprofitable tastes for which thy father and thy grandfather were noted. The latter placed his greatest happiness in having about him a multitude of dull-looking works of art, which no one, I may well say no one, could enjoy with him: the former lived in a stately pomp, which he suffered no one to enjoy with him. We mean to manage otherwise, and we expect thy approbation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It is true, I myself in all the house have no place whatever but the stool before my writing-desk; and I see not clearly where they will be able to put a cradle down: but, in return, the room we shall have out of doors will be the more abundant. Coffee-houses and clubs for the husband, walks and drives for the wife, and pleasant country jaunts for both. But the chief advantage in our plan is, that, the round table being now completely filled, our father cannot ask his friends to&lt;br /&gt;
dinner, who, the more he strove to entertain them, used to laugh at him the more.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Now no superfluity for us! Not too much furniture and apparatus; no coach, no horses! Nothing but money, and the liberty, day after day, to do what you like in reason. No wardrobe; still the best and newest on your back: the man may wear his coat till it is done; the wife may truck her gown, the moment it is going out of fashion. There is nothing so unsufferable to me as an old huckster&#039;s shop of property. If you would offer me a jewel, on condition of my wearing it daily on my finger, I would not accept it; for how can one conceive any pleasure in a dead capital? This, then, is my confession of faith: To transact your business, to make money, to be merry with your household; and about the rest of the earth to trouble yourself no farther than where you can be of service to it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;But ere now thou art saying, &#039;And, pray, what is to be done with me in this sage plan of yours? Where shall I find shelter when you have sold my own house, and not the smallest room remains in yours?&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;This is, in truth, the main point, brother; and in this, too, I shall have it in my power to serve thee. But first I must present the just tribute of my praise for time so spent as thine has been.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Tell me, how hast thou within a few weeks become so skilled in every useful, interesting object? Highly as I thought of thy powers, I did not reckon such attention and such diligence among the number. Thy journal shows us with what profit thou art travelling. The description of the iron and the copper forges is exquisite: it evinces a complete knowledge of the subject. I myself was once there; but my relation, compared with this, has but a very bungled look. The whole letter on the linen-trade is full of information: the remarks on commercial competition are at once just and striking. In one or two places, there are errors in addition, which indeed are very pardonable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;But what most delights my father and myself, is thy thorough knowledge of husbandry, and the improvement of landed property. We have thoughts of purchasing a large estate, at present under sequestration, in a very fruitful district. For paying it, we mean to use the money realized by the sale of the house; another portion we shall borrow; a portion may remain unpaid. And we count on thee for going thither, and superintending the improvement of it; by which means, before many years are passed,&lt;br /&gt;
the land, to speak in moderation, will have risen above a third in value. We shall then bring it to the market again, seek out a larger piece, improve and trade as formerly. For all this thou art the man. Our pens, meanwhile, will not lie idle here; and so by and by we shall rise to be enviable people.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;For the present, fare thee well! Enjoy life on thy journey, and turn thy face wherever thou canst find contentment and advantage. For the next half-year we shall not need thee; thou canst look about thee in the world as thou pleasest: a judicious person finds his best instruction in his travels. Farewell! I rejoice at being connected with thee so closely by relation, and now united with thee in the spirit of activity.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;hr&amp;quot; /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Well as this letter might be penned, and full of economical truths as it was, Wilhelm felt displeased with it for more than one reason. The praise bestowed on him for his pretended statistical, technological, and rural knowledge was a silent reprimand. The ideal of the happiness of civic life, which his worthy brother sketched, by no means charmed him: on the contrary, a secret spirit of contradiction dragged him forcibly the other way. He convinced himself, that, except on the stage, he could nowhere find that mental culture which he longed to give himself: he seemed to grow the more decided in his resolution, the more strongly Werner, without knowing it, opposed him. Thus assailed, he collected all his arguments together, and buttressed his opinions in his mind the more carefully, the more desirable he reckoned it to show them in a favorable light to Werner; and in this manner he produced an answer, which also we insert.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER III.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Thy letter is so well written, and so prudently and wisely conceived, that no objection can be made to it. Only thou must pardon me, when I declare that one may think, maintain, and do directly the reverse, and yet be in the right as well as thou. Thy mode of being and imagining appears to turn on boundless acquisition, and a light, mirthful manner of enjoyment: I need scarcely tell thee, that in all this I find&lt;br /&gt;
little that can charm me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;First, however, I am sorry to admit, that my journal is none of mine. Under the pressure of necessity, and to satisfy my father, it was patched together by a friend&#039;s help, out of many books: and though in words I know the objects it relates to, and more of the like sort, I by no means understand them, or can occupy myself about them. What good were it for me to manufacture perfect iron while my own breast is full of dross? What would it stead me to put properties of land in order, while I am at variance with myself?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;To speak it in a word, the cultivation of my individual self, here as I am, has from my youth upwards been constantly though dimly my wish and my purpose. The same intention I still cherish, but the means of realizing it are now grown somewhat clearer. I have seen more of life than thou believest, and profited more by it also. Give some attention, then, to what I say, though it should not altogether tally with thy own opinions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Had I been a nobleman, our dispute would soon have been decided; but, being a simple burgher, I must take a path of my own: and I fear it may be difficult to make thee understand me. I know not how it is in foreign countries, but in Germany, a universal, and, if I may say so, personal, cultivation is beyond the reach of any one except a nobleman. A burgher may acquire merit; by excessive efforts he may even educate his mind; but his personal qualities are lost, or worse than lost, let him struggle as he will. Since the nobleman, frequenting the society of the most polished, is compelled to give himself a polished manner; since this manner, neither door nor gate being shut against him, grows at last an unconstrained one; since, in court or camp, his figure, his person, are a part of his possessions, and, it may be, the most necessary part,&amp;amp;mdash;he has reason enough to put some value on them, and to show that he puts some. A certain stately grace in common things, a sort of gay elegance in earnest and important ones, becomes him well; for it shows him to be everywhere in equilibrium. He is a public person; and the more cultivated his movements, the more sonorous his voice, the more staid and measured his whole being is, the more perfect is he. If to high and low, to friends and relations, he continues still the same, then nothing can be said against him, none may wish him otherwise. His coldness must be reckoned clearness of head, his dissimulation&lt;br /&gt;
prudence. If he can rule himself externally at every moment of his life, no man has aught more to demand of him; and, whatever else there may be in him or about him, capacities, talents, wealth, all seem gifts of supererogation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Now, imagine any burgher offering ever to pretend to these advantages, he will utterly fail, and the more completely, the greater inclination and the more endowments nature may have given him for that mode of being.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Since, in common life, the nobleman is hampered by no limits; since kings, or kinglike figures, do not differ from him,&amp;amp;mdash;he can everywhere advance with a silent consciousness, as if before his equals: everywhere he is entitled to press forward, whereas nothing more beseems the burgher than the quiet feeling of the limits that are drawn round him. The burgher may not ask himself, &#039;What art thou?&#039; He can only ask, &#039;What hast thou? What discernment, knowledge, talent, wealth?&#039; If the nobleman, merely by his personal carriage, offers all that can be asked of him, the burgher by his personal carriage offers nothing, and can offer nothing. The former has a right to &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;seem&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: the latter is compelled to &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;be&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and what he aims at seeming becomes ludicrous and tasteless. The former does and makes, the latter but effects and procures; he must cultivate some single gifts in order to be useful; and it is beforehand settled, that, in his manner of existence, there is no harmony, and can be none, since he is bound to make himself of use in one department, and so has to relinquish all the others.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Perhaps the reason of this difference is not the usurpation of the nobles, and the submission of the burghers, but the constitution of society itself. Whether it will ever alter, and how, is to me of small importance: my present business is to meet my own case, as matters actually stand; to consider by what means I may save myself, and reach the object which I cannot live in peace without.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Now, this harmonious cultivation of my nature, which has been denied me by birth, is exactly what I most long for. Since leaving thee, I have gained much by voluntary practice: I have laid aside much of my wonted embarrassment, and can bear myself in very tolerable style. My speech and voice I have likewise been attending to; and I may say, without much vanity, that in society I do not cause displeasure. But I will not conceal from thee, that my inclination to become a public person, and to please and influence in a larger circle, is daily growing more&lt;br /&gt;
insuperable. With this, there is combined my love for poetry and all that is related to it; and the necessity I feel to cultivate my mental faculties and tastes, that so, in this enjoyment henceforth indispensable, I may esteem as good the good alone, as beautiful the beautiful alone. Thou seest well, that for me all this is nowhere to be met with except upon the stage; that in this element alone can I effect and cultivate myself according to my wishes. On the boards a polished man appears in his splendor with personal accomplishments, just as he does so in the upper classes of society; body and spirit must advance with equal steps in all his studies; and there I shall have it in my power at once to be and seem as well as anywhere. If I further long for solid occupations, we have there mechanical vexations in abundance: I may give my patience daily exercise.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Dispute not with me on this subject; for, ere thou writest, the step is taken. In compliance with the ruling prejudices, I will change my name; as, indeed, that of Meister, or Master, does not suit me. Farewell! Our fortune is in good hands: on that subject I shall not disturb myself. What I need I will, as occasion calls, require from thee: it will not be much, for I hope my art will be sufficient to maintain me.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;hr&amp;quot; /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Scarcely was the letter sent away, when our friend made good his words. To the great surprise of Serlo and the rest, he at once declared that he was ready to become an actor, and bind himself by a contract on reasonable terms. With regard to these they were soon agreed; for Serlo had before made offers, with which Wilhelm and his comrades had good reason to be satisfied. The whole of that unlucky company, wherewith we have had so long to occupy ourselves, was now at once received; and, except perhaps Laertes, not a member of it showed the smallest thankfulness to Wilhelm. As they had entreated without confidence, so they accepted without gratitude. Most of them preferred ascribing their appointment to the influence of Philina, and directed their thanks to her. Meanwhile the contracts had been written out, and were now a-signing. At the moment when our friend was subscribing his assumed designation, by some inexplicable concatenation of ideas, there arose before his mind&#039;s eye the image of that green in the forest where he lay wounded in Philina&#039;s lap. The lovely Amazon came riding on her gray&lt;br /&gt;
palfrey from the bushes of the wood: she approached him and dismounted. Her humane anxiety made her come and go: at length she stood before him. The white surtout fell down from her shoulders: her countenance, her form, began to glance in radiance: and she vanished from his sight. He wrote his name mechanically only, not knowing what he did, and felt not, till after he had signed, that Mignon was standing at his side, was holding by his arm, and had softly tried to stop him, and pull back his hand.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER IV.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;One of the conditions under which our friend had gone upon the stage was not acceded to by Serlo without some limitations. Wilhelm had required that &amp;quot;Hamlet&amp;quot; should be played entire and unmutilated: the other had agreed to this strange stipulation, in so far as it was &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;possible&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. On this point they had many a contest; for as to what was possible or not possible, and what parts of the piece could be omitted without mutilating it, the two were of very different opinions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm was still in that happy season when one cannot understand how, in the woman one loves, in the writer one honors, there should be any thing defective. The feeling they excite in us is so entire, so accordant with itself, that we cannot help attributing the same perfect harmony to the objects themselves. Serlo again was willing to discriminate, perhaps too willing: his acute understanding could usually discern in any work of art nothing but a more or less imperfect whole. He thought, that as pieces usually stood, there was little reason to be chary about meddling with them; that of course Shakspeare, and particularly &amp;quot;Hamlet,&amp;quot; would need to suffer much curtailment.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But, when Serlo talked of separating the wheat from the chaff, Wilhelm would not hear of it. &amp;quot;It is not chaff and wheat together,&amp;quot; said he: &amp;quot;it is a trunk with boughs, twigs, leaves, buds, blossoms, and fruit. Is not the one there with the others, and by means of them?&amp;quot; To which Serlo would reply, that people did not bring a whole tree upon the table; that the artist was required to present his guests with silver apples in&lt;br /&gt;
platters of silver. They exhausted their invention in similitudes, and their opinions seemed still farther to diverge.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Our friend was on the borders of despair, when on one occasion, after much debating, Serlo counselled him to take the simple plan,&amp;amp;mdash;to make a brief resolution, to grasp his pen, to peruse the tragedy; dashing out whatever would not answer, compressing several personages into one: and if he was not skilled in such proceedings, or had not heart enough for going through with them, he might leave the task to him, the manager, who would engage to make short work with it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;That is not our bargain,&amp;quot; answered Wilhelm. &amp;quot;How can you, with all your taste, show so much levity?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;My friend,&amp;quot; cried Serlo, &amp;quot;you yourself will erelong feel it and show it. I know too well how shocking such a mode of treating works is: perhaps it never was allowed on any theatre till now. But where, indeed, was ever one so slighted as ours? Authors force us on this wretched clipping system, and the public tolerates it. How many pieces have we, pray, which do not overstep the measure of our numbers, of our decorations and theatrical machinery, of the proper time, of the fit alternation of dialogue, and the physical strength of the actor? And yet we are to play, and play, and constantly give novelties. Ought we not to profit by our privilege, then, since we accomplish just as much by mutilated works as by entire ones? It is the public itself that grants the privilege. Few Germans, perhaps few men of any modern nation, have a proper sense of an æsthetic whole:&amp;amp;mdash;they praise and blame by passages; they are charmed by passages; and who has greater reason to rejoice at this than actors, since the stage is ever but a patched and piece-work matter?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Is!&amp;quot; cried Wilhelm; &amp;quot;but &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;must&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; it ever be so? Must every thing that is continue? Convince me not that you are right, for no power on earth should force me to abide by any contract which I had concluded with the grossest misconceptions.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Serlo gave a merry turn to the business, and persuaded Wilhelm to review once more the many conversations they had had together about &amp;quot;Hamlet,&amp;quot; and himself to invent some means of properly re-forming the piece.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After a few days, which he had spent alone, our friend returned with a cheerful look. &amp;quot;I am much mistaken,&amp;quot; cried he, &amp;quot;if I have not now&lt;br /&gt;
discovered how the whole is to be managed: nay, I am convinced that Shakspeare himself would have arranged it so, had not his mind been too exclusively directed to the ruling interest, and perhaps misled by the novels which furnished him with his materials.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Let us hear,&amp;quot; said Serlo, placing himself with an air of solemnity upon the sofa: &amp;quot;I will listen calmly, but judge with rigor.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I am not afraid of you,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm: &amp;quot;only hear me. In the composition of this play, after the most accurate investigation and the most mature reflection, I distinguish two classes of objects. The first are the grand internal relations of the persons and events, the powerful effects which arise from the characters and proceedings of the main figures: these, I hold, are individually excellent; and the order in which they are presented cannot be improved. No kind of interference must be suffered to destroy them, or even essentially to change their form. These are the things which stamp themselves deep into the soul, which all men long to see, which no one dares to meddle with. Accordingly, I understand, they have almost wholly been retained in all our German theatres. But our countrymen have erred, in my opinion, with regard to the second class of objects, which may be observed in this tragedy: I allude to the external relations of the persons, whereby they are brought from place to place, or combined in various ways, by certain accidental incidents. These they have looked upon as very unimportant; have spoken of them only in passing, or left them out altogether. Now, indeed, it must be owned, these threads are slack and slender; yet they run through the entire piece, and bind together much that would otherwise fall asunder, and does actually fall asunder, when you cut them off, and imagine you have done enough and more, if you have left the ends hanging.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Among these external relations I include the disturbances in Norway, the war with young Fortinbras, the embassy to his uncle, the settling of that feud, the march of young Fortinbras to Poland, and his coming back at the end; of the same sort are Horatio&#039;s return from Wittenberg, Hamlet&#039;s wish to go thither, the journey of Laertes to France, his return, the despatch of Hamlet into England, his capture by pirates, the death of the two courtiers by the letter which they carried. All these circumstances and events would be very fit for expanding and lengthening a novel; but here they injure exceedingly the unity of the piece,&lt;br /&gt;
particularly as the hero has no plan, and are, in consequence, entirely out of place.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;For once in the right!&amp;quot; cried Serlo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Do not interrupt me,&amp;quot; answered Wilhelm: &amp;quot;perhaps you will not always think me right. These errors are like temporary props of an edifice: they must not be removed till we have built a firm wall in their stead. My project, therefore, is, not at all to change those first-mentioned grand situations, or at least as much as possible to spare them, both collectively and individually; but with respect to these external, single, dissipated, and dissipating motives, to cast them all at once away, and substitute a solitary one instead of them.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And this?&amp;quot; inquired Serlo, springing up from his recumbent posture.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It lies in the piece itself,&amp;quot; answered Wilhelm, &amp;quot;only I employ it rightly. There are disturbances in Norway. You shall hear my plan, and try it.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;After the death of Hamlet the father, the Norwegians, lately conquered, grow unruly. The viceroy of that country sends his son, Horatio, an old school-friend of Hamlet&#039;s, and distinguished above every other for his bravery and prudence, to Denmark, to press forward the equipment of the fleet, which, under the new luxurious king, proceeds but slowly. Horatio has known the former king, having fought in his battles, having even stood in favor with him,&amp;amp;mdash;a circumstance by which the first ghost-scene will be nothing injured. The new sovereign gives Horatio audience, and sends Laertes into Norway with intelligence that the fleet will soon arrive; whilst Horatio is commissioned to accelerate the preparation of it: and the Queen, on the other hand, will not consent that Hamlet, as he wishes, should go to sea along with him.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Heaven be praised!&amp;quot; cried Serlo: &amp;quot;we shall now get rid of Wittenberg and the university, which was always a sorry piece of business. I think your idea extremely good; for, except these two distant objects, Norway and the fleet, the spectator will not be required to &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;fancy&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; any thing: the rest he will &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;see&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; the rest takes place before him; whereas, his imagination, on the other plan, was hunted over all the world.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You easily perceive,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, &amp;quot;how I shall contrive to keep the other parts together. When Hamlet tells Horatio of his uncle&#039;s crime,&lt;br /&gt;
Horatio counsels him to go to Norway in his company, to secure the affections of the army, and return in warlike force. Hamlet also is becoming dangerous to the King and Queen; they find no readier method of deliverance, than to send him in the fleet, with Rosencrantz and Guildenstern to be spies upon him; and, as Laertes in the mean time comes from France, they determine that this youth, exasperated even to murder, shall go after him. Unfavorable winds detain the fleet: Hamlet returns; for his wandering through the churchyard, perhaps some lucky motive may be thought of; his meeting with Laertes in Ophelia&#039;s grave is a grand moment, which we must not part with. After this, the King resolves that it is better to get quit of Hamlet on the spot: the festival of his departure, the pretended reconcilement with Laertes, are now solemnized; on which occasion knightly sports are held, and Laertes fights with Hamlet. Without the four corpses, I cannot end the play: no one must survive. The right of popular election now again comes in force; and Hamlet, while dying, gives his vote to Horatio.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Quick! quick!&amp;quot; said Serlo, &amp;quot;sit down and work the play: your plan has my entire approbation; only let not your zeal evaporate.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER V.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm had already been for some time busied with translating &amp;quot;Hamlet;&amp;quot; making use, as he labored, of Wieland&#039;s spirited performance, through which he had first become acquainted with Shakspeare. What had been omitted in Wieland&#039;s work he replaced, and had secured a complete version, at the very time when Serlo and he were pretty well agreed about the way of treating it. He now began, according to his plan, to cut out and insert, to separate and unite, to alter, and often to restore; for, satisfied as he was with his own conception, it still appeared to him as if, in executing it, he were but spoiling the original.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When all was finished, he read his work to Serlo and the rest. They declared themselves exceedingly contented with it: Serlo, in particular, made many flattering observations.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You have felt very justly,&amp;quot; said he, among other things, &amp;quot;that some external circumstances must accompany this play, but that they must be simpler than those which the great poet has employed. What takes place without the theatre, what the spectator does not see, but must imagine, is like a background, in front of which the acting figures move. Your large and simple prospect of the fleet and Norway will do much to improve the play; if this were altogether taken from it, we should have but a family scene remaining; and the great idea, that here a kingly house, by internal crimes and incongruities, goes down to ruin, would not be presented with its proper dignity. But if the former background were left standing, so manifold, so fluctuating and confused, it would hurt the impression of the figures.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm again took Shakspeare&#039;s part; alleging that he wrote for islanders, for Englishmen, who generally, in the distance, were accustomed to see little else than ships and voyages, the coast of France and privateers; and thus what perplexed and distracted others was to them quite natural.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Serlo assented; and both were of opinion, that, as the play was now to be produced upon the German stage, this more serious and simple background was the best adapted for the German mind.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The parts had been distributed before: Serlo undertook Polonius; Aurelia, Ophelia; Laertes was already designated by his name; a young, thick-set, jolly new-comer was to be Horatio; the King and Ghost alone occasioned some perplexity, for both of these no one but Old Boisterous remaining. Serlo proposed to make the Pedant, King; but against this our friend protested in the strongest terms. They could resolve on nothing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm had also allowed both Rosencrantz and Guildenstern to continue in his play. &amp;quot;Why not compress them into one?&amp;quot; said Serlo. &amp;quot;This abbreviation will not cost you much.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Heaven keep me from all such curtailments!&amp;quot; answered Wilhelm: &amp;quot;they destroy at once the sense and the effect. What these two persons are and do it is impossible to represent by one. In such small matters we discover Shakspeare&#039;s greatness. These soft approaches, this smirking and bowing, this assenting, wheedling, flattering, this whisking agility, this wagging of the tail, this allness and emptiness, this legal knavery, this ineptitude and insipidity,&amp;amp;mdash;how can they be expressed by a single man? There ought to be at least a dozen of&lt;br /&gt;
these people, if they could be had; for it is only in society that they are any thing; they are society itself; and Shakspeare showed no little wisdom and discernment in bringing in a pair of them. Besides, I need them as a couple that may be contrasted with the single, noble, excellent Horatio.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I understand you,&amp;quot; answered Serlo, &amp;quot;and we can arrange it. One of them we shall hand over to Elmira, Old Boisterous&#039;s eldest daughter: it will all be right, if they look well enough; and I will deck and trim the puppets so that it shall be first-rate fun to behold them.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Philina was rejoicing not a little, that she had to act the Duchess in the small subordinate play. &amp;quot;I will show it so natural,&amp;quot; cried she, &amp;quot;how you wed a second husband, without loss of time, when you have loved the first immensely. I mean to win the loudest plaudits, and every man shall wish to be the third.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Aurelia gave a frown: her spleen against Philina was increasing every day.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;&#039;Tis a pity, I declare,&amp;quot; said Serlo, &amp;quot;that we have no ballet; else you should dance me a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;pas de deux&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; with your first, and then another with your second husband,&amp;amp;mdash;and the first might dance himself to sleep by the measure; and your bits of feet and ankles would look so pretty, tripping to and fro upon the side stage.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Of my ankles you do not know much,&amp;quot; replied she pertly; &amp;quot;and as to my bits of feet,&amp;quot; cried she, hastily reaching below the table, pulling off her slippers, and holding them together out to Serlo, &amp;quot;here are the cases of them; and I challenge you to find me more dainty ones.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I was in earnest,&amp;quot; said he, looking at the elegant half-shoes. &amp;quot;In truth, one does not often meet with any thing so dainty.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They were of Parisian workmanship: Philina had received them as a present from the countess, a lady whose foot was celebrated for its beauty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;A charming thing!&amp;quot; cried Serlo: &amp;quot;my heart leaps at the sight of them.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;What gallant throbs!&amp;quot; replied Philina.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;There is nothing in the world beyond a pair of slippers,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;of such pretty manufacture, in their proper time and place, when&amp;quot;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Philina took her slippers from his hands, crying, &amp;quot;You have squeezed them all! They are far too wide for me!&amp;quot; She played with them, and&lt;br /&gt;
rubbed the soles of them together. &amp;quot;How hot it is!&amp;quot; cried she, clapping the sole upon her cheek, then again rubbing, and holding it to Serlo. He was innocent enough to stretch out his hand to feel the warmth. &amp;quot;Clip! clap!&amp;quot; cried she, giving him a smart rap over the knuckles with the heel; so that he screamed, and drew back his hand. &amp;quot;That&#039;s for indulging in thoughts of your own at the sight of my slippers.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And that&#039;s for using old folk like children,&amp;quot; cried the other; then sprang up, seized her, and plundered many a kiss, every one of which she artfully contested with a show of serious reluctance. In this romping, her long hair got loose, and floated round the group; the chair overset; and Aurelia, inwardly indignant at such rioting, arose in great vexation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER VI.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Though in this remoulding of &amp;quot;Hamlet&amp;quot; many characters had been cut off, a sufficient number of them still remained,&amp;amp;mdash;a number which the company was scarcely adequate to meet.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;If this is the way of it,&amp;quot; said Serlo, &amp;quot;our prompter himself must issue from his den, and mount the stage, and become a personage like one of us.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;In his own station,&amp;quot; answered Wilhelm, &amp;quot;I have frequently admired him.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I do not think,&amp;quot; said Serlo, &amp;quot;that there is in the world a more perfect artist of his kind. No spectator ever hears him: we upon the stage catch every syllable. He has formed in himself, as it were, a peculiar set of vocal organs for this purpose: he is like a Genius that whispers intelligibly to us in the hour of need. He feels, as if by instinct, what portion of his task an actor is completely master of, and anticipates from afar where his memory will fail him. I have known cases in which I myself had scarcely read my part: he said it over to me word for word, and I played happily. Yet he has some peculiarities which would make another in his place quite useless. For example, he takes such an interest in the plays, that, in giving any moving passage, he does not indeed declaim it, but he reads it with all pomp and pathos. By this ill habit he has nonplussed me on more than one occasion.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;As with another of his singularities,&amp;quot; observed Aurelia, &amp;quot;he once left me sticking fast in a very dangerous passage.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;How could this happen, with the man&#039;s attentiveness?&amp;quot; said Wilhelm.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;He is so affected,&amp;quot; said Aurelia, &amp;quot;by certain passages, that he weeps warm tears, and for a few moments loses all reflection; and it is not properly passages such as we should call affecting that produce this impression on him; but, if I express myself clearly, the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;beautiful&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
passages, those out of which the pure spirit of the poet looks forth, as it were, through open, sparkling eyes,&amp;amp;mdash;passages which others at most rejoice over, and which many thousands altogether overlook.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And with a soul so tender, why does he never venture on the stage?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;A hoarse voice,&amp;quot; said Serlo, &amp;quot;and a stiff carriage, exclude him from it; as his melancholic temper excludes him from society. What trouble have I taken, and in vain, to make him take to me! But he is a charming reader; such another I have never heard; no one can observe like him the narrow limit between declamation and graceful recital.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The very man!&amp;quot; exclaimed our friend, &amp;quot;the very man! What a fortunate discovery! We have now the proper hand for delivering the passage of &#039;The rugged Pyrrhus.&#039;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;One requires your eagerness,&amp;quot; said Serlo, &amp;quot;before he can employ every object in the use it was meant for.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;In truth,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, &amp;quot;I was very much afraid we should be obliged to leave this passage out: the omission would have lamed the whole play.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Well! That is what I cannot understand,&amp;quot; observed Aurelia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I hope you will erelong be of my opinion,&amp;quot; answered Wilhelm. &amp;quot;Shakspeare has introduced these travelling players with a double purpose. The person who recites the death of Priam with such feeling, in the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;first&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; place, makes a deep impression on the prince himself; he sharpens the conscience of the wavering youth: and, accordingly, this scene becomes a prelude to that other, where, in the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;second&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; place, the little play produces such effect upon the King. Hamlet sees himself reproved and put to shame by the player, who feels so deep a sympathy in foreign and fictitious woes; and the thought of making an experiment upon the conscience of his stepfather is in consequence suggested to&lt;br /&gt;
him. What a royal monologue is that, which ends the second act! How charming it will be to speak it!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;Oh, what a rogue and peasant slave am I!&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Is it not monstrous that this player here,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
But in a fiction, in a dream of passion,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Could force his soul so to his own conceit,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
That, from her working, all his visage wann&#039;d;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Tears in his eyes, distraction in&#039;s aspect,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
A broken voice, and his whole function suiting&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
With forms to his conceit? and all for nothing!&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
For Hecuba!&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
What&#039;s Hecuba to him, or he to Hecuba,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
That he should weep for her?&#039;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;If we can but persuade our man to come upon the stage,&amp;quot; observed Aurelia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;We must lead him to it by degrees,&amp;quot; said Serlo. &amp;quot;At the rehearsal he may read the passage: we shall tell him that an actor whom we are expecting is to play it; and so, by and by, we shall lead him nearer to the point.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Having agreed on this affair, the conversation next turned upon the Ghost. Wilhelm could not bring himself to give the part of the living King to the Pedant, that so Old Boisterous might play the Ghost: he was of opinion that they ought to wait a while; because some other actors had announced themselves, and among these it was probable they would find a fitter man.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We can easily conceive, then, how astonished Wilhelm must have been when, returning home that evening, he found a billet lying on his table, sealed with singular figures, and containing what follows:&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Strange youth! we know thou art in great perplexity. For thy Hamlet thou canst hardly find men enough, not to speak of ghosts. Thy zeal deserves a miracle: miracles we cannot work, but somewhat marvellous shall happen. If thou have faith, the Ghost shall arise at the proper hour! Be of courage and keep firm! This needs no answer: thy determination will be known to us.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;With this curious sheet he hastened back to Serlo, who read and re-read it, and at last declared, with a thoughtful look, that it seemed a matter of some moment; that they must consider well and seriously whether they could risk it. They talked the subject over at some length; Aurelia was silent, only smiling now and then; and a few days after, when speaking of the incident again, she gave our friend, not&lt;br /&gt;
obscurely, to understand that she held it all a joke of Serlo&#039;s. She desired him to cast away anxiety, and to expect the Ghost with patience.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Serlo, for most part, was in excellent humor: the actors that were going to leave him took all possible pains to play well, that their absence might be much regretted; and this, combined with the new-fangled zeal of the others, gave promise of the best results.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His intercourse with Wilhelm had not failed to exert some influence on him. He began to speak more about art: for, after all, he was a German; and Germans like to give themselves account of what they do. Wilhelm wrote down many of their conversations; which, as our narrative must not be so often interrupted here, we shall communicate to such of our readers as feel an interest in dramaturgic matters, by some other opportunity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In particular, one evening, the manager was very merry in speaking of the part of Polonius, and how he meant to take it up. &amp;quot;I engage,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;on this occasion, to present a very meritorious person in his best aspect. The repose and security of this old gentleman, his emptiness and his significance, his exterior gracefulness and interior meanness, his frankness and sycophancy, his sincere roguery and deceitful truth, I will introduce with all due elegance in their fit proportions. This respectable, gray-haired, enduring, time-serving half-knave, I will represent in the most courtly style: the occasional roughness and coarseness of our author&#039;s strokes will further me here. I will speak like a book when I am prepared beforehand, and like an ass when I utter the overflowings of my heart. I will be insipid and absurd enough to chime in with every one, and acute enough never to observe when people make a mock of me. I have seldom taken up a part with so much zeal and roguishness.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Could I but hope as much from mine!&amp;quot; exclaimed Aurelia. &amp;quot;I have neither youth nor softness enough to be at home in this character. One thing alone I am too sure of,&amp;amp;mdash;the feeling that turns Ophelia&#039;s brain, I shall not want.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;We must not take the matter up so strictly,&amp;quot; said our friend. &amp;quot;For my share, I am certain, that the wish to act the character of Hamlet has led me exceedingly astray, throughout my study of the play. And now, the more I look into the part, the more clearly do I see, that, in my whole form and physiognomy, there is not one feature such as Shakspeare&lt;br /&gt;
meant for Hamlet. When I consider with what nicety the various circumstances are adapted to each other, I can scarcely hope to produce even a tolerable effect.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You are entering on your new career with becoming conscientiousness,&amp;quot; said Serlo. &amp;quot;The actor fits himself to his part as he can, and the part to him as it must. But how has Shakspeare drawn his Hamlet? Is he so utterly unlike you?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;In the first place,&amp;quot; answered Wilhelm, &amp;quot;he is fair-haired.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;That I call far-fetched,&amp;quot; observed Aurelia. &amp;quot;How do you infer that?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;As a Dane, as a Northman, he is fair-haired and blue-eyed by descent.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And you think Shakspeare had this in view?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I do not find it specially expressed; but, by comparison of passages, I think it incontestable. The fencing tires him; the sweat is running from his brow; and the Queen remarks, &#039;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;He&#039;s fat, and scant of breath&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&#039; Can you conceive him to be otherwise than plump and fair-haired? Brown-complexioned people, in their youth, are seldom plump. And does not his wavering melancholy, his soft lamenting, his irresolute activity, accord with such a figure? From a dark-haired young man, you would look for more decision and impetuosity.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You are spoiling my imagination,&amp;quot; cried Aurelia: &amp;quot;away with your fat Hamlets! Do not set your well-fed prince before us! Give us rather any &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;succedaneum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; that will move us, will delight us. The intention of the author is of less importance to us than our own enjoyment, and we need a charm that is adapted for us.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER VII.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;One evening a dispute arose among our friends about the novel and the drama, and which of them deserved the preference. Serlo said it was a fruitless and misunderstood debate: both might be superior in their kinds, only each must keep within the limits proper to it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;About their limits and their kinds,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, &amp;quot;I confess myself not altogether clear.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Who &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;is&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; so?&amp;quot; said the other; &amp;quot;and yet perhaps it were worth while to come a little closer to the business.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They conversed together long upon the matter; and, in fine, the following was nearly the result of their discussion:&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;In the novel as well as in the drama, it is human nature and human action that we see. The difference between these sorts of fiction lies not merely in their outward form,&amp;amp;mdash;not merely in the circumstance that the personages of the one are made to speak, while those of the other have commonly their history narrated. Unfortunately many dramas are but novels, which proceed by dialogue; and it would not be impossible to write a drama in the shape of letters.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;But, in the novel, it is chiefly &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;sentiments&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;events&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; that are exhibited; in the drama, it is &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;characters&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;deeds&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. The novel must go slowly forward; and the sentiments of the hero, by some means or another, must restrain the tendency of the whole to unfold itself and to conclude. The drama, on the other hand, must hasten: and the character of the hero must press forward to the end: it does not restrain, but is restrained. The novel-hero must be suffering,&amp;amp;mdash;at least he must not in a high degree be active: in the dramatic one, we look for activity and deeds. Grandison, Clarissa, Pamela, the Vicar of Wakefield, Tom Jones himself, are, if not suffering, at least retarding, personages; and the incidents are all in some sort modelled by their sentiments. In the drama the hero models nothing by himself; all things withstand him; and he clears and casts away the hinderances from off his path, or else sinks under them.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Our friends were also of opinion, that, in the novel, some degree of scope may be allowed to Chance, but that it must always be led and guided by the sentiments of the personages: on the other hand, that Fate, which, by means of outward, unconnected circumstances, carries forward men, without their own concurrence, to an unforeseen catastrophe, can have place only in the drama; that Chance may produce pathetic situations, but never tragic ones; Fate, on the other hand, ought always to be terrible,&amp;amp;mdash;and is, in the highest sense, tragic, when it brings into a ruinous concatenation the guilty man, and the guiltless that was unconcerned with him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These considerations led them back to the play of &amp;quot;Hamlet,&amp;quot; and the peculiarities of its composition. The hero in this case, it was observed, is endowed more properly with sentiments than with a&lt;br /&gt;
character: it is events alone that push him on, and accordingly the play has in some measure the expansion of a novel. But as it is Fate that draws the plan, as the story issues from a deed of terror, and the hero is continually driven forward to a deed of terror, the work is tragic in the highest sense, and admits of no other than a tragic end.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The book-rehearsal was now to take place, to which Wilhelm had looked forward as to a festival. Having previously collated all the parts, no obstacle on this side could oppose him. The whole of the actors were acquainted with the piece: he endeavored to impress their minds with the importance of these book-rehearsals. &amp;quot;As you require,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;of every musical performer, that he shall, in some degree, be able to play from the book: so every actor, every educated man, should train himself to recite from the book, to catch immediately the character of any drama, any poem, any tale he may be reading, and exhibit it with grace and readiness. No committing to memory will be of service, if the actor have not, in the first place, penetrated into the sense and spirit of his author: the mere letter will avail him nothing.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Serlo declared that he would overlook all subsequent rehearsals,&amp;amp;mdash;the last rehearsal itself,&amp;amp;mdash;if justice were but done to these rehearsals from the book. &amp;quot;For, commonly,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;there is nothing more amusing than to hear an actor speak of study: it is as if freemasons were to talk of building.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The rehearsal passed according to their wishes; and we may assert, that the fame and favor which our company acquired afterwards had their foundation in these few but well-spent hours.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You did right, my friend,&amp;quot; said Serlo, when they were alone, &amp;quot;in speaking to our fellow-laborers so earnestly; and yet I am afraid they will scarcely fulfil your wishes.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;How so?&amp;quot; asked Wilhelm.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I have noticed,&amp;quot; answered Serlo, &amp;quot;that, as easily as you may set in motion the imaginations of men, gladly as they listen to your tales and fictions, it is yet very seldom that you find among them any touch of an imagination you can call productive. In actors this remark is strikingly exemplified. Any one of them is well content to undertake a beautiful, praiseworthy, brilliant part; and seldom will any one of them do more&lt;br /&gt;
than self-complacently transport himself into his hero&#039;s place, without in the smallest troubling his head whether other people view him so or not. But to seize with vivacity what the author&#039;s feeling was in writing; what portion of your individual qualities you must cast off, in order to do justice to a part; how, by your own conviction that you are become another man, you may carry with you the convictions of the audience; how, by the inward truth of your conceptive power, you can change these boards into a temple, this pasteboard into woods,&amp;amp;mdash;to seize and execute all this, is given to very few. That internal strength of soul, by which alone deception can be brought about; that lying truth, without which nothing will affect us rightly,&amp;amp;mdash;have, by most men, never even been imagined.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Let us not, then, press too hard for spirit and feeling in our friends. The surest way is first coolly to instruct them in the sense and letter of the play,&amp;amp;mdash;if possible, to open their understandings. Whoever has the talent will then, of his own accord, eagerly adopt the spirited feeling and manner of expression; and those who have it not will at least be prevented from acting or reciting altogether falsely. And among actors, as indeed in all cases, there is no worse arrangement than for any one to make pretensions to the spirit of a thing, while the sense and letter of it are not ready and clear to him.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER VIII.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Coming to the first stage-rehearsal very early, Wilhelm found himself alone upon the boards. The appearance of the place surprised him, and awoke the strangest recollections. A forest and village scene stood exactly represented as he once had seen it in the theatre of his native town. On that occasion also, a rehearsal was proceeding; and it was the morning when Mariana first confessed her love to him, and promised him a happy interview. The peasants&#039; cottages resembled one another on the two stages, as they did in nature: the true morning sun, beaming through a half-closed window-shutter, fell upon a part of a bench ill joined to a cottage door; but unhappily it did not now enlighten Mariana&#039;s waist and bosom. He sat down, reflecting on this strange coincidence: he almost&lt;br /&gt;
thought that perhaps on this very spot he would soon see her again. And, alas! the truth was nothing more, than that an afterpiece, to which this scene belonged, was at that time very often played upon the German stage.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Out of these meditations he was roused by the other actors, along with whom two amateurs, frequenters of the wardrobe and the stage, came in, and saluted Wilhelm with a show of great enthusiasm. One of these was in some degree attached to Frau Melina, but the other was entirely a lover of the art, and both were of the kind which a good company should always wish to have about it. It was difficult to say whether their love for the stage, or their knowledge of it, was the greater. They loved it too much to know it perfectly: they knew it well enough to prize the good and to discard the bad. But, their inclination being so powerful, they could tolerate the mediocre; and the glorious joy which they experienced from the foretaste and the aftertaste of excellence surpassed expression. The mechanical department gave them pleasure, the intellectual charmed them; and so strong was their susceptibility, that even a discontinuous rehearsal afforded them a species of illusion. Deficiencies appeared in their eyes to fade away in distance: the successful touched them like an object near at hand. In a word, they were judges such as every artist wishes in his own department. Their favorite movement was from the side-scenes to the pit, and from the pit to the side-scenes; their happiest place was in the wardrobe; their busiest employment was in trying to improve the dress, position, recitation, gesture, of the actor; their liveliest conversation was on the effect produced by him; their most constant effort was to keep him accurate, active, and attentive, to do him service or kindness, and, without squandering, to procure for the company a series of enjoyments. The two had obtained the exclusive privilege of being present on the stage at rehearsals as well as exhibitions. In regard to &amp;quot;Hamlet,&amp;quot; they had not in all points agreed with Wilhelm: here and there he had yielded; but, for most part, he had stood by his opinion: and, upon the whole, these discussions had been very useful in the forming of his taste. He showed both gentlemen how much he valued them; and they again predicted nothing less, from these combined endeavors, than a new epoch for the German theatre.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The presence of these persons was of great service during the rehearsals. In particular they labored to convince our players, that, throughout the whole of their preparations, the posture and action,&lt;br /&gt;
as they were intended ultimately to appear, should always be combined with the words, and thus the whole be mechanically united by habit. In rehearsing a tragedy especially, they said, no common movement with the hands should be allowed: a tragic actor that took snuff in the rehearsal always frightened them; for, in all probability, on coming to the same passage in the exhibition, he would miss his pinch. Nay, on the same principles, they maintained that no one should rehearse in boots, if his part were to be played in shoes. But nothing, they declared, afflicted them so much as when the women, in rehearsing, stuck their hands into the folds of their gowns.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By the persuasion of our friends, another very good effect was brought about: the actors all began to learn the use of arms. Since military parts occur so frequently, said they, can any thing look more absurd than men, without the smallest particle of discipline, trolling about the stage in captains&#039; and majors&#039; uniforms?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm and Laertes were the first that took lessons of a subaltern: they continued their practising of fence with the greatest zeal.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Such pains did these two men take for perfecting a company which had so fortunately come together. They were thus providing for the future satisfaction of the public, while the public was usually laughing at their taste. People did not know what gratitude they owed our friends, particularly for performing one service,&amp;amp;mdash;the service of frequently impressing on the actor the fundamental point, that it was his duty to speak so loud as to be heard. In this simple matter, they experienced more opposition and repugnance than could have been expected. Most part maintained that they were heard well enough already; some laid the blame upon the building; others said, one could not yell and bellow, when one had to speak naturally, secretly, or tenderly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Our two friends, having an immeasurable stock of patience, tried every means of undoing this delusion, of getting round this obstinate self-will. They spared neither arguments nor flatteries; and at last they reached their object, being aided not a little by the good example of Wilhelm. By him they were requested to sit down in the remotest corners of the house, and, every time they did not hear him perfectly, to rap on the bench with a key. He articulated well, spoke out in a measured manner, raised his tones gradually, and did not overcry himself in the most vehement passages. The rapping of the key was&lt;br /&gt;
heard less and less every new rehearsal: by and by the rest submitted to the same operation, and at last it seemed rational to hope that the piece would be heard by every one in all the nooks of the house.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;From this example we may see how desirous people are to reach their object in their own way; what need there often is of enforcing on them truths which are self-evident; and how difficult it may be to reduce the man who aims at effecting something to admit the primary conditions under which alone his enterprise is possible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER IX.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The necessary preparations for scenery and dresses, and whatever else was requisite, were now proceeding. In regard to certain scenes and passages, our friend had whims of his own, which Serlo humored, partly in consideration of their bargain, partly from conviction, and because he hoped by these civilities to gain Wilhelm, and to lead him according to his own purposes the more implicitly in time to come.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thus, for example, the King and Queen were, at the first audience, to appear sitting on the throne, with the courtiers at the sides, and Hamlet standing undistinguished in the crowd. &amp;quot;Hamlet,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;must keep himself quiet: his sable dress will sufficiently point him out. He should rather shun remark than seek it. Not till the audience is ended, and the King speaks with him as with a son, should he advance, and allow the scene to take its course.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A formidable obstacle still remained, in regard to the two pictures which Hamlet so passionately refers to in the scene with his mother. &amp;quot;We ought,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, &amp;quot;to have both of them visible, at full length, in the bottom of the chamber, near the main door; and the former king must be clad in armor, like the Ghost, and hang at the side where it enters. I could wish that the figure held its right hand in a commanding attitude, were somewhat turned away, and, as it were, looked over its shoulder, that so it might perfectly resemble the Ghost at the moment when he issues from the door. It will produce a great effect, when at this instant Hamlet looks upon the Ghost, and the Queen upon the&lt;br /&gt;
picture. The stepfather may be painted in royal ornaments, but not so striking.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There were several other points of this sort, about which we shall, perhaps, elsewhere have opportunity to speak.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Are you, then, inexorably bent on Hamlet&#039;s dying at the end?&amp;quot; inquired Serlo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;How can I keep him alive,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, &amp;quot;when the whole play is pressing him to death? We have already talked at large on that matter.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;But the public wishes him to live.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I will show the public any other complaisance; but, as to this, I cannot. We often wish that some gallant, useful man, who is dying of a chronical disease, might yet live longer. The family weep, and conjure the physician; but he cannot stay him: and no more than this physician can withstand the necessity of nature, can we give law to an acknowledged necessity of art. It is a false compliance with the multitude, to raise in them emotions which they &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;wish&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, when these are not emotions which they &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ought&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, to feel.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Whoever pays the cash,&amp;quot; said Serlo, &amp;quot;may require the ware according to his liking.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Doubtless, in some degree,&amp;quot; replied our friend; &amp;quot;but a great public should be reverenced, not used as children are, when pedlers wish to hook the money from them. By presenting excellence to the people, you should gradually excite in them a taste and feeling for the excellent; and they will pay their money with double satisfaction when reason itself has nothing to object against this outlay. The public you may flatter, as you do a well-beloved child, to better, to enlighten, it; not as you do a pampered child of quality, to perpetuate the error you profit from.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In this manner various other topics were discussed relating to the question, What might still be changed in the play, and what must of necessity remain untouched? We shall not enter farther on those points at present; but, perhaps, at some future time we may submit this altered &amp;quot;Hamlet&amp;quot; itself to such of our readers as feel any interest in the subject.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER X.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The main rehearsal was at length concluded: it had lasted very long. Serlo and Wilhelm still found much to care for: notwithstanding all the time which had already been consumed in preparation, some highly necessary matters had been left to the very last moment.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thus, the pictures of the kings, for instance, were not ready: and the scene between Hamlet and his mother, from which so powerful an effect was looked for, had a very helpless aspect, as the business stood; for neither Ghost nor painted image of him was at present forthcoming. Serlo made a jest of this perplexity: &amp;quot;We should be in a pretty scrape,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;if the Ghost were to decline appearing, and the guard had nothing to fight with but the air, and our prompter were obliged to speak the spirit&#039;s part from the side-scenes.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;We will not scare away our strange friend by unbelief,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm: &amp;quot;doubtless at the proper season he will come, and astonish us as much as the spectators.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Well, certainly,&amp;quot; said Serlo, &amp;quot;I shall be a happy man to-morrow night, when once the play will have been acted. It costs us more arrangement than I dreamed of.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;But none of you,&amp;quot; exclaimed Philina, &amp;quot;will be happier than I, little as my part disturbs me. Really, to hear a single subject talked of forever and forever, when, after all, there is nothing to come of it beyond an exhibition, which will be forgotten like so many hundred others, this is what I have not patience for. In Heaven&#039;s name, not so many &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;pros&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;cons&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;! The guests you entertain have always something to object against the dinner; nay, if you could hear them talk of it at home, they cannot understand how it was possible to undergo so sad a business.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Let me turn your illustration, pretty one, to my own advantage,&amp;quot; answered Wilhelm. &amp;quot;Consider how much must be done by art and nature, by traffickers and tradesmen, before an entertainment can be given. How many years the stag must wander in the forest, the fish in the river or the sea, before they can deserve to grace our table! And what cares and consultations with her cooks and servants has the lady of the house submitted to! Observe with what indifference the people swallow the production of the distant vintager, the seaman, and the vintner, as if it were a thing of course. And ought these men to cease from laboring, providing, and preparing; ought the master of the house to cease from&lt;br /&gt;
purchasing and laying up the fruit of their exertions,&amp;amp;mdash;because at last the enjoyment it affords is transitory? But no enjoyment can be transitory; the impression which it leaves is permanent: and what is done with diligence and effort communicates to the spectator a hidden force, of which we cannot say how far its influence may reach.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;&#039;Tis all one to me,&amp;quot; replied Philina: &amp;quot;only here again I must observe, that you men are constantly at variance with yourselves. With all this conscientious horror at curtailing Shakspeare, you have missed the finest thought there was in &#039;Hamlet&#039;!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The finest?&amp;quot; cried our friend.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Certainly the finest,&amp;quot; said Philina: &amp;quot;the prince himself takes pleasure in it.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And it is?&amp;quot; inquired Serlo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;If you wore a wig,&amp;quot; replied Philina, &amp;quot;I would pluck it very coolly off you; for I think you need to have your understanding opened.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The rest began to think what she could mean: the conversation paused. The party arose; it was now grown late; they seemed about to separate. While they were standing in this undetermined mood, Philina all at once struck up a song, with a very graceful, pleasing tune:&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Sing me not with such emotion,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;How the night so lonesome is:&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Pretty maids, I&#039;ve got a notion&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;It is the reverse of this.&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
For as wife and man are plighted,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;And the better half the wife;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
So is night to day united:&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;Night&#039;s the better half of life.&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Can you joy in bustling daytime,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;Day when none can get his will?&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
It is good for work, for haytime;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;For much other it is ill.&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
But when, in the nightly glooming,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;Social lamp on table glows,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Face for faces dear illuming,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;And such jest and joyance goes;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
When the fiery, pert young fellow,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;Wont by day to run or ride,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Whispering now some tale would tell O,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;All so gentle by your side;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
When the nightingale to lovers&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;Lovingly her songlet sings,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Which for exiles and sad rovers&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;Like mere woe and wailing rings,&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
With a heart how lightsome feeling,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;Do ye count the kindly clock,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Which twelve times deliberate pealing,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;Tells you none to-night shall knock!&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Therefore, on all fit occasions,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;Mark it, maidens, what I sing:&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Every day its own vexations,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;And the night its joys, will bring.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She made a slight courtesy on concluding, and Serlo gave a loud &amp;quot;Bravo!&amp;quot; She scuttled off, and left the room with a teehee of laughter. They heard her singing and skipping as she went down-stairs.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Serlo passed into another room: Wilhelm bade Aurelia good-night; but she continued looking at him for a few moments, and said,&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;How I dislike that woman! Dislike her from my heart, and to her very slightest qualities! Those brown eyelashes, with her fair hair, which our brother thinks so charming, I cannot bear to look at; and that scar upon her brow has something in it so repulsive, so low and base, that I could recoil ten paces every time I meet her. She was lately telling as a joke, that her father, when she was a child, threw a plate at her head, of which this is the mark. It is well that she is marked in the eyes and brow, that those about her may be on their guard.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm made no answer; and Aurelia went on, apparently with greater spleen,&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It is next to impossible for me to speak a kind, civil word to her, so deeply do I hate her, with all her wheedling. Would that we were rid of her! And you, too, my friend, have a certain complaisance for the creature, a way of acting towards her, that grieves me to the soul,&amp;amp;mdash;an attention which borders on respect; which, by Heaven! she does not merit.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Whatever she may be,&amp;quot; replied our friend, &amp;quot;I owe her thanks. Her upbringing is to blame: to her natural character I would do justice.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Character!&amp;quot; exclaimed Aurelia; &amp;quot;and do you think such a creature has a character? O you men! It is so like you! These are the women you deserve!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;My friend, can you suspect me?&amp;quot; answered Wilhelm. &amp;quot;I will give account of every minute I have spent beside her.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Come, come,&amp;quot; replied Aurelia: &amp;quot;it is late, we will not quarrel. All like each, and each like all! Good-night, my friend! Good-night, my sparkling bird-of-paradise!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm asked how he had earned this title.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Another time,&amp;quot; cried she; &amp;quot;another time. They say it has no feet, but hovers in the air, and lives on ether. That, however, is a story, a poetic fiction. Good-night! Dream sweetly, if you are in luck!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She proceeded to her room; and he, being left alone, made haste to his.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Half angrily he walked along his chamber to and fro. The jesting but decided tone of Aurelia had hurt him: he felt deeply how unjust she was. Could he treat Philina with unkindness or ill-nature? She had done no evil to him; but, for any love to her, he could proudly and confidently take his conscience to witness that it was not so.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On the point of beginning to undress, he was going forward to his bed to draw aside the curtains, when, not without extreme astonishment, he saw a pair of women&#039;s slippers lying on the floor before it. One of them was resting on its sole, the other on its edge. They were Philina&#039;s slippers: he recognized them but too well. He thought he noticed some disorder in the curtains; nay, it seemed as if they moved. He stood, and looked with unaverted eyes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A new impulse, which he took for anger, cut his breath: after a short pause, he recovered, and cried in a firm tone,&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Come out, Philina! What do you mean by this? Where is your sense, your modesty? Are we to be the speech of the house to-morrow?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nothing stirred.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I do not jest,&amp;quot; continued he: &amp;quot;these pranks are little to my taste.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No sound! No motion!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Irritated and determined, he at last went forward to the bed, and tore the curtains asunder. &amp;quot;Arise,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;if I am not to give you up my room to-night.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;With great surprise, he found his bed unoccupied; the sheets and pillows in the sleekest rest. He looked around: he searched and searched, but found no traces of the rouge. Behind the bed, the stove, the drawers, there was nothing to be seen: he sought with great and greater diligence; a spiteful looker-on might have believed that he was&lt;br /&gt;
seeking in the hope of finding.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;All thought of sleep was gone. He put the slippers on his table; went past it, up and down; often paused before it; and a wicked sprite that watched him has asserted that our friend employed himself for several hours about these dainty little shoes; that he viewed them with a certain interest; that he handled them and played with them; and it was not till towards morning that he threw himself on the bed, without undressing, where he fell asleep amidst a world of curious fantasies.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was still slumbering, when Serlo entered hastily. &amp;quot;Where are you?&amp;quot; cried he: &amp;quot;still in bed? Impossible! I want you in the theatre: we have a thousand things to do.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER XI.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The forenoon and the afternoon fled rapidly away. The playhouse was already full: our friend hastened to dress. It was not with the joy which it had given him when he first essayed it, that he now put on the garb of Hamlet: he only dressed that he might be in readiness. On his joining the women in the stage-room, they unanimously cried that nothing sat upon him right; the fine feather stood awry; the buckle of his belt did not fit: they began to slit, to sew, and piece together. The music started: Philina still objected somewhat to his ruff; Aurelia had much to say against his mantle. &amp;quot;Leave me alone, good people,&amp;quot; cried he: &amp;quot;this negligence will make me liker Hamlet.&amp;quot; The women would not let him go, but continued trimming him. The music ceased: the acting was begun. He looked at himself in the glass, pressed his hat closer down upon his face, and retouched the painting of his cheeks.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At this instant somebody came rushing in, and cried, &amp;quot;The Ghost! the Ghost!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm had not once had time all day to think of the Ghost, and whether it would come or not. His anxiety on that head was at length removed, and now some strange assistant was to be expected. The stage-manager came in, inquiring after various matters: Wilhelm had not time to ask about the Ghost; he hastened to present himself before the throne,&lt;br /&gt;
where King and Queen, surrounded with their court, were already glancing in all the splendors of royalty, and waiting till the scene in front of them should be concluded. He caught the last words of Horatio, who was speaking of the Ghost, in extreme confusion, and seemed to have almost forgotten his part.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The intermediate curtain went aloft, and Hamlet saw the crowded house before him. Horatio, having spoken his address, and been dismissed by the King, pressed through to Hamlet; and, as if presenting himself to the Prince, he said, &amp;quot;The Devil is in harness: he has put us all in fright.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the mean while, two men of large stature, in white cloaks and capouches, were observed standing in the side-scenes. Our friend, in the distraction, embarrassment, and hurry of the moment, had failed in the first soliloquy; at least, such was his own opinion, though loud plaudits had attended his exit. Accordingly, he made his next entrance in no pleasant mood, with the dreary wintry feeling of dramatic condemnation. Yet he girded up his mind, and spoke that appropriate passage on the &amp;quot;rouse and wassail,&amp;quot; the &amp;quot;heavy-headed revel&amp;quot; of the Danes, with suitable indifference; he had, like the audience, in thinking of it, quite forgotten the Ghost; and he started, in real terror, when Horatio cried out, &amp;quot;Look, my lord! it comes!&amp;quot; He whirled violently round; and the tall, noble figure, the low, inaudible tread, the light movement in the heavy-looking armor, made such an impression on him, that he stood as if transformed to stone, and could utter only in a half-voice his &amp;quot;Angels and ministers of grace defend us!&amp;quot; He glared at the form, drew a deep breathing once or twice, and pronounced his address to the Ghost in a manner so confused, so broken, so constrained, that the highest art could not have hit the mark so well.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His translation of this passage now stood him in good stead. He had kept very close to the original, in which the arrangement of the words appeared to him expressive of a mind confounded, terrified, and seized with horror:&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;Be thou a spirit of health, or goblin damn&#039;d,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Bring with thee airs from heaven, or blasts from hell,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Be thy intents wicked, or charitable,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Thou com&#039;st in such a questionable shape,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
That I will speak to thee: I&#039;ll call thee Hamlet,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
King, father, royal Dane: oh, answer me!&#039;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A deep effect was visible in the audience. The Ghost beckoned, the Prince followed him amid the loudest plaudits.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The scene changed: and, when the two had re-appeared, the Ghost, on a sudden, stopped, and turned round; by which means Hamlet came to be a little too close upon it. With a longing curiosity, he looked in at the lowered visor; but except two deep-lying eyes, and a well-formed nose, he could discern nothing. Gazing timidly, he stood before the Ghost; but when the first tones issued from the helmet, and a somewhat hoarse, yet deep and penetrating, voice, pronounced the words, &amp;quot;I am thy father&#039;s spirit,&amp;quot; Wilhelm, shuddering, started back some paces; and the audience shuddered with him. Each imagined that he knew the voice: Wilhelm thought he noticed in it some resemblance to his father&#039;s. These strange emotions and remembrances, the curiosity he felt about discovering his secret friend, the anxiety about offending him, even the theatric impropriety of coming too near him in the present situation, all this affected Wilhelm with powerful and conflicting impulses. During the long speech of the Ghost, he changed his place so frequently, he seemed so unsettled and perplexed, so attentive and so absent-minded, that his acting caused a universal admiration, as the Spirit caused a universal horror. The latter spoke with a feeling of melancholy anger, rather than of sorrow; but of an anger spiritual, slow, and inexhaustible. It was the mistemper of a noble soul, that is severed from all earthly things, and yet devoted to unbounded woe. At last he vanished, but in a curious manner; for a thin, gray, transparent gauze arose from the place of descent, like a vapor, spread itself over him, and sank along with him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Hamlet&#039;s friends now entered, and swore upon the sword. Old Truepenny, in the mean time, was so busy under ground, that, wherever they might take their station, he was sure to call out right beneath them, &amp;quot;Swear!&amp;quot; and they started, as if the soil had taken fire below them, and hastened to another spot. On each of these occasions, too, a little flame pierced through at the place where they were standing. The whole produced on the spectators a profound impression.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After this, the play proceeded calmly on its course: nothing failed; all prospered; the audience manifested their contentment, and the actors seemed to rise in heart and spirits every scene.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER XII.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The curtain fell, and rapturous applauses sounded out of every corner of the house. The four princely corpses sprang aloft, and embraced each other. Polonius and Ophelia likewise issued from their graves, and listened with extreme satisfaction, as Horatio, who had stepped before the curtain to announce the following play, was welcomed with the most thundering plaudits. The people would not hear of any other play, but violently required the repetition of the present.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;We have won,&amp;quot; cried Serlo, &amp;quot;and so not another reasonable word this night! Every thing depends on the first impression: we should never take it ill of any actor, that, on occasion of his first appearance, he is provident, and even self-willed.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The box-keeper came, and delivered him a heavy sum. &amp;quot;We have made a good beginning,&amp;quot; cried the manager, &amp;quot;and prejudice itself will now be on our side. But where is the supper you promised us? To-night we may be allowed to relish it a little.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It had been agreed that all the party were to stay together in their stage-dresses, and enjoy a little feast among themselves. Wilhelm had engaged to have the place in readiness, and Frau Melina to provide the victuals.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A room, which commonly was occupied by scene-painters, had accordingly been polished up as well as possible: our friends had hung it round with little decorations, and so decked and trimmed it, that it looked half like a garden, half like a colonnade. On entering it, the company were dazzled with the glitter of a multitude of lights, which, across the vapors of the sweetest and most copious perfumes, spread a stately splendor over a well-decorated and well-furnished table. These preparations were hailed with joyful interjections by the party; all took their places with a certain genuine dignity; it seemed as if some royal family had met together in the Kingdom of the Shades. Wilhelm sat between Aurelia and the Frau Melina; Serlo between Philina and Elmira; nobody was discontented with himself or with his place.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Our two theatric amateurs, who had from the first been present, now increased the pleasure of the meeting. While the exhibition was proceeding, they had several times stepped round, and come upon the stage, expressing, in the warmest terms, the delight which they and&lt;br /&gt;
the audience felt. They now descended to particulars, and each was richly rewarded for his efforts.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;With boundless animation, the company extolled man after man, and passage after passage. To the prompter, who had modestly sat down at the bottom of the table, they gave a liberal commendation for his &amp;quot;rugged Pyrrhus;&amp;quot; the fencing of Hamlet and Laertes was beyond all praise; Ophelia&#039;s mourning had been inexpressibly exalted and affecting; of Polonius they would not trust themselves to speak.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Every individual present heard himself commended through the rest and by them, nor was the absent Ghost defrauded of his share of praise and admiration. He had played the part, it was asserted, with a very happy voice, and in a lofty style; but what surprised them most, was the information which he seemed to have about their own affairs. He entirely resembled the painted figure, as if he had sat to the painter of it; and the two amateurs described, in glowing language, how awful it had looked when the spirit entered near the picture, and stepped across before his own image. Truth and error, they declared, had been commingled in the strangest manner: they had felt as if the Queen really did not see the Ghost. And Frau Melina was especially commended, because on this occasion she had gazed upwards at the picture, while Hamlet was pointing downwards at the Spectre.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Inquiry was now made how the apparition could have entered. The stage-manager reported that a back-door, usually blocked up by decorations, had that evening, as the Gothic hall was occupied, been opened; that two large figures in white cloaks and hoods, one of whom was not to be distinguished from the other, had entered by this passage; and by the same, it was likely, they had issued when the third act was over.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Serlo praised the Ghost for one merit,&amp;amp;mdash;that he had not whined and lamented like a tailor; nay, to animate his son, had even introduced a passage at the end, which more beseemed such a hero. Wilhelm had kept it in memory: he promised to insert it in his manuscript.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Amid the pleasures of the entertainment, it had not been noticed that the children and the harper were absent. Erelong they made their entrance, and were blithely welcomed by the company. They came in together, very strangely decked: Felix was beating a triangle, Mignon a tambourine; the old man had his large harp hung round his neck, and&lt;br /&gt;
was playing on it whilst he carried it before him. They marched round and round the table, and sang a multitude of songs. Eatables were handed them; and the guests seemed to think they could not do a greater kindness to the children, than by giving them as much sweet wine as they chose to have. For the company themselves had not by any means neglected a stock of savory flasks, presented by the two amateurs, which had arrived that evening in baskets. The children tripped about, and sang: Mignon, in particular, was frolicsome beyond all wont. She beat the tambourine with the greatest liveliness and grace: now, with her finger pressed against the parchment, she hummed across it swiftly to and fro; now rattled on it with her knuckles, now with the back of her hand; nay, sometimes, with alternating rhythm, she struck it first against her knee and then against her head; and anon twirling it in her hand, she made the shells jingle by themselves; and thus, from the simplest instrument, elicited a great variety of tones. After she and Felix had long rioted about, they sat down upon an elbow-chair which was standing empty at the table, exactly opposite to Wilhelm.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Keep out of the chair!&amp;quot; cried Serlo: &amp;quot;it is waiting for the Ghost, I think; and, when he comes, it will be worse for you.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I do not fear him,&amp;quot; answered Mignon: &amp;quot;if he come, we can rise. He is my uncle, and will not harm me.&amp;quot; To those who did not know that her reputed father had been named the Great Devil, this speech was unintelligible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The party looked at one another: they were more and more confirmed in their suspicion that the manager was in the secret of the Ghost. They talked and tippled, and the girls from time to time cast timid glances towards the door.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The children, who, sitting in the big chair, looked from over the table but like puppets in their box, did actually at length start a little drama in the style of Punch. The screeching tone of these people Mignon imitated very well; and Felix and she began to knock their heads together, and against the edges of the table, in such a way as only wooden puppets could endure. Mignon, in particular, grew frantic with gayety: the company, much as they had laughed at her at first, were in fine obliged to curb her. But persuasion was of small avail; for she now sprang up, and raved, and shook her tambourine, and capered round the table. With her hair flying out behind her, with her head thrown back, and her limbs, as it were, cast into the air, she seemed like one of&lt;br /&gt;
those antique Mænads, whose wild and all but impossible positions still, on classic monuments, often strike us with amazement.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Incited by the talents and the uproar of the children, each endeavored to contribute something to the entertainment of the night. The girls sung several canons; Laertes whistled in the manner of a nightingale; and the Pedant gave a symphony &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;pianissimo&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; upon the Jew&#039;s-harp. Meanwhile the youths and damsels, who sat near each other, had begun a great variety of games; in which, as the hands often crossed and met, some pairs were favored with a transient squeeze, the emblem of a hopeful kindness. Madam Melina in particular seemed scarcely to conceal a decided tenderness for Wilhelm. It was late; and Aurelia, perhaps the only one retaining self-possession in the party, now stood up, and signified that it was time to go.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By way of termination, Serlo gave a firework, or what resembled one; for he could imitate the sound of crackers, rockets, and fire wheels, with his mouth, in a style of nearly inconceivable correctness. You had only to shut your eyes, and the deception was complete. In the mean time, they had all risen: the men gave their arms to the women to escort them home. Wilhelm was walking last with Aurelia. The stage-manager met him on the stairs, and said to him, &amp;quot;Here is the veil our Ghost vanished in; it was hanging fixed to the place where he sank; we found it this moment.&amp;quot;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;quot;A curious relic!&amp;quot; said our friend, and took it with him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At this instant his left arm was laid hold of, and he felt a smart twinge of pain in it. Mignon had hid herself in the place: she had seized him, and bit his arm. She rushed past him, down stairs, and disappeared.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On reaching the open air, almost all of them discovered that they had drunk too liberally. They glided asunder without taking leave.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The instant Wilhelm gained his room, he stripped, and, extinguishing his candle, hastened into bed. Sleep was overpowering him without delay, when a noise, that seemed to issue from behind the stove, aroused him. In the eye of his heated fancy, the image of the harnessed King was hovering there: he sat up that he might address the Spectre; but he felt himself encircled with soft arms, and his mouth was shut with kisses, which he had not force to push away.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER XIII.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Next morning Wilhelm started up with an unpleasant feeling, and found himself alone. His head was still dim with the tumult, which he had not yet entirely slept off; and the recollection of his nightly visitant disquieted his mind. His first suspicion lighted on Philina; but, on second thoughts, he conceived that it could not have been she. He sprang out of bed: and, while putting on his clothes, he noticed that the door, which commonly he used to bolt, was now ajar; though whether he had shut it on the previous night, or not, he could not recollect.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But what surprised him most was the Spirit&#039;s veil, which he found lying on his bed. Having brought it up with him, he had most probably thrown it there himself. It was a gray gauze: on the hem of it he noticed an inscription broidered in dark letters. He unfolded it, and read the words, &amp;quot;&amp;gt;For the first and the last time! Flee, Youth! Flee!&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;quot; He was struck with it, and knew not what to think or say.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At this moment Mignon entered with his breakfast. The aspect of the child astonished Wilhelm, we may almost say frightened him. She appeared to have grown taller over night: she entered with a stately, noble air, and looked him in the face so earnestly, that he could not endure her glances. She did not touch him, as at other times, when, for morning salutation, she would press his hand, or kiss his cheek, his lips, his arm, or shoulder; but, having put his things in order, she retired in silence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The appointed time of a first rehearsal now arrived: our friends assembled, all of them entirely out of tune from yesternight&#039;s debauch. Wilhelm roused himself as much as possible, that he might not at the very outset violate the principles he had preached so lately with such emphasis. His practice in the matter helped him through; for practice and habit must, in every art, fill up the voids which genius and temper in their fluctuations will so often leave.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But, in the present case, our friends had especial reason to admit the truth of the remark, that no one should begin with a festivity any situation that is meant to last, particularly that is meant to be a trade, a mode of living. Festivities are fit for what is happily concluded: at the commencement, they but waste the force and zeal which should inspire us in the struggle, and support us through a&lt;br /&gt;
long-continued labor. Of all festivities, the marriage festival appears the most unsuitable: calmness, humility, and silent hope befit no ceremony more than this.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;So passed the day, which to Wilhelm seemed the most insipid he had ever spent. Instead of their accustomed conversation in the evening, the company began to yawn: the interest of Hamlet was exhausted; they rather felt it disagreeable than otherwise that the play was to be repeated next night. Wilhelm showed the veil which the royal Dane had left: it was to be inferred from this, that he would not come again. Serlo was of that opinion; he appeared to be deep in the secrets of the Ghost: but, on the other hand, the inscription, &amp;quot;Flee, youth! Flee!&amp;quot; seemed inconsistent with the rest. How could Serlo be in league with any one whose aim it was to take away the finest actor of his troop?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It had now become a matter of necessity to confer on Boisterous the Ghost&#039;s part, and on the Pedant that of the King. Both declared that they had studied these sufficiently: nor was it wonderful; for in such a number of rehearsals, and so copious a treatment of the subject, all of them had grown familiar with it: each could have exchanged his part with any other. Yet they rehearsed a little here and there, and prepared the new adventurers, as fully as the hurry would admit. When the company was breaking up at a pretty late hour, Philina softly whispered Wilhelm as she passed, &amp;quot;I must have my slippers back: thou wilt not bolt the door?&amp;quot; These words excited some perplexity in Wilhelm, when he reached his chamber; they strengthened the suspicion that Philina was the secret visitant: and we ourselves are forced to coincide with this idea; particularly as the causes, which awakened in our friend another and a stranger supposition, cannot be disclosed. He kept walking up and down his chamber in no quiet frame: his door was actually not yet bolted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On a sudden Mignon rushed into the room, laid hold of him, and cried, &amp;quot;Master! save the house! It is on fire!&amp;quot; Wilhelm sprang through the door, and a strong smoke came rushing down upon him from the upper story. On the street he heard the cry of fire; and the harper, with his instrument in his hand, came down-stairs breathless through the smoke. Aurelia hurried out of her chamber, and threw little Felix into Wilhelm&#039;s arms.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Save the child!&amp;quot; cried she, &amp;quot;and we will mind the rest.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm did not look upon the danger as so great: his first thought was, to penetrate to the source of the fire, and try to stifle it before it reached a head. He gave Felix to the harper; commanding him to hasten down the stone stairs, which led across a little garden-vault out into the garden, and to wait with the children in the open air. Mignon took a light to show the way. He begged Aurelia to secure her things there also. He himself pierced upwards through the smoke, but it was in vain that he exposed himself to such danger. The flame appeared to issue from a neighboring house; it had already caught the wooden floor and staircase: some others, who had hastened to his help, were suffering like himself from fire and vapor. Yet he kept inciting them; he called for water; he conjured them to dispute every inch with the flame, and promised to abide by them to the last. At this instant, Mignon came springing up, and cried. &amp;quot;Master! save thy Felix! The old man is mad! He is killing him.&amp;quot; Scarcely knowing what he did, Wilhelm darted down stairs; and Mignon followed close behind him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On the last steps, which led into the garden-vault, he paused with horror. Some heaps of fire-wood branches, and large masses of straw, which had been stowed in the place, were burning with a clear flame; Felix was lying on the ground, and screaming; the harper stood aside, holding down his head, and leaned against the wall. &amp;quot;Unhappy creature! what is this?&amp;quot; said Wilhelm. The old man spoke not; Mignon lifted Felix, and carried him with difficulty to the garden; while Wilhelm strove to pull the fire asunder and extinguish it, but only by his efforts made the flame more violent. At last he, too, was forced to flee into the garden, with his hair and his eyelashes burned; tearing the harper with him through the conflagration, who, with singed beard, unwillingly accompanied him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm hastened instantly to seek the children. He found them on the threshold of a summer-house at some distance: Mignon was trying every effort to pacify her comrade. Wilhelm took him on his knee: he questioned him, felt him, but could obtain no satisfactory account from either him or Mignon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Meanwhile, the fire had fiercely seized on several houses: it was now enlightening all the neighborhood. Wilhelm looked at the child in the red glare of the flames: he could find no wound, no blood, no hurt of any kind. He groped over all the little creature&#039;s body, but the boy&lt;br /&gt;
gave no sign of pain: on the contrary, he by degrees grew calm, and began to wonder at the blazing houses, and express his pleasure at the spectacle of beams and rafters burning all in order, like a grand illumination, so beautifully there.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm thought not of the clothes or goods he might have lost: he felt deeply how inestimable to him was this pair of human beings, who had just escaped so great a danger. He pressed little Felix to his heart with a new emotion: Mignon, too, he was about to clasp with joyful tenderness; but she softly avoided this: she took him by the hand, and held it fast.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Master,&amp;quot; said she (till the present evening she had hardly ever named him master; at first she used to name him sir, and afterwards to call him father),&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;quot;Master! we have escaped an awful danger: thy Felix was on the point of death.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By many inquiries, Wilhelm learned from her at last, that, when they came into the vault, the harper tore the light from her hand, and set on fire the straw. That he then put Felix down, laid his hands with strange gestures on the head of the child, and drew a knife as if he meant to sacrifice him. That she sprang forward, and snatched it from him; that she screamed; and some one from the house, who was carrying something down into the garden, came to her help, but must have gone away again in the confusion, and left the old man and the child alone.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Two or even three houses were now flaming in a general blaze. Owing to the conflagration in the vault, no person had been able to take shelter in the garden. Wilhelm was distressed about his friends, and in a less degree about his property. Not venturing to quit the children, he was forced to sit, and see the mischief spreading more and more.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In this anxious state he passed some hours. Felix had fallen asleep on his bosom: Mignon was lying at his side, and holding fast his hand. The efforts of the people finally subdued the fire. The burned houses sank, with successive crashes, into heaps; the morning was advancing; the children awoke, and complained of bitter cold; even Wilhelm, in his light dress, could scarcely brook the chillness of the falling dew. He took the young ones to the rubbish of the prostrate building, where, among the ashes and the embers, they found a very grateful warmth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The opening day collected, by degrees, the various individuals of the party. All of them had got away unhurt: no one had lost much.&lt;br /&gt;
Wilhelm&#039;s trunk was saved among the rest.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Towards ten o&#039;clock Serlo called them to rehearse their &amp;quot;Hamlet,&amp;quot; at least some scenes, in which fresh players were to act. He had some debates to manage, on this point, with the municipal authorities. The clergy required, that, after such a visitation of Providence, the playhouse should be shut for some time; and Serlo, on the other hand, maintained, that both for the purpose of repairing the damage he had suffered, and of exhilarating the depressed and terrified spirits of the people, nothing could be more in place than the exhibition of some interesting play. His opinion in the end prevailed, and the house was full. The actors played with singular fire, with more of a passionate freedom than at first. The feelings of the audience had been heightened by the horrors of the previous night, and their appetite for entertainment had been sharpened by the tedium of a wasted and dissipated day: every one had more than usual susceptibility for what was strange and moving. Most of them were new spectators, invited by the fame of the play: they could not compare the present with the preceding evening. Boisterous played altogether in the style of the unknown Ghost: the Pedant, too, had accurately seized the manner of his predecessor; nor was his own woful aspect without its use to him; for it seemed as if, in spite of his purple cloak and his ermine collar, Hamlet were fully justified in calling him a &amp;quot;king of shreds and patches.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Few have ever reached the throne by a path more singular than his had been. But although the rest, and especially Philina, made sport of his preferment, he himself signified that the count, a consummate judge, had at the first glance predicted this and much more of him. Philina, on the other hand, recommended lowliness of mind to him; saying, she would now and then powder the sleeves of his coat, that he might remember that unhappy night in the castle, and wear his crown with meekness.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER XIV.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Our friends had sought out other lodgings, on the spur of the moment, and were by this means much dispersed. Wilhelm had conceived a liking for the garden-house, where he had spent the night of the conflagration: he easily obtained the key, and settled himself there. But Aurelia being greatly hampered in her new abode, he was obliged to retain little Felix with him. Mignon, indeed, would not part with the boy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had placed the children in a neat chamber on the upper floor: he himself was in the lower parlor. The young ones were asleep at this time: Wilhelm could not sleep.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Adjoining the lovely garden, which the full moon had just risen to illuminate, the black ruins of the fire were visible; and here and there a streak of vapor was still mounting from them. The air was soft, the night extremely beautiful. Philina, in issuing from the theatre, had jogged him with her elbow, and whispered something to him, which he did not understand. He felt perplexed and out of humor: he knew not what he should expect or do. For a day or two Philina had avoided him: it was not till to-night that she had given him any second signal. Unhappily the doors, that he was not to bolt, were now consumed: the slippers had evaporated into smoke. How the girl would gain admission to the garden, if her aim was such, he knew not. He wished she might not come, and yet he longed to have some explanation with her.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But what lay heavier at his heart than this, was the fate of the harper, whom, since the fire, no one had seen. Wilhelm was afraid, that, in clearing off the rubbish, they would find him buried under it. Our friend had carefully concealed the suspicion which he entertained, that it was the harper who had fired the house. The old man had been first seen, as he rushed from the burning and smoking floor, and his desperation in the vault appeared a natural consequence of such a deed. Yet, from the inquiry which the magistrates had instituted touching the affair, it seemed likely that the fire had not originated in the house where Wilhelm lived, but had accidentally been kindled in the third from that, and had crept along beneath the roofs before it burst into activity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Seated in a grove, our friend was meditating all these things, when he heard a low footfall in a neighboring walk. By the melancholy song&lt;br /&gt;
which arose along with it, he recognized the harper. He caught the words of the song without difficulty: it turned on the consolations of a miserable man, conscious of being on the borders of insanity. Unhappily our friend forgot the whole of it except the last verse:&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Wheresoe&#039;er my steps may lead me,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Meekly at the door I&#039;ll stay:&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Pious hands will come to feed me,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
And I&#039;ll wander on my way.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Each will feel a touch of gladness&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
When my aged form appears:&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Each will shed a tear of sadness,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Though I reck not of his tears.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;So singing, he had reached the garden-door, which led into an unfrequented street. Finding it bolted, he was making an attempt to climb the railing, when Wilhelm held him back, and addressed some kindly words to him. The old man begged to have the door unlocked, declaring that he would and must escape. Wilhelm represented to him that he might indeed escape from the garden, but could not from the town; showing, at the same time, what suspicions he must needs incur by such a step. But it was in vain: the old man held by his opinion. Our friend, however, would not yield; and at last he brought him, half by force, into the garden-house, in which he locked himself along with him. The two carried on a strange conversation; which, however, not to afflict our readers with repeating unconnected thoughts and dolorous emotions, we had rather pass in silence than detail at large.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER XV.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Undetermined what to do with this unhappy man, who displayed such indubitable symptoms of madness, Wilhelm would have been in great perplexity, had not Laertes come that very morning, and delivered him from his uncertainty. Laertes, as usual, rambling everywhere about the town, had happened, in some coffee-house, to meet with a man, who, a short time ago, had suffered under violent attacks of melancholy. This person, it appeared, had been intrusted to the care of some country clergyman, who made it his peculiar business to attend to people&lt;br /&gt;
in such situations. In the present instance, as in many others, his treatment had succeeded: he was still in town, and the friends of the patient were showing him the greatest honor.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm hastened to find out this person: he disclosed the case to him, and agreed with him about the terms. The harper was to be brought over to him, under certain pretexts. The separation deeply pained our friend; so used was he to see the man beside him, and to hear his spirited and touching strains. The hope of soon beholding him recovered, served, in some degree, to moderate this feeling. The old man&#039;s harp had been destroyed in the burning of the house: they purchased him another, and gave it him when he departed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mignon&#039;s little wardrobe had in like manner been consumed. As Wilhelm was about providing her with new apparel, Aurelia proposed that now at last they should dress her as a girl.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;No! no! not at all!&amp;quot; cried Mignon, and insisted on it with such earnestness, that they let her have her way.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The company had not much leisure for reflection: the exhibitions followed close on one another.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm often mingled with the audience, to ascertain their feelings; but he seldom heard a criticism of the kind he wished: more frequently the observations he listened to distressed or angered him. Thus, for instance, shortly after &amp;quot;Hamlet&amp;quot; had been acted for the first time, a youth was telling, with considerable animation, how happy he had been that evening in the playhouse. Wilhelm hearkened, and was scandalized to learn that his neighbor had, on that occasion, in contempt of those behind him, kept his hat on, stubbornly refusing to remove it till the play was done; to which heroical transaction he still looked back with great contentment.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Another gentleman declared that Wilhelm played Laertes very well, but that the actor who had undertaken Hamlet did not seem too happy in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;his&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
part. This permutation was not quite unnatural; for Wilhelm and Laertes did resemble one another, though in a very distant manner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A third critic warmly praised his acting, particularly in the scene with his mother; only he regretted much, that, in this fiery moment, a white strap had peered out from below the Prince&#039;s waistcoat, whereby the illusion had been greatly marred.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Meanwhile, in the interior of the company, a multitude of alterations were occurring. Philina, since the evening subsequent to that of the&lt;br /&gt;
fire, had never given our friend the smallest sign of closer intimacy. She had, as it seemed on purpose, hired a remote lodging: she associated with Elmira, and came seldomer to Serlo,&amp;amp;mdash;an arrangement very gratifying to Aurelia. Serlo continued still to like her, and often visited her quarters, particularly when he hoped to find Elmira there. One evening he took Wilhelm with him. At their entrance, both of them were much surprised to see Philina, in the inner room, sitting in close contact with a young officer. He wore a red uniform with white pantaloons; but, his face being turned away, they could not see it. Philina came into the outer room to meet her visitors, and shut the door behind her. &amp;quot;You surprise me in the middle of a very strange adventure,&amp;quot; cried she.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It does not appear so strange,&amp;quot; said Serlo; &amp;quot;but let us see this handsome, young, enviable gallant. You have us in such training, that we dare not show any jealousy, however it may be.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I must leave you to suspicion for a time,&amp;quot; replied Philina in a jesting tone; &amp;quot;yet I can assure you, the gallant is a lady of my friends, who wishes to remain a few days undiscovered. You shall know her history in due season; nay, perhaps you shall even behold the beautiful spinster in person; and then most probably I shall have need of all my prudence and discretion, for it seems too likely that your new acquaintance will drive your old friend out of favor.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm stood as if transformed to stone. At the first glance, the red uniform had reminded him of Mariana: the figure, too, was hers; the fair hair was hers; only the present individual seemed to be a little taller.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;For Heaven&#039;s sake,&amp;quot; cried he, &amp;quot;let us know something more about your friend! let us see this lady in disguise! We are now partakers of your secret: we will promise, we will swear; only let us see the lady!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;What a fire he is in!&amp;quot; cried Philina: &amp;quot;but be cool, be calm; for to-day there will nothing come of it.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Let us only know her name!&amp;quot; cried Wilhelm.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It were a fine secret, then,&amp;quot; replied Philina.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;At least her first name!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;If you can guess it, be it so. Three guesses I will give you,&amp;amp;mdash;not a fourth. You might lead me through the whole calendar.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Well!&amp;quot; said Wilhelm: &amp;quot;Cecilia, then?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;None of your Cecilias!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Henrietta?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Not at all! Have a care, I pray you: guess better, or your curiosity will have to sleep unsatisfied.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm paused and shivered: he tried to speak, but the sound died away within him. &amp;quot;Mariana?&amp;quot; stammered he at last, &amp;quot;Mariana?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Bravo!&amp;quot; cried Philina. &amp;quot;Hit to a hair&#039;s-breadth!&amp;quot; said she, whirling round upon her heel, as she was wont on such occasions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm could not utter a word; and Serlo, not observing his emotion, urged Philina more and more to let them in.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Conceive the astonishment of both, when Wilhelm, suddenly and vehemently interrupting their raillery, threw himself at Philina&#039;s feet, and, with an air and tone of the deepest passion, begged and conjured her, &amp;quot;Let me see the stranger,&amp;quot; cried he: &amp;quot;she is mine; she is my Mariana! She for whom I have longed all the days of my life, she who is still more to me than all the women in this world! Go in to her at least, and tell her that I am here,&amp;amp;mdash;that the man is here who linked to her his earliest love, and all the happiness of his youth. Say that he will justify himself, though he left her so unkindly; he will pray for pardon of her; and will grant her pardon, whatsoever she may have done to him; he will even make no pretensions further, if he may but see her, if he may but see that she is living and in happiness.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Philina shook her head, and said, &amp;quot;Speak low! Do not betray us! If the lady is indeed your friend, her feelings must be spared; for she does not in the least suspect that you are here. Quite a different sort of business brings her hither; and you know well enough, one had rather see a spectre than a former lover at an inconvenient time. I will ask her, and prepare her: we will then consider what is further to be done. To-morrow I shall write you a note, saying when you are to come, or whether you may come at all. Obey me punctually; for I protest, that, without her own and my consent, no eye shall see this lovely creature. I shall keep my doors better bolted; and, with axe and crow, you surely will not visit me.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Our friend conjured her, Serlo begged of her; but all in vain: they were obliged to yield, and leave the chamber and the house.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;With what feelings Wilhelm passed the night is easy to conceive. How slowly the hours of the day flowed on, while he sat expecting a message from Philina, may also be imagined. Unhappily he had to play that&lt;br /&gt;
evening: such mental pain he had never endured. The moment his part was done, he hastened to Philina&#039;s house, without inquiring whether he had got her leave or not. He found her doors bolted: and the people of the house informed him that mademoiselle had set out early in the morning, in company with a young officer; that she had talked about returning shortly; but they had not believed her, she having paid her debts, and taken every thing along with her.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This intelligence drove Wilhelm almost frantic. He hastened to Laertes, that he might take measures for pursuing her, and, cost what it would, for attaining certainty regarding her attendant. Laertes, however, represented to him the imprudence of such passion and credulity. &amp;quot;I dare wager, after all,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;that it is no one else but Friedrich. The boy is of a high family, I know; he is madly in love with Philina; it is likely he has cozened from his friends a fresh supply of money, so that he can once more live with her in peace for a while.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These considerations, though they did not quite convince our friend, sufficed to make him waver. Laertes showed him how improbable the story was with which Philina had amused them; reminded him how well the stranger&#039;s hair and figure answered Friedrich; that with the start of him by twelve hours, they could not easily be overtaken; and, what was more than all, that Serlo could not do without him at the theatre.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By so many reasons, Wilhelm was at last persuaded to postpone the execution of his project. That night Laertes got an active man, to whom they gave the charge of following the runaways. It was a steady person, who had often officiated as courier and guide to travelling-parties, and was at present without employment. They gave him money, they informed him of the whole affair; instructing him to seek and overtake the fugitives, to keep them in his eye, and instantly to send intelligence to Wilhelm where and how he found them. That very hour he mounted horse, pursuing this ambiguous pair; by which exertions, Wilhelm was in some degree at least, composed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER XVI.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The departure of Philina did not make a deep sensation, either in the theatre or in the public. She never was in earnest with any thing: the women universally detested her; the men rather wished to see her selves-two than on the boards. Thus her fine, and, for the stage, even happy, talents were of no avail to her. The other members of the company took greater labor on them to supply her place: the Frau Melina, in particular, was much distinguished by her diligence and zeal. She noted down, as formerly, the principles of Wilhelm; she guided herself according to his theory and his example; there was of late a something in her nature that rendered her more interesting. She soon acquired an accurate mode of acting: she attained the natural tone of conversation altogether, that of keen emotion she attained in some degree. She contrived, moreover, to adapt herself to Serlo&#039;s humors: she took pains in singing for his pleasure, and succeeded in that matter moderately well.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By the accession of some other players, the company was rendered more complete: and while Wilhelm and Serlo were busied each in his degree, the former insisting on the general tone and spirit of the whole, the latter faithfully elaborating the separate passages, a laudable ardor likewise inspired the actors; and the public took a lively interest in their concerns.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;We are on the right path,&amp;quot; said Serlo once: &amp;quot;if we can continue thus, the public, too, will soon be on it. Men are easily astonished and misled by wild and barbarous exhibitions; yet lay before them any thing rational and polished, in an interesting manner, and doubt not they will catch at it.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;What forms the chief defect of our German theatre, what prevents both actor and spectator from obtaining proper views, is the vague and variegated nature of the objects it contains. You nowhere find a barrier on which to prop your judgment. In my opinion, it is far from an advantage to us that we have expanded our stage into, as it were, a boundless arena for the whole of nature; yet neither manager nor actor need attempt contracting it, until the taste of the nation shall itself mark out the proper circle. Every good society submits to certain conditions and restrictions; so also must every good theatre. Certain manners, certain modes of speech, certain objects, and fashions of&lt;br /&gt;
proceeding, must altogether be excluded. You do not grow poorer by limiting your household expenditure.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On these points our friends were more or less accordant or at variance. The majority, with Wilhelm at their head, were for the English theatre; Serlo and a few others for the French.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It was also settled, that in vacant hours, of which unhappily an actor has too many, they should in company peruse the finest plays in both these languages; examining what parts of them seemed best and worthiest of imitation. They accordingly commenced with some French pieces. On these occasions, it was soon observed, Aurelia went away whenever they began to read. At first they supposed she had been sick: Wilhelm once questioned her about it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I would not assist at such a reading,&amp;quot; said she, &amp;quot;for how could I hear and judge, when my heart was torn in pieces? I hate the French language from the bottom of my soul.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;How can you be hostile to a language,&amp;quot; cried our friend, &amp;quot;to which we Germans are indebted for the greater part of our accomplishments; to which we must become indebted still more, if our natural qualities are ever to assume their proper form?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It is no prejudice!&amp;quot; replied Aurelia, &amp;quot;a painful impression, a hated recollection of my faithless friend, has robbed me of all enjoyment in that beautiful and cultivated tongue. How I hate it now with my whole strength and heart! During the period of our kindliest connection, he wrote in German; and what genuine, powerful, cordial German! It was not till he wanted to get quit of me that he began seriously to write in French. I marked, I felt, what he meant. What he would have blushed to utter in his mother tongue, he could by this means write with a quiet conscience. It is the language of reservations, equivocations, and lies: it is a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;perfidious&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; language. Heaven be praised! I cannot find another word to express this &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;perfide&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of theirs in all its compass. Our poor &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;treulos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;faithless&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of the English, are innocent as babes beside it. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Perfide&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; means faithless with pleasure, with insolence and malice. How enviable is the culture of a nation that can figure out so many shades of meaning by a single word! French is exactly the language of the world,&amp;amp;mdash;worthy to become the universal language, that all may have it in their power to cheat and cozen and betray each other! His&lt;br /&gt;
French letters were always smooth and pleasant, while you read them. If you chose to believe it, they sounded warmly, even passionately; but, if you examined narrowly, they were but phrases,&amp;amp;mdash;accursed phrases! He has spoiled my feeling to the whole language, to French literature, even to the beautiful, delicious expressions of noble souls which may be found in it. I shudder when a French word is spoken in my hearing.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In such terms she could for hours continue to give utterance to her chagrin, interrupting or disturbing every other kind of conversation. Sooner or later, Serlo used to put an end to such peevish lamentations by some bitter sally; but by this means, commonly, the talk for the evening was destroyed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In all provinces of life, it is unhappily the case, that whatever is to be accomplished by a number of co-operating men and circumstances cannot long continue perfect. Of an acting company as well as of a kingdom, of a circle of friends as well as of an army, you may commonly select the moment when it may be said that all was standing on the highest pinnacle of harmony, perfection, contentment, and activity. But alterations will ere long occur; the individuals that compose the body often change; new members are added; the persons are no longer suited to the circumstances, or the circumstances to the persons; what was formerly united quickly falls asunder. Thus it was with Serlo&#039;s company. For a time you might have called it as complete as any German company could ever boast of being. Most of the actors were occupying their proper places: all had enough to do, and all did it willingly. Their private personal condition was not bad; and each appeared to promise great things in his art, for each commenced with animation and alacrity. But it soon became apparent that a part of them were mere automatons, who could not reach beyond what was attainable without the aid of feeling. Nor was it long till grudgings and envyings arose among them, such as commonly obstruct every good arrangement, and easily distort and tear in pieces every thing that reasonable and thinking men would wish to keep united.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The departure of Philina was not quite so insignificant as it had at first appeared. She had always skilfully contrived to entertain the manager, and keep the others in good humor. She had endured Aurelia&#039;s violence with amazing patience, and her dearest task had been to flatter Wilhelm. Thus she was, in some respects, a bond of union for the&lt;br /&gt;
whole: the loss of her was quickly felt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Serlo could not live without some little passion of the love sort. Elmira was of late grown up, we might almost say grown beautiful; for some time she had been attracting his attention: and Philina, with her usual dexterity, had favored this attachment so soon as she observed it. &amp;quot;We should train ourselves in time,&amp;quot; she would say, &amp;quot;to the business of procuress: nothing else remains for us when we are old.&amp;quot; Serlo and Elmira had by this means so approximated to each other, that, shortly after the departure of Philina, both were of a mind: and their small romance was rendered doubly interesting, as they had to hide it sedulously from the father; Old Boisterous not understanding jokes of that description. Elmira&#039;s sister had been admitted to the secret; and Serlo was, in consequence, obliged to overlook a multitude of things in both of them. One of their worst habits was an excessive love of junketing,&amp;amp;mdash;nay, if you will, an intolerable gluttony. In this respect they altogether differed from Philina, to whom it gave a new tint of loveliness, that she seemed, as it were, to live on air, eating very little; and, for drink, merely skimming off, with all imaginable grace, the foam from a glass of champagne.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Now, however, Serlo, if he meant to please his doxies, was obliged to join breakfast with dinner; and with this, by a substantial bever, to connect the supper. But, amid gormandizing, Serlo entertained another plan, which he longed to have fulfilled. He imagined that he saw a kind of attachment between Wilhelm and Aurelia, and he anxiously wished that it might assume a serious shape. He hoped to cast the whole mechanical department of his theatrical economy on Wilhelm&#039;s shoulders; to find in him, as in the former brother, a faithful and industrious tool. Already he had, by degrees, shifted over to him most of the cares of management; Aurelia kept the strong-box; and Serlo once more lived as he had done of old, entirely according to his humor. Yet there was a circumstance which vexed him in secret, as it did his sister likewise.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The world has a particular way of acting towards public persons of acknowledged merit: it gradually begins to be indifferent to them, and to favor talents which are new, though far inferior; it makes excessive requisitions of the former, and accepts of any thing with approbation from the latter.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Serlo and Aurelia had opportunity enough to meditate on this peculiarity. The strangers, especially the young and handsome ones, had drawn the whole attention and applause upon themselves; and Serlo and his sister, in spite of the most zealous efforts, had in general to make their exits without the welcome sound of clapping hands. It is true, some special causes were at work on this occasion. Aurelia&#039;s pride was palpable, and her contempt for the public was known to many. Serlo, indeed, flattered every individual; but his cutting jibes against the whole were often circulated and repeated. The new members, again, were not only strangers, unknown, and wanting help, but some of them were likewise young and amiable: thus all of them found patrons.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Erelong, too, there arose internal discontents, and many bickerings, among the actors. Scarcely had they noticed that our friend was acting as director, when most of them began to grow the more remiss, the more he strove to introduce a better order, greater accuracy, and chiefly to insist that every thing mechanical should be performed in the most strict and regular manner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thus, by and by, the whole concern, which actually for a time had nearly looked ideal, grew as vulgar in its attributes as any mere itinerating theatre. And, unhappily, just as Wilhelm, by his labor, diligence, and vigorous efforts, had made himself acquainted with the requisitions of the art, and trained completely both his person and his habits to comply with them, he began to feel, in melancholy hours, that this craft deserved the necessary outlay of time and talents less than any other. The task was burdensome, the recompense was small. He would rather have engaged with any occupation in which, when the period of exertion is passed, one can enjoy repose of mind, than with this, wherein, after undergoing much mechanical drudgery, the aim of one&#039;s activity cannot still be attained but by the strongest effort of thought and emotion. Besides, he had to listen to Aurelia&#039;s complaints about her brother&#039;s wastefulness: he had to misconceive the winks and nods of Serlo, trying from afar to lead him to a marriage with Aurelia. He had, withal, to hide his own secret sorrow, which pressed heavy on his heart, because of that ambiguous officer whom he had sent in quest of. The messenger returned not, sent no tidings; and Wilhelm feared that his Mariana was lost to him a second time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;About this period, there occurred a public mourning, which obliged our friends to shut their theatre for several weeks. Wilhelm seized this&lt;br /&gt;
opportunity to pay a visit to the clergyman with whom the harper had been placed to board. He found him in a pleasant district; and the first thing that he noticed in the parsonage was the old man teaching a boy to play upon his instrument. The harper showed great joy at sight of Wilhelm: he rose, held out his hand, and said, &amp;quot;You see, I am still good for something in the world; permit me to continue; for my hours are all distributed, and full of business.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The clergyman saluted Wilhelm very kindly, and told him that the harper promised well, already giving hopes of a complete recovery.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Their conversation naturally turned upon the various modes of treating the insane.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Except physical derangements,&amp;quot; observed the clergyman, &amp;quot;which often place insuperable difficulties in the way, and in regard to which I follow the prescriptions of a wise physician, the means of curing madness seem to me extremely simple. They are the very means by which you hinder sane persons from becoming mad. Awaken their activity; accustom them to order; bring them to perceive that they hold their being and their fate in common with many millions; that extraordinary talents, the highest happiness, the deepest misery, are but slight variations from the general lot: in this way, no insanity will enter, or, if it has entered, will gradually disappear. I have portioned out the old man&#039;s hours: he gives lessons to some children on the harp; he works in the garden; he is already much more cheerful. He wishes to enjoy the cabbages he plants: my son, to whom in case of death he has bequeathed his harp, he is ardent to instruct, that the boy may be able to make use of his inheritance. I have said but little to him, as a clergyman, about his wild, mysterious scruples; but a busy life brings on so many incidents, that erelong he must feel how true it is, that doubt of any kind can be removed by nothing but activity. I go softly to work: yet, if I could get his beard and hood removed, I should reckon it a weighty point; for nothing more exposes us to madness than distinguishing ourselves from others, and nothing more contributes to maintain our common sense than living in the universal way with multitudes of men. Alas! how much there is in education, in our social institutions, to prepare us and our children for insanity!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm staid some days with this intelligent divine; heard from him many curious narratives, not of the insane alone, but of persons such as commonly are reckoned wise and rational, though they may have peculiarities which border on insanity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The conversation became doubly animated, on the entrance of the doctor, with whom it was a custom to pay frequent visits to his friend the clergyman, and to assist him in his labors of humanity. The physician was an oldish man, who, though in weak health, had spent many years in the practice of the noblest virtues. He was a strong advocate for country life, being himself scarcely able to exist except in the open air. Withal, he was extremely active and companionable. For several years he had shown a special inclination to make friends with all the country clergymen within his reach. Such of these as were employed in any useful occupation he strove by every means to help; into others, who were still unsettled in their aims, he endeavored to infuse a taste for some profitable species of exertion. Being at the same time in connection with a multitude of noblemen, magistrates, judges, he had in the space of twenty years, in secret, accomplished much towards the advancement of many branches of husbandry: he had done his best to put in motion every project that seemed capable of benefiting agriculture, animals, or men, and had thus forwarded improvement in its truest sense. &amp;quot;For man,&amp;quot; he used to say, &amp;quot;there is but one misfortune,&amp;amp;mdash;when some idea lays hold of him, which exerts no influence upon active life, or, still more, which withdraws him from it. At the present time,&amp;quot; continued he, on this occasion, &amp;quot;I have such a case before me: it concerns a rich and noble couple, and hitherto has baffled all my skill. The affair belongs in part to your department, worthy pastor; and your friend here will forbear to mention it again.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;In the absence of a certain nobleman, some persons of the house, in a frolic not entirely commendable, disguised a young man in the master&#039;s clothes. The lady was to be imposed upon by this deception; and, although it was described to me as nothing but a joke, I am much afraid the purpose of it was to lead this noble and most amiable lady from the path of honor. Her husband, however, unexpectedly returns; enters his chamber; thinks he sees his spirit; and from that time falls into a melancholy temper, firmly believing that his death is near.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;He has now abandoned himself to men who pamper him with religious ideas; and I see not how he is to be prevented from going among the&lt;br /&gt;
Hernhuters with his lady, and, as he has no children, from depriving his relations of the chief part of his fortune.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;With his lady?&amp;quot; cried our friend in great agitation; for this story had frightened him extremely.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And, alas!&amp;quot; replied the doctor, who regarded Wilhelm&#039;s exclamation only as the voice of common sympathy, &amp;quot;this lady is herself possessed with a deeper sorrow, which renders a removal from the world desirable to her also. The same young man was taking leave of her: she was not circumspect enough to hide a nascent inclination towards him: the youth grew bolder, clasped her in his arms, and pressed a large portrait of her husband, which was set with diamonds, forcibly against her breast. She felt a sharp pain, which gradually went off, leaving first a little redness, then no trace at all. As a man, I am convinced that she has nothing further to reproach herself with, in this affair; as a physician, I am certain that this pressure could not have the smallest ill effect. Yet she will not be persuaded that an induration is not taking place in the part; and, if you try to overcome her notion by the evidence of feeling, she maintains, that, though the evil is away this moment, it will return the next. She conceives that the disease will end in cancer, and thus her youth and loveliness be altogether lost to others and herself.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Wretch that I am!&amp;quot; cried Wilhelm, striking his brow, and rushing from the company into the fields. He had never felt himself in such a miserable case.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The clergyman and the physician were of course exceedingly astonished at this singular discovery. In the evening all their skill was called for, when our friend returned, and, with a circumstantial disclosure of the whole occurrence, uttered the most violent accusations of himself. Both took interest in him: both felt a real concern about his general condition, particularly as he painted it in the gloomy colors which arose from the humor of the moment.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Next day the physician, without much entreaty, was prevailed upon to accompany him in his return; both that he might bear him company, and that he might, if possible, do something for Aurelia, whom our friend had left in rather dangerous circumstances.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In fact, they found her worse than they expected. She was afflicted with a sort of intermittent fever, which could the less be mastered, as&lt;br /&gt;
she purposely maintained and aggravated the attacks of it. The stranger was not introduced as a physician: he behaved with great courteousness and prudence. They conversed about her situation, bodily and mental: her new friend related many anecdotes of persons who, in spite of lingering disorders, had attained a good old age; adding, that, in such cases, nothing could be more injurious than the intentional recalling of passionate and disagreeable emotions. In particular he stated, that, for persons laboring under chronical and partly incurable distempers, he had always found it a very happy circumstance when they chanced to entertain, and cherish in their minds, true feelings of religion. This he signified in the most unobtrusive manner, as it were historically; promising Aurelia at the same time the reading of a very interesting manuscript, which he said he had received from the hands of an excellent lady of his friends, who was now deceased. &amp;quot;To me,&amp;quot; he said, &amp;quot;it is of uncommon value; and I shall trust you even with the original. Nothing but the title is in my hand-writing: I have called it, &#039;Confessions of a Fair Saint.&#039;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Touching the medical and dietetic treatment of the racked and hapless patient, he also left his best advice with Wilhelm. He then departed; promising to write, and, if possible, to come again in person.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Meanwhile, in Wilhelm&#039;s absence, there had changes been preparing such as he was not aware of. During his directorship, our friend had managed all things with a certain liberality and freedom; looking chiefly at the main result. Whatever was required for dresses, decorations, and the like, he had usually provided in a plentiful and handsome style; and, for securing the co-operation of his people, he had flattered their self-interest, since he could not reach them by nobler motives. In this he felt his conduct justified the more; as Serlo for his own part never aimed at being a strict economist, but liked to hear the beauty of his theatre commended, and was contented if Aurelia, who conducted the domestic matters, on defraying all expenses, signified that she was free from debt, and could besides afford the necessary sums for clearing off such scores as Serlo in the interim, by lavish kindness to his mistresses or otherwise, might have incurred.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Melina, who was charged with managing the wardrobe, had all the while been silently considering these things, with the cold, spiteful temper peculiar to him. On occasion of our friend&#039;s departure, and Aurelia&#039;s&lt;br /&gt;
increasing sickness, he contrived to signify to Serlo, that more money might be raised and less expended, and, consequently, something be laid up, or at least a merrier life be led. Serlo hearkened gladly to such allegations, and Melina risked the exhibition of his plan.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I will not say,&amp;quot; continued he, &amp;quot;that any of your actors has at present too much salary: they are meritorious people, they would find a welcome anywhere; but, for the income which they bring us in, they have too much. My project would be, to set up an opera; and, as to what concerns the playhouse, I may be allowed to say it, you are the person for maintaining that establishment upon your single strength. Observe how at present your merits are neglected; and justice is refused you, not because your fellow-actors are excellent, but merely good.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Come out alone, as used to be the case; endeavor to attract around you middling, I will even say inferior people, for a slender salary; regale the public with mechanical displays, as you can so cleverly do; apply your remaining means to the opera, which I am talking of; and you will quickly see, that, with the same labor and expense, you will give greater satisfaction, while you draw incomparably more money than at present.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These observations were so flattering to Serlo, that they could not fail of making some impression on him. He readily admitted, that, loving music as he did, he had long wished for some arrangement such as this; though he could not but perceive that the public taste would thus be still more widely led astray, and that with such a mongrel theatre, not properly an opera, not properly a playhouse, any residue of true feeling for regular and perfect works of art must shortly disappear.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Melina ridiculed, in terms more plain than delicate, our friend&#039;s pedantic notions in this matter, and his vain attempts to form the public mind, instead of being formed by it: Serlo and he at last agreed, with full conviction, that the sole concern was, how to gather money, and grow rich, or live a joyous life; and they scarcely concealed their wish to be delivered from those persons who at present hindered them. Melina took occasion to lament Aurelia&#039;s weak health, and the speedy end which it threatened; thinking all the while directly the reverse. Serlo affected to regret that Wilhelm could not sing, thus signifying that his presence was by no means indispensable. Melina then came forward with&lt;br /&gt;
a whole catalogue of savings, which, he said, might be effected; and Serlo saw in him his brother-in-law replaced threefold. They both felt that secrecy was necessary in the matter, but this mutual obligation only joined them closer in their interests. They failed not to converse together privately on every thing that happened; to blame whatever Wilhelm or Aurelia undertook; and to elaborate their own project, and prepare it more and more for execution.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Silent as they both might be about their plan, little as their words betrayed them, in their conduct they were not so politic as constantly to hide their purposes. Melina now opposed our friend in many points that lay within the province of the latter; and Serlo, who had never acted smoothly to his sister, seemed to grow more bitter the more her sickness deepened, the more her passionate and variable humors would have needed toleration.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;About this period they took up the &amp;quot;Emilie Galotti&amp;quot; of Lessing. The parts were very happily distributed and filled: within the narrow circle of this tragedy, the company found room for showing all the complex riches of their acting. Serlo, in the character of Marinelli, was altogether in his place; Odoardo was very well exhibited; Madam Melina played the Mother with considerable skill; Elmira gained distinction as Emilie; Laertes made a stately Appiani; and Wilhelm had bestowed the study of some months upon the Prince&#039;s part. On this occasion, both internally and with Aurelia and Serlo, he had often come upon this question: What is the distinction between a noble and a well-bred manner? and how far must the former be included in the latter, though the latter is not in the former?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Serlo, who himself in Marinelli had to act the courtier accurately, without caricature, afforded him some valuable thoughts on this. &amp;quot;A well-bred carriage,&amp;quot; he would say, is difficult to imitate; for in strictness it is negative, and it implies a long-continued previous training. You are not required to exhibit in your manner any thing that specially betokens dignity; for, by this means, you are like to run into formality and haughtiness: you are rather to avoid whatever is undignified and vulgar. You are never to forget yourself; are to keep a constant watch upon yourself and others; to forgive nothing that is faulty in your own conduct, in that of others neither to forgive too little nor too much. Nothing must appear to touch you, nothing to agitate: you must never overhaste yourself, must ever keep yourself&lt;br /&gt;
composed, retaining still an outward calmness, whatever storms may rage within. The noble character at certain moments may resign himself to his emotions; the well-bred never. The latter is like a man dressed out in fair and spotless clothes: he will not lean on any thing; every person will beware of rubbing on him. He distinguishes himself from others, yet he may not stand apart; for as in all arts, so in this, the hardest must at length be done with ease: the well-bred man of rank, in spite of every separation, always seems united with the people round him; he is never to be stiff or uncomplying; he is always to appear the first, and never to insist on so appearing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It is clear, then, that, to seem well-bred, a man must actually be so. It is also clear why women generally are more expert at taking up the air of breeding than the other sex; why courtiers and soldiers catch it more easily than other men.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm now despaired of doing justice to his part; but Serlo aided and encouraged him, communicated the acutest observations on detached points, and furnished him so well, that, on the exhibition of the piece, the public reckoned him a very proper Prince.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Serlo had engaged to give him, when the play was over, such remarks as might occur upon his acting: a disagreeable contention with Aurelia prevented any conversation of that kind. Aurelia had acted the character of Orsina, in such a style as few have ever done. She was well acquainted with the part, and during the rehearsals she had treated it indifferently: but, in the exhibition of the piece, she had opened, as it were, all the sluices of her personal sorrow; and the character was represented so as never poet in the first glow of invention could have figured it. A boundless applause rewarded her painful efforts; but her friends, on visiting her when the play was finished, found her half fainting in her chair.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Serlo had already signified his anger at her overcharged acting, as he called it; at this disclosure of her inmost heart before the public, to many individuals of which the history of her fatal passion was more or less completely known. He had spoken bitterly and fiercely; grinding with his teeth and stamping with his feet, as was his custom when enraged. &amp;quot;Never mind her,&amp;quot; cried he, when he saw her in the chair, surrounded by the rest: &amp;quot;she will go upon the stage stark-naked one&lt;br /&gt;
of these days, and then the approbation will be perfect.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Ungrateful, inhuman man!&amp;quot; exclaimed she: &amp;quot;soon shall I be carried naked to the place where approbation or disapprobation can no longer reach our ears!&amp;quot; With these words she started up, and hastened to the door. The maid had not yet brought her mantle; the sedan was not in waiting; it had been raining lately; a cold, raw wind was blowing through the streets. They endeavored to persuade her to remain, for she was very warm. But in vain: she purposely walked slow; she praised the coolness, seemed to inhale it with peculiar eagerness. No sooner was she home, than she became so hoarse that she could hardly speak a word: she did not mention that there was a total stiffness in her neck and along her back. Shortly afterwards a sort of palsy in the tongue came on, so that she pronounced one word instead of another. They put her to bed: by numerous and copious remedies, the evil changed its form, but was not mastered. The fever gathered strength: her case was dangerous.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Next morning she enjoyed a quiet hour. She sent for Wilhelm, and delivered him a letter. &amp;quot;This sheet,&amp;quot; said she, &amp;quot;has long been waiting for the present moment. I feel that my end is drawing nigh: promise me that you yourself will take this paper; that, by a word or two, you will avenge my sorrows on the faithless man. He is not void of feeling: my death will pain him for a moment.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm took the letter; still endeavoring to console her, and to drive away the thought of death.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;No,&amp;quot; said she: &amp;quot;do not deprive me of my nearest hope. I have waited for him long: I will joyfully clasp him when he comes.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Shortly after this the manuscript arrived which the physician had engaged to send her. She called for Wilhelm,&amp;amp;mdash;made him read it to her. The effect which it produced upon her, the reader will be better able to appreciate after looking at the following Book. The violent and stubborn temper of our poor Aurelia was mollified by hearing it. She took back the letter, and wrote another, as it seemed, in a meeker tone; charging Wilhelm at the same time to console her friend, if he should be distressed about her death; to assure him that she had forgiven him, and wished him every kind of happiness.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;From this time she was very quiet, and appeared to occupy herself with but a few ideas, which she endeavored to extract and appropriate&lt;br /&gt;
from the manuscript, out of which she frequently made Wilhelm read to her. The decay of her strength was not perceptible: nor had Wilhelm been anticipating the event, when one morning, as he went to visit her, he found that she was dead.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Entertaining such respect for her as he had done, and accustomed as he was to live in her society, the loss of her affected him with no common sorrow. She was the only person that had truly wished him well: the coldness of Serlo he had felt of late but too keenly. He hastened, therefore, to perform the service she had intrusted to him: he wished to be absent for a time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On the other hand, this journey was exceedingly convenient for Melina: in the course of his extensive correspondence, he had lately entered upon terms with a male and a female singer, who, it was intended, should, by their performances in interludes, prepare the public for his future opera. The loss of Aurelia, and Wilhelm&#039;s absence, were to be supplied in this manner; and our friend was satisfied with any thing that could facilitate his setting out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had formed, within himself, a singular idea of the importance of his errand. The death of his unhappy friend had moved him deeply; and, having seen her pass so early from the scene, he could not but be hostilely inclined against the man who had abridged her life, and made that shortened term so full of woe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Notwithstanding the last mild words of the dying woman, he resolved, that, on delivering his letter, he would pass a strict sentence on her faithless friend; and, not wishing to depend upon the temper of the moment, he studied an address, which, in the course of preparation, became more pathetic than just. Having fully convinced himself of the good composition of his essay, he began committing it to memory, and at the same time making ready for departure. Mignon was present as he packed his articles: she asked him whether he intended travelling south or north; and, learning that it was the latter, she replied, &amp;quot;Then, I will wait here for thee.&amp;quot; She begged of him the pearl necklace which had once been Mariana&#039;s. He could not refuse to gratify the dear little creature, and he gave it her: the neckerchief she had already. On the other hand, she put the veil of Hamlet&#039;s Ghost into his travelling-bag; though he told her it could not be of any service to him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Melina took upon him the directorship: his wife engaged to keep a mother&#039;s eye upon the children, whom Wilhelm parted with unwillingly. Felix was very merry at the setting out; and, when asked what pretty thing he wished to have brought back for him, he said, &amp;quot;Hark you! bring me a papa!&amp;quot; Mignon seized the traveller&#039;s hand; then, standing on her tiptoes, she pressed a warm and cordial, though not a tender, kiss, upon his lips, and cried, &amp;quot;Master! forget us not, and come soon back.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And so we leave our friend, entering on his journey, amid a thousand different thoughts and feelings; and here subjoin, by way of close, a little poem, which Mignon had recited once or twice with great expressiveness, and which the hurry of so many singular occurrences prevented us from inserting sooner:&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Not speech, bid silence, I implore thee;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;For secrecy&#039;s my duty still:&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
My heart entire I&#039;d fain lay bare before thee,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;But such is not of fate the will.&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In season due the sun&#039;s course backward throws&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;Dark night; ensue must light; the mountain&#039;s&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Hard rock, at length, its bosom doth unclose,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;Now grudging earth no more the hidden fountains.&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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Each seeks repose upon a friend&#039;s true breast,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;Where by laments he frees his bosom lonely;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Whereas an oath my lips hold closely pressed,&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;The which to speech a God can open only.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;span style=&amp;quot;margin-left: 20.5em;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Editor&#039;s Version.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;BOOK VI.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CONFESSIONS OF A FAIR SAINT.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Till my eighth year I was always a healthy child, but of that period I can recollect no more than of the day when I was born. About the beginning of my eighth year, I was seized with a hemorrhage; and from that moment my soul became all feeling, all memory. The smallest circumstances of that accident are yet before my eyes as if they had occurred but yesterday.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;During the nine months which I then spent patiently upon a sick-bed, it appears to me the groundwork of my whole turn of thought was laid; as the first means were then afforded my mind of developing itself in its own manner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I suffered and I loved: this was the peculiar form of my heart. In the most violent fits of coughing, in the depressing pains of fever, I lay quiet, like a snail drawn back within its house: the moment I obtained a respite, I wanted to enjoy something pleasant; and, as every other pleasure was denied me, I endeavored to amuse myself with the innocent delights of eye and ear. The people brought me dolls and picture-books, and whoever would sit by my bed was obliged to tell me something.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;From my mother I rejoiced to hear the Bible histories, and my father entertained me with natural curiosities. He had a very pretty cabinet, from which he brought me first one drawer and then another, as occasion served; showing me the articles, and pointing out their properties. Dried plants and insects, with many kinds of anatomical preparations, such as human skin, bones, mummies, and the like, were in succession laid upon the sick-bed of the little one; the birds and animals he killed in hunting were shown to me, before they passed into the kitchen; and, that the Prince of the World might also have a voice in this assembly, my aunt related to me love-adventures out of fairy-tales. All was accepted, all took root. There were hours in which I vividly&lt;br /&gt;
conversed with the Invisible Power. I can still repeat some verses which I then dictated, and my mother wrote down.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Often I would tell my father back again what I had learned from him. Rarely did I take any physic without asking where the simples it was made of grew, what look they had, what names they bore. Nor had the stories of my aunt lighted on stony ground. I figured myself out in pretty clothes, and met the most delightful princes, who could find no peace or rest till they discovered who the unknown beauty was. One adventure of this kind, with a charming little angel dressed in white, with golden wings, who warmly courted me, I dwelt upon so long, that my imagination painted out his form almost to visibility.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After a year I was pretty well restored to health, but nothing of the giddiness of childhood remained with me. I could not play with dolls: I longed for beings able to return my love. Dogs, cats, and birds, of which my father kept a great variety, afforded me delight; but what would I have given for such a creature as my aunt once told me of! It was a lamb which a peasant-girl took up and nourished in a wood; but, in the guise of this pretty beast, an enchanted prince was hid, who at length appeared in his native shape, a lovely youth, and rewarded his benefactress by his hand. Such a lamb I would have given the world for.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But there was none to be had; and, as every thing about me went on in such a quite natural manner, I by degrees all but abandoned nearly all hopes of such a treasure. Meanwhile I comforted myself by reading books in which the strangest incidents were set forth. Among them all, my favorite was the &amp;quot;Christian German Hercules:&amp;quot; that devout love-history was altogether in my way. Whenever any thing befell his dear Valiska, and cruel things befell her, he always prayed before hastening to her aid; and the prayers stood there &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;verbatim&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. My longing after the Invisible, which I had always dimly felt, was strengthened by such means; for, in short, it was ordained that God should also be my confidant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As I grew older I continued reading, Heaven knows what, in chaotic order. The &amp;quot;Roman Octavia&amp;quot; was the book I liked beyond all others. The persecutions of the first Christians, decorated with the charms of a romance, awoke the deepest interest in me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But my mother now began to murmur at my constant reading; and, to humor her, my father took away my books to-day, but gave them back&lt;br /&gt;
to-morrow. She was wise enough to see that nothing could be done in this way: she next insisted merely that my Bible should be read with equal diligence. To this I was not disinclined, and I accordingly perused the sacred volume with a lively interest. Withal my mother was extremely careful that no books of a corruptive tendency should come into my hands: immodest writings I would, of my own accord, have cast away; for my princes and my princesses were all extremely virtuous.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To my mother, and my zeal for knowledge, it was owing, that, with all my love of books, I also learned to cook; for much was to be seen in cookery. To cut up a hen, a pig, was quite a feast for me. I used to bring the entrails to my father, and he talked with me about them as if I had been a student of anatomy. With suppressed joy he would often call me his misfashioned son.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I had passed my twelfth year. I learned French, dancing, and drawing: I received the usual instructions in religion. In the latter, many thoughts and feelings were awakened, but nothing properly relating to my own condition. I liked to hear the people speak of God: I was proud that I could speak on these points better than my equals. I zealously read many books which put me in a condition to talk about religion; but it never once struck me to think how matters stood with &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;me&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, whether &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;my&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
soul was formed according to these holy precepts, whether it was like a glass from which the everlasting sun could be reflected in its glancing. From the first I had presupposed all this.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;My French I learned with eagerness. My teacher was a clever man. He was not a vain empiric, not a dry grammarian: he had learning, he had seen the world. Instructing me in language, he satisfied my zeal for knowledge in a thousand ways. I loved him so much, that I used to wait his coming with a palpitating heart. Drawing was not hard for me: I should have made greater progress had my teacher possessed head and science; he had only hands and practice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Dancing was at first one of my smallest amusements; my body was too sensitive for it; I learned it only in the company of my sisters. But our dancing-master took a thought of gathering all his scholars, male and female, and giving them a ball. This event gave dancing quite another charm for me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Amid a throng of boys and girls, the most remarkable were two sons of the marshal of the court. The youngest was of my age; the other, two&lt;br /&gt;
years older: they were children of such beauty, that, according to the universal voice, no one had seen their like. For my part, scarcely had I noticed them when I lost sight of all the other crowd. From that moment I began to dance with care, and to wish that I could dance with grace. How came it, on the other hand, that these two boys distinguished me from all the rest? No matter: before an hour had passed we had become the warmest friends, and our little entertainment did not end till we had fixed upon the time and place where we were next to meet. What a joy for me! And how charmed was I next morning when both of them inquired for my health, each in a gallant note, accompanied with a nosegay! I have never since felt as I then did. Compliment was met by compliment: letter answered letter. The church and the public-walks were grown a rendezvous; our young acquaintances, in all their little parties, now invited us together; while, at the same time, we were sly enough to veil the business from our parents, so that they saw no more of it than we thought good.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thus had I at once got a pair of lovers. I had yet decided upon neither: they both pleased me, and we did extremely well together. All at once the eldest of the two fell very sick. I myself had often been sick; and thus I was enabled, by rendering him many little dainties and delicacies suited for a sick person, to afford some solace to the sufferer. His parents thankfully acknowledged my attention: in compliance with the prayer of their beloved son, they invited me, with all my sisters, to their house so soon as he had arisen from his sick-bed. The tenderness which he displayed on meeting me was not the feeling of a child: from that day I gave the preference to him. He warned me to keep our secret from his brother; but the flame could no longer be concealed, and the jealousy of the younger completed our romance. He played us a thousand tricks: eager to annihilate our joys, he but increased the passion he was seeking to destroy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At last I had actually found the wished-for lamb, and this attachment acted on me like my sickness: it made me calm, and drew me back from noisy pleasures. I was solitary, I was moved; and thoughts of God again occurred to me. He was again my confidant; and I well remember with what tears I often prayed for this poor boy, who still continued sickly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The more childishness there was in this adventure, the more did it contribute to the forming of my heart. Our French teacher had now turned us from translating into daily writing him some letter of our own invention. I brought my little history to market, shrouded in the names of Phyllis and Damon. The old man soon saw through it, and, to render me communicative, praised my labor very much. I still waxed bolder; came openly out with the affair, adhering, even in the minute details, to truth. I do not now remember what the passage was at which he took occasion to remark, &amp;quot;How pretty, how natural, it is! But the good Phyllis had better have a care: the thing may soon grow serious.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I felt vexed that he did not look upon the matter as already serious; and I asked him, with an air of pique, what he meant by serious. I had not to repeat the question: he explained himself so clearly, that I could scarcely hide my terror. Yet as anger came along with it, as I took it ill that he should entertain such thoughts, I kept myself composed: I tried to justify my nymph, and said, with glowing cheeks, &amp;quot;But, sir, Phyllis is an honorable girl.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was rogue enough to banter me about my honorable heroine. While we were speaking French, he played upon the word &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;honnête&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and hunted the honorableness of Phyllis over all its meanings. I felt the ridicule of this, and extremely puzzled. He, not to frighten me, broke off, but afterwards often led the conversation to such topics. Plays, and little histories, such as I was reading and translating with him, gave him frequent opportunity to show how feeble a security against the calls of inclination our boasted virtue was. I no longer contradicted him, but I was in secret scandalized; and his remarks became a burden to me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;With my worthy Damon, too, I by degrees fell out of all connection. The chicanery of the younger boy destroyed our intercourse. Soon after, both these blooming creatures died. I lamented sore: however, in a short time, I forgot.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But Phyllis rapidly increased in stature, was altogether healthy, and began to see the world. The hereditary prince now married, and a short time after, on his father&#039;s death, began his rule. Court and town were in the liveliest motion: my curiosity had copious nourishment. There were plays and balls, with all their usual accompaniments; and, though my parents kept retired as much as possible, they were obliged to show themselves at court, where I was of course introduced. Strangers were pouring in from every side; high company was in every house; even to&lt;br /&gt;
us some cavaliers were recommended, others introduced; and, at my uncle&#039;s, men of every nation might be met with.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;My honest mentor still continued, in a modest and yet striking way, to warn me, and I in secret to take it ill of him. With regard to his assertion, that women under every circumstance were weak, I did not feel at all convinced; and here, perhaps, I was in the right, and my mentor in the wrong: but he spoke so earnestly that once I grew afraid he might be right, and said to him, with much vivacity, &amp;quot;Since the danger is so great, and the human heart so weak, I will pray to God that he may keep me.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This simple answer seemed to please him, for he praised my purpose; but, on my side, it was any thing but seriously meant. It was, in truth, but an empty word; for my feelings towards the Invisible were almost totally extinguished. The hurry and the crowd I lived in dissipated my attention, and carried me along as in a rapid stream. These were the emptiest years of my life. All day long to speak of nothing, to have no solid thought, never to do any thing but revel,&amp;amp;mdash;such was my employment. On my beloved books I never once bestowed a thought. The people I lived among had not the slightest tinge of literature or science: they were German courtiers, a class of men at that time altogether destitute of culture.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Such society, it may be thought, must naturally have led me to the brink of ruin. I lived away in mere corporeal cheerfulness: I never took myself to task, I never prayed, I never thought about myself or God. Yet I look upon it as a providential guidance, that none of these many handsome, rich, and well-dressed men could take my fancy. They were rakes, and did not conceal it; this scared me back: they adorned their speech with double meanings; this offended me, made me act with coldness towards them. Many times their improprieties exceeded belief, and I did not restrain myself from being rude.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Besides, my ancient counsellor had once in confidence contrived to tell me, that, with the greater part of these lewd fellows, health, as well as virtue, was in danger. I now shuddered at the sight of them: I was afraid if one of them in any way approached too near me. I would not touch their cups or glasses,&amp;amp;mdash;even the chairs they had been sitting on. Thus, morally and physically, I remained apart from them: all the compliments they paid me I haughtily accepted, as incense that was due.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Among the strangers then resident among us was one young man peculiarly distinguished, whom we used in sport to call Narciss. He had gained a reputation in the diplomatic line; and, among the various changes now occurring at court, he was in hopes of meeting with some advantageous place. He soon became acquainted with my father: his acquirements and manners opened for him the way to a select society of most accomplished men. My father often spoke in praise of him: his figure, which was very handsome, would have made a still better impression, had it not been for something of self-complacency which breathed from the whole carriage of the man. I had seen him. I thought well of him; but we had never spoken.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At a great ball, where we chanced to be in company, I danced a minuet with him; but this, too, passed without results. The more violent dances, in compliance with my father, who felt anxious about my health, I was accustomed to avoid: in the present case, when these came on, I retired to an adjoining room, and began to talk with certain of my friends, elderly ladies, who had set themselves to cards.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Narciss, who had jigged it for a while, at last came into the room where I was; and having got the better of a bleeding at the nose, which had overtaken him in dancing, he began speaking with me about a multitude of things. In half an hour the talk had grown so interesting, that neither of us could think of dancing any more. We were rallied by our friends, but we did not let their bantering disturb us. Next evening we recommenced our conversation, and were very careful not to hurt our health.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The acquaintance then was made. Narciss was often with my sisters and myself; and I now once more began to reckon over and consider what I knew, what I thought of, what I had felt, and what I could express myself about in conversation. My new friend had mingled in the best society; besides the department of history and politics, with every part of which he was familiar, he had gained extensive literary knowledge; there was nothing new that issued from the press, especially in France, that he was unacquainted with. He brought or sent me many a pleasant book, but this we had to keep as secret as forbidden love. Learned women had been made ridiculous, nor were well-informed women tolerated,&amp;amp;mdash;apparently because it would have been uncivil to put so many ill-informed men to shame. Even my father, much as he delighted in this new opportunity of cultivating my mind, expressly stipulated&lt;br /&gt;
that our literary commerce should remain secret.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thus our intercourse continued for almost year and day; and still I could not say, that, in any wise, Narciss had ever shown me aught of love or tenderness. He was always complaisant and kind, but manifested nothing like attachment: on the contrary, he even seemed to be in some degree affected by the charms of my youngest sister, who was then extremely beautiful. In sport, he gave her many little friendly names out of foreign tongues; for he could speak two or three of these extremely well, and loved to mix their idiomatic phrases with his German. Such compliments she did not answer very liberally; she was entangled in a different noose: and being very sharp, while he was very sensitive, the two were often quarrelling about trifles. With my mother and my aunt he kept on very pleasant terms; and thus, by gradual advances, he was grown to be a member of the family.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Who knows how long we might have lived in this way, had not a curious accident altered our relations all at once? My sisters and I were invited to a certain house, to which we did not like to go. The company was too mixed; and persons of the stupidest, if not the rudest, stamp were often to be met there. Narciss, on this occasion, was invited also; and on his account I felt inclined to go, for I was sure of finding one, at least, whom I could converse with as I desired. Even at table we had many things to suffer, for several of the gentlemen had drunk too much: then, in the drawing-room, they insisted on a game at forfeits. It went on with great vivacity and tumult. Narciss had lost a forfeit: they ordered him, by way of penalty, to whisper something pleasant in the ear of every member of the company. It seems he staid too long beside my next neighbor, the lady of a captain. The latter on a sudden struck him such a box with his fist, that the powder flew about me, into my eyes. When I had got my eyes cleared, and in some degree recovered from my terror, I saw that both gentlemen had drawn their swords. Narciss was bleeding; and the other, mad with wine and rage and jealousy, could scarcely be held back by all the company. I seized Narciss, led him by the arm up-stairs; and, as I did not think my friend safe even here from his frantic enemy, I shut the door and bolted it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Neither of us considered the wound serious, for a slight cut across the hand was all we saw. Soon, however, I discovered that there was a stream of blood running down his back, that there was a deep wound on the&lt;br /&gt;
head. I now began to be afraid. I hastened to the lobby, to get help: but I could see no person; every one had staid below to calm the raving captain. At last a daughter of the family came skipping up: her mirth annoyed me; she was like to die with laughing at the bedlam spectacle. I conjured her, for the sake of Heaven, to get a surgeon; and she, in her wild way, sprang down-stairs to fetch me one herself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Returning to my wounded friend, I bound my handkerchief about his hand, and a neckerchief, that was hanging on the door, about his head. He was still bleeding copiously: he now grew pale, and seemed as if he were about to faint. There was none at hand to aid me: I very freely put my arm round him, patted his cheek, and tried to cheer him by little flatteries. It seemed to act on him like a spiritual remedy: he kept his senses, but sat as pale as death.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At last the active housewife arrived: it is easy to conceive her terror when she saw my friend in this predicament, lying in my arms, and both of us bestreamed with blood. No one had supposed he was wounded: all imagined I had carried him away in safety.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Now smelling-bottles, wine, and every thing that could support and stimulate, were copiously produced. The surgeon also came, and I might easily have been dispensed with. Narciss, however, held me firmly by the hand: I would have staid without holding. During the dressing of his wounds, I continued wetting his lips with wine: I minded not, though all the company were now about us. The surgeon having finished, his patient took a mute but tender leave of me, and was conducted home.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The mistress of the house now led me to her bedroom: she had to strip me altogether; and I must confess, while they washed the blood from me, I saw with pleasure, for the first time, in a mirror, that I might be reckoned beautiful without help of dress. No portion of my clothes could be put on again; and, as the people of the house were all either less or larger than myself, I was taken home in a strange disguise. My parents were, of course, astonished. They felt exceedingly indignant at my fright, at the wounds of their friend, at the captain&#039;s madness, at the whole occurrence. A very little would have made my father send the captain a challenge, that he might avenge his friend without delay. He blamed the gentlemen that had been there, because they had not punished on the spot such a murderous attempt; for it was but too clear, that&lt;br /&gt;
the captain, instantly on striking, had drawn his sword, and wounded the other from behind. The cut across the hand had been given just when Narciss himself was grasping at his sword. I felt unspeakably affected, altered; or how shall I express it? The passion which was sleeping at the deepest bottom of my heart had at once broken loose, like a flame getting air. And if joy and pleasure are well suited for the first producing and the silent nourishing of love, yet this passion, bold by nature, is most easily impelled by terror to decide and to declare itself. My mother gave her little flurried daughter some medicine, and made her go to bed. With the earliest morrow my father hastened to Narciss, whom he found lying very sick of a wound-fever.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He told me little of what passed between them, but tried to quiet me about the probable results of this event. They were now considering whether an apology should be accepted, whether the affair should go before a court of justice, and many other points of that description. I knew my father too well to doubt that he would be averse to see the matter end without a duel: but I held my peace; for I had learned from him before, that women should not meddle in such things. For the rest, it did not strike me as if any thing had passed between the friends, in which my interests were specially concerned; but my father soon communicated to my mother the purport of their further conversation. Narciss, he said, appeared to be exceedingly affected at the help afforded by me; had embraced him, declared himself my debtor forever, signified that he desired no happiness except what he could share with me, and concluded by entreating that he might presume to ask my hand. All this mamma repeated to me, but subjoined the safe reflection, that, &amp;quot;as for what was said in the first agitation of mind in such a case, there was little trust to be placed in it.&amp;quot;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;quot;Of course, none,&amp;quot; I answered with affected coldness; though all the while I was feeling, Heaven knows what.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Narciss continued sick for two months; owing to the wound in his right hand, he could not even write. Yet, in the mean time, he showed me his regard by the most obliging courtesies. All these unusual attentions I combined with what my mother had disclosed to me, and constantly my head was full of fancies. The whole city talked of the occurrence. With me they spoke of it in a peculiar tone: they drew inferences, which, greatly as I struggled to avoid them, touched me very close. What had formerly been habitude and trifling, was now grown seriousness and&lt;br /&gt;
inclination. The anxiety in which I lived was the more violent, the more carefully I studied to conceal it from every one. The idea of losing him frightened me: the possibility of any closer union made me tremble. For a half-prudent girl, there is really something awful in the thought of marriage.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By such incessant agitations I was once more led to recollect myself. The gaudy imagery of a thoughtless life, which used to hover day and night before my eyes, was at once blown away. My soul again began to awaken, but the greatly interrupted intimacy with my invisible friend was not so easy to renew. We still continued at a frigid distance: it was again something, but little to the times of old.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A duel had been fought, and the captain severely wounded, before I ever heard of it. The public feeling was, in all senses, strong on the side of my lover, who at length again appeared upon the scene. But, first of all, he came, with his head tied up and his arm in a sling, to visit us. How my heart beat while he was there! The whole family was present: general thanks and compliments were all that passed on either side. Narciss, however, found an opportunity to show some secret tokens of his love to me; by which means my inquietude was but increased. After his recovery he visited us throughout the winter on the former footing; and in spite of all the soft, private marks of tenderness which he contrived to give me, the whole affair remained unsettled, undiscussed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In this manner was I kept in constant practice. I could trust my thoughts to no mortal, and from God I was too far removed. Him I had quite forgotten those four wild years: I now again began to think of him occasionally, but our acquaintance had grown cool; they were visits of mere ceremony these; and as, moreover, in waiting on him, I used to dress in fine apparel, to set before him self-complacently my virtue, honor, and superiorities to others, he did not seem to notice me, or know me in that finery.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A courtier would have been exceedingly distressed, if the prince who held his fortune in his hands had treated him in this way; but, for me, I did not sorrow at it. I had what I required,&amp;amp;mdash;health and conveniences: if God should please to think of me, well; if not, I reckoned I had done my duty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This, in truth, I did not think at that period; yet it was the true figure of my soul. But, to change and purify my feelings, preparations were already made.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The spring came on: Narciss once visited me unannounced, and at a time when I happened to be quite alone. He now appeared in the character of lover, and asked me if I could bestow on him my heart, and, so soon as he should obtain some lucrative and honorable place, my hand along with it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had been received into our service; but at first they kept him back, and would not rapidly promote him, because they dreaded his ambition. Having some little fortune of his own, he was left with a slender salary.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Notwithstanding my regard for him, I knew that he was not a man to treat with altogether frankly. I drew up, therefore, and referred him to my father. About my father he did not seem to doubt, but wished first to be at one with me, now and here. I at last said, Yes; but stipulated, as an indispensable condition, that my parents should concur. He then spoke formally with both of them; they signified their satisfaction: mutual promises were given, on the faith of his advancement, which it was expected would be speedy. Sisters and aunts were informed of this arrangement, and the strictest secrecy enjoined on them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thus had my lover become my bridegroom, and great was the difference between the two. If one could change the lovers of all honorable maidens into bridegrooms, it would be a kindness to our sex, even though marriage should not follow the connection. The love between two persons does not lessen by the change, but it becomes more reasonable. Innumerable little follies, all coquetries and caprices, disappear. If the bridegroom tells us that we please him better in a morning-cap than in the finest head-dress, no discreet young woman will disturb herself about her hair-dressing; and nothing is more natural than that he, too, should think solidly, and rather wish to form a housewife for himself than a gaudy doll for others. And thus it is in every province of the business.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Should a young woman of this kind be fortunate enough to have a bridegroom who possesses understanding and acquirements, she learns from him more than universities and foreign lands can teach. She not only willingly receives instruction when he offers it, but she endeavors to elicit more and more from him. Love makes much that was impossible possible. By degrees, too, that subjection, so necessary and so graceful for the female sex, begins: the bridegroom does not govern like the husband; he only asks: but his mistress seeks to discover what he&lt;br /&gt;
wants, and to offer it before he asks it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;So did experience teach me what I would not for much have missed. I was happy, truly happy as woman could be in the world,&amp;amp;mdash;that is to say, for a while.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Amid these quiet joys, a summer passed away. Narciss gave not the slightest reason to complain of him: he daily became more dear to me; my whole soul was his. This he well knew, and knew also how to prize it. Meanwhile, from seeming trifles, something rose, which by and by grew hurtful to our union.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Narciss behaved to me as to a bride, and never dared to ask of me such favors as were yet forbidden us. But, about the boundaries of virtue and decorum, we were of very different opinions. I meant to walk securely, and so never granted him the smallest freedom which the whole world might not have witnessed. He, used to dainties, thought this diet very strict. On this point there was continual variance: he praised my modesty, and sought to undermine my resolution.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;serious&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of my old French teacher now occurred to me, as well as the defence which I had once suggested in regard to it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;With God I had again become a little more acquainted. He had given me a bridegroom whom I loved, and for this I felt some thankfulness. Earthly love itself concentrated my soul, and put its powers in motion: nor did it contradict my intercourse with God. I naturally complained to him of what alarmed me, but I did not perceive that I myself was wishing and desiring it. In my own eyes I was strong: I did not pray, &amp;quot;Lead us not into temptation!&amp;quot; My thoughts were far beyond temptation. In this flimsy tinsel-work of virtue I came to God. He did not drive me back. On the smallest movement towards him, he left a soft impression in my soul; and this impression caused me always to return.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Except Narciss, the world was altogether dead to me: excepting him, there was nothing in it that had any charm. Even my love for dress was but the wish to please him: if I knew that he was not to see me, I could spend no care upon it. I liked to dance; but, if he was not beside me, it seemed as if I could not bear the motion. At a brilliant festival, if he was not invited, I could neither take the trouble of providing new things, nor of putting on the old according to the mode. To me they&lt;br /&gt;
were alike agreeable, or rather, I might say, alike burdensome. I used to reckon such an evening very fairly spent when I could join myself to any ancient card-party, though formerly I had not the smallest taste for such things; and, if some old acquaintance came and rallied me about it, I would smile, perhaps for the first time all that night. So, likewise, it was with promenades, and every social entertainment that can be imagined:&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Him had I chosen from all others;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
His would I be, and not another&#039;s:&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
To me his love was all in all.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thus was I often solitary in the midst of company, and real solitude was generally acceptable to me. But my busy soul could neither sleep nor dream: I felt and thought, and acquired by degrees some faculty to speak about my feelings and my thoughts with God. Then were feelings of another sort unfolded, but these did not contradict the former feelings: my affection to Narciss accorded with the universal scheme of nature; it nowhere hindered the performance of a duty. They did not contradict each other, yet they were immensely different. Narciss was the only living form which hovered in my mind, and to which my love was all directed; but the other feeling was not directed towards any form, and yet it was unspeakably agreeable. I no longer have it: I no longer can impart it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;My lover, whom I used to trust with all my secrets, did not know of this. I soon discovered that he thought far otherwise: he often gave me writings which opposed, with light and heavy weapons, all that can be called connection with the Invisible. I used to read the books because they came from him; but, at the end, I knew no word of all that had been argued in them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nor, in regard to sciences and knowledge, was there want of contradiction in our conduct. He did as all men do,&amp;amp;mdash;he mocked at learned women; and yet he kept continually instructing me. He used to speak with me on all subjects, law excepted; and, while constantly procuring books of every kind for me, he frequently repeated the uncertain precept, &amp;quot;That a lady ought to keep the knowledge she might have more secret than the Calvinist his creed in Catholic countries.&amp;quot; And while I, by natural consequence, endeavored not to show myself more wise or learned than formerly before the world, Narciss himself was commonly the first who yielded to the vanity of speaking about me&lt;br /&gt;
and my superiorities.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A nobleman of high repute, and at that time valued for his influence, his talents, and accomplishments, was living at our court with great applause. He bestowed especial notice on Narciss, whom he kept continually about him. They once had an argument about the virtue of women. Narciss repeated to me what had passed between them: I was not wanting with my observations, and my friend required of me a written essay on the subject. I could write French fluently enough: I had laid a good foundation with my teacher. My correspondence with Narciss was likewise carried on in French: except in French books, there was then no elegant instruction to be had. My essay pleased the count: I was obliged to let him have some little songs, which I had lately been composing. In short, Narciss appeared to revel without stint in the renown of his beloved: and the story, to his great contentment, ended with a French epistle in heroic verse, which the count transmitted to him on departing; in which their argument was mentioned, and my friend reminded of his happiness in being destined, after all his doubts and errors, to learn most certainly what virtue was, in the arms of a virtuous and charming wife.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He showed this poem first of all to me, and then to almost every one; each thinking of the matter what he pleased. Thus did he act in several cases: every stranger, whom he valued, must be made acquainted in our house.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A noble family was staying for a season in the place, to profit by the skill of our physician. In this house, too, Narciss was looked on as a son; he introduced me there; we found among these worthy persons the most pleasant entertainment for mind and heart. Even the common pastimes of society appeared less empty here than elsewhere. All knew how matters stood with us: they treated us as circumstances would allow, and left the main relation unalluded to. I mention this one family; because, in the after-period of my life, it had a powerful influence upon me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Almost a year of our connection had elapsed; and, along with it, our spring was over. The summer came, and all grew drier and more earnest.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By several unexpected deaths, some offices fell vacant, which Narciss might make pretensions to. The instant was at hand when my whole destiny must be decided; and while Narciss, and all our friends, were making every effort to efface some impressions which obstructed him at&lt;br /&gt;
court, and to obtain for him the wished-for situation, I turned with my request to my Invisible Friend. I was received so kindly, that I gladly came again. I confessed, without disguise, my wish that Narciss might obtain the place; but my prayer was not importunate, and I did not require that it should happen for the sake of my petition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The place was obtained by a far inferior competitor. I was dreadfully troubled at this news: I hastened to my room, the door of which I locked behind me. The first fit of grief went off in a shower of tears: the next thought was, &amp;quot;Yet it was not by chance that it happened;&amp;quot; and instantly I formed the resolution to be well content with it, seeing even this apparent evil would be for my true advantage. The softest emotions then pressed in upon me, and divided all the clouds of sorrow. I felt, that, with help like this, there was nothing one might not endure. At dinner I appeared quite cheerful, to the great astonishment of all the house.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Narciss had less internal force than I, and I was called upon to comfort him. In his family, too, he had many crosses to encounter, some of which afflicted him considerably; and, such true confidence subsisting between us, he intrusted me with all. His negotiations for entering on foreign service were not more fortunate; all this I felt deeply on his account and mine; all this, too, I ultimately carried to the place where my petitions had already been so well received.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The softer these experiences were, the oftener did I endeavor to renew them: I hoped continually to meet with comfort where I had so often met with it. Yet I did not always meet with it: I was as one that goes to warm him in the sunshine, while there is something standing in the way that makes a shadow. &amp;quot;What is this?&amp;quot; I asked myself. I traced the matter zealously, and soon perceived that it all depended on the situation of my soul: if this was not turned in the straightest direction towards God, I still continued cold; I did not feel his counter-influence; I could obtain no answer. The second question was, &amp;quot;What hinders this direction?&amp;quot; Here I was in a wide field: I perplexed myself in an inquiry which lasted nearly all the second year of my attachment to Narciss. I might have ended the investigation sooner, for it was not long till I had got upon the proper trace; but I would not confess it, and I sought a thousand outlets.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I very soon discovered that the straight direction of my soul was marred by foolish dissipations, and employment with unworthy things. The how and the where were clear enough to me. Yet by what means could I help myself, or extricate my mind from the calls of a world where every thing was either cold indifference or hot insanity? Gladly would I have left things standing as they were, and lived from day to day, floating down with the stream, like other people whom I saw quite happy: but I durst not: my inmost feelings contradicted me too often. Yet if I determined to renounce society, and alter my relations to others, it was not in my power. I was hemmed in as by a ring drawn round me; certain connections I could not dissolve; and, in the matter which lay nearest to my heart, fatalities accumulated and oppressed me more and more. I often went to bed with tears, and, after a sleepless night, arose again with tears: I required some strong support: and God would not vouchsafe it me while I was running with the cap and bells.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I proceeded now to estimate my doings, all and each: dancing and play were first put upon their trial. Never was there any thing spoken, thought, or written, for or against these practices, which I did not examine, talk of, read, weigh, reject, aggravate, and plague myself about. If I gave up these habits, I was certain that Narciss would be offended; for he dreaded exceedingly the ridicule which any look of straitlaced conscientiousness gives one in the eyes of the world. And doing what I now looked upon as folly, noxious folly, out of no taste of my own, but merely to gratify him, it all grew wofully irksome to me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Without disagreeable prolixities and repetitions, it is not in my power to represent what pains I took, in trying so to counteract those occupations which distracted my attention and disturbed my peace of mind, that my heart, in spite of them, might still be open to the influences of the Invisible Being. But at last, with pain, I was compelled to admit, that in this way the quarrel could not be composed. For no sooner had I clothed myself in the garment of folly, than it came to be something more than a mask, than the foolishness pierced and penetrated me through and through.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;May I here overstep the province of a mere historical detail, and offer one or two remarks on what was then taking place within me? What could it be which so changed my tastes and feelings, that, in my twenty-second year, nay, earlier, I lost all relish for the recreations with which people of that age are harmlessly delighted? Why were they not&lt;br /&gt;
harmless for me? I may answer, &amp;quot;Just because they were not harmless; because I was not, like others of my years, unacquainted with my soul.&amp;quot; No! I knew, from experiences which had reached me unsought, that there are loftier emotions, which afford us a contentment such as it is vain to seek in the amusements of the world; and that, in these higher joys, there is also kept a secret treasure for strengthening the spirit in misfortune.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But the pleasures of society, the dissipations of youth, must needs have had a powerful charm for me; since it was not in my power to engage in them without participation, to act among them as if they were not there. How many things could I now do, if I liked, with entire coldness, which then dazzled and confounded me, nay, threatened to obtain the mastery over me! Here there could no medium be observed: either those delicious amusements, or my nourishing and quickening internal emotions, must be given up.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But, in my soul, the strife had, without my own consciousness, already been decided. Even if there still was any thing within me that longed for earthly pleasures, I had now become unfitted for enjoying them. Much as a man might hanker after wine, all desire of drinking would forsake him, if he should be placed among full barrels in a cellar, where the foul air was like to suffocate him. Free air is more than wine; this I felt but too keenly: and, from the first, it would have cost me little studying to prefer the good to the delightful, if the fear of losing the affection of Narciss had not restrained me. But at last, when after many thousand struggles, and thoughts continually renewed, I began to cast a steady eye upon the bond which held me to him, I discovered that it was but weak, that it might be torn asunder. I at once perceived it to be only as a glass bell, which shut me up in the exhausted, airless space: one bold stroke to break the bell in pieces, and thou art delivered!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No sooner thought than tried. I drew off the mask, and on all occasions acted as my heart directed. Narciss I still cordially loved: but the thermometer, which formerly had stood in hot water, was now hanging in the natural air; it could rise no higher than the warmth of the atmosphere directed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Unhappily it cooled very much. Narciss drew back, and began to assume a distant air: this was at his option, but my thermometer descended as he drew back. Our family observed this, questioned me, and seemed to be&lt;br /&gt;
surprised. I explained to them, with stout defiance, that heretofore I had made abundant sacrifices; that I was ready, still farther and to the end of my life, to share all crosses that befell him; but that I required full freedom in my conduct, that my doings and avoidings must depend upon my own conviction; that, indeed, I would never bigotedly cleave to my own opinion, but, on the other hand, would willingly be reasoned with; yet, as it concerned my own happiness, the decision must proceed from myself, and be liable to no manner of constraint. The greatest physician could not move me, by his reasonings, to take an article of food, which perhaps was altogether wholesome and agreeable to many, so soon as my experience had shown, that on all occasions it was noxious to me; as I might produce coffee for an instance: and just as little, nay, still less, would I have any sort of conduct which misled me, preached up and demonstrated upon me as morally profitable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Having so long prepared myself in silence, these debates were rather pleasant than vexatious to me. I gave vent to my soul: I felt the whole worth of my determination. I yielded not a hair&#039;s-breadth, and those to whom I owed no filial respect were sharply handled and despatched. In the family I soon prevailed. My mother from her youth had entertained these sentiments, though in her they had never reached maturity; for no necessity had pressed upon her, and exalted her courage to achieve her purpose. She rejoiced in beholding her silent wishes fulfilled through me. My younger sisters seemed to join themselves with me: the second was attentive and quiet. Our aunt had the most to object. The arguments which she employed appeared to her irrefragable; and they were irrefragable, being altogether commonplace. At last I was obliged to show her, that she had no voice in the affair in any sense; and, after this, she seldom signified that she persisted in her views. She was, indeed, the only person that observed this transaction close at hand, without in some degree experiencing its influence. I do not calumniate her, when I say that she had no character, and the most limited ideas.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;My father had acted altogether in his own way. He spoke not much, but often, with me on the matter: his arguments were rational; and, being &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;his&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; arguments, they could not be impugned. It was only the deep feeling of my right that gave me strength to dispute against him. But the scenes soon changed: I was forced to make appeal to his heart.&lt;br /&gt;
Straitened by his understanding, I came out with the most pathetic pleadings. I gave free course to my tongue and to my tears. I showed him how much I loved Narciss; how much constraint I had for two years been enduring; how certain I was of being in the right; that I was ready to testify that certainty, by the loss of my beloved bridegroom and prospective happiness,&amp;amp;mdash;nay, if it were necessary, by the loss of all that I possessed on earth; that I would rather leave my native country, my parents, and my friends, and beg my bread in foreign lands, than act against these dictates of my conscience. He concealed his emotion: he said nothing on the subject for a while, and at last he openly declared in my favor.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;During all this time Narciss forbore to visit us; and my father now gave up the weekly club, where he was used to meet him. The business made a noise at court, and in the town. People talked about it, as is common in such cases, which the public takes a vehement interest in, because its sentence has usurped an influence on the resolutions of weak minds. I knew enough about the world to understand that one&#039;s conduct is often censured by the very persons who would have advised it, had one consulted them; and independently of this, with my internal composure, I should have looked on all such transitory speculations just as if they had not been.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On the other hand, I hindered not myself from yielding to my inclination for Narciss. To me he had become invisible, and to him my feelings had not altered. I loved him tenderly; as it were anew, and much more steadfastly than before. If he chose to leave my conscience undisturbed, then I was his: wanting this condition, I would have refused a kingdom with him. For several months I bore these feelings and these thoughts about with me; and, finding at last that I was calm and strong enough to go peacefully and firmly to work, I wrote him a polite but not a tender note, inquiring why he never came to see me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As I knew his manner of avoiding to explain himself in little matters, but of silently doing what seemed good to him, I purposely urged him in the present instance. I got a long, and, as it seemed to me, pitiful, reply, in vague style and unmeaning phrases, stating, that, without a better place, he could not fix himself, and offer me his hand; that I best knew how hard it had fared with him hitherto; that as he was afraid lest a fruitless intercourse, so long continued, might&lt;br /&gt;
prove hurtful to my reputation, I would give him leave to continue at his present distance; so soon as it was in his power to make me happy, he would look upon the word which he had given me as sacred.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I answered him on the spot, that, as our intercourse was known to all the world, it might, perhaps, be rather late to spare my reputation: for which, at any rate, my conscience and my innocence were the surest pledges; however, that I hereby freely gave him back his word, and hoped the change would prove a happy one for him. The same hour I received a short reply, which was, in all essential particulars, entirely synonymous with the first. He adhered to his former statement, that, so soon as he obtained a situation, he would ask me, if I pleased, to share his fortune with him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This I interpreted as meaning simply nothing. I signified to my relations and acquaintances, that the affair was altogether settled; and it was so in fact. Having, nine months afterwards, obtained the much-desired preferment, he offered me his hand, but under the condition, that, as the wife of a man who must keep house like other people, I should alter my opinions. I returned him many thanks, and hastened with my heart and mind away from this transaction, as one hastens from the playhouse when the curtain falls. And as he, a short time afterwards, had found a rich and advantageous match, a thing now easy for him; and as I now knew him to be happy in the way he liked,&amp;amp;mdash;my own tranquillity was quite complete.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I must not pass in silence the fact, that several times before he got a place, and after it, there were respectable proposals made to me; which, however, I declined without the smallest hesitation, much as my father and my mother could have wished for more compliance on my part.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At length, after a stormy March and April, the loveliest May weather seemed to be allotted me. With good health, I enjoyed an indescribable composure of mind: look around me as I pleased, my loss appeared a gain to me. Young and full of sensibility, I thought the universe a thousand times more beautiful than formerly, when I required to have society and play, that in the fair garden tedium might not overtake me. And now, as I did not conceal my piety, I likewise took heart to own my love for the sciences and arts. I drew, painted, read, and found enough of people to support me: instead of the great world, which I had left, or, rather, which had left me, a smaller one formed itself about me, which was&lt;br /&gt;
infinitely richer and more entertaining. I had a turn for social life; and I do not deny, that, on giving up my old acquaintances, I trembled at the thought of solitude. I now found myself abundantly, perhaps excessively, indemnified. My acquaintances erelong were very numerous, not at home only, but likewise among people at a distance. My story had been noised abroad, and many persons felt a curiosity to see the woman who had valued God above her bridegroom. There was a certain pious tone to be observed, at that time, generally over Germany. In the families of several counts and princes, a care for the welfare of the soul had been awakened. Nor were there wanting noblemen who showed a like attention; while, in the inferior classes, sentiments of this kind were diffused on every side.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The noble family, whom I mentioned above, now drew me nearer to them. They had, in the mean while, gathered strength; several of their relations having settled in the town. These estimable persons courted my familiarity, as I did theirs. They had high connections: I became acquainted, in their house, with a great part of the princes, counts, and lords of the empire. My sentiments were not concealed from any one: they might be honored or be tolerated; I obtained my object,&amp;amp;mdash;none attacked me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There was yet another way by which I was again led back into the world. About this period a step-brother of my father, who till now had never visited the house except in passing, staid with us for a considerable time. He had left the service of his court, where he enjoyed great influence and honor, simply because all matters were not managed quite according to his mind. His intellect was just, his character was rigid. In these points he was very like my father: only the latter had withal a certain touch of softness, which enabled him with greater ease to yield a little in affairs, and though not to do, yet to permit, some things against his own conviction; and then to evaporate his anger at them, either in silence by himself, or in confidence amid his family. My uncle was a great deal younger, and his independence of spirit had been favored by his outward circumstances. His mother had been very rich, and he still had large possessions to expect from her near and distant relatives; so he needed no foreign increase: whereas my father, with his moderate fortune, was bound to his place by the consideration of his salary.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;My uncle had become still more unbending from domestic sufferings. He had early lost an amiable wife and a hopeful son; and, from that time, he appeared to wish to push away from him every thing that did not hang upon his individual will.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In our family it was whispered now and then with some complacency, that probably he would not wed again, and so we children might anticipate inheriting his fortune. I paid small regard to this, but the demeanor of the rest was not a little modified by their hopes. In his own imperturbable firmness of character, my uncle had grown into the habit of never contradicting any one in conversation. On the other hand, he listened with a friendly air to every one&#039;s opinion, and would himself elucidate and strengthen it by instances and reasons of his own. All who did not know him fancied that he thought as they did: for he was possessed of a preponderating intellect, and could transport himself into the mental state of any man, and imitate his manner of conceiving. With me he did not prosper quite so well; for here the question was about emotions, of which he had not any glimpse: and, with whatever tolerance and sympathy and rationality he spoke about my sentiments, it was palpable to me, that he had not the slightest notion of what formed the ground of all my conduct.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;With all his secrecy, we by and by found out the aim of his unusual stay with us. He had, as we at length discovered, cast his eyes upon our youngest sister, with the view of giving her in marriage, and rendering her happy as he pleased; and certainly, considering her personal and mental attractions, particularly when a handsome fortune was laid into the scale along with them, she might pretend to the first matches. His feelings towards me he likewise showed us pantomimically, by procuring me a post of canoness, the income of which I very soon began to draw.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;My sister was not so contented with his care as I. She now disclosed to me a tender secret, which hitherto she had very wisely kept back; fearing, as in truth it happened, that I would by all means counsel her against connection with a man who was not suited to her. I did my utmost, and succeeded. The purpose of my uncle was too serious and too distinct: the prospect for my sister, with her worldly views, was too delightful to be thwarted by a passion which her own understanding disapproved; she mustered force to give it up.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On her ceasing to resist the gentle guidance of my uncle, the foundation of his plan was quickly laid. She was appointed maid of&lt;br /&gt;
honor at a neighboring court, where he could commit her to the oversight and the instructions of a lady, his friend, who presided there as governess with great applause. I accompanied her to the place of her new abode. Both of us had reason to be satisfied with the reception we met with; and frequently I could not help, in secret, smiling at the character, which now as canoness, as young and pious canoness, I was enacting in the world.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In earlier times a situation such as this would have confused me dreadfully, perhaps have turned my head; but now, in the midst of all the splendors that surrounded me, I felt extremely cool. With great quietness I let them frizzle me, and deck me out for hours, and thought no more of it than that my place required me to wear that gala livery. In the thronged saloons I spoke with all and each, though no shape or character among them made any impression on me. On returning to my house, nearly all the feeling I brought back with me was that of tired limbs. Yet my understanding drew advantage from the multitude of persons whom I saw: and I became acquainted with some ladies, patterns of every virtue, of a noble and good demeanor; particularly with the governess, under whom my sister was to have the happiness of being formed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At my return, however, the consequences of this journey, in regard to health, were found to be less favorable. With the greatest temperance, the strictest diet, I had not been, as I used to be, completely mistress of my time and strength. Food, motion, rising, and going to sleep, dressing and visiting, had not depended, as at home, on my own conveniency and will. In the circle of social life you cannot stop without a breach of courtesy: all that was needful I had willingly performed; because I looked upon it as my duty, because I knew that it would soon be over, and because I felt myself completely healthy. Yet this unusual, restless life must have had more effect upon me than I was aware of. Scarcely had I reached home, and cheered my parents with a comfortable narrative, when I was attacked by a hemorrhage, which, although it did not prove dangerous or lasting, yet left a weakness after it, perceptible for many a day.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Here, then, I had another lesson to repeat. I did it joyfully. Nothing bound me to the world, and I was convinced that here the true good was never to be found; so I waited in the cheerfullest and meekest state: and, after having abdicated life, I was retained in it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A new trial was awaiting me: my mother took a painful and oppressive ailment, which she had to bear five years, before she paid the debt of nature. All this time we were sharply proved. Often, when her terror grew too strong, she would have us all summoned, in the night, to her bed, that so at least she might be busied, if not bettered, by our presence. The load grew heavier, nay, scarcely to be borne, when my father, too, became unwell. From his youth he had frequently had violent headaches, which, however, at longest never used to last beyond six and thirty hours. But now they were continual; and, when they mounted to a high degree of pain, his moanings tore my very heart. It was in these tempestuous seasons that I chiefly felt my bodily weakness; because it kept me from my holiest and dearest duties, or rendered the performance of them hard to an extreme degree.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It was now that I could try whether the path which I had chosen was the path of fantasy or truth; whether I had merely thought as others showed me, or the object of my trust had a reality. To my unspeakable support, I always found the latter. The straight direction of my heart to God, the fellowship of the &amp;quot;Beloved Ones.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;a name=&amp;quot;FNanchor_3_3&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_3_3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_3_3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[3]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt; I had sought and found; and this was what made all things light to me. As a traveller in the dark, my soul, when all was pressing on me from without, hastened to the place of refuge; and never did it return empty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In later times some champions of religion, who seem to be animated more by zeal than feeling for it, have required of their brethren to produce examples of prayers actually heard; apparently as wishing to have seal and signature, that so they might proceed juridically in the matter. How unknown must the true feeling be to these persons! how few real experiences can they themselves have made!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I can say that I never returned empty, when in straits and oppression I called on God. This is saying infinitely much: more I must not and can not say. Important as each experience was at the critical moment for myself, the recital of them would be flat, improbable, and insignificant, were I to specify the separate cases. Happy was I, that a thousand little incidents in combination proved, as clearly as the drawing of my breath proved me to be living, that I was not without God in the world. He was near to me: I was before him. This is what, with a diligent avoidance of all theological systematic terms, I can with the greatest truth declare.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Much do I wish, that, in those times too, I had been entirely without system. But which of us arrives early at the happiness of being conscious of his individual self, in its own pure combination, without extraneous forms? I was in earnest with religion. I timidly trusted in the judgments of others: I entirely gave in to the Hallean system of conversion, but my nature would by no means tally with it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;According to this scheme of doctrine, the alteration of the heart must begin with a deep terror on account of sin: the heart in this agony must recognize, in a less or greater degree, the punishment which it has merited, must get a foretaste of hell, and so embitter the delight of sin. At last it feels a very palpable assurance of grace; which, however, in its progress often fades away, and must again be sought with earnest prayer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of all this no jot or tittle happened with me. When I sought God sincerely, he let himself be found of me, and did not reproach me about by-gone things. On looking back, I saw well enough where I had been unworthy, where I still was so; but the confession of my faults was altogether without terror. Not for a moment did the fear of hell occur to me; nay, the very notion of a wicked spirit, and a place of punishment and torment after death, could nowise gain admission into the circle of my thoughts. I considered the men who lived without God, whose hearts were shut against the trust in and the love of the Invisible, as already so unhappy, that a hell and external pains appeared to promise rather an alleviation than an increase of their misery. I had but to look upon the persons, in this world, who in their breasts gave scope to hateful feelings; who hardened their hearts against the good of whatever kind, and strove to force the evil on themselves and others; who shut their eyes by day, that so they might deny the shining of the sun. How unutterably wretched did these persons seem to me! Who could have formed a hell to make their situation worse?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This mood of mind continued in me, without change, for half a score of years. It maintained itself through many trials, even at the moving death-bed of my beloved mother. I was frank enough, on this occasion, not to hide my comfortable frame of mind from certain pious but rigorously orthodox people; and I had to suffer many a friendly admonition on that score. They reckoned they were just in season, for explaining with what earnestness one should be diligent to lay&lt;br /&gt;
a right foundation in the days of health and youth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In earnestness I, too, determined not to fail. For the moment I allowed myself to be convinced; and fain would I have grown, for life, distressed and full of fears. But what was my surprise on finding that I absolutely could not. When I thought of God, I was cheerful and contented: even at the painful end of my dear mother, I did not shudder at the thought of death. Yet I learned many and far other things than my uncalled teachers thought of, in these solemn hours.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By degrees I grew to doubt the dictates of so many famous people, and retained my own sentiments in silence. A certain lady of my friends, to whom I had at first disclosed too much, insisted always on interfering with my business. Of her, too, I was obliged to rid myself: I at last firmly told her, that she might spare herself this labor, as I did not need her counsel; that I knew my God, and would have no guide but him. She was greatly offended: I believe she never quite forgave me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Such determination to withdraw from the advices and the influence of my friends, in spiritual matters, produced the consequence, that also in my temporal affairs I gained sufficient courage to obey my own persuasions. But for the assistance of my faithful, invisible Leader, I could not have prospered here. I am still gratefully astonished at his wise and happy guidance. No one knew how matters stood with me: even I myself did not know.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The thing, the wicked and inexplicable thing, which separates us from the Being to whom we owe our life, and in whom all that deserves the name of life must find its nourishment,&amp;amp;mdash;the thing which we call sin I yet knew nothing of.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In my intercourse with my invisible Friend, I felt the sweetest enjoyment of all my powers. My desire of constantly enjoying this felicity was so predominant, that I abandoned without hesitation whatever marred our intercourse; and here experience was my best teacher. But it was with me as with sick persons who have no medicine, and try to help themselves by diet: something is accomplished, but far from enough.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I could not always live in solitude, though in it I found the best preservative against the dissipation of my thoughts. On returning to the tumult, the impression it produced upon me was the deeper for my&lt;br /&gt;
previous loneliness. My most peculiar advantage lay in this, that love for quiet was my ruling passion, and that in the end I still drew back to it. I perceived, as in a kind of twilight, my weakness and my misery, and tried to save myself by avoiding danger and exposure.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For seven years I had used my dietetic scheme. I held myself not wicked, and I thought my state desirable. But for some peculiar circumstances and occurrences I had remained in this position: it was by a curious path that I got farther. Contrary to the advice of all my friends, I entered on a new connection. Their objections, at first, made me pause. I turned to my invisible Leader; and, as he permitted me, I went forward without fear.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A man of spirit, heart, and talents had bought a property beside us. Among the strangers whom I grew acquainted with, were this person and his family. In our manners, domestic economy, and habits we accorded well; and thus we soon approximated to each other.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Philo, as I propose to call him, was already middle-aged: in certain matters he was highly serviceable to my father, whose strength was now decaying. He soon became the friend of the family: and finding in me, as he was pleased to say, a person free alike from the extravagance and emptiness of the great world, and from the narrowness and aridness of the still world in the country, he courted intimacy with me; and erelong we were in one another&#039;s confidence. To me he was very pleasing and useful.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Though I did not feel the smallest inclination or capacity for mingling in public business, or seeking any influence on it, yet I liked to hear about such matters,&amp;amp;mdash;liked to know whatever happened far and near. Of worldly things, I loved to get a clear though unconcerned perception: feeling, sympathy, affection, I reserved for God, for my people, and my friends.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The latter were, if I may say so, jealous of Philo, in my new connection with him. In more than one sense, they were right in warning me about it. I suffered much in secret, for even I could not consider their remonstrances as altogether empty or selfish. I had been accustomed, from of old, to give a reason for my views and conduct; but in this case my conviction would not follow. I prayed to God, that here, as elsewhere, he would warn, restrain, and guide me; and, as my heart on this did not dissuade me, I went forward on my way with comfort. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Philo, on the whole, had a remote resemblance to Narciss: only a pious education had more enlivened and concentrated his feelings. He had less vanity, more character; and in business, if Narciss was delicate, exact, persevering, indefatigable, the other was clear, sharp, quick, and capable of working with incredible ease. By means of him I learned the secret history of almost every noble personage with whose exterior I had got acquainted in society. It was pleasant for me to behold the tumult, off my watch-tower from afar. Philo could now hide nothing from me: he confided to me, by degrees, his own concerns, both inward and outward. I was in fear because of him, for I foresaw certain circumstances and entanglements; and the mischief came more speedily than I had looked for. There were some confessions he had still kept back, and even at last he told me only what enabled me to guess the worst.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What an effect had this upon my heart! I attained experiences which to me were altogether new. With infinite sorrow I beheld an Agathon, who, educated in the groves of Delphi, still owed his school-fees, which he was now obliged to pay with their accumulated interest; and this Agathon was my especial friend. My sympathy was lively and complete; I suffered with him; both of us were in the strangest state.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After having long occupied myself with the temper of his mind, I at last turned round to contemplate my own. The thought, &amp;quot;Thou art no better than he,&amp;quot; rose like a little cloud before me, and gradually expanded till it darkened all my soul.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I now not only thought myself no better than he: I felt this, and felt it as I should not wish to do again. Nor was it any transitory mood. For more than a year, I was compelled to feel, that, had not an unseen hand restrained me, I might have become a Girard, a Cartouche, a Damiens, or any wretch you can imagine. The tendencies to this I traced too clearly in my heart. Heavens, what a discovery!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;If hitherto I had never been able, in the faintest degree, to recognize in myself the reality of sin by experience, its possibility was now become apparent to me by anticipation, in the frightfullest manner. And yet I knew not evil; I but feared it: I felt that I might be guilty, and could not accuse myself of being so.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Deeply as I was convinced that such a temperament of soul, as I now saw mine to be, could never be adapted for that union with the invisible&lt;br /&gt;
Being which I hoped for after death, I did not, in the smallest, fear that I should finally be separated from him. With all the wickedness which I discovered in my heart, I still loved &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Him&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: I hated what I felt, nay, wished to hate it still more earnestly; my whole desire was, to be delivered from this sickness, and this tendency to sickness; and I was persuaded that the great Physician would at length vouchsafe his help.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The sole question was, What medicine will cure this malady? The practice of virtue? This I could not for a moment think. For ten years I had already practised more than mere virtue; and the horrors now first discovered had, all the while, lain hidden at the bottom of my soul. Might they not have broken out with me, as they did with David when he looked on Bathsheba? Yet was not he a friend of God! and was not I assured, in my inmost heart, that God was my friend?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Was it, then, an unavoidable infirmity of human nature? Must we just content ourselves in feeling and acknowledging the sovereignty of inclination? And, with the best will, is there nothing left for us but to abhor the fault we have committed, and on the like occasion to commit it again?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;From systems of morality I could obtain no comfort. Neither their severity, by which they try to bend our inclinations, nor their attractiveness, by which they try to place our inclinations on the side of virtue, gave me any satisfaction. The fundamental notions, which I had imbibed from intercourse with my invisible Friend, were of far higher value to me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Once, while I was studying the songs composed by David after that tremendous fall, it struck me very much that he traced his indwelling corruption even in the substance out of which he had been shaped; yet that he wished to be freed from sin, and that he earnestly entreated for a pure heart.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But how was this to be attained? The answer from Scripture I was well aware of: &amp;quot;that the blood of Jesus cleanseth us from all sin,&amp;quot; was a Bible truth which I had long known. But now, for the first time, I observed that as yet I had never understood this oft-repeated saying. The questions, What does it mean? How is it to be? were day and night working out their answers in me. At last I thought I saw, as by a gleam of light, that what I sought was to be found in the incarnation of the everlasting Word, by whom all things, even we ourselves, were made. That the Eternal descended as an inhabitant to the depths in which we&lt;br /&gt;
dwell, which he surveys and comprehends; that he passed through our lot from stage to stage, from conception and birth to the grave; that by this marvellous circuit he again mounted to those shining heights, whither we too must rise in order to be happy: all this was revealed to me, as in a dawning remoteness.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Oh! why must we, in speaking of such things, make use of figures which can only indicate external situations? Where is there in his eyes aught high or deep, aught dark or clear? It is we only that have an Under and Upper, a night and day. And even for this did he become like us, since otherwise we could have had no part in him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But how shall we obtain a share in this priceless benefit? &amp;quot;By faith,&amp;quot; the Scripture says. And what is faith? To consider the account of an event as true, what help can this afford me? I must be enabled to appropriate its effects, its consequences. This appropriating faith must be a state of mind peculiar, and, to the natural man, unknown.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Now, gracious Father, grant me faith!&amp;quot; so prayed I once, in the deepest heaviness of heart. I was leaning on a little table, where I sat: my tear-stained countenance was hidden in my hands. I was now in the condition in which we seldom are, but in which we are required to be, if God is to regard our prayers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Oh, that I could but paint what I felt then! A sudden force drew my soul to the cross where Jesus once expired: it was a sudden force, a pull, I cannot name it otherwise, such as leads our soul to an absent loved one; an approximation, which, perhaps, is far more real and true than we imagine. So did my soul approach the Son of man, who died upon the cross; and that instant did I know what faith was.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;This is faith!&amp;quot; said I, and started up as if half frightened. I now endeavored to get certain of my feeling, of my view; and shortly I became convinced that my soul had acquired a power of soaring upwards which was altogether new to it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Words fail us in describing such emotions. I could most distinctly separate them from all fantasy: they were entirely without fantasy, without image; yet they gave us just such certainty of their referring to some object as our imagination gives us when it paints the features of an absent lover.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When the first rapture was over, I observed that my present condition of mind had formerly been known to me; only I had never felt it in&lt;br /&gt;
such strength; I had never held it fast, never made it mine. I believe, indeed, every human soul at intervals feels something of it. Doubtless it is this which teaches every mortal that there is a God.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;With such faculty, wont from of old to visit me now and then, I had hitherto been well content: and had not, by a singular arrangement of events, that unexpected sorrow weighed upon me for a twelvemonth; had not my own ability and strength, on that occasion, altogether lost credit with me,&amp;amp;mdash;I perhaps might have remained content with such a state of matters all my days.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But now, since that great moment, I had, as it were, got wings. I could mount aloft above what used to threaten me; as the bird can fly singing and with ease across the fiercest stream, while the little dog stands anxiously baying on the bank.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;My joy was indescribable; and, though I did not mention it to any one, my people soon observed an unaccustomed cheerfulness in me, and could not understand the reason of my joy. Had I but forever held my peace, and tried to nourish this serene temper in my soul; had I not allowed myself to be misled by circumstances, so as to reveal my secret,&amp;amp;mdash;I might then have been saved once more a long and tedious circuit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As in the previous ten years of my Christian course, this necessary force had not existed in my soul, I had just been in the case of other worthy people,&amp;amp;mdash;had helped myself by keeping my fancy always full of images, which had some reference to God,&amp;amp;mdash;a practice so far truly useful; for noxious images and their baneful consequences are by that means kept away. Often, too, our spirit seizes one or other of these spiritual images, and mounts with it a little way upwards, like a young bird fluttering from twig to twig.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Images and impressions pointing towards God are presented to us by the institutions of the Church, by organs, bells, singing, and particularly by the preaching of our pastors. Of these I used to be unspeakably desirous; no weather, no bodily weakness, could keep me from church; the sound of the Sunday bells was the only thing that rendered me impatient on a sick-bed. Our head court-chaplain, a gifted man, I heard with great pleasure; his colleagues, too, I liked: and I could pick the golden apple of the Word from the common fruit, with which on earthen platters it was mingled. With public ordinances, all sorts of private&lt;br /&gt;
exercises were combined; and these, too, only nourished fancy and a finer kind of sense. I was so accustomed to this track, I reverenced it so much, that even now no higher one occurred to me. For my soul has only feelers, and not eyes: it gropes, but does not see. Ah! that it could get eyes, and look!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Now again, therefore, I went with a longing mind to sermon; but, alas! what happened? I no longer found what I was wont to find. These preachers were blunting their teeth on the shell, while I enjoyed the kernel. I soon grew weary of them; and I had already been so spoiled, that I could not be content with the little they afforded me. I required images, I wanted impressions from without, and reckoned it a pure spiritual desire that I felt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Philo&#039;s parents had been in connection with the Herrnhuter Community: in his library were many writings of Count Zinzendorf&#039;s. He had spoken with me, more than once, very candidly and clearly on the subject; inviting me to turn over one or two of these treatises, if it were but for the sake of studying a psychological phenomenon. I looked upon the count, and those that followed him, as very heterodox; and so the Ebersdorf Hymn-book, which my friend had pressed upon me, lay unread.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;However, in this total destitution of external excitements for my soul, I opened the hymn-book, as it were, by chance, and found in it, to my astonishment, some songs which actually, though under a fantastic form, appeared to shadow what I felt. The originality and simplicity of their expression drew me on. It seemed to be peculiar emotions expressed in a peculiar way: no school technology suggested any notion of formality or commonplace. I was persuaded that these people felt as I did: I was very happy to lay hold of here and there a stanza in their songs, to fix it in my memory, and carry it about with me for days.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Since the moment when the truth had been revealed to me, some three months had in this way passed on. At last I came to the resolution of disclosing every thing to Philo, and asking him to let me have those writings, about which I had now become immoderately curious. Accordingly I did so, notwithstanding there was something in my heart which earnestly dissuaded me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I circumstantially related to him all the story; and as he was himself a leading person in it, and my narrative conveyed the sharpest reprimand&lt;br /&gt;
on him, he felt surprised and moved to an extreme degree. He melted into tears. I rejoiced; believing that, in his mind also, a full and fundamental change had taken place.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He provided me with all the writings I could require, and now I had excess of nourishment for my imagination. I made rapid progress in the Zinzendorfic mode of thought and speech. And be it not supposed that I am yet incapable of prizing the peculiar turn and manner of the count. I willingly do him justice: he is no empty fantast; he speaks of mighty truths, and mostly in a bold, figurative style; the people who despise him know not either how to value or discriminate his qualities.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At that time I became exceedingly attached to him. Had I been mistress of myself, I would certainly have left my friends and country, and gone to join him. We should infallibly have understood each other, and should hardly have agreed together long.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thanks to my better genius, that now kept me so confined by my domestic duties! I reckoned it a distant journey if I visited the garden. The charge of my aged, weakly father afforded me employment enough; and in hours of recreation, I had Fancy to procure me pastime. The only mortal whom I saw was Philo; he was highly valued by my father; but, with me, his intimacy had been cooled a little by the late explanation. Its influence on him had not penetrated deep: and, as some attempts to talk in my dialect had not succeeded with him, he avoided touching on this subject; and the rather, as his extensive knowledge put it always in his power to introduce new topics in his conversation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I was thus a Herrnhut sister on my own footing. I had especially to hide this new turn of my temper and my inclinations from the head court-chaplain, whom, as my father confessor, I had much cause to honor, and whose high merits his extreme aversion to the Herrnhut Community did not diminish, in my eyes, even then. Unhappily this worthy person had to suffer many troubles on account of me and others.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Several years ago he had become acquainted with an upright, pious gentleman, residing in a distant quarter, and had long continued in unbroken correspondence with him, as with one who truly sought God. How painful was it to the spiritual leader, when this gentleman subsequently joined himself to the Community of Herrnhut, where he lived for a long while! How delightful, on the other hand, when at length he&lt;br /&gt;
quarrelled with the brethren, determined to settle in our neighborhood, and seemed once more to yield himself completely to the guidance of his ancient friend!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The stranger was presented, as in triumph, by the upper pastor, to all the chosen lambs of his fold. To our house alone he was not introduced, because my father did not now see company. The gentleman obtained no little approbation: he combined the polish of the court with the winning manner of the brethren; and, having also many fine qualities by nature, he soon became the favorite saint with all who knew him,&amp;amp;mdash;a result at which the chaplain was exceedingly contented. But, alas! it was merely in externals that the gentleman had split with the Community: in his heart he was yet entirely a Herrnhuter. He was, in truth, concerned for the reality of the matter; but yet the gimcracks, which the count had stuck round it, were, at the same time, quite adapted to his taste. Besides, he had now become accustomed to this mode of speaking and conceiving: and, if he had to hide it carefully from his old friend, the gladder was he, in any knot of trusty persons, to come forth with his couplets, litanies, and little figures; in which, as might have been supposed, he met with great applause.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I knew nothing of the whole affair, and wandered quietly along in my separate path. For a good while we continued mutually unknown.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Once, in a leisure hour, I happened to visit a lady who was sick. I found several acquaintances with her, and soon perceived that my appearance had cut short their conversation. I affected not to notice any thing, but saw erelong, with great surprise, some Herrnhut figures stuck upon the wall in elegant frames. Quickly comprehending what had passed before my entrance, I expressed my pleasure at the sight, in a few suitable verses.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Conceive the wonder of my friends! We explained ourselves: instantly we were agreed, and in each other&#039;s confidence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I often henceforth sought opportunities of going out. Unhappily I found such only once in the three or four weeks; yet I grew acquainted with our gentleman apostle, and by degrees with all the body. I visited their meetings when I could: with my social disposition, it was quite delightful for me to communicate to others, and to hear from them, the feelings which, till now, I had conceived and harbored by myself. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But I was not so completely taken with my friends, as not to see that few of them could really feel the sense of those affecting words and emblems; and that from these they drew as little benefit as formerly they did from the symbolic language of the Church. Yet, notwithstanding, I went on with them, not letting this disturb me. I thought I was not called to search and try the hearts of others. Had not I, too, by long-continued innocent exercisings of that sort, been prepared for something better? I had my share of profit from our meetings: in speaking, I insisted on attending to the sense and spirit, which, in things so delicate, is rather apt to be disguised by words than indicated by them; and for the rest, I left, with silent tolerance, each to act according to his own conviction.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These quiet times of secret social joy were shortly followed by storms of open bickering and contradiction,&amp;amp;mdash;contentions which excited great commotion, I might almost say occasioned not a little scandal, in court and town. The period was now arrived when our chaplain, that stout gain-sayer of the Herrnhut Brethren, must discover to his deep, but, I trust, sanctified humiliation, that his best and once most zealous hearers were now all leaning to the side of that community. He was excessively provoked: in the first moments he forgot all moderation, and could not, even if he had inclined it, retract afterwards. Violent debates took place, in which happily I was not mentioned, both as being an accidental member of those hated meetings, and then because, in respect of certain civic matters, our zealous preacher could not safely disoblige either my father or my friend. With silent satisfaction I continued neutral. It was irksome to me to converse about such feelings and objects, even with well-affected people, when they could not penetrate the deepest sense, and lingered merely on the surface. But to strive with adversaries, about things on which even friends could scarcely understand each other, seemed to me unprofitable, nay, pernicious. For I soon perceived, that many amiable noblemen, who on this occurrence could not shut their hearts to enmity and hatred, had rapidly passed over to injustice, and, in order to defend an outward form, had almost sacrificed their most substantial duties.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Far as the worthy clergyman might, in the present case, be wrong; much as others tried to irritate me at him,&amp;amp;mdash;I could never hesitate to give him my sincere respect. I knew him well: I could candidly transport myself into his way of looking at these matters. I have never seen a&lt;br /&gt;
man without his weaknesses: only in distinguished men they strike us more. We wish, and will at all rates have it, that persons privileged as they are should at the same time pay no tribute, no tax whatever. I honored him as a superior man, and hoped to use the influence of my calm neutrality to bring about, if not a peace, at least a truce. I know not what my efforts might have done; but God concluded the affair more briefly, and took the chaplain to himself. On his coffin all wept, who had lately been striving with him about words. His uprightness, his fear of God, no one had ever doubted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I, too, was erelong forced to lay aside this Herrnhut doll-work, which, by means of these contentions, now appeared before me in a rather different light. Our uncle had, in silence, executed his intentions with my sister. He offered her a young man of rank and fortune as a bridegroom, and showed, by a rich dowry, what might be expected of himself. My father joyfully consented: my sister was free and forewarned; she did not hesitate to change her state. The bridal was appointed at my uncle&#039;s castle: family and friends were all invited, and we came together in the cheerfullest mood.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For the first time in my life, the aspect of a house excited admiration in me. I had often heard of my uncle&#039;s taste, of his Italian architect, of his collections and his library; but, comparing this with what I had already seen, I had formed a very vague and fluctuating picture of it in my thoughts. Great, accordingly, was my surprise at the earnest and harmonious impression which I felt on entering the house, and which every hall and chamber deepened. If elsewhere pomp and decoration had but dissipated my attention, I felt here concentrated and drawn back upon myself. In like manner the preparatives for these solemnities and festivals produced a silent pleasure, by their air of dignity and splendor; and to me it seemed as inconceivable that one man could have invented and arranged all this, as that more than one could have worked together in so high a spirit. Yet, withal, the landlord and his people were entirely natural: not a trace of stiffness or of empty form was to be seen.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The wedding itself was managed in a striking way: an exquisite strain of vocal music came upon us by surprise, and the clergyman went through the ceremony with a singular solemnity. I was standing by Philo at the time; and, instead of a congratulation, he whispered in my ear, &amp;quot;When I&lt;br /&gt;
saw your sister give away her hand, I felt as if a stream of boiling water had been poured over me.&amp;quot;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;quot;Why so?&amp;quot; I inquired. &amp;quot;It is always the way with me,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;when I see two people joined.&amp;quot; I laughed at him, but I have often since had cause to recollect his words.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The revel of the party, among whom were many young people, looked particularly glittering and airy; as every thing around us was dignified and serious. The furniture, plate, table-ware, and table-ornaments accorded with the general whole; and if in other houses you would say the architect was of the school of the confectioner, it here appeared as if even our confectioner and butler had taken lessons from the architect.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We staid together several days, and our intelligent and gifted landlord had variedly provided for the entertainment of his guests. I did not in the present case repeat the melancholy proof, which has so often in my life been forced upon me, how unhappily a large mixed company are situated, when, altogether left to themselves, they have to select the most general and vapid pastimes, that the fools of the party may not want amusement, however it may fare with those that are not such.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;My uncle had arranged it altogether differently. Two or three marshals, if I may call them so, had been appointed by him: one of them had charge of providing entertainment for the young. Dances, excursions, little games, were of his invention and under his direction: and as young people take delight in being out-of-doors, and do not fear the influences of the air, the garden and garden-hall had been assigned to them; while some additional pavilions and galleries had been erected and appended to the latter, formed of boards and canvas merely, but in such proportions, so elegant and noble, they reminded one of nothing but stone and marble.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How rare is a festivity in which the person who invites the guests feels also that it is his duty to provide for their conveniences and wants of every kind!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Hunting and card parties, short promenades, opportunities for trustful private conversations, were afforded the elder persons; and whoever wished to go earliest to bed was sure to be lodged the farthest from noise.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By this happy order, the space we lived in appeared to be a little world: and yet, considered narrowly, the castle was not large; without an accurate knowledge of it, and without the spirit of its owner,&lt;br /&gt;
it would have been impossible to entertain so many people here, and quarter each according to his humor.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As the aspect of a well-formed person pleases us, so also does a fair establishment, by means of which the presence of a rational, intelligent mind is manifested. We feel a joy in entering even a cleanly house, though it may be tasteless in its structure and its decorations, because it shows us the presence of a person cultivated in at least one sense. Doubly pleasing is it, therefore, when, from a human dwelling, the spirit of a higher though merely sensual culture speaks to us.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;All this was vividly impressed on my observation at my uncle&#039;s castle. I had heard and read much of art; Philo, too, was a lover of pictures, and had a fine collection: I myself had often practised drawing; but I had been too deeply occupied with my emotions, striving exclusively after the one thing needful, which alone I was bent on carrying to perfection; and then, such objects of art as I had hitherto seen, appeared, like all other worldly objects, to distract my thoughts. But now, for the first time, outward things had led me back upon myself: I now first perceived the difference between the natural charm of the nightingale&#039;s song, and that of a four-voiced anthem pealed from the expressive organs of men.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;My joy over this discovery I did not hide from my uncle, who, when all the rest were settled at their posts, was wont to come and talk with me in private. He spoke with great modesty of what he possessed and had produced here, with great decision of the views in which it had been gathered and arranged: and I could easily observe that he spoke with a forbearance towards me; seeming, in his usual way, to rate the excellence, which he himself possessed below that other excellence, which, in my way of thinking, was the best and properest.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;If we can conceive it possible,&amp;quot; he once observed, &amp;quot;that the Creator of the world himself assumed the form of his creature, and lived in that manner for a time upon earth, this creature must appear to us of infinite perfection, because susceptible of such a combination with its Maker. Hence, in our idea of man, there can be no inconsistency with our idea of God; and if we often feel a certain disagreement with him and remoteness from him, it is but the more on that account our duty, not like advocates of the wicked Spirit, to keep our eyes continually upon the nakedness and weakness of our nature, but rather to seek out&lt;br /&gt;
every property and beauty by which our pretension to a similarity with the Divinity may be made good.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I smiled, and answered, &amp;quot;Do not make me blush, dear uncle, by your complaisance in talking in my language! What you have to say is of such importance to me, that I wish to hear it in your own most peculiar style; and then what parts of it I cannot quite appropriate I will endeavor to translate.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I may continue,&amp;quot; he replied, &amp;quot;in my own most peculiar way, without any alteration of my tone. Man&#039;s highest merit always is, as much as possible to rule external circumstances, and as little as possible to let himself be ruled by them. Life lies before us, as a huge quarry lies before the architect: he deserves not the name of architect, except when, out of this fortuitous mass, he can combine, with the greatest economy and fitness and durability, some form, the pattern of which originated in his spirit. All things without us, nay, I may add, all things on us, are mere elements; but deep within us lies the creative force, which out of these can produce what they were meant to be, and which leaves us neither sleep nor rest, till, in one way or another, without us or on us, that same have been produced. You, my dear niece, have, it may be, chosen the better part; you have striven to bring your moral being, your earnest, lovely nature, into accordance with itself and with the Highest: but neither ought we to be blamed, when we strive to get acquainted with the sentient man in all his comprehensiveness, and to bring about an active harmony among his powers.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By such discoursing, we in time grew more familiar; and I begged of him to speak with me as with himself, omitting every sort of condescension. &amp;quot;Do not think,&amp;quot; replied my uncle, &amp;quot;that I flatter you when I commend your mode of thinking and acting. I reverence the individual who understands distinctly what it is he wishes; who unweariedly advances, who knows the means conducive to his object, and can seize and use them. How far his object may be great or little, may merit praise or censure, is the next consideration with me. Believe me, love, most part of all the misery and mischief, of all that is denominated evil in the world, arises from the fact, that men are too remiss to get a proper knowledge of their aims, and, when they do know them, to work intensely in attaining them. They seem to me like people who have taken up a&lt;br /&gt;
notion that they must and will erect a tower, and who yet expend on the foundation not more stones and labor than would be sufficient for a hut. If you, my friend, whose highest want it was to perfect and unfold your moral nature, had, instead of those bold and noble sacrifices, merely trimmed between your duties to yourself and to your family, your bridegroom, or perhaps your husband, you must have lived in constant contradiction with your feelings, and never could have had a peaceful moment.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You employ the word sacrifice,&amp;quot; I answered here: &amp;quot;and I have often thought, that to a higher purpose, as to a divinity, we offer up by way of sacrifice a thing of smaller value; feeling like persons who should willingly and gladly bring a favorite lamb to the altar for the health of a beloved father.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Whatever it may be,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;reason or feeling, that commands us to give up the one thing for the other, to choose the one before the other, decision and perseverance are, in my opinion, the noblest qualities of man. You cannot have the ware and the money both at the same time; and he who always hankers for the ware without having heart to give the money for it, is no better off than he who repents him of the purchase when the ware is in his hands. But I am far from blaming men on this account: it is not they that are to blame; it is the difficult, entangled situation they are in: they know not how to guide themselves in its perplexities. Thus, for instance, you will on the average find fewer bad economists in the country than in towns, and fewer again in small towns than in great; and why? Man is intended for a limited condition; objects that are simple, near, determinate, he comprehends, and he becomes accustomed to employ such means as are at hand; but, on entering a wider field, he now knows neither what he would nor what he should; and it amounts to quite the same, whether his attention is distracted by the multitude of objects, or is overpowered by their magnitude and dignity. It is always a misfortune for him when he is induced to struggle after any thing with which he cannot connect himself by some regular exertion of his powers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Certainly,&amp;quot; pursued he, &amp;quot;without earnestness there is nothing to be done in life; yet, among the people whom we name cultivated men, little earnestness is to be found: in labors and employments, in arts, nay, even in recreations, they proceed, if I may say so, with a sort of&lt;br /&gt;
self-defence; they live, as they read a heap of newspapers, only to have done with it; they remind one of that young Englishman at Rome, who said, with a contented air one evening in some company, that to-day he had despatched six churches and two galleries. They wish to know and learn a multitude of things, and precisely those they have the least concern with; and they never see that hunger is not stilled by snapping at the air. When I become acquainted with a man, my first inquiry is, With what does he employ himself, and how, and with what degree of perseverance? The answer regulates the interest I shall take in him for life.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;My dear uncle,&amp;quot; I replied, &amp;quot;you are, perhaps, too rigorous: you perhaps withdraw your helping hand from here and there a worthy man to whom you might be useful.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Can it be imputed as a fault,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;to one who has so long and vainly labored on them and about them? How much we have to suffer in our youth from men who think they are inviting us to a delightful pleasure-party, when they undertake to introduce us to the Danaides or Sisyphus! Heaven be praised! I have rid myself of these people: if one of them unfortunately comes within my sphere, I forthwith, in the politest manner, compliment him out again. It is from such persons that you hear the bitterest complaints about the miserable course of things, the aridity of science, the levity of artists, the emptiness of poets, and much more of that sort. They do not recollect that they, and the many like them, are the very persons who would never read a book which had been written just as they require it; that true poetry is alien to them; that even an excellent work of art can never gain their approbation except by means of prejudice. But let us now break off, for this is not the time to rail or to complain.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He directed my attention to the different pictures hanging on the wall: my eye dwelt on those whose look was beautiful or subject striking. This he permitted for a while: at last he said, &amp;quot;Bestow a little notice on the spirit manifested in these other works. Good minds delight to trace the finger of the Deity in nature: why not likewise pay some small regard to the hand of his imitator?&amp;quot; He then led my observation to some unobtrusive figures; endeavoring to make me understand that it was the history of art alone which could give us an idea of the worth and dignity of any work of art; that we should know the weary steps of&lt;br /&gt;
mere handicraft and mechanism, over which the man of talents has struggled in the course of centuries, before we can conceive how it is possible for the man of genius to move with airy freedom on the pinnacle whose very aspect makes us giddy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;With this view he had formed a beautiful series of works; and, whilst he explained it, I could not help conceiving that I saw before me a similitude of moral culture. When I expressed my thought to him, he answered, &amp;quot;You are altogether right; and we see from this, that those do not act well, who, in a solitary, exclusive manner, follow moral cultivation by itself. On the contrary, it will be found, that he whose spirit strives for a development of that kind, has likewise every reason, at the same time, to improve his finer sentient powers; that so he may not run the risk of sinking from his moral height by giving way to the enticements of a lawless fancy, and degrading his moral nature by allowing it to take delight in tasteless baubles, if not in something worse.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I did not suspect him of levelling at me; but I felt myself struck, when I reflected how many insipidities there might be in the songs that used to edify me, and how little favor the figures which had joined themselves to my religious ideas would have found in the eyes of my uncle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Philo, in the mean time, had frequently been busied in the library: he now took me along with him. We admired the selection, as well as the multitude, of books. They had been collected on my uncle&#039;s general principle: there were none to be found among them but such as either lead to correct knowledge, or teach right arrangement; such as either give us fit materials, or further the concordance of our spirit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the course of my life I had read very largely; in certain branches, there was almost no work unknown to me: the more pleasant was it here to speak about the general survey of the whole; to mark deficiencies, and not, as elsewhere, see nothing but a hampered confusion or a boundless expansion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Here, too, we became acquainted with a very interesting, quiet man. He was a physician and a naturalist: he seemed rather one of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Penates&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
than of the inmates. He showed us the museum, which, like the library, was fixed in glass cases to the walls of the chambers, adorning and ennobling the space, which it did not crowd. On this occasion I recalled with joy the days of my youth, and showed my father many of the&lt;br /&gt;
things he had been wont to lay upon the sick-bed of his little child, just opening its little eyes to look into the world then. At the same time the physician, in our present and following conversations, did not scruple to avow how near he approximated to me in respect of my religious sentiments: he warmly praised my uncle for his tolerance, and his esteem of all that testified or forwarded the worth and unity of human nature; admitting, also, that he called for a similar return from others, and would shun and condemn nothing else so heartily as individual pretension and narrow exclusiveness.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Since the nuptials of my sister, joy had sparkled in the eyes of our uncle: he often spoke with me of what he meant to do for her and for her children. He had several fine estates: he managed them himself, and hoped to leave them in the best condition to his nephews. Regarding the small estate where we at present were, he appeared to entertain peculiar thoughts. &amp;quot;I will leave it to none,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;but to a person who can understand and value and enjoy what it contains, and who feels how loudly every man of wealth and rank, especially in Germany, is called on to exhibit something like a model to others.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Most of his guests were now gone: we, too, were making ready for departure, thinking we had seen the final scene of this solemnity, when his attention in affording us some dignified enjoyment produced a new surprise. We had mentioned to him the delight which the chorus of voices, suddenly commencing without accompaniment of any instrument, had given us, at my sister&#039;s marriage. We hinted, at the same time, how pleasant it would be were such a thing repeated; but he seemed to pay no heed to us. The livelier was our surprise, when he said, one evening, &amp;quot;The music of the dance has died away; our transitory, youthful friends have left us; the happy pair themselves have a more serious look than they had some days ago. To part at such a time, when, perhaps, we shall never meet again, certainly never without changes, exalts us to a solemn mood, which I know not how to entertain more nobly than by the music you were lately signifying a desire to have repeated.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The chorus, which had in the mean while gathered strength, and by secret practice more expertness, was accordingly made to sing to us a series of four and of eight voiced melodies, which, if I may say so, gave a real foretaste of bliss. Till then I had only known the pious mode of singing, as good souls practise it, frequently with hoarse pipes,&lt;br /&gt;
imagining, like wild birds, that they are praising God, while they procure a pleasant feeling to themselves. Or, perhaps, I had listened to the vain music of concerts, in which you are at best invited to admire the talent of the singer, and very seldom have even a transient enjoyment. Now, however, I was listening to music, which, as it originated in the deepest feeling of the most accomplished human beings, was, by suitable and practised organs in harmonious unity, made again to address the deepest and best feelings of man, and to impress him at that moment with a lively sense of his likeness to the Deity. They were all devotional songs, in the Latin language: they sat like jewels in the golden ring of a polished intellectual conversation; and, without pretending to edify, they elevated me and made me happy in the most spiritual manner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At our departure he presented all of us with handsome gifts. To me he gave the cross of my order, more beautifully and artfully worked and enamelled than I had ever seen it before. It was hung upon a large brilliant, by which also it was fastened to the chain: this he gave me, he said, &amp;quot;as the noblest stone in the cabinet of a collector.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;My sister, with her husband, went to their estates, the rest of us to our abodes; appearing to ourselves, so far as outward circumstances were concerned, to have returned to quite an every-day existence. We had been, as it were, dropped from a palace of the fairies down upon the common earth, and were again obliged to help ourselves as we best could.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The singular experiences which this new circle had afforded left a fine impression on my mind. This, however, did not long continue in its first vivacity: though my uncle tried to nourish and renew it by sending me certain of his best and most pleasing works of art; changing them, from time to time, with others which I had not seen.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I had been so much accustomed to be busied with myself, in regulating the concerns of my heart and temper, and conversing on these matters with persons of a like mind, that I could not long study any work of art attentively without being turned by it back upon myself. I was used to look at a picture or copper-plate merely as at the letters of a book. Fine printing pleases well, but who would read a book for the beauty of the printing? In like manner I required of each pictorial form that it should tell me something, should instruct, affect, improve me; and,&lt;br /&gt;
after all my uncle&#039;s letters to expound his works of art, say what he would, I continued in my former humor.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yet not only my peculiar disposition, but external incidents and changes in our family, still farther drew me back from contemplations of that nature; nay, for some time even from myself. I had to suffer and to do more than my slender strength seemed fit for.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;My maiden sister had, till now, been as a right arm to me. Healthy, strong, unspeakably good-natured, she had managed all the housekeeping; I myself being busied with the personal nursing of our aged father. She was seized with a catarrh, which changed to a disorder of the lungs: in three weeks she was lying in her coffin. Her death inflicted wounds on me, the scars of which I am not yet willing to examine.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I was lying sick before they buried her: the old ailment in my breast appeared to be awakening; I coughed with violence, and was so hoarse I could not speak beyond a whisper.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;My married sister, out of fright and grief, was brought to bed before her time. Our old father thought he was about to lose at once his children and the hope of their posterity; his natural tears increased my sorrow: I prayed to God that he would give me back a sufferable state of health. I asked him but to spare my life till my father should die. I recovered: I was what I reckoned well, being able to discharge my duties, though with pain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;My sister was again with child. Many cares, which in such cases are committed to the mother, in the present instance fell to me. She was not altogether happy with her husband; this was to be hidden from our father: I was often made judge of their disputes, in which I could decide with the greater safety, as my brother trusted in me; and the two were really worthy persons, only each of them, instead of humoring, endeavored to convince, the other, and, out of eagerness to live in constant harmony, never could agree. I now learned to mingle seriously in worldly matters, and to practise what of old I had but sung.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;My sister bore a son: the frailty of my father did not hinder him from travelling to her. The sight of the child exceedingly enlivened and cheered him: at the christening, contrary to his custom, he seemed as if inspired; nay, I might say like a Genius with two faces. With the one, he looked joyfully forward to those regions which he soon hoped to enter; with the other, to the new, hopeful, earthly life which had arisen in the boy descended from him. On our journey home he never&lt;br /&gt;
wearied talking to me of the child, its form, its health, and his wish that the gifts of this new denizen of earth might be rightly cultivated. His reflections on the subject lasted when we had arrived at home: it was not till some days afterwards that I observed a kind of fever in him, which displayed itself, without shivering, in a sort of languid heat commencing after dinner. He did not yield, however: he went out as usual in the mornings, faithfully attending to the duties of his office, till at last continuous serious symptoms kept him within doors.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I never shall forget with what distinctness, clearness, and repose of mind he settled in the greatest order the concerns of his house, nay, the arrangements of his funeral, as he would have done a business of some other person.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;With a cheerfulness which he never used to show, and which now mounted to a lively joy, he said to me, &amp;quot;Where is the fear of death which I once felt? Shall I shrink at departing? I have a gracious God; the grave awakens no terror in me; I have an eternal life.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To recall the circumstances of his death, which shortly followed, forms one of the most pleasing entertainments of my solitude: the visible workings of a higher Power in that solemn time, no one shall ever argue from me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The death of my beloved father altogether changed my mode of life. From the strictest obedience, the narrowest confinement, I passed at once into the greatest freedom: I enjoyed it like a sort of food from which one has long abstained. Formerly I very seldom spent two hours from home: now I very seldom lived a day there. My friends, whom I had been allowed to visit only by hurried snatches, wished now to have my company without interruption, as I did to have theirs. I was often asked to dinner: at walks and pleasure-jaunts I never failed. But, when once the circle had been fairly run, I saw that the invaluable happiness of liberty consisted, not in doing what one pleases and what circumstances may invite to, but in being able, without hinderance or restraint, to do in the direct way what one regards as right and proper; and, in this instance, I was old enough to reach a valuable truth, without smarting for my ignorance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;One pleasure I could not deny myself: it was, as soon as might be, to renew and strengthen my connection with the Herrnhut Brethren. I hastened, accordingly, to visit one of their establishments at no great distance; but here I by no means found what I had been anticipating.&lt;br /&gt;
I was frank enough to signify my disappointment, which they tried to soften by alleging that the present settlement was nothing to a full and fitly organized community. This I did not take upon me to deny; yet, in my thought, the genuine spirit of the matter might have displayed itself in a small body as well as in a great one.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;One of their bishops, who was present, a personal disciple of the count, took considerable pains with me. He spoke English perfectly; and as I, too, understood a little of it, he reckoned this a token that we both belonged to one class. I, however, reckoned nothing of the kind: his conversation did not in the least satisfy me. He had been a cutler; was a native of Moravia; his mode of thought still savored of the artisan. With Herr Von L&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;amp;mdash;, who had been a major in the French service, I got upon a better footing: yet I could never bring myself to the submissiveness he showed to his superiors; nay, I felt as if you had given me a box on the ear, when I saw the major&#039;s wife, and other women more or less like ladies, take the bishop&#039;s hand and kiss it. Meanwhile a journey into Holland was proposed; which, however, doubtless for my good, did not take place.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;My sister had been delivered of a daughter; and now it was the turn of us women to exult, and consider how the little creature should be bred like one of us. The husband, on the other hand, was not so satisfied, when in the following year another daughter saw the light: with his large estates, he wanted to have boys about him, who in future might assist him in his management.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;My health was feeble: I kept myself in peace, and, by a quiet mode of life, in tolerable equilibrium. I was not afraid of death; nay, I wished to die: yet I secretly perceived that God was granting time for me to prove my soul, and to advance still nearer to himself. In my many sleepless nights, especially, I have at times felt something which I cannot undertake to describe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It was as if my soul were thinking separately from the body: she looked upon the body as a foreign substance, as we look upon a garment. She pictured with extreme vivacity events and times long past, and felt, by means of this, events that were to follow. Those times are all gone by; what follows likewise will go by; the body, too, will fall to pieces like a vesture; but I, the well-known I, I am.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The thought is great, exalted, and consoling; yet an excellent friend, with whom I every day became more intimate, instructed me to dwell&lt;br /&gt;
on it as little as I could. This was the physician whom I met in my uncle&#039;s house, and who had since accurately informed himself about the temper of my body and my spirit. He showed me how much these feelings, when we cherish them within us independently of outward objects, tend, as it were, to excavate us, and to undermine the whole foundation of our being. &amp;quot;To be active,&amp;quot; he would say, &amp;quot;is the primary vocation of man: all the intervals in which he is obliged to rest, he should employ in gaining clearer knowledge of external things; for this will in its turn facilitate activity.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This friend was acquainted with my custom of looking on my body as an outward object: he knew also that I pretty well understood my constitution, my disorder, and the medicines of use for it; nay, that, by continual sufferings of my own or other people&#039;s, I had really grown a kind of half-doctor: he now carried forward my attention from the human body, and the drugs which act upon it, to the kindred objects of creation; he led me up and down as in the paradise of the first man; only, if I may continue my comparison, allowing me to trace, in dim remoteness, the Creator walking in the garden in the cool of the evening.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How gladly did I now see God in nature, when I bore him with such certainty within my heart! How interesting to me was his handiwork! how thankful did I feel that he had pleased to quicken me with the breath of his mouth!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We again had hopes that my sister would present us with a boy: her husband waited anxiously for that event, but did not live to see it. He died in consequence of an unlucky fall from horseback; and my sister followed him, soon after she had brought into the world a lovely boy. The four orphans they had left I could not look at but with sadness. So many healthy people had been called away before poor, sickly me; might I not also have blights to witness among these fair and hopeful blossoms? I knew the world sufficiently to understand what dangers threaten the precarious breeding of a child, especially a child of quality; and it seemed as if, since the period of my youth, these dangers had increased. I felt that, weakly as I was, I could not be of much, perhaps of any, service to the little ones; and I rejoiced the more on finding that my uncle, as indeed might have been looked for, had determined to devote his whole attention to the education of these amiable creatures. And this they doubtless merited in every sense: they were handsome; and,&lt;br /&gt;
with great diversities, all promised to be well-conditioned, reasonable persons.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Since my worthy doctor had suggested it, I loved to trace out family likenesses among our relatives and children. My father had carefully preserved the portraits of his ancestors, and got his own and those of his descendants drawn by tolerable masters; nor had my mother and her people been forgotten. We accurately knew the characters of all the family; and, as we had frequently compared them with each other, we now endeavored to discover in the children the same peculiarities outward or inward. My sister&#039;s eldest son, we thought, resembled his paternal grandfather, of whom there was a fine youthful picture in my uncle&#039;s collection: he had been a brave soldier; and in this point, too, the boy took after him, liking arms above all things, and busying himself with them whenever he paid me a visit. For my father had left a very pretty armory; and the boy got no rest till I had given him a pair of pistols and a fowling-piece, and he had learned the proper way of using them. At the same time, in his conduct or bearing, there was nothing like rudeness: far from that, he was always meek and sensible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The eldest daughter had attracted my especial love; of which, perhaps, the reason was, that she resembled me, and of all the four seemed to like me best. But I may well admit, that, the more closely I observed her as she grew, the more she shamed me: I could not look on her without a sentiment of admiration, nay, I may almost say, of reverence. You would scarcely have seen a nobler form, a more peaceful spirit, an activity so equable and universal. No moment of her life was she unoccupied, and every occupation in her hands became dignified. All seemed indifferent to her, so that she could but accomplish what was proper in the place and time; and, in the same manner, she could patiently continue unemployed, when there was nothing to be done. This activity without need of occupation I have never elsewhere met with. In particular, her conduct to the suffering and destitute was, from her earliest youth, inimitable. For my part, I freely confess I never had the gift to make a business of beneficence: I was not niggardly to the poor; nay, I often gave too largely for my means; yet this was little more than buying myself off: and a person needed to be made for me, if I was to bestow attention on him. Directly the reverse was the conduct of my niece. I never saw her give a poor man money: whatever she&lt;br /&gt;
obtained from me for this purpose, she failed not in the first place to change for some necessary article. Never did she seem more lovely in my eyes, than when rummaging my clothes-presses: she was always sure to light on something which I did not wear and did not need; to sew these old cast-off articles together, and put them on some ragged child, she thought her highest happiness.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Her sister&#039;s turn of mind appeared already different: she had much of her mother; she promised to become very elegant and beautiful, and she now bids fair to keep her promise. She is greatly taken up with her exterior: from her earliest years she could decorate and carry herself in a way that struck you. I still remember with what ecstasy, when quite a little creature, she saw herself in a mirror, decked in certain precious pearls, once my mother&#039;s, which she had by chance discovered, and made me try upon her.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Reflecting on these diverse inclinations, it was pleasant for me to consider how my property would, after my decease, be shared among them, and again called into use. I saw the fowling-pieces of my father once more travelling round the fields on my nephew&#039;s shoulder, and birds once more falling from his hunting-pouch: I saw my whole wardrobe issuing from the church, at Easter Confirmation, on the persons of tidy little girls; while the best pieces of it were employed to decorate some virtuous burgher maiden on her marriage-day. In furnishing such children and poor little girls, Natalia had a singular delight; though, as I must here remark, she showed not the smallest love, or, if I may say it, smallest need, of a dependence upon any visible or invisible Being, such as I had in my youth so strongly manifested.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When I also thought that the younger sister, on that same day, would wear my jewels and pearls at court, I could see with peace my possessions, like my body, given back to the elements.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The children waxed apace: to my comfort, they are healthy, handsome, clever creatures. That my uncle keeps them from me, I endure without repining: when staying in the neighborhood, or even in town, they seldom see me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A singular personage, regarded as a French clergyman, though no one rightly knows his history, has been intrusted with the oversight of all these children. He has them taught in various places: they are put to board now here, now there.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At first I could perceive no plan whatever in this mode of education; till at last our doctor told me the abbé had convinced my uncle,&lt;br /&gt;
that, in order to accomplish any thing by education, we must first become acquainted with the pupil&#039;s tendencies and wishes; that, these once ascertained, he ought to be transported to a situation where he may, as speedily as possible, content the former and attain the latter, and so, if he have been mistaken, may still in time perceive his error, and at last, having found what suits him, may hold the faster by it, may the more diligently fashion himself according to it. I wish this strange experiment may prosper: with such excellent natures it is, perhaps, possible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But there is one peculiarity in these instructors, which I never shall approve of: they study to seclude the children from whatever might awaken them to an acquaintance with themselves and with the invisible, sole, faithful Friend. I often take it ill of my uncle, that, on this account, he considers me dangerous for the little ones. Thus in practice there is no man tolerant! Many assure us that they willingly leave each to take his own way, yet all endeavor to exclude from action every one that does not think as they do.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This removal of the children troubles me the more, the more I am convinced of the reality of my belief. How can it fail to have a heavenly origin, an actual object, when in practice it is so effectual? Is it not by practice alone that we prove our own existence? Why, then, may we not, by a like mode, prove to ourselves the influence of that Power who gives us all good things?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That I am still advancing, never retrograding; that my conduct is approximating more and more to the image I have formed of perfection; that I every day feel more facility in doing what I reckon proper, even while the weakness of my body so obstructs me,&amp;amp;mdash;can all this be accounted for upon the principles of human nature, whose corruption I have so clearly seen into? For me, at least, it cannot.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I scarcely remember a commandment: to me there is nothing that assumes the aspect of law; it is an impulse that leads me, and guides me always aright. I freely follow my emotions, and know as little of constraint as of repentance. God be praised that I know to whom I am indebted for such happiness, and that I cannot think of it without humility! There is no danger I should ever become proud of what I myself can do or can forbear to do: I have seen too well what a monster might be formed and nursed in every human bosom, did not higher Influence restrain us.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;BOOK VII.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER I.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Spring had come in all its brilliancy; a storm that had been lowering all day went fiercely down upon the hills; the rain drew back into the country; the sun came forth in all its splendor, and upon the dark vapor rose the lordly rainbow. Wilhelm was riding towards it: the sight made him sad. &amp;quot;Ah!&amp;quot; said he within himself, &amp;quot;must it be that the fairest hues of life appear to us only on a ground of black? And must drops fall, if we are to be enraptured? A bright day is like a dull day, if we look at it unmoved; and what can move us but some silent hope that the inborn inclination of our soul shall not always be without an object? The recital of a noble action moves us; the sight of every thing harmonious moves us: we feel then as if we were not altogether in a foreign land; we fancy we are nearer the home towards which our best and inmost wishes impatiently strive.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Meanwhile a pedestrian overtook him, and, walking with a stout step by the side of the horse, began to keep him company. After a few common words, he looked at the rider, and said, &amp;quot;If I am not mistaken, I must have already seen you somewhere.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I, too, remember you,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm: &amp;quot;had we not some time ago a pleasant sail together?&amp;quot;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;quot;Right!&amp;quot; replied the other.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm looked at him more narrowly, then, after a pause, observed, &amp;quot;I do not know what alteration has occurred in you. Last time we met, I took you for a Lutheran country clergyman: you now seem to me more like a Catholic priest.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;To-day, at least, you are not wrong,&amp;quot; replied the other, taking off his hat, and showing him the tonsure. &amp;quot;Where is your company gone? Did you stay long with them?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Longer than was good: on looking back upon the period which I passed in their society, it seems as if I looked into an endless&lt;br /&gt;
void; nothing of it has remained with me.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Here you are mistaken,&amp;quot; said the stranger: &amp;quot;every thing that happens to us leaves some trace behind it; every thing contributes imperceptibly to form us. Yet often it is dangerous to take a strict account of that. For either we grow proud and negligent, or downcast and dispirited; and both are equally injurious in their consequences. The safe plan is, always simply to do the task that lies nearest us; and this in the present case,&amp;quot; added he, with a smile, &amp;quot;is to hasten to our quarters.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm asked how far Lothario&#039;s house was distant: the stranger answered that it lay behind the hill. &amp;quot;Perhaps I shall meet you there,&amp;quot; continued he: &amp;quot;I have merely a small affair to manage in the neighborhood. Farewell till then!&amp;quot; And, with this, he struck into a steep path that seemed to lead more speedily across the hill.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Yes, the man is right!&amp;quot; said Wilhelm to himself, as he proceeded: &amp;quot;we should think of what is nearest; and for me, at present, there is nothing nearer than the mournful errand I have come to do. Let me see whether I can still repeat the speech, which is to put that cruel man to shame.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He then began reciting to himself this piece of oratory: not a syllable was wanting; and the more his recollection served him, the higher grew his passion and his courage. Aurelia&#039;s sorrows and her death were vividly present to his soul.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Spirit of my friend!&amp;quot; exclaimed he, &amp;quot;hover round me, and, if thou canst, give some sign to me that thou art softened, art appeased!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Amid such words and meditations, he had reached the summit of the hill; and, near the foot of its declivity, he now beheld a curious building, which he at once took to be Lothario&#039;s dwelling. An old, irregular castle, with several turrets and peaked roofs, appeared to have been the primitive erection; but the new additions to it, placed near the main structure, looked still more irregular. A part of them stood close upon the main edifice: others, at some distance, were combined with it by galleries and covered passages. All external symmetry, every shade of architectural beauty, appeared to have been sacrificed to the convenience of the interior. No trace of wall or trench was to be seen; none of avenues or artificial gardens. A fruit and pot-herb garden reached to the very buildings, and little patches of a like sort showed themselves even in the intermediate spaces. A cheerful village lay&lt;br /&gt;
at no great distance: the fields and gardens everywhere appeared in the highest state of cultivation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Sunk in his own impassioned feelings, Wilhelm rode along, not thinking much of what he saw: he put up his horse at an inn, and, not without emotion, hastened to the castle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;An old serving-man received him at the door, and signified, with much good-nature, that to-day it would be difficult to get admission to his lordship, who was occupied in writing letters, and had already refused some people that had business with him. Our friend became more importunate: the old man was at last obliged to yield, and announce him. He returned, and conducted Wilhelm to a spacious, ancient hall; desiring him to be so good as wait, since perhaps it might be some time before his lordship could appear. Our friend walked up and down unrestfully, casting now and then a look at the knights and dames whose ancient figures hung round him on the walls. He repeated the beginning of his speech: it seemed, in presence of these ruffs and coats of mail, to answer even better. Every time there rose any stir, he put himself in posture to receive his man with dignity; meaning first to hand him the letter, then assail him with the weapons of reproach.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;More than once mistaken, he was now beginning to be really vexed and out of tune, when at last a handsome man, in boots and light surtout, stepped in from a side-door. &amp;quot;What good news have you for me?&amp;quot; said he to Wilhelm, with a friendly voice: &amp;quot;pardon me, that I have made you wait.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;So speaking, he kept folding a letter which he held in his hand. Wilhelm, not without embarrassment, delivered him Aurelia&#039;s paper, and replied, &amp;quot;I bring you the last words of a friend, which you will not read without emotion.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Lothario took it, and returned to his chamber with it; where, as Wilhelm through the open door could very easily observe, he addressed and sealed some letters before opening Aurelia&#039;s. He appeared to have perused it once or twice; and Wilhelm, though his feelings signified that the pathetic speech would sort but ill with such a cool reception, girded up his mind, went forward to the threshold, and was just about beginning his address, when a tapestry-door of the cabinet opened, and the clergyman came in.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I have got the strangest message you can think of,&amp;quot; cried Lothario to him. &amp;quot;Pardon me,&amp;quot; continued he, addressing Wilhelm, &amp;quot;if I am not&lt;br /&gt;
in a mood for speaking further with you at this moment. You remain with us to-night: you, abbé, see the stranger properly attended to.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;With these words, he made his guest a bow: the clergyman took Wilhelm by the hand, who followed, not without reluctance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They walked along some curious passages in silence, and at last reached a very pretty chamber. The abbé led him in, then left him, making no excuses. Erelong an active boy appeared: he introduced himself as Wilhelm&#039;s valet, and brought up his supper. In waiting, he had much to say about the order of the house, about their breakfasting and dining, labors and amusements; interspersing many things in commendation of Lothario.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Pleasant as the boy was, Wilhelm endeavored to get rid of him as soon as possible. He wished to be alone, for he felt exceedingly oppressed and straitened in his new position. He reproached himself with having executed his intention so ill, with having done his errand only half. One moment, he proposed to undertake next morning what he had neglected to-night; the next, he saw, that, by Lothario&#039;s presence, he would be attuned to quite a different set of feelings. The house, too, where he was, seemed very strange to him: he could not be at home in his position. Intending to undress, he opened his travelling-bag: with his night-clothes, he took out the Spirit&#039;s veil, which Mignon had packed in along with them. The sight of it increased the sadness of his humor. &amp;quot;Flee, youth! flee!&amp;quot; cried he. &amp;quot;What means this mystic word? What am I to flee, or whither? It were better had the Spirit called to me, Return to thyself!&amp;quot; He cast his eyes on some English copper-plates hung round the room in frames; most of them he looked at with indifference: at last he met with one, in which a ship was represented sinking in a tempest; a father, with his lovely daughters, was awaiting death from the intrusive billows. One of the maidens had a kind of likeness to the Amazon: an indescribable compassion seized our friend; he felt an irresistible necessity to vent his feelings; tears filled his eyes, he wept, and did not recover his composure till slumber overpowered him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Strange dreams arose upon him towards morning. He was in a garden, which in boyhood he had often visited: he looked with pleasure at the well-known alleys, hedges, flower-beds. Mariana met him: he spoke&lt;br /&gt;
to her with love and tenderness, recollecting nothing of any by-gone grievance. Erelong his father joined them, in his week-day dress; with a look of frankness that was rare in him, he bade his son fetch two seats from the garden-house; then took Mariana by the hand, and led her into a grove.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm hastened to the garden-house, but found it altogether empty: only at a window in the farther side he saw Aurelia standing. He went forward, and addressed her, but she turned not round; and, though he placed himself beside her, he could never see her face. He looked out from the window: in an unknown garden, there were several people, some of whom he recognized. Frau Melina, seated under a tree, was playing with a rose which she had in her hand: Laertes stood beside her, counting money from the one hand to the other. Mignon and Felix were lying on the grass, the former on her back, the latter on his face. Philina came, and clapped her hands above the children: Mignon lay unmoved; Felix started up and fled. At first he laughed while running, as Philina followed; but he screamed in terror when he saw the harper coming after him with large, slow steps. Felix ran directly to a pond. Wilhelm hastened after him: too late; the child was lying in the water! Wilhelm stood as if rooted to the spot. The fair Amazon appeared on the other side of the pond: she stretched her right hand towards the child, and walked along the shore. The child came through the water, by the course her finger pointed to; he followed her as she went round; at last she reached her hand to him, and pulled him out. Wilhelm had come nearer: the child was all in flames; fiery drops were falling from his body. Wilhelm&#039;s agony was greater than ever; but instantly the Amazon took a white veil from her head, and covered up the child with it. The fire was at once quenched. But, when she lifted up the veil, two boys sprang out from under it, and frolicsomely sported to and fro; while Wilhelm and the Amazon proceeded hand in hand across the garden, and noticed in the distance Mariana and his father walking in an alley, which was formed of lofty trees, and seemed to go quite round the garden. He turned his steps to them, and, with his beautiful attendant, was moving through the garden, when suddenly the fair-haired Friedrich came across their path, and kept them back with loud laughter and a thousand tricks. Still, however, they insisted on proceeding; and Friedrich hastened off, running towards Mariana and the father.&lt;br /&gt;
These seemed to flee before him; he pursued the faster, till Wilhelm saw them hovering down the alley almost as on wings. Nature and inclination called on him to go and help them, but the hand of the Amazon detained him. How gladly did he let himself be held! With this mingled feeling he awoke, and found his chamber shining with the morning beams.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER II.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Our friend was called to breakfast by the boy: he found the abbé waiting in the hall; Lothario, it appeared, had ridden out. The abbé was not very talkative, but rather wore a thoughtful look: he inquired about Aurelia&#039;s death, and listened to our friend&#039;s recital of it with apparent sympathy. &amp;quot;Ah!&amp;quot; cried he, &amp;quot;the man that discerns, with lively clearness, what infinite operations art and nature must have joined in before a cultivated human being can be formed; the man that himself as much as possible takes interest in the culture of his fellow-men,&amp;amp;mdash;is ready to despair when he sees how lightly mortals will destroy themselves, will blamelessly or blamably expose themselves to be destroyed. When I think of these things, life itself appears to me so uncertain a gift, that I could praise the man who does not value it beyond its worth.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Scarcely had he spoken, when the door flew violently up: a young lady came rushing in; she pushed away the old servant, who attempted to restrain her. She made right to the abbé, and seized him by the arm: her tears and sobs would hardly let her speak these words: &amp;quot;Where is he? Where have you put him? &#039;Tis a frightful treachery! Confess it now! I know what you are doing: I will after him,&amp;amp;mdash;will know where you have sent him!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Be calm, my child,&amp;quot; replied the abbé, with assumed composure; &amp;quot;come with me to your room: you shall know it all; only you must have the strength to listen, if you ask me to relate.&amp;quot; He offered her his hand, as if he meant to lead her out. &amp;quot;I will not return to my room,&amp;quot; cried she: &amp;quot;I hate the walls where you have kept me prisoner so long. I know it already: the colonel has challenged him; he is gone to meet his&lt;br /&gt;
enemy: perhaps this very moment he&amp;amp;mdash;once or twice I thought I heard the sound of shots! I tell you, order out a coach, and come along with me, or I will fill the house and all the village with my screaming.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Weeping bitterly, she hastened to the window: the abbé held her back, and sought in vain to soothe her.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They heard a sound of wheels: she threw up the window, exclaiming, &amp;quot;He is dead! They are bringing home his body.&amp;quot;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;quot;He is coming out,&amp;quot; replied the abbé: &amp;quot;you perceive he lives.&amp;quot;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;quot;He is wounded,&amp;quot; said she wildly, &amp;quot;else he would have come on horseback. They are holding him! The wound is dangerous!&amp;quot; She ran to the door, and down the stairs: the abbé hastened after her; and Wilhelm, following, observed the fair one meet her lover, who had now dismounted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Lothario leaned on his attendant, whom Wilhelm at once knew as his ancient patron, Jarno. The wounded man spoke very tenderly and kindly to the tearful damsel: he rested on her shoulder, and came slowly up the steps, saluted Wilhelm as he passed, and was conducted to his cabinet.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Jarno soon returned, and, going up to Wilhelm, &amp;quot;It appears,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;you are predestined everywhere to find a theatre and actors. We have here commenced a play which is not altogether pleasant.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I rejoice to find you,&amp;quot; answered Wilhelm, &amp;quot;in so strange an hour: I am astonished, frightened; and your presence already quiets my mind. Tell me, is there danger? Is the baron badly wounded?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I imagine not,&amp;quot; said Jarno.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It was not long till the young surgeon entered from the cabinet. &amp;quot;Now, what say you?&amp;quot; cried Jarno to him. &amp;quot;That it is a dangerous piece of work,&amp;quot; replied the other, putting several instruments into his leathern pouch. Wilhelm looked at the band, which was hanging from the pouch: he fancied he knew it. Bright, contrary colors, a curious pattern, gold and silver wrought in singular figures, marked this band from all the bands in the world. Wilhelm was convinced he beheld the very pouch of the ancient surgeon who had dressed his wounds in the green of the forest; and the hope, so long deferred, of again finding traces of the lovely Amazon, struck like a flame through all his soul.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Where did you get that pouch?&amp;quot; cried he. &amp;quot;To whom did it belong before you? I beg of you, tell me.&amp;quot;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;quot;I bought it at an auction,&amp;quot; said&lt;br /&gt;
the other: &amp;quot;what is it to me whom it belonged to?&amp;quot; So speaking, he went out; and Jarno said, &amp;quot;If there would come but one word of truth from our young doctor&#039;s mouth!&amp;quot;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;quot;Then, he did not buy the pouch?&amp;quot; said Wilhelm. &amp;quot;Just as little as Lothario is in danger,&amp;quot; said the other.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm stood, immersed in many reflections: Jarno asked how he had fared of late. Wilhelm sketched an outline of his history; and when he at last came to speak of Aurelia&#039;s death, and his message to the place, his auditor exclaimed, &amp;quot;Well! it is strange! most strange!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The abbé entered from Lothario&#039;s chamber, beckoned Jarno to go in instead of him, and said to Wilhelm, &amp;quot;The baron bids me ask you to remain with us a day or two, to share his hospitality, and, in the present circumstances, contribute to his solacement. If you need to give any notice to your people, your letter shall be instantly despatched. Meanwhile, to make you understand this curious incident, of which you have been witness, I must tell you something, which, indeed, is no secret. The baron had a small adventure with a lady, which excited more than usual attention; the lady having taken him from a rival, and wishing to enjoy her victory too ostentatiously. After a time he no longer found the same delight in her society; which he, of course, forsook: but, being of a violent temper, she could not bear her fate with patience. Meeting at a ball, they had an open quarrel: she thought herself irreparably injured, and would be revenged. No knight stepped forth to do battle for her; till her husband, whom for years she had not lived with, heard of the affair and took it up. He challenged the baron, and to-day he has wounded him; yet, as I hear, the gallant colonel has himself come still worse off.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;From this hour our friend was treated in the house as if he had belonged to it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER III.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At times they had read a little to the patient: Wilhelm joyfully performed this service. Lydia stirred not from Lothario&#039;s bed: her care for him absorbed her whole attention. But to-day the patient&lt;br /&gt;
himself seemed occupied with thought: he bade them lay aside their book. &amp;quot;To-day,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;I feel through my whole heart how foolishly we let our time pass on. How many things have I proposed to do, how many have I planned; yet how we loiter in our noblest purposes! I have just read over the scheme of the changes which I mean to make in my estates; and it is chiefly, I may say, on their account that I rejoice at the bullet&#039;s not having gone a deadlier road.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Lydia looked at him with tenderness, with tears in her eyes; as if to ask if &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;she&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, if his friends, could not pretend to any interest in his wish to live. Jarno answered, &amp;quot;Changes such as you project require to be considered well on every side before they are resolved on.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Long considerations,&amp;quot; said Lothario, &amp;quot;are commonly a proof that we have not the point to be determined clearly in our eye; precipitate proceedings, that we do not know it. I see distinctly, that, in managing my property, there are several particulars in which the services of my dependants cannot be remitted; certain rights which I must rigidly insist on: but I also see that there are other articles, advantageous to me, but by no means indispensable, which might admit of relaxation. Do I not profit by my lands far better than my father did? Is not my income still increasing? And shall I alone enjoy this growing benefit? Shall not those who labor with and for me partake, in their degree, of the advantages which expanding knowledge, which a period of improvement, are procuring for us?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;&#039;Tis human nature!&amp;quot; cried Jarno: &amp;quot;I do not blame myself when I detect this selfish quality among the rest. Every man desires to gather all things round him, to shape and manage them according to his own pleasure: the money which he himself does not expend, he seldom reckons well expended.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Certainly,&amp;quot; observed Lothario, &amp;quot;much of the capital might be abated if we consumed the interest less capriciously.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The only thing I shall mention,&amp;quot; said the other, &amp;quot;the only reason I can urge against your now proceeding with those alterations, which, for a time at least, must cause you loss, is, that you yourself are still in debt, and that the payment presses hard on you. My advice is, therefore, to postpone your plan till you are altogether free.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And in the mean while leave it at the mercy of a bullet, or the fall of a tile, to annihilate the whole result of my existence and&lt;br /&gt;
activity! O my friend! it is ever thus: it is ever the besetting fault of cultivated men, that they wish to spend their whole resources on some idea, scarcely any part of them on tangible, existing objects. Why was it that I contracted debts, that I quarrelled with my uncle, that I left my sisters to themselves so long? Purely for the sake of an idea. In America I fancied I might accomplish something; over seas, I hoped to become useful and essential: if any task was not begirt with a thousand dangers, I considered it trivial, unworthy of me. How differently do matters now appear! How precious, how important, seems the duty which is nearest me, whatever it may be!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I recollect the letter which you sent me from the Western world,&amp;quot; said Jarno: &amp;quot;it contains the words, &#039;I will return; and in my house, amid my fields, among my people, I will say, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Here or nowhere is America&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;!&#039;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Yes, my friend; and I am still repeating it, and still repining at myself that I am not so busy here as I was there. For certain equable, continuous modes of life, there is nothing more than judgment necessary, and we study to attain nothing more: so that we become unable to discern what extraordinary services each vulgar day requires of us; or, if we do discern them, we find abundance of excuses for not doing them. A judicious man is valuable to himself, but of little value for the general whole.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;We will not,&amp;quot; said Jarno, &amp;quot;bear too hard upon judgment: let us grant, that, whenever extraordinary things are done, they are generally foolish.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Yes! and just because they are not done according to the proper plan. My brother-in-law, you see, is giving up his fortune, so far as in his power, to the Community of Herrnhut: he reckons, that, by doing so, he is advancing the salvation of his soul. Had he sacrificed a small portion of his revenue, he might have rendered many people happy, might have made for them and for himself a heaven upon earth. Our sacrifices are rarely of an active kind: we, as it were, abandon what we give away. It is not from resolution, but despair, that we renounce our property. In these days, I confess it, the image of the count is hovering constantly before me: I have firmly resolved on doing from conviction what a crazy fear is forcing upon him. I will not wait for being cured. Here are the papers: they require only to be properly drawn out. Take the lawyer with you; our guest will help: what I want, you know as&lt;br /&gt;
well as I; recovering or dying. I will stand by it, and say, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Here or nowhere is Herrnhut&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When he mentioned dying, Lydia sank before his bed: she hung upon his arm, and wept bitterly. The surgeon entered: Jarno gave our friend the papers, and made Lydia leave the room.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;For Heaven&#039;s sake! what is this about the count?&amp;quot; cried Wilhelm, when they reached the hall and were alone. &amp;quot;What count is it that means to join the Herrnhuters?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;One whom you know very well,&amp;quot; said Jarno. &amp;quot;You yourself are the ghost who have frightened the unhappy wiseacre into piety: you are the villain who have brought his pretty wife to such a state that she inclines accompanying him.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And she is Lothario&#039;s sister?&amp;quot; cried our friend.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;No other!&amp;quot;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;quot;And Lothario knows&amp;quot;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The whole!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Oh, let me fly!&amp;quot; cried Wilhelm. &amp;quot;How shall I appear before him? What can he say to me?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;That no man should cast a stone at his brother; that when one composes long speeches, with a view to shame his neighbors, he should speak them to a looking-glass.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Do you know that too?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And many things beside,&amp;quot; said Jarno, with a smile. &amp;quot;But in the present case,&amp;quot; continued he, &amp;quot;you shall not get away from me so easily as you did last time. You need not now be apprehensive of my bounty-money: I have ceased to be a soldier; when I was one, you might have thought more charitably of me. Since you saw me, many things have altered. My prince, my only friend and benefactor, being dead, I have now withdrawn from busy life and its concerns. I used to have a pleasure in advancing what was reasonable; when I met with any despicable thing, I hesitated not to call it so; and men had never done with talking of my restless head and wicked tongue. The herd of people dread sound understanding more than any thing: they ought to dread stupidity, if they had any notion what was really dreadful. Understanding is unpleasant, they must have it pushed aside; stupidity is but pernicious, they can let it stay. Well, be it so! I need to live: I will by and by communicate my plans to you; if you incline, you shall partake in them. But tell me first how things have gone with you. I see, I feel, that you are changed. How is it with your ancient maggot of producing something beautiful and good&lt;br /&gt;
in the society of gypsies?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Do not speak of it!&amp;quot; cried Wilhelm: &amp;quot;I have been already punished for it. People talk about the stage, but none that has not been upon it can form the smallest notion of it. How utterly these men are unacquainted with themselves, how thoughtlessly they carry on their trade, how boundless their pretensions are, no mortal can conceive. Each would be not only first, but sole; each wishes to exclude the rest, and does not see that even with them he can scarcely accomplish any thing. Each thinks himself a man of marvellous originality; yet, with a ravening appetite for novelty, he cannot walk a footstep from the beaten track. How vehemently they counterwork each other! It is only the pitifullest self-love, the narrowest views of interest, that unite them. Of reciprocal accommodation they have no idea: backbiting and hidden spitefulness maintain a constant jealousy among them. In their lives they are either rakes or simpletons. Each claims the loftiest respect, each writhes under the slightest blame. &#039;All this he knew already,&#039; he will tell you! Why, then, did he not do it? Ever needy, ever unconfiding, they seem as if their greatest fear were reason and good taste; their highest care, to secure the majesty of their self-will.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm drew breath, intending to proceed with his eulogium, when an immoderate laugh from Jarno interrupted him. &amp;quot;Poor actors!&amp;quot; cried he; threw himself into a chair, and laughed away. &amp;quot;Poor, dear actors! Do you know, my friend,&amp;quot; continued he, recovering from his fit, &amp;quot;that you have been describing, not the playhouse, but the world; that, out of all ranks, I could find you characters and doings in abundance to suit your cruel pencil? Pardon me: it makes me laugh again, that you should think these amiable qualities existed on the boards alone.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm checked his feelings. Jarno&#039;s extravagant, untimely laughter had in truth offended him. &amp;quot;It is scarcely hiding your misanthropy,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;when you maintain that faults like these are universal.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And it shows your unacquaintance with the world, when you impute them to the theatre in such a heinous light. I pardon, in the player, every fault that springs from self-deception and the desire to please. If he seem not something to himself and others, he is nothing. To seem is his vocation; he must prize his moment of applause, for he gets no other recompense; he must try to glitter,&amp;amp;mdash;he is there to do so.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You will give me leave at least to smile, in my turn,&amp;quot; answered Wilhelm. &amp;quot;I should never have believed that you could be so merciful, so tolerant.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I swear to you I am serious, fully and deliberately serious. All faults of the man I can pardon in the player: no fault of the player can I pardon in the man. Do not set me upon chanting my lament about the latter: it might have a sharper sound than yours.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The surgeon entered from the cabinet; and, to the question how his patient was, he answered, with a lively air of complaisance, &amp;quot;Extremely well, indeed: I hope soon to see him quite recovered.&amp;quot; He hastened through the hall, not waiting Wilhelm&#039;s speech, who was preparing to inquire again with greater importunity about the leathern case. His anxiety to gain some tidings of his Amazon inspired him with confidence in Jarno: he disclosed his case to him, and begged his help. &amp;quot;You that know so many things,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;can you not discover this?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Jarno reflected for a moment; then, turning to his friend, &amp;quot;Be calm,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;give no one any hint of it: we shall come upon the fair one&#039;s footsteps, never fear. At present I am anxious only for Lothario: the case is dangerous; the kindliness and comfortable talking of the doctor tells me so. We should be quit of Lydia, for here she does no good; but how to set about the task I know not. To-night I am looking for our old physician: we shall then take further counsel.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER IV.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The physician came: it was the good, old, little doctor whom we know already, and to whom we were obliged for the communication of the pious manuscript. First of all, he visited the wounded man, with whose condition he appeared to be by no means satisfied. He had next a long interview with Jarno, but they made no allusion to the subject of it when they came to supper.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm saluted him in the kindest manner, and inquired about the harper. &amp;quot;We have still hopes of bringing round the hapless creature,&amp;quot;&lt;br /&gt;
answered the physician. &amp;quot;He formed a dreary item in your limited and singular way of life,&amp;quot; said Jarno. &amp;quot;How has it fared with him? Tell me.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Having satisfied Jarno&#039;s curiosity, the physician thus proceeded: &amp;quot;I have never seen another man so strangely circumstanced. For many years he has not felt the smallest interest in any thing without him, scarcely paid the smallest notice to it: wrapped up in himself, he has looked at nothing but his own hollow, empty Me, which seemed to him like an immeasurable abyss. It was really touching when he spoke to us of this mournful state. &#039;Before me,&#039; cried he, &#039;I see nothing; behind me nothing but an endless night, in which I live in the most horrid solitude. There is no feeling in me but the feeling of my guilt; and this appears but like a dim, formless spirit, far before me. Yet here there is no height, no depth, no forwards, no backwards: no words can express this never-changing state. Often in the agony of this sameness I exclaim with violence, Forever! Forever! and this dark, incomprehensible word is clear and plain to the gloom of my condition. No ray of Divinity illuminates this night: I shed all my tears by myself and for myself. Nothing is more horrible to me than friendship and love, for they alone excite in me the wish that the apparitions which surround me might be real. But these two spectres also have arisen from the abyss to plague me, and at length to tear from me the precious consciousness of my existence, unearthly though it be.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You should hear him speak,&amp;quot; continued the physician, &amp;quot;when in hours of confidence he thus alleviates his heart. I have listened to him often with the deepest feelings. When pressed by any thing, and, as it were, compelled for an instant to confess that a space of time has passed, he looks astounded, then again refers the alteration to the things about him, considering it as an appearance of appearances, and so rejecting the idea of progress in duration. One night he sung a song about his gray hairs: we all sat round him weeping.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Oh, get it for me!&amp;quot; cried Wilhelm.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;But have you not discovered any trace of what he calls his crime?&amp;quot; inquired Jarno: &amp;quot;nor found out the reason of his wearing such a singular garb; of his conduct at the burning of the house; of his rage against the child?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It is only by conjectures that we can approximate to any knowledge of his fate: to question him directly contradicts our principle. Observing easily that he was of the Catholic religion, we thought perhaps&lt;br /&gt;
confession might afford him some assuagement; but he shrinks away with the strangest gestures every time we try to introduce the priest to him. However, not to leave your curiosity respecting him entirely unsatisfied, I may communicate our suppositions on the subject. In his youth, we think, he must have been a clergyman: hence probably his wish to keep his beard and long cloak. The joys of love appear to have remained for many years unknown to him. Late in life, as we conceive, some aberration with a lady very nearly related to him; then her death, the consequence of an unlucky creature&#039;s birth,&amp;amp;mdash;have altogether crazed his brain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;His chief delusion is a fancy that he brings misfortune everywhere along with him; and that death, to be unwittingly occasioned by a boy, is constantly impending over him. At first he was afraid of Mignon, not knowing that she was a girl; then Felix frightened him; and as, with all his misery, he has a boundless love of life, this may, perhaps, have been the origin of his aversion to the child.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;What hopes have you of his recovery?&amp;quot; inquired our friend.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It advances slowly,&amp;quot; answered the physician, &amp;quot;yet it does advance. He continues his appointed occupations: we have now accustomed him to read the newspapers; he always looks for them with eagerness.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I am curious about his songs,&amp;quot; said Jarno.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Of these I can engage to get you several,&amp;quot; replied the doctor. &amp;quot;Our parson&#039;s eldest son, who frequently writes down his father&#039;s sermons, has, unnoticed by the harper, marked on paper many stanzas of his singing; out of which some songs have gradually been pieced together.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Next morning Jarno met our friend, and said to him, &amp;quot;We have to ask a kindness of you. Lydia must, for some time, be removed: her violent, unreasonable love and passionateness hinder the baron&#039;s recovery. His wound requires rest and calmness, though with his healthy temperament it is not dangerous. You see how Lydia tortures him with her tempestuous anxieties, her ungovernable terrors, her never-drying tears; and&amp;amp;mdash;Enough!&amp;quot; he added with a smile, after pausing for a moment, &amp;quot;our doctor expressly requires that she must quit us for a while. We have got her to believe that a lady, one of her most intimate friends, is at present in the neighborhood, wishing and expecting instantly to see her. She has been prevailed upon to undertake a journey to our&lt;br /&gt;
lawyer&#039;s, which is but two leagues off. This man is in the secret: he will wofully lament that Fräulein Theresa should just have left him again; he will seem to think she may still be overtaken. Lydia will hasten after her, and, if you prosper, will be led from place to place. At last, if she insist on turning back, you must not contradict her; but the night will help you: the coachman is a cunning knave, and we shall speak with him before he goes. You are to travel with her in the coach, to talk to her, and manage the adventure.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It is a strange and dubious commission that you give me,&amp;quot; answered Wilhelm. &amp;quot;How painful is the sight of true love injured! And am I to be the instrument of injuring it? I have never cheated any person so; for it has always seemed to me, that if we once begin deceiving, with a view to good and useful purposes, we run the risk of carrying it to excess.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Yet you cannot manage children otherwise,&amp;quot; said Jarno.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;With children it may do,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm; &amp;quot;for we love them tenderly, and take an open charge of them. But with our equals, in behalf of whom our heart is not so sure to call upon us for forbearance, it might frequently be dangerous. Yet do not think,&amp;quot; he added, after pausing for a moment, &amp;quot;that I purpose to decline the task on this account. Honoring your judgment as I do, feeling such attachment to your noble friend, such eagerness to forward his recovery by whatever means, I willingly forget myself and my opinions. It is not enough that we can risk our life to serve a friend: in the hour of need, we should also yield him our convictions. Our dearest passions, our best wishes, we are bound to sacrifice in helping him. I undertake the charge; though it is easy to foresee the pain I shall have to suffer, from the tears, from the despair, of Lydia.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And, for this, no small reward awaits you,&amp;quot; answered Jarno: &amp;quot;Fräulein Theresa, whom you get acquainted with, is a lady such as you will rarely see. She puts many a man to shame; I may say, she is a genuine Amazon: while others are but pretty counterfeits, that wander up and down the world in that ambiguous dress.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm was struck: he almost fancied that in Theresa he would find his Amazon again; especially as Jarno, whom he importuned to tell him more, broke off abruptly, and went away.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The new, near hope of once more seeing that beloved and honored being awoke a thousand feelings in his heart. He now looked upon the task&lt;br /&gt;
which had been given him as the intervention of a special Providence: the thought that he was minded treacherously to carry off a helpless girl from the object of her sincerest, warmest love dwelt but a moment in his mind, as the shadow of a bird flits over the sunshiny earth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The coach was at the door: Lydia lingered for a moment, as she was about to mount. &amp;quot;Salute your lord again for me,&amp;quot; said she to the old servant: &amp;quot;tell him that I shall be home before night.&amp;quot; Tears were standing in her eyes as she again looked back when the carriage started. She then turned round to Wilhelm, made an effort to compose herself, and said, &amp;quot;In Fräulein Theresa you will find a very interesting person. I wonder what it is that brings her hither; for, you must know, Lothario and she once passionately loved each other. In spite of the distance, he often used to visit her: I was staying with her then; I thought they would have lived and died for one another. But all at once it went to wreck, no creature could discover why. He had seen me, and I must confess that I was envious of Theresa&#039;s fortune; that I scarcely hid my love from him; that, when he suddenly appeared to choose me in her stead, I could not but accept of him. She behaved to me beyond my wishes, though it almost seemed as if I had robbed her of this precious lover. But, ah! how many thousand tears and pains that love of his has cost me! At first we met only now and then, and by stealth, at some appointed place: but I could not long endure that kind of life; in his presence only was I happy, wholly happy! Far from him, my eyes were never dry, my pulse was never calm. Once he staid away for several days: I was altogether in despair; I ordered out my carriage, and surprised him here. He received me tenderly; and, had not this unlucky quarrel happened, I should have led a heavenly life with him. But, since the time he began to be in danger and in pain, I shall not say what I have suffered: at this moment I am bitterly reproaching myself that I could leave him for a single day.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm was proceeding to inquire about Theresa, when they reached the lawyer&#039;s house. This gentleman came forward to the coach, lamenting wofully that Fräulein Theresa was already gone. He invited them to breakfast; signifying, however, that the lady might be overtaken in the nearest village. They determined upon following her: the coachman did not loiter; they had soon passed several villages, and yet come up with nobody. Lydia now gave orders for returning: the coachman drove&lt;br /&gt;
along, as if he did not understand her. As she insisted with redoubled vehemence, Wilhelm called to him, and gave the promised token. The coachman answered that it was not necessary to go back by the same road: he knew a shorter, and, at the same time, greatly easier one. He turned aside across a wood, and over large commons. At last, no object they could recognize appearing, he confessed that unfortunately he had lost his way; declaring, at the same time, that he would soon get right again, as he saw a little town before him. Night came on: the coachman managed so discreetly, that he asked everywhere, and nowhere waited for an answer. He drove along all night: Lydia never closed an eye; in the moonshine she was constantly detecting similarities, which as constantly turned out to be dissimilar. In the morning things around seemed known to her, and but more strange on that account. The coach drew up before a neat little country-house: a young lady stepped out, and opened the carriage-door. Lydia looked at her with a stare of wonder, looked round, looked at her again, and fainted in the arms of Wilhelm.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER V.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm was conducted to a little upper room: the house was new, as small nearly as it could be, and extremely orderly and clean. In Theresa, who had welcomed him and Lydia at the coach, he had not found his Amazon: she was another and an altogether different woman. Handsome, and but of middle stature, she moved about with great alertness; and it seemed as if her clear, blue, open eyes let nothing that occurred escape them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She entered Wilhelm&#039;s room, inquiring if he wanted any thing. &amp;quot;Pardon me,&amp;quot; said she, &amp;quot;for having lodged you in a chamber which the smell of paint still renders disagreeable: my little dwelling is but just made ready; you are handselling this room, which is appointed for my guests. Would that you had come on some more pleasant errand! Poor Lydia is like to be a dull companion: in other points, also, you will have much to pardon. My cook has run away from me, at this unseasonable time; and&lt;br /&gt;
a serving-man has bruised his hand. The case might happen I had to manage every thing myself; and if it were so, why, then we should just put up with it. One is plagued so with nobody as with one&#039;s servants: none of them will serve you, scarcely even serve himself.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She said a good deal more on different matters: in general she seemed to like speaking. Wilhelm inquired for Lydia,&amp;amp;mdash;if he might not see her, and endeavor to excuse himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It will have no effect at present,&amp;quot; said Theresa: &amp;quot;time excuses, as it comforts. Words, in both cases, are of little effect. Lydia will not see you. &#039;Keep him from my sight,&#039; she cried, when I was leaving her: &#039;I could almost despair of human nature. Such an honorable countenance, so frank a manner, and this secret guile!&#039; Lothario she has quite forgiven: in a letter to the poor girl, he declares, &#039;My friends persuaded me, my friends compelled me!&#039; Among these she reckons you, and she condemns you with the rest.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;She does me too much honor in so blaming me,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm: &amp;quot;I have no pretension to the friendship of that noble gentleman; on this occasion, I am but a guiltless instrument. I will not praise what I have done: it is enough that I could do it. It concerned the health, it concerned the life, of a man whom I value more than any one I ever knew before. Oh, what a man is he, Fräulein! and what men are they that live about him! In their society, I for the first time, I may well say, carried on a conversation; for the first time, was the inmost sense of my words returned to me, more rich, more full, more comprehensive, from another&#039;s mouth; what I had been groping for was rendered clear to me; what I had been thinking I was taught to see. Unfortunately this enjoyment was disturbed, at first by numerous anxieties and whims, and then by this unpleasant task. I undertook it with submission; for I reckoned it my duty, even though I sacrificed my feelings, to comply with the request of this gifted company of men.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;While he spoke, Theresa had been looking at him with a very friendly air. &amp;quot;Oh, how sweet is it to hear one&#039;s own opinion uttered by a stranger tongue! We are never properly ourselves until another thinks entirely as we do. My own opinion of Lothario is perfectly the same as yours: it is not every one that does him justice, and therefore all that know him better are enthusiastic in esteem of him. The painful sentiment that mingles with the memory of him in my heart cannot hinder me from&lt;br /&gt;
thinking of him daily.&amp;quot; A sigh heaved her bosom as she spoke thus, and a lovely tear glittered in her right eye. &amp;quot;Think not,&amp;quot; continued she, &amp;quot;that I am so weak, so easy to be moved. It is but the eye that weeps. There was a little wart upon the under eyelid; they have happily removed it, but the eye has been weak ever since; the smallest cause brings a tear into it. Here sat the little wart: you cannot see a vestige of it now.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He saw no vestige, but he saw into her eye; it was clear as crystal: he almost imagined he could see to the very bottom of her soul.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;We have now,&amp;quot; said she, &amp;quot;pronounced the watchword of our friendship: let us get entirely acquainted as fast as possible. The history of every person paints his character. I will tell you what my life has been: do you, too, place a little trust in me, and let us be united even when distance parts us. The world is so waste and empty, when we figure only towns and hills and rivers in it; but to know of some one here and there whom we accord with, who is living on with us, even in silence,&amp;amp;mdash;this makes our earthly ball a peopled garden.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She hastened off, engaging soon to take him out to walk. Her presence had affected him agreeably: he wished to be informed of her relation to Lothario. He was called: she came to meet him from her room. While they descended, necessarily one by one, the straight and even steepish stairs, she said, &amp;quot;All this might have been larger and grander, had I chosen to accept the offers of your generous friend; but, to continue worthy of him, I must study to retain the qualities which gave me merit in his eyes. Where is the steward?&amp;quot; asked she, stepping from the bottom of the stairs. &amp;quot;You must not think,&amp;quot; continued she, &amp;quot;that I am rich enough to need a steward: the few acres of my own little property I myself can manage well enough. The steward is my new neighbor&#039;s, who has bought a fine estate beside us, every point of which I am acquainted with. The good old gentleman is lying ill of gout: his men are strangers here; I willingly assist in settling them.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They took a walk through fields, meadows, and some orchards. Everywhere Theresa kept instructing the steward; nothing so minute but she could give account of it: and Wilhelm had reason to wonder at her knowledge, her precision, the prompt dexterity with which she suggested means for ends. She loitered nowhere, always hastened to the leading-points;&lt;br /&gt;
and thus her task was quickly over. &amp;quot;Salute your master,&amp;quot; said she, as she sent away the man: &amp;quot;I mean to visit him as soon as possible, and wish him a complete recovery. There, now,&amp;quot; she added with a smile, as soon as he was gone, &amp;quot;I might soon be rich: my good neighbor, I believe, would not be disinclined to offer me his hand.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The old man with the gout?&amp;quot; cried Wilhelm: &amp;quot;I know not how, at your years, you could bring yourself to make so desperate a determination.&amp;quot;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;quot;Nor am I tempted to it!&amp;quot; said Theresa. &amp;quot;Whoever can administer what he possesses has enough; and to be wealthy is a burdensome affair, unless you understand it.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm testified his admiration at her skill in husbandry concerns. &amp;quot;Decided inclination, early opportunity, external impulse, and continued occupation in a useful business,&amp;quot; said she, &amp;quot;make many things, which were at first far harder, possible in life. When you have learned what causes stimulated me in this pursuit, you will cease to wonder at the talent you now think strange.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On returning home, she sent him to her little garden. Here he could scarcely turn himself, so narrow were the walks, so thickly was it sown and planted. On looking over to the court, he could not help smiling: the fire-wood was lying there, as accurately sawed, split, and piled, as if it had been part of the building, and had been intended to continue permanently there. The tubs and implements, all clean, were standing in their places: the house was painted white and red; it was really pleasant to behold. Whatever can be done by handicraft, which knows not beautiful proportions, but labors for convenience, cheerfulness, and durability, appeared united in this spot. They served him up dinner in his own room: he had time enough for meditating. Especially it struck him, that he should have got acquainted with another person of so interesting a character, who had been so closely related to Lothario. &amp;quot;It is just,&amp;quot; said he to himself, &amp;quot;that a man so gifted should attract round him gifted women. How far the influence of manliness and dignity extends! Would that others did not come so wofully short, compared with him! Yes, confess thy fear. When thou meetest with thy Amazon, this woman of women, in spite of all thy hopes and dreaming, thou wilt find her, in the end, to thy humiliation and thy shame,&amp;amp;mdash;his bride.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER VI.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm had passed a restless afternoon, not altogether without tedium, when towards evening his door opened, and a handsome hunter-boy stepped forward with a bow. &amp;quot;Shall we have a walk?&amp;quot; said the youth; and in the instant Wilhelm recognized Theresa by her lovely eyes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Pardon me this masquerade,&amp;quot; said she; &amp;quot;for now, alas! it is nothing more. But, as I am going to tell you of the time when I so enjoyed the world, I will recall those days by every method to my fancy. Come along! Even the place where we have rested so often from our hunts and promenades shall help me.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They went accordingly. On their way Theresa said to her attendant, &amp;quot;It is not fair that I alone should speak: you already know enough of me, I nothing about you. Tell me, in the mean while, something of yourself, that I may gather courage to submit to you my history and situation.&amp;quot;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;quot;Alas!&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, &amp;quot;I have nothing to relate but error on the back of error, deviation following deviation; and I know none from whom I would more gladly hide my present and my past embarrassments than from yourself. Your look, the scene you move in, your whole temperament and manner, prove to me that you have reason to rejoice in your by-gone life; that you have travelled by a fair, clear path in constant progress; that you have lost no time; that you have nothing to reproach yourself withal.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Theresa answered with a smile, &amp;quot;Let us see if you will think so after you have heard my history.&amp;quot; They walked along: among some general remarks, Theresa asked him, &amp;quot;Are you free?&amp;quot;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;quot;I think I am,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;and yet I do not wish it.&amp;quot;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;quot;Good!&amp;quot; said she: &amp;quot;that indicates a complicated story: you also will have something to relate.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Conversing thus, they ascended the hill, and placed themselves beside a lofty oak, which spread its shade far out on every side. &amp;quot;Here,&amp;quot; said she, &amp;quot;beneath this German tree, will I disclose to you the history of a German maiden: listen to me patiently.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;My father was a wealthy nobleman of this province,&amp;amp;mdash;a cheerful, clear-sighted, active, able man; a tender father, an upright friend, an excellent economist. I knew but one fault in him: he was too compliant to a wife who did not know his worth. Alas that I should have to say so of my mother! Her nature was the opposite of his. She was quick and&lt;br /&gt;
changeful; without affection either for her home or for me, her only child; extravagant, but beautiful, sprightly, full of talent, the delight of a circle she had gathered round her. Her society, in truth, was never large; nor did it long continue the same. It consisted principally of men, for no woman could like to be near her; still less could &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;she&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; endure the merit or the praise of any woman. I resembled my father, both in form and disposition. As the duckling, with its first footsteps, seeks the water; so, from my earliest youth, the kitchen, the storeroom, the granaries, the fields, were my selected element. Cleanliness and order in the house seemed, even while I was playing in it, to be my peculiar instinct, my peculiar object. This tendency gave my father pleasure; and he directed, step by step, my childish endeavor into the suitablest employments. On the contrary, my mother did not like me; and she never for a moment hid it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I waxed in stature: with my years increased my turn for occupation, and my father&#039;s love to me. When we were by ourselves, when walking through the fields, when I was helping to examine his accounts, it was then I could see how glad he was. While gazing on his eyes, I felt as if I had been looking in upon myself; for it was in the eyes that I completely resembled him. But, in the presence of my mother, he lost this energy, this aspect: he excused me mildly when she blamed me unjustly and violently; he took my part, not as if he would protect me, but as if he would extenuate the demerit of my good qualities. To none of her caprices did he set himself in opposition. She began to be immensely taken with a passion for the stage: a theatre was soon got up; of men of all shapes and ages, crowding to display themselves along with her upon her boards, she had abundance; of women, on the other hand, there was often a scarcity. Lydia, a pretty girl who had been brought up with me, and who promised from the first to be extremely beautiful, had to undertake the secondary parts; the mothers and the aunts were represented by an ancient chamber-maid; while the leading heroines, lovers, and shepherdesses of every kind were seized on by my mother. I cannot tell you how ridiculous it seemed to me to see the people, every one of whom I knew full well, standing on their scaffold, and pretending, after they had dressed themselves in other clothes, to pass for something else than what they were. In my eyes they were never&lt;br /&gt;
any thing but Lydia and my mother, this baron and that secretary, whether they appeared as counts and princes, or as peasants; and I could not understand how they meant to make me think that they were sad or happy, that they were indifferent or in love, liberal or avaricious, when I well knew the contrary to be the case. Accordingly I very seldom staid among the audience: I always snuffed their candles, that I might not be entirely without employment; I prepared the supper; and next morning, before they rose, I used to have their wardrobe all sorted, which commonly, the night before, they had left in a chaotic state.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;To my mother this activity appeared quite proper, but her love I could not gain. She despised me; and I know for certain that she more than once exclaimed with bitterness, &#039;If the mother could be as uncertain as the father, you would scarcely take this housemaid for my daughter!&#039; Such treatment, I confess, at length entirely estranged me from her: I viewed her conduct as the conduct of a person unconnected with me; and, being used to watch our servants like a falcon (for this, be it said in passing, is the ground of all true housekeeping), the proceedings of my mother and her friends at the same time naturally forced themselves upon my observation. It was easy to perceive that she did not look on all men alike: I gave sharper heed, and soon found out that Lydia was her confidant, and had herself, by this opportunity, become acquainted with a passion, which, from her earliest youth, she had so often represented. I was aware of all their meetings; but I held my tongue, hinting nothing to my father, whom I was afraid of troubling. At last, however, I was obliged to speak. Many of their enterprises could not be accomplished without corrupting the servants. These now began to grow refractory: they despised my father&#039;s regulations, disregarded my commands. The disorders which arose from this I could not tolerate: I discovered all, complained of all to my father.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;He listened to me calmly. &#039;Good girl!&#039; replied he with a smile; &#039;I know it all: be quiet, bear it patiently; for it is on thy account alone that I endure it.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I was not quiet: I had not patience. I in secret blamed my father, for I did not think that any reason should induce him to endure such things. I called for regularity from all the servants: I was bent on driving matters to extremity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;My mother had been rich before her marriage, yet she squandered more than she had a right to; and this, as I observed, occasioned many&lt;br /&gt;
conferences between my parents. For a long time the evil was not helped, till at last the passions of my mother brought it to a head.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Her first gallant became unfaithful in a glaring manner: the house, the neighborhood, her whole condition, grew offensive to her. She insisted on removing to a different estate; there she was too solitary: she insisted on removing to the town; there she felt herself eclipsed among the crowd. Of much that passed between my father and her I know nothing: however, he at last determined, under stipulations which I did not learn, to consent that she should take a journey, which she had been meditating, to the south of France.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;We were now free; we lived as if in heaven: I do believe my father could not be a loser, had he purchased her absence by a considerable sum. All our useless domestics were dismissed, and fortune seemed to smile on our undertakings: we had some extremely prosperous years; all things succeeded to our wish. But, alas! this pleasing state was not of long continuance: altogether unexpectedly my father had a shock of palsy; it lamed his right side, and deprived him of the proper use of speech. We had to guess at every thing that he required, for he never could pronounce the word that he intended. There were times when this was dreadfully afflicting to us: he would require expressly to be left alone with me; with earnest gestures, he would signify that every one should go away; and, when we saw ourselves alone, he could not speak the word he meant. His impatience mounted to the highest pitch: his situation touched me to the inmost heart. Thus much seemed certain: he had something which he wished to tell me, which especially concerned my interest. What longing did I feel to know it! At other times I could discover all things in his eyes, but now it was in vain. Even his eyes no longer spoke. Only this was clear: he wanted nothing, he desired nothing; he was striving to discover something to me, which unhappily I did not learn. His malady revisited him: he grew entirely inactive, incapable of motion; and a short time afterwards he died.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I know not how it had got rooted in my thoughts, that somewhere he had hid a treasure which he wished at death to leave me rather than my mother; I searched about for traces of it while he lived, but I could meet with none: at his death a seal was put on every thing. I wrote to my mother, offering to continue in the house, and manage for her:&lt;br /&gt;
she refused, and I was obliged to leave the place. A mutual testament was now produced: it gave my mother the possession and the use of all; and I was left, at least throughout her life, dependent on her. It was now that I conceived I rightly understood my father&#039;s beckonings: I pitied him for having been so weak; he had let himself be forced to do unjustly to me even after he was dead. Certain of my friends maintained that it was little better than if he had disinherited me: they called upon me to attack the will by law, but this I never could resolve on doing. I reverenced my father&#039;s memory too much: I trusted in destiny; I trusted in myself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;There was a lady in the neighborhood possessed of large property, with whom I had always been on good terms: she gladly received me; I engaged to superintend her household, and erelong the task grew very easy to me. She lived regularly, she loved order in every thing; and I faithfully assisted her in struggling with her steward and domestics. I am neither of a niggardly nor grudging temper; but we women are disposed to insist, more earnestly than men, that nothing shall be wasted. Embezzlement of all sorts is intolerable to us: we require that each enjoy exactly in so far as right entitles him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Here I was in my element once more: I mourned my father&#039;s death in silence. My protectress was content with me: one small circumstance alone disturbed my peace. Lydia returned: my mother had been harsh enough to cast the poor girl off, after having altogether spoiled her. Lydia had learned with her mistress to consider passions as her occupation: she was wont to curb herself in nothing. On her unexpected re-appearance, the lady whom I lived with took her in: she wished to help me, but could train herself to nothing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;About this time the relatives and future heirs of my protectress often visited the house, to recreate themselves with hunting. Lothario was frequently among them: it was not long till I had noticed, though without the smallest reference to myself, how far he was superior to the rest. He was courteous towards all, and Lydia seemed erelong to have attracted his attention to her. Constantly engaged in something, I was seldom with the company: while he was there I did not talk so much as usual; for, I will confess it, lively conversation, from of old, had been to me the finest seasoning of existence. With my father I was wont to talk of every thing that happened. What you do not speak of, you&lt;br /&gt;
will seldom accurately think of. No man had I ever heard with greater pleasure than I did Lothario, when he told us of his travels and campaigns. The world appeared to lie before him clear and open, as to me the district was in which I lived and managed. We were not entertained with marvellous personal adventures, the extravagant half-truths of a shallow traveller, who is always painting out himself, and not the country he has undertaken to describe. Lothario did not tell us his adventures: he led us to the place itself. I have seldom felt so pure a satisfaction.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;But still higher was my pleasure when I heard him talk, one evening, about women. The subject happened to be introduced: some ladies of the neighborhood had come to see us, and were speaking, in the common style, about the cultivation of the female mind. Our sex, they said, was treated unjustly: every sort of higher education men insisted on retaining for themselves; they admitted us to no science, they required us either to be dolls or family drudges. To all this Lothario said not much; but, when the party was a little thinned, he gave us his opinion more explicitly. &#039;It is very strange,&#039; cried he, &#039;that men are blamed for their proceeding here: they have placed woman on the highest station she is capable of occupying. And where is there any station higher than the ordering of the house? While the husband has to vex himself with outward matters, while he has wealth to gather and secure, while perhaps he takes part in the administration of the state, and everywhere depends on circumstances; ruling nothing, I may say, while he conceives that he is ruling much; compelled to be but politic where he would willingly be reasonable, to dissemble where he would be open, to be false where he would be upright; while thus, for the sake of an object which he never reaches, he must every moment sacrifice the first of objects, harmony with himself,&amp;amp;mdash;a reasonable housewife is actually governing in the interior of her family; has the comfort and activity of every person in it to provide for, and make possible. What is the highest happiness of mortals, if not to execute what we consider right and good,&amp;amp;mdash;to be really masters of the means conducive to our aims? And where should or can our nearest aims be, but in the interior of our home? All those indispensable and still to be renewed supplies, where do we expect, do we require, to find them, if not in the place where we rise and where we go to sleep, where kitchen and cellar, and every species of accommodation for ourselves and ours, is to be always ready? What&lt;br /&gt;
unvarying activity is needed to conduct this constantly recurring series in unbroken living order! How few are the men to whom it is given to return regularly like a star, to command their day as they command their night; to form for themselves their household instruments, to sow and to reap, to gain and to expand, and to travel round their circle with perpetual success and peace and love! It is when a woman has attained this inward mastery, that she truly makes the husband whom she loves, a master: her attention will acquire all sorts of knowledge; her activity will turn them all to profit. Thus is she dependent upon no one; and she procures her husband genuine independence, that which is interior and domestic: whatever he possesses, he beholds secured; what he earns, well employed: and thus he can direct his mind to lofty objects; and, if fortune favors, he may act in the state the same character which so well becomes his wife at home.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;He then described to us the kind of wife he wished. I reddened; for he was describing me, as I looked and lived. I silently enjoyed my triumph; and the more, as I perceived, from all the circumstances, that he had not meant me individually, that, indeed, he did not know me. I cannot recollect a more delightful feeling in my life than this, when a man whom I so highly valued gave the preference, not to my person, but to my inmost nature. What a recompense did I consider it! What encouragement did it afford me!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;So soon as they were gone, my worthy benefactress with a smile observed to me, &#039;Pity that men often think and speak of what they will never execute, else here were a special match, the exact thing for my dear Theresa!&#039; I made sport of her remark, and added, that indeed men&#039;s understanding gave its vote for household wives, but that their heart and imagination longed for other qualities; and that we household people could not stand a rivalry with beautiful and lovely women. This was spoken for the ear of Lydia; she did not hide from us that Lothario had made a deep impression on her heart: and, in reality, he seemed at each new visit to grow more and more attentive to her. She was poor, and not of rank; she could not think of marriage; but she was unable to resist the dear delight of charming and of being charmed. I had never loved, nor did I love at present; but though it was unspeakably agreeable to see in what light my turn of mind was viewed, how high it was ranked by such a man, I will confess I still was not altogether satisfied.&lt;br /&gt;
I now wished that he should be acquainted with me, and should take a personal interest in me. This wish arose, without the smallest settled thought of any thing that could result from it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The greatest service I did my benefactress was in bringing into order the extensive forests which belonged to her. In this precious property, whose value time and circumstances were continually increasing, matters still went on according to the old routine,&amp;amp;mdash;without regularity, without plan, no end to theft and fraud. Many hills were standing bare: an equal growth was nowhere to be found but in the oldest cuttings. I personally visited the whole of them, with an experienced forester. I got the woods correctly measured: I set men to hew, to sow, to plant; in a short time, all things were in progress. That I might mount more readily on horseback, and also walk on foot with less obstruction, I had a suit of men&#039;s clothes made for me: I was present in many places, I was feared in all.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Hearing that our young friends, with Lothario, were purposing to have another hunt, it came into my head, for the first time in my life, to make a figure, or, that I may not do myself injustice, to pass in the eyes of this noble gentleman for what I was. I put on my men&#039;s clothes, took my gun upon my shoulder, and went forward with our hunters, to await the party on our marches. They came: Lothario did not know me; a nephew of the lady introduced me to him as a clever forester, joked about my youth, and carried on his jesting in my praise, till at last Lothario recognized me. The nephew seconded my project, as if we had concocted it together. He circumstantially and gratefully described what I had done for the estates of his aunt, and consequently for himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Lothario listened with attention: he talked with me, inquired concerning all particulars of the estates and district. I, of course, was glad to have such an opportunity of showing him my knowledge: I stood my ordeal very well; I submitted certain projects of improvement to him, which he sanctioned, telling me of similar examples, and strengthening my arguments by the connection which he gave them. My satisfaction grew more perfect every moment. Happily, however, I merely wished that he should be acquainted with me, not that he should love me. We came home; and I observed, more clearly than before, that the attention he showed Lydia seemed expressive of a secret attachment. I had reached my object, yet I was not at rest: from that day he showed&lt;br /&gt;
a true respect for me, a fine trust in me; in company he usually spoke to me, asked my opinion, and appeared to be persuaded, that, in household matters, nothing was unknown to me. His sympathy excited me extremely: even when the conversation was of general finance and political economy, he used to lead me to take part in it; and, in his absence, I endeavored to acquire more knowledge of our province, nay, of all the empire. The task was easy for me: it was but repeating on the great scale what I knew so accurately on the small.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;From this period he visited our house oftener. We talked, I may say, of every thing; yet in some degree our conversation always in the end grew economical, if even but in a secondary sense. What immense effects a man, by the continuous application of his powers, his time, his money, even by means which seem but small, may bring about, was frequently and largely spoken of.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I did not withstand the tendency which drew me towards him; and, alas! I felt too soon how deep, how cordial, how pure and genuine, was my love, as I believed it more and more apparent that Lydia, and not myself, was the occasion of these visits. She, at least, was most vividly persuaded so: she made me her confidant; and this, again, in some degree, consoled me. For, in truth, what she explained so much to her advantage, I reckoned nowise of importance: there was not a trace of any serious lasting union being meditated, but the more distinctly did I see the wish of the impassioned girl to be his at any price.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Thus did matters stand, when the lady of the house surprised me with an unexpected message. &#039;Lothario,&#039; said she, &#039;offers you his hand, and desires through life to have you ever at his side.&#039; She enlarged upon my qualities, and told me, what I liked sufficiently to hear, that in me Lothario was persuaded he had found the person whom he had so long been seeking for.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The height of happiness was now attained for me: my hand was asked by a man for whom I had the greatest value, beside whom, and along with whom, I might expect a full, expanded, free, and profitable employment of my inborn tendency, of my talent perfected by practice. The sum of my existence seemed to have enlarged itself into infinitude. I gave my consent: he himself came, and spoke with me in private; he held out his hand to me; he looked into my eyes, he clasped me in his arms, and&lt;br /&gt;
pressed a kiss upon my lips. It was the first and the last. He confided to me all his circumstances; told me how much his American campaign had cost him, what debts he had accumulated on his property: that, on this score, he had in some measure quarrelled with his grand-uncle; that the worthy gentleman intended to relieve him, though truly in his own peculiar way, being minded to provide him with a rich wife, whereas, a man of sense would choose a household wife, at all events; that, however, by his sister&#039;s influence, he hoped his noble relative would be persuaded. He set before me the condition of his fortune, his plans, his prospects, and requested my co-operation. Till his uncle should consent, our promise was to be a secret.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Scarcely was he gone when Lydia asked me whether he had spoken of her. I answered no, and tired her with a long detail of economical affairs. She was restless, out of humor; and his conduct, when he came again, did not improve her situation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;But the sun, I see, is bending to the place of rest. Well for you, my friend! You would otherwise have had to hear this story, which I often enough go over by myself, in all its most minute particulars. Let me hasten: we are coming to an epoch on which it is not good to linger.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;By Lothario I was made acquainted with his noble sister; and she, at a convenient time, contrived to introduce me to the uncle. I gained the old man: he consented to our wishes, and I returned with happy tidings to my benefactress. The affair was now no secret in the house: Lydia heard of it; she thought the thing impossible. When she could no longer doubt of it, she vanished all at once: we knew not whither she had gone.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Our marriage-day was coming near: I had often asked him for his portrait; just as he was going off, I reminded him that he had promised it. He said, &#039;You have never given me the case you want to have it fitted into.&#039; This was true: I had got a present from a female friend, on which I set no ordinary value. Her name, worked from her own hair, was fastened on the outer glass: within, there was a vacant piece of ivory, on which her portrait was to have been painted, when a sudden death snatched her from me. Lothario&#039;s love had cheered me at the time her death lay heavy on my spirits, and I wished to have the void which she had left me in her present filled by the picture of my friend.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I ran to my chamber, fetched my jewel-box, and opened it in his presence. Scarcely had he looked into it, when he noticed a medallion with the portrait of a lady. He took it in his hand, considered it attentively, and asked me hastily whose face it was. &#039;My mother&#039;s,&#039; answered I. &#039;I could have sworn,&#039; said he, &#039;that it was the portrait of a Madame Saint Alban, whom I met some years ago in Switzerland.&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;&#039; It is the same,&#039; replied I, smiling, &#039;and so you have unwittingly become acquainted with your step-mother. Saint Alban is the name my mother has assumed for travelling with: she passes under it in France at present.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;&#039;I am the miserablest man alive!&#039; exclaimed he, as he threw the portrait back into the box, covered his eyes with his hand, and hurried from the room. He sprang on horseback: I ran to the balcony, and called out after him; he turned, waved his hand to me, went speedily away,&amp;amp;mdash;and I have never seen him more.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The sun went down: Theresa gazed with unaverted looks upon the splendor, and both her fine eyes filled with tears.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Theresa spoke not: she laid her hand upon her new friend&#039;s hands; he kissed it with emotion: she dried her tears, and rose. &amp;quot;Let us return, and see that all is right,&amp;quot; said she.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The conversation was not lively by the way. They entered the garden-door, and noticed Lydia sitting on a bench: she rose, withdrew before them, and walked in. She had a paper in her hand: two little girls were by her. &amp;quot;I see,&amp;quot; observed Theresa, &amp;quot;she is still carrying her only comfort, Lothario&#039;s letter, with her. He promises that she shall live with him again so soon as he is well: he begs of her till then to stay in peace with me. On these words she hangs, with these lines she solaces herself; but with his friends she is extremely angry.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Meanwhile the two children had approached. They courtesied to Theresa, and gave her an account of all that had occurred while she was absent. &amp;quot;You see here another part of my employment,&amp;quot; said Theresa. &amp;quot;Lothario&#039;s sister and I have made a league: we educate some little ones in common; such as promise to be lively, serviceable housewives I take charge of, she of such as show a finer and more quiet talent: it is right to provide for the happiness of future husbands, both in household and in intellectual matters. When you become acquainted with my noble friend, a new era in your life will open. Her beauty, her goodness, make her&lt;br /&gt;
worthy of the reverence of the world.&amp;quot; Wilhelm did not venture to confess, that unhappily the lovely countess was already known to him; that his transient connection with her would occasion him perpetual sorrow. He was well pleased that Theresa let the conversation drop, that some business called for her within. He was now alone: the intelligence which he had just received of the young and lovely countess being driven to replace, by deeds of benevolence, her own lost comfort, made him very sad; he felt, that, with her, it was but a need of self-oblivion, an attempt to supply, by the hopes of happiness to others, the want of a cheerful enjoyment of existence in herself. He thought Theresa happy, since, even in that unexpected melancholy alteration which had taken place in her prospects, there was no alteration needed in herself. &amp;quot;How fortunate beyond all others,&amp;quot; cried he, &amp;quot;is the man, who, in order to adjust himself to fate, is not required to cast away his whole preceding life!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Theresa came into his room, and begged pardon for disturbing him. &amp;quot;My whole library,&amp;quot; said she, &amp;quot;is in the wall-press here: they are rather books which I do not throw aside, than which I have taken up. Lydia wants a pious book: there are one or two of that sort among them. Persons who throughout the whole twelve months are worldly, think it necessary to be godly at a time of straits: all moral and religious matters they regard as physic, which is to be taken with aversion when they are unwell; in a clergyman, a moralist, they see nothing but a doctor, whom they cannot soon enough get rid of. Now, I confess, I look upon religion as a kind of diet, which can only be so when I make a constant practice of it, when throughout the whole twelve months I never lose it out of sight.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She searched among the books: she found some edifying works, as they are called. &amp;quot;It was of my mother,&amp;quot; said Theresa, &amp;quot;that poor Lydia learned to have recourse to books like these. While her gallant continued faithful, plays and novels were her life: his departure brought religious writings once more into credit. I, for my share, cannot understand,&amp;quot; continued she, &amp;quot;how men have made themselves believe that God speaks to us through books and histories. The man to whom the universe does not reveal directly what relation it has to him, whose heart does not tell him what he owes to himself and others, that man will scarcely learn it out of books, which generally do little more than give our errors names.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She left our friend alone: he passed his evening in examining the little library; it had, in truth, been gathered quite at random.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Theresa, for the few days Wilhelm spent with her, continued still the same: she related to him at different times the consequences of that singular incident with great minuteness. Day and hour, place and name, were present to her memory: we shall here compress into a word or two so much of it as will be necessary for the information of our readers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The reason of Lothario&#039;s quick departure was, unhappily, too easy to explain. He had met Theresa&#039;s mother on her journey: her charms attracted him; she was no niggard of them; and this luckless transitory aberration came at length to shut him out from being united to a lady whom nature seemed to have expressly made for him. As for Theresa, she continued in the pure circle of her duties. They learned that Lydia had been living in the neighborhood in secret. She was happy that the marriage, though for unknown causes, had not been completed. She endeavored to renew her intimacy with Lothario; and more, as it seemed, out of desperation than affection, by surprise than with consideration, from tedium than of purpose, he had met her wishes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Theresa was not uneasy on this account; she waived all further claims; and, if he had even been her husband, she would probably have had sufficient spirit to endure a matter of this kind, if it had not troubled her domestic order: at least, she often used to say, that a wife who properly conducted her economy should take no umbrage at such little fancies of her husband, but be always certain that he would return.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Erelong Theresa&#039;s mother had deranged her fortune: the losses fell upon the daughter, whose share of the effects, in consequence, was small. The old lady, who had been Theresa&#039;s benefactress, died, leaving her a little property in land, and a handsome sum by way of legacy. Theresa soon contrived to make herself at home in this new, narrow circle. Lothario offered her a better property, Jarno endeavoring to negotiate the business; but she refused it. &amp;quot;I will show,&amp;quot; said she, &amp;quot;in this little, that I deserved to share the great with him; but I keep this before me, that, should accident embarrass me, on my own account or that of others, I will betake myself without the smallest hesitation to my generous friend.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There is nothing less liable to be concealed and unemployed than well-directed practical activity. Scarcely had she settled in her little property, when her acquaintance and advice began to be desired by many of her neighbors; and the proprietor of the adjacent lands gave her plainly enough to understand that it depended on herself alone whether she would take his hand, and be heiress of the greater part of his estates. She had already mentioned the matter to our friend: she often jested with him about marriages, suitable and unsuitable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Nothing,&amp;quot; said she once, &amp;quot;gives a greater loose to people&#039;s tongues than when a marriage happens which they can denominate unsuitable: and yet the unsuitable are far more common than the suitable; for, alas! with most marriages, it is not long till things assume a very piteous look. The confusion of ranks by marriage can be called unsuitable only when the one party is unable to participate in the manner of existence which is native, habitual, and which at length grows absolutely necessary, to the other. The different classes have different ways of living, which they cannot change or communicate to one another; and this is the reason why connections such as these, in general, were better not be formed. Yet exceptions, and exceptions of the happiest kind, are possible. Thus, too, the marriage of a young woman with a man advanced in life is generally unsuitable; yet I have seen some such turn out extremely well. For me, I know but of one kind of marriage that would be entirely unsuitable,&amp;amp;mdash;that in which I should be called upon to make a show, and manage ceremonies: I would rather give my hand to the son of any honest farmer in the neighborhood.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm at length made ready for returning. He requested of Theresa to obtain for him a parting word with Lydia. The impassioned girl at last consented: he said some kindly things to her, to which she answered, &amp;quot;The first burst of anguish I have conquered. Lothario will be ever dear to me: but for those friends of his, I know them; and it grieves me that they are about him. The abbé, for a whim&#039;s sake, could leave a person in extreme need, or even plunge one into it; the doctor would have all things go on like clock-work; Jarno has no heart; and you&amp;amp;mdash;at least no force of character! Just go on: let these three people use you as their tool; they will have many an execution to commit to you. For a long time, as I know well, my presence has been hateful to them. I&lt;br /&gt;
had not found out their secret, but I had observed that they had one. Why these bolted rooms, these strange passages? Why can no one ever reach the central tower? Why did they banish me, whenever they could, to my own chamber? I will confess, jealousy at first incited me to these discoveries: I feared some lucky rival might be hid there. I have now laid aside that suspicion: I am well convinced that Lothario loves me, that he means honorably by me; but I am quite as well convinced that his false and artful friends betray him. If you would really do him service, if you would ever be forgiven for the injury which I have suffered from you, free him from the hands of these men. But what am I expecting! Give this letter to him; repeat what it contains,&amp;amp;mdash;that I will love him forever, that I depend upon his word. Ah!&amp;quot; cried she, rising, and throwing herself with tears upon Theresa&#039;s neck: &amp;quot;he is surrounded by my foes; they will endeavor to persuade him that I have sacrificed nothing for his sake. Oh! Lothario may well believe that he is worthy of any sacrifice, without needing to be grateful for it.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm&#039;s parting with Theresa was more cheerful: she wished they might soon meet again. &amp;quot;Me you wholly know,&amp;quot; said she: &amp;quot;I alone have talked while we have been together. It will be your duty, next time, to repay my candor.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;During his return he kept contemplating this new and bright phenomenon with the liveliest recollection. What confidence had she inspired him with. He thought of Mignon and Felix, and how happy they might be if under her direction; then he thought of himself, and felt what pleasure it would be to live beside a being so entirely serene and clear. As he approached Lothario&#039;s castle, he observed, with more than usual interest, the central tower and the many passages and side-buildings: he resolved to question Jarno or the abbé on the subject, by the earliest opportunity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER VII.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On arriving at the castle, Wilhelm found its noble owner in the way of full recovery: the doctor and the abbé had gone off; Jarno alone&lt;br /&gt;
was there. It was not long till the patient now and then could ride, sometimes by himself, sometimes with his friends. His conversation was at once courteous and earnest, instructive and enlivening: you could often notice in it traces of a tender sensibility; although he strove to hide it, and almost seemed to blame it, when, in spite of him, it came to view.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;One evening while at table he was silent, though his look was very cheerful.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;To-day,&amp;quot; said Jarno, &amp;quot;you have met with an adventure; and, no doubt, you relished it.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I give you credit for your penetration,&amp;quot; said Lothario. &amp;quot;Yes, I have met with a very pleasing adventure. At another time, perhaps, I should not have considered it so charming as to-day, when it came upon me so attractively. Towards night I rode out beyond the river, through the hamlets, by a path which I had often visited in former years. My bodily ailings must have reduced me more than I supposed: I felt weak; but, as my strength was re-awakening, I was, as it were, new-born. All objects seemed to wear the hues they had in earlier times: all looked graceful, lovely, charming, as they have not looked to me for many years. I easily observed that it was mere debility, yet I continued to enjoy it: I rode softly onwards, and could now conceive how men may grow to like diseases which attune us to those sweet emotions. You know, perhaps, what used of old so frequently to lead me that way?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;If I mistake not,&amp;quot; answered Jarno, &amp;quot;it was a little love-concern you were engaged in with a farmer&#039;s daughter.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It might be called a great one,&amp;quot; said Lothario; &amp;quot;for we loved each other deeply, seriously, and for a long time. To-day, it happened, every thing combined to represent before me in its liveliest color the earliest season of our love. The boys were again shaking may-bugs from the trees: the ashen grove had not grown larger since the day I saw her first. It was now long since I had met with Margaret. She is married at a distance; and I had heard by chance that she was come with her children, some weeks ago, to pay a visit to her father.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;This ride, then, was not altogether accidental?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I will not deny,&amp;quot; replied Lothario, &amp;quot;that I wished to meet her. On coming near the house, I saw her father sitting at the door: a child of probably a year old was standing by him. As I approached, a female gave a hasty look from an upper window; and a minute afterwards I heard&lt;br /&gt;
some person tripping down-stairs. I thought surely it was she; and, I will confess, I was flattering myself that she had recognized me, and was hastening to meet me. But what was my surprise and disappointment, when she bounded from the door, seized the child, to whom the horses had come pretty close, and took it in! It gave me a painful twinge: my vanity, however, was a little solaced when I thought I saw a tint of redness on her neck and on the ear, which were uncovered.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I drew up, and, while speaking with the father, glanced sideways over all the windows, to observe if she would not appear at some of them; but no trace of her was visible. Ask I would not, so I rode away. My displeasure was a little mollified by wonder; though I had not seen the face, it appeared to me that she was scarcely changed; and ten years are a pretty space! Nay, she looked even younger, quite as slim, as light of foot; her neck, if possible, was lovelier than before; her cheeks as quick at blushing; yet she was the mother of six children, perhaps of more. This apparition suited the enchantment which surrounded me so well, that I rode along with feelings grown still younger; and I did not turn till I was at the forest, when the sun was going down. Strongly as the falling dew and the prescription of our doctor called upon me to proceed direct homewards, I could not help again going round by the farmhouse. I observed a woman walking up and down the garden, which is fenced by a light hedge. I rode along the footpath to it, and found myself at no great distance from the person whom I wanted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Though the evening sun was glancing in my eyes, I saw that she was busy with the hedge, which only slightly covered her. I thought I recognized my mistress. On coming up, I halted, not without a palpitation at the heart. Some high twigs of wild roses, which a soft air was blowing to and fro, made her figure indistinct to me. I spoke to her, asked her how she was. She answered, in an under-tone, &#039;Quite well.&#039; In the mean time I perceived a child behind the hedge, engaged in plucking roses; and I took the opportunity of asking where her other children were. &#039;It is not my child,&#039; said she: &#039;that were rather early!&#039; And at this moment it happened that the twigs were blown aside, and her face could be distinctly seen. I knew not what to make of the affair. It was my mistress, and it was not. Almost younger, almost lovelier, than she&lt;br /&gt;
used to be ten years before. &#039;Are not you the farmer&#039;s daughter?&#039; inquired I, half confused. &#039;No,&#039; said she: &#039;I am her cousin.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;&#039;You resemble one another wonderfully,&#039; added I.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;&#039;Yes, so says every one that knew her half a score of years ago.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I continued putting various questions to her: my mistake was pleasant to me, even after I had found it out. I could not leave this living image of by-gone blessedness that stood before me. The child, meanwhile, had gone away: it had wandered to the pond in search of flowers. She took her leave, and hastened after it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I had now, however, learned that my former love was really in her father&#039;s house. While riding forward, I employed myself in guessing whether it had been her cousin or she that had secured the child from harm. I more than once, in thought, repeated all the circumstances of the incident: I can remember few things that have affected me more gratefully. But I feel that I am still unwell: we must ask the doctor to deliver us from the remains of this pathetic humor.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;With confidential narratives of pretty love adventures, it often happens as with ghost stories: when the first is told, the others follow of themselves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Our little party, in recalling other times, found numerous passages of this description. Lothario had the most to tell. Jarno&#039;s histories were all of one peculiar character: what Wilhelm could disclose we already know. He was apprehensive they might mention his adventure with the countess; but it was not hinted at, not even in the remotest manner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It is true,&amp;quot; observed Lothario, &amp;quot;there can scarcely any feeling in the world be more agreeable than when the heart, after a pause of indifference, again opens to love for some new object; yet I would forever have renounced that happiness, had fate been pleased to unite me with Theresa. We are not always youths: we ought not always to be children. To the man who knows the world, who understands what he should do in it, what he should hope from it, nothing can be more desirable than meeting with a wife who will everywhere co-operate with him, who will everywhere prepare his way for him; whose diligence takes up what his must leave; whose occupation spreads itself on every side, while his must travel forward on its single path. What a heaven had I figured for myself beside Theresa! Not the heaven of an enthusiastic bliss, but of a sure life on earth; order in prosperity, courage in adversity, care&lt;br /&gt;
for the smallest, and a spirit capable of comprehending and managing the greatest. Oh! I saw in her the qualities which, when developed, make such women as we find in history, whose excellence appears to us far preferable to that of men,&amp;amp;mdash;this clearness of view, this expertness in all emergencies, this sureness in details, which brings the whole so accurately out, although they never seem to think of it. You may well forgive me,&amp;quot; added he, and turning to Wilhelm, with a smile, &amp;quot;that I forsook Aurelia for Theresa: with the one I could expect a calm and cheerful life, with the other not a happy hour.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I will confess,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, &amp;quot;that, in coming hither, I had no small anger in my heart against you; that I proposed to censure with severity your conduct to Aurelia.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It was really censurable,&amp;quot; said Lothario: &amp;quot;I should not have exchanged my friendship for her with the sentiment of love; I should not, in place of the respect which she deserved, have intruded an attachment she was neither calculated to excite nor to maintain. Alas! she was not lovely when she loved,&amp;amp;mdash;the greatest misery that can befall a woman.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Well, it is past!&amp;quot; said Wilhelm. &amp;quot;We cannot always shun the things we blame; in spite of us, our feelings and our actions sometimes strangely swerve from their natural and right direction; yet there are certain duties which we never should lose sight of. Peace be to the ashes of our friend! Without censuring ourselves or her, let us with sympathizing hearts strew flowers upon her grave. But, at the grave in which the hapless mother sleeps, let me ask why you acknowledge not the child,&amp;amp;mdash;a son whom any father might rejoice in, and whom you appear entirely to overlook? With your pure and tender nature, how can you altogether cast away the instinct of a parent? All this while you have not spent one syllable upon that precious creature, of whose attractions I could say so much.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Whom do you speak of?&amp;quot; asked Lothario: &amp;quot;I do not understand you.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Of whom but of your son, Aurelia&#039;s son, the lovely child, to whose good fortune there is nothing wanting, but that a tender father should acknowledge and receive him.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You mistake, my friend!&amp;quot; exclaimed Lothario; &amp;quot;Aurelia never had a son, at least by me: I know of no child, or I would with joy acknowledge it; and, even in the present case, I will gladly look upon the little creature as a relic of her, and take charge of educating it. But&lt;br /&gt;
did she ever give you to believe that the boy was hers, was mine?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I cannot recollect that I ever heard a word from her expressly on the subject; but we took it up so, and I never for a moment doubted it.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I can give you something like a clew to this perplexity,&amp;quot; said Jarno. &amp;quot;An old woman, whom you must have noticed often, gave Aurelia the child: she accepted it with passion, hoping to alleviate her sorrows by its presence; and, in truth, it gave her many a comfortable hour.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This discovery awoke anxieties in Wilhelm: he thought of his dear Mignon and his beautiful Felix with the liveliest distinctness. He expressed his wish to remove them both from the state in which they were.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;We shall soon arrange it,&amp;quot; said Lothario. &amp;quot;The little girl may be committed to Theresa: she cannot be in better hands. As for the boy, I think you should yourself take charge of him: what in us the women leave uncultivated, children cultivate when we retain them near us.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;But first, I think,&amp;quot; said Jarno, &amp;quot;you will once for all renounce the stage, as you have no talent for it.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Our friend was struck: he had to curb himself, for Jarno&#039;s harsh sentence had not a little wounded his self-love. &amp;quot;If you convince me of that,&amp;quot; replied he, forcing a smile, &amp;quot;you will do me a service, though it is but a mournful service to rouse one from a pleasing dream.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Without enlarging on the subject,&amp;quot; answered Jarno, &amp;quot;I could merely wish you would go and fetch the children. The rest will come in course.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I am ready,&amp;quot; answered Wilhelm: &amp;quot;I am restless, and curious to see if I can get no further knowledge of the boy: I long to see the little girl who has attached herself so strangely to me.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It was agreed that he should lose no time in setting out. Next day he had prepared himself: his horse was saddled; he only waited for Lothario to take leave of him. At the dinner-hour they went as usual to table, not waiting for the master of the house. He did not come till late, and then sat down by them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I could bet,&amp;quot; said Jarno, &amp;quot;that to-day you have again been making trial of your tenderness of heart: you have not been able to withstand the curiosity to see your quondam love.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Guessed!&amp;quot; replied Lothario.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Let us hear,&amp;quot; said Jarno, &amp;quot;how it went: I long to know.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I confess,&amp;quot; replied Lothario, &amp;quot;the affair lay nearer my heart than it reasonably ought: so I formed the resolution of again riding out, and actually seeing the person whose renewed young image had affected me with such a pleasing illusion. I alighted at some distance from the house, and sent the horses to a side, that the children, who were playing at the door, might not be disturbed. I entered the house: by chance she met me just within the threshold; it was herself; and I recognized her, notwithstanding the striking change. She had grown stouter, and seemed to be larger; her gracefulness was shaded by a look of staidness; her vivacity had passed into a calm reflectiveness. Her head, which she once bore so airily and freely, drooped a little: slight furrows had been traced upon her brow.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;She cast down her eyes on seeing me, but no blush announced any inward movement of the heart. I held out my hand to her, she gave me hers; I inquired about her husband, he was absent; about her children, she stepped out and called them; all came in and gathered round her. Nothing is more charming than to see a mother with a child upon her arm; nothing is more reverend than a mother among many children. That I might say something, I asked the name of the youngest. She desired me to walk in and see her father; I agreed; she introduced me to the room, where every thing was standing almost just as I had left it; and, what seemed stranger still, the fair cousin, her living image, was sitting on the very seat behind the spinning-wheel, where I had found my love so often in the self-same form. A little girl, the very figure of her mother, had come after us; and thus I stood in the most curious scene, between the future and the past, as in a grove of oranges, where within a little circle flowers and fruits are living, in successive stages of their growth, beside each other. The cousin went away to fetch us some refreshment: I gave the woman I had loved so much my hand, and said to her, &#039;I feel a true joy in seeing you again.&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;You are very good to say so,&#039;&amp;lt;ins title=&amp;quot;Transcriber&#039;s Note: original reads &#039;answered; she&#039;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;answered she;&amp;lt;/ins&amp;gt; &#039;but I also can assure you I feel the highest joy. How often have I wished to see you once more in my life! I have wished it in moments which I regarded as my last.&#039; She said this with a settled voice, without appearance of emotion, with that natural air which of old delighted me so much. The cousin returned, the father with her; and I leave you to conceive with what feelings I remained,&lt;br /&gt;
and with what I came away.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER VIII.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In his journey to the town, our friend was thinking of the lovely women whom he knew or had heard of: their curious fortunes, which contained so little happiness, were present to him with a sad distinctness. &amp;quot;Ah!&amp;quot; cried he, &amp;quot;poor Mariana! What shall I yet learn of thee? And thou, noble Amazon, glorious, protecting spirit, to whom I owe so much, whom I everywhere expect to meet, and nowhere see, in what mournful circumstances may I find thee, shouldst thou again appear before me!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On his arrival in the town, there was not one of his acquaintances at home: he hastened to the theatre; he supposed they would be rehearsing. Here, however, all was still; the house seemed empty: one little door alone was open. Passing through it to the stage, he found Aurelia&#039;s ancient serving-maid, employed in sewing linen for a new decoration: there was barely light enough to let her work. Felix and Mignon were sitting by her on the floor: they had a book between them; and, while Mignon read aloud, Felix was repeating all the words, as if he, too, knew his letters,&amp;amp;mdash;as if he, too, could read.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The children started up, and ran to him: he embraced them with the tenderest feelings, and brought them closer to the woman. &amp;quot;Art thou the person,&amp;quot; said he to her with an earnest voice, &amp;quot;from whom Aurelia received this child?&amp;quot; She looked up from her work, and turned her face to him: he saw her in full light; he started back in terror,&amp;amp;mdash;it was old Barbara.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Where is Mariana?&amp;quot; cried he. &amp;quot;Far from here,&amp;quot; replied the crone.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And Felix&amp;quot;&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Is the son of that unhappy and too true and tender-hearted girl. May you never feel what you have made us suffer! May the treasure which I now deliver you make you as happy as he made us wretched!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She arose to go away: Wilhelm held her fast. &amp;quot;I mean not to escape you,&amp;quot; said she: &amp;quot;let me fetch a paper that will make you&lt;br /&gt;
glad and sorrowful.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She retired, and Wilhelm gazed upon the child with a painful joy: he durst not reckon him his own. &amp;quot;He is thine!&amp;quot; cried Mignon, &amp;quot;he is thine!&amp;quot; and passed the child to Wilhelm&#039;s knee.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Barbara came back, and handed him a letter. &amp;quot;Here are Mariana&#039;s last words,&amp;quot; said she.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;She is dead!&amp;quot; cried he.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Dead,&amp;quot; said the old woman. &amp;quot;I wish to spare you all reproaches.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Astonished and confounded, Wilhelm broke up the letter; but scarcely had he read the first words of it when a bitter grief took hold of him: he let the letter fall, and sank upon a seat. Mignon hurried to him, trying to console him. In the mean time Felix had picked up the letter: he teased his playmate till she yielded, till she knelt beside him and read it over. Felix repeated the words, and Wilhelm was compelled to hear them twice. &amp;quot;If this sheet should ever reach thee, then lament thy ill-starred friend. Thy love has caused her death. The boy, whose birth I survive but a few days, is thine: I die faithful to thee, much as appearances may be against me; with thee I lost every thing that bound me to life. I die content, for they have assured me that the child is healthy and will live. Listen to old Barbara; forgive her: farewell, and forget me not.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What a painful, and yet, to his comfort, half enigmatic letter! Its contents pierced through his heart, as the children, stuttering and stammering, pronounced and repeated them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;That&#039;s what has come of it!&amp;quot; said the crone, not waiting till he had recovered. &amp;quot;Thank Heaven, that, having lost so true a love, you have still left you so fine a child. Your grief will be unequalled when you learn how the poor, good girl stood faithful to you to the end, how miserable she became, and what she sacrificed for your sake.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Let me drain the cup of sorrow and of joy at once!&amp;quot; cried Wilhelm. &amp;quot;Convince me, even persuade me, that she was a good girl, that she deserved respect as well as love: then leave me to my grief for her irreparable loss.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It is not yet time,&amp;quot; said Barbara: &amp;quot;I have work to do, and I would not we were seen together. Let it be a secret that Felix is your son: I should have too much abuse to suffer from the company, for having formerly deceived them. Mignon will not betray us: she is good and close.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I have known it long, and I said nothing,&amp;quot; answered Mignon. &amp;quot;How is it possible?&amp;quot; cried Barbara. &amp;quot;Whence?&amp;quot; cried Wilhelm.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The spirit told it me.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Where? Where?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;In the vault, when the old man drew his knife, it called to me, &#039;Bring his father;&#039; and I thought it must be thou.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Who&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; called to thee?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I know not: in my heart, in my head, I was terrified; I trembled, I prayed; then it called, and I understood it.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm pressed her to his heart, recommended Felix to her, and retired. He had not observed till then that she was grown much paler and thinner than when he left her. Madam Melina was the first acquaintance he met: she received him in the friendliest manner. &amp;quot;Oh that you might find every thing among us as you wished!&amp;quot; exclaimed she.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I doubt it,&amp;quot; answered Wilhelm: &amp;quot;I do not expect it. Confess that they have taken all their measures to dispense with me.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Why would you go away?&amp;quot; replied his friend.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;We cannot soon enough convince ourselves,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;how very simply we may be dispensed with in the world. What important personages we conceive ourselves to be! We think that it is we alone who animate the circle we move in; that, in our absence, life, nourishment, and breath will make a general pause: and, alas! the void which occurs is scarcely remarked, so soon is it filled up again; nay, it is often but the place, if not for something better, at least for something more agreeable.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And the sorrows of our friends we are not to take into account?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;For our friends, too, it is well, when they soon recover their composure, when they say each to himself, there where thou art, there where thou remainest, accomplish what thou canst; be busy, be courteous, and let the present scene delight thee.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On a narrower inquiry, he found what he had looked for: the opera had been set up, and was exclusively attracting the attention of the public. His parts had in the mean while been distributed between Horatio and Laertes, and both of them were in the habit of eliciting from the spectators far more liberal applause than he had ever been enabled to obtain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Laertes entered: and Madam Melina cried, &amp;quot;Look you here at this lucky fellow; he is soon to be a capitalist, or Heaven knows what!&amp;quot;&lt;br /&gt;
Wilhelm, in embracing him, discovered that his coat was superfine: the rest of his apparel was simple, but of the very best materials.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Solve me the riddle!&amp;quot; cried our friend.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You are still in time to learn,&amp;quot; replied Laertes, &amp;quot;that my running to and fro is now about to be repaid; that a partner in a large commercial house is turning to advantage my acquirements from books or observation, and allowing me a share with him. I would give something, could I purchase back my confidence in women: there is a pretty niece in the house; and I see well enough, that, if I pleased, I might soon be a made man.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You have not heard,&amp;quot; said Frau Melina, &amp;quot;that a marriage has already taken place among ourselves? Serlo is actually wedded to the fair Elmira: her father would not tolerate their secret correspondence.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They talked in this manner about many things that had occurred while he was absent: nor was it difficult for him to observe, that, according to the present temper and constitution of the company, his dismissal had already taken place.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He impatiently expected Barbara, who had appointed him to wait for her far in the night. She was to come when all were sleeping: she required as many preparations as if she had been the youngest maiden gliding in to her beloved. Meanwhile he read a hundred times the letter she had given him,&amp;amp;mdash;read with unspeakable delight the word &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;faithful&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in the hand of his darling, with horror the announcement of her death, whose approaches she appeared to view unmoved.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Midnight was past, when something rustled at the half-open door, and Barbara came in with a little basket. &amp;quot;I am to tell you the story of our woes,&amp;quot; said she: &amp;quot;and I must believe that you will sit unmoved at the recital; that you are waiting for me but to satisfy your curiosity; that you will now, as you did formerly, retire within your cold selfishness, while our hearts are breaking. But look you here! Thus, on that happy evening, did I bring you the bottle of champagne; thus did I place the three glasses on the table: and as you then began, with soft nursery tales, to cozen us and lull us asleep; so will I now with stern truths instruct you and keep you waking.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm knew not what to say, when the old woman, in fact, let go the cork, and filled the three glasses to the brim.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Drink!&amp;quot; cried she, having emptied at a draught her foaming glass. &amp;quot;Drink, ere the spirit of it pass! This third glass shall froth away&lt;br /&gt;
untasted to the memory of my unhappy Mariana. How red were her lips when she then drank your health! Ah, and now forever pale and cold!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Sibyl! Fury!&amp;quot; cried Wilhelm, springing up, and striking the table with his fist, &amp;quot;what evil spirit possesses thee and drives thee? For what dost thou take me, that thou thinkest the simplest narrative of Mariana&#039;s death and sorrows will not harrow me enough, but usest these hellish arts to sharpen my torment? If thy insatiable greediness is such, that thou must revel at the funeral-table, drink and speak! I have loathed thee from of old; and I cannot reckon Mariana guiltless while I even look upon thee, her companion.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Softly, mein Herr!&amp;quot; replied the crone: &amp;quot;you shall not ruffle me. Your debts to us are deep and dark: the railing of a debtor does not anger one. But you are right: the simplest narrative will punish you sufficiently. Hear, then, the struggle and the victory of Mariana striving to continue yours.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Continue mine?&amp;quot; cried Wilhelm: &amp;quot;what fable dost thou mean to tell me?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Interrupt me not,&amp;quot; said she; &amp;quot;hear me, and then give what belief you list: to me it is all one. Did you not, the last night you were with us, find a letter in the room, and take it with you?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I found the letter &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;after&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; I had taken it with me: it was lying in the neckerchief, which, in the warmth of my love, I had seized and carried off.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;What did the sheet contain?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The expectation of an angry lover to be better treated on the next than he had been on the preceding evening. And that you kept your word to him, I need not be told; for I saw him with my own eyes gliding from your house before daybreak.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You may have seen him; but what occurred within, how sadly Mariana passed that night, how fretfully I passed it, you are yet to learn. I will be altogether candid: I will neither hide nor palliate the fact, that I persuaded Mariana to yield to the solicitations of a certain Norberg; it was with repugnance that she followed my advice, nay, that she even heard it. He was rich; he seemed attached: I hoped he would be constant. Soon after, he was forced to go upon his journey; and Mariana became acquainted with you. What had I then to abide! What to hinder,&lt;br /&gt;
what to undergo! &#039;Oh!&#039; cried she often, &#039;hadst thou spared my youth, my innocence, but four short weeks, I might have found a worthy object of my love; I had then been worthy of him; and love might have given, with a quiet conscience, what now I have sold against my will.&#039; She entirely abandoned herself to her affection for you: I need not ask if you were happy. Over her understanding I had an unbounded power, for I knew the means of satisfying all her little inclinations: but over her heart I had no control; for she never sanctioned what I did for her, what I counselled her to do, when her heart said nay. It was only to irresistible necessity that she would yield, but erelong the necessity appeared to her extremely pressing. In the first period of her youth, she had never known want; by a complication of misfortunes, her people lost their fortune; the poor girl had been used to have a number of conveniences; and upon her young spirit certain principles of honor had been stamped, which made her restless, without much helping her. She had not the smallest skill in worldly matters: she was innocent in the strictest meaning of the word. She had no idea that one could buy without paying; nothing frightened her more than being in debt: she always rather liked to give than take. This, and this alone, was what made it possible that she could be constrained to give herself away, in order to get rid of various little debts which weighed upon her.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And couldst not thou,&amp;quot; cried Wilhelm, in an angry tone, &amp;quot;have saved her?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Oh, yes!&amp;quot; replied the beldame, &amp;quot;with hunger and need, with sorrow and privation; but for this I was not disposed.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Abominable, base procuress! So thou hast sacrificed the hapless creature! Offered her up to thy throat, to thy insatiable maw!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It were better to compose yourself, and cease your reviling,&amp;quot; said the dame. &amp;quot;If you will revile, go to your high, noble houses: there you will meet with many a mother, full of anxious cares to find out for some lovely, heavenly maiden the most odious of men, provided he be the richest. See the poor creature shivering and faltering before her fate, and nowhere finding consolation, till some more experienced female lets her understand, that, by marriage, she acquires the right, in future, to dispose of her heart and person as she pleases.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Peace!&amp;quot; cried Wilhelm. &amp;quot;Dost thou think that one crime can be the excuse of another? To thy story, without further observations!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Do you listen, then, without blaming! Mariana became yours against my will. In this adventure, at least, I have nothing to reproach myself with. Norberg returned; he made haste to visit Mariana: she received him coldly and angrily,&amp;amp;mdash;would not even admit him to a kiss. I employed all my art in apologizing for her conduct,&amp;amp;mdash;gave him to understand that her confessor had awakened her conscience: that, so long as conscientious scruples lasted, one was bound to respect them. I at last so far succeeded that he went away, I promising to do my utmost for him. He was rich and rude; but there was a touch of goodness in him, and he loved Mariana without limit. He promised to be patient, and I labored with the greatest ardor not to try him too far. With Mariana I had a stubborn contest: I persuaded her, nay, I may call it forced her, by the threat of leaving her, to write to Norberg, and invite him for the night. You came, and by chance picked up his answer in the neckerchief. Your presence broke my game. For scarcely were you gone, when she anew began her lamentation: she swore she would not be unfaithful to you; she was so passionate, so frantic, that I could not help sincerely pitying her. In the end, I promised, that for this night also I would pacify her lover, and send him off, under some pretence or other. I entreated her to go to bed, but she did not seem to trust me: she kept on her clothes, and at last fell asleep, without undressing, agitated and exhausted with weeping as she was.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Norberg came; representing in the blackest hues her conscientious agonies and her repentance, I endeavored to retain him: he wished to see her, and I went into the room to prepare her; he followed me, and both of us at once came forward to her bed. She awoke, sprang wildly up, and tore herself from our arms: she conjured and begged, she entreated, threatened, and declared she would not yield. She was improvident enough to let fall some words about the true state of her affections, which poor Norberg had to understand in a spiritual sense. At length he left her, and she locked her door. I kept him long with me, and talked with him about her situation. I told him that she was with child; that, poor girl, she should be humored. He was so delighted with his fatherhood, with his prospect of a boy, that he granted every thing she wished: he promised rather to set out and travel for a time, than vex his dear, and injure her by these internal troubles. With such intentions, at&lt;br /&gt;
an early hour he glided out; and if you, mein Herr, stood sentry by our house, there was nothing wanting to your happiness, but to have looked into the bosom of your rival, whom you thought so favored and so fortunate, and whose appearance drove you to despair.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Art thou speaking truth?&amp;quot; said Wilhelm.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;True,&amp;quot; said the crone, &amp;quot;as I still hope to drive you to despair.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Yes: certainly you would despair, if I could rightly paint to you the following morning. How cheerfully did she awake! how kindly did she call me in, how warmly thank me, how cordially press me to her bosom! &#039;Now,&#039; said she, stepping up to her mirror with a smile, &#039;can I again take pleasure in myself, and in my looks, since once more I am my own, am his, my one beloved friend&#039;s. How sweet is it to conquer! How I thank thee for taking charge of me; for having turned thy prudence and thy understanding, once, at least, to my advantage! Stand by me, and devise the means of making me entirely happy!&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I assented, would not irritate her: I flattered her hopes, and she caressed me tenderly. If she retired but a moment from the window, I was made to stand and watch: for you, of course, would pass; for she at least would see you. Thus did we spend the restless day. At night, at the accustomed hour, we looked for you with certainty. I was already out waiting at the staircase: I grew weary, and came in to her again. With surprise I found her in her military dress: she looked cheerful and charming beyond what I had ever seen her. &#039;Do I not deserve,&#039; said she, &#039;to appear to-night in man&#039;s apparel? Have I not struggled bravely? My dearest shall see me as he saw me for the first time: I will press him as tenderly and with greater freedom to my heart than then; for am I not his much more than I was then, when a noble resolution had not freed me? But,&#039; added she, after pausing for a little, &#039;I have not yet entirely won him; I must still risk the uttermost, in order to be worthy, to be certain of possessing him; I must disclose the whole to him, discover to him all my state, then leave it to himself to keep or to reject me. This scene I am preparing for my friend, preparing for myself; and, were his feelings capable of casting me away, I should then belong again entirely to myself; my punishment would bring me consolation, I would suffer all that fate could lay upon me.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;With such purposes and hopes, mein Herr, this lovely girl expected you: you came not. Oh! how shall I describe the state of watching and of hope? I see thee still before me,&amp;amp;mdash;with what love, what heartfelt love, thou spokest of the man whose cruelty thou hadst not yet experienced.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Good, dear Barbara!&amp;quot; cried Wilhelm, springing up, and seizing the old woman by the hand, &amp;quot;we have had enough of mummery and preparation! Thy indifferent, thy calm, contented tone betrays thee. Give me back my Mariana! She is living, she is near at hand. Not in vain didst thou choose this late, lonely hour to visit me; not in vain hast thou prepared me by thy most delicious narrative. Where is she? Where hast thou hidden her? I believe all, I will promise to believe all, so thou but show her to me, so thou give her to my arms. The shadow of her I have seen already: let me clasp her once more to my bosom. I will kneel before her, I will entreat forgiveness; I will congratulate her upon her victory over herself and thee; I will bring my Felix to her. Come! Where hast thou concealed her? Leave &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;her&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, leave me no longer in uncertainty! Thy object is attained. Where hast thou hidden her? Let me light thee with this candle, let me once more see her fair and kindly face!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had pulled old Barbara from her chair: she stared at him; tears started into her eyes, wild pangs of grief took hold of her. &amp;quot;What luckless error,&amp;quot; cried she, &amp;quot;leaves you still a moment&#039;s hope? Yes, I have hidden her, but beneath the ground: neither the light of the sun nor any social taper shall again illuminate her kindly face. Take the boy Felix to her grave, and say to him, &#039;There lies thy mother, whom thy father doomed unheard.&#039; The heart of Mariana beats no longer with impatience to behold you: not in a neighboring chamber is she waiting the conclusion of my narrative or fable; the dark chamber has received her, to which no bridegroom follows, from which none comes to meet a lover.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She cast herself upon the floor beside a chair, and wept bitterly. Wilhelm now, for the first time, felt entirely convinced that Mariana was no more: his emotions it is easy to conceive. The old woman rose: &amp;quot;I have nothing more to tell you,&amp;quot; cried she, and threw a packet on the table. &amp;quot;Here are some writings that will put your cruelty to shame: peruse these sheets with unwet eyes, if you can.&amp;quot; She glided softly out. Our friend had not the heart to open the pocket-book that night: he had himself presented it to Mariana; he knew that she had carefully&lt;br /&gt;
preserved in it every letter he had sent her. Next morning he prevailed upon himself: he untied the ribbon; little notes came forward written with pencil in his own hand, and recalled to him every situation, from the first day of their graceful acquaintance to the last of their stern separation. In particular, it was not without acute anguish that he read a small series of billets which had been addressed to himself, and to which, as he saw from their tenor, Werner had refused admittance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;No one of my letters has yet penetrated to thee; my entreaties, my prayers, have not reached thee; was it thyself that gave these cruel orders? Shall I never see thee more? Yet again I attempt it: I entreat thee, come, oh come! I ask not to retain thee, if I might but once more press thee to my heart.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;When I used to sit beside thee, holding thy hands, looking in thy eyes, and with the full heart of love and trust to call thee &#039;Dear, dear good Wilhelm!&#039; it would please thee so, that I had to repeat it over and over. I repeat it once again: &#039;Dear, dear good Wilhelm! Be good as thou wert: come, and leave me not to perish in my wretchedness.&#039;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Thou regardest me as guilty: I am so, but not as thou thinkest. Come, let me have this single comfort, to be altogether known to thee, let what will befall me afterwards.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Not for my sake alone, for thy own too, I beg of thee to come. I feel the intolerable pains thou art suffering, whilst thou fleest from me. Come, that our separation may be less cruel! Perhaps I was never worthy of thee till this moment, when thou art repelling me to boundless woe.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;By all that is holy, by all that can touch a human heart, I call upon thee! It involves the safety of a soul, it involves a life, two lives, one of which must ever be dear to thee. This, too, thy suspicion will discredit: yet I will speak it in the hour of death; the child which I carry under my heart is thine. Since I began to love thee, no other man has even pressed my hand. Oh that thy love, that thy uprightness, had been the companions of my youth!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Thou wilt not hear me? I must even be silent. But these letters will not die: perhaps they will speak to thee, when the shroud is covering my lips, and the voice of thy repentance cannot reach my ear. Through my weary life, to the last moment, this will be my only comfort, that, though I cannot call myself blameless, towards thee I am free from blame.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;hr&amp;quot; /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm could proceed no farther: he resigned himself entirely to his sorrow, which became still more afflicting; when, Laertes entering, he was obliged to hide his feelings. Laertes showed a purse of ducats, and began to count and reckon them, assuring Wilhelm that there could be nothing finer in the world than for a man to feel himself on the way to wealth; that nothing then could trouble or detain him. Wilhelm bethought him of his dream, and smiled; but at the same time, he remembered with a shudder, that in his vision Mariana had forsaken him, to follow his departed father, and that both of them at last had moved about the garden, hovering in the air like spirits.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Laertes forced him from his meditations: he brought him to a coffee-house, where, immediately on Wilhelm&#039;s entrance, several persons gathered round him. They were men who had applauded his performance on the stage: they expressed their joy at meeting him; lamenting that, as they had heard, he meant to leave the theatre. They spoke so reasonably and kindly of himself and his acting, of his talent, and their hopes from it, that Wilhelm, not without emotion, cried at last, &amp;quot;Oh, how infinitely precious would such sympathy have been to me some months ago! How instructive, how encouraging! Never had I turned my mind so totally from the concerns of the stage, never had I gone so far as to despair of the public.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;So far as this,&amp;quot; said an elderly man who now stepped forward, &amp;quot;we should never go. The public is large: true judgment, true feeling, are not quite so rare as one believes; only the artist ought not to demand an unconditional approval of his work. Unconditional approval is always the least valuable: conditional you gentlemen are not content with. In life, as in art, I know well, a person must take counsel with himself when he purposes to do or to produce any thing: but, when it is produced or done, he must listen with attention to the voices of a number; and, with a little practice, out of these many votes he will be able to collect a perfect judgment. The few who could well have saved us&lt;br /&gt;
this trouble for the most part hold their peace.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;This they should not do,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm. &amp;quot;I have often heard people, who themselves kept silence in regard to works of merit, complain and lament that silence was kept.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;To-day, then, we will speak aloud,&amp;quot; cried a young man. &amp;quot;You must dine with us; and we will try to pay off a little of the debt which we have owed to you, and sometimes also to our good Aurelia.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This invitation Wilhelm courteously declined: he went to Frau Melina, whom he wished to speak with on the subject of the children, as he meant to take them from her.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Old Barbara&#039;s secret was not too religiously observed by him. He betrayed himself so soon as he again beheld the lovely Felix. &amp;quot;Oh my child!&amp;quot; cried he: &amp;quot;my dear child!&amp;quot; He lifted him, and pressed him to his heart.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Father! what hast thou brought for me?&amp;quot; cried the child. Mignon looked at both, as if she meant to warn them not to blab.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;What new phenomenon is this?&amp;quot; said Frau Melina. They got the children sent away; and Wilhelm, thinking that he did not owe old Barbara the strictest secrecy, disclosed the whole affair to Frau Melina. She viewed him with a smile. &amp;quot;Oh, these credulous men!&amp;quot; exclaimed she. &amp;quot;If any thing is lying in their path, it is so easy to impose it on them; while in other cases they will neither look to the right nor left, and can value nothing which they have not previously impressed with the stamp of an arbitrary passion!&amp;quot; She sighed, against her will: if our friend had not been altogether blind, he must have noticed in her conduct an affection for him which had never been entirely subdued.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He now spoke with her about the children,&amp;amp;mdash;how he purposed to keep Felix with him, and to place Mignon in the country. Madam Melina, though sorry at the thought of parting with them, said the plan was good, nay, absolutely necessary. Felix was becoming wild with her, and Mignon seemed to need fresh air and other occupation: she was sickly, and was not yet recovering.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Let it not mislead you,&amp;quot; added Frau Melina, &amp;quot;that I have lightly hinted doubts about the boy&#039;s being really yours. The old woman, it is true, deserves but little confidence; yet a person who invents untruths for her advantage, may likewise speak the truth when truths are profitable to her. Aurelia she had hoodwinked to believe that Felix was Lothario&#039;s son; and it is a property of us women, that we cordially like the&lt;br /&gt;
children of our lovers, though we do not know the mothers, or even hate them from the heart.&amp;quot; Felix came jumping in: she pressed him to her with a tenderness which was not usual to her.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm hastened home, and sent for Barbara, who, however, would not undertake to meet him till the twilight. He received her angrily. &amp;quot;There is nothing in the world more shameful,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;than establishing one&#039;s self on lies and fables. Already thou hast done much mischief with them; and now, when thy word could decide the fortune of my life, now must I stand dubious, not venturing to call the child my own, though to possess him without scruple would form my highest happiness. I cannot look upon thee, scandalous creature, without hatred and contempt.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Your conduct, if I speak with candor,&amp;quot; said the old woman, &amp;quot;appears to me intolerable. Even if Felix were not yours, he is the fairest and the loveliest child in nature: one might purchase him at any price, to have him always near one. Is he not worthy your acceptance? Do not I deserve for my care, for the labor I have had with him, a little pension for the small remainder of my life? Oh, you gentlemen who know no want! It is well for you to talk of truth and honor; but how the miserable being whose smallest necessity is unprovided for, who sees in her perplexities no friend, no help, no counsel, how she is to press through the crowd of selfish men, and to starve in silence, you are seldom at the trouble to consider. Did you read Mariana&#039;s letters? They are the letters she wrote to you at that unhappy season. It was in vain that I attempted to approach you to deliver you these sheets: your savage brother-in-law had so begirt you, that craft and cunning were of no avail; and at last, when he began to threaten me and Mariana with imprisonment, I had then to cease my efforts and renounce all hope. Does not every thing agree with what I told you? And does not Norberg&#039;s letter put the story altogether out of doubt?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;What letter?&amp;quot; asked he.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Did you not find it in the pocket-book?&amp;quot; said Barbara.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I have not yet read all of them.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Give me the pocket-book: on that paper every thing depends. Norberg&#039;s luckless billet caused this sorrowful perplexity: another from his hand may loose the knots, so far as aught may still depend upon unravelling them.&amp;quot; She took a letter from the book: Wilhelm recognized that&lt;br /&gt;
odious writing; he constrained himself, and read,&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Tell me, girl, how hast thou got such power over me? I would not have believed that a goddess herself could make a sighing lover of me. Instead of hastening towards me with open arms, thou shrankest back from me: one might have taken it for aversion. Is it fair that I should spend the night with old Barbara, sitting on a trunk, and but two doors between me and my pretty Mariana? It is too bad, I tell thee! I have promised to allow thee time to think, not to press thee unrelentingly: I could run mad at every wasted quarter of an hour. Have not I given thee gifts according to my power? Dost thou still doubt of my love? What wilt thou have? Do but tell me: thou shalt want for nothing. Would the Devil had the priest that put such stuff into thy head! Why didst thou go to such a churl? There are plenty of them that allow young people somewhat. In short, I tell thee, things must alter: in two days I must have an answer, for I am to leave the town; and, if thou become not kind and friendly to me, thou shalt never see me more.&amp;quot;....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In this style the letter spun itself to great length; turning, to Wilhelm&#039;s painful satisfaction, still about the same point, and testifying for the truth of the account which he had got from Barbara. A second letter clearly proved that Mariana, in the sequel, also had maintained her purpose; and it was not without heartfelt grief, that, out of these and other papers, Wilhelm learned the history of the unlucky girl to the very hour of her death.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Barbara had gradually tamed rude, regardless Norberg, by announcing to him Mariana&#039;s death, and leaving him in the belief that Felix was his son. Once or twice he had sent her money, which, however, she retained for herself; having talked Aurelia into taking charge of the child. But, unhappily, this secret source of riches did not long endure. Norberg, by a life of riot, had impaired his fortune; and, by repeated love-affairs, his heart was rendered callous to his supposed first-born.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Probable as all this seemed, beautifully as it all agreed, Wilhelm did not venture to give way to joy. He still appeared to dread a present coming from his evil Genius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Your jealous fears,&amp;quot; said Barbara, who guessed his mood of mind, &amp;quot;time alone can cure. Look upon the child as a stranger one; take stricter heed of him on that account; observe his gifts, his temper, his capacities; and if you do not, by and by, discover in him the exact&lt;br /&gt;
resemblance of yourself, your eyes must certainly be bad. Of this I can assure you,&amp;amp;mdash;were I a man, no one should foist a child on me; but it is a happiness for women, that, in these cases, men are not so quick of sight.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These things over, Wilhelm and Barbara parted: he was to take Felix with him; she, to carry Mignon to Theresa, and afterwards to live in any place she pleased, upon a small annuity which he engaged to settle on her.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He sent for Mignon, to prepare her for the new arrangement. &amp;quot;Master,&amp;quot; said she, &amp;quot;keep me with thee: it will do me good, and do me ill.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He told her, that, as she was now grown up, there should be something further done for her instruction. &amp;quot;I am sufficiently instructed,&amp;quot; answered she, &amp;quot;to love and grieve.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He directed her attention to her health, and showed that she required continuous care, and the direction of a good physician. &amp;quot;Why care for me,&amp;quot; said she, &amp;quot;when there are so many things to care for?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After he had labored greatly to persuade her that he could not take her with him, that he would conduct her to a place where he might often see her, she appeared as if she had not heard a word of it. &amp;quot;Thou wishest not to have me with thee,&amp;quot; said she. &amp;quot;Perhaps it is better: send me to the old harper; the poor man is lonely where he is.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm tried to show her that the old man was in comfortable circumstances. &amp;quot;Every hour I long for him,&amp;quot; replied the child.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I did not see,&amp;quot; said Wilhelm, &amp;quot;that thou wert so fond of him when he was living with us.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I was frightened for him when he was awake; I could not bear his eyes: but, when he was asleep, I liked so well to sit by him! I used to chase the flies from him: I could not look at him enough. Oh! he has stood by me in fearful moments: none knows how much I owe him. Had I known the road, I should have run away to him already.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm set the circumstances in detail before her: he said that she had always been a reasonable child, and that, on this occasion also, she might do as she desired. &amp;quot;Reason is cruel,&amp;quot; said she; &amp;quot;the heart is better: I will go as thou requirest, only leave me Felix.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After much discussion her opinion was not altered; and Wilhelm at last resolved on giving Barbara both the children, and sending them together to Theresa. This was the easier for him, as he still feared to look&lt;br /&gt;
upon the lovely Felix as his son. He would take him on his arm, and carry him about: the child delighted to be held before the glass; Wilhelm also liked, though unavowedly, to hold him there, and seek resemblances between their faces. If for a moment any striking similarity appeared between them, he would press the boy in his arms; and then, at once affrighted by the thought that he might be mistaken, he would set him down, and let him run away. &amp;quot;Oh,&amp;quot; cried he, &amp;quot;if I were to appropriate this priceless treasure, and it were then to be snatched from me, I should be the most unhappy man on earth!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The children had been sent away; and Wilhelm was about to take a formal leave of the theatre, when he felt that in reality he had already taken leave, and needed but to go. Mariana was no more: his two guardian spirits had departed, and his thoughts hied after them. The fair boy hovered like a beautiful uncertain vision in the eyes of his imagination: he saw him, at Theresa&#039;s hand, running through the fields and woods, forming his mind and person in the free air, beside a free and cheerful foster-mother. Theresa had become far dearer to him since he figured her in company with Felix. Even while sitting in the theatre, he thought of her with smiles; he was almost in her own case: the stage could now produce no more illusion in him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Serlo and Melina were excessively polite to him, when they observed that he was making no pretensions to his former place. A portion of the public wished to see him act again: this he could not accede to; nor in the company did any one desire it, saving Frau Melina.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of this friend he now took leave; he was moved at parting with her: he exclaimed, &amp;quot;Why do we presume to promise any thing depending on an unknown future? The most slight engagement we have not power to keep, far less a purpose of importance. I feel ashamed in recollecting what I promised to you all, in that unhappy night, when we were lying plundered, sick, and wounded, crammed into a miserable tavern. How did misfortune elevate my courage! what a treasure did I think I had found in my good wishes! And of all this not a jot has taken effect! I leave you as your debtor; and my comfort is, that our people prized my promise at its actual worth, and never more took notice of it.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Be not unjust to yourself,&amp;quot; said Frau Melina: &amp;quot;if no one acknowledges what you have done for us, I at least will not forget it. Our whole condition had been different, if you had not been with us. But it is&lt;br /&gt;
with our purposes as with our wishes. They seem no longer what they were, when they have been accomplished, been fulfilled; and we think we have done, have wished for, nothing.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You shall not, by your friendly statement,&amp;quot; answered Wilhelm, &amp;quot;put my conscience to peace. I shall always look upon myself as in your debt.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Nay, perhaps you are so,&amp;quot; said Madam Melina, &amp;quot;but not in the manner you suppose. We reckon it a shame to fail in the fulfilment of a promise we have uttered with the voice. O my friend! a worthy person by his very presence promises us much. The confidence he elicits, the inclination he inspires, the hopes he awakens, are unbounded: he is and continues in our debt, although he does not know it. Fare you well! If our external circumstances have been happily repaired by your direction, in my mind there is, by your departure, produced a void which will not be filled up again so easily.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Before leaving the city, Wilhelm wrote a copious sheet to Werner. He had before exchanged some letters; but, not being able to agree, they had at length ceased to write. Now, however, Wilhelm had again approximated to his brother: he was just about to do what Werner had so earnestly desired. He could say, &amp;quot;I am abandoning the stage: I mean to join myself with men whose intercourse, in every sense, must lead me to a sure and suitable activity.&amp;quot; He inquired about his property; and it now seemed strange to him, that he had never, for so long a time, disturbed himself about it. He knew not that it is the manner of all persons who attach importance to their inward cultivation altogether to neglect their outward circumstances. This had been Wilhelm&#039;s case: he now for the first time seemed to notice, that, to work effectively, he stood in need of outward means. He entered on his journey, this time, in a temper altogether different from that of last; the prospects he had in view were charming; he hoped to meet with something cheerful by the way. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHAPTER IX.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On returning to Lothario&#039;s castle, Wilhelm found that changes had occurred. Jarno met him with the tidings, that, Lothario&#039;s uncle being dead, the baron had himself set out to take possession of the heritage. &amp;quot;You come in time,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;to help the abbé and me. Lothario has commissioned us to purchase some extensive properties of land in this quarter: he has long contemplated the bargain, and we have now got cash and credit just in season. The only point which made us hesitate was, that a distant trading-house had also views upon the same estates: at length we have determined to make common cause with it, as otherwise we might outbid each other without need or reason. The trader seems to be a prudent man. At present we are making estimates and calculations: we must also settle economically how the lands are to be shared, so that each of us may have a fine estate.&amp;quot; The papers were submitted to our friend: the fields, meadows, houses, were inspected; and, though Jarno and the abbé seemed to understand the matter fully, Wilhelm could not help desiring that Theresa had been with them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In these labors several days were spent, and Wilhelm had scarcely time to tell his friends of his adventures and his dubious fatherhood. This incident, to him so interesting, they treated with indifference and levity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had noticed, that they frequently in confidential conversation, while at table or in walks, would suddenly stop short, and give their words another application; thereby showing, at least, that they had on the anvil many things which were concealed from him. He bethought him of what Lydia had said; and he put the greater faith in it, as one entire division of the castle had always been inaccessible to him. The way to certain galleries, particularly to the ancient tower, with which externally he was so well acquainted, he had often sought, and hitherto in vain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;One evening Jarno said to him, &amp;quot;We can now consider you as ours, with such security, that it were unjust if we did not introduce you deeper into our mysteries. It is right that a man, when he first enters upon life, should think highly of himself, should determine to attain many eminent distinctions, should endeavor to make all things possible; but, when his education has proceeded to a certain pitch, it is advantageous for him, that he learn to lose himself among a mass of men, that he&lt;br /&gt;
learn to live for the sake of others, and to forget himself in an activity prescribed by duty. It is then that he first becomes acquainted with himself, for it is conduct alone that compares us with others. You shall soon see what a curious little world is at your very hand, and how well you are known in it. To-morrow morning before sunrise be dressed and ready.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Jarno came at the appointed hour: he led our friend through certain known and unknown chambers of the castle, then through several galleries; till at last they reached a large old door, strongly framed with iron. Jarno knocked: the door went up a little, so as to admit one person. Jarno shoved in our friend, but did not follow him. Wilhelm found himself in an obscure and narrow stand: all was dark around him; and, when he tried to go a step forward, he found himself hemmed in. A voice not altogether strange to him cried, &amp;quot;Enter!&amp;quot; and he now discovered that the sides of the place where he was were merely hung with tapestry, through which a feeble light glimmered in to him. &amp;quot;Enter!&amp;quot; cried the voice again: he raised the tapestry, and entered.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The hall in which he now stood appeared to have at one time been a chapel: instead of the altar, he observed a large table raised some steps above the floor, and covered with a green cloth hanging over it. On the top of this, a drawn curtain seemed as if it hid a picture; on the sides were spaces beautifully worked, and covered in with fine wire-netting, like the shelves of a library; only here, instead of books, a multitude of rolls had been inserted. Nobody was in the hall: the rising sun shone through the window, right on Wilhelm, and kindly saluted him as he came in.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Be seated!&amp;quot; cried a voice, which seemed to issue from the altar. Wilhelm placed himself in a small arm-chair, which stood against the tapestry where he had entered. There was no seat but this in the room: Wilhelm had to be content with it, though the morning radiance dazzled him; the chair stood fast, he could only keep his hand before his eyes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But now the curtain, which hung down above the altar, went asunder with a gentle rustling, and showed, within a picture-frame, a dark, empty aperture. A man stepped forward at it, in a common dress, saluted the astonished looker-on, and said to him, &amp;quot;Do you not recognize me? Among the many things which you would like to know, do you feel no curiosity to learn where your grandfather&#039;s collection of pictures and statues&lt;br /&gt;
are at present? Have you forgot the painting which you once so much delighted in? Where, think you, is the sick king&#039;s son now languishing?&amp;quot; Wilhelm, without difficulty, recognized the stranger, whom, in that important night, he had conversed with at the inn. &amp;quot;Perhaps,&amp;quot; continued his interrogator, &amp;quot;we should now be less at variance in regard to destiny and character.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm was about to answer, when the curtain quickly flew together. &amp;quot;Strange!&amp;quot; said Wilhelm to himself: &amp;quot;can chance occurrences have a connection? Is what we call Destiny but Chance? Where &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;is&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; my grandfather&#039;s collection? and why am I reminded of it in these solemn moments?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had not leisure to pursue his thoughts: the curtain once more parted; and a person stood before him, whom he instantly perceived to be the country clergyman that had attended him and his companions on that pleasure-sail of theirs. He had a resemblance to the abbé, though he seemed to be a different person. With a cheerful countenance, in a tone of dignity, he said, &amp;quot;To guard from error is not the instructor&#039;s duty, but to lead the erring pupil; nay, to let him quaff his error in deep, satiating draughts, this is the instructor&#039;s wisdom. He who only tastes his error, will long dwell with it, will take delight in it as in a singular felicity; while he who drains it to the dregs will, if he be not crazy, find it out.&amp;quot; The curtain closed again, and Wilhelm had a little time to think. &amp;quot;What error can he mean,&amp;quot; said he within himself, &amp;quot;but the error which has clung to me through my whole life,&amp;amp;mdash;that I sought for cultivation where it was not to be found; that I fancied I could form a talent in me, while without the smallest gift for it?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The curtain dashed asunder faster than before: an officer advanced, and said in passing, &amp;quot;Learn to know the men who may be trusted!&amp;quot; The curtain closed; and Wilhelm did not long consider, till he found this officer to be the one who had embraced him in the count&#039;s park, and had caused his taking Jarno for a crimp. How that stranger had come hither, who he was, were riddles to our friend. &amp;quot;If so many men,&amp;quot; cried he, &amp;quot;took interest in thee, know thy way of life, and how it should be carried on, why did they not conduct thee with greater strictness, with greater seriousness? Why did they favor thy silly sports, instead of drawing thee away from them?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Dispute not with us!&amp;quot; cried a voice. &amp;quot;Thou art saved, thou art on the way to the goal. None of thy follies wilt thou repent; none wilt thou&lt;br /&gt;
wish to repeat; no luckier destiny can be allotted to a man.&amp;quot; The curtain went asunder, and in full armor stood the old king of Denmark in the space. &amp;quot;I am thy father&#039;s spirit,&amp;quot; said the figure; &amp;quot;and I depart in comfort since my wishes for thee are accomplished, in a higher sense than I myself contemplated. Steep regions cannot be surmounted save by winding paths: on the plain, straight roads conduct from place to place. Farewell, and think of me when thou enjoyest what I have provided for thee.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm was exceedingly amazed and struck: he thought it was his father&#039;s voice; and yet in truth it was not: the present and the past alike confounded and perplexed him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had not meditated long when the abbé came to view, and placed himself behind the green table. &amp;quot;Come hither!&amp;quot; cried he to his marvelling friend. He went, and mounted up the steps. On the green cloth lay a little roll. &amp;quot;Here is your indenture,&amp;quot; said the abbé: &amp;quot;take it to heart; it is of weighty import.&amp;quot; Wilhelm lifted, opened it, and read:&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;INDENTURE.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Art is long, life short, judgment difficult, opportunity transient. To act is easy, to think is hard; to act according to our thought is troublesome. Every beginning is cheerful: the threshold is the place of expectation. The boy stands astonished, his impressions guide him: he learns sportfully, seriousness comes on him by surprise. Imitation is born with us: what should be imitated is not easy to discover. The excellent is rarely found, more rarely valued. The height charms us, the steps to it do not: with the summit in our eye, we love to walk along the plain. It is but a part of art that can be taught: the artist needs it all. Who knows it half, speaks much, and is always wrong: who knows it wholly, inclines to act, and speaks seldom or late. The former have no secrets and no force: the instruction they can give is like baked bread, savory and satisfying for a single day; but flour cannot be sown, and seed-corn ought not to be ground. Words are good, but they are not the best. The best is not to be explained by words. The spirit in which we act is the highest matter. Action can be understood and again represented by the spirit alone. No one knows what he is doing while he acts aright, but of what is wrong we are always conscious. Whoever&lt;br /&gt;
works with symbols only is a pedant, a hypocrite, or a bungler. There are many such, and they like to be together. Their babbling detains the scholar: their obstinate mediocrity vexes even the best. The instruction which the true artist gives us opens the mind; for, where words fail him, deeds speak. The true scholar learns from the known to unfold the unknown, and approaches more and more to being a master.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Enough!&amp;quot; cried the abbé: &amp;quot;the rest in due time. Now look round you among these cases.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm went, and read the titles of the rolls. With astonishment he found, &amp;quot;Lothario&#039;s Apprenticeship,&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Jarno&#039;s Apprenticeship,&amp;quot; and his own Apprenticeship placed there, with many others whose names he did not know.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;May I hope to cast a look into these rolls?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;In this chamber there is now nothing hid from you.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;May I put a question?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Without scruple; and you may expect a positive reply, if it concerns a matter which is nearest your heart, and ought to be so.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Good, then! Ye marvellous sages, whose sight has pierced so many secrets, can you tell me whether Felix is in truth my son?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Hail to you for this question!&amp;quot; cried the abbé, clapping hands for joy. &amp;quot;Felix is your son! By the holiest that lies hid among us, I swear to you Felix is your son; nor, in our opinion, was the mother that is gone unworthy of you. Receive the lovely child from our hands: turn round, and venture to be happy.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilhelm heard a noise behind him: he turned round, and saw a child&#039;s face peeping archly through the tapestry at the end of the room; it was Felix. The boy playfully hid himself so soon as he was noticed. &amp;quot;Come forward!&amp;quot; cried the abbé: he came running; his father rushed towards him, took him in his arms, and pressed him to his heart. &amp;quot;Yes! I feel it,&amp;quot; cried he, &amp;quot;thou art mine! What a gift of Heaven have I to thank my friends for! Whence or how comest thou, my child, at this important moment?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Ask not,&amp;quot; said the abbé. &amp;quot;Hail to thee, young man! Thy Apprenticeship is done: Nature has pronounced thee free.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;FOOTNOTES:&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a name=&amp;quot;Footnote_1_1&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1_1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1_1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt; Charakteristik des Meister.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a name=&amp;quot;Footnote_2_2&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2_2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2_2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[2]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt; Der Schafer putzte sich zum Tanz,&amp;amp;mdash;a song of Goethe&#039;s.&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;gt;Ed.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a name=&amp;quot;Footnote_3_3&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;Footnote_3_3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_3_3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[3]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt; So in the original.&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;gt;Ed.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;div class=&#039;tnote&#039;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;Transcriber&#039;s Note:&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;P.413. Transposed semicolon from &#039;answered; she&#039; to &#039;answered she,&#039;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Plato/Sophist&amp;diff=2858</id>
		<title>Texts:Plato/Sophist</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Plato/Sophist&amp;diff=2858"/>
		<updated>2025-12-26T19:45:38Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: Text replacement - &amp;quot;{{Top Texts}}&amp;quot; to &amp;quot;__NOTITLE__
{{Setup|tick=Where}}&amp;quot;&lt;/p&gt;
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{{Setup|tick=Where}}&lt;br /&gt;
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&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt; SOPHIST &amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; By Plato &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt; Translated by Benjamin Jowett &amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt; Contents &amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#link2H_4_0002&amp;quot;&amp;gt; SOPHIST &amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; INTRODUCTION AND ANALYSIS. &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The dramatic power of the dialogues of Plato appears to diminish as the metaphysical interest of them increases (compare Introd. to the Philebus). There are no descriptions of time, place or persons, in the Sophist and Statesman, but we are plunged at once into philosophical discussions; the poetical charm has disappeared, and those who have no taste for abstruse metaphysics will greatly prefer the earlier dialogues to the later ones. Plato is conscious of the change, and in the Statesman expressly accuses himself of a tediousness in the two dialogues, which he ascribes to his desire of developing the dialectical method. On the other hand, the kindred spirit of Hegel seemed to find in the Sophist the crown and summit of the Platonic philosophy&amp;amp;mdash;here is the place at which Plato most nearly approaches to the Hegelian identity of Being and Not-being. Nor will the great importance of the two dialogues be doubted by any one who forms a conception of the state of mind and opinion which they are intended to meet. The sophisms of the day were undermining philosophy; the denial of the existence of Not-being, and of the connexion of ideas, was making truth and falsehood equally impossible. It has been said that Plato would have written differently, if he had been acquainted with the Organon of Aristotle. But could the Organon of Aristotle ever have been written unless the Sophist and Statesman had preceded? The swarm of fallacies which arose in the infancy of mental science, and which was born and bred in the decay of the pre-Socratic philosophies, was not dispelled by Aristotle, but by Socrates and Plato. The summa genera of thought, the nature of the proposition, of definition, of generalization, of synthesis and analysis, of division and cross-division, are clearly described, and the processes of induction and deduction are constantly employed in the dialogues of Plato. The &#039;slippery&#039; nature of comparison, the danger of putting words in the place of things, the fallacy of arguing &#039;a dicto secundum,&#039; and in a circle, are frequently indicated by him. To all these processes of truth and error, Aristotle, in the next generation, gave distinctness; he brought them together in a separate science. But he is not to be regarded as the original inventor of any of the great logical forms, with the exception of the syllogism. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There is little worthy of remark in the characters of the Sophist. The most noticeable point is the final retirement of Socrates from the field of argument, and the substitution for him of an Eleatic stranger, who is described as a pupil of Parmenides and Zeno, and is supposed to have descended from a higher world in order to convict the Socratic circle of error. As in the Timaeus, Plato seems to intimate by the withdrawal of Socrates that he is passing beyond the limits of his teaching; and in the Sophist and Statesman, as well as in the Parmenides, he probably means to imply that he is making a closer approach to the schools of Elea and Megara. He had much in common with them, but he must first submit their ideas to criticism and revision. He had once thought as he says, speaking by the mouth of the Eleatic, that he understood their doctrine of Not-being; but now he does not even comprehend the nature of Being. The friends of ideas (Soph.) are alluded to by him as distant acquaintances, whom he criticizes ab extra; we do not recognize at first sight that he is criticizing himself. The character of the Eleatic stranger is colourless; he is to a certain extent the reflection of his father and master, Parmenides, who is the protagonist in the dialogue which is called by his name. Theaetetus himself is not distinguished by the remarkable traits which are attributed to him in the preceding dialogue. He is no longer under the spell of Socrates, or subject to the operation of his midwifery, though the fiction of question and answer is still maintained, and the necessity of taking Theaetetus along with him is several times insisted upon by his partner in the discussion. There is a reminiscence of the old Theaetetus in his remark that he will not tire of the argument, and in his conviction, which the Eleatic thinks likely to be permanent, that the course of events is governed by the will of God. Throughout the two dialogues Socrates continues a silent auditor, in the Statesman just reminding us of his presence, at the commencement, by a characteristic jest about the statesman and the philosopher, and by an allusion to his namesake, with whom on that ground he claims relationship, as he had already claimed an affinity with Theaetetus, grounded on the likeness of his ugly face. But in neither dialogue, any more than in the Timaeus, does he offer any criticism on the views which are propounded by another. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The style, though wanting in dramatic power,&amp;amp;mdash;in this respect resembling the Philebus and the Laws,&amp;amp;mdash;is very clear and accurate, and has several touches of humour and satire. The language is less fanciful and imaginative than that of the earlier dialogues; and there is more of bitterness, as in the Laws, though traces of a similar temper may also be observed in the description of the &#039;great brute&#039; in the Republic, and in the contrast of the lawyer and philosopher in the Theaetetus. The following are characteristic passages: &#039;The ancient philosophers, of whom we may say, without offence, that they went on their way rather regardless of whether we understood them or not;&#039; the picture of the materialists, or earth-born giants, &#039;who grasped oaks and rocks in their hands,&#039; and who must be improved before they can be reasoned with; and the equally humourous delineation of the friends of ideas, who defend themselves from a fastness in the invisible world; or the comparison of the Sophist to a painter or maker (compare Republic), and the hunt after him in the rich meadow-lands of youth and wealth; or, again, the light and graceful touch with which the older philosophies are painted (&#039;Ionian and Sicilian muses&#039;), the comparison of them to mythological tales, and the fear of the Eleatic that he will be counted a parricide if he ventures to lay hands on his father Parmenides; or, once more, the likening of the Eleatic stranger to a god from heaven.&amp;amp;mdash;All these passages, notwithstanding the decline of the style, retain the impress of the great master of language. But the equably diffused grace is gone; instead of the endless variety of the early dialogues, traces of the rhythmical monotonous cadence of the Laws begin to appear; and already an approach is made to the technical language of Aristotle, in the frequent use of the words &#039;essence,&#039; &#039;power,&#039; &#039;generation,&#039; &#039;motion,&#039; &#039;rest,&#039; &#039;action,&#039; &#039;passion,&#039; and the like. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The Sophist, like the Phaedrus, has a double character, and unites two enquirers, which are only in a somewhat forced manner connected with each other. The first is the search after the Sophist, the second is the enquiry into the nature of Not-being, which occupies the middle part of the work. For &#039;Not-being&#039; is the hole or division of the dialectical net in which the Sophist has hidden himself. He is the imaginary impersonation of false opinion. Yet he denies the possibility of false opinion; for falsehood is that which is not, and therefore has no existence. At length the difficulty is solved; the answer, in the language of the Republic, appears &#039;tumbling out at our feet.&#039; Acknowledging that there is a communion of kinds with kinds, and not merely one Being or Good having different names, or several isolated ideas or classes incapable of communion, we discover &#039;Not-being&#039; to be the other of &#039;Being.&#039; Transferring this to language and thought, we have no difficulty in apprehending that a proposition may be false as well as true. The Sophist, drawn out of the shelter which Cynic and Megarian paradoxes have temporarily afforded him, is proved to be a dissembler and juggler with words. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The chief points of interest in the dialogue are: (I) the character attributed to the Sophist: (II) the dialectical method: (III) the nature of the puzzle about &#039;Not-being:&#039; (IV) the battle of the philosophers: (V) the relation of the Sophist to other dialogues. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I. The Sophist in Plato is the master of the art of illusion; the charlatan, the foreigner, the prince of esprits-faux, the hireling who is not a teacher, and who, from whatever point of view he is regarded, is the opposite of the true teacher. He is the &#039;evil one,&#039; the ideal representative of all that Plato most disliked in the moral and intellectual tendencies of his own age; the adversary of the almost equally ideal Socrates. He seems to be always growing in the fancy of Plato, now boastful, now eristic, now clothing himself in rags of philosophy, now more akin to the rhetorician or lawyer, now haranguing, now questioning, until the final appearance in the Politicus of his departing shadow in the disguise of a statesman. We are not to suppose that Plato intended by such a description to depict Protagoras or Gorgias, or even Thrasymachus, who all turn out to be &#039;very good sort of people when we know them,&#039; and all of them part on good terms with Socrates. But he is speaking of a being as imaginary as the wise man of the Stoics, and whose character varies in different dialogues. Like mythology, Greek philosophy has a tendency to personify ideas. And the Sophist is not merely a teacher of rhetoric for a fee of one or fifty drachmae (Crat.), but an ideal of Plato&#039;s in which the falsehood of all mankind is reflected. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; A milder tone is adopted towards the Sophists in a well-known passage of the Republic, where they are described as the followers rather than the leaders of the rest of mankind. Plato ridicules the notion that any individuals can corrupt youth to a degree worth speaking of in comparison with the greater influence of public opinion. But there is no real inconsistency between this and other descriptions of the Sophist which occur in the Platonic writings. For Plato is not justifying the Sophists in the passage just quoted, but only representing their power to be contemptible; they are to be despised rather than feared, and are no worse than the rest of mankind. But a teacher or statesman may be justly condemned, who is on a level with mankind when he ought to be above them. There is another point of view in which this passage should also be considered. The great enemy of Plato is the world, not exactly in the theological sense, yet in one not wholly different&amp;amp;mdash;the world as the hater of truth and lover of appearance, occupied in the pursuit of gain and pleasure rather than of knowledge, banded together against the few good and wise men, and devoid of true education. This creature has many heads: rhetoricians, lawyers, statesmen, poets, sophists. But the Sophist is the Proteus who takes the likeness of all of them; all other deceivers have a piece of him in them. And sometimes he is represented as the corrupter of the world; and sometimes the world as the corrupter of him and of itself. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of late years the Sophists have found an enthusiastic defender in the distinguished historian of Greece. He appears to maintain (1) that the term &#039;Sophist&#039; is not the name of a particular class, and would have been applied indifferently to Socrates and Plato, as well as to Gorgias and Protagoras; (2) that the bad sense was imprinted on the word by the genius of Plato; (3) that the principal Sophists were not the corrupters of youth (for the Athenian youth were no more corrupted in the age of Demosthenes than in the age of Pericles), but honourable and estimable persons, who supplied a training in literature which was generally wanted at the time. We will briefly consider how far these statements appear to be justified by facts: and, 1, about the meaning of the word there arises an interesting question:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Many words are used both in a general and a specific sense, and the two senses are not always clearly distinguished. Sometimes the generic meaning has been narrowed to the specific, while in other cases the specific meaning has been enlarged or altered. Examples of the former class are furnished by some ecclesiastical terms: apostles, prophets, bishops, elders, catholics. Examples of the latter class may also be found in a similar field: jesuits, puritans, methodists, and the like. Sometimes the meaning is both narrowed and enlarged; and a good or bad sense will subsist side by side with a neutral one. A curious effect is produced on the meaning of a word when the very term which is stigmatized by the world (e.g. Methodists) is adopted by the obnoxious or derided class; this tends to define the meaning. Or, again, the opposite result is produced, when the world refuses to allow some sect or body of men the possession of an honourable name which they have assumed, or applies it to them only in mockery or irony. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The term &#039;Sophist&#039; is one of those words of which the meaning has been both contracted and enlarged. Passages may be quoted from Herodotus and the tragedians, in which the word is used in a neutral sense for a contriver or deviser or inventor, without including any ethical idea of goodness or badness. Poets as well as philosophers were called Sophists in the fifth century before Christ. In Plato himself the term is applied in the sense of a &#039;master in art,&#039; without any bad meaning attaching to it (Symp.; Meno). In the later Greek, again, &#039;sophist&#039; and &#039;philosopher&#039; became almost indistinguishable. There was no reproach conveyed by the word; the additional association, if any, was only that of rhetorician or teacher. Philosophy had become eclecticism and imitation: in the decline of Greek thought there was no original voice lifted up &#039;which reached to a thousand years because of the god.&#039; Hence the two words, like the characters represented by them, tended to pass into one another. Yet even here some differences appeared; for the term &#039;Sophist&#039; would hardly have been applied to the greater names, such as Plotinus, and would have been more often used of a professor of philosophy in general than of a maintainer of particular tenets. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But the real question is, not whether the word &#039;Sophist&#039; has all these senses, but whether there is not also a specific bad sense in which the term is applied to certain contemporaries of Socrates. Would an Athenian, as Mr. Grote supposes, in the fifth century before Christ, have included Socrates and Plato, as well as Gorgias and Protagoras, under the specific class of Sophists? To this question we must answer, No: if ever the term is applied to Socrates and Plato, either the application is made by an enemy out of mere spite, or the sense in which it is used is neutral. Plato, Xenophon, Isocrates, Aristotle, all give a bad import to the word; and the Sophists are regarded as a separate class in all of them. And in later Greek literature, the distinction is quite marked between the succession of philosophers from Thales to Aristotle, and the Sophists of the age of Socrates, who appeared like meteors for a short time in different parts of Greece. For the purposes of comedy, Socrates may have been identified with the Sophists, and he seems to complain of this in the Apology. But there is no reason to suppose that Socrates, differing by so many outward marks, would really have been confounded in the mind of Anytus, or Callicles, or of any intelligent Athenian, with the splendid foreigners who from time to time visited Athens, or appeared at the Olympic games. The man of genius, the great original thinker, the disinterested seeker after truth, the master of repartee whom no one ever defeated in an argument, was separated, even in the mind of the vulgar Athenian, by an &#039;interval which no geometry can express,&#039; from the balancer of sentences, the interpreter and reciter of the poets, the divider of the meanings of words, the teacher of rhetoric, the professor of morals and manners. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 2. The use of the term &#039;Sophist&#039; in the dialogues of Plato also shows that the bad sense was not affixed by his genius, but already current. When Protagoras says, &#039;I confess that I am a Sophist,&#039; he implies that the art which he professes has already a bad name; and the words of the young Hippocrates, when with a blush upon his face which is just seen by the light of dawn he admits that he is going to be made &#039;a Sophist,&#039; would lose their point, unless the term had been discredited. There is nothing surprising in the Sophists having an evil name; that, whether deserved or not, was a natural consequence of their vocation. That they were foreigners, that they made fortunes, that they taught novelties, that they excited the minds of youth, are quite sufficient reasons to account for the opprobrium which attached to them. The genius of Plato could not have stamped the word anew, or have imparted the associations which occur in contemporary writers, such as Xenophon and Isocrates. Changes in the meaning of words can only be made with great difficulty, and not unless they are supported by a strong current of popular feeling. There is nothing improbable in supposing that Plato may have extended and envenomed the meaning, or that he may have done the Sophists the same kind of disservice with posterity which Pascal did to the Jesuits. But the bad sense of the word was not and could not have been invented by him, and is found in his earlier dialogues, e.g. the Protagoras, as well as in the later. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 3. There is no ground for disbelieving that the principal Sophists, Gorgias, Protagoras, Prodicus, Hippias, were good and honourable men. The notion that they were corrupters of the Athenian youth has no real foundation, and partly arises out of the use of the term &#039;Sophist&#039; in modern times. The truth is, that we know little about them; and the witness of Plato in their favour is probably not much more historical than his witness against them. Of that national decline of genius, unity, political force, which has been sometimes described as the corruption of youth, the Sophists were one among many signs;&amp;amp;mdash;in these respects Athens may have degenerated; but, as Mr. Grote remarks, there is no reason to suspect any greater moral corruption in the age of Demosthenes than in the age of Pericles. The Athenian youth were not corrupted in this sense, and therefore the Sophists could not have corrupted them. It is remarkable, and may be fairly set down to their credit, that Plato nowhere attributes to them that peculiar Greek sympathy with youth, which he ascribes to Parmenides, and which was evidently common in the Socratic circle. Plato delights to exhibit them in a ludicrous point of view, and to show them always rather at a disadvantage in the company of Socrates. But he has no quarrel with their characters, and does not deny that they are respectable men. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The Sophist, in the dialogue which is called after him, is exhibited in many different lights, and appears and reappears in a variety of forms. There is some want of the higher Platonic art in the Eleatic Stranger eliciting his true character by a labourious process of enquiry, when he had already admitted that he knew quite well the difference between the Sophist and the Philosopher, and had often heard the question discussed;&amp;amp;mdash;such an anticipation would hardly have occurred in the earlier dialogues. But Plato could not altogether give up his Socratic method, of which another trace may be thought to be discerned in his adoption of a common instance before he proceeds to the greater matter in hand. Yet the example is also chosen in order to damage the &#039;hooker of men&#039; as much as possible; each step in the pedigree of the angler suggests some injurious reflection about the Sophist. They are both hunters after a living prey, nearly related to tyrants and thieves, and the Sophist is the cousin of the parasite and flatterer. The effect of this is heightened by the accidental manner in which the discovery is made, as the result of a scientific division. His descent in another branch affords the opportunity of more &#039;unsavoury comparisons.&#039; For he is a retail trader, and his wares are either imported or home-made, like those of other retail traders; his art is thus deprived of the character of a liberal profession. But the most distinguishing characteristic of him is, that he is a disputant, and higgles over an argument. A feature of the Eristic here seems to blend with Plato&#039;s usual description of the Sophists, who in the early dialogues, and in the Republic, are frequently depicted as endeavouring to save themselves from disputing with Socrates by making long orations. In this character he parts company from the vain and impertinent talker in private life, who is a loser of money, while he is a maker of it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But there is another general division under which his art may be also supposed to fall, and that is purification; and from purification is descended education, and the new principle of education is to interrogate men after the manner of Socrates, and make them teach themselves. Here again we catch a glimpse rather of a Socratic or Eristic than of a Sophist in the ordinary sense of the term. And Plato does not on this ground reject the claim of the Sophist to be the true philosopher. One more feature of the Eristic rather than of the Sophist is the tendency of the troublesome animal to run away into the darkness of Not-being. Upon the whole, we detect in him a sort of hybrid or double nature, of which, except perhaps in the Euthydemus of Plato, we find no other trace in Greek philosophy; he combines the teacher of virtue with the Eristic; while in his omniscience, in his ignorance of himself, in his arts of deception, and in his lawyer-like habit of writing and speaking about all things, he is still the antithesis of Socrates and of the true teacher. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; II. The question has been asked, whether the method of &#039;abscissio infinti,&#039; by which the Sophist is taken, is a real and valuable logical process. Modern science feels that this, like other processes of formal logic, presents a very inadequate conception of the actual complex procedure of the mind by which scientific truth is detected and verified. Plato himself seems to be aware that mere division is an unsafe and uncertain weapon, first, in the Statesman, when he says that we should divide in the middle, for in that way we are more likely to attain species; secondly, in the parallel precept of the Philebus, that we should not pass from the most general notions to infinity, but include all the intervening middle principles, until, as he also says in the Statesman, we arrive at the infima species; thirdly, in the Phaedrus, when he says that the dialectician will carve the limbs of truth without mangling them; and once more in the Statesman, if we cannot bisect species, we must carve them as well as we can. No better image of nature or truth, as an organic whole, can be conceived than this. So far is Plato from supposing that mere division and subdivision of general notions will guide men into all truth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Plato does not really mean to say that the Sophist or the Statesman can be caught in this way. But these divisions and subdivisions were favourite logical exercises of the age in which he lived; and while indulging his dialectical fancy, and making a contribution to logical method, he delights also to transfix the Eristic Sophist with weapons borrowed from his own armoury. As we have already seen, the division gives him the opportunity of making the most damaging reflections on the Sophist and all his kith and kin, and to exhibit him in the most discreditable light. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Nor need we seriously consider whether Plato was right in assuming that an animal so various could not be confined within the limits of a single definition. In the infancy of logic, men sought only to obtain a definition of an unknown or uncertain term; the after reflection scarcely occurred to them that the word might have several senses, which shaded off into one another, and were not capable of being comprehended in a single notion. There is no trace of this reflection in Plato. But neither is there any reason to think, even if the reflection had occurred to him, that he would have been deterred from carrying on the war with weapons fair or unfair against the outlaw Sophist. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; III. The puzzle about &#039;Not-being&#039; appears to us to be one of the most unreal difficulties of ancient philosophy. We cannot understand the attitude of mind which could imagine that falsehood had no existence, if reality was denied to Not-being: How could such a question arise at all, much less become of serious importance? The answer to this, and to nearly all other difficulties of early Greek philosophy, is to be sought for in the history of ideas, and the answer is only unsatisfactory because our knowledge is defective. In the passage from the world of sense and imagination and common language to that of opinion and reflection the human mind was exposed to many dangers, and often &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;pre xml:space=&amp;quot;preserve&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &#039;Found no end in wandering mazes lost.&#039; &amp;lt;/pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; On the other hand, the discovery of abstractions was the great source of all mental improvement in after ages. It was the pushing aside of the old, the revelation of the new. But each one of the company of abstractions, if we may speak in the metaphorical language of Plato, became in turn the tyrant of the mind, the dominant idea, which would allow no other to have a share in the throne. This is especially true of the Eleatic philosophy: while the absoluteness of Being was asserted in every form of language, the sensible world and all the phenomena of experience were comprehended under Not-being. Nor was any difficulty or perplexity thus created, so long as the mind, lost in the contemplation of Being, asked no more questions, and never thought of applying the categories of Being or Not-being to mind or opinion or practical life. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But the negative as well as the positive idea had sunk deep into the intellect of man. The effect of the paradoxes of Zeno extended far beyond the Eleatic circle. And now an unforeseen consequence began to arise. If the Many were not, if all things were names of the One, and nothing could be predicated of any other thing, how could truth be distinguished from falsehood? The Eleatic philosopher would have replied that Being is alone true. But mankind had got beyond his barren abstractions: they were beginning to analyze, to classify, to define, to ask what is the nature of knowledge, opinion, sensation. Still less could they be content with the description which Achilles gives in Homer of the man whom his soul hates&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; os chi eteron men keuthe eni phresin, allo de eipe. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; For their difficulty was not a practical but a metaphysical one; and their conception of falsehood was really impaired and weakened by a metaphysical illusion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The strength of the illusion seems to lie in the alternative: If we once admit the existence of Being and Not-being, as two spheres which exclude each other, no Being or reality can be ascribed to Not-being, and therefore not to falsehood, which is the image or expression of Not-being. Falsehood is wholly false; and to speak of true falsehood, as Theaetetus does (Theaet.), is a contradiction in terms. The fallacy to us is ridiculous and transparent,&amp;amp;mdash;no better than those which Plato satirizes in the Euthydemus. It is a confusion of falsehood and negation, from which Plato himself is not entirely free. Instead of saying, &#039;This is not in accordance with facts,&#039; &#039;This is proved by experience to be false,&#039; and from such examples forming a general notion of falsehood, the mind of the Greek thinker was lost in the mazes of the Eleatic philosophy. And the greater importance which Plato attributes to this fallacy, compared with others, is due to the influence which the Eleatic philosophy exerted over him. He sees clearly to a certain extent; but he has not yet attained a complete mastery over the ideas of his predecessors&amp;amp;mdash;they are still ends to him, and not mere instruments of thought. They are too rough-hewn to be harmonized in a single structure, and may be compared to rocks which project or overhang in some ancient city&#039;s walls. There are many such imperfect syncretisms or eclecticisms in the history of philosophy. A modern philosopher, though emancipated from scholastic notions of essence or substance, might still be seriously affected by the abstract idea of necessity; or though accustomed, like Bacon, to criticize abstract notions, might not extend his criticism to the syllogism. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The saying or thinking the thing that is not, would be the popular definition of falsehood or error. If we were met by the Sophist&#039;s objection, the reply would probably be an appeal to experience. Ten thousands, as Homer would say (mala murioi), tell falsehoods and fall into errors. And this is Plato&#039;s reply, both in the Cratylus and Sophist. &#039;Theaetetus is flying,&#039; is a sentence in form quite as grammatical as &#039;Theaetetus is sitting&#039;; the difference between the two sentences is, that the one is true and the other false. But, before making this appeal to common sense, Plato propounds for our consideration a theory of the nature of the negative. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The theory is, that Not-being is relation. Not-being is the other of Being, and has as many kinds as there are differences in Being. This doctrine is the simple converse of the famous proposition of Spinoza,&amp;amp;mdash;not &#039;Omnis determinatio est negatio,&#039; but &#039;Omnis negatio est determinatio&#039;;&amp;amp;mdash;not, All distinction is negation, but, All negation is distinction. Not-being is the unfolding or determining of Being, and is a necessary element in all other things that are. We should be careful to observe, first, that Plato does not identify Being with Not-being; he has no idea of progression by antagonism, or of the Hegelian vibration of moments: he would not have said with Heracleitus, &#039;All things are and are not, and become and become not.&#039; Secondly, he has lost sight altogether of the other sense of Not-being, as the negative of Being; although he again and again recognizes the validity of the law of contradiction. Thirdly, he seems to confuse falsehood with negation. Nor is he quite consistent in regarding Not-being as one class of Being, and yet as coextensive with Being in general. Before analyzing further the topics thus suggested, we will endeavour to trace the manner in which Plato arrived at his conception of Not-being. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In all the later dialogues of Plato, the idea of mind or intelligence becomes more and more prominent. That idea which Anaxagoras employed inconsistently in the construction of the world, Plato, in the Philebus, the Sophist, and the Laws, extends to all things, attributing to Providence a care, infinitesimal as well as infinite, of all creation. The divine mind is the leading religious thought of the later works of Plato. The human mind is a sort of reflection of this, having ideas of Being, Sameness, and the like. At times they seem to be parted by a great gulf (Parmenides); at other times they have a common nature, and the light of a common intelligence. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But this ever-growing idea of mind is really irreconcilable with the abstract Pantheism of the Eleatics. To the passionate language of Parmenides, Plato replies in a strain equally passionate:&amp;amp;mdash;What! has not Being mind? and is not Being capable of being known? and, if this is admitted, then capable of being affected or acted upon?&amp;amp;mdash;in motion, then, and yet not wholly incapable of rest. Already we have been compelled to attribute opposite determinations to Being. And the answer to the difficulty about Being may be equally the answer to the difficulty about Not-being. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The answer is, that in these and all other determinations of any notion we are attributing to it &#039;Not-being.&#039; We went in search of Not-being and seemed to lose Being, and now in the hunt after Being we recover both. Not-being is a kind of Being, and in a sense co-extensive with Being. And there are as many divisions of Not-being as of Being. To every positive idea&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;just,&#039; &#039;beautiful,&#039; and the like, there is a corresponding negative idea&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;not-just,&#039; &#039;not-beautiful,&#039; and the like. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; A doubt may be raised whether this account of the negative is really the true one. The common logicians would say that the &#039;not-just,&#039; &#039;not-beautiful,&#039; are not really classes at all, but are merged in one great class of the infinite or negative. The conception of Plato, in the days before logic, seems to be more correct than this. For the word &#039;not&#039; does not altogether annihilate the positive meaning of the word &#039;just&#039;: at least, it does not prevent our looking for the &#039;not-just&#039; in or about the same class in which we might expect to find the &#039;just.&#039; &#039;Not-just is not-honourable&#039; is neither a false nor an unmeaning proposition. The reason is that the negative proposition has really passed into an undefined positive. To say that &#039;not-just&#039; has no more meaning than &#039;not-honourable&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;that is to say, that the two cannot in any degree be distinguished, is clearly repugnant to the common use of language. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The ordinary logic is also jealous of the explanation of negation as relation, because seeming to take away the principle of contradiction. Plato, as far as we know, is the first philosopher who distinctly enunciated this principle; and though we need not suppose him to have been always consistent with himself, there is no real inconsistency between his explanation of the negative and the principle of contradiction. Neither the Platonic notion of the negative as the principle of difference, nor the Hegelian identity of Being and Not-being, at all touch the principle of contradiction. For what is asserted about Being and Not-Being only relates to our most abstract notions, and in no way interferes with the principle of contradiction employed in the concrete. Because Not-being is identified with Other, or Being with Not-being, this does not make the proposition &#039;Some have not eaten&#039; any the less a contradiction of &#039;All have eaten.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The explanation of the negative given by Plato in the Sophist is a true but partial one; for the word &#039;not,&#039; besides the meaning of &#039;other,&#039; may also imply &#039;opposition.&#039; And difference or opposition may be either total or partial: the not-beautiful may be other than the beautiful, or in no relation to the beautiful, or a specific class in various degrees opposed to the beautiful. And the negative may be a negation of fact or of thought (ou and me). Lastly, there are certain ideas, such as &#039;beginning,&#039; &#039;becoming,&#039; &#039;the finite,&#039; &#039;the abstract,&#039; in which the negative cannot be separated from the positive, and &#039;Being&#039; and &#039;Not-being&#039; are inextricably blended. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Plato restricts the conception of Not-being to difference. Man is a rational animal, and is not&amp;amp;mdash;as many other things as are not included under this definition. He is and is not, and is because he is not. Besides the positive class to which he belongs, there are endless negative classes to which he may be referred. This is certainly intelligible, but useless. To refer a subject to a negative class is unmeaning, unless the &#039;not&#039; is a mere modification of the positive, as in the example of &#039;not honourable&#039; and &#039;dishonourable&#039;; or unless the class is characterized by the absence rather than the presence of a particular quality. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Nor is it easy to see how Not-being any more than Sameness or Otherness is one of the classes of Being. They are aspects rather than classes of Being. Not-being can only be included in Being, as the denial of some particular class of Being. If we attempt to pursue such airy phantoms at all, the Hegelian identity of Being and Not-being is a more apt and intelligible expression of the same mental phenomenon. For Plato has not distinguished between the Being which is prior to Not-being, and the Being which is the negation of Not-being (compare Parm.). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But he is not thinking of this when he says that Being comprehends Not-being. Again, we should probably go back for the true explanation to the influence which the Eleatic philosophy exercised over him. Under &#039;Not-being&#039; the Eleatic had included all the realities of the sensible world. Led by this association and by the common use of language, which has been already noticed, we cannot be much surprised that Plato should have made classes of Not-being. It is observable that he does not absolutely deny that there is an opposite of Being. He is inclined to leave the question, merely remarking that the opposition, if admissible at all, is not expressed by the term &#039;Not-being.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; On the whole, we must allow that the great service rendered by Plato to metaphysics in the Sophist, is not his explanation of &#039;Not-being&#039; as difference. With this he certainly laid the ghost of &#039;Not-being&#039;; and we may attribute to him in a measure the credit of anticipating Spinoza and Hegel. But his conception is not clear or consistent; he does not recognize the different senses of the negative, and he confuses the different classes of Not-being with the abstract notion. As the Pre-Socratic philosopher failed to distinguish between the universal and the true, while he placed the particulars of sense under the false and apparent, so Plato appears to identify negation with falsehood, or is unable to distinguish them. The greatest service rendered by him to mental science is the recognition of the communion of classes, which, although based by him on his account of &#039;Not-being,&#039; is independent of it. He clearly saw that the isolation of ideas or classes is the annihilation of reasoning. Thus, after wandering in many diverging paths, we return to common sense. And for this reason we may be inclined to do less than justice to Plato,&amp;amp;mdash;because the truth which he attains by a real effort of thought is to us a familiar and unconscious truism, which no one would any longer think either of doubting or examining. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; IV. The later dialogues of Plato contain many references to contemporary philosophy. Both in the Theaetetus and in the Sophist he recognizes that he is in the midst of a fray; a huge irregular battle everywhere surrounds him (Theaet.). First, there are the two great philosophies going back into cosmogony and poetry: the philosophy of Heracleitus, supposed to have a poetical origin in Homer, and that of the Eleatics, which in a similar spirit he conceives to be even older than Xenophanes (compare Protag.). Still older were theories of two and three principles, hot and cold, moist and dry, which were ever marrying and being given in marriage: in speaking of these, he is probably referring to Pherecydes and the early Ionians. In the philosophy of motion there were different accounts of the relation of plurality and unity, which were supposed to be joined and severed by love and hate, some maintaining that this process was perpetually going on (e.g. Heracleitus); others (e.g. Empedocles) that there was an alternation of them. Of the Pythagoreans or of Anaxagoras he makes no distinct mention. His chief opponents are, first, Eristics or Megarians; secondly, the Materialists. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The picture which he gives of both these latter schools is indistinct; and he appears reluctant to mention the names of their teachers. Nor can we easily determine how much is to be assigned to the Cynics, how much to the Megarians, or whether the &#039;repellent Materialists&#039; (Theaet.) are Cynics or Atomists, or represent some unknown phase of opinion at Athens. To the Cynics and Antisthenes is commonly attributed, on the authority of Aristotle, the denial of predication, while the Megarians are said to have been Nominalists, asserting the One Good under many names to be the true Being of Zeno and the Eleatics, and, like Zeno, employing their negative dialectic in the refutation of opponents. But the later Megarians also denied predication; and this tenet, which is attributed to all of them by Simplicius, is certainly in accordance with their over-refining philosophy. The &#039;tyros young and old,&#039; of whom Plato speaks, probably include both. At any rate, we shall be safer in accepting the general description of them which he has given, and in not attempting to draw a precise line between them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of these Eristics, whether Cynics or Megarians, several characteristics are found in Plato:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 1. They pursue verbal oppositions; 2. they make reasoning impossible by their over-accuracy in the use of language; 3. they deny predication; 4. they go from unity to plurality, without passing through the intermediate stages; 5. they refuse to attribute motion or power to Being; 6. they are the enemies of sense;&amp;amp;mdash;whether they are the &#039;friends of ideas,&#039; who carry on the polemic against sense, is uncertain; probably under this remarkable expression Plato designates those who more nearly approached himself, and may be criticizing an earlier form of his own doctrines. We may observe (1) that he professes only to give us a few opinions out of many which were at that time current in Greece; (2) that he nowhere alludes to the ethical teaching of the Cynics&amp;amp;mdash;unless the argument in the Protagoras, that the virtues are one and not many, may be supposed to contain a reference to their views, as well as to those of Socrates; and unless they are the school alluded to in the Philebus, which is described as &#039;being very skilful in physics, and as maintaining pleasure to be the absence of pain.&#039; That Antisthenes wrote a book called &#039;Physicus,&#039; is hardly a sufficient reason for describing them as skilful in physics, which appear to have been very alien to the tendency of the Cynics. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The Idealism of the fourth century before Christ in Greece, as in other ages and countries, seems to have provoked a reaction towards Materialism. The maintainers of this doctrine are described in the Theaetetus as obstinate persons who will believe in nothing which they cannot hold in their hands, and in the Sophist as incapable of argument. They are probably the same who are said in the Tenth Book of the Laws to attribute the course of events to nature, art, and chance. Who they were, we have no means of determining except from Plato&#039;s description of them. His silence respecting the Atomists might lead us to suppose that here we have a trace of them. But the Atomists were not Materialists in the grosser sense of the term, nor were they incapable of reasoning; and Plato would hardly have described a great genius like Democritus in the disdainful terms which he uses of the Materialists. Upon the whole, we must infer that the persons here spoken of are unknown to us, like the many other writers and talkers at Athens and elsewhere, of whose endless activity of mind Aristotle in his Metaphysics has preserved an anonymous memorial. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; V. The Sophist is the sequel of the Theaetetus, and is connected with the Parmenides by a direct allusion (compare Introductions to Theaetetus and Parmenides). In the Theaetetus we sought to discover the nature of knowledge and false opinion. But the nature of false opinion seemed impenetrable; for we were unable to understand how there could be any reality in Not-being. In the Sophist the question is taken up again; the nature of Not-being is detected, and there is no longer any metaphysical impediment in the way of admitting the possibility of falsehood. To the Parmenides, the Sophist stands in a less defined and more remote relation. There human thought is in process of disorganization; no absurdity or inconsistency is too great to be elicited from the analysis of the simple ideas of Unity or Being. In the Sophist the same contradictions are pursued to a certain extent, but only with a view to their resolution. The aim of the dialogue is to show how the few elemental conceptions of the human mind admit of a natural connexion in thought and speech, which Megarian or other sophistry vainly attempts to deny. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; ... &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True to the appointment of the previous day, Theodorus and Theaetetus meet Socrates at the same spot, bringing with them an Eleatic Stranger, whom Theodorus introduces as a true philosopher. Socrates, half in jest, half in earnest, declares that he must be a god in disguise, who, as Homer would say, has come to earth that he may visit the good and evil among men, and detect the foolishness of Athenian wisdom. At any rate he is a divine person, one of a class who are hardly recognized on earth; who appear in divers forms&amp;amp;mdash;now as statesmen, now as sophists, and are often deemed madmen. &#039;Philosopher, statesman, sophist,&#039; says Socrates, repeating the words&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;I should like to ask our Eleatic friend what his countrymen think of them; do they regard them as one, or three?&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The Stranger has been already asked the same question by Theodorus and Theaetetus; and he at once replies that they are thought to be three; but to explain the difference fully would take time. He is pressed to give this fuller explanation, either in the form of a speech or of question and answer. He prefers the latter, and chooses as his respondent Theaetetus, whom he already knows, and who is recommended to him by Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; We are agreed, he says, about the name Sophist, but we may not be equally agreed about his nature. Great subjects should be approached through familiar examples, and, considering that he is a creature not easily caught, I think that, before approaching him, we should try our hand upon some more obvious animal, who may be made the subject of logical experiment; shall we say an angler? &#039;Very good.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In the first place, the angler is an artist; and there are two kinds of art,&amp;amp;mdash;productive art, which includes husbandry, manufactures, imitations; and acquisitive art, which includes learning, trading, fighting, hunting. The angler&#039;s is an acquisitive art, and acquisition may be effected either by exchange or by conquest; in the latter case, either by force or craft. Conquest by craft is called hunting, and of hunting there is one kind which pursues inanimate, and another which pursues animate objects; and animate objects may be either land animals or water animals, and water animals either fly over the water or live in the water. The hunting of the last is called fishing; and of fishing, one kind uses enclosures, catching the fish in nets and baskets, and another kind strikes them either with spears by night or with barbed spears or barbed hooks by day; the barbed spears are impelled from above, the barbed hooks are jerked into the head and lips of the fish, which are then drawn from below upwards. Thus, by a series of divisions, we have arrived at the definition of the angler&#039;s art. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And now by the help of this example we may proceed to bring to light the nature of the Sophist. Like the angler, he is an artist, and the resemblance does not end here. For they are both hunters, and hunters of animals; the one of water, and the other of land animals. But at this point they diverge, the one going to the sea and the rivers, and the other to the rivers of wealth and rich meadow-lands, in which generous youth abide. On land you may hunt tame animals, or you may hunt wild animals. And man is a tame animal, and he may be hunted either by force or persuasion;&amp;amp;mdash;either by the pirate, man-stealer, soldier, or by the lawyer, orator, talker. The latter use persuasion, and persuasion is either private or public. Of the private practitioners of the art, some bring gifts to those whom they hunt: these are lovers. And others take hire; and some of these flatter, and in return are fed; others profess to teach virtue and receive a round sum. And who are these last? Tell me who? Have we not unearthed the Sophist? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But he is a many-sided creature, and may still be traced in another line of descent. The acquisitive art had a branch of exchange as well as of hunting, and exchange is either giving or selling; and the seller is either a manufacturer or a merchant; and the merchant either retails or exports; and the exporter may export either food for the body or food for the mind. And of this trading in food for the mind, one kind may be termed the art of display, and another the art of selling learning; and learning may be a learning of the arts or of virtue. The seller of the arts may be called an art-seller; the seller of virtue, a Sophist. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Again, there is a third line, in which a Sophist may be traced. For is he less a Sophist when, instead of exporting his wares to another country, he stays at home, and retails goods, which he not only buys of others, but manufactures himself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Or he may be descended from the acquisitive art in the combative line, through the pugnacious, the controversial, the disputatious arts; and he will be found at last in the eristic section of the latter, and in that division of it which disputes in private for gain about the general principles of right and wrong. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And still there is a track of him which has not yet been followed out by us. Do not our household servants talk of sifting, straining, winnowing? And they also speak of carding, spinning, and the like. All these are processes of division; and of division there are two kinds,&amp;amp;mdash;one in which like is divided from like, and another in which the good is separated from the bad. The latter of the two is termed purification; and again, of purification, there are two sorts,&amp;amp;mdash;of animate bodies (which may be internal or external), and of inanimate. Medicine and gymnastic are the internal purifications of the animate, and bathing the external; and of the inanimate, fulling and cleaning and other humble processes, some of which have ludicrous names. Not that dialectic is a respecter of names or persons, or a despiser of humble occupations; nor does she think much of the greater or less benefits conferred by them. For her aim is knowledge; she wants to know how the arts are related to one another, and would quite as soon learn the nature of hunting from the vermin-destroyer as from the general. And she only desires to have a general name, which shall distinguish purifications of the soul from purifications of the body. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Now purification is the taking away of evil; and there are two kinds of evil in the soul,&amp;amp;mdash;the one answering to disease in the body, and the other to deformity. Disease is the discord or war of opposite principles in the soul; and deformity is the want of symmetry, or failure in the attainment of a mark or measure. The latter arises from ignorance, and no one is voluntarily ignorant; ignorance is only the aberration of the soul moving towards knowledge. And as medicine cures the diseases and gymnastic the deformity of the body, so correction cures the injustice, and education (which differs among the Hellenes from mere instruction in the arts) cures the ignorance of the soul. Again, ignorance is twofold, simple ignorance, and ignorance having the conceit of knowledge. And education is also twofold: there is the old-fashioned moral training of our forefathers, which was very troublesome and not very successful; and another, of a more subtle nature, which proceeds upon a notion that all ignorance is involuntary. The latter convicts a man out of his own mouth, by pointing out to him his inconsistencies and contradictions; and the consequence is that he quarrels with himself, instead of quarrelling with his neighbours, and is cured of prejudices and obstructions by a mode of treatment which is equally entertaining and effectual. The physician of the soul is aware that his patient will receive no nourishment unless he has been cleaned out; and the soul of the Great King himself, if he has not undergone this purification, is unclean and impure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And who are the ministers of the purification? Sophists I may not call them. Yet they bear about the same likeness to Sophists as the dog, who is the gentlest of animals, does to the wolf, who is the fiercest. Comparisons are slippery things; but for the present let us assume the resemblance of the two, which may probably be disallowed hereafter. And so, from division comes purification; and from this, mental purification; and from mental purification, instruction; and from instruction, education; and from education, the nobly-descended art of Sophistry, which is engaged in the detection of conceit. I do not however think that we have yet found the Sophist, or that his will ultimately prove to be the desired art of education; but neither do I think that he can long escape me, for every way is blocked. Before we make the final assault, let us take breath, and reckon up the many forms which he has assumed: (1) he was the paid hunter of wealth and birth; (2) he was the trader in the goods of the soul; (3) he was the retailer of them; (4) he was the manufacturer of his own learned wares; (5) he was the disputant; and (6) he was the purger away of prejudices&amp;amp;mdash;although this latter point is admitted to be doubtful. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Now, there must surely be something wrong in the professor of any art having so many names and kinds of knowledge. Does not the very number of them imply that the nature of his art is not understood? And that we may not be involved in the misunderstanding, let us observe which of his characteristics is the most prominent. Above all things he is a disputant. He will dispute and teach others to dispute about things visible and invisible&amp;amp;mdash;about man, about the gods, about politics, about law, about wrestling, about all things. But can he know all things? &#039;He cannot.&#039; How then can he dispute satisfactorily with any one who knows? &#039;Impossible.&#039; Then what is the trick of his art, and why does he receive money from his admirers? &#039;Because he is believed by them to know all things.&#039; You mean to say that he seems to have a knowledge of them? &#039;Yes.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Suppose a person were to say, not that he would dispute about all things, but that he would make all things, you and me, and all other creatures, the earth and the heavens and the gods, and would sell them all for a few pence&amp;amp;mdash;this would be a great jest; but not greater than if he said that he knew all things, and could teach them in a short time, and at a small cost. For all imitation is a jest, and the most graceful form of jest. Now the painter is a man who professes to make all things, and children, who see his pictures at a distance, sometimes take them for realities: and the Sophist pretends to know all things, and he, too, can deceive young men, who are still at a distance from the truth, not through their eyes, but through their ears, by the mummery of words, and induce them to believe him. But as they grow older, and come into contact with realities, they learn by experience the futility of his pretensions. The Sophist, then, has not real knowledge; he is only an imitator, or image-maker. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And now, having got him in a corner of the dialectical net, let us divide and subdivide until we catch him. Of image-making there are two kinds,&amp;amp;mdash;the art of making likenesses, and the art of making appearances. The latter may be illustrated by sculpture and painting, which often use illusions, and alter the proportions of figures, in order to adapt their works to the eye. And the Sophist also uses illusions, and his imitations are apparent and not real. But how can anything be an appearance only? Here arises a difficulty which has always beset the subject of appearances. For the argument is asserting the existence of not-being. And this is what the great Parmenides was all his life denying in prose and also in verse. &#039;You will never find,&#039; he says, &#039;that not-being is.&#039; And the words prove themselves! Not-being cannot be attributed to any being; for how can any being be wholly abstracted from being? Again, in every predication there is an attribution of singular or plural. But number is the most real of all things, and cannot be attributed to not-being. Therefore not-being cannot be predicated or expressed; for how can we say &#039;is,&#039; &#039;are not,&#039; without number? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And now arises the greatest difficulty of all. If not-being is inconceivable, how can not-being be refuted? And am I not contradicting myself at this moment, in speaking either in the singular or the plural of that to which I deny both plurality and unity? You, Theaetetus, have the might of youth, and I conjure you to exert yourself, and, if you can, to find an expression for not-being which does not imply being and number. &#039;But I cannot.&#039; Then the Sophist must be left in his hole. We may call him an image-maker if we please, but he will only say, &#039;And pray, what is an image?&#039; And we shall reply, &#039;A reflection in the water, or in a mirror&#039;; and he will say, &#039;Let us shut our eyes and open our minds; what is the common notion of all images?&#039; &#039;I should answer, Such another, made in the likeness of the true.&#039; Real or not real? &#039;Not real; at least, not in a true sense.&#039; And the real &#039;is,&#039; and the not-real &#039;is not&#039;? &#039;Yes.&#039; Then a likeness is really unreal, and essentially not. Here is a pretty complication of being and not-being, in which the many-headed Sophist has entangled us. He will at once point out that he is compelling us to contradict ourselves, by affirming being of not-being. I think that we must cease to look for him in the class of imitators. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But ought we to give him up? &#039;I should say, certainly not.&#039; Then I fear that I must lay hands on my father Parmenides; but do not call me a parricide; for there is no way out of the difficulty except to show that in some sense not-being is; and if this is not admitted, no one can speak of falsehood, or false opinion, or imitation, without falling into a contradiction. You observe how unwilling I am to undertake the task; for I know that I am exposing myself to the charge of inconsistency in asserting the being of not-being. But if I am to make the attempt, I think that I had better begin at the beginning. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Lightly in the days of our youth, Parmenides and others told us tales about the origin of the universe: one spoke of three principles warring and at peace again, marrying and begetting children; another of two principles, hot and cold, dry and moist, which also formed relationships. There were the Eleatics in our part of the world, saying that all things are one; whose doctrine begins with Xenophanes, and is even older. Ionian, and, more recently, Sicilian muses speak of a one and many which are held together by enmity and friendship, ever parting, ever meeting. Some of them do not insist on the perpetual strife, but adopt a gentler strain, and speak of alternation only. Whether they are right or not, who can say? But one thing we can say&amp;amp;mdash;that they went on their way without much caring whether we understood them or not. For tell me, Theaetetus, do you understand what they mean by their assertion of unity, or by their combinations and separations of two or more principles? I used to think, when I was young, that I knew all about not-being, and now I am in great difficulties even about being. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Let us proceed first to the examination of being. Turning to the dualist philosophers, we say to them: Is being a third element besides hot and cold? or do you identify one or both of the two elements with being? At any rate, you can hardly avoid resolving them into one. Let us next interrogate the patrons of the one. To them we say: Are being and one two different names for the same thing? But how can there be two names when there is nothing but one? Or you may identify them; but then the name will be either the name of nothing or of itself, i.e. of a name. Again, the notion of being is conceived of as a whole&amp;amp;mdash;in the words of Parmenides, &#039;like every way unto a rounded sphere.&#039; And a whole has parts; but that which has parts is not one, for unity has no parts. Is being, then, one, because the parts of being are one, or shall we say that being is not a whole? In the former case, one is made up of parts; and in the latter there is still plurality, viz. being, and a whole which is apart from being. And being, if not all things, lacks something of the nature of being, and becomes not-being. Nor can being ever have come into existence, for nothing comes into existence except as a whole; nor can being have number, for that which has number is a whole or sum of number. These are a few of the difficulties which are accumulating one upon another in the consideration of being. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; We may proceed now to the less exact sort of philosophers. Some of them drag down everything to earth, and carry on a war like that of the giants, grasping rocks and oaks in their hands. Their adversaries defend themselves warily from an invisible world, and reduce the substances of their opponents to the minutest fractions, until they are lost in generation and flux. The latter sort are civil people enough; but the materialists are rude and ignorant of dialectics; they must be taught how to argue before they can answer. Yet, for the sake of the argument, we may assume them to be better than they are, and able to give an account of themselves. They admit the existence of a mortal living creature, which is a body containing a soul, and to this they would not refuse to attribute qualities&amp;amp;mdash;wisdom, folly, justice and injustice. The soul, as they say, has a kind of body, but they do not like to assert of these qualities of the soul, either that they are corporeal, or that they have no existence; at this point they begin to make distinctions. &#039;Sons of earth,&#039; we say to them, &#039;if both visible and invisible qualities exist, what is the common nature which is attributed to them by the term &amp;quot;being&amp;quot; or &amp;quot;existence&amp;quot;?&#039; And, as they are incapable of answering this question, we may as well reply for them, that being is the power of doing or suffering. Then we turn to the friends of ideas: to them we say, &#039;You distinguish becoming from being?&#039; &#039;Yes,&#039; they will reply. &#039;And in becoming you participate through the bodily senses, and in being, by thought and the mind?&#039; &#039;Yes.&#039; And you mean by the word &#039;participation&#039; a power of doing or suffering? To this they answer&amp;amp;mdash;I am acquainted with them, Theaetetus, and know their ways better than you do&amp;amp;mdash;that being can neither do nor suffer, though becoming may. And we rejoin: Does not the soul know? And is not &#039;being&#039; known? And are not &#039;knowing&#039; and &#039;being known&#039; active and passive? That which is known is affected by knowledge, and therefore is in motion. And, indeed, how can we imagine that perfect being is a mere everlasting form, devoid of motion and soul? for there can be no thought without soul, nor can soul be devoid of motion. But neither can thought or mind be devoid of some principle of rest or stability. And as children say entreatingly, &#039;Give us both,&#039; so the philosopher must include both the moveable and immoveable in his idea of being. And yet, alas! he and we are in the same difficulty with which we reproached the dualists; for motion and rest are contradictions&amp;amp;mdash;how then can they both exist? Does he who affirms this mean to say that motion is rest, or rest motion? &#039;No; he means to assert the existence of some third thing, different from them both, which neither rests nor moves.&#039; But how can there be anything which neither rests nor moves? Here is a second difficulty about being, quite as great as that about not-being. And we may hope that any light which is thrown upon the one may extend to the other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Leaving them for the present, let us enquire what we mean by giving many names to the same thing, e.g. white, good, tall, to man; out of which tyros old and young derive such a feast of amusement. Their meagre minds refuse to predicate anything of anything; they say that good is good, and man is man; and that to affirm one of the other would be making the many one and the one many. Let us place them in a class with our previous opponents, and interrogate both of them at once. Shall we assume (1) that being and rest and motion, and all other things, are incommunicable with one another? or (2) that they all have indiscriminate communion? or (3) that there is communion of some and not of others? And we will consider the first hypothesis first of all. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; (1) If we suppose the universal separation of kinds, all theories alike are swept away; the patrons of a single principle of rest or of motion, or of a plurality of immutable ideas&amp;amp;mdash;all alike have the ground cut from under them; and all creators of the universe by theories of composition and division, whether out of or into a finite or infinite number of elemental forms, in alternation or continuance, share the same fate. Most ridiculous is the discomfiture which attends the opponents of predication, who, like the ventriloquist Eurycles, have the voice that answers them in their own breast. For they cannot help using the words &#039;is,&#039; &#039;apart,&#039; &#039;from others,&#039; and the like; and their adversaries are thus saved the trouble of refuting them. But (2) if all things have communion with all things, motion will rest, and rest will move; here is a reductio ad absurdum. Two out of the three hypotheses are thus seen to be false. The third (3) remains, which affirms that only certain things communicate with certain other things. In the alphabet and the scale there are some letters and notes which combine with others, and some which do not; and the laws according to which they combine or are separated are known to the grammarian and musician. And there is a science which teaches not only what notes and letters, but what classes admit of combination with one another, and what not. This is a noble science, on which we have stumbled unawares; in seeking after the Sophist we have found the philosopher. He is the master who discerns one whole or form pervading a scattered multitude, and many such wholes combined under a higher one, and many entirely apart&amp;amp;mdash;he is the true dialectician. Like the Sophist, he is hard to recognize, though for the opposite reasons; the Sophist runs away into the obscurity of not-being, the philosopher is dark from excess of light. And now, leaving him, we will return to our pursuit of the Sophist. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Agreeing in the truth of the third hypothesis, that some things have communion and others not, and that some may have communion with all, let us examine the most important kinds which are capable of admixture; and in this way we may perhaps find out a sense in which not-being may be affirmed to have being. Now the highest kinds are being, rest, motion; and of these, rest and motion exclude each other, but both of them are included in being; and again, they are the same with themselves and the other of each other. What is the meaning of these words, &#039;same&#039; and &#039;other&#039;? Are there two more kinds to be added to the three others? For sameness cannot be either rest or motion, because predicated both of rest and motion; nor yet being; because if being were attributed to both of them we should attribute sameness to both of them. Nor can other be identified with being; for then other, which is relative, would have the absoluteness of being. Therefore we must assume a fifth principle, which is universal, and runs through all things, for each thing is other than all other things. Thus there are five principles: (1) being, (2) motion, which is not (3) rest, and because participating both in the same and other, is and is not (4) the same with itself, and is and is not (5) other than the other. And motion is not being, but partakes of being, and therefore is and is not in the most absolute sense. Thus we have discovered that not-being is the principle of the other which runs through all things, being not excepted. And &#039;being&#039; is one thing, and &#039;not-being&#039; includes and is all other things. And not-being is not the opposite of being, but only the other. Knowledge has many branches, and the other or difference has as many, each of which is described by prefixing the word &#039;not&#039; to some kind of knowledge. The not-beautiful is as real as the beautiful, the not-just as the just. And the essence of the not-beautiful is to be separated from and opposed to a certain kind of existence which is termed beautiful. And this opposition and negation is the not-being of which we are in search, and is one kind of being. Thus, in spite of Parmenides, we have not only discovered the existence, but also the nature of not-being&amp;amp;mdash;that nature we have found to be relation. In the communion of different kinds, being and other mutually interpenetrate; other is, but is other than being, and other than each and all of the remaining kinds, and therefore in an infinity of ways &#039;is not.&#039; And the argument has shown that the pursuit of contradictions is childish and useless, and the very opposite of that higher spirit which criticizes the words of another according to the natural meaning of them. Nothing can be more unphilosophical than the denial of all communion of kinds. And we are fortunate in having established such a communion for another reason, because in continuing the hunt after the Sophist we have to examine the nature of discourse, and there could be no discourse if there were no communion. For the Sophist, although he can no longer deny the existence of not-being, may still affirm that not-being cannot enter into discourse, and as he was arguing before that there could be no such thing as falsehood, because there was no such thing as not-being, he may continue to argue that there is no such thing as the art of image-making and phantastic, because not-being has no place in language. Hence arises the necessity of examining speech, opinion, and imagination. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And first concerning speech; let us ask the same question about words which we have already answered about the kinds of being and the letters of the alphabet: To what extent do they admit of combination? Some words have a meaning when combined, and others have no meaning. One class of words describes action, another class agents: &#039;walks,&#039; &#039;runs,&#039; &#039;sleeps&#039; are examples of the first; &#039;stag,&#039; &#039;horse,&#039; &#039;lion&#039; of the second. But no combination of words can be formed without a verb and a noun, e.g. &#039;A man learns&#039;; the simplest sentence is composed of two words, and one of these must be a subject. For example, in the sentence, &#039;Theaetetus sits,&#039; which is not very long, &#039;Theaetetus&#039; is the subject, and in the sentence &#039;Theaetetus flies,&#039; &#039;Theaetetus&#039; is again the subject. But the two sentences differ in quality, for the first says of you that which is true, and the second says of you that which is not true, or, in other words, attributes to you things which are not as though they were. Here is false discourse in the shortest form. And thus not only speech, but thought and opinion and imagination are proved to be both true and false. For thought is only the process of silent speech, and opinion is only the silent assent or denial which follows this, and imagination is only the expression of this in some form of sense. All of them are akin to speech, and therefore, like speech, admit of true and false. And we have discovered false opinion, which is an encouraging sign of our probable success in the rest of the enquiry. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then now let us return to our old division of likeness-making and phantastic. When we were going to place the Sophist in one of them, a doubt arose whether there could be such a thing as an appearance, because there was no such thing as falsehood. At length falsehood has been discovered by us to exist, and we have acknowledged that the Sophist is to be found in the class of imitators. All art was divided originally by us into two branches&amp;amp;mdash;productive and acquisitive. And now we may divide both on a different principle into the creations or imitations which are of human, and those which are of divine, origin. For we must admit that the world and ourselves and the animals did not come into existence by chance, or the spontaneous working of nature, but by divine reason and knowledge. And there are not only divine creations but divine imitations, such as apparitions and shadows and reflections, which are equally the work of a divine mind. And there are human creations and human imitations too,&amp;amp;mdash;there is the actual house and the drawing of it. Nor must we forget that image-making may be an imitation of realities or an imitation of appearances, which last has been called by us phantastic. And this phantastic may be again divided into imitation by the help of instruments and impersonations. And the latter may be either dissembling or unconscious, either with or without knowledge. A man cannot imitate you, Theaetetus, without knowing you, but he can imitate the form of justice or virtue if he have a sentiment or opinion about them. Not being well provided with names, the former I will venture to call the imitation of science, and the latter the imitation of opinion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;pre xml:space=&amp;quot;preserve&amp;quot;&amp;gt; The latter is our present concern, for the Sophist has no claims to science or knowledge. Now the imitator, who has only opinion, may be either the simple imitator, who thinks that he knows, or the dissembler, who is conscious that he does not know, but disguises his ignorance. And the last may be either a maker of long speeches, or of shorter speeches which compel the person conversing to contradict himself. The maker of longer speeches is the popular orator; the maker of the shorter is the Sophist, whose art may be traced as being the&lt;br /&gt;
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/ contradictious / dissembling / without knowledge / human and not divine / juggling with words / phantastic or unreal / art of image-making. &amp;lt;/pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; ... &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In commenting on the dialogue in which Plato most nearly approaches the great modern master of metaphysics there are several points which it will be useful to consider, such as the unity of opposites, the conception of the ideas as causes, and the relation of the Platonic and Hegelian dialectic. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The unity of opposites was the crux of ancient thinkers in the age of Plato: How could one thing be or become another? That substances have attributes was implied in common language; that heat and cold, day and night, pass into one another was a matter of experience &#039;on a level with the cobbler&#039;s understanding&#039; (Theat.). But how could philosophy explain the connexion of ideas, how justify the passing of them into one another? The abstractions of one, other, being, not-being, rest, motion, individual, universal, which successive generations of philosophers had recently discovered, seemed to be beyond the reach of human thought, like stars shining in a distant heaven. They were the symbols of different schools of philosophy: but in what relation did they stand to one another and to the world of sense? It was hardly conceivable that one could be other, or the same different. Yet without some reconciliation of these elementary ideas thought was impossible. There was no distinction between truth and falsehood, between the Sophist and the philosopher. Everything could be predicated of everything, or nothing of anything. To these difficulties Plato finds what to us appears to be the answer of common sense&amp;amp;mdash;that Not-being is the relative or other of Being, the defining and distinguishing principle, and that some ideas combine with others, but not all with all. It is remarkable however that he offers this obvious reply only as the result of a long and tedious enquiry; by a great effort he is able to look down as &#039;from a height&#039; on the &#039;friends of the ideas&#039; as well as on the pre-Socratic philosophies. Yet he is merely asserting principles which no one who could be made to understand them would deny. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The Platonic unity of differences or opposites is the beginning of the modern view that all knowledge is of relations; it also anticipates the doctrine of Spinoza that all determination is negation. Plato takes or gives so much of either of these theories as was necessary or possible in the age in which he lived. In the Sophist, as in the Cratylus, he is opposed to the Heracleitean flux and equally to the Megarian and Cynic denial of predication, because he regards both of them as making knowledge impossible. He does not assert that everything is and is not, or that the same thing can be affected in the same and in opposite ways at the same time and in respect of the same part of itself. The law of contradiction is as clearly laid down by him in the Republic, as by Aristotle in his Organon. Yet he is aware that in the negative there is also a positive element, and that oppositions may be only differences. And in the Parmenides he deduces the many from the one and Not-being from Being, and yet shows that the many are included in the one, and that Not-being returns to Being. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In several of the later dialogues Plato is occupied with the connexion of the sciences, which in the Philebus he divides into two classes of pure and applied, adding to them there as elsewhere (Phaedr., Crat., Republic, States.) a superintending science of dialectic. This is the origin of Aristotle&#039;s Architectonic, which seems, however, to have passed into an imaginary science of essence, and no longer to retain any relation to other branches of knowledge. Of such a science, whether described as &#039;philosophia prima,&#039; the science of ousia, logic or metaphysics, philosophers have often dreamed. But even now the time has not arrived when the anticipation of Plato can be realized. Though many a thinker has framed a &#039;hierarchy of the sciences,&#039; no one has as yet found the higher science which arrays them in harmonious order, giving to the organic and inorganic, to the physical and moral, their respective limits, and showing how they all work together in the world and in man. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Plato arranges in order the stages of knowledge and of existence. They are the steps or grades by which he rises from sense and the shadows of sense to the idea of beauty and good. Mind is in motion as well as at rest (Soph.); and may be described as a dialectical progress which passes from one limit or determination of thought to another and back again to the first. This is the account of dialectic given by Plato in the Sixth Book of the Republic, which regarded under another aspect is the mysticism of the Symposium. He does not deny the existence of objects of sense, but according to him they only receive their true meaning when they are incorporated in a principle which is above them (Republic). In modern language they might be said to come first in the order of experience, last in the order of nature and reason. They are assumed, as he is fond of repeating, upon the condition that they shall give an account of themselves and that the truth of their existence shall be hereafter proved. For philosophy must begin somewhere and may begin anywhere,&amp;amp;mdash;with outward objects, with statements of opinion, with abstract principles. But objects of sense must lead us onward to the ideas or universals which are contained in them; the statements of opinion must be verified; the abstract principles must be filled up and connected with one another. In Plato we find, as we might expect, the germs of many thoughts which have been further developed by the genius of Spinoza and Hegel. But there is a difficulty in separating the germ from the flower, or in drawing the line which divides ancient from modern philosophy. Many coincidences which occur in them are unconscious, seeming to show a natural tendency in the human mind towards certain ideas and forms of thought. And there are many speculations of Plato which would have passed away unheeded, and their meaning, like that of some hieroglyphic, would have remained undeciphered, unless two thousand years and more afterwards an interpreter had arisen of a kindred spirit and of the same intellectual family. For example, in the Sophist Plato begins with the abstract and goes on to the concrete, not in the lower sense of returning to outward objects, but to the Hegelian concrete or unity of abstractions. In the intervening period hardly any importance would have been attached to the question which is so full of meaning to Plato and Hegel. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; They differ however in their manner of regarding the question. For Plato is answering a difficulty; he is seeking to justify the use of common language and of ordinary thought into which philosophy had introduced a principle of doubt and dissolution. Whereas Hegel tries to go beyond common thought, and to combine abstractions in a higher unity: the ordinary mechanism of language and logic is carried by him into another region in which all oppositions are absorbed and all contradictions affirmed, only that they may be done away with. But Plato, unlike Hegel, nowhere bases his system on the unity of opposites, although in the Parmenides he shows an Hegelian subtlety in the analysis of one and Being. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It is difficult within the compass of a few pages to give even a faint outline of the Hegelian dialectic. No philosophy which is worth understanding can be understood in a moment; common sense will not teach us metaphysics any more than mathematics. If all sciences demand of us protracted study and attention, the highest of all can hardly be matter of immediate intuition. Neither can we appreciate a great system without yielding a half assent to it&amp;amp;mdash;like flies we are caught in the spider&#039;s web; and we can only judge of it truly when we place ourselves at a distance from it. Of all philosophies Hegelianism is the most obscure: and the difficulty inherent in the subject is increased by the use of a technical language. The saying of Socrates respecting the writings of Heracleitus&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;Noble is that which I understand, and that which I do not understand may be as noble; but the strength of a Delian diver is needed to swim through it&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;expresses the feeling with which the reader rises from the perusal of Hegel. We may truly apply to him the words in which Plato describes the Pre-Socratic philosophers: &#039;He went on his way rather regardless of whether we understood him or not&#039;; or, as he is reported himself to have said of his own pupils: &#039;There is only one of you who understands me, and he does NOT understand me.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Nevertheless the consideration of a few general aspects of the Hegelian philosophy may help to dispel some errors and to awaken an interest about it. (i) It is an ideal philosophy which, in popular phraseology, maintains not matter but mind to be the truth of things, and this not by a mere crude substitution of one word for another, but by showing either of them to be the complement of the other. Both are creations of thought, and the difference in kind which seems to divide them may also be regarded as a difference of degree. One is to the other as the real to the ideal, and both may be conceived together under the higher form of the notion. (ii) Under another aspect it views all the forms of sense and knowledge as stages of thought which have always existed implicitly and unconsciously, and to which the mind of the world, gradually disengaged from sense, has become awakened. The present has been the past. The succession in time of human ideas is also the eternal &#039;now&#039;; it is historical and also a divine ideal. The history of philosophy stripped of personality and of the other accidents of time and place is gathered up into philosophy, and again philosophy clothed in circumstance expands into history. (iii) Whether regarded as present or past, under the form of time or of eternity, the spirit of dialectic is always moving onwards from one determination of thought to another, receiving each successive system of philosophy and subordinating it to that which follows&amp;amp;mdash;impelled by an irresistible necessity from one idea to another until the cycle of human thought and existence is complete. It follows from this that all previous philosophies which are worthy of the name are not mere opinions or speculations, but stages or moments of thought which have a necessary place in the world of mind. They are no longer the last word of philosophy, for another and another has succeeded them, but they still live and are mighty; in the language of the Greek poet, &#039;There is a great God in them, and he grows not old.&#039; (iv) This vast ideal system is supposed to be based upon experience. At each step it professes to carry with it the &#039;witness of eyes and ears&#039; and of common sense, as well as the internal evidence of its own consistency; it has a place for every science, and affirms that no philosophy of a narrower type is capable of comprehending all true facts. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The Hegelian dialectic may be also described as a movement from the simple to the complex. Beginning with the generalizations of sense, (1) passing through ideas of quality, quantity, measure, number, and the like, (2) ascending from presentations, that is pictorial forms of sense, to representations in which the picture vanishes and the essence is detached in thought from the outward form, (3) combining the I and the not-I, or the subject and object, the natural order of thought is at last found to include the leading ideas of the sciences and to arrange them in relation to one another. Abstractions grow together and again become concrete in a new and higher sense. They also admit of development from within their own spheres. Everywhere there is a movement of attraction and repulsion going on&amp;amp;mdash;an attraction or repulsion of ideas of which the physical phenomenon described under a similar name is a figure. Freedom and necessity, mind and matter, the continuous and the discrete, cause and effect, are perpetually being severed from one another in thought, only to be perpetually reunited. The finite and infinite, the absolute and relative are not really opposed; the finite and the negation of the finite are alike lost in a higher or positive infinity, and the absolute is the sum or correlation of all relatives. When this reconciliation of opposites is finally completed in all its stages, the mind may come back again and review the things of sense, the opinions of philosophers, the strife of theology and politics, without being disturbed by them. Whatever is, if not the very best&amp;amp;mdash;and what is the best, who can tell?&amp;amp;mdash;is, at any rate, historical and rational, suitable to its own age, unsuitable to any other. Nor can any efforts of speculative thinkers or of soldiers and statesmen materially quicken the &#039;process of the suns.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Hegel was quite sensible how great would be the difficulty of presenting philosophy to mankind under the form of opposites. Most of us live in the one-sided truth which the understanding offers to us, and if occasionally we come across difficulties like the time-honoured controversy of necessity and free-will, or the Eleatic puzzle of Achilles and the tortoise, we relegate some of them to the sphere of mystery, others to the book of riddles, and go on our way rejoicing. Most men (like Aristotle) have been accustomed to regard a contradiction in terms as the end of strife; to be told that contradiction is the life and mainspring of the intellectual world is indeed a paradox to them. Every abstraction is at first the enemy of every other, yet they are linked together, each with all, in the chain of Being. The struggle for existence is not confined to the animals, but appears in the kingdom of thought. The divisions which arise in thought between the physical and moral and between the moral and intellectual, and the like, are deepened and widened by the formal logic which elevates the defects of the human faculties into Laws of Thought; they become a part of the mind which makes them and is also made up of them. Such distinctions become so familiar to us that we regard the thing signified by them as absolutely fixed and defined. These are some of the illusions from which Hegel delivers us by placing us above ourselves, by teaching us to analyze the growth of &#039;what we are pleased to call our minds,&#039; by reverting to a time when our present distinctions of thought and language had no existence. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of the great dislike and childish impatience of his system which would be aroused among his opponents, he was fully aware, and would often anticipate the jests which the rest of the world, &#039;in the superfluity of their wits,&#039; were likely to make upon him. Men are annoyed at what puzzles them; they think what they cannot easily understand to be full of danger. Many a sceptic has stood, as he supposed, firmly rooted in the categories of the understanding which Hegel resolves into their original nothingness. For, like Plato, he &#039;leaves no stone unturned&#039; in the intellectual world. Nor can we deny that he is unnecessarily difficult, or that his own mind, like that of all metaphysicians, was too much under the dominion of his system and unable to see beyond: or that the study of philosophy, if made a serious business (compare Republic), involves grave results to the mind and life of the student. For it may encumber him without enlightening his path; and it may weaken his natural faculties of thought and expression without increasing his philosophical power. The mind easily becomes entangled among abstractions, and loses hold of facts. The glass which is adapted to distant objects takes away the vision of what is near and present to us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; To Hegel, as to the ancient Greek thinkers, philosophy was a religion, a principle of life as well as of knowledge, like the idea of good in the Sixth Book of the Republic, a cause as well as an effect, the source of growth as well as of light. In forms of thought which by most of us are regarded as mere categories, he saw or thought that he saw a gradual revelation of the Divine Being. He would have been said by his opponents to have confused God with the history of philosophy, and to have been incapable of distinguishing ideas from facts. And certainly we can scarcely understand how a deep thinker like Hegel could have hoped to revive or supplant the old traditional faith by an unintelligible abstraction: or how he could have imagined that philosophy consisted only or chiefly in the categories of logic. For abstractions, though combined by him in the notion, seem to be never really concrete; they are a metaphysical anatomy, not a living and thinking substance. Though we are reminded by him again and again that we are gathering up the world in ideas, we feel after all that we have not really spanned the gulf which separates phainomena from onta. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Having in view some of these difficulties, he seeks&amp;amp;mdash;and we may follow his example&amp;amp;mdash;to make the understanding of his system easier (a) by illustrations, and (b) by pointing out the coincidence of the speculative idea and the historical order of thought. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; (a) If we ask how opposites can coexist, we are told that many different qualities inhere in a flower or a tree or in any other concrete object, and that any conception of space or matter or time involves the two contradictory attributes of divisibility and continuousness. We may ponder over the thought of number, reminding ourselves that every unit both implies and denies the existence of every other, and that the one is many&amp;amp;mdash;a sum of fractions, and the many one&amp;amp;mdash;a sum of units. We may be reminded that in nature there is a centripetal as well as a centrifugal force, a regulator as well as a spring, a law of attraction as well as of repulsion. The way to the West is the way also to the East; the north pole of the magnet cannot be divided from the south pole; two minus signs make a plus in Arithmetic and Algebra. Again, we may liken the successive layers of thought to the deposits of geological strata which were once fluid and are now solid, which were at one time uppermost in the series and are now hidden in the earth; or to the successive rinds or barks of trees which year by year pass inward; or to the ripple of water which appears and reappears in an ever-widening circle. Or our attention may be drawn to ideas which the moment we analyze them involve a contradiction, such as &#039;beginning&#039; or &#039;becoming,&#039; or to the opposite poles, as they are sometimes termed, of necessity and freedom, of idea and fact. We may be told to observe that every negative is a positive, that differences of kind are resolvable into differences of degree, and that differences of degree may be heightened into differences of kind. We may remember the common remark that there is much to be said on both sides of a question. We may be recommended to look within and to explain how opposite ideas can coexist in our own minds; and we may be told to imagine the minds of all mankind as one mind in which the true ideas of all ages and countries inhere. In our conception of God in his relation to man or of any union of the divine and human nature, a contradiction appears to be unavoidable. Is not the reconciliation of mind and body a necessity, not only of speculation but of practical life? Reflections such as these will furnish the best preparation and give the right attitude of mind for understanding the Hegelian philosophy. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; (b) Hegel&#039;s treatment of the early Greek thinkers affords the readiest illustration of his meaning in conceiving all philosophy under the form of opposites. The first abstraction is to him the beginning of thought. Hitherto there had only existed a tumultuous chaos of mythological fancy, but when Thales said &#039;All is water&#039; a new era began to dawn upon the world. Man was seeking to grasp the universe under a single form which was at first simply a material element, the most equable and colourless and universal which could be found. But soon the human mind became dissatisfied with the emblem, and after ringing the changes on one element after another, demanded a more abstract and perfect conception, such as one or Being, which was absolutely at rest. But the positive had its negative, the conception of Being involved Not-being, the conception of one, many, the conception of a whole, parts. Then the pendulum swung to the other side, from rest to motion, from Xenophanes to Heracleitus. The opposition of Being and Not-being projected into space became the atoms and void of Leucippus and Democritus. Until the Atomists, the abstraction of the individual did not exist; in the philosophy of Anaxagoras the idea of mind, whether human or divine, was beginning to be realized. The pendulum gave another swing, from the individual to the universal, from the object to the subject. The Sophist first uttered the word &#039;Man is the measure of all things,&#039; which Socrates presented in a new form as the study of ethics. Once more we return from mind to the object of mind, which is knowledge, and out of knowledge the various degrees or kinds of knowledge more or less abstract were gradually developed. The threefold division of logic, physic, and ethics, foreshadowed in Plato, was finally established by Aristotle and the Stoics. Thus, according to Hegel, in the course of about two centuries by a process of antagonism and negation the leading thoughts of philosophy were evolved. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There is nothing like this progress of opposites in Plato, who in the Symposium denies the possibility of reconciliation until the opposition has passed away. In his own words, there is an absurdity in supposing that &#039;harmony is discord; for in reality harmony consists of notes of a higher and lower pitch which disagreed once, but are now reconciled by the art of music&#039; (Symp.). He does indeed describe objects of sense as regarded by us sometimes from one point of view and sometimes from another. As he says at the end of the Fifth Book of the Republic, &#039;There is nothing light which is not heavy, or great which is not small.&#039; And he extends this relativity to the conceptions of just and good, as well as to great and small. In like manner he acknowledges that the same number may be more or less in relation to other numbers without any increase or diminution (Theat.). But the perplexity only arises out of the confusion of the human faculties; the art of measuring shows us what is truly great and truly small. Though the just and good in particular instances may vary, the IDEA of good is eternal and unchangeable. And the IDEA of good is the source of knowledge and also of Being, in which all the stages of sense and knowledge are gathered up and from being hypotheses become realities. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Leaving the comparison with Plato we may now consider the value of this invention of Hegel. There can be no question of the importance of showing that two contraries or contradictories may in certain cases be both true. The silliness of the so-called laws of thought (&#039;All A = A,&#039; or, in the negative form, &#039;Nothing can at the same time be both A, and not A&#039;) has been well exposed by Hegel himself (Wallace&#039;s Hegel), who remarks that &#039;the form of the maxim is virtually self-contradictory, for a proposition implies a distinction between subject and predicate, whereas the maxim of identity, as it is called, A = A, does not fulfil what its form requires. Nor does any mind ever think or form conceptions in accordance with this law, nor does any existence conform to it.&#039; Wisdom of this sort is well parodied in Shakespeare (Twelfth Night, &#039;Clown: For as the old hermit of Prague, that never saw pen and ink, very wittily said to a niece of King Gorboduc, &amp;quot;That that is is&amp;quot;...for what is &amp;quot;that&amp;quot; but &amp;quot;that,&amp;quot; and &amp;quot;is&amp;quot; but &amp;quot;is&amp;quot;?&#039;). Unless we are willing to admit that two contradictories may be true, many questions which lie at the threshold of mathematics and of morals will be insoluble puzzles to us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The influence of opposites is felt in practical life. The understanding sees one side of a question only&amp;amp;mdash;the common sense of mankind joins one of two parties in politics, in religion, in philosophy. Yet, as everybody knows, truth is not wholly the possession of either. But the characters of men are one-sided and accept this or that aspect of the truth. The understanding is strong in a single abstract principle and with this lever moves mankind. Few attain to a balance of principles or recognize truly how in all human things there is a thesis and antithesis, a law of action and of reaction. In politics we require order as well as liberty, and have to consider the proportions in which under given circumstances they may be safely combined. In religion there is a tendency to lose sight of morality, to separate goodness from the love of truth, to worship God without attempting to know him. In philosophy again there are two opposite principles, of immediate experience and of those general or a priori truths which are supposed to transcend experience. But the common sense or common opinion of mankind is incapable of apprehending these opposite sides or views&amp;amp;mdash;men are determined by their natural bent to one or other of them; they go straight on for a time in a single line, and may be many things by turns but not at once. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Hence the importance of familiarizing the mind with forms which will assist us in conceiving or expressing the complex or contrary aspects of life and nature. The danger is that they may be too much for us, and obscure our appreciation of facts. As the complexity of mechanics cannot be understood without mathematics, so neither can the many-sidedness of the mental and moral world be truly apprehended without the assistance of new forms of thought. One of these forms is the unity of opposites. Abstractions have a great power over us, but they are apt to be partial and one-sided, and only when modified by other abstractions do they make an approach to the truth. Many a man has become a fatalist because he has fallen under the dominion of a single idea. He says to himself, for example, that he must be either free or necessary&amp;amp;mdash;he cannot be both. Thus in the ancient world whole schools of philosophy passed away in the vain attempt to solve the problem of the continuity or divisibility of matter. And in comparatively modern times, though in the spirit of an ancient philosopher, Bishop Berkeley, feeling a similar perplexity, is inclined to deny the truth of infinitesimals in mathematics. Many difficulties arise in practical religion from the impossibility of conceiving body and mind at once and in adjusting their movements to one another. There is a border ground between them which seems to belong to both; and there is as much difficulty in conceiving the body without the soul as the soul without the body. To the &#039;either&#039; and &#039;or&#039; philosophy (&#039;Everything is either A or not A&#039;) should at least be added the clause &#039;or neither,&#039; &#039;or both.&#039; The double form makes reflection easier and more conformable to experience, and also more comprehensive. But in order to avoid paradox and the danger of giving offence to the unmetaphysical part of mankind, we may speak of it as due to the imperfection of language or the limitation of human faculties. It is nevertheless a discovery which, in Platonic language, may be termed a &#039;most gracious aid to thought.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The doctrine of opposite moments of thought or of progression by antagonism, further assists us in framing a scheme or system of the sciences. The negation of one gives birth to another of them. The double notions are the joints which hold them together. The simple is developed into the complex, the complex returns again into the simple. Beginning with the highest notion of mind or thought, we may descend by a series of negations to the first generalizations of sense. Or again we may begin with the simplest elements of sense and proceed upwards to the highest being or thought. Metaphysic is the negation or absorption of physiology&amp;amp;mdash;physiology of chemistry&amp;amp;mdash;chemistry of mechanical philosophy. Similarly in mechanics, when we can no further go we arrive at chemistry&amp;amp;mdash;when chemistry becomes organic we arrive at physiology: when we pass from the outward and animal to the inward nature of man we arrive at moral and metaphysical philosophy. These sciences have each of them their own methods and are pursued independently of one another. But to the mind of the thinker they are all one&amp;amp;mdash;latent in one another&amp;amp;mdash;developed out of one another. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; This method of opposites has supplied new instruments of thought for the solution of metaphysical problems, and has thrown down many of the walls within which the human mind was confined. Formerly when philosophers arrived at the infinite and absolute, they seemed to be lost in a region beyond human comprehension. But Hegel has shown that the absolute and infinite are no more true than the relative and finite, and that they must alike be negatived before we arrive at a true absolute or a true infinite. The conceptions of the infinite and absolute as ordinarily understood are tiresome because they are unmeaning, but there is no peculiar sanctity or mystery in them. We might as well make an infinitesimal series of fractions or a perpetually recurring decimal the object of our worship. They are the widest and also the thinnest of human ideas, or, in the language of logicians, they have the greatest extension and the least comprehension. Of all words they may be truly said to be the most inflated with a false meaning. They have been handed down from one philosopher to another until they have acquired a religious character. They seem also to derive a sacredness from their association with the Divine Being. Yet they are the poorest of the predicates under which we describe him&amp;amp;mdash;signifying no more than this, that he is not finite, that he is not relative, and tending to obscure his higher attributes of wisdom, goodness, truth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The system of Hegel frees the mind from the dominion of abstract ideas. We acknowledge his originality, and some of us delight to wander in the mazes of thought which he has opened to us. For Hegel has found admirers in England and Scotland when his popularity in Germany has departed, and he, like the philosophers whom he criticizes, is of the past. No other thinker has ever dissected the human mind with equal patience and minuteness. He has lightened the burden of thought because he has shown us that the chains which we wear are of our own forging. To be able to place ourselves not only above the opinions of men but above their modes of thinking, is a great height of philosophy. This dearly obtained freedom, however, we are not disposed to part with, or to allow him to build up in a new form the &#039;beggarly elements&#039; of scholastic logic which he has thrown down. So far as they are aids to reflection and expression, forms of thought are useful, but no further:&amp;amp;mdash;we may easily have too many of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And when we are asked to believe the Hegelian to be the sole or universal logic, we naturally reply that there are other ways in which our ideas may be connected. The triplets of Hegel, the division into being, essence, and notion, are not the only or necessary modes in which the world of thought can be conceived. There may be an evolution by degrees as well as by opposites. The word &#039;continuity&#039; suggests the possibility of resolving all differences into differences of quantity. Again, the opposites themselves may vary from the least degree of diversity up to contradictory opposition. They are not like numbers and figures, always and everywhere of the same value. And therefore the edifice which is constructed out of them has merely an imaginary symmetry, and is really irregular and out of proportion. The spirit of Hegelian criticism should be applied to his own system, and the terms Being, Not-being, existence, essence, notion, and the like challenged and defined. For if Hegel introduces a great many distinctions, he obliterates a great many others by the help of the universal solvent &#039;is not,&#039; which appears to be the simplest of negations, and yet admits of several meanings. Neither are we able to follow him in the play of metaphysical fancy which conducts him from one determination of thought to another. But we begin to suspect that this vast system is not God within us, or God immanent in the world, and may be only the invention of an individual brain. The &#039;beyond&#039; is always coming back upon us however often we expel it. We do not easily believe that we have within the compass of the mind the form of universal knowledge. We rather incline to think that the method of knowledge is inseparable from actual knowledge, and wait to see what new forms may be developed out of our increasing experience and observation of man and nature. We are conscious of a Being who is without us as well as within us. Even if inclined to Pantheism we are unwilling to imagine that the meagre categories of the understanding, however ingeniously arranged or displayed, are the image of God;&amp;amp;mdash;that what all religions were seeking after from the beginning was the Hegelian philosophy which has been revealed in the latter days. The great metaphysician, like a prophet of old, was naturally inclined to believe that his own thoughts were divine realities. We may almost say that whatever came into his head seemed to him to be a necessary truth. He never appears to have criticized himself, or to have subjected his own ideas to the process of analysis which he applies to every other philosopher. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Hegel would have insisted that his philosophy should be accepted as a whole or not at all. He would have urged that the parts derived their meaning from one another and from the whole. He thought that he had supplied an outline large enough to contain all future knowledge, and a method to which all future philosophies must conform. His metaphysical genius is especially shown in the construction of the categories&amp;amp;mdash;a work which was only begun by Kant, and elaborated to the utmost by himself. But is it really true that the part has no meaning when separated from the whole, or that knowledge to be knowledge at all must be universal? Do all abstractions shine only by the reflected light of other abstractions? May they not also find a nearer explanation in their relation to phenomena? If many of them are correlatives they are not all so, and the relations which subsist between them vary from a mere association up to a necessary connexion. Nor is it easy to determine how far the unknown element affects the known, whether, for example, new discoveries may not one day supersede our most elementary notions about nature. To a certain extent all our knowledge is conditional upon what may be known in future ages of the world. We must admit this hypothetical element, which we cannot get rid of by an assumption that we have already discovered the method to which all philosophy must conform. Hegel is right in preferring the concrete to the abstract, in setting actuality before possibility, in excluding from the philosopher&#039;s vocabulary the word &#039;inconceivable.&#039; But he is too well satisfied with his own system ever to consider the effect of what is unknown on the element which is known. To the Hegelian all things are plain and clear, while he who is outside the charmed circle is in the mire of ignorance and &#039;logical impurity&#039;: he who is within is omniscient, or at least has all the elements of knowledge under his hand. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Hegelianism may be said to be a transcendental defence of the world as it is. There is no room for aspiration and no need of any: &#039;What is actual is rational, what is rational is actual.&#039; But a good man will not readily acquiesce in this aphorism. He knows of course that all things proceed according to law whether for good or evil. But when he sees the misery and ignorance of mankind he is convinced that without any interruption of the uniformity of nature the condition of the world may be indefinitely improved by human effort. There is also an adaptation of persons to times and countries, but this is very far from being the fulfilment of their higher natures. The man of the seventeenth century is unfitted for the eighteenth, and the man of the eighteenth for the nineteenth, and most of us would be out of place in the world of a hundred years hence. But all higher minds are much more akin than they are different: genius is of all ages, and there is perhaps more uniformity in excellence than in mediocrity. The sublimer intelligences of mankind&amp;amp;mdash;Plato, Dante, Sir Thomas More&amp;amp;mdash;meet in a higher sphere above the ordinary ways of men; they understand one another from afar, notwithstanding the interval which separates them. They are &#039;the spectators of all time and of all existence;&#039; their works live for ever; and there is nothing to prevent the force of their individuality breaking through the uniformity which surrounds them. But such disturbers of the order of thought Hegel is reluctant to acknowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The doctrine of Hegel will to many seem the expression of an indolent conservatism, and will at any rate be made an excuse for it. The mind of the patriot rebels when he is told that the worst tyranny and oppression has a natural fitness: he cannot be persuaded, for example, that the conquest of Prussia by Napoleon I. was either natural or necessary, or that any similar calamity befalling a nation should be a matter of indifference to the poet or philosopher. We may need such a philosophy or religion to console us under evils which are irremediable, but we see that it is fatal to the higher life of man. It seems to say to us, &#039;The world is a vast system or machine which can be conceived under the forms of logic, but in which no single man can do any great good or any great harm. Even if it were a thousand times worse than it is, it could be arranged in categories and explained by philosophers. And what more do we want?&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The philosophy of Hegel appeals to an historical criterion: the ideas of men have a succession in time as well as an order of thought. But the assumption that there is a correspondence between the succession of ideas in history and the natural order of philosophy is hardly true even of the beginnings of thought. And in later systems forms of thought are too numerous and complex to admit of our tracing in them a regular succession. They seem also to be in part reflections of the past, and it is difficult to separate in them what is original and what is borrowed. Doubtless they have a relation to one another&amp;amp;mdash;the transition from Descartes to Spinoza or from Locke to Berkeley is not a matter of chance, but it can hardly be described as an alternation of opposites or figured to the mind by the vibrations of a pendulum. Even in Aristotle and Plato, rightly understood, we cannot trace this law of action and reaction. They are both idealists, although to the one the idea is actual and immanent,&amp;amp;mdash;to the other only potential and transcendent, as Hegel himself has pointed out (Wallace&#039;s Hegel). The true meaning of Aristotle has been disguised from us by his own appeal to fact and the opinions of mankind in his more popular works, and by the use made of his writings in the Middle Ages. No book, except the Scriptures, has been so much read, and so little understood. The Pre-Socratic philosophies are simpler, and we may observe a progress in them; but is there any regular succession? The ideas of Being, change, number, seem to have sprung up contemporaneously in different parts of Greece and we have no difficulty in constructing them out of one another&amp;amp;mdash;we can see that the union of Being and Not-being gave birth to the idea of change or Becoming and that one might be another aspect of Being. Again, the Eleatics may be regarded as developing in one direction into the Megarian school, in the other into the Atomists, but there is no necessary connexion between them. Nor is there any indication that the deficiency which was felt in one school was supplemented or compensated by another. They were all efforts to supply the want which the Greeks began to feel at the beginning of the sixth century before Christ,&amp;amp;mdash;the want of abstract ideas. Nor must we forget the uncertainty of chronology;&amp;amp;mdash;if, as Aristotle says, there were Atomists before Leucippus, Eleatics before Xenophanes, and perhaps &#039;patrons of the flux&#039; before Heracleitus, Hegel&#039;s order of thought in the history of philosophy would be as much disarranged as his order of religious thought by recent discoveries in the history of religion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Hegel is fond of repeating that all philosophies still live and that the earlier are preserved in the later; they are refuted, and they are not refuted, by those who succeed them. Once they reigned supreme, now they are subordinated to a power or idea greater or more comprehensive than their own. The thoughts of Socrates and Plato and Aristotle have certainly sunk deep into the mind of the world, and have exercised an influence which will never pass away; but can we say that they have the same meaning in modern and ancient philosophy? Some of them, as for example the words &#039;Being,&#039; &#039;essence,&#039; &#039;matter,&#039; &#039;form,&#039; either have become obsolete, or are used in new senses, whereas &#039;individual,&#039; &#039;cause,&#039; &#039;motive,&#039; have acquired an exaggerated importance. Is the manner in which the logical determinations of thought, or &#039;categories&#039; as they may be termed, have been handed down to us, really different from that in which other words have come down to us? Have they not been equally subject to accident, and are they not often used by Hegel himself in senses which would have been quite unintelligible to their original inventors&amp;amp;mdash;as for example, when he speaks of the &#039;ground&#039; of Leibnitz (&#039;Everything has a sufficient ground&#039;) as identical with his own doctrine of the &#039;notion&#039; (Wallace&#039;s Hegel), or the &#039;Being and Not-being&#039; of Heracleitus as the same with his own &#039;Becoming&#039;? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; As the historical order of thought has been adapted to the logical, so we have reason for suspecting that the Hegelian logic has been in some degree adapted to the order of thought in history. There is unfortunately no criterion to which either of them can be subjected, and not much forcing was required to bring either into near relations with the other. We may fairly doubt whether the division of the first and second parts of logic in the Hegelian system has not really arisen from a desire to make them accord with the first and second stages of the early Greek philosophy. Is there any reason why the conception of measure in the first part, which is formed by the union of quality and quantity, should not have been equally placed in the second division of mediate or reflected ideas? The more we analyze them the less exact does the coincidence of philosophy and the history of philosophy appear. Many terms which were used absolutely in the beginning of philosophy, such as &#039;Being,&#039; &#039;matter,&#039; &#039;cause,&#039; and the like, became relative in the subsequent history of thought. But Hegel employs some of them absolutely, some relatively, seemingly without any principle and without any regard to their original significance. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The divisions of the Hegelian logic bear a superficial resemblance to the divisions of the scholastic logic. The first part answers to the term, the second to the proposition, the third to the syllogism. These are the grades of thought under which we conceive the world, first, in the general terms of quality, quantity, measure; secondly, under the relative forms of &#039;ground&#039; and existence, substance and accidents, and the like; thirdly in syllogistic forms of the individual mediated with the universal by the help of the particular. Of syllogisms there are various kinds,&amp;amp;mdash;qualitative, quantitative, inductive, mechanical, teleological,&amp;amp;mdash;which are developed out of one another. But is there any meaning in reintroducing the forms of the old logic? Who ever thinks of the world as a syllogism? What connexion is there between the proposition and our ideas of reciprocity, cause and effect, and similar relations? It is difficult enough to conceive all the powers of nature and mind gathered up in one. The difficulty is greatly increased when the new is confused with the old, and the common logic is the Procrustes&#039; bed into which they are forced. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The Hegelian philosophy claims, as we have seen, to be based upon experience: it abrogates the distinction of a priori and a posteriori truth. It also acknowledges that many differences of kind are resolvable into differences of degree. It is familiar with the terms &#039;evolution,&#039; &#039;development,&#039; and the like. Yet it can hardly be said to have considered the forms of thought which are best adapted for the expression of facts. It has never applied the categories to experience; it has not defined the differences in our ideas of opposition, or development, or cause and effect, in the different sciences which make use of these terms. It rests on a knowledge which is not the result of exact or serious enquiry, but is floating in the air; the mind has been imperceptibly informed of some of the methods required in the sciences. Hegel boasts that the movement of dialectic is at once necessary and spontaneous: in reality it goes beyond experience and is unverified by it. Further, the Hegelian philosophy, while giving us the power of thinking a great deal more than we are able to fill up, seems to be wanting in some determinations of thought which we require. We cannot say that physical science, which at present occupies so large a share of popular attention, has been made easier or more intelligible by the distinctions of Hegel. Nor can we deny that he has sometimes interpreted physics by metaphysics, and confused his own philosophical fancies with the laws of nature. The very freedom of the movement is not without suspicion, seeming to imply a state of the human mind which has entirely lost sight of facts. Nor can the necessity which is attributed to it be very stringent, seeing that the successive categories or determinations of thought in different parts of his writings are arranged by the philosopher in different ways. What is termed necessary evolution seems to be only the order in which a succession of ideas presented themselves to the mind of Hegel at a particular time. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The nomenclature of Hegel has been made by himself out of the language of common life. He uses a few words only which are borrowed from his predecessors, or from the Greek philosophy, and these generally in a sense peculiar to himself. The first stage of his philosophy answers to the word &#039;is,&#039; the second to the word &#039;has been,&#039; the third to the words &#039;has been&#039; and &#039;is&#039; combined. In other words, the first sphere is immediate, the second mediated by reflection, the third or highest returns into the first, and is both mediate and immediate. As Luther&#039;s Bible was written in the language of the common people, so Hegel seems to have thought that he gave his philosophy a truly German character by the use of idiomatic German words. But it may be doubted whether the attempt has been successful. First because such words as &#039;in sich seyn,&#039; &#039;an sich seyn,&#039; &#039;an und fur sich seyn,&#039; though the simplest combinations of nouns and verbs, require a difficult and elaborate explanation. The simplicity of the words contrasts with the hardness of their meaning. Secondly, the use of technical phraseology necessarily separates philosophy from general literature; the student has to learn a new language of uncertain meaning which he with difficulty remembers. No former philosopher had ever carried the use of technical terms to the same extent as Hegel. The language of Plato or even of Aristotle is but slightly removed from that of common life, and was introduced naturally by a series of thinkers: the language of the scholastic logic has become technical to us, but in the Middle Ages was the vernacular Latin of priests and students. The higher spirit of philosophy, the spirit of Plato and Socrates, rebels against the Hegelian use of language as mechanical and technical. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Hegel is fond of etymologies and often seems to trifle with words. He gives etymologies which are bad, and never considers that the meaning of a word may have nothing to do with its derivation. He lived before the days of Comparative Philology or of Comparative Mythology and Religion, which would have opened a new world to him. He makes no allowance for the element of chance either in language or thought; and perhaps there is no greater defect in his system than the want of a sound theory of language. He speaks as if thought, instead of being identical with language, was wholly independent of it. It is not the actual growth of the mind, but the imaginary growth of the Hegelian system, which is attractive to him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Neither are we able to say why of the common forms of thought some are rejected by him, while others have an undue prominence given to them. Some of them, such as &#039;ground&#039; and &#039;existence,&#039; have hardly any basis either in language or philosophy, while others, such as &#039;cause&#039; and &#039;effect,&#039; are but slightly considered. All abstractions are supposed by Hegel to derive their meaning from one another. This is true of some, but not of all, and in different degrees. There is an explanation of abstractions by the phenomena which they represent, as well as by their relation to other abstractions. If the knowledge of all were necessary to the knowledge of any one of them, the mind would sink under the load of thought. Again, in every process of reflection we seem to require a standing ground, and in the attempt to obtain a complete analysis we lose all fixedness. If, for example, the mind is viewed as the complex of ideas, or the difference between things and persons denied, such an analysis may be justified from the point of view of Hegel: but we shall find that in the attempt to criticize thought we have lost the power of thinking, and, like the Heracliteans of old, have no words in which our meaning can be expressed. Such an analysis may be of value as a corrective of popular language or thought, but should still allow us to retain the fundamental distinctions of philosophy. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In the Hegelian system ideas supersede persons. The world of thought, though sometimes described as Spirit or &#039;Geist,&#039; is really impersonal. The minds of men are to be regarded as one mind, or more correctly as a succession of ideas. Any comprehensive view of the world must necessarily be general, and there may be a use with a view to comprehensiveness in dropping individuals and their lives and actions. In all things, if we leave out details, a certain degree of order begins to appear; at any rate we can make an order which, with a little exaggeration or disproportion in some of the parts, will cover the whole field of philosophy. But are we therefore justified in saying that ideas are the causes of the great movement of the world rather than the personalities which conceived them? The great man is the expression of his time, and there may be peculiar difficulties in his age which he cannot overcome. He may be out of harmony with his circumstances, too early or too late, and then all his thoughts perish; his genius passes away unknown. But not therefore is he to be regarded as a mere waif or stray in human history, any more than he is the mere creature or expression of the age in which he lives. His ideas are inseparable from himself, and would have been nothing without him. Through a thousand personal influences they have been brought home to the minds of others. He starts from antecedents, but he is great in proportion as he disengages himself from them or absorbs himself in them. Moreover the types of greatness differ; while one man is the expression of the influences of his age, another is in antagonism to them. One man is borne on the surface of the water; another is carried forward by the current which flows beneath. The character of an individual, whether he be independent of circumstances or not, inspires others quite as much as his words. What is the teaching of Socrates apart from his personal history, or the doctrines of Christ apart from the Divine life in which they are embodied? Has not Hegel himself delineated the greatness of the life of Christ as consisting in his &#039;Schicksalslosigkeit&#039; or independence of the destiny of his race? Do not persons become ideas, and is there any distinction between them? Take away the five greatest legislators, the five greatest warriors, the five greatest poets, the five greatest founders or teachers of a religion, the five greatest philosophers, the five greatest inventors,&amp;amp;mdash;where would have been all that we most value in knowledge or in life? And can that be a true theory of the history of philosophy which, in Hegel&#039;s own language, &#039;does not allow the individual to have his right&#039;? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Once more, while we readily admit that the world is relative to the mind, and the mind to the world, and that we must suppose a common or correlative growth in them, we shrink from saying that this complex nature can contain, even in outline, all the endless forms of Being and knowledge. Are we not &#039;seeking the living among the dead&#039; and dignifying a mere logical skeleton with the name of philosophy and almost of God? When we look far away into the primeval sources of thought and belief, do we suppose that the mere accident of our being the heirs of the Greek philosophers can give us a right to set ourselves up as having the true and only standard of reason in the world? Or when we contemplate the infinite worlds in the expanse of heaven can we imagine that a few meagre categories derived from language and invented by the genius of one or two great thinkers contain the secret of the universe? Or, having regard to the ages during which the human race may yet endure, do we suppose that we can anticipate the proportions human knowledge may attain even within the short space of one or two thousand years? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Again, we have a difficulty in understanding how ideas can be causes, which to us seems to be as much a figure of speech as the old notion of a creator artist, &#039;who makes the world by the help of the demigods&#039; (Plato, Tim.), or with &#039;a golden pair of compasses&#039; measures out the circumference of the universe (Milton, P.L.). We can understand how the idea in the mind of an inventor is the cause of the work which is produced by it; and we can dimly imagine how this universal frame may be animated by a divine intelligence. But we cannot conceive how all the thoughts of men that ever were, which are themselves subject to so many external conditions of climate, country, and the like, even if regarded as the single thought of a Divine Being, can be supposed to have made the world. We appear to be only wrapping up ourselves in our own conceits&amp;amp;mdash;to be confusing cause and effect&amp;amp;mdash;to be losing the distinction between reflection and action, between the human and divine. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; These are some of the doubts and suspicions which arise in the mind of a student of Hegel, when, after living for a time within the charmed circle, he removes to a little distance and looks back upon what he has learnt, from the vantage-ground of history and experience. The enthusiasm of his youth has passed away, the authority of the master no longer retains a hold upon him. But he does not regret the time spent in the study of him. He finds that he has received from him a real enlargement of mind, and much of the true spirit of philosophy, even when he has ceased to believe in him. He returns again and again to his writings as to the recollections of a first love, not undeserving of his admiration still. Perhaps if he were asked how he can admire without believing, or what value he can attribute to what he knows to be erroneous, he might answer in some such manner as the following:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 1. That in Hegel he finds glimpses of the genius of the poet and of the common sense of the man of the world. His system is not cast in a poetic form, but neither has all this load of logic extinguished in him the feeling of poetry. He is the true countryman of his contemporaries Goethe and Schiller. Many fine expressions are scattered up and down in his writings, as when he tells us that &#039;the Crusaders went to the Sepulchre but found it empty.&#039; He delights to find vestiges of his own philosophy in the older German mystics. And though he can be scarcely said to have mixed much in the affairs of men, for, as his biographer tells us, &#039;he lived for thirty years in a single room,&#039; yet he is far from being ignorant of the world. No one can read his writings without acquiring an insight into life. He loves to touch with the spear of logic the follies and self-deceptions of mankind, and make them appear in their natural form, stripped of the disguises of language and custom. He will not allow men to defend themselves by an appeal to one-sided or abstract principles. In this age of reason any one can too easily find a reason for doing what he likes (Wallace). He is suspicious of a distinction which is often made between a person&#039;s character and his conduct. His spirit is the opposite of that of Jesuitism or casuistry (Wallace). He affords an example of a remark which has been often made, that in order to know the world it is not necessary to have had a great experience of it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 2. Hegel, if not the greatest philosopher, is certainly the greatest critic of philosophy who ever lived. No one else has equally mastered the opinions of his predecessors or traced the connexion of them in the same manner. No one has equally raised the human mind above the trivialities of the common logic and the unmeaningness of &#039;mere&#039; abstractions, and above imaginary possibilities, which, as he truly says, have no place in philosophy. No one has won so much for the kingdom of ideas. Whatever may be thought of his own system it will hardly be denied that he has overthrown Locke, Kant, Hume, and the so-called philosophy of common sense. He shows us that only by the study of metaphysics can we get rid of metaphysics, and that those who are in theory most opposed to them are in fact most entirely and hopelessly enslaved by them: &#039;Die reinen Physiker sind nur die Thiere.&#039; The disciple of Hegel will hardly become the slave of any other system-maker. What Bacon seems to promise him he will find realized in the great German thinker, an emancipation nearly complete from the influences of the scholastic logic. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 3. Many of those who are least disposed to become the votaries of Hegelianism nevertheless recognize in his system a new logic supplying a variety of instruments and methods hitherto unemployed. We may not be able to agree with him in assimilating the natural order of human thought with the history of philosophy, and still less in identifying both with the divine idea or nature. But we may acknowledge that the great thinker has thrown a light on many parts of human knowledge, and has solved many difficulties. We cannot receive his doctrine of opposites as the last word of philosophy, but still we may regard it as a very important contribution to logic. We cannot affirm that words have no meaning when taken out of their connexion in the history of thought. But we recognize that their meaning is to a great extent due to association, and to their correlation with one another. We see the advantage of viewing in the concrete what mankind regard only in the abstract. There is much to be said for his faith or conviction, that God is immanent in the world,&amp;amp;mdash;within the sphere of the human mind, and not beyond it. It was natural that he himself, like a prophet of old, should regard the philosophy which he had invented as the voice of God in man. But this by no means implies that he conceived himself as creating God in thought. He was the servant of his own ideas and not the master of them. The philosophy of history and the history of philosophy may be almost said to have been discovered by him. He has done more to explain Greek thought than all other writers put together. Many ideas of development, evolution, reciprocity, which have become the symbols of another school of thinkers may be traced to his speculations. In the theology and philosophy of England as well as of Germany, and also in the lighter literature of both countries, there are always appearing &#039;fragments of the great banquet&#039; of Hegel. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a name=&amp;quot;link2H_4_0002&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;link2H_4_0002&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &amp;lt;!--  H2 anchor --&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;div style=&amp;quot;height: 4em;&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/div&amp;gt; &amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; SOPHIST &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PERSONS OF THE DIALOGUE: Theodorus, Theaetetus, Socrates. An Eleatic Stranger, whom Theodorus and Theaetetus bring with them. The younger Socrates, who is a silent auditor. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Here we are, Socrates, true to our agreement of yesterday; and we bring with us a stranger from Elea, who is a disciple of Parmenides and Zeno, and a true philosopher. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Is he not rather a god, Theodorus, who comes to us in the disguise of a stranger? For Homer says that all the gods, and especially the god of strangers, are companions of the meek and just, and visit the good and evil among men. And may not your companion be one of those higher powers, a cross-examining deity, who has come to spy out our weakness in argument, and to cross-examine us? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Nay, Socrates, he is not one of the disputatious sort&amp;amp;mdash;he is too good for that. And, in my opinion, he is not a god at all; but divine he certainly is, for this is a title which I should give to all philosophers. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Capital, my friend! and I may add that they are almost as hard to be discerned as the gods. For the true philosophers, and such as are not merely made up for the occasion, appear in various forms unrecognized by the ignorance of men, and they &#039;hover about cities,&#039; as Homer declares, looking from above upon human life; and some think nothing of them, and others can never think enough; and sometimes they appear as statesmen, and sometimes as sophists; and then, again, to many they seem to be no better than madmen. I should like to ask our Eleatic friend, if he would tell us, what is thought about them in Italy, and to whom the terms are applied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: What terms? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Sophist, statesman, philosopher. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: What is your difficulty about them, and what made you ask? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I want to know whether by his countrymen they are regarded as one or two; or do they, as the names are three, distinguish also three kinds, and assign one to each name? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: I dare say that the Stranger will not object to discuss the question. What do you say, Stranger? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I am far from objecting, Theodorus, nor have I any difficulty in replying that by us they are regarded as three. But to define precisely the nature of each of them is by no means a slight or easy task. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: You have happened to light, Socrates, almost on the very question which we were asking our friend before we came hither, and he excused himself to us, as he does now to you; although he admitted that the matter had been fully discussed, and that he remembered the answer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then do not, Stranger, deny us the first favour which we ask of you: I am sure that you will not, and therefore I shall only beg of you to say whether you like and are accustomed to make a long oration on a subject which you want to explain to another, or to proceed by the method of question and answer. I remember hearing a very noble discussion in which Parmenides employed the latter of the two methods, when I was a young man, and he was far advanced in years. (Compare Parm.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I prefer to talk with another when he responds pleasantly, and is light in hand; if not, I would rather have my own say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Any one of the present company will respond kindly to you, and you can choose whom you like of them; I should recommend you to take a young person&amp;amp;mdash;Theaetetus, for example&amp;amp;mdash;unless you have a preference for some one else. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I feel ashamed, Socrates, being a new-comer into your society, instead of talking a little and hearing others talk, to be spinning out a long soliloquy or address, as if I wanted to show off. For the true answer will certainly be a very long one, a great deal longer than might be expected from such a short and simple question. At the same time, I fear that I may seem rude and ungracious if I refuse your courteous request, especially after what you have said. For I certainly cannot object to your proposal, that Theaetetus should respond, having already conversed with him myself, and being recommended by you to take him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: But are you sure, Stranger, that this will be quite so acceptable to the rest of the company as Socrates imagines? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: You hear them applauding, Theaetetus; after that, there is nothing more to be said. Well then, I am to argue with you, and if you tire of the argument, you may complain of your friends and not of me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I do not think that I shall tire, and if I do, I shall get my friend here, young Socrates, the namesake of the elder Socrates, to help; he is about my own age, and my partner at the gymnasium, and is constantly accustomed to work with me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Very good; you can decide about that for yourself as we proceed. Meanwhile you and I will begin together and enquire into the nature of the Sophist, first of the three: I should like you to make out what he is and bring him to light in a discussion; for at present we are only agreed about the name, but of the thing to which we both apply the name possibly you have one notion and I another; whereas we ought always to come to an understanding about the thing itself in terms of a definition, and not merely about the name minus the definition. Now the tribe of Sophists which we are investigating is not easily caught or defined; and the world has long ago agreed, that if great subjects are to be adequately treated, they must be studied in the lesser and easier instances of them before we proceed to the greatest of all. And as I know that the tribe of Sophists is troublesome and hard to be caught, I should recommend that we practise beforehand the method which is to be applied to him on some simple and smaller thing, unless you can suggest a better way. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Indeed I cannot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then suppose that we work out some lesser example which will be a pattern of the greater? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: What is there which is well known and not great, and is yet as susceptible of definition as any larger thing? Shall I say an angler? He is familiar to all of us, and not a very interesting or important person. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: He is not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Yet I suspect that he will furnish us with the sort of definition and line of enquiry which we want. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Let us begin by asking whether he is a man having art or not having art, but some other power. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: He is clearly a man of art. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And of arts there are two kinds? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What are they? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There is agriculture, and the tending of mortal creatures, and the art of constructing or moulding vessels, and there is the art of imitation&amp;amp;mdash;all these may be appropriately called by a single name. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What do you mean? And what is the name? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: He who brings into existence something that did not exist before is said to be a producer, and that which is brought into existence is said to be produced. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And all the arts which were just now mentioned are characterized by this power of producing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: They are. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then let us sum them up under the name of productive or creative art. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Next follows the whole class of learning and cognition; then comes trade, fighting, hunting. And since none of these produces anything, but is only engaged in conquering by word or deed, or in preventing others from conquering, things which exist and have been already produced&amp;amp;mdash;in each and all of these branches there appears to be an art which may be called acquisitive. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, that is the proper name. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Seeing, then, that all arts are either acquisitive or creative, in which class shall we place the art of the angler? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Clearly in the acquisitive class. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And the acquisitive may be subdivided into two parts: there is exchange, which is voluntary and is effected by gifts, hire, purchase; and the other part of acquisitive, which takes by force of word or deed, may be termed conquest? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: That is implied in what has been said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And may not conquest be again subdivided? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: How? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Open force may be called fighting, and secret force may have the general name of hunting? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And there is no reason why the art of hunting should not be further divided. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: How would you make the division? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Into the hunting of living and of lifeless prey. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, if both kinds exist. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Of course they exist; but the hunting after lifeless things having no special name, except some sorts of diving, and other small matters, may be omitted; the hunting after living things may be called animal hunting. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And animal hunting may be truly said to have two divisions, land-animal hunting, which has many kinds and names, and water-animal hunting, or the hunting after animals who swim? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And of swimming animals, one class lives on the wing and the other in the water? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Fowling is the general term under which the hunting of all birds is included. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The hunting of animals who live in the water has the general name of fishing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And this sort of hunting may be further divided also into two principal kinds? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What are they? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There is one kind which takes them in nets, another which takes them by a blow. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What do you mean, and how do you distinguish them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: As to the first kind&amp;amp;mdash;all that surrounds and encloses anything to prevent egress, may be rightly called an enclosure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: For which reason twig baskets, casting-nets, nooses, creels, and the like may all be termed &#039;enclosures&#039;? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And therefore this first kind of capture may be called by us capture with enclosures, or something of that sort? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The other kind, which is practised by a blow with hooks and three-pronged spears, when summed up under one name, may be called striking, unless you, Theaetetus, can find some better name? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Never mind the name&amp;amp;mdash;what you suggest will do very well. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There is one mode of striking, which is done at night, and by the light of a fire, and is by the hunters themselves called firing, or spearing by firelight. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And the fishing by day is called by the general name of barbing, because the spears, too, are barbed at the point. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, that is the term. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Of this barb-fishing, that which strikes the fish who is below from above is called spearing, because this is the way in which the three-pronged spears are mostly used. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, it is often called so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then now there is only one kind remaining. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What is that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: When a hook is used, and the fish is not struck in any chance part of his body, as he is with the spear, but only about the head and mouth, and is then drawn out from below upwards with reeds and rods:&amp;amp;mdash;What is the right name of that mode of fishing, Theaetetus? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I suspect that we have now discovered the object of our search. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then now you and I have come to an understanding not only about the name of the angler&#039;s art, but about the definition of the thing itself. One half of all art was acquisitive&amp;amp;mdash;half of the acquisitive art was conquest or taking by force, half of this was hunting, and half of hunting was hunting animals, half of this was hunting water animals&amp;amp;mdash;of this again, the under half was fishing, half of fishing was striking; a part of striking was fishing with a barb, and one half of this again, being the kind which strikes with a hook and draws the fish from below upwards, is the art which we have been seeking, and which from the nature of the operation is denoted angling or drawing up (aspalieutike, anaspasthai). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: The result has been quite satisfactorily brought out. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And now, following this pattern, let us endeavour to find out what a Sophist is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: By all means. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The first question about the angler was, whether he was a skilled artist or unskilled? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And shall we call our new friend unskilled, or a thorough master of his craft? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly not unskilled, for his name, as, indeed, you imply, must surely express his nature. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then he must be supposed to have some art. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What art? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: By heaven, they are cousins! it never occurred to us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Who are cousins? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The angler and the Sophist. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: In what way are they related? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: They both appear to me to be hunters. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: How the Sophist? Of the other we have spoken. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: You remember our division of hunting, into hunting after swimming animals and land animals? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And you remember that we subdivided the swimming and left the land animals, saying that there were many kinds of them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Thus far, then, the Sophist and the angler, starting from the art of acquiring, take the same road? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: So it would appear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Their paths diverge when they reach the art of animal hunting; the one going to the sea-shore, and to the rivers and to the lakes, and angling for the animals which are in them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: While the other goes to land and water of another sort&amp;amp;mdash;rivers of wealth and broad meadow-lands of generous youth; and he also is intending to take the animals which are in them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Of hunting on land there are two principal divisions. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What are they? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: One is the hunting of tame, and the other of wild animals. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: But are tame animals ever hunted? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Yes, if you include man under tame animals. But if you like you may say that there are no tame animals, or that, if there are, man is not among them; or you may say that man is a tame animal but is not hunted&amp;amp;mdash;you shall decide which of these alternatives you prefer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I should say, Stranger, that man is a tame animal, and I admit that he is hunted. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then let us divide the hunting of tame animals into two parts. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: How shall we make the division? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Let us define piracy, man-stealing, tyranny, the whole military art, by one name, as hunting with violence. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But the art of the lawyer, of the popular orator, and the art of conversation may be called in one word the art of persuasion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And of persuasion, there may be said to be two kinds? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What are they? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: One is private, and the other public. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes; each of them forms a class. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And of private hunting, one sort receives hire, and the other brings gifts. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I do not understand you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: You seem never to have observed the manner in which lovers hunt. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: To what do you refer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I mean that they lavish gifts on those whom they hunt in addition to other inducements. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Let us admit this, then, to be the amatory art. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But that sort of hireling whose conversation is pleasing and who baits his hook only with pleasure and exacts nothing but his maintenance in return, we should all, if I am not mistaken, describe as possessing flattery or an art of making things pleasant. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And that sort, which professes to form acquaintances only for the sake of virtue, and demands a reward in the shape of money, may be fairly called by another name? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: To be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And what is the name? Will you tell me? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: It is obvious enough; for I believe that we have discovered the Sophist: which is, as I conceive, the proper name for the class described. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then now, Theaetetus, his art may be traced as a branch of the appropriative, acquisitive family&amp;amp;mdash;which hunts animals,&amp;amp;mdash;living&amp;amp;mdash;land&amp;amp;mdash; tame animals; which hunts man,&amp;amp;mdash;privately&amp;amp;mdash;for hire,&amp;amp;mdash;taking money in exchange&amp;amp;mdash;having the semblance of education; and this is termed Sophistry, and is a hunt after young men of wealth and rank&amp;amp;mdash;such is the conclusion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Just so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Let us take another branch of his genealogy; for he is a professor of a great and many-sided art; and if we look back at what has preceded we see that he presents another aspect, besides that of which we are speaking. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: In what respect? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There were two sorts of acquisitive art; the one concerned with hunting, the other with exchange. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: There were. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And of the art of exchange there are two divisions, the one of giving, and the other of selling. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Let us assume that. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Next, we will suppose the art of selling to be divided into two parts. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: How? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There is one part which is distinguished as the sale of a man&#039;s own productions; another, which is the exchange of the works of others. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And is not that part of exchange which takes place in the city, being about half of the whole, termed retailing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And that which exchanges the goods of one city for those of another by selling and buying is the exchange of the merchant? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: To be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And you are aware that this exchange of the merchant is of two kinds: it is partly concerned with food for the use of the body, and partly with the food of the soul which is bartered and received in exchange for money. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: You want to know what is the meaning of food for the soul; the other kind you surely understand. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Take music in general and painting and marionette playing and many other things, which are purchased in one city, and carried away and sold in another&amp;amp;mdash;wares of the soul which are hawked about either for the sake of instruction or amusement;&amp;amp;mdash;may not he who takes them about and sells them be quite as truly called a merchant as he who sells meats and drinks? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: To be sure he may. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And would you not call by the same name him who buys up knowledge and goes about from city to city exchanging his wares for money? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly I should. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Of this merchandise of the soul, may not one part be fairly termed the art of display? And there is another part which is certainly not less ridiculous, but being a trade in learning must be called by some name germane to the matter? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The latter should have two names,&amp;amp;mdash;one descriptive of the sale of the knowledge of virtue, and the other of the sale of other kinds of knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The name of art-seller corresponds well enough to the latter; but you must try and tell me the name of the other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: He must be the Sophist, whom we are seeking; no other name can possibly be right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: No other; and so this trader in virtue again turns out to be our friend the Sophist, whose art may now be traced from the art of acquisition through exchange, trade, merchandise, to a merchandise of the soul which is concerned with speech and the knowledge of virtue. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And there may be a third reappearance of him;&amp;amp;mdash;for he may have settled down in a city, and may fabricate as well as buy these same wares, intending to live by selling them, and he would still be called a Sophist? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then that part of the acquisitive art which exchanges, and of exchange which either sells a man&#039;s own productions or retails those of others, as the case may be, and in either way sells the knowledge of virtue, you would again term Sophistry? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I must, if I am to keep pace with the argument. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Let us consider once more whether there may not be yet another aspect of sophistry. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: In the acquisitive there was a subdivision of the combative or fighting art. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: There was. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Perhaps we had better divide it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What shall be the divisions? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There shall be one division of the competitive, and another of the pugnacious. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: That part of the pugnacious which is a contest of bodily strength may be properly called by some such name as violent. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And when the war is one of words, it may be termed controversy? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And controversy may be of two kinds. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What are they? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: When long speeches are answered by long speeches, and there is public discussion about the just and unjust, that is forensic controversy. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And there is a private sort of controversy, which is cut up into questions and answers, and this is commonly called disputation? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, that is the name. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And of disputation, that sort which is only a discussion about contracts, and is carried on at random, and without rules of art, is recognized by the reasoning faculty to be a distinct class, but has hitherto had no distinctive name, and does not deserve to receive one from us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: No; for the different sorts of it are too minute and heterogeneous. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But that which proceeds by rules of art to dispute about justice and injustice in their own nature, and about things in general, we have been accustomed to call argumentation (Eristic)? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And of argumentation, one sort wastes money, and the other makes money. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Suppose we try and give to each of these two classes a name. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Let us do so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I should say that the habit which leads a man to neglect his own affairs for the pleasure of conversation, of which the style is far from being agreeable to the majority of his hearers, may be fairly termed loquacity: such is my opinion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: That is the common name for it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But now who the other is, who makes money out of private disputation, it is your turn to say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: There is only one true answer: he is the wonderful Sophist, of whom we are in pursuit, and who reappears again for the fourth time. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Yes, and with a fresh pedigree, for he is the money-making species of the Eristic, disputatious, controversial, pugnacious, combative, acquisitive family, as the argument has already proven. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: How true was the observation that he was a many-sided animal, and not to be caught with one hand, as they say! &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Then you must catch him with two. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Yes, we must, if we can. And therefore let us try another track in our pursuit of him: You are aware that there are certain menial occupations which have names among servants? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, there are many such; which of them do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I mean such as sifting, straining, winnowing, threshing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And besides these there are a great many more, such as carding, spinning, adjusting the warp and the woof; and thousands of similar expressions are used in the arts. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Of what are they to be patterns, and what are we going to do with them all? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I think that in all of these there is implied a notion of division. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then if, as I was saying, there is one art which includes all of them, ought not that art to have one name? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: And what is the name of the art? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The art of discerning or discriminating. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Think whether you cannot divide this. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I should have to think a long while. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: In all the previously named processes either like has been separated from like or the better from the worse. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I see now what you mean. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There is no name for the first kind of separation; of the second, which throws away the worse and preserves the better, I do know a name. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Every discernment or discrimination of that kind, as I have observed, is called a purification. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, that is the usual expression. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And any one may see that purification is of two kinds. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Perhaps so, if he were allowed time to think; but I do not see at this moment. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There are many purifications of bodies which may with propriety be comprehended under a single name. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What are they, and what is their name? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There is the purification of living bodies in their inward and in their outward parts, of which the former is duly effected by medicine and gymnastic, the latter by the not very dignified art of the bath-man; and there is the purification of inanimate substances&amp;amp;mdash;to this the arts of fulling and of furbishing in general attend in a number of minute particulars, having a variety of names which are thought ridiculous. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There can be no doubt that they are thought ridiculous, Theaetetus; but then the dialectical art never considers whether the benefit to be derived from the purge is greater or less than that to be derived from the sponge, and has not more interest in the one than in the other; her endeavour is to know what is and is not kindred in all arts, with a view to the acquisition of intelligence; and having this in view, she honours them all alike, and when she makes comparisons, she counts one of them not a whit more ridiculous than another; nor does she esteem him who adduces as his example of hunting, the general&#039;s art, at all more decorous than another who cites that of the vermin-destroyer, but only as the greater pretender of the two. And as to your question concerning the name which was to comprehend all these arts of purification, whether of animate or inanimate bodies, the art of dialectic is in no wise particular about fine words, if she may be only allowed to have a general name for all other purifications, binding them up together and separating them off from the purification of the soul or intellect. For this is the purification at which she wants to arrive, and this we should understand to be her aim. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, I understand; and I agree that there are two sorts of purification, and that one of them is concerned with the soul, and that there is another which is concerned with the body. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Excellent; and now listen to what I am going to say, and try to divide further the first of the two. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Whatever line of division you suggest, I will endeavour to assist you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Do we admit that virtue is distinct from vice in the soul? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And purification was to leave the good and to cast out whatever is bad? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then any taking away of evil from the soul may be properly called purification? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And in the soul there are two kinds of evil. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What are they? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The one may be compared to disease in the body, the other to deformity. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I do not understand. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Perhaps you have never reflected that disease and discord are the same. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: To this, again, I know not what I should reply. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Do you not conceive discord to be a dissolution of kindred elements, originating in some disagreement? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Just that. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And is deformity anything but the want of measure, which is always unsightly? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Exactly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And do we not see that opinion is opposed to desire, pleasure to anger, reason to pain, and that all these elements are opposed to one another in the souls of bad men? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And yet they must all be akin? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then we shall be right in calling vice a discord and disease of the soul? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And when things having motion, and aiming at an appointed mark, continually miss their aim and glance aside, shall we say that this is the effect of symmetry among them, or of the want of symmetry? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Clearly of the want of symmetry. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But surely we know that no soul is voluntarily ignorant of anything? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And what is ignorance but the aberration of a mind which is bent on truth, and in which the process of understanding is perverted? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then we are to regard an unintelligent soul as deformed and devoid of symmetry? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then there are these two kinds of evil in the soul&amp;amp;mdash;the one which is generally called vice, and is obviously a disease of the soul... &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And there is the other, which they call ignorance, and which, because existing only in the soul, they will not allow to be vice. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I certainly admit what I at first disputed&amp;amp;mdash;that there are two kinds of vice in the soul, and that we ought to consider cowardice, intemperance, and injustice to be alike forms of disease in the soul, and ignorance, of which there are all sorts of varieties, to be deformity. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And in the case of the body are there not two arts which have to do with the two bodily states? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What are they? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There is gymnastic, which has to do with deformity, and medicine, which has to do with disease. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And where there is insolence and injustice and cowardice, is not chastisement the art which is most required? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: That certainly appears to be the opinion of mankind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Again, of the various kinds of ignorance, may not instruction be rightly said to be the remedy? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And of the art of instruction, shall we say that there is one or many kinds? At any rate there are two principal ones. Think. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I will. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I believe that I can see how we shall soonest arrive at the answer to this question. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: How? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: If we can discover a line which divides ignorance into two halves. For a division of ignorance into two parts will certainly imply that the art of instruction is also twofold, answering to the two divisions of ignorance. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Well, and do you see what you are looking for? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I do seem to myself to see one very large and bad sort of ignorance which is quite separate, and may be weighed in the scale against all other sorts of ignorance put together. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: When a person supposes that he knows, and does not know; this appears to be the great source of all the errors of the intellect. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And this, if I am not mistaken, is the kind of ignorance which specially earns the title of stupidity. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: What name, then, shall be given to the sort of instruction which gets rid of this? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: The instruction which you mean, Stranger, is, I should imagine, not the teaching of handicraft arts, but what, thanks to us, has been termed education in this part the world. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Yes, Theaetetus, and by nearly all Hellenes. But we have still to consider whether education admits of any further division. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: We have. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I think that there is a point at which such a division is possible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Where? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Of education, one method appears to be rougher, and another smoother. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: How are we to distinguish the two? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There is the time-honoured mode which our fathers commonly practised towards their sons, and which is still adopted by many&amp;amp;mdash;either of roughly reproving their errors, or of gently advising them; which varieties may be correctly included under the general term of admonition. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But whereas some appear to have arrived at the conclusion that all ignorance is involuntary, and that no one who thinks himself wise is willing to learn any of those things in which he is conscious of his own cleverness, and that the admonitory sort of instruction gives much trouble and does little good&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: There they are quite right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Accordingly, they set to work to eradicate the spirit of conceit in another way. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: In what way? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: They cross-examine a man&#039;s words, when he thinks that he is saying something and is really saying nothing, and easily convict him of inconsistencies in his opinions; these they then collect by the dialectical process, and placing them side by side, show that they contradict one another about the same things, in relation to the same things, and in the same respect. He, seeing this, is angry with himself, and grows gentle towards others, and thus is entirely delivered from great prejudices and harsh notions, in a way which is most amusing to the hearer, and produces the most lasting good effect on the person who is the subject of the operation. For as the physician considers that the body will receive no benefit from taking food until the internal obstacles have been removed, so the purifier of the soul is conscious that his patient will receive no benefit from the application of knowledge until he is refuted, and from refutation learns modesty; he must be purged of his prejudices first and made to think that he knows only what he knows, and no more. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: That is certainly the best and wisest state of mind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: For all these reasons, Theaetetus, we must admit that refutation is the greatest and chiefest of purifications, and he who has not been refuted, though he be the Great King himself, is in an awful state of impurity; he is uninstructed and deformed in those things in which he who would be truly blessed ought to be fairest and purest. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And who are the ministers of this art? I am afraid to say the Sophists. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Why? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Lest we should assign to them too high a prerogative. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yet the Sophist has a certain likeness to our minister of purification. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Yes, the same sort of likeness which a wolf, who is the fiercest of animals, has to a dog, who is the gentlest. But he who would not be found tripping, ought to be very careful in this matter of comparisons, for they are most slippery things. Nevertheless, let us assume that the Sophists are the men. I say this provisionally, for I think that the line which divides them will be marked enough if proper care is taken. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Likely enough. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Let us grant, then, that from the discerning art comes purification, and from purification let there be separated off a part which is concerned with the soul; of this mental purification instruction is a portion, and of instruction education, and of education, that refutation of vain conceit which has been discovered in the present argument; and let this be called by you and me the nobly-descended art of Sophistry. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very well; and yet, considering the number of forms in which he has presented himself, I begin to doubt how I can with any truth or confidence describe the real nature of the Sophist. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: You naturally feel perplexed; and yet I think that he must be still more perplexed in his attempt to escape us, for as the proverb says, when every way is blocked, there is no escape; now, then, is the time of all others to set upon him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: First let us wait a moment and recover breath, and while we are resting, we may reckon up in how many forms he has appeared. In the first place, he was discovered to be a paid hunter after wealth and youth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: In the second place, he was a merchant in the goods of the soul. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: In the third place, he has turned out to be a retailer of the same sort of wares. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes; and in the fourth place, he himself manufactured the learned wares which he sold. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Quite right; I will try and remember the fifth myself. He belonged to the fighting class, and was further distinguished as a hero of debate, who professed the eristic art. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The sixth point was doubtful, and yet we at last agreed that he was a purger of souls, who cleared away notions obstructive to knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Do you not see that when the professor of any art has one name and many kinds of knowledge, there must be something wrong? The multiplicity of names which is applied to him shows that the common principle to which all these branches of knowledge are tending, is not understood. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I should imagine this to be the case. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: At any rate we will understand him, and no indolence shall prevent us. Let us begin again, then, and re-examine some of our statements concerning the Sophist; there was one thing which appeared to me especially characteristic of him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: To what are you referring? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: We were saying of him, if I am not mistaken, that he was a disputer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: We were. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And does he not also teach others the art of disputation? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly he does. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And about what does he profess that he teaches men to dispute? To begin at the beginning&amp;amp;mdash;Does he make them able to dispute about divine things, which are invisible to men in general? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: At any rate, he is said to do so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And what do you say of the visible things in heaven and earth, and the like? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly he disputes, and teaches to dispute about them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then, again, in private conversation, when any universal assertion is made about generation and essence, we know that such persons are tremendous argufiers, and are able to impart their own skill to others. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Undoubtedly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And do they not profess to make men able to dispute about law and about politics in general? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Why, no one would have anything to say to them, if they did not make these professions. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: In all and every art, what the craftsman ought to say in answer to any question is written down in a popular form, and he who likes may learn. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I suppose that you are referring to the precepts of Protagoras about wrestling and the other arts? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Yes, my friend, and about a good many other things. In a word, is not the art of disputation a power of disputing about all things? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly; there does not seem to be much which is left out. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But oh! my dear youth, do you suppose this possible? for perhaps your young eyes may see things which to our duller sight do not appear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: To what are you alluding? I do not think that I understand your present question. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I ask whether anybody can understand all things. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Happy would mankind be if such a thing were possible! &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But how can any one who is ignorant dispute in a rational manner against him who knows? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: He cannot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then why has the sophistical art such a mysterious power? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: To what do you refer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: How do the Sophists make young men believe in their supreme and universal wisdom? For if they neither disputed nor were thought to dispute rightly, or being thought to do so were deemed no wiser for their controversial skill, then, to quote your own observation, no one would give them money or be willing to learn their art. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: They certainly would not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But they are willing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, they are. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Yes, and the reason, as I should imagine, is that they are supposed to have knowledge of those things about which they dispute? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And they dispute about all things? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And therefore, to their disciples, they appear to be all-wise? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But they are not; for that was shown to be impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Impossible, of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then the Sophist has been shown to have a sort of conjectural or apparent knowledge only of all things, which is not the truth? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Exactly; no better description of him could be given. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Let us now take an illustration, which will still more clearly explain his nature. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I will tell you, and you shall answer me, giving your very closest attention. Suppose that a person were to profess, not that he could speak or dispute, but that he knew how to make and do all things, by a single art. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: All things? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I see that you do not understand the first word that I utter, for you do not understand the meaning of &#039;all.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: No, I do not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Under all things, I include you and me, and also animals and trees. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Suppose a person to say that he will make you and me, and all creatures. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What would he mean by &#039;making&#039;? He cannot be a husbandman;&amp;amp;mdash;for you said that he is a maker of animals. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Yes; and I say that he is also the maker of the sea, and the earth, and the heavens, and the gods, and of all other things; and, further, that he can make them in no time, and sell them for a few pence. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: That must be a jest. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And when a man says that he knows all things, and can teach them to another at a small cost, and in a short time, is not that a jest? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And is there any more artistic or graceful form of jest than imitation? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly not; and imitation is a very comprehensive term, which includes under one class the most diverse sorts of things. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: We know, of course, that he who professes by one art to make all things is really a painter, and by the painter&#039;s art makes resemblances of real things which have the same name with them; and he can deceive the less intelligent sort of young children, to whom he shows his pictures at a distance, into the belief that he has the absolute power of making whatever he likes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And may there not be supposed to be an imitative art of reasoning? Is it not possible to enchant the hearts of young men by words poured through their ears, when they are still at a distance from the truth of facts, by exhibiting to them fictitious arguments, and making them think that they are true, and that the speaker is the wisest of men in all things? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes; why should there not be another such art? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But as time goes on, and their hearers advance in years, and come into closer contact with realities, and have learnt by sad experience to see and feel the truth of things, are not the greater part of them compelled to change many opinions which they formerly entertained, so that the great appears small to them, and the easy difficult, and all their dreamy speculations are overturned by the facts of life? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: That is my view, as far as I can judge, although, at my age, I may be one of those who see things at a distance only. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And the wish of all of us, who are your friends, is and always will be to bring you as near to the truth as we can without the sad reality. And now I should like you to tell me, whether the Sophist is not visibly a magician and imitator of true being; or are we still disposed to think that he may have a true knowledge of the various matters about which he disputes? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: But how can he, Stranger? Is there any doubt, after what has been said, that he is to be located in one of the divisions of children&#039;s play? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then we must place him in the class of magicians and mimics. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly we must. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And now our business is not to let the animal out, for we have got him in a sort of dialectical net, and there is one thing which he decidedly will not escape. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What is that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The inference that he is a juggler. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Precisely my own opinion of him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then, clearly, we ought as soon as possible to divide the image-making art, and go down into the net, and, if the Sophist does not run away from us, to seize him according to orders and deliver him over to reason, who is the lord of the hunt, and proclaim the capture of him; and if he creeps into the recesses of the imitative art, and secretes himself in one of them, to divide again and follow him up until in some sub-section of imitation he is caught. For our method of tackling each and all is one which neither he nor any other creature will ever escape in triumph. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Well said; and let us do as you propose. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Well, then, pursuing the same analytic method as before, I think that I can discern two divisions of the imitative art, but I am not as yet able to see in which of them the desired form is to be found. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Will you tell me first what are the two divisions of which you are speaking? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: One is the art of likeness-making;&amp;amp;mdash;generally a likeness of anything is made by producing a copy which is executed according to the proportions of the original, similar in length and breadth and depth, each thing receiving also its appropriate colour. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Is not this always the aim of imitation? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Not always; in works either of sculpture or of painting, which are of any magnitude, there is a certain degree of deception; for artists were to give the true proportions of their fair works, the upper part, which is farther off, would appear to be out of proportion in comparison with the lower, which is nearer; and so they give up the truth in their images and make only the proportions which appear to be beautiful, disregarding the real ones. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And that which being other is also like, may we not fairly call a likeness or image? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And may we not, as I did just now, call that part of the imitative art which is concerned with making such images the art of likeness-making? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Let that be the name. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And what shall we call those resemblances of the beautiful, which appear such owing to the unfavourable position of the spectator, whereas if a person had the power of getting a correct view of works of such magnitude, they would appear not even like that to which they profess to be like? May we not call these &#039;appearances,&#039; since they appear only and are not really like? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There is a great deal of this kind of thing in painting, and in all imitation. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And may we not fairly call the sort of art, which produces an appearance and not an image, phantastic art? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Most fairly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: These then are the two kinds of image-making&amp;amp;mdash;the art of making likenesses, and phantastic or the art of making appearances? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I was doubtful before in which of them I should place the Sophist, nor am I even now able to see clearly; verily he is a wonderful and inscrutable creature. And now in the cleverest manner he has got into an impossible place. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, he has. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Do you speak advisedly, or are you carried away at the moment by the habit of assenting into giving a hasty answer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: May I ask to what you are referring? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: My dear friend, we are engaged in a very difficult speculation&amp;amp;mdash;there can be no doubt of that; for how a thing can appear and seem, and not be, or how a man can say a thing which is not true, has always been and still remains a very perplexing question. Can any one say or think that falsehood really exists, and avoid being caught in a contradiction? Indeed, Theaetetus, the task is a difficult one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Why? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: He who says that falsehood exists has the audacity to assert the being of not-being; for this is implied in the possibility of falsehood. But, my boy, in the days when I was a boy, the great Parmenides protested against this doctrine, and to the end of his life he continued to inculcate the same lesson&amp;amp;mdash;always repeating both in verse and out of verse: &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;Keep your mind from this way of enquiry, for never will you show that not-being is.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Such is his testimony, which is confirmed by the very expression when sifted a little. Would you object to begin with the consideration of the words themselves? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Never mind about me; I am only desirous that you should carry on the argument in the best way, and that you should take me with you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Very good; and now say, do we venture to utter the forbidden word &#039;not-being&#039;? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly we do. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Let us be serious then, and consider the question neither in strife nor play: suppose that one of the hearers of Parmenides was asked, &#039;To what is the term &amp;quot;not-being&amp;quot; to be applied?&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;do you know what sort of object he would single out in reply, and what answer he would make to the enquirer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: That is a difficult question, and one not to be answered at all by a person like myself. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There is at any rate no difficulty in seeing that the predicate &#039;not-being&#039; is not applicable to any being. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: None, certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And if not to being, then not to something. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Of course not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: It is also plain, that in speaking of something we speak of being, for to speak of an abstract something naked and isolated from all being is impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: You mean by assenting to imply that he who says something must say some one thing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Some in the singular (ti) you would say is the sign of one, some in the dual (tine) of two, some in the plural (tines) of many? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Exactly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then he who says &#039;not something&#039; must say absolutely nothing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Most assuredly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And as we cannot admit that a man speaks and says nothing, he who says &#039;not-being&#039; does not speak at all. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: The difficulty of the argument can no further go. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Not yet, my friend, is the time for such a word; for there still remains of all perplexities the first and greatest, touching the very foundation of the matter. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What do you mean? Do not be afraid to speak. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: To that which is, may be attributed some other thing which is? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But can anything which is, be attributed to that which is not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And all number is to be reckoned among things which are? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, surely number, if anything, has a real existence. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then we must not attempt to attribute to not-being number either in the singular or plural? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: The argument implies that we should be wrong in doing so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But how can a man either express in words or even conceive in thought things which are not or a thing which is not without number? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: How indeed? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: When we speak of things which are not, are we not attributing plurality to not-being? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But, on the other hand, when we say &#039;what is not,&#039; do we not attribute unity? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Manifestly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Nevertheless, we maintain that you may not and ought not to attribute being to not-being? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Do you see, then, that not-being in itself can neither be spoken, uttered, or thought, but that it is unthinkable, unutterable, unspeakable, indescribable? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But, if so, I was wrong in telling you just now that the difficulty which was coming is the greatest of all. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What! is there a greater still behind? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Well, I am surprised, after what has been said already, that you do not see the difficulty in which he who would refute the notion of not-being is involved. For he is compelled to contradict himself as soon as he makes the attempt. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What do you mean? Speak more clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Do not expect clearness from me. For I, who maintain that not-being has no part either in the one or many, just now spoke and am still speaking of not-being as one; for I say &#039;not-being.&#039; Do you understand? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And a little while ago I said that not-being is unutterable, unspeakable, indescribable: do you follow? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I do after a fashion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: When I introduced the word &#039;is,&#039; did I not contradict what I said before? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And in using the singular verb, did I not speak of not-being as one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And when I spoke of not-being as indescribable and unspeakable and unutterable, in using each of these words in the singular, did I not refer to not-being as one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And yet we say that, strictly speaking, it should not be defined as one or many, and should not even be called &#039;it,&#039; for the use of the word &#039;it&#039; would imply a form of unity. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: How, then, can any one put any faith in me? For now, as always, I am unequal to the refutation of not-being. And therefore, as I was saying, do not look to me for the right way of speaking about not-being; but come, let us try the experiment with you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Make a noble effort, as becomes youth, and endeavour with all your might to speak of not-being in a right manner, without introducing into it either existence or unity or plurality. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: It would be a strange boldness in me which would attempt the task when I see you thus discomfited. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Say no more of ourselves; but until we find some one or other who can speak of not-being without number, we must acknowledge that the Sophist is a clever rogue who will not be got out of his hole. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And if we say to him that he professes an art of making appearances, he will grapple with us and retort our argument upon ourselves; and when we call him an image-maker he will say, &#039;Pray what do you mean at all by an image?&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;and I should like to know, Theaetetus, how we can possibly answer the younker&#039;s question? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: We shall doubtless tell him of the images which are reflected in water or in mirrors; also of sculptures, pictures, and other duplicates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I see, Theaetetus, that you have never made the acquaintance of the Sophist. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Why do you think so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: He will make believe to have his eyes shut, or to have none. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: When you tell him of something existing in a mirror, or in sculpture, and address him as though he had eyes, he will laugh you to scorn, and will pretend that he knows nothing of mirrors and streams, or of sight at all; he will say that he is asking about an idea. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What can he mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The common notion pervading all these objects, which you speak of as many, and yet call by the single name of image, as though it were the unity under which they were all included. How will you maintain your ground against him? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: How, Stranger, can I describe an image except as something fashioned in the likeness of the true? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And do you mean this something to be some other true thing, or what do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly not another true thing, but only a resemblance. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And you mean by true that which really is? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And the not true is that which is the opposite of the true? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Exactly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: A resemblance, then, is not really real, if, as you say, not true? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Nay, but it is in a certain sense. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: You mean to say, not in a true sense? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes; it is in reality only an image. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then what we call an image is in reality really unreal. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: In what a strange complication of being and not-being we are involved! &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Strange! I should think so. See how, by his reciprocation of opposites, the many-headed Sophist has compelled us, quite against our will, to admit the existence of not-being. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, indeed, I see. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The difficulty is how to define his art without falling into a contradiction. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: How do you mean? And where does the danger lie? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: When we say that he deceives us with an illusion, and that his art is illusory, do we mean that our soul is led by his art to think falsely, or what do we mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: There is nothing else to be said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Again, false opinion is that form of opinion which thinks the opposite of the truth:&amp;amp;mdash;You would assent? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: You mean to say that false opinion thinks what is not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Does false opinion think that things which are not are not, or that in a certain sense they are? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Things that are not must be imagined to exist in a certain sense, if any degree of falsehood is to be possible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And does not false opinion also think that things which most certainly exist do not exist at all? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And here, again, is falsehood? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Falsehood&amp;amp;mdash;yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And in like manner, a false proposition will be deemed to be one which asserts the non-existence of things which are, and the existence of things which are not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: There is no other way in which a false proposition can arise. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There is not; but the Sophist will deny these statements. And indeed how can any rational man assent to them, when the very expressions which we have just used were before acknowledged by us to be unutterable, unspeakable, indescribable, unthinkable? Do you see his point, Theaetetus? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Of course he will say that we are contradicting ourselves when we hazard the assertion, that falsehood exists in opinion and in words; for in maintaining this, we are compelled over and over again to assert being of not-being, which we admitted just now to be an utter impossibility. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: How well you remember! And now it is high time to hold a consultation as to what we ought to do about the Sophist; for if we persist in looking for him in the class of false workers and magicians, you see that the handles for objection and the difficulties which will arise are very numerous and obvious. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: They are indeed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: We have gone through but a very small portion of them, and they are really infinite. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: If that is the case, we cannot possibly catch the Sophist. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Shall we then be so faint-hearted as to give him up? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly not, I should say, if we can get the slightest hold upon him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Will you then forgive me, and, as your words imply, not be altogether displeased if I flinch a little from the grasp of such a sturdy argument? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: To be sure I will. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I have a yet more urgent request to make. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Which is&amp;amp;mdash;? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: That you will promise not to regard me as a parricide. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: And why? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Because, in self-defence, I must test the philosophy of my father Parmenides, and try to prove by main force that in a certain sense not-being is, and that being, on the other hand, is not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Some attempt of the kind is clearly needed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Yes, a blind man, as they say, might see that, and, unless these questions are decided in one way or another, no one when he speaks of false words, or false opinion, or idols, or images, or imitations, or appearances, or about the arts which are concerned with them; can avoid falling into ridiculous contradictions. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And therefore I must venture to lay hands on my father&#039;s argument; for if I am to be over-scrupulous, I shall have to give the matter up. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Nothing in the world should ever induce us to do so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I have a third little request which I wish to make. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: You heard me say what I have always felt and still feel&amp;amp;mdash;that I have no heart for this argument? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I did. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I tremble at the thought of what I have said, and expect that you will deem me mad, when you hear of my sudden changes and shiftings; let me therefore observe, that I am examining the question entirely out of regard for you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: There is no reason for you to fear that I shall impute any impropriety to you, if you attempt this refutation and proof; take heart, therefore, and proceed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And where shall I begin the perilous enterprise? I think that the road which I must take is&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Which?&amp;amp;mdash;Let me hear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I think that we had better, first of all, consider the points which at present are regarded as self-evident, lest we may have fallen into some confusion, and be too ready to assent to one another, fancying that we are quite clear about them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Say more distinctly what you mean. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I think that Parmenides, and all ever yet undertook to determine the number and nature of existences, talked to us in rather a light and easy strain. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: How? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: As if we had been children, to whom they repeated each his own mythus or story;&amp;amp;mdash;one said that there were three principles, and that at one time there was war between certain of them; and then again there was peace, and they were married and begat children, and brought them up; and another spoke of two principles,&amp;amp;mdash;a moist and a dry, or a hot and a cold, and made them marry and cohabit. The Eleatics, however, in our part of the world, say that all things are many in name, but in nature one; this is their mythus, which goes back to Xenophanes, and is even older. Then there are Ionian, and in more recent times Sicilian muses, who have arrived at the conclusion that to unite the two principles is safer, and to say that being is one and many, and that these are held together by enmity and friendship, ever parting, ever meeting, as the severer Muses assert, while the gentler ones do not insist on the perpetual strife and peace, but admit a relaxation and alternation of them; peace and unity sometimes prevailing under the sway of Aphrodite, and then again plurality and war, by reason of a principle of strife. Whether any of them spoke the truth in all this is hard to determine; besides, antiquity and famous men should have reverence, and not be liable to accusations so serious. Yet one thing may be said of them without offence&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What thing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: That they went on their several ways disdaining to notice people like ourselves; they did not care whether they took us with them, or left us behind them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: How do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I mean to say, that when they talk of one, two, or more elements, which are or have become or are becoming, or again of heat mingling with cold, assuming in some other part of their works separations and mixtures,&amp;amp;mdash;tell me, Theaetetus, do you understand what they mean by these expressions? When I was a younger man, I used to fancy that I understood quite well what was meant by the term &#039;not-being,&#039; which is our present subject of dispute; and now you see in what a fix we are about it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I see. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And very likely we have been getting into the same perplexity about &#039;being,&#039; and yet may fancy that when anybody utters the word, we understand him quite easily, although we do not know about not-being. But we may be; equally ignorant of both. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I dare say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And the same may be said of all the terms just mentioned. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The consideration of most of them may be deferred; but we had better now discuss the chief captain and leader of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Of what are you speaking? You clearly think that we must first investigate what people mean by the word &#039;being.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: You follow close at my heels, Theaetetus. For the right method, I conceive, will be to call into our presence the dualistic philosophers and to interrogate them. &#039;Come,&#039; we will say, &#039;Ye, who affirm that hot and cold or any other two principles are the universe, what is this term which you apply to both of them, and what do you mean when you say that both and each of them &amp;quot;are&amp;quot;? How are we to understand the word &amp;quot;are&amp;quot;? Upon your view, are we to suppose that there is a third principle over and above the other two,&amp;amp;mdash;three in all, and not two? For clearly you cannot say that one of the two principles is being, and yet attribute being equally to both of them; for, if you did, whichever of the two is identified with being, will comprehend the other; and so they will be one and not two.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But perhaps you mean to give the name of &#039;being&#039; to both of them together? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Quite likely. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: &#039;Then, friends,&#039; we shall reply to them, &#039;the answer is plainly that the two will still be resolved into one.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: &#039;Since, then, we are in a difficulty, please to tell us what you mean, when you speak of being; for there can be no doubt that you always from the first understood your own meaning, whereas we once thought that we understood you, but now we are in a great strait. Please to begin by explaining this matter to us, and let us no longer fancy that we understand you, when we entirely misunderstand you.&#039; There will be no impropriety in our demanding an answer to this question, either of the dualists or of the pluralists? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And what about the assertors of the oneness of the all&amp;amp;mdash;must we not endeavour to ascertain from them what they mean by &#039;being&#039;? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: By all means. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then let them answer this question: One, you say, alone is? &#039;Yes,&#039; they will reply. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And there is something which you call &#039;being&#039;? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: &#039;Yes.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And is being the same as one, and do you apply two names to the same thing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What will be their answer, Stranger? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: It is clear, Theaetetus, that he who asserts the unity of being will find a difficulty in answering this or any other question. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Why so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: To admit of two names, and to affirm that there is nothing but unity, is surely ridiculous? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And equally irrational to admit that a name is anything? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: How so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: To distinguish the name from the thing, implies duality. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And yet he who identifies the name with the thing will be compelled to say that it is the name of nothing, or if he says that it is the name of something, even then the name will only be the name of a name, and of nothing else. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And the one will turn out to be only one of one, and being absolute unity, will represent a mere name. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And would they say that the whole is other than the one that is, or the same with it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: To be sure they would, and they actually say so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: If being is a whole, as Parmenides sings,&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;Every way like unto the fullness of a well-rounded sphere, Evenly balanced from the centre on every side, And must needs be neither greater nor less in any way, Neither on this side nor on that&amp;amp;mdash;&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; then being has a centre and extremes, and, having these, must also have parts. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Yet that which has parts may have the attribute of unity in all the parts, and in this way being all and a whole, may be one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But that of which this is the condition cannot be absolute unity? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Why not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Because, according to right reason, that which is truly one must be affirmed to be absolutely indivisible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But this indivisible, if made up of many parts, will contradict reason. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I understand. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Shall we say that being is one and a whole, because it has the attribute of unity? Or shall we say that being is not a whole at all? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: That is a hard alternative to offer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Most true; for being, having in a certain sense the attribute of one, is yet proved not to be the same as one, and the all is therefore more than one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And yet if being be not a whole, through having the attribute of unity, and there be such a thing as an absolute whole, being lacks something of its own nature? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Upon this view, again, being, having a defect of being, will become not-being? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And, again, the all becomes more than one, for being and the whole will each have their separate nature. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But if the whole does not exist at all, all the previous difficulties remain the same, and there will be the further difficulty, that besides having no being, being can never have come into being. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Why so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Because that which comes into being always comes into being as a whole, so that he who does not give whole a place among beings, cannot speak either of essence or generation as existing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, that certainly appears to be true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Again; how can that which is not a whole have any quantity? For that which is of a certain quantity must necessarily be the whole of that quantity. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Exactly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And there will be innumerable other points, each of them causing infinite trouble to him who says that being is either one or two. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: The difficulties which are dawning upon us prove this; for one objection connects with another, and they are always involving what has preceded in a greater and worse perplexity. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: We are far from having exhausted the more exact thinkers who treat of being and not-being. But let us be content to leave them, and proceed to view those who speak less precisely; and we shall find as the result of all, that the nature of being is quite as difficult to comprehend as that of not-being. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Then now we will go to the others. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There appears to be a sort of war of Giants and Gods going on amongst them; they are fighting with one another about the nature of essence. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: How is that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Some of them are dragging down all things from heaven and from the unseen to earth, and they literally grasp in their hands rocks and oaks; of these they lay hold, and obstinately maintain, that the things only which can be touched or handled have being or essence, because they define being and body as one, and if any one else says that what is not a body exists they altogether despise him, and will hear of nothing but body. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I have often met with such men, and terrible fellows they are. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And that is the reason why their opponents cautiously defend themselves from above, out of an unseen world, mightily contending that true essence consists of certain intelligible and incorporeal ideas; the bodies of the materialists, which by them are maintained to be the very truth, they break up into little bits by their arguments, and affirm them to be, not essence, but generation and motion. Between the two armies, Theaetetus, there is always an endless conflict raging concerning these matters. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Let us ask each party in turn, to give an account of that which they call essence. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: How shall we get it out of them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: With those who make being to consist in ideas, there will be less difficulty, for they are civil people enough; but there will be very great difficulty, or rather an absolute impossibility, in getting an opinion out of those who drag everything down to matter. Shall I tell you what we must do? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Let us, if we can, really improve them; but if this is not possible, let us imagine them to be better than they are, and more willing to answer in accordance with the rules of argument, and then their opinion will be more worth having; for that which better men acknowledge has more weight than that which is acknowledged by inferior men. Moreover we are no respecters of persons, but seekers after truth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then now, on the supposition that they are improved, let us ask them to state their views, and do you interpret them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Agreed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Let them say whether they would admit that there is such a thing as a mortal animal. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Of course they would. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And do they not acknowledge this to be a body having a soul? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly they do. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Meaning to say that the soul is something which exists? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And do they not say that one soul is just, and another unjust, and that one soul is wise, and another foolish? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And that the just and wise soul becomes just and wise by the possession of justice and wisdom, and the opposite under opposite circumstances? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, they do. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But surely that which may be present or may be absent will be admitted by them to exist? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And, allowing that justice, wisdom, the other virtues, and their opposites exist, as well as a soul in which they inhere, do they affirm any of them to be visible and tangible, or are they all invisible? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: They would say that hardly any of them are visible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And would they say that they are corporeal? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: They would distinguish: the soul would be said by them to have a body; but as to the other qualities of justice, wisdom, and the like, about which you asked, they would not venture either to deny their existence, or to maintain that they were all corporeal. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Verily, Theaetetus, I perceive a great improvement in them; the real aborigines, children of the dragon&#039;s teeth, would have been deterred by no shame at all, but would have obstinately asserted that nothing is which they are not able to squeeze in their hands. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: That is pretty much their notion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Let us push the question; for if they will admit that any, even the smallest particle of being, is incorporeal, it is enough; they must then say what that nature is which is common to both the corporeal and incorporeal, and which they have in their mind&#039;s eye when they say of both of them that they &#039;are.&#039; Perhaps they may be in a difficulty; and if this is the case, there is a possibility that they may accept a notion of ours respecting the nature of being, having nothing of their own to offer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What is the notion? Tell me, and we shall soon see. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: My notion would be, that anything which possesses any sort of power to affect another, or to be affected by another, if only for a single moment, however trifling the cause and however slight the effect, has real existence; and I hold that the definition of being is simply power. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: They accept your suggestion, having nothing better of their own to offer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Very good; perhaps we, as well as they, may one day change our minds; but, for the present, this may be regarded as the understanding which is established with them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Agreed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Let us now go to the friends of ideas; of their opinions, too, you shall be the interpreter. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I will. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: To them we say&amp;amp;mdash;You would distinguish essence from generation? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: &#039;Yes,&#039; they reply. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And you would allow that we participate in generation with the body, and through perception, but we participate with the soul through thought in true essence; and essence you would affirm to be always the same and immutable, whereas generation or becoming varies? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes; that is what we should affirm. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Well, fair sirs, we say to them, what is this participation, which you assert of both? Do you agree with our recent definition? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What definition? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: We said that being was an active or passive energy, arising out of a certain power which proceeds from elements meeting with one another. Perhaps your ears, Theaetetus, may fail to catch their answer, which I recognize because I have been accustomed to hear it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: And what is their answer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: They deny the truth of what we were just now saying to the aborigines about existence. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What was that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Any power of doing or suffering in a degree however slight was held by us to be a sufficient definition of being? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: They deny this, and say that the power of doing or suffering is confined to becoming, and that neither power is applicable to being. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: And is there not some truth in what they say? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Yes; but our reply will be, that we want to ascertain from them more distinctly, whether they further admit that the soul knows, and that being or essence is known. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: There can be no doubt that they say so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And is knowing and being known doing or suffering, or both, or is the one doing and the other suffering, or has neither any share in either? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Clearly, neither has any share in either; for if they say anything else, they will contradict themselves. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I understand; but they will allow that if to know is active, then, of course, to be known is passive. And on this view being, in so far as it is known, is acted upon by knowledge, and is therefore in motion; for that which is in a state of rest cannot be acted upon, as we affirm. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And, O heavens, can we ever be made to believe that motion and life and soul and mind are not present with perfect being? Can we imagine that being is devoid of life and mind, and exists in awful unmeaningness an everlasting fixture? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: That would be a dreadful thing to admit, Stranger. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But shall we say that has mind and not life? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: How is that possible? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Or shall we say that both inhere in perfect being, but that it has no soul which contains them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: And in what other way can it contain them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Or that being has mind and life and soul, but although endowed with soul remains absolutely unmoved? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: All three suppositions appear to me to be irrational. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Under being, then, we must include motion, and that which is moved. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then, Theaetetus, our inference is, that if there is no motion, neither is there any mind anywhere, or about anything or belonging to any one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And yet this equally follows, if we grant that all things are in motion&amp;amp;mdash;upon this view too mind has no existence. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: How so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Do you think that sameness of condition and mode and subject could ever exist without a principle of rest? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Can you see how without them mind could exist, or come into existence anywhere? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And surely contend we must in every possible way against him who would annihilate knowledge and reason and mind, and yet ventures to speak confidently about anything. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, with all our might. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then the philosopher, who has the truest reverence for these qualities, cannot possibly accept the notion of those who say that the whole is at rest, either as unity or in many forms: and he will be utterly deaf to those who assert universal motion. As children say entreatingly &#039;Give us both,&#039; so he will include both the moveable and immoveable in his definition of being and all. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And now, do we seem to have gained a fair notion of being? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes truly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Alas, Theaetetus, methinks that we are now only beginning to see the real difficulty of the enquiry into the nature of it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: O my friend, do you not see that nothing can exceed our ignorance, and yet we fancy that we are saying something good? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I certainly thought that we were; and I do not at all understand how we never found out our desperate case. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Reflect: after having made these admissions, may we not be justly asked the same questions which we ourselves were asking of those who said that all was hot and cold? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What were they? Will you recall them to my mind? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: To be sure I will, and I will remind you of them, by putting the same questions to you which I did to them, and then we shall get on. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Would you not say that rest and motion are in the most entire opposition to one another? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And yet you would say that both and either of them equally are? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I should. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And when you admit that both or either of them are, do you mean to say that both or either of them are in motion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Or do you wish to imply that they are both at rest, when you say that they are? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Of course not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then you conceive of being as some third and distinct nature, under which rest and motion are alike included; and, observing that they both participate in being, you declare that they are. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Truly we seem to have an intimation that being is some third thing, when we say that rest and motion are. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then being is not the combination of rest and motion, but something different from them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: So it would appear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Being, then, according to its own nature, is neither in motion nor at rest. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: That is very much the truth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Where, then, is a man to look for help who would have any clear or fixed notion of being in his mind? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Where, indeed? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I scarcely think that he can look anywhere; for that which is not in motion must be at rest, and again, that which is not at rest must be in motion; but being is placed outside of both these classes. Is this possible? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Utterly impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Here, then, is another thing which we ought to bear in mind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: When we were asked to what we were to assign the appellation of not-being, we were in the greatest difficulty:&amp;amp;mdash;do you remember? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: To be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And are we not now in as great a difficulty about being? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I should say, Stranger, that we are in one which is, if possible, even greater. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then let us acknowledge the difficulty; and as being and not-being are involved in the same perplexity, there is hope that when the one appears more or less distinctly, the other will equally appear; and if we are able to see neither, there may still be a chance of steering our way in between them, without any great discredit. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Let us enquire, then, how we come to predicate many names of the same thing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Give an example. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I mean that we speak of man, for example, under many names&amp;amp;mdash;that we attribute to him colours and forms and magnitudes and virtues and vices, in all of which instances and in ten thousand others we not only speak of him as a man, but also as good, and having numberless other attributes, and in the same way anything else which we originally supposed to be one is described by us as many, and under many names. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: That is true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And thus we provide a rich feast for tyros, whether young or old; for there is nothing easier than to argue that the one cannot be many, or the many one; and great is their delight in denying that a man is good; for man, they insist, is man and good is good. I dare say that you have met with persons who take an interest in such matters&amp;amp;mdash;they are often elderly men, whose meagre sense is thrown into amazement by these discoveries of theirs, which they believe to be the height of wisdom. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly, I have. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then, not to exclude any one who has ever speculated at all upon the nature of being, let us put our questions to them as well as to our former friends. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What questions? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Shall we refuse to attribute being to motion and rest, or anything to anything, and assume that they do not mingle, and are incapable of participating in one another? Or shall we gather all into one class of things communicable with one another? Or are some things communicable and others not?&amp;amp;mdash;Which of these alternatives, Theaetetus, will they prefer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I have nothing to answer on their behalf. Suppose that you take all these hypotheses in turn, and see what are the consequences which follow from each of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Very good, and first let us assume them to say that nothing is capable of participating in anything else in any respect; in that case rest and motion cannot participate in being at all. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: They cannot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But would either of them be if not participating in being? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then by this admission everything is instantly overturned, as well the doctrine of universal motion as of universal rest, and also the doctrine of those who distribute being into immutable and everlasting kinds; for all these add on a notion of being, some affirming that things &#039;are&#039; truly in motion, and others that they &#039;are&#039; truly at rest. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Just so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Again, those who would at one time compound, and at another resolve all things, whether making them into one and out of one creating infinity, or dividing them into finite elements, and forming compounds out of these; whether they suppose the processes of creation to be successive or continuous, would be talking nonsense in all this if there were no admixture. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Most ridiculous of all will the men themselves be who want to carry out the argument and yet forbid us to call anything, because participating in some affection from another, by the name of that other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Why so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Why, because they are compelled to use the words &#039;to be,&#039; &#039;apart,&#039; &#039;from others,&#039; &#039;in itself,&#039; and ten thousand more, which they cannot give up, but must make the connecting links of discourse; and therefore they do not require to be refuted by others, but their enemy, as the saying is, inhabits the same house with them; they are always carrying about with them an adversary, like the wonderful ventriloquist, Eurycles, who out of their own bellies audibly contradicts them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Precisely so; a very true and exact illustration. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And now, if we suppose that all things have the power of communion with one another&amp;amp;mdash;what will follow? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Even I can solve that riddle. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: How? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Why, because motion itself would be at rest, and rest again in motion, if they could be attributed to one another. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But this is utterly impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then only the third hypothesis remains. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: For, surely, either all things have communion with all; or nothing with any other thing; or some things communicate with some things and others not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And two out of these three suppositions have been found to be impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Every one then, who desires to answer truly, will adopt the third and remaining hypothesis of the communion of some with some. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: This communion of some with some may be illustrated by the case of letters; for some letters do not fit each other, while others do. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And the vowels, especially, are a sort of bond which pervades all the other letters, so that without a vowel one consonant cannot be joined to another. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But does every one know what letters will unite with what? Or is art required in order to do so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Art is required. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: What art? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: The art of grammar. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And is not this also true of sounds high and low?&amp;amp;mdash;Is not he who has the art to know what sounds mingle, a musician, and he who is ignorant, not a musician? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And we shall find this to be generally true of art or the absence of art. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And as classes are admitted by us in like manner to be some of them capable and others incapable of intermixture, must not he who would rightly show what kinds will unite and what will not, proceed by the help of science in the path of argument? And will he not ask if the connecting links are universal, and so capable of intermixture with all things; and again, in divisions, whether there are not other universal classes, which make them possible? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: To be sure he will require science, and, if I am not mistaken, the very greatest of all sciences. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: How are we to call it? By Zeus, have we not lighted unwittingly upon our free and noble science, and in looking for the Sophist have we not entertained the philosopher unawares? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Should we not say that the division according to classes, which neither makes the same other, nor makes other the same, is the business of the dialectical science? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: That is what we should say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then, surely, he who can divide rightly is able to see clearly one form pervading a scattered multitude, and many different forms contained under one higher form; and again, one form knit together into a single whole and pervading many such wholes, and many forms, existing only in separation and isolation. This is the knowledge of classes which determines where they can have communion with one another and where not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And the art of dialectic would be attributed by you only to the philosopher pure and true? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Who but he can be worthy? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: In this region we shall always discover the philosopher, if we look for him; like the Sophist, he is not easily discovered, but for a different reason. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: For what reason? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Because the Sophist runs away into the darkness of not-being, in which he has learned by habit to feel about, and cannot be discovered because of the darkness of the place. Is not that true? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: It seems to be so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And the philosopher, always holding converse through reason with the idea of being, is also dark from excess of light; for the souls of the many have no eye which can endure the vision of the divine. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes; that seems to be quite as true as the other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Well, the philosopher may hereafter be more fully considered by us, if we are disposed; but the Sophist must clearly not be allowed to escape until we have had a good look at him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Since, then, we are agreed that some classes have a communion with one another, and others not, and some have communion with a few and others with many, and that there is no reason why some should not have universal communion with all, let us now pursue the enquiry, as the argument suggests, not in relation to all ideas, lest the multitude of them should confuse us, but let us select a few of those which are reckoned to be the principal ones, and consider their several natures and their capacity of communion with one another, in order that if we are not able to apprehend with perfect clearness the notions of being and not-being, we may at least not fall short in the consideration of them, so far as they come within the scope of the present enquiry, if peradventure we may be allowed to assert the reality of not-being, and yet escape unscathed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: We must do so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The most important of all the genera are those which we were just now mentioning&amp;amp;mdash;being and rest and motion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, by far. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And two of these are, as we affirm, incapable of communion with one another. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Quite incapable. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Whereas being surely has communion with both of them, for both of them are? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: That makes up three of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: To be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And each of them is other than the remaining two, but the same with itself. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But then, what is the meaning of these two words, &#039;same&#039; and &#039;other&#039;? Are they two new kinds other than the three, and yet always of necessity intermingling with them, and are we to have five kinds instead of three; or when we speak of the same and other, are we unconsciously speaking of one of the three first kinds? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very likely we are. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But, surely, motion and rest are neither the other nor the same. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: How is that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Whatever we attribute to motion and rest in common, cannot be either of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Why not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Because motion would be at rest and rest in motion, for either of them, being predicated of both, will compel the other to change into the opposite of its own nature, because partaking of its opposite. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Yet they surely both partake of the same and of the other? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then we must not assert that motion, any more than rest, is either the same or the other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: No; we must not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But are we to conceive that being and the same are identical? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Possibly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But if they are identical, then again in saying that motion and rest have being, we should also be saying that they are the same. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Which surely cannot be. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then being and the same cannot be one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Scarcely. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then we may suppose the same to be a fourth class, which is now to be added to the three others. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And shall we call the other a fifth class? Or should we consider being and other to be two names of the same class? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very likely. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But you would agree, if I am not mistaken, that existences are relative as well as absolute? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And the other is always relative to other? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But this would not be the case unless being and the other entirely differed; for, if the other, like being, were absolute as well as relative, then there would have been a kind of other which was not other than other. And now we find that what is other must of necessity be what it is in relation to some other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: That is the true state of the case. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then we must admit the other as the fifth of our selected classes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And the fifth class pervades all classes, for they all differ from one another, not by reason of their own nature, but because they partake of the idea of the other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then let us now put the case with reference to each of the five. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: How? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: First there is motion, which we affirm to be absolutely &#039;other&#039; than rest: what else can we say? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: It is so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And therefore is not rest. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And yet is, because partaking of being. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Again, motion is other than the same? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Just so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And is therefore not the same. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: It is not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Yet, surely, motion is the same, because all things partake of the same. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then we must admit, and not object to say, that motion is the same and is not the same, for we do not apply the terms &#039;same&#039; and &#039;not the same,&#039; in the same sense; but we call it the &#039;same,&#039; in relation to itself, because partaking of the same; and not the same, because having communion with the other, it is thereby severed from the same, and has become not that but other, and is therefore rightly spoken of as &#039;not the same.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: To be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And if absolute motion in any point of view partook of rest, there would be no absurdity in calling motion stationary. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Quite right,&amp;amp;mdash;that is, on the supposition that some classes mingle with one another, and others not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: That such a communion of kinds is according to nature, we had already proved before we arrived at this part of our discussion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Let us proceed, then. May we not say that motion is other than the other, having been also proved by us to be other than the same and other than rest? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: That is certain. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then, according to this view, motion is other and also not other? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: What is the next step? Shall we say that motion is other than the three and not other than the fourth,&amp;amp;mdash;for we agreed that there are five classes about and in the sphere of which we proposed to make enquiry? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Surely we cannot admit that the number is less than it appeared to be just now. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then we may without fear contend that motion is other than being? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Without the least fear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The plain result is that motion, since it partakes of being, really is and also is not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Nothing can be plainer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then not-being necessarily exists in the case of motion and of every class; for the nature of the other entering into them all, makes each of them other than being, and so non-existent; and therefore of all of them, in like manner, we may truly say that they are not; and again, inasmuch as they partake of being, that they are and are existent. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: So we may assume. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Every class, then, has plurality of being and infinity of not-being. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: So we must infer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And being itself may be said to be other than the other kinds. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then we may infer that being is not, in respect of as many other things as there are; for not-being these it is itself one, and is not the other things, which are infinite in number. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: That is not far from the truth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And we must not quarrel with this result, since it is of the nature of classes to have communion with one another; and if any one denies our present statement [viz., that being is not, etc.], let him first argue with our former conclusion [i.e., respecting the communion of ideas], and then he may proceed to argue with what follows. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Nothing can be fairer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Let me ask you to consider a further question. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What question? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: When we speak of not-being, we speak, I suppose, not of something opposed to being, but only different. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: When we speak of something as not great, does the expression seem to you to imply what is little any more than what is equal? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The negative particles, ou and me, when prefixed to words, do not imply opposition, but only difference from the words, or more correctly from the things represented by the words, which follow them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There is another point to be considered, if you do not object. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The nature of the other appears to me to be divided into fractions like knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: How so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Knowledge, like the other, is one; and yet the various parts of knowledge have each of them their own particular name, and hence there are many arts and kinds of knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And is not the case the same with the parts of the other, which is also one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very likely; but will you tell me how? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There is some part of the other which is opposed to the beautiful? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: There is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Shall we say that this has or has not a name? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: It has; for whatever we call not-beautiful is other than the beautiful, not than something else. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And now tell me another thing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Is the not-beautiful anything but this&amp;amp;mdash;an existence parted off from a certain kind of existence, and again from another point of view opposed to an existing something? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then the not-beautiful turns out to be the opposition of being to being? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But upon this view, is the beautiful a more real and the not-beautiful a less real existence? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Not at all. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And the not-great may be said to exist, equally with the great? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And, in the same way, the just must be placed in the same category with the not-just&amp;amp;mdash;the one cannot be said to have any more existence than the other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The same may be said of other things; seeing that the nature of the other has a real existence, the parts of this nature must equally be supposed to exist. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then, as would appear, the opposition of a part of the other, and of a part of being, to one another, is, if I may venture to say so, as truly essence as being itself, and implies not the opposite of being, but only what is other than being. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Beyond question. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: What then shall we call it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Clearly, not-being; and this is the very nature for which the Sophist compelled us to search. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And has not this, as you were saying, as real an existence as any other class? May I not say with confidence that not-being has an assured existence, and a nature of its own? Just as the great was found to be great and the beautiful beautiful, and the not-great not-great, and the not-beautiful not-beautiful, in the same manner not-being has been found to be and is not-being, and is to be reckoned one among the many classes of being. Do you, Theaetetus, still feel any doubt of this? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: None whatever. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Do you observe that our scepticism has carried us beyond the range of Parmenides&#039; prohibition? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: In what? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: We have advanced to a further point, and shown him more than he forbad us to investigate. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: How is that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Why, because he says&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;Not-being never is, and do thou keep thy thoughts from this way of enquiry.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, he says so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Whereas, we have not only proved that things which are not are, but we have shown what form of being not-being is; for we have shown that the nature of the other is, and is distributed over all things in their relations to one another, and whatever part of the other is contrasted with being, this is precisely what we have ventured to call not-being. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: And surely, Stranger, we were quite right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Let not any one say, then, that while affirming the opposition of not-being to being, we still assert the being of not-being; for as to whether there is an opposite of being, to that enquiry we have long said good-bye&amp;amp;mdash;it may or may not be, and may or may not be capable of definition. But as touching our present account of not-being, let a man either convince us of error, or, so long as he cannot, he too must say, as we are saying, that there is a communion of classes, and that being, and difference or other, traverse all things and mutually interpenetrate, so that the other partakes of being, and by reason of this participation is, and yet is not that of which it partakes, but other, and being other than being, it is clearly a necessity that not-being should be. And again, being, through partaking of the other, becomes a class other than the remaining classes, and being other than all of them, is not each one of them, and is not all the rest, so that undoubtedly there are thousands upon thousands of cases in which being is not, and all other things, whether regarded individually or collectively, in many respects are, and in many respects are not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And he who is sceptical of this contradiction, must think how he can find something better to say; or if he sees a puzzle, and his pleasure is to drag words this way and that, the argument will prove to him, that he is not making a worthy use of his faculties; for there is no charm in such puzzles, and there is no difficulty in detecting them; but we can tell him of something else the pursuit of which is noble and also difficult. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: A thing of which I have already spoken;&amp;amp;mdash;letting alone these puzzles as involving no difficulty, he should be able to follow and criticize in detail every argument, and when a man says that the same is in a manner other, or that other is the same, to understand and refute him from his own point of view, and in the same respect in which he asserts either of these affections. But to show that somehow and in some sense the same is other, or the other same, or the great small, or the like unlike; and to delight in always bringing forward such contradictions, is no real refutation, but is clearly the new-born babe of some one who is only beginning to approach the problem of being. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: To be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: For certainly, my friend, the attempt to separate all existences from one another is a barbarism and utterly unworthy of an educated or philosophical mind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Why so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The attempt at universal separation is the final annihilation of all reasoning; for only by the union of conceptions with one another do we attain to discourse of reason. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And, observe that we were only just in time in making a resistance to such separatists, and compelling them to admit that one thing mingles with another. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Why so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Why, that we might be able to assert discourse to be a kind of being; for if we could not, the worst of all consequences would follow; we should have no philosophy. Moreover, the necessity for determining the nature of discourse presses upon us at this moment; if utterly deprived of it, we could no more hold discourse; and deprived of it we should be if we admitted that there was no admixture of natures at all. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very true. But I do not understand why at this moment we must determine the nature of discourse. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Perhaps you will see more clearly by the help of the following explanation. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What explanation? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Not-being has been acknowledged by us to be one among many classes diffused over all being. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And thence arises the question, whether not-being mingles with opinion and language. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: How so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: If not-being has no part in the proposition, then all things must be true; but if not-being has a part, then false opinion and false speech are possible, for to think or to say what is not&amp;amp;mdash;is falsehood, which thus arises in the region of thought and in speech. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: That is quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And where there is falsehood surely there must be deceit. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And if there is deceit, then all things must be full of idols and images and fancies. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: To be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Into that region the Sophist, as we said, made his escape, and, when he had got there, denied the very possibility of falsehood; no one, he argued, either conceived or uttered falsehood, inasmuch as not-being did not in any way partake of being. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And now, not-being has been shown to partake of being, and therefore he will not continue fighting in this direction, but he will probably say that some ideas partake of not-being, and some not, and that language and opinion are of the non-partaking class; and he will still fight to the death against the existence of the image-making and phantastic art, in which we have placed him, because, as he will say, opinion and language do not partake of not-being, and unless this participation exists, there can be no such thing as falsehood. And, with the view of meeting this evasion, we must begin by enquiring into the nature of language, opinion, and imagination, in order that when we find them we may find also that they have communion with not-being, and, having made out the connexion of them, may thus prove that falsehood exists; and therein we will imprison the Sophist, if he deserves it, or, if not, we will let him go again and look for him in another class. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly, Stranger, there appears to be truth in what was said about the Sophist at first, that he was of a class not easily caught, for he seems to have abundance of defences, which he throws up, and which must every one of them be stormed before we can reach the man himself. And even now, we have with difficulty got through his first defence, which is the not-being of not-being, and lo! here is another; for we have still to show that falsehood exists in the sphere of language and opinion, and there will be another and another line of defence without end. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Any one, Theaetetus, who is able to advance even a little ought to be of good cheer, for what would he who is dispirited at a little progress do, if he were making none at all, or even undergoing a repulse? Such a faint heart, as the proverb says, will never take a city: but now that we have succeeded thus far, the citadel is ours, and what remains is easier. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then, as I was saying, let us first of all obtain a conception of language and opinion, in order that we may have clearer grounds for determining, whether not-being has any concern with them, or whether they are both always true, and neither of them ever false. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then, now, let us speak of names, as before we were speaking of ideas and letters; for that is the direction in which the answer may be expected. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: And what is the question at issue about names? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The question at issue is whether all names may be connected with one another, or none, or only some of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Clearly the last is true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I understand you to say that words which have a meaning when in sequence may be connected, but that words which have no meaning when in sequence cannot be connected? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What are you saying? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: What I thought that you intended when you gave your assent; for there are two sorts of intimation of being which are given by the voice. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What are they? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: One of them is called nouns, and the other verbs. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Describe them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: That which denotes action we call a verb. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And the other, which is an articulate mark set on those who do the actions, we call a noun. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: A succession of nouns only is not a sentence, any more than of verbs without nouns. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I do not understand you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I see that when you gave your assent you had something else in your mind. But what I intended to say was, that a mere succession of nouns or of verbs is not discourse. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I mean that words like &#039;walks,&#039; &#039;runs,&#039; &#039;sleeps,&#039; or any other words which denote action, however many of them you string together, do not make discourse. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: How can they? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Or, again, when you say &#039;lion,&#039; &#039;stag,&#039; &#039;horse,&#039; or any other words which denote agents&amp;amp;mdash;neither in this way of stringing words together do you attain to discourse; for there is no expression of action or inaction, or of the existence of existence or non-existence indicated by the sounds, until verbs are mingled with nouns; then the words fit, and the smallest combination of them forms language, and is the simplest and least form of discourse. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Again I ask, What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: When any one says &#039;A man learns,&#039; should you not call this the simplest and least of sentences? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Yes, for he now arrives at the point of giving an intimation about something which is, or is becoming, or has become, or will be. And he not only names, but he does something, by connecting verbs with nouns; and therefore we say that he discourses, and to this connexion of words we give the name of discourse. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And as there are some things which fit one another, and other things which do not fit, so there are some vocal signs which do, and others which do not, combine and form discourse. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There is another small matter. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: A sentence must and cannot help having a subject. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And must be of a certain quality. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And now let us mind what we are about. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: We must do so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I will repeat a sentence to you in which a thing and an action are combined, by the help of a noun and a verb; and you shall tell me of whom the sentence speaks. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I will, to the best of my power. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: &#039;Theaetetus sits&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;not a very long sentence. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Not very. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Of whom does the sentence speak, and who is the subject? that is what you have to tell. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Of me; I am the subject. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Or this sentence, again&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What sentence? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: &#039;Theaetetus, with whom I am now speaking, is flying.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: That also is a sentence which will be admitted by every one to speak of me, and to apply to me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: We agreed that every sentence must necessarily have a certain quality. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And what is the quality of each of these two sentences? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: The one, as I imagine, is false, and the other true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The true says what is true about you? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And the false says what is other than true? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And therefore speaks of things which are not as if they were? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And say that things are real of you which are not; for, as we were saying, in regard to each thing or person, there is much that is and much that is not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The second of the two sentences which related to you was first of all an example of the shortest form consistent with our definition. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, this was implied in recent admission. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And, in the second place, it related to a subject? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Who must be you, and can be nobody else? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Unquestionably. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And it would be no sentence at all if there were no subject, for, as we proved, a sentence which has no subject is impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: When other, then, is asserted of you as the same, and not-being as being, such a combination of nouns and verbs is really and truly false discourse. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And therefore thought, opinion, and imagination are now proved to exist in our minds both as true and false. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: How so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: You will know better if you first gain a knowledge of what they are, and in what they severally differ from one another. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Give me the knowledge which you would wish me to gain. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Are not thought and speech the same, with this exception, that what is called thought is the unuttered conversation of the soul with herself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But the stream of thought which flows through the lips and is audible is called speech? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And we know that there exists in speech... &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What exists? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Affirmation. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, we know it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: When the affirmation or denial takes Place in silence and in the mind only, have you any other name by which to call it but opinion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: There can be no other name. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And when opinion is presented, not simply, but in some form of sense, would you not call it imagination? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And seeing that language is true and false, and that thought is the conversation of the soul with herself, and opinion is the end of thinking, and imagination or phantasy is the union of sense and opinion, the inference is that some of them, since they are akin to language, should have an element of falsehood as well as of truth? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Do you perceive, then, that false opinion and speech have been discovered sooner than we expected?&amp;amp;mdash;For just now we seemed to be undertaking a task which would never be accomplished. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I perceive. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then let us not be discouraged about the future; but now having made this discovery, let us go back to our previous classification. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What classification? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: We divided image-making into two sorts; the one likeness-making, the other imaginative or phantastic. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And we said that we were uncertain in which we should place the Sophist. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: We did say so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And our heads began to go round more and more when it was asserted that there is no such thing as an image or idol or appearance, because in no manner or time or place can there ever be such a thing as falsehood. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And now, since there has been shown to be false speech and false opinion, there may be imitations of real existences, and out of this condition of the mind an art of deception may arise. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Quite possible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And we have already admitted, in what preceded, that the Sophist was lurking in one of the divisions of the likeness-making art? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Let us, then, renew the attempt, and in dividing any class, always take the part to the right, holding fast to that which holds the Sophist, until we have stripped him of all his common properties, and reached his difference or peculiar. Then we may exhibit him in his true nature, first to ourselves and then to kindred dialectical spirits. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: You may remember that all art was originally divided by us into creative and acquisitive. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And the Sophist was flitting before us in the acquisitive class, in the subdivisions of hunting, contests, merchandize, and the like. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But now that the imitative art has enclosed him, it is clear that we must begin by dividing the art of creation; for imitation is a kind of creation&amp;amp;mdash;of images, however, as we affirm, and not of real things. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: In the first place, there are two kinds of creation. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What are they? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: One of them is human and the other divine. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I do not follow. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Every power, as you may remember our saying originally, which causes things to exist, not previously existing, was defined by us as creative. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I remember. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Looking, now, at the world and all the animals and plants, at things which grow upon the earth from seeds and roots, as well as at inanimate substances which are formed within the earth, fusile or non-fusile, shall we say that they come into existence&amp;amp;mdash;not having existed previously&amp;amp;mdash;by the creation of God, or shall we agree with vulgar opinion about them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The opinion that nature brings them into being from some spontaneous and unintelligent cause. Or shall we say that they are created by a divine reason and a knowledge which comes from God? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I dare say that, owing to my youth, I may often waver in my view, but now when I look at you and see that you incline to refer them to God, I defer to your authority. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Nobly said, Theaetetus, and if I thought that you were one of those who would hereafter change your mind, I would have gently argued with you, and forced you to assent; but as I perceive that you will come of yourself and without any argument of mine, to that belief which, as you say, attracts you, I will not forestall the work of time. Let me suppose, then, that things which are said to be made by nature are the work of divine art, and that things which are made by man out of these are works of human art. And so there are two kinds of making and production, the one human and the other divine. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then, now, subdivide each of the two sections which we have already. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: How do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I mean to say that you should make a vertical division of production or invention, as you have already made a lateral one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I have done so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then, now, there are in all four parts or segments&amp;amp;mdash;two of them have reference to us and are human, and two of them have reference to the gods and are divine. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And, again, in the division which was supposed to be made in the other way, one part in each subdivision is the making of the things themselves, but the two remaining parts may be called the making of likenesses; and so the productive art is again divided into two parts. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Tell me the divisions once more. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I suppose that we, and the other animals, and the elements out of which things are made&amp;amp;mdash;fire, water, and the like&amp;amp;mdash;are known by us to be each and all the creation and work of God. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And there are images of them, which are not them, but which correspond to them; and these are also the creation of a wonderful skill. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What are they? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The appearances which spring up of themselves in sleep or by day, such as a shadow when darkness arises in a fire, or the reflection which is produced when the light in bright and smooth objects meets on their surface with an external light, and creates a perception the opposite of our ordinary sight. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes; and the images as well as the creation are equally the work of a divine hand. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And what shall we say of human art? Do we not make one house by the art of building, and another by the art of drawing, which is a sort of dream created by man for those who are awake? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And other products of human creation are also twofold and go in pairs; there is the thing, with which the art of making the thing is concerned, and the image, with which imitation is concerned. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Now I begin to understand, and am ready to acknowledge that there are two kinds of production, and each of them twofold; in the lateral division there is both a divine and a human production; in the vertical there are realities and a creation of a kind of similitudes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And let us not forget that of the imitative class the one part was to have been likeness-making, and the other phantastic, if it could be shown that falsehood is a reality and belongs to the class of real being. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And this appeared to be the case; and therefore now, without hesitation, we shall number the different kinds as two. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then, now, let us again divide the phantastic art. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Where shall we make the division? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There is one kind which is produced by an instrument, and another in which the creator of the appearance is himself the instrument. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: When any one makes himself appear like another in his figure or his voice, imitation is the name for this part of the phantastic art. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Let this, then, be named the art of mimicry, and this the province assigned to it; as for the other division, we are weary and will give that up, leaving to some one else the duty of making the class and giving it a suitable name. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Let us do as you say&amp;amp;mdash;assign a sphere to the one and leave the other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There is a further distinction, Theaetetus, which is worthy of our consideration, and for a reason which I will tell you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Let me hear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There are some who imitate, knowing what they imitate, and some who do not know. And what line of distinction can there possibly be greater than that which divides ignorance from knowledge? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: There can be no greater. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Was not the sort of imitation of which we spoke just now the imitation of those who know? For he who would imitate you would surely know you and your figure? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Naturally. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And what would you say of the figure or form of justice or of virtue in general? Are we not well aware that many, having no knowledge of either, but only a sort of opinion, do their best to show that this opinion is really entertained by them, by expressing it, as far as they can, in word and deed? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, that is very common. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And do they always fail in their attempt to be thought just, when they are not? Or is not the very opposite true? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: The very opposite. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Such a one, then, should be described as an imitator&amp;amp;mdash;to be distinguished from the other, as he who is ignorant is distinguished from him who knows? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Can we find a suitable name for each of them? This is clearly not an easy task; for among the ancients there was some confusion of ideas, which prevented them from attempting to divide genera into species; wherefore there is no great abundance of names. Yet, for the sake of distinctness, I will make bold to call the imitation which coexists with opinion, the imitation of appearance&amp;amp;mdash;that which coexists with science, a scientific or learned imitation. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Granted. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The former is our present concern, for the Sophist was classed with imitators indeed, but not among those who have knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Let us, then, examine our imitator of appearance, and see whether he is sound, like a piece of iron, or whether there is still some crack in him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Let us examine him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Indeed there is a very considerable crack; for if you look, you find that one of the two classes of imitators is a simple creature, who thinks that he knows that which he only fancies; the other sort has knocked about among arguments, until he suspects and fears that he is ignorant of that which to the many he pretends to know. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: There are certainly the two kinds which you describe. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Shall we regard one as the simple imitator&amp;amp;mdash;the other as the dissembling or ironical imitator? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And shall we further speak of this latter class as having one or two divisions? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Answer yourself. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Upon consideration, then, there appear to me to be two; there is the dissembler, who harangues a multitude in public in a long speech, and the dissembler, who in private and in short speeches compels the person who is conversing with him to contradict himself. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What you say is most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And who is the maker of the longer speeches? Is he the statesman or the popular orator? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: The latter. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And what shall we call the other? Is he the philosopher or the Sophist? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: The philosopher he cannot be, for upon our view he is ignorant; but since he is an imitator of the wise he will have a name which is formed by an adaptation of the word sophos. What shall we name him? I am pretty sure that I cannot be mistaken in terming him the true and very Sophist. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Shall we bind up his name as we did before, making a chain from one end of his genealogy to the other? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: By all means. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: He, then, who traces the pedigree of his art as follows&amp;amp;mdash;who, belonging to the conscious or dissembling section of the art of causing self-contradiction, is an imitator of appearance, and is separated from the class of phantastic which is a branch of image-making into that further division of creation, the juggling of words, a creation human, and not divine&amp;amp;mdash;any one who affirms the real Sophist to be of this blood and lineage will say the very truth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Undoubtedly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
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		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Plato/Ion&amp;diff=2854</id>
		<title>Texts:Plato/Ion</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Plato/Ion&amp;diff=2854"/>
		<updated>2025-12-26T19:45:37Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: Text replacement - &amp;quot;{{Top Texts}}&amp;quot; to &amp;quot;__NOTITLE__
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&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt; ION &amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; By Plato &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt; Translated by Benjamin Jowett &amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt; Contents &amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#link2H_4_0002&amp;quot;&amp;gt; ION &amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; INTRODUCTION. &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The Ion is the shortest, or nearly the shortest, of all the writings which bear the name of Plato, and is not authenticated by any early external testimony. The grace and beauty of this little work supply the only, and perhaps a sufficient, proof of its genuineness. The plan is simple; the dramatic interest consists entirely in the contrast between the irony of Socrates and the transparent vanity and childlike enthusiasm of the rhapsode Ion. The theme of the Dialogue may possibly have been suggested by the passage of Xenophon&#039;s Memorabilia in which the rhapsodists are described by Euthydemus as &#039;very precise about the exact words of Homer, but very idiotic themselves.&#039; (Compare Aristotle, Met.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Ion the rhapsode has just come to Athens; he has been exhibiting in Epidaurus at the festival of Asclepius, and is intending to exhibit at the festival of the Panathenaea. Socrates admires and envies the rhapsode&#039;s art; for he is always well dressed and in good company&amp;amp;mdash;in the company of good poets and of Homer, who is the prince of them. In the course of conversation the admission is elicited from Ion that his skill is restricted to Homer, and that he knows nothing of inferior poets, such as Hesiod and Archilochus;&amp;amp;mdash;he brightens up and is wide awake when Homer is being recited, but is apt to go to sleep at the recitations of any other poet. &#039;And yet, surely, he who knows the superior ought to know the inferior also;&amp;amp;mdash;he who can judge of the good speaker is able to judge of the bad. And poetry is a whole; and he who judges of poetry by rules of art ought to be able to judge of all poetry.&#039; This is confirmed by the analogy of sculpture, painting, flute-playing, and the other arts. The argument is at last brought home to the mind of Ion, who asks how this contradiction is to be solved. The solution given by Socrates is as follows:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The rhapsode is not guided by rules of art, but is an inspired person who derives a mysterious power from the poet; and the poet, in like manner, is inspired by the God. The poets and their interpreters may be compared to a chain of magnetic rings suspended from one another, and from a magnet. The magnet is the Muse, and the ring which immediately follows is the poet himself; from him are suspended other poets; there is also a chain of rhapsodes and actors, who also hang from the Muses, but are let down at the side; and the last ring of all is the spectator. The poet is the inspired interpreter of the God, and this is the reason why some poets, like Homer, are restricted to a single theme, or, like Tynnichus, are famous for a single poem; and the rhapsode is the inspired interpreter of the poet, and for a similar reason some rhapsodes, like Ion, are the interpreters of single poets. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Ion is delighted at the notion of being inspired, and acknowledges that he is beside himself when he is performing;&amp;amp;mdash;his eyes rain tears and his hair stands on end. Socrates is of opinion that a man must be mad who behaves in this way at a festival when he is surrounded by his friends and there is nothing to trouble him. Ion is confident that Socrates would never think him mad if he could only hear his embellishments of Homer. Socrates asks whether he can speak well about everything in Homer. &#039;Yes, indeed he can.&#039; &#039;What about things of which he has no knowledge?&#039; Ion answers that he can interpret anything in Homer. But, rejoins Socrates, when Homer speaks of the arts, as for example, of chariot-driving, or of medicine, or of prophecy, or of navigation&amp;amp;mdash;will he, or will the charioteer or physician or prophet or pilot be the better judge? Ion is compelled to admit that every man will judge of his own particular art better than the rhapsode. He still maintains, however, that he understands the art of the general as well as any one. &#039;Then why in this city of Athens, in which men of merit are always being sought after, is he not at once appointed a general?&#039; Ion replies that he is a foreigner, and the Athenians and Spartans will not appoint a foreigner to be their general. &#039;No, that is not the real reason; there are many examples to the contrary. But Ion has long been playing tricks with the argument; like Proteus, he transforms himself into a variety of shapes, and is at last about to run away in the disguise of a general. Would he rather be regarded as inspired or dishonest?&#039; Ion, who has no suspicion of the irony of Socrates, eagerly embraces the alternative of inspiration. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The Ion, like the other earlier Platonic Dialogues, is a mixture of jest and earnest, in which no definite result is obtained, but some Socratic or Platonic truths are allowed dimly to appear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The elements of a true theory of poetry are contained in the notion that the poet is inspired. Genius is often said to be unconscious, or spontaneous, or a gift of nature: that &#039;genius is akin to madness&#039; is a popular aphorism of modern times. The greatest strength is observed to have an element of limitation. Sense or passion are too much for the &#039;dry light&#039; of intelligence which mingles with them and becomes discoloured by them. Imagination is often at war with reason and fact. The concentration of the mind on a single object, or on a single aspect of human nature, overpowers the orderly perception of the whole. Yet the feelings too bring truths home to the minds of many who in the way of reason would be incapable of understanding them. Reflections of this kind may have been passing before Plato&#039;s mind when he describes the poet as inspired, or when, as in the Apology, he speaks of poets as the worst critics of their own writings&amp;amp;mdash;anybody taken at random from the crowd is a better interpreter of them than they are of themselves. They are sacred persons, &#039;winged and holy things&#039; who have a touch of madness in their composition (Phaedr.), and should be treated with every sort of respect (Republic), but not allowed to live in a well-ordered state. Like the Statesmen in the Meno, they have a divine instinct, but they are narrow and confused; they do not attain to the clearness of ideas, or to the knowledge of poetry or of any other art as a whole. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In the Protagoras the ancient poets are recognized by Protagoras himself as the original sophists; and this family resemblance may be traced in the Ion. The rhapsode belongs to the realm of imitation and of opinion: he professes to have all knowledge, which is derived by him from Homer, just as the sophist professes to have all wisdom, which is contained in his art of rhetoric. Even more than the sophist he is incapable of appreciating the commonest logical distinctions; he cannot explain the nature of his own art; his great memory contrasts with his inability to follow the steps of the argument. And in his highest moments of inspiration he has an eye to his own gains. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The old quarrel between philosophy and poetry, which in the Republic leads to their final separation, is already working in the mind of Plato, and is embodied by him in the contrast between Socrates and Ion. Yet here, as in the Republic, Socrates shows a sympathy with the poetic nature. Also, the manner in which Ion is affected by his own recitations affords a lively illustration of the power which, in the Republic, Socrates attributes to dramatic performances over the mind of the performer. His allusion to his embellishments of Homer, in which he declares himself to have surpassed Metrodorus of Lampsacus and Stesimbrotus of Thasos, seems to show that, like them, he belonged to the allegorical school of interpreters. The circumstance that nothing more is known of him may be adduced in confirmation of the argument that this truly Platonic little work is not a forgery of later times. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PERSONS OF THE DIALOGUE: Socrates, Ion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Welcome, Ion. Are you from your native city of Ephesus? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: No, Socrates; but from Epidaurus, where I attended the festival of Asclepius. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And do the Epidaurians have contests of rhapsodes at the festival? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: O yes; and of all sorts of musical performers. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And were you one of the competitors&amp;amp;mdash;and did you succeed? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: I obtained the first prize of all, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Well done; and I hope that you will do the same for us at the Panathenaea. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: And I will, please heaven. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I often envy the profession of a rhapsode, Ion; for you have always to wear fine clothes, and to look as beautiful as you can is a part of your art. Then, again, you are obliged to be continually in the company of many good poets; and especially of Homer, who is the best and most divine of them; and to understand him, and not merely learn his words by rote, is a thing greatly to be envied. And no man can be a rhapsode who does not understand the meaning of the poet. For the rhapsode ought to interpret the mind of the poet to his hearers, but how can he interpret him well unless he knows what he means? All this is greatly to be envied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Very true, Socrates; interpretation has certainly been the most laborious part of my art; and I believe myself able to speak about Homer better than any man; and that neither Metrodorus of Lampsacus, nor Stesimbrotus of Thasos, nor Glaucon, nor any one else who ever was, had as good ideas about Homer as I have, or as many. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I am glad to hear you say so, Ion; I see that you will not refuse to acquaint me with them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Certainly, Socrates; and you really ought to hear how exquisitely I render Homer. I think that the Homeridae should give me a golden crown. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I shall take an opportunity of hearing your embellishments of him at some other time. But just now I should like to ask you a question: Does your art extend to Hesiod and Archilochus, or to Homer only? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: To Homer only; he is in himself quite enough. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Are there any things about which Homer and Hesiod agree? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Yes; in my opinion there are a good many. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And can you interpret better what Homer says, or what Hesiod says, about these matters in which they agree? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: I can interpret them equally well, Socrates, where they agree. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But what about matters in which they do not agree?&amp;amp;mdash;for example, about divination, of which both Homer and Hesiod have something to say,&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Very true: &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Would you or a good prophet be a better interpreter of what these two poets say about divination, not only when they agree, but when they disagree? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: A prophet. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if you were a prophet, would you not be able to interpret them when they disagree as well as when they agree? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But how did you come to have this skill about Homer only, and not about Hesiod or the other poets? Does not Homer speak of the same themes which all other poets handle? Is not war his great argument? and does he not speak of human society and of intercourse of men, good and bad, skilled and unskilled, and of the gods conversing with one another and with mankind, and about what happens in heaven and in the world below, and the generations of gods and heroes? Are not these the themes of which Homer sings? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Very true, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And do not the other poets sing of the same? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Yes, Socrates; but not in the same way as Homer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: What, in a worse way? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Yes, in a far worse. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And Homer in a better way? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: He is incomparably better. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And yet surely, my dear friend Ion, in a discussion about arithmetic, where many people are speaking, and one speaks better than the rest, there is somebody who can judge which of them is the good speaker? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And he who judges of the good will be the same as he who judges of the bad speakers? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: The same. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And he will be the arithmetician? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Well, and in discussions about the wholesomeness of food, when many persons are speaking, and one speaks better than the rest, will he who recognizes the better speaker be a different person from him who recognizes the worse, or the same? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Clearly the same. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And who is he, and what is his name? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: The physician. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And speaking generally, in all discussions in which the subject is the same and many men are speaking, will not he who knows the good know the bad speaker also? For if he does not know the bad, neither will he know the good when the same topic is being discussed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Is not the same person skilful in both? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And you say that Homer and the other poets, such as Hesiod and Archilochus, speak of the same things, although not in the same way; but the one speaks well and the other not so well? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Yes; and I am right in saying so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if you knew the good speaker, you would also know the inferior speakers to be inferior? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: That is true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then, my dear friend, can I be mistaken in saying that Ion is equally skilled in Homer and in other poets, since he himself acknowledges that the same person will be a good judge of all those who speak of the same things; and that almost all poets do speak of the same things? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Why then, Socrates, do I lose attention and go to sleep and have absolutely no ideas of the least value, when any one speaks of any other poet; but when Homer is mentioned, I wake up at once and am all attention and have plenty to say? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: The reason, my friend, is obvious. No one can fail to see that you speak of Homer without any art or knowledge. If you were able to speak of him by rules of art, you would have been able to speak of all other poets; for poetry is a whole. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And when any one acquires any other art as a whole, the same may be said of them. Would you like me to explain my meaning, Ion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Yes, indeed, Socrates; I very much wish that you would: for I love to hear you wise men talk. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: O that we were wise, Ion, and that you could truly call us so; but you rhapsodes and actors, and the poets whose verses you sing, are wise; whereas I am a common man, who only speak the truth. For consider what a very commonplace and trivial thing is this which I have said&amp;amp;mdash;a thing which any man might say: that when a man has acquired a knowledge of a whole art, the enquiry into good and bad is one and the same. Let us consider this matter; is not the art of painting a whole? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And there are and have been many painters good and bad? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And did you ever know any one who was skilful in pointing out the excellences and defects of Polygnotus the son of Aglaophon, but incapable of criticizing other painters; and when the work of any other painter was produced, went to sleep and was at a loss, and had no ideas; but when he had to give his opinion about Polygnotus, or whoever the painter might be, and about him only, woke up and was attentive and had plenty to say? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: No indeed, I have never known such a person. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Or did you ever know of any one in sculpture, who was skilful in expounding the merits of Daedalus the son of Metion, or of Epeius the son of Panopeus, or of Theodorus the Samian, or of any individual sculptor; but when the works of sculptors in general were produced, was at a loss and went to sleep and had nothing to say? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: No indeed; no more than the other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if I am not mistaken, you never met with any one among flute-players or harp-players or singers to the harp or rhapsodes who was able to discourse of Olympus or Thamyras or Orpheus, or Phemius the rhapsode of Ithaca, but was at a loss when he came to speak of Ion of Ephesus, and had no notion of his merits or defects? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: I cannot deny what you say, Socrates. Nevertheless I am conscious in my own self, and the world agrees with me in thinking that I do speak better and have more to say about Homer than any other man. But I do not speak equally well about others&amp;amp;mdash;tell me the reason of this. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I perceive, Ion; and I will proceed to explain to you what I imagine to be the reason of this. The gift which you possess of speaking excellently about Homer is not an art, but, as I was just saying, an inspiration; there is a divinity moving you, like that contained in the stone which Euripides calls a magnet, but which is commonly known as the stone of Heraclea. This stone not only attracts iron rings, but also imparts to them a similar power of attracting other rings; and sometimes you may see a number of pieces of iron and rings suspended from one another so as to form quite a long chain: and all of them derive their power of suspension from the original stone. In like manner the Muse first of all inspires men herself; and from these inspired persons a chain of other persons is suspended, who take the inspiration. For all good poets, epic as well as lyric, compose their beautiful poems not by art, but because they are inspired and possessed. And as the Corybantian revellers when they dance are not in their right mind, so the lyric poets are not in their right mind when they are composing their beautiful strains: but when falling under the power of music and metre they are inspired and possessed; like Bacchic maidens who draw milk and honey from the rivers when they are under the influence of Dionysus but not when they are in their right mind. And the soul of the lyric poet does the same, as they themselves say; for they tell us that they bring songs from honeyed fountains, culling them out of the gardens and dells of the Muses; they, like the bees, winging their way from flower to flower. And this is true. For the poet is a light and winged and holy thing, and there is no invention in him until he has been inspired and is out of his senses, and the mind is no longer in him: when he has not attained to this state, he is powerless and is unable to utter his oracles. Many are the noble words in which poets speak concerning the actions of men; but like yourself when speaking about Homer, they do not speak of them by any rules of art: they are simply inspired to utter that to which the Muse impels them, and that only; and when inspired, one of them will make dithyrambs, another hymns of praise, another choral strains, another epic or iambic verses&amp;amp;mdash;and he who is good at one is not good at any other kind of verse: for not by art does the poet sing, but by power divine. Had he learned by rules of art, he would have known how to speak not of one theme only, but of all; and therefore God takes away the minds of poets, and uses them as his ministers, as he also uses diviners and holy prophets, in order that we who hear them may know them to be speaking not of themselves who utter these priceless words in a state of unconsciousness, but that God himself is the speaker, and that through them he is conversing with us. And Tynnichus the Chalcidian affords a striking instance of what I am saying: he wrote nothing that any one would care to remember but the famous paean which is in every one&#039;s mouth, one of the finest poems ever written, simply an invention of the Muses, as he himself says. For in this way the God would seem to indicate to us and not allow us to doubt that these beautiful poems are not human, or the work of man, but divine and the work of God; and that the poets are only the interpreters of the Gods by whom they are severally possessed. Was not this the lesson which the God intended to teach when by the mouth of the worst of poets he sang the best of songs? Am I not right, Ion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Yes, indeed, Socrates, I feel that you are; for your words touch my soul, and I am persuaded that good poets by a divine inspiration interpret the things of the Gods to us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And you rhapsodists are the interpreters of the poets? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: There again you are right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then you are the interpreters of interpreters? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Precisely. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I wish you would frankly tell me, Ion, what I am going to ask of you: When you produce the greatest effect upon the audience in the recitation of some striking passage, such as the apparition of Odysseus leaping forth on the floor, recognized by the suitors and casting his arrows at his feet, or the description of Achilles rushing at Hector, or the sorrows of Andromache, Hecuba, or Priam,&amp;amp;mdash;are you in your right mind? Are you not carried out of yourself, and does not your soul in an ecstasy seem to be among the persons or places of which you are speaking, whether they are in Ithaca or in Troy or whatever may be the scene of the poem? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: That proof strikes home to me, Socrates. For I must frankly confess that at the tale of pity my eyes are filled with tears, and when I speak of horrors, my hair stands on end and my heart throbs. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Well, Ion, and what are we to say of a man who at a sacrifice or festival, when he is dressed in holiday attire, and has golden crowns upon his head, of which nobody has robbed him, appears weeping or panic-stricken in the presence of more than twenty thousand friendly faces, when there is no one despoiling or wronging him;&amp;amp;mdash;is he in his right mind or is he not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: No indeed, Socrates, I must say that, strictly speaking, he is not in his right mind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And are you aware that you produce similar effects on most of the spectators? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Only too well; for I look down upon them from the stage, and behold the various emotions of pity, wonder, sternness, stamped upon their countenances when I am speaking: and I am obliged to give my very best attention to them; for if I make them cry I myself shall laugh, and if I make them laugh I myself shall cry when the time of payment arrives. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Do you know that the spectator is the last of the rings which, as I am saying, receive the power of the original magnet from one another? The rhapsode like yourself and the actor are intermediate links, and the poet himself is the first of them. Through all these the God sways the souls of men in any direction which he pleases, and makes one man hang down from another. Thus there is a vast chain of dancers and masters and under-masters of choruses, who are suspended, as if from the stone, at the side of the rings which hang down from the Muse. And every poet has some Muse from whom he is suspended, and by whom he is said to be possessed, which is nearly the same thing; for he is taken hold of. And from these first rings, which are the poets, depend others, some deriving their inspiration from Orpheus, others from Musaeus; but the greater number are possessed and held by Homer. Of whom, Ion, you are one, and are possessed by Homer; and when any one repeats the words of another poet you go to sleep, and know not what to say; but when any one recites a strain of Homer you wake up in a moment, and your soul leaps within you, and you have plenty to say; for not by art or knowledge about Homer do you say what you say, but by divine inspiration and by possession; just as the Corybantian revellers too have a quick perception of that strain only which is appropriated to the God by whom they are possessed, and have plenty of dances and words for that, but take no heed of any other. And you, Ion, when the name of Homer is mentioned have plenty to say, and have nothing to say of others. You ask, &#039;Why is this?&#039; The answer is that you praise Homer not by art but by divine inspiration. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: That is good, Socrates; and yet I doubt whether you will ever have eloquence enough to persuade me that I praise Homer only when I am mad and possessed; and if you could hear me speak of him I am sure you would never think this to be the case. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I should like very much to hear you, but not until you have answered a question which I have to ask. On what part of Homer do you speak well?&amp;amp;mdash;not surely about every part. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: There is no part, Socrates, about which I do not speak well: of that I can assure you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Surely not about things in Homer of which you have no knowledge? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: And what is there in Homer of which I have no knowledge? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Why, does not Homer speak in many passages about arts? For example, about driving; if I can only remember the lines I will repeat them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: I remember, and will repeat them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Tell me then, what Nestor says to Antilochus, his son, where he bids him be careful of the turn at the horserace in honour of Patroclus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: &#039;Bend gently,&#039; he says, &#039;in the polished chariot to the left of them, and urge the horse on the right hand with whip and voice; and slacken the rein. And when you are at the goal, let the left horse draw near, yet so that the nave of the well-wrought wheel may not even seem to touch the extremity; and avoid catching the stone (Il.).&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Enough. Now, Ion, will the charioteer or the physician be the better judge of the propriety of these lines? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: The charioteer, clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And will the reason be that this is his art, or will there be any other reason? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: No, that will be the reason. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And every art is appointed by God to have knowledge of a certain work; for that which we know by the art of the pilot we do not know by the art of medicine? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Nor do we know by the art of the carpenter that which we know by the art of medicine? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And this is true of all the arts;&amp;amp;mdash;that which we know with one art we do not know with the other? But let me ask a prior question: You admit that there are differences of arts? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: You would argue, as I should, that when one art is of one kind of knowledge and another of another, they are different? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yes, surely; for if the subject of knowledge were the same, there would be no meaning in saying that the arts were different,&amp;amp;mdash;if they both gave the same knowledge. For example, I know that here are five fingers, and you know the same. And if I were to ask whether I and you became acquainted with this fact by the help of the same art of arithmetic, you would acknowledge that we did? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Tell me, then, what I was intending to ask you,&amp;amp;mdash;whether this holds universally? Must the same art have the same subject of knowledge, and different arts other subjects of knowledge? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: That is my opinion, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then he who has no knowledge of a particular art will have no right judgment of the sayings and doings of that art? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then which will be a better judge of the lines which you were reciting from Homer, you or the charioteer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: The charioteer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Why, yes, because you are a rhapsode and not a charioteer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And the art of the rhapsode is different from that of the charioteer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if a different knowledge, then a knowledge of different matters? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: You know the passage in which Hecamede, the concubine of Nestor, is described as giving to the wounded Machaon a posset, as he says, &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;Made with Pramnian wine; and she grated cheese of goat&#039;s milk with a grater of bronze, and at his side placed an onion which gives a relish to drink (Il.).&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Now would you say that the art of the rhapsode or the art of medicine was better able to judge of the propriety of these lines? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: The art of medicine. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And when Homer says, &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;And she descended into the deep like a leaden plummet, which, set in the horn of ox that ranges in the fields, rushes along carrying death among the ravenous fishes (Il.),&#039;&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — will the art of the fisherman or of the rhapsode be better able to judge whether these lines are rightly expressed or not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Clearly, Socrates, the art of the fisherman. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Come now, suppose that you were to say to me: &#039;Since you, Socrates, are able to assign different passages in Homer to their corresponding arts, I wish that you would tell me what are the passages of which the excellence ought to be judged by the prophet and prophetic art&#039;; and you will see how readily and truly I shall answer you. For there are many such passages, particularly in the Odyssee; as, for example, the passage in which Theoclymenus the prophet of the house of Melampus says to the suitors:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;Wretched men! what is happening to you? Your heads and your faces and your limbs underneath are shrouded in night; and the voice of lamentation bursts forth, and your cheeks are wet with tears. And the vestibule is full, and the court is full, of ghosts descending into the darkness of Erebus, and the sun has perished out of heaven, and an evil mist is spread abroad (Od.).&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And there are many such passages in the Iliad also; as for example in the description of the battle near the rampart, where he says:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;As they were eager to pass the ditch, there came to them an omen: a soaring eagle, holding back the people on the left, bore a huge bloody dragon in his talons, still living and panting; nor had he yet resigned the strife, for he bent back and smote the bird which carried him on the breast by the neck, and he in pain let him fall from him to the ground into the midst of the multitude. And the eagle, with a cry, was borne afar on the wings of the wind (Il.).&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — These are the sort of things which I should say that the prophet ought to consider and determine. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: And you are quite right, Socrates, in saying so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yes, Ion, and you are right also. And as I have selected from the Iliad and Odyssee for you passages which describe the office of the prophet and the physician and the fisherman, do you, who know Homer so much better than I do, Ion, select for me passages which relate to the rhapsode and the rhapsode&#039;s art, and which the rhapsode ought to examine and judge of better than other men. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: All passages, I should say, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Not all, Ion, surely. Have you already forgotten what you were saying? A rhapsode ought to have a better memory. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Why, what am I forgetting? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Do you not remember that you declared the art of the rhapsode to be different from the art of the charioteer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Yes, I remember. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And you admitted that being different they would have different subjects of knowledge? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then upon your own showing the rhapsode, and the art of the rhapsode, will not know everything? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: I should exclude certain things, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: You mean to say that you would exclude pretty much the subjects of the other arts. As he does not know all of them, which of them will he know? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: He will know what a man and what a woman ought to say, and what a freeman and what a slave ought to say, and what a ruler and what a subject. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Do you mean that a rhapsode will know better than the pilot what the ruler of a sea-tossed vessel ought to say? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: No; the pilot will know best. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Or will the rhapsode know better than the physician what the ruler of a sick man ought to say? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: He will not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But he will know what a slave ought to say? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Suppose the slave to be a cowherd; the rhapsode will know better than the cowherd what he ought to say in order to soothe the infuriated cows? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: No, he will not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But he will know what a spinning-woman ought to say about the working of wool? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: At any rate he will know what a general ought to say when exhorting his soldiers? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Yes, that is the sort of thing which the rhapsode will be sure to know. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Well, but is the art of the rhapsode the art of the general? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: I am sure that I should know what a general ought to say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Why, yes, Ion, because you may possibly have a knowledge of the art of the general as well as of the rhapsode; and you may also have a knowledge of horsemanship as well as of the lyre: and then you would know when horses were well or ill managed. But suppose I were to ask you: By the help of which art, Ion, do you know whether horses are well managed, by your skill as a horseman or as a performer on the lyre&amp;amp;mdash;what would you answer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: I should reply, by my skill as a horseman. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if you judged of performers on the lyre, you would admit that you judged of them as a performer on the lyre, and not as a horseman? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And in judging of the general&#039;s art, do you judge of it as a general or a rhapsode? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: To me there appears to be no difference between them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: What do you mean? Do you mean to say that the art of the rhapsode and of the general is the same? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Yes, one and the same. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then he who is a good rhapsode is also a good general? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Certainly, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And he who is a good general is also a good rhapsode? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: No; I do not say that. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But you do say that he who is a good rhapsode is also a good general. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And you are the best of Hellenic rhapsodes? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Far the best, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And are you the best general, Ion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: To be sure, Socrates; and Homer was my master. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But then, Ion, what in the name of goodness can be the reason why you, who are the best of generals as well as the best of rhapsodes in all Hellas, go about as a rhapsode when you might be a general? Do you think that the Hellenes want a rhapsode with his golden crown, and do not want a general? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Why, Socrates, the reason is, that my countrymen, the Ephesians, are the servants and soldiers of Athens, and do not need a general; and you and Sparta are not likely to have me, for you think that you have enough generals of your own. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: My good Ion, did you never hear of Apollodorus of Cyzicus? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: Who may he be? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: One who, though a foreigner, has often been chosen their general by the Athenians: and there is Phanosthenes of Andros, and Heraclides of Clazomenae, whom they have also appointed to the command of their armies and to other offices, although aliens, after they had shown their merit. And will they not choose Ion the Ephesian to be their general, and honour him, if he prove himself worthy? Were not the Ephesians originally Athenians, and Ephesus is no mean city? But, indeed, Ion, if you are correct in saying that by art and knowledge you are able to praise Homer, you do not deal fairly with me, and after all your professions of knowing many glorious things about Homer, and promises that you would exhibit them, you are only a deceiver, and so far from exhibiting the art of which you are a master, will not, even after my repeated entreaties, explain to me the nature of it. You have literally as many forms as Proteus; and now you go all manner of ways, twisting and turning, and, like Proteus, become all manner of people at once, and at last slip away from me in the disguise of a general, in order that you may escape exhibiting your Homeric lore. And if you have art, then, as I was saying, in falsifying your promise that you would exhibit Homer, you are not dealing fairly with me. But if, as I believe, you have no art, but speak all these beautiful words about Homer unconsciously under his inspiring influence, then I acquit you of dishonesty, and shall only say that you are inspired. Which do you prefer to be thought, dishonest or inspired? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ION: There is a great difference, Socrates, between the two alternatives; and inspiration is by far the nobler. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then, Ion, I shall assume the nobler alternative; and attribute to you in your praises of Homer inspiration, and not art. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:RMcC/Formative_justice&amp;diff=2856</id>
		<title>Texts:RMcC/Formative justice</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:RMcC/Formative_justice&amp;diff=2856"/>
		<updated>2025-12-26T19:45:35Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: Text replacement - &amp;quot;{{Top Texts}}&amp;quot; to &amp;quot;__NOTITLE__
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&amp;lt;xh1&amp;gt;Formative Justice&amp;lt;/xh1&amp;gt;&amp;lt;p style=&amp;quot;text-align: right; margin-top: -18pt&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;with Annotations&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;xh3&amp;gt;Robbie McClintock&amp;lt;/xh3&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;s1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The Reflective Commons&amp;lt;br  /&amp;gt;Collaboratory for Liberal Learning&amp;lt;br  /&amp;gt;New York, New York 2019)&lt;br /&gt;
ISBN-13: 978-1-937828-05-9 paperback&amp;lt;br  /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
__TOC__ &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;!-- &amp;lt;h2 style=&amp;quot;margin-top: 36pt;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Contents&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;table width=&amp;quot;100%&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&amp;lt;td&amp;gt;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;[[#aa|Remembering Frank]]&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&amp;lt;td width=&amp;quot;150&amp;quot; align=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;¶1 – ¶27&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&amp;lt;td&amp;gt;[[#ax|FORMATIVE JUSTICE]]&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&amp;lt;td width=&amp;quot;150&amp;quot; align=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;¶28 – ¶207&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&amp;lt;td&amp;gt;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;[[#ab|Hello]]&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&amp;lt;td width=&amp;quot;150&amp;quot; align=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;¶28 – ¶31&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&amp;lt;td&amp;gt;1&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;[[#ac|Acting Justly]]&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&amp;lt;td width=&amp;quot;150&amp;quot; align=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;¶32 – ¶45&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&amp;lt;td&amp;gt;2&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;[[#ad|The Work of Justice]]&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&amp;lt;td width=&amp;quot;150&amp;quot; align=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;¶46 – ¶81&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&amp;lt;td&amp;gt;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;[[#ada|The Inner Sense of Justice]]&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&amp;lt;td width=&amp;quot;150&amp;quot; align=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;¶49 – ¶64&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&amp;lt;td&amp;gt;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;[[#adb|The Concept of Justice]]&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&amp;lt;td width=&amp;quot;150&amp;quot; align=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;¶65 – ¶81&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&amp;lt;td&amp;gt;3&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;[[#ae|Formative Experience]]&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&amp;lt;td width=&amp;quot;150&amp;quot; align=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;¶82 – ¶103&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&amp;lt;td&amp;gt;4&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;[[#af|The Work of Formative Justice]]&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&amp;lt;td width=&amp;quot;150&amp;quot; align=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;¶104 – ¶136&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&amp;lt;td&amp;gt;5&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;[[#ag|Towards an Educational Inner Light]]&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&amp;lt;td width=&amp;quot;150&amp;quot; align=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;¶137 – ¶153&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&amp;lt;td&amp;gt;6&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;[[#ah|The Purpose of the Polity]]&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&amp;lt;td width=&amp;quot;150&amp;quot; align=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;¶154 – ¶182&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&amp;lt;td&amp;gt;7&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;[[#ai|The Stakes of Formative Justice]]&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&amp;lt;td width=&amp;quot;150&amp;quot; align=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;¶183 – ¶209&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&amp;lt;td&amp;gt;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;[[#ar|References]]&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&amp;lt;td width=&amp;quot;150&amp;quot; align=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;  &amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&amp;lt;td&amp;gt;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;[[#aj|Acknowledgements]]&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&amp;lt;td width=&amp;quot;150&amp;quot; align=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&amp;lt;td&amp;gt;[[#ak|Annotations]]&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&amp;lt;td width=&amp;quot;150&amp;quot; align=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/table&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr style=&amp;quot;page-break-after: always;&amp;quot;&amp;gt; --&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span ID=&amp;quot;aa&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;Remembering Frank&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Following the &#039;68 unrest, academic life at Columbia remained more fluid than usual. Formalities continued as before, but boundaries were looser, topics less predictable, and some grad students were taking unusual paths from one specialty to another, having burnt bridges and challenged ideas about the uses of study.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Registration that fall, my second year on the faculty, started with two new students seeking orientation. Then someone looking like a burly Allen Ginsberg came in, peered around, and said with a casual cheerfulness, “I hear you like Heraclitus.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Although institutional tensions had heightened then, the long post-war expansion of universities was near its peak, meaning resources were still flush and proceduralism wasn&#039;t yet binding their use. Hence, it happened that my department had authorized each faculty member to award full funding to a student of his or her choice. And naturally, after conversing a while, I matched my visitor&#039;s greeting with something equally unexpected: “Could you use a doctoral fellowship?”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; That conversation began my life-long friendship and collaboration with Frank Moretti. Frank had grown up in West New York, on the Palisades overlooking the Hudson, a few blocks north of where cars circle in and out of the Lincoln Tunnel. He went mostly to Catholic schools, learned Latin very well, expressed a knack for photography, and a kamikaze style in contact sports. By the time he went upstate for college at St. Bonaventura, he had the persona of a North-Jersey ethnic, at once outgoing, street-smart, and ready to test the boundaries with his own self-set purpose. He did his B.A. in Greek and Latin at Bonnies, and then, despite a turbulent extracurricular reputation, for a year he taught Latin and Roman History there, after which he came to New York to make his way.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; By the time Frank walked into my office, he had completed an M.A. in Latin in Columbia&#039;s Classics Department while teaching at St. Peter&#039;s Prep, and he had made himself &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;persona non grata&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; at both. He took the fellowship I offered and eventually completed his Ph.D. in history and education, writing a good dissertation on Virgil and Augustus, especially how they adapted the educative power of public funerals in republican Rome to imperial purposes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Frank took a long while to complete the dissertation. He fit his scholarship into the full breadth of a creative life. He never let what he did define him; he always turned the different things he did into expressions of his active self-definition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; What did &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;defining himself&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; mean? Frank did many things very well, teaching with effect, counseling young and old wisely, thinking creatively about history and literature, communicating a sense of independent purpose to large audiences, managing educational programs dynamically, networking to form communities of interest, volunteering to serve many causes, expressing himself artistically with camera and oils, making friends with all sorts of people, traveling widely and reacting strongly to what he witnessed, designing curricular programs with which students could disclose their capacities in classrooms and online, parenting many children, his own and those of his friends, with care, challenge, and surprise, meeting life through outgoing energy, often despite chronic pain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Frank lived with protean energy in a continuous cascade of activity. Yet those who knew him would never identify Frank by what he did, saying that he was a teacher, a counselor, a thinker, a student, an administrator, a volunteer, an educational designer, a parent, or simply a friend. Frank was Frank: he was all these at once and which of them would be foremost, when and why, was rarely predictable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; This unpredictability had a rhyme and reason. In discussions of identity, Frank always espoused Proteus. Frank was singularly alert to the diversity of possibilities in life. By sensing their multiplicity, he always felt he had open options—if not this, then that. His protean energy made his friendship fulfilling, always a source of novelty, challenge, and self-discovery. It also made him a tough negotiator, for his sense of the resources he could draw on would usually exceed what others would see in a situation. He was not born into sophistication, yet he always knew that there was much he did not know, and he would consciously study what others seemed to know that he did not. Hence condescension rarely took his measure. Frank had a knack for taking peripheral jobs and turning them into positions of significant influence: he saw possibilities, creatively and actively. These capacities made Frank exemplary in his lifelong pursuit of formative justice, both for himself and for others.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Frank and I immediately became close friends and collaborators. We were both only children who grew up feeling an angst-free alienation from our backgrounds, each quite different. Our personalities also differed, but were complementary; I was the introvert, Frank the extrovert. Our lives intermeshed as young adults and for nearly 45 years our professional and personal activities overlapped in substance and spirit. What we read and studied differed at the margins but converged at the core. We taught together and pursued educational and technological projects together, all in playful argument, exaggerating our differences—the secular Protestant and the secular Catholic—while forming ideas and actions about which we entirely agreed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; This essay grows from our collaboration. In it, I do not explicitly speak about Frank, but explain a mode of engagement integral to his life. In interacting with others, in classroom, home, office, or the street, Frank engaged them unguardedly, meeting them as free, autonomous persons, seeking to cut through conventions and to reveal authentic judgments. Some found his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;there you stand, here I stand&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; persona a bit frightening. Frank would not desist, however, for he felt this persona essential to his recognizing his own autonomy and that of other persons. Reciprocal self-disclosure is the core of formative justice, the recognition that as living persons we are continually busy, in the company of others, making of ourselves what we can and should become. Frank gave his free response to others and always hoped for theirs in return. That reciprocity empowered his practice of education. Formative justice, the topic of what follows, emerges through such reciprocal interaction.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; As a word, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; links closely with important institutions in our world, particularly with the judicial branch of government as it fits with the executive and legislative. But as a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;concept&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, justice concerns, not institutions, but qualities—fairness, equity, moral rightness. Here we concern ourselves with justice as an idea, and as the practice of an idea, a way of thinking about things and acting on and with them, not about “justice” as it may seem embodied in the work of institutions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; For Frank and me—and throughout this essay—justice and injustice concern qualitative human experience. Justice happens, not in actions done &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;to us&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; or &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;to others&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, not in the results we or others suffer or enjoy; justice happens &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;through us&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, through what we do. We are agents of justice, not objects of it. It concerns how we do what we do, how we act. It is what we try to do when we try, as we say, “to do justice to something.” Valuing—positively and negatively—asserts and denies worth for and through us as we create meanings through our living actions in the world.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; In this essay, an essay about education in a distinctive sense, I think and write from my first-person view. As persons, each and all of us live our lives through our first-person views. I start from how I experience my own life and the circumstantial realities in which I live. Those circumstantial realities entwine with other lives, each of us unfolding them through interaction between our sense of agency and our circumstances. From that perspective, which was habitually Frank&#039;s perspective too, I seek to understand how I and other persons can and should regulate our efforts at self-formation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; In living our lives, each of us starts from a tenuous natality—a few pounds of flesh and bone, uncertain vital functions, an incoherent awareness, gasping a first breath in a vast otherness. From such small beginnings, each person undertakes extraordinary formative activities, shaping herself, as best she can, through a complex, multi-sided life. How does each of us manage all that? Can we do it better? Frank incessantly asked these questions, and he sought to live the response. Let us try to do so too!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Towards that end, I open the following essay with a brief “Hello” and a short section on “Acting Justly.” In the immediacy of lived experience, persons feel an imperative to act justly, to correctly judge the relative worth of possible actions in attempting to determine which of them merits trying to make it the deed done. Judging that rightly constitutes the basic problem of justice that each of us faces continually in living our lives. In making choices we eliminate possibilities and want grounds for rejecting some and affirming others. In life, a person must continually direct her attention and effort, selecting which possible actions have the most worth for her, instant by instant. We live unjustly when we incorrectly judge the relative worth of our competing possibilities. We live justly by judging them well.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Then, I turn in successive sections, not to the next step in an argument that marches sequentially to a conclusion, but to successive layers of discussion, starting on “The Work of Justice,” which rests on the opening on acting justly. What do people gain by abstracting a conceptual principle, which they identify as justice, from the existential requirement of acting justly? Naïvely, quite without a conscious concept, coping actively with circumstances, people use an &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;inner sense&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in experiencing their existential imperative to act justly to and through themselves. They intuit and feel what’s just and unjust. That enables their reflectively, repeatedly turning back mentally on that sensed immanence, bringing forth a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;concept of justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, identifying what helped them decide more clearly and consistently what was most appropriate for them, what had most worth for them, whenever they had to choose between competing options or possibilities and among different “goods,” positive or negative. Through historical time, in life as persons lived it, they experienced recurrent situations that required choosing the better among alternative goods or the lesser among evils. They crafted a general concept pertaining to such choices, calling it &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, the rationale for acting justly. Relatively quickly in the history of thought, they then resolved ideas about specific forms of justice—distributive, retributive, social—from the general concept.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; That discussion gives way to a third layer concerning “Formative Experience.” I identify a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;formative&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; power, not a power unique to human life, but one highly characteristic of it. All life has &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;perceptive&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;active&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;self-directive&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; powers, which genetic inheritance initiates and passes on. With humans, it becomes unmistakable that these three inborn powers emerge into a fourth, self-constituted power, a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;formative power&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; enabling humans, singly and collectively, to form capacities and to regulate their self-formation by attending to &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, as Plato understood it, distinguishing “a good life from a bad, so that he will always and in any circumstances choose the better one from among those that are possible.”&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Plato, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. (C. D. C. Reeve, trans., 2004), 618c.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; Subsequently, thinkers weakened the Platonic conception of justice by abstracting from it specialized forms of justice and giving them specific names such as &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;distributive justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. To start renewing the Platonic conception of justice, choosing the better life, we give it a specific name: &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;formative justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; In a fourth stratum, “The Work of Formative Justice,” I examine the concept of formative justice more fully. Problems of formative justice arise because persons and polities face the future and find more possibilities before them than they have the energy, time, ability, and wherewithal to fulfill. The possibilities they must choose among have both practical results and formative consequences, complicating the judgment of which to embrace and which to reject. In seeking to act justly, we make judgments about practical worth, for instance, distributive judgments about financial matters, like balancing a budget, personal or public. At the same time, those judgments have formative implications for our basic powers—perceptive, active, self-directive—strengthening some, weakening others, occasionally disclosing emergent abilities, cumulatively shaping our prospective capacity to conduct our lives. Both the practical and the formative are vital imperatives. Hence, persons and polities both form their unfolding activities by attending simultaneously to instrumental questions and to formative justice, deciding how to pursue each and to harmonize both. In this process, conceptions of formative justice concern principles that both persons and polities use in determining aspirations and allocating effort to form, reform, and transform their perceptive, active, and self-directive capacities for pursuing those favored aspirations. Frank very actively exercised his formative power; it was the creative engine of his life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; In three final reflections, my concern shifts away from uncovering the concept of formative justice to show it at work in the phenomena of experience. With some exhortation mixed in, I discuss three layers of concern about how we use formative justice in conducting our lives. How might fuller attention to formative justice change educational theory and practice? Can we use it to transmute what we perceive as the pedagogical problem? In light of that problem, can we deepen, even ennoble, the valuations with which we select, energize, and control our actions addressing it?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Frank and I drew together because we reciprocally recognized that formal education was intrinsically meaningless, mere accidents, some helpful, others troublesome, that we had to deal with in our personal self-formations. We would marvel that we could get paid for educating ourselves in public. As educators of educators, we have stood for a pedagogical reformation that will come about when each person fully engages in their own self-formation, joining with others to optimize the circumstantial opportunities that each experiences for shaping their lives.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; That&#039;s the message of “Towards an Educational Inner Light.” We can and should seek, not so much the external reform of instructional institutions, but far more a reformation within “the Great Didactic,” within the global system of instruction and the global lifeworld encasing it. Insofar as instruction is causal, it is not meaningful, and insofar as it is meaningful, it is not causal: each person must integrate the instruction she experiences meaningfully in her overall formative experience. Each person is always a student in the school of life and she succeeds there by relying on her own agency, purposiveness, self-direction. It is the prerogative and task of each, to pursue justice, to judge correctly what she can and should become in fully forming her capacities in the actuality of her circumstances. A reformation within the Great Didactic will make it serve the inner life of each person who seeks to use both the formative resources didactic institutions offer along with all the other formative resources pervading the contemporary lifeworld.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; In “The Purpose of the Polity,” I turn to the lifeworld writ large and how goods, allocated in it through exchange-value regulated according to distributive justice, have substantial formative use-values that further and hinder human self-formation. Major formative goods are schooling, medicine, and other human services, and many consumer products are formative goods as well—cars for transportation; phones for interpersonal communication; computers for managing information; rent and mortgages for housing and durables for keeping house; and all sorts of goods with which we give form to our perceptive, active, and self-directive powers. In considering these, public attention concentrates primarily on distributive justice, contending over conceptions of equity. By themselves, criteria of equity often do not yield an effective consensus about how to allocate formative goods. Principles of formative justice could and should lead to a more effective consensus about the distribution and uses of formative goods, especially instructional programs and human services. A full understanding of universal education for both the person and the polity sets forth a more challenging and stirring public purpose than compulsory schooling in the service of career and consumption.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; With “The Stakes of Formative Justice,” I conclude the essay. Here we turn from the material conditions of life to the ideals and aspirations that imbue it with meaning. Behavioral manipulation is waxing strong; democratic interaction wanes ever-so thin. These stakes are very high because appearances are working to diminish our sense of agency for both the person and the polity. But despite appearances, all acting differs deeply from its &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ex post facto&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; explanation. Empirical study of past behavior — of behavior that when observed has already been fully determined — causally accounts for what people have done. Those fictions, the mists of great expectations, yield a confection of explanatory variables that blur together a multiplicity of actual instances — the unique particulars of each actual instance dissolve into an abstract distribution of causal probabilities, accurate for no actual case. The blur of probabilities tells us nothing about the lived experience: when it happens, an improbable instance proves as actual as a most probable one. Whichever — the past has become actual. We cannot change it. We suffer and explain it. Insofar as we privilege objective appearances over subjective aspirations, we risk losing sight of how active agency in the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;prospective conduct &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;of life enters the processes determining what takes place in the living present. We do not live as objects merely responding to external stimuli; our lives are our primary reality, one lived in a continual present, facing an indeterminate future to which we cannot passively acquiesce. We can and should, each and all, assert our human dignity and autonomy, proclaiming formative justice for all. We can renew and advance the goal of enlightenment, recognizing with J. G. Herder that each person has the right and duty to contribute to the betterment of humanity what she herself makes from what she can and should become.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Cumulatively, the different layers of this essay present formative justice through exploration and exhortation. I am writing it late in a long life of reflective study. I say little here about how and why my views converge and diverge with more familiar currents of contemporary thought and scholarship. I do not write to show how others err; I write with the simple conviction that among the modes of interpreting life in contemporary circumstances, formative justice merits more attention than it currently receives. On occasion, I point out differences between my concerns and more familiar lines of inquiry, mainly where it may help make what I am trying to say clearer. But what follows seeks to convey what I think, not to defend it relative to alternative views.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; That is not to say that I have nothing to say with respect to alternatives. Online, anyone who wants to situate this text relative to existing literatures can read and comment on an annotated version. It has many mini-essays amplifying quirks of my thought and explaining how my views differ from alternative ones.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Readers can access this version at www.LearnLiberally.org/wiki/Formative_Justice. They can also download a PDF version for printing, 2 pages to a standard sheet of the complete text, with revisions as they might accrue, at www.LearnLiberally.org/files/Formative-Justice.pdf.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; In conducting seminars and colloquia on important texts, Frank and I always found the spirit of a writer&#039;s thinking more significant that the letter of his thought. These annotations elucidate the letter of the essay while trying to accentuate its spirit. They invite readers to join in the inquiry, to amplify a thought, to register caveats, and to explore possibilities around its central theme.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; With that, let’s begin.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span id=&amp;quot;ax&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h1 style=&amp;quot;page-break-before: always;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Formative Justice&amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;One can contribute to the betterment of humanity only what he himself has made from what he can and should become.&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div style=&amp;quot;width: 288pt; margin-top: -1em; text-align: right; font-size: small;&amp;quot;&amp;gt; Johann Gottfried Herder&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Johann Gottfried Herder, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Briefe zur Beförderung der Humanität&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Dritte Sammlung, Letter 32, [1794], (1971), pp. 108-110, quotation, p. 109.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span id=&amp;quot;ab&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;Hello&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Let&#039;s think about justice and education. No, not justice in the distribution of educational opportunities, not to begin with at any rate. To begin, let&#039;s think about what we can and should make of ourselves, doing justice to ourselves. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; How can we fulfill ourselves through our own education, our own self-formation? How can we do justice to ourselves? Each of us has hopes, interests, and abilities. We have some opportunities, but not all we&#039;d like. And each of us has problems, limitations, and anxieties, too. How do we manage all that in educating ourselves as well as we do? As well as we can? How do we define and shape our possibilities and realize the best among them?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Most of us have been around a while, getting experience, with time to study, perhaps thinking about justice and education and forming some views about both. In doing so, let&#039;s not think about justice and education as disembodied specialists, as some so often do, writing for a few, familiar colleagues from our perches within our special fields. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Each of us lives one life. Let&#039;s think and write from within it, a whole, finite, at once copious and limited, unique and integral. We can and should write, read, speak, think, and act, not within our fields, but within our lives, which take place in interaction with a diverse, extended community of other lives, enlacing each with others across varying degrees of distance. Let&#039;s think about justice and education through [[#A1|the public use of our own reason]].&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span id=&amp;quot;ac&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2 style=&amp;quot;page-break-before: always;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1   Acting Justly&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Let&#039;s begin by asking—Why do we [[#A2|worry about &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;acting justly&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;]], about doing the right thing? Let us ask why acting justly engages us, not in the abstract, as a concept in the common world of thought, but concretely, as something about which we care as we experience our doings, large and small. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Why do I consider how others might feel about my actions? Why do I feel offended by some behaviors that I observe even though they do not affect me directly? Why do I fret that I am doing something wrong, not ineffectively, but something that will bring troubles in its train? Why do I find myself in my inner experience of life, in my living, acting in my circumstantial world, not simply planning how to do whatever I am doing, but wondering what I should do, feeling an imperative or a prohibition, acting with emotion, caution, abandon, investing what I am doing with considerations that go beyond the matter-of-fact instrumentality of my action? For now, let us call all those extra concerns, beyond the instrumentality of the moment, the problem we feel of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;acting justly&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. We could call it the problem of acting truly, rightly, beautifully, or wisely. As acting instrumentally takes place immanently in acting, so too does acting justly. Neither arises because a separable property, instrumental or just, gets entangled in some instances of acting, but not in others. [[#A3|Acting justly is immanent and integral in all acting]], and here in this discussion, we should keep that in mind: the problematic of all acting entails &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;acting justly&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; But why do I have a problem of acting justly? Why do I feel affect while acting? All about me, things happen with a dead cause and effect. The pebble at my doorstep, the sand on the beach, the mist in the morning air do not seem to hope or worry; they simply exist, changed passively by the forces affecting them. The mist, uncaring, persists or burns off as the forces at play determine. But unlike the mist, as a living organism, I sense a contingent order in the world in which I live, and I feel I should try to act towards those contingencies intentionally. I can perceive and resist the forces, which burn the mist away, and work to maintain myself and the ordered world in a way the mist cannot. How do I take my stand?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; I teem with tacit expectations—the floor where I walk will support my step. I take them for granted in pursuing my intents within the context of possible action that they provide. As I drive my car, I use dynamic expectations, which flit in and out of consciousness, about how roads will have been built and maintained, about what signs and indicators mean, and about what the rules of the road—formal and informal—imply, and about how other drivers along the way will interpret and act on their own expectations in turn. Such presumptions about what sort of order prevails in and about me have a great effect on how I form and carry out my intentions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Throughout my life, these expectations have grown, deepened, and diversified, but I think they have always been there, to some degree, inherent in my life. I believe that as an infant, thrust from the womb, I had some inchoate expectations about the possibility of warmth, support, sustenance, and care that enabled me to respond actively in a way quite different from the morning mist as it passively fades beneath the rising sun. I recall as a child, wanting the conduct of life—my own and that of those around me—to follow paths that had a tenuous order, and on occasions, not too frequent, losing control in a monumental tantrum when what was happening seemed to thwart that order. And then, big time, as an adolescent, I started to observe and worry about how others, especially my peers, would react to what I did as I tried to exercise my own discretion, and I would churn with judgments, admiring and withering, about how those around me were acting. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Why do I, or you or both of us together, as [[#A4|human persons, living human lives]], concern ourselves about the order of things in the world of our experience? To some degree, my lifeworld passively happens to me, but equally I acquire it actively as a contingent order in the midst of which I act. I shape it as an acting agent. I work to maintain it and myself in it, as I presume other [[#A5|persons and polities]] do, all acting agents, as we lead sentient, choice-filled lives within our lifeworlds. Many deterministic processes take place in my lifeworld, within and around me, but I act, I conduct my life with respect to the contingent order that I sense and perceive in my circumstances, making choices about perceived possibilities. Even as I use the deterministic processes—relying on rainstorms to water my garden—they become, however deterministic, contingent relative to my use of them, for a drought would desiccate my carefully planted grounds. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; [[#A6|In life]], I never intend a simple, univocal end served by a single means. Like it or not, my exercising a means has a purpose with both direct consequences and side effects, which all bear upon my purpose. My discrete intentions concatenate with others: I turn on the light to read something for some purpose which leads to something else. This leading on gives my intending a temporal depth, which makes it complex with a beginning, middle, and end stretching out in a dynamic, changing context. As my purposing proceeds, its basic import may change with my reading reminding me of something else entirely that I feel I must do. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; As an actor, I must weigh as best I can immediate values relative to eventual ones, risk against probability, cost against benefit. And I never do only one thing at a time. Whether aware of it or oblivious, my intentions cascade. They become a flow of overlapping purposes. Hence, as an actor, I must continually reassess, reaffirm, and renew my choices, my intents, weighing this against that. For me, and I think for all, actions have multiple consequences and try as I might I can never only do one thing at a time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; As a person trying to do something, I synthesize my perceiving and my acting relative to a flux of intent. I find I must weigh how to allocate my effort and attention, how to draw on my abilities and energies, fittingly within a multiplicity of overlapping purposes, with my intentions and capacities continually strained by unexpected complexities and contingencies. In other words, I find I must deliberate about how to do the intent justly—not too much of this or too little of that. In fact, I always want to do the intent justly, to form and perform the intent in a manner worthy of my abilities and of the immanent meaning I sense it to have. But I cannot meaningfully do it by merely flicking a switch and then moving on.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; In acting justly, I assess my intent in itself and in its context, weighing it relative to other intents, the possible, the passing, and the pressing. My doing requires my finding the right measures appropriate to my intent, of perceiving my circumstances rightly relative to the intent and of acting appropriately in accord with my purpose. Such deliberations, large and small, embed over and over in the innumerable attentive motions and glances that constitute my living in my world. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Through all my acting, I seek to [[#A7|&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;control&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; both myself and my circumstances]] in ways I think I can and should. As I act, as I do anything, trying to exercise intentional control in any situation, whatever my intent and my associated spheres of perception and effectuation, I am not engaging simply in an instrumental matter. My acting has embedded in it a primordial problem of doing it justly, an imperative of measure, of fit. For the most part, whatever I intend, I purpose it immediately: when a possibility becomes my intention, the intent immediately informs my perception and action as an attraction, a revulsion, an access of anger or pity, a feeling of respect, a sudden stepping forward with conviction but without premeditation in an altruistic act, or a resolve to sustain a long-term effort. Acting justly arises from having to act within a contingent, perceived order in and around me, which I use in acting, which I value by acting, and which I try to maintain or improve with the side effects of my acting.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; In my acting, [[#A8|my thinking precedes my thought]]. Usually, I speak words appropriate to my intent without consciously selecting them to fit my purpose. Thus, my thinking takes place integral in my acting, not simply as a state of my consciousness apart from my acting. As distinct from the inanimate world, life consists in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;informed&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; action; action formed within; action that utilizes information, informative in the acting. Living action requires information processing and information processing pervades vital activity—watch a centerfielder react and run to snag a long fly ball. We separate thinking and acting erroneously. Even in sitting quietly, seemingly doing nothing, I am thinking for some purpose, however vague. We do not simply generate random states of consciousness. In thinking, I am acting; in acting, I am thinking. In willing, I think an intent, subliminally, sometimes consciously. Relative to the intent I can sense and assess pertinent feedback, as in greeting another, and with the intent and the feedback, discriminating spontaneously between relative stranger and old friend, I can modulate how I am acting in many ways, often unconsciously, with a subtle reserve or unguarded familiarity, and even with a well-rehearsed observance, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;comme il faut&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in formal ceremony. Intelligent use of feedbacks does not occur only in the higher faculties. It pervades all living processes from the minutest sub-cellular ones to the most comprehensive collective interactions. Life emerges from elemental information in interaction with matter and energy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; As my thinking/acting takes place, it starts with a norming—channeling attention and effort to realize the intent—and it carries through to completion with a sequence of doing, instrumental efforts guided by feedback about the situation relevant to the intent, always modulated and perhaps negated as I continually assess the worth of my intents and possible alternatives to them. My intending norms; but not by my linking the intent to a normative attribute, not by conforming the intent to some given, external norm. Instead, my intending creates a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;norm&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; I am &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;norming&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; projecting worth, purpose, through the controlling effort. Rather than having self-subsistent values, virtues clinging to me as if a suit of clothes, my intending creates value, [[#A9|a valuing that projects meaning and purpose into the world]]. Without the intentionality of living agents, the universe would remain an insentient chaos of meaningless stuff. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; All living agents, in effect, in some way or other, worry about acting justly as they pursue the intentionality of self-maintenance in the world. They must pursue ever-changing ends in view in ways that preserve and perfect their capacities for self-maintenance, a complexity of intent that requires effective judgment. All agents, acting on contingent purposes under the definite conditions of a time and a place, must pursue a complex intent, seeking a successful outcome that will additionally bear sustainable consequences. Attending to the sustainability of those consequences requires, however simplistically, acting justly, exercising judgment. In the activities of life, the work of justice, a sophisticated concept, serves to facilitate our acting justly, our maintaining our capacities, in innumerable situations, whether passing or important.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span id=&amp;quot;ad&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2 style=&amp;quot;page-break-before: always;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2   The Work of Justice&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; I shift here from examining the importance of acting justly in my lived experience, recognizing that acting involves more than exerting instrumental effort, to trying to grasp the connection of that naïve process to the formation of concepts, particularly the concept of justice. The work a concept of justice does in our lives connects to the naïve problem of acting justly. What is that work? What does the concept do? What takes place in our immediate, inward efforts at acting justly at different levels of sophistication?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Initially, I try to respond to this question from the inside, so to speak, not by observing external behaviors and making inferences about them, but by attending to my inner, lived experience as best I can sense it taking place. Can I grasp the intuition at work in naïve efforts to act justly? What sort of pre-reflective inner sense would help me act in all the different ways of acting justly? These questions present difficulties because the naïve inner experience does not take place with all of it neatly categorized according to well-articulated systems of thought. What is immanent in my naïvely acting is not a ready-made referent of a concept, but a lived experience an aspect of which becomes the referent of the concept. I can and should look more closely at how I inwardly sense my acting in efforts at acting justly in order to perceive, perhaps, that aspect of experience to which a concept of justice can refer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Then, having grasped the inner sense at work, I note briefly how reflective thinkers brought into conscious thought a concept of justice that people could use to account for and facilitate important aspects of the thinking involved in acting justly. Living in an age of cultural sophistication, I cannot access the formation of the concept by probing my own phenomenal experience, for I acquired the concept the easy way, through study of other persons’ thinking. We can see the concept of justice forming in an historical phenomenology, however, starting with ancient Greek experience with the general concept of justice and then seeing it becoming refined to deal with special kinds of justice in important situations that often recur in human experience. Doing so, we can prevent cutting the concept free from its roots in lived experience.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span id=&amp;quot;ada&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;The Inner Sense of Justice&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; My thinking constructs my world as I experience it. Having transformed my raw perceptive capabilities into seeing, touching, tasting, hearing, smelling, having synthesized a set of rational categories, [[#A10|I construct a phenomenal world within and about me]]. Thinking—not having big ideas, but living, subliminally alert, consciously aware, having an active mind and all the workings within, which my thinking manifests—allows me to move, to act within the world and on it. All acting both norms and operates, and the norming comes first, for perception and action become operational by serving the worth asserted through the controlling intent. Wanting, desiring something, invests it with worth to me. Thinking enables perceiving and acting to gain purposeful power, complexity, nuance, endurance, and scope. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Thinking considers acting justly, not as a reasoned conclusion, an outcome of the thinking, but as an important part of the thinking integral to the process of acting. Acting justly takes place, not by a property of justice becoming predicated to the outcome of an act, but through use of an inwardly generated reference point allowing us to imbue the acting, be it justly or unjustly, with an adverbial spirit and character. What takes place as an agent tries to act justly? What is going on in the process? What inner sensing does the agent use?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Acting by living agents, especially humans, usually has multiple feedbacks, which vary and compound in character. In acting, in the flow of thinking integral to acting, I might, like a thermostat, attend to only one, or only those of a certain kind, or try to take as many as seem relevant into account, weighing them, perhaps dynamically, according to a complicated measure. If I am acting in even a modestly complicated manner, a lot comes into play. [[#A11|What am I sensing, or not sensing, if I am acting justly, or unjustly]], in this matter?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Within my circumstances, by acting justly, I act in ways conducive to life, to [[#A12|the self-maintenance of a self-maintaining agency.]] By acting justly or unjustly, I strengthen or degrade my capacity for self-maintenance. In endless ways, foreseeable and unforeseen, my acting can prove ineffectual, unwise, destructive, undermining my capacity for self-maintenance. Should I manage, by good fortune, intelligence, and virtue, to act justly, I will maintain my capacities for self-maintenance. Should I manage...—I cannot help but act contingently. I always risk failure. Hence, in everything I face an ineluctable question: Will what I am doing maintain me as a self-maintaining creature in the world? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; My acting can easily err, for I must integrate different kinds of concerns in a single determination. I must weigh multiple determinations against each other, with high portent under concrete, fast-changing circumstances. Three distinct uncertainties enter my thinking about how to do what I do justly, about whether in actuality I will be effectively serving my capacity for self-maintenance. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; First, what I anticipate may excite my repugnance, or leave me cold, or pale in comparison to other possibilities; I could do it but have no appetite for it. In doing anything, [[#A13|I face an instrumental, primarily causal, imperative, to do it successfully.]] I estimate my know-how, and the requisite time doing it might take, but I can’t get excited about it. Thus, countless intentions simply fail because I lack sufficient drive to make the effort. This lack of drive may be astute in the sense that the possibility, however easy to achieve, will bring negligible returns. Or it might be dumb if the cost-benefits work the other way. Either way the appetite must fit the worth of the question, and a deficient or misdirected drive can upset my self-maintenance&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Second, I may misallocate energy and effort to a purpose that is otherwise both feasible and beneficial. Most major sins indicate how I might distort my allocation of energy and effort while thinking and acting concretely on specific possibilities. The list is familiar, but we must recognize that the names on it are late cultural inventions to indicate my existential feeling of powerful drives and urges that can subvert my effort to act justly before I get started: lust, gluttony, greed, sloth, wrath, envy, pride, acedia, vainglory, and so many more. These misallocations, these errors in valuing the worth of my intention can seriously impair my capacity for self-maintenance, dissipating it quite independent of whether my act succeeds or fails&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; But a third contingency looms behind these. As I act in many situations, I can fail to judge my intentions rightly, mistakenly pursuing an intent that proves not to have been what I really wanted. Such failures emerge into prominence as unintended and unforeseen consequences impede and entangle my further efforts. I achieve a deeply felt goal, energies spent, only to realize that it did not yield the fulfillment I sought. I may have acted successfully, but not prudently. [[#A14|This third type of contingency requires me to form my purposes with some care,]] to examine life through [[#A15|my sense of fulfillment to find what truly serves my self-maintenance.]]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; In doing anything, the doer sets his purpose by sifting many possibilities while entering and sustaining his course of action, progressively eliminating various ones as infeasible, not worth the effort, or imprudent. The doer cannot simply make a choice and eliminate all the possibilities but one through causal reasoning that extrapolates separately the consequences that each might bring. Acting justly requires foresight. The possibilities coexist over time, interacting as the choice unfolds. He can and should assess the possibilities, thinking about how they will interact reciprocally with his experiential context. In doing so, he judges their worth. As these interactions take place, he assesses and eliminates possibilities that he judges too difficult, deficient in value, or dangerously imprudent until his action runs its course. What has then taken place embodies the worth inherent in the possibilities he did not exclude. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; This mode of [[#A16|forming purpose by eliminating competing possibilities]] will seem strange when we think of purpose as a property attaching to a potential action that somehow motivates the origination of it from out of a quiescent state. Life has no quiescent state. In sleep, the living organism attends rather exclusively to its internal circumstances with a bundle of activity repairing the stresses and strains of wakeful actions. Purpose does not motivate; it concentrates and directs the ongoing energies of the living person. Living has no properties, only processes guided with reference to many purposes, both actual and potential. We live by managing these with positive and negative feedbacks, pulling some to the fore, pushing others back, a complicated modulation that requires diverse reference points by which the feedbacks function. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; My inner sense has vital importance as I judge among competing possible valuations intuitively. But my ignorance and emotions can easily distort my intuitive judgments. I act contingently; I may or may not succeed; I may or may not have what it takes to stay the course, I may or may not act prudently; and I must harmonize a multiplicity of possibilities successfully and prudently. Synthesizing these imperative contingencies, I control with available feedbacks what I try to do. Through this modulating process, a person synthesizes intimations of feasibility, commitment, and sagacity as a unified, dynamic criterion enabling her to act determinately, thereby excluding many significant possibilities&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Why do I start thinking consciously, explicitly about something like the justice of my acting? Why did people do so in historical experience? What do concepts enable us to do? People naturally have tenacious physical memories for movement, places, sounds, smells, tastes, appearances, and skills all without reliance on concepts. We can anticipate, short term and longer term, without concepts, based on our feel for things. What do concepts in consciousness add to all that? Let’s hypothesize for our purposes here that they help to identify potentially significant similarities and differences in memory, personal and collective, available to our active thinking. Concepts organize memories, aid recall, and formalize thought, enabling us to direct and discipline our thinking. Derived from thinking, concepts do not mirror nature. Instead, they represent our thinking to us in our thought, accessible to thinking as a conscious residue of past thinking. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;We form a concept to approximate in consciousness what the analogous inner sense enables us to do in the immediacy of thinking.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Concept formation would start from imperfections in thinking, for me personally and for people collectively in historical time and place. Oops, thinking wrong-headedly what to do, people found the consequences unexpected, unpleasant, dangerous. They started, implicitly and explicitly, to wonder what would more dependably prove to be of worth in their self-maintenance? Ad hoc coping with situations at hand often furthered their self-maintenance, but it would differ from something that would make people more capable of self-maintenance in consistent, sustainable ways. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Reaching for that, they would try to complement their inner senses with reflective concepts that would permit discriminations among postulated possibilities, analogous to what they sensed themselves doing in the flush of active thinking. Such concept formation began in stories and myth, situated on Olympus in that airy space of imagination, ready to restrain the angry warrior in a flash of self-conscious calculation. Recursively building insight on insight (note the word—seeing in), people worked out concepts, among them &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, that would help them rationally identify what would more surely prove to be conducive to self-maintenance in life, fulfilling and meaningful. Rational thinking, systems of thought, thus emerged from behind the impenetrable veil cloaking spontaneous thinking as it is taking place.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Integrating and coordinating all the norming taking place in cultural life taxes the vital capacities of both living persons and of fictitious ones, the various polities in our circumstances. Like other animals, humans need a sense of self as a reference point in integrating and coordinating all our manifold natural activities, our lives as animals. Even more, living complicated lives, integrally depending on our cultural experience, so we need something like a sense of self to integrate and coordinate our manifold cultural activities, our lives as cultural creatures — &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;the self&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, the concept that approximates back to us the dynamic sense with which we direct our perceiving and acting. Given the complexity of cultural experience, we face daunting tasks in using negative and positive feedbacks to maintain our cultural capacities for forming and maintaining our cultural lives. Such feedbacks require a marker, a hypothetical stable state, relative to which we perceive similarities and differences, we judge instabilities — deficiencies and excesses. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;gt;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; In this way, people have equipped themselves to dampen down and to amplify capacities, which can enable them to stabilize disequilibria in seeking their self-maintenance. We shall follow Plato in calling an important, complex reference point, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, making a substantive of the inner sensing that takes place in acting justly. Here let us sketch how the ancient Greeks and more modern peoples elaborated an understanding of justice in their thinking about the conduct of their lives.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span id=&amp;quot;adb&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;The Concept of Justice&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;In choosing reflectively between competing goods, people use a concept of justice to indicate what they judge to be most conducive to their sustained self-maintenance.&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; We have seen a problem of justice, both intuitive and reflective, arise in all activity, for all acting agents face an indeterminate future that harbors many possibilities from which the actor must concretize intentions. He may act on impulse, but soon seeks a thoughtful adjustment between desires or needs and the capacities to fulfill them. Doing so requires choices between potential goods, attributing worth to the intent relative to other possibilities. We do not think about these assessments of worth in many routine activities, treating them, like a bird building its nest, simply as exclusively instrumental concerns. But in complicated, many-sided living, many activities evoke doubt, a nagging feeling of unease, indignation, contention, aggression, despair. As in routine concerns, in these more portentous situations, persons, proficient toolmakers, must also make choices about how they will conduct and maintain themselves over an extended span of life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; In doubt, people chose more reflectively; in doing so, they formed concepts with which to deliberate about the larger implications of their choices. Were the choices right, not only in the instrumental sense, but in the normative—were they choices that would rightly accomplish what the person would intend, given what hindsight might reveal? When people recognized that they lived mortal lives with finite capacities, acting intentionally in portentous situations, they recognized that they had to limit and direct their intentions, taking contingencies into account as fully as possible. As we’ve seen, valuing first occurs through spontaneous, unreflective effort. Often enough, a person would do something impulsively, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;suffering&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; the consequences, whatever those proved to be, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;bearing&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; the burden, living &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;to regret&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; the act. Having suffered consequences, a person might start trying to act less impulsively, forming concepts with which to categorize situations, to assemble experience, and to work out prudent intentions relative to them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; As such a reflective effort spread among people, an important concept developed through it would become the principle of justice, a concept in consciousness standing for the inner sense with which they synthesized felt drives, operational intentions, and the ineluctable imperative of self-maintenance into their intentional activities. With the concept they could try to consider and plan the pursuit of justice in their personal and political lives. People could form a concept of justice and other concepts like the good, the true, the beautiful, and many more, and use them to examine and shape their intended actions, because the concepts linked to significant aspects of the inner senses immanently at work in the flux of acting. With thought and care, persons made these qualities explicit. An idea of justice, abstracted through their reflective detachment, helped them assess the character and worth of their purposes in rational thought. Limits persisted: people could conduct life with more forethought, acting with greater scope and complexity, but in the end remaining subject to the contingencies of mortality.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; [[#A17|Concept formation, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Begriffsbildung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, has an important history.]] In its general form, as people did things, justly or unjustly, some activities recurred with significant consequences, which came to characterize important, identifiable aspects of life. Each of these recurrent activities had the general structure of justice, the need to steer action towards a difficult, consequential goal by assessing the flux of possibilities and setting those aside that excited little drive, allegiance, or confidence. Furthermore, their goals were not transparent, univocal, simple. Even under primitive conditions, lived lives were full, complicated, and many-sided. Each person pursued many goals simultaneously, each goal had its priority, scope, and duration, all of it flexing in a flow of controlling effort, requiring diverse evaluative selections.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Recurrently, in this changing river of intentional actions, people became aware that they could form and use a concept to define a class of activity from their complex, amorphous purposes. To do so, the concept had to resolve an important purpose with enough precision so that it could serve as a point of reference in efforts to control the goal-directed action. Thus, in the flux of life, people intellectually constrained some purposes, typing them in order to empower the process of control. The constraining idea came to define a particular form of justice. And as people reflected on different modes of action, they subsequently abstracted out types of justice. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Distinct concepts of justice particularly relevant to acting justly in each discernibly distinct mode of acting provided [[#A18|explicit criteria for judging how to act justly in each domain.]] At its most general, a concept of justice would address the problem of winnowing out competing goods or selecting the lesser evils in trying to form a distinct intention. They would do that in diverse situations, forming various criteria for making judgments relative to them, but whatever the situation or criterion, people had to assess and select among multiple possibilities when pursuing all of the possibilities effectively at once was neither feasible nor prudent. And substantively, whatever the situation or criterion, they faced dual imperatives of acting successfully on the matters at hand and doing so in ways that support and strengthen their capacities to maintain themselves as self-maintaining agents. Concepts of justice that failed to maintain the capacity for self-maintenance would come to seem unsound.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Long ago, humans ceased living as simple toolmakers, becoming very complicated ones, at once instrumentalists and normativists. Our continuous assessing of relative worth, however complicated, takes place relative to all that is going on in our living our lives. As complexities ramify, we start segmenting our assessments of worth, concentrating on aspects of valuing that seem to work similarly. In the sweep of history, we split the norming in our life conduct into different kinds: estimating utility, forming certain virtues through habit and conscious choice, willing from a controlling sense of duty or obligation. In ethical philosophy, an endeavor abstracted away from the living of life, these kinds of norming become the vital basis for contending schools of formal thought—utilitarianism, virtue ethics, deontology. But actual norming in the flux of life uses all three and many others in working out the operative intentions by which we guide ourselves through our manifold activity. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; So far, we have seen concepts of justice emerge through a rather abstract phenomenology of acting justly. Let us anchor the emergence of concepts of justice a bit by considering early Greek experience. As a noun, as a named thing denoting a concept, justice exists only in the realm of abstraction, as an idea that people may come to hold in personal and historical life. In contrast, as a lived experience, our striving to act justly amid actual circumstances takes place in living actuality. For each person, the distinctive challenge to human judgment, to which we may or may not come to apply an abstract idea of justice, requires our maintaining our capacity for self-maintenance. We may suppose that very primitive peoples would have striven to act justly although they were quite without an abstract concept of justice. The concept allows people to reflect on historical experience long after the modes of acting on which they reflect have had extensive historical actuality.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; [[#A19|For instance, early Greek thinkers]] originated a concept of justice as a general, all-inclusive principle for thinking about acting justly in the vicissitudes of life. They began simply by calling the relevant principles &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;dikê&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, an uncertain sense of order relative to which a person might perceive and compensate for significant divergences. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Dikê&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; recompensed for straying off course, correcting something gone awry, like a small child vociferously objecting when his mother slips an innovation into his favorite tale. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Dikê&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; made it possible to steer towards a goal or &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;telos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—ultimately guiding all things through all things. [[#A20|&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Dikê&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; gave the ancient Greek concept of justice its name, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;dikaiosyn&amp;amp;#275;&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.]]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; To understand how a concept of justice works in practice, we should keep in mind the sense of modulation, of nothing too much, of compensating for divergence. For some reason the modern mentality obsesses about precisely hitting targets, as if life consists of such discrete actions—cholesterol ratios, GRE scores, quarterly earnings reports, or the unemployment rate. But life does not inhabit fixed targets. Self-maintenance flows, fluxing, many-sided, ever contingent, requiring continuous adaptation. The dynamic processes of life simply do not assume a precise, stable condition. Abstract, unchanging concepts, fictions, purely conceptual entities, can nevertheless provide points of reference, points—dimensionless locations—with reference to which people learn to perceive and correct imbalances, disharmonies, deficiency and excess, departures from the fit course.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Dikê&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; initiated thinking about the power of negative and positive feedback to control action, steering it towards some goal by pushing against the direction of the deviation from course or pulling back from an overcorrection. In practice, self-maintenance arises from feedback-driven self-correction. [[#A21|Justice, the inchoate concept, encompassed several distinct ideal forms,]] each a latent species within the conceptual genus, and as key thinkers became aware of the complexity of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;dikê&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, they separated out some of the key forms that the concept of justice takes on historically. This process continues apace.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; For instance, [[#A22|distributive justice became explicit,]] a vital concern in life because people often had to divide up goods and benefits among members of a group when the stock of these was insufficient to meet all their expectations. Autonomous groups had to divide up scarce material goods in ways that maintained their capacity to maintain themselves. Therein lies the issues of distributive justice. Distributive justice has been of paramount importance to people because the goods and benefits available have been scarce yet important to the quality of life. Hence, desire for them was strong and people competed for them with determination. A just distribution was imperative, but what it meant in practice was unclear and hence the problem of distributive justice required a criterion, usually named &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;equity&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which specified what the distribution should mean in practice. Consequently, disagreements about distributive justice primarily turn on disagreements about its operative criterion, about what constitutes equity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; People in groups have distributed public goods—natural, material, and social—from time immemorial, and doing so will remain an activity of pervasive importance in the public world. People therefore pay close attention to doing so justly, appropriately, regulating rightly how they will distribute limited resources, privileges, and offices among a surfeit of claimants. How should people decide, personally and publicly, to balance the competing claims of poverty and luxury? How should they reconcile the few, seeking to get more for services rendered, with the many, stunted by too little? Both sides feel its claims have merit. The debate about equity, the norm to be served in distribution, has gone on and on and will continue. Answers change, but they always serve as a shaping influence in the conduct of life, both personal and public.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Beyond distributing goods and benefits, life entails many other forms of activity. In these activities, people have a vital interest in acting justly as well, for these too bear on maintaining the capacity for self-maintenance. For instance, someone transgressing the ruling norms within a community will trigger actions for restitution and retribution. Long ago, people started punishing crimes, practices which easily got out of hand as the record of feuding shows. Cycles of revenge often escalated and exceeded the communal capacity to sustain effectively the resulting tension and conflict. As that happened, people formed principles for thinking about what punishment fits the crime. Thus, they formed principles of retributive justice to manage who would punish transgressions, how and why, a process memorialized by Aeschylus in his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Oresteia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Over time, people came to enjoy multiple rights and to bear complex responsibilities as members of different groups. When these conflicted or when persons could not fulfill all of them, all the time, to the satisfaction of all parties, difficult issues of social justice arose. Reconciling competing sets of norms has become endemic in historical life. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Antigone&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, a great Greek drama by Sophocles, depicts the clash between established norms of the familial estate and the emergent norms of the urban community, the polis. The inability to reconcile conflicting norms constitute some of the most recalcitrant conflicts dividing peoples. Early in American history, despite their rhetoric, leaders privileged the rights of property, as then understood, relative to the rights of man, and they legitimated the institution of chattel slavery despite their higher-minded principles. Real property no longer includes persons, but the divisions persist. Globally, through long and difficult conflicts, people struggle to establish the priority of human rights over property rights. Many issues of social justice still divide people from one another and everywhere they must still work out their social tensions as some enjoy excessive privilege while others suffer the lack of elemental human dignity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Problems of social justice often intertwine with those of distributive justice, and retributive justice as well. Thus, we recognize how the social injustice of slavery has continuing effects such as those embedded in issues of distributive justice as people argue over affirmative action. Additionally, we can see the after effects of slavery in problems of retributive justice, as [[#A23|America’s real exceptionalism, its atrocious incarceration practices.]] Consequently, people must seek, not only principles of justice to guide imperative choices within specific spheres of action, they must harmonize those different principles of justice with each other.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; People live life whole and have a vital need to integrate diverse efforts at acting justly across the full range of activities that take place in the course of life. With key concerns, and across all concerns, their palpable purposes conflict and exceed their possibilities. Intentional action inherently functions instrumentally, for in pursuing a purpose one must exert control to achieve it well. But prior to its instrumentality, intentional action inherently works subject to limits, to checks and balances, to choices, not of instrumentality, but of relative worth, of fitness. As we seek competing goods, which will serve most appropriately, rightly? Principles of justice serve in making these choices, in judging the worth of competing intents while facing the challenge of preserving the capacity for self-maintenance by both persons and polities.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span id=&amp;quot;ae&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2 style=&amp;quot;page-break-before: always;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3   Formative Experience&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; All persons, all living agents for that matter, by themselves and in many combinations, must choose at any moment among numerous potentialities and possibilities for action. As we have seen, this constraint in the structure of action creates the problem of acting justly in its most general sense. [[#A24|The person or organism may or may not choose “freely;”]] but in the course of acting, choices take place and the indeterminate becomes determinate. Acting entails willing an intent, whether free or fated. In coping with constraints, people face an indeterminate future and must always evaluate numerous possibilities, not all of which they can satisfactorily pursue. Talk to a young person fully engaging adult responsibilities, indebted from school, newly married with a child on the way, a good but pressured job, husband in medical school, an incomplete novel tucked away in her desk. Can she have it all? What possibilities should she give up?&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;See for instance, Anne-Marie Slaughter, “Why Women Still Can’t Have It All.” &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Atlantic Monthly&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, August 2012. (p. 10).&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; These situations pose for us the great formative question, [[#A25|the core question of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bildung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,]] of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;formative education&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: What can and should I make of myself?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Let us now pause briefly to contemplate such situations. [[#A26|What has been the etiology of human power?]] How, in an instant of geologic time, has the human species become so fecund and powerful, for good and ill, subjecting the earth, and life upon it to our will, so powerful, yet perhaps so blind? And in that vast arena of human experience, what have humans been doing that brings us here, thinking about &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;formative justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;? As humans, as living organisms, people worry about justice because in doing what we do, we continually have to check and reject potentially valuable intentions, purposes which could enhance our capacity to maintain ourselves amid our circumstances. In the flux of these evaluations, we use our sense of justice and formal principles of justice to inform our choices. Here we ask, why should we include a principle of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;formative&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; justice in these considerations? What value does a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;formative&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; process have in human life? In the full range of our experience, what might it mean to call some of it formative?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; In life, as living agents we perceive, act, and direct ourselves within our circumstances and as we do so, what takes place through the churn of interaction constitutes our experience. Life lives: I cannot separate myself from my field of agency, from intending in a circumstantial context. I&#039;m sitting in my chair here in my study, revising my text, making judgments about how well or poorly it will convey my intended meaning. I can think of myself as a part of my circumstances, perceiving myself, my internal drives, the external forces impinging on me, but I do that for some purpose, even a quiescent one of attaining a state of mindfulness or meditative contemplation. Usually, I am activating myself, interacting with other selves, and coping with diverse things around me, relying on my capacities to take account of those other selves and all the restraining forces and things. To pursue my bundle of purposes, I try to exert some control on my perceptions and actions to better manage my conditions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Take something simple—walking. I perceive all sorts of things about my path—anticipating where to place my forward foot and the firmness of the ground from which I will push off. In walking, I act, largely by unconscious habit, raising and moving one foot forward, pushing off with the other, shifting my weight off the back leg, falling forward the distance of a stride, interrupting the fall with my front leg, heel to the ground, rocking up on it, forward foot moving back, back foot forward, each step mirroring the former. And with every stride I do a lot of self-directing, correlating the forward thrust of the front leg and the vigor with which I tip myself out of balance, not to mention the maneuvers with which I avoid an obstacle or keep from stepping in water or waste as I determine where my path should lead. In walking from here to there, I use many &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;perceptive&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;active&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;self-directive&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; powers, often unconsciously, sometimes consciously. All life lives by using its many &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;perceptive&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;active&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;self-directive&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; powers, such as they may be, in manifold variations on these moves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; All living organisms exercise [[#A27|three functionally distinct but overlapping powers:]] &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;a perceptive power&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which acquires information about circumstances, about the organism and its field of agency; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;an active power&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which can alter, within limits, both the organism and its field of action; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;a self-directive power&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which uses feedbacks to guide the perceptive and active powers purposively. With these three powers, organisms recursively use their agency, repeating themselves over and over with cumulative variations, to maintain themselves as living agents as best they can.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Additionally, each organism has a field of agency, its circumstances, which correlates with its perceptive, active, and self-directive powers, for all organisms live Kantian lives, busying themselves within the limits of their possible experience. Hence, their circumstances fit their powers like a glove. Agency takes place from inside the self within its field of possible perception, feasible action, and its repertoire of feedbacks useful for self-direction. The rest remains moot. All organisms exercise their powers of perception, action, and self-direction, seeking to initiate and control the eventualities of their lives. The organism, as a self, serves a purpose, not a final purpose, but a necessary one: self-maintenance as a living, self-maintaining organism in the world, a totality that encompasses the organism, its field of agency, its possible perception and action, and whatever else may lie beyond those.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Note here that the domain of experience—the field of agency—takes place within a larger, encompassing world, one beyond the agent&#039;s ken. Each form of life inhabits a cosmos defined by the sum of its perceptive, active, and self-directive powers, with its peculiar cosmos surrounded by an unknown chaos that can suddenly irrupt into its world. These irruptions include unforeseen events, things that seem to happen relative to agency by sheer luck, good or bad—their advent in our world provides a presence to that which we have no power to possibly foresee. Such irruptions include death, with the last flicker of agency expiring, expired, slipping into the realm of nothingness, which takes place all around the living yet remains unknown to them, despite the huge totality of their cumulative experience. But to balance death, the irruptions further include natality, the advent of a new life taking place, a new self with its new circumstances, a novel, unique locus of experience. All these irruptions have much to do with shaping life and lives, but they do not constitute formative experience, which takes place as agents act in their circumstantial fields of life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; To find &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;formative experience&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, we can and should think about the different lifeforms as they parade along the ever-changing. evolutionary path. Great changes in the field of agency have taken place. Through the slow, ongoing process of evolutionary emergence, the morphology of living forms alters through chance genetic change, tested by environmental pressures. With each morphological alteration, perceptive, active, and self-directive powers, and the associated fields of agency, all change as well, challenging the novel organism with its characteristic tasks of self-maintenance. Evolutionary change in the morphologies of life has gone on for several billion years, with life itself, as a totality, flourishing in a multitudinous differentiation of its perceptive, active, and self-directive possibilities. Untold types of organisms have formed, each comprising a myriad of instances leading specific, unique, and finite lives, using distinctive perceptive, active, and self-directive powers to doggedly extend and maintain its possibilities of experience. In all this vital experience over eons, how does &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;formative experience&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; come about and what does it contribute to the panorama of life?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; With each evolutionary change, new patterns of perceptive, active, and self-directive power emerge; and whenever one does, the new pattern itself then remains largely stable across the succession of separate lives within each different species. Keeping environmental factors constant, the genetic inheritance of each species establishes what the specific organism can perceive, how it can act, and its capacities for self-direction. A cat lives its life perceiving its circumstances as a cat, acting in its circumstances as a cat, directing itself in relation to its circumstances as a cat, all through its recurring use of the perceptive, active, and self-directive powers that it acquired through its reproduction as a cat. The process of its biological reproduction essentially fixed its field of agency.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Humans, too, live as a distinct lifeform. Each of us inherits perceptive, active, and self-directive powers characteristic of our species, but the way these work for humans has one very significant difference compared to most other forms of life. Out of the sum of our inborn perceptive, active, and self-directive powers, a fourth power comes forth through an emergent process, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;a formative power&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. With this formative power, humans selectively alter their inborn perceptive, active, and self-directive powers and use cultural, not biological, means to distribute and perpetuate these alterations in and among their members. In our human lives, after conception, we fashion and use our formative power to transform our inborn perceptive, active, and self-directive powers, over time profoundly changing our world of agency and experience.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; In a sense, the mortality of every living agent gives [[#A28|life, the sum of living forms, its recursive capacity.]] Genetic reproduction gives all life forms a recursive capacity as natural selection culls chance variations in genetic inheritance across the recurring sequence of generations. Among humans, cultural recursion speeds up and diversifies natural recursion greatly, using cultural memory in the place of genetic inheritance to power the recursive sequence. This capacity for cultural recursion enables human life to invent [[#A29|a panoply of nascent capabilities,]] using each over and over again, capturing nuances and innovations, churning them into the mature capacities of civilized life. With both its natural and cultural recursive abilities, in endless variations, life itself creates and maintains itself in a universe that without its teeming intentions would be entirely dead, meaningless, devoid of value.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Humans &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;form&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; our perceptive, active, and self-directive powers and thus shape the circumstances within which we conduct our lives. We devise eyeglasses, bicycles, clocks, and countless other aids to perception, action, and self-direction with our formative power. It enables us to transform our perceptive, active, and self-directive powers throughout our personal and collective lives. Unlike the cat, which will always see the world through the perceptive powers acquired in its birth as a cat, humans work to shape throughout our lives our perceptive, active, and self-directive powers, greatly transforming our capacities during the course of our lives, personal and public.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Through formative experience humans have contingently gained [[#A30|the art of acquiring characteristics.]] We have acquired formative powers with which we shape our perceptive, active, and self-directive powers, each separately, and the formative power comes with no guarantee that in using it we will keep the new perceptive, active, and self-directive capacities in effective coordination. Over several millennia humans have formed massive active capacities, using them at accelerating rates. Hence, our human shaping of our circumstances has begun to transform the hydrologic and atmospheric balance of the earth itself. Have we formed our perceptive powers concomitantly so that we can track and understand the consequences of our escalating scale of action on the world in which we live? And even more, have we adapted our collective powers of self-direction so that we can cope adequately with the unintended consequences of how we live? Have we formed the perceptive, active, and self-directive capabilities requisite for continuing self-maintenance in our world? As we change our circumstances, we change those of other lifeforms and—portentously—the way the world may work, in itself, beyond our ken. As we change our circumstances, we invite irruptions into our cosmos with which we may be unable to cope. We strengthen the formative imperative, we expand and intensify it. In this juncture, with stakes so unprecedented, and soaring further, what can and should we make of ourselves in order to act justly in our changing world? How should we form ourselves to provide for our continuing self-maintenance? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Formative experience takes place as persons use their perceptive, active, and self-directive powers in interaction with their circumstances to recursively alter those powers and the way they can interact with their circumstances. In caring for my formative experience, I must consider many possibilities, especially as I live in a universe of very complex cultural circumstances. As I select among these possibilities, I shape my capacities as an acting agent and delimit the world of action in which I can use them. These life choices confront me with basic, unavoidable problems of acting justly in my formative experience. I must use my perceptive, active, and self-directive capacities in conducting life but in using them, I must also attend to how I can and should form those capacities, sustaining, strengthening, augmenting, and modulating them, changing myself and the world in which I act. [[#A31|Causes and interactions]] work pervasively, side by side, in everything that happens.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Our formative power uncovers a deep duality in how humans construct their experience. which makes formative justice rather special. Almost instantaneously on the timescale of biological evolution, the human exercise of formative powers has become so pervasive in our life world that almost all our intending has deeply formative dimensions. With the emergence of our formative power, we can and should attend in everything we do to doing it causally, producing the intended effect, and to doing it formatively, controlling how the cycles of interaction that take place form our powers of perception, action, and self-direction will affect our capacities or self-maintenance. Consequently, since acting justly in a formative sense seems to pervade everything, we have difficulty seeing it as a distinct type of justice and we easily leave it unexamined, attending to the more easily identified valuations in our experience.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; For instance, in [[#A32|the capabilities approach to questions of distributive justice,]] critics ask whether people have fit opportunities to acquire the capabilities and capacities requisite for a minimal life of human dignity. The capabilities approach and formative justice complement one another highly, for both attend to human capabilities and capacities as the foundation of the good life for persons and polities. The capabilities approach looks at property in its basic human sense, the properties or capabilities characteristic of flourishing human lives, seeking to identify those properties clearly and to establish the degree of equity in the distribution of them within and among different polities. Formative justice concerns the same phenomena, considering them as a developmental, not a distributive matter. With formative justice, capacities are not observed as external, observable conditions, but as processes of internal, intentional self-formation. Instead of concentrating on the inventory of capabilities that people might possess as attributes, formative justice addresses how persons can and should nurture the capabilities they want and most value. Persons try to live their lives justly, forming themselves by seeking to flourish as they winnow their possibilities and direct their efforts in their circumstantial lifeworlds. Formative justice helps them manage the process.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; People form their lives by determining strategies of self-formation, intending to perfect potential capacities through recursive cycles of experience. They find in the process that they are shaping their capacities for perception, action, and self-direction. As they restructure their possible patterns of purpose, powers of attention, discrimination, energy, skill, affinity, and effort change, building up or contracting, as the case may be. Our living takes on a deep duality. Everything has in view both practical and formative ends, which carry with them a concomitant practical and formative norming. Because the formative side of all experience pervades so much in our lives, formative justice stands as the pre-eminent problematic of living justly. But at the same time, because the formative pervades everything taking place as a person tries to act justly, we easily fail to give it its distinctive due. As we have seen, people have advanced extensive literatures on distributive justice and social justice, and a substantial one on retributive justice, and growing ones on ecological justice and intergenerational justice, [[#A33|to name a few.]] But where can we can find literature on formative justice?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; For each type of justice, thinkers have conceptualized a field unto itself, but each kind of justice links to historical eventualities which evidence the consequence of formative justice for human life. For instance, people have shaped through great formative effort in historical life the goods and services, which they have distributed among themselves according to prevailing ideas about distributive justice. They value the goods and services largely because they provide the human means—building materials, eyeglasses, microscopes and telescopes, plumbing, collections of specimens, assays of ores, wheels, motors, cars, and planes, computers, standards for endless manufactured objects, pharmaceuticals, legal codes, and so much more—for forming our perceptive, active, and self-directive powers. Copyright and patent law structure special forms of distributable property explicitly to provide temporary incentives to create formative intellectual and material resources. With such arrangements, people have tried to create distributive incentives to advance formative values, but such efforts should provoke us to ask whether markets and other systems of allocation currently work in formatively sound ways?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Likewise, the matters at issue for retributive justice and social justice, for legitimacy in legal and political life, all have great formative significance for persons and polities. With these specific problems of justice abstracted away from the elemental issues of justice, attention to [[#A34|the original, most basic difficulty in acting justly, which Plato examined]] quite fully in the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and his other writings, has become blurred. Reflection keeps subtracting specific parts away, but what remains of the overall problem of justice, deciding what I can and should make of myself, has vital importance, even though it has become relatively obscure. What remains of justice, after people have abstracted the specific types of it away, lacks a proper name. To bring the root of justice back into prominent view, the basic problem of acting justly—a person or polity controlling their activities of self-formation, having to decide how to form their perceptive, active, and self-directive powers in living a self-directed, autonomous life—should get [[#A35|a name: &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;formative justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.]]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Principles of formative justice regulate, implicitly or explicitly, activities through which persons and polities shape their perceptive, active, and self-directive powers and with those the fields of agency within which they live. Persons and polities determine their controlling purposes, intentions, potentials, and possibilities, and shape the capacities with which they can pursue their intents by forming their powers of perception, action, and self-direction. As situations merit, other forms of justice come into play within the over-all, on-going context of formative justice. But these problems of formative justice still suffuse our lives, from start to finish.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Watch a small child, still a novice in living with clear intents, walk outside, flitting from one interest to the next. A few years later, now a youth, she will walk with greater purpose, her curiosity less catholic, her action more pointed. Through justice in all its forms, persons, or groups of persons, allocate attention and feasible effort among their multiple potential purposes whenever they cannot achieve all of them, fully and surely—a limitation they always face. With limited attention, intelligence, and energy and with excessive urges, desires, needs, and aspirations, people bring all the possibilities they can to the fruition they manage to achieve. Hence, all people all the time must choose as justly as they can while self-organizing their lives. Within that comprehensive effort at acting justly, formative justice denotes the way persons control their self-formation, their efforts to shape their perceptive, active, and self-directive capacities and their concomitant life world. With formative experience having become pervasive in human life, the challenge of self-formation inheres in nearly all we do. Hence, we concentrate attention on acting justly in these aspects of life by advancing a name, formative justice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; But a name does not itself explain of how the named process actually works. The name helps concentrate our attention on the aspect of experience, but a name does not magically incant what it signifies, conjuring it forth in substantive experience, fully mature, as if from the head of Zeus. How do people actualize and exercise formative justice in their lives?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span id=&amp;quot;af&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2 style=&amp;quot;page-break-before: right;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4   The Work of Formative Justice&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Although some forms of justice appear primarily as collective concerns, all problems of justice have both personal and public manifestations. In discussions of distributive justice, thinkers treat it as the paradigmatic form of justice and a pressing public problem: how should the members of the community best satisfy their competing claims for its goods and privileges. But distributive justice operates on the personal level too, evident whenever a person must budget her money for desired products and services. Who has not found it difficult to decide equitably between satisfying an immediate want and providing for an eventual need?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Likewise, we think of retributive justice as a public form of justice, but it comes into action at the personal level whenever one wants to get back at another for some slight or injury, or when one feels guilt, regret, or shame over something one has done. Even social justice becomes personal when a person feels conflicting obligations. Reminding herself, “do unto others as you would have them do unto you,” she wonders whether to finish her homework or to practice with the team?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; When we think of formative justice, however, we often think first, not of its public side, but of its personal aspect, aware when pushing ourselves that our acquired skills may not suffice for the challenge at hand. But formative justice has a social side as well, as groups, organizations, and whole polities must select among possibilities, thereby setting their priorities for formative effort and action. In 1780, writing from Paris to his wife, John Adams expressed the juncture of the political and the personal imperative, describing formative justice for the new nation as a felt, personal duty:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;It is not indeed the fine arts which our country requires; the useful, the mechanic arts, are those which we have occasion for in a young country....  The science of government, it is my duty to study, more than all other sciences; the arts of legislation and administration and negotiation, ought to take place of, indeed to exclude, in a manner, all other arts. I must study politics and war that my sons may have liberty to study mathematics and philosophy. My sons ought to study mathematics and philosophy, geography, natural history and naval architecture, navigation, commerce and agriculture, in order to give their children a right to study painting, poetry, music, architecture, statuary, tapestry and porcelain.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;John Adams to Abigail Adams, Letter CLXXVIII. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Letters of John Adams, Addressed to his Wife&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Charles Francis Adams, ed. (1841) vol. II, pp. 67–8.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The exercise of formative justice lays out serious duties for both the person and the polity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Long ago, with the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Plato achieved the first great examination of formative justice, speaking of it simply as the imperative of living life justly, asking whether it was better “to act justly and to practice honorable pursuits and to be just, whether anyone is aware what sort of person one is or not” or “to do injustice and be unjust, if only one can escape punishment” (IV: 445a, cf. II: 367a-369b, IX: 588b-592b). He set up his discussion to explore the interplay between the way persons controlled their own self-formation and the way groups sought to aggregate formative effort to bring shared desires, beliefs, and purposes to fruition. Plato suggested that what living life justly entailed of the person and why that was the life most worth living would become clearer by forming justice in a carefully constructed hypothetical city (II: 368e-369a).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Let us grant that Plato’s language, however artful, expressed a very early effort to analyze what we here call formative justice. When a thinker breaks new ground, anticipating all the possible misunderstandings proves impossible. Hence, parts of Plato&#039;s text can genuinely confuse and alarm literal-minded readers. But a productive interpretation shows him trying to speak about human capabilities in persons and in polities, about how persons and polities formed their unique capacities within the domain of each capability, and about how persons and polities could and should put their emerging capacities to effective use. [[#A36|In his Myth of the Metals,]] Plato was forming an idea of aptitudes—each person has a unique mix of them, but no one can identify those aptitudes well until the person has completed a full course of forming what her possibilities can and should be.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Plato recognized that prospectively no one knows the actual aptitudes of a child or person, for an impenetrable veil of ignorance existentially cloaks the aptitudes. This ineluctable ignorance—an existential reality—posed a challenge, Plato thought: to find out the capacities of the members of the polity, each man and woman should strive to form their human capabilities as fully as possible, supported by the whole community. This remains [[#A37|the fundamental rationale for universal education.]] At birth, the infant has nascent perceptive, active, and self-directive powers, but neither the infant, nor anyone around him, knows what his capacities, fully expressed, can of should be. To discover them, the infant must form his capacities as fully as he can, aided and abetted by the polity in its many forms—family, community, creed, business, state, and profession: Plato advanced the rationale, both prudential and ethical, for expecting all persons to optimally form all their possibilities, with fulfillment the hypothesized standard for approximating the optimal.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Persons have aptitudes, but to speak more accurately, persons form their aptitudes. Consequently, neither the person nor their parents, nor anyone else, can fully identify those aptitudes, for only extended self-education and formative experience will disclose and perfect them. A person’s genetic inheritance endows her with complex perceptive, active, and self-directive powers, which themselves take on a unique embodiment through her interacting with her circumstances, constantly throughout her life. And that process takes place, not developmentally, but formatively—for instance, starting in infancy, a person recursively uses an inchoate power of vision to adapt and regulate her ability to see, but then she may sharpen it further with glasses and possibly extend it for special purposes with a magnifying glass, binoculars, microscope, or telescope, or fix it with cameras of diverse sorts, or the artful strokes of paint and brush, capturing visual memories and the humane nuance of what she sees. People do not &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;have&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; aptitudes as fix properties or endowments; their aptitudes emerge as formed achievements, evident in retrospective views on lives lived.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Potentialities rest, a bit inborn, hidden within, and they await, yet to emerge, for each person must form them over her entire course of life, exercising her formative power. Person-to-person, the course of it varies greatly and unpredictably. Some soar and plateau, others plod along and bloom late; some die far too young, others persist long beyond their prime; some deliver exactly as they aspired; others zigzagging, confound all expectations. Indeed, an opaque veil hides capabilities from view, blocking modern testing services from satisfying their prurient interest to peek beneath it. Heraclitus said it long ago: “You will not find out the limits of the soul by going, even if you travel over every way, so deep is its report.”&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Heraclitus, Fragment XXXV. Charles H. Kahn, trans.,&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; The Art and Thought of Heraclitus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 45.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; Given that we do not know, to find out what a person can and should be, [[#A38|she must work to form her capacities as fully as she can.]] A person does this by guiding her efforts, explicitly or implicitly, through the continuous, inward consideration of formative justice, seeking to do justice to what she can and should become, fulfilling herself as best she can.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; [[#A39|Aristotle followed Plato,]] and in his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Politics, &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;he held the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;polis &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;existed so that people could together pursue &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;the good life&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Through the polity, people defined their common purposes, the good life as they saw it, and they advanced their capacities for pursuing their purposes together. This view of politics was one in which the formative potentialities of human life were central, but elsewhere in the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Politics &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;and in his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Nicomachean Ethics&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Aristotle singled out the problem of distributive justice as a special form of justice, both distinct and important. But Aristotle came a bit late and as a pressing, historical matter, justice—formative or distributive—was losing importance as imperial majesty cast the dilemmas of self-governance into its shadow. Aristotle’s concern for distributive justice did not fully gain historical consequence until relatively recently, when political economy turned producing and consuming into the core function of modern polities.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; With ancient imperial systems, syncretism—think and believe what you will, but obey—guided formative justice for the polity. For the person, attention to things in one&#039;s control and indifference to things not in one&#039;s control became a central preoccupation for both Stoic and Epicurean. The slow conversion of that pagan ethos to Christianity, and then the rise of Islam, demonstrated the historical power the personal pursuit of formative justice could generate. Everywhere, [[#A940|the history of formative justice]] as pursued by innumerable different persons tells an extraordinary story of human experience, which we have yet to grasp sufficiently as an account of humanity&#039;s collective self-formation, what persons themselves have made from what they could and should become.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; With multitudes of persons in modern polities, politics as the shared pursuit of the good life became harder to fathom, or more precisely, people spontaneously adopted material abundance as the common denominator of the good life and began to bicker over how to share the goods. They brought interest group politics to the fore, redefining Aristotle&#039;s politics, not as a shared pursuit of the good life, but as a pursuit of the goods, a competition over “who gets what, when, how,” as Harold Lasswell put it in an influential formulation.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Harold D. Lasswell. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Politics: Who Gets What, When, How&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. (New York: Meridian Books, [1936], 1958).&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; In diverse ways, modern political economy made contending ideas of distributive justice central in both political theory and practice. As part of that process, the Platonic conception of justice, what we here call [[#A41|formative justice, was largely ignored, even actively suppressed.]] To renew attention to formative justice, and to understand better how it works, let&#039;s look at an example to distinguish as clearly as we can between the two types of justice. Can we observe both distributive and formative justice working simultaneously, yet clearly distinct?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; For that purpose, a trivial, but widely documented matter—the doings of professional sport—can be helpful. Commentators and fans extensively follow both the games themselves and team activities leading up to the games. In doing so, they tacitly use basic concepts about both distributive and formative justice in their analyses. For instance, with football, be it global or North American, analysts draw on principles of distributive justice in discussing how well the front office uses the financial resources at its disposal to field an excellent team. In contrast, in explaining how coaches and players try to improve their level of performance on the field and prepare for upcoming games, they use principles of formative justice.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;This and the following 4 paragraphs expand material in my previous discussions of formative justice—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Homeless in the House of Intellect&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (New York: Collaboratory for Liberal Learning, 2005, pp. 81-2) and “Formative Justice: The Regulative Principle of Education,” &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Teachers College Record&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Volume 118 Number 10, 2016.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Consider these matters from within the tiny universe of a team, as if it were a microcosm isolated from the world around. The front office meets out distributive justice as best it can, using largely meritocratic theories of equity to negotiate salaries and other terms of player contracts. We will not dwell on the equity of those salaries, compared to mine and yours, for that raises larger, more comprehensive issues. But simply in the tiny world of the team, the front-office suits apply distributive justice to set and justify differentials in compensation and other contract terms.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Player contracts reflect judgments about the market, putative skill, star drawing-power, and other signs of worth. Some players command millions and others make the minimum, merely several hundred thousand. If the front office mismanages the valuation of worth and the distribution of resources, with too much here leaving too little there, jealousies and resentments wrack the team and its group of players falls short on talent, leading fans to rail at the front office, or far worse, to demand less than the full supply of tickets. If management distributes its resources well, the team, its officials, players, and fans may happily thrive. But will they do so? That question leads to activities guided by formative justice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; By itself, an assemblage of high potential, a roster of richly remunerated players, may achieve consistent success—damn those Yankees—but high remuneration does not guarantee it. Team members, working with a coaching staff, use principles of formative justice to help each player reach his full potential and to integrate them all into a resourceful, winning team, one with well-conditioned skill, committed drive, and astute strategy. The Platonic components—strength, spirit, and reason, all in harmonious unison—together play their parts.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Formative justice guides practices and preparations. Trainers and coaches help each player get into optimum condition for the role each will perform. With discipline, swagger, and guile, the coaches work with players to build the determination and élan of the group so that each member can perform with full intensity. And coaches and players reason: they study and scheme, prepare and practice, so that the whole team and each constituent player masters an astute game plan. It matches the vulnerabilities and strengths of the opponent and the capacities of the team, assesses the emotional sensibilities and dispositions on both sides, and anticipates the opponent’s probable strategies and possible ways to counter them. Finally, formative justice culminates in putting together all these preparations, each in its proper measure, so that on the day of the crucial game, the whole team proves strong, intense, and shrewd together, winning in a commanding performance. Here we see the classic components of formative justice, direct from Plato—appetitive drive, honor, and reason—each working with the others, keeping to its proper business, integrated in pursuit of &amp;quot;the good&amp;quot; — here, weekly wins leading to triumph on Super Bowl Sunday.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; All forms of justice—distributive, retributive, social, formative—resolve into component parts, each with a distinctive character. For instance, distributive justice has several parts — goods and benefits, wants and needs, and a way to allocate the former in some correlation to the latter, which the allocating agents judge to be right or equitable and use as a criterion of distribution like utility, equality, merit, need, or fairness. Thus, the results of distributive justice will vary according to the concept of equity people apply, but each instance of distributive justice orders the distribution by satisfying abundant wants with scarce goods according to a specific criterion of choice, one or another idea of equity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Formative justice does not guide the distribution of goods; distributive justice does: formative justice works as a different, distinct form of justice, a considerably more comprehensive one. Like other forms of justice, it has several component parts, which the acting agent deploys according to formative, not distributive, criteria in seeking to approach its goal. Plato expressed his theory of formative justice, simply as justice in general, because the problematic of formative justice arose with every intention: how does doing what one proposes to do affect the ongoing forming of one’s capacities for perception, action and self-direction? And it still arises with any intention. Let&#039;s loosely follow Plato&#039;s description of the human soul (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, IV: 435a-441c, IX: 580b-583a), using our own, more present-day language.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Formative justice pertains, not primarily to intentionality in special situations, but to all purposeful activity. As an intentional agent, a person always existentially experiences three basic sets of questions:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Would carrying out her purposes, culminate in what the person really seeks? Would her actions lead to the optimal formation of what she can and should become? A person reasons about causes and effects and tries to understand complicated reciprocal interactions. With these &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;intellectual&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; concerns, a person seeks to make sound judgments about her purposes. She postulates many possibilities, assesses them for feasibility and worth, progressively eliminating those that seem too risky, too high in costs, too low in benefits, unfit, unworthy, inappropriate. The possibilities that persist contribute to forming her as a person, shaping her capacities and the values she serves with them, her sense of mission or vocation in living her life.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;How will the person modulate the effort she devotes to her purposes relative to the sum of her other intentions? A person exercises intentional control through [[#A42|her &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;emotional&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; weighting of purposes,]] amplifying some, weakening others. As her experience unfolds, a person shapes her disposition and emotional character, her preferences and aversions, her interests and the flux of her attention, which enables her to direct her energies. She does so as her emotions dampen and amplify perceptions, actions, and self-directions from within and as she invests external situations and other persons, organizations, and ideas with special valence, positive or negative.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;How will the person marshal and exert her perceptive, active, and self-directive powers in the immediacy of her experience, doing what she does to fulfill the complex flow of her intentions? A person lives her experience, a vital actuality. Words describe the immediacy poorly, for the words come after the fact, when the immediacy &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;has flown away&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. A living person dynamically instantiates her perceptive, active, and self-directive powers in a treadmill of actual presents, here-now and then irrevocably past. All the capacities of a person stand imminent in every instant, and she unleashes them, singly and in combinations, continuously, kaleidoscopically organized, as she lives in her circumstances, living her life. Can felt immediacy both be, and be named? [[#A43|Plato tried—the appetitive.]] Let us try instead, the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;existential&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; actuality of volitional will. It generates the intensity of playing the game.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; For Plato, to live justly a person could and should have a well-shaped power of judgment, rightly formed, and tamed appetites integrated by the idea of the good. Stated in this manner, it sounds as if Plato was aiming at some static quality, a person who had a well-formed character, secure in its possession. That was not the case for the integrating had to go on continuously, in real time, so to speak, as the person experienced all the uncertainties, the vicissitudes, the successive moments of her life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Formative intentions suffuse our lives. Each of us continually copes with the intellectual, emotional and existential concerns inherent in all we do. Objective sounding declarations, asserted in public about &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;what is&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; rational, emotionally sound, and existentially worthy, at best state the lived answers second-hand, as they appear in hindsight. More dangerously, pretentious objectivity often proclaims difficult imperatives in bad faith, cloaking a speaker’s parochial preferences as objective necessities valid for all. Our thinking, feeling, and existential drives take place, not in words, but in deeds, in actual experience. As a person actively conducts herself, on large matters and small, she integrates the intellectual, emotional, and existential, thereby forming her life, and her capacities for living, through a purposeful enacting—ever-turning, kaleidoscopic.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Only in hindsight can a person perhaps know the intellectual, emotional, and existential actualities that took place; and in hindsight the picture will have become inert, no longer helping us query our prospective possibilities. To consider looming possibilities and to deal with formative experience intelligently, a person must take them up as existential questions, ones lodged in the living present. She must think about them on her feet, determining her answers to her formative choices while striding through the immediate indeterminacies of her life. She must live the questions and suffer the consequences, or as Plato put it in the Myth of Er, as the souls were about to choose their future lives—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;Virtue knows no master. Your respect or contempt for it will give each of you a greater or smaller share. The choice makes you responsible.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Plato, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Republic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Tom Griffith, trans. X: 617e.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Of course, Plato here and elsewhere spoke of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;arête&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, perhaps more accurately translated as &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;excellence&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; or &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;merit&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. No teacher or owner possesses &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;arête&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; as someone might possess a car or some clothes as his property that he can transmit to another. Each person achieves her &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;arête&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by aspiring to it, pursuing in life the merit it denotes. A person lives, dealing with the experiential actuality of her will, continuously prompting and following through in real time drawing on intellectual and emotional abilities by using inner senses. A person feels an inner sense, usually feeling it immediately, subliminally, even though she can rarely pull it into consciousness, and then often at a cost to its efficacy. We have difficulty speaking clearly about inner senses, sometimes speaking as if we have many different inner senses, each associated with a specific aspect of experience, and sometimes as if we have very few, general ones, like &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;emotion&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;appetite&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which we adapt to different situations, rather like passing different parameters to an algorithmic function. Let’s leave the typology of our inner sense as a moot matter and proceed here to think about how we work with our inner senses in the intellectual, emotional, and existential domains of formative experience. “Where words fail, deeds speak.” &amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Goethe, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Wilhelm Meister&#039;s Apprenticeship&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Thomas Carlyle, trans., &amp;quot;Indenture&amp;quot;, end of Book VII.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; To start, take a simple example, a person’s sense of balance, more precisely her ability to sense her imbalance. She cannot assume a pose of perfect balance that a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;maître de ballet&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; might instruct a ballerina to assume and then hold, remaining rigidly still. That stillness is merely appearance. Balancing requires continuous movements around an ineffable, unattainable point of balance. A person maintains her balance by sensing how her stance diverges from it, moving to cancel out the divergence. A ballerina, who has acquired exquisite body control, may create an illusion of having struck, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;en pointe&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;perfect balance, but really, she too hovers around that point with tightly controlled motions, imperceptible to lookers on.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; We can take advice in forming an inner sense like balance, but we can’t be taught it passively, for we must learn it by inwardly modulated trial and exercise. To consider how it happens, let&#039;s watch the toddler again. She often falls, and in doing so she will begin to sense her inner sense of balance. It does not say, “Hey, girl, right on!” It signals only when she has tipped out of balance, quickly giving her some time to react, which at first will be hesitant and clumsy, or too fast, a sudden jerk that puts her butt down. But through recurrent trials, through recursive experience, she will gain confidence and coordination in responding to her sensing her imbalance and compensating for it. With her inner sense of balance well established, every anomalous move she then makes adds another iteration in her recursively managing her balance, and soon she no longer toddles, but runs and jumps about, a rambunctious child.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; [[#A44|With the sense of balance,]] researchers have acquired a pretty clear understanding of how it works and how people use it. With many other inner senses, we have little or no understanding of how they work physiologically and neurologically, and often we have limited and unsure capacities to use them. Nevertheless, we find ourselves aware of such senses, we actively try to use them, and we trouble ourselves to clarify and form them so that we can use them in experience with more fulfillment. For each sense, we postulate a hypothetical condition or virtue, an ideal good, which we never securely and fully incarnate. Have I donned clothes too casual, too formal for the occasion? Do the colors clash? Did I salt the dish too heavily? Have I been too harsh? Too acquiescent? Too forward? Have I tried too hard? Or not hard enough? Speaking rather generically, we might say that with any inner sense we actually sense discrepancies — a deficiency, an excess, an anomaly, a deviation relative to its ideal state. In sensing discrepancy, we can work to compensate for it. True, we always over or under compensate, and the approximation to the norm goes on recursively, cumulatively strengthening our capacity to use the inner sense in our experience.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Diverse inner senses pertain to our perceptive, active, and self-directive powers, or to newly formed combinations of them, and the recursive strengthening of our skill with them drives the formative power spoken of earlier. In carrying out this formative effort, people have created and employed powers of inductive and deductive reasoning about their experience, which become part of our acquired heritage. To see how voluminous such advice can become, check out the literature on playing golf or chess. But the formative power, itself, becoming skillful in playing the game, arises personally and historically from the recursive ability to expand and perfect the variety of inner senses, informing them with good tips and insights, but, as we say, “making it our own.” How?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Practice makes perfect because forming an inner sense requires its frequent recursive use. We sharpen and empower the sense by using it, over and over again. Behavioral assessments of practice and the formation of habits really offer a blunt, external way of talking about inwardly recursive self-formation. Let&#039;s venture to define an inner sense conceptually.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;An inner sense postulates a hypothetical equilibrium point of one sort or another, or a set of such equilibria, with reference to which an agent can sense a deviation, an excess or deficiency, enabling her to act in ways that affect the equilibrium and to direct her action to oppose the disequilibrium. [[#A45|A person forms her capacities through recursive repetition]] in which the interplay of inner sense and self-correction leads to progressive self-fulfillment.&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;With this definition in mind, let&#039;s exemplify the processes of recursive self-formation in an example, following it through a series of significant formative transformations.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; My parents thought learning to play a musical instrument should be an important part of my education. When I was 6 or so, they let me choose the instrument and they would see to it that the lessons would follow. I chose the guitar and the lessons followed, disclosing that I had a sense of rhythm but no sense of tone, a very tin ear. I lacked an inner sense of what to expect when I picked different strings. Hence, for me practicing scales was repetitive but not recursive: anomalies as I picked away were essentially meaningless, or more precisely for me I didn’t perceive them and the whole exercise was hence bore-ring! My friend, however, had a good musical sense and for him practicing scales became interesting—not merely repetitive, but recursive. Recursive practice allowed him to perfect his basic skills with the instrument by pondering all the little anomalies that he heard while going up and down the scales. Doing so, he acquired elements of a personal touch, his facility and style with the guitar.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Now let&#039;s take it up a notch. Not my friend, but others not unlike him, became truly good musicians, largely self-formed using their inner sense, studying the blues and other kinds of jazz, going amateurishly pro, starting to perform a confection of new and old styles, doing so in social settings in which the blues guitar had thrived. That was the acoustic guitar, which they had learned in recursive play, knowing and loving its subtleties and sound. Others like them, more interested in sound for its own sake, rather than particular forms of music, had begun using new electronics, making synthesizers, and they started to wire guitars for electrical amplification and modulation, innovations at first resisted by the young musicians of rising fame. But their rising fame was drawing those young musicians out of the small, enclosed performance settings like the Reeperbahn clubs into the great halls, the stadia, and Woodstock fields, playing to an ocean of upraised arms in rhythmic undulation. Here, when ecstatic swaying paused, and each turned inward, quiet, to listen, to feel, and to think, an acoustic guitar played into a microphone remained of use for the ever-recurring singers of tales. But for rockers like Eric Clapton, Keith Richards, or George Harrison, gifted with their inner sense of sound and dexterity with the strings, the electric guitar became the defining instrument forming the British wave of 60s rock experience.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Now later, some of the aging greats play on with performing energy, now classic, having evidenced lives more varied and complex than the beat of their music and its aura alone. Their memoirs depict lived lives of tumultuous intellectual, emotional and existential experience, full of changes, different friendships, interests, infatuations, commitments, anguish, celebrity, boredom, cultural and pharmacological experimentation, money, much sex, some love, an almost desperate cascade of self-formations. They pursued formative justice, continually trying with thought, feeling, and will to integrate experience, a chaos of experiential possibilities, directing themselves in creative self-maintenance as best they could. Some achieved it surprising well. Others cracked up. For those still going, pursuing formative justice remains integral to living their lives and it will stop only when others pronounce for them, “It is done,” “&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Consummatum est.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Most of us follow less turbulent courses of self-formation guided by formative justice. But we all live our lives forming ourselves continuously, making judgments about formative justice, winnowing our numerous possibilities down to the particulars we live. All persons quite spontaneously think a lot about formative justice. Alone and in conversation, all persons reason, personally and collectively, about whether their ostensible purposes will really yield what they want and aspire to. They also chronically consider their emotions, how they correlate their effort and their purpose, perhaps recognizing the futility of expecting good outcomes without emotionally engaging in the effort to bring them about. And finally, throughout their lives, all persons strive, consciously and unconsciously, to shape the capacities through which they can realize their purposes—talking to others, reading, studying, observing, thinking, planning, and practicing. Colloquial speech captures these engagements with formative justice. Purpose: the callow youth will ask a teacher—“Am I on the right track?” Motivation: a friend will confront a chronic slacker and ask—“Who are you kidding?” Capacity: an observer shakes his head at the grandiose fool with big plans and little ability—“What an ass!”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Assessing purpose, directing volition, and building capacities so pervade our lived lives that we continually engage in them without explicitly attending to them. But should a spontaneous pursuit of formative justice suffice? What implications do our reflections on formative justice have for the more explicit practice of education, of self-formation in our world, for helping ourselves and those around us form ourselves aspiring to what we can and should become?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span id=&amp;quot;ag&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2 style=&amp;quot;page-break-before: always;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5   Towards an Educational Inner Light&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Formative justice has important implications for the practice of education, both for the person and the polity, but we can easily misconstrue them. “The practice of education” will call to mind schools, teachers, curricula, tests, yellow school buses, and arguments about taxes and administrative control, even paeans to the magic of the market and sage warnings that the state of education sorely threatens the nation&#039;s survival. But we will not grasp the implications of formative justice for educational experience by thinking first about all those concerns. Declaring them a distraction may evoke a sense of disappointment: if formative justice does not first and foremost concern these matters, why bother with it? Let&#039;s find out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Nearly 400 years ago, the Moravian priest, Johann Amos Comenius, wrote &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Great Didactic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, a wildly visionary work given the practices then prevailing. As its subtitle promised, it set forth — &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;the whole art of teaching all things to all [persons] or a certain inducement to found such schools in all the parishes, towns, and villages of every Christian Kingdom, that the entire youth of both sexes, none excepted, shall quickly, pleasantly, &amp;amp;amp; thoroughly become learned in the sciences, pure in morals, trained to piety, and in this manner instructed in all things necessary for the present and for the future life, in which, with respect to everything that is suggested, its fundamental principles set forth from the essential nature of the matter, its truth is proved by examples from the several mechanical arts, its order is clearly set forth in years, months, days, and hours, and, finally, an easy and sure method is shown, by which it can be pleasantly brought into existence.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;John Amos Comenius, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Great Didactic . . .&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (M. W. Keatinge, trans., 1896). Title page. (Capitalization normalized).&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A 17th-century religiosity notwithstanding, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Great Didactic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; describes the institutional structures, the curricular contents, the best pedagogical practices, and the socio-political rationale of present-day instruction from preschool through the universities around the globe. [[#A46|&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Great Didactic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; was the mother of all pedagogical prescription.]]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Although Comenius appreciated the importance of the inner life of students as the locus of motivation and understanding, he concentrated on externals, what teachers could and should do to facilitate learning by their students, how to structure comprehensive knowledge so that it would fit their interests and capacities at each stage in their self-formation, how to group students, manage their time, and organize their activities, engaging but not exhausting them. So long ago, yet so up-to-date: “one man excels another in exact proportion as he has received more instruction” (p. 208). Globally, people now expend trillions annually on the Comenian educational vision, the great race to the top; a billion or so children, youths, and adults labor in its embodiment, and their work preserves, disseminates, and extends the human capital requisite for modern life. How can formative justice be educationally important and not concentrate on these institutional realities? Education consists in what the Comenian system does. Or does it?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Our pedagogical world seems to have become a Great Didactic. But a spectral education haunts its thought and practice, the specter of statistical abstraction. The actions of instructional bureaucracies mold abstract constructs labeled “pupils” and “students.” Governments compile “the key indicators of the condition of education.” Even the activities of child-centered pedagogies get implemented and validated through their evidenced effects on conceptual abstractions. All track how impersonal interventions affect statistical cohorts, ciphers whose only reality exists in data collection and its analysis by bureaucrats, academicians, and public officials.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Around the world people have constructed a vast pedagogic structure, a dehumanized apparatus that will eventually pass away. But it will persist, well meant, for many generations yet to come and like other salvational bureaucracies, it will require everyone to contort their personal lives into the categories the system mandates. For many, the Great Didactic provides benefits, perhaps to a meet measure. Nevertheless, the Great Didactic does not encompass all the educational experience of any person, and perhaps not what will prove most important to her. Looking at educational experience as phenomenological, first-person experience, clearly much of it takes place outside of the Great Didactic, and many of the tangible benefits for the person that seem associated with the Great Didactic may emerge, not because of its actions, but interactively, with or despite them. To grasp the meaning of formative justice in educational experience, we must interpret what takes place, not by aggregating surrogate outcomes of the system, but by following [[#A47|the cumulative life experience of the person.]]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Control, self-formation, and formative justice work reflexively, coming from the inside out, and recursively, as a person&#039;s nascent capabilities draw themselves into her emerging capacities as she uses them recursively, guided by her inner senses. The significance of formative justice for education does not primarily involve changes in the Great Didactic, the organizations, programs, and conduct of formal instruction. Formative justice calls for [[#A48|a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;reformation&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, an awakening from within the person,]] each recognizing herself from birth on as her own mistress, inspired by a zest for life, forming her inner senses, and the capacities they guide, constantly through her recursive use of them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Throughout this essay, we have sought to think about education and formative justice from the point of view of the person living her life. Education takes place in her experience, not in the Great Didactic and not in structured behaviors carefully counted &lt;br /&gt;
and aggregated into depersonalized cohorts. The Great Didactic constitutes a presence in a person&#039;s circumstances as she engages, life-long, in forming herself, but only a presence among many others. As she forms herself, people and programs in the Great Didactic may help her some and hinder her some. Under present-day conditions, she will spend a substantial time experiencing its routines and rituals, possibly bringing them to life, possibly enduring them in passive boredom, quite subversion, and on occasion active opposition. The Great Didactic itself has limited power to determine what she will make of it. Even if she has leaned fully into the world of instruction, as pupil, student, professor, parent, and public leader, it will remain a partial, external circumstance in her pursuit of formative justice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; But why make a big deal of this Great Didactic? What harm comes from making education a tidy segment of experience, like work, so many hours per day, for 5 days per week for a big part of each year from two to twenty-something? Don&#039;t we post-moderns feel, “Hi-ho, that&#039;s life, a series of fragments.” Indeed—often, we do think about life that way, compartmentalizing, but it&#039;s mostly self-deception, for we cannot pigeonhole our educational work into one compartment and live the others as if they were free of formative experience. How can we earnestly talk about equality in education when everybody systematically ignores the substantive experience that children and the young have outside the Great Didactic?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Certainly the Great Didactic has importance and will not go away. In view of that actuality, how should we rethink the realities of educational experience that persons have? We do not seek to deschool society in a reprise of Ivan Illich. We can and should examine what we understand education to be in the light of formative justice and see how that might change what we expect from the system of programmatic instruction. To take formative justice seriously, we will understand that the verb, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;to educate&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, denotes a process of reflexive activity, namely, the efforts through which a person, from infancy on, continuously forms her perceptive, active, and self-directive powers. We generate nonsense by treating a person&#039;s experience as if it takes place in and through activities of the Great Didactic, homogenizing her experience as a “learner.” Instead, should we not situate the activities of the Great Didactic more helpfully within the experience of the self-forming person?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; To do so, we can and should examine basic assumptions about education. If the person in pursuit of formative justice weighs her possibilities according to an inner sense of fulfillment, taking her drives, emotions, and reasoning into account within the unique contexts of her circumstances, what assumptions should educators make about how instructional programs and institutions can best support her efforts? Do the causalities presumed to work as the Great Didactic marshals its prescriptive processes, causalities that operate on, not through the person, make real sense? In economics, many critical economists question the assumption that living participants in markets conform sufficiently to the expectations of rational choice theory for classical expectations to have sound predictive value. In like manner, let us ask, in the Great Didactic, do assumptions about the “learner” make any more sense? Perhaps even less? If the controlling assumptions in the Great Didactic over-estimate the docile plasticity of learners and the causal power of sound teaching methods, then [[#A49|the didactic power of the system will systematically fall short of the expectations associated with it.]] Is that not why the macroscopic performance of the working systems seem so poor and disappointing?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Within the Great Didactic and outside of it, would be educators can and should recognize that they serve persons who possess autonomous wills, independent minds, and active powers of judgment. To type them as learners or as teachers makes no sense. Each person, no matter what her age may be, continuously makes judgments about formative justice. Every person continuously allocates attention, acting within circumstances, accommodating, ignoring, and resisting the pressures playing upon her, deciding what she herself should try to make from what she can and should become. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Bored inattention does not result because a student shirks her pedagogical duty, but indicates an autonomous, meaningful response. It should elicit a sharp command, “Pay attention!” addressed not to the person called student, but to the person called teacher, to the parent, to any educator, resulting in a question addressed, person to person, to the one called student: “What&#039;s on your mind?” We should start by recognizing that the person studying, who continually makes judgments about her possibilities inwardly, knows what she wants and seeks, however imperfectly she may express it. With respect to formative justice, students activate—their educators respond; the educators have no direct causal power. The creative educator will hear clearly and correctly what students ask and will respond with honest thoughtfulness with what he thinks in response to what the student inwardly seeks and pursues. The student will make of it what he will.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; In reality, the Great Didactic cannot teach all things to all people. Virtue cannot be taught. Each person creates a unique, new version of virtue in forming herself. Schools cannot educate the whole person. Each person lives an integral, whole life, forming herself. And the school—good, bad, or indifferent—simply serves as a part of her circumstances with which she interacts as she forms herself throughout her life. The presumption that the Great Didactic can teach all things to all people overly circumscribes both the student, disempowered as a passive recipient, and the teacher, forced to overreach as the fount of learning. The proper flow of initiative, from the questioning student to the responsive teacher, has been reversed in the Great Didactic, and this reversal has spread far beyond our institutions of formal education, becoming common in entertainment, commerce, and politics. As in the religious Reformation five centuries ago, now each person&#039;s assuming and asserting the rights of formative justice can and should renew [[#A50|the power of an educative inner light.]]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Formative justice for the person does not entail deep changes in what takes place in the support of education by and through each person. Rather, the changes required for justice in the self-formation of each person have much more to do with situating control and initiative relative to the support of education with the person educating herself. The parents of each newborn must learn to listen and to hear, to decipher the infant&#039;s gurgles and cries, and then to respond appropriately. And so it goes through life. The school can and should provide children a place to congregate and interact among themselves and interested, caring adults, who listen, hear, and respond. Constraints on intellectual interaction are loosening, rapidly and greatly, opening out a multiplicity of personalized paths in and through the culture. Schooling can and should shed its depersonalizing strategies and renew its character as &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;skholé&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, a place and time for leisure, which free persons spent especially in explanation and discussion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; At any age, a person pursuing her self-formation wants and values the simple, authentic support that others can and should give as they &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;listen, hear, and respond appropriately&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. But the pedagogical priesthood has destructively overreached and assumed too many non-existent powers: &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;tell, test, and rank comparatively&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. The presumption that the Great Didactic causes education creates deep alienation in countless students, and in teachers too. And the historical circumstances that enabled the Great Didactic to overreach, to control the access to knowledge, are rapidly disappearing. [[#A51|Digital communications are wresting control over knowledge from the pedagogical priesthood]] more decisively than printed books wrested control over tenants of faith from the theological priesthood. Really, how do costly degrees differ from the indulgences, the certificates of salvation once peddled in bulk by the church?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Places of worship continued to thrive after the Protestant Reformation and the Counter Reformation, but on both sides, significantly, albeit imperfectly, they diversified, simplified, and democratized. So too will institutions of education diversify, simplify, democratize, and decentralize as persons reassert the integrity of their inner lives in the work of their self-formation. A vast repertoire of exemplary cultural resources is rapidly building, available on demand at no charge or a very low price. The recognition is starting to spread that persons—children, youths, adults—can exert [[#A52|immense cultural power by exercising their aptness, for good and ill.]] Are these eventualities way, way off, an indefinite &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;nicht noch&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. a wistful “not yet”? Look about! A few years ago, new curriculum standards enforced by high-stakes tests appeared, pedagogically speaking, to be a blitzkrieg of reform. But their power is melting as apt parents and children seek more control of formative experience within the Great Didactic, and without. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; In religious life, the Reformation did not begin as Church authorities were persuaded to adopt, top down, a different path to the salvation of souls. So too, an educational reformation will not start with the official promulgation of new policies and programs for the Great Didactic. A powerful reformation can only emerge with people recognizing, person-by-person, that the seat of formative justice lies within each. The resources exist for that to happen, for the child and the culture to flourish. Each has the prerogative and task, from first to last, to pursue justice in forming her capacities as fully as she can in the actuality of her circumstances. Whether with awareness, or not, she can do no other. As Lachesis, daughter of Necessity, said, “The choice makes you responsible.”&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Plato, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, X: 617e.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span id=&amp;quot;ah&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2 style=&amp;quot;page-break-before: always;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;6   The Purpose of the Polity&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; And polities, like persons, form and conduct important activities by and for themselves. Let us understand a polity to mean a self-maintaining collective agent structured to exercise perceptive, active, and self-directive powers to carry out activities conducive to its purposes. As with persons, polities act with both instrumental and formative consequences. Most ostensible concerns within polities—governments, businesses, unions, schools and universities, charities, clubs, and on—concentrate on the instrumentality of action, the stuff of politics, programs and policies, what makes the news. But looking towards the future, we approach instrumental activities as possibilities, which bring with them the importance of formative justice at collective levels, for the possibilities that a polity might pursue change as it shapes its perceptive, active, and self-directing capacities. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Through its political processes, a polity selects which instrumental possibilities it will try to make actual using its perceptive, active, and self-directive resources. The sum of interactions taking place within the polity, however, formatively affect what possibilities those engaged in instrumental politics can plausibly attempt to implement. Thus, formative justice and injustice can significantly change the spectrum of possibilities, for better and for worse that the polity can and should pursue.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; We live in nominally democratic polities, however, which really have within them divergent, factional interests and partial conceptions of the good. In thinking about formative justice and the polity, no group can glibly declare what policies and program would be formatively just for the whole polity. The whole polity has the prerogative and task of responding formatively to what transpires within it, with all its members involved, peers to one another. People form a network of interaction, a hubbub of communication, which sets limits on who can do what on behalf of whom. Elites vie to implement specific actions and from their interaction among themselves and among all the members of the polity, a defuse deliberation takes place, continuously defining the range of possibilities the polity can and cannot attempt to carry out for itself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Modernity accords high premiums to instrumental results in political, economic, and cultural life. Winning counts as demonstrated in electoral votes, quarterly earnings, grade point averages, team standings, and on. Wining is jolly good, but it comes with costs for the winner as well as the loser and it becomes all-too-easy to push consideration of those costs out of mind. Let us here note how the interactive deliberation coursing through polities can suppress consideration of those costs, often the formative costs, as powerful voices in it subvert, sidetrack, and confuse it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Elites subvert deliberation about the formative implications of instrumental actions by pre-empting it, promulgating their preferred possibilities as if, prior to all the give and take, these were unquestionably the possibility preferable for the whole community. A declaration from a position of power that prematurely rejects significant possibilities blocks attention to their formative implications. Such subversion happens systematically by denying significant voices a hearing — be it by gender, class, ethnicity, creed, or party — and they do it by fiat when someone in control of an agenda refuses to include an important matter on it. Elites can also sidetrack deliberation by inflaming passions about something secondary that sucks the oxygen, as they say, from considering less volatile but more consequential concerns. And especially in troubled times, elites become adept at confounding deliberation by asserting out-right falsehoods and sowing inappropriate doubts about carefully considered inputs on a portentous issue.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; All these problems are perennial in collective life, but they become particularly acute as the complexities and uncertainties that a polity must address become greater relative to the perceptive, active, and self-directive capacities at hand in the polity for coping with them. As the formative challenges a polity faces deepen and become more complex, its instrumental ability to cope effectively with the problems of the day declines. The range of possibilities open to it narrows; their desirability worsens; the contingencies besetting it become increasingly portentous. The imperative of sustainable self-maintenance makes formative justice a fundamental public concern.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; With respect to formative justice, the major subversion of deliberation occurs when powerful groups start speaking about the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;needs&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; or &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;interests&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of the polity as if it was their special prerogative to speak for the whole. Self-serving elites work to short-circuit effective interaction, to impose policies and programs that they favor on the whole polity, and to block ones inimical to their interests. An important step in subverting deliberation casts an issue in binary, either-or terms. Such a construction of the issue disempowers those who do not see it from the one extreme or the other. Make it all or nothing: a program or policy must either succeed unequivocally or fail abjectly, an action must have unimpeachable grounds or no reasons in its favor at all. To impose educational policies, the interested elite first declares the status quo null and void and proclaims that a mortal crisis looms. Such a declaration preempts discussion of diverse specific changes, creating a massive state of exception—disaster threatens, something must be done, and I—I alone!—can fix it. We ordinarily think of such putsches as taking place with the enemy at the gate, but given the scale and pace of historic change, subversion can be slow moving if driven by well-resourced, patient elites. Thus, [[#A53|grand old parties learn to abase principles and flatter fools.]]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Since promulgation in 1983 of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;A Nation at Risk&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, with the telling subtitle—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Imperative of Educational Reform—&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;a pedagogical putsch has been slowly taking place. Powerful groups have been proclaiming the failure of public education and demanding massive change, packaged as “educational reform.” This reform does not simply advance a new program here and an improved policy there. “Educational reform” amounts to turning a locally oriented, imperfectly democratic system of public schooling into a highly technocratic, national system of instruction, one narrowly responsive to the interests of global corporate capitalism. For most persons, it mandates a pedagogy antithetical to self-formation, a managerial regime that specifies the required outcomes for teachers and for students, and it promulgates a powerful accountability regime to enforce it. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cui bono&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; We can and should be highly critical of the shortcomings of the Great Didactic, our system of public instruction, while rejecting manipulative nonsense about its abject failure as an effort by plutocratic interests to reduce the limited opportunities enjoyed by the great majority of persons to exercise formative justice in the direction of their own lives. The movement for educational reform threatens to convert the Great Didactic into the Leviathan of Learning. In place of massive reform, let&#039;s pursue many specific, concrete ways in which people can make their homes, communities, workplaces, and schools more conducive to self-formation by the young and old alike. [[#A54]] Formative justice best serves humane aspirations through and for local jurisdictions and complex, multifaceted civil societies.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; [[#A55|Localities, the natural communities within which people live,]] can and should be sources of shared initiative—starting and maintaining a community garden, agitating against a local polluter, mobilizing support for the elderly, resisting globalization with cooperative businesses, undercutting efforts to privatize community goods and services, ensuring that police and human services respect and benefit the local populations that they serve. Larger jurisdictions—state, national, and international governance—can and should use formative grounds to provide infrastructure and mobilize the resources of the commonweal for use where people work and live, distributed on [[#A56|principles of justice as fairness.]] To start bringing such things about, we can and should strengthen deliberative practices and spontaneous organization, not only to keep them free of subversion by powerful interests, but also to ensure that they do not become sidetracked by one-sided concerns. Here, inadequate attention to formative justice relative to more clearly focused types of justice can skew deliberation. Let us try to put formative concerns back into our deliberations about education in and for the polity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Affluent consumer economies deal primarily with “formative goods”—products and services that on the one hand get distributed as personal or public goods and on the other serve as resources in the formative activities that people engage in. People value the obvious formative goods like schooling, medicine, and other human services, and they treat many consumer products as formative goods as well because they can use them in giving shape to the lives they wish to lead—cars for transportation, phones for interpersonal communication, computers for managing information, rent and mortgages for housing and durables for keeping house, and all sorts of goods with which to make and do things. To find the formative side of goods, think about the verbs we associate with them, not the nouns we use to identify them, not what we might have, but what we can do.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; People have two-faced desires with respect to formative goods: at one pole, they value getting and having them, desiring them as possessed goods, like a piece of jewelry or a badge of status, or at the other, they concentrate on using them as formative resources with which to extend their perceptive, active, and self-directive powers in living their lives—a hearing aid, a gym, a community center. Material measures account for use-value poorly. The poor remain poor because they must continually make do with stuff that works poorly, the stuff the affluent discard or ignore as not worth the trouble. Ultimately, equality requires formative justice for all, a full complement of relevant, fitting use values in living each life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Almost everything has this dual quality, partly a distributable good and partly a formative resource. How we weight the two qualities in any matter influences how we tend to think about it. If a person thinks of something primarily as a distributable good, she will be most concerned with whether and how to acquire it. If, however, she thinks of it mainly as a formative resource, she will concentrate on its potential uses and the value that it may or may not have in shaping her prospective experience. Curiously, in modern life, especially in the United States, a great deal of concern for formal education, a highly formative, formative good, nevertheless treats it primarily as a distributable good, with lots of attention to who gets it, in what form, and at what cost.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; For complicated reasons, distributive justice has be-come central to public conflicts concerning access to educational opportunities. Education has become a substantial expense, both private and public. As we see more and more clearly, all suffer, perhaps grievously, when democratic polities prove incapable of choosing prudent leaders. Nevertheless, many people believe they do not directly benefit from the public expenditures for schools and other highly formative goods. They feel an avaricious interest in holding down public expenditures on them. For a long time, provisions for mobilizing public resources have advanced over a long time in opportunistic, haphazard ways that have resulted in many inequities respecting both burdens and benefits, occasioning much agitation and litigation. The costs for private education have risen rapidly, sharpening competition for public and philanthropic support. The efficacy of educational expenditures, both public and private, has come under increasing criticism. Novel providers of educational services, promising  higher benefits at lower costs, have begun to compete with traditional educational institutions. Courts have tended to declare a sound, basic education to be a right of every child, with access to further education allocated on meritocratic conceptions of equity. All of it as if “education” has an on-off button like a common vacuum cleaner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; It’s a muddle. Who gets access to what education will long remain a confusion fraught with issues of distributive justice. Those realities notwithstanding, people can cut through the muddle, at least conceptually by reflecting on formative justice with respect to the provision of educational activities and other human services. Thinking about formative justice will not lead to a criterion of equity with which to distribute educational opportunities with less contention. Distributive justice and formative justice differ, each of which applies to formative goods. But considering purpose, motivation, and capacities through formative justice can lead people to form new intentions perhaps leading to different results. In lieu of full consideration, let us here sketch how more attention to the formative dimension of education and human services, relative to the distributive, might alter how we think about key policy issues.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Conceptions of distributive justice are working  to rationalize access to education, health care, and a range of public services, with costs and benefits allocated according to a conception of equity, with a lot of contention over what conception of equity should rule. Public policies have become very contentious in heterogeneous polities. Many persons strongly uphold a market economy, untrammeled property rights, minimal public expenditures, privatized public services, and the practice of interest group politics. Many other persons favor social democratic practices promoting egalitarian relationships, full employment, affordable health care for all, high investment in material and social infrastructure, and achieving a sense of life-long security for all. The distribution of formative goods appears to be increasingly stymied in a zero-sum conflict between adherents of conflicting conceptions of equity in the polity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; In heterogeneous polities, criteria of equity by themselves often do not yield an effective consensus about how to produce and distribute formative goods. Greater attention to principles of formative justice in these deliberations might lead to a more effective consensus about the support of education and human services and other matters as well. Disagreements about better and worse policies would certainly still occur, but they would be far less likely to be zero-sum disagreements. On formative grounds, the question of who gets what formative goods ceases to be a matter of equity and becomes a more prudential matter in which it may not be as hard to see that all members of a community have a common interest in strengthening the capacities of everyone.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Many formative goods originally became matters of public policy because they were formative concerns of significance to the whole polity, not because they were distributable goods possessed according to rights or entitlements. Modern states instituted compulsory schooling for formative, not distributive reasons. Even special programs such as Head Start, exist primarily to provide impoverished children with a formative, early educative opportunity aimed to enable them to benefit more fully from their later schooling. We should think of such programs not as distributive entitlements for special groups, but more as an effort to help members of underserved groups to form their capacities, which have value for the whole society, more fully. Public goods that the polity distributes as matters of equity surely include educational opportunities, but even more, the polity should care for the formative experience of all its members as a formative responsibility of the polity undertaken by the polity for the good of the polity and all its members.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Putting the matter on a formative basis in one sense may seem to diminish it, buffering it from high-minded arguments of equity. Formative justice largely calls for a special type of utilitarian reasoning, not to implement the utility but to define and form it. Thomas Jefferson, among many others, explained it well:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;... by far the most important bill in our whole code is that for the diffusion of knowledge among the people. No other sure foundation can be devised for the preservation of freedom, and happiness.... Preach, my dear Sir, a crusade against ignorance; establish and improve the law for educating the common people. Let our countrymen know that the people alone can protect us against these evils [“ignorance, superstition, poverty and oppression of body and mind in every form”], and that the tax which will be paid for this purpose is not more than the thousandth part of what will be paid to kings, priests and nobles who will rise up among us if we leave the people in ignorance.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Thomas Jefferson to George Wythe, August 13, 1786. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Papers of Thomas Jefferson: Digital Edition&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Main Series, Vol. 10, (1954) pp. 243–5.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Are we slowly recognizing the prescience of these words? [[#A57|Ignorance makes pedagogy powerfully political.]] Somehow the very practical, formative mission of education for all has become obscure. As we increasingly allocate access to instruction on distributive grounds and deliberate about the equity of different distributions, we see [[#A58|deep confusion about controlling principles.]]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Historically, the initial impetus for providing all sorts of common, shared goods originated in the pursuit of formative justice, not distributive justice. For instance, people joined together to institute good sewage systems benefitting everyone, not because equity entailed that everyone should have a private privy for their daily business, but because it served the formative interests of all by reducing the danger of life-destroying contagions. Even something like affirmative action policies, often justified as equitable recompense for past injustices, can in some ways be [[#A59|better grounded as policies of formative justice,]] ensuring that people who have been unduly stunted through past neglect and abuse, can form their human capacities more fully, to the direct benefit of themselves and to the indirect benefit of all.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Polities do not flourish and underwrite their fulfillment by stunting the talents distributed among their members. Our political processes have great difficulty building a consensus about distributional equity in many matters—the rights of women and minorities, the management of immigration and refugees, open access to information, investment in effective infrastructure, environmental protection and the conservation of resources, even national defense. We should note that all these matters, and others as well, have significant formative implications. Look for instance at [[#A60|the tax rates the public as a whole will deem equitable]] at times when it mobilizes for all-out war, hot or cold, which radically jeopardizes the formative future of its members. People have those formative interests all the time and we should give those formative interests their due more assiduously. Let&#039;s live in a polity that supports as fully as possible the efforts that all its members can and should make to fulfill their humane possibilities.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Some readers may respond that such a polity would be nice, but . . . the liberal polity protecting the rights of property rests on principles of distributive justice and precepts of formative justice should apply only insofar as they do not contravene the foundational matters of distributive equity. Classical liberalism, a powerful version of this view, held that the polity exists for the protection of property and the liberties of its citizens. Any action in the name of formative justice that would limit the equity of the property holder would violate the compact at the foundation of the polity. Let’s examine such reasoning carefully in the light of formative justice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Markets for the exchange of property may often serve as effective means for allocating resources. But people err in thinking that distributive justice, preempting formative justice, can privilege markets and private property as matters of equity. In classical theory, formative justice preceded the rights of property and provided the foundation for them. A pursuit of formative justice, embedded in the lived experience of each person, motivated the creation of property, both public and private. This assertion does not introduce a novel consideration, for the reasoning at the core of liberal doctrine enunciated long ago entailed it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Formative labor was integral to the definition of property in the liberal theory of the state. As John Locke stated in his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Second Treatise of Government&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;Though the earth, and all inferior creatures, be common to all men, yet every man has a property in his own person: this no body has any right to but himself. The labour of his body, and the work of his hands, we may say, are properly his. Whatsoever then he removes out of the state that nature hath provided, and left it in, he hath mixed his labour with, and joined to it something that is his own, and thereby makes it his property.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;John Locke. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Two Treatises of Government&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Bk. II, Ch. V, Sec. 27.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What did this property-creating labor do? It improved the stuff of nature; it formed unimproved circumstances into something distinctively human, converting it into properties of the humans forming it. The liberal theory of the state recognized that nature belonged to all in common and property arose, explicitly exempting it from primordial rights, through the formative effort with which persons made it useful for their purposes. The raw stuff of nature, common to all, became the property of the persons who formed themselves by forming it with their improving labor. In doing so, persons also changed and advanced their own faculties through their labor, forming themselves and the civilized communities in which they lived.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; By equity alone, the natural order for Locke was a vast, unimproved commons, to which each person had an equal right. Locke called that primordial commons, “the waste,” the wilderness of nature. As he saw it, people formed themselves into members of civil society using the formative power of human labor to transform the common waste into “property,” into farms, estates, towns, and cities; into the tools and apparatus of civilized life; into institutions and laws of enlightened polities. But Locke left classical liberalism with a lacuna by confounding the commons with an imagined, raw state of nature, leaving an improved commons, a real, historical commons, in a theoretical limbo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Locke&#039;s description of how property originated was substantively thin. He seemed to have imagined it as a primitive act of enclosure, when someone staked out a field and improved it, clearing away trees and underbrush, perhaps adding a wall or fence, maybe even a ditch for drainage. But as people emerged from prehistory into historical times, they did much more with their formative labor than clear and cultivate a field. With formative labor, they created the household, the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;oikos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, a sphere largely of private property employed for both production and consumption. But with their formative labor, they also created a commons, not the waste of which Locke explicitly spoke, but the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;polis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, a sphere of common resources, formative achievements, held by and for all, including multiple households. These common improvements, a vast wealth of formative capacities—know-how for working wood, laying foundations, forging iron, hitching harnesses, caring for and planting seed, surveying and surfacing roads, recording precedents and applying the common law, and on and on, applying it all to create a shared infrastructure for communication, community defense, festival, art and entertainment, barter and trade, worship, wonder and inquiry—all this formative labor was as much a part of forming the human world as digging a drainage ditch or knitting a sweater in the confines of one or another household.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; We can agree with Locke that property results from formative effort, but that property, from the beginning, was both public and private. The state exists for the promotion and protection of property, the fruit of formative effort in all its manifold forms. Persons themselves make property, “the characteristic quality of a person or thing” (OED, 1a.), from what they can and should become. If we read Locke thoughtfully, filling in with our fuller knowledge of early historical experience, we can and should conclude that [[#A61|the liberal state exists for the promotion and protection of formative justice,]] the birthright of each person, as each forms her capacities as a creative member of the polity, drawing on both her unique personal energies and on the common property of all humanity. Liberal polities disown the commons at the peril of their self-incurred destruction.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; In its fullness, our human world—the world of culture, art, economics, politics, technology, religion, society, education, communication, farms, cities and towns—comprises a world of, for, and by human self-formation. Responsible actions respond: public life responds to self-formative effort, responsive to it, and in articulating their public purposes, people should examine vigorously whether and how their public lives will fulfill that responsibility by responding fully to their shared task of self-formation. Formative justice has three basic concerns.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;intellectual&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: Will implementing our programs and policies culminate in a polity that incarnates the values and principles we actually hold and seek? Will they allow each member of the polity to make of himself what he can and should become? Do we constitute our public life so that we can make sound judgments about our purposes through it? Do we effectively articulate and value public possibilities, assessing them for feasibility and worth, progressively eliminating those that seem too risky, too high in costs, too low in benefits, unfit, unworthy, inappropriate? Do the possibilities that persist, after we have winnowed those that do not pass muster, define a polity that we realistically, reasonably value?&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;emotional&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: What will motivate members of the polity to embrace the policies and purposes under consideration? People exercise intentional control through their &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;emotional&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; weighting of purposes, amplifying some, weakening others. Currently most people concentrate their emotions on relatively private matters, both hopeful and despairing. Public emotions polarize over highly particularistic issues—abortion, gun rights, symbols of identity—and shatter in stasis as diverse interests wield specious constructs to aggrandize “us” and dehumanize the other. If they consider it, each person has a rather concrete stake in formative justice, optimal self-formation for all. Can people begin to see forming our common humanity fully as the basis for strongly held, inclusive emotional bonds throughout the polity? What value and meaning will the goal of formative justice have for the whole polity and for those who will need to make tangible sacrifices, or forego benefits, which others may enjoy, in pursuing the proposed courses of action? How can and should each form strong, intimate bonds with a few and extend the positive valence of those to encompass the whole of humanity, even the full biome, here and everywhere, of life itself?&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;existential&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: How will people marshal and exert their perceptive, active, and self-directive powers in the immediacy of their experience, doing what they do to fulfill the complex flow of their civic intentions? In large polities like the United States, [[#A62|nominal democratic procedures]] function in highly mediated ways, giving well-resourced groups ample opportunity to manage civic deliberation with ulterior motives. We might fight for autonomy by cultivating the capacity to discriminate between acquiescing in channeled behavior and engaging in public interaction. For the ordinary person, public life amounts to some periodic choices, often highly alienated. How can a  formative will, rooted in face-to-face solidarity, find itself and assert itself at the level of a national or global polity? Can people commit to meaningful formative interaction in their localities and build out from there to an inclusive effort to realize the good life by and for all?&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Positive answers to such questions seem a long ways off, but public discussion can and should include thoughtful examination of them. Simplistic advocacy, for and against, highly particularistic goals often drowns the inquiry out. The opportunistic closure of questions subverts deliberation. Lies and specious doubts hopelessly confuse questions of momentous long-term import. Yet in the face of it all, we are free and able to ask, What can and should we make of the polities in which we live?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span id=&amp;quot;ai&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2 style=&amp;quot;page-break-before: always;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;7   The Stakes of Formative Justice&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; As we have observed so far, most public goods are formative goods and it makes sense to justify provision for them in large part through the principles of formative justice, not distributive justice. By treating them simply as matters of equity, people lose sight of their essential purpose. People will strengthen their sense of purpose, their motivations, and their capacities by reinvigorating the formative arguments for ensuring that all receive opportunities for self-formation, for optimal education, for investing in the health, vigor, and creativity of persons and the public, and for promoting the advancement of knowledge and the arts. Active consideration of formative justice in our public life can and should revitalize our shared, common life. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; If the members of a polity associate to pursue together the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;good&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;life&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, doing so requires more than defending the private person&#039;s right to material property. A person creates property, “the characteristic quality of a person,” through her labor, drawing on and contributing to both her stock of private and public properties. The good polity will become good by fully supporting each person&#039;s autonomous effort to contribute to the betterment of humanity what she herself makes from what she can and should become. She forms herself within both the private and the public sphere.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; These considerations of formative justice deserve to be taken one step further: how can full attention to formative justice strengthen the emotional bonds and the shared commitments supporting an enlightened practice throughout the conduct of life? No polity has achieved the full historical fulfillment of democratic self-governance. Far from it. Whatever the prevailing ideology, people live in quasi-enlightened, quasi-legitimate despotisms, feeling a disjunction between inner aspirations and convictions and the necessities of action within the impersonal spheres of political, economic, social, and intellectual organization in which they function. Democracy in cultural matters has neither been understood fully nor realized fully, and current polities have very limited meaningful democratic interaction. Both cultural democracy and participatory democracy have long hovered on the horizon of shared aspiration, but no polity has begun to succeed in giving either concept clear substantive meaning. Most people remain consumers of culture created by small elites, and as the scale of politics has become national and moves towards the global, on an ongoing basis political action impinges on most people as mere recipients, not engaged participants — in substance, subjects not citizens. Can the concept of formative justice help extend democratic interaction in the work of cultural and political life?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; So far, putatively democratic societies have instituted what might be called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supply-side democracy&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: we, the elites, give you, the people, what we think you need and want, and you get to vote for or against it. The faux-populism in present fashion simply promises to substitute domination by less-enlightened elites for those of yesterday. In supply-side democracy, programs and policies tend to be highly behavioral, paternalistic. Both public and private enterprises provide many goods and services by identifying the demand or need and satisfying it directly as a result: the bill of sale completes the transaction; public relations, advertising, and planned obsolescence will take care of future market share. Distribution and access become desiderata. Sales and attendance get counted, and their totals indicate success or failure: whether those who buy the bestseller read it matters little. In a supply-side culture, clients need to exert little agency beyond expressing consent by paying taxes or meeting a market price. How can cultural life become more broadly participatory? Can we make political activity engaging for ordinary citizens? Can creative work, remunerative with more than a living wage, become modes of self-expression for all?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Let&#039;s think about how we might answer these questions, [[#A63|not through the current system of public life, but outside of it.]] The dominant elites in the current political economy shore it up and themselves at its top by inculcating a climate of fear and insecurity. The whole system rests on the premise that economic rationality rules everything, its legitimacy established by providing economic growth, and whoever fails to do their part in maximizing returns on investment irresponsibly puts a break on the engine of capitalist innovation. The fundamental mode of judgment in that system—where sound judgment yields &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;more&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—prescribes instrumental excesses, not the satisfaction of meaningful aspirations, but the continuous escalation of induced expectations. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Alternative modes of judgment are possible. In pursuing formative justice, a person must be adept at judging not &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;more&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, but &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;enough&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—neither too little nor too much. To compensate effectively whenever an inner sense warns of an imbalance, the person adjusts with what she judges to be enough countervailing effort, neither too much nor too little. Cultural democracy and participatory democracy will thrive as we discover [[#A64|how to displace the drive for more, ever more, with a well calibrated sense of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;enough&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.]]&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;I have explored the importance of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;enough&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; as the fundamental principle of judgment more fully in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Enough: A Pedagogic Speculation&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (New York: Collaboratory for Liberal Learning, 2012).&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Material abundance does not guarantee the quality of life; sufficiency does. Return on investment does not measure human value; human values determine the worth of invested capital and labor and the material resources they generate. An ever-maximizing economic rationality does not rule our lives. We do not need to be envious of the vast fortunes the very few amass; rather, we can marvel at their stupidity as they slave for more, ever more than they could possibly need. What waste of human talent! We can choose to engage in cooperative enterprise and maintain decent pay and secure employment legally and humanely. Doing so might elicit a sense of commitment and worth. The commons, intellectual and physical, produces resources, usable by all, resources to which each can contribute his efforts at will. Instead of always needing more, we can and should learn how to seek just enough, and work towards a commons that maintains and provides it for all persons and all their concerns. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Enough&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; charts the path of both freedom and fulfillment, a slow one, a steady one.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Currently, with private philanthropy and public assistance for those in need, we pay too little attention to the role the recipients can and do play in and through them. The munificent advantages the well-to-do en-joy legitimate their self-congratulatory, altruistic aura, while the parsimonious benefits trickling to less advantaged persons stigmatize them as &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;takers&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, a burden on the whole community. But the under-served are necessarily the under-serving, and social benefits to empower their self-formation will do much more for the quality of life in the whole community than further empowering the hothouse few can possibly do. Empower the least empowered: that it the true utilitarian calculus. Doing so turns on recognizing that everyone forms themselves as best they can with-in the circumstances in which they live. In substance, human services, private and public, provide resources with which the recipients can and should act for the benefit of themselves and the whole polity. Receiving empowering assistance does not signal weakness, in-ability, or sloth. Assistance devoid of paternalism provides people with resources because they are the ones who shape their lives and the lives of those with whom they are entwined.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; For instance, in thinking about formal education, currently people pay extensive attention to the agency of schools and teachers, and some to parents, in the process. They pay little attention to the agency of the children in their own education. They speak habitually of children receiving education. The dominant pedagogies use a compulsively behavioral understanding of children to devise instructional schemes, which consequently require much compulsion and management to enforce. How much school time gets spent in enforcing order? The whole program prods the child this way and that — or should I say, “stimulates,” “interests,” “leads,” or whatever euphemism you prefer? Assessment documents the child’s responses, according to one or another rubric, simple or complex. Here and there we find constructivist and flipped classrooms, a heroic teacher consistently responding in class to each child as an autonomous per-son, or a school with a thoroughly progressive pedagogy. But those special situations seem beleaguered, uncomfortable parts of a larger system. In it, set curricular expectations reign, formal procedures regulate advancement for both teachers and students, and everyone works within a built environment designed to implement the work-flow of the Great Didactic.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; A reformation from outside the system will come as we ask incessantly, what can the child do in pursuit of her self-formation? And equally, what can teachers and parents do to respond to the self-forming child, helping her manage her efforts with optimal effect? Attending to formative justice requires recognizing the autonomous self—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;auto &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;(the self) plus &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;nomos &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;(the norm), the self-norming agent. The person engages in forming and maintaining herself. Groups, large and small, also form and maintain themselves through the autonomous efforts of their members, devilishly complicated to chart, which aggregate the many-sided subjective social interactions among the persons involved. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Too individualistic? Not at all. The individual exists only in thought, a fictional abstraction. The person, and active agent, lives in a world entwined with many others, all interacting, forming themselves together. Persons and polities, although self-norming agents, continually respond to external influence by other agents and by circumstances. Force, and all manner of conditions, may compel autonomous agents to exhibit particular behaviors that authority favors. “Man is born free, and everywhere he is in irons.”&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Rousseau, On the Social Contract, Book I, Chapter I.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;  Rousseau advanced a way the authority might become legitimate the chains, stipulating arrangements that existing polities cannot fulfill. But history tells of the re-current decay and breakdown of authority throughout the ages. In our time, the weaknesses of authority seem to lie, less in revolutions or wars, but in collapse from within, stasis, corruption, decadence, ennui, hypocrisy, cynicism, fear, anxiety, depression, and plain cowardice — not the danger of unanticipated events, but an incapacity to act in the view of consequences, foreseeable and foreseen. We might call this danger &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;addiction&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, the inability to desist from that which undermines the sustainability of life, personal and public. Let us concentrate on the personal, for if we can-not transcend that, the public addictions to unsustainable growth in material consumption will continue to worsen, unabated.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Think of the beautiful boy, the wonderful girl. They are nurtured in complex, caring homes — successful parents explaining and clearing the way, each separately, yet together. They get sound schooling and have straight paths to the future, but all subtle with temptations, a brush with Ecstasy or something else. The temptation takes root, a fantastical inner world beneath the surface of normal behavior. Everything remains OK, the probable prospects all in order, until the addiction catastrophically breaks through the behavioral expectations and everyone flounders, powerless to control an onrush of intractable behaviors. It is an oft repeated tale with many variations according to class, geography, and situation. Why does it happen? We can and should raise this question even though here we can only point in the direction of an answer. Temptations are all too human and their pharmacological dynamics truly powerful. As a cultural phenomenon, addiction is a vast and complicated matter with no sure or clear resolution. If formative justice has a role in coping with the problem, it is not as a cure for addiction once it has set in, but in raising a person’s resistance to it at its onset.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Possibly, the wonderful girl and the beautiful boy might handle their initial temptations with greater self-mastery if they paid fuller attention to their inner senses and had more support from others and from their culture in doing so. In the temptations of adolescence, and those throughout life, people inwardly encounter the full complexity of their inner lives. Whatever occasions a temptation, a person experiences it as an inner sense, as an urge or desire, a thought or feeling, in tension with other urges, desires, thoughts, and feelings. A person mediates this expression of the inner life by aspiring in one way or another to a difficult, ongoing integration of thought, feeling, and will. But with the temptation, she intuits the prospect of immediately diminishing the distressing tensions between thought, feeling, and will. The threat of addiction arises, not from the tension itself, for life, for humanity, consists in coping actively with that tension. The threat arises from the sense of isolation that can envelop awareness of the problem, the feeling that one is alone with it, overwhelmed by it, eager for some way that might dissipate the tension by tamping thought, feeling, and will down, even turning them off in a narcotic blur. Addiction starts by grasping a ready means to dissipate unexpected and intractable inner tensions. It induces a transitory sense of fulfillment, a sense of being whole, at ease with what is. It does so by interrupting the steady effort to bring thinking, feeling, and willing into sustainable equilibrium. Addiction constitutes a profoundly personal situation, yet it belies the continuing failure of humanity, the incompletion of life itself, the ongoing inability to resolve its internal contradictions, sustained so far in a state of uncertain sustainability.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; For the girl or the boy, passing through their second birth — thinking, feeling, willing life anew — the childhood order shatters arbitrarily from within. The boy finds himself isolated — a first man — estranged, at odds with himself and his world, having the infinite task of constructing a sustainable order through the chaos of his thinking, feeling, and willing. Every woman and every man inhabits this situation all the time, but each encounters it uniquely at its first juncture. Modern culture too often then leaves each stranded with few resources to draw on as she becomes aware that her inner senses powerfully influence her choice of action in ways that may be difficult and dangerous. The boy and the girl have had appropriate behaviors carefully modeled for them. Schooling has set the hurdles and good teachers have smoothed the way: objective performance counts, not silent awareness of inner contradictions. Both inhabit a world shaped by behavioral management and stocked with predictable expectations, laugh-tracks enabling the family to guffaw together on cue. Parents hope for the maintenance of outward order, hide their own storm and stress and do not want to hear about it gathering in their children’s nascent inner lives. Despite democratic pretensions, behavioral management works despotically — &amp;quot;Reason, as much as you wish on whatever you will, but obey!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Immanuel Kant, “What Is Enlightenment” (1784), paraphrasing Frederick the Great.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;  People hide their inner lives as a solipsism, largely untended, stashed behind observable behaviors. But in social action, despite appearances, a deep difference separates conformity and solidarity, the one coming about through induced acquiescence and the other through common, considered assent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Legitimate influence, influence that the agent incorporates into his efforts at self-maintenance and self-formation, first secures assent, then suggests direction and means. Looked at from the perspective of formative justice, too much educative activity fails to recognize and respect the autonomy of the recipient. “Do this; learn that; it’s good for you, I know.” Too much educative work starts from the premise that the plastic pupil or the passive student lacks an autonomous will that deserves respect and recognition, for that will is only nascent. The behavioral premise assumes that with paternal care, well-conducted instruction can and should mold the nascent person, which still only responds to the force of external stimuli, into a self-governing adult, an assumption doomed to often fail.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; In contrast, genuine pedagogic influence can do great good, but it must start by recognizing its recipient as a fully autonomous agent, however immature, as a person with a will, an agency, fields of perception and action, in and through which she lives. The student may not act freely, in the sense of acting unconstrained, for no one can do that; but he acts autonomously in the sense of self-norming. All life has an autonomous will; the educator must work with and through it. Rousseau recognized that all living organisms followed their autonomous will, and consequently for him education in accord with nature would take the primacy of that will carefully into account. The pupil does not sit there, perfectly plastic; mere stuff for the educator to squeeze into this or that mold. [[#A66|Pedagogic influence must start from full, reciprocal recognition between instructor and student,]] a recognition through which the recipient of influence assents to it, makes it her own as part of her ongoing self-formation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Real assent does not come lightly and those who seek to wield pedagogic influence easily short-circuit the student’s assent and deceive themselves about it. With unctuous art, stern force, or patient repetition the influencer can compel behaviors in others that make it appear that assent has been won and the outcome secured. The child seems happy, disciplined, the lesson learned. But from unctuous art the recipient learns a naïve dependence, from stern force, sullen servility, or from patient repetition, anomic conformism. Even at its very best, most formal educative effort works on behavioral principles, treating pupils and students as black boxes, devising stimuli delivered through good teaching method and expecting concomitant effects measured through timely assessments. The resultant schooling functions as a productive process working on dead matter. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; For a representative example, look carefully at “Teachers and Leaders: America&#039;s Engineers of Learning and Growth,” a U.S. Department of Education web page during the Obama administration. It presented education as a production process to be optimized by engineers, resting on the labor of the teacher. It touted programs that will &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;produce&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; the teachers who will &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;produce&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; the students who will “be engaged citizens and meet the demands of the increasingly complex and global economy.” Does this page, and others like it, depict students as flesh and blood children and youths, caught up in the flux of their personal experience? The engineers of learning and growth often soften slightly the language of production engineering — “to set students on a path of success,” “to advance student outcomes,” “to cultivate talent at high-needs schools.”&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;U.S. Department of Education. “Teachers and Leaders: America&#039;s Engineers of Learning and Growth.” Retrieved April 2, 2016 from www.ed.gov/teachers-leaders. Government sites change, especially as Trump follows Obama, and readers can access a copy here (www.educationalthought.org/files/FJ/Engineers-of-Learning-and-Growth-US-Department-of-Education.htm).&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; We no longer recognize formal education as something taking place in the inner lives of persons, many early in their work of self-formation and some more fully advanced in it. So too, much informal communication in the public sphere and in intimate space, ignores the inner lives of the persons interacting together and aims instead to compel a favored, outward outcome. Talking points and tendentious constructions, not to mention outright falsehoods, the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;mode du jour&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, do not convince autonomous persons. Base manipulations deny the living integrity of those from whom they force this effect or that behavior. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Such degradation of humanity, such denial of life, rushes through politics, education, entertainment, industry, commerce, philanthropy, and religious worship. The great difficulty arises because the pervasive denials of autonomous agency often take place in good faith, through agents who act autonomously themselves, well-meaning but thoughtlessly oblivious about what they actually do. “From the moment students enter a school, the most important factor in their success is not the color of their skin or the income of their parents, it&#039;s the person standing at the front of the classroom.” Surely President Obama did not mean to do so, but such talk deeply alienates the student from his own effort to define and pursue his success.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;I use examples from the Obama administration, not to join in picking on his leadership, which like that of Marcus Aurelius stands as a beacon of excellence in a succession of mediocrity, but because the nullity that has followed lacks sufficient substance to critique.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; To adapt our educative efforts to the pursuit of formative justice, we can and should respect its principles carefully: teachers and leaders do not engineer learning and growth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Retraining teachers and school administrators may improve the circumstances in which students pursue their self-formation, but to right the pedagogical situation, pupils, students, parents, teachers, administrators, public leaders, and the populace at large all can and should form [[#A67|a different understanding of the situation in which educative efforts are taking place.]] An educational reformation, and its counter-reformation, will come about through a transformed perception of the problematic in human experience that leads people to engage in their own self-formation. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;What will the polity make of itself, from what it can and should become? &amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;How can it enable each person within it to contribute what she herself will make of what she can and should become?&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; These questions lead to further, more specific ones:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Why don’t educators research how a job market, which would sustain full employment in interesting jobs rich in opportunities for meaningful self-formation, would facilitate the exercise of formative justice by citizens throughout their lives?&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;How do school experiences relate to meaningful support for community cultural activities?&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;If legally compelling the young to attend schools has legitimacy, why do we not legally compel employers, proportional to their cash-flow, to fund decently paid internships of two-years or more for all youths on their completing their schooling?&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Looking a bit at the somewhat longer range:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;If useful work is becoming scarce through automation and AI, should educators pay more attention to supporting the uses of leisure that many may find themselves forced to suffer or enjoy? Are we already facing a formative distortion, evident in a malaise of anomie, as productive polities take little care for humane values in the shared pursuit of leisure? Does contemporary well-being really depend existentially on winning the race between technology and education?&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;If we put our minds to it, there can and should be many ways to leaven formative justice within the Great Didactic and within the encompassing human lifeworld.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Providing for formative justice requires hard reasoning supporting careful, informed judgment, without privileging the existing system. Promoting formative justice enjoins much more as well. Beneath official politics, a vital politics churns on. There each exercises a unique fragment of influence in the way each interacts with all the others — thus the flock soars and the school swims. Fulfillment depends there on achieving honest deliberative interaction among the self-governing members of active polities — local, regional, national, and global. We all interact as unique peers, defining the spectrum of what we can and should do together. Fulfillment entails forging a sense of commitment to each other and to the betterment of all, a belief in its rightness, in rights imbued with dignity and the moral authority that moves the human spirit. Fulfillment then requires what seems hardest of all, a charisma that does not induce complaisance, hostility, or fear.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Each person has the right and duty to contribute to the betterment of humanity what she herself has made from what she can and should become. All merit justice in its most fundamental meaning, formative justice, the right to participate fully in what makes humans fully human. Listen to Martin Luther King, Jr., writing from the citadel of the civil rights movement, the Birmingham Jail:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;Any law that uplifts human personality is just. Any law that degrades human personality is unjust. All segregation statutes are unjust because segregation distorts the soul and damages the personality. It gives the segregator a false sense of superiority and the segregated a false sense of inferiority.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Martin Luther King, Jr., “Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. to White Clergymen,” &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Letters from Black America. &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;(Pamela Newkirk, ed., Kindle edition). Location 2579.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The great protest denounced long sanctioned injustices and called for a vision of a more just polity, one dedicated to a justice that uplifted the human soul and opposed an injustice that distorted the soul with pretensions to unmerited superiority and stigmas of undeserved inferiority.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Martin Luther King, Jr. stood for formative justice and formative justice, the right of each person to seek fully her self-formation and self-determination, gets people into the streets — against apartheid and segregation; for the rights of women, minorities, and the persecuted; against dehumanizing racism and prejudice; for the dignity of both labor and leisure; against the rule of bureaucratic apparatchiks; for the exercise of freedom through speech, assembly and public action; against manipulation by the privileged; for transparency in government and corporate office; against war and violence; for the care of the earth, the human habitat, and that of all of life together .&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in1}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Let pupils and students query themselves about formative justice in their lives. Help them ask what their purposes entail and whether achieving those purposes will bring them what they really want. Let them say what moves them; what they hope for and want to try; what angers and gives them joy. Find out, as they grow and mature, what abilities they seek; what skills they think they can and should acquire; what they worry over, yet want, seeing a challenge, difficult, yet important. Let them see you do all this as well, forming yourself as an active agent, alive to the uncertainties of life. Model to others of every age the formative life. Show to yourself and to the world, how, with Rilke,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;... to be patient toward all that is unsolved in your heart and to try to love the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;questions themselves&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; like locked rooms and like books that are written in a very foreign tongue. Do not now seek the answers, which cannot be given you because you would not be able to live them. And the point is, to live everything. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Live&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; the questions now. Perhaps you will then gradually, without noticing it, live along some distant day into the answer.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Rainer Maria Rilke. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Letters to a Young Poet&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. (M. D. Herter Norton, trans., 1954). p. 35.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Perhaps in some distant day we can live into a different understanding, one achieved through an extensive, many-sided examination of formative justice in our lives, personal and public. Let us live into the answers, asking the questions, engaging the difficulties, embracing the possibilities, inspiring formative effort.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2 style=&amp;quot;page-break-before: always;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;References&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2 style=&amp;quot;page-break-before: always;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Acknowledgements&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; This essay distills my reflecting on formative justice over many years. I first touched on the concept, labeling it “regulative justice” in a white paper commissioned by the U. S. Department of Education in 1996. Then I developed it a few years later a bit more fully in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Educators Manifesto&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1999), and again in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Homeless in the House of Intellect&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2005), and yet again in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Enough: A Pedagogic Speculation&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2012). In academic life, we easily talk a few times about a topic tangentially and then leave it, feeling that by having touched on it we have dealt with it. I might have done that, but continuing encouragement by colleagues has kept me committed to working on the formative justice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Friends and colleagues — among them, Bruce Bauman, Steve Cohen, Tucker Harding, Andrew Delbanco, Jo Anne Kleifgen, Ellen Lagemann, Rachel Longa, David Mathews, Trevor Norris, Stafano Oliverio, Michael Schapira, Nick Sousanis, Ariana Gonzales Stokas, K. A. Taipale — reacted to one or another of these first efforts with useful comments about formative justice. Thomas Hill, Art Librarian at Vassar College, dis-cussed a preliminary, annotated version of Formative Justice with me for his wonderful series of interviews, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Library Café&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (http://library-cafe.org/ May 3, 2017), putting interesting questions that kept me thinking about what I want to say.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; At one of our periodic luncheon meetings, René Arcilla strongly encouraged me early on to keep working on the idea. He then pushed my thinking along substantively with two conference presentations, “&#039;I Contain Multitudes&#039;: A Basis for Formative Justice” and “A Dialectical Elaboration of the Formative Justice Question.” Then, as President of the Philosophy and Education Society, he worked the idea of formative justice importantly into the Society’s call for papers for its 2018 Annual Meeting, which gave me much further stimulation. Without René’s efforts, I might well have been satisfied with a preliminary gesture at the concept.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Likewise, Chris Higgins unexpectedly gratified me with his discussion of formative justice in his important book, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Good Life of Teaching&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2011). There Higgins shows why good education depends on the self-formation by teachers of all their capacities throughout all aspects of their lives. To me, the book provides a matchless example of formative justice in action. And Higgins, like Arcilla, has inspired me by not letting up, for instance through his declaration on “Undeclared” introducing a recent issue of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Educational Theory&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; At the 2012 Annual Meeting of AERA, Jessica Hochman chaired a symposium on “Formative Justice and Educational Politics,” with papers by Seth Halvorson, James Stillwaggon, René Arcilla, and Winston C. Thompson, from which I benefited greatly. Thompson and Stillwaggon subsequently edited a special issue of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Teachers College Record&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (Vol. 118, October 2016), which featured updates of their papers along with a paper on motivation and formative justice by Darryl de Marzio and Timothy Ignaffo, and one by Avi Mintz putting the concept to the test in Plato’s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and a short version of the present essay. I wish I could do justice to their perspectives here and am pleased to substantively respond to some of their points in the annotated version.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; As for so many, the 2016 presidential election threw me off course. I bogged down disoriented as I tried to complete and publish the annotated version of this manuscript. Two fine scholars, Grace Roosevelt and Megan Laverty, did not let me call it quits, however. They helped me seek a publisher for the full annotated text, which evoked some interest along with significant doubts whether the book could find an appropriate audience with dense apparatus dwarfing its primary text. After a detour to complete “Dewey in His Skivvies: The Trouble with Reconstruction” (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Educational Theory,&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; vol. 67, no. 5, October 2017), I finally saw the real book, this short one, which might stand on its own, both online and in print.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; And especially, thanks to Maxine McClintock for unstinting support and an unmatched example of perseverance in the face of difficulty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;[[Texts:RMcC/Formative justice/Annotations |Annotations to &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Formative Justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;]]&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Plato/Phaedrus&amp;diff=2855</id>
		<title>Texts:Plato/Phaedrus</title>
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&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt; PHAEDRUS &amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; By Plato &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt; Translated by Benjamin Jowett &amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; INTRODUCTION. &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The Phaedrus is closely connected with the Symposium, and may be regarded either as introducing or following it. The two Dialogues together contain the whole philosophy of Plato on the nature of love, which in the Republic and in the later writings of Plato is only introduced playfully or as a figure of speech. But in the Phaedrus and Symposium love and philosophy join hands, and one is an aspect of the other. The spiritual and emotional part is elevated into the ideal, to which in the Symposium mankind are described as looking forward, and which in the Phaedrus, as well as in the Phaedo, they are seeking to recover from a former state of existence. Whether the subject of the Dialogue is love or rhetoric, or the union of the two, or the relation of philosophy to love and to art in general, and to the human soul, will be hereafter considered. And perhaps we may arrive at some conclusion such as the following&amp;amp;mdash;that the dialogue is not strictly confined to a single subject, but passes from one to another with the natural freedom of conversation. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Phaedrus has been spending the morning with Lysias, the celebrated rhetorician, and is going to refresh himself by taking a walk outside the wall, when he is met by Socrates, who professes that he will not leave him until he has delivered up the speech with which Lysias has regaled him, and which he is carrying about in his mind, or more probably in a book hidden under his cloak, and is intending to study as he walks. The imputation is not denied, and the two agree to direct their steps out of the public way along the stream of the Ilissus towards a plane-tree which is seen in the distance. There, lying down amidst pleasant sounds and scents, they will read the speech of Lysias. The country is a novelty to Socrates, who never goes out of the town; and hence he is full of admiration for the beauties of nature, which he seems to be drinking in for the first time. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; As they are on their way, Phaedrus asks the opinion of Socrates respecting the local tradition of Boreas and Oreithyia. Socrates, after a satirical allusion to the &#039;rationalizers&#039; of his day, replies that he has no time for these &#039;nice&#039; interpretations of mythology, and he pities anyone who has. When you once begin there is no end of them, and they spring from an uncritical philosophy after all. &#039;The proper study of mankind is man;&#039; and he is a far more complex and wonderful being than the serpent Typho. Socrates as yet does not know himself; and why should he care to know about unearthly monsters? Engaged in such conversation, they arrive at the plane-tree; when they have found a convenient resting-place, Phaedrus pulls out the speech and reads:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The speech consists of a foolish paradox which is to the effect that the non-lover ought to be accepted rather than the lover&amp;amp;mdash;because he is more rational, more agreeable, more enduring, less suspicious, less hurtful, less boastful, less engrossing, and because there are more of them, and for a great many other reasons which are equally unmeaning. Phaedrus is captivated with the beauty of the periods, and wants to make Socrates say that nothing was or ever could be written better. Socrates does not think much of the matter, but then he has only attended to the form, and in that he has detected several repetitions and other marks of haste. He cannot agree with Phaedrus in the extreme value which he sets upon this performance, because he is afraid of doing injustice to Anacreon and Sappho and other great writers, and is almost inclined to think that he himself, or rather some power residing within him, could make a speech better than that of Lysias on the same theme, and also different from his, if he may be allowed the use of a few commonplaces which all speakers must equally employ. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Phaedrus is delighted at the prospect of having another speech, and promises that he will set up a golden statue of Socrates at Delphi, if he keeps his word. Some raillery ensues, and at length Socrates, conquered by the threat that he shall never again hear a speech of Lysias unless he fulfils his promise, veils his face and begins. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; First, invoking the Muses and assuming ironically the person of the non-lover (who is a lover all the same), he will enquire into the nature and power of love. For this is a necessary preliminary to the other question&amp;amp;mdash;How is the non-lover to be distinguished from the lover? In all of us there are two principles&amp;amp;mdash;a better and a worse&amp;amp;mdash;reason and desire, which are generally at war with one another; and the victory of the rational is called temperance, and the victory of the irrational intemperance or excess. The latter takes many forms and has many bad names&amp;amp;mdash;gluttony, drunkenness, and the like. But of all the irrational desires or excesses the greatest is that which is led away by desires of a kindred nature to the enjoyment of personal beauty. And this is the master power of love. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Here Socrates fancies that he detects in himself an unusual flow of eloquence&amp;amp;mdash;this newly-found gift he can only attribute to the inspiration of the place, which appears to be dedicated to the nymphs. Starting again from the philosophical basis which has been laid down, he proceeds to show how many advantages the non-lover has over the lover. The one encourages softness and effeminacy and exclusiveness; he cannot endure any superiority in his beloved; he will train him in luxury, he will keep him out of society, he will deprive him of parents, friends, money, knowledge, and of every other good, that he may have him all to himself. Then again his ways are not ways of pleasantness; he is mighty disagreeable; &#039;crabbed age and youth cannot live together.&#039; At every hour of the night and day he is intruding upon him; there is the same old withered face and the remainder to match&amp;amp;mdash;and he is always repeating, in season or out of season, the praises or dispraises of his beloved, which are bad enough when he is sober, and published all over the world when he is drunk. At length his love ceases; he is converted into an enemy, and the spectacle may be seen of the lover running away from the beloved, who pursues him with vain reproaches, and demands his reward which the other refuses to pay. Too late the beloved learns, after all his pains and disagreeables, that &#039;As wolves love lambs so lovers love their loves.&#039; (Compare Char.) Here is the end; the &#039;other&#039; or &#039;non-lover&#039; part of the speech had better be understood, for if in the censure of the lover Socrates has broken out in verse, what will he not do in his praise of the non-lover? He has said his say and is preparing to go away. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Phaedrus begs him to remain, at any rate until the heat of noon has passed; he would like to have a little more conversation before they go. Socrates, who has risen, recognizes the oracular sign which forbids him to depart until he has done penance. His conscious has been awakened, and like Stesichorus when he had reviled the lovely Helen he will sing a palinode for having blasphemed the majesty of love. His palinode takes the form of a myth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Socrates begins his tale with a glorification of madness, which he divides into four kinds: first, there is the art of divination or prophecy&amp;amp;mdash;this, in a vein similar to that pervading the Cratylus and Io, he connects with madness by an etymological explanation (mantike, manike&amp;amp;mdash;compare oionoistike, oionistike, &#039;&#039;tis all one reckoning, save the phrase is a little variations&#039;); secondly, there is the art of purification by mysteries; thirdly, poetry or the inspiration of the Muses (compare Ion), without which no man can enter their temple. All this shows that madness is one of heaven&#039;s blessings, and may sometimes be a great deal better than sense. There is also a fourth kind of madness&amp;amp;mdash;that of love&amp;amp;mdash;which cannot be explained without enquiring into the nature of the soul. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; All soul is immortal, for she is the source of all motion both in herself and in others. Her form may be described in a figure as a composite nature made up of a charioteer and a pair of winged steeds. The steeds of the gods are immortal, but ours are one mortal and the other immortal. The immortal soul soars upwards into the heavens, but the mortal drops her plumes and settles upon the earth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Now the use of the wing is to rise and carry the downward element into the upper world&amp;amp;mdash;there to behold beauty, wisdom, goodness, and the other things of God by which the soul is nourished. On a certain day Zeus the lord of heaven goes forth in a winged chariot; and an array of gods and demi-gods and of human souls in their train, follows him. There are glorious and blessed sights in the interior of heaven, and he who will may freely behold them. The great vision of all is seen at the feast of the gods, when they ascend the heights of the empyrean&amp;amp;mdash;all but Hestia, who is left at home to keep house. The chariots of the gods glide readily upwards and stand upon the outside; the revolution of the spheres carries them round, and they have a vision of the world beyond. But the others labour in vain; for the mortal steed, if he has not been properly trained, keeps them down and sinks them towards the earth. Of the world which is beyond the heavens, who can tell? There is an essence formless, colourless, intangible, perceived by the mind only, dwelling in the region of true knowledge. The divine mind in her revolution enjoys this fair prospect, and beholds justice, temperance, and knowledge in their everlasting essence. When fulfilled with the sight of them she returns home, and the charioteer puts up the horses in their stable, and gives them ambrosia to eat and nectar to drink. This is the life of the gods; the human soul tries to reach the same heights, but hardly succeeds; and sometimes the head of the charioteer rises above, and sometimes sinks below, the fair vision, and he is at last obliged, after much contention, to turn away and leave the plain of truth. But if the soul has followed in the train of her god and once beheld truth she is preserved from harm, and is carried round in the next revolution of the spheres; and if always following, and always seeing the truth, is then for ever unharmed. If, however, she drops her wings and falls to the earth, then she takes the form of man, and the soul which has seen most of the truth passes into a philosopher or lover; that which has seen truth in the second degree, into a king or warrior; the third, into a householder or money-maker; the fourth, into a gymnast; the fifth, into a prophet or mystic; the sixth, into a poet or imitator; the seventh, into a husbandman or craftsman; the eighth, into a sophist or demagogue; the ninth, into a tyrant. All these are states of probation, wherein he who lives righteously is improved, and he who lives unrighteously deteriorates. After death comes the judgment; the bad depart to houses of correction under the earth, the good to places of joy in heaven. When a thousand years have elapsed the souls meet together and choose the lives which they will lead for another period of existence. The soul which three times in succession has chosen the life of a philosopher or of a lover who is not without philosophy receives her wings at the close of the third millennium; the remainder have to complete a cycle of ten thousand years before their wings are restored to them. Each time there is full liberty of choice. The soul of a man may descend into a beast, and return again into the form of man. But the form of man will only be taken by the soul which has once seen truth and acquired some conception of the universal:&amp;amp;mdash;this is the recollection of the knowledge which she attained when in the company of the Gods. And men in general recall only with difficulty the things of another world, but the mind of the philosopher has a better remembrance of them. For when he beholds the visible beauty of earth his enraptured soul passes in thought to those glorious sights of justice and wisdom and temperance and truth which she once gazed upon in heaven. Then she celebrated holy mysteries and beheld blessed apparitions shining in pure light, herself pure, and not as yet entombed in the body. And still, like a bird eager to quit its cage, she flutters and looks upwards, and is therefore deemed mad. Such a recollection of past days she receives through sight, the keenest of our senses, because beauty, alone of the ideas, has any representation on earth: wisdom is invisible to mortal eyes. But the corrupted nature, blindly excited by this vision of beauty, rushes on to enjoy, and would fain wallow like a brute beast in sensual pleasures. Whereas the true mystic, who has seen the many sights of bliss, when he beholds a god-like form or face is amazed with delight, and if he were not afraid of being thought mad he would fall down and worship. Then the stiffened wing begins to relax and grow again; desire which has been imprisoned pours over the soul of the lover; the germ of the wing unfolds, and stings, and pangs of birth, like the cutting of teeth, are everywhere felt. (Compare Symp.) Father and mother, and goods and laws and proprieties are nothing to him; his beloved is his physician, who can alone cure his pain. An apocryphal sacred writer says that the power which thus works in him is by mortals called love, but the immortals call him dove, or the winged one, in order to represent the force of his wings&amp;amp;mdash;such at any rate is his nature. Now the characters of lovers depend upon the god whom they followed in the other world; and they choose their loves in this world accordingly. The followers of Ares are fierce and violent; those of Zeus seek out some philosophical and imperial nature; the attendants of Here find a royal love; and in like manner the followers of every god seek a love who is like their god; and to him they communicate the nature which they have received from their god. The manner in which they take their love is as follows:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I told you about the charioteer and his two steeds, the one a noble animal who is guided by word and admonition only, the other an ill-looking villain who will hardly yield to blow or spur. Together all three, who are a figure of the soul, approach the vision of love. And now a fierce conflict begins. The ill-conditioned steed rushes on to enjoy, but the charioteer, who beholds the beloved with awe, falls back in adoration, and forces both the steeds on their haunches; again the evil steed rushes forwards and pulls shamelessly. The conflict grows more and more severe; and at last the charioteer, throwing himself backwards, forces the bit out of the clenched teeth of the brute, and pulling harder than ever at the reins, covers his tongue and jaws with blood, and forces him to rest his legs and haunches with pain upon the ground. When this has happened several times, the villain is tamed and humbled, and from that time forward the soul of the lover follows the beloved in modesty and holy fear. And now their bliss is consummated; the same image of love dwells in the breast of either, and if they have self-control, they pass their lives in the greatest happiness which is attainable by man&amp;amp;mdash;they continue masters of themselves, and conquer in one of the three heavenly victories. But if they choose the lower life of ambition they may still have a happy destiny, though inferior, because they have not the approval of the whole soul. At last they leave the body and proceed on their pilgrim&#039;s progress, and those who have once begun can never go back. When the time comes they receive their wings and fly away, and the lovers have the same wings. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Socrates concludes:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; These are the blessings of love, and thus have I made my recantation in finer language than before: I did so in order to please Phaedrus. If I said what was wrong at first, please to attribute my error to Lysias, who ought to study philosophy instead of rhetoric, and then he will not mislead his disciple Phaedrus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Phaedrus is afraid that he will lose conceit of Lysias, and that Lysias will be out of conceit with himself, and leave off making speeches, for the politicians have been deriding him. Socrates is of opinion that there is small danger of this; the politicians are themselves the great rhetoricians of the age, who desire to attain immortality by the authorship of laws. And therefore there is nothing with which they can reproach Lysias in being a writer; but there may be disgrace in being a bad one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And what is good or bad writing or speaking? While the sun is hot in the sky above us, let us ask that question: since by rational conversation man lives, and not by the indulgence of bodily pleasures. And the grasshoppers who are chirruping around may carry our words to the Muses, who are their patronesses; for the grasshoppers were human beings themselves in a world before the Muses, and when the Muses came they died of hunger for the love of song. And they carry to them in heaven the report of those who honour them on earth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The first rule of good speaking is to know and speak the truth; as a Spartan proverb says, &#039;true art is truth&#039;; whereas rhetoric is an art of enchantment, which makes things appear good and evil, like and unlike, as the speaker pleases. Its use is not confined, as people commonly suppose, to arguments in the law courts and speeches in the assembly; it is rather a part of the art of disputation, under which are included both the rules of Gorgias and the eristic of Zeno. But it is not wholly devoid of truth. Superior knowledge enables us to deceive another by the help of resemblances, and to escape from such a deception when employed against ourselves. We see therefore that even in rhetoric an element of truth is required. For if we do not know the truth, we can neither make the gradual departures from truth by which men are most easily deceived, nor guard ourselves against deception. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Socrates then proposes that they shall use the two speeches as illustrations of the art of rhetoric; first distinguishing between the debatable and undisputed class of subjects. In the debatable class there ought to be a definition of all disputed matters. But there was no such definition in the speech of Lysias; nor is there any order or connection in his words any more than in a nursery rhyme. With this he compares the regular divisions of the other speech, which was his own (and yet not his own, for the local deities must have inspired him). Although only a playful composition, it will be found to embody two principles: first, that of synthesis or the comprehension of parts in a whole; secondly, analysis, or the resolution of the whole into parts. These are the processes of division and generalization which are so dear to the dialectician, that king of men. They are effected by dialectic, and not by rhetoric, of which the remains are but scanty after order and arrangement have been subtracted. There is nothing left but a heap of &#039;ologies&#039; and other technical terms invented by Polus, Theodorus, Evenus, Tisias, Gorgias, and others, who have rules for everything, and who teach how to be short or long at pleasure. Prodicus showed his good sense when he said that there was a better thing than either to be short or long, which was to be of convenient length. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Still, notwithstanding the absurdities of Polus and others, rhetoric has great power in public assemblies. This power, however, is not given by any technical rules, but is the gift of genius. The real art is always being confused by rhetoricians with the preliminaries of the art. The perfection of oratory is like the perfection of anything else; natural power must be aided by art. But the art is not that which is taught in the schools of rhetoric; it is nearer akin to philosophy. Pericles, for instance, who was the most accomplished of all speakers, derived his eloquence not from rhetoric but from the philosophy of nature which he learnt of Anaxagoras. True rhetoric is like medicine, and the rhetorician has to consider the natures of men&#039;s souls as the physician considers the natures of their bodies. Such and such persons are to be affected in this way, such and such others in that; and he must know the times and the seasons for saying this or that. This is not an easy task, and this, if there be such an art, is the art of rhetoric. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I know that there are some professors of the art who maintain probability to be stronger than truth. But we maintain that probability is engendered by likeness of the truth which can only be attained by the knowledge of it, and that the aim of the good man should not be to please or persuade his fellow-servants, but to please his good masters who are the gods. Rhetoric has a fair beginning in this. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Enough of the art of speaking; let us now proceed to consider the true use of writing. There is an old Egyptian tale of Theuth, the inventor of writing, showing his invention to the god Thamus, who told him that he would only spoil men&#039;s memories and take away their understandings. From this tale, of which young Athens will probably make fun, may be gathered the lesson that writing is inferior to speech. For it is like a picture, which can give no answer to a question, and has only a deceitful likeness of a living creature. It has no power of adaptation, but uses the same words for all. It is not a legitimate son of knowledge, but a bastard, and when an attack is made upon this bastard neither parent nor anyone else is there to defend it. The husbandman will not seriously incline to sow his seed in such a hot-bed or garden of Adonis; he will rather sow in the natural soil of the human soul which has depth of earth; and he will anticipate the inner growth of the mind, by writing only, if at all, as a remedy against old age. The natural process will be far nobler, and will bring forth fruit in the minds of others as well as in his own. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The conclusion of the whole matter is just this,&amp;amp;mdash;that until a man knows the truth, and the manner of adapting the truth to the natures of other men, he cannot be a good orator; also, that the living is better than the written word, and that the principles of justice and truth when delivered by word of mouth are the legitimate offspring of a man&#039;s own bosom, and their lawful descendants take up their abode in others. Such an orator as he is who is possessed of them, you and I would fain become. And to all composers in the world, poets, orators, legislators, we hereby announce that if their compositions are based upon these principles, then they are not only poets, orators, legislators, but philosophers. All others are mere flatterers and putters together of words. This is the message which Phaedrus undertakes to carry to Lysias from the local deities, and Socrates himself will carry a similar message to his favourite Isocrates, whose future distinction as a great rhetorician he prophesies. The heat of the day has passed, and after offering up a prayer to Pan and the nymphs, Socrates and Phaedrus depart. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There are two principal controversies which have been raised about the Phaedrus; the first relates to the subject, the second to the date of the Dialogue. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There seems to be a notion that the work of a great artist like Plato cannot fail in unity, and that the unity of a dialogue requires a single subject. But the conception of unity really applies in very different degrees and ways to different kinds of art; to a statue, for example, far more than to any kind of literary composition, and to some species of literature far more than to others. Nor does the dialogue appear to be a style of composition in which the requirement of unity is most stringent; nor should the idea of unity derived from one sort of art be hastily transferred to another. The double titles of several of the Platonic Dialogues are a further proof that the severer rule was not observed by Plato. The Republic is divided between the search after justice and the construction of the ideal state; the Parmenides between the criticism of the Platonic ideas and of the Eleatic one or being; the Gorgias between the art of speaking and the nature of the good; the Sophist between the detection of the Sophist and the correlation of ideas. The Theaetetus, the Politicus, and the Philebus have also digressions which are but remotely connected with the main subject. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Thus the comparison of Plato&#039;s other writings, as well as the reason of the thing, lead us to the conclusion that we must not expect to find one idea pervading a whole work, but one, two, or more, as the invention of the writer may suggest, or his fancy wander. If each dialogue were confined to the development of a single idea, this would appear on the face of the dialogue, nor could any controversy be raised as to whether the Phaedrus treated of love or rhetoric. But the truth is that Plato subjects himself to no rule of this sort. Like every great artist he gives unity of form to the different and apparently distracting topics which he brings together. He works freely and is not to be supposed to have arranged every part of the dialogue before he begins to write. He fastens or weaves together the frame of his discourse loosely and imperfectly, and which is the warp and which is the woof cannot always be determined. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The subjects of the Phaedrus (exclusive of the short introductory passage about mythology which is suggested by the local tradition) are first the false or conventional art of rhetoric; secondly, love or the inspiration of beauty and knowledge, which is described as madness; thirdly, dialectic or the art of composition and division; fourthly, the true rhetoric, which is based upon dialectic, and is neither the art of persuasion nor knowledge of the truth alone, but the art of persuasion founded on knowledge of truth and knowledge of character; fifthly, the superiority of the spoken over the written word. The continuous thread which appears and reappears throughout is rhetoric; this is the ground into which the rest of the Dialogue is worked, in parts embroidered with fine words which are not in Socrates&#039; manner, as he says, &#039;in order to please Phaedrus.&#039; The speech of Lysias which has thrown Phaedrus into an ecstacy is adduced as an example of the false rhetoric; the first speech of Socrates, though an improvement, partakes of the same character; his second speech, which is full of that higher element said to have been learned of Anaxagoras by Pericles, and which in the midst of poetry does not forget order, is an illustration of the higher or true rhetoric. This higher rhetoric is based upon dialectic, and dialectic is a sort of inspiration akin to love (compare Symp.); in these two aspects of philosophy the technicalities of rhetoric are absorbed. And so the example becomes also the deeper theme of discourse. The true knowledge of things in heaven and earth is based upon enthusiasm or love of the ideas going before us and ever present to us in this world and in another; and the true order of speech or writing proceeds accordingly. Love, again, has three degrees: first, of interested love corresponding to the conventionalities of rhetoric; secondly, of disinterested or mad love, fixed on objects of sense, and answering, perhaps, to poetry; thirdly, of disinterested love directed towards the unseen, answering to dialectic or the science of the ideas. Lastly, the art of rhetoric in the lower sense is found to rest on a knowledge of the natures and characters of men, which Socrates at the commencement of the Dialogue has described as his own peculiar study. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Thus amid discord a harmony begins to appear; there are many links of connection which are not visible at first sight. At the same time the Phaedrus, although one of the most beautiful of the Platonic Dialogues, is also more irregular than any other. For insight into the world, for sustained irony, for depth of thought, there is no Dialogue superior, or perhaps equal to it. Nevertheless the form of the work has tended to obscure some of Plato&#039;s higher aims. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The first speech is composed &#039;in that balanced style in which the wise love to talk&#039; (Symp.). The characteristics of rhetoric are insipidity, mannerism, and monotonous parallelism of clauses. There is more rhythm than reason; the creative power of imagination is wanting. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;&#039;Tis Greece, but living Greece no more.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Plato has seized by anticipation the spirit which hung over Greek literature for a thousand years afterwards. Yet doubtless there were some who, like Phaedrus, felt a delight in the harmonious cadence and the pedantic reasoning of the rhetoricians newly imported from Sicily, which had ceased to be awakened in them by really great works, such as the odes of Anacreon or Sappho or the orations of Pericles. That the first speech was really written by Lysias is improbable. Like the poem of Solon, or the story of Thamus and Theuth, or the funeral oration of Aspasia (if genuine), or the pretence of Socrates in the Cratylus that his knowledge of philology is derived from Euthyphro, the invention is really due to the imagination of Plato, and may be compared to the parodies of the Sophists in the Protagoras. Numerous fictions of this sort occur in the Dialogues, and the gravity of Plato has sometimes imposed upon his commentators. The introduction of a considerable writing of another would seem not to be in keeping with a great work of art, and has no parallel elsewhere. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In the second speech Socrates is exhibited as beating the rhetoricians at their own weapons; he &#039;an unpractised man and they masters of the art.&#039; True to his character, he must, however, profess that the speech which he makes is not his own, for he knows nothing of himself. (Compare Symp.) Regarded as a rhetorical exercise, the superiority of his speech seems to consist chiefly in a better arrangement of the topics; he begins with a definition of love, and he gives weight to his words by going back to general maxims; a lesser merit is the greater liveliness of Socrates, which hurries him into verse and relieves the monotony of the style. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But Plato had doubtless a higher purpose than to exhibit Socrates as the rival or superior of the Athenian rhetoricians. Even in the speech of Lysias there is a germ of truth, and this is further developed in the parallel oration of Socrates. First, passionate love is overthrown by the sophistical or interested, and then both yield to that higher view of love which is afterwards revealed to us. The extreme of commonplace is contrasted with the most ideal and imaginative of speculations. Socrates, half in jest and to satisfy his own wild humour, takes the disguise of Lysias, but he is also in profound earnest and in a deeper vein of irony than usual. Having improvised his own speech, which is based upon the model of the preceding, he condemns them both. Yet the condemnation is not to be taken seriously, for he is evidently trying to express an aspect of the truth. To understand him, we must make abstraction of morality and of the Greek manner of regarding the relation of the sexes. In this, as in his other discussions about love, what Plato says of the loves of men must be transferred to the loves of women before we can attach any serious meaning to his words. Had he lived in our times he would have made the transposition himself. But seeing in his own age the impossibility of woman being the intellectual helpmate or friend of man (except in the rare instances of a Diotima or an Aspasia), seeing that, even as to personal beauty, her place was taken by young mankind instead of womankind, he tries to work out the problem of love without regard to the distinctions of nature. And full of the evils which he recognized as flowing from the spurious form of love, he proceeds with a deep meaning, though partly in joke, to show that the &#039;non-lover&#039;s&#039; love is better than the &#039;lover&#039;s.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; We may raise the same question in another form: Is marriage preferable with or without love? &#039;Among ourselves,&#039; as we may say, a little parodying the words of Pausanias in the Symposium, &#039;there would be one answer to this question: the practice and feeling of some foreign countries appears to be more doubtful.&#039; Suppose a modern Socrates, in defiance of the received notions of society and the sentimental literature of the day, alone against all the writers and readers of novels, to suggest this enquiry, would not the younger &#039;part of the world be ready to take off its coat and run at him might and main?&#039; (Republic.) Yet, if like Peisthetaerus in Aristophanes, he could persuade the &#039;birds&#039; to hear him, retiring a little behind a rampart, not of pots and dishes, but of unreadable books, he might have something to say for himself. Might he not argue, &#039;that a rational being should not follow the dictates of passion in the most important act of his or her life&#039;? Who would willingly enter into a contract at first sight, almost without thought, against the advice and opinion of his friends, at a time when he acknowledges that he is not in his right mind? And yet they are praised by the authors of romances, who reject the warnings of their friends or parents, rather than those who listen to them in such matters. Two inexperienced persons, ignorant of the world and of one another, how can they be said to choose?&amp;amp;mdash;they draw lots, whence also the saying, &#039;marriage is a lottery.&#039; Then he would describe their way of life after marriage; how they monopolize one another&#039;s affections to the exclusion of friends and relations: how they pass their days in unmeaning fondness or trivial conversation; how the inferior of the two drags the other down to his or her level; how the cares of a family &#039;breed meanness in their souls.&#039; In the fulfilment of military or public duties, they are not helpers but hinderers of one another: they cannot undertake any noble enterprise, such as makes the names of men and women famous, from domestic considerations. Too late their eyes are opened; they were taken unawares and desire to part company. Better, he would say, a &#039;little love at the beginning,&#039; for heaven might have increased it; but now their foolish fondness has changed into mutual dislike. In the days of their honeymoon they never understood that they must provide against offences, that they must have interests, that they must learn the art of living as well as loving. Our misogamist will not appeal to Anacreon or Sappho for a confirmation of his view, but to the universal experience of mankind. How much nobler, in conclusion, he will say, is friendship, which does not receive unmeaning praises from novelists and poets, is not exacting or exclusive, is not impaired by familiarity, is much less expensive, is not so likely to take offence, seldom changes, and may be dissolved from time to time without the assistance of the courts. Besides, he will remark that there is a much greater choice of friends than of wives&amp;amp;mdash;you may have more of them and they will be far more improving to your mind. They will not keep you dawdling at home, or dancing attendance upon them; or withdraw you from the great world and stirring scenes of life and action which would make a man of you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In such a manner, turning the seamy side outwards, a modern Socrates might describe the evils of married and domestic life. They are evils which mankind in general have agreed to conceal, partly because they are compensated by greater goods. Socrates or Archilochus would soon have to sing a palinode for the injustice done to lovely Helen, or some misfortune worse than blindness might be fall them. Then they would take up their parable again and say:&amp;amp;mdash;that there were two loves, a higher and a lower, holy and unholy, a love of the mind and a love of the body. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;pre xml:space=&amp;quot;preserve&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &#039;Let me not to the marriage of true minds Admit impediments.  Love is not love Which alters when it alteration finds.&lt;br /&gt;
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.....&lt;br /&gt;
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Love&#039;s not time&#039;s fool, though rosy lips and cheeks Within his bending sickle&#039;s compass come; Love alters not with his brief hours and weeks, But bears it out even to the edge of doom.&#039; &amp;lt;/pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But this true love of the mind cannot exist between two souls, until they are purified from the grossness of earthly passion: they must pass through a time of trial and conflict first; in the language of religion they must be converted or born again. Then they would see the world transformed into a scene of heavenly beauty; a divine idea would accompany them in all their thoughts and actions. Something too of the recollections of childhood might float about them still; they might regain that old simplicity which had been theirs in other days at their first entrance on life. And although their love of one another was ever present to them, they would acknowledge also a higher love of duty and of God, which united them. And their happiness would depend upon their preserving in them this principle&amp;amp;mdash;not losing the ideals of justice and holiness and truth, but renewing them at the fountain of light. When they have attained to this exalted state, let them marry (something too may be conceded to the animal nature of man): or live together in holy and innocent friendship. The poet might describe in eloquent words the nature of such a union; how after many struggles the true love was found: how the two passed their lives together in the service of God and man; how their characters were reflected upon one another, and seemed to grow more like year by year; how they read in one another&#039;s eyes the thoughts, wishes, actions of the other; how they saw each other in God; how in a figure they grew wings like doves, and were &#039;ready to fly away together and be at rest.&#039; And lastly, he might tell how, after a time at no long intervals, first one and then the other fell asleep, and &#039;appeared to the unwise&#039; to die, but were reunited in another state of being, in which they saw justice and holiness and truth, not according to the imperfect copies of them which are found in this world, but justice absolute in existence absolute, and so of the rest. And they would hold converse not only with each other, but with blessed souls everywhere; and would be employed in the service of God, every soul fulfilling his own nature and character, and would see into the wonders of earth and heaven, and trace the works of creation to their author. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — So, partly in jest but also &#039;with a certain degree of seriousness,&#039; we may appropriate to ourselves the words of Plato. The use of such a parody, though very imperfect, is to transfer his thoughts to our sphere of religion and feeling, to bring him nearer to us and us to him. Like the Scriptures, Plato admits of endless applications, if we allow for the difference of times and manners; and we lose the better half of him when we regard his Dialogues merely as literary compositions. Any ancient work which is worth reading has a practical and speculative as well as a literary interest. And in Plato, more than in any other Greek writer, the local and transitory is inextricably blended with what is spiritual and eternal. Socrates is necessarily ironical; for he has to withdraw from the received opinions and beliefs of mankind. We cannot separate the transitory from the permanent; nor can we translate the language of irony into that of plain reflection and common sense. But we can imagine the mind of Socrates in another age and country; and we can interpret him by analogy with reference to the errors and prejudices which prevail among ourselves. To return to the Phaedrus:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Both speeches are strongly condemned by Socrates as sinful and blasphemous towards the god Love, and as worthy only of some haunt of sailors to which good manners were unknown. The meaning of this and other wild language to the same effect, which is introduced by way of contrast to the formality of the two speeches (Socrates has a sense of relief when he has escaped from the trammels of rhetoric), seems to be that the two speeches proceed upon the supposition that love is and ought to be interested, and that no such thing as a real or disinterested passion, which would be at the same time lasting, could be conceived. &#039;But did I call this &amp;quot;love&amp;quot;? O God, forgive my blasphemy. This is not love. Rather it is the love of the world. But there is another kingdom of love, a kingdom not of this world, divine, eternal. And this other love I will now show you in a mystery.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then follows the famous myth, which is a sort of parable, and like other parables ought not to receive too minute an interpretation. In all such allegories there is a great deal which is merely ornamental, and the interpreter has to separate the important from the unimportant. Socrates himself has given the right clue when, in using his own discourse afterwards as the text for his examination of rhetoric, he characterizes it as a &#039;partly true and tolerably credible mythus,&#039; in which amid poetical figures, order and arrangement were not forgotten. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The soul is described in magnificent language as the self-moved and the source of motion in all other things. This is the philosophical theme or proem of the whole. But ideas must be given through something, and under the pretext that to realize the true nature of the soul would be not only tedious but impossible, we at once pass on to describe the souls of gods as well as men under the figure of two winged steeds and a charioteer. No connection is traced between the soul as the great motive power and the triple soul which is thus imaged. There is no difficulty in seeing that the charioteer represents the reason, or that the black horse is the symbol of the sensual or concupiscent element of human nature. The white horse also represents rational impulse, but the description, &#039;a lover of honour and modesty and temperance, and a follower of true glory,&#039; though similar, does not at once recall the &#039;spirit&#039; (thumos) of the Republic. The two steeds really correspond in a figure more nearly to the appetitive and moral or semi-rational soul of Aristotle. And thus, for the first time perhaps in the history of philosophy, we have represented to us the threefold division of psychology. The image of the charioteer and the steeds has been compared with a similar image which occurs in the verses of Parmenides; but it is important to remark that the horses of Parmenides have no allegorical meaning, and that the poet is only describing his own approach in a chariot to the regions of light and the house of the goddess of truth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The triple soul has had a previous existence, in which following in the train of some god, from whom she derived her character, she beheld partially and imperfectly the vision of absolute truth. All her after existence, passed in many forms of men and animals, is spent in regaining this. The stages of the conflict are many and various; and she is sorely let and hindered by the animal desires of the inferior or concupiscent steed. Again and again she beholds the flashing beauty of the beloved. But before that vision can be finally enjoyed the animal desires must be subjected. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The moral or spiritual element in man is represented by the immortal steed which, like thumos in the Republic, always sides with the reason. Both are dragged out of their course by the furious impulses of desire. In the end something is conceded to the desires, after they have been finally humbled and overpowered. And yet the way of philosophy, or perfect love of the unseen, is total abstinence from bodily delights. &#039;But all men cannot receive this saying&#039;: in the lower life of ambition they may be taken off their guard and stoop to folly unawares, and then, although they do not attain to the highest bliss, yet if they have once conquered they may be happy enough. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The language of the Meno and the Phaedo as well as of the Phaedrus seems to show that at one time of his life Plato was quite serious in maintaining a former state of existence. His mission was to realize the abstract; in that, all good and truth, all the hopes of this and another life seemed to centre. To him abstractions, as we call them, were another kind of knowledge&amp;amp;mdash;an inner and unseen world, which seemed to exist far more truly than the fleeting objects of sense which were without him. When we are once able to imagine the intense power which abstract ideas exercised over the mind of Plato, we see that there was no more difficulty to him in realizing the eternal existence of them and of the human minds which were associated with them, in the past and future than in the present. The difficulty was not how they could exist, but how they could fail to exist. In the attempt to regain this &#039;saving&#039; knowledge of the ideas, the sense was found to be as great an enemy as the desires; and hence two things which to us seem quite distinct are inextricably blended in the representation of Plato. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Thus far we may believe that Plato was serious in his conception of the soul as a motive power, in his reminiscence of a former state of being, in his elevation of the reason over sense and passion, and perhaps in his doctrine of transmigration. Was he equally serious in the rest? For example, are we to attribute his tripartite division of the soul to the gods? Or is this merely assigned to them by way of parallelism with men? The latter is the more probable; for the horses of the gods are both white, i.e. their every impulse is in harmony with reason; their dualism, on the other hand, only carries out the figure of the chariot. Is he serious, again, in regarding love as &#039;a madness&#039;? That seems to arise out of the antithesis to the former conception of love. At the same time he appears to intimate here, as in the Ion, Apology, Meno, and elsewhere, that there is a faculty in man, whether to be termed in modern language genius, or inspiration, or imagination, or idealism, or communion with God, which cannot be reduced to rule and measure. Perhaps, too, he is ironically repeating the common language of mankind about philosophy, and is turning their jest into a sort of earnest. (Compare Phaedo, Symp.) Or is he serious in holding that each soul bears the character of a god? He may have had no other account to give of the differences of human characters to which he afterwards refers. Or, again, in his absurd derivation of mantike and oionistike and imeros (compare Cratylus)? It is characteristic of the irony of Socrates to mix up sense and nonsense in such a way that no exact line can be drawn between them. And allegory helps to increase this sort of confusion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — As is often the case in the parables and prophecies of Scripture, the meaning is allowed to break through the figure, and the details are not always consistent. When the charioteers and their steeds stand upon the dome of heaven they behold the intangible invisible essences which are not objects of sight. This is because the force of language can no further go. Nor can we dwell much on the circumstance, that at the completion of ten thousand years all are to return to the place from whence they came; because he represents their return as dependent on their own good conduct in the successive stages of existence. Nor again can we attribute anything to the accidental inference which would also follow, that even a tyrant may live righteously in the condition of life to which fate has called him (&#039;he aiblins might, I dinna ken&#039;). But to suppose this would be at variance with Plato himself and with Greek notions generally. He is much more serious in distinguishing men from animals by their recognition of the universal which they have known in a former state, and in denying that this gift of reason can ever be obliterated or lost. In the language of some modern theologians he might be said to maintain the &#039;final perseverance&#039; of those who have entered on their pilgrim&#039;s progress. Other intimations of a &#039;metaphysic&#039; or &#039;theology&#039; of the future may also be discerned in him: (1) The moderate predestinarianism which here, as in the Republic, acknowledges the element of chance in human life, and yet asserts the freedom and responsibility of man; (2) The recognition of a moral as well as an intellectual principle in man under the image of an immortal steed; (3) The notion that the divine nature exists by the contemplation of ideas of virtue and justice&amp;amp;mdash;or, in other words, the assertion of the essentially moral nature of God; (4) Again, there is the hint that human life is a life of aspiration only, and that the true ideal is not to be found in art; (5) There occurs the first trace of the distinction between necessary and contingent matter; (6) The conception of the soul itself as the motive power and reason of the universe. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The conception of the philosopher, or the philosopher and lover in one, as a sort of madman, may be compared with the Republic and Theaetetus, in both of which the philosopher is regarded as a stranger and monster upon the earth. The whole myth, like the other myths of Plato, describes in a figure things which are beyond the range of human faculties, or inaccessible to the knowledge of the age. That philosophy should be represented as the inspiration of love is a conception that has already become familiar to us in the Symposium, and is the expression partly of Plato&#039;s enthusiasm for the idea, and is also an indication of the real power exercised by the passion of friendship over the mind of the Greek. The master in the art of love knew that there was a mystery in these feelings and their associations, and especially in the contrast of the sensible and permanent which is afforded by them; and he sought to explain this, as he explained universal ideas, by a reference to a former state of existence. The capriciousness of love is also derived by him from an attachment to some god in a former world. The singular remark that the beloved is more affected than the lover at the final consummation of their love, seems likewise to hint at a psychological truth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — It is difficult to exhaust the meanings of a work like the Phaedrus, which indicates so much more than it expresses; and is full of inconsistencies and ambiguities which were not perceived by Plato himself. For example, when he is speaking of the soul does he mean the human or the divine soul? and are they both equally self-moving and constructed on the same threefold principle? We should certainly be disposed to reply that the self-motive is to be attributed to God only; and on the other hand that the appetitive and passionate elements have no place in His nature. So we should infer from the reason of the thing, but there is no indication in Plato&#039;s own writings that this was his meaning. Or, again, when he explains the different characters of men by referring them back to the nature of the God whom they served in a former state of existence, we are inclined to ask whether he is serious: Is he not rather using a mythological figure, here as elsewhere, to draw a veil over things which are beyond the limits of mortal knowledge? Once more, in speaking of beauty is he really thinking of some external form such as might have been expressed in the works of Phidias or Praxiteles; and not rather of an imaginary beauty, of a sort which extinguishes rather than stimulates vulgar love,&amp;amp;mdash;a heavenly beauty like that which flashed from time to time before the eyes of Dante or Bunyan? Surely the latter. But it would be idle to reconcile all the details of the passage: it is a picture, not a system, and a picture which is for the greater part an allegory, and an allegory which allows the meaning to come through. The image of the charioteer and his steeds is placed side by side with the absolute forms of justice, temperance, and the like, which are abstract ideas only, and which are seen with the eye of the soul in her heavenly journey. The first impression of such a passage, in which no attempt is made to separate the substance from the form, is far truer than an elaborate philosophical analysis. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — It is too often forgotten that the whole of the second discourse of Socrates is only an allegory, or figure of speech. For this reason, it is unnecessary to enquire whether the love of which Plato speaks is the love of men or of women. It is really a general idea which includes both, and in which the sensual element, though not wholly eradicated, is reduced to order and measure. We must not attribute a meaning to every fanciful detail. Nor is there any need to call up revolting associations, which as a matter of good taste should be banished, and which were far enough away from the mind of Plato. These and similar passages should be interpreted by the Laws. Nor is there anything in the Symposium, or in the Charmides, in reality inconsistent with the sterner rule which Plato lays down in the Laws. At the same time it is not to be denied that love and philosophy are described by Socrates in figures of speech which would not be used in Christian times; or that nameless vices were prevalent at Athens and in other Greek cities; or that friendships between men were a more sacred tie, and had a more important social and educational influence than among ourselves. (See note on Symposium.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In the Phaedrus, as well as in the Symposium, there are two kinds of love, a lower and a higher, the one answering to the natural wants of the animal, the other rising above them and contemplating with religious awe the forms of justice, temperance, holiness, yet finding them also &#039;too dazzling bright for mortal eye,&#039; and shrinking from them in amazement. The opposition between these two kinds of love may be compared to the opposition between the flesh and the spirit in the Epistles of St. Paul. It would be unmeaning to suppose that Plato, in describing the spiritual combat, in which the rational soul is finally victor and master of both the steeds, condescends to allow any indulgence of unnatural lusts. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Two other thoughts about love are suggested by this passage. First of all, love is represented here, as in the Symposium, as one of the great powers of nature, which takes many forms and two principal ones, having a predominant influence over the lives of men. And these two, though opposed, are not absolutely separated the one from the other. Plato, with his great knowledge of human nature, was well aware how easily one is transformed into the other, or how soon the noble but fleeting aspiration may return into the nature of the animal, while the lower instinct which is latent always remains. The intermediate sentimentalism, which has exercised so great an influence on the literature of modern Europe, had no place in the classical times of Hellas; the higher love, of which Plato speaks, is the subject, not of poetry or fiction, but of philosophy. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Secondly, there seems to be indicated a natural yearning of the human mind that the great ideas of justice, temperance, wisdom, should be expressed in some form of visible beauty, like the absolute purity and goodness which Christian art has sought to realize in the person of the Madonna. But although human nature has often attempted to represent outwardly what can be only &#039;spiritually discerned,&#039; men feel that in pictures and images, whether painted or carved, or described in words only, we have not the substance but the shadow of the truth which is in heaven. There is no reason to suppose that in the fairest works of Greek art, Plato ever conceived himself to behold an image, however faint, of ideal truths. &#039;Not in that way was wisdom seen.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — We may now pass on to the second part of the Dialogue, which is a criticism on the first. Rhetoric is assailed on various grounds: first, as desiring to persuade, without a knowledge of the truth; and secondly, as ignoring the distinction between certain and probable matter. The three speeches are then passed in review: the first of them has no definition of the nature of love, and no order in the topics (being in these respects far inferior to the second); while the third of them is found (though a fancy of the hour) to be framed upon real dialectical principles. But dialectic is not rhetoric; nothing on that subject is to be found in the endless treatises of rhetoric, however prolific in hard names. When Plato has sufficiently put them to the test of ridicule he touches, as with the point of a needle, the real error, which is the confusion of preliminary knowledge with creative power. No attainments will provide the speaker with genius; and the sort of attainments which can alone be of any value are the higher philosophy and the power of psychological analysis, which is given by dialectic, but not by the rules of the rhetoricians. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In this latter portion of the Dialogue there are many texts which may help us to speak and to think. The names dialectic and rhetoric are passing out of use; we hardly examine seriously into their nature and limits, and probably the arts both of speaking and of conversation have been unduly neglected by us. But the mind of Socrates pierces through the differences of times and countries into the essential nature of man; and his words apply equally to the modern world and to the Athenians of old. Would he not have asked of us, or rather is he not asking of us, Whether we have ceased to prefer appearances to reality? Let us take a survey of the professions to which he refers and try them by his standard. Is not all literature passing into criticism, just as Athenian literature in the age of Plato was degenerating into sophistry and rhetoric? We can discourse and write about poems and paintings, but we seem to have lost the gift of creating them. Can we wonder that few of them &#039;come sweetly from nature,&#039; while ten thousand reviewers (mala murioi) are engaged in dissecting them? Young men, like Phaedrus, are enamoured of their own literary clique and have but a feeble sympathy with the master-minds of former ages. They recognize &#039;a POETICAL necessity in the writings of their favourite author, even when he boldly wrote off just what came in his head.&#039; They are beginning to think that Art is enough, just at the time when Art is about to disappear from the world. And would not a great painter, such as Michael Angelo, or a great poet, such as Shakespeare, returning to earth, &#039;courteously rebuke&#039; us&amp;amp;mdash;would he not say that we are putting &#039;in the place of Art the preliminaries of Art,&#039; confusing Art the expression of mind and truth with Art the composition of colours and forms; and perhaps he might more severely chastise some of us for trying to invent &#039;a new shudder&#039; instead of bringing to the birth living and healthy creations? These he would regard as the signs of an age wanting in original power. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Turning from literature and the arts to law and politics, again we fall under the lash of Socrates. For do we not often make &#039;the worse appear the better cause;&#039; and do not &#039;both parties sometimes agree to tell lies&#039;? Is not pleading &#039;an art of speaking unconnected with the truth&#039;? There is another text of Socrates which must not be forgotten in relation to this subject. In the endless maze of English law is there any &#039;dividing the whole into parts or reuniting the parts into a whole&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;any semblance of an organized being &#039;having hands and feet and other members&#039;? Instead of a system there is the Chaos of Anaxagoras (omou panta chremata) and no Mind or Order. Then again in the noble art of politics, who thinks of first principles and of true ideas? We avowedly follow not the truth but the will of the many (compare Republic). Is not legislation too a sort of literary effort, and might not statesmanship be described as the &#039;art of enchanting&#039; the house? While there are some politicians who have no knowledge of the truth, but only of what is likely to be approved by &#039;the many who sit in judgment,&#039; there are others who can give no form to their ideal, neither having learned &#039;the art of persuasion,&#039; nor having any insight into the &#039;characters of men.&#039; Once more, has not medical science become a professional routine, which many &#039;practise without being able to say who were their instructors&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;the application of a few drugs taken from a book instead of a life-long study of the natures and constitutions of human beings? Do we see as clearly as Hippocrates &#039;that the nature of the body can only be understood as a whole&#039;? (Compare Charm.) And are not they held to be the wisest physicians who have the greatest distrust of their art? What would Socrates think of our newspapers, of our theology? Perhaps he would be afraid to speak of them;&amp;amp;mdash;the one vox populi, the other vox Dei, he might hesitate to attack them; or he might trace a fanciful connexion between them, and ask doubtfully, whether they are not equally inspired? He would remark that we are always searching for a belief and deploring our unbelief, seeming to prefer popular opinions unverified and contradictory to unpopular truths which are assured to us by the most certain proofs: that our preachers are in the habit of praising God &#039;without regard to truth and falsehood, attributing to Him every species of greatness and glory, saying that He is all this and the cause of all that, in order that we may exhibit Him as the fairest and best of all&#039; (Symp.) without any consideration of His real nature and character or of the laws by which He governs the world&amp;amp;mdash;seeking for a &#039;private judgment&#039; and not for the truth or &#039;God&#039;s judgment.&#039; What would he say of the Church, which we praise in like manner, &#039;meaning ourselves,&#039; without regard to history or experience? Might he not ask, whether we &#039;care more for the truth of religion, or for the speaker and the country from which the truth comes&#039;? or, whether the &#039;select wise&#039; are not &#039;the many&#039; after all? (Symp.) So we may fill up the sketch of Socrates, lest, as Phaedrus says, the argument should be too &#039;abstract and barren of illustrations.&#039; (Compare Symp., Apol., Euthyphro.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He next proceeds with enthusiasm to define the royal art of dialectic as the power of dividing a whole into parts, and of uniting the parts in a whole, and which may also be regarded (compare Soph.) as the process of the mind talking with herself. The latter view has probably led Plato to the paradox that speech is superior to writing, in which he may seem also to be doing an injustice to himself. For the two cannot be fairly compared in the manner which Plato suggests. The contrast of the living and dead word, and the example of Socrates, which he has represented in the form of the Dialogue, seem to have misled him. For speech and writing have really different functions; the one is more transitory, more diffuse, more elastic and capable of adaptation to moods and times; the other is more permanent, more concentrated, and is uttered not to this or that person or audience, but to all the world. In the Politicus the paradox is carried further; the mind or will of the king is preferred to the written law; he is supposed to be the Law personified, the ideal made Life. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yet in both these statements there is also contained a truth; they may be compared with one another, and also with the other famous paradox, that &#039;knowledge cannot be taught.&#039; Socrates means to say, that what is truly written is written in the soul, just as what is truly taught grows up in the soul from within and is not forced upon it from without. When planted in a congenial soil the little seed becomes a tree, and &#039;the birds of the air build their nests in the branches.&#039; There is an echo of this in the prayer at the end of the Dialogue, &#039;Give me beauty in the inward soul, and may the inward and outward man be at one.&#039; We may further compare the words of St. Paul, &#039;Written not on tables of stone, but on fleshly tables of the heart;&#039; and again, &#039;Ye are my epistles known and read of all men.&#039; There may be a use in writing as a preservative against the forgetfulness of old age, but to live is higher far, to be ourselves the book, or the epistle, the truth embodied in a person, the Word made flesh. Something like this we may believe to have passed before Plato&#039;s mind when he affirmed that speech was superior to writing. So in other ages, weary of literature and criticism, of making many books, of writing articles in reviews, some have desired to live more closely in communion with their fellow-men, to speak heart to heart, to speak and act only, and not to write, following the example of Socrates and of Christ... &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Some other touches of inimitable grace and art and of the deepest wisdom may be also noted; such as the prayer or &#039;collect&#039; which has just been cited, &#039;Give me beauty,&#039; etc.; or &#039;the great name which belongs to God alone;&#039; or &#039;the saying of wiser men than ourselves that a man of sense should try to please not his fellow-servants, but his good and noble masters,&#039; like St. Paul again; or the description of the &#039;heavenly originals&#039;... &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The chief criteria for determining the date of the Dialogue are (1) the ages of Lysias and Isocrates; (2) the character of the work. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Lysias was born in the year 458; Isocrates in the year 436, about seven years before the birth of Plato. The first of the two great rhetoricians is described as in the zenith of his fame; the second is still young and full of promise. Now it is argued that this must have been written in the youth of Isocrates, when the promise was not yet fulfilled. And thus we should have to assign the Dialogue to a year not later than 406, when Isocrates was thirty and Plato twenty-three years of age, and while Socrates himself was still alive. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Those who argue in this way seem not to reflect how easily Plato can &#039;invent Egyptians or anything else,&#039; and how careless he is of historical truth or probability. Who would suspect that the wise Critias, the virtuous Charmides, had ended their lives among the thirty tyrants? Who would imagine that Lysias, who is here assailed by Socrates, is the son of his old friend Cephalus? Or that Isocrates himself is the enemy of Plato and his school? No arguments can be drawn from the appropriateness or inappropriateness of the characters of Plato. (Else, perhaps, it might be further argued that, judging from their extant remains, insipid rhetoric is far more characteristic of Isocrates than of Lysias.) But Plato makes use of names which have often hardly any connection with the historical characters to whom they belong. In this instance the comparative favour shown to Isocrates may possibly be accounted for by the circumstance of his belonging to the aristocratical, as Lysias to the democratical party. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Few persons will be inclined to suppose, in the superficial manner of some ancient critics, that a dialogue which treats of love must necessarily have been written in youth. As little weight can be attached to the argument that Plato must have visited Egypt before he wrote the story of Theuth and Thamus. For there is no real proof that he ever went to Egypt; and even if he did, he might have known or invented Egyptian traditions before he went there. The late date of the Phaedrus will have to be established by other arguments than these: the maturity of the thought, the perfection of the style, the insight, the relation to the other Platonic Dialogues, seem to contradict the notion that it could have been the work of a youth of twenty or twenty-three years of age. The cosmological notion of the mind as the primum mobile, and the admission of impulse into the immortal nature, also afford grounds for assigning a later date. (Compare Tim., Soph., Laws.) Add to this that the picture of Socrates, though in some lesser particulars,&amp;amp;mdash;e.g. his going without sandals, his habit of remaining within the walls, his emphatic declaration that his study is human nature,&amp;amp;mdash;an exact resemblance, is in the main the Platonic and not the real Socrates. Can we suppose &#039;the young man to have told such lies&#039; about his master while he was still alive? Moreover, when two Dialogues are so closely connected as the Phaedrus and Symposium, there is great improbability in supposing that one of them was written at least twenty years after the other. The conclusion seems to be, that the Dialogue was written at some comparatively late but unknown period of Plato&#039;s life, after he had deserted the purely Socratic point of view, but before he had entered on the more abstract speculations of the Sophist or the Philebus. Taking into account the divisions of the soul, the doctrine of transmigration, the contemplative nature of the philosophic life, and the character of the style, we shall not be far wrong in placing the Phaedrus in the neighbourhood of the Republic; remarking only that allowance must be made for the poetical element in the Phaedrus, which, while falling short of the Republic in definite philosophic results, seems to have glimpses of a truth beyond. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Two short passages, which are unconnected with the main subject of the Dialogue, may seem to merit a more particular notice: (1) the locus classicus about mythology; (2) the tale of the grasshoppers. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The first passage is remarkable as showing that Plato was entirely free from what may be termed the Euhemerism of his age. For there were Euhemerists in Hellas long before Euhemerus. Early philosophers, like Anaxagoras and Metrodorus, had found in Homer and mythology hidden meanings. Plato, with a truer instinct, rejects these attractive interpretations; he regards the inventor of them as &#039;unfortunate;&#039; and they draw a man off from the knowledge of himself. There is a latent criticism, and also a poetical sense in Plato, which enable him to discard them, and yet in another way to make use of poetry and mythology as a vehicle of thought and feeling. What would he have said of the discovery of Christian doctrines in these old Greek legends? While acknowledging that such interpretations are &#039;very nice,&#039; would he not have remarked that they are found in all sacred literatures? They cannot be tested by any criterion of truth, or used to establish any truth; they add nothing to the sum of human knowledge; they are&amp;amp;mdash;what we please, and if employed as &#039;peacemakers&#039; between the new and old are liable to serious misconstruction, as he elsewhere remarks (Republic). And therefore he would have &#039;bid Farewell to them; the study of them would take up too much of his time; and he has not as yet learned the true nature of religion.&#039; The &#039;sophistical&#039; interest of Phaedrus, the little touch about the two versions of the story, the ironical manner in which these explanations are set aside&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;the common opinion about them is enough for me&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;the allusion to the serpent Typho may be noted in passing; also the general agreement between the tone of this speech and the remark of Socrates which follows afterwards, &#039;I am a diviner, but a poor one.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The tale of the grasshoppers is naturally suggested by the surrounding scene. They are also the representatives of the Athenians as children of the soil. Under the image of the lively chirruping grasshoppers who inform the Muses in heaven about those who honour them on earth, Plato intends to represent an Athenian audience (tettigessin eoikotes). The story is introduced, apparently, to mark a change of subject, and also, like several other allusions which occur in the course of the Dialogue, in order to preserve the scene in the recollection of the reader. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — No one can duly appreciate the dialogues of Plato, especially the Phaedrus, Symposium, and portions of the Republic, who has not a sympathy with mysticism. To the uninitiated, as he would himself have acknowledged, they will appear to be the dreams of a poet who is disguised as a philosopher. There is a twofold difficulty in apprehending this aspect of the Platonic writings. First, we do not immediately realize that under the marble exterior of Greek literature was concealed a soul thrilling with spiritual emotion. Secondly, the forms or figures which the Platonic philosophy assumes, are not like the images of the prophet Isaiah, or of the Apocalypse, familiar to us in the days of our youth. By mysticism we mean, not the extravagance of an erring fancy, but the concentration of reason in feeling, the enthusiastic love of the good, the true, the one, the sense of the infinity of knowledge and of the marvel of the human faculties. When feeding upon such thoughts the &#039;wing of the soul&#039; is renewed and gains strength; she is raised above &#039;the manikins of earth&#039; and their opinions, waiting in wonder to know, and working with reverence to find out what God in this or in another life may reveal to her. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ON THE DECLINE OF GREEK LITERATURE. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — One of the main purposes of Plato in the Phaedrus is to satirize Rhetoric, or rather the Professors of Rhetoric who swarmed at Athens in the fourth century before Christ. As in the opening of the Dialogue he ridicules the interpreters of mythology; as in the Protagoras he mocks at the Sophists; as in the Euthydemus he makes fun of the word-splitting Eristics; as in the Cratylus he ridicules the fancies of Etymologers; as in the Meno and Gorgias and some other dialogues he makes reflections and casts sly imputation upon the higher classes at Athens; so in the Phaedrus, chiefly in the latter part, he aims his shafts at the rhetoricians. The profession of rhetoric was the greatest and most popular in Athens, necessary &#039;to a man&#039;s salvation,&#039; or at any rate to his attainment of wealth or power; but Plato finds nothing wholesome or genuine in the purpose of it. It is a veritable &#039;sham,&#039; having no relation to fact, or to truth of any kind. It is antipathetic to him not only as a philosopher, but also as a great writer. He cannot abide the tricks of the rhetoricians, or the pedantries and mannerisms which they introduce into speech and writing. He sees clearly how far removed they are from the ways of simplicity and truth, and how ignorant of the very elements of the art which they are professing to teach. The thing which is most necessary of all, the knowledge of human nature, is hardly if at all considered by them. The true rules of composition, which are very few, are not to be found in their voluminous systems. Their pretentiousness, their omniscience, their large fortunes, their impatience of argument, their indifference to first principles, their stupidity, their progresses through Hellas accompanied by a troop of their disciples&amp;amp;mdash;these things were very distasteful to Plato, who esteemed genius far above art, and was quite sensible of the interval which separated them (Phaedrus). It is the interval which separates Sophists and rhetoricians from ancient famous men and women such as Homer and Hesiod, Anacreon and Sappho, Aeschylus and Sophocles; and the Platonic Socrates is afraid that, if he approves the former, he will be disowned by the latter. The spirit of rhetoric was soon to overspread all Hellas; and Plato with prophetic insight may have seen, from afar, the great literary waste or dead level, or interminable marsh, in which Greek literature was soon to disappear. A similar vision of the decline of the Greek drama and of the contrast of the old literature and the new was present to the mind of Aristophanes after the death of the three great tragedians (Frogs). After about a hundred, or at most two hundred years if we exclude Homer, the genius of Hellas had ceased to flower or blossom. The dreary waste which follows, beginning with the Alexandrian writers and even before them in the platitudes of Isocrates and his school, spreads over much more than a thousand years. And from this decline the Greek language and literature, unlike the Latin, which has come to life in new forms and been developed into the great European languages, never recovered. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — This monotony of literature, without merit, without genius and without character, is a phenomenon which deserves more attention than it has hitherto received; it is a phenomenon unique in the literary history of the world. How could there have been so much cultivation, so much diligence in writing, and so little mind or real creative power? Why did a thousand years invent nothing better than Sibylline books, Orphic poems, Byzantine imitations of classical histories, Christian reproductions of Greek plays, novels like the silly and obscene romances of Longus and Heliodorus, innumerable forged epistles, a great many epigrams, biographies of the meanest and most meagre description, a sham philosophy which was the bastard progeny of the union between Hellas and the East? Only in Plutarch, in Lucian, in Longinus, in the Roman emperors Marcus Aurelius and Julian, in some of the Christian fathers are there any traces of good sense or originality, or any power of arousing the interest of later ages. And when new books ceased to be written, why did hosts of grammarians and interpreters flock in, who never attain to any sound notion either of grammar or interpretation? Why did the physical sciences never arrive at any true knowledge or make any real progress? Why did poetry droop and languish? Why did history degenerate into fable? Why did words lose their power of expression? Why were ages of external greatness and magnificence attended by all the signs of decay in the human mind which are possible? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — To these questions many answers may be given, which if not the true causes, are at least to be reckoned among the symptoms of the decline. There is the want of method in physical science, the want of criticism in history, the want of simplicity or delicacy in poetry, the want of political freedom, which is the true atmosphere of public speaking, in oratory. The ways of life were luxurious and commonplace. Philosophy had become extravagant, eclectic, abstract, devoid of any real content. At length it ceased to exist. It had spread words like plaster over the whole field of knowledge. It had grown ascetic on one side, mystical on the other. Neither of these tendencies was favourable to literature. There was no sense of beauty either in language or in art. The Greek world became vacant, barbaric, oriental. No one had anything new to say, or any conviction of truth. The age had no remembrance of the past, no power of understanding what other ages thought and felt. The Catholic faith had degenerated into dogma and controversy. For more than a thousand years not a single writer of first-rate, or even of second-rate, reputation has a place in the innumerable rolls of Greek literature. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — If we seek to go deeper, we can still only describe the outward nature of the clouds or darkness which were spread over the heavens during so many ages without relief or light. We may say that this, like several other long periods in the history of the human race, was destitute, or deprived of the moral qualities which are the root of literary excellence. It had no life or aspiration, no national or political force, no desire for consistency, no love of knowledge for its own sake. It did not attempt to pierce the mists which surrounded it. It did not propose to itself to go forward and scale the heights of knowledge, but to go backwards and seek at the beginning what can only be found towards the end. It was lost in doubt and ignorance. It rested upon tradition and authority. It had none of the higher play of fancy which creates poetry; and where there is no true poetry, neither can there be any good prose. It had no great characters, and therefore it had no great writers. It was incapable of distinguishing between words and things. It was so hopelessly below the ancient standard of classical Greek art and literature that it had no power of understanding or of valuing them. It is doubtful whether any Greek author was justly appreciated in antiquity except by his own contemporaries; and this neglect of the great authors of the past led to the disappearance of the larger part of them, while the Greek fathers were mostly preserved. There is no reason to suppose that, in the century before the taking of Constantinople, much more was in existence than the scholars of the Renaissance carried away with them to Italy. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The character of Greek literature sank lower as time went on. It consisted more and more of compilations, of scholia, of extracts, of commentaries, forgeries, imitations. The commentator or interpreter had no conception of his author as a whole, and very little of the context of any passage which he was explaining. The least things were preferred by him to the greatest. The question of a reading, or a grammatical form, or an accent, or the uses of a word, took the place of the aim or subject of the book. He had no sense of the beauties of an author, and very little light is thrown by him on real difficulties. He interprets past ages by his own. The greatest classical writers are the least appreciated by him. This seems to be the reason why so many of them have perished, why the lyric poets have almost wholly disappeared; why, out of the eighty or ninety tragedies of Aeschylus and Sophocles, only seven of each had been preserved. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Such an age of sciolism and scholasticism may possibly once more get the better of the literary world. There are those who prophesy that the signs of such a day are again appearing among us, and that at the end of the present century no writer of the first class will be still alive. They think that the Muse of Literature may transfer herself to other countries less dried up or worn out than our own. They seem to see the withering effect of criticism on original genius. No one can doubt that such a decay or decline of literature and of art seriously affects the manners and character of a nation. It takes away half the joys and refinements of life; it increases its dulness and grossness. Hence it becomes a matter of great interest to consider how, if at all, such a degeneracy may be averted. Is there any elixir which can restore life and youth to the literature of a nation, or at any rate which can prevent it becoming unmanned and enfeebled? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — First there is the progress of education. It is possible, and even probable, that the extension of the means of knowledge over a wider area and to persons living under new conditions may lead to many new combinations of thought and language. But, as yet, experience does not favour the realization of such a hope or promise. It may be truly answered that at present the training of teachers and the methods of education are very imperfect, and therefore that we cannot judge of the future by the present. When more of our youth are trained in the best literatures, and in the best parts of them, their minds may be expected to have a larger growth. They will have more interests, more thoughts, more material for conversation; they will have a higher standard and begin to think for themselves. The number of persons who will have the opportunity of receiving the highest education through the cheap press, and by the help of high schools and colleges, may increase tenfold. It is likely that in every thousand persons there is at least one who is far above the average in natural capacity, but the seed which is in him dies for want of cultivation. It has never had any stimulus to grow, or any field in which to blossom and produce fruit. Here is a great reservoir or treasure-house of human intelligence out of which new waters may flow and cover the earth. If at any time the great men of the world should die out, and originality or genius appear to suffer a partial eclipse, there is a boundless hope in the multitude of intelligences for future generations. They may bring gifts to men such as the world has never received before. They may begin at a higher point and yet take with them all the results of the past. The co-operation of many may have effects not less striking, though different in character from those which the creative genius of a single man, such as Bacon or Newton, formerly produced. There is also great hope to be derived, not merely from the extension of education over a wider area, but from the continuance of it during many generations. Educated parents will have children fit to receive education; and these again will grow up under circumstances far more favourable to the growth of intelligence than any which have hitherto existed in our own or in former ages. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Even if we were to suppose no more men of genius to be produced, the great writers of ancient or of modern times will remain to furnish abundant materials of education to the coming generation. Now that every nation holds communication with every other, we may truly say in a fuller sense than formerly that &#039;the thoughts of men are widened with the process of the suns.&#039; They will not be &#039;cribbed, cabined, and confined&#039; within a province or an island. The East will provide elements of culture to the West as well as the West to the East. The religions and literatures of the world will be open books, which he who wills may read. The human race may not be always ground down by bodily toil, but may have greater leisure for the improvement of the mind. The increasing sense of the greatness and infinity of nature will tend to awaken in men larger and more liberal thoughts. The love of mankind may be the source of a greater development of literature than nationality has ever been. There may be a greater freedom from prejudice and party; we may better understand the whereabouts of truth, and therefore there may be more success and fewer failures in the search for it. Lastly, in the coming ages we shall carry with us the recollection of the past, in which are necessarily contained many seeds of revival and renaissance in the future. So far is the world from becoming exhausted, so groundless is the fear that literature will ever die out. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PERSONS OF THE DIALOGUE: Socrates, Phaedrus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SCENE: Under a plane-tree, by the banks of the Ilissus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: My dear Phaedrus, whence come you, and whither are you going? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: I come from Lysias the son of Cephalus, and I am going to take a walk outside the wall, for I have been sitting with him the whole morning; and our common friend Acumenus tells me that it is much more refreshing to walk in the open air than to be shut up in a cloister. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: There he is right. Lysias then, I suppose, was in the town? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Yes, he was staying with Epicrates, here at the house of Morychus; that house which is near the temple of Olympian Zeus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And how did he entertain you? Can I be wrong in supposing that Lysias gave you a feast of discourse? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: You shall hear, if you can spare time to accompany me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And should I not deem the conversation of you and Lysias &#039;a thing of higher import,&#039; as I may say in the words of Pindar, &#039;than any business&#039;? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Will you go on? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And will you go on with the narration? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: My tale, Socrates, is one of your sort, for love was the theme which occupied us&amp;amp;mdash;love after a fashion: Lysias has been writing about a fair youth who was being tempted, but not by a lover; and this was the point: he ingeniously proved that the non-lover should be accepted rather than the lover. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: O that is noble of him! I wish that he would say the poor man rather than the rich, and the old man rather than the young one;&amp;amp;mdash;then he would meet the case of me and of many a man; his words would be quite refreshing, and he would be a public benefactor. For my part, I do so long to hear his speech, that if you walk all the way to Megara, and when you have reached the wall come back, as Herodicus recommends, without going in, I will keep you company. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: What do you mean, my good Socrates? How can you imagine that my unpractised memory can do justice to an elaborate work, which the greatest rhetorician of the age spent a long time in composing. Indeed, I cannot; I would give a great deal if I could. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I believe that I know Phaedrus about as well as I know myself, and I am very sure that the speech of Lysias was repeated to him, not once only, but again and again;&amp;amp;mdash;he insisted on hearing it many times over and Lysias was very willing to gratify him; at last, when nothing else would do, he got hold of the book, and looked at what he most wanted to see,&amp;amp;mdash;this occupied him during the whole morning;&amp;amp;mdash;and then when he was tired with sitting, he went out to take a walk, not until, by the dog, as I believe, he had simply learned by heart the entire discourse, unless it was unusually long, and he went to a place outside the wall that he might practise his lesson. There he saw a certain lover of discourse who had a similar weakness;&amp;amp;mdash;he saw and rejoiced; now thought he, &#039;I shall have a partner in my revels.&#039; And he invited him to come and walk with him. But when the lover of discourse begged that he would repeat the tale, he gave himself airs and said, &#039;No I cannot,&#039; as if he were indisposed; although, if the hearer had refused, he would sooner or later have been compelled by him to listen whether he would or no. Therefore, Phaedrus, bid him do at once what he will soon do whether bidden or not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: I see that you will not let me off until I speak in some fashion or other; verily therefore my best plan is to speak as I best can. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: A very true remark, that of yours. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: I will do as I say; but believe me, Socrates, I did not learn the very words&amp;amp;mdash;O no; nevertheless I have a general notion of what he said, and will give you a summary of the points in which the lover differed from the non-lover. Let me begin at the beginning. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yes, my sweet one; but you must first of all show what you have in your left hand under your cloak, for that roll, as I suspect, is the actual discourse. Now, much as I love you, I would not have you suppose that I am going to have your memory exercised at my expense, if you have Lysias himself here. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Enough; I see that I have no hope of practising my art upon you. But if I am to read, where would you please to sit? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Let us turn aside and go by the Ilissus; we will sit down at some quiet spot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: I am fortunate in not having my sandals, and as you never have any, I think that we may go along the brook and cool our feet in the water; this will be the easiest way, and at midday and in the summer is far from being unpleasant. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Lead on, and look out for a place in which we can sit down. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Do you see the tallest plane-tree in the distance? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: There are shade and gentle breezes, and grass on which we may either sit or lie down. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Move forward. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: I should like to know, Socrates, whether the place is not somewhere here at which Boreas is said to have carried off Orithyia from the banks of the Ilissus? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Such is the tradition. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: And is this the exact spot? The little stream is delightfully clear and bright; I can fancy that there might be maidens playing near. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I believe that the spot is not exactly here, but about a quarter of a mile lower down, where you cross to the temple of Artemis, and there is, I think, some sort of an altar of Boreas at the place. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: I have never noticed it; but I beseech you to tell me, Socrates, do you believe this tale? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: The wise are doubtful, and I should not be singular if, like them, I too doubted. I might have a rational explanation that Orithyia was playing with Pharmacia, when a northern gust carried her over the neighbouring rocks; and this being the manner of her death, she was said to have been carried away by Boreas. There is a discrepancy, however, about the locality; according to another version of the story she was taken from Areopagus, and not from this place. Now I quite acknowledge that these allegories are very nice, but he is not to be envied who has to invent them; much labour and ingenuity will be required of him; and when he has once begun, he must go on and rehabilitate Hippocentaurs and chimeras dire. Gorgons and winged steeds flow in apace, and numberless other inconceivable and portentous natures. And if he is sceptical about them, and would fain reduce them one after another to the rules of probability, this sort of crude philosophy will take up a great deal of time. Now I have no leisure for such enquiries; shall I tell you why? I must first know myself, as the Delphian inscription says; to be curious about that which is not my concern, while I am still in ignorance of my own self, would be ridiculous. And therefore I bid farewell to all this; the common opinion is enough for me. For, as I was saying, I want to know not about this, but about myself: am I a monster more complicated and swollen with passion than the serpent Typho, or a creature of a gentler and simpler sort, to whom Nature has given a diviner and lowlier destiny? But let me ask you, friend: have we not reached the plane-tree to which you were conducting us? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Yes, this is the tree. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: By Here, a fair resting-place, full of summer sounds and scents. Here is this lofty and spreading plane-tree, and the agnus castus high and clustering, in the fullest blossom and the greatest fragrance; and the stream which flows beneath the plane-tree is deliciously cold to the feet. Judging from the ornaments and images, this must be a spot sacred to Achelous and the Nymphs. How delightful is the breeze:&amp;amp;mdash;so very sweet; and there is a sound in the air shrill and summerlike which makes answer to the chorus of the cicadae. But the greatest charm of all is the grass, like a pillow gently sloping to the head. My dear Phaedrus, you have been an admirable guide. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: What an incomprehensible being you are, Socrates: when you are in the country, as you say, you really are like some stranger who is led about by a guide. Do you ever cross the border? I rather think that you never venture even outside the gates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Very true, my good friend; and I hope that you will excuse me when you hear the reason, which is, that I am a lover of knowledge, and the men who dwell in the city are my teachers, and not the trees or the country. Though I do indeed believe that you have found a spell with which to draw me out of the city into the country, like a hungry cow before whom a bough or a bunch of fruit is waved. For only hold up before me in like manner a book, and you may lead me all round Attica, and over the wide world. And now having arrived, I intend to lie down, and do you choose any posture in which you can read best. Begin. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Listen. You know how matters stand with me; and how, as I conceive, this affair may be arranged for the advantage of both of us. And I maintain that I ought not to fail in my suit, because I am not your lover: for lovers repent of the kindnesses which they have shown when their passion ceases, but to the non-lovers who are free and not under any compulsion, no time of repentance ever comes; for they confer their benefits according to the measure of their ability, in the way which is most conducive to their own interest. Then again, lovers consider how by reason of their love they have neglected their own concerns and rendered service to others: and when to these benefits conferred they add on the troubles which they have endured, they think that they have long ago made to the beloved a very ample return. But the non-lover has no such tormenting recollections; he has never neglected his affairs or quarrelled with his relations; he has no troubles to add up or excuses to invent; and being well rid of all these evils, why should he not freely do what will gratify the beloved? If you say that the lover is more to be esteemed, because his love is thought to be greater; for he is willing to say and do what is hateful to other men, in order to please his beloved;&amp;amp;mdash;that, if true, is only a proof that he will prefer any future love to his present, and will injure his old love at the pleasure of the new. And how, in a matter of such infinite importance, can a man be right in trusting himself to one who is afflicted with a malady which no experienced person would attempt to cure, for the patient himself admits that he is not in his right mind, and acknowledges that he is wrong in his mind, but says that he is unable to control himself? And if he came to his right mind, would he ever imagine that the desires were good which he conceived when in his wrong mind? Once more, there are many more non-lovers than lovers; and if you choose the best of the lovers, you will not have many to choose from; but if from the non-lovers, the choice will be larger, and you will be far more likely to find among them a person who is worthy of your friendship. If public opinion be your dread, and you would avoid reproach, in all probability the lover, who is always thinking that other men are as emulous of him as he is of them, will boast to some one of his successes, and make a show of them openly in the pride of his heart;&amp;amp;mdash;he wants others to know that his labour has not been lost; but the non-lover is more his own master, and is desirous of solid good, and not of the opinion of mankind. Again, the lover may be generally noted or seen following the beloved (this is his regular occupation), and whenever they are observed to exchange two words they are supposed to meet about some affair of love either past or in contemplation; but when non-lovers meet, no one asks the reason why, because people know that talking to another is natural, whether friendship or mere pleasure be the motive. Once more, if you fear the fickleness of friendship, consider that in any other case a quarrel might be a mutual calamity; but now, when you have given up what is most precious to you, you will be the greater loser, and therefore, you will have more reason in being afraid of the lover, for his vexations are many, and he is always fancying that every one is leagued against him. Wherefore also he debars his beloved from society; he will not have you intimate with the wealthy, lest they should exceed him in wealth, or with men of education, lest they should be his superiors in understanding; and he is equally afraid of anybody&#039;s influence who has any other advantage over himself. If he can persuade you to break with them, you are left without a friend in the world; or if, out of a regard to your own interest, you have more sense than to comply with his desire, you will have to quarrel with him. But those who are non-lovers, and whose success in love is the reward of their merit, will not be jealous of the companions of their beloved, and will rather hate those who refuse to be his associates, thinking that their favourite is slighted by the latter and benefited by the former; for more love than hatred may be expected to come to him out of his friendship with others. Many lovers too have loved the person of a youth before they knew his character or his belongings; so that when their passion has passed away, there is no knowing whether they will continue to be his friends; whereas, in the case of non-lovers who were always friends, the friendship is not lessened by the favours granted; but the recollection of these remains with them, and is an earnest of good things to come. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Further, I say that you are likely to be improved by me, whereas the lover will spoil you. For they praise your words and actions in a wrong way; partly, because they are afraid of offending you, and also, their judgment is weakened by passion. Such are the feats which love exhibits; he makes things painful to the disappointed which give no pain to others; he compels the successful lover to praise what ought not to give him pleasure, and therefore the beloved is to be pitied rather than envied. But if you listen to me, in the first place, I, in my intercourse with you, shall not merely regard present enjoyment, but also future advantage, being not mastered by love, but my own master; nor for small causes taking violent dislikes, but even when the cause is great, slowly laying up little wrath&amp;amp;mdash;unintentional offences I shall forgive, and intentional ones I shall try to prevent; and these are the marks of a friendship which will last. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Do you think that a lover only can be a firm friend? reflect:&amp;amp;mdash;if this were true, we should set small value on sons, or fathers, or mothers; nor should we ever have loyal friends, for our love of them arises not from passion, but from other associations. Further, if we ought to shower favours on those who are the most eager suitors,&amp;amp;mdash;on that principle, we ought always to do good, not to the most virtuous, but to the most needy; for they are the persons who will be most relieved, and will therefore be the most grateful; and when you make a feast you should invite not your friend, but the beggar and the empty soul; for they will love you, and attend you, and come about your doors, and will be the best pleased, and the most grateful, and will invoke many a blessing on your head. Yet surely you ought not to be granting favours to those who besiege you with prayer, but to those who are best able to reward you; nor to the lover only, but to those who are worthy of love; nor to those who will enjoy the bloom of your youth, but to those who will share their possessions with you in age; nor to those who, having succeeded, will glory in their success to others, but to those who will be modest and tell no tales; nor to those who care about you for a moment only, but to those who will continue your friends through life; nor to those who, when their passion is over, will pick a quarrel with you, but rather to those who, when the charm of youth has left you, will show their own virtue. Remember what I have said; and consider yet this further point: friends admonish the lover under the idea that his way of life is bad, but no one of his kindred ever yet censured the non-lover, or thought that he was ill-advised about his own interests. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;Perhaps you will ask me whether I propose that you should indulge every non-lover. To which I reply that not even the lover would advise you to indulge all lovers, for the indiscriminate favour is less esteemed by the rational recipient, and less easily hidden by him who would escape the censure of the world. Now love ought to be for the advantage of both parties, and for the injury of neither. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;I believe that I have said enough; but if there is anything more which you desire or which in your opinion needs to be supplied, ask and I will answer.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Now, Socrates, what do you think? Is not the discourse excellent, more especially in the matter of the language? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yes, quite admirable; the effect on me was ravishing. And this I owe to you, Phaedrus, for I observed you while reading to be in an ecstasy, and thinking that you are more experienced in these matters than I am, I followed your example, and, like you, my divine darling, I became inspired with a phrenzy. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Indeed, you are pleased to be merry. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Do you mean that I am not in earnest? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Now don&#039;t talk in that way, Socrates, but let me have your real opinion; I adjure you, by Zeus, the god of friendship, to tell me whether you think that any Hellene could have said more or spoken better on the same subject. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Well, but are you and I expected to praise the sentiments of the author, or only the clearness, and roundness, and finish, and tournure of the language? As to the first I willingly submit to your better judgment, for I am not worthy to form an opinion, having only attended to the rhetorical manner; and I was doubting whether this could have been defended even by Lysias himself; I thought, though I speak under correction, that he repeated himself two or three times, either from want of words or from want of pains; and also, he appeared to me ostentatiously to exult in showing how well he could say the same thing in two or three ways. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Nonsense, Socrates; what you call repetition was the especial merit of the speech; for he omitted no topic of which the subject rightly allowed, and I do not think that any one could have spoken better or more exhaustively. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: There I cannot go along with you. Ancient sages, men and women, who have spoken and written of these things, would rise up in judgment against me, if out of complaisance I assented to you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Who are they, and where did you hear anything better than this? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I am sure that I must have heard; but at this moment I do not remember from whom; perhaps from Sappho the fair, or Anacreon the wise; or, possibly, from a prose writer. Why do I say so? Why, because I perceive that my bosom is full, and that I could make another speech as good as that of Lysias, and different. Now I am certain that this is not an invention of my own, who am well aware that I know nothing, and therefore I can only infer that I have been filled through the ears, like a pitcher, from the waters of another, though I have actually forgotten in my stupidity who was my informant. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: That is grand:&amp;amp;mdash;but never mind where you heard the discourse or from whom; let that be a mystery not to be divulged even at my earnest desire. Only, as you say, promise to make another and better oration, equal in length and entirely new, on the same subject; and I, like the nine Archons, will promise to set up a golden image at Delphi, not only of myself, but of you, and as large as life. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: You are a dear golden ass if you suppose me to mean that Lysias has altogether missed the mark, and that I can make a speech from which all his arguments are to be excluded. The worst of authors will say something which is to the point. Who, for example, could speak on this thesis of yours without praising the discretion of the non-lover and blaming the indiscretion of the lover? These are the commonplaces of the subject which must come in (for what else is there to be said?) and must be allowed and excused; the only merit is in the arrangement of them, for there can be none in the invention; but when you leave the commonplaces, then there may be some originality. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: I admit that there is reason in what you say, and I too will be reasonable, and will allow you to start with the premiss that the lover is more disordered in his wits than the non-lover; if in what remains you make a longer and better speech than Lysias, and use other arguments, then I say again, that a statue you shall have of beaten gold, and take your place by the colossal offerings of the Cypselids at Olympia. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: How profoundly in earnest is the lover, because to tease him I lay a finger upon his love! And so, Phaedrus, you really imagine that I am going to improve upon the ingenuity of Lysias? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: There I have you as you had me, and you must just speak &#039;as you best can.&#039; Do not let us exchange &#039;tu quoque&#039; as in a farce, or compel me to say to you as you said to me, &#039;I know Socrates as well as I know myself, and he was wanting to speak, but he gave himself airs.&#039; Rather I would have you consider that from this place we stir not until you have unbosomed yourself of the speech; for here are we all alone, and I am stronger, remember, and younger than you:&amp;amp;mdash;Wherefore perpend, and do not compel me to use violence. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But, my sweet Phaedrus, how ridiculous it would be of me to compete with Lysias in an extempore speech! He is a master in his art and I am an untaught man. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: You see how matters stand; and therefore let there be no more pretences; for, indeed, I know the word that is irresistible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then don&#039;t say it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Yes, but I will; and my word shall be an oath. &#039;I say, or rather swear&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;but what god will be witness of my oath?&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;By this plane-tree I swear, that unless you repeat the discourse here in the face of this very plane-tree, I will never tell you another; never let you have word of another!&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Villain! I am conquered; the poor lover of discourse has no more to say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Then why are you still at your tricks? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I am not going to play tricks now that you have taken the oath, for I cannot allow myself to be starved. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Proceed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Shall I tell you what I will do? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: What? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I will veil my face and gallop through the discourse as fast as I can, for if I see you I shall feel ashamed and not know what to say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Only go on and you may do anything else which you please. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Come, O ye Muses, melodious, as ye are called, whether you have received this name from the character of your strains, or because the Melians are a musical race, help, O help me in the tale which my good friend here desires me to rehearse, in order that his friend whom he always deemed wise may seem to him to be wiser than ever. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Once upon a time there was a fair boy, or, more properly speaking, a youth; he was very fair and had a great many lovers; and there was one special cunning one, who had persuaded the youth that he did not love him, but he really loved him all the same; and one day when he was paying his addresses to him, he used this very argument&amp;amp;mdash;that he ought to accept the non-lover rather than the lover; his words were as follows:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;All good counsel begins in the same way; a man should know what he is advising about, or his counsel will all come to nought. But people imagine that they know about the nature of things, when they don&#039;t know about them, and, not having come to an understanding at first because they think that they know, they end, as might be expected, in contradicting one another and themselves. Now you and I must not be guilty of this fundamental error which we condemn in others; but as our question is whether the lover or non-lover is to be preferred, let us first of all agree in defining the nature and power of love, and then, keeping our eyes upon the definition and to this appealing, let us further enquire whether love brings advantage or disadvantage. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;Every one sees that love is a desire, and we know also that non-lovers desire the beautiful and good. Now in what way is the lover to be distinguished from the non-lover? Let us note that in every one of us there are two guiding and ruling principles which lead us whither they will; one is the natural desire of pleasure, the other is an acquired opinion which aspires after the best; and these two are sometimes in harmony and then again at war, and sometimes the one, sometimes the other conquers. When opinion by the help of reason leads us to the best, the conquering principle is called temperance; but when desire, which is devoid of reason, rules in us and drags us to pleasure, that power of misrule is called excess. Now excess has many names, and many members, and many forms, and any of these forms when very marked gives a name, neither honourable nor creditable, to the bearer of the name. The desire of eating, for example, which gets the better of the higher reason and the other desires, is called gluttony, and he who is possessed by it is called a glutton; the tyrannical desire of drink, which inclines the possessor of the desire to drink, has a name which is only too obvious, and there can be as little doubt by what name any other appetite of the same family would be called;&amp;amp;mdash;it will be the name of that which happens to be dominant. And now I think that you will perceive the drift of my discourse; but as every spoken word is in a manner plainer than the unspoken, I had better say further that the irrational desire which overcomes the tendency of opinion towards right, and is led away to the enjoyment of beauty, and especially of personal beauty, by the desires which are her own kindred&amp;amp;mdash;that supreme desire, I say, which by leading conquers and by the force of passion is reinforced, from this very force, receiving a name, is called love (erromenos eros).&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And now, dear Phaedrus, I shall pause for an instant to ask whether you do not think me, as I appear to myself, inspired? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Yes, Socrates, you seem to have a very unusual flow of words. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Listen to me, then, in silence; for surely the place is holy; so that you must not wonder, if, as I proceed, I appear to be in a divine fury, for already I am getting into dithyrambics. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Nothing can be truer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: The responsibility rests with you. But hear what follows, and perhaps the fit may be averted; all is in their hands above. I will go on talking to my youth. Listen:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Thus, my friend, we have declared and defined the nature of the subject. Keeping the definition in view, let us now enquire what advantage or disadvantage is likely to ensue from the lover or the non-lover to him who accepts their advances. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He who is the victim of his passions and the slave of pleasure will of course desire to make his beloved as agreeable to himself as possible. Now to him who has a mind diseased anything is agreeable which is not opposed to him, but that which is equal or superior is hateful to him, and therefore the lover will not brook any superiority or equality on the part of his beloved; he is always employed in reducing him to inferiority. And the ignorant is the inferior of the wise, the coward of the brave, the slow of speech of the speaker, the dull of the clever. These, and not these only, are the mental defects of the beloved;&amp;amp;mdash;defects which, when implanted by nature, are necessarily a delight to the lover, and when not implanted, he must contrive to implant them in him, if he would not be deprived of his fleeting joy. And therefore he cannot help being jealous, and will debar his beloved from the advantages of society which would make a man of him, and especially from that society which would have given him wisdom, and thereby he cannot fail to do him great harm. That is to say, in his excessive fear lest he should come to be despised in his eyes he will be compelled to banish from him divine philosophy; and there is no greater injury which he can inflict upon him than this. He will contrive that his beloved shall be wholly ignorant, and in everything shall look to him; he is to be the delight of the lover&#039;s heart, and a curse to himself. Verily, a lover is a profitable guardian and associate for him in all that relates to his mind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Let us next see how his master, whose law of life is pleasure and not good, will keep and train the body of his servant. Will he not choose a beloved who is delicate rather than sturdy and strong? One brought up in shady bowers and not in the bright sun, a stranger to manly exercises and the sweat of toil, accustomed only to a soft and luxurious diet, instead of the hues of health having the colours of paint and ornament, and the rest of a piece?&amp;amp;mdash;such a life as any one can imagine and which I need not detail at length. But I may sum up all that I have to say in a word, and pass on. Such a person in war, or in any of the great crises of life, will be the anxiety of his friends and also of his lover, and certainly not the terror of his enemies; which nobody can deny. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And now let us tell what advantage or disadvantage the beloved will receive from the guardianship and society of his lover in the matter of his property; this is the next point to be considered. The lover will be the first to see what, indeed, will be sufficiently evident to all men, that he desires above all things to deprive his beloved of his dearest and best and holiest possessions, father, mother, kindred, friends, of all whom he thinks may be hinderers or reprovers of their most sweet converse; he will even cast a jealous eye upon his gold and silver or other property, because these make him a less easy prey, and when caught less manageable; hence he is of necessity displeased at his possession of them and rejoices at their loss; and he would like him to be wifeless, childless, homeless, as well; and the longer the better, for the longer he is all this, the longer he will enjoy him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There are some sort of animals, such as flatterers, who are dangerous and mischievous enough, and yet nature has mingled a temporary pleasure and grace in their composition. You may say that a courtesan is hurtful, and disapprove of such creatures and their practices, and yet for the time they are very pleasant. But the lover is not only hurtful to his love; he is also an extremely disagreeable companion. The old proverb says that &#039;birds of a feather flock together&#039;; I suppose that equality of years inclines them to the same pleasures, and similarity begets friendship; yet you may have more than enough even of this; and verily constraint is always said to be grievous. Now the lover is not only unlike his beloved, but he forces himself upon him. For he is old and his love is young, and neither day nor night will he leave him if he can help; necessity and the sting of desire drive him on, and allure him with the pleasure which he receives from seeing, hearing, touching, perceiving him in every way. And therefore he is delighted to fasten upon him and to minister to him. But what pleasure or consolation can the beloved be receiving all this time? Must he not feel the extremity of disgust when he looks at an old shrivelled face and the remainder to match, which even in a description is disagreeable, and quite detestable when he is forced into daily contact with his lover; moreover he is jealously watched and guarded against everything and everybody, and has to hear misplaced and exaggerated praises of himself, and censures equally inappropriate, which are intolerable when the man is sober, and, besides being intolerable, are published all over the world in all their indelicacy and wearisomeness when he is drunk. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And not only while his love continues is he mischievous and unpleasant, but when his love ceases he becomes a perfidious enemy of him on whom he showered his oaths and prayers and promises, and yet could hardly prevail upon him to tolerate the tedium of his company even from motives of interest. The hour of payment arrives, and now he is the servant of another master; instead of love and infatuation, wisdom and temperance are his bosom&#039;s lords; but the beloved has not discovered the change which has taken place in him, when he asks for a return and recalls to his recollection former sayings and doings; he believes himself to be speaking to the same person, and the other, not having the courage to confess the truth, and not knowing how to fulfil the oaths and promises which he made when under the dominion of folly, and having now grown wise and temperate, does not want to do as he did or to be as he was before. And so he runs away and is constrained to be a defaulter; the oyster-shell (In allusion to a game in which two parties fled or pursued according as an oyster-shell which was thrown into the air fell with the dark or light side uppermost.) has fallen with the other side uppermost&amp;amp;mdash;he changes pursuit into flight, while the other is compelled to follow him with passion and imprecation, not knowing that he ought never from the first to have accepted a demented lover instead of a sensible non-lover; and that in making such a choice he was giving himself up to a faithless, morose, envious, disagreeable being, hurtful to his estate, hurtful to his bodily health, and still more hurtful to the cultivation of his mind, than which there neither is nor ever will be anything more honoured in the eyes both of gods and men. Consider this, fair youth, and know that in the friendship of the lover there is no real kindness; he has an appetite and wants to feed upon you: &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;As wolves love lambs so lovers love their loves.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But I told you so, I am speaking in verse, and therefore I had better make an end; enough. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: I thought that you were only half-way and were going to make a similar speech about all the advantages of accepting the non-lover. Why do you not proceed? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Does not your simplicity observe that I have got out of dithyrambics into heroics, when only uttering a censure on the lover? And if I am to add the praises of the non-lover what will become of me? Do you not perceive that I am already overtaken by the Nymphs to whom you have mischievously exposed me? And therefore I will only add that the non-lover has all the advantages in which the lover is accused of being deficient. And now I will say no more; there has been enough of both of them. Leaving the tale to its fate, I will cross the river and make the best of my way home, lest a worse thing be inflicted upon me by you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Not yet, Socrates; not until the heat of the day has passed; do you not see that the hour is almost noon? there is the midday sun standing still, as people say, in the meridian. Let us rather stay and talk over what has been said, and then return in the cool. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Your love of discourse, Phaedrus, is superhuman, simply marvellous, and I do not believe that there is any one of your contemporaries who has either made or in one way or another has compelled others to make an equal number of speeches. I would except Simmias the Theban, but all the rest are far behind you. And now I do verily believe that you have been the cause of another. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: That is good news. But what do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I mean to say that as I was about to cross the stream the usual sign was given to me,&amp;amp;mdash;that sign which always forbids, but never bids, me to do anything which I am going to do; and I thought that I heard a voice saying in my ear that I had been guilty of impiety, and that I must not go away until I had made an atonement. Now I am a diviner, though not a very good one, but I have enough religion for my own use, as you might say of a bad writer&amp;amp;mdash;his writing is good enough for him; and I am beginning to see that I was in error. O my friend, how prophetic is the human soul! At the time I had a sort of misgiving, and, like Ibycus, &#039;I was troubled; I feared that I might be buying honour from men at the price of sinning against the gods.&#039; Now I recognize my error. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: What error? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: That was a dreadful speech which you brought with you, and you made me utter one as bad. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: How so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: It was foolish, I say,&amp;amp;mdash;to a certain extent, impious; can anything be more dreadful? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Nothing, if the speech was really such as you describe. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Well, and is not Eros the son of Aphrodite, and a god? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: So men say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But that was not acknowledged by Lysias in his speech, nor by you in that other speech which you by a charm drew from my lips. For if love be, as he surely is, a divinity, he cannot be evil. Yet this was the error of both the speeches. There was also a simplicity about them which was refreshing; having no truth or honesty in them, nevertheless they pretended to be something, hoping to succeed in deceiving the manikins of earth and gain celebrity among them. Wherefore I must have a purgation. And I bethink me of an ancient purgation of mythological error which was devised, not by Homer, for he never had the wit to discover why he was blind, but by Stesichorus, who was a philosopher and knew the reason why; and therefore, when he lost his eyes, for that was the penalty which was inflicted upon him for reviling the lovely Helen, he at once purged himself. And the purgation was a recantation, which began thus,&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;pre xml:space=&amp;quot;preserve&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &#039;False is that word of mine&amp;amp;mdash;the truth is that thou didst not embark in ships, nor ever go to the walls of Troy;&#039; &amp;lt;/pre&amp;gt; &amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — and when he had completed his poem, which is called &#039;the recantation,&#039; immediately his sight returned to him. Now I will be wiser than either Stesichorus or Homer, in that I am going to make my recantation for reviling love before I suffer; and this I will attempt, not as before, veiled and ashamed, but with forehead bold and bare. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Nothing could be more agreeable to me than to hear you say so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Only think, my good Phaedrus, what an utter want of delicacy was shown in the two discourses; I mean, in my own and in that which you recited out of the book. Would not any one who was himself of a noble and gentle nature, and who loved or ever had loved a nature like his own, when we tell of the petty causes of lovers&#039; jealousies, and of their exceeding animosities, and of the injuries which they do to their beloved, have imagined that our ideas of love were taken from some haunt of sailors to which good manners were unknown&amp;amp;mdash;he would certainly never have admitted the justice of our censure? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: I dare say not, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Therefore, because I blush at the thought of this person, and also because I am afraid of Love himself, I desire to wash the brine out of my ears with water from the spring; and I would counsel Lysias not to delay, but to write another discourse, which shall prove that &#039;ceteris paribus&#039; the lover ought to be accepted rather than the non-lover. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Be assured that he shall. You shall speak the praises of the lover, and Lysias shall be compelled by me to write another discourse on the same theme. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: You will be true to your nature in that, and therefore I believe you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Speak, and fear not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But where is the fair youth whom I was addressing before, and who ought to listen now; lest, if he hear me not, he should accept a non-lover before he knows what he is doing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: He is close at hand, and always at your service. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Know then, fair youth, that the former discourse was the word of Phaedrus, the son of Vain Man, who dwells in the city of Myrrhina (Myrrhinusius). And this which I am about to utter is the recantation of Stesichorus the son of Godly Man (Euphemus), who comes from the town of Desire (Himera), and is to the following effect: &#039;I told a lie when I said&#039; that the beloved ought to accept the non-lover when he might have the lover, because the one is sane, and the other mad. It might be so if madness were simply an evil; but there is also a madness which is a divine gift, and the source of the chiefest blessings granted to men. For prophecy is a madness, and the prophetess at Delphi and the priestesses at Dodona when out of their senses have conferred great benefits on Hellas, both in public and private life, but when in their senses few or none. And I might also tell you how the Sibyl and other inspired persons have given to many an one many an intimation of the future which has saved them from falling. But it would be tedious to speak of what every one knows. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There will be more reason in appealing to the ancient inventors of names (compare Cratylus), who would never have connected prophecy (mantike) which foretells the future and is the noblest of arts, with madness (manike), or called them both by the same name, if they had deemed madness to be a disgrace or dishonour;&amp;amp;mdash;they must have thought that there was an inspired madness which was a noble thing; for the two words, mantike and manike, are really the same, and the letter tau is only a modern and tasteless insertion. And this is confirmed by the name which was given by them to the rational investigation of futurity, whether made by the help of birds or of other signs&amp;amp;mdash;this, for as much as it is an art which supplies from the reasoning faculty mind (nous) and information (istoria) to human thought (oiesis) they originally termed oionoistike, but the word has been lately altered and made sonorous by the modern introduction of the letter Omega (oionoistike and oionistike), and in proportion as prophecy (mantike) is more perfect and august than augury, both in name and fact, in the same proportion, as the ancients testify, is madness superior to a sane mind (sophrosune) for the one is only of human, but the other of divine origin. Again, where plagues and mightiest woes have bred in certain families, owing to some ancient blood-guiltiness, there madness has entered with holy prayers and rites, and by inspired utterances found a way of deliverance for those who are in need; and he who has part in this gift, and is truly possessed and duly out of his mind, is by the use of purifications and mysteries made whole and exempt from evil, future as well as present, and has a release from the calamity which was afflicting him. The third kind is the madness of those who are possessed by the Muses; which taking hold of a delicate and virgin soul, and there inspiring frenzy, awakens lyrical and all other numbers; with these adorning the myriad actions of ancient heroes for the instruction of posterity. But he who, having no touch of the Muses&#039; madness in his soul, comes to the door and thinks that he will get into the temple by the help of art&amp;amp;mdash;he, I say, and his poetry are not admitted; the sane man disappears and is nowhere when he enters into rivalry with the madman. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I might tell of many other noble deeds which have sprung from inspired madness. And therefore, let no one frighten or flutter us by saying that the temperate friend is to be chosen rather than the inspired, but let him further show that love is not sent by the gods for any good to lover or beloved; if he can do so we will allow him to carry off the palm. And we, on our part, will prove in answer to him that the madness of love is the greatest of heaven&#039;s blessings, and the proof shall be one which the wise will receive, and the witling disbelieve. But first of all, let us view the affections and actions of the soul divine and human, and try to ascertain the truth about them. The beginning of our proof is as follows:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — (Translated by Cic. Tus. Quaest.) The soul through all her being is immortal, for that which is ever in motion is immortal; but that which moves another and is moved by another, in ceasing to move ceases also to live. Only the self-moving, never leaving self, never ceases to move, and is the fountain and beginning of motion to all that moves besides. Now, the beginning is unbegotten, for that which is begotten has a beginning; but the beginning is begotten of nothing, for if it were begotten of something, then the begotten would not come from a beginning. But if unbegotten, it must also be indestructible; for if beginning were destroyed, there could be no beginning out of anything, nor anything out of a beginning; and all things must have a beginning. And therefore the self-moving is the beginning of motion; and this can neither be destroyed nor begotten, else the whole heavens and all creation would collapse and stand still, and never again have motion or birth. But if the self-moving is proved to be immortal, he who affirms that self-motion is the very idea and essence of the soul will not be put to confusion. For the body which is moved from without is soulless; but that which is moved from within has a soul, for such is the nature of the soul. But if this be true, must not the soul be the self-moving, and therefore of necessity unbegotten and immortal? Enough of the soul&#039;s immortality. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Of the nature of the soul, though her true form be ever a theme of large and more than mortal discourse, let me speak briefly, and in a figure. And let the figure be composite&amp;amp;mdash;a pair of winged horses and a charioteer. Now the winged horses and the charioteers of the gods are all of them noble and of noble descent, but those of other races are mixed; the human charioteer drives his in a pair; and one of them is noble and of noble breed, and the other is ignoble and of ignoble breed; and the driving of them of necessity gives a great deal of trouble to him. I will endeavour to explain to you in what way the mortal differs from the immortal creature. The soul in her totality has the care of inanimate being everywhere, and traverses the whole heaven in divers forms appearing&amp;amp;mdash;when perfect and fully winged she soars upward, and orders the whole world; whereas the imperfect soul, losing her wings and drooping in her flight at last settles on the solid ground&amp;amp;mdash;there, finding a home, she receives an earthly frame which appears to be self-moved, but is really moved by her power; and this composition of soul and body is called a living and mortal creature. For immortal no such union can be reasonably believed to be; although fancy, not having seen nor surely known the nature of God, may imagine an immortal creature having both a body and also a soul which are united throughout all time. Let that, however, be as God wills, and be spoken of acceptably to him. And now let us ask the reason why the soul loses her wings! &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The wing is the corporeal element which is most akin to the divine, and which by nature tends to soar aloft and carry that which gravitates downwards into the upper region, which is the habitation of the gods. The divine is beauty, wisdom, goodness, and the like; and by these the wing of the soul is nourished, and grows apace; but when fed upon evil and foulness and the opposite of good, wastes and falls away. Zeus, the mighty lord, holding the reins of a winged chariot, leads the way in heaven, ordering all and taking care of all; and there follows him the array of gods and demi-gods, marshalled in eleven bands; Hestia alone abides at home in the house of heaven; of the rest they who are reckoned among the princely twelve march in their appointed order. They see many blessed sights in the inner heaven, and there are many ways to and fro, along which the blessed gods are passing, every one doing his own work; he may follow who will and can, for jealousy has no place in the celestial choir. But when they go to banquet and festival, then they move up the steep to the top of the vault of heaven. The chariots of the gods in even poise, obeying the rein, glide rapidly; but the others labour, for the vicious steed goes heavily, weighing down the charioteer to the earth when his steed has not been thoroughly trained:&amp;amp;mdash;and this is the hour of agony and extremest conflict for the soul. For the immortals, when they are at the end of their course, go forth and stand upon the outside of heaven, and the revolution of the spheres carries them round, and they behold the things beyond. But of the heaven which is above the heavens, what earthly poet ever did or ever will sing worthily? It is such as I will describe; for I must dare to speak the truth, when truth is my theme. There abides the very being with which true knowledge is concerned; the colourless, formless, intangible essence, visible only to mind, the pilot of the soul. The divine intelligence, being nurtured upon mind and pure knowledge, and the intelligence of every soul which is capable of receiving the food proper to it, rejoices at beholding reality, and once more gazing upon truth, is replenished and made glad, until the revolution of the worlds brings her round again to the same place. In the revolution she beholds justice, and temperance, and knowledge absolute, not in the form of generation or of relation, which men call existence, but knowledge absolute in existence absolute; and beholding the other true existences in like manner, and feasting upon them, she passes down into the interior of the heavens and returns home; and there the charioteer putting up his horses at the stall, gives them ambrosia to eat and nectar to drink. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Such is the life of the gods; but of other souls, that which follows God best and is likest to him lifts the head of the charioteer into the outer world, and is carried round in the revolution, troubled indeed by the steeds, and with difficulty beholding true being; while another only rises and falls, and sees, and again fails to see by reason of the unruliness of the steeds. The rest of the souls are also longing after the upper world and they all follow, but not being strong enough they are carried round below the surface, plunging, treading on one another, each striving to be first; and there is confusion and perspiration and the extremity of effort; and many of them are lamed or have their wings broken through the ill-driving of the charioteers; and all of them after a fruitless toil, not having attained to the mysteries of true being, go away, and feed upon opinion. The reason why the souls exhibit this exceeding eagerness to behold the plain of truth is that pasturage is found there, which is suited to the highest part of the soul; and the wing on which the soul soars is nourished with this. And there is a law of Destiny, that the soul which attains any vision of truth in company with a god is preserved from harm until the next period, and if attaining always is always unharmed. But when she is unable to follow, and fails to behold the truth, and through some ill-hap sinks beneath the double load of forgetfulness and vice, and her wings fall from her and she drops to the ground, then the law ordains that this soul shall at her first birth pass, not into any other animal, but only into man; and the soul which has seen most of truth shall come to the birth as a philosopher, or artist, or some musical and loving nature; that which has seen truth in the second degree shall be some righteous king or warrior chief; the soul which is of the third class shall be a politician, or economist, or trader; the fourth shall be a lover of gymnastic toils, or a physician; the fifth shall lead the life of a prophet or hierophant; to the sixth the character of poet or some other imitative artist will be assigned; to the seventh the life of an artisan or husbandman; to the eighth that of a sophist or demagogue; to the ninth that of a tyrant&amp;amp;mdash;all these are states of probation, in which he who does righteously improves, and he who does unrighteously, deteriorates his lot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Ten thousand years must elapse before the soul of each one can return to the place from whence she came, for she cannot grow her wings in less; only the soul of a philosopher, guileless and true, or the soul of a lover, who is not devoid of philosophy, may acquire wings in the third of the recurring periods of a thousand years; he is distinguished from the ordinary good man who gains wings in three thousand years:&amp;amp;mdash;and they who choose this life three times in succession have wings given them, and go away at the end of three thousand years. But the others (The philosopher alone is not subject to judgment (krisis), for he has never lost the vision of truth.) receive judgment when they have completed their first life, and after the judgment they go, some of them to the houses of correction which are under the earth, and are punished; others to some place in heaven whither they are lightly borne by justice, and there they live in a manner worthy of the life which they led here when in the form of men. And at the end of the first thousand years the good souls and also the evil souls both come to draw lots and choose their second life, and they may take any which they please. The soul of a man may pass into the life of a beast, or from the beast return again into the man. But the soul which has never seen the truth will not pass into the human form. For a man must have intelligence of universals, and be able to proceed from the many particulars of sense to one conception of reason;&amp;amp;mdash;this is the recollection of those things which our soul once saw while following God&amp;amp;mdash;when regardless of that which we now call being she raised her head up towards the true being. And therefore the mind of the philosopher alone has wings; and this is just, for he is always, according to the measure of his abilities, clinging in recollection to those things in which God abides, and in beholding which He is what He is. And he who employs aright these memories is ever being initiated into perfect mysteries and alone becomes truly perfect. But, as he forgets earthly interests and is rapt in the divine, the vulgar deem him mad, and rebuke him; they do not see that he is inspired. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Thus far I have been speaking of the fourth and last kind of madness, which is imputed to him who, when he sees the beauty of earth, is transported with the recollection of the true beauty; he would like to fly away, but he cannot; he is like a bird fluttering and looking upward and careless of the world below; and he is therefore thought to be mad. And I have shown this of all inspirations to be the noblest and highest and the offspring of the highest to him who has or shares in it, and that he who loves the beautiful is called a lover because he partakes of it. For, as has been already said, every soul of man has in the way of nature beheld true being; this was the condition of her passing into the form of man. But all souls do not easily recall the things of the other world; they may have seen them for a short time only, or they may have been unfortunate in their earthly lot, and, having had their hearts turned to unrighteousness through some corrupting influence, they may have lost the memory of the holy things which once they saw. Few only retain an adequate remembrance of them; and they, when they behold here any image of that other world, are rapt in amazement; but they are ignorant of what this rapture means, because they do not clearly perceive. For there is no light of justice or temperance or any of the higher ideas which are precious to souls in the earthly copies of them: they are seen through a glass dimly; and there are few who, going to the images, behold in them the realities, and these only with difficulty. There was a time when with the rest of the happy band they saw beauty shining in brightness,&amp;amp;mdash;we philosophers following in the train of Zeus, others in company with other gods; and then we beheld the beatific vision and were initiated into a mystery which may be truly called most blessed, celebrated by us in our state of innocence, before we had any experience of evils to come, when we were admitted to the sight of apparitions innocent and simple and calm and happy, which we beheld shining in pure light, pure ourselves and not yet enshrined in that living tomb which we carry about, now that we are imprisoned in the body, like an oyster in his shell. Let me linger over the memory of scenes which have passed away. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But of beauty, I repeat again that we saw her there shining in company with the celestial forms; and coming to earth we find her here too, shining in clearness through the clearest aperture of sense. For sight is the most piercing of our bodily senses; though not by that is wisdom seen; her loveliness would have been transporting if there had been a visible image of her, and the other ideas, if they had visible counterparts, would be equally lovely. But this is the privilege of beauty, that being the loveliest she is also the most palpable to sight. Now he who is not newly initiated or who has become corrupted, does not easily rise out of this world to the sight of true beauty in the other; he looks only at her earthly namesake, and instead of being awed at the sight of her, he is given over to pleasure, and like a brutish beast he rushes on to enjoy and beget; he consorts with wantonness, and is not afraid or ashamed of pursuing pleasure in violation of nature. But he whose initiation is recent, and who has been the spectator of many glories in the other world, is amazed when he sees any one having a godlike face or form, which is the expression of divine beauty; and at first a shudder runs through him, and again the old awe steals over him; then looking upon the face of his beloved as of a god he reverences him, and if he were not afraid of being thought a downright madman, he would sacrifice to his beloved as to the image of a god; then while he gazes on him there is a sort of reaction, and the shudder passes into an unusual heat and perspiration; for, as he receives the effluence of beauty through the eyes, the wing moistens and he warms. And as he warms, the parts out of which the wing grew, and which had been hitherto closed and rigid, and had prevented the wing from shooting forth, are melted, and as nourishment streams upon him, the lower end of the wing begins to swell and grow from the root upwards; and the growth extends under the whole soul&amp;amp;mdash;for once the whole was winged. During this process the whole soul is all in a state of ebullition and effervescence,&amp;amp;mdash;which may be compared to the irritation and uneasiness in the gums at the time of cutting teeth,&amp;amp;mdash;bubbles up, and has a feeling of uneasiness and tickling; but when in like manner the soul is beginning to grow wings, the beauty of the beloved meets her eye and she receives the sensible warm motion of particles which flow towards her, therefore called emotion (imeros), and is refreshed and warmed by them, and then she ceases from her pain with joy. But when she is parted from her beloved and her moisture fails, then the orifices of the passage out of which the wing shoots dry up and close, and intercept the germ of the wing; which, being shut up with the emotion, throbbing as with the pulsations of an artery, pricks the aperture which is nearest, until at length the entire soul is pierced and maddened and pained, and at the recollection of beauty is again delighted. And from both of them together the soul is oppressed at the strangeness of her condition, and is in a great strait and excitement, and in her madness can neither sleep by night nor abide in her place by day. And wherever she thinks that she will behold the beautiful one, thither in her desire she runs. And when she has seen him, and bathed herself in the waters of beauty, her constraint is loosened, and she is refreshed, and has no more pangs and pains; and this is the sweetest of all pleasures at the time, and is the reason why the soul of the lover will never forsake his beautiful one, whom he esteems above all; he has forgotten mother and brethren and companions, and he thinks nothing of the neglect and loss of his property; the rules and proprieties of life, on which he formerly prided himself, he now despises, and is ready to sleep like a servant, wherever he is allowed, as near as he can to his desired one, who is the object of his worship, and the physician who can alone assuage the greatness of his pain. And this state, my dear imaginary youth to whom I am talking, is by men called love, and among the gods has a name at which you, in your simplicity, may be inclined to mock; there are two lines in the apocryphal writings of Homer in which the name occurs. One of them is rather outrageous, and not altogether metrical. They are as follows: &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;Mortals call him fluttering love, But the immortals call him winged one, Because the growing of wings (Or, reading pterothoiton, &#039;the movement of wings.&#039;) is a necessity to him.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — You may believe this, but not unless you like. At any rate the loves of lovers and their causes are such as I have described. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Now the lover who is taken to be the attendant of Zeus is better able to bear the winged god, and can endure a heavier burden; but the attendants and companions of Ares, when under the influence of love, if they fancy that they have been at all wronged, are ready to kill and put an end to themselves and their beloved. And he who follows in the train of any other god, while he is unspoiled and the impression lasts, honours and imitates him, as far as he is able; and after the manner of his God he behaves in his intercourse with his beloved and with the rest of the world during the first period of his earthly existence. Every one chooses his love from the ranks of beauty according to his character, and this he makes his god, and fashions and adorns as a sort of image which he is to fall down and worship. The followers of Zeus desire that their beloved should have a soul like him; and therefore they seek out some one of a philosophical and imperial nature, and when they have found him and loved him, they do all they can to confirm such a nature in him, and if they have no experience of such a disposition hitherto, they learn of any one who can teach them, and themselves follow in the same way. And they have the less difficulty in finding the nature of their own god in themselves, because they have been compelled to gaze intensely on him; their recollection clings to him, and they become possessed of him, and receive from him their character and disposition, so far as man can participate in God. The qualities of their god they attribute to the beloved, wherefore they love him all the more, and if, like the Bacchic Nymphs, they draw inspiration from Zeus, they pour out their own fountain upon him, wanting to make him as like as possible to their own god. But those who are the followers of Here seek a royal love, and when they have found him they do just the same with him; and in like manner the followers of Apollo, and of every other god walking in the ways of their god, seek a love who is to be made like him whom they serve, and when they have found him, they themselves imitate their god, and persuade their love to do the same, and educate him into the manner and nature of the god as far as they each can; for no feelings of envy or jealousy are entertained by them towards their beloved, but they do their utmost to create in him the greatest likeness of themselves and of the god whom they honour. Thus fair and blissful to the beloved is the desire of the inspired lover, and the initiation of which I speak into the mysteries of true love, if he be captured by the lover and their purpose is effected. Now the beloved is taken captive in the following manner:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — As I said at the beginning of this tale, I divided each soul into three&amp;amp;mdash;two horses and a charioteer; and one of the horses was good and the other bad: the division may remain, but I have not yet explained in what the goodness or badness of either consists, and to that I will now proceed. The right-hand horse is upright and cleanly made; he has a lofty neck and an aquiline nose; his colour is white, and his eyes dark; he is a lover of honour and modesty and temperance, and the follower of true glory; he needs no touch of the whip, but is guided by word and admonition only. The other is a crooked lumbering animal, put together anyhow; he has a short thick neck; he is flat-faced and of a dark colour, with grey eyes and blood-red complexion (Or with grey and blood-shot eyes.); the mate of insolence and pride, shag-eared and deaf, hardly yielding to whip and spur. Now when the charioteer beholds the vision of love, and has his whole soul warmed through sense, and is full of the prickings and ticklings of desire, the obedient steed, then as always under the government of shame, refrains from leaping on the beloved; but the other, heedless of the pricks and of the blows of the whip, plunges and runs away, giving all manner of trouble to his companion and the charioteer, whom he forces to approach the beloved and to remember the joys of love. They at first indignantly oppose him and will not be urged on to do terrible and unlawful deeds; but at last, when he persists in plaguing them, they yield and agree to do as he bids them. And now they are at the spot and behold the flashing beauty of the beloved; which when the charioteer sees, his memory is carried to the true beauty, whom he beholds in company with Modesty like an image placed upon a holy pedestal. He sees her, but he is afraid and falls backwards in adoration, and by his fall is compelled to pull back the reins with such violence as to bring both the steeds on their haunches, the one willing and unresisting, the unruly one very unwilling; and when they have gone back a little, the one is overcome with shame and wonder, and his whole soul is bathed in perspiration; the other, when the pain is over which the bridle and the fall had given him, having with difficulty taken breath, is full of wrath and reproaches, which he heaps upon the charioteer and his fellow-steed, for want of courage and manhood, declaring that they have been false to their agreement and guilty of desertion. Again they refuse, and again he urges them on, and will scarce yield to their prayer that he would wait until another time. When the appointed hour comes, they make as if they had forgotten, and he reminds them, fighting and neighing and dragging them on, until at length he on the same thoughts intent, forces them to draw near again. And when they are near he stoops his head and puts up his tail, and takes the bit in his teeth and pulls shamelessly. Then the charioteer is worse off than ever; he falls back like a racer at the barrier, and with a still more violent wrench drags the bit out of the teeth of the wild steed and covers his abusive tongue and jaws with blood, and forces his legs and haunches to the ground and punishes him sorely. And when this has happened several times and the villain has ceased from his wanton way, he is tamed and humbled, and follows the will of the charioteer, and when he sees the beautiful one he is ready to die of fear. And from that time forward the soul of the lover follows the beloved in modesty and holy fear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And so the beloved who, like a god, has received every true and loyal service from his lover, not in pretence but in reality, being also himself of a nature friendly to his admirer, if in former days he has blushed to own his passion and turned away his lover, because his youthful companions or others slanderously told him that he would be disgraced, now as years advance, at the appointed age and time, is led to receive him into communion. For fate which has ordained that there shall be no friendship among the evil has also ordained that there shall ever be friendship among the good. And the beloved when he has received him into communion and intimacy, is quite amazed at the good-will of the lover; he recognises that the inspired friend is worth all other friends or kinsmen; they have nothing of friendship in them worthy to be compared with his. And when this feeling continues and he is nearer to him and embraces him, in gymnastic exercises and at other times of meeting, then the fountain of that stream, which Zeus when he was in love with Ganymede named Desire, overflows upon the lover, and some enters into his soul, and some when he is filled flows out again; and as a breeze or an echo rebounds from the smooth rocks and returns whence it came, so does the stream of beauty, passing through the eyes which are the windows of the soul, come back to the beautiful one; there arriving and quickening the passages of the wings, watering them and inclining them to grow, and filling the soul of the beloved also with love. And thus he loves, but he knows not what; he does not understand and cannot explain his own state; he appears to have caught the infection of blindness from another; the lover is his mirror in whom he is beholding himself, but he is not aware of this. When he is with the lover, both cease from their pain, but when he is away then he longs as he is longed for, and has love&#039;s image, love for love (Anteros) lodging in his breast, which he calls and believes to be not love but friendship only, and his desire is as the desire of the other, but weaker; he wants to see him, touch him, kiss him, embrace him, and probably not long afterwards his desire is accomplished. When they meet, the wanton steed of the lover has a word to say to the charioteer; he would like to have a little pleasure in return for many pains, but the wanton steed of the beloved says not a word, for he is bursting with passion which he understands not;&amp;amp;mdash;he throws his arms round the lover and embraces him as his dearest friend; and, when they are side by side, he is not in a state in which he can refuse the lover anything, if he ask him; although his fellow-steed and the charioteer oppose him with the arguments of shame and reason. After this their happiness depends upon their self-control; if the better elements of the mind which lead to order and philosophy prevail, then they pass their life here in happiness and harmony&amp;amp;mdash;masters of themselves and orderly&amp;amp;mdash;enslaving the vicious and emancipating the virtuous elements of the soul; and when the end comes, they are light and winged for flight, having conquered in one of the three heavenly or truly Olympian victories; nor can human discipline or divine inspiration confer any greater blessing on man than this. If, on the other hand, they leave philosophy and lead the lower life of ambition, then probably, after wine or in some other careless hour, the two wanton animals take the two souls when off their guard and bring them together, and they accomplish that desire of their hearts which to the many is bliss; and this having once enjoyed they continue to enjoy, yet rarely because they have not the approval of the whole soul. They too are dear, but not so dear to one another as the others, either at the time of their love or afterwards. They consider that they have given and taken from each other the most sacred pledges, and they may not break them and fall into enmity. At last they pass out of the body, unwinged, but eager to soar, and thus obtain no mean reward of love and madness. For those who have once begun the heavenward pilgrimage may not go down again to darkness and the journey beneath the earth, but they live in light always; happy companions in their pilgrimage, and when the time comes at which they receive their wings they have the same plumage because of their love. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Thus great are the heavenly blessings which the friendship of a lover will confer upon you, my youth. Whereas the attachment of the non-lover, which is alloyed with a worldly prudence and has worldly and niggardly ways of doling out benefits, will breed in your soul those vulgar qualities which the populace applaud, will send you bowling round the earth during a period of nine thousand years, and leave you a fool in the world below. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And thus, dear Eros, I have made and paid my recantation, as well and as fairly as I could; more especially in the matter of the poetical figures which I was compelled to use, because Phaedrus would have them. And now forgive the past and accept the present, and be gracious and merciful to me, and do not in thine anger deprive me of sight, or take from me the art of love which thou hast given me, but grant that I may be yet more esteemed in the eyes of the fair. And if Phaedrus or I myself said anything rude in our first speeches, blame Lysias, who is the father of the brat, and let us have no more of his progeny; bid him study philosophy, like his brother Polemarchus; and then his lover Phaedrus will no longer halt between two opinions, but will dedicate himself wholly to love and to philosophical discourses. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: I join in the prayer, Socrates, and say with you, if this be for my good, may your words come to pass. But why did you make your second oration so much finer than the first? I wonder why. And I begin to be afraid that I shall lose conceit of Lysias, and that he will appear tame in comparison, even if he be willing to put another as fine and as long as yours into the field, which I doubt. For quite lately one of your politicians was abusing him on this very account; and called him a &#039;speech writer&#039; again and again. So that a feeling of pride may probably induce him to give up writing speeches. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: What a very amusing notion! But I think, my young man, that you are much mistaken in your friend if you imagine that he is frightened at a little noise; and, possibly, you think that his assailant was in earnest? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: I thought, Socrates, that he was. And you are aware that the greatest and most influential statesmen are ashamed of writing speeches and leaving them in a written form, lest they should be called Sophists by posterity. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: You seem to be unconscious, Phaedrus, that the &#039;sweet elbow&#039; (A proverb, like &#039;the grapes are sour,&#039; applied to pleasures which cannot be had, meaning sweet things which, like the elbow, are out of the reach of the mouth. The promised pleasure turns out to be a long and tedious affair.) of the proverb is really the long arm of the Nile. And you appear to be equally unaware of the fact that this sweet elbow of theirs is also a long arm. For there is nothing of which our great politicians are so fond as of writing speeches and bequeathing them to posterity. And they add their admirers&#039; names at the top of the writing, out of gratitude to them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: What do you mean? I do not understand. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Why, do you not know that when a politician writes, he begins with the names of his approvers? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: How so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Why, he begins in this manner: &#039;Be it enacted by the senate, the people, or both, on the motion of a certain person,&#039; who is our author; and so putting on a serious face, he proceeds to display his own wisdom to his admirers in what is often a long and tedious composition. Now what is that sort of thing but a regular piece of authorship? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if the law is finally approved, then the author leaves the theatre in high delight; but if the law is rejected and he is done out of his speech-making, and not thought good enough to write, then he and his party are in mourning. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: So far are they from despising, or rather so highly do they value the practice of writing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: No doubt. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And when the king or orator has the power, as Lycurgus or Solon or Darius had, of attaining an immortality or authorship in a state, is he not thought by posterity, when they see his compositions, and does he not think himself, while he is yet alive, to be a god? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then do you think that any one of this class, however ill-disposed, would reproach Lysias with being an author? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Not upon your view; for according to you he would be casting a slur upon his own favourite pursuit. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Any one may see that there is no disgrace in the mere fact of writing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: The disgrace begins when a man writes not well, but badly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And what is well and what is badly&amp;amp;mdash;need we ask Lysias, or any other poet or orator, who ever wrote or will write either a political or any other work, in metre or out of metre, poet or prose writer, to teach us this? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Need we? For what should a man live if not for the pleasures of discourse? Surely not for the sake of bodily pleasures, which almost always have previous pain as a condition of them, and therefore are rightly called slavish. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: There is time enough. And I believe that the grasshoppers chirruping after their manner in the heat of the sun over our heads are talking to one another and looking down at us. What would they say if they saw that we, like the many, are not conversing, but slumbering at mid-day, lulled by their voices, too indolent to think? Would they not have a right to laugh at us? They might imagine that we were slaves, who, coming to rest at a place of resort of theirs, like sheep lie asleep at noon around the well. But if they see us discoursing, and like Odysseus sailing past them, deaf to their siren voices, they may perhaps, out of respect, give us of the gifts which they receive from the gods that they may impart them to men. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: What gifts do you mean? I never heard of any. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: A lover of music like yourself ought surely to have heard the story of the grasshoppers, who are said to have been human beings in an age before the Muses. And when the Muses came and song appeared they were ravished with delight; and singing always, never thought of eating and drinking, until at last in their forgetfulness they died. And now they live again in the grasshoppers; and this is the return which the Muses make to them&amp;amp;mdash;they neither hunger, nor thirst, but from the hour of their birth are always singing, and never eating or drinking; and when they die they go and inform the Muses in heaven who honours them on earth. They win the love of Terpsichore for the dancers by their report of them; of Erato for the lovers, and of the other Muses for those who do them honour, according to the several ways of honouring them;&amp;amp;mdash;of Calliope the eldest Muse and of Urania who is next to her, for the philosophers, of whose music the grasshoppers make report to them; for these are the Muses who are chiefly concerned with heaven and thought, divine as well as human, and they have the sweetest utterance. For many reasons, then, we ought always to talk and not to sleep at mid-day. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Let us talk. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Shall we discuss the rules of writing and speech as we were proposing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: In good speaking should not the mind of the speaker know the truth of the matter about which he is going to speak? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: And yet, Socrates, I have heard that he who would be an orator has nothing to do with true justice, but only with that which is likely to be approved by the many who sit in judgment; nor with the truly good or honourable, but only with opinion about them, and that from opinion comes persuasion, and not from the truth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: The words of the wise are not to be set aside; for there is probably something in them; and therefore the meaning of this saying is not hastily to be dismissed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Let us put the matter thus:&amp;amp;mdash;Suppose that I persuaded you to buy a horse and go to the wars. Neither of us knew what a horse was like, but I knew that you believed a horse to be of tame animals the one which has the longest ears. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: That would be ridiculous. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: There is something more ridiculous coming:&amp;amp;mdash;Suppose, further, that in sober earnest I, having persuaded you of this, went and composed a speech in honour of an ass, whom I entitled a horse beginning: &#039;A noble animal and a most useful possession, especially in war, and you may get on his back and fight, and he will carry baggage or anything.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: How ridiculous! &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Ridiculous! Yes; but is not even a ridiculous friend better than a cunning enemy? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And when the orator instead of putting an ass in the place of a horse, puts good for evil, being himself as ignorant of their true nature as the city on which he imposes is ignorant; and having studied the notions of the multitude, falsely persuades them not about &#039;the shadow of an ass,&#039; which he confounds with a horse, but about good which he confounds with evil,&amp;amp;mdash;what will be the harvest which rhetoric will be likely to gather after the sowing of that seed? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: The reverse of good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But perhaps rhetoric has been getting too roughly handled by us, and she might answer: What amazing nonsense you are talking! As if I forced any man to learn to speak in ignorance of the truth! Whatever my advice may be worth, I should have told him to arrive at the truth first, and then come to me. At the same time I boldly assert that mere knowledge of the truth will not give you the art of persuasion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: There is reason in the lady&#039;s defence of herself. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Quite true; if only the other arguments which remain to be brought up bear her witness that she is an art at all. But I seem to hear them arraying themselves on the opposite side, declaring that she speaks falsely, and that rhetoric is a mere routine and trick, not an art. Lo! a Spartan appears, and says that there never is nor ever will be a real art of speaking which is divorced from the truth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: And what are these arguments, Socrates? Bring them out that we may examine them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Come out, fair children, and convince Phaedrus, who is the father of similar beauties, that he will never be able to speak about anything as he ought to speak unless he have a knowledge of philosophy. And let Phaedrus answer you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Put the question. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Is not rhetoric, taken generally, a universal art of enchanting the mind by arguments; which is practised not only in courts and public assemblies, but in private houses also, having to do with all matters, great as well as small, good and bad alike, and is in all equally right, and equally to be esteemed&amp;amp;mdash;that is what you have heard? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Nay, not exactly that; I should say rather that I have heard the art confined to speaking and writing in lawsuits, and to speaking in public assemblies&amp;amp;mdash;not extended farther. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then I suppose that you have only heard of the rhetoric of Nestor and Odysseus, which they composed in their leisure hours when at Troy, and never of the rhetoric of Palamedes? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: No more than of Nestor and Odysseus, unless Gorgias is your Nestor, and Thrasymachus or Theodorus your Odysseus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Perhaps that is my meaning. But let us leave them. And do you tell me, instead, what are plaintiff and defendant doing in a law court&amp;amp;mdash;are they not contending? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Exactly so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: About the just and unjust&amp;amp;mdash;that is the matter in dispute? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And a professor of the art will make the same thing appear to the same persons to be at one time just, at another time, if he is so inclined, to be unjust? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Exactly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And when he speaks in the assembly, he will make the same things seem good to the city at one time, and at another time the reverse of good? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: That is true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Have we not heard of the Eleatic Palamedes (Zeno), who has an art of speaking by which he makes the same things appear to his hearers like and unlike, one and many, at rest and in motion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: The art of disputation, then, is not confined to the courts and the assembly, but is one and the same in every use of language; this is the art, if there be such an art, which is able to find a likeness of everything to which a likeness can be found, and draws into the light of day the likenesses and disguises which are used by others? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: How do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Let me put the matter thus: When will there be more chance of deception&amp;amp;mdash;when the difference is large or small? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: When the difference is small. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And you will be less likely to be discovered in passing by degrees into the other extreme than when you go all at once? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: He, then, who would deceive others, and not be deceived, must exactly know the real likenesses and differences of things? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: He must. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if he is ignorant of the true nature of any subject, how can he detect the greater or less degree of likeness in other things to that of which by the hypothesis he is ignorant? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: He cannot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And when men are deceived and their notions are at variance with realities, it is clear that the error slips in through resemblances? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Yes, that is the way. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then he who would be a master of the art must understand the real nature of everything; or he will never know either how to make the gradual departure from truth into the opposite of truth which is effected by the help of resemblances, or how to avoid it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: He will not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: He then, who being ignorant of the truth aims at appearances, will only attain an art of rhetoric which is ridiculous and is not an art at all? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: That may be expected. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Shall I propose that we look for examples of art and want of art, according to our notion of them, in the speech of Lysias which you have in your hand, and in my own speech? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Nothing could be better; and indeed I think that our previous argument has been too abstract and wanting in illustrations. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yes; and the two speeches happen to afford a very good example of the way in which the speaker who knows the truth may, without any serious purpose, steal away the hearts of his hearers. This piece of good-fortune I attribute to the local deities; and, perhaps, the prophets of the Muses who are singing over our heads may have imparted their inspiration to me. For I do not imagine that I have any rhetorical art of my own. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Granted; if you will only please to get on. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Suppose that you read me the first words of Lysias&#039; speech. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: &#039;You know how matters stand with me, and how, as I conceive, they might be arranged for our common interest; and I maintain that I ought not to fail in my suit, because I am not your lover. For lovers repent&amp;amp;mdash;&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Enough:&amp;amp;mdash;Now, shall I point out the rhetorical error of those words? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Every one is aware that about some things we are agreed, whereas about other things we differ. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: I think that I understand you; but will you explain yourself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: When any one speaks of iron and silver, is not the same thing present in the minds of all? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But when any one speaks of justice and goodness we part company and are at odds with one another and with ourselves? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Precisely. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then in some things we agree, but not in others? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: That is true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: In which are we more likely to be deceived, and in which has rhetoric the greater power? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Clearly, in the uncertain class. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then the rhetorician ought to make a regular division, and acquire a distinct notion of both classes, as well of that in which the many err, as of that in which they do not err? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: He who made such a distinction would have an excellent principle. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yes; and in the next place he must have a keen eye for the observation of particulars in speaking, and not make a mistake about the class to which they are to be referred. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Now to which class does love belong&amp;amp;mdash;to the debatable or to the undisputed class? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: To the debatable, clearly; for if not, do you think that love would have allowed you to say as you did, that he is an evil both to the lover and the beloved, and also the greatest possible good? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Capital. But will you tell me whether I defined love at the beginning of my speech? for, having been in an ecstasy, I cannot well remember. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Yes, indeed; that you did, and no mistake. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then I perceive that the Nymphs of Achelous and Pan the son of Hermes, who inspired me, were far better rhetoricians than Lysias the son of Cephalus. Alas! how inferior to them he is! But perhaps I am mistaken; and Lysias at the commencement of his lover&#039;s speech did insist on our supposing love to be something or other which he fancied him to be, and according to this model he fashioned and framed the remainder of his discourse. Suppose we read his beginning over again: &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: If you please; but you will not find what you want. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Read, that I may have his exact words. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: &#039;You know how matters stand with me, and how, as I conceive, they might be arranged for our common interest; and I maintain I ought not to fail in my suit because I am not your lover, for lovers repent of the kindnesses which they have shown, when their love is over.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Here he appears to have done just the reverse of what he ought; for he has begun at the end, and is swimming on his back through the flood to the place of starting. His address to the fair youth begins where the lover would have ended. Am I not right, sweet Phaedrus? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Yes, indeed, Socrates; he does begin at the end. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then as to the other topics&amp;amp;mdash;are they not thrown down anyhow? Is there any principle in them? Why should the next topic follow next in order, or any other topic? I cannot help fancying in my ignorance that he wrote off boldly just what came into his head, but I dare say that you would recognize a rhetorical necessity in the succession of the several parts of the composition? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: You have too good an opinion of me if you think that I have any such insight into his principles of composition. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: At any rate, you will allow that every discourse ought to be a living creature, having a body of its own and a head and feet; there should be a middle, beginning, and end, adapted to one another and to the whole? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Can this be said of the discourse of Lysias? See whether you can find any more connexion in his words than in the epitaph which is said by some to have been inscribed on the grave of Midas the Phrygian. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: What is there remarkable in the epitaph? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: It is as follows:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;I am a maiden of bronze and lie on the tomb of Midas; So long as water flows and tall trees grow, So long here on this spot by his sad tomb abiding, I shall declare to passers-by that Midas sleeps below.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Now in this rhyme whether a line comes first or comes last, as you will perceive, makes no difference. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: You are making fun of that oration of ours. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Well, I will say no more about your friend&#039;s speech lest I should give offence to you; although I think that it might furnish many other examples of what a man ought rather to avoid. But I will proceed to the other speech, which, as I think, is also suggestive to students of rhetoric. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: In what way? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: The two speeches, as you may remember, were unlike; the one argued that the lover and the other that the non-lover ought to be accepted. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: And right manfully. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: You should rather say &#039;madly;&#039; and madness was the argument of them, for, as I said, &#039;love is a madness.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And of madness there were two kinds; one produced by human infirmity, the other was a divine release of the soul from the yoke of custom and convention. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: The divine madness was subdivided into four kinds, prophetic, initiatory, poetic, erotic, having four gods presiding over them; the first was the inspiration of Apollo, the second that of Dionysus, the third that of the Muses, the fourth that of Aphrodite and Eros. In the description of the last kind of madness, which was also said to be the best, we spoke of the affection of love in a figure, into which we introduced a tolerably credible and possibly true though partly erring myth, which was also a hymn in honour of Love, who is your lord and also mine, Phaedrus, and the guardian of fair children, and to him we sung the hymn in measured and solemn strain. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: I know that I had great pleasure in listening to you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Let us take this instance and note how the transition was made from blame to praise. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I mean to say that the composition was mostly playful. Yet in these chance fancies of the hour were involved two principles of which we should be too glad to have a clearer description if art could give us one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: What are they? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: First, the comprehension of scattered particulars in one idea; as in our definition of love, which whether true or false certainly gave clearness and consistency to the discourse, the speaker should define his several notions and so make his meaning clear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: What is the other principle, Socrates? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: The second principle is that of division into species according to the natural formation, where the joint is, not breaking any part as a bad carver might. Just as our two discourses, alike assumed, first of all, a single form of unreason; and then, as the body which from being one becomes double and may be divided into a left side and right side, each having parts right and left of the same name&amp;amp;mdash;after this manner the speaker proceeded to divide the parts of the left side and did not desist until he found in them an evil or left-handed love which he justly reviled; and the other discourse leading us to the madness which lay on the right side, found another love, also having the same name, but divine, which the speaker held up before us and applauded and affirmed to be the author of the greatest benefits. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I am myself a great lover of these processes of division and generalization; they help me to speak and to think. And if I find any man who is able to see &#039;a One and Many&#039; in nature, him I follow, and &#039;walk in his footsteps as if he were a god.&#039; And those who have this art, I have hitherto been in the habit of calling dialecticians; but God knows whether the name is right or not. And I should like to know what name you would give to your or to Lysias&#039; disciples, and whether this may not be that famous art of rhetoric which Thrasymachus and others teach and practise? Skilful speakers they are, and impart their skill to any who is willing to make kings of them and to bring gifts to them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Yes, they are royal men; but their art is not the same with the art of those whom you call, and rightly, in my opinion, dialecticians:&amp;amp;mdash;Still we are in the dark about rhetoric. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: What do you mean? The remains of it, if there be anything remaining which can be brought under rules of art, must be a fine thing; and, at any rate, is not to be despised by you and me. But how much is left? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: There is a great deal surely to be found in books of rhetoric? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yes; thank you for reminding me:&amp;amp;mdash;There is the exordium, showing how the speech should begin, if I remember rightly; that is what you mean&amp;amp;mdash;the niceties of the art? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then follows the statement of facts, and upon that witnesses; thirdly, proofs; fourthly, probabilities are to come; the great Byzantian word-maker also speaks, if I am not mistaken, of confirmation and further confirmation. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: You mean the excellent Theodorus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yes; and he tells how refutation or further refutation is to be managed, whether in accusation or defence. I ought also to mention the illustrious Parian, Evenus, who first invented insinuations and indirect praises; and also indirect censures, which according to some he put into verse to help the memory. But shall I &#039;to dumb forgetfulness consign&#039; Tisias and Gorgias, who are not ignorant that probability is superior to truth, and who by force of argument make the little appear great and the great little, disguise the new in old fashions and the old in new fashions, and have discovered forms for everything, either short or going on to infinity. I remember Prodicus laughing when I told him of this; he said that he had himself discovered the true rule of art, which was to be neither long nor short, but of a convenient length. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Well done, Prodicus! &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then there is Hippias the Elean stranger, who probably agrees with him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And there is also Polus, who has treasuries of diplasiology, and gnomology, and eikonology, and who teaches in them the names of which Licymnius made him a present; they were to give a polish. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Had not Protagoras something of the same sort? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yes, rules of correct diction and many other fine precepts; for the &#039;sorrows of a poor old man,&#039; or any other pathetic case, no one is better than the Chalcedonian giant; he can put a whole company of people into a passion and out of one again by his mighty magic, and is first-rate at inventing or disposing of any sort of calumny on any grounds or none. All of them agree in asserting that a speech should end in a recapitulation, though they do not all agree to use the same word. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: You mean that there should be a summing up of the arguments in order to remind the hearers of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I have now said all that I have to say of the art of rhetoric: have you anything to add? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Not much; nothing very important. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Leave the unimportant and let us bring the really important question into the light of day, which is: What power has this art of rhetoric, and when? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: A very great power in public meetings. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: It has. But I should like to know whether you have the same feeling as I have about the rhetoricians? To me there seem to be a great many holes in their web. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Give an example. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I will. Suppose a person to come to your friend Eryximachus, or to his father Acumenus, and to say to him: &#039;I know how to apply drugs which shall have either a heating or a cooling effect, and I can give a vomit and also a purge, and all that sort of thing; and knowing all this, as I do, I claim to be a physician and to make physicians by imparting this knowledge to others,&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;what do you suppose that they would say? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: They would be sure to ask him whether he knew &#039;to whom&#039; he would give his medicines, and &#039;when,&#039; and &#039;how much.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And suppose that he were to reply: &#039;No; I know nothing of all that; I expect the patient who consults me to be able to do these things for himself&#039;? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: They would say in reply that he is a madman or a pedant who fancies that he is a physician because he has read something in a book, or has stumbled on a prescription or two, although he has no real understanding of the art of medicine. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And suppose a person were to come to Sophocles or Euripides and say that he knows how to make a very long speech about a small matter, and a short speech about a great matter, and also a sorrowful speech, or a terrible, or threatening speech, or any other kind of speech, and in teaching this fancies that he is teaching the art of tragedy&amp;amp;mdash;? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: They too would surely laugh at him if he fancies that tragedy is anything but the arranging of these elements in a manner which will be suitable to one another and to the whole. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But I do not suppose that they would be rude or abusive to him: Would they not treat him as a musician a man who thinks that he is a harmonist because he knows how to pitch the highest and lowest note; happening to meet such an one he would not say to him savagely, &#039;Fool, you are mad!&#039; But like a musician, in a gentle and harmonious tone of voice, he would answer: &#039;My good friend, he who would be a harmonist must certainly know this, and yet he may understand nothing of harmony if he has not got beyond your stage of knowledge, for you only know the preliminaries of harmony and not harmony itself.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And will not Sophocles say to the display of the would-be tragedian, that this is not tragedy but the preliminaries of tragedy? and will not Acumenus say the same of medicine to the would-be physician? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if Adrastus the mellifluous or Pericles heard of these wonderful arts, brachylogies and eikonologies and all the hard names which we have been endeavouring to draw into the light of day, what would they say? Instead of losing temper and applying uncomplimentary epithets, as you and I have been doing, to the authors of such an imaginary art, their superior wisdom would rather censure us, as well as them. &#039;Have a little patience, Phaedrus and Socrates, they would say; you should not be in such a passion with those who from some want of dialectical skill are unable to define the nature of rhetoric, and consequently suppose that they have found the art in the preliminary conditions of it, and when these have been taught by them to others, fancy that the whole art of rhetoric has been taught by them; but as to using the several instruments of the art effectively, or making the composition a whole,&amp;amp;mdash;an application of it such as this is they regard as an easy thing which their disciples may make for themselves.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: I quite admit, Socrates, that the art of rhetoric which these men teach and of which they write is such as you describe&amp;amp;mdash;there I agree with you. But I still want to know where and how the true art of rhetoric and persuasion is to be acquired. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: The perfection which is required of the finished orator is, or rather must be, like the perfection of anything else; partly given by nature, but may also be assisted by art. If you have the natural power and add to it knowledge and practice, you will be a distinguished speaker; if you fall short in either of these, you will be to that extent defective. But the art, as far as there is an art, of rhetoric does not lie in the direction of Lysias or Thrasymachus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: In what direction then? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I conceive Pericles to have been the most accomplished of rhetoricians. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: What of that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: All the great arts require discussion and high speculation about the truths of nature; hence come loftiness of thought and completeness of execution. And this, as I conceive, was the quality which, in addition to his natural gifts, Pericles acquired from his intercourse with Anaxagoras whom he happened to know. He was thus imbued with the higher philosophy, and attained the knowledge of Mind and the negative of Mind, which were favourite themes of Anaxagoras, and applied what suited his purpose to the art of speaking. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Explain. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Rhetoric is like medicine. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: How so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Why, because medicine has to define the nature of the body and rhetoric of the soul&amp;amp;mdash;if we would proceed, not empirically but scientifically, in the one case to impart health and strength by giving medicine and food, in the other to implant the conviction or virtue which you desire, by the right application of words and training. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: There, Socrates, I suspect that you are right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And do you think that you can know the nature of the soul intelligently without knowing the nature of the whole? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Hippocrates the Asclepiad says that the nature even of the body can only be understood as a whole. (Compare Charmides.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yes, friend, and he was right:&amp;amp;mdash;still, we ought not to be content with the name of Hippocrates, but to examine and see whether his argument agrees with his conception of nature. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: I agree. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then consider what truth as well as Hippocrates says about this or about any other nature. Ought we not to consider first whether that which we wish to learn and to teach is a simple or multiform thing, and if simple, then to enquire what power it has of acting or being acted upon in relation to other things, and if multiform, then to number the forms; and see first in the case of one of them, and then in the case of all of them, what is that power of acting or being acted upon which makes each and all of them to be what they are? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: You may very likely be right, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: The method which proceeds without analysis is like the groping of a blind man. Yet, surely, he who is an artist ought not to admit of a comparison with the blind, or deaf. The rhetorician, who teaches his pupil to speak scientifically, will particularly set forth the nature of that being to which he addresses his speeches; and this, I conceive, to be the soul. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: His whole effort is directed to the soul; for in that he seeks to produce conviction. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then clearly, Thrasymachus or any one else who teaches rhetoric in earnest will give an exact description of the nature of the soul; which will enable us to see whether she be single and same, or, like the body, multiform. That is what we should call showing the nature of the soul. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Exactly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: He will explain, secondly, the mode in which she acts or is acted upon. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Thirdly, having classified men and speeches, and their kinds and affections, and adapted them to one another, he will tell the reasons of his arrangement, and show why one soul is persuaded by a particular form of argument, and another not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: You have hit upon a very good way. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yes, that is the true and only way in which any subject can be set forth or treated by rules of art, whether in speaking or writing. But the writers of the present day, at whose feet you have sat, craftily conceal the nature of the soul which they know quite well. Nor, until they adopt our method of reading and writing, can we admit that they write by rules of art? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: What is our method? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I cannot give you the exact details; but I should like to tell you generally, as far as is in my power, how a man ought to proceed according to rules of art. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Let me hear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Oratory is the art of enchanting the soul, and therefore he who would be an orator has to learn the differences of human souls&amp;amp;mdash;they are so many and of such a nature, and from them come the differences between man and man. Having proceeded thus far in his analysis, he will next divide speeches into their different classes:&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;Such and such persons,&#039; he will say, are affected by this or that kind of speech in this or that way,&#039; and he will tell you why. The pupil must have a good theoretical notion of them first, and then he must have experience of them in actual life, and be able to follow them with all his senses about him, or he will never get beyond the precepts of his masters. But when he understands what persons are persuaded by what arguments, and sees the person about whom he was speaking in the abstract actually before him, and knows that it is he, and can say to himself, &#039;This is the man or this is the character who ought to have a certain argument applied to him in order to convince him of a certain opinion;&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;he who knows all this, and knows also when he should speak and when he should refrain, and when he should use pithy sayings, pathetic appeals, sensational effects, and all the other modes of speech which he has learned;&amp;amp;mdash;when, I say, he knows the times and seasons of all these things, then, and not till then, he is a perfect master of his art; but if he fail in any of these points, whether in speaking or teaching or writing them, and yet declares that he speaks by rules of art, he who says &#039;I don&#039;t believe you&#039; has the better of him. Well, the teacher will say, is this, Phaedrus and Socrates, your account of the so-called art of rhetoric, or am I to look for another? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: He must take this, Socrates, for there is no possibility of another, and yet the creation of such an art is not easy. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Very true; and therefore let us consider this matter in every light, and see whether we cannot find a shorter and easier road; there is no use in taking a long rough roundabout way if there be a shorter and easier one. And I wish that you would try and remember whether you have heard from Lysias or any one else anything which might be of service to us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: If trying would avail, then I might; but at the moment I can think of nothing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Suppose I tell you something which somebody who knows told me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: May not &#039;the wolf,&#039; as the proverb says, &#039;claim a hearing&#039;? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Do you say what can be said for him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: He will argue that there is no use in putting a solemn face on these matters, or in going round and round, until you arrive at first principles; for, as I said at first, when the question is of justice and good, or is a question in which men are concerned who are just and good, either by nature or habit, he who would be a skilful rhetorician has no need of truth&amp;amp;mdash;for that in courts of law men literally care nothing about truth, but only about conviction: and this is based on probability, to which he who would be a skilful orator should therefore give his whole attention. And they say also that there are cases in which the actual facts, if they are improbable, ought to be withheld, and only the probabilities should be told either in accusation or defence, and that always in speaking, the orator should keep probability in view, and say good-bye to the truth. And the observance of this principle throughout a speech furnishes the whole art. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: That is what the professors of rhetoric do actually say, Socrates. I have not forgotten that we have quite briefly touched upon this matter already; with them the point is all-important. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I dare say that you are familiar with Tisias. Does he not define probability to be that which the many think? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Certainly, he does. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I believe that he has a clever and ingenious case of this sort:&amp;amp;mdash;He supposes a feeble and valiant man to have assaulted a strong and cowardly one, and to have robbed him of his coat or of something or other; he is brought into court, and then Tisias says that both parties should tell lies: the coward should say that he was assaulted by more men than one; the other should prove that they were alone, and should argue thus: &#039;How could a weak man like me have assaulted a strong man like him?&#039; The complainant will not like to confess his own cowardice, and will therefore invent some other lie which his adversary will thus gain an opportunity of refuting. And there are other devices of the same kind which have a place in the system. Am I not right, Phaedrus? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Bless me, what a wonderfully mysterious art is this which Tisias or some other gentleman, in whatever name or country he rejoices, has discovered. Shall we say a word to him or not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: What shall we say to him? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Let us tell him that, before he appeared, you and I were saying that the probability of which he speaks was engendered in the minds of the many by the likeness of the truth, and we had just been affirming that he who knew the truth would always know best how to discover the resemblances of the truth. If he has anything else to say about the art of speaking we should like to hear him; but if not, we are satisfied with our own view, that unless a man estimates the various characters of his hearers and is able to divide all things into classes and to comprehend them under single ideas, he will never be a skilful rhetorician even within the limits of human power. And this skill he will not attain without a great deal of trouble, which a good man ought to undergo, not for the sake of speaking and acting before men, but in order that he may be able to say what is acceptable to God and always to act acceptably to Him as far as in him lies; for there is a saying of wiser men than ourselves, that a man of sense should not try to please his fellow-servants (at least this should not be his first object) but his good and noble masters; and therefore if the way is long and circuitous, marvel not at this, for, where the end is great, there we may take the longer road, but not for lesser ends such as yours. Truly, the argument may say, Tisias, that if you do not mind going so far, rhetoric has a fair beginning here. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: I think, Socrates, that this is admirable, if only practicable. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But even to fail in an honourable object is honourable. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Enough appears to have been said by us of a true and false art of speaking. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But there is something yet to be said of propriety and impropriety of writing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Do you know how you can speak or act about rhetoric in a manner which will be acceptable to God? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: No, indeed. Do you? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I have heard a tradition of the ancients, whether true or not they only know; although if we had found the truth ourselves, do you think that we should care much about the opinions of men? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Your question needs no answer; but I wish that you would tell me what you say that you have heard. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: At the Egyptian city of Naucratis, there was a famous old god, whose name was Theuth; the bird which is called the Ibis is sacred to him, and he was the inventor of many arts, such as arithmetic and calculation and geometry and astronomy and draughts and dice, but his great discovery was the use of letters. Now in those days the god Thamus was the king of the whole country of Egypt; and he dwelt in that great city of Upper Egypt which the Hellenes call Egyptian Thebes, and the god himself is called by them Ammon. To him came Theuth and showed his inventions, desiring that the other Egyptians might be allowed to have the benefit of them; he enumerated them, and Thamus enquired about their several uses, and praised some of them and censured others, as he approved or disapproved of them. It would take a long time to repeat all that Thamus said to Theuth in praise or blame of the various arts. But when they came to letters, This, said Theuth, will make the Egyptians wiser and give them better memories; it is a specific both for the memory and for the wit. Thamus replied: O most ingenious Theuth, the parent or inventor of an art is not always the best judge of the utility or inutility of his own inventions to the users of them. And in this instance, you who are the father of letters, from a paternal love of your own children have been led to attribute to them a quality which they cannot have; for this discovery of yours will create forgetfulness in the learners&#039; souls, because they will not use their memories; they will trust to the external written characters and not remember of themselves. The specific which you have discovered is an aid not to memory, but to reminiscence, and you give your disciples not truth, but only the semblance of truth; they will be hearers of many things and will have learned nothing; they will appear to be omniscient and will generally know nothing; they will be tiresome company, having the show of wisdom without the reality. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Yes, Socrates, you can easily invent tales of Egypt, or of any other country. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: There was a tradition in the temple of Dodona that oaks first gave prophetic utterances. The men of old, unlike in their simplicity to young philosophy, deemed that if they heard the truth even from &#039;oak or rock,&#039; it was enough for them; whereas you seem to consider not whether a thing is or is not true, but who the speaker is and from what country the tale comes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: I acknowledge the justice of your rebuke; and I think that the Theban is right in his view about letters. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: He would be a very simple person, and quite a stranger to the oracles of Thamus or Ammon, who should leave in writing or receive in writing any art under the idea that the written word would be intelligible or certain; or who deemed that writing was at all better than knowledge and recollection of the same matters? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: That is most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I cannot help feeling, Phaedrus, that writing is unfortunately like painting; for the creations of the painter have the attitude of life, and yet if you ask them a question they preserve a solemn silence. And the same may be said of speeches. You would imagine that they had intelligence, but if you want to know anything and put a question to one of them, the speaker always gives one unvarying answer. And when they have been once written down they are tumbled about anywhere among those who may or may not understand them, and know not to whom they should reply, to whom not: and, if they are maltreated or abused, they have no parent to protect them; and they cannot protect or defend themselves. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: That again is most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Is there not another kind of word or speech far better than this, and having far greater power&amp;amp;mdash;a son of the same family, but lawfully begotten? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Whom do you mean, and what is his origin? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I mean an intelligent word graven in the soul of the learner, which can defend itself, and knows when to speak and when to be silent. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: You mean the living word of knowledge which has a soul, and of which the written word is properly no more than an image? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yes, of course that is what I mean. And now may I be allowed to ask you a question: Would a husbandman, who is a man of sense, take the seeds, which he values and which he wishes to bear fruit, and in sober seriousness plant them during the heat of summer, in some garden of Adonis, that he may rejoice when he sees them in eight days appearing in beauty? at least he would do so, if at all, only for the sake of amusement and pastime. But when he is in earnest he sows in fitting soil, and practises husbandry, and is satisfied if in eight months the seeds which he has sown arrive at perfection? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Yes, Socrates, that will be his way when he is in earnest; he will do the other, as you say, only in play. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And can we suppose that he who knows the just and good and honourable has less understanding, than the husbandman, about his own seeds? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then he will not seriously incline to &#039;write&#039; his thoughts &#039;in water&#039; with pen and ink, sowing words which can neither speak for themselves nor teach the truth adequately to others? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: No, that is not likely. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: No, that is not likely&amp;amp;mdash;in the garden of letters he will sow and plant, but only for the sake of recreation and amusement; he will write them down as memorials to be treasured against the forgetfulness of old age, by himself, or by any other old man who is treading the same path. He will rejoice in beholding their tender growth; and while others are refreshing their souls with banqueting and the like, this will be the pastime in which his days are spent. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: A pastime, Socrates, as noble as the other is ignoble, the pastime of a man who can be amused by serious talk, and can discourse merrily about justice and the like. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: True, Phaedrus. But nobler far is the serious pursuit of the dialectician, who, finding a congenial soul, by the help of science sows and plants therein words which are able to help themselves and him who planted them, and are not unfruitful, but have in them a seed which others brought up in different soils render immortal, making the possessors of it happy to the utmost extent of human happiness. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Far nobler, certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And now, Phaedrus, having agreed upon the premises we may decide about the conclusion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: About what conclusion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: About Lysias, whom we censured, and his art of writing, and his discourses, and the rhetorical skill or want of skill which was shown in them&amp;amp;mdash;these are the questions which we sought to determine, and they brought us to this point. And I think that we are now pretty well informed about the nature of art and its opposite. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Yes, I think with you; but I wish that you would repeat what was said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Until a man knows the truth of the several particulars of which he is writing or speaking, and is able to define them as they are, and having defined them again to divide them until they can be no longer divided, and until in like manner he is able to discern the nature of the soul, and discover the different modes of discourse which are adapted to different natures, and to arrange and dispose them in such a way that the simple form of speech may be addressed to the simpler nature, and the complex and composite to the more complex nature&amp;amp;mdash;until he has accomplished all this, he will be unable to handle arguments according to rules of art, as far as their nature allows them to be subjected to art, either for the purpose of teaching or persuading;&amp;amp;mdash;such is the view which is implied in the whole preceding argument. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Yes, that was our view, certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Secondly, as to the censure which was passed on the speaking or writing of discourses, and how they might be rightly or wrongly censured&amp;amp;mdash;did not our previous argument show&amp;amp;mdash;? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Show what? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: That whether Lysias or any other writer that ever was or will be, whether private man or statesman, proposes laws and so becomes the author of a political treatise, fancying that there is any great certainty and clearness in his performance, the fact of his so writing is only a disgrace to him, whatever men may say. For not to know the nature of justice and injustice, and good and evil, and not to be able to distinguish the dream from the reality, cannot in truth be otherwise than disgraceful to him, even though he have the applause of the whole world. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But he who thinks that in the written word there is necessarily much which is not serious, and that neither poetry nor prose, spoken or written, is of any great value, if, like the compositions of the rhapsodes, they are only recited in order to be believed, and not with any view to criticism or instruction; and who thinks that even the best of writings are but a reminiscence of what we know, and that only in principles of justice and goodness and nobility taught and communicated orally for the sake of instruction and graven in the soul, which is the true way of writing, is there clearness and perfection and seriousness, and that such principles are a man&#039;s own and his legitimate offspring;&amp;amp;mdash;being, in the first place, the word which he finds in his own bosom; secondly, the brethren and descendants and relations of his idea which have been duly implanted by him in the souls of others;&amp;amp;mdash;and who cares for them and no others&amp;amp;mdash;this is the right sort of man; and you and I, Phaedrus, would pray that we may become like him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: That is most assuredly my desire and prayer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And now the play is played out; and of rhetoric enough. Go and tell Lysias that to the fountain and school of the Nymphs we went down, and were bidden by them to convey a message to him and to other composers of speeches&amp;amp;mdash;to Homer and other writers of poems, whether set to music or not; and to Solon and others who have composed writings in the form of political discourses which they would term laws&amp;amp;mdash;to all of them we are to say that if their compositions are based on knowledge of the truth, and they can defend or prove them, when they are put to the test, by spoken arguments, which leave their writings poor in comparison of them, then they are to be called, not only poets, orators, legislators, but are worthy of a higher name, befitting the serious pursuit of their life. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: What name would you assign to them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Wise, I may not call them; for that is a great name which belongs to God alone,&amp;amp;mdash;lovers of wisdom or philosophers is their modest and befitting title. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Very suitable. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And he who cannot rise above his own compilations and compositions, which he has been long patching and piecing, adding some and taking away some, may be justly called poet or speech-maker or law-maker. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Now go and tell this to your companion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: But there is also a friend of yours who ought not to be forgotten. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Who is he? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Isocrates the fair:&amp;amp;mdash;What message will you send to him, and how shall we describe him? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Isocrates is still young, Phaedrus; but I am willing to hazard a prophecy concerning him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: What would you prophesy? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I think that he has a genius which soars above the orations of Lysias, and that his character is cast in a finer mould. My impression of him is that he will marvellously improve as he grows older, and that all former rhetoricians will be as children in comparison of him. And I believe that he will not be satisfied with rhetoric, but that there is in him a divine inspiration which will lead him to things higher still. For he has an element of philosophy in his nature. This is the message of the gods dwelling in this place, and which I will myself deliver to Isocrates, who is my delight; and do you give the other to Lysias, who is yours. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: I will; and now as the heat is abated let us depart. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Should we not offer up a prayer first of all to the local deities? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: By all means. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Beloved Pan, and all ye other gods who haunt this place, give me beauty in the inward soul; and may the outward and inward man be at one. May I reckon the wise to be the wealthy, and may I have such a quantity of gold as a temperate man and he only can bear and carry.&amp;amp;mdash;Anything more? The prayer, I think, is enough for me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDRUS: Ask the same for me, for friends should have all things in common. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Let us go. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
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		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
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		<title>Texts:Plato/Symposium</title>
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		<updated>2025-12-26T19:45:31Z</updated>

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&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt; SYMPOSIUM &amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; By Plato &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt; Translated by Benjamin Jowett &amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;hr /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;h3&amp;gt; Contents &amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; INTRODUCTION. &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Of all the works of Plato the Symposium is the most perfect in form, and may be truly thought to contain more than any commentator has ever dreamed of; or, as Goethe said of one of his own writings, more than the author himself knew. For in philosophy as in prophecy glimpses of the future may often be conveyed in words which could hardly have been understood or interpreted at the time when they were uttered (compare Symp.)&amp;amp;mdash;which were wiser than the writer of them meant, and could not have been expressed by him if he had been interrogated about them. Yet Plato was not a mystic, nor in any degree affected by the Eastern influences which afterwards overspread the Alexandrian world. He was not an enthusiast or a sentimentalist, but one who aspired only to see reasoned truth, and whose thoughts are clearly explained in his language. There is no foreign element either of Egypt or of Asia to be found in his writings. And more than any other Platonic work the Symposium is Greek both in style and subject, having a beauty &#039;as of a statue,&#039; while the companion Dialogue of the Phaedrus is marked by a sort of Gothic irregularity. More too than in any other of his Dialogues, Plato is emancipated from former philosophies. The genius of Greek art seems to triumph over the traditions of Pythagorean, Eleatic, or Megarian systems, and &#039;the old quarrel of poetry and philosophy&#039; has at least a superficial reconcilement. (Rep.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — An unknown person who had heard of the discourses in praise of love spoken by Socrates and others at the banquet of Agathon is desirous of having an authentic account of them, which he thinks that he can obtain from Apollodorus, the same excitable, or rather &#039;mad&#039; friend of Socrates, who is afterwards introduced in the Phaedo. He had imagined that the discourses were recent. There he is mistaken: but they are still fresh in the memory of his informant, who had just been repeating them to Glaucon, and is quite prepared to have another rehearsal of them in a walk from the Piraeus to Athens. Although he had not been present himself, he had heard them from the best authority. Aristodemus, who is described as having been in past times a humble but inseparable attendant of Socrates, had reported them to him (compare Xen. Mem.). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The narrative which he had heard was as follows:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Aristodemus meeting Socrates in holiday attire, is invited by him to a banquet at the house of Agathon, who had been sacrificing in thanksgiving for his tragic victory on the day previous. But no sooner has he entered the house than he finds that he is alone; Socrates has stayed behind in a fit of abstraction, and does not appear until the banquet is half over. On his appearing he and the host jest a little; the question is then asked by Pausanias, one of the guests, &#039;What shall they do about drinking? as they had been all well drunk on the day before, and drinking on two successive days is such a bad thing.&#039; This is confirmed by the authority of Eryximachus the physician, who further proposes that instead of listening to the flute-girl and her &#039;noise&#039; they shall make speeches in honour of love, one after another, going from left to right in the order in which they are reclining at the table. All of them agree to this proposal, and Phaedrus, who is the &#039;father&#039; of the idea, which he has previously communicated to Eryximachus, begins as follows:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He descants first of all upon the antiquity of love, which is proved by the authority of the poets; secondly upon the benefits which love gives to man. The greatest of these is the sense of honour and dishonour. The lover is ashamed to be seen by the beloved doing or suffering any cowardly or mean act. And a state or army which was made up only of lovers and their loves would be invincible. For love will convert the veriest coward into an inspired hero. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And there have been true loves not only of men but of women also. Such was the love of Alcestis, who dared to die for her husband, and in recompense of her virtue was allowed to come again from the dead. But Orpheus, the miserable harper, who went down to Hades alive, that he might bring back his wife, was mocked with an apparition only, and the gods afterwards contrived his death as the punishment of his cowardliness. The love of Achilles, like that of Alcestis, was courageous and true; for he was willing to avenge his lover Patroclus, although he knew that his own death would immediately follow: and the gods, who honour the love of the beloved above that of the lover, rewarded him, and sent him to the islands of the blest. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Pausanias, who was sitting next, then takes up the tale:&amp;amp;mdash;He says that Phaedrus should have distinguished the heavenly love from the earthly, before he praised either. For there are two loves, as there are two Aphrodites&amp;amp;mdash;one the daughter of Uranus, who has no mother and is the elder and wiser goddess, and the other, the daughter of Zeus and Dione, who is popular and common. The first of the two loves has a noble purpose, and delights only in the intelligent nature of man, and is faithful to the end, and has no shadow of wantonness or lust. The second is the coarser kind of love, which is a love of the body rather than of the soul, and is of women and boys as well as of men. Now the actions of lovers vary, like every other sort of action, according to the manner of their performance. And in different countries there is a difference of opinion about male loves. Some, like the Boeotians, approve of them; others, like the Ionians, and most of the barbarians, disapprove of them; partly because they are aware of the political dangers which ensue from them, as may be seen in the instance of Harmodius and Aristogeiton. At Athens and Sparta there is an apparent contradiction about them. For at times they are encouraged, and then the lover is allowed to play all sorts of fantastic tricks; he may swear and forswear himself (and &#039;at lovers&#039; perjuries they say Jove laughs&#039;); he may be a servant, and lie on a mat at the door of his love, without any loss of character; but there are also times when elders look grave and guard their young relations, and personal remarks are made. The truth is that some of these loves are disgraceful and others honourable. The vulgar love of the body which takes wing and flies away when the bloom of youth is over, is disgraceful, and so is the interested love of power or wealth; but the love of the noble mind is lasting. The lover should be tested, and the beloved should not be too ready to yield. The rule in our country is that the beloved may do the same service to the lover in the way of virtue which the lover may do to him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — A voluntary service to be rendered for the sake of virtue and wisdom is permitted among us; and when these two customs&amp;amp;mdash;one the love of youth, the other the practice of virtue and philosophy&amp;amp;mdash;meet in one, then the lovers may lawfully unite. Nor is there any disgrace to a disinterested lover in being deceived: but the interested lover is doubly disgraced, for if he loses his love he loses his character; whereas the noble love of the other remains the same, although the object of his love is unworthy: for nothing can be nobler than love for the sake of virtue. This is that love of the heavenly goddess which is of great price to individuals and cities, making them work together for their improvement. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The turn of Aristophanes comes next; but he has the hiccough, and therefore proposes that Eryximachus the physician shall cure him or speak in his turn. Eryximachus is ready to do both, and after prescribing for the hiccough, speaks as follows:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He agrees with Pausanias in maintaining that there are two kinds of love; but his art has led him to the further conclusion that the empire of this double love extends over all things, and is to be found in animals and plants as well as in man. In the human body also there are two loves; and the art of medicine shows which is the good and which is the bad love, and persuades the body to accept the good and reject the bad, and reconciles conflicting elements and makes them friends. Every art, gymnastic and husbandry as well as medicine, is the reconciliation of opposites; and this is what Heracleitus meant, when he spoke of a harmony of opposites: but in strictness he should rather have spoken of a harmony which succeeds opposites, for an agreement of disagreements there cannot be. Music too is concerned with the principles of love in their application to harmony and rhythm. In the abstract, all is simple, and we are not troubled with the twofold love; but when they are applied in education with their accompaniments of song and metre, then the discord begins. Then the old tale has to be repeated of fair Urania and the coarse Polyhymnia, who must be indulged sparingly, just as in my own art of medicine care must be taken that the taste of the epicure be gratified without inflicting upon him the attendant penalty of disease. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There is a similar harmony or disagreement in the course of the seasons and in the relations of moist and dry, hot and cold, hoar frost and blight; and diseases of all sorts spring from the excesses or disorders of the element of love. The knowledge of these elements of love and discord in the heavenly bodies is termed astronomy, in the relations of men towards gods and parents is called divination. For divination is the peacemaker of gods and men, and works by a knowledge of the tendencies of merely human loves to piety and impiety. Such is the power of love; and that love which is just and temperate has the greatest power, and is the source of all our happiness and friendship with the gods and with one another. I dare say that I have omitted to mention many things which you, Aristophanes, may supply, as I perceive that you are cured of the hiccough. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Aristophanes is the next speaker:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He professes to open a new vein of discourse, in which he begins by treating of the origin of human nature. The sexes were originally three, men, women, and the union of the two; and they were made round&amp;amp;mdash;having four hands, four feet, two faces on a round neck, and the rest to correspond. Terrible was their strength and swiftness; and they were essaying to scale heaven and attack the gods. Doubt reigned in the celestial councils; the gods were divided between the desire of quelling the pride of man and the fear of losing the sacrifices. At last Zeus hit upon an expedient. Let us cut them in two, he said; then they will only have half their strength, and we shall have twice as many sacrifices. He spake, and split them as you might split an egg with an hair; and when this was done, he told Apollo to give their faces a twist and re-arrange their persons, taking out the wrinkles and tying the skin in a knot about the navel. The two halves went about looking for one another, and were ready to die of hunger in one another&#039;s arms. Then Zeus invented an adjustment of the sexes, which enabled them to marry and go their way to the business of life. Now the characters of men differ accordingly as they are derived from the original man or the original woman, or the original man-woman. Those who come from the man-woman are lascivious and adulterous; those who come from the woman form female attachments; those who are a section of the male follow the male and embrace him, and in him all their desires centre. The pair are inseparable and live together in pure and manly affection; yet they cannot tell what they want of one another. But if Hephaestus were to come to them with his instruments and propose that they should be melted into one and remain one here and hereafter, they would acknowledge that this was the very expression of their want. For love is the desire of the whole, and the pursuit of the whole is called love. There was a time when the two sexes were only one, but now God has halved them,&amp;amp;mdash;much as the Lacedaemonians have cut up the Arcadians,&amp;amp;mdash;and if they do not behave themselves he will divide them again, and they will hop about with half a nose and face in basso relievo. Wherefore let us exhort all men to piety, that we may obtain the goods of which love is the author, and be reconciled to God, and find our own true loves, which rarely happens in this world. And now I must beg you not to suppose that I am alluding to Pausanias and Agathon (compare Protag.), for my words refer to all mankind everywhere. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Some raillery ensues first between Aristophanes and Eryximachus, and then between Agathon, who fears a few select friends more than any number of spectators at the theatre, and Socrates, who is disposed to begin an argument. This is speedily repressed by Phaedrus, who reminds the disputants of their tribute to the god. Agathon&#039;s speech follows:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He will speak of the god first and then of his gifts: He is the fairest and blessedest and best of the gods, and also the youngest, having had no existence in the old days of Iapetus and Cronos when the gods were at war. The things that were done then were done of necessity and not of love. For love is young and dwells in soft places,&amp;amp;mdash;not like Ate in Homer, walking on the skulls of men, but in their hearts and souls, which are soft enough. He is all flexibility and grace, and his habitation is among the flowers, and he cannot do or suffer wrong; for all men serve and obey him of their own free will, and where there is love there is obedience, and where obedience, there is justice; for none can be wronged of his own free will. And he is temperate as well as just, for he is the ruler of the desires, and if he rules them he must be temperate. Also he is courageous, for he is the conqueror of the lord of war. And he is wise too; for he is a poet, and the author of poesy in others. He created the animals; he is the inventor of the arts; all the gods are his subjects; he is the fairest and best himself, and the cause of what is fairest and best in others; he makes men to be of one mind at a banquet, filling them with affection and emptying them of disaffection; the pilot, helper, defender, saviour of men, in whose footsteps let every man follow, chanting a strain of love. Such is the discourse, half playful, half serious, which I dedicate to the god. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The turn of Socrates comes next. He begins by remarking satirically that he has not understood the terms of the original agreement, for he fancied that they meant to speak the true praises of love, but now he finds that they only say what is good of him, whether true or false. He begs to be absolved from speaking falsely, but he is willing to speak the truth, and proposes to begin by questioning Agathon. The result of his questions may be summed up as follows:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Love is of something, and that which love desires is not that which love is or has; for no man desires that which he is or has. And love is of the beautiful, and therefore has not the beautiful. And the beautiful is the good, and therefore, in wanting and desiring the beautiful, love also wants and desires the good. Socrates professes to have asked the same questions and to have obtained the same answers from Diotima, a wise woman of Mantinea, who, like Agathon, had spoken first of love and then of his works. Socrates, like Agathon, had told her that Love is a mighty god and also fair, and she had shown him in return that Love was neither, but in a mean between fair and foul, good and evil, and not a god at all, but only a great demon or intermediate power (compare the speech of Eryximachus) who conveys to the gods the prayers of men, and to men the commands of the gods. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Socrates asks: Who are his father and mother? To this Diotima replies that he is the son of Plenty and Poverty, and partakes of the nature of both, and is full and starved by turns. Like his mother he is poor and squalid, lying on mats at doors (compare the speech of Pausanias); like his father he is bold and strong, and full of arts and resources. Further, he is in a mean between ignorance and knowledge:&amp;amp;mdash;in this he resembles the philosopher who is also in a mean between the wise and the ignorant. Such is the nature of Love, who is not to be confused with the beloved. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But Love desires the beautiful; and then arises the question, What does he desire of the beautiful? He desires, of course, the possession of the beautiful;&amp;amp;mdash;but what is given by that? For the beautiful let us substitute the good, and we have no difficulty in seeing the possession of the good to be happiness, and Love to be the desire of happiness, although the meaning of the word has been too often confined to one kind of love. And Love desires not only the good, but the everlasting possession of the good. Why then is there all this flutter and excitement about love? Because all men and women at a certain age are desirous of bringing to the birth. And love is not of beauty only, but of birth in beauty; this is the principle of immortality in a mortal creature. When beauty approaches, then the conceiving power is benign and diffuse; when foulness, she is averted and morose. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But why again does this extend not only to men but also to animals? Because they too have an instinct of immortality. Even in the same individual there is a perpetual succession as well of the parts of the material body as of the thoughts and desires of the mind; nay, even knowledge comes and goes. There is no sameness of existence, but the new mortality is always taking the place of the old. This is the reason why parents love their children&amp;amp;mdash;for the sake of immortality; and this is why men love the immortality of fame. For the creative soul creates not children, but conceptions of wisdom and virtue, such as poets and other creators have invented. And the noblest creations of all are those of legislators, in honour of whom temples have been raised. Who would not sooner have these children of the mind than the ordinary human ones? (Compare Bacon&#039;s Essays, 8:&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;Certainly the best works and of greatest merit for the public have proceeded from the unmarried or childless men; which both in affection and means have married and endowed the public.&#039;) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I will now initiate you, she said, into the greater mysteries; for he who would proceed in due course should love first one fair form, and then many, and learn the connexion of them; and from beautiful bodies he should proceed to beautiful minds, and the beauty of laws and institutions, until he perceives that all beauty is of one kindred; and from institutions he should go on to the sciences, until at last the vision is revealed to him of a single science of universal beauty, and then he will behold the everlasting nature which is the cause of all, and will be near the end. In the contemplation of that supreme being of love he will be purified of earthly leaven, and will behold beauty, not with the bodily eye, but with the eye of the mind, and will bring forth true creations of virtue and wisdom, and be the friend of God and heir of immortality. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Such, Phaedrus, is the tale which I heard from the stranger of Mantinea, and which you may call the encomium of love, or what you please. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The company applaud the speech of Socrates, and Aristophanes is about to say something, when suddenly a band of revellers breaks into the court, and the voice of Alcibiades is heard asking for Agathon. He is led in drunk, and welcomed by Agathon, whom he has come to crown with a garland. He is placed on a couch at his side, but suddenly, on recognizing Socrates, he starts up, and a sort of conflict is carried on between them, which Agathon is requested to appease. Alcibiades then insists that they shall drink, and has a large wine-cooler filled, which he first empties himself, and then fills again and passes on to Socrates. He is informed of the nature of the entertainment; and is ready to join, if only in the character of a drunken and disappointed lover he may be allowed to sing the praises of Socrates:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He begins by comparing Socrates first to the busts of Silenus, which have images of the gods inside them; and, secondly, to Marsyas the flute-player. For Socrates produces the same effect with the voice which Marsyas did with the flute. He is the great speaker and enchanter who ravishes the souls of men; the convincer of hearts too, as he has convinced Alcibiades, and made him ashamed of his mean and miserable life. Socrates at one time seemed about to fall in love with him; and he thought that he would thereby gain a wonderful opportunity of receiving lessons of wisdom. He narrates the failure of his design. He has suffered agonies from him, and is at his wit&#039;s end. He then proceeds to mention some other particulars of the life of Socrates; how they were at Potidaea together, where Socrates showed his superior powers of enduring cold and fatigue; how on one occasion he had stood for an entire day and night absorbed in reflection amid the wonder of the spectators; how on another occasion he had saved Alcibiades&#039; life; how at the battle of Delium, after the defeat, he might be seen stalking about like a pelican, rolling his eyes as Aristophanes had described him in the Clouds. He is the most wonderful of human beings, and absolutely unlike anyone but a satyr. Like the satyr in his language too; for he uses the commonest words as the outward mask of the divinest truths. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — When Alcibiades has done speaking, a dispute begins between him and Agathon and Socrates. Socrates piques Alcibiades by a pretended affection for Agathon. Presently a band of revellers appears, who introduce disorder into the feast; the sober part of the company, Eryximachus, Phaedrus, and others, withdraw; and Aristodemus, the follower of Socrates, sleeps during the whole of a long winter&#039;s night. When he wakes at cockcrow the revellers are nearly all asleep. Only Socrates, Aristophanes, and Agathon hold out; they are drinking from a large goblet, which they pass round, and Socrates is explaining to the two others, who are half-asleep, that the genius of tragedy is the same as that of comedy, and that the writer of tragedy ought to be a writer of comedy also. And first Aristophanes drops, and then, as the day is dawning, Agathon. Socrates, having laid them to rest, takes a bath and goes to his daily avocations until the evening. Aristodemus follows. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ... &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — If it be true that there are more things in the Symposium of Plato than any commentator has dreamed of, it is also true that many things have been imagined which are not really to be found there. Some writings hardly admit of a more distinct interpretation than a musical composition; and every reader may form his own accompaniment of thought or feeling to the strain which he hears. The Symposium of Plato is a work of this character, and can with difficulty be rendered in any words but the writer&#039;s own. There are so many half-lights and cross-lights, so much of the colour of mythology, and of the manner of sophistry adhering&amp;amp;mdash;rhetoric and poetry, the playful and the serious, are so subtly intermingled in it, and vestiges of old philosophy so curiously blend with germs of future knowledge, that agreement among interpreters is not to be expected. The expression &#039;poema magis putandum quam comicorum poetarum,&#039; which has been applied to all the writings of Plato, is especially applicable to the Symposium. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The power of love is represented in the Symposium as running through all nature and all being: at one end descending to animals and plants, and attaining to the highest vision of truth at the other. In an age when man was seeking for an expression of the world around him, the conception of love greatly affected him. One of the first distinctions of language and of mythology was that of gender; and at a later period the ancient physicist, anticipating modern science, saw, or thought that he saw, a sex in plants; there were elective affinities among the elements, marriages of earth and heaven. (Aesch. Frag. Dan.) Love became a mythic personage whom philosophy, borrowing from poetry, converted into an efficient cause of creation. The traces of the existence of love, as of number and figure, were everywhere discerned; and in the Pythagorean list of opposites male and female were ranged side by side with odd and even, finite and infinite. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But Plato seems also to be aware that there is a mystery of love in man as well as in nature, extending beyond the mere immediate relation of the sexes. He is conscious that the highest and noblest things in the world are not easily severed from the sensual desires, or may even be regarded as a spiritualized form of them. We may observe that Socrates himself is not represented as originally unimpassioned, but as one who has overcome his passions; the secret of his power over others partly lies in his passionate but self-controlled nature. In the Phaedrus and Symposium love is not merely the feeling usually so called, but the mystical contemplation of the beautiful and the good. The same passion which may wallow in the mire is capable of rising to the loftiest heights&amp;amp;mdash;of penetrating the inmost secret of philosophy. The highest love is the love not of a person, but of the highest and purest abstraction. This abstraction is the far-off heaven on which the eye of the mind is fixed in fond amazement. The unity of truth, the consistency of the warring elements of the world, the enthusiasm for knowledge when first beaming upon mankind, the relativity of ideas to the human mind, and of the human mind to ideas, the faith in the invisible, the adoration of the eternal nature, are all included, consciously or unconsciously, in Plato&#039;s doctrine of love. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The successive speeches in praise of love are characteristic of the speakers, and contribute in various degrees to the final result; they are all designed to prepare the way for Socrates, who gathers up the threads anew, and skims the highest points of each of them. But they are not to be regarded as the stages of an idea, rising above one another to a climax. They are fanciful, partly facetious performances, &#039;yet also having a certain measure of seriousness,&#039; which the successive speakers dedicate to the god. All of them are rhetorical and poetical rather than dialectical, but glimpses of truth appear in them. When Eryximachus says that the principles of music are simple in themselves, but confused in their application, he touches lightly upon a difficulty which has troubled the moderns as well as the ancients in music, and may be extended to the other applied sciences. That confusion begins in the concrete, was the natural feeling of a mind dwelling in the world of ideas. When Pausanias remarks that personal attachments are inimical to despots. The experience of Greek history confirms the truth of his remark. When Aristophanes declares that love is the desire of the whole, he expresses a feeling not unlike that of the German philosopher, who says that &#039;philosophy is home sickness.&#039; When Agathon says that no man &#039;can be wronged of his own free will,&#039; he is alluding playfully to a serious problem of Greek philosophy (compare Arist. Nic. Ethics). So naturally does Plato mingle jest and earnest, truth and opinion in the same work. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The characters&amp;amp;mdash;of Phaedrus, who has been the cause of more philosophical discussions than any other man, with the exception of Simmias the Theban (Phaedrus); of Aristophanes, who disguises under comic imagery a serious purpose; of Agathon, who in later life is satirized by Aristophanes in the Thesmophoriazusae, for his effeminate manners and the feeble rhythms of his verse; of Alcibiades, who is the same strange contrast of great powers and great vices, which meets us in history&amp;amp;mdash;are drawn to the life; and we may suppose the less-known characters of Pausanias and Eryximachus to be also true to the traditional recollection of them (compare Phaedr., Protag.; and compare Sympos. with Phaedr.). We may also remark that Aristodemus is called &#039;the little&#039; in Xenophon&#039;s Memorabilia (compare Symp.). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The speeches have been said to follow each other in pairs: Phaedrus and Pausanias being the ethical, Eryximachus and Aristophanes the physical speakers, while in Agathon and Socrates poetry and philosophy blend together. The speech of Phaedrus is also described as the mythological, that of Pausanias as the political, that of Eryximachus as the scientific, that of Aristophanes as the artistic (!), that of Socrates as the philosophical. But these and similar distinctions are not found in Plato;&amp;amp;mdash;they are the points of view of his critics, and seem to impede rather than to assist us in understanding him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — When the turn of Socrates comes round he cannot be allowed to disturb the arrangement made at first. With the leave of Phaedrus he asks a few questions, and then he throws his argument into the form of a speech (compare Gorg., Protag.). But his speech is really the narrative of a dialogue between himself and Diotima. And as at a banquet good manners would not allow him to win a victory either over his host or any of the guests, the superiority which he gains over Agathon is ingeniously represented as having been already gained over himself by her. The artifice has the further advantage of maintaining his accustomed profession of ignorance (compare Menex.). Even his knowledge of the mysteries of love, to which he lays claim here and elsewhere (Lys.), is given by Diotima. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The speeches are attested to us by the very best authority. The madman Apollodorus, who for three years past has made a daily study of the actions of Socrates&amp;amp;mdash;to whom the world is summed up in the words &#039;Great is Socrates&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;he has heard them from another &#039;madman,&#039; Aristodemus, who was the &#039;shadow&#039; of Socrates in days of old, like him going about barefooted, and who had been present at the time. &#039;Would you desire better witness?&#039; The extraordinary narrative of Alcibiades is ingeniously represented as admitted by Socrates, whose silence when he is invited to contradict gives consent to the narrator. We may observe, by the way, (1) how the very appearance of Aristodemus by himself is a sufficient indication to Agathon that Socrates has been left behind; also, (2) how the courtesy of Agathon anticipates the excuse which Socrates was to have made on Aristodemus&#039; behalf for coming uninvited; (3) how the story of the fit or trance of Socrates is confirmed by the mention which Alcibiades makes of a similar fit of abstraction occurring when he was serving with the army at Potidaea; like (4) the drinking powers of Socrates and his love of the fair, which receive a similar attestation in the concluding scene; or the attachment of Aristodemus, who is not forgotten when Socrates takes his departure. (5) We may notice the manner in which Socrates himself regards the first five speeches, not as true, but as fanciful and exaggerated encomiums of the god Love; (6) the satirical character of them, shown especially in the appeals to mythology, in the reasons which are given by Zeus for reconstructing the frame of man, or by the Boeotians and Eleans for encouraging male loves; (7) the ruling passion of Socrates for dialectics, who will argue with Agathon instead of making a speech, and will only speak at all upon the condition that he is allowed to speak the truth. We may note also the touch of Socratic irony, (8) which admits of a wide application and reveals a deep insight into the world:&amp;amp;mdash;that in speaking of holy things and persons there is a general understanding that you should praise them, not that you should speak the truth about them&amp;amp;mdash;this is the sort of praise which Socrates is unable to give. Lastly, (9) we may remark that the banquet is a real banquet after all, at which love is the theme of discourse, and huge quantities of wine are drunk. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The discourse of Phaedrus is half-mythical, half-ethical; and he himself, true to the character which is given him in the Dialogue bearing his name, is half-sophist, half-enthusiast. He is the critic of poetry also, who compares Homer and Aeschylus in the insipid and irrational manner of the schools of the day, characteristically reasoning about the probability of matters which do not admit of reasoning. He starts from a noble text: &#039;That without the sense of honour and dishonour neither states nor individuals ever do any good or great work.&#039; But he soon passes on to more common-place topics. The antiquity of love, the blessing of having a lover, the incentive which love offers to daring deeds, the examples of Alcestis and Achilles, are the chief themes of his discourse. The love of women is regarded by him as almost on an equality with that of men; and he makes the singular remark that the gods favour the return of love which is made by the beloved more than the original sentiment, because the lover is of a nobler and diviner nature. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There is something of a sophistical ring in the speech of Phaedrus, which recalls the first speech in imitation of Lysias, occurring in the Dialogue called the Phaedrus. This is still more marked in the speech of Pausanias which follows; and which is at once hyperlogical in form and also extremely confused and pedantic. Plato is attacking the logical feebleness of the sophists and rhetoricians, through their pupils, not forgetting by the way to satirize the monotonous and unmeaning rhythms which Prodicus and others were introducing into Attic prose (compare Protag.). Of course, he is &#039;playing both sides of the game,&#039; as in the Gorgias and Phaedrus; but it is not necessary in order to understand him that we should discuss the fairness of his mode of proceeding. The love of Pausanias for Agathon has already been touched upon in the Protagoras, and is alluded to by Aristophanes. Hence he is naturally the upholder of male loves, which, like all the other affections or actions of men, he regards as varying according to the manner of their performance. Like the sophists and like Plato himself, though in a different sense, he begins his discussion by an appeal to mythology, and distinguishes between the elder and younger love. The value which he attributes to such loves as motives to virtue and philosophy is at variance with modern and Christian notions, but is in accordance with Hellenic sentiment. The opinion of Christendom has not altogether condemned passionate friendships between persons of the same sex, but has certainly not encouraged them, because though innocent in themselves in a few temperaments they are liable to degenerate into fearful evil. Pausanias is very earnest in the defence of such loves; and he speaks of them as generally approved among Hellenes and disapproved by barbarians. His speech is &#039;more words than matter,&#039; and might have been composed by a pupil of Lysias or of Prodicus, although there is no hint given that Plato is specially referring to them. As Eryximachus says, &#039;he makes a fair beginning, but a lame ending.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Plato transposes the two next speeches, as in the Republic he would transpose the virtues and the mathematical sciences. This is done partly to avoid monotony, partly for the sake of making Aristophanes &#039;the cause of wit in others,&#039; and also in order to bring the comic and tragic poet into juxtaposition, as if by accident. A suitable &#039;expectation&#039; of Aristophanes is raised by the ludicrous circumstance of his having the hiccough, which is appropriately cured by his substitute, the physician Eryximachus. To Eryximachus Love is the good physician; he sees everything as an intelligent physicist, and, like many professors of his art in modern times, attempts to reduce the moral to the physical; or recognises one law of love which pervades them both. There are loves and strifes of the body as well as of the mind. Like Hippocrates the Asclepiad, he is a disciple of Heracleitus, whose conception of the harmony of opposites he explains in a new way as the harmony after discord; to his common sense, as to that of many moderns as well as ancients, the identity of contradictories is an absurdity. His notion of love may be summed up as the harmony of man with himself in soul as well as body, and of all things in heaven and earth with one another. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Aristophanes is ready to laugh and make laugh before he opens his mouth, just as Socrates, true to his character, is ready to argue before he begins to speak. He expresses the very genius of the old comedy, its coarse and forcible imagery, and the licence of its language in speaking about the gods. He has no sophistical notions about love, which is brought back by him to its common-sense meaning of love between intelligent beings. His account of the origin of the sexes has the greatest (comic) probability and verisimilitude. Nothing in Aristophanes is more truly Aristophanic than the description of the human monster whirling round on four arms and four legs, eight in all, with incredible rapidity. Yet there is a mixture of earnestness in this jest; three serious principles seem to be insinuated:&amp;amp;mdash;first, that man cannot exist in isolation; he must be reunited if he is to be perfected: secondly, that love is the mediator and reconciler of poor, divided human nature: thirdly, that the loves of this world are an indistinct anticipation of an ideal union which is not yet realized. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The speech of Agathon is conceived in a higher strain, and receives the real, if half-ironical, approval of Socrates. It is the speech of the tragic poet and a sort of poem, like tragedy, moving among the gods of Olympus, and not among the elder or Orphic deities. In the idea of the antiquity of love he cannot agree; love is not of the olden time, but present and youthful ever. The speech may be compared with that speech of Socrates in the Phaedrus in which he describes himself as talking dithyrambs. It is at once a preparation for Socrates and a foil to him. The rhetoric of Agathon elevates the soul to &#039;sunlit heights,&#039; but at the same time contrasts with the natural and necessary eloquence of Socrates. Agathon contributes the distinction between love and the works of love, and also hints incidentally that love is always of beauty, which Socrates afterwards raises into a principle. While the consciousness of discord is stronger in the comic poet Aristophanes, Agathon, the tragic poet, has a deeper sense of harmony and reconciliation, and speaks of Love as the creator and artist. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — All the earlier speeches embody common opinions coloured with a tinge of philosophy. They furnish the material out of which Socrates proceeds to form his discourse, starting, as in other places, from mythology and the opinions of men. From Phaedrus he takes the thought that love is stronger than death; from Pausanias, that the true love is akin to intellect and political activity; from Eryximachus, that love is a universal phenomenon and the great power of nature; from Aristophanes, that love is the child of want, and is not merely the love of the congenial or of the whole, but (as he adds) of the good; from Agathon, that love is of beauty, not however of beauty only, but of birth in beauty. As it would be out of character for Socrates to make a lengthened harangue, the speech takes the form of a dialogue between Socrates and a mysterious woman of foreign extraction. She elicits the final truth from one who knows nothing, and who, speaking by the lips of another, and himself a despiser of rhetoric, is proved also to be the most consummate of rhetoricians (compare Menexenus). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The last of the six discourses begins with a short argument which overthrows not only Agathon but all the preceding speakers by the help of a distinction which has escaped them. Extravagant praises have been ascribed to Love as the author of every good; no sort of encomium was too high for him, whether deserved and true or not. But Socrates has no talent for speaking anything but the truth, and if he is to speak the truth of Love he must honestly confess that he is not a good at all: for love is of the good, and no man can desire that which he has. This piece of dialectics is ascribed to Diotima, who has already urged upon Socrates the argument which he urges against Agathon. That the distinction is a fallacy is obvious; it is almost acknowledged to be so by Socrates himself. For he who has beauty or good may desire more of them; and he who has beauty or good in himself may desire beauty and good in others. The fallacy seems to arise out of a confusion between the abstract ideas of good and beauty, which do not admit of degrees, and their partial realization in individuals. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But Diotima, the prophetess of Mantineia, whose sacred and superhuman character raises her above the ordinary proprieties of women, has taught Socrates far more than this about the art and mystery of love. She has taught him that love is another aspect of philosophy. The same want in the human soul which is satisfied in the vulgar by the procreation of children, may become the highest aspiration of intellectual desire. As the Christian might speak of hungering and thirsting after righteousness; or of divine loves under the figure of human (compare Eph. &#039;This is a great mystery, but I speak concerning Christ and the church&#039;); as the mediaeval saint might speak of the &#039;fruitio Dei;&#039; as Dante saw all things contained in his love of Beatrice, so Plato would have us absorb all other loves and desires in the love of knowledge. Here is the beginning of Neoplatonism, or rather, perhaps, a proof (of which there are many) that the so-called mysticism of the East was not strange to the Greek of the fifth century before Christ. The first tumult of the affections was not wholly subdued; there were longings of a creature moving about in worlds not realized, which no art could satisfy. To most men reason and passion appear to be antagonistic both in idea and fact. The union of the greatest comprehension of knowledge and the burning intensity of love is a contradiction in nature, which may have existed in a far-off primeval age in the mind of some Hebrew prophet or other Eastern sage, but has now become an imagination only. Yet this &#039;passion of the reason&#039; is the theme of the Symposium of Plato. And as there is no impossibility in supposing that &#039;one king, or son of a king, may be a philosopher,&#039; so also there is a probability that there may be some few&amp;amp;mdash;perhaps one or two in a whole generation&amp;amp;mdash;in whom the light of truth may not lack the warmth of desire. And if there be such natures, no one will be disposed to deny that &#039;from them flow most of the benefits of individuals and states;&#039; and even from imperfect combinations of the two elements in teachers or statesmen great good may often arise. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yet there is a higher region in which love is not only felt, but satisfied, in the perfect beauty of eternal knowledge, beginning with the beauty of earthly things, and at last reaching a beauty in which all existence is seen to be harmonious and one. The limited affection is enlarged, and enabled to behold the ideal of all things. And here the highest summit which is reached in the Symposium is seen also to be the highest summit which is attained in the Republic, but approached from another side; and there is &#039;a way upwards and downwards,&#039; which is the same and not the same in both. The ideal beauty of the one is the ideal good of the other; regarded not with the eye of knowledge, but of faith and desire; and they are respectively the source of beauty and the source of good in all other things. And by the steps of a &#039;ladder reaching to heaven&#039; we pass from images of visible beauty (Greek), and from the hypotheses of the Mathematical sciences, which are not yet based upon the idea of good, through the concrete to the abstract, and, by different paths arriving, behold the vision of the eternal (compare Symp. (Greek) Republic (Greek) also Phaedrus). Under one aspect &#039;the idea is love&#039;; under another, &#039;truth.&#039; In both the lover of wisdom is the &#039;spectator of all time and of all existence.&#039; This is a &#039;mystery&#039; in which Plato also obscurely intimates the union of the spiritual and fleshly, the interpenetration of the moral and intellectual faculties. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The divine image of beauty which resides within Socrates has been revealed; the Silenus, or outward man, has now to be exhibited. The description of Socrates follows immediately after the speech of Socrates; one is the complement of the other. At the height of divine inspiration, when the force of nature can no further go, by way of contrast to this extreme idealism, Alcibiades, accompanied by a troop of revellers and a flute-girl, staggers in, and being drunk is able to tell of things which he would have been ashamed to make known if he had been sober. The state of his affections towards Socrates, unintelligible to us and perverted as they appear, affords an illustration of the power ascribed to the loves of man in the speech of Pausanias. He does not suppose his feelings to be peculiar to himself: there are several other persons in the company who have been equally in love with Socrates, and like himself have been deceived by him. The singular part of this confession is the combination of the most degrading passion with the desire of virtue and improvement. Such an union is not wholly untrue to human nature, which is capable of combining good and evil in a degree beyond what we can easily conceive. In imaginative persons, especially, the God and beast in man seem to part asunder more than is natural in a well-regulated mind. The Platonic Socrates (for of the real Socrates this may be doubted: compare his public rebuke of Critias for his shameful love of Euthydemus in Xenophon, Memorabilia) does not regard the greatest evil of Greek life as a thing not to be spoken of; but it has a ridiculous element (Plato&#039;s Symp.), and is a subject for irony, no less than for moral reprobation (compare Plato&#039;s Symp.). It is also used as a figure of speech which no one interpreted literally (compare Xen. Symp.). Nor does Plato feel any repugnance, such as would be felt in modern times, at bringing his great master and hero into connexion with nameless crimes. He is contented with representing him as a saint, who has won &#039;the Olympian victory&#039; over the temptations of human nature. The fault of taste, which to us is so glaring and which was recognized by the Greeks of a later age (Athenaeus), was not perceived by Plato himself. We are still more surprised to find that the philosopher is incited to take the first step in his upward progress (Symp.) by the beauty of young men and boys, which was alone capable of inspiring the modern feeling of romance in the Greek mind. The passion of love took the spurious form of an enthusiasm for the ideal of beauty&amp;amp;mdash;a worship as of some godlike image of an Apollo or Antinous. But the love of youth when not depraved was a love of virtue and modesty as well as of beauty, the one being the expression of the other; and in certain Greek states, especially at Sparta and Thebes, the honourable attachment of a youth to an elder man was a part of his education. The &#039;army of lovers and their beloved who would be invincible if they could be united by such a tie&#039; (Symp.), is not a mere fiction of Plato&#039;s, but seems actually to have existed at Thebes in the days of Epaminondas and Pelopidas, if we may believe writers cited anonymously by Plutarch, Pelop. Vit. It is observable that Plato never in the least degree excuses the depraved love of the body (compare Charm.; Rep.; Laws; Symp.; and once more Xenophon, Mem.), nor is there any Greek writer of mark who condones or approves such connexions. But owing partly to the puzzling nature of the subject these friendships are spoken of by Plato in a manner different from that customary among ourselves. To most of them we should hesitate to ascribe, any more than to the attachment of Achilles and Patroclus in Homer, an immoral or licentious character. There were many, doubtless, to whom the love of the fair mind was the noblest form of friendship (Rep.), and who deemed the friendship of man with man to be higher than the love of woman, because altogether separated from the bodily appetites. The existence of such attachments may be reasonably attributed to the inferiority and seclusion of woman, and the want of a real family or social life and parental influence in Hellenic cities; and they were encouraged by the practice of gymnastic exercises, by the meetings of political clubs, and by the tie of military companionship. They were also an educational institution: a young person was specially entrusted by his parents to some elder friend who was expected by them to train their son in manly exercises and in virtue. It is not likely that a Greek parent committed him to a lover, any more than we should to a schoolmaster, in the expectation that he would be corrupted by him, but rather in the hope that his morals would be better cared for than was possible in a great household of slaves. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — It is difficult to adduce the authority of Plato either for or against such practices or customs, because it is not always easy to determine whether he is speaking of &#039;the heavenly and philosophical love, or of the coarse Polyhymnia:&#039; and he often refers to this (e.g. in the Symposium) half in jest, yet &#039;with a certain degree of seriousness.&#039; We observe that they entered into one part of Greek literature, but not into another, and that the larger part is free from such associations. Indecency was an element of the ludicrous in the old Greek Comedy, as it has been in other ages and countries. But effeminate love was always condemned as well as ridiculed by the Comic poets; and in the New Comedy the allusions to such topics have disappeared. They seem to have been no longer tolerated by the greater refinement of the age. False sentiment is found in the Lyric and Elegiac poets; and in mythology &#039;the greatest of the Gods&#039; (Rep.) is not exempt from evil imputations. But the morals of a nation are not to be judged of wholly by its literature. Hellas was not necessarily more corrupted in the days of the Persian and Peloponnesian wars, or of Plato and the Orators, than England in the time of Fielding and Smollett, or France in the nineteenth century. No one supposes certain French novels to be a representation of ordinary French life. And the greater part of Greek literature, beginning with Homer and including the tragedians, philosophers, and, with the exception of the Comic poets (whose business was to raise a laugh by whatever means), all the greater writers of Hellas who have been preserved to us, are free from the taint of indecency. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Some general considerations occur to our mind when we begin to reflect on this subject. (1) That good and evil are linked together in human nature, and have often existed side by side in the world and in man to an extent hardly credible. We cannot distinguish them, and are therefore unable to part them; as in the parable &#039;they grow together unto the harvest:&#039; it is only a rule of external decency by which society can divide them. Nor should we be right in inferring from the prevalence of any one vice or corruption that a state or individual was demoralized in their whole character. Not only has the corruption of the best been sometimes thought to be the worst, but it may be remarked that this very excess of evil has been the stimulus to good (compare Plato, Laws, where he says that in the most corrupt cities individuals are to be found beyond all praise). (2) It may be observed that evils which admit of degrees can seldom be rightly estimated, because under the same name actions of the most different degrees of culpability may be included. No charge is more easily set going than the imputation of secret wickedness (which cannot be either proved or disproved and often cannot be defined) when directed against a person of whom the world, or a section of it, is predisposed to think evil. And it is quite possible that the malignity of Greek scandal, aroused by some personal jealousy or party enmity, may have converted the innocent friendship of a great man for a noble youth into a connexion of another kind. Such accusations were brought against several of the leading men of Hellas, e.g. Cimon, Alcibiades, Critias, Demosthenes, Epaminondas: several of the Roman emperors were assailed by similar weapons which have been used even in our own day against statesmen of the highest character. (3) While we know that in this matter there is a great gulf fixed between Greek and Christian Ethics, yet, if we would do justice to the Greeks, we must also acknowledge that there was a greater outspokenness among them than among ourselves about the things which nature hides, and that the more frequent mention of such topics is not to be taken as the measure of the prevalence of offences, or as a proof of the general corruption of society. It is likely that every religion in the world has used words or practised rites in one age, which have become distasteful or repugnant to another. We cannot, though for different reasons, trust the representations either of Comedy or Satire; and still less of Christian Apologists. (4) We observe that at Thebes and Lacedemon the attachment of an elder friend to a beloved youth was often deemed to be a part of his education; and was encouraged by his parents&amp;amp;mdash;it was only shameful if it degenerated into licentiousness. Such we may believe to have been the tie which united Asophychus and Cephisodorus with the great Epaminondas in whose companionship they fell (Plutarch, Amat.; Athenaeus on the authority of Theopompus). (5) A small matter: there appears to be a difference of custom among the Greeks and among ourselves, as between ourselves and continental nations at the present time, in modes of salutation. We must not suspect evil in the hearty kiss or embrace of a male friend &#039;returning from the army at Potidaea&#039; any more than in a similar salutation when practised by members of the same family. But those who make these admissions, and who regard, not without pity, the victims of such illusions in our own day, whose life has been blasted by them, may be none the less resolved that the natural and healthy instincts of mankind shall alone be tolerated (Greek); and that the lesson of manliness which we have inherited from our fathers shall not degenerate into sentimentalism or effeminacy. The possibility of an honourable connexion of this kind seems to have died out with Greek civilization. Among the Romans, and also among barbarians, such as the Celts and Persians, there is no trace of such attachments existing in any noble or virtuous form. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — (Compare Hoeck&#039;s Creta and the admirable and exhaustive article of Meier in Ersch and Grueber&#039;s Cyclopedia on this subject; Plutarch, Amatores; Athenaeus; Lysias contra Simonem; Aesch. c. Timarchum.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The character of Alcibiades in the Symposium is hardly less remarkable than that of Socrates, and agrees with the picture given of him in the first of the two Dialogues which are called by his name, and also with the slight sketch of him in the Protagoras. He is the impersonation of lawlessness&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;the lion&#039;s whelp, who ought not to be reared in the city,&#039; yet not without a certain generosity which gained the hearts of men,&amp;amp;mdash;strangely fascinated by Socrates, and possessed of a genius which might have been either the destruction or salvation of Athens. The dramatic interest of the character is heightened by the recollection of his after history. He seems to have been present to the mind of Plato in the description of the democratic man of the Republic (compare also Alcibiades 1). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There is no criterion of the date of the Symposium, except that which is furnished by the allusion to the division of Arcadia after the destruction of Mantinea. This took place in the year B.C. 384, which is the forty-fourth year of Plato&#039;s life. The Symposium cannot therefore be regarded as a youthful work. As Mantinea was restored in the year 369, the composition of the Dialogue will probably fall between 384 and 369. Whether the recollection of the event is more likely to have been renewed at the destruction or restoration of the city, rather than at some intermediate period, is a consideration not worth raising. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The Symposium is connected with the Phaedrus both in style and subject; they are the only Dialogues of Plato in which the theme of love is discussed at length. In both of them philosophy is regarded as a sort of enthusiasm or madness; Socrates is himself &#039;a prophet new inspired&#039; with Bacchanalian revelry, which, like his philosophy, he characteristically pretends to have derived not from himself but from others. The Phaedo also presents some points of comparison with the Symposium. For there, too, philosophy might be described as &#039;dying for love;&#039; and there are not wanting many touches of humour and fancy, which remind us of the Symposium. But while the Phaedo and Phaedrus look backwards and forwards to past and future states of existence, in the Symposium there is no break between this world and another; and we rise from one to the other by a regular series of steps or stages, proceeding from the particulars of sense to the universal of reason, and from one universal to many, which are finally reunited in a single science (compare Rep.). At first immortality means only the succession of existences; even knowledge comes and goes. Then follows, in the language of the mysteries, a higher and a higher degree of initiation; at last we arrive at the perfect vision of beauty, not relative or changing, but eternal and absolute; not bounded by this world, or in or out of this world, but an aspect of the divine, extending over all things, and having no limit of space or time: this is the highest knowledge of which the human mind is capable. Plato does not go on to ask whether the individual is absorbed in the sea of light and beauty or retains his personality. Enough for him to have attained the true beauty or good, without enquiring precisely into the relation in which human beings stood to it. That the soul has such a reach of thought, and is capable of partaking of the eternal nature, seems to imply that she too is eternal (compare Phaedrus). But Plato does not distinguish the eternal in man from the eternal in the world or in God. He is willing to rest in the contemplation of the idea, which to him is the cause of all things (Rep.), and has no strength to go further. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The Symposium of Xenophon, in which Socrates describes himself as a pander, and also discourses of the difference between sensual and sentimental love, likewise offers several interesting points of comparison. But the suspicion which hangs over other writings of Xenophon, and the numerous minute references to the Phaedrus and Symposium, as well as to some of the other writings of Plato, throw a doubt on the genuineness of the work. The Symposium of Xenophon, if written by him at all, would certainly show that he wrote against Plato, and was acquainted with his works. Of this hostility there is no trace in the Memorabilia. Such a rivalry is more characteristic of an imitator than of an original writer. The (so-called) Symposium of Xenophon may therefore have no more title to be regarded as genuine than the confessedly spurious Apology. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There are no means of determining the relative order in time of the Phaedrus, Symposium, Phaedo. The order which has been adopted in this translation rests on no other principle than the desire to bring together in a series the memorials of the life of Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PERSONS OF THE DIALOGUE: Apollodorus, who repeats to his companion the dialogue which he had heard from Aristodemus, and had already once narrated to Glaucon. Phaedrus, Pausanias, Eryximachus, Aristophanes, Agathon, Socrates, Alcibiades, A Troop of Revellers. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SCENE: The House of Agathon. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Concerning the things about which you ask to be informed I believe that I am not ill-prepared with an answer. For the day before yesterday I was coming from my own home at Phalerum to the city, and one of my acquaintance, who had caught a sight of me from behind, calling out playfully in the distance, said: Apollodorus, O thou Phalerian (Probably a play of words on (Greek), &#039;bald-headed.&#039;) man, halt! So I did as I was bid; and then he said, I was looking for you, Apollodorus, only just now, that I might ask you about the speeches in praise of love, which were delivered by Socrates, Alcibiades, and others, at Agathon&#039;s supper. Phoenix, the son of Philip, told another person who told me of them; his narrative was very indistinct, but he said that you knew, and I wish that you would give me an account of them. Who, if not you, should be the reporter of the words of your friend? And first tell me, he said, were you present at this meeting? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Your informant, Glaucon, I said, must have been very indistinct indeed, if you imagine that the occasion was recent; or that I could have been of the party. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Why, yes, he replied, I thought so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Impossible: I said. Are you ignorant that for many years Agathon has not resided at Athens; and not three have elapsed since I became acquainted with Socrates, and have made it my daily business to know all that he says and does. There was a time when I was running about the world, fancying myself to be well employed, but I was really a most wretched being, no better than you are now. I thought that I ought to do anything rather than be a philosopher. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Well, he said, jesting apart, tell me when the meeting occurred. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In our boyhood, I replied, when Agathon won the prize with his first tragedy, on the day after that on which he and his chorus offered the sacrifice of victory. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then it must have been a long while ago, he said; and who told you&amp;amp;mdash;did Socrates? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — No indeed, I replied, but the same person who told Phoenix;&amp;amp;mdash;he was a little fellow, who never wore any shoes, Aristodemus, of the deme of Cydathenaeum. He had been at Agathon&#039;s feast; and I think that in those days there was no one who was a more devoted admirer of Socrates. Moreover, I have asked Socrates about the truth of some parts of his narrative, and he confirmed them. Then, said Glaucon, let us have the tale over again; is not the road to Athens just made for conversation? And so we walked, and talked of the discourses on love; and therefore, as I said at first, I am not ill-prepared to comply with your request, and will have another rehearsal of them if you like. For to speak or to hear others speak of philosophy always gives me the greatest pleasure, to say nothing of the profit. But when I hear another strain, especially that of you rich men and traders, such conversation displeases me; and I pity you who are my companions, because you think that you are doing something when in reality you are doing nothing. And I dare say that you pity me in return, whom you regard as an unhappy creature, and very probably you are right. But I certainly know of you what you only think of me&amp;amp;mdash;there is the difference. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — COMPANION: I see, Apollodorus, that you are just the same&amp;amp;mdash;always speaking evil of yourself, and of others; and I do believe that you pity all mankind, with the exception of Socrates, yourself first of all, true in this to your old name, which, however deserved, I know not how you acquired, of Apollodorus the madman; for you are always raging against yourself and everybody but Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — APOLLODORUS: Yes, friend, and the reason why I am said to be mad, and out of my wits, is just because I have these notions of myself and you; no other evidence is required. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — COMPANION: No more of that, Apollodorus; but let me renew my request that you would repeat the conversation. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — APOLLODORUS: Well, the tale of love was on this wise:&amp;amp;mdash;But perhaps I had better begin at the beginning, and endeavour to give you the exact words of Aristodemus: &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He said that he met Socrates fresh from the bath and sandalled; and as the sight of the sandals was unusual, he asked him whither he was going that he had been converted into such a beau:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — To a banquet at Agathon&#039;s, he replied, whose invitation to his sacrifice of victory I refused yesterday, fearing a crowd, but promising that I would come to-day instead; and so I have put on my finery, because he is such a fine man. What say you to going with me unasked? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I will do as you bid me, I replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Follow then, he said, and let us demolish the proverb:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;To the feasts of inferior men the good unbidden go;&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — instead of which our proverb will run:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;To the feasts of the good the good unbidden go;&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — and this alteration may be supported by the authority of Homer himself, who not only demolishes but literally outrages the proverb. For, after picturing Agamemnon as the most valiant of men, he makes Menelaus, who is but a fainthearted warrior, come unbidden (Iliad) to the banquet of Agamemnon, who is feasting and offering sacrifices, not the better to the worse, but the worse to the better. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I rather fear, Socrates, said Aristodemus, lest this may still be my case; and that, like Menelaus in Homer, I shall be the inferior person, who &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;To the feasts of the wise unbidden goes.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But I shall say that I was bidden of you, and then you will have to make an excuse. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;Two going together,&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — he replied, in Homeric fashion, one or other of them may invent an excuse by the way (Iliad). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — This was the style of their conversation as they went along. Socrates dropped behind in a fit of abstraction, and desired Aristodemus, who was waiting, to go on before him. When he reached the house of Agathon he found the doors wide open, and a comical thing happened. A servant coming out met him, and led him at once into the banqueting-hall in which the guests were reclining, for the banquet was about to begin. Welcome, Aristodemus, said Agathon, as soon as he appeared&amp;amp;mdash;you are just in time to sup with us; if you come on any other matter put it off, and make one of us, as I was looking for you yesterday and meant to have asked you, if I could have found you. But what have you done with Socrates? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I turned round, but Socrates was nowhere to be seen; and I had to explain that he had been with me a moment before, and that I came by his invitation to the supper. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — You were quite right in coming, said Agathon; but where is he himself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He was behind me just now, as I entered, he said, and I cannot think what has become of him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Go and look for him, boy, said Agathon, and bring him in; and do you, Aristodemus, meanwhile take the place by Eryximachus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The servant then assisted him to wash, and he lay down, and presently another servant came in and reported that our friend Socrates had retired into the portico of the neighbouring house. &#039;There he is fixed,&#039; said he, &#039;and when I call to him he will not stir.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — How strange, said Agathon; then you must call him again, and keep calling him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Let him alone, said my informant; he has a way of stopping anywhere and losing himself without any reason. I believe that he will soon appear; do not therefore disturb him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Well, if you think so, I will leave him, said Agathon. And then, turning to the servants, he added, &#039;Let us have supper without waiting for him. Serve up whatever you please, for there is no one to give you orders; hitherto I have never left you to yourselves. But on this occasion imagine that you are our hosts, and that I and the company are your guests; treat us well, and then we shall commend you.&#039; After this, supper was served, but still no Socrates; and during the meal Agathon several times expressed a wish to send for him, but Aristodemus objected; and at last when the feast was about half over&amp;amp;mdash;for the fit, as usual, was not of long duration&amp;amp;mdash;Socrates entered. Agathon, who was reclining alone at the end of the table, begged that he would take the place next to him; that &#039;I may touch you,&#039; he said, &#039;and have the benefit of that wise thought which came into your mind in the portico, and is now in your possession; for I am certain that you would not have come away until you had found what you sought.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — How I wish, said Socrates, taking his place as he was desired, that wisdom could be infused by touch, out of the fuller into the emptier man, as water runs through wool out of a fuller cup into an emptier one; if that were so, how greatly should I value the privilege of reclining at your side! For you would have filled me full with a stream of wisdom plenteous and fair; whereas my own is of a very mean and questionable sort, no better than a dream. But yours is bright and full of promise, and was manifested forth in all the splendour of youth the day before yesterday, in the presence of more than thirty thousand Hellenes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — You are mocking, Socrates, said Agathon, and ere long you and I will have to determine who bears off the palm of wisdom&amp;amp;mdash;of this Dionysus shall be the judge; but at present you are better occupied with supper. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Socrates took his place on the couch, and supped with the rest; and then libations were offered, and after a hymn had been sung to the god, and there had been the usual ceremonies, they were about to commence drinking, when Pausanias said, And now, my friends, how can we drink with least injury to ourselves? I can assure you that I feel severely the effect of yesterday&#039;s potations, and must have time to recover; and I suspect that most of you are in the same predicament, for you were of the party yesterday. Consider then: How can the drinking be made easiest? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I entirely agree, said Aristophanes, that we should, by all means, avoid hard drinking, for I was myself one of those who were yesterday drowned in drink. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I think that you are right, said Eryximachus, the son of Acumenus; but I should still like to hear one other person speak: Is Agathon able to drink hard? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I am not equal to it, said Agathon. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then, said Eryximachus, the weak heads like myself, Aristodemus, Phaedrus, and others who never can drink, are fortunate in finding that the stronger ones are not in a drinking mood. (I do not include Socrates, who is able either to drink or to abstain, and will not mind, whichever we do.) Well, as of none of the company seem disposed to drink much, I may be forgiven for saying, as a physician, that drinking deep is a bad practice, which I never follow, if I can help, and certainly do not recommend to another, least of all to any one who still feels the effects of yesterday&#039;s carouse. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I always do what you advise, and especially what you prescribe as a physician, rejoined Phaedrus the Myrrhinusian, and the rest of the company, if they are wise, will do the same. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — It was agreed that drinking was not to be the order of the day, but that they were all to drink only so much as they pleased. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then, said Eryximachus, as you are all agreed that drinking is to be voluntary, and that there is to be no compulsion, I move, in the next place, that the flute-girl, who has just made her appearance, be told to go away and play to herself, or, if she likes, to the women who are within (compare Prot.). To-day let us have conversation instead; and, if you will allow me, I will tell you what sort of conversation. This proposal having been accepted, Eryximachus proceeded as follows:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I will begin, he said, after the manner of Melanippe in Euripides, &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;Not mine the word&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — which I am about to speak, but that of Phaedrus. For often he says to me in an indignant tone:&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;What a strange thing it is, Eryximachus, that, whereas other gods have poems and hymns made in their honour, the great and glorious god, Love, has no encomiast among all the poets who are so many. There are the worthy sophists too&amp;amp;mdash;the excellent Prodicus for example, who have descanted in prose on the virtues of Heracles and other heroes; and, what is still more extraordinary, I have met with a philosophical work in which the utility of salt has been made the theme of an eloquent discourse; and many other like things have had a like honour bestowed upon them. And only to think that there should have been an eager interest created about them, and yet that to this day no one has ever dared worthily to hymn Love&#039;s praises! So entirely has this great deity been neglected.&#039; Now in this Phaedrus seems to me to be quite right, and therefore I want to offer him a contribution; also I think that at the present moment we who are here assembled cannot do better than honour the god Love. If you agree with me, there will be no lack of conversation; for I mean to propose that each of us in turn, going from left to right, shall make a speech in honour of Love. Let him give us the best which he can; and Phaedrus, because he is sitting first on the left hand, and because he is the father of the thought, shall begin. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — No one will vote against you, Eryximachus, said Socrates. How can I oppose your motion, who profess to understand nothing but matters of love; nor, I presume, will Agathon and Pausanias; and there can be no doubt of Aristophanes, whose whole concern is with Dionysus and Aphrodite; nor will any one disagree of those whom I see around me. The proposal, as I am aware, may seem rather hard upon us whose place is last; but we shall be contented if we hear some good speeches first. Let Phaedrus begin the praise of Love, and good luck to him. All the company expressed their assent, and desired him to do as Socrates bade him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Aristodemus did not recollect all that was said, nor do I recollect all that he related to me; but I will tell you what I thought most worthy of remembrance, and what the chief speakers said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Phaedrus began by affirming that Love is a mighty god, and wonderful among gods and men, but especially wonderful in his birth. For he is the eldest of the gods, which is an honour to him; and a proof of his claim to this honour is, that of his parents there is no memorial; neither poet nor prose-writer has ever affirmed that he had any. As Hesiod says:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;First Chaos came, and then broad-bosomed Earth, The everlasting seat of all that is, And Love.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In other words, after Chaos, the Earth and Love, these two, came into being. Also Parmenides sings of Generation: &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;First in the train of gods, he fashioned Love.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And Acusilaus agrees with Hesiod. Thus numerous are the witnesses who acknowledge Love to be the eldest of the gods. And not only is he the eldest, he is also the source of the greatest benefits to us. For I know not any greater blessing to a young man who is beginning life than a virtuous lover, or to the lover than a beloved youth. For the principle which ought to be the guide of men who would nobly live&amp;amp;mdash;that principle, I say, neither kindred, nor honour, nor wealth, nor any other motive is able to implant so well as love. Of what am I speaking? Of the sense of honour and dishonour, without which neither states nor individuals ever do any good or great work. And I say that a lover who is detected in doing any dishonourable act, or submitting through cowardice when any dishonour is done to him by another, will be more pained at being detected by his beloved than at being seen by his father, or by his companions, or by any one else. The beloved too, when he is found in any disgraceful situation, has the same feeling about his lover. And if there were only some way of contriving that a state or an army should be made up of lovers and their loves (compare Rep.), they would be the very best governors of their own city, abstaining from all dishonour, and emulating one another in honour; and when fighting at each other&#039;s side, although a mere handful, they would overcome the world. For what lover would not choose rather to be seen by all mankind than by his beloved, either when abandoning his post or throwing away his arms? He would be ready to die a thousand deaths rather than endure this. Or who would desert his beloved or fail him in the hour of danger? The veriest coward would become an inspired hero, equal to the bravest, at such a time; Love would inspire him. That courage which, as Homer says, the god breathes into the souls of some heroes, Love of his own nature infuses into the lover. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Love will make men dare to die for their beloved&amp;amp;mdash;love alone; and women as well as men. Of this, Alcestis, the daughter of Pelias, is a monument to all Hellas; for she was willing to lay down her life on behalf of her husband, when no one else would, although he had a father and mother; but the tenderness of her love so far exceeded theirs, that she made them seem to be strangers in blood to their own son, and in name only related to him; and so noble did this action of hers appear to the gods, as well as to men, that among the many who have done virtuously she is one of the very few to whom, in admiration of her noble action, they have granted the privilege of returning alive to earth; such exceeding honour is paid by the gods to the devotion and virtue of love. But Orpheus, the son of Oeagrus, the harper, they sent empty away, and presented to him an apparition only of her whom he sought, but herself they would not give up, because he showed no spirit; he was only a harp-player, and did not dare like Alcestis to die for love, but was contriving how he might enter Hades alive; moreover, they afterwards caused him to suffer death at the hands of women, as the punishment of his cowardliness. Very different was the reward of the true love of Achilles towards his lover Patroclus&amp;amp;mdash;his lover and not his love (the notion that Patroclus was the beloved one is a foolish error into which Aeschylus has fallen, for Achilles was surely the fairer of the two, fairer also than all the other heroes; and, as Homer informs us, he was still beardless, and younger far). And greatly as the gods honour the virtue of love, still the return of love on the part of the beloved to the lover is more admired and valued and rewarded by them, for the lover is more divine; because he is inspired by God. Now Achilles was quite aware, for he had been told by his mother, that he might avoid death and return home, and live to a good old age, if he abstained from slaying Hector. Nevertheless he gave his life to revenge his friend, and dared to die, not only in his defence, but after he was dead. Wherefore the gods honoured him even above Alcestis, and sent him to the Islands of the Blest. These are my reasons for affirming that Love is the eldest and noblest and mightiest of the gods; and the chiefest author and giver of virtue in life, and of happiness after death. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — This, or something like this, was the speech of Phaedrus; and some other speeches followed which Aristodemus did not remember; the next which he repeated was that of Pausanias. Phaedrus, he said, the argument has not been set before us, I think, quite in the right form;&amp;amp;mdash;we should not be called upon to praise Love in such an indiscriminate manner. If there were only one Love, then what you said would be well enough; but since there are more Loves than one,&amp;amp;mdash;should have begun by determining which of them was to be the theme of our praises. I will amend this defect; and first of all I will tell you which Love is deserving of praise, and then try to hymn the praiseworthy one in a manner worthy of him. For we all know that Love is inseparable from Aphrodite, and if there were only one Aphrodite there would be only one Love; but as there are two goddesses there must be two Loves. And am I not right in asserting that there are two goddesses? The elder one, having no mother, who is called the heavenly Aphrodite&amp;amp;mdash;she is the daughter of Uranus; the younger, who is the daughter of Zeus and Dione&amp;amp;mdash;her we call common; and the Love who is her fellow-worker is rightly named common, as the other love is called heavenly. All the gods ought to have praise given to them, but not without distinction of their natures; and therefore I must try to distinguish the characters of the two Loves. Now actions vary according to the manner of their performance. Take, for example, that which we are now doing, drinking, singing and talking&amp;amp;mdash;these actions are not in themselves either good or evil, but they turn out in this or that way according to the mode of performing them; and when well done they are good, and when wrongly done they are evil; and in like manner not every love, but only that which has a noble purpose, is noble and worthy of praise. The Love who is the offspring of the common Aphrodite is essentially common, and has no discrimination, being such as the meaner sort of men feel, and is apt to be of women as well as of youths, and is of the body rather than of the soul&amp;amp;mdash;the most foolish beings are the objects of this love which desires only to gain an end, but never thinks of accomplishing the end nobly, and therefore does good and evil quite indiscriminately. The goddess who is his mother is far younger than the other, and she was born of the union of the male and female, and partakes of both. But the offspring of the heavenly Aphrodite is derived from a mother in whose birth the female has no part,&amp;amp;mdash;she is from the male only; this is that love which is of youths, and the goddess being older, there is nothing of wantonness in her. Those who are inspired by this love turn to the male, and delight in him who is the more valiant and intelligent nature; any one may recognise the pure enthusiasts in the very character of their attachments. For they love not boys, but intelligent beings whose reason is beginning to be developed, much about the time at which their beards begin to grow. And in choosing young men to be their companions, they mean to be faithful to them, and pass their whole life in company with them, not to take them in their inexperience, and deceive them, and play the fool with them, or run away from one to another of them. But the love of young boys should be forbidden by law, because their future is uncertain; they may turn out good or bad, either in body or soul, and much noble enthusiasm may be thrown away upon them; in this matter the good are a law to themselves, and the coarser sort of lovers ought to be restrained by force; as we restrain or attempt to restrain them from fixing their affections on women of free birth. These are the persons who bring a reproach on love; and some have been led to deny the lawfulness of such attachments because they see the impropriety and evil of them; for surely nothing that is decorously and lawfully done can justly be censured. Now here and in Lacedaemon the rules about love are perplexing, but in most cities they are simple and easily intelligible; in Elis and Boeotia, and in countries having no gifts of eloquence, they are very straightforward; the law is simply in favour of these connexions, and no one, whether young or old, has anything to say to their discredit; the reason being, as I suppose, that they are men of few words in those parts, and therefore the lovers do not like the trouble of pleading their suit. In Ionia and other places, and generally in countries which are subject to the barbarians, the custom is held to be dishonourable; loves of youths share the evil repute in which philosophy and gymnastics are held, because they are inimical to tyranny; for the interests of rulers require that their subjects should be poor in spirit (compare Arist. Politics), and that there should be no strong bond of friendship or society among them, which love, above all other motives, is likely to inspire, as our Athenian tyrants learned by experience; for the love of Aristogeiton and the constancy of Harmodius had a strength which undid their power. And, therefore, the ill-repute into which these attachments have fallen is to be ascribed to the evil condition of those who make them to be ill-reputed; that is to say, to the self-seeking of the governors and the cowardice of the governed; on the other hand, the indiscriminate honour which is given to them in some countries is attributable to the laziness of those who hold this opinion of them. In our own country a far better principle prevails, but, as I was saying, the explanation of it is rather perplexing. For, observe that open loves are held to be more honourable than secret ones, and that the love of the noblest and highest, even if their persons are less beautiful than others, is especially honourable. Consider, too, how great is the encouragement which all the world gives to the lover; neither is he supposed to be doing anything dishonourable; but if he succeeds he is praised, and if he fail he is blamed. And in the pursuit of his love the custom of mankind allows him to do many strange things, which philosophy would bitterly censure if they were done from any motive of interest, or wish for office or power. He may pray, and entreat, and supplicate, and swear, and lie on a mat at the door, and endure a slavery worse than that of any slave&amp;amp;mdash;in any other case friends and enemies would be equally ready to prevent him, but now there is no friend who will be ashamed of him and admonish him, and no enemy will charge him with meanness or flattery; the actions of a lover have a grace which ennobles them; and custom has decided that they are highly commendable and that there no loss of character in them; and, what is strangest of all, he only may swear and forswear himself (so men say), and the gods will forgive his transgression, for there is no such thing as a lover&#039;s oath. Such is the entire liberty which gods and men have allowed the lover, according to the custom which prevails in our part of the world. From this point of view a man fairly argues that in Athens to love and to be loved is held to be a very honourable thing. But when parents forbid their sons to talk with their lovers, and place them under a tutor&#039;s care, who is appointed to see to these things, and their companions and equals cast in their teeth anything of the sort which they may observe, and their elders refuse to silence the reprovers and do not rebuke them&amp;amp;mdash;any one who reflects on all this will, on the contrary, think that we hold these practices to be most disgraceful. But, as I was saying at first, the truth as I imagine is, that whether such practices are honourable or whether they are dishonourable is not a simple question; they are honourable to him who follows them honourably, dishonourable to him who follows them dishonourably. There is dishonour in yielding to the evil, or in an evil manner; but there is honour in yielding to the good, or in an honourable manner. Evil is the vulgar lover who loves the body rather than the soul, inasmuch as he is not even stable, because he loves a thing which is in itself unstable, and therefore when the bloom of youth which he was desiring is over, he takes wing and flies away, in spite of all his words and promises; whereas the love of the noble disposition is life-long, for it becomes one with the everlasting. The custom of our country would have both of them proven well and truly, and would have us yield to the one sort of lover and avoid the other, and therefore encourages some to pursue, and others to fly; testing both the lover and beloved in contests and trials, until they show to which of the two classes they respectively belong. And this is the reason why, in the first place, a hasty attachment is held to be dishonourable, because time is the true test of this as of most other things; and secondly there is a dishonour in being overcome by the love of money, or of wealth, or of political power, whether a man is frightened into surrender by the loss of them, or, having experienced the benefits of money and political corruption, is unable to rise above the seductions of them. For none of these things are of a permanent or lasting nature; not to mention that no generous friendship ever sprang from them. There remains, then, only one way of honourable attachment which custom allows in the beloved, and this is the way of virtue; for as we admitted that any service which the lover does to him is not to be accounted flattery or a dishonour to himself, so the beloved has one way only of voluntary service which is not dishonourable, and this is virtuous service. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — For we have a custom, and according to our custom any one who does service to another under the idea that he will be improved by him either in wisdom, or in some other particular of virtue&amp;amp;mdash;such a voluntary service, I say, is not to be regarded as a dishonour, and is not open to the charge of flattery. And these two customs, one the love of youth, and the other the practice of philosophy and virtue in general, ought to meet in one, and then the beloved may honourably indulge the lover. For when the lover and beloved come together, having each of them a law, and the lover thinks that he is right in doing any service which he can to his gracious loving one; and the other that he is right in showing any kindness which he can to him who is making him wise and good; the one capable of communicating wisdom and virtue, the other seeking to acquire them with a view to education and wisdom, when the two laws of love are fulfilled and meet in one&amp;amp;mdash;then, and then only, may the beloved yield with honour to the lover. Nor when love is of this disinterested sort is there any disgrace in being deceived, but in every other case there is equal disgrace in being or not being deceived. For he who is gracious to his lover under the impression that he is rich, and is disappointed of his gains because he turns out to be poor, is disgraced all the same: for he has done his best to show that he would give himself up to any one&#039;s &#039;uses base&#039; for the sake of money; but this is not honourable. And on the same principle he who gives himself to a lover because he is a good man, and in the hope that he will be improved by his company, shows himself to be virtuous, even though the object of his affection turn out to be a villain, and to have no virtue; and if he is deceived he has committed a noble error. For he has proved that for his part he will do anything for anybody with a view to virtue and improvement, than which there can be nothing nobler. Thus noble in every case is the acceptance of another for the sake of virtue. This is that love which is the love of the heavenly godess, and is heavenly, and of great price to individuals and cities, making the lover and the beloved alike eager in the work of their own improvement. But all other loves are the offspring of the other, who is the common goddess. To you, Phaedrus, I offer this my contribution in praise of love, which is as good as I could make extempore. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Pausanias came to a pause&amp;amp;mdash;this is the balanced way in which I have been taught by the wise to speak; and Aristodemus said that the turn of Aristophanes was next, but either he had eaten too much, or from some other cause he had the hiccough, and was obliged to change turns with Eryximachus the physician, who was reclining on the couch below him. Eryximachus, he said, you ought either to stop my hiccough, or to speak in my turn until I have left off. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I will do both, said Eryximachus: I will speak in your turn, and do you speak in mine; and while I am speaking let me recommend you to hold your breath, and if after you have done so for some time the hiccough is no better, then gargle with a little water; and if it still continues, tickle your nose with something and sneeze; and if you sneeze once or twice, even the most violent hiccough is sure to go. I will do as you prescribe, said Aristophanes, and now get on. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Eryximachus spoke as follows: Seeing that Pausanias made a fair beginning, and but a lame ending, I must endeavour to supply his deficiency. I think that he has rightly distinguished two kinds of love. But my art further informs me that the double love is not merely an affection of the soul of man towards the fair, or towards anything, but is to be found in the bodies of all animals and in productions of the earth, and I may say in all that is; such is the conclusion which I seem to have gathered from my own art of medicine, whence I learn how great and wonderful and universal is the deity of love, whose empire extends over all things, divine as well as human. And from medicine I will begin that I may do honour to my art. There are in the human body these two kinds of love, which are confessedly different and unlike, and being unlike, they have loves and desires which are unlike; and the desire of the healthy is one, and the desire of the diseased is another; and as Pausanias was just now saying that to indulge good men is honourable, and bad men dishonourable:&amp;amp;mdash;so too in the body the good and healthy elements are to be indulged, and the bad elements and the elements of disease are not to be indulged, but discouraged. And this is what the physician has to do, and in this the art of medicine consists: for medicine may be regarded generally as the knowledge of the loves and desires of the body, and how to satisfy them or not; and the best physician is he who is able to separate fair love from foul, or to convert one into the other; and he who knows how to eradicate and how to implant love, whichever is required, and can reconcile the most hostile elements in the constitution and make them loving friends, is a skilful practitioner. Now the most hostile are the most opposite, such as hot and cold, bitter and sweet, moist and dry, and the like. And my ancestor, Asclepius, knowing how to implant friendship and accord in these elements, was the creator of our art, as our friends the poets here tell us, and I believe them; and not only medicine in every branch but the arts of gymnastic and husbandry are under his dominion. Any one who pays the least attention to the subject will also perceive that in music there is the same reconciliation of opposites; and I suppose that this must have been the meaning of Heracleitus, although his words are not accurate; for he says that The One is united by disunion, like the harmony of the bow and the lyre. Now there is an absurdity saying that harmony is discord or is composed of elements which are still in a state of discord. But what he probably meant was, that harmony is composed of differing notes of higher or lower pitch which disagreed once, but are now reconciled by the art of music; for if the higher and lower notes still disagreed, there could be no harmony,&amp;amp;mdash;clearly not. For harmony is a symphony, and symphony is an agreement; but an agreement of disagreements while they disagree there cannot be; you cannot harmonize that which disagrees. In like manner rhythm is compounded of elements short and long, once differing and now in accord; which accordance, as in the former instance, medicine, so in all these other cases, music implants, making love and unison to grow up among them; and thus music, too, is concerned with the principles of love in their application to harmony and rhythm. Again, in the essential nature of harmony and rhythm there is no difficulty in discerning love which has not yet become double. But when you want to use them in actual life, either in the composition of songs or in the correct performance of airs or metres composed already, which latter is called education, then the difficulty begins, and the good artist is needed. Then the old tale has to be repeated of fair and heavenly love&amp;amp;mdash;the love of Urania the fair and heavenly muse, and of the duty of accepting the temperate, and those who are as yet intemperate only that they may become temperate, and of preserving their love; and again, of the vulgar Polyhymnia, who must be used with circumspection that the pleasure be enjoyed, but may not generate licentiousness; just as in my own art it is a great matter so to regulate the desires of the epicure that he may gratify his tastes without the attendant evil of disease. Whence I infer that in music, in medicine, in all other things human as well as divine, both loves ought to be noted as far as may be, for they are both present. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The course of the seasons is also full of both these principles; and when, as I was saying, the elements of hot and cold, moist and dry, attain the harmonious love of one another and blend in temperance and harmony, they bring to men, animals, and plants health and plenty, and do them no harm; whereas the wanton love, getting the upper hand and affecting the seasons of the year, is very destructive and injurious, being the source of pestilence, and bringing many other kinds of diseases on animals and plants; for hoar-frost and hail and blight spring from the excesses and disorders of these elements of love, which to know in relation to the revolutions of the heavenly bodies and the seasons of the year is termed astronomy. Furthermore all sacrifices and the whole province of divination, which is the art of communion between gods and men&amp;amp;mdash;these, I say, are concerned only with the preservation of the good and the cure of the evil love. For all manner of impiety is likely to ensue if, instead of accepting and honouring and reverencing the harmonious love in all his actions, a man honours the other love, whether in his feelings towards gods or parents, towards the living or the dead. Wherefore the business of divination is to see to these loves and to heal them, and divination is the peacemaker of gods and men, working by a knowledge of the religious or irreligious tendencies which exist in human loves. Such is the great and mighty, or rather omnipotent force of love in general. And the love, more especially, which is concerned with the good, and which is perfected in company with temperance and justice, whether among gods or men, has the greatest power, and is the source of all our happiness and harmony, and makes us friends with the gods who are above us, and with one another. I dare say that I too have omitted several things which might be said in praise of Love, but this was not intentional, and you, Aristophanes, may now supply the omission or take some other line of commendation; for I perceive that you are rid of the hiccough. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, said Aristophanes, who followed, the hiccough is gone; not, however, until I applied the sneezing; and I wonder whether the harmony of the body has a love of such noises and ticklings, for I no sooner applied the sneezing than I was cured. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Eryximachus said: Beware, friend Aristophanes, although you are going to speak, you are making fun of me; and I shall have to watch and see whether I cannot have a laugh at your expense, when you might speak in peace. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — You are right, said Aristophanes, laughing. I will unsay my words; but do you please not to watch me, as I fear that in the speech which I am about to make, instead of others laughing with me, which is to the manner born of our muse and would be all the better, I shall only be laughed at by them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Do you expect to shoot your bolt and escape, Aristophanes? Well, perhaps if you are very careful and bear in mind that you will be called to account, I may be induced to let you off. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Aristophanes professed to open another vein of discourse; he had a mind to praise Love in another way, unlike that either of Pausanias or Eryximachus. Mankind, he said, judging by their neglect of him, have never, as I think, at all understood the power of Love. For if they had understood him they would surely have built noble temples and altars, and offered solemn sacrifices in his honour; but this is not done, and most certainly ought to be done: since of all the gods he is the best friend of men, the helper and the healer of the ills which are the great impediment to the happiness of the race. I will try to describe his power to you, and you shall teach the rest of the world what I am teaching you. In the first place, let me treat of the nature of man and what has happened to it; for the original human nature was not like the present, but different. The sexes were not two as they are now, but originally three in number; there was man, woman, and the union of the two, having a name corresponding to this double nature, which had once a real existence, but is now lost, and the word &#039;Androgynous&#039; is only preserved as a term of reproach. In the second place, the primeval man was round, his back and sides forming a circle; and he had four hands and four feet, one head with two faces, looking opposite ways, set on a round neck and precisely alike; also four ears, two privy members, and the remainder to correspond. He could walk upright as men now do, backwards or forwards as he pleased, and he could also roll over and over at a great pace, turning on his four hands and four feet, eight in all, like tumblers going over and over with their legs in the air; this was when he wanted to run fast. Now the sexes were three, and such as I have described them; because the sun, moon, and earth are three; and the man was originally the child of the sun, the woman of the earth, and the man-woman of the moon, which is made up of sun and earth, and they were all round and moved round and round like their parents. Terrible was their might and strength, and the thoughts of their hearts were great, and they made an attack upon the gods; of them is told the tale of Otys and Ephialtes who, as Homer says, dared to scale heaven, and would have laid hands upon the gods. Doubt reigned in the celestial councils. Should they kill them and annihilate the race with thunderbolts, as they had done the giants, then there would be an end of the sacrifices and worship which men offered to them; but, on the other hand, the gods could not suffer their insolence to be unrestrained. At last, after a good deal of reflection, Zeus discovered a way. He said: &#039;Methinks I have a plan which will humble their pride and improve their manners; men shall continue to exist, but I will cut them in two and then they will be diminished in strength and increased in numbers; this will have the advantage of making them more profitable to us. They shall walk upright on two legs, and if they continue insolent and will not be quiet, I will split them again and they shall hop about on a single leg.&#039; He spoke and cut men in two, like a sorb-apple which is halved for pickling, or as you might divide an egg with a hair; and as he cut them one after another, he bade Apollo give the face and the half of the neck a turn in order that the man might contemplate the section of himself: he would thus learn a lesson of humility. Apollo was also bidden to heal their wounds and compose their forms. So he gave a turn to the face and pulled the skin from the sides all over that which in our language is called the belly, like the purses which draw in, and he made one mouth at the centre, which he fastened in a knot (the same which is called the navel); he also moulded the breast and took out most of the wrinkles, much as a shoemaker might smooth leather upon a last; he left a few, however, in the region of the belly and navel, as a memorial of the primeval state. After the division the two parts of man, each desiring his other half, came together, and throwing their arms about one another, entwined in mutual embraces, longing to grow into one, they were on the point of dying from hunger and self-neglect, because they did not like to do anything apart; and when one of the halves died and the other survived, the survivor sought another mate, man or woman as we call them,&amp;amp;mdash;being the sections of entire men or women,&amp;amp;mdash;and clung to that. They were being destroyed, when Zeus in pity of them invented a new plan: he turned the parts of generation round to the front, for this had not been always their position, and they sowed the seed no longer as hitherto like grasshoppers in the ground, but in one another; and after the transposition the male generated in the female in order that by the mutual embraces of man and woman they might breed, and the race might continue; or if man came to man they might be satisfied, and rest, and go their ways to the business of life: so ancient is the desire of one another which is implanted in us, reuniting our original nature, making one of two, and healing the state of man. Each of us when separated, having one side only, like a flat fish, is but the indenture of a man, and he is always looking for his other half. Men who are a section of that double nature which was once called Androgynous are lovers of women; adulterers are generally of this breed, and also adulterous women who lust after men: the women who are a section of the woman do not care for men, but have female attachments; the female companions are of this sort. But they who are a section of the male follow the male, and while they are young, being slices of the original man, they hang about men and embrace them, and they are themselves the best of boys and youths, because they have the most manly nature. Some indeed assert that they are shameless, but this is not true; for they do not act thus from any want of shame, but because they are valiant and manly, and have a manly countenance, and they embrace that which is like them. And these when they grow up become our statesmen, and these only, which is a great proof of the truth of what I am saving. When they reach manhood they are lovers of youth, and are not naturally inclined to marry or beget children,&amp;amp;mdash;if at all, they do so only in obedience to the law; but they are satisfied if they may be allowed to live with one another unwedded; and such a nature is prone to love and ready to return love, always embracing that which is akin to him. And when one of them meets with his other half, the actual half of himself, whether he be a lover of youth or a lover of another sort, the pair are lost in an amazement of love and friendship and intimacy, and one will not be out of the other&#039;s sight, as I may say, even for a moment: these are the people who pass their whole lives together; yet they could not explain what they desire of one another. For the intense yearning which each of them has towards the other does not appear to be the desire of lover&#039;s intercourse, but of something else which the soul of either evidently desires and cannot tell, and of which she has only a dark and doubtful presentiment. Suppose Hephaestus, with his instruments, to come to the pair who are lying side by side and to say to them, &#039;What do you people want of one another?&#039; they would be unable to explain. And suppose further, that when he saw their perplexity he said: &#039;Do you desire to be wholly one; always day and night to be in one another&#039;s company? for if this is what you desire, I am ready to melt you into one and let you grow together, so that being two you shall become one, and while you live live a common life as if you were a single man, and after your death in the world below still be one departed soul instead of two&amp;amp;mdash;I ask whether this is what you lovingly desire, and whether you are satisfied to attain this?&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;there is not a man of them who when he heard the proposal would deny or would not acknowledge that this meeting and melting into one another, this becoming one instead of two, was the very expression of his ancient need (compare Arist. Pol.). And the reason is that human nature was originally one and we were a whole, and the desire and pursuit of the whole is called love. There was a time, I say, when we were one, but now because of the wickedness of mankind God has dispersed us, as the Arcadians were dispersed into villages by the Lacedaemonians (compare Arist. Pol.). And if we are not obedient to the gods, there is a danger that we shall be split up again and go about in basso-relievo, like the profile figures having only half a nose which are sculptured on monuments, and that we shall be like tallies. Wherefore let us exhort all men to piety, that we may avoid evil, and obtain the good, of which Love is to us the lord and minister; and let no one oppose him&amp;amp;mdash;he is the enemy of the gods who opposes him. For if we are friends of the God and at peace with him we shall find our own true loves, which rarely happens in this world at present. I am serious, and therefore I must beg Eryximachus not to make fun or to find any allusion in what I am saying to Pausanias and Agathon, who, as I suspect, are both of the manly nature, and belong to the class which I have been describing. But my words have a wider application&amp;amp;mdash;they include men and women everywhere; and I believe that if our loves were perfectly accomplished, and each one returning to his primeval nature had his original true love, then our race would be happy. And if this would be best of all, the best in the next degree and under present circumstances must be the nearest approach to such an union; and that will be the attainment of a congenial love. Wherefore, if we would praise him who has given to us the benefit, we must praise the god Love, who is our greatest benefactor, both leading us in this life back to our own nature, and giving us high hopes for the future, for he promises that if we are pious, he will restore us to our original state, and heal us and make us happy and blessed. This, Eryximachus, is my discourse of love, which, although different to yours, I must beg you to leave unassailed by the shafts of your ridicule, in order that each may have his turn; each, or rather either, for Agathon and Socrates are the only ones left. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Indeed, I am not going to attack you, said Eryximachus, for I thought your speech charming, and did I not know that Agathon and Socrates are masters in the art of love, I should be really afraid that they would have nothing to say, after the world of things which have been said already. But, for all that, I am not without hopes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Socrates said: You played your part well, Eryximachus; but if you were as I am now, or rather as I shall be when Agathon has spoken, you would, indeed, be in a great strait. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — You want to cast a spell over me, Socrates, said Agathon, in the hope that I may be disconcerted at the expectation raised among the audience that I shall speak well. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I should be strangely forgetful, Agathon replied Socrates, of the courage and magnanimity which you showed when your own compositions were about to be exhibited, and you came upon the stage with the actors and faced the vast theatre altogether undismayed, if I thought that your nerves could be fluttered at a small party of friends. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Do you think, Socrates, said Agathon, that my head is so full of the theatre as not to know how much more formidable to a man of sense a few good judges are than many fools? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Nay, replied Socrates, I should be very wrong in attributing to you, Agathon, that or any other want of refinement. And I am quite aware that if you happened to meet with any whom you thought wise, you would care for their opinion much more than for that of the many. But then we, having been a part of the foolish many in the theatre, cannot be regarded as the select wise; though I know that if you chanced to be in the presence, not of one of ourselves, but of some really wise man, you would be ashamed of disgracing yourself before him&amp;amp;mdash;would you not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, said Agathon. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But before the many you would not be ashamed, if you thought that you were doing something disgraceful in their presence? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Here Phaedrus interrupted them, saying: not answer him, my dear Agathon; for if he can only get a partner with whom he can talk, especially a good-looking one, he will no longer care about the completion of our plan. Now I love to hear him talk; but just at present I must not forget the encomium on Love which I ought to receive from him and from every one. When you and he have paid your tribute to the god, then you may talk. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very good, Phaedrus, said Agathon; I see no reason why I should not proceed with my speech, as I shall have many other opportunities of conversing with Socrates. Let me say first how I ought to speak, and then speak:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The previous speakers, instead of praising the god Love, or unfolding his nature, appear to have congratulated mankind on the benefits which he confers upon them. But I would rather praise the god first, and then speak of his gifts; this is always the right way of praising everything. May I say without impiety or offence, that of all the blessed gods he is the most blessed because he is the fairest and best? And he is the fairest: for, in the first place, he is the youngest, and of his youth he is himself the witness, fleeing out of the way of age, who is swift enough, swifter truly than most of us like:&amp;amp;mdash;Love hates him and will not come near him; but youth and love live and move together&amp;amp;mdash;like to like, as the proverb says. Many things were said by Phaedrus about Love in which I agree with him; but I cannot agree that he is older than Iapetus and Kronos:&amp;amp;mdash;not so; I maintain him to be the youngest of the gods, and youthful ever. The ancient doings among the gods of which Hesiod and Parmenides spoke, if the tradition of them be true, were done of Necessity and not of Love; had Love been in those days, there would have been no chaining or mutilation of the gods, or other violence, but peace and sweetness, as there is now in heaven, since the rule of Love began. Love is young and also tender; he ought to have a poet like Homer to describe his tenderness, as Homer says of Ate, that she is a goddess and tender:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;Her feet are tender, for she sets her steps, Not on the ground but on the heads of men:&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — herein is an excellent proof of her tenderness,&amp;amp;mdash;that she walks not upon the hard but upon the soft. Let us adduce a similar proof of the tenderness of Love; for he walks not upon the earth, nor yet upon the skulls of men, which are not so very soft, but in the hearts and souls of both gods and men, which are of all things the softest: in them he walks and dwells and makes his home. Not in every soul without exception, for where there is hardness he departs, where there is softness there he dwells; and nestling always with his feet and in all manner of ways in the softest of soft places, how can he be other than the softest of all things? Of a truth he is the tenderest as well as the youngest, and also he is of flexile form; for if he were hard and without flexure he could not enfold all things, or wind his way into and out of every soul of man undiscovered. And a proof of his flexibility and symmetry of form is his grace, which is universally admitted to be in an especial manner the attribute of Love; ungrace and love are always at war with one another. The fairness of his complexion is revealed by his habitation among the flowers; for he dwells not amid bloomless or fading beauties, whether of body or soul or aught else, but in the place of flowers and scents, there he sits and abides. Concerning the beauty of the god I have said enough; and yet there remains much more which I might say. Of his virtue I have now to speak: his greatest glory is that he can neither do nor suffer wrong to or from any god or any man; for he suffers not by force if he suffers; force comes not near him, neither when he acts does he act by force. For all men in all things serve him of their own free will, and where there is voluntary agreement, there, as the laws which are the lords of the city say, is justice. And not only is he just but exceedingly temperate, for Temperance is the acknowledged ruler of the pleasures and desires, and no pleasure ever masters Love; he is their master and they are his servants; and if he conquers them he must be temperate indeed. As to courage, even the God of War is no match for him; he is the captive and Love is the lord, for love, the love of Aphrodite, masters him, as the tale runs; and the master is stronger than the servant. And if he conquers the bravest of all others, he must be himself the bravest. Of his courage and justice and temperance I have spoken, but I have yet to speak of his wisdom; and according to the measure of my ability I must try to do my best. In the first place he is a poet (and here, like Eryximachus, I magnify my art), and he is also the source of poesy in others, which he could not be if he were not himself a poet. And at the touch of him every one becomes a poet, even though he had no music in him before (A fragment of the Sthenoaoea of Euripides.); this also is a proof that Love is a good poet and accomplished in all the fine arts; for no one can give to another that which he has not himself, or teach that of which he has no knowledge. Who will deny that the creation of the animals is his doing? Are they not all the works of his wisdom, born and begotten of him? And as to the artists, do we not know that he only of them whom love inspires has the light of fame?&amp;amp;mdash;he whom Love touches not walks in darkness. The arts of medicine and archery and divination were discovered by Apollo, under the guidance of love and desire; so that he too is a disciple of Love. Also the melody of the Muses, the metallurgy of Hephaestus, the weaving of Athene, the empire of Zeus over gods and men, are all due to Love, who was the inventor of them. And so Love set in order the empire of the gods&amp;amp;mdash;the love of beauty, as is evident, for with deformity Love has no concern. In the days of old, as I began by saying, dreadful deeds were done among the gods, for they were ruled by Necessity; but now since the birth of Love, and from the Love of the beautiful, has sprung every good in heaven and earth. Therefore, Phaedrus, I say of Love that he is the fairest and best in himself, and the cause of what is fairest and best in all other things. And there comes into my mind a line of poetry in which he is said to be the god who &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;Gives peace on earth and calms the stormy deep, Who stills the winds and bids the sufferer sleep.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — This is he who empties men of disaffection and fills them with affection, who makes them to meet together at banquets such as these: in sacrifices, feasts, dances, he is our lord&amp;amp;mdash;who sends courtesy and sends away discourtesy, who gives kindness ever and never gives unkindness; the friend of the good, the wonder of the wise, the amazement of the gods; desired by those who have no part in him, and precious to those who have the better part in him; parent of delicacy, luxury, desire, fondness, softness, grace; regardful of the good, regardless of the evil: in every word, work, wish, fear&amp;amp;mdash;saviour, pilot, comrade, helper; glory of gods and men, leader best and brightest: in whose footsteps let every man follow, sweetly singing in his honour and joining in that sweet strain with which love charms the souls of gods and men. Such is the speech, Phaedrus, half-playful, yet having a certain measure of seriousness, which, according to my ability, I dedicate to the god. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — When Agathon had done speaking, Aristodemus said that there was a general cheer; the young man was thought to have spoken in a manner worthy of himself, and of the god. And Socrates, looking at Eryximachus, said: Tell me, son of Acumenus, was there not reason in my fears? and was I not a true prophet when I said that Agathon would make a wonderful oration, and that I should be in a strait? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The part of the prophecy which concerns Agathon, replied Eryximachus, appears to me to be true; but not the other part&amp;amp;mdash;that you will be in a strait. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Why, my dear friend, said Socrates, must not I or any one be in a strait who has to speak after he has heard such a rich and varied discourse? I am especially struck with the beauty of the concluding words&amp;amp;mdash;who could listen to them without amazement? When I reflected on the immeasurable inferiority of my own powers, I was ready to run away for shame, if there had been a possibility of escape. For I was reminded of Gorgias, and at the end of his speech I fancied that Agathon was shaking at me the Gorginian or Gorgonian head of the great master of rhetoric, which was simply to turn me and my speech into stone, as Homer says (Odyssey), and strike me dumb. And then I perceived how foolish I had been in consenting to take my turn with you in praising love, and saying that I too was a master of the art, when I really had no conception how anything ought to be praised. For in my simplicity I imagined that the topics of praise should be true, and that this being presupposed, out of the true the speaker was to choose the best and set them forth in the best manner. And I felt quite proud, thinking that I knew the nature of true praise, and should speak well. Whereas I now see that the intention was to attribute to Love every species of greatness and glory, whether really belonging to him or not, without regard to truth or falsehood&amp;amp;mdash;that was no matter; for the original proposal seems to have been not that each of you should really praise Love, but only that you should appear to praise him. And so you attribute to Love every imaginable form of praise which can be gathered anywhere; and you say that &#039;he is all this,&#039; and &#039;the cause of all that,&#039; making him appear the fairest and best of all to those who know him not, for you cannot impose upon those who know him. And a noble and solemn hymn of praise have you rehearsed. But as I misunderstood the nature of the praise when I said that I would take my turn, I must beg to be absolved from the promise which I made in ignorance, and which (as Euripides would say (Eurip. Hyppolytus)) was a promise of the lips and not of the mind. Farewell then to such a strain: for I do not praise in that way; no, indeed, I cannot. But if you like to hear the truth about love, I am ready to speak in my own manner, though I will not make myself ridiculous by entering into any rivalry with you. Say then, Phaedrus, whether you would like to have the truth about love, spoken in any words and in any order which may happen to come into my mind at the time. Will that be agreeable to you? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Aristodemus said that Phaedrus and the company bid him speak in any manner which he thought best. Then, he added, let me have your permission first to ask Agathon a few more questions, in order that I may take his admissions as the premisses of my discourse. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I grant the permission, said Phaedrus: put your questions. Socrates then proceeded as follows:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In the magnificent oration which you have just uttered, I think that you were right, my dear Agathon, in proposing to speak of the nature of Love first and afterwards of his works&amp;amp;mdash;that is a way of beginning which I very much approve. And as you have spoken so eloquently of his nature, may I ask you further, Whether love is the love of something or of nothing? And here I must explain myself: I do not want you to say that love is the love of a father or the love of a mother&amp;amp;mdash;that would be ridiculous; but to answer as you would, if I asked is a father a father of something? to which you would find no difficulty in replying, of a son or daughter: and the answer would be right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true, said Agathon. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And you would say the same of a mother? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He assented. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yet let me ask you one more question in order to illustrate my meaning: Is not a brother to be regarded essentially as a brother of something? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly, he replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That is, of a brother or sister? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And now, said Socrates, I will ask about Love:&amp;amp;mdash;Is Love of something or of nothing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Of something, surely, he replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Keep in mind what this is, and tell me what I want to know&amp;amp;mdash;whether Love desires that of which love is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, surely. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And does he possess, or does he not possess, that which he loves and desires? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Probably not, I should say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Nay, replied Socrates, I would have you consider whether &#039;necessarily&#039; is not rather the word. The inference that he who desires something is in want of something, and that he who desires nothing is in want of nothing, is in my judgment, Agathon, absolutely and necessarily true. What do you think? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I agree with you, said Agathon. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very good. Would he who is great, desire to be great, or he who is strong, desire to be strong? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That would be inconsistent with our previous admissions. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — True. For he who is anything cannot want to be that which he is? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And yet, added Socrates, if a man being strong desired to be strong, or being swift desired to be swift, or being healthy desired to be healthy, in that case he might be thought to desire something which he already has or is. I give the example in order that we may avoid misconception. For the possessors of these qualities, Agathon, must be supposed to have their respective advantages at the time, whether they choose or not; and who can desire that which he has? Therefore, when a person says, I am well and wish to be well, or I am rich and wish to be rich, and I desire simply to have what I have&amp;amp;mdash;to him we shall reply: &#039;You, my friend, having wealth and health and strength, want to have the continuance of them; for at this moment, whether you choose or no, you have them. And when you say, I desire that which I have and nothing else, is not your meaning that you want to have what you now have in the future?&#039; He must agree with us&amp;amp;mdash;must he not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He must, replied Agathon. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then, said Socrates, he desires that what he has at present may be preserved to him in the future, which is equivalent to saying that he desires something which is non-existent to him, and which as yet he has not got: &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then he and every one who desires, desires that which he has not already, and which is future and not present, and which he has not, and is not, and of which he is in want;&amp;amp;mdash;these are the sort of things which love and desire seek? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then now, said Socrates, let us recapitulate the argument. First, is not love of something, and of something too which is wanting to a man? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, he replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Remember further what you said in your speech, or if you do not remember I will remind you: you said that the love of the beautiful set in order the empire of the gods, for that of deformed things there is no love&amp;amp;mdash;did you not say something of that kind? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, said Agathon. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, my friend, and the remark was a just one. And if this is true, Love is the love of beauty and not of deformity? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He assented. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And the admission has been already made that Love is of something which a man wants and has not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — True, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then Love wants and has not beauty? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly, he replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And would you call that beautiful which wants and does not possess beauty? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then would you still say that love is beautiful? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Agathon replied: I fear that I did not understand what I was saying. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — You made a very good speech, Agathon, replied Socrates; but there is yet one small question which I would fain ask:&amp;amp;mdash;Is not the good also the beautiful? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then in wanting the beautiful, love wants also the good? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I cannot refute you, Socrates, said Agathon:&amp;amp;mdash;Let us assume that what you say is true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Say rather, beloved Agathon, that you cannot refute the truth; for Socrates is easily refuted. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And now, taking my leave of you, I would rehearse a tale of love which I heard from Diotima of Mantineia (compare 1 Alcibiades), a woman wise in this and in many other kinds of knowledge, who in the days of old, when the Athenians offered sacrifice before the coming of the plague, delayed the disease ten years. She was my instructress in the art of love, and I shall repeat to you what she said to me, beginning with the admissions made by Agathon, which are nearly if not quite the same which I made to the wise woman when she questioned me: I think that this will be the easiest way, and I shall take both parts myself as well as I can (compare Gorgias). As you, Agathon, suggested (supra), I must speak first of the being and nature of Love, and then of his works. First I said to her in nearly the same words which he used to me, that Love was a mighty god, and likewise fair; and she proved to me as I proved to him that, by my own showing, Love was neither fair nor good. &#039;What do you mean, Diotima,&#039; I said, &#039;is love then evil and foul?&#039; &#039;Hush,&#039; she cried; &#039;must that be foul which is not fair?&#039; &#039;Certainly,&#039; I said. &#039;And is that which is not wise, ignorant? do you not see that there is a mean between wisdom and ignorance?&#039; &#039;And what may that be?&#039; I said. &#039;Right opinion,&#039; she replied; &#039;which, as you know, being incapable of giving a reason, is not knowledge (for how can knowledge be devoid of reason? nor again, ignorance, for neither can ignorance attain the truth), but is clearly something which is a mean between ignorance and wisdom.&#039; &#039;Quite true,&#039; I replied. &#039;Do not then insist,&#039; she said, &#039;that what is not fair is of necessity foul, or what is not good evil; or infer that because love is not fair and good he is therefore foul and evil; for he is in a mean between them.&#039; &#039;Well,&#039; I said, &#039;Love is surely admitted by all to be a great god.&#039; &#039;By those who know or by those who do not know?&#039; &#039;By all.&#039; &#039;And how, Socrates,&#039; she said with a smile, &#039;can Love be acknowledged to be a great god by those who say that he is not a god at all?&#039; &#039;And who are they?&#039; I said. &#039;You and I are two of them,&#039; she replied. &#039;How can that be?&#039; I said. &#039;It is quite intelligible,&#039; she replied; &#039;for you yourself would acknowledge that the gods are happy and fair&amp;amp;mdash;of course you would&amp;amp;mdash;would you dare to say that any god was not?&#039; &#039;Certainly not,&#039; I replied. &#039;And you mean by the happy, those who are the possessors of things good or fair?&#039; &#039;Yes.&#039; &#039;And you admitted that Love, because he was in want, desires those good and fair things of which he is in want?&#039; &#039;Yes, I did.&#039; &#039;But how can he be a god who has no portion in what is either good or fair?&#039; &#039;Impossible.&#039; &#039;Then you see that you also deny the divinity of Love.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;What then is Love?&#039; I asked; &#039;Is he mortal?&#039; &#039;No.&#039; &#039;What then?&#039; &#039;As in the former instance, he is neither mortal nor immortal, but in a mean between the two.&#039; &#039;What is he, Diotima?&#039; &#039;He is a great spirit (daimon), and like all spirits he is intermediate between the divine and the mortal.&#039; &#039;And what,&#039; I said, &#039;is his power?&#039; &#039;He interprets,&#039; she replied, &#039;between gods and men, conveying and taking across to the gods the prayers and sacrifices of men, and to men the commands and replies of the gods; he is the mediator who spans the chasm which divides them, and therefore in him all is bound together, and through him the arts of the prophet and the priest, their sacrifices and mysteries and charms, and all prophecy and incantation, find their way. For God mingles not with man; but through Love all the intercourse and converse of God with man, whether awake or asleep, is carried on. The wisdom which understands this is spiritual; all other wisdom, such as that of arts and handicrafts, is mean and vulgar. Now these spirits or intermediate powers are many and diverse, and one of them is Love.&#039; &#039;And who,&#039; I said, &#039;was his father, and who his mother?&#039; &#039;The tale,&#039; she said, &#039;will take time; nevertheless I will tell you. On the birthday of Aphrodite there was a feast of the gods, at which the god Poros or Plenty, who is the son of Metis or Discretion, was one of the guests. When the feast was over, Penia or Poverty, as the manner is on such occasions, came about the doors to beg. Now Plenty who was the worse for nectar (there was no wine in those days), went into the garden of Zeus and fell into a heavy sleep, and Poverty considering her own straitened circumstances, plotted to have a child by him, and accordingly she lay down at his side and conceived Love, who partly because he is naturally a lover of the beautiful, and because Aphrodite is herself beautiful, and also because he was born on her birthday, is her follower and attendant. And as his parentage is, so also are his fortunes. In the first place he is always poor, and anything but tender and fair, as the many imagine him; and he is rough and squalid, and has no shoes, nor a house to dwell in; on the bare earth exposed he lies under the open heaven, in the streets, or at the doors of houses, taking his rest; and like his mother he is always in distress. Like his father too, whom he also partly resembles, he is always plotting against the fair and good; he is bold, enterprising, strong, a mighty hunter, always weaving some intrigue or other, keen in the pursuit of wisdom, fertile in resources; a philosopher at all times, terrible as an enchanter, sorcerer, sophist. He is by nature neither mortal nor immortal, but alive and flourishing at one moment when he is in plenty, and dead at another moment, and again alive by reason of his father&#039;s nature. But that which is always flowing in is always flowing out, and so he is never in want and never in wealth; and, further, he is in a mean between ignorance and knowledge. The truth of the matter is this: No god is a philosopher or seeker after wisdom, for he is wise already; nor does any man who is wise seek after wisdom. Neither do the ignorant seek after wisdom. For herein is the evil of ignorance, that he who is neither good nor wise is nevertheless satisfied with himself: he has no desire for that of which he feels no want.&#039; &#039;But who then, Diotima,&#039; I said, &#039;are the lovers of wisdom, if they are neither the wise nor the foolish?&#039; &#039;A child may answer that question,&#039; she replied; &#039;they are those who are in a mean between the two; Love is one of them. For wisdom is a most beautiful thing, and Love is of the beautiful; and therefore Love is also a philosopher or lover of wisdom, and being a lover of wisdom is in a mean between the wise and the ignorant. And of this too his birth is the cause; for his father is wealthy and wise, and his mother poor and foolish. Such, my dear Socrates, is the nature of the spirit Love. The error in your conception of him was very natural, and as I imagine from what you say, has arisen out of a confusion of love and the beloved, which made you think that love was all beautiful. For the beloved is the truly beautiful, and delicate, and perfect, and blessed; but the principle of love is of another nature, and is such as I have described.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I said, &#039;O thou stranger woman, thou sayest well; but, assuming Love to be such as you say, what is the use of him to men?&#039; &#039;That, Socrates,&#039; she replied, &#039;I will attempt to unfold: of his nature and birth I have already spoken; and you acknowledge that love is of the beautiful. But some one will say: Of the beautiful in what, Socrates and Diotima?&amp;amp;mdash;or rather let me put the question more clearly, and ask: When a man loves the beautiful, what does he desire?&#039; I answered her &#039;That the beautiful may be his.&#039; &#039;Still,&#039; she said, &#039;the answer suggests a further question: What is given by the possession of beauty?&#039; &#039;To what you have asked,&#039; I replied, &#039;I have no answer ready.&#039; &#039;Then,&#039; she said, &#039;let me put the word &amp;quot;good&amp;quot; in the place of the beautiful, and repeat the question once more: If he who loves loves the good, what is it then that he loves?&#039; &#039;The possession of the good,&#039; I said. &#039;And what does he gain who possesses the good?&#039; &#039;Happiness,&#039; I replied; &#039;there is less difficulty in answering that question.&#039; &#039;Yes,&#039; she said, &#039;the happy are made happy by the acquisition of good things. Nor is there any need to ask why a man desires happiness; the answer is already final.&#039; &#039;You are right.&#039; I said. &#039;And is this wish and this desire common to all? and do all men always desire their own good, or only some men?&amp;amp;mdash;what say you?&#039; &#039;All men,&#039; I replied; &#039;the desire is common to all.&#039; &#039;Why, then,&#039; she rejoined, &#039;are not all men, Socrates, said to love, but only some of them? whereas you say that all men are always loving the same things.&#039; &#039;I myself wonder,&#039; I said, &#039;why this is.&#039; &#039;There is nothing to wonder at,&#039; she replied; &#039;the reason is that one part of love is separated off and receives the name of the whole, but the other parts have other names.&#039; &#039;Give an illustration,&#039; I said. She answered me as follows: &#039;There is poetry, which, as you know, is complex and manifold. All creation or passage of non-being into being is poetry or making, and the processes of all art are creative; and the masters of arts are all poets or makers.&#039; &#039;Very true.&#039; &#039;Still,&#039; she said, &#039;you know that they are not called poets, but have other names; only that portion of the art which is separated off from the rest, and is concerned with music and metre, is termed poetry, and they who possess poetry in this sense of the word are called poets.&#039; &#039;Very true,&#039; I said. &#039;And the same holds of love. For you may say generally that all desire of good and happiness is only the great and subtle power of love; but they who are drawn towards him by any other path, whether the path of money-making or gymnastics or philosophy, are not called lovers&amp;amp;mdash;the name of the whole is appropriated to those whose affection takes one form only&amp;amp;mdash;they alone are said to love, or to be lovers.&#039; &#039;I dare say,&#039; I replied, &#039;that you are right.&#039; &#039;Yes,&#039; she added, &#039;and you hear people say that lovers are seeking for their other half; but I say that they are seeking neither for the half of themselves, nor for the whole, unless the half or the whole be also a good. And they will cut off their own hands and feet and cast them away, if they are evil; for they love not what is their own, unless perchance there be some one who calls what belongs to him the good, and what belongs to another the evil. For there is nothing which men love but the good. Is there anything?&#039; &#039;Certainly, I should say, that there is nothing.&#039; &#039;Then,&#039; she said, &#039;the simple truth is, that men love the good.&#039; &#039;Yes,&#039; I said. &#039;To which must be added that they love the possession of the good?&#039; &#039;Yes, that must be added.&#039; &#039;And not only the possession, but the everlasting possession of the good?&#039; &#039;That must be added too.&#039; &#039;Then love,&#039; she said, &#039;may be described generally as the love of the everlasting possession of the good?&#039; &#039;That is most true.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;Then if this be the nature of love, can you tell me further,&#039; she said, &#039;what is the manner of the pursuit? what are they doing who show all this eagerness and heat which is called love? and what is the object which they have in view? Answer me.&#039; &#039;Nay, Diotima,&#039; I replied, &#039;if I had known, I should not have wondered at your wisdom, neither should I have come to learn from you about this very matter.&#039; &#039;Well,&#039; she said, &#039;I will teach you:&amp;amp;mdash;The object which they have in view is birth in beauty, whether of body or soul.&#039; &#039;I do not understand you,&#039; I said; &#039;the oracle requires an explanation.&#039; &#039;I will make my meaning clearer,&#039; she replied. &#039;I mean to say, that all men are bringing to the birth in their bodies and in their souls. There is a certain age at which human nature is desirous of procreation&amp;amp;mdash;procreation which must be in beauty and not in deformity; and this procreation is the union of man and woman, and is a divine thing; for conception and generation are an immortal principle in the mortal creature, and in the inharmonious they can never be. But the deformed is always inharmonious with the divine, and the beautiful harmonious. Beauty, then, is the destiny or goddess of parturition who presides at birth, and therefore, when approaching beauty, the conceiving power is propitious, and diffusive, and benign, and begets and bears fruit: at the sight of ugliness she frowns and contracts and has a sense of pain, and turns away, and shrivels up, and not without a pang refrains from conception. And this is the reason why, when the hour of conception arrives, and the teeming nature is full, there is such a flutter and ecstasy about beauty whose approach is the alleviation of the pain of travail. For love, Socrates, is not, as you imagine, the love of the beautiful only.&#039; &#039;What then?&#039; &#039;The love of generation and of birth in beauty.&#039; &#039;Yes,&#039; I said. &#039;Yes, indeed,&#039; she replied. &#039;But why of generation?&#039; &#039;Because to the mortal creature, generation is a sort of eternity and immortality,&#039; she replied; &#039;and if, as has been already admitted, love is of the everlasting possession of the good, all men will necessarily desire immortality together with good: Wherefore love is of immortality.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — All this she taught me at various times when she spoke of love. And I remember her once saying to me, &#039;What is the cause, Socrates, of love, and the attendant desire? See you not how all animals, birds, as well as beasts, in their desire of procreation, are in agony when they take the infection of love, which begins with the desire of union; whereto is added the care of offspring, on whose behalf the weakest are ready to battle against the strongest even to the uttermost, and to die for them, and will let themselves be tormented with hunger or suffer anything in order to maintain their young. Man may be supposed to act thus from reason; but why should animals have these passionate feelings? Can you tell me why?&#039; Again I replied that I did not know. She said to me: &#039;And do you expect ever to become a master in the art of love, if you do not know this?&#039; &#039;But I have told you already, Diotima, that my ignorance is the reason why I come to you; for I am conscious that I want a teacher; tell me then the cause of this and of the other mysteries of love.&#039; &#039;Marvel not,&#039; she said, &#039;if you believe that love is of the immortal, as we have several times acknowledged; for here again, and on the same principle too, the mortal nature is seeking as far as is possible to be everlasting and immortal: and this is only to be attained by generation, because generation always leaves behind a new existence in the place of the old. Nay even in the life of the same individual there is succession and not absolute unity: a man is called the same, and yet in the short interval which elapses between youth and age, and in which every animal is said to have life and identity, he is undergoing a perpetual process of loss and reparation&amp;amp;mdash;hair, flesh, bones, blood, and the whole body are always changing. Which is true not only of the body, but also of the soul, whose habits, tempers, opinions, desires, pleasures, pains, fears, never remain the same in any one of us, but are always coming and going; and equally true of knowledge, and what is still more surprising to us mortals, not only do the sciences in general spring up and decay, so that in respect of them we are never the same; but each of them individually experiences a like change. For what is implied in the word &amp;quot;recollection,&amp;quot; but the departure of knowledge, which is ever being forgotten, and is renewed and preserved by recollection, and appears to be the same although in reality new, according to that law of succession by which all mortal things are preserved, not absolutely the same, but by substitution, the old worn-out mortality leaving another new and similar existence behind&amp;amp;mdash;unlike the divine, which is always the same and not another? And in this way, Socrates, the mortal body, or mortal anything, partakes of immortality; but the immortal in another way. Marvel not then at the love which all men have of their offspring; for that universal love and interest is for the sake of immortality.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I was astonished at her words, and said: &#039;Is this really true, O thou wise Diotima?&#039; And she answered with all the authority of an accomplished sophist: &#039;Of that, Socrates, you may be assured;&amp;amp;mdash;think only of the ambition of men, and you will wonder at the senselessness of their ways, unless you consider how they are stirred by the love of an immortality of fame. They are ready to run all risks greater far than they would have run for their children, and to spend money and undergo any sort of toil, and even to die, for the sake of leaving behind them a name which shall be eternal. Do you imagine that Alcestis would have died to save Admetus, or Achilles to avenge Patroclus, or your own Codrus in order to preserve the kingdom for his sons, if they had not imagined that the memory of their virtues, which still survives among us, would be immortal? Nay,&#039; she said, &#039;I am persuaded that all men do all things, and the better they are the more they do them, in hope of the glorious fame of immortal virtue; for they desire the immortal. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;Those who are pregnant in the body only, betake themselves to women and beget children&amp;amp;mdash;this is the character of their love; their offspring, as they hope, will preserve their memory and giving them the blessedness and immortality which they desire in the future. But souls which are pregnant&amp;amp;mdash;for there certainly are men who are more creative in their souls than in their bodies&amp;amp;mdash;conceive that which is proper for the soul to conceive or contain. And what are these conceptions?&amp;amp;mdash;wisdom and virtue in general. And such creators are poets and all artists who are deserving of the name inventor. But the greatest and fairest sort of wisdom by far is that which is concerned with the ordering of states and families, and which is called temperance and justice. And he who in youth has the seed of these implanted in him and is himself inspired, when he comes to maturity desires to beget and generate. He wanders about seeking beauty that he may beget offspring&amp;amp;mdash;for in deformity he will beget nothing&amp;amp;mdash;and naturally embraces the beautiful rather than the deformed body; above all when he finds a fair and noble and well-nurtured soul, he embraces the two in one person, and to such an one he is full of speech about virtue and the nature and pursuits of a good man; and he tries to educate him; and at the touch of the beautiful which is ever present to his memory, even when absent, he brings forth that which he had conceived long before, and in company with him tends that which he brings forth; and they are married by a far nearer tie and have a closer friendship than those who beget mortal children, for the children who are their common offspring are fairer and more immortal. Who, when he thinks of Homer and Hesiod and other great poets, would not rather have their children than ordinary human ones? Who would not emulate them in the creation of children such as theirs, which have preserved their memory and given them everlasting glory? Or who would not have such children as Lycurgus left behind him to be the saviours, not only of Lacedaemon, but of Hellas, as one may say? There is Solon, too, who is the revered father of Athenian laws; and many others there are in many other places, both among Hellenes and barbarians, who have given to the world many noble works, and have been the parents of virtue of every kind; and many temples have been raised in their honour for the sake of children such as theirs; which were never raised in honour of any one, for the sake of his mortal children. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;These are the lesser mysteries of love, into which even you, Socrates, may enter; to the greater and more hidden ones which are the crown of these, and to which, if you pursue them in a right spirit, they will lead, I know not whether you will be able to attain. But I will do my utmost to inform you, and do you follow if you can. For he who would proceed aright in this matter should begin in youth to visit beautiful forms; and first, if he be guided by his instructor aright, to love one such form only&amp;amp;mdash;out of that he should create fair thoughts; and soon he will of himself perceive that the beauty of one form is akin to the beauty of another; and then if beauty of form in general is his pursuit, how foolish would he be not to recognize that the beauty in every form is and the same! And when he perceives this he will abate his violent love of the one, which he will despise and deem a small thing, and will become a lover of all beautiful forms; in the next stage he will consider that the beauty of the mind is more honourable than the beauty of the outward form. So that if a virtuous soul have but a little comeliness, he will be content to love and tend him, and will search out and bring to the birth thoughts which may improve the young, until he is compelled to contemplate and see the beauty of institutions and laws, and to understand that the beauty of them all is of one family, and that personal beauty is a trifle; and after laws and institutions he will go on to the sciences, that he may see their beauty, being not like a servant in love with the beauty of one youth or man or institution, himself a slave mean and narrow-minded, but drawing towards and contemplating the vast sea of beauty, he will create many fair and noble thoughts and notions in boundless love of wisdom; until on that shore he grows and waxes strong, and at last the vision is revealed to him of a single science, which is the science of beauty everywhere. To this I will proceed; please to give me your very best attention: &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;He who has been instructed thus far in the things of love, and who has learned to see the beautiful in due order and succession, when he comes toward the end will suddenly perceive a nature of wondrous beauty (and this, Socrates, is the final cause of all our former toils)&amp;amp;mdash;a nature which in the first place is everlasting, not growing and decaying, or waxing and waning; secondly, not fair in one point of view and foul in another, or at one time or in one relation or at one place fair, at another time or in another relation or at another place foul, as if fair to some and foul to others, or in the likeness of a face or hands or any other part of the bodily frame, or in any form of speech or knowledge, or existing in any other being, as for example, in an animal, or in heaven, or in earth, or in any other place; but beauty absolute, separate, simple, and everlasting, which without diminution and without increase, or any change, is imparted to the ever-growing and perishing beauties of all other things. He who from these ascending under the influence of true love, begins to perceive that beauty, is not far from the end. And the true order of going, or being led by another, to the things of love, is to begin from the beauties of earth and mount upwards for the sake of that other beauty, using these as steps only, and from one going on to two, and from two to all fair forms, and from fair forms to fair practices, and from fair practices to fair notions, until from fair notions he arrives at the notion of absolute beauty, and at last knows what the essence of beauty is. This, my dear Socrates,&#039; said the stranger of Mantineia, &#039;is that life above all others which man should live, in the contemplation of beauty absolute; a beauty which if you once beheld, you would see not to be after the measure of gold, and garments, and fair boys and youths, whose presence now entrances you; and you and many a one would be content to live seeing them only and conversing with them without meat or drink, if that were possible&amp;amp;mdash;you only want to look at them and to be with them. But what if man had eyes to see the true beauty&amp;amp;mdash;the divine beauty, I mean, pure and clear and unalloyed, not clogged with the pollutions of mortality and all the colours and vanities of human life&amp;amp;mdash;thither looking, and holding converse with the true beauty simple and divine? Remember how in that communion only, beholding beauty with the eye of the mind, he will be enabled to bring forth, not images of beauty, but realities (for he has hold not of an image but of a reality), and bringing forth and nourishing true virtue to become the friend of God and be immortal, if mortal man may. Would that be an ignoble life?&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Such, Phaedrus&amp;amp;mdash;and I speak not only to you, but to all of you&amp;amp;mdash;were the words of Diotima; and I am persuaded of their truth. And being persuaded of them, I try to persuade others, that in the attainment of this end human nature will not easily find a helper better than love: And therefore, also, I say that every man ought to honour him as I myself honour him, and walk in his ways, and exhort others to do the same, and praise the power and spirit of love according to the measure of my ability now and ever. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The words which I have spoken, you, Phaedrus, may call an encomium of love, or anything else which you please. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — When Socrates had done speaking, the company applauded, and Aristophanes was beginning to say something in answer to the allusion which Socrates had made to his own speech, when suddenly there was a great knocking at the door of the house, as of revellers, and the sound of a flute-girl was heard. Agathon told the attendants to go and see who were the intruders. &#039;If they are friends of ours,&#039; he said, &#039;invite them in, but if not, say that the drinking is over.&#039; A little while afterwards they heard the voice of Alcibiades resounding in the court; he was in a great state of intoxication, and kept roaring and shouting &#039;Where is Agathon? Lead me to Agathon,&#039; and at length, supported by the flute-girl and some of his attendants, he found his way to them. &#039;Hail, friends,&#039; he said, appearing at the door crowned with a massive garland of ivy and violets, his head flowing with ribands. &#039;Will you have a very drunken man as a companion of your revels? Or shall I crown Agathon, which was my intention in coming, and go away? For I was unable to come yesterday, and therefore I am here to-day, carrying on my head these ribands, that taking them from my own head, I may crown the head of this fairest and wisest of men, as I may be allowed to call him. Will you laugh at me because I am drunk? Yet I know very well that I am speaking the truth, although you may laugh. But first tell me; if I come in shall we have the understanding of which I spoke (supra Will you have a very drunken man? etc.)? Will you drink with me or not?&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The company were vociferous in begging that he would take his place among them, and Agathon specially invited him. Thereupon he was led in by the people who were with him; and as he was being led, intending to crown Agathon, he took the ribands from his own head and held them in front of his eyes; he was thus prevented from seeing Socrates, who made way for him, and Alcibiades took the vacant place between Agathon and Socrates, and in taking the place he embraced Agathon and crowned him. Take off his sandals, said Agathon, and let him make a third on the same couch. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — By all means; but who makes the third partner in our revels? said Alcibiades, turning round and starting up as he caught sight of Socrates. By Heracles, he said, what is this? here is Socrates always lying in wait for me, and always, as his way is, coming out at all sorts of unsuspected places: and now, what have you to say for yourself, and why are you lying here, where I perceive that you have contrived to find a place, not by a joker or lover of jokes, like Aristophanes, but by the fairest of the company? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Socrates turned to Agathon and said: I must ask you to protect me, Agathon; for the passion of this man has grown quite a serious matter to me. Since I became his admirer I have never been allowed to speak to any other fair one, or so much as to look at them. If I do, he goes wild with envy and jealousy, and not only abuses me but can hardly keep his hands off me, and at this moment he may do me some harm. Please to see to this, and either reconcile me to him, or, if he attempts violence, protect me, as I am in bodily fear of his mad and passionate attempts. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There can never be reconciliation between you and me, said Alcibiades; but for the present I will defer your chastisement. And I must beg you, Agathon, to give me back some of the ribands that I may crown the marvellous head of this universal despot&amp;amp;mdash;I would not have him complain of me for crowning you, and neglecting him, who in conversation is the conqueror of all mankind; and this not only once, as you were the day before yesterday, but always. Whereupon, taking some of the ribands, he crowned Socrates, and again reclined. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then he said: You seem, my friends, to be sober, which is a thing not to be endured; you must drink&amp;amp;mdash;for that was the agreement under which I was admitted&amp;amp;mdash;and I elect myself master of the feast until you are well drunk. Let us have a large goblet, Agathon, or rather, he said, addressing the attendant, bring me that wine-cooler. The wine-cooler which had caught his eye was a vessel holding more than two quarts&amp;amp;mdash;this he filled and emptied, and bade the attendant fill it again for Socrates. Observe, my friends, said Alcibiades, that this ingenious trick of mine will have no effect on Socrates, for he can drink any quantity of wine and not be at all nearer being drunk. Socrates drank the cup which the attendant filled for him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Eryximachus said: What is this, Alcibiades? Are we to have neither conversation nor singing over our cups; but simply to drink as if we were thirsty? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Alcibiades replied: Hail, worthy son of a most wise and worthy sire! &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The same to you, said Eryximachus; but what shall we do? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That I leave to you, said Alcibiades. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;The wise physician skilled our wounds to heal (from Pope&#039;s Homer, Il.)&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — shall prescribe and we will obey. What do you want? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Well, said Eryximachus, before you appeared we had passed a resolution that each one of us in turn should make a speech in praise of love, and as good a one as he could: the turn was passed round from left to right; and as all of us have spoken, and you have not spoken but have well drunken, you ought to speak, and then impose upon Socrates any task which you please, and he on his right hand neighbour, and so on. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That is good, Eryximachus, said Alcibiades; and yet the comparison of a drunken man&#039;s speech with those of sober men is hardly fair; and I should like to know, sweet friend, whether you really believe what Socrates was just now saying; for I can assure you that the very reverse is the fact, and that if I praise any one but himself in his presence, whether God or man, he will hardly keep his hands off me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — For shame, said Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Hold your tongue, said Alcibiades, for by Poseidon, there is no one else whom I will praise when you are of the company. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Well then, said Eryximachus, if you like praise Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — What do you think, Eryximachus? said Alcibiades: shall I attack him and inflict the punishment before you all? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — What are you about? said Socrates; are you going to raise a laugh at my expense? Is that the meaning of your praise? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I am going to speak the truth, if you will permit me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I not only permit, but exhort you to speak the truth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then I will begin at once, said Alcibiades, and if I say anything which is not true, you may interrupt me if you will, and say &#039;that is a lie,&#039; though my intention is to speak the truth. But you must not wonder if I speak any how as things come into my mind; for the fluent and orderly enumeration of all your singularities is not a task which is easy to a man in my condition. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And now, my boys, I shall praise Socrates in a figure which will appear to him to be a caricature, and yet I speak, not to make fun of him, but only for the truth&#039;s sake. I say, that he is exactly like the busts of Silenus, which are set up in the statuaries&#039; shops, holding pipes and flutes in their mouths; and they are made to open in the middle, and have images of gods inside them. I say also that he is like Marsyas the satyr. You yourself will not deny, Socrates, that your face is like that of a satyr. Aye, and there is a resemblance in other points too. For example, you are a bully, as I can prove by witnesses, if you will not confess. And are you not a flute-player? That you are, and a performer far more wonderful than Marsyas. He indeed with instruments used to charm the souls of men by the power of his breath, and the players of his music do so still: for the melodies of Olympus (compare Arist. Pol.) are derived from Marsyas who taught them, and these, whether they are played by a great master or by a miserable flute-girl, have a power which no others have; they alone possess the soul and reveal the wants of those who have need of gods and mysteries, because they are divine. But you produce the same effect with your words only, and do not require the flute: that is the difference between you and him. When we hear any other speaker, even a very good one, he produces absolutely no effect upon us, or not much, whereas the mere fragments of you and your words, even at second-hand, and however imperfectly repeated, amaze and possess the souls of every man, woman, and child who comes within hearing of them. And if I were not afraid that you would think me hopelessly drunk, I would have sworn as well as spoken to the influence which they have always had and still have over me. For my heart leaps within me more than that of any Corybantian reveller, and my eyes rain tears when I hear them. And I observe that many others are affected in the same manner. I have heard Pericles and other great orators, and I thought that they spoke well, but I never had any similar feeling; my soul was not stirred by them, nor was I angry at the thought of my own slavish state. But this Marsyas has often brought me to such a pass, that I have felt as if I could hardly endure the life which I am leading (this, Socrates, you will admit); and I am conscious that if I did not shut my ears against him, and fly as from the voice of the siren, my fate would be like that of others,&amp;amp;mdash;he would transfix me, and I should grow old sitting at his feet. For he makes me confess that I ought not to live as I do, neglecting the wants of my own soul, and busying myself with the concerns of the Athenians; therefore I hold my ears and tear myself away from him. And he is the only person who ever made me ashamed, which you might think not to be in my nature, and there is no one else who does the same. For I know that I cannot answer him or say that I ought not to do as he bids, but when I leave his presence the love of popularity gets the better of me. And therefore I run away and fly from him, and when I see him I am ashamed of what I have confessed to him. Many a time have I wished that he were dead, and yet I know that I should be much more sorry than glad, if he were to die: so that I am at my wit&#039;s end. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And this is what I and many others have suffered from the flute-playing of this satyr. Yet hear me once more while I show you how exact the image is, and how marvellous his power. For let me tell you; none of you know him; but I will reveal him to you; having begun, I must go on. See you how fond he is of the fair? He is always with them and is always being smitten by them, and then again he knows nothing and is ignorant of all things&amp;amp;mdash;such is the appearance which he puts on. Is he not like a Silenus in this? To be sure he is: his outer mask is the carved head of the Silenus; but, O my companions in drink, when he is opened, what temperance there is residing within! Know you that beauty and wealth and honour, at which the many wonder, are of no account with him, and are utterly despised by him: he regards not at all the persons who are gifted with them; mankind are nothing to him; all his life is spent in mocking and flouting at them. But when I opened him, and looked within at his serious purpose, I saw in him divine and golden images of such fascinating beauty that I was ready to do in a moment whatever Socrates commanded: they may have escaped the observation of others, but I saw them. Now I fancied that he was seriously enamoured of my beauty, and I thought that I should therefore have a grand opportunity of hearing him tell what he knew, for I had a wonderful opinion of the attractions of my youth. In the prosecution of this design, when I next went to him, I sent away the attendant who usually accompanied me (I will confess the whole truth, and beg you to listen; and if I speak falsely, do you, Socrates, expose the falsehood). Well, he and I were alone together, and I thought that when there was nobody with us, I should hear him speak the language which lovers use to their loves when they are by themselves, and I was delighted. Nothing of the sort; he conversed as usual, and spent the day with me and then went away. Afterwards I challenged him to the palaestra; and he wrestled and closed with me several times when there was no one present; I fancied that I might succeed in this manner. Not a bit; I made no way with him. Lastly, as I had failed hitherto, I thought that I must take stronger measures and attack him boldly, and, as I had begun, not give him up, but see how matters stood between him and me. So I invited him to sup with me, just as if he were a fair youth, and I a designing lover. He was not easily persuaded to come; he did, however, after a while accept the invitation, and when he came the first time, he wanted to go away at once as soon as supper was over, and I had not the face to detain him. The second time, still in pursuance of my design, after we had supped, I went on conversing far into the night, and when he wanted to go away, I pretended that the hour was late and that he had much better remain. So he lay down on the couch next to me, the same on which he had supped, and there was no one but ourselves sleeping in the apartment. All this may be told without shame to any one. But what follows I could hardly tell you if I were sober. Yet as the proverb says, &#039;In vino veritas,&#039; whether with boys, or without them (In allusion to two proverbs.); and therefore I must speak. Nor, again, should I be justified in concealing the lofty actions of Socrates when I come to praise him. Moreover I have felt the serpent&#039;s sting; and he who has suffered, as they say, is willing to tell his fellow-sufferers only, as they alone will be likely to understand him, and will not be extreme in judging of the sayings or doings which have been wrung from his agony. For I have been bitten by a more than viper&#039;s tooth; I have known in my soul, or in my heart, or in some other part, that worst of pangs, more violent in ingenuous youth than any serpent&#039;s tooth, the pang of philosophy, which will make a man say or do anything. And you whom I see around me, Phaedrus and Agathon and Eryximachus and Pausanias and Aristodemus and Aristophanes, all of you, and I need not say Socrates himself, have had experience of the same madness and passion in your longing after wisdom. Therefore listen and excuse my doings then and my sayings now. But let the attendants and other profane and unmannered persons close up the doors of their ears. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — When the lamp was put out and the servants had gone away, I thought that I must be plain with him and have no more ambiguity. So I gave him a shake, and I said: &#039;Socrates, are you asleep?&#039; &#039;No,&#039; he said. &#039;Do you know what I am meditating? &#039;What are you meditating?&#039; he said. &#039;I think,&#039; I replied, &#039;that of all the lovers whom I have ever had you are the only one who is worthy of me, and you appear to be too modest to speak. Now I feel that I should be a fool to refuse you this or any other favour, and therefore I come to lay at your feet all that I have and all that my friends have, in the hope that you will assist me in the way of virtue, which I desire above all things, and in which I believe that you can help me better than any one else. And I should certainly have more reason to be ashamed of what wise men would say if I were to refuse a favour to such as you, than of what the world, who are mostly fools, would say of me if I granted it.&#039; To these words he replied in the ironical manner which is so characteristic of him:&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;Alcibiades, my friend, you have indeed an elevated aim if what you say is true, and if there really is in me any power by which you may become better; truly you must see in me some rare beauty of a kind infinitely higher than any which I see in you. And therefore, if you mean to share with me and to exchange beauty for beauty, you will have greatly the advantage of me; you will gain true beauty in return for appearance&amp;amp;mdash;like Diomede, gold in exchange for brass. But look again, sweet friend, and see whether you are not deceived in me. The mind begins to grow critical when the bodily eye fails, and it will be a long time before you get old.&#039; Hearing this, I said: &#039;I have told you my purpose, which is quite serious, and do you consider what you think best for you and me.&#039; &#039;That is good,&#039; he said; &#039;at some other time then we will consider and act as seems best about this and about other matters.&#039; Whereupon, I fancied that he was smitten, and that the words which I had uttered like arrows had wounded him, and so without waiting to hear more I got up, and throwing my coat about him crept under his threadbare cloak, as the time of year was winter, and there I lay during the whole night having this wonderful monster in my arms. This again, Socrates, will not be denied by you. And yet, notwithstanding all, he was so superior to my solicitations, so contemptuous and derisive and disdainful of my beauty&amp;amp;mdash;which really, as I fancied, had some attractions&amp;amp;mdash;hear, O judges; for judges you shall be of the haughty virtue of Socrates&amp;amp;mdash;nothing more happened, but in the morning when I awoke (let all the gods and goddesses be my witnesses) I arose as from the couch of a father or an elder brother. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — What do you suppose must have been my feelings, after this rejection, at the thought of my own dishonour? And yet I could not help wondering at his natural temperance and self-restraint and manliness. I never imagined that I could have met with a man such as he is in wisdom and endurance. And therefore I could not be angry with him or renounce his company, any more than I could hope to win him. For I well knew that if Ajax could not be wounded by steel, much less he by money; and my only chance of captivating him by my personal attractions had failed. So I was at my wit&#039;s end; no one was ever more hopelessly enslaved by another. All this happened before he and I went on the expedition to Potidaea; there we messed together, and I had the opportunity of observing his extraordinary power of sustaining fatigue. His endurance was simply marvellous when, being cut off from our supplies, we were compelled to go without food&amp;amp;mdash;on such occasions, which often happen in time of war, he was superior not only to me but to everybody; there was no one to be compared to him. Yet at a festival he was the only person who had any real powers of enjoyment; though not willing to drink, he could if compelled beat us all at that,&amp;amp;mdash;wonderful to relate! no human being had ever seen Socrates drunk; and his powers, if I am not mistaken, will be tested before long. His fortitude in enduring cold was also surprising. There was a severe frost, for the winter in that region is really tremendous, and everybody else either remained indoors, or if they went out had on an amazing quantity of clothes, and were well shod, and had their feet swathed in felt and fleeces: in the midst of this, Socrates with his bare feet on the ice and in his ordinary dress marched better than the other soldiers who had shoes, and they looked daggers at him because he seemed to despise them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I have told you one tale, and now I must tell you another, which is worth hearing, &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;Of the doings and sufferings of the enduring man&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — while he was on the expedition. One morning he was thinking about something which he could not resolve; he would not give it up, but continued thinking from early dawn until noon&amp;amp;mdash;there he stood fixed in thought; and at noon attention was drawn to him, and the rumour ran through the wondering crowd that Socrates had been standing and thinking about something ever since the break of day. At last, in the evening after supper, some Ionians out of curiosity (I should explain that this was not in winter but in summer), brought out their mats and slept in the open air that they might watch him and see whether he would stand all night. There he stood until the following morning; and with the return of light he offered up a prayer to the sun, and went his way (compare supra). I will also tell, if you please&amp;amp;mdash;and indeed I am bound to tell&amp;amp;mdash;of his courage in battle; for who but he saved my life? Now this was the engagement in which I received the prize of valour: for I was wounded and he would not leave me, but he rescued me and my arms; and he ought to have received the prize of valour which the generals wanted to confer on me partly on account of my rank, and I told them so, (this, again, Socrates will not impeach or deny), but he was more eager than the generals that I and not he should have the prize. There was another occasion on which his behaviour was very remarkable&amp;amp;mdash;in the flight of the army after the battle of Delium, where he served among the heavy-armed,&amp;amp;mdash;I had a better opportunity of seeing him than at Potidaea, for I was myself on horseback, and therefore comparatively out of danger. He and Laches were retreating, for the troops were in flight, and I met them and told them not to be discouraged, and promised to remain with them; and there you might see him, Aristophanes, as you describe (Aristoph. Clouds), just as he is in the streets of Athens, stalking like a pelican, and rolling his eyes, calmly contemplating enemies as well as friends, and making very intelligible to anybody, even from a distance, that whoever attacked him would be likely to meet with a stout resistance; and in this way he and his companion escaped&amp;amp;mdash;for this is the sort of man who is never touched in war; those only are pursued who are running away headlong. I particularly observed how superior he was to Laches in presence of mind. Many are the marvels which I might narrate in praise of Socrates; most of his ways might perhaps be paralleled in another man, but his absolute unlikeness to any human being that is or ever has been is perfectly astonishing. You may imagine Brasidas and others to have been like Achilles; or you may imagine Nestor and Antenor to have been like Pericles; and the same may be said of other famous men, but of this strange being you will never be able to find any likeness, however remote, either among men who now are or who ever have been&amp;amp;mdash;other than that which I have already suggested of Silenus and the satyrs; and they represent in a figure not only himself, but his words. For, although I forgot to mention this to you before, his words are like the images of Silenus which open; they are ridiculous when you first hear them; he clothes himself in language that is like the skin of the wanton satyr&amp;amp;mdash;for his talk is of pack-asses and smiths and cobblers and curriers, and he is always repeating the same things in the same words (compare Gorg.), so that any ignorant or inexperienced person might feel disposed to laugh at him; but he who opens the bust and sees what is within will find that they are the only words which have a meaning in them, and also the most divine, abounding in fair images of virtue, and of the widest comprehension, or rather extending to the whole duty of a good and honourable man. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — This, friends, is my praise of Socrates. I have added my blame of him for his ill-treatment of me; and he has ill-treated not only me, but Charmides the son of Glaucon, and Euthydemus the son of Diocles, and many others in the same way&amp;amp;mdash;beginning as their lover he has ended by making them pay their addresses to him. Wherefore I say to you, Agathon, &#039;Be not deceived by him; learn from me and take warning, and do not be a fool and learn by experience, as the proverb says.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — When Alcibiades had finished, there was a laugh at his outspokenness; for he seemed to be still in love with Socrates. You are sober, Alcibiades, said Socrates, or you would never have gone so far about to hide the purpose of your satyr&#039;s praises, for all this long story is only an ingenious circumlocution, of which the point comes in by the way at the end; you want to get up a quarrel between me and Agathon, and your notion is that I ought to love you and nobody else, and that you and you only ought to love Agathon. But the plot of this Satyric or Silenic drama has been detected, and you must not allow him, Agathon, to set us at variance. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I believe you are right, said Agathon, and I am disposed to think that his intention in placing himself between you and me was only to divide us; but he shall gain nothing by that move; for I will go and lie on the couch next to you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, yes, replied Socrates, by all means come here and lie on the couch below me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Alas, said Alcibiades, how I am fooled by this man; he is determined to get the better of me at every turn. I do beseech you, allow Agathon to lie between us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly not, said Socrates, as you praised me, and I in turn ought to praise my neighbour on the right, he will be out of order in praising me again when he ought rather to be praised by me, and I must entreat you to consent to this, and not be jealous, for I have a great desire to praise the youth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Hurrah! cried Agathon, I will rise instantly, that I may be praised by Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The usual way, said Alcibiades; where Socrates is, no one else has any chance with the fair; and now how readily has he invented a specious reason for attracting Agathon to himself. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Agathon arose in order that he might take his place on the couch by Socrates, when suddenly a band of revellers entered, and spoiled the order of the banquet. Some one who was going out having left the door open, they had found their way in, and made themselves at home; great confusion ensued, and every one was compelled to drink large quantities of wine. Aristodemus said that Eryximachus, Phaedrus, and others went away&amp;amp;mdash;he himself fell asleep, and as the nights were long took a good rest: he was awakened towards daybreak by a crowing of cocks, and when he awoke, the others were either asleep, or had gone away; there remained only Socrates, Aristophanes, and Agathon, who were drinking out of a large goblet which they passed round, and Socrates was discoursing to them. Aristodemus was only half awake, and he did not hear the beginning of the discourse; the chief thing which he remembered was Socrates compelling the other two to acknowledge that the genius of comedy was the same with that of tragedy, and that the true artist in tragedy was an artist in comedy also. To this they were constrained to assent, being drowsy, and not quite following the argument. And first of all Aristophanes dropped off, then, when the day was already dawning, Agathon. Socrates, having laid them to sleep, rose to depart; Aristodemus, as his manner was, following him. At the Lyceum he took a bath, and passed the day as usual. In the evening he retired to rest at his own home. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;xh1&amp;gt;Formative Justice — Annotations&amp;lt;/xh1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Readers can choose to engage the following annotations, if at all, in several ways. I&#039;ve tried to make it easy to go back and forth between the text and the annotations where a reader might want to. Doing so may give the essay a greater sense of depth, but in writing it, I hoped it would sustain a primary reading that flows right through from beginning to end. Hence, I imagined that readers who found the ideas in the essay engaging would continue after it, musing their way through the annotations.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;In what follows, I cite a lot of material, not as authorities warranting my assertions, but to indicate the provenance of my thinking—to show where I’m coming from. I think a lot, and even read a lot, but I really don’t know very much. I don’t write to contribute my increments to knowledge. I write to formulate and express what I think, publishing my thinking to do it in the company of others. I hope you will join in, or publish your thinking in turn. The conventions of academia have destroyed our taste for an important genre that fits this essay, with its annotations—thoughts concerning a chosen topic. Let’s bring the genre back.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A1] The Public Use of Reason&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Here let’s think for ourselves, not for a specialty, a party, an office, a class, or a creed. For Immanuel, Kant thinking for oneself required what he called “the public use of reason,” which he differentiated from its private use. In responding to the question—“What is enlightenment?”—he set the tone for this essay. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockq&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Enlightenment is man&#039;s emergence from his self-incurred immaturity. Immaturity&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; is the inability to use one&#039;s own understanding without the guidance of another. This immaturity is &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;self-incurred&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; if its cause is not lack of understanding, but lack of resolution and courage to use it without the guidance of another. The motto of enlightenment is therefore: &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sapere Aude! &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;Have courage to use your own understanding!&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;follow&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In Kant’s German, the word for maturity—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mündigkeit&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, built from &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mund&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, mouth—strongly connoted that a person could exercise a voice in the public sphere. The immature had voices only in private spheres. Freedom to reason publicly would best sustain efforts to emerge from self-incurred immaturity, from among the voiceless into the public sphere. &amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Kant thought of the public use of reason as “that use which anyone may make of it &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;as a man of learning&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;By “man of learning,” &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Gelehter&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, he meant someone with the will and the skill to participate in the reading public, a “scholar” in the sense that Ralph Waldo Emerson had in mind in his oration on “The American Scholar” (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Collected Works,&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Vol. 1, pp. 53-71).&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; addressing the entire &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;reading public&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.”&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Immanuel Kant, “What Is Enlightenment?” (1784)&amp;amp;nbsp; in Kant, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Political Writings&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, (1991), pp. 54-60, quotations, pp. 54 &amp;amp;amp; 55.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; He recognized the private use it as “that which a person may make of it in a particular civil post or office with which he is entrusted.” To truly use one’s own voice, one needed to do so in a venue people participated with &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;all things considered&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. If each participant reasoned publicly as if he was considering all things in an open and vital public sphere, the participants taken together would bring into consideration what any one of them had left out. The voice of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;unmündig&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, who spoke in a sphere where only certain things were considered, spoke under the guidance of whatever authority privileged or limited what could be considered. Kant specifically indicated that by speaking from a position or office, one spoke in a private sphere. Only in a sphere of discourse where everything was open for consideration could the participants speak without the guidance of another.  &amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;For an excellent resource in thinking about the public use of reason, see &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;What Is Enlightenment?: Eighteenth-Century Answers and Twentieth-Century Questions&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; edited by James Schmidt (1996). In “Education and the Public Use of Reason,” a talk at the University of Tulsa (March 11, 2025), I explored the problems arising with the pervasive privatization of reason as Kant understood it.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Kant wrote at a time in which a significant reading public, supporting a rapid expansion of critical journals and newspapers, developed as the main expression of commonality across the diversity principalities and free cities. A person could self-select herself into the reading public in a way she could not do with the many ascribed statuses of the time. In further considering the formation of the public sphere in Germany and its importance for effective public deliberation, I’ve found &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Transformation of the Public Sphere&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Jürgen Habermas ([1962], 1989) a helpful place to start.&amp;amp;nbsp; But in the spirit of considering all things, one should also start with &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Business of Enlightenment&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Robert Darnton (1979), a distinguished work of much finer granularity on the French &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Encyclopédie&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. The German enlightenment lagged chronologically and political developments played an unusually reduced part in it until well into the 19&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;th&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; century. Nevertheless, Kant’s distinction between the private sphere and the public sphere had and still has immense importance in thinking about the role of public deliberation in the conduct of life. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;When we speak as an autonomous member of the public, potentially addressing anyone and everyone, we naturally use public reason, for we cannot make parochial assumptions about our readers. When we speak from a role, representing or performing an office of some sort—as an official, an executive, a bureaucrat, or philanthropist, as a doctor, lawyer, or other professional, as a journalist, a school teacher, a professor, a priest or a minister—we voice private reason limited by the role we perform, whether by law, convention, or ethics. In Kant’s view, and ours here, the private use of reason treats both writer and readers as minors, who depend on given limits—a specialized role, one appropriate for persons who do not entrust themselves fully to think for themselves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;As writers and readers, norms set by defined roles limit us much of the time. Why? Obviously because no one can consider everything. No one could in Kant’s time. We all wallow in a surfeit and need ways to cut through it. Hence, we all learn to speed-read by technique or unconscious strategem, to slate down the essential information in our life-long role as &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;learner&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. To keep up the pace, we don’t want to stop to think too much. Rather than decide for ourselves, we want to take things on authority. And for that, we expect writers to stick to their specialty—what else would give them the right to spout off to us what they &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;know&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;? But how far should we entrust our judgment to an infinite division of intellectual labor? Does that lead to the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Lord of the Flies&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, the rule of universal immaturity? Does that describe our present plight?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Here, let’s see if we can still follow Kant and use our intellects to think together with public reason. In the present day, freedom to exercise the public use of reason, which Kant held to be fundamental to the work of enlightenment, suffers far fewer religious, political, or academic controls than it did for Kant and his peers. But the professionalization of intellectual work has strongly habituated us as academics, officials, or professionals to using our reason privately, confined by the conventions and constraints of the specialty that each feels called to profess or absorb. Here, however, we are not subject to the constraints of private reason. We can and should address justice and education through the public use of reason, writing and reading, thinking together as peers within the whole public of the literate world without any presumption of&amp;amp;nbsp; special authority.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;If we are to reason publicly, “addressing the entire reading public,” we should try to make ourselves as clear as we can, drawing as best we can on the full range of intellectual resources we judge relevant to the questions at issue. Only the private use of reason would privilege, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ipso facto&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, a specialized literature, for instance in education or philosophy. Relying on a specialized literature puts readers who are not specialists in one kind of minority status, while inviting the reader who is a specialist into another kind, a Yertle-the-Turtle who confuses his pond with the wide ocean. &amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;See that masterpiece of educational philosophy, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Yertle the Turtle and Other Stories&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Dr. Seuss (1958).&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Questions of justice and education have relevance to everyone, not only an insular cadre of specialists, and we should write about these questions, drawing as fully as we each can on our whole cultural heritage. To reason with the world of readers, we draw, to the best of our ability, not only on sources that specialists commonly write about together, but on all those that might help the world of readers think in valuable ways about justice and education. Of course, both the writer’s and the reader’s horizons in the whole world of readers will differ, but with the whole world in play, their horizons have equal legitimacy, enabling writer and reader to test and recognize each other as peers. The essay above and the annotations that follow address formative justice as a matter of importance to all within the public sphere.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A2] Why do we worry about acting justly?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;I want to ask this question naively, without tacitly imputing a sophisticated conception of justice to it. We have difficulty thinking naively because what we recognize as thinking, the stream of our conscious thoughts, has lost its naivety. That naivety consists in confronting a matter without the words or concepts that people have developed for confronting it. We ask the question naively to uncover why and how they brought the words and concepts about justice into use. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Thus, to ask naively why we worry about acting justly, we must resist the urge to have conscious thoughts about the concept of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. With a concept of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, we think normatively about the problem at hand by applying to it a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;concept&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of justice, a sophisticated form of thought. To start naively, we need to recognize that the play of perception and action churns existentially. The suckling infant may regulate its demand for the teat by a compulsive need for nourishment, but soon or late its need diminishes, and an experiential judgment occurs as the infant turns to something else—sleep, burping up gas, excretion, or wonder and confusion at inchoate sights and sounds. A potential judgment of worth inheres in the existential shift as the suckling infant drifts into sleep. In all the flux of acting, potential judgments of worth abound.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Both the inner life and the ethical life have deep roots in the experiential immediacy of human life. We need, at the very least, empathy with the complexity of pre-reflective experience. We should push ourselves to start this essay prior to the historical or philosophical literature on the topic of justice. Of course, we have all read a portion of that huge literature and learned much from it, but let us try to start from a position prior to and different from those assumed in the literature. I do not want to avoid dealing with it, but in dealing with it, I have come to think that it sets out from an unproductive starting point. Here I briefly explain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;First, much sophisticated thinking extends a tradition of contract theory based on 17th- and 18th-century ideas that are highly dubious. In recent decades, interesting studies of human prehistory have reflected on human evolution, inquiring about how human consciousness and thinking might have emerged. Such studies make a good propaedeutic for thinking about why a concept of justice might exist. Good places to start are &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Brain: Big Bangs, Behaviors, and Beliefs&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Rob DeSalle and Ian Tattersall (2012) and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;A Natural History of Human Thinking &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;by Michael Tomasello&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;(2014). Works such as these help us think about possible experiential settings from which powerful concepts such as justice might have emerged. To locate that emergence within actual historical settings, I have found studies of early Greek concept formation very helpful, especially &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Discovery of Mind: The Greek Origins of European Thought &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;by Bruno Snell (T. G. Rosenmeyer, trans., [1946], 1960). To grasp the conceptual source of important ideas, we need to consider first-person, phenomenological experience rather than imaginatively observe people somewhere, sometime suddenly contracting a set of rules and legitimations.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Second, although everyone finds it hard to avoid all anachronism, contract theories, from Hobbes, through Hume and Rousseau, and up to the present, seem egregiously anachronistic. Origins are masked in obscurity, and efforts to describe what cannot be seen entices theorists into circular explanations based on anachronistic fictions. In &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;A Theory of Justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (Revised edition, 1977, 1999), John Rawls introduced his theorizing about justice by speaking about “the circumstances of justice,” (section 22, pp. 102–5) which in his view simply restated Hume&#039;s account in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;A Treatise of Human Nature&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Complete Works and Correspondence of David Hume&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.(Electronic Edition 2000, Bk, III, Part II, Sec. ii, pp. 484–501). Humans, they suggested, were at once sociable and competitive, they found external goods both valuable and scarce, and they tended to fight over them until they adopted, in Hume&#039;s words, “a convention entered into by all the members of the society to bestow stability on the possession of those external goods.” (p. 489) The members would judge that convention good and after “it is entered into, and every one has acquired a stability in his possessions, there immediately arise the ideas of justice and injustice; as also those of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;property, right,&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;obligation&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;” (p. 490). All this seems plausible, but perhaps a bit too convenient, too imbued with the calm reasonableness of 18th century skeptic and the 20th century academic.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Hume and Rawls really engaged in wish-fulfillment. With the intention, as Rawls put it, “to model men&#039;s conduct and motives in cases where questions of justice arise” (p. 112), they imagined a deliberation characteristic of the calm reasoning of an academic seminar. Both had a quite orderly idea of justice, an idea that would modulate competition in the distribution of goods under conditions of moderate scarcity. They modelled an elemental social setting that would appear to present-day readers as one in which principles of justice, property, right, and obligation, principles appropriate for a highly developed social setting, would seem to solve the postulated predicament. “The circumstances of justice” were far too circular. As a test, think of Homer&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Iliad&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;We could well interpret the social predicament described in the first book of the poem as one approximating the primitive situation that Hume described. And indeed some variation on a convention about the stability of possessions might ironically have helped to moderate internal conflict within the Greek band of roving marauders. But Homer did not depict them as if they were philosophy students discussing principles around a seminar table.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Quite without theories of justice, the Homeric warriors appeared to react strongly in different ways to existential feelings of injustice—a mix of what we might call wounded pride, resentment of unmerited authority, misappropriation of property. So too do present-day children, and all of us adults, in the fullness of lived experience. Prior to sophisticated theory, people react with feelings, emotions, thoughts, which an observer might interpret by imputing to them abstract principles—justice, property, right, obligation, and other principles of moral reasoning. Athena, shouting wing words in the ear of Achilles alone, yanked him back by his hair, commanding that he hold his anger. By such actions in the Homeric poems, Athena later became identified as the goddess of prudence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;To grasp why justice exists, we need to look at the way people experienced feelings, emotions, and thoughts that eventually became susceptible to interpretation through a concept of justice. To grasp why justice, and other ethical concepts, exist, we need to look at the way humans experience the lives they live, whether in some hypothetical original position or in the everyday existence of each and all of us. Justice arises, not as people observe themselves having a problem and sagely conclude that some principle of justice will best solve their predicament. It arises because people passionately feel the rudiments of justice pervading their experience as they act in all the situations of life. Life situations recursively call those feelings up in manifold variations and slowly people construct locutions and concepts with which to think about and try to manage them. Thinking naively, we look, not at the formed concept, but at the process of concept formation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A3] Acting justly differs from virtuous action&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Surely “acting justly” relates, to “virtuous action” as examined in virtue ethics and virtue epistemology. In fact, the two concerns may come to overlap fully, we will have lost little, and may have gained valuable insight, by fully exploring our experience of acting justly as a distinct concern, independent of how contemporary philosophers discuss virtue ethics and virtue epistemology. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;What I develop in this essay intersects with virtue ethics, for both are influenced deeply by prolonged encounters with the work of Plato and Aristotle. In concentrating on acting justly, however, rather than the acquisition of virtue, I am trying to avoid postulating that justice, or virtue more broadly, consists in a property or quality that some persons and not others take on as part of their substantive being. Living well, manifesting &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;arête&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, does not consist in the possession of a special property, but in acting excellently, in a manner appropriate to a situation. A person never possesses virtue; she lives virtuously, always contingently, in the course of acting.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Virtue ethics starts with the question, What is virtue? or What is a particular virtue like honesty, courage, or justice? This question automatically structures an inquiry into virtue as the search for a property, which can be conducted by attributing that property to some persons and not others. In other words, virtue ethics hypostatizes virtue so that it is not a concept that an agent uses in the course of acting, but a substantial attribute that a virtuous person will come to possess in a way that a not-virtuous person will not possess. Ultimately, however, the virtue ethicist needs to come around to the question of living virtuously, as Julia Annas does in the closing chapters of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Intelligent Virtue&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2011). Her effort to link virtue with living life raises a significant problem: how can hypostatized virtues actually affect a living person acting contingently in real circumstances? I do not want to enter here into a prolonged critique of how virtue ethics links the attributes of a “virtuous person” to all the manifold acting that constitutes the person’s living. Instead, let us simply start our own inquiry into formative justice with living persons acting as agents inextricably entwined in their circumstances. This way we may begin to understand, not virtue itself, but what acting virtuously might involve, and, more specifically, how acting justly arises in our cnduct of life. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A4] Persons, not individuals&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Readers may be surprised to find &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;persons&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; referred to over 360 times and the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;individual&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; only once (outside of this and the next annotation) in a quotation from John Dewey. Throughout this essay, I use &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;person&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, or sometimes &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;actor&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, to refer to a human, and a bit more generally, I use &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;agent&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, or organism, to refer to anything, whether human or other, that lives a concrete, specific life. I think use of the term &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;being&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, as in “human being,” should be minimized because its implications are not very true to life. Living organisms are active agents, not static beings. Describing agents as beings subtly neuters them and diminishes their capacities to perceive, choose, and act.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;The essay has nothing to say about the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;individual&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which best denotes an abstract construction that exists only in thought as a means to group various descriptors together. Persons live, or have lived, or will live; they have inner lives, they feel appetites and drives, they have emotions, they perceive, act, and direct themselves as best they can, coping imperfectly with real constraints; persons think and reason, they experience their world, they suffer, enjoy, fear, and hope. We can understand them because they and us[1], because we, all of us, are living or have lived concrete personal lives. A person lives in a historical, existential actuality as an “I” that inextricably includes both her “I” and her “circumstances.” I cannot abstract my life from the circumstances in which it takes place.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;In contrast, the abstract “individual” &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;is&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; a conceptual doll, bearing properties, decked out in various outfits like Barbie or Ken, each named with its qualities classified and counted by careful observers, who predict how the stick figures will behave in a world of statistical abstraction, rigidly motivated by a compound causality, the parts of which aggregate to 100%, provided of course that Barbie doesn’t suffer from the statistical pulchritude of over-determination.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;My usage tries to align reflection on formative justice strongly with Max Weber, and to distance it from the methods of Emile Durkheim. Persons engage, in real lives, not in abstraction, in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;social action&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; as Weber described it in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Economy and Society&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Part I: Conceptual Exposition, especially the initial section on “Basic Sociological Terms” (Vol. 1, Guenther Roth and Claus Wittich, eds., 1968, pp. 3–307, esp. 3–62). Weberian social thought aims to develop methods of inquiry that interpret how persons lead “sentient, choice-filled lives,” and then explain the sorts of reasoning by which they concert themselves in historical life into active groupings, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;polities&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in the language of this essay.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Although Hannah Arendt&#039;s linguistic usage in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Human Condition&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2nd ed., [1958] 1998, esp. pp. 7–11, 177–8, &amp;amp;amp; 246–7) differs from mine here, her concept of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;natality&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, in relation especially to action, has great relevance to this discussion. Natality, the birth of a new, unique person who then acts in ways unique to life, provides humans with their powers of historical creation. The concept of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;life&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; at the foundation of the ideas in this essay relates very closely to &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;natality&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, the advent of a new life. Both are the seat of the capacity for autonomous agency.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Note here too that &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;person&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; takes a feminine pronoun. A reader has complained that my use of pronouns does not conform to current practice. I think lots of “his and her” and the like make for awkward and redundant prose. In the languages to which English links, nouns have grammatical gender and the gender of a pronoun agrees with the gender of its antecedent noun. That&#039;s a good system for deciding on what pronouns to use, which has the added benefit of sometimes making identification of a confusing antecedent clearer. It would sound too weird to write English as if it were fully gendered grammatically. But in common language we still do use some grammatical gendering, more or less comfortably referring to the book of a child as “its book,” or saying “she&#039;s a fast ship,” but “it&#039;s a slow boat.” I try to stick to the following usage: when a noun refers to a gendered agent of known gender, the pronoun should agree with the known gender; when the noun refers to an agent of unknown gender, the pronoun should agree with the latent grammatical gender of the noun—i.e., “person” = “la personne”, hence “she,” “her,” etc.; “youth,” = “die Jugend,” hence “she,” “her,” etc.,; “agent,” = “l&#039;agente,” (m.), hence, “he,” “his,” etc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;And one more tic: I think it clarifies the problems of life to minimize reliance on the verb &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;to be&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, restricting it as much as possible to use as an auxiliary verb. Frequent use of the verb to be, trying to delimit what something is, rather than saying what something does, often renders what actually happens vague. For instance, saying “the state &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;should be&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; the provider of healthcare for its citizens” makes little sense, for doctors and hospitals provide health care, not the state. But to phrase the issue in question with the correct verb, “the state &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;should pay for&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; the health care of its citizens,” states the speaker’s position clearly and invites intelligible responses. Whenever possible, instead of saying &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;what A is&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, we should say &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;what A does&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;I suspect that relying on active verbs and avoiding the copula may clarify our understanding of thinking and thought. As living agents, we think with active verbs and make distinctions adverbially. The copula may not enter into processes of thinking and expressions of identity, of class membership, or of attributes or relations may occur only in thought. Thinking involves &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;seeing blue&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, for instance, a more immediate and actionable experience than the thought, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;the sky is blue&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which dubiously attributes an empirically transient identity to the sky. It makes sense only as a manner of speech. We can plausibly say that in such and such situation, such and such person &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;is acting honestly&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, but to assert that a living agent locked in the circumstantiality of his life &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;is an honest person&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; stretches plausibility. Could we actually conduct a full life if we had to think exclusively with the verb &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;to be&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;? We would find ourselves transfixed in a Parmenidean wasteland of static objects.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;When philosophers began to concern themselves primarily with the properties of substantive entities, perhaps they took a problematic turn. &amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;As Francesco Orilia and Chris Swoyer put it at the start of their entry on “Properties” in the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: “Properties (also called ‘attributes,’ ‘qualities,’ ‘features,’ ‘characteristics,’ ‘types’) are those entities that can be predicated of things or, in other words, attributed to them. Moreover, properties are entities that things are said to bear, possess or exemplify.”&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; This turn, I think, has much to do with the growing separation of philosophy from the problems of life. All creatures live dynamically. What role does truth have in thinking and how does that differ from that of a true thought? Yet philosophers have become extensively preoccupied with the attribution of properties to things. Does thinking draw on or make use of properties? Does it instead draw on lived experience and formed expectations about experience that may in thought become the substantive basis for thought about properties? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;references /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A5] Persons and polities&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Persons and polities&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; occurs often in this essay because I think that all agents, including collective agents like governments or corporations, face a problem of formative justice. The most general term for such agents seems to be &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;polity&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, roughly “an organized society; the state as a political entity” (OED, 2a). Although the abstract concept &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;society&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; serves more useful purposes than its sibling, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;the individual&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;society&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; works like terms such as &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;class&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;race&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;generation&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and others to group observed characteristics together as properties of a conceptual object. Serious trouble arises when people hypostatize such abstractions as acting entities and endow them with emotions, ideas, and powers to act. Hence I try to use these abstract collections of empirical properties sparingly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Other nouns, such as &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;government&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;corporation&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;union&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;partnership&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;formal society&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;association&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, denote collective agents, not conceptual sets. Persons organize these diverse collective agents, giving them defined powers and duties to act on behalf of their members. Many of these collective agents even have positive legal status as fictional persons, with rights and responsibilities. How the rights and responsibilities of actual persons extend to fictional persons vexes jurisprudence. People cannot avoid the question in highly formed circumstances, but answers to it such as the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Citizens United&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ruling strike many as very disquieting. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;A further complication arises as we think about some abstract societies in relation to particular situations or events: mobs, audiences, electorates, crowds, and the like. These groupings seem to exercise a kind of agency different from that of a fictional person, for they act ephemerally and, like a gust of wind, do not persist as self-maintaining agents. Collective agents convene audiences, electorates, and the like as single-purpose assemblies; crowds and mobs emerge circumstantially as an unstable force from the flow of life. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;To sum up, polities do not merely exhibit what we might call agency, they exercise it, and as we will see more fully, a significant part of that exercise maintains the organization of the polity itself. In thinking about polities, abstractions play a large part, and in developing a concept like formative justice, we should exercise care in talking about collective agents. In speaking of persons as agents, we attribute the agency to the self, or the person as a self, acting in the midst of circumstances. In speaking of organizations as agents, we have difficulty grasping the self of collective agents, its locus of agency in a circumstantial lifeworld. Owing to that difficulty, we slip into hypostatizing the abstractions we use in describing the organization, attributing the power of agency to those insubstantial abstractions, a rampant form of superstition. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Hence in this essay, I develop the concept of formative justice with much fuller reference to its place in the lives of persons, while holding off discussion of formative justice in relation to collective agents, to polities, largely until the second half of the essay. In doing so, I am reversing the relation between person and polity that Plato used in the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Glaucon and Adeimantus had challenged Socrates to show why persons should choose a life of just actions rather than unjust ones, and Socrates proposed to uncover the role of justice in the hypothetical life of an ideal city as a heuristic for understanding justice in personal life. This method, Plato suggested, would facilitate the appropriate concept formation relative to both the person and the polity. &amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Plato. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. II, 368c-369b.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; I think it worked if one pays very close attention to Plato’s text, but it created great confusion for anyone reading his descriptions of the city of words as if they describe Plato&#039;s preferred political norms. In my view, to understand formative justice, we need to develop our concepts about it with reference to its place in lived, personal experience. Then we can extrapolate those out to some implications it may have for public, political life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;follow&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[*** Add discussion of Barbara Thatcher on &amp;amp;quot;no such thing as society&amp;amp;quot; -- she perpetuates the concept of the individual rather than seeing she really is thinking about the person, and in rejecting the concept of society, she fails to consider the concept of the polity, which denotes many collective agents with specified powers of responsible action…. see: &amp;amp;nbsp; ***]&amp;amp;nbsp; &amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;references /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A6] Intending never has a simple end&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;In this essay, and more generally, I attribute a strong, ontological status to life—I live, therefore I, and my circumstances, what stands about me, all exist. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;La vida&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;vivir&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, life, to live, living—these pointed to the ontological ground for José Ortega y Gasset, whose life and work I studied closely for ten years, culminating in my book, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Man and his Circumstances: Ortega as Educator&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1971). Descartes’s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;cogito&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; yields to Ortega&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;vivo&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, beginning not from thinking, so derivative, but from living, from being alive, the primal ground—I live, therefore I perceive, I think, I act, I direct myself, and with body and mind I struggle unto death with the world of my life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;I live my life, my “I” and “my circumstances,” entwined with many lives—each in some way apparent in my circumstances, yet each with its own self and its own circumstances, all intersecting in circumstantial interactions. All these circumstances together constitute the lifeworlds taking form through these lives. My life, the life I live in the world of my life, links ineluctably with a great web of unique lives, each indissoluble from its circumstances, binding with other lives and others sets of circumstances, with &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;life &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;itself, a basic constituent of the universe, emerging perhaps from some primordial indeterminacy, immanent in the chaos, otherwise inert. Ortega introduced his concern for vital reason—”&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;yo soy yo y mi circunstancia”—&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;in his 1914 book, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Meditciones del “Quijote,”&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Obras completas I&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (7th ed., 1966, esp. 318–323). Ortega wrote about vital reason as a constant theme in his work, well developed in ¿&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Qué es filosofía? &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Obras VII&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Lecciones IX–XI, pp. 388–438; cf. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;What Is Philosophy?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (Mildred Adams, trans., 1960. pp. 177–252.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; through its multitudinous instances, works in the midst of natural forces as an agency helping to determine the not-yet-determined in the temporal dimension of the present. Determinism reigns over things past. But in the present, the determining agency of life works along with other forces active in its circumstances to actualize the determinate past. Were that not so, living agents, especially persons, and peoples, would be like the pebble, inert and determined, feckless and featureless. Living agents are agents participating through their actions in the vast work of determining what the universe will have been.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Life does not merely exist in an objective universe, however. As a circumstantial reality for the living agent, the universe has ineluctable subjective qualities. The universe, whatever it may in itself be, presents itself to living beings for their perception and action, and the way the universe appears to them gets caught up in their lives, as the locus of life’s agency, as their circumstances, as that which stands around them. The newborn does not find itself there, a tiny thing in the great, well-ordered universe; in its nascent life, the newborn encounters the world, a confusing, inchoate swirl, a meaningless chaos that the new life must form into its home. That imperative of making a cosmos within the chaos continues throughout our lives. The newborn must make sense of himself in the chaos, learning to live his life by controlling himself and his circumstances, as best he can, an agent maintaining himself in the chaotic swirl, acting in and on the swirl and thereby contributing his tiny part to its total determination. We are such infants throughout our lives.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;As we proceed, I will cite a wide range of sources pertinent to understanding life lived as the substance of actual experience.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A7] Contingently controlling effort&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;I distinguish between the comprehensive topic of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;control &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;and the more specific subtopic in sociology of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;social control&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Starting with &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Social Control: A Survey of the Foundations of Order&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by E. A. Ross (1906), early 20&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;th&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;-century sociologists developed a sophisticated understanding of how techniques of social control developed and maintained systems of order in complex societies, and during the ensuing decades, this understanding has been put to powerful use, some constructive, much destructive. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Techniques and examples of social control are not what I refer to as “control.” &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;In this essay, I basically understand &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;control&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; as a reflexive verb, usually as an auxiliary to another verb—‘I control myself doing something’. The need to exercise reflexive self-control was a central concern in classical thought, especially as instantiated in the figure of Socrates and as theorized in the work of Plato and the Stoics. Many moderns have also thought deeply about the problem of control, to my mind none more extensively or productively than Jean-Jacques Rousseau. In the 20&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;th&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; century, processes of control, as distinct from social control, even became the topic of formal research and theory in biology, cybernetics, and robotics. I think &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Control Revolution: Technological and Economic Origins of the Information Society&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by James R. Beniger (1986) has lasting significance. One should start an inquiry into the importance of control in the living of life with it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Unfortunately, on its publication, Beniger’s work was not well understood or received, primarily because critics confused his understanding of control, a vital activity, with the literature on social control, a much more passive process--something done to people rather than something that people do for themselves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A8] Thinking precedes thought&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;We should recognize that we have two substantives to identify the process of human intellection—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;thought&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;thinking&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. The former comes from the past participle of the verb &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;to think&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and the latter from the present participle. This temporal difference merits more attention than it normally receives.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Thought enters consciousness—our awareness encompassing both the objects of attention and the semi-objects in its penumbra—as a given, through instantiations, often verbal or imagistic, sometimes mere sounds, surface sensations, tastes, odors, or feelings. We can speak of a body of thought, having accreted piece by piece, but thought has no process, no emerging in the moving present. Thought receives a high degree of attention, and it has a stability enabling us to make some thought an object of concentration. While we can move nimbly from one thought to another, thought does not lend itself to multitasking: thought consists of particulars, fixed and finished actualities. Thought is a presence of past thinking.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Thinking takes place subliminally, filling the moving present. We can never think out ahead of our thinking to think about our thinking as an object for itself as it is taking place. We can do no better than to think about thinking as a thought, as in the thought that thinking, in a general sense, comprises all the information processing that a living organism carries out in the immediacy of its present. Only a small part of thinking becomes thought, evident in consciousness as the residue of past thinking. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Processing information, thinking, takes place in all our organs and systems all the time, and it uses many modes of information processing. And thinking as information processing goes on ubiquitously and continuously, not only in human lives, but throughout the lives of every living organism. In fact, by identifying thinking and information processing, we can upendsthe problem of consciousness. Thinking as information processing goes on ubiquitously and continuously not only in human lives, but throughout the lives of every living organism. Thus thinking does not take place within consciousness; it envelops and precedes consciousness, which is the locus, a complex register, for an extensive part of thought. Consciousness consists in assembling selected results of thinking so that an organism can randomly access them in its ongoing thinking, as the flux of circumstantial interaction may require.&amp;amp;nbsp; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Over the past hundred years or so, researchers have come a long way, beginning to understand how different systems of thinking take place within us. They can explain much about how DNA and RNA encode and decipher our genetic inheritance, how the immune system identifies and combats many pathogens, how the digestive system breaks down different nutrients and assimilates them into the bloodstream to sustain the metabolic needs of our myriads of cells. They are even beginning to make headway clarifying how our whole embodied nervous system sends countless signals to and from the brain and how it processes and integrates all the information requisite in sustaining our complicated conduct of life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Unlike many of my fellow humanists, I do not find these developments disquieting. Surely cognition—including emotions, physical movement, and perception—takes place through various processes that we would call information processing. And cognition has always happened through information processing, not only for humans, but for all living organisms. All of it involves semantic, meaningful information that living beings work with through their embodied intelligences. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Researchers have difficulty saying exactly what the information in information processing constitutes, but their difficulties with information differ little from the difficulties physicists have in making sense of matter and energy. We work with all three even though we do not know exactly the scope and nature of their properties. Living beings have always worked in this manner with the stuff in and around them, for the pace of research and theory does not set the pace of living. We should note, however, that researchers have just begun to take biological cognition seriously and may not have really grasped its scope.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Living information processing, even for simple forms of life, involves complex and powerful computations. Through the eons of evolutionary history, living organisms evolved their computational capacities, interacting with their circumstances in order to live their lives. Key cognitive functions quite probably evolved long ago to levels of information processing sophistication far beyond what we humans can yet imagine confecting. Photosynthesis has been in use by plants for a long, long time and seems to have spread practical know-how with quantum mechanics throughout every form of plant life. Researchers call consciousness “the hard problem,” but perhaps they face some problems so much harder that they do not know they have them yet.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;In understanding living cognition in its fullness, the really hard part must account for its functional complexity and integration in real time within a self-maintaining, self-replicating system with the scale and operating parameters of the living human person, giant squid, amoeba, bat, boa constrictor, eagle, or beagle. How did a tyrannosaurus rex, rampaging through its life, process its information needs? It seems to me reasonably clear that living organisms differ from non-living matter and energy because the former can process and use information in addition to matter and energy in order to maintain and reproduce themselves, whereas the latter do not. Eventually, people may develop information processing machines into an artificial life-form that lives recursively as a self-maintaining species through the self-reproduction of countless mortal instances of itself.&amp;amp;nbsp; But for now, our information machines fall far short of maintaining themselves across the cycles of birth and mortality, which seem to characterize self-maintenance by living forms of life. To move these sorts of considerations forward, we need to clarify two matters that currently receive insufficient attention.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;First, we currently have a poorly developed understanding of the information processing requirements of a complex organism such as a person as she goes about her characteristic activities in real time, qua living person, interacting as she does with the full extent and complexity of her circumstances. At what levels, from the sub-atomic components of her cells to the whole person in interaction with her circumstances, does information processing take place? At each of those levels, what information requirements does the aggregate of relevant processing generate—not simply, for instance, the processing requirements of a typical cell, but the processing load of all the different cells working together, in and beyond the person’s whole body, 24/7, across the full span of her life? What information processing capacities and techniques enable the coordination and integration of what takes place at all these levels, not only the conscious, so that a person, in continuous interaction with the full complexity of her circumstances, can do all the different things she does? All that information processing constitutes thinking as it goes on in the immediate conduct of life. Specialists study small components of it, but do not put the whole of it together very well.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Second, researchers have so far developed a very inadequate understanding of how organisms process information in conducting their lives. Ethologists can describe the life activities of some species pretty well, figuring out what perceptive, active, and self-directive powers members of those species require to live their lives. But how does an earthworm wire itself up and get its information processing systems to work under the material constraints and operating specifications pertaining as it sucks its way through the ground? Living organisms meaningfully process a lot of information in functionally complicated ways with seemingly ordinary stuff under an exacting range of conditions. To what degree can we reasonably assume that computer-based information processing and biological information processing embody similar principles of action? Where do we stand in understanding how the biosphere implements the information processing through which its myriad lives conduct themselves? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Current discussions, whether from the side of mainstream science or the humanities, do not seem to pose the question of our cognitive needs fully enough. Cognitive scientists may underestimate the difficulty of gaining control of the semantic information needs of life and the humanists too easily doubt that the spiritual nuances they treasure will prove essential to the real processes of thinking requisite for life. I live, and as long as I do so I must think, process a lot of information in a semantic sense, and make distinctions that inform choices about which possible configurations of energy and matter will best help me maintain myself as a self-maintaining agent. I do not have the problem of explaining how matter and energy cause my thinking; I have the problem of explaining how my thinking influences the passive play of matter and energy within my body and my circumstances about me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Why fear reductionism? Reality as a given for me consists in my living: an active, embodied agency of matter and energy using information to direct myself as best I can in a world of circumstances, which consist in turn in matter, energy, and other self-directing agents also using information to manage matter and energy to maintain themselves. I move, I breathe, eat, and excrete; I feel and taste, see and hear; I cavort in sport and dance; I love and long; at times I act selfishly and at others altruistically. I experience my thinking, my information processing, in myriad ways as the primary realities of my life, all of it somehow taking place, day in, day out, through 160 pounds of flesh and bone, burning some 2000 calories of energy daily. Cognitive science will not change those realities, whether or not it ever explains them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;So far, I think, we have no clue about what, in my living, my information needs are, nor about how I might sufficiently generate that information from the matter and energy at my disposal. We pay far too much attention to consciousness in the sense of having thoughts. In doing so, we are looking at the tip of the iceberg. Most of the thinking, the information processing going on continually within us does not serve the purpose of generating our conscious thoughts. It directly serves to keep us alive, functioning effectively in our circumstances, a vast, fast-moving bricolage going on 24/7, day-in, day-out, across all the scales of matter and time, through countless encounters, choices, and decisions: actions by which I live as a self-maintaining organism in a world of circumstances. The capacities to do that as a human organism have evolved through eons in the particular lived lives of myriad other organisms, each maintaining itself in its manner. We know very little about what information processing capacities and techniques all those evolving lives may have developed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;How much information processing does a dog need and use to keep itself alive and frisky, living a dog’s life of fifteen years or so, and how can twenty pounds of matter, more or less, energized daily with a pound or so of dog food and a few cups of water, process all that information in many million instances annually? How much information processing does each living member of all the other species throughout the biosphere need and use to keep itself alive, living its life in its manner? And how can each instance of each species, from the lowly bacteria to the giant redwood, implement its cognitive capacities, in the real time of real lives, with the system of information processing that it needs to live its life in its manner? And then, how much information processing capacity and what sort of processing systems has the biosphere as a whole needed and used to keep itself alive and well as a self-maintaining, counter-entropic process through all the circumstantial vicissitudes occurring on a global scale across the whole of biologic time? All that thinking precedes thought, and the really hard problem is to explain all the thinking, not merely the thought.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;My questions, here and elsewhere, have formed through a lot of reading and reflection over more than 50 years. I have been drawn to this reading, not as a basis for the questions, but as a response to the question, a response through which I have extended and sharpened the questions. As I explain more fully in [A26] below, in 1965 as a tangent to my work on José Ortega y Gasset, I began forming these questions about thinking and information processing while responding to the work of Jakob von Uexküll at the same time as I was reading cybernetic theory developed by writers like Norbert Weiner, Warren S. McCulloch, and Claude Shannon. And now, over 50 years later, in reading Frans de Waal’s new book, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Are We Smart Enough to Know How Smart Animals Are?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, I am encouraged that he centers his opening chapter on the work of Uexküll and the late Donald Griffin. He concludes the chapter:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockq&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The agenda of this field [evolutionary cognition] is precisely what Griffin and Uexküll had in mind, in that it seeks to place the study of cognition on a less anthropocentric footing. Uexküll urged us to look at the world from the animal’s standpoint, saying that this is the only way to fully appreciate animal intelligence. A century later we are ready to listen. (p. 28)&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;follow&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And naturally, the animal’s standpoint includes the standpoint of the human animal as well, insofar as the human’s animal intelligence can be recovered from beneath the veneer of conscious thought.&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;A variety of interesting studies can help a generalist develop an expansive understanding of cognition and the forms of information processing it comprises as we live our lives. Frank R. Wilson, a doctor who specializes in helping artists and professionals whose work depends on their hands, has published &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Hand: How Its Use Shapes the Brain, Language, and Human Culture&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1998), a fascinating inquiry into this topic. Giulia Enders, a young German science writer, has recently popularized a similar line of inquiry for a very different organ in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Darm mit Charme&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, translated by David Shaw as &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Gut: The Inside Story of our Body’s Most Under-Rated Organ&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2015). Michael D. Gershon, M.D., a gastrointestinal researcher at the Columbia University medical school, gives a more detailed introduction to the relevant research and the problems of pursuing it in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Second Brain: A Groundbreaking New Understanding of Nervous Disorders of the Stomach and Intestine&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1999).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;In &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Brain’s Sense of Movement&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ([1997], 2000), Alain Berthoz, a major French cognitive researcher, has explored the information processing requisite for movement and found many ways in which the physical dynamics of moving in a constrained world simplified the cognitive load incurred. Using this research, Berthoz has developed two hypotheses about the information processing strategies evolved by living forms, which he explains in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Simplexity: Simplifying Principles for a Complex World&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ([2009], 2012):&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockq&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The first is that mental tools developed throughout evolution to resolve multiple problems of wayfinding in space were also used for the highest cognitive functions: memory and reasoning, relations with others, and even creativity. The second hypothesis is that the mental mechanisms for processing space make it possible to simplify many other problems faced by living organisms. (p. 179)&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;follow&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Berthoz’s ideas suggest that living organisms require and have developed diversified information processing powers, not simply lots of MIPS. &amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Work on embodied and extended cognition suggests that the mainstream preoccupation with the brain as the seat of consciousness frames research too narrowly to clarify adequately the place of thinking in the living of life. “Embodied Cognition” by Robert A. Wilson and Lucia Foglia in the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; provides a very informative survey. Evan Thompson’s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mind in Life: Biology, Phenomenology, and the Sciences of Mind&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2007) seems to me to ask most illuminating questions and to indicate liberating strategies for exploring them. Thompson’s recent book—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Waking, Dreaming, Being: Self and Consciousness in Neuroscience, Meditation, and Philosophy&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2015) shows both the importance and difficulty of grasping the integral unity of the “I” and “my circumstances,” as opposed to a disembodied idea of a depersonalized self relating to objectified surroundings.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;David J. Chalmers defined the so-called “hard problem” of consciousness in a 1995 essay, “Facing Up to the Problem of Consciousness.” Jonathan Shear collected it and diverse responses by prominent researchers in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Explaining Consciousness: The “Hard Problem”&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1997). It makes an excellent introduction to the range of research assumptions currently pursued. Chalmers’ two books, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Conscious Mind&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1996) and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Character of Consciousness&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2010), get bogged down by taking too many views other than his own into account (especially the latter, which is a large, though well-organized, collection of essays).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;An interesting problem, at once methodological and substantive, concerns whether principles should bind or discipline efforts, whether reductionist or emergentist, to explain cognition in living action. Roger Penrose, and his collaborator, Stuart Hameroff, put it well in two books by Penrose—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Emperor’s New Mind&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1989) and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Shadows of the Mind&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1994) and their joint essay, “Consciousness in the Universe: A Review of the ‘Orch OP’ Theory,” which appears in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Physics of Life Reviews&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Vol. 11, No. 1 (March 2014) along with 8 commentaries and 2 replies. Their work presents grounded speculation about how structures within neurons might function as quantum information processors. Other researchers also pursue the quantum possibilities, but with less specific proposals, and critics of such possibilities basically argue that such ideas contravene pertinent physical and chemical constraints. Penrose premises his views on the conviction that the current understanding of computational processes cannot provide a good account of thinking. Understanding consciousness will require significant advances in the physics applicable to matter, energy, and information. Should we assume that the evolutionary process can have evolved capacities that we must consider mysterious given what we currently know about the processes in question? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A9] Intending projects purpose into the world&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;I am suggesting a pervasive teleology throughout all of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;life&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, a teleology governing every instance of life, all living agents. In scientific circles, many think my view profoundly &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;unzeitgemässe&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, outmoded, but I think it’s easy to meet arguments against biological teleology, for they require a disembodied, reductive view of life, organic matter and energy no longer actually living. Without a teleology, separating the physics and chemistry of living organisms from that of ordinary matter and energy proves difficult. Introducing a teleology does not violate scientific discipline, for the claim that all life seeks self-maintenance would be easily falsified by adducing something that we would all agree on the one hand was alive &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;and&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; on the other manifests no self-maintaining agency.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;In holding there to be a pervasive teleology throughout all of life, I am not saying that life has a teleological purpose outside of itself; rather life lives teleologically; it maintains, preserves, and perfects itself. Life does not seek to attain a purpose; life lives purposefully. Life’s teleology suggests that life lives purposefully, but it serves no final purpose or end, rather living organisms serve the self-maintenance of life itself, the final purpose giving meaning to all their separate struggles. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Life maintains itself, giving its many separate instances a continuous end, not exactly a final end: each adding as best it can to the maintenance of life itself through its tiny, mortal effort to maintain itself as itself through all its ends-in-view. Should its effort fail, as soon or late will happen, for each will die, its death will clear a path for a new life, so death itself serves the maintenance of life itself. A vital imperative of self-maintenance leads to a hierarchy of goals of sorts, not to attain the highest good, the good itself, in the way many readers imagine Plato prescribed, but to not suffer the final harm, the final ending, in a very literal sense—death. All this gives rise to a mind-bogglingly complicated web of vital purposefulness evident in our lives and our circumstances, the lives and circumstances of all living organisms, a vast cosmos of intentionality. Given the scale and scope of life, it would be absurd if the good itself were to turn out to be some simple unity, akin to a mathematical point.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Heraclitus put it well: “The wise is one thing, to be acquainted with true judgment, how all things are steered through all.” To which current authorities observe:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockq&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[this fragment] gives the real motive of Heraclitus&#039; philosophy: not mere curiosity about nature (although this was doubtless present too) but the belief that man&#039;s very life is indissociably bound up with his whole surroundings. Wisdom—and therefore, it might be inferred, satisfactory living—consists in understanding the Logos, the analogous structure or common element of arrangement in things, embodying the &amp;amp;#956;&amp;amp;#949;&amp;amp;#964;&amp;amp;#961;&amp;amp;#959;&amp;amp;#965; or measure which ensures that change does not produce disconnected, chaotic plurality. (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Presocratic Philosophers: A Critical History with a Selection of Texts&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by G. S. Kirk, J. E. Raven, and M. Schofield, 2&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;nd&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;. ed., 1983, pp. 202–3).&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;follow&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In the comprehension of life, teleology becomes problematic if one considers life from a detached, disembodied, devitalized observational point-of-view. Purposes are not observable properties. Speaking about “having a purpose” allows us to engage in a degree of reflection on our purposefulness. In the course of acting, however, we are continually steering ourselves through our circumstances, having a continuous purposefulness of maintaining our capacities for self-maintenance. All living agents carry out all their acting purposefully from their point-of-view as actors.&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A10] Constructing a phenomenal world&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Life happens through active agency. Its living constitutes a life world where perceiving, acting, and directing the self—all the activities of life—take place. In that realm of living agency, thinking takes place as an integral part of acting. Through an embodied awareness, both conscious and unconscious, thinking constructs the lifeworld as the phenomenal locus of what exists in and for my life, in my perceiving, acting, and self-directing. For living humans, these constructions constitute the phenomenal world in its many modes, largely as explained by Immanuel Kant and others, who followed in the tradition of critical philosophizing. For other species of animals and plants, their perceptive, active, and self-directive powers construct phenomenal worlds that differ from ours, but they do it in a manner like us in which their life worlds are functions of their powers of perception, action, and self-direction.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Close readings of Kant’s three critiques, Hegel’s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology of Spirit&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, a variety of texts by Wilhelm Dilthey, Nietzsche, Husserl&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Crisis of&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;European Sciences&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Max Weber’s efforts at &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Begriffsbildung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Ortega’s writings, Jakob von Uexküll, and some Simmel, Cassirer, and Scheler have been suggestive to me about the constructive powers of embodied cognition. Developing strongly neo-Kantian presuppositions furthers self-formation well. For a more recent source, see the excellent study, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mind in Life: Biology, Phenomenology, and the Sciences of Mind&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Evan Thompson (2007).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Organization of Behavior: A Neuropsychological Theory &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;by D. O. Hebb ([1949], 2002) opened major advances in understanding learning at the neurological level. All our bodily and mental capabilities undoubtedly have an inborn substratum, which broadly determines their structure and function. However, each living organism activates, develops, and tunes those capabilities, instantiating them as working capacities, by actively shaping them, controlling them, constructing them through their recursive use. Hebb turned “the organization of . . .” from a description of a structure, however functional, to the account of an organizing process. Subsequently, I have found papers in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;A Dynamic Systems Approach to Development: Applications&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; edited by Linda B. Smith and Esther Thelen (1993) very informative about early childhood cognitive development.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A11] Assessing worth in acting justly&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;I find this question important but difficult to phrase. The difficulty arises because it requires conceptual diction—using a criterion of justice to decide to do something—to speak about what takes place pre-conceptually. The question asks what implicit criteria of worth embed in all our acting by means of which a norming takes place through the acting. Again, this does not imply that ultimately some grand norm, some special value, ought to control all acting. Value enters action not as some special quality enabling some actors who possess rarified levels of awareness to act in some situations with ethical probity. Norming inheres in all acting, by the saint, the sinner, the snake, and the worm. If all acting norms, what criteria of worth emerge through the norming?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Philosophical ethics perpetrates a great deal of sophisticated superstition. Thinking goes on as persons engage in all sorts of action, most of it not crossing thresholds of consciousness. Much of that thinking takes place outside of consciousness as a person processes operational judgments, but what takes place equally concerns normative judgments, and with both, a functional gradient seems to spread the thinking across a spectrum linking what goes on outside of consciousness with what happens within it. Both historically and biographically, operational/normative thinking seems to emerge from thinking outside of consciousness, moving in part into consciousness functionally in the process of acting, mainly as various inner senses form and function through use of negative feedback. Seemingly highly conscious actions—for instance, writing poetry, and reading it too—involves a spontaneous offering up of words and feelings and images combined with a partly reflective, partly intuitive, assessment and revision according to rhythm, sound, and meaning. Meaning and value inhere, not in the poem, but in the writing and the reading. We exaggerate the conceptual power of thought, as it has come to stand after the processes of acting.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A12] On the self-maintenance of a self-maintaining agency&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Life maintains itself; living that stops self-maintaining itself dies: then it has merely become dead matter. Time as we experience it exists in our lives, as does space and the entire world; to the living, time situates the recursive immediacy of self-maintaining activity, the fleeting now. For living agents, their activity, their perception and action, take place as the temporality, the now-ness of life—the time phenomenally present for our lives. Within that now, we postulate a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;not-yet&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; comprising innumerable contingent futures, both impending and distant, possibilities which have not been determined, not actually lived. I have not now determined what I will try to do tomorrow, for tomorrow presents me with endless possibilities. To know what I will do tomorrow, I must wait and see. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Time becomes present in our lives as what takes place&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; now&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, an immediate present. Future possibilities, which we now postulate in the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;not-yet&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, funnel towards the present where actualities take place, newly determined in part by the inertia of circumstance and in part by the living agent’s controlling effort. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Carpe diem!&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Then as living agents, we follow through recalling an&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; ever-after&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, the past, partly recent and partly ancient, all of it consisting in what has been fixed and determined, gone but for the inertia of circumstance and the fading memories that we now hold of things past. “Real life,” actual living, takes place in the immediate &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;now&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; where things happen to and through the effortful agent, through his actions, which verbs and adverbs denote. Active persons construct languages, conceptual realms, to anticipate and cogitate. Thought and thinking are not the same: thought persists as a symbolic residue of thinking; thought comes after the fact, consisting in postulated possibilities and preserved memories largely encased in language. Thinking happens in real time, as we act, immediate, present; thinking takes place, now, unselfconsciously. It is sometimes the ground of consciousness, but not its content. Hence, we cannot catch our thinking until after it has occurred. Life maintains itself by thinking and acting, the two an integral unity in its world; thought reflects back on both thinking and acting and the world of circumstance in which they take place.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A13] Sources of instrumental failure&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;When Goethe writes in Wilhelm Meister’s “Indenture” about cheerful beginnings, in which “The height charms us, the steps to it do not: with the summit in our eye, we love to walk along the plain,” he points to this sort of failure, endemic in so many of our personal ambitions. Cumulatively for youths, all this can add up to the winnowing and self-testing that eventually leads to a calling and a commitment. (Goethe. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Wilhelm Meister’s Apprenticeship&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Book VII, Chapter 9, Thomas Carlyle, trans.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;But in the affairs of state, and in commerce, failures to assess rightly the costs of achieving ends in view become highly destructive of the capacity for self-maintenance by major polities and corporations. Analyses of corporate failures are a staple among publications by business school professors. And those interpreting Clausewitz’s phrase “that war is the continuation of policy by other means” &amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;James R. Holmes, “Everything You Know about Clausewitz Is Wrong,” &amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;http://thediplomat.com/2014/11/everything-you-know-about-clausewitz-is-wro ng/&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Diplomat&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, suggests that small mistranslations of key ideas can lead to skewed ways of considering policy choices that greatly increase the likelihood of profound miscalculations.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; as the rationale for military interventions—Vietnam, Iraq I &amp;amp;amp; II, etc.—risk withering critiques of their cost-benefit expectations. The most traumatic of such miscalculations in modern history was most likely World War I.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Cheerful beginnings characterized it, as they complicate most collective undertakings, once the Rubicon has been crossed, however thoughtlessly, people too often have very little ability to disengage. At the outset, the cost-benefit analyses skew in favor of the controlling predispositions and later compensations can lead to extreme shifts in value. The work of Paul Fussell, starting with his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Great War in Modern Memory&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and studies like &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Generation of 1914&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Robert Wohl examine how profoundly the unanticipated costs of World War I in expended lives, capital resources, and the delegitimation of prewar elites had on postwar values and sensibilities. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;In the face of such upheavals, people should resist becoming fatalistic, concluding that they cannot achieve sufficient foresight. If profoundly difficult and contingent, that simply adds to its importance. Books like &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Economic Consequences of the Peace&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1920) by John Maynard Keynes show the possibility that some participant/observers can generate it. How to identify those with sound foresight and getting them into positions of effective leadership has been and remains the great dilemma in arranging sound collective organization. Sheldon S. Wolin’s major work, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Politics and Vision: Continuity and Innovation in Western Political thought&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, centrally concerned this dilemma.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;references /&amp;gt;__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A14] Sources of formative failure&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;The human costs of someone’s failure to do justice to his talent and calling through the unintended consequences of his core commitments and successes have been a great literary theme, at the heart of dramas such as &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Long Day’s Journey into Night&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Eugene O’Neill (2002) and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bildungsromane&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; such as &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Red and the Black&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1830) by Stendhal, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sentimental Education&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1869) by Gustave Flaubert, or &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Jude the Obscure&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1895) by Thomas Hardy. In essence, the problem arises because the central characters adopt mistaken or inappropriate criteria of choice and evaluation in as they assess their possibilities pursuing their intentions. For instance, Jude can manage the intellectual criteria requisite as he makes his way awkwardly into the world of higher learning, but he cannot fully comprehend and manage the social nuances of either his rustic origins or the academic community.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;On the level of polities, when inappropriate criteria of evaluation prevail, the destructive costs can be catastrophic. For instance, two very fundamental criteria—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;more&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;enough&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—seem to me to be in profound tension in contemporary public life. Under regimes of chronic scarcity criteria of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;more&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;enough&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; are for practical purposes equivalent, but regimes of scarcity are neither constant nor ubiquitous. At meals, we easily grasp the difference between demanding more and seeking enough. However, the difficulty of judging &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;enough&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and the ease of wanting &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;more&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; destabilize the allocation of wealth, material goods, schooling, medical care, entertainment. As a criterion of evaluation, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;more&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; works as a sorcerer’s apprentice. In &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Enough: A Pedagogic Speculation&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2012), I have tried to explore how a huge problem for the education of the public entails developing criteria for judging enough—neither too little nor too much—in those areas of public life that have been managed by the pursuit of more throughout the modern era.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A15] Fulfillment, self-maintenance, and self-formation&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;It may be helpful here to indicate my usage of three terms that are closely associated in the idea of formative justice developed in this essay: sense of fulfillment, self-maintenance, and self-formation. By &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;sense of fulfillment&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, I refer to an inner sense, often felt beneath the level of conscious awareness and sometimes rising clearly into full awareness, about whether what we are doing furthers self-maintenance. We use this inner sense, much as we use the sense of balance, to steer through immediate matters with a feeling that our lives are in order. Elsewhere I would like to develop the concept of a sense of fulfillment more fully, for it probably has multiple forms, perhaps having a specific form relative to a single goal or purpose, and a more complex form relative to multiple goals and the way we set priorities among them. Here I will, however, use the concept in a somewhat vague, inclusive sense.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Self-maintenance&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; works continually as the immanent &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;telos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in and for all of life, both for specific living agents and for the sum of them, i.e., life as a constituent element of the universe. As the immanent &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;telos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in my living, in your living, in all living, self-maintenance has many sides, continually flexing, requiring the living agent to sense fulfillment dynamically, complexly, and discriminately. In doing so, humans err: the eventual source of mortality for each living agent. Up until then, the living agent uses its sense of fulfillment to control its norming, its energizing, and its capacitating, integrating it all together in a process we here called formative justice. Self-maintenance has similarities to John Dewey&#039;s concept of growth, for both anchor a teleology immanent in the conduct of life. But as a name for the teleology immanent in life, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;growth&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; has too many ambiguities, as I explain briefly in annotation 33.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Self-formation&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; results from the pursuit of self-maintenance, guided as best an agent can, by its sense of fulfillment. A person exercises &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;formative justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; through the ongoing compensations she makes as she pursues self-maintenance and senses a deficit relative to fulfillment. This exercise of formative justice yields self-forming, an agent’s shaping the life it leads, for better and for worse, until its life, its pursuit of self-maintenance ceases. As a person uses her perceptive, active, and self-directive powers within a human life world, she engages in self-formation with self-maintenance as the immanent purpose. She has a sense of fulfillment, a hypothetical optimal maintenance of her capacity for self-maintenance. Relative to that, she conducts herself, pursuing her manifold possibilities, sensing deviations from fulfillment and trying to compensate for those in carrying out her activities. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;While a person seeks formative justice in living her life, exercising her sense of fulfillment, working towards self-maintenance, and achieving self-formation, what she does may or may not prove positive. She may develop a distorted and self-destructive sense of fulfillment, for an extreme case, that of an addict needing a fix. A person can err in choosing among possibilities she thinks will lead to self-maintenance. She may consciously form skills, styles, ideas, and values that do not serve her as she expected, getting a law degree and a big debt at a time when the lawyers are highly over-supplied. Formative justice can miscarry, as do other types of justice. The fact that our judgment can easily err accentuates the importance of judging as best we can.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A16] Choosing by eliminating possibilities&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;In doing anything, I must always meet an instrumental, primarily causal, imperative, to do it successfully. But in doing something, I choose the something and do not simply accept it as a given, plain and simple, prior to the doing. In the course of what takes place, I shape my intention by sifting many possibilities that have positive valence for me, progressively eliminating various ones as infeasible, undesirable or less worthy. I do not base this elimination on causal reasoning. I monitor the possibilities relative to what is taking place in my experiential context, continuously eliding possibilities that I judge to have insufficient value until my intention completes. It then embodies the values I did not exclude. Such running value judgments construct the meaningful activity of our lives.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;We use Kant&#039;s three analogies of experience to understand the conduct of life. In this process of understanding, we use the 1st analogy, the principle of persistence of substance, to attribute substantiality in space and time to the conduct in order for there to be something to be understood. In its deepest sense, the 1st analogy provides the basis for understanding that a soul, something substantial that persists through change, animates all conduct.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;We then think of substantive conduct in two ways that account for what takes place, an instrumental and a normative way.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Instrumentally, we think about the substantive conduct according to the 2nd analogy, the principle of temporal succession according to the law of causality, figuring out how to make what we intend actually happen.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Normatively, we think about the substantive conduct according to the 3rd analogy, the principle of simultaneity according to the law of reciprocity or community, assessing the interactions that will be taking place with each possibility, continually eliminating those judged likely to weaken our capacities for self-maintenance.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;follow&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The 3rd analogy discloses the normative dimension of substantive conduct, the answer to the question with which we started—Why does justice exist?&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;See the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Critique of Pure Reason&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, B218-B265 (Paul Guyer and Allen W. Wood, trans. &amp;amp;amp; eds., 1998, pp. 295–321). The 3rd analogy controls dialectical thinking, which primarily negates possibilities. The negation of all possibilities obviously leaves one passive, but if the negating of possibilities stops before have been rejected, one has a Hegelian dialectic that results in something positive through the negation of negation. With &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;critical&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; dialectic (in the sense of critical theory, not Kantian &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Kritik&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;), the dialectic simply shows why given substantive conduct should not persist, Adorno&#039;s negative dialectics.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A17] Concept formation has a history&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Classical philology and associated conceptions of hermeneutics concentrate on comprehending ancient texts by interpreting the historical formation and development of the concepts their authors used. As an historian of thought in the present day, I want to make my view of that process explicit, for the history of philosophic concepts lends itself to consideration in two significantly different ways. For some, through the history of philosophy and related concerns, one studies whether timeless, true concepts have entered into history in confused and confusing ways, with thinkers trying through the subsequent historical effort to eliminate and correct prior confusions, eventually arriving, at some time in the past or perhaps still in the future, at a proper understanding of philosophic truth. For others, through the history of philosophy and related concerns, one studies more modest developments, but ones no less portentous for historical experience. For them, different people living in their historical situation form concepts with which to think about their experience and to organize their actions in their historical world. They cope with their historical situation reflectively. Doing so does not inject something timeless into history, rather it invents something timely within a particular historical context. Both modes of thinking have value, but in thinking about justice, I accentuate the latter mode of inquiry, not the former.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;All concepts are historical in a strong sense, having a historical origin, meaning, and span of useful pertinence. This view does not dissolve the problem of truth, but it significantly historicizes it. Doing so puts a premium on several kinds of works pertaining to historical concept formation. One concerns the historical study of that historical process in collaborative efforts such as the magnificent 8 volume Geschichtliche Grundbegriffe: Historisches Lexikon zur politisch-socialen Sprache in Deutschland, edited by Otto Brunner, Werner Conze, and Reinhart Koselleck (1972–1997). Parallel efforts in English are associated with the work of Quentin Skinner and J. G. A. Pocock, among others, and accessible surveys of it are The History of Political and Social Concepts: A Critical Introduction by Melvin Richter (1995), History of Concepts: Comparative Perspectives edited by Iain Hampsher-Monk, Karin Tilmans, and Frank van Vree (1998), and, from the master himself, The Practice of Conceptual History: Timing History, Spacing Concepts by Reinhart Koselleck (2002). Another involves the epistemology of historical reason, for which see the work of Wilhelm Dilthey, for instance his Introduction to the Human Sciences (Rudolf A. Makkreel and Frithjof Rodi, eds., [1883], 1989); José Ortega y Gasset, History as a System and Other Essays Toward a Philosophy of History (Helene Weyl, trans., 1962), Man and Crisis (Mildred Adams, trans., 1958), and An Interpretation of Universal History (Mildred Adams, trans., 1973); and, with a more explicitly hermeneutic concern, Truth and Method by Hans-Georg Gadamer (Garrett Barden and John Cumming, trans., 1975).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A18] Judgment and justice&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Whenever a living agent tries to do something, he must assess and select among multiple possibilities. Choosing the better one from among multiple contingencies takes place. Existential actuality embeds a problem of acting justly in all acting, and I would hold that existential actuality does that even for very primitive organisms exercising radically limited forms of “choice.” Each person continuously confronts more possibilities, more needs, desires, expectations, and contingencies, than she can effectively seek to actualize. She must winnow them down to the particulars which her actions affirm as the most worthwhile. Therein lies the problem of justice, especially formative justice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;In this ever-recurring situation, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;judgment&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; go together. We winnow down the multiplicity of contingencies by exercising judgment, assessing their relative worth, by applying a principle of justice with respect to the existential particulars, be the principle explicitly in mind or implicit. Even if the person describes the outcome in the rhetoric of necessity, a much-overused rhetoric, the actual judging among multiple possibilities, finding one to be “necessary,” determines relative worth, merit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;This exercise of judgment more substantively involves the use of positive and negative feedback to direct action towards a goal, which may be of many different forms and extremely diverse given particulars. In order to generate positive and negative feedback, one needs various inner senses relative to various goals in question, and the judging that takes place assesses the inwardly sensed deviations from the approximated goal and corrects for them with appropriate positive reinforcements or negate restraints. All inner senses start experiential aspects of our acting, and we may become highly adept at exercising them without ever formulating a name for them and a way of talking to ourselves about our exercise of them. But we come to name some of them, of many different types, helping us to reason about them and possibly to refine our use of them. Many, many normative terms such as &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; or &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;beauty&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; name important inner sense, the possession of which in a form of acting precedes the concept. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; then is the name for an inner sense that we use in exercising a particular form of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;judgment&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, the judgment we use in acting justly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Since reading Plato’s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; closely in graduate school, I have been interested in his theory of justice as a basis for thinking about education, understanding education as a person’s effort to form her powers of judgment. These concerns were important throughout my study of Ortega y Gasset, culminating in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Man and His Circumstances&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in 1971. Also, in my 1971 essay, “Towards a Place for Study in a World of Instruction,” I wrote to reaffirm the importance of a student’s forming his powers of judgment through autonomous study. From 1975 through 1977, I worked to develop a large project under the heading “Man and Judgment: Studies of Educational Experience and Aspirations” and tried to publish a concept paper for it in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The New Yorker&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which paid me modestly for it but decided not to publish it, and a slightly different version fared no better in more academic journals. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;These experiences discouraged me, at the same time as I perceived emerging developments with digital technologies framing a long-term historical tension between the instructional pedagogies central to our educational institutions and the way digital technologies were thoroughly facilitating independent study of anything, by anyone, at any time and any place. For 25 years, roughly from 1977 to 2002, I made this tension the central concern in my work. I argued in many talks, proposals, essays, and two short (prematurely) online books—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Power and Pedagogy&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1992) and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Educators Manifesto&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1999)—that it was important that humanists stop bemoaning digital developments and work more proactively to develop as fully as possible as quickly as possible their full humanistic possibilities. As part of this effort in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Educators Manifesto&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, I tried to update Plato’s concept of justice for the contemporary world, contrasting it to distributive justice and calling it “regulative justice” (¶¶108–122). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Three distinct conditions must emerge to empower a digitally-based humanistic culture: an effective digital infrastructure with a demographic reach equal or superior to that of printed materials; comprehensive, high-quality cultural content that people can retrieve, experience, and expand at will; and widespread, facile know-how enabling people to express themselves fully through the digital resources. Barring some sort of catastrophic deviation in the human trajectory under way, these three conditions have significantly emerged and are beginning to shape the spectrum of possibilities within which we act. &amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;We need to recognize simultaneously powerful determinisms and an ineluctable autonomy. The determinisms shape a continually changing spectrum of possibilities with respect to which we must act autonomously, personally and collectively, significantly shaping what takes place.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; As these conditions emerge, the spectrum of possibilities within which we can and should act changes from the spectrum pertaining not long ago. It becomes important to bring ourselves to full awareness of what the emerging possibilities, assessing which are most feasible and worthwhile. In doing that, fuller attention to formative justice for anyone, that is everyone, engaged in educative work. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;In recent years I have been trying to pay my attention to it, developing the Platonic concept further, using the name, “formative justice,” in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Homeless in the House of Intellect: Formative Justice and Education as an Academic Study&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2005, pp. 72–105). In 2007-8 in “On (Not) Defining Education,” I explored German thinking about self-culture and self-formation between the reception of Rousseau’s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Emile&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in the early 1760s and the death of leading pedagogical thinkers in the 1820s and 30s (Jean Paul, Peter Villaume, Franz Vierthaler, Pestalozzi, August Niemeyer, Hegel, Goethe, Johann Sailer, Schleiermacher, Wilhelm von Humboldt, F. H. C. Schwarz, usw), a work-in-progress that I want to return to on finishing this essay. More recently, the last two chapters of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Enough: A Pedagogic Speculation&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2012) develop this concept formative justice, and the related one of “fulfillment.” Health and vigor willing, I intend eventually to follow the present essay with a full-scale book on the topic.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;references /&amp;gt;__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A19] Why privilege the Greeks?&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;I concentrate on early Greek experience because I know it better than early historical experience elsewhere. In concentrating on Greek experience, I do not claim historical primacy for it. The truth of ideas lies in their pertinence to concrete experience and many different experiential contexts can give rise to important ideas. As Montaigne observed—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockq&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Truth and reason are common to everyone, and no more belong to the man who first said them than to the man who says them later. It is no more according to Plato than according to me, since he and I understand and see it in the same way. The bees plunder the flowers here and there, but afterwards they make honey of them, which is all theirs; it is no longer thyme or marjoram. Even so with the pieces borrowed from others; he will transform and blend them to make a work that is all his own, to wit, his judgment. His education, work, and study aim only at forming this.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Michel de Montaigne,&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; Selected Essays&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (Donald M. Frame, trans., New York: Walter J. Black, 1943. pp. 13–4) Essay 26, “Of the Education of Children.”&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;follow&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In addition to the biographical accident that I am more familiar with ancient Greek thought, by historical accident, the Greek experience has been both very well documented (although imperfectly, nevertheless) and well worked by centuries of scholarship. We take this experience as an instance of historical &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Begriffsbildung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; to capitalize on all that scholarly work.&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Montaigne&#039;s thought here, which recurs often throughout his essays, presents an important principle of formative justice: let us grasp clearly the truth and reason of another&#039;s thought, rather than debate the correctness of its formulation. We benefit by integrating the ideas of others into the powers of judgment by which we live. This observation leads to form of normativity associated with the Greek experience that we should not lose sight of. We can recognize that historically a particular understanding of experience associated with a prior time and place became embedded in the way people organized their arrangements for the conduct of public life. Ideas about Greek life, particularly life in Athens during its classical period, deeply shaped the transformation of aristocratic polities in modern Europe and the West into more democratic systems. Assessing the strengths and weaknesses of present-day socio-political arrangements depends significantly on understanding the self-understanding of the ancient Greeks and the understanding of that self-understanding shared by political innovators throughout the modern era. (Cf. [A39])&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;references /&amp;gt;__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A20] Sources for Dikê&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Over the years, the work of Eric A. Havelock has been formative for me. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Greek Concept of Justice from Its Shadow in Homer to Its Substance in Plato&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1978) provides excellent guidance in studying early Greek thinking about justice. In graduate school, I read Havelock&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Preface to Plato&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1963) enthusiastically when it was originally published, soon after my first close reading of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Havelock’s earlier study, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Liberal Temper in Greek Politics&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1957) helps one appreciate the positive role of the sophists and rhetoricians while understanding why Socrates/Plato nevertheless found them wanting. My feel for the topic has also been deeply influenced by a long fascination with reading and thinking about pre-Socratic speculations, especially the fragments of Heraclitus. Here Kirk, Raven, and Schofield work on &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Presocratic Philosophers, op cit.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; volume I and II of&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; A History of Greek Philosophy&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by W. K. C. Guthrie ([I:] 1962, [II, 2&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;nd&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;: 1965); and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Heraclitus &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;by Philip Wheelwright (1964), among others, have been formative for me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A21] The complexity of dikê&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Part of the greatness of Homer’s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Iliad&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; arose from how clearly the poem presented paradigmatic forms of justice in the various conflicts that drove its action. It started with an example of retributive justice as Apollo sent a plague upon the Greeks as retribution because King Agamemnon had taken as his concubine the Trojan daughter of Apollo’s priest as his share of the mounting spoils. The problematic quickly shifted to a vivid conflict over distributive justice as Agamemnon and Achilles clashed about how to revise the distribution of spoils justly, having returned the priest’s daughter to the Trojans. The epic then played out around a formative issue, the choice of Achilles—whether to win eternal fame, suffering an early death, or to live a long and comfortable life. In the course of that extended action, diverse scenes involved numerous aspects of early Greek social practice, including a brief but sharp vignette about a conflict of social justice as Odysseus cudgeled Thersites, who had spoken sensibly but out of place. And the interactions over the disposition of Hector&#039;s corpse between Priam, Hector&#039;s father, and Achilles exemplified questions of intergenerational justice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Of course, interpretative characterizations about different kinds of justice project back subsequently into the poem, which depicts all these situations simply as existential encounters. Even the scene in which Athena pulled Achilles back by his hair and gave him silent advice to upbraid but not strike Agamemnon, in which seems to later readers to be a kind of personification of prudence, simply presents highly charged action. Her personification simply projects later thinking back into the poem. Throughout the poem, Homer presented Athena, and other gods, not as personified concepts, but as existential actualities in the experience of the human protagonists. Conceptualization comes later in historical time. But by basing reflective study on an engagement with the earliest documents in our intellectual traditions, we gain a strong appreciation of how reflective thinking has been historically invented by persons trying to clarify the difficult choices embedded in the heat of human action. They applied a concept of justice as a human artifact to their experience, but they applied it to the issues in their felt experience, not merely to the externals of some situation that observers saw them in.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A22&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A22] Distributive justice in Greek experience&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Distributive justice, as distinct say from &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;majesty&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in the exercise of authority, seemed to become a more prominent problem in self-governing polities such as the Greek city-states. Self-governing polities, where authority was sanctioned internally, had a greater stake in maintaining their cohesion than did magisterial polities, where an external, transcendent force appeared sufficient to sanction authority. From Herodotus on, Greek historians appreciated cohesion rather than scale as the key to the Greek welfare and the essence of statesmanship in figures such as Solon, and even earlier in Hesiod, and later Pericles, was seen as the ability to moderate and back away from the stasis arising when conflicts over distributive justice became too divisive and paralyzing. In their larger history, both Greece and especially Rome show how a failure to maintain effective internal cohesion could undermine self-governance and replace it with a politics of imperial majesty. That history deserves close attention in the putative democracies of our time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A23&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A23] The real American exceptionalism&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Possibly books like &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Michelle Alexander (2012) are shifting public sentiment away from the irrationalities of mass incarceration. The human costs of these policies are evident in articles by David Kaiser and Lovisa Stannow, “Prison Rape and the Government,” (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The New York Review of Books&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, March 24, 2011), “Prison Rape: Eric Holder’s Unfinished Business” (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;NYR Blog&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 2010), and “The Rape of American Prisoners” (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The New York Review of Books&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, March 24, 2011 2010); Bruce Western, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Punishment and Inequality in America&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2006); Shawn Bushway, Michael A. Stoll, and David F. Weiman, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Barriers to Reentry?: The Labor Market for Released Prisoners in Post-Industrial America&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2007).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Acts of retribution have powerful formative influence, quite apart from their punitive effects. See “Remarks by President Obama at the NAACP Conference,” July 14, 2015, The White House, Briefing Room, Speeches &amp;amp;amp; Remarks: “Around one in nine African American kids has a parent in prison. What is that doing to our communities? What’s that doing to those children? Our nation is being robbed of men and women who could be workers and taxpayers, could be more actively involved in their children’s lives, could be role models, could be community leaders, and right now they’re locked up for a non-violent offense.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Excessive incarceration offers both the prisoner and the public ineffective rehabilitation. Efforts to renew attention to the formative aspects of imprisonment have decayed and need rebuilding. Ellen Condliffe Lagemann, “Doing Time, with a Degree to Show for It” (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Chronicle of Higher Education&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, November 28, 2010) gives a sense of what might be with more attention to formative justice as well as retributive justice, as does Alan Smith for England in his series of online articles about teaching prisoners, most recently “In Prison, Education is a Route to Self-Respect,” &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Guardian&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Monday, 8 April 2013).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A24&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A24] Choosing (not) freely&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Free will versus determinism seems to me to be a confusion arising primarily because we pay insufficient attention to the temporality of action. Retrospectively, after the fact, everything has been determined and any good explanation of what has taken place will necessarily be deterministic. At the time of their occurrence, however, actions by living agents are indeterminate and contingent. And in the determined, retrospective world, a great deal has been determined by the contingent actions of living agents. All instances of life are self-forming and self-maintaining. Each living organism, a complex, recursive system, perceives the world around it in some manner and acts in that world in some fashion for the contingent purpose of maintaining its capacity for self-maintenance. &amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;In speaking of self-determination and self-maintenance as a contingent purpose, I mean to suggest that the organism intends that purpose and acts with real effects although the effects of its self-determining actions may not actually realize the purpose.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; The capacity to act contingently from within itself to form and maintain itself differentiates life from inert matter. I think that living organisms can seek to exercise a self-determining capacity because life has acquired an emergent ability to influence a basic indeterminacy in the elemental constituents of the world. How? No one knows. But at one end of a spectrum, physicists are finding indeterminacy real in the quantum behavior of matter and energy and at the other, our inner sense of what is taking place in our lives that we are seeking with an uncertain outcome to determine undetermined possibilities as we act. Why should we impose a deterministic straightjacket on life as lived? We should think of life, in general, as a totality of recursive actions by self-determining agents, a great unfinished drama. In this sense, life creates itself as an emergent property of the universe, a universe that permits life to so soar, for the universe has something indeterminate among its constituent elements that seeks an agent for its determination.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Life determines and maintains itself as a protean form of matter and energy, using information, which resolves the natural indeterminacy, to exercise self-maintenance through controlled self-determination. &amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;In this understanding, in determining itself, the organism makes a determination among possibilities—it does what it does—but how the act of self-determination interacts with circumstances will contingently determine whether the determination actually maintains the organism&#039;s capacity for self-maintenance.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; This power of self-determination does not mean that a living agent can unilaterally become whatever it seeks to become. It must commit to a purpose in the face of an uncertain outcome. The self-determining organism must cope with circumstances, which are massive, ineluctable, and uncaring; hence self-determination does not guarantee self-maintenance. Self-determination decrees contingency, mortality, finitude; but these limitations allow the sequences of contingent, mortal, and finite lives to become relentlessly recursive as well. Life can multiply and swarm because all its living members are mortal, dying away to make room for new lives. The cycle of deaths and new lives gives to life the power to change and extend itself recursively. Therein lies the power of life in its entirety to colonize, year by year across eons, the mute circumstances of the universe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Life in general comprises a vast complexity of recursive instances, each mortal, each able to maintain itself fleetingly. But once life starts as this self-determining, self-maintaining succession of lives, that self-maintenance becomes an endless source of meaning to itself. In its most comprehensive sense, formative justice becomes the inherent, sovereign virtue, Plato’s idea of the good, the pursuit of self-maintenance, which draws the great succession of lives into existence within the living realm. Formative justice rules the cosmos—that reconstruction of the chaos called into life by the pageant of self-forming actions in self-maintaining lives. For more on life as the ground, see annotations 5, 7, 10, and 26.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;references /&amp;gt;__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A25] The core question of Bildung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bildung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; has been a powerful, complex concept in German thought. We cannot venture here a full history of it. For our purposes, it suffices to note very generally key steps in that history. By the mid-eighteenth century, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bildung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; lost much of its earlier religious significance and became a more general term, indicating diverse types of formative processes. In German, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bildung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; still basically means “formation” and continues as a frequent suffix to diverse nouns to indicate the formation of the prefixed topic, as in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Begriffsbildung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; for “concept formation.” With this basic sense of a formative process, diverse German luminaries used the concept to advance ideas about the personal and historical formation of the inner senses and forms of judgment characteristic of human experience. Early in the nineteenth century, as part of the Prussian educational reforms associated with Wilhelm von Humboldt, these ideas about &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bildung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; began to be worked into fairly specific programs of general education, a bit like the liberal arts, and from the mid-nineteenth century on, these programs became more and more reified and dangerously sterile, a part of the German catastrophe that Fritz Ringer illuminated well in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Decline of the German Mandarins: The German Academic Community, 1890&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;–&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;1933&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2nd ed., 1969, 1990). The pursuit of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bildung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; persists, however, as a quest for acquirements suiting the modestly pretentious with a thriving market for the patina in products like &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bildung: Alles, was man wissen muss&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Dietrich Schwanitz (26. Auflage, 2006).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Although the basic concept of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;formative justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; derives from Plato, late-eighteenth-century ideas about &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bildung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in German thought and literature help greatly to show it at work in personal and historical life. Herder, Goethe, Schiller, Fichte, Schleiermacher, Hegel, and many of their peers provide valuable resources for comprehending &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;the formative power&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; constitutive of human life. While they often saw themselves countering the mechanistic and rationalistic tendencies of prior Enlightenment thinkers, they were criticizing the larger intellectual movement from within, contemplating how the formative power of human life had an organic vitality &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;rooted&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, not alone in reason, but in the kaleidoscopic circumstances of time and place, of language, of historical experience, of custom and community, of passion and feeling, as well. For them, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bildung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, human self-formation, took place in and through it all, controlled marginally, not by system, but by countless, inward acts of judgment.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;For these thinkers, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Persönlichkeit&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, not merely “personality,” but the full, lived experience of the person, immersed always in a concrete time and place, in actual historical contexts rippling out from local family and neighborhood through ever-widening ones to the cosmos of humanity, using language, arts, and techniques in specific ways for specific purposes, constituting a unique, autonomous, fallible, yet active agent. Educators should do more, much more, to recover the classical German idea of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bildung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, not as they sometimes try to do, looking for a renewed practice of education. Educators need to recover &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bildung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; as a worldview, as a way of seeing human life, whole in all its complexity, as a formative process, unfolding in the face of contingency with responsibility and purpose immanent within. This worldview does not provide a program of general education. It shows us why the full self-formation by each merits the fullest feasible support by us all.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;In 2002, Lars Løvlie, Klaus Peter Mortensen, and Sven Erik Nordenbo edited a valuable special issue of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Journal of Philosophy of Education&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (Vol. 36, No. 3, 2002) devoted to the topic of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bildung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. It exemplifies the challenges the topic presents. The eleven contributors treat &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bildung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; as a form of pedagogical activity, described in eleven variations, and speculate how it might be realized in eleven variants of the contemporary situation. The contributions offer much interesting erudition, but they do not cohere into a compelling insight into the value of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bildung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in contemporary life. In German educational scholarship over the past five or six decades, there have been many studies of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bildung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; as a historically significant pedagogical program, but these are highly reductionist, generally showing how different variations on the program reflect the class interests and biases of its proponents. To start recovering a sense for the worldview associated with the concept of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bildung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in German thought in the late 1800s consult the 2nd volume of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Das Pädagogische Problem in der Geistesgeschichte der Neuzeit&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Hermann Leser, devoted to &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Die Deutsch-Klassische Bildungsidee&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1928). The entry on “Bildung” in the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Geschichtliche Grundbegriffe: Historisches Lexikon zur politisch-sozialen Sprache in Deutschland&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Rudlof Vierhaus gives a very compact survey of historically distinct views, but it presents a much sketchier description of them than Leser did (Vol. 1, pp. 508-51). I think the more voluminous presentation in volumes 2 and 3 of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Handbuch der deutschen Bildungsgeschichte&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (Christa Berg, et al., eds.) does not offer much insight for the authors contribute to an effort to give complete coverage to all educational activities in the entire Germanic world: thought disappears in unending mentions of everything.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Now, in the worldview of the present day, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bildung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; has been hypostatized, the all-encompassing processes of formal education. But does all this formal instruction have the causal powers its hypostatization imputes to it? To meet that demand, we might wonder—“In the real world of real, to who’s practice &amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;“The actual application or use of an idea, belief, or method, as opposed to the theory or principles of it. . . .” &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;OED&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 2a.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; might the concept of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bildung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; be relevant?” And we might then follow that by asking—“And how might the practitioners&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;“A person who habitually or customarily engages in a particular activity or type of behavior. . . .” &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;OED, 2.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bildung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; implement their practice?” The forming that takes place primarily shapes an agent in interaction with his lifeworld. Manifold stimuli impinging on the agent from the lifeworld are pervasive and continuous. From his side, the agent ceaselessly modulates the stimuli, both passively and actively, assimilating much, repelling some, and over time thereby incarnating his humanity. In understanding this forming, this &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bildung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, as a practice, we should recognize it as the agent’s practice. He implements it by trying to assert limited but effective powers of self-formation within the encompassing formative process. Supportive resources for acting intentionally with good effect best help an agent to implement a practice of self-formation within the overall process of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bildung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Goethe illuminated the overall process in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Wilhelm Meister’s Apprenticeship&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and illustrated its support especially with Wilhelm’s “Indenture” (Book VII, Chapter 9) and the explanation of the Abbé’s pedagogic methods in the dialogue between Jarno and Wilhelm (Book VIII, Chapter 5). Essentially persons modulate the process of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bildung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by acting both spontaneously and reflectively on the accumulated insight into the process of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bildung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; embedded in the cultural heritage. W. H. Bruford’s two great studies, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The German Tradition of Self-Cultivation: &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;Bildung&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; from Humboldt to Thomas Mann&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Culture and Society in Classical Weimar, 1775-1806&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, provide excellent background for understanding the practice of self-formation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;references /&amp;gt;__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A26&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A26] The etiology of human power&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Formative power does not &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ipso facto&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; do good. For both the person and the polity, complacency, errors, stupidities, attrition, sickness, accidents, misfortunes, and corruption in formative efforts accumulate, diminishing capacities of self-maintenance, eventually leading to the senescence and death of the person or the polity. Side effects and unintended consequences are significant problems in the exercise of formative justice, as they are with other forms of justice as well. People, personally and collectively, suffer the consequences of formative injustice. Are humans able to perceive the cumulative scale of our amassed powers as a fundamental formative challenge that we must face? A living person acquires her perceptive, active, and self-directive powers through biological inheritance; she acquires her formative power as a self-made power. Do human formative powers safely and wholesomely serve the vital imperative of maintaining the self-maintenance of life on earth? Can we form an inner sense and principles of judgment allowing us to detect dangerous imbalances presciently in our cumulative effects on the earth? Can we find compensating strategies for adapting what we make of ourselves on a global, multigenerational basis?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;At the public level, whoever feels secure in our power to adapt with saving technologies, might be smart to consult the archaeology and history of failed civilizations. The capacity to cope with complexity creates further complexity, and in many civilizations complexities have emerged with which people were unprepared and unable to cope. Quite without human help, climate has changed and has destroyed civilizations at the pinnacle of their time. A good case in point is the ancient Indus, brought back to life from an untimely death through the archaeology of Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro. See &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Ancient Indus Valley: New Perspectives&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Jane McIntosh (2008) and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Ancient Indus: Urbanism, Economy, and Society&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Rita P. Wright (2009).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A27&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A27] Perceptive, active, and self-directive powers&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Throughout my career, I have been reflecting on the concept of life educed in this essay. As explained in annotation 5, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;la vida&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;vivir&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, living, was one of the ideas that strongly attracted me to the work of José Ortega y Gasset. Some ideas that seem very important in one’s youth should ripen through the whole of one&#039;s career. For me, living as the vital ground for thinking has ripened in this way.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;I became interested in it on encountering Ortega&#039;s work early in my senior year in college. Browsing in the bookstore, I picked up a new release, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;What Is Philosophy?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; I was immediately hooked.&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;Philosophy for Ortega was not a set of abstract problems, but an important resource in living our lives. Soon I had read everything I could find by Ortega in translation and then started teaching myself to read him in Spanish, to my left, a dictionary, quickly well worn, to my right, a grammar, and in my hands, “El Arquero” paperbacks of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;España invertebrada, El tema de nuestro tiempo,&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;La rebelión de las masas&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;During my doctoral work on Ortega, I spent some time reading representative articles by European writers published in the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Revista de Occidente&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, an excellent monthly journal that Ortega had founded and edited. “La biología de la ostra jacobea” particularly fascinated me. It brought to life the field of agency within which an oyster of a particular species lived. The author had a strange name, Jakob von Uexküll, and his idea of biology struck me as fascinatingly neo-Kantian. I asked Jacques Barzun, who was mentoring me in European intellectual history, if he knew anything about Uexküll, and he said not enough and sent me to Erwin Chargaff, an important biochemist at the Medical School, whose work had provided the foundation for that of Watson and Crick on DNA. See &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Erwin Chargaff, 1905&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;–&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;2002&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Seymour S. Cohen, (2010). Chargaff had broad philosophic interests and had established his career in Vienna and Berlin until the Nazi regime came to power. He was surprised that a young American graduate student in history and education should show up asking about Uexküll, and he spoke with me at length. He thought that Uexküll had been a serious scientist, combining wide interests with good skills as a researcher, going against reductionist currents, trying to make biology a study of how organisms lived, not simply a study of the biochemistry of cells. I said that I thought Uexküll had anticipated the ideas of Norbert Weiner, whose work publicizing cybernetics was then prominent, without Weiner&#039;s mechanistic animus. Chargaff encouraged me to explore the connection.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;I had to take a fairly basic psychology course, a requirement I had put off to the end of my doctoral work and I asked the professor if I could write about Uexküll and cybernetics in my course paper. I found Uexküll&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Umwelt und Innenwelt des Tieres&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1909) and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Theoretical Biology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (D. L. MacKinnon, trans., 1926) in the library. I read more of Norbert Weiner and some of his colleagues like Warren S. McCulloch and W. Ross Ashby. As the end of the semester loomed, I wrote up a paper, “Machines and Vitalists: Reflections on the Ideology of Cybernetics,” and submitted it for the course. To my surprise, the professor refused to accept it and would not explain why, perhaps thinking I believing I had plagiarized it from some unknown source. I didn&#039;t want the work to go to waste and decided to try to publish it and sent it off to what vaguely seemed like a possibility. To my even greater surprise, I quite quickly received a postcard accepting it from the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;American Scholar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; for publication in a special issue on “The Electronic Revolution” (Vol. 35, No. 2, Spring 1966). That publication did wonders for my career and I have never really set aside the themes opened up for me in the essay. In the years that have passed, Uexküll has gained repute as a less anomalous, rather influential thinker, and the range of work parallel to his has increased remarkably.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;During the twentieth century, major European thinkers—Ortega, Ernst Cassirer, Martin Heidegger, Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Josef Pieper, Giles Deleuze, and Giorgio Agamben—took notice of Uexküll, often as a scientist of significance even though his place in the scientific firmament was not very clear. For Agamben, see Agamben, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Open: Man and Animal&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2004, esp., Chapters 10–12); for Heidegger, Merleau-Ponty, and Deleuze, see Buchanan, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Onto-Ethologies&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2008, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;passim&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.); for Pieper, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Leisure: The Basis of Culture&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1948, pp. 95–99), for Cassirer, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Problem of Knowledge&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1950, pp. 199–205). Alain Berthoz, a French neuroscientist of major stature, uses Uexküll&#039;s concept of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Umwelt&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; to frame his research agenda; see Berthoz&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Brain&#039;s Sense of Movement&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2000) and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Simplexity: Simplifying Principles for a Complex World&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2012). Berthoz and Yves Christen edited &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Neurobiology of “Umwelt”: How Living Beings Perceive the World &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;(2008), in which a variety of biologists and ethologists show the fruitfulness of Uexküll&#039;s ideas for contemporary neuroscience.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Early in the twenty-first century, two scholarly journals devoted special issues to Uexküll&#039;s ideas and their influence in semiotics and related domains—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Semiotica&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Vol. 2001, No. 134, July 2001; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sign Systems Studies&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Vol. 32, No. 1&amp;amp;amp;2, March 2004. Needless to say, subsequently interest in Uexküll&#039;s work has continued to grow but he still stands outside the main currents of biological thought. In 2010, a good translation of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Streifzüge durch die Umwelten von Tieren und Menschen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (Berlin: Verlag von Julius Springer, 1934) was published as &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Foray into the Worlds of Animals and Humans: With a Theory of Meaning&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (Minneapolis, MN, USA: University of Minnesota Press, 2010). The essay by Elizabeth Grosz, “Deleuze, Ruyer and Becoming-Brain: The Music of Life&#039;s Temporality” (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Parrhesia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Number 15, 2012, pp. 1–13) exemplifies how Uexküll&#039;s rather subterranean influence has been spreading into contemporary thought.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;In addition to Ortega and Uexküll, over the years I&#039;ve found it thought provoking to reflect on the work of other philosopher/scientists of life, if I may put it that way. See Stuart Kauffman, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;At Home in the Universe: The Search for Laws of Self-Organization and Complexity&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995) on the emergence of life; Gerald Edelman, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bright Air, Brilliant Fire: On the Matter of the Mind&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (New York: Basic Books, 1992) and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Second Nature: Brain Science and Human Knowledge&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006) and Jean-Pierre Changeux, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Neurobiology of Human Values&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Research and Perspectives in Neurosciences (New York: Springer-Verlag, 2005) on human thinking in the perspective of neurobiology; Alain Berthoz, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Brain&#039;s Sense of Movement&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2000) on the cognitive teleology involved in bodily movement; and Mark Newman, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Networks: An Introduction&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), Albert-László Barabási, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Linked: The New Science of Networks&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (Cambridge: Perseus Pub., 2002), Duncan Watts, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Six Degrees: The Science of a Connected Age&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (New York: W. W. Norton, 2003) on network theory and the interpretation of thinking and living. For more, see my book, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Enough: A Pedagogic Speculation&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2012)&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A28&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A28] Life and the work of recursion&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Recursion, through which a function cumulatively applies successive instances of itself, has great power in most processes. A process comprises the recursive repetition of a constituent operation. People often examine recursion in a rather abstract ways by studying how recursion works in special domains like language, mathematics, computer science, as well as art and music. I think recursion operates fundamentally as a biological phenomenon, a key to embodying cognition, something close to the essential process of life through the cycles of death and reproduction. The world of matter and energy has numerous repetitive phenomena, but they are not recursive. In the physical world some processes maintain themselves for a time. Under the right conditions, they form, then sustain themselves as long as the conditions last, and then they expire. Perhaps life began when some natural cycle of repetition became recursive. Life, living processes, seem to have been self-sustaining physico-chemical process that acquired recursive capability, the power to call forth a new instance of itself before expiring. However the living origins of life came about, life has continued, life continues, and life will continue despite the mortality of its constituent members, and even more, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;by virtue of it&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. It has continued to maintain itself through cellular division and eventually through sexual reproduction. Despite the mortality of every instance of life, life itself defies mortality.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;An interesting literature on recursion has developed, although I think work on various forms of recursion such as computer-based artificial life generally proceed by relying on recursion but saying little about what must take place in the recursive cycles to properly say that the process lives. How should observers distinguish between actions that maintain a process and those indicate the self-maintenance of the process? Douglas Hofstadter&#039;s large but impressionistic work, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Gödel, Escher, and Bach: An Eternal Golden Braid&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (20 Anniversary edition, 1999) did a great deal to bring thinking about recursion beyond the confines of computer science, mathematics, and linguistics. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Recursive Mind: The Origins of Human Language, Thought, and Civilization&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Michael C. Corballis (Updated ed., 2014) provides an excellent recent survey emphasizing the development and importance of the recursive power of language.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;In a highly speculative mood, I wonder whether time itself constitutes an encompassing recursive function by which the universe, natural and vital, continually calls up a new instance of itself? But only time will tell.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A29&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A29] Capabilities and capacities distinguished&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;By and large, in this essay I use &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;capability&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in an abstract sense, a “power or ability in general, whether physical or mental” (Garner, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Garner&#039;s Modern American Usage&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, (3&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;rd&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; ed., 2009, p. 130) and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;capacity&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in a more concrete sense, an instance of a capability as a person or group has developed it. The distinction parallels that between &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;concept&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;conception&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, the concept denoting the general idea and the conception a particularization of it—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;the&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;concept of justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;my conception of it&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Readers familiar with the “capability approach,” which Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum have developed in the literature on distributive justice, will wonder about the relationship of formative justice to it. I discuss that briefly in annotation 29.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A30&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A30] The human exercise of formative power&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Those who exercise formative power, or those caught up in its exercise, cannot complacently assume that it will lead to benign consequences. Whether unique to humans, or to some degree shared with certain other species, formative power has been a fast-moving, consequential power. We can say, I think, that formative power has been highly distinctive of humans although not absolutely unique to them. One way humans have used our formative power has been to tame members of some other species, to train and habituate them to acquired behaviors. We selectively breed plants and animals to better serve our purposes. And the lore of pets includes accounts of many uncanny actions that suggest the pets have emotions and understandings that seem to have a formative base. Certainly other species—dolphins, whales, elephants, hominidae—possess some formative powers, but those remain difficult to understand and not very cumulative, generation-to-generation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;For that matter, human formative powers were not very cumulative for many, many generations, for primitive humans had a very simple and very stable toolkit for most of our existence as a species. Undoubtedly, rising sea levels as the last ice age waned, and the ravages of decay, severely redacted the whole story. Nevertheless, humanity&#039;s formative power has been tangible in the record for some 1600 generations, 40 thousand years or so, and dynamically cumulative for 400 to 600 generations, 10 to 15 thousand years. Consequently, as a historical force, the formative power has been a slow and late in appearing. Much human prehistory precedes it. Thus, we cannot say, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;“Behold, Homo sapiens! Here is formative power!”&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; This suggests that&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;with humans, and perhaps other species, formative power did not emerge through a chance genetic innovation, transmitted thereafter through the processes of reproduction. Rather, formative power seems much more likely to have been an emergent, extra-genetic acquisition as humans used some very faint capacities recursively over many generations to build it up slowly. Then took off as the formative power, in an evolutionary instant flowering into humanity&#039;s constructed cultures.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A31&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A31] Cause and reciprocal interaction&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Ethological, anthropological, and neurological studies of shared intentionality and mind mirroring are very suggestive about the emergence of our formative power, although still themselves in a very formative stage. At the very least, however, we can observe that in thinking about experience formatively, we must extensively exercise Kant&#039;s 3rd analogy of experience, the principle of simultaneity according to the law of reciprocity or community (see annotation 15 above). By the same token, in thinking about experience instrumentally, we must make extensive use of the 2nd analogy. In calling the formative power a distinctively human power, I do not mean to suggest either that humans uniquely possess its neurological basis, whatever that might be, or that members of other species cannot manifest it as a behavior. Surely the formative power has a complicated morphological basis which formed through a late, slow emergence in the evolutionary experience of life, but once formed its vital significance has been overwhelmingly evident among humans. And in the history of human experience, effects of the formative power have been primarily evident only in relatively recent experience, which has been taking place long after the physical and neurologic preconditions for it would have evolved. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;On these questions, I have found the work of Michael Tomasello particularly thoughtful and illuminating. Most recently, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;A Natural History of Human Thinking&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2014), presents a concise introduction and has an excellent bibliography. I do not want to downplay the importance of evolutionary developments in human physiology, but to suggest that once initiated at some point (or points), the formative power sustains itself as a self-formative capability, with an immense cultural, not physiological, capacity. The acceleration of formative activity during the last 10 to 15 thousand years took place too recently for genetic changes to have driven so much cultural innovation. The rapid acquisition of cultural characteristics in different parts of the human world clearly was resulting from the human formative power itself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A32&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A32] Formative justice and the capabilities approach&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Formative justice as developed in this essay allies closely to &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;the capability approach&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, an important body of work on justice led by Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum. The two sets of ideas differ, however. If we ask, to what does “the capabilities approach” approach, we should answer “to distributive justice&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;” It concerns the distribution of human capabilities, whereas formative justice concerns their formation. The two efforts intersect and reinforce one another, but they are not the same.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;A full discussion of further similarities and differences would take this essay too far afield. Both concentrate on what people can do in their lives, what their capabilities and capacities can and should be, with a difference of emphasis arising because the capability approach concentrates on &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;what&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; people can do, while formative justice accentuates &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;how&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and why people come to be able to do what they can do. The capability approach pays more attention to social conditions as limiting factors on what people can do because it asks questions that call for observational, empirical answers. In contrast, formative justice explores how persons and groups as agents can form themselves and their conditions. More phenomenological, it asks how persons form themselves from the first-person point of view.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Further, an obvious difference, presently significant: the capability approach has developed extensively with an enormous bibliography, whereas formative justice, an emerging inquiry in initial development, has a thin bibliography (compare an online search entering in quotation marks “capability approach” and “formative justice,” producing 204,000 hits versus 762).&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Via Google search, July 31, 2015; 508,000 versus 1,940, March 11, 2019.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Possibly of substantive significance, a difference arises because the capability approach traces back more to Aristotle and formative justice derives more strongly from Plato. Neither formative justice nor the capability approach aims to delineate a perfectly just society. Instead of doing that, the capability approach aims to establish testable grounds for judging the comparative justice of different societies by empirically testing the degree to which their members achieve, and have the opportunity to achieve, the set of capabilities that are hallmarks of human realization; see for instance, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Idea of Justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Amartya Sen (2009), Part III: The Materials of Justice, pp. 225–327. The approach aims to improve policies and their implementation with this information. Formative justice as developed here pertains much more to how persons and polities can use conceptions of formative justice in deliberating about how they will decide to control their self-formation and try to shape their possibilities. Formative justice does not directly pursue more just access to educational opportunities nor with the distribution of instructional results. Rather, it seeks to improve the regulative principles with which a person or a polity will decide how to exploit the educational opportunities she, or it, may have, whatever those may be. As such, formative justice provides an additional mode of justice to the capability approach&#039;s version of distributive justice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;As an alternative mode of justice, formative justice may be highly complementary to the capability approach, for at the level of polities, formative justice may give powerful reasons for adopting measures also justified by the capability approach. The capability approach concerns justice as a normative concept of use in comparative politics. Formative justice develops a regulative principle that people can use in forming and controlling their purposes. In historical practice, the pursuit of formative justice should result in our aware and active use of the formative power that we possess as humans—both as persons and as polities. In the course of our lives, we shape and develop the perceptive, active, and self-directive powers that we draw on in the conduct of our lives. The pursuit of formative justice will not prescribe policy, but it may affect the quality of deliberation and implementation of policy, an indirect effect of considerable consequence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;For the capability approach, in addition to &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Idea of Justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and mentioned above, see for instance, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Development as Freedom&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Amartya Sen (1999), &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Quality of Life&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; edited by Martha Nussbaum and Amartya Sen (1993), and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Frontiers of Justice: Disability, Nationality, Species Membership&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Martha C. Nussbaum (Cambridge Harvard University Press, 2006).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;references /&amp;gt;__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A33&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A33] Familiar types of justice&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;As mentioned at the outset of this essay, the concept of justice has occasioned a huge literature, accumulating through the history of thought and flourishing over the past half century, stimulated in large part by &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;A Theory of Justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by John Rawls (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;op. cit., &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;1971). &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; includes good articles that introduce important forms of justice indicated here. See Gillian Brock on “Global Justice,” Julian Lamont and Christi Favor on “Distributive Justice,” Alec Walen on “Retributive Justice,” Lukas Meyer on “Intergenerational Justice,” and a variety of articles on searching for Social Justice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;I think the very multiplicity of forms of justice in the literature calls out for more attention to the core meaning of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which unites all these different topics. In structure, I think each of them arises when people find themselves in various situations confronted with excessive or contradictory possibilities, each of which has prospective value. In such a situation, they must find grounds for preferring one value relative to the others and making those grounds clear becomes the discourse of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. In the most general sense, formative justice deliberates about these grounds for preferring one among other possibilities, and the more familiar, special forms of justice are special cases of formative justice. As we consider applications of formative justice in the second half of this essay, we will find that recasting some irreconcilable conflicts over distributive justice and the like as problems of formative justice may make it easier to achieve a productive consensus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A34&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A34] Blurring of Plato’s conception of justice&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Thoughtful writing exercises two kinds of power, the expository and the educative. Plato wrote very early in the tradition of written reflection in Western thought, and the educative function predominated, for his writing served to draw out thinking—his own and that of his readers—about the matters at issue. He started to write under the inspiration of Socrates, who intentionally did not write what he thought and Plato chose to record or recreate Socratic discussions, somewhat in the manner that oral-epic poetry had been transcribed to writing not so long before. The dialogues, at first quasi-literal and then more figurative, served to advance thinking, not to explain thought. Those footnotes to Plato that Alfred North Whitehead marveled at record the endless ways in which Plato’s readers have advanced their thinking over many generations in interaction with what he wrote. Walter Kaufmann celebrated this power in his appreciation of Plato as educator:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockq&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Plato&#039;s central importance for a humanistic education—and &amp;amp;quot;humanistic education&amp;amp;quot; is really tautological—is due to the fact that a prolonged encounter with Plato changes a man. It will not change every reader in the same way, but on the whole it is likely to make a man less dogmatic, more cautious and critical in his thinking, aware of endless possibilities, and alive to the delights of sustained reflection.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Walter Kaufmann, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Critique of Religion and Philosophy&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1961), p. 409.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;As the quest for promotion and tenure has become more and more dominant in academic publishing, with the gates kept by narrow peer-reviewing groups, the educative function in reflective writing has shriveled. The scholar gains points through exposition that shows how his contribution advances on those that came recently before it. The learning of the learned consists in being up-to-date on what preoccupies the peer group, a quest that drops work of lasting educative power rapidly from circulation. Thus the humanities abjure their educative mission as clueless practitioners wring their hands at the loss of status befalling them. To resuscitate humanistic education, we should value the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;au courant&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and originality less and educative power more. Of course, the expository deserves its due as much as the educative, and the two can have it together if the gatekeepers will pay more attention to the challenge of producing work that will stand the test of time, not that of differing discernably from what immediately comes before. The latter test produces fashion and fad, which has become much too prolific in many fields. A case that this or that achievement should prove reasonably lasting within the corpus of a field may or may not prove correct, but it will accentuate the virtues of both expository and educative work and lead to a more just balance between the two.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;references /&amp;gt;__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A35&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A35] Let’s call Platonic justice formative justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Some readers will object that the Platonic form of justice that I am referring to has a name, a big name to boot—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;practical reason&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. While in life, formative justice and practical reason may both impinge on the same actions that an agent may be undertaking, they do so in different ways with different consequences. Both arise from the perspective of the agent acting in his world as he engages in the conduct of life. But the questions the agent asks himself in reflecting on practical reason differ from the questions at issue in formative justice. For proper parallelism, we should speak here of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;formative reasoning&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Practical reason stems from the question that we all have all of the time—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;what should or ought I to do?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Formative reasoning arises in a different way, integrally in the course of acting—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;what can, should, and will I make of myself?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Formative justice formalizes the categories with which we regulate our use of formative reasoning, helping us to engage in it with more self-awareness. Thus it differs from practical reason, which we regulate with the principles of ethics. Practical reason prescribes; formative reasoning intends.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Let us try to grasp how both formative reasoning and practical reason answer work by noting how Kant&#039;s 2&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;nd&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; and 3rd analogies apply in assessing the worth of actions or in acting that an agent considers in the conduct of life. &amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;In these paragraphs, I am trying to differentiate practical reason and formative reasoning, for which the 2&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;nd&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; and 3&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;rd&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; analogies of experience have special importance. In actually, vitally experiencing our lives, accounting for the possibility of our experiencing would depend not on one or another of the analogies, but on explaining their constantly converging. A full explication of how the converging takes place cannot be ventured here.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; Essentially practical reason relies primarily on the 2&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;nd&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; analogy, the principle of temporal succession according to the law of causality. Practical reason seeks to determine the ethical worth of an action conceived to be taking place through a causal temporal sequence. A deontological ethic applies to worth of the will that initiates the sequence, virtue ethics to the worth of the willing that takes place through the sequence, and utilitarian ethics to the worth of the outcome of the sequence. Formative reasoning primarily involves the 3&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;rd&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; analogy, the principle of simultaneity according to the law of reciprocity or community. An agent uses formative reasoning within complex interactions to control what is taking place so that the agent can maintain his capacities for self-maintenance. As practical reason can vary according to whether one concentrates on the beginning, middle, or end of the causal sequence, so formative reason varies according to the scope of the simultaneity that the person takes into account, potentially ranging from the immediate to the all-inclusive.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Practical reason generates a principle that one can attach as an attribute that indicates the ethical character of the causal sequence. It establishes an ethical standard applicable as a person acts, understanding the acting as a causal sequence producing a determinate outcome. Practical reason judges the whole sequence good or bad, applying criteria to judge the ethical character or quality of what takes place. Hence, types of practical reason develop grounds for judging whether something taking place has or does not have moral worth, assessing the worth according to the actor&#039;s standards of worthiness. The different forms of practical reason broadly rely on principles of utilitarianism, virtue ethics, or deontology, but all three apply standards to actions, trying to judge whether or not to deem given actions beneficial, virtuous, or intrinsically good. The deontologist concentrates on the intrinsic worth of the action by judging whether the will initiating the action conformed to his standard of worth. The virtue ethicist concentrates on the worth of the acting by judging whether the appropriate virtue suffuses the acting taking place. And the utilitarian concentrates on the outcome of the acting by judging whether it produced benefits exceeding those of potential alternatives. Whatever the variant of practical reason, considerations of it take place in the realm of thought as thinkers reason out and justify their criteria of judgment and then apply them to causal sequences of action. Practical reason generates rational standards that that should then apply to actions. As a result, some difficulties arise in bringing principles of practical reason to bear in the course of acting, in passing from the conceptual to the actual. Having conceived their respective principles as an attribute of a substantive—the initiating will, the acting as an object of contemplation, or the outcome as an empirical result—the process of inserting them into living activity becomes problematic. &amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Consider the difficulties Rosalind Hursthouse encounters in explaining how the virtue of virtue ethics will enter into the lived experience of the person who aims to become fully virtuous. Writing in the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; on “Virtue Ethics,” she states the problem in opening long section on “Virtue, Practical Wisdom and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Eudaimonia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;”:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockq&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A virtue such as honesty or generosity is not just a tendency to do what is honest or generous, nor is it to be helpfully specified as a “desirable” or “morally valuable” character trait. It is, indeed a character trait—that is, a disposition which is well entrenched in its possessor, something that, as we say “goes all the way down”, unlike a habit such as being a tea-drinker—but the disposition in question, far from being a single track disposition to do honest actions, or even honest actions for certain reasons, is multi-track. It is concerned with many other actions as well, with emotions and emotional reactions, choices, values, desires, perceptions, attitudes, interests, expectations and sensibilities. To possess a virtue is to be a certain sort of person with a certain complex mindset.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;follow&amp;quot;&amp;gt;She continues for eight paragraphs worrying about how a person becomes virtuous, restricting the possibility to some adults who will possess an Aristotelian “natural virtue,” a proto version of full virtue, and manage to perfect it with “&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;phronesis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; or practical wisdom,” the knowledge or understanding to act well in any situation. Unfortunately, she laments, “the detailed specification of what is involved in such knowledge or understanding has not yet appeared in the literature, but some aspects of it are becoming well known.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockq&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Although I use a text concerning virtue ethics to explicate a difficulty in much ethical philosophy, namely the concern for determining if and when ethical properties can be properly attributed to an abstractly good person. The result confines morality and ethics to a few adults who have somehow developed the correct attributes that they will thereafter happily and rightly manifest in their behaviors. I think our understanding of valuing and trying to do it well rather than poorly should apply to everything that sentient creatures do, whether they do it well or poorly.&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Formative reasoning does not take place by linking an ethical attribute to a substantive agent, for it takes place integrally in and through the actualities of living. It does not apply to the process for it consists in the process. From the perspective of an actor interacting with his circumstances, formative reasoning dynamically estimates the relative worth that multiple possibilities offer for maintaining the actor&#039;s capacities for self-maintenance. Formative justice, the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;telos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of this reasoning, emerges as a person seeks to exercise control within a process of acting. One cannot find it as an attribute of the action, not in its initiation, its conduct, or its result. Rather one finds it in the relative state of the agent’s capacities for self-maintenance comparing their earlier condition to a later one. The question that formative justice confronts is not whether the deeds done are good, but whether doing them enhances or degrades further capacities for acting, whether it forms or deforms them. Formative reasoning senses the relative consequences of multiple possibilities on its capacities for self-maintenance, informing how an actor rejects possibilities in the ongoing course of living actively. Formative reasoning takes place integrally in acting and someone pursuing formative justice finds it difficult to enunciate abstract thoughts about it that she might apply as a formal standard applicable to formative reasoning. In conscious self-awareness, formative reasoning seems highly intuitive, although evidently embedded as an immediate part of acting. Practical reason, in contrast, works as a deliberate exercise of conscious thinking, although how to imbue acting with it remains a difficulty. A great deal of ambivalence about matters of value arises because we have difficulty synthesizing the two modes of judging value.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Let’s try to think tentatively about the relationship between practical reason and formative reasoning. Practical reason has a prominent pedigree, but formative reasoning has one too, although it may seem less prominent. Socratic eristic often turned on forcing an interlocutor, who was advancing a highly expedient practical reason (the stronger ought to do what is in his own interest) or with Euthyphro a kind of deontological dogmatism, into recognizing the need to understand a longer-term, formative dimension to his true interest. &amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Did Socratic ignorance and the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;aporia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of Socratic dialectic arise because formative reasoning never really concludes, but continually works within the flow of living action. In saying that growth should always lead to more growth, John Dewey he described the imperative of maintaining capacities for self-maintenance immanent in acting, although calling it “growth”raises some problematic expectations, I think [***(see annotation [A51a])***].&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; In the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, the practice of justice in the living of life strengthens that capacity for self-maintenance and the practice of injustice weakens and distorts it. The just life as the life of the sustainable, self-controlled self runs through Plato and on through the ancient life-wisdom of both Stoics and Epicureans. Jumping ahead to modern ethical thought, theories of practical reason almost always presume as the enabling condition for their existence the prior development of moral sentiments. Rawls was quite explicit: “if we can characterize one (educated) person&#039;s sense of justice, we might have a good beginning toward a theory of justice” (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;A Theory of Justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;op. cit&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;., p. 44). How does that one person’s sense of justice become educated? &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Prima facie&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, it seems reasonable to consider the relation of formative justice and practical reason a legitimate concern.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;references /&amp;gt;__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A36&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A36] Aptitudes disclosed existentially&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;See &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, III: 414b-415d. I interpret the city described in Books III and IV to have been constructed by Plato for the sole purpose of helping him convey his ideas about the human person, precisely the purpose that Socrates assigned to it. (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, II, 367a-e, for the question as put by Adimantus, and 368c-369b, for Socrates statement of his strategy for seeking justice in the person) I do not think the Myth had any normative political import attached to it by Plato. Plato situated the Myth within the hypothetical reasoning about the city in words, he further introduced it ironically—“How might we then devise one of those needful falsehoods we were just mentioning?”—as a Phoenician tale. As an analogue to the human person, the Myth would be introducing a way by which persons, contemplating their efforts to live justly, could think about their manifold aptitudes and the challenge each person faces of developing the mix of capacities that best suits her potentialities. If the Myth had a collective import, suggest that the whole polity shared an interest in the full development of all its members.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A37&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A37] The fundamental rationale for universal education&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;It makes sense, I think, to take Plato seriously when he called for the full participation of women in the education programs he outlined (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, V: 451b-457b). In the context of formative justice, the whole community has an interest in the full development of all its members, for only through their development can people know what they are capable of. Plato noted how ignorance of one’s capabilities would lead to an inclusive egalitarianism long before John Rawls in his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Theory of Justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;op. cit&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;., section 24, pp. 118–123, called for a veil of ignorance on people&#039;s socio-economic conditions. Rawls called on people to act counterfactually, as if they were ignorant of their position in society. Plato’s use of a veil of ignorance was far more sensible. Although people know their relative socio-economic standing, they are ignorant of their potentialities until they develop them, and it remains a very powerful, essential argument for extending full educational opportunity to all. Each person should have at her disposal the full formative resources of the culture. We should dismiss any argument for withholding formative resources from this or that person or group as a stratagem by which an improperly privileged elite seeks to defend its privileges. In addition, Plato’s stratagems for obscuring the parentage of children and raising them in common indicate his clear understanding that socio-economic inequalities bias the development of potentialities in children to the detriment of the whole polity. A stronger commitment to formative justice need not lead to the extreme measures Socrates speculated about with the city of words, but surely it would undercut the case for passing vast fortunes from generation to generation while multitudes of children stunt their possibilities for want of basic material and cultural resources.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A38&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A38] Late blooming, a prerogative for all&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;[ *** This is a hodge-podge. Rewrite to keep the problem keeping the path of development open long enough for a person to find her real calling, but not indefinitely open so that she never engages the drive to full mastery. *** ]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Late bloomers make frequent marks historically, and they usually show up among those who are better off. The die gets cast earlier for the poor, surely a loss for people who would care for formative justice. As the most powerful in a winner-take-all ethos rationalize their greed through fatuous stupidities about incentivizing their effort, they fail to notice how much effort by others they disincentivize. For each, the formative moment is always open, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;de novo&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, for it is not yet determined and may be highly complex. Prediction should have no place in pedagogy. Goethe put it well in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Wilhelm Meister&#039;s Apprenticeship&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; as Wilhelm discussed his Indenture to adulthood with Jarno, one of his mentors. Wilhelm objected that declaring his apprenticeship compete “has been very premature; for since the day when you pronounced me free, what I can, will, or shall do, has been more unknown to me than ever.” To that, Jarno replied, &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockq&amp;quot;&amp;gt;We are not to blame for this perplexity; perhaps good fortune will deliver us. In the mean time listen: ‘He in whom there is much to be developed will be later in acquiring true perceptions of himself and of the world. There are few who at once have Thought and the capacity of Action. Thought expands, but lames; Action animates, but narrows’. &amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Goethe, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Wilhelm Meister’s Apprenticeship&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (Thomas Carlyle, trans., 1917), Bk VIII, Ch. V, ¶38.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;follow&amp;quot;&amp;gt;If a favored few justly enjoy the privilege of pedagogical patience and forbearance, the many should rightfully receive it as well.&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;references /&amp;gt;__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A39&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A39] Sharing the good life&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;What can and should we learn from the ancient polis? To answer that, we need to ask ourselves what aspects of our interaction with our circumstances might be similar to significant patterns of interaction in ancient city-states. It requires a certain amount of reflective self-examination. Much of our daily activity engages us in necessary causal sequences for attending to the elemental requirements of self-maintenance. We all, all the time, have to take care of our basic physical needs for cycles of rest and activity, ingestion of food and excretion of its residue, engaging in a minimally self-sustaining community of cooperation. For the classical Greeks, one took care of these necessities through the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;oikos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, the household. In their sense of their prehistory, small groupings of households developed to take care of subsistence needs.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Virtually the whole of Book I of Aristotle’s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Politics&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; concerns the household and its management. With a rather abrupt transition, Aristotle then turns to his main concern, the workings of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;polis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; Some of these succeeded well enough to generate a surplus of possibilities beyond the necessaries, at which point a polis emerged from the grouping of house, formed to take care of “the good life,” the life that comprised possibilities over and above the constraints of necessity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Subsequently, the domain of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;oikos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; gave rise to the economy, both in function and name—into the 19&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;th&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; century spelled œconomy, more clearly showing its derivation. Likewise, the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;polis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; seems to have given us the functions of political life and words for the polity and the political, but while we cannot mistake the linguistic derivation, the entry of the “state,” as in “city-state” and “nation-state,” not to mention the relation between one’s “estate” and “household, makes the functional, historical connection the classical &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;polis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and modern-day polities more ambiguous. For the Greeks, the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;polis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; encompassed the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;oikos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. That really set them apart from other peoples who were ruled by imperial households with all lives ultimately serving its necessities. The space of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;polis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, free from the constraints of necessity, constituted the autonomous life, life shared in pursuit of the common goods, the chosen goals. Do we have &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;polis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;-space in our lives and do we care for it as well as we might? These are questions to keep in mind in thinking about the classical &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;polis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and its meaning for us.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;The Greek polis, whether on the Spartan regimented model, or the Athenian, more participatory model, should perhaps be interpreted as an explicitly formative type of polity. For Sparta, see &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Gymnasium of Virtue: Education and Culture in Ancient Sparta&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Nigel M. Kennell (1995). For the extensive literature on Athens, see &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Invention of Athens: The Funeral Oration in the Classical City&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Nicole Loraux (2nd ed., 2006) and two books by Josiah Ober, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Democracy and Knowledge: Innovation and Learning in Classical Athens&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2008) and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mass and Elite in Democratic Athens: Rhetoric, Ideology, and the Power of the People&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. (1991). Recent works by Kurt A. Raaflaub, Paul Carthage, and Mogens Herman Hansen, along with many others, illuminate the formative power of the polis as well.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;As Aristotle has come down to us, his work stands as a notable example of reflective exposition, in contrast to Plato’s mastery of educative prose. In his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Politics&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, I:2, esp. 1252b:27–1253a:2, he explained how the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;poleis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; emerged historically as groups of households began to develop more than their subsistence needs. At that point, they made divisions of labor possible, achieving life-possibilities beyond basic necessities, at which point the households would start collaboratively determining how they could best achieve the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;good life&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; for themselves. Thus politics, the shared concerns of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;polis,&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; became a formative effort. In &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Politics&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, III:9–13, Aristotle discussed distributive justice in relation to oligarchy and democracy and referred back to his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Nichomachaen Ethics&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, V:2–3, about distributive justice as one of several forms of partial or particular justice (1130a14-1131b24), as distinct from general or complete justice (1129a9-1130a13), which was very close to the concept of justice in Plato’s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Aristotle opened Book V of his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Nichomachaen Ethics&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; with a concise statement of general or Platonic justice: “We see that all men mean by justice that kind of state which makes people disposed to do what is just and makes them act justly and wish for what is just; and similarly by injustice that state which makes them act unjustly and wish for what is unjust.” In addition to Aristotle’s texts, see the chapter on “Justice” in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Aristotle’s First Principles&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1988) by Terence Irwin, which illuminates the distinction between general and special justice, and what he says about retrospective and prospective justice has great relevance in thinking about formative justice (esp. pp. 424–438).&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;references /&amp;gt;__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A40&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A40] Historical striving for formative justice&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;The French classicist, Pierre Hadot, has had considerable influence in recent years by showing that people took up ancient philosophy, not as a body of knowledge to be acquired as a badge of learning, but as a consciously pursued way of living, as a careful regimen of self-formation. See &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;What Is Ancient Philosophy?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2002), &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Philosophy as a Way of Life: Spiritual Exercises from Socrates to Foucault&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1995), and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Inner Citadel: The Meditations of Marcus Aurelius&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1998). For more on ancient thinking as concerned with how the person should seek to live, see Michel Foucault&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Care of the Self&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1988). We also should not forget Martha Nussbaum&#039;s two big books, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Fragility of Goodness: Luck and Ethics in Greek Tragedy and Philosophy&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (Revised ed., 2001) and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Therapy of Desire: Theory and Practice in Hellenistic Ethics&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1994). Finally, Peter Brown&#039;s magnificent study, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Through the Eye of a Needle: Wealth, the Fall of Rome, and the Making of Christianity in the West, 350–550 AD&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2012) analyzes how the late Roman elites adopted and adapted a Christian way of life over several generations during the 4th and 5th centuries.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;From our present-day perspective, the care of the self as practiced by Stoics and Epicureans, and then by Christians, may seem too a-political. Periclean Athens and Rome at its republican best have a mystique for the modern sensibility because in those contexts people perceived the care for their personhood to be more political in a way in keeping with our assumptions of modernity. But should people perceive the public order as essentially unfathomable and unchanging, a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;de facto&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; set of fixed distinctions, self-maintenance becomes a problem of taking care of the things that matter within one’s place in the fix order. The great chain of being has its place in history and formative justice pertains within it. True, whether &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;fortuna&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; made one a client of a Warren Buffet or a Jeffrey Epstein would matter greatly, but either way, if clienthood had become the way of one’s world, one would have to make do within the order in which one found oneself. Over prospective decades, are we constructing a world-order of fixed distinctions?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;An important topic for exploration, I think, concerns the way in which people can collectively control different kinds of polities to permit the pursuit of full formative justice by each and all. A great question for political thinkers throughout the modern era has concerned the suitability of the large nation-state as locus for human self-realization. Very significant cultural developments—the consolidation of national languages, the construction of large school systems, extensive industrialization and urbanization, and a great intensification of communication—have accompanied the rise of nation-states in modern history. Efforts to mold large populations to conform to collective norms and characteristics through polity-wide policies and programs take place the world around, yet whether such efforts actually have had much influence remains unclear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Perhaps large-scale historical changes take place, not through top-down causalities, but in a more ecological, interactive manner. Change depends more on how persons form their inner senses through which they calibrate their goals and actions. When those change, established incentives cease to work as expected. Thus, events and developments that alter the context, the circumstances, within which people spontaneously form their personal aspirations and efforts may be the real harbingers of change. Studies like Eugen Weber&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Peasants into Frenchmen: The Modernization of Rural France, 1870&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;–&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;1914&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1976), which suggests that changes in transportation and communication, altering the feasibility of various possibilities that the rural peasantry might entertain for themselves, had more effect than programs of formal instruction for the rural population. Other very suggestive studies that point towards the importance of the context within which people evaluate their concrete possibilities are &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Benedict Anderson (Revised ed., 1991), and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by James C. Scott (1998). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;To understand our own times, we need perhaps to attend more closely to how all the changes taking place in our circumstances are altering the feasibilities and valences that different persons perceive in the range of possibilities they entertain. What people can and should become may be deeply in flux. What might it become if people pursued formative justice with full effect? I suspect we are slowly, perhaps painfully, working out an answer. Trends are discernable. For an increasing proportion of people, the national contexts of life are losing their formative relevance as people recoil at the inability of the elites to reverse their progressive trivialization. Urban surroundings may become increasingly important, driven by broad-based demands for collective improvement in the quality of conditions, services, and amenities. A few super-rich, who wish to remain so in perpetuity, will isolate themselves in remote archipelagoes—invisible, secure, and irrelevant. The population in areas around urban concentrations will continue to contract as they work the land to provide food, raw materials, and recreation. Life will become more stable, both egalitarian and diverse, inward yet convivial, given to nuance and creative self-expression.&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A41&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A41] Suppressing formative justice&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;As political life centered increasingly on the distribution of goods, the Platonic conception of justice, what we here call formative justice, was largely ignored, even actively suppressed. In a significant way, this statement understates resistance to Plato’s conception of justice within liberal political theory in the Anglo-American tradition. In decades after World War II, Plato’s thought was actively anathematized by some influential thinkers and widely over-interpreted by others, who publicized a simplistic, rather uninteresting construction of Plato’s thought as if that was his obvious meaning. War aims, hot and cold, have distorted how a lot of reflective thought has been interpreted over the last 100, better 250, years, blaming important components of the intellectual tradition for the dehumanizing destruction of 20th century political life. Reductionisms of various sorts create direct links between identity and intellect: learn persons’ identity to know what they think and value, and conversely sample what they think and value to know their identity. It leads to destructively circular reasoning. To wit: since Plato seemed to say things similar to what totalitarian thinkers seem to say, therefore he was a totalitarian thinker; and since he was a totalitarian thinker widely read in polities like Nazi Germany, therefore he was responsible for the ills the Nazis and others of their ilk perpetrated. We should not contaminate ourselves with his ideas.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Two influential sources of such views about Plato were by Karl R. Popper, “The Spell of Plato,” pp. 9–195 in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Open Society and Its Enemies&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1950, 2013) and by Bertrand Russell, pp. 104–159 of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;A History of Western Philosophy and Its Connection with Political and Social Circumstances from the Earliest Times to the Present Day&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1945). Among scholars, Popper and Russell have not lastingly affected the reputation of Plato or other anathematized thinkers, but they did limit the value of Platonic ideas in the broad discussions of public importance, although that will pass as well. Their polemics primarily affected the way people experienced Plato and Platonic thought, particularly during the Cold War era, through their general education.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Like most grand tours, Russell’s was a hurried trip, stopping at each destination to recount the high points with snark or admiration, according to his taste, in Plato’s case, mainly snark. Russell raced through his snap judgments, writing as he could so well with a biting wit: “It has always been correct to praise Plato, but not to understand him. This is the common fate of great men. My object is the opposite. I wish to understand him, but to treat him with as little reverence as if he were a contemporary English or American advocate of totalitarianism” (p. 105)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Popper’s critique of Plato was considerably more thorough, a text of almost 200 pages with nearly 150 pages of additional notes. Popper wrote as a scholar with an ax to grind, ever ready to take Plato’s words at their most literal meaning and granting him no capacity for irony or complexity of thought. To counter balance Popper’s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Open Society &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;read &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Myth of the State &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;by Ernst Cassirer (1946), an illuminating contrast. Cassirer wrote roughly at the same time as Popper, with parallel concerns, but with a spirit that was far more thoughtful and discriminating. “To attack and destroy this dictum [that ‘might is right’] was the principal concern of Plato’s theory.” Like Popper, Cassirer showed that Hegel’s dialectic and his political reasoning could be taken to attribute a dangerous level of authority to the state, but unlike Popper, he went on to recognize how Hegel’s ideas would never justifying dissolving “all other forms of social and cultural life and efface all distinctions” and infuse the state with the will of a political party.” &amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Cassirer, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Myth of the State&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 74 &amp;amp;amp; p. 275.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; Walter Kaufmann, the distinguished scholar of 19th century German thought, published another ballast, a devastating critique of Popper&#039;s historical scholarship. He subjected Popper’s text dealing with Hegel to close analysis, addressing a considerable bill of particulars—stitching quotations from different sources and places together, forced imputations of influence, emotionally tendentious descriptions, misunderstandings of Hegel’s metaphysics, confusion about what Hegel meant by the state, bowdlerization of Hegel on history, distortion of Hegel on great men and equality, confounding Hegel’s ideas about war with Fascists’, confusions about Hegel and nationalism, and sophistry about Hegel and racism. &amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;See “The Hegel Myth and Its Method” in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;From Shakespeare to Existentialism: Studies in Poetry, Religion, and Philosophy&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Walter Kaufmann (1959) pp. 88–119.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Popper still hovers over the interpretation of Plato as a political thinker. The substantial online article on “Plato&#039;s Ethics and Politics in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Republic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;” by Eric Brown in the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; surveys the current state of scholarship on the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; very well. He touches on Popper’s work, as one line of interpretation among many, without testing the quality of Popper&#039;s argumentation, instead stating Popper&#039;s animus, that Plato was the source of totalitarian fascism, and pointing out alternative ways to think about it more clearly. The old guard among political theorists somewhat surprisingly seems to be keeping Popper&#039;s work alive, for the Princeton University Press has published a new edition of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Open Society&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; with an introduction by the historian of political thought, Alan Ryan. But Julia Annas treats Popper dismissively in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;An Introduction to Plato&#039;s Republic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1981) and Danielle S. Allen barely makes mention of Popper in her fine study, a good example of current work by younger scholars, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Why Plato Wrote&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2013).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Tendentious critiques by people like Popper and Russell unfortunately enable a pernicious pedagogy in higher education in which difficult, complicated, but important work gets presented by picking out hot-button excerpts, possibly perking up ranking on Rate My Professors. But the hot-button stuff then becomes memes in public discourse. When instructors pull parts of a thinker&#039;s work out of its full context, offering it up to students, knowing it will trigger a lively discussion, they do both the work and their students a major disservice. Good criticism eschews finding reasons for questioning a thinker&#039;s probity, especially if the language of the decontextualized material confuses present-day sensibilities and seems offensive to them. Careful critical readings that contest well-established, widely disseminated interpretations of important historical texts are very important. But we also need to read past thinkers heuristically.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Why do we read Plato? Best to read him for heuristic reasons: discovering that a sympathetic, creative reading will help work out good insights into difficulties of present-day importance. We cannot exploit past thinkers as sources of ready-made ideas. When we have a sense of uneasiness with presently prevailing views, a feeling that we may be in a cul-de-sac, past thinkers can help us get out of the cul-de-sac. By going back, we return to the entrance, asking what led into the cul-de-sac and whether there might have been an alternative path that previously had not been seen clearly. Then students can pursue new lines of interpretation, building on a revitalized view of the past.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;This mode of reading Plato requires that we first try to understand what he said and why he said it with as few anachronisms as possible, and then engage his ideas, projecting back on them all the insights and conceptual resources available to us. William H. F. Altman recently published an exemplary contribution to such work: &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Plato the Teachers: The Crisis of the Republic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2012). A long, dense text, written with enthusiasm, the first of two, probably three, perhaps four, it advances a thoroughly pedagogical interpretation of Plato’s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, casting it as the centerpiece of an educational agenda to which all of Plato’s dialogues contributed. I have not yet fully assimilated this volume, let alone the second, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Guardians in Action: Plato the Teacher and the Post-Republic Dialogues from Timaeus to Theaetetus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2016). As a reflection on and expression of what a thoughtful, highly-versed educator can see in the Platonic corpus, the work and the project which it initiates, strikes me as fascinating and important. Altman strains my capacity to suspend disbelief for two reasons, however. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;First, Altman orders and assumes an integrity for the Platonic corpus, which, taken as a veritable historical claim, strikes me as highly improbable. As Altman says at the very beginning, “here, by contrast, the ongoing project is more expansive and involves recognizing Plato’s dialogues, all thirty-five of them, as the now disparate and scattered elements of . . . of a once grand but permanently playful pedagogical system . . .&amp;amp;nbsp; that &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Plato himself created&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, a system that now depends on visualizing the dialogues as teaching tools and then, by following Plato’s hints, rearranging them [in] a certain order as the interlocking parts of a coherent curriculum.” (p. xiii) We do not know a great deal about the textual completeness and integrity of the Platonic corpus, an ignorance that makes Altman’s project possible but at the same time leaves it ineluctably dubious. Second, having lived and worked through a career of approximately similar duration as Plato’s, without suffering anything like the involvement in a chaotic public world that Plato endured, I find it humanly improbable that Plato could have maintained the vision, steadfastness, and clarity of purpose, however playful, that Altman attributes to him. Lives have too many vicissitudes to fit together in such a jigsaw puzzle, so tight yet so complicated. I am happy to let Altman base his reconstruction of the Platonic project on an enticing conjecture. It need not be historically true to illuminate pedagogical possibility in a most valuable manner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;references /&amp;gt;__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A42&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
Annotation 42 to [[#a42&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Formative Justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;]]&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A42] Emotions and intentional control&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;We should avoid reducing the question of formative justice simply to one of clarifying purposes and building capacities by assuming that purpose and capacity are what a person needs in order to accomplish a sound and feasible intent. The effort must be invested with an appropriate emotional valence. Paying too little attention to the importance of emotional commitment to purpose leads to the problem of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;akrasia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, knowing the good but not having the will to do it. Elite reformers in education and social policy are often clueless because they are unable to understand how the “helpful” programs they espouse induce emotional depression, resentment, and despair in the recipients of their efforts. How the would-be educator imagines a student “should” respond counts for nothing, for in effect imagining responses in this way, ignores the student&#039;s autonomy of will.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Everyone has an evolving structure of priorities between the instrumental and the formative, which influences the ability of different persons to pursue formative justice fully. Prudent choices depend on more than having the power to prudently delay gratification. For the very poor, the “rational choice” may be an impossible choice. Katherine Boo&#039;s reporting in the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;New Yorker&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; was very powerful in conveying the existential reality of these conflicts of priority in the lives of the impoverished. See “After Welfare,” April 9, 2001, pp. 92ff; “The Marriage Cure,” August 18, 2003, pp. 105ff; “The Churn,” March 29, 2004, pp. 62ff; “The Factory,” October 18, 2004, pp. 162ff; “The Swamp,” February 6, 2006, pp. 54ff; and “Expectations,” January 15, 2007, pp. 44ff.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;It is becoming increasingly apparent that the formative effects of substantial inequality in polities that are supposedly self-governing and democratic continue to distort many lives.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=MsoNormal style=&#039;margin-left:.5in;text-align:justify;text-indent:-.25in&#039;&amp;gt; Health—see The Spirit Level: Why Greater Equality Makes Societies Stronger by Richard Wilkinson and Kate Pickett (2010) ;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=MsoNormal style=&#039;margin-left:.5in;text-align:justify;text-indent:-.25in&#039;&amp;gt; Education—see The Falling Rate of Learning and the Neoliberal Endgame by David J. Blacker (2013); and&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=MsoNormal style=&#039;margin-left:.5in;text-align:justify;text-indent:-.25in&#039;&amp;gt; Political Life—see Disbelief and Discredit by Bernard Stiegler (3 vols., 2011, 2013, and 2014).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A43&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A43] Appetite as felt immediacy&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Basic appetites and drives have the immediacy and unequivocality essential here—thirst thirsts, as Plato observed at &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 439a. I think using &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;appetite&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, or &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;desire&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, as in&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; Phaedrus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, to name the experience of immediate, unequivocal, felt intention, probably served Plato&#039;s concern to curb willful flaws in a character such as Thrasymachus or a person such as Alcibiades. But the image of the good horse and the bad horse in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phaedrus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (246a-b, 253d-256e) may misrepresent the challenge of self-control, however. An emotive sense of honor such as, xenophobia—apparently the “good horse”—can be as disruptive as an uncontrolled appetite; and an immediate appetite, such as a person&#039;s felt “hunger for knowledge,” might be quite positive (although possibly at the same time, disruptive, if it leads the person to ignore pressing, more mundane responsibilities).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;In lived experience, all intentionality works immediately and unequivocally and controlling it a person must anticipate by assessing and discarding intents of lesser worth, taking advantage of the way lived experience continually moves on in the present in a succession of felt immediacies. Often the complications in felt immediacies and their circumstantial contexts prove overwhelming and a person cannot manage them, giving rise to intense feelings—terror, loathing, despair, joy, wonder, hope. If we think of these as merely described or professed conditions, we misunderstand what a moral thinker such as Rousseau was trying to get across in grounding social bonds on &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;pity&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;compassion&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, the spontaneous, empathetic capacity to feel what another feels. Fellow feeling arises when suddenly I sense and experience what a different person in circumstances differing from my own is feeling. In complex communities, we learn too well to substitute descriptions of what others must be feeling instead of opening ourselves to experiencing the feelings others are having. It comes with our territory: we all live human lives, but the diversity of humaneness in those lives overwhelms our empathetic capacities. In our highly formed circumstances, populated by multitudes with the most dramatic doings incessantly reported as news, our capacities for fellow feeling become swamped and our communities dehumanized. The irony of Terence&#039;s play—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Heautontimorumenos: The Self-Tormenter&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which begins with the famous line, “I am a man, and nothing that concerns a man do I deem a matter of indifference to me,” &amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Act I, Scene 1, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Comedies of Terence&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Henry Thomas Riley, trans., (1874).&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; and then shows throughout how the characters misconstrue each other’s actions—becomes the universal irony of our contemporary condition. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;references /&amp;gt;__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A44&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A44] Balance, a paradigm of inner sense&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;With respect to the sense of balance, the vestibular system in the inner ear is an essential physiological component, which may suggest to some readers that we can talk about an inner sense only when we can point out a clear physiological basis for it. That does not seem warranted. By itself, the vestibular system does not serve as a sufficient servomechanism, gathering data and transforming it into causal instructions that will dependably guide a person in keeping her balance. For the sense of balance to arise and become useful, the person must learn to perceive the vestibular signals, meaningless in themselves, to interpret their meaning relative to diverse situations of dynamic instability, and to deploy a complex repertoire of compensatory responses that allows her to use the perceived signals in maintaining her balance. The sense of balance differs from a servomechanism, for it lacks mechanical automaticity; it is &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;sense&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, not a mechanism, so that it becomes a feature of a person&#039;s powers of perception, action, and self-direction with which she conducts her life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A45&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A45] Inner sense and recursive self-correction&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Over two and a half millennia, thinkers have elaborated an extensive and important literature on &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;virtue&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;moral sentiments&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. This literature probably encompasses what I am suggesting in these paragraphs. Nevertheless, I want to differentiate what I am suggesting from much of it. As I see it, inner senses have to do with the capacities to perceive, act, and control oneself in certain ways, important examples of which we often discuss with reference to virtue or specific virtues. An inner sense, as I am using it, say a capacity to conduct oneself in threatening situations, does not define what courage is, or distinguish which behaviors should count as courageous and which should not. Rather, the inner sense with respect to threatening situations would be a capacity to assess risk and the appropriateness of various possible responses to it. Someone exercising that capacity might completely mess up in exercising it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;From Aristotle through James Q. Wilson, much of the literature is highly behavioral, concentrating on typical patterns of behavior that may be observed in others. Here, for instance, is a passage from Wilson&#039;s discussion of “Learning Self-Control:”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockq&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Most children become temperate. Most learn to look both ways before crossing a street, to put up with medicine to cure an illness, and to make a reasonable effort to study lessons, practice athletic skills, or develop musical talents. Many boys—in large cities, as many as a third—will get in trouble with the police at least once, but by their adult years they will have acquired enough self-control to end their criminal experiments. So powerful and invariant—over time and across cultures—is the relationship between age and crime that it constitutes strong evidence for the view that young people can be distinguished from older ones chiefly by their lesser degree of self-control. And since individual crime rates, for the vast majority of people, decline precipitously with age (beginning in the early twenties), there is also strong evidence of a natural human tendency to acquire greater degrees of self-control as a result of growing up. &amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Moral Sense&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by James Q. Wilson (1993) p. 92.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;All these observations are not wrong. But they do not describe what is happening that gives rise to what the observers perceive. Do the children just passively become temperate? What do they experience in order to do so? Wilson, and a great deal in the literature, stressed pressures from the outside—parental interventions of one type or another—or a semi-magical process—“a natural human tendency.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;But what is the role of the child in that tendency? How do children learn to look both ways before crossing a street? In observing that “by their adult years [most boys who get in trouble with the police] will have acquired enough self-control. . . ,” Wilson left unexplored the very important question how as they aged they were acquiring that self-control, and he left rather ambiguous what the self-control they acquired actually consisted in. Was it a quality or characteristic, a physical attribute of adulthood, something akin to pubic hair? Or was it something more adverbial, a manner of conducting oneself in diverse situations? If it was such a bearing what did the youth need to master and exercise in order to manifest it in his conduct?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Undoubtedly, these questions require long, involved responses, inappropriate here. I think we need to learn a great deal more about how different inner senses develop and function as persons act in various ways. Starting with the broad topic of habit as William James discussed it in his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Principles of Psychology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; might yield considerable insight. Habit really encompasses a number of different matters—ranging from systemic dependencies that people acquire on various substances, through fairly mechanistic habits ingrained through repetitious behavior, to skills acquired through recursive practice. While forms of neuromuscular imprinting play parts across the whole spectrum, understanding of such action needs to pay great attention needs to pay more attention to the dynamic of positive and negative feedback within a structure of teleological action. For this, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Brain’s Sense of Movement&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Alain Berthoz (2000) provides much to reflect on.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;references /&amp;gt;__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A46&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A46] The mother of all pedagogical prescription&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;In the first 152 pages of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Great Didactic,&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; M. W. Keatinge gave a reasonably full biographical and historical sketch of Comenius&#039;s life and work. In the remaining 310 pages, Keatinge translated the Latin version of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Great Didactic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which Comenius wrote in 1640.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Distinguished scholars have done much to explain Comenius&#039;s ideas, praising his enlightened pedagogy and his hope that schools could be a great unifier of peoples. Jean Piaget published a good article bringing out the relevance of Comenius and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Great Didactic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; for the present day, “Jan Amos Comenius,” &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Prospects&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (UNESCO, International Bureau of Education), vol. XXIII, no. 1/2, 1993, pp. 173–96. The great student of Chinese science, Joseph Needham, edited an interesting set of speeches in commemoration the 300th anniversary of Comenius&#039;s visit to Cambridge in 1641: &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Teacher of Nations: Addresses and Essays in Commemoration of the Visit to England of the Great Czech Educationalist Jan Amos Komensky&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1942, 2015). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Comenius perceived with great force and clarity how principles of order, system, and mechanical reproduction could greatly empower institutionalized instruction. Consider the conclusion of Chapter VI: “If a Man Is To Be Produced, It Is Necessary That He Be Formed by Education:” “We see then that all who are born to man&#039;s estate have need of instruction, since it is necessary that, being men, they should not be wild beasts, savage brutes, or inert logs. It follows that one man excels another in exact proportion as he has received more instruction.” (p. 208).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;As a historical document, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Great Didactic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; reveals much about the basic drives energizing modern European historical experience. Comenius&#039;s rhetoric was laced with the piety appropriate for a Moravian priest, but the logic of his prescriptions exemplified a thorough-going instrumental rationalism. 150 years before Bentham&#039;s Panopticon proposal, Comenius&#039;s great didactic created a Utopian prescription for universal instruction just as systematic and detailed. Like Bentham, Comenius&#039;s didactic methods rested on humane insights. But the whole plan, calling for a system of universal instruction from pre-school through university that would subject all the young to a minutely prescribed instructional order, presaged an oppressive bureaucratic order worthy of the European Union’s least attractive proclivities.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;For Comenius, printed text-books were the key to making the system possible, but his system involved far more than good text-books. Consider the following excerpt:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockq&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Our desire is that the art of teaching be brought to such perfection that there will be as much difference between the old system and the new, as there is between the old method of multiplying books by the pen and the new method introduced by the printing-press. . . . Similar results might be obtained if this new and comprehensive method of teaching were properly organized (for as yet the universal method exists only in expectation and not in reality), since (1) a smaller number of masters would be able to teach a greater number of pupils than under the present system. (2) These pupils would be more thoroughly taught; (3) and the process would be refined and pleasant. (4) The system is equally efficacious with stupid and backward boys. (5) Even masters who have no natural aptitude for teaching will be able to use it with advantage; since they will not have to select their own subject-matter and work out their own method, but will only have to take knowledge that has already been suitably arranged and for the teaching of which suitable appliances have been provided, and to pour it into their pupils. . . .&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockq&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp; Pursuing this analogy to the art of printing, . . . it will thus be made evident that knowledge can be impressed on the mind, in the same way that its concrete form can be printed on paper. In fact, we might adapt the term “typography” and call the new method of teaching “didachography”. . . . The same elements are present. Instead of paper, we have pupils whose minds have to be impressed with the symbols of knowledge. Instead of type, we have the class-books and the rest of the apparatus devised to facilitate the operation of teaching. The ink is replaced by the voice of the master, since this it is that conveys information from the books to the minds of the listener; while the press is school-discipline, which keeps the pupils up to their work and compels them to learn. . . . Our discovery of didachography, or our universal method, facilitates the multiplication of learned men in precisely the same way that the discovery of printing has facilitated the multiplication of books, those vehicles of learning, and that this is greatly to the advantage of mankind, since “the multitude of the wise is the wisdom of the world” (Wisdom vi. 24). &amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Chapter XXXII: “Of the Universal and Perfect Order of Instruction.” (pp. 440–6).&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;references /&amp;gt;__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A47&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A47] Cumulative experience, not surrogate outcomes&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Annually, the National Center for Educational Statistics publishes a stout volume &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Condition of Education&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. For 2015, the front cover gives persons a minor, symbolic presence through four small pictures. One features eager preschoolers; a second shows some studious adolescents at their desks; the third depicts an adult educator calling on an upraised hand; and the fourth suggests a graduation scene, photographed from above rear, black academic robes and faceless mortarboard caps, plus a few ears. Stock photos all. The opening pages list the compilers and their helpers and various officials by name and Peggy G. Carr, Acting Commissioner of NCES provides an introductory letter. Otherwise, most everything in the volume reports data about a great variety of statistical cohorts as if those abstract constructions embodied the actual condition of education.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Make no mistake: &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Condition of Education&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; compiles an excellent array of statistical data and presents it lucidly. The work depicts the condition of education through 42 key indicators, each presented in multiple tables and graphs, all organized in four chapters devoted to population characteristics, participation in education, elementary and secondary education, and postsecondary education. In addition, the presentation opens with a six page “At a Glance” section which is an excellent way to grasp the categories through which contemporary peoples have constructed the Great Didactic of our time. And following that overview, three “spotlights” illuminate special topics of current concern to the public and its policy makers. For 2015, these highlight: “Kindergartners’ Approaches to Learning Behaviors and Academic Outcomes,” “Disparities in Educational Outcomes Among Male Youth,” and “Postsecondary Attainment: Differences by Socioeconomic Status.” &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;“Education” consists in what institutions do, not in what persons experience. Interesting things pop out of the indicators. Often in the aggregate they show surprisingly small differences. For instance, in two graphs reporting the average “approaches to learning” scores recorded for first-time kindergartners analyzed in six groupings—gender, age at entry, race, parental education, household type, and poverty status—the maximum variation between the highest and lowest subgroup was 3.75%. In contrast, data for some indicators reveal large and disturbing, for instance Figure 6 on page 15, “Rate per 100,000 of placement of juveniles in residential facilities, by race/ethnicity and sex: 2011.” All told, through the 200 or so graphs and tables in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Condition of Education&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, the Great Didactic appears as a stable, enduring presence in our circumstances, a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;monolith of structured behavior&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Over years, the thrust of policies and programs aim at sustaining small changes year-by-year in the aggregates comprising representing the condition of education. If over time, for each indicator, the aggregated behaviors improve, in due course the public and the powers-that-be will come to acclaim educational policy and practice to have been a success. What do we learn in all this about the lived experience of children and youths?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Note another feature of this Great Didactic. We must not think—ever eager to celebrate American exceptionalism—that the Great Didactic pertains uniquely to our national experience. An even stouter annual publication complements &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Condition of Education&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—the OECD’s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Education at a Glance&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. An OECD program, Indicators of Educational Systems (INES), conducts this ambitious effort to provide comparative data about education in the OECD’s 34 member countries and 12 partner countries, which include key non-OECD nations in the G20, i.e., Argentina, Brazil, China, India, Indonesia, Russia, Saudi Arabia, and South Africa. Thus the “glance” sizes up most of the world’s people and organizes voluminous data about them in a well-conceived framework. For 2015, the work has several hundred tables and graphs in four large chapters on a) “the output of educational institutions and the impact of learning;” b) “financial and human resources invested in education;” c) “access to education, participation and progression;” and d) “the learning environment and organization of schools.” In all, the data takes some work to follow, for it presents 31 indicators, and numerous sub-indicators, in ways that facilitate comparison across up to 46 countries. The presentation repays the work it requires, however, for it analyzes each indicator thoughtfully and illuminates it with intelligent explanatory material.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Whereas the American &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Condition of Education&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; presents descriptive indicators, the OECD&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; Education at a Glance&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; uses similar indicators more synthetically to create a conceptual typology of the global system of formal education. It then suggests numerically how the major national systems world-wide perform as examples of that typological abstraction. In this way, the OECD’s work defines a language that thoroughly abstracts “education,” equating it with the formal actions manifested through the indicators into which supplied data has been organized. “Education” becomes a formal model allowing observers to compare the characteristics and performance of different national systems by quantifying how each approximates the model.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
http://www.LearnLiberally.org/pictures/OECD_matrix.png &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Here the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Glance&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; turns the Great Didactic into a comprehensive matrix (p. 15). On the vertical axis, it encompasses all the actors—Individual participants in education and learning, Instructional settings, Providers of educational services, and The education system as a whole. And on the horizontal, it indicates the forms of behavior through which they engage in education—Education and learning outputs and outcomes, Policy levers and contexts shaping education outcomes, and Antecedents or constraints that contextualize policy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;With the Great Didactic, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;education&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; as it has come to be known presents an important question: Are the structures of behavior that &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Condition of Education&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; describes and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Education at a Glance&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; models suitable support for each person’s efforts to shape and strengthen her formative capacities? Let us not try here to answer this question, for each person can and should ask the question and seek to answer for herself. Let us simply note that the American public has taken up a variant of it, asking whether good or bad instructional practice should teach to the test, to the system for generating all the behavioral markers. The Great Didactic works, throughout its operations, by teaching to the test. The “Test” comprises the whole spectrum of behaviors sanctioned by the system—the learning outcomes, the teaching methods, the curricular standards, the leadership goals, the workplace skills, the economic imperatives, the social responsibilities, and the public duties. And the Great Didactic is an elaborate system to impart these sanctioned behaviors, to Teach to the Test—to impart the sanctioned behaviors, not to support the effort by each living child to pursue its fullest self-formation. Recall the subtitle Comenius gave &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Great Didactic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (see above, p. 46). Does the whole Art of Teaching all things to all Persons encompass the whole of education or does it leave out significant essentials?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A48&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A48] A Reformation emerging from our inner senses&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Over the past three centuries, people have primarily sought to initiate improvements in the conditions through &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;reform&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: “the action or process of making changes in an institution, organization, or aspect of social or political life, so as to remove errors, abuses, or other hindrances to proper performance” (OED, reform, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;n.2&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;adj.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 1. a.). Over the same period, people have less consciously interpreted historical changes in their own time coming about through &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;reformation&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: “The action or process of bringing about an improvement or advancement in an existing state of affairs, institution, practice, etc.; an instance of this, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;esp.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; a radical change for the better in political, religious, or social matters” (OED, reformation, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;n.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 3. a., cf. 3. b.).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;At the personal level, a reform usually involves a resolve to change some particular habit or trait, to get more exercise, to diet, or spend more time with the kids. At the level of a polity, reform turns on changes in policies, programs, or institutions. A reformation, in contrast, arises through an underlying change in principles of judgment and legitimation. Although we don&#039;t commonly speak of it, persons can assert their own reformation, altering the basic principles of judgment and commitment they use in the conduct of their lives. A person aims at a reformation through one or another form of therapy or she expects to experience a reformation through a true conversion from one set of convictions to another. It does not come easily.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Personal reformations become most evident across generations as children form structures of value different from their parents. A pattern of intergenerational reformation can, and perhaps should, emerge into a historical movement, a powerful Reformation of public life. Here and elsewhere in this essay, I try to use &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;reformation&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, not capitalized, to indicate an altered personal commitment to a principle of judgment and legitimation, and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Reformation&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, capitalized, to refer to the historical emergence of an alternative principle of judgment and legitimation. Historically significant Reformations are very rare and there has really been only one, the Protestant Reformation and Counter-Reformation that commonly goes by the name. At the level of the polity, instituting a set of reforms appears far more feasible than setting in motion a Reformation in the historical sense, but once in motion, a Reformation has more historical power and endurance than a reform. Personal reformations, of course, are what drive historical Reformations, should they occur: personal reformation provides the basis, the vital ante, for historical Reformation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A49&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A49] The Great Didactic over-estimates its causal power&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Modern school systems rest on highly abstract foundations. No other impersonal organization engages as comprehensive a proportion of the human population in intense, sustained activity as do contemporary institutions of formal instruction. During the 19th century as people in the more advanced polities worked out the operational character of these institutions, they created a de facto technological monopoly for managing the intellectual base of modern life, with universal participation in the core of the program enforced by compulsory education laws. The combination of technical monopoly and legal compulsion made it irrelevant whether people had designed the system on flawed assumptions: we have all formed ourselves within it. People could have whatever color car they wanted as long as it was black. They could participate in industrial democracy any way they liked as long as they completed the requisite schooling.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Decade by decade through the 20th century, a complex movement occurred. Communications innovations—telephones, cinema, mass journalism, records, radio, television, tourism, computing, the internet, social media—weakened the de facto technological monopoly of the instructional system. At the same time, the instructional system grew rapidly in scope, functional complexity, and significance for personal life-choices. These developments raise the question whether the global instructional systems and the global communications systems are working somehow at cross purposes, perhaps conducing to unsound collective judgments, periodic inabilities to maintain our collective capacities for self-maintenance. Many close observers of contemporary life are trying to understand the cultural dynamics of all our communications innovations. Caught up in that effort, we tend to take the more familiar instructional system for granted. After all, each of us knows it well from prolonged personal experience. But if we are going to understand how it meshes with our emerging communications systems, we need to grasp how it works as a historical process. Does the design of the global instructional system effectively support persons in their efforts to develop their capacities for sound judgment in the course of living their lives?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;This question may seem odd, for one might respond by wondering whether the global instructional system has a design, and if so, whether it embodies any assumptions about the exercise of judgment. I think the instructional system does embody important basic design features in its overall organization, and these include some assumptions about the relative status of different persons’ motivations that have implications for person’s judgment. It would require a large project of historical-philosophical inquiry to explain and defend these ideas fully. Here I will simply give the gist of them with some observations about Johann Friedrich Herbart, whose pedagogical ideas were a key influence on the construction of modern school systems throughout the 19th century. Herbart belonged to the last wave of German philosophers born in the 18th century, six years younger than Hegel. As a student at the University of Jena in the early 1790s, Herbart was a prominent follower of Fichte. He was a Hauslehrer in Bern in the later 1790s and published his first work on education, a commentary on Pestalozzi, in 1802. His Allgemeine Pädagogik followed in 1806, his major work on educational theory. Significant treatises on metaphysics, practical philosophy, and psychology followed in subsequent years, along with essays, aphorisms, and lectures on education. His professorial career started at Göttingen (1802-9). It flourished at Königsberg (1809-1833), where he held the chair Kant had occupied and ran an important teacher preparation program as the Prussian school system was gaining world renown. He culminated his career back at Göttingen, where he taught until his death in 1841.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;In Democracy and Education, John Dewey recognized Herbart—along with Plato, Locke, Rousseau, Fichte, and Hegel— as one of those he deigned to discuss in a few pages, presenting Herbart as the exemplar of “education as formation”. For Dewey, Herbart “represents the Schoolmaster come to his own,” a bon mot that pretty much served as an epitaph for Herbart during the rest of the 20th century. Lately, educational scholars are rediscovering Herbart through nuanced readings of his understanding of how teachers and students could and should interact.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;See Dietrich Benner. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Die Pädagogik Herbarts&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1993); Andrea R. English,&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; Discontinuity in Learning: Dewey, Herbart and Education as Transformation&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2013); and Pauli Siljander, “Educability and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bildung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in Herbart’s Theory of Education,” in Siljander, et al., &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Theories of &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;Bildung &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;and Growth&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2012).&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; But for our purposes, we should attend, neither to Herbart lost nor regained, but to Herbart through the 19th century, during its first half, a living presence, and through the second, a posthumous inspiration for an international network of influential Herbartians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;In concentrating on Herbart, I do not mean to suggest that he somehow thought up and laid out the design of modern school systems, a kind of 19th century Steve Jobs. During his lifetime, his ideas were not unknown, but he was not in the front rank, neither as a philosopher nor as an educational theorist. Other prominent thinkers and practitioners were writing about education, both as Bildung and as Erziehung—to name a few: Basedow, Kant, Herder, Salzmann, Trapp, Villaume, Pestalozzi, Goethe, Niemeyer, Vierthaler, Schiller, Wolf, Jean Paul (Richter), Fichte, Schwarz, Niethammer, Wilhelm von Humboldt, Jachmann, Schleiermacher, Hegel, Herbart, and then a host of practical reformers in the generation of Diesterweg.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Frederick C. Beiser, “Johann Friedrich Herbart: Neo-Kantian Metaphyscian,” gives a good orientation to Herbart’s place in early 19&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;th&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;-century German philosophy in his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Genesis of Neo-Kantianism, 1796-1880&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Chapter 2. I have sketched the relation of Herbart’s pedagogical thinking to other strands of German pedagogical thinking circa 1800 in “On (Not) Defining Education: Questions about Historical Life and What Educates Therein” (2009).&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Historical conditions have much to do with intellectual influence. Herbart’s influence arose, not so much because his ideas solved organizational problems in creating mass school systems. Rather his ideas seemed to work better than those of others in making sense of ad hoc innovations and programs. He came in late with a rather distinctive position, built on a rejection of widely shared premises. People were busy inventing an instructional system and Herbart’s simplified assumptions concentrated attention on the major instructional opportunities, on the low-hanging fruit, in current jargon. In the historical process taking place, one in which people were ready to graft principles onto emerging practice, Herbart’s ideas offered a good, but far from perfect fit. Consequently, Herbartianism came to differ in some ways from the full spectrum of what Herbart had propounded, but the parts emphasized by the Herbartians were those most strongly shaped by the distinctive character of Herbart’s educational thinking. Hence, his pedagogy provides much insight into the dynamics of the instructional systems that emerged historically in the 19th century. Much of his pedagogical thought jelled with practice, and the premises he rejected allowed for a practical concentration of effort in building instructional institutions. And although Herbartianism lost its following early in the 20th century, its core understanding of instruction still provides powerful insight into the assumptions which the system continues to embody. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;In 1794, Herbart arrived at Jena, fresh from his gymnasium preparation, just as Fichte, the rising new star of transcendental idealism, started to teach there, lecturing on the Wissenschaftslehre, his philosophic system. Herbart spent three years at Jena, a prominent follower of Fichte, and then he began his educational work in Bern, as Hauslehrer for the young sons of a prominent Swiss family (1797-1800). Fichte had based his system on a recognition of the subject, the I, as a freely given will coping with an external world of necessity. While in Bern, Herbart asserted his independence from Fichte’s transcendental idealism, largely by flipping Fichte’s conception of the autonomous ego. If for Fichte, the life of the mind was one in which the free-self became aware and able to cope with the necessities—physical, moral, social—in which it was immersed, for Herbart the free-self stood as the goal of a well-ordered education directed by practical philosophy and empowered by sound psychology. Committed to critical philosophy like many of his contemporaries, Herbart inquired into the possibility of key cultural forms, but instead of asking how knowledge of the external world, or of ethical duty, or judgments of taste were possible, he asked how educative influence by adults on the young was possible. In reflecting on the possibility thought and reason, thinkers like Kant and Fichte were making education impossible, Herbart suggested, for they assumed an unformed infant or child possessed at the outset the moral and rational attributes that it would manifest when the educative process had completed its course. Herbart denied that humans possessed a prior an autonomous will or an endowment of metal faculties, for these were the outcome of a sound educative process.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockq&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Without will, the child enters the world, thus incapable of moral relations. Hence parents (part voluntarily, part from the demands of society) take possession of it as if a thing. . . . Next, instead of an authentic will with which to make up its mind, a wild impetuosity develops in the child, carrying it hither and yon. This principle of disorder harms adult arrangements and subjects the future of the child to many dangers. This impetuosity must be conquered or the parents of the child will stand responsible for its disorder. Conquest takes place through force; and the force must be strong enough and repeated often before the child successfully catches the scent of an authentic will. The tenets of practical philosophy demand it. &amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Allgemeine Pädagogik aus dem Zweck der Erziehung abgeleitet&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1806&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;). &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;SW, Vol. 2, p. 18.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;follow&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Herbart conceptualized how pupils and students should participate in the work of education in three broad areas, government (following the procedures of a well-ordered school), instruction (learning the intellectual content by following the program for imparting it), and character formation (conforming and choosing according to sound principle). In substance, these three sets of expectations did not differ that much from what other educational theorists sought. Herbart explained them, however, imbuing the school, the teacher, and the curriculum with a high level of pedagogical authority. Education comprised actions by adults on the young.&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockq&amp;quot;&amp;gt;When we see the active opposite the passive, two possibilities appear: what can possibly develop from the passive and what can be brought about through the active; the two will come about with ease or difficulty, depending on how the passive fits the active or the active suits the passive. Particular arrangements create a third possibility by connecting the two in working relations. Already, you guess that I am thinking first of the plasticity of pupils, then of the formative resources we anticipate using, and third of the institutions for public and private education where we put the formative resources to use. It is apparent that a psychological pedagogy should consider the many-sided plasticity of the pupil--both his natural abilities and his growing capacities at each step in age; that it then should speak of books and instruments, of encouragements and coercions, in order to show how these formative resources affect an idealized pupil as they start to work on him in full force; and that we then should talk of normal schools, seminaries, and the like. &amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Briefe u&amp;amp;#776;ber die Anwendung der Psychologie auf die Pädagogik&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1831). SW, Vol. 9, pp. 342-3.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Throughout the Western world in the 19&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;th&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; century, the major polities were initiating national instructional systems based on compulsory school laws. These systems embodied tacit assumptions that the adult authorities were the active force, the young were the passive recipients, and formal institutions were the locus for the active adults to work through programs of instruction on receptive pupils and students. Herbart clearly grasped this relationship and formalized much of what needed to be done to fully develop it. The letter of Herbartianism came to rely on a special jargon derived from Herbart’s pedagogical and psychological texts. But the spirit of Herbartianism, the elaboration of Herbart’s conception of the instructional mission, came to characterize the implementation formal instruction in contemporary life. As people entirely dropped talk about apperceptive mass and all the other Herbartian conceptualizations, and even more, as people never even adopted them, they implemented the structure and function of Herbartian instruction on what has become a global implementation of universal schooling.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;To test this assertion, consider the accomplishments of key Herbartians. Herbart put forward a philosophy, a psychology, and a pedagogy, but most persuasively he communicated a visionary agenda for the professionalization of educational work. Philosophically, he worked in the shadow of German idealism, psychologically he needed a science that had yet to mature, and pedagogically, he systematized practices that differed little from the more commonsense ways of his peers. But all together, he pointed the way to a coherent university-based program for advancing educational knowledge and preparing instructional professionals. The Herbartians excelled at picking up this academic vision and giving it an ever-wider implementation. Karl Volkmar Stoy, primarily at the University of Jena, but also at Heidelberg, and Tuiskon Ziller, at the University of Leipzig, started the process, and Wilhelm Rein, who followed Stoy at Jena, brought it to fruition. They and their students produced numerous special studies, but more importantly, encyclopedias, textbooks, and statements of comprehensive theory. &amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;See K. V. Stoy. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Encyklopädie Methodologie und Literature der Padagogik&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 2&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;nd&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; ed., 1878; Tuiskon Ziller, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Vorlesungen über Allgemeine Pädagogik&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 1876; and Wilhelm Rein, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pädagogik in systematischer Darstellung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 2 vols., 1902, 1906. For a brief, rather dismissive inftroduction to Herbart, see Harold Dunkel, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Herbart and Herbartianism: An Educational Ghost Story&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1970).&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; Rein’s systematic presentation had enough tinges of Herbart in it to mark the author as a Herbartian, but it aimed not at a systematic Herbartian presentation of pedagogy, but at a comprehensive presentation. It encompassed a wide spectrum of pedagogical thinking in a clear, well-reasoned presentation. And Rein’s major accomplishment, the 10 volume &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Encyklopa&amp;amp;#776;disches Handbuch der Pa&amp;amp;#776;dagogik&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, delivered “a summa of present-day pedagogical knowledge and know-how,” as a reviewer put it.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Rein stated the goal of comprehensiveness in his foreword to the second edition (see W. Rein. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Encyklopädisches Handbuch der Pädagogik&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Vol. 1`, pp. v-vi). The 10 volumes are still a superior source for general background on the history of educational thought and practice prior to the mid-19&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;th&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; century. For the review, see the E. Oppermann, “Reins Encyklopädisches Handbuch der Pädagogik.” &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Zeitschrift für Kinderforschung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (Vol. 14, 1909) pp. 58-63.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Rein’s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Darstellung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Handbuch&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; could work as general compendia for most variants of pedagogy because all shared the assumptions that adult authority worked as the active educators and the young served as the passive educatees and various places and programs occasioned their interaction. Herbart started with an unusually strong presumption of sympathy between adult and child. Long before the phrase had become possible, his mother was the helicopter mom &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;par excellence&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, taking Greek up at his side&amp;amp;nbsp; while overseeing his home schooling through the elementary years, supervising his gymnasium studies, and virtually accompanying him to the University of Jena where she struck up a friendship with Herr Doktor Fichte and his wife. Herbart thought of “&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Anerkennung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,” “recognition,” largely as a kind of acknowledgement or deference—“with more or less recognition of superior strength or authority.” &amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Herbart, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Umriss pädagogischer Vorlesungen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (§295), SW, Vol. 10, p. 120. One might suggest that Herbart dealt with the problem of recognition with his concept of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;pedagogical tact&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, “the finest jewel of pedagogical art.” (SW, Vol. 2, p. 39) But in Herbart’s framework, the active educator exercised pedagogical tact towards the passive student precisely to maintain the differential in situations where it might be strained. At 24, Herbart’s belated break with his mother came when she disastrously failed to observe proper pedagogical tact, egregiously trying to manipulate his life plans.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; Herbart had little sense for reciprocal recognition in the Hegelian sense—each recognizing that both recognize each other as interacting peers, whatever the difference of their circumstances. A sympathy of intimacy and commonality substituted for reciprocal recognition in the 19&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;th&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;-century construction of schools and modern pedagogy. People avoided the needed for full, reciprocal recognition between persons in instructional institutions by dehumanizing persons through roles of teacher and students and an abstract, age-appropriate personhood to learners to be revealed by a scientific psychology. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;As we move deeper and deeper into a world in which each interacts continually with all, dehumanizing persons, young and old, as they interact and together form themselves, renders instructional institutions ineffective.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;references /&amp;gt;__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A50&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A50] The educative inner light&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;How does a Reformation get started historically? Who can answer that question with confidence? Modern historians clearly recognize only one historical example, the Protestant Reformation and the Catholic Counter-Reformation. We might think of the rise of Christianity as a Reformation of the Roman ethos and a confluence of the scientific, industrial, and democratic revolutions as a secular Reformation of a prior religious way of life. But that may well leave us still with too few examples, and owing to their scale and complexity only confuse the question. Perhaps we should simply contemplate a Reformation possibly emerging in ways we cannot predict, although we can perhaps speculate about conditions that might encourage its emergence. Here are four.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;First, for a Reformation to occur, many people would need to perceive a dominant principle of judgment and legitimation to have become problematic. If all but a weak minority believe that the system in force works to the general benefit, a historically significant Reformation would not get started. An alternative principle of judgment will gain adherents among those who think, some consciously and many others at least potentially, that the current modes of judgment and legitimation lead to undesirable consequences, and if most people found the status quo satisfactory, a nascent Reformation would not gain a critical mass of adherents. A prolonged period of protests against the luxuriousness of the Papacy and its exactions to maintain it were common in northern Europe and even in Italy, with figures like Savonarola, prior to the Protestant Reformation. How, if at all, might the various counter-cultural protests that have sprung up against corporate and neoliberal rationalization cohere into a Reformation?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Second, an alternative principle of judgment and legitimation would need to be convincingly available to potential adherents. And for its availability to be convincing, many different persons, each feeling palpable discontents with the reigning order, would need to use it to ground possibilities for their own lives that they would perceive to be both feasible and desirable. The initial critical mass, if a Reformation were to occur, would develop as a significant number of persons converted from an old, problematic principle of judgment to an alternative. In the Protestant Reformation, salvation by faith alone undercut the authority of the Papacy and its clergy, grounding conviction on the text of the Bible, not the doctrine of the Church. To what the principle of legitimation in education do people currently defer to and what might displace it?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Third, conditions that people found problematic in the old order, would need to interact with new historical developments, with the interaction of old and new fortuitously strengthening the adherents to a new principle relative to those of the old. For instance, in relatively affluent consumer societies, people might come to feel that the time had come “to give their children a right to study painting, poetry, music, architecture, statuary, tapestry and porcelain,” as John Adams put it long ago. Placing cultural goals above those of GDP and national power might ally with parental critiques of meaningless high-stakes testing and other discontents with an increasingly dehumanized educational system. A new pattern of judgment and legitimation would not waltz into historical prominence without opposition from the old order, and as the new emerged, the old would be significantly stronger, able to suppress the would-be Reformation. The Protestant Reformation, which coincided with the spread of printing, a transformative technology, followed several similar reformatory movements, which had been easily suppressed. Changes in material conditions cannot be considered causes of emergent phenomena, but they certainly enter into the patterns of interaction that make an emergence possible. Do digital communications strengthen or weaken the existing structures of public judgment and legitimation? Do they possibly make some alternative principle more feasible?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Fourth, a Reformation may need to express the first three concerns with a very high degree of cultural comprehensiveness. It seems relatively feasible to introduce reforms in rather narrow sectors of human experience. Many reforms that have taken place in historical experience have emerged, somewhat unpredictably, after a succession of failed, top-down policy efforts. Perhaps the infrequency of historical Reformations has come about simply because we restrict the term to very comprehensive emergent changes, rather like those extremely powerful, non-linear events such as earthquakes, registering at the top of a logarithmic scale. They come about for reasons similar to lesser developments, but do so deep in the structure of cultural interactions that shape the prevailing patterns of judgment and legitimacy. Do present-day institutions—governmental, corporate, and philanthropic—have the functional capacity to form and implement policies that can effectively deal with the demographic, climatic, and economic challenges the peoples of the world now face? If not, what then?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;In view of these factors, were a Reformation to emerge, what principle of judgment and legitimation might it advance as an alternative to the one undergirding the current order and how would it rise to prominence?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
 __NOTOC__  &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A51&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A51] Digital culture versus the pedagogical priesthood&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;To alter the animating spirit with which persons use significant institutions, they need enabling changes in the historical forces available in their circumstances. This thought has been important to me throughout much of my work. In 1971, in a substantial essay, “Towards a Place for Study in a World of Instruction,” I suggested that modern pedagogy had devalued the role of students, as distinct from curricula and the instructional program administered through teachers. Children and youths, pupils and students, exercised the main agency in educative work. In a rapid overview of educational thought from the ancient Greeks into the 19th century, I showed how study, autonomous work by students, had been the central concern of theorists. With the rise of large systems of formal instruction in the 19th and 20th centuries, attention passed from the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;student&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; to the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;learner&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and theory presumed teachers and instruction to be the active agents of educational experience. Towards the end of the essay I mused about nascent communications developments that might make the renewal of a place for study feasible in our time, pointing to electronic communications, then primarily television, as a potential historical force that could weaken the instructional mindset in contemporary pedagogy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;A few years later I began to make this possibility a central concern in my practical and theoretical work. It started somewhat serendipitously in the late 1970s. I had begun to use early word processing tools for all my writing and in 1982 I started drafting an epistolary novel, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Emilia, Or Going to City&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, in which a young woman, in lieu of going to college, would go to New York City and use its life and cultural resources as the locus of her self-formation, to be manifest in reflective letters she would write to an older mentor. About the same time, I acquired my first microcomputer, which soon distracted me from &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Emilia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (25 years later my wife, Maxine McClintock, resuscitated the project, and a much larger but still incomplete version of it is at&amp;amp;nbsp; http://www.studyplace.org/wiki/Emilia (although currently offline,). In conception, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Emilia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. was a serious attempt to imagine how new communications technologies might enable a person to pursue her self-formation independent of formal institutions of instruction, making full use of contemporary cultural resources.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;People may, like Emilia, end up &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;going to city&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, but the cultural infrastructure, which is emerging to enable that, will be developed in and through institutions of instruction. That idea informed both my reflective and practical work from around 1982 to 2002. The practical side of that work took place primarily within formal institutions of instruction, ranging from early elementary school through the research university, summed up well in a strategic plan for the Institute for Learning Technologies, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Educating America for the 21st Century&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1999). Of many theoretical statements about how the digital infrastructure can change the spectrum of educational possibilities that I published online, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Power and Pedagogy: Transforming Education through Information Technology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1992) conveys a vision still of considerable relevance 25 years later.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Most uses of digital technologies within the Great Didactic have embodied the assumption that the digital technologies can or should be a powerful teaching tool, marginally improving the going system. The best, however sophisticated, do not fit well into the social system of instruction incarnated in the institutions of formal education. Hence their effects lead to marginal changes to the system that encompasses them. They have, however, created many resources that students can use to pursue study both inside and outside the social system of instruction. Additionally, the digital infrastructure for the creation, preservation, and dissemination of knowledge has grown markedly both inside and outside the Great Didactic. Hence, the material conditions for a world of study are much closer to full implementation than any of us suspect. For practical purposes, the internet makes the whole culture accessible to anyone, anytime, anywhere and billions of persons have substantial, improving access to it. No one, even the most wired, understands what they can and should do, personally and collectively, with the emerging cultural cornucopia&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;It is not only the material conditions for a pedagogical reformation at the personal level that are in place. Something like the historical manifestation of a Pedagogical Reformation is becoming evident, if we will only look. The Great Didactic has had miniscule influence in disseminating the understanding and know-how that billions of people around the world have rapidly acquired in using digital technologies as formative of resources in their conduct lives. How many people use email and what proportion of them learned to do so through formal instruction? How many make regular use of Google and other search programs to get information and what proportion learned to do so in formal classes? Who obeys the pedagogical priests warning to be very, very careful, for Wikipedia is adulterated with misinformation? People judge for themselves and make use of the wealth of knowledge the internet freely offers. Do these developments have significant, long-term implications for the way each person chooses to live her life?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Of course, we hear the digital din as all a great babble, but it evidences concretely that some sort of restructuring, perhaps a Reformation, has begun. All the blogging, the social software, YouTube, Instagram, Tweeting, instant messaging, smart phones, Wikipedia, Ask.com, MOOCs, pornography, online magazines and newspapers, Amazon.com, digital libraries, big data, hacking and trolls, virtual realities, apps and more apps, all becoming integrated into our human, embodied lives, amounts to a great mess out of which a different lifeworld may emerge. Digital communications are spreading fast, in historical time, because, for better and for worse, persons all around perceive them changing the constraints on their possibilities, with each beginning to exercise formative justice for herself in ways that under former constraints she would not have done.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Big institutions and systems increasingly appear clueless. Can anyone explain that assertion away as an idiosyncratic misimpression? Will the world system soon recover from a temporary run of unexpected difficulties? Or is it stalling, like an airplane generating too little lift? Has a Reformation in the conduct of life been unleashed, soon stabilizing apparent trouble spots? Will some unforeseen catastrophe turn things back, way, way back? No one knows what the full historical trajectory of the current historical processes will prove to be. But from within its midst, each should care for her values, contributing to the betterment of humanity what she herself can make from what she can and should become.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A52&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A52] Exemplarity and aptness&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;In the real circumstances of our lives, coping with a world so full of impositions on us, structuring our perceptions, channeling our actions, conditioning us to taking its direction, how can we pursue formative justice? Most of us have been acculturated to want and need a happy answer. Not answered, but lived. It has no answer, no resolution, neither comic nor tragic, but we will live by contending with it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;In living the question, two concepts are important: negation and aptness. Life lives choosing among possibilities, multiple contingencies not all of which can or will happen. The dead stone also faces a future that still has not been determined, but it has no possibilities for it has no power to act: extrinsic forces will determine what takes place. We do not “keep our balance,” we perceive the possibility of falling and act to counter it. Our autonomy, our freedom, our control, therefore, lies in our choosing which possibilities to reject in principle and to work against in practice. As we reject possibilities and givens, our negations become determinate, for we choose by eliminating the least and less valuable possibilities. We assert value in exercising formative justice by exercising the power of negation. But in doing so, one of the questions we must live is the question whether this exercise of formative justice, this power of negation, has any objective power, any significance in the community of living persons. Here, the human capacity for aptness is essential. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Aptness—“ready susceptibility, quickness of apprehension; capacity, proficiency, aptitude”—teams with exemplarity as the main source of human formative power. In &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;España invertebrada&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Ortega y Gasset wrote a chapter on “Ejemplaridad y Docilidad,” which I translated in my discussion of his work as “exemplarity and aptness.” For Ortega, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;docilidad&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; indicated a more active responsiveness than the teachable, trainable, and tamable connotations “docile” generally has in English. Let us call it “aptness.” In Ortega’s view, social life arose through the working of exemplarity and aptness: “the exemplarity of the few articulates itself through the aptness of the many.” &amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;José Ortega y Gasset. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;España invertebrada&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Obras III&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, pp. 103-8, quotation, p. 104. Cf. McClintock, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Man and His Circumstances: Ortega as Educator&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1971), pp. 243-7, 538-9.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; Formation takes place, not through some artful shaper causing others to mimic and follow, but through other persons&#039; aptness in striving after an example that they perceive to be exemplary, to be, even, worthy of excelling. The emulator chooses her example; she feels inspired by it; she strives to copy and transcend it, negating in its favor her other possibilities.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Aptness in relation to exemplarity deserves much more study than it receives. Aptness is strong and active when participants in groupings, large or small, feel actively engaged together. Behaviorally, one might think that aptness leads to imitation or emulation, but that reduces the process too much to simply copying another’s behavior. Someone who is apt in relation to an exemplary model does not simply copy it, but immediately catches on and sees not only what, but also how and why, starting not to copy, but to experiment and work at what he aptly perceives. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Since 1980 or so, the spread of know-how, and see-what, with digital technologies has exemplified the working of exemplarity and aptness, especially among early adopters. In an apt user community, the mere hint of a new technique will immediately bloom into widespread mastery. Novel linguistic usages often spread rapidly through a speech community, not because a few originators have unusual didactic power, but because many are apt to a usage that expresses a meaning and nuance they desire to express. A person’s aptness relates closely to her interest and attention, but it signifies a more inward state—her looking outwards aptly leads to her interest and attention, but she then aptly pulls her interest back inside and she internalizes the matter of interest, making it her own. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Exemplarity without aptness has no effect. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bartleby, the Scrivener&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Herman Melville&#039;s story of Wall Street, (1853) still has great pertinence in a neo-liberal age. Bartleby both phrased well and aimed well his heroic negation—“I prefer not to.” He stated perfectly and so simply our freedom in response to the commands of the counting house, however courteous and unctuous their delivery may be. But Bartleby&#039;s negation, as Melville constructed it, led to a meaningless, self-inflicted death, one which lacked resonance, another accretion, as Melville hinted, in the great dead letter bin of life. A few responded with curiosity, none with aptness. Life generates many possibilities that fade like Bartleby without resonance, many trees in the forest that fall unheard. Some, however, will be seen and heard, and those who see and hear can be apt in response, attending to the example, magnifying and multiplying it. In this way, formative justice gains its worldly power.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;references /&amp;gt;__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A53&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A55] Let us beware&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;I think hyperbolic rhetoric with respect to the putative failure of large-scale public institutions and policies such as the public school system or the Affordable Care Act lowers the threshold for considering real states of exception excessively. Bit by bit a receptive audience for demagogues like Donald Trump emerges. For instance, the Council on Foreign Relations Independent Task Force Report, chaired by Joel I. Klein and Condoleezza Rice, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;U. S. Education Reform and National Security&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, exemplified seemingly sober authorities using the language of immanent crisis to rationalize significant changes in the priorities guiding public schooling. &amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;See especially the section on “The Education Crisis Is a National Security Crisis” The Task Force makes the case that a failure of the U. SW. educational &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;system&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; undermines the physical safety of the country, its economic competitiveness, and its political unity. Since the reform movement began in 1983 with &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;A Nation at Risk&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, it has put in place “selective and insufficient” reforms. The nation must now “finally implement the necessary changes in its school system to safeguard the country’s national security in the coming decades.” (p. 57)&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; Crying immanent crisis to motivate action that people would not otherwise take usually fails in its purpose, and as in the fairy tale, people may have become reflexively skeptical when real crisis arrives. Groups like the Kettering Foundation, engaging diverse members of the public in careful deliberation about difficult public problems, provide a much better way to inform people that commissions of Poo-Bahs pushing partisan positions. &amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;See the materials on “Shared Learning” on the Kettering website— &amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;https://www.kettering.org/shared-learning/&amp;quot;&amp;gt;https://www.kettering.org/shar ed-learning/ &amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Interest group politics may naturally gravitate to a rhetoric of immanent crisis with various groups each increasingly trying to enact its agenda by convincing the public that a state of exception exists that justifies adopting its vision of necessity. Since World War II such a movement seems to have taken place in American life. During the early Cold War, interests groups seemed to bargain their way to a national consensus, but then countervailing power structures made effective compromising difficult and polarization began to strengthen and effective governing in the interest of the whole became more and more difficult. Of course, since historical change takes place as a succession of two steps forward and one step back by an unsynchronized chorus line, future developments may entirely upend this diagnosis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;references /&amp;gt;__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A54&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A56] A pedagogy of thoughtful deliberation by peers&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Modern school systems have gone way too far dehumanizing educational experience and the educational reform movement tries to take it much further. The effort tried to impose a tighter accountability regime on teachers and school programs, which ultimately falls on pupils and students. They have the mission of learning what teachers teach. This accountability regime preceded the school reform movement and has long spread worldwide. Its logic, driven by the priorities of international competition among nation states, make systemic goals more and more overriding. To my mind, looking closely at what proponents of reform say and how they say it allows one to make grounded judgments for oneself. Representative reports are: &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;A Nation at Risk: The Imperative for Educational Reform&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by the National Commission on Excellence in Education (Washington: The Commission, 1983); &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Tough Choices or Tough Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by the New Commission on the Skills of the American Workforce (2007); and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;U.S. Education Reform and National Security&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by the Council on Foreign Relations, Independent Task Force (2012).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;In trying to understand the Great Didactic, look closely at some of online resources at the state, national, and international levels, parsing what they say and how they say it. Take a page like the U.S. Department of Education&#039;s “Progress in Our Schools” (&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;http://www.ed.gov/k-12reforms&amp;quot;&amp;gt;http://www.ed.gov/k-12reforms). Read it carefully and think about it critically, noting who the actors described on it are, what they do, why they do it, and how their actions are to be assessed. What sort of process is the educational process it describes? How will persons with whom you are familiar feel and respond, day-in, day-out, to the educational experience depicted there? Or study a document or two through the “key documents” page on the European Commission&#039;s Education and Training website (&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;http://ec.europa.eu/education/library/keydocs/index_en.htm&amp;quot;&amp;gt;http://ec.euro pa.eu/education/library/keydocs/index_en.htm, retrieved April 2, 2016). Check out “Rethinking Education: Investing in skills for better socio-economic outcomes” by a commission with a long name for which “COM(2012) 669 final” work (&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriSrv/LexUriServ.do?uri=COM:2012:0669:FIN:EN: PDF&amp;quot;&amp;gt;http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriSrv/LexUriServ&amp;lt;br&amp;gt; .do?uri=COM:2012:0669:FIN:EN:PDF, retrieved April 2, 2016). Whose education has the Commission rethought? Students as flesh and blood persons do not seem very prominent in their report, which concludes (p. 17) “this Communication and the country analysis provided in the accompanying Staff Working Documents are intended to give the impetus to governments, education and training institutions, teachers, businesses and other partners alike to pull together, in accordance with national circumstances, in a concerted push for reform.” &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Educational reform&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; functions as a global movement, pushed at by both governmental and private elites, with endless plans and reports documenting its goals, proposals, plans, and policies. As long as people believe the international tests tell us at a glance the condition of education, a global competition will spur the contending systems on to ever-more stringent measures to make the cohorts conform. Do they describe what you want education to mean for yourself and your children?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;For a strong proponent of the educational reform movement, see &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Class Warfare: Inside the Fight to Fix America&#039;s Schools&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Steven Brill (2011) and for an impassioned critique see Diane Ravitch&#039;s two recent books, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Death and Life of the Great American School System: How Testing and Choice Are Undermining Education&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (Revised ed., 2011) and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Reign of Error: The Hoax of the Privatization Movement and the Danger to America&#039;s Public Schools&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2014).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A55&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A57] Localities as the locus of democratic interaction&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Democracy Incorporated: Managed Democracy and the Specter of Inverted Totalitarianism&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Sheldon S. Wolin (2010) has not received the attention it deserves. Wolin&#039;s work in political theory has been original, profound, and difficult. In &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Democracy, Inc.,&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Wolin described the political condition too bluntly, warning about possibilities that most people do not want to think about. His critique of democracy as we know it is devastating, and his response, “fugitive democracy,” not an optimistic response. It calls on people to find real ways in their specific circumstances to resist managed democracy, to resist enclosure and privatization, to defend community and the commons. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;“Forced to combat nature or the social institutions, one must choose between making a man or a citizen, for one cannot make both at the same time.” &amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Rousseau. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Emile, or On Education&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. (Bloom, trans., 1979) p. 39.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; Listening to public authority, we must choose to make a citizen. But should we really? In a polity that purports to be self-governing, perhaps we should aspire to a community of self-governing men and women and let education be accountable once again to children and youths, to persons acquiring their education, and working out from there to parents, teachers, and the public at large.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;references /&amp;gt;__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A56&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A58] The formative allocation of civic resources&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Rawlsian “justice as fairness” makes more sense as a theoretical ground for implementing efforts to advance formative justice in a polity than as a basis for achieving distributive justice. There is no way to cloak socioeconomic realities under a veil of ignorance as Rawls requires. The poor know they are poor and the rich know they are rich; the insecure feel their insecurity and the secure settle into their complacency. Only a very, very few with an extremely rarified education can believe they can proceed &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;as if&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; they were ignorant of the material conditions of life. And when the Electrical Engineering Department gets permission to recruit and the Philosophy Department does not get to fill a position vacated by its retiring star, those with an extremely rarified education will quickly loose the power it bestows to hold their as-if veil in place. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;As we have seen, however, there is a real, impenetrable veil cloaking who will manifest what capacities after each has fully found what he himself could make from what he can and should become. Since no one knows prospectively who will be able to do what, the Philosophy Department might argue more effectively that short-term expediencies aside, present-day administrators with their unrivaled sagacity should perceive that they cannot predict the relative importance of work that will be done in different departments in 20 or more years. Ignorant of future developments, they should ensure, as a matter of fairness, that the least advantaged departments now get the resources necessary to avoid a severe decline occasioned by an untimely retirement. This would be the practice of Rawlsian fairness on formative grounds.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A57&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A59] A crusade against ignorance&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Thomas Jefferson to George Wythe, August 13, 1786. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Papers of Thomas Jefferson: Digital Edition&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Main Series, Vol. 10. See also, “Enlighten the people generally, and tyranny and oppressions of body and mind will vanish like evil spirits at the dawn of day. Altho&#039; I do not, with some enthusiasts, believe that the human condition will ever advance to such a state of perfection as that there shall no longer be pain or vice in the world, yet I believe it susceptible of much improvement, and, most of all, in matters of government and religion; and that the diffusion of knowledge among the people is to be the instrument by which it is to be effected.” Thomas Jefferson to Pierre Samuel du Pont de Nemours, March 31, 1816.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Dumas Malone, ed., &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Correspondence between Thomas Jefferson and Pierre Samuel du Pont de Nemours, 1789&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;–&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;1817&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. (p. 186). Of course, provisions for the diffusion of knowledge need not be held identical to provisions for the making of citizens.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Ignorance does not receive sufficient attention in educational thinking. I suspect this deficiency is a very longstanding example of political correctness in schools of education. The analogy—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;disease is to medicine as XYZ is to education&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—completes correctly with XYZ replaced by &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ignorance&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. But then compare the amount of attention to &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;disease&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; as a matter of inquiry in medical research with attention to &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ignorance&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in educational research. Starting with the Platonic Socrates, a person’s becoming aware of her ignorance has been identified as an essential step in her pursuit of insight and understanding. But despite Plato, along with a host of other students of human fallibility—Sebastian Brant, Erasmus, Rabelais, Grimmelshausen, Voltaire, Samuel Johnson, Henry Adams—educators have nothing like a systematic classification of ignorance analogous to the International Classification of Diseases essential in modern medicine.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;How do the Great Didactic and a Crusade against Ignorance relate? Certainly, to some degree, Jefferson had a Great Didactic in mind.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A58&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A60] Misallocating instructional access&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;I risk here seeming to imply that we should think about formative goods only on the basis of formative justice. In preserving balance, we need to concentrate on compensating to correct imbalances, and with access to education the imbalance towards distributive rationales needs correction. Both formative justice and distributive justice can work together in thinking about educational access, but to regain balance, we need now to accentuate formative thinking. For instance, the student loan mess in American higher education comes largely because over-emphasis on higher education as a distributable good leading to material benefits for recipients distorts personal and public choices. For decades, opinion leaders touted the economic benefits of higher education for the student as if those benefits were the primary reason for seeking higher education. That conviction, which increasingly looks like a deceptive bill of goods, enticed many students and their families to take on excessive debt at the same time that it gave a rationale for cutting back on public expenditures for higher education Anyone could pay with the help of student loans, the cost of which they would recoup through higher earnings. Cost cutting politicians could easily encourage the state schools to raise tuition by pointing out that public subventions for higher education were really serving primarily to pay for increasing the future earning power of those fortunate enough to gain admission to public universities, usually children of the middle class and up. Shouldn’t those who would reap the future benefits, the higher earnings, foot more of the bill? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;In actuality higher education, all education both formal and informal, has value that goes far beyond its service as a distributable good going to those who earn degrees. It has formative value for both the person and the polity. I think a wealthy polity such as the United States has a strong formative interest in ensuring that person can fully develop their capacities through the full course of their lives. And I think each member of the polity will best be able to do that if each autonomously directs their self-formation within a community committed to supporting the effort by each. The current system sucks far too many into the maw of a growth economy that sacrifices the quality of life for the many to the opulence of the few. We should not make formative decisions for either the person or the polity primarily on investment criteria, for they involve formative life choice of considerable complexity, which if made well will benefit each and all.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A59&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A60a] Formative Character of Retributive Justice&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;As people have lost sight of the formative benefits everyone enjoys from the broadest possible dissemination of formative goods, so have we lost sight of the formative dimension in retributive justice. The prime benefit to everyone attainable through policies on retributive justice actually arises when thy have a significant formative side to them. The icon of blind justice looks ironically blind in a “lock &#039;em all up, nothing&#039;s too minor” world, for the recidivism rates suggest that mass incarceration incurs huge expenses and has decidedly negative, formative effects. Our costly system of imprisonment and our inhumane policies for putting people into it compensate ineffectively for deficiencies in the system of public schooling. Let&#039;s start changing it at the beginning by lowering incarceration rates. For instance, rather than prohibit recreational drugs, creating a high-priced illegal market that only criminals will serve, let&#039;s address the formative stresses of everyday life that encourage many to pursue escapist routes that land them in jail. And then, let&#039;s make sure those we do incarcerate get appropriate support in their pursuit of formative justice while imprisoned.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A60&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
Annotation 60 to [[#60|&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Formative Justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;]]&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A60b] Formative versus distributive tax burden&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;During World War II and the high-tide of the Cold War, questions of distributive justice receded into the background in setting income tax policy. The survival and character of the polity, starkly formative questions about the polity, intuitively stood out for most people. Despite the Vietnam War, the Kennedy years and beyond marked a shift in the Cold War sensibility. The Cuban Missile Crisis signaled that military confrontations would remain contained and that the game pitted the socioeconomic strength of two systems in a long-term contest of manoeuver. A period of transition set in in which formative issues still had considerable prominence, but questions of distributive equity, never wholly absent to minds burdened by the public weal, steadily became more prominent, culminating in the Regan ascendency.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Roughly, since American entry into World War II, the American public has agreed to three patterns of taxation on income, each pattern lasting for two decades, more or less. During the period from 1942 through 1963, the lowest income tax bracket averaged 20% and the highest, 90%, collected on taxable income averaging $3,400,000 roughly in 2015 dollars. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Through most of the period from 1964 through 1987, the polity adopted a relatively high level of taxation, but the case for lower rates gained popularity and too substantial effect between 1981 and 1987. War, hot in Vietnam and cold globally, and other formative issues, civil rights and movements of life style, still preoccupied the public, with the country continuing to maintain a relatively high-income tax burden. Until 1981, the lowest bracket averaged 14%, the highest 71%, paid on income over 1,300,000 in 2015 dollars, a clear drop from the first period, but still a substantial formative commitment to the nation’s prospects. Then the Regan era started with a short 5 years break with the lowest bracket averaging a little over 11% and the highest 50%, paid on income averaging about $250,000 in 2015 dollars (going as low as $68,000 and as high as $400,000). Principles of equity gained significant leverage, in which gradations of tax rates according to levels of income largely ceased to persuade the public. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;In 1987, another break in rates occurred, with the lowest bouncing up to 15%, the highest dropping, fluctuating for several years, just below or above 30% through 1992, and then going up to just under 40%, paid on income above $150,000 in 2015 dollars through 2002. Since then the bottom rate has dropped to 10% and the top has fluctuated, either 35% or 39.6%, paid on income over $400,000.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;What do we learn from noting these different patterns. They will not give us a neat and clear answer to the messy politics of resource allocation. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Governance&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; through the public allocation of resources invariably concerns formative goods and the consideration of sound policies of governance should weigh possibilities and constraints relative to both formative and distributive justice. Interest group politics in the Laswellian frame of who gets what, when, and how distorts the process of governance by simplistically reducing it to an elite competition over the distribution of public goods. Through politics, elites contend with one another to maximize their influence, measured by their relative shares of sought after values, thus competing almost exclusively through conceptions of distributive justice. Sound governance requires a more complicated harmonizing of formative and distributive concerns.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A61&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A61] A formative rereading of Locke on property&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;As suggested here, Locke rationalized private property through formative reasoning, not through a theory of distributive justice. In the course of that reasoning, he greatly exaggerated the scope of private property relative to property held in common. He minimized the commons by defining the original commons in the state of nature as a completely unimproved waste, relative to which people could appropriate the parts of it that they improved with their labor. Locke&#039;s image, in the passage quoted in the text, of the laboring property creator removing a portion of the common wasteland and forming it through his labor into property, which he can rightfully call his own, falsifies the relation between the commons and the private domain in the process of property formation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockq&amp;quot;&amp;gt;From all which it is evident, that though the things of nature are given in common, yet man, by being master of himself, and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;proprietor of his own person, and the actions or labour of it, had still in himself the great foundation of property&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; and that, which made up the great part of what he applied to the support or comfort of his being, when invention and arts had improved the conveniencies of life, was perfectly his own, and did not belong in common to others. &amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;See generally, John Locke. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Second Treatise of Government&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Chapter V, Of Property, and V, Section 44 for the quotation.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;But in actuality, property creation, private and communal, takes place in a highly improved environment that mixes private intellectual and material effort with common intellectual and material activity in complicated ways. As Locke said, “when invention and arts had improved the conveniences of life.” The proprietor of his own person did not the accumulated inventions and arts that made his person so productive. Even a primitive use of labor to improve available land would take place using a common stock of knowledge about pasturage or tillage, the use of tools and the know-how for using them that were common possessions, and so on. People did not create property simply &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;from the commons&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—the “waste,” an imagined raw nature—by the expenditure of their labor; they created it &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;with the commons&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, a sophisticated, formed human environment, which they developed in reciprocal interaction with their other initiatives, public and private. In Sections 42–51, Locke described many of these improvements that differentiated a developed commons from the unclaimed expanses of raw nature. But he said little about how claims to new improved property should take the common infrastructure of civilized life into account. He spoke of money and the trade in goods enabling the enterprising to legitimately accumulate materials beyond their capacity to use them. But the process of accumulation made use of vast resources, starting with the common law itself, that the transactions concentrating property did not take into account. Locke and all his followers have left the common heritage of human self-formation as an irrelevant externality entirely out of account in thinking about property creation. In &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Magna Carta Manifesto&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Peter Linebaugh points the way to reasserting the legal grounds for common property relative to private property.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Accounting for common property in relation to private property constitutes a sensitive concern, however, as was shown in the 2012 American presidential election in the criticisms in reaction to President Obama&#039;s “You didn&#039;t build that” remark (see Andrew Rosenthal, “You Didn’t Build That,” &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Taking Note&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Editor&#039;s Blog, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;New York Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, (July 27, 2012), for a timeline of the resulting controversy). What Locke ignored, we still ignore: the interaction between private property and the improved commons. We still leave the latter as an externality to private accumulation with the steady consumption of the improved commons through processes of privatization, enriching the few at the expense of the many. Accounting for the commons becomes more and more imperative, accounting for it both in the broad sense of paying attention to it and in the specific sense of developing accounting procedures to handle it. By not taking it into account, we acquiesce to the myth of the lone entrepreneur, which skews our understanding of innovation, finance, and civic solidarity. For instance, how much of the huge market valuation for a start-up such as Uber, a simple app plus a franchising department, arises because the role and the rights of the public domain—the Internet and a sophisticated programming infrastructure, which clearly have been the enablers of Uber and many other startups—are left out of account. Bu not accounting for the common, we acquiesce in a concentration of property in private hands that vastly exaggerates what innovators have justly earned. Formative equity requires financial and accounting procedures that will take into account the very significant capital inputs by material and intellectual resources held in common. Doing so would not be socialism, but simply sound accounting.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Post-modern ideological conflict will not continue to play out as a competition between ideologically different economic systems as it did in the 20th-century confrontation between the putatively capitalist and the putatively communist systems. Globally, pragmatic economic systems mix small private enterprises, medium to very large corporate bureaucracies, both profit and non-profit, and many different governmental forms. Within this very mixed environment, an enduring problem will involve differentiating between the commons and enclosed domains. Here I think the authority of Locke on property will seriously wane because he based his reasoning on a conception of the commons that was counterfactual and indefensible. Labor did not create property from a primordial waste. Persons could or can spontaneously property through their improving labor only with and through the commons. We live within the formative heritage of humanity, a complicated physical and intellectual infrastructure enabling to conduct our lives. This commons has developed in continuous interaction with private domains, also developed to enable the conduct of our lives, from the present-day as far back as we can trace the human past. And these private domains are not merely property, but spaces of intimacy, common interests, habitats, worship, celebration, art, and learning. Human organization has always mixed private spheres and a common infrastructure, a public sphere, with the boundaries between them shifting and become more or less porous according to the opportunities and constraints with which people were dealing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A62&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A62] Nominal democratic procedures manipulated by well-resourced groups&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Well-resourced groups have long vied to manipulate supply-side democracy. Political theory emerged through concern for sophistic and rhetorical distortion of public deliberation and principles of checks and balances go back at least to Polybius&amp;amp;nbsp; The American Supreme Court rules blindly in holding that manipulators can go to it as they wish provided all sides are equally free to manipulate. That may meet the conception of freedom held by a majority of Justices, but the resulting race to out-manipulate the opposition, fueled by outrageous fortunes, has destroyed the integrity of public speech and rendered the simulacra of democracy incapable of governing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;All systems of governance at all times risk collapsing if their principles of operation weaken too far. Machiavelli on First 10 Books of Livy. A juridical/military despotism?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A63&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A63] Outside the democratic box&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;We need a little tolerance for speculation at the margins in thinking outside the system. Those doing so can easily err from excesses of hope and/or despair, and visions of alternative possibilities can only stand as interesting guesses until time has had the chance to properly winnow the lot. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Greening of America&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Charles Reich (1970) looks pretty gray 45 years later.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Clearly, with the current system, we have a system of capitalist democracy. neither very pure. The current system indulges the neoliberal political economy and works to harness the public sphere to economic life. Karl Polanyi saw that coming but optimistically believed the emergencies of global depression and world war had restored to primacy the public sphere, where persons come together to discuss and shape their common purposes; see &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Karl Polanyi ([1944], 2001). The current primacy of the economy in neo-liberal thought makes the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;oikos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, an expanded household of private interests interacting through the market, the foundation of civilized experience. The proper order, as Polanyi saw it, embedded the economy within the polity, encompassing private interests within the deliberative interaction of the public sphere. Sheldon Wolin&#039;s fugitive democracy may point the way towards a counterpoint to the current system (see annotation 48). &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Wages of Rebellion: The Moral Imperative of Revolt&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Chris Hedges (2015) and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Democracy Project: A History, a Crisis, a Movement&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by David Graeber (2013) amplify the idea somewhat, but I find it hard to imagine how anarchistic revolt will generate large-scale change.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Another vector of possibility would involve an accentuation of urban self-government, a possibility championed by Benjamin R. Barber&#039;s wistful query, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;If Mayors Ruled the World: Dysfunctional Nations, Rising Cities&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2013). Events give to the worry over dysfunctional nations, but Barber may have blurred the vision of an urban alternative by trying to accentuate the practicality of it with case studies of present-day urban leadership, circa 2010–12—the character and quality of mayoral leadership jiggles up and down. Also, it remains to be seen whether urban polities can stand as bulwarks against the dominance of neoliberal economic interests in the conduct of city life. FIRE—finance-insurance- real-estate—wields a lot of clout, not only in New York and London. Urban governments tend to abdicate the urban tax-base when powerful corporate interests threaten to move to more accommodating locales. Nevertheless, urban governance seems more concretely responsive to the formative interests of its citizens than state, national, and transnational governance and many theorists in addition to Barber are seeking out ways to strengthen these possibilities.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Lastly, should fundamental change take place at some juncture, it may not primarily come about through organizational and institutional changes, but rather as suggested above with the Great Didactic, through a kind of reformation in the prevalent sense of life that actually moves people. Such changes take place as each person, one by one, consider her prospects, personal and public, and starts to see alternative patterns of value for herself and her circumstances. It seems as if Peter Sloterdijk ask us to do just that in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;You Must Change your Life: On Anthropotechnics&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (Wieland Hoban, trans., [2009] 2013). But Sloterdijk suffers from logorrhea and publishes too many books, filled with wondrous riffs, fun to read but hard to parse. After 450 pages I finally learn how I must change my life: I must decide—“to take on the good habits of shared survival in daily exercises.” (p. 452) What are the good habits? Sloterdijk probably has told us, but too much patter leaves it unclear. Margins of uncertainty compound. To me, identifying the bad habits and trying to reject them seems more feasible to me. These systematically drive an acquisitive culture to waste and excess by defining the operative criterion for making judgments about the conduct of life always produce &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;more&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of whatever. Good habits would use a criterion of judgment, namely &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;enough&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. The good habits would replace the criterion of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;more, more, more! &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;with a modest, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;enough, neither too much nor too little&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, a nuanced criterion, more difficult to apply. See my &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Enough: A Pedagogic Speculation&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2012).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;In all these speculations, getting it right carries little weight, as least now, for who got it right won&#039;t be clear until far in the future. But speculation can now light the imagination, and with imagination persons will more actively construct new pathways for themselves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A64&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A64] Not more, but enough&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Annotation 48 about factors possibly associated with the emergence of a Reformation concluded with a question: If a Reformation emerged, what principle of judgment and legitimation might it advance as an alternative to the one undergirding the current order and how would that principle enter into prominent use? However hypothetical—no one knows whether a Reformation can or will arise—we may gain insight by thinking speculatively about an answer. Let&#039;s briefly try to identify the current principle of judgment and legitimation and show why a significant range of persons might be malcontented with it. We can then try to identify an alternative and reflect on why people might find it valuable in their lives.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Putting it most simply, people currently judge and legitimate possibilities by equating &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;more&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; with the good and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;less&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; with the bad. As a criterion, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;more&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; permits highly empirical judgments—&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;a &amp;amp;gt; b &amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;&amp;amp;#8756; a&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;—matters of quantitative observation. As a principle of legitimation, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;more&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; conduces to expansion, growth, and profit. During the modern era, say the past 400 to 500 years, as a fundamental principle of judgment and legitimation &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;more&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; succeeded extraordinarily well. Look at all the statistics: they indicate a vast array of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;more&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; more people, more years lived, more energy expended in total and per capita, more calories eaten, more literacy, more clothes, more inventions, more goods and services, more churches, more hospitals, more, more, more. As a principle of judgment and legitimation, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;more&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; achieved unprecedented success, which raises the question whether anyone might have a reason to question its desirability and effectiveness as the underlying principle of judgment and legitimation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;In recent history, pursuit of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;more&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; has begun to elicit angst and anger in a tangible number of persons. The angst has to do with &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;more&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; as an unqualified principle of judgment and legitimation and the anger arises with the use of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;more&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; as a relative principle. Angst arises as people contemplate whether they can sustain their pursuit of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;more&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;? Even technophiles begin to worry that Moore’s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;more&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—chip density will double every 2 years—will soon encounter natural limits. To what degree can more, ever more, remain sustainable as the basic ground for evaluating and justifying human purposes? Might we consider it, by itself, a mortal aberration, the basic principle of cancer? Anger arises where people feel &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;more than&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; should be their prerogative, magnifying comparative differences and generating mounting levels of dissensus. If the whole becomes less and less elastic, the successful pursuit of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;more&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by some will force &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;less&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; on others diminishing social solidarity. How far can that go before the whole becomes unstable or dysfunctional?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Were an alternative to &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;more&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; as the primary principle of judgment and legitimation to emerge, what might it be? I speculate whether people are intellectually and emotionally adopting &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;enough&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; as an alternative principle of judgment and legitimation. Like &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;more&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, it seems relatively simple and basic, but as a principle of judgment, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;enough&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; differs significantly. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;More&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; measures externals mechanistically by observing comparable quantities, producing a deterministic response. E&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;nough&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; provides a reference for an inner sense, allowing persons to exercise control by approximating through positive and negative feedbacks the measure of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;neither too little, nor too much&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. As a principle of legitimation, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;more&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; promulgates objective conditions and justifies imperious, partial claims, lacking in nuance; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;enough&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; expresses subjective differences and justifies harmonizing differences relative to the whole. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;More&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; is mechanistic; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;enough&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; is organic. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;More&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; always registers &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;too little&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; it can never recognize an &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;oops, too much&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. In living, and experience takes place only in and through living, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;enough&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; controls all judgment, choice, self-direction, and movement. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;And we cannot dismiss &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;enough&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; as some radical innovation, foreign to the conduct of life. All persons live most of the time by acting on their inner sense of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;enough&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, not with a knee-jerk &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;more&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Think about how you eat, how you allocate your time and attention, spend your money, drive, converse, make love, compose a picture: &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;more&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; compensates &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;too little&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;less&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; compensates &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;too much&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and most of the time we use &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;more&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;less&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; together to control our desire for &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;enough&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. As an independent principle of judgment in the conduct of life, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;more&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; has no use; by itself, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;more&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; becomes seriously destructive. Perhaps a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Reformation&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in the proper sense will emerge as limits and excesses make it increasingly evident that &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;more&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; actually only means &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;too little&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in the context of the whole, and that persons and polities can live the good life by judging &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;enough &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;in making themselves what they can and should become.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A65&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A65] Against the behavioral understanding of children&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Professors of education, responding with private reason, will object to my declaration here, claiming that the work of theorists like Paulo Freire along with many others and the frequent practice of constructivist pedagogy all pay great attention to the agency of children. Indeed, like others, I have joined in studying &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pedagogy of the Oppressed&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and spent much effort in both public and private schools in working to develop constructivist curricula, augmented with digital technologies. But knowing Freire as a humble, hopeful realist, I think he would hold that his critique of the banking concept of education has become more and more urgent precisely because the banking concept of education has become more and more dominant in practice. I imagine him sighing and asking how an admissions committee in a graduate school of education, as it pores over personal statements, GRE scores, transcripts, and recommendations, differs from the loan committee in the nearby bank. Do the ratings of credit worthiness differ in structure and function from all the scores that measure the standing of each in the great knowledge bank? The material realities of instructional institutions impose on all of us working within them a huge disjuncture between what we say publically to the whole world of readers and what we do privately in carrying out our institutional functions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Bad faith has become endemic. What we would like to think in the enclave of our education schools differs from how everyone acts within the vast instructional structure that encompasses all of us around the globe. The private use of reason within that structure has become astoundingly abstract and depersonalized. Consider a typical instance from a French guide to the organization of formal education, written for the general public. One might imagine that “auxiliary services,” “&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;accompagnement scolaire&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,” support for children and their families outside the formal instructional program, might cut a little slack for the inner lives of students. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mais, non!&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—“the clearest effect of auxiliary activities is that they allow fulfillment of ‘the student&#039;s job,’ that is, the production of adequate responses to the explicit and implicit expectations of the teachers and the instructional institution.” &amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;“43—Accompagnement scolaire.” &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Les 100 mots de l&#039;éducation&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Que sais-je? 3926&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2011) p. 58.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; We may vigorously believe that things should be different, and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;nous, les professeurs&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, may even think that indeed things are different. But before saying it too loudly, we should examine carefully what our explicit and implicit expectations actually are, as we act according to our private reason as professors, or in some other role within the system, as students, administrators, or public officials.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A66&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A66] Reciprocal recognition and pedagogic influence&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;The Great Didactic fails fundamentally to support efforts by pupils, students, and teachers to meet the human imperative of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;recognition&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in its full, Hegelian sense. Achieving a fully humane mode of supporting the educational efforts exercised by each person depends substantially on reciprocal interpersonal recognition taking place among the persons involved. The Great Didactic functions with everyone playing roles, with students expected to “be” &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;good students&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and teachers to “be” &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;good teachers&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Much of the reflective concern for &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;recognition&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; shifts the discussion from a phenomenological to a behavioral point of view and reduces it to a concern for &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;identity&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and for promoting acceptance of different identities. Identity abstracts the person, its bearer, as much as a role does: I am a this, the markers of which are a, b, and c. Different identities add a little internal differentiation to the very generic roles of student or teacher but they do not significantly facilitate real reciprocal recognition among persons. Perceiving oneself and others as abstractions blocks recognition. Full recognition in the Hegelian sense takes place between two autonomous, self-conscious agents. It cannot be accomplished by abstractions, for subjective selves recognize, not the different identities of each other, but the integrity as subjective selves that each constitutes. And as many persons struggle for the acceptance of their identity, they habituate themselves to thinking about themselves as third-person abstractions, which substitutes a set of externals for their inner lives.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Hegel&#039;s term for &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;recognition&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; was &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Anerkennen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which we should really translate as &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;recognizing&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, not recognition; it involves two self-conscious subjectivities reciprocally recognizing and acknowledging each other as self-conscious subjectivities. For Hegel, two self-aware persons recognizing each other enabled each to gain confidence in the development of her inner life. Their reciprocal recognition, knowing that the other self-conscious self understands and acknowledges her own self-conscious self, helps each form her life as a self-aware person. By recognizing the inner lives of others and by others recognizing one&#039;s own inner life, a person gains confidence that her thoughts and feelings have meaning and value for those toward whom she directs them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Unfortunately, the instructional conditions in schools make reciprocal recognition between teacher and student very difficult. Reciprocal recognition requires a good deal of one-on-one interaction, originally a life and death struggle in Hegel’s view. A person can disclose her subjectively held values and concerns to the subjective response of another only by risking the painful rejection of those values and concerns. The formal roles of teacher and student, the private reason which both teachers and students habitually operate with, discourages the disclosure of subjective, personal thoughts and feelings. Even work-load constraints of having to interact with many different students leads most teachers to button down their own inner selves and to respond to students as instances of a role, not as actual persons.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Hegel acutely understood, however, how persons furthered their developing self-awareness by recognizing each other reciprocally. By itself, bottled up within the isolated person, self-awareness lacks a grounding; however strongly felt, it lacks any calibration. When a person can recognize first that she is speaking to an equally self-aware person, one filled with a buzz of thoughts and feelings like herself, and when then she knows that that other person equally knows that she, like her, churns with thoughts and feelings too, then the fear that somehow you have become simply weird, a misfit, someone worthy of rejection starts to fall away. Without recognition, persons feel that a wall separates their inner lives from all that surrounds them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;We are all well aware that much of the time we perceive another person as a behaving creature—we see her as evidently alive but we do not bother to think about the subjective structure of meanings that may be associated with what we see her doing. As long as she behaves in ways we expect someone like her to behave, we have no basis for wondering about what she &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;does&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, as she might subjectively see it. When another person negates an expected behavior, however, seeming to choose not to do what we expect as typical, then we start to wonder what and how she thinks, and at that point we are ready to engage in reciprocal recognition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;In Hegel&#039;s view, when two persons initiated reciprocal recognition, they incurred significant risks. To recognize another involved both recognizing the other as an independent, unknown self-consciousness, not simply an independent consciousness, but a self-consciousness with an autonomous construction of ideas and values, which would probably be different from one&#039;s own and might be hard to reconcile with one&#039;s own ideas and beliefs. To this other, one must say in effect, ‘These desires, feelings, and thoughts constitute my inner life and I expect you to acknowledge and deal with them in interacting with me.’ The other must do the same and neither knows what course the ensuing interaction will take. Thinking about this situation as it might have played out in primitive times, Hegel saw how it could easily lead to a struggle of life and death. And not only in primitive times: who has not found themselves in unfamiliar surroundings, potentially hostile or threatening, and not felt very guarded when accosted by a stranger wanting to engage in conversation?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;For reciprocal recognition to occur, and reciprocity in recognition to take place, two persons must convey their subjective &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;self-certainties&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, as Hegel put it, to each other, and they could do so only as each put her self-certainty at risk. From the perspective of formative justice, risks arise as well when a person seeks recognition and experiences rejection. This closes the person off, if not completely, at least with respect to the form of recognition she had sought. All too often, an adult, a parent or teacher or friend, fails to achieve reciprocal recognition with a young person. The failure of reciprocal recognition can undercut formative justice when the youth has disclosed her inner self, intentionally or inadvertently, and the adult fails to reciprocate, feeling put upon, preoccupied, sarcastic, or hostile. Such experiences can start the youth walling herself off from family, teachers, other persons in a kind of formative self-denial that protects the inner self from rejection and suppression.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Evidence of failed reciprocal recognition pervades modern life. In one instance, Pink Floyd, in their rock opera, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Wall&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, powerfully caricatured the formative experience that walls off far too many persons in an alienated inability to reciprocally recognize themselves and others. The whole work explores this subversion of formative justice, especially the three parts of “Another Brick in the Wall,” as interpreted visually in the movie version of the opera. Part 1 shows a not-uncommon childhood feeling of abandonment, in Pink&#039;s case by a father killed fighting in WWII, and the difficulty in filling the void. Part 2 lays bare the feeling of betrayal by class-blinded educators, who see Pink as a cipher worthy only of mockery, eliciting a chorus of resistance, accusing the system of walling them off, brick in the wall by brick in the wall—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;poem&amp;gt;We don&#039;t need no education&amp;lt;br&amp;gt; We don&#039;t need no thought control&amp;lt;br&amp;gt; No dark sarcasm in the classroom&amp;lt;br&amp;gt; Teachers leave them kids alone&amp;lt;br&amp;gt; Hey! Teachers! Leave them kids alone&amp;lt;br&amp;gt; All in all it&#039;s just another brick in the wall.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt; All in all you&#039;re just another brick in the wall.&amp;lt;/poem&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;follow&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And Part 3 depicts Pink&#039;s eventual chaos of total alienation, a brief cacophony of destruction—&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;poem&amp;gt;I don&#039;t need no arms around me&amp;lt;br&amp;gt; And I don&#039;t need no drugs to calm me.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt; I have seen the writing on the wall.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt; Don&#039;t think I need anything at all.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt; No! Don&#039;t think I need anything at all.&amp;lt;/poem&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;follow&amp;quot;&amp;gt;With a closing condemnation of the culture—&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;poem&amp;gt;All in all it was all just bricks in the wall. &amp;lt;br&amp;gt; All in all you were all just bricks in the wall.&amp;lt;/poem&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot;  |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Those who fail to achieve meaningful recognition of their inner lives in the advanced polities of the present-day appear less visible and disruptive than in the 60s and 70s. This does not mean that fewer are failing to achieve recognition. Rather it indicates that a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;hallucinogen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—a potion of fear, co-option, and degraded ideals—diminishes the willingness to risk recognition and deployed to secures ruling elites from disturbance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;See G.W.F. Hegel, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology of Spirit&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (A. V. Miller, trans., [1807] 1977): ¶178 introducing the process of recognition, ¶¶179–184 describing it from the perspective of completed Spirit, ¶185 transition to the standpoint of self-consciousness, ¶186 primary steps from the standpoint of self-consciousness, ¶187 putting self-conscious life at risk in a life-and-death struggle, and ¶¶188–96 explicating its implications (pp. 111–9). See also Pink Floyd, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Wall&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (25th Anniversary Deluxe Edition), Sony DVD CVD58163, 2007; and Pink Floyd, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Wall Lyrics&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (Pink-Floyd-Lyrics.com)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
__NOTOC__  &amp;lt;span Id=&amp;quot;A67&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;[A67]A different understanding of ... educative efforts..., Or, Rousseau and formative justice&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2 |type=numeral |set=&amp;quot;001&amp;quot; }}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Educators and public leaders exaggerate how well they know what their students need, and underestimate the deep self-understanding that the young possess. Humans have many-sided intentions and capacities, which emerge in complicated ways. The most helpful educators work as a sympathetic bystanders, good listeners ready to offer honest observations—“I think this” or “It looks to me as if.” Let us recognize here that Rousseau and his injunctions about &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;negative education&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; pointed the way to pedagogical wisdom. But let us also recognize that Rousseau and his injunctions about &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;negative education&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; demand very careful attention and interpretation. He was not simply advising the correlation of pedagogy to the natural development of the child, as if that was some fixed given. If one must give a simple version of negative education, do not incant the stages of growth, for it recommended a pedagogical correlate to the Hippocratic injunction, Do no harm!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Throughout this essay, I have developed the idea of formative justice with explicit reference to Plato, especially the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and I have said little of Rousseau, even though, like Plato, his work has served me as a constant reference point. Rousseau’s persona and his thought have not been absent here, however.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Interpreters of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Emile&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; generally pay too little attention to Rousseau&#039;s own educational experience, extraordinary as it was. This essay has concerned self-formation and the ways a person tries to conduct it. Of figures prominent the Western tradition, Rousseau best exemplified the power of self-formation and what a person could make of himself through it, challenged for pre-eminence perhaps only by Thomas Platter, a fascinating the Swiss educator of the Reformation era.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;See &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Beggar and the Professor: A Sixteenth-Century Family Saga&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie (1997).&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; Rousseau has long been in the cannon of Western Civ, with an unduly narrow and superficial general picture as the author of significant political and educational theory and revealing, yet tortured autobiographical works. We forget too easily, or never know, that he also attained international stature as a botanist, a novelist, and a musical composer. Rousseau&#039;s preparation for all that included minimal formal education, and what little he had was thoroughly unconventional. Days old, his mother died. Geneva exiled his father, a republican watchmaker of some stature, leaving Rousseau behind, a child of 10. And at 16, half runaway, half outcast, Rousseau himself went on the road. He stayed on it much longer than Kerouac did, and on foot to boot, a kid eliciting the kindness of strangers, basically guided by his self-understanding, forming himself for the next 21 years. Twice, for some years at a time, he tarried under the care of a woman, old enough to be “&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;maman&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;” and young enough to become his lover. He read voraciously, and with originality, when he could, settled or itinerant, forming himself as he engaged in ever-changing situations, careening around while inching towards Paris, the European center, along the way making friends, fortuitously yet shrewdly, finally becoming a Bohemian intellectual of modest repute until almost through a mystical vision he saw the main chance, to compete as only he could for a prominent prize with an essay on “whether re-establishment of the sciences and the arts has contributed to purifying morals.” His life was a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bildungsroman&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, one which has not yet been adequately written.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[{{#counter:in2}}:]&amp;amp;nbsp;Although not explicit in this essay, Rousseau&#039;s thought works implicitly throughout it. As used in this essay, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;life&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; differs little from what Rousseau thought about as &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;nature&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, a world of living creatures, plants and animals living autonomous lives constrained by a given lifeform and lifeworld. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Self-maintenance&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; as used in this essay is essentially what Rousseau meant by &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;self-preservation&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—living, natural organisms doing what was good for them, preserving, persevering. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Formative justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in this essay is essentially what Rousseau meant by &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;amour de soi&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, a vital effort from within to make of oneself what one can and should become. An animal found it relatively unproblematic to make of itself what it could and should become, for the animal used inborn powers in making itself what it can and should become. Owing to our formative powers, a human had expanded but more problematic possibilities. In this essay, everything that projects the primacy of a third-person, external view of potentialities onto an autonomous person living her life undercuts the person&#039;s self-understanding and distorts her self-formation. Such a distortion is essentially what Rousseau meant by &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;amour proper&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, a person seeing herself as others see her and then trying to shape herself in a defensive or aggressive manipulation of them. I have written this essay about “Plato and Formative Justice;” another remains to be written on “Rousseau and Formative Justice.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
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&amp;lt;xh1&amp;gt;Notes on Education and&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;Hegel&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology of Spirit&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/xh1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;xh3&amp;gt;Robbie McClintock&amp;lt;/xh3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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(Unpublished, drafted Spring 1981)&lt;br /&gt;
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Some preparatory remarks, first for orientation. What follows is a draft of a small part of what I hope will in turn become a part of a much larger, long-term work, should both the fates and my will-power favor its completion. The overall work is slowly growing under the general title of Rousseau and American Educational Scholarship. It will consist of several volumes, how many I am not sure. The opening volume will be short and polemical. It will begin by comparing the scholarship on Rousseau generated by educators writing in English in the twentieth century with that devoted to Rousseau by political scientists, and will ask why the former body of work has been so sparse, repetitive, and unilluminating while the latter has been so rich, diverse, and stimulating. In pursuit of an answer to this question, I will examine the intellectual foundations laid for American educational scholarship in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and will show how, through errors of omission and commission, an important tradition of educational thought found no harbor in the new world. I shall conclude this opening salvo with an impassioned argument that it would behoove American educational scholars, for both the sake of coherent thought and effective practice, to correct this error and master posthaste this tradition that they have hitherto ignored.&lt;br /&gt;
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Such a tract as that described above, of which I have written a partial draft, will not alone effect its purpose. For that a larger effort, one at once more Machiavellian and more &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;geistig&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, is required. So here is my plan and the elements of strategy behind it. The habits, skills, and convictions of the educators of educators will not be changed merely by a hortatory appeal. In fact, the habits, skills, and convictions of the well established probably will not be changed at all, well established habits, skills, and convictions being what they are. Hence, the first element of strategy consists in taking seriously that pregnant aphorism from Nietzsche, an aphorism that is itself representative of the tradition of which I seek to speak — &amp;quot;To educate educators! But the first ones must educate themselves. For these I write.&amp;quot; Hence, my further volumes: I conceive these as aids in the self-education of the new type of educational scholar, those who can educate educators, who have mastered the tradition hitherto ignored. These further volumes I want to write as a series of Students&#039; Handbooks on diverse figures — Kant, Goethe, Hegel, Schleiermacher, Marx, Dilthey, Husserl, Weber, Heidegger, Mann, Gadamer (so many Germans! but not only Germans), Maine de Biran, Flaubert, Sartre, perhaps Camus and certainly Ricoeur. The intention in these handbooks will not be to inform prospective educators of educators about these figures, but to promote their close combat, intellect to intellect, with these figures, for that is how a tradition is appropriated.&lt;br /&gt;
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But where are these prospective educators of educators? This brings us to the second element of strategy — the waiting game played through unseen but frenzied activity. We are in the midst of academic contraction, a contraction particularly serious in its effects on educational scholarship. It is safe to predict that such a contraction is part of a cyclical phenomenon, although, as with all cyclical phenomena, it is hard from within them to guess when the cycles are turning. The basic strategy for turning cyclic changes to one&#039;s benefit is well known, however, from the very slightest acquaintance with the stock market — invest for minimum loss in bad times and maximum gain in good times — and in academic parlance, I take this to mean, write during contraction, and publish during expansion. What follows, then, are draft notes for a part of one of these &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Students&#039; Handbooks&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; — &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hegel in American Educational Scholarship&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. I intend to work, with anal-retentive appearance, on such handbooks over the next ten years or so, sustained with the serene conviction — après le déluge, moi — so that when the times are better the work will be ripe.&lt;br /&gt;
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I have described the following material as notes, and I should explain what I mean in doing so. Jacques Barzun used to exhort us in his seminar to take notes thoughtfully and efficiently — his advice, like most good advice, has taken some time to set in. Notes that cannot be retrieved are of no use, nor are notes that cannot be read six months, even six weeks, after they were written. Further, he would suggest, the most difficult thing in writing is moving from the stage of research to that of actual composition. To take useful notes and to get over the block of thinking that one can finally start writing, as soon as one gets through those 64 new books just unearthed, one should start the process of composition in the course of taking notes: make your notes in the form of draft paragraphs, draft passages, draft chapters, whatever comes. The following notes are notes written in this manner whether they will be radically recast in the final work or survive in it more or less as they stand, I do not know.&lt;br /&gt;
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Since they stand now as such notes, some peculiar conventions are in force within them. The most important of these concern bracketing. Brackets thus, &amp;lt;XXXXXX&amp;gt;, are used in some quotations to set off bracketed material in the original. Brackets thus, [XXXXXX], are used to signify several types of interpolations and asides of my own — sometimes they enclose explanatory material inserted into quotations, sometimes short-hand citations, sometimes abbreviated comments that will turn into footnotes, sometimes suggestions to myself for further research or reflection, sometimes recording a thought that will possibly grow into an independent part of the larger work. Usually it will be apparent from the nature of the material bracketed what function it is meant to serve. The following, ¶, is my abbreviation for &amp;quot;paragraph&amp;quot;, and Hegel has been cited according to paragraph rather than page. I have used the Miller translation, and Hoffmeister&#039;s 1952 edition of the German. Among commentaries and studies, I have found Kojève (especially the version in the original French, which is much fuller than the shortened translation), Hyppolite, Lauer, and Seeberger most useful.&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;I. The Phenomenology: A Book on Education&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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Various commentators, notably Seeberger, Hyppolite, and Kaufmann, have noted that Hegel&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology of Spirit&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; is a book about education. It is undoubtedly the most significant and difficult book about education that educational scholars in America have virtually entirely ignored. Rousseau&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Émile&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; they have violated by mindless editing, reducing a great and complex study in human formation into a quaint treatise on child development. But Hegel&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; has not even been violated; rather it has been passed over in mere silence. Yet Hegel explicitly put the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; forward as a study of education, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bildung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, human formation. The following paragraphs will try to lay bare through an &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;explication de texte&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Hegel&#039;s express claim to treat of education in the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; — the claim was not simply that education was a topic he dealt with in passing, but rather that the whole book fundamentally concerned that topic.&lt;br /&gt;
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Hegel composed the body of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; vary rapidly, under a stringent deadline, in 1806. At the and of the year, the deadline met, the printers busy setting up the text, Hegel wrote his famous &amp;quot;Preface&amp;quot;, as well as the &amp;quot;Introduction&amp;quot; to the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; proper. In the &amp;quot;Preface&amp;quot;, Hegel&#039;s main concern was not to adumbrate the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; itself, but rather to explain the need, at the present juncture of world-history, for his entire system, and to indicate the place of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in that system. Thus paragraphs 1-25 deal with the occasion for the system as a whole, and paragraphs 38-72 deal primarily with philosophic method, justifying Hegel&#039;s own dialectic of negativity, to be deployed in the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and throughout the system, relative to more familiar methods in use. It is paragraphs 26-37 that describe the task of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; directly. With close attention to his text, we will find that here Hegel does not merely say in passing that the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; touches on education, but that his entire description of the task of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; is built on &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bildung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, the concept of formative education.&lt;br /&gt;
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¶26 is preceded by a break in the Garman text. The paragraph opens by stating that the standpoint of science is one in which knowledge is known simultaneously as in-and-for-itself. The individual has the right to demand of science a ladder by which he can climb up to that standpoint of science from the individual&#039;s starting point, the immediate certainty of himself.&lt;br /&gt;
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In ¶27, Hegel concisely states that providing such a ladder is the task of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;this&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; phenomenology of spirit, the book that follows the &amp;quot;Preface.&amp;quot;&lt;br /&gt;
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A small break then comes between ¶27 and ¶28 in the Garman text: the following paragraphs elaborate the task of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;this&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and the opening sentence of this section immediately defines the task as a problem of education: &amp;quot;The task of leading the individual from his uneducated standpoint to knowledge had to be seen in its universal sense, just as it was the universal individual, self-conscious Spirit, whose formative education had to be studied.&amp;quot; Hegel here speaks retrospectively, in the past tense, of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; as a whole, which had been completely written prior to his writing the &amp;quot;Preface.&amp;quot;&lt;br /&gt;
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¶28 and ¶29 describe generally the educational task to be accomplished in the Phenomenology. It is two-fold. First to outline the educative experience of the universal Spirit as it has moved in actuality from something completely encapsulated in itself, simple consciousness, to its toll embodiment and realization in and for itself as absolute knowledge, the actualized identity of Subject and Substance. Second, in doing that, to provide the concrete individual with an effective, pedagogic aid, with the help of which he or she can reach the standpoint of science without having to relive existentially all the modes of consciousness, drinking them to their often bitter dregs, which have slowly led, in the totality of human experience, to the possibility of the standpoint of science. ¶29 ends: &amp;quot;How this [the dual pedagogic task] is done must now be described more precisely,&amp;quot; and Hegel devotes paragraphs 30-37 to that more precise description of the dual pedagogic task.&lt;br /&gt;
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He begins this more precise description in ¶¶30-32 by describing in general, highly Socratic terms, the pedagogical function of Sections A, B, and C of the Phenomenology, those devoted to Consciousness, Self-consciousness, and Reason. \30 introduces the problem of familiarity for any earnest educative effort: it makes people think they understand what they do not understand. \31 asserts that the familiarity of established abstractions must be broken down it any genuine advance is to be made. \32 suggests that the familiar can be broken down through the analysis of ideas, which is the work of Understanding, der Verstand, &amp;quot;the most astonishing and mightiest of powers, or rather the absolute power.• This Verstand accomplishes by entering into the familiar given and by there dwelling on the negative in the given — the not-given that is a part of the given. Through this dwelling in the negative, the full work of reason is eventually accomplished and the first rungs of the pedagogic ladder are mounted, by universal Spirit in the totality of human experience as it learns in pain and anguish to find the not-given in the given by exhausting the possibilities of each given, and by the concrete individual by patiently following the account of the essential steps made by the universal Spirit in its Bildungsgeschichte, its educational history.&lt;br /&gt;
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¶33 opens, however, asserting that this ascent does not suffice — in Platonic terms, Spirit has climbed out from the cave and learned to contemplate the forms, but it still faces the descent back: &amp;quot;The fact that the object represented becomes the property of pure self-consciousness, its elevation to universality in general, is only one aspect of formative education  [Bildung], not its fulfillment.&amp;quot; The pedagogical treatise that is the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; must continue and ¶¶33-37 describe the character of that continuation. The problem of education in modern times differs from that facing the ancients. Ancient culture was not endowed with ready-made abstractions; the problem was to educate the mind, caught in the immediacy of concrete experience, the only given, to a capacity to form abstractions. In the present day, extended repertories of abstractions are ready at hand and the pedagogical problem is to bring them to life so that they will be known, not merely as thoughts, but as &amp;quot;Notions,&amp;quot; that is, in the German, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Begriffe&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, that by which Spirit can &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;begreifen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, can understand, comprehend, conceive, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;grasp&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; and further touch, feel, and handle Substance; and in doing so, Spirit can — still as implications of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Begriff, begreifen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; — Spirit can see itself included, comprised, contained, implied in Substance.&lt;br /&gt;
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¶36 and ¶37, especially, state the second stage in the dual pedagogic task of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, that of presenting the process by which Reason, for both the universal Spirit and the concrete individual, becomes an object to itself, still driven by the capacity to dwell in the negative, to see the not-given in the given, and to alienate itself from itself into the world and then to recognize itself in its alienated condition, finally to culminate through that recognition in the identity of Subject and Substance, in the complete humanization of the world and the recognition of the world as a Substance completely humanized. &amp;quot;Thus what seems to happen outside of [Spirit], to be an activity directed against it, is really its own doing, and Substance shows itself to be essentially Subject. When it has shown this completely, Spirit has made its existence identical with its essence; it has itself for its object just as it is, and the abstract element of immediacy and the separation of knowing and truth, is overcome. Being is then immediately mediated [&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;vermittelt&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: mediated, intervened; adjusted, arranged; negotiated, established; brought about, facilitated, secured, procured; reconciled with itself]; it is a substantial content which is just as immediately the property of the &#039;I&#039;, it is self-like or the Notion. With this, the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology of Spirit&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; is concluded&amp;quot; (¶37). Hegel has run through the whole &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, describing its contents in terms of its dual pedagogic task, and that is the whole of his discussion in the &amp;quot;Preface&amp;quot; of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; as such.&lt;br /&gt;
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In sum, these paragraphs, ¶¶26-37, the main paragraphs in the &amp;quot;Preface&amp;quot; dealing explicitly with the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, describe that work as a study of education, a phenomenological description of the education of the Spirit in the totality of human experience and an educative aid by which the individual can move less painfully through that education up to the standpoint of science which has been achieved by Spirit. The pedagogic itinerary Hegel charted in these paragraphs, and in the work itself, is precisely the Platonic itinerary of the Myth of the Cave: first from consciousness to self-consciousness and then to universal reason by ever dwelling on the deficiency of the given and then back into the concrete substance of human life as Spirit objectifies itself through a process of alienation, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Entfremdung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, making itself &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;fremd&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, strange to itself, in the objective institutions of human existence, and then finally learning to recognize itself in these, to see these in their totality as the actuality of itself and to see itself as the reality of them, to humanize the world and to recognize responsibility for that humanization of it. In the &amp;quot;Introduction&amp;quot; to the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Hegel again reiterated the point: &amp;quot;The series of configurations which consciousness goes through along this road is, in reality, the detailed history of the education of consciousness itself to the standpoint of Science&amp;quot; (¶78 Hegel&#039;s emphasis). If we want to know Hegel&#039;s view of education, it is up to us to master the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;II. The Role of Recognizing and Some Questions for Educators:&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;xh3&amp;gt;Three Variations on a Hegelian Theme&amp;lt;/xh3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;First Variation: The Text Prospective&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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Self-consciousness, then, comes to exist (&amp;quot;exist,&amp;quot; here, does not mean merely the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Dasein&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; which is characteristic of things) only by means of an &amp;quot;operation&amp;quot; which poses it in being as it is for itself. And this operation is essentially an operation on and by another self-consciousness. I am a self-consciousness only if I gain for myself recognition from another self-consciousness and if I grant recognition to the other. This mutual recognition, in which individuals recognize each other as reciprocally recognizing each other, creates the element of spiritual life — the medium in which the subject is an object to itself, finding itself completely in the other yet doing so without abrogating the otherness that is essential to self- consciousness. [Hyppolite, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Genesis and Structure&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 166.]&lt;br /&gt;
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This passage triggers for me reflections in the light of Hegel on a concern that has long troubled me, a concern partly professional and partly personal, should that distinction have any proper place in the matter to begin with. The concern ultimately involves the problem of preserving and enhancing that which is educative in higher education, the part of education we are all, for now at least, primarily engaged in. But let us begin with Hegel. The reciprocal recognition between one&#039;s own self-awareness and that of others, a recognition in which one finds oneself in the other without abrogating the otherness of the other or the integrity of the self — such reciprocal recognition between self-consciousnesses creates the life of mind and heart. That is the starting point. To me, it rings true. Starting with one&#039;s own desires, hopes, dreams, questions, concerns, seeking recognition of them in another — not merely a faint word of encouragement and praise, but real evidence that such desires, hopes, dreams, questions, concerns belong equally (not necessarily identically) to the self-awareness of the other, that my self-conscious enterprise is in actuality a common, interpersonal enterprise — this is the basis of spiritual life, for with such recognition the desires, hopes, dreams, questions, concerns come alive with possibilities of discourse, disagreement, conflict, and cooperation. Without reciprocal recognition between my self-consciousness and that of others, my thought and emotion, my life, my lived experience, is doomed to a silent solipsism, at most a sequence of frustrating failures in communication.&lt;br /&gt;
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Such necessity for reciprocal recognition between self-consciousnesses is not itself the problem on which I meditate, but rather the condition, the starting-point. The tragedy, the difficulty, the problem, one which Hegel makes most clear, is that the quest of such recognition always entails the taking of risks, no small risks at that, but, at bottom, the fight, face-to-face, for life or death; and always, even where everything appears fastidiously sanitized by an ethos of civility, a struggle in which each thought and emotion disclosed is put forth at the risk of suppression, rejection, denial  by the other to whom it is disclosed. Hegel answers Darwinism prior to Darwin: human life is not a mere struggle for survival, but a struggle for recognition, the struggle of self-aware persons desiring to be recognized by other self-aware persons and to recognize them — the Homeric hero striding into the field of battle, brandishing his weapons, imprecating his opponent with insults, and celebrating the honor of his lineage, ready to kill or to be killed, fights not for survival, but to compel the recognition of that which he takes to be his essential self, the honor of his name and of his line. Such outright killing and being killed has largely been sublimated through established patterns of achieved recognition and persists on the one hand as a residual violence haunting our streets, tragic signs of enduring imperfections in our patterns of achieved recognition, and on the other as recurrent upheavals of collective war in which whole peoples mobilize their power, deploying it on the fields of battle, imprecating their opponent with insults, and celebrating the virtue of their nation and the justice of their cause, ready to destroy or be destroyed. But the risks long since entailed by the struggle for reciprocal recognition among self-aware persons are usually far more subtle, yet not less fundamental, than this &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;arche&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of physical combat: here we begin to encounter the pedagogical problem posed by the risks inherent in spiritual life.&lt;br /&gt;
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To get to the particular dimension that troubles me in the pedagogical problem posed by the necessity of risk, let me narrow the matter somewhat, still in the light of Hegel, starting from a restatement of the rudimentary situation. With respect to the life of the mind, the self-creation of culture by active, self-conscious persons, the significance of the death that is risked, even when it is in fact a case of risking the either-or of life or death, is not the significance of a mere biological death — what is far more at risk is the life of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;psyche&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; sustained by the life of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;soma&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;· For spiritual life, the destruction of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;psyche&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; is the serious matter — the fallen hero is not only a dead body, but a shame to that for which he stood, a loss never to be recovered. Thus there has always been an extra poignancy to the untimely death of the high-minded and the deep-striving, to the budding poets and artists strewn on the fields of Flanders. In the struggle for reciprocal recognition risked by the psyche, by self-consciousness, which is the source of the spiritual life, the risk is always real and substantial, although it is not always, not even usually, encountered through the objective staking of physical life. The desire for recognition inherent in self-consciousness entails that self-consciousness put itself into question and risk nonrecognition, mis-recognition, and this can be as devastating to self-consciousness as the shells of Verdun to the body. Meditate on the young Malcolm X, hesitatingly, hopefully, confessing to his teacher his desire to prepare for college and an intellectual life — &#039;Nay, my boy, that would be unwise, an overreaching not for your kind. You had best prepare to be a plumber, carpenter, perhaps a machinists mate — such walks suit your type better.&amp;quot;&lt;br /&gt;
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The risk was taken and at that point lost, and the way thereafter was a long descent through degradation to despair — finally, in that case, at least ambiguously, a despair then overcome and redeemed. But of all the times self-consciousness has put itself in risk and lost, seeking recognition and  finding rejection, experiencing the destruction of its hope of linking self and other, steadily succumbing to solitary solipsism of despair, of all the many times this has happened, what is the proportion of those who eventually recover their spirit relative to those who do not? We can be certain that some fail to recover it, probably many, perhaps most, and we can thus know that the risk run by self-consciousness as it puts itself in question in the quest of reciprocal recognition is real, all-too-real, even when physical death is not, in the instant, palpably at stake.&lt;br /&gt;
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Risk, real and substantial — that is part of the problem, its essential  background. Hegel would teach that the risk self-consciousness must run in its quest for reciprocal recognition necessary to spiritual life is very, very real, and Hegel would say that it is not he, but life itself, that so teaches the necessity of this risk. Now the pedagogical problem that troubles me is &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;not&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; precisely the problem of the young Malcolm X, in its infinite concrete variations — the youth who takes the risk, looses, and suffers as a result. I introduce this example, and its infinity of variations, to heighten awareness that the risk to be run on entering the spiritual life is real and substantial, for recognizing the reality and substantiality of the risk is essential for coming to grips with the actual pedagogical problem: how, despite the reality and substantiality of the risk, can we withstand the temptation to shirk the risk, to find strategies by which we never need to put ourselves in question? The pedagogical problem is not the problem of the young Malcolm, but the problem of his cowardly, comfortably despairing teacher: how can teachers, recognizing the reality of the risks run by self-consciousness in its quest for reciprocal recognition, avoid the infinite variations, all of them dead and dispirited — reach not too high; here is the way to modest, predictable, and safe success; take it and foreswear all thoughts of unique achievement. Remember that most gruesome, somewhat heterodox, vestibule to Hell that Dante inserted into the well-worn vision: the souls of those who had been unwilling to risk the risk, who had neither sinned nor not sinned, the hordes dashing after the blank banner, eternally experiencing the inverse of their untroubled nothingness in life, forever running here then there, goaded by fearsome wasps, bloated from relentless, stinging bites that ooze incessant puss and blood. The young Malcolm&#039;s teacher is there, for had he still been engaged in his own struggle for reciprocal recognition, he would have recognized himself in Malcolm and Malcolm in himself; he would have answered differently, perhaps well or poorly, but in a way that would have better sustained Malcolm&#039;s quest for recognition, and his own as well.&lt;br /&gt;
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Let us now state the pedagogical problem in a phrase: excessive avoidance of risk. This unwillingness to put the conscious self in danger in a quest for reciprocal recognition, myself face-to-face with the self of the self-aware other, seems most portentous on the higher leve1s of education, those where the life of spirit putatively approaches its full-blooded majority. There the striving self falters and hunkers down before the impersonal shadows of prospective careers. The desire of self-consciousness to achieve recognition melts into the impersonal limbo of sought success; the questions loose their  vitality, the thoughts become mundane, the vital issues are to be dodged, apparent error at all cost avoided. Basic to this severing of intellectual activity from its roots in the real risk of self-conscious life is an endemic confusion that has developed between the concept of success and that of achievement. Unravelling these two concepts in the light of Hegel would be an extended process, perhaps to be attempted anon — for now let me launch a mere preliminary trajectory of a thought. Hegel would locate &amp;quot;careers&amp;quot; and &amp;quot;success&amp;quot; in the conceptual domain of self-alienated spirit, the domain in which the spiritual life is preoccupied with the task of objectifying itself in the world of institutions and civil society. The risk entailed in this domain — risk is never absent, no matter how carefully, completely avoided (and that perhaps marks the trajectory of the thought here being launched) — the risk entailed in the domain of self-alienated spirit is precisely the risk of &amp;quot;careers&amp;quot; and &amp;quot;success,&amp;quot; the risk that self-consciousness will loose contact with itself, depersonalize itself, forgetting that the spiritual life arises from out of it, the desire of the self-conscious self to achieve concrete recognition of itself for what it is and of the self-conscious other for what he or she may be. What happens then, when self-consciousnesses loose their willingness to risk real recognition? Nothing much on the surface of things, at first, at least, but beneath the surface there grows a widening split between inner and outer life, a heightening tension, a steady withdrawal of the spiritual life from the formal institutions, a withdrawal that leads to the atrophy of a Rome or the upheaval of an &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ancien régime&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. A problem for the educators of educators: how, in the face of their ever more reified profession, can they provide for the education of educators in such a way that the animating risks inherent in the quest by self-aware persons for reciprocal recognition are not unduly repressed and obviated? Can we educate professionals who will face the risks inherent in their professionalism?&lt;br /&gt;
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[Thoughts passed over in silence yet worth returning to:&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;blockquote class=&amp;quot;numsoff&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Nietzsche as a reader of Hegel&amp;lt;br&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Hegel&#039;s two paths: &lt;br /&gt;
:the path of conflict — servile consciousness ultimately sets the agenda — the path of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, or&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
:the path of cooperation — reciprocally respecting self-consciousnesses genuinely entertain one another&#039;s animating questions (the absence of ulterior agenda&#039;s); a path explored in Hegel&#039;s early writings which might loosely be seen as writings on love.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;Paths other than conflict or cooperation eventually stunt and atrophy the spiritual life.]&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;Second Variation: The Text Engaged&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In the reflections above, I sought to suggest that in every movement, motivated by the desire inherent in self-consciousness, leading to the development of spiritual life, the life of thought and emotion, action and achievement, experienced by persons living among persons, an element of risk  — real and substantial risk — had to be faced. Facing such risks, I contended, was necessary, integral to spiritual development, long after the primitive life-and-death struggle for recognition had been fought and sublimated into achieved patterns of recognition. At every moment of recognition, those involved had to put some element of their life in jeopardy, if not life in the biological sense, then the particular, concrete way of life, the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Dasein&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of the present, for recognition to occur, for recognition is the certainty that in oneself and in the other there is the capacity to choose and change. I developed this basic thought about the inherent risk in all development without close reference to Hegel&#039;s work and Hegel did not dwell in the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; on the continuity of the jeopardy into which reciprocally recognizing persons always had to put themselves, on the multiple forms such risks take in the course of the full development of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Geist&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Hegel did dramatically present the original risk, the struggle for life and death:&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote class=&amp;quot;numsoff&amp;quot;&amp;gt;They must engage in this struggle, for they must raise their certainty of being &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;for themselves&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; to truth, both in the case of the other and in their own case. And it is only through staking one&#039;s life that freedom is won; only thus is it proved that for self-consciousness, its essential being is not just being, not the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;immediate&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; form in which it appears, not its submergence in the expanse of life, but rather that there is nothing present in it which could not be regarded as a vanishing moment, that it is only pure &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;being-for-itself&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. The individual who has not risked his life may well be recognized as a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;person&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, but he has not attained to the truth of this recognition as an independent self-consciousness. Similarly, just as each stakes his own life, so each must seek the other&#039;s death, for it values the other no more than itself; its essential being is present to it in the form of an &#039;other&#039;, it is outside of itself and must rid itself of its self-externality. (¶187)&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Hegel here, at the moment of original recognition, insists that those achieving the recognition must be ready to stake their lives, but he thereafter refers little to the matter of the risk involved. We can easily see that the basic structure of the situation need not be one in which the life at stake is the biological life — it can be, and preferably should be, the immediately given way of life, the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Dasein&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, the givens of existence enjoyed by two self-consciousnesses at the moment of their reciprocal recognition; these are risked for the recognition might, perhaps must, entail their change. That Hegel did not reiterate that this risk was always present does not at all suggest that he held it to be transcended completely by the original struggle for life and death. We know well that Hegel, phenomenologically describing the development of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Geist&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, progresses, not by traversing a narrow line of thought, but via continuous incorporation,  for Hegel is not like a juggler prancing across a tightrope, but like an ever-growing snowball, rolling on, picking up everything that it passes over. &amp;quot;The individual who has not risked his life . . . :&amp;quot; not the biological life, but the way of life, the ideas I now hold essential, are at risk every time I seek recognition by and of another self-consciousness, for that recognition may well compel the transformation, the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Aufhebung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, the upheaval of these ideas. Hegel put this crucial point in a single sentence and to grasp its significance, let us look closely at the way he introduced the original struggle of two self-conscious persons for reciprocal recognition.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Let us start with the introductory paragraphs (¶¶166-177) to the whole chapter on Self-Consciousness. This introductory section moves the phenomenological description away from the prior pre-occupation with consciousness into an engagement with developing self-consciousness: unlike the simple consciousness of the previous section, a consciousness that looked out on the domain of inorganic things, seeking to grasp a truth of them mistakenly thought to lie passively rooted in them alone, first through sense-certainty, then through perception, and finally through understanding, self-consciousness has become aware of itself as a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;living&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; consciousness, and as such it finds its objects, insofar as it finds them, as well as finding itself, within the realm of life, within organic process. Hegel here presents a condensed, highly abstract explication of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Begriff&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of life, through which he locates self-consciousness within life and sets the task that self-consciousness must complete if it is to become fully identical with itself. Here, as so often in his exposition, Hegel&#039;s description turns on the distinction between the in-itself and the for-itself. Life&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;-in-itself&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which at this point only &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;we&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, the phenomenological describers of the totality, can grasp, is an infinite, self-creating, self-maintaining, ever-active totality that exists through the continuous, unending creation and destruction and re-creation of all its parts, in all its internal distinctions, a vast, self-unifying disquiet in space and time (¶¶169-171). Life&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;-for-itself&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, however, does not yet exist in this way, self-consistently realized in-itself; life&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;-for-itself&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; at first exists simply as something that life-in-itself points toward, toward consciousness (¶172), &amp;quot;this other Life,&amp;quot; self-consciousness, the consciousness that &amp;quot;has itself as pure &#039;I&#039; for object&amp;quot; (¶173). To begin with, at the stage of the advent of self-consciousness, life-for-itself begins to exist in the simple, tautological certainty of a self-conscious I: life is the object of my life.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Life is the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;object&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of my life, this teeming, vital world around the subject, present there at first as the other of the subject, the object, and the subject, self-consciousness, is simply the &amp;quot;negative essence&amp;quot; (¶174), the power of negation, which acts on the object, negating its otherness, raising the other up into itself. From this situation, important definitions follow. Desire, integral to life-for-itself, is wanting the life that is the object of my life, negating the otherness of the surrounding vital world, making it mine; but this wanted life that is the object of my life is at least implicitly not only the particular life-for-itself that I happen to be living, but, more pregnantly, life-in-itself, life in its totality, and thus desire, life-for-itself negating the otherness of life-in-itself leads to the identity of the two. Development, therefore, resulting necessarily from desire, from wanting life as the object of my life, is the process by which self-consciousness actualizes the implicit life-in-itself as the life that is the object of its life-for-itself (¶174).&lt;br /&gt;
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Desire is frustrated in this endeavor, however, with respect to the otherness of inert things, for it cannot adequately overcome the otherness of the thing. Without yet introducing the term, Hegel then defines recognition in ¶¶175-177, showing how desire can find adequate satisfaction only in the reciprocal recognition of another self-consciousness, which raises self-consciousness to the Concept of Spirit. Throughout these paragraphs, Hegel has been writing from the standpoint of the completed system, not the phenomenological process, intent to show that the coming moment in the process is one of great significance for the emergence of Spirit. The full identification of subject and object, Hegel observes, can occur only between self-consciousnesses: each subject independently negates its own objecthood, discloses itself as subject to the other subject, which is at once its object. This, in its most abstract form appropriate to the completed system, is the process of recognition, out of which Spirit emerges. Recognition —  my acknowledgement of the other self-conscious life-for-itself as part of life-in-itself and my being acknowledged by another self-conscious life-for-itself as being a life-for-itself that is part of life-in-itself — such recognition is the process through which certainty becomes truth. Recognition, acknowledgement, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Anerkennen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; — the process for the infinitely complex unifying of life-in-itself and life-for-itself into life-in-and-for-itself — is the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Begriff&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of Spirit, &amp;quot;this absolute substance which is the unity of the different independent self-consciousnesses which, in their opposition, enjoy perfect freedom and independence: &#039;I&#039; that is &#039;We&#039; and &#039;We&#039; that is &#039;I&#039;.&amp;quot;(¶177)&lt;br /&gt;
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[See draft &amp;quot;on Spanning&amp;quot; for the problem of the coherence of we-statements. Theodore Litt, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Individuum und Gesellschaft&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, for the I-you, I-thou, alternatives (also Buber). Dilthey&#039;s version of &amp;quot;objective Spirit&amp;quot; as one that does not merge the I into the We.]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Self-consciousness must experience the development that leads to the realization of Spirit as it has just been stated; the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; must describe the process of that development; and to start that description Hegel opens the section on the &amp;quot;Independence and Dependence of Self-Consciousness: Lordship and Bondage.&amp;quot; It begins with ¶178, which is set off in the German text by a break before ¶179. This introductory paragraph reviews the preceding very succinctly and states that a detailed exposition of the process of Recognition will follow. ¶¶179-185, there being another break between ¶185 and ¶186 in the Garman text, state the conditions that must be met for reciprocal recognition to take place in the rudimentary situation of one naïve self-consciousness face-to-face with another naïve self-consciousness: recognition cannot be attained through the unilateral action of one alone, for they must &amp;quot;recognize themselves as mutually recognizing one another&amp;quot; (¶184). Hegel then says (¶185) that we have to look closely at how this process of achieving mutual recognition appears to self-consciousness, how each of the naïve salf-consciousnesses experience the encounter leading to their recognizing themselves as reciprocally recognizing one another. My intention here is to look very closely at this process, expanding and concretizing ¶186 with a hypothetical example in order to bring out the full significance of the sentence that opens ¶187.&lt;br /&gt;
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After a small break, ¶186 sets the scene for of two naïve self-consciousnesses, explaining the problem solve, each independently, for recognition to take place. the confrontation they must reciprocally The text is as follows:&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;rt numsoff&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;max-width: 425px; margin-right: -280px;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
[Self-consciousness is certain of itself as I, conscious of everything else&lt;br /&gt;
as the other.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Self-consciousness as the person. The other is the not-I.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Two persons encounter each other, merely seeing each other as part of the encompassing not-I.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Each perceives that the other lives, for each is caught up in a round of vital activities.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Neither can yet recognize or be recognized as a self-conscious being, for neither has yet found out how to display his or her ability to rise above the immediate givens of life, their capacity to change their lives through the employment of negation; each appears determined by their surroundings.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Each knows its own capacity for self-conscious negation, but not that of the other; without reciprocal recognition, self-certainty will be isolated from truth, caught in a mute solipsism.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
For recognition to occur, each must manifest his or her capacity for self-conscious negation in such a way that it can be unmistakably recognized through the veil of the concrete particulars of outward existence.]&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p style=&amp;quot;max-width: 425px;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Self-consciousness is, to begin with, simple being-for-itself, self-equal through the exclusion from itself of everything else. For it, its essence and absolute object is &#039;I&#039;; and in this immediacy, or in the &amp;lt;mere&amp;gt; being, of its being-for-itself, it is an &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;individual&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. What is &#039;other&#039; for it is an unessential, negatively characterized object. But the &#039;other&#039; is also a self-consciousness; one individual is confronted by another individual. Appearing thus immediately on the scene, they are for one another like ordinary objects, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;independent&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; shapes, individuals submerged in the being &amp;lt;or immediacy&amp;gt; of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; — for the object in its immediacy is here determined as Life. They are, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;for each other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, shapes of consciousness which have not yet accomplished the movement of absolute abstraction, of rooting-out all immediate being, and of being merely the purely negative being of self-identical consciousness; in other words, they have not as yet exposed themselves to each other in the form of pure being-for-self, or as self-consciousnesses. Each is indeed certain of its own self, but not of the other, and therefore its own self-certainty still has no truth. For it would have truth only if its own being-for-self had confronted it as an independent object, or, what is the same thing, if the object had presented itself as this pure self-certainty. But according to the Notion of recognition, this is possible only when each in its own self through its own action, and again through the action of the other, achieves this pure abstraction of being-for-self.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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Let us elaborate this text, indulging in some of the picture thinking against which Hegel warns. Two persons, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;One&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, each a being-for-itself, primordially meet. Each, like us all, is a simple self-consciousness, aware of its &#039;I&#039; as the locus and the object of its life, an individual. Everything around it is merely an &amp;quot;object&amp;quot; in the vital field, in the concrete immediacy of its life  — an apple to be eaten, a rock to sit on, a tree for shade, water to drink, animals darting about to hunt, the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; there yonder to be observed with curiosity and caution. This &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; yonder shows signs of consciousness, as the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;One&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; here by the rock must do too, for the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; steps over the briar across the path. The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;One&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; here starts to wonder.&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;Is this consciousness of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; merely like the consciousness of the fleet rabbit I killed this morning? Or might it be like my own? How do I differ from the rabbit? It is aware only of the world around it. It will pick its way, as the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; did over the briar, but it seems only aware of the world — if startled, it will always run. I am aware of myself; if startled, I can stop my fright, negate it, and ask what startled me. I am aware of myself and can make choices about myself the way I have chosen not to kill the pigs around here, even though they are easy to kill and can be eaten, but I want to be the person that does not kill pigs. Does this &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; over there have the same kind of consciousness, this self-consciousness? Does this &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; decide not to do certain things that might be done in order to be the person who does not do these things? Will this &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; recognize my self-consciousness? Perhaps this &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; is also a person who does not kill pigs. Perhaps this &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; will think it foolish that I don&#039;t kill pigs. Maybe I am.&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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For Hegel, self-consciousness is the ability to negate the objectivity of things out there — the fact that pigs are edible and killable — and by so negating objectivity to assign meaning for oneself to the objects, to incorporate them into one&#039;s subjecthood through a meaning of which one is self-consciously certain — &#039;I am the person who does not kill pigs.&#039; Our naive self-consciousness above is in a state of primitive solipsism — desire is evident in the wondering whether the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; is also a self-consciousness — and Hegel&#039;s proposition that the truth of the self-certainty of self-consciousness is in the other self-consciousness is evident by the glimmer of self-doubt engendered in the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;One&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by the possibility that the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; is equally self-aware and might find it foolish not to kill pigs.&lt;br /&gt;
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Let us assume that the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; above is self-conscious, with the self-certainty that he is the person who does not kill rabbits, but that pigs are both delicious and nutritious, and furthermore let us note that just then a fat sow waddles between the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;One&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; as they eye each other reflectively.  The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, of course, grabs his club and runs for the sow. The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;One&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; might shrug and think that if the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; wants to kill pigs, that is his business, in which case no recognition will occur, but we might suspect that the desire in the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;One&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; to escape his primitive solipsism might lead him to rush to the defense of the sow, as a result of which the startled &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; — &#039;here is a pig-defender!&#039; — would stop wonderingly while the sow squirmed, snorting, to safety. The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; would then reflect that, like himself, the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;One&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; is a self-conscious being who, strangely, does not kill pigs. Eager to display his own self-consciousness, the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; spots a rabbit caught in a snare set by the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;One&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and defiantly sets it free. At this point, the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;One&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; will have been able to recognize the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; as a being that self-consciously does  not kill rabbits and the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; will have been able to recognize the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;One&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; as a being that self-consciously does not kill pigs. They will not yet be able, however, fully &amp;quot;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;anerkennen sich, als gegenseitig sich anerkennend&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,&amp;quot; to acknowledge themselves as reciprocally acknowledging themselves, for only one of them, the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, in defiantly setting the rabbit free in response to the defense of the sow by the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;One&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, has shown to the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;One&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; his awareness of the significance of the self-conscious action the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;One&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; had taken. The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;One&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; has disclosed a self-conscious action, but has not yet disclosed his awareness that the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; too was capable of self-conscious action.&lt;br /&gt;
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At this point, Hegel suggests, the stage is set for the self-conscious struggle for life and death, the fight, not over brute subsistence, but over self-consciously chosen ways of life: to complete the reciprocity of the recognition by way of the struggle for life and death, the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;One&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; must engage the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in a battle with whether not-to-kill-pigs or not-to-kill-rabbits hanging in the balance. If one of the combatants kills the other, the opportunity for recognition vanishes — back to the bush. If, however, one of the combatants decides to capitulate rather than be killed, then a primitive reciprocal recognition will occur, the victor being recognized, the looser merely recognizing, and from this point Hegel moves on to his elaboration of the resultant master-slave relationship. For our present purposes, we do not need to follow out Hegel&#039;s analysis of that relationship, but rather we need to stick with the situation just prior to the struggle for life and death. I have spun the extended, rather fanciful example of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;One&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in order to bring out certain features of that situation which Hegel states but moves over very rapidly.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
With our example, we can imagine, with the help of soma further fancifulness, an alternative to the struggle for life and death through which the cycle of recognition might be completed. The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;One&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; has defended the sow and the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; has freed the rabbit, but that still leaves them not quite sure that &amp;quot;they recognize themselves as mutually recognizing one another&amp;quot; (¶184). Just then another hapless pig trundles by and a rabbit bounds into the open close at hand. The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;One&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, who has disclosed that he does not kill pigs but not disclosed his understanding that the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; does not kill rabbits, might then reflect that the important thing for him, really, is to get to know this &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and that for him, the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;One&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, the important thing about not killing pigs is not eating them, and with that reflection, we can well imagine that the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;One&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, who hitherto did not kill pigs, would strike the passing porker a mighty blow and plunk the carcass in front of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. With that, we might imagine the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; reflecting that on his part the important thing about not killing rabbits is not eating them, whereupon he lets fly an unerring stone — thwock! — a rabbit for his new-found friend. Unlike the portentous society of master and slave, we have here a rather idyllic community of cooperation coming into being — One-Other Land.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Hegel&#039;s reason for completing the basic recognition between self-consciousnesses through a struggle for life and death, culminating in a relationship of lordship and bondage, was not a conviction that &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;only&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in this way can a reciprocal recognition be completed, but rather that this particular mode of completion, one that certainly occurred frequently in history, was the particular one that best set the existential conditions for the discovery of historically, spiritually, creative labor. Our reason, however, for elaborating the possibility of an alternative path at the start is to show more clearly what must be put into jeopardy, what must be risked, for reciprocal recognition to occur, whether in a setting of conflict or cooperation, whether early in the development of spiritual life or late. What must be put into jeopardy in any occasion for reciprocal recognition is stated by Hegel in the opening sentence of ¶187: &amp;quot;The presentation of itself [a self-consciousness engaged in achieving reciprocal recognition], however, as the pure abstraction of self-consciousness consists in showing itself as the pure negation of its objective mode, or in showing that it is not attached to any specific &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;existence&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; [&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Dasein&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;], not to the individuality common to existence as such, that it is not attached to life.&amp;quot; Self-consciousness is not simply the particular behavior parculiarly meaningful to a person at a particular moment; it is more fundamentally the negative power through which the person defines for himself the peculiar meaning of the particular behavior: not-all-these-things, but the not-not-this-thing that elevates this-thing into something particularly meaningful. To display this power effectively for recognition, self-consciousness must go one step further: not-all-these-things and not-even-the-not-not-this-thing.&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;[How does Hegel&#039;s conception of self-consciousness, that is mind, among other things, relate to the Cartesian tradition? Can Descartes&#039; deduction from doubt be restated as a work of pure negativity — I negate, therefore I am? In the opening paragraphs of the section on Reason, Hegel qualifiedly accepts Kant&#039;s transcendental unity of apperception, contending, however, that the only transcendental part of the ego is its negativity, all else being a construction through the deployment of that negativity. Does Hegel&#039;s self-consciousness as negativity ameliorate the much-worked mind-body problem? Can a computer function without the power of negativity, the on-off of the binary digit, being built into it? Is negativity an alternative to incorrigibility in the theory of mind, or an act prior to incorrigibility? Does Hegel fall within Rorty&#039;s critique of minds as mirrors? Is a complete and adequate behavioral account of the modes of negation possible?]&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
We may agree with Hegel that the most fundamental, unmistakable, reciprocal demonstration by two self-consciousnesses that they are not attached to their immediate, given, specific existence, that they can negate the particulars that objectively characterize their lives, is through the gratuitous, face-to-face struggle for life and death. But Hegel was clear that the struggle for life and death was only an extreme demonstration, and a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;reductio ad absurdum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; insofar as it results in death, of what must always be put in jeopardy, in risk, namely, the attachment to a particular, concrete mode of living. The self-consciousness unwilling to risk those attachments cannot be recognized as an autonomously self-defining self-consciousness, for it puts itself forward as fully and irrevocably defined by that particular set of outer attachments that hold for it at the moment — its consciousness is as fully determined by the external world as is the rabbit&#039;s; it is incapable of surprising the world, for it &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;always&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; runs when startled; it is mere consciousness and not a self-consciousness capable of being recognized by another  self-consciousness. In our fanciful foundation of One-Other Land, the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;One&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; avoided the struggle for life and death by putting into jeopardy his given self-definition as the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;One&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; who does not kill pigs, by negating it, by revising it into the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;One&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; who does not eat pigs, so that the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; might recognize his reciprocal recognition. Here is the basic proposition about risk: to desire and seek the recognition of one&#039;s self-consciousness, to be capable of reciprocally recognizing another&#039;s self-consciousness, one must be ready to risk the negation, the overcoming, the upheaval of the present, given condition of that self-consciousness and the mode of existence with which it correlates.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
To return to the concern of the reflections in the previous variation, let us restate the question there put: how can we educate educators who will be able to hold themselves continually in this jeopardy and thus be able to enter into reciprocal recognition with their students?&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;Third Variation: The Text Retrospective&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
To come to grips with this problem of risk and its proper place in education, let us go over Hegel&#039;s concept of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Anerkennen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and its importance in the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology of Geist&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; one more time, this time at somewhat further remove from Hegel&#039;s text. First, let us observe that Hegel&#039;s term, translated through abstract nouns in English — &amp;quot;recognition&amp;quot; or &amp;quot;acknowledgement&amp;quot; — is not the equivalent German noun, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;die Anerkennung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, but a nominalized verb infinitive, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;das Anerkennen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which can best be approximated in English by gerunds, &amp;quot;recognizing&amp;quot; or &amp;quot;acknowledging.&amp;quot; We might here advance the hypothesis that for Hegel in English the answer to any question that would seem to invite an ontological proposition — &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;What is X?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; — should be in the form of a gerund  — Self-consciousness is negating. Hegel in German answers this particular question about self-consciousness in diverse places (e.g. ¶22, ¶194, ¶399, ¶529) with a highly abstracted noun, &amp;quot;pure or absolute negativity,&amp;quot; by which he means all possible forms of negating. Thus the eventual identity of the real and the rational arises as a possibility because neither denotes existent things, but activities, movements, creatings: the processes of realizing and reasoning eventually converge and become identical. And further, as any question inviting an ontological assertion with Hegel is best answered with a gerund, so too, any gerund, any big gerund lumbering into the field of discourse, may very well be there because it answers to an ontological query. So let us ask, to what question might &amp;quot;recognizing&amp;quot; be answering?&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Into what field of discourse does &amp;quot;recognizing&amp;quot; lumber? Into that on &amp;quot;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Die Wahrheit der Gewissheit seiner selbst&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,&amp;quot; &amp;quot;The Truth of the Certainty of Its Self.&amp;quot; Let us turn the section title into a question: What is the truth of the certainty of its self? The answer is &amp;quot;recognizing.&amp;quot; Self-consciousness is negating; it is negating in two keys, first the key of mere consciousness (for consciousness has been &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;aufgehoben&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, heaved up into self-consciousness), and second the key of self-consciousness proper. In the former key, self-consciousness as mere consciousness is busy negating the dizzy stuff of raw awareness into a  cosmos of things, perceived and understood, identifying for self-consciousness a complex world of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; than itself. In the second key, the key of self-consciousness proper, self-consciousness sets out negating the otherness of the world of the other identified for it by consciousness. In so negating the otherness of the other identified by consciousness, self-consciousness creates a certainty of its self — let us exemplify. Consciousness observes that here is a tree; indeed, here is an apple tree, bearing well-ripened fruit. The characteristic negating by consciousness is apparent here in its use of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;das Allgemein&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; — the all-common, the general, &amp;quot;the universal&amp;quot; as normally translated; &amp;quot;here,&amp;quot; any here; &amp;quot;tree,&amp;quot; any tree; &amp;quot;apple tree,&amp;quot; any apple tree; that is, in each case, the specifically &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;not&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;-this-particular-this, but the abstract this of consciousness, used to define the particular-this-at-hand. Thus consciousness uses its negating to define something other for self-consciousness. Self-consciousness is negating, negating of the otherness created by the negating of consciousness; thus self-consciousness is, Hegel observes, &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;Begierde überhaupt&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;quot;Desire in general,&amp;quot; wanting, craving, doing so eagerly, impatiently. Self-consciousness negates the other into itself, it wants the other, it asserts that here is &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;my&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; tree, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;my&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; apple tree, and its well-ripened fruit is &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;mine&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which I make myself certain of as I pluck it and eat it. Self-consciousness, by negating the otherness of things around it, achieves certainty of its self, a determinateness of itself for itself: I am the self that has just possessed this fruit I ate. We can see immediately now the importance of Recognizing, of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Anerkennen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, for this certainty of the isolated self-consciousness may or may not have truth to it, or, as long as the self-consciousness is completely isolated, its mere certainty of its self can suffice for truth since there is not occasion for the certainty being questioned, but as soon as the self-consciousness ceases to be isolated, the truth of its certainty of its self lies only in others recognizing its asserted certainties. Alone, I may be certain the apple tree is mine; in the midst of mutually recognizing persons, the apple tree may truly be mine, if they recognize it as such.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Let us stand back for a moment and ask what, for Hegel, this certainty of its self is, the truth of which lies in others recognizing it. The certainty of its self is not merely some primitive appropriation, that this apple is mine which I demonstrate by eating it. &amp;quot;It is in self-consciousness, in the Notion of Spirit. . . .&amp;quot;(¶177) How is self-consciousness, which is negating, suddenly identified by Hegel with the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Begriff&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of Spirit? Quite fundamentally  — self-consciousness is the negating of the other-making negations of consciousness, and as it does that, self-consciousness unifies subject and object. Eating something is, of course, only one of the most elementary forms of such self-conscious negating, leading to a determinate self-certainty. All acts, many of them highly cerebral, in which consciousness does not merely identify an object — be it a thing, a law, a principle, what have you —  but negates it by self-consciously identifying the object with itself, negating its otherness, making it part of its own determinate self. This activity is central in the process by which &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Geist&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; creates itself, for it is the activity which identifies subject and object. And &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Anerkennen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; establishes truth in this process. Conscious negating defines an objective world; self-consciousness negating unifies the objects of that world with a subject certain of its self; a multiplicity of self-consciousnesses reciprocally recognizing their self-certainties raise those self-certainties to truth; and true self-certainty is the concept of Spirit, which is actualized as diverse self-consciousnesses reciprocally recognize their manifold self-certainties. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Anerkennen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, therefore, is a most important activity in Hegel&#039;s understanding of human life, and this importance of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Anerkennen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; to Hegel&#039;s understanding can also reveal to us something significant, and often frequently contested, about the character and implications of Hegel&#039;s vision.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[What we have done in this meditation on &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Anerkennen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; is identify Hegel&#039;s theory of truth. Hegel&#039;s basic proposition here is that as self-consciousnesses, that is as persons, reciprocally recognize their self-certainties, they raise those self-certainties to truth. This is to hold truth to depend on achieving intersubjective understanding, and to make claims to truth eminently, perhaps too easily, falsifiable. Recognizing the importance of recognizing in Hegel&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology of Spirit&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, we can see it as a radical humanism, one in which persons play the essential role. Query: why does Quentin Lauer, S.J., say nothing about the role of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Anerkennen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in raising selL-certainty to truth in his commentary on this section of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;?]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
If &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Anerkennen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; is Hegel&#039;s theory of truth and is fundamental to his vision, let us now ask how it takes place and what, in its workings, might permit it to function in the flux of life as an adequate source of truth. This question will lead us back to the importance of risk, staking something in the quest of recognizing and being recognized. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Anerkennen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Hegel holds, does not take place easily. Recognizing does not occur when someone passively hears another reveal a self-certainty — we have all at one time or another said something important to ourselves and heard in response, &amp;quot;Oh! How interesting,&amp;quot; which means lets talk about something else, or &amp;quot;I never thought of that before!&amp;quot; followed &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;sotto voce&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; with &amp;quot;and I never will again.&amp;quot; No recognizing occurs here, for tolerating is not the same as recognizing. [It is not accidental that one of the keener twentieth-century students of Hegel, Herbert Marcuse, should develop a critique of repressive tolerance.] Recognizing must be reciprocal, and it must concern things that matter to those involved. The struggle for life and death that Hegel presents as the basic illustration of recognizing, although a recognizing that culminates very imperfectly, as it should, coming at the stage of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; that it does, is nevertheless properly the paradigmatic illustration, for in all cases of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Anerkennen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; there is a sense in which the persons involved are together determining their lives&lt;br /&gt;
in the face of death.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
One must face death to achieve freedom; &amp;quot;it is only through staking one&#039;s life that freedom is won&amp;quot;(¶187). Let us reflect for a moment on the relation of death to recognizing. Hegel described a primitive struggle for life and death between two self-conscious persons and insisted that each must stake his own life. He went on (¶188) to insist that recognizing did not result at all, however, from the death of one or the other — such death simply removed the occasion for either recognizing the other or being recognized. Hence,  recognizing comes, not through death, but in the face of death. In this primitive case two persons make their reciprocal recognizing of each other possible by displaying their self-consciousness, their willingness to negate their &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Dasein&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, the givens of their presently determinate lives, by risking death in a face-to-face struggle. But, and Hegel has just made this very clear in his discussion of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Begriff&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of life, for particular, determinate lives, death, sooner or later, is inescapable — the struggle in the face of death is metaphorical of the human condition.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[Can Marx really take over the concept of man as a species-being and uphold his materialism? Human awareness of individual mortality consists of forming an abstract concept of the human species; observing that all members of that species, like members of other species, die; and concluding that therefore I am mortal too. Dogs may observe dead dogs, what they presumably lack is the abstract definition of the species; hence they lack the syllogism demonstrating their individual mortality.]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
All acts of self-consciousness are taken in the face of death — that is the essence of self-consciousness, the human species, the species aware of itself as such, the members of which know that they negate and will be negated, that they will die, each as an individual. To be a self-conscious individuality is to exercise one&#039;s negating power in the face of the recognition that one will be negated, to live in freedom from the given &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Dasein&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, the ultimate negation of which one foresees, and to show one&#039;s capacity to rise above the given &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Dasein&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, to negate various features of it self-consciously, prior to one&#039;s ultimate negation, and to do so for the sake of something, for the sake of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Anerkennen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, that is for the sake of the truth of one&#039;s self-certainty, realizing that by recognizing and being recognized the true self-certainty will live on in the common life of the species. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Anerkennen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; centers on those self-certainties, the reciprocal recognizing of which individuals feel will over-come their personal mortality, and in the interplay of such self-certainties, there is a very high stake, namely each person&#039;s capacity to negate the ultimate negation, death itself.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
[For the concept of death in Hegel&#039;s work see Georges Cottier, &amp;quot;L&#039;être-pour-la-mort&amp;quot;, une notion hégélienne?&amp;quot;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Revue de métaphysique et de morale&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Oct/Dec, 1980, pp. 452-467.]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
It is here that a will to truth enters the process. The person who simply withdraws from the process of reciprocal recognizing becomes mere animal, living without reference to his individual mortality, awareness of which is the identifying characteristic of man, the self-conscious species. The person who simply enters the process of reciprocal recognizing, with the adamant unwillingness to change his self-certainty under any circumstances, only enters it in appearance, for he does so in a manner in which he renounces his power of self-conscious negating, which is his power to determine and redetermine his self-certainty, precisely the power to be recognized in the process of reciprocal recognizing. The person who enters the process of reciprocal recognizing, aware both of his self-certainty and his more fundamental power of self-conscious negating which gives rise to that and all other self-certainties, who enters the process ready to deploy that negating power equally on his own given self-certainties as well as those of others, can help make the process one that raises the self-certainties to truth, thus contributing, in Hegel&#039;s terms, to creating a universal self-consciousness, through participation in which the individual overcomes, negates, his own mortality.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In concrete, individual, lived-experience, the great danger to the process of reciprocal recognizing lies in excessive attachment to the given &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Dasein&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which might be defined as the sum of the self-certainties that a person has in force at a given moment. It is human, all-too-human, to become satisfied with these, to seek to protect them from one&#039;s own self-conscious negating, not allowing oneself to doubt and question them, and protecting them from the similar power in those around one. For Hegel, such a sacrifice of the potentially immortal for the protection of the definitively mortal and passing existence makes no sense — full entry of self-consciousness into the process of reciprocal recognizing is the way to the development of human spirit, the way to individual fulfilment and to collective achievement, the path of education, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bildung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, in its most significant sense. And again, we should close by coming back to our basic queries, what effects on the pedagogical capacities of our educational institutions arise from making them agents for initiating people into a specific &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Dasein&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;? Can educators accept the role of certifying people as competent for specific roles — lawyer, teacher, baker, or mechanic — and at the same time maintain full engagement in the profound uncertainties of the process of reciprocal recognizing? What are the effects on the historical creativity of peoples who begin to isolate themselves from daily awareness of each person&#039;s impending death? Does, as Hegel&#039;s views would suggest it might, this isolation from death trivialize self-consciousness and the process of reciprocal recognizing? Can educators — both teachers and students — understand their work as their wager of immortality, the wager, not of a god-granted, but of a mortal-created immortality?&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;[Check Becker&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Denial of Death&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; for possible light on these questions.]&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;III. A Summation in Midstream&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;On Risking, Recognizing, and the Pedagogy of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
One line of reflection following out the above questions may be stimulated by reflecting on risk and the pedagogy of Hegel&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. We began observing that Hegel thought of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; as a work on education in two senses, first as an analysis of the education of humanity as it had occurred up to the time of Hegel&#039;s writing, and second as a pedagogic aid to the reader, helping him to bring himself to the &amp;quot;height of the times,&amp;quot; the standpoint of &amp;quot;science.&amp;quot; In the above notes I have concentrated on a small part of what Hegel had to say about the first educational matter, the process of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Anerkennen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in the educational experience of humanity. We might, however, here briefly note certain peculiarities of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; as a pedagogic work in the light of what Hegel had to say about reciprocal recognizing. The  book is notoriously difficult, whether unnecessarily so or not we can here leave moot. Its difficulty is not precisely the quality to note; rather what is important is the strangely compelling way in which the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; puts its own outcome into question, doubt, uncertainty. By this I do not mean that its conclusion is tentative; not at all — I mean something more difficult to specify, something that, like the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; itself, may be something that can be stated only through a statement that itself puts itself into question, doubt, uncertainty. But let us try.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
To begin, note that the writing of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; itself was highly problematic. It is a book of awesome ambition, difficult to write under the best of circumstances. At the time Hegel wrote it, his career was on the brink of extinction, about to perish for want of publication; his personal life, emotional and financial was a mess — he was debt ridden and the new father of an illegitimate son by a socially unacceptable mistress. To boot, his best friend, Hölderlin, had just gone mad, his other best friend, Schelling, was about to be defined as the chief foil for Hegel&#039;s thought. Point, counterpoint, the public world around him was in equal disarray, experiencing the world-historical process of becoming &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;aufgehoben&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Napoleon&#039;s armies, which won the decisive battle in the outskirts of Jena just aa Hegel finished the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; — Hegel was terrified the work would be confiscated on its way from Jena to the publishers. And finally, Hegel wrote the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, in the midst of all this chaos, in the face of a pressing and absolute publishers deadline, and he wrote the work apparently without much of an outline, giving himself up instead to the logos of his basic thought, letting it carry him through the composition of the text, which, as the deadline neared, got longer and longer. All this is to observe that in the writing of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, however determined Hegel was, and he was surely extraordinarily determined, it could only be uncertain, from beginning to end, whether there would be an outcome to the effort, and if so, what that would be. The Hegel of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; is always at the border of possible prose, of possible thought, and a real effort to read it leaves one astonished that it should ever have been possible to write the book.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In the same way that the book itself, as an outcome of an effort to think and write, seems utterly uncertain and unpredictable, so too does the effort to read it. This uncertainty to the outcome of the reading, once engaged, becomes the source of its fascination and power. The book entails an unusual process of reading, one in which the normal deployment of critical faculties — do I agree with this point and the next and that which follows  — must be held in abeyance and all one&#039;s energies are instead mobilized in the desperate effort to comprehend the text. One cannot really begin to evaluate the argument, to decide whether and for what reasons to agree or disagree, until the whole of it has been fully mastered. Thus the reader must proceed through an extraordinary effort with no assurance whether in the end that effort will bear fruit or naught. But the process develops its own fascination, its own exhilaration, and its own fruit, as the reader, section by section, seeks to construe the text, to pursue potential significations, to understand what is being said, and as a result of the effort, one finds  one&#039;s understanding of diverse matters expanding and deepening, not necessarily under Hegel&#039;s direct tutelage, but via his stimulation, his heuristic power. Undoubtedly Hegel might have stated the position he asserts in the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; more clearly; but whether he could more effectively have drawn readers into the effort of reciprocally recognizing important aspects of human life should not be judged too quickly.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
At any rate, the form of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; seems marvelously consistent with what Hegel tried to say about &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Anerkennen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in it; from all perspectives the outcome is profoundly uncertain. Hegel&#039;s later work has a heavy, predetermined quality characteristic of the exposition of an established system. The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, in contrast, seems to display Hegel&#039;s self-conscious negating in the process of determining a course of thought — one quickly grasps abstractly where it is going to lead, but one is utterly uncertain whether concretely it does in fact lead there and what the book is about is not the destination of the thought, but the process of thinking leading to the destination. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Anerkennen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, reciprocal recognizing, involves recognizing, not merely the particular self-certainties that various persons have attained, but more fundamentally, the power of self-conscious negating through which those persons attain their self-certainties. It is this power, in Hegel, his power of negation, his employment of it to give unfolding thought, further and further, determinate form, that he displays in the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phenomenology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and he displays it in such a way that the reader must employ the same power that he or she possesses to make whatever sense possible of the text, to understand the work. To end once again with the basic question, can educational activities designed with reference to a pre-determined determinate outcome effectively educate the power of self-determining negation of those engaging in the educational activities?&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
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		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Plutarch/Lives4&amp;diff=2862</id>
		<title>Texts:Plutarch/Lives4</title>
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		<updated>2025-12-26T19:45:29Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: Text replacement - &amp;quot;{{Top Texts}}&amp;quot; to &amp;quot;__NOTITLE__
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&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt;PLUTARCH’S LIVES.&amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Translated from the Greek&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center f07&amp;quot;&amp;gt;WITH&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;NOTES AND A LIFE OF PLUTARCH&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center f07&amp;quot;&amp;gt;BY&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;AUBREY STEWART, M.A.,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center f07&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center f07&amp;quot;&amp;gt;AND THE LATE&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;GEORGE LONG, M.A.,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center f07&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Formerly Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center f085&amp;quot;&amp;gt;IN FOUR VOLUMES.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center f085&amp;quot;&amp;gt;VOL. IV.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center f09&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LONDON:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center f09&amp;quot;&amp;gt;GEORGE BELL &amp;amp;amp; SONS, YORK ST., COVENT GARDEN, AND NEW YORK.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center f09&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1892.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center f07&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LONDON:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center f07&amp;quot;&amp;gt;REPRINTED FROM THE STEREOTYPE PLATES BY WM. CLOWES &amp;amp;amp; SONS, LTD.,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center f07&amp;quot;&amp;gt;STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;CONTENTS&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;table summary=&amp;quot;TOC&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot; colspan=&amp;quot;2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;PAGE&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Life of Agis&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Life of Kleomenes&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_19&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;19&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Life of Tiberius Gracchus&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;by G. Long&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; )&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_53&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;53&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Life of Caius Gracchus&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;by G. Long&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; )&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_90&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;90&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;indent&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Comparison of Tiberius and Caius Gracchus&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;&amp;amp;nbsp;with Agis and Kleomenes&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_115&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;115&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Life of Demosthenes&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_119&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;119&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Life of Cicero&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;by G. Long&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; )&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_146&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;146&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Comparison of Demosthenes and Cicero&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_211&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;211&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Life of Demetrius&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_215&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;215&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Life of Antonius&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;by G. Long&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; )&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_263&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;263&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Comparison of Demetrius and Antonius&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_348&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;348&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Life of Dion&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_352&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;352&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Life of Brutus&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;by G. Long&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; )&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_398&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;398&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Comparison of Dion and Brutus&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_454&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;454&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Life of Artaxerxes&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_458&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;458&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Life of Aratus&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_485&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;485&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Life of Galba&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_530&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;530&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Life of Otho&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_556&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;556&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Index&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_573&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;573&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/table&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center f2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;PLUTARCH’S LIVES.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;short&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;LIFE OF AGIS.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;a1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Many writers have very naturally conceived that the myth of Ixion, who is fabled to have embraced a cloud instead of Hera, and so to have begotten the centaurs, is really typical of ambitious men; for, although they aim at obtaining glory, and set before themselves a lofty ideal of virtue, yet they never succeed in producing any very distinct result, because all their actions are coloured by various human passions and prejudices, just as the herdsmen with their flocks say in Sophokles’s play:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line i04&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“We needs must serve them, though their lords we be,&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And to their mute commands obedience pay.”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These verses really represent the state of those who, in order to obtain the empty title of statesmen and popular leaders, govern a country by following the caprices and impulses of the people. Just as the men stationed in the bows of a ship see what is coming before the steersmen, but yet look up to them as their chiefs and execute their orders; so they who govern with a view solely to their own popularity, although they may be called rulers, are, in truth, nothing more than slaves of the people.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;a2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; An absolutely perfect man would not even wish for popularity, except so far as it enabled him to take part in politics, and caused him to be trusted by the people; yet a young and ambitious man must be excused if he feels pride in the glory and reputation which he gains by &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; brilliant exploits. For, as Theophrastus says, the virtue which buds and sprouts in youthful minds is confirmed by praise, and the high spirit thus formed leads it to attempt greater things. On the other hand, an excessive love of praise is dangerous in all cases, but, in statesmen, utterly ruinous; for when it takes hold of men in the possession of great power it drives them to commit acts of sheer madness, because they forget that honourable conduct must increase their popularity, and think that any measure that increases their popularity must necessarily be a good one. We ought to tell the people that they cannot have the same man to lead them and to follow them, just as Phokion is said to have replied to Antipater, when he demanded some disgraceful service from him, “I cannot be Antipater’s friend and his toady at the same time.” One might also quote the fable of the serpent’s tail which murmured against the head and desired sometimes to take the lead, and not always follow the head, but which when allowed to lead the way took the wrong path and caused the head to be miserably crushed, because it allowed itself to be guided by that which could neither see nor hear. This has been the fate of many of those politicians who court the favour of the people; for, after they have once shared their blind impulses, they lose the power of checking their folly, and of restoring good discipline and order. These reflections upon the favour of the people occurred to me when I thought of its power, as shown in the case of Tiberius and Caius Gracchus, men who were well born, well educated, and began their political career with great promise, and yet were ruined, not so much by an excessive craving for popular applause as by a very pardonable fear of disgrace. They both received at the outset great proofs of their countrymen’s goodwill, but felt ashamed to remain as it were in their debt, and they ever strove to wipe out their obligations to the people by legislation on their behalf, and by their beneficent measures continually increased their popularity, until, in the heat of the rivalry thus created, they found themselves pledged to a line of policy in which they could not even pause with honour, and which they could not desist from without disgrace. The reader, however, will be able to form his own opinion &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; about them from their history, and I shall now write, as a parallel to them, the lives of that pair of Laconian reformers, Agis and Kleomenes, kings of Sparta, who, like the Gracchi, increased the power of the people, and endeavoured to restore an admirable and just constitution which had fallen into desuetude; but who, like them, incurred the hatred of the governing class, who were unwilling to relinquish their encroachments and privileges. These Lacedæmonians were not indeed brothers, yet they pursued a kindred policy, with the same objects in view.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;a3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After the desire for silver and gold had penetrated into Sparta, the acquisition of wealth produced greed and meanness, while the use and enjoyment of riches was followed by luxury, effeminacy, and extravagance. Thus it fell out that Sparta lost her high and honoured position in Greece, and remained in obscurity and disgrace until the reign of Agis and Leonidas. Agis was of the Eurypontid line, the son of Eudamidas, and the sixth in descent from king Agesilaus, who invaded Asia, and became the most powerful man in Greece. This Agesilaus had a son named Archidamus, who fell in battle against the Messapians at the battle of Mandurium&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1_1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1_1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in Italy. He was succeeded by his eldest son Agis, who, being killed by Antipater near Megalopolis, and leaving no issue, was succeeded by his brother, Eudamidas; he, by a son named Archidamus; and Archidamus by another Eudamidas, the father of Agis, the subject of this memoir.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Leonidas, the son of Kleonymus, was of the other royal family, that of the Agiadæ, and was eighth in descent from Pausanias who conquered Mardonius at the battle of Plataea. Pausanias had a son named Pleistoanax, whose &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; son was again named Pausanias. This Pausanias&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2_2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2_2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; fled for his life from Sparta to Tegea, and was succeeded by his eldest son Agesipolis; and he, dying childless, by his younger brother Kleombrotus. Kleombrotus left two sons, Agesipolis and Kleomenes, of whom Agesipolis reigned but a short time, and left no children. Kleomenes succeeded his brother Agesipolis on the throne. Of his two sons, the elder, Akrotatus, died during his father’s lifetime, and the younger, Kleonymus, never reigned, as the throne was occupied by Areus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_3_3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_3_3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the grandson of Kleomenes, and the son of Akrotatus. Areus perished in battle before Corinth, and was succeeded by his son Akrotatus. This Akrotatus was defeated and slain near the city of Megalopolis by the despot Aristodemus, leaving his wife pregnant. When she bore a son, Leonidas the son of Kleonymus was appointed his guardian, and, as the child died before reaching manhood, he succeeded to the throne although he was far from being an acceptable personage to his countrymen; for, though the Spartans at this period had all abandoned their original severe simplicity of living, yet they found the manners of Leonidas in offensive contrast to their own. Indeed, Leonidas, who had spent much of his life at the courts of Asiatic potentates, and had been especially attached to that of Seleukus, seemed inclined to outrage the political feeling of the Greeks by introducing the arrogant tone of an Oriental despot into the constitutional monarchy of Sparta.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;a4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On the other hand, the goodness of heart and intellectual power of Agis proved so greatly superior not only to that of Leonidas, but of every king since Agesilaus the Great, that before he arrived at his twentieth year, in spite of his having been brought up in the greatest luxury by his mother Agesistrata and his grandmother Archidamia, the two richest women in Sparta, he abjured all frivolous indulgence, laid aside all personal ornament, avoided extravagance of every kind, prided himself on practising the old Laconian habits of dress, food, and bathing, and was wont to say that he would not care to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; be king unless he could use his position to restore the ancient customs and discipline of his country.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;a5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The corruption of the Lacedæmonians began at the time when, after having overthrown the Athenian empire, they were able to satiate themselves with the possession of gold and silver. Nevertheless, as the number of houses instituted by Lykurgus was still maintained, and each father still transmitted his estate to his son, the original equal division of property continued to exist and preserved the state from disorder. But a certain powerful and self-willed man, named Epitadeus, who was one of the Ephors, having quarrelled with his son, proposed a rhetra permitting a man to give his house and land to whomsoever he pleased, either during his life, or by his will after his death. This man proposed the law in order to gratify his own private grudge; but the other Spartans through covetousness eagerly confirmed it, and ruined the admirable constitution of Lykurgus. They now began to acquire land without limit, as the powerful men kept their relatives out of their rightful inheritance; and as the wealth of the country soon got into the hands of a few, the city became impoverished, and the rich began to be viewed with dislike and hatred. There were left at that time no more than seven hundred Spartans, and of these about one hundred possessed an inheritance in land, while the rest, without money, and excluded from all the privileges of citizenship, fought in a languid and spiritless fashion in the wars, and were ever on the watch for some opportunity to subvert the existing condition of affairs at home.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;a6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. Agis, therefore, thinking that it would be an honourable enterprise, as indeed it was, to restore these citizens to the state and to re-establish equality for all, began to sound the people themselves as to their opinion about such a measure. The younger men quickly rallied round him, and, with an enthusiasm which he had hardly counted upon, began to make ready for the contest; but most of the elder men, who had become more thoroughly tainted by the prevailing corruption, feared to be brought back to the discipline of Lykurgus as much as a runaway slave fears to be brought back to his master, and they &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;6&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; bitterly reviled Agis when he lamented over the condition of affairs and sighed for the ancient glories of Sparta. His enthusiastic aspirations, however, were sympathised with by Lysander the son of Libys, Mandrokleidas the son of Ekphanes, and Agesilaus. Lysander was the most influential of all the Spartans, while Mandrokleidas was thought to be the ablest politician in Greece, as he could both plot with subtlety and execute with boldness. Agesilaus was the uncle of King Agis and a fluent speaker, but of a weak and covetous disposition. It was commonly supposed that he was stirred to action by the influence of his son Hippomedon, who had gained great glory in the wars and was exceedingly popular among the younger citizens; but what really determined him to join the reformers was the amount of his debts, which he hoped would be wiped out by a revolution. As soon as Agis had won over this important adherent, he began to try to bring over his mother to his views, who was Agesilaus’s sister, and who, from the number of her friends, debtors, and dependants, was very powerful in the state, and took a large share in the management of public affairs.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;a7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When she first heard of Agis’s designs she was much startled, and dissuaded the youth from an enterprise which she thought neither practicable nor desirable. However, when Agesilaus pointed out to her what a notable design it was, and how greatly to the advantage of all, while the young king himself besought his mother to part with her wealth in order to gain him glory, arguing that he could not vie with other kings in riches, as the servants of Persian satraps, and the very slaves of the intendants of Ptolemy and Seleukus possessed more money than all the kings that ever reigned in Sparta; but that, if he could prove himself superior to those vanities by his temperance, simplicity of life, and true greatness of mind, and could succeed in restoring equality among his fellow-countrymen, he would be honoured and renowned as a truly great king. By this means the youth entirely changed his mother’s mind, and so fired her with his own ambition, as if by an inspiration from heaven, that she began to encourage Agis and urge him &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;7&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; on, and invited her friends to join them, while she also communicated their design to the other women, because she knew that the Lacedæmonians were in all things ruled by their women, and that they had more power in the state than the men possessed in their private households. Most of the wealth of Lacedæmon had fallen into female hands at this time, and this fact proved a great hindrance to the accomplishment of Agis’s schemes of reform; for the women offered a vehement opposition to him, not merely through a vulgar love for their idolised luxury, but also because they saw that they would lose all the influence and power which they derived from their wealth. They betook themselves to Leonidas, and besought him, as being the elder man, to restrain Agis, and check the development of his designs. Leonidas was willing enough to assist the richer class, but he feared the people, who were eager for reform, and would not openly oppose Agis, although he endeavoured secretly to ruin his scheme, and to prejudice the Ephors against him, by imputing to him the design of hiring the poor to make him despot with the plunder of the rich, and insinuating that by his redistribution of lands and remission of debts he meant to obtain more adherents for himself instead of more citizens for Sparta.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;a8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In spite of all this, Agis contrived to get Lysander appointed one of the Ephors, and immediately brought him to propose a rhetra before the Gerusia, or Senate, the main points of which were that all debts should be cancelled; that the land&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_4_4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_4_4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; should be divided, that between the valley of Pellene and Mount Taygetus, Malea, and Sellasia into four thousand five hundred lots, and the outlying districts into fifteen thousand: that the latter district should be distributed among the Periœki of military age, and the former among the pure Spartans: that the number of these should be made up by an extension of the franchise to Periœki or even foreigners of free birth, liberal education, and fitting personal qualifications: and that these citizens should be divided into fifteen companies some of four hundred, and some of two hundred, for the public meals, and should conform in every respect to the discipline of their forefathers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;a9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When, this rhetra was proposed, as the Senate could not agree whether it should become law, Lysander convoked a popular assembly and himself addressed the people. Mandrokleidas and Agesilaus also besought them not to allow a few selfish voluptuaries to destroy the glorious name of Sparta, but to remember the ancient oracles, warning them against the sin of covetousness, which would prove the ruin of Sparta, and also of the responses which they had recently received from the oracle of Pasiphae. The temple and oracle of Pasiphae at Thalamae was of peculiar sanctity. Pasiphae is said by some writers to have been one of the daughters of Atlas, and to have become the mother of Ammon by Zeus, while others say that Kassandra the daughter of Priam died there, and was called Pasiphae because her prophecies were plain to all men. Phylarchus again tells us that Daphne the daughter of Amyklas, while endeavouring to escape from the violence of Apollo, was transformed into the laurel,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_5_5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_5_5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which bears her name, and was honoured by the god and endowed by him with the gift of prophecy. Be this as it may, the oracular responses which were brought from this shrine bade the Spartans all become equal according as Lykurgus had originally ordained. After these speeches had been delivered, King Agis himself came forward, and, after a few introductory words, said that he was giving the strongest possible pledges of his loyalty to the new constitution; for he declared his intention of surrendering to the state, before any one else, his own property, consisting of a vast extent of land, both arable and pasture, besides six thousand talents of money; and he assured the people that his mother and her friends, the richest people in Sparta, would do the same.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;a10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The people were astounded at the magnanimity of the youth, and were filled with joy, thinking that at last, after an interval of three hundred years, there had appeared a king worthy of Sparta. Leonidas, on the other hand, opposed him as vigorously as he could, reflecting that he would be forced to follow his example, and divest himself of all his property, and that Agis, not he, would get the credit of the act. He therefore inquired of Agis whether &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; he thought Lykurgus to have been a just and well-meaning man. Receiving an affirmative reply, he again demanded, “Where, then, do we find that Lykurgus approved of the cancelling of debts, or of the admission of foreigners to the franchise, seeing that he did not think that the state could prosper without a periodical expulsion of foreigners?” To this Agis answered, that it was not to be wondered at if Leonidas, who had lived in a foreign country, and had a family by the daughter of a Persian satrap, should be ignorant that Lykurgus, together with coined money, had banished borrowing and lending from Sparta, and that he had no hatred for foreigners, but only for those whose profession and mode of life made them unfit to associate with his countrymen. These men Lykurgus expelled, not from any hatred of their persons, but because he feared that their manners and habits would infect the citizens with a love of luxury, effeminacy, and avarice. Terpander, Thales, and Pherekydes were all foreigners, but, since they sang and taught what Lykurgus approved, they lived in Sparta, and were treated with especial honour. “Do you,” asked he, “praise Ekprepus, who when Ephor cut off with a hatchet the two additional strings which Phrynis the musician had added to the original seven strings of the lyre, and those who cut the same strings off the harp of Timotheus, and yet do you blame us when we are endeavouring to get rid of luxury, extravagance, and frivolity, just as if those great men did not merely mean thereby to guard against vain refinements of music, which would lead to the introduction of extravagant and licentious manners, and cause the city to be at discord and variance with itself?”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;a11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After this the people espoused the cause of Agis, while the rich begged Leonidas not to desert them, and by their entreaties prevailed upon the senators, who had the power of originating all laws, to throw out the rhetra by a majority of only one vote. Lysander, who was still one of the Ephors, now proceeded to attack Leonidas, by means of a certain ancient law, which forbade any descendant of Herakles to beget children by a foreign wife, and which bade the Spartans put to death any citizen who left his country to dwell in a foreign land. He &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;10&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; instructed his adherents to revive the memory of this law, and threaten Leonidas with its penalties, while he himself with the other Ephors watched for the sign from heaven. This ceremony is conducted as follows:—Every ninth year the Ephors choose a clear moonless night, and sit in silence watching the heavens. If a star shoots across the sky, they conclude that the kings must have committed some act of impiety, and they suspend them from their office, until they were absolved by a favourable oracle from Delphi or Olympia. Lysander now declared that he had beheld this sign, and impeached Leonidas, bringing forward witnesses to prove that he had two children born to him by an Asiatic wife, the daughter of one of the lieutenants of Seleukus, and that having quarrelled with his wife and become hated by her he had unexpectedly returned home, and in default of a direct heir, had succeeded to the throne. At the same time Lysander urged Kleombrotus, the son-in-law of Leonidas, who was also of the royal family, to claim the throne for himself. Leonidas, terrified at this, took sanctuary in the temple of Athena of the Brazen House, and was joined there by his daughter, who left her husband Kleombrotus. When the trial came on, Leonidas did not appear in court, he was removed from the throne, and Kleombrotus was appointed in his stead.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;a12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; At this crisis Lysander was forced to lay down his office, as the year for which he had been elected had expired. The Ephors at once took Leonidas under their protection, restored him to the throne, and impeached Lysander, and Mandrokleidas as the authors of illegal measures in the cancelling of debts and the redistribution of the land. As these men were now in danger of their lives, they prevailed upon the two kings to act together and overrule the decision of the Ephors; for this, they declared, was the ancient rule of the constitution, that if the kings were at variance, the Ephors were entitled to support the one whom they judged to be in the right against the other, but their function was merely to act as arbitrators and judges between the kings when they disagreed, and not to interfere with them when they were of one mind. Both the kings agreed to act upon this advice, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and came with their friends into the assembly, turned the Ephors out of their chairs of office, and elected others in their room, one of whom was Agesilaus. They now armed many of the younger citizens, released the prisoners, and terrified their opponents by threatening a general massacre. No one, however, was killed by them; for although Agesilaus desired to kill Leonidas, and when he withdrew from Sparta to Tegea, sent men to waylay and murder him on the road, Agis, hearing of his intention, sent others on whom he could rely, who escorted Leonidas safely as far as Tegea.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;a13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thus far all had gone well, and no one remained to hinder the accomplishment of the reforms; but now Agesilaus alone upset and ruined the whole of this noble and truly Spartan scheme by his detestable vice of covetousness. He possessed a large quantity of the best land in the country, and also owed a great sum of money, and as he desired neither to pay his debts nor to part with his land, he persuaded Agis that it would be too revolutionary a proceeding to carry both measures at once, and that, if the moneyed class were first propitiated by the cancelling of debts, they would afterwards be inclined to submit quietly to the redistribution of lands. Lysander and the rest were deceived by Agesilaus into consenting to this, and they brought all the written securities for money which had been given by debtors, which are called by them &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;klaria&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, into the market-place, collected them into one heap, and burned them. As the flames rose up, the rich and those who had lent money went away in great distress, but Agesilaus, as if exulting at their misfortune, declared that he had never seen a brighter blaze or a purer fire. As the people at once demanded the division of the land, and called upon the kings to distribute it among them, Agesilaus put them off with various excuses, and managed to spin out the time till Agis was sent out of the country on military service, as the Achæans, who were allies, had demanded a reinforcement from Sparta, because the Ætolians threatened to invade Peloponnesus through the territory of Megara, and Aratus, the general of the Achæans, who was collecting an army to resist them, sent to Sparta demanding assistance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;a14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Spartans at once despatched Agis at the head of an army, whose high spirits and devotion to his person filled him with delight. The men were nearly all young and poor; and as they were now relieved from the pressure of their debts, and expected that on their return the land would be distributed amongst them, they behaved with the most admirable discipline. They marched through Peloponnesus without doing the least damage, without offending any one, almost without noise; so that all the cities were astonished at the spectacle thus afforded them, and men began to wonder what a Lacedæmonian army must have been like when led by Agesilaus or Lysander the Great, or by the ancient hero Leonidas, if such awe and reverence was paid by the soldiers to one who was nearly the youngest of them all. Their youthful leader himself was worthy of admiration, and was looked up to by the men because of his simple hard-working habits, and the pride which he took in wearing the same dress and using the same arms as the common soldiers. The revolution which he had effected, however, was very distasteful to the rich, who feared lest it might be taken as an example by the people in other states and lead to further disturbances.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;a15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Agis joined Aratus at Corinth, while the question of how to repel the invasion was still being debated. His advice was spirited, without being rash or foolhardy. He gave it as his opinion that it was their duty to fight, and not abandon the gate of Peloponnesus and let the enemy into the country, but that he would defer to the decision of Aratus, who was an older man than himself, and was the general of the Achæans, and that he had not come to give them advice or to take the command of them, but to reinforce them and serve as their ally. The historian Baton of Sinope declares that Agis declined to fight although Aratus wished him to do so; but he is mistaken, and clearly has not read the justification which Aratus has written of his conduct, namely, that as the farmers had nearly all finished gathering in their harvest, he thought it better to allow the enemy to enter the country than to hazard everything upon the issue of a single battle. As Aratus decided not to fight, and dismissed his allies with thanks, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Agis returned home, greatly honoured by those under his orders, and found the internal affairs of Sparta in great turmoil and confusion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;a16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Agesilaus, who was now Ephor, and who was no longer restrained by the presence of those of whom he had formerly stood in awe, was using the most disgraceful expedients to extort money from the people, and had even intercalated a thirteenth month in the year, although the state of the calendar did not require it, and caused taxes to be paid for it. As he feared those whom he had wronged, and was an object of universal hatred, he had taken a body-guard of swordsmen into his pay, and walked through the city accompanied by them. As for the kings, he regarded Kleombrotus with contempt, and though he still paid some respect to Agis, he wished it to be thought that he did so because he was nearly related to himself, not because he was king. He also gave out that he intended to remain in office as Ephor for the next year as well. In consequence of this his enemies determined to bring matters to a crisis. They assembled in force, brought back Leonidas publicly from Tegea, and reinstated him as king, to the great joy of most of the citizens, who were angry with the other party because they had been deceived by them about the redistribution of the land. Agesilaus was able to leave the country in safety, owing to the intercession of his son Hippomedon, who was very popular with all classes on account of his bravery. Of the two kings, Agis fled to the temple of Athena of the Brazen House, while Kleombrotus took sanctuary in the temple of Poseidon.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_6_6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_6_6&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;6&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It appeared that Leonidas hated Kleombrotus most of the two; for he passed by Agis, but marched in pursuit of Kleombrotus with an armed force, and angrily reproached him that being his own son-in-law he had conspired against him, dethroned him, and driven him into exile.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;a17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Kleombrotus could find nothing to say in his defence, and sat silent and helpless; but Chilonis, the daughter of Leonidas, who formerly had taken offence at her father’s injurious treatment, and when Kleombrotus &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;14&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; usurped the throne had left him, and showed her sympathy with Leonidas in his misfortune by accompanying him in the temple where he took sanctuary, and after he left the country by mourning for him and remaining at variance with her husband Kleombrotus, now changed sides with his changing fortunes, and appeared sitting by her husband’s side as a suppliant to the god with him, with her arms cast round him, and her two children on each side of her. All stood amazed and were moved to tears by her noble and affectionate conduct, and she, pointing to her mean dress and dishevelled hair, said, “Father, I have not adopted this posture and this dress out of pity for Kleombrotus, but I have so long been in mourning for your misfortunes and your banishment that it has become customary with me. Am I now to remain in mourning while you are victorious and reign in Sparta, or am I to dress myself in fine clothes as becomes a princess, while I see my husband murdered by your hand? Unless he can move you to compassion, and obtain your pity by the tears of his wife and children, he will suffer a more terrible penalty for his misconduct than you wish to impose, by seeing me his dearest wife die before him; for how can I endure to live among other women, if I prove unable to move either my husband or my father to compassion? Both as a wife and as a daughter I have been fated to suffer with my own kin and to be despised with them. If there is anything which can be urged on behalf of my husband’s conduct, I have made it impossible to plead it for him by the part which I have taken in protesting against his conduct to you; but you yourself suggest a sufficient apology for his crime, by showing that you think royalty so great and precious a thing, that to obtain it you are willing to murder your son-in-law and neglect your own child.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;a18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Chilonis, after speaking thus, nestled her face against that of her husband, and glanced round at the spectators with red and tearful eyes. Leonidas, after a short consultation with his friends, bade Kleombrotus rise and leave the country, but besought his daughter to remain with him, and not to leave him who loved her so dearly, and had just spared her husband’s life in consequence of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; her entreaties. He could not, however, prevail upon her to stay, but she rose up with her husband, took one child in her arms, and led the other, and so, after kneeling before the altar, followed her husband, who, if his mind was not entirely corrupted by vain ambition, must have thought exile with such a wife preferable to royalty. After driving Kleombrotus from the throne, ejecting the Ephors from office and substituting others chosen by himself, Leonidas addressed himself to Agis. At first he tried to persuade him to come out of sanctuary and reign as his colleague, saying that the citizens had forgiven him, because they knew that he was young and impetuous, and had been deceived by Agesilaus. However, as Agis saw through these devices and remained where he was, Leonidas left off making these hypocritical offers. Amphares, Damochares, and Arkesilaus were in the habit of going to the temple and conversing with him; and once he came out of the temple in their company to take a bath, and after bathing was conducted back again by them in safety. All three were on intimate terms with him, but Amphares, who had lately borrowed some rich clothing and valuable plate from Agesistrata, was inclined to plot against the king and the royal ladies, that he might not be obliged to restore them. He, therefore, we are told, lent a ready ear to Leonidas’s plans, and excited the zeal of the Ephors, one of whom he was.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;a19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Since Agis lived entirely in the temple, and only left it in order to bathe, they determined to seize him when he came out for this purpose. Having one day watched him bathing they came up and greeted him in a friendly way, and walked along with him talking and jesting as young men who are on intimate terms are wont to do. When they reached the place where a road branches off to the public prison, Amphares, in virtue of his Ephorship, laid hold of Agis and said: “Agis, I must lead you before the Ephors to give an account of your conduct.” At the same time Damochares, a tall and strong man, threw his cloak round Agis’s neck and dragged him along by it. Others now appeared by previous arrangement, and pushed him from behind, and as no one came to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; help him, he was forced into the prison. Hereupon, Leonidas appeared with a band of mercenaries, and surrounded the prison. The Ephors now went in to Agis, and sent for all the senators of their way of thinking to come to the prison in order to go through the form of a trial. Agis laughed at their hypocrisy, but Amphares told him that it was no laughing matter, and that he would soon pay a bitter penalty for his rashness. Another of the Ephors, wishing to offer a means of escape to Agis, inquired of him whether he had acted on his own responsibility, or had been compelled to do so by Agesilaus and Lysander. Agis answered that no man had compelled him, but that he admired and imitated Lykurgus, and had aimed at reviving his institutions. Upon this the same Ephor asked him whether he repented of what he had done. When the brave youth answered that he never would repent of his glorious designs, whatever tortures he might have to suffer for them, the assembly at once condemned him to death, and bade the prison officials at once remove him to the place called Dechas, which is a part of the prison in which criminals are strangled. Seeing that the servants would not lay hands upon Agis, and that even those mercenaries who were present shrunk from such work, because it was held to be unlawful and impious to lay hands upon the person of the king, Damochares, after threatening and abusing them, dragged Agis with his own hands to the place of execution. Many of the citizens had by this time heard of his arrest, and many men had assembled with torches in their hands and were clamouring at the gate of the prison. The mother and grandmother of Agis were also present, and loudly demanded that the king of Sparta should have a fair trial in the presence of his countrymen. For this reason they within hurried on the execution, as they feared that if a larger crowd collected Agis would be rescued during the night.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;a20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; While Agis was being led to execution, he saw one of the servants of the prison weeping and in great distress. “My man,” said he, “do not weep for me, for I am a better man than those who are murdering me in this cruel and illegal fashion.” With these words he, of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;17&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; his own accord, put the noose round his neck. Meanwhile Amphares proceeded to the prison gate. Here Agesistrata fell at his feet, believing him still to be her friend. Amphares raised her, saying that Agis would suffer no violent treatment, and bade her, if she wished, go in and see her son. As she asked to be accompanied by her mother, Amphares said that there was no objection to that, and after receiving them both within the walls, ordered the prison gates to be closed. He first sent Archidamia, who was now very old, and greatly respected by her countrywomen, to the place of execution, and when she was dead, bade Agesistrata enter. When she saw the corpse of her son lying on the ground, and her mother hanging by a halter, she herself assisted the servants to take her down, laid her body beside that of Agis, and arranged and covered up the two corpses. She then knelt and kissed the face of her son, saying, “My child, thy great piety, goodness, and clemency has brought thee and us to this death.” Upon this Amphares, who was watching and listening at the door, came into the room, and said angrily to Agesistrata, “If you approve of your son’s deeds, you shall suffer with him.” At these words Agesistrata rose and offered her neck to the halter, saying, “I only pray that this may be for the good of Sparta.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;a21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When the sad news was known throughout the city, and the three corpses brought out of the prison, the terror which was inspired did not prevent the citizens from manifesting their sorrow at the deed, and their hatred of Leonidas and Amphares. No such wicked or cruel deed, they declared, had been committed in Sparta since the Dorians settled in Peloponnesus. The very enemies of the Lacedæmonians generally seemed unwilling to lay violent hands on their kings when they met them in battle, and turned aside through reverence of their exalted position. For this reason, in all the battles which the Lacedæmonians had fought against the Greeks before the era of Philip of Macedon, only one king, Kleombrotus, had fallen on the field of Leuktra; for though the Messenians aver that Theopompus, a king of Lacedæmon, was slain by Aristomenes, the Lacedæmonians deny it, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;18&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and say that he was only wounded. This matter is doubtful, but Agis was the first king who was put to death by the Ephors in Lacedæmon, because he had conceived a noble design and one which was worthy of Sparta. He was of an age when men’s shortcomings deserve to be pardoned; and deserves to be blamed by his friends more than by his enemies, because with an ill-judged clemency he spared the life of Leonidas, and trusted in the professions of the rest of his political enemies.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;19&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;LIFE OF KLEOMENES.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After the death of Agis, as has been related, Leonidas was not able to seize the person of his brother Archidamus, who at once fled out of the country, but he brought the wife of Agis with her newly-born child out of her house, and forcibly married her to his own son Kleomenes, who was scarcely come to an age for marriage, because he was unwilling for her to marry any one else. Indeed Agiatis was the daughter of Gylippus, and heiress to a great estate. She was thought to be the most beautiful woman of her time in all Greece, and was of a noble disposition. It is said that she made many entreaties not to be forced into a second marriage, but that after her union with Kleomenes, although she continued to hate his father Leonidas, she made a good and affectionate wife to the young man, who became passionately fond of her, and sympathised with her loving remembrance of Agis, so that he would often ask her to tell him about her late husband, and used to listen with rapt attention while she explained the designs and projects of Agis. For Kleomenes was as eager for honour, and had as noble a mind as Agis himself, and was equally moderate and simple in his way of life; but he lacked the other’s discreet and gentle temper, and was of a stirring and vehement nature, eager to embark on any honourable enterprise. He thought it the most glorious position of all to rule over an obedient people; but he took pride also in bending disobedient subjects to his will, and forcibly compelling them to move in the path of honour.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was far from satisfied with the state of things at Sparta, where the citizens had given themselves up to luxurious repose, while the king Leonidas cared nothing &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;20&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; for public affairs, so long as he was able to gratify his own love of extravagance and self-indulgence. Public virtue was entirely gone, and no man cared to profit his country, but only himself. As for discipline, orderly training of the young, hardiness of body, and equality, all these things had perished with Agis, and it was not safe even to speak of them. We are told that while yet a lad Kleomenes was instructed in the principles of the Stoic philosophy by Sphærus of Borysthenes,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_7_7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_7_7&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;7&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who visited Lacedæmon and gave excellent instruction there to the young. This Sphærus was one of the aptest pupils of Zeno of Kitium,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_8_8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_8_8&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and he seems to have admired the manly spirit of Kleomenes and to have encouraged him in the pursuit of honour. The ancient hero Leonidas, when asked what he thought of Tyrtæus, is said to have answered, “He is good at exciting the minds of the youth.” Indeed they became filled with enthusiasm by the poems of Tyrtæus, and fought with reckless daring in battle: and so also the Stoic philosophy often renders brave and fiery natures over-daring and venturesome, and yields the best fruit when applied to a grave and gentle nature.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When after the death of Leonidas, Kleomenes succeeded to the throne, he found the state utterly disorganised, for the rich took no part in politics, and cared for nothing but their own pleasure and profit, while the miserable condition of the poor caused them to fight without spirit in the wars, and to neglect the proper training of their children. He himself was a king only in name, as the Ephors had engrossed all real power. Under these circumstances he at once began to revolve schemes of reform in his mind, and began to sound the opinion of his intimate friend Xenares, by enquiring of him what sort of a king Agis had been, and in what manner, and with what associates he had made his attempts at reform. Xenares at first very willingly gave &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;21&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; him a complete narrative of the whole transaction; but as he saw that Kleomenes listened with intense interest, and was deeply excited by the recital of Agis’s designs, to which he was never weary of listening, Xenares at last angrily reproached him with not being in his right mind, and at last broke off all intercourse with him. He did not, however, tell any one the reason of their being at variance, but declared that Kleomenes knew well what it was. Kleomenes, after meeting with this rebuff from Xenares, imagining that every one else would be of the same mind, determined to concert his own measures alone. As he thought that there was more chance of effecting reforms during war than in time of peace, he involved Sparta in a war with the Achæans, for which they themselves furnished the pretext. Aratus, the chief of the Achæans, had always desired to unite the whole of the Peloponnesus in one confederacy, and in all his long political career had steadily kept this object in view, as he thought that thus, and thus alone, the people of Peloponnesus would be able to defend themselves against external foes. Nearly all the tribes of Peloponnesus joined his confederacy except the Lacedæmonians, the people of Elis, and such of the Arcadians as were under Lacedæmonian influence. On the death of Leonidas, Aratus began to make plundering expeditions into the territory of the Arcadians, especially those near the Achæan frontier, in order to see what steps the Lacedæmonians would take; for he despised Kleomenes as a young and inexperienced man.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Upon this the Ephors first sent Kleomenes to occupy the temple of Athena, near Belbina. This place was situated in a mountain pass leading into Laconia, and it was claimed by the citizens of Megalopolis as belonging to their territory. Kleomenes seized the pass and fortified it, to which Aratus offered no objection, but endeavoured by a night march to surprise the cities of Tegea and Orchomenes. However, the hearts of the traitors within the walls failed them, and so Aratus led his army back, hoping that his object had not been discovered. Kleomenes, by way of jest, now wrote him a letter affecting to enquire of him in the most friendly &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_22&amp;quot;&amp;gt;22&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; terms where he had been to in the night. He answered that he had heard that Kleomenes was about to erect fortifications at Belbina, and had marched to prevent his doing so. To this Kleomenes answered that he was satisfied that this had been Aratus’s intention. “But,” he continued, “if you do not mind, please tell me why you brought scaling ladders and torches with you.” Aratus laughed at this home-thrust, and enquired what sort of a youth Kleomenes might be. Damochares, the Lacedæmonian exile, answered, “If you mean to do anything against the Lacedæmonians, you must make haste and do it before this young gamecock’s spurs are grown.” After this the Ephors ordered Kleomenes, who was encamped in Arcadia with a few horsemen and three hundred foot, to retire, as they feared to go to war. But since, as soon as he had withdrawn, Aratus captured the city of Kaphyæ, they sent him back again. He captured Methydrium, and overran Argolis, upon which the Achæans sent an army of twenty thousand foot and a thousand horse, under the command of Aristomachus, to attack him. Kleomenes met them near Pallantium, and was eager to fight, but Aratus, alarmed at his daring, would not permit the Achæan general to fight, and drew off his forces, incurring thereby the anger of the Achæans, and the ridicule and contempt of the Lacedæmonians, who only amounted to one-fifth of the enemy’s numbers. This affair gave Kleomenes great self-confidence, and parodying a saying of one of the ancient kings, he said to his countrymen that it was useless nowadays for the Lacedæmonians to ask either how many their enemies were, or where they were.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_9_9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_9_9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Shortly after, as the Achæans were making war against the Eleans, Kleomenes was sent to aid the latter, and met with the army of the Achæans returning home, near the mountain called Lykæum. He attacked their forces, and utterly routed them, killing many and capturing numbers of prisoners, so that a report spread throughout Greece that Aratus himself had perished. But Aratus, turning the disaster to good account, immediately after &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_23&amp;quot;&amp;gt;23&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; the defeat marched to Mantinea, and as no one expected him, captured the city and placed a strong garrison in it. This completely disheartened the Lacedæmonians, who desired to recall Kleomenes and put an end to the war. Kleomenes now sent to Messene and invited back Archidamus, the brother of Agis, who ought to have been on the throne as the representative of the other royal family, imagining that if there were two kings reigning at Sparta at the same time, the power of the Ephors would be weakened. However, the party who had previously murdered Agis perceived this, and as they feared that if Archidamus returned to Sparta he would make them pay the penalty of their crimes, they welcomed him back and assisted him to make a secret entry into the city, but immediately afterwards assassinated him, either against the will of Kleomenes, as we are told by Phylarchus, or else with his connivance, in consequence of the representations of his friends. They indeed bore the chief blame in the matter, as they were thought to have forced Kleomenes into consenting to the murder.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. Kleomenes, determined to carry out his designs of reform, now proceeded to bribe the Ephors into sending him out on a new military expedition. He also won over a considerable number of supporters among the citizens by means of the lavish expenditure and influence of his mother Kratesiklea, who, though averse to a second marriage, is said to have married one of the leading men in Sparta in order to further her son’s interests.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Kleomenes now took the field at the head of his army, and captured a small town within the territory of Megalopolis, named Leuktra.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_10_10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_10_10&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;10&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Achæans under Aratus promptly came up, and a battle was fought under the walls of the town, in which part of the army of Kleomenes was defeated. Aratus however refused to follow up his advantage, and kept the main body of the Achæans motionless behind the bed of a torrent. Enraged at his inaction, Lydiades of Megalopolis charged at the head of the cavalry under his own command, but got entangled in the pursuit of the enemy in ground which was cut up by walls and watercourses. Seeing him thrown into disorder, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;24&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Kleomenes sent his Tarentine and Cretan troops to attack him, by whom Lydiades, fighting bravely, was overpowered and slain. The Lacedæmonians now recovered their spirits, and with loud shouts attacked the Achæans and completely defeated them. Many were slain, and their corpses were given up to the enemy for burial, with the exception of that of Lydiades, which Kleomenes ordered to be brought to himself. He then attired it in a purple robe, placed a garland upon its head, and sent it to the city of Megalopolis. This was that Lydiades who had been despot of Megalopolis, but who abdicated his throne, restored liberty to his countrymen, and brought the city to join the Achæan league.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After this victory Kleomenes became inspired with fresh confidence, and was convinced that if he only were allowed undisputed management he would easily conquer the Achæans. He explained to his step-father Megistonous that the time had at length come for the abolition of the Ephors, the redistribution of property, and the establishment of equality among the citizens, after which Sparta might again aspire to recover her ancient ascendancy in Greece. Megistonous agreed, and communicated his intentions to two or three of his friends. It chanced that at this time one of the Ephors who was sleeping in the temple of Pasiphæ dreamed an extraordinary dream, that in the place where the Ephors sat for the dispatch of business he saw four chairs removed, and one alone remaining, while as he wondered he heard a voice from the shrine say “This is best for Sparta.” When the Ephor related this dream to Kleomenes, he was at first much alarmed, and feared that the man had conceived some suspicion of his designs, but finding that he was really in earnest recovered his confidence. Taking with him all those citizens whom he suspected to be opposed to his enterprise, he captured Heræa and Alsæa, cities belonging to the Achæan league, revictualled Orchomenus, and threatened Mantinea. By long marches and counter-marches he so wearied the Lacedæmonians that at last at their own request he left the greater part of them in Arcadia, while he with the mercenaries returned to Sparta. During his homeward march he revealed his intentions to&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;25&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; those whom he considered to be most devoted to his person, and regulated his march so as to be able to fall upon the Ephors while they were at their evening meal.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When he drew near to the city, he sent Eurykleidas into the dining-room of the Ephors, on the pretence of bringing a message from the army. After Eurykleidas followed Phoebis and Therukion, two of the foster-brothers of Kleomenes, called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;mothakes&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_11_11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_11_11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; by the Lacedæmonians, with a few soldiers. While Eurykleidas was parleying with the Ephors, these men rushed in with drawn swords and cut them down. The president, Agylæus, fell at the first blow and appeared to be dead, but contrived to crawl out of the building unobserved into a small temple, sacred to Fear, the door of which was usually closed, but which then chanced to be open. In this he took refuge and shut the door. The other four were slain, and some few persons, not more than ten, who came to assist them. No one who remained quiet was put to death, nor was any one prevented from leaving the city. Even Agylæus, when he came out of his sanctuary on the following day, was not molested.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Lacedæmonians have temples dedicated not only to Fear, but to Death, and Laughter, and the like. They honour Fear, not as a malevolent divinity to be shunned, but because they think that the constitutions of states are mainly upheld by Fear. For this reason, Aristotle tells us that the Ephors, when they enter upon their office, issue a proclamation ordering the citizens to shave the moustache and obey the laws, that the laws might not be hard upon them. The injunction about shaving the moustache is inserted, I imagine, in order to accustom the young to obedience even in the most trivial matters. It seems to me that the ancient Spartans did not regard bravery as consisting in the absence of fear, but in the fear of shame and dread of dishonour; for those who fear the laws most are the bravest in battle; and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_26&amp;quot;&amp;gt;26&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;those who most fear disgrace care least for their own personal safety. The poet was right who said&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“Where there is fear, is reverence too;”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and Homer makes Helen call Priam&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line i6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“My father-in-law dear,&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Whom most of all I reverence and fear;”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;while he speaks of the Greek army as obeying&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“Its chiefs commands in silence and with fear.”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Human nature, indeed, leads most men to reverence those whom they fear; and this is why the Lacedæmonians placed the temple of Fear close to the dining-hall of the Ephors, because they invested that office with almost royal authority.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On the following morning Kleomenes published a list containing the names of eighty citizens, whom he required to leave the country, and removed the chairs of the Ephors, except one, which he intended to occupy himself. He now convoked an assembly, and made a speech justifying his recent acts. In the time of Lykurgus, he said, the kings and the senate shared between them the supreme authority in the State; and for a long time the government was carried on in this manner without any alteration being required, until, during the long wars with Messene, as the kings had no leisure to attend to public affairs, they chose some of their friends to sit as judges in their stead, and these persons acted at first merely as the servants of the kings, but gradually got all power into their own hands, and thus insensibly established a new power in the State. A proof of the truth of this is to be found in the custom which still prevails, that when the Ephors send for the king, he refuses to attend at the first and second summons, but rises and goes to them at the third. Asteropus, who first consolidated the power of the Ephors, and raised it to the highest point, flourished in comparatively recent times, many generations after the original establishment of the office. If, he went on to say, the Ephors would have behaved with moderation, it would have been better to allow them to remain in existence;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_27&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; but when they began to use their ill-gotten power to destroy the constitution of Sparta, when they banished one king, put another to death without trial, and kept down by terror all those who wished for the introduction of the noblest and most admirable reforms, they could no longer be borne. Had he been able without shedding a drop of blood to drive out of Lacedæmon all those foreign pests of luxury, extravagance, debt, money-lending, and those two more ancient evils, poverty and riches, he should have accounted himself the most fortunate of kings, because, like a skilful physician, he had painlessly performed so important an operation upon his country: as it was, the use of force was sanctioned by the example of Lykurgus, who, though only a private man, appeared in arms in the market-place, and so terrified King Charilaus, that he fled for refuge to the altar of Athena. He, however, being an honest and patriotic man, soon joined Lykurgus, and acquiesced in the reforms which he introduced, while the acts of Lykurgus prove that it is hard to effect a revolution without armed force, of which he declared that he had made a most sparing use, and had only put out of the way those who were opposed to the best interests of Lacedæmon. He announced to the rest of the citizens that the land should be divided among them, that they should be relieved from all their debts, and that all resident aliens should be submitted to an examination, in order that the best of them might be selected to become full citizens of Sparta, and help to defend the city from falling a prey to Ætolians and Illyrians for want of men to defend her.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After this he himself first threw his inheritance into the common stock, and his example was followed by his father-in-law Megistonous, his friends, and the rest of the citizens. The land was now divided, and one lot was assigned to each of those whom he had banished, all of whom he said it was his intention to bring back as soon as order was restored. He recruited the numbers of the citizens by the admission of the most eligible of the Periœki to the franchise, and organised them into a body of four thousand heavy armed infantry, whom he taught to use the sarissa, or Macedonian pike which was grasped&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_28&amp;quot;&amp;gt;28&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; with both hands, instead of the spear, and to sling their shields by a strap instead of using a handle. He next turned his attention to the education and discipline of the youth, in which task he was assisted by Sphærus. The gymnasia and the common meals were soon re-established, and the citizens, for the most part willingly, resumed their simple Laconian habits of living. Kleomenes, fearing to be called a despot, appointed his own brother, Eukleidas, as his colleague. Then for the first time were two kings of the same family seen at once in Sparta.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As Kleomenes perceived that Aratus and the Achæans thought that while Sparta was passing through so perilous a crisis her troops were not likely to leave the country, he thought that it would be both a spirited and a useful act to display the enthusiasm of his army to the enemy. He invaded the territory of Megalopolis, carried off a large booty, and laid waste a large extent of country. Finding a company of players on their road from Messene, he took them prisoners, caused a theatre to be erected in the enemy’s country, and offered them forty minæ for a performance for one day, at which he himself attended as a spectator, not that he cared for the performance, but because he wished to mock at his enemies, and to show by this studied insult the enormous superiority of which he was conscious. At this period his was the only army, Greek or foreign, which was not attended by actors, jugglers, dancing-girls, and singers; but he kept it free from all licentiousness and buffoonery, as the younger men were nearly always being practised in martial exercises, while the elders acted as their instructors; and when they were at leisure they amused themselves with witty retorts and sententious Laconian pleasantries. The great value of this kind of discipline is described at greater length in the life of Lykurgus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In everything Kleomenes himself acted as their teacher, and example, offering his own simple, frugal life, so entirely free from vulgar superfluities, as a model of sobriety for them all to copy; and this added greatly to his influence in Greece. For when men attended the&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_29&amp;quot;&amp;gt;29&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; courts of the other kings of that period they were not so much impressed by their wealth and lavish expenditure as they were disgusted by their arrogant, overbearing manners; but when they met Kleomenes, who was every inch a king, and saw that he wore no purple robes, did not lounge on couches and litters, and was not surrounded by a crowd of messengers, doorkeepers, and secretaries, so as to be difficult of access, but that he himself, dressed in plain clothes, came and shook them by the hand, and conversed with them in a kindly and encouraging tone, they were completely fascinated and charmed by him, and declared that he alone was a true descendant of Herakles. His dinner was usually served upon a very small Laconian table with three couches,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_12_12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_12_12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but if he were entertaining ambassadors or foreigners two additional couches were added, and his servants somewhat improved his dinner, not by adding to it made-dishes and pastry, but by serving a greater abundance of food and a more liberal allowance of wine. Indeed he blamed one of his friends, when he heard that when entertaining foreigners at dinner he had placed before them black broth and barley cakes: for he said that in such matters, and when entertaining strangers, it was not well to be too rigidly Spartan. After the table was removed a tripod was brought in which supported a bronze bowl full of wine, two silver pateræ, that held each about a pint, and a number of very small silver cups, from which any one drank who wished, for Kleomenes never forced men to drink against their will. No recitations were performed for the amusement of the guests; for he himself would lead the conversation and entertain them over their wine, partly by asking questions of them and partly by relating anecdotes to them: for he well knew both how to make serious subjects interesting, and to be pleasant and witty without giving offence. He was of opinion that the habit of other princes, of tempting men into their service by presents and bribes, was both clumsy and wicked; but he thought it peculiarly befitting a king to influence and captivate men’s minds by the charm of his conversation, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_30&amp;quot;&amp;gt;30&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and was wont to say that a friend differed only from a mercenary soldier in that a man wins the one by the influence of his character and his conversation, and the other by his money.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; First of all the people of Mantinea made overtures to him. They admitted him to their city by night, aided him to drive out the Achæan garrison, and placed themselves unreservedly in his hands. He, however, restored them to the enjoyment of their own laws and original constitution, and marched away the same day to Tegea. Shortly afterwards by a circuitous march through Arcadia he arrived before the Achæan city of Pheræ, desiring either to fight a battle with the Achæans, or to make Aratus incur the disgrace of retreating and leaving him in possession of the country: for although Hyperbates was nominally in command, all real power over the Achæans was in the hands of Aratus. The Achæans took the field with their entire force, and encamped at Dymæ, near the temple called Hekatombæon. When Kleomenes arrived here he was unwilling to establish himself between the hostile city of Dymæ and the army of the Achæans, and challenged them, forced them to fight, and completely routed their phalanx. He killed many, took a large number of prisoners, and then, marching to Langon, drove out the Achæan garrison, and restored the city to the Eleans.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As the Achæan power was now quite broken, Aratus, who was usually elected general every other year, refused to take office, and excused himself when they besought him to do so: a dishonourable act, when the times became more stormy, to desert the helm, and give up his power to another. Kleomenes at first used very moderate language to the Achæan ambassadors, but sent others ordering them to acknowledge him for their sovereign, and promising that if they did so he would do them no further hurt, and would at once restore the prisoners and fortresses which he had taken. As the Achæans were willing to accept these terms they invited Kleomenes to a conference at Lerna. It happened, however, that Kleomenes, after a long march, drank a quantity of cold water, which caused him to bring up much blood,&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_31&amp;quot;&amp;gt;31&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and to lose his voice. In consequence of this, although he sent back the most distinguished of his prisoners, he was obliged to postpone the conference, and went home to Lacedæmon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This mischance ruined Greece, which even now might have recovered herself, and avoided falling into the hands of the insolent and rapacious Macedonians. For Aratus, either because he distrusted and feared Kleomenes, or else because he grudged him his success, and thought that after he had for thirty-three years been chief of the Achæans, it was not to be endured that a young man should overthrow him, and enter into the fruit of his labours, at first tried to oppose the Achæans when they offered to come to terms with the Lacedæmonians; but as they would not listen to him, because they were cowed by the boldness of Kleomenes, and also admitted the justice of the Lacedæmonian claim to be the leading state in Peloponnesus, as their ancestral right, he adopted a course which was a disgraceful one for any Greek, but especially so for him, and one which was most unworthy of his former political life. He determined to invite Antigonus into Greece, and to fill the Pelopennesus with those very Macedonians whom he himself when a lad had chased out of the country by his capture of the Acro-Corinthus, although he was regarded with suspicion by all the kings, and was at variance with them all, and though he had already accused this very Antigonus himself of every conceivable crime in his “Memoirs,” which are still extant. Yet he himself has stated that he suffered much, and risked much to free Athens from a Macedonian garrison; though now he led these very men with arms in their hands into his own native country, and up to his own paternal hearth. He thought that Kleomenes, a descendant of Herakles, a king of Sparta, who had restored the simple ancient Dorian constitution of Lykurgus, as one tightens the relaxed strings of a lyre, to bring it into tune, was unworthy to be accounted the ruler of Sikyon and Tritæa; and in his eagerness to avoid the rough Spartan cloak, and the Spartan barley bread, and that with which he especially charged Kleomenes, the destruction of wealth and the encouragement of poverty, threw himself and&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_32&amp;quot;&amp;gt;32&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; all Achæa with him, into the arms of the Macedonians, with all their diadems and their purple robes and their habits of oriental despotism. That he might avoid acting under the orders of Kleomenes, he was content to offer sacrifice at festivals in honour of Antigonus, and himself to place a garland upon his head, and to lead the pæan in praise of a man wasted and emaciated by consumption. And this I write, not from any desire to depreciate Aratus, for in many respects he proved himself a truly great and patriotic man, but rather out of pity for the weakness of human nature, which will not allow even the most eminent persons to present us with the spectacle of an entirely unblemished virtue.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When the Achæans again assembled at Argos to hold a conference there, and Kleomenes started to go thither from Tegea, men’s minds were full of hope that peace would be finally established. But Aratus, who had already settled the main points of his treaty with Antigonus, and feared that Kleomenes would either by persuasion or force bring the assembly over to his views, sent to him demanding either that he should take three hundred hostages for his safety and come to the conference alone, or else meet them with his army outside the walls at the gymnasium called the Kyllarabium. Kleomenes on hearing this said that he had not been properly treated; for Aratus ought to have warned him of this at once, not have waited till he was almost at the gates of Argos and then expressed suspicions of his honesty of purpose and driven him away. He sent a letter to the assembled Achæans, containing bitter invectives against Aratus, and as Aratus replied by maligning him in a public oration, he broke up his camp and sent a herald with a declaration of war, not to Argos, according to Aratus, but to Ægium, in order to take the Achæans by surprise. The Achæan cities were all ripe for revolt, as the populace hoped for a redistribution of the land and cancelling of debts if they joined the Spartans, while the leading men were all jealous of the power and influence of Aratus, and some of them hated him as the traitor who was bringing the Macedonians into Peloponnesus. Relying upon the prevalence of this feeling Kleomenes invaded&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_33&amp;quot;&amp;gt;33&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Achaia, took Pellene by surprise, and drove out the garrison and the Achæan inhabitants. Soon afterwards he captured the cities of Pheneus and Penteleum.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Achæans of Corinth and Sikyon now began to fear that his partisans were plotting to deliver up those cities to him, and in consequence sent their cavalry and foreign mercenaries away from Argos to guard those towns, while they themselves proceeded to Argos to hold the Nemean festival there. Kleomenes, rightly judging that his appearance at a time when the city was full of a disorderly crowd of people who were come to attend the feasts and games would produce great confusion, marched up to the walls by night, seized the place called the ‘Shield,’ which is just above the theatre, and is very difficult of access, and so terrified the citizens that no one attempted to offer any resistance. They willingly agreed to admit a Spartan garrison, to give twenty of their chief men as hostages for their loyalty, and to become the allies of the Lacedæmonians, acknowledging their supremacy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This exploit added not a little to the reputation and power of Kleomenes. None of the ancient kings of Sparta could ever make themselves masters of Argos, although they often attempted to do so; and even that most brilliant general King Pyrrhus, though he forced his way into the city, could not take it, but perished, and with him a great part of his army. For these reasons, the skill and audacity of Kleomenes were the more admired: and those who had before ridiculed his attempts to bring back the days of Solon and Lykurgus by the cancelling of debts and redistribution of land, now became entirely convinced that these measures had been the cause of the revival of Sparta. The Spartans before this had been so feeble and helpless, that the Aetolians invaded Laconia and carried off a booty of fifty thousand slaves, on which occasion it is said that an old Spartan observed that the enemy had greatly benefited Laconia by relieving it from its burdens. Yet a short time after this, by the restoration of their former constitution, and by re-establishing the ancient system of training, they made as magnificent a display of discipline and valour as if Lykurgus himself were alive and at the head of affairs,&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_34&amp;quot;&amp;gt;34&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; for they gained for Sparta the first place in Greece, and won the whole of Peloponnesus by the sword.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The submission of Argos to Kleomenes was soon followed by that of Phlius and Kleonæ. During these events Aratus was at Corinth, busily engaged in searching for the partisans of the Lacedæmonians. When the news of the fall of these cities reached Corinth, as he observed that the city of Corinth was eager to join Kleomenes and leave the Achæan league, he summoned the citizens to meet in the public assembly, and himself made his way unperceived to the gate. He had already sent his horse thither, and mounting, fled to Sikyon. The Corinthians now hurried to Argos to surrender their city to Kleomenes; in such haste, writes Aratus in his ‘Memoirs,’ that they foundered all their horses. Kleomenes reproached them for allowing Aratus to escape, but shortly afterwards sent Megistonous to him, asking him to hand over the citadel of Corinth, which was in possession of an Achæan garrison, and offering him a large sum of money. He answered that the course of affairs was not in his power, but that he was rather in theirs. These particulars we have extracted from Aratus’s own writings. Kleomenes now marched from Argos to Corinth, receiving on the way the submission of Trœzene, Epidaurus, and Hermione. As the garrison refused to surrender the citadel, he built a rampart round it, and sending for the friends and representatives of Aratus, bade them take charge of his house and property during his absence. He now sent the Messenian Tritymallus to Aratus, with instructions to propose to him that the garrison of Acro-Corinthus should be composed partly of Spartan and partly of Achæan troops, while he himself privately offered him double the amount of the pension which he received from King Ptolemy of Egypt. However, as Aratus refused to listen to his overtures, but sent his own son with the other hostages to Antigonus, and persuaded the Achæans to pass a decree to hand over the Acro-Corinthus to Antigonus, Kleomenes invaded the territory of Sikyon and laid it waste, and also took the property of Aratus when it was publicly presented to him by the people of Corinth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_35&amp;quot;&amp;gt;35&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When Antigonus crossed the Geranean mountains with a large force, Kleomenes did not think it necessary to guard the isthmus, but determined to fortify the mountains called Onea, and by holding that strong position, to protract the war and wear out the Macedonian force, rather than fight a pitched battle with their phalanx. By this line of policy he reduced Antigonus to great straits; for he had made no preparations for feeding his troops for more than a short time, and yet to force his way in over the isthmus was a difficult operation while Kleomenes barred the way. An attempt which he made to steal through by Lechæum&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_13_13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_13_13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at night was repulsed with considerable loss; so that Kleomenes and his friends, elated by their victory, supped merrily together, while Antigonus was at his wit’s end to know what to do. He even began to meditate marching to the promontory of Heræum, and conveying his forces over the Corinthian gulf to Sikyon, an operation which would have required much time and many ships. However, late in the evening there arrived certain friends of Aratus by sea from Argos, inviting him to come thither, as the Argives intended to revolt from Kleomenes. The prime mover in this revolt was one Aristoteles, who easily prevailed upon the people to rise, because they were disappointed with Kleomenes, who had not cancelled all their debts as they hoped he would. Aratus now took fifteen hundred of Antigonus’s soldiers and proceeded by sea to Epidaurus. Aristoteles however did not wait for his arrival, but led the citizens to attack the garrison in the citadel, assisted by Timoxenus with a body of Achæans from Sikyon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Intelligence of this movement reached Kleomenes about the second watch of the night. He at once sent for Megistonous, and angrily ordered him at once to go to the assistance of the garrison of Argos; for it was he who had so confidently assured Kleomenes of the loyalty of the Argives, and had dissuaded him from banishing those whom he suspected from the city. Having detached Megistonous with two thousand men on this service, he himself turned his attention to Antigonus, and pacified the people of Corinth by assuring them that nothing had &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_36&amp;quot;&amp;gt;36&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;happened at Argos except a slight disturbance which would be easily suppressed. However, as Megistonous was killed while forcing his way into the city, and the garrison were hard pressed, and kept sending messengers to Kleomenes begging for assistance, he, fearing that if the enemy gained Argos they might cut him off from Laconia, and sack the defenceless city of Sparta, withdrew his army from Corinth. He lost this city at once, for Antigonus instantly entered it and placed a garrison in it. He now proceeded to assault the city wall of Argos, and concentrated his troops for this purpose. He broke through the vaults supporting the part of the city called the ‘Shield,’ forced his way in, and joined his garrison, who were still holding out against the Achæans. He now, by the use of scaling ladders, captured some of the strong places in the city, and cleared the streets of the enemy by means of his Cretan archers. When however he saw Antigonus marching down from the mountains to the plain with his phalanx in battle array, and saw the Macedonian cavalry pouring along towards the city, he despaired of success, and collecting all his troops into one mass, led them safely out of the city. He had in a wonderfully short time effected great things, and had all but made himself master of the whole of Peloponnesus: but now he lost it all as quickly as he had won it, for some of his allies at once deserted him, and many shortly afterwards surrendered their cities to Antigonus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b22&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As Kleomenes was marching into the city of Tegea at nightfall, on his return from this disastrous campaign, he was met by messengers bearing the news of a still greater calamity, the death of his wife Agiatis, of whom he was so fond that even when in the full tide of success he never would remain continuously with his army, but used constantly to return to Sparta to see her. He was terribly grieved and cast down, as one would expect a young man to be on losing so beautiful and excellent a wife, yet he did not allow his noble spirit to be crushed by his sorrow, but without showing any outward signs of grief in his voice or countenance, continued to give his orders to his officers, and to take measures for placing Tegea in a posture of defence. At daybreak next morning &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_37&amp;quot;&amp;gt;37&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; he returned to Lacedæmon, and after lamenting his misfortune with his mother and his children, began to consider by what policy he might save his country.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Ptolemy, the king of Egypt, now offered him assistance on the condition of receiving his mother and children as hostages. For a long time he shrank from mentioning this proposal to his mother, and often conversed with her without having the courage to allude to it, until she suspected that he had something on his mind, and inquired of his friends whether there was not some subject about which he hesitated to speak to her. At last Kleomenes brought himself to mention Ptolemy’s proposal to her. On hearing it, she laughed loudly, and said, “This, then, is that which you have so long been fearing to tell me. Pray place me and the children on board ship as soon as possible, and send us to any place where this body of mine may be useful to Sparta, before it be uselessly consumed by old age at home.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When all was prepared for her voyage, Kratesiklea proceeded to Tænarus escorted by Kleomenes with all his troops under arms. Before embarking she retired alone with him into the temple of Poseidon, where, after embracing him as he sorrowed at her departure, she said, “Now, king of the Lacedæmonians, take care when we come out that no one sees us weeping or doing anything unworthy of Sparta. This lies in our own power; but good or evil fortune befalls us according to the will of Heaven.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Saying thus, she fixed her eyes upon the ship, walked swiftly to it carrying the child, and bade the pilot start at once. When she reached Egypt, as she heard that Ptolemy had received an embassy from Antigonus, and was told that although the Achæans wished to come to terms with him, he had feared on her account to make peace with them without consulting Ptolemy, she wrote to him bidding him act worthily of Sparta, and consult her interests, and not fear to displease Ptolemy because of what he might do to an old woman and an infant. So great a spirit is she said to have shown in her misfortunes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b23&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Antigonus now advanced, took Tegea, and allowed his troops to plunder Orchomenus and Mantinea. Kleomenes, who was confined to the territory of Lacedæmon, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_38&amp;quot;&amp;gt;38&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; proceeded to emancipate all helots who could pay a sum of five Attic minæ for their freedom, by which means he raised a sum of five hundred talents. He also organised a special corps of two thousand men, armed after the Macedonian fashion, with which he hoped to be able to meet the Leukaspids,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_14_14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_14_14&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;14&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; or white-shielded troops of Antigonus, and proceeded to attempt a wonderful and surprising feat of arms.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The city of Megalopolis at that time was itself quite as large and as powerful as Sparta, and had close at hand the army of the Achæans, and that of Antigonus himself, whom the people of Megalopolis had been especially eager to invite into Peloponnesus. This city Kleomenes determined to pounce upon: (no other word expresses the speed with which he surprised it). He ordered his troops to provision themselves for five days, and led them to Sellasia, as though he intended to invade Argolis. From Sellasia he marched into the territory of Megalopolis, halted at Rhœteum for supper, and thence proceeded along the road by Helikus straight towards Megalopolis. When he was close to it he detached Panteus with two regiments to attack a part of the wall lying between two towers, which he had heard was often left unguarded, while he moved slowly forward with the main body. Panteus not only found that spot, but a great extent of the city wall unguarded. While he was engaged in throwing down the wall and killing those who attempted to defend it, Kleomenes came up, and was within the city with his army before the people of Megalopolis knew of his arrival.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When at last the inhabitants discovered the extent of their misfortune, some snatched up what they could and fled at once, while others got under arms and endeavoured to drive out the enemy. In this they could not succeed, but they enabled the fugitives to escape &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_39&amp;quot;&amp;gt;39&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;unmolested, so that no more than a thousand souls remained in the city, as all the rest got safe with their wives and children to Messene. Of those who offered resistance but a few were slain, and a very small number were taken prisoners, amongst whom were Lysandridas and Thearidas, the two most important persons in Megalopolis. On this account the soldiers who took them brought them at once to Kleomenes. Lysandridas, as soon as he saw Kleomenes at a distance, called out loudly to him, “King of the Lacedæmonians, now you have an opportunity to add to your glory by a deed even more noble and more worthy of a king than that which you have achieved!” Kleomenes, suspecting what he meant, asked, “What do you mean, Lysandridas? do you bid me give you back your city?” “That is what I bid you to do,” answered Lysandridas; “and I advise you not to ruin so great a city, but to fill it with friends and trusty allies, by restoring it to the people of Megalopolis, and becoming their saviour.” To this Kleomenes, after a short silence, replied, “It is hard to believe this; but let us ever prefer honour to profit.” Saying this he sent his prisoners to Messene, and a herald with them, who offered to restore the city to the people of Megalopolis, on the condition that they should desert the Achæans and become the friends and allies of the Spartans. However, Philopimen would not allow his countrymen to break their faith with the Achæans and accept this wise and generous offer. He declared that Kleomenes did not intend to give them back their city, but wanted to get possession of them as well as of their city, and with violent abuse drove Thearidas and Lysandridas out of the Messenian country. This was that Philopœmen who afterwards became the general of the Achæans and won great distinction, as will be found in the life of him which I have written.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When this answer was brought back to Kleomenes, who had hitherto carefully kept the city unharmed, and had not allowed any one to appropriate the most trifling article, he became furious with disappointment. He plundered the city, sent all the statues and pictures to Sparta, utterly destroyed all the best part of&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_40&amp;quot;&amp;gt;40&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; the city, and returned home, for he feared Antigonus and the Achæans. They, however, did not offer to attack him: for they were engaged in holding a conference at Ægium. Here Aratus ascended the tribune, and for a long time wept with his face hidden in his gown. At last, as the others in wonder bade him tell them the cause of his grief, he said that Megalopolis had been ruined by Kleomenes. On hearing this the assembly at once broke up. The Achæans were terror-stricken at the suddenness and importance of the blow, and Antigonus determined to proceed to the assistance of the people of Megalopolis, but as it took a long time to assemble his troops from their winter-quarters, he ordered them to stay where they were, and himself with a small force marched to Argos. Kleomenes now engaged in a second enterprise, which appeared completely insane, but which is said by the historian Polybius to show consummate generalship. As he knew that all the Macedonian troops were scattered over the country in winter-quarters, and that Antigonus with a few mercenary troops was spending the winter at Argos with his friends, he invaded the Argive territory, thinking that either he should shame Antigonus into a battle, and beat him, or else that if he did not dare to fight, the Argives would be disgusted with him. And so it fell out. The Argives, seeing their country spoiled by Kleomenes, were greatly enraged, and gathering together before the house in which Antigonus was lodging, excitedly called upon him either to fight or to resign his post as commander-in-chief in favour of a better man. But Antigonus, like a prudent general as he was, thought it more disgraceful to run foolish risks and incur unnecessary danger than to hear himself called hard names by the mob, and refused to leave the city, but stood constant in his original policy. Kleomenes, after marching up to the gates of Argos, ostentatiously ravaged the country, and returned home unmolested.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b26&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Shortly afterwards, hearing that Antigonus had again advanced to Tegea, intending to invade Laconia by that route, Kleomenes quickly assembled his army, marched by a different road, avoiding Antigonus, and at daybreak appeared near the city of Argos, where he&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_41&amp;quot;&amp;gt;41&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; ravaged the plain country, not reaping the corn, as invaders usually do, with sickles and swords, but beating down with great clubs, so that his soldiers in sheer sport as they marched along were able to destroy the whole crop without trouble. When they reached the gymnasium of Kyllarabis some of the officers proposed to set it on fire; but Kleomenes forbade it, saying that even in destroying Megalopolis he had been guided by anger rather than by honour. Antigonus at first retired directly towards Argos, but afterwards occupied all the passes by which the Lacedæmonians could retreat. Kleomenes affected to set him at defiance, and sent a herald to Argos to demand the keys of the temple of Hera (between Argos and Mycenæ), in order that he might offer sacrifice there before retiring. After insulting the Argives by this ironical request, he offered sacrifice outside the temple, for the doors remained locked, and led away his army to Phlius. From thence he marched to Mount Oligyrtus, where he defeated the Macedonian troops who guarded the pass, and returned home by way of Orchomenus, having inspired his countrymen with hope and confidence, and having proved to his enemies that he was a consummate general, capable of conducting the most important operations. It was indeed no small feat for him, with only the resources of one small state at his disposal, to make war against the power of Macedonia and all the cities of the Peloponnesus, with Antigonus for their paymaster, and not only to prevent the enemy’s setting foot in Laconia, but to lay waste their country, and take such large and important cities from them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b27&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; However, he who first called money the sinews of war must have had this war in his mind. So also Demades, when the Athenians wished to man a fleet at a time when they had no money, observed that they must make bread before they could make a voyage. Archidamus, too, who was king of Sparta at the opening of the Peloponnesian war, when his allies asked him to fix the limit of their several contributions, answered that the consumption of war is unlimited. For just as trained athletes in time overpower their antagonist in spite of his strength and skill, so Antigonus, having vast resources&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_42&amp;quot;&amp;gt;42&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; to draw upon, wearied out and overpowered Kleomenes, who had the greatest difficulty in paying his mercenary troops and feeding his countrymen. In other respects the long duration of the contest was in Kleomenes’s favour, as Antigonus had troubles at home which made the contest a more equal one. The barbarians, in his absence, always overran and plundered the outskirts of the kingdom of Macedonia, and at this period an army of Illyrians had invaded the country from the north, against whose depredations the Macedonians besought Antigonus to return and protect them. The letter calling upon him to return was very nearly delivered to him before the decisive battle of the war; and had he received it, he would no doubt have returned home at once and taken a long farewell of the Achæans. However, fortune, who delights to show that the most important events are decided by the merest trifles, caused the embassy with the letters for the recall of Antigonus to reach him just after the battle of Sellasia, in which Kleomenes lost his army and his country. This makes the misfortune of Kleomenes yet more pitiable; for if he had avoided a battle for two days longer, he never need have fought at all, as the Macedonians would have retreated, and left him to make what terms he pleased with the Achæans: whereas, as has been explained, his want of money forced him to fight, and that too when, according to Polybius, he had only twenty thousand men to oppose to thirty thousand.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b28&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In the battle he acted like a great general, and the Spartans fought with desperate courage, while the mercenary troops also behaved well; but he was overpowered by the Macedonian armament and by the irresistible weight of their phalanx. The historian Phylarchus says that Kleomenes was ruined by treachery, for Antigonus sent his Illyrians and Akarnanians to make a flank march and attack one of the enemy’s wings, which was commanded by Eukleidas, the brother of Kleomenes, and there placed the rest of his army in battle array. Kleomenes, who was watching the enemy from an eminence, could not see the Illyrian and Akarnanian troops, and suspected some manœuvre of the kind. He sent for&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_43&amp;quot;&amp;gt;43&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Damoteles, the chief of the Spartan secret-service,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_15_15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_15_15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and ordered him to explore the ground on both flanks, and see that no attack was meditated in that direction. As Damoteles, who is said to have been bribed by Antigonus, answered that all was well on the flanks, and that he had better give his entire attention to the enemy in front, Kleomenes believed him, and at once charged the army of Antigonus. The furious attack of the Spartans drove back the Macedonian phalanx, and Kleomenes forced it to retreat before him for a distance of about five stadia. Then, as he found that his brother Eukleidas on the other wing was surrounded by the enemy, he halted, and looking towards him, said, “You are gone, my dearest brother; you have fought bravely, and are a noble model to the Spartan youth, a noble theme for Spartan maidens’ songs.” Then, as the entire division under Eukleidas was cut to pieces, and the victors attacked his own men, who were thrown into confusion and could no longer stand their ground, he escaped from the field as best he could. It is said that many of the mercenaries were slain, and that of the Lacedæmonians, who were six thousand in all, only two hundred remained alive.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b29&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Kleomenes, when he reached Sparta, advised the citizens whom he met to submit to Antigonus, and declared that he himself, whether he lived or died, would do what was best for Sparta. As he saw the women running up to those who had accompanied him in his flight, taking their arms from them and offering them drink, he retired into his own house, where his mistress, a girl of a good family of Megalopolis, whom he had taken to live with him after his wife’s death, came up to him as usual, and wished to attend upon him on his return from the wars. But he would neither drink, although excessively thirsty, nor sit down, weary though he was, but in his armour as he was took hold of one of the columns with his hand, leaned his face upon his elbow, and after resting &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_44&amp;quot;&amp;gt;44&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;a short time in this posture while he revolved in his mind every kind of plan, proceeded with his friends to Grythium. Here they embarked on a ship which had been prepared in case of such a disaster, and sailed away.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b30&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After the battle Antigonus advanced upon Sparta, and made himself master of the city. He treated the Lacedæmonians with kindness, and offered no kind of insult to their glorious city, but permitted them to retain their laws and constitution, sacrificed to the gods, and on the third day withdrew, as he had learned that a terrible war was raging in Macedonia, and that his kingdom was being ravaged by the barbarians. His health was already affected by a disease, which ended in consumption. However, he bore up against it, and was able to die gloriously after having recovered his kingdom, won a great victory over the barbarians, and killed a great number of them. Phylarchus tells us that he ruptured his lungs by shouting in the battle itself, and this seems the most probable account, but the common report at the time was that while shouting aloud after the victory, “O happy day!” he brought up a vast quantity of blood and fell sick of a fever, of which he died. Such was the fate of Antigonus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b31&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Kleomenes sailed from Kythera to another island, named Ægialea. As he was about to cross over from this place to Cyrene, one of his friends named Therykion, a brilliant warrior and a man of lofty, unbending spirit, said to him in private, “My king, we have lost the opportunity of falling by the noblest of deaths in the battle, although we publicly declared that Antigonus should never enter Sparta unless he first passed over the dead body of the king. However, the course which is next to this in honour is still open to us. Why should we recklessly embark on this voyage merely in order to exchange our misfortunes at home for others in a distant country? If it be not disgraceful for the sons of Herakles to submit to the successors of Philip and Alexander, we shall save ourselves a long voyage by delivering ourselves up to Antigonus, who is probably as much better than Ptolemy as the Macedonians are better than the Egyptians. If, on the other hand, we scorn to become the subjects of our conqueror, why should we become subject to one who&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_45&amp;quot;&amp;gt;45&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; has not conquered us, and so prove ourselves inferior to two men instead of one, by becoming the courtiers of Ptolemy as well as fleeing before Antigonus? Is it on account of your mother that we are going to Egypt? If so, you will indeed make a glorious appearance before her, and you will be much to be envied when she shows her son to the ladies of Ptolemy’s court, an exile instead of a king. While we are still masters of our own swords, and are still in sight of Laconia, let us put ourselves beyond the reach of further misfortunes, and make amends to those who died for Sparta at Sellasia, rather than settle ourselves in Egypt, and inquire whom Antigonus has been pleased to appoint satrap of Lacedæmon?”&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_16_16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_16_16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To these remarks of Therykion Kleomenes answered, “Wretch, do you think that by suicide, the easiest way out of all difficulties, and one which is within every man’s reach, you will gain a reputation for bravery, and will not rather be flying before the enemy more disgracefully than at Sellasia? More powerful men than ourselves have ere now been defeated, either by their own evil fortune or by the excessive numbers of their enemy: but the man who refuses to bear fatigue and misery, and the scorn of men, is conquered by his own cowardice. A self-inflicted death ought to be an honourable action, not a dishonourable means of escape from the necessity for action. It is disgraceful either to live or to die for oneself alone: yet this is the course which you recommend, namely, that I should fly from my present misery without ever again performing any useful or honourable action. I think that it is both your duty and mine, not to despair of our country: for when all hope fails us, we can easily find means to die.” To this Therykion made no answer, but as soon as he had an opportunity left Kleomenes, sought a retired spot upon the beach, and killed himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b32&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Kleomenes sailed from Ægialea to Libya, where he was received with royal honours and conducted to Alexandria. At his first interview Ptolemy&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_17_17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_17_17&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;17&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; treated him with mere ordinary politeness, but when by&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_46&amp;quot;&amp;gt;46&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; converation with him he discovered his great abilities, and in the familiar intercourse of daily life observed the noble Spartan simplicity of his habits, and saw with how proud and unbroken a spirit he bore his misfortunes, he thought him a much more trustworthy friend than any of the venal throng of courtiers by whom he was surrounded. Ptolemy felt real regret at having neglected so great a man, and allowed Antigonus to gain so much glory and power at his expense. He showed Kleomenes great kindness and honour, and encouraged him by promising that he would place a fleet and a sum of money at his disposal, which would enable him to return to Greece and recover his throne. He settled upon him a yearly allowance of twenty-four talents, the most part of which he and his friends, who still retained their simple Spartan habits, distributed in charity among the Greek refugees who had found an asylum in Egypt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b33&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The elder Ptolemy died before he could accomplish his promise of attempting to restore Kleomenes to his throne; and amidst the drunken licence of the court of his successor, the affairs of Kleomenes were entirely neglected. The young king&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_18_18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_18_18&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;18&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was so given up to wine and women, that his soberest moments were spent in organising religious ceremonies in the palace, and in carrying a kettledrum in honour of the mother of the gods. The whole of the public business of the kingdom was managed by Agathoklea, the king’s mistress, her mother, and the brothel-keeper Œnanthes. Yet even here it seems that the assistance of Kleomenes was needed, for the king, fearing his brother Magas, who through his mother had great influence with the army, attached himself in a special manner to Kleomenes, and made him a member of his own secret council, desiring to make use of him to kill his brother. Kleomenes, although every one in the court bade him do this, refused, saying that it would rather be his duty, if it were possible, to raise up more brothers for the king, to strengthen and confirm his throne. When Sosibius, the most powerful of the king’s favourites, said that the mercenary troops were not to be &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_47&amp;quot;&amp;gt;47&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;depended upon while Magas was alive, Kleomenes answered that he might be quite easy on that score, for more than three thousand of the mercenaries were Peloponnesians, and at the slightest sign from him would seize their arms and rally round him. This speech was thought at the time to be a great proof of the loyalty of Kleomenes, and gave the courtiers a great idea of his power; but afterwards, as Ptolemy’s weakness of character produced cowardice, and after the manner of empty-headed men he began to think it safest to suspect every one, these words made the courtiers fear Kleomenes, as having a dangerous power over the mercenaries; and many of them were wont to say, “This man moves among us like a lion among a flock of sheep.” Indeed the demeanour of Kleomenes in the Egyptian palace, as he calmly and quietly watched the course of events, naturally suggested this simile.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b34&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Kleomenes gave up asking for a fleet and an army; but hearing that Antigonus was dead, and that the Achæans were involved in a war with the Ætolians, while his presence was imperatively demanded at home, as all Peloponnesus seemed to be going to ruin, he desired to be sent home alone with his friends. However, he could persuade no one to accede to this request, as the king thought of nothing but his concubines and his revels, and Sosibius, upon whom devolved the whole conduct of affairs, although he knew that Kleomenes would be dangerous and hard to manage if kept in Egypt against his will, yet feared to set at large so daring and enterprising a man, who had gained a thorough insight into the utter rottenness of the Ptolemaic dynasty. For Kleomenes could not be bribed into remaining quiet, but as the bull&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_19_19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_19_19&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;19&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; sacred to Apis, although he is abundantly fed and supplied with every luxury, yet longs to frisk and range about as &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_48&amp;quot;&amp;gt;48&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;nature intended, so he cared for none of their effeminate pleasures,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“but wore his soul away”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;like Achilles,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“Idling at home, though eager for the fray.”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b35&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; While his affairs were in this posture, there arrived at Alexandria one Nikagoras, a Messenian, who pretended to be a friend to Kleomenes, but really hated him bitterly, because he had once sold him a fair estate, but had never received the money, either because Kleomenes intended to cheat him, or because he was unable to pay him on account of the wars. As this man was disembarking from his ship, Kleomenes, who happened to be walking upon the quay, saw him, and at once warmly greeted him, and inquired what business had brought him to Egypt. Nikagoras returned his salutation with equal friendliness, and said that he had brought over some fine horses for the king’s use in the wars. At this Kleomenes laughed, and said, “I had rather you had brought singing-girls or beautiful boys, for they are what please the king best.” Nikagoras listened to this remark with a smile, but a few days afterwards he reminded Kleomenes of the estate which he had bought, and asked him to pay the price, saying that he would not have pressed for it if he had not sustained losses on his cargo. As Kleomenes replied that all his pension from the king was spent, Nikagoras in a rage repeated to Sosibius the sarcasm which he had used. Sosibius was much pleased to hear of it, but as he wished to have some graver matter of which to accuse him to the king, he persuaded Nikagoras to write a letter before he left Egypt, accusing Kleomenes of a design to make himself master of Cyrene, if the king put him in possession of a fleet and army. Nikagoras wrote the letter, and sailed away to Greece; and after forty days Sosibius took the letter and showed it to Ptolemy, as though he had just received it. By this means he so wrought upon the young king’s mind, that he confined Kleomenes in a large house, and placed a guard before all the doors, although he continued to allow him his pension as before.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b36&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This treatment was in itself &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_49&amp;quot;&amp;gt;49&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;sufficiently grievous to Kleomenes, and made him fear that something worse was in store. Now Ptolemy, the son of Chrysermes, who was a friend of the king’s, had always been on good terms with Kleomenes, and they had been in the habit of conversing familiarly together. This man now, at Kleomenes’s own request, came to see him, and talked amicably with him, explaining away all which had appeared suspicious about the king’s conduct. As he was leaving the house, without noticing that Kleomenes had followed him to the door, he harshly reproved the guard for keeping such careless watch over so great and savage a monster. Kleomenes himself heard him say this, and before Ptolemy observed him, retired and told his friends what he had heard. They at once abandoned all hope, and fiercely determined to avenge themselves on Ptolemy for his wickedness and arrogance, and die as became Spartans, not wait to be butchered like fat cattle. They thought that it was intolerable that Kleomenes should have disdained to make terms with Antigonus, who was a soldier and a man of action, and should sit waiting for the pleasure of a timbrel-playing king, who as soon as he was at leisure from his kettle-drummings and revellings, intended to murder him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b37&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As soon as they had formed this resolution, as it happened that Ptolemy had gone to Canopus, they spread a report that the king had given orders for the guard to be removed. Next, observing the custom of the kings of Egypt, which was to send a dinner and various presents to those who are about to be released from confinement, the friends of Kleomenes prepared many presents of this kind and sent them to him, deceiving the guard, who believed that they had been sent by the king. Kleomenes offered sacrifice, and gave the soldiers on guard an ample share of the meat, while he himself put on a garland and feasted with his friends. It is said that they proceeded to action sooner than had been originally intended, because Kleomenes perceived that one of the servants who was in the plot had left the house, though he had only gone to visit his mistress. Fearing that he meant to denounce them, as soon as it was noon, and the guard were sleeping off their wine, Kleomenes put on &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_50&amp;quot;&amp;gt;50&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;his tunic, slit up the seam over the right shoulder, seized his naked sword, and sallied forth with his friends similarly arrayed, thirteen in all. One of them named Hippitas, who was lame, came boldly out with the rest, but finding that they proceeded slowly to enable him to keep up with them, begged them to kill him, and not spoil their plot by waiting for a useless man. It happened that one of the Alexandrians was leading a horse past the door; they at once took it, placed Hippitas on its back, and ran quickly through the streets, calling upon the populace to rise and set itself free. The people, it appears, had spirit enough to admire Kleomenes, but no one dared to follow or help him. Three of the conspirators met Ptolemy, the son of Chrysermes, coming out of the palace, and killed him: and when another Ptolemy, the governor of the city, drove towards them in a chariot, they rushed to meet him, scattered his body-guard, dragged him out of the chariot and killed him. They now made their way to the citadel, intending to break open the prison and make use of the prisoners to swell their numbers; but the guardians of the prison had closed the gates effectually before they arrived, and Kleomenes, failing in this attempt, roamed through the city without finding any one to join him, as all fled in terror at his approach. At last he stopped, and said to his friends, “No wonder women bear rule in a city where men fear to be free.” He now bade them all end their lives worthily of him and of themselves. First of all Hippitas, at his own request, was struck dead by one of the younger men; after which, each man deliberately and fearlessly inflicted upon himself a mortal stab, with the exception of Panteus, who had been the first to break into the city of Megalopolis. This man, the handsomest and best warrior of all the Spartan youth, was especially loved by the king, and was ordered by him to wait till all the rest were dead, and then to put an end to his life. When they had all fallen, Panteus pricked each man with his dagger, to make certain that none of them were alive. When he pricked Kleomenes in the ankle he saw his face contract. He kissed him and sat down beside him until he was quite dead, and then, embracing the corpse, killed himself upon it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_51&amp;quot;&amp;gt;51&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b38&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thus perished Kleomenes, after having reigned over Sparta for thirteen years, as described above. The news of his death was soon bruited abroad, and Kratesiklea, although a woman of high spirit, was so overcome by her misfortune that she embraced the children and wept for Kleomenes. Upon this the eldest boy leaped up, and before any one knew what he was going to do, threw himself headlong from the roof of the house. He was much hurt, but not killed, and was taken up, crying out and reproaching his friends because they would not allow him to die. When Ptolemy heard the news, he ordered the corpse of Kleomenes to be flayed and exposed on a gibbet, and his children, his mother, and her attendants to be put to death. Among these was the wife of Panteus, the fairest and noblest-looking of them all. She and her husband had only recently been married when their misfortunes began. When Panteus left Sparta she wished to accompany him, but her parents would not allow her to do so, and locked her up in their house. But she shortly afterwards procured a horse and a little money, and made her escape by night. She rode all the way to Taenarum, where she found a ship about to sail to Egypt, on board of which she crossed the sea, joined her husband, and cheerfully shared his exile. She now, when the soldiers came to lead away Kratesiklea, took her by the hand, held up the train of her dress, and bade her be of good courage; although Kratesiklea herself was not afraid to die, but only asked one favour, that she might die before her children. When they arrived at the place of execution, the children were first killed before the eyes of Kratesiklea, and then she herself. All she said was: “My children, whither have you come?” The wife of Panteus, being a tall and robust woman, girded up her robe, and arranged each of the corpses as decently as her means permitted. After she had paid the last offices to each of them she prepared herself for death, bared her neck, allowed no one to approach her but the executioner, and died like a heroine, without requiring any one to arrange her corpse. Thus the modesty which she had observed throughout her life, did not desert her even when she was dead.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_52&amp;quot;&amp;gt;52&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;b39&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thus gloriously, even during its last days, did Lacedæmon, whose women are taught to vie with men in courage, prove that virtue is superior to Fortune. A few days afterwards, those who were watching the body of Kleomenes as it hung upon the gibbet, observed a large snake which wound its body round his head and covered his face, so that no ravenous bird could alight upon it. On hearing this, the king was struck with superstitious terror, fearing that he had offended the gods by the murder of one who was evidently a favourite of Heaven, and something more than mortal. All the ladies of his court began to offer sacrifices of atonement for his sin, and the people of Alexandria went to the place and worshipped Kleomenes as a hero and child of the gods, until they were restrained by the learned, who explained that as from the corrupted bodies of oxen are bred bees, from horses wasps, and from asses beetles, so human bodies, by the melting and gathering together of the juices of the marrow, produce serpents. This was observed by the ancients, who therefore considered that of all animals the serpent was peculiarly appropriated to heroes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_53&amp;quot;&amp;gt;53&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;LIFE OF TIBERIUS GRACCHUS.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;c1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Having finished the first History,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_20_20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_20_20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;20&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; it remains to contemplate equal calamities in the pair of Roman Lives, in a comparison of Tiberius and Caius Gracchus with Agis and Kleomenes.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_21_21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_21_21&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;21&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Tiberius and Caius were the sons of&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_54&amp;quot;&amp;gt;54&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Tiberius Gracchus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_22_22&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_22_22&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;22&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was censor and twice consul, and celebrated two triumphs, but was still more&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_55&amp;quot;&amp;gt;55&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; distinguished for his personal character, to which he owed the honour of having for his wife Cornelia, the daughter of Scipio,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_23_23&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_23_23&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;23&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the conqueror of Hannibal, whom he married after Scipio’s death, though Tiberius had not been a friend of Scipio, but rather a political opponent. A story is told that Tiberius once caught a couple of snakes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_24_24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_24_24&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;24&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in his bed, and the diviners, after consulting on the matter, told him that he must not kill both nor yet let both go; as to the male, they said, if it were killed, the death of Tiberius would follow, and if the female were killed, Cornelia would die. Now Tiberius, who loved his wife and thought it would be more suitable for him to die first, as he was an elderly man and his wife was still young, killed the male snake and let the female go; and he died &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_56&amp;quot;&amp;gt;56&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;no long time after, leaving twelve children by Cornelia, Cornelia undertook the care of her family and her husband’s property, and showed herself so prudent, so fond of her children, and of so exalted a character, that Tiberius was judged to have done well in dying in place of such a wife. And though Ptolemæus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_25_25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_25_25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;25&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the king of Egypt, invited Cornelia to share his crown, and wooed her for his wife, she refused the offer and continued a widow. All her children died before her, except one daughter, who married the younger Scipio,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_26_26&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_26_26&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;26&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and two sons, of whom I am &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_57&amp;quot;&amp;gt;57&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;going to speak, Tiberius and Caius, who were brought up by their mother so carefully that they became, beyond dispute, the most accomplished of all the Roman youth, which they owed, perhaps, more to their excellent education than even to their natural good qualities.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;c2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now as the figures of the Dioscuri,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_27_27&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_27_27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; whether sculptured or painted, though resembling one another, still present such an amount of difference as appears when we contrast a boxer with a runner, so in these two youths, with all their resemblance in courage, temperance, generous temper, eloquence, and magnanimity, yet great contrasts also in their actions and polity blossomed forth, so to speak, and displayed themselves, which I think it well to set forth. First in the character and expression of his countenance, and in his movements, Tiberius was mild and sedate; Caius was animated and impetuous. When Tiberius harangued the people, he would stand composedly on one spot; but Caius was the first Roman who moved about on the rostra&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_28_28&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_28_28&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;28&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and pulled his toga from his shoulder while he was speaking, as Kleon&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_29_29&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_29_29&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;29&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_58&amp;quot;&amp;gt;58&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Athenian is said to have been the first popular orator at Athens who threw his cloak from him and struck his thigh. The manner of Caius was awe-striking and vehemently impassioned; the manner of Tiberius was more pleasing and calculated to stir the sympathies: the language of Tiberius was pure and elaborated to great nicety; that of Caius was persuasive and exuberant. In like manner, in his mode of life and his table, Tiberius was frugal and simple; compared with others, Caius was moderate and austere, but, contrasted with his brother, luxurious and curious, as we see by Drusus charging him with buying silver dolphins&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_30_30&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_30_30&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;30&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at the price of twelve hundred and fifty drachmæ for every pound that they weighed. The differences in their character corresponded to their respective styles of speaking: Tiberius was moderate and mild; Caius was rough and impetuous, and it often happened that in his harangues he was carried away by passion, contrary to his judgment, and his voice became shrill, and he fell to abuse, and grew confused in his discourse. To remedy this fault, he employed Licinius, a well-educated slave, who used to stand behind him when he was speaking, with a musical instrument,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_31_31&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_31_31&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;31&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; such as is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_59&amp;quot;&amp;gt;59&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;used as an accompaniment to singing, and whenever he observed that the voice of Caius was becoming harsh and broken through passion, he would produce a soft note, upon which Caius would immediately moderate his vehemence and his voice, and become calm.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;c3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Such were the contrasts between the two brothers, but in courage against the enemy, in justice to the subject nations, in vigilance in the discharge of public duties, and in self-control over indulgence, they were both alike. Tiberius was the elder by nine years, a circumstance which caused their political career to be separated by an interval, and greatly contributed to the failure of their measures, for they did not rise to eminence at the same time nor unite their strength in one effort, which from their union, would have been powerful and irresistible. I must accordingly speak of each separately, and of the elder first.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;c4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Immediately on attaining man’s estate, Tiberius had so great a reputation that he was elected a member of the college of augurs,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_32_32&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_32_32&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;32&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; rather for his excellent qualities than his noble birth. Appius Claudius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_33_33&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_33_33&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;33&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a man of consular and censorian rank, who in consideration of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_60&amp;quot;&amp;gt;60&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;his dignity was appointed Princeps Senatus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_34_34&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_34_34&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;34&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and in loftiness of character surpassed all his contemporaries, showed his opinion of Tiberius; for when the augurs were feasting together, Appius addressed Tiberius with many expressions of friendship, and solicited him to take his daughter to wife. Tiberius gladly accepted the proposal, and the agreement was forthwith made. As Appius was entering the door on his return home, he called out to his wife in a loud voice, “Antistia, I have given our daughter Claudia to wife.” Antistia in surprise replied, “What is the need or the hurry, unless you have got Tiberius Gracchus for her husband?” I am aware that some writers tell this story of Tiberius the father of the Gracchi and of Scipio Africanus; but the majority have the story as I give it, and Polybius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_35_35&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_35_35&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;35&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; says that after the death of Scipio Africanus, his kinsmen selected Tiberius to be the husband of Cornelia, and that she had neither been given in marriage nor betrothed by her father in his lifetime. Now the younger Tiberius served in the army in Africa&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_36_36&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_36_36&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;36&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_61&amp;quot;&amp;gt;61&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;with the second Scipio,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_37_37&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_37_37&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;37&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who had married his sister, and by living in the general’s tent he soon learned his character, which exhibited many and great qualities for virtuous emulation and practical imitation. Tiberius, also, soon surpassed all the young soldiers in attention to discipline and in courage; and he was the first to mount the enemy’s wall, as Fannius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_38_38&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_38_38&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;38&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; says, who also asserts that he mounted the wall with Tiberius and shared the honour with him. While he was in the army Tiberius won the affection of all the soldiers, and was regretted when he went away.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;c5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After that expedition he was elected quæstor,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_39_39&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_39_39&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;39&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and it fell to his lot to serve in that capacity under the consul Caius Mancinus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_40_40&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_40_40&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;40&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; no bad man, but the most unlucky of&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_62&amp;quot;&amp;gt;62&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Roman generals. Accordingly in adverse fortune and critical affairs the prudence and courage of Tiberius became the more conspicuous, and not only his prudence and courage, but what was truly admirable, his consideration and respect for his general, whose reverses almost made him forget who he was. Having been defeated in several great battles, Mancinus attempted to leave his camp by night and make a retreat. The Numantines, however, perceived his movements, and immediately seizing the camp, fell on the Romans in their flight and killed those in the rear; and at last, when they were surrounding the whole army and driving them to unfavourable ground, from which escape was impossible, Mancinus, despairing of all chance of saving himself by resistance, sent to treat for a truce and terms of peace. But the Numantines declared that they would trust nobody except Tiberius, and they bade Mancinus send him. The Numantines had come to this resolution as well from a knowledge of the young man’s character, for there was much talk about him in this campaign, as from the remembrance of his father Tiberius, who, after carrying on war against the Iberians and subduing many of them, made peace with the Numantines, and always kept the Roman people to a fair and just observance of it. Accordingly Tiberius was sent, and had a conference with the Numantines, in which he got some favourable conditions, and, by making some concessions, obtained a truce, and thus saved twenty thousand Roman citizens, besides the slaves and camp-followers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;c6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. All the property that was taken in the camp became the booty of the Numantines; and among it were the tablets of Tiberius, which contained the entries and accounts of his administration as quæstor. Being very anxious to recover them, though the army had already advanced some distance, he returned to the city with three or four companions, and calling forth the magistrates of Numantia, he begged to have back his tablets, in order that his enemies might not have an opportunity of calumniating him if he should not be able to give an account &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_63&amp;quot;&amp;gt;63&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of his administration of the public money. The Numantines were pleased at the opportunity of doing him a service, and invited him to enter the city; and when he stood hesitating, they came near and clung to his hands, and were urgent in entreating him not to consider them as enemies any longer, but as friends, and to trust them. Tiberius determined to do so, as he was very anxious to get the tablets, and feared to irritate the Numantines if he should seem to distrust them. When he had entered the city, the first thing they did was to prepare an entertainment, and to urge him most importunately to sit down and eat with them. They afterwards gave him back the tablets, and bade him take anything else he liked. Tiberius, however, would have nothing except the frankincense which he wanted for the public sacrifices, and after a friendly embrace he took his leave of them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;c7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On his return to Rome, the whole transaction was greatly blamed as dishonourable and disgraceful to Rome. The kinsfolk and friends of the soldiers, who were a large part of the people, crowded about Tiberius, charging the general with the disgraceful part of what had happened, and declaring that Tiberius had been the saviour of so many citizens. Those who were the most vexed at the events in Iberia,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_41_41&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_41_41&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;41&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; recommended that they should &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_64&amp;quot;&amp;gt;64&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;follow the example of their ancestors; for in former times the Romans stripped of their clothes and delivered up to the Samnites&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_42_42&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_42_42&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;42&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; those who had purchased their safety on &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_65&amp;quot;&amp;gt;65&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;dishonourable terms, both the generals and all who had any share or participation in the treaty, quæstors and tribunes all alike, and on their heads they turned the violation of the oaths and the infraction of the agreement. It was on this occasion particularly, that the people showed their affection and zeal towards Tiberius: for they decided to deliver up the consul, stripped and in chains, to the Numantines, but they spared all the rest on account of Tiberius. It appears that Scipio also, who was then the most powerful man in Rome, gave his assistance in this matter, but nevertheless he was blamed for not saving Mancinus, and not making any exertion to ratify the treaty with the Numantines, which had been concluded by his relation and friend Tiberius. But whatever difference there was between Scipio and Tiberius on this occasion, perhaps originated mainly in jealousy and was owing to the friends of Tiberius and the sophists, who endeavoured to prejudice him against Scipio. There was, however, no irreconcilable breach made between them, and no bad result from this affair; indeed, it seems to me that Tiberius would never have been involved in those political measures which cost him his life, if Scipio Africanus had been at Rome while they were going on. But it was while Scipio was carrying on the war at Numantia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_43_43&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_43_43&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;43&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that Tiberius commenced his legislation, to which he was led from the following motives.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;c8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Whatever territory the Romans acquired from their neighbours in war, they sold part, and retaining the other part as public property,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_44_44&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_44_44&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;44&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; they gave it to the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_66&amp;quot;&amp;gt;66&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;poorer citizens to cultivate, on the payment of a small sum to the treasury. But as the rich began to outbid the poor, and so to drive them out, a law was passed which forbade any one to have more than five hundred jugera of land. This law restrained the greediness of the rich for a short time, and was a relief to the poor, who remained on the land which they had hired, and cultivated the several portions which they originally had. But in course of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_67&amp;quot;&amp;gt;67&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;time their rich neighbours contrived to transfer the holdings to themselves in the names of other persons, and at last openly got possession of the greater part of the public lands in their own names, and the poor, being expelled, were not willing to take military service and were careless about bringing up families, in consequence of which there was speedily a diminution in the number of freemen all through Italy, and the country was filled with ergastula&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_45_45&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_45_45&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;45&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of barbarian slaves, with whom the rich cultivated the lands from which they had expelled the citizens. Now Caius Lælius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_46_46&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_46_46&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;46&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the friend of Scipio, attempted to remedy this mischief, but he desisted through fear of the disturbances that were threatened by the opposition of the rich, whence he got the name of wise or prudent, for such is the signification of the Roman word “sapiens.” Tiberius, on being elected tribune,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_47_47&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_47_47&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;47&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; immediately undertook the same measures, as most say, at the instigation of the orator Diophanes and the philosopher Blossius.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_48_48&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_48_48&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;48&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Diophanes &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_68&amp;quot;&amp;gt;68&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;was an exile from Mitylene: Blossius was an Italian from Cumæ, and had been an intimate at Rome with Antipater of Tarsus, who had done him the honour of dedicating to him some of his philosophical writings. Some give part of the blame to Cornelia also, the mother of Tiberius, who frequently reproached her sons that the Romans still called her the mother-in-law of Scipio, but not yet the mother of the Gracchi. Others say that jealousy of one Spurius Postumius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_49_49&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_49_49&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;49&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a contemporary of Tiberius, and a rival of his reputation as an orator, was the immediate motive: for it is said that when Tiberius returned to Rome from his military service, he found that Postumius had far out-stripped him in reputation and influence, and seeing the distinction that Postumius had attained, he determined to get the advantage over him by engaging in measures which were attended with hazard, but promised great results. But his brother Caius in a certain book has recorded, that as Tiberius was passing through Tyrrhenia (Tuscany), on his road to Numantia, he observed the deserted state of the country, and that the cultivators and shepherds were foreign slaves and barbarians; and that he then for the first time conceived those political measures which to them were the beginning of infinite calamities. But the energy and ambition of Tiberius were mainly excited by the people, who urged him by writing on the porticoes, the walls, and on the tombs, to recover the public land for the poor.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;c9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He did not, however, draw up the law without assistance, but took the advice of the citizens most eminent &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_69&amp;quot;&amp;gt;69&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;for character and reputation, among whom were Crassus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_50_50&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_50_50&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;50&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the pontifex maximus, Mucius Scævola,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_51_51&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_51_51&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;51&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the jurist, who was then consul, and Claudius Appius, his father-in-law. Never was a measure directed against such wrong and aggression conceived in more moderate and gentle terms; for though the rich well deserved to be punished for their violation of law and to be compelled to surrender under penalties the land which they had been illegally enjoying, the law merely declared that they should give up their unjust acquisitions upon being paid the value of them, and should allow the lands to be occupied by the citizens who were in want of this relief. Though the reform of this abuse was so moderate and reasonable, the people were satisfied to take no notice of the past and to secure themselves against wrong for the future. But the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_70&amp;quot;&amp;gt;70&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;rich and those who had possessions detested the proposed law because of their greediness, and the proposer of it was the object of their indignation and jealousy; and accordingly they attempted to divert the people from the measure, by insinuating that Tiberius was proposing a division of land merely to disturb the state and to bring about a revolution. But they failed altogether; for Tiberius, supporting a measure in itself honourable and just, with an eloquence&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_52_52&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_52_52&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;52&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; calculated to set off even a meaner subject, showed his power and his superiority over his opponents, whenever the people were crowded round the rostra and he addressed them about the poor. “The wild beasts of Italy,” he would say, “had their dens and holes and hiding-places, while the men who fought and died in defence of Italy enjoyed, indeed, the air and the light, but nothing else: houseless and without a spot of ground to rest upon, they wander about with their wives and children, while their commanders, with a lie in their mouth, exhort the soldiers in battle to defend their tombs and temples against the enemy, for out of so many Romans not one has a family altar or ancestral tomb, but they fight to maintain the luxury and wealth of others, and they die with the title of lords of the earth,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_53_53&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_53_53&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;53&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; without possessing a single clod to call their own.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;c10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Such language as this, proceeding from a lofty spirit and genuine feeling, and delivered to the people, who were vehemently excited and roused, none of the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_71&amp;quot;&amp;gt;71&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;enemies of Tiberius attempted to refute. Abandoning, therefore, all idea of opposing him by words, they addressed themselves to Marcus Octavius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_54_54&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_54_54&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;54&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; one of the tribunes, a young man of sober and orderly disposition, and a companion and friend of Tiberius. At first Octavius, from regard to Tiberius, evaded the proposals, but being urged and importuned by many of the powerful nobles,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_55_55&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_55_55&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;55&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_72&amp;quot;&amp;gt;72&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and as it were, driven to it, he set himself in opposition to Tiberius, and prevented the passing of the law. Now &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_73&amp;quot;&amp;gt;73&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;all the power is virtually in the hands of the dissentient tribune, for the rest can do nothing if a single tribune &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_74&amp;quot;&amp;gt;74&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;oppose them. Irritated at this, Tiberius withdrew his moderate measure and introduced another, more agreeable &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_75&amp;quot;&amp;gt;75&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to the people and more severe against the illegal possessors of land; this new measure ejected persons out of the lands which they had got possession of contrary to existing laws. There was a daily contest between him and Octavius at the rostra, but though they opposed one another with great earnestness and rivalry, it is said they never uttered a disparaging word against one another, and that no unbecoming expression ever escaped either of them against the other. It is not, then, in bacchanalian revelries&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_56_56&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_56_56&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;56&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; only, as it seems, but also in ambitious rivalry and passion, that to be of noble nature and to have been well brought up, restrains and governs the mind. Tiberius, observing that Octavius himself was obnoxious to the law and possessed a considerable tract of the public land, begged him to desist from his opposition, offering to pay him the value of the land out of his own purse, though he was by no means in affluent circumstances. Upon Octavius rejecting the proposal, Tiberius by an edict forbade all the other magistrates to transact any public business until the people had voted upon his law; and he placed his private seals on the temple of Saturn,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_57_57&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_57_57&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;57&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that the quæstors might not be able to take anything out of it or pay anything in, and he gave public notice that a penalty would be imposed on the prætors if they&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_76&amp;quot;&amp;gt;76&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; disobeyed; in consequence of which all the magistrates were afraid and ceased from discharging their several functions. Upon this the possessors changed their dress and went about the Forum in a piteous and humble guise, but in secret they plotted against Tiberius and endeavoured to procure assassins to take him off; in consequence of which, Tiberius, as everybody knew, wore under his dress a short sword, such as robbers use, which the Romans call dolo.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_58_58&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_58_58&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;58&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;c11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When the day came and Tiberius was calling the people to the vote, the voting-urns&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_59_59&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_59_59&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;59&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; were seized by the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_77&amp;quot;&amp;gt;77&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;rich and the proceedings were put into great confusion. However, as the partisans of Tiberius, who had the superiority in numbers, were collecting in order to make resistance, Manlius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_60_60&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_60_60&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;60&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Fulvius, both consular men, falling down at the knees of Tiberius, and clinging to his hands with tears, begged him to desist. Tiberius, seeing that matters were near coming to extremities, and from regard to the men also, asked them what they would have him do; to which they replied, that they were not competent to advise on so important a matter, and they urged him to refer it to the senate, and at last he consented. The senate met, but did nothing, owing to the opposition of the rich, who had great influence in the body; upon which Tiberius had recourse to the unconstitutional and violent measure of depriving Octavius of his office, finding it impossible to put his proposed law to the vote in any other way. In the first place, he publicly entreated Octavius, addressing him affectionately and clinging to his hands, to yield to and gratify the people, who asked for nothing but their rights, and would only get a small matter in return for great dangers and sufferings. Octavius rejected this proposition; upon which Tiberius reminded him that both of them were magistrates and were contending with equal power on a weighty matter, and that it was not possible for this struggle to continue without coming to open hostility; that he saw no remedy except for one of them to give up his office; and he bade Octavius put it to the people to vote on his case first, and said that he would immediately descend to the station of a private man, if the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_78&amp;quot;&amp;gt;78&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;citizens should desire it. As Octavius refused this proposal also, Tiberius said that he would put the question about Octavius retiring from the tribunate to the people, if Octavius did not change his resolution.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;c12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thus ended the assembly of that day. On the following day Tiberius mounted the rostra and again endeavoured to persuade Octavius; but as he would not yield, Tiberius proposed a law by which Octavius should be deprived of his tribunate, and he forthwith summoned the citizens to vote upon it. Now, there were five and thirty tribes,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_61_61&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_61_61&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;61&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and when seventeen of them had already given their vote, and the addition of one more tribe would reduce Octavius to a private condition, Tiberius stopped the voting, and again entreated Octavius, embracing him in the presence of the people and urgently praying him not to be careless about being deprived of his office, and not to bring on him the blame of so severe and odious a measure. It is said that Octavius was not entirely untouched or unmoved by these entreaties, and his eyes were filled with tears and he was silent for some time. But when he looked to the rich and the possessors, who were standing together in one body, through fear of losing their good opinion, as it seems, he boldly determined to run every risk, and he told Tiberius to do what he pleased. Accordingly the law was passed, and Tiberius ordered one of his freedmen to drag Octavius from the rostra, for Tiberius employed his own freedmen as officers; a circumstance which made the spectacle of Octavius dragged from the rostra with contumely still more deplorable. At the same time the people made an assault on Octavius, and though the rich all ran to his assistance and disengaged him from their hands, it was not without difficulty that he was rescued and made his escape from the mob. But one of his faithful slaves, who had placed himself in front of his master to defend him, had his eyes torn out. This violence was &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_79&amp;quot;&amp;gt;79&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;quite contrary to the wishes of Tiberius, who, on seeing what was going on, speedily made his way to the disturbance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;c13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The law about the land was now immediately carried, and triumviri&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_62_62&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_62_62&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;62&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; were appointed for ascertaining its bounds and distributing it; the triumviri were Tiberius, and his father-in-law Claudius Appius, and Caius Gracchus, his brother, who, however, was not at Rome, but serving under Scipio against Numantia. All this Tiberius accomplished quietly without any opposition, and he also procured to be elected tribune in the room of Octavius, not a person of rank, but one Mucius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_63_63&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_63_63&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;63&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a client&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_64_64&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_64_64&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;64&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of his own. The nobles, who were vexed at all these measures and feared the growing power of Tiberius, treated him in the senate with contumely; and upon his asking, according to custom, for a tent from the treasury for his use while he was distributing the land, they refused it to him, though others had often had one allowed them on less important occasions; and they only gave him for his expenses nine oboli&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_65_65&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_65_65&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;65&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a day, which was done on the motion of Publius Nasica,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_66_66&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_66_66&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;66&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who entered violently into the opposition against Tiberius, for he was in possession of a very large amount of public land, and was greatly annoyed at being forcibly ejected from it. But the people now became still more violent. A friend of Tiberius happened to die suddenly, and suspicious marks immediately showed themselves on the body. The people cried out that he was poisoned, and collecting in great numbers at the funeral, they carried the bier and stood by while the body was burnt. And the suspicion of poison appeared to have some reason, for the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_80&amp;quot;&amp;gt;80&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;body burst on the pile and sent forth such a quantity of corrupt humours as to quench the flame; and though a light was again applied, the body would not burn till it was removed to another place, where, after much trouble, the fire at last laid hold of it. Upon this Tiberius, with the view of exciting the people still more, changed his dress, and showing his children to the people, begged that they would protect them and their mother, for he now despaired of his own safety.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;c14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On the death of Attalus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_67_67&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_67_67&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;67&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Philometor, Eudemus of Pergamum brought his will to Rome, in which the Roman people were made the king’s heir. In order to please the people, Tiberius promulgated a law to the effect that as soon as the king’s treasures were received, they should be distributed among those who had assignments of land, in order to enable them to stock the farms and to assist them in their cultivation. With respect to the cities included within the kingdom of Attalus, he said that the senate had no right to decide about them, but he would bring the subject before the popular assembly. This measure gave violent offence to the senate, and Pompeius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_68_68&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_68_68&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;68&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; getting up, said that he lived near Tiberius, and so knew that Eudemus of Pergamum had given a diadem out of the royal treasures and a purple robe to Tiberius, who designed to make himself king in Rome. Quintus Metellus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_69_69&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_69_69&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;69&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; reproached Tiberius by reminding him, that whenever his father, during his censorship, was returning home from supper, the citizens used to put out the lights &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_81&amp;quot;&amp;gt;81&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;for fear it might be supposed that they were indulging too much in entertainments and drinking, but that the most insolent and needy of the citizens accompanied Tiberius with lights at night. Titus Annius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_70_70&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_70_70&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;70&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was not a man of good repute or sober behaviour, but in any contest of words by way of question and answer was considered to be unequalled, challenged Tiberius to answer definitely whether he had or had not branded with infamy his brother tribune, though by the law he was sacred and inviolable. As the question was received with signs of approbation, Tiberius, hastily quitting the senate-house, convoked the people and ordered Annius to be brought before them, with the intention of accusing him. But Annius, who was much inferior to Tiberius both in eloquence and reputation, had recourse to his tricks, and called on Tiberius to answer a few questions before he began his speech. Tiberius assented, and as soon as there was silence, Annius said, “If you intend to deprive me of my rank, and disgrace me, and I appeal to one of your brother tribunes, and he shall come to my aid, and you shall then fall into a passion, will you deprive him of his office?” On this question being put, it is said that Tiberius, though no man was readier in words or bolder in action, was so confused that he made no reply.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;c15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For the present Tiberius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_71_71&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_71_71&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;71&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; dissolved the assembly, seeing that his proceedings with respect to Octavius were &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_82&amp;quot;&amp;gt;82&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;not liked either by the nobles or the people, for they considered that the high and honourable dignity of the tribunate, which had been kept unimpaired up to that time, had been destroyed and trampled upon. He made an harangue to the people, a few of the arguments of which it will not be out of place to mention, for the purpose of showing the persuasive eloquence and the subtlety of the man. He said that a tribune was sacred and inviolate, only because he was dedicated to the people and was the guardian of the people. If then a tribune should deviate from his duty and wrong the people, abridge their power and deprive them of the opportunity of voting, he had by his own act deprived himself of his rank, by not fulfilling the conditions on which he received it. Now we must consider a tribune to be still a tribune, though he should dig down the Capitol and burn the naval arsenal. If he should commit such excesses as these, he is a bad tribune; but if he should attempt to deprive the people of their power, he is not a tribune at all. And is it not a monstrous thing if a tribune shall have power to order a consul to be put in prison, and the people shall not be able to deprive a tribune of his power when he is using it against the people who gave it to him? for both tribune and consul are equally chosen by the people. Now the kingly office, besides comprehending within it all civil power, is consecrated to the divinity by the discharge of the chief ceremonials of religion; and yet the state ejected Tarquinius for his wrong-doing, and for the violence of one man the ancient power which established Rome was overthrown. And what is there at Rome so sacred, so venerated as the virgins who guard the ever-burning fire? but if any of them offends, she is buried alive; for when they sin against the gods, they no longer retain that inviolable sanctity which they have by being devoted to the gods. In like manner, neither has a tribune when he is wronging the people any right to retain the inviolable character which he receives from the people, for he is destroying the very power which is the origin of his own power. And indeed, if he has legally received the tribunitian power by the votes of a majority of the tribes, how is it that he cannot even &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_83&amp;quot;&amp;gt;83&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;still more legally be deposed by the vote of all the tribes? Now, nothing is so sacred and inviolable as things dedicated to the gods; but yet no one has ever hindered the people from using such things, moving them, and changing their places as they please. It is therefore legal for the people to transfer the tribunate, as a consecrated thing, from one man to another. And that the tribunate is not an inviolable thing, nor an office of which a man cannot be divested, is clear from this that many magistrates have abdicated their office and prayed to be excused from it of their own free will.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;c16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Such were the heads of the justification of Tiberius. His friends, seeing the threats of his enemies and their combination, thought that he ought to be a candidate for the tribunate for the next year; and Tiberius attempted to strengthen his popularity by promising to carry new measures,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_72_72&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_72_72&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;72&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; such as a diminution of the period of military service, an appeal to the people from the judices, an intermixture of an equal number of the Equites with the Senators, from whom alone the judices were then taken; and in every way he attempted to abridge the power of the Senate, influenced rather by passion and ambition, than justice and the interests of the state. While the voting was going on, the friends of Tiberius, seeing that their enemies were gaining the advantage, for all the people were not present,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_73_73&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_73_73&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;73&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at first attempted to prolong the time by abusing the other tribunes, and next they dissolved the meeting and appointed it for the following day. Tiberius, going down to the Forum, supplicated the citizens in humble manner and with tears in his eyes; he then said that he feared his enemies would break into his house by night and kill him, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_84&amp;quot;&amp;gt;84&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and thus he induced a great number of the citizens to take their station about his house and watch there all night.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;c17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; At daybreak the man came to bring the birds which the Romans use in their auspices, and he threw them food. But the birds would not come out of the basket&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_74_74&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_74_74&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;74&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with the exception of one, though the man shook it hard; and even this one would not touch the food, but after raising its left wing and stretching out a leg it ran back to the basket. This reminded Tiberius of another omen that had happened. He had a helmet which he wore in battle, elaborately worked and splendid. Some snakes had got into the helmet unobserved, and laid their eggs and hatched them there. This made Tiberius still more uneasy about the signs from the fowls. Nevertheless he advanced up the city on hearing that the people was assembled about the Capitol; but before he got out of the house he stumbled over the threshold, and the blow was so violent that the nail of his great toe was broken, and the blood ran out through his shoe. He had not got far before some crows were seen fighting on the roof of a house on the left hand, and though a great crowd was passing by, as was natural on such an occasion, a stone which was pushed off by one of the crows fell by the feet of Tiberius. This made even the boldest of his adherents hesitate; but Blossius of Cumæ, who was present, said it would be a shame and a great disgrace if Tiberius, a son of Gracchus and a grandson of Scipio Africanus, and a defender of the Roman people should &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_85&amp;quot;&amp;gt;85&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;not obey the summons of the people for fear of a crow, and that his enemies would not treat this cowardly act as a matter of ridicule, but would make it the ground of calumniating him to the people as playing the tyrant and treating them with contempt. At the same time many persons ran up to Tiberius with a message from his friends in the Capitol, to hasten there, as all was going on favourably. And indeed everything promised well at first, for as soon as he appeared he was greeted with friendly cheers, and as he ascended the Capitol he was joyfully received, and the people crowded about him to prevent any stranger from approaching.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;c18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now, Mucius began to summon the tribes again, but nothing could be conducted with the usual forms on account of the confusion that prevailed among those who were on the outskirts of the assembly, where they were struggling with their opponents, who were attempting to force their way in and mingle with the rest. At this juncture Flavius Flaccus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_75_75&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_75_75&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;75&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a senator, posted himself in a conspicuous place, and as it was not possible to make his voice heard so far, he made a signal with his hand that he wished to say something in private to Tiberius. Tiberius bade the crowd let Flaccus pass, who, with great difficulty making his way up to Tiberius, told him that the Senate was sitting, that as they could not prevail on the consul, the rich were resolving to kill Tiberius themselves, and that they had armed many of their slaves and friends for this purpose.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;c19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Upon Tiberius reporting this to those who were standing about him, they forthwith tucked up their dress, and breaking the staves which the officers use to keep the crowd back, distributed the fragments among them and made ready to defend themselves against their assailants. While those at a distance were wondering at what was going on, and asking what it meant, Tiberius touched his head with his hand, since his voice could not be heard, intending thereby to signify to the people that his life was in danger. His enemies on seeing this ran to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_86&amp;quot;&amp;gt;86&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the Senate and told them that Tiberius was asking for a crown, and that his touching his head was a proof of it. On this the whole body was greatly disturbed; Nasica entreated the consul&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_76_76&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_76_76&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;76&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to protect the state and put down the tyrant. The consul however answered mildly that he would not be the first to use violence, and that he would not take any citizen’s life without a regular trial; if however, he said, the people should come to an illegal vote at the instigation of Tiberius, or from compulsion, he would not respect any such decision. Upon this Nasica springing up exclaimed, “Well then, as the consul betrays the state, do you who wish to maintain the laws follow me.” As he uttered these words he drew the skirt of his dress over his head, and hastened to the Capitol; and the senators who followed him, wrapping their dress about them with one hand, pushed all the people they met out of the way, no one opposing them, from respect to their rank, but taking to flight and trampling down one another. The followers of the senators had clubs and sticks which they had brought from home; but the senators seizing the fragments and legs of the benches which were broken by the people in their hurry to escape, made right to Tiberius, and struck all those who were in their road. The people were all put to flight or killed. As Tiberius was attempting to make his escape, some one laid hold of his dress, on which he dropped his toga and fled in his tunic; but he stumbled over some persons who were lying on the ground and was thrown down. While he was endeavouring to rise, he received the first blow, as it is universally admitted, from Publius Satyreius, one of his colleagues, who struck him on the head with the leg of a bench. Lucius Rufus claimed the credit of giving him the second blow, as if that were a thing to be proud of. Above three hundred persons lost their lives by sticks and stones, but none by the sword.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_87&amp;quot;&amp;gt;87&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;c20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is said to have been the first disturbance at Rome since the abolition of the kingly power, which ended in bloodshed and the death of citizens. All previous disputes, though they were neither trifling nor about trifling matters, were settled by mutual concession: the nobles yielded through fear of the people, and the people yielded from respect to the Senate. Even on this occasion it is probable that Tiberius would have given way to persuasion without any difficulty, and still more readily if his assailants had not come to bloodshed and blows, for those about him were not above three thousand in number. But the combination against him seems to have proceeded rather from the passion and hatred of the rich citizens, than from the reasons which they alleged; and the brutal and indecent treatment of his dead body is a proof of this. For they would not listen to his brother’s request&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_77_77&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_77_77&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;77&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to take up the body and bury it at night, but it was thrown into the Tiber with the other bodies. And this was not all; they banished some of his friends without trial, and others they seized and put to death, among whom was Diophanes the orator. One Caius Villius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_78_78&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_78_78&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;78&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; they shut up in a vessel with snakes and vipers, and thus he died. Blossius of Cumæ, being brought before the consuls and questioned about what had passed, admitted that he had done everything at the bidding of Tiberius. On Nasica asking&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_79_79&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_79_79&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;79&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; him, “What if Tiberius had told you to burn the Capitol?” Blossius said, that Tiberius would never have given him any such order. The same question being often put to him, and by several persons, he said, “If he had commanded me to burn the Capitol, it would have been a good deed for me to do; for Tiberius would not have given such an order unless it were for the interest of the people.” Blossius, however, was set at liberty, and afterwards went to Aristonikus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_80_80&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_80_80&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;80&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in Asia, on the ruin of whose affairs he killed himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_88&amp;quot;&amp;gt;88&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;c21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Senate, under present circumstances, endeavoured to soothe the people; they made no opposition to the distribution of the public land, and they allowed the people to elect another commissioner in place of Tiberius. Having come to a vote, they elected Publius Crassus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_81_81&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_81_81&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;81&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a relation of Gracchus, for his daughter Licinia was the wife of Caius Gracchus. Cornelius Nepos,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_82_82&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_82_82&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;82&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; indeed, says that Caius did not marry the daughter of Crassus, but the daughter of Brutus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_83_83&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_83_83&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;83&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who triumphed over the Lusitanians: however, the majority of writers state the matter as I have done. Now, as the people were sore about the death of Tiberius, and were manifestly waiting for an opportunity to be revenged, and Nasica&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_84_84&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_84_84&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;84&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was threatened with prosecutions, the Senate, fearing for his safety, made a decree for sending him to Asia, though they had nothing for him to do there. For when men met Nasica they did not conceal their hostility, but broke out into violence, and abused him wherever they fell in with him, calling him accursed, and tyrant, who had stained with the blood of an inviolable and sacred functionary the most sacred and revered of all the holy places in the city. Accordingly, Nasica left Italy, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_89&amp;quot;&amp;gt;89&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;though bound by the most sacred functions, for he was Pontifex Maximus; and, rambling about despised from place to place, he died no long time after in the neighbourhood of Pergamum. It is no wonder if Nasica was so much hated by the people, when even Scipio Africanus, whom the Romans considered inferior to no man in integrity, and loved as well as any, narrowly escaped losing the popular favour, because, on receiving the news of the death of Tiberius, at Numantia, he exclaimed in the verse of Homer,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;So perish&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_85_85&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_85_85&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;85&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; all who do the like again.&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Subsequently, when Caius and Fulvius asked him, before an assembly of the people, what he thought of the death of Tiberius, he showed by his answer that he was not pleased with the measures of Tiberius. This made the people interrupt him with their shouts when he was speaking, as they had never done before; and Scipio was so far transported with passion as to break out into invectives against them. But of this I have spoken more particularly in the Life of Scipio.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_86_86&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_86_86&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;86&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_90&amp;quot;&amp;gt;90&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;LIFE OF CAIUS GRACCHUS.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;d1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Caius Gracchus at first, either through fear of his enemies or with the view of making them odious, withdrew from the Forum&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_87_87&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_87_87&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;87&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and kept quiet at home, like a man humbled for the present, and intending for the future to keep aloof from public affairs; which gave occasion for some people to say that he disliked the measures of Tiberius, and had abandoned them. He was also still quite a youth, for he was nine years younger than his brother, and Tiberius was not thirty&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_88_88&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_88_88&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;88&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; when he was killed. But in the course of time, as his character gradually displayed itself in his aversion to indolence, luxury, wine, and all matters of private profit, and it was clear, from his application to the study of eloquence, that he was preparing, as it were, his pinions for public life, and that he would not remain quiet; and further, when he showed by his defence of Vettius, one of his friends, who was under prosecution, the people all around him being wild and frantic with delight, that the rest of the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_91&amp;quot;&amp;gt;91&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;orators were mere children, the nobles were again alarmed, and there was much talk among them that they would not allow Caius to obtain the tribunate. It happened without any set design that the lot fell on him to go as quæstor to Sardinia,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_89_89&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_89_89&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;89&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; under Orestes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_90_90&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_90_90&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;90&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the consul, which pleased his enemies, and was not disagreeable to Caius. For he was fond of war, and equally disciplined for military service and speaking in the courts of justice; but he still shrunk from public affairs and the Rostra, and as he could not resist the invitations of the people and his friends, he was well pleased with this opportunity of leaving Rome. It is true it is a common opinion that Caius was a pure demagogue, and much more greedy of popular favour than Tiberius. But it was not so in fact, and Caius seems to have been involved in public affairs rather through a kind of necessity than choice. Cicero the orator also says that Caius declined all offices, and had determined to live in retirement, but that his brother appeared to him in a dream,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_91_91&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_91_91&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;91&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and said, “Caius, why do you linger? There is no escape: one life for both of us, and one death in defence of the people is our fate.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;d2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now, Caius during his stay in Sardinia exhibited his excellent qualities in every way; he far surpassed all the young men in military courage, in upright conduct to the subject people, in loyalty and respect to the commander; and in temperance, frugality, and attention to his duties he excelled even his elders. The winter having been severe and unhealthy in Sardinia, the general demanded clothing for his soldiers from the cities, upon which they sent to Rome to pray to be relieved from this imposition. The Senate granted their petition, and ordered the general to get supplies for the troops by other means; but as the general was unable to do this, and the soldiers were suffering, Caius went round to the cities and induced them voluntarily to send clothing and to assist the Romans. This, being reported to Rome, made the Senate uneasy, for &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_92&amp;quot;&amp;gt;92&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;they viewed it as a preliminary to popular agitation. Ambassadors also arrived at Rome from Libya, with a message from King Micipsa,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_92_92&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_92_92&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;92&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that the king had sent corn to the commander in Sardinia, out of respect for Caius Gracchus. The Senate, taking offence at the message, would not receive the ambassadors, and they passed a decree that fresh troops should be sent out to replace those in Sardinia, but that Orestes should stay; intending by this measure to keep Caius there also, in respect of his office. On this being done, Caius immediately set sail in a passion, and appearing at Rome contrary to all expectation, was not only blamed by his enemies, but even the people considered it a strange thing for the quæstor to leave his general behind. However, when the matter was brought before the Censors,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_93_93&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_93_93&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;93&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he asked for permission to make his defence, and he produced such a change in the opinions of his audience, that he was acquitted, and considered to have been exceedingly ill used: he said that he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_93&amp;quot;&amp;gt;93&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;had served in the army for twelve years, while others were only required to serve ten years, and that he had exercised the functions of quæstor to the commander for three years, though the law allowed him to return after one year’s service; he added that he was the only soldier who took out a full purse with him and brought it back empty, while the rest took out with them only jars of wine, which they had emptied in Sardinia, and brought them back full of gold and silver.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;d3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After this, his enemies brought fresh charges against him, and harassed him with prosecutions on the ground of causing the defection of the allies and having participated in the conspiracy which had been detected at Fregellæ.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_94_94&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_94_94&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;94&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But he cleared himself of all suspicion, and having established his innocence, immediately set about canvassing for the tribunate. All the men of distinction, without exception, opposed him; and so great a multitude flocked to Rome from all parts of Italy, to the Comitia, that many of them could not find lodgings, and the Campus Martius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_95_95&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_95_95&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;95&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; being unable to contain the numbers, they shouted from the house-tops and tilings. However, the nobility so far prevailed against the people as to disappoint the hopes of Caius, inasmuch as he was not returned first, as he expected, but only fourth. But upon entering on his office he soon made himself first, for he surpassed every Roman in eloquence,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_96_96&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_96_96&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;96&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and his misfortunes gave him a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_94&amp;quot;&amp;gt;94&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;licence for speaking freely when lamenting the fate of his brother. He took every opportunity of directing the thoughts of the people to this subject, reminding them of former times, and contrasting the conduct of their ancestors, who went to war with the Falisci on behalf of Gemicius, a tribune, who had been insulted by them, and condemned Caius Veturius to death because he was the only man that did not make way for a tribune as he was passing through the Forum. “But before your eyes,” he exclaimed, “these men beat Tiberius to death with staves, and his body was dragged through the midst of the city to be thrown into the Tiber; and all his friends who were caught were put to death without trial. And yet it is an old usage among us, if a man is accused of a capital charge and does not appear, for a trumpeter to come to the door of his house in the morning and summon him by the sound of the trumpet, and the judices cannot vote upon the charge till this has been done. So circumspect and careful were the Romans of old in the trials of persons accused.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;d4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Having first stirred up the people by such harangues as these (and he had a very loud voice, and was most vigorous in speech), he promulgated two laws:&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_97_97&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_97_97&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;97&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; one, to the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_95&amp;quot;&amp;gt;95&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;effect that if the people had deprived any magistrate of his office, he should be incapacitated from holding office a second time; and the other, which rendered a magistrate liable to a public prosecution if he had banished any citizen without trial. One of these rogations had the direct effect of branding with infamy Marcus Octavius, who had been deprived of the tribunate by Tiberius; and Popillius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_98_98&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_98_98&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;98&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; came within the penalties of the other, for during his prætorship he had banished the friends of Tiberius. Popillius did not stand his trial, and he fled from Italy; but the other law Caius himself withdrew, saying that he refrained from touching Octavius at the request of his mother Cornelia. The people admired his conduct on this occasion, and gave their consent, for they respected Cornelia no less for the sake of her sons than her father; and afterwards they set up a bronze statue&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_99_99&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_99_99&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;99&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of her, with the inscription—Cornelia, Mother of the Gracchi. There are recorded several things that Caius said in defence of his mother in a rhetorical and coarse way, in reply to one of his enemies. “What,” said he, “do you abuse Cornelia, the mother of Tiberius?” And as the man laboured under the imputation of being a dissolute fellow, he added, “How can you have the impudence to compare yourself with Cornelia? Have you been a mother, as she has?”—and more to the like effect, but still coarser. Such was the bitterness of his language, and many like things occur in his writings.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;d5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Of the laws&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_100_100&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_100_100&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;100&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which he promulgated with the view &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_96&amp;quot;&amp;gt;96&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of gaining the popular favour and weakening the Senate, one was for the establishment of colonies and the distribution &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_97&amp;quot;&amp;gt;97&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; of Public Land among the poor; another provided for supplying the soldiers with clothing at the public expense, without any deduction on this account being made from their pay, and exempted youths under seventeen years of age from being drafted for the army; a third was in favour of the allies, and put the Italians on the same footing as the citizens with respect to the suffrage; another related to grain, and had for its object the lowering of the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_98&amp;quot;&amp;gt;98&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;price for the poor; the last related to the judices, a measure which most of all encroached on the privileges of the senate—for the senate alone supplied judices for the trials, and this privilege rendered that body formidable both to the people and the equites. The law of Gracchus added three hundred equites to the senate, who were also three hundred in number, and it made the judices eligible out of the whole six hundred. In his endeavours to carry this law he is said to have made every exertion; and in particular it is recorded that all the popular leaders who preceded him turned their faces to the senate and the comitium while they were speaking, but he was the first who turned his face the other way to the Forum while haranguing the people, and he continued to do so; and by a small deviation and alteration in attitude he stirred a great question, and in a manner transformed the government from an aristocratical to a democratical form, by this new attitude intimating that the orators should direct their speeches to the many and not to the senate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;d6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The people not only passed this law, but empowered Gracchus to select from the equites those who were to act as judices, which conferred on him a kind of monarchical authority, and even the senate now assented to the measures which he proposed in their body. But all the measures which he proposed were honourable to the senate; such, for instance, was the very equitable and just decree about the grain which Fabius the proprætor sent from Iberia. Gracchus induced the senate to sell the grain and to return the money which it produced to the Iberian cities, and further to censure Fabius for making the Roman dominion heavy and intolerable to the subject nations; this measure brought him great reputation and popularity in the provinces. He also introduced measures for sending out colonies, the construction of roads, and the building of public granaries; and he made himself director and superintendent for the carrying all these measures into effect. Though engaged in so many great undertakings, he was never wearied, but with wonderful activity and labour he effected every single object as if he had for the time no other occupation, so that even those who thoroughly hated and feared him were struck with amazement at the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_99&amp;quot;&amp;gt;99&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;rapidity and perfect execution of all that he undertook. But the people looked with admiration on the man himself, seeing him attended by crowds of building-contractors, artificers, ambassadors, magistrates, soldiers, and learned men, to all of whom he was easy of access; and while he maintained his dignity, he was affable to all, and adapted his behaviour to the condition of every individual, and so proved the falsehood of those who called him tyrannical or arrogant or violent. He thus showed himself more skilful as a popular leader in his dealings with men, and in his conduct, than in his harangues from the Rostra.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;d7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But Caius busied himself most about the construction of roads,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_101_101&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_101_101&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;101&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; having in view utility, convenience, and ornament. The roads were made in a straight line, right through the country, partly of quarried stone and partly with tight-rammed masses of earth. By filling up the depressions, and throwing bridges across those parts which were traversed by winter torrents or deep ravines, and raising the road on both sides to the same uniform height, the whole line was made level and presented an agreeable appearance. He also measured all the roads by miles (the Roman mile is not quite eight Greek stadia), and fixed stone blocks to mark the distances. He placed other stones at less distances from one another on each side of the road, that persons might thus easily mount their horses without assistance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;d8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As the people extolled him for all these services, and were ready to show their good will towards him in any way, he said on one occasion when he was addressing them, that he would ask a favour, which he would value above everything if it was granted, but if it were refused, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_100&amp;quot;&amp;gt;100&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;he should not complain. It was accordingly expected that he would ask for the consulship, and everybody supposed that he would be a candidate for the consulship and the tribunate at the same time. When the consular comitia were near, and all were at the highest point of expectation, Caius appeared conducting Caius Fannius into the Campus Martius, and canvassing with his friends for Fannius.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_102_102&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_102_102&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;102&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This gave Fannius a great advantage. Fannius was elected consul, and Caius tribune for the second time, though he was neither a candidate nor canvassed, but his election was entirely due to the zeal of the people. Perceiving, however, that the senate was clearly opposed to him, and that the kind feeling of Fannius towards him cooled, he forthwith endeavoured to attach the people by other measures, by proposing to send colonies to Tarentum and Capua, and by inviting the Latins to a participation in the Roman franchise. The senate, fearing that Gracchus would become irresistible, attempted a new and unusual method of diverting the people from him, by opposing popular measures to his, and by gratifying the people, contrary to sound policy. Livius Drusus was one of the colleagues of Caius, a man by birth and education inferior to none in Rome, and in character, eloquence, and wealth equal to any who enjoyed either honour or power by the aid of these advantages. To him accordingly the chief nobles applied, and they urged him to attack Caius, and to unite with them against him, not by adopting violent measures, nor coming into collision with the many, but by a course of administration adapted to please, and by making such concessions as it would have been honourable to refuse, even at the risk of unpopularity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;d9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Livius, having agreed to employ his tribunitian authority on the side of the senate, framed measures which had neither any honourable nor any useful object: he only had in view to outbid Caius in the popular favour, just as it is in a comedy, by making himself busy and vying with his rival. This showed most clearly that the senate were &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_101&amp;quot;&amp;gt;101&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;not displeased with the measures of Caius, but only wished to destroy him or completely humble him. When Caius proposed to send out ten colonies consisting of citizens of the best character, the senate accused him of truckling to the people; but they co-operated with Livius, who proposed twelve colonies, each of which was to consist of three thousand needy citizens. They set themselves in opposition to Caius when he proposed to distribute land among the poor, subject to a yearly payment to the treasury from each, on the ground that he was trying to gain the popular favour; but they were satisfied when Livius proposed to relieve the colonists even from this payment. Further, Caius gave them offence by proposing to confer on the Latins the Roman suffrage; but when Livius brought forward a measure which forbade any Latin to be beaten with rods even while serving in the army, they supported it. And indeed Livius himself, in his harangues to the people, always said that he only proposed what was agreeable to the senate, who had a regard for the many; which indeed was the only good that resulted from his measures. For the people became more pacifically disposed towards the senate; and though the most distinguished of them were formerly suspected and hated by the people, Livius did away with and softened their recollection of past grievances and their ill feeling, by giving out that it was in accordance with the wish of the senate that he had entered upon his popular career and framed measures to please the many.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;d10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But the best proof to the people of the good intentions and honesty of Livius was, that he proposed nothing for himself or in behalf of his own interests; for he appointed other persons to superintend the establishment of the colonies, and he did not meddle with the administration of the money, while Caius had assigned to himself most of such functions, and the most important of them. It happened that Rubrius, one of the tribunes, had proposed a measure for the colonisation of Carthage, which had been destroyed by Scipio; and as the lot fell on Caius, he set sail to Libya to found the colony. In his absence, Drusus, making still further advances, insinuated himself into the favour of the people, and gained them over mainly &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_102&amp;quot;&amp;gt;102&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;by calumniating Fulvius.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_103_103&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_103_103&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;103&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This Fulvius was a friend of Caius and a joint commissioner for the distribution of lands; but he was a noisy fellow, and specially disliked by the senate; he was also suspected by others of stirring up the allies, and secretly encouraging the Italians to revolt; and though this was said without proof or inquiry, Fulvius himself gave it credit by his unwise and revolutionary policy. This more than anything else destroyed the popularity of Caius, who came in for his share of the odium against Fulvius. And when Scipio&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_104_104&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_104_104&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;104&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Africanus died without any obvious cause, and certain signs of blows and violence were supposed to be visible on the body, as I told in the Life of Scipio, the suspicion fell chiefly on Fulvius, who was his enemy, and on that day had abused Scipio from the Rostra. Suspicion attached to Caius also. So abominable a crime committed against the first and greatest of the Romans went unpunished, and there was not even an inquiry; for the many opposed it and stopped the investigation through fear for Caius, lest he should be discovered to be implicated in the murder. These events, indeed, belong to an earlier period.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;d11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In Libya, as to the foundation of Carthage,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_105_105&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_105_105&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;105&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_103&amp;quot;&amp;gt;103&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Caius named Junonia, which is the same as Heraea, it is said there were many supernatural hindrances. For the first standard was seized and broken by a violent gust of wind, though the standard-bearer stuck to it vigorously; and the victims which were lying on the altars were dispersed by a tempest, and scattered beyond the stakes which marked the limits of the city, and the stakes were torn up by the wolves and carried a long way off. However Caius, after settling and arranging everything in seventy days, returned to Rome upon hearing that Fulvius was hard pressed by Drusus, and that affairs required his presence. Lucius Opimius, a man who belonged to the faction of the oligarchs,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_106_106&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_106_106&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;106&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and had great influence in the senate, failed on a former occasion when he was a candidate for the consulship, at the time when Caius brought forward Fannius and canvassed against Opimius; but now, being supported by a powerful party, it was expected that Opimius would be elected consul and would put down Caius, whose influence was already in some degree on the wane, and the people also were tired of such measures as his, for there were many who sought their favour, and the senate easily gave way.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;d12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On his return from Libya, Caius removed from the Palatium to the neighbourhood of the Forum, as being a more popular place of residence, for it happened that most of the lowest classes of the poor lived there; he next promulgated the rest of his measures, intending to take the vote of the people upon them. As crowds were collecting &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_104&amp;quot;&amp;gt;104&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;from all parts to support Caius, the senate prevailed on the consul Fannius to drive out of the city all who were not Romans. Accordingly a strange and unusual proclamation was made, to the effect that none of the allies or friends of the Roman state should appear in Rome during those days; on which Caius published a counter edict, in which he criminated the consul and promised his support to the allies if they remained in Rome. But he did not keep his promise; for though he saw one of them, who was his own friend and intimate, dragged off by the officers of Fannius, he passed by without helping him, whether it was that he feared to put to the test his power which was now on the decline, or that he did not choose, as he said, to give his enemies the opportunity which they were seeking of coming to a collision and a struggle. It also chanced that he had incurred the ill-will of his fellow-colleagues, in the following manner:—The people were going to see an exhibition of gladiators in the Forum, and most of the magistrates had constructed seats round the place, with the intention of letting them for hire. But Caius urged them to remove the seats, that the poor might be able to see the show without paying. As no one took any notice of what he said, he waited till the night before the show, when he went with the workmen whom he had under him, and removed the seats, and at daybreak he pointed out to the people that the place was clear; for which the many considered him a man, but he offended his colleagues, who viewed him as an audacious and violent person. Owing to this circumstance, it is supposed, he lost his third tribunate, though he had most votes, for it is said that his colleagues acted illegally and fraudulently in the proclamation and return. This, however, was disputed. Caius did not bear his failure well: and to his enemies, who were exulting over him, he is said to have observed, with more arrogance than was befitting, that their laugh was a sardonic laugh,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_107_107&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_107_107&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;107&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for they knew not &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_105&amp;quot;&amp;gt;105&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;what a darkness his political measures had spread all around them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;d13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After effecting the election of Opimius to the consulship, the enemies of Caius began to repeal many of his laws and to disturb the settlement of Carthage, for the purpose of irritating Caius, in order that he might give them some cause of quarrel, and so be got rid of. He endured this for some time, but his friends, and especially Fulvius, beginning to urge him on, he again attempted to combine his partisans against the consul. On this occasion it is said that his mother also helped him, by hiring men from remote parts and sending them to Rome in the disguise of reapers, for it is supposed that these matters are obscurely alluded to in her letters&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_108_108&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_108_108&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;108&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to her son. Others, on the contrary, say that this was done quite contrary to the wishes of Cornelia. On the day on which the party of Opimius intended to repeal the laws of Caius, the Capitol had been occupied by the opposite faction early in the morning. The consul had offered the sacrifices, and one of his officers, named Quintus Antyllius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_109_109&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_109_109&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;109&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was carrying the viscera to another part, when he said to the partisans of Fulvius, “Make way for honest men, you rascals.” Some say that as he uttered these words he also held out his bare arm with insulting gestures. However this may be, Antyllius was killed on the spot, being pierced with large styles&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_110_110&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_110_110&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;110&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; said to have been made expressly for the purpose. The &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_106&amp;quot;&amp;gt;106&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;people were greatly disturbed at the murder, but it produced exactly opposite effects on the leaders of the two parties. Caius was deeply grieved at what had happened, and abused his party for having given a handle to their enemies, who had long been looking for it; but Opimius, as if he had got the opportunity which he wanted, was highly elated, and urged the people to avenge the murder.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;d14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A torrent of rain happened to fall just then, and the meeting was dissolved. Early on the following day Opimius summoned the senate to transact business. In the mean time the naked body of Antyllius was placed on a bier, and, according to arrangement, carried through the Forum past the senate-house with loud cries and lamentations. Opimius, though he knew what was going on, pretended to be surprised at the noise, and the senators went out to see what was the matter. When the bier had been set down in the midst of the crowd, the senators began to express their indignation at so horrible and monstrous a crime; but this only moved the people to hate and execrate the oligarchs, who, after murdering Tiberius Gracchus in the Capitol, a tribune, had treated his body with insult; while Antyllius, a mere servant, who perhaps had not deserved his fate, yet was mainly to blame for what happened, was laid out in the Forum, and surrounded by the Roman senate lamenting and assisting at the funeral of a hireling; and all this merely to accomplish the ruin of the only remaining guardian of the people’s liberties. On returning to the senate-house, the senators passed a decree&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_111_111&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_111_111&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;111&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; by which the consul Opimius was directed to save the state in such way as he could, and to put down the tyrants. Opimius gave &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_107&amp;quot;&amp;gt;107&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;notice to the senators to arm, and each eques was commanded to bring in the morning two armed slaves. On the other side, Fulvius also made preparation and got together a rabble; but Caius as he left the Forum stood opposite his father’s statue, and looking at it for some time without speaking, at last burst into tears, and fetching a deep sigh, walked away. The sight of this moved many of the spectators to compassion, and blaming themselves for deserting the man and betraying him, they came to the house of Caius and passed the night at his door; but not in the same manner as those who watched about the house of Fulvius, for they spent the night in tumult and shouting, drinking, and bragging what they would do. Fulvius himself, who was the first to get drunk, spoke and acted in a way quite unseemly for a man of his age. The followers of Caius, viewing the state of affairs as a public calamity, kept quiet, thinking of the future, and they passed the night watching and sleeping in turns.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;d15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; At daybreak Fulvius was with difficulty roused from his drunken sleep, and his partisans, arming themselves with the warlike spoils in his house, which he had taken in his victory over the Gauls during his consulship, with loud threats and shouts went to seize the Aventine Hill.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_112_112&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_112_112&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;112&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Caius would not arm, but went out in his toga just as if he was proceeding to the Forum, with only a short dagger at his side. As he was going out at the door, his wife met him, and throwing one arm round him, while she held in the other their little child, said, “Caius, not as in time past do I take my leave of you going to the Rostra as tribune and as legislator, nor yet going to a glorious war, where, if you died in the service of your country, you would still leave me an honoured grief; but you are going to expose yourself to the murderers of Tiberius: ’tis right indeed to go unarmed, and to suffer rather than do wrong, but you will perish without benefiting the state. The worst has now prevailed; force and the sword determine all controversies. If your brother had died at Numantia, his body would have been restored to us on the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_108&amp;quot;&amp;gt;108&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;usual terms of war; but now perchance I too shall have to supplicate some river or the sea to render up to me your corpse from its keeping. What faith can we put in the laws or in the deities since the murder of Tiberius?” While Licinia was thus giving vent to sorrow, Gracchus gently freed himself from his wife’s embrace, and went off in silence with his friends. Licinia, as she attempted to lay hold of his dress, fell down on the floor, and lay there some time speechless, until her slaves took her up fainting, and carried her to her brother Crassus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;d16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When they were all assembled, Fulvius, at the request of Caius, sent his younger son with a caduceus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_113_113&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_113_113&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;113&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to the Forum. He was a most beautiful youth, and with great decorum and modesty, and with tears in his eyes he addressed to the consul and the senate the message of conciliation. The majority who were present were not disinclined to come to terms; but Opimius replied, that Fulvius and Gracchus must not attempt to bring the senate to an accommodation through the medium of a messenger; they must consider themselves as citizens who had to account for their conduct, and come down and surrender, and then beg for mercy; he further told the youth that these were the terms on which he must come a second time, or not at all. Now Caius, it is said, wished to go and clear himself before the senate, but as no one else assented, Fulvius again sent his son to address the senate on their behalf in the same terms as before. But Opimius, who was eager to come to blows, forthwith ordered the youth to be seized and put in prison, and advanced against the party of Fulvius with many legionary soldiers and Cretan bowmen&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_114_114&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_114_114&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;114&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who mainly contributed to put them into confusion by discharging their arrows and wounding them. The partisans of Fulvius being put to flight, he made his escape into a bath that was not used where he was soon discovered and put to death with his elder son. Caius was not observed to take any part in the contest, but greatly troubled at what was taking place, he retired &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_109&amp;quot;&amp;gt;109&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to the temple of Diana, and was going to kill himself there, but was prevented by his faithful friends Pomponius and Licinius, who took the sword away and induced him to fly. It is said that he went down on his knees in the temple, and stretching out his hands to the statue of the goddess, prayed that the Roman people, for their ingratitude and treachery to him, might always be slaves; for the greater part of them had openly gone over to the other side upon an amnesty&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_115_115&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_115_115&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;115&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; being proclaimed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;d17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In his flight Caius was followed by his enemies, who were near overtaking him at the wooden bridge,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_116_116&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_116_116&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;116&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but his two friends, bidding him make his escape, opposed the pursuers and allowed no man to pass the head of the bridge till they were killed. Caius was accompanied by a single slave, named Philocrates,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_117_117&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_117_117&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;117&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and though all the spectators urged him to fly, just as if they were shouting at a race, yet no one, though he prayed for it, would come to his aid or lend him a horse: for the pursuers were close upon him. He just escaped into a sacred grove of the Furies,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_118_118&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_118_118&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;118&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and there he fell by the hand of Philocrates, who killed himself on the body of his master. Some say both of them were taken alive by their enemies, and that the slave embraced his master so closely, that Caius could &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_110&amp;quot;&amp;gt;110&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;not be struck until the slave had been dispatched first, and with many blows. It is said that a man cut off the head of Caius and was carrying it away, but it was taken from him by a friend of Opimius named Septimuleius; for proclamation had been made at the beginning of the contest, that those who brought the heads of Caius and Fulvius should have their weight in gold. The head of Caius was brought to Opimius by Septimuleius stuck on a spear, and it weighed seventeen pounds and two-thirds in the scales. Septimuleius was a scoundrel and a knave&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_119_119&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_119_119&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;119&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; here also, for he had taken out the brain and dropped melted lead in its place. Those who brought the head of Fulvius got nothing, for they belonged to the lower class. The bodies of Caius and Fulvius and their partisans were thrown into the river, the number of dead being three thousand: their property was sold and the produce paid into the treasury. They also forbade the women to lament for their relatives, and Licinia was deprived of her marriage portion. But their conduct was most cruel to the younger son of Fulvius, who had neither raised up his hand against them nor been among the combatants; for he was seized before the battle, when he came to treat of terms, and was put to death after the battle. But what most of all vexed the people was the circumstance of Opimius erecting a temple to Concord, which was viewed as an evidence of his insolence and arrogance, and as a kind of triumph for the slaughter of so many citizens. Accordingly by night some person wrote under the inscription on the temple the following line:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The work of Discord&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_120_120&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_120_120&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;120&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; makes the temple of Concord.&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_111&amp;quot;&amp;gt;111&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;d18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This Opimius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_121_121&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_121_121&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;121&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the first man that ever exercised the dictatorial power in the office of consul, and who had condemned without trial three thousand citizens, and among them Caius Gracchus and Fulvius Flaccus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_122_122&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_122_122&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;122&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;—Flaccus, a consular, who had enjoyed a triumph; Gracchus, the first man of his age in character and reputation—this Opimius did not keep himself free from corruption. Being sent as a commissioner to Jugurtha, the Numidian, he was bribed by him, and being convicted of most shameful corruption, he spent the last years of his life in infamy, hated and insulted by the people, who, though humbled and depressed for the time, soon showed how much they desired and regretted the Gracchi. For they had statues of the two brothers made and set up in public places, and the spots on which they fell were declared sacred ground, to which people brought all the first fruits of the seasons, and many persons daily offered sacrifices there and worshipped, just as at the temples of the gods.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;d19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cornelia is said to have borne her misfortunes with a noble and elevated spirit, and to have said of the sacred ground on which her sons were murdered, that they had a tomb worthy of them. She resided in the neighbourhood of Misenum, without making any change in her usual mode of life. She had many friends, and her hospitable table was always crowded with guests; Greeks and learned men were constantly about her, and kings sent and received presents from her. To all her visitors and friends she was a most agreeable companion: &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_112&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 112]&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
[Pg 113]&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
[Pg 114]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;she would tell them of the life and habits of her father Africanus, and, what is most surprising, would speak of her sons without showing sorrow or shedding a tear, relating their sufferings and their deeds to her inquiring friends as if she was speaking of the men of olden time. This made some think that her understanding had been impaired by old age or the greatness of her sorrows, and that she was dull to all sense of her misfortunes, while in fact such people themselves were too dull to see what a support it is against grief to have a noble nature, and to be of honourable lineage and honourably bred; and that though fortune has often the advantage over virtue in its attempts to guard against evils, yet she cannot take away from virtue the power of enduring them with fortitude.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_123_123&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_123_123&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;123&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_115&amp;quot;&amp;gt;115&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;COMPARISON OF TIBERIUS AND CAIUS GRACCHUS WITH AGIS AND KLEOMENES.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;e1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now that we have completed the narrative of these men’s lives, it remains for us to compare them with one another. As for the Gracchi, not even their bitterest enemies could deny that they were the most virtuous of all the Romans, or that they were excellently well nurtured and educated; while Agis and Kleomenes appear to have excelled them in strength of mind, because they both, after having been brought up in the same fashion by which their elders had been corrupted, became the restorers of temperance and simplicity of life. Furthermore, the Gracchi, who lived at a period when Rome was at the height of its greatness and renown, felt ashamed to fall short of the glorious achievements of their forefathers; while the virtuous impulses of the others were not checked by their fathers having pursued the opposite course of policy, or by the miserable and distracted condition of their country. The greatest proof of the unselfishness and indifference to money of the Gracchi is that they filled various offices in the state, and yet kept their hands clean from dishonest gains; while it would be an insult to Agis to praise him for not having taken other men’s money, as he gave up to his countrymen his own private property, which alone was worth six hundred talents. If then he thought it discreditable for him to be richer than any of his countrymen, even though his riches were lawfully acquired, what must have been his abhorrence of those who obtain money wrongfully.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;e2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; There was also a great difference in the boldness and extent of their schemes of reform. The Gracchi were chiefly engaged in the construction of roads and the founding &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_116&amp;quot;&amp;gt;116&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; of cities, and Tiberius’s most important measure of reform was the division of the public lands among the people, while the best act of his brother Caius was the establishment of a mixed tribunal by adding to the three hundred Senators three hundred Roman Knights. The revolution effected by Agis and Kleomenes was of quite a different kind. They thought, in Plato’s words, that to proceed by slow degrees was merely cutting off the heads of the hydra,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_124_124&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_124_124&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;124&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and therefore they by one comprehensive measure swept away all abuses at once: although it would be nearer the truth to say that they swept all abuses out of the state by restoring to it its original constitution. It may also be observed that the reforms of the Gracchi were opposed by some of the most powerful men in Rome, whereas the legislation which was begun by Agis, and completed by Kleomenes, followed a famous and ancient precedent, the rhetras on sobriety and equality which had been communicated to their ancestors by Lykurgus with the sanction of the Pythian Apollo. It is also most important to notice that the reforms of the Gracchi made Rome no greater than she was before, while the acts of Kleomenes enabled him in a short time to make Sparta mistress of the whole of Peloponnesus, and to engage in a contest with the most powerful man of his time, with the object of ridding Greece from Illyrian and Gaulish mercenary troops, and of renewing its ancient glories under the rule of the Herakleidæ.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;e3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I think too that the deaths of these men show a certain difference in their courage. The Gracchi fought with their countrymen, and were slain by them while flying, while of the other two, Agis may almost be said to have died voluntarily, because he would not put a citizen to death, while Kleomenes, when insulted and ill-treated, fiercely attempted to avenge himself, and as circumstances prevented his succeeding, bravely killed himself. It may be said on the other side that Agis never distinguished himself in the field, and we may set against the many &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_117&amp;quot;&amp;gt;117&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;brilliant victories of Kleomenes the scaling of the wall of Carthage by Tiberius Gracchus, no slight achievement, and the peace which he made with the Numantines, by which he saved the lives of twenty thousand Roman soldiers, who could not otherwise have hoped to survive; while Caius, in several campaigns both in Italy and Sardinia, showed great military skill; so that they both might have rivalled the fame of the greatest generals of Rome, had they not been cut off so soon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;e4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In political matters Agis appears to have shown weakness, as he allowed Agesilaus to cheat the citizens out of their promised redistribution of lands, and in a feeble and vacillating manner announced his intention and then abandoned it. The cause of his irresolution was his extreme youth; while Kleomenes on the other hand effected his revolution with too great promptitude and daring, putting the Ephors to death without a trial, when it would have been easy for him to have won them over to his side, and banishing many of the citizens. It is not the part either of a wise physician or of a good politician to use the knife except in the last extremity, but it shows a want of skill in both, and in the latter case it is unjust as well as cruel. Of the Gracchi, neither would begin a civil war, and Caius is said not even to have defended himself when struck, but though forward enough in battle he was loth to fight in a party quarrel; for he appeared in public unarmed, and retired when fighting began, and evidently took more pains not to do any harm than not to suffer any. For this reason we must regard the flight of both the Gracchi as a proof, not of cowardice, but of caution; for they must either have retreated when attacked or have retaliated upon their opponents.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;e5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The heaviest charge that can be brought against Tiberius is that he deposed his colleague from the tribuneship, and afterwards sought a second tribuneship for himself. As for the murder of Antyllius, Caius Gracchus was most falsely and unjustly accused of it, for he did not wish him to die, and was grieved at his death. Again Kleomenes, not to speak of his massacre of the Ephors, set all the slaves at liberty, and practically made himself despot of the kingdom, although for form’s sake he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_118&amp;quot;&amp;gt;118&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;associated his brother with him, who was of the same family. And when Archidamus, who was the next heir to the throne of the other royal house, was persuaded by him to return from Messene to Sparta, as Kleomenes did not avenge his death, he caused men to suspect that he himself had some share in it. Yet Lykurgus, whom he affected to imitate, abdicated the throne of his own free will in favour of his nephew Charilaus, and fearing that if the child died by any mischance he might be thought guilty of having caused its death, he travelled abroad for a long time and did not return until Charilaus had begotten a son to succeed him. However, no Greek can bear comparison with Lykurgus; yet we have proved that Kleomenes effected greater reforms, and showed less respect to the laws than any of the others. Both the Greeks have been blamed for having from the very outset aimed at being nothing more than warlike despots; while the worst enemies of the Romans only charge them with an immoderate ambition, and admit that they became so excited by the contest with their political opponents that the natural heat of their temper drove them in spite of themselves like a baleful gust of wind to advocate extreme measures. What indeed can be more just or honourable than the objects with which they started; for their troubles were brought upon them by the opposition which the rich offered to their laws, so that the one was forced to fight to save his own life, while the other endeavoured to avenge his brother, who was slain without law or justice? From what has been said the reader can himself form an opinion about their respective merits, but if I must say what I think of each, I should give the highest place in respect of virtue to Tiberius Gracchus; I think that the young Agis committed the fewest crimes; while in daring and action Caius fell far short of Kleomenes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_119&amp;quot;&amp;gt;119&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;LIFE OF DEMOSTHENES.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;f1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The writer of the Ode to Alkibiades on the occasion of his winning the chariot-race at Olympia, whether he was Euripides, as is commonly supposed, or some other poet, my friend Sossius, tells us that the first thing necessary for a perfectly happy man is that he should be born a citizen of some famous city. But for my own part I believe that for the enjoyment of true happiness, which depends chiefly upon a man’s character and disposition, it makes no difference whether he be born in an obscure state or of an ill-favoured mother, or not. It would indeed be absurd if one were to suppose that the town of Iulis, which is only a small part of the little island of Keos or Ægina, which some Athenian bade his countrymen clear away because it was an eyesore to Peiræus, should be able to produce good actors and poets, and yet be unable to bring forth a just, virtuous, sensible and high-minded man. We may reasonably expect that those arts by which men gain glory or profit should be neglected and fall into decay in small and obscure towns; but virtue, like a hardy plant, can take root in any country where it meets with noble natures and industrious disposition. I myself therefore must lay the blame of my intellectual and moral shortcomings, not upon the insignificance of my native city, but upon myself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;f2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; However, when a man is engaged in compiling a history from materials which are not ready to his hand, but for the most part are to be found scattered through other foreign towns, it becomes really of the first importance that he should live in some famous, cultivated, and populous city, where he can have unlimited access to books of all kinds, and where he can also personally &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_120&amp;quot;&amp;gt;120&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;collect and inquire into the truth of those stories which, though not reduced to writing, are all the more likely to be true because they rest upon universal popular tradition. The work of a historian who is deprived of these advantages must necessarily be defective in many essential particulars. Now I, who belong to a small city, and who love to live in it lest it should become even smaller, when I was at Rome, and during my travels in Italy, found my time so taken up with political business and with the care of my pupils in philosophy, that I had no leisure to learn the Roman language, and have only applied myself to Latin literature at a very advanced period of life. In this reading of Latin books, singular as it may appear, I did not find that the words assisted me to discover the meaning, but rather that my knowledge of the history enabled me to find out the meaning of the words. I think that to speak the Latin language with elegance, to understand it readily, and to use its various idioms and phrases correctly, is for a literary man both useful and interesting; but the amount of study and practice which it requires is considerable and should only be undertaken by those who are younger than myself, and who have more leisure time to devote to the acquisition of such accomplishments.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;f3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In consequence of these considerations, in this my fifth book of Parallel Lives, which deals with the lives of Demosthenes and Cicero, I intend to describe their several characters, and to compare them with one another by means of their political acts, but I do not mean to examine minutely into their respective speeches, or to decide which of the two was the more pleasing or the more able orator. Were I to attempt such a task, I should be forgetting Ion’s proverb about a “fish out of water,” like the all-accomplished Cæcilius, who has boldly taken upon himself to write a comparison of Demosthenes with Cicero. Perhaps, however, we might begin to doubt the divine origin of the commandment “know thyself,” if we found men always ready to apply it. Indeed Heaven appears to have originally intended to form the characters of Demosthenes and Cicero on the same model, and in some instances to have implanted in them precisely the same qualities, such as great personal ambition, love of freedom,&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_121&amp;quot;&amp;gt;121&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and want of courage in the wars, yet to have left much to chance. I think it would be difficult to find an instance of any two other orators who both rose from a humble station to great power and influence, who both opposed absolute monarchs, both lost favourite daughters, were both exiled and brought back with honour, who both when flying from their country a second time fell into the hands of their enemies, and with whose deaths the liberties of their countrymen were finally extinguished; so that it is hard to say whether their resemblance is due more to nature, which originally moulded their characters alike, or to fortune, which placed then in exactly similar circumstances. First, then, I will relate the life of the elder of the two.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;f4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The father of Demosthenes was also named Demosthenes, and belonged, according to Theopompus, to the best class of Athenian citizens. He was commonly called “the sword cutler,” because he possessed a large workshop and many slaves skilled in cutlery. As for the accusation which the orator Æschines brings against his mother, that she was the daughter of one Gylon, who was banished for treason, by a foreign woman, we cannot tell whether it is true or only a calumnious imputation. Demosthenes was left an orphan at the age of seven years, and was the heir to considerable property, amounting in all to no less than fifteen talents. He was scandalously ill-used by his guardians, who appropriated much of his income, and neglected the rest so much that he was unable to pay his teachers. He grew up ignorant of much that a boy of good birth is expected to learn, partly for this reason, and partly on account of his weak health, which caused his mother to keep him away from school. He was a sickly child, and it is said that the opprobrious nickname of Batalus was bestowed upon him by his school-fellows because of his bodily weakness. Batalus, according to some writers, was an effeminate flute-player, whose habits were satirized in a comic drama written by Antiphanes. Others assert that Batalus was a poet who wrote in a drunken licentious style; and there seems also some foundation for the belief that this word was used for a certain part of the human body by the Athenians &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_122&amp;quot;&amp;gt;122&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of that time. The other nickname of Demosthenes, Argas, either alludes to his savage and harsh temper, for some poets use the word to mean a snake; or else it refers to his speeches, as wearying those who heard them; for Argas was the name of a poet whose verses were bad and tiresome. And, as Plato says, so much for this.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;f5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; We are told that he was first led to turn his attention, to oratory by the following incident. When Kallistratus was going to make a speech in court about the affair of Oropus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_125_125&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_125_125&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;125&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; great interest was taken in the trial because of the ability of the orator, who at that time was at the height of his reputation, and also because of the important character of the law suit. Demosthenes, hearing his teachers and attendants making arrangement to be present at the trial, persuaded his own servant by great entreaties to take him to hear the speeches. The man, who was intimate with the doorkeepers of the court, managed to obtain a place for Demosthenes, in which the boy could sit unseen by the public and hear all that was said. Kallisthenes spoke very brilliantly and was much admired. He excited the envy of Demosthenes by the honours which he received, as he was escorted home by a long train of friends who congratulated him upon his success; but the boy was even more impressed by the power of his eloquence, which enabled him to deal with everything just as he pleased. In consequence of this Demosthenes neglected all other branches of learning, neglected all the sports of childhood, and laboriously practised and exercised himself in the art of oratory, meaning some day to become an orator himself. He studied rhetoric under Isaeus, although Isokrates was giving lessons at the same time, either, according to some writers, because, being an orphan, he was unable to raise the sum of ten minæ which Isokrates demanded as a fee, or because he thought that the vigorous invective of Isaeus was more what he required to learn. Hermippus informs us that he read in some anonymous work that Demosthenes was a scholar of Plato, and learned much of the art of speaking from him, while he mentions having heard from Ktesibius that Demosthenes had been lent the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_123&amp;quot;&amp;gt;123&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;works of Isokrates and Alkidamas by one Kallias, a Syracusan, and some others, and that he used to read and practise himself in them in secret.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;f6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. When he came of age he at once brought a series of actions against his guardians for malversation of his property, while they resorted to every species of legal subtlety and chicanery to avoid making restitution. By publicly pleading his cause, as Thucydides says, “he learned his trade by dangers,” and succeeded in recovering some of his paternal estate, though but a small part of that to which he was entitled. He gained, however, confidence and practice as a public speaker, and the fascinating excitement and sense of power which he experienced in these contests emboldened him to become a professional orator and to deal with political matters. We are told that Laomedon of Orchomenus, by the advice of his physicians, used to run long distances as a remedy for a disease of the spleen from which he suffered, until he not only overcame his disorder, but was able to enter for races at the games, and became one of the best long-distance runners of his time. Even so Demosthenes, who was forced by his private misfortunes to make his first appearance as a speaker, gained such skill and power by his success in the law-courts that he soon took the lead among the speakers in the public assembly. Yet when he first addressed the people he was violently coughed down, interrupted and ridiculed, because his speech was found dull and tiresome, being confused in style and strained and artificial in argument. It is said that his voice was weak, and his pronunciation indistinct, and that, as he was frequently obliged to pause for want of breath, it was difficult to follow the meaning of his sentences. At last he left the public assembly and wandered about Peiræus in despair. Here he was met by an old man named Eunomus of Thriasia,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_126_126&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_126_126&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;126&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who reproved him and told him that he did himself great wrong, because, having a manner of speech extremely like that of Perikles, he permitted himself to be disheartened by failure, and did not face the clamour of the rabble boldly, and did not train his body to be strong enough to support the strain of such contests, but &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_124&amp;quot;&amp;gt;124&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;allowed himself to fall into a weakly and effeminate condition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;f7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After a second failure, as he was going home overwhelmed with shame hiding his face in his cloak, Satyrus the actor is said to have followed him and joined him. Demosthenes told him with tears in his eyes that although he had taken more pains than any other speaker, and had devoted all his energes to the study of eloquence, yet he could not gain the ear of the people, but that ignorant drunken sailors were listened to when they mounted the tribune, while he was treated with scorn. On hearing this Satyrus answered, “Demosthenes, what you say is very true, but I will soon apply a remedy, if you will recite to me one of the long speeches from the plays of Sophokles or Euripides.” After Demosthenes had recited a speech, Satyrus recited the same speech in turn, and so altered it and gave it so much more grace, by throwing into it the expression which the verses required, that it appeared to Demosthenes to be quite different. Having thus learned how much a speech gains by a really artistic delivery, Demosthenes perceived that it was of but little use for him to study the matter of a speech, unless he also paid attention to the form in which it was to be presented to his audience. He now built for himself an underground study, which remained entire down to the present day, where he daily practised himself in gesture and declamation, and exercised his voice, and where he sometimes spent two or three months at a time with half of his head shaved, so that even if he wished he could not go out of doors.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;f8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He took, however, his themes and subjects for declamation from the various topics of the day, which he learned from those who came to visit him. As soon as they left him he used to return to his study, and repeated aloud in the form of a speech all the news which he had heard, and made comments upon it. He also used to work up any conversations which he heard, into sentences and periods for his orations, and would alter, correct and paraphrase both his own remarks and those of his friends. This gave rise to the opinion that he was not really a man of ability, but that his power and skill &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_125&amp;quot;&amp;gt;125&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;as an orator was obtained by laborious study. A great proof of this was thought to be that Demosthenes seldom spoke on the spur of the moment, but often when he was present in the assembly and was called upon by the people to speak, he would remain silent unless he had prepared and meditated over his speech. Many of the other orators ridiculed him for this, and Pytheas in derision said that his arguments smelt of the lamp. To this Demosthenes made the bitter retort, “My lamp, Pytheas, sees very different work from yours.” In conversation with others, however, he did not altogether deny the practice, but said that although he never spoke without having made notes, yet that he often spoke without having written down everything that he was going to say. He used to say that this careful preparation of his speeches showed that he was a true lover of the people, and felt a due reverence for them; while, on the contrary, to speak without caring how the people take one’s words proves a man to be of an overbearing oligarchical disposition, who would use force rather than persuasion. Many writers allege, as a proof that Demosthenes dared not speak on the spur of the moment, that when he attacked Demades he was always immediately answered by him, but that he never so answered Demades.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;f9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; How then, one might ask, was it that Æschines in his orations speaks of Demosthenes as a man of unbounded impudence? or how was it that when Python of Byzantium was pouring forth a flood of invective against Athens, Demosthenes alone rose and answered him? Moreover, when Lamachus of Mytilene, who had written an encomium upon the Kings of Macedon, Philip and Alexander, which was full of abuse of the Thebans and Olynthians, read his composition in public at the Olympic festival, Demosthenes came up to him and in a fine speech proved from history how great things the Thebans and inhabitants of Chalkidike had done for Greece, and what evils had arisen from the baseness of those who flattered the Macedonians, till the audience were so much wrought upon by his eloquence that Lamachus was forced to flee for his life. The answer to this appears to be that Demosthenes, although he did not copy Perikles in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_126&amp;quot;&amp;gt;126&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;all respects, imitated his reserve and dignity of manner, and his reluctance to speak upon every trivial occasion; and that he was not so much attracted by the credit which he might gain by engaging in these encounters, as he was unwilling rashly to place his power and reputation at the mercy of fortune. Indeed, his spoken orations had more fire and daring than the written ones, if we may trust Eratosthenes, Demetrius of Phalerum, and the comic poets. Eratosthenes tells us that in his speeches he used to rave like a Bacchanal, while Demetrius says that once, as if inspired, he recited the metrical oath:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“By earth, by fountains, and by waterfloods.”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;One of the comic poets also calls him “the random talker,” while another mocks at his fondness for antithesis in the following verses:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;small&amp;gt;“&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;1st Citizen.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; He got it as he got it back.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;2nd Citizen.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Demosthenes would willingly have spoken words like these.”&amp;lt;/small&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Unless indeed Antiphanes meant by this to allude to the oration on Halonesus, in which Demosthenes advised the Athenians not to take that island, but to take it back from Philip.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;f10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Yet all admitted that Demades, by his own natural wit, without art, was invincible; and that he often, speaking on the spur of the moment, would demolish the carefully studied orations of Demosthenes. Ariston of Chios has preserved the opinion of Theophrastus about these two orators. Theophrastus, when asked what kind of orator he thought Demosthenes to be, replied, “an orator worthy of Athens.” When again asked his opinion of Demades, he replied that he thought him “Too great for Athens.” The same philosopher relates that Polyeuktus of Sphettus, one of the chief Athenian statesmen of the time, used to declare that Demosthenes was the best orator, but that Phokion was the most powerful speaker, because his speeches contained the greatest possible amount of meaning in the fewest words. Demosthenes himself, whenever Phokion rose to answer him, was wont to whisper to his friends, “Here comes &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_127&amp;quot;&amp;gt;127&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the cleaver of my harangues.” It is not clear whether by this Demosthenes alluded to Phokion’s oratorical skill, or to his blameless life and high reputation, meaning that the slightest sign given by a man in whom the people felt such confidence carried more weight than the longest oration by anyone else.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;f11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Demetrius of Phalerum has recorded the devices by which Demosthenes overcame his bodily defects, which he says he heard from Demosthenes’s own lips when he was an old man. He corrected the indistinctness of his articulation and his tendency to lisp by declaiming long speeches with pebbles in his mouth, while he strengthened his voice by running or walking up hill, talking the while, and repeating orations or verses. He also had a large mirror in his house, and used to stand before it and study oratorical gestures. We are told that once a man called upon him and asked him to act as his counsel in a lawsuit against a man by whom he had been beaten. “But,” said Demosthenes, “you have not suffered any of this ill-treatment which you complain of.” At this the man raised his voice and excitedly exclaimed, “Do you say, Demosthenes, that I have not been ill-treated?” “Yes,” answered he, “now I hear the voice of one who has really been ill-used.” So important did he think the action and the tone of voice of a speaker to be in carrying conviction to the minds of his hearers. His manner in speaking marvellously pleased the common people, though men of taste, such as Demetrius of Phalerum, thought it vulgar and affected. Hermippus informs us that Aesion,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_127_127&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_127_127&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;127&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; when asked to give his opinion about the orators of former times and those of his own day, said that the ancient orators used to address the people in a surprisingly decorous and dignified manner, but that the speeches of Demosthenes when read aloud, appeared to him to be much more carefully constructed and more forcible. It is indeed unnecessary to say that the written speeches of Demosthenes are bitter and angry compositions; but in his impromptu repartees, he often was genuinely witty and pleasant. As for example, when Demades exclaimed, “Demosthenes teach me! Will a sow teach Athena?&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_128&amp;quot;&amp;gt;128&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Demosthenes answered, “This Athena was caught in adultery in Kollytus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_128_128&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_128_128&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;128&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the other day.” And when the thief who was surnamed Chalkus, that is, Brazen-face, attempted to sneer at him for sitting up late at night writing, Demosthenes answered, “I know that my habit of burning a lamp at night must disconcert you. But, men of Athens, need we wonder at the thefts which take place, when we see that our thieves are brazen, and our walls are only made of clay.” However, although I could relate several more anecdotes of this kind, I must now stop, as we ought to discover what remains of the disposition and character of Demosthenes from a survey of his political acts.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;f12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He first began to take an active part in public affairs during the Phokian war, as we learn from his own words, and as we may also gather from his Philippic orations, some of which were pronounced after that war was ended, while the earlier ones touch on those matters most nearly connected with it. It is evident that when he prepared the oration against Meidias he was thirty-two years of age, and had not as yet acquired any fame or reputation. This appears to me to be the chief reason for his having made up his quarrel with Meidias for a sum of money, for he was far from being a “mild-mannered” man, but keen and savage in avenging the injuries which he received. It must have been because he saw, that to ruin a man who was so rich, so able a speaker, and so well-befriended as Meidias, was too difficult a task for a man of his political power, and so yielded to the entreaties of those who begged him to let the action drop; for I do not believe that the bribe of three thousand drachmae which he received would by itself have caused Demosthenes to lay aside the rancorous hatred which he bore to Meidias, if he had entertained any hopes of obtaining a verdict against him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the defence of the liberties of Greece against the encroachments of Philip, Demosthenes found a noble theme for political oratory, which he treated in a manner worthy of the subject, and soon acquired such renown by his able and fearless speeches, that he was courted by the king of&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_129&amp;quot;&amp;gt;129&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Persia himself, and was more talked about in the court of Philip than any of the other statesmen of the time, while even his bitterest antagonists admitted that they had to deal with no mean adversary; for both Æschines and Hypereides own as much in their invectives against him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;f13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I cannot, therefore, understand what Theopompus meant by saying that he was of an inconstant disposition, and not able to remain long associated with any party or any line of policy. It appears rather that he remained throughout the consistent advocate of the same principles, and a member of the same political party to which he originally belonged, and that he not only never changed his politics in his life, but even lost his life because he would not change them. He was not like Demades, who to excuse himself for changing sides pleaded that he had oftentimes gone against his own words, but never against the interests of the state. Still less can he be compared with Melanopus, the political opponent of Kallistratus, who was often bribed by him to allow some measure to pass, and on these occasions would say to the people, “The man is my personal enemy, but I postpone my personal feelings to the good of my country.” Nikodemus of Messene, who first took up with Kassander, and afterwards became the advocate of Demetrius, used to declare that he never was inconsistent, because it was always best to obey the strongest party. But in the case of Demosthenes, unlike these men, we can say that he never deviated either in word or deed from the one direct line of policy which he unswervingly pursued to the end. The philosopher Panætius declares that in most of his orations, as in that about the Crown, that against Aristokrates, that on behalf of the persons exempted from taxation (against Leptines), and in the Philippics, we can trace the principle that honour ought to be pursued for its own sake; for in all these he urges his countrymen not to adopt the most pleasant, the most easy, or the most profitable line of policy, but often thinks that caution and even safety should be regarded as of less importance than honourable conduct; so that if to his noble principles and high-minded eloquence he had joined warlike courage &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_130&amp;quot;&amp;gt;130&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and clean hands from bribery, he would have been worthy to rank, not with Mœrokles, Polyeuktus, and Hypereides, but with Kimon, Thucydides, Perikles, and other great men of old.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;f14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Indeed, of his contemporaries, Phokion, although we cannot approve of the strong Macedonian bias of his policy, was nowise inferior to Ephialtes, Aristeides, or Kimon, either in courage or in just dealing; while Demosthenes, who could not be trusted, as we are told by Demetrius, to stand his ground in battle, and who was not altogether proof against the seductions of money—for though he never would receive a bribe from Philip or from Macedonia, yet he was overwhelmed by the torrent of gold which poured from Susa and Ekbatana—was better able than any one else to praise the great deeds of his ancestors, but was not equally capable of imitating them. Yet in spite of these shortcomings, his life was more virtuous than that of any statesman of his time, with the exception of Phokion. He used plainer language to the people than any one else, opposed their wishes, and sharply reproved them for their mistakes, as we learn from his orations. Theopompus has recorded that once when the Athenians called upon him to impeach some person, and became riotous when he refused, he rose and said, “Men of Athens, I will always give you my advice, whether you bid me or not; but I will not accuse men falsely because you bid me.” His mode of dealing with Antiphon also was by no means like that of a man who courts the favour of the people, for when the public assembly acquitted Antiphon, Demosthenes dragged him before the court of the Areopagus, and in defiance of the expressed opinion of the people, proved him guilty of having promised Philip that he would set fire to the dockyard. The wretched man was condemned by the court and executed. He also impeached the priestess Theoris for various evil practices, and especially for teaching slaves to cheat their masters. He obtained a verdict against her, and caused her also to be put to death.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;f15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It is stated that the speech by which Apollodorus obtained sentence against the general Timotheus, and had him condemned to pay a large fine, was written for &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_131&amp;quot;&amp;gt;131&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;him by Demosthenes: and he also wrote the speeches against Phormio and Stephanus, which, as may be supposed, brought great disgrace upon him. For Phormio actually used a speech written by Demosthenes to combat Apollodorus, which was just as if out of one armourer’s shop he had sold them each daggers to kill one another with. Of his public speeches, those against Androtion, Timokrates and Aristokrates were written for other persons, as he had not at the time of their composition began to speak in public, being only twenty-seven or twenty-eight years of age. The oration against Aristogeiton, he himself pronounced, as he did also that against Leptines, out of regard for Ktesippus the son of Chabrias, according to his own account of the matter, though some say that he was paying his addresses to the young man’s mother at the time. He did not, however, marry her, but married a Samian woman, as we learn from the treatise of Demetrius of Magnesia on Synonyms. It is not clear whether the oration against Æschines for the dishonest embassage was ever spoken; although we are told by Idomeneus that Æschines was only acquitted by thirty votes. This, however, cannot be true, judging from the speeches of Demosthenes and Æschines “on the Crown:” for neither of them distinctly alludes to that affair as having ever come into court. This point, therefore, I shall leave for others to determine.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;f16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Before the war broke out no one could doubt which side Demosthenes would take, as he never allowed any act of the King of Macedonia to pass unnoticed, but seized every opportunity of rousing and exciting his countrymen to oppose him. In consequence of this his name became well known at the court of Philip, and when he was sent with nine others to Macedonia on an embassy, Philip listened to the speeches of them all, but replied to his speech with the greatest care. He did not, however, pay so much attention to Demosthenes in the entertainment which he provided for the ambassadors, but took especial pains to win the favour of Æschines and Philokrates. Hence, when these men praised Philip as being more eloquent, more handsome, and to crown all, able to drink more than any one else, Demosthenes sneeringly &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_132&amp;quot;&amp;gt;132&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; replied that the first of these qualities was excellent in a sophist, the second in a woman, and the third in a sponge, but that they were none of them such as became a king.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;f17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When war finally broke out, as Philip was unable to remain quiet, while the Athenians were urged on by Demosthenes, his first measure was to prevail upon the Athenians to recover Eubœa, which had been handed over to Philip by its local rulers. In pursuance of a decree which bore the name of Demosthenes, the Athenians crossed into the island and drove out the Macedonians. Next, as Philip was besieging Byzantium and Perinthus, Demosthenes prevailed upon his countrymen to lay aside their anger and forget the wrongs which they had received from the people of those cities in the social war, and to send them a reinforcement by which they were saved. After this he travelled through Greece, exciting a spirit of resistance to Philip by his speeches, until he succeeded in forming nearly all the Greek cities into a confederacy against Philip, organised an army of fifteen thousand infantry and two thousand cavalry, besides the local forces of each city, and induced them to subscribe cheerfully for the maintenance of the mercenaries and the expenses of the war. At this time, we are told by Theophrastus that, when the allies demanded that their contributions should be limited to some fixed sum, Krobylus the Athenian orator answered that war feeds not by a fixed allowance.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_129_129&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_129_129&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;129&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Greece was now in a flutter of expectation, and the people of Eubœa, Achaia, Corinth, Megara, Leukas and Korkyra were all in arms. Yet the hardest task of all still remained for Demosthenes to accomplish, namely, to induce the Thebans to join the alliance, because their territory bordered upon that of Athens, and their army was very important, for at that time Thebes was the most warlike state in Greece. It was no easy matter to win over the Thebans, who had just received signal assistance from Philip in their war against the Phokians, and so were inclined to take his side, besides which, their being such near neighbours to the Athenians caused perpetual jealousies and quarrels between &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_133&amp;quot;&amp;gt;133&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the two countries, which were renewed upon the most trifling occasions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;f18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Yet when Philip, excited by his success at Amphissa, suddenly marched to Elatea and made himself master of Phokis, when all the Athenians were panic-stricken, and no one dared to ascend the bema, or knew what to say, Demosthenes alone came forward and advised them to stand by the Thebans; and after having, after his wont, encouraged and comforted the people, he was sent with some others as ambassador to Thebes. We learn from the historian Marsyas that Philip, too, sent the Macedonians Amyntas and Klearchus, the Thessalian Daochus, and Thrasydaeus to Thebes to argue on his behalf. The Thebans on this occasion saw clearly enough on which side their interests lay, for the sufferings they had just endured in the Phokian war were still fresh in their memories; but we read in the history of Theopompus that the eloquence of Demosthenes so roused and inflamed their courage that all cold-blooded calculation of the chances, fear of the enemy, and considerations of expediency were entirely lost sight of in the honourable enthusiasm created by his speech. So powerful did his oratory prove, that Philip at once sent an embassy to ask for terms of peace, while Greece stood erect and watchful. Not only the Athenian generals, but even the Boeotarchs took their orders from Demosthenes, and he was as powerful in the public assembly of the Thebans as in that of Athens, being beloved by both nations and possessed of a power which was not beyond his deserts, as Theopompus says, but which he well deserved.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;f19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But some fatal destiny seemed now to have brought round the hour for the extinction of the liberties of Greece, and both counteracted his efforts, and also gave many ominous indications of what was to come. The Pythia at Delphi uttered terrible predictions, and an old oracle of the Sibyls was in every one’s mouth, which ran as follows:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line i04&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“Far from the battle, on that fatal day&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Beside Thermodon may I flee away,&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Or view it as an eagle from the sky;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;There shall the vanquished weep, the victor die.”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_134&amp;quot;&amp;gt;134&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It is said that the Thermodon is a little rivulet near my own town of Chæronea which runs into the Kephisus. We Chæroneans nowadays do not know of any rivulet which is so called, but we suppose that the stream which we call Hæmon was at that period called the Thermodon; for it runs past the temple of Herakles, where the Greek army encamped: and we imagine that when the battle took place this stream was filled with blood and corpses, and became known by its present name. Yet the historian Douris writes that the Thermodon was not a river at all, but that some men while digging a trench round their tent found a small stone image, with an inscription saying that it represented a man named Thermodon carrying a wounded Amazon in his arms. Concerning this there was another oracle current, as follows:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line i04&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“Watch for Thermodon’s field, thou sable crow,&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;There shalt thou feed on human flesh enow.”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;f20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It is hard in these matters to determine the exact truth: but, be this as it may, Demosthenes was greatly encouraged to see such a force of armed Greeks at his disposal, and, elated by their confidence and eagerness for battle would not allow them to pay any attention to oracles and predictions, but hinted that the Pythia was in Philip’s pay, and reminded the Thebans of Epameinondas, and the Athenians of Perikles, both of whom regarded such considerations as mere pretexts for cowardice. Up to this point he behaved as a brave man should; but in the battle&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_130_130&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_130_130&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;130&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; itself he performed no honourable exploit worthy of his speeches, but left his place in the ranks and ran away in a most shameful manner, throwing away his arms that he might run faster, and not hesitating to disgrace the motto of “Good Luck,” which Pytheas tells us was written in golden letters upon his shield. Immediately after the victory Philip, in insolent delight at his success, danced in a drunken revel among the corpses and sang the opening words of a decree of Demosthenes, which happened to form an iambic verse, as follows:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“Demosthenes Pæanian, son of Demosthenes,” &amp;amp;amp;c.&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_135&amp;quot;&amp;gt;135&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When, however, he came to himself, and comprehended how great his danger had been, he trembled at the ability and power of an orator who had been able to force him in a few hours of one day to risk both his empire and his life. The fame of Demosthenes reached even to the King of Persia, and he sent letters to the Satraps who governed the provinces near the sea, bidding them offer money to Demosthenes, and pay him more attention than any other Greek, because he was able to effect a diversion in favour of Persia by keeping the King of Macedonia’s hands full. This was afterwards discovered by Alexander, who found at Sardis letters from Demosthenes and papers belonging to the King’s lieutenant, containing an account of the various sums of money which they had transmitted to him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;f21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When this great misfortune befell Greece, the political opponents of Demosthenes at once impeached him for his conduct; but the people not only acquitted him of the charges which they brought against him, but continued to treat him with great honour, and to ask for his advice. When the remains of those who had fallen at Chæronea were brought home and buried, they chose him to make the funeral oration over them, and generally they bore their misfortunes with a noble spirit, not being excessively humbled and cast down, as Theopompus relates in his history, with a view to dramatic effect, but by showing especial honour and esteem for their principal adviser they proved that they did not repent of the policy which they had followed. Demosthenes pronounced the funeral oration over the fallen, but he never again proposed a decree in the popular assembly in his own name, but always in that of some one of his friends, in order to avoid the evil omen of his own unlucky name, until he again took courage at the death of Philip, which took place shortly after his victory at Chæronea. This, it seems, was the meaning of the last verse of the oracle,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“There shall the vanquished weep, the victor die.”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;f22&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Demosthenes had secret intelligence of Philip’s death, before it was publicly known. In order to inspirit the Athenians, he went with a cheerful countenance into the senate, and declared that he had dreamed that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_136&amp;quot;&amp;gt;136&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;some great good fortune was in store for them. Not long afterwards messengers arrived with the news of Philip’s death. Upon this the Athenians made sacrifices of thanksgiving to the gods, and decreed a crown to Pausanias who slew Philip. Demosthenes also came abroad in a gay dress, and wearing a garland of flowers on his head, although his daughter had only been dead seven days. This circumstance is reported by Æschines, who reviles him for his conduct, and calls him an unnatural father, though he only proves the weakness and vulgarity of his own nature by supposing that noisy demonstrations of grief show tenderness of heart, and blaming those who bear their sorrows with dignity and composure. Yet I will not say that the Athenians did right to wear garlands and make merry at the death of a king who, after his victory, had dealt so gently with them when they were at his mercy; for it deserved the anger of the gods, and was a thoroughly low-minded act to honour a man while he lived and elect him a citizen of Athens, and then when he fell by the hand of a stranger not to be able to contain themselves for joy, but to dance over his corpse and to sing pæans of victory, as if they themselves had done some great feat of arms. On the other hand, I praise Demosthenes for leaving his own home troubles to be wept for by the women of his household, and himself coming forward and doing what he imagined was best for his country. This shows a manly and patriotic spirit, which ever looks to the good of the community at large; and I think that in forcing his private grief to give way to the public joy he acted well, and even outdid those actors who represent kings and autocrats on the stage, and who laugh or wail not as their own feelings bid them, but as the argument of the play requires. Apart from these considerations, it is our duty not to forsake a man when he is in sorrow, but to administer consolation to him and to turn his thoughts to pleasanter subjects, as physicians bid weak-eyed patients turn their eyes away from a distressing glare of light and direct them to green and soothing colours; and what better means of consolation could one possibly find when one’s country is fortunate, than to bid one’s friend merge his private grief in the public joy? I have &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_137&amp;quot;&amp;gt;137&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;been led to make these reflections by observing that this speech of Æschines has had undue influence with many persons, because it makes a mistaken appeal to their tenderer feelings.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;f23&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now Demosthenes a second time began to rouse the states of Greece and reorganise the confederacy. The Thebans attacked their Macedonian garrison, and killed many of them, with arms furnished by Demosthenes, and the Athenians began to prepare to fight as their allies. Demosthenes reigned supreme in the popular assembly, and wrote to the Persian generals in Asia endeavouring to induce them to attack Alexander, whom he scoffed at as a child, and nicknamed Margites.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_131_131&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_131_131&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;131&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But when Alexander, after settling the affairs of his kingdom, marched with his army into Bœotia, the courage of the Athenians deserted them. Demosthenes himself quailed in terror, and the Thebans, forsaken by their allies, fought against Alexander alone, and were utterly ruined. Upon this the Athenians, in an agony of terror, sent Demosthenes and several other orators on an embassy to Alexander; but he, fearing Alexander’s fury, went no further than Mount Kithæron, and then returned home. Alexander now at once sent to Athens to demand that ten of her chief orators should be given up to him, according to the historians Idomeneus and Douris, though most of the more trustworthy writers say that he only asked for the eight following:—Demosthenes, Polyeuktus, Ephialtes, Lykurgus, Mœrokles, Demon, Kallisthenes and Charidemus. On this occasion Demosthenes told the people the fable of the sheep who gave up their watch-dogs to the wolves, explaining that he and the other orators were the watch-dogs who guarded the people, and calling Alexander the “great wolf of Macedon.” “Moreover,” said he, “by delivering us up you really deliver up yourselves also, just as you see merchants selling whole cargoes of corn by small samples of a few grains which they carry about in a cup.” This we learn from Aristobulus of Kassandrea.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_132_132&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_132_132&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;132&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As the Athenians &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_138&amp;quot;&amp;gt;138&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; were quite at their wit’s end, and knew not what to do, Demades at last agreed with the orators whose extradition was demanded, that in consideration of a sum of five talents he would himself go to the king of Macedonia and intercede for them, either because he trusted in the friendship which existed between him and Alexander, or because he thought that he should find him like a lion that has been satiated with slaughter. Demades succeeded in saving their lives, and arranged terms of peace between the Athenians and Alexander.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;f24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After Alexander’s departure Demades and his party were all powerful at Athens, and Demosthenes was completely humbled. He made an effort to assist the abortive attempts of Agis&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_133_133&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_133_133&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;133&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; King of Sparta, but as the Athenians would not take part in the proposed rising, and the Lacedæmonians were crushed, he again retired into obscurity. At this time also the action bought by Æschines against Ktesiphon about the Crown came on for trial. This action had been formally begun during the archonship of Chærondas, a short time before the battle of Chæronea, but it was not decided until ten years later, in the archonship of Aristophon. This, although a private action, attracted greater interest than any public one, both on account of the eloquence of the speakers on both sides and the spirited behaviour of the judges, who refused to truckle to the party in power, which had banished Demosthenes and which was slavishly subservient to Macedonia, but acquitted Demosthenes by such a splendid majority that Æschines did not obtain the fifth part of the votes. He in consequence at once left the city, and spent the remainder of his life at Rhodes and the other cities of the Ionian coast as a sophist and teacher of rhetoric.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;f25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Shortly after this, Harpalus arrived in Athens from Asia, fleeing from Alexander, whom he feared to meet, both because he had grossly misconducted himself &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_139&amp;quot;&amp;gt;139&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;while in command of a province, and because Alexander had now become a capricious tyrant, terrible even to his friends. When he sought refuge with the Athenians, and placed himself, his ships, and his treasure in their hands, the other orators, casting longing glances at his wealth, at once pleaded for him, and advised the Athenians to receive and protect the suppliant. Demosthenes at first advised them to send Harpalus away, and take care not to involve the city in war by such unjust and uncalled-for proceedings: but a few days afterwards when an inventory was being taken of Harpalus’s property, he, seeing that Demosthenes was admiring a golden Persian drinking cup and examining the sculptures with which it was enriched, bade him take it in his hands and observe the weight of the gold. Demosthenes was surprised at the weight, and asked how much it would fetch. Harpalus answered with a smile, “It will fetch you twenty talents:” and as soon as it was dark he sent the cup and the twenty talents to the house of Demosthenes. Harpalus had very cleverly fathomed the character of Demosthenes by observing the loving and eager glances with which he eyed this cup; for he received the bribe and went over to the side of Harpalus, just as if he were a city which had received a foreign garrison. Next morning he carefully bandaged his throat with woollen wrappers, and proceeded to the assembly, where, when called upon to rise and speak, he made signs that he had lost his voice. Witty men said that the orator had not caught a sore throat, but a silver quinsy during the night. Soon the whole people learned that he had been bribed, and as they would not listen to him when he rose to explain his conduct, but hooted and groaned, some one rose and said, “Men of Athens, will you not listen to a man who has such a golden tongue?” The people thereupon sent Harpalus away, and fearing that inquiry might be made after the treasure which the orators had received, they instituted a vigorous search through every man’s house, except that of Kallikles the son of Arrhenides, which they would not allow to be searched because his newly-married wife was there. These particulars we learn from the history of Theopompus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_140&amp;quot;&amp;gt;140&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;f26&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Demosthenes, wishing to put a good face on the matter, passed a decree in the assembly, that the senate of the Areopagus should enquire into the matter, and punish those who were found guilty. However he was one of the first whom the senate found guilty: and, although he came into court and pleaded his cause, he was condemned to pay a fine of fifty talents, and was imprisoned in default. Overwhelmed with shame at this disgrace, and being also in weak health, he could not bear to remain in prison, and made his escape with the secret assistance of his keepers. We read that after he had got a short distance from Athens he saw that he was being pursued by several of his political opponents, and tried to hide from them. When, however, they came up to him, addressed him by his name, and begged him to receive money for his journey from them, assuring him that they had brought it to give to him and had pursued him for no other reason, Demosthenes burst into tears and exclaimed: “I may well be sorry to leave a home where my very enemies treat me with more kindness than any friends I am likely to find abroad will do.” Demosthenes was much depressed by his banishment, and spent most of his time in Troezene or Aegina, looking towards Attica with tears in his eyes. He is said during his exile to have uttered many unmanly sentiments, very unworthy of his bold speeches when in power. On leaving the city he stretched out his hands towards the Acropolis and exclaimed: “Athena, patroness of Athens, why dost thou delight in those three savage creatures, the owl, the snake, and the people?” He used to dissuade the young men whom he met and conversed with during his travels from taking part in political life, and would say that such were the miseries, the fears, the jealousies, backbitings, and ceaseless struggles by which a public man is beset, that if at the outset of his life he had known them, and had been offered his choice between two courses, one leading to the bema and the public assembly, and the other to utter annihilation, he would unhesitatingly have chosen the latter.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;f27&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; While he was in exile Alexander died, and the Hellenic confederacy was again revived under Leosthenes, a brave general, who shut up Antipater in Lauria &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_141&amp;quot;&amp;gt;141&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and besieged him there. Now, Pytheas the orator and Kallimedon, surnamed the “crab,” who were exiled from Athens, joined Antipater, and travelled about Greece in company with his friends and ambassadors, urging the cities not to join the Athenians and revolt from Macedonia. Demosthenes, on the other hand, joined the embassy sent out by Athens and co-operated with them, striving to induce the Greeks to rise against the Macedonians and drive them out of Greece. In Arcadia, Phylarchus tells us that a wordy battle took place between Pytheas and Demosthenes at a public meeting in which Pytheas was advocating the cause of Macedonia, and Demosthenes that of Greece. Pytheas said that we may always know that there is sickness in a house if we see asses’ milk carried into it, and that a city must be in a bad way if it received an embassy from Athens. To this Demosthenes answered by turning his own illustration against him, for, he said, asses’ milk is brought into houses to cure the sick, and Athenians come into other cities to save them from ruin. The people of Athens were so delighted with the conduct of Demosthenes in this matter that they decreed his restoration. The decree was proposed by Demon, one of the township of Paeania, and a cousin of Demosthenes; and a trireme was sent to Aegina to fetch him home. When he landed at Peiræus he was met by the whole people, and by all the priests and archons, all of whom greeted him warmly. On this occasion, Demetrius of Magnesia relates that he raised his hands to heaven and congratulated himself on having returned home more gloriously than Alkibiades, because he had persuaded, not forced, his countrymen to receive him back. As the fine imposed upon him still remained in force, for the people could not alter a verdict at their pleasure, they made use of a legal fiction. It was the custom at the festival of Zeus the Preserver to pay a sum of money to those who ornamented the altar for the sacrifice: they charged Demosthenes with this office, and ordered him to execute it for the sum of fifty talents, which was the amount of his fine.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;f28&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He did not, however, long enjoy his restoration, for the Greeks were soon utterly ruined. In &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_142&amp;quot;&amp;gt;142&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the month of Metageitnion&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_134_134&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_134_134&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;134&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the battle of Krannon took place, in Bœdromion a Macedonian garrison entered Munychia, and in Pyanepsion Demosthenes was put to death in the following manner:—As soon as it became known that Antipater and Kraterus were marching upon Athens, Demosthenes and his party escaped out of the city, and the people, at the instance of Demades, condemned them to death. As they had dispersed to all quarters of Greece, Antipater sent men in pursuit of them, the chief of whom was Archias, who was surnamed the Exile-hunter. This man, who was a citizen of Thurii, is said once to have been a tragic actor, and to have studied his art under the celebrated Polus of Ægina. Hermippus reckons Archias among the pupils of the orator Lakritus, while Demetrius tells us that he was a student of philosophy of the school of Anaximenes. This Archias tore away from the shrine of Æakus at Ægina the orator Hypereides, Aristonikus of Marathon, and Himeræus, the brother of Demetrius of Phalerum, who had taken sanctuary there, and sent them to Antipater at Kleonæ, where they were put to death. It is even said that Hypereides had his tongue cut out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;f29&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Hearing that Demosthenes was sitting as a suppliant in the temple of Poseidon at Kalauria,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_135_135&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_135_135&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;135&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Archias crossed over thither in some small boats with a guard of Thracian mercenaries, and tried to persuade Demosthenes to leave the temple and accompany him to Antipater, promising that he should not be ill-treated. Demosthenes had a strange dream the night before that he was contending with Archias in acting a play, and that although he acted well and delighted his audience, yet he was beaten by Archias, who was better furnished with stage properties and appliances. Wherefore, when Archias tried to cajole him, Demosthenes looked him full in the face, and, without rising, said, “Archias, your acting never &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_143&amp;quot;&amp;gt;143&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;affected me on the stage, nor will your promises now.” Upon this Archias became angry, and savagely threatened him. “Now,” said Demosthenes, “you speak like the true Macedonian that you are; but just now you were acting a part. So now wait for a little while until I have sent a letter home.” Saying this, he retired into the inner part of the temple, took his tablets as though about to write, placed his pen in his mouth and bit it, as he was wont to do when meditating what he should write, and after remaining so for some time, covered his head with his robe and leaned it on his arms. The soldiers standing at the door of the temple jeered at him for a coward, and Archias walked up to him and bade him rise, repeating his assurance that he would make Antipater his friend. Demosthenes, as soon as he perceived that the poison was beginning to work upon him, uncovered his head, and, looking steadfastly at Archias, said, “Now, as soon as you please, you may play the part of Kreon in the play, and throw my body to the dogs without burial. But I, good Poseidon, leave thy temple while I am yet alive, and will not profane the sanctuary by my death there, though Antipater and his Macedonians have not feared to pollute it with murder.” Having spoken these words, he asked them to support him by the arms, as his strength was fast failing him, and as they were assisting him to walk past the altar he fell with a groan and died there.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;f30&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As for the poison, Ariston says that it was contained in his pen,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_136_136&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_136_136&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;136&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; as has been related. But one Pappas, from whom Hermippus has borrowed his account of the scene, says that when Demosthenes fell before the altar, in his tablets were found written the opening words of a letter, “Demosthenes to Antipater,” and nothing more. All were surprised at the suddenness of his death, but the Thracian mercenaries at the door declared that they saw him take the poison out of a little cloth and put it into his mouth. They imagined that what he swallowed was gold; but a maid-servant that waited on him told Archias, in answer to his inquiries, that Demosthenes &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_144&amp;quot;&amp;gt;144&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;had for a long time carried about a packet containing poison, to be used in case of need. Eratosthenes himself writes that Demosthenes carried the poison in a hollow bracelet which he wore on his arm. It would be tedious to notice all the discrepancies to be found in the numerous accounts which have been written of the death of Demosthenes; but I will mention that Demochares, a relative of Demosthenes, states his belief that he did not die by poison, but by the provident care of the gods, who rescued him from the cruelty of the Macedonians by a swift and painless death. He perished on the sixteenth day of the month Pyanepsion, which is observed as a day of the strictest fasting and humiliation by the women who celebrate the festival of the Thesmophoria.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_137_137&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_137_137&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;137&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The people of Athens soon afterwards bestowed on Demosthenes the honours which he deserved, by erecting a brazen statue in memory of him, and decreeing that the eldest of his family should be maintained in the Prytaneum for ever. On the base of the statue was inscribed the celebrated couplet:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line i04&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“Could’st thou have fought as well as thou could’st speak,&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The Macedonian ne’er had ruled the Greek.”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It is a complete mistake to suppose, as some writers do, that Demosthenes himself composed this couplet in Kalauria just before he took the poison.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;f31&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A short time before my own first visit to Athens, the following incident is said to have taken place. A soldier, being summoned by his commanding officer to be tried for some offence, placed all his money in the hands of the statue of Demosthenes, which are represented as clasped together. Beside the statue grew a small plane-tree, and several leaves of this tree, either blown there by chance, or placed there on purpose by the soldier, concealed and covered up the money, so that it remained there a long while. At last the soldier returned and found it, and as the circumstance became widely known, many literary men seized the opportunity of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_145&amp;quot;&amp;gt;145&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;making epigrams on this striking proof of the incorruptible honesty of Demosthenes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Demades did not long enjoy the honour which he had won, for the gods, in order to avenge Demosthenes, led him to Macedonia, where he perished miserably by the hands of those whose favour he had so basely courted. He had long been disliked by the Macedonian court, and at last a clear proof of his treasonable practices was discovered in an intercepted letter of his to Perdikkas, in which he urged him to seize the throne of Macedonia and save the Greeks, who were now hanging by an old and rotten thread (meaning Antipater). On the evidence of this letter, Deinarchus of Corinth charged him with treason, and Kassander was so infuriated at his perfidy that he first stabbed Demades’s own son while in his father’s arms, and then ordered him to be put to death. Thus, by inflicting on him the greatest misery which a man could suffer, he proved to him the truth of that saying of Demosthenes which he had never before believed, that traitors first of all betray themselves. You now, my friend Sossius, know all that I have either read or heard concerning the life of Demosthenes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_146&amp;quot;&amp;gt;146&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;LIFE OF CICERO.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; They say that Cicero’s mother Helvia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_138_138&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_138_138&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;138&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was of good family and conversation, but as to his father the accounts are in opposite extremes. For some say that the man was born and brought up in a fuller’s workshop; but others carry back his pedigree to Tullus Attius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_139_139&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_139_139&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;139&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who reigned with distinction among the Volsci and fought against the Romans with no small vigour. However, the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_147&amp;quot;&amp;gt;147&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;first of the family who got the cognomen of Cicero&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_140_140&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_140_140&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;140&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; must have been a man of note, and this was the reason why his descendants did not reject the name, but were well pleased with it, though it was a matter of jeering to many: for the Latins call a vetch Cicer, and the first Cicero had at the end of his nose a cleft or split, slightly marked as we may suppose, like the cleft in a vetch, whence he got the cognomen. Indeed Cicero himself, the subject of this Life, on his friends advising him when he was first a candidate for office and began to engage in public life, to get rid of the name and take another, is reported to have boldly replied that he would strive to make the name of Cicero more glorious than that of Scaurus and Catulus. While he was quæstor in Sicily, and causing a silver offering to the gods to be made, he had inscribed on it his first two names, Marcus and Tullius, but in place of the third he jocosely ordered the artist to cut the figure of a vetch by the side of the characters. This then is what is recorded about the name.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; They say that Cicero’s mother gave birth&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_141_141&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_141_141&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;141&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to him, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_148&amp;quot;&amp;gt;148&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;after a painless and easy labor, on the third day of the new calends, on which the magistrates now offer up prayers and sacrifices on behalf of the Emperor. It is said that a vision appeared to his nurse and foretold her that she was nurturing a great blessing for all Romans. Such things as these are generally considered to be mere dreams and idle talk, but in his case Cicero soon showed that it was a real prophecy when he was of age to be taught, for he was conspicuous for his natural talent and got a name and reputation among the boys, so that their fathers used to visit the schools out of desire to see Cicero, and to inquire of his famed quickness and capacity for learning; but the ill-educated part were angry with their sons when they saw them giving Cicero a place in the midst of them in the public roads by way of honour. Cicero, who had a talent, such as Plato&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_142_142&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_142_142&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;142&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; requires in a nature that loves learning and loves wisdom, for embracing all knowledge and undervaluing no kind of learning and discipline, happened to show a strong inclination to poetry: and indeed a small poem of his is still preserved, which was written when he was a boy: it is entitled Pontius Glaucus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_143_143&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_143_143&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;143&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and is in tetrameter verse. In the course of time he applied himself to the Muse of such arts with still more versatility, and got the reputation of being not only the first orator, but also the best poet&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_144_144&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_144_144&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;144&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; among the Romans. Now his oratorical reputation continues &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_149&amp;quot;&amp;gt;149&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; to the present day, though there has been no small innovation in matters that concern eloquence; but as to his poetical reputation, owing to many poets of genius who have come after him, its fate has been to die away altogether unknown to fame and unhonoured.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After being released from his youthful studies, he heard Philo&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_145_145&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_145_145&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;145&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of the Academy, whom of all the scholars of Kleitomachus, the Romans admired most for his eloquence and loved most for his manners. At the same time by his intimacy with the Mucii,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_146_146&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_146_146&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;146&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who were statesmen and leaders in the Senate, he was aided in getting some knowledge of the law; and for a time, also, he served in the army under Sulla in the Marsic war.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_147_147&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_147_147&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;147&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But seeing that matters were coming to a civil war, and from a civil war to a pure monarchy, betaking himself to a life of quiet and contemplation, he kept company with learned Greeks and applied himself to the sciences, until Sulla had got the mastery, and the state seemed to have received a settlement. During this time Chrysogonus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_148_148&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_148_148&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;148&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a freedman of Sulla, having laid an information about a man’s property as being one of those who were put to death during the proscriptions, bought it for two thousand drachmæ. Roscius, the son and heir of the dead man, complained of this, and showed that the property was of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_150&amp;quot;&amp;gt;150&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the value of two hundred and fifty talents, on which Sulla, being convicted, was angry, and with the assistance of Chrysogonus instituted a prosecution against Roscius for parricide. No one gave Roscius help, but all were deterred through fear of the severity of Sulla, on which the young man in his desolate condition had recourse to Cicero, who was also importuned by his friends, who urged that he would never again have a more splendid opportunity of gaining a reputation nor a more honourable. Accordingly Cicero undertook the defence, and gained credit by his success; but, being afraid of Sulla, he went into Greece,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_149_149&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_149_149&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;149&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; giving out that his bodily health required care. And indeed he was lean and had little flesh, and owing to weakness of stomach, he took little food, and that of a light kind late in the day; his voice was full and good, but hard and unmanageable, and owing to the vehemence and passion of his language being continually carried through the higher notes it gave him alarm about his health.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On his arrival at Athens&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_150_150&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_150_150&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;150&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he became a hearer of Antiochus of Askalon, being pleased with the easy flow of his speech and his graceful manner, but he did not like his doctrinal innovations. For Antiochus was now seceding from what is called the New Academy, and deserting the sect of Karneades; whether it was that he was influenced by the evidence and by the senses, or as some say, through rivalry and differences with the followers of Kleitomachus and the partisans of Philo, he was changing to be a cultivator of the Stoic principle in most things. But Cicero liked the other doctrines better, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_151&amp;quot;&amp;gt;151&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and attached himself to them in preference, intending, if he should altogether be excluded from public affairs, to remove himself to Athens from the Forum and public life and live there in tranquillity with philosophy. But when news came that Sulla was dead, and his body being strengthened by discipline was attaining a vigorous habit, and his voice being now brought under management had become pleasant to the ear and powerful, and was suitably adapted to his habit of body, and his friends from Rome were sending him many letters and exhortations, and Antiochus strongly urged him to engage in public affairs, he began anew to fashion his oratorical power, as if it were an instrument, and to rouse afresh his political capacity, by exercising himself in the proper discipline and attending the rhetoricians of repute. Accordingly he sailed to Asia and Rhodes;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_151_151&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_151_151&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;151&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and among the Asiatic orators he attended the instruction of Xenokles of Adramyttium, and Dionysius of Magnesia, and Menippus of Caria; and in Rhodes, the rhetorician Apollonius, the son of Molo, and the philosopher Poseidonius. It is said that Apollonius, who did not understand the Latin language, requested Cicero to perform his exercises in Greek; and that Cicero readily complied, thinking that his faults would thus be better corrected. When he had finished his exercise, all the rest were amazed, and vied with one another in their praises, but Apollonius, while he was listening to Cicero, showed no approbation, and when Cicero had finished he sat for a long time wrapped in thought; and as Cicero showed his dissatisfaction, he said, “You indeed, Cicero, I commend and admire, but I pity the fortune of Greece, seeing that the only excellent things which were left to us have been transferred to the Romans by you, learning and eloquence.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now Cicero, full of hope in his course to a political career, had his ardour dulled by an oracular answer. For &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_152&amp;quot;&amp;gt;152&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;on consulting the god at Delphi&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_152_152&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_152_152&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;152&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; how he might get most fame, the Pythia bade him make his own nature, and not the opinion of the many, his guide in life. At first he lived with reserve at Rome, and was slow in offering himself for magistracies, and was undervalued, being called Greek and pedant, names current among and familiar to the lowest citizens. But as he was naturally ambitious and was urged on by his father and friends, he devoted himself to assisting persons in their causes, and he did not approach the highest distinction by gradual steps, but at once blazed forth in reputation, and was far superior to those who exerted themselves in the Forum. It is said that he was as defective as Demosthenes in action, and that accordingly he carefully devoted himself first to Roscius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_153_153&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_153_153&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;153&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the comedian, and then to Æsopus the tragedian. Of this Æsopus it is told, that when he was representing on the stage Atreus deliberating how he should revenge himself on Thyestes, and one of the servants suddenly ran past him, being transported out of his reason by his feelings he struck the man with his sceptre and killed him. Cicero derived no small power of persuasion from his action.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_154_154&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_154_154&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;154&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He used scoffingly to say of the orators who bawled loud,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_155_155&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_155_155&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;155&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that because of their weakness &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_153&amp;quot;&amp;gt;153&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; they had recourse to shouting, like lame men leaping on horses. His readiness at sarcasm and other sharp sayings was considered well adapted to courts of justice and clever, but by over use of it he gave offence to many and got the character of an ill-disposed person.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Being elected quæstor&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_156_156&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_156_156&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;156&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at a time of scarcity of corn, and having got Sicily as his province, he gave offence to the people at first by compelling them to send corn to Rome. But afterwards, when they had proof of his care and justice and mildness, they respected him as they never had any governor before. And when many young Romans of good repute and noble birth, who were under a charge of neglect of discipline and bad behaviour in the war, were sent up to the prætor of Sicily, Cicero pleaded for them in a remarkable manner, and gained their acquittal. Being accordingly greatly elated at all this, on his journey to Rome, as he tells us, a ludicrous incident happened to him. In Campania&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_157_157&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_157_157&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;157&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; falling in with a man of rank, whom he considered to be a friend of his, he asked him what the Romans said about his conduct in Sicily, and what they thought of it, supposing that the city was full of his name and of his measures, and upon the man replying, “But where have you been all this time Cicero?” he was completely dispirited that his fame was lost in the city as in a boundless sea and had produced no glorious result to his reputation; but on reflection he abated much of his ambition, considering that he was striving for fame as for a thing indefinite and one which had no attainable limit. However all along there abided in him an exceeding love of praise and a strong passion &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_154&amp;quot;&amp;gt;154&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;for fame, which, often disturbed much of his sound judgment.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But when he began to engage more actively in public concerns, he thought it a shame that artisans, who make use of inanimate instruments and tools, should be acquainted with the name of each and its place and use, and that the political man, whose public acts are effected by the agency of men, should be indolent and indifferent about the knowledge of his fellow-citizens. Accordingly he not only accustomed himself to remember persons’ names, but he also knew the place in which every man of note dwelt, and the spot where he had his property, and the friends with whom he was familiar and his neighbours; and whatever road in Italy he was traversing, Cicero could easily tell and point out the lands and houses of his friends. As he had only a small property, though sufficient and adequate to his expenses, he obtained credit by accepting neither pay nor presents for his services as an advocate, and most particularly by his undertaking the prosecution against Verres,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_158_158&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_158_158&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;158&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who had been prætor of Sicily. Verres, who had been guilty of great malversation, was prosecuted by the Sicilians, and Cicero caused his conviction, not by speeches, but in a manner, as one may say, by not speaking at all. For as the prætors favoured Verres, and were putting off the trial to the last day by adjournments and tricks, and it was clear that the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_155&amp;quot;&amp;gt;155&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;space of one day would not be sufficient for the speeches and the trial would not be brought to a conclusion, Cicero got up and said that the case required no speeches, and bringing forward the witnesses and taking their evidence he told the judices to give their vote. Yet many lively sayings of his at that trial are recorded. The Romans call a castrated hog “verres.” Now when a man of the class of libertini named Cæcilius, who was under the imputation of Judaism, wished to put aside the Siceliots and be the prosecutor of Verres, Cicero said “What has a Jew to do with a verres?” Verres also had a son grown up, who was reputed not to have regard to his youthful beauty as a person of free birth ought to have. Accordingly when Cicero was reviled for his effeminacy by Verres, he replied, “A man should find fault with his sons at home.”&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_159_159&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_159_159&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;159&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The orator Hortensius did not venture directly to defend the cause of Verres, yet he was induced to give him his assistance when the damages were assessed, for which he had received an ivory sphinx as his reward. Upon Cicero saying something to him in an oblique way, and Hortensius replying that he had no skill in solving ænigmas, Cicero answered, “And yet you have the sphinx&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_160_160&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_160_160&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;160&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at home.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Verres being convicted, Cicero laid the damages at seventy-five ten thousands, and yet he fell under suspicion of having lowered the damages&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_161_161&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_161_161&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;161&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for a bribe. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_156&amp;quot;&amp;gt;156&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;However the Siceliots were grateful, and during his ædileship&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_162_162&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_162_162&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;162&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; they came and brought many things from the island, from none of which did Cicero make any gain, but he availed himself of the men’s desire to honour him so far as to cheapen the market. He possessed a fine place at Arpi,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_163_163&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_163_163&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;163&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and he had an estate near Naples, and another near Pompeii,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_164_164&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_164_164&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;164&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; neither of them large: he had also the marriage portion of his wife Terentia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_165_165&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_165_165&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;165&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to the amount of ten ten thousands, and a bequest which amounted to nine ten thousands of denarii. With these means he lived honourably and moderately, enjoying the company of the Greeks who were familiar with him, and of the Romans of learning: he rarely, if ever, lay down to table before sunset, and not so much because of his occupations, as because of his health, which suffered much from the stomach. He was also exact and careful in other matters that concerned the care of his body, and he employed both friction and walking a fixed number of times. By thus regulating his habit of body he maintained it free from disease, and equal to undergo many and great trials and labours. He gave up his father’s house to his brother, and he fixed his own residence on the Palatine, in order that those who paid their respects to him might not be troubled by coming a great distance; and people used to come daily to his doors to pay their respects, no fewer than those who waited on Crassus because of his wealth, and on Pompeius because of his influence with the soldiers, which two were at that time highest in repute and chief of the Romans. Pompeius &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_157&amp;quot;&amp;gt;157&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;also courted Cicero, and Cicero’s policy contributed greatly to the power and credit of Pompeius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Though there were many candidates with him for the prætorship,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_166_166&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_166_166&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;166&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and men of note, he was proclaimed first of all; and he was considered to have discharged his judicial functions with integrity and skill. It is said that Licinius Macer, a man who of himself had great weight in the city, and who was also supported by Crassus, being tried before Cicero for peculation, was so confident in his power and the exertions made on his behalf, that while the judices were giving their votes he went home, and after cutting his hair with all speed, and putting on a clean dress, as if he had been acquitted, he was about to return to the Forum; but on Crassus meeting him near the hall door and telling him that he was condemned by all the votes, he turned back, took to his bed and died. And the circumstance brought Cicero credit for his careful administration of justice. Vatinius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_167_167&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_167_167&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;167&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was a man whose manner was somewhat rough and contemptuous towards the magistrates when he was pleading before them, and his neck was full of swellings: on one occasion when he was before Cicero, he made a certain demand, and as Cicero did not grant it forthwith, but deliberated some time, Vatinius said that he should not hesitate about it if he were prætor, on which Cicero quickly answered, “But I have not such a neck as you.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_158&amp;quot;&amp;gt;158&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;While Cicero had still two or three days in his office, some person brought Manilius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_168_168&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_168_168&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;168&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; before him on a charge of peculation; but Manilius had the goodwill of the people and their zeal in his favour, as it was considered that he was attacked on account of Pompeius, whose friend he was. On Manilius asking for time Cicero gave him only one day, which was the next; and the people were angry, inasmuch as the prætors were accustomed to allow ten days at least to those who were accused. The tribunes also brought Cicero to the Rostra and found fault with him, but he prayed to be heard, and he said that as he had always behaved to accused persons with forbearance and kindness, so far as the laws allowed, he thought it would be harsh not to do so in the case of Manilius, and accordingly he had purposely limited him to the only day which was at his disposal as prætor, for that to throw the trial into the period of another prætor’s jurisdiction was not the part of one who was willing to help another. These words wrought a wonderful change in the people, and with many expressions of goodwill they prayed him to undertake the defence of Manilius. Cicero readily undertook it, and chiefly for the sake of Pompeius who was absent, and coming before the people he again harangued them, in bold terms censuring the oligarchal faction and the enviers of Pompeius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero was invited to the consulship&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_169_169&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_169_169&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;169&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; no less by the aristocratical party than by the many who for the interest of the state gave him their aid, and for the following reason. The changes which Sulla had introduced into the constitution at first appeared unseasonable, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_159&amp;quot;&amp;gt;159&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;but now they seemed to the many by length of time and usage to have received a kind of settlement, and not a bad one; but there were those who sought to shake and change the present condition of affairs for the sake of their own gain and not for the public good, while Pompeius was still fighting with the kings in Pontus and Armenia, and there was no power in Rome able to resist those who were for change. These men had for their head a bold man and an ambitious and one of versatile temper, Lucius Catilina, who in addition to other great crimes had once laboured under the imputation of unlawful commerce with his virgin daughter, and of murdering his own brother,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_170_170&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_170_170&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;170&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and being afraid of being punished for this he persuaded Sulla to proscribe his brother among those who were doomed to die, as if he were still alive. Him the evil-minded took for their leader, and they gave various pledges to one another, and among these they sacrificed a man and ate of his flesh.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_171_171&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_171_171&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;171&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Catilina had corrupted a large part of the youth in the city by supplying every one of them with pleasure and banquets, and amours with women, and furnishing unsparingly the expense for all this. All Etruria was roused to revolt, and the greater part of Gaul within the Alps: and Rome was exposed to the greatest hazard of change, on account of the inequality in properties, for those who had most reputation and lofty bearing had impoverished themselves by theatrical expenses and entertainments, and love of magistracies and building, and the wealth had all come into the hands of men of mean birth and low persons, so that things needed only a slight inclination, and it was in the power of every man who had courage for the thing to unsettle the state, which of itself was in a diseased condition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; However Catilina, wishing to secure a stronghold, was a candidate for the consulship, and he was high in hope that he should be the colleague of Caius Antonius, a man who of himself was not calculated to be a leader &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_160&amp;quot;&amp;gt;160&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;either for good or bad, but one who would add force to another who was a leader. It was from seeing this that the majority of the honourable and the good encouraged Cicero to the consulship, and as the people readily seconded them, Catilina was rejected, and Cicero and Caius Antonius were elected. And yet Cicero alone of the candidates was the son of an eques, not of a senator.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now the designs of Catilina still remained unknown to the many, but great struggles awaited the consulship of Cicero. For in the first place, those who by the laws of Sulla were excluded from magistracies, being neither weak nor few, became candidates and attempted to gain popular favour, and they made many charges against the tyranny of Sulla which were indeed true and just, but yet they were disturbing the state of affairs at an unfit time and out of season; and in the next place the tribunes brought forward measures to the same purpose, in which they proposed an administration composed of ten men&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_172_172&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_172_172&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;172&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with full powers, whose instructions were to have authority to sell the public property in all Italy and in all Syria, and all that had lately been acquired by Pompeius, to try whom they pleased, to send them into exile, to colonise cities, to take money from the treasury, and to maintain and raise as many soldiers as they might require. Accordingly others of the nobles were in favour of the law, and especially Antonius, the colleague of Cicero, who expected to be one of the ten. It was supposed also that he was acquainted with the designs of Catilina, and was not averse to them on account of the magnitude of his debts, which chiefly gave alarm to the nobles. And this was the first object that Cicero directed his attention to, and he caused the province of Macedonia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_173_173&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_173_173&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;173&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to be given to Antonius, and Gaul, which was &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_161&amp;quot;&amp;gt;161&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;offered to himself, he declined; and by these favours he gained over Antonius like a hired actor to play a second part to himself on behalf of his country. Now when Antonius was gained and had become tractable, Cicero, being emboldened, opposed himself to those who were for making change. Accordingly, in the Senate, he made an attack upon the law, and so alarmed the promoters of it that they had nothing to say against him. When they made a second attempt, and being fully prepared invited the consuls to appear before the people, Cicero, nothing alarmed, bade the Senate follow him, and coming forward, he not only caused the rejection of the law, but made the tribunes give up even the rest of their measures and to yield to his overpowering eloquence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For this man most of all showed the Romans what a charm eloquence adds to a good thing, and that justice is invincible if it be rightly expressed in words, and that it befits him who duly directs political affairs, always in his acts to choose the good instead of that which merely pleases, and in his speech to deprive what is useful of that which gives pain. And a sample of his persuasive eloquence was what happened in his consulship with respect to the public exhibitions. In former times those of the equestrian class were mingled with the crowd in the theatres and were spectators among the people, just as chance would have it; but Marcus&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_162&amp;quot;&amp;gt;162&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Otho&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_174_174&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_174_174&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;174&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in his prætorship was the first who, for the sake of distinction, separated the equites from the rest of the citizens, and gave them a particular place, which they still retain. The people took this as a disparagement of themselves, and when Otho appeared in the theatre, they hissed for the purpose of insulting him, but the equites received him with loud applause. Again the people began to hiss louder, and the equites to make still greater plaudits. Upon this they fell to abusing one another, and kept the theatre in confusion. When Cicero heard of this he came, and summoning the people to the temple of Bellona both rebuked and admonished them, on which they went back to the theatre and loudly applauded Otho, and vied with the equites in doing honour to the man and showing their respect.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The conspirators with Catilina&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_175_175&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_175_175&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;175&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at first crouched and were afraid, but they recovered heart, and assembling together urged one another to take matters in hand with more courage before Pompeius returned, who was said to be now coming home with his force. Catilina was chiefly stirred up by the old soldiers of Sulla, who were planted all through Italy, but the greatest number and the most warlike of them were distributed in the Tuscan cities, and were again forming visions of robbery and plunder of the wealth that existed. These men, with Manlius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_176_176&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_176_176&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;176&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for their leader, one of those who had served &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_163&amp;quot;&amp;gt;163&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;with, distinction under Sulla, were on the side of Catilina, and came to Rome to assist at the Comitia; for Catilina was again a candidate for the consulship, and had resolved to kill Cicero in the tumult of the elections. The dæmon also seemed to pre-signify what was going on by earthquakes and lightnings and sights. The information from human testimony was indeed clear, but not sufficient for conviction of a man of reputation and great power, like Catilina. Wherefore Cicero deferred the day of election, and summoning Catilina to the Senate questioned him about what was reported. Catilina, thinking that there were many in the Senate who were desirous of change, and at the same time wishing to make a display before the conspirators, gave Cicero an insane answer: “What am I doing so strange, if when there are two bodies, one lean and wasted, but with a head, and the other headless, but strong and large, I myself furnish it with a head?”&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_177_177&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_177_177&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;177&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This allusion of his was to the Senate and to the people, which made Cicero more alarmed, and putting on his armour he was conducted by all the nobles from his house and by many of the young men to the Campus Martius. And he purposely let the people have a glimpse of his armour by loosing his tunic from his shoulders, and he showed the spectators there was danger. The people were enraged and rallied round him, and at last by their votes they again rejected Catilina, and chose Silanus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_178_178&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_178_178&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;178&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Murena consuls.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Not long after the men in Etruria came together to support Catilina, and were forming themselves into companies; and the appointed day for executing their &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_164&amp;quot;&amp;gt;164&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;plan was near, when there came to Cicero’s house about midnight men who were among the first and most powerful in Rome, Marcus Crassus, and Marcus Marcellus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_179_179&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_179_179&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;179&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Scipio Metellus; and knocking at the door and calling the doorkeeper, they bade him rouse Cicero and tell him that they were there. And the matter was thus: after Crassus had supped, the doorkeeper gave him letters brought by some unknown man, which were addressed to different persons, and one to Crassus himself without a signature. Crassus, having read this letter only, and seeing that the letter intimated that there would be great bloodshed caused by Catilina and that it urged him to quit the city, did not open the rest, but went forthwith to Cicero in alarm at the danger, and desiring to acquit himself somewhat of the blame which he bore on account of his friendship with Catilina. Accordingly Cicero after deliberating convened the Senate at daybreak, and taking the letters gave them to the persons to whom they were directed, and bade them read the letters aloud: and all the letters alike gave notice of a conspiracy. When Quintus Arrius, a man of prætorian rank, reported the forming of armed companies in Etruria, and news arrived that Manlius with a large force was hovering about those cities expecting every moment something new from Rome, a decree of the Senate was made to put affairs in the hands of the consuls, and that the consuls on receiving this commission should administer the state as they best could, and save it. The Senate is not used to do this frequently, but only when they apprehend great danger.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero upon receiving this authority intrusted affairs out of the city to Quintus Metellus; he undertook the care of the city himself, and he daily went forth guarded by so large a body of men, that when he entered the Forum those who accompanied him occupied a large part of the ground, whereupon Catilina, no longer enduring delay, resolved to make his escape to Manlius, and he commissioned &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_165&amp;quot;&amp;gt;165&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Marcius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_180_180&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_180_180&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;180&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Cethegus to arm themselves with swords, and going to Cicero’s door in the morning on pretence of paying their respects, to fall on him and kill him. Fulvia,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_181_181&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_181_181&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;181&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a woman of rank, reported this to Cicero by night, and exhorted him to be on his guard against Cethegus and his associate. The men came at daybreak, and as they were not permitted to enter, they fell to railing and abuse at the doors, which made them still more suspected. Cicero going out called the Senate to the temple of Jupiter the Stayer, whom the Romans call Stator, which is situated at the commencement of the Sacred Road as you go up to the Palatine. Catilina also came there with the rest to make his defence, but none of the senators would sit down with him, and all moved from the bench. Catilina began to speak, but he was interrupted by cries, and at last Cicero got up and bade him leave the city; for he said it was fit that as he was administering affairs with words and Catilina with arms, there should be a wall&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_182_182&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_182_182&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;182&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; between them. Accordingly Catilina immediately left the city with three hundred armed men, and surrounding himself with fasces and axes as if he were a magistrate, and raising standards he marched to Manlius; and as about twenty thousand men altogether were collected, he visited the cities and endeavoured to persuade them to revolt, so that there was&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_166&amp;quot;&amp;gt;166&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; open war, and Antonius was sent to fight with the now rebels.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Those who remained in the city of the persons who had been corrupted by Catilina were assembled and encouraged by Cornelius Lentulus Sura,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_183_183&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_183_183&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;183&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a man of illustrious birth, but who had lived a bad life and been already expelled from the Senate on account of his licentious habits. He was then prætor for the second time, as is the custom for those who recover the senatorial dignity. It is said that he got the name Sura from the following circumstance. In the times of Sulla he was quæstor, and lost and wasted much of the public money. Sulla was angry at this, and called him to account before the Senate; but Lentulus, coming forward in a very indifferent and contemptuous way, said that he had no account to give, but he offered his leg, as boys were wont to do when they had made a miss in playing at ball. From this he got the nickname of Sura, for the Romans call the leg ‘sura.’ Again, being brought to trial he bribed some of the judices, and was acquitted by two votes only, whereon he said that what he had given to one of the judices was fairly wasted, for it was enough to be acquitted by a single vote. Such being the character of the man, and being stirred up by Catilina, he was further corrupted by the vain hopes held out by false prophets and jugglers, who recited forged verses and predictions, alleged to be from the Sibylline books, which declared that it was the law of fate that three Cornelii should be monarchs in Rome, two of whom had fulfilled their destiny, Cinna&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_184_184&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_184_184&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;184&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Sulla, and that the dæmon was come and had brought the monarchy to him the third of the Cornelii, and he ought by all means to accept it, and not to spoil the critical opportunity by delay like Catilina.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Accordingly Lentulus designed nothing small or trivial, but he determined to kill all the senators, and&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_167&amp;quot;&amp;gt;167&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; as many of the rest of the citizens as he could, and to burn the city, and spare nobody except the children of Pompeius, whom they intended to seize and keep in their power as securities for coming to terms with Pompeius, for already there was strong and sure report of his returning to Rome from his great expedition. A night had been fixed for the attempt, one of the Saturnalia,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_185_185&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_185_185&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;185&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and they took and hid in the house of Cethegus swords and tow and brimstone. They also appointed a hundred men, and assigned by lot as many parts of Rome to each, in order that by means of many incendiaries the city might be in a blaze in a short time on all sides.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_186_186&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_186_186&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;186&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Others were to stop up the water conduits and to kill those who attempted to get water. While this was going on, there happened to be at Rome two ambassadors of the Allobroges,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_187_187&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_187_187&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;187&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a nation which especially at that time was in a bad condition and oppressed by the supremacy of Rome. The partizans of Lentulus, considering them suitable persons for stiring up Gaul to revolt, made them privy to the conspiracy. They gave these men letters to their Senate and letters to Catilina, promising liberty to the Senate, and urging Catilina to free the slaves and to march upon Rome. They also sent with them to Catilina one Titus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_188_188&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_188_188&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;188&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Croton to carry the letters. But inasmuch as the conspirators were unsteady men, who for the most part met one another over wine and in company with women, and Cicero followed up their designs with labour and sober consideration and unusual prudence, and had many men out of their body to keep watch and to help him in tracking out their doings, and as he had secret conversation with many of those who&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_168&amp;quot;&amp;gt;168&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; were considered to be in the conspiracy and whom he trusted, he became acquainted with their communication with the strangers, and laying an ambuscade by night he seized the man of Croton and the letters, with the secret assistance of the Allobroges.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; At daybreak&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_189_189&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_189_189&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;189&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero, assembling the Senate at the temple of Concord, read the letters and examined the informers. Silanus Junius also said that some persons had heard Cethegus say, that three consuls and four prætors were going to be killed. Piso, a man of consular rank, gave evidence to the same effect. Caius Sulpicius, one of the prætors, being sent to the house of Cethegus, found there many missiles and arms, and a great quantity of swords and knives newly sharpened. At length the Senate having by a vote promised a pardon to the man of Croton on condition of his giving information, Lentulus being convicted abdicated his office, for he happened to be prætor, and laying down his robe with the purple hem before the Senate assumed a dress suitable to the occasion. Lentulus and his associates were delivered up to the prætors to be kept in custody, but without chains. It was now evening, and the people in crowds were waiting about the temple, when Cicero came forth and told the circumstance to the citizens, by whom he was conducted to the house of a neighbouring friend, for his own house was occupied by the women who were celebrating the mysterious rites to a goddess whom the Romans called Bona,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_190_190&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_190_190&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;190&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and the Greeks call Gynæceia. A sacrifice is made to the goddess annually in the house of the consul by his wife or his mother in the presence of the Vestal Virgins. Cicero, going into the house, deliberated with a very few persons what he should do with the men: for he had some scruples about inflicting the extreme punishment and that which was due to such great crimes; and he hesitated about it both from the humanity of his disposition, and because he feared that he might seem to be too much elated with his power and to be handling severely men who were of the highest rank and had powerful friends&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_169&amp;quot;&amp;gt;169&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; in the State; and if he treated them leniently, he dreaded danger from them. For he considered that they would not be well content if they were punished short of death, but would break forth in all extravagance of audacity and add fresh indignation to their old villainy; and that he should be judged a coward and a weak man, especially as the many had by no means a good opinion of his courage.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; While Cicero was thus doubting, there was a sign to the women who were sacrificing: for though the fire seemed to have gone out, the altar sent forth from the ashes and burnt bark a large and brilliant blaze.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_191_191&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_191_191&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;191&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This alarmed the women, except the sacred virgins, who urged Terentia, the wife of Cicero, to go with all speed to her husband and tell him to take in hand what he had resolved on behalf of his country, for the goddess was displaying a great light to lead him to safety and honour. Terentia, who generally was not a woman of a mild temper nor naturally without courage, but an ambitious woman, and as Cicero himself says,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_192_192&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_192_192&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;192&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; more ready to share in his political perplexities than to communicate to him her domestic matters, reported this to her husband and stimulated him against the conspirators: in like manner too his brother Quintus and Publius Nigidius, one of his philosophical companions, whose advice he used in the most and chiefest of his political measures. On the following day&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_193_193&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_193_193&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;193&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; there was a discussion in the Senate about the punishment of the conspirators, when Silanus, who was first asked his opinion, said that they ought to be taken to prison and suffer the extreme punishment: and&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_170&amp;quot;&amp;gt;170&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; all who spoke in succession acceded to this opinion, till it came to the turn of Caius Cæsar, who was afterwards Dictator. Cæsar, who was then a young man and in the very beginning of his rise to power, and already in his policy and his hopes had entered on that road by which he changed the state of Rome into a monarchy, though he eluded the penetration of the rest, caused great suspicion to Cicero, without however giving him any hold for complete proof; but there were some heard to say that he came near being caught and yet had escaped from Cicero. However, some say that Cicero purposely overlooked and neglected the information against Cæsar through fear of his friends and his power, for it was plain to every man, that the conspirators would rather become an appendage&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_194_194&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_194_194&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;194&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to Cæsar’s acquittal, than Cæsar would become an appendage to their punishment.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When, then, it came to Cæsar’s&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_195_195&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_195_195&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;195&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; turn to deliver his opinion, he rose and expressed it against putting the men to death, but he proposed to confiscate their property and remove them to the cities of Italy of which Cicero might approve, and there keep them confined till Catilina was defeated. The proposal was merciful and the speaker most eloquent, and Cicero added to it no small weight, for when Cicero rose&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_196_196&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_196_196&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;196&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he handled the matter both ways, partly&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_171&amp;quot;&amp;gt;171&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; arguing in favour of the first opinion and partly in favour of Cæsar’s; and all his friends thinking that Cæsar’s opinion was for the advantage of Cicero, for he would be subject to less blame if he did not condemn the men to death, chose the second opinion rather, so that even Silanus himself changed and made his explanation, saying that neither had he delivered his opinion for death, for that the extreme punishment to a Roman senator was the prison. After the opinion was given, Catulus Lutatius was the first to oppose it; and he was followed by Cato, who in his speech vehemently urged suspicion against Cæsar, and so filled the Senate with passion and resolution that they passed a vote of death against the men. With respect to the confiscation of their property Cæsar made opposition, for he did not think it fair that they should reject the merciful part of his proposition and adopt the most severe part. As many of them made violent resistance, he invoked the tribunes, who however paid no attention to the call, but Cicero himself gave way and remitted that part of the vote which was for confiscation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g22&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero went with the Senate to the conspirators, who were not all in the same place, but kept by the different prætors. He first took Lentulus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_197_197&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_197_197&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;197&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; from the Palatine and led him through the Sacred Road and the middle of the Forum, with the men of highest rank in a body around him as his guards, the people the while shuddering at what was doing and passing by in silence, and chiefly the youth, who felt as if they were being initiated with fear and trembling in certain national rites&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_172&amp;quot;&amp;gt;172&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; of a certain aristocratical power. When Cicero had passed through the Forum and come to the prison, he delivered Lentulus to the executioner and told him to put him to death; he then took down Cethegus and every one of the rest in order and had them put to death. Seeing that there were still many members of the conspiracy standing together in the Forum, who did not know what had been done and were waiting for the night, supposing that the men were still alive and might be rescued, Cicero said to them in a loud voice, “They have lived.” In these terms the Romans are used to speak of death when they do not choose to use words of bad omen. It was now evening, and Cicero went up from the Forum to his house, the citizens no longer accompanying him in silence or in order, but receiving him with shouts and clapping as he passed along and calling him the saviour and founder of his country. And numerous lights illuminated the streets, for people placed lamps and torches at their doors. The women too showed lights from the roofs to honour the man and in order to see him going home, honourably attended by the nobles; most of whom, having brought to an end great wars and entered the city in triumph, and added to the Roman possessions no small extent of land and sea, walked along confessing to one another that the Roman people were indebted for wealth and spoils and power to many living commanders and generals, but for their security and safety to Cicero alone, who had removed from them so great a danger. For it was not the preventing of what was in preparation and the punishing of the doers which appeared worthy of admiration, but that he had quenched the greatest of dangers that ever threatened the State with the least evils, and without disturbance and tumult. For most of those who had flocked to Catilina&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_198_198&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_198_198&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;198&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; as soon as they heard of the fate of Lentulus and Cethegus left him and went away: and Catilina, after&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_173&amp;quot;&amp;gt;173&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; fighting a battle with those who remained with him against Antonius, perished and his army with him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g23&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; However there were some who were ready to abuse Cicero for this and to do him harm, and they had for their leader among those who were going to hold magistracies, Cæsar as prætor, and Metellus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_199_199&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_199_199&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;199&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Bestia as tribunes. Upon entering on office, while Cicero had still a few days in authority, they would not let him address the people, and placing their seats above the Rostra they would not permit him to come forward to speak; they told him that he might, if he chose, take the oath usual on giving up office and then go down. Upon this Cicero came forward as if he were going to take the oath, and when he had procured silence, he swore not the usual oath, but one of his own and a new oath, to the effect that he had saved his country and preserved the supremacy of Rome: and the whole people confirmed the truth of his oath. At this Cæsar and the tribunes, being still more vexed, contrived other cavils against Cicero, and a law was brought forward by them that Pompeius and his army should be recalled on the pretext of putting down the power of Cicero. But Cato, who was then tribune, was a great help to Cicero and to the whole State, and he opposed himself to Cæsar’s measures with equal authority and greater good opinion. For he easily stopped other measures, and he so extolled the consulship of Cicero in a speech to the people, that they voted to him the greatest honours that had ever been conferred and called him the father of his country; for it seems that Cicero was the first on whom this title was conferred, upon Cato having so entitled him before the people.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_174&amp;quot;&amp;gt;174&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero, who had at that time the chief power in the State, made himself generally odious, not by any ill acts, but by always praising and glorifying himself to the great annoyance of many people. For there was neither assembly of Senate nor people nor court of justice in which a man had not to hear Catilina talked of and Lentulus. Finally, he filled his books and writings with his own praises, and though his oratory was most agreeable and had the greatest charm, he made it wearisome and odious to the hearers by his unseemly habit, which stuck to him like a fatality. However, though he had such unmingled ambition, he was far removed from envying others, for he was most bountiful in his praises of those before him and those of his own time, as we may see from his writings. There are also many sayings of his recorded; for instance, he said of Aristotle, that he was a river of flowing gold, and of the dialogues of Plato, that Jupiter, if it were his nature to use language, would speak like him. Theophrastus he was used to call his own special luxury. Being asked about the speeches of Demosthenes,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_200_200&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_200_200&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;200&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which he thought the best, he answered, the longest. Yet some of those who pretend to be imitators of Demosthenes, dwell on an expression of Cicero, which is used in a letter to one of his friends, that Demosthenes sometimes nodded in his speeches; but the great and admirable praise which he often bestows on the man, and that he entitled his own orations on which he bestowed most labour, those against Antonius, Philippics, they say nothing about. Of the men of his own time who gained a reputation for eloquence and learning, there is not one whose reputation he did not increase either by speaking or writing in favourable terms of him. When Cæsar was in power he obtained from him the Roman citizenship for Kratippus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_201_201&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_201_201&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;201&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the Peripatetic, and&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_175&amp;quot;&amp;gt;175&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; he prevailed on the Areopagus to pass a vote and to request him to stay in Athens and instruct the young, as being an ornament to the city. There are letters from Cicero to Herodes,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_202_202&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_202_202&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;202&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and others to his son, in which he exhorts to the study of philosophy under Kratippus. He charged Gorgias&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_203_203&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_203_203&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;203&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the rhetorician with leading the young man to pleasure and drinking, and banished him from his society. This and a letter to Pelops of Byzantium are almost the only Greek letters of his which are written with any passion, in which he properly rebukes Gorgias, if he was worthless and intemperate, as he was considered to be; but his letter to Pelops is in a mean and complaining tone, and charges Pelops with having neglected to procure for him certain honours and public testimonials from the Byzantines.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; All this proceeded from his ambition, and also the circumstance that he was often carried away by the impetuosity of his oratory to disregard propriety. He once spoke in favour of Munatius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_204_204&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_204_204&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;204&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who after being acquitted prosecuted Sabinus, a friend of Cicero, who is said to have been so transported with passion as to say, “Do you suppose, Munatius, that you were acquitted on your trial for your own merits, and not because I spread much darkness over the court when there was light?” He gained applause by a panegyric on Marcus Crassus from the Rostra, and a few days after he abused him, on which Crassus observed, “Did you not lately praise me in the same place?” to which Cicero replied, “Yes, for practice sake, exercising my eloquence on a mean subject.” Crassus having remarked on one occasion that none of the Crassi had lived in Rome to be more than sixty years of age, and afterwards denying that he had said so, and observing, What could have led him to say this? Cicero replied, “You know that the Romans would be glad to hear it and&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_176&amp;quot;&amp;gt;176&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; so you wished to get their favour.” When Crassus observed that he liked the Stoics, because they proved that the good man was rich,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_205_205&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_205_205&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;205&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; “Consider,” said Cicero, “if they do not rather prove that the wise man possesses everything.” Now Crassus was charged with being fond of money. One of the sons of Crassus who was considered to resemble a certain Axius, and so to attach ill fame to his mother in respect to Axius, had made a speech in the Senate with applause, and Cicero being asked what he thought of him said, He is Axius Crassus.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_206_206&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_206_206&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;206&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g26&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When Crassus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_207_207&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_207_207&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;207&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was about to set out for Syria, he wished Cicero to be his friend rather than his enemy, and he said in a friendly manner that he wished to sup with him, and Cicero received him readily. A few days after when some of his friends spoke with him about Vatinius, and said that Vatinius sought a recollection and to be on good terms with him, for he was then at enmity with Cicero. “Surely,” said Cicero, “Vatinius too does not want to sup with me.” Such was his behaviour to Crassus. As to Vatinius, who had tumours in his neck, and was on one occasion pleading a cause, Cicero called him a tumid orator. Hearing that Vatinius was dead, and being shortly after certainly informed that he was still living, “Ill betide the man,” said he, “who lied so ill.” Many of the senators were dissatisfied with Cæsar’s carrying a measure for the distribution of the land in Campania among the soldiers, and Lucius Gellius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_208_208&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_208_208&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;208&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was also one of the oldest of them, said, that it should&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_177&amp;quot;&amp;gt;177&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; never take place while he lived. “Let us wait,” said Cicero, “for Gellius asks for no long delay.” There was a certain Octavius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_209_209&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_209_209&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;209&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who had the ill-repute of being a native of Libya, and on the occasion of a certain trial he said that he could not hear Cicero. “And yet,” said Cicero, “your ear is not without a hole in it.” Metellus Nepos observing that Cicero by giving testimony against persons had caused more to be condemned than he had caused to be acquitted by undertaking their cause, “Well,” said he, “I admit that I have more credit than eloquence.” A certain youth who was charged with giving poison to his father in a cake, spoke with great confidence, and said that he would abuse Cicero; “I would rather have this from you,” said Cicero, “than a cake.” Publius Sextius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_210_210&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_210_210&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;210&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; had Cicero with others as his advocate in a cause, but he chose to say everything himself and would let nobody else speak, and when it was plain that he would be acquitted and the judices were giving their votes, Cicero said, “Make the most of your opportunity to-day, for to-morrow you will be a mere nobody.” One Publius Consta,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_211_211&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_211_211&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;211&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who set up for a lawyer, but was an ignorant and stupid fellow, was called as a witness by Cicero on a trial. On Consta saying that he knew nothing, “Perhaps,” said Cicero, “you suppose that you are asked about legal matters.” Metellus Nepos during a dispute&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_178&amp;quot;&amp;gt;178&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; with Cicero often repeated, “Who is your father?” on which Cicero said, “As for yourself, your mother has made this answer rather difficult for you.” Now the mother of Nepos was considered to be an unchaste woman, and himself a fickle kind of man. On one occasion he suddenly deserted his office of tribune and sailed off to join Pompeius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_212_212&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_212_212&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;212&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in Syria, whence he returned with just as little reason. Nepos had buried his teacher Philagrus with more than usual respect, and set upon his tomb a raven of stone: “In this,” said Cicero, “you have acted wiser than your wont, for he taught you to fly rather than to speak.” Marcus Appius in a certain trial prefaced his speech with saying that his friend had prayed him to exhibit vigilance and judgment and fidelity: “Are you then,” said Cicero, “so iron-hearted as to exhibit not one of such great qualities as your friend prayed you to do?”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g27&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now the use of bitterish taunts against enemies or opposing advocates may be considered as belonging to the orator’s business; but the attacking of any persons whom he fell in with, for the purpose of making them ridiculous, brought great odium upon him. I will record a few instances of this also. He called Marcus Aquinius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_213_213&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_213_213&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;213&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Adrastus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_214_214&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_214_214&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;214&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; because he had two sons-in-law who were in exile. Lucius Cotta,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_215_215&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_215_215&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;215&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who held the office of censor, was very fond of wine, and it happened that Cicero during&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_179&amp;quot;&amp;gt;179&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; his canvass for the consulship was athirst, and as his friends stood around him while he was drinking, “You have good reason to be afraid,” said he, “lest the censor should deal harshly with me for drinking water.” Meeting Voconius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_216_216&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_216_216&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;216&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was conducting three very ugly daughters, he said aloud:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“‘Gainst Phœbus’ will his children he begat.”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Marcus Gellius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_217_217&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_217_217&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;217&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was supposed not to be the son of free parents, was once reading some letters to the Senate with a clear and loud voice, when Cicero said, “Don’t be surprised; he too is one of those who have practised their voices.” When Faustus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_218_218&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_218_218&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;218&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the son of Sulla who had been dictator in Rome and proscribed many to the death, having got into debt and squandered most of his substance, advertised his household stuff for sale, Cicero said that he liked this proscription better than his father’s.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g28&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_219_219&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_219_219&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;219&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He thus became odious to many, and the partizans of Clodius combined against him on the following occasion. Clodius was a man of noble birth, young in years, but bold and impudent in his designs. Being in love with Pompeia, Cæsar’s wife, he got into his house secretly by assuming the dress and the guise of a lute-player; for the women were celebrating in Cæsar’s house those mysterious rites which the men were not allowed to see; and as there was no man there, Clodius being still a youth and not yet bearded hoped to slip through to Pompeia with the women. But as it was night when he got into a large house, he was perplexed by the passages; and as&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_180&amp;quot;&amp;gt;180&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; he was rambling about a female slave of Aurelia, Cæsar’s mother, saw him and asked him his name. Being compelled to speak, he said that he was looking for a servant of Pompeia, named Abra, but the woman perceiving that it was not a female voice cried out and called the women together. They shut the doors and searching every place found Clodius, who had hid himself in the chamber of the girl with whom he came into the house. The affair being noised abroad Cæsar put away Pompeia, and a prosecution&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_220_220&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_220_220&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;220&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for an offence against religion was instituted against Clodius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g29&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now Cicero was a friend of Clodius, and in the affair of Catilina found him a most zealous assistant and guardian of his person; but as Clodius in answer to the charge relied on not having been in Rome at the time, and maintained that he was staying in places at a very great distance, Cicero bore testimony that Clodius had come to his house&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_221_221&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_221_221&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;221&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and spoken with him on certain matters; which was true. However people did not suppose that Cicero gave his testimony from regard to truth, but by way of justifying himself to his wife Terentia.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_222_222&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_222_222&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;222&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For Terentia had a grudge against Clodius on account of his sister Clodia, who was supposed to wish to marry Cicero, and to be contriving this by the aid of one Tullus, who was one of the nearest companions and intimates of Cicero, and as Tullus was going to Clodia, who lived near, and paying attention to her, he excited&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_181&amp;quot;&amp;gt;181&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; suspicion in Terentia. Now as Terentia was of a sour temper and governed Cicero, she urged him to join in the attack on Clodius and to give testimony against him. Many men also of the highest character charged Clodius by their testimony with perjury, disorderly conduct, bribing of the masses, and debauching of women. Lucullus also produced female slaves to testify that Clodius had sexual commerce with his youngest sister when she was the wife of Lucullus. There was also a general opinion that Clodius debauched his other two sisters, of whom Marcius Rex had Terentia and Metellus Celer had Clodia to wife, who was called Quadrantaria, because one of her lovers put copper coins for her in a purse pretending they were silver and sent them to her; now the smallest copper coin the Romans called Quadrans. It was with regard to this sister that Clodius was most suspected. However as the people on that occasion set themselves against those who bore testimony and combined against Clodius, the judices being afraid procured a guard for their protection, and most of them gave in their tablets with the writing on them confused.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_223_223&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_223_223&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;223&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It turned out that those who were for acquitting him were the majority, and some bribery was also said to have been used. This led Catulus to say when he met the judices, “Indeed you did ask for a guard to protect you, for you were afraid that some one should take your money from you.” Upon Clodius saying to Cicero that his evidence had no credit with the judices, Cicero replied, “However, five-and-twenty&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_224_224&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_224_224&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;224&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of the judices gave me credit, for so many of them voted against you; but thirty of them gave you no credit, for they did not vote for your acquittal till they had received their money.” Cæsar, however, when called, gave no evidence against Clodius, and he denied that he had convicted his wife of adultery, but that he had put her away, because Cæsar’s wife ought not only to be free from a shameful act, but even the report of it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_182&amp;quot;&amp;gt;182&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g30&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Clodius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_225_225&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_225_225&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;225&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; having escaped the danger, as soon as he was elected tribune commenced his attack on Cicero, drawing together and agitating against him every thing and all persons. For he gained the favour of the people by popular laws, and caused great provinces to be assigned to each of the consuls, Macedonia to Piso and Syria to Gabinius, and he contrived to associate many of the poor citizens in his designs and kept armed slaves about him. Of the three men who then had the chief power, Crassus was openly at enmity with Cicero, and Pompeius was playing an affected part towards both; and as Cæsar was about to march into Gaul&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_226_226&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_226_226&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;226&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with his army, Cicero paying court to him, though he was not his friend, but an object of suspicion owing to the affair of Catilina, asked to accompany him as a legatus. Cæsar accepted the proposal, but Clodius, seeing that Cicero was escaping from his tribunitian power, pretended to be disposed to come to terms with him, and by laying most blame on Terentia, and always speaking of Cicero in moderate terms and using words which imported a favourable disposition, as a man who had no hatred or ill feeling towards him, but had certain reasonable grounds of complaint to be urged in a friendly way, he completely stopped Cicero’s fears, so that he declined a legation under Cæsar and again applied himself to public affairs. At which Cæsar, being irritated, encouraged Clodius against Cicero, and completely alienated Pompeius from him, and he himself declared before the people that he did not consider it right or lawful for men to be put to death without trial, like Lentulus and Cethegus. For this was the charge, and to this Cicero was called to answer. Being therefore in danger and under prosecution he changed his dress and with his hair unshorn went about supplicating the people. But Clodius met him everywhere in the streets with violent&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_183&amp;quot;&amp;gt;183&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and audacious men about him, who, with many insolent jeers at Cicero’s reverse and attire, and after pelting him with mud and stones, hindered his suppliant applications.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g31&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; However at first nearly all the body of equites changed their dress when Cicero did, and not less than twenty thousand young men accompanied him with their hair uncut and joined in his suppliant entreaties. When the Senate had met in order to pass a vote that the people should change their dress as a public calamity,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_227_227&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_227_227&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;227&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and the consuls opposed it, and Clodius was in arms about the Senate-house, no small number of the senators ran out tearing their clothes and calling aloud. But as this sight neither procured respect nor pity, and Cicero must either go into exile or try force and the sword against Clodius, he entreated Pompeius to aid him, who had purposely gone out of the way and was staying on his estate at the Alban hills. And first he sent his son-in-law Piso&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_228_228&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_228_228&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;228&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to entreat for him, and then he went himself. Pompeius hearing of his coming did not wait to see him, for he had a strong feeling of shame towards a man who had made great efforts on his behalf, and had carried many public measures to please him, but as he was Cæsar’s son-in-law, he gave up old obligations at his request, and slipping out by a different door evaded meeting with Cicero. Cicero being thus betrayed by him and left deserted, fled for refuge to the consuls. Gabinius still maintained his hostility, but Piso spoke&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_229_229&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_229_229&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;229&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; more kindly, and advised him to go out of the way and to yield to the impetuosity of Clodius and to submit to the change in circumstances, and again to be the saviour of his country, which was involved in civil commotion and misfortune through Clodius. Having got&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_184&amp;quot;&amp;gt;184&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; this answer Cicero consulted with his friends, of whom Lucullus advised him to stay and said that he would gain the superiority; but others advised him to fly, inasmuch as the people would soon long for him when they were satiated with the madness and desperation of Clodius. This was Cicero’s own judgment; and he carried to the Capitol the statue of Athene,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_230_230&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_230_230&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;230&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which for a long time had stood in his house, and to which he paid especial honour, and dedicated it with the inscription, “To Athene the guardian of Rome;” and receiving from his friends persons to conduct him safely, he left the city about midnight and went by land through Lucania, designing to stay in Sicily.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g32&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When it was known that he had fled, Clodius put to the vote the question of his banishment, and issued an edict to exclude him from fire and water, and that no one should furnish him with a shelter within five hundred miles&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_231_231&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_231_231&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;231&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Italy. Now others paid not the slightest regard to the edict, for they respected Cicero, and showed him all manner of kindness and set him on his way: but in Hipponium, a city of Lucania, which the Romans call Vibo,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_232_232&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_232_232&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;232&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Vibius, a Sicilian, who had derived many advantages from Cicero’s friendship and had been præfect of the Fabri during his consulship, would not receive Cicero in his house, but sent him word that he would assign him a spot of ground; and Caius Vergilius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_233_233&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_233_233&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;233&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the prætor of Sicily, who had been most intimate with Cicero, wrote to tell&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_185&amp;quot;&amp;gt;185&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; him to keep away from Sicily. Whereat desponding he set out for Brundusium, and thence attempted to pass over to Dyrrachium&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_234_234&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_234_234&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;234&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with a fair wind; but as it began to blow against him when he was out at sea, he came back the day after, and again set sail. It is said that when he had reached Dyrrachium and was going to land, there was a shaking of the earth and a violent motion in the sea at the same time; from which the diviners prognosticated that his flight would not be lasting, for these were signs of change. And though many men visited him from good will and the Greek cities vied in sending deputations to him, yet he passed his time in despondency&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_235_235&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_235_235&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;235&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and exceeding grief, for the most part looking to Italy, like those who are desperately in love, and in his bearing became very mean and humbled by reason of his calamity, and so downcast as no one would have expected from a man who had spent his life in such philosophical pursuits. And yet he often asked his friends to call him not an orator, but a philosopher,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_236_236&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_236_236&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;236&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for he said that he had chosen philosophy as his occupation, but that he employed oratory as an instrument for his purposes in his public life. But opinion is powerful to wash out reason from the mind as if it were dye, and to imprint the affects of the many&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_237_237&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_237_237&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;237&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; by the force of&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_186&amp;quot;&amp;gt;186&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; intercourse and familiarity on those who engage in public life, unless a man be strictly on his guard and come in contact with things external in such wise as to have communion with the things themselves, not with the affects towards the things.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g33&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Clodius, after driving out Cicero, burnt his villas, and burnt his house, and built on the ground a temple to Liberty: the rest of Cicero’s property&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_238_238&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_238_238&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;238&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he offered for sale, and announced it daily, but nobody would buy. In consequence of these measures being formidable to the aristocratical party, and dragging along with him the people, who were let loose to great violence and daring, he made an attack on Pompeius, ripping up some of the things that were settled by him in his military command. By which Pompeius losing some of his reputation blamed himself for giving up Cicero; and changing again he used every effort in conjunction with Cicero’s friends to effect his return. As Clodius resisted this, the Senate resolved to ratify nothing in the mean time and to do no public business, unless Cicero was restored. When Lentulus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_239_239&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_239_239&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;239&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_187&amp;quot;&amp;gt;187&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;consul, and the disorder went on increasing so that tribunes were wounded in the Forum, and Quintus the brother of Cicero only escaped by lying among the bodies as if he were dead, the people began to undergo a change of opinion, and one of the tribunes, Annius Milo, was the first to venture to bring Clodius to trial for violence, and many sided with Pompeius both from among the people and the neighbouring cities. Coming forward with them and driving Clodius from the Forum, he called the citizens to the vote: and it is said that the people never confirmed any measure with so much unanimity. The Senate vying with the people passed a decree in honour of those cities which had served Cicero in his exile, and for the restoration&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_240_240&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_240_240&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;240&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at the public expense of his house and villas, which Clodius had destroyed. Cicero was restored in the sixteenth month&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_241_241&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_241_241&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;241&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; after his exile, and so great was the joy of the cities and the zeal of all men to meet him, that what was afterwards said by Cicero fell short of the truth: for he said that Italy bore him on her shoulders and carried him into Rome. On which occasion Crassus also, who was his enemy before his exile, readily met him, and was reconciled to him, to please his son Publius, as he said, who was an admirer of Cicero.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g34&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After the lapse of no long time, watching the opportunity when Clodius was away, Cicero went with a number of persons to the Capitol and pulled down and broke the tribunitian tablets&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_242_242&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_242_242&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;242&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which contained the records of the administration. When Clodius made this a charge against him, Cicero said that Clodius had illegally passed &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_188&amp;quot;&amp;gt;188&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;from the patrician body to the tribunate, and that none of his acts were valid, at which Cato took offence and spoke against him, not indeed in commendation of Clodius, but expressing his mortification at his measures; however he showed that it was an unusual and violent measure for the Senate to vote for the rescinding of so many decrees and acts, among which was his own administration at Cyprus and Byzantium. This led to a collision between him and Cicero, which did not proceed to anything open, but the consequence was that their friendly disposition to one another was weakened.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g35&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After this Clodius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_243_243&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_243_243&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;243&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was killed by Milo, who being prosecuted for murder got Cicero for his advocate. But the Senate, being afraid lest there should be some disturbance in the city on the trial of Milo, who was a man of high repute and bold spirit, intrusted to Pompeius the superintendence of this and other trials, and commissioned him to provide for the security of the city and of the courts of justice. Pompeius in the night surrounded the Forum with soldiers on the heights, and Milo, fearing that Cicero might be disturbed at the unusual sight and manage his case worse, persuaded him to be carried in a litter to the Forum and to rest there till the judices met and the court was formed. But Cicero, as it appears, was not only without courage in arms, but was timid even when he commenced speaking, and hardly ceased shaking and trembling in many trials till his eloquence had reached its height and attained steadiness. When he was the advocate of Murena, on his prosecution by Cato, he was ambitious to surpass Hortensius, who spoke with great applause, and he took no rest the night before, in consequence of which exceeding anxiety and wakefulness, his powers were impaired and he was considered to have fallen short of his fame. On this occasion when he came&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_189&amp;quot;&amp;gt;189&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;out of the litter to the trial of Milo and saw Pompeius seated on an elevated place as in a camp and arms flashing all around the Forum, he was confounded and scarcely commenced his speech for trembling and hesitation, though Milo himself bravely and courageously assisted at the trial and would not deign to let his hair grow or to change his dress for a dark one, which seems in no small degree to have contributed to his condemnation. But Cicero in all this was considered rather to have shown his attachment to his friend than any cowardice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g36&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero became also one of the priests, whom the Romans called Augurs,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_244_244&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_244_244&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;244&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in place of the younger Crassus after his death among the Parthians. The province of Cilicia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_245_245&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_245_245&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;245&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; being allotted to him and an army of twelve thousand legionary soldiers and two thousand six hundred horse, he set sail with instructions to keep Cappadocia friendly and obedient to Ariobarzanes.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_246_246&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_246_246&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;246&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He accomplished this, and arranged it without any blame and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_190&amp;quot;&amp;gt;190&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;without war; and as he observed that the Cilicians were inclined to a rising on occasion of the defeat of the Romans by the Parthians and the movements in Syria, he pacified them by a mild administration. Nor would he receive any presents when the kings offered them, and he relieved the provincials from giving entertainments: and he himself daily received those who were agreeable to him at banquets, not in a costly way, but liberally. And there was no doorkeeper to his house, nor was he ever seen by any one lying down, but in the morning he would be standing or walking about in front of his chamber, where he received those who paid their respects&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_247_247&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_247_247&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;247&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to him. It is said that he neither punished any one with rods nor allowed any man’s garment to be rent, nor vented abuse in passion, nor inflicted any penalty accompanied with contumelious treatment. By discovering that much of the public property was embezzled he enriched the cities, and he maintained in their civil rights those who made restoration, without letting them suffer anything further. He engaged also in a war in which he defeated the robbers of Mount Amanus, for which he was saluted by his soldiers with the title of Imperator.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_248_248&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_248_248&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;248&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When Cæcilius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_249_249&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_249_249&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;249&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the orator requested Cicero to send him panthers from Cilicia to Rome for a certain spectacle, Cicero, who was proud of his exploits, wrote in reply that there were no panthers in Cilicia, for they had fled into Caria, indignant &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_191&amp;quot;&amp;gt;191&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;that they were the only things warred upon, while all others were enjoying peace. On his voyage back from his province he first put in at Rhodes, and next tarried at Athens with gladness out of the pleasant recollection of his former residence. After associating with men the first for wisdom, and visiting his old friends and intimates and receiving due honours from Greece, he returned to Rome at a time when affairs, as if from violent inflammation, were bursting out into the Civil War.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g37&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In the Senate, when they were proposing to vote him a triumph, he said that he would more gladly follow Cæsar in his triumph, if a settlement could be effected; and he privately gave much advice by writing to Cæsar, and much by entreating Pompeius, and attempting to mollify and pacify both of them. But when things were past remedy, and Cæsar was advancing, and Pompeius did not stay, but quitted the city with many men of character, Cicero did not join in this flight, and it was supposed that he was attaching himself to Cæsar. And it is plain that in his resolves he was much perplexed both ways and suffered much; for he says in his letters&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_250_250&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_250_250&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;250&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that he did not know which way to turn himself, and that Pompeius had an honourable and good cause to fight for, but that Cæsar managed things better and was better able to save himself and the citizens, so that he knew whom to fly from, but not whom to fly to. Trebatius, one of Cæsar’s friends, wrote to the purport, that Cæsar thought that before all things Cicero ought to put himself on Cæsar’s &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_192&amp;quot;&amp;gt;192&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;side and to share his hopes, but if he declined by reason of his age, he advised him to go to Greece and there to seat himself quietly out of the way of both; but Cicero, being surprised that Cæsar himself did not write, replied in passion that he would do nothing unworthy of his political life. What appears in his letters is to this effect.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g38&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When Cæsar had set out to Iberia, Cicero immediately sailed to Pompeius. The rest were well pleased that he was come, but Cato on seeing him rated him in private greatly for joining Pompeius: he said it was not seemly in himself to desert that line of policy which he had chosen from the first; but that Cicero, though he could do more good to his country and his friends if he remained at Rome an indifferent spectator and shaped his conduct by the result, without any reason or necessity had become an enemy of Cæsar and had come there to share in great danger. These words disturbed the resolve of Cicero, and also that Pompeius did not employ him in anything of weight. But he was the cause of this himself, inasmuch as he made no secret of repenting of what he had done, and depreciated the resources of Pompeius, and privately showed his dissatisfaction at his plans, and abstained not from scoffing and saying any sharp thing of the allies, though he himself always went about in the camp without a smile and with sorrowful countenance; but he gave cause of laughter to others who had no occasion for it. It is better to mention a few of these things. Domitius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_251_251&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_251_251&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;251&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was placing in a post of command a man of no warlike turn, and said, How modest he is in his manner and how prudent; “Why then,” said Cicero, “do you not keep him to take care of your children?” When some were commending Theophanes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_252_252&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_252_252&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;252&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the Lesbian, who was a Præfectus of Fabri in the camp, for his excellent consolation of the Rhodians on the loss of their fleet, “What a huge blessing it is,” he said, “to have a Greek Præfect!” When Cæsar was successful in most things and in a manner was blockading them, he replied to the remark of Lentulus that he heard that Cæsar’s friends were dispirited, “You mean to say that they are ill-&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_193&amp;quot;&amp;gt;193&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;disposed&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_253_253&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_253_253&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;253&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to Cæsar?” One Marcius, who had just arrived from Rome, said that a report prevailed in Rome that Pompeius was blockaded. “I suppose you sailed hither then,” said Cicero, “that you might see it with your own eyes and believe.” After the defeat Nonnius observed that they ought to have good hopes, for that seven eagles were left in the camp of Pompeius, “Your advice would be good,” said Cicero, “if we were fighting with jack-daws.” When Labienus was relying on certain oracular answers, and saying that Pompeius must get the victory, “Yes,” said Cicero, “it is by availing ourselves of such generalship as this that we have lost the camp.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g39&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After the battle at Pharsalus, in which he was not present by reason of illness, and when Pompeius had fled, Cato, who had a large army at Dyrrachium and a great fleet, asked Cicero to take the command according to custom, and as he had the superior dignity of the consulship. But as Cicero rejected the command and altogether was averse to joining the armament, he narrowly escaped being killed, for the young Pompeius and his friends called him a traitor and drew their swords, but Cato stood in the gap and with difficulty rescued Cicero and let him go from the army. Having put in at Brundusium he stayed there waiting for Cæsar, who was delayed by affairs in Asia and in Egypt. But when news came that Cæsar was landed at Tarentum&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_254_254&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_254_254&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;254&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; and was coming round by land to Brundusium, Cicero went to him, not being altogether without hope, but feeling shame in the presence of many persons to make trial of a man who was his enemy and victorious. However there was no need for him to do or say anything unworthy of himself; for when Cæsar saw Cicero coming to meet him at &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_194&amp;quot;&amp;gt;194&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;a great distance before all the rest, he got down, and embraced him and talking with him alone walked several stadia. From this time he continued to show respect to Cicero and friendly behaviour, so that even in his reply to Cicero, who had written a panegyric on Cato, he commended his eloquence and his life, as most resembling those of Perikles and Theramenes.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_255_255&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_255_255&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;255&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero’s discourse was called Cato, and Cæsar’s was entitled Anticato. It is said also that when Quintus Ligarius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_256_256&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_256_256&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;256&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was under prosecution, because he had been one of Cæsar’s enemies and Cicero was his advocate, Cæsar said to his friends, “What hinders us listening after so long an interval to Cicero’s speech, since the man has long been adjudged a villain and an enemy?” But when Cicero had begun to speak and was making a wonderful sensation, and his speech as he proceeded was in feeling varied and in grace admirable, the colour often changed in Cæsar’s face, and it was manifest that he was undergoing divers emotions in his mind; but at last when the orator touched upon the battle at Pharsalus, he was so affected that his body shook and he dropped some of the writings from his hands. Accordingly he acquitted the man of the charge perforce.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XL.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g40&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After this, as the constitution was changed to a monarchy, Cicero&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_257_257&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_257_257&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;257&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; detaching himself from public affairs applied himself to philosophy with such young men as were disposed; and mainly from his intimacy with the noblest born and the first in rank, he again got very great power in the state. His occupation was to compose philosophical dialogues and to translate and to transfer into the Roman language every dialectical or physical &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_195&amp;quot;&amp;gt;195&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;term; for it is he, as they say, who first or mainly formed for the Romans the terms Phantasia, Syncatathesis, Epoche, and Catalepsis, and also Atom, and Indivisible, and Vacuum, and many other like terms, some of which by metaphor, and others by other modes of assimilation he contrived to make intelligible and to bring into common use: and he employed his ready turn for poetry to amuse himself. For it is said that when he was disposed that way, he would make five hundred verses in a night. The greatest part of his time he now spent in his lands at Tusculum, and he used to write to his friends that he was living the life of Laertes,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_258_258&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_258_258&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;258&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; whether it was that he said this in jest, as his manner was, or whether from ambition he was bursting with desire to participate in public affairs and was dissatisfied with matters as they were. He seldom went down to the city, and when he did, it was to pay court to Cæsar, and he was foremost among those who spoke in favour of the honours given to him and were eager always to be saying something new about the man and his acts. Of this kind is what he said about the statues of Pompeius, which Cæsar ordered to be set up after they had been taken away and thrown down, and they were set up again. For Cicero said that by this mild behaviour Cæsar placed the statues of Pompeius, but firmly fixed his own.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g41&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; His intention being, as it is said, to comprehend in one work the history of his country and to combine with it much of Greek affairs and in fine to place there the stories and myths which he had collected, he was prevented by public and many private affairs contrary to his wish, and by troubles, most of which seem to have been of his own causing. For first of all, he divorced his wife Terentia,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_259_259&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_259_259&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;259&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; because he had been neglected by her &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_196&amp;quot;&amp;gt;196&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;during the war, so that he set out in want even of necessaries for his journey, and did not even on his return to Italy find her well-disposed to him. For she did not go to him, though he was staying some time in Brundusium, and when her daughter, who was a young woman, was going so long a journey, she did not supply her with suitable attendance, nor any means, but she even made Cicero’s house void of everything and empty, besides incurring many great debts. These are the most decent reasons for the separation which are mentioned. But Terentia denied that these were the reasons, and Cicero made her defence a complete one by marrying no long time after a maid;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_260_260&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_260_260&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;260&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_197&amp;quot;&amp;gt;197&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; as Terentia charged it, through passion for her beauty, but as Tiro&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_261_261&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_261_261&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;261&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the freedman of Cicero has recorded it, to get means for paying his debts. For the young woman was very rich and Cicero had the care of her property, being left fiduciary heir. Being in debt to the amount of many ten thousands he was persuaded by his friends and relatives to marry the girl, notwithstanding the disparity of age, and to get rid of his creditors by making use of her property. But Antonius, who made mention of the marriage in reply to the Philippics, says that he put out of doors his wife with whom he had grown old, and at the same time he made some cutting jibes on the housekeeping habits of Cicero as a man unfit for action and for arms. No long time after his marriage Cicero’s daughter died in child-birth, for she had married Lentulus after the death of her former husband Piso. The philosophers from all quarters came together to console Cicero, but he bore his misfortune very ill, and even divorced his wife because he thought that she was pleased at the death of Tullia.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_262_262&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_262_262&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;262&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_198&amp;quot;&amp;gt;198&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g42&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_263_263&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_263_263&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;263&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Such were Cicero’s domestic affairs. He had no share in the design that was forming against Cæsar, though he was one of the most intimate friends of Brutus and was supposed to be annoyed at the present state of affairs and so long for the old state more than anybody else. But the men feared his temper as being deficient in daring, and the occasion was one in which courage fails even the strongest natures. When the deed was accomplished by the partisans of Brutus and Cassius, and Cæsar’s friends were combining against the conspirators, and there was fear of the city again being involved in civil wars, Antonius, who was consul, brought the Senate together and said a few words about concord; and Cicero, after speaking at length and suitably to the occasion, persuaded the Senate to imitate the Athenians and decree an amnesty&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_264_264&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_264_264&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;264&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for what had been done to Cæsar, and to give provinces to Brutus and Cassius. But none of these things came to a conclusion. For the people of themselves being transported to pity, when they saw the corpse carried through the Forum, and Antonius showed them the garments filled with blood and slashed in every part by the swords, maddened by passion sought for the men in the Forum and ran with fire in their hands to their houses to burn them. The conspirators escaped the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_199&amp;quot;&amp;gt;199&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;danger by being prepared for it, but as they expected other great dangers, they quitted the city.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g43&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Antonius was forthwith elated, and was formidable to all, as about to become sole ruler; but to Cicero most formidable. For Antonius seeing that Cicero’s power was recovering strength in the State, and knowing that he was closely allied with Brutus, was annoyed at his presence. And there existed even before this some ill-will between them on account of the unlikeness and difference in their lives. Cicero fearing these things, first made an attempt to go with Dolabella&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_265_265&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_265_265&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;265&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to Syria as legatus: but the consuls for the next year, Irtius and Pansa,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_266_266&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_266_266&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;266&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who were good men and admirers of Cicero, prayed him not to desert them, and they undertook if he were present to put down Antonius. Cicero, neither distrusting altogether nor trusting gave up his design as to Dolabella, and agreed with Irtius to spend the summer in Athens, and when they had entered on their office, to come back, and he sailed off by himself. But as there was some delay about the voyage, and new reports, as the wont is, reached him from Rome that Antonius had undergone a wonderful change, and was doing and administering everything conformably to the pleasure of the Senate, and that matters only required his presence to be brought to the best arrangement, himself blaming his excessive &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_200&amp;quot;&amp;gt;200&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;caution turned back to Rome. And he was not deceived in his first expectations, so great a crowd of people through joy and longing for him poured forth to meet him, and near a whole day was taken up at the gates and upon his entrance with greetings and friendly reception. On the following day Antonius summoned a Senate and invited Cicero, who did not come, but was lying down pretending to be indisposed from fatigue. But the truth appeared to be that he was afraid of some design against him, in consequence of certain suspicions and of information which reached him on the road. Antonius was irritated at the calumny and sent soldiers with orders to bring Cicero or burn his house, but as many persons opposed Antonius and urged him by entreaties he took securities only and desisted. And henceforward they continued to pass by without noticing one another and to be mutually on their guard, till the young Cæsar&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_267_267&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_267_267&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;267&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; having arrived from Apollonia took possession of the inheritance of the elder Cæsar, and came to a quarrel with Antonius about the two thousand five hundred ten thousands&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_268_268&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_268_268&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;268&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which Antonius detained of his substance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g44&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Upon this, Philippus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_269_269&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_269_269&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;269&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was married to young &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_201&amp;quot;&amp;gt;201&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Cæsar’s mother, and Marcellus, who was married to his sister, came with the young man to Cicero, and made a compact that Cicero should lend to Cæsar both in the Senate and before the people the power that he derived from his eloquence and his political position, and that Cæsar should give to Cicero the security that could be derived from money and from arms. For the young man had about him many of those who had served under Cæsar.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_270_270&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_270_270&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;270&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; There appeared also to have been some stronger reason for Cicero readily accepting the friendship of Cæsar. For, as the story goes, while Pompeius and Cæsar were living, Cicero dreamed&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_271_271&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_271_271&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;271&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that some one summoned the sons of the senators to the Capitol, as Jupiter was going to appoint one of them chief of Rome, and that the citizens ran eagerly and placed themselves around the temple and the youths seated themselves in their prætextæ in silence. The doors opened suddenly and one by one the youths rising walked round before the god, who looked at them all and dismissed them sorrowing. But when young Cæsar was advancing towards him, the god stretched out his hand and said, “Romans, there is an end&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_202&amp;quot;&amp;gt;202&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; to civil wars when this youth becomes your leader.” They say that Cicero having had such a dream as this had imprinted on his memory the appearance of the youth and retained it distinctly, but he did not know him. The following day as he was going down to the Campus Martius, the boys who had taken their exercise were returning, and the youth was then seen by Cicero for the first time just as he appeared to him in his dream, and being struck with surprise Cicero asked who were his parents. Now his father was Octavius, not a man of very illustrious station, but his mother was Attia, a niece of Cæsar. Accordingly Cæsar, who had no children of his own, gave the youth his property and family name by his will. After this they say that Cicero took pains to notice the youth when he met him, and the youth received well his friendly attentions; for it had also happened that he was born in Cicero’s consulship.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g45&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; These were the reasons which were mentioned; but his hatred of Antonius in the chief place, and then his disposition, which was governed by ambition, attached him to Cæsar in the expectation of adding to his own political influence Cæsar’s power. For the young man went so far in paying his court to Cicero as to call him father.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_272_272&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_272_272&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;272&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; At which Brutus being much annoyed blamed Cicero in his letters to Atticus, that through fear of Antonius he was courting Cæsar and was thus manifestly not procuring liberty for his country, but wooing for himself a kind master. However Cicero’s son,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_273_273&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_273_273&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;273&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was studying philosophy at Athens, was engaged by Brutus and employed in command in many things which he did successfully. Cicero’s power in the city was then at its &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_203&amp;quot;&amp;gt;203&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;height, and as he could do what he liked, he drove Antonius out and raised a faction against him and sent out the two consuls Irtius and Pansa&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_274_274&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_274_274&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;274&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to fight against him, and he persuaded the Senate by a vote to give Cæsar lictors and the insignia of a prætor, as if he were fighting in defence of their country. But when Antonius had been defeated and on the death of the two consuls after the battle the forces joined Cæsar, and the Senate through fear of a youth who had enjoyed splendid success was attempting by honours and gifts to call away from him the armies, and to divide his power, on the ground that there was no need of troops to defend the state now that Antonius was fled, under these circumstances Cæsar being alarmed secretly sent messengers to Cicero, to entreat and urge Cicero to get the consulship for the two, but to manage matters as he thought best, and to have the power, and to direct the young man who was only desirous of a name and reputation. And Cæsar himself admitted that it was through fear of his troops being disbanded and the danger of being left alone, that he had availed himself in a time of need of Cicero’s love of power by urging him to take the consulship, and promising that he would act with him and assist in the canvass at the same time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g46&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In this way indeed Cicero being very greatly pushed on, he an old man by a young one, and cajoled, assisted at the canvass of Cæsar&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_275_275&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_275_275&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;275&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and got the Senate in his favour, for which he was blamed by his friends at the time, and he shortly after saw that he had ruined himself and betrayed the liberty of the people. For when the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_204&amp;quot;&amp;gt;204&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;youth was strengthened and had got the consulship, he gave himself no concern about Cicero, but making friends with Antonius and Lepidus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_276_276&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_276_276&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;276&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and uniting his forces with theirs, he divided the chief power with them, just as if it were a piece of property. And a list of above two hundred men was made out, who were doomed to die. The proscription of Cicero caused most dispute among them in their discussions, for Antonius was not inclined to come to any terms unless Cicero was the first to be doomed to death, and Lepidus sided with Antonius, but Cæsar held out against both. They held their meeting by themselves in secret near the city Bononia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_277_277&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_277_277&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;277&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for three days, and they met in a place at some distance from the camps which was surrounded by a river. It is said that during the first two days Cæsar struggled in behalf of Cicero, but that he yielded on the third and gave up the man. And the matter of their mutual surrender was thus. Cæsar was to give up Cicero, and Lepidus his brother Paulus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_278_278&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_278_278&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;278&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Antonius was to give up Lucius Cæsar, who was his &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_205&amp;quot;&amp;gt;205&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;uncle on the mother’s side. So far did they through resentment and rage throw away all human feeling, or rather they showed that no animal is more savage than man when he has gotten power added to passion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g47&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_279_279&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_279_279&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;279&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; While this was going on, Cicero was on his lands at Tusculum, and his brother with him; and on hearing of the proscriptions they determined to remove to Astura,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_280_280&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_280_280&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;280&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a place belonging to Cicero on the sea-coast, and thence to sail to Macedonia to Brutus, for there was already a rumour about him that he had a force. They were conveyed in litters, being worn out by grief; and halting by the way and placing their litters side by side they lamented to one another. Quintus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_281_281&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_281_281&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;281&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was the more desponding, and he began to reflect on his needy condition, for he said that he had brought nothing from home; and indeed Cicero was but scantily provided for his journey; it was better then, he said, for Cicero to hurry on in his flight, and for him to hasten back and to provide himself from home with what he wanted. This was agreed, and embracing one another with tears they separated. Now Quintus, not many days after, was betrayed by his slaves to those who were in search of him and put to death with his son. Cicero arrived at Astura, and finding a vessel he immediately embarked, and sailed along the coast to Circæum,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_282_282&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_282_282&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;282&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the wind in his favour.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_206&amp;quot;&amp;gt;206&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When the sailors were wishing to set sail immediately from thence, whether it was that he feared the sea, or had not quite despaired of all trust in Cæsar, he landed, and went on foot about a hundred stadia on the road to Rome. But again perplexed and changing his mind he went down to the sea of Astura; and there he spent the night in dreadful and desperate reflections, so that he even formed a design to get secretly into Cæsar’s house, and by killing himself on the hearth to fasten on him an avenging dæmon. But the fear of tortures drove him from this measure also; and after perplexing himself with other schemes and shifting from one to another, he put himself in the hands of his slaves to convey him by sea to Capitæ,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_283_283&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_283_283&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;283&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for he had lands there and a place of retreat which was very agreeable in summer, when the Etesian winds blow most softly. The place has also a temple of Apollo, a little above the sea. A flock of crows winging their flight from thence with loud cawing approached the vessel of Cicero as it was rowing to land, and settling at each end of the sail-yard some made a noise, and others gnawed the end of the ropes, and all were of opinion that the omen was bad. Cicero landed, and going to the villa he lay down to rest. But most of the crows perched themselves on different parts of the window, cawing clamorously; and one of them, going down to the couch where Cicero lay wrapped up, by degrees removed with its beak the covering from his face. The slaves seeing this, and considering it a reproach to them if they should wait to be spectators of their master’s murder, while even brute beasts came to his aid and&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_207&amp;quot;&amp;gt;207&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; cared for him in his unmerited misfortune, but they themselves were giving no help, partly by entreaty, partly using force, took him up and carried him in a litter towards the sea.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g48&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In the meantime the murderers with their helpers came on, Herennius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_284_284&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_284_284&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;284&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a centurion, and Popilius a tribune, who had once been prosecuted for parricide and Cicero was his advocate. Finding the doors closed they broke them open, and as Cicero was not seen and those who were within denied that they knew where he was, it is said that a youth who had been brought up by Cicero in liberal studies and learning, and was a freedman of Cicero’s brother Quintus, Philologus by name, told the tribune that the litter was being conveyed through the wooded and shady paths to the sea. Accordingly the tribune, taking a few men with him, ran round to the outlet. And as Herennius was running along the paths, Cicero saw him and bade the slaves place down the litter there; and, as his wont was, holding his chin with his left hand he looked steadily on the murderers, being all squalid and unshorn, and his countenance wasted by care, so that most of them covered their faces while Herennius was killing him. He stretched his neck&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_285_285&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_285_285&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;285&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; out of the litter and was killed, being then in his sixty-fourth year. Herennius cut off his head and the hands, pursuant to the command of Antonius, with which he wrote the Philippics. For Cicero himself entitled Philippics the speeches which he wrote against Antonius, and to the present day they are called Philippics.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;g49&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When the head and hands&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_286_286&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_286_286&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;286&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; were brought to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_208&amp;quot;&amp;gt;208&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Rome, Antonius happened to be holding an election of magistrates, and when he heard the news and saw what had been done, he called out that the proscriptions were now at an end. He ordered the head and hands to be placed above the Rostra on the place whence the orators spoke, a sight that made the Romans shudder, who thought that they saw, not the face of Cicero, but an image of the soul of Antonius. Still he showed herein one sentiment of just dealing, for he delivered up Philologus to Pomponia the wife of Quintus, who having got him into her power, inflicted terrible vengeance upon him, and among other things compelled him to cut off his flesh bit by bit, and to roast and eat it. Thus some of the historians have told the story, but Tiro, who was Cicero’s freedman, makes no mention at all of the treachery of Philologus.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_287_287&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_287_287&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;287&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I have heard that Cæsar a long time after once went to see one of his daughter’s sons,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_288_288&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_288_288&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;288&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and as the youth had in his hands one of Cicero’s writings, he was afraid and hid it in his vest; the which Cæsar observing took the book and read a good part of it while he was standing, and then returning the book to the boy said, “A wise man, my boy, a wise man and a lover of his country.” As soon as Cæsar had finally defeated Antonius, he took Cicero’s son&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_289_289&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_289_289&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;289&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to be his colleague &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_209&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 209]&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
[Pg 210]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; in the consulship, in whose magistracy the Senate threw down the statues of Antonius and destroyed all other testimonials in honour of him, and further decreed that no Antonius should bear the name of Marcus. That the dæmon reserved for the family of Cicero the final vengeance on Antonius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_211&amp;quot;&amp;gt;211&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;COMPARISON OF DEMOSTHENES AND CICERO.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;h1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The above is all I have been able to find out that is worth being recorded about Demosthenes and Cicero. Without attempting to compare their different styles of oratory, I think it necessary to remark that Demosthenes devoted all his powers, natural and acquired, to the study of eloquence alone, so that he surpassed all his rivals in the law courts and public assembly in perspicuity and ability, all the writers of declamations in splendour and pomp of diction, and all the professional sophists in accuracy and scientific method. Cicero, on the other hand, was a man of great learning and various literary accomplishments. He wrote a considerable number of philosophic treatises modelled on the works of the Academic school, and in all his forensic and political speeches we can detect a desire to let his audience know that he was a man of letters. In their speeches, too, we can discern the impress of their respective characters. The eloquence of Demosthenes never stoops to jest, and is utterly without ornament, but has a terrible concentrated earnestness, which does not smell of the lamp, as Pytheas sneeringly said, but which reminds us of the ungenial, painstaking, acrimonious nature of the man: while Cicero often is carried by his love of jesting to the verge of buffoonery, and in his pleadings treats serious matters in a tone of most unbecoming levity and flippancy, as in the oration for Cæcilius he argues that in an age of such luxury and extravagance there can be nothing to wonder at if a man takes his pleasure; for not to help oneself to the pleasures which are within one’s reach is the part of a madman, seeing that the most eminent philosophers have declared the chief felicity of man to consist &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_212&amp;quot;&amp;gt;212&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;in pleasure. It is related that when Cato prosecuted Murena, Cicero, who was consul at the time, defended him, and cracked many jokes on Cato as an adherent of the Stoic philosophy, and on the absurdity of the paradoxes which it maintains. The audience, and even the judges, laughed heartily; but Cato merely remarked to those near him, with a quiet smile, “Gentlemen, what a witty consul we have.” Cicero, indeed, seems to have been fond of laughter and mirth, and his countenance was calm and smiling; while that of Demosthenes always bore the marks of gloomy, anxious thought, which caused his enemies, as he himself tells us, to call him disagreeable and ill-natured.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;h2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In their speeches we may observe that Demosthenes praises himself with great moderation, in a manner which can offend no one, and only when he has some more important object in view, while he is usually modest and cautious in his language; whereas Cicero’s show a ridiculous amount of egotism and craving for applause, when, he demands that “arms shall yield to the toga, and the triumphal laurel&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_290_290&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_290_290&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;290&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; give place to his tongue.” At last he took to praising not only his own deeds, but even his spoken and written&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_291_291&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_291_291&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;291&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; orations, as though he were engaged in some contest with professional rhetoricians like Isokrates or Anaximenes, rather than endeavouring to lead and reform the Roman people—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line i04&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“Savage and rude, whose sole delight&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Was with their foes to strive in fight.”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A politician must of necessity be a powerful speaker, but it is a contemptible thing for him to be too greedy and covetous of applause for his fine speeches. Wherefore, in this respect Demosthenes appears far graver, and of a nobler nature; for he himself declared that his eloquence came only by practice, and depended on the favour of his audience, and that he regarded those who boasted of their oratorical powers as vulgar and despicable characters.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;h3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; They were both alike in their power and influence &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_213&amp;quot;&amp;gt;213&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;with the people, which caused even the commanders of armies in the field to look to them for support; for Demosthenes was courted by Chares, Diopeithes, and Leosthenes, as was Cicero by Pompeius and the younger Cæsar,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_292_292&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_292_292&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;292&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; as Cæsar himself admits in his memoirs addressed to Mæcenas and Agrippa. We cannot judge of Demosthenes by that which is said to afford the most certain test of a man’s true character—his conduct when in power—for he has not afforded us any opportunity of doing so, as he would not even take the command of the confederacy which he himself organised to oppose Philip. Now Cicero was sent to Sicily as quæstor, and to Cilicia and Cappadocia as proconsul, at a period when the love of wealth was at its height, and when the Roman generals and governors, thinking it beneath them to steal money, used to resort to open robbery. It was not thought discreditable to plunder a province, but he who did so with moderation was esteemed as an excellent governor. Cicero on these occasions gained great credit by the many proofs which he gave of indifference to money, and of goodness and kindness of heart. At Rome itself also, he was elected nominally consul, but really dictator with unlimited powers to deal with Catilina’s conspiracy, and he then proved the truth of Plato’s aphorism, that a state finds rest from its misfortunes when by good luck a powerful and able man is found to rule it with justice. Demosthenes again is said to have made money dishonourably by writing speeches for other men, as in the case of the speeches with which he secretly furnished Phormio and Apollodorus, when they were opposed to one another. He also was suspected of receiving bribes from the King of Persia, and was caught in the act of taking a bribe from Harpalus. Even if we suppose these charges, supported as they are by the testimony of so many writers, to be false, yet it is impossible to deny that Demosthenes, who trafficked in that peculiarly discreditable form of usury, marine insurances,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_293_293&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_293_293&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;293&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; would not have been able to refuse a present offered in all honour by a king, while we have already related how Cicero refused to take money &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_214&amp;quot;&amp;gt;214&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;from the Sicilians when he was quæstor,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_294_294&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_294_294&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;294&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and from the Cappadocians when he was proconsul, and even from his friends, who pressed him to accept large sums when he was exiled from Rome.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;h4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Moreover, Demosthenes was exiled in great disgrace, after he had been convicted of having received a bribe, while Cicero’s banishment was the consequence of the noblest action of his life, the ridding his country of wicked men. Wherefore, no one could plead for Demosthenes when he left the country, but the Senate publicly put on mourning for Cicero, grieved for his absence, and refused to transact any business before voting that he should be restored to Rome. Yet Cicero spent his exile idly in Macedonia, while Demosthenes carried out an important part of his policy while in exile; for, as has been related, he accompanied the Athenian embassy to the various states of Greece, discomfited the Macedonian ambassadors, and proved himself a far better citizen than Themistokles or Alkibiades under similar circumstances: moreover, after his restoration to Athens, he continued to pursue the same policy of unceasing opposition to Antipater and the Macedonians, while Lælius reproached Cicero for sitting silent in the senate-house when young Octavius Cæsar, before his beard was grown, petitioned to be allowed to sue for the consulship in spite of the law. Brutus also blamed him for having fostered a greater and harsher tyranny than that which he put down.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;h5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In conclusion, we must regard the death of Cicero as most pitiable, that an old man, through cowardice, should be carried hither and thither by his slaves, seeking to escape death, and hiding himself from his foes, although he could in any case have but a short time to live, and then be murdered after all; while Demosthenes, though he did beg somewhat for his life, must be admired for his forethought in providing himself with the poison, and also for the use which he made of it, to escape from the cruelty of Antipater even when surrounded by his soldiers, and to betake himself to a greater sanctuary, as that of the god was unable to protect him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_215&amp;quot;&amp;gt;215&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;LIFE OF DEMETRIUS.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He who first compared the arts to our senses seems to me to have especially alluded to the power which they both exhibit of dealing with objects of completely contrary qualities. In this respect they coincide; but they differ in respect of the use and purpose of the object of which they take cognisance. Our senses are influenced indifferently by things white or black, sweet or bitter, soft or hard, for the proper function of each sense is merely to receive all these impressions and to convey them to the mind. But the arts, which have been invented in order to cultivate the qualities proper to their own nature and to eschew those which are foreign to it, view some with especial favour, as partaking of their own essence, and avoid others as mere untoward accidents. Thus the art of medicine deals with diseases and the art of music deals with discord merely with a view to produce their respective opposites; while self-control, justice and wisdom, which are the most perfect of all arts, because they decide not only what is honourable, righteous and useful but likewise what is hurtful, shameful, and unjust, do not praise innocency which prides itself upon inexperience of evil, but think it to be folly and ignorance of what all who intend to live as becomes them ought to know. The ancient Spartans at their feasts used to compel their helots to drink a large quantity of wine, and then brought them into the banqueting-hall, in order to show the young Spartans what drunkenness was like. I think that to instruct one class of men by the ruin of another is neither humane nor politic, yet I conceive that it may be useful to insert among my Parallel Lives some examples of men who have been careless of their &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_216&amp;quot;&amp;gt;216&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;own reputation, and who have used their great place and power only to make themselves notorious for evil. The description of such men’s lives is not indeed an agreeable task, or a pleasant mode of employing my leisure, still, as Ismenias the Theban, when instructing his scholars how to play the flute, used to say, “Thus you should play;” and again, “Thus you should not play,” while Antigenides even thought that the young would take more pleasure in listening to good flute-players, if they had first heard bad ones, so I think that we shall be more inclined both to admire and to imitate the lives of good men, if we are well acquainted with those of bad ones. This book, then, will contain the lives of Demetrius, surnamed the City-taker, and of Antonius the Triumvir, men who bear signal witness to the truth of Plato’s remark, that great men have great vices as well as great virtues. Both alike loved passionately, drank deep, and fought bravely; both were freehanded, extravagant and arrogant. Fortune served them both alike, not only in their lives, for each of them had great successes and great disasters, each won great empire and lost it again, each unexpectedly fell and rose again; but also in their deaths, as the one was captured by his enemies, and the same fate all but befell the other.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Antigonus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_295_295&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_295_295&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;295&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; had two sons by Stratonike the daughter of Korragus, one of whom he named Demetrius after his brother, and the other Philip after his father. This is the account given by most historians, though some say that Demetrius was not the son, but the nephew, of Antigonus; but that, as his father died while he was still an infant and his mother at once married Antigonus, he was commonly regarded as his son. His brother Philip, who was a few years younger than himself, died soon, but Demetrius grew up to be a tall man, though not so tall as his father. His face and figure were of extraordinary beauty, which baffled all the attempts of painters and sculptors to do it justice. His expression was at once sweet, commanding and terrible; and his countenance &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_217&amp;quot;&amp;gt;217&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;showed all the eagerness and fire of youth combined with the calm dignity of a hero and a king. In like manner his disposition was one which was equally capable of inspiring terror or love. He was the pleasantest of companions, more given to wine-drinking and the enjoyment of luxurious idleness than any other king of his age, and yet he displayed remarkable energy and persistence in action; so that he emulated the fame of the god Dionysus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_296_296&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_296_296&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;296&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; being like him a famous warrior, and when the war was over most capable of thoroughly enjoying the arts of peace.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was remarkably fond of his father; and the love and respect which he paid to his father and mother seem to have been prompted by true affection, not by a wish to stand well with those in power. Once when Antigonus was receiving an embassy from some foreign state, Demetrius, who had been out hunting, came up to his father, kissed him, and sat down beside him just as he was, with his javelins still in his hand. When the ambassadors had transacted their business and were about to leave his presence, Antigonus said to them in a loud voice, “And, gentlemen, you may carry home this news about me and my son, that these are the terms on which we live,” thinking that so great a proof of his trust in his son’s loyalty would add considerable strength to his throne. So much mistrust and suspicion is bred by absolute power, and so hard a thing is it for a king to have a companion, that the eldest and greatest of the successors of Alexander publicly boasted that he was not afraid to have his own son sitting by his side with a spear in his hand. Indeed, this was the only royal family which through many generations remained unpolluted by this species of crime, for of all the successors of Antigonus only one, Philip, assassinated his son. All the records of other dynasties are full of murders of sons, mothers and wives; for the murder of brothers had grown to be considered, like an axiom in mathematics, as a necessary precaution to be taken by all kings on ascending to the throne.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The following anecdote seems to prove that Demetrius when young was of a kind and loving nature. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_218&amp;quot;&amp;gt;218&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Mithridates, the son of Ariobarzanes, was his friend and companion, and was a good subject of Antigonus, of thorough and unsuspected loyalty, but at length incurred the suspicion of Antigonus in consequence of a dream. Antigonus dreamed that he walked over a large and fair plain, sowing it with gold dust; and that shortly afterwards, returning that way again, he found nothing but stubble left. While grieving over this he heard some men say that Mithridates had gone away to Pontus on the Euxine, after having gathered the golden harvest. Antigonus was much disturbed at this vision, and after having compelled his son to swear that he would keep silence about it, told him of the vision, and added that he had made up his mind to make away with the man. Demetrius was greatly grieved at hearing this, and when the young man, as he was wont to do, again joined him, and spent the day with him, Demetrius dared not tell him by word of mouth what danger he was in, because of the oath; but he drew him aside into a quiet place, and there, as soon as they were alone together, he wrote on the ground with the but-end of his spear, in sight of the other, the words “Fly, Mithridates!” Mithridates understood his meaning, and ran away that very night to Cappadocia. Not long afterwards, he showed Antigonus what was the real meaning of his dream; for he made himself master of an extensive territory, and became the founder of the dynasty of the kings of Pontus, which was overthrown by the Romans in about the eighth generation after him. By this example we may perceive the noble and loyal nature of Demetrius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As the elements, because of their mutual attraction and repulsion, are, according to Empedokles, always at variance with one another, and especially with those with which they happen to be in contact, so, while all the successors of Alexander were always at war, circumstances from time to time caused hostilities between two or more of them to take an especially active form. At this time Antigonus was at war with Ptolemy, and, hearing that Ptolemy had left the island of Cyprus, had landed in Syria and was ravaging that country, he himself remained in Phrygia, but sent his son Demetrius to oppose him.&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_219&amp;quot;&amp;gt;219&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Demetrius was now two and twenty years of age, and was now for the first time entrusted with the sole management of an important campaign. As might be expected of so young and untried a commander, when pitted against a man trained to war under Alexander, and who had since his death waged many wars with success, Demetrius was defeated near the city of Gaza with a loss of fifteen thousand killed and eight thousand prisoners. He also lost his own tent, his property, and all his personal attendants. These, however, were restored to him, with all his captured friends, by Ptolemy, who sent him a kindly-worded message to the effect that they ought not to fight as mortal foes, but only for honour and empire.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Demetrius, after receiving this message and his property, prayed to the gods that he might not long remain in Ptolemy’s debt, but that he might soon recompense him in like manner. He did not behave himself like a youth who has received a check at the outset of his first campaign, but repaired his failure like an old and wary commander, enrolling fresh soldiers, providing new supplies of arms, keeping a firm hold over the cities near him and carefully drilling his new levies.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Antigonus when he heard of the defeat remarked that Ptolemy had conquered beardless boys, but that he would have to fight his next battle with grown men. He yielded however to his son’s entreaty to be allowed to repair his fault by himself, and, as he did not wish to damp his spirits, left him in sole command. Soon after this Killes, Ptolemy’s lieutenant, arrived in Syria with a large force, meaning to chase Demetrius, whom he supposed to be disheartened by his defeat, quite out of Syria. But Demetrius by a sudden attack surprised his army and struck it with panic. He captured the enemy’s camp and their general, and took eight thousand prisoners and a great quantity of booty. He was overjoyed at this, not because he meant to keep what he had won, but to give it back, and did not so much value the glory and wealth which he had gained as the opportunity now offered him for repaying the courtesy of Ptolemy. He did not presume to do this on his own responsibility, but wrote first &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_220&amp;quot;&amp;gt;220&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; to his father. On receiving permission from him to deal as he pleased with the fruits of his victory, he gave costly presents to Killes and his friends, and sent them back to Ptolemy. This battle forced Ptolemy to retire from Syria, and brought Antigonus from Kelænæ rejoicing at the victory and eager to see his son.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After this Demetrius was sent to subdue the Nabathean Arabs, in performing which service he incurred great danger by journeying through waterless deserts; but his intrepid courage overawed the barbarians, and he returned loaded with plunder, having captured seven hundred camels.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Seleukus had once lost his capital city, Babylon, which Antigonus took from him; but he had since recovered it by his own arms, and at this time was marching with an army to attempt the conquest of the nations bordering upon India, and the provinces near mount Caucasus. Demetrius, hoping that he might find Mesopotamia in a defenceless condition, suddenly crossed the Euphrates, took Babylon by surprise, and made himself master of one of its two citadels, driving out the garrison placed there by Seleukus. Demetrius placed seven thousand of his own troops in the citadel, ordered his troops to enrich themselves by the plunder of the surrounding country, and then returned to the sea-coast, leaving Seleukus more firmly established on his throne than before; for by plundering the country he seemed to admit that he had no claim to it. As Ptolemy was now besieging Halikarnassus, he quickly marched thither and succeeded in saving the city.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As the glory which he won by this action was very great, he and his father Antigonus conceived a strong desire to liberate the whole of Greece from the tyranny of Ptolemy and Kassander. None of the successors of Alexander ever waged a more just or honourable war than this; for Demetrius and Antigonus, to gain themselves honour by freeing the Greeks, spent upon them the treasure which they had won in their victories over the barbarians. They determined first of all to attack Athens, and when one of the friends of Antigonus advised him, if he captured that city, to keep it in his own hands because it was the key of Greece, Antigonus &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_221&amp;quot;&amp;gt;221&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; replied that the best key to a country was the goodwill of its people, and that Athens was the watch-tower of the world, from whence the glory of his deeds should shine like a beacon-light to all mankind.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Demetrius now set sail for Athens with five thousand talents of silver, and a fleet of two hundred and fifty vessels. At this time Demetrius of Phalerum governed the city as Kassander’s lieutenant, and a garrison was placed in Munychia. By good fortune and good management the fleet arrived on the twenty-fifth day of the month Thargelion, without anyone being aware of its coming. When the ships were seen, they were thought to form part of Ptolemy’s fleet, and preparations were made to give them a friendly reception. At last the officers in command discovered their mistake, and a scene of great confusion ensued, as they hastily made preparations to resist the enemy, who were already in the act of disembarking; for Demetrius, finding the mouths of the harbours open, sailed straight in, and could be seen distinctly by all standing on the deck of the ship, and making signs to the Athenians to be quiet and keep silence. When this was done, he bade a herald proclaim that his father Antigonus had sent him thither in an auspicious hour to liberate the Athenians, drive out their Macedonian garrison, and restore to them their own laws and ancient constitution.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Upon hearing this proclamation the greater part of the people laid down their shields at their feet, clapped their hands, and shouted to Demetrius to come ashore, calling him their saviour and benefactor; while Demetrius of Phalerum thought it necessary to admit so powerful a man to the city, even though he might have no intention of performing any of his promises. He therefore sent ambassadors to make their submission. Demetrius received them graciously and sent back with them Aristodemus of Miletus, one of his father’s friends. As the Phalerean, in consequence of this sudden turn of fortune, was more afraid of his own countrymen than of the enemy, Demetrius, who admired his courage and public spirit, took care to have him conveyed in safety to Thebes, to which town he himself wished to go. Demetrius himself now declared that, although he was very eager to view the city, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_222&amp;quot;&amp;gt;222&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;he would not do so until he had completely set it free and expelled its garrison. He therefore surrounded Munychia with a ditch and rampart, cutting it off from the rest of the city, and then sailed to attack Megara, which town was held by a garrison of Kassander’s troops.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As he heard that Kratesipolis, the wife of Alexander the son of Polysperchon, a celebrated beauty, was at Patræ, and was not unwilling to grant him an interview, he left his army encamped in the territory of Megara and proceeded thither with only a few lightly equipped followers. When he was near the place, he pitched his own tent apart from his men, that the lady might not be seen when she came to visit him. Some of the enemy discovered this, and made a sudden attack upon him. He only escaped by putting on a mean cloak and running away alone; so that his licentiousness very nearly exposed him to ignominious capture. When Megara was taken the soldiers were about to plunder the city, but the Athenians with great difficulty prevailed upon Demetrius to spare it. He drove out the Macedonian garrison and made the city independent. While he was doing this he remembered Stilpon the philosopher, who was reputed to have chosen for himself a life of retirement and study. Demetrius sent for him, and inquired whether anything had been stolen from him. “Nothing,” replied Stilpon. “I saw no one taking away any knowledge.” As, however, nearly all the slaves were stolen, after Demetrius had talked graciously to Stilpon and at length dismissed him with the words, “My Stilpon, I leave you a free city;” “Quite true,” replied Stilpon, “for you have not left us a single slave.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Demetrius now returned to Munychia, encamped before it, dislodged the garrison, and demolished the fort. And now at the invitation of the Athenians he proceeded into the city, where he assembled the people and re-established the ancient constitution. He also promised that his father Antigonus would send them one hundred and fifty thousand bushels of wheat and timber enough to build a fleet of one hundred ships of war. Thus did the Athenians recover their democratic constitution fifteen years after it had been dissolved; for during the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_223&amp;quot;&amp;gt;223&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;period between the Lamian war and the battle of Krannon their government had nominally been an oligarchy, but practically had been a despotism, on account of the great power of Demetrius of Phalerum.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The benefits which Demetrius conferred upon the Athenians rendered him indeed great and glorious; but they rendered his fame invidious by the extravagant honours which they conferred upon him. They were the first of all men who bestowed upon Antigonus and Demetrius the title of Kings, a name which they greatly disliked because of its association, and which moreover belonged at that time in an especial manner to the descendants of Philip and Alexander, being the only one of their ensigns of royalty which had not been adopted by other princes. The Athenians too were the only people who styled Antigonus and Demetrius their saviour gods, and they even abolished the ancient office of the archon from whom the year received its name, and elected in his place every year a priest to minister at the altar of the saviour gods. They also decreed that their images should be woven into the sacred peplus of Athena,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_297_297&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_297_297&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;297&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with those of the gods. They consecrated the spot where Demetrius first set his foot on the ground when he alighted from his chariot, and built an altar upon it which was called the altar of “The Descending Demetrius.” They added two to the number of their tribes, and called them Demetrias and Antigonis; and consequently they raised the number of the senators from five to six hundred, because each tribe supplied it with fifty members.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But the most outrageous of these devices of Stratokles, for it was he who invented all these new extravagancies of adulation, was a decree that ambassadors sent to Antigonus or to Demetrius should wear the same holy title which had hitherto been given to the envoys who conducted the public sacrifices to the great festivals at Olympia and at Delphi. Indeed, in all other respects Stratokles was a man of shameless effrontery and debauched life, who appeared to imitate the scurrility of Kleon in ancient times by the reckless contempt with &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_224&amp;quot;&amp;gt;224&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;which he treated the people. He publicly kept a courtesan named Phylakion; and one day when she had bought some necks and brains in the market, he said to her, “Why, you have bought us the same things for dinner which we politicians play at ball with.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When the Athenians were defeated in the great sea-fight at Amorgos, he reached Athens before the news of the disaster, and drove though the Kerameikus with a garland on his head, telling all the people that a victory had been won. He decreed a sacrifice of thanksgiving, and had meat publicly distributed among the tribes for entertainments. Shortly afterwards the scattered ships began to arrive, coming home as well as they could after the defeat. When the people angrily turned upon him, resenting the trick which he had played them, he met their clamour with the utmost impudence, and said, “What harm have I done you, in giving you two days of happiness?” Such was the audacity of Stratokles.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; There were, however, other marks of servility, “hotter than fire,” as Aristophanes calls it. One Athenian surpassed Stratokles himself by passing a decree that Demetrius, whenever he visited Athens, should be received with the same divine honours which were paid to Demeter and Dionysius, and that money should be granted from the public treasury to the person who should celebrate the festival of the reception with the greatest magnificence, in order that with it he might erect some memorial of his success. At last the name of the month Munychion was changed to Demetrion, and the first day of it named Demetrias, while the name of the festival of the Dionysia was changed to Demetria.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Most of these acts produced manifest signs of the displeasure of the gods. The peplus, upon which, according to the decree, the images of Zeus and Athena were woven together with those of Antigonus and Demetrius, was rent in two by a violent gust of wind as it was being conveyed in procession through the Kerameikus, while a great quantity of hemlock grew up round the altars which were erected in their honour, although it was not a common plant in the neighbourhood. On the day of the festival of Dionysius the procession was put a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_225&amp;quot;&amp;gt;225&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;stop to by excessive cold, which came entirely out of season, and a severe frost not only destroyed all the fig-trees and vines, but even cut off a great part of the corn in the blade. In consequence of this, Philippides, who was an enemy of Stratokles, made the following allusion to him in one of his comedies:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line i04&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“Who was it caused the peplus to be rent?&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Who was it caused the frost to blight our vines?&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The wretch, who worships mortals like to gods,&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;His crimes destroy us, not my harmless rhymes?”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This Philippides was a friend of Lysimachus, who for his sake conferred many benefits on the Athenians. Lysimachus imagined that the sight of Philippides before any campaign or expedition was a certain omen of good luck; while Philippides was beloved by him on other grounds, because he gave no trouble and never veiled his thoughts in courtly periphrases. Once Lysimachus, meaning to be very civil to him said, “Philippides, which of my possessions shall I bestow upon you?” “Whichever you please,” answered he, “except your secrets.” I have mentioned these incidents in the life of Philippides, in order to mark the distinction between the comic poet and the mob-orator.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The most extraordinary of all the honours conferred upon Demetrius was the proposal made by Demokleides of Sphettus to go and ask for an oracular response from him about the consecration of the shields at Delphi. I will write down the exact words of the law as it was proposed. “In a happy hour the people decree that one man shall be chosen from the citizens of Athens, who shall go to our saviour, and after he has done sacrifice unto him, shall ask Demetrius, our saviour, in what manner the people may, with greatest holiness and without delay, make consecration of their offerings; and whatever oracle it shall please him to give them, the people shall perform it.” By this absurd flattery the intellect of Demetrius, at no time very powerful, was thrown completely off its balance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; While he was living at Athens he married Eurydike, a descendant of the ancient hero Miltiades, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_226&amp;quot;&amp;gt;226&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; who was the widow of Opheltas, King of Cyrene, and had returned to Athens after her husband’s death. The Athenians were greatly delighted at this marriage, which they regarded as an honour to their city; though Demetrius made no sort of difficulty about marriage, and had many wives at the same time. The chief of his wives, and the one whom he most respected, was Phila, the daughter of Antipater, and the widow of Kraterus, who was the most popular with the Macedonians of all the successors of Alexander during his life, and the most lamented by them after his death. Demetrius when very young was forced by his father to marry this woman, who was too old to be a suitable match for him. It is said that when Demetrius expressed his unwillingness to marry her, his father whispered in his ear the line of Euripides:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“To gain a fortune, marriage must be dared.”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;substituting the word “marriage” for “bondage,” which occurs in the original. However, the respect which Demetrius paid to her and to his other wives did not prevent his intriguing with various courtesans and mistresses, but he had a worse reputation in this respect than any other king of his age.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; His father now ordered him to proceed to Cyprus, and to attack Ptolemy, who was in possession of that island. He was forced to obey this summons, but as he was very unwilling to desist from the war in defence of the liberties of Greece, a much more noble and glorious struggle, he first endeavoured to bribe Ptolemy’s lieutenant in command of the garrison of Sikyon and Corinth to evacuate those cities and render them independent. As this attempt failed he quickly set sail, collected a large force, and proceeded to Cyprus. Here he fought a battle with Menelaus, Ptolemy’s brother, and at once defeated him. Shortly afterwards Ptolemy himself came to Cyprus with an immense fleet and army. The two commanders now interchanged messages of scornful defiance. Ptolemy bade Demetrius put to sea before his own host assembled and overwhelmed him, while Demetrius offered to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_227&amp;quot;&amp;gt;227&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;permit Ptolemy to withdraw from Cyprus on condition that he would give up Corinth and Sikyon. The battle which ensued was one of the deepest interest, not merely to the combatants themselves, but to all the other princes, since its issue would determine not only the fate of Cyprus and Syria, but would at once render the victor the most powerful man in all the world.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ptolemy advanced with a fleet of one hundred and fifty sail, and ordered Menelaus, when the battle was at its hottest, to sally out from Salamis with his sixty ships and throw the fleet of Demetrius into disorder by attacking it in the rear. Demetrius sent ten ships to oppose these sixty, for the mouth of the harbour (of Salamis) was so narrow that this number sufficed to close it. He himself now got his land force under arms, disposed it upon several neighbouring promontories, and put to sea with one hundred and eighty ships. He bore straight down upon the enemy’s fleet, and completely defeated it. Ptolemy himself, when all was lost, escaped with only eight ships, the sole survivors of his fleet. All the rest were sunk, except seventy which were captured with their crews on board. All his numerous train of servants, friends and wives, all his arms, money and military engines, which were stationed near the fleet in transports, were captured by Demetrius, who at once conveyed them to his own camp.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Among the spoil was the celebrated Lamia, who had at first been brought into notice by her musical skill, for she was an admirable flute-player, and who had afterwards become notorious by her amours. Her beauty was at this time somewhat faded, yet, although Demetrius was much younger than herself, she so fascinated and enslaved him by her charms, that, though many other women wished for his love, he cared only for her.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After the sea-fight, Menelaus held out no longer, but surrendered Salamis to Demetrius, with all his ships, and a land army of twelve hundred cavalry and twelve thousand heavy-armed infantry.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Demetrius added to the glory of this brilliant victory by his generous and humane conduct in burying the enemy’s dead with great honour, and in setting &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_228&amp;quot;&amp;gt;228&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;free all his prisoners. He sent a present to the Athenians of twelve hundred complete suits of armour from the spoils which he had taken. He also sent Aristodemus of Miletus to bear the news of the victory to his father. Of all his courtiers, this man was the boldest flatterer, and on this occasion he surpassed himself. After his passage from Cyprus, he would not allow his ship to approach the land, but cast anchor, bade all the crew remain on board, and himself rowed ashore in a small boat. He now walked up to the palace of Antigonus, who was in a state of great excitement and impatience to learn the issue of the battle, as may easily be imagined, considering the importance of the stake. When he heard that Aristodemus was come, his anxiety reached its highest pitch. He could scarcely keep himself indoors, and sent messenger after messenger, both servants and his own friends, to learn from Aristodemus what had taken place. Aristodemus returned no answer to any of them, but walked leisurely on with immovable countenance. Antigonus could bear the suspense no longer, but came to the door of his palace to meet Aristodemus, who was now accompanied by a large crowd. When he came near, he stretched forth his right hand, and in a loud voice exclaimed, “Hail, King Antigonus. We have defeated Ptolemy in a sea-fight. We are masters of Cyprus, and have taken sixteen thousand eight hundred prisoners.” To this Antigonus answered, “Hail to you, also; but you shall pay the penalty of having tortured us so long: you shall wait long before you receive the reward for your good news.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After this success, the people for the first time saluted Antigonus and Demetrius with the title of kings. The friends of Antigonus at once placed a diadem upon his head, and he sent one to Demetrius, with a letter in which he addressed him as king. The Egyptians, when they heard of this, also proclaimed Ptolemy king, that they might not appear to be dispirited by their defeat. Their example was soon followed by the other successors of Alexander, out of rivalry, for Lysimachus and Seleukus now began to wear the diadem in the presence of Greeks, though Seleukus had long before adopted the royal style &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_229&amp;quot;&amp;gt;229&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; in his dealings with Asiatics. Kassander, however, although every one both in interviews and letters addressed him as king, never used the title in his own letters, but signed them simply with his own name as he had been wont to do.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The assumption of this title produced more important results than a mere empty change of name and style. It caused its bearers to be more exalted in their ideas, more extensive in their ambition, and more pompous and stately in their demeanour, just as actors when they put on royal robes adopt also the lofty port and the haughty voice and carriage of a king. They also became more severe in their administration of justice, because they now laid aside that dissimulation by which they had hitherto concealed their power, and which had rendered them so much more lenient and gentle in their treatment of their subjects. So great was the power of the voice of one flatterer, and such great changes did it effect in the entire world.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Antigonus, elated by the successes of Demetrius at Cyprus, at once marched to attack Ptolemy. He himself led the land force, while Demetrius accompanied him along the coast with an enormous fleet. But Medius, a friend of Antigonus, was warned in a dream of what was destined to be the issue of the campaign. He dreamed that Antigonus with all his army was running a race in the circus. At first he appeared to be running strongly and fast, but soon his strength seemed to be ebbing away, and at last when he turned round the extreme point of the course and began to return, he was so weak and out of breath that he could hardly recover himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Indeed Antigonus by land met with many disasters, while Demetrius at sea met with a terrible storm, and narrowly escaped being driven ashore upon an iron-bound coast. He lost many ships, and returned without having accomplished anything. Antigonus was now very near eighty years of age, and was incapacitated for active service by his size and unwieldiness rather than by his age. He consequently entrusted the management of the war to Demetrius, who had already by his good fortune and skill conducted several most important campaigns with success.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_230&amp;quot;&amp;gt;230&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Antigonus was not alarmed at his amours, his extravagancies, or his carousals, for he knew that, although in time of peace Demetrius used to indulge unrestrainedly in these pleasures, yet that in war he was as sober as though it were natural to him to be so. It is said that, in allusion to the empire which Lamia had now gained over Demetrius, once when he affectionately embraced his father on his return from a journey, Antigonus said, “My boy, you seem to think that you are caressing Lamia.” Another time, when Demetrius spent several days in drinking, and excused himself by saying that he had been laid up with a severe cold, Antigonus answered, “So I understood, but was the cold Chian or Thasian?” Once Antigonus heard that Demetrius had a fever, and went to see him. At the door he met one of his favourites coming out. He went in, sat down by his bedside, and took him by the hand. When Demetrius said that the fever had just left him, Antigonus answered, “Yes, I met it just now at the door.” So gently did he deal with the vices of Demetrius, because of his many other good qualities. The Scythians have a custom of twanging their bows while they are drinking and carousing, as though to recall their courage while it is melting away in pleasure; but Demetrius used to give up his whole thoughts at one time to pleasure, and at another to serious work, concentrating his entire attention upon the matter in hand, so that his amusements never interfered with his preparations for war.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He appears indeed to have been better able to make preparations for war than to use them, for he always liked to be more than sufficiently provided with stores of every kind, and always wished to construct larger ships, and more powerful battering engines, in the working of which he took an especial delight. He was intelligent and clever, and did not waste his mechanical ingenuity in mere pastime, like other princes, who have amused themselves by playing on the flute, painting, or working in metal. Æropus, king of Macedonia, used to employ his leisure time in making little tables and lamps; while Attalus, surnamed Philometor, amused himself by cultivating poisonous herbs, not merely hyoscyamus and hellebore, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_231&amp;quot;&amp;gt;231&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; but even hemlock, aconite and dorycnium.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_298_298&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_298_298&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;298&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; These he used to plant and tend with his own hands in the royal gardens, and made it his business to know their various juices and fruit, and to gather it in due season. The kings of Parthia, too, used to pride themselves upon sharpening the points of their own javelins. But the mechanics of Demetrius were always upon a royal scale, and his engines were of enormous size, showing by their admirable and ingenious construction the grand ideas of their inventor; for they appeared worthy not only of the genius and wealth, but of the hand of a king. Their size astonished his friends, while their beauty charmed even his enemies, and this praise is far from being as exaggerated as it sounds; for his enemies actually stood in crowds along the sea-shore to admire his ships of fifteen and sixteen banks of oars, while his “city-takers”&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_299_299&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_299_299&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;299&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; were regarded as wonders even by the towns against which they were employed, as we may see in a notable example. Lysimachus, who of all the kings of his time was the bitterest enemy of Demetrius, when he was endeavouring to force Demetrius to raise the siege of Soli in Cilicia, sent a message to him asking to be allowed to see his siege engines and his ships of war. Demetrius indulged his curiosity, and after viewing them he retired home. The Rhodians also, after they had stood a long siege, when they came to terms with Demetrius, begged for some of his machines, which they wished to keep both as a memorial of his power and of their own courage.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Demetrius went to war with the Rhodians because they were the allies of Ptolemy, and brought up to their walls his largest “city-taker,” a machine with a square base, each side of which measured eight-and-forty cubits at the bottom. It was sixty-six cubits in height, and its upper part was much narrower than the base. Within, it was divided into many separate storeys and chambers, with windows on each storey opening towards the enemy, through which missiles of every kind could be shot, as it &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_232&amp;quot;&amp;gt;232&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;was full of soldiers armed with every kind of weapon. It never shook nor trembled, but rolled steadily onwards, upright and firm, with a regular, equable motion, which filled all spectators with terror and delight. Two steel corslets were brought from Cyprus for Demetrius to use in this war, each of which weighed forty minæ.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_300_300&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_300_300&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;300&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The maker, Zoilus, in order to show their strength and power of resisting a blow, bade Demetrius shoot a dart out of a catapult at one of them at a distance of twenty paces. Where it struck, the iron remained unbroken, and only showed a trifling scratch, such as might be made by a stilus, or iron pen for writing on wax. This corslet Demetrius wore himself. He gave the other to Alkimus of Epirus, the bravest and most warlike man in all his army, who wore a suit of armour weighing two talents,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_301_301&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_301_301&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;301&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; while that of all the rest weighed only one talent. This man fell during the siege of Rhodes, in a battle near the theatre.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i22&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Rhodians defended themselves with great spirit, and Demetrius was unable to accomplish anything against them; but he still continued the siege out of anger, because they had captured a ship in which his wife Phila had sent him letters, clothes and bedding, and had sent it at once to Ptolemy, just as it was. In this they were far from imitating the courtesy of the Athenians, who, when Philip was at war with them, captured a messenger and read all the letters which he carried except one written by Olympias, which they did not open, but sent it on to him with the seal unbroken. However, although Demetrius was much nettled by the conduct of the Rhodians, he did not stoop to retaliation upon them, although he soon had an opportunity of doing so. Protogenes of Kaunus happened at that time to be painting a picture of Ialysus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_302_302&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_302_302&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;302&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for the Rhodians, and Demetrius found the picture very nearly completed in one of the suburbs of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_233&amp;quot;&amp;gt;233&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the city. The Rhodians sent a herald and begged him to spare the work, and not destroy it, to which he answered, that he would rather burn his father’s statues than such a precious work of art. Apelles tells us that when he saw this picture, the sight at first took Òaway his breath; and that at last he said, “Indeed this is a wonderful piece of work, and must have cost great labour.” Yet it has not that grace which gives so divine a charm to the works of Apelles himself. This picture shared the common lot of all Greek works of art, being taken to Rome, where it was destroyed by fire. As the Rhodians gallantly held their own in the war, Demetrius became weary of the siege, and gladly accepted the offer of the Athenians to act as mediators. They made peace between them on condition that the Rhodians should act as the allies of Antigonus and Demetrius, except against Ptolemy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i23&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Athenians now invited Demetrius to come to their aid, as Kassander was besieging Athens. Demetrius arrived with three hundred and thirty ships, and a large land force. He not only drove Kassander out of Attica, but pursued him as far as Thermopylæ, where he defeated him in a battle, and gained possession of the city of Heraklea, which voluntarily surrendered to him. A body of six thousand Macedonians also deserted from Kassander and joined him. On his return he freed the Greeks south of Thermopylæ from Macedonian domination, formed an alliance with the Boeotians and took Kenchreæ. He destroyed the forts at Phyle and Panaktum in Attica, which had been garrisoned by Kassander’s troops, and restored them to the Athenians. They, although they appeared to have exhausted every possible form of adulation during his former visit, yet contrived to flatter him by the invention of fresh honours. They assigned the interior of the Parthenon to him for his lodging; and there he dwelt with the title of “the guest of Athena,” though he was a very ill-behaved guest to be quartered in the house of a virgin goddess. Yet once, when his father heard that his brother Philip was staying in a house where there were three young women, he said nothing to Philip, but in his presence sent for the quartermaster and said to him, “Will &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_234&amp;quot;&amp;gt;234&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;you be so good as to find some less crowded quarters for my son.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Demetrius, however, without paying the least respect to Athena, although he was wont to call her his elder sister, filled the Acropolis with such a series of outrages on well-born youths and women of the upper classes that the place became comparatively decent when he contented himself with holding an orgie in the society of the celebrated courtesans, Chrysis, Lamia, Demo and Antikyra. For the sake of the city I will say no more about his other debaucheries, but I cannot refrain from mentioning the virtue and chastity shown by Demokles. He was very young, and his beauty did not escape the notice of Demetrius; indeed his nickname betrayed him, for he was always spoken of as Demokles the Handsome. He turned a deaf ear to all advances, presents, or threats, and at last ceased to frequent the gymnasium and the palæstra, and used only a private bath. Demetrius watched his opportunity, and surprised him there alone. The boy, when he saw that he was caught where no one could help him, rather than suffer violence, took off the lid of the copper, leaped into the boiling water, and destroyed himself. He deserved a better fate, but the spirit which prompted the act was worthy of his country and of his beauty, and was very different to that of Kleaenetus the son of Kleomedon, who, when his father was condemned to pay a fine of fifty talents, obtained a remission of it from Demetrius, and showed a letter from Demetrius to the Athenian people signifying his pleasure in the matter; by which conduct Kleaenetus not only disgraced himself, but threw the whole city into a ferment. Kleomedon’s fine was remitted, but the people decreed that no citizen should ever again bring them a letter from Demetrius. However, as Demetrius was greatly incensed at this, and did not conceal his displeasure, the Athenians in terror not only reversed the decree, but put to death some of those who had advocated it, and banished others. Moreover, they actually decreed that “the entire people of Athens should regard anything which King Demetrius might be pleased to command as both righteous in respect of the gods, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_235&amp;quot;&amp;gt;235&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and legal as regards men.” When one of the better class of citizens observed that Stratokles must be mad to propose such a decree, Demochares&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_303_303&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_303_303&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;303&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Leukonoe answered “He would be mad not to be mad,”&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_304_304&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_304_304&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;304&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for Stratokles made a great fortune by his flattery of Demetrius. This speech was reported to Stratokles, and Demochares was forced to go into exile. Such was the conduct of the Athenians when they were relieved of their Macedonian garrison and were thought to have become a free people.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Demetrius now proceeded to Peloponnesus, where he met with no resistance, as the enemy fled before him, and surrendered their cities to him. He made himself master of the district known as Akte, and of the whole of Arcadia, except Mantinea, while he set free Argos, Sikyon and Corinth, by bribing their garrisons to evacuate them with a hundred talents. At Argos he acted as president of the games at the festival of Hera, which took place whilst he was there. On this occasion he held a solemn assembly of all the Greeks, and publicly married Deidameia, a daughter of Æakides, king of the Molossi, and sister of Pyrrhus. He remarked to the people of Sikyon that they lived out of their proper city, and prevailed upon them to remove to the spot which they now inhabit. He changed the name as well as the situation of the city, and instead of Sikyon named it Demetrias.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At a largely attended meeting held at the Isthmus, Demetrius was proclaimed chief of Greece, as Philip and Alexander had been in former days; though Demetrius considered himself to be not a little superior to either of them, being elated by his good fortune and the immense force at his disposal. Alexander never deprived a king of his title, nor did he ever call himself king of kings, though he raised many to the dignity and style of kings; but Demetrius scoffed at those who called any one king, except himself and his father, and was much pleased at his carousals to hear toasts drunk to the health of Demetrius the King, Seleukus the Commander of the Elephants,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_236&amp;quot;&amp;gt;236&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Ptolemy the Admiral, Lysimachus the Treasurer, and Agathokles of Sicily the Lord of the Isles. The other princes laughed at these sallies of Demetrius, and only Lysimachus was angry that Demetrius should think him a eunuch; for it was a pretty general custom to appoint eunuchs to the post of treasurer. Indeed Lysimachus hated him more bitterly than all of the rest, and, sneering at his passion for Lamia, used to declare that he had never before seen a whore act in a tragedy: to which Demetrius retorted that his whore was a more respectable woman than Lysimachus’s Penelope.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i26&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Demetrius now set out for Athens, and sent a letter to the Athenians informing them that he desired to be initiated, and that he wished to go through the whole course, including both the lesser and the greater mysteries. This is not lawful, and never took place before, as the minor initiation used to take place in the month Anthesterion, and the greater in Bœdromion. When the letter was read, no one ventured to offer any opposition except Pythodorus the torchbearer,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_305_305&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_305_305&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;305&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and he effected nothing; for, at the instance of Stratokles, the Athenians decreed that the month Munychion should be called Anthesterion, and in it celebrated the mysteries of Demeter which are held at Agræ.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_306_306&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_306_306&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;306&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After this the name of the month Munychion was changed again from Anthesterion to Bœdromion, and Demetrius was admitted to the second degree, and allowed the privileges of an “epoptes.” In allusion to this Philippides rails at Stratokles in his verses as the man&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“Who crowds into one month the entire year.”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And, in allusion to the lodging of Demetrius in the Parthenon, he wrote&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line i04&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“Who treats Acropolis as t’were an inn&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And makes the Virgin’s shrine a house of sin.”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i27&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But of all the outrages and illegal acts of which Demetrius was guilty at this period, nothing seems to have enraged the Athenians so much as his ordering &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_237&amp;quot;&amp;gt;237&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;them speedily to levy a sum of two hundred and fifty talents, which, when it had been raised by a most harsh and pitiless series of exactions, was publicly presented by Demetrius to Lamia and her sisterhood to furnish their toilet-tables. It was the disgrace of the whole business and the scorn which it brought upon them, which stung them to the quick, more than the loss of the money. Some writers say that it was the people of Thessaly, not the Athenians, whom he treated in this manner. However, besides this, Lamia extorted money from many citizens on pretence of providing a supper for the king. This supper was so famous on account of the enormous sum which it cost, that a history of it was written by Lynkeus of Samos. For this reason one of the comic poets very cleverly called Lamia a “city-taker.” Demochares of Soli called Demetrius himself “Mythus,” or “Fable,” because he too had his Lamia.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_307_307&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_307_307&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;307&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Indeed the passion of Demetrius for Lamia caused not only his wives but his friends to dislike her and be jealous of her. Some of them went on an embassy to Lysimachus, and he when at leisure showed them on his thighs and arms the scars of deep wounds caused by a lion’s claws, telling them of how King Alexander had fastened him in the same cage with the beast, and the battle he had fought with it. On hearing this they laughingly said that their master also frequently showed upon his neck the marks of a savage beast called Lamia, which he kept. The wonder was that Demetrius, who had objected to Phila as being past her first youth, should yet be so captivated by Lamia, who was now far advanced in years. Once when Lamia was playing on the flute at a banquet, Demetrius asked the courtesan Demo, who was surnamed Mania, what she thought of her. “I think her an old woman, my king,” replied she. Again when the sweetmeats were placed on the table, Demetrius said to Demo, “Do you see what fine things Lamia sends me?” “My mother,” answered Demo, “will send you many more if only you will sleep with her.” A saying of Lamia’s about the well-known judgment of Bocchoris has been recorded.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_238&amp;quot;&amp;gt;238&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A certain Egyptian became enamoured of the courtesan Thonis, but she set too high a price upon her favours for him. Afterwards he dreamed that he had enjoyed her, and his passion for her cooled. Upon this Thonis sued him in court for the money, and Bocchoris, having heard the case argued, ordered the man to place the exact sum which she demanded in a glass vessel, and to wave it backwards and forwards while she clutched at the shadow, because the young man’s dream had been a shadow of the reality.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_308_308&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_308_308&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;308&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Lamia said that she did not think this decision a just one, because the woman’s desire for the gold was not satisfied by the shadow, as the young man’s passion had been by his dream.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i28&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But now the fortunes and deeds of the subject of our narrative force us to pass from a comic to a tragic scene, for all the other kings conspired against Antigonus, and united their forces together. Demetrius hereupon sailed away from Greece and joined his father, who was making wonderful exertions for a man of his age, and who was greatly encouraged by his son’s arrival. Yet it appears as though Antigonus, if only he would have made some small concessions and restrained his excessive love of power, might have enjoyed his supreme dignity to the end of his life, and might have bequeathed to his son his position of chief of all the successors of Alexander. Being, however, by nature haughty and disdainful, and even harsher in word than in deed, he alienated from himself and exasperated many young and powerful men; and even now he boasted that he would scatter the confederacy by which he was menaced as easily as a man scares a flock of birds away from a field. He took the field with more than seventy thousand infantry, ten thousand cavalry, and seventy-five elephants, while his enemies’ army numbered sixty-four thousand infantry, five hundred more cavalry than his own, four hundred elephants, and one hundred and twenty war-chariots. When they drew near he became less hopeful rather than less determined. He was always wont to show a lofty and boastful spirit in the hour of danger, speaking in a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_239&amp;quot;&amp;gt;239&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;loud tone, using confident language, and after making some jest when in the presence of the enemy, to show his own assurance of success and contempt for his opponents. Now, however, he was thoughtful and silent, and presented his son to the army as his successor. But what astonished every one most of all was that he held council with Demetrius alone in the tent, although he never before had shared his secret thoughts even with his son, but had always privately formed his own plans, and publicly carried them out on his own responsibility. It is said that Demetrius, when still very young, once asked him at what hour he proposed to march, to which Antigonus angrily answered, “Do you fear, that you alone will not hear the sound of the trumpet?”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i29&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On this occasion it appears that they were also disheartened by sinister omens. Demetrius dreamed that Alexander appeared before him in shining armour, and inquired what would be their watchword for the battle. When Demetrius answered “Zeus and victory,” Alexander replied, “I will go away now, and tell this to the enemy; for I am going over to them.” Antigonus, too, as he stepped out of his tent to see his line formed stumbled and fell heavily upon his face. When he rose, he lifted his hands to heaven and prayed to the gods that they would either grant him victory or a painless death before his army was routed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When the battle began, Demetrius with the flower of the cavalry charged Antiochus the son of Seleukus, and brilliantly routed the enemy, but he lost the day by his headstrong eagerness to pursue too far. He was unable to rejoin the infantry, for the enemy’s elephants interposed between him and the phalanx, which was thus left without any cavalry to cover its flanks. Seeing this, Seleukus kept the rest of his cavalry ever threatening to charge, but never actually doing so, hovering near the phalanx and both terrifying it and giving the men an opportunity of changing sides, which indeed took place; for a great mass of Antigonus’s infantry came over to Seleukus, and the rest fled. Many enemies now beset Antigonus, and one of his attendants said to him, “My king, it is you whom they are making for.” “Why,” replied he, “what &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_240&amp;quot;&amp;gt;240&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;other mark could they have but me? But Demetrius will soon be here to the rescue.” While he looked round hoping in vain to see his son, a shower of darts fell, and laid him low. All his friends and attendants now fled, except one named Thorax, a native of Larissa, who remained by the corpse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i30&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After this battle the victorious kings proceeded to divide the empire of Antigonus and Demetrius amongst them, each annexing the portion which lay nearest to his own dominions, as though they were cutting slices out of some huge slaughtered beast. Demetrius fled with five thousand infantry and four thousand cavalry, and directed his march with the utmost speed towards Ephesus. All imagined that in his distress for money he would not spare the rich temple there, and he himself, fearing lest his soldiers should do so, set sail as quickly as possible for Greece, as his chief hopes now lay in Athens. Indeed he had left there a part of his fleet, some treasure and his wife Deidameia, and imagined that he could find no surer refuge in his adversity than Athens, where he felt assured of the loyalty of the people. But while he was passing the Cyclades he met an embassy from Athens begging him not to approach that city, since the people had decreed that none of the kings should be admitted within its walls. The ambassadors added that his wife Deidameia had been escorted with due honour and respect to Megara. On hearing this, Demetrius, who had borne the rest of his misfortunes with the utmost serenity, and had never hitherto allowed an unworthy expression to escape him, became transported with anger. He was, in truth, bitterly grieved at being thus unexpectedly betrayed by the Athenians, and at finding that their apparent enthusiasm in his cause had all the while been unreal and fictitious. Apparently the bestowal of excessive honours upon kings and potentates by the people is but a poor test of their real loyalty, for the essence of these honours lies in their being freely offered, and they are worthless if prompted by fear; and men fawn upon those they fear just as they do upon those whom they really love. For this reason sensible men know how to value the erection of their statues, flattering decrees, and other public honours,&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_241&amp;quot;&amp;gt;241&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; by reflecting upon what they themselves have done for their admirers; for by this means they can discern whether these are really genuine expressions of respect, or are extorted by terror; for peoples frequently confer these very distinctions upon men whom they hate and abhor, but whom they are forced to honour against their will.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i31&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Demetrius, although he considered that he had been very badly treated by the Athenians, was powerless to resent their conduct. He sent an embassy to Athens, gently complaining of their conduct, and requesting that they would restore his ships, one of which was a vessel of thirteen banks of oars. Having received them he coasted along as far as the Isthmus, where he found that all his garrisons had been driven out of the cities, and that the whole country had gone over to his enemies. He now left Pyrrhus to act as his lieutenant in Greece, and himself sailed to the Chersonese.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_309_309&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_309_309&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;309&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Here he enriched his troops at the expense of Lysimachus by plundering the country, and soon found means again to collect a very considerable army. The other kings paid no regard to Lysimachus, thinking that he was no better a man than Demetrius, and more to be feared because he was more powerful.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Not long after this Seleukus sent an embassy to Demetrius to make proposals for the hand of Stratonike, the daughter of Demetrius by his wife Phila. Seleukus already had one son named Antiochus by his wife Apama, a Persian lady, but he thought that his empire would suffice for more than one heir, and he desired to form an alliance with Demetrius, because Lysimachus had recently married one of Ptolemy’s daughters himself, and taken the other for his son Agathokles. To Demetrius this offer of marriage from Seleukus was a most unexpected piece of good fortune. He placed his daughter on board ship, and sailed with his entire fleet to Syria. On his way he was forced to land several times to obtain supplies, especially on the coast of Cilicia, which province, after the battle in which Antigonus fell, had been bestowed upon Pleistarchus, the brother of Kassander. Pleistarchus took umbrage at the intrusion of Demetrius into his &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_242&amp;quot;&amp;gt;242&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;territory, and retired to Macedonia to complain to his brother that Seleukus was betraying the other kings by making terms with the common enemy of them all.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i32&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Demetrius, when he discovered the intentions of Pleistarchus, proceeded at once to Quinda, where he found the sum of twelve hundred talents still remaining. Having made himself master of this, he quickly reembarked and put to sea. He was now joined by his wife Phila, and met Seleukus at Rhossas. Here the two princes conversed together in a truly royal style, without the least suspicion or fear of treachery. First Seleukus feasted Demetrius in his tent in the midst of his camp, and afterwards Demetrius entertained him at a banquet on board his great thirteen-banked ship. They also talked freely together for a long time, spending several days in friendly intercourse without any body-guard or arms, till at length Seleukus took Stratonike, and escorted her with great pomp to Antiocheia.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_310_310&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_310_310&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;310&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Demetrius now made himself master of Cilicia, and sent his wife Phila to her brother, Kassander, to answer the accusations brought against him by Pleistarchus. During this time Deidameia sailed from Greece and joined Demetrius, but not long after her arrival she sickened and died. By the good offices of Seleukus, Demetrius was now reconciled with Ptolemy, and arranged to take Ptolemäis, Ptolemy’s daughter, for his wife. So far Seleukus behaved very well; but he could not prevail upon Demetrius to give up Cilicia to him for a sum of money, and when he angrily demanded the surrender of Tyre and Sidon, his conduct appears very overbearing and ungenerous, as though he, who had made himself master of all the country between the Red Sea and the Mediterranean, were so poor and needy as to be obliged to squabble with his father-in-law about two cities, at a time, too, when the latter was suffering from a great reverse of fortune. How strongly does this bear out the truth of Plato’s maxim, that he who wishes to be really rich ought to lessen his desires rather than increase his property, because if a man places no bounds to his covetousness, he never will be free from want and misery.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_243&amp;quot;&amp;gt;243&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i33&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Demetrius on this occasion showed no want of spirit. He declared that not if he had lost ten thousand fields like Ipsus would he consent to buy Seleukus for his son-in-law. He strengthened the garrisons of the cities,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_311_311&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_311_311&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;311&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and hearing that Lachares, taking advantage of the factions into which the Athenians were divided, had made himself despot of that city, he thought that if he only were to show himself before Athens he might easily obtain possession of it. He crossed the sea in safety with a large fleet, but when off the coast of Attica he encountered a violent storm, in which he lost most of his ships and a great number of his men. He himself escaped unhurt, and at once began to make war against the Athenians. As, however, he could not effect anything, he sent his lieutenants to collect another fleet, and meanwhile proceeded to Peloponnesus. Here he laid siege to Messene, and during an assault nearly lost his life, for he was struck full in the face by a dart from a catapult, which pierced through his jaw into his mouth. He recovered from his wound, received the submission of several insurgent cities, and returned to Attica, where he made himself master of Eleusis and Rhamnus, and ravaged the country. He captured a ship loaded with wheat bound for Athens, and hanged the captain and pilot, which measure terrified the other merchants so much that they avoided Athens, and a terrible famine took place there, and the want of food brought about a scarcity of everything else. A medimnus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_312_312&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_312_312&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;312&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of salt was sold for forty drachmas, and a modius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_313_313&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_313_313&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;313&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of corn sold for three hundred drachmas.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Athenians gained a short respite from their sufferings by the appearance near Ægina of a fleet of a hundred and fifty sail, which was sent by Ptolemy to aid them. Soon, however, Demetrius collected from Peloponnesus and Cyprus a fleet of three hundred ships, before which those of Ptolemy were forced to retire. Upon this the despot Lachares made his escape and abandoned the city to its fate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i34&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Athenians, although they had decreed that anyone who proposed to make peace and come to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_244&amp;quot;&amp;gt;244&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;terms with Demetrius should be put to death, now at once opened their nearest gates and sent an embassy to him; not that they expected to be well treated by him, but acting under the pressure of starvation. It was said that, among other painful incidents, it happened that a father and a son were sitting in the same room, without any hopes of surviving, when a dead mouse fell from the roof, upon which they both started up and began to fight for it. We are told that during this time the philosopher Epikurus kept his disciples alive by counting out to them a fixed allowance of beans every day. This was the condition of the city when Demetrius made his entry into it. He ordered all the Athenians to assemble in the theatre, occupied the stage with armed men, placing his own body-guard round the part usually reserved for the actors, and made his appearance, like a tragic actor, through the entrance at the back.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_314_314&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_314_314&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;314&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Athenians were greatly terrified at these proceedings, but the first words of his address put an end to their fears. He spoke in a mild and conciliatory tone, briefly and gently, complained of their conduct towards him, and announced his forgiveness of them. He distributed among them one hundred thousand medimni of wheat, and appointed the most popular men in the city to the vacant magistracies. Dromokleides the orator, seeing that the people could scarcely find enough means to express their delight, and that they were eager to outdo the panegyrics which were being lavished upon Demetrius from the bema, proposed that the ports of Peiræus and Munychia should be handed over to King Demetrius. When this was agreed to, Demetrius himself placed a garrison in the Museum, by which he intended to curb the people in case they should grow restive and take off his attention from his other enterprises.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i35&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Being now master of Athens, Demetrius at once began to attack Lacedæmon. He met the King of Sparta, Archidamus, near Mantinea, defeated him, and invaded Laconia, driving the beaten army before him. He fought a second battle before the walls of Sparta itself, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_245&amp;quot;&amp;gt;245&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;in which he killed two hundred Spartans, and took five hundred prisoners; and he very nearly took the city itself, which up to that time had never been taken. Fortune, however, seems to have introduced greater and more sudden vicissitudes into the life of Demetrius than into that of any other prince, for he was constantly rising from the most abject poverty to the highest pinnacles of wealth and power, and then being as suddenly cast down again. He himself is said, when his fortunes were at their lowest, to have quoted the verse of Æschylus,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“Thou raisest up, and thou dost bring me down.”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;So at this time, when everything seemed to be succeeding, and his empire and power constantly increasing, Demetrius received the news that Lysimachus had taken all the cities in Asia which had belonged to him, and that Ptolemy had made himself master of Cyprus with the exception of Salamis, which he was besieging, in which city was the mother and the children of Demetrius. Yet, like the woman spoken of by the poet Archilochus, who deceitfully offers water in one hand, while she holds a firebrand in the other, the fortune of Demetrius, after soaring him away from the conquest of Sparta by these terrifying pieces of intelligence, at once offered him hopes of accomplishing a new and mighty enterprise, in the following manner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i36&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After the death of Kassander, his eldest son Philip ascended the throne, but not long afterwards died. Upon this Kassander’s two younger sons each aspired to the crown. One of them, Antipater, murdered his mother Thessalonike, upon which the other&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_315_315&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_315_315&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;315&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; invited Pyrrhus to come from Epirus, and Demetrius from Peloponnesus, to support his claims. Pyrrhus was the first to arrive, and demanded so large a portion of the kingdom of Macedonia as the price of his assistance, that he soon became an object of terror to Alexander. When Demetrius, in answer to the appeal of Alexander, arrived with his army, Alexander was even more terrified, because of his great renown. He met Demetrius near Dium, and welcomed him as an honoured guest, but gave him to understand that he no &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_246&amp;quot;&amp;gt;246&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;longer stood in need of his services. Upon this each began to suspect the other, and Demetrius, when he was proceeding to a banquet to which he had been invited by the young prince, was warned that his host intended to assassinate him while they were drinking after dinner. Demetrius was not in the least disturbed at this intelligence, but merely delayed going to the banquet for a short time, while he ordered his officers to keep their men under arms, and bade his personal followers and pages, who far out-numbered the retinue of Alexander, to enter the banqueting hall with him, and to remain there until he left the table. Alarmed by these precautions, Alexander did not venture to offer him any violence; and Demetrius soon left the room, excusing himself on the ground that his health would not permit him to drink wine. On the following day Demetrius made preparations for departure, announcing that he had received news which made this necessary. He begged Alexander to pardon him for so sudden a retreat, and promised that when he was more at leisure he would pay him another visit. Alexander was delighted at this, thinking that Demetrius was leaving the country of his own free-will, and not as an enemy; and he escorted him as far as the borders of Thessaly. When they reached Larissa, each again invited the other to a banquet, each intending to murder the other. This decided the fall of Alexander, who fell into his own trap, being loth to show any distrust of Demetrius, lest Demetrius should distrust him. He accepted Demetrius’s invitation to a banquet, during which Demetrius suddenly rose. Alexander in alarm also started to his feet, and followed Demetrius towards the door. Demetrius as he passed the door said to his body-guard, “Kill the man who follows me,” and walked on. Alexander, who followed him, was cut down by the guard, as were his friends, who rushed to his assistance. One of these men when dying is said to have remarked that Demetrius had got the start of them by one day.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i37&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The night was spent in tumult and alarm. At daybreak the Macedonians, who had feared an attack from the army of Demetrius, became reassured, as nothing of the kind took place; and when Demetrius &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_247&amp;quot;&amp;gt;247&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;intimated to them his wish to address them and to explain his conduct, they received him in a friendly manner. When he appeared, he had no need to make a long speech, for the Macedonians, who hated Antipater for having murdered his mother, and who knew not where to look for a better sovereign, saluted Demetrius as King of the Macedonians, and at once conducted him into Macedonia. The new reign was not displeasing to the remainder of the Macedonians, who had never forgotten the disgraceful conduct of Kassander after the death of Alexander. If any remembrance of the moderation of their old governor Antipater still remained amongst them, Demetrius reaped the benefit of it, as his wife Phila was the daughter of Antipater, and his son,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_316_316&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_316_316&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;316&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; by her, who was nearly grown up, and accompanied his father on this campaign, was now the heir to the throne.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i38&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After this brilliant piece of good fortune, Demetrius received the news that his mother and children had been set at liberty by Ptolemy, who had given them presents and treated them with respect; while he also heard that his daughter, who had been given in marriage to Seleukus, was living with his son Antiochus, with the title of “queen of the native tribes of the interior.” It appears that Antiochus fell violently in love with Stratonike, who was quite a young girl, though she had already borne a child to Seleukus. After making many fruitless efforts to resist his passion, he reflected upon the wickedness of indulging a love which he was unable to restrain, and decided that he would put an end to his life. Under pretence of illness he refused to take nourishment, neglected his person, and was quietly sinking. Erasistratus, his physician, had without much difficulty perceived that he was in love, but could not guess with whom. He consequently spent the entire day in the same room with Antiochus, and whenever any young persons came to visit him, narrowly watched his countenance and those parts by which emotion is especially betrayed. He found that his condition was unaltered except when Stratonike came to see him, either alone or with her husband, Seleukus, and that then all the symptoms mentioned by&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_248&amp;quot;&amp;gt;248&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Sappho were visible in him, such as stammering, fiery blushes, failure of eyesight, violent perspiration, disturbed and quickened pulse, and at length, as his passions gained the mastery over him, pallor and bewilderment. Erasistratus, after making these observations, reflected that it was not probable that the king’s son would starve himself to death in silence for love of any other woman than his mother-in-law. He judged it to be a perilous enterprise to explain the real state of the case, but, nevertheless, trusting to the love of Seleukus for his son, he one day ventured to tell him that love was really the disorder from which young Antiochus was suffering, and that it was a hopeless and incurable passion. “How incurable?” inquired Seleukus. “Because,” answered Erasistratus, “he is in love with my wife.” “Well, then,” said Seleukus, “will you not give her up, Erasistratus, and marry her to my son, who is your friend, especially as that is the only way out of this trouble for us?” “No,” said Erasistratus, “I will not. Why, you yourself, although you are his father, would not do this, if Antiochus were enamoured of Stratonike.” To this Seleukus replied, “My friend, I would that by any means, human or divine, his passion could be directed to her; for I would willingly even give up my crown if I could thereby save Antiochus.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When Seleukus, in a tone of deep feeling and with tears in his eyes, made this avowal, Erasistratus took him by the hand, in token of good faith, and declared that his own services were quite useless, for that Seleukus himself was best able to heal the disorders which had arisen in his household. After this Seleukus convoked a general assembly of his people, and declared to them that he had determined to nominate Antiochus king, and Stratonike queen of all the nations of the interior, and that they were to be married. He believed, he said, that his son, who had always been accustomed to obey him, would raise no objection to the marriage; and that if his wife was discontented with it on the ground of its illegality, he begged his friends to argue with her and persuade her to regard everything as legal and honourable which the king decided upon as expedient. In this manner it is said to have come to pass that Antiochus was married to Stratonike.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_249&amp;quot;&amp;gt;249&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i39&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After obtaining Macedonia, Demetrius made himself master of Thessaly also. As he possessed the greater part of Peloponnesus, besides Megara and Athens, he now marched against Bœotia. At first the Bœotians came to terms, and formed an alliance with him, but afterwards, when Kleonymus of Sparta came to Thebes with an army, and Pisis, the most influential citizen of Thespiæ, encouraged them to recover their liberty, they revolted from Demetrius. Upon this, Demetrius brought up his famous siege train to attack their cities.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_317_317&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_317_317&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;317&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Kleonymus was so terrified that he secretly withdrew, and the Bœotians were scared into submission. Demetrius, though he garrisoned all their cities with his own troops, levied a large sum of money, and left Hieronymus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_318_318&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_318_318&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;318&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the historian as governor of the province, was thought to have dealt very mildly with the Bœotians, especially because of his treatment of Pisis; for he not only dismissed him unharmed when brought before him as a prisoner, but conversed with him in a friendly manner, and nominated him polemarch of Thespiæ.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Not long after these events, Lysimachus was taken prisoner by Dromichætus. Upon this, Demetrius at once hurriedly marched towards Thrace, hoping to find it unguarded. The Bœotians seized the opportunity of his absence to revolt, while news was brought to Demetrius that Lysimachus had been dismissed by his captors. Enraged at this, he speedily returned, and finding that the Bœotians had been defeated in a pitched battle by his son Antigonus, he a second time laid siege to Thebes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XL.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i40&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; However, as Pyrrhus was now overrunning Thessaly, and had pushed even as far as Thermopylæ, Demetrius left Antigonus to prosecute the siege, and himself marched to attack Pyrrhus. Pyrrhus beat a hasty retreat, and Demetrius, leaving ten thousand infantry and a thousand cavalry in Thessaly, returned to press the siege of Thebes. He now brought up his great machine, called the “City-taker,” which was moved by levers with great difficulty on account of its enormous weight; so that it &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_250&amp;quot;&amp;gt;250&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;is said that in two months it hardly moved two furlongs, The Bœotians made a vigorous defence, and Demetrius frequently forced his soldiers to engage in battle with them, more out of arrogance than through any real necessity for fighting. After one of these battles, Antigonus, grieved at the number of men who had fallen, said, “My father, why do we allow all these men to perish, when there is no occasion for it?” Demetrius sharply answered, “Why do you take offence at this? Do you have to pay the dead?” Yet Demetrius, not wishing it to be thought that he was lavish of other men’s blood and not of his own, but being anxious to fight among the foremost, was wounded by a dart thrown from a catapult, which pierced through his neck. He suffered much from this wound, but still continued the siege, and at length took Thebes for the second time. When he entered the city, he inspired the citizens with the most intense terror, as they expected to be treated with the greatest severity. He was satisfied, however, with putting to death thirteen of the citizens, and banishing a few others. Thus was Thebes taken twice within less than ten years since it was first rebuilt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As the time for the Pythian games had now come round, Demetrius took upon himself to make a most startling innovation. As the passes leading to Delphi were held by the Ætolians, he celebrated the games in Athens, declaring that it was right that especial honour should be paid there to Apollo, who is the tutelary god of the Athenians, and is said to have been the founder of their race.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i41&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Demetrius now returned to Macedonia. As he could not bear a life of repose, and found that his subjects were more easily governed on a campaign, since they were troublesome and turbulent when at home, he marched against the Ætolians. After laying waste their country he left Pantauchus there with a large portion of his army, and with the rest marched to attack Pyrrhus. Pyrrhus was equally eager to meet him, but they missed each other, so that Demetrius invaded and ravaged Epirus, while Pyrrhus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_319_319&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_319_319&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;319&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; fell in with Pantauchus and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_251&amp;quot;&amp;gt;251&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;fought with him. He himself exchanged blows with Pantauchus and put him to flight, killing many of his followers, and taking five thousand prisoners. This did more damage to the cause of Demetrius than anything else; for Pyrrhus was not so much disliked for the harm which he had done them, as he was admired for his personal prowess. His fame became great in Macedonia after this battle, and many Macedonians were heard to say that he alone, of all the princes of the time, revived the image of Alexander’s daring courage, while the rest, and especially Demetrius, only imitated his demeanour by their theatrical pomp and trappings of royalty. Indeed, Demetrius gave himself the most extravagant airs, wearing magnificent purple robes and hats with a double crown, and even wore shoes of purple felt embroidered with gold. There was a cloak which was for a long time being embroidered for his use, a most extravagantly showy piece of work, upon which was depicted a figure of the world and of the heavenly bodies. This cloak was left unfinished when Demetrius lost his crown, and none of his successors on the throne of Macedonia ever presumed to wear it, although some of them were very ostentatious princes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i42&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The spectacle of this unusual pomp irritated the Macedonians, who were not accustomed to see their kings thus attired, while the luxury and extravagance of Demetrius’s mode of life also gave offence to them. They were especially enraged at his haughty reserve, and the difficulty of obtaining access to him; for he either refused to grant an interview, or else treated those who were admitted to his presence with harshness and insolence. He kept an embassy of the Athenians, whom he respected beyond all other Greeks, waiting for two years for an audience; and when one ambassador arrived from Lacedæmon, he construed it as a mark of disrespect, and was angry. But when Demetrius said to the ambassador:—“What is this that you tell me? the Lacedæmonians have sent one ambassador!” “Yes,” answered he cleverly and laconically, “one ambassador to one king.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;One day when Demetrius came out of his palace he appeared to be in a more affable humour than usual, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_252&amp;quot;&amp;gt;252&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and willing to converse with his subjects. Upon this, many persons ran to present him with written statements of their grievances. As he received them all and placed them in the folds of his cloak, the petitioners were greatly delighted, and accompanied him; but when he came to the bridge over the Axius, he emptied them all out of his cloak into the river. This conduct greatly exasperated the Macedonians, who declared that they were insulted instead of being governed by him, and who remembered or were told by older men how gentle and easy of access Philip was always wont to be.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Once an old woman met him when he was walking, and begged repeatedly for a hearing. When he replied that he had no leisure to attend to her, she loudly cried out, “Then be king no more.” Stung by this taunt he returned to his palace, and gave audiences to all who wished it, beginning with the old woman, and so continued for many days. Indeed nothing becomes a king so much as to do justice to his subjects. As Timotheus the poet has it, Ares is a despot, but Pindar tells us that law is lord of all. Homer also says that kings have been entrusted by Zeus, not with City-takers or brazen-bound ships, but with justice, which they must keep and respect; and that Zeus does not love the most warlike or the most unjust of kings, but the most righteous, and calls him his friend and disciple. Demetrius however rejoiced in being called by a name most unlike that of the Lord of Heaven, for his title is “The Preserver of Cities,” while Demetrius was known as “The Besieger.” Thus through the worship of mere brute force, the bad gradually overcame the good side of his character, and his fame became sullied by the unworthy acts with which it was associated.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i43&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; While Demetrius lay dangerously ill at Pella, he very nearly lost his kingdom, as Pyrrhus invaded the country and briskly overran it as far as Edessa. However, on his recovery, Demetrius easily drove Pyrrhus out of Macedonia, and then made terms with him, because he did not wish to be entangled in a border warfare, which would interfere with the realisation of his more important projects. He meditated a colossal enterprise indeed, nothing less than the recovery of the whole of his father&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_253&amp;quot;&amp;gt;253&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;’s empire. His preparations were on a commensurate scale, for he had collected a force of ninety-eight thousand foot soldiers and nearly twelve thousand horse, while at Peiræus, Corinth, Chalkis, and the ports near Pella he was engaged in the construction of a fleet of five hundred ships. He himself personally superintended the works, visiting each dockyard and giving directions to the artificers; and all men were astounded not only at the number, but at the size of the vessels which were being built. Before his time no one had ever seen a ship of fifteen or sixteen banks of oars, although in later times Ptolemy Philopator built a ship of forty banks of oars, which measured two hundred and eighty cubits in length, and forty-eight cubits in height. This ship was navigated by four hundred sailors, four thousand rowers, and, besides all these, had room upon its decks for nearly three thousand soldiers. But this ship was merely for show, and differed little from a fixed building, being totally useless, and only moved with great risk and labour; whereas the beauty of the ships of Demetrius did not render them less serviceable, nor was their equipment so elaborate as to interfere with their use, but they were no less admirable for speed and strength as for greatness of size.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i44&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When this great armament, the largest ever collected since the death of Alexander, began to menace Asia, the three princes, Ptolemy, Seleukus, and Lysimachus, formed a confederation to oppose it. They next sent a joint letter to Pyrrhus, in which they urged him to attack Macedonia, and not to pay any regard to a peace by which Demetrius had not made any engagement not to go to war with him, but had merely obtained time to attack the others first. Pyrrhus agreed to this proposal, and Demetrius, before his preparations were completed, found himself involved in a war of considerable magnitude: for Ptolemy sailed to Greece with a large fleet and caused it to revolt from Demetrius, while Lysimachus from Thrace and Pyrrhus from Epirus invaded Macedonia and ravaged the country. Demetrius left his son to command in Greece, and himself marched to attack Lysimachus, in order to free Macedonia from the enemy. He shortly, however, received the news that Pyrrhus had taken &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_254&amp;quot;&amp;gt;254&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the city of Berœa, and when the Macedonians heard this, there was an end to all discipline, for the camp was full of tears and lamentations, and abuse of Demetrius. The men no longer cared to remain with him, but became eager to go away, nominally to their homes, but really to desert to Lysimachus. Demetrius upon this determined to place the greatest possible distance between Lysimachus and himself, and accordingly marched to attack Pyrrhus; reasoning that Lysimachus was a native of Macedonia, and was popular with many of the Macedonians because he had been a companion of Alexander, while he thought that the Macedonians would not prefer a foreigner like Pyrrhus to himself. However, in this expectation he was greatly deceived: for as soon as he encamped near Pyrrhus, his soldiers had a constant opportunity of admiring his personal prowess in battle, and they had from the most ancient times been accustomed to think that the best warrior is the best king. When besides this they learned how leniently Pyrrhus had dealt with the captives, as they had long been determined to transfer their allegiance from Demetrius to some one else, they now gladly agreed that it should be to Pyrrhus. At first they deserted to him secretly and few at a time; but soon the whole camp became excited and disturbed, and at last some had the audacity to present themselves before Demetrius, and bid him seek safety in flight, for the Macedonians were tired of fighting to maintain his extravagance. Compared with the harsh language held by many other Macedonians, this appeared to Demetrius to be very reasonable advice, and so proceeding to his tent, as though he were really a play-actor and not a king, he changed his theatrical cloak for one of a dark colour, and made his way out of the camp unobserved. Most of his soldiery at once betook themselves to plundering, and while they were quarrelling with one another over the spoils of the royal tent, Pyrrhus appeared, encountered no resistance, and made himself master of the camp. Pyrrhus and Lysimachus now divided between them the kingdom of Macedonia, which had for seven consecutive years been ruled by Demetrius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i45&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After this great disaster, Demetrius retired &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_255&amp;quot;&amp;gt;255&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to Kassandreia. His wife Phila was greatly grieved at his fall, and could not bear to see Demetrius a miserable fugitive and exile after having been a king. Despairing of ever seeing better days, and bitterly reflecting how far her husband’s good luck was outweighed by his misfortunes, she ended her life by poison. Now Demetrius, anxious to save what he could from the wreck of his fortunes, proceeded to Greece, and there collected his generals and forces. The verses spoken by Menelaus in Sophokles’s play—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line i04&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“But ever whirling on the wheel of fate&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;My fortune changes, like the changing moon&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;That never keeps her form two nights the same.&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;At first she comes with flattering countenance&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And fills her orb; but when she is most bright&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;She wanes again, and loses all her light,”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;seems to express very well the strange waxing and waning of the fortunes of Demetrius, who, as in the present instance, sometimes appeared to be quite extinguished, and then burst forth again as brilliant as ever, as little by little his power increased until he was able to carry out his plans. At first he visited the various cities of Greece dressed as a private man, without any of the insignia of royalty. One of the Thebans seeing him in this guise, cleverly applied to him the verses of Euripides:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line i04&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“A god no more, but dressed in mortal guise,&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;He comes to where the springs of Dirké rise.”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i46&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When he again hoped to regain the style of royalty, and began to gather around him the form and substance of an empire, he permitted the Thebans to remain independent. The Athenians, however, revolted from him. They erased the name of Diphilus, who was inscribed upon the rolls as “priest of the Saviours,”&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_320_320&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_320_320&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;320&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and decreed that archons should be elected after their ancestral custom; and they also sent to Macedonia to invite Pyrrhus to come and help them, as they perceived that Demetrius was becoming more powerful than they had expected. Demetrius indeed angrily marched upon Athens, and began to besiege the city, but the philosopher Krates, an able&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_256&amp;quot;&amp;gt;256&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Õand eloquent man, who was sent to make terms with him by the Athenian people, partly by entreaties, and partly by pointing out in what quarter his true interests lay, prevailed upon him to raise the siege. Demetrius now collected what ships he could, and with eleven thousand infantry and a few cavalry soldiers sailed to Asia, intending to detach the provinces of Lydia and Karia from Lysimachus’s dominions. At Miletus he was met by Eurydike,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_321_321&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_321_321&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;321&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the sister of Phila, who brought him her daughter Ptolemäis, who had been long before promised to him in the treaty concluded by the mediation of Seleukus. Demetrius married her, and immediately after the wedding betook himself to gaining over the cities of Ionia, some of which joined him of their own accord, while others were forced to yield to his arms. He also captured Sardis, and several of the officers of Lysimachus deserted to him, bringing him both soldiers and money. When, however, Lysimachus’s son Agathokles came to attack him with a large force, he withdrew into Phrygia, meaning if possible to gain possession of Armenia, stir up Media to revolt, and make himself master of the provinces in the interior, among which a fugitive could easily find an abundance of places of refuge. Agathokles pressed him hard, and Demetrius, although victorious in all the skirmishes which took place, was reduced to great straits, as he was cut off from his supplies of provisions and forage, while his soldiers began to suspect him of meaning to lead them to Armenia and Media. Famine now began to distress his army, and he also lost a large body of men, who were swept away in crossing the river Lykus through mistaking the ford. Yet the men did not cease to joke; and one of them wrote before the tent of Demetrius the first verses of the play of [Oe]dipus at Kolonus, slightly altered:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line i04&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“Child of Antigonus, the blind old man,&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;What place is this, at which we have arrived?”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i47&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; At last famine, as usually happens, produced a pestilence, because the men ate whatever they could find; and Demetrius, after losing no less than eight thousand, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_257&amp;quot;&amp;gt;257&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;gave up his project, and led back the remainder. He proceeded to Tarsus, and would, if possible, have abstained from living on the neighbouring country which belonged to Seleukus, and so giving him an excuse for attacking him. However, this was impossible, as his soldiers were reduced to the last extremities of want, and Agathokles had fortified the passes of the Taurus range of mountains. Demetrius now wrote a letter to Seleukus, containing a long and piteous account of his misfortunes, and begging Seleukus as a relative to take pity on one who had suffered enough to make even his enemies feel compassion for him. Seleukus seems to have been touched by this appeal. He wrote to his generals, ordering them to show Demetrius the respect due to royalty, and to supply his troops with provisions; but now Patrokles, who was thought to be a man of great wisdom, and who was a friend of Seleukus, pointed out to him that the expense of feeding the troops of Demetrius was not a matter of great importance, but that it was a grievous error to allow Demetrius himself to remain in his territory. He reminded him that Demetrius had always been the most turbulent and enterprising of princes, and that he was now in a position which would urge the most moderate and peaceable of men to deeds of reckless daring and treachery. Struck by this reasoning, Seleukus started for Cilicia in person, at the head of a large army. Demetrius, astonished and alarmed at this rapid change in Seleukus’s attitude, retreated to a strong position at the foot of the Taurus mountains, and in a second letter requested Seleukus to allow him to conquer some native territory occupied by independent tribes, in which he might repose after his wanderings, or at least to let him maintain his forces in Cilicia during the winter, and not to drive him out of the country and expose him to his enemies in a destitute condition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i48&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Seleukus viewed all these proposals with suspicion, and offered to let him pass two months of the winter in Cataonia, but demanded his chief officers as hostages, and at the same time began to secure the passes leading into Syria. Demetrius, who was now shut up like a wild beast in a trap, was driven to use force, overran the country, and fought several slight actions &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_258&amp;quot;&amp;gt;258&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;successfully with Seleukus. On one occasion he withstood a charge of scythed chariots, and routed the enemy, and he also drove away the garrison of one of the passes, and gained the command of the road to Syria. He now became elated by success, and perceiving that his soldiers had recovered their confidence, he determined to fight Seleukus for his kingdom. Seleukus himself was now in difficulties. He had refused Lysimachus’s offer of assistance, through suspicion, and he feared to engage with Demetrius in battle, dreading the effects of his despair and the sudden turns of his fortune. However, at this crisis Demetrius was seized by a disorder which nearly carried him off, and utterly ruined his prospects; for some of his soldiers deserted to the enemy, and some dispersed to their own homes. After forty days he was able to place himself at the head of the remaining troops, and with them marched so as to lead the enemy to suppose that he meant to return to Cilicia; but as soon as it was dark he started without any sound of trumpet in the opposite direction, crossed the pass of Amanus, and began to plunder the plain of Kyrrhestis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i49&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Shortly afterwards Seleukus made his appearance, and pitched his camp hard by. Demetrius now got his men under arms in the night and started to surprise Seleukus, whose army expected no attack, and was for the most part asleep. When he was informed of his danger by some deserters he leaped up in terror, and began putting on his boots and shouting to his friends that a savage beast was coming to attack them. Demetrius, observing from the noise which filled the enemy’s camp that they had notice of his attempt, quickly marched back again. He was attacked at daybreak by Seleukus, and gained some advantage by a flank attack. But now Seleukus himself dismounted, took off his helmet, and with only a small shield in his hand went up to the mercenary troops of Demetrius, showing himself to them and inviting them to join him. They knew that he had for a long time refrained from attacking them out of a wish to spare their lives, and not for the sake of Demetrius; and they all greeted him, saluted him as King, and joined his army. Demetrius, who had seen so many turns of good and ill fortune, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_259&amp;quot;&amp;gt;259&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;felt that this blow was final. He fled towards the pass of Amanus, and with a few friends and attendants took refuge in a thick wood for the night, hoping to be able to gain the road to Kaunus and so to reach the sea, where he hoped to find his fleet assembled. But when he found that his party had not enough money to procure them provisions even for one day, he was forced to adopt other plans. Soon, however, he was joined by Sosigenes, one of his friends, who had four hundred gold pieces in his belt, and with this treasure they hoped to be able to reach the sea, and started as soon as it grew dark to make their way over the mountains. But when they saw the enemy’s watch-fires blazing all along the heights, they despaired of effecting their passage by that route, and returned to the place whence they had set out, diminished in numbers, for some had deserted, and greatly disheartened. When one of them ventured to hint that Demetrius ought to surrender himself to Seleukus, Demetrius seized his sword and would have made away with himself, but his friends stood round him, and at length talked him over into giving himself up. He sent a messenger to Seleukus, putting himself unreservedly in his hands.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;L.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i50&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Seleukus, when he heard what had happened, said that it was his own good fortune, not that of Demetrius, which had saved Demetrius’s life, and had given himself an opportunity of displaying his clemency and goodness as well as his other virtues. He at once sent for his servants and bade them construct a royal tent, and make every preparation for the reception of Demetrius in a magnificent fashion. There was one Apollonides at the court of Seleukus, who had been an intimate friend of Demetrius, and Seleukus at once sent him to Demetrius, to bid him be of good cheer, and not fear to meet his friend and relative Seleukus. When the King’s pleasure became known, a few at first, but afterwards the greater part of his followers, eagerly flocked to pay their court to Demetrius, who they imagined would become the second man in the kingdom. This ill-judged zeal of theirs turned the compassion of Seleukus into jealousy, and enabled mischief-makers to defeat his kindly intentions by warning him that as soon as Demetrius was seen in his camp all his troops &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_260&amp;quot;&amp;gt;260&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;would rise in mutiny against him. Apollonides had just reached Demetrius in high spirits, and others were arriving with wonderful stories about the goodness of Seleukus. Demetrius himself was just recovering his spirits after his disaster, was beginning to think that he had been wrong in his reluctance to surrender himself, and was full of hope for the future, when Pausanias appeared with about a thousand horse and foot-soldiers. He suddenly surrounded Demetrius with these troops, separated him from his friends, and, instead of bringing him into the presence of Seleukus, conducted him to the Syrian Chersonese, where, though strongly guarded, he was supplied by Seleukus with suitable lodging and entertainment, and allowed to take the air and hunt in the royal park which adjoined his dwelling. He was permitted to associate with any of the companions of his exile whom he wished to see, and many polite messages were sent to him from Seleukus to the effect that as soon as Antiochus and Stratonike arrived, they would come to some amicable arrangement.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i51&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Demetrius now despatched letters to his son, and to the commanders of his garrisons at Athens and Corinth, warning them not to pay any attention to any despatches which they might receive in his name, or even to his royal signet, but to regard him as practically dead, and to hold the cities in trust for his heir Antigonus. His son was much grieved at hearing of his father’s capture, put on mourning, and sent letters to all the other kings, and to Seleukus himself, begging for his father’s liberation. He offered to give up all the places which he still held, and even proposed to surrender himself as a hostage in place of his father. Many cities and princes supported his request, except Lysimachus, who offered to give Seleukus a large sum of money if he would put Demetrius to death. But Seleukus, who had always disliked Lysimachus, now regarded him with abhorrence as a savage villain, and still continued to keep Demetrius in captivity, under the pretext that he was waiting for the arrival of his son Antiochus and Stratonike, that they might have the pleasure of restoring him to liberty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i52&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Demetrius at first bore up manfully against his misfortunes, and learned to endure captivity, taking exercise &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_261&amp;quot;&amp;gt;261&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; as well as he could, by hunting in the park, and by running; but, little by little, he neglected these amusements, addicted himself to drinking and dicing, and thus spent most of his time; either in order to escape from the thoughts of his present condition by intoxication, or else because he felt that this was the life which he had always wished to lead, and that he had caused great suffering both to himself and to others by fighting by sea and land in order to obtain that comfort which he had now unexpectedly discovered in repose and quiet. What, indeed, is the object of the wars and dangers which bad kings endure, in their folly, unless it be this? although they not only strive after luxury and pleasure, instead of virtue and honour, but do not even understand in what real luxury and enjoyment consist. Be that as it may, Demetrius, after living in confinement in the Chersonese for three years, died of laziness, surfeit and over-indulgence in wine, in the fifty-fourth year of his age.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_322_322&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_322_322&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;322&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Seleukus was greatly blamed for the suspicions which he had entertained about Demetrius, and greatly repented that he had not imitated the wild Thracian Dromichætes, who dealt so kindly and royally with Lysimachus when he had taken him prisoner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;i53&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Even the funeral of Demetrius had an air of tragedy and theatrical display. His son Antigonus, as soon as he heard that the ashes of his father were being brought to him, collected all his fleet and met the vessels of Seleukus near the Cyclades. Here he received the relics in a golden urn on board of his own flagship, the largest of his fleet. At every port at which they touched the citizens laid garlands upon the urn, and sent deputies in mourning to attend the funeral. When the fleet arrived at Corinth, the urn was beheld in a conspicuous place upon the stern of the ship, adorned with a royal robe and diadem, and surrounded by-armed soldiers of the king’s body-guard. Near it was seated the celebrated flute-player Xenophantus, playing a sacred hymn; and the measured dip of the oars, keeping time to the music, sounded like the refrain of a dirge. The crowds who thronged the sea-shore were especially touched by the sight of Antigonus &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_262&amp;quot;&amp;gt;262&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;himself, towed down with grief and with his eyes full of tears. After due honours had been paid to the relics at Corinth, he finally deposited them, in the city of Demetrias, which was named after his father, and which had been formed by amalgamating the small villages in the neighbourhood of Iolkos. Demetrius, by his wife Phila, left one son, Antigonus, and one daughter, Stratonike. He also had two sons named Demetrius, one, known as Leptus, by an Illyrian woman, and the other, who became ruler of Cyrene, by Ptolemais. By Deidameia he had a son named Alexander, who spent his life in Egypt. It is said, too, that he had a son named Korrhagus by Eurydike. His family retained the throne of Macedonia for many generations, until it ended in Perseus, during whose reign the Romans conquered that country. So now that we have brought the career of the Macedonian hero to a close, it is time for us to bring the Roman upon the stage.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_263&amp;quot;&amp;gt;263&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;LIFE OF ANTONIUS.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The grandfather of Antonius was the orator Antonius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_323_323&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_323_323&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;323&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who belonged to the party of Sulla and was put to death by Marius. His father was Antonius, surnamed Creticus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_324_324&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_324_324&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;324&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; not a man of any great note or distinction in political affairs, but of good judgment and integrity, and also liberal in his donations, as one may know from a single instance. He had no large property and for this reason he was prevented by his wife from indulging his generous disposition. On one occasion when an intimate friend came to him who was in want of money, and Antonius had none, he ordered a young slave to put some water into a silver vessel and to bring it; and when it was brought, he moistened his chin as if he were going to shave himself. The slave being sent away on some other business, Antonius gave the cup to his friend and bade him make use of it; but as a strict inquiry was made among the slaves, and Antonius saw that his wife was vexed and intended to torture them one by one, he acknowledged what he had done and begged her pardon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; His wife was Julia of the family of the Cæsars, a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_264&amp;quot;&amp;gt;264&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;woman who could compare with the noblest and most virtuous of that day. She brought up her son Antonius, having married after his father’s death Cornelius Lentulus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_325_325&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_325_325&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;325&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was one of the conspirators with Catilina and was put to death by Cicero. This appears to be the reason and the foundation of the violent enmity between Antonius and Cicero. Now Antonius says that even the corpse of Lentulus was not given up to them until his mother begged it of the wife of Cicero. But this is manifestly false, for no one of those who were then punished by Cicero was deprived of interment. Antonius was of distinguished appearance in his youth, but his friendship and intimacy with Curio&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_326_326&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_326_326&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;326&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; fell upon him, as they say, like some pestilence, for Curio himself was intemperate in his pleasures, and he hurried Antonius, in order to make him more manageable, into drinking and the company of women and extravagant and licentious expenditure. All this brought on him a heavy debt, and out of all bounds for his age, of two hundred and fifty talents. Curio became security for all this, and when his father heard of it he banished Antonius from the house. Antonius for a short time mixed himself up with the violence of Clodius, the most daring and scandalous of the demagogues of the day, which was throwing every thing into confusion; but becoming soon satiated with that madness and being afraid of those who were combining against Clodius, he left Italy for Greece and spent some time there, exercising his body for military contests and practising oratory. He adopted what was called the Asiatic style of oratory, which flourished most at that time, and bore a great resemblance to his mode of life, which was boastful and swaggering and full of empty pride and irregular aspiration after distinction.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When Gabinius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_327_327&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_327_327&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;327&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a man of consular rank, was sailing for Syria, he endeavoured to persuade Antonius to join the expedition. Antonius said that he would not go out with &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_265&amp;quot;&amp;gt;265&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;him as a private individual, but on being appointed commander of the cavalry, he did go with him. In the first place he was sent against Aristobulus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_328_328&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_328_328&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;328&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was stirring the Jews to revolt, and he was the first man to mount the largest of the fortifications; and he drove Aristobulus from all of them. He next joined battle with him and with the few men that he had put to flight the forces of Aristobulus, which were much more numerous, and killed all but a few; and Aristobulus was captured with his son. After this Ptolemæus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_329_329&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_329_329&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;329&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; attempted to persuade Gabinius for ten thousand talents to join him in an invasion of Egypt and to recover the kingdom for him; but most of the officers opposed the proposal, and Gabinius himself was somewhat afraid of the war, though he was hugely taken with the ten thousand talents; but Antonius, who was eager after great exploits and wished to gratify the request of Ptolemæus, persuaded Gabinius and urged him to the expedition. They feared more than the war the march to Pelusium, which was through deep sand where there was no water along the Ecregma&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_330_330&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_330_330&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;330&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and the Serbonian marsh, which the Egyptians call the blasts of Typhon&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_331_331&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_331_331&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;331&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, but which really appears to be left behind by the Red Sea&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_332_332&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_332_332&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;332&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and to be caused by the filtration of the waters at the part where it is separated by the narrowest part of the isthmus from &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_266&amp;quot;&amp;gt;266&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the internal sea. Antonius being sent with the cavalry not only occupied the straits, but taking Pelusium also, a large city, and the soldiers in it, he at the same time made the road safe for the army and gave the general sure hopes of victory. Even his enemies reaped advantage from his love of distinction; for when Ptolemæus entered Pelusium, and through his passion and hatred was moved to massacre the Egyptians, Antonius stood in the way and stopped him. And in the battles and the contests which were great and frequent, he displayed many deeds of daring and prudent generalship, but most signally in encircling and surrounding the enemy in the rear, whereby he secured the victory to those in front, and received the rewards of courage and fitting honours. Nor did the many fail to notice his humanity towards Archelaus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_333_333&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_333_333&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;333&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; after his death; for Antonius, who had been his intimate and friend, fought against him during his lifetime of necessity, but when he found the body of Archelaus, who had fallen, he interred it with all honours and in kingly fashion. He thus left among the people of Alexandria the highest reputation, and was judged by the Roman soldiers to be a most illustrious man.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; With these advantages he possessed a noble dignity of person; and his well-grown beard, his broad forehead and hooked nose&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_334_334&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_334_334&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;334&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; appeared to express the manly character which is observed in the paintings and sculptures of Hercules. And there was an old tradition that the Antonii were Herakleidæ, being sprung from Anton, a son of Hercules. This tradition Antonius thought that he strengthened by the character of his person, as it has been observed, and by his dress. For on all occasions, when he was going to appear before a number of persons, he had his tunic girded up to his thigh, and a large sword hung by his side, and a thick cloak thrown round him. Besides, that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_267&amp;quot;&amp;gt;267&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;which appeared to others to be offensive, his great boasting and jesting and display of his cups, and his sitting by the soldiers when they were eating, and his eating himself as he stood by the soldiers’ table—it is wonderful how much affection and attachment for him it bred in the soldiers. His amorous propensities, too, had in them something that was not without a charm, but even by these he won the favour of many, helping them in their love affairs and submitting to be joked with good humour about his own amours. His liberality and his habit of gratifying the soldiers and his friends in nothing with a stinted or sparing hand, both gave him a brilliant foundation for power, and, when he had become great, raised his power still higher, though it was in danger of being subverted by ten thousand other faults. I will relate one instance of his profusion. He ordered five-and-twenty ten thousands to be given to one of his friends; this sum the Romans express by Decies.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_335_335&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_335_335&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;335&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But as his steward wondered thereat, and to show him how much it was, placed the money out, he asked as he was passing by, What that was. The steward replying that this was what he had ordered to be given, Antonius, who conjectured his trickery, said, “I thought a Decies was more: this is a small matter; and therefore add to it as much more.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now these things belong to a later period. But when matters at Rome came to a split, the aristocratical party joining Pompeius who was present, and the popular party inviting Cæsar from Gaul, who was in arms, Curio, the friend of Antonius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_336_336&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_336_336&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;336&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; changing sides in favour of Cæsar, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_268&amp;quot;&amp;gt;268&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;brought Antonius over; and as he had great influence among the many by his eloquence, and spent money lavishly, which was supplied by Cæsar, he got Antonius appointed tribune, and then one of the priests over the birds, whom the Romans call Augurs. As soon as Antonius entered on his office, he was of no small assistance to those who were directing public affairs on Cæsar’s behalf. In the first place, when Marcellus the consul attempted to give to Pompeius the troops that were already levied, and to empower him to raise others, Antonius opposed him by proposing an order, that the collected force should sail to Syria and assist Bibulus, who was warring with the Parthians, and that the troops which Pompeius was levying should not pay any regard to him: and, in the second place, when the Senate would not receive Cæsar’s letters, nor allow them to be read, Antonius, whose office gave him power, did read them, and he changed the disposition of many, who judged from Cæsar’s letters that he only asked what was just and reasonable. Finally, when two questions were proposed in the Senate, of which one was, whether Pompeius should disband his troops, and the other, whether Cæsar should do it, and there were a few in favour of Pompeius laying down his arms, and all but a few were for Cæsar doing so, Antonius arose and put the question, Whether the Senate was of opinion that Pompeius and Cæsar at the same time should lay down their arms and disband their forces. All eagerly accepted this proposal, and with shouts praising Antonius, they urged to put the question to the vote. But as the consuls would not consent, the friends of Cæsar again made other proposals, which were considered reasonable, which Cato resisted, and Lentulus, who was consul, ejected Antonius from the Senate. Antonius went out uttering many imprecations against them, and assuming the dress of a slave, and in conjunction with Cassius Quintus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_337_337&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_337_337&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;337&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; hiring a chariot&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_269&amp;quot;&amp;gt;269&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; he hurried to Cæsar; and as soon as they were in sight, they called out that affairs at Rome were no longer in any order, since even tribunes had no liberty of speech, but every one was driven away and in danger who spoke on the side of justice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Upon this Cæsar with his army entered Italy. Accordingly Cicero, in his Philippica, said that Helen&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_338_338&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_338_338&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;338&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was the beginning of the Trojan war, and Antonius of the civil war, wherein he is manifestly stating a falsehood. For Caius Cæsar was not such a light person, or so easy to be moved from his sound judgment by passion, if he had not long ago determined to do this, as to have made war on his country all of a sudden, because he saw Antonius in a mean dress and Cassius making their escape to him in a hired chariot; but this gave a ground and specious reason for the war to a man who had long been wanting a pretext. He was led to war against the whole world, as Alexander before him and Cyrus of old had been, by an insatiable love of power and a frantic passion to be first and greatest: and this he could not obtain, if Pompeius was not put down. He came then and got possession of Rome, and drove Pompeius out of Italy; and determining to turn first against the forces of Pompeius in Iberia, and then, when he had got ready a fleet, to cross over to attack Pompeius, he entrusted Rome to Lepidus, who was prætor, and the forces and Italy to Antonius, who was tribune. Antonius forthwith gained the favour of the soldiers by taking his exercises with them, and by generally living with them, and making them presents out of his means; but to everybody else he was odious. For owing to his carelessness he paid no attention to those who were wronged, and listened with ill-temper to those who addressed him, and had a bad repute about other men’s wives. In fine, Cæsar’s friends brought odium on Cæsar’s power, which, so far as concerned Cæsar’s acts, appeared to be anything rather than &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_270&amp;quot;&amp;gt;270&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;a tyranny: and of those friends Antonius, who had the chief power and committed the greatest excesses, had most of the blame.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; However, upon his return from Iberia, Cæsar&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_339_339&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_339_339&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;339&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; overlooked the charges against him, and employing him in war because of his energy, his courage, and his military skill, he was never disappointed in him. Now Cæsar, after crossing the Ionian Gulf from Brundusium with a few men, sent his ships back, with orders to Gabinius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_340_340&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_340_340&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;340&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Antonius to put the troops on board and carry them over quickly to Macedonia. Gabinius was afraid of the voyage, which was hazardous in the winter season, and led his army by land a long way about; but Antonius being alarmed for Cæsar, who was hemmed in by many enemies, repulsed Libo,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_341_341&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_341_341&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;341&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was blockading the mouth of the harbour, by surrounding his gallies with many light boats, and embarking in his vessels eight thousand legionary soldiers he set sail. Being discovered by the enemy and pursued, he escaped all danger from them in consequence of a strong south wind bringing a great swell and tempestuous sea upon his gallies; but as he was carried in his ships towards precipices and cliffs with deep water under them, he had no hope of safety. But all at once there blew from the bay a violent south-west wind and the swell ran from the land to the sea, and Antonius getting off the land and sailing in gallant style saw the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_271&amp;quot;&amp;gt;271&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;shore full of wrecks. For thither the wind had cast up the gallies that were in pursuit of him and no small number of them was destroyed; and Antonius made many prisoners and much booty, and he took Lissus, and he gave Cæsar great confidence by coming at a critical time with so great a force.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; There were many and continuous fights, in all of which Antonius was distinguished: and twice he met and turned back the soldiers of Cæsar, who were flying in disorder, and by compelling them to stand and to fight again with their pursuers he gained the victory. There was accordingly more talk of him in the camp than of any one else after Cæsar. And Cæsar showed what opinion he had of him; for when he was going to fight the last battle and that which decided everything at Pharsalus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_342_342&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_342_342&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;342&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he had the right wing himself, but he gave the command of the left to Antonius as being the most skilful and bravest officer that he had. After the battle Cæsar was proclaimed dictator, and he set out in pursuit of Pompeius, but he appointed Antonius master of the horse and sent him to Rome: this is the second office in rank when the dictator is present; but if he is not, it is the first and almost the only one. For the tribuneship continues, but they put down all the other functionaries when a dictator is chosen.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; However Dolabella,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_343_343&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_343_343&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;343&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was then a tribune, a young man who aimed at change, introduced a measure for the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_272&amp;quot;&amp;gt;272&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;annulling of debts, and he persuaded Antonius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_344_344&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_344_344&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;344&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was a friend of his and always wished to please the many, to work with him and to take a part in this political measure. But Asinius and Trebellius gave him the contrary advice, and it happened that a strong suspicion came on Antonius, that he was wronged in the matter of his wife by Dolabella. And as he was much annoyed thereat, he not only drove his wife from his house, who was his cousin, for she was the daughter of Caius Antonius who was consul with Cicero, but he joined Asinius and resisted Dolabella. Dolabella occupied the Forum with the design of carrying the law by force, but Antonius, after the Senate had declared by a vote that it was needful to oppose Dolabella with arms, came upon him and joining battle killed some of the men of Dolabella and lost some of his own. This brought on Antonius the hatred of the many, and he was not liked by the honest and sober on account of his habits of life, as Cicero says, but was detested; for people were disgusted at his drunkenness at unseasonable hours, and his heavy expenditure, and his intercourse with women, and his sleeping by day, and walking about with head confused and loaded with drink, and by night his revellings and theatres and his presence at the nuptials of mimi and jesters. It is said indeed that after being present at the entertainment on the marriage of Hippias the mime, and drinking all night, when the people summoned him early in the morning to the Forum, he came there still full of food and vomited, and one of his friends placed his vest under to serve him. Sergius the mime was one of those who had the greatest influence over him, and Cytheris&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_345_345&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_345_345&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;345&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; from the same school, a woman whom he loved, and whom when he visited the cities he took round with him in a litter; and there were as many attendants to follow the litter as that of his mother. People were also vexed at the sight of golden cups carried about in his excursions as in processions, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_273&amp;quot;&amp;gt;273&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and fixing of tents in the ways, and the laying out of costly feasts near groves and rivers, and lions yoked to chariots, and houses of orderly men and women used as quarters for prostitutes and lute-players. For it was considered past all endurance that, while Cæsar was lodging in the open field out of Italy, clearing up the remnant of war with great labour and danger, others, through means of Cæsar’s power, were indulging in luxury and insulting the citizens.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; These things appear also to have increased the disorder and to have given the soldiers licence to commit shameful violence and robbery. Wherefore, when Cæsar returned, he pardoned Dolabella; and being elected consul for the third time he chose not Antonius, but Lepidus for his colleague. Antonius bought the house of Pompeius when it was sold, but he was vexed when he was asked for the money; and he says himself that this was the reason why he did not join Cæsar in his Libyan expedition, having had no reward for his former successes. However Cæsar is considered to have cured him of the chief part of his folly and extravagance by not allowing his excesses to pass unnoticed. For he gave up that course of life and turned his thoughts to wedlock, taking for his wife Fulvia, who had been the wife of the demagogue Clodius, a woman who troubled herself not about domestic industry or housekeeping, nor one who aspired to rule a private man, but her wish was to rule a ruler and command a general: so that Cleopatra was indebted to Fulvia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_346_346&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_346_346&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;346&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for training Antonius to woman-rule, inasmuch as Cleopatra received him quite tamed and disciplined from the commencement to obey women. However Antonius attempted by sportive ways and youthful sallies to make Fulvia somewhat merrier; as for example, on the occasion when many went to meet Cæsar after his victory in Iberia,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_274&amp;quot;&amp;gt;274&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Antonius also went; but as a report suddenly reached Italy that Cæsar was dead and the enemy were advancing, he returned to Rome, and taking a slave’s dress he came to the house by night, and saying that he brought a letter from Antonius to Fulvia, he was introduced to her wrapped up in his dress. Fulvia, who was in a state of anxiety, asked, before she took the letter, whether Antonius was alive; but without speaking a word he held out the letter to her, and when she was beginning to open and read it, he embraced and kissed her. These few out of many things I have produced by way of instance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When Cæsar was returning from Iberia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_347_347&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_347_347&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;347&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; all the first people went several days’ journey to meet him; but Antonius was specially honoured by Cæsar. For in his passage through Italy he had Antonius in the chariot with him, and behind him Brutus Albinus and Octavianus the son of his niece, who was afterwards named Cæsar and ruled the Romans for a very long time. When Cæsar was appointed consul for the fifth time, he immediately chose Antonius for his colleague, and it was his design to abdicate the consulship and give it to Dolabella; and this he proposed to the Senate. But as Antonius violently opposed this, and vented much abuse of Dolabella and received as much in return, Cæsar, being ashamed of these unseemly proceedings, went away. Afterwards when he came to proclaim Dolabella, upon Antonius calling out that the birds were opposed to it, Cæsar yielded and gave up Dolabella, who was much annoyed. But it appeared that Cæsar abominated Dolabella as much as he did Antonius; for it is said, that when some person was endeavouring to excite his suspicions against both, Cæsar said that he was not afraid of those fat and long-haired fellows, but those pale and thin ones, meaning Brutus and Cassius, who afterwards conspired against him and slew him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And Antonius without designing it gave them a most specious pretext. It was the feast of the Lykæa &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_275&amp;quot;&amp;gt;275&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;among the Romans, which they call Lupercalia,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_348_348&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_348_348&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;348&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Cæsar dressed in a triumphal robe and sitting on the Rostra in the Forum viewed the runners. Now many youths of noble birth run the race, and many of the magistrates, anointed with oil, and with strips of hide they strike by way of sport those whom they meet. Antonius running among them paid no regard to the ancient usage, but wrapping a crown of bay round a diadem he ran to the Rostra, and being raised up by his companions in the race he placed it on Cæsar’s head, intimating that he ought to be King. But as Cæsar affected to refuse it and put his head aside, the people were pleased and clapped their hands; then Antonius again offered the crown, and Cæsar again rejected it. This contest went on for some time, only a few of the friends of Antonius encouraging him in his pressing the offer, but all the people shouted and clapped when Cæsar refused; which indeed was surprising, that while in reality they submitted to be ruled over with kingly power they eschewed the name of King as if it were the destruction of their freedom. Accordingly Cæsar rose from the Rostra much annoyed, and taking the robe from his neck called out that he offered his throat to any one who would have it. The crown which was placed on one of his statues certain tribunes tore off, and the people followed them with loud expressions of goodwill and clapping of hands; but Cæsar deprived them of their office.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This confirmed Brutus and Cassius, and when they were enumerating the friends whom they could trust in the undertaking, they deliberated about Antonius. The rest were for adding Antonius to their number, but Trebonius opposed it; for he said that at the time when they went to meet Cæsar on his return from Iberia, and Antonius was in the same tent with him and journeyed with him, he tried his disposition in a quiet way and with caution, and he said that Antonius understood him, though he did not respond to the proposal, nor yet did he report it to Cæsar, but faithfully kept the words secret. Upon this they again deliberated whether they should kill Antonius after they had killed Cæsar; but Brutus opposed this, urging that the act which was adventured &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_276&amp;quot;&amp;gt;276&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;in defence of the laws and of justice must be pure and free from injustice. But as they were afraid of the strength of Antonius and the credit that his office gave him, they appointed some of the conspirators to look after him in order that when Cæsar entered the Senate house and the deed was going to be done, they might detain him on the outside in conversation about some matter and on the pretence of urgent business.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This being accomplished according as it was planned and Cæsar having fallen in the Senate house, Antonius immediately put on a slave’s attire and hid himself. But when he learned that the men were not attacking any one, but were assembled in the Capitol, he persuaded them to come down after giving them his son as a hostage; and he entertained Cassius at supper, and Brutus entertained Lepidus. Antonius having summoned the Senate spoke about an amnesty and a distribution of provinces among Brutus and Cassius and their partizans, and the Senate ratified these proposals, and decreed not to alter anything that had been done by Cæsar.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_349_349&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_349_349&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;349&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Antonius went out of the Senate the most distinguished of men, being considered to have prevented a civil war and to have managed most prudently and in a most statesmanlike manner circumstances which involved difficulties and no ordinary causes of confusion. But from such considerations as these he was soon disturbed by the opinion that he derived from the multitude, that he would certainly be the first man in Rome, if Brutus were put down. Now it happened that when Cæsar’s corpse was carried forth, as the custom was, he pronounced an oration over it in the Forum;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_350_350&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_350_350&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;350&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and seeing that the people were powerfully led and affected, he mingled with the praises of Cæsar commiseration &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_277&amp;quot;&amp;gt;277&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and mighty passion over the sad event, and at the close of his speech, shaking the garments of the dead, which were blood-stained and hacked with the swords, and calling those who had done these things villains and murderers, he inspired so much indignation in the men that they burnt the body of Cæsar in the Forum, heaping together the benches and the tables; and snatching burning faggots from the pile they ran to the houses of the assassins and assaulted them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For this reason Brutus and his party left the city, and the friends of Cæsar joined Antonius; and Cæsar’s wife Calpurnia trusting to him had the chief part of the treasures transferred to Antonius from her house, to the amount in all of four thousand talents. He received also the writings of Cæsar, in which there were entries made of what he had determined and decreed; and Antonius inserting entries in them, named many to offices just as he pleased, and many he named senators, and he restored some who were in exile and released others who were in prison, as if Cæsar had determined all this. Wherefore the Romans by way of mockery named all these persons Charonitæ,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_351_351&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_351_351&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;351&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; because when they were put to the proof they had to take refuge in the memoranda of the deceased. And Antonius managed everything else as if he had full power, being consul himself, and having his brothers also in office, Gaius as prætor and Lucius as tribune.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; While affairs were in this state, young Cæsar&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_352_352&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_352_352&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;352&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; arrived at Rome, being the son of the niece of the deceased,&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_278&amp;quot;&amp;gt;278&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; as it has been told, and left the heir of his substance; and he was staying in Apollonia at the time of Cæsar’s assassination. He went forthwith to pay his respects to Antonius, as being his father’s friend, and reminded him of the money deposited with him; for he had to pay to every Roman seventy-five drachmæ, which Cæsar had given by his will. Antonius, at first despising his youth, said that he was not in his senses, and that being destitute of all sound reason and friends he was taking up the succession of Cæsar, which was a burden too great for him to bear; but as Cæsar did not yield to these arguments and demanded the money, Antonius went on saying and doing many things to insult him. For he opposed him in seeking a tribuneship, and when he was preparing to set up a golden chair of his father, as it had been voted by the Senate, he threatened to carry him off to prison, if he did not stop his attempts to win the popular favour. But when the youth, by giving himself up to Cicero and the rest who hated Antonius, by means of them made the Senate his friends, and he himself got the favour of the people and mustered the soldiers from the colonies,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_353_353&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_353_353&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;353&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Antonius being alarmed came to a conference with him in the Capitol, and they were reconciled. Antonius in his sleep that night had a strange dream; he thought that his right hand was struck by lightning; and a few days after a report reached him that Cæsar was plotting against him. Cæsar indeed made an explanation, but he did not convince Antonius; and their enmity was again in full activity, and both of them roaming about Italy endeavoured to stir up by large pay the soldiers who were planted in the colonies, and to anticipate one another in gaining over those who were still under arms.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Of those in the city Cicero had the greatest influence; and by inciting everybody against Antonius he finally persuaded the Senate to vote Antonius to be an enemy, and to send Cæsar lictors and the insignia of a prætor, and to despatch Pansa and Hirtius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_354_354&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_354_354&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;354&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to drive Antonius out of Italy. They were consuls for that year; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_279&amp;quot;&amp;gt;279&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and engaging with Antonius near the city of Mutina, on which occasion Cæsar was present and fought with them, they defeated the enemy, but fell themselves. Many great difficulties befell Antonius in his flight; but the greatest was famine. But it was the nature of Antonius to show his best qualities in difficulties, and in his misfortune he was as like as may be to a good man; for it is common to those who are hard pressed by straits to perceive what virtue is, but all have not strength enough in reverses to imitate what they admire and to avoid what they do not approve; but some rather give way to their habits through weakness and let their judgment be destroyed. Now Antonius in these circumstances was a powerful pattern to the soldiers, for though he was fresh from the enjoyment of so much luxury and expense, he drank foul water without complaining, and ate wild fruits and roots. Bark too was eaten, as it was said, and in their passage over the Alps they fed on animals that had never been eaten before.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; His design was to fall in with the troops there which Lepidus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_355_355&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_355_355&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;355&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; commanded, who was considered to be a friend of Antonius and to have derived through him much advantage from the friendship of Cæsar. Having arrived there and encamped near, he found no friendly signs, on which he resolved to try a bold stroke. Antonius had neglected his hair and he had allowed his beard to grow long immediately after his defeat; and putting on a dark garment he approached the lines of Lepidus and began to speak. As many of the soldiers were moved at the sight and affected by his words, Lepidus in alarm ordered the trumpets to sound all at once and so to prevent Antonius from being heard. But the soldiers pitied the more, and held communication with him by means of Lælius and Clodius, whom they secretly sent to him in the dress of women who followed the camp, and the messengers urged&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_280&amp;quot;&amp;gt;280&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Antonius boldly to attack the lines, for there were many, they said, would undertake even to kill Lepidus, if he wished. Antonius would not consent to their touching Lepidus, but on the next day he began to cross the river with his army. Antonius entered the river first and advanced to the opposite bank, for he saw already many of the soldiers of Lepidus stretching out their hands to him and tearing down the ramparts. When he had entered and made himself master of all, he approached Lepidus with the greatest kindness, for he embraced him and called him father; and in fact he was master of all, but he continued to preserve to Lepidus the name and honour of an Imperator. This caused also Plancus Munatius to join him, for Plancus was at no great distance with a large force. Being thus raised anew to great power he crossed the Alps into Italy at the head of seventeen legions of infantry and ten thousand cavalry; besides this he left to guard Gaul six legions with Varius, one of his intimates and boon companions, whom they called Cotylon.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_356_356&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_356_356&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;356&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now Cæsar no longer cared for Cicero when he saw that he clung to liberty, but he invited Antonius through the mediation of his friends to come to terms. The three met together in a small island&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_357_357&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_357_357&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;357&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in the middle of a river and sat together for three days. All the rest was easily agreed on, and they distributed the empire&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_358_358&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_358_358&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;358&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; among them as if it were a paternal inheritance, but the discussion about the men who were destined to perish caused them most trouble, each claiming to get rid of his enemies and to save his relations. But at length surrendering to their passion against those whom they hated both the honour due to their kinsmen and their goodwill to their friends, Cæsar surrendered Cicero to Antonius, and Antonius surrendered to him Lucius Cæsar, who was his uncle on the mother’s side; Lepidus also was allowed to put to death his brother Paulus; but others say that&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_281&amp;quot;&amp;gt;281&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Lepidus gave up his brother to Cæsar and Antonius, who required his death. I think nothing could be more cruel or savage than this exchange; for by exchanging murder for murder they equally destroyed those whom they surrendered and those whom they put to death, but they acted more unjustly to their friends, whom they caused to die even without bearing them any hatred.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After this settlement, the soldiers, who were around them, required that Cæsar should strengthen their friendship by marriage, and should take to wife Clodia,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_359_359&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_359_359&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;359&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the daughter of Fulvia, the wife of Antonius. This also being agreed to, three hundred persons were by proscription put to death by them.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_360_360&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_360_360&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;360&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When Cicero was murdered, Antonius ordered the head to be cut off and the right hand, with which Cicero wrote the speeches against him. When they were brought, Antonius looked on them with delight and broke out a laughing several times through joy; then being satiated with the sight he ordered them to be placed above the Rostra in the Forum, as if he were insulting the dead, and not showing his own arrogance in his good fortune and abusing his power. His uncle Cæsar being sought and pursued fled for refuge to his sister, who, when the assassins were standing by and trying to force their way into her chamber, fixing herself at the door and spreading out her arms, called out repeatedly, “You shall not kill Cæsar Lucius, unless you kill me first, me the mother of the Imperator.” By such her conduct she rescued and saved her brother.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The dominion of the three was in most respects hateful to the Romans; but Antonius had most of the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_282&amp;quot;&amp;gt;282&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;blame, as he was older than Cæsar, and had more influence than Lepidus, and threw himself without restraint into his former luxurious and intemperate habits as soon as he had shaken off all trouble about affairs. There was added to his general bad repute the hatred against him on account of the house that he inhabited, which had been the house of Pompeius Magnus, a man no less admired for his temperance and his orderly and citizenlike mode of life than for his three triumphs. For they were vexed to see his house generally closed to commanders, magistrates and ambassadors, who were insolently thrust from the doors, while it was filled with mimi and jugglers and drunken flatterers, upon whom was expended most of the money which was got by the most violent and harsh means. For the three not only sold the substance of those who were murdered, bringing false charges against their kinsmen and wives, and tried all kinds of imposts; but hearing that there were deposits&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_361_361&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_361_361&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;361&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with the Vestal Virgins made both by strangers and citizens, they went and seized them. Now as nothing was enough for Antonius, Cæsar claimed to share the money with him; and they also distributed the army between them, and both went together into Macedonia to oppose Brutus and Cassius; and they intrusted Rome to Lepidus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j22&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Crossing over the sea they commenced the campaign and encamped by the enemy, Antonius being opposed to Cassius, and Cæsar to Brutus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_362_362&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_362_362&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;362&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; wherein no great deed was performed on the part of Cæsar, but it was Antonius who gained all the victory and had all the success. In the first battle, Cæsar, being completely routed by Brutus, lost his camp and narrowly escaped from his pursuers; but, as he says in his Memoirs, he retired before the battle in consequence of one of his friends having had a dream. But Antonius defeated Cassius; though some have written that Antonius was not in the battle, but &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_283&amp;quot;&amp;gt;283&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;came up after the battle to join in the pursuit. Pindarus, one of the faithful freedmen of Cassius, killed him at his request and order, for Cassius did not know that Brutus was victorious. After an interval of a few days they fought a second battle, in which Brutus being defeated killed himself, and Antonius carried off the chief credit of the victory, inasmuch as Cæsar was sick. Standing over the corpse of Brutus he upbraided it gently for the death of his brother Caius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_363_363&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_363_363&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;363&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for Brutus had put Caius to death in Macedonia to revenge Cicero; but declaring that he blamed Hortensius more than Brutus for the murder of his brother, Antonius ordered him to be massacred on his tomb; and he threw over the body of Brutus his own purple cloak, which was of great value, and commanded one of his freedmen to look after the interment. He afterwards found out that this fellow did not burn the cloak with the corpse and that he had purloined a large part of the expenditure destined for the interment, whereon he put him to death.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j23&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After this Cæsar went back to Rome, and it was supposed that he would not live long on account of his illness. Antonius crossed over into Greece with a large army, intending to levy money in all the eastern provinces; for as they had promised to every soldier five thousand drachmæ, they required more vigorous measures for raising money and collecting contributions. Towards the Greeks his conduct was neither unusual nor oppressive at first, but his love of amusement led him to listen to the discourses of the learned and to the sight of games and religious solemnities; and in his decisions he was equitable, and was delighted at being called a Philhellen, but still more in being addressed as Philathenæus; and he made rich gifts to the city. The people of Megara also wishing to show him something fine, by way of rivalry with Athens, and requesting him to see the Senate-house, he went up and looked at it, and on their asking what he thought of it: “Small, it is true,” he said, “and yet all in decay.” He also caused the temple of the Pythian Apollo to be surveyed, as if he intended to repair it; for he made this promise to the Senate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_284&amp;quot;&amp;gt;284&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_364_364&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_364_364&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;364&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Leaving Lucius Censorinus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_365_365&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_365_365&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;365&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; over the affairs of Greece he crossed to Asia; and when he had touched the wealth there, and kings used to come to his door, and wives of kings vying with one another in their presents and their beauty let themselves be corrupted in order to win his favour, and while Cæsar at Rome was worn out with civil commotions and war, he enjoying perfect leisure and tranquillity was carried back by his passions to his usual habits of life, and Anaxenor&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_366_366&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_366_366&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;366&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a lute-player and Xuthus a piper and Metrodorus a dancer, and other such rout of Asiatic theatrical folks who surpassed in impudence and shamelessness the pests from Italy, had crept in and managed his residence—it was past all bearing, for everything was wasted on these extravagancies. For all Asia, like that city in Sophocles,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_367_367&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_367_367&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;367&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at the same time was filled with incense burning,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“With pæans too ’twas filled and heavy groans.”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thus, when he was entering Ephesus, women clothed like Bacchæ, and men and boys equipped like Satyrs and Pans led the way; and the city was filled with ivy and thyrsi and psalteries and pipes and flutes, the people calling him Dionysus, Giver of Joy and Beneficent. He was this, it is true, to some; but to the many Omestes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_368_368&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_368_368&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;368&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Agrionius. For he took their property from well-born men and gave it to worthless men and flatterers; and certain persons got the substance of many who were still alive by asking for it as if they were dead. He gave the house of a citizen of Magnesia to a cook, who, as it is said, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_285&amp;quot;&amp;gt;285&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;had distinguished himself by a single entertainment. Finally, when he was imposing a second contribution on the citizens, Hybreas&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_369_369&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_369_369&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;369&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was bold enough in speaking on behalf of Asia to use these words, which were indeed such as the common folks would have in their mouths, but were not ill adapted to flatter&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_370_370&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_370_370&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;370&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the vanity of Antonius, “If thou canst take contributions twice in one year, thou canst also make for us summer twice and harvest-time twice;” but he concluded with these practical and bold words, that Asia had given twenty ten thousands of talents; and “if thou hast not had them, demand them of those who have received the money; but if thou hast received and hast them not, we are undone.” By these words he made a strong impression on Antonius, for he was ignorant of the greater part of what was going on; and not so much because he was indolent, as because in his simplicity he trusted those about him. For there was in his character simplicity and slow perception; but when he did perceive his errors, there was strong repentance, and acknowledgment to those who had been wronged, and excess both in the restitution that he made and the punishment that he inflicted. Yet he was considered to surpass the bounds of moderation rather in conferring favours than in punishing. His rudeness in mirth and bantering carried its own remedy with it; for a man might return him as good as he gave; and he took as much pleasure in being laughed at as in laughing at others. And this did him mischief in most things; for he could not believe that those who &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_286&amp;quot;&amp;gt;286&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;spoke so freely in jest, could flatter him in earnest, and as he was easily caught by praise, not knowing that some persons by mingling freedom of expression, like a sharpish sauce, with flattery, took away from flattery its nauseating insipidity, by their boldness and babbling over their cups striving to make their yielding in matters of business and their assent appear, not the way of persons who keep about a man merely to please him, but of those who are overpowered by superior wisdom.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Such was the disposition of Antonius, upon which a crowning evil the love for Cleopatra supervening, and stirring up and maddening many of the passions that were still concealed in him and lying quiet, caused to vanish and utterly destroyed whatever of goodness and of a saving nature still made resistance in him. And he was captured in this fashion. When he was preparing for the Parthian war, he sent her orders to meet him in Cilicia to give an account of the charges made against her of supplying Cassius with much money and contributions for the war. Dellius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_371_371&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_371_371&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;371&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was sent, observing her person and marking her cleverness in speaking and her versatility, soon perceived that Antonius would never even think of doing such a woman any harm, but that she would have the greatest influence with him; and he applied himself to paying his court to her, and he encouraged the Egyptian, in the words of Homer,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_372_372&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_372_372&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;372&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to go to Cilicia bedecked in her best fashion and not to be afraid of Antonius, who was the most pleasant and kindest of generals. Being persuaded by Dellius, and collecting from the proofs of her charms upon Caius Cæsar and Cnæus the son of Pompeius, she had hopes that she should more easily win over Antonius. For they knew her when she was yet a girl and inexperienced in affairs, but she was going to visit Antonius at an age in which women have the most brilliant beauty and their understanding has attained its perfection. Accordingly she got together many presents and money and ornaments, such as one might suppose that she could bring &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_287&amp;quot;&amp;gt;287&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;from the greatness of her estate and the wealth of her kingdom, but she went to Cilicia relying chiefly on herself and the seductions and charms of her own person.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j26&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Though Cleopatra&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_373_373&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_373_373&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;373&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; received many letters of summons both from Antonius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_374_374&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_374_374&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;374&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and his friends, she so despised and mocked the man, that she sailed up the Cydnus in a vessel with a gilded stern, with purple sails spread, and rowers working with silver oars to the sound of the flute in harmony with pipes and lutes. Cleopatra reclined under an awning spangled with gold, dressed as Venus is painted, and youths representing the Cupids in pictures stood on each side fanning her. In like manner the handsomest of her female slaves in the dress of Nereids and Graces, were stationed some at the rudders and others at the ropes. And odours of wondrous kind from much incense filled the banks. Some of the people accompanied her immediately from the entrance of the river on both sides, and others went down from the city to see the sight. As the crowd from the Agora also poured forth, Antonius was finally left on the tribunal sitting alone. A rumour went abroad that Venus was coming to revel with Bacchus for the good of Asia. Now Antonius sent to invite Cleopatra to supper, but she on her part said that he should rather come to her. Antonius accordingly, wishing to display some good nature and kindness, obeyed and came. He found a preparation greater than he expected, but he was most surprised at the number of the lights: for it is said that so many lights were hung down and shewn on all sides at once and arranged and put together in such inclinations and positions with respect to one another in the form of squares and circles, that of the few things that are beautiful and worthy of being seen this sight was one.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_288&amp;quot;&amp;gt;288&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j27&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On the following day when Antonius feasted her in turn he was ambitious to surpass her splendour and taste, but he was left behind and inferior in both, and in these very things he was the first to scoff at the coarseness and rusticity of his own entertainment. Cleopatra, observing in the jests of Antonius much of the soldier and the unpolished man, adopted the same manner towards him freely and boldly. Now her beauty, as they say, was not in itself altogether incomparable nor such as to strike those who saw her; but familiarity with her had an irresistible charm, and her form, combined with her persuasive speech and with the peculiar character which in a manner was diffused about her behaviour, produced a certain piquancy. There was a sweetness also in the sound of her voice when she spoke; and as she could easily turn her tongue, like a many-stringed instrument, to any language that she pleased, she had very seldom need of an interpreter for her communication with barbarians, but she answered most by herself, as Ethiopians,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_375_375&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_375_375&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;375&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Troglodytes, Hebrews, Arabs, Syrians, Medes, Parthians. She is said also to have learned the language of many other peoples, though the kings her predecessors had not even taken the pains to learn the Egyptian language, and some of them had even given up the Macedonian dialect.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j28&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now she so captivated Antonius, that though his wife Fulvia was carrying on war at Rome against Cæsar on behalf of the interests of Antonius, and a Parthian army was hovering about Mesopotamia, of which the king’s generals had named Labienus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_376_376&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_376_376&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;376&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Parthian &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_289&amp;quot;&amp;gt;289&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;governor, and they were about to enter Syria, he allowed himself to be carried off by her to Alexandria; and there staying and amusing himself like a young man who had leisure, he consumed and expended upon pleasure the most costly of all things, as Antiphon said, Time. They had a kind of company called Inimitable Livers; and they daily feasted one another, making an incredible profusion in their expenditure. Now Philotas of Amphissa,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_377_377&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_377_377&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;377&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a physician, used to relate to my grandfather Lamprias, that he was then in Alexandria learning his profession, and having got acquainted with one of the royal cooks, he was persuaded by him, as was natural in a young man, to view the costliness and the preparation for the table. Accordingly he was introduced into the kitchen, where he saw everything in great abundance, and eight wild boars roasting, which made him wonder at the number of the guests. Hereupon the cook laughed and said, the party at supper was not large, only about twelve; but it was necessary that everything which was served up should be in perfection, which a moment of time would spoil. He said it might happen that Antonius should wish to sup immediately, and if it so happened, he might defer it by asking for a cup or by falling into some conversation; and accordingly, he continued, not one supper is prepared, but many, for the exact time is difficult to conjecture. This is what Philotas used to tell; and in the course of time, as he related, he was among those who attended on the eldest son of Antonius, whom he had by Fulvia, and he&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_290&amp;quot;&amp;gt;290&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; supped with him with the rest of his companions, as a general rule, when he did not sup with his father. On one occasion there was a physician present who was bragging greatly and much annoying the company at supper, but Philotas stopped him by a sophism of this kind: “If a man has fever in some degree, we must give him cold water; but every man who has fever has fever in some degree; we must therefore give cold water to every man who has fever.” The man was confounded and put to silence, whereat the youth being pleased, laughed and said, “All this, Philotas, I give you,” pointing to a table full of many large cups. Philotas acknowledged his intended kindness, though he was far from thinking that a boy of his age had authority to make such a present; but after awhile one of the young slaves took hold of the cups and bringing them in a vessel bade him put a seal on it. As Philotas made objections and was afraid to take the things. “Why, you fool,” said the man, “do you hesitate? Don’t you know that the giver is the son of Antonius, and that he has permission to give so many things of gold? If however you take my advice, you will exchange the whole with us for a sum of money; for perchance the youth’s father might call for some of the vessels, which are old and valued for their workmanship.” Such anecdotes as these my grandfather used to say that Philotas would occasionally tell.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j29&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But Cleopatra, by distributing flattery not, as Plato&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_378_378&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_378_378&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;378&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; says, in four ways, but in many ways, and by always adding some new pleasure and charm to whatever was either serious or mirthful, completely ruled Antonius, never leaving him by night nor by day. For she played at dice with him, and drank with him, and hunted with him, and was a spectator when he was exercising in arms, and by night when he was standing at the doors and windows of the common people and jesting with those within, she accompanied him in his rambles and freaks, in the dress of a female slave; for Antonius also used to dress himself in this style. Accordingly he would return home always well loaded with coarse abuse and sometimes with blows. With the greater part he was in no good &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_291&amp;quot;&amp;gt;291&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;credit; however the Alexandrines took delight in his extravagances, and joined in his follies without any lack of cleverness or humour, being pleased therewith and saying that Antonius put on the tragic mask to the Romans, but the comic mask to them. Now to relate the greater part of his follies would be mere trifling. However on one occasion when he was fishing and was vexed at his bad sport, Cleopatra also being present, he ordered the fisherman to dive under the water and secretly to fasten to the hook some fishes that had been already caught; and he pulled up two or three times, but not without being detected by the Egyptian. Pretending to admire, she spoke to her friends and invited them to come as spectators on the following day. A number of them got into the fishing boats, and when Antonius had let down his line, she ordered one of her own men to anticipate him by diving to the hook and to fasten to it a Pontic salted fish.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_379_379&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_379_379&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;379&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Antonius thinking that he had caught something pulled up, on which there was, as was natural, great laughter, whereat Cleopatra said, “Give up the fishing-rod, Imperator, to us the kings of Pharos and Canopus; your sport is cities and kings and continents.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j30&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_380_380&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_380_380&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;380&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; While Antonius was spending his time in such trifles and extravagances, he was surprised by intelligence from two different quarters; from Rome, that Lucius his brother and Fulvia his wife, having first been at variance with one another and then having warred with Cæsar, were completely defeated and flying from Italy; the other intelligence was in no wise more favourable, which was that Labienus at the head of the Parthians had subdued&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_292&amp;quot;&amp;gt;292&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Asia from the Euphrates and Syria as far as Lydia and Ionia. With difficulty then, like a man roused from sleep and a drunken debauch, he set out to oppose the Parthians, and advanced as far as Phœnice, but as Fulvia sent him letters full of lamentations he turned towards Italy, with two hundred ships. On this voyage he took up his friends who had fled from Italy, and learned from them that Fulvia had been the cause of the war, for she was naturally a busy and bold woman; but her hope was to draw away Antonius from Cleopatra, if their should be any disturbance in Italy. It happened that Fulvia, who was sailing to meet him, died at Sikyon of some disease, which rendered a reconciliation with Cæsar more easy. For when Antonius approached Italy, and Cæsar was evidently not intending to make any charge against him, and Antonius was ready to fix on Fulvia the blame of what he was charged with, their friends would not let them come to any explanation of these grounds, but brought them both to terms and distributed the empire, making the Ionian gulf the boundary, and giving the eastern parts to Antonius and the western to Cæsar; Lepidus was allowed to keep Libya; and it was settled that the friends of each in turns should be consuls, when it did not please themselves to be.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j31&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This arrangement seemed to be good, but it required a stronger security, and fortune offered one. Octavia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_381_381&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_381_381&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;381&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was a sister of Cæsar, older than Cæsar, but not by the same mother; for she was the daughter of Ancharia, but he was born afterwards of Atia. Cæsar was very greatly attached to his sister, and it is said she was a most admirable woman. Octavia was now a widow, for her husband Caius Marcellus had not long been dead. As Fulvia was dead, Antonius also was considered to be a widower; he did not deny that he had Cleopatra, but he did not admit that he had her as a wife, and he was still struggling in his judgment on this point against his love for the Egyptian. Everybody was proposing this marriage in the hope that Octavia, who in addition to great beauty possessed dignity of character and good sense, if she were united to Antonius and were beloved by him, as it was &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_293&amp;quot;&amp;gt;293&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;reasonable to suppose that such a woman must be, would be the conservation and cause of union between them in all respects. This being arranged between them, they went up to Rome where the marriage of Octavia was celebrated, though the law did not allow a woman to marry till ten months after her husband’s decease, but the Senate in this case remitted the time by a decree.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j32&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As Sextus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_382_382&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_382_382&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;382&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Pompeius was still in possession of Sicily and was ravaging Italy, and with his numerous piratical ships, of which Menas the pirate and Menekrates were commanders, had rendered the sea unsafe to vessels, and as he seemed to be in a friendly disposition towards Antonius, for he had received his mother when she had fled from Rome with Fulvia, it was resolved to come to terms with him also. They met at the promontory of Misenum and the mound, the fleet of Pompeius being anchored close by them, while the forces of Antonius and Cæsar were arranged by the side of them. Having agreed that Pompeius should have Sardinia and Sicily on condition of keeping the sea clear of pirates and sending to Rome a certain quantity of grain, they invited one another to an entertainment. They cast lots on the occasion, and it was the lot of Pompeius to feast them first. Upon Antonius asking him where they should sup, “There,” said he, pointing to the commander’s ship of six banks of oars, “for this is all the paternal residence that is left for Pompeius.” This he said to reproach Antonius, who had the house that had belonged to the father of Sextus. Fixing his ship at anchor and making a kind of bridge from the promontory, he received them with a hearty welcome. When the banquet was at its height and jokes against Cleopatra and Antonius were plentiful, Menas the pirate approaching Pompeius said to him, so that the rest could not hear, “Will &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_294&amp;quot;&amp;gt;294&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;you let me cut off the anchors of the ship and make you master not of Sicily and Sardinia, but of the Roman empire?” Pompeius, on hearing this, considered with himself for a short time, and said, “You ought to have done it, Menas, without mentioning it to me: but now let us be satisfied with things as they are; perjury is not for me.” Pompeius, after being feasted by Cæsar and Antonius in turn, sailed back to Sicily.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j33&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After the settlement of affairs, Antonius sent forward Ventidius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_383_383&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_383_383&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;383&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; into Asia to prevent the Parthians from advancing further, and, in order to please Cæsar, he was appointed priest of the former Cæsar; and everything else that concerned public affairs they transacted in common and in a friendly way. But their games of amusement caused annoyance to Antonius, as he always carried off therein less than Cæsar. Now there was with Antonius a man skilled in divinations, an Egyptian, one of those who cast nativities, who, whether it was to please Cleopatra, or whether he said it in good faith, spoke freely to Antonius, saying that his fortune, though most splendid and great, was obscured by that of Cæsar, and he advised him to remove as far as possible from the young man: “For thy dæmon,” he said, “is afraid of the dæmon of Cæsar, and though it is proud and erect when it is by itself, it is humbled by his dæmon when it is near, and becomes cowed.” And indeed the things which were happening seemed to confirm the Egyptian; for it is said that when they were casting lots by way of amusement, in whatever they might happen to be engaged, and throwing dice, Antonius came off with disadvantage. They frequently &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_295&amp;quot;&amp;gt;295&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;matched cocks,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_384_384&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_384_384&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;384&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and fighting quails, and those of Cæsar were always victorious. Whereat Antonius being annoyed, though he did not show it, and paying more regard to the Egyptian, departed from Italy, leaving the management of his affairs to Cæsar; and he took with him Octavia as far as Greece, there having been a daughter born to them. While he was spending the winter in Athens, he received intelligence of the first successes of Ventidius, who had defeated the Parthians in a battle, in which Labienus lost his life and Pharnapates, the most skilful of the generals of King Hyrodes.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_385_385&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_385_385&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;385&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On the occasion of this victory Antonius feasted the Greeks; and he acted as gymnasiarch for the Athenians, and leaving at home the insignia of his rank, he went forth with the rods of a gymnasiarch&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_386_386&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_386_386&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;386&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and the dress and white shoes; and he took the youths by the neck when he separated them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j34&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As he was going to set out for the war, he took a crown from the sacred olive,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_387_387&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_387_387&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;387&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and in conformity to a certain oracle, he filled a vessel with water from the Clepsydra, and carried it with him. In the mean time &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_296&amp;quot;&amp;gt;296&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Pacorus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_388_388&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_388_388&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;388&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the king’s son, with a large Parthian army again advanced against Syria, but Ventidius engaged with him in Cyrrhestica and put his army to flight with great loss; Pacorus himself fell among the first. This exploit, which was one of the most celebrated, gave the Romans full satisfaction for the defeat of Crassus, and again confined the Parthians within Media and Mesopotamia, after being defeated in three successive battles. Ventidius gave up all intention of pursuing the Parthians further, because he feared the jealousy of Antonius, but he visited those who had revolted and brought them into subjection, and besieged Antiochus of Commagene&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_389_389&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_389_389&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;389&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in the city Samosata. The king proposed to pay a thousand talents and to obey the order of Antonius, but Ventidius told him to send his proposal to Antonius; for he had now advanced near, and he would not allow Ventidius to make peace with Antiochus, because he wished that this single exploit at least should bear his name, and that everything should not be accomplished by Ventidius. As, however, the siege was protracted, and the citizens, after despairing of coming to terms, betook themselves to a vigorous defence, Antonius, who was making no progress, but was ashamed and repented of his conduct, was glad to make peace with Antiochus and to take three hundred talents; and after settling some trifling matters in Syria, he returned to Athens, and sent Ventidius to enjoy a triumph after bestowing on him the suitable decorations. Ventidius is the only Roman to the present time who has had a triumph over the Parthians; and he was a man of obscure birth, but the friendship of Antonius gave him the opportunity of doing great deeds, of which he made the best use, and so confirmed what was generally said of Antonius and Cæsar, that they were more successful as generals through &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_297&amp;quot;&amp;gt;297&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;others than of themselves. For Sossius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_390_390&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_390_390&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;390&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; also, a legatus of Antonius, had great success in Syria; and Canidius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_391_391&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_391_391&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;391&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was left by Antonius in Armenia, defeated the Armenians and the kings of the Iberians and Albanians, and advanced as far as the Caucasus. All this success increased the name and the fame of the power of Antonius among the barbarians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j35&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Antonius being again irritated against Cæsar by certain calumnies, sailed to Italy with three hundred vessels; but as the people of Brundusium would not receive his fleet, he sailed round and anchored at Tarentum.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_392_392&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_392_392&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;392&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; There he sent Octavia, for she accompanied him from Greece, at her request, to her brother: she was then pregnant, and had already borne him two daughters. She met Cæsar on the way, and after gaining over his friends Agrippa and Mæcenas,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_393_393&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_393_393&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;393&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; she prayed him with much urgency and much entreaty not to let her become a most wretched woman after being most happy. For now, she said, all men turned their eyes upon her, who was the wife of one Imperator and the sister of another; “but if the worse should prevail,” she continued, “and there should be war, it is uncertain which of you must be the victor and which the vanquished; but I shall be unfortunate both ways.” Cæsar, being moved by these words, came in a friendly manner to Tarentum, and those who were present saw a most noble spectacle, a large army on land tranquil, and many ships quietly holding on the shore, and the meeting and friendly salutations of the two Imperators and their friends. Antonius gave an entertainment first, which Cæsar consented to for his sister’s sake. It being agreed that Cæsar should give Antonius two legions for the Parthian war, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_298&amp;quot;&amp;gt;298&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and that Antonius should give Cæsar a hundred brazen-beaked vessels. Octavia, independently of what had been agreed, asked for her brother twenty light ships&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_394_394&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_394_394&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;394&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; from her husband, and for her husband a thousand soldiers from her brother. Accordingly, separating from one another, the one immediately engaged in the war against Pompeius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_395_395&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_395_395&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;395&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; being desirous to get Sicily; and Antonius, entrusting to Cæsar Octavia and his children by her and by Fulvia, crossed over to Asia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j36&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; That great evil, which had long slept, the passion for Cleopatra, which appeared to be put to rest and to have been tranquillised by better considerations, blazed forth again and recovered strength as Antonius approached Syria. And finally (as Plato&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_396_396&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_396_396&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;396&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; says of the stubborn and ungovernable beast of the soul), kicking away everything that was good and wholesome, he sent Fonteius Capito to bring Cleopatra to Syria. On her arrival he gave and added to her dominions nothing small or trifling, but Phœnice, Cœle Syria, Cyprus, a large part of Cilicia, and further, that part of Judæa which produces the balsam, and all the part, of Arabia Nabathæa which was turned towards the external sea.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_397_397&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_397_397&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;397&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; These donations caused the Romans the greatest vexation; though he gave tetrarchies and kingdoms of great nations to many private persons, and took kingdoms from many, as for instance Antigonus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_398_398&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_398_398&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;398&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the Jew, whom he brought out and beheaded, though no king before had been punished in this way. But the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_299&amp;quot;&amp;gt;299&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;scandal of the thing was that which gave more offence than all the honours conferred on Cleopatra. The evil report was increased by his acknowledging his twin children by Cleopatra, one of whom he called Alexander and the other Cleopatra; and he gave to one the surname of Sun, and the other of Moon. However, he had some dexterity in putting a good face on bad things, for he said that the greatness of the Roman power was shown not in what they received, but in what they gave; and that noble families were extended by a succession and progeny of many kings. Thus, for instance, he said, that his own ancestor was begotten by Hercules, who did not deposit his successors in a single womb, nor did he fear laws like Solon’s&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_399_399&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_399_399&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;399&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and penalties for conception, but gave nature her course to leave many beginnings and foundations of families.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j37&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When Phraates&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_400_400&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_400_400&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;400&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; had killed his father Hyrodes and got possession of the kingdom, other Parthians fled, not few in number; and among them Monæses, a man of illustrious rank and great power, fled to Antonius, who likening the fortune of Monæses to that of Themistocles&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_401_401&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_401_401&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;401&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and comparing his own means and magnanimity to those of the Persian kings, gave him three cities, Larissa and Arethusa and Hierapolis, which was before called Bambyce. Upon the Parthian king sending to Monæses a right hand,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_402_402&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_402_402&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;402&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Antonius gladly despatched Monæses to him, having resolved to deceive Phraates with a pretence of peace, but claiming the restoration of the standards taken in the time of Crassus and such of the prisoners as still survived. Antonius having sent Cleopatra back to Egypt, marched through Arabia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_403_403&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_403_403&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;403&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Armenia to a place where he reviewed &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_300&amp;quot;&amp;gt;300&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;his army, which had assembled there, and also the troops of the confederate kings; and they were many, but the greatest of all was Artavasdes,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_404_404&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_404_404&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;404&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; king of Armenia, who supplied six thousand horse and seven thousand foot soldiers. There were of the Romans sixty thousand foot soldiers, and the cavalry which was classed with the Romans was ten thousand Iberians&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_405_405&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_405_405&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;405&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Celts; and of the other nations there were thirty thousand together with cavalry and light-armed troops. Yet so great a preparation and power, which alarmed even the Indians beyond Bactria and shook all Asia, it is said, was made of no avail to him by reason of Cleopatra. For through his eagerness to spend the winter with her, he opened the campaign before the fit time and conducted everything in a disorderly way, not having the mastery over his own judgment, but through the influence of some drugs or magic always anxiously looking towards her, and thinking more of his speedy return than of conquering the enemy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j38&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now, in the first place, though it was his business to winter there in Armenia and to give his army rest, which was worn out by a march of eight thousand stadia, and before the Parthians moved from their winter-quarters in the commencement of spring, to occupy Media, he did not wait for the time, but immediately led forward his army, leaving Armenia on the left and touching on Atropatene,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_406_406&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_406_406&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;406&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which he ravaged. In the next place, the engines which were necessary for sieges were carried along with the army in three hundred waggons, and among them was a ram eighty feet long; and it was not possible for any one of them, if it was damaged, to be repaired when it was wanted, because the upper country only produced wood of insufficient length and hardness: accordingly in his hurry he left all the engines behind as encumbrances to his speed, after appointing a watch and Statianus as commander over the waggons; and he commenced &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_301&amp;quot;&amp;gt;301&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; the siege of Phraata,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_407_407&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_407_407&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;407&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a large city, in which were the children and wives of the king of Media. But the difficulties soon proved what an error he had committed in leaving behind the engines; and as he wished to come to close quarters with the enemy, he commenced erecting a mound against the city, which rose slowly and with much labour. In the meantime Phraates came down with a great force, hearing of the waggons being left behind that carried the machines, and sent many horsemen against them, by whom Statianus was hemmed in and killed and ten thousand men with him. The barbarians took possession of the engines and destroyed them. They also took many prisoners, among whom was king Polemon.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_408_408&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_408_408&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;408&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j39&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This misfortune greatly annoyed, as we may suppose, all the soldiers of Antonius, who at the commencement of the war had received this unexpected blow; and the Armenian Artavasdes despairing of the success of the Romans went off with his troops, though he had been the chief cause of the war. The Parthians now showed themselves to the besiegers in gallant array and insultingly threatened them, on which Antonius, not wishing to let despondency and dejection abide in his army by their being quiet and to increase, took ten legions and three prætorian cohorts of heavy-armed men and all the cavalry, and led them out to forage in the hope that the enemy would thus be drawn on, and that a regular battle would ensue. After advancing one day’s march, he saw that the Parthians were spreading themselves around him and seeking to attack him on the march, on which he hung out in the camp the sign of battle, but at the same time he ordered the tents to be taken down, as if his intention were not to fight but to lead off his troops; and he passed along the line of the barbarians, which was in the form of a crescent, having given orders, as soon as the first ranks of the enemy should be within reach of the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_302&amp;quot;&amp;gt;302&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;heavy-armed soldiers, for the cavalry to ride at them. To the Parthians who stood opposed to the Romans, their discipline appeared to be something indescribable; and they observed the Romans as they marched past at equal intervals without disorder and in silence, brandishing their spears. But when the standard was raised and the cavalry facing about rushed upon the enemy, the Parthians received their onset and repelled it, though the Romans were all at once too close to allow them to use their arrows; but when the heavy-armed soldiers joined in the conflict at the same time with shouts and the clatter of arms, the Parthian horses were frightened and gave way and the Parthians fled before they came to close quarters. Antonius pressed on the pursuit, and had great hopes that he had finished the whole war or the chief part in that battle. But when the infantry had followed up the pursuit for fifty stadia and the cavalry for three times that distance, looking at those of the enemy who had fallen and were captured, they found only thirty captives and eighty corpses, which caused dismay and despondency in all the army, when they reflected that though victorious they had killed so few, and that when defeated they must sustain such a loss as they had near the waggons. On the following day they broke up their encampment and took the road towards Phraata and the camp. On their march they fell in at first with a few of the enemy, and then a greater number, and finally with all, who, as if they were unvanquished and fresh, challenged them and fell upon them from all sides, so that with difficulty and much labour they got safe to their camp. As the Medes made a sally against the mound and terrified those who were defending it, Antonius being enraged put in practice what is called decimation&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_409_409&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_409_409&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;409&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; against the cowards; for he divided the whole number into tens, and put to death one out of each ten who was chosen by lot; and to the rest he ordered barley to be measured out, instead of wheat.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XL.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j40&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The war was attended with great hardship to both sides, and the future was still more alarming, as Antonius was expecting famine, for it was no longer possible to get forage without many of the soldiers being wounded and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_303&amp;quot;&amp;gt;303&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;killed. Phraates knowing that the Parthians were able to bear anything rather than to endure hardship in the winter and to encamp in the open air, was afraid lest, if the Romans held out and abided there, his troops would leave him, as the atmosphere was beginning to grow heavy after the autumnal equinox. Accordingly he planned such a stratagem as this. The chiefs of the Parthians,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_410_410&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_410_410&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;410&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; both in the forages and on other occasions when they met the Romans, made less vigorous resistance, both allowing them to take some things and commending their valour in that they were most courageous men, and were justly admired by their king. After this, riding up nearer to them, and quietly placing their horses near the Romans, they would abuse Antonius, saying that though Phraates wished to come to terms and to spare so many brave men, Antonius would not give him the opportunity, but sat there awaiting those dangerous and powerful enemies, hunger and winter, from whom it would be difficult for them to escape, even under convoy of the Parthians. Many persons reported this to Antonius, and though he was softened by hope, still he did not send heralds to the Parthians until he inquired from the barbarians who assumed this friendly demeanour, whether what they said really expressed the king’s meaning. On their saying that it was so, and urging him not to fear or distrust, he sent some of his companions to demand back the standards and the captives, that it might not be supposed that he was so eager to make his escape and get away. The Parthian told him not to trouble himself about that matter, but promised him peace and security if he would depart forthwith; whereupon in a few days Antonius got his baggage together and broke up his camp. Though Antonius had great powers of persuasion before a popular assembly, and was skilled above every man of the age in leading an army by his words, he was unable through shame and depression of spirits to encourage the soldiers, and he bade Domitius Ænobarbus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_411_411&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_411_411&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;411&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; do this. Some of the soldiers took this amiss, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_304&amp;quot;&amp;gt;304&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;considering it as a token of contempt towards them, but the majority were affected by it, and perceived the reason, and they thought that they ought on this account the more to show their respect and obedience to the commander.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j41&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As Antonius was intending to lead the troops back by the same road, which was through a plain country without trees, a man, by nation a Mardian,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_412_412&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_412_412&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;412&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was well acquainted with the Parthian habits, and had already shown himself faithful to the Romans in the battle at the waggons, came up to Antonius and advised him in his flight to keep to the mountains on his right, and not to expose a force, in heavy armour and encumbered, to so numerous a cavalry and to the arrows in bare and open tracts, which was the very thing that Phraates designed when he induced him by friendly terms to raise the siege; and that he would lead them a shorter road, where he would find a better supply of necessaries. Antonius on hearing this deliberated; he did not wish to appear to distrust the Parthians after the truce, yet as he approved of the shorter road, and the line of march being along inhabited villages, he asked the Mardian for a pledge of his fidelity. The Mardian offered himself to be put in chains until he should place the army in Armenia; and he was put in chains, and he conducted them for two days without their meeting with any opposition. On the third day, when Antonius had completely ceased to think of the Parthians, and was advancing in a careless way by reason of his confidence, the Mardian observed that an embankment against the overflowing of a river had been recently&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_305&amp;quot;&amp;gt;305&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; broken, and that the stream was flowing in a great current on the road by which they had to pass, and he knew that the Parthians had done this with the intention of making the river an obstacle to the Roman march by the difficulty and delay that it would occasion; and he bade Antonius look out and be on his guard, as the enemy was near. Just while he was placing the heavy-armed men in order, and taking measures for the javelin-men and slingers to make an attack through their ranks upon the enemy, the Parthians appeared and rode round them with the design of encircling the Romans and putting them in disorder on all sides. The light-armed troops made a sally against them, and the Parthians, after inflicting some wounds with their arrows and receiving as many from the leaden bullets&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_413_413&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_413_413&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;413&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and javelins of the Romans, retreated. The Parthians then commenced a second attack, which continued until the Celtæ in a mass drove their horses against them and dispersed them; and the Parthians showed themselves no more on that day.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j42&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; From this experience Antonius, learning what he ought to do, covered not only the rear, but also both flanks with many javelin men and slingers, and led his army in the form of a quadrangle; and the cavalry received orders to repel the attack of the enemy, but when they had repulsed them, not to pursue far, in consequence of which the Parthians during the four following days sustained as much damage as they inflicted, and their ardour being dulled they thought of retiring, as an excuse for which they alleged the approach of winter. On the fifth day Flavius Gallus, a man of military talent and great activity, who held a command, came and asked Antonius for more light-armed troops for the rear,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_414_414&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_414_414&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;414&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and for some of the cavalry from the van, in the expectation of having great success. Antonius gave him the troops, and when the enemy made his attack, he fell upon them, not as on former occasions, at the same time withdrawing towards the heavy-armed soldiers and retreating, but resisting them and engaging with the enemy in a desperate way. The commanders of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_306&amp;quot;&amp;gt;306&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the rear seeing that he was being separated from them, sent and called him back, but he would not listen to them. They say that Titius the quæstor, seizing the standards, turned them round and abused Gallus for throwing away the lives of many brave men. But as Gallus abused him in turn, and urged those about him to remain, Titius retreated. While Gallus was pushing forwards against the enemy in front, a large body of those in the rear got round him before he perceived it. Being now attacked on all sides he sent for aid; but the commanders of the heavy-armed troops, among whom was Canidius, a man who had the greatest influence with Antonius, are considered to have committed a great mistake. For when they ought to have moved the whole line against the enemy, they sent a few at a time to help against them; and again when these were being worsted, they sent others, and thus these came near filling the whole army with defeat and flight before they were aware of it; but Antonius himself quickly came with the heavy-armed men from the van to meet the enemy, and the third legion quickly pushing through the fugitives against the enemy stopped their further pursuit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j43&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; There fell no fewer than three thousand; and there were carried to the tents five thousand wounded, and among them Gallus, who was pierced with five arrows in front. Gallus did not recover from his wounds; but Antonius, going about, visited the rest of the wounded, and he encouraged them with tears in his eyes and deep sympathy. The men, cheerfully grasping his right hand, begged him to go and take care of his health and not to trouble himself about them, calling him Imperator, and saying that they were all secure if he was only safe. For altogether it seems that no Imperator of that age got together an army more distinguished by courage or endurance or strength; but the respect towards the commander himself, and the obedience combined with affection, and the circumstance that all alike, those of good reputation, those of bad, commanders, private soldiers, preferred honour and favour from Antonius to their own lives and safety, left nothing even for the ancient Romans to surpass, and of this there were several reasons, as we have said before; noble birth,&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_307&amp;quot;&amp;gt;307&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; powerful eloquence, simplicity, generosity and munificence, affability in his pleasures and conversation. On that occasion, by the pains that he took and his sympathy with the wounded, and by sharing with them whatever they wanted, he made the sick and wounded more full of alacrity than those who were whole.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j44&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; However the victory so elated the enemy, who were already worn out and exhausted, and they despised the Romans so much that they even passed the night&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_415_415&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_415_415&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;415&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; close to the camp, expecting that they should soon plunder the deserted tents and the baggage of the Romans skulking away. At daybreak the enemy crowded upon them in still greater numbers, and there are said to have been not fewer than forty thousand horseman, as the king had sent even those who were always placed around himself, as to certain and secure success; for the king himself was never present in any battle. But Antonius, wishing to harangue the soldiers, asked for a dark garment that he might appear more piteous. But as his friends opposed him, he came forward in the purple dress of a general and addressed the troops, praising those who had been victorious, and upbraiding those who had fled. The former exhorted him to be of good cheer, and the others making their apology offered themselves to him either to be decimated or to be punished in any other way; only they prayed him to cease being troubled and grieved. Hereupon, raising his hands, he prayed to the gods, that if any reverse of fortune should follow on account of his former prosperity, it might come upon him, but that they would give safety and victory to the rest of the army.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j45&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On the following day they advanced under better protection; and when the Parthians made their attack, the result was very contrary to their expectations. For they expected to advance to plunder and booty, and not to battle; but as they were assailed by many missiles, and saw that the Romans were encouraged and fresh with alacrity, they were again completely wearied of the contest. However the Parthians again fell upon them as they were descending some steep hills, and galled them with arrows as they were slowly retreating, whereon the shield-bearers&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_416_416&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_416_416&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;416&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; faced about &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_308&amp;quot;&amp;gt;308&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and placing the light-armed troops within their ranks, dropped down on one knee and held their shields before them; those behind held their shields before the front rank, and those who were behind the second rank did the same. This form, which very much resembles a roof,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_417_417&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_417_417&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;417&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; presents a theatrical appearance, and is the safest of bulwarks against the arrows, which thus glance off. But the Parthians, who thought that the Romans bending on one knee was a sign of exhaustion and fatigue, laid aside their bows, and grasping their spears by the middle, came to close quarters. But the Romans with one shout all at once sprang up, and pushing with their javelins which they held in their hands, killed the foremost and put all the rest to flight. This took place also on the following days, the Romans making only small way. Famine also attacked the army, which could get little grain and that with fighting, and they had few implements for grinding; for the greater part were left behind, owing to some of the beasts dying, and others being employed in carrying the sick and wounded. It is said that an Attic chœnix&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_418_418&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_418_418&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;418&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of wheat was sold for fifty drachmæ; and they sold barley loaves for their weight in silver. Then they betook themselves to vegetables and roots; but they found few of the kind that they were accustomed to, and being compelled to make trial of what they had never tasted before, they ate of one herb that caused madness and then death. For he who had eaten of it recollected nothing, and understood nothing, and busied himself about nothing except one sole thing, which was to move and turn every stone, as if he were doing something of great importance. The plain was full of men stooping to the ground and digging round stones&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_309&amp;quot;&amp;gt;309&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and moving them; and finally they vomited bile and died, for wine, which was the only remedy, failed them. As many were dying and the Parthians did not desist from their attack, they say that Antonius often cried out “O the ten thousand!”&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_419_419&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_419_419&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;419&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; whereby he expressed his admiration of the ten thousand, that though they marched even a greater distance, from Babylonia, and fought with many more enemies, yet they made good their retreat.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j46&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Parthians, not being able to break through the Roman army nor yet to separate their ranks, and being already often defeated and put to flight, again mingled in a friendly way with those who went out for grass or corn, and pointing to the strings of their bows which were unstrung, said, that they were going back and this was the end of their attack; but that a few of the Medes would follow still one or two days’ journey without annoying them at all, and for the purpose of protecting the more distant villages. To these words were added embraces and signs of friendship, so that the Romans were again of good cheer; and Antonius hearing this resolved to keep nearer to the plains, as the road through the mountains was said to be waterless. While he was intending to do this, there came to the camp a man from the enemy, named Mithridates, a cousin of Monæses, of him who had been with Antonius and had received the three cities as a present. And he asked for some one to come near to him who could speak the Parthian or the Syrian language. Alexander of Antioch came to him, and he was an intimate friend of Antonius, whereupon Mithridates, saying who he was, and intimating that they must thank Monæses for what he was going to say, asked Alexander, if he saw in the distance a continuous range of lofty mountains. On Alexander saying that he saw them, he replied, “Under those mountains the Parthians with all their forces lie in ambush for you. For the great plains border on these mountains, and they expect that you will be deceived by them and will turn in that direction and leave the road through the mountains. The way over the mountains is attended with &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_310&amp;quot;&amp;gt;310&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;thirst and labour to which you are accustomed, but if Antonius goes by the plain, let him be assured that the fate of Crassus awaits him.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j47&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Having said this, he went away; and Antonius, who was troubled at these words, called together his friends and the Mardian who was their guide, and had exactly the same opinion. For even if there were no enemy, he knew that the want of roads in the plains and the mistakes in the track which they might make there were matters of hazard and difficulty; but he declared that the road over the mountains presented no other risk than the want of water for a single day. Accordingly Antonius turned aside and led his army by this route by night, having given orders to the men to take water with them. But the greater part had no vessels, and accordingly they filled their helmets with water and carried them, and others took it in skins. As soon as Antonius began to advance, the Parthians had intelligence of it, and contrary to their custom they commenced the pursuit while it was still night. Just as the sun was rising, they came up with the rear, which was in weak condition through want of sleep and fatigue: for they had accomplished two hundred and forty stadia in the night; and the enemy coming upon them so suddenly when they did not expect it, dispirited them. The contest increased their thirst, for they still advanced while they were defending themselves. Those who were in the first ranks, as they were marching onwards, came to a river,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_420_420&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_420_420&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;420&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the water of which was cool and pellucid, but salt and of a medicinal nature; and this water, when drank of immoderately, caused pains with purging and augmentation of the thirst: and though the Mardian had warned them of this, the soldiers nevertheless forced away those who tried to hinder them and drank of the water. Antonius went round to the men and prayed them to hold out for a short time, and he said there was another river not far off, and besides this, the rest of the route was impracticable for &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_311&amp;quot;&amp;gt;311&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;horses and rough, so that the enemy must certainly turn back. At the same time he summoned those who were engaged in the fight and gave the signal for pitching the tents, that the soldiers might at least enjoy the shade a little.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j48&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; While then the tents were being fixed and the Parthians as usual were immediately retiring, Mithridates came again, and upon Alexander going up to him, he advised him to put the army in motion after it had rested a little and to hasten to the river: for he said that the Parthians would not cross it, but would follow up the pursuit as far as the river. Alexander reported this to Antonius, and then brought out from him numerous gold cups and goblets, of which Mithridates taking as many as he could hide in his dress, rode off. As it was still daylight, they broke up their tents and advanced, without being annoyed by the enemy; but they made that night of all others the most painful and frightful to themselves. For they killed and plundered those who had silver or gold, and took the things that were carried by the beasts; and finally falling upon the baggage of Antonius, they cut in pieces and divided among them cups and costly tables, there being great disturbance and confusion through the whole army; for they thought that the enemy had fallen upon them and that flight and dispersion had ensued, Antonius called one of the freedmen, who was on his guard, named Rhamnus, and bound him by oath when he gave him the order, to push his sword through him and to cut off his head, that he might neither be taken alive by the enemy nor be recognised when dead. His friends broke out in tears, but the Mardian encouraged Antonius by telling him that the river was near; for a moist breeze blowing and a cooler air meeting them made their respiration more agreeable; and he said that the time they had been on the march confirmed his estimate of the distance, for what now remained of the night was not much. At the same time others reported that the disorder was owing to their own wrongful deeds and rapacity. Accordingly Antonius, wishing to bring the army into order from their state of disorder and confusion, commanded the signal to be given for pitching the tents.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j49&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Day was now dawning, and as the army &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_312&amp;quot;&amp;gt;312&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;was beginning to get into certain order and tranquillity, the arrows of the Parthians fell upon the rear, and the signal for battle was given to the light-armed troops. The heavy-armed troops again covering one another in like manner as before with their shields, stood the assault of the missiles, the enemy not venturing to come near. The first ranks advancing slowly in this form, the river was seen; and Antonius drawing up his cavalry on the banks in face of the enemy, took across the weak first. Those who were fighting were now relieved from apprehension, and had the opportunity of drinking; for when the Parthians saw the river, they unstrung their bows and bade the Romans pass over in confidence, with great encomiums on their valour. Accordingly, they crossed, and recruited themselves quietly; and then they marched forwards, but yet not with full confidence in the Parthians. On the sixth day after the last battle they reached the river Araxes,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_421_421&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_421_421&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;421&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which is the boundary between Media and Armenia. It appeared dangerous both for its depth and roughness, and a rumour went through the army that the enemy was in ambush there, and would fall on them as they were crossing. When they had safely crossed and had set foot in Armenia, as if they had just got sight of that land from the sea, they saluted it and fell to shedding of tears and embracing of one another for joy. In their progress through a fertile country, during which they used everything freely after having suffered great want, they were subject to dropsical and bowel complaints.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;L.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j50&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Antonius there made a review of his men, and he found that twenty thousand infantry and four thousand cavalry had perished; not all by the enemy, but above half by disease. They marched from Phraata twenty-&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_313&amp;quot;&amp;gt;313&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;seven days, and they defeated the Parthians in eighteen battles; but these victories brought neither strength nor security, because their pursuits were short and ineffectual. And this mainly showed that it was Artavasdes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_422_422&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_422_422&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;422&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the Armenian who had deprived Antonius of the means of bringing that war to an end. For if the sixteen thousand horsemen whom he drew out of Media had been present, who were equipped like the Parthians, and were accustomed to fight against them, and if, while the Romans put to flight the fighting enemy, they had overtaken the fugitives, it would not have been in their power after a defeat to recover themselves and venture again so often. All the army accordingly in passion endeavoured to incite Antonius to punish the Armenian. But Antonius upon considerations of prudence neither reproached him for his treachery nor abated of his usual friendly behaviour and respect towards him, being weak in numbers and in want of supplies. Afterwards, however, when he again broke into Armenia, and by many promises and invitations, persuaded Artavasdes to come into his hands, he seized him and took him in chains to Alexandria, where he was led in triumph. And herein chiefly he offended the Romans, by giving to the Egyptians for the sake of Cleopatra the honourable and solemn ceremonial of his native country. This however took place later.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j51&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Antonius now pressed on his march, the winter having already set in with severity, through incessant snow-storms, in which he lost eight thousand men on the route. Going down to the sea-coast with a very small body of men, he waited for Cleopatra&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_423_423&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_423_423&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;423&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in a place between Berytus and Sidon, called “White village”; and as she was slow in coming, he became uneasy and restless, soon giving himself up to drinking and intoxication, but yet being unable to continue at table; for while his companions were drinking he would rise and often spring up to look out, till Cleopatra arrived there by sea bringing a quantify of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_314&amp;quot;&amp;gt;314&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;clothes and supplies for the soldiers. There are some who say that Antonius received the clothes from her, but that the money was his own, though he distributed it as if it were a present to him from Cleopatra.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j52&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A quarrel arose between the king of the Medes and Phraortes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_424_424&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_424_424&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;424&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the Parthian, which originated, as they say, about the Roman spoils, but caused the Mede to have suspicions and fear of being deprived of his dominions. For this reason he sent to invite Antonius, and proffered to join him in a war with his own forces. Antonius accordingly being put in great hope—for the only thing as he thought which had been the cause of his failing to subdue the Parthians, his having gone against them without many horsemen and bowmen, he now saw was offered to him in such way that his part was rather to do a favour by accepting than to ask for one—was preparing again to march into the upper country through Armenia, and after joining the Mede near the Araxes, then to recommence the war.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j53&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; At Rome Octavia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_425_425&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_425_425&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;425&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was desirous of going to Antonius, and Cæsar gave her permission; as the greater part say, not with the design of pleasing her, but in order that if she were greatly insulted and neglected, he might have a specious pretext for the war. On reaching Athens she received letters from Antonius, in which he told her to stay there, and informed her of his intended expedition. Though Octavia was annoyed, and saw that this was only a pretext, she wrote to him to ask to what place he would have the things sent which she was bringing to him. And she was taking a great quantity of clothing for the army, many beasts, and money and presents for his officers and friends; and besides this, two thousand picked soldiers equipped as prætorian cohorts, with splendid armour. A certain Niger, a friend of Antonius, who was sent by Octavia, reported this to him, and he added commendation of Octavia such as she merited and was just. But Cleopatra, seeing that Octavia was entering into a contest with her, and fearing that if to the dignity of her behaviour and the power of Cæsar she added the pleasure of social &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_315&amp;quot;&amp;gt;315&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;intercourse and attention to Antonius, she would be invincible and get complete mastery over her husband, pretended to be desperately in love with Antonius, and she wasted her body by spare diet; and she put on the expression of strong passion when he approached her, and of sorrow and depression when he went away. She also contrived to be often seen in tears, which she would all at once wipe away and affect to conceal, as if she did not wish Antonius to observe it. She practised these arts while Antonius was preparing for his expedition from Syria against the Mede.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_426_426&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_426_426&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;426&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Flatterers, too, who were busy in her behalf, abused Antonius as a hard and unfeeling man, who was causing the death of a woman who was devoted to him alone. As to Octavia, she came to meet Antonius upon business on her brother’s account, and enjoyed the name of wife of Antonius; but Cleopatra, who was the queen of so many people, was only called the beloved of Antonius, and she did not shun nor disdain this name, so long as she could see Antonius and live with him; but if she were driven away from him, she would not survive. At last they so melted and softened the man, that through fear that Cleopatra might destroy herself, he returned to Alexandria, and put off the Mede to the summer season, though the affairs of Parthia were said to be in a state of anarchy. However, he went up into the country, and brought over the king to friendly terms, and after betrothing to one of his sons by Cleopatra one of the daughters of the king, who was still a young child, he returned, being now engaged in preparing for the civil war.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j54&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When Octavia returned from Athens, as Cæsar conceived her to have been insulted, he ordered her to dwell in her own house. But she refused to leave her husband’s house, and she advised her brother, if he had not for other reasons determined to go to war with Antonius, to let her affairs alone, for it was not even decent to be said, that of the greatest Imperators, one through &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_316&amp;quot;&amp;gt;316&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;love for a woman, and the other through jealousy, brought the Romans to civil war. This she said, and she confirmed what she said by her acts; for she lived in her husband’s house, just as if he were at home, and she took care of the children, both her own and those of Fulvia, in an honourable and liberal way; she also received the friends of Antonius who were sent to Rome to get offices or on business, and assisted them in obtaining from Cæsar what they wanted. She thus unintentionally damaged Antonius, for he was hated for wronging such a woman. He was also hated for the division which he made among his children at Alexandria, which appeared to be tragical&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_427_427&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_427_427&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;427&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and arrogant, and to show hatred of the Romans. For he filled the gymnasium with a crowd, and caused to be placed on a tribunal of silver two thrones of gold, one for himself, and the other for Cleopatra, and for the children other thrones which were lower; and first of all he declared Cleopatra Queen of Egypt and Cyprus and Libya and Cœle Syria, with Cæsarion as co-regent, who was believed to be the son of the former Cæsar, who left Cleopatra pregnant; in the next place he proclaimed his sons and Cleopatra’s to be Kings of Kings; and to Alexander he gave Armenia, and Media, and Parthia, when he should have subdued it, and to Ptolemæus he gave Phœnice and Syria and Cilicia. At the same time also he led forth Alexander, dressed in a Median vest with a tiara and cittaris&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_428_428&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_428_428&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;428&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; upright, and Ptolemæus in boots, and a chlamys, and a causia with a diadem attached to it; for this was the dress of the kings who followed Alexander, and the other was the dress of the Medes and Armenians. After the children had embraced their parents, a guard of Armenians was placed around the one, and of Macedonians around the other. Cleopatra, both on that occasion and on other occasions when she went out before the people, used to put on a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_317&amp;quot;&amp;gt;317&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;dress sacred to Isis, different from her ordinary dress, and she was called the new Isis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j55&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; By bringing these matters before the Senate, and often complaining of them before the people, Cæsar excited the multitude against Antonius. Antonius also sent and made recriminations against Cæsar. The chief charges which Antonius made against him were, in the first place, that though he had taken Sicily from Pompeius, he did not give him a part of the island; second, that Cæsar had borrowed ships from him for the war and had kept them; third, that after ejecting his colleague Lepidus from his authority and degrading him, Cæsar kept the army and territory and revenues that were assigned to Lepidus;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_429_429&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_429_429&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;429&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and, finally, that he had distributed nearly all Italy in allotments among his own soldiers, and had left nothing for the soldiers of Antonius. To these charges Cæsar replied, that he had deprived Lepidus of his authority because he was abusing it, and as to what he had acquired in war, he would share it with Antonius, when Antonius should share Armenia with him. He further said that the soldiers of Antonius had no claim to any share of Italy, for that they had Media and Parthia, which they had added to the Roman possessions by their brave conduct in war under their Imperator.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j56&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Antonius heard of this while he was tarrying in Armenia; and he immediately gave orders to Canidius to take sixteen legions and to go down to the sea. Himself taking Cleopatra with him went to Ephesus. Here the navy collected from all quarters, eight hundred ships, including merchant vessels, of which Cleopatra furnished two hundred, and twenty thousand talents and supplies for the war for all the army. Antonius, being persuaded by Domitius and some others, told Cleopatra to sail to Egypt and there to wait the result of the war. But as Cleopatra feared that there would again be a reconciliation through Octavia, she persuaded Canidius by a large bribe &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_318&amp;quot;&amp;gt;318&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to speak to Antonius about her, and to say, that it was neither just for a woman to be kept away from the war, who supplied so many large contributions, nor was it to the interest of Antonius to dispirit the Egyptians, who composed a large part of the naval force; and besides this, he did not see to which of the kings who joined the expedition Cleopatra was inferior in understanding, she who for a long time by herself had governed so large a kingdom, and had long enjoyed his company, and had learned to manage great affairs. These arguments prevailed, for it was fated that all the power should come into Cæsar’s hands; and after the forces had come together, they sailed to Samos and enjoyed themselves there. For as orders had been given to kings and rulers and tetrarchs and nations and all the cities between Syria and the Mæotis and Armenia and the Illyrians&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_430_430&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_430_430&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;430&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to send and bring their supplies for the war, so all the persons who assisted at theatrical entertainments were required to meet Antonius at Samos; and while nearly all the world around was lamenting and groaning, one island for many days resounded with pipes and stringed instruments, and the theatres were filled and the chori were vying with one another. Every city also joined in the celebration by sending an ox, and kings rivalled one another in giving entertainments and presents. So that it went abroad and was said, how will persons behave in the rejoicings after a victory, who make such costly banquets to celebrate the preparations for war?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j57&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After these amusements were over, Antonius gave to the theatrical company Priene for their dwelling; and sailing to Athens he again gave himself up to pleasure and theatres. Cleopatra, who was jealous of the honours that had been paid to Octavia in the city, for Octavia was very much beloved by the Athenians, attempted to gain the popular favour by many acts of liberality. The Athenians after voting to her honorable distinctions, sent a deputation to her residence to carry the record of the vote, and Antonius was one of them, as being an Athenian citizen; and coming before her he went through an &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_319&amp;quot;&amp;gt;319&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;harangue on behalf of the city. He sent persons to Rome to eject Octavia from his house; and it is said that when she left it, she took all the children of Antonius with her except the eldest of the children by Fulvia, for he was with his father, and that she wept and lamented that she too would be considered one of the causes of the war. And the Romans pitied not her, but they pitied Antonius, and those chiefly who had seen Cleopatra, a woman who had not the advantage over Octavia either in beauty or in youth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j58&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar was alarmed when he heard of the rapidity and the greatness of the preparation&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_431_431&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_431_431&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;431&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Antonius, lest he should be compelled to come to a decisive battle during that summer. For he was deficient in many things, and the exaction of taxes vexed people; for the free men, being compelled to contribute a fourth&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_432_432&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_432_432&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;432&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of their income, and the class of freedmen to contribute an eighth part of their property, cried out against Cæsar, and tumults arising from these causes prevailed over all Italy. Accordingly the delay in the war is reckoned among the greatest faults of Antonius; for it gave time to Cæsar to make preparation, and it put an end to the disturbances among the people; for while the money was being exacted from them they were irritated, but when it had been exacted and they had paid it they remained quiet.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_433_433&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_433_433&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;433&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Titius and Plancus, friends of Antonius and men of consular rank, being insulted by Cleopatra, for they made the most opposition to her joining the expedition, escaped to Cæsar, and they gave him information about the will of Antonius, as they were acquainted with the contents of it. The will was placed with the Vestal Virgins,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_434_434&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_434_434&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;434&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and when Cæsar asked for it, they would not give it to him, but they told him, if he wished to have it, to come and take it himself. And he did go and take it; and first of all he read it over by &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_320&amp;quot;&amp;gt;320&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;himself, and marked certain passages which furnished ready matter of accusation; in the next place he assembled the Senate and read the will, to the dissatisfaction of the greater part; for they considered it to be altogether unusual and a hard matter for a man to be called to account in his lifetime for what he wished to be done after his death. Cæsar dwelt most on that part of the will which related to the interment; for Antonius directed that his body, even if he should die in Rome, should be carried in procession through the Forum and sent to Alexandria to Cleopatra. Calvisius, an intimate friend of Cæsar, brought forward also these charges against Antonius in reference to Cleopatra: that he had given her the libraries&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_435_435&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_435_435&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;435&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; from Pergamum, in which there were two hundred thousand single books; and that at an entertainment in the presence of many people he stood up and rubbed her feet&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_436_436&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_436_436&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;436&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in compliance with a certain arrangement and agreement; and that he allowed the Ephesians in his presence to salute Cleopatra as mistress; and that frequently when he was administering justice to tetrarchs and kings on his tribunal, he would receive from her love-billets written on onyx or crystal and read them. Furnius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_437_437&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_437_437&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;437&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; also, who was a man of distinction and the most powerful orator among the Romans, said that Cleopatra was being carried in a litter through the Forum, and that Antonius when he saw her, sprung up and left the judgment-seat and accompanied her hanging on the litter.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j59&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In most of these matters Calvisius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_438_438&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_438_438&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;438&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was supposed to be lying. But the friends of Antonius going about in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_321&amp;quot;&amp;gt;321&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Rome entreated the people for his sake, and they sent Geminius, one of their body, to entreat Antonius not to be regardless about being deprived of his authority by a vote and declared an enemy of the Romans. Geminius having sailed to Greece became suspected by Cleopatra of acting on the behalf of Octavia, and, though he was continually ridiculed at supper and insulted by having unsuitable places at the feast assigned to him, he submitted to this and waited for an opportunity of an interview; and when he was told at supper to say what he had come about, he replied that all his communication was to be made when he was sober, except one thing, which he knew whether he was sober or drunk; and it was this, that all would be well if Cleopatra would go off to Egypt. Antonius was irritated at this, but Cleopatra said, “You have done well, Geminius, in having confessed the truth without tortures.” After a few days accordingly Geminius made his escape to Rome. The flatterers of Cleopatra drove away also many of the other friends of Antonius, who could not endure their excesses over wine and their coarse behaviour; and among these were Marcus Silanus and Dellius the historian. Dellius says that he was also afraid of some design from Cleopatra, of which he had been informed by Glaucus the physician. He had offended Cleopatra at supper by saying that they had to drink vinegar, while Sarmentus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_439_439&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_439_439&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;439&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at Rome was drinking Falernian. Now Sarmentus was a youth, one of Cæsar’s favourites, such as the Romans call Deliciæ.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j60&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When Cæsar had made preparation sufficient, he got a vote passed for war against Cleopatra&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_440_440&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_440_440&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;440&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and for depriving Antonius of the authority which he had surrendered to Cleopatra. Cæsar also said that Antonius, owing to draughts that had been administered to him, was not in his senses, and those whom the Romans had to fight against were Mardion the eunuch, and Potheinus, and Iras &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_322&amp;quot;&amp;gt;322&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the tire-woman of Cleopatra, and Charmion, by whom all the chief matters of administration were directed. These signs, it is said, happened before the war. Pisaurum,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_441_441&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_441_441&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;441&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a city that had been colonised by Antonius, which was situated near the Adriatic, was swallowed up by the opening of chasms in the earth. From one of the stone statues of Antonius at Alba sweat oozed for many days, and it did not cease, though there were persons who wiped it off. While he was staying at Patræ, the Herakleium was destroyed by lightning; at Athens the Dionysius, one of the figures in the Battle of the Giants,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_442_442&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_442_442&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;442&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was blown down by the winds and carried into the theatre. Now Antonius claimed kinship with Hercules by descent and with Dionysius by imitating his manner of life, as it has been said, and he was called young Dionysius. The same tempest also fell on the colossal statues of Eumenes and Attalus, on which the name of Antonius had been inscribed, and threw them down alone out of a large number. The admiral’s ship of Cleopatra was called Antonias, and a bad omen appeared as to it: some swallows had made their nest under the stern, but other swallows attacked and drove them out and destroyed the young.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LXI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j61&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; They were now coming together for the war; and the fighting ships of Antonius were not fewer than five hundred, among which were many vessels of eight and ten banks of oars fitted out in proud and pompous style; of the land forces there were one hundred thousand, and twelve thousand horsemen. There were on his side of subject kings, Bocchus the king of the Libyans, and Tarcondemus the king of Upper Cilicia, and Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, and Philadelphus of Paphlagonia, and Mithridates of Commagene, and Sadalas of Thrace. These were with him. From Pontus Polemon sent a force, and Malchus from Arabia, and Herodes, the Jew; and besides these, Amyntas, the king of the Lycaonians and Galatians.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_443_443&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_443_443&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;443&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; There was also help sent from the king of the Medes. Cæsar had two hundred and fifty ships of war, and eighty &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_323&amp;quot;&amp;gt;323&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;thousand infantry, and about the same number of horsemen as the enemy. The dominion of Antonius extended over the country from the Euphrates to the Ionian sea and the Illyrians; and that of Cæsar from the Illyrians over the country that reached to the Western Ocean, and over the country from the ocean to the Tuscan and Sicilian sea. Of Libya Cæsar had the part which extended opposite to Italy and Gaul and Iberia as far as the pillars of Hercules; and Antonius had the part from Cyrene to Ethiopia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LXII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j62&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Antonius was so mere an appendage to Cleopatra that though he had a great superiority in land forces, he wished the decision of the affair to depend on the navy, to please Cleopatra: and this, though he saw that through want of a crew, men were being seized by the trierarchs out of Greece, which had indeed suffered much, travellers, ass-drivers, reapers, youths, and that even by these means the ships were not manned, but the greater part were deficient and were ill manœuvred. Cæsar’s navy consisted of ships not built to a great height nor yet for the purpose of making a show, but adapted for easy and quick movement and well manned; and he kept his fleet together in Tarentum and Brundusium, and sent to Antonius to ask him not to waste the time, but to come with his forces, and that he would provide his armament with naval stations free from all hindrance, and harbours, and that he would retreat with his land forces a day’s journey for a horseman from the sea, until Antonius had safely landed and encamped. Antonius replied in like strain to this bragging language by challenging Cæsar to single combat, though he was older than Cæsar; and if Cæsar declined this, he proposed that they should decide the matter with their armies at Pharsalus, as Cæsar and Pompeius had done before. While Antonius was taking his station near Actium,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_444_444&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_444_444&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;444&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; where Nicopolis is now built, Cæsar contrived to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_324&amp;quot;&amp;gt;324&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;cross the Ionian sea and to get possession of a place in Epirus, called Torune; and as the friends of Antonius were uneasy, because their land force had not yet come up, Cleopatra, jesting, said, “What is the harm if Cæsar is sitting by a torune?”&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_445_445&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_445_445&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;445&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LXIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j63&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; At daybreak the advance of the enemy’s fleet alarmed Antonius, lest they should seize the ships which were without crews, and accordingly he armed the rowers and placed them on the decks to make a show, and raising the ships’ oars and making them ready for plying, he kept his ships on each side in the channel near Actium, prow to prow, as if they were fit to be put in motion and prepared to fight. Cæsar, being frustrated by this manœuvre, retired. Antonius also by some well contrived works shut in the water and deprived his enemies of it; and the surrounding spots had only little water, and that was bad. He behaved with magnanimity to Domitius also, and contrary to the judgment of Cleopatra. Domitius, who was already suffering from fever, got into a small boat and went over to Cæsar, on which Antonius, though much annoyed, sent him all his baggage together with his friends and slaves. Domitius indeed, as if he were repenting after the discovery of his faithlessness and treachery, died immediately. There were also defections among the kings, for Amyntas and Deiotarus went over to Cæsar. Now as the navy was in all things unlucky and always too late to give any help, Antonius was again compelled to turn his thoughts to his land forces. Canidius also, who commanded the land forces, changed his opinion at the sight of the danger, and he advised Antonius to send Cleopatra away, and to retreat to Thrace or Macedonia, and then to decide the matter by a battle. For Dicomes, the king of the Getæ, promised to help him with a large force; and Canidius urged that there would be no disgrace, if they should give up the sea to Cæsar, who had been disciplined in the Sicilian war, but it would be a strange thing if Antonius, who was excellently versed in military operations, should not avail himself of his strength and his resources of so many heavy-armed soldiers, and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_325&amp;quot;&amp;gt;325&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;should instead thereof distribute his troops among vessels and fritter them away. Notwithstanding this the advice of Cleopatra prevailed that the war should be decided by a naval battle, though she was already contemplating flight and making arrangements for her own position, not with a view to contribute to the victory, but to have the best place to retreat from if their cause should be ruined. Now there were long lines which extended from the camp to the naval station, and Antonius was accustomed to pass without suspecting any danger; and as a slave of Cæsar told him that it would be possible to seize Antonius as he went down through the lines, Cæsar sent men to lie in ambush for him. They came so near accomplishing their purpose as this, that by rising up too soon they seized the man who was advancing in front of Antonius; and Antonius escaped with difficulty by running.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LXIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j64&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When it had been resolved to make a sea fight, Antonius burned all the Egyptian ships except sixty; but he manned the best and largest, from three to ten banks of oars, with twenty thousand heavy-armed soldiers and two thousand bowmen. Hereupon it is said that one of the centurions, who had already fought many battles for Antonius and was covered with wounds, wept as Antonius was passing by, and said; “Imperator, why do you distrust these wounds or this sword and rest your hopes in miserable logs of wood? Let Egyptians and Phœnicians fight on sea, but give us land, on which we are accustomed to stand and to die or to vanquish our enemies.” Without making any reply, but merely by a motion of his hand and the expression of his countenance encouraging the man to be of good cheer, Antonius passed by, without however having any good hopes himself, inasmuch as when the masters of the vessels were desirous to leave the sails behind, he ordered them to be put on board and taken with them, observing that not a single fugitive of the enemy should be allowed to escape.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LXV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j65&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_446_446&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_446_446&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;446&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now on that day and the three following days &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_326&amp;quot;&amp;gt;326&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the sea was agitated by a strong wind which prevented an engagement, but on the fifth, there being no wind and the sea being quite calm, they came to an engagement. Antonius and Publicola commanded the right wing, and Cœlius the left; and in the centre were Marcus Octavius and Marcus Insteius. Cæsar placed Agrippa on the left, and reserved the right wing for himself. Canidius drew up the army of Antonius, and Taurus that of Cæsar on the shore, and remained without moving. As to the two commanders-in-chief, Antonius visited all his vessels in a row-boat and exhorted his soldiers to trust to the weight of their ships and to fight as if they were on land, without changing their position, and he urged the masters of the ships to receive the shock of the enemy with their vessels as if they were quietly at anchor, and to avoid the difficult spots about the entrance of the bay: and Cæsar, it is said, while it was still dark, left his tent, and as he was going round to the ships, he met a man driving an ass, who being asked his name and knowing Cæsar, replied, “My name is Goodluck, and my ass’s name is Victor.” For this reason when Cæsar afterwards ornamented the place with the beaks of ships, he set up a bronze figure of an ass and a man. After observing the arrangement of the other part of his fleet, he went in a boat to the right wing and was surprised to see the enemy resting quietly in the straits; for the vessels had the appearance of being moored at their anchors; and as he was for a long time convinced of this, he kept his own ships at the distance of eight stadia from the enemy. It was now the sixth hour, and a wind beginning to rise from the sea, the soldiers of Antonius were impatient at the delay, and, trusting to the height and magnitude of their ships as making them unassailable, they put the left wing in motion. Cæsar, delighted to see this, ordered his right wing to row backwards with the design of drawing the enemy still further out of the gulf and the straits, and by surrounding them with his own light vessels to come to close quarters with the enemy’s ships, which, owing to their size and the insufficiency of their crews, were cumbersome and slow.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LXVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j66&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Though the two fleets were beginning to come together, they did not drive the ships against, nor &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_327&amp;quot;&amp;gt;327&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;strive to crush one another, for the ships of Antonius, owing to their weight, were unable to move forwards with any force, which mainly gives effect to the blows of the beaks, and those of Cæsar not only avoided meeting front to front the strong and rough brass work of the enemy, but did not even venture to strike against them on the flank. For the beaks would easily have been broken off by coming in contact with the hulls&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_447_447&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_447_447&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;447&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of the enemy’s vessels, which were protected by large square pieces of timber fastened to one another with iron. The battle therefore was like a land fight, or, to speak more exactly, like the assailing of a fortress; for three and four of Cæsar’s ships at the same time were engaged about one of the ships of Antonius, and the men fought with light shields and spears and poles and fiery missiles; the soldiers of Antonius assailed them also with catapults from wooden towers. While Agrippa was extending the left wing with a view to surround the enemy, Publicola, being compelled to advance to meet him, was separated from the centre, which fell into confusion, and was also closely engaged with Arruntius. While the sea fight was still undecided and equally favourable to both sides, all at once the sixty ships of Cleopatra were seen raising their sails for the purpose of making off, and flying through the centre of the combatants; for they were stationed behind the large vessels and they caused confusion by making their way through them. The enemy looked on with wonder, seeing them take advantage of the wind and shape their course towards the Peloponnesus. On this occasion Antonius clearly showed that he was not governed by the considerations that befit either a commander or a man, or even by his own judgment, but, as some one observed in jest, that the soul of the lover lives in another person’s body, so was he dragged along by the woman as if he had grown to her and moved together with her. For no sooner did he see her ship sailing away, than, forgetting everything, and deserting and skulking away from those who were fighting and dying in his cause, he got into a five-oared galley with only Alexas the Syrian and Skellius to attend him, and followed &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_328&amp;quot;&amp;gt;328&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;after her who had already ruined him and was destined to complete his ruin.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LXVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j67&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cleopatra, having recognised the vessel of Antonius, raised a signal; and Antonius accordingly, coming up to her and being taken into her ship, neither saw Cleopatra nor was seen by her, but advancing close to the prow he sat down by himself in silence holding his head with both his hands. In the meantime there were seen Liburnian ships&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_448_448&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_448_448&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;448&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; from Cæsar’s fleet in pursuit; but Antonius, by ordering his men to turn his vessel’s head towards them, kept them all in check, except the ship of Eurykles, the Lacedæmonian, who proudly pressed on, brandishing a spear on the deck, as if to hurl it at Antonius. Standing on the prow of his vessel Antonius asked who it was that was pursuing Antonius? The reply was, “I am Eurykles, the son of Lachares, and by the help of Cæsar’s fortune I am avenging my father’s death.” Now Lachares had been beheaded by Antonius in consequence of being involved in a charge of robbery. However Eurykles did not fall upon the ship of Antonius, but he dashed against the other of the admiral-ships (for there were two) with the brazen beak, and made it spin round, and as the ship fell off from its course he took it, and also another ship which contained costly vessels for table use. When this assailant had retired, Antonius, again settling down in the same posture, remained without moving, and, after spending three days at the prow by himself, either because of his passion or that he was ashamed to see Cleopatra, he put in at Tænarus.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_449_449&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_449_449&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;449&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Here the women who were in attendance on Cleopatra first of all brought them to speak to one another, and next they persuaded them to sup and sleep together. And already not a few of the transport ships and some of their friends after the defeat began to collect around them; and they brought intelligence of the destruction of the navy, but &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_329&amp;quot;&amp;gt;329&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;they supposed that the army still kept together. Antonius sent messengers to Canidius with orders for him to retreat quickly through Macedonia with his army into Asia; and as it was his intention to cross over from Tænarus to Libya, he selected one of the store-ships which conveyed much money and many royal utensils in silver and in gold of great value, and gave them to his friends, telling them to divide the things among them and to look after their safety. As they refused and wept, he comforted them with much affection and kindness, and by his entreaties induced them to depart; and he wrote to Theophilus, his steward in Corinth, to provide for the safety of the men and to conceal them until they should be able to make their peace with Cæsar. This Theophilus was the father of Hipparchus, who had the greatest influence with Antonius, and was the first of his freedmen who went over to Cæsar, and he afterwards lived in Corinth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LXVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j68&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Such was the condition of affairs with Antonius. At Actium the naval force, after resisting Cæsar a long time and being very greatly damaged by the heavy sea that set against them ahead, hardly gave up the contest at the tenth hour. The dead were said not to be more than five thousand, but there were taken three hundred ships, as Cæsar has recorded. There were not many who knew that Antonius had fled, and those who heard of it could not at first believe that he had gone and left them, when he had nineteen legions of unvanquished soldiers and twelve thousand horsemen; as if he had not often experienced fortune both ways, and were not exercised in the reverses of innumerable contests and wars. The soldiers longed and expected to see him, hoping that he would soon show himself from some quarter or other; and they displayed so much fidelity and courage that, even when his flight was well known, they kept together seven days and paid no regard to Cæsar’s messages to them. But at last, when their general Canidius had stolen away by night and left the camp, being now deserted of all and betrayed by their commanders, they went over to the conqueror. Upon this Cæsar&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_450_450&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_450_450&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;450&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; sailed to Athens, and having come to terms with the Greeks, he distributed the grain that remained over &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_330&amp;quot;&amp;gt;330&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;after the war among the cities, which were in a wretched condition and stripped of money, slaves and beasts of burden. Now my great-grandfather Nikarchus used to relate that all the citizens&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_451_451&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_451_451&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;451&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; were compelled to carry down on their shoulders a certain quantity of wheat to the sea at Antikyra, and that their speed was quickened by the whip; they had carried, he said, one supply in this manner, and had just measured out another and were about to set out, when news came that Antonius was defeated, and this saved the city; for the agents and soldiers of Antonius immediately fled, and they divided the corn among themselves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LXIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j69&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When Antonius had reached the coast of Libya, and had sent Cleopatra forwards to Egypt from Parætonium,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_452_452&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_452_452&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;452&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he had his fill of solitude, wandering and rambling about with two friends, one a Greek, Aristokrates, a rhetorician, and the other a Roman, Lucilius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_453_453&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_453_453&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;453&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; about whom I have said elsewhere that at Philippi, in order that Brutus might escape, he had surrendered to the pursuers, pretending that he was Brutus, and his life being spared by Antonius on that account, he remained faithful to him and firm to the last critical times. When the general&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_454_454&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_454_454&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;454&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to whom he had intrusted the troops in Libya had caused their defection, Antonius made an effort to kill himself, but he was prevented by his friends and conveyed to Alexandria, where he found Cleopatra contemplating a hazardous and great undertaking. The isthmus which separates the Red Sea&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_331&amp;quot;&amp;gt;331&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; from the sea of Egypt&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_455_455&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_455_455&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;455&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and is considered to be the boundary between Asia and Libya, in the part where it is most contracted by the sea, and the width is least, is about three hundred stadia across; and here Cleopatra undertook to raise her ships out of the water and to drag them across the neck of land, and so bringing her ships into the Arabian gulf with much money and a large force, to settle beyond the limits of Egypt and to escape from slavery and war. But as the Arabs of Petra&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_456_456&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_456_456&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;456&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; burnt the first ships which were drawn up, and Antonius thought that the army at Actium still kept together, Cleopatra desisted from her design and guarded the approaches to Egypt. Antonius now leaving the city and the company of his friends, built for himself a dwelling in the sea, near the Pharos,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_457_457&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_457_457&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;457&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; by throwing forward a mole into the water; and here he lived a fugitive from men, and he said that he was content with Timon’s life and admired it, considering himself in like plight with Timon; for he too had been wronged by his friends and had experienced their ingratitude, and that therefore he distrusted and disliked all men.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LXX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j70&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Timon&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_458_458&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_458_458&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;458&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was an Athenian, who lived about the time of the Peloponnesian war, as we may conclude from the plays of Aristophanes and Plato; for he is brought forward in them as peevish and misanthropical. Though he avoided and rejected all intercourse with men, yet he received in a friendly manner Alkibiades, who was a young &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_332&amp;quot;&amp;gt;332&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;audacious fellow, and showed him great affection. And when Apemantus wondered at this and asked the reason, he said that he liked the young man because he knew that he would be the cause of much ill to the Athenians. Apemantus was the only person whom he sometimes allowed to approach him, because he was like himself and imitated his mode of life. On one occasion, during the festival called Choes,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_459_459&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_459_459&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;459&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; when the two were feasting together, Apemantus said, “How delightful the entertainment is, Timon;” “Yes, if you were not here,” was the reply. It is said that when the Athenians were in public assembly, Timon ascended the bema and called for silence, which raised great expectation on account of the unusual nature of the circumstance: he then said, “I have a small plot of building-ground, men of Athens, and there is a fig-tree growing on it, on which many of the citizens have already hanged themselves. Now as I intend to build on the ground, I wished to give public notice that, if any of you choose, they may hang themselves before the fig-tree is cut down.” After his death he was buried at Halæ, near the sea; but the shore in front of the place slipped down, and the sea surrounding the tomb made it inaccessible and unapproachable. The inscription on the tomb was:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Here from the load of life released I lie:&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Ask not my name: but take my curse, and die.&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And they say that he wrote this inscription during his lifetime; but that which is commonly circulated as the inscription is by Callimachus:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Timon misanthropist I am. Away!&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Curse, an’ thou will’t, but only do not stay.&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LXXI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j71&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; These are a few things out of many about Timon. Canidius himself brought intelligence to Antonius of the loss of his forces at Actium, and he heard that Herodes,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_460_460&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_460_460&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;460&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_333&amp;quot;&amp;gt;333&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the Jew, who had certain legions and cohorts, had gone over to Cæsar, and that the rest of the princes in like manner were revolting, and that none of his troops out of Egypt still kept together. However, none of these things disturbed him; but, as if he gladly laid aside hope as he did care, he left that dwelling on the sea, which he called Timoneium, and being taken by Cleopatra into the palace, he turned the city to feasting and drinking and distribution of money, registering the son of Cleopatra and Cæsar among the young men, and putting on Antyllus, his son by Fulvia,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_461_461&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_461_461&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;461&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the vest without the purple hem, which marked the attainment of full age, on which occasion banquets and revellings and feasts engaged Alexandria for many days. They themselves put an end to that famed company of the Inimitable Livers, and they formed another, not at all inferior to that in refinement and luxury and expense, which they called the company of those who would die together. For the friends of Antonius registered themselves as intending to die together, and they continued enjoying themselves in a succession of banquets. Cleopatra got together all kinds of deadly poisons, and she tried the painless character of each by giving them to those who were in prison under sentence of death. When she discovered that the quick poisons brought on a speedy death with pain, and the less painful were not quick, she made trial of animals,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_462_462&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_462_462&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;462&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which in her presence were set upon one another. And she did this daily; and among nearly all she found that the bite of the asp alone brought on without spasms and groans a sleepy numbness and drowsiness, with a gentle perspiration on the face, and dulling of the perceptive faculties, which were softly deprived of their &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_334&amp;quot;&amp;gt;334&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;power, and made resistance to all attempts to awake and arouse them, as is the case with those who are in a deep sleep.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LXXII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j72&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; At the same time they sent also ambassadors to Cæsar into Asia, Cleopatra requesting the dominion of Egypt for her children, and Antonius asking to be allowed to live as a private person at Athens, if he could not be permitted to stay in Egypt. Through the want of friends and their distrust owing to the desertions, Euphronius, the instructor of the children, was sent on the embassy. For Alexas,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_463_463&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_463_463&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;463&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Laodiceia, who at Rome had become known to Antonius through Timagenes, and possessed most influence of all the Greeks, who also had been the most active of the instruments of Cleopatra against Antonius, and had overthrown all the reflections which rose in his mind about Octavia, had been sent to King Herodes to keep him from changing; and having stayed there and betrayed Antonius, he had the impudence to go into the presence of Cæsar, relying on Herodes. But Herodes helped him not, but being forthwith confined and carried in chains to his own country, he was put to death there by order of Cæsar. Such was the penalty for his infidelity that Alexas paid to Antonius in his lifetime.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LXXIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j73&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar would not listen to what was said on behalf of Antonius; but as to Cleopatra, he replied that she should not fail to obtain anything that was reasonable if she would kill Antonius or drive him away. He also sent with the ambassadors of Antonius and Cleopatra one Thyrsus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_464_464&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_464_464&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;464&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a freedman of his, a man not devoid of judgment, nor, as coming from a young general, one who would fail in persuasive address to a haughty woman who was wonderfully proud of her beauty. This man, having longer interviews &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_335&amp;quot;&amp;gt;335&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; with Cleopatra than the rest, and being specially honoured, caused Antonius to have suspicions, and he seized and whipped him; and he then sent him back to Cæsar with a letter to the effect that Thyrsus, by giving himself airs and by his insolent behaviour, had irritated him, who was easily irritated by reason of his misfortunes. “But you,” he said, “if you do not like the thing, have my freedman Hipparchus. Hang him up and whip him, that we may be on equal terms.” Upon this Cleopatra, with the view of doing away with his cause of complaint and suspicions, paid more than usual court to Antonius: she kept her own birthday in a mean manner and a way suitable to her condition, but she celebrated the birthday of Antonius with an excess of splendour and cost, so that many of those who were invited to the feast came poor and went away rich. Agrippa&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_465_465&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_465_465&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;465&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in the meantime called Cæsar back, frequently writing to him from Rome, and urging that affairs there required his presence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LXXIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j74&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Accordingly for the time the war was suspended; but when the winter was over, Cæsar advanced through Syria and his generals through Libya. Pelusium was taken, and it was said that Seleukus gave it up, not without the consent of Cleopatra. But Cleopatra surrendered to Antonius the wife and children of Seleukus to be put to death; and as she had a tomb and a monument constructed of unusual beauty and height, which she had built close to the temple of Isis, she collected there the most precious of the royal treasures, gold, silver, emeralds, pearls, ebony, ivory, and cinnamon, and also a great quantity of fire-wood and tow; so that Cæsar, being afraid about the money, lest Cleopatra becoming desperate should destroy and burn the wealth, kept continually forwarding to her hopes of friendly treatment while he was advancing with his army against the city. When Cæsar had taken his position near the hippodrome, Antonius sallied forth &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_336&amp;quot;&amp;gt;336&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and fought gallantly, and he put Cæsar’s cavalry to flight and pursued them to the camp. Elated with his victory, he entered the palace and embraced Cleopatra in his armour, and presented to her one of the soldiers who had fought most bravely. Cleopatra gave the soldier as a reward of his courage a golden breastplate and a helmet. The man took them, and in the night deserted to Cæsar.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LXXV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j75&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Again, Antonius sent to Cæsar and challenged him to single combat. Cæsar replied that Antonius had many ways of dying, on which Antonius, reflecting that there was no better mode of death for him than in battle, determined to try a land battle and a naval battle at the same time. And at supper, it is said, he bade the slaves to pour out and feast him cheerfully, for it was uncertain whether they would do that on the morrow or would be serving other masters, while he should lie a corpse and should be a nothing. Seeing that his friends shed tears at his words, he said that he would not lead them out to a battle from which he would seek for himself a glorious death rather than safety and victory. During this night, it is said, about the middle thereof, while the city was quiet and depressed through fear and expectation of the future, all at once certain harmonious sounds from all kinds of instruments were heard, and shouts of a crowd with Evoes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_466_466&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_466_466&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;466&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and satyric leapings, as if some company of revellers not without noise were going out of the city; and the course of the procession seemed to be through the middle of the city to the gate leading outwards in the direction of the enemy, and at this point the tumult made its way out, being loudest there. And those who reflected on the sign were of opinion that the god to whom Antonius all along most likened himself and most claimed kinship with was deserting him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LXXVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j76&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_467_467&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_467_467&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;467&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; At daybreak Antonius posted his troops on the hills in front of the city, and watched his ships, which were &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_337&amp;quot;&amp;gt;337&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;put in motion and advancing against those of the enemy; and as he expected to see something great done by them, he remained quiet. But when the men of Antonius came near, they saluted with their oars Cæsar’s men, and as they returned the salute, the men of Antonius changed sides, and the fleet becoming one by the junction of all the ships, sailed with the vessels’ heads turned against the city. As soon as Antonius saw this, he was deserted by the cavalry, who changed sides, and being defeated with his infantry he retired into the city, crying out that he was betrayed by Cleopatra to those with whom he was warring on her account. Cleopatra, fearing his anger and despair, fled to the tomb and let down the folding doors which were strengthened with bars and bolts; and she sent persons to Antonius to inform him that she was dead. Antonius, believing the intelligence, said to himself, “Why dost thou still delay, Antonius? fortune has taken away the sole remaining excuse for clinging to life.” He then entered his chamber, and loosing his body armour and taking it in pieces, he said: “Cleopatra, I am not grieved at being deprived of thee, for I shall soon come to the same place with thee; but I am grieved that I, such an Imperator, am shown to be inferior to a woman in courage.” Now Antonius had a faithful slave named Eros, whom he had long before exhorted, if the necessity should arise, to kill him; and he now claimed the performance of the promise. Eros drew his sword and held it out as if he were going to strike his master, but he turned away his face and killed himself. As Eros fell at his master’s feet Antonius said, “Well done, Eros, though you are not able to do this for me, you teach me what I ought to do;” and piercing himself through the belly he threw himself on the bed. But the wound was not immediately mortal; and accordingly, as the flow of blood ceased when he lay down, he came to himself and requested the bystanders to finish him. But they fled from the chamber while he was calling out and writhing in pain, till Diomedes the secretary came from Cleopatra with orders to convey him to her to the tomb.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LXXVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j77&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_468_468&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_468_468&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;468&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When he learned that she was alive, he eagerly commanded his slaves to take him up, and he was &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_338&amp;quot;&amp;gt;338&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;carried in their arms to the doors of the chamber. Cleopatra did not open the doors, but she appeared at a window, from which she let down cords and ropes; and when the slaves below had fastened Antonius to them, she drew him up with the aid of the two women whom alone she had admitted into the tomb with her. Those who were present say that there never was a more piteous sight; for stained with blood and struggling with death he was hauled up, stretching out his hands to her, while he was suspended in the air. For the labour was not light for women, and Cleopatra with difficulty, holding with her hands and straining the muscles of her face, pulled up the rope, while those who were below encouraged her and shared in her agony. When she had thus got him in and laid him down, she rent her garments over him, and beating her breasts and scratching them with her hands, and wiping the blood off him with her face, she called him master and husband and Imperator; and she almost forgot her own misfortunes through pity for his. Antonius, stopping her lamentations, asked for wine to drink, whether it was that he was thirsty or that he expected to be released more speedily. When he had drunk it, he advised her, if it could be done with decency, to look after the preservation of her own interests, and to trust to Procleius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_469_469&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_469_469&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;469&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; most of the companions of Cæsar; and not to lament him for his last reverses, but to think him happy for the good things that he had obtained, having become the most illustrious of men and had the greatest power, and now not ignobly a Roman by a Roman vanquished.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LXXVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j78&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Just as Antonius died, Procleius came from Cæsar;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_470_470&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_470_470&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;470&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for after Antonius had wounded himself and was carried to Cleopatra, Derketæus, one of his guards, taking his dagger and concealing it, secretly made his way from the palace, and running to Cæsar, was the first to report the death of Antonius, and he showed the blood-stained dagger. When Cæsar heard the news, he retired within &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_339&amp;quot;&amp;gt;339&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;his tent and wept for a man who had been related to him by marriage, and his colleague in command, and his companion in many struggles and affairs. He then took the letters that had passed between him and Antonius, and calling his friends, read them, in order to show in what a reasonable and fair tone he had written himself, and how arrogant and insolent Antonius had always been in his answers. Upon this he sent Procleius with orders, if possible, above all things to secure Cleopatra alive; for he was afraid about the money, and he thought it a great thing for the glory of his triumph to lead her in the procession. However Cleopatra would not put herself in the hands of Procleius; but they talked together while he was standing on the outside close to the building near a door on a level with the ground, which was firmly secured, but allowed a passage for the voice. In their conversation Cleopatra entreated that her children might have the kingdom, and Procleius bade her be of good cheer and trust to Cæsar in all things.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LXXIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j79&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After Procleius had inspected the place and reported to Cæsar, Gallus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_471_471&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_471_471&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;471&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was sent to have another interview with her; and having come to the door he purposely prolonged the conversation. In the meantime Procleius applied a ladder and got through the window by which the women took in Antonius; and he immediately went down with two slaves to the door at which Cleopatra stood with her attention directed to Gallus. One of the women who were shut up with Cleopatra called out, “Wretched Cleopatra, you are taken alive,” on which she turned round, and seeing Procleius, attempted to stab herself, for she happened to have by her side a dagger such as robbers wear: but Procleius, quickly running up to her and holding her with both his hands, said, “You wrong yourself, Cleopatra, and Cæsar too by attempting to deprive him of the opportunity of a noble display of magnanimity and to fix on the mildest of commanders the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_340&amp;quot;&amp;gt;340&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;stigma of faithlessness and implacability.” At the same time he took away her dagger and shook her dress to see if she concealed any poison. There was also sent from Cæsar one of his freedmen, Epaphroditus, whose orders were to watch over her life with great care, but as to the rest to give way in all things that would make her most easy and be most agreeable to her.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LXXX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j80&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar entered the city talking with Areius the philosopher, and he had given Areius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_472_472&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_472_472&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;472&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; his right hand, that he might forthwith be conspicuous among the citizens and be admired on account of the special respect that he received from Cæsar. Entering the gymnasium and ascending a tribunal that was made for him, the people the while being terror-struck and falling down before him, he bade them get up, and he said that he acquitted the people of all blame, first on account of the founder Alexander, second because he admired the beauty and magnitude of the city, and third, to please his friend Areius. Such honour Areius obtained from Cæsar, and he got the pardon of many others; and among them was Philostratus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_473_473&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_473_473&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;473&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a man of all sophists the most competent to speak on the sudden, but one who claimed to be of the Academy without just grounds. Wherefore Cæsar, who abominated his habits, would not listen to his entreaties. But Philostratus, letting his white beard grow and putting on a dark vest, followed behind Areius, continually uttering this verse:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Wise save the wise, if wise indeed they be.&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Cæsar hearing of this, pardoned Philostratus, wishing rather to release Areius from odium than Philostratus from fear.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LXXXI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j81&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Of the children of Antonius, Antyllus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_474_474&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_474_474&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;474&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the son of Fulvia, was given up by his pædagogus Theodorus and put to death; and when the soldiers had cut off his head, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_341&amp;quot;&amp;gt;341&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the pædagogus took the most precious stone which he wore about his neck and sewed it in his belt; and though he denied the fact, he was convicted of it and crucified. The children of Cleopatra were guarded together with those who had charge of them, and they had a liberal treatment; but as to Cæsarion, who was said to be Cleopatra’s son by Cæsar, her mother sent him to India with much treasure by way of Ethiopia; but another pædagogus like Theodorus, named Rhodon, persuaded him to return, saying that Cæsar invited him to take the kingdom. While Cæsar was deliberating about Cæsarion, it is said that Areius observed: “Tis no good thing, a multitude of Cæsars.”&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_475_475&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_475_475&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;475&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LXXXII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j82&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now Cæsar put Cæsarion to death after the death of Cleopatra. Though many asked for the body of Antonius to bury it, both kings and commanders, Cæsar did not take it from Cleopatra, but it was interred by her own hands sumptuously and royally, and she received for that purpose all that she wished. In consequence of so much grief and pain, for her breasts were inflamed by the blows that she had inflicted and were sore, and a fever coming on, she gladly availed herself of this pretext for abstaining from food and with the design of releasing herself from life without hindrance. There was a physician with whom she was familiar, Olympus, to whom she told the truth, and she had him for her adviser and assistant in accomplishing her death, as Olympus said in a history of these transactions which he published. Cæsar suspecting her design, plied her with threats and alarms about her children, by which Cleopatra was thrown down as by engines of war, and she gave up her body to be treated and nourished as it was wished.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LXXXIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j83&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar himself came a few days after to see her and pacify her.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_476_476&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_476_476&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;476&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cleopatra happened to be lying on a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_342&amp;quot;&amp;gt;342&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;mattress meanly dressed, and as he entered she sprang up in a single vest and fell at his feet with her head and face in the greatest disorder, her voice trembling and her eyes weakened by weeping. There were also visible many marks of the blows inflicted on her breast; and in fine her body seemed in no respect to be in better plight than her mind. Yet that charm and that saucy confidence in her beauty were not completely extinguished, but, though she was in such a condition, shone forth from within and showed themselves in the expression of her countenance. When Cæsar had bid her lie down and had seated himself near her, she began to touch upon a kind of justification, and endeavoured to turn all that had happened upon necessity and fear of Antonius; but as Cæsar on each point met her with an answer, being confuted, she all at once changed her manner to move him by pity and by prayers, as a person would do who clung most closely to life. Finally she handed to him a list of all the treasures that she had; and when Seleukus, one of her stewards, declared that she was hiding and secreting some things, she sprang up and laying hold of his hair, belaboured him with many blows on the face. As Cæsar smiled and stopped her, she said, “But is it not scandalous, Cæsar, that you have condescended to come to me and speak to me in my wretched condition, and my slaves make it a matter of charge against me if I have reserved some female ornaments, not for myself forsooth, wretch that I am, but that I may give a few things to Octavia and your wife Livia, and so through their means make you more favourable to me and more mild.” Cæsar was pleased with these words, being fully assured that she wished to live. Accordingly, after saying that he left these matters to her care and that in everything else he would behave to her better than she expected, he went away, thinking that he had deceived her; but he had deceived himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LXXXIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j84&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now there was Cornelius Dolabella,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_477_477&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_477_477&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;477&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_343&amp;quot;&amp;gt;343&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; youth of rank, and one of the companions&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_478_478&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_478_478&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;478&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Cæsar. He was not without a certain liking towards Cleopatra; and now, in order to gratify her request, he secretly sent and informed her that Cæsar himself was going to march with his troops through Syria, and that he had determined to send off her with her children on the third day. On hearing this, Cleopatra first entreated Cæsar to permit her to pour libations on the tomb of Antonius; and when Cæsar permitted it, she went to the tomb, and embracing the coffin in company with the women who were usually about her, said, “Dear Antonius, I buried thee recently with hands still free, but now I pour out libations as a captive and so watched that I cannot either with blows or sorrow disfigure this body of mine now made a slave and preserved to form a part in the triumph over thee. But expect not other honours or libations, for these are the last which Cleopatra brings. Living, nothing kept us asunder, but there is a risk of our changing places in death; thou a Roman, lying buried here, and I, wretched woman, in Italy, getting only as much of thy country as will make me a grave. But if indeed there is any help and power in the gods there (for the gods of this country have deserted us), do not deliver thy wife up alive, and let not thyself be triumphed over in me, but hide me here with thee and bury thee with me; for though I have ten thousand ills, not one of them is so great and grievous as this short time which I have lived apart from thee!”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LXXXV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j85&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After making this lamentation and crowning and embracing the coffin, she ordered a bath to be prepared for her. After bathing, she lay down and enjoyed a splendid banquet. And there came one from the country bringing a basket; and on the guards asking what he brought, the man opened it, and taking off the leaves showed the vessel full of figs. The soldiers admiring their beauty and size, the man smiled and told them to take some, whereon, without having any suspicion, they bade him carry them in. After feasting, Cleopatra took &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_344&amp;quot;&amp;gt;344&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;a tablet, which was already written, and sent it sealed to Cæsar, and, causing all the rest of her attendants to withdraw except those two women, she closed the door. As soon as Cæsar&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_479_479&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_479_479&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;479&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; opened the tablet and found in it the prayers and lamentations of Cleopatra, who begged him to bury her with Antonius, he saw what had taken place. At first he was for setting out himself to give help, but the next thing that he did was to send persons with all speed to inquire. But the tragedy had been speedy; for, though they ran thither and found the guards quite ignorant of everything, as soon as they opened the door they saw Cleopatra lying dead on a golden couch in royal attire. Of her two women, Eiras was dying at her feet, and Charmion, already staggering and drooping her head, was arranging the diadem on the forehead of Cleopatra. One of them saying in passion, “A good deed this, Charmion;” “Yes, most goodly,” she replied, “and befitting the descendant of so many kings.” She spake not another word, but fell there by the side of the couch.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LXXXVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j86&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now it is said that the asp was brought with &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_345&amp;quot;&amp;gt;345&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;those figs and leaves, and was covered with them; for that Cleopatra had so ordered, that the reptile might fasten on her body without her being aware of it. But when she had taken up some of the figs and saw it, she said, “Here then it is,” and baring her arm, she offered it to the serpent to bite. Others say that the asp was kept in a water-pitcher, and that Cleopatra drew it out with a golden distaff and irritated it till the reptile sprang upon her arm and clung to it. But the real truth nobody knows; for it was also said that she carried poison about her in a hollow comb, which she concealed in her hair; however, no spots broke out on her body, nor any other sign of poison. Nor yet was the reptile seen within the palace; but some said that they observed certain marks of its trail near the sea, in that part towards which the chamber looked and the windows were. Some also say that the arm of Cleopatra was observed to have two small indistinct punctures; and it seems that Cæsar believed this, for in the triumph a figure of Cleopatra was carried with the asp clinging to her. Such is the way in which these events are told. Though Cæsar was vexed at the death of Cleopatra, he admired her nobleness of mind, and he ordered the body to be interred with that of Antonius in splendid and royal style. The women of Cleopatra also received honourable interment by his orders. Cleopatra at the time of her death was forty years of age save one, and she had reigned as queen two-and-twenty years, and governed together with Antonius more than fourteen. Antonius, according to some, was six years, according to others, three years above fifty. Now the statues of Antonius were thrown down, but those of Cleopatra remained standing, for Archibius, one of her friends, gave Cæsar two thousand talents that they might not share the same fate as those of Antonius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LXXXVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;j87&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Antonius by his three wives left seven children, of whom Antyllus, the eldest, was the only one&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_346&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 346]&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
[Pg 347]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; who was put to death by Cæsar; the rest Octavia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_480_480&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_480_480&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;480&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; took and brought them up with her own children. Cleopatra, the daughter of Cleopatra, she married to Juba, the most accomplished of kings; and Antonius, the son of Fulvia, she raised so high that, while Agrippa held the first place in Cæsar’s estimation, and the sons of Livia the second, Antonius had and was considered to have the third. Octavia had by Marcellus two daughters, and one son, Marcellus, whom Cæsar made both his son and son-in-law, and he gave one of the daughters to Agrippa. But as Marcellus died very soon after his marriage, and it was not easy for Cæsar to choose from the rest of his friends a son-in-law whom he could trust, Octavia proposed to him that Agrippa should take Cæsar’s daughter and put away her daughter. Cæsar was first persuaded and then Agrippa, whereupon Octavia took her own daughter back and married her to Antonius; and Agrippa married Cæsar’s daughter. There were two daughters of Antonius and Octavia, of whom Domitius Ænobarbus took one to wife; and the other, who was famed for her virtues and her beauty, Antonia, was married to Drusus, the son of Livia, and step-son of Cæsar. From the marriage of Drusus and Antonia came Germanicus and Claudius, of whom Claudius afterwards ruled; and of the children of Germanicus, Caius, who ruled with distinction for no long time, was destroyed together with his child and wife; and Agrippina, who had by Ænobarbus a son, Lucius Domitius, married Claudius Cæsar; and Claudius adopting her son, named him Nero Germanicus. Nero, who ruled in my time, slew his mother, and through his violence and madness came very near subverting the supremacy of Rome, being the fifth from Antonius in the order of succession.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_348&amp;quot;&amp;gt;348&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;COMPARISON OF DEMETRIUS AND ANTONIUS.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;k1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Since, then, great changes of fortune took place in each of their lives, let us first consider their power and renown. The position of Demetrius was inherited and already made for him, as Antigonus was the most powerful of the successors of Alexander, and, before Demetrius came of age, had overrun and conquered the greater part of Asia: while Antonius, whose father, though an excellent man, was no soldier, and left him no renown, yet dared to seize upon the empire of Cæsar, with which he was in no way connected, and constituted himself the heir of what Cæsar had won by the sword. Starting as a mere private person, he raised himself to such a height of power as to be able to divide the world into two, and to select and obtain the fairer half for his own, while, without his being even present, his lieutenants and agents inflicted several defeats upon the Parthians, and conquered all the nations of Asia as far as the Caspian Sea. Even that for which he is especially reproached proves the greatness of his power. Demetrius’s father was well pleased at getting Phila, the daughter of Antipater, as a wife for his son, in spite of the disparity of their ages, because he regarded her as his son’s superior; while it was thought to be a disgrace for Antonius to ally himself with Cleopatra, a woman who excelled in power and renown all the Kings of her age, except Arsakes himself. Antonius had made himself so great that men thought him entitled to more even than he himself desired.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;k2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Demetrius, however, cannot be blamed for attempting to make himself king over a people accustomed to servitude, while it appeared harsh and tyrannical for Antonius to try to enslave the people of Rome just &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_349&amp;quot;&amp;gt;349&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;after they had been set free from the rule of Cæsar: and the greatest of his exploits, the war against Brutus and Cassius, was waged with the intention of depriving his countrymen of their liberty. Demetrius, before he became involved in difficulties, used always to act as a liberator towards Greece, and to drive out the foreign garrisons from her cities, and did not act like Antonius, who boasted that he had slain the would-be liberators of Rome in Macedonia. And though Antonius is especially commended for his magnificent generosity, yet Demetrius so far surpassed him as to bestow more upon his enemies than Antonius would upon his friends. It is true that Antonius gained great credit for having caused Brutus to be honourably buried; but Demetrius buried all his enemy’s slain, gave money and presents to his prisoners, and sent them back to Ptolemy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;k3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Both were arrogant when in prosperity, and set no bounds to their luxury and pleasures. Yet it cannot be said that Demetrius was ever so immersed in enjoyments as to let slip the time for action, but he only dedicated the superfluity of his leisure to enjoyment, and used his Lamia, like the mythical nightmare, only when he was half asleep or at play. When he was preparing for war, no ivy wreathed his spear, no perfume scented his helmet, nor did he go forth from his bed-chamber to battle covered with finery, but, as Euripides says, he laid the Bacchic wand aside, and served the unhallowed god of war, and, indeed, never suffered any reverse through his own carelessness or love of pleasure. But just as in pictures we often see Omphale stealing the club and stripping off the lion’s skin from Herakles, so Cleopatra frequently would disarm Antonius and turn his mind to pleasure, persuading him to give up mighty enterprises and even necessary campaigns to wander and sport with her on the shores of Canopus and beside the tomb of Osiris. At last, like Paris, he fled from battle to nestle on her breast, though Paris only took refuge in his chamber after he had been defeated in battle, while Antonius, by his pursuit of Cleopatra, gave up his chance of victory.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;k4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Moreover, in marrying several wives, Demetrius did not break through any custom, for he only did &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_350&amp;quot;&amp;gt;350&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;what had been usual for the kings of Macedonia since the days of Philip and Alexander, and what was done by Lysimachus and Ptolemy in his own time; and he showed due respect to all his wives; while Antonius, in the first place, married two wives at the same time, which no Roman had ever dared to do before, and then drove away his own countrywoman and his legitimate wife to please a foreigner, and one to whom he was not legally married. Yet with all his excesses Antonius was never led by his vices into such sacrilegious impiety as is recorded of Demetrius. We are told that no dogs are allowed to enter the Acropolis,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_481_481&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_481_481&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;481&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; because these animals copulate more openly than any others; but Demetrius consorted with harlots in the very temple of the virgin goddess, and debauched many of the Athenian citizens, while, although one would have imagined that a man of such a temperament would be especially averse to cruelty, Demetrius must be charged with this in allowing, or rather compelling, the most beautiful and modest of the Athenians to suffer death in order to avoid outrage. To sum up, the vices of Antonius were ruinous to himself, while those of Demetrius were ruinous to others.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;k5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Yet Demetrius always behaved well to his parents, whereas Antonius allowed his mother’s brother to perish in order that he might compass the death of Cicero, which was of itself so odious a crime that we should scarcely think Antonius justified if by Cicero’s death he had saved his uncle’s life. With regard to the perjuries and breaking of their words which they both committed, the one in seizing Artabazus, and the other in murdering Alexander, Antonius has a satisfactory defence; for he himself was first deserted and betrayed by Artabazus in Media: while many writers say that Demetrius himself invented false pretexts for his treatment of Alexander, and accused a man whom he had wronged with a design on his life, instead of defending himself against one who was already his enemy. Again, the exploits of Demetrius were all accomplished by himself in person; while, on the other hand, Antonius won some of his most important battles by his lieutenants, without himself being present.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_351&amp;quot;&amp;gt;351&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;k6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The ruin of both was due to themselves, though in a different manner, for the Macedonians deserted from Demetrius, while Antonious deserted his own troops when they were risking their lives in his defence; so that we must blame the former for having rendered his army so hostile to him, and the latter for betraying so much loyalty and devotion. In their manner of death neither can be praised, but that of Demetrius seems the less creditable of the two, for he endured to be taken prisoner, and when in confinement willingly spent three years in drinking and gluttony, like a wild beast that has been tamed; while Antonius, though he killed himself like a coward, and in a piteous and dishonourable fashion, nevertheless died before he fell into the hands of his enemy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_352&amp;quot;&amp;gt;352&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;LIFE OF DION.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; We are told by the poet Simonides, Sossius Senecio, that the Trojans bore no malice against the Corinthians for joining the rest of the Greeks in the siege of Troy, because Glaukus, who was himself of Corinthian extraction, fought heartily on their side. In the same manner we may expect that neither Greeks nor Romans will be able to blame the doctrines of the academy, as each nation derives equal credit from their practice in this book of mine, which contains the lives of Brutus and Dion, of whom the latter was Plato’s intimate friend, while the former was educated by his writings: so that they were both, as it were, sent forth from the same school to contend for the greatest prizes. It is not surprising, therefore, that there should be a great similarity between their respective achievements, or that they should have proved the truth of that maxim of their teacher, that nothing great or noble can be effected in politics except when a wise and just man is possessed of absolute power combined with good fortune. Just as Hippomachus the gymnastic trainer used to declare that he could always tell by their carriage those who had been his pupils, even though he only saw them from a distance when they were carrying meat home for their dinner, so we may imagine that philosophy accompanies those who have been brought up in its precepts in every action of their lives, adding a happy grace and fitness to all that they do.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Their lives resemble one another even more in their misfortunes than in the objects at which they aimed. Both of them perished by an untimely fate, unable, with all their mighty efforts, to accomplish the object which they had in view. The most remarkable point of all is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_353&amp;quot;&amp;gt;353&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;that they both received a supernatural warning of their death by the appearance to them of an evil spirit in a dream. Yet it is a common argument with those who deny the truth of such matters that no man of sense ever could see a ghost or spirit but that it is only children and women and men who are wandering in their mind through sickness, who through disorder of the brain or distemperature of the body are subject to these vain and ominous fancies, which really arise from the evil spirit of superstition within themselves. If, however, Dion and Brutus, both of whom were serious and philosophic men, not at all liable to be mistaken or easy to be deceived about such matters, did really experience a supernatural visitation so distinctly that they told other persons about it, I do not know whether we may not be obliged to adopt that strangest of all the theories of the ancients that evil and malignant spirits feel a spite against good men, and try to oppose their actions, throwing confusion and terror in their way in order to shake them in their allegiance to virtue; because they fear lest if they passed their lives entirely pure and without spot of sin, they might after death obtain a higher place than themselves. This, however, I must reserve for discussion in another place; and now, in this my twelfth book of parallel lives, I will first proceed to deal with the elder man of the two.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dionysius the elder, as soon as he had raised himself to the throne, married the daughter of Hermokrates of Syracuse. However, as his power was not yet firmly established, the people of Syracuse rose in revolt, and committed such shocking outrages upon the person of Dionysius’s wife, that she voluntarily put herself to death. Dionysius, after recovering and confirming his power, now married two wives at the same time, one of whom was a Lokrian, named Doris, and the other a native of Syracuse, named Aristomache, the daughter of Hipparinus, one of the first men in Syracuse, who had acted as colleague with Dionysius himself when he was appointed to the command of the army with unlimited powers. It is said that he married them both upon the same day, and that no man knew which he visited first; and of the remainder of his life he spent an equal share of his time with each,&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_354&amp;quot;&amp;gt;354&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; as he always supped in company with both of them, and spent the night with each in turn. The populace of Syracuse would fain have hoped that their countrywoman would be preferred to the stranger; but it was the stranger who first bore a son and heir to Dionysius, to counterbalance her foreign parentage; while Aristomache remained childless for a long time, although Dionysius was anxious to have a family by her, and even put to death the mother of his Lokrian wife on a charge of having bewitched her.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dion was the brother of Aristomache, and at first was treated with respect for the sake of his sister, but afterwards, when he had given proofs of his ability, he gained the favour of the despot by his own good qualities. Besides many other privileges, Dionysius ordered his treasurers to give Dion anything that he might ask for, letting him know on the same day what they had given him. He was naturally of a high minded and manly disposition, and he was greatly encouraged in the path of virtue by the providential accident of Plato’s visit to Sicily. This never could have been calculated upon according to human ideas of probability; but it seems as though some divinity, who had long been meditating how to put liberty within the reach of the Syracusans and to free them from despotism, must have brought Plato from Italy to Syracuse, and caused Dion to become his disciple. Dion at this time was very young, but was by far the most apt of Plato’s scholars, and the readiest to follow out his master’s instructions in virtue. This we learn from Plato’s own account of him, and from the circumstances of the case. Brought up as Dion had been in the humble position of a subject under a despotic ruler, his life had been full of sudden alarms and violent alternations of fortune; yet, though he was at this time accustomed to live in a state of parvenu splendour, and to regard pleasure and power as the only objects of desire, he, as soon as he had become acquainted with philosophic reasoning and exhortation to virtue, became passionately interested in it. With the guileless innocence of youth he imagined that the discourses which he had heard would produce an equally deep impression upon the mind &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_355&amp;quot;&amp;gt;355&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of Dionysius, and took considerable pains to bring Dionysius to meet Plato and listen to his arguments.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When the meeting took place, Plato chose for his subject human virtue, and discussed more particularly the virtue of manly courage, proving that despots are the most cowardly of men. From this he went on to speak of justice, and as he pointed out that the life of the just is happy, and that of the unjust miserable, Dionysius, who considered the lecture as a reproach to himself, was much exasperated, especially when he observed how all the audience admired Plato and were enchanted by his rhetoric. At last in a rage he asked him why he had come to Sicily: and when Plato answered that he had come in order to find a good man, Dionysius caught up his words, and said, “You seem hitherto not to have found one.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Dion and his friends imagined that this outburst marked the end of Dionysius’s indignation; and as Plato was now anxious to leave Sicily they obtained a passage for him on board of a trireme which was about to convey home Pollis, the Lacedæmonian envoy. Dionysius however secretly besought Pollis to put Plato to death during the voyage, or at any rate to sell him for a slave, because, he said, Plato, according to his own showing, would be none the worse off for being a slave, but would be just as happy, provided that he was just. In consequence of this we are told that Pollis took Plato to Ægina and there sold him, because the people of Ægina were at that time at war with the Athenians, and had passed a decree that any Athenian found in Ægina should be sold for a slave.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_482_482&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_482_482&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;482&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Yet Dion was no less honoured and trusted by Dionysius in consequence of this, but was entrusted with the management of the most important negotiations, and was himself sent as ambassador to Carthage, in which capacity he gained great credit. Indeed he was almost the only person whom Dionysius allowed freely to speak his mind, as is proved by the reproof which he gave Dionysius about Gelon. It appeals that Dionysius was sneering at Gelon and his kingdom, and saying that he was the laughing-stock of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_356&amp;quot;&amp;gt;356&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Sicily. All the other courtiers pretended to approve of this jest, but Dion harshly answered, “Yet you have been allowed to become our despot because of the good example set by Gelon; but your example will not encourage any state to imitate us.” In truth Gelon’s conduct as an absolute monarch seems to have been just as admirable as that of Dionysius was detestable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dionysius had three children by his Lokrian wife, and four by Aristomache. Of his two daughters, Sophrosyne married her half-brother, and Arete married Thearides, the brother of Dionysius, but on the death of Thearides Dion took Arete, who was his own niece, for his wife. In Dionysius’s last illness, when his life was despaired of, Dion wished to ask him what was to become of the children of Aristomache, but the physicians, who wished to pay their court to the heir to the throne, would not allow Dion an opportunity of doing so. Timæus even states that when Dionysius asked for a sleeping draught they gave him one which rendered him completely insensible, so that he passed from sleep into death. However, as soon as the young Dionysius assembled his friends in council, Dion made such an admirable speech upon the political situation that all the others appeared by his side to be mere children in intellect, and their words seemed to be those of slaves and grovelling flatterers of the despot when compared with his bold and fearless utterances. He impressed upon their minds the greatness of the danger by which they were menaced by Carthage, and promised that if Dionysius wished for peace he himself would at once set sail for Africa and obtain the best terms he could; or that, if he preferred to fight, he would place at his disposal a force of fifty triremes, which he would maintain at his own expense.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dionysius greatly admired his magnanimity and approved of his zeal; but the others, who thought that they were eclipsed by Dion, and were jealous of his power, at once set to work to effect his ruin, and lost no opportunity of exasperating the young despot against him by pointing out that he was plotting to obtain the supreme throne by means of the fleet, and that his object in making the offer of the ships was to place all real power in the hands &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_357&amp;quot;&amp;gt;357&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of the children of Aristomache. Their hate and jealousy of Dion was chiefly owing to the proud reserve of his life, so different to their own: for they at once began to court the friendship of their young and ill-trained monarch by offering him all kinds of flatteries and pleasures, endeavouring to amuse his leisure by vagrant amours, drinking parties, and the like dissolute pastimes, which blunted the excessive sharpness of his tyranny, and made his subjects regard it as milder and less ferocious than before, although the alteration was due only to the laziness and not to the real goodness of their ruler. By slow degrees the extravagance and licentious life of the young monarch relaxed and broke those “chains of adamant” by which the elder Dionysius boasted that he had secured his power. We are told that he once continued drinking for ninety days in succession, and that during the whole of this time his court was a place which no respectable person could enter, and where no business could be transacted, as it was a constant scene of singing, jesting, dancing, drunkenness and debauchery.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As may easily be imagined, Dion soon lost the favour of the monarch, as he never relaxed the austerity of his life. For this reason the calumnies of infamous men were more easily believed by Dionysius, when they attacked the virtues of Dion, calling his pride arrogance, and his boldness of speech churlishness. When he gave good advice he was thought to reproach them, and because he refused to join in their excesses, he seemed to despise them. Indeed, his disposition was naturally inclined to haughtiness, and his manners harsh and forbidding. It was not only to a young man whose ears were accustomed to flatteries that he appeared so ungracious and harsh-tempered, but even those who were sincerely attached to him, and who admired the noble simplicity of his character, used to blame his discourtesy and rudeness towards those with whom he was brought in contact upon political business. Indeed, not long after this, Plato, as if prophetically, wrote to him, warning him against a stubborn and arrogant temper, the consort of a lonely life. Yet, even at that time, though Dion was regarded as the most able man in the state, and was thought to be the only &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_358&amp;quot;&amp;gt;358&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;person who could save the kingdom from the dangers by which it was menaced, he knew well that his honourable and powerful position was not due to any love which the monarch bore him, but merely to the fact that he could not do without him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As Dion imagined that this must be caused by Dionysius’s want of education, he endeavoured to interest him in literature, and to form his character by the study of philosophy and science. Indeed Dionysius was far from being a stupid ruler, but his father, fearing that if he were educated, and frequented the society of intellectual men, he would certainly plot against him and seize his throne, used to keep him shut up at home, where, through want of companionship and ignorance, he was forced, we are told, to amuse himself by making little waggons and lamps, and wooden chairs and tables; for the elder Dionysius was so distrustful and suspicious of all men, and was driven by his fears to take such precautions against assassination, that he would not even allow his hair to be cut with a barber’s tools, but a workman used to come and singe his hair with a live coal. Neither his brother nor his son was allowed to enter his house in their ordinary dress, but were obliged to take off their clothes and put on others, so that they might be seen naked by the guard. Once when his brother Leptines, describing the situation of some place, took a spear from one of the life-guards and with it drew a map upon the floor, Dionysius was furiously angry with him, and put to death the man who gave him the spear. He used to say that he suspected all his friends, because he knew that they were sensible men, who would prefer to be despots themselves rather than live under the rule of a despot. He put to death one Marsyas, whom he had himself promoted to a responsible post, because he dreamed that he was killing him; for Dionysius argued that his dream must have been suggested by some thoughts or talk in his waking hours. To such a condition of terror and misery was he reduced by his cowardice, although he was angry with Plato for not declaring him to be the bravest of men.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dion, perceiving, as has been said before, that the character of the young Dionysius had been ruined by &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_359&amp;quot;&amp;gt;359&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;his want of education, begged him to educate himself, to offer all possible inducements to the first of philosophers to visit Sicily, and when he came, to place himself in his hands, in order that his character might be exalted by the contemplation of virtue, and formed upon the noblest of models, which alone can produce order out of chaos; by which means he would not only gain great happiness for himself, but would bestow great happiness upon the citizens by his mild and just paternal rule, thus becoming a true king instead of a despot. He pointed out that the “adamantine chains” by which Dionysius’s father boasted that his dominion was secured, were not terror and force, the numbers of his ships of war, or the thousands of his barbarian mercenaries, but rather the goodwill, loyalty, and gratitude engendered by virtue and justice, which, though softer than those rough defences, would nevertheless establish his rule far more securely than they. Besides these considerations he urged that it was a sorry thing, and showed a want of proper ambition for a ruler to be splendidly dressed and luxuriously lodged, but yet to be no more intellectual in his conversation and arguments than any ordinary man, and to neglect to adorn the palace of his soul as became a king.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As Dion frequently urged these considerations, and quoted several of Plato’s discourses, Dionysius became passionately desirous of seeing and conversing with Plato. Many letters were at once sent to Athens by Dionysius, while Plato also received many injunctions from Dion and from several of the Pythagorean philosophers in Italy, bidding him go to Syracuse, undertake the guidance of the mind of this young and powerful ruler, and fill it with serious thoughts. Plato obeyed their invitation, chiefly, he tells us, because he feared to appear a mere man of words, unwilling to take in hand any real work, and also because he hoped that if he could purify the mind of the chief, he might through him influence for good the whole of the corrupt people of Sicily. The opponents of Dion, who feared the results of any change in the character of Dionysius, prevailed upon him to recall from exile Philistus, a man of intellectual culture and an experienced courtier, in order &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_360&amp;quot;&amp;gt;360&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to make use of him as a counterpoise to Plato and his philosophy. Indeed, Philistus had zealously assisted in the establishment of the despotism, and for a long time had acted as chief of the garrison of the citadel. There was also a report that he had been the favoured lover of the mother of the elder Dionysius, and that, too, not altogether without the knowledge of the despot; for when Leptines, without telling Dionysius of it, gave Philistus for his wife one of the two daughters which had been born to him by a woman whom he had seduced while she was married to another man, and who afterwards lived with him, Dionysius was very angry, caused the wife of Leptines to be imprisoned in chains, and forced Philistus to leave Sicily and take refuge with some friends of his at Adria, where he is thought to have found leisure to write the greater part of his history; for he never returned to Syracuse during the life of the elder Dionysius, but it was after that prince’s death, as has been told, that the opposition to Dion brought him back as being a person more likely to agree with their views and more likely to support the monarchy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Philistus on his return at once became closely connected with the monarchy; while Dion was assailed by misrepresentations and slanders reported by others to the despot, charging him with having discussed the extinction of despotism with Theodotes and Herakleides. Dion appears to have hoped by the influence of Plato to remove from Dionysius all the arbitrary harshness of a despot, and to make him into an orderly constitutional ruler. If he resisted, and refused to be thus softened and refined, Dion had determined to set him aside, and to restore to the Syracusans their free constitution; not that he was an admirer of democracy, but because he thought that at any rate it was better than a despotism for states which were not ruled by a wise and stable oligarchy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; While affairs were in this posture, Plato arrived at Sicily and received a most kindly and magnificent welcome. One of the royal carriages, splendidly equipped, stood ready to receive him as he landed, and Dionysius offered sacrifice, as though some great good fortune &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_361&amp;quot;&amp;gt;361&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;had befallen his rule. The sobriety of the royal banquets, the refined tone of the court and the gentle manners of Dionysius himself in transacting business, all inspired the Syracusans with great hope of a change for the better. It became the fashion to take interest in philosophical matters, and it is said that so many began to study geometry that the palace was filled with the dust in which they drew their figures. In a few days’ time a hereditary sacrifice was celebrated in the palace; and when the herald, according to custom, prayed that the despotism might remain unshaken for many years, it is said that Dionysius, who stood near him, exclaimed: “Will you not cease from imprecating curses upon us?” This greatly grieved the party of Philistus, who feared that Plato’s power over Dionysius would become unassailable, if he were allowed time to become intimate with him, if after so short an acquaintance he had already wrought so great a change in the young man’s ideas.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; They now no longer singly and in secret, but in a body openly assailed Dion, declaring that they could easily see through his motives in bewitching Dionysius with the eloquence of Plato, in order that Dionysius might be induced to voluntarily abdicate his throne, and hand it over to the children of Aristomache, whose uncle Dion was. Some of them even pretended to be angry that, though in former times a great Athenian naval and military force sailed thither and perished before it could effect the conquest of Syracuse, yet now the Athenians should be able, by means of one single sophist, to destroy the throne of Dionysius, and persuade him to desert his ten thousand life-guards, leave his four hundred ships of war, his ten thousand cavalry and many thousands more of infantry soldiers, in order to seek in the Academy for the ineffable good, and find real pleasure in geometry, leaving the pleasures of power, wealth and luxury to be enjoyed by Dion and Dion’s nephews. This led at first to Dion’s being regarded with suspicion, and then, when Dionysius began to show his dislike openly, he received a letter which Dion had secretly despatched to the Carthaginian commanders, warning them, when they came to treat for peace with Dionysius, not to conduct &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_362&amp;quot;&amp;gt;362&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; the interview without his being present, as he would see that the whole matter was permanently settled. We are told by Timaeus that Dionysius, after reading this letter to Philistus and having taken counsel with him, deceived Dion by making false offers of reconciliation with him. After much friendly talk, he declared that their differences were at an end, and then, leading him alone towards the sea-shore under the walls of the citadel, showed him the letter, and upbraided him with plotting with the Carthaginians against himself. He would not listen to Dion when he tried to excuse himself, but at once placed him on board of a small vessel and ordered the sailors to land him on the coast of Italy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Upon this, as Dionysius appeared to have acted very harshly, the whole palace was plunged in grief by the women, while the city of Syracuse became much excited, expecting that the exile of Dion and the mistrust with which others regarded the despot would soon lead to some revolution. Dionysius, perceiving and fearing this, encouraged the women and friends of Dion, speaking of Dion as though he were not banished, but had left the country of his own free will, for fear that if he remained at home his quick temper might betray him into some violent collision with himself. He placed two ships at the disposal of Dion’s relatives, and bade them embark with as much of his property and servants as they pleased and go to rejoin him in Peloponnesus. Dion’s property was very extensive, and his whole household was on a magnificent, almost a royal, scale. Everything was now carried away by his friends, and much more was sent to him by his female relatives and his friends, so that his wealth and magnificence became famous throughout Greece, and the power of the despot became enhanced by the sight of the riches of the exile.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dionysius at once removed Plato into the citadel, where, under pretence of showing him kindly respect, he was kept in an honourable captivity, in order that he might not sail away with Dion, a witness of his unjust treatment. By degrees, like a wild animal who gradually becomes used to the touch of human beings, so Dionysius accustomed himself to the society and discourses of Plato,&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_363&amp;quot;&amp;gt;363&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and, after the manner of despots, conceived a violent passion for him. He was especially anxious that Plato should return his affection and should approve of his acts, and was even willing to entrust the government and the crown itself to him if he would only not prefer Dion’s friendship to his own. This passion of his caused great annoyance to Plato, for like all true lovers he was furiously jealous and had frequent quarrels and reconciliations with him, being very eager to hear his discourses, and engage in the study of philosophy, and yet being influenced by those who advised him to keep away from Plato, as he would be corrupted by his teaching. Meanwhile, as some war broke out, he sent Plato away, promising that in a year’s time he would recall Dion. This promise he broke at once, but he remitted to Dion the revenues of his estate, and besought Plato to pardon his breach of faith about the time, because of the war; for, as soon as peace should be made, he promised that he would at once send for Dion. He also asked Plato to beg Dion to remain quiet, and not to engage in any revolutionary schemes, and not to traduce his character to the Greeks.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plato endeavoured to effect this, and turned Dion’s attention to philosophy, and kept him in the Academy. Dion lived at this time in the city of Athens, in the house of Kallippus, one of his friends, though he also bought an estate in the country for recreation, which, when he subsequently set sail for Sicily, he presented to Speusippus, who, of all the Athenians, was his most intimate friend. This intimacy was brought about by Plato, who hoped that the harshness of Dion’s character might be somewhat softened by the society of a well-bred and cheerful man. Such a person as this was Speusippus, whom we find spoken of in Timon’s Silli as being “good at a jest.” When Plato himself exhibited a chorus of boys, Dion both trained the chorus and defrayed all the expenses, and Plato permitted him to gain this distinction although it was likely to obtain popularity for Dion at his own expense. Dion also visited other cities, where he associated with the best and most statesmanlike of the citizens, and attended their solemn festivals, without ever betraying anything repulsive, affected, or imperious in his manner,&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_364&amp;quot;&amp;gt;364&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; but acting with manliness and discretion, and discoursing with elegance on philosophy as well as ordinary topics. By this conduct he everywhere gained good opinions, and public honours were decreed to him by various cities, The Lacedæmonians even adopted him as a Spartan, disregarding the anger of Dionysius, though he at the time was zealously assisting them in a war against the Thebans. We are told that once Dion wished to see Ptoiodorus, of Megara, and went to his house. Ptoiodorus, it seems, was a rich and powerful man; and when Dion observed the crowds at his door and the busy throng and saw how hard it was to gain an audience of him, he turned to his friends, who were vexed at this, and said: “Why should we find fault with this man? for we ourselves used to do just the same thing at Syracuse?”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As time went on, Dionysius, feeling jealous of Dion, and fearing the popularity which he was obtaining among the Greeks, left off forwarding his revenues to him and confiscated his property. Being desirous of effacing the bad impression which he had made upon all philosophers by his treatment of Plato, he collected round him many men who had a reputation for learning. As he wished to surpass them all in argument, he was forced to make use, often improperly, of what he had very imperfectly learned from Plato. He now again began to wish for Plato, and blamed himself for not having made use of him when he was present, and for not having listened to all his noble language. Frantic in his desires, and impatient to obtain whatever he wished, as despots are, he at once set his heart upon Plato and tried every means to attract him. He induced Archytas and the other successors of the original Pythagorean philosophers to invite Plato; for it was by means of Plato that Dionysius had at first become their friend. They sent Archedemus to Plato, and Dionysius also despatched a trireme and several of his friends to entreat Plato to come: while he himself wrote a letter in which he distinctly stated that Dion would never get his rights if Plato refused to come to Sicily, but that if he would, Dion should receive them all. Many letters also reached Dion from his sister and his wife, urging him to beg Plato to accede to the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_365&amp;quot;&amp;gt;365&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;request of Dionysius, and not afford him grounds for ill-treating them. Thus, they say, it was that Plato came to sail a third time into the straits of Scylla.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“Again the dread Charybdis to explore.”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; His arrival afforded unbounded delight to Dionysius, and again filled Sicily with great hopes; for all men prayed and were eager that Plato and philosophy should get the better of Philistus and despotism. He was treated with great respect by the ladies,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_483_483&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_483_483&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;483&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and received from Dionysius a mark of confidence which was accorded to no one else, in being allowed to come into his presence without his clothes being searched. As Dionysius frequently offered valuable presents to Plato, who never would receive them, Aristippus of Cyrene, who was present, observed that Dionysius exercised a very cheap generosity; for he gave small presents to himself and to others who wished for more, and offered great ones to Plato, who would not accept of any. When, however, after the first welcome was over, Plato began to speak of Dion, Dionysius at first put off discussing the subject, and subsequently reproaches and quarrels took place between them, of which no one else was aware, since Dionysius kept them secret, and by showing Plato assiduous attentions and marks of respect tried to win him over from his friendship for Dion. Plato, too, at first would not publish what he knew of the treachery and falsehood of Dionysius, but affected not to perceive it and endured it in silence. While they were on these terms, though they believed that no one knew it, Helikon of Kyzikus, an intimate friend of Plato, foretold an eclipse of the sun; and as it happened according to his prediction, the despot was much impressed, and gave him a talent of silver. Aristippus now in joke said to the other philosophers that he too had a remarkable event to predict; and when they begged him to tell them what it was, he said, “I predict that before long Plato and Dionysius will become foes.” At last Dionysius sold Dion’s property and kept the money, and even removed Plato from the lodgings in the gardens near his own palace, where he had hitherto dwelt, and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_366&amp;quot;&amp;gt;366&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;quartered him among the mercenary troops, who had long disliked Plato and wished to make away with him, because they believed him to be counselling Dionysius to abdicate and to live without a body-guard.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Archytas and his friends, when they heard of the danger to which Plato was exposed, at once sent a thirty-oared vessel with an embassy to Dionysius, demanding Plato from him, and alleging that he had originally come to Syracuse at their request, and that they were responsible for his safety. Dionysius concealed his dislike of Plato by feasting him and treating him kindly on his departure, but could not help saying to him, “I suppose, Plato, you will abuse me terribly to your fellow-philosophers,” or something to that effect. At this Plato smiled, and replied, “I trust that we shall never be so ill off in the Academy for subjects to discuss, as for any one to make mention of you.” Such, they say, were the terms upon which they parted; though this does not entirely agree with Plato’s own account of the matter.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dion was much angered by these proceedings of Dionysius, and shortly afterwards was converted into an open enemy on hearing of the treatment of his wife, on which subject Plato wrote in enigmas to Dionysius. This happened as follows:—After the expulsion of Dion, Dionysius, when he sent Plato away, bade him secretly make inquiries as to whether there was anything to prevent Dion’s wife being bestowed upon another man; for there was a rumour, which may have been true or merely invented by Dion’s enemies, that the marriage had been forced upon Dion against his will, and that he and his wife had not lived happily together. Plato, as soon as he arrived at Athens conversed freely with Dion, and then wrote a letter to the despot, some of which was clearly expressed, but which in one part intimated to him, in a manner which he alone could understand, that the writer had spoken about the matter to Dion, and that he would certainly be furious if Dionysius attempted anything of the kind. At that time, as there were still great hopes of arranging their quarrel, Dionysius did nothing further, but allowed his sister to remain living with her child by Dion. When, however, they became irreconcilable &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_367&amp;quot;&amp;gt;367&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;enemies and Plato, after his second visit, was sent away bitterly disliked by Dionysius, he proceeded to give Arete in marriage, sorely against her will, to one of his friends, named Timokrates, not imitating in this respect the gentle conduct of his father; for the elder Dionysius also had for an enemy Polyxenus the husband of his sister Theste. Polyxenus, fearing for his life, escaped from Syracuse and left Sicily. Upon this Dionysius sent for his sister and blamed her for having known of her husband’s intention to take flight, and not having told him of it; but she, undismayed, answered him fearlessly, “Dionysius, do you think me so bad and cowardly a wife that, if I had known of the intention of my husband to flee, I should not have accompanied him? Indeed, I did not know of it; for it would have been more creditable to me to have been spoken of as the wife of Polyxenus the exile than as the sister of Dionysius the despot.” It is said that when Theste used this bold language the despot regarded her with admiration, and she was also so much admired by the people of Syracuse for her courage and goodness that after the fall of the dynasty they still continued to treat her with the honours due to royalty, and, when she died, all the citizens came in procession to her funeral. These circumstances have required a digression which is not without value.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l22&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dion after this at once prepared for war. Plato would take no part in his attempts, both out of respect for Dionysius and because of his own advanced age; but Speusippus and his other companions joined Dion, and encouraged him to set free Sicily, which they said was stretching out its hands to him for help and would eagerly welcome him. It seems, indeed, that when Plato was at Syracuse, Speusippus and his friends, who mixed more with the people, discovered their real feelings. At first they were afraid to speak plainly, fearing that the despot was experimenting upon them, but at length they took courage. All told the same story, begging and encouraging Dion to come, not with ships of war and horse and foot soldiers, but to embark in an open boat, and lend merely his person and his name to the Sicilians in their struggle against Dionysius. Encouraged by these reports, which he received &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_368&amp;quot;&amp;gt;368&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;from Speusippus and his friends, Dion secretly levied a force of mercenaries, but not in his own name, and without disclosing his intention. Many statesmen and philosophers assisted him, among the later Eudemus of Cyprus, in whose honour, after his death, Aristotle composed his dialogue upon the soul, and Timonides of Leukas. They brought over to him also Miltas of Thessaly, a soothsayer and former student of the Academy. Yet, of all those men who had been banished by the despot, who were not less than a thousand in number, five-and-twenty alone took part in the expedition, and all the rest shrank from doing so. Their starting-point was the island of Zakynthus, where was assembled a force numbering less than eight hundred soldiers, all of whom, however, were men of distinction who had served in many great campaigns, and were in admirable bodily condition, and such bold and skilful warriors as would be able to excite and inspire with courage the multitude which Dion hoped would rally round him in Sicily.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l23&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; These men, when they heard that the expedition was directed against Sicily and Dionysius, were at first scared and refused to go, declaring that only the frenzy excited by some personal quarrel, or the failure of all reasonable hopes of success, could have led Dion to embark upon such a desperate enterprise, and they were incensed with their own officers and those who had enlisted them for not having at the outset informed them of the object of the war. When, however, Dion addressed them, pointing out the rottenness of the monarchy, and informing them that he was taking them, not so much as soldiers as in order to use them as leaders for the Syracusans and other peoples of Sicily, who had long been ripe for revolt, and when, after Dion’s speech, Alkimenes, one of the expedition, who was one of the most celebrated of the Achæans both by birth and merit, spoke to the same effect, they consented to go. The time was midsummer and the Etesian&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_484_484&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_484_484&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;484&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; winds were blowing over the sea. The moon was at the full. Dion prepared a magnificent sacrifice to Apollo and marched in solemn procession to the temple with his soldiers, all arrayed in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_369&amp;quot;&amp;gt;369&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;complete armour. After the sacrifice he feasted them in the stadium or race-course of the people of Zakynthus, where they had an opportunity of admiring the splendour of his gold and silver plate, and reflected that a man past middle life, as he was, and possessed of such wealth, would never attempt an extravagant enterprise without reasonable expectation of success, or unless his friends upon the spot had promised to furnish him with abundant resources.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Just after the libations&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_485_485&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_485_485&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;485&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and customary prayers, the moon became eclipsed. Dion and his friends saw nothing remarkable in this, as they could calculate the periods of eclipses, and knew how the shadow was produced upon the moon by the interposition of the earth between it and the sun. As, however, the soldiers were alarmed at the portent and required some encouragement, Miltas the soothsayer came into the midst of them and addressed them, bidding them be of good cheer and expect the most complete success; for the gods, he declared, foretold by this sign that something brilliant would be extinguished. Now there was nothing more brilliant than the monarchy of Dionysius, whose light was fated to be quenched by them as soon as they arrived at Sicily. This interpretation Miltas told to them all; but when a swarm of bees was seen to settle on the sterns of the ships, he privately told Dion and his friends that he feared lest this might portend that at first they would be very properous, but that after blooming for a short time their prosperity would wither away. It is said, too, that many ominous signs were vouchsafed by Heaven to Dionysius. An eagle snatched up a spear from one of the life-guards, soared aloft with it, and let it fall into the sea; and one day the sea-water which washes the walls of the citadel became quite sweet and drinkable, so that all men noticed it. Swine also were born without ears, though perfect in all other parts. This was interpreted by the soothsayers to be a sign of insurrection and disobedience, and to mean that the people would no longer hearken to the commands of the despot, while the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_370&amp;quot;&amp;gt;370&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;portent of the sea-water meant that after bitter miseries sweet and pleasant times were in store for the people of Syracuse. The eagle, they said, is the servant of Zeus, and the spear is the symbol of power and sovereignty; wherefore the greatest of the gods must intend to sink and destroy the monarchy. These incidents we are told by Theopompus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The soldiers of Dion were contained in two merchant-ships, which were accompanied by another small vessel and two galleys of thirty oars.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_486_486&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_486_486&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;486&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Besides the arms carried by the soldiers, Dion took with him two thousand shields, many spears and missiles, and sufficient provisions to supply them during the whole voyage, which was to be performed entirely under canvass and over the open sea, because they feared to approach the land, and had learned that Philistus was cruising off the Iapygian Cape with a squadron to intercept them. Sailing with a light and gentle wind for twelve days, on the thirteenth they reached Pachynus, the southern extremity of Sicily. Here Protus their pilot bade them make haste to disembark, warning them that if they left the land and steered away from the cape, they would be obliged to spend many days &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_371&amp;quot;&amp;gt;371&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and nights at sea during the summer season, when a southerly gale might be expected. Dion, however, feared to disembark so near his foes, and, wishing to land further away, sailed along the coast past Cape Pachynus. Hereupon a violent northerly wind, accompanied by a high sea, drove the ships away from Sicily, while at the rising of Arcturus a storm of thunder and lightning burst upon them with furious rain. At this the sailors became dismayed, and lost their reckoning, but suddenly found that the ships were being carried by the waves towards the rockiest and most precipitous cliffs of the island Kerkina,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_487_487&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_487_487&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;487&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; off the coast of Libya. They narrowly escaped being dashed to pieces upon the rocks, but struggled along, keeping themselves off the land with punting-poles,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_488_488&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_488_488&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;488&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; until at length the storm abated and they learned from a vessel which they fell in with that they were near what are called the “Heads” of the Great Syrtis. It now fell calm and they became disheartened and quarrelled with one another; but soon an off-shore wind sprang up from the south, though they, not expecting a southerly wind, could scarcely believe in the change. The wind gradually increased in force, and they, setting all the sail they were able, and commending themselves in prayer to the gods, crossed the open sea from Libya to Sicily before the wind. They made a quick passage, and on the fifth day came to an anchor at Minoa, a small city in that part of Sicily which belonged to the Carthaginians. The Carthaginian commander, Synalus, who was a friend of Dion, happened to be present in the town. Not knowing what the expedition was, or that Dion, was with it, he attempted to prevent the soldiers from landing; but they poured out of their ships fully armed, and though in accordance with Dion’s order they killed no one, because of his friendship with the Carthaginian leader, yet they routed the Minoans, entered their city with the fugitives, and captured it. When the two chiefs met, they embraced one another, and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_372&amp;quot;&amp;gt;372&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Dion restored the city to Synalus without doing it any hurt, while Synalus showed hospitality to the soldiers and provided Dion with the supplies which he needed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l26&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; What specially encouraged them was the absence of Dionysius from Syracuse, although they had no hand in bringing it about; for he had just started on a voyage to the coast of Italy with a fleet of eighty ships. Although Dion begged his soldiers to wait and recruit their strength after the hardships of their long sea voyage, they would not remain there, but in their eagerness to seize this favourable opportunity bade Dion lead them to Syracuse. Dion now left behind his surplus arms and baggage at Minoa, and, begging Synalus to send them on to him when he should have need of them, set out on his march to Syracuse. On the road, he was first joined by two hundred horsemen, citizens of Agrigentum, dwelling near Eknomon. After these, some of the people of Gela also joined his army.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The news of Dion’s march soon reached Syracuse, and Timokrates, the husband of Dion’s late wife, the sister of Dionysius, who was left in charge of the garrison, sent a messenger in great haste to Dionysius with a letter telling of Dion’s arrival. He himself endeavoured to maintain order and put down all insurrections in the city, for all the people were excited at the news, but remained quiet as yet, through fear and doubt. Meantime a strange mischance befel the bearer of the letter to Dionysius. He crossed the straits to Italy, passed through the city of Rhegium, and as he hurried on towards Kaulonia, where Dionysius was, he fell in with one of his friends, carrying a newly slaughtered victim. He was given a piece of meat by the man, and went on in haste. He walked some part of the night, but being forced by fatigue to take a little sleep, he lay down, just as he was, in a wood by the road-side. While he slept, a wolf, attracted by the smell, snatched up the meat, which he had tied to his wallet, and ran off with it, carrying away with it the wallet in which the man had placed the letter. When the man woke and discovered his loss, after much vain searching, as he could not find it, he decided not to go to the despot without the letter, but to make off and keep out of the way.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l27&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In consequence of this Dionysius only &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_373&amp;quot;&amp;gt;373&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;heard of the war in Sicily much later and from other persons, and meanwhile Dion had been joined on his march by the people of Kamarina, and by a considerable number of the Syracusans who lived in the country. The Leontines and Campanians, who formed the garrison of Epipolæ, in consequence of Dion’s sending them a false report that he intended to attack their city first, left Timokrates, and went away thither to defend their own property. When news of this reached Dion, who was encamped near Akræ, he aroused his soldiers while it was yet night and marched to the river Anapus, which is ten stadia distant from the city. There he halted and offered sacrifice beside the river, praying to the rising sun, and at the same time the soothsayers declared that the gods would give him the victory. Observing that Dion wore a garland because he was sacrificing, all those who were present at the sacrifice with one impulse crowned themselves with flowers. No less than five thousand men had joined him on his march. They were badly armed in a make-shift fashion, but their zeal supplied the deficiencies of their equipment, and when Dion led the way they all started at a run, shouting for joy, and encouraging one another to recover their freedom.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l28&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Of the Syracusans within the walls, the chief men and upper classes in their most splendid raiment met Dion at the gates, while the populace attacked the friends of the despot, and seized upon the spies, a wicked and hateful class of men, who used to live among the people of the city and report their opinions and conversations to the despot. These men were the first to suffer for their crimes, as they were beaten to death by any of the citizens who fell in with them. Timokrates, unable to reach the garrison of the citadel, mounted his horse and rode away from the city, spreading alarm and confusion everywhere as he fled by exaggerating the numbers of Dion’s army, that he might not be thought to have surrendered the city through fear to a small force.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Meanwhile Dion could already be seen plainly, as he marched first of all his men, clad in splendid armour. On one side of him was his brother Megakles, and on the other the Athenian Kallippus, both crowned with garlands. Next marched a hundred of the mercenary soldiers, as &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_374&amp;quot;&amp;gt;374&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;a body-guard for Dion, while the rest of the men were led on by their officers in battle array. The entire procession was looked upon and welcomed as though it were sacred by the citizens of Syracuse, who, after forty-two years of tyranny, saw liberty and a popular constitution restored to their city.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l29&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When Dion had entered by the Temenitid&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_489_489&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_489_489&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;489&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; gate, he caused his trumpet to sound to obtain silence; and then a herald made proclamation that Dion and Megakles were come to put down the monarchy, and that they set free from the despot both the Syracusans and the other Sicilian Greeks.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As Dion wished to address the people in person, he proceeded through Achradina, while the Syracusans placed animals for sacrifice, tables and bowls of wine on each side of the street,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_490_490&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_490_490&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;490&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and each, as Dion passed them, strewed flowers in his path and addressed prayers to him as if to a god. In front of the citadel, with its Pentapyla, or Five Gates, stood a sundial, a conspicuous and lofty work, erected by Dionysius. Dion mounted upon this, and addressed the citizens, encouraging them to hold fast the freedom which they had obtained. The people, in joy and gratitude to them, elected them both generals, with unlimited powers, and at their earnest request chose twenty more as their colleagues, half of whom were taken from the exiles who had returned with Dion. The prophets considered it to be an excellent omen that Dion, while addressing the people, should have trodden under his feet the building which the despot had reared in his pride; but they augured ill from his having been chosen general while standing upon a sundial, lest his fortunes should soon experience some revolution. After this he captured Epipolae, released the citizens who were imprisoned there and cut off the citadel by a palisade.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_491_491&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_491_491&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;491&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On the seventh &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_375&amp;quot;&amp;gt;375&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;day after this, Dionysius returned to the citadel by sea, and waggons arrived bringing to Dion the arms and armour which he had left with Synalus. These he distributed among the citizens, and of the others, each man equipped himself as well as he was able, and eagerly offered his services as a soldier.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l30&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dionysius at first sent ambassadors privately to Dion to endeavour to corrupt him. Afterwards, as Dion bade him speak openly to the people of Syracuse, who were now free, Dionysius through his ambassadors made them attractive offers of moderate taxation and moderate military service, subject to their own vote of consent.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_492_492&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_492_492&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;492&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; These proposals were scornfully rejected by the Syracusans. Dion told the ambassadors that he and his party could have no dealings with Dionysius unless he abdicated; but that if he did so, he himself, remembering their relationship, would answer for his personal safety, and obtain as good terms for him as could be reasonably expected. These conditions were approved by Dionysius, who again sent ambassadors to demand that some of the Syracusans should come to the citadel and arrange the terms of the surrender upon a basis of mutual concessions. Commissioners, chosen by Dion, were at once sent to him, and a report spread from the citadel that Dionysius intended to abdicate and to make himself more popular even than Dion. However, the negotiations were all a trick of the despot to take the Syracusans at a disadvantage. He imprisoned the commissioners, and at daybreak, having excited his mercenary troops with wine, sent them at a run to attack the Syracusan wall across the isthmus. This attack was unexpected, and the foreign troops boldly and with loud shouts began to destroy the works and to attack the Syracusans. No one could withstand their onset except the mercenaries of Dion, who were the first to hear the noise of the conflict and to rush to the spot. But not even these men could perceive what was to be done or obey their orders, mixed up as they were with noisy crowds&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_376&amp;quot;&amp;gt;376&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; of panic-stricken Syracusan fugitives, before Dion, finding that no one heeded his words, and wishing to show by his actions what ought to be done, was the first man to attack the foreigners. Round him a fierce and terrible battle took place, as he was recognised as well by the enemy as by his friends, and all ran towards him with shouts. He was, indeed, somewhat advanced in years to engage in such a furious combat, but yet stoutly and bravely withstood and repulsed all who attacked him. He received a wound in the hand from a spear, and had to rely upon his breastplate for protection against showers of darts and blows in close combat, for his shield was pierced through by many spears and lances. When these were broken he fell to the ground, but was snatched away by his soldiers. He appointed Timonides to take his place, and himself rode through the city on horseback, rallied the Syracusan fugitives, brought out the garrison of mercenaries from Achradina, and led these fresh and confident troops against the wearied foreigners, who had already begun to despair of victory. They had imagined that by their first attack they would be able to overrun the whole city, but having unexpectedly fallen in with men who could deal hard blows they began to retire towards the citadel. As they gave way the Greeks pressed upon them still more, until at length they were driven in confusion into the citadel, after killing seventy-four of Dion’s party, and losing many of their own men.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l31&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After this glorious victory the Syracusans presented the mercenaries with a hundred minae, and the mercenaries presented Dion with a golden crown. Heralds from Dionysius now came from the citadel bringing letters to Dion from his female relatives. One of these bore the superscription “From Hipparinus to his father;” for this was the name of Dion’s son, although Timæus says that he was named Aretaeus after his mother Arete. But I imagine we ought rather to believe Timonides in such matters as these, since he was a friend and comrade of Dion. The other letters, those from the women, which were full of piteous supplications, were read aloud to the Syracusans, but they were unwilling that the letter from the child should be opened before them. In spite of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_377&amp;quot;&amp;gt;377&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;their opposition, Dion opened it and read it aloud. It was from Dionysius himself, addressed nominally to Dion, but really to the people of Syracuse, and though in it Dionysius seemed to appeal to Dion and to plead his own cause with him, yet in truth it was concocted with a view to rendering him suspected by the people; for it contained allusions to his former zeal on behalf of the monarchy, and also threatened him through the persons of those dearest to him, his sister, his child and his wife. There were in the letter also pitiful entreaties, and what especially moved him to anger, supplications to him not to destroy the monarchy and set free a people which hated him and would turn and rend him, but to become despot himself, and thus to save his relatives and friends.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l32&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When these letters were read to them, the Syracusans, instead of admiring Dion for his magnanimity in adhering to the cause of honour and right, in spite of such touching appeals as these, they rather began to suspect him and to fear him, because he had such powerful reasons for sparing the despot, and they began to look around them for some other leader. They became particularly excited on hearing that Herakleides sailed into the harbour. This Herakleides was a Syracusan exile, a military man who had gained a great reputation by the commands which he had held in the service of Dionysius and his father, but of an unsettled disposition, fickle and least of all to be relied upon when associated with a colleague in any command of dignity and honour. This man had quarrelled with Dion in Peloponnesus, and determined to make an expedition of his own to attack Dionysius. He now arrived at Syracuse with seven triremes and three other vessels,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_493_493&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_493_493&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;493&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and found Dionysius blockaded in his citadel and the people of Syracuse in an excited condition. He at once received the popular favour, being &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_378&amp;quot;&amp;gt;378&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;naturally plausible and well able to impose upon a people who were fond of flattery. He was the more easily enabled to do this, as the Syracusans were already disgusted with the haughty demeanour of Dion, which they considered to be offensive and unfit for a statesman, being themselves grown insubordinate and insolent after their victory and requiring a demagogue even before they had become a democracy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l33&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Their first act was to assemble of their own accord and elect Herakleides as admiral. When, however, Dion came forward and complained that the appointment of Herakleides was a revocation of the powers granted to himself, since he would no longer be general with unlimited powers, if another commanded by sea, the Syracusans, much against their will, annulled the election. After this Dion sent for Herakleides privately and, after bitterly reproaching him with his want of honour and right feeling in raising disputes about precedence during so momentous and dangerous a crisis, again assembled the people, appointed Herakleides admiral and prevailed upon the citizens to grant him a body-guard such as that by which he himself was attended. Herakleides now in words and in manner acknowledged Dion as his superior, obeyed his orders with humility, and owned that he owed him a debt of gratitude; but in secret he encouraged the people to revolt against him, stirred up tumults and brought Dion into a most difficult position; for if he were to permit Dionysius to retire from the citadel under a flag of truce, he feared that he should be reproached with sparing the despot and saving him from the fate he deserved, while, if he did not push the siege through a wish not to drive him to extremities, he would appear to be purposely protracting the war in order that he might the longer remain in power and have the people under his orders.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l34&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; There was one Sosis, a man who by villainy and audacity had gained a certain reputation at Syracuse, where the citizens thought that his licence in speech must be prompted by an excessive love of freedom. This man began to intrigue against Dion, and first of all rose in the assembly and violently abused the Syracusans for &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_379&amp;quot;&amp;gt;379&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;not perceiving that they had got a sober and vigilant despot instead of a drunken and imbecile one. After this, having avowed himself Dion’s open enemy, he withdrew from the market-place and next day was seen running naked through the city with his face and head covered with blood, as though he were fleeing from some pursuers. Rushing into the market-place in this condition, he said that his life had been attempted by Dion’s mercenaries, and showed his wounded head to the people. He at once gained an audience of sympathisers, who became furious with Dion, and declared that he was acting shamefully and despotically in restraining the freedom of speech of the citizens by threats and murders. However, though a disorderly assembly took place, Dion was able to speak in his own defence, pointing out that a brother of Sosis was one of the guards of Dionysius, and that this man must have persuaded him to rebel and throw the city into confusion, since Dionysius could have no hope of safety except in the dissensions of the besiegers. At the same time the physicians examined the wound of Sosis, and found that it was the result of a superficial scratch rather than of a downward cut; for wounds by swordstrokes are deepest in the middle, because of the weight of the blow, while this wound of Sosis was shallow throughout all its length and had several beginnings, as probably he had been forced by the pain to leave off cutting his head and then had begun again. Some of the more respectable citizens also came to the assembly with a razor, and said that while they were walking they met Sosis covered with blood, saying that he was fleeing from Dion’s mercenaries and had just been wounded by them. They at once proceeded to look for them, and found no man, but saw the razor hidden under a hollow stone at the place from which Sosis had been seen coming out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l35&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Matters now began to look ill for Sosis; and when his slaves, after torture, declared that he left the house while it was yet night carrying a razor, Dion’s accusers withdrew their charges against him, and the people became reconciled with Dion and condemned Sosis to death. Nevertheless, they viewed the mercenaries with suspicion, especially after the great battles which &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_380&amp;quot;&amp;gt;380&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;took place at sea, when Philistus came from Iapygia with many triremes to rescue Dionysius, upon which they imagined that the mercenaries, being heavy-infantry soldiers, would be of no further use in the war, and would soon become their enemies, as they were all seafaring people, whose strength lay in their ships. They were further excited by their success in a sea-fight, in which they defeated Philistus, and treated him with the utmost barbarity. Ephorus states that Philistus killed himself as soon as his ship was captured, but Timonides, who was present with Dion throughout the whole of these events, in a letter which he wrote to the philospher, Speusippus, informs him that Philistus was taken alive from his ship which ran ashore; and that the Syracusans first stripped him of his corslet and displayed him naked, jeering at him, he being then an old man; and that after this they cut off his head and gave up the body to the boys of the town, bidding them drag it through Achradina, and cast it into the stone quarries. Timæus declares that Philistus was treated with even greater indignity, his dead body being dragged by the boys through the city by the lame leg amidst the insults of all the people of Syracuse, who were pleased to see this treatment inflicted on the man who had told Dionysius that far from requiring a swift horse to escape from his throne, he ought to remain until he was dragged from it by the leg. Philistus, however, gave this advice to Dionysius, not as having been said by himself, but by some one else.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l36&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Philistus doubtless laid himself open to blame by his zealous adherence to the cause of the monarchy, but Timæus takes advantage of this to satisfy his own spite by abusing him. It might, perhaps, be pardoned if those who had been wronged by him were so transported by rage as even to insult his senseless corpse; but a historian, writing an account of his actions in a later age, without having been in any way personally injured by him, ought to be restrained by feelings of honour and decency from taunting him with his misfortunes, which, indeed, might equally have befallen the best of men Neither does Ephorus show a sound judgment in praising Philistus, for, in spite of his skill in inventing &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_381&amp;quot;&amp;gt;381&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;good motives for evil conduct and actions, and the care with which his words are chosen, he cannot, with all his art, gloss over the fact that Philistus was devotedly attached to the cause of despotism, and that he, more than any one else, was dazzled and attracted by wealth, power, luxury and marriages with the daughters of absolute princes. A historian would show better taste than either of these by neither praising Philistus for his conduct nor reproaching him with his misfortunes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l37&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After the death of Philistus, Dionysius sent to Dion offering to deliver up to him the citadel, the arms which it contained, the mercenary troops and five months pay for them, and demanding to be allowed to retire unmolested to Italy and live there, and also to receive the revenues of a large and fertile tract belonging to Syracuse called Gyarta, which extended from the sea-side to the interior of the island. Dion would not receive the embassy, but bade Dionysius address himself to the people of Syracuse; and they, hoping to take Dionysius alive, drove away his ambassadors. Dionysius now handed over the citadel to Apollokrates, his eldest son, and himself placed what persons and property he chiefly valued on board ship, waited for a fair wind, and then sailed away, eluding the vigilance of the admiral Herakleides. Herakleides was fiercely reproached by the citizens for his neglect, but suborned one of the popular speakers to make proposals to the people for a division of lands, pointing out that equality is the source of freedom, and that poverty reduces men to slavery. Herakleides spoke on the same side, openly opposed Dion, who led the opposite faction, and prevailed upon the Syracusans to agree to this proposal, and further to refuse to pay the mercenary troops and to rid themselves of the haughty arrogance of Dion by electing new generals. Thus, like a man who attempts to rise and walk when weakened by a long illness, the Syracusans, after ridding themselves of their despotism, at once tried to adopt the institutions of free peoples, and both failed in their undertakings and disliked Dion, because he, like a careful physician, wished to impose a strict and temperate regimen upon them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l38&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When they assembled to choose their &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_382&amp;quot;&amp;gt;382&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;new commanders the time was about midsummer, and ominous thunderstorms and portents took place for fifteen days in succession, dispersing the people and preventing their election of any other generals. When the popular leaders, by waiting and watching, had obtained a fair still day for the election of chief magistrates, a draught ox, who was quite tame and accustomed to crowds, but who was enraged with his driver, broke from his yoke and ran towards the theatre. He scattered the people in the greatest confusion and panic, and ran on prancing and causing disorder through all that part of the city which afterwards fell into the hands of the enemy. Nevertheless, the Syracusans disregarded this omen, and elected five-and-twenty generals, one of whom was Herakleides. They also made secret overtures to Dion’s mercenaries, inviting them to desert, and offering them equal rights with the other citizens. They, however, would not listen to these proposals, but faithfully and promptly got under arms, formed column with Dion in their midst, and began to march out of the city, without harming any one, but bitterly reproaching all whom they met with their ingratitude and wickedness. But the Syracusans, who despised them for their small numbers and for not having been the first to attack, had now collected in crowds, far outnumbering the mercenaries, and set upon them, expecting that in a street-fight they would easily be able to overpower them and to kill them all.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l39&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In this terrible dilemma, as he was forced either to fight against his fellow-countrymen or to perish with his mercenaries, Dion stretched out his hands towards the Syracusans and implored them to desist, and pointed to the citadel, full of armed enemies, who were watching them from the battlements. As, however, the excited mob could not be turned from its purpose, for the speeches of the demagogues stirred up the people as the wind stirs up the waves of the sea, Dion ordered his troops not to charge them, but to march forward with a shout and martial clash of arms. At this none of the Syracusans stood their ground, but ran away along the streets unpursued; for Dion at once wheeled round his troops and marched away to Leontini. The new chiefs of the Syracusans, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_383&amp;quot;&amp;gt;383&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; ridiculed by the women, and wishing to wipe out their disgrace, now again got the citizens under arms and pursued Dion. They came up with him as he was crossing a stream, and rode up to his troops in skirmishing order. When, however, they perceived that Dion was no longer willing to deal gently and paternally with their follies, but that he angrily formed his troops in line and ordered them to attack, they fled more disgracefully than before back to their city, without losing many of their number.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XL.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l40&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The people of Leontini received Dion with especial honours, provided his troops with pay, and made them free of the city. They also sent ambassadors to the Syracusans, calling upon them to do the soldiers justice; to which they replied by sending ambassadors to prefer charges against Dion. When, however, all the allies held a meeting at Leontini and discussed the matter, the Syracusans were held to be in fault. But the Syracusans refused to accept this decision, as they were now full of insolent importance, having no one to rule them, but being led by generals who were the merest slaves of the people.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l41&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After this a fleet of triremes sent by Dionysius arrived at the city, under the command of Nypsius, a Neapolitan, with supplies of corn and money for the besieged. In a sea-fight which took place the Syracusans were victorious, and took four of the ships, but were so elated by their victory, and, having none to rule them, celebrated their success with such reckless excesses of drinking and feasting, that while they imagined they had taken the citadel they really lost the city as well; for Nypsius, observing that discipline was everywhere at an end, as the populace were engaged in drinking to the sound of music from daylight until late at night, and that the generals were delighted at the festivity and were unwilling to summon the drunken men to their duty, seized his opportunity and attacked the Syracusan wall of investment. His attack succeeded; he broke through the works, and at once let loose his foreign mercenaries, bidding them deal as they pleased with all whom they met. The Syracusans, though they soon learned their misfortune, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_384&amp;quot;&amp;gt;384&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; yet were slow to assemble, being taken by surprise; for the city was being sacked, the men slaughtered, the walls thrown down and the women and children being forced weeping into the citadel, while the generals gave up all for lost, and could make no use of the citizens, who were everywhere confusedly mixed up with the enemy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l42&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; While the city was in this condition, and the danger began to menace Achradina also, all men thought of him who was their last and only hope, but no one spoke of Dion, as they were all ashamed of the folly and ingratitude with which they had treated him. Sheer necessity, however, forced some of the auxiliary troops and the knights&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_494_494&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_494_494&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;494&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to cry out that they must send for Dion and his Peloponnesians from Leontini. As soon as any were found bold enough to raise this cry, the Syracusans shouted aloud, and rejoiced with tears, for they prayed that Dion would come, they longed to see him, and they remembered his courage and strength in time of danger, in which he not only remained calm and unmoved, but gave them confidence by his demeanour and caused them fearlessly and bravely to attack their enemies. They therefore at once sent off to him Archonides and Telesides, as representatives of the allies, and Hellanikus, with four others, of the knights. These men rode at full gallop to Leontini, arriving there late in the afternoon. When they dismounted, the first person they met was Dion, and with tears in their eyes they told him of the misfortunes which had befallen the Syracusans. Soon some of the citizens of Leontini fell in with them, and many of the Peloponnesians gathered round Dion, suspecting from the earnest and supplicatory tones and gestures of the ambassadors that something important had happened. Dion at once led the way to the public assembly, where all the people soon met together. Archonides and Hellanikus in a few words informed them of the great misfortune which had befallen the Syracusans, and besought the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_385&amp;quot;&amp;gt;385&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;stranger mercenaries to help them and not to bear malice for the treatment which they had received, since the Syracusans had been more terribly punished for their misconduct than even the soldiers could have wished them to be.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l43&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After they had ceased speaking, there was a great silence; and when Dion rose and began to speak, tears choked his utterance. The Peloponnesians encouraged him, and showed sympathy with him, and at length he mastered his emotion and said: “Men of Peloponnesus and Allies, I have assembled you here to deliberate about your own affairs. As for myself, I cannot with honour deliberate while Syracuse is being destroyed, but if I cannot save my country, I will share her ruin and make her flames my own funeral pyre. As for you, if you can bring yourselves even now, after all that has passed, to help us, the most ill-advised and the most ill-fated of men, restore again by your own means alone the city of Syracuse. But if you hate the Syracusans and reject their appeal, then may you be rewarded by heaven for your former brave conduct and loyalty to me, and may you remember Dion, who would not desert you when you were wronged, and would not afterwards desert his fellow-countrymen when they were in trouble.” While Dion was still speaking, the Peloponnesians leaped up with a shout, bidding him lead them as quickly as possible to the rescue, and the ambassadors from Syracuse embraced him, calling upon heaven to bless both him and the troops. When order was restored, Dion immediately began to prepare for the march, and ordered his men to go and eat their dinners at once, and then to assemble under arms in that very place; for he intended to march to Syracuse by night.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l44&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Meanwhile at Syracuse the generals of Dionysius worked great ruin in the city while it was day, but when darkness came on retired into the citadel, having lost but few men. The popular leaders now took courage, and, expecting that the enemy would attempt nothing further, again called upon the people to have nothing to do with Dion, and, if he came with his foreign troops, not to admit him into the city and own themselves inferior to his &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_386&amp;quot;&amp;gt;386&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;men in courage, but to reconquer their city and their liberty by their own exertions. More embassies were now sent to Dion, from the generals dissuading him from coming, and from the knights and leading citizens entreating him to come quickly. This caused him to march more slowly, yet with greater determination. When day broke, the party opposed to Dion occupied the gates, in order to shut him out of the city, while Nypsius a second time led out the mercenaries from the citadel, in greater numbers and far more confident than before. He at once levelled to the ground the whole of the works by which the citadel was cut off from the main land, and overran and pillaged the city. No longer men alone, but even women and children were slaughtered, and property of every kind mercilessly destroyed; for Dionysius, who now despaired of ultimate success, and bitterly hated the Syracusans, wished only, as it were, to bury the monarchy in the ruins of the city. In order to effect their purpose before Dion could come to the rescue, the soldiers destroyed the houses in the quickest way by setting them on fire, using torches for those near at hand, and shooting fiery arrows to those at a distance. As the Syracusans fled from their burning dwellings, some were caught and butchered in the streets, while others who took refuge in the houses perished in the flames, as now a large number of houses were burning, and kept falling upon the passers by.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l45&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This misfortune more than anything else caused all to be unanimous in opening the gates to Dion. He had been marching slowly, as he heard that the enemy were shut up in the citadel; but as the day went on, at first some of the knights rode up to him and told him of the second occupation of the city; and afterwards some even of the opposite faction arrived and begged him to hasten his march. As the danger became more pressing, Herakleides sent first his brother, and afterwards his uncle Theodotus, to beseech Dion to assist them, and to tell him that no one any longer could offer any resistance, that Herakleides himself was wounded, and that the whole city was within a little of being totally ruined and burned. When these messages reached Dion he was still sixty stadia distant from the gates of Syracuse. He &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_387&amp;quot;&amp;gt;387&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;explained to his troops the danger the city was in, spoke some words of encouragement to them, and then led them on, no longer at a walk, but at a run, while messenger after messenger continued to meet them and urge them to haste. At the head of his mercenaries, who displayed extraordinary speed and spirit, Dion made his way through the gates of Syracuse to the place called Hekatompedon. He at once sent his light-armed troops to attack the enemy, and to encourage the Syracusans by their presence, while he himself formed his own heavy infantry, and those of the citizens who rallied round him in separate columns under several commanders, in order to create greater terror by attacking the enemy at many points at once.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l46&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When, after making these preparations, and offering prayer to the gods, he was beheld leading his troops through the city to attack the enemy, the Syracusans raised a shout of joy, with a confused murmur of prayers, entreaties and congratulations, addressing Dion as their saviour and their tutelary god, and calling the foreign soldiers their brethren and fellow-citizens. All of them, even the most selfish and cowardly, now appeared to hold Dion’s life dearer than his own or that of his fellow-citizens, as they saw him lead the way to danger through blood and fire, and over the corpses which lay in heaps in the streets. The enemy, too, presented a formidable appearance, for they were exasperated to fury, and had established themselves in a strong position, hard even to approach, amidst the ruins of the rampart by which the citadel had been cut off from the town; while the progress of the mercenary troops was rendered difficult and dangerous by the flames of the burning houses by which they were surrounded. They were forced to leap over heaps of blazing beams, and to run from under great masses of falling ruins, struggling forwards through thick smoke and choking dust, and yet striving to keep their ranks unbroken. When at length they reached the enemy, only a few could fight on either side, because of the narrowness of the path, but the Syracusans, pushing confidently forward with loud shouts, forced the troops of Nypsius to give way. Most of them escaped into the citadel, which was close at hand: but all the stragglers who were left outside, were pursued and put to death by the Peloponnesians. The &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_388&amp;quot;&amp;gt;388&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Syracusans could not spare any time to enjoy their victory and to congratulate one another after such great successes, but betook themselves at once to extinguishing their burning houses, and with great exertions put out the fire during the night.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l47&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As soon as day broke, all the popular leaders, conscious of their guilt, left the city, with the exception of Herakleides and Theodotus, who went of their own accord and delivered themselves up to Dion, admitting that they had done wrong, and begging that he would treat them better than they had treated him. They pointed out, also, how much he would enhance the lustre of his other incomparable virtues by showing himself superior even in the matter of temper to those by whom he had been wronged, who now came before him admitting that in their rivalry with him they had been overcome by his virtue. When Herakleides and his companion thus threw themselves upon the mercy of Dion, his friends advised him not to spare such envious and malignant wretches, but to deliver up Herakleides to his soldiers, and thus to put an end to mob rule, an evil quite as pestilent as despotism itself. Dion, however, calmed their anger, observing that other generals spent most of their time in practising war and the use of arms; but that he, during his long sojourn in the Academy, had learned to subdue his passions, and to show himself superior to jealousy of his rivals. True greatness of mind, he said, could be better shown by forgiving those by whom one has been wronged, than by doing good to one’s friends and benefactors; and he desired not so much to excel Herakleides in power and generalship, as in clemency and justice, the only qualities which are truly good: for our successes in war, even if won by ourselves alone, yet can only be won by the aid of Fortune. “If,” he continued, “Herakleides be jealous, treacherous and base, that is no reason for Dion to stain his glory by yielding to his anger; for though to revenge a wrong is held to be less culpable than to commit one, yet both alike spring from the weakness of human nature: while even though a man be wicked, yet he is seldom so hopelessly depraved as not to be touched by one who repeatedly returns good for evil.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l48&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After expressing himself thus, Dion &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_389&amp;quot;&amp;gt;389&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;released Herakleides. He next turned his attention to the fortification by which the citadel was cut off, and ordered each Syracusan to cut a stake and bring it to the spot. He allowed the citizens to rest during the night, but kept his mercenary soldiers at work, and by the next morning had completed the palisade, so that both the enemy and his own countrymen were astonished at the speed with, which he had accomplished so great a work. He now buried the corpses of those citizens who had fallen in the battle, ransomed the prisoners, who amounted to no less than two thousand, and summoned an assembly, in which Herakleides proposed that Dion should be appointed absolute commander by land and by sea. All the better citizens approved of this, and wished it to be put to the vote, but it was thrown out by the interference of the mob of sailors and people of the lower classes, who were sorry that Herakleides had lost his post as admiral, and who thought that, although he might be worthless in all other respects, he was at any rate more of a friend to the people than Dion, and more easily managed by them. Dion conceded so much to them as to give Herakleides command of the fleet, but vexed them much by opposing their plans for a redistribution of land and houses, and by declaring void all that they had decided upon this subject. In consequence of this Herakleides, who at once entered upon his office of admiral, sailed to Messenia, and there by his harangues excited the sailors and soldiers under his command to mutiny against Dion, who, he declared, intended to make himself despot of Syracuse; while he, in the meanwhile, entered upon negotiations with Dionysius by means of the Spartan Pharax. When this was discovered by the Syracusan nobility, a violent quarrel arose in his camp, which led to the people of Syracuse being reduced to great want and scarcity, so that Dion was at his wit’s end, and was bitterly reproached by his friends for having placed such an unmanageable and villainous rival as Herakleides in possession of power which he used against his benefactor.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l49&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Pharax was now encamped at Neapolis, in the territory of Agrigentum, and Dion, who led out the Syracusans to oppose him, wished to defer an engagement;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_390&amp;quot;&amp;gt;390&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; but Herakleides and the sailors overwhelmed him with their clamour, saying that he did not wish to bring the war to an end by a battle, but to keep it constantly going on in order that he might remain the longer in command. He therefore fought and was beaten. The defeat was not a disastrous one, but was due more to the confusion produced by the quarrels of his own men than to the enemy. Dion therefore prepared to renew the engagement, drew out his men in battle array, and addressed them in encouraging terms. Towards evening, however, he heard that Herakleides had weighed anchor and sailed away to Syracuse with the fleet, with the intention of seizing the city and shutting its gates against Dion and the army. Dion at once took the strongest and bravest men with him, and rode all night, reaching the gates of Syracuse about the third hour of the next day, after a journey of seven hundred stadia. Herakleides, who in spite of the exertions of his fleet was beaten in the race, was at a loss what to do, and sailed away aimlessly. He chanced to fall in with the Spartan Gæsylus, who informed him that he was coming from Lacedæmon to take command of the Sicilian Greeks, as Gylippus had done in former times. Herakleides was delighted at having met this man, and displayed him to his troops, boasting that he had found a counterpoise to the power of Dion, he at once sent a herald to Syracuse, and ordered the citizens to receive the Spartan as their ruler. When Dion answered that the Syracusans had rulers enough, and that in case they should require a Spartan to command them, he himself was a Spartan by adoption, Gæsylus gave up all claims to command, but went to Dion and reconciled Herakleides to him, making Herakleides swear the greatest oaths and give the strongest pledges for his future good behaviour, while Gæsylus himself swore that he would avenge Dion and punish Herakleides in case the latter should misconduct himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;L.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l50&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After this the Syracusans disbanded their navy, which was quite useless; besides being very expensive to the crews, and giving opportunities for the formation of plots against the government; but they continued the siege of the citadel, and thoroughly completed the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_391&amp;quot;&amp;gt;391&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;wall across the isthmus. As no assistance arrived for the besieged, while their provisions began to fail, and their troops became inclined to mutiny, the son of Dionysius despaired of success, arranged terms of capitulation with Dion, handed over the citadel to him together with all the arms and other war material which it contained, and himself, taking his mother and sisters and their property on board of five triremes, sailed away to his father. Dion, permitted him to leave in safety, and his departure was witnessed by every one of the Syracusans, who even called upon the names of those who were absent, and were unable to see this day when the sun rose upon a free Syracuse. Indeed the downfall of Dionysius is one of the most remarkable instances of the vicissitudes of fortune known in history; and what then must we suppose was the joy and pride of the Syracusans, when they reflected that with such slender means they had overthrown the most powerful dynasty at that time existing in the world?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l51&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After Apollokrates had sailed away and Dion had entered the citadel, the women could endure no longer to wait indoors till he came to them, but ran to the gates, Aristomache leading Dion’s son, and Arete following behind her in tears, and at a loss to know how she should greet her husband after she had been married to another. After Dion had embraced his sister and his child, Aristomache led Arete forward, and said, “Dion, we were unhappy while you were an exile; but now that you have returned and conquered you have taken away our reproach from all but Arete here, whom I have had the misery to see forced to accept another husband while you were yet alive. Now, therefore, since fortune has placed us in your power, how do you propose to settle this difficulty? Is she to embrace you as her uncle or as her husband also?” Dion shed tears at these words of Aristomache, and affectionately embraced his wife. He placed his son in her hands, and bade her go to his own house, where he himself also continued to live; for he delivered up the citadel to the people of Syracuse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l52&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After he had thus accomplished his enterprise, he reaped no advantage from his success, except that he conferred favours on his friends and rewarded his allies;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_392&amp;quot;&amp;gt;392&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; while he bestowed upon his own companions, both Syracusan and Peloponnesian, such signal marks of his gratitude that his generosity even outran his means. He himself continued to live simply and frugally, while not only Sicily and Carthage, but all Greece viewed with admiration the manner in which he bore his prosperity, considering his achievements to be the greatest, and himself to be the most splendid instance of successful daring known to that age. He remained as modest in his dress, his household, and his table, as though he were still the guest of Plato in the Academy, and not living among mercenary soldiers, who recompense themselves for the hardships and dangers of their lives by daily indulgence in sensual pleasures. Plato wrote a letter to him, in which he informed him that the eyes of all the world were fixed upon him; but Plato probably only alluded to one place in one city, namely the Academy, and meant that the critics and judges of Dion therein assembled did not admire his exertions or his victory, but only considered whether he bore himself discreetly and modestly in his success, and showed moderation now that he was all-powerful, Dion made a point of maintaining the same haughty demeanour in society, and of treating the people with the same severity as before, although the times demanded that he should unbend, and though Plato, as we have said before, wrote to him bidding him remember that an arrogant temper is the consort of a lonely life. However, Dion appears to have been naturally inclined to harshness, and besides was desirous of reforming the manners of the Syracusans, who were excessively licentious and corrupt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l53&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now Herakleides again opposed him. When Dion sent for him to attend at the council, he refused to come, declaring that he was a mere private man, and would go only to the public assembly with the other citizens. Next he reproached Dion for not having demolished the citadel, for having restrained the people when they wished to break open the tomb of Dionysius (the elder) and cast out his body, and for having insulted his own fellow-countrymen by sending to Corinth for counsellors and colleagues. Indeed, Dion had sent to Corinth for some commissioners from that city, hoping that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_393&amp;quot;&amp;gt;393&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;their presence would assist him in effecting the reforms which he meditated. Like Plato, he regarded a pure democracy as not being a government at all, but rather a warehouse of all forms of government: and his intention was to establish a constitution, somewhat on the Lacedæmonian or Cretan model, by a judicious combination of monarchy and oligarchy: and he saw that the government of Corinth was more of an oligarchy than a democracy, and that few important measures were submitted to the people. As Dion expected that Herakleides would most vehemently oppose these projects, and was moreover a turbulent, fickle, and facetious personage, he gave him up to those who had long before desired to kill him, but whom he had formerly restrained from doing so. These men broke into the house of Herakleides and killed him. The Syracusans were deeply grieved at his death; yet, as Dion gave him a splendid funeral, followed the corpse at the head of his army, and afterwards made a speech to the people, they forgave him, reflecting that their city could never have obtained rest while Dion and Herakleides were both engaged in political life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l54&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; One of Dion’s companions was an Athenian named Kallippus, who, we are told by Plato, became intimate with him, not because of his learning, but because he happened to have initiated Dion into some religious mysteries. This man took part in Dion’s expedition, and received especial honours, being the first of all Dion’s comrades who marched into Syracuse with him, wearing a garland on his head, and he had always distinguished himself in the combats which took place since that time. Now, seeing that the noblest and best of Dion’s friends had fallen in the war, and that by the death of Herakleides the Syracusan people were deprived of their leader, while he had greater influence than any one else with Dion’s mercenary soldiers, Kallippus conceived a scheme of detestable villainy. No doubt he hoped to obtain the whole of Sicily as his reward for murdering Dion, though some writers state that he received a bribe of twenty talents from Dion’s personal enemies. He now drew several of the mercenary soldiers into a conspiracy against Dion, conducting his plot in a most ingenious and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_394&amp;quot;&amp;gt;394&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;treacherous manner. He was in the habit of informing Dion of any treasonable speeches, whether true or invented by himself, which he said that he had heard from the mercenary troops, and by this means gained such entire confidence with him, that he was able to hold secret meetings and plot against Dion with whichever of the soldiers he pleased, having Dion’s express command to do so, in order that none of the disaffected party might escape his notice. By this means Kallippus was easily enabled to find out all the worst and most discontented of the mercenaries, and to organise a conspiracy amongst them; while, if any man refused to listen to his proposals and denounced him to Dion, he took no heed of it and showed no anger, believing that Kallippus was merely carrying out his own instructions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l55&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When the plot was formed, Dion beheld a great and portentous vision. Late in the evening he was sitting alone in the hall&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_495_495&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_495_495&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;495&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of his house, plunged in thought. Suddenly he heard a noise on the other side of the court, and, looking up, as it was not quite dark, saw a tall woman, with the face and dress of a Fury as represented upon the stage, sweeping the house with a kind of broom. He was terribly startled, and became so much alarmed that he sent for his friends, described the vision to them, and besought them to remain with him during the night, as he was beside himself with fright, and dreaded lest if he were alone the apparition might return. This, however, did not take place. A few days after this his son, now almost grown up, took offence at some trifling affront, and destroyed himself by throwing himself headlong from the roof of the house.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l56&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; While Dion was thus alarmed and distressed, Kallippus all the more eagerly carried out his plot. He spread a rumour among the Syracusans that Dion, being childless, had determined to recall Apollokrates, the son of Dionysius, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_395&amp;quot;&amp;gt;395&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and to make him his heir, since he was his wife’s nephew, and his sister’s grandson. By this time Dion and the women of his household began to entertain some suspicion of the plot, and information of it reached them from all quarters. Dion, however, grieved at the murder of Herakleides, as though that crime had stained his glory, had become low-spirited and miserable, and frequently said that he was willing to die, and would let any man cut his throat, if he were obliged to live amidst constant precautions against his friends as well as his enemies. Kallippus, who perceived that the women had discovered the whole plot, came to them in great alarm, denying that he had any share in it, shedding tears, and offering to give any pledge of his loyalty which they chose to ask for. They demanded that he should swear the great oath, which is as follows:—The person who is about to swear enters the precinct of the temple of Demeter and Persephone, and after certain religious ceremonies puts on the purple robe of the goddess Persephone, and swears, holding a lighted torch in his hand. All this was done by Kallippus, and after swearing the oath he was impious enough to wait for the festival of the goddess whose name he had taken in vain, and to commit the murder on the day which was specially dedicated to her, although, perhaps, he thought nothing about the profanation of that particular day, but considered that it would be wickedness enough to murder the man whom he had himself initiated into the mysteries, on whatever day he might do it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l57&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Many were now in the plot; and when Dion was sitting with his friends in a room furnished with several couches, some of the conspirators surrounded the house, while others stood at the doors and windows. Those who intended to do the deed were Zakynthians, and entered the house in their tunics, without swords. Those who remained outside made fast the doors, while those within rushed upon Dion, and endeavoured to strangle him. As, however, they could not accomplish this, they asked for a sword; but no one ventured to open the doors, because within the house were many of Dion’s friends, but as each of these imagined that, if he gave up Dion, he himself might get away safe, no one would help him.&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_396&amp;quot;&amp;gt;396&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; After some delay, a Syracusan, named Lykon, handed a dagger through a window to the Zakynthians, with which, as if sacrificing a victim, they cut the throat of Dion, who had long before been overpowered and had given himself up for lost. His sister and his wife, who was pregnant, were at once cast into prison, where the unhappy woman was delivered of a male child. The women prevailed upon the keepers of the prison to spare the child’s life, and obtained their request the more readily because Kallippus was already in difficulties.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;l58&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After Kallippus had murdered Dion, he at once became a person of importance, and had the entire government of Syracuse in his hands. He even sent despatches to Athens, a city which, next to the gods, he ought, especially to have dreaded, after having brought such pollution and sacrilege upon himself. However, the saying appears to be true, that that city produces both the best of good and the worst of wicked men, just as the territory of Athens produces both the sweetest honey and the most poisonous hemlock. Kallippus did not long survive to mock the justice of heaven, lest the gods might have been thought to disregard a man who, by such a crime, had obtained so great wealth and power; but he soon paid the penalty of his wickedness. He set out to capture Katana, and in doing so lost Syracuse; upon which he is said to have remarked, that he had lost a city and gained a cheese-scraper. In an attack upon Messenia he lost most of his soldiers, among whom were the murderers of Dion. As no city in Sicily would receive him, but all hated him and attacked him, he proceeded to Rhegium, where, as he was quite ruined and could no longer maintain his mercenary soldiers, he was murdered by Leptines and Polyperchon, who chanced to use the self-same dagger with which Dion is said to have been slain. It was recognised by being very short, after the Laconian fashion, and by its workmanship, for it was admirably carved with figures in high relief. Such was the retribution which befel Kallippus; while Aristomache and Arete, when they were released from prison, fell into the power of Hiketes, a Syracusan, who had been one of Dion’s friends, and who treated them at first loyally and honourably, but afterwards, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_397&amp;quot;&amp;gt;397&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; at the instigation of some of the enemies of Dion, sent them on board of a ship, on the pretext of sending them to Peloponnesus, and gave orders to the people of the ship to put them to death and throw their bodies into the sea. They, however, are said to have thrown them alive into the sea, and the child with them. This man also paid a fitting penalty for his crimes, for he was taken and put to death by Timoleon, and the Syracusans put to death his two daughters to avenge the murder of Dion. All of this I have already described at length in the Life of Timoleon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_398&amp;quot;&amp;gt;398&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;LIFE OF BRUTUS.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The ancestor of Marcus Brutus was Junius Brutus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_496_496&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_496_496&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;496&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; whose statue of bronze the Romans of old set up in the Capitol, in the midst of the kings, with a drawn sword in his hand, thereby signifying that it was he who completely accomplished the putting down of the Tarquinii. Now that Brutus, like swords forged of cold iron, having a temper naturally hard and not softened by education, was carried on even to slaying of his sons through his passion against the tyrants: but this Brutus, about whom I am now writing, having tempered his natural disposition with discipline and philosophical training and roused his earnest and mild character by impulse to action, is considered to have been most aptly fashioned to virtue, so that even those who were his enemies on account of the conspiracy against Cæsar, attributed to Brutus whatever of good the act brought with it, and the worst of what happened they imputed to Cassius, who was a kinsman and friend of Brutus, but in his disposition not so simple and pure. His mother Servilia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_497_497&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_497_497&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;497&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; traced her descent from Ala &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_399&amp;quot;&amp;gt;399&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Servilius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_498_498&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_498_498&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;498&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who when Mallius Spurius was contriving to establish a tyranny and was stirring up the people, put a dagger under his arm, and going into the Forum and taking his stand close to the man, as if he were going to have something to do with him and to address him, struck him as he bent forwards and killed him. Now this is agreed on; but those who showed hatred and enmity towards Brutus on account of Cæsar’s death, say that on the father’s side he was not descended from the expeller of the Tarquinii, for that Brutus after putting his sons to death left no descendants, but this Brutus was a plebeian, the son of one Brutus who was a bailiff,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_499_499&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_499_499&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;499&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and had only recently attained to a magistracy. Poseidonius the philosopher says that the sons of Brutus, who had arrived at man’s estate, were put to death as the story is told, but there was left a third, an infant, from whom the race of Brutus descended; and that some of the illustrious men of his time who belonged to the family showed a personal resemblance to the statue of Brutus. So much about this.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Servilia the mother of Brutus was a sister of Cato the philosopher, whom most of all the Romans this Brutus took for his model, Cato being his uncle and afterwards his father-in-law. As to the Greek philosophers, there was not one, so to say, whom he did not hear or to whom he was averse, but he devoted himself especially to those of Plato’s school. The Academy&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_500_500&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_500_500&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;500&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; called the New and the Middle he was not much disposed to, and he attached himself to the Old, and continued to be an admirer of Antiochus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_501_501&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_501_501&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;501&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Ascalon; but for his friend and companion he chose Antiochus’s brother Aristus, a man who in his manner of discourse was inferior to many philosophers, but in well-regulated habits and mildness a rival to the first. Empylus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_502_502&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_502_502&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;502&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; whom both Brutus in his letters and his friends &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_400&amp;quot;&amp;gt;400&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;often mentioned as being in intimacy with him, was a rhetorician and left a small work, though not a mean one, on the assassination of Cæsar, which is inscribed Brutus. In the Latin language Brutus was sufficiently trained for oratory&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_503_503&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_503_503&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;503&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and the contests of the forum; but in the Greek, he practised the apophthegmatic and Laconic brevity which is sometimes conspicuous in his letters. For instance when he was now engaged in the war, he wrote to the people of Pergamum: “I hear that you have given money to Dolabella; if you gave it willingly, you admit your wrong; if you gave it unwillingly, make proof of this by giving to me willingly!” On another occasion, to the Samians: “Your counsels are trifling; your help is slow. What end do you expect of this?” And another about the people of Patara: “The Xanthians by rejecting my favours have made their country the tomb of their desperation. The people of Patara by trusting to me want nothing of liberty in the management of their affairs. It is therefore in your power also to choose the decision of the people of Patara or the fortune of the Xanthians.” Such is the character of the most remarkable of his letters.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; While he was still a youth he went abroad with his uncle Cato, who was sent to Cyprus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_504_504&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_504_504&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;504&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to Ptolemæus. After Ptolemæus had put an end to himself, Cato, being detained of necessity in Rhodes, happened to have sent Canidius, one of his friends, to look after the money, but as he feared that Canidius would not keep his hands from filching, he wrote to Brutus to sail as quick as he could to Cyprus from Pamphylia; for Brutus was staying there to recover from an illness. Brutus sailed very much against his will, both out of respect for Canidius, as being undeservedly deprived of his functions by Cato, and inasmuch as he was a young man and a student,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_505_505&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_505_505&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;505&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; considering such a piece of business and administration not at all fit for a free man or for himself. However, he exerted &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_401&amp;quot;&amp;gt;401&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;himself about these matters and was commended by Cato; and when the king’s substance was converted into money, he took the greatest part and sailed to Rome.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But when matters came to a division, Pompeius and Cæsar having taken up arms, and the government being in confusion, it was expected that he would choose Cæsar’s side, for his father&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_506_506&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_506_506&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;506&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was put to death by Pompeius some time before; but as he thought it right to prefer the public interests to his own, and as he considered the ground of Pompeius for the war to be better than Cæsar’s, he joined Pompeius. And yet, hitherto, when he met Pompeius, he would not even speak to him, thinking it a great crime to talk with his father’s murderer; but now, placing himself under Pompeius as leader of his country, he sailed to Sicily as legatus with Sestius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_507_507&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_507_507&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;507&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who had got it for his province. But as there was nothing of importance to do there, and Pompeius and Cæsar had already met together to contend for the supremacy, he went to Macedonia as a volunteer to share the danger; on which occasion they say that Pompeius, being delighted and surprised at his coming, rose from his seat and embraced him as a superior man in the presence of all. During the campaign all the daytime when he was not with Pompeius he was employed about study and books; and not only at other times, but also before the great battle. It was the height of summer, and the heat was excessive, as they were encamped close to marshy ground; and those who carried the tent of Brutus did not come quickly. After being much harassed about these matters, and having scarcely by midday anointed himself and taken a little to eat, while &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_402&amp;quot;&amp;gt;402&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the rest were either sleeping or engaged in thought and care about the future, he kept on writing till evening-time, making an epitome of Polybius.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_508_508&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_508_508&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;508&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It is said that Cæsar, too, was not indifferent about the man, but gave orders to those who commanded under him not to kill Brutus in the battle, but to spare him; find if he yielded to bring him, and if he resisted being taken, to let him alone and not force him; and this, it is said, he did to please Servilia,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_509_509&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_509_509&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;509&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the mother of Brutus. For when he was still a youth, he had, it seems, known Servilia, who was passionately in love with him, and as Brutus was born about the time when her love was most ardent, he had in some degree a persuasion that Brutus was his son. It is recorded that when the great affair of Catilina had engaged the Senate, which affair came very near overturning the State, Cato and Cæsar were standing up at the same time and disputing. While this was going on, a small letter was brought in and given to Cæsar, which he read silently, whereon Cato called out that Cæsar was doing a shameful thing in receiving communications and letters from their enemies. Many of the Senators hereon made a tumult, and Cæsar gave the letter just as it was to Cato, and it was a passionate letter from his sister Servilia, which he read and throwing it to Cæsar said, “Take it, drunkard;” and he again turned afresh to his argument and his speech. So notorious was the love of Servilia for Cæsar.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_403&amp;quot;&amp;gt;403&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After the defeat at Pharsalus and the escape of Pompeius to the sea, while the ramparts were blockaded, Brutus secretly got out of the gates which led to a marshy spot, full of water and reeds, and made his way by night to Larissa. From thence he wrote to Cæsar, who was pleased that he was alive and told him to come to him; and he not only pardoned Brutus, but had him about him and treated him with as much respect as any one else. No one could say where Pompeius had fled to, and there was much doubt about it; but Cæsar walking a short way alone with Brutus tried to find out his opinion on the matter; and as Brutus appeared, from certain considerations, to have come to the best conjecture about the flight of Pompeius, Cæsar leaving everything else hurried to Egypt. But Pompeius, who, as Brutus conjectured, had landed in Egypt, met his fate there; and Brutus mollified Cæsar even towards Cassius.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_510_510&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_510_510&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;510&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When Brutus was speaking in defence of the King of the Libyans,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_511_511&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_511_511&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;511&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he felt himself overpowered by the magnitude of the charges against him, but yet by his prayers and urgent entreaties he preserved for him a large part of his dommions. Cæsar is said, when he first heard Brutus speaking, to have remarked to his friends: “This youth, I know not what he wills, but what he does will, he wills with energy.” For the earnest character of Brutus, and his disposition not to listen unadvisedly nor to every one who asked a favour, but to act upon reflection and principle, made his efforts strong and effective towards accomplishing whatever ho turned to. But towards unreasonable prayers he was immovable by flattery, and to be overcome by those who impudently urged their suit, which some call to be shamed out of a thing, he considered to be most disgraceful to a great man, and he was wont to say that those who can refuse nothing, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_404&amp;quot;&amp;gt;404&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;were in his opinion persons who had not well husbanded their youthful bloom. When Cæsar was going to cross over to Libya against Cato and Scipio, he intrusted Brutus with Gallia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_512_512&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_512_512&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;512&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; on this side of the Alps, to the great good fortune of the province; for while the other provinces, through the violence and rapacity of those who were intrusted with them, were harassed like conquered countries, Brutus was to the Gauls a relief and consolation for their former misfortunes; and he put all to Cæsar’s credit, so that when after his return Cæsar was going about Italy, the cities that had been under Brutus were a most pleasing sight, as well as Brutus himself, who was increasing his honour and associating with him as a friend.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now there were several prætorships, but that which conferred the chief dignity, and is called the Urban prætorship,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_513_513&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_513_513&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;513&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; it was expected that either Brutus or Cassius would have; and some say that Brutus and Cassius, who had before some slight causes of dispute, were still more at variance about this office, though they were kinsmen, for Cassius was the husband of Junia, the sister of Brutus. Others say that this rivalry was the work of Cæsar, who continued secretly to give both of them hopes, until, being thus urged on and irritated, they were brought into collision. Brutus relied on his good fame and virtues against the many splendid exploits of Cassius in his Parthian campaigns. Cæsar hearing this and consulting with his friends said: “What Cassius says has more justice, but Brutus must have the first office.” Cassius was appointed to another prætorship, but he had not so much gratitude for what he got, as anger for what he failed in getting. Brutus also shared Cæsar’s power in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_405&amp;quot;&amp;gt;405&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;other respects as much as he chose. For if he had chosen, he might have been the first of his friends and had most power; but his intimacy with Cassius drew him that way and turned him from Cæsar, though he had not yet been reconciled to Cassius after their former rivalry; but he listened to his friends who urged him not to let himself be softened and soothed by Cæsar, and to fly from the friendly advances and the favours which a tyrant showed him, not because he respected the virtues of Brutus, but because he wished to curtail his vigour and to undermine his spirit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Nor yet was Cæsar altogether without suspicions of Brutus, and matter of complaint against him; he feared the proud temper and the credit and friends of the man, but he trusted in his moral character. In the first place, when Antonius and Dolabella&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_514_514&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_514_514&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;514&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; were said to be aiming at change, he said, it was not sleek and long-haired men who gave him trouble, but those pale and lean fellows, meaning Brutus and Cassius. Next, when some persons were making insinuations against the fidelity of Brutus and urging Cæsar to be on his guard, he touched his body with his hand and said, “What, think you that Brutus would not wait for this poor body?” thereby intimating that no person but Brutus had any pretensions to so much power after himself. And indeed it seems that Brutus might certainly have been the first man in the State, if he could have endured for a short time to be second to Cæsar, and if he had let Cæsar’s power pass its acme, and the fame got by his great exploits waste away. But Cassius, who was a violent-tempered man and rather on his individual account a hater of Cæsar than on the public account a hater of the tyrant, inflamed Brutus and urged him on. Brutus indeed is said to have been discontented with the dominion, but Cassius to have hated the dominator; and Cassius had various grievances against Cæsar and among others, the seizing of the lions, which Cassius had procured when he was going to be ædile, but Cæsar kept them after they had been found in Megara at the time when the city was taken by Calenus.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_515_515&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_515_515&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;515&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It is said that these beasts were &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_406&amp;quot;&amp;gt;406&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the cause of great calamity to the people of Megara: for when the enemy were getting possession of the city, the citizens forced open their dens and loosed their chains, that the beasts might oppose the enemy who were entering the city, but they rushed against the citizens themselves, and running among them rent those who were unarmed, so that the sight moved even the enemy to pity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now they say that this was with Cassius the main cause of his conspiring; but they say so untruly. For there was from the beginning in the nature of Cassius a certain hostility and dislike to all the race of tyrants, as he showed when he was still a boy and went to the same school with Faustus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_516_516&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_516_516&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;516&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the son of Sulla. Faustus was one day bragging among the boys and exalting the monarchy of his father, on which Cassius got up and thumped him. The guardians of Faustus and his kinsmen were desirous to prosecute the matter and seek legal satisfaction; but Pompeius prevented this, and bringing both the boys together questioned them about the affair. Thereon it is reported that Cassius said, “Come, now, Faustus, say if you dare before Pompeius the words at which I was enraged, that I may break your mouth again.” Such was the character of Cassius. But many words from his friends and many oral and written expressions from the citizens called and urged Brutus to the deed. For they wrote on the statue of his ancestor Brutus, who had put down the dominion of the kings: “Would you were here, Brutus!” and “Would Brutus were now living!” And the tribunal of Brutus, who was prætor, was found every morning full of such writings as these: “Brutus, are you asleep?” and “You are not really Brutus!” But they who were the real cause of this were the flatterers of Cæsar, who devised various unpopular distinctions for him and placed diadems on his statues by night, as if their design was to lead on the many to salute him as king instead of dictator. But the contrary was the result, as it has been circumstantially told in the Life of Cæsar.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_517_517&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_517_517&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;517&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_407&amp;quot;&amp;gt;407&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When Cassius was trying to move his friends against Cæsar, they all assented, provided Brutus would take the lead; for they said that the undertaking required not hands nor yet daring, but the character of a man such as Brutus was, who should as it were begin the holy rite and confirm it by his presence: if this could not be, the conspirators would be more dispirited in the doing of the deed and more timid when they had done it, for it would be said that Brutus would not have rejected all share in the thing, if it had a good cause. Cassius, who saw the truth of this, now made the first advances to Brutus since their difference. And after their reconciliation and friendly greeting Cassius asked, if he intended to be present in the Senate on the new-moon of March, for he heard that Cæsar’s friends would then make a proposal about the kingly power. Brutus replied that he would not be present. “What then,” said Cassius, “if they summon us?” “It would be my business then,” said Brutus, “not to be silent, but to fight and die in defence of liberty.” Cassius being now encouraged said, “What Roman will endure that you die first? Brutus, do you not know yourself? Do you think it is the weavers and tavern-keepers who have written on your tribunal, and not the first and best who have done this, and who demand from the other prætors donations and shows and gladiators, but from you, as a debt that you owe your country, the destruction of the tyranny, and who are ready to suffer everything for you, if you show yourself to be such a man as they think you ought to be and they expect you to be.” Upon this he threw his arms around Brutus and embraced him, and thus separating each went to his friends.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; There was one Caius Ligarius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_518_518&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_518_518&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;518&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a friend of Pompeius, who had been accused on this ground and acquitted by Cæsar. This man, who had not gratitude for his acquittal of the charge, but was hostile to the power by &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_408&amp;quot;&amp;gt;408&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;reason of which he had been in danger, was an enemy of Cæsar, and one of the most intimate friends of Brutus. Brutus, who came to see him when he was sick, said, “Ligarius, at what a time you are sick!” Immediately supporting himself on his elbow, and laying hold of the hand of Brutus, Ligarius said, “But if you, Brutus, design anything worthy of yourself, I am well.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After this they secretly sounded their acquaintance whom they trusted, and communicated the design to them, and added them to their number; making choice not only among their intimates, but those whom they knew to be good darers and to despise death. It was for this reason that they concealed their design from Cicero, though both as to trustworthiness and goodwill he was esteemed by them among the first, lest to his natural defect of courage he should join by reason of his years senile caution, and so attempting by deliberation to bring everything singly to perfect security, should blunt their edge, which required the speed of ready action. Among his other companions Brutus omitted also Statilius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_519_519&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_519_519&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;519&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the Epicurean, and Favonius, an admirer of Cato, because when Brutus, in conversation and philosophical disquisition, had remotely and in a circuitous way sounded them about such an attempt, Favonius answered that a civil war was worse than an illegal monarchy; and Statilius said that it was not befitting a wise man, and one who had understanding, to expose himself to danger and to trouble on account of the vile and foolish. Labeo,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_520_520&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_520_520&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;520&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was present, opposed both of them. Brutus, indeed, at the time kept silent, as if he considered that the matter was something hard and difficult to determine; but afterwards he communicated his design to Labeo. When Labeo had readily accepted the proposal, it was resolved to gain over &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_409&amp;quot;&amp;gt;409&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the other Brutus, surnamed Albinus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_521_521&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_521_521&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;521&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was not a man of action, nor courageous, but he was strengthened by a number of gladiators, whom he was keeping for a spectacle for the Romans, and he was also in the confidence of Cæsar. When Cassius and Labeo spoke to him he made no answer, but meeting privately with Brutus, and learning that he was the leader in the act, he agreed to co-operate zealously. The greater part, and the men of chief note among the rest of the conspirators, were also brought over by the reputation of Brutus. And without swearing any mutual oath, or taking or giving mutual pledges by sacrifice of victims, they all so kept the secret in themselves and were silent and carried it with them, that the act, though prognosticated by the gods through oracular answers and sights and victims, was considered past belief.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Brutus having now the first men in Rome, both for spirit and family and virtues, dependent upon himself, and having a view of the whole danger, in his public demeanour endeavoured to restrain within himself and to keep his designs under strict control; but at home and by night he was no longer the same man, for sometimes care roused him involuntarily from his sleep, and at other times he was sunk in thought and brooding over the difficulties; and it did not escape his wife, who was resting with him, that he was full of unusual trouble, and was revolving in himself some design hard to carry and difficult to unravel. Now Porcia,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_522_522&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_522_522&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;522&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; as it has been said, was the daughter of Cato, and Brutus, who was her cousin, had married her, not in her virgin state, but he took her after the death of her husband, while she was still a young woman, and had one little child by her husband, and the child’s name was Bibulus; and there is extant a small book of memoirs of Brutus, written by Bibulus. Porcia, who was a philosopher &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_410&amp;quot;&amp;gt;410&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and loved her husband, and was full of spirit and good sense, did not attempt to question her husband about his secrets before she had made trial of herself in manner following. She took a knife, such as barbers pare the nails with, and putting all her attendants out of the chamber, she inflicted a deep wound in her thigh, so that there was a large flow of blood, and, shortly after, violent pains and shivering fever came upon her in consequence of the wound. Brutus being agonised and full of trouble, Porcia spoke to him thus in the acme of her pain: “I, Brutus, Cato’s daughter, was given unto thy house, not like women, who serve as concubines, to share thy bed and board only, but to be a partner in thy happiness, and a partner in thy sorrows. Now, with respect to thy marriage, everything is blameless on thy part; but as to me, what evidence is there, or what affection, if I must neither share with thee a secret sorrow nor a care which demands confidence? I know that a woman’s nature is considered too weak to carry a secret, but, Brutus, there is a certain power towards making moral character in a good nurture and honest conversation; and I am Cato’s daughter and also Brutus’ wife, whereon hitherto I had less relied, but now I know that I am also invincible to pain.” Thus saying, she showed him the wound, and told him of the trial she had made of herself. Struck with astonishment and stretching forth his hands, Brutus prayed that the gods would permit him to succeed in the enterprise and to show himself a husband worthy of Porcia. He then consoled his wife.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When notice had been given of a meeting of the Senate, at which Cæsar was expected to be present, they resolved to make the attempt, for they would be then collected without raising any suspicion, and they would have together all the men of highest character and rank, who would be ready as soon as a great act was accomplished, forthwith to seize their freedom. The circumstance of the place, too, was considered to be a token from heaven and in their favour. For it was a portico, one belonging to the theatre,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_523_523&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_523_523&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;523&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with an exhedra, in which there was a statue of Pompeius, which the city erected at &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_411&amp;quot;&amp;gt;411&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the time when Pompeius adorned that site with porticoes and the theatre. Hither then the Senate was summoned about the middle of the month of March; the Romans call the day the Ides; so that some dæmon seemed to be bringing the man to the vengeance of Pompeius. When the day came, Brutus put a dagger under his vest, without any one being privy to it except his wife, and went forth; the rest assembled at the house of Cassius, to conduct down to the Forum Cassius’ son, who was going to assume the toga called virilis. From thence they all hurried to the portico of Pompeius, where they waited in expectation of Cæsar’s coming immediately to the Senate. Herein most of all would one have admired the impassiveness of the men and their presence of mind before the danger, if he had known what was going to take place—in that, being compelled by their duties of prætor to attend to the concerns of many persons, they not only listened patiently to those who came before them and had matter in dispute, like men who have plenty of leisure, but they also gave to each their decision in exact form and with judgment, carefully attending to the business. And when one person, who was unwilling to submit to the decision, was appealing to Cæsar, and calling out loud and protesting, Brutus, looking on the bystanders, said: “Cæsar does not hinder me from acting according to the laws, and he will not hinder me.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And yet many things chanced to fall out to cause them perplexity; first and chief, that Cæsar tarried while the day was getting on, and as the victims were not propitious, was kept at home by his wife, and was hindered by the priests from going abroad. In the next place, a person came up to Casca, who was one of the conspirators, and taking his hand said, “Casca, you have concealed the secret from us, but Brutus has disclosed all to me.” Casca was startled at this, whereon the other smiled and said, “How have you grown so rich all at once as to become a candidate for the ædileship?” So near did Casca come to betraying the secret, being deceived by the ambiguity of the man’s words. A senator also, Popilius Lænas,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_524_524&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_524_524&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;524&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; saluted Brutus and Cassius in a more lively way than usual, and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_412&amp;quot;&amp;gt;412&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;whispering in a low tone, “You have my wishes,” he said, “for success in what you design, and I urge you not to tarry, for the matter is no secret.” Saying this he withdrew, putting them in great suspicion of the intended deed being known. In the meantime one came running from the house of Brutus and told him that his wife was dying. For Porcia, who was beside herself through thinking of what was going to be done, and unable to bear the weight of her anxiety, could scarce keep herself within doors, and at every noise and shout, like those possessed with bacchic frenzy, she would spring forth and question every one who came in from the Forum, what Brutus was doing, and was continually sending others out. At length, as the time began to be protracted, her bodily strength no longer held out, but she fainted and swooned away, her mind wandering by reason of her perplexity; and she could not reach her apartment before faintness and indescribable alarm seized her, where she was sitting in the midst of her attendants, and her colour changed and her voice was completely choked. Her maids at this sight shrieked aloud, and as the neighbours quickly ran to the door, a report went forth and was given out abroad, that she was dead. However she quickly recovered and was herself again, and her women took care of her. Brutus was troubled, as was natural, by this report coming upon him; yet he did not desert the public interest, nor allow himself to be carried away by his feelings to his own domestic affairs.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And now it was told that Cæsar was approaching, borne in a litter. For he had determined, in consequence of being dispirited by the sacrifices, to ratify nothing of importance at that time, but to put things off on the pretext of illness. When he had stepped out of the litter, Popilius Lænas hurried up to him, he who had a little before wished Brutus good luck and success, and he talked some time with Cæsar who was standing there and listening. The conspirators (for so we may call them) not hearing what he said, but conjecturing from their own suspicions that the conversation was a discovery of the plot, sunk in their spirits and looked at one another, by their countenances declaring to one another that they ought not to wait to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_413&amp;quot;&amp;gt;413&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;be seized, but forthwith to die by their own hands. Cassius and some others had already laid their hands on the hilts of their daggers under their garments and were drawing them out, when Brutus observing in the attitude of Lænas the earnestness of a man who was asking a favour and not preferring an accusation, said nothing, because so many persons not of their party were mingled with them, but he encouraged Cassius by the cheering expression of his countenance. And soon after Lænas kissed Cæsar’s right hand and withdrew, by which it was plain that he had spoken with Cæsar about himself and some of his own concerns.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_525_525&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_525_525&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;525&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Senate having advanced to the exhedra, the conspirators surrounded Cæsar’s chair, as if they designed to have a conference with him. And it is said that Cassius, turning his face to the statue of Pompeius, invoked him as if he could hear; and Trebonius having engaged Antonius in conversation at the door kept him out. As Cæsar entered, the Senate stood up, and as soon as he sat down, the conspirators in a body surrounded him, putting forward Tillius Cimber, one of their number, to supplicate for his brother who was an exile; and they all joined in the supplication, laying hold of Cæsar’s hands, and they kissed his breast and head. Cæsar at first repulsed their intreaties, and then, as they did not intermit, he made a sudden attempt to rise up, on which Tillius, with both his hands, pulled Cæsar’s garment down from the shoulders, and Casca first of all (for he stood behind him) drew his sword and drove it into Cæsar’s body near the shoulders, but to no great depth. Cæsar, laying hold of the handle, cried out aloud in the Roman language, “Villain Casca, what are you doing!” and Casca, addressing his brother in Greek, urged him to come to his aid. Cæsar being now assaulted by many, looked around with the intention of forcing his way through them, but when he saw Brutus drawing his sword against him, he let loose his hold of Casca’s hand, and wrapping his head in his garment he offered his body &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_414&amp;quot;&amp;gt;414&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to the blows. The conspirators, who were all mingled in confusion, and using their numerous swords against Cæsar, wounded one another, so that even Brutus received a blow on the hand while he was taking part in the slaughter; and they were all drenched with blood.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar having been thus killed, Brutus advanced into the midst wishing to speak, and he attempted to detain the Senate by encouraging them; but the senators, through fear, fled in disorder, and there was shoving and confusion about the door, though no one pursued or pressed upon them. For it had been firmly resolved to kill no other than Cæsar, but to invite all to freedom. Now the rest, when they were deliberating about the deed, were of opinion that they should kill Antonius at the same time with Cæsar, as he was a man who aspired to monarchical power and was a violent man, and had got strength by his intercourse and familiarity with the army; and chiefly that to his natural haughtiness and daring temper he had added the dignity of the consulship, being then Cæsar’s colleague. But Brutus opposed the design, first relying on grounds of justice, and next suggesting hopes of a change. For he did not despair that Antonius, a man of generous nature, a lover of honourable distinctions and fond of fame, when Cæsar was put out of the way, would join his country in seizing hold of freedom, and be led on by them through emulation to what was good. In this way Brutus saved Antonius; but in the then alarm Antonius changed his dress for plebeian attire and fled. Brutus and his partisans went to the Capitol, their hands stained with blood, and displaying their bare swords called the citizens to liberty. Now, at first, there were shouts, and the people running this way and that, as chance would have it, after the murder, increased the confusion; but as there was no more slaughter and no plundering of the things exposed for sale, both the senators and many of the plebeians took heart and went up to the conspirators to the Capitol. The multitude being assembled, Brutus spoke in a way to please the people and suitable to the circumstances; and as the people commended him and called out for them to come down, the conspirators confidently descended to the Forum, the rest following with one another; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_415&amp;quot;&amp;gt;415&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; but many of the persons of distinction putting Brutus in the midst of them, conducted him with great show from the Capitol, and placed him on the Rostra. At the sight of this the many, though a mingled body and prepared to raise a tumult, were afraid, and they awaited the result in order and silence. When Brutus came forward they all listened to what he said; but that the deed was not agreeable to all, they made evident when Cinna began to speak and to bring charges against Cæsar, by breaking out in passion and abusing Cinna, so that the conspirators returned to the Capitol. Brutus, fearing to be blockaded, then sent away the chief persons of those who had gone up with him, not thinking it right that, as they had no share in the blame, they should sustain a share in the danger.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; However, on the following day when the Senate met in the temple of Earth, and Antonius and Plancus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_526_526&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_526_526&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;526&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Cicero had spoken about an amnesty and concord, it was resolved that the conspirators should not only have impunity, but that the consuls should also propose a measure for conferring honours on them. They voted these things, and then separated. After Antonius had sent his son to the Capitol as a hostage, Brutus and the conspirators came down, and there were salutations and pressing of hands among all of them together. Antonius received Cassius and feasted him, and Lepidus entertained Brutus; and the rest were entertained by others according to the intimacy or friendship that existed between them. At daybreak the senators met again, and in the first place they conferred honours on Antonius for having stopped the beginning of civil wars; in the second place, thanks were given to Brutus and his friends who were present, and finally distributions of provinces. For to Brutus they decreed Crete, and to Cassius Libya, and to Trebonius Asia, and to Cimber Bithynia, and to the other Brutus Gallia on the Eridanus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After this a discussion arising about the will of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_416&amp;quot;&amp;gt;416&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Cæsar and his interment, and Antonius demanding that the will should be read, and that the body should be carried forth not secretly nor without due honours, so that this, too, might not irritate the people, Cassius violently opposed it, but Brutus gave way, wherein he was considered to have made a second mistake. For in sparing Antonius he incurred the imputation of strengthening against the conspirators a dangerous and irresistible enemy; and as to the matter of the interment, in allowing it to take place in the way in which Antonius demanded, he was considered to have altogether made a mistake. For in the first place there being given by the will to every Roman seventy-five drachmæ,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_527_527&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_527_527&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;527&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and to the people there being left the gardens beyond the river, where the temple of Fortuna now is, a wonderful degree of affection and regret for Cæsar seized the citizens: in the second place, when the body had been carried into the Forum, and Antonius according to custom had pronounced a funeral oration in honour of Cæsar, seeing that the masses were stirred by his speech, he changed their feeling into compassion, and taking the blood-stained vest of Cæsar he unfolded it and showed the rents and the number of the wounds. Upon this there was no longer any order kept; but some called out to kill the murderers, and others, as before in the case of Clodius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_528_528&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_528_528&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;528&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the demagogue, tearing up the benches and tables from the workshops and bringing them together made a very large pile; and placing the corpse upon it in the midst of many temples and asyla and holy places burnt it. When the fire blazed forth, men from various quarters, approaching and plucking out half-burnt pieces of wood, ran about to the houses of Cæsar’s assassins, intending to fire them. But they were already well prepared and repelled the danger. Now there was one Cinna,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_529_529&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_529_529&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;529&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a man given to poetry, who was under no imputation in the matter, and had even been a friend of Cæsar. He dreamed in a dream that he was invited by Cæsar to supper and he refused; but Cæsar urged and forced him, and at last, laying hold of his hand, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_417&amp;quot;&amp;gt;417&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;led him to a vast and gloomy place, he following the while unwilling and alarmed. After having this vision, it happened that he had a fever in the night. Nevertheless, in the morning, when Cæsar’s body was being carried forth he felt ashamed not to be present, and went out to the rabble, who were now in a ferocious mood. Being seen and supposed to be not the Cinna that he was, but the Cinna who had lately reviled Cæsar before the assembly, he was torn in pieces.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It was mainly through fear on account of this unlucky affair, next after the change in Antonius, that Brutus and his partisans left the city. They stayed in Antium&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_530_530&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_530_530&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;530&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at first, with the design of returning to Rome when the popular fury should have passed its height and worn itself out. And this they expected to take place as a matter of course among numbers which were subject to unsteady and rapid movements, and because they had the Senate in their favour, who without taking any notice of those that had torn Cinna to pieces, sought out and seized those who had attacked the houses of the conspirators. The people, too, already annoyed at Antonius being nearly established in monarchical power, longed for Brutus, and it was expected that he would, in person, superintend the spectacles&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_531_531&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_531_531&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;531&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which as prætor it was his duty to exhibit. But when Brutus heard that many of those who had served under Cæsar and received lands and cities from him, were forming designs against him, and were dropping into the city a few at a time, he did not venture to go, and the people saw the spectacles, which, though Brutus was absent, were furnished without any thrift and in a profuse style. For he had purchased a great number of wild beasts, and he gave orders that none should be sold or left, but that all should be killed; and he himself went down to Neapolis and engaged most of the actors. With respect to a certain Canutius who was much in favour on the theatre, he wrote &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_418&amp;quot;&amp;gt;418&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to his friends that they should get him on the stage by persuasion, for it was not fit that any Greek should be forced. He also wrote to Cicero and urged him by all means to be present at the spectacles.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m22&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; While affairs were in this state, another change was brought about by the arrival of the young Cæsar.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_532_532&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_532_532&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;532&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was the son of Cæsar’s niece, but by Cæsar’s testament he was left his son and heir: and he was staying at Apollonia when Cæsar was killed, being engaged with philosophical studies and waiting for Cæsar, who had resolved to march forthwith against the Parthians. As soon as he heard of Cæsar’s death he came to Rome, and by assuming Cæsar’s name as a mode of beginning to get the popular favour, and by paying among the citizens the money that was left them, he made a strong party against Antonius, and by distributing money he got together and assembled many of those who had served under Cæsar. Now when Cicero took the side of Cæsar through hatred of Antonius, Brutus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_533_533&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_533_533&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;533&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; rebuked him strongly in his letters, saying that Cicero did not dislike a master, but feared a master who hated him, and that his policy was to choose a mild servitude, as he showed by writing and saying, “How good Cæsar is!” But our fathers, he said, did not endure even mild masters. He said that for his part at this crisis he had neither quite resolved to fight nor to remain quiet, but he was resolved on one thing only, not to be a slave; but he wondered at Cicero, that he was afraid of a civil war and one attended with danger, and was not afraid of a base and inglorious peace, and that he asked as a reward for ejecting Antonius from the tyranny, to be allowed to make Cæsar a tyrant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m23&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now in his first letters Brutus thus expressed himself; but when people were separating themselves, some on the side of Cæsar and some on the side of Antonius, and the armies being venal were selling themselves as it were by auction to the highest bidder, Brutus, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_419&amp;quot;&amp;gt;419&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;altogether despairing of affairs, resolved to leave Italy, and he went by land through Lucania to Velia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_534_534&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_534_534&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;534&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to the sea. From this place Porcia, intending to turn back to Rome, endeavoured to conceal her excessive emotion, but a painting made her betray herself though she was a noble-spirited woman. It was a subject from Grecian story, Hector accompanied by Andromache,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_535_535&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_535_535&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;535&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was receiving her infant son from Hector and looking upon him. The sight of the picture, in which her own feelings were portrayed, melted Porcia to tears, and she went to it many times in the day and wept. Acilius, one of the friends of Brutus, having pronounced the words of Andromache to Hector:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line i04&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“Hector, thou art to me father and mother dear,&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And brother too, and husband in thy bloom:”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Brutus, smiling, said, “But it is not for me to say to Porcia as Hector said:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“‘The loom and distaff, and command the maids;’&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;for owing to the natural weakness of her body she is unable to perform noble deeds equally with us, but in her mind she nobly dares as we do in defence of our country.” This is recorded by Bibulus, the son of Porcia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Having set out thence Brutus sailed towards Athens.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_536_536&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_536_536&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;536&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The people received him gladly with expressions of good wishes and public honours, and he lodged &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_420&amp;quot;&amp;gt;420&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;with a friend. As he attended the discourses of Theomnestus the Academic, and Cratippus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_537_537&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_537_537&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;537&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the Peripatetic, and associated with those philosophers, it was supposed that he was altogether inactive and was unbending himself. But he was busied about preparations for war, when no one suspected it; for he sent Herostratus into Macedonia with the view of gaining over those who were with the armies there, and he attached to himself and kept with him the young men from Rome who were residing at Athens for the sake of their studies. Among them was also a son of Cicero whom Brutus particularly commends, and says, that whether he is waking or sleeping, he admires him for his noble disposition and hatred of tyrants. Having now begun openly to attend to affairs, and hearing that Roman vessels full of money were sailing over from Asia, with a commander on board who was an honest man and an acquaintance of his, he met him near Carystus;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_538_538&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_538_538&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;538&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and having fallen in with him and persuaded him and obtained a surrender of the vessels, he prepared for a magnificent entertainment, for it was the birthday of Brutus. When they had come to drinking and were pouring out wine with wishes for the success of Brutus and the liberty of the Romans, Brutus, wishing to encourage them still more, asked for a larger cup, and taking it up, without anything moving thereto, he uttered the following verse:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“Me evil fate and Leto’s son&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_539_539&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_539_539&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;539&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; have slain.”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In addition to this they report that when he went out to fight the last battle at Philippi, Apollo was the word that he gave to his soldiers. Accordingly they consider that the utterance of that verse was a sign of what was to befall him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_421&amp;quot;&amp;gt;421&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After this Antistius gave Brutus fifty ten thousands out of the money which he was taking to Italy; and all the soldiers of Pompeius who were still rambling about Thessaly gladly flocked to Brutus; and he took five hundred horsemen from Cinna who was conducting them into Asia to Dolabella.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_540_540&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_540_540&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;540&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He then sailed against Demetrias&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_541_541&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_541_541&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;541&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and got possession of a large quantity of arms, which were going to be carried away to Antonius, and had been made at the command of the elder Cæsar for the Parthian war. Hortensius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_542_542&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_542_542&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;542&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the governor, also surrendered Macedonia to him, and the kings and rulers all around began to side with him and to come over; but in the meantime news arrived that Caius, the brother of Antonius, had crossed over from Italy and was marching straight against the troops which Gabinius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_543_543&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_543_543&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;543&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; had under him in Epidamnus and Apollonia. Brutus, intending to anticipate and prevent him, immediately put in motion those who were with him, and marched through a difficult country in the midst of a snow-storm; and he was far in advance of those who conveyed the provisions. As he came near Epidamnus, he began to suffer from bulimy&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_544_544&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_544_544&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;544&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; through exhaustion and cold. This malady chiefly attacks both beasts and men when they are worn out and in the midst of the snow, whether it is that the heat owing to the refrigeration and condensation, when everything is internally compressed, consumes the nourishment all at once, or that a sharp and subtle &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_422&amp;quot;&amp;gt;422&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;breath arising from the snow penetrating through, cuts the body and destroys the warmth which is dispersed outwards from it. For it seems that heat causes sweats through meeting with the cold and being quenched about the surface; whereof there has been further discussion in another place.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m26&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As Brutus was fainting, and no one in the army had anything to eat, his attendants were compelled to fly for refuge to their enemies, and approaching the gates they asked bread of the watch, who hearing of the mishap of Brutus came and brought to eat and to drink. In return for which, when Brutus got possession of the city, he not only treated them kindly, but also all the rest for their sake. Caius Antonius now came up to Apollonia and summoned the soldiers who were there; but when they went over to Brutus, and he perceived that the people of Apollonia were in favour of Brutus, he left the city and marched to Buthrotum.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_545_545&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_545_545&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;545&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And in the first place he lost three cohorts, which were cut to pieces by Brutus on the march; and in the next place, attempting to force the posts about Byblis, which were already occupied, he came to a battle with Cicero and was defeated; for Brutus employed Cicero in command and gained many successes through him. Brutus himself came upon Caius, who was in marshy ground and far separated from the rest of his troops, but he would not let his men make an attack, and he threw his cavalry around him with orders to spare the men, saying that in a short time they would be theirs; which in fact happened, for they surrendered themselves and their general, so that there was now a large force with Brutus. Now Brutus treated Caius respectfully for some time and did not deprive him of the insignia of his office, though, as they say, many persons, and Cicero among the rest, wrote to him from Rome and urged him to do it. But as Caius began to have secret &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_423&amp;quot;&amp;gt;423&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;conferences with the officers and attempted to excite a mutiny, he had him put in a ship and guarded. The soldiers who had been corrupted fled to Apollonia and invited Brutus there, but Brutus said that this was not the custom among the Romans, and that they must come to their general, and ask pardon for their offence. They came, and Brutus pardoned them at their prayer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m27&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As Brutus was going to set out for Asia, news arrived of the changes at Rome. The young Caesar had been strengthened by the Senate against Antonius, whom he had driven out of Italy, and he was now formidable, and was seeking for the consulship contrary to law, and maintaining large armies of which the State had no need. But when Caesar saw that the Senate was displeased at this, and was looking abroad towards Brutus and decreeing provinces&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_546_546&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_546_546&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;546&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for him and confirming them, he became alarmed. And he sent to Antonius and invited him to friendship, and placing his troops around the city he got the consulship, being yet hardly a young man, but in his twentieth year, as he said in his Memoirs. He immediately instituted a prosecution on a charge of murder against Brutus and his partisans, for having put to death without trial the first man in the state who was filling the highest offices; and he named as the accuser of Brutus, Lucius Cornificius, and Marcus Agrippa as the accuser of Cassius. Accordingly they were condemned for default of appearance, the judices being compelled to go to the vote. It is said that when the crier, according to custom, from the tribunal summoned Brutus into court, the mass gave a loud groan, and the nobles bent their heads to the ground and kept silence; but that Publius Silicius was seen to shed tears, and for this reason was shortly after one of those who were proscribed. After this, the three, Cæsar, Antonius and Lepidus, distributed the provinces among them, and caused the slaughter and proscription of two hundred men, among whom Cicero perished.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m28&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When the news of these events reached Macedonia, Brutus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_547_547&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_547_547&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;547&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; compelled by circumstances, wrote &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_424&amp;quot;&amp;gt;424&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to Hortensius to put Caius Antonius to death, on the ground of avenging Brutus and Cicero, the one being his friend, and the other both a friend and kinsman. This was the reason why Antonius, when he afterwards took Hortensius at Philippi, put him to death on the tomb of his brother. Brutus says that he felt more shame at the cause of Cicero’s death than sympathy at his misfortune, and that he blamed his friends in Rome, for they were slain more through their own fault than that of the tyrants, and that they submitted to see and to witness what it should have been intolerable for them even to hear. Brutus having taken his army over to Asia, which was now a considerable force, set about fitting out a naval force in Bithynia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_548_548&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_548_548&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;548&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and in the neighbourhood of Cyzicus; and himself moving about with his troops settled the cities and had interviews with the rulers; and he sent to Cassius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_549_549&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_549_549&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;549&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; into Syria to recall him from Egypt; for he said that it was not to get dominion, but to deliver their country that they were rambling about and collecting a force with which they would put down the tyrants; that they ought therefore, remembering and keeping in mind this purpose, not to hold themselves far from Italy, but to hasten thither and to aid the citizens. Cassius obeyed, and Brutus met him on his return; and they fell in with one another near Smyrna, for the first time since they had separated in Peiraeus and set out, the one for Syria, the other for Macedonia. They had accordingly great pleasure and confidence owing to the force which each had. For they had hurried from Italy like the most despicable fugitives, without money and without arms, without a single ship, a single soldier, or a city, and yet after no very long interval they had come together with ships and troops and horses and money, able to struggle for the supremacy of the Romans.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_425&amp;quot;&amp;gt;425&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m29&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now Cassius was desirous to have and to allow an equal share of honour, but Brutus herein anticipated him by generally going to Cassius who, in age, was his superior, and in body was not able to sustain equal toil. The opinion was that Cassius was skilled in military matters, but was violent in passion and governed mainly by fear, while towards his intimates he was too much inclined to use ridicule and was too fond of jesting. As to Brutus, they say that he was esteemed by the many for his virtues, but loved by his friends, admired by the nobles, and not hated even by his enemies, because the man was extraordinarily mild and high-minded and unmoved by anger, pleasure or love of aggrandisement, and kept his judgment upright and unbending in the maintenance of honour and justice. That which got him most goodwill and reputation was the faith which men had in his motives. For neither that great Pompeius, if he had put down Cæsar, was confidently expected to give up his power to the laws, but to retain affairs in his hands, pacifying the people with the name of consulship and dictatorship or some other title with more pleasing name; and this Cassius, who was a violent and passionate man and was often carried away from justice in quest of gain, more than any one else they thought would carry on war, and ramble about and expose himself to danger for the purpose of getting power for himself, not liberty for the citizens. For as to the men of still earlier times, the Cinnas and Marii and Carbos, they viewed their country as a prize and booty for competition, and all but in express words fought to get a tyranny. But as to Brutus, they say that not even his enemies imputed to him such a change in his purpose, but that many persons had heard Antonius say, he thought Brutus was the only person who conspired against Cæsar because of being moved by the splendour and apparent noble nature of the deed, and that the rest combined against the man because they hated and envied him. Accordingly it appears from what Brutus says that he trusted not so much in his power as in his virtues. He wrote to Atticus when he was just approaching the danger, that his affairs were in the best plight as to fortune, for that he should either get the victory &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_426&amp;quot;&amp;gt;426&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and free the Roman people, or should die and be released from slavery; and though everything else was safe and secure for them, one thing was uncertain, whether they should live and be free or die. He says that Marcus Antonius was paying a just penalty for his folly, for while he might have been numbered with the Bruti and Cassii and Catos, he made himself an appendage to Octavius, and if he should not be defeated with him, he would shortly after have to fight against him. Now he seems, in saying this, to have well divined what was to happen.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m30&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; While they were then in Smyrna, Brutus claimed a share of the money which Cassius had collected to a great amount, for Brutus alleged that he had expended all his own resources in building so great a fleet with which they would command all the internal sea.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_550_550&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_550_550&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;550&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But the friends of Cassius were not for letting him give up the money, saying, “What you save by economy and get with odium, it is not fair that he should take and apply to gaining popularity and gratifying the soldiers.” However, Cassius gave him a third part of all. Separating again to their several undertakings, Cassius, after taking Rhodes, did not conduct himself with moderation, but made this answer at his entrance to those who addressed him as king and lord: “I am neither king nor lord, but the executioner and punisher of lord and king.” Brutus demanded of the Lycians money and men. When Naucrates the demagogue persuaded the cities to revolt, and the people occupied certain heights to prevent Brutus from passing, in the first place he sent cavalry against them when they were eating, who killed six hundred of them; and in the next place taking possession of the posts and forts, he released all the people without ransom with the view of gaining over the nation by kindness. But the people were obstinate, being enraged at what they had suffered, and despising his moderation and humanity, till at last Brutus drove into Xanthas&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_551_551&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_551_551&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;551&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the most warlike of the Lycians, and blockaded them there. Some of them attempted to escape by swimming under the river which flowed by the city: but they were caught by nets which were sunk in the channel to the bottom, and the tops of the nets had bells attached to them which gave a signal as soon as any one was caught. The Xanthians, making a sally by night, threw fire on certain engines; and when they were driven back into the town by the Romans who perceived them, and a strong wind began to blow against the battlements the flame which was laying hold of the adjoining houses, Brutus, who feared for the city, ordered his soldiers to help to extinguish the fire.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m31&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But the Lycians were all at once seized with a horrible impulse to despair surpassing all description, which might be best likened to a passion for death; for with their wives and children, both freemen and slaves, and people of every age, they threw missiles from the walls upon the enemy who were assisting to quench the flames, and carrying reeds and wood and everything combustible, they drew the fire to the city, offering to it all kinds of material and in every way exciting and feeding it. As the flames rushed onwards and engirdling the city blazed forth with violence, Brutus, in great affliction at what was going on, rode round the walls, being eager to save the people, and stretching out his hands to the Xanthians he prayed them to spare themselves and save the city; and yet no one regarded him, but in every way they sought to destroy themselves; and not only men and women, but even the little children; with cries and shouts, some leaped into the fire and others broke their necks from the walls, and others presented their throats to their fathers’ knives, baring them and bidding them strike. After the city was destroyed, there was found a woman suspended by a rope, with a dead child hung to her neck, and firing the house with a lighted torch. This tragical sight Brutus could not endure to see, and he wept at hearing of it; and he proclaimed that a reward should be given to every soldier who could save a Lycian. They say that there were only one hundred and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_428&amp;quot;&amp;gt;428&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_427&amp;quot;&amp;gt;427&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;fifty who did not escape being saved. Now the Xanthians after a long interval, as if they were reproducing a fated period of destruction, renewed the fortune of their ancestors in their desperation; for their ancestors in like manner in the time of the Persians burnt their city and destroyed themselves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m32&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Brutus seeing that the city of Patara was preparing to resist him was unwilling to attack it, and was perplexed because he feared the same desperation; and as he had their women captive, he let them go without ransom. These women, who were the wives and daughters of distinguished men, reported of Brutus that he was a most moderate and just man, and they persuaded the citizens to yield and to surrender the city. Upon this all the rest of the Lycians surrendered and gave themselves up to him, and they found him to be honourable and merciful beyond their expectation; for while Cassius about the same time compelled all the Rhodians to bring in the gold and silver which was their private property, and a sum of eight thousand talents was thus collected, and mulcted the commonwealth of the city in five hundred talents besides, Brutus only demanded of the Lycians a hundred and fifty talents, and without doing them any other wrong set out for Ionia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m33&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now Brutus did many deeds worthy of remembrance both in rewarding and punishing according to desert; but that with which he himself was most pleased and the best of the Romans, I will relate. When Pompeius Magnus landed in Egypt at Pelusium, what time he fled after being completely defeated by Cæsar, the guardians of the king, who was still a youth, being in counsel with their friends, were not inclined the same way in their opinions. Some were for receiving and others for driving the man from Egypt. But one Theodotus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_552_552&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_552_552&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;552&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Chios, who was hired to teach the king rhetoric, and was then thought worthy of a place in the council for want of better men, attempted to show that both were in error, those who advised to receive and those who advised to send away Pompeius, for there was one thing in the present circumstances &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_429&amp;quot;&amp;gt;429&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; that was useful, and that was to receive him and put him to death. And he added, at the end of his speech, that a corpse does not bite. The council assented to his opinion, and Pompeius Magnus fell, an instance of things passing belief and expectation, and the result of the rhetorical skill and eloquence of Theodotus, as the sophist himself used to say boastingly. When Cæsar arrived shortly after, some of them paid the penalty of their guilt and perished miserably; and Theodotus, who borrowed from fortune a short period for an inglorious and poor and rambling life, did not escape Brutus when he came into Asia, but he was carried before him and punished, and thus he gained a greater name by his death than by his life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m34&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Brutus invited Cassius to Sardis&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_553_553&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_553_553&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;553&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and met him with his friends on his approach; and the whole force under arms saluted both of them as Imperatores. Now as it is wont to happen in the midst of great affairs, and among many friends and commanders, causes of difference had arisen between Brutus and Cassius, and suspicions; and before they did anything else, immediately on their arrival at Sardis they entered into a room by themselves and closed the door, and no one being present they began with blaming one another, and then fell to proofs and charges. From this they came to tears and passionate expressions without restraint, so that their friends, wondering at the roughness and violence of their anger, feared lest something should happen; but it was forbidden to approach them. But Marcus Favonius, who had been a lover of Cato, and was a philosopher not so much from reason as a certain impulse and mad passion, went in to them though the slaves attempted to hinder him. But it was a hard thing to check Favonius when he had put himself in motion towards any object, for he was impetuous in all things and impatient. He made no account of being a Roman senator, but by his cynical freedom of speech he often took away the harshness and unseasonableness of his behaviour, the hearers receiving all as jest. On this occasion forcing his way against those who tried to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_430&amp;quot;&amp;gt;430&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;stop him, he entered, and with mock solemnity uttered the words which Homer&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_554_554&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_554_554&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;554&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; has made Nestor use:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“Obey: ye both are younger far than I,”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and what follows. At which Cassius laughed, but Brutus turned him out, calling him true dog and false cynic. However, they forthwith became reconciled, and this was the end of their difference for the time. Cassius gave an entertainment to which Brutus invited his friends.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_555_555&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_555_555&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;555&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As they were just reclining, Favonius came from the bath; and, on Brutus declaring that he came without invitation and bidding him withdraw to the highest couch,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_556_556&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_556_556&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;556&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he forced his way to the central couch and reclined there; and they made merry over the banquet, and the mirth was not without its zest nor unseasoned with philosophy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m35&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On the following day Lucius Pella,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_557_557&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_557_557&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;557&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a Roman who had been prætor and trusted by Brutus, was charged by the people of Sardis with taking money unlawfully, and he was publicly condemned and declared infamous by Brutus. This affair gave Cassius no small pain. For a few days before, two of his friends who were convicted of the same offence, he privately admonished and publicly acquitted, and he still continued to employ them. Accordingly he blamed Brutus as being too strict an observer of law and justice at a time which required politic conduct and conciliatory &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_431&amp;quot;&amp;gt;431&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; measures. But Brutus told him to remember the Ides of March on which they lulled Cæsar, who was not himself oppressing and plundering everybody, but supported others who did it, so that if there was any specious pretext for overlooking justice, it would have been better to bear with Cæsar’s friends than to allow their own friends to do wrong. For they, he said,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_558_558&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_558_558&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;558&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; have the imputation of cowardice, but we of injustice, and that too joined to danger and toil. Such were the principles of Brutus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m36&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_559_559&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_559_559&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;559&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When they were going to cross over from Asia, it is said that Brutus had a great sign. The man was naturally wakeful, and by discipline and temperance he contracted his sleep into a small space of time, never reposing in the daytime, and by night only so long as he was unable to do anything or to speak to any one because people were resting. But at that time when the war was on foot, having on his hands the general management of everything, and his thoughts being on the stretch with regard to the future, when he had taken a short repose after eating, he employed the rest of the night on affairs of urgency. And when he had finished and arranged everything that was necessary about such matters, he would read a book till the third watch, at which time the centurions and tribunes were used to come to him. Being then about to convoy his army over from Asia, it happened to be dead of night and the lamp in his tent was not very bright; and the whole camp was in deep silence. As Brutus was considering and reflecting with himself, he thought that he heard some one come in, and looking towards the entrance he saw a terrible and strange vision of a huge and frightful figure standing by him in silence. He had the courage to ask, “What man or god art thou, or with what purpose dost thou come to us?” The phantom replied to him, “I am thy evil dæmon, Brutus, and thou shalt see me at Philippi.” And Brutus without being disturbed, said, “I shall see.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m37&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_560_560&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_560_560&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;560&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When the phantom disappeared, Brutus &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_432&amp;quot;&amp;gt;432&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;called the slaves, and as they said that they had neither heard any voice nor seen anything, Brutus still kept awake; and at daybreak he betook himself to Cassius and told him his vision. Cassius, who followed the doctrines of Epicurus,&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_433&amp;quot;&amp;gt;433&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and was accustomed to dispute about them with Brutus, said, “Our opinion, Brutus, is this, that we do not in fact feel all things nor see them, but perception is a certain flexible and deceitful thing, and the intellect is still quicker to move and change it, without there being any real thing, into all forms. For the fashioning of the form is like unto wax, and as the soul of man possesses both the thing to be fashioned and that which fashions, being the same, it has of itself the power of most easily varying itself and assuming different forms. And this is shown by the changes of our dreams in sleep, which changes the phantastic power undergoes, from slight causes assuming every kind of effect and image. It is the nature of the phantastic power to be always in motion, and motion is to it a certain phantasy or perception. In you the body being troubled naturally excites and perverts the mind. But it is neither probable that there are dæmons, nor that, if there are, they have the form of men or the voice, or that their power reaches to us; and indeed I wish it were so, that we might not put trust only in arms and horses and so many ships, but also in the help of the gods being the leaders in most upright and noble undertakings.” By such arguments as these Cassius attempted to calm Brutus. When the soldiers were embarking, two eagles descended on the first standards and were carried along with them, and accompanied the soldiers, who fed them, as far as Philippi. And there, one day before the battle, they flew away.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m38&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now Brutus had subjected to him most of the nations that lay in his way: and if any city or ruler had been passed by, they then brought over all in their progress as far as the sea opposite to Thasos. In those parts Norbanus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_561_561&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_561_561&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;561&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and his troops happened to be encamped &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_434&amp;quot;&amp;gt;434&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;in the Straits and about Symbolum; but Brutus and Cassius getting round them compelled them to withdraw and desert the posts. They also came very near taking his force, Cæsar staying behind on account of illness; and they would have done it, if Antonius had not come to their aid with such wonderful expedition that Brutus could scarce believe it. Cæsar arrived ten days later, and pitched his camp opposite to Brutus: Antonius took his station opposite to Cassius. The plain which lay between the armies, the Romans called the Campi Philippi; and it was on this occasion that the largest Roman armies were matched against one another. Now in numbers they were not a little inferior to those of Cæsar, but in show and splendour of arms the forces of Brutus outshone the enemy. For most of their armour was of gold, and silver had been unsparingly supplied, though in other respects Brutus accustomed his officers to a simple and severe habit. But he thought that the wealth which they had in their hands and about their bodies, would give courage to the more ambitious of honour and would make those who were fond of gain still more courageous, as if the weapons which they held were their property.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m39&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now Cæsar made a lustration&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_562_562&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_562_562&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;562&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; within his lines, and distributed among the soldiers a small allowance of grain and five drachmæ apiece for the sacrifice; but Brutus, who considered this either as proof of Cæsar’s poverty or his meanness, first of all performed a lustration for the army under the open sky, according to the custom, and then distributed a number of victims for every cohort, and fifty drachmæ to each man, by which he had the advantage over the enemy in the goodwill and zeal of his troops. Notwithstanding this a bad omen, as Cassius considered it, happened during the lustration; for the lictor brought him his crown reversed. It is said that on a former occasion, also during a certain spectacle and&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_435&amp;quot;&amp;gt;435&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; procession, a golden Victory belonging to Cassius, which was being carried, fell down owing to the bearer slipping. Besides this many birds of prey daily appeared in the camp and swarms of bees were seen collecting about a certain spot within the lines, which the diviners enclosed in order to get rid of the superstitious fear which was gradually withdrawing even Cassius himself from the principles of Epicurus, and had completely cowed the soldiers. Owing to this, Cassius was not eager that the matter should be decided at present by a battle, and he was of opinion that they should protract the war, being strong in resources, but in amount of arms and men inferior to the enemy. But Brutus even before this was eager to settle the matter by the speediest hazard, and thus either to recover freedom for his country, or to relieve from their sufferings all the people who were oppressed by cost and military service and requisitions. And now seeing that his cavalry was successful and victorious in the skirmishes and encounters of posts, his spirit was raised: and some desertions to the enemy which took place and imputations and suspicions against others caused many of the friends of Cassius in the council to go over to the opinion of Brutus. One of the friends of Brutus, Atillius, opposed the opinion of Brutus and advised that they should wait for the winter. On Brutus asking, Wherein he thought that he would be better after a year, he replied, If in nothing else, I shall live longer. Cassius was vexed at this, and Atillius gave no small offence to the rest. Accordingly it was resolved to fight on the next day.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XL.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m40&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Brutus went to rest after having been in high spirits and engaged in philosophical discourse at supper. As to Cassius, Messala&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_563_563&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_563_563&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;563&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; says that he supped by himself with a few of his intimates, and appeared thoughtful and silent, though he was not naturally so; and that after supper he pressed the hand of Messala strongly and said, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_436&amp;quot;&amp;gt;436&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;as he was wont when he was in friendly mood, in the Greek language, “I call you to witness, Messala, that I am in the same situation as Pompeius Magnus, being compelled to cast the die for my country’s safety in a single battle. However, let us have a good heart, looking to fortune, which it is not right to distrust, though we may have resolved badly.” Messala says that these were the last words that Cassius spoke to him and thereon embraced him, and that he was invited&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_564_564&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_564_564&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;564&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; by him to supper for the following day, which was his birthday. At daybreak there was hung out in the lines of Brutus and of Cassius the signal for the contest, a purple vest, and they met between the two camps, and Cassius said: “Brutus, I hope we may be victorious and live together happily all the rest of our lives; but as the chief of human events are the most uncertain, and if the battle results contrary to our expectation, it will not be easy for us to see one another, what do you intend with respect to flight or death?” Brutus replied, “When I was a young man, Cassius, and inexperienced in affairs, I know not how it happened that I neglected a weighty matter in philosophy. I blamed Cato for killing himself, considering that it was not right nor befitting a man to withdraw himself from his dæmon, and not to await what happens without fear, but to skulk away. But now I am of a different mind in the circumstances, and if the deity shall not determine in our favour, I do not want to try other hopes and means, but I will withdraw content with fortune, that on the Ides of March I gave to my country my life and have lived another life for her sake free and glorious.” Whereat Cassius smiled and, embracing Brutus, said, “With such thoughts let us go against the enemy; for we shall either conquer or we shall not fear the conquerors.” After this they discussed the order of battle in the presence of their friends. Brutus asked Cassius to allow him to command the right wing, which was supposed to be more appropriate for Cassius on account of his experience and his age. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_437&amp;quot;&amp;gt;437&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;But Cassius granted even this, and he commanded Messala with the bravest of the legions to be posted on the right. Brutus immediately led forth the cavalry equipped in splendid style, and he brought up the infantry with equal expedition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m41&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The soldiers of Antonius happened to be driving trenches from the marshes, around which they were encamped, into the plain and cutting off the approaches of Cassius to the sea. Cæsar was on the watch, not being present himself by reason of sickness, but his troops were there, which, however, did not expect that the enemy would fight, but would merely make sallies against the works and disturb the diggers with light missiles and shouts; and as they were paying no attention to those who were opposed to them, they were surprised at the shouts about the trenches, which were indistinct and loud. In the meantime billets came from Brutus to the officers in which the word was written, and as he was advancing on horseback before the legions and encouraging them, a few had time to hear the word as it was passed along, but the greater part without waiting, with one impulse and shout rushed against the enemy. Some irregularity arose in the lines and some separation of them through this disorder, and the legion of Messala first and those which were close upon it outflanked Cæsar’s left; and having slightly touched the soldiers on the extreme left and killed no great number, but completely outflanking them, fell on the camp. Cæsar, as he says in his Memoirs, inasmuch as one of his friends, Artorius Marcus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_565_565&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_565_565&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;565&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; had seen a vision in his sleep which bade Cæsar get out of the way and leave the camp, had just before been conveyed out of it, and he was supposed to have lost his life; for the enemy pierced his empty litter with javelins and spears. And there was a slaughter in the camp of those who were captured, and two thousand Lacedæmonians, who had lately come as allies, were cut to pieces with them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_438&amp;quot;&amp;gt;438&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m42&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; They who had not surrounded the soldiers of Cæsar, but had engaged with those in front, easily put to flight the enemy who were in confusion, and destroyed at close quarters three legions, and they rushed into the camp with the fugitives, carried along by the impetuosity of success and having Brutus with them; but what the victors did not see, that the critical time showed to the vanquished. For pushing forward to the parts of the opposite line which were exposed and broken where the right wing was drawn off in the pursuit, they did not force the centre but were engaged in a violent struggle; but they put to flight the left, which was in disorder and ignorant of what had happened, and pursuing it to the camp they plundered it, neither of the Imperatores being with them. For Antonius, as they say, having at the beginning avoided the attack, retreated to the marsh, and Cæsar could nowhere be seen, as he had fled from the camp; but some showed their bloody swords to Brutus supposing they had killed him, and describing his appearance and age. And now the centre had repelled their opponents with great slaughter; and Brutus thought that he was completely victorious as Cassius thought that he was defeated. And this was the only thing which ruined their cause, that Brutus did not aid Cassius because he thought that he was victorious, and that Cassius did not wait for Brutus because he thought that he had perished; for Messala considers it a proof of victory that Brutus had taken three eagles and many standards from the enemy, and the enemy had taken nothing. Brutus now retreating after he had destroyed Cæsar’s camp, was surprised not to see the tent of Cassius standing out conspicuous, as usual, nor the rest in their place, for most of the tents had immediately been thrown down and torn in pieces by the enemy when they broke in. But those who thought they could see better than their comrades said to Brutus that they saw many helmets glittering and many silver shields moving about in the camp of Cassius, and they said it did not appear to them that it was either the number or the armour of those were left to guard the camp, but yet there did not appear to be in that direction a number of corpses such as might be expected if so many legions had been defeated. This &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_439&amp;quot;&amp;gt;439&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; was the first thing that gave Brutus an idea of the misfortune; and leaving a guard in the camp of the enemy he recalled the pursuers and got them together to aid Cassius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m43&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And it had fared thus with him. He was neither pleased at seeing the first onset of the soldiers of Brutus without signal and order, nor was he pleased that when they were victorious they rushed straight to plunder and profit, taking no pains to get round and encircle the enemy. Cassius, conducting his operations rather with delay and waste of time than with vigour and judgment, was surrounded by the right wing of the enemy; and when he saw that, as soon as the cavalry broke away in flight to the sea, the infantry also were giving way, he endeavoured to stop and recall them. He also seized the standard from one of the standard-bearers who was flying, and fixed it in the ground before his feet, though even those who were placed about his person no longer remained with any spirit. In these circumstances, being pressed, he retreated with a few men to a hill which had a view towards the plain. He saw nothing in the plain, or with difficulty the plunder of the camp, for he was weak of vision; but the horsemen around him saw many approaching whom Brutus sent. Cassius conjectured that they were enemies and were in pursuit of him; yet he sent Titinius, one of those who were with him, to see. The horsemen did not fail to observe him approaching, and when they saw a man who was a friend, and faithful to Cassius, they shouted for joy, and some of his friends leaping down from their horses embraced him and took his hand, and the rest riding round him with joyful shouts and clatter by their unmeasured rejoicing produced the greatest misfortune. For Cassius was quite sure that Titinius was caught by the enemy. With these words, “Through love of life have I waited to see a friend seized by the enemy,” he retired into an empty tent dragging after him one of his freed men, Pindarus, whom, in the unfortunate affair of Crassus, he had prepared for this extremity. Cassius escaped the Parthians, but now drawing his cloak over his head and baring his neck he presented it to be cut asunder; for the head was found separated from the body. But no man saw Pindarus after the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_440&amp;quot;&amp;gt;440&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;death of Cassius, which made some persons think that he had killed Cassius without his order. Shortly after the horsemen appeared, and Titinius crowned by them went up to Cassius. But when, by the weeping and cries of his friends who were lamenting and bewailing, he knew of the fate of the general and of his error, he drew his sword and with much upbraiding of himself for his tardiness killed himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m44&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Brutus, who was acquainted with the defeat of Cassius, was now approaching, and he heard of his death when he was near the camp. After lamenting over the body and calling Cassius the last of the Romans, as if he considered that such a spirit could never again be produced in Rome, he wrapped up the corpse and sent it to Thasos, that no disorder might be produced by its being interred there. He summoned the soldiers together and consoled them; and seeing that they were deprived of all necessaries he promised them two thousand drachmæ apiece in place of what they had lost. The soldiers were encouraged by his words and admired the magnitude of his present; and they accompanied him with shouts as he went away, magnifying him as the only one of the four Imperatores who was unvanquished in battle. And the result proved that he had good reason for trusting to success in the battle; for with a few legions he put to flight all those who opposed him. But if he had employed all his forces in the battle, and the greater part had not passed by the enemy and fallen on the enemy’s baggage, it is probable that he would have left no part of the enemy’s force unvanquished.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m45&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; There fell on the side of Brutus eight thousand, with the slaves who were with them in the army, whom Brutus called Briges;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_566_566&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_566_566&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;566&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and of the enemy Messala says that he thinks more than twice the number fell. For this reason the enemy was the more dispirited, till a slave of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_441&amp;quot;&amp;gt;441&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Cassius, named Demetrius, came to Antonius as soon as it was evening, having taken the cloaks from the corpse, and the sword; and when these were brought, they were so much encouraged that at daybreak they led forth their force prepared for battle. But as both his armies were in an unsettled and dangerous state (for his own army being full of captives required careful watching, and the army of Cassius was troubled at the loss of their general, and they felt somewhat of envy and dislike in consequence of their defeat towards the army that had been victorious), Brutus resolved to put his troops under arms, but he would not fight. Of the captives, he ordered the slaves to be killed, as they were moving about among the soldiers in a suspicious way; but of the freemen he released some, saying that they had rather been made captives by the enemy, and were captives and slaves there, but with him were free men and citizens; and when he saw that his friends and the officers were ill-disposed towards them, he saved them by concealing them and sending them away. There were a certain Volumnius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_567_567&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_567_567&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;567&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a mime, and Saculio, a jester, among the prisoners, whom Brutus cared not for, and his friends bringing these to him accused them of not abstaining even now from speaking and jeering to insult them. Brutus was silent, being occupied with other thoughts, but Messala Corvinus was of opinion that they should be flogged in a tent, and given up naked to the generals of the enemy, that they might know what kind of drinking companions and intimates they wanted in their campaigns. Some of those who were present laughed; but Publius Casca, who had struck Cæsar first, said, “We offer no fit sacrifice to Cassius who is dead, by making merry and jesting; but you, Brutus,” he said, “will show what remembrance you have of the general either by punishing or protecting those who will mock and revile him.” Upon this Brutus, greatly angered, said, “Why then do you ask me, Casca, and why don’t you do what you like?” This answer of Brutus they considered as an &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_442&amp;quot;&amp;gt;442&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;assent to the punishment of the unhappy men, whom they led away and put to death.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m46&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After this Brutus gave the soldiers their present, and blaming them mildly for not having waited for the word, and having fallen on the enemy somewhat disorderly without waiting for the order, he promised them if they were victorious to give up to them for plunder and profit two cities, Thessalonica&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_568_568&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_568_568&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;568&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Lacedæmon. This is the only thing in the life of Brutus which he is charged with that admits of no defence, though Antonius and Cæsar paid to their soldiers a much more terrible price as the reward of their victories, for they drove the old settlers out of nearly the whole of Italy, that their soldiers might have land and cities to which they had no claim. But with Antonius and Cæsar dominion and power was the end which they proposed to themselves in the war, while Brutus, owing to his reputation for virtue, was not allowed by the many either to conquer or to save his life otherwise than by honourable and just means; and especially now that Cassius was dead, who had the imputation of urging Brutus on to some of his more violent acts. But as at sea when the helm is broken, they attempt to nail on other &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_443&amp;quot;&amp;gt;443&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;pieces of wood, and to fit them, not skilfully indeed, but as well as they can under circumstances, fighting against the necessity, so Brutus with so great a force around him, and in so hazardous a state of affairs, having no commander of equal weight with himself, was compelled to employ those who were with him, and to do and say many things according to their pleasure. And he judged it fit to do whatever he thought would improve the disposition of the soldiers of Cassius, for they were difficult to manage: in the camp being unruly for want of discipline, and towards the enemy having a feeling of cowardice by reason of their defeat.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m47&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Affairs were no better with Cæsar and Antonius, for they were scantily supplied with provisions, and owing to the camp being pitched in a hollow, they expected a bad winter. For being among marshes and the autumnal rains coming on after the battle, they had their tents filled with mud and with water which froze immediately through the cold. While they were in this condition, news arrived of the misfortune that had befallen their forces at sea. For the ships of Brutus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_569_569&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_569_569&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;569&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; fell upon them, and destroyed a large force that was coming to Cæsar from Italy, and only a very few of the men escaped, who were compelled by famine to eat the sails and ropes. On hearing this news they were eager to settle the matter by a battle before Brutus was aware of the great good fortune that had come to him; for it happened that in the same day the battle by land and the battle by sea were determined. But by some chance rather than through the fault of the commanders of the fleet, Brutus was ignorant of the success, though twenty days had elapsed. For otherwise he would not have gone out to a second battle when he was provided with all necessaries for his army for a long time and was posted in a good position, wherein he could have maintained his army in the winter free from all suffering and safe against the attacks of the enemy, and by being master of the sea, and having defeated by land the troops opposed to him, was in high hopes and spirits. But affairs, as it appears, being no longer governable by a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_444&amp;quot;&amp;gt;444&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;number, and requiring a monarchy, the deity wishing to lead away and to remove the only person who stood in the way of him who was able to govern, cut off the news of that good fortune, though it came exceeding near to being communicated to Brutus. For the day before that on which he was going to fight, and late in the day, there came one Clodius, a deserter from the enemy, who reported, that Cæsar was eager to come to a decisive contest because he had heard of the destruction of his armament. The man got no credit for his report nor did he come into the presence of Brutus, being altogether despised as one who had heard no well-founded news, or reported falsehood to get favour.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m48&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In that night it is said that the phantom again appeared to Brutus, and displaying the same appearance said nothing and went away. But Publius Volumnius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_570_570&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_570_570&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;570&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a philosopher and one who accompanied Brutus in his campaign from the first, says that this was not the sign; but he says that the first eagle was covered with bees, and from the arm of one of the centurions an oil of roses spontaneously burst out, and though they often rubbed it off and wiped it away, it was all to no use. Further, before the battle, two eagles met and fought in the space between the armies, and a silence past belief filled the plain while all were looking on, but at last the eagle which was on the side of Brutus gave way and fled. The Ethiopian became notorious, he who met the eagle-bearer as soon as the gate was opened, and was cut down with their swords by the soldiers, who considered it a bad omen.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m49&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After Brutus had made the line advance, and had placed it in front of the enemy, he paused some time, for suspicions reached him and information against certain persons while he was inspecting the army; and he observed that the cavalry were not very eager to begin the battle, but were still waiting for the infantry to commence the attack. All of a sudden, a man of military skill, who had been particularly distinguished for his courage, rode past Brutus himself and passed over to the enemy: his name was Camulatus. Brutus was greatly pained at seeing this, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_445&amp;quot;&amp;gt;445&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and partly through passion, partly through fear of greater change and treachery, he forthwith led his men against the enemy, the sun now going down, to the ninth hour. Brutus had the advantage with his own troops, and he pushed on, pressing upon the left wing of the enemy which gave way, and the cavalry supported him by charging together with the infantry the disordered ranks; but the other wing, which the commanders extended for fear of being surrounded, was inferior in numbers, and was drawn out in the centre, and thus becoming weak, did not resist the enemy, but fled first. The enemy, having broken this wing, immediately surrounded Brutus, who displayed all the virtues of a general and a soldier, both in his personal exertions, and his prudent measures in the midst of danger to secure victory; but he was damaged by that circumstance whereby he gained advantage in the former battle. For in that battle the part of the enemy which was defeated had perished; but few perished of the troops of Cassius, though they were put to flight, and those who escaped being very timid through their former defeat, filled the chief part of the army with despondency and confusion. On this occasion also, Marcus the son of Cato,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_571_571&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_571_571&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;571&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; fighting among the noblest and bravest of the youth, though hard pressed, did not yield nor flee, but laying about him and calling out who he was, and his father’s name, he fell on a heap of the enemy’s slain. There fell, too, the bravest of the men, exposing themselves in defence of Brutus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;L.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m50&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Among the intimates of Brutus was one Lucilius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_572_572&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_572_572&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;572&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a good man. Observing that some barbarian horsemen in their pursuit paid no regard to the rest, but rode at full speed after Brutus, he resolved at his own risk to stop them. And being a little in the rear he said that he was Brutus, and he gained belief by praying them to take him to Antonius, because he feared Cæsar, but trusted in Antonius. The barbarians delighted at their success, and considering that they had surprising good luck, conducted the man, and as it was now growing dark, sent forward some of their number as messengers to Antonius. Antonius, much pleased, went to meet those who were conducting &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_446&amp;quot;&amp;gt;446&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Lucilius; and those who heard that Brutus was being brought alive flocked together, some pitying him for his ill fortune, and others thinking it unworthy of his fame to let himself be taken by barbarians through love of life. When they were near, Antonius stopped, being doubtful how he should receive Brutus, but Lucilius, approaching with a cheerful countenance, said, “Antonius, no enemy has taken Marcus Brutus, nor will: may fortune never have such a victory over virtue. But he will be found, whether alive or dead, in a condition worthy of himself. But I who have deceived your soldiers am come to suffer, and I deprecate no punishment, however severe, for what I have done.” When Lucilius had said this, and all were in amaze, Antonius, looking on those who conducted Lucilius, said, “I suppose, fellow soldiers, you are vexed at your mistake, and think that you have been grossly tricked. But be assured that you have taken a better prey than that which you were in search of. For while you were seeking for an enemy, you have brought us a friend; for as to Brutus, I know not by the gods, what I should have done with him if he were alive, but such men as this, I pray that I may have as friends rather than as enemies.” Saying this he embraced Lucilius and for the time placed him with one of his friends, but he afterwards employed him, and found him in everything faithful and true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m51&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Brutus, having crossed a certain stream, the banks of which were lined with wood and steep, just when it began to be dark, did not advance far, but seating himself in a hollow spot where there was a large rock spread out, with a few of his officers and friends about him, first looked up to the heavens which were full of stars, and uttered two verses, one of which Volumnius has recorded:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“Forget not,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_573_573&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_573_573&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;573&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Jove, the author of these ills;”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_447&amp;quot;&amp;gt;447&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;but the other he says that he forgot. After a while naming each of his companions who had fallen in battle before his eyes, he grieved most over the memory of Flavius and Labeo. Labeo was his lieutenant, and Flavius the chief of the engineers. In the meantime one who was thirsty himself and saw that Brutus was in the same plight, took a helmet and ran down to the river. As a noise from the opposite side reached their ears, Volumnius went forward to see, and Dardanus the shield-bearer with him. Returning after a while they asked about the water; and Brutus, smiling with a very friendly expression on Volumnius, said, “It is drunk up, but some more shall be brought for you.” The same person was sent, but he was in danger of being taken by the enemy and escaped with difficulty after being wounded. As Brutus conjectured that no great number of his men had fallen, Statyllius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_574_574&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_574_574&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;574&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; undertook to make his way secretly through the enemy, for it was not possible in any other way, and to inspect the camp, and after raising a fire-signal, if he should find all safe there, to come back to him. The fire-signal was raised, for Statyllius got to the camp, but as a long time elapsed and he did not return, Brutus said, “If Statyllius is alive he will come.” But it happened that, as he was returning, he fell among the enemy and was killed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m52&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_575_575&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_575_575&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;575&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In the course of the night, Brutus, as he sat on&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_448&amp;quot;&amp;gt;448&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; the ground, turned to his slave Kleitus and spoke to him. But as Kleitus kept silence and shed tears, Brutus drew &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_449&amp;quot;&amp;gt;449&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to him his shield-bearer Dardanus, and privately said something to him. At last employing the Greek language he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_450&amp;quot;&amp;gt;450&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;addressed Volumnius and reminded them of their philosophical studies and discipline, and he urged him to put &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_451&amp;quot;&amp;gt;451&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;his hand to his sword and to aid him in the thrust. Volumnius refusing, and the rest being in the same disposition, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_452&amp;quot;&amp;gt;452&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and some one saying that they must not stay there, but fly, Brutus sprang up and said, “Certainly we must fly, yet not with the feet, but with the hands.” Offering his right hand to each with a cheerful countenance, he said that he felt great pleasure, that no one of his friends had deceived him, but he blamed fortune with respect to his country; as for himself, he considered that he was happier than the conquerors, in that not yesterday nor yet recently, but even now he left behind him a reputation for virtue, which those would not leave behind who gained the victory by arms or by money, nor would they make people think that unjust and vile men who had destroyed just and upright men did not rule unmeritedly. After entreating and urging them to save themselves, he retired a little farther with two or three, among whom was Strato who had become intimate with him from being his instructor in rhetoric. Putting Strato close to him, and pressing the bare sword with both hands on the handle, he fell upon it and died. Others say that it was not Brutus himself, but Strato who, at the earnest request of Brutus, held the sword under him, averting his eyes, and that Brutus throwing his breast upon it with violence, and piercing it through, quickly died.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;m53&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Messala&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_576_576&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_576_576&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;576&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was a friend of Brutus and became reconciled to Cæsar, once on a time when Cæsar was at leisure, brought this Strato to him, and with tears in his eyes said, “This, Cæsar, is the man who did the last service to my Brutus.” Cæsar received Strato and kept him about him, and Strato was one of the Greeks who showed themselves brave men in difficulties, and in the battle at Actium. They say that Messala himself being afterwards commended by Cæsar because, though he had been one of their greatest enemies at Philippi for the sake of Brutus, he had shown himself most zealous at Actium, replied, “Yes, Cæsar, I have always been on the better and&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_453&amp;quot;&amp;gt;453&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; juster side.” When Antonius found the body of Brutus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_577_577&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_577_577&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;577&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he ordered it to be wrapped in the most costly of his purple vests; and when he afterwards discovered that the purple vest was stolen, he put the thief to death. The ashes he sent to Servilia, the mother of Brutus. Nikolaus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_578_578&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_578_578&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;578&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the philosopher and Valerius Maximus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_579_579&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_579_579&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;579&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; relate that Porcia the wife of Brutus being desirous to die, which none of her friends would allow, but kept close and watched her, snatched burning embers from the fire, and closing her mouth, so died. Yet there is extant a letter of Brutus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_580_580&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_580_580&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;580&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to his friends in which he upbraids them and laments about Porcia, that she was neglected by them and had determined to die because of her sufferings from disease. Nikolaus therefore appears not to have known the time, since the letter, if it is genuine, informs us of the malady, and the love of the woman and the manner of her death.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_454&amp;quot;&amp;gt;454&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;COMPARISON OF DION AND BRUTUS.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;n1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Among the glories of these two men’s lives, it is especially to be noticed, that each of them started from small beginnings, and yet raised himself to the highest position in the state; and this fact is peculiarly honourable to Dion. Brutus owed much of his success to the help of Cassius, who, though less trustworthy than Brutus in matters of virtue and honour, gave equal proofs of courage, skill, and energy in war, while some writers go so far as to give him the entire credit of the plot against Cæsar, and say that Brutus had no share in it. Dion on the other hand was obliged to provide himself with friends and fellow conspirators, no less than with arms, ships, and soldiers. Furthermore, Dion did not, like Brutus, gain wealth and power by the revolution and war which he began, but even gave his own money to support the war, and spent the property on which he might have lived comfortably in exile in order to make his countrymen free. We must remember, also, that Brutus and Cassius could not have remained quiet after they left Rome, for they had been condemned to death, and were being pursued, so that they were forced to fight in their own defence. When they risked their lives in battle it was for themselves that they did so more than for their countrymen, whereas Dion lived in exile more happily than the despot who banished him, and nevertheless exposed himself to so terrible a hazard in order to set Sicily free,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;n2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Yet it was not the same thing to free the Syracusans from Dionysius and to rid the Romans of Cæsar. Dionysius never denied that he was a despot, and had inflicted countless miseries upon Sicily: while the government of Cæsar, though its creation gave great offence, yet when &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_455&amp;quot;&amp;gt;455&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;it had been accepted and had overcome all opposition seemed to be a despotism merely in name, for Cæsar did nothing cruel or arbitrary, and rather appeared to have been sent by heaven like a physician, to establish an absolute monarchy in as mild a form as possible, at a time when that remedy was necessary for Rome. In consequence of this the people of Rome were grieved at the death of Cæsar, and showed themselves harsh and inexorable to his murderers; while the severest charges which were brought against Dion by his countrymen were that he had allowed Dionysius to escape from Syracuse, and that he had not destroyed the tomb of the former despot.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;n3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In actual warfare Dion proved himself a faultless general, as he succeeded brilliantly in every enterprise planned by himself, and was able to remedy the failures caused by the misconduct of others; while Brutus seems not to have been wise in engaging in the last decisive battle, and when it was lost did not attempt to retrieve his fortunes, but gave himself up to despair, showing even less confidence than Pompeius. Yet, his position was far from hopeless, for he still retained a large part of his army, and a fleet which gave him entire command of the sea. Again, Dion cannot be accused of any crime like that which is the greatest blot upon the character of Brutus, who after his life had been saved by Cæsar’s goodness, and he had been allowed to save as many as he pleased of his fellow captives, after also he had been regarded by Cæsar as his friend, and had been promoted by Cæsar above many others, murdered his benefactor. On the contrary, Dion was the relative and friend of Dionysius, and assisted him in maintaining his government, and it was not until he was expelled from his country, his wife wronged, and his property confiscated, that he openly began a most just and lawful war against the despot. Is there not, however, another view of this question? That hatred of despotism and wrong which is so highly honoured, was possessed by Brutus pure and unalloyed by personal motives, for he had no private grudge against Cæsar, and yet risked his life on behalf of the liberty of the people: while Dion would never have made war against Dionysius, if he had not been wronged by him. This we learn distinctly from Plato’s letters,&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_456&amp;quot;&amp;gt;456&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; which prove that Dion did not begin his revolt until he was banished by Dionysius, after which, he deposed the tyrant. A common object made Brutus become the friend of Pompeius, who was Cæsar’s enemy both personally and politically, for Brutus made men his friends or his enemies solely according to what he thought right: while Dion assisted Dionysius much while he was on friendly terms with him, and only made war against him out of anger at his loyalty being suspected. For this reason many even of his own friends believed that after removing Dionysius from the throne he intended to succeed him, and to reign though under some title more plausible than that of despot; while even the enemies of Brutus admitted that he alone of all the conspirators against Cæsar kept one object consistently in view, which was to restore to the Romans their ancient constitution.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;n4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Apart from these considerations the struggle against Dionysius was different from that against Cæsar. Dionysius was despised even by his own associates for wasting all his time with drink, dice, and women; whereas it shows a certain magnanimity, and a spirit undismayed by any danger, to have conceived the idea of dethroning Cæsar, and not to have been overawed by the wisdom, power, and good fortune of a man whose very name made the kings of Parthia and India uneasy in their sleep. As soon as Dion appeared in Sicily, thousands joined him to attack Dionysius, while the power of Cæsar’s name even after his death rallied his friends, and enabled a helpless child to become at once the first of the Romans by assuming it, as though it were a talisman to protect him against the might and hatred of Antonius. If it be said that Dion only drove out Dionysius after many fierce battles, whereas Brutus stabbed Cæsar when he was naked and unguarded, yet it was in itself a brilliant piece of generalship to have attacked so powerful a man when he was naked and unguarded: for he did not attack him on a sudden impulse, or alone, or even with a few associates; but the plot had been laid long before, and many were concerned in it, yet none betrayed him. Either he chose only the bravest men, or else the mere fact of their having been chosen and trusted by Brutus made them brave. Dion on the other hand &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_457&amp;quot;&amp;gt;457&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;trusted worthless men; and this is discreditable to his judgment, for they must either have been villains when he chose them for his followers, or else they must have been originally good, and have become worse during their connection with him. Plato indeed blames him for choosing such men for his friends, and at last he was murdered by them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;n5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; No one avenged the murder of Dion; but Antonius, though Brutus’s enemy, nevertheless buried him with honour, and Cæsar (Augustus) allowed the honours which were paid to his memory to remain untouched. A brazen statue of Brutus stands in the city of Milan, in Gaul, on this side of the Alps. When Augustus saw this, which was a good likeness and a capital piece of workmanship, he passed by it, but stopped shortly afterwards, and before a large audience called for the magistrates of the city, and told them that he had caught them in the act of breaking the peace by harbouring his enemy within their walls. They at first, as may be imagined, denied the charge, and looked at one another, not knowing to whom he alluded. Augustus now turned round towards the statue, and, knitting his brows, asked, “Is not this my enemy who stands here?” At this the magistrates were even more abashed, and remained silent. Augustus, however, smilingly commended the Gauls for remaining true to their friends in misfortune, and ordered the statue to be left where it stood.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_458&amp;quot;&amp;gt;458&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;LIFE OF ARTAXERXES.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;o1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The first Artaxerxes, who surpassed all the kings of Persia in mildness and magnanimity of character, was surnamed Longhand, because his right hand was larger than his left. He was the son of Xerxes; and Artaxerxes the Second, the subject of this memoir, who was surnamed Mnemon, was the son of the former’s daughter: for Darius and Parysatis had four children, of whom the eldest was named Artaxerxes, the next Cyrus, and the two younger ones Ostanes and Oxathres.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Cyrus was named after the ancient king of that name, who is said to have been taken from the sun; for the Persians are said to call the sun Cyrus. Artaxerxes was originally named Arsikas, although the historian Deinon states that he was named Oarses. Still Ktesias, although his writings are full of all kinds of absurd and incredible tales, must be supposed to know the name of the king at whose court he lived, acting as physician to him, his mother and his wife.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;o2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cyrus from his earliest youth displayed a determined and vehement disposition, while his brother was gentler in all respects and less passionate in his desires. He married a fair and virtuous wife at his parents’ command, and kept her against their will, for the king killed her brother, and wished to put her also to death, but Arsikas, by tears and entreaties, prevailed upon his mother to spare her life, and not to separate her from him. His mother, however, always loved Cyrus more than Artaxerxes, and wished him to become king instead of his brother. For this reason, when Cyrus was sent for from the coast during his father’s last illness, he went to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_459&amp;quot;&amp;gt;459&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;court with great expectations, imagining that she had managed to have him declared heir to the throne. Indeed, Parysatis had a good argument for doing so, which had formerly, at the suggestion of Demaratus, been acted upon by the old king Xerxes; namely, that when Arsikas was born, Darius was merely a private man, but that when Cyrus was born he was a king. However, Parysatis did not succeed in inducing the king to declare Cyrus his heir, but the eldest son was proclaimed king and his name changed to Artaxerxes, while Cyrus was appointed satrap of Lydia and ruler of the provinces on the sea coast.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;o3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Shortly before the death of Darius, the king Artaxerxes travelled to Pasargadæ, in order that he might be initiated into the royal mystic rites by the priests there. The temple is dedicated to a warlike goddess whom one might liken to Athena. The person to be initiated enters this temple, removes his own clothes, and puts on those which the ancient Cyrus wore before he became king. He then eats some of a cake made of preserved figs, tastes the fruit of the terebinth tree, and drinks a cup of sour milk. Whether besides this he does anything else is known only to the initiated. When Artaxerxes was about to do this Tissaphernes met him, bringing with him one of the priests, who, when both the princes were boys, had been Cyrus’s teacher in the usual course of study, had taught him to use incantations like a Magian, and had been especially grieved at Cyrus not being proclaimed king. For this reason he more easily obtained credit when he accused Cyrus; and the accusation he brought against him was that Cyrus intended to conceal himself in the temple, and when the king took off his clothes, to attack him and murder him. Some writers say that this was how Cyrus came to be apprehended, while others state that he actually got into the temple, and was there betrayed by the priest. When he was about to be put to death, his mother threw her arms round him, flung her hair over him, pressed his neck against her own, and by her tears and entreaties obtained his pardon, and got him sent back again to his government on the sea coast. He was not satisfied with this position nor was he grateful for his pardon, but remembered only how he had been taken into custody, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_460&amp;quot;&amp;gt;460&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and through anger at this became all the more eager to gain the throne for himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;o4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Some writers say that he revolted because his revenues did not suffice for his daily expenses; but this is absurd, since, if he could have obtained it from no other source, his mother was always ready to supply him, and used to give as much as he wanted from her own income. His wealth also is proved by the large mercenary force which, we learn from Xenophon, was enlisted by his friends and guests in many different places: for he never collected it together, as he wished to conceal his preparations, but he kept many persons in different places who recruited soldiers for him on various pretexts. His mother, who was present at court, lulled the king’s suspicions, and Cyrus himself constantly wrote to him in dutiful terms, asking him to grant certain matters, and bringing accusations against Tissaphernes, as though it was Tissaphernes of whom he were jealous and with whom he had a quarrel. There was also a certain slowness in the disposition of the king, which was mistaken by the people for good nature. At the beginning of his reign, he seemed inclined to rival the gentleness of his namesake, as he made himself pleasant to all whom he met, distributed honours and favours even beyond men’s deserts, took no delight in insulting and torturing evil-doers, and showed himself as affable and courteous to those from whom he received favours as he was to those upon whom he bestowed them. No present was so trifling that he did not receive it gladly, but even when a man named Onisus brought him a pomegranate of unusual size, he said, “By Mithras, if this man were given the charge of a small city he would soon make it great!”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;o5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When during one of his journeys all men were bringing him presents, a labouring man, not finding anything else to give, ran to the river, took up some of the water in his two hands and offered it to him. Artaxerxes was pleased with the man, and sent him a gold drinking-cup and a thousand darics. When Eukleidas the Lacedæmonian had spoken his mind very freely to him, he bade his general say to him, “You may say what you please, but I may both say and do what I please.” Once &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_461&amp;quot;&amp;gt;461&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;when they were hunting, Teribazus pointed out to him that his coat was torn. Artaxerxes asked what was to be done, to which Teribazus answered, “Put on another coat, and give this one to me.” He replied, “I will give it to you, Teribazus, but I forbid you to wear it.” Teribazus, however, who was a loyal subject, but careless and flighty, immediately put on the coat, and ornamented himself with women’s necklaces belonging to the king, so that all men were disgusted with him, for it was not lawful to do so. The king, however, laughed, and said, “I allow you to wear the jewelry as a woman, and the coat as a fool.” Though no one eats at the same table with the king of Persia except his mother, who sits above him, or his wedded wife, who sits below him, Artaxerxes invited his younger brothers also, Ostanes and Oxathres, to sit at the same table. One of the sights which especially delighted the Persians was the carriage in which Statira, the wife of Artaxerxes, drove, with the curtains drawn back, for the queen allowed the people to greet her and approach her, and was much beloved by them in consequence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;o6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; However, all turbulent and unsettled spirits thought that the empire required Cyrus at its head, since he was a brilliant and warlike prince, a staunch friend to his comrades, and a man of intellect and ambition, capable of wielding the enormous power of Persia. Cyrus, when he began the war, relied upon the attachment of the people of the interior of Asia as much as he did upon that of his own followers; and he wrote to the Lacedæmonians, begging them to help him and to send soldiers to him, declaring that if the soldiers came to him on foot, he would give them horses, and if they came on horseback, he would give them carriages and pairs, that if they possessed fields, he would give them villages, and if they possessed villages he would give them cities; and that his soldiers’ pay should be given them by measure, instead of being counted out to them. At the same time he boasted loudly about himself, averring that he had a greater heart than his brother, was a better philosopher, and was a more learned Magian, and also that he could drink and carry more wine than his brother, who, he declared, was so lazy and cowardly that he would not even mount a horse &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_462&amp;quot;&amp;gt;462&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;when hunting, or a throne in time of peril. The Lacedæmonians now sent a skytale&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_581_581&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_581_581&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;581&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to Klearchus, bidding him obey the bidding of Cyrus in all things. Cyrus marched against the King of Persia with a large force and nearly thirteen thousand Greek mercenary troops, whom he had engaged upon various pretences. His treason was not long undiscovered, for Tissaphernes went in person to tell the king of it, upon which there was a terrible scene of disorder in the palace, since Parysatis was blamed as being the chief instigator of the war, and her friends were all viewed with suspicion as traitors. Parysatis was especially enraged by the reproaches of Statira, who asked her loudly, “Where now are the pledges you gave us? What has come of the entreaties by which you begged off Cyrus when he plotted against his brother’s life, now that you have plunged us into war and misery?” In consequence of these reproaches Parysatis conceived a vehement hatred for Statira, and being of a fierce passionate unforgiving temper, she plotted her destruction. Deinon states that she effected her purpose during the war, but Ktesias says that she did the deed afterwards, and I shall adopt his account of the matter, for it is not probable that he, who was an eye-witness of these events, did not know the order in which they took place, or that in his history he should have had any reason for misrepresenting them, although he often departs from the exact truth with a view to dramatic effect.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;o7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As Cyrus marched onwards, many rumours and reports were brought to him, that the king had determined not to fight at once, and was not anxious to meet him in battle, but that he intended to remain in Persia until his forces had assembled there from all parts of the empire. Indeed, although he had dug a trench across the plain ten fathoms wide, as many deep, and four hundred stadia long, yet he remained quiet and permitted Cyrus to cross it, and to march close to Babylon itself. Teribazus, we are told, was the first who ventured to tell the king that he ought not to avoid a battle, and retreat from Media and from Babylon, and even from Susa itself into Persia, when &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_463&amp;quot;&amp;gt;463&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;he possessed an army many times as great as that of the enemy, and numberless satraps and generals who were better generals and better soldiers than Cyrus. Upon hearing this advice, the king determined to fight as soon as possible. At first his sudden appearance with a splendidly equipped force of nine hundred thousand men caused great surprise and confusion among the rebels, who had gained such confidence that they were marching without their arms; and it was not without much shouting and disorder that Cyrus was able to rally them and place them in array. The king moved forward slowly and in silence, so that the Greeks were filled with admiration at the discipline of his army, for they had expected that in such a host there would be disorderly shouts and irregularity and intervals in the line. The strongest of the scythed chariots were judiciously posted by Artaxerxes in front of his line, in order that before the two armies engaged hand to hand they might break the enemy’s ranks by the force of their charge.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;o8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The battle&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_582_582&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_582_582&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;582&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; has been described by many writers, and as Xenophon’s narrative is so clear that the reader seems almost to be present, and to see the different events in the act of taking place, it would be folly for me to do more than to mention some important particulars which he has omitted. The place where the two armies met is called Kunaxa, and is five hundred stadia distant from Babylon. Before the battle Klearchus is said to have advised Cyrus to post himself behind the ranks of the soldiers, and not to risk his life; to which Cyrus replied “What say you, Klearchus? Just when I am striving to win a kingdom, do you bid me prove myself unworthy of one?” In the action itself, though Cyrus made a great mistake in plunging so rashly into the midst of the enemy without regarding the risk that he ran, yet Klearchus was quite as much, if not more to blame for not arraying his Greeks opposite to the Persian king, and for resting his right wing upon the river for fear he should be surrounded. If he valued safety more than anything else, and cared only to avoid the slightest risk of loss, he had better have stayed &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_464&amp;quot;&amp;gt;464&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;at home; but after he had marched ten thousand stadia from the sea, under no compulsion, but solely in order to place Cyrus upon the throne of Persia, then to be solicitous, not for a post where he might win the victory for his chief and paymaster, but merely for one where he might fight without exposing himself, was to act like a man who, on the first appearance of danger, abandons the whole enterprise and gives up the object for which the expedition was made. It is abundantly clear from what took place, that if the Greeks had charged the troops who defended the king’s person, they would have met with no resistance, and if these men had been routed, and the king slain or forced to take flight, Cyrus’s victory would at once have placed him on the throne. It was, therefore, the overcaution of Klearchus more than the rashness of Cyrus which really caused the death of the latter and the ruin of his cause; for the Persian King himself could not, if he had wished, have placed the Greeks in a position where they could do him less harm, for they were so far away from him and his main body that he did not even perceive that they had routed their antagonists, and Cyrus was slain before Klearchus could reap any advantage from his victory. Yet Cyrus knew what was best, for he ordered Klearchus to post his men in the centre; but Klearchus, saying that he would manage as well as he could, ruined everything.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;o9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Greeks put the Persians to flight with the greatest ease, and pursued them for a long distance. Cyrus, as he rode forward, mounted upon a spirited, but hard-mouthed and unmanageable horse, which, we learn from Ktesias was named Pasakas, was met by Artagerses, the leader of the Kadousians, who shouted loudly, saying, “Most wicked and foolish of men, who hast disgraced the name of Cyrus, erst the noblest in Persia, and bringest thy base Greeks on a base errand, to plunder the good things of the Persians, and to slay thy brother and thy lord, who hath ten thousand times ten thousand slaves, each one better than thou art. Soon shalt thou find out the truth of this; for before thou seest the king’s face thou shalt lose thine own head.” Saying thus, he hurled his javelin against Cyrus, but his breastplate resisted the blow, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_465&amp;quot;&amp;gt;465&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and Cyrus was not wounded, although he reeled in his saddle from the violence of the stroke. As Artagerses wheeled round his horse, Cyrus struck him with a javelin, driving the point through his throat, beside the collar-bone. That Artagerses was slain by Cyrus nearly all historians agree, but as to the death of Cyrus himself, since Xenophon has described it very shortly, as he was not an eye-witness of it, we may as well give the accounts of it which Deinon and which Ktesias have written.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;o10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Deinon says that when Artagerses fell, Cyrus charged violently among the troops round the king, and wounded the king’s horse. Artaxerxes was thrown from his horse, but Teribazus quickly mounted him upon another horse, saying, “My king, remember this day, for you ought not to forget it.” Artaxerxes, he states, was again thrown from his horse by the vehement onset of Cyrus, and again mounted. At the third charge the king who was violently enraged, and cried out to those around him that it was better to die than be treated thus, rode straight against Cyrus, who rashly and heedlessly exposed himself to the missiles of his enemies. The king hurled a dart at Cyrus, and so did, all his followers. Cyrus fell, struck, some say by the king himself, but according to others he was slain by a Carian soldier, on whom the king afterwards, as a reward for this feat of arms, bestowed the honour of marching at the head of the army, carrying a golden cock upon a spear. Indeed the Persians call the Carians themselves cocks, because of the plumes with which they ornament their helmets.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;o11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The story of Ktesias, reduced to a succinct form, is as follows:—Cyrus, after slaying Artagerses, rode towards the king himself, and the king rode towards him, both of them in silence. Ariaeus, the friend of Cyrus, struck the king first but did not wound him. The king hurled his spear and missed Cyrus, but struck Satiphernes, a man of noble birth and a trusted friend of Cyrus, and slew him. Cyrus hurled his javelin at the king, drove it through his breastplate, making a wound in his breast two fingers’ breadths deep, and cast him from his horse. Upon this there was much disorder, and many took to flight. The king rose, and with a few followers, among whom &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_466&amp;quot;&amp;gt;466&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;was Ktesias, took refuge on a hill hard by. Meanwhile Cyrus was carried by his horse a long distance forward into the midst of his enemies, and, as it was now growing dark, he was not recognised by his foes, and was being sought for in vain by his friends. Excited by his victory, and full of spirit and pride, he rode about through the ranks, crying, “Out of my way, wretches.” As Cyrus shouted these words in Persian, some made way for him, but the tiara fell from his head, and a young man named Mithridates, not knowing who he was, hurled a javelin and struck him on the temple near the eye. The wound bled profusely, and Cyrus became dizzy and faint, so that he fell from his horse. The horse rushed away from him and was lost, but the servant of the man who struck Cyrus took up his saddle-cloth, which fell from his horse, and which was drenched with blood.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When Cyrus began to recover from the effects of this blow, some few of his eunuchs tried to mount him upon another horse and get him safe away from the field. As, however, he could not mount, he proposed to walk, and the eunuchs supported him as he went, faint and weak in his body, but still imagining himself to be the victor as he heard the fugitives calling Cyrus their king and begging him for mercy. At this time certain men of Kaunus, of mean and low condition, who followed the king’s army to perform menial services, happened to join the party with Cyrus, supposing them to be friends. When, however, they managed to distinguish that the surcoats which they wore over their armour were purple, while all the king’s soldiers wore white ones, they perceived that they were enemies. One of them ventured to strike Cyrus from behind with a spear, not knowing who he was. The javelin struck Cyrus behind the knee, cutting the vein there, and in his fall he also struck his wounded temple against a stone, and so died. This is the story of Ktesias, in which he seems, as it were, to hack poor Cyrus to death with a blunt sword.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;o12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When Cyrus was dead it happened that Artasyras, who was called the king’s eye,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_583_583&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_583_583&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;583&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; rode past. Recognising the eunuchs who were mourning over the body, he asked the most trusted of them, “Pariskas, who is this beside whom &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_467&amp;quot;&amp;gt;467&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;you sit weeping?” He answered, “Artasyras, do you not see that it is Cyrus, who is dead?” Artasyras was astonished at this news, bade the eunuch be of good courage and guard the body, and himself rode in haste to Artaxerxes, who had given up all hope of success, and was in great bodily suffering from his wound and from thirst. Artasyras, with great delight, told him that he had seen Cyrus lying dead. On hearing this Artaxerxes at first wished to go to see it himself, and bade Artasyras lead him to the spot; but as there was much talk and fear of the Greeks, who were said to be advancing and carrying all before them; he decided to send a party to view the body; and thirty men went carrying torches. Meanwhile, as the king himself was almost dying of thirst the eunuch Satibarzanes went in search of drink for him; for there was no water in the place where he was, nor indeed anywhere near the army. After much trouble the eunuch at length fell in with one of the low Kaunian camp followers, who had about four pints of putrid water in a skin, which he took from the man and carried it to the king. When the king had drunk it all, he asked him if he was not disgusted with the water; and the king swore by the gods that he never had drank either wine or the purest of water with such pleasure. “So,” added he, “if I be not able to find the man who gave you this water and reward him for it, I pray that the gods may make him rich and happy.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;o13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; While they were talking thus, the thirty men rode up in high spirits, announcing to him his unlooked-for good fortune. Artaxerxes now began to recover his courage from the number of men who began to assemble round him, and descended from the hill amidst the glare of many torches. When he reached the body, the head and right hand were cut off, in accordance with some Persian custom. He ordered the head to be brought to him, took hold of it by the long thick hair, and showed it to those who were still wavering or fleeing. They all were filled with amazement, and did homage to him, so that he soon collected a force of seventy thousand men, accompanied by whom he re-entered his camp. He had left it in the morning, according to Ktesias, with an army of four hundred thousand men; though Deinon and Xenophon &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_468&amp;quot;&amp;gt;468&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; both estimate the forces actually engaged at a higher figure. Ktesias states that the number of the dead was returned to Artaxerxes as nine thousand, but that he himself thought that the corpses which he saw lying on the field must amount to more than twenty thousand. This point admits of discussion; but Ktesias tells an obvious untruth when he says that he was sent on an embassy to the Greeks, together with Phalinus of Zakynthus, and some other persons. Xenophon knew that Ktesias was at the king’s court, for he makes mention of him, and has evidently read his history; so that he never would have passed him over, and only mentioned Phalinus of Zakynthus, if Ktesias had really come as interpreter on a mission of such importance. But Ktesias, being a wonderfully vain man, and especially attached to the Lacedæmonians and to Klearchus, constantly in his history introduces himself, while he sings the praises of Lacedæmon and of Klearchus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;o14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After the battle, Artaxerxes sent most splendid and valuable presents to Artagerses, the son of the man who had been slain by Cyrus, and handsomely rewarded Ktesias and the rest of his companions. He sought out the Kaunian from whom he had received the water-skin, who was a poor and humble man, and made him rich and honoured. He also took pains to appoint suitable punishments to those who had misconducted themselves. One Arbakes, a Mede, deserted to Cyrus during the battle, and when Cyrus fell again returned to his allegiance. Artaxerxes, perceiving that he had done so not from treachery but from sheer cowardice, ordered him to carry a naked courtesan about the market-place upon his shoulders for the whole of one day. Another deserter, who besides changing sides falsely boasted that he had slain two of the enemy, was condemned by the king to have his tongue pierced with three needles. As Artaxerxes believed, and wished all men to think that he had himself slain Cyrus, he sent presents to Mithridates, who was the first man that wounded Cyrus, and bade those who carried the presents say, “The king honours you with these presents, because you found Cyrus’s saddle-cloth and brought it to him.” And when the Carian, who &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_469&amp;quot;&amp;gt;469&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;had struck Cyrus under the knee, demanded a present, he bade those who carried the presents say, “The king gives you these for having been second to bring him the good news; for Artasyras first, and you next, brought him the news of the death of Cyrus.” Mithridates retired in silence, much vexed at this; but the unhappy Carian, as often happens, was ruined by his own folly. Excited by his good fortune into trying to obtain more than became him, he refused to take what was offered him for having brought good news, but remonstrated loudly, declaring that he, and no one else, slew Cyrus, and that he was most unjustly being deprived of the credit of the action. The king, when he heard this, was greatly angered, and ordered the man’s head to be struck off. His mother, Parysatis, who was present, said, “My king, do not thus rid yourself of this pestilent Carian. He shall receive from me a fitting punishment for what he has dared to say.” The king handed him over to her, and Parysatis ordered the executioners to torture him for ten days, and then to tear out his eyes and pour molten copper into his ears until he died.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;o15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Mithridates also came to an evil end after a few days by his folly. He came dressed in the robe, and adorned with the ornaments which he had received from the king, to a banquet at which the eunuchs of the king and of the king’s mother were present. When they began to drink the most influential of the eunuchs of Parysatis said to him: “What a fine dress, Mithridates, and what fine necklaces and bracelet the king has given you! How valuable is your scimitar? Indeed, he has made you fortunate and envied by all men.” Mithridates, who was already in liquor, answered: “What are these things, Sparamixes? I proved myself on that day worth more than these to the king.” Sparamixes smiled and said, “I do not grudge you them, Mithridates, but come—as the Greeks say that there is truth in wine—tell us how it can be so great or brilliant an achievement to find a saddle-cloth that has fallen off a horse, and to bring it to the king.” This the eunuch said, not because he did not know the truth, but because he wished to lead Mithridates, whose tongue was loosened by wine, to expose his folly before the company. Mithridates could not &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_470&amp;quot;&amp;gt;470&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;restrain himself, and said: “You may say what you please about saddle-cloths and such nonsense; I tell you plainly, that it was by my hand that Cyrus fell. I did not hurl my javelin in vain, like Artagerses, but I just missed his eye, struck him through the temple, and felled him to the ground; and with that blow he died.” All the rest of the guests, foreseeing the miserable end to which Mithridates would certainly come, cast their eyes upon the ground; but the host said: “My good Mithridates, let us now eat and drink, adoring the fortune of the king, but let us not talk about subjects which are too high for us.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;o16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After this, the eunuch told Parysatis what Mithridates had said, and she told the king, who was much enraged, because he was proved not to have spoken the truth, and had been deprived of the sweetest part of his victory; for he wished to persuade all men, Asiatics and Greeks alike, that in the skirmish when he and his brother met he himself had been wounded by Cyrus, but had struck him dead. He therefore condemned Mithridates to the punishment of the boat. This is as follows:—Two wooden boats are made, which fit together. The criminal is placed on his back in one of them, and then the other is placed over him, and the two are fastened so as to leave his head, feet, and hands outside, but covering all the rest of his body. They give him food, and if he refuses it, they force him to eat it by pricking his eyes. When he has eaten they pour a mixture of milk and honey into his mouth and over his face. They then keep turning his eyes towards the sun, his whole face becomes completely covered with flies. As all his evacuations are necessarily contained within the boat, worms and maggots are generated from the corruption, which eat into his body; for when the man is certainly dead, they take off the upper boat and find all his flesh eaten away, and swarms of these animals clinging to his bowels and devouring them. In this way Mithridates died, after enduring his misery for seventeen days.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;o17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The only remaining object of the vengeance of Parysatis was Masabates, the king’s eunuch who cut off the head and hand of Cyrus. As he gave no handle against himself, Parysatis devised the following plot against him.&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_471&amp;quot;&amp;gt;471&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; She was naturally a clever woman, and was fond of playing with the dice. Before the war, she had often played with dice with the king; and after the war when she became reconciled to him she took part in his amusements, played at games with him, encouraged his amours, and altogether permitted Statira to have but very little of his society; for Parysatis hated Statira more than any one else, and wished to have most influence with Artaxerxes herself. Finding Artaxerxes one day eager for amusement, as he had nothing to do, she challenged him to play for a thousand darics. She purposely allowed her son to win, and paid him the money: and then pretending to be vexed at her loss, called on him to cast the dice afresh for a eunuch. Artaxerxes agreed, and they agreed to play upon the condition that each of them should set apart five of their most trusty eunuchs, and that the winner was to have his choice of the rest. On these terms they played; and Parysatis, who gave the closest attention to her game, and was also favoured by fortune, won, and chose Masabates, who was not one of the excepted ones. Before the king suspected her purpose she had Masabates arrested, and delivered him to the executioners with orders to flay him alive, impale his body sideways upon three stakes, and hang up his skin separately. This was done; and as the king was greatly grieved at it and was angry with her, she smiled and said ironically: “How pleasant and well-mannered you are, to be angry about a miserable old eunuch, whereas I have lost a thousand darics at dice and say nothing about it.” The king, though he was sorry to have been so cheated, yet remained quiet; but Statira, who indeed often on other occasions openly braved Parysatis, was very indignant with her for so cruelly and unjustly putting the king’s faithful eunuch to death for Cyrus’s sake.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;o18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When Tissaphernes betrayed Klearchus and the other generals, broke his plighted word, seized them and sent them away in chains, Ktesias tells us that Klearchus asked him to provide him with a comb. When Klearchus received it and combed his hair with it, he was so much pleased that he gave Ktesias his ring, to be a token to all Klearchus’s friends and relatives in Lacedæmon of his friendship for Ktesias. The device &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_472&amp;quot;&amp;gt;472&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;engraved upon the ring was a dance of Karyatides. At first the soldiers who were imprisoned with Klearchus took away the provisions which were sent to him and ate them themselves, giving him but a small part of them. Ktesias says that he remedied this also, by arranging that a larger portion should be sent to Klearchus, and that a separate allowance should be given to the soldiers. All these services Ktesias states that he rendered in consequence of the favour of Parysatis for the captives, and at her instigation. He says, also, that as he sent Klearchus a joint of meat daily in addition to his other provisions, Klearchus begged him and assured him that it was his duty to hide a small dagger in the meat, and send it to him, and not to allow him to be cruelly put to death by the king; but he was afraid, and did not dare to do it. Ktesias says that the king’s mother pleaded with him for the life of Klearchus, and that he agreed to spare him, and even swore to do so, but that he was again overruled by Statira, and put them all to death except Menon. It was in consequence of this, according to Ktesias, that Parysatis began to plot against Statira, and devised the plan for poisoning her, though it seems very unlikely that it was only for the sake of Klearchus that she dared to do such wickedness as to murder the lawful wife of her king, who was the mother of the heirs to the throne. But clearly all this was written merely for dramatic effect, to do honour to the memory of Klearchus. Ktesias writes, too, that when the generals were put to death the remains of the others were thrown away to be devoured by the dogs and fowls of the air; but that a violent storm of wind heaped much earth over the body of Klearchus, and that from some dates which were scattered around there soon sprung up a fair and shady grove above the place where he lay, so that the king sorely repented of what he had done, thinking that in Klearchus he had slain one who was a favourite of the gods.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;o19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Parysatis, who had long been jealous of Statira and hated her, and who saw that her own power depended merely on the respect with which she was regarded by the king, who loved and trusted Statira, now determined to destroy her, though at the most terrible risk to herself. She had a faithful maid-servant, named Gigis, who &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_473&amp;quot;&amp;gt;473&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;was high in her favour, whom Deinon accuses of having assisted to administer the poison, though Ktesias says that she was only privy to the plot, and that against her will. Ktesias says that the man who procured the poison was named Belitaris, but Deinon calls him Melantas. Now the two queens, leaving off their former hatred and suspicion, began again to visit one another and to dine together, but yet mistrusted each other so much that they only ate the same food from the same dishes. There is in Persia a small bird, which has no excrements, but all its entrails are filled with solid fat; it is supposed that it feeds upon air and dew; the name of it is &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;rhyntakes&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Ktesias states that Parysatis cut this bird in two with a small knife, one side of which was smeared over with the poison. As she cut it, she wiped the poison off the blade on to one piece of the bird, which she gave to Statira, while she ate the untouched portion herself. Deinon, however, says that it was not Parysatis, but Melantas, who cut off the poisoned part of the meat and gave it to Statira. As Statira perished in dreadful agonies and convulsions, she herself perceived that she had been poisoned, and directed the suspicions of the king against his mother, knowing, as he did, her fierce and rancorous disposition. He at once began to search for the author of the crime, seized all his mother’s servants and the attendants at her table, and put them to the torture, except Gigis, whom Parysatis kept for a long time at home with herself, and refused to deliver up, though afterwards, when Gigis begged to be sent to her own home, the king heard of it, laid an ambuscade, caught her, and condemned her to death. Poisoners are put to death in Persia in the following manner: their heads are placed upon a flat stone, and are then beaten with another stone until the face and skull is crushed. Gigis perished in this manner; but Artaxerxes said and did nothing to Parysatis, except that he sent her to Babylon, at her own request, saying that he himself should not see Babylon as long as she lived. Such were the domestic troubles of Artaxerxes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;o20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Though the king was as anxious to get the Greek troops, who accompanied Cyrus, into his power as he had been to conquer Cyrus himself and to save his throne, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_474&amp;quot;&amp;gt;474&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;yet he could not do so: for though they had lost their leader, Cyrus, and all their generals, yet they got away safe after having penetrated almost as far as the king’s palace itself, proving clearly to the world that the Persian empire, in spite of all its gold and luxury and beautiful women, was mere empty bombast without any real strength. Upon this all Greece took courage and despised the Asiatics, while the Lacedæmonians felt that it would be a disgrace to them not to set free the enslaved Greeks of Asia Minor, and put a stop to the insolence of the Persians. Their army was at first commanded by Thimbron, and afterwards by Derkyllidas, but as neither of these effected anything of importance, they entrusted the conduct of the war to their king Agesilaus. He crossed over to Asia with the fleet, and at once began to act with vigour. He gained much glory, defeated Tissaphernes, and set free the Greek cities from the Persians. Artaxerxes, upon this, having carefully considered how it would be best for him to contend with the Greeks, sent Timokrates of Rhodes into Greece with a large sum of money, and ordered him to corrupt the most important persons in each city by offering bribes to them, and to stir up the Greeks to make war against Lacedæmon. Timokrates did so, and as the greatest states formed a league, and Peloponnesus was in great confusion, the government ordered Agesilaus to return from Asia. On his departure on this occasion he is said to have remarked to his friends that he was being driven out of Asia by the King of Persia with thirty thousand archers; for the Persian coins bear the device of an archer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;o21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Artaxerxes also chased the Lacedæmonians from the sea, making use for this purpose of Konon, the Athenian, as his admiral in conjunction with Pharnabazus. Konon, after the battle of Ægospotami, had retired to Cyprus, where he remained, not so much in order to ensure his own safety as to watch for a favourable opportunity, as one waits for the turn of the tide. Observing that while he possessed skill without power, the King of Persia possessed power without an able man to direct it, he wrote a letter to the king expressing these ideas. He ordered the man who carried the letter to make it reach the king, if possible, by the hands of Zeno the Cretan, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_475&amp;quot;&amp;gt;475&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;or of Polykritus of Mende. Of these men, Zeno was a dancer, and Polykritus a physician. If these men should be absent he ordered the man to give the letter to Ktesias the physician. It is said that Ktesias received the letter and that he added to what Konon had written a paragraph bidding the king send Ktesias to him, as he would be a useful person to superintend naval operations. Ktesias, however, says that the king of his own accord appointed him to this service. Artaxerxes, now, by means of Pharnabazus and Konon, gained the sea-fight of Knidos, deprived the Lacedæmonians of the empire of the sea, and established so great an ascendancy over the Greeks that he was able to conclude with them the celebrated peace which was known as the peace of Antalkidas. This Antalkidas was a Spartan, the son of Leon; and he being entirely in the interests of the King of Persia, prevailed upon the Lacedæmonians to allow him to possess all the Greek cities in Asia, and all the islands off the coast, as his subjects and tributaries, as the result of the peace, if that can be called a peace, which was really an insult and betrayal of Greece to the enemy; for no war could have ended more disgracefully for the vanquished.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;o22&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It follows from this that Artaxerxes, who, we learn from Deinon, always disliked all other Spartans, and thought them the most insolent of mankind, when he visited Persia, showed especial favour to Antalkidas. Once, after dinner, he took a garland of flowers, dipped it in the most valuable perfume, and sent it to Antalkidas. All men wondered at this mark of favour; but, it appears, Antalkidas was just the man to receive such presents, and to be corrupted by the luxury of the Persians, as he did not scruple to disgrace the memory of Leonidas and Kalikratidas by his conduct among them. When some one said to Agesilaus, “Alas for Hellas, when the Lacedæmonians are Medising.” Agesilaus answered “Is it not rather the Medes that are Laconising.” Yet the cleverness of this retort did not take away the disgrace of the transaction, for, though the Lacedæmonians lost their empire at the battle of Leuktra by their bad generalship, yet the glory of Sparta was lost before, by that shameful treaty. While Sparta was the leading state in Greece,&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_476&amp;quot;&amp;gt;476&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Artaxerxes made Antalkidas his guest, and spoke of him as his friend; but when after the defeat at Leuktra the Lacedæmonians were humbled to the dust, and were in such distress for money that they sent Agesilaus to Egypt to serve for hire, Antalkidas again came to the court of Artaxerxes to beg him to help the Lacedæmonians. But Artaxerxes treated him with such neglect, and so contemptuously refused his request, that Antalkidas, on his return, jeered at by his enemies, and afraid moreover of the anger of the Ephors, starved himself to death. There went also to the King of Persia Ismenias of Thebes, and Pelopidas who had just won the battle of Leuktra. Pelopidas would not disgrace himself by any show of servility; but Ismenias, when ordered to do reverence to the king, dropped his ring, and then stooped to pick it up, so that he appeared to bow to the earth before him. Artaxerxes was so much pleased with Timagoras of Athens, who gave some secret intelligence in a letter which he sent by a secretary named Beluris, that he gave him a thousand darics, and, as he was in weak health and required milk sent eighty milch cows to accompany him. He also sent him a bed with bed-clothes and attendants to make it, as though Greeks did not know how, and bearers to carry him in a litter down to the sea-coast, on account of his indisposition. When he was at court, also, the king sent him a magnificent banquet, so that the king’s brother, Ostanes, said to him, “Timagoras, remember this table; for it is not for slight services that it is so splendidly set out.” This he said rather to reproach him for his treachery than to remind him to be grateful. However, the Athenians put Timagoras to death for taking bribes from the king.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;o23&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Although many of the acts of Artaxerxes grieved the Greeks, yet they were delighted with one of them, for he put to death Tissaphernes, their bitterest enemy. This he did in consequence of an intrigue of Parysatis; for Artaxerxes did not long continue angry with his mother, but became reconciled with her, and sent for her to his court, as he felt that her understanding and spirit would help him to govern, while there remained no further causes of variance between them. Henceforth she endeavoured &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_477&amp;quot;&amp;gt;477&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; in everything to please the king, and gained great influence with him by never opposing any of his wishes. She now perceived that he was violently enamoured of one of his own daughters, named Atossa, but that, chiefly on his mother’s account, he concealed his love and restrained himself, though some historians state that he had already had some secret commerce with the girl. When Parysatis suspected this, she caressed the girl more than ever, and was continually praising her beauty and good qualities to the king, saying that she was a noble lady and fit to be a queen. At last she persuaded him into marrying the girl and proclaiming her as his lawful wife, disregarding the opinions and customs of the Greeks, and declaring that he himself was a law to the Persians and able to decide for himself what was right and wrong. Some writers, however, amongst whom is Herakleides of Kyme, state that Artaxerxes, besides Atossa, married another of his daughters, named Amestris, of whom I shall shortly afterwards make mention. Atossa lived with her father as his wife, and was so much beloved by him, that when leprosy broke out over her body he was not at all disgusted with her, but prayed for her to Hera alone of all the goddesses, prostrating himself in her temple and grasping the earth with his hands, while he ordered his satraps and friends to send so many presents to the goddess, that all the space between the palace and the temple, a distance of sixteen stadia (two English miles) was filled with gold and silver, and horses, and purple dyed stuffs.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;o24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He appointed Pharnabazus and Iphikrates to conduct a war against Egypt,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_584_584&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_584_584&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;584&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which failed through the dissensions of the generals; and he himself led an army of three hundred thousand foot and ten thousand horse against the Kadousians.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_585_585&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_585_585&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;585&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On this occasion he insensibly placed himself in a position of great peril as he entered a difficult and foggy country, which produces no crops that grow from seed, but is inhabited by a fierce and warlike race of men who feed upon apples, pears, and other fruits &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_478&amp;quot;&amp;gt;478&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;which are found upon trees. No provisions could be found in this country, nor yet be brought into it from without, and the army was reduced to slaughtering the beasts of burden, so that an ass’s head sold for more than sixty drachmas. The king’s own table was scantily furnished; and but few of the horses remained alive, all the rest having been eaten. At this crisis Teribazus, a man who had often made himself the first man in the state by his bravery, and as often fallen into disrepute by folly, and who was then in a very humble and despicable position, saved both the king and his army. The Kadousians had two kings, each of whom occupied a separate camp. Teribazus, after having explained to Artaxerxes what he was about to do, himself went to one of these camps, and sent his son to the other. Each of them deceived the king to whom he went, by saying that the other king was about to send an embassy to Artaxerxes, offering to make peace and contract an alliance with him for himself alone. “If, then, you are wise,” said they, “you will be beforehand with your rival, and I will manage the whole affair for you.” Both of the kings were imposed upon in this manner, and, in their eagerness to steal a march upon one another, one of them sent ambassadors to the Persians with Teribazus, and the other with his son. As Teribazus was a long while absent, Artaxerxes began to suspect his fidelity, and he fell into a very desponding condition, regretting that he had trusted Teribazus, and listening to his detractors. When, however, Teribazus arrived, and his son arrived also, each bringing ambassadors from the Kadousians, and a treaty of peace was concluded, Teribazus became again a great and important personage. In this campaign Artaxerxes proved that cowardice and effeminacy arise only from a depraved disposition and natural meanness of spirit, not, as the vulgar imagine, from wealth and luxury; for in spite of the splendid dress and ornaments, valued at twelve thousand talents, which he always wore, the king laboured as hard, and suffered as great privations, as any common soldier, never mounting his horse, but always leading the way on foot up steep and rugged mountain paths, with his quiver on his shoulder, and his shield on his left arm, so that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_479&amp;quot;&amp;gt;479&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;all the rest were inspirited and encouraged by seeing his eagerness and vigour; for he accomplished every day a march of upwards of two hundred stadia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;o25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When during cold weather the army, encamped in a royal domain, which was full of parks and fine trees, while all the rest of the country was bare and desert, he permitted the soldiers to gather wood from the royal park, and gave them leave to cut down the trees, without sparing either fir trees or cypresses. As they hesitated, and wished to spare the trees because of their size and beauty, he himself took an axe and cut down the largest and finest tree of all. After this they provided themselves with wood, lighted many fires, and passed a comfortable night.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On his return from this campaign he found that he had lost many brave men, and almost all his horses. He fancied that he was regarded with contempt because of his failure, and began to view all the great men of the kingdom with suspicion. Many of them he put to death in anger, but more because he feared them—for fear makes kings cruel, while cheerful confidence renders them gentle, merciful, and unsuspicious. For this reason, the beasts that start at the least noise are the most difficult to tame, while those which are of a more courageous spirit have more confidence and do not shrink from men’s advances.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;o26&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Artaxerxes, who was now very old, perceived that his sons were caballing with their friends and with the chief nobles of the kingdom to secure the succession. The more respectable of these thought that Artaxerxes ought to leave the crown to his eldest son Darius, as he himself had inherited it, but Ochus his younger son, who was of a vehement and fierce disposition, had a very considerable party, who were ready to support his claims, and hoped to be able to influence his father by means of Atossa; for he paid her especial attention, and gave out that he intended to marry her and make her his queen after his father’s death. It was even said that he intrigued with her during his father’s life. Artaxerxes knew nothing of this: but as he wished to cut off the hopes of Ochus at once, for fear that he might do as Cyrus &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_480&amp;quot;&amp;gt;480&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;had done, and again plunge the kingdom in wars and disorders, he proclaimed Darius his heir, and allowed him to wear his tiara erect. There is a custom among the Persians that whoever is declared heir to the throne may ask for anything that he pleases, and that the king who has nominated him must, if possible, grant his request. Darius, in accordance with this custom, asked for Aspasia, the favourite of Cyrus, who was at that time living in the harem of Artaxerxes. This lady was a native of the city of Phokæa in Ionia, born of free parents, and respectably brought up. When she was introduced to Cyrus at supper, with several other women, the others sat down beside him, permitted him to touch them and sport with them, and were not offended at his familiarities, but she stood in silence near the couch on which Cyrus reclined, and refused to come to him when he called her. When his chamberlains approached her, meaning to bring her to him by force, she said, “Whoever lays hands on me shall smart for it.” The company thought her very rude and ill-mannered, but Cyrus was pleased with her spirits, and said, with a smile, to the man who had brought her, “Do you not see that this is the only ladylike and respectable one of them all.” After this he became much attached to her, loved her above all other women, and used to call her “Aspasia the wise.” When Cyrus fell and his camp was plundered she was taken prisoner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;o27&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now, Darius vexed his father by asking for this lady; for the Persians are excessively jealous about their women; indeed, not only all who approach and speak to one of the king’s concubines, but even any one who drives past or crosses their litters on the high road, is punished with death. Yet, Artaxerxes, through sheer passion, had made Atossa his wife, and kept three hundred most beautiful concubines. However, when Darius made this request, he replied that Aspasia was a free woman, and said that if she was willing he might take her, but that he would not force her to go against her will. When she was sent for, as she, contrary to the king’s expectation, chose to go to Darius, the king let her go, for the law compelled him to do so, but he soon afterwards took her away from him again: for he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_481&amp;quot;&amp;gt;481&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;appointed her priestess of the temple of Artemis, called Anäitis, at Ekbatana, in order that she might spend the rest of her life in chastity. This he considered to be not a harsh, but rather a playful way of reproving his son; but Darius was much enraged at it, either because he was so deeply enamoured of Aspasia, or because he thought that he was being wantonly insulted by his father. Teribazus, perceiving his anger, confirmed him in it, because he saw in the treatment which Darius had received the counterpart of that which had befallen himself. The king, who had several daughters, promised Apama to Pharnabazus, Rhodogoune to Orontes, and Amestris to Teribazus. He kept his word with the two former, but broke it to Teribazus by marrying Amestris himself, and betrothing his youngest daughter Atossa to him in her stead. When, as has been related, he fell in love with her also and married her, Teribazus became bitterly enraged against him, being of an unstable and fickle disposition, without any steady principles. For this reason he never could bear either bad or good fortune, but at one time he was honoured as one of the greatest men in the kingdom, and then swaggered insufferably, while when he was disgraced and reduced to poverty he could not bear his reverse of fortune with a good grace, but became insolent and offensive.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;o28&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It may be imagined that the company of Teribazus was to Darius as fuel to fire, for Teribazus was constantly repeating to him that it was of no use for him to wear his tiara upright if he did not mean to advance his own interests, and that he was a fool if he imagined that he could inherit the crown without a struggle when his brother was bringing female influence to bear to secure his own succession, and when his father was in such a vacillating and uncertain frame of mind. He who could break the laws of the Persians—which may not be broken—out of his passion for a Greek girl, cannot be urged, be trusted, to keep the most important engagements. It was, moreover, a very different thing for Ochus not to obtain the crown, and for him to be deprived of it, for there was no reason why Ochus should not live happily in a private station, whereas he, having &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_482&amp;quot;&amp;gt;482&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;been appointed heir to the throne, must either become king or perish.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Generally speaking, perhaps we may say with Sophocles, “Swift runneth evil counsel to its goal,” for men find the path smooth and easy towards what they desire, and most men desire what is wrong, because of their ignorance and low mindedness. Yet, besides all these considerations, the greatness of the empire, and the fear with which Ochus inspired Darius, also afforded arguments to Teribazus. Nor was the goddess of Love entirely blameless in the matter, for Darius was already incensed at the loss of Aspasia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;o29&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He, therefore, placed himself entirely in the hands of Teribazus; and many joined in their conspiracy. But the plot was betrayed to the king by a eunuch, who had a perfect knowledge of their plans, and knew that they had determined to break into the king’s chamber by night and murder him in his bed. When Artaxerxes heard this he was perplexed; for he felt that it would be wrong for him to neglect the information which he had received of so great a danger, and yet that it would be even worse to believe the eunuch’s story without any proofs of its truth. He therefore ordered the eunuch to join the conspirators, and to enter his chamber with them. Meanwhile he had a door made in the wall behind his bed, and concealed it with tapestry. When the appointed time arrived, of which he was warned by the eunuch, he lay upon his bed, and did not rise before he had seen the faces of the conspirators and clearly recognised each of them. But when he saw them draw their daggers and rush upon him, he quickly raised the tapestry, passed into the inner room, and slammed the door, crying aloud for help. The would-be murderers, having been seen by the king, but having effected nothing, rushed away through the gates of the palace, and especially warned Teribazus to fly, as he had been distinctly seen. The others dispersed and escaped, but Teribazus was surrounded, and after killing many of the king’s body guard with his own hand was at last despatched by a javelin hurled from a distance. Darius and his children were brought before a court formed of the royal judges, who were appointed by the king to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_483&amp;quot;&amp;gt;483&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;try him. As the king himself did not appear but impeached him by proxy, he ordered clerks to write down the decision of each judge and to bring it to him. As all decided alike, and sentenced Darius to death, the officers of the court removed him into a prison hard by. The executioner now came, bearing in his hand the razor, with which the heads of criminals are cut off, but when he saw Darius he was dismayed, and ran back to the door with his face averted, declaring that he could not and dared not lay hands upon his king. As, however, he was met outside by the judges, who threatened him and ordered him to do his duty, he returned, took hold of Darius’s hair with his left hand, dragged down his head, and severed his neck with the razor. Some historians state that the king himself was present at the trial, and that Darius, when proved guilty, fell on his face and begged for mercy: at which the king sprung up in anger, drew his dagger, and stabbed him mortally. They add that Artaxerxes, after he had returned to his palace, came forward publicly, did obeisance to the sun, and then said aloud, “Men of Persia, be of good cheer, and go, tell the rest of my subjects that the great Oromasdes has executed judgment upon those who formed a wicked and treasonable plot.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;o30&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was the end of the conspiracy; and now Ochus was encouraged by Atossa to form high hopes, though he still feared his remaining legitimate brother Ariaspes, and his natural brother Arsames. The Persians wished Ariaspes to be their king, not because he was older than Ochus, but because he was of a gentle and kind disposition; while Ochus observed that Arsames was of a keen intellect, and was especially beloved by his father. He, therefore, plotted against both of them, and as he was by nature both crafty and cruel, he indulged his cruelty in his treatment of Arsames, while he made use of his cunning to ruin Ariaspes. He kept sending to this latter eunuchs and friends of the king, who, with an affection of secrecy, continually told him frightful tales of how his father had determined to put him to death with every circumstance of cruelty and insult. These messengers, by daily communicating these fabrications to him, saying that the king was on the very eve of carrying them into operation,&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_484&amp;quot;&amp;gt;484&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; threw the unhappy man into such a terrible state of despair and excitement of mind that he ended his life by poison. The king, on hearing of the manner of his death, lamented for him, and had some suspicions about how he came by his end; but as he was unable to verify them and discover the truth, on account of his great age, he attached himself all the more warmly to Arsames, so that he was well known to trust and confide in him above all others. Yet, Ochus was not discouraged by this, but finding a suitable instrument in Arpates the son of Teribazus, induced him to assassinate Arsames. Artaxerxes, when this happened, was so old that his life hung by a mere thread; and when this last blow fell, he could bear up no longer, but sunk at once through grief and misery. He lived ninety-four years, and reigned sixty-two, and was thought to be a mild prince, and a lover of his subjects, though this was chiefly because of his successor, Ochus, who was the most savage and cruel tyrant that ever ruled in Persia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_485&amp;quot;&amp;gt;485&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;LIFE OF ARATUS.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It seems to me, my Polykrates, that it was in order to avoid the ill-omened sound of the old proverb, that the philosopher Chrysippus altered it into what he thought a better version:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“Who vaunt their fathers, save the best of sons?”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;but Dionysodorus of Trœzene proves him to be wrong, and restores the proverb to its original form:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“Who vaunt their fathers, save the worst of sons?”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and explains that the proverb was intended to apply to those who are utterly worthless in themselves, but who shelter their own evil lives behind the virtues of their ancestors, and who pride themselves on their ancestors’ glory as though it were their own. Yet, in one who, like yourself, “by birth inherits glory from a noble race,” as Pindar has it, and who, as you do, imitates in his own life the noblest examples of his ancestry, may well take pleasure in discoursing upon the lives of well-born men, and in listening to the remarks of others about them. They do not depend for praise upon the lives of other men, because there is nothing to be admired in themselves, but they combine the glory of their ancestors with their own, and honour them both as having founded their families and as having set examples to be imitated. For this reason I have sent to you the life of Aratus, which I have compiled, not that I was not aware that you had carefully studied all his achievements and were well acquainted with them, but with the hope that your sons, Polykrates and Pythokles, might be brought up to imitate the glorious &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_486&amp;quot;&amp;gt;486&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; example of their forefathers, and might learn to walk in their footsteps by reading and discussing the history of their exploits. Indeed, to imagine that one has already arrived at perfection, argues self-conceit rather than true greatness of character.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The city of Sikyon, as soon as it lost its original oligarchic Dorian constitution, became distracted by internal faction, and at last fell into the hands of a series of despotic rulers. After the last of these, named Kleon, had been put to death, the citizens placed the government in the hands of Timokleides and Kleinias, two of their most honourable and influential men. But as soon as a settled form of government began to be established, Timokleides died, and Abantidas, the son of Paseas, in order to obtain the supreme power for himself, assassinated Kleinias, and either banished or put to death all his relatives and friends. He endeavoured to kill Kleinias’s son, Aratus, who was left an orphan at the age of seven; however, during the confusion which prevailed in the house, the child wandered out into the city, and, terrified and helpless, made his way unnoticed into the house of Soso, Abantidas’s sister, whose husband was Prophantus, the brother of Kleinias. She was naturally a high-souled lady, and thought also that the child must have been directed by heaven to take refuge in her house. She hid him from his enemies, and that night sent him away to Argos.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This adventurous escape from so terrible a danger produced in the mind of Aratus the fiercest hatred of all despots. He was brought up by his father’s friends at Argos in a manner becoming his birth, and as he grew up tall and strong, he devoted himself to gymnastic exercises in the palaestra, and even gained a crown for success in the pentathlum. We can trace the effects of this training in his statues, which represent an intellectual and commanding countenance, and also the effects of the liberal diet and work&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_586_586&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_586_586&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;586&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with the spade practised by the professional athlete. For this reason he paid less attention to oratory than became a public man; yet he was a better &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_487&amp;quot;&amp;gt;487&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;speaker than some suppose, which is proved by the study of his hastily and plainly-written memoirs.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As time went on, Deinias and Aristotle the logician formed a plot against Abantidas, who was accustomed to come and spend his leisure time in the open market-place with them, listening to their discourse and arguing with them. They drew him into a discussion and assassinated him. He was succeeded by his father, Paseas, who was soon treacherously slain by Nikokles, who now declared himself despot of Sikyon. We are told that this man was singularly like Periander, the son of Kypselus, just as the Persian Orontes bore a striking resemblance to Alkmæon, the son of Amphiaraus, and a certain young Spartan so closely resembled Hector, that he was trampled to death by the multitudes who came to see him and satisfy their curiosity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Nikokles reigned four months, during which time he did the city much hurt, and very nearly lost it to the Aetolians, who had formed a plot to surprise it. Aratus was now nearly grown up, and possessed great influence, both on account of his noble birth, and because he was already well known to be possessed of an enterprising spirit, combined with a prudence beyond his years. In consequence of this, all the other Sikyonian exiles looked upon him as their leader, and Nikokles himself regarded him with apprehension, and quietly took precautions against him, never supposing that he would attempt so audacious an enterprise as he did, but thinking he would probably make overtures to some of the successors of Alexander, who had been guests&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_587_587&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_587_587&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;587&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and friends of his father. Indeed, Aratus did attempt to obtain assistance from some of them; but since Antigonus, though he promised his aid, temporised and hesitated to act, and his hopes from Egypt and Ptolemy were too remote, he determined to overthrow the despot alone.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The first persons to whom he communicated his design were Aristomachus and Ekdelus, of whom the former was an exile from Sikyon, while Ekdelus was an Arcadian of Megalopolis, a man of culture as well as of action, who had been an intimate friend of Arkesilaus, the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_488&amp;quot;&amp;gt;488&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Academic philosopher at Athens. As both these men readily accepted his proposals, Aratus began to discuss the project with the other exiles. Some few felt ashamed to abandon all hope of restoration to their country, and joined Aratus, but most of them tried to hinder him from making the attempt, alleging that his daring was the result of inexperience. While Aratus was meditating whether he could not seize some strong place within the territory of Sikyon, and make it the base of his operations against the despot, there came to Argos a certain Sikyonian who had escaped from prison. This man was the brother of Xenokles, one of the exiles; and when brought to Aratus by his brother, told him that the city wall, at the place where he himself climbed over it and made his escape, was very nearly level with the ground on the inside, as it was built up against high and rocky ground, while on the outside it was not so high as to be beyond the reach of scaling-ladders. Aratus, when he heard this, sent Xenokles with two of his own servants, named Seuthas and Technon, to reconnoitre the spot, for he was determined, if possible, to risk everything by one sudden and secret assault, rather than openly to engage in what might prove a long and tedious war, waged, as it would be by a private man against the despotic ruler of a state. Xenokles, on his return, reported that he had measured the height of the walls, and that the ground presented no difficulties for their attempt, but he said that it would be difficult to reach the place unobserved, because of the dogs of a gardener who dwelt near, which, though small, were peculiarly ferocious and savage. Upon hearing this, Aratus at once began to prepare for the attempt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The use of arms was, at that period, familiar to all men, because of the constant marauding incursions which each state continually made upon the territory of its neighbours. The scaling-ladders were made openly by Euphranor the carpenter, one of the exiles, whose trade enabled him to construct them without exciting suspicion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Argive friends of Aratus each contributed ten men from their own households; while he himself was able to arm thirty slaves of his own. He also hired from Xenokrilus, the well-known captain of robbers, a small band &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_489&amp;quot;&amp;gt;489&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of soldiers, who were told that the object of the incursion into the Sikyonian territory was to carry off some horses belonging to King Antigonus. Most of the band were ordered to make their way in scattered parties to the tower of Polygnotus, and there to wait for their leaders. Kaphisias, in light marching order, with four others, was sent on in advance, with instructions to present himself at the house of the gardener about nightfall. Under the pretext of being wayfaring men seeking for hospitality, they were to obtain lodgings there for the night, and secure both the man and his dogs, for unless this was done it would be impossible to reach the walls. The scaling-ladders, which were made to take to pieces, were packed in chests, covered over, and sent forward in waggons. Meanwhile, as several spies sent by Nikokles had appeared in Argos, who were said to be quietly watching the movements of Aratus, he rose at daybreak, and spent the day in the open market-place, conversing with his friends. Towards evening he anointed himself in the palæstra, and then went home, taking with him several of the companions with whom he was accustomed to drink and amuse himself. Soon after this his servants were seen crossing the market-place, one carrying garlands, another buying torches, and another bargaining with the female musicians who were wont to attend at banquets. The spies, seeing all these preparations, were deceived and laughingly said to one another, “Surely there is nothing more cowardly than a tyrant, if Nikokles, with such a city and armed force at his disposal, really fears this youth, who wastes the income on which he has to subsist in exile, on amusements and on wine parties before it is even dark.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thus the spies were thrown off their guard; but Aratus, immediately after supper, sallied forth, met his men at the tower of Polygnotus, and led them to Nemea where he explained, to most of them for the first time, what he was about to attempt. After promising them rewards in case of success, and addressing to them a few words of encouragement, he gave Propitious Apollo as the watchword, and proceeded towards the city, regulating his march according to the moon, so that he was able to make use of its light to march by, and when it was &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_490&amp;quot;&amp;gt;490&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;setting arrived at the garden outside the walls. Here Kaphisias met him, with the news that he had not been able to secure the dogs, which had run away, but that he had locked up the gardener in his house. On hearing this most of the conspirators became disheartened, and demanded to be led back again; but Aratus pacified them by promising that, if the dogs attacked them and gave the alarm, he would give up the attempt. He now sent forward a party with the scaling-ladders, under the command of Ekdelus and Mnesitheus, and himself proceeded at a leisurely pace. The dogs at once set upon the party under Ekdelus, and kept up a continuous barking; nevertheless they reached the wall and placed the ladders against it undisturbed. While the foremost were mounting, the officer who was being relieved by the morning guard passed that way carrying a bell, and there was a great flashing of lights and trampling of marching soldiers. The conspirators remained where they were, crouching upon their ladders, and without difficulty escaped the notice of this patrol, but they were terribly near being discovered by a second body of guards marching in the opposite direction. As soon as this also had passed by without noticing them, the leaders, Mnesitheus and Ekdelus, at once mounted upon the walls, secured the passage along the walls both on the right and on the left, and despatched Technon to Aratus, bidding him hasten to the spot.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; At no great distance from the garden there stood a tower upon the walls, in which a great hound was kept for a watch. This hound had not noticed the approach of the escalading party, either because he was dull of hearing, or because he was tired with exercise the day before. When, however, the gardener’s little dogs roused him by their clamour at the foot of the wall, he at first set up a low growling, and then, as the party drew nearer, began to bark furiously. He made so much noise that the sentry on the next tower called out in a loud voice to the huntsman in charge of the dog, asking him at what the hound was barking so savagely, and whether anything was wrong. The huntsman replied from his tower that all was well, only that the hound had been disturbed by the lights of the patrol and the sound of their bell.&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_491&amp;quot;&amp;gt;491&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; This gave great encouragement to Aratus’s party, who imagined that the huntsman spoke thus because he had seen them and wished to screen them from observation and assist their plot, and that many others in the city might be willing to do the same. Yet, the scaling of the walls was a long and dangerous operation, as the ladders were too weak to bear the weight of more than one man mounting slowly at a time, yet time pressed, for the cocks had already begun to crow, and soon the country people might be expected to arrive, bringing their wares to market. So, now, Aratus, himself hastily mounted, after forty of his men had reached the top, and while the remainder were still mounting, he marched straight to the despot’s house, and the guard-room in which his mercenary troops passed the night. By a sudden assault he took them all prisoners without killing one of them, and at once sent messengers to summon his own friends from their houses. Day was breaking while they assembled, and soon the theatre was filled with an excited crowd without any distinct idea of what was happening, until a herald came forward and announced to the people that Aratus, the son of Kleinias, invited his fellow-citizens to regain their liberty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The people now, at last, believed that their long-looked-for deliverers had indeed come, and rushed in a body to set fire to the despot’s house. The burning house made such a prodigious blaze that it was seen as far as Corinth, where the citizens were so much astonished, that they were within a little of setting out to rescue Sikyon from the flames. Nikokles himself escaped by a subterranean passage, and got clear away from the city, and his soldiers, with the assistance of the citizens, put out the fire and plundered his house. Aratus did not attempt to stop this proceeding, and distributed the remainder of the despot’s treasure among the citizens. No one was killed or wounded, either of the attacking or defending party, but by good fortune this great exploit was accomplished without spilling a drop of blood. Aratus now restored the citizens whom Nikokles had banished, who were eighty in number, and also those who had been driven into exile by his predecessors, who amounted to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_492&amp;quot;&amp;gt;492&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;no less than five hundred. These latter had been forced to wander from place to place for a period of nearly fifty years. They now returned, very poor for the most part, and at once laid claim to the property which had once been theirs. Their attempts to gain possession of their houses and lands caused the greatest disquietude to Aratus, who saw the city plotted against from without, and viewed with dislike by Antigonus on account of its free constitution, while within it was full of faction and disturbance. Under these circumstances he did what he thought was best, by making the city a member of the Achæan league: and the people of Sikyon, Dorians as they were, willingly adopted the name and entered into the confederacy of the Achæans, who at that time were neither famous nor powerful. Most of them dwelt in small towns, and their territory was both confined and unproductive, while the sea-shore, near which they lived, was without harbours, and for the most part exposed to a terrible surf. Yet these men, more than any others, proved that Greeks are invincible wherever they are collected into regularly organised communities, and with a capable general to lead them. They were but an insignificant fraction of the mighty Greece of former times, and had not altogether the strength of one single considerable city; yet, by wise counsel and agreement among themselves, and by following and obeying their greatest man, instead of being jealous of his power, they not only preserved their own liberties, although surrounded by so many powerful cities and despots, but were constantly able to assist the rest of the Greeks in recovering and defending their freedom.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aratus was by nature a politician, and was of a magnanimous disposition, more careful of the interests of the state than of his own. He regarded all despots with a peculiarly rancorous hatred, but in respect to other persons, made his personal likes and dislikes subordinate to the good of his country. For this reason his zeal for his friends does not appear to have been so remarkable as his mild and forgiving treatment of his enemies; for he regulated his private feelings entirely by considerations of public expediency. He loved to form alliances &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_493&amp;quot;&amp;gt;493&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;between states, to connect cities into confederations, and to teach the leaders and the people alike to act together with unanimity. Singularly timid and faint-hearted in open war and in battles fought by daylight, he nevertheless was most dexterous at planning surprises, winning cities, and overthrowing despots. For this reason he often succeeded in his rashest enterprises, and often, through excessive caution, failed when success would have been comparatively easy. Some wild animals see best in the dark, and are nearly blind during the daytime, because the moist nature of their eyes cannot endure the dry and searching rays of the sun; and so, too, it appears that some men lose their courage and are easily disconcerted when they are fighting openly in broad daylight, but yet recover all their bravery as soon as they engage in secret stratagems and midnight surprises. These anomalies must be attributed to a want of philosophic reflection in noble minds, which effect great things naturally, and without acting by rule or method, just as we see good fruit produced by wild and uncultivated trees. I will now proceed to prove this by examples.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aratus, after he had joined himself and his native city to the Achæan league, served in the cavalry force, and made himself generally beloved by the ready obedience which he showed to his commanders; for he, although he had rendered the league such important services in putting his own illustrious name and the power of the city of Sikyon at its disposal, yet, as if he were a mere private man, obeyed whoever might be in command, even though he were a citizen of Dyme, or of Tritæa, or even some more insignificant city. Aratus was now presented with the sum of five-and-twenty talents by the king.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_588_588&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_588_588&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;588&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This he received, but spent it all on relieving his destitute fellow-countrymen, and in ransoming them from slavery.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As the returned exiles could not be withheld from attacking those whom they found in possession of their property, and by doing so seemed likely to bring the state to ruin, Aratus, thinking that nothing but the kindness of Ptolemy could save his country, started upon a voyage to Egypt, to beg the king to furnish him with a sum of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_494&amp;quot;&amp;gt;494&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;money, by means of which he might persuade the contending parties to come to an amicable agreement. He started from the port of Mothone, and sailed beyond Cape Millea, meaning to cross directly over the sea to Egypt. However, the sea was very rough, and the wind contrary, which, caused the captain of the ship to bear up, and run along the coast until, with great difficulty, he reached Adria,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_589_589&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_589_589&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;589&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which was an enemy’s country, for it was in the possession of Antigonus, who had placed a Macedonian garrison in it. Aratus contrived to keep out of the way of the garrison, and, leaving the ship, proceeded a long way inland, accompanied by one single friend, named Timanthes. They concealed themselves in a thick wood, and passed the night as best they could. Shortly afterwards the Macedonian officer in charge appeared, and endeavoured to find Aratus, but was put off the scent by the slaves of Aratus, who had been instructed to say that their master, as soon as he left them, had sailed in another vessel bound to Eubœa. However, the Macedonian declared the cargo, the vessel, and the slaves to be a lawful prize, as being enemy’s property, and detained them as such. A few days after this, when Aratus was almost at his wit’s end, by good fortune a Roman ship touched at the place where he was spending his time in looking out for means of escape by sea, and in trying to conceal himself from his enemies on land. The ship was bound for Syria, but Aratus would not sail in it until he had persuaded the captain to land him in Karia. On his voyage thither he again encountered great dangers: but at length he succeeded in obtaining a passage from Karia to Egypt, where he was warmly received by the king, who had always had a favourable opinion of him, and who had lately received &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_495&amp;quot;&amp;gt;495&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;from him many drawings and paintings by Greek artists. Aratus, who had considerable taste in these matters, constantly purchased and collected the works of the most skilful and famous painters, especially those of Pamphilus and Melanthus, and used to send them as presents to King Ptolemy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; At that time the Sikyonian school of painting was still celebrated throughout Greece, and was thought more than any other to have preserved the purity of the ancient style. Even the great Apelles, when already famous, had come to Sikyon and paid a talent for some lessons from the masters there, although by doing so he hoped to increase his reputation rather than to improve his art. When Aratus set the city free, he at once destroyed all the portraits&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_590_590&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_590_590&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;590&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of the despots, except that of Aristratus, who flourished in the time of Philip,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_591_591&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_591_591&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;591&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; about which he hesitated for a long time; for the picture in which Aristratus was represented standing beside the chariot which won him a prize in the games, was the joint work of all the pupils of Melanthus, and we are told by Polemon the geographer, that some parts of it were painted by Apelles himself. The execution was so admirable that Aratus for a moment relented, but soon afterwards his fierce hatred of all the despots made him order it to be destroyed. However, Nealkes the painter, who was a friend of Aratus, interceded for the picture with tears, and as he could not move Aratus, at last said, “We ought to make war against despots themselves, but not against their surroundings. Let us leave the chariot and the figure of Victory, and I will deliver up Aristratus to you, by wiping him out of the picture.” Aratus allowed Nealkes to do this, and he effaced the figure of Aristratus, and painted a palm tree in its place, without venturing to add anything else. It is said that after destroying the figure of Aristratus, the painter forgot his feet, and that they were still to be seen under the chariot. By presents of such paintings as these Aratus had already disposed Ptolemy to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_496&amp;quot;&amp;gt;496&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;regard him with favour; and when they met, Aratus so charmed the king by his conversation that he received from him a present of one hundred and fifty talents for the use of his native city. Aratus carried forty talents home with him at once to Peloponnesus, and afterwards received the rest of the sum in instalments from the king.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It was a truly great action for Aratus to bestow so much money upon his fellow-countrymen, especially at a time when for much smaller sums the kings were usually able to bribe the other chiefs and popular leaders to betray their native cities and sacrifice their constitutional liberties; but it was even more admirable that by means of this money he reconciled the rich and the poor, and saved the state from all the danger of revolution, while his own conduct was marked by the greatest moderation in spite of his enormous power. When he was appointed as sole arbitrator with unlimited authority, to decide upon the claims of the exiled families to their inheritances, he refused to act alone, and associated fifteen of the other citizens with himself, with whose help, after much labour and difficulty, he restored peace and union amongst his countrymen. For these services the state bestowed upon him fitting honours, but in addition to these the exiles gave him a special mark of their regard by erecting a brazen statue, upon which was inscribed the following verses:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line i04&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“For wisdom, valour, and great deeds in war&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Thy fame, Aratus, has been noised afar.&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;We, that unhappy exiles were of late,&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Brought home by thee, this statute dedicate&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To all the gods who helped thee to restore&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Peace and goodwill amongst us as before.”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; By this important measure Aratus so thoroughly earned the gratitude of his countrymen as to be placed above the reach of party jealousy; but King Antigonus was much displeased at his success, and with the object either of making him his friend, or of causing him to be distrusted by Ptolemy, bestowed upon him several marks of favour, and when sacrificing to the gods at Corinth even sent some of the meat of the victim to Sikyon as a present for him. At dinner that evening he said aloud in the hearing of many guests: “I thought this young &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_497&amp;quot;&amp;gt;497&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Sikyonian was merely a well-bred and patriotic youth; but it seems that he is a very shrewd judge of the lives and politics of us kings. At first he used to despise me, and looked beyond me to Egypt, because he had heard so much about the elephants and fleets of Ptolemy, and about the splendour of his court, but now that he has been admitted behind the scenes there and has discovered it to be all empty show and parade, he has thrown himself into my arms without reserve. So now I receive the youth into my own service, and shall employ him in all my affairs; and I beg you all to treat him as a friend.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;All those who were jealous of Aratus and who wished him ill, as soon as they heard these words, vied with one another in sending letters to Ptolemy, full of abuse of Aratus, until at length Ptolemy himself wrote to Aratus and reproached him for his disloyalty. So much jealousy and ill-feeling does the friendship of kings produce among those who most eagerly struggle to gain it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aratus, who was now for the first time elected general of the Achæans, invaded and plundered the countries of Kalydonia and Lokris on the other side of the Corinthian gulf, but though he marched with ten thousand men to help the Bœotians he came too late to take part in the battle, in which they were defeated near Chæronea by the Ætolians. In this battle a thousand Bœotians perished, amongst whom was Aboeokritus the Bœotarch himself. Next year Aratus was again chosen general, and began to arrange his plot for the capture of the Akrocorinthus, or citadel of Corinth. He made this attempt not to benefit the Achæans, or his own city of Sikyon, but solely with the object of driving out the Macedonian garrison, which was established there as the common despot over all Greece. The Athenian Chares, after gaining some success in battle over the generals of the King of Persia, sent home a despatch to the Athenian people in which he declared that he had won the sister victory to that of Marathon: and this exploit of Aratus may be most truly described as sister to those of Pelopidas the Theban and of Thrasybulus the Athenian, in which they each killed the despots of their respective cities; except that this assault was not delivered against Greeks, but against a foreign and alien sovereignty.&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_498&amp;quot;&amp;gt;498&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Now the isthmus, which bars out the two seas, connects together the two parts of our continent; but the Acrocorinthus, which is a lofty mountain placed in the middle of Greece, if it be held by an armed force, cuts off the land beyond the isthmus from all intercourse with the rest of Greece, whether for warlike or commercial purposes, and places the whole country at the mercy of the commander of its garrison; so that the younger Philip was not in jest but in earnest when he called the city of Corinth the “key of Greece.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The possession of this place was always coveted by all princes and rulers, but the desire of Antigonus for it became a frantic passion, and his whole thoughts were occupied with plots to obtain it by stratagem, since it was hopeless to attempt to take it by force. After the death of Alexander,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_592_592&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_592_592&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;592&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who originally held it, and who, it is said, was poisoned by Antigonus, his wife Nikæa succeeded to his kingdom, and held the Acrocorinthus. Antigonus now at once sent his son Demetrius to her, and by holding out the dazzling prospect of a royal alliance and a handsome young husband to a woman somewhat past her prime, made a conquest of her by means of his son, whom he employed without scruple to tempt his victim. As, however, she would not give up the citadel, but kept it strongly guarded, Antigonus pretended to be indifferent to it, and prepared a wedding feast in Corinth, spending the whole day in attendance at spectacles and in wine-drinking, as if he had entirely given himself up to pleasure and enjoyment. When the time drew near for the attempt, he himself accompanied Nikæa to the theatre to hear Amœbeus sing. They were carried together in royal state in a splendidly ornamented litter, and she was delighted at the respect which he showed her, and was as far as possible from guessing his real purpose. When they arrived at the point where the road turned off towards the citadel, he begged her to proceed alone to the theatre, and without troubling himself further about Amœbeus or the marriage, ran up to the Acrocorinthus faster than one would have expected in a man of his age. Finding the gate shut, he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_499&amp;quot;&amp;gt;499&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;knocked at it with his stick, bidding the garrison open it; and they, astounded at his audacity, threw it open. When he had thus obtained possession of the place he could no longer restrain himself, but although he was now an old man, and had experienced great vicissitudes of fortune, he drank wine and jumped for joy in the streets, and swaggered riotously across the market-place, crowned with flowers, and accompanied by singing-girls, greeting and shaking hands with every one whom he met. So true it is that unexpected joy disturbs the right balance of the mind more than either grief or terror.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now Antigonus, having, as above related, gained possession of the Acrocorinthus, entrusted the place to some of his most faithful officers, among whom was Persæus the philosopher. Aratus, during the life of Alexander, had begun to form a plan for surprising the citadel, but desisted from his plot when Alexander became an ally of the Achæans. He now began to form fresh schemes, in the following manner:—There were in Corinth four brothers, Syrians by birth, one of whom, named Diokles, was serving in the garrison, and quartered in the citadel. The other three, having robbed the king’s treasury, came to Sikyon to dispose of the plunder to a banker named Ægias, who was well known to Aratus from having had dealings with him. They disposed of a considerable part of their plunder at first, and afterwards, one of them, named Erginus, came quietly over from time to time with the remainder. In this way he became intimate with Ægias, and, being led on by him to talk about the citadel, said that when going up the hill to visit his brother, he had noticed a narrow path on one side, which led to the lowest part of the wall of the fortress. On hearing this, Ægias laughingly said to him, “My good sir, why do you rob the king’s treasury to gain such pitiful sums of money, when you might gain great riches in a single hour? Do you not know that burglary and treachery are alike punished with death?” Erginus smiled at this, and agreed to sound his brother Diokles upon this point; for he could not, he said, place much confidence in the other two.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In a few days he returned, undertook to lead Aratus &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_500&amp;quot;&amp;gt;500&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to a part of the wall which was not more than fifteen feet high, and arranged that both he and his brother Diokles would do all in their power to assist him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aratus promised that he would give them sixty talents if successful, and that, in case of failure, if he and they survived, he would give each of them a house and a talent. As the money had to be deposited with Ægias for the satisfaction of Erginus, Aratus, who did not possess the sum necessary, and who did not wish to lead others to suspect his design by borrowing, took the greater part of his own plate and his wife’s jewels, and pledged them with Ægias for the money. Indeed, he was of so lofty a soul, and so passionately desirous of glory, that although he knew that Phokion and Epameinondas had gained the reputation of being the most just and noble of the Greeks, by refusing large bribes and not sacrificing honour to money, he preferred to expend his fortune secretly in enterprises in which he alone risked his life on behalf of the many, who did not even know what he was doing. Who, even in our own day, could refrain from admiring and longing to share the fortunes of a man who bought for himself so great a danger at so high a price, and who pawned the most valuable of his possessions in order that he might make his way into the fortress of his enemies by night and fight for his life there, gaining by his deposit the hope of glory, but nothing else?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The plot, dangerous enough in itself, was rendered even more so at its very outset by a blunder. Technon, the servant of Aratus, was sent to examine the wall together with Diokles. He had never before met Diokles, but imagining that he knew his appearance from Erginus’s description of him as a man with close curly hair, a dark complexion, and no beard, went to the rendezvous, and waited outside the city, near the place called Ornis, for Erginus, who was to meet him there with his brother Diokles. In the meantime the brother of Erginus and Diokles, named Dionysius, who was not in the plot, and knew nothing of what was going on, happened to come up. He was very like Diokles, and Technon, influenced by the likeness, inquired of him if he were in any way connected with Erginus. As he answered that he was his brother,&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_501&amp;quot;&amp;gt;501&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Technon was quite certain that he was addressing Diokles; and without asking his name or waiting for any further proof of identity he gave him his hand, spoke of the compact with Erginus, and asked him questions about it. He cleverly encouraged Technon in his error, agreed to everything that he said, and, turning round, walked with him towards the city without exciting his suspicions. When he was close to the gate, and had all but inveigled Technon through it, it chanced that Erginus met them. Perceiving the trick which his brother had played, and the danger in which Technon was placed, he warned him by a sign to make his escape, and both of them, running away at full speed, got safe back to Aratus. Yet he did not despair, but at once sent Erginus to take some money to Dionysius, and to beg him to hold his tongue. Erginus accomplished his commission, and brought Dionysius back with him to Aratus. When he arrived there they would not let him go again, but kept him a close prisoner, while they themselves prepared to make the attempt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When all was ready, Aratus ordered the greater part of his force to pass the night under arms, and himself with a chosen body of four hundred men, few of whom were in the secret, proceeded towards the gates of Corinth, near the temple of Hera. The time was the height of summer. The moon was at the full, and as the night was clear and cloudless, they began to fear that the light gleaming from their arms would betray them to the sentinels. However, when the leading men were near to the wall a fog came up from the sea, and enveloped the whole city and its neighbourhood. Now, the men all sat down and took off their shoes; for men who mount ladders with naked feet make very little noise and are not so liable to slip. Meanwhile Erginus, with seven youths dressed as wayfaring men, made his way up to the gate unsuspected. They killed the keeper of the gate, and the guard: while at the same time the scaling-ladders were placed against the walls. Aratus hastily crossed the walls with a hundred men. Bidding the remainder follow as fast as they could, he ordered the ladders to be drawn up, and, followed by his hundred men, ran through the town to the citadel, overjoyed at having got so far without &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_502&amp;quot;&amp;gt;502&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;raising an alarm, and already certain of success. While they were still some distance off, they met a patrol of four men carrying a light. These men could not see them because they were in the shadow of the moon, but the four men were clearly visible as they marched straight towards them. Aratus now drew his force a little aside among some ruins and low walls, so as to form an ambush, and set upon the men. Three were killed on the spot, but the fourth, though wounded in the head by a blow from a sword, ran away shouting that the enemy were within the walls. Soon after this trumpets were sounded, the whole city was disturbed, and all the streets became thronged with men running to and fro, while many lights appeared, some in the lower town, and some in the citadel above, and a confused murmur of voices was heard on every side.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p22&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; While this was going on, Aratus persevered in his march, and was toiling laboriously up the cliff. At first he proceeded slowly and with difficulty, without making any real progress, because he had entirely missed the path, which wound about under the shadow of the precipitous rocks by many turnings and windings up to the citadel. At this moment it is said that the moon shone through the clouds and threw her light upon the most difficult part of the ascent in a wonderful manner, until Aratus reached the part of the wall of the citadel which he wished to attack. When he was there, she again concealed and shaded her rays behind a barrier of clouds. While this was being done, the three hundred men of Aratus’s force, who had been left outside the gate near the temple of Hera, when they made their way into the city, which was now full of confusion and lights, were not able to find the same path which had been followed by the others, or any trace of the way by which they had gone, and so in a body crouched down in a dark corner in the shade of a cliff, and waited there in great anxiety and alarm: for now the party led by Aratus was being shot at by the garrison of the citadel, and was fighting with them hand to hand, and the shouts of the battle could be plainly heard below, though the echoes of the mountains made it impossible to tell from what quarter the noise proceeded. While they were at &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_503&amp;quot;&amp;gt;503&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;a loss to know which way to turn, Archelaus, the leader of the Macedonian troops, marched out with a large force, with loud shouts and trumpets sounding, to attack the party under Aratus, and marched past where the three hundred lay as it were in ambush. They rushed out, charged the Macedonians, killed the first of them, and drove Archelaus and the remainder before them panic-stricken, until they dispersed themselves about the city. No sooner had this victory been won, than Erginus arrived from the citadel, announcing that Aratus was engaged with the enemy, who were offering a stubborn resistance, that a great battle was going on at the wall itself, and that immediate assistance was required. They at once bade him lead them, and mounted the hill, shouting to their friends to let them know who they were, and to encourage them. The full moon, too, as it shone upon their arms, made their numbers appear greater to the enemy on account of the length of the path, and the midnight echoes made their shouts appear to come from a much larger party of men. At last they joined their friends above, and by a united effort drove out the enemy, won the heights, and gained possession of the citadel just as day was dawning. Soon the sun rose upon their victory, and the remainder of Aratus’s force from Sikyon came up, and was welcomed by the Corinthians, who opened their gates to them, and assisted them to capture the soldiers of the Macedonian garrison.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p23&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When all appeared to be safe, Aratus descended from the citadel to the theatre, where an enormous multitude of persons was collected, eager to see him and to hear the speech which he was about to address to the Corinthians. He placed a guard of Achæans on each side of the stage, and himself appeared in the middle, still wearing his corslet, and pale with the labours of a sleepless night, so that the triumph and delight which he felt were weighed down by sheer bodily lassitude. His appearance was greeted with enthusiastic applause, and, shifting his spear into his right hand, and slightly leaning his body against it, he stood for a long time silent, receiving the plaudits and shouts of those who praised his courage and congratulated him on his good fortune. When they &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_504&amp;quot;&amp;gt;504&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;had ceased and resumed their seats, he drew himself up and made them a speech worthy of the occasion, on behalf of the Achæan league, in which he prevailed upon the Corinthians to join the league, and gave up to them the keys of their gates which now came into their possession for the first time since the days of king Philip. He dismissed Archelaus, who had been taken prisoner, but put Theophrastus to death because he refused to leave his post. Persæus, when the citadel was taken, escaped to Kenchreæ. Afterwards it is said that in philosophic conversation, when some one said that he thought that the philosopher was the only true general, he answered, “By heaven, this once used to please me more than any other of Zeno’s aphorisms, but I have changed my mind since the refutation of it which I received from a young man of Sikyon.” This anecdote of Persæus is related by most historians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aratus now at once made himself master of the temple of Hera, and of Lechæum, where he seized a fleet of five-and-twenty ships belonging to King Antigonus, and sold five hundred horses and four hundred Syrians whom he found there. The Achæans now garrisoned the citadel of Corinth with a force of four hundred heavy-armed soldiers, and with a pack of fifty hounds and as many huntsmen, who were all kept in the citadel.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_593_593&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_593_593&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;593&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Romans in their admiration of Philopœmen used to call him the last of the Greeks, as though no great actions were performed in Greece after his time: but I should be inclined to say that this was both the last and the most remarkable of all the great achievements of the Greeks, for both in the daring with which it was accomplished, and the good fortune with which it was attended, it will bear comparison with the noblest of deeds, as was at once proved by its results. Megara revolted from Antigonus and joined Aratus, Troezene and Epidaurus became members of the Achæan league, and Aratus made his first campaign by an expedition into Attica, in the course of which he crossed into Salamis and laid it waste, being able to make what use he pleased of the power of the Achæan league, now that it was no longer, as it were, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_505&amp;quot;&amp;gt;505&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;locked up in Peloponnesus. He sent back all the freemen whom he captured to Athens without ransom, hoping to rouse them to revolt against the Macedonians. He also brought Ptolemy into alliance with the Achæan league, and constituted him commander-in-chief of their forces by land and by sea. His influence with the Achæans was so great, that, since it was illegal to elect him as their chief every year, they elected him every other year, while practically they followed his advice in all their transactions; for they saw that he preferred neither wealth, nor fame, nor the friendship of kings, nor the advantage of his own native country to the furtherance of the prosperity of the Achæans. He conceived that cities which by themselves were weak might obtain safety by means of one another, bound together by their common interest, and that just as the various parts of the human body live and move when connected with one another, but waste away and perish when cut asunder, so cities are ruined by isolation, and prosper by confederation, when they form parts of one great body, and adopt a common line of policy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Observing that the most famous of the neighbouring cities were independent, he became grieved that the Argives lived under the rule of a despot, and began to plot the destruction of Aristomachus, their ruler; wishing also to bestow its freedom upon the city to which he owed his education, and to gain it over to the Achæan league. Men were found who dared to make the attempt, chief among whom were Æschylus and Charimenes the soothsayer, but they had no swords, because the despot had prohibited the possession of arms to the citizens under severe penalties. However, Aratus prepared at Corinth a number of small daggers, which he caused to be sewn up in pack-saddles. He then placed the saddles on pack-horses and sent them to Argos, laden with ordinary merchandise.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But Charimenes the soothsayer took another person into the plot, which so enraged Æschylus and his party that they determined to act alone, and would have nothing more to do with Charimenes. In anger at this treatment he betrayed his comrades just as they were on the point &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_506&amp;quot;&amp;gt;506&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of attacking the despot, yet most of them had time to make their way out of the market-place and escape to Corinth. Shortly afterwards Aristomachus was assassinated by his own servants, and was immediately succeeded by Aristippus, a more cruel tyrant than himself. Aratus upon hearing of this at once made a hurried march to Argos at the head of as many Achæans as he could collect, hoping to find the city ready to join him. As, however, most of the Argives were now accustomed to the loss of their liberty, and no one answered his appeal, he retired, having done no more than expose the Achæans to the charge of making a warlike invasion in time of peace. For this they were tried before the Mantineans as judges, and, as Aratus did not appear, Aristippus, who was prosecutor, won his cause and got a fine of thirty minæ laid upon the Achæans. As he both hated and feared Aratus himself, he now, with the connivance of King Antigonus, endeavoured to have him assassinated; and they soon had their emissaries everywhere, watching their opportunity. There is, however, no such certain safeguard for a ruler as the love of his people; for when both the masses and the leading men have learned not to fear their chief, but to fear for him, he sees with many eyes, hears with many ears, and soon gains intelligence of any conspiracies. And in this place I wish to stop my narrative for a moment, and describe the mode of life which Aristippus was compelled to lead in consequence of being a despot, and possessing that position of absolute ruler which men are wont so greatly to admire and envy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p26&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aristippus had Antigonus for his ally, kept a large force on foot for his own protection, and left none of his enemies alive in the city of Argos. He used to make his body-guard and household troops encamp in the porticoes outside his palace, and always, after supper, sent all his servants out of the room, locked the door himself, and betook himself with his mistress to a little upper chamber which was reached by a trapdoor, upon which he placed his bed and slept, as one may expect, a disturbed and frightened sleep. His mistress’s mother used to take away the ladder by which they mounted, and lock it up in another room. At daybreak she used to bring it &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_507&amp;quot;&amp;gt;507&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;back again, and call down this glorious monarch, who came out like a snake out of his den.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Aratus, who dressed in the plainest of clothes, and was the declared enemy of despots wherever they were to be found, gained for himself a lasting command, not by force of arms, but by legal means by his own courage, and has left a posterity which even at the present day enjoys the greatest honour in Greece; whereas of all those men who seized strongholds, kept body-guards, and protected their lives with arms and gates and trapdoors, few escaped being knocked on the head like hares, and no one has left either a palace, or a family, or a monument to do honour to his memory.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p27&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aratus made many attempts, both by intrigues and open violence, to overthrow Aristippus, and take Argos. Once he succeeded in placing scaling-ladders against the walls, ascended them recklessly with a few followers, and killed the soldiers who came from within the city to oppose him. Afterwards, when day was breaking and the troops of the despot were attacking him on all sides, the people of Argos, just as if they were sitting as judges at the Nemean games, and the battle was not being fought on behalf of their liberty, sat by with the utmost calmness, like impartial spectators. Aratus fought bravely, and though wounded in the thigh by a spear, yet succeeded in effecting a lodgement in the city and in spite of the attacks of the enemy held his ground until nightfall. If he could have found strength to remain and fight during the night also, he would not have failed in his attempt; for the despot was already making preparations for flight and had sent on much of his property to the sea-coast: but as no one brought news of this to Aratus, and water failed him, while his wound incapacitated him for any personal exertions, he drew off his forces.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p28&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He now gave up this method of attack, and openly invaded the Argive country with an army and laid it waste. At the river Chares he fought a desperate battle with Aristippus, and was thought to have given up the contest too soon, and lost the victory; for when the other part of his army had decidedly won the day and forced their way a long distance forward, he himself, not &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_508&amp;quot;&amp;gt;508&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;so much overpowered by the forces opposed to him as hopeless of success and fearing disaster, lost his presence of mind, and led his men back into their camp. When the others returned from their victorious charge, and complained bitterly that, after having routed the enemy, and slain many more men than they themselves had lost, Aratus had allowed the vanquished to erect a trophy, he was stung to the quick, decided to fight rather than to allow the trophy to be erected, and after an interval of one day again led out his forces. When, however, he learned that the troops of the despot had been largely reinforced, and were full of confidence, he did not venture to risk a battle, but made a truce for the recovery of the dead, and retired. Yet he continued to repair this fault by his diplomatic skill and persuasive powers, for he won over the city of Kleonæ to the Achæan league, and held the Nemean festival at Kleonæ, declaring it to be the privilege of its citizens to do so by right of descent. The Argives also celebrated the festival, and on this occasion for the first time the right of safe-conduct of the competitors was violated, for the Achæans seized and sold for slaves all who passed through their territory on their return from the games at Argos. So stern and inexorable was Aratus in his hatred of despots.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p29&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Shortly after this, hearing that Aristippus was meditating an attack upon Kleonæ, but feared him, because he was living at Corinth, he ordered an army to be mustered. Bidding his men collect provisions for several days, he marched as far as Kenchreæ, hoping to draw out Aristippus to attack Kleonæ during his absence, as indeed happened. Aristippus at once came from Argos with his entire force; but Aratus meanwhile returned by night to Corinth from Kenchreæ, and, having placed guards upon all the roads, led the Achæans by so swift, well-managed, and orderly a march, that while it was still dark he not only reached Kleonæ, but drew up his men in order of battle before Aristippus discovered their presence. At daybreak the city gates were thrown open, and charging with loud shouts to the sound of the trumpet, he at once routed the enemy, and pursued in the direction in which he thought Aristippus most probably was fleeing, the country being full of ways to escape pursuit. The chase was kept &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_509&amp;quot;&amp;gt;509&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;up as far as Mykenae, where the despot was overtaken and slain by a Cretan named Tragiskus, according to the historian Deinias. With him fell more than fifteen hundred of his men. Yet, Aratus, after gaining such a brilliant success without losing one of his own soldiers, did not take Argos or restore it to liberty, as Agias and Aristomachus the younger marched into the town with some Macedonian troops and seized the government.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;However, by this action, Aratus pretty well silenced the ill-natured joke, which had been made about himself, and the stories, invented by the courtiers of despots; for they described the general of the Achæans as being subject to violent internal disorders during a battle, and said that as soon as the trumpeter appeared he became faint and dizzy, and that, after having arrayed his forces, given the word, and inquired of his lieutenants and officers whether they had any further need of his presence, when the die was finally cast, he used to retire and await the result at a distance. These stories had such an extensive currency, that even philosophers in their studies when discussing whether violent beating of the heart, changing of colour, and the like in time of danger be a mark of cowardice or of distemperature and of a cold habit of body, always mention Aratus as being a good general, but always being affected in this manner when in battle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p30&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When he had slain Aristippus, he at once began to plot against Lydiades of Megalopolis, who had made himself despot of his native city. Lydiades was naturally of a noble and ambitious nature, and had not, like so many despots, been led to commit the crime of enslaving his fellow-citizens by any selfish desire of money or of pleasure; but when a young man he had become inflamed with a desire of distinguishing himself, and listening to all the vain and untrue talk about despotic power being so fine and happy a thing, he, like a high-spirited youth, made himself despot, and soon became overwhelmed with the cares of state. As he now both envied the happiness of Aratus and feared the results of his plots, he adopted a new and most glorious course, which was first to set himself free from hatred and terror and soldiers and life-guards, and next to become the benefactor of his country. He &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_510&amp;quot;&amp;gt;510&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;sent for Aratus, gave up his rule, and united the city to the Achæan league. The Achæans admired his conduct in this matter so much that they elected him general. He now at once began to strive to outdo Aratus in glory, and engaged in many unnecessary enterprises, one of which was a campaign against the Lacedæmonians. Aratus opposed him, and was therefore thought to be jealous of him; yet Lydiades was a second time elected general, in spite of the open opposition of Aratus, who used all his influence on behalf of another candidate. Aratus himself, as has been said, was general every other year. Lydiades continued in the full tide of success and was elected general alternately with Aratus up to his third year of office; but as he made no secret of his hatred for Aratus, and often attacked him in the public assembly of the Achæans, they cast him off and would not listen to him, thinking that his good qualities were but counterfeit when compared with the genuine virtues of Aratus. Just as Æsop tells us in his fables that when the cuckoo asked the little birds why they fled from him, they answered that some day he would be a hawk, so it seems that, even after he had given up his despotism, some blighting suspicion always clung to the character of Lydiades.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p31&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aratus gained great glory also in the Ætolian war, because when the Achæans were eager to join battle with the Ætolians on the Megarian frontier, and Agis the King of Lacedæmon had arrived with a large force and urged the Achæans to fight, he opposed it, and in spite of being reproached, abused, and jeered at as a coward, refused to be led astray by any high-flown ideas of honour from the course which he had decided upon as the best, made way for the enemy, and without striking a blow permitted them to cross Geranea and pass into Peloponnesus. When, however, they marched by him and suddenly seized Pellene, he was no longer the same man. He would not wait until his entire force was assembled, but with what troops he had with him at once marched against the enemy, who, after their victory, were easily conquered on account of their want of discipline and licentiousness. As soon as they made their way into the city of Pellene, the soldiers dispersed themselves among the various houses, driving &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_511&amp;quot;&amp;gt;511&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;each other out of them and fighting one another for the plunder, while the chiefs and generals were occupied in carrying off the wives and daughters of the citizens. They took off their own helmets and placed them on the heads of these women, in order that no one else might take them, but that the owner of each one might be known by the helmet which she wore. While they were thus engaged the news suddenly came that Aratus was about to attack. A panic took place, as one might readily expect, with such want of discipline, and before all of them heard of the danger, the foremost, meeting the Achæans near the gates and suburbs of the city, lost heart and fled away at once, and in their frantic haste threw into disorder those who were forming to come to their support.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p32&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; During this tumult one of the captive women, the daughter of an eminent citizen named Epigethus, who herself was remarkably tall and handsome, happened to be sitting in the temple of Artemis, where she had been stationed by the commander of a picked company of soldiers, who had placed upon her head his own helmet with its triple plume. She, hearing the disturbance, suddenly ran out, and as she stood at the door of the temple, looking down upon the combatants, with the triple-plumed helmet upon her head, she appeared even to her own countrymen to be something more glorious than a mere mortal, while the enemy, who imagined that they beheld an apparition, were struck with terror and affright, so that none of them attempted to offer any resistance. The people of Pellene themselves say that the wooden statue of the goddess is never touched except when it is carried out by the priestess, and that then no one dares to look upon it, but all turn their faces away; for the sight of it is not only fearful and terrible for mankind, but it even makes the trees barren and blights the crops through which it is carried. This it was, they say, which the priestess carried out of the temple on this occasion, and by continually turning the face of the figure towards the Ætolians, made them frantic and took away their reason. Aratus, however, in his memoirs makes no mention of anything of the kind, but says that he routed the Ætolians, broke into city together with the fugitives, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_512&amp;quot;&amp;gt;512&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and killed seven hundred of them. The exploit became celebrated as one of his most glorious actions, and the artist Timanthes has painted an admirable picture of the battle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p33&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; However, as many nations and princes were combining together against the Achæans, Aratus at once made peace with the Ætolians, and with the assistance of Pantaleon, the most powerful man in Ætolia, even made an alliance between that country and the Achæans. He was anxious to set free the Athenians, and was severely reproached by the Achæans because, during a cessation of arms, when they had made a truce with the Macedonians, he attempted to seize Peiræus. In the memoirs which he has left Aratus denies this, and throws the blame of it upon Erginus, with whose aid he seized the citadel of Corinth. This man, he says, attacked Peiræus on his own responsibility, and when the scaling-ladder broke and he was forced to fly, frequently called on Aratus by name as though he were present, and by this artifice deceived the enemy and escaped. This justification does not, however, seem a very credible one. There was no probability that Erginus, a private man and a Syrian, should have ever thought of such an enterprise, if he had not been urged to it by Aratus, who must have supplied him with the necessary forces and pointed out the proper opportunity for the attack. And Aratus himself proves this to be true by having not merely twice or thrice, but frequently, like a rejected lover, made attempts upon Peiræus, and not being disconcerted by his failures, but ever gathering fresh hopes by observing how nearly he had succeeded. On one of these occasions he sprained his leg in a hasty retreat across the Thriasian plain. Several incisions had to be made to cure it, and he was obliged for a long time to be carried in a litter when conducting his campaigns.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p34&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When Antigonus died and Demetrius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_594_594&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_594_594&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;594&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; succeeded to the throne, Aratus was more eager than ever to gain over Athens, and began to treat the Macedonians with contempt. When he was defeated in a battle which he fought against Bithys, a general of Demetrius, and many rumours were current that he had been taken &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_513&amp;quot;&amp;gt;513&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;prisoner or had been slain, Diogenes, the commander of the garrison of Peiræus, sent a letter to Corinth bidding the Achæans leave that city now that Aratus was dead. When this letter arrived Aratus himself was present in Corinth, and the messengers of Diogenes had to return after having afforded him much amusement. The King of Macedonia also sent a ship, on board of which Aratus was to be brought back to him in chains. But the Athenians, outdoing themselves in levity and servility to the Macedonians, crowned themselves with garlands when they heard the news of his death. Enraged at this Aratus at once invaded their country, and marched as far as the Academy, but there he suffered his anger to be appeased, and did no damage. The Athenians did, nevertheless, appreciate his courage, for when on the death of Demetrius, they attempted to regain their freedom, they invited him to assist them. Although Aratus was not at that time general of the Achæans, and was confined to his bed with a long illness, yet he responded to this appeal by proceeding to Athens in a litter, and prevailed upon Diogenes, the chief of the garrison, to surrender Peiræus, Munychia, Salamis, and Sunium to the Athenians for the sum of one hundred and fifty talents, twenty of which he himself contributed. The states of Ægina, and Hermione now joined the Achæan league, and the greater part of Arcadia contributed to it; for the Macedonians were engaged in wars with their neighbours, and the Achæans, with the help of their allies, the Ætolians, now gained a large accession of force.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p35&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aratus was still true to his original principles, and, grieving at the spectacle of a despotism established in the neighbouring state of Argos, sent to Aristomachus, and endeavoured to persuade him to give up his authority, bring the city over to the Achæan league, and imitate Lydiades by becoming the glorious and respected general of so great a people rather than remain exposed to constant danger as the hated despot of one city. Aristomachus acceded to these proposals of Aratus, but asked him for the sum of fifty talents, for the payment of the mercenaries whom he was to disband. While the money was being procured, Lydiades, who was still in office as general, and wished to gain the credit of this &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_514&amp;quot;&amp;gt;514&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;negotiation for himself, told Aristomachus that Aratus was really the bitter and implacable foe of all despots, persuaded him to intrust the management of the affair to himself, and introduced Aristomachus to the Achæan assembly. On this occasion the Achæan representatives gave Aratus a notable proof of their love and confidence in him; for when he indignantly opposed the proposition they drove away Aristomachus; and yet, when Aratus had become his friend and again brought forward the matter, they readily accepted his proposal, admitted the cities of Argos and Phlius into the league, and the following year elected Aristomachus general. Aristomachus, finding himself cordially received by the Achæans, and wishing to invade Laconia, sent for Aratus from Athens. Aratus replied by a letter in which he dissuaded him from making this campaign, being unwilling to involve the Achæans in hostilities with Kleomenes, who was a bold general and had already gained surprising successes. As, however, Aristomachus was determined to begin the war, Aratus returned, and made the campaign with him. When near Pallantium they met Kleomenes, and Aratus was reproached by Lydiades for restraining Aristomachus from joining battle. The year after, Lydiades stood against Aratus as a candidate for the office of general, when Aratus was chosen general for the twelfth time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p36&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; During this term of office Aratus was defeated by Kleomenes near Mount Lykaeum, and took to flight. He lost his way during the night, and was supposed to have fallen. The same rumours now again ran through Greece about him; but he got safely away, and having rallied his men was not satisfied with retiring home unmolested, but making an admirable use of his opportunity, as no one expected an attack, he suddenly fell upon the Mantineans, who were the allies of Kleomenes. He took the city, placed a garrison in it, and insisted on the resident foreigners being admitted to the franchise, thus alone gaining for the Achæans after a defeat, a success which they could hardly have obtained by a victory. When the Lacedæmonians marched against Megalopolis, Aratus came to the assistance of that city. He would not fight with Kleomenes, though the latter endeavoured to entice &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_515&amp;quot;&amp;gt;515&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;him into a battle, but he kept back the men of Megalopolis who were eager to fight; for he was at no time well-fitted for the direction of pitched battles, and on this occasion was inferior in numbers, besides being opposed to a young and daring antagonist, while he himself was past the prime of life, and inclined to fail in spirit. He thought, too, that while it was right for Kleomenes to gain glory by daring, it was best for him to be careful to keep the glory which he had already obtained.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p37&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Though the light-armed troops ran out to meet the Spartans, drove them back to their camp, and even fought round their tents, yet Aratus would not move on with the heavy-armed force, but halted them behind a water-course which he forbade them to cross. Lydiades, irritated at this, reproached Aratus, called upon the cavalry to follow him and reinforce the victorious light troops, and not to lose the victory or desert him when he was fighting for his country. Many brave men joined him, and with them he charged the right wing of the enemy, overthrew them, and pursued with reckless ardour until he became entangled in difficult ground, full of fruit trees and wide ditches, where he was attacked by Kleomenes, and fell fighting bravely in the noblest of causes, at the very gates of his native city. His companions fled back to the main body, where they disordered the ranks of the hoplites, and brought about the defeat of the entire army. Aratus was greatly blamed, because he was thought to have left Lydiades to perish. The Achæans angrily retired to Ægium, and forced him to accompany them. There they held a meeting, at which it was decided that he should not be supplied with any money nor any mercenary troops maintained for him, but that if he wished to go to war he must furnish them for himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p38&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After being thus disgraced, Aratus determined at once to give up the seals&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_595_595&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_595_595&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;595&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and lay down his office of general, but after consideration he put up with the affront led out the army of the Achæans, and fought a battle with Megistonous, the step-father of Kleomenes, in which he was victorious, slew three hundred of the enemy, and took &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_516&amp;quot;&amp;gt;516&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;prisoner Megistonous himself. He had hitherto been always elected general every other year, but now, when the time for his election came round, he refused to take the office, although pressed to do so, and Timotheus was chosen general. It was thought that his anger with the people was merely a pretext for his refusal, and that the real reason was the perilous situation of the Achæan league; for Kleomenes no longer operated against it by slow degrees as before, when he was embarrassed by the other Spartan magistrates, but now that he had put the Ephors to death, redistributed the land, and admitted many of the resident aliens to the franchise, he found himself an irresponsible ruler at the head of a large force, with which he at once assailed the Achæans, demanding himself to be acknowledged as their chief. For this reason Aratus has been blamed for behaving like a pilot during a terrible storm and tempest yielded up the helm to another when it was his duty to stand by it, even against the will of the people, and save the commonwealth; or, if he despaired of the Achæans being able to resist, he ought to have made terms with Kleomenes and not to have allowed Peloponnesus to fall back into the hands of the uncivilised Macedonians and be occupied by their troops, and to have garrisoned the citadel of Corinth with Illyrian and Gaulish soldiers, thus inviting into the cities, under the name of allies, those very men whom he had passed his life in out-manœuvring and over-reaching, and whom in his memoirs he speaks of with such hatred. Even if Kleomenes were, as some might call him, a despot and a law-breaker, yet Sparta was his native country, and the Herakleidæ were his ancestors, and surely any man who respected Greek nobility of birth would have chosen the least illustrious of such a family for his chief rather than the greatest man in all Macedonia. Moreover, Kleomenes, when he asked the Achæans to appoint him as their ruler, promised that in return for that title he would do great things for them by land and sea, whereas Antigonus, when offered the title of supreme ruler by land and sea, would not accept it until he received the citadel of Corinth as a bribe, exactly like the huntsman in Æsop’s fable; for he would not mount upon the backs of the Achæans, though they begged him to do so, and offered &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_517&amp;quot;&amp;gt;517&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;themselves to him by embassies and decrees, before, by means of his garrison in Corinth and the hostages which he received, he had, as it were, placed a bit in their mouths.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Aratus makes a laboured defence of his conduct, pleading the necessities of his situation. Yet Polybius tells us that long before any such necessities existed, Aratus had felt alarm at the daring spirit of Kleomenes, and had not only been carrying on secret negotiations with Antigonus, but even had urged the people of Megalopolis to propose to the Achæans that Antigonus should be invited to assist them. It was the people of Megalopolis who were the greatest sufferers by the war, as Kleomenes constantly ravaged their territories. The historian Phylarchus gives a similar account of the transaction, though we could hardly receive his narrative with confidence if it were not supported by the testimony of Polybius; for he is so enthusiastic an admirer of the character of Kleomenes that in his history he writes as though he were pleading his cause in a court of justice, and continually disparages Aratus, and, vindicates Kleomenes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXXIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p39&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Achæans now lost Mantinea, which was recaptured by Kleomenes, and they were so dispirited by a great defeat, which they sustained near Hekatombæon, as to send at once to Kleomenes, inviting him to come to Argos and assume the supreme command. Aratus, as soon has he learned that Kleomenes had set out, and was marching past Lerna at the head of his army, became alarmed, and sent an embassy to him, begging him, to come to the Achæans as to friends and allies, with only three hundred men, and offering hostages to him, if he suspected them of treachery. Kleomenes regarded this message as a mockery and an insult to himself. He immediately retired, after writing a letter to the Achæans in which he brought many grave charges against Aratus. Aratus, in turn, wrote several letters to them assailing Kleomenes; and they abused one another so outrageously as not even to spare the reputation of each other’s wives. After this, Kleomenes sent a herald to declare war against the Achæans, and very nearly succeeded in making himself master of Sikyon by the treachery of some of its citizens. Failing in this, he turned aside, attacked Pellene, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_518&amp;quot;&amp;gt;518&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;drove out the commander, and took the city. Shortly afterwards he took Phenes and Penteleum. Upon this the Argives at once joined him, and the citizen of Phlius admitted a Spartan garrison: so that the Achæans seemed to be in danger of losing all their conquests, and Aratus became seriously alarmed at the disturbed condition of the Peloponnesus, for he saw that in every quarter cities, encouraged by revolutionary agitators, were preparing to throw off their allegiance to the league.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XL.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p40&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; None were quiet or satisfied with things as they were, but many citizens of Corinth and of Sikyon itself openly corresponded with Kleomenes, and expressed the disaffection which they had long felt to the league, and their wish to obtain the supreme power for themselves. In dealing with these persons, Aratus took the law into his own hands and put to death all Sikyonians whom he found corrupted; but when he attempted to seek out and punish the Corinthian conspirators, he enraged the populace which already was disaffected, and weary of the Achæan domination. The people ran together to the temple of Apollo, and sent for Aratus, being determined either to kill him or take him prisoner, before they proceeded openly to revolt from the league. Aratus appeared before them, leading his horse, without betraying any suspicion or alarm, and when many of them leaped up and showered abusive language upon him, he, with an admirable composure of countenance and manner, quietly bade them be seated, and not stand up talking loudly and confusedly but let in also those who were outside the gates. While speaking thus he retired at a foot’s pace, as though he were looking for some one to take care of his horse. By this means he got away from them and proceeded on his way, talking unconcernedly to all the Corinthians whom he met, whom he bade go to the temple of Apollo, until he came near to the citadel. Here he sprang upon his horse’s back, gave orders to Kleopater, the commander of the garrison, to hold the place stoutly, and rode away to Sikyon, followed by only thirty soldiers, as the rest had all remained behind and dispersed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After a short time the Corinthians discovered that he had taken to flight, and pursued, but as they could not &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_519&amp;quot;&amp;gt;519&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;overtake him, they sent to Kleomenes and delivered up their city to him. Yet Kleomenes considered that he had lost more by the escape of Aratus than he had gained by the acquisition of Corinth. Kleomenes was at once joined by the inhabitants of the sea-side district known as Akte, who surrendered their cities to him, and with their assistance he completely invested the citadel of Corinth with a rampart and palisade.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p41&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aratus was joined at Sikyon by the representatives of most of the cities of the Achæan league. An assembly was held, at which he was elected general, with unlimited powers. He now surrounded himself with a body-guard selected from among his fellow-citizens. Aratus had conducted the affairs of the league for thirty-three years, during which he had made himself the first man in Greece, both in power and in renown, though now he was utterly ruined and cast down, forced to cling to his native city as his only chance of safety amidst the general wreck of his fortunes. For the Ætolians refused to help him when he implored their aid, and Eurykleides and Mikion held back the Athenians from offering any assistance, though they were eager to do so out of regard for Aratus. Aratus had a house at Corinth and some property, which Kleomenes refused to touch, or to let any one else meddle with, but sent for Aratus’s friends and those whom he had left in charge of his property, and bade them keep everything in good order, as they would have to answer to Aratus for their conduct. Kleomenes also sent Tripylus and his uncle Megistonous to Aratus to negotiate with him, promising him among many other advantages a yearly pension of twelve talents, thus over-bidding Ptolemy by one half: for Ptolemy paid Aratus six talents a year. Kleomenes proposed that he himself should receive the title of chief of the Achæans, and that the citadel of Corinth should be garrisoned partly by Achæans and partly by Spartan troops. To this Aratus answered that he was not able to direct events, but rather was directed by them. As this language proved that he had no intention of negotiating seriously, Kleomenes at once invaded the territory of Sikyon, ravaged the country, and encamped for three months before the walls of the city. Aratus remained quiet within the walls, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_520&amp;quot;&amp;gt;520&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;but began to consider whether it would be necessary for him to obtain the assistance of Antigonus by surrendering the citadel of Corinth to him: for his help was not to be had on any other terms.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p42&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Achæans now assembled at Ægium and invited Aratus thither. The journey was a dangerous one for him to make, at a time when Kleomenes was encamped outside the city of Sikyon; and his fellow-countrymen endeavoured to keep him back by entreaties and even by threatening that, when the enemy was so close, they would not permit him to leave the city; while the women and children hung upon him weeping, as though he were the common father and preserver of them all. However, after addressing a few words of encouragement to them he rode away towards the sea, accompanied by ten of his friends and by his son, who was now grown up. At the beach they embarked on board of some vessels which were riding at anchor, and proceeded by sea to the assembly at Ægium, at which it was decreed that Antigonus should be invited to aid them, and that the citadel of Corinth should be handed over to him. Aratus even sent his son to Antigonus among the other hostages. The Corinthians, disgusted with these proceedings, now confiscated his property, and presented his house to Kleomenes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p43&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Antigonus now approached with his army, which was composed of twenty thousand Macedonian foot soldiers, with thirteen hundred cavalry. Aratus, with the chief officers of the Achæan league, proceeded by sea to Pegæ to meet him, thus avoiding the enemy, although he had no great confidence in Antigonus, and distrusted the Macedonians. He felt that he owed his own greatness to the injuries which he had done them, and that his first rise as a politician was due to his hatred of the old Antigonus. Yet, driven by inexorable necessity, and by the exigencies of the times, to which men in authority are really slaves, he took this desperate course.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Antigonus, as soon as he learned that Aratus was approaching, met him, and welcomed his companions in a friendly manner, but showed him especial honour at their first meeting, and as he found upon trial that Aratus was a worthy and sensible man, he contracted closer &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_521&amp;quot;&amp;gt;521&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;relations with him than those of mere business. Indeed, Aratus was not only useful to Antigonus for the management of great political negotiations, but when the king was at leisure, proved a more agreeable companion to him than any one else. Antigonus, young as he was, perceived that Aratus was not spoiled by royal favour, and soon preferred him not only above all other Achæans, but even beyond his own Macedonian courtiers. Thus was the sign which the god had given him in the sacrifice brought to pass: for it is said that a short time before this, Aratus was offering sacrifice and that there appeared in the liver of the victim two gall bladders enclosed in one caul. The soothsayer explained this to portend that Aratus would shortly form an intimate friendship with his greatest enemy. At the time he disregarded this saying, for he was always more inclined to follow the dictates of common sense than to be guided by prophecies and portents. Afterwards, however, as the war proceeded successfully, Antigonus made a great feast at Corinth to which he invited many guests. Among these was Aratus, whom he placed next to himself. Presently he sent for a wrapper, and asked Aratus if he also did not feel chilly. Aratus answered that he was very cold, and Antigonus then bade him come closer to himself, so that the servants who brought the wrapper enveloped them both in it. Then Aratus, remembering the portent, burst out laughing, and told the king about the sacrifice and the prophecy. This, however, happened after the times of which I am writing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p44&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; At Pegæ Aratus and Antigonus each plighted their faith to the other, and then at once marched against the enemy. Before Corinth several battles took place, for Kleomenes was securely entrenched there, and the Corinthians vigorously assisted him. But now one Aristoteles of Argos, a friend of Aratus, sent secretly to him to say that he could cause that city to revolt from Kleomenes, if Aratus would appear before it with some Macedonian soldiers. Aratus laid the matter before Antigonus, and hurriedly crossed over to Epidaurus by sea with a force of fifteen hundred men. The Argives rose in revolt before his arrival, attacked the troops &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_522&amp;quot;&amp;gt;522&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of Kleomenes, and drove them to take refuge in the citadel; and Kleomenes, hearing of this, and fearing that if the enemy made themselves masters of Argos they might cut off his retreat, abandoned Corinth and marched by night to help the garrison of Argos. He arrived there before Aratus, and won a partial success, but soon afterwards, as Aratus was marching to attack him, and King Antigonus was coming on behind Aratus, he retired to Mantinea. Upon this all the cities of Peloponnesus again joined the Achæans, and Antigonus received the citadel of Corinth. The people of Argos now elected Aratus their commander-in-chief, and he persuaded them to make a present to Antigonus of all the property of their late despots and of all traitors. Aristomachus was put to the torture at Cenchreae and then drowned in the sea, a proceeding which brought great discredit upon Aratus for having allowed a man of considerable merit, with whom he had formerly been intimately connected, and whom he had persuaded to abdicate his throne and bring over Argos to the league, to be put to death in this cruel and illegal manner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p45&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; By this time also many other charges were brought against Aratus by the other cities, as, for instance, that the league had given Corinth to Antigonus just as if it were some obscure village, and that it had permitted him to sack Orchomenus and place in it a Macedonian garrison; that it had passed a decree, that no letter or embassy should be sent to any other king if Antigonus did not approve of it; that they were forced to maintain and pay the Macedonians, and that they celebrated religious services, processions, and games in honour of Antigonus, in which the fellow-citizens of Aratus took the lead, and invited him into their city where he was the guest of Aratus. All blamed Aratus for this, not considering that he had given over the reins to Antigonus, and was now compelled to follow his lead, having no longer anything except his tongue which he could call his own, and not daring to use even that with entire freedom. It was clear that much of what was being done distressed Aratus, as for instance the affair of the statues; for Antigonus restored the statues of the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_523&amp;quot;&amp;gt;523&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;despots at Argos which had been thrown down, and threw down all the statues of the captors of the citadel of Corinth, except only that of Aratus himself: and that, too, although Aratus begged him earnestly to spare those of the others. At Mantinea, too, the behaviour of the Achæans was repugnant to Hellenic patriotism, for having by the help of Antigonus captured that city, they put to death all the leading men, and of the rest they sold some and sent others to Macedonia loaded with fetters, while they made slaves of the women and children. Of the proceeds of the sale they divided one-third among themselves, and gave two-thirds to the Macedonians. Yet this can be justified by the law of revenge; for though it is a shocking thing to deal so cruelly with men of one’s own nation, through anger, still, in great political crises, revenge is sweet and not bitter, and in the words of Simonides, soothes and relieves the angry spirit. But what happened afterwards cannot be thought honourable to Aratus, nor can it be attributed to political exigencies: for when the city was presented by Antigonus to the Achæans, and they decided upon colonising it, Aratus being chosen as its founder, and being at the time general of the Achæans, decreed that it should no longer be called Mantinea, but Antigoneia, which remains its name to this day. Thus, by his means, the lovely Mantinea, as Homer calls it,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_596_596&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_596_596&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;596&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was wiped out of the map of Greece, and there remains in its stead a city whose name recalls its destroyer and the murderer of its citizens.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p46&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subsequently to this, Kleomenes was defeated in a great battle at Sellasia, left Sparta and sailed to Egypt. Antigonus, after showing every kindness to Aratus, returned to Macedonia, where, as he already was suffering from the illness which caused his death, he sent the heir to his kingdom, Philip, who was now a mere lad, into Peloponnesus, advising him to pay the greatest attentions to Aratus, and through him to negotiate with the cities, and make the acquaintance of the Achæans. Aratus welcomed Philip, and so treated him that he returned to Macedonia full of good will towards himself, and full of generous feelings and impulses towards the Greeks.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_524&amp;quot;&amp;gt;524&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p47&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When Antigonus died, the Ætolians, who regarded the Achæans with contempt because of their cowardice (for indeed they had become accustomed to be protected by others, and trusting, entirely to the Macedonian arms, had fallen into a condition of complete indolence and want of discipline), began to interfere in the politics of the Peloponnesus. During their invasion they incidentally plundered the territory of Patræ and Dyme, and then marched into the country of Messenia and began to lay it waste. Aratus, distressed at this, and seeing that Timoxenus, the general of the Achæans, was acting slowly and without spirit because his year of office had almost expired, anticipated his own election as general by five days, in order to assist the Messenians. He assembled an Achæan army: but the men were without military training and were destitute of warlike spirit. This army was defeated in a battle near Kaphyæ, and Aratus, who was reproached with having been too rash a general, now fell into the opposite extreme, and showed such apathy as often to refuse to seize opportunities for attack which were offered by the Ætolians, and to permit them to riot through Peloponnesus with every kind of wanton insult. Now, a second time, the Achæans stretched forth their hands towards Macedonia and brought Philip to interfere in the affairs of Greece. They were the more willing to take this step because they knew the regard which Philip felt for Aratus, and the trust which he placed in him, and they hoped that they should find him gentle and manageable in all respects.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p48&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; At first the king, influenced by the slanders of Apelles, Megaleas, and some other of his courtiers against Aratus encouraged those of the opposite faction, and eagerly pressed for the election of Eperatus as general of the league. However, as he was utterly despised by the Achæans, and as nothing useful could be effected while Aratus was out of office, Philip perceived that he had made a complete mistake. He now came entirely over to the side of Aratus, and acted entirely at his dictation. As he was now gaining both renown and power, he attached himself more and more to Aratus, imagining that it was by his means that he gained his successes.&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_525&amp;quot;&amp;gt;525&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Indeed it began to be thought that Aratus was able to school kings as well as he could free cities; for the impress of his character was to be traced in every one of Philip’s acts. Thus the lenity with which the young prince treated the Lacedæmonians after they had offended him, his personal interviews with the Cretans, by means of which he gained possession of the whole island in a few days, and his brilliantly successful campaign against the Ætolians, all gained for Aratus the credit of giving good advice, and for Philip that of knowing how to follow it. All this made Philip’s courtiers more and more jealous of Aratus. As they could effect nothing against him by secret intrigues, they proceeded to open abuse, and assailed him at wine-parties with the most scurrilous impertinence, and once when he was retiring to his tent after dinner they even sent a shower of stones after him. Philip was very indignant at these proceedings, and at once imposed upon them a fine of twenty talents. Afterwards, as they were embroiling and troubling his affairs by their intrigues, he had them all put to death.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XLIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p49&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now that Philip was borne along upon the full tide of success, he developed many vehement lusts, and the natural wickedness of his nature broke through all the artificial restraints by which it had been hitherto held in check, and gradually revealed him in his true colours. His first act was to seduce the wife of the younger Aratus. This intrigue he carried on for a long time unsuspected, as he lived in their house and was treated as an honoured guest. Next, he began to treat the Greeks in a much harsher fashion, and evidently intended to rid himself of Aratus. His conduct at Messene first gave rise to this suspicion. The Messenians revolted, and Aratus marched to attack them, but Philip reached Messene one day before him, and when he entered the city stirred up the passions of the citizens by asking the aristocracy of the Messenians in private whether they had no laws to keep down the populace, and then again in private inquiring of the leaders of the people whether they had no hands wherewith to quell despots. After this the chief men took heart and fell upon the popular leaders, but they, with the assistance of the people, killed all the magistrates and nearly two hundred of the other leading citizens.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_526&amp;quot;&amp;gt;526&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;L.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p50&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After Philip had thus wickedly exasperated the Messenians against one another, Aratus arrived. He made no secret of his distress at what had happened, and did not restrain his son when he bitterly reproached and abused Philip. The young man was thought to have been Philip’s lover; and he now told Philip that after such deeds he did not any longer think him handsome, but hideous. Philip made no answer, although he was thought likely to do so, as he often had burst into a fury when thus spoken to, but, just as though he had patiently endured the reproof and was really of a moderate and statesmanlike disposition, he took the elder Aratus by the hand, led him out of the theatre, and proceeded with him as far as the summit of Ithome, to sacrifice to Zeus and to view the place, which is naturally as strong as the citadel of Corinth, and if garrisoned would become a thorn in the side of the neighbouring states, and quite impregnable. After mounting the hill and offering sacrifice, when the soothsayer brought him the entrails of the ox, he, taking them into his own hands, kept showing them first to Aratus and then to Demetrius of Pharos, alternately placing them before each, and asking what they thought was the meaning of the entrails, that he would keep possession of the citadel, or that he would restore it to the Messenians. At this Demetrius laughed and said, “If you have the soul of a soothsayer, you will give up the place; but if you have that of a king, you will clutch the ox by both horns,” alluding to Peloponnesus, which, if he held the citadels of Messene and of Corinth, would be quite tame and at his mercy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Aratus remained silent for a long while, but when Philip begged him to say what he thought, he answered, “My king, there are many high mountains in Crete, and there are many strong positions in Bœotia and Phokis. I believe too, that there are many places of surprising strength in Acarnania, both on the sea coast and inland, yet you have not taken any of these, and nevertheless the people of those countries willingly execute your commands. Brigands cling to high cliffs and haunt precipitous places, but kings find nothing so secure as loyalty and goodwill. This it is that opened to you the Cretan sea, and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_527&amp;quot;&amp;gt;527&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the Peloponnesus. By these arts you, young as you are, have made yourself the master of the one, and the leader of the other.” While Aratus was yet speaking Philip gave back the entrails to the soothsayer, and, taking Aratus by the hand, said, “Come now, let us go back again,” having been, as it were, overruled by him into letting the city remain free.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p51&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aratus now began to withdraw himself from the court, and by degrees to break off his intimacy with Philip. When Philip conveyed his army across the Corinthian gulf into Epirus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_597_597&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_597_597&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;597&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and desired Aratus to make the campaign with him, Aratus refused and remained at home, fearing that he might share the disgrace of Philip’s operations. Philip, after his fleet had been ignominiously destroyed by the Romans, and his whole enterprise had failed,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_598_598&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_598_598&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;598&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; returned to Peloponnesus, and, as he did not succeed in a second attempt to outwit the Messenians and to gain possession of their citadel, he threw off the mask and openly wronged them by ravaging their territory. Aratus now became quite estranged from him, and was misrepresented to him. He had by this time learned the domestic dishonour which he had sustained from Philip, and grieved over it, though he kept it secret from his son; for when he had discovered it, he was powerless to avenge it. Indeed Philip’s character seems to have undergone a very great and remarkable change, as from a mild ruler and a modest youth he grew into a profligate man and an atrocious tyrant. This change was not due to any alteration of his real nature, but to the fact that he could now with impunity indulge the vices which fear had hitherto forced him to conceal.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p52&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; His treatment of Aratus showed that he had always regarded him with a mixture of respect and fear; for though he desired to make away with him, and considered that during Aratus’s lifetime he should not even be a free man, much less a despot or king, yet he would not openly attack him, but bade Taurion, one of his &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_528&amp;quot;&amp;gt;528&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;generals and friends, to do this secretly, by poison if possible, during his own absence. This man gained the confidence of Aratus, and administered drugs to him, whose action was not quick and sudden, but which produced slight heats in the body and a chronic cough, and so gradually undermined his strength. He did not, however, do this without being discovered by Aratus; but he, as he could gain nothing by convicting him, continued to endure his malady just as if it were some ordinary disorder. Only once when he spat blood, and one of his friends who was in the same room noticed it and expressed his concern, Aratus said, “This, Kephalon, is the return I get for my friendship for the king.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p53&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thus died Aratus at Aegium, when holding the office of general of the league for the seventeenth time. The Achaeans wished his funeral to take place in that city, and to raise a suitable monument over so great a man; but the people of Sikyon regarded it as a national misfortune that he should not be buried in their city, and prevailed upon the Achaeans to deliver up the body to them. As there was a law which was regarded with superstitious reverence, forbidding any one to be interred within the walls of Sikyon, they sent ambassadors to Delphi to consult the oracle. The Pythia returned the following answer:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line i04&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“Dost thou, fair Sikyon, hesitate to raise&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A fitting tomb to thy lost hero’s praise?&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Curst be the land, nay, curst the air or wave&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;That grudges room for thy Aratus’ grave.”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When this response was brought back all the Achaeans were delighted, and the Sikyonians in particular, turning their mourning into joy, put on white robes, crowned themselves with garlands, and removed the body of Aratus from Aegium to Sikyon in festal procession with songs and dances. They chose a conspicuous spot, and interred him in it with as much reverence as though he were the founder and saviour of their city. The place is called the Arateum to the present day, and on the day upon which he freed the city from its despot, which is the fifth day of the month Daisius, or Anthesterion in the Athenian calendar, a sacrifice, called the thanksgiving for safety, is offered, and also on the day of the month on which &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_529&amp;quot;&amp;gt;529&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Aratus was born. The former sacrifice used to be conducted by the priest of Zeus the Saviour, and the latter by the priest of Aratus, who wore a headband, not all white, but mixed with purple. Songs used to be chanted to the music of the harp by the actors, called the servants of Dionysius, and the president of the gymnasiums took part in the procession, leading the boys and young men, after whom, followed the council of the city, crowned with flowers, and any of the citizens who wished to do so. Some traces of these proceedings still survive, as religious ceremonies; but the most part of the honours paid to Aratus have died out through lapse of time and change of circumstances.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p54&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is the account which history gives us of the life and character of the elder Aratus. As for his son, Philip, who was naturally a villain, and whose disposition combined insolence with cruelty, administered drugs to him, which were not deadly, but which deprived him of his reason; so that he conceived a passion for monstrous lusts and shameful debaucheries, by which he was soon so worn out that, although he was in the flower of his age, death appeared to him to be a release from sufferings rather than a misfortune. Yet Zeus, the patron of hospitality and of friendship, exacted a notable penalty from Philip for his wickedness, and pursued him throughout his life: for he was utterly defeated by the Romans, and forced to surrender at discretion to them. He lost all his empire, was obliged to deliver up all his fleet, except five ships, had to pay a thousand talents and give up his own son as a hostage, and then only was allowed, by the pity of his conquerors to keep Macedonia itself and its dependencies. As he always put to death all the leading men of his kingdom, and all his nearest relations, he inspired the whole country with terror and hatred. Amidst all his miseries he had one piece of good fortune, in having a son of remarkable promise, and him he put to death out of jealousy and envy at the honours which were paid him by the Romans. He left his kingdom to his other son Perseus, who was said not to be legitimate, but to be the son of a sempstress named Gnathæna. Over him Paulus Æmilius triumphed, and so put an end to the dynasty of Antigonus. However, the family of Aratus survived in Sikyon and Pellene down to my own times.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_530&amp;quot;&amp;gt;530&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;LIFE OF GALBA.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;q1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Athenian general Iphikrates thought that a mercenary soldier ought to be fond both of money and pleasure, as in that case he would risk his life the more freely to obtain the means of procuring enjoyment. Most persons, however, are of opinion that an army, like a healthy body, should receive no impulses save from its head. Thus we are told that Paulus Æmilius, when he assumed the command of the army in Macedonia, and found that the soldiers did nothing but talk and meddle, as though each man were a general, gave them orders to keep their hands ready and their swords sharp, and leave the rest to him. And Plato likewise, seeing that a good general is useless without a disciplined and united army, thought that soldiers should be mild and gentle, as well as spirited and energetic, because those who know how to obey require a noble nature and a philosophic training as much as those who know how to command. The events which took place at Rome after Nero’s death prove most conclusively that nothing is more terrible than a military force which is guided only by its own blind and ignorant impulses. Demades, when he saw the disorderly and senseless movements of the Macedonian army after the death of Alexander, compared it to the Cyclops after he had been blinded; but the state of the Roman Empire resembled the fabled rebellion of the Titans, as it was torn asunder into several portions, which afterwards fought with one another, not so much because of the ambition of those who were proclaimed emperors, as through the avarice and licentiousness of the soldiers, who made use of one emperor to drive out another, just as one nail drives out another. When Alexander of Pheræ was assassinated, after &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_531&amp;quot;&amp;gt;531&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;reigning in Thessaly for ten months, Dionysius, sneering at the shortness of his reign, called him a mere tragedy king; but the palace of the Cæsars in a shorter time than this saw four emperors, for the soldiers brought one in and drove another out, as if they were actors on a stage. The only consolation which the unhappy Romans enjoyed was that the authors of their miseries required no avenger to destroy them, for they fell by one another’s hands, and first of all, and most justly, perished the man who had seduced the army into expecting such great things from a change of Cæsars, and who brought dishonour upon a glorious action, the dethronement of Nero, by bribing men to do it as though it were a treason.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;q2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Nymphidius Sabinus, who, as has been related, was together with Tigellinus, Præfect of the Prætorian Guard,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_599_599&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_599_599&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;599&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; when Nero’s cause was quite hopeless, and he was evidently preparing to escape to Egypt, persuaded the soldiers to salute Galba as emperor, as though Nero were already gone. He promised to each of the prætorians, or household troops, seven thousand five hundred drachmas, and to each of the legionary soldiers serving in the provinces twelve hundred and fifty drachmæ; a sum which it would have been impossible to collect without inflicting ten thousand-fold more misery on mankind than Nero himself had done.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This offer at once caused the downfall of Nero, and soon afterwards that of Galba; for the soldiery deserted Nero in hopes of receiving the money, and murdered Galba because they did not receive it. After this they sought so eagerly for some one who would give them as much, that before they obtained the hoped-for bribe, their own treasons and rebellions proved their ruin. To relate each event exactly as it happened belongs more properly to the professed historian; yet, those words and deeds of the Cæsars which are worthy of record ought not to be passed over even by an essayist like myself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;q3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It is generally agreed that Servius Sulpicius Galba was the richest private person who ever was raised to the throne of the Cæsars. Though illustrious by birth, being descended from the noble family of the Servii, he prided &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_532&amp;quot;&amp;gt;532&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;himself even more upon his relationship with Catulus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_600_600&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_600_600&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;600&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who, though he shrank from taking any active part in politics, was yet one of the most virtuous and eminent men of the time. Galba was likewise related to Livia, the wife of Augustus, and by her influence he had been raised from the post which he held in the palace to the office of consul. He is said to have ably commanded the army in Germany, and to have gained especial praise by his conduct as proconsul in Libya. But when he became emperor, his simple and inexpensive mode of life was thought to be sheer meanness, while his ideas of discipline and sobriety appeared obsolete and ridiculous. Nero, before he had learned to fear the most eminent of the Romans, had appointed Galba to a command in Spain. Indeed, besides the mildness of his character, it was thought that his advanced age was a guarantee against his engaging in any rash enterprise.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;q4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; While Galba was in Spain, the procurators of the emperor treated the provincials with the greatest harshness and cruelty. Galba could not afford them any assistance, but he made no secret of his sympathy with them and sorrow at their wrongs, and thus afforded them some relief while they were being condemned unjustly and sold into slavery. Many scurrilous songs also were written about Nero and sung and circulated everywhere, and as Galba did not discourage this, and did not share the indignation of the procurators, he became even more endeared to the natives, with whom he was already intimately acquainted, as he was now in the eighth year of his command, during which Junius Vindex, who commanded the army in Gaul, revolted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It is said that before Vindex committed any overt act of rebellion he wrote to Galba, and that Galba neither agreed to his proposals nor yet denounced him, as some other generals did; for many of them sent Vindex’s letters to Nero, and as far as they were able ruined his cause. Yet these men afterwards became traitors, and so proved that they could betray themselves as well as Vindex. When, however, Vindex openly raised the standard of revolt, and called upon Galba to accept the offer of empire, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_533&amp;quot;&amp;gt;533&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and constitute himself the head of a strong body—namely, the troops in Gaul, a hundred thousand armed men, and many times more men capable of bearing arms—Galba called a council of his friends. Some of them advised him to temporise, and watch the progress of events at Rome; but Titus Vinius, the captain of the prætorian cohort, said, “Galba, why do you hesitate? for you cannot remain quiet, and yet think of remaining faithful to Nero. If Nero is to be your foe, you must not refuse the proffered alliance of Vindex, or else you must at once denounce him and attack him, because he wishes the Romans to have you for their chief rather than Nero for their tyrant.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;q5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After this, Galba by an edict appointed a day upon which he would grant manumission to whoever might wish it, and rumour and gossip drew together on that day a great multitude of people eager for revolution. No sooner did Galba appear upon the tribune than all with one voice saluted him as emperor. Galba did not at once accept this title, but spoke in disparagement of Nero, deplored the best citizens of Rome who had been murdered by him, and promised that he would watch over his country to the best of his power, not as Cæsar or Emperor, but merely as the general of the Senate and people of Rome. That Vindex acted justly and on due reflection when he offered the empire to Galba, is proved by the conduct of Nero himself; for though he affected to despise Vindex and to regard Gaul as of no importance, yet as soon as he heard of Galba’s rising, which was when he was at breakfast after his bath, he overturned the table. However, as the Senate declared Galba a public enemy, Nero, wishing to show his courage and to jest with his friends, said that this gave him a good pretext for raising the money of which he stood in need; for when he had conquered the Gauls he would sell their spoils by public auction, and in the meantime he could at once confiscate the estate of Galba, as he had been declared a public enemy. Nero, after this, ordered Galba’s property to be sold, and Galba, when he heard of this, ordered all Nero’s property in Spain to be put up to auction and found people much more ready to purchase it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_534&amp;quot;&amp;gt;534&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;q6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Many now revolted from Nero, and all these, as might be expected, declared for Galba, with the exception of Clodius Macer, in Africa, and Virginius Rufus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_601_601&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_601_601&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;601&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who commanded the German army in Gaul, who each acted for themselves, though for different reasons. Clodius, who had plundered his province, and put many men to death from cruelty and covetousness, hesitated, because he could neither continue to hold his command nor yet give it up with safety. Virginius on the other hand, who was at the head of the most powerful force in the empire, and who was constantly saluted as emperor by his soldiers and urged to assume the purple, declared that he would neither become emperor himself nor yet allow any one else to do so without the consent of the Senate. Galba was at first much disturbed at this. Soon the two armies of Vindex and Virginius, like horses that have taken the bit between their teeth, fought a severe battle with one another. After two thousand Gauls had fallen, Vindex committed suicide; and a rumour became prevalent that after so signal a victory the whole army would either place Virginius upon the throne, or would return to their allegiance to Nero. Galba, who was now greatly alarmed, wrote to Virginius, begging him to act in concert with him, and preserve the empire and liberty of the Romans. Meanwhile he retired with his friends to Colonia, a city of Spain, where he occupied himself more in repenting of the steps which he had taken, and in regretting the loss of his usual life of ease and leisure more than in doing anything to further his cause.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;q7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Summer was just beginning, when one evening, shortly before dark, there arrived Icelus, one of Galba’s &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_535&amp;quot;&amp;gt;535&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;freed men, who had travelled from Rome in seven days. Hearing that Galba was retired to rest, he proceeded at once to his chamber, forced open the door in spite of the resistance of the attendants, made his way in and told him that while Nero was still alive, first the army, and then the people and Senate had declared Galba emperor: and that shortly afterwards a report was spread of Nero’s death. The messenger said that he had not believed this rumour, and that he had not left Rome before he had seen the corpse of Nero. This news very greatly raised the credit of Galba, and a multitude of men, whose confidence in him had been restored by this message, flocked to his doors to salute him. Yet the time&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_602_602&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_602_602&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;602&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in which he received the news seemed incredibly short. But, two days afterwards Titus Vinius arrived with several other persons, who brought a detailed account of the proceedings both of the prætorians and of the Senate. He was at once promoted to a post of honour; while Icelus was presented with a gold&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_603_603&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_603_603&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;603&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ring, received the surname of Marcianus, and took the first place among the freed men of Galba.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;q8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Meanwhile at Rome Nymphidius Sabinus, not quietly and by degrees, but by one bold stroke, attempted to get all departments of the state into his own hands. He pointed out that Galba was an old man who would scarcely live long enough to be carried to Rome in a litter; and indeed Galba was in his seventy-third year. The soldiers in the provinces, he declared, had long been his friends, and they now depended on him alone because of the enormous presents which he offered them, which made them regard him as their benefactor, and Galba as their debtor. Nymphidius now at once ordered his colleague Tigellinus to give up his sword, and entertained all men of consular or prætorian rank at state banquets, although he still invited them in the name of Galba, while he suborned many of the praetorian guard to say that they &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_536&amp;quot;&amp;gt;536&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;must petition Galba to appoint Nymphidius as their præfect for life without any colleague. He was urged to even more audacious pretensions by the conduct of the Senate, who added to his fame and power by addressing him as their benefactor, by assembling daily to pay their respects to him, and by requiring him to propose and to ratify every decree: so that in a short time he became an object not only of jealousy but of terror to his supporters. When the consuls chose public messengers to carry the decrees of the Senate to the emperor, and had given them the sealed documents known as diplomas,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_604_604&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_604_604&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;604&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at the sight of which the local authorities in all towns assist the bearer on his journey by relays of horses at each stage. Nymphidius was much vexed at their not having come to him to affix the seals and to provide messengers from the prætorian guard, and he is even said to have thought of wreaking his displeasure on the consuls; but when they begged his pardon he forgave them. In order to win the favour of the people he permitted them to massacre any of Nero’s creatures who fell into their hands: and they killed Spicillus the gladiator by throwing him under the statues of Nero when they were being dragged about the Forum; laid Aponius, one of the informers, on the ground and drove waggons loaded with stones over his body, and tore to pieces many other persons, some of whom were perfectly innocent, so that Mauriscus, who was justly held to be one of the noblest men in Rome, openly declared in the Senate that he feared they would soon wish to have Nero back again.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;q9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Nymphidius, who thus began to draw nearer to the object of his hopes, did not dislike being called the son of Caius Cæsar, who was emperor after Tiberius. It seems that Caius, when a boy, did have an intrigue with the mother of Nymphidius, who was a good looking woman, the daughter of a hired sempstress and of one Callisto, a freed man of the emperor. But it appears that her intrigue &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_537&amp;quot;&amp;gt;537&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;with Caius must have taken place after the birth of Nymphidius, whose father was generally supposed to have been Martianus the gladiator, for whom Nymphidia conceived a passion because of his renown as a swordsman; and this belief was confirmed by the likeness which he bore to the gladiator. However, though he did not deny that Nymphidia was his mother, he nevertheless boasted that the dethronement of Nero was entirely his own work, and, not satisfied with having gained by it both honours and riches, and the embraces of Sporus, the favourite of Nero, whom he had fetched away from the funeral pyre of his late master and now treated as his wife, calling her Poppæa, he was intriguing to gain the throne for himself. He employed several of his friends, among whom were some ladies of rank and senators, to further his interests in Rome, and sent one Gellianus to Spain to watch the proceedings of Galba.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;q10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After Nero’s death all went well with Galba, though he still felt uneasy about Virginius Rufus, who had not declared his intentions, and, who, being at the head of a great and warlike army, with the glory of having overthrown Vindex and made himself master of a great part of the Roman Empire, was not unlikely to listen to the solicitations of those who wished him to assume the purple, especially as the whole of Gaul was in an excited condition and ready to revolt. No name was greater or more glorious than that of Virginius, who was credited with having saved Rome both from a cruel tyranny and from a war with Gaul. He, however, according to his original intention, referred the choice of an emperor to the Senate; though when the death of Nero was known the soldiers renewed their solicitation of Virginius to make himself emperor, and one of the tribunes who attended him in his tent drew his sword, and bade Virginius choose between the steel and the throne. But when Fabius Valens, the commander of one legion, swore allegiance to Galba, and dispatches arrived from Rome containing an account of what the Senate had decreed, Virginius, though not without difficulty, prevailed upon his soldiers to salute Galba as emperor; and when Galba sent Hordeonius Flaccus to supersede him, he received him as his successor, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_538&amp;quot;&amp;gt;538&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;delivered up the troops to him, met Galba, who was now on the march for Rome, and joined him without receiving from him any token either of favour or resentment. Galba respected Virginius too much to injure him, and Titus Vinius and Galba’s other adherents opposed his advancement out of jealousy, though in truth they only assisted the good genius of Virginius in withdrawing him from the wars and troubles in which all the other commanders were involved, and enabling him to live in peaceful retirement to a good old age.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;q11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; At Narbo, a city of Gaul,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_605_605&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_605_605&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;605&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Galba was met by envoys from the Senate, who greeted him and invited him to show himself as soon as possible to his people who were eager to behold him. Galba showed the envoys every kindness and hospitality, but at his entertainments would only use his own plate and other things, though Nymphidius had forwarded from Nero’s stores sumptuous services of everything necessary for great banquets, and the imperial household servants. By this conduct Galba gained the reputation of being a magnanimous man, above any ideas of vulgar ostentation; but Vinius presently told him that this noble and patriotic simplicity seemed merely an artifice to gain popularity with the lower classes, and that it was affectation to behave as though he were not worthy of this magnificence. By these arguments Vinius prevailed upon him to use Nero’s riches, and not to shrink from an imperial extravagance at his banquets. Indeed the old man seemed as though by degrees he would come to be altogether ruled by Vinius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;q12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This Vinius was more passionately fond of money than any one else of his time, and by no means free from blame in respect of women. When a young man, serving on his first campaign under Calvisius Sabinus, he introduced his general’s wife, a dissolute woman, into the camp disguised as a soldier, and passed the night with her in the general’s headquarters, which the Romans call the “Principia.” For this outrage Caius Cæsar imprisoned him; but on the death of Caius he was fortunate enough to obtain his release. Once when dining with the emperor Claudius he stole a silver cup. When Claudius heard of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_539&amp;quot;&amp;gt;539&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;it he asked him to dinner on the following day, but when he came ordered the attendants to serve him entirely from earthenware, not from silver. Cæsar by this comic punishment showed that he regarded him as more worthy of ridicule than of serious anger; but when he had obtained complete control over Galba, and was the most powerful man in the empire, his passion for money led him into acts which partly caused and partly led others to bring about the most tragic scenes of sorrow.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;q13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Nymphidius, as soon as Gellianus, whom he had sent as a spy upon Galba, was returned, learned from him that Cornelius Laco was appointed præfect of the palace and of the prætorian guard, but that all real power was in the hands of Vinius.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_606_606&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_606_606&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;606&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Gellianus also said that he had had no opportunity of meeting Galba, and of conversing privately with him. At this news Nymphidius was much alarmed. He assembled the officers of the prætorians, and addressed them, saying that Galba himself was a kind and moderate old man, but that he never acted according to his own judgment and was entirely led astray by Vinius and Laco. “Before these men, therefore,” he continued, “insensibly obtain for themselves the position and influence which was formerly enjoyed by Tigellinus, it is our duty to send an embassy from the prætorian guard to our chief, to inform him that he will be more acceptable to us and more popular if he removes these two of his friends from his court.” As this language was not approved, for indeed it seemed a strange and unheard of proceeding, to lecture an old general upon the choice of his friends, as though he were a young boy just appointed to his first command, Nymphidius tried another course, and attempted to intimidate Galba by writing letters to him, in which he at one time declared that Rome was in an excited and disaffected condition, and at another that Clodius Macer had laid an embargo on the corn-ships in African ports, and that the German legions were rising in revolt, and that he heard much the same news about the troops in Syria and Judæa. As Galba did not pay &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_540&amp;quot;&amp;gt;540&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;much attention to his letters or attach much credit to the assertions which they contained, he resolved to make his attempt before Galba’s arrival, though Clodius Celsus of Antioch, who was a sensible man and a faithful friend, dissuaded him, saying that he did not believe that there was one single family in Rome that would address Nymphidius as Cæsar. Many, however, scoffed at Galba, and Mithridates of Pontus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_607_607&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_607_607&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;607&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in particular, sneering at his bald head and wrinkled face, said that the Romans thought a great deal of Galba, now that he was absent, but that when he came they would think him a disgrace to the age that called him Cæsar.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;q14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It was now determined that Nymphidius should be conducted to the camp of the prætorians at midnight and there proclaimed emperor. Towards evening Antonius Honoratus, the first military tribune, assembled the soldiers under his command and addressed them, beginning by blaming himself and them for having in a short time so often changed their allegiance, which they had done, not according to any fixed plan, or in order to choose the best masters, but as though they were driven to commit one treason after another by some infatuation sent by the gods. Their desertion of Nero was indeed justified by his crimes; but they could not accuse Galba of having murdered his mother or his wife; nor could they allege that he had ever disgraced the purple by appearing on the stage. “Yet,” he continued, “it was not any of these things that made us desert Nero, but Nymphidius persuaded us into doing so when Nero had already deserted us and fled to Egypt. Shall we then kill Galba as well as Nero? Shall we choose the son of Nymphidia for our emperor, and slay the son of Livia as we slew the son of Agrippina? Or shall we rather punish this fellow for his crimes, and thus prove ourselves the avengers of Nero, and the faithful guards of Galba?”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This speech of the tribune was agreed to by all his soldiers, who proceeded to their comrades, and urged them to remain faithful to Galba, and most of them promised to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_541&amp;quot;&amp;gt;541&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;do so. Soon a shout was raised, either because, according to some writers, Nymphidius believed that the soldiers were already calling for him, or else because he wished to be beforehand with them and fix them while they were wavering and uncertain whom they should follow. Nymphidius came forward in the glare of many torches, carrying in his hand a speech written by Cingonius Varro, which he had learned by heart and intended to address to the soldiers. When, however, he saw that the gates of the camp were closed, and that the walls were covered with armed men, he was alarmed, and, coming up to the gates, asked what they wanted, and by whose orders they were under arms. They all answered with one voice that they looked upon Galba as their emperor. At this Nymphidius went up to them, applauded their resolution, and bade his followers do likewise. The soldiers at the gate let him pass in, with a few others. Presently a spear was hurled at him, which Septimius caught before him on his shield; but as many now attacked Nymphidius with drawn swords, he ran away, was pursued into a soldier’s room, and slain there. The corpse was dragged into a public place where a railing was put round it, and it was left exposed to public view the next day.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;q15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When Galba heard how Nymphidius had perished, he ordered such of his accomplices as had not voluntarily made away with themselves to be put to death: among whom were Cingonius Varro who wrote the speech, and Mithridates of Pontus. In this Galba was thought to have shown himself harsh beyond all usage, if not beyond all law, and this execution of men of rank without a trial&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_608_608&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_608_608&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;608&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was a most unpopular message. Indeed, all men had expected a very different kind of rule, for they had been deceived, as is usually the case, by the reports spread at the beginning of Galba’s reign. They were still further grieved at the fate of Petronius Turpilianus, a man of consular rank and a faithful servant of Nero, whom Galba ordered to destroy himself. In Africa Macer had, it is true, been put to death by Trebonianus, and Fonteius in Germany by Fabius Valens, acting under Galba’s orders: yet in both these cases he had the excuse that he feared, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_542&amp;quot;&amp;gt;542&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;them, as they were in open rebellion against him; but there could be no reason for refusing a trial to Turpilianus, an old and helpless man, if the emperor had any intention of carrying out in his acts the moderation of which he spoke in his proclamations. For all this, therefore, Galba was blamed by the Romans. When on his journey he arrived within five-and-twenty stadia (about three English miles) of the city, he met a disorderly mob of sailors&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_609_609&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_609_609&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;609&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who occupied the entire road. These were the men whom Nero had formed into a legion and treated as soldiers. They now wished to have their appointment confirmed, and pushed forward towards the emperor noisily demanding standards for their legion and quarters to encamp in, crowding round him in such disorder that he could neither be seen nor heard by those citizens who had come out to meet him on his arrival. When he endeavoured to put the matter off, and said that he would give them an answer at another time, they, taking his delay to mean a refusal of their demand, became indignant, and followed him with loud shouts. As some of them drew their swords, Galba ordered his cavalry to charge them. No resistance was offered, but some were cut down in the act of turning to flee, and some while they ran. It was thought to be a very bad omen that Galba should make his entry into the city in the midst of so much blood and slaughter; but all who had before jeered at him as a feeble old man now looked upon him with fear and horror.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;q16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In the giving of presents Galba wished to show a marked change from the profuse liberality of Nero: but he seems to have missed his mark, as for example, when Canus, the celebrated flute-player, performed before him at dinner, Galba praised his playing and ordered his purse to be brought. From this he took several gold pieces and gave them to Canus, telling him that the money came from his own pocket, not from the revenues of the state. He also demanded the restitution of the largesses, which Nero had bestowed on his favourite actors and athletes, leaving them only a tenth part. As he could scarcely get any part of the money back from them, for the major part &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_543&amp;quot;&amp;gt;543&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;being reckless profligates who lived only for the day’s enjoyment, had spent it all, he began to search out those who had bought anything or received any presents from them, and obliged them to refund. This investigation caused infinite trouble, for it affected so many persons; it covered Galba with disgrace and made Vinius loathed and detested for making the emperor show himself so mean and pettifogging towards his subjects, while he himself used his power recklessly, confiscating and selling every one’s property. Hesiod, indeed, bids us drink deep of—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“The end and the beginning of the cask;”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and Vinius, seeing that Galba was old and feeble took his fill of his fortune, as though it were both beginning and ending.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;q17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The old emperor received much wrong, first from the bad arrangements made by Vinius, and also because Vinius blamed or defeated his best intentions. An instance of this was his punishment of Nero’s favourites. He did, indeed, put to death many wretches, among whom were Helius, Polykleitus, Petinus, and Patrobius. The people applauded, and cried out as these men were being led through the Forum, that the sight was a fair one and pleasing to the gods, but that both gods and men demanded the punishment of Tigellinus, Nero’s tutor and instructor in wickedness. That worthy, however, had previously attached Vinius to himself by a most important pledge.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_610_610&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_610_610&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;610&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So, they argued, Turpilianus perished though he had committed no crime except that he remained faithful and did not betray a bad master; while the man, who first made Nero unfit to live, and then deserted and betrayed him, was still alive, an evident example that anything could be obtained from Vinius by those who could pay for it. The Roman people, who would have enjoyed no spectacle so much as that of Tigellinus dragged away to execution, and who never ceased to demand his head when they assembled in the theatre or the circus, were astonished at a proclamation in which the emperor, after declaring that Tigellinus was suffering from a wasting &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_544&amp;quot;&amp;gt;544&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; disease and could not live long, begged his people not to urge him to disgrace his reign by acts of tyranny and ferocity. In ridicule of the public exasperation Tigellinus offered a sacrifice of thanksgiving to the gods for the recovery of his health, and prepared a splendid banquet; while Vinius left the table of the emperor after dinner and led his widowed daughter to the house of Tigellinus in a riotous procession. Tigellinus made her a present of five-and-twenty thousand drachmas, and bade his chief concubine take off the necklace which she wore, which, was said to be worth fifteen thousand drachmas, and put it round his daughter’s neck.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;q18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After these outrages Galba received no credit even when he acted mildly, as for instance, when he granted a remission of tribute and the Roman franchise to the Gauls who had risen in rebellion under Vindex, for it was believed that they had not received these privileges from the kindness of the emperor, but had bought them from Vinius. Thus the people began to dislike the emperor most cordially, but the prætorian guard, who had not received their looked-for donative, still cherished a hope that Galba would give them at least as much money as they had been wont to receive from Nero, if not as much as they had been promised by Nymphidius. When Galba heard of their discontent, he made that remark, so worthy of a great commander, that “he was wont to enlist his soldiers, not to buy them,” and this caused the soldiers to hate him bitterly, for they thought that, besides depriving them of what was their due, he was trying to regulate the conduct of future emperors towards them. Yet disaffection at Rome had not hitherto assumed any distinct form, for the awe inspired by the presence of Galba acted as a kind of check upon revolutionary schemes, and men concealed the dislike with which they regarded him because they did not see any distinct opportunity of effecting a change in the government. But the troops in Germany who had served under Virginius, and who were now commanded by Flaccus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_611_611&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_611_611&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;611&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; were elated with pride at the victory which they had won over Vindex, and as they were given nothing, became quite unmanageable by their &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_545&amp;quot;&amp;gt;545&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;officers. They paid no attention whatever to Flaccus, who, indeed, besides being quite helpless from his violent attacks of gout, was entirely without military experience. Once when the army was assembled at a public spectacle, and the tribunes and officers offered prayers, as is usual among the Romans, for the prosperity of the emperor Galba, the soldiers broke into loud murmurs of dissent, and then, as their chiefs continued the prayers, shouted as a response, “If he be worthy.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;q19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Very similar reports to these reached Galba concerning the conduct of the legions under the command of Tigellinus.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_612_612&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_612_612&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;612&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The emperor, fearing that it was not only his age, but his want of children which brought him into contempt, now determined to adopt some noble youth as his son, and make him heir to the throne. There was one Marcus Otho, a man of illustrious family, and steeped from childhood in luxury and pleasure beyond most Romans of his time. As Homer calls Alexander the “spouse of fair-haired Helen,” celebrating him for the beauty of his wife, in default of any noble qualities of his own, so Otho was notorious at Rome in consequence of his marriage with Poppæa, with whom Nero fell in love when she was the wife of Crispinus, and, as he had still some feelings of respect for his own wife, and feared his mother, made use of Otho to obtain her for him. Otho’s extravagance made him a friend and companion of Nero, who was amused at being reproached by Otho for meanness and parsimony. It is said that once Nero scented himself with a very costly perfume, and sprinkled a little of it over Otho. On the next day Otho entertained Nero, when suddenly a number of gold and silver pipes squirted out the same perfume over them both as abundantly as if it were water. Otho seduced Poppæa for Nero, and prevailed upon her by holding out hopes of an intrigue with Nero to divorce her husband and marry him. After she became his wife, he did not like to share her &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_546&amp;quot;&amp;gt;546&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;favours, but showed great jealousy, at which it is said Poppæa was not offended, for she used sometimes to exclude Nero even when Otho was absent, either because she feared to surfeit him with her society, or according to some writers, because she did not wish to marry the emperor, though she was willing enough to have him for her lover. Otho ran a great risk of losing his life; and it is strange that Nero, who put to death his own wife and sister for Poppæa’s sake, should have spared Otho.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;q20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But Seneca was Otho’s friend, and he persuaded Nero to appoint Otho to the command of the province of Further Lusitania. Otho gained the love and respect of his subjects, although he well knew that his appointment was merely intended as an honourable exile. When Galba revolted, Otho was the first to join him, brought all his silver and gold plate for Galba to coin into money, and presented him with slaves who knew how to wait upon an emperor. In everything he proved his fidelity to Galba, while he showed a rare capacity for business, and on the march to Rome he travelled for days together in the same chariot with Galba. During this journey, while he was so familiar with the emperor, he paid special court to Vinius, both by conversing with him and by giving him presents, and he firmly established his right to the second place in the emperor’s favour by always yielding the first to Vinius. He was more successful than Vinius in avoiding unpopularity, for he assisted all petitioners to obtain their demands without taking bribes from them, and showed himself easy of access and affable to all. He took special interest in the common soldiers, and obtained promotion for many of them, sometimes by applying directly to the emperor, at others by means of Vinius, or of the freedmen, Icelus and Asiaticus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_613_613&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_613_613&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;613&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who were the most powerful personages of the court. Whenever Otho entertained Galba, he always presented each soldier of the guard in attendance on the emperor with a gold piece, and thus corrupted the army and won their affections for himself while he appeared to be doing honour to Galba.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_547&amp;quot;&amp;gt;547&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;q21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now, when Galba was deliberating about the choice of a successor, Vinius suggested Otho to him. Vinius did not do Otho even this service gratis, but because he hoped to have him for a son-in-law, for they had made a compact that Vinius’s daughter should marry Otho if he were adopted by Galba and declared his successor on the throne. But Galba always preferred the good of the state to his own private advantage, and always looked, not to what was most pleasant for himself, but to what was best for Rome. It seems probable that he would never have chosen Otho even to be heir to his own estate, for he knew well his licentiousness and extravagance and his debts, which amounted to fifty millions.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_614_614&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_614_614&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;614&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Wherefore Galba, after having graciously and in silence listened to Vinius, postponed his decision: only he appointed himself consul, and Vinius his colleague, and it was supposed that he would name his successor at the beginning of the new year. The soldiers eagerly hoped that this successor would be Otho.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;q22&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; While Galba was deliberating and hesitating, the German army broke out into open rebellion. All the soldiers alike hated Galba for not having given them their promised donative, and the troops in Germany regarded it as a special insult to themselves, that Virginius Rufus had been so discourteously deprived of his command, that those Gauls who had fought against them under Vindex had been rewarded, while those who had not joined him were punished, and that Galba should show such gratitude to Vindex and pay him such honour after his death, as though it was Vindex who had made him emperor of the Romans. This kind of language was being openly held in the camp when on the first day of the new year,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_615_615&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_615_615&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;615&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which the Romans call the Calends of January, Flaccus assembled the army to renew the customary oath of fidelity to the emperor. The soldiers overthrew and tore down the images of Galba, swore fealty to the Senate and people of Rome, and then dispersed. After this outbreak the officers began to fear anarchy among the soldiers as much as rebellion: and one &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_548&amp;quot;&amp;gt;548&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of them spoke as follows: “What will become of us, fellow-soldiers, if we neither remain faithful to our present emperor nor yet create another, as though we had not merely thrown off our allegiance to Galba, but refused to obey any master whatever? As for Hordeonius Flaccus we must pass him over, for he is merely a feeble shadow of Galba; but within one day’s march of us there is Vitellius, the chief of the army of Lower Germany, whose father was censor and thrice consul, and who can point to the poverty for which some reproach him as a shining proof of honesty and greatness of soul. Come, let us choose this man, and show that we know better than the Iberians or Lusitanians how to elect an emperor.” While some approved, and some rejected this advice, a standard-bearer stole quietly away and brought the news of it to Vitellius, who was entertaining a large company at supper. Soon the matter became noised abroad throughout the army, and on the following day Fabius Valens, who commanded one legion,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_616_616&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_616_616&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;616&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; rode over to Vitellius’s quarters&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_617_617&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_617_617&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;617&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with a number of horsemen and saluted him emperor. It is said that on the previous days he had refused the purple, and had shrunk from the burden of empire, but that now, excited by food and wine which he had taken at midday, he came forward and willingly heard himself addressed as Germanicus, though he declined the title of Cæsar.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_618_618&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_618_618&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;618&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The troops under Flaccus now at once forgot their patriotic oaths of fidelity to the Senate, and swore to obey the emperor Vitellius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;q23&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thus was Vitellius proclaimed emperor in Germany. Galba, when he heard of the rising there, no longer postponed the choice of his successor. He knew that some of his friends desired the election of Otho, and some that of Dolabella; but as he himself approved of neither candidate, he suddenly without any warning sent for Piso, the son of Crassus and Scribonia, who perished under Nero, a young man remarkable for his virtues, and especially for the modesty and austerity of his life. Galba now at once took this youth to the camp of the prætorian guard to declare him Cæsar and heir to the empire, though &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_549&amp;quot;&amp;gt;549&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;as he left the palace he was at once met by evil omens, and when he began to address the soldiers and to read aloud a prepared speech it thundered and lightened so often, and such rain and darkness overshadowed the camp and the city, that it was impossible to doubt that Heaven did not approve of the adoption of Piso, and that no good would come of it. The soldiers were sulky and scowling, as not even on this occasion was any largesse given to them. Piso himself was admired by all who saw him, for as far as they could judge from his voice and manner he was not bewildered by his good fortune, although he was not insensible of it, while Otho’s countenance bore manifest tokens of the bitterness of his disappointment, as he thought that Galba’s refusal to appoint him after having chosen him and all but raised him to the throne was a clear proof of the emperor’s dislike and hatred for him. Otho was not without fears for the future, and went away full of hatred for Piso, blaming Galba, and angry with Vinius. The prophets and Chaldæans whom he kept about his person would not permit him to give up his hopes, and especially one Ptolemæus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_619_619&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_619_619&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;619&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who laid great stress upon a prophecy which he had often repeated to him, that Nero would not kill him, but would perish before him, and that he should rule over the Romans; for having proved the one part of his prophecy to be true, this man bade him not despair of the other part also coming to pass, while he was much encouraged by those who came to offer their sympathy, and treated him as an ill-used man: for many of the partizans of Nymphidius and Tigellinus, who had once been in positions of honour, and now had been dismissed and were in poverty, attached themselves to him and urged him to revolt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;q24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Among these were Veturius and Barbius, one of whom was an adjutant, and the other an orderly of the corps of guides&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_620_620&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_620_620&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;620&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; as the Romans call the scouts and messengers of their armies. Together with them a freedman of Otho’s, named Onomastus, went about from man to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_550&amp;quot;&amp;gt;550&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;man, and by bribes and promises induced them to stand by Otho, which they were willing enough to do, as they were thoroughly disloyal to Galba and only wanted an excuse to desert him. Indeed, a loyal army could not have been corrupted in four days, which was all the interval that elapsed between the adoption of Piso by Galba, and the murder of them both: for they perished on the sixth&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_621_621&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_621_621&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;621&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; day after, which the Romans call the sixteenth before the Calends of February. Early in the morning of that day Galba was offering sacrifice in the palace, accompanied by many of his friends. The aruspex, Umbricius, as soon as he took the entrails of the victim into his hands and looked at them, said distinctly that they portended great disturbances, and danger to the emperor from a plot at headquarters. Thus was Otho all but delivered up to justice by the hand of God: for he stood close behind Galba and heard what Umbricius said as he pointed to the entrails. He was much alarmed, and turned all manner of colours through fear, when his freedman Onomastus came up to him and said that the architect was waiting for him at his house. This was the preconcerted signal of the time when Otho was to meet the soldiers. He, therefore, explaining that he had just bought an old house, and wished to point out its defects to those who had sold it, went away through what is called the house of Tiberius into the Forum, where stands a gilded column&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_622_622&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_622_622&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;622&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at which all the public roads in Italy terminate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;q25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Here they say that he was met and saluted as emperor by the first of the conspirators, who were not more than three and twenty in number. Though the luxury and effeminacy in which he lived had not affected his courage, for he was a most daring man, yet now his heart failed him. The others, however, would not let him draw back, but drew their swords and, standing round his litter,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_623_623&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_623_623&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;623&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ordered it to proceed, while Otho frequently urged the bearers to go faster, and often muttered to himself, “I am &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_551&amp;quot;&amp;gt;551&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;a lost man;” for several persons had heard what had passed, and looked on more in wonder than alarm, because of the small number of the conspirators. While he was being thus carried through the Forum, about as many more men joined him, and then others came up by twos and threes. At length they all faced around, and saluted him as Cæsar, brandishing their naked swords. The tribune Martialis, who was on guard at the camp of the prætorians, is said not to have been in the plot, but to have been terrified and bewildered at Otho’s sudden appearance, and let him pass in. When he was once within the camp, no one opposed him; for those who did not know what was being done found themselves enclosed in small parties of two or three together by the conspirators, and being thus cut off from one another, followed the party of Otho at first through fear, and soon, when the matter was explained to them, of their own free will.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;News of the rising was brought to Galba at the palace while the aruspex still held the victim in his hands, so that even those who generally refused to believe in the omens drawn from sacrifices were astonished at the evident interposition of Heaven. As a crowd of all kinds of persons now ran up from the Forum, Vinius and Laco and a few of the emperor’s freedmen stood round him with drawn swords while Piso went forward and addressed the soldiers who were on guard at the palace, and Marius Celsus, a brave man, was sent to assure himself of the fidelity of a corps of Illyrians who were quartered in the Portico of Agrippa.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;q26&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Galba wished to go forth, but Vinius dissuaded him, while Celsus and Laco urged him to do so, and abused Vinius roundly. At this time a persistent rumour arose that Otho had been murdered in the camp of the prætorians; and presently one Julius Atticus, one of the chiefs of the emperor’s guards, came up with his sword drawn, shouting that he had slain the enemy of Cæsar. Pushing his way through the bystanders, he showed Galba his sword, which was covered with blood. Galba looked at him, and said, “Who ordered you to kill him?” As, however, the man spoke of his loyalty, and the oath of fealty which he had sworn, and as the crowd shouted that he had done well, and clapped their hands, Galba got into his litter with &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_552&amp;quot;&amp;gt;552&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the intention of sacrificing to Jupiter and showing himself to his subjects. Just as he entered the Forum, like a change of wind there came a rumour that Otho was at the head of the soldiers. And now, while in that vast crowd some called to Galba to turn back, and some to go on, some bade him be of good courage and others warned him to beware, and the litter was frequently shaken and swayed to and fro as if it were on a stormy sea, there suddenly appeared a body of horsemen, and then some foot-soldiers, who came through the basilica of Paulus, and loudly shouted to the people to take “that citizen” away. The populace took to their heels, but did not run away in fear, but posted themselves on the tops of the porticoes and on the highest parts of the Forum as though they were spectators at a public show. The civil war was begun by Attilius Vergilio,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_624_624&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_624_624&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;624&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who tore down, the image of Galba which he carried on his staff, and dashed it upon the ground. Many now hurled their javelins at the litter; and, missing their aim at Galba with these, they drew their swords and rushed upon him. No one remained with him or defended him except one man, the only one of all that vast multitude whom the sun beheld that day acting worthily of the Roman Empire. This was a centurion named Sempronius Densus, who had never received any especial favour from Galba, but who, prompted merely by his own honour and fidelity, stood firm in front of his litter. Raising the vine stick, which is carried by centurions to correct their men, he shouted aloud and ordered the men who rushed towards him to spare the emperor. After this, as they tried to push past him, he drew his sword and defended the emperor for a long time, until he was brought to the ground by a blow under the knee.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;q27&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Galba’s litter was overset near the place called the Lake of Curtius. As he fell to the ground, wearing a corslet,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_625_625&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_625_625&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;625&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; many ran upon him and stabbed him. He, offering his throat to them, said “Strike, if this be best &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_553&amp;quot;&amp;gt;553&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;for Rome.” He received many cuts in the legs and arms, but the mortal blow in the throat was given, according to the most common account, by one Camurius, a soldier of the fifteenth legion. Some writers say that his murderer’s name was Terentius, some, Lecanius, and some Fabius Fabulus, who is said to have cut off his head and carried it away wrapped in his toga, for being bald, it was difficult to hold with the hands. Afterwards, as those who were with him would not allow him to carry it so, but wished him to display his feat of arms, he stuck it on a spear, and ran along like a Bacchanal, brandishing aloft the aged head of one who had been a virtuous emperor, a pontiff, and a consul, often turning himself about and shaking the spear, down which the blood still ran. When the head of Galba was brought to Otho, he said, “This is nothing, my comrades; show me the head of Piso.” Before long it was brought to him: for the youth had been wounded and fled, but had been pursued by one Marcus who slew him near the temple of Vesta. Vinius also was killed, though he admitted that he had been a party to the conspiracy against Galba; for he cried out that “Otho did not mean him to be killed.” However, both his head and that of Laco were cut off and taken to Otho, from whom the bearers demanded a present. As Archilochus says,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line i04&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“Though there be of us a thousand, each of whom his man hath slain,&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Yet we find but corpses seven, when we come to search the plain.”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;So many who took no part in these murders nevertheless dipped their hands and their swords in the blood and showed them to Otho, and sent petitions to him asking for a reward. A hundred and twenty persons were afterwards discovered to have done this by the written petitions which they sent to the emperor, all of whom afterwards Vitellius caused to be searched for and put to death. Besides these men, Marius Celsus came to the camp. Many at once accused him of having incited the soldiers to help Galba, and the mob clamoured for his execution. Otho, however, did not wish to kill him; but as he did not dare to directly oppose the soldiers, he said that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_554&amp;quot;&amp;gt;554&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;he would not put him to death in such a hurry, for there were several questions which he wished to put to him. On this pretence he ordered him to be imprisoned, and entrusted him to his own most faithful followers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;q28&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Senate was at once called together. Just as though they had become different men, or worshipped different gods, the senators took the oath of fealty to Otho, which Otho himself had just broken: and they addressed him as Cæsar and Augustus while the headless corpses, dressed in their consular robes, were still lying in the Forum. As the murderers had no further use for the heads, they sold that of Vinius to his daughter for two thousand five hundred drachmas. Piso’s head was given to his wife Verania,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_626_626&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_626_626&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;626&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at her earnest entreaty; and that of Galba was given to the slaves of Patrobius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_627_627&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_627_627&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;627&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Vitellius, who subjected it to every kind of indignity, and at last threw it into the place which is called the Sessorium, where they execute those who are put to death by the emperor’s orders. Galba’s body was removed by Helvidius Priscus, with the permission of Otho: and during the night it was buried by one Argius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_628_628&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_628_628&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;628&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the emperor’s freedman.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XXIX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;q29&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was the fate of Galba, who was second to few of the Romans in birth or wealth, being almost the first man of his time in both. He lived through the reigns of five emperors and obtained a great reputation, by which more than by any power at his disposal he drove out Nero: for of the many pretenders of that time some were declared by all to be unfit to reign, and some of their own accord withdrew their pretensions; but Galba was offered the throne and accepted it, so that his mere name caused the rising of Vindex, which had been regarded as a mere revolt, to be called a civil war, because an emperor took part in it. As therefore he considered that he had not so much sought for the management of the empire as he had had it pressed upon him, he thought to govern the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_555&amp;quot;&amp;gt;555&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;spoiled children of Nymphidius and Tigellinus after the fashion of Scipio, Fabricius, and Camillus of old.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Though his faculties were somewhat impaired by age he proved himself in all military matters a thoroughly capable commander of the old school; but he put himself entirely into the hands of Vinius and Laco, who, just like the greedy crew that had surrounded Nero, sold everything in the state to the highest bidder; so that no one looked back with regret to his reign, though many were grieved at his death.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_556&amp;quot;&amp;gt;556&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;LIFE OF OTHO.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;r1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;The young emperor&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_629_629&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_629_629&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;629&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; proceeded at daybreak to the Capitol, and offered sacrifice there. Next, he ordered Marius Celsus to be brought to him, and having embraced him, spoke kindly to him, and invited him to forget the charge which had been made against him rather than to remember his acquittal. Celsus answered with dignity, yet not without appreciation of Otho’s kindness, that the crime laid to his charge, being that of fidelity to Galba, to whom he owed nothing, ought of itself to bear witness to his character. By these words both Otho and Celsus were thought to have done themselves equal honour, and were applauded by the soldiers. After this, Otho made a mild and gracious speech to the Senate. He assigned part of the time appointed for his own consulship to Virginius Rufus, and left in force all the other appointments to consulships which had been made by Nero or Galba. He gratified several persons of advanced age, or eminent in other ways, by appointing them to offices in the priesthood, and restored to those senators who had been banished by Nero, and had returned under Galba, all of their property which had not been sold. In consequence of this, many of the leading men in Rome, who had at first shuddered at Otho’s accession, regarding him as some avenging demon who had suddenly been placed upon the throne, began to look much more hopefully upon a reign by which they themselves profited.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;r2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; At the same time nothing delighted the common people and reconciled them to Otho so much as his treatment of Tigellinus. This wretch had hitherto escaped notice, for all thoughtful men considered him sufficiently &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_557&amp;quot;&amp;gt;557&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;punished already by his fear of the punishment which the people demanded as a debt due to the public, and by the incurable bodily diseases from which he suffered, while they regarded the foul debaucheries which he still even when dying continued to lust after, as a greater misery to him than death itself. Yet many thought it shame that he should still see the light of day, of which he had deprived so many noble spirits. Otho sent a messenger to the country house near Sinuessa, where Tigellinus dwelt, and where several ships were always riding at anchor in case he should wish to flee farther from Rome. Tigellinus at first offered the messenger a vast bribe to allow him to escape; and as the man refused to do so, he gave him the money nevertheless, begged of him to wait until he had shaved, and then, taking up a razor, cut his throat.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;r3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The emperor, though he gratified the people by this well-deserved execution, yet bore no malice against any one else of his personal enemies. To please the people he at first allowed them to address him at public spectacles as “Nero”; and he allowed several statues of Nero to be replaced in public. Claudius Rufus states that the diplomas,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_630_630&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_630_630&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;630&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; or imperial despatches, which were sent to Spain by the hands of public couriers, were inscribed with the name of Nero as well as with that of Otho. However, as he perceived that this practice gave offence to the first and most powerful citizens, he put a stop to it. The soldiers of the prætorian guard were extremely dissatisfied with the moderate manner in which Otho began his reign, and they warned him to be on his guard, and cut off all disaffected persons, either out of a genuine anxiety for his safety, or merely as a pretext for causing disturbances and civil wars. One day Otho sent Crispinus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_631_631&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_631_631&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;631&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to Ostia to bring back the seventeenth manipulus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_632_632&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_632_632&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;632&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; from thence. As Crispinus, while it was still dark, began to make preparations for the journey, and loaded waggons with the men’s arms, some of the most daring soldiers openly declared &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_558&amp;quot;&amp;gt;558&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;that he had come with disloyal intentions, that the Senate meditated a coup d’état, and that the arms were meant to be used against Otho, not for him. As many took up this idea and became much excited, some seized on the waggons, others killed Crispinus and their own two centurions who tried to oppose them, and all, in confusion, calling upon one another to come to the rescue of Cæsar, marched to Rome. Hearing that Otho was entertaining eighty of the senators at dinner, they rushed to the palace, exclaiming that now was the time to put to death all the enemies of Cæsar at one stroke. The city was panic-stricken, expecting at once to be pillaged by the troops; the palace was filled with confusion and alarm, and Otho himself terribly perplexed as to what to do; for while he feared for the safety of his guests, some of whom had brought their wives to the banquet, they mistrusted him, and he saw them watching his every movement in silent terror. He therefore ordered the prefects of the guard to go and pacify the soldiers, while at the same time he dismissed his guests by another door. They were scarcely gone when the soldiers burst tumultuously into the dining-hall, asking what had become of the enemies of Cæsar. Otho now mounted on a couch and addressed them; and by entreaties, and even by tears, at last prevailed upon them to retire. On the following day, having presented every soldier with twelve hundred and fifty drachmas, he entered the camp, where he praised&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_633_633&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_633_633&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;633&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; their zeal on his behalf, and begged them to join him in punishing a few whose intrigues had made both his clemency and their own steady loyalty to be questioned. As all approved, and bade him do so, he, after selecting for punishment two men whose fate no one could regret, left the camp.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;r4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Some of the soldiers believed that Otho’s character was really changed, and admired him for his conduct; while others bethought that he was only courting popularity perforce, because of the war which was impending. It was indeed reported that Vitellius had already assumed the imperial title and authority; and couriers were constantly arriving with the news of some fresh accession to his forces, though other messengers came who stated that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_559&amp;quot;&amp;gt;559&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the troops in Dalmatia, Pannonia, and Mœsia had, with their officers, declared for Otho. Soon also friendly letters reached him from Mucianus and Vespasianus, the former of whom was at the head of a great army in Syria, and the latter in Judæa. Encouraged by these, Otho wrote to Vitellius, bidding him act like a loyal soldier, and promising that he would bestow on him a great sum of money and a city in which he might dwell in the utmost peace and happiness. Vitellius replied at first with dissimulation, but soon they became irritated, and overwhelmed one another with abuse, which each well deserved, though it was ridiculous for either of them to reproach the other with vices which were common to them both.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_634_634&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_634_634&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;634&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Indeed it was hard to say which of them was the more profligate or the more effeminate, which had the least experience of war, or which had been plunged the more deeply in debt by his former poverty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At this time many prodigies&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_635_635&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_635_635&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;635&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and omens were reported, many of which were vague and could not be traced to any trustworthy source, though all men saw the reins fall from the hands of the figure of Victory in the capitol, who is represented driving a chariot, as though she were no longer able to hold them; and the statue of Caius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_636_636&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_636_636&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;636&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar, which stands upon the island in the Tiber, without any wind or earthquake, was turned round, so as to face east instead of west. This is said to have taken place about the time when Vespasianus openly pretended to the throne. Many also regarded the flooding of the Tiber as an evil omen; for though it was the season of the year at which rivers usually are full of water, yet it never rose so high or did so much damage before; for it laid a great part of the city under water, especially in the corn-market, and caused great scarcity of provisions for several days.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;r5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; About this time news was brought to Rome that Cæcina and Valens, acting as the lieutenants of Vitellius, had seized the passes of the Alps. The prætorians also conceived suspicions of the loyalty of Dolabella,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_637_637&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_637_637&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;637&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a man &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_560&amp;quot;&amp;gt;560&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of patrician family. Whether Otho feared him or some one else is uncertain: however, he assured him of his friendship, and sent him to reside at the city of Aquinum. Otho now selected the officers who were to company him on his campaign. Amongst these was Lucius, the brother of Vitellius, whom he neither promoted nor removed from the rank in the army which he held. He also took especial care of the mother and wife of Vitellius, that they might not have any fear for their own safety. He entrusted the government of Rome to Flavius Sabinus, either because he wished to show his respect for Nero (for Sabinus had been appointed to this post by Nero, and had been deprived of it by Galba), or because by the promotion of Sabinus he declared his good will and confidence in Vespasianus. He himself remained at Brixellum, a city of Italy situated upon the river Padus, and sent on his forces under the command of Marius Celsus, Suetonius Paullinus, and of Gallus and Spurinna, who were all generals of renown, but who, on account of the want of discipline of their troops, were unable to conduct the campaign, according to the plans which they had arranged. Indeed the soldiers of the guard refused to obey any authority except that of the emperor himself, for he alone, they declared, had the right to command them. Nor were the enemy’s troops altogether obedient and well-behaved, but the same causes rendered them also swaggering and untrustworthy. Yet they possessed experience of actual war, and were accustomed to fatigue; whereas Otho’s troops were weak from their life of unwarlike leisure, for they spent most of their time in the theatres and at public shows, or else in their quarters, and affected such a degree of insolence that they refused to perform the necessary labours of a campaign, alleging that to do so was beneath their dignity, not that it was beyond their strength. Spurinna, when he endeavoured to force them to do their duty, came within a very little of losing his life. The soldiers insulted him grossly, and set no bounds to their language, calling him a traitor to Cæsar and the ruin of his cause. Some of them actually got drunk and went to Spurinna’s tent at night to demand money for a journey; for they said they must go and impeach him before Cæsar.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_561&amp;quot;&amp;gt;561&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;r6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; However, the cause of Otho, and Spurinna with it, received some advantage from the abusive language which these same soldiers met with at Placentia. Here the Vitellians who were besieging the city ridiculed Otho’s men whom they saw on the battlements, calling them stay-at-home soldiers, sword-dancers, and spectators of games, declaring that they had never seen or tasted of real war, but were full of pride at having cut off the head of an unarmed old man, meaning Galba, though they dared not come out and fight like men. The soldiers were so furiously exasperated by these reproaches that they eagerly besought Spurinna to employ them in whatever service he pleased, assuring him that they would not shrink from any toils or dangers. When the enemy furiously assaulted the walls, and brought up many battering engines,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_638_638&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_638_638&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;638&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Spurinna’s men won the victory, drove back their opponents with great slaughter, and saved from ruin one of the most famous and prosperous cities of Italy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The generals of Otho were found both by cities and by individuals to be much less offensive to deal with than those of Vitellius. Among the latter was Cæcina, a man who neither spoke nor dressed like a citizen of Rome, but was harsh and overbearing, of great stature, wearing the Gaulish trousers and sleeves, and using signs&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_639_639&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_639_639&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;639&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; even when addressing Roman magistrates. He was accompanied by his wife&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_640_640&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_640_640&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;640&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who rode with him in a showy dress, escorted by a picked body of cavalry.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The other general, Fabius Valens,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_641_641&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_641_641&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;641&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was so avaricious that neither the plunder which he took from the enemy, nor yet the thefts, which he committed or the bribes which he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_562&amp;quot;&amp;gt;562&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;received from the allied states could satiate him; and he was even suspected of having been too late for the first battle of the war because he delayed his march to amass wealth for himself. Others blame Cæcina, because in his haste to win a victory before Valens came up, he, besides other blunders of less consequence, began a battle so unseasonably and conducted it so remissly that he very nearly brought the cause of Vitellius to ruin.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;r7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After Cæcina’s repulse at Placentia he proceeded to Cremona, another large and flourishing city. Meanwhile Annius Gallus, who was on his way to Placentia to reinforce Spurinna, hearing while on the march that the troops at Placentia had been victorious, but that Cremona was in danger, changed the direction of his march towards that place, and encamped close to the enemy. Here Cæcina concealed many foot-soldiers in rough and wooded ground ordering his cavalry to ride forward and, if they fell in with the enemy, to retire little by little so as to draw them into the ambuscade. This plan was betrayed to Celsus by deserters. Celsus attacked them with the best of his cavalry, pursued them with caution, taking care to avoid the ambuscade, and then surrounded the troops in ambush, and threw them into confusion. He now sent for his infantry from the camp: and it was thought that if they had come up promptly after the cavalry, the whole army of Cæcina might have been destroyed; but as it was, Paullinus brought them up slowly and too late, and tarnished his glory as a general by overcaution. The mass of the soldiers charged him with treason, and tried to exasperate Otho against him by boasting that they had won the victory, but that their success was not followed up owing to the cowardice of their generals. Otho, though he did not believe their accusations, yet feared to be thought to disbelieve them. He accordingly sent his brother Titianus to the army, and with him Julius Proculus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_642_642&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_642_642&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;642&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, the prefect of the prætorians, who virtually had the supreme &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_563&amp;quot;&amp;gt;563&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;command, though Titianus was the nominal chief, while Celsus and Paullinus were given the titles of counsellors and friends, but were not allowed the least real power or authority.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The enemy also showed want of discipline, especially in the army of Valens. These men, when they heard of the ambuscade and the defeat to which it had led, were greatly enraged at not having been there in time to prevent so great a slaughter of their friends. Valens&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_643_643&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_643_643&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;643&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was forced to beg for his life; for the soldiers were preparing to stone him. He pacified them with difficulty, and led them to join the forces of Cæcina.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;r8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When Otho arrived at the camp at Bedriacum,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_644_644&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_644_644&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;644&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which is a village near Cremona, he held a council of war. Proculus and Titianus were of opinion that, as the troops were full of confidence and flushed with victory, it would be best to fight a decisive battle at once, and not blunt their spirit by delay, which would also bring Vitellius down upon them from Gaul. On the other hand Paullinus argued that the enemy had already collected their entire available force, whereas Otho might expect another army as large as his present one to join him from Mœsia and Pannonia, if he would only wait until it suited him to fight, and not play into the hands of the enemy by engaging prematurely. The troops, he said, after being so largely reinforced, would be no less confident than at present, when they are but few; indeed, they would fight with a great superiority of numbers. Besides this, delay would be all in their favour, as they had abundance of supplies, while the opponents, who were in an enemy’s country, would soon be reduced to great straits by the want of provisions. Marius Celsus agreed with the views of Paullinus. Annius Gallus was not present at the council, having been disabled by a fall from his horse: but when Otho wrote a letter to him, asking his opinion, he advised the emperor not to be hasty, but to await the arrival of the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_564&amp;quot;&amp;gt;564&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;legions which were already on their way from Mœsia. However Otho was not convinced by these arguments, but agreed with those who urged him to fight at once.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;r9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Many other reasons for this decision are given by various writers, and it is evident that the prætorians, or body-guard of the emperor, who now for the first time had experience of actual warfare, were eager to return to their old haunts at Rome, and the unwarlike pleasures of the theatre and the circus, and that their eagerness for battle could not be restrained, as they imagined that they would overthrow their antagonists at the first onset. It seems, too, that Otho himself could no longer endure the uncertainty of his position, for his ignorance of war and his life of enervating luxury had unfitted him for a calm calculation of his chances of success, and, worn out as he was with anxiety, he longed to let the matter be settled whichever way chance might determine, like a man who covers his face through dizziness at looking over a precipice. This is the account which is given by the orator Secundus, who acted as private secretary to Otho. Other&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_645_645&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_645_645&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;645&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; authorities relate that many efforts were made by the soldiers of both armies to combine, and agree to elect an emperor from among their own officers: or, if this proved impossible, to place the election in the hands of the senate. It seems indeed rightly probable, considering the ill-repute of both claimants of the throne, that the more sedate and thoughtful of the soldiers should have reflected that it would be a horrible and shameful thing that the Romans should be made to suffer for a second time all the miseries which they had once endured in the civil wars of Sulla and of Marius and of Cæsar and Pompeius, merely in order to provide an empire to bear the charges of the gluttony and drunkenness of Vitellius, or of the luxury and profligacy of Otho. It is suspected that Marius Celsus, knowing that this feeling was gaining ground, endeavoured to gain time, hoping that the whole matter might be decided without fighting; and that Otho, fearing this, hurried on an engagement.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;r10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After the council Otho again retired to Brixellum. This was a mistake, not only because the army would &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_565&amp;quot;&amp;gt;565&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;have fought with greater zeal and discipline when under the eye of the emperor, but because by taking away the best and most loyal troops, both of cavalry and infantry, to act as his body-guard, he made his army like a spear which has lost its steel point. At this time a battle took place on the bank of the Padus, across which Cæcina endeavoured to throw a bridge, while the Othonians tried to prevent him from doing so. As they did not succeed in this, they threw lighted sulphur and pitch into the boats which formed the bridge, and a wind suddenly springing up carried the fire across the stream towards the enemy. At first volumes of smoke, and then a mass of flames burst out, so that the enemy were thrown into confusion and forced to leap from the bridge into the river, upsetting the boats and exposing themselves to the missiles and the ridicule of the enemy. However, the Germans were victorious in a fight with Otho’s corps of gladiators for the possession of an island in the river, and slew many of them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;r11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As, after this, the soldiers in Otho’s camp at Bedriacum were frantically eager for battle, Proculus led them forward about six miles from that place and encamped in such an ignorant and ridiculous fashion that the men suffered from want of water, although it was spring time, and all the surrounding country was full of springs and perennial streams. On the next day he wished to lead them at least twelve miles nearer the enemy, but Suetonius Paullinus would not allow him to do so, thinking that the soldiers ought to have some rest, and not first be fatigued with a long march, and then while they were confusedly mixed up with baggage animals and camp-followers, be brought to fight against an enemy who could quietly and deliberately place themselves in order of battle. While the generals were at variance, one of the horsemen called Numidians rode up bearing a letter from Otho, in which he ordered them not to waste any time, but to march against the enemy at once. On receiving this they started. Cæcina, hearing of their march, was much disquieted, abandoned his operations by the river, and proceeded to the camp. Here after Valens had got the men under arms, and had given &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_566&amp;quot;&amp;gt;566&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;them the watchword, he sent forward the best of the cavalry while the legions were taking up their respective positions in the line of battle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;r12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For some reason or other the men of Otho’s vanguard conceived an idea that the generals of Vitellius intended to dessert to their side: and so, when they came near to one another, they saluted the Vitellians and addressed them as friends and comrades. As the Vitellians made an angry and fierce response, the Othonians were discouraged, while their opponents imagined that they intended to desert. This incident at the first onset caused some confusion among the troops of Otho: and, besides this, everything was in disorder, for the baggage train was entangled among the ranks, and the line was broken in many places by the ditches and trenches with which the ground was intersected, so that the soldiers, in trying to avoid these obstacles, were forced to attack in detail, and in disorganised crowds. Two&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_646_646&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_646_646&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;646&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; legions alone, that named “Rapax” on the side of Vitellius, and “Adjutrix” on that of Otho, were able to find a level plain, upon which they deployed into a regular line of battle and fought front to front for a long time. Otho’s soldiers were active and brave, but had never been in action before, while those of Vitellius had fought many battles, but were somewhat elderly and past their prime. At the first charge the Othonians drove them back, and captured their eagle, killing almost every man in the front rank; but the Vitellians, filled with shame and rage, charged in their turn, slew Orfidius, the legate in command of the legion, and took many standards. The corps of gladiators, who were supposed to possess both courage and practice in close combat, were attacked by Alphenus Varus with the Batavians, who inhabit an island formed by the river Rhine, and who are the best horsemen in Germany. Few of the gladiators stood to receive their charge, but most of them fled towards the river, where they fell in with other bodies of the enemy, by whom they were entirely cut to pieces. The worst fight of all was made by the Prætorians, who did not even wait until the enemy &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_567&amp;quot;&amp;gt;567&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;reached them, but by their panic flight struck terror even into the unbroken troops through whose ranks they fled. Yet many of Otho’s troops, after having conquered their immediate opponents, forced their way back through their victorious enemies to their own camp.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;r13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Of the generals, neither Proculus nor Paullinus dared to return with their men, but went off another way, fearing the soldiers, who already began to throw the blame of their defeat upon the generals. Annius Gallus assumed the command of the soldiers as they assembled in the town of Bedriacum, and encouraged them by assurances that the battle had been a drawn one, and that in many cases they had beaten the enemy. Marius Celsus called a meeting of the generals, and bade them take measures for the common good. He said that after so great a disaster and so much slaughter of their countrymen not even Otho himself, if he were a right-thinking man, would wish to make any further trial of fortune; since even Cato and Scipio, although they fought in defence of the liberty of Rome, were blamed for having wasted the lives of many brave men in Africa, by not yielding to Cæsar immediately after the battle of Pharsalia. All men, he urged, are equally liable to the caprices of fortune; but they have the advantage, even when defeated, of being able to form wise resolutions. By this reasoning Celsus convinced the generals: and when, on trying the temper of the soldiers, they found them desirous of peace, and Titianus himself bade them begin negotiations for agreement, Celsus and Gallus determined to go and discuss the matter with Cæcina and Valens. On their way they were met by some centurions, who informed them that Vitellius’s army was already advancing, and that they had been sent on before by their generals to arrange terms of peace. Celsus spoke with approval of their mission, and bade them return and conduct him to Cæcina. It happened that when they drew near the army, Celsus was like to have lost his life: for the cavalry who formed the advance guard were the same who had been defeated in the ambuscade, and when they saw Celsus approaching, they set up a shout of rage and rode towards him. However the centurions stood before Celsus and kept them back; and as the other officers called to them to spare &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_568&amp;quot;&amp;gt;568&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;him Cæcina perceived that some disturbance was taking place and rode up. He quickly repressed the disorderly movement of the cavalry, greeted Celsus affectionately, and proceeded with him to Bedriacum. Meanwhile Titianus had repented of having sent the embassy. He manned the walls of the camp with those soldiers who had recovered their spirits, and was encouraging the rest to fight. However, when Cæcina rode up and held out his hand no one resisted him, but some of the soldiers greeted his troops from the walls, and others opened the gates, came out and mingled with the new-comers. No violence was done to any one, but they all fraternised and shook each other by the hand, swore fealty to Vitellius and joined his army.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;r14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The above is the account which most eye-witnesses give of the battle, though they themselves admit that they do not know all the details of it because of the confusion which prevailed and the irregularity of the ground. Some time afterwards when I was journeying across the battlefield, Mestrius Florus, a man of consular rank, who had fought under Otho not from choice but from necessity, showed me an ancient temple, and related that after the battle he came there and saw so huge a pile of corpses, that those on the top were level with the pinnacles of the roof. He said that he could not discover himself or learn from any one else the cause of this heap; for though a greater slaughter of the vanquished is made in civil wars than in any others, because no quarter is given, as no use can be made of prisoners, yet it was hard to imagine how such a mass of carcasses came to be piled together on that spot.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;r15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Otho, as is usual in such cases, first heard only confused rumours of how the battle went. When however wounded men came from the scene of action bringing the news of the defeat, not only his friends, as might be expected, bade him keep up his spirits and not despair, but his soldiers were wonderfully affected. None of them left him, or deserted to the enemy, and no one consulted his own safety when his chief despaired of his. All of them alike repaired to his quarters, and called him their emperor. When he came out to them, they fell at his &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_569&amp;quot;&amp;gt;569&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;feet and caught hold of his hands with shouts, and prayers, and tears, beseeching him not to desert them, or betray them to the enemy, but to make use of them to fight for him, body and soul, until their last breath. While all besought him thus, one of the common soldiers drew his sword, and crying, “Cæsar, this is what we are all prepared to do for you,” stabbed himself. Otho, unmoved by any of these entreaties, gazed round upon them all with a calm and composed countenance, and said: “My comrades, your noble conduct and your loyal devotion make this a happier day to me than that on which you elected, me your emperor. Yet do not deprive me of the still greater happiness of dying for so many and such noble friends. If I am worthy to be an emperor of Rome, I ought not to grudge my life to my country. I am aware that our enemy’s victory is not decisive or crushing. News has reached me that the Mœsian legions have already reached the Adriatic, and are not many days’ march distant. Asia, Syria, Egypt, and the army engaged with the Jews are all on our side, while we have in our power both the senate, and the wives and children of our enemy. But we are not defending Italy from Hannibal, or Pyrrhus, or the Cimbri, but Romans are fighting against Romans, and our native land will suffer equally whichever side is victorious, for she must lose what the conqueror gains. Believe me, I pray you, that it is more to my honour to die than to reign: for I cannot imagine that if victorious I could do anything which would benefit the Romans so much as I can by giving my life to obtain peace and concord, and to save Italy from seeing another day such as this.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;r16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After speaking thus, he tore himself away from the soldiers, who tried to hold him back and bade him take courage. He ordered his friends and such senators as were present to leave his camp: and to those who were not present he sent similar orders, and also rescripts to the magistrates of the cities through which they would have to pass, that they might accomplish their journey&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_647_647&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_647_647&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;647&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with honour and in safety. He next sent for his nephew Cocceius, who was still a youth, and bade him be of good &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_570&amp;quot;&amp;gt;570&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;cheer and not fear Vitellius, whose mother, children, and wife he himself had protected as carefully as if they had been members of his own family. He had wished, he said, to adopt the boy as his heir, but had put off doing so till the end of the war, meaning to make him his colleague if he succeeded, but not wishing to involve him in his own destruction if he failed. “My last charge to you,” he continued, “is that you neither forget altogether nor yet remember too well that you have had a Cæsar for your uncle.” Shortly after this interview Otho heard a shouting and disturbance outside his quarters; for the senators were preparing to depart, and the soldiers were threatening to murder them if they did so, and reproached them with deserting their emperor. Otho, who feared for their lives, now came out a second time, no longer in a mild and supplicatory manner, but, frowning savagely, he cast so terrible a look upon the most turbulent of the rioters that they shrank away terrified and abashed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;r17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Towards evening he became thirsty, and drank a little water: after which he spent a long time in examining the blades of two swords. At last he rejected one of them, and hid the other in his clothes. He now called together his servants, and distributed his money amongst them, not recklessly, as though he were dealing with property not his own, but giving them each various sums, carefully apportioned according to each man’s deserts. When he sent them away he rested for the remainder of the night, and those about his bed-chamber noticed how soundly he slept. At daybreak he called to a freedman who had been entrusted with the management of the departure of the senators, and ordered him to learn what had happened to them. When he was told that they had left the camp, and had received every attention they could wish, he said, “Go now, and show yourself to the soldiers unless you wish to perish miserably at their hands; for they will suspect you of having assisted me to die.” When this man was gone, Otho held the sword upright with both his hands and fell upon it, dying with only one groan, which apprised those without of his fate. The wailing of his slaves was taken up by the whole of the camp and city. The soldiers noisily forced their way &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_571&amp;quot;&amp;gt;571&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;into his quarters and lamented over him with bitter grief, reproaching themselves for not having guarded their emperor, and prevented his dying for them. None of Otho’s body-guard deserted him, although the enemy was drawing near, but after laying out his body, and erecting a funeral pile, they bore him to it, armed at all points; and happy was the man who could find a place among the bearers. Of the rest, some kissed his wounds, some pressed his hands, and some, who could not come near him, knelt as his body passed by them. Some, who had received no especial favours from Otho, and had nothing to fear from his successor, slew themselves after they had applied the torch to his funeral pile. It seems, indeed, that no king or despot ever was possessed with so frantic a desire to rule, as these men had to be ruled by Otho and to serve him; for their love for him did not cease with his life, but remained implanted in their breasts, causing them to regard Vitellius with the bitterest hatred. Of what followed from this I shall give an account in its proper place.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;r18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After the remains of Otho were buried they erected over him a tomb which could offend no one either by its size or by the pomp of its inscription. When I was at Brixellum I myself saw a small monument on which was written in the Latin language “In memory of Marcus Otho.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Otho died in his thirty-seventh year, after a reign of three months. Many good men, though they blamed his life, yet could not refrain from admiring his death; for though his life had been no better than that of Nero, his end was a far nobler one. When he was dead, Pollio, one of the two prefects, offended the soldiers by requiring them at once to swear fealty to Vitellius. Some of the senators were still left in Brixellum; and the soldiers, hearing of this, let them go with the exception of Virginius Rufus, whom they greatly embarrassed by coming to his house under arms, and bidding him either take the command of them or at any rate act as ambassador on their behalf. Virginius, who had refused the crown when it was offered him by a victorious army, thought that it would be the act of a madman to accept it from a beaten one. He feared, also, to go as an ambassador to the Germans, who thought &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_572&amp;quot;&amp;gt;572&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;that in time past he had forced them to do many things against their will. Accordingly, he escaped from his house by a back door; and the soldiers, when they discovered that he was gone, took the oaths to the new emperor. They were pardoned by him, and were sent to serve with the troops under the command of Cæcina.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;FOOTNOTES:&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1_1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1_1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; More properly Mandyria. This battle was fought in August &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 338, the same day as that of Chæronea. “Not long before the battle of Chæronea, the Tarentines found themselves so hard pressed the Messapians, that they sent to Sparta, their mother city, to entreat assistance. The Spartan king, Archidamus, son of Agesilaus, perhaps ashamed of the nullity of his country since the Sacred War, complied with their prayer, and sailed at the head of a mercenary force to Italy. How long his operations there lasted we do not know; but they ended by his being defeated and killed, near the time of the battle of Chæronea. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 338.”—Grote, ‘History of Greece,’ part ii. chap, xcvii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2_2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2_2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[2]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See vol. ii., Life of Lysander, chap. xxx.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_3_3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_3_3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[3]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See vol. ii., Life of Pyrrhus, chap. xxvi.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_4_4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_4_4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[4]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See vol. i., Life of Lykurgus, chap, viii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_5_5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_5_5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[5]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cf. note, vol. ii., Life of Lucullus, chap, xxxvi.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_6_6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_6_6&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[6]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Probably the celebrated temple of Poseidon at Tænarus. [Cape Matapan.]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_7_7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_7_7&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[7]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Borysthenes, also called Olbia, Olbiopolis, and Miletopolis, was a town situated at the junction of the Borysthenes and Hypania, near the Euxine sea. It was a colony of Miletus, and was the most important Greek city north of the Euxine.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_8_8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_8_8&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[8]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In Cyprus. Zeno was the founder of the Stoic school of Philosophy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_9_9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_9_9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[9]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The allusion is to a saying of Agis II., that “The Lacedæmonians never ask how many their enemies are, but where they are.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_10_10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_10_10&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[10]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Called Ladokea by Polybius, ii. chap. 3; and Pausanias viii. 44 1.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_11_11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_11_11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[11]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; μόθακες seem to have been children of Helots brought up as foster-brothers of young Spartans, and eventually emancipated, yet without acquiring full civic rights.—Liddell and Scott, s.v.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_12_12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_12_12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[12]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The ancients always reclined at meals. See the article Triclinium in Smith’s ‘Dictionary of Antiquities.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_13_13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_13_13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[13]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The western harbour of Corinth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_14_14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_14_14&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[14]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Who these Leukaspids were I do not know. White was the Argive colour, and in earlier times men with white shields are always spoken of as Argives. The celebrated Argyraspids, the silver-shielded regiment of Alexander, was destroyed by Antigonus I. after their betrayal of Eumenes; but this may have been a corps raised by Antigonus Doson in imitation of them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_15_15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_15_15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[15]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; κρυπτεία meant at Sparta a duty or discipline of the young men, who for a certain time prowled about, watching the country, and enduring hardships: intended to season them against fatigue, and, unless they are much belied, to reduce the number of the helots by assassination.—Liddell and Scott, s.v.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_16_16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_16_16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[16]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This conversation Thirlwall conjectures to have been drawn from some sophistical exercise. ‘History of Greece,’ chap. lxii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_17_17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_17_17&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[17]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ptolemy Euergetes I.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_18_18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_18_18&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[18]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ptolemy Philopator succeeded his father, Ptolemy Euergetes, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 222.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_19_19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_19_19&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[19]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The sacred bull of Memphis was worshipped as a god by the Egyptians. There were certain signs by which he was recognised to be the god. At Memphis he had a splendid residence, containing extensive walks and courts for his amusement. His birthday, which was celebrated every year, was a day of rejoicing for all Egypt. His death was a season of public mourning, which lasted till another sacred bull was discovered by the priests.—Dr. Smith’s Classical Dictionary, s.v. Agis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_20_20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_20_20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[20]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch calls the Lives of Agis and Kleomenes a History, though he says in his Life of Alexander (c. 1) that his object is not to write Histories (ἱστορίαι) but Lives (βίοι). But the Lives of the two Spartan reforming kings may consistently enough be called a History, when contrasted with the Lives of the two Roman reforming tribunes. Plutarch’s notion of History as contrasted with Biography appears pretty plainly from the first chapter of his Life of Alexander. A complete view of the events in the Lives of Alexander and Caius Julius Cæsar would have formed, according to his notion, a History; but he does not aim at this completeness: he selects out of the events of their lives such as best show the character of the men, whether the events be of great political importance or of none at all, and this method of treating the subject he calls a Life. I believe the word Biography is a modern invention. The distinction between History and Annals, though the words have sometimes been used indiscriminately (c. 3, notes), is clearly expressed by the Roman historian Sempronius Asellio, as quoted by Aulus Gellius (v. 18).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_21_21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_21_21&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[21]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Most of Plutarch’s extant Lives run in parallels, whence they are entitled Parallel Lives. He compares a Greek with a Roman: thus he compares Alexander with Caius Julius Cæsar, and Demosthenes with Cicero. The beginning of the Life of Tiberius Gracchus is somewhat abrupt, after Plutarch’s fashion. He had no regular plan for beginning and ending his stories, and thus he avoids the sameness which is so wearisome in a Dictionary of Biography. The career of Tiberius and Caius Gracchus was the same, and accordingly Plutarch considers their lives as one; and he has found a parallel to them in two Spartan kings, who were also reformers, Agis IV. and Kleomenes III.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Agis became king of Sparta &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 244, and reigned only four years: his colleague in the first part of his reign was Leonidas II., and afterwards Kleombrotus. Agis attempted to restore the old institutions of Lykurgus which had fallen into disuse. Wealth had become accumulated in a few hands. He proposed to adjust the disputes between debtor and creditor by the short method of abolishing debts; and he proposed to restore the spirit of the old institutions by dividing all the lands in equal lots among the Spartan citizens, the chief class in the state; and by assigning lots also to the Periœki, who were in the relation of subjects. He carried the project for the abolition of debts, but before he could accomplish the rest of his reforms, he was thrown into prison and strangled there. His grandmother and mother, both of whom had favoured his schemes of reform, were strangled at the same time. He was about twenty-four years of age when he died. His reform was not a revolution, but an attempt to restore the old constitution.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Kleomenes III., King of Sparta, reigned from &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 236 to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 220. In the first part of his reign, the infant son of Agis IV., and afterwards Archidamus V., the brother of Agis IV., were his colleagues. Leonidas II., who had been deposed by Agis, had returned to Sparta during the absence of Agis on a military expedition, and he was most active in bringing about the death of Agis. Leonidas compelled the widow of Agis to marry his son Kleomenes, who was instructed by his wife in the views and designs of Agis. Thus Kleomenes also became a reformer, and attempted to restore the institutions of Lykurgus. But his measures were violent. He is charged with poisoning his infant colleague, the son of the widow whom he married, and with other wrongful acts. He was defeated at the head of the Spartan army by Antigonus in the great battle of Sellasia &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 222, and fled to Egypt, where he was kindly received by Ptolemæus III. (Euergetes) the king. Ptolemæus IV. (Philopator) the successor of Euergetes, put Kleomenes in prison, but he contrived to get out and attempted to make a revolution in Alexandria. Failing in the attempt Kleomenes killed himself. “In this manner,” says Polybius, “fell Kleomenes; a prince whose manners were dexterous and insinuating, as his capacity in the administration of affairs was great: and who, to express his character in a word, was most admirably formed by nature both for a general and a king” (Polybius, v. c. 39; Hampton’s Translation, v. chap. 4). Plutarch in his comparison of Agis and Kleomenes with Tiberius and Caius Gracchus, concludes that “Tiberius in virtue surpassed the rest, that the youth Agis was guilty of the fewest faults, and that in doing and daring Caius was much inferior to Kleomenes;” which appears to be a correct judgment.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_22_22&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_22_22&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[22]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; His complete name was Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus. The Sempronia gens contained the families of the Atratini, Gracchi, and Pitiones. The Gracchi were plebeians, and the Atratini patricians: the order of the Pitiones is uncertain. The name of the Gracchi is best known from the political career of the two brothers, whose measures were the immediate cause of the civil disturbances which ended in the establishment of the Imperial power. Tiberius Gracchus, the father, was tribune of the plebs &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 187, consul &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 177 and a second time in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 163: he was censor &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 169. Tiberius Gracchus had his first triumph in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 178 for his victories over the Celtiberians in Spain while he was proprætor of Hispania Citerior, or that division of the Peninsula which was nearer to the Pyrenees (Liv. 41, c. 11). In his first consulship Gracchus had Sardinia assigned for his province, and he defeated the Sardinians in a great battle. He was continued in his province as proconsul, and he completely subdued the island (Liv. 41, c. 21), for which he had a triumph which appears to be commemorated by an extant medal (Rasche, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Lexicon Rei Numariæ&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;). Cicero numbers Tiberius among the Roman orators (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Brutus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 20).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_23_23&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_23_23&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[23]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Publius Cornelius Scipio defeated Hannibal at the battle of Zama in the territory of Carthage &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 202. He died &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 183 in his retirement at Liternum in Campania. Though Tiberius Gracchus, the father, was not on friendly terms with Scipio, yet during his tribunate &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 187 he prevented Scipio from being tried on certain frivolous charges brought against him by the tribunes, and owing to this interference of Gracchus, the greatest commander that Rome had yet seen, was allowed to spend the remainder of his days in quiet privacy. (Liv. 38, c. 50, &amp;amp;amp;c.; Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Provinciis Consularibus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 8.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_24_24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_24_24&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[24]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This story of the snakes is told by Cicero in his treatise on Divination (i. 18, ii. 29). He says that Tiberius died a few days after he had let the female snake go, and he refers as his authority to a letter of Caius Gracchus to M. Pomponius:—“I wonder,” says Cicero, “if the letting loose the female was to cause the death of Tiberius, and letting loose the male was to cause the death of Cornelia, that he let either of them go. For Caius does not say that the haruspices said any thing of what would happen if neither snake was let go.” To the objection, that the death of Gracchus did follow the letting loose of the female snake, Cicero replies that he supposes he must have died of some sudden attack, and he adds that the haruspices are not so unlucky but that their predictions sometimes happen to come true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_25_25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_25_25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[25]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I do not know if this offer of King Ptolemæus is noticed by any other writer. It is not certain whether it was Ptolemæus VI. Philometor or his younger brother Ptolemæus VII. Euergetes II. Their two reigns lasted 64 years from &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 181 to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 117. Philometor died &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 146 and was succeeded by Euergetes who died &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 117. The death of Tiberius Gracchus the father is not ascertained. He married his wife Cornelia after &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 183 and he was consul &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 163. His son Tiberius, who was killed &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 133, was not thirty years old at the time and therefore was born about &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 163. Caius, who was nine years younger, was born about &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 154. It is not known whether Caius was the youngest child of Cornelia. Ptolemæus Philometor went to Rome &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 163, being driven out of his kingdom by his younger brother Euergetes, and he was well received by the senate. His brother also made a journey to Rome in the following year, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 162. In &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 154 Ptolemæus Euergetes was at Rome for the second time, and he obtained the aid of the senate against his brother. Both the brothers may have seen Cornelia at Rome, but probably during the lifetime of her husband. Scipio Africanus, the son-in-law of Cornelia, was sent on an embassy to Alexandria to Euergetes &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 143. An Egyptian king might wish to strengthen himself at Rome by an alliance with the illustrious families of the Gracchi and the Scipios; but it is impossible to determine which of these two kings was the suitor. Philometor is spoken of as a mild and generous prince: Euergetes, who was also called Physcon, or Big-belly, was a cruel sensualist. The daughter of Scipio Africanus, the conqueror of Hannibal, might well decline a marriage with him, and any Egyptian alliance would have been viewed as a degradation to a noble Roman matron. The portrait of Physcon is given in Rosellini’s work on Egypt, from the ancient monuments, and he is very far from looking like a winning suitor. Kaltwasser assumes that it was Ptolemæus Philometor who made the offer to Cornelia; and he adds that he was also called Lathyrus; but this is a mistake; Lathyrus was the surname of Ptolemæus VIII. Soter II., the son of Physcon. He has not examined the chronology of these two kings.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_26_26&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_26_26&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[26]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was Publius Cornelius Scipio Æmilianus Africanus Minor. He was the son of L. Æmilius Paulus, the conqueror of Macedonia, and he was the adopted son of P. Cornelius Scipio, the son of the conqueror of Hannibal. According to the Roman usage in case of adoption, the son of Æmilius Paulus took the name of his adopted father, P. Cornelius Scipio, to which was added, according to the usage, the name of Æmilianus, which marked the gens to which he belonged by birth. It was after the destruction of Carthage that he acquired the additional name or title of Africanus, like his adoptive grandfather, from whom he is usually distinguished by the addition of the name Minor or younger. The daughter of Cornelia, whom he married, was named Sempronia. She was ugly and bore her husband no children, and they did not live harmoniously together. (Appian, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 20.) As to the Roman names see the note on Marius, c. 1.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_27_27&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_27_27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[27]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Greek name for Castor and Pollux, who were the sons of Jupiter and Leda. Pollux was a boxer, and Castor distinguished for his management of horses and as a runner. Their statues were generally placed side by side with their appropriate characters, to which Pluturch alludes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_28_28&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_28_28&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[28]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch uses the Greek word Bema (βῆμα), which is the name for the elevated stone station in the Pnyx from which the Athenian orators addressed the public assemblies. The place from which the Roman orators addressed the public assemblies was called the Rostra, or the beaks, because it was ornamented with the beaks of the ships which the Romans took from the people of Antium. (Liv. 8, c. 14.) The Rostra were in the Forum, and in a position between the Comitium and that part of the Forum which was appropriated to the meeting of the Roman tribes. (See Caius Gracchus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#d5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ch. 5.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_29_29&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_29_29&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[29]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The history of this Athenian demagogue is in Thucydides, ii. &amp;amp;amp;c. The play of Aristophanes called “The Knights” (Ἱππῆς) is directed against him. By his turbulent oratory he acquired some distinction at Athens during the Peloponnesian war, after the death of Perikles. (See Plutarch, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Nikias&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 2, 3.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_30_30&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_30_30&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[30]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The MSS. have δελφῖνας, dolphins, which some critics would change to δελφικάς, tables made at Delphi or in Delphic fashion. Plinius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Nat. Hist.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 33, c. 11) speaks of these dolphins, though he does not say what they were. The alteration in the text is quite necessary. The dolphins were probably ornaments attached to some piece of furniture. Plutarch gives the value in drachmæ, the usual Greek silver coin, and the money of reckoning: the usual Roman money of reckoning was the sestertius. Plinius mentions the value of these dolphins at 5000 sestertii a pound, which would make 4 sestertii equivalent to a drachma. The drachma is reckoned at about 9-3/4&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;d.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and the sestertius at 2-1/4&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;d.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; under the Republic.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_31_31&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_31_31&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[31]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The original is literally “an instrument for practising the voice by which they raise sounds.” Perhaps a musician may be able to interpret the passage, without explaining the instrument to be a pitch-pipe as some have done. Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Orat.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; iii. 60) tells the same story somewhat differently. He says that this Licinius was a lettered man (literatus homo), and that he used to stand behind Caius Gracchus, yet so as to be concealed, with an ivory pipe (fistula), when Gracchus was addressing the public assemblies; his duty was to produce a suitable note either for the purpose of rousing his master when his tone was too low or lowering his tone when it was too vehement. (See also Dion, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Fragmenta&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 39, ed. Reimarus.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_32_32&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_32_32&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[32]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; An augur was one who ascertained the will of the gods by certain signs, but more particularly the flights of birds. The institution of augurs was coeval with the Roman state, and as the augural ceremonial was essential to the validity of all elections, the body of augurs possessed great political influence. The college of augurs at this time consisted of nine members, who filled up the vacancies that occurred in their body. A member of the college held his office for life, and the places were objects of ambition to all the great personages in the state. They were not appropriated to a class of priests: they were held by persons who had no other priestly character. Cicero, for instance, was an augur. The Roman system of placing the highest religious offices not in the hands of a priestly class, but in the hands of persons who had held and might still hold civil offices, perhaps possessed some advantages. There are many valuable remarks on the Roman Auguria and Auspicia in Rubino, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Untersuchungen über Römische Verfassung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_33_33&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_33_33&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[33]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Appius Claudius Pulcher was a member of the Claudia gens, and belonged to an old patrician family, which had long been opposed to all the pretensions of the plebeian order. He was consul &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 143. He did not long survive his son-in-law. Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Brutus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 28) enumerates him among the orators of Rome; he observes that he spoke fluently, but with rather too much heat.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_34_34&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_34_34&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[34]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The rank of Princeps Senatus was given at one time by the censors to the oldest of those who had filled the office of censor (Liv. 27, c. 11), but after the election of Q. Fabius Maximus mentioned in the passage of Livius, it was given to any person whom the censors thought most fit; and it was for the same person to be reappointed at each successive lustrum, that is, every five years. It was now merely an honorary distinction, though it had once been a substantive office. The title was retained under the Empire by the Emperors; and Princeps is the title by which Tacitus designates Augustus and his successor Tiberius. The title has come down to us through the French language in the form of Prince.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Plutarch sometimes gives the Roman words in a Greek form, but he more usually translates them as well as he can, which he has done in this instance. The titles consular, censorian, prætorian, were the Roman names for designating a man who had been consul, censor, or prætor.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_35_35&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_35_35&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[35]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Livius (38, c. 57) is one of those who tell the story of Scipio Africanus the elder giving his daughter Cornelia to Tiberius Gracchus the father. Plutarch has done best in following Polybius, who was intimate with the younger Africanus and had the best means of knowing the facts.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_36_36&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_36_36&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[36]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I have retained this name for Africa as it is in Plutarch. The Greek name for the continent of Africa was Libya (Λιβύη), which the Romans also used. In the Roman writers Africa properly denotes the Roman province of Africa, which comprehended Carthage and a considerable territory; but it was common enough for the Romans to designate the whole continent by the name of Africa.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_37_37&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_37_37&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[37]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch is here alluding to the campaign of Scipio in which he destroyed Carthage &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 146, whence he got the name of Africanus. It was usual for the Roman commanders to have with them a number of youths of good family who went to learn the art of war, and were trained under the eye of the general, to whose table and intimacy they were admitted according to their deserts. Thus Agricola, during his early service in Britain, was attached to the staff of Suetonius Paullinus. (Tacitus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Agricola&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 5.) Those who were admitted to the intimacy and tent of the commander, were sometimes called Contubernales.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_38_38&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_38_38&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[38]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Caius Fannius Strabo was quæstor in the consulship of Cn. Calpurnius Piso and M. Popilius Lænas &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 139, and two years after he was prætor. He served in Africa under the younger Scipio Africanus, and in Spain under Fabius Maximus Servilianus. He was the son-in-law of Lælius, surnamed Sapiens, or the Prudent. He wrote an historical work which Cicero sometimes calls a History (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Brutus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 26), and sometimes Annals (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Brutus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 21; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Oratore&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 67). It is unknown what period his work comprised, except that it contained the history of the Gracchi. Cicero does not speak highly of his style, but Sallustius seems to commend his veracity (Lib. i. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Historiarum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Tiberius would be entitled to a mural crown (muralis corona), which was the reward of the soldier who first ascended the enemy’s wall. Plutarch appears to mean that Fannius also received one. Livius (26, c. 48) mentions an instance of two mural crowns being given by Scipio (afterwards Africanus) at the capture of Nova Carthago (Carthagena) in Spain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_39_39&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_39_39&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[39]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It appears that at this time the quæstors had their provinces assigned by lot, and this was the case under the Empire. (Tacitus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Agricola&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 6.) The functions of a quæstor were of a civil kind, and related, in the provinces, to the administration of the public money. He was a check on the governor under whom he served when he was an honest man: sometimes the quæstor and governor agreed to wink at the peculations of each other.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_40_40&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_40_40&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[40]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Caius Hostilius Mancinus was consul with Marcus Æmilius Lepidus &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 137. Numantia, which gave the Romans so much trouble, was situated in Old Castile on the Douro, but it is not certain what modern site corresponds to it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_41_41&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_41_41&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[41]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Romans used the words Iberia and Hispania indifferently to denote the Spanish Peninsula. From the word Hispania the Spaniards have formed the name España, the French Espagne, and the English Spain. The river Ebro, which the Romans called Iberus, is a remnant of this old name. The Iberi originally occupied a part of Southern Gaul (the modern France) as far east as the Rhone, where they bordered upon the Ligurians. They were a different people from the Celtæ, who in the time of C. Julius Cæsar occupied one of the three great divisions of Gaul. (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Gallic War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 1.) The Celtæ, at some unknown time, crossed the Pyrenees and mingling with the Iberi, formed the Celtiberi, a warlike race with whom the Romans had many wars, and over whom Tiberius, the father of Tiberius Gracchus, gained a victory. (Note, c. 1.) It is maintained by William Humboldt in his work on the original inhabitants of Spain (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Prüfung der Untersuchungen über die Urbewohner Hispaniens&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) that the present Basque is a remnant of the Iberian language, which he supposes not to have been confined to Spain, but to have spread over part of Italy, the south of France, and the islands of Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica. Thucydides (vi. 2) says that the Sicani, or old inhabitants of Sicily, were Iberi who were driven from the river Sicanus in Iberia by the Ligurians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The name Iberia was also given by the Greeks and Romans to a part of that mountainous region, commonly called the Caucasus, which lies between the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea. The Albani and Iberi were the two chief nations that occupied this tract; the Albani were between the Caspian Sea and the Iberi, who were their neighbours on the west. The great river Cyrus (Kur) flowed through Albania into the Caspian. Iberia was partly surrounded by the mountains of the Caucasus and it bordered on Armenia and Colchis: the river Cyrus was the chief river (Strabo, 499, ed. Casaub.). There is no evidence that these Iberi of the Caucasus were related to the western Iberi. The country was invaded by the Romans under L. Lucullus and Pompeius Magnus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_42_42&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_42_42&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[42]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The allusion is to a memorable event in the Samnite war. The consuls Spurius Postumius Albinus and Titus Veturius Calvinus &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 321, with their army, were caught by the Samnites in the pass called Furculæ Caudinæ, and they were compelled, in order to save themselves, to submit to the ignominy of passing under the yoke. The Roman senate rejected the terms which had been agreed on between the consuls and the officers of the army on the one side, and the Samnites on the other. It was not a treaty (fœdus) as Livius shows, for such a treaty could not be made without the consent of the Populus nor without the proper religious ceremonies. (Liv. 9, c. 5.) The senate, upon the proposition of Postumius himself, sent to the Samnites all the persons who were parties to the agreement and offered to surrender them, but the Samnites would not receive them and they upbraided the Romans for want of good faith.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mancinus also supported the proposition for his own surrender to the Numantines, and he was offered to them in due form by the officer called the Pater Patratus, but the Numantines declined accepting him. (Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Officiis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 30.) The principle that a general could not formally make a treaty, and that all treaties required the sanction of the senate or in earlier times perhaps of the patrician body in their assembly, appears to be well established. Those who made the treaty with a Roman general might not know this constitutional rule, but the principle on which the Romans acted in such cases was sound, and the censure that has been directed against them as to their conduct in such transactions, proceeds from ignorance of the Roman constitution and of the nature of the power which a sovereign state delegates to its ministers. Delegated power or authority never authorises the persons to whom it is delegated to do an act which is inconsistent with the constitution or fundamental principles on which the sovereign power is based.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mancinus returned to Rome and ventured to appear in the senate, but a question was raised as to his right to be there, for it was argued that a man who had been so surrendered ceased to be a citizen and could not recover his civic rights by the fiction of postliminium, as a man who had escaped from the enemy could. (Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Oratore&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 40.) But the subtlety of the Romans found a solution of the difficulty in the case of Mancinus: there can be no surrender, if there is nobody to receive the surrender; therefore Mancinus was not surrendered; therefore he was capable of recovering his civil rights. (Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Topica&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 1.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_43_43&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_43_43&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[43]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The war of Numantia was prolonged to their disgrace, as the Romans considered it, and they at last elected Scipio consul B.C. 134, and sent him to Spain. He took Numantia after a siege of fifteen months, and totally destroyed it, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 133, the same year in which his brother-in-law Tiberius Gracchus lost his life. (Velleius Paterc. ii. 4.) Caius Gracchus, the brother of Tiberius, served under Scipio at Numantia, and also Jugurtha, afterwards king of the Numidians, and Caius Marius, the conqueror of Jugurtha.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_44_44&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_44_44&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[44]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch’s account of the Roman public land is brief and not satisfactory. A clearer statement, which differs from Plutarch’s in some respects, is given by Appian. (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 7, &amp;amp;amp;c.) The Roman territory (Romanus Ager) was originally confined to a small circuit, as we see from the history of the early wars of Rome. Even Aricia (La Riccia) about fifteen miles south-east of Rome, was a city of the Latin confederation in the reign of Tarquinius Superbus. (Liv. 1, c. 50.) The Romans extended their territory by conquest, and they thus acquired large tracts of land in Italy, which were made the property of the state under the name of Ager Publicus. This public land was enjoyed originally by the patricians, and perhaps by them only, on payment of a certain rent to the treasury (Ærarium). The rents of the public land were a large part of the public income, and intended to defray a portion of the public expenditure. The plebs soon began to lay claim to a share in these lands, and a division of some tracts was made among the plebeians in the reign of Servius Tullius. The lands divided among the plebeians were given to them in ownership. The tracts of public land which were enjoyed by the patricians on the terms above mentioned, were considered, as they, in fact, were, public property; and the interest of the patricians in such lands was called a possession (possessio). Those who enjoyed the public land as a possessio were said to possess it (possidere), and they were called possessores, a term which often occurs in the first six books of Livius, and which Plutarch has attempted to translate by a Greek word (κτηματικοί). It is likely enough that the patricians abused their right to the use of the land by not always paying the rent; as we may collect from the passages in Dionysius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Antiq. Rom.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; viii. 70, 73, ix. 51, x. 36). Their enjoyment of extensive tracts also prevented the public land from being distributed among the plebeians to the extent that they wished. The disputes between the two orders in the state, the aristocracy or nobles and the plebeians, or, as Livius generally calls them, the patres and the plebs; (the padri and the plebe of Machiavelli, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Discorsi&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;amp;amp;c.), about the public land, commenced with the agitation of Spurius Cassius, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 486, the history of which is given by Livius in his Second Book (c. 41). The contest was continued at intervals to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 366, when a law was passed which is commonly called one of the Licinian Rogations, which forbade any man to have a possession in the public lands to the amount of more than 500 jugera. This is the law to which Plutarch alludes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The extent and difficulty of the subject of the public land makes it impossible to examine it fully in a note. I propose to treat of it at length in an appendix in a future volume.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_45_45&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_45_45&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[45]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The words in Plutarch literally signify “barbarian prisons,” but I have used the word ergastula, which was the Roman name, though it is a word of Greek origin, and signifies “working-places.” The ergastula were places generally under ground and lighted from above: they were used both as places to work in and as lodging-places for slaves who cultivated the fields in chains. (Plinius, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;N.H.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 18, c. 3; Floras, iii. 19.) They were also places of punishment for refractory slaves. The object of these places of confinement was also to prevent slaves from running away, and rising in insurrection. The slaves were placed at night in separate cells to prevent all communication between them. When the slaves broke out in rebellion in Sicily under Eunus, who is mentioned by Plutarch (Sulla, c. 36), the ergastula were broken open, and a servile army of above sixty thousand men was raised. The Roman master had full power over his slave, who was merely viewed as an animal; and these ergastula, being in the country and out of sight, would give a cruel master full opportunity of exercising his tyranny. They were abolished by the Emperor Hadrian (Spartianus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hadrianus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 18).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_46_46&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_46_46&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[46]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; C. Lælius, the father, was an intimate friend of Scipio Africanus the Elder. C. Lælius, the son, the Wise or the Prudent, was also an intimate friend of the younger Africanus. Cicero’s treatise on Friendship is entitled Lælius in honour of Lælius the Prudent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_47_47&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_47_47&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[47]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Tiberius Gracchus was elected Tribune &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 133, and he lost his life the same year.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_48_48&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_48_48&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[48]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Brutus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 27) calls the Greek Diophanes a teacher of Tiberius Gracchus. Blossius is mentioned by Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Lælius&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 11) as one of those who urged Tiberius to his measures of reform. Antipater of Tarsus was a Stoic. The two sons of Cornelia had a learned education and were acquainted with the language and philosophy of the Greeks, and it is probable that the moral and political speculations with which they thus became familiar, and their associating with Greeks, had considerable influence on their political opinions. Tiberius Gracchus the father was also well enough acquainted with Greek to speak the language. His oration to the Rhodians was spoken in Greek.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_49_49&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_49_49&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[49]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It does not seem certain what Postumius is intended. Sp. Postumius Albinus Magnus was consul &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 148, and is supposed by Meyer (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Orat. Rom. Fragmenta&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 197) to be the orator alluded to by Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Brutus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 25). But this Postumius was too old to be a rival of Gracchus. Another of the same name was consul &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 110, and conducted the war against Jugurtha unsuccessfully; but he was perhaps too young to be a rival of Gracchus. (Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Brutus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 34.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_50_50&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_50_50&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[50]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was P. Licinius Crassus Mucianus Dives, the son of P. Mucius Scævola, and the adopted son of P. Licinius Crassus Dives, as appears from Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Academ.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 2, c. 5), who mentions him with his brother P. Scævola as one of the advisers of Tiberius Gracchus in his legislation. Crassus was consul with L. Valerius Flaccus &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 131. He was a soldier, a lawyer, and an orator. He lost his life in the war against Aristonikus in the Roman province of Asia &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 131. It is remarked that he was the first pontifex maximus who went beyond the limits of Italy, for he was consul and pontifex maximus when he went to carry on the war against Aristonikus. (Livius, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Epitome&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 59.) The pontifex maximus, as the head of religion, had important duties which required his presence at Rome.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_51_51&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_51_51&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[51]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The illustrious family of the Scævolæ produced many orators and jurists. This Scævola was P. Mucius Scævola, the brother of P. Licinius Crassus Mucianus. He was consul &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 133, the year in which Tiberius Gracchus attempted his reform. He attained the dignity of pontifex maximus in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 131 on his brother’s death. Scævola was probably a timid man. Cicero states that his brother openly favoured the measures of Tiberius; and Scævola was suspected of doing so. After the death of Tiberius he approved of the conduct of Scipio Nasica, who was the active mover in this affair, and assisted in drawing up several decrees of the Senate in justification of the measure and even in commendation of it. (Cicero &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pro Domo&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 34; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pro Plancio&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 36.) He was a great orator, but his chief merit was as a jurist. He was the father of a son still more distinguished as a jurist, Quintus Mucius Scævola, who also became pontifex maximus, and was one of the teachers of Cicero. He is considered to be one of those who laid the foundations of Roman law and formed it into a science (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Dig.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 1, tit. 2, s. 2). Quintus Mucius Scævola, commonly called the augur, also a distinguished jurist, was a cousin of P. Mucius Scævola, the pontifex, and a teacher of Cicero before Cicero became a hearer of the pontifex.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_52_52&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_52_52&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[52]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The eloquence of Tiberius Gracchus is commemorated by Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Brutus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 27), who had read his orations. He describes them as not sufficiently ornate in expression, but as acute and full of judgment. The specimens of the orations of Tiberius (c. 9. 15) and those in Appian (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 9. 15) fully bear out the opinion of Cicero as to his acuteness. Some German writers assert that these speeches in Plutarch are either fabricated by him or taken from other writers; but assertions like these, which are not founded on evidence, are good for nothing. Plutarch gives the speeches as genuine: at least he believes them to be so, and therefore he did not fabricate them. And it is not likely that any body else did. These two fragments (c. 9. 15) bear no resemblance to the style of most writers who have fabricated speeches. They are in a genuine Roman style. If any man could fabricate them, it was Livius, and Plutarch may have taken them from him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_53_53&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_53_53&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[53]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The same expression occurs in Horace (1 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Carm.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 1), which there also applies to the Romans, and not to the gods, as some suppose.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_54_54&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_54_54&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[54]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Marcus Octavius, who was one of the tribuni plebis &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 133, was a descendant of Cneius Octavius, quæstor &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 230. Caius Octavius, better known as Caius Julius Cæsar Octavianus and as the Emperor Augustus, was a descendant of Caius the second son of Cneius. Cicero, whose opinion about the Gracchi changed with the changed circumstances of his own life, commends the opposition of Marcus Octavius to the measures of Gracchus. (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Brutus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 25.) He also says that Octavius was a good speaker.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The institution of the tribuni plebis is one of the most important events in the history of Rome, and the struggle between the plebeians headed by their tribunes, and the nobility, is the development of the constitutional history of Rome. Though there were tribunes in the kingly period, the establishment of the tribuni plebis as the guardians of the plebs is properly referred to the year &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 494, when the plebs seceded to the Mons Sacer or the Sacred Mount. On this occasion the patricians consented to the election of two tribunes from the plebs. (Livius, 2, c. 33: compare Livius, 2, 56. 58.) The number was afterwards increased to ten, and this number continued unaltered. Only a plebeian could be elected tribune. The persons of the tribunes were declared to be sacred (sacrosancti). Their powers were originally limited, as above stated, to the protection of the rights of the plebs and of the individuals of the plebeian body against the oppression of the patrician magistrates. It is not possible within the compass of a note to trace the history of the gradual increase of the tribunitian power (tribunitia potestas): such a subject is a large chapter in the history of Rome. Incidental notices often appear in Plutarch’s Lives, which will help a reader to form a general notion of the nature of the magistracy, and the effect which it had on the development of the Roman constitution. The article Tribuni in Smith’s Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities gives an outline of the functions of the tribuni plebis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very soon after the institution of the tribunate, the nobles learned the art of destroying the power of the college of tribunes by gaining over one or more of the members; for, as Plutarch states, the opposition (intercessio) of a single tribune rendered the rest of his colleagues powerless.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_55_55&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_55_55&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[55]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As this is the first time that I have used this word, it requires explanation. The origin of the Roman state is a matter involved in great obscurity; but its history after the expulsion of the kings &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 509 is the history of a struggle between a class of nobles, an aristocracy, and the people. The old nobility of Rome were the patricians, whom Livius calls indifferently patres (father) and patricii. In his early History patres and plebs are opposed to one another, as we should now oppose the terms nobles or aristocracy, and commonalty or people; not that nobles and aristocracy are among us exactly equivalent, but in the history of Rome there is no distinction between them. Livius frequently uses the term patres and plebs as comprehending all the Roman citizens (ii. 33). The word populus was originally and properly not the people in our sense; it signified the superior and privileged class and was equivalent to patricians. The plebs were originally not a part of the populus. In later times the word populus was often used loosely to express generally the Roman people, and the style and title of the Roman state was Senatus Populusque Romanus—The Senate and the Roman populus, which term populus in the later republic certainly included the plebs, though the plebs is still spoken of as a class. As the plebeians gradually obtained access to the higher honours of the state and to the consulship by a law of Licinius Stolo &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 366, a new class of nobles was formed out of those persons who had enjoyed those honours and out of their descendants. This class was called nobiles by the Romans; the word nobilitas denoted the rank or title of the class, but it was also used like our word nobility to express the body of nobiles. Livius uses this term even in the earlier books of his History, but perhaps not with strict correctness, for in some cases at least he makes the term nobility equivalent to the patricians. He wrote in the reign of Augustus, and he has not always applied his terms in the earlier periods with perfect accuracy. Still we may trace the meaning of political terms in the Roman writers with great clearness, for no nation ever stuck more closely to old forms and expressions, and there is a wonderful precision in the use of political terms by Roman writers of all ages and of all classes. The name patricians still existed after the term nobilis was introduced: a noble might be either a patrician or a plebeian, but the distinction was well understood between an old patrician family and a plebeian family, however distinguished the plebeian family might become. Under the Emperors it was not uncommon for them to promote a man to the rank of patrician for eminent services, which under the monarchy was equivalent to the conferring of a title of dignity in modern times, and nothing more. (Tacit. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ann.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; xi. 25.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In Cicero we find the aristocratical order often spoken of as the optimates (the class of the best), a term which corresponds to the Greek aristi (ἄριστοι), whence we have the word aristocracy, which, however, the early Greek writers, at least, only used to express a form of government and not a class of persons. Cicero on one occasion (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pro P. Sestio&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 45) attempts to give to the word optimates a much wider signification; to make it comprehend all good and honest people: but this is a mere piece of rhetoric. When a poor plebeian heard the optimates spoken of, he never imagined that it was intended to place him among them, were he as honest as the best man among the optimates. Cicero also says the populares were those who merely spoke and acted to please the multitude; which shows that populus must now have changed its meaning: the optimates were those who wished to act so as to get the approbation of all honest men.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Plutarch’s perception of the early periods of Roman history was perhaps not strictly exact; but he comprehended very clearly the state of the parties in the age of the Gracchi. On the one side were the nobles and the rich, some of whom were noble and some were not; on the other side were the people, the mass, the poor. The struggle was now between rich and poor, and the rich often became the leaders of the poor for the purpose of political distinction and influence, and hence the name populares. Probably few states have ever presented the spectacle of the striking contrast between wealth and poverty which the Roman state exhibited from the time of the Gracchi; a class of rich, rich by hereditary wealth and by all the modes of acquiring wealth which the possession of office and the farming of the public revenues offered to them; a class of poor who were born poor, who had little industry and few means of exercising it. To this we must add, that though there were many cultivators in the country who might enjoy a moderate subsistence from their small estates, there was a city crowded with poor who had votes, and by their union and numbers mainly determined the elections and the acceptance or rejection of legislative measures. Rome, in fact, was the centre of all political agitation, and the result of a revolution in the city generally determined the dispute between two rival factions. We have still to take into the account a very numerous class of slaves. It is probable that in the earlier periods of Roman history the slaves were comparatively few; in the later republic they became very numerous. They formed a large part of the wealth of the rich, and they were always a dangerous body to the state. The effect of employing slaves generally in agriculture and other occupations was, as it always must be, unfavourable to industry among free men. Slaves, also, were often manumitted, and though the son of a manumitted slave was in all respects on the same footing as a complete Roman citizen, if his father was made such by the act of manumission, yet persons of this condition, and especially those who had been liberated from slavery, were looked upon as a somewhat inferior class. Their connection with the powerful families to which they had belonged, also gave such families great influence in all elections; and as we see in various instances, the class of libertini, manumitted slaves, was viewed as a dangerous body in the state. The equites at Rome can scarcely be called a middle class: they were generally rich and the farmers of the revenues, under the name of publicani. They were often opposed to the senate, but it was an opposition of pure interest, and their wealth made them rather the partisans of the aristocratical than of the popular body. Such were the political elements with which Tiberius Gracchus had to deal, when he attempted a reform which perhaps the times did not render practicable, and for which he certainly did not possess the courage or the judgment or the inflexible resolution which were necessary to secure success. The word in Plutarch which I have here translated nobles is δυνατοί, the powerful. In other places he calls them the rich (πλούσιοι), the possessors [of public land] (κτηματικοί), the aristocratical body (ἀριστοκρατικοί); and perhaps other terms. He calls the plebs, or people as opposed to this class, by various names, of which δῆμος is the most common: he also calls them the multitude (πλῆθος), the many (πολλοί), and other like names.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It is impossible to attain perfect precision in the use of political terms in a translation of Plutarch; and in order to be critically exact, it would be necessary to load these notes continually with remarks. But this critical exactness is not required here: the opposition of the two orders in the state is intelligible to everybody. The contests in Rome from the time of the Gracchi to the establishment of the monarchy under Augustus, were contests in which the rich and the powerful were constantly struggling among themselves for political supremacy; there was an acknowledged aristocratical and an acknowledged popular party. But the leaders of both parties, with perhaps some few exceptions, were mainly bent on personal aggrandisement. The aristocratical class had a clearer object than the leaders of the popular party: they wished to maintain the power of their order and that of the senate, which was the administering body. The leaders of the popular party could have no clear object in view except the destruction of the power of the senate: the notion of giving the people more power than they possessed would have been an absurdity. Accordingly the depression of the aristocratical body had for a necessary consequence the elevation of an individual to power, as in the case of Cæsar the dictator. Sulla, it is true, was an aristocrat, and he destroyed so far as he could the popular party; but he made himself dictator, and to the last day of his life he ruled all parties with a rod of iron.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The existence of a numerous and needy class who participated in political power without having any property which should be a guarantee for their honest use of it, was the stuff out of which grew the revolutions of Rome. There was a crowded city population, clamorous, for cheap bread, for grants of land, for public shows and amusements, averse to labour, constantly called into political activity by the annual elections, always ready to sell their votes to the best bidders; and a class always ready to use this rabble as a tool for their political and personal aggrandisement. Machiavelli observes (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Istor. Fiorent.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; iii.) that the natural enmity which exists between the men of the popular party and the nobles (gli uomini Populari e i Nobili), proceeds from the wish of the nobles to command and of the others not to obey, and that these are the causes of all the evils that appear in states. He adds (iv.) that states, and especially those that are not well constituted, which are administered under the name of republics, often change their government and condition, but the fluctuation is not between liberty and servitude, as many suppose, but between servitude and licence. It is only the name of liberty which is in the mouths of the ministers of licence who are the popular leaders, and the ministers of servitude who are the nobles; both of them wish to be subject neither to the laws nor to men. These remarks, which are peculiarly applicable to Florence and the so-called republics of Italy of that time, apply equally to the Roman state. There are governments, however, to which the name republic can be properly applied, and that of Great Britain is one, which owing to the possession of certain elements have a more stable character. Still the general character of a popular and of an aristocratical party is correctly sketched by Machiavelli.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_56_56&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_56_56&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[56]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch, who is fond of allusions to the Greek poets, here alludes to a passage in the Bacchæ of Euripides, l. 387:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line i04&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“for e’en in Bacchus’ orgies&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;She who is chaste will never be corrupted.”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;See Bacchæ, ed. Elmsley, 1. 317, 834, and the notes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_57_57&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_57_57&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[57]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The temple of Saturn was now used, among other purposes, as the treasury of the state, the Ærarium.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_58_58&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_58_58&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[58]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A dolo is described by Hesychius, v. Δόλωνες, in one sense, as a dagger contained in a wooden case, a kind of sword-stick. (See Facciolati, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Lexicon&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.) Kaltwasser describes it as a walking-stick containing a dagger, and translates the passage, “he provided himself with a robbers’ dagger, without making any secret of it.” I think that he wore it concealed, but made no secret of it, which agrees better with the whole context; and Amyot has translated it so.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_59_59&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_59_59&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[59]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The word in Plutarch is water jars, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;hydriai&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (ὑδρίαι), the Roman sitellæ, urnæ or orcæ. The sitellæ were a kind of jar with a narrow neck: they were filled with water so that the wooden lots (sortes) would float at the top, and only one could be there at a time. These lots were used for the purpose of determining in what order the tribes or centuries should vote, for the names of the several tribes or centuries were on the several lots. The vessel into which the voters put their votes (tabellæ), when the order of voting had been fixed for the tribes and centuries, was called cista; and it was a basket of wicker-work or something of the kind, of a cylindrical shape. If Plutarch has used the proper word here, the preliminary proceedings were disturbed by the rich seizing or throwing down the vessels, out of which were to be drawn the lots for determining in what order the tribes should vote. The business had not yet got so far as the voting, which consisted in the voters depositing in a cista one of the tablets (tabellæ), which were distributed among them for this purpose, and which were marked with an appropriate letter to express acceptance of a measure or rejection of it. There is a Roman denarius which represents a man going to put a tabella into a cista: the tabella is marked A, which means Absolvo, I acquit. The letter C (Condemno, I condemn) was marked on the tabella of condemnation. (Eckhel, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Doctr. Num. Vet.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; V. 166.) The coin was struck to commemorate the carrying of a law by L. Cassius Longinus &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 137, by which the voting in criminal trials (judicia populi) except for perduellio (treason) should be by ballot and not as before by word of mouth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These remarks are taken from an essay by Wunder (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Variæ Lectiones &amp;amp;amp;c. ex Codice Erfurtensi&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;), in which he has established the meaning of sitella and cista respectively to be that which Manutius long ago maintained. He observes that in the Roman comitia one sitella would be sufficient, as it was only used for receiving the names of the tribes or centuries, which were put in for the purpose of determining by drawing them out, in what order the tribes or centuries should vote. And accordingly he says that when comitia are spoken of, we never find urns or sitellæ spoken of in the plural number. But he has not mentioned the passage of Plutarch. It may be difficult to determine if Plutarch considered that the preliminary lot-drawing had been gone through, and the people were voting. If he considered the voting to be going on, he has used the wrong word. With this explanation, I leave the word “voting-urns” in the text, which is not the correct Roman word but may be what Plutarch meant. It seems as if he thought that the voting had commenced.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_60_60&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_60_60&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[60]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch writes it Mallius, for the Greeks never place &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;n&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; before &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;l&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_61_61&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_61_61&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[61]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; From this it appears that the vote of each tribe counted as one, and the vote of the tribe was determined by the majority of voters in each tribe. It seems to follow that each tribe had a cista to receive its votes. It is said, the practice was to count the votes when all was over; but they must have been counted as each tribe voted, according to this story. The narrative of Appian is the same (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 12).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_62_62&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_62_62&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[62]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The names of various Roman officers and functionaries were derived from their number, as duumviri (two men), triumviri (three men), decemviri, and so on. Some description was added to the name to denote their functions. There were triumviri agro dando or dividendo, triumviri for the division of public land; duumviri juri dicundo, for administering justice, and so forth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_63_63&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_63_63&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[63]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Appian (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 13) calls him Quintus Mummius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_64_64&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_64_64&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[64]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch and other Greek writers translate the Roman word, cliens, by Pélates (πελάτης). (See Marius, c. 5, notes.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_65_65&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_65_65&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[65]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch generally uses Attic coins. Nine oboli were a drachma and a half, or about six sestertii. (See &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#c2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;c. 2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, note.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_66_66&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_66_66&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[66]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#c21&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;c. 21&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_67_67&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_67_67&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[67]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This Attalus III., the last king of Pergamum, left his kingdom to the Romans on his death &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 133, the year of the tribunate of Gracchus. His kingdom comprised the best part of that tract out of which the Romans formed the province of Asia. Pergamum was the name of the capital. This rich bequest was disputed by Aristonikus. (See &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#c20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;c. 20&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_68_68&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_68_68&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[68]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Perhaps Q. Pompeius Rufus who was consul &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 141, and disgraced himself by a treaty with the Numantines and his subsequent behaviour about it. (Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Officiis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 30; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Finibus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 17; Appian, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Iberica&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 79.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_69_69&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_69_69&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[69]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Quintus Cæcilius Metellus Macedonicus, who was consul &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 143. Kaltwasser says, that Plutarch without doubt means Balearicus, the son of Metellus Macedonicus, which son was consul &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 123. Without doubt he means the father, who is mentioned by Cicero as an opponent of Tiberius Gracchus, and he states that an oration of his against Gracchus was preserved in the Annals of Fannius. (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Brutus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 21.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_70_70&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_70_70&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[70]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Titus Annius Luscus was consul with Q. Fulvius Nobilior &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 153. (Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Brutus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 20; Livius, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Epitome&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 58.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_71_71&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_71_71&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[71]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It is clear that Plutarch believed this to be a genuine speech of Tiberius. It is not an argument that he could have made, nor is it likely that it is a fabrication of any professed speech-writer. It is true that there were many speeches extant among the Romans, which, though mere rhetorical essays, were attributed to persons of note and passed off as genuine speeches. But this is either not one of them, or it has been managed with consummate art. The defence of Tiberius is a blot on his character. He could not avoid knowing that his arguments were unsound. To abdicate, which means to resign a Roman magistracy, was a different thing from being deprived of it. The Tribunes were elected at the Comitia Tributa, but they derived their powers by uninterrupted succession from the consecrated act (Lex Sacrata) done on the Holy Mount and confirmed after the overthrow of the Decemviral power. (Livius, 2, c. 33; 3, c. 55.) On this subject, see Bubino, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Untersuchungen über Röm. Verfassung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 32.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_72_72&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_72_72&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[72]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Caius Gracchus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#d5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;c. 5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. Appian does not mention these measures of Tiberius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_73_73&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_73_73&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[73]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The elections of Tribunes in the time of Cicero were on the 17th of July (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. 1). According to Dionysius the first Tribunes entered on their office on the 10th of December. Kaltwasser suggests that as it was now the summer season, the country people were busy in their fields and could not come to the election, which thus would be in the hands of the townspeople. If Tiberius was killed in July and entered on his office in the previous December, this will agree with what Cicero says of him, “he reigned a few months.” (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Lælius&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 12.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_74_74&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_74_74&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[74]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A cage, the Roman cavea. This was one of the modes of ascertaining the will of the gods. It was a firm belief among the nations of antiquity that the gods did by certain signs and tokens give men the opportunity of knowing their will. The determination of these signs was reduced to a system, which it was the duty of certain persons, augurs and others, to learn and to transmit. The careful reader will find many other notices of this matter in Plutarch and some in these notes. (See Sulla, c. 6, notes.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;P. Claudius Pulcher, who was consul &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 249, and in the command of the Roman fleet off Sicily, despised the omens. The fowls would not eat, which portended that his projected attack on the Carthaginians would be unfavourable; but Claudius said that if they would not eat, they should drink, and he pitched the sacred fowls into the sea. He lost most of his ships in the engagement that followed. (Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Natura Deorum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 3.) The “birds” of Plutarch are “fowls,” “pulli.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_75_75&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_75_75&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[75]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; His name was Fulvius Flaccus; the name of Flaccus belongs to the Fulvii. As he was a friend of Tiberius, it is probable that a Marcus Fulvius Flaccus is meant, who is mentioned in the Life of Caius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_76_76&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_76_76&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[76]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was P. Mucius Scævola. His colleague L. Calpurnius Piso was conducting the war in Sicily against the slaves who had risen. The Senate, according to Appian (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 16), was assembled in the Temple of Fides on the Capitol. The circumstances of the death of Tiberius are told by Appian (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 15. 16), who states that there was a fight between the partisans of Tiberius and the other party before the Senate met.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_77_77&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_77_77&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[77]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; To make Plutarch consistent, we must suppose that Caius had returned to Rome. (See &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#c13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;c. 13&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_78_78&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_78_78&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[78]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I can find nothing more about him. This strange punishment was the punishment for parricide.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_79_79&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_79_79&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[79]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Lælius&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 11) and Valerius Maximus (4, c. 7) make Lælius ask these questions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_80_80&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_80_80&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[80]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aristonikus was an illegitimate son of Eumenes II. King of Pergamum. He disputed the will of Attalus III. and seized the kingdom. Publius Licinius Crassus Mucianus Dives, who was sent against him &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 131, was unsuccessful, and lost his life; but Aristonikus was defeated by the consul M. Perperna &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 130, and taken to Rome, where he was strangled in prison.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_81_81&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_81_81&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[81]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is P. Licinius Crassus Mucianus Dives, c. 9. 20.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_82_82&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_82_82&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[82]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This does not appear in the extant Lives which bear the name of Nepos; but what we have under his name is a spurious work of little value except the Life of Atticus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_83_83&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_83_83&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[83]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; D. Junius Brutus Gallæcus was consul with P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica Serapio &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 138. He completely subdued the Gallæci (people of Galicia) and the Lusitani who occupied a part of modern Portugal, and carried the Roman arms to the western extremity of the Spanish peninsula.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_84_84&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_84_84&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[84]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was the colleague of Brutus &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 138, as just stated, and Pontifex Maximus in the year of the death of Tiberius. He must have died soon after going to Asia; for Publius Licinius Crassus Mucianus Dives was Pontifex Maximus &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 131 (c. 9); but the remark in the Epitome of Livius (lib. 59) that he was the first Pontifex Maximus who went beyond the limits of Italy is not true. The Pontifex Maximus, who was the chief of the college of Pontifices, was chosen for life. He could not be deprived of his office, nor, it seems, could he give it up. Augustus allowed his old rival Lepidus to keep his dignity of Pontifex Maximus till his death. (Dion Cassius, 49, c. 15.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_85_85&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_85_85&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[85]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The line is from Homer’s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Odyssey&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 47.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_86_86&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_86_86&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[86]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is lost, and also Plutarch’s Life of Scipio Africanus Major.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_87_87&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_87_87&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[87]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The word by which Plutarch has translated Forum is Agora (ἀγορά). A Forum was an open place or area, and is often generally used for Public Place, such as almost every town has. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Forum at Rome was the Forum Romanum, which was situated between the Palatine and Capitoline Hills; it was surrounded by buildings and was the chief place for the administration of justice and for the public assemblies. To keep away from the Forum here means to take no share in public affairs. Sometimes, Forensic (forensis), a term comprehending all that relates to public business and the proceedings in the courts, is opposed to Domestic (domesticus), private, as we see in Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. 5, &amp;amp;amp;c.).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_88_88&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_88_88&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[88]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As thirty-one was the age at which according to a law (Lex Annalis Villia) a man could become Quæstor, Tiberius, who was Quæstor before he was tribune, must have been older than Plutarch says that he was; unless he was elected Quæstor before the legal age.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_89_89&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_89_89&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[89]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The island of Sardinia was made a Roman province &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 235.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_90_90&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_90_90&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[90]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Lucius Aurelius Orestes and M. Æmilius Lepidus were consuls &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 126.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_91_91&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_91_91&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[91]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This dream is mentioned by Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Divinatione&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 26. C. Gracchus told his dream to many persons, before he was elected tribune. It happened while he was a candidate for the quæstorship.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_92_92&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_92_92&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[92]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Micipsa, King of Numidia, was the son of Massinissa, who was the firm ally of the Romans in their contest with the Carthaginians in the Second Punic War. At the close of this war, his territory was greatly enlarged by the addition of the dominions of Syphax and a large part of the Carthaginian territory. He was succeeded by Micipsa, who died &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 118. The Carthaginian territory which subsequently formed a large part of the Roman province of Africa was a rich corn country, and one of the granaries of Rome under the latter Republic and the Empire.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_93_93&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_93_93&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[93]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Gracchus made his defence before the Censors Cn. Servilius Cæpio and L. Cassius Longinus B.C. 124. Gracchus belonged to the class of Equites, and as such he had a Public horse. The censors summoned him to account for leaving his province, and, if he was not able to justify himself, he would be deprived of his horse and marked with the Nota Censoria, in the lists of the Censors, the consequence of which was what the Romans called Ignominia, or temporary civil incapacity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;If Caius was born &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 154 and had now (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 124) served twelve years, he entered the army &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 136, when he was eighteen. It is true as he here says, that he was only required to serve ten years. This fragment of his speech is preserved by Aulus Gellius (xv. 12), and it is expressed with all the vigour of the best Roman style. A comparison of this fragment with the passages from the speeches of Tiberius Gracchus, which are given by Plutarch, is sufficient to show that Plutarch’s extracts are genuine. There appears to be an error in Plutarch as to the “three years.” Gellius makes Caius say: “Biennium fui in Provincia;” “I was two years in the province:” and one MS. is said to have “two years” (διετία), which Coraes has adopted in his edition of Plutarch.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_94_94&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_94_94&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[94]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Fregellæ was a subject city in the territory of the Volsci. The people wished to have the Roman citizenship, and as it was refused they rebelled. Fregellæ was destroyed by L. Opimius the Prætor &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 125. Caius Gracchus was tried &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 124 before the Prætor Opimius on the charge of conspiring with the people of Fregellæ. (Velleius, 2, c. 6.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_95_95&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_95_95&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[95]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch simply says the Plain (τὸ πέδιον): but he means the Campus Martius, or Field of Mars. Compare Marius c. 34. The Roman writers often call the Campus Martius simply Campus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The people did not mount on the house-tops to vote, as Amyot and Kaltwasser say, if I understand them right. Crowds came to Rome, who had no votes; they came to see and to affect the elections if they could. Caius was elected tribune &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 123, just ten years after his brother’s tribunate. The consuls were Quintus Cæcilius Metellus Balearicus, a son of Metellus Macedonicus, an opponent of Tiberius Gracchus, and Titus Quinctius Flamininus. (See Tiberius Gracchus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#c14&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;c. 14&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; notes.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_96_96&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_96_96&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[96]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero, in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Brutus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 33, and in other passages, bears testimony to the powerful eloquence of Caius Gracchus. Up to the time of Cicero, the orations of Gracchus were the models of oratory which all Romans studied. Cicero says that his speeches did not receive the finishing touch; he left behind him many things which were well begun, but not perfected. The practice of revising speeches for the purpose of publication was common among the Athenian and Roman orators. In manly and vigorous oratory we may doubt if Caius Gracchus ever had his equal among the Romans; and if not among the Romans, where shall we look for his equal?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_97_97&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_97_97&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[97]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I have here allowed a word to stand by something of an oversight, to which however there is no objection. Plutarch uses the word “law;” but the Roman word is “Rogatio,” which means a Bill, a proposed Law, so called because the form of passing a law was to ask (rogare) the assembly if they would have it. The form of voting was to reject (antiquare) by the formula A., or to confirm (jubere) by the formula U.R. (Uti Rogas), “as you propose,” which were marked on the tabellæ or voting-tablets. (Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. 14.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To Promulgate a law, or more properly a Rogation, signified among the Romans, to make public (for promulgare is only another form of Provulgare) a proposed law; to give notice of a proposed measure and its contents. To promulgate a law in modern times means to make known a law which is already a law; but the expression is not much used.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_98_98&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_98_98&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[98]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; P. Popillius Lænas was also consul with P. Rupilius &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 132. He returned to Rome after the death of Caius Gracchus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_99_99&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_99_99&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[99]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The erecting of statues to their great men was probably more common at Rome after the conquest of Greece, when they became acquainted with Greek art. Rome at a later period was filled with statues. Though most of the great Romans were distinguished by their military talents, it was not only in respect of military fame that statues were erected; nor were they confined to men as we see in this instance. The daughter of him who conquered Hannibal, the wife of Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, a successful general, a prudent politician and an honest man, the mother of two sons who died in the cause of the people—the memory of such a woman was perpetuated in the manner best suited to the age by an imperishable monument.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_100_100&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_100_100&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[100]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A complete view of the legislation of Gracchus is beyond the limits of a note. Part of the subject has been referred to already. (Tiberius Gracchus, c. 8, note.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Roman allies (Socii) were subjects of the Roman State, subject to the sovereign power of Rome, a power which was distributed among many members. They bore heavy burdens, particularly in the form of supplies of men and money for war; and they claimed as an indemnification the citizenship (civitas), or admission to the sovereign body, as members of it. The claim was finally settled by the Marsic or Social war. (See Marius and Sulla.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The law about the price of grain belonged to the class of Laws which the Romans called Frumenteriæ Leges, or Corn Laws; the object of these laws was not to keep up the price of grain, but to furnish it to the poor at a low rate. This low rate however was not effected in the only way in which such an object could profitably be effected, by allowing corn to come to Rome from all parts free of duty, but by buying grain with the Public money and selling it to the poor at a lower rate. This law of Gracchus proposed that corn should be sold to the people (plebs) monthly at the rate of 5/6 of the As for a modius. This is the first recorded instance in Roman History of the poor being relieved in this manner. The city was crowded with poor who had few or no means of subsistence, but had votes in the annual elections and were members of the sovereign body. The consequences of such a measure might be easily foreseen: the treasury became exhausted, and the people were taught to depend for their subsistence, not on their industry, but on these almost gratuitous distributions of grain. This allowance, which was made monthly, added to the sale of their votes at the annual elections and the distributions on extraordinary occasions, of corn and oil (Dion Cassius, 43, c 31) helped a poor Roman to live in idleness. This system of distributions of corn, sometimes free of cost, being once established was continued all through the Republic and under the Empire. It was impossible to stop the evil, when it had been rooted, and in the crowded city of Rome under the Empire, it was an important duty of the adminstration to prevent famine and insurrection by provisioning the city. C. Julius Cæsar reduced the number of those who received this corn relief from 320,000 to 150,000. The number of receivers must have increased again, for Augustus reduced the number to 200,000. This subject of the distribution of corn among the poor is an important element in the history of the later Republic. Dureau de la Malle (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Économie Politique des Romains&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 307) has compared it with the English mode of providing for the poor by the Poor Laws; but though there are some striking points of resemblance between the two systems, there are many differences, and the matter requires to be handled with more knowledge and judgment than this writer has shown in order to exhibit it in its proper light.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Plutarch’s account of the changes made by Gracchus in the body of the Judices is probably incorrect. The law of Gracchus related to trials for offences, such as bribery at elections (ambitus), and corruption in the administration of offices (repetundæ), which belong to the class of trials called at a later time judicia publica or public trials. In the trials for these offences, those who had to decide on the guilt or innocence of the accused, were called judices; and the judices were taken only from the senators. But as the persons accused of offences, of the kind above mentioned generally belonged to the senatorian order, it was found very difficult to get a man convicted. Some notorious instances of acquittals of persons, who had been guilty of corruption, had occurred just before Gracchus proposed his law. According to Appian, his law gave the judicial power solely to the equites, who formed a kind of middle class between the senators and the people. But the equites were not a safe body to intrust with this power. To this body belonged the publicani, or publicans as they are called in our translation of the Gospels (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Matt.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ch. v., v. 47), who farmed the revenues in the provinces. A governor who winked at the extortion of the farmers of taxes would easily be acquitted, if he was tried for maladministration on his return to Rome. The equites at Rome had an interest in acquitting a man who favoured their order. Cicero remarks (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;In Verrem&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Act Prima, 13) that the judices were selected out of the equites for near fifty years until the functions were restored to the senate. He is alluding to the change Sulla made &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 83; but it appears that there were some intermediate changes. Cicero adds that during all this time there was never the slightest suspicion of any eques taking a bribe in the discharge of his functions as judex. Appian says that they soon became corrupt; and Cicero, who is in the habit of contradicting himself, says in effect the same thing (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;In Verrem&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, lib. iii. 41; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Brutus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 34). The judices of Gracchus condemned Opimius, whose character Cicero admired. (See &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#d18&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;c. 18&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, notes.) The condemnation was either honest or dishonest: if honest, Cicero is a dishonest man for complaining of the sentence (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pro Plancio&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 29): if dishonest then Cicero here contradicts what he has said elsewhere. (See also &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;In Pisonem&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 39.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have used the Roman word judices, which is the word that Plutarch has translated. These judices were selected out of the qualified body by lot (at least this was the rule sometimes) for each particular trial. A judge, generally the prætor, presided, and the guilt or innocence of the accused was determined by the judices by a majority of votes; the votes were given by ballot at this time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This law of Gracchus about the judicia is a difficult subject, owing to the conflicting evidence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_101_101&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_101_101&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[101]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The character of the Roman roads is here accurately described. The straight lines in which they ran are nowhere more apparent than in England, as may be seen by inspecting the Ordnance maps. That from Lincoln to the Humber is a good example. It is conjectured that some of the strong substructions at La Riccia (Aricia) on the Appian Road near Rome may be the work of Caius; but I do not know on what this opinion rests. (See &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Classical Museum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 164.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Roman mile is tolerably well ascertained. It is variously estimated at 1618 and 1614 yards, which is less than the English mile. The subject of the stadium, which was the Greek measure of length, is fully examined by Colonel Leake, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;London Geographical Journal&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, vol. ix.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_102_102&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_102_102&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[102]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Caius Fannius Strabo must not be confounded with the historian of the same name. He was consul &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 122 with C. Domitius Ahenobarbus. Cicero speaks of an excellent speech of his against the proposal of Gracchus to give the Latins the full citizenship, and the suffrage to the Italian allies. (Cic., &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Brutus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 26.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_103_103&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_103_103&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[103]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; M. Fulvius Flaccus was consul &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 125, and during his year of office he defeated the Transalpine Ligurians. He was an orator of no great note, but an active agitator. He perished with Caius Gracchus (c. 16): his house was pulled down, and the ground made public property.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_104_104&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_104_104&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[104]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch’s Life of the younger Scipio Africanus is lost. Scipio died B.C. 159, six years before Caius was tribune. He had retired to rest in the evening with some tablets on which he intended to write a speech to deliver before the people on the subject of the Agrarian Law of Tiberius Gracchus and the difficulties of carrying it into effect. He was found dead in the morning, and it was the general opinion that he was murdered. His wife Sempronia was suspected, and even Cornelia his mother-in-law, as well as C. Gracchus. C. Papirius Carbo, one of the triumviri for dividing the land with Caius and Fulvius Flaccus is distinctly mentioned by Cicero as one of the murderers. As to him, there is no doubt that he was believed to be guilty. It is also admitted by all authorities that there was no inquiry into the death of Scipio; and Appian adds that he had not even a public funeral.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_105_105&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_105_105&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[105]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was the first Roman colony that was established beyond the limits of the Italian Peninsula, which Velleius reckons among the most impolitic measures of Gracchus. The colony of Gracchus appears to have been neglected, and the town was not built. At the destruction of Carthage heavy imprecations were laid on any man who should restore the city. The colony was established by Cæsar the Dictator.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The foundation of a Roman colony was accompanied with solemn ceremonials, to which Plutarch alludes. The anniversary day of the foundation was religiously observed. On some Roman coins there is a representation of a man driving a yoke of oxen and a vexillum (standard), which are the symbols of a Roman colony.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_106_106&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_106_106&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[106]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch has here used the word oligarch (ὀλιγαρχικός), one who is a friend to the party of the Few as opposed to the Many. The meaning of an oligarchy, according to Aristotle (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Politik&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 4, c. 4), is a government in which the rich and those of noble birth possess the political power, being Few in number. But the smallness of the number is only an accident: the essence of an oligarchy consists in the power being in the hands of the rich and the noble, who happen in all countries to be the Few compared with the Many.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_107_107&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_107_107&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[107]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was a proverbial expression, of which different explanations were given. Sardinia, it is said, was noted for a bitter herb which contracted the features of those who tasted it. Pausanias (x. 17) says it is a plant like parsley, which grows near springs, and causes people who eat it to laugh till they die; and he supposes that Homer’s expression (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Odyssey&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; xx. 302), a Sardanian laugh, is an allusion to this property of the plant: but this is not a probable explanation of the expression in Homer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_108_108&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_108_108&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[108]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Some fragments of the Letters of Cornelia are extant, but there is great difficulty in determining if they are genuine, and opinions are divided on the subject. Gerlach, in his essay on Tiberius and Caius Gracchus (p. 37), maintains their genuineness against the opinion of Spalding and Bernhardy. The Fragments are collected by Roth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_109_109&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_109_109&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[109]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The story in Appian (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 25) is somewhat different.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_110_110&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_110_110&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[110]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Roman stilus, which Plutarch translates by &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;graphium&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (γραφεῖον), “a writing instrument,” was of metal, iron or brass, sharp at one end and flat at the other. The point was used for writing on tablets which were smeared with wax: the other end was used for erasing what was written and making the surface even again. The word was often used by the best Roman writers in a metaphorical sense to express the manner and character of a written composition, and from them it has passed into some of the modern languages of Europe, our own among the rest: thus we speak of a good style, a bad style of writing, and so on.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_111_111&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_111_111&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[111]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The form of the decree was, Videant consules ne quid respublica detrimenti capiat (Livius, 3, c. 4), which empowered the consuls or consul, as the case might be, to provide that the commonwealth sustained no damage. The word detrimentum, which signifies damage caused by rubbing off, had a tacit reference to the majestas of the Populus Romanus. The majestas (majesty) of the state is its integrity, its wholeness, any diminution of which was an offence; and under the Emperors the crime of majestas, that is majestas impaired, was equivalent to high treason. The decree here alluded to was only adopted, as Livius expresses it, in the utmost extremity, when the state was in danger; its effect was to proclaim martial law, and to suspend for the time all the usual forms of proceeding.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_112_112&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_112_112&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[112]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was one of the hills or eminences in Rome: it was the plebeian quarter.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_113_113&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_113_113&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[113]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is the Roman term which corresponds to the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;kerukeion&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (κηρύκειον) of Plutarch, or the staff which ambassadors or heralds carried in time of war when they were sent to an enemy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_114_114&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_114_114&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[114]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Cretans were often employed as mercenaries in the Roman army, as we see from passages in Livius (37, c. 41).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_115_115&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_115_115&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[115]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is not Plutarch’s word, but it expresses his meaning, and he uses the word elsewhere. Amnesty is Greek and was used by the later Greek writers in a sense the same or nearly the same as in modern times, to express a declaration on the part of those who had the sovereign power for the time that they would pardon those who had in any way acted in opposition to such power.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_116_116&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_116_116&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[116]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Pons Sublicius as it was called, the oldest bridge over the Tiber at Rome.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_117_117&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_117_117&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[117]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As usual in such cases, there is a dispute about the person or at least his name. Velleius (ii. 6,) and Aurelius Victor called him Euporus. Both names are Greek, and the faithful slave was doubtless a Greek, of whom there were now many at Rome. They were valued for their superior acquirements and dexterity, and filled the higher places in great families. The slaves from barbarous nations, that is, nations not Greek, were used for meaner purposes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_118_118&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_118_118&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[118]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Kaltwasser remarks that Aurelius Victor (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Viris Illustribus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 55) says that Caius died in the grove of Furina, the goddess of thieves, whose sacred place was beyond, that is on the west side of the Tiber, and that Plutarch appears to have confounded this with the name of the Furies, the Greek Erinnyes. This may be so; or Victor may have made a mistake, which he often has done.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_119_119&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_119_119&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[119]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Opimius must have been as great a knave as Septimuleius, for the fraud was palpable. Stories of this kind are generally given with variations. Plinius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;N. H.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 33, c. 14) says it was the mouth that was filled with lead, and that Septimuleius had been a confidential friend of Caius. This was the first instance in Rome of head money being offered and paid; but the example was followed in the proscriptions of Sulla, and those of the triumviri Lepidus, M. Antonius, and Cæsar Octavianus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_120_120&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_120_120&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[120]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I have followed Kaltwasser in translating the Greek word ἀπονοία, which signifies madness, desperation, or a desperate deed, by discord, for the sake of maintaining something like the opposition between the two words which exists in the original.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_121_121&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_121_121&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[121]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Caius Opimius was consul with Q. Fabius Maximus Allobrogicus, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 121, the year of the death of Caius. The history of his conduct in Libya is told by Sallustius in the Jugurthine war. He was one of ten commissioners who were sent, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 112, to settle the disputes between Adherbal, the son of Micipsa, and Jugurtha, the illegitimate son of Micipsa’s brother. The commissioners were bribed by Jugurtha and decided in his favour. Opimius and the rest of them were tried for the offence, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 109, and banished. Opimius died in great poverty at Dyrrachium (Durazzo) in Epirus. (Sallustius, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Jugurthine War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 134; Velleius, ii. 7.) Cicero thinks that Opimius was very hardly used after his services in crushing the insurrection at Fregellæ and putting down the disturbances excited by Caius Gracchus and Fulvius Flaccus: he calls him the saviour of the state, and laments his condemnation. (Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pro Plancio&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 28, &amp;amp;amp;c.; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Brutus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 34; &amp;amp;amp;c.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_122_122&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_122_122&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[122]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; M. Fulvius Flaccus was consul, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 125, during which year he defeated the Transalpine Ligurians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_123_123&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_123_123&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[123]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The legislation of the Gracchi, particularly of Caius Gracchus, comprehended many objects, the provisions as to which are comprehended under the general name of Semproniæ Leges, for it was the fashion to name a law after the gentile name of him who proposed it. The most important of the measures of Caius have been mentioned by Plutarch, with the exception of a law about the provinces. At the outbreak of the Social War, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 91, the Roman provinces comprehended Sardinia, Corsica, Sicily, the Spanish Peninsula, the whole of which, however, was not subdued, Cisalpine Gaul, Asia, Macedonia, Achæa, Transalpine Gaul, and some others of less note.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The original sense of the word provincia had no reference to a territory, though this is the later sense of the word and the common usage of it. The functions of the prætor urbanus who stayed at Rome were called his provincia, that is, the administration of justice was his provincia or business. The word is used in the sense of a function or office by Livius with reference to a time when there was no provincia in the later sense of the word. In the time of Cicero, provincia signified a territory out of Italy, which was administered by a Roman governor. The term Italy, at this time, did not comprise the whole peninsula, but only that part which was south of the rivers Rubico and Macra. The primary meaning of the word is confirmed by its etymology; provincia is a shortened form of providentia, which also appears in the shape prudentia. Providentia signifies “foresight,” “superintending care,” and so forth; and it is formed on the same principle as beneficentia, benevolentia, and other Latin words which are of a participial character. The etymology of Niebuhr (proventus) is untenable, and that which I have partly adopted (Smith’s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Dict. of Antiquities&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, art. “Provincia”) is no better. Since writing that article, I saw that the word is only another form of providentia, and a friend has pointed out to me that Mr. G. C. Lewis first suggested this as the origin of the word in his Essay on the Government of Dependencies, London, 1841, Note H. p. 353. If this explanation of the word is correct, the true orthography is provintia, but I have not yet been able to find it on an inscription.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The old practice was for the Senate, after the elections of the Consuls and Prætors, to name two provinces which should be given to the consuls after the consulship was expired. The two consuls settled by lot or by agreement which province of the two they should have. As the consuls were chosen before the two consular provinces were determined by the senate, it was in the power of the senate to give what provinces they pleased to the consuls, and so make the appointment either a favour or not. A law of Gracchus enacted that the two consular provinces should be determined before the election of consuls, and that the senate should not have the power, which they had formerly exercised, of prolonging a man’s government in a province beyond the year. This law manifestly limited the power of the Senate, though some writers conceive that it was enacted for the advantage of that body as some compensation for their loss of the judicial power.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Plutarch has treated the subject of the Gracchi with perfect impartiality. He has given them credit for good motives, and approved of their measures in general, but he has not disguised their faults. Appian considered that the measures of Tiberius were for the public good, but that his conduct was not judicious. Sallustius also admits that the Gracchi did not conduct themselves with sufficient moderation (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Jugurthine War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 46); but Sallustius belonged to the popular party, and he approved of their measures. Most of the other Roman writers express an unfavourable opinion of the Gracchi. Florus however gives them credit for good intentions, but disapproves of the means by which they attempted to carry their measures into effect. That part of the work of Livius which treated of this period is lost, but we may collect his opinions of the Gracchi from the Epitomes of the lost books, and the general tenor of his History. The measures of the Gracchi were estimated by the rule of party spirit. The judgment of Cicero, who often mentions the Gracchi, is both for and against. His expressed opinion, whatever might be his real opinion, varied with circumstances. If we only knew his opinion from the second oration against the Agrarian Law of Rullus (ii. 5), we should consider him as approving of all the measures of the Gracchi. When he delivered that oration, Cicero had just been elected Consul: he was a Novus homo, a new man as the Romans called him, who was the first of his family to attain to the high honours of the State, and he had obtained the consulship as a friend of the people, as a popular man (Popularis). In his treatise on Friendship and other of his writings, he gives a contradictory judgment of the Gracchi; he says that Tiberius Gracchus aimed at the kingly power, or rather in fact was king for a few months; he calls the two Gracchi degenerate sons of their father; he extols the murderers of Tiberius Gracchus; he commiserates the hard fate of Opimius after saving the state by putting Caius Gracchus to death. All this was written or said after he was consul, after he had done what the murderers of the Gracchi had done, after he had put to death Catilina and his accomplices without trial contrary to the constitution, contrary to a special law which Caius Gracchus had carried that no Roman citizen should be put to death without a duly constituted trial; after he had, like Nasica and Opimius, made himself a murderer by putting men to death without letting them be tried according to law; whether they were guilty or not, is immaterial; they were put to death without trial, contrary to a principle of justice which, before he became guilty himself, Cicero had maintained and defended. The acts of the Gracchi were on record and well understood; but Cicero made his opinion of their acts depend not on his convictions, but on his interests; it is to him mainly that we may trace the common notion that the Gracchi were merely a couple of designing demagogues. The Gracchi were not wise enough or firm enough to be good reformers, but few reformers in so difficult a situation have left behind them so fair a reputation for honest intention. There was a great mass of contemporary materials for the history of the Gracchi, consisting of the speeches of the two brothers, of the numerous speeches made against them, the history of Polybius, who could not have overlooked the Gracchi in his account of the Numantine war, the history of Fannius, and other materials which Gerlach has enumerated in his Essay on the Gracchi. It is plain from Plutarch’s narrative, that he used these authorities; and if we consider how far removed he was from the time of the Gracchi, and his character, we may conclude that he has given as impartial a view of the times as he could collect from contemporary evidence. He may have made mistakes, and some mistakes we cannot help considering that he has made; but he can hardly have made any mistake in his representation of the nature of the reforms which the two brothers attempted, of the opposition that they encountered, and of their general character.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Misenum.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Misenum was on the coast of Campania near Cape Miseno, a favourite residence of the wealthy Romans, who built villas there. The house of Cornelia had many occupants. It became the property of Caius Marius (c. 34), then of Lucius Lucullus, and finally of the Emperor Tiberius, who died here. It was seated on a hill which commanded an extensive sea-view.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the last sentence of this chapter I have adopted the reading of Sintenis (φυλαττομένης), which is necessary for the sense.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_124_124&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_124_124&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[124]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Alluding to the fight of Herakles with the Lernæan hydra which had nine heads. Herakles struck off its heads with his club, but in the place of the head he cut off, two new heads grew forth each time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_125_125&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_125_125&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[125]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was a frontier town, whose possession was disputed by the Athenians and Bœotians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_126_126&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_126_126&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[126]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; An Athenian of the township of Thriasia, near Eleusis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_127_127&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_127_127&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[127]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A fellow-scholar of Demosthenes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_128_128&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_128_128&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[128]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A low quarter of Athens.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_129_129&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_129_129&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[129]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Life of Crassus, ch. 2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_130_130&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_130_130&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[130]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The battle of Chæronea, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 338, in which Philip defeated the Athenians and Bœotians, and crushed the liberties of Greece.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_131_131&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_131_131&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[131]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The hero of a mock-heroic poem supposed to have been written by Homer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_132_132&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_132_132&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[132]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Kassander built a new city on the site of Potidæa, on the narrow isthmus of the promontory of Pallene. Potidæa had been destroyed by Philip, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 356. The new city of Kassandrea soon became the most flourishing city in Macedonia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_133_133&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_133_133&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[133]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was Agis III. who at the time of the battle of Issus, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 333, was communicating with the Persian naval commanders in the Ægean, to obtain supplies for the war against the Macedonians. He was killed in action, about the time of the battle of Arbela, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 331.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_134_134&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_134_134&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[134]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The second month of the Attic year, the latter half of August and first of September. The two next months mentioned in the text correspond to the latter half of September and the first of October and the latter half of October and first of November respectively.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_135_135&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_135_135&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[135]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A small island in the Saronic Gulf off the coast of Argolis and opposite Troezen, where was a celebrated temple of Poseidon which was regarded as an inviolable asylum. Hither Demosthenes fled to avoid Antipater, and here he took poison, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 322.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_136_136&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_136_136&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[136]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Greek word signifies a reed, in the upper part of which poison might easily be placed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_137_137&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_137_137&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[137]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A festival in honour of Demeter. For details see Smith ‘Dict. of Antiq.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_138_138&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_138_138&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[138]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Helvia Gens was plebeian. It becomes historical from the time of the second Punic war, and became ennobled (nobilis) by M. Helvius being elected prætor &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 197, the first year in which six prætors were elected (Liv. 32. c. 27). It is said that Cicero never mentions his mother in his writings, but an anecdote of her careful housekeeping is recorded by her son Quintus (Cic. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Diversos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, xvi. 26).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The allusion is to the Volscian with whom Coriolanus took refuge when he left Rome (Plutarch, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life of Coriolanus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 22; Livy, 2, c. 35).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_139_139&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_139_139&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[139]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero himself did not claim any illustrious descent. The family had been long settled at Arpinum, now Arpino, a Volscian town. The first person who is mentioned as bearing the name of Cicero is C. Claudius Cicero, a tribunus plebis, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 454 (Liv. 3. c. 31). M. Tullius Cicero, the grandfather of the orator, was born &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 140, and nothing is known of the orator’s family before him. Arpinum received the limited Roman civitas in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 303 (Liv. 10. c. 1), that is, probably Commercium and Connubium, for the suffrage (suffragii latio) was not given to the people of Arpinum till &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 188 (Liv. 38. c. 36). The orator’s grandfather lived to see his grandson born &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 106. Cicero’s father belonged to the class of Equites. He spent the greater part of his life on his lands at Arpinum, near the junction of the Fibrenus with the Liris (Garigliano). He afterwards removed to Rome to educate his sons Marcus and Quintus, and had a house in the Carinæ. Among his friends were the orators M. Antonius and Lucius Crassus, and Q. Scævola the Augur, a distinguished Jurist. His sons had accordingly the advantage of being acquainted in their youth with some of the most distinguished of the Romans. He is said to have died &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 64, the year before his son was consul. A letter of Cicero to Atticus (i. 6) is generally supposed to speak of his father’s death, but the true reading is undoubtedly “pater a nobis discessit;” and it is plain that Cicero is simply speaking of his father leaving Rome for a time (Drumann, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Tullii&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 213).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_140_140&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_140_140&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[140]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The cognomen Cicero, as already observed, occurs early in Roman history. Many of the Roman cognomina were derived from some particular plant which a man cultivated, or from some personal peculiarity, or from some other accidental circumstance. The mark on the nose is just as likely to be the origin of the name as the cultivation of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;cicer&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; for if the name Fabius comes from &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;faba&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, “a bean,” and Lentulus, from &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;lens&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, “pulse;” yet Catulus means “a whelp,” and Scaurus means “knock-knee’d,” or something of the kind.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The words διαστόλη, διαφύη mean what I have translated them. Kaltwasser has translated the passage thus, according to Reiske’s explanation:—“Jener hatte an der spitze der nase einen kleinen anwuchs oder warze in form einer solchen erbse, woven er den beinamen erhielt.” But this is not a translation. Plutarch does not say that he had a wart at the end of his nose, but that the end of his nose was like a vetch, because there was a kind of split or cleft in it. There is no reason for misrepresenting even a man’s nose.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_141_141&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_141_141&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[141]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The “third day of the new calends” is the third of January of the unreformed Roman calendar. Pompeius Magnus was born in the same year, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 106. Cicero himself mentions his birthday (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; vii. 5; xiii. 42). Plutarch’s stories of his aptitude for learning might be collected from the mass of anecdotes that existed in his time about all the great Romans of Cicero’s period. The story shows at least what were the traditional stories about Cicero’s youth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_142_142&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_142_142&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[142]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Kaltwasser refers to the passage in Plato’s Republic, book v. p. 56, of the Bipont edition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_143_143&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_143_143&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[143]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Glaucus was a fisherman of Anthedon in Bœotia. After eating of a certain herb he jumped into the sea and became a sea-god with the power of prophecy (Pausanias, ix. 22). Strabo (p. 405, ed. Casaub.) says that he became a fish of some kind (κῆτος), a change more appropriate to his new element, though perhaps not to his new vocation. Æschylus made a drama on the subject, which Cicero may have used.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_144_144&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_144_144&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[144]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero translated the poem of Aratus into Latin verse. He also wrote an epic poem, the subject of which was his countryman Caius Marius; and one on his own consulship, which was always a favourite topic with him. Of the translation of the ‘Phænomena’ of Aratus, which was made when he was a youth, about four hundred lines remain. The fragments of these poems, and of others not here enumerated, are in Orelli’s edition of Cicero, vol. iv.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_145_145&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_145_145&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[145]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Philo, a pupil of the Carthaginian Clitomachus, fled from Athens to Rome in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 88, at the time when the troops of Mithridates were in possession of Athens (Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Brutus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 89, and Meyer’s note).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_146_146&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_146_146&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[146]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The elder of these Mucii was Q. Mucius Scævola, Consul &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 117, commonly called the Augur. After his death Cicero attached himself to Q. Mucius Scævola, Pontifex Maximus, who was a distinguished jurist. The Pontifex was assassinated in the consulship of the younger Marius, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 82, in the temple of Vesta (Florus, iii. 21). Cicero has in several places commemorated his virtues and talents (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Orat.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. 39; iii. 3).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Cicero, in his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Brutus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 88, &amp;amp;amp;c., has given an account of his own early studies.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_147_147&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_147_147&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[147]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 89 Cicero served under Cn. Pompeius Strabo, the father of Pompeius Magnus (Life of Pompeius, c. 1. notes). Cicero speaks of this event of his life in his twelfth Philippic, c. 11.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_148_148&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_148_148&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[148]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; L. Cornelius Chrysogonus was probably a Greek. His name Cornelius was derived from his patron (Life of Sulla, c. 31, notes). Cicero’s speech for Sextus Roscius Amerinus was spoken &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 80; it is still extant. Cicero’s first extant speech, pro P. Quintio, was spoken &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 81.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_149_149&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_149_149&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[149]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero went to Greece &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 79. The reasons for his journey are stated by himself in his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Brutus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (c. 91). He speaks of his leanness and weakness, and of the length and slenderness of his neck. His physicians recommended him to give up speaking for a time. When he left Rome he had been engaged for two years in pleading causes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_150_150&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_150_150&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[150]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero stayed six months at Athens. The New Academy was founded by Arkesilaus. The school taught that certainty was not attainable in anything, and that the evidence of the senses was deceptive. The words “by the evidence and by the senses” are the exact copy of the original. Schaefer proposes to omit “and” (καὶ), in which case the passage would stand thus—“by the evidence of the senses.” Sintenis retains the conjunction (καὶ), and refers to Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Academ.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 2. 6 and 7.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_151_151&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_151_151&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[151]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero was at Rhodes in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 78 (compare his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Brutus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 91). Cicero calls this “Apollonius the son of Molo,” simply Molo (see the Life of Cæsar, c. 3, notes). Molo had the two most distinguished of the Romans among his pupils, C. Julius Cæsar and Cicero.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Poseidonius was the chief Stoic of his time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_152_152&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_152_152&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[152]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero never mentions this visit to Delphi in his writings, and Middleton thinks the visit is improbable, because Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Divinatione&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 56) shows that he knew what was the value of the oracle. But a man who despises a popular superstition may try to use it for his purposes, and may be disappointed if he cannot. Perhaps the soundness of the oracle’s advice may be a good reason for disbelieving the story.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Cicero returned to Rome in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 77.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_153_153&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_153_153&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[153]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was Q. Roscius, in whose behalf Cicero made a speech in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 76, before C. Piso as judex. The subject of the cause is stated in the arguments to the oration.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Claudius Æsopus, the great tragic actor, whom Cicero considered a perfect master of his art, was probably a Greek and a freedman of some member of the Claudia Gens. He was liberal in his expenditure, and yet he acquired an enormous fortune, which his son spent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_154_154&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_154_154&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[154]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ἐκ τοῦ ὑποκρίνεσθαι, that is, from “acting.” One Greek word for actor is ὑποκριτής. Oratorical action was therefore viewed as a part of the histrionic art; and so it is. But oratorical acting requires to be kept within narrower limits.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_155_155&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_155_155&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[155]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Bawling is properly viewed as an effort to accomplish by loudness of voice what ought to be accomplished by other means. It is simply ridiculous, and misses the mark that it aims at. “If you mouth it,” says Hamlet to the players, “as many of your players do, I had as lief the town crier had spoke my lines.”—“Let your discretion be your tutor: suit the action to the word, and the word to the action; with this special observance, that you o’erstep not the modesty of nature.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_156_156&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_156_156&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[156]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero was elected quæstor &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 76, when he was thirty years of age. He discharged the duties of his office during &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 75. He speaks well of his own quæstorship in his oration for Cn. Plancius (c. 26).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_157_157&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_157_157&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[157]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero tells the story himself in his oration for Cn. Plancius (c. 26). The place of the adventure was Puteoli (Pozzuoli), &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 74, a place to which the Romans used to resort to enjoy the natural hot springs and the agreeable neighbourhood.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_158_158&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_158_158&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[158]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Verres during his prætorship in Sicily, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 73-71, had greatly misconducted himself. He was prosecuted in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 70, in which year Pompeius Magnus and M. Licinius Crassus were consuls (Life of Crassus, c. 12). Hortensius, the orator, defended Verres. The object of Hortensius and of these praetors was to prolong or defer the trial to the next year, for which Hortensius was elected consul.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There are extant seven orations of Cicero on the matter of Verres, of which two only were delivered; that against Cæcilius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Divinatione&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;), who claimed to conduct the prosecution, his object being to get Verres off, and the Actio Prima, which is an opening of the whole case. Before the other speeches were delivered, Verres gave up his defence and went into exile. Cicero, however, published the speeches, or probably even wrote them entire after the affair was over.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This Cæcilius was Q. Cæcilius Metellus, a Sicilian by birth, and probably the descendant of a freedman of one of the Metelli. It seems that he was suspected of being of Jewish origin. Cicero’s allusion to the hog, and many other passages in the Roman writers, show that the Jews were well known in Rome at this time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_159_159&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_159_159&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[159]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ἐντὸς θυρῶν, “within doors.” Kaltwasser has translated the passage: “So solltest du hinter der thür mit deinen söhnen schmälen.” The repartee does not admit or need explanation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_160_160&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_160_160&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[160]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The story of the monster sphinx and her ænigma which Œdipus solved is well known. This work of art was of metal, according to Pliny (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist. Nat.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 34. c. 18).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_161_161&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_161_161&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[161]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; There is probably some error in Plutarch as to the amount. In the Divinatio (c. 5) the peculations of Verres were estimated at “millies HS.,” or one hundred millions of sesterces; but in the Actio Prima (c. 18), which was spoken after Cicero had been in Sicily to collect evidence, he put the amount at forty millions of sesterces, or two-fifths of the first sum. If Plutarch’s drachmæ are Roman denarii, his 750,000 drachmæ will make only three millions of sesterces.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Verres continued in exile, and he remained quiet during the civil wars. Though an unprincipled scoundrel, he showed his taste in stealing: he had kept many valuable objects of art, and he would not part with them. The story is that M. Antonius put his name in the proscription list, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 43, because he would not give up his Corinthian vessels. He was put to death, but he died, it is said, with great resolution; and he had the satisfaction of hearing that his old enemy Cicero had gone before him (Drumann, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Tullii&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 328). But all this story is very improbable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_162_162&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_162_162&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[162]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero was Curule Ædile in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 69, with M. Cæsonius for his colleague.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_163_163&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_163_163&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[163]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is evidently a mistake in Plutarch’s text. Arpinum is meant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_164_164&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_164_164&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[164]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is what Cicero calls his Pompeianum. Middleton, in his Life of Cicero, has mentioned all Cicero’s country residences in Italy, which were very numerous.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_165_165&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_165_165&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[165]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Cato, c. 19. The time of Cicero’s marriage is uncertain. Drumann conjectures that he married her about &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 80 or 79, before his journey to Asia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_166_166&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_166_166&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[166]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero was Prætor in the year &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 66, and it fell to his lot to preside at the trials for Repetundæ. This Macer was C. Licinius Macer. After he had been prætor he had a province, and during his administration he was guilty of illegal practices, for which he was tried and convicted (Cic. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. 4). Crassus, who also belonged to the Licinia Gens, felt some sympathy for a man whose crime was getting money by unlawful means. Macer was an orator and a writer. A few fragments of his Annals (Krause, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Vitæ et Fragm. Vet. Histor. Rom.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) are preserved.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_167_167&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_167_167&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[167]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; P. Vatinius was afterwards consul &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 47. There is extant a speech of Cicero against him, in which of course he has a very bad character given to him. Kaltwasser says that a thick neck was considered by the Romans as a sign of a shameless man, and he refers to the Life of Marius, c. 29, where a like expression is used. Cicero’s neck, according to his own account, was very thin, and he thought it no good sign of his strength. However this may be as to the thickness of the neck of Vatinius, it was clearly not a thing that he could alter.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_168_168&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_168_168&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[168]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; C. Manilius, a Tribunus Plebis, had in this same year proposed and carried the law which gave Pompeius the command in the Mithridatic war, and Cicero had supported the measure in a speech which is extant (Life of Pompeius, c. 30). This story of the accusation and defence of Manilius is unintelligible. C. Orchinius presided at the trials for peculatus, and Manilius should have been brought before him (Cic. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pro Cluentio&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 53). See Dion Cassius, 36. c. 27; and Drumann’s remarks, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Tullii&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 375.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_169_169&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_169_169&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[169]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero wes consul in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 63 with C. Antonius. As to the affair of Catiline, see the Lives of Cæsar and Cato, and the notes; and Drumann, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Tullii&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 385, &amp;amp;amp;c.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_170_170&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_170_170&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[170]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Sulla, c. 32.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_171_171&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_171_171&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[171]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sallust (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bell. Catilin.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; c. 22) tells a story somewhat to the same effect, of the conspirators drinking of human blood, but he does not believe the story, and perhaps few people will.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_172_172&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_172_172&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[172]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The measure to which Plutarch alludes was the Agrarian Law of the tribune P. Servilius Rullus. Cicero made three speeches against the proposal, which are extant, and he defeated the scheme.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_173_173&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_173_173&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[173]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; C. Antonius went as governor to Macedonia in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 62, where he took the opportunity of getting all the money that he could. He gave it out that Cicero was to have a share of it. The evidence of such an unprincipled man is not worth much; but one of Cicero’s letters to Atticus (i. 12), which he never expected would be read by anybody else, shows that he knew there was such a rumour; and the manner in which he treats it is perfectly incomprehensible. A certain Hilarus, a freedman of Cicero, was then with Antonius in Macedonia, as Cicero was informed, and Cicero was also informed that Antonius declared that Cicero was to have some of the money that he was getting, and that Hilarus had been sent by Cicero to look after his share. Cicero was a good deal troubled, as he says, though he did not believe the report; yet, he adds, there was certainly some talk. Cn. Plancius was named to Cicero as the authority for the report. Atticus is requested to examine into the matter, and—not to apply to Antonius or to Plancius—but to get the rascal (Hilarus) out of those parts, if in any way he can. This is a mode of proceeding that is quite inconsistent with perfect innocence on the part of Cicero. There was something between him and Antonius. Cicero says that if Antonius should be recalled, as was expected, he could not for his character’s sake defend the man; and what is more, he says, he felt no inclination; and then he proceeds to tell Atticus about this awkward report. Yet Cicero did defend Antonius (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 59) and Antonius was convicted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_174_174&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_174_174&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[174]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It appears from Cicero’s oration for Murena, c. 19, that his name was Lucius Roscius Otho, and he was not Prætor, but Tribunus Plebis. This Lex Roscia was enacted &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 67, in the consulship of M. Acilius Glabrio and C. Calpurnius Piso (Don Cassius, 36. c. 25). His law gave to the equites and those who had the equestrian census a select place of fourteen rows at the public spectacles, which were next to the seats of the senators. This unpopular measure was that which Cicero now spoke in favour of (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad. Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 1). Cicero’s oration is lost, but a passage is preserved, says Kaltwasser, by Macrobius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Saturnalia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 10). Some also suppose, as Kaltwasser says, that Virgil alludes to it in the passage in the Aeneid (i. 152). There is no extract from this oration in Macrobius, who appears to suppose that Cicero made an oration to rebuke the people for making a disturbance while Roscius, the player, was acting.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_175_175&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_175_175&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[175]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As to the conspiracy, see the Lives of Cæsar and Cato, and the notes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_176_176&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_176_176&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[176]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; His name was C. Manlius Acidinus. There is no reason for saying that his true name was Mallius: that was merely a Greek form of Manlius. He fell in the battle in which Catiline’s troops were defeated.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_177_177&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_177_177&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[177]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero has recorded this answer of Catiline in his oration for Murena, c. 25: “duo corpora esse in republica, unum debile, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infirmo&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; capite, alterum firmum, sine capite: huic, cum ita de se meritum esset, caput se vivo non defuturum.” Cicero makes Catiline say that the weak body had a weak head. Cicero’s version of what he said is obviously the true one.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_178_178&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_178_178&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[178]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Decimus Junius Silanus and L. Licinius Murena were consuls for the year &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 62. As to the trial of Murena for bribery at the elections (ambitus), see the Life of Cato, c. 21.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_179_179&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_179_179&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[179]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This affair is not mentioned by Sallustius in his history of the conspiracy of Catiline. The usual form in which the Senate gave this extraordinary power is mentioned by Sallustius (c. 29): “dent operam consules nequid Res Publica detrimenti capiat.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_180_180&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_180_180&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[180]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The assassins, according to Sallustius, were C. Cornelius and L. Vargunteius. See the note of Drumann, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Tullii&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 457: “Plutarch hunted in his authorities only after anecdotes and traits of character in order to paint his heroes: the names of the subordinate persons were indifferent to him; with such frivolous and one-sided views he could not fail to confound persons.” “Frivolous,” is perhaps hardly the translation of Drumann’s “leichtsinnig,” but it comes pretty near to it. And yet the fact of the design to assassinate is the main feature in the history: the actors in the intended assassination are subordinate to the design. A painstaking compiler is entitled to grumble at such a blunder, but Plutarch does not merit reproach in these terms.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_181_181&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_181_181&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[181]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; She was a mistress or something of the kind of one Q. Curius. Whether Curius sent her to Cicero or she went of her own accord is doubtful. Perhaps she expected to get something for her information. Sallustius, c. 23. 28, speaks of this affair; and Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Catilin.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. c. 9.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_182_182&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_182_182&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[182]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch, as Kaltwasser observes, appears to refer to the words of Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Catilin.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. c. 5): “magno me metu liberabis, dum modo inter me atque te murus intersit.” Catiline left Rome on the night of the 8th of November.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_183_183&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_183_183&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[183]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; L. Cornelius Lentulus Sura was consul &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 71. He had been put out of the Senate by the censors for his irregular life. His restoration to his rank and the matter of the prætorship are mentioned by Dion Cassius (37, c. 30, and the note of Reimarus). The meaning of the story about the ball is obvious enough; but Lentulus was not the first who had the name Sura, and Plutarch’s story is so far untrue. See Drumann’s note on the name Sura, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cornelii&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 530.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_184_184&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_184_184&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[184]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Lives of Marius and Sulla.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_185_185&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_185_185&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[185]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It was a period of festivity, and considered suitable for the purpose of the conspirators. See the Life of Pompeius, c. 34, notes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_186_186&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_186_186&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[186]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The narrative of Sallustius, as to the proposed burning of the city, is somewhat different (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bell. Catil.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; c. 43).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_187_187&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_187_187&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[187]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Allobroges were a Celtic tribe of Gallia, on the Rhone. They belonged to the division of Gallia which under Augustus was called Gallia Narbonensis. Their chief town was Vienna, now Vienne. According to Cæsar’s description (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bell. Gall.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. 6.) the Rhodanus in the upper part of its course separated the Helvetii from the Allobroges. The remotest town of the Allobroges, on the side of the Helvetii, was Geneva. Cæsar describes the Allobroges as recently (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 58) brought to friendly terms with the Romans.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_188_188&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_188_188&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[188]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This Titus of Croton is named Titus Volturcius by Sallustius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_189_189&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_189_189&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[189]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Senate met on the third of December of the unreformed calendar in the temple of Concord, on the Capitoline Hill.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_190_190&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_190_190&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[190]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Cæsar, c. 9, and the notes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_191_191&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_191_191&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[191]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare Dion Cassius, 37, c. 35. Fabia, the sister of Terentia, was one of the Vestals, and Drumann supposes that this fact confirms his supposition that Cicero had arranged all this affair with his wife, in order to work on the popular opinion. Middleton made the same supposition a long time ago. It requires no great penetration to make such a conjecture; but it may not be true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_192_192&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_192_192&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[192]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It is said that this does not appear in any of Cicero’s extant writings.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_193_193&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_193_193&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[193]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Senate assembled on the fourth of December in the temple of Concord; and again on the fifth to pass judgment on the conspirators. As to the speeches delivered on the occasion, see the Lives of Cæsar and Cato, and the notes. The whole matter of the conspiracy is treated with great minuteness and tedious prolixity by Drumann (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Tullii&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, under the year &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 63).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_194_194&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_194_194&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[194]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I believe that I have translated this correctly. I suppose that Plutarch means to say, that if Cæsar had been accused as a member of the conspiracy, he would have been acquitted, and the conspirators would have had a chance of escaping also. There was no chance of securing the condemnation of the conspirators and involving Cæsar in their fate. On the contrary, if Cæsar was accused, all might escape. It was better, therefore, not to touch him. Kaltwasser has made the passage unintelligible. The explanation of Coraës, as corrected by Schäfer, is right.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_195_195&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_195_195&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[195]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sallustius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bell. Cat.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; c. 51, &amp;amp;amp;c.) states Cæsar’s proposal to have been the confiscation of the property of the conspirators and their perpetual confinement in the chief municipia of Italy, and that the Senate should make a declaration that any man who proposed to set them at liberty, or to mitigate their punishment, should be considered an enemy of the State. Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;In Catilin.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; iv. 5) states the opinion of Cæsar to the same effect. Cæsar had urged the illegality of condemning Roman citizens to death without a trial, and this was provided by a Lex Sempronia of C. Gracchus. But Cicero replies that Cææar’s measure was as severe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_196_196&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_196_196&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[196]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The speech which he delivered on the occasion is the fourth oration against Catiline. Some critics maintain that it is not genuine. Drumann, who maintains that it is, has a long note on the subject (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Tullii&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 512).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_197_197&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_197_197&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[197]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch likens the feelings of the youth at the sight of the prisoners being led to execution to the solemn ceremonies of initiation in some mysterious rites. The conspirators were taken to the only prison that Rome then had, the Tullianum, where they were strangled. Five men were put to death. Nine had been condemned to death, but four had escaped being seized. Appian (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 6) seems to say that Cicero saw the men put to death. If he did not see the execution, we may safely assume that he took care to see that the men really were dead. Their bodies were delivered to their kinsfolk for interment.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_198_198&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_198_198&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[198]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Antonius did not command in the battle. He was ill, or pretended to be ill. His legatus, Petreius, an able officer, commanded the troops. The battle was fought early in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 62, probably near Pistoria (Pistoia) in Etruria. It was a bloody struggle, hand to hand, and the loss on the victorious side was great. Dion says that Antonius sent the head of Catilina to Rome. According to Roman usage, he was entitled to the honour of the victory, because Petreius was his inferior officer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_199_199&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_199_199&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[199]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Metellus Nepos and the other tribunes began to exercise their functions on the tenth of December. The consuls began to exercise their functions on the first of January. The oath that Cicero had to swear was, that he had obeyed the laws. He alludes to the oath that he did swear on the last day of December on giving up his office, in a letter to Q. Metellus Celer, the brother of Nepos (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Diversos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, v. 2), and in his oration against Piso, c. 3. Manutius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Comment. in&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Cic. Ep. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Divers.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; v. 2) shows that Bestia was a tribune during Cicero’s consulship, and as he had gone out of office on the ninth of December he could not have acted with Metellus on the thirty-first of December.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As to Metellus Nepos, see the Life of Cato, c. 20.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_200_200&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_200_200&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[200]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It is said that this does not occur in the extant letters of Cicero.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_201_201&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_201_201&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[201]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In the beginning of his treatise De Officiis, which is addressed to his son, then at Athens (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 44), Cicero speaks of the youth having then been a year under the instruction of Kratippus. Kratippus was a native of Mitylene, and he was living there when Pompeius touched at the island after the battle of Pharsalia (Life of Pompeius, c. 75). Cicero’s son was attached to his master, and in an extant letter to Tiro (Cic. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Diversos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, xvii. 21) he expresses his affection for him. Kratippus was more than a philosopher: he was a pleasant companion, and perhaps young Cicero liked his table-talk as much as his philosophy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_202_202&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_202_202&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[202]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He is mentioned by Cicero in his Letters to Atticus (xiv. 16, 18, and xv. 16).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_203_203&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_203_203&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[203]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero, in the letter to Tiro (xvi. 21) above referred to, says that Gorgias was useful to him in his declamatory exercises, but he had dismissed him in obedience to his father’s positive command.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_204_204&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_204_204&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[204]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It does not appear which of the Munatii this was.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_205_205&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_205_205&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[205]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Crassus could not well misunderstand the Stoical doctrine, but he appears to have purposely expressed himself as if the Stoics considered “rich” and “good” as convertible terms. Cicero’s repartee implies that “good” is the more comprehensive term: Crassus therefore was not “good,” because he was “rich.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_206_206&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_206_206&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[206]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is a frigid joke. Axius in Greek (ἄξιος) signifies “worthy;” and Cicero’s words literally translated are, he is “worthy of Crassus,” if we take Axius as a Greek word. They can also mean, he is “Axius son of Crassus.” The wit lay in associating the name of Axius and Crassus; but the joke is only made duller by the explanation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A Roman Senator named Axius is mentioned by Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; iii. 15, and elsewhere).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_207_207&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_207_207&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[207]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Crassus, c. 16.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_208_208&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_208_208&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[208]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; L. Gellius Publicola was consul with Cn. Cornelius Lentulus, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 72.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_209_209&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_209_209&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[209]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It is uncertain who this man was. The allusion to the hole in his ear signifies that his ears were bored to carry pendants or earrings after the fashion of some nations at that time. Cicero meant to imply that he was not of genuine Italian stock. Juvenal alludes to a man’s foreign origin being shown by his ears being bored, in the following terms:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line i10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“——quamvis&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Natus ad Euphratem, molles quod in aure fenestræ&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Arguerint, licet ipse neges.”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line i10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sat.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. 103, and the note of Heinrichs.&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_210_210&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_210_210&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[210]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Publius Sextius or Sestius was the name of a tribunus plebis who exerted himself to accomplish the recall of Cicero. There is extant an oration of Cicero entitled Pro P. Sestio, in defence of Publius, who was tried in the year after Cicero’s return on a charge of raising a tumult (de vi) at the popular meeting in which Cicero’s recall was proposed. Cicero speaks of the acquittal of Publius in a letter to his brother Quintus (ii. 4).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_211_211&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_211_211&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[211]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This obscure man’s name is also incorrectly written.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_212_212&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_212_212&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[212]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Cato, c. 29.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_213_213&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_213_213&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[213]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Kaltwasser conjectures that the name should be Manius Aquilius, who acted as Proconsul in the Servile war in Sicily &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 100. In &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 88 he conducted the war against Mithridates in Asia. He fell into the hands of Mithridates, who put him to death.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But this cannot be the person meant by Plutarch, who evidently means a person who may be called a contemporary of Cicero. A certain M. Aquinius is mentioned in the Book on the African War (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Bell. Afric.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 57).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_214_214&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_214_214&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[214]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Adrastus, king of Argos, gave his two daughters in marriage to Tydeus and Polynices, both of whom were exiles from their native country.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_215_215&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_215_215&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[215]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; L. Aurelius Cotta was consul &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 65, and censor &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 64, the year in which Cicero was elected consul. In his prætorship, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 70, he proposed the Lex Aurelia, which determined that the judices for public trials should be chosen from the Senators, Equites and Tribuni Ærarii. Notwithstanding this joke, Cotta was a friend of Cicero, and Cicero often speaks in high terms of praise of him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_216_216&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_216_216&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[216]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It is uncertain who this Voconius was. The verse, which is apparently from some Greek tragedian, is conjectured to allude to Laius, who begat Œdipus contrary to the advice of the oracle of Apollo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_217_217&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_217_217&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[217]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero means that he had acted as a public crier (præco). Such persons were often of servile descent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_218_218&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_218_218&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[218]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the life of Sulla, c. 34. The Roman word “Proscriptio” means putting up a public notice, as a sale and the like. The term was also applied to the public notices, now commonly called proscriptions, by which Sulla and the Triumviri declared the heads of their enemies and their property to be forfeited. (See the Life of Sulla, c. 31, and the notes.) This saying of Cicero had both truth and point.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_219_219&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_219_219&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[219]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This story of the intrigue of Clodius is told in the Life of Cæsar, c. 9.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_220_220&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_220_220&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[220]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; There is something wanting in the Greek text; but the meaning is not obscure. See the note of Sintenis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_221_221&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_221_221&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[221]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Of course on the day on which Clodius pretended that he was not at Rome. Kaltwasser has inserted the words “on that day;” but they are not in the original.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_222_222&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_222_222&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[222]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So it is in the MSS., though it should probably be Tertia. A confusion may easily have arisen between the name Terentia, which has already been mentioned in this chapter, and the name Tertia (third), though the wife of Q. Marcius Rex is said to have been the oldest of the three sisters. Quadranteria is a misprint for Quadrantaria. This lady was the wife of Q. Metellus Celer, and was suspected of poisoning him. Cicero vents unbounded abuse upon her; and he also preserved the name Quadrantaria (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Or. Pro Cælio&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 26). The Roman word Quadrans, a fourth, signified a fourth part of a Roman as, and was a small copper coin. The way in which one of her lovers is reported to have paid her in copper coin seems to have circulated in Rome as a good practical joke.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_223_223&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_223_223&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[223]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Cæsar, c. 10, and the notes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_224_224&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_224_224&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[224]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The number twenty-five agrees with the common text in Cicero’s Letter to Atticus (i. 16): the other number in the common text of Cicero is thirty-one. See the note in the Variorum edition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_225_225&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_225_225&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[225]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Clodius was tribunus plebis in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 58. The consuls of the year were L. Calpurnius Piso, the father of Calpurnia, Cæsar’s wife, and Aulus Gabinius, a tool of Pompeius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_226_226&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_226_226&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[226]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dion Cassius (38, c. 15) says that Cæsar proposed to Cicero to go to Gaul with him; and Cicero, in a letter to Atticus (i. 19), speaks of Cæsar’s proposal to him to go as his legatus. It is difficult to imagine that Cæsar made such a proposal, or at least that he seriously intended to take Cicero with him. He would have been merely an incumbrance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_227_227&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_227_227&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[227]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Read “as in a public calamity.” Cicero speaks of this affair in his oration for Cn. Plancius, c. 35; in the latter part of which oration he speaks at some length of the circumstances that attended his going into exile.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_228_228&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_228_228&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[228]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was C. Calpurnius Piso Frugi, the first husband of Tullia. She was his wife at least as early as &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 63, and she was his widow before the end of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 57.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_229_229&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_229_229&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[229]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero, in the oration which he subsequently spoke against this Piso, gives (c. 6) a strange account of his reception by Piso.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Cato and Hortensius advised Cicero to go (Dion Cassius, 38, c. 17).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_230_230&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_230_230&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[230]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare Cicero &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Legibus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 17, ed. Bakius; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; vii. 3. Cicero left Rome in the month of March, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 58.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_231_231&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_231_231&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[231]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero, in a letter to Atticus (iii. 4) says that he was required to move four hundred Roman miles from the city. Compare Dion Cassius, 38, c. 17.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_232_232&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_232_232&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[232]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero received the news of his sentence when he was near Vibo, a town in the country of the Brutii, now Bivona, on the gulf of Sta. Eufemia. He had written to Atticus (iii. 3) to meet him at Vibo, but his next letter informed Atticus that he had set out to Brundusium. Cicero names the person, Sica, who had shown him hospitality near Vibo. Plutarch calls him Οὐίβιος Σικελὸς ἀνήρ, as if he had mistaken the name Sica.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_233_233&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_233_233&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[233]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero mentions this circumstance in his oration for Cn. Plancius, c. 40 (ed. Wunder, and the Notes). He was well received by the municipia which lay between Vibo and Brundusium. He did not enter the city of Brundusium, but lodged in the gardens of M. Lænus Flaccus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_234_234&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_234_234&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[234]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero did not remain at Dyrrachium. His movements are described in his own letters, and in his oration for Cn. Plancius. He went to Thessalonica in Macedonia, where Plancius then was in the capacity of quæstor to L. Apuleius, Prætor of Macedonia. He reached Thessalonica on the 23rd of May (x. Kal. Jun.), and there is a letter extant addressed to Atticus (ii. 8), which is dated from Thessalonica on the 29th of May (Dat. iiii. Kal. Jun. Thessalonicae).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_235_235&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_235_235&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[235]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; His unmanly lamentations are recorded in his own letters and in his own speech for Cn. Plancius, c. 42.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_236_236&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_236_236&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[236]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero was not a practical philosopher. Like most persons who have been much engaged in public life, he lived in the opinion of others. He did not follow the maxim of the Emperor Antoninus, who bids us “Look within; for within is the source of good, and it sends up a continuous stream to those who will always dig there” (vii. 59). Cicero did not reverence his own soul, but he placed his happiness “in the opinion of others” (i. 6). Perhaps however he was not weaker than most active politicians, whose letters would be as dolorous and lachrymose as his, if they were banished to a distant colony.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_237_237&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_237_237&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[237]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is not obscure, if it is properly considered, and it contains a serious truth. A man must view things as they are, and he must not take his notions of them from the affects of the many. “Things touch not the soul, but they are out of it, and passive; perturbations come only from the opinion that is within a man” (M. Antoninus, iv. 3).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The philosophic emperor and the unphilosophic statesman were very different persons. The emperor both preached and practised. The statesman showed his feebleness by his arrogance in prosperity and his abjectness in adversity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_238_238&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_238_238&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[238]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; These proceedings are described by Cicero in his oration (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pro Domo&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 24). The marble columns were removed from his house on the Palatine to the premises of the father-in-law of the consul Piso, in the presence of the people. Gabinius, the other consul, who was Cicero’s neighbour at Tusculum, removed to his own land the stock that was on Cicero’s estate and the ornaments of the house, and even the trees.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_239_239&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_239_239&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[239]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 57, P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther and Q. Cæcilius Metellus Nepos were consuls. Cicero alludes to the disturbance which preceded his recall in his oration for P. Sextius, c. 35: “Caedem in foro maximam faciunt, universique destrictis gladiis et cruentis in omnibus fori partibus fratrem meum, virum optimum, fortissimum, meique amantissimum oculis quaerebant, voce poscebant.” Cicero adds that his brother being driven from the Rostra lay down in the Comitium, and protected himself “with the bodies of slaves and freedmen;” by which Cicero seems to mean that his slaves and freedmen kept watch over him till he made his escape at night. Plutarch appears to have misunderstood the passage or to have had some other authority. In this dreadful tumult “the Tiber was filled with the dead bodies of the citizens, the drains were choaked, and the blood was wiped up from the Forum with sponges.” This looks somewhat like rhetorical embellishment.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_240_240&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_240_240&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[240]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero in a letter to Atticus (iv. 2) gives an account of the compensation which he received. The valuation of his house at Rome (superficies aedium) was fixed at HS. vicies, or two million sesterces. He seems not to have objected to this, but he complains of the valuation of his Tusculanum and Formianum.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_241_241&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_241_241&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[241]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In the seventeenth month according to Clinton (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Fasti Hellen.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 57). The passage that Plutarch refers to is in the Oration to the Senate after his return (c, 15): “Cum me vestra auctoritas arcessierit, Populus Romanus revocarit, Respublica implorarit, Italia cuncta paene suis humeris reportarit.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_242_242&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_242_242&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[242]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Cato, c. 40, and Dion Cassius, 39, c. 21.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_243_243&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_243_243&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[243]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Clodius was killed &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 52, the year in which Pompeius was chosen sole consul. Cicero’s speech for Milo is extant, or at least a speech which he wrote after the trial. Milo was condemned and went an exile to Massilia. His property was sold and it went cheap. Cicero was under some suspicion of being a purchaser; but the matter is quite unintelligible (Drumann, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Annii&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 49, and the references). There could be no reason why Cicero should write in such obscure terms to Atticus, if his conduct in this matter was fair.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_244_244&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_244_244&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[244]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Crassus perished &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 54. See the Life of Crassus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_245_245&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_245_245&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[245]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; His province also comprehended Pisidia, Pamphylia, and Cyprus. The proconsulship of Cicero was in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 51, though he had been consul in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 63. Cicero went to Cilicia against his will (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Diversos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 2). Pompeius had got the Senate (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 52) to pass an order that no person should hold a province within five years after being consul or prætor. This was aimed at Cæsar, if he should get a second consulship. Pompeius also wished to have Cicero out of the way, and the provinces were to be supplied with governors from among those who did not come within the terms of the new rule: and Cicero was one of them (Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Diversos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 2; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; vi. 6).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_246_246&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_246_246&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[246]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was the third Cappadocian king of this name. This unlucky king was a debtor of Cn. Pompeius and M. Junius Brutus, the most distinguished Roman money-lender of his day (Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; vi. 1-3). Both Pompeius and Brutus were pressing the king for money. Deiotarus also sent to Ariobarzanes to try to get some money out of him for Brutus. The king’s answer was that he had none, and Cicero says that he believed he told the truth, for that no country was in a more impoverished state and nobody more beggared than the king. Cicero dunned the king continually with letters, but he was not particularly well pleased with his commission (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; vi. 2). The end was that the king provided for the payment of about one hundred talents to Brutus during Cicero’s year of government. He had promised Pompeius two hundred in six mouths, which, as a judicious commentator remarks, is not worth so much as a security for one hundred. These money doings of the supposed patriot Brutus should be well examined by those who still retain an opinion of the virtues of this Republican hero.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_247_247&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_247_247&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[247]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; There seems no reason to doubt that Cicero’s administration of his province was just and mild. Plutarch has apparently derived some of the facts here mentioned from Cicero himself (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; vi. 2): “Aditus autem ad me minime provinciales; nihil per cubicularium: ante lucem inambulabam domi, ut olim candidatus.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_248_248&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_248_248&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[248]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero’s exploits were such as would not have been recorded, if he had not been his own historian. In a letter to Cato (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Diversos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, xv. 4), he gives a pretty full account of his operations; and he asks Cato to use his influence to get him the honour of a Supplicatio or Public Thanksgiving. Cato’s short reply, which he says is longer than his letters usually are, is a model in its way.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_249_249&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_249_249&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[249]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So it is in Plutarch’s text: it may be the blunder of Plutarch, or the blunder of his copyists. The true name is M. Cælius (Cic. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Diversos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 11), who was curule ædile &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 51. The saying about the panthers is in this letter of Cicero, who had set the panther-hunters to work.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Cicero returned to Rome in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 50. He mentions (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; vi. 7) his intention to call at Rhodes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_250_250&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_250_250&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[250]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The events of this chapter, which belong to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 49, are told at length in the Lives of Pompeius and Cæsar. Cicero’s irresolution is well marked in his own letters; in one of which (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; viii. 7, referred to by Kaltwasser) he says:—“Ego quem fugiam habeo, quem sequar non habeo.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There are no letters extant of Trebatius to the purport which Plutarch states, but Cæsar wrote to Cicero and begged him to stay at Rome. Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ix. 16) has given a copy of Cæsar’s letter; and a copy of another letter from Cæsar (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; x. 8), in which he urges Cicero to keep quiet. There seems to be no doubt that Trebatius had been employed by Cæsar to write to Cicero and speak to him about remaining neutral at least. Cicero had an interview with Cæsar at Formiæ, after Cæsar’s return from Brundusium (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Atticum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ix. 18, 19; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Diversos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iv. 1). The letter last referred to is addressed to Servius Sulpicius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_251_251&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_251_251&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[251]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; L. Domitius Ahenobarbus. See the Life of Cæsar, c. 34.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_252_252&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_252_252&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[252]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Pompeius, c. 37, notes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_253_253&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_253_253&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[253]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Smart sayings are not generally improved by explanation, and they ought not to require it. Cicero apparently meant to say that it was as absurd to talk of men being dispirited after a victory, as if one were to say that Cæsar’s friends disliked him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_254_254&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_254_254&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[254]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After defeating Pharnaces Cæsar landed in Italy, in September, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 47, of the unreformed calendar. Cicero had received a letter from Cæsar before Cæsar’s arrival in Italy. The letter was written in Egypt (Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Diversos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, xiv. 23; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pro Q. Ligario&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 3). Compare Dion Cassius, 46, c. 12, 22, as to the conduct of Cicero to Cæsar. Before the end of the year Cicero was in Rome.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_255_255&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_255_255&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[255]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It is difficult to see what was the resemblance between Perikles and Cicero. Theramenes was somewhat more like him, for he tried to be on more sides than one, and met with the usual fate of such people. He was one of the so-called Thirty Tyrants of Athens, and he was sacrificed by his colleagues.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_256_256&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_256_256&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[256]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The speech of Cicero is extant. The allusion of Plutarch is particularly to the third chapter.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_257_257&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_257_257&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[257]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero in a letter to L. Papirius Pætus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Diversos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ix. 18) alludes to his occupations at Tusculum. He compares himself to Dionysius, who after being driven from Syracuse is said to have opened a school at Corinth. Cicero’s literary activity after &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 47 is the most remarkable passage in his life. He required to be doing something.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_258_258&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_258_258&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[258]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The allusion is to the story of Laertes in the Odyssey, i. 190, and xxiv. 226.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_259_259&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_259_259&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[259]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; She was divorced some time in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 46. The latest extant letter to Terentia is dated on the first of October, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 47, from Venusia. Cicero was then on his road from Brundusium to Tusculanum. He orders his wife to have everything ready for him; some friends would probably be with him, and they might stay some time. The bath was to be got ready, and eatables, and everything else. A gentleman would write a more civil letter to his housekeeper.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In a letter to Cn. Plancius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Diversos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ix. 14), who congratulates Cicero on his new marriage, he says that nothing would have induced him to take such a step at such a time, if he had not found on his return his domestic affairs even worse than public affairs. According to his own account he was hardly safe in his own house, and it was necessary to strengthen himself by new alliances against the perfidy of old ones. Terentia may have been a bad housekeeper, and her temper was not the sweetest. She could not have any feeling for her husband except contempt, and he repaid it by getting rid of her. Cicero had to repay the Dos of Terentia, but she never got it back, so far as we can learn.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It is not known what was the age of Terentia when she was divorced, but she could not be young. Yet there are stories of her marrying Sallustius, the historian, and after him Messala Corvinus, but the authority for these marriages is weak. She is said to have attained the age of one hundred and three. Terentia had a large property of her own. There is no imputation on her character, which, for those times, is much in her favour. She had courage in danger and firmness of purpose, both of which her husband wanted. “Her husband,” says Drumann, “who always looked for and needed some support, must often have acted under her influence: for him it was a fortunate thing to have such a woman by his side, and a scandal that he put her away.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_260_260&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_260_260&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[260]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Her name was Publilia. Cicero was now sixty years of age. Various ladies had been recommended to Cicero. He would not marry the daughter of Pompeius Magnus, the widow of Faustus Sulla, perhaps for fear that it might displease Cæsar; another who was recommended to him was too ugly (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; xiv. 11). Publilia was young and rich: her father had left her a large fortune, but in order to evade the Lex Voconia, which limited the amount that a woman could take by testament, the property was given to Cicero in trust to give it to her. The marriage turned out unhappy. In a letter to Atticus (xiv. 32), written when Cicero was alone in the country, he says that Publilia had written to pray that she might come to him with her mother; but he had told her that he preferred being alone, and he begs Atticus to let him know how long he could safely stay in the country without a visit from his young wife. Tullia died in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 45, and Cicero had now no relief except in his studies; his new wife was a burden to him, and he divorced her. He had the Dos of Publilia now to repay, and Terentia was not settled with; thus, in addition to his other troubles, he was troubled about money (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, xiv. 34, 47).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Dion Cassius (57. 15) says that Vibius Rufus, who was consul &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.D.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 22, in the time of Tiberius, married Cicero’s widow, and Middleton supposes that Terentia is meant, but this is very unlikely; Dion must mean Publilia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_261_261&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_261_261&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[261]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Tiro was a freedman of Cicero, and had been brought up in his house. He had a good capacity and his master was strongly attached to him. Cicero’s letters to him are in the sixteenth book of the Miscellaneous Collection. It is said that Tiro collected the letters of Cicero after Cicero’s death, by doing which he has rendered a great service to history, and little to his master.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_262_262&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_262_262&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[262]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Tullia’s first husband was C. Calpurnius Piso Frugi, who died probably early in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 57. In &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 56 Tullia married Furius Crassipes, from whom she was divorced, but the circumstances are not known. Her third husband was P. Cornelius Dolabella, a patrician. It seems that she was separated from Dolabella before she died. Tullia did not die in Rome, but at her father’s house at Tusculum, in February, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 45. Tullia left one son by Dolabella, who was named Lentulus. His father, Dolabella, is also named Lentulus, whence it is concluded that he had been adopted by a Lentulus. The Lentuli were Cornelii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_263_263&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_263_263&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[263]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar was murdered on the Ides of March, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 44. The circumstances of Cæsar’s death, and the events which follow, are told in the Lives of Cæsar and Antonius. Cicero saw Cæsar fall (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; xiv. 14), and he rejoiced.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_264_264&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_264_264&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[264]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; An “oblivion” or “non-remembrance” is a declaration of those who have the sovereign power in a state, that certain persons shall be excused for their political acts. It implies that those who grant the amnesty have the power, and that those to whom it is granted are in subjection to them, or have not the political power which the authors of the amnesty assume. After Thrasybulus at Athens had overthrown the Thirty Tyrants as they are called, an amnesty was declared, but the Thirty and some few others were excluded from it (Xenophon, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hellen.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 4, 38).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Cicero in his first Philippic (c. 1) alludes to his attempt to bring about a settlement. The senate met on the eighteenth of March in the temple of Tellus: “In quo templo quantum in me fuit jeci fundamenta pacis, Atheniensiumque renovavi vetus exemplum: Græcum etiam verbum usurpavi quo tum in sedandis discordiis erat usa civitas illa, atque omnem memoriam discordiarum oblivione sempiterna delendam censui.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_265_265&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_265_265&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[265]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; P. Cornelius Dolabella, once the husband of Tullia, Cicero’s daughter. He was consul, after Cæsar’s death, with M. Antonius, and in the next year, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 43, he was in Syria as governor. Cassius, who was also in Syria, attacked Dolabella and took Laodicea, where Dolabella was. To avoid falling into the hands of his enemy, Dolabella ordered a soldier to kill him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_266_266&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_266_266&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[266]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A. Hirtius, or as Plutarch writes the name Irtius, and C. Vibius Pansa were the consuls of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 53. Cicero set out from Rome soon after Cæsar’s death with the intention of going to Greece (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; xiv.). He went as far as Syracuse, whence he returned to Rome, which he reached on the last day of August (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Diversos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, xii. 25; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; xvi. 7; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Philipp.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. 5; v. 7). Cicero in the passage last referred to speaks of the violent measures of Antonius; “huc etiam nisi venirem Kal. Sept. fabros se missurum et domum meam disturbaturum esse dixit.” On the second of September he delivered his first Philippic in the Senate. It is an evidence of Cicero’s great mental activity that he wrote his Topica, addressed to Trebatius, on shipboard after he had set sail from Velia with the intention of going to Greece. He says that he had no books with him (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Topica&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 1, &amp;amp;amp;c.).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_267_267&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_267_267&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[267]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; C. Octavius, the grandson of Cæsar’s younger sister Julia, and the son of C. Octavius, prætor &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 61, by Atia, the daughter of M. Atius Balbus and Julia. C. Octavius, the young Cæsar, was born &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 63, in the consulship of Cicero. The dictator by his testament left him a large property and his name. Accordingly he is henceforth called C. Julius Cæsar Octavianus, but he is better known as the future Emperor Augustus. At the time of the Dictator’s assassination he was at Apollonia, a town on the coast of Illyricum. He came to Rome on the news of Cæsar’s death with his friend M. Vipsanius Agrippa. Cicero saw him at his Cuman villa on his way to Rome (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad. Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; xiv. 11, 12).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_268_268&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_268_268&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[268]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch probably means Greek drachmæ, for he states the sum in his Life of Antonius, c. 15, in round numbers at 4000 talents. The Septies Millies which Cicero speaks of (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Philipp.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 37) is a different sum of money.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_269_269&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_269_269&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[269]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar’s mother had taken for her second husband L. Marcius Philippus. She just lived to see her youthful son consul in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 43.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Octavia, the younger sister of Cæsar, was now the wife of C. Marcellus, who had been consul &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 50. After the death of Marcellus, she married M. Antonius (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 40), being then with child by her deceased husband. The Roman law did not allow a woman to marry till ten months after her husband’s death; the object of the rule was to prevent the paternity of a child from being doubtful. Plutarch correctly states the time at ten months (Life of Antonius, c. 31). If Octavia was then with child, as Dion Cassius says (48. c. 3), the reason for the rule did not exist. In later times, at least, the rule was dispensed with when the reason for it ceased, as when a pregnant widow was delivered of a child before the end of the ten months. Ten months was the assumed time of complete gestation (Savigny, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;System&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;amp;amp;c. ii. 181).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_270_270&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_270_270&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[270]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Young Cæsar had raised troops in Campania, and chiefly at Capua among the veteran soldiers of the dictator, who had been settled on lands there (Dion Cassius, 45. c. 12; Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Atticum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, xvi. 8). He gave the men five hundred denarii apiece, about eighteen pounds sterling, by way of bounty, and led them to Rome. These men were old soldiers, well trained to their work. The youth who did this was nineteen years of age, a boy, as Cicero calls him; but a boy who outwitted him and everybody else, and maintained for more than half a century the power which he now seized.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_271_271&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_271_271&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[271]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dreams were viewed in a sort as manifestations of the will of the gods. This dream happened, as Dion Cassius tells (45. c. 2), to Catulus; and he makes Cicero dream another dream. Cicero dreamed that Octavius was let down from heaven by a chain of gold, and was presented with a whip by Jupiter. Suetonius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Octav. Cæsar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 94) agrees with Dion Cassius. The whip was significant. Jupiter meant that somebody required whipping, and he put the whip in the hands of a youth who knew how to use it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_272_272&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_272_272&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[272]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The young man cajoled the old one and made a tool of him. Like all vain men, Cicero was ready to be used by those who knew how to handle him. There is a letter from Brutus to Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Brutum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 16), and one of Brutus to Atticus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Brutum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 17), to the purport here stated by Plutarch. But these letters may be spurious.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_273_273&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_273_273&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[273]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was at Athens in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 44, when Cicero addressed to him his Officia. He had been a year there (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Offic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. 1) at the time when the first chapter was written. The poet Horatius was there at the same time. When M. Brutus came to Athens in the autumn of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 44, Cicero joined Brutus, who gave him a command in his cavalry (Plutarch, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Brutus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 24, 26).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_274_274&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_274_274&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[274]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The consuls were sent to relieve Mutina (Modena), in which Decimus Brutus, the governor of Cisalpine Gaul, was besieged by Antonius. Cicero had recommended the Senate to give Cæsar the authority of a commander. Cæsar received a command with the insignia of a prætor. There were two battles at Mutina, in April, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 43, in which the two consuls fell.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_275_275&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_275_275&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[275]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It is stated by various authorities that Cicero was cajoled with the hopes of the consulship (Dion Cassius, 46. c. 42; Appian, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 82). The testimony of the tenth letter to Brutus (Cicero &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Brutum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 10) is not decisive against other evidence. Cæsar came to Rome in August, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 43, with his army, and through the alarm which he created, was elected consul with Q. Pedius (Dion Cassius, 16. c. 43, &amp;amp;amp;c.; Appian, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 94).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_276_276&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_276_276&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[276]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After he was elected consul, Cæsar left the city for North Italy, and was joined by Antonius and Lepidus (Appian, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 96, &amp;amp;amp;c.). M. Æmilius Lepidus, son of M. Lepidus, consul &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 78, was consul in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 46, with C. Julius Cæsar. He was elected Pontifex Maximus after Cæsar’s death: he had been declared an enemy of the State by the Senate, but Cæsar had compelled the Senate to annul their declaration against Antonius and Lepidus, as a preparatory step to the union with them which he meditated. Lepidus is painted to the life by Shakespeare (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Julius Cæsar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iv. 2):&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line i04&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ant&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. This is a slight unmeritable man,&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Meet to be sent on errands.”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_277_277&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_277_277&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[277]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now Bologna. They met in a small island of the Rhenus, or Lavinius, as the name is in Appian (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iv. 2). The meeting is also described by Dion Cassius (46. c. 45), and here they formed a triumvirate for five years. The number of the proscribed, according to Appian, was three hundred senators and two thousand equites. The power of the triumvirate was confirmed at Rome in legal form (Appian, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iv. 7).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_278_278&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_278_278&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[278]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; L. Æmilius Paulus, consul &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 50, who is said to have sold himself to the Dictator Cæsar (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life of Cæsar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 29). As to his name Paulus, see Drumann (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Æmilii&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;). Paulus was allowed to escape to M. Brutus, by the favour of some soldiers. He was as insignificant as his brother the Triumvir. L. Cæsar, consul &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 64, was the brother of Julia, the mother of M. Antonius. Julia saved her brother’s life. Lucius was a man of no mark.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_279_279&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_279_279&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[279]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The circumstances of Cicero’s death are told more minutely by Plutarch than by any other writer. He left the city before the arrival of the Triumviri in November, and apparently when the bloody work of the proscription had commenced. He had probably heard of his fate before he reached Tusculum.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_280_280&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_280_280&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[280]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Astura was a small place on the coast of Latium, a little south of Antium. Near Astura a small stream, Fiume Astura, flows into the sea. Cicero had a villa here. The country at the back was a forest. (Westphal, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Die Römische Kampagne&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and his maps.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_281_281&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_281_281&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[281]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Appian (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iv. 20) says that the father told his murderers to kill him first, his son did the same, on which they were parted and murdered at the same time. Dion Cassius (47, c. 10) gives a different story. The main fact that they were murdered is not doubtful, but, as is usual, the circumstances are uncertain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_282_282&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_282_282&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[282]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Or Circeii, now Monte Circello, that remarkable mountain promontory which is the only striking feature on the coast of Latium. The agony of Cicero’s mind is powerfully depicted in his irresolution. The times were such as to make even a brave man timid, but a true philosopher would have shown more resolution. His turning his steps towards Rome and his return are not improbable. He had been doing the same kind of thing all his life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_283_283&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_283_283&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[283]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So in the text of Plutarch, but Caieta (Gaeta) is meant. Cicero had a villa at Formiæ, near Caieta, his Formianum, which he often mentions and which in his prosperous days was a favourite retreat.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Appian road passed from Terracina through Fundi (Fondi) and Itri, whence there is a view of Gaeta. The next place is Formiæ, Mola di Gaeta, on the beautiful bay of Gaeta. There are numerous remains about the site of Formiæ, which of course are taken for Cicero’s villa. The site was doubtless near the Mola and the village Castiglione. The Formian villa was destroyed when Cicero was banished, but he received some compensation, and he rebuilt it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_284_284&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_284_284&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[284]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This Popilius was C. Popilius Lænas, a military tribune, whom Cicero at the request of M. Cælius had once defended (Dion Cassius, 47. c. 11).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_285_285&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_285_285&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[285]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch’s narrative leads us to suppose that Cicero saw that his time was come and offered his neck to the murderers. Appian’s narrative (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iv. 20) is that Lænas drew Cicero’s head out of the litter and struck three blows before he severed it. He was so awkward at the work that the operation was like sawing the neck off.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Cicero was murdered on the 7th of December, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 73, being nearly sixty-four years of age.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_286_286&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_286_286&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[286]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The same story is told by Appian, except that he mentions only the right hand. The murderer received for his pains a large sum of money, much more than was promised. It is hardly credible that Antonius placed the head of Cicero on a tablet at a banquet (Appian, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iv. 20). Though he hated Cicero and with good reason, such a brutal act is not credible of him, nor is it consistent with the story of the head being fixed on the Rostra; not to mention other reasons against the story that might be urged. Dion Cassius (47. c. 8) says that Fulvia, the wife of Antonius, pierced the tongue of Cicero with one of the pins which women wore in their hair, and added other insults. To make his story probable, he says that it was done before the head was fixed on the Rostra.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_287_287&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_287_287&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[287]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; His name was Philogonus. The story about Philogonus is refuted by the silence of Tiro.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Pomponia, the wife of Quintus, was the sister of T. Pomponius Atticus, the friend of Cicero. She and her husband did not live in harmony.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_288_288&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_288_288&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[288]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; These were Caius and Lucius, the sons of Cæsar’s daughter Julia by M. Vipsanius Agrippa.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_289_289&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_289_289&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[289]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar defeated Antonius at the battle of Actium, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 31. Cicero’s son Marcus was made an augur, and he was consul with Cæsar in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 30. He was afterwards proconsul of Asia. The time of his death is unknown. Cicero’s son had neither ambition nor ability. All that is certainly known of him is that he loved eating and drinking, for neither of which had his father any inclination. There are two letters of the son to Tiro extant (Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Diversos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, xvi. 21, 25).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Life of Cicero is only a sketch of Cicero’s character, but a better sketch than any modern writer has made. It does not affect to be a history of the times, nor does it affect to estimate with any exactness his literary merit. But there is not a single great defect in his moral character that is not touched, nor a virtue that has not been signalized. Those who would do justice to him and have not time to examine for themselves, may trust Plutarch at least as safely as any modern writer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;If in these notes I have occasionally expressed an unfavourable opinion directly or indirectly, I have expressed none that I do not believe true, and none for which abundant evidence cannot be produced, even from Cicero’s own writings. It is a feeble and contemptible criticism that would palliate or excuse that which admits not of excuse. It is a spurious liberality that would gloss over the vices and faults of men because they have had great virtues, and would impute to those who tell the whole truth a malignant pleasure in defaming and vilifying exalted merit. This assumed fair dealing and magnanimity would deprive us of the most instructive lessons that human life teaches—that all men have their weaknesses, their failings and their vices, and that no intellectual greatness is a security against them. “It is not absolutely railing against anything to proclaim its defects, because they are in all things to be found, how beautiful or how much to be coveted soever” (Montaigne). The failings of a great man are more instructive than those of an obscure man. They exhibit the weak points at which any man may be assailed, and in some of which no man is impregnable. Cicero’s writings have made us as familiar with him as with the writers of our own country, and there is hardly a European author of modern times who is more universally read than Cicero in some or other of his numerous compositions. His letters alone, which were never intended for publication, and were written to a great variety of persons as the events of the day prompted, furnish a mass of historical evidence, which, if we consider his position and the times in which he lived, is not surpassed by any similar collection. He is thus mixed up with the events of the most stirring and interesting period of his country’s history; and every person who studies that history must endeavour to form a just estimate of the character of a man who is both a great actor in public events and an important witness.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Life of Cicero by Middleton is a partial work: the evidence is imperfectly examined and the author’s prejudices in favour of Cicero have given a false colouring to many facts. The most laborious life of Cicero is by Drumann (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Geschichte Roms&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Tullii), in which all the authorities are collected. In the ‘Penny Cyclopædia’ (art. ‘Cicero’) there is a good sketch of Cicero’s political career; and in the ‘Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology,’ edited by Dr. W. Smith, a very complete account of Cicero’s writings, distributed under their several heads.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_290_290&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_290_290&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[290]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; “Cedant arma togæ, concedat laurea linguæ.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_291_291&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_291_291&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[291]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; “Written,” because many of them were never spoken.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_292_292&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_292_292&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[292]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Augustus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_293_293&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_293_293&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[293]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For some account of the evil repute of those who dealt in these insurances, see vol. ii., Life of Cato Major, ch. 21.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_294_294&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_294_294&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[294]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch uses the equivalent Greek word for ædile, but we know that Cicero went to Sicily as quæstor.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_295_295&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_295_295&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[295]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Antigonus, surnamed the one-eyed, King of Asia, was the son of Philip of Elymiotis. He was one of the generals of Alexander the Great.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_296_296&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_296_296&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[296]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Hor. Carm. ii. 19.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_297_297&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_297_297&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[297]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was the holy robe of Athena, carried in procession through Athens at the Panathenaic festival. See Smith’s ‘Dict. of Antiq.,’ s.v.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_298_298&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_298_298&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[298]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A poisonous plant of the convolvulus kind.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_299_299&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_299_299&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[299]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; An engine described by Amm. Marcell. 23. 4. 10, and also in Smith’s ‘Dict. of Antiq.’ art. ‘Helepolis.’ See also Athen. v. p. 206. d. for a description of these machines.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_300_300&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_300_300&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[300]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A mina weighed 100 drachmæ, 15·2 oz.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_301_301&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_301_301&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[301]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Attic talent, which is probably meant, weighed about 57 lbs. avoird.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_302_302&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_302_302&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[302]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is the famous picture of Ialysus and his dog, spoken of by Cicero and Pliny, in which the foam on the dog’s mouth was made by a happy throw of the sponge, while the painter in vexation was wiping off his previous unsuccessful attempts. (Clough.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_303_303&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_303_303&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[303]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A nephew of Demosthenes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_304_304&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_304_304&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[304]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Meaning that Stratokles would be mad not to continue his flattery of Demetrius, because it was so profitable to himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_305_305&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_305_305&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[305]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Hereditary chief minister in the mysteries.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_306_306&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_306_306&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[306]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The minor rite. See Smith’s ‘Dict. of Antiq.’ s.v. ‘Eleusinia.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_307_307&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_307_307&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[307]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Lamia in Greek is the name of a fabulous monster, a bugbear to children.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_308_308&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_308_308&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[308]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A much more decent version of this story will be found in Rabelais, book iii. ch. 37.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_309_309&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_309_309&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[309]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Thracian Chersonese.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_310_310&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_310_310&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[310]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The capital city of Seleukus, now Antioch.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_311_311&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_311_311&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[311]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Tyre and Sidon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_312_312&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_312_312&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[312]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The usual Attic corn-measure, containing about 12 gallons.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_313_313&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_313_313&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[313]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A dry measure, containing a sixth of a medimnus, or about 2 gallons.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_314_314&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_314_314&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[314]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; By the entrance commonly assigned to the principal person in a drama.—Thirlwall.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_315_315&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_315_315&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[315]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Alexander, Antipater’s younger brother.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_316_316&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_316_316&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[316]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Antigonus, surnamed Gonatas, afterwards King of Macedonia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_317_317&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_317_317&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[317]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He laid siege to Thebes, the only important city in Bœotia, which seems to have quickly recovered itself after its destruction by Alexander.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_318_318&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_318_318&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[318]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; O. Kardia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_319_319&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_319_319&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[319]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See vol. ii., Life of Pyrrhus, ch. 7.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_320_320&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_320_320&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[320]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See ch. 10.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_321_321&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_321_321&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[321]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Wife of Ptolemy, King of Egypt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_322_322&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_322_322&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[322]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 284.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_323_323&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_323_323&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[323]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; His death is told in the Life of Marius, c. 44.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_324_324&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_324_324&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[324]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Antonia Gens contained both Patricians and Plebeians. The cognomen of the Patrician Antonii was Merenda. M. Antonius Creticus, a son of Antonius the orator, belonged to the Patricians. In &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 74 he commanded a fleet in the Mediterranean against the pirates. He attacked the Cretans on the ground of their connection with Mithridates; but he lost a large part of his fleet, and his captured men were hung on the ropes of their own vessels. He died shortly after of shame and vexation. The surname Creticus was given him by way of mockery. According to Dion Cassius (xlv. 47) he died deeply in debt. He left three sons, Marcus, Caius and Lucius. His eldest son Marcus was probably born in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 83.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_325_325&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_325_325&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[325]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Cicero, c. 22.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_326_326&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_326_326&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[326]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; C. Scribonius Curio, the son of a father of the same name. See the Life of Cæsar, c. 58. The amount of debt is stated by Cicero (Philipp. ii. 18) at the same sum, “sestertium sexagies.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_327_327&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_327_327&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[327]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He joined Aulus Gabinius at the end of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 58. Gabinius and L. Calpurnius Piso were consuls in that year.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_328_328&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_328_328&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[328]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was king and high priest of the Jews. Pompeius had taken him prisoner and sent him to Rome, whence he contrived to make his escape, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 57. Gabinius again sent him prisoner to Rome (Dion Cass. xxxvi. 15; xxxix. 55).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_329_329&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_329_329&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[329]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ptolemæus Auletes was the father of Cleopatra, and now an exile at Ephesus. His visit to Rome is mentioned in the Life of the younger Cato, c. 35, and in the Life of Pompeius, c. 49. During his exile his daughter Berenice reigned, and she was put to death by her father after his restoration.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_330_330&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_330_330&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[330]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This Greek word literally signifies “outbreak.” It was the narrow passage by which the Serbonian lake was connected with the Mediterranean. This lake lay on the coast and on the line of march from Syria to Pelusium, the frontier town of Egypt on the east.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_331_331&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_331_331&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[331]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Typhon, a brother of Osiris and Isis, was the evil deity of the Egyptians, but his influence in the time of Herodotus must have been small, as he was then buried under the Serbonian lake (Herodotus, iii. 5).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_332_332&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_332_332&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[332]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Greek name is Erythra, which may be translated Red: the Romans called the same sea Rubrum. In Herodotus the Red Sea is called the Arabian Gulf; and the Erythræan sea is the Indian Ocean. See the Life of Pompeius, c. 38.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_333_333&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_333_333&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[333]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was the son of Archelaus, the general of Mithridates. See the Life of Sulla, c. 23. He had become the husband of Berenice and shared the regal power with her. Probably Antonius had known Archelaus in his youth, for Archelaus the father went over from Mithridates to the Romans. Dion Cassius (xxxiv. 58) says that Gabinius put Archelaus to death after the capture of Alexandria. This Egyptian campaign belongs to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 55.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_334_334&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_334_334&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[334]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This characteristic appears on the coins of Antonius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_335_335&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_335_335&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[335]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Decies is literally “Ten times.” The phrase is “Decies sestertium,” which is a short way of expressing “ten times a hundred thousand sesterces.” When Plutarch says “five-and-twenty thousand,” he means drachmæ, as observed in previous notes, and he considers drachmæ as equivalent to Roman Denarii. Now a Denarius is four sesterces, and 25,000 Denarii = 1,000,000 sesterces, Kaltwasser suggests that in the Greek text “sestertium” has been accidentally omitted after “decies;” but “decies” is the reading of all the MSS., and it is sufficient.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_336_336&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_336_336&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[336]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Antonius, after returning from Egypt in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 54, went to Cæsar in Gaul, who was then in winter-quarters after his return from the second British expedition. In &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 53 Antonius was again at Rome, and in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 52 he was a Quæstor, and returned to Cæsar in Gaul. In &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 50 he was again in Rome, in which year he was made Augur, and was elected Tribunus Plebis for the following year.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Compare with this chapter the Life of Pompeius, c. 58, and the Life of Cæsar, c. 31.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_337_337&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_337_337&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[337]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Quintus Cassius Longinus is called by Cicero a brother of C. Cassius; but Drumann conjectures that he may have been a cousin. After the defeat of Afranius and Petreius by Cæsar &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 49, he was made Proprætor of Spain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_338_338&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_338_338&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[338]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This expression of Cicero occurs in his Second Philippic, c. 22: “ut Helena Trojanis, sic iste huic reipublicæ causa belli, causa pestis atque exitii fuit.” Plutarch’s remark on Cicero’s extravagant expression is just.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As to the events mentioned in this chapter, compare the Life of Cæsar, c. 34, &amp;amp;amp;c.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_339_339&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_339_339&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[339]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar returned from Iberia (Spain) before the end of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 49. Early in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 48 he crossed over from Brundusium to the Illyrian coast, where he was joined by Antonius and Fufius Calenus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_340_340&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_340_340&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[340]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Gabinius took his troops by land, and consequently had to march northwards along the Adriatic and round the northern point of it to reach Illyricum. From Plutarch’s narrative it would appear that he set out about the same time as Antonius. Drumann (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cornificii&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 3) states that the time of his leaving Italy is incorrectly stated by Plutarch, Appian, and Dion Cassius (xlii. 11), and he places it after the battle of Pharsalus (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 48). Gabinius, after a hard march, reached Salonæ in Dalmatia, where he was besieged by M. Octavius and died of disease.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_341_341&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_341_341&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[341]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; L. Scribonius Libo commanded the ships before Brundusium with the view of preventing Antonius from crossing over to Macedonia. He was the father-in-law of Sextus Pompeius, the son of Pompeius Magnus; and Cæsar Octavianus afterwards married Libo’s sister Scribonia, as a matter of policy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_342_342&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_342_342&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[342]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Cæsar, c. 44.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_343_343&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_343_343&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[343]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; P. Cornelius Dolabella, the son-in-law of Cicero, who complains of his measures (Ep. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; xi. 12, 14, 15; xiv. 21). Dolabella was in debt himself and wished to be relieved. If he had lived in England, he could easily have got relief. The story is told by Dion Cassius (xlii. 29). The Romans &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;occasionally&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; proposed sweeping measures for the settlement of accounts between debtor and creditor. A modern nation has a permanent court for “the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;relief&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of insolvent debtors;” and a few years ago a statute was passed in England (7 &amp;amp;amp; 8 Vict. c. 96), which had the direct effect of cancelling all debts under 20&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;l.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; the debtors for whose relief it was passed were well pleased, but the creditors grumbled loudly, and it was amended. Those who blame the Roman system of an occasional settlement of debts, should examine the operation of a permanent law which has the same object; and they will be assisted in comparing English and Roman morality on this point by J.H. Elliott’s ‘Credit the Life of Commerce,’ London, Madden and Malcolm, 1845.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_344_344&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_344_344&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[344]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Fadia was the first wife of Antonius. His cousin Antonia was the second. Cicero’s chief testimony against Antonius is contained in his Second Philippic, which is full of vulgar abuse, both true and false.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_345_345&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_345_345&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[345]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; She was sometimes called Volumnia, because she was a favourite of Volumnius. Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Div.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ix. 26) speaks of dining in her company at the house of Volumnius Eutrapolus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_346_346&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_346_346&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[346]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Her first husband was P. Clodius, and she was his second wife. She had two children by Clodius, a son and a daughter. The daughter married Cæsar Octavianus &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 43 (c. 20). After the death of Clodius she married C. Scribonius Curio, the friend of Antonius, by whom she had one son, who was put to death by Cæsar after the battle of Actium. Curio perished in Africa &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 49. In &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 46 Antonius married Fulvia, after divorcing Antonia, and he had two sons by her. Fulvia was very rich.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_347_347&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_347_347&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[347]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar returned from Iberia in the autumn of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 45, after gaining the battle of Munda. He was consul for the fifth time in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 44 with Antonius; and also Dictator with M. Æmilius Lepidus for his Magister Equitum.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_348_348&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_348_348&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[348]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Cæsar, c. 61.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_349_349&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_349_349&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[349]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare the Life of Cæsar, c. 67, and of Brutus, c. 16.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_350_350&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_350_350&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[350]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare the Life of Cæsar, c. 68, and of Brutus, c. 20. Dion Cassius (xliv. 36-49) has given a long oration which Antonius made on the occasion. It is not improbable that Dion may have had before him an oration attributed to Antonius; nor is it at all improbable that the speech of Antonius was published (Cic. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; xiv. 11). Meyer (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Oratorum Romanorum Frag.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; p. 455) considers this speech a fiction of Dion and to be pure declamation. He thinks that which Appian has made (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 144, &amp;amp;amp;c.) tolerably well adapted to the character of Antonius. Appian, we know, often followed very closely genuine documents. Shakespere has made a speech for Antonius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Julius Cæsar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) which would have suited the occasion well.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_351_351&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_351_351&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[351]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Charon was the ferryman over the river in the world below, which the dead had to pass; hence the application of the term is intelligible. The Romans’ expression was Orcini, from Orcus (Sueton. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;August.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; c. 35).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_352_352&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_352_352&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[352]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Cicero, c. 43, and Dion Cassius (xlv. 5) as to the matter of the inheritance. A person who accepted a Roman inheritance (hereditas) took it with all the debts: the heir (heres), so far as concerned the deceased’s property, credits and debts, was the same person as himself. There was no risk in taking the inheritance on account of debts, for Cæsar left enormous sums of money: the risk was in taking the name and with it the wealth and odium of the deceased. Cæsar might have declined the inheritance, for he was not bound by law to take it. Cæsar had three-fourths of the Dictator’s property, and Q. Pedius, also a great-nephew of the Dictator, had the remainder.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_353_353&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_353_353&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[353]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Cicero, c. 44.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_354_354&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_354_354&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[354]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Consuls in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 43. See the Life of Cicero, c. 45. As to the speech of Cicero, see Dion Cassius, xlv. 18, &amp;amp;amp;c.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_355_355&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_355_355&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[355]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Lepidus was in Gallia Narbonensis. He advanced towards Antonius as far as Forum Vocontiorum, and posted himself on the Argenteus, now the Argens. (Appian, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 83; Dion. Cass. xlvi. 51, &amp;amp;amp;c.; Letter of Munatius Plancus to Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Div.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; x. 17; Letter of Lepidus to Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Div.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; x. 34.) Lepidus and Antonius joined their forces on the 29th of May, and Lepidus informed the Senate of the event in a letter, which is extant (Cic. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Div.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; x. 35).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_356_356&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_356_356&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[356]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cotylon is “cupman,” or any equivalent term that will express a drinker.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_357_357&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_357_357&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[357]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Cicero, c. 46.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_358_358&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_358_358&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[358]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Appian (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iv. 2) states how they divided the empire among them; and Dion Cassius, xlvi. 55.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_359_359&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_359_359&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[359]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar was already betrothed to Servilia, the daughter of P. Servilius Isauricus. When he quarrelled with Fulvia, he sent her back to her mother, still a maid. (Dion Cass. xlvi. 56.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_360_360&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_360_360&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[360]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The number that was put to death was much larger than three hundred. Appian (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iv. 5) states the number of those who were proscribed and whose property was confiscated at about 300 senators and 2000 equites. The object of the proscription was to get rid of troublesome enemies and to raise money. The picture which Appian gives of the massacre is as horrible as the worst events of the French Revolution. He has drawn a striking picture by giving many individual instances. Dion Cassius (xlvii. 3-8) has also described the events of the proscription.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_361_361&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_361_361&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[361]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was a crime which would shock the Romans, for the Three not only seized deposits, which the depositary was legally bound to give to the owner, but they seized them in the hands of the Vestals, where they were protected by the sanctity of religion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_362_362&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_362_362&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[362]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare the Life of Brutus, c. 41, &amp;amp;amp;c., as to the events in this chapter.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_363_363&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_363_363&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[363]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Brutus, c. 26, &amp;amp;amp;c.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_364_364&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_364_364&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[364]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Antonius crossed over to Asia in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 41. In the latter part of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 42, Cæsar was ill at Brundusium, and in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 41 he was engaged in a civil war with L. Antonius, the brother of Marcus, and Fulvia the wife of Antonius. These are the civil commotions to which Plutarch alludes. Cæsar besieged L. Antonius in Perusia in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 41, and took him prisoner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_365_365&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_365_365&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[365]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was a prætor in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 43, and consul in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 39.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_366_366&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_366_366&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[366]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The great distinctions that he received are recorded by Strabo (xiv. p. 648, ed. Casaub.). It is not in modern times only that dancers and fiddlers have received wealth and honours.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_367_367&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_367_367&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[367]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The quotation is from the King Œdipus, v. 4.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_368_368&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_368_368&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[368]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Bacchus had many names, as he had various qualities. As Omestes he was the “cruel;” and as Agrionius the “wild and savage.” One of his festivals was called Agrionia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_369_369&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_369_369&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[369]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was an orator, and also something of a soldier, for he successfully opposed Labienus, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 40, when he invaded Asia (c. 28).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_370_370&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_370_370&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[370]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; There are many ways of flattery, as there are many ways of doing various things. Plutarch here gives a hint, which persons in high places might find useful. Open flattery can only deceive a fool, and it is seldom addressed to any but a fool, unless the flatterer himself be so great a fool as not to know a wise man from a foolish: which is sometimes the case. But there is flattery, as Plutarch intimates, which addresses itself, not in the guise of flattery, but in the guise of truth, one of the characters of which is plain speaking. It is hard for a man in an exalted station to be always proof against flattery, for it is often not easy to detect it. Nor in the intercourse of daily life is it always easy to distinguish between him who gives you his honest advice and opinion, and him who gives it merely to please you, or, what is often worse, merely to please himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_371_371&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_371_371&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[371]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Nothing is known of him, unless he be the person mentioned in c. 59. Kaltwasser conjectures that he may be the Dellius or Delius to whom Horace has addressed an ode. (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Carm.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; iii. 2). &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;See&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; c. 1, note.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_372_372&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_372_372&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[372]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch alludes to the passage in Homer (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Iliad&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, xiv. 162) where Juno bedecks herself to captivate Jupiter.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_373_373&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_373_373&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[373]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; She was now about twenty-eight years of age. Kaltwasser suggests that the words “and Cnæus the son of Pompeius” must be an interpolation, because nothing is known of his amours with Cleopatra. But if this be so, other words which follow in the next sentence must have been altered when the interpolation was made.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_374_374&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_374_374&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[374]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Antonius was at Tarsus on the river Cydnus when Cleopatra paid him this visit, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 41. Shakespere has used this passage of Plutarch in his “Antony and Cleopatra,” act ii. sc. 2—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line i04&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“The barge she sat in, like a burnish’d throne,&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Burnt on the water,” &amp;amp;amp;c.&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_375_375&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_375_375&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[375]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch has given a long list of languages which this learned queen spoke. With Arabic and all the cognate dialects, it is probable enough that she was familiar, but we can hardly believe that she took pains to learn the barbarous language of the wretched Troglodytes, who lived in holes on the west coast of the Red Sea. Diodorus (iii. 32) describes their habits after the authority of Agatharchides.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Cleopatra’s face on the coins is not handsome. On some of them she is represented on the same coin with Antonius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_376_376&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_376_376&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[376]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was a son of T. Labienus, who served under Cæsar in Gaul and afterwards went over to Pompeius (Life of Cæsar, c. 34). The father fell in the battle of Munda, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 45.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Labienus, the son, was sent by the party of Brutus and Cassius to Parthia to get assistance from king Orodes. He heard of the battle of Philippi while he was in Parthia and before he had accomplished his mission; and he stayed with the Parthians. In the campaign here alluded to Labienus and the Parthians took Apameia and Antiocheia in Syria. Labienus, after invading the south-western part of Asia Minor (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 40), was forced to fly before Ventidius; and he was seized in Cilicia by a freedman of Julius Cæsar. (Dion Cass. xlviii. 40.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_377_377&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_377_377&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[377]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Amphissa was a town of the Locri Ozolæ.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Philotas studied at Alexandria, which was then a great school of medicine. We have here an anecdote about Antonius which rests on more direct testimony than many well-received stories of modern days.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The bragging physician must have been a stupid fellow to be silenced by such a syllogism. I have translated πως πυρέττων, like Kaltwasser, “Wer &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;einigermassen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; das Fieber hat,” &amp;amp;amp;c., which is the correct translation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The text probably means that Philotas was appointed physician to Antyllus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_378_378&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_378_378&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[378]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The passage to which Plutarch alludes is in the Gorgias, p. 464.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_379_379&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_379_379&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[379]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A great trade was carried on in those times in dried fish from the Pontic or Black Sea. See Strabo, p. 320, ed. Casaub.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_380_380&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_380_380&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[380]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It was near the end of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 40 that Antonius was roused from his “sleep and drunken debauch.” He sailed from Alexandria to Tyrus in Phoenicia, and thence by way of Cyprus and Rhodes to Athens, where he saw Fulvia, who had escaped thither from Brundusium. He left her sick at Sikyon, and crossed from Corcyra (Corfu) to Italy. (Appian, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, v. 52-55.) Brundusium shut her gates against him, on which he commenced the siege of the city. The war was stopped by the reconciliation that is mentioned in the text, to which the news of the death of Fulvia greatly contributed. Antonius had left her at Sikyon without taking leave of her, and vexation and disease put an end to her turbulent life. (Appian, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, v. 59.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_381_381&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_381_381&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[381]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Cicero, c. 44, note.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_382_382&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_382_382&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[382]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The meeting with, Sextus Pompeius was in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 39, at Cape Miseno, which is the northern point of the Gulf of Naples.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Sextus was the second son of Pompeius Magnus. He was now master of a large fleet, and having the command of the sea, he cut off the supplies from Rome. The consequence was a famine and riots in the city. (Appian, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, v. 67, &amp;amp;amp;c.) Antonius slaughtered many of the rioters, and their bodies were thrown into the Tiber. This restored order; “but the famine,” says Appian, “was at its height, and the people groaned and were quiet.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_383_383&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_383_383&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[383]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; P. Ventidius Bassus was what the Romans call a “novus homo,” the first of his family who distinguished himself at Rome. He had the courage of a soldier and the talents of a true general. When a child he was made prisoner with his mother in the Marsian war (Dion Cass. xliii. 51), and he appeared in the triumphal procession of Pompeius Strabo (Dion Cass. xlix. 21). The captive lived to figure as the principal person in his own triumph, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 38. In his youth he supported himself by a mean occupation. Hoche, when he was a common soldier, used to embroider waistcoats. Julius Cæsar discovered the talents of Bassus, and gave him employment suited to his abilities. In &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 43 he was Prætor and in the same year Consul Suffectus. (Drumann, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Antonii&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 439; Gell. xv. 4.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_384_384&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_384_384&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[384]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cockfighting pleased a Roman, as it used to do an Englishman. The Athenians used to fight quails.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_385_385&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_385_385&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[385]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The name is written indifferently Hyrodes or Orodes (see the Life of Crassus, c. 18).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Plutarch, on this as on many other occasions, takes no pains to state facts with accuracy. Labienus lost his life and the Parthians were defeated; and that was enough for his purpose. The facts are stated more circumstantially by Dion Cassius (xlviii. 40, 41).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_386_386&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_386_386&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[386]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The president of the gymnastic exercises. Dion Cassius (xlviii. 39) tells us something that is characteristic of Antonius. The fulsome flattery of the Athenians gave him on this occasion the title of the young Bacchus, and they betrothed the goddess Minerva to him. Antonius said he was well content with the match; and to show that he was in earnest he demanded of them a contribution of one million drachmæ as a portion with his new wife. He thus fleeced them of about 2800&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;l.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; sterling. No doubt Antonius relished the joke as well as the money.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_387_387&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_387_387&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[387]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The sacred olive was in the Erektheium on the Acropolis of Athens. Pausanias (i. 28) mentions a fountain on the Acropolis near the Propylæa; and this is probably what Plutarch calls Clepsydra, or a water-clock. The name Clepsydra is given to a spring in Messenia by Pausanias (iv. 31). Kaltwasser supposes the name Clepsydra to have been given because such a spring was intermittent. Such a spring the younger Pliny describes (Ep. iv. 30).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_388_388&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_388_388&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[388]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The defeat of Pacorus (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 38) is told by Dion Cassius (xlix. 19). The ode of Horace (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Carm.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; iii. 6) in which he mentions Pacorus seems to have been written before this victory, and after the defeat of Decidius Saxa (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 40; Dion, xlviii. 25).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_389_389&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_389_389&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[389]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Commagene on the west bordered on Cilicia and Cappadocia. The capital was Samosata, on the Euphrates, afterwards the birthplace of Lucian. This Antiochus was attacked by Pompeius &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 65, who concluded a peace with him and extended his dominions (Appian &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mithrid.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 106, &amp;amp;amp;c.).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_390_390&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_390_390&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[390]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; C. Sossius was made governor of Syria and Cilicia by Antonius. He took the island and town of Aradus on the coast of Phoenice (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 38); and captured Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, in Jerusalem.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_391_391&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_391_391&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[391]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; P. Canidius Crassus. His campaign against the Iberi of Asia is described by Dion Cassius (xlix. 24).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_392_392&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_392_392&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[392]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Antonius and Cæsar met at Tarentum (Taranto) in the spring of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 37. The events of this meeting are circumstantially detailed by Appian (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, v. 93, &amp;amp;amp;c.). Dion Cassius (xlviii. 54) says that the meeting was in the winter.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_393_393&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_393_393&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[393]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; M. Vipsanius Agrippa, the constant friend of Cæsar, and afterwards the husband of his daughter Julia. Mæcenas, the patron of Virgil and Horace.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_394_394&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_394_394&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[394]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Μυοπάρωνες are said to be light ships, such as pirates use, adapted for quick sailing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_395_395&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_395_395&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[395]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar spent this year in making preparation against Sextus Pompeius. In &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 36 Pompeius was defeated on the coast of Sicily. He fled into Asia, and was put to death at Miletus by M. Titius, who commanded under Antonius (Appian, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, v. 97-121).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_396_396&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_396_396&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[396]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The passage to which Plutarch alludes is in the Phædrus, p. 556.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_397_397&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_397_397&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[397]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; That is, the Ocean, as opposed to the Internal Sea or the Mediterranean. Kaltwasser proposes to alter the text to “internal sea,” for no sufficient reason.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_398_398&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_398_398&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[398]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was the Antigonus who fell into the hands of Sossius, when he took Jerusalem on the Sabbath, as Pompeius Magnus had done. (Life of Pompeius, 39; Dion Cassius, xlix. 22, and the notes of Reimarus.) Antigonus was tied to a stake and whipped before he was beheaded. The kingdom of Judæa was given to Herodes, the son of Antipater.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_399_399&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_399_399&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[399]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch probably alludes to some laws of Solon against bastardy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_400_400&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_400_400&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[400]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A common name of the Parthian kings (see the Life of Crassus, c. 33). This Parthian war of Antonius took place in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 36.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_401_401&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_401_401&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[401]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Plutarch’s Life of Themistocles, c. 29. It was an eastern fashion to grant a man a country, or a town and its district, for his maintenance and to administer. Fidelity to the giver was of course expected. The gift was a kind of fief.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_402_402&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_402_402&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[402]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Among the Persians, and as it here appears among the Parthians, “to send a right hand” was an offer of peace and friendship (Xenophon, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Anab.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 4, who uses the expression “right hands”).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_403_403&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_403_403&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[403]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The desert tract in the northern part of Mesopotamia is meant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_404_404&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_404_404&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[404]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; There is error as to the number of cavalry of Artavasdes either here or in c. 50. See the notes of Kaltwasser and Sintenis: and as to Artavasdes, Life of Crassus, c. 19, 33, and Dion Cassius, xlix. 25.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_405_405&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_405_405&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[405]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; No doubt Iberians of Spain are meant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_406_406&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_406_406&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[406]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Was the most south-western part of Media, and it comprehended the chief part of the modern Azerbijan.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_407_407&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_407_407&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[407]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dion Cassius (xlix. 25) names the place Phraaspa or Praaspa, which may be the right name. The position of the place and the direction of the march of Antonius are unknown.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_408_408&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_408_408&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[408]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Was a king of Pontus: he was ransomed for a large sum of money. Reimarus says in a note to Dion Cassius (xlix. 25) that Plutarch states that Polemon was killed. The learned editor must have read this chapter carelessly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_409_409&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_409_409&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[409]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Life of Crassus, c. 10.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_410_410&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_410_410&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[410]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; οἱ γνωριμώτατοι, which Kaltwasser translates “those who were most acquainted with the Romans;” and his translation may be right.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_411_411&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_411_411&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[411]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, which is the Roman mode of writing the word. He was the son of Domitius who was taken by Cæsar in Corfinium (Life of Cæsar, c. 34); and he is the Domitius who deserted Antonius just before the battle of Actium (c. 63).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_412_412&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_412_412&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[412]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Mardi inhabited a tract on the south coast of the Caspian, where there was a river Mardus or Amardus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Plutarch has derived his narrative of the retreat from some account by an eye-witness, but though it is striking as a picture, it is quite useless as a military history. The route is not designated any further than this, that Antonius had to pass through a plain and desert country. It is certain that he advanced considerably east of the Tigris, and he experienced the same difficulties that Crassus did in the northern part of Mesopotamia. (Strabo, p. 523, ed. Casaub. as to the narrative of Adelphius, and Casaubon’s note.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_413_413&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_413_413&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[413]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; These were used by the slingers (funditores) in the Roman army.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_414_414&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_414_414&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[414]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ἐπ’ οὐρὰν, Sintenis: but the MS. reading is ἀπ’ οὐρᾶς, “from the rear.” See the note of Schaefer, and of Sintenis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_415_415&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_415_415&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[415]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Contrary to Parthian practice. Compare the Life of Crassus, c. 27.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_416_416&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_416_416&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[416]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; These are the soldiers in full armour. Sintenis refers to the Life of Crassus, c. 25. See life of Antonius, c. 49, οἱ δὲ ὁπλῖται ... τοῖς θυρεοῖς.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_417_417&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_417_417&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[417]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Romans called this mode of defence Testudo, or tortoise. It is described by Dion Cassius (xlix. 30). The testudo was also used in assaulting a city or wall. A cut of one from the Antonine column is given in Smith’s Dict. of Antiquities, art. Testudo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_418_418&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_418_418&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[418]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The forty-eighth part of a medimnus. The medimnus is estimated at 11 gal. 7·1456 pints English. The drachma (Attic) is reckoned at about 9-3/4d. (Smith’s Dict. of Antiquities.) But the scarcity is best shown by the fact that barley bread was as dear as silver. Compare Xenophon (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Anab.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. 5, 6) as to the prices in the army of Cyrus, when it was marching through the desert.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_419_419&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_419_419&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[419]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The allusion is to the retreat of the Greeks in the army of Cyrus from the plain of Cunaxa over the highlands of Armenia to Trapezus (Trebizond); which is the main subject of the Anabasis of Xenophon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_420_420&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_420_420&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[420]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Salt streams occur on the high lands of Asia. Mannert, quoted by Kaltwasser, supposes that the stream here spoken of is one that flows near Tabriz and then joins another river. If this were the only salt stream that Antonius could meet with on his march, the conclusion of the German geographer might be admitted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_421_421&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_421_421&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[421]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The modern Aras. The main branch of the river rises in the same mountain mass in which a branch of the Euphrates rises, about 39° 47’ N. lat., 41° 9’ E. long. It joins the Cyrus or Kur, which comes from the Caucasus, about thirty miles above the entrance of the united stream into the Caspian Sea. Mannert, quoted by Kaltwasser, conjectures that Antonius crossed the river at Julfa (38° 54’ N. lat.). It is well to call it a conjecture. Any body may make another, with as much reason. Twenty-seven days’ march (c. 50) brought the Romans from Phraata to the Araxes, but the point of departure and the point where the army crossed the Araxes are both unknown.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_422_422&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_422_422&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[422]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The second expedition of Antonius into Armenia was in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 34, when he advanced to the Araxes. After the triumph, Artavasdes was kept in captivity, and he was put to death by Cleopatra in Egypt after the battle of Actium, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 30 (Dion Cassius xlix. 41, &amp;amp;amp;c).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_423_423&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_423_423&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[423]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare Dion Cassius, xlix. 51.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_424_424&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_424_424&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[424]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The name is written both Phraates and Phrates in the MSS.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_425_425&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_425_425&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[425]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; She went to Athens in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 35.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_426_426&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_426_426&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[426]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 34, Antonius invaded Armenia and got Artavasdes the king into his power. The Median king with whom Antonius made this marriage alliance (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 33) was also named Artavasdes. Alexander, the son of Antonius by Cleopatra, was married to Jotape, a daughter of this Median king.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_427_427&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_427_427&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[427]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is Plutarch’s word. Its precise meaning is not clear, but it may be collected from the context. It was something like a piece of theatrical pomp.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_428_428&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_428_428&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[428]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Or Cidaris. (See Life of Pompeius, c. 33.) The Cittaris seems to be the higher and upright part of the tiara; and sometimes to be used in the same sense as tiara. The Causia was a Macedonian hat with a broad brim. (See Smith’s Dict. of Antiquities.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_429_429&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_429_429&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[429]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After the defeat of Sextus Pompeius, Lepidus made a claim to Sicily and attempted a campaign there against Cæsar. But this feeble man was compelled to surrender. He was deprived of all power, and sent to live in Italy. He still retained his office of Pontifex Maximus (Appian, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, v. 126; Dion Cassius, xlix. 11).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_430_430&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_430_430&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[430]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is an emendation of Amiot in place of the corrupt word Laurians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_431_431&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_431_431&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[431]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The preparation was making in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 32. Antonius spent the winter of this year at Patræ in Achæa.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_432_432&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_432_432&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[432]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; An account of these exactions is given by Dion Cassius (l. 10). They show to what a condition a people can be reduced by tyranny.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_433_433&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_433_433&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[433]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Such is the nature of the people. It is hard to rouse them; and their patience is proved by all the facts of history.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_434_434&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_434_434&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[434]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It was usual with the Romans, at least with men of rank, to deposit their wills with the Vestals for safe keeping.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_435_435&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_435_435&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[435]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This great library at Alexandria is said to have been destroyed during the Alexandrine war. See the Life of Cæsar, c. 49.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_436_436&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_436_436&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[436]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The translators are much puzzled to explain this. Kaltwasser conjectures that Antonius in consequence of losing some wager was required to do this servile act; and accordingly he translates part of the Greek text “in consequence of a wager that had been made.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_437_437&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_437_437&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[437]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The only person of the name who is known as an active partizan at this time was C. Furnius, tribune of the plebs, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 50. He was a legatus under M. Antonius in Asia in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 35. Here Plutarch represents him as a partizan of Cæsar. If Plutarch’s Furnius was the tribune, he must have changed sides already. As to his eloquence, there is no further evidence of it than what we have here.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_438_438&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_438_438&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[438]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; C. Calvisius Sabinus, who was consul &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 39 with L. Marcius Censorinus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_439_439&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_439_439&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[439]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The name occurs in Horace, 1 Sat. 5; but the two may be different persons. As to the Roman Deliciæ see the note of Coraes; and Suetonius, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Augustus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 83.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_440_440&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_440_440&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[440]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dion Cassius (1. 4) also states that war was declared only against Cleopatra, but that Antonius was deprived of all the powers that had been given to him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_441_441&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_441_441&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[441]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now Pesaro in Umbria.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_442_442&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_442_442&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[442]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Pausanias, i. 25. 2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_443_443&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_443_443&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[443]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The text of Bryan has, “and Deiotarus, king of the Galatians:” and Schaefer follows it. But see the note of Sintenis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_444_444&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_444_444&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[444]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Actium is a promontory on the southern side of the entrance of the Ambraciot Gulf, now the gulf of Arta. It is probably the point of land now called La Punta. The width of the entrance of the gulf is about half a mile. Nicopolis, “the city of Victory,” was built by Cæsar on the northern side of the gulf, a few miles from the site of Prevesa. The battle of Actium was fought on the 2nd of September, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 31. It is more minutely described by Dion Cassius (l. 31, &amp;amp;amp;c.; li. 1).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_445_445&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_445_445&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[445]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This word means something to stir up a pot with, a ladle or something of the kind. The joke is as dull as it could be.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_446_446&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_446_446&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[446]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sintenis observes that Plutarch has here omitted to mention the place of Arruntius, who had the centre of Cæsar’s line (c. 66). C. Sossius commanded the left of the line of Antonius. Insteius is a Roman name, as appears from inscriptions. Taurus is T. Statilius Taurus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_447_447&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_447_447&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[447]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; There is some confusion in the text here, but the general meaning is probably what I have given. See the note of Sintenis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_448_448&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_448_448&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[448]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; These were light vessels adapted for quick evolutions. Horace, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Epod.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i., alludes to them:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line i04&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“Ibis Liburnis inter alta navium,&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Amice, propugnacula.”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_449_449&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_449_449&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[449]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Is the most southern point of the Peloponnesus, in Laconica. The modern name of Tænarus is Matapan or “head.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_450_450&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_450_450&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[450]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dion Cassius (li. 2) gives an account of Cæsar’s behaviour after the battle. He exacted money from the cities; but Dion does not mention any particular cities.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_451_451&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_451_451&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[451]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; By “all the citizens” Plutarch means the citizens of his native town Chæronea. The people had to carry their burden a considerable distance, for this Antikyra was on the Corinthian gulf, nearly south of Delphi. This anecdote, which is supported by undoubted authority, is a good example of the sufferings of the people during this contest for power between two men.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_452_452&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_452_452&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[452]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was a town on the coast in the country called Marmarica. It had a port and was fortified, and thus served as a frontier post to Egypt against attacks from the west.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_453_453&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_453_453&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[453]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Brutus, c. 50.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_454_454&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_454_454&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[454]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was L. Pinarius Carpus, who had fought under him at Philippi. Carpus gave up his troops to Cornelius Gallus, who advanced upon him from the province Africa (Dion. Cass. 1. 5, where he is called Scarpus in the text of Reimarus).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_455_455&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_455_455&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[455]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Or “Sea that lies off Egypt,” that part of the Mediterranean which borders on Egypt. The width of the Isthmus is much more than 300 stadia: it is about seventy-two miles. Herodotus (ii. 158) states the width more correctly at one thousand stadia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In this passage Plutarch calls the Red Sea both the Arabian gulf and the Erythra (Red), and in this he agrees with Herodotus. The Arabian Gulf or modern Red Sea was considered a part of the great Erythræan Sea or Indian Ocean. Herodotus (ii. 11) says that there is a gulf which runs into the land from the Erythræan sea; and this gulf he calls (ii. 11, 158) the Arabian gulf, which is now the Red Sea. See Anton, c. 3.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_456_456&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_456_456&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[456]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Pompeius, c. 41.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_457_457&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_457_457&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[457]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Pharos was an island opposite to Alexandria, and connected with it by a dike called Heptastadion, the length being seven stadia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_458_458&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_458_458&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[458]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Shakspere has made a play out of the meagre subject of Timon, and Lucian has a dialogue entitled “Timon or the Misanthropist.” (Comp. Strab. 794, ed. Cas.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_459_459&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_459_459&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[459]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was the second day of the third Dionysiac festival, called the Anthesteria. The first day was Pithœgia (πιθοιγία) or the tapping of the jars of wine; and the second day, as the word Choes seems to import, was the cup day.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_460_460&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_460_460&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[460]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was Herodes I., son of Antipater, sometimes called the Great. He was not at the battle of Actium, but he sent aid to Antonius (c. 61).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_461_461&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_461_461&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[461]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was the toga virilis, or dress which denoted that a male was pubes, fourteen at least, and had attained full legal capacity. The prætexta, which was worn up to the time of assuming the toga virilis, had a broad purple border, by which the impubes was at once distinguished from other persons.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Cleopatra’s son, Cæsarion, was registered as an Alexandrine. The son of Antonius was treated as a Roman citizen.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_462_462&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_462_462&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[462]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This seems to be the sense of the passage. The Greek for asp is aspis. Some suppose that it is the poisonous snake which the Arabs call El Haje, which measures from three to five feet in length. But this is rather too large to be put in a basket of figs.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_463_463&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_463_463&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[463]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Conjectured by M. du Soul to be Alexander the Syrian, who has been mentioned before.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_464_464&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_464_464&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[464]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was a native of Alexandria, and had been carried prisoner to Rome by Gabinius. He obtained his freedom, and acquired celebrity as a rhetorician and historian. He was a favourite of Asinius Pollio and of Augustus; but he was too free-spoken for Augustus, who finally forbade him his house (Horat. 1. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ep.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; l, 19; and the note of Orelli). Life of Pompeius, c. 49.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Dion Cassius (li. 8), who believed every scandalous story, says that Cæsar made love to Cleopatra through the medium of Thyrsus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_465_465&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_465_465&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[465]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After the battle of Actium, Cæsar crossed over to Samos, where he spent the winter. He was recalled by the news of a mutiny among the soldiers, who had not received their promised reward. He returned to Brundusium, where he stayed twenty-seven days, and he went no further, for his appearance in Italy stopped the disturbance. He returned to Asia and marched through Syria to Egypt (Sueton. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Aug.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; c. 17; Dion Cassius, li. 4).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_466_466&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_466_466&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[466]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The shout of Bacchanals at the festivals. See the Ode of Horace (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Carm.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 19):&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Evoe, recenti mens trepidat metu.&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_467_467&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_467_467&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[467]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The fleet passed over to Cæsar on the 1st of August (Orosius, vi. 19). The treachery of Cleopatra is not improbable (Dion Cass. li. 10).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_468_468&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_468_468&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[468]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare Dion Cassius, li. 10.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_469_469&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_469_469&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[469]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; His name was C. Proculeius. He appears to be the person to whom Horace alludes (Carm. ii. 2).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_470_470&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_470_470&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[470]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dion Cassius (li. 11) says that Cleopatra communicated to Cæsar the death of Antonius, which is not so probable as Plutarch’s narrative.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_471_471&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_471_471&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[471]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; C. Cornelius Gallus, a Roman Eques, who had advanced from the province Africa upon Egypt. He was afterwards governor of Egypt; but he incurred the displeasure of Augustus, and put an end to life &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 26. Gallus was a poet, and a friend of Virgil and Ovid. The tenth Eclogue of Virgil is addressed to Gallus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_472_472&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_472_472&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[472]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Said to have been a Stoic, and much admired by Augustus (Dion Cass. li. 16; Sueton. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Aug.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 89).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_473_473&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_473_473&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[473]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Probably the same that is mentioned in the Life of Cato the Younger, c. 57.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_474_474&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_474_474&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[474]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The circumstances of the death of Antyllus and Cæsarion are not told in the same way by Dion Cassius (li. 15). Antyllus had been betrothed to Cæsar’s daughter Julia in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 36.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_475_475&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_475_475&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[475]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The words are borrowed from Homer (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Iliad&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 204):—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Οὐκ ἀγαθὸν πολυκοιρανίη.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There could be no reason for putting Cæsarion to death as a possible competitor with Cæsar at Rome, for he was not a Roman citizen. As it was Cæsar’s object to keep Egypt, Cæsarion would have been an obstacle there.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_476_476&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_476_476&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[476]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; There were, as usual in such matters, various versions of this interview: it was a fit subject for embellishment with the writers of spurious history. The account of Plutarch is much simpler and more natural than that of Dion Cassius (li. 12), which savours of the rhetorical.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_477_477&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_477_477&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[477]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was the son of P. Cornelius Dolabella, once the son-in-law of Cicero, and one of Cæsar’s murderers. His son P. Cornelius Dolabella was consul &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.D.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 10.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_478_478&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_478_478&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[478]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The word “companions” represents the Roman “comites,” which has a technical meaning. Young men of rank, who were about the person of a commander, and formed a kind of staff, were his Comites. See Horat. I. Ep. 8.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_479_479&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_479_479&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[479]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The story of Dion (li. 14) is that Cæsar, after he had seen the body, sent for the Psylli, serpent charmers, to suck out the poison (compare Lucan, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pharsal.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ix. 925). If a person was not dead, it was supposed that the Psylli could extract the poison and save the life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Dion Cassius also states that the true cause of Cleopatra’s death was unknown. One account was that she punctured her arm with a hair-pin (βελόνη) which was poisoned. But even as to the punctures on the arm, Plutarch does not seem to state positively that there were any. The “hollow comb” is hardly intelligible. Plutarch’s word is κνηστίς, “a scraping instrument of any kind.” One MS. has κιστίς, “a small coffer.” Strabo (p. 795, ed. Casaub.) doubts whether she perished by the bite of a serpent or by puncturing herself with a poisoned instrument. Propertius (iii. 11, 53) alludes to the image of Cleopatra, which was carried in the triumph—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Brachia spectavi sacris admorsa colubris&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Et trahere occultum membra soporis iter.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;An ancient marble at Rome represents Cleopatra with the asp on her arm. There was also a story of her applying it to the left breast.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Cleopatra was born in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 69, and died in the latter part of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 30. She was seventeen years of age when her father Ptolemæus Auletes died: and upon his death she governed jointly with her brother Ptolemæus, whose wife she was to be. Antonius first saw her when he was in Egypt with Gabinius, and he had not forgotten the impression which the young girl then made on him at the time when she visited him at Tarsus (Appian, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, v. 8). Antonius was forty years old when he saw Cleopatra at Tarsus, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 41, and he would therefore be in his fifty-second year at the time of his death (Clinton, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Fasti&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_480_480&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_480_480&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[480]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Octavia’s care of the children of Antonius is one of the beautiful traits of her character. She is one of those Roman women whose virtues command admiration.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Cleopatra, the daughter of Antonius and twin sister of Alexander, married Juba II., king of Numidia, by whom she had a son Ptolemæus, who succeeded his father, and a daughter Drusilla, who married Antonius Felix, the governor of Judæa. The two brothers of Cleopatra were Alexander and Ptolemæus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Antonius, the son of Fulvia, was called Iulus Antonius. He married Marcella, one of the daughters of Octavia. In &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 10, Antonius was consul. He formed an adulterous intercourse with Julia, the daughter of Augustus, which cost him his life &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 2. Antonius was a poet, as it seems (Horat. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Carm.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; iv. 2, and Orelli’s note).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The elder Antonia, the daughter of Octavia and Antonius, married L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, the son of Cneius, who deserted to Cæsar just before the battle of Actium. This Lucius had by Antonia a son, Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, who married Agrippina, the daughter of Cæsar Germanicus. Agrippina’s son, L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, was adopted by the emperor Claudius after his marriage with Agrippina, and Lucius then took the name of Nero Claudius Caesar Drusus. As the emperor Nero his infamy is imperishable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The younger Antonia, the daughter of Octavia and Antonius, married Drusus, the second son of Tiberius Claudius Nero. Tiberius had divorced his wife Livia in order that Caesar Octavianus might become her husband. The virtues of Antonia are recorded by Plutarch and others: her beauty is testified by her handsome face on a medal.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The expression of Plutarch that Caius, by whom he means Caius Caligula, “ruled with distinction,” has caused the commentators some difficulty, and they have proposed to read ἐπιμανῶς, “like a madman” in place of ἐπιφανῶς, “with distinction.” Perhaps Plutarch’s meaning may be something like what I have given, and he may allude to the commencement of Caligula’s reign, which gave good hopes, as Suetonius shows. Some would get over the difficulty by giving to ἐπιφανῶς a different meaning from the common meaning. See Kaltwasser’s note.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A portrait of Antonius (see Notes to Brutus, c. 52) would be an idle impertinence. He is portrayed clear and distinct in this inimitable Life of Plutarch.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Here ends the Tragedy of Antonius and Cleopatra; and after it begins the Monarchy, as Plutarch would call it, or the sole rule of Augustus. See the Preface to the First Volume.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_481_481&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_481_481&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[481]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Of Athens.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_482_482&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_482_482&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[482]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The various stories about Plato’s slavery are discussed in Grote’s ‘History of Greece,’ part ii. ch. 53.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_483_483&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_483_483&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[483]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aristomache and Arete.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_484_484&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_484_484&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[484]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Periodical northerly winds or monsoons.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_485_485&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_485_485&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[485]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The ceremony of the libations seems to correspond to our “grace after meat.” See vol. i. Life of Perikles, ch. 7.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_486_486&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_486_486&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[486]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Grote paraphrases this passage as follows:—“A little squadron was prepared, of no more than five merchantmen, two of them vessels of thirty oars, &amp;amp;amp;c.” On consulting Liddell and Scott’s Lexicon, s.v. τριακόντορος, I find a reference to Thuc. iv. 9; where a Messenian pirate triaconter is spoken of, and for further information the reader is referred to the article “πεντηκόντορος (sc. ναῦς), ἡ, a ship of burden with fifty oars,” Pind. P. 4. 436, Eur. I.T. 1124, Thuc. i., 14, &amp;amp;amp;c. But none of these passages bear out the sense of a “vessel of burden.” The passage in Pindar merely states that the snake which Jason slew was as big or bigger than a πεντηκόντορος. Herod, ii. 163, distinctly says “not ships of burden, but penteconters.” In Eur. I.T. 1124, the chorus merely remark that Iphigenia will be borne home by a penteconter, while Thucydides (i. 14) explicitly states that, many generations after the Trojan war, the chief navies of Greece consisted of but few triremes, and chiefly of “penteconters or of long ships equipped like them.” From these passages I am inclined to think that the true meaning of the passage is the literal one, that the soldiers were placed on board of two transports, that the two triaconters, or thirty-oared galleys, were ships of war and acted as convoy to them, and that the small vessel was intended for Dion and his friends to escape in if necessary. In Dem. Zen. a πεντηκόντορος undoubtedly is spoken of as a merchant vessel; but this does not prove that there were no war penteconters in Dion’s time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_487_487&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_487_487&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[487]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Kerkina and Kerkinitis, two low islands off the north coast of Africa, in the mouth of the Lesser Syrtis, united by a bridge and possessing a fine harbour. ‘Dictionary of Antiquities.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_488_488&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_488_488&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[488]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Greek word is κοντός, which is singularly near in sound to the East Anglian “quant.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_489_489&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_489_489&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[489]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This seems to be the universally accepted emendation of the unmeaning words in the original text. Grote remarks “The statue and sacred ground of Apollo Temenites was the most remarkable feature in this portion of Syracuse, and would naturally be selected to furnish a name for the gate.” ‘Hist. of Greece,’ part ii. ch. lxxxiv. note.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_490_490&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_490_490&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[490]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The main street of Achradina is spoken of by Cicero as broad, straight and long; which was unusual in an ancient Greek city. See Grote. ad. loc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_491_491&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_491_491&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[491]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The citadel of Syracuse was built upon the island of Ortygia, and was therefore easily cut off by a ditch and palisade across the narrow isthmus by which it was connected with the mainland.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_492_492&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_492_492&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[492]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; “He offered them what in modern times would be called a constitution.” Grote.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_493_493&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_493_493&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[493]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On this passage Grote has the following note:—“Plutarch states that Herakleides brought only seven triremes. But the force stated by Diodorus (twenty triremes, three transports and 1500 soldiers) appears more probable. It is difficult otherwise to explain the number of ships which the Syracusans presently appear as possessing. Moreover, the great importance which Herakleides steps into, as opposed to Dion, is more easily accounted for.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_494_494&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_494_494&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[494]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Syracusan cavalry was celebrated, and “the knights” here and elsewhere no doubt means Syracusan citizens, though at first this passage looks as if strangers were meant. See ch. 44, where the knights and leading citizens are mentioned together.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_495_495&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_495_495&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[495]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I conceive that the “atrium” or “cavædium” of the house, that is, the interior peristyle or court surrounded with columns, is meant, and that Dion, sitting on one side of this room, saw the apparition behind the columns on the other. An outside portico was a very unusual appendage to a Greek house, and Dion’s house is said to have been especially simple and unpretending, whereas nearly all houses were built with an inner court or “patio,” with its roof supported by columns, and into which the other rooms of the house opened.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_496_496&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_496_496&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[496]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; L. Junius Brutus, consul &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 509, was a Patrician, and his race was extinct in his two sons (Liv. ii. 1-4; Drumann, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Junii&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 1; Dion Cassius, xliv. 12; Dionys. Hal. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Antiq. Rom.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; v. 18).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_497_497&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_497_497&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[497]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Servilia, the wife of M. Junius Brutus, the father of this Brutus, was the daughter of Livia, who was the sister of M. Livius Drusus, tribunus plebis &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 91. Livia married for her first husband M. Cato, by whom she had M. Cato Uticensis; for her second husband she had Q. Servilius Cæpio, by whom she became the mother of Servilia. M. Junius Brutus, the father of this Brutus, was the first husband of Servilia, who had by her second husband, D. Junius Silanus, two daughters. Her son Brutus was born in the autumn of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 85. He was adopted by his uncle Q. Servilius Cæpio, whence he is sometimes called Cæpio, and Q. Cæpio Brutus on coins, public monuments, and in decrees (Drumann, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Junii&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_498_498&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_498_498&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[498]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ahala was Magister Equitum to L. Quinctius Cincinnatus. The story belongs to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 439; and it is told by Livius, iv. 13, 14. The true name of Mallius Spurius is Spurius Mælius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_499_499&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_499_499&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[499]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This passage is obscure in the original. The parentage of M. Junius Brutus, the father of this Brutus, does not appear to be ascertained.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_500_500&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_500_500&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[500]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Lucullus, c. 42.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_501_501&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_501_501&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[501]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Cicero, c. 4. Cicero mentions Ariston, which is probably the true name, in his Tusculanæ Quæstiones, v. 8.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_502_502&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_502_502&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[502]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Nothing more is known of him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_503_503&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_503_503&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[503]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The original is obscure. See Sintenis, note; and Schæfer, note. Kaltwasser follows the reading πρὸς τὰς ἐξόδους, which he translates “für den Kriegsdienst.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_504_504&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_504_504&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[504]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of the Younger Cato, c. 35, &amp;amp;amp;c.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_505_505&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_505_505&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[505]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Coræs explains the original (σχολαστὴς) to mean “one who is engaged about learning and philosophy.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_506_506&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_506_506&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[506]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The father of this Brutus was of the faction of Marius, and tribunus plebis &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 83. After Sulla’s return he lost all power, and after Sulla’s death Pompeius (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 77) marched against Brutus, who shut himself up in Mutina (Modena). A mutiny among his troops compelled him to open the gates, and Pompeius ordered him to be put to death, contrary to the promise which he had given (Life of Pompeius, c. 16).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The allusion at the beginning of this chapter is to the outbreak between Pompeius and Cæsar, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 49.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_507_507&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_507_507&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[507]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; P. Sextius was governor of Cilicia. In the text of Plutarch Sicilia stands erroneously in place of Cilicia: this is probably an error of the copyists, who often confound these names (see Life of Pompeius, c. 61; Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; viii. 14; ix. 7).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_508_508&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_508_508&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[508]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Brutus was a great reader and a busy writer. Drumann (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Junii&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 37) gives a sketch of his literary activity. Such a trifle as an epitome of Polybius was probably only intended as a mere occupation to pass the time. The loss of it is not a matter of regret, any further than so far as it might have supplied some deficiencies in the present text of Polybius. Bacon (Advancement of Learning) describes epitomes thus: “As for the corruptions and moths of history, which are epitomes, the use of them deserveth to be banished, as all men of sound judgment have confessed; as those that have fretted and corroded the sound bodies of many excellent histories, and wrought them into base and unprofitable dregs.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_509_509&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_509_509&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[509]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The story of Cæsar receiving this note is told in the Life of Cato, c. 24. Cæsar was born on the 12th July, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 100, which is a sufficient answer to the scandalous tale of his being the father of Brutus. That he may have had an adulterous commerce with Servilia in and before &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 63, the year of Catiline’s conspiracy, is probable enough.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_510_510&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_510_510&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[510]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was C. Cassius Longinus, who accompanied Crassus in his Parthian campaign (Life of Crassus, c. 18, &amp;amp;amp;c.). After Cato had retired to Africa, Cassius made his peace with Cæsar (Dion Cassius, xlii. 13).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_511_511&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_511_511&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[511]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Kaltwasser has adopted the correction of Moses du Soul, and has translated the passage “in Nikaea für den König Deiotarus.” The anecdote appears to refer clearly to king Deiotarus, as appears from Cicero’s Letters to Atticus (xiv. 1). See Drumann’s note, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Junii&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 25, note 83. Coræs would read Γαλατῶν for Λιβύων.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_512_512&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_512_512&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[512]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was the north part of Italy. Cæsar set out for his African campaign in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 47. Brutus held Gallia in the year &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 46. See Drumann, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Junii&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 26, note 91, on the administration of Gallia by Brutus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_513_513&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_513_513&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[513]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch here alludes to the office of Prætor Urbanus, who, during the year of his office, was the chief person for the administration of justice. The number of prætors at this time was ten (Dion Cassius, xlii. 51), to which number they were increased from eight by Cæsar in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 47. The Prætor Urbanus still held the first rank. The motive of Cæsar may have been, as Dion Cassius says, to oblige his dependents by giving them office and rank. Brutus was Prætor Urbanus in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 44, the year of Cæsar’s assassination.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_514_514&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_514_514&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[514]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This anecdote is told in Cæsar’s Life, c. 62.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_515_515&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_515_515&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[515]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Q. Fufius Calenus was sent by Cæsar before the battle of Pharsalus to Greece (Life of Cæsar, c. 43). Megara made strong resistance to Calenus, and was treated with severity. Dion Cassius (xlii. 14) says nothing about the lions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_516_516&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_516_516&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[516]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Sulla, c. 34, and note to c. 37; and the Life of Cæsar, c. 53, note.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_517_517&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_517_517&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[517]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Cæsar, c. 61, and Dion Cassius, xliv. 3, &amp;amp;amp;c.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_518_518&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_518_518&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[518]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; His name was Quintus. Ligarius fought against Cæsar at the battle of Thapsus &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 46. He was taken prisoner and banished. He was prosecuted by Q. Delius Tubero for his conduct in Africa, and defended by Cicero in an extant speech. Ligarius obtained a pardon from Cæsar, and he repaid the dictator, like many others, by aiding in his murder. It seems pretty certain that he lost his life in the proscriptions of the Triumviri (Appian, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iv, 22, 23).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_519_519&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_519_519&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[519]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare the Life of the Younger Cato, c. 65, 73; and as to Favonius, the same life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_520_520&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_520_520&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[520]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Q. Antistius Labeo was one of the hearers of Servius Sulpicins (Dig. i. tit. 2, s. 2, § 44), and himself a jurist, and the father of a more distinguished jurist, Antistius Labeo, who lived under Augustus. He was at the battle of Philippi, and after the defeat he killed himself, and was buried in a grave in his tent, which he had dug for the purpose (Appian, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iv. 135).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_521_521&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_521_521&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[521]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Cæsar, c. 64, and the note.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The signs of Cæsar’s death are mentioned in the Life of Cæsar, c. 63.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_522_522&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_522_522&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[522]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Brutus was first married to Claudia, a daughter of Appius Claudius, consul &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 54. It was probably in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 55, and after Cato’s death, that he put away Claudia, for which he was blamed (Cic. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; xiii. 9), and married Porcia, the daughter of Cato, and widow of M. Calpurnius Bibulus, the colleague of Cæsar in the consulship &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 59. As to the affair of the wound, compare Dion Cassius (xliv. 13 &amp;amp;amp;c.).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_523_523&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_523_523&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[523]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was the great architectural work of Pompeius (Life of Pompeius, c. 40, note).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_524_524&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_524_524&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[524]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The same story is told by Appian (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 115).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_525_525&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_525_525&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[525]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The circumstances of Cæsar’s death are told in his Life, c. 66; where it is incorrectly said that Brutus Albinus engaged Antonius in conversation. To the authorities referred to in the note to c. 66 of the Life of Cæsar, add Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phillip&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. ii. 14, which is referred to by Kaltwasser.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_526_526&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_526_526&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[526]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; L. Munatius Plancus, who had received favours from Cæsar, and the province of Transalpine Gaul, with the exception of Narbonensis and Belgica &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 44.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As to the arrangement about the provinces after Cæsar’s death, see the Life of Antonius, c. 14.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_527_527&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_527_527&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[527]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare the Life of Cæsar, c. 68, and the note.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_528_528&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_528_528&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[528]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The allusion is to P. Clodius, who fell in a brawl with T. Annius Milo &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 52. See the Life of Cicero, c. 52.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_529_529&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_529_529&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[529]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare the Life of Cæsar, c. 68.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_530_530&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_530_530&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[530]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now Porto d’Anzo, on the coast of Latium, thirty miles from Rome. It is now a poor place, with numerous remains of former buildings (Westphal, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Die Römische Kampagne&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and his two maps).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_531_531&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_531_531&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[531]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; These were the Ludi Apollinares (Dion, xlvii. 20), which Brutus had to superintend as Prætor Urbanus. The day of celebration was the fourth of Quintilis or Julius. The games were superintended by L. Antonius, the brother of Marcus, and the colleague of Brutus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_532_532&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_532_532&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[532]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare the Life of Cicero, c. 43, and notes; and the Life of Antonius, c. 16.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_533_533&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_533_533&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[533]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Complaints like these, of the conduct of Cicero, appear in the sixteenth and seventeenth letters of the book which is entitled ‘M. Tullii Epistolarum ad Brutum Liber Singularis;’ but the genuineness of these letters is very doubtful. Plutarch himself (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Brutus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 53) did not fully believe in the genuineness of all the letters attributed to Brutus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_534_534&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_534_534&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[534]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Elea, the Romans called this place Velia. It was on the coast of Lucania, in the modern province of Basilicata in the kingdom of Naples; and the remains are near Castella a mare della Brucca. Velia is often mentioned by Cicero, who set sail from thence when he intended to go to Greece (Life of Cicero, c. 43).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_535_535&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_535_535&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[535]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The passages in Homer are, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Iliad&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, vi. 429 and 491, the parting of Hector and Andromache. The old stories of Greece furnished the painter with excellent subjects, and the simplicity with which they treated them may be inferred from Plutarch’s description. The poet was here the real painter. The artist merely gave a sensuous form to the poet’s conception. The parting of Hector and Andromache is the subject of one of Schiller’s early poems.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_536_536&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_536_536&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[536]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dion Cassius (xlvii. 20) describes the reception of Brutus at Athens. The Athenians ordered bronze statues of Brutus and Cassius to be set up by the side of the statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, who had liberated Athens from the tyranny of the Peisistratidæ.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_537_537&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_537_537&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[537]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Pompeius, c. 75. Cicero’s son Marcus was attending the lectures of Cratippus &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 44, and also, as it appears, up to the time when Brutus came to Athens. Horace, who was now at Athens, also joined the side of Brutus, and was present at the battle of Philippi.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_538_538&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_538_538&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[538]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A town near the southern point of Eubœa. The Roman commander who gave up the money, was the Quæstor M. Appuleius (Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Philipp&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. x. 11). Plutarch in the next chapter calls him Antistius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_539_539&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_539_539&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[539]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; These are the dying words of Patroclus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Iliad&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, xvi. 849). Apollo is Leto’s son.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_540_540&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_540_540&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[540]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Cicero, c. 43, note; and Dion Cassius (xlvii. 29, &amp;amp;amp;c.).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_541_541&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_541_541&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[541]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A town in Thessalia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_542_542&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_542_542&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[542]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Q. Hortensius Hortalus, the son of the orator Hortensius, who held the province of Macedonia (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 44), in which Brutus was to succeed him. He was put to death by M. Antonius after the battle of Philippi (c. 28).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_543_543&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_543_543&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[543]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This may be an error of Plutarch’s copyists. His name was P. Vatinius (Dion Cassius, xlvii. 21).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_544_544&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_544_544&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[544]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Greek soldiers suffered in this way in their retreat from Babylonia over the table-land of Armenia (Xenophon, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Anabasis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iv. 5, 7). This bulimy is a different thing from that which modern writers call by that name, and which they describe as a “canine appetite, insatiable desire for food.” The nature of the appetite is exemplified by the instance of a man eating in one day four pounds of raw cow’s udder, ten pounds of raw beef, two pounds of candles, and drinking five bottles of porter (Penny Cyclopædia, art. Bulimia). The subject of Bulimia is discussed by Plutarch (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Symposiaca&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, b. vi. Qu. 8).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_545_545&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_545_545&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[545]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now Butrinto, was on the main land in the north part of the channel which divides Corcyra (Corfu) from the continent. It was made a Colonia by the Romans after their occupation of Epirus. Atticus, the friend of Cicero, had land in the neighbourhood of Buthrotum.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As to the events mentioned at the end of this chapter, compare Dion Cassius, xlvii. 21-23.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_546_546&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_546_546&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[546]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare Dion Cassius, xlvii. 22.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_547_547&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_547_547&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[547]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was Decimus Brutus Albinus, who fell into the hands of the soldiers of M. Antonius in North Italy, and was put to death by order of Antonius &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 43. Compare Dion Cassius (xlvi. 53), and the note of Reimarus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_548_548&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_548_548&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[548]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Brutus passed over into Asia probably about the middle of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 43, while the proscriptions were going on at Rome. As to Cyzicus, see the Life of Lucullus, c. 9.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_549_549&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_549_549&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[549]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cassius was now in Syria, whence he designed to march to Egypt to punish Cleopatra for the assistance which she had given to Dolabella.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_550_550&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_550_550&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[550]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Mediterranean, for which the Romans had no name.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_551_551&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_551_551&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[551]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Xanthus stood on a river of the same name, about ten miles from the mouth. The river is now called Etchen-Chai. Xanthus is first mentioned by Herodotus (i. 176), who describes its destruction by the Persian general Harpagus, to which Plutarch afterwards (c. 31) alludes. Numerous remains have been recently discovered there by Fellowes, and some of them are now in the British Museum (Penny Cyclop. art. Xanthian Marbles, and the references in that article).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The last sentence of this chapter is very confused in the original.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_552_552&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_552_552&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[552]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare the Life of Pompeius, c. 77, 80.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_553_553&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_553_553&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[553]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Brutus and Cassius met at Sardis in the early part of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 42.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_554_554&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_554_554&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[554]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The passage to which Plutarch refers is &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Iliad&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 259. The character of Favonius is well known from the Lives of Pompeius and Cato the Younger.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_555_555&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_555_555&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[555]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Kaltwasser has a note on the Roman practice of an invited guest taking his shadows (umbræ) with him. Horace alludes to the practice (i. Ep. 5, 28),&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line i04&amp;quot;&amp;gt;——“locus est et pluribus umbris.”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Plutarch discusses the etiquette as to umbræ in his Symposiaca (book vii. Qu. 6).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_556_556&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_556_556&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[556]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Romans reclined at table. They placed couches on three sides of the table and left the fourth open. The central couch or sofa (lectus medius) was the first place. The other sofas at the adjoining two sides were respectively lectus summus and imus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_557_557&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_557_557&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[557]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Nothing further seems to be known of him. The name Pella is probably corrupt. The consequence of his condemnation was Infamia, as to the meaning of which term: see Dict. of Greek and Roman Antiquities, Infamia. This interview between Brutus and Cassius forms one of the finest scenes in Shakespeare’s play of Julius Cæsar.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_558_558&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_558_558&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[558]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The reading here is probably corrupt. See the note of Sintenis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_559_559&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_559_559&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[559]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The ghost story is told also in the Life of Cæsar, c. 69.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_560_560&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_560_560&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[560]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cassius was one of the Romans who had embraced the doctrines of Epicurus, modified somewhat by the Roman character. Cicero in a letter to Cassius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Diversos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, xv. 16) rallies him about his opinions; and Cassius (xv. 19) in reply defends them. Cicero says to Cassius, that he hopes he will tell him whether it is in his power, as soon as he chooses to think of Cassius, to have his spectrum (εἴδωλον) present, before him, and whether, if he should begin to think of the island Britannia, the image (spectrum) of Britannia will fly to his mind.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Lucretius expounded the Epicurean doctrines in his poem De Rerum Natura. In his fourth book he treats of images (simulacra):&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line i04&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“Quæritur in primis quare quod quoique libido&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Venerit, extemplo mens cogitet ejus id ipsum.&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Anne voluntatem nostram simulacra tuentur,&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Et simulac volumus, nobis occurrit imago?”—iv. 781, &amp;amp;amp;c.&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The things on which the mind has been engaged in waking hours, recur as images during sleep:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line i04&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“Et quo quisque fere studio defunctus adhæret,&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Aut quibus in rebus multum sumus ante moratei&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Atque in ea ratione fuit contenta magis mens,&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In somnis eadem plerumque videmur obire:&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Causidicei causas agere et componere leges,&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Induperatores pugnare ac proelia obire,” &amp;amp;amp;c.—iv. 963.&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He has observed in a previous passage, that numerous images of things wander about in all directions, that they are of a subtile nature, and are easily united when they meet; they are of a much more subtile nature than the things which affect the sight, for they penetrate through the pores of bodies, and inwardly move the subtile nature of the mind. He then adds:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line i04&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“Centauros itaque et Scyllarum membra videmus,&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Cerbereasque canum fauceis simulacraque eorum&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Quorum morte obita tellus amplectitur ossa.”—iv. 734, &amp;amp;amp;c.&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The doctrine which Lucretius inculcated as to the deities, admitted their existence, but denied that they concerned themselves about mundane affairs; and they had nothing to do with the creation of the world. It is one of the main purposes of the poem to free men from all religious belief, and to show the misery and absurdities that it breeds.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A belief in dæmons would be inconsistent with such doctrines; and as to the gods, Cassius means to say, that though he did not believe in their existence, he almost wished that there were gods to aid their righteous cause.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As to the opinions of Cassius, compare the Life of Cæsar, c. 66.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_561_561&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_561_561&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[561]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; C. Norbanus Flaccus and L. Decidius Saxa, two legates of Antonius, who had been sent forward with eight legions, and had occupied Philippi. The town of Philippi lay near the mountain-range of Pangæus and Symbolum, which was the name of a place at which Pangæus joins another mountain, that stretches up into the interior. Symbolum was between Neapolis (new city) and Philippi. Neapolis was on the coast opposite to Thasus: Philippi was in the mountain region, and was built on a hill; west of it was a plain which extended to the Strymon (Appian, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iv. 1205; Dion Cassius. xlvii. 35). Philippi was originally called Krenides, or the Springs, then Datus, and lastly Philippi by King Philippus, of Macedonia, who fortified it. Appian’s description of the position of Philippi is very clear.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_562_562&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_562_562&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[562]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A lustration was a solemn ceremony of purification, which was performed on various occasions, and before a battle: see Livy, xxix. 47.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The omens which preceded the battle are recorded by Dion Cassius, xlvii. 49.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_563_563&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_563_563&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[563]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; M. Valerius Messala Corvinus, of a distinguished Roman family, was a son of Messala who was consul &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 53. After the battle of Philippi he attached himself to M. Antonius, whom he deserted to join Octavianus Cæsar. He fought on Cæsar’s side at the battle of Actium (c. 53). He died somewhere between &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 3 and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.D.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 3. Messala was a poet and an historian. His history of the Civil Wars, after the death of the Dictator Cæsar, was used by Plutarch.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_564_564&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_564_564&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[564]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the note of Sintenis, who proposes to read κεκλημένος for κεκλημένον, to prevent any ambiguity, such as Kaltwasser discovered in the passage. It was the birthday of Cassius (Appian, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iv, 113).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_565_565&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_565_565&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[565]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch here quotes the Memoirs of Cæsar. It is of no great importance who saw the dream, and perhaps there was no dream at all. Cæsar wished to have an excuse for being out of the way of danger. Dion Cassius (xlvii. 41) says that it was Cæsar’s physician who had the dream, but he does not mention his name. See the notes of Reimarus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_566_566&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_566_566&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[566]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The true name may be Briges. The Briges were a Thracian tribe (Stephan. Byzant., Βρίγες), who are mentioned by Herodotus (vii. 73). The Macedonian tradition was that they were the same as the Phrygians; that so long as they lived in Europe with the Macedonians they kept the name of Briges, and that when they passed over into Asia they were called Phryges.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_567_567&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_567_567&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[567]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Drumann (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Geschichte Roms&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 516, n. 84) assumes that it is P. Volumnius Eutrapelus, a boon companion of Antonius. Several of Cicero’s letters to him are extant (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Div.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; vii. 32, 33).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_568_568&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_568_568&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[568]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch has handled the character of Brutus with partiality. He could not be ignorant of his love of money and of the oppressive manner in which he treated his unlucky creditors. Drumann (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Junii&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 20, &amp;amp;amp;c.) has collected the evidence on this point. Though Brutus was an austere man and affected philosophy, his character is not free from the imputation of ingratitude to Cæsar, love of power, and avarice. He seems to have been one of those who deceive themselves into a belief of their own virtues, because they are free from other people’s vices. The promise of plunder to his soldiers is not excusable because Antonius and Cæsar did worse than he intended to do. Plutarch here alludes to many of the Italians being driven out of their lands, which were given to the soldiers who had fought on the side of Cæsar and Antonius at Philippi. The misery that was occasioned by this measure was one of the chief evils of the Civil Wars. The slaughter in war chiefly affected the soldiers themselves, and if both armies had been destroyed, the people would only have been the better for it. The misery that arose from the ejection of the hard-working husbandmen reached to their wives and children. But a country which had a large army on foot which is no longer wanted, must either pay them out of taxes and plunder, or have a revolution. Necessity was the excuse for Cæsar and Antonius, and the same necessity would have been the excuse of Brutus, if he had been victorious. Defeat saved him from this necessity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_569_569&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_569_569&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[569]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The ships which were bringing aid to Cæsar from Brundusium under the command of Domitius Calvinus. They were met and defeated by L. Statius Marcus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_570_570&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_570_570&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[570]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Nothing seems to be known about him. Of course he is not the Volumnius mentioned in c. 45.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_571_571&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_571_571&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[571]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Cato the Younger, c. 73.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_572_572&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_572_572&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[572]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Antonius, c. 70.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_573_573&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_573_573&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[573]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The verse is from the Medea of Euripides (v. 332), in which Medea Is cursing her faithless husband Jason. The educated Romans were familiar with the Greek dramatists, whom they often quoted. (Compare the Life of Pompeius, c. 78.) Appian says that Brutus intended to apply this line to Antonius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iv. 130).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The other verse, which Volumnius forgot, was remembered by somebody else, if it be the verse of which Florus (iv. 7) has recorded the substance, “that virtue is not a reality, but a name.” Dion Cassius (xlvii. 49, and the note of Reimarus) also has recorded two Greek verses which Brutus is said to have uttered; but he does not mention the verse which Plutarch cites. The substance of the two verses cited by Dion is this:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry-container&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poetry&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line i04&amp;quot;&amp;gt;“Poor virtue, empty name, whom I have serv’d&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;line&amp;quot;&amp;gt;As a true mistress; thou art fortune’s slave.”&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Volumnius might not choose to remember these verses, as Drumann suggests, in order to save the credit of his friend.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_574_574&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_574_574&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[574]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See c. 11, and the Life of the younger Cato, c. 65, 73.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_575_575&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_575_575&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[575]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Brutus was forty-three years of age when he died. Velleius (ii. 72) says that he was in his thirty-seventh year, which is a mistake.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The character of Brutus requires a special notice. It is easy enough to write a character of a man, but not easy to write a true one. Michelet (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Histoire de la Revolution Française&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 545), speaking of the chief actors of the revolution in 1789. ’90, ’91, says: “We have rarely given a judgment entire, indistinct, no &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;portrait&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; properly speaking; all, almost all, are unjust; resulting from a mean which is taken between this and that moment in a person’s life, between the good and the bad, neutralising the one by the other, and making both false. We have judged the acts, as they present themselves, day by day, hour by hour. We have given a date to our judgments; and this has allowed us often to praise men, whom at a later time we shall have to blame. Criticism, forgetful and harsh, too often condemns beginnings which are laudable, having in view the end which it knows, of which it has a view beforehand. But we do not choose to know this end; whatever this man may do to-morrow, we note for his advantage the good which he does to-day: the end will come soon enough.” This is the true method of writing history; this is the true method of judging men. Unfortunately we cannot trace the career of many individuals with that particularity of date and circumstance which would enable us to do justice. Plutarch does not draw characters in the mass in the modern way: he gives us both the good and the bad, in detail: but with little regard sometimes to time and circumstance. He has treated Brutus with partiality: he finds only one act in his life to condemn (chap. 46). The great condemnation of Brutus is, that acting in the name of virtue, he did not know what it was; that fighting for his country, he was fighting for a party; his Roman republic was a republic of aristocrats; his people was a fraction of the Roman citizens; he conceived no scheme for regenerating a whole nation: he engaged in a death struggle in which we can feel no sympathy. His name is an idle abused theme for rhetoric; and his portrait must be drawn, ill or well, that the world may be disabused.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Drumann (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Geschichte Roms&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Junii, p. 34) has carefully collected the acts of Brutus; and he has judged him severely, and, I think, truly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Brutus had moderate abilities, with great industry and much learning: he had no merit as a general, but he had the courage of a soldier, he had the reputation of virtue, and he was free from many of the vices of his contemporaries; he was sober and temperate. Of enlarged political views he had none; there is not a sign of his being superior in this respect to the mass of his contemporaries. When the Civil War broke out, he joined Pompeius, though Pompeius had murdered his father. If he gave up his private enmity, as Plutarch says, for what he believed to be the better cause, the sacrifice was honourable: if there were other motives, and I believe there were, his choice of his party does him no credit. His conspiracy against Cæsar can only be justified by those, if there are such, who think that a usurper ought to be got rid of in any way. But if a man is to be murdered, one does not expect those to take a part in the act who, after being enemies have received favours from him, and professed to be friends. The murderers should at least be a man’s declared enemies who have just wrongs to avenge. Though Brutus was dissatisfied with things under Cæsar, he was not the first mover in the conspiracy. He was worked upon by others, who knew that his character and personal relation to Cæsar would in a measure sanctify the deed; and by their persuasion, not his own resolve, he became an assassin in the name of freedom, which meant the triumph of his party, and in the name of virtue, which meant nothing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The act was bad in Brutus as an act of treachery; and it was bad as an act of policy. It failed in its object—the success of a party, because the death of Cæsar was not enough; other victims were necessary, and Brutus would not have them. He put himself at the head of a plot, in which there was no plan: he dreamed of success and forgot the means. He mistook the circumstances of the times and the character of the men. His conduct after the murder was feeble and uncertain; and it was also as illegal as the usurpation of Cæsar. “He left Rome as prætor without the permission of the Senate; he took possession of a province which, even according to Cicero’s testimony, had been assigned to another; he arbitrarily passed beyond the boundaries of his province, and set his effigy on the coins.” (Drumann.) He attacked the Bessi in order to give his soldiers booty, and he plundered Asia to get money for the conflict against Cæsar and Antonius, for the mastery of Rome and Italy. The means that he had at his disposal show that he robbed without measure and without mercy; and never was greater tyranny exercised over helpless people in the name of liberty than the wretched inhabitants of Asia experienced from Brutus the “Liberator” and Cassius “the last of the Romans.” But all these great resources were thrown away in an ill-conceived and worse executed campaign.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Temperance, industry, and unwillingness to shed blood are noble qualities in a citizen and a soldier; and Brutus possessed them. But great wealth gotten by ill means is an eternal reproach; and the trade of money-lending, carried on in the names of others, with unrelenting greediness, is both avarice and hypocrisy. Cicero, the friend of Brutus, is the witness for his wealth, and for his unworthy means to increase it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Reflecting men in all ages have a philosophy. With the educated Greeks and Romans, philosophy was religion. The vulgar belief, under whatever name it may be, is never the belief of those who have leisure for reflection. The vulgar rich and vulgar poor are immersed in sense: the man of reflection strives to emerge from it. To him the things which are seen are only the shadows of the unseen; forms without substance, but the evidence of the substantial: “for the invisible things of God from the creation of the world are clearly seen, being understood by the things that are made” (Epistle to the Romans, i. 20). Brutus was from his youth up a student of philosophy and well versed in the systems of the Greeks. Untiring industry and a strong memory had stored his mind with the thoughts of others, but he had not capacity enough to draw profit from his intellectual as he did from his golden treasures. His mind was a barren field on which no culture could raise an abundant crop. His wisdom was the thoughts of others, and he had ever ready in his mouth something that others had said. But to utter other men’s wisdom is not enough: a man must make it his own by the labour of independent thought. Philosophy and superstition were blended in his mind, and they formed a chaos in his bewildered brain, as they always will do; and the product is Gorgons and Hydras and Chimeras dire. In the still of night phantoms floated before his wasted strength and wakeful eyes; perhaps the vision of him, the generous and the brave, who had saved the life of an enemy in battle, and fell by his hand in the midst of peace. Conscience was his tormentor, for truth was stronger than the illusions of self-imputed virtue. Though Brutus had condemned Cato’s death, he died by his own hand, not with the stubborn resolve of Cato, who would not yield to a usurper, but merely to escape from his enemies. A Roman might be pardoned for not choosing to become the prisoner of a Roman, but his grave should have been the battlefield, and the instrument should have been the hands of those who were fighting against the cause which he proclaimed to be righteous and just. Cato’s son bettered his father’s example: he died on the plain of Philippi by the sword of the enemy. Brutus died without belief in the existence of that virtue which he had affected to follow: the triumph of a wrongful cause, as he conceived it, was a proof that virtue was an empty name. He forgot the transitory nature of all individual existences, and thought that justice perished with him. But a true philosopher does not make himself a central point, nor his own misfortunes a final catastrophe. He looks both backwards and forwards, to the past and the future, and views himself as a small link in the great chain of events which holds all things together. Brutus died in despair, with the courage, but not with the faith, of a martyr.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When men talk of tyranny and rise against it, the name of Brutus is invoked; a mere name and nothing else. What single act is there in the man’s life which promised the regeneration of his country and the freedom of mankind? Like other Romans, he only thought of maintaining the supremacy of Rome; his ideas were no larger than theirs; he had no sympathy for those whom Rome governed and oppressed. For his country, he had nothing to propose; its worn-out political constitution he would maintain, not amend; indeed, amendment was impossible. Probably he dreaded anarchy and the dissolution of social order, for that would have released his creditors and confiscated his valuable estates. But Cæsar’s usurpation was not an anarchy: it was a monarchy, a sole rule; and Brutus, who was ambitious, could not endure that. It may be said that if the political views of Brutus were narrow, he was only like most of his countrymen. But why then is he exalted, and why is his name invoked? What single title had he to distinction except what Cæsar gave him? A man of unknown family, the son of a woman whom Cæsar had debauched, pardoned after fighting against his mother’s lover, raised by him to the prætorship, and honoured with Cæsar’s friendship—he has owed his distinction to nothing else than murdering the man whose genius he could not appreciate, but whose favours he had enjoyed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His spurious philosophy has helped to save him from the detestation which is his due; but the false garb should be stripped off. A stoic, an ascetic, and nothing more, is a mere negation. The active virtues of Brutus are not recorded. If he sometimes did an act of public justice (c. 35), it was not more than many other Romans have done. To reduce this philosopher to his true level, we ask, what did he say or do that showed a sympathy with all mankind? Where is the evidence that he had the feeling of justice which alone can regenerate a nation? But it may be said, why seek in a Roman of his age what we cannot expect to find? Why then elevate him above the rest of his age and consecrate his name? Why make a hero of him who murdered his benefactor, and then ran away from the city which he was to save—from we know not what? And why make a virtuous man of him who was only austere, and who did not believe in the virtues that he professed? As to statesmanship, nobody has claimed that for him yet.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;“The deputy of Arras, poor, and despised even by his own party, won the confidence of the people by their belief in his probity: and he deserved it. Fanatical and narrow-minded, he was still a man of principles. Untiring industry, unshaken faith, and poverty, the guarantee of his probity, raised him slowly to distinction, and enabled him to destroy all who stood between him and the realisation of an unbending theory. Though he had sacrificed the lives of others, he scorned to save his own by doing what would have contradicted his principles: he respected the form of legality, when its substance no longer existed, and refused to sanction force when it would have been used for his own protection” (Lamartine, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Histoire des Girondins&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, liv. 61, ix.). A great and memorable example of crime, of fanaticism, and of virtue; of a career commenced in the cause of justice, in truth, faith and sincerity; of a man who did believe in virtue, and yet spoiled the cause in which he embarked, and left behind him a name for universal execration.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Treachery at home, enmity abroad, and misconduct in its own leaders, made the French Revolution result in anarchy, and then in a tyranny. The Civil Wars of Rome resulted in a monarchy, and there was nothing else in which they could end. The Roman monarchy or the Empire was a natural birth. The French Empire was an abortion. The Roman Empire was the proper growth of the ages that had preceded it: they could produce nothing better. In a few years after the battle of Philippi, Cæsar Octavianus got rid of his partner Antonius; and under the administration of Augustus the world enjoyed comparative peace, and the Roman Empire was established and consolidated. The genius of Augustus, often ill appreciated, is demonstrated by the results of his policy. He restored order to a distracted state and transmitted his power to his successors. The huge fabric of Roman greatness resting on its ancient foundations, only crumbled beneath the assaults that time and new circumstances make against all political institutions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_576_576&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_576_576&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[576]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Velleius (ii. 71, quoted by Kaltwasser) states that some of the partisans of Brutus and Cassius wished Messala to put himself at the head of their party, but he declined to try the fortune of another contest.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_577_577&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_577_577&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[577]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare the Life of Antonius, c. 22. Appian (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iv. 135) makes the same statement as Plutarch about the body of Brutus. It is not inconsistent with this that his head was cut off in order to be sent to Rome and thrown at the feet of Cæsar’s statue, as Suetonius says (Sueton. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;August.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 13). Dion Cassius adds (xlvii. 49) that in the passage from Dyrrachium a storm came on and the head was thrown into the sea.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_578_578&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_578_578&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[578]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Nikolaus of Damascus, a Peripatetic philosopher, and a friend of Augustus, wrote a universal history in Greek, in one hundred and forty-four books, of which a few fragments remain. There is also a fragment of his Life of Augustus. The best edition is that of J.C. Orelli, Leipzig, 1804, 8vo.; to which a supplement was published in 1811.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_579_579&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_579_579&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[579]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The work of Valerius Maximus is dedicated to the Emperor Tiberius. The death of Porcia is mentioned in lib. iv. c. 6, 5. Appian (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iv. 136) and Dion Cassius (xlvii. 49) give the same account of Porcia’s death.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_580_580&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_580_580&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[580]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch here evidently doubts the genuineness of the letter attributed to Brutus. The life of Brutus offered good materials for the falsifiers of history, who worked with them after rhetorical fashion. There are a few letters in the collection of Cicero which are genuine, but the single book of letters to Brutus (M. Tullii Ciceronis Epistolorum ad Brutum Liber Singularis) is condemned as a forgery by the best critics. It contains letters of Cicero to Brutus, and of Brutus to Cicero; and a letter of Brutus to Atticus. Genuine letters of Brutus, written day by day, like those of Cicero, would have formed the best materials from which we might judge him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_581_581&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_581_581&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[581]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A despatch rolled in a peculiar manner. See vol. ii. Life of Lysander, ch. 19.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_582_582&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_582_582&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[582]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The battle of Kunaxa was fought on the 7th of September 401 &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_583_583&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_583_583&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[583]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The title of a great Persian officer of State.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_584_584&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_584_584&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[584]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Egypt revolted from Persia &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 358. See vol. iii. Life of Agesilaus, ad. fin.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_585_585&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_585_585&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[585]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A people of Media on the Caspian Sea.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_586_586&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_586_586&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[586]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Grote on Epameinondas. “The muscularity, purchased by excessive nutriment, of the Bœotian pugilist.” (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist. of Greece&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, part ii. ch. lxxvii.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_587_587&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_587_587&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[587]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See vol. iii. Life of Agesilaus, c. 13, note.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_588_588&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_588_588&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[588]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ptolemy, King of Egypt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_589_589&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_589_589&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[589]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The reading Adria is obviously wrong. Droysen suggests Andros; but Thirlwall much more reasonably conjectures that the word should be Hydrea, observing that the geographical position of Andros does not suit the account given in the text. Clough prefers to read Andros, saying that “Aratus would hardly be thought to have gone from Hydrea to Eubœa, which is near enough to Andros to make the supposition in this case not unnatural.” But I think that this argument makes just the other way, for the object of Aratus’s slaves was to tell the Macedonian officer that their master was gone to a place so far away that it would be useless to attempt to follow him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_590_590&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_590_590&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[590]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The word which I have here translated “portraits” generally means statues, but not necessarily. Probably most of the despots were commemorated by statues.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_591_591&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_591_591&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[591]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Philip of Macedon, the father of Alexander, I suppose is meant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_592_592&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_592_592&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[592]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This Alexander was the son of Kraterus, and grandson of Alexander the Great’s general of that name.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_593_593&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_593_593&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[593]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A common precaution against surprise. See above, ch. viii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_594_594&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_594_594&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[594]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was Demetrius II., the son of Antigonus Gonatas, who succeeded his father on the throne of Macedonia, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap lowercase&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 239.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_595_595&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_595_595&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[595]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Apparently the great seal of the league is meant, which we must suppose was entrusted to the general for the time being.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_596_596&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_596_596&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[596]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I., ii. 607.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_597_597&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_597_597&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[597]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Philip’s object in this expedition was to make himself master of Apollonia and Oricum.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_598_598&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_598_598&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[598]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; “He was forced to burn his ships and retreat overland, leaving his baggage, ammunition, and a great part of the arms of his troops in the enemy’s hands.” (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Thirlwall’s History&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ch. lxiv).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_599_599&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_599_599&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[599]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Merivale’s ‘History of the Romans under the Empire,’ ch. liii. vol. vi. page 142, note.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_600_600&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_600_600&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[600]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Quintus Catulus Capitolinus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_601_601&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_601_601&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[601]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Nero set a price upon the head of Vindex, whose designs were speedily revealed to him, and though the forces of the Gaulish province were disposed to follow their chief, the more powerful legions of Lower Germany, under Virginius Rufus, were in full march against them. The armies met at Vesontio, and there Virginius and Vindex at a private interview agreed to conspire together, but their troops could come to no such understanding; the Virginians attacked the soldiers of Vindex, and almost cut them to pieces. Vindex thereupon, with the haste and levity of his race, threw himself upon his sword, and the rebellion seemed for a moment to be crushed. Merivale’s ‘History of the Romans under the Empire,’ vol. vi. ch. lv.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_602_602&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_602_602&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[602]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Nero died on the 9th of June, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.D.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 68.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_603_603&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_603_603&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[603]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The gold ring was presented by the Roman emperors in much the same way as the insignia of an order of chivalry is given by modern sovereigns. Under the republic it had been the distinguishing mark of the equestrian order, and its possession still continued to raise its recipients to the rank of ‘eques,’ cf. Plin. H.N. 33, 2, and Paulus i. 5, de jure anul.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_604_604&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_604_604&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[604]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Clough well remarks that here we may observe the beginning of a state-post, which still exists on the continent of Europe, by which all government couriers, &amp;amp;amp;c., were forwarded free of expense. The modern terms of “diplomacy,” “diplomatist,” &amp;amp;amp;c., is derived from the “&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;diplomata&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,” or folded and sealed dispatches carried by such persons.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_605_605&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_605_605&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[605]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Narbonne.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_606_606&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_606_606&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[606]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Tacitus sums up the characters of these two men after his manner. “Titus Vinius and Cornelius Laco, the one the worst, the other the laziest of men, &amp;amp;amp;c.” Tac. Hist. i. 6.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_607_607&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_607_607&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[607]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; No doubt Galba’s personal appearance offered a striking contrast to that of “the implacable, beautiful tyrant” Nero. See infra, ch. 15, and Tac. Hist. i. 7&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_608_608&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_608_608&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[608]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ‘Tanquam innocentes,’ Tac. Hist. i. 6.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_609_609&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_609_609&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[609]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; More properly “rowers,” men employed to row in ships of war, who regarded it as promotion to become legionary soldiers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_610_610&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_610_610&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[610]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Vinius had engaged to marry the daughter of Tigellinus, who was a widow with a large dower.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_611_611&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_611_611&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[611]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ‘Hordeonius Flaccus,’ Tac. Hist. i. 12, 53, etc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_612_612&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_612_612&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[612]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Tigellinus, we have learned from the last chapter but one, was living at Rome. Moreover he was never in command of any legions; and evidently some legions in the provinces are meant. Clough conjectures that we should read Vitellius instead of Tigellinus; and this I think very reasonable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_613_613&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_613_613&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[613]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This seems to be a mistake, as Asiaticus was a freedman of Vitellius. See Tac. (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 57)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_614_614&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_614_614&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[614]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Of sesterces.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_615_615&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_615_615&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[615]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.D.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 69.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_616_616&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_616_616&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[616]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The First Legion, in Lower Germany.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_617_617&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_617_617&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[617]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; At Cologne.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_618_618&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_618_618&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[618]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Tac. (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. 62).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_619_619&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_619_619&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[619]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Suetonius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Otho&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 4) calls him Seleukus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_620_620&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_620_620&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[620]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So I have ventured to translate “speculator.” The speculatores under the empire were employed as special adjutants, messengers, and body-guards of a general.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_621_621&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_621_621&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[621]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Counting inclusively in the Roman fashion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_622_622&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_622_622&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[622]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Miliarium Aureum, or Golden Milestone. London Stone was established by the Romans in Britain for the same purpose.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_623_623&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_623_623&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[623]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This habit of the ancient Romans, of being carried about Rome in litters, survives to the present day in the Pope’s “sedia gestatoria.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_624_624&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_624_624&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[624]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; We learn from Tacitus that this man was the standard-bearer (vexillarius) of a cohort which still accompanied Galba. Tac. (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. 41).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_625_625&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_625_625&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[625]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Galba before leaving the palace had put on a light, quilted tunic. Suet. (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Galba&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ch. 19).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_626_626&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_626_626&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[626]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; She was obliged to pay for it. Tac. (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. 47).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_627_627&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_627_627&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[627]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Patrobius was a freedman of Nero who had been punished by Galba. The words “and Vitellius” are probably corrupt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_628_628&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_628_628&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[628]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Argius was Galba’s house-steward. He buried his master’s body in his own private garden. Tac. (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. 49).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_629_629&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_629_629&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[629]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This life must be read as the sequel to that of Galba.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_630_630&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_630_630&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[630]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Life of Galba, ch. viii., note.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_631_631&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_631_631&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[631]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Tac. (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. 80, 82, s. 99).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_632_632&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_632_632&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[632]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A body of troops, consisting of two centuriae (Polyb. ii. 23, 1), and consequently commanded by two centurions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_633_633&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_633_633&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[633]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Tacitus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. 83, 84) gives Otho’s speech at length.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_634_634&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_634_634&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[634]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Almost literally translated by Plutarch from Tacitus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. 71)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_635_635&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_635_635&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[635]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Tac. (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. 86).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_636_636&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_636_636&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[636]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Caius Julius Cæsar.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_637_637&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_637_637&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[637]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Tac. (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. 86).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_638_638&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_638_638&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[638]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; These are more particularly described in Tac. (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 21).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_639_639&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_639_639&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[639]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I imagine that Cæcina made himself disliked by using signs instead of speaking, not that he had forgotten his language, but because he did not choose to speak to the provincial magistrates. Tacitus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 20) says that he conducted himself modestly while in Italy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_640_640&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_640_640&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[640]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; We learn from Tacitus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 20) that her name was Salonina. He adds that she did no one any harm, but that people were offended with her because she rode upon a fine horse and dressed in scarlet.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_641_641&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_641_641&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[641]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; “At every place where he halted his devouring legions, and at every place which he was induced to pass without halting, this rapacious chief required to be gratified with money, under threats of plunder and conflagration.” Merivale (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;History of the Romans&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ch. lvi.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_642_642&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_642_642&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[642]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Tacitus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. 87) describes Julius Proculus as active in the discharge of his duties at Rome, but ignorant of real war. He was, Tacitus adds, a knave and a villain, who got himself preferred before honest men by the unscrupulous accusations which he brought against them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_643_643&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_643_643&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[643]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Tac. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 30.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_644_644&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_644_644&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[644]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Tacitus, (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 39) says that Otho was not present, but sent letters to the generals urging them to make haste. He adds that it is not so easy to decide what ought to have been done as to condemn what was actually done.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_645_645&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_645_645&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[645]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Tac. (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 37).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_646_646&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_646_646&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[646]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Tac. (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 43). The legions were the 21st “Rapax,” and the 1st “Adjutrix.”&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_647_647&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_647_647&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[647]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Their journey was, no doubt, back to Rome.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_573&amp;quot;&amp;gt;573&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;INDEX.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul class=&amp;quot;IX&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Abantes, i. Theseus, ch. 5.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Abantidas of Sikyon, iv. Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Abas, river, iii. Pompeius, ch. 35.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Abdera, iii. Alexander, ch. 52.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Abœokritus, iv. Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Abolus, river in Sicily, i. Timoleon, ch. 34.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Abra, iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g28&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;28&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Abriorix the Gaul, iii. Cæsar, ch. 24.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Abrotonon, i. Themistokles, ch. 1.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Abouletes, iii. Alexander, ch. 68.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Abydos, i. Alkibiades, chs. 27, 29; iii. Cæsar, ch. 69.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Academia, a garden at Athens, i. Theseus, ch. 32; Solon, ch. 1; ii. Sulla, ch. 12; Kimon, ch. 13.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a school of philosophy, ii. Philopœmen, ch. 1; Lucullus, ch. 42; Comparison of Kimon and Lucullus, ch. 1; iii. Phokion, ch. 4; iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Dion, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l14&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;14&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;20&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l22&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;22&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l47&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;47&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l52&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;52&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Brutus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Academus, i. Theseus, ch. 32.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Acerræ, ii. Marcellus, ch. 6.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Achæans of Phthiotis, i. Perikles, ch. 17; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 31; Flamininus, ch. 10.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Achæan harbour, ii. Lucullus, ch. 12.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Achæa and Achæans, i. Perikles, chs. 17, 19; Cato Major, ch. 9; Philopœmen, chs. 9, 12, 14, 16, and after; Flamininus, chs. 13, 17; Agesilaus, ch. 22; iv. Agis, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Kleomenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and after; Demosthenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f17&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;17&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Dion, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l23&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;23&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Aratus, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and after.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Achaicus, surname of Mummius, ii. Marius, ch. 1.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Acharnæ, i. Themistokles, ch. 24; Perikles, ch. 33.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;‘Acharnians,’ play of Aristophanes, i. Perikles, ch. 30.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Achelous, i. Perikles, ch. 19.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Achillas, an Egyptian, iii. Pompeius, chs. 77-80; Cæsar, ch. 49.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Achilles, i. Theseus, ch. 34; Camillus, ch. 13; Alkibiades, ch. 23; ii. Aristeides, ch. 7; Philopœmen, ch. 1; Pyrrhus, chs. 1, 13, 22; Comparison of Lysander and Sulla, ch. 4; iii. Pompeius, ch. 29; Alexander, chs. 5, 15, 24.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a Macedonian, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 2.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Achradina, in Syracuse, i. Timoleon, ch. 21; ii. Marcellus, ch. 18; iv. Dion, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l29&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;29&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l30&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;30&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l35&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;35&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l42&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;42&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Acilius, a historian, i. Romulus, ch. 21; ii. Cato Major, ch. 22.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Glabrio, Manius, ii. Sulla, ch. 12; Cato Major, chs. 12, 14.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a friend of Brutus, iv. Brutus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m23&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;23&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a soldier of Cæsar, iii. Cæsar, ch. 16.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aciris, river in Lucania, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 16.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Acrillæ, ii. Marcellus, ch. 18.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Acrocorinthus, the citadel of Corinth, iv. Kleomenes, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b19&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;19&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and after.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_574&amp;quot;&amp;gt;574&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Acron, king of the Ceninetes, killed by Romulus, i. Romulus, ch. 16; Comparison, ch. 1.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Actium, iv. Antonius, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j62&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;62&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j63&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;63&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j71&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;71&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ada, queen of Caria, iii. Alexander, ch. 22.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Adeimantus, an Archon, i. Themistokles, ch. 5; an Athenian general, i. Alkibiades, ch. 36.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Adiabeni, ii. Lucullus, chs. 26, 27.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Admetus, king of the Molossians, i. Themistokles, ch. 24; king of Pheræ, i. Numa, ch. 4.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Adonis, festival of, i. Alkibiades, ch. 18; iii. Nikias, ch. 13.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Adramyttium, iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Adranum, i. Timoleon, chs. 12, 16.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Adranus, i. Timoleon, ch. 12.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Adrastean hills, ii. Lucullus, ch. 9.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Adrastus, i. Theseus, ch. 29.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Adria, a town of the Tyrrhenians, i. Camillus, ch. 16.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a corrupt reading in Aratus, iv. Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Adrianus, ii. Lucullus, ch. 17.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Adrumetum, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 59.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Æakides, son of Arybas, father of Pyrrhus, king of the Molossians, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 1.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 1, 2.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Æakus, i. Theseus, ch. 10.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ædepsus, ii. Sulla, ch. 26.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ædui, iii. Cæsar, ch. 26.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ægæ, i. Themistokles, ch. 26.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ægeis, Attic tribe, i. Alkibiades, ch. 21.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ægeste, town in Sicily. _See_ Egesta.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ægeus, father of Theseus, i. Theseus, chs. 3, 4, 12, 13, 17, 22; Comparison, ch. 6.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ægialia, iv. Kleomenes, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b31&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;31&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b32&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;32&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ægias, banker at Sikyon, iv. Aratus, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p18&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;18&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p19&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;19&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ægikoreis, Attic tribe, i. Solon, ch. 23. _See_ Aigikoreis.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ægina, i. Themistokles, chs. 4, 15, 17, 19; Perikles, chs. 8, 34; ii. Aristeides, ch. 8; Lysander, chs. 9, 14; iii. Comparison of Nikias and Crassus, ch. 4; iv. Demosthenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f26&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;26&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ægium, ii. Cato Major, ch. 12; iv. Kleomenes, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b17&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;17&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;25&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p42&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;42&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ægle, daughter of Panopeus, i. Theseus, chs. 20, 29.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ægospotami, i. Alkibiades, ch. 36; ii. Lysander, chs. 9-12; iv. Artaxerxes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o21&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;21&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ælia, wife of Sulla, ii. Sulla, ch. 6.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ælii, i. Æmilius, ch. 5.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ælius, Sextus, ii. Flamininus, ch. 2.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ælius Tubero, i. Æmilius, chs. 5, 27, 28.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Æmilia, daughter of Æneas, i. Romulus, ch. 2.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, wife of Africanus, i. Æmilius, ch. 2.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, stepdaughter of Sulla and wife of Pompeius, ii. Sulla, ch. 33; iii. Pompeius, ch. 9.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Æmilii, i. Numa, ch. 8; Æmilius, ch. 2.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Æmilius, son of Pythagoras, _ibidem_.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Quintus, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 21.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Lucius. _See_ Paulus.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Marcus (Lucius Æmilius Mamercinus), i. Camillus, ch. 42.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Marcus Lepidus, i. Æmilius, ch. 38.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a crier, i. Æmilius, ch. 38.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, quaestor (censor?), i. Numa, ch. 9.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ænaria (now Ischia), off the coast of Campania, ii. Marius, chs. 37. 40.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Æneas, i. Romulus, ch. 2; Comparison, ch. 5; Camillus, ch. 20.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ænus, in Thrace, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 11.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Æolus, islands of, i. Camillus, ch. 8.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Æquians, i. Camillus, chs. 2, 33, 35; Coriolanus, ch. 39.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Æropus, a friend of Pyrrhus, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 8; a king of Macedonia, iv. Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;20&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Æschines, orator, iv. Demosthenes, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f22&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;22&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f24&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;24&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_575&amp;quot;&amp;gt;575&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Æschines of Lampra, ii. Aristeides, ch. 13.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, scholar of Sokrates, i. Perikles, chs. 24, 32; ii. Aristeides, ch. 25.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Æschylus, an Argive, iv. Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;25&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, kinsman of Timoleon, i. Timoleon, ch. 4.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, the poet, i. Theseus, ch. 1; Romulus, ch. 9; Themistokles, ch. 14; ii. Aristeides, ch. 3; Kimon, ch. 8; iii. Pompeius, ch. 1; Alexander, ch. 8; iv. Comparison of Demosthenes and Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#h2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i35&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;35&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Æsculapius, i. Numa, ch. 4; iii. Pompeius, ch. 24.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Æsion, iv. Demosthenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Æson, a river, i. Æmilius, ch. 16.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Æsopus, tragic poet, iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, the fabulist, i. Solon, chs. 6, 28; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 34; iii. Crassus, ch. 32; iv. Aratus, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p30&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;30&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p38&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;38&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Æsuvian meadow, i. Poplicola, ch. 9.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Æthra, i. Theseus, chs. 3, 4, 6, 7, 34.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ætolia and Ætolians, ii. Cato Major, ch. 13; Philopœmen, chs. 7, 15; Flamininus, chs. 7-10, 15; iii. Alexander, ch. 49; iv. Agis, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Kleomenes, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b10&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;10&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b18&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;18&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b34&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;34&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i40&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;40&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Aratus, frequent.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Afidius, ii. Sulla, ch. 31.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Afranius, consul B.C. 60, iii. Sertorius, ch. 19; Pompeius, chs. 34, 36, 44, 67; Cæsar, chs. 36, 41, 53.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Agamemnon, i. Perikles, ch. 28; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 21; Lysander, ch. 15; iii. Nikias, ch. 5; Sertorius ch. 1; Agesilaus, chs. 6, 9; Pompeius, ch. 67; Cæsar, ch. 41; Comparison, ch. 4.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Agariste, mother of Perikles, i. Perikles, ch. 3.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Agatharchus, a painter, i. Perikles, ch. 13.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Agathoklea, iv. Kleomenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b33&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;33&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Agathokles, son of Lysimachus, iv. Demetrius, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i31&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;31&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i46&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;46&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i47&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;47&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. Of Syracuse, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 9, 14; iv. Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;25&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Agave, iii. Crassus, ch. 33, note.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Agesias of Acharnæ, ii. Aristeides, ch. 13.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Agesilaus I., king of Sparta, iii. ; Life and Comparison with Pompeius, i. Lykurgus, chs. 12, 29; Timoleon, ch. 36; ii. Pelopidas, chs. 16, 21, 30; Flamininus, ch. 11; Lysander, chs. 22-27, 30; Kimon, chs. 10, 19; iii. Phokion, ch. 3; iv. Agis, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a14&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;14&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Artaxerxes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;20&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, uncle of Agis IV., iv. Agis, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a6&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;6&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a19&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;19&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Comparison, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i19&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;19&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;4.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Agesipolis I., king of Sparta, son of Pausanias, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 4; iii. Agesilaus, chs. 20, 24; iv. Agis, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, II., king of Sparta, son of Kleombrotus, iv. Agis, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Agesistrata, mother of Agis IV., iv. Agis, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;20&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Agiadæ, ii. Lysander, chs. 24, 30.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Agias, at Argos, iv. Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p29&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;29&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Agiatis, daughter of Gylippus, iv., Kleomenes, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b22&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;22&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Agis I., king of Sparta, ii. Lysander, chs. 24, 30; iv. Agis. ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;3.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, II., king of Sparta, son of Archidamus II., i. Lykurgus, chs. 11, 18, 19, 28, 29; Alkibiades, chs. 24, 25, 34, 38; ii. Lysander, chs. 9, 14, 22; iii. Agesilaus, chs. 1-4.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, III., king of Sparta, son of Archidamus III., iii. Agesilaus, ch. 15; iv. Agis, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Demosthenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f24&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;24&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, IV., king of Sparta, son of Eudamidas, iv. Life and Comparison with the Gracchi; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 40; iv. Kleomenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p31&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;31&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Agnus, Attic township, i. Theseus, ch. 13.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Agraulai, i. Themistokles, ch. 23.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_576&amp;quot;&amp;gt;576&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Agraulos, i. Alkibiades, ch. 15.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Agrigentum, i. Timoleon, ch. 35; ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 22; iv. Dion, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l26&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;26&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Agrippa, Marcus Vipsanius, iv. Comparison of Demosthenes and Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#h3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;3; Antonius, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j35&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;35&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j65&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;65&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j66&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;66&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j73&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;73&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j87&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;87&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Brutus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Galba, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#q25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;25&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Menenius, i. Coriolanus, ch. 6.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Agrippina, iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j87&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;87&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Galba, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#q14&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;14&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Agylæus, iv. Kleomenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b8&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ahala, Servilius, iv. Brutus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ahenobarbus, the first of the name, i. Æmilius, ch. 26. _See_ Domitius.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ajax, i. Theseus, ch. 29; Solon, ch. 10; Alkibiades, ch. 1; iii. Pompeius, ch. 72.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aidoneus, king of the Molossians, i. Theseus, chs. 31, 35.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aiantis, Attic tribe, ii. Aristeides, ch. 19.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aipeia, i. Solon, ch. 26.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aithra. _See_ Æthra.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aius Locutius, i. Camillus, ch. 30.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Akademus, i. Theseus, ch. 32. _See_ Academia.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Akamantis, Athenian tribe, i. Perikles, ch. 3.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Akanthians, ii. Lysander, chs. 1, 18.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Akestodorus, i. Themistokles, ch. 13.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Akontium, ii. Sulla, chs. 17, 19.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Akræ, iv. Dion, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Akrillæ. _See_ Acrillæ.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Akrotatus I., king of Sparta, iv. Agis, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, II., king of Sparta, grandson of Akrotatus I., ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 26, 28; iv. Agis, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Akrourian mountain, iii. Phokion, ch. 33.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Akte, iv. Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p40&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;40&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alba, in Latium, i. Romulus, chs. 3, 7, 9, 27, 28; Comparison of Theseus and Romulus, ch. 1; Pompeius, chs. 53, 80; Cæsar, ch. 60; iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j60&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;60&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Albans, i. Romulus, ch. 2; Camillus, ch. 17. Alban farm, ii. Sulla, ch. 31. Alban hills, iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g31&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;31&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. Alban mount, ii. Marcellus, ch. 22.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Albani of the Caucasus, ii. Lucullus, ch. 26; iii. Pompeius, chs. 34, 35, 38, 45; iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j34&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;34&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Albinus, Decimus Brutus. _See_ under Brutus.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, or Albinius, Lucius, i. Camillus, ch. 21.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Spurius Postumius, consul B.C. 110, ii. Marius, ch. 9.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aleas, ii. Lysander, ch. 28.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alesia, iii. Cæsar, ch. 27.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alexander of Antioch, iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j46&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;46&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, son of Antony and Cleopatra, iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j54&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;54&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, son of Kassander, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 6, 7; iv. Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i36&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;36&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Comparison of Demetrius and Antonius, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#k5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, an Aristotelian philosopher, a teacher of Crassus, iii. Crassus, ch. 3.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, grandson of Kraterus, iv. Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p17&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;17&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, son of Demetrius, iv. Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i53&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;53&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a freedman, iii. Pompeius, ch. 4.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a young Macedonian, iii. Alexander, ch. 58.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, I., king of Macedon, ii. Aristeides, ch. 15; Kimon, ch. 14.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, II., king of Macedon, ii. Pelopidas, chs. 26-28.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, the Great, iii. Life; i. Theseus, ch. 5; Camillus, ch. 19; Æmilius, ch. 23; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 34; Aristeides, ch. 11; Philopœmen, ch. 4; Flamininus, chs. 7, 21; Pyrrhus, chs. 8, 11, 19; iii. Comparison of Nikias and Crassus, ch. 4; Eumenes, chs. 1, 6, 7; Agesilaus, ch. 15; Pompeius, chs. 2, 34, 45; Comparison of Pompeius and Agesilaus, ch. 2; Cæsar, ch. 11; Phokion, chs. 9, 17, 18, 22; iv. Demosthenes, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;20&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f23&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;23&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f24&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;24&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;25&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;amp;amp;c.; Demetrius, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i10&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;10&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_577&amp;quot;&amp;gt;577&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;25&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i29&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;29&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i37&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;37&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Antonius, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j6&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;6&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j80&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;80&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Comparison of Demetrius and Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Kleomenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b31&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;31&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alexander, son of Priam, iv. Galba, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#q19&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;19&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, the Myndian, ii. Marius, ch. 17.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, son of Perseus, i. Æmilius, ch. 37.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, of Pheræ, ii. Pelopidas, chs. 26, 31, 32.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, son of Polysperchon, iii. Phokion, ch. 33; iv. Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, son of Pyrrhus, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 9.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, son of Roxana, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 4.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, general of the Thracians, i. Æmilius, ch. 18.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alexandria and Alexandrians, ii. Lucullus, ch. 2; iii. Pompeius, ch. 49; Alexander, ch. 26; Cæsar, ch. 48; Cato Minor, ch. 35; iv. Kleomenes, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b37&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;37&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b39&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;39&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Antonius, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j69&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;69&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j71&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;71&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and after.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alexandropolis, iii. Alexander, ch. 9.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alexandristes, ii. Alexander, ch. 24.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alexas of Laodicea, iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j72&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;72&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a Syrian, perhaps, same as preceding, iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j66&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;66&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alexikrates, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 5.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alexippus, iii. Alexander, ch. 41.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alfenus Varus, general of Vitellius, iv. Otho, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#r12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. _See_ Alphenus.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alkæus, an epigrammatist, ii. Flamininus, ch. 9.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, of Sardis, iii. Pompeius, ch. 37.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alkander, a Spartan, i. Lykurgus, ch. 10.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alketas, king of the Molossians, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 1.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, iii. Eumenes, chs. 5, 8; Alexander, ch. 55.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alkibiades, i. Life and Comparison with Coriolanus; Lykurgus, ch. 15; Numa, ch. 8; Perikles, chs. 20, 37; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 4; Aristeides, ch. 7; Flamininus, ch. 11; Lysander, chs. 3, 4, 10, 11; Comparison of Lysander and Sulla ch. 4; iii. Nikias, chs. 9-15; Comparison of Nikias and Crassus, chs. 2, 3; Agesilaus, ch. 3; iv. Demosthenes, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Comparison of Demosthenes and Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j70&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;70&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alkidamas, an orator, iv. Demosthenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alkimenes, an Achæan, iv. Dion, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l23&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;23&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alkimus, a promontory in Attica, i. Themistokles, ch. 32.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alkimus, an Epirot, iv. Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i21&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;21&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alkmæon, in command of the Athenians, i. Solon, chs. 11, 30.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, of Agraulæ, i. Themistokles, ch. 23; ii. Aristeides, ch. 25.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, son of Amphiaraus, i. Alkibiades, ch. 1; iv. Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alkmæonidæ, i. Perikles, ch. 33.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alkman, a Lacedæmonian poet, i. Lykurgus, ch. 27; ii. Sulla, ch. 36.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alkmena, mother of Herakles, i. Theseus, ch. 7; Romulus, ch. 28; ii. Lysander, ch. 28.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Allia, river, i. Camillus, chs. 18, 19.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Allobroges, iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g18&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;18&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alopekæ, township in Attica, i. Themistokles, ch. 32; Perikles, ch. 11; ii. Aristeides, ch. 1.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alopekus, or Fox-hill, ii. Lysander, ch. 29.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alphenus Varus, iv. Otho, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#r12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alsæa, iv. Kleomenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b7&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;7&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alykus, son of Skeiron, i. Theseus, ch. 32.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Amantius (Matius?), friend of Cæsar, iii. Cæsar, ch. 50.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Amanus, iii. Pompeius, ch. 39; iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g36&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;36&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i48&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;48&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Amarsyas, i. Theseus, ch. 17.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Amathus, i. Theseus, ch. 20.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Amazons, i. Theseus, chs. 26-28; Comparison of Theseus and Romulus, ch. 1; Perikles, ch. 31; ii. Lucullus, ch. 23; iii. Pompeius, ch. 35; Alexander, ch. 46; iv. Demosthenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f19&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;19&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_578&amp;quot;&amp;gt;578&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Amazoneum, at Athens, i. Theseus, ch. 27; at Chalkis, i. Theseus, ch. 27.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ambiorix, or Abriorix, iii. Cæsar, ch. 24.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ambrakia in Acarnania, i. Perikles, ch. 16; ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 6.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ambrones, a Celtic tribe, ii. Marius, chs. 15. 19. 20.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ambustus, Q. Fabius, i. Numa, ch. 12; Camillus, ch. 4.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ameinias, of Dekeleia, i. Themistokles, ch. 14; Comparison of Aristeides and Cato, ch. 2.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a Phokian, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 29.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ameria, in Umbria, ii. Marius, ch. 17.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Amestris, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Amisus, a town in Pontus, i. Lucullus, chs. 14, 15, 19, 32, 33; iii. Pompeius, ch. 38.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ammon, ii. Lysander, chs. 20, 25; Kimon, ch. 8; iii. Nikias, ch. 13; Alexander, chs. 26, 27, 47, 50.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, son of Zeus and Pasiphæ, iv. Agis, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ammonius, i. Themistokles, ch. 32.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Amnæus, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 19.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Amœbeus, iv. Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p17&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;17&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Amompharetus, i. Solon, ch. 10; ii. Aristeides, ch. 17.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Amorgos, iv. Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Amphares, iv. Agis, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a18&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;18&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-21.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Amphiaraus, i. Aristeides, chs. 3, 19; iv. Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Amphikrates, ii. Lucullus, ch. 22.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Amphiktyons, i. Solon, ch. 11; Themistokles, ch. 20; ii. Cato Major, ch. 12; Sulla, ch. 12; Kimon, ch. 8.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Amphilochia, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 6.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Amphipolis, i. Lykurgus, ch. 24; Æmilius, chs. 23, 24; ii. Kimon, ch. 8; iii. Nikias, chs. 9, 10; Pompeius, ch. 74.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Amphissa, iv. Demosthenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f18&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;18&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j28&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;28&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Amphitheus, ii. Lysander, ch. 27.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Amphitrope, i. Aristeides, ch. 26.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Amphitryon, ii. Lysander, ch. 28.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Amulius, i. Romulus, chs. 3, 6-9, 21; Comparison of Theseus and Romulus, ch. 1.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Amykla, i. Alkibiades, ch. 1; Lykurgus, ch. 15.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Amyklas, iv. Agis, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Amyntas, a Macedonian, iii. Alexander, ch. 20.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, envoy of Philip, iv. Demosthenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f18&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;18&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, king of Lycaonia and Galatia, iv. Antonius, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j61&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;61&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j63&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;63&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anaitis (Artemis), iv. Artaxerxes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anakes, i. Theseus, ch. 33; Numa, ch. 13.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anacharsis, i. Solon, ch. 5.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anakreon, i. Perikles, ch. 27.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Analius, Lucius, iii. Comparison of Nikias and Crassus, ch. 2.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anaphlystus, ii. Kimon, ch. 17.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anapus, i. Timoleon, ch. 21; iii. Nikias, 16; iv. Dion, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anaxagorus, a philosopher, i. Themistokles, ch. 2; Perikles, chs. 4, 5, 6, 8, 16, 32; ii. Lysander, ch. 12; iii. Nikias, ch. 23.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anaxandrides, of Delphi, ii. Lysander, ch. 18.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anaxarchus, a philosopher, iii. Alexander, chs. 8, 28, 32.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anaxenor, iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j24&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;24&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anaxidamus, of Chæronea, ii. Sulla, chs. 17, 1719.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anaxilas, i. Solon, ch. 10.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anaxilaus, i. Alkibiades, ch. 31.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anaximenes, i. Poplicola, ch. 9; iv. Demosthenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f28&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;28&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Comparison of Demosthenes and Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#h2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anaxo, i. Theseus, ch. 29; Comparison of Theseus and Romulus, ch. 6.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ancharia, iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j31&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;31&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ancharius, ii. Marius, ch. 43.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ancus Marcius, i. Coriolanus, ch. 1.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Andokides, i. Themistokles, ch. 32; Alkibiades, ch. 21; Nikias, ch. 13.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Androgeus, i. Theseus, ch. 15, 16; Comparison of Theseus and Romulus, ch. 1.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_579&amp;quot;&amp;gt;579&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Androkleon, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 2.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Androkles, i. Alkibiades, ch. 19.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Androkleides, an Epirot, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 2.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, an author, ii. Lysander, ch. 8.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a Bœotian, ii. Lysander, ch. 27.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Androkottus, iii. Alexander, ch. 62.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Androkrates, i. Aristeides, ch. 11.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Androkydes, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 25.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Andromache, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 29; iii. Alexander, ch. 51; iv. Brutus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m23&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;23&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Andromachus, of Carrhæ, iii. Crassus, ch. 29.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, of Tauromenium, i. Timoleon, ch. 10.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Andron, i. Theseus, ch. 25.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Andronikus, ii. Sulla, ch. 26.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Andros, i. Themistokles, ch. 21; Perikles, ch. 11; Alkibiades, ch. 35; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 2, and (?) iv. Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Androtion, a writer, i. Solon, ch. 15.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, an Athenian, iv. Demosthenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Angelus, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 2.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anicius, Lucius, i. Æmilius, ch. 13.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anienus, iii. Cæsar, ch. 58.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anio, i. Poplicola, ch. 21; Camillus, ch. 41; Coriolanus, ch. 6.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Annalius. _See_ Analius.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anius, a river in Epirus, iii. Cæsar, ch. 38.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Annius, Caius, iii. Sertorius, ch. 7.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, who killed Antonius the orator, ii. Marius, ch. 44.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Milo. _See_ Milo.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Titus, iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#c14&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;14&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Annius Gallus, iv. Otho, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#r7&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;7&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#r8&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#r13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antæus, i. Theseus, ch. 11; iii. Sertorius, ch. 9.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antagoras, i. Aristeides, ch. 23.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antalkidas, i. Lykurgus, ch. 12; ii. Pelopidas, chs. 15, 30; iii. Agesilaus, chs. 23, 26, 32; iv. Artaxerxes, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o21&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;21&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o22&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;22&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antemna, or Antemnæ, i. Romulus, ch. 17; ii. Sulla, ch. 30.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antenor, i. Numa, ch. 8.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anthedon, ii. Sulla, ch. 26.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anthemion, i. Alkibiades, ch. 4; Coriolanus, ch. 14.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anthemokritus, i. Perikles, ch. 30.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antho, i. Romulus, ch. 3.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anticato, iii. Cæsar, ch. 54; iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g39&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;39&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antikleides, iii. Alexander, ch. 46.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antikrates, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 35.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antikyra, iv. Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i24&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;24&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a town in Phokis, iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j68&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;68&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antigenes, chief of the Asgyraspids, iii. Eumenes, chs. 13, 16; Alexander, ch. 70.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a writer, iv. Alexander, ch. 46.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antigenidas, iv. Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antigone, daughter of Philip and Berenike, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 4, 5, 9.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, of Pydna, iii. Alexander, ch. 48.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antigonea, iv. Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p45&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;45&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antigonis, Attic tribe, iv. Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i10&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;10&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antigonus, father of Demetrius Poliorketes, i. Romulus, ch. 17; Æmilius, chs. 8, 33; ii. Pelopidas, chs. 1, 2; Pyrrhus, chs. 4, 8; iii. Sertorius, ch. 1; Eumenes, chs. 3, 8, and following; Comparison of Eumenes and Sertorius, ch. 2; Alexander, ch. 77; Phokion, chs. 29, 30; iv. Demetrius throughout; Comparison of Demetrius and Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p54&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;54&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Gonatas, son of Demetrius, i. Æmilius, ch. 8; ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 26, 29, 30, and following; iv. Demetrius, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i39&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;39&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i40&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;40&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i51&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;51&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i53&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;53&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Aratus, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p17&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;17&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p18&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;18&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p23&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;23&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-25, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p34&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;34&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p41&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;41&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Doson, king of Macedonia, i. Coriolanus, ch. 11; Æmilius, ch. 8; ii. Philopœmen, chs. 6, 7; iv. Kleomenes, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;20&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and following; Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p38&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;38&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and following.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_580&amp;quot;&amp;gt;580&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Antigonus, king of the Jews, iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j36&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;36&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antilibanus, iii. Alexander, ch. 24.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antimachus, poet of Kolophon, i. Timoleon, ch. 36; ii. Lysander, ch. 18.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, poet of Teos, i. Romulus, ch. 12.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antioch on the Orontes, near Daphne, capital of Syria, ii. Lucullus, ch. 21, and note; iii. Pompeius ch. 40; Cato Minor, ch. 13; iv. Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i32&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;32&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Galba, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#q13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, of Mygdonia, ii. Lucullus, ch. 32.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antiochis, an Athenian tribe, ii. Aristeides, chs. 1, 5.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antiochus of Askalon, ii. Lucullus, chs. 28, 42; iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Brutus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Athenian pilot, i. Alkibiades, chs. 10, 35; ii. Lysander, ch. 5; Comparison of Lysander and Sulla, ch. 4.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, of Commagene, iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j34&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;34&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, I., Soter, son of Seleukus, iv. Demetrius, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;20&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i31&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;31&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i38&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;38&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i51&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;51&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, III., the Great, i. Æmilius, chs. 4, 7; ii. Cato Major, chs. 12, 13, 14; Comparison of Aristeides and Cato, chs. 2, 5; Philopœmen, ch. 17; Flamininus, chs. 9, 15, 16, 17, 20; Sulla, ch. 12; Lucullus, chs. 11, 31; iii. Crassus, ch. 26.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antiope, i. Theseus, chs. 26, 27; Comparison of Theseus and Romulus, ch. 6.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antiorus, i. Lykurgus, ch. 31.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antipater, governor of Macedonia, i. Camillus, ch. 19; Comparison of Alkibiades and Coriolanus, ch. 3; Comparison of Aristeides and Cato, ch. 2; iii. Eumenes, chs. 3, 4, 6, 8, 12; Agesilaus, ch. 15; Alexander, chs. 11, 39, 46, 47, 74, 77; Phokion, chs. 1, 17, 23, 25-31; iv. Agis, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Demosthenes, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-29; Comparison of Demosthenes and Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Demetrius, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i14&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;14&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i47&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;47&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Comparison of Antonius and Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antipater, son of Kassander, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 6; Demetrius, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i36&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;36&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i37&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;37&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, of Tarsus, ii. Marius, ch. 46; iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#c8&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, of Tyre, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 4.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antiphanes, comic poet, iv. Demosthenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antiphates, i. Themistokles, ch. 18.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antiphilus, iii. Phokion, chs. 24, 25.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antiphon, an orator, i. Alkibiades, ch. 3; iii. Nikias, ch. 6; iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j28&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;28&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a criminal, iv. Demosthenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f14&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;14&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antisthenes, i. Lykurgus, ch. 30; Perikles, ch. 1; Alkibiades, ch. 1.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antistia, wife of Appius Claudius, iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#c4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, wife of Pompeius, iii. Pompeius, chs. 4, 9.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antistius (Appuleius?), in command of ships, iv. Brutus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;25&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, father-in-law of Pompeius, iii. Pompeius, chs. 4, 9.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antium, i. Romulus, ch. 14; Fabius, ch. 2; Coriolanus, chs. 9, 13, 39; iv. Brutus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m21&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;21&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anton, son of Hercules, iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antonia, iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j87&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;87&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antonias, flagship of Cleopatra, iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j60&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;60&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antonius, Marcus, the orator, ii. Marius, ch. 44; iii. Pompeius, ch. 24; iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Creticus, father of the triumvir, iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Caius, son of the orator, iii. Cicero, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Caius, brother of the triumvir, iv. Antonius, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j22&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;22&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Brutus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m26&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;26&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and after.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Lucius, brother of the triumvir, iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Iulus, son of Marcus Antonius and Fulvia, iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j87&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;87&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_581&amp;quot;&amp;gt;581&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Antonius, Publius, more properly Caius, iii. Cæsar, ch. 4.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Lucius Antonius Saturninus, who rebelled against Domitian, i. Æmilius, ch. 25.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, murderer of Sertorius, iii. Sertorius, ch. 26.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Marcus, the triumvir, iv. Life and Comparison; i. Numa, ch. 20; Æmilius, ch. 38; iii. Pompeius, chs. 58, 59; Cæsar, ch. 30, and after; Cato Minor, ch. 73; iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g41&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;41&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and after; Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Brutus, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m18&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;18&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-24, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m38&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;38&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m41&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;41&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and after; Comparison of Brutus and Dion, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#n5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Honoratus, iv. Galba, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#q14&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;14&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antyllius, Q., iv. C. Gracchus, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#d13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#d14&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;14&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Comparison, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#e5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antyllus, iv. Antonius, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j71&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;71&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j81&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;81&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j87&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;87&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anytus, i. Alkibiades, ch. 3; Coriolanus, ch. 14.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aollius, or Avillius. _See_ Avillius.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aous. _See_ Anius.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Apama, wife of Seleukus, iv. Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i31&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;31&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, daughter of Artaxerxes, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, daughter of Artabazus, wife of Ptolemy, iii. Eumenes, ch. 1.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Apellas, a Macedonian, iv. Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p48&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;48&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Apelles, the painter, iii. Alexander, ch. 4; iv. Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i22&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;22&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Apellikon, of Teos, ii. Sulla, ch. 26.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Apemantes, iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j70&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;70&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aperantians, ii. Flamininus, ch. 15.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aphetai, i. Themistokles, ch. 7.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aphidnæ, i. Theseus, chs. 31-33; comparison, ch. 6.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aphidnus, i. Theseus, ch. 33.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aphytæ, ii. Lysander, ch. 20.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aphrodite, i. Numa, ch. 19.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aphepsion, an Archon, ii. Kimon, ch. 8.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Apis, iv. Kleomenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b34&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;34&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Apollodorus, governor of Babylon, iii. Alexander, ch. 73.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, the Phalerian, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 46.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a Sicilian, iii. Cæsar, ch. 49.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a writer, i. Lykurgus, ch. 1.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, an Athenian, iv. Demosthenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; comparison of Demosthenes and Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#h3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Apollokrates, iv. Dion, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l37&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;37&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l40&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;40&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l41&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;41&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l51&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;51&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l56&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;56&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Apollonia, in Mysia, ii. Lucullus, ch. 11.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, in Sicily, i. Timoleon, ch. 24.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, in Epirus, ii. Sulla, ch. 27; iii. Cæsar, chs. 37, 38; iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g43&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;43&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;43; Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Brutus, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m22&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;22&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;25&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m26&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;26&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Apollonides, iv. Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i50&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;50&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a philosopher, iii. Cato Minor, chs. 65, 66, 69, 70.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Apollonius, son of Molon, iii. Cæsar, ch. 3; iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, despot of Zenodotia, iii. Crassus, ch. 17.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Apollophanes, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 12.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Apollothemis, i. Lykurgus, ch. 31.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aponius, iv. Galba, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#q8&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Apothetæ, or the “Exposure,” a chasm under Mount Taygetus, i. Lykurgus, ch. 15.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Appian Road, iii. Cæsar, ch. 5.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Appius Claudius (Cæcus), ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 18, 19.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Claudius, consul B.C. 212, i. Comparison of Fabius and Perikles, ch. 2; ii. Marcellus, chs. 13, 14.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Claudius, consul B.C. 177, i. Poplicola, ch. 7.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Claudius, consul B.C. 143, i. Æmilius ch. 38; Tib. Gracchus, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#c4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#c9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#c13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Claudius, consul B.C. 54, iii. Pompeius, ch. 57.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Claudius, ii. Sulla, ch. 29.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Clodius, sent by Lucullus to Tigranes, ii. Lucullus, chs. 19, 21, 29.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Clausus, i. Poplicola, chs. 21, 22, same as Appius Claudius; Coriolanus, ch. 19.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_582&amp;quot;&amp;gt;582&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Appius, governor of Sardinia, iii. Cæsar, ch. 21.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Marcus, iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g26&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;26&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Apsephion, in text Aphepsion, Archon at Athens, ii. Kimon, ch. 8.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Apsus, ii. Flamininus, ch. 3.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aptera, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 30.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Apuleius, Lucius, i. Camillus, ch. 12.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Apulia, ii. Marcellus, ch. 24.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aquæ Sextiæ, ii. Marius, ch. 18.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aquillii, i. Poplicola, chs. 3, 4, and after.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aquillius, Manius, ii. Marius, ch. 14.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Gallus, P., tribune of the people, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 43.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aquinius, Marcus, iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aquinum, iv. Otho, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#r5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aquinus, iii. Sertorius, ch. 13.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arabia and Arabians, i. Theseus, ch. 5; ii. Lucullus, ch. 21, and after; iii. Crassus, chs. 28, 29, and after; Pompeius, ch. 44, and after; Alexander, ch. 24; iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j37&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;37&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and after; Arabia Nabathea, iv. Antonius ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;30.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arachosia, iii, Eumenes, ch. 19.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arakus, ii. Lysander, ch. 7.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arar, iii. Caesar, ch. 18.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Araterion, i. Theseus, ch. 35.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arateum, iv. Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p53&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;53&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aratus of Sikyon, iv. Life and Comparison; ii. Philopœmen, chs. 1, 8; iv. Agis, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Kleomenes, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b6&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;6&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-17, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;20&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;25&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, son of the preceding, iv. Aratus, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p49&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;49&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-54.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Araxes, ii. Lucullus, ch. 26; iii. Pompeius, chs. 33, 34; iv. Antonius, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j49&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;49&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j52&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;52&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arbakes, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o14&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;14&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arbela, i. Camillus, ch. 19; iii. Pompeius, ch. 36; Alexander, ch. 31.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arcadia and Arcadians, i. Theseus, ch. 32; Numa, ch. 18; the Arcadian months, Coriolanus, ch. 3; ii. Pelopidas, chs. 4, 20, and after; Philopœmen, ch. 13; Agesilaus, chs. 15, 22, 30, 32; iv. Kleomenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and after; Demosthenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;25&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p34&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;34&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Archedamus, an Ætolian, i. Æmilius, ch. 23.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Archedemus, an Ætolian, ii. Comparison of Titus and Philopœmen, ch. 2.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a friend of Archytas, iv. Dion, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l18&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;18&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Archelaus, general of Antigonus Gonatas, iv. Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p22&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;22&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, of Delos, ii. Sulla, ch. 22.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, general of Mithridates, ii. Marius, ch. 34; Sulla, chs. 11, 15-17, 19-24; Comparison, ch. 4; Lucullus, chs. 3, 8, 9, 11.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, king of Cappadocia, iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j61&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;61&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, an Egyptian general, son of the preceding, iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a writer, ii. Kimon, ch. 4.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a poet, ii. Kimon, ch. 4.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, king of Sparta, i. Lykurgus, ch. 5.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, in Phokis, ii. Sulla, ch. 17.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Archeptolis, half-brother of Themistokles, i. Themistokles, ch. 32.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, son of Themistokles, i. Themistokles, ch. 32.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Archestratus, an Athenian, i. Alkibiades, ch. 16; ii. Lysander, ch. 19.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, an Athenian, iii. Phokion, ch. 33.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a dramatic poet, i. Aristeides, ch. 1.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Archias, an Athenian, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 10.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a Theban, ii. Pelopidas, chs. 5, 7-11; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 23.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a Thurian, iv. Demosthenes, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f28&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;28&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f29&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;29&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Archibiades, iii. Phokion, ch. 10.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Archibius, iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j86&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;86&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Archidamia, grandmother of Agis, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 27; iv. Agis, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;20&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; perhaps not both the same.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_583&amp;quot;&amp;gt;583&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Archidamidas, i. Lykurgus, ch. 19.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Archidamus II., king of Sparta, i. Lykurgus, ch. 19; Perikles, chs. 8, 29, 33; ii. Kimon, ch. 16; iii. Crassus, ch. 2; Agesilaus, chs. 1, 2; iv. Kleomenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, III., king of Sparta, i. Camillus, ch. 19; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 25, 33, 39, 40; iv. Agis, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, IV., king of Sparta, iv. Agis, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i35&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;35&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, V., king of Sparta, iv. Kleomenes, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; comparison, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#e5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;‘Archilochi,’ play by Kratinus, ii. Kimon, ch. 10.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Archilochus, i. Theseus, ch. 5; Numa, ch. 4; Perikles, chs. 2, 27; ii. Marius, ch. 21; iii. Phokion, ch. 7; Cato minor, ch. 7; Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i35&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;35&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Galba, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#q27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Archimedes, ii. Marcellus, chs. 14-19.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Archippe, i. Themistokles, ch. 32.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Archippus, i. Alkibiades, ch. 1.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Architeles, i. Themistokles, ch. 7.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Archonides, iv. Dion, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l42&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;42&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Archytas, ii. Marcellus, ch. 14; iv. Dion, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l18&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;18&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;20&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ardea, i. Camillus, chs. 17, 23, 24.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ardettus, i. Theseus, ch. 27.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Areius or Arius, iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j80&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;80&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Areopagus, i. Solon, chs. 19, 31; Themistokles, ch. 10; Perikles, chs. 7, 9; ii. Kimon, chs. 10, 15; iii. Phokion, ch. 16; iv. Demosthenes, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f14&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;14&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f26&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;26&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g24&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;24&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aretæus, iv. Dion, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l31&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;31&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arete, i. Timoleon, ch. 33; iv. Dion, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l6&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;6&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l31&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;31&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l51&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;51&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l58&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;58&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arethusa in Macedonia, i. Lykurgus, ch. 31.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j37&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;37&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Areus I., king of Sparta, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 26, 27, 29, 30, 32; iv. Agis, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Areus II., king of Sparta, iv. Agis, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Argas, iv. Demosthenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Argileonis, i. Lykurgus, ch. 24.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arginusæ, i. Perikles, ch. 37; ii. Lysander, ch. 7.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Argo, i. Theseus, ch. 19.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Argos and Argives, i. Lykurgus, ch. 7; Alkibiades, chs. 14, 15; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 24; Philopœmen, chs. 12, 18; Pyrrhus, ch. 29, and after; iii. Nikias, ch. 10; Agesilaus, ch. 31; Pompeius, ch. 24; iv. Kleomenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b17&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;17&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and after; Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;25&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Aratus throughout.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Argius, Galba’s freedman, iv. Galba, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#q11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;28.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Argyraspids, iii. Eumenes, chs. 13, 16, 17, 19.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ariadne, i. Theseus, chs. 19-21; Comparison, ch. 1.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ariæus, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ariamenes, i. Themistokles, ch. 14.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ariamnes, iii. Crassus, ch. 21.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ariarathes II., king of Cappadocia, iii. Eumenes, ch. 3.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, son of Mithridates, ii. Sulla, ch. 11; Pompeius, ch. 37.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, iii. Pompeius, ch. 42.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ariaspes, iv. Artaxerxes, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o29&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;29&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o30&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;30&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arimanius, i. Themistokles, ch. 28.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ariminum, ii. Marcellus, ch. 4; iii. Pompeius, ch. 60; Cæsar, chs. 32, 33; Cato Minor, ch. 52.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arimnestus, a Platæan, ii. Aristeides, ch. 11.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a Spartan, ii. Aristeides, ch. 19.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ariobarzanes, ii. Sulla, chs. 5, 22, 24; iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g36&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;36&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ariomandes, ii. Kimon, ch. 12.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ariovistus, iii. Cæsar, ch. 19.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ariphron, i. Alkibiades, chs. 1, 3.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristænetus, Aristæus, or Aristænus, ii. Philopœmen, ch. 17.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristagoras, ii. Lucullus, ch. 10.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristander, iii. Alexander, chs. 2, 25, 33, 50, &amp;amp;amp;c.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_584&amp;quot;&amp;gt;584&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Aristeas of Argos, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 30, 32.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, of Prokonnesus, i. Romulus, ch. 28.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristeides, i. Life and Comparison; i. Themistokles, chs. 3, 5, 11, 12, 16, 20; Perikles, ch. 7; Comparison of Alkibiades and Coriolanus, chs. 1, 3; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 4; Kimon, chs. 5, 6, 10; iii. Nikias, ch. 11; Comparison, ch. 1; Phokion, chs. 3, 7; iv. Demosthenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f14&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;14&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a Lokrian, i. Timoleon, ch. 6.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, author of Milesian Tales, iii. Crassus, ch. 32.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, son of Xenophilus, i. Aristeides, ch. 1.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristion, i. Numa, ch. 9; ii. Sulla, chs. 12-14, 23; Lucullus, ch. 19.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Corinthian pilot, iii. Nikias, chs. 20, 25.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristippus of Argos, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 30; iv. Aratus, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;25&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p30&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;30&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, of Cyrene, iv. Dion, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l19&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;19&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristobulus, Alexander’s historian, iii. Alexander, chs. 15, 18, 46, 74; iv. Demosthenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f23&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;23&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, king of Judæa, ii. Pompeius, chs. 39, 44; iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristodemus, of Miletus, iv. Demetrius, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i8&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i17&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;17&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, despot of Megalopolis, ii. Philopœmen, ch. 1; iv. Agis, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, founder of the royal houses of Sparta, i. Lykurgus, ch. 1, and note; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 19.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristodikus, i. Perikles, ch. 10.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristogeiton, companion of Harmodius, i. Aristeides, ch. 27.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, an Athenian sycophant, iii. Phokion, ch. 10; iv. Demosthenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristokleitus, ii. Lysander, ch. 2.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristokrates, an Athenian, iv. Demosthenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, son of Hipparchus, a Spartan writer, i. Lykurgus, chs. 4, 31; ii. Philopœmen, ch. 16.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristokrates, a rhetorician, iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j69&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;69&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristokritus, iii. Alexander, ch. 10.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristomache, i. Timoleon, ch. 33; iv. Dion, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l6&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;6&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l7&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;7&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l14&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;14&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l34&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;34&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l51&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;51&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l58&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;58&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristomachus, Achæan general, iv. Kleomenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, despot of Argos, iv. Aratus, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;25&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p35&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;35&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p44&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;44&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, of Sikyon, iv. Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristomenes, i. Romulus, ch. 25; iv. Agis, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a21&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;21&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ariston of Keos, i. Themistokles, ch. 3; Aristeides, ch. 2.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, of Chios, ii. Cato Major, ch. 18; iv. Demosthenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f10&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;10&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a Corinthian pilot, iii. Nikias, chs. 20, 25.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, captain of the Pæonians, iii. Alexander, ch. 39.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, friend of Peisistratus, i. Solon, ch. 30.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristonikus, admiral of Mithridates, ii. Lucullus, ch. 11.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, of Marathon, iv. Demosthenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f28&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;28&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristonikus of Pergamus, iv. Flamininus, ch. 21; Tib. Gracchus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#c20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;20&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristonous, ii. Lysander, ch. 18.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristophanes, the comic poet, i. Themistokles, ch. 19; Perikles, ch. 30, the verses; Alkibiades, ch. 16; ii. Kimon, ch. 16; iii. Nikias, chs. 4, 8; iv. Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j70&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;70&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a Macedonian, iii. Alexander, ch. 51.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristophon, archon at Athens, iv. Demosthenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f24&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;24&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, an Athenian, iii. Phokion, ch. 7.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a painter, i. Alkibiades, ch. 16.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristoteles, of Argos, iv. Kleomenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;20&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p44&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;44&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a logician, iv. Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, of Sikyon, iv. Aratus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;3.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristotle, i. Theseus, chs. 3, 16, 25; Lykurgus, chs. 5, 6; Solon, chs. 11, 31; Themistokles, ch. 10; Camillus, ch. 22; Perikles, chs. 9, 10, 25; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_585&amp;quot;&amp;gt;585&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Comparison of Alkibiades and Coriolanus, ch. 3; ii. Pelopidas, chs. 3, 18; Aristeides, ch. 27; Comparison, ch. 2; Lysander, ch. 2; Sulla, ch. 26; Kimon, ch. 10; iii. Nikias, chs. 1, 2; Crassus, ch. 3; Alexander, chs. 7, 8, 17, 52, 54, 55, 74, 77; iv. Kleomenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g24&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;24&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Dion, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l22&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;22&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristoxenus, i. Lykurgus, ch. 31; Timoleon, ch. 15; ii. Aristeides, ch. 27; iii. Alexander, ch. 4.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristratus, iv. Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristus, iv. Brutus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arkesilaus, philosopher, ii. Philopœmen, ch. 1; iv. Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a Spartan, iv. Agis, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a18&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;18&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arkissus, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 13.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Armenia, and Armenians, i. Camillus, ch. 19; ii. Sulla, ch. 5; Kimon, ch. 3; Lucullus, chs. 9, 21, 24, 25, 27, 31, and after; Eumenes, chs. 4, 5, 16; Crassus, chs. 18, 22, 32; iii. Pompeius, chs. 31-34, 39, 44; Cæsar, ch. 50; iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g10&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;10&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i46&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;46&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Antonius, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j34&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;34&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j37&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;37&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-39, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j41&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;41&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j49&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;49&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j50&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;50&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j54&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;54&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j56&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;56&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Armenian Carthage, ii. Lucullus, ch. 32.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Armilustrum, i. Romulus, ch. 23.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arnakes, i. Themistokles, ch. 16; ii. Aristeides, ch. 9.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arpates, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o30&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;30&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arpinum, ii. Marius, ch. 3; iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g8&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arrhenides, iv. Demosthenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;25&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arrhidæus, son of Philip, and himself called Philip, iii. Alexander, chs. 10, 77; compare iii. Eumenes, ch. 12; and Phokion, ch. 33.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arrius, Quintus, iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arruntius, iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j66&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;66&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arsakes, ii. Sulla, ch. 5; iii. Crassus, chs. 18, 27; Pompeius, ch. 76; iv. Comparison of Demetrius and Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arsakidæ, iii. Crassus, ch. 32.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arsames, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o30&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;30&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arsanias, ii. Lucullus, ch. 31.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arsian Grove, i. Poplicola, ch. 9.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arsikas, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arsis, iii. Pompeius, ch. 7.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Artabanus, i. Themistokles, ch. 27.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Artabazes. _See_ Artavasdes.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Artabazus, father of Barsine, iii. Eumenes, ch. 1; Alexander, ch. 21.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a Persian, ii. Aristeides, ch. 19.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Artagerses, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Artasyras, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Artauktes, i. Themistokles, ch. 13.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Artavasdes, king of Armenia, same as Artabazes, iii. Crassus, chs. 19, 22, 23; iv. Antonius, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j37&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;37&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j39&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;39&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j50&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;50&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Comparison, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#k5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Artaxas, ii. Lucullus, ch. 31.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Artaxata, ii. Lucullus, ch. 31.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Artaxerxes I., Longimanus, i. Alkibiades, ch. 37; iv. Artaxerxes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, II., Mnemon, iv. Life; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 30.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Artemidorus of Knidos, iii. Cæsar, ch. 65.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a Greek, ii. Lucullus, ch. 15.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Artemisia, i. Themistokles, ch. 14.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Artemisium, i. Themistokles, chs. 7, 8, 9; Alkibiades, ch. 1.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Artemius of Kolophon, iii. Alexander, ch. 51.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Artemon, i. Perikles, ch. 27.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arthmiadas, i. Lykurgus, ch. 5.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arthmias of Zelea, i. Themistokles, ch. 6.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Artorius, Marcus, iv. Brutus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m41&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;41&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aruns, son of Porsena, i. Poplicola, ch. 19.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a Tuscan, i. Camillus, ch. 15.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, son of Tarquin, i. Poplicola, ch. 9.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aruveni, iii. Cæsar, chs. 25, 26.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arverni. _See_ Aruveni.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arybas, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 1.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arymbas, iii. Alexander, ch. 2.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Asbolomeni, ii. Kimon, ch. 1.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ascalis. _See_ Askalis.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ascanius, i. Romulus, ch. 2.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Asculum in Apulia, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 21.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_586&amp;quot;&amp;gt;586&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Asculum, in Picenum, iii. Pompeius, ch. 4, and after.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Asea or Alsea, iv. Kleomenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b7&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;7&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Asia, frequent. The Asiatic orators, iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. The Asiatic style of speaking, iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, daughter of Themistokles, i. Themistokles, ch. 32.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Asiaticus, iv. Galba, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#q20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;20&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Asinarus and Asinaria, iii. Nikias, ch. 28.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Asinius Pollio, iii. Pompeius, ch. 72; Cæsar, chs. 32, 46, 52; Cato Minor, ch. 53; iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Askalis, iii. Sertorius, ch. 9.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Askalon, ii. Lucullus, ch. 42; iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Brutus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Asklepiades, a grammarian, i. Solon, ch. 1.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, son of Hipparinus, iii. Phokion, ch. 22.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Asopia, i. Solon, ch. 9.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Asopus, river in Bœotia, ii. Aristeides, chs. 11, 15.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, father of Sinope, ii. Lucullus, ch. 23.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aspasia, i. Perikles, chs. 24, 25, 30, 32.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, or Milto, of Phokæa, i. Perikles, ch. 24; iv. Artaxerxes, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o26&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;26&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o28&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;28&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aspendus, i. Alkibiades, ch. 26.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aspetus, a name of Achilles, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 1.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aspis, at Argos, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 32; iv. Kleomenes, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b17&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;17&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b21&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;21&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Assus and Assia, ii. Sulla, chs. 16, 17.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Assyria, ii. Lucullus, ch. 26; iii. Crassus, ch. 22.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Astenius, of Kolophon, iii. Alexander, ch. 51.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Asterie, ii. Kimon, ch. 4.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Asteropus, iv. Kleomenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b10&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;10&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Astura, iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g47&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;47&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Astyanax, iv. Brutus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m23&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;23&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Astyochus, i. Alkibiades, ch. 25.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Astypalæa, i. Romulus, ch. 28.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Astyphilus, ii. Kimon, ch. 18.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Asylus, a god, i. Romulus, ch. 9.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ateius, tribune of the people, iii. Crassus, ch. 16.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ateius, Marcus, or Teius, ii. Sulla, ch. 14.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Atellius, iv. Brutus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m39&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;39&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Athamania, and Athamanes, ii. Flamininus, ch. 15; iii. Pompeius, ch. 66.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Athanis, i. Timoleon, chs. 23, 37.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Athenodorus, surnamed Cordylio, a stoic philosopher, iii. Cato Minor, chs. 10, 16.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Athenodorus of Imbros, iii. Phokion, ch. 18.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, son of Sandon, i. Poplicola, ch. 17.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Athenophanes, iii. Alexander, ch. 35.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Athens and the Athenians, frequent.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Athos, iii. Alexander, ch. 72.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Atilius. _See_ Attilius.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Atiso or Adige, ii. Marius, ch. 23.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Atlantic islands, iii. Sertorius, ch. 8.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, ocean, i. Timoleon, ch. 20; iii. Sertorius, ch. 8; Eumenes, ch. 2; Cæsar, ch. 23.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Atlantis, i. Solon, ch. 31.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Atossa, daughter of Artaxerxes II., iv. Artaxerxes, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o23&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;23&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o26&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;26&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o30&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;30&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and after.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Atreus, ii. Kimon, ch. 7; iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Atropatene and Atropatenians (Satrapenians), ii. Lucullus, ch. 31; iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j38&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;38&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Attaleia, iii. Pompeius, ch. 76.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Attalus, uncle of Kleopatra, wife of Philip, iii. Alexander, chs. 9, 10.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, iii. Alexander, ch. 55.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, I., king of Pergamus, ii. Flamininus, ch. 6; iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j60&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;60&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, iii. Philometor, i. Camillus, ch. 19; iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#c14&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;14&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;20&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Attes or Attis, i. Numa, ch. 4; iii. Sertorius. ch. 91.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Attia, mother of Augustus, iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g44&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;44&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j31&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;31&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Attica, frequent. _See_ especially i. Theseus, first chapters.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Atticus, Cicero’s correspondent, iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g45&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;45&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Brutus, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m26&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;26&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m29&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;29&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_587&amp;quot;&amp;gt;587&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Atticus, Julius, iv. Galba, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#q26&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;26&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Attilia, iii. Cato Minor, chs. 7, 9, 24.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Attiliis, a probable correction for Hostilii, ii. Comparison of Cato and Aristeides, ch. 1.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Attilius, Vergilio, iv. Galba, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#q26&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;26&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Marcus (more correctly Caius), i. Numa, ch. 20.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, iv. Brutus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m39&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;39&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Attis, i. Numa, ch. 4; iii. Sertorius, ch. 1.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Attius. _See_ Tullus and Varus.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aufidius, Tullus, i. Coriolanus, ch. 22, and after.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a lieutenant of Sertorius, iii. Sertorius, chs. 26, 27.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aufidus, i. Fabius, ch. 15.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Augustus. _See_ Cæsar.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aulis, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 21; Lysander, ch. 27; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 6.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aurelia, mother of Cæsar, iii. Cæsar, ch. 9, and after; iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g28&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;28&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aurelius, Caius (in text Onatius), iii. Crassus, ch. 12; Pompeius, ch. 23.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Quintus, ii. Sulla, ch. 31.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Autokleides, iii. Nikias, ch. 23.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Autocthones, i. Theseus, ch. 3.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Autoleon, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 9.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Autolykus, an athlete, ii. Lysander, ch. 15.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, founder of Sinope, ii. Lucullus, ch. 23.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Automatia, i. Timoleon, ch. 36.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Auximum, iii. Pompeius, ch. 6.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aventine, i. Romulus, chs. 9, 20; Numa, ch. 15; iv. C. Gracchus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#d15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Avillius, i. Romulus, ch. 14.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Axiochus, i. Perikles, ch. 24.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Axius, Crassus, iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;25&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a river in Macedonia, iv. Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i42&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;42&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Babyca, i. Lykurgus, ch. 6; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 17.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Babylon, Babylonia, Babylonians, ii. Lucullus, ch. 26; iii. Crassus, ch. 17; comparison, ch. 4; Eumenes, ch. 3; Alexander, chs. 35, 57, 69, 73; iv. Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i7&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;7&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j45&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;45&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Artaxerxes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o7&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;7&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Babylonian tapestry, ii. Cato Major, ch. 4.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bacchæ of Euripides, iii. Crassus, ch. 33.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bacchiadæ, ii. Lysander, ch. 1.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bacchides, ii. Lucullus, ch. 18.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bacchylides, i. Numa, ch. 4.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bacillus, Lucius, ii. Sulla, ch. 9.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bactria, Bactrians, iii. Crassus, ch. 16; Comparison, ch. 4; iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j37&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;37&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bactrian horse, iii. Alexander, ch. 32.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Baebius, M., i. Numa, ch. 22.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Baetica, iii. Sertorius, chs. 8, note, 12.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Baetis, the Guadalquivir, ii. Cato Major, ch. 10; iii. Sertorius, chs. 8, 12.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bagoas, iii. Alexander, ch. 49.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Baiæ, ii. Marius, ch. 34.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Balbus, ii. Sulla, ch. 29.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Cæsar’s friend, iii. Cæsar, ch. 50.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Postumius Balbus, probably Albus, i. Poplicola, ch. 22.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Balinus or Kebalinus, iii. Alexander, ch. 49.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Balissus, iii. Crassus, ch. 23.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Balte, i. Solon, ch. 12.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bambyke, or Hierapolis, iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j37&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;37&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bandius, ii. Marcellus, chs. 10, 11.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bantia, ii. Marcellus, ch. 29.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Barbius, iv. Galba, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#q24&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;24&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Barca, a friend of Cato, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 37.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, in Hannibal’s army, i. Fabius, ch. 17.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Hamilcar, ii. Cato Major, ch. 8.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bardyæi, ii. Marius, chs. 43. 44.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bardyllis, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 9.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bargylians, ii. Flamininus, ch. 12.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Barsine, daughter of Artabazus, wife of Alexander, iii. Eumenes, ch. 1; Alexander, ch. 21.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_588&amp;quot;&amp;gt;588&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Barsine, sister of preceding, wife of Eumenes, iii. Eumenes, ch. 1.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Barinus, Publius, iii. Crassus, ch. 9. Publius Varinius Glaber was his name.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Basillus, Lucius, ii. Sulla, ch. 9.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Basilica Pauli. _See_ Paulus.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Porcia, ii. Cato Major, ch. 19.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bastarnæ or Basternæ, i. Æmilius, chs. 9, 12.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bataces, ii. Marius, ch. 17.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Batalus, iv. Demosthenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Batavians, iv. Otho, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#r12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bathykles, i. Solon, ch. 4.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Batiates, Lentulus, iii. Crassus, ch. 8.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Baton, iv. Agis, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Battiadæ, i. Coriolanus, ch. 11.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bedriacum, iv. Otho, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#r11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#r13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Belaeus, ii. Marius, ch. 40.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Belbina, iv. Kleomenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Belgæ, iii. Pompeius, ch. 51; Cæsar, ch. 20.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Belitaras, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o19&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;19&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bellerophon, i. Coriolanus, ch. 32.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bellinus, iii. Pompeius, ch. 24.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bellona, ii. Sulla, chs. 7, 27, 30; iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Beluris, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o22&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;22&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Beneventum, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 25.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Berenike of Chios, wife of Mithridates, ii. Lucullus, ch. 18.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Berenike, wife of Ptolemy, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 4, 6.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Berenikis, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 6.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Berœa, i. Pyrrhus, ch. 11; iii. Pompeius, ch. 64; iv. Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i44&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;44&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Berytus, iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j51&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;51&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bessus, iii. Alexander, ch. 42.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bestia, Calpurnius, consul B.C. 111, ii. Marius, ch. 9.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a tribune, iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g23&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;23&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bias of Priene, i. Solon, ch. 4.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bibulus, Calphurnius, consul B.C. 59, iii. Pompeius, chs. 47, 48, 54; Cæsar, ch. 14; Cato Minor, chs. 25, 31, 32, 47, 54; iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bibulus, step-son of Brutus, iv. Brutus, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m23&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;23&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Publicius, a tribune, ii. Marcellus, ch. 27.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bion, i. Theseus, ch. 26.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Birkenna, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 9.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bisaltæ, i. Perikles, ch. 11.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bisanthe, i. Alkibiades, ch. 36.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bithynia and Bithynians, i. Numa, ch. 4; Alkibiades, chs. 29, 37; ii. Cato Major, ch. 9; Flamininus, ch. 20; Sulla, chs. 11, 22; Comparison, ch. 5; Lucullus, ch. 6, and after; iii. Sertorius, chs. 23, 24; Pompeius, ch. 30; Cæsar, chs. 1, 50; iv. Brutus, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m19&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;19&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m28&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;28&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bithys, iv. Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p34&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;34&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Biton, i. Solon, ch. 27.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Blossius, iv. Tib. Gracchus, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#c8&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#c17&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;17&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#c20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;20&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bocchoris, iv. Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bocchus, king of Mauritania, ii. Marius, chs. 10. 32; Sulla, chs. 3, 5, 6.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, king of Mauritania, iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j61&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;61&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bœdromia, i. Theseus, ch. 27.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bœorix, ii. Marius, ch. 25.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bœotia and Bœotians, frequent. _See_ particularly ii. Pelopidas, chs. 14-24; some passages in Themistokles, Perikles, and Alkibiades; ii. Aristeides, ch. 19, and after; Lysander, ch. 27, and after; Sulla, chs. 15-21; Kimon, chs. 1, 2; iii. Agesilaus, chs. 6, 26, and after; Phokion ch. 23, and after; iv. Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i39&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;39&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Aratus, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p50&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;50&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. Bœotian months, i. Camillus, ch. 19; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 25; Aristeides, ch. 19.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bola and the people of Bola, i. Coriolanus, ch. 28.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bolla or Bovillæ, i. Coriolanus, ch. 29.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bona Dea, iii. Cæsar, ch. 9; iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g19&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;19&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bononia, iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g46&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;46&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Boutes, i. Romulus, ch. 21; ii. Kimon, ch. 7.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_589&amp;quot;&amp;gt;589&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Bosporus, kingdom of, ii. Sulla, ch. 11; Lucullus, ch. 24; Comparison, ch. 3; iii. Pompeius, ch. 32; Kimmerian Bosporus, i. Theseus, ch. 27; iii. Pompeius, ch. 38, &amp;amp;amp;c.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bottiæans, i. Theseus, ch. 16.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Boukephalus, iii. Alexander, chs. 6, 32, 44, 61.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Boukephalia, iii. Alexander, ch. 61.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Brachylles, ii. Flamininus, ch. 6.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Brasidas, i. Lykurgus, chs. 24, 30; ii. Lysander, chs. 1, 18; iii. Nikias, ch. 9.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Brauron, i. Solon, ch. 10.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Brennus, i. Camillus, chs. 17, 22, 28, 29.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Briges, iv. Brutus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m45&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;45&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Britain and Britons, iii. Comparison of Nikias and Crassus, ch. 4; Pompeius, ch. 51; Cæsar, chs. 16, 23; Cato Minor, ch. 51; but some read _Germans_.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Britomartus or Viridomarus, i. Romulus, ch. 16; ii. Marcellus, chs. 6, 7, 8.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Brixellum, iv. Otho, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#r5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#r10&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;10&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#r18&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;18&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Brundusium or Brundisium, i. Aemilius, ch. 1636; ii. Cato Major, ch. 14; Sulla, ch. 27; iii. Crassus, ch. 17; Pompeius, chs. 27, 62, 65; Cæsar, chs. 35, 37, 38, 39; Cato Minor, ch. 15; iv. Cicero, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g32&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;32&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g39&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;39&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Antonius, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j7&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;7&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j35&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;35&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j62&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;62&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Brutus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m47&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;47&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bruti (Bruti and Cumæi), iii. Cæsar, ch. 61.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bruttii and Bruttium, i. Fabius, chs. 21, 22; Timoleon, chs. 16, 20; iii. Crassus, ch. 6; Cato Minor, ch. 52.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bruttius Sura, ii. Sulla, chs. 11, 12.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Brutus, Lucius Junius, i. Poplicola, chs. 7, 7, 9, 10, 16; iii. Cæsar, ch. 61; iv. Brutus, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Titus and Tiberius, sons of Lucius, i. Poplicola, ch. 6.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, first tribune of the people, i. Coriolanus, chs. 7, 13.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, consul B.C. 138, iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#c21&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;21&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Brutus, prætor in the time of Marius, ii. Sulla, ch. 9.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, father of the following, iii. Pompeius, chs. 7, 16; iv. Brutus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Marcus, iv. Life and Comparison with Dion; iii. Pompeius, chs. 16, 64, 80; Cæsar, chs. 46, 54, 57, 64-69; Cato Minor, chs. 36, 73; i. Cicero, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g42&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;42&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g43&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;43&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g45&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;45&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g47&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;47&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Comparison, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#h4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Antonius, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-15, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j21&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;21&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j22&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;22&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; comparison, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#k2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Dion, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Decimus Albinus, iii. Cæsar, chs. 64, 66; iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Brutus, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m17&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;17&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (note), &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m38&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;38&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a bailiff, iv. Brutus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, name of a book, iv. Brutus, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bubulci, i. Poplicola, ch. 11.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bucephalus. _See_ Boukephalus.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Busiris, i. Theseus, ch. 11.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Butas, freedman of Cato, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 70.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a poet, i. Romulus, ch. 21.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Buteo, Fabius, i. Fabius, ch. 9.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Butes, more properly spelt Boutes, ii. Kimon, ch. 7.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Buthrotum, iv. Brutus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m26&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;26&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Byllis, iv. Brutus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m26&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;26&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Byzantium and Byzantines, i. Perikles, ch. 17; Alkibiades, ch. 31; ii. Aristeides, ch. 23; Kimon, chs. 6, 9; iii. Nikias, ch. 22; Alexander, ch. 9; Phokion, ch. 14; Cato Minor, chs. 34, 36; iv. Demosthenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f17&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;17&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g34&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;34&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cabira. _See_ Kabeira.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cabeiri. _See_ Kabeiri.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cadiz, iii. Sertorius, ch. 8, note.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cadmea. _See_ Kadmeia.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cadmus, son of Agenor, ii. Sulla, ch. 17.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cadusians, iv. Artaxerxes, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o24&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;24&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cæci, Roman surname, i. Coriolanus, ch. 11.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cæcias wind, iii. Sertorius, ch. 17.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_590&amp;quot;&amp;gt;590&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Cæcilia, mother of Lucullus, ii. Lucullus, ch. 1.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, wife of Sulla, ii. Sulla, ch. 6. _See_ Metella.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cæcilius, a mistake for M. Cælius, iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g36&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;36&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cæcilius, a Sicilian, iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g7&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;7&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Comparison, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#h1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, the rhetorician, iv. Demosthenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cæcina, iv. Otho, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#r5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#r6&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;6&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#r7&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;7&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#r10&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;10&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#r11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#r13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#r18&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;18&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cædicius, Marcus, i. Camillus, ch. 14, 30.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cælius, M. Rufus, curule ædile, B.C. 51, iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g36&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;36&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cæninenses. _See_ Ceninenses.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cænum. _See_ Kænum.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cæpio, Q. Servilius, i. Camillus, ch. 19; ii. Marius, chs. 16. 19; Lucullus, ch. 27; iii. Sertorius, ch. 3.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Servilius, iii. Pompeius, ch. 47; Cæsar, ch. 14.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Q. Servilius, brother of Cato Minor, iii. Cato, chs. 1, 2, 3, 8, 11, 15.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cæsar, (Caius Julius Cæsar), iii. Life; i. Romulus, chs. 17, 20; Numa, ch. 19; ii. Marius, ch. 6; Lucullus, ch. 42; iii. Crassus, chs. 3, 7, 13, 17, 25; Comparison, ch. 4; Pompeius, chs. 10, 25, 45, 46, 51, 56; Comparison, ch. 1; Alexander, ch. 1; iii. Cato, chs. 24, 26, 27, 31, 33, 41, 45, 48, 49, 51, 52, 58, 61-66, 68, 72, 73; iv. Cicero, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;20&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-24, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g29&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;29&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g37&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;37&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-39; Antonius, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-15, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;25&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Brutus, frequent; Comparison, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#n2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Otho, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#r4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#r9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#r13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Lucius, uncle of Antonius, iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g46&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;46&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Antonius, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j19&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;19&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;20&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Lucius, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 66.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Sextus Julius, ii. Sulla, ch. 5.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Caius Julius Cæsar Octavianus, commonly called Augustus, i. Numa, ch. 19; Poplicola, ch. 18; Perikles, ch. 1; ii. Marcellus, ch. 30; iii. Alexander, ch. 69; Cæsar, chs. 67, 69; Cato Minor, ch. 73; iv. Cicero, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g43&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;43&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-47, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g49&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;49&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Comparison, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#h3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#h4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Antonius, frequent; Brutus, frequent; comparison, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#n5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Galba, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#q3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, as a title of the emperors, frequent in iv. Galba and Otho.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Caius (Caligula), iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j87&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;87&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Galba, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#q9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cæsars, family of the, ii. Marius, ch. 6.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cæsarion, iii. Cæsar, ch. 49; iv. Antonius, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j54&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;54&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j81&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;81&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j82&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;82&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Caieta (in text Capitæ), iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g47&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;47&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Caius Cæsar. _See_ Caligula.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Calaici, iii. Cæsar, ch. 12.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Calauria. _See_ Kalauria.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Calenus, Q. Fufius, iii. Cæsar, ch. 43; iv. Brutus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m8&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Caligula. _See_ Cæsar.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Callimachus. _See_ Kallimachus.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Callisthenes, freedman of Lucullus, ii. Lucullus, ch. 43.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Callistus, iv. Galba, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#q9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Calpurnia, wife of Cæsar, iii. Pompeius, ch. 47; Cæsar, chs. 63, 64; iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Calpurnii, i. Numa, ch. 21.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Calpurnius Bibulus, consul, B.C. 59. _See_ Bibulus.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Lanarius, iii. Sertorius, ch. 7.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Piso. _See_ Piso.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Calpus, son of Numa, i. Numa, ch. 21.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Calvinus, Domitius, iii. Pompeius, ch. 68; Cæsar, chs. 44, 50.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Calvisius, C. Calvisius Sabinus, consul B.C. 39, follower of Cæsar Augustus, iv. Antonius, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j58&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;58&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j59&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;59&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Sabinus, iv. Galba, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#q12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, _See_ Domitius.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cambyses, iii. Alexander, ch. 26.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Camerinum, ii. Marius, ch. 28.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cameria, i. Romulus, ch. 24.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Camillus, Marcus Furius, i. Life and Comparison; i. Romulus, ch. 29; Numa, ch. 9; Fabius, ch. 3; ii. Marius, ch. 1; iv. Galba, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#q29&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;29&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_591&amp;quot;&amp;gt;591&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Camillus, Lucius, son of preceding, i. Camillus, ch. 35.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a boy in Jupiter’s temple, i. Numa, ch. 7.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Campania, i. Fabius, ch. 6; Comparison, ch. 2; ii. Marcellus, ch. 26; Sulla, ch. 27; iii. Crassus, ch. 22; Cato Minor, ch. 33; iv. Cicero, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g6&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;6&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g26&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;26&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Campanian soldiers, iv. Dion, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Campus Martius, or field of Mars, i. Poplicola, ch. 8; ii. Sulla, ch. 38; Lucullus, ch. 43; iii. Pompeius, chs. 15, 23, 53; Cato Minor, chs. 41, 42; iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g44&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;44&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Camulatus, iv. Brutus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m49&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;49&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Camurius, iv. Galba, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#q27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Canethus, i. Theseus, ch. 25.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Canidius, lieutenant of Antonius, iv. Antonius, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j34&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;34&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j42&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;42&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j56&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;56&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j63&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;63&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j65&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;65&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j67&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;67&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j68&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;68&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j71&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;71&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, more correctly Caninius, tribune of the people, iii. Pompeius, ch. 49.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, perhaps Caninius, iii. Cato Minor, chs. 35-37; iv. Brutus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Caninius Revillus, iii. Cæsar, ch. 58.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cannæ, i. Fabius, chs. 9, 15, 16; Æmilius, ch. 2; ii. Marcellus, chs. 9, 10, 13.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cannicius, iii. Crassus, ch. 11.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Canopus, i. Solon, ch. 26; iv. Kleomenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b37&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;37&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j29&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;29&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; comparison, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#k3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Canopic mouth of the Nile, iii. Alexander, ch. 26.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cantharus. _See_ Kantharus.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Canuleia, i. Numa, ch. 10.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Canus, iv. Galba, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#q16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Canusium, ii. Marcellus, chs. 9, 25.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Canutius, iv. Brutus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m21&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;21&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Capaneus. _See_ Kapaneus.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Capena and Capenates, i. Camillus, chs. 2, 17.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Caphis. _See_ Kaphis.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Capitæ, i.e. Caieta, iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g47&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;47&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Capito, Fonteius, iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, iv. Galba, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#q15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Capitolinus, ædile with Marcellus, ii. Marcellus, ch. 2.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Quintius, dictator, i. Camillus, ch. 36.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Marcus Manlius, i. Camillus, chs. 27, 36.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cappadocia and Cappadocians, ii. Marius, chs. 31. 34; Sulla, chs. 9, 11, 22; Comparison, ch. 5; Lucullus, chs. 14, 21, 26, 30; iii. Crassus ch. 18; Sertorius, ch. 23; Eumenes, chs. 3, 5, 6, and throughout; Pompeius, chs. 35, 45; Alexander, ch. 18; Cæsar, ch. 30; Cato Minor, ch. 73; iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g36&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;36&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Comparison, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#h3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j61&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;61&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Caprarii, i. Poplicola, ch. 11.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Caprotinæ, Nonae, i. Romulus, ch. 29; Numa, ch. 2.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Capua, i. Fabius, ch. 17; Comparison, ch. 2; ii. Sulla, ch. 27; iii. Crassus, chs. 8, 9; iv. C. Gracchus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#d8&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Carbo, Cnæus Papirius, consul B.C. 85 and 84, ii. Marius, ch. 16; Sulla, chs. 22, 28; iii. Sertorius, chs. 6, 7, 22; Pompeius, chs. 5, 6, 7, 10; iv. Brutus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m29&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;29&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cardia. _See_ Kardia.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Caria and Carians, i. Theseus, ch. 8; Themistokles, ch. 1; ii. Aristeides, ch. 19; iii. Agesilaus, chs. 9, 10; Alexander, chs. 10, 22; iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g36&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;36&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i46&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;46&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Artaxerxes, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o10&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;10&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o14&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;14&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Carinna or Carinnas, iii. Pompeius, ch. 7.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Carmania. _See_ Karmania.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Carmenta, i. Romulus, ch. 21.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Carmentalia, i. Romulus, ch. 21.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Carmental Gate, i. Camillus, ch. 25.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Carneades. _See_ Karneades.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Carnutes, iii. Cæsar, ch. 25.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Carrhæ, iii. Crassus, chs. 25, 27, 29.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Carthage and Carthaginians. _See_ the lives of i. Fabius, Timoleon; ii. Marcellus, Cato Major, chs. 26, 27; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_592&amp;quot;&amp;gt;592&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Pyrrhus, chs. 14, 22, 23, 24; iv. Caius Gracchus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#d11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; also, i. Camillus, ch. 19; their unlucky days, Perikles, ch. 20; Alkibiades, ch. 17; ii. Flamininus, ch. 1; Marius, ch. 40; Lucullus, ch. 32 (the Armenian Carthage); iii. Nikias, ch. 12; Cæsar, ch. 57; Tib. Gracchus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#c4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Comparison, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#e3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Dion, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l52&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;52&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Carthage, New, iii. Sertorius, ch. 7.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Carvilius, Spurius, i. Comparison of Romulus and Theseus, ch. 6; Comparison of Lykurgus and Numa, ch. 3.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Caryatides, dance of, carved on Klearchus’s ring, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#o18&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;18&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Carystus, iv. Brutus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m24&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;24&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Casca, iii. Cæsar, ch. 66; iv. Brutus, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m17&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;17&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m45&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;45&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Casilinum, i. Fabius, ch. 6.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Casinatum, i. Fabius, ch. 6.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Caspian Sea, ii. Lucullus, ch. 26; iii. Pompeius, chs. 33, 36; Alexander, ch. 44; Cæsar, ch. 58; iv. Comparison of Demetrius and Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cassius, Caius Cassius Longinus, friend of Brutus, iii. Crassus, chs. 18, 20, 22, 28, 29; Pompeius, ch. 16; Cæsar, chs. 57, 62, 64, 66, 68, 69; iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g42&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;42&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Antonius, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-16, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j21&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;21&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j22&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;22&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;25&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; comparison, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#k2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Quintus, tribune of the people, iv. Antonius, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j6&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;6&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Sabaco, ii. Marius, ch. 5.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Scæva, iii. Cæsar, ch. 16.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Caius Cassius Longinus Verus, proconsul of Gaul on the Po, iii. Crassus, ch. 9.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Castlo or Castulo, iii. Sertorius, ch. 3.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Castus, iii. Crassus, ch. 11.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cataonia, iv. Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i48&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;48&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Catalepsis, iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g40&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;40&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Catana. _See_ Katana.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Catilina, Lucius Sergius, ii. Sulla, ch. 32; Lucullus, ch. 38; iii. Crassus, ch. 13; Cæsar, ch. 7; Cato Minor, ch. 22; iv. Cicero, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g10&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;10&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g14&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;14&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g18&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;18&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g21&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;21&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g24&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;24&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Comparison, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#h3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Brutus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cato, the name, ii. Marius, ch. 1.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, great-grandfather of the censor, Cato Major, ii. Cato Major, ch. 1.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Marcus, the censor, known as Cato Major, ii. Life and Comparison; i. Coriolanus, ch. 8; Æmilius, ch. 5; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 1; Flamininus, chs. 18, 19; iii. Cato Minor, ch. 1.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Marcus, son of preceding, i. Æmilius, ch. 21; compare, ii. Cato Major, chs. 20, 24, where his son is mentioned.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Salonius or Salonianus, younger son of the Censor, ii. Cato Major, chs. 24, 27.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Marcus, son of preceding, grandfather of Cato Minor, ii. Cato Major, ch. 27 (but the consul was his brother Lucius).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, (Minor), iii. Life; ii. Cato Major, ch. 27; Lucullus, chs. 28, 40-43; iii. Crassus, chs. 7, 14, 15; Comparison, chs. 2, 3; Pompeius, chs. 40, 44, 45, 48, 52, 54, 56, 65, 67, 76; Cæsar, chs. 3, 8, 13, 21, 22, 28, 41, 52, 54; Phokion, chs. 3, 4; iv. Cicero, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g21&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;21&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g23&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;23&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g35&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;35&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g39&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;39&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Comparison, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#h1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Brutus, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m6&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;6&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m29&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;29&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m34&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;34&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m40&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;40&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Otho, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#r13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Marcus, son of Cato Minor, iv. Brutus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#m49&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;49&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; compare, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 73.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Catos, ii. Cato Major, ch. 19; iii. Crassus, ch. 14.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Catuli, iii. Crassus, 814; iv. Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Catulus, Lutatius, consul B.C. 102, ii. Marius, chs. 14. 23-27, 44; Sulla, ch. 4.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Lutatius, consul, B.C. 78, i. Poplicola, ch. 15; ii. Sulla, ch. 34; iii. Crassus, ch. 13; Pompeius, chs. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_593&amp;quot;&amp;gt;593&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;15, 16, 17, 25, 30; Cæsar, chs. 6, 7; Cato Minor, ch. 16; iv. Cicero, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g21&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;21&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g29&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;29&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Galba, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#q3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Caucasus, ii. Lucullus, ch. 14; iii. Pompeius, chs. 34, 35; Cæsar, ch. 58; iv. Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i7&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;7&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j34&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;34&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Comparison, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#k1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Caulonia, i. Fabius, ch. 22; iv. Dion, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l26&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;26&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Caunus. _See_ Kaunus.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Celer, Celeres, i. Romulus, chs. 10, 26; Numa, ch. 7.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Quintus Metellus, i. Romulus, ch. 11; Coriolanus, ch. 11.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Quintus Metellus, son of the preceding, iv. Cicero, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g29&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;29&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Celsus, Clodius, iv. Galba, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#q13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Marius, iv. Galba, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#q25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;25&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#q26&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;26&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#q27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Otho, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#r1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#r5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#r7&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;7&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#r8&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#r9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#r13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Celtiberians, ii. Cato Major, ch. 10; Marius, ch. 3; iii. Sertorius, ch. 3.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Celts, and the Celtic nation, i. Romulus, ch. 17; Camillus, ch. 15; ii. Marius, ch. 11; iii. Sertorius, ch. 3; Pompeius, ch. 7. (But the Greek words Celt and Celtic are often translated Gaul and Gallic).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Celtorii, i. Camillus, ch. 15.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Celto-Scythians, ii. Marius, ch. 11.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cenchreæ. _See_ Kenchreæ.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ceninenses, i. Romulus, chs. 16, 17; ii. Marcellus, ch. 8.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Censorinus, Marcius, i. Coriolanus, ch. 1.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, ii. Sulla, ch. 5.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Lucius, consul B.C. 39, iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j24&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;24&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, iii. Crassus, ch. 25.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Centaurs, i. Theseus, chs. 29, 30; Comparison, ch. 1; iv. Agis, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#a1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ceos. _See_ Keos.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cerameicus. _See_ Kerameikus.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cercina, ii. Marius, ch. 40. _See_ Kerkina.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cereate, Cereatum, or Cirrheatæ, in the text corruptly Cirrheato, ii. Marius, ch. 3.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ceressus. _See_ Keressus.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cermalus, Cermanus, or Germanus, i. Romulus, ch. 3.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cethegus, the companion of Catilina, iii. Cæsar, ch. 7; Cato Minor, ch. 22; iv. Cicero, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g19&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;19&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g22&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;22&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g30&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;30&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Cornelius, consul B.C. 204, ii. Marcellus, ch. 5.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, Publius Cornelius, B.C. 181, i. Numa, ch. 22.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, C. Cornelius, ii. Lucullus, chs. 5, 6.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Chabrias, i. Camillus, ch. 19; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 37; Phokion, chs. 6, 7; iv. Demosthenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Chæron, founder of Chæronea, ii. Sulla, ch. 17.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, of Megalopolis, iii. Alexander, ch. 3.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Chærondas, iv. Demosthenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f24&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;24&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Chæronea and Chæroneans, i. Theseus, ch. 27; Camillus, ch. 19; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 18; Lysander, ch. 29; Sulla, chs. 11, 16-18, 23; Kimon, chs. 1, 2; Lucullus, chs. 3, 11; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 17; Alexander, chs. 9, 12; Phokion, ch. 16; iv. Demosthenes, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f19&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;19&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f21&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;21&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Chalastra, iii. Alexander, ch. 49.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Chaldæans, ii. Marius, ch. 42; Sulla, chs. 5, 37; Lucullus, ch. 14; iii. Alexander, ch. 73; iv. Galba, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#q23&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;23&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Chalkaspides, ii. Sulla, chs. 16, 19.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Chalkedon, i. Alkibiades, chs. 30, 31; ii. Lucullus, chs. 8, 9.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Chalkidians in Thrace, i. Lykurgus, ch. 29; iii. Nikias, ch. 6; iv. Demosthenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Chalkis and Chalkidians of Eubœa, i. Theseus, ch. 35; Perikles, ch. 23; ii. Philopœmen, ch. 17; Flamininus, chs. 10, 16; Sulla, chs. 19, 20; iv. Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i43&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;43&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Chalkodon, i. Theseus, ch. 35.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Chalkus, Dionysius so called, a poet, iii. Nikias, ch. 5; also a nickname in iv. Demosthenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_594&amp;quot;&amp;gt;594&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Chaonians, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 19, 28.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Characitanians. _See_ Charicatani.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Chares, an Athenian, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 2; iii. Phokion, chs. 5, 7, 14; iv. Comparison of Demosthenes and Cicero, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#g3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, of Mitylene, iii. Alexander, chs. 20, 24, 46, 54, 55, 70; Phokion, chs. 5, 7, 9, 10.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a river in Argolis, iv. Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p28&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;28&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Charicatani, iii. Sertorius, ch. 17.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Charidemus, the general, iii. Sertorius, ch. 1.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, the orator, iii. Phokion, chs. 16, 17; iv. Demosthenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#f23&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;23&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Charikles, an Athenian, iii. Nikias, ch. 4.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, son-in-law of Phokion, iii. Phokion, chs. 21, 22, 33, 35.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Chariklo, i. Theseus, ch. 10.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Charilaus, i. Lykurgus, chs. 3, 19; called also Charillus, iv. Kleomenes, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#b10&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;10&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Comparison of Agis and Kleomenes with the Gracchi, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#e5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Charimenes, iv. Aratus, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;25&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Charinus, i. Perikles, ch. 29.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Charmion, iv. Antonius, chs. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j60&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;60&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j85&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;85&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Charon of Lampsakus, i. Themistokles, ch. 27.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;——, a Theban, ii. Pelopidas, chs. 7-10, 13, 25.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Charonitæ, iv. Antonius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#j15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Charops, ii. Flamininus, ch. 4.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Charybdis, iv. Dion, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#l18&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;18&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cheiron, i. Perikles, ch. 4.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cheirones, i. Perikles, ch. 3.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Chelidonian Islands, ii. Kimon, chs. 12, 13.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Chersonesus and Chersonnesians, i. Perikles, chs. 11, 19; ii. Lysander, chs. 5, 9, 10, 12; Kimon, ch. 14; Lucullus, chs. 4, 23; iii. Eumenes, ch. 18; Comparison, ch. 1; Phokion, ch. 14; iv. Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i31&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;31&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Chersonese, Syrian, iv. Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#i50&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;50&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Chian wine, iv. Demetrius, ch. &amp;lt;h&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Plutarch/Lives3&amp;diff=2860</id>
		<title>Texts:Plutarch/Lives3</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Plutarch/Lives3&amp;diff=2860"/>
		<updated>2025-12-26T19:45:29Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: Text replacement - &amp;quot;{{Top Texts}}&amp;quot; to &amp;quot;__NOTITLE__
{{Setup|tick=Where}}&amp;quot;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;__NOTITLE__&lt;br /&gt;
{{Setup|tick=Where}}&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt;PLUTARCH&#039;S LIVES.&amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Translated from the Greek&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;WITH&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;NOTES AND A LIFE OF PLUTARCH&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;BY&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;AUBREY STEWART, M.A.,&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;AND THE LATE&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;GEORGE LONG, M.A.,&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Formerly Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;IN FOUR VOLUMES.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;VOL. III.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LONDON:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;GEORGE BELL &amp;amp;amp; SONS, YORK ST., COVENT GARDEN, AND NEW YORK.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1892.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LONDON:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;REPRINTED FROM THE STEREOTYPE PLATES BY WM. CLOWES &amp;amp;amp; SONS, LTD.,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;CONTENTS.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;table border=&amp;quot;0&amp;quot; cellpadding=&amp;quot;4&amp;quot; cellspacing=&amp;quot;0&amp;quot; summary=&amp;quot;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td align=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a class=&amp;quot;c1 pginternal&amp;quot; href=&amp;quot;#LIFE_OF_NIKIAS&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LIFE OF NIKIAS.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td align=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;td align=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 1]&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;PLUTARCH&#039;S LIVES.&amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;LIFE_OF_NIKIAS&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;LIFE OF NIKIAS.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As it appears to me that the life of Nikias forms a good parallel to that of Crassus, and that the misfortunes of the former in Sicily may be well compared with those of the latter in Parthia, I must beg of my readers to believe that in writing upon a subject which has been described by Thucydides with inimitable grace, clearness, and pathos, I have no ambition to imitate Timæus, who, when writing his history, hoped to surpass Thucydides himself in eloquence, and to show that Philistius was but an ignorant bungler, and so plunges into an account of the speeches and battles of his heroes, proving himself not merely one&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Who toils on foot afar&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Behind the Lydian car,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;as Pindar has it, but altogether unfit for the office of historian, and, in the words of Diphilus,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Dull-witted, with Sicilian fat for brains.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He often seeks to shelter himself behind the opinions of Xenarchus, as when he tells us that the Athenians thought it a bad omen that the general whose name was Victory refused to command the expedition to Sicily; and when he says that by the mutilation of the Hennas the gods signified that the Athenians would suffer their chief disasters at the hands of Hermokrates the son of Hermon; or, again, when he observes that Herakles might be expected to take the side of the Syracusans because of Proserpine, the daughter of Demeter, who gave him the dog Kerberus, and to be angry with the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 2]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Athenians because they protected the people of Egesta, who were descended from the Trojans, whereas he had been wronged by Laomedon, king of Troy, and had destroyed that city. Timæus was probably led to write this sort of nonsense by the same critical literary spirit which led him to correct the style of Philistius, and to find fault with that of Aristotle and Plato. My own opinion is that to pay too much attention to mere style and to endeavour to surpass that of other writers, is both trifling and pedantic, while any attempt to reproduce that of the unapproachable masterpieces of antiquity springs from a want of power to appreciate their real value. With regard, then, to the actions of Nikias described by Thucydides and Philistius, more especially those which illustrate his true character, having been performed under the stress of terrible disasters, I shall briefly recapitulate them, lest I be thought a careless biographer, adding to them whatever scattered notices I have been able to collect from the writings of other historians and from public documents and inscriptions; and of these latter I shall quote only those which enable us to judge what manner of man he was.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The first thing to be noted in describing Nikias is the saying of Aristotle, that there had been in Athens three citizens of great ability and patriotism, namely, Nikias, the son of Nikeratus, Thucydides, the son of Melesias, and Theramenes, the son of Hagnon; though the latter was not equal to the two former, but was reproached with being a foreigner from the island of Keos; and, also, because he was not a stable politician but always inclined to change sides, he was nicknamed Kothornos, which means a large boot which will fit either leg. Of these three statesmen the eldest was Thucydides, who was the leader of the conservative opposition to Perikles; while Nikias, who was a younger man, rose to a certain eminence during the life of Perikles, as he acted as his colleague in the command of a military force, and also filled the office of archon. On the death of Perikles, Nikias at once became the foremost man in Athens, chiefly by the favour of the rich and noble, who wished to make use of him to check the plebeian insolence &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 3]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;of Kleon; yet Nikias had the good-will of the common people, and they were eager to further his interests. Kleon, indeed, became very powerful by caressing the people and giving them opportunities for earning money from the State, but in spite of this, many of the lower classes whose favour he especially strove to obtain, became disgusted with, his greed and insolence, and preferred to attach themselves to Nikias. Indeed, there was nothing harsh or overbearing in the pride of Nikias, which arose chiefly from his fear of being thought to be currying favour with the people. By nature he was downhearted and prone to despair, but in war these qualities were concealed by his invariable success in whatever enterprise he undertook; while in political life his retiring manner and his dread of the vulgar demagogues, by whom he was easily put out of countenance, added to his popularity; for the people fear those who treat them with haughtiness, and favour those who respect and fear them. The reason of this is that the greatest honour which the populace can receive from a great man is not to be treated with contempt by him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Perikles, indeed, used to govern Athens by sheer force of character and eloquence, and required no tricks of manner or plausible speeches to gain him credit with the populace; but Nikias had no natural gifts of this sort, and owed his position merely to his wealth. As he could not vie with Kleon in the versatile and humorous power of speech by which the latter swayed the Athenian masses, he endeavoured to gain the favour of the people by supplying choruses for the public dramatic performances and instituting athletic sports on a scale of lavish expenditure which never before had been equalled by any citizen. The statue of Pallas, erected by him in the Acropolis, is standing at this day, although it has lost the gold with which it was formerly adorned, and also the building which supports the choragic tripods in the temple of Dionysus, for he often gained a victory when choragus, and never was vanquished.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It is said that once during the performance of a play at his expense, a slave of his appeared upon the stage habited as Dionysus; a tall and handsome youth, and still beardless. The Athenians were charmed with his appearance, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 4]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;and applauded for a long time, at the end of which Nikias rose and said that he did not think it right that one whose body was thus consecrated to a god should be a slave; and consequently he gave him his freedom. Tradition also tells us how magnificently and decorously he arranged the procession at Delos. In former times the choruses sent by the cities of Ionia to sing to the glory of the god used to sail up to the island in a disorderly fashion, and were at once met by a rude mob, who called upon, them to sing, so that they disembarked in a hurry, huddling on their garlands and robes with unseemly haste and confusion. Nikias disembarked with his chorus upon the little island of Rhenea close by, with all their vestments and holy things, and then during the night bridged the strait—which is very narrow—with a bridge of boats which he had had made at Athens expressly, which was beautifully ornamented with gilding and rich tapestry. Next morning at daybreak, he led the procession to the god over this bridge, with his chorus very richly dressed, and singing as they passed over the strait. After the sacrifice, the public games, and the banquet, he set up the brazen palm-tree as an offering to the god, and also set apart an estate which he had bought for ten thousand drachmas, as sacred to the god. With the revenues of this land the people of Delos were to offer sacrifice and to provide themselves with a feast, and were to pray the gods to bestow blessings on Nikias. All these injunctions to the people of Delos were inscribed upon a pillar which he left there to guard his bequest. The palm-tree was afterwards overturned by a high wind, and in its fall destroyed the great statue which had been set up by the people of Naxos.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; These acts of Nikias may have been prompted by ambition and desire for display, but when viewed in connection with his superstitious character they seem more probably to have been the outcome of his devotional feelings; for we are told by Thucydides that he was one who stood greatly in awe of the gods, and was wholly devoted to religion. In one of the dialogues of Pasiphon, we read that he offered sacrifice daily, and that he kept a soothsayer in his house, whom he pretended to consult &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 5]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;upon affairs of state, but really sought his advice about his own private concerns, especially about his silver mines. He had extensive mines at Laurium, the working of which afforded him very large profits, but yet was attended with great risks. He maintained a large body of slaves at the works; and most of his property consisted of the silver produced by them. For this reason he was surrounded by hangers-on, and persons who endeavoured to obtain a share of his wealth, and he gave money to all alike, both to those who might do him harm, and to those who really deserved his liberality, for he gave to bad men through fear, and to good men through good nature. We may find proof of this in the writings of the comic poets. Telekleides, speaking of some informer, says:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Charikles a mina gave him, fearing he might say&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Charikles himself was born in a suspicious way;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;And Nikias five minas gave. Now, what his reasons were&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;I know full well, but will not tell, for he&#039;s a trusty fere.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Eupolis, too, in his comedy of Marikas has a scene where an informer meets with a poor man who is no politician, and says:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;A. Say where you last with Nikias did meet.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;B. Never. Save once I saw him in the street.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;A. He owns he saw him. Wherefore should he say&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;He saw him, if he meant not to betray&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;His crimes?&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;C. My friends, you all perceive the fact,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;That Nikias is taken in the act.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;B. Think you, O fools, that such a man as he&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;In any wicked act would taken be.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Just so does Kleon threaten him in Aristophanes&#039;s play:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The orators I&#039;ll silence, and make Nikias afraid.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Phrynichus, too, sneers at his cowardice and fear of the popular demagogues, when he says:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;An honest citizen indeed he was,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;And not a coward like to Nikias.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Nikias feared so much to give the mob orators grounds for accusation against him, that he dared not so much as dine with his follow citizens, and pass his time in their society. Nor did he have any leisure at all for such amusements, but when general, he used to spend &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 6]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;the whole day in the War office, and when the Senate met he would be the first to come to the house and the last to leave it. When there was no public business to be transacted, he was hard to meet with, as he shut himself up in his house and seldom stirred abroad. His friends used to tell those who came to his door that they must pardon him for not receiving them, as he was not at leisure, being engaged on public business of great importance. One Hieron, whom he had brought up in his house and educated, assisted him greatly in throwing this air of mystery and haughty exclusiveness over his life. This man gave out that he was the son of Dionysius, called Chalkus, whose poems are still extant, and who was the leader of the expedition to Italy to found the city of Thurii. Hiero used to keep Nikias supplied with prophetic responses from the soothsayers, and gave out to the Athenians that Nikias was toiling night and day on their behalf, saying that when he was in his bath or at his dinner he was constantly being interrupted by some important public business or other, so that, said he, &amp;quot;His night&#039;s rest is broken by his labours, and his private affairs are neglected through his devotion to those of the public. He has injured his health, and besides losing his fortune, has been deserted by many of his friends on account of his not being able to entertain them and make himself agreeable to them; while other men find in politics a means of obtaining both friends and fortune, at the expense of the state.&amp;quot; In very truth the life of Nikias was such that he might well apply to himself the words of Agamemnon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;In outward show and stately pomp all others I exceed,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;And yet the people&#039;s underling I am in very deed.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Perceiving that the Athenian people were willing enough to make use of the talents of men of ability, and yet ever viewed them with suspicion and checked them when in full career, as we may learn from their condemnation of Perikles, their banishment of Damon by ostracism, and their mistrust of Antiphon the Rhamnusian, and especially in their treatment of Paches the conqueror of Lesbos, who while his conduct as general was being &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 7]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;enquired into, stabbed himself in the open court—perceiving this, Nikias always avoided, as far as he could, taking the command in any important military expedition. Whenever he was employed as general, he acted with extreme caution, and was usually successful. He was careful to attribute his success, not to any skill or courage of his own, but to fortune, being willing to lessen his glory to avoid the ill-will of mankind. His good fortune was indeed shown in many remarkable instances: for example, he never was present at any of the great defeats sustained by the Athenians at that time, as in Thrace they were defeated by the Greeks of Chalkidike, but on that occasion Kalliades and Xenophon were acting as generals, while the defeat in Ætolia took place when Demosthenes was in command, and at Delium, where a thousand men were slain, they were led by Hippokrates. For the pestilence Perikles was chiefly blamed, because he shut up the country people in the city, where the change of habits and unusual diet produced disease among them. In all these disasters Nikias alone escaped censure: while he achieved several military successes, such as the capture of Kythera, an island conveniently situated off the coast of Laconia, and inhabited by settlers from that country. He also captured several of the revolted cities in Thrace, and induced others to return to their allegiance. He shut up the people of Megara in their city, and thereby at once made himself master of the island of Minoa, by means of which he shortly afterwards captured the port of Nisæa, while he also landed his troops in the Corinthian territory, and beat a Corinthian army which marched against him, killing many of them, and amongst others Lykophron their general. On this occasion he accidentally neglected to bury the corpses of two of his own men who had fallen. As soon as he discovered this omission, he at once halted his army, and sent a herald to the enemy to demand the bodies for burial, notwithstanding that by Greek custom the party which after a battle demand a truce for the burial of the dead, are understood thereby to admit that they have been defeated, and it is not thought light for them to erect a trophy in commemoration of their victory; for &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 8]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;the victors remain in possession of the field of battle, and of the bodies of the dead, and the vanquished ask for their dead because they are not able to come and take them. Nevertheless, Nikias thought it right to forego all the credit of his victory rather than leave two of his countrymen unburied. He also laid waste the seaboard of Laconia, defeated a Lacedæmonian force which opposed him,and took Thyrea, which was garrisoned by Æginetans, whom he brought prisoners to Athens.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now when Demosthenes threw up a fortification at Pylos, and after the Peloponnesians had attacked him by sea and by land, some four hundred Spartans wore left on the island of Sphakteria, the Athenians thought that it was a matter of great importance, as indeed it was, to take them prisoners. Yet, as it proved laborious and difficult to blockade them on the island, because the place was desert and waterless, so that provisions had to be brought from a great distance by sea, which was troublesome enough in summer, and would be quite impossible in winter, they began to be weary of the enterprise, and were sorry that they had rejected the proposals for peace which had shortly before been made by the Tasmanians. These proposals were rejected chiefly because Kleon opposed them. Kleon&#039;s opposition was due to his personal dislike to Nikias; and when he saw him enthusiastically exerting himself on behalf of the Lacedæmonians, he at once took the other side, and persuaded the people to reject the proffered peace. Now as the blockade dragged on for a long time, and the Athenians learned to what straits their army was reduced, they became angry with Kleon. He threw the blame upon Nikias, asserting that it was through his remissness and want of enterprise that the Spartans still held out, and declaring that, were he himself in chief command they would soon be captured. Upon this the Athenians turned round upon him and said, &amp;quot;Why, then, do not you yourself proceed thither and capture them?&amp;quot; Nikias at once offered to transfer his command to Kleon, and bade him take what troops he thought necessary, and, instead of swaggering at home where there was no danger, go and perform some notable service to the state. At first &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 9]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Kleon was confused by this unexpected turn of the debate, and declined the command; but as the Athenians insisted upon it, and Nikias urged him to do so, he plucked up spirit, accepted the office of general, and even went so far as to pledge himself within twenty days either to kill the Spartans on the island or to bring them prisoners to Athens. The Athenians were more inclined to laugh at this boast than to believe it; for they were well acquainted with the vainglorious character of the man, and had often amused themselves at his expense. It is said that once the public assembly met early and sat for a long time waiting for Kleon, who came at last very late with a garland on his head, and begged them to put off their debate till the next day. &amp;quot;To-day,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;I am not at leisure, as I have just offered a sacrifice, and am about to entertain some strangers at dinner.&amp;quot; The Athenians laughed at his assurance, and broke up the assembly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; However, on this occasion, by good fortune and good generalship, with the help of Demosthenes, he brought home prisoners all those Spartans who had not fallen in the battle, within the time which he had appointed. This was a great reproach to Nikias. It seemed worse even than losing his shield in battle that he should through sheer cowardice and fear of failure give up his office of general, and give his personal enemy such an opportunity of exalting himself at his expense, depriving himself voluntarily of his honourable charge. Aristophanes sneers at him in his play of the &#039;Birds,&#039; where he says:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;We must not now, like Nikias, delay,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;And see the time for action pass away.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And again in the play of the &#039;Farmers,&#039; where this dialogue occurs:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;A. I want to till my farm.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;B.                              And wherefore no?&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;A. &#039;Tis you Athenians will not let me go;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;A thousand drachmas I would give, to be&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;From office in the state for ever free.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;B. Your offer we accept. The state will have&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Two thousand, with what Nikias just gave.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 10]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Moreover, Nikias did Athens much harm by permitting Kleon to attain to such a height of power and reputation, which gave him such exaggerated confidence in himself that he grew quite unmanageable, and caused many terrible disasters, by which Nikias suffered as much as any man. Kleon also was the first to break through the decorum observed by former public speakers, by shouting, throwing back his cloak, slapping his thigh, and walking up and down while speaking, which led to the total disregard of decency and good manners among public speakers, and eventually was the ruin of the state.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; About this time Alkibiades began to gain credit in Athens as a public speaker, less licentious than Kleon, and like the soil of Egypt described by Homer, which bears&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;A mingled crop of good and bad alike.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thus Alkibiades, with immense powers both for good and evil, produced great changes in the affairs of Athens. Nikias, even if he had been freed from the opposition of Kleon, could not now have quietly consolidated the power of the state, for as soon as he had arranged matters in a fair way to produce peace and quiet, Alkibiades, to satisfy his own furious ambition, threw them again into confusion and war. This was brought about by the following circumstances. The two chief hindrances to peace were Kleon and Brasidas; as war concealed the baseness of the former, and added to the glory of the latter. Kleon was able to commit many crimes undetected, and Brasidas performed many great exploits while the war lasted; wherefore, when both of these men fell before the walls of Amphipolis, Nikias, perceiving that the Spartans had long been desirous of peace, and that the Athenians no longer hoped to gain anything by continuing the war, and that both parties were weary of it, began to consider how he might reconcile them, and also pacify all the other states of Greece, so as to establish peace upon a durable and prosperous basis. At Athens, the richer classes, the older men, and the country farmers all wished for peace. By constantly arguing with the others he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 11]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;gradually made them less eager for war, and at length was able to intimate to the Spartans that there were good hopes of coming to terms. They willingly believed him because of his high character for probity, and more especially because he had shown great kindness to the Spartan prisoners taken at Pylos. A truce for one year had already been arranged between them, and during this they conversed freely with one another, and, enjoying a life of leisure and freedom from the restraints and alarms of war, began to long for an unbroken period of peace, and to sing:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;My spear the spider&#039;s home shall be,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;remembering with pleasure the proverb that in time of peace men are awakened, not by trumpets, but by crowing cocks. They railed at those who said that it was fated that the war should last thrice nine years, and, having thus accustomed themselves to discuss the whole question, they proceeded to make peace, and thought that now they were indeed free from all their troubles. The name of Nikias was now in every man&#039;s mouth, and he was called the favourite of heaven, and the man chosen by the gods for his piety to confer the greatest of blessings upon the Greeks. For they regarded the peace as the work of Nikias, just as the war had been the work of Perikles. The latter, they thought, for no adequate reasons, had involved the Greeks in the greatest miseries, while the former had relieved them of their troubles by persuading them to become friends. For this reason this peace is to this day called the peace of Nikias.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The terms of the peace were that each party should restore the cities and territory which it had taken, and that it should be determined by lot which side should restore its conquests first. We are told by Theophrastus that Nikias, by means of bribery, arranged that the lot should fall upon the Lacedæmonians to make restitution first. When, however, the Corinthians and Bœotians, dissatisfied with the whole transaction, seemed likely by their complaints and menaces to rekindle the war, Nikias induced Athens and Sparta to confirm the peace by entering upon an alliance, which enabled them to deal with &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 12]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;the malcontents with more authority, and give them more confidence in one another.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;All these transactions greatly displeased Alkibiades, who was naturally disinclined to peace, and who hated the Lacedæmonians because they paid their court to Nikias and disregarded him. For this reason, Alkibiades from the very outset opposed the peace, but ineffectually at first. When, however, he observed that the Lacedæmonians were no longer regarded with favour by the Athenians, and were thought to have wronged them by forming an alliance with the Bœotians, and not restoring to Athens up the cities of Panaktus and Amphipolis, he seized the opportunity of exciting the people by exaggerated accounts of the misdeeds of the Lacedæmonians. Moreover he prevailed upon the people of Argos to send ambassadors to Athens to conclude an alliance. As, however, at the same time ambassadors, with full powers to settle all matters in dispute, came from Lacedæmon, and in a preliminary conference with the Senate were thought to have made very reasonable and just proposals, Alkibiades, fearing that they might create an equally favourable impression when they spoke before the popular assembly, deceived them by solemnly declaring with an oath that he would assist them in every way that he could, provided that they would deny that they came with full powers to decide, saying that by this means alone they would effect their purpose. The ambassadors were deceived by his protestations, and, forsaking Nikias, relied entirely upon him. Upon this Alkibiades brought them into the public assembly, and there asked them if they came with full powers to treat. When they said that they did not, he unexpectedly turned round upon them, and calling both the Senate and the people to witness their words, urged them to pay no attention to men who were such evident liars, and who said one thing in one+ assembly and the opposite in another. The ambassadors, as Alkibiades expected, were thunderstruck, and Nikias could say nothing on their behalf. The people at once called for the ambassadors from Argos to be brought before them, in order to contract an alliance with that city, but an earthquake which was felt at this moment &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 13]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;greatly served Nikias&#039;s purpose by causing the assembly to break up. With great difficulty, when the debate was resumed on the following day, he prevailed upon the people to break off the negotiations with Argos, and to send him as ambassador to Sparta, promising that he would bring matters to a prosperous issue. Accordingly he proceeded to Sparta, where he was treated with great respect as a man of eminence and a friend of the Lacedæmonians, but could effect nothing because of the preponderance of the party which inclined to the Bœotian alliance. He was therefore forced to return ingloriously, in great fear of the anger of the Athenians, who had been persuaded by him to deliver up so many and such important prisoners to the Lacedæmonians without receiving any equivalent. For the prisoners taken at Pylos were men of the first families in Sparta, and related to the most powerful statesmen there. The Athenians, however, did not show their dissatisfaction with Nikias by any harsh measures, but they elected Alkibiades general, and they entered into a treaty of alliance with the Argives, and also with the states of Elis and Mantinea, which had revolted from the Lacedæmonians, while they sent out privateers to Pylos to plunder the Lacedæmonian coasts in the neighbourhood of that fortress. These measures soon produced a renewal of the war.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As the quarrel between Nikias and Alkibiades had now reached such a pitch, it was decided that the remedy of ostracism must be applied to them. By this from time to time the people of Athens were wont to banish for ten years any citizen whose renown or wealth rendered him dangerous to the state. Great excitement was caused by this measure, as one or the other must be utterly ruined by its application. The Athenians were disgusted by the licentiousness of Alkibiades, and feared his reckless daring, as has been explained at greater length in his Life, while Nikias was disliked because of his great wealth and his reserved and unpopular mode of life. Moreover he had frequently offended the people by acting in direct opposition to their wishes, forcing them in spite of themselves to do what was best for them. On the one side were arrayed the young men and those who wished for &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 14]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;war, and on the other the older men and the party of peace, who would be sure to vote respectively, one for the banishment of Nikias, the other for that of Alkibiades. Now&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;In revolutions bad men rise to fame,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and it appears that the violence of these factions at Athens gave an opportunity for the lowest and basest citizens to gain reputation. Amongst these was one Hyperbolus, of the township of Peirithois, a man of no ability or power, but who owed his elevation to sheer audacity, and whose influence was felt to be a disgrace to Athens. This man, who never dreamed that ostracism would be applied to him, as the pillory would have been more suitable to his deserts, openly showed his delight at the discord between Nikias and Alkibiades, and excited the people to deal severely with them, because he hoped that if one of them were to be banished, he might succeed to his place, and become a match for the one who was left behind. But the parties which supported Nikias and Alkibiades respectively made a secret compact with one another to suppress this villain, and so arranged matters that neither of their leaders, but Hyperbolus himself was banished by ostracism for ten years. This transaction delighted and amused the people for the moment, but they were afterwards grieved that they had abused this safeguard of their constitution by applying it to an unworthy object, as there was a kind of dignity about the punishment which they had inflicted. Ostracism in the case of men like Thucydides and Aristeides, was a punishment, but when applied to men like Hyperbolus, it became an honour and mark of distinction, as though his crimes had put him on a par with the leading spirits of the age. Plato, the comic poet, wrote of him&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Full worthy to be punished though he be,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Yet ostracism&#039;s not for such as he.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The result was that no one was ever again ostracised at Athens, but Hyperbolus was the last, as Hipparchus of Cholargus, who was some relation to the despot of that name, was the first. Thus the ways of fortune are inscrutable, and beyond our finding out. If Nikias had &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 15]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;undergone the trial of ostracism with Alkibiades, he would either have driven him into banishment, and governed Athens well and wisely during his absence, or he would himself have left the city, and avoided the terrible disaster which ended his life, and would have continued to enjoy the reputation of being an excellent general. I am well aware that Theophrastus says that Hyperbolus was ostracised in consequence of a quarrel of Alkibiades with Phæax and not with Nikias; but my account agrees with that given by the best historians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When ambassadors came to Athens from Egesta and Leontini, inviting the Athenians to commence a campaign in Sicily, Nikias opposed the project, but was overruled by Alkibiades and the war party. Before the assembly met to discuss the matter, men&#039;s heads were completely turned with vague hopes of conquest, so that the youths in the gymnasia, and the older men in their places of business or of recreation, did nothing but sketch the outline of the island of Sicily and of the adjacent seas and continents. They regarded Sicily not so much as a prize to be won, but as a stepping-stone to greater conquests, meaning from it to attack Carthage, and make themselves masters of the Mediterranean sea as far as the Columns of Herakles. Public opinion being thus biassed, Nikias could find few to help him in opposing the scheme. The rich feared lest they should be thought to wish to avoid the burden of fitting out ships and the other expensive duties which they would be called upon to fulfil, and disappointed him by remaining silent. Yet Nikias did not relax his exertions, but even after the Athenian people had given their vote for the war, and had elected him to the chief command, with Alkibiades and Lamachus for his colleagues—even then, on the next meeting of the assembly, he made a solemn appeal to them to desist, and at last accused Alkibiades of involving the city in a terrible war in a remote country merely to serve his own ambition and rapacity. However, he gained nothing by this speech, for the Athenians thought that he would be the best man to command the expedition because of his experience in war, and that his caution would serve as a salutary check upon the rashness of Alkibiades and the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 16]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;easy temper of Lamachus; so that, instead of dissuading them his words rather confirmed them in their intention. For Demostratus, who of all the popular orators was the most eager promoter of the expedition, rose, and said that he would put an end to these excuses of Nikias: and he prevailed upon the people to pass a decree that the generals, both at home and in the field, should be invested with absolute irresponsible power.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Yet it is said that the expedition met with great opposition from the priests; but Alkibiades found certain soothsayers devoted to his own interests, and quoted an ancient oracle which foretold that the Athenians should one day win great glory in Sicily. Special messengers also came from the shrine of Ammon,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1_1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1_1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; bringing an oracular response to the effect that the Athenians would take all the Syracusans. Those oracles which made against the project, people dared not mention, for fear of saying words of ill-omen. Yet even the most obvious portents would not turn them from their purpose, such as the mutilation of all the Hermæ, or statues of Hermes, in Athens, in a single night, except only one, which is called the Hermes of Andokides, which was erected by the tribe Ægeis, and stands before the house in which Andokides lived at that time. A man likewise leaped upon the altar of the Twelve Gods, sat astride upon it, and in that posture mutilated himself with a sharp stone. At Delphi too there is a golden statue of Pallas Athene standing upon a brazen palm tree, an offering made by the city of Athens from the spoils taken in the Persian war. This was for many days pecked at by crows, who at last pecked off and cast upon the ground the golden fruit of the palm tree. This was said to be merely a fable invented by the people of Delphi, who were bribed by the Syracusans. Another oracle bade the Athenians bring to Athens the priestess of Athena at Klazomenae, and accordingly they sent for her. Her name happened to be Hesychia, signifying Repose; and this is probably what the oracle meant that the Athenians had better remain quiet. The astronomer, Meton, who was appointed to some office in the army, either because of these adverse omens and prophecies, or &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 17]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;because he was convinced that the expedition would miscarry, pretended to be mad and to set fire to his house. Some historians relate that he did not feign madness, but that he burned down his house one night, and next morning appeared in the market-place in a miserable plight, and besought his countrymen that, in consideration of the misfortune which had befallen him, they would allow his son, who was about to sail for Sicily in command of a trireme, to remain at home. We are told that Sokrates the philosopher was warned by one of the signs from heaven which he so often received that the expedition would be the ruin of the city. And many were filled with consternation at the time fixed for the departure of the armament. It was during the celebration of the Adonia, or mourning for the death of Adonis, and in all parts of the city were to be seen images of Adonis carried along with funeral rites, and women beating their breasts, so that those who were superstitious enough to notice such matters became alarmed for the fate of the armament, and foretold that it would start forth gloriously, but would wither untimely away.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The conduct of Nikias in opposing the war when it was being deliberated upon, and his steadfastness of mind in not being dazzled by the hopes which were entertained of its success, or by the splendid position which it offered himself, deserves the utmost praise; but when, in spite of his exertions, he could not persuade the people to desist from the war, or to remove him from the office of general, into which he was as it were driven by main force, his excessive caution and slowness became very much out of place. His childish regrets, his looking back towards Athens, and his unreasonable delays disheartened his colleagues, and spoiled the effect of the expedition, which ought at once to have proceeded to act with vigour, and put its fortune to the test. But although Lamachus begged him to sail at once to Syracuse and fight a battle as near as possible to the city walls, while Alkibiades urged him to detach the other Sicilian states from their alliance with Syracuse, and then attack that place, he dispirited his men by refusing to adopt either plan, and proposed to sail quietly along the coast, displaying the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 18]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;fleet and army to the Sicilians, and then, after affording some slight assistance to the people of Egesta, to return home to Athens. Shortly after this, the Athenians sent for Alkibiades to return home for his trial on a charge of treason, and Nikias, who was nominally Lamachus&#039;s colleague, but really absolute, proceeded to waste time in idle negotiations and languid manœuvres, until his troops had quite lost the high spirits and hopes with which they had arrived at Sicily; while the enemy, who were at first terrified, began to recover their spirits, and despise the Athenians. While Alkibiades was still with them they had sailed to Syracuse with sixty ships, and while the rest remained in line of battle outside, ten of these had entered the harbour to reconnoitre. These ships, approaching the city, made a proclamation by a herald that they were come to restore the people of Leontini to their city, and they also captured a Syracusan vessel, in which they found tables on which were written the names of all the inhabitants of Syracuse, according to their tribes and houses. These tables were kept far away from the city, in the temple of the Olympian Zeus, but at that time the Syracusans had sent for them in order to discover the number of men able to bear arms. These tables were now taken by the Athenians, and carried to their general. When the soothsayers saw this roll of names, they were much alarmed, fearing that this was the fulfilment of the prophecy that the Athenians should capture all the Syracusans. However, some declare that the prophecy was really fulfilled when the Athenian Kallippus slew Dion, and captured Syracuse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Shortly after this, Alkibiades left Sicily, and the supreme command devolved upon Nikias. For Lamachus, though a brave and honest man, and one who always freely risked his life in battle, was but a plain simple man, and was so excessively poor, that whenever he was appointed general he was forced to ask the Athenians to advance him a small sum of money to provide him with clothes and shoes. Now Nikias was excessively haughty, both on account of his great wealth, and his military renown. It is said that once when the generals were debating some question together, Nikias bade Sophokles &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 19]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;the poet give his opinion first, because he was the eldest man present, to which Sophokles answered, &amp;quot;I am the eldest, but you are the chief.&amp;quot; Thus when in Sicily he domineered over Lamachus, although the latter was a far abler soldier, and by sailing about the coast at the point furthest removed from the enemy, gave them confidence, which was turned into contempt, when he was repulsed from Hybla, a little fort in the interior. At last he returned to Katana, without having effected anything, except the reduction of Hykkara, a town of the aborigines, not of the Greeks, from which it is said the celebrated courtezan Lais, then a very young girl, was carried away captive and sent to Peloponnesus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As the summer advanced, and Nikias remained inactive, the Syracusans gained so much confidence that they called upon their generals to lead them to the attack of the Athenian position at Katana, since the Athenians did not dare approach Syracuse; while Syracusan horsemen even went so far as to insult the Athenians in their camp, riding up to ask if they were come to settle as peaceful citizens in Katana, instead of restoring the Leontines. This unexpected humiliation at length forced Nikias to proceed to Syracuse, and he devised a stratagem by which he was able to approach that city and pitch his camp before it unmolested.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He despatched to Syracuse a citizen of Katana, who informed the Syracusans that if they desired to seize the camp and arms of the Athenians, they would only have to appoint a day and to march in force to Katana. Many of the Athenians, he said, spent all their time within the walls of Katana, and it would be easy for the Syracusan party there to close the gates, assail the Athenians within, and set fire to their ships. A numerous body of Kataneans, he added, were eager to co-operate in the plan now proposed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This was by far the ablest piece of strategy accomplished by Nikias during all the time that he remained in Sicily. The Syracusans were induced to march out their entire force, leaving their city with scarcely any defenders. Meanwhile, Nikias sailed round from Katana, took possession of the harbour, and encamped his forces on the mainland in a position where he could not be attacked by the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 20]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;enemy&#039;s cavalry. When the Syracusan army returned from Katana, he marched out the Athenians and defeated them, but with little loss on their side, as their cavalry covered their retreat. Nikias now broke down the bridges over the river Anapus, which gave occasion to Hermokrates to say, when he was making a speech to encourage the Syracusans, that it was a ridiculous thing for Nikias to try to avoid fighting, as though it were not for the express purpose of fighting that he had been sent thither. But in spite of all that Hermokrates could say, the Syracusans were very much cast down and disheartened. Instead of the fifteen generals who usually commanded their troops they chose three, upon whom they conferred absolute powers, and swore a solemn oath that they would leave them unfettered in the exercise of those powers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Athenians were very anxious to occupy the temple of Olympian Zeus, which was near their camp, and full of offerings of gold and silver. Nikias, however, purposely delayed the attack until a force was sent from Syracuse to defend the temple. He thought that if the soldiers did succeed in plundering it, the state would be none the better for it, and he himself would have to bear all the blame of sacrilege.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nikias made no use of his boasted victory, and after a short time drew off his forces to Naxos, where he passed the winter, expending an enormous sum of money for the maintenance of so large a force, and effecting little or nothing except the reduction of a few disorderly tribes in the interior. The Syracusans now took heart again, marched into the Katanean territory and laid it waste, and attempted to burn the camp of the Athenians. Upon this all men blamed Nikias for deliberating and taking precautions until the time for action was gone by. No one could find any fault with him when he was actually fighting; but though a bold and energetic man in action, he was slow to form plans and begin an enterprise.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Thus when he did at length return to Syracuse, he managed the operation so swiftly and so skilfully that he disembarked his troops at Thapsus before the enemy were aware of his approach, took Epipolæ by surprise, took prisoners three hundred of the force of picked men &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 21]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;who endeavoured to recapture that fort, and routed the Syracusan cavalry, which had hitherto been supposed to be invincible. Moreover, what chiefly terrified the Sicilians, and seemed wonderful to all Greeks, was the speed with which he built a wall round Syracuse, a city quite as large as Athens itself, but one which is much more difficult to invest completely, because of the sea being so near to it, and the rough ground and marshes by which it is surrounded on the land side. Yet he all but succeeded in accomplishing this feat, although he was not in a condition of body to superintend such works personally, for he suffered greatly from a disease of the kidneys, to which we must attribute whatever was left undone by his army. For my own part I feel great admiration for the diligence and skill of the general, and for the bravery of the soldiers, which enabled them to gain such successes. The poet Euripides, after their defeat and utter overthrow wrote this elegy upon them:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Eight times they beat the Syracusan host,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Before the gods themselves declared them lost.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Indeed, they beat the Syracusans far more than eight times, before the gods turned against the Athenians and dashed them to the ground when at the height of their pride.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Nikias was present, in spite of his sufferings, at most of these actions; but when his disease grew worse, he was forced to stay in the camp with a small guard, while Lamachus took the command of the army, and fought a battle with the Syracusans, who were endeavouring to build a counter-wall which would obstruct the Athenians in building their wall of circumvallation. The Athenians were victorious, but followed up their success in such a disorderly manner that Lamachus was left alone and exposed to the attacks of the Syracusan cavalry. He at once challenged their leader, a brave man named Kallimachus, to single combat, and both received and inflicted a mortal wound. His dead body and arms fell into the hands of the Syracusans, who at once charged up to the Athenian walls, where Nikias lay helpless. The extremity of the danger roused him, and he ordered his attendants to set fire to a quantity of timber which had been brought thither &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 22]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_22&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;to construct military engines, and to some of the engines themselves. This desperate expedient checked the Syracusans, and saved Nikias and the Athenians; for the rest of the Syracusan forces on perceiving so great a body of flame returned in haste to their city.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This affair left Nikias in sole command, and he had great hopes of taking the place; for many cities in Sicily had formed alliances with him, ships laden with corn kept arriving to supply his camp, and all began to be eager to be on his side, and to share in the fruits of his success. The Syracusans themselves sent to propose terms of peace, for they despaired of being able to defend their city any longer against him. At this time Gylippus too, a Lacedæmonian who was sent to assist them, heard during his voyage that they were completely enclosed and reduced to great straits, but held on his voyage notwithstanding, in order that even if, as he imagined, all Sicily had fallen into the hands of the Athenians, he might at any rate defend the Greek cities in Italy from sharing its fate. The air indeed was full of rumours that the Athenians were carrying all before them, and that the good fortune and skill of their general rendered him invincible. Even Nikias himself was so elated by his apparent good fortune, that he forgot his wonted prudence, and imagining from the secret intelligence which he had from his friends within Syracuse that it was on the point of surrender, neglected Gylippus altogether, and kept so bad a watch at the straits of Messina with his fleet, that Gylippus managed to cross there and land in Sicily. Here he at once proceeded to gather an army together, but in a quarter of the island far away from Syracuse, so that the people of Syracuse knew nothing of his arrival. They even appointed a day for the public assembly to meet and discuss terms of surrender with Nikias, and were about to attend it, as they thought that it would be best for them to come to terms before the city was quite surrounded by the wall of the Athenians. There was now only a very small portion of this left to be finished, and all the materials for building it were collected on the spot.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; At this crisis there arrived at Syracuse Gongylus, a Corinthian, in one trireme. All crowded round him, to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 23]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_23&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;hear what news he brought. He informed them that Gylippus would soon come to their aid by land, and that other triremes besides his own were on their way by sea. This intelligence was scarcely believed, until it was confirmed by a message from Gylippus himself, bidding them march out and meet him. They now took courage and prepared for battle. Gylippus marched into the town, and at once led the Syracusans out to attack the Athenians. When Nikias had likewise brought his army out of their camp, Gylippus halted his men, and sent a herald to offer them an armistice for five days, on condition that they would collect their effects and withdraw from Sicily. Nikias disdained to answer this insulting message; but some of his soldiers jeeringly enquired whether the presence of one Spartan cloak and staff had all at once made the Syracusans so strong that they could despise the Athenians, who used to keep three hundred such men, stronger than Gylippus and with longer hair, locked up in prison, and feared them so little that they delivered them up to the Lacedæmonians again. Timæus says that the Sicilian Greeks despised Gylippus for his avaricious and contemptible character, and that when they first saw him, they ridiculed his long hair and Spartan cloak. Afterwards, however, he tells us that as soon as Gylippus appeared they flocked round him as small birds flock round an owl, and were eager to take service under him. This indeed is the more probable story; for they rallied round him, regarding his cloak and staff to be the symbols of the authority of Sparta. And not only Thucydides, but Philistus, a Syracusan citizen by birth, who was an eye-witness of the whole campaign, tells us that nothing could have been done without Gylippus. In the first battle after his arrival, the Athenians were victorious, and slew some few Syracusans, amongst whom was the Corinthian Gongylus, but on the following day Gylippus displayed the qualities of a true general. He used the same arms, horses, and ground as before, but he dealt with them so differently that he defeated the Athenians. Checking the Syracusans, who wished to chase them back to their camp, he ordered them to use the stones and timber which had been collected by the Athenians, to build a counter-wall, reaching beyond &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 24]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;the line of circumvallation, so that the Athenians could no longer hope to surround the city. And now the Syracusans, taking fresh courage, began to man their ships of war, and to cut off the stragglers with their cavalry. Gylippus personally visited many of the Greek cities in Sicily, all of whom eagerly promised their aid, and furnished him with troops; so that Nikias, perceiving that he was losing ground, relapsed into his former desponding condition, and wrote a despatch to Athens, bidding the people either send out another armament, or let the one now in Sicily return to Athens, and especially beseeching them to relieve him from his command, for which he was incapacitated by disease.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The Athenians had long before proposed to send out a reinforcement to the army in Sicily, but as all had gone on prosperously, the enemies of Nikias had contrived to put it off. Now, however, they were eager to send him assistance. It was arranged that Demosthenes should employ himself actively in getting ready a large force, to go to reinforce Nikias in the early spring, while Eurymedon, although it was winter, started immediately with a supply of money, and with a decree naming Euthydemus and Menander, officers already serving in his army, to be joint commanders along with him. Meanwhile, Nikias was suddenly attacked by the Syracusans both by sea and land. His ships were at first thrown into confusion, but rallied and sank many of the enemy, or forced them to run on shore; but on land Gylippus managed at the same time to surprise the fort of Plemmyrium, where there was a magazine of naval stores and war material of all kinds. A considerable number of the garrison, also, were either slain or taken prisoners; but the most serious result was the stoppage of Nikias&#039;s supplies, which heretofore had been easily and quickly brought through the Great Harbour, while it remained in the hands of the Athenians, but which now could not reach his camp by sea without a convoy and a battle.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2_2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2_2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[2]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Moreover, the Syracusan fleet had not been defeated by any superiority of force of the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 25]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Athenians, but by the disorder into which it had been thrown by pursuing the enemy. They therefore determined to renew the conflict with better success.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nikias, on his part, was unwilling to fight a second time, thinking it was folly to fight with a diminished and disheartened force when he knew that Demosthenes was hurrying to his aid with a large and unbroken armament. However, Menander and Euthydemus, the newly-elected generals, were eager to distinguish themselves by performing some brilliant action before the arrival of Demosthenes, and to eclipse the fame of Nikias himself. The pretext they used was the glory of Athens, which they said would be dishonoured for ever if they should now appear afraid to accept the Syracusans&#039; offer of battle. The battle was fought: and the Athenian left wing, we are told by Thucydides, was utterly defeated by the skilful tactics of the Corinthian steersman Aristion. Many Athenians perished, and Nikias was greatly disheartened, for he had now proved unfortunate both when sole commander and when acting with colleagues.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Matters were in this posture when Demosthenes was descried in the offing, approaching with a splendid armament which struck terror into the hearts of the enemy. His fleet consisted of seventy-three ships, on board of which were five thousand heavy-armed troops, and three thousand javelin men, archers, and slingers. The glittering arms of the troops, the flaunting banners of the ships of war, and the music of the flutes to which the rowers kept time with their oars, made a gallant display, which delighted the Athenians as much as it depressed the Syracusans. These latter, indeed, were struck with dismay, and thought that their last victory had been won in vain, and that they were labouring to no purpose against a foe whose ranks were continually reinforced.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nikias was not long allowed to feast his eyes on this welcome spectacle undisturbed. Demosthenes, as soon as he landed, insisted on the necessity of instantly attacking Syracuse, and putting an end to the siege, either by capturing the place, or by returning at once to Athens in case of failure. Against this Nikias, who was alarmed at the idea of such vigorous action, urged that it would be &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 26]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_26&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;unwise to run such a risk. Delay, he argued, favoured the besiegers more than the besieged, as their resources must soon fail, in which case their allies would desert them and they would again be brought to the necessity of capitulating. Nikias adopted this view because of what he heard from his secret correspondents within the city, who urged him to continue the siege, telling him that already the Syracusans began to feel the war too great a burden for them to support, and that Gylippus was very unpopular among them, so that in a short time they would utterly refuse to hold out any longer, and would come to terms with the Athenians. Nikias could only hint at these secret sources of information, and so his counsels were thought by his colleagues to be mere cowardice. They declared loudly that the original mistake was about to be repeated, and the first terror-stricken impression of the armament frittered away, until familiarity with the sight of it had bred contempt in the breasts of their enemies. They therefore eagerly seconded the proposal of Demosthenes, and forced Nikias, though sorely against his will, to yield to their representations. Accordingly, Demosthenes with the land force assaulted the outlying fort on the high ground of Epipolæ by night, and took it by surprise, killing part of its garrison and putting the remainder to flight. He did not halt there, but followed up his success by marching further on towards the city, until he was met by some Bœotian heavy-armed troops, who had been the first to rally, and now in a compact mass met the Athenians with their spears levelled, and with loud shouts forced them to give way with severe loss. The whole Athenian army was by this thrown into confusion and panic, as the fugitives broke the formation of those troops who were still marching to the front, so that in some cases they actually fought with one another, each believing the others to be enemies. Thus the Athenians fell into sad disorder and ruin; for they were unable to distinguish friends from foes in the uncertain light, as the moon, now nearly setting, glanced upon spear-points and armour without showing them clearly enough to enable men to see with whom they had to deal. The moon was behind the backs of the Athenians: and this circumstance was greatly &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 27]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_27&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;against them, for it made it hard for them to see the numbers of their own friends, but shone plainly on the glittering shields of their antagonists, making them look taller and more terrible than they were. Finally, attacked as they were on every side, they gave way and fled. Some were slain by the enemy, some by their own countrymen, and some were dashed to pieces by falling down the precipices; while the rest, as they straggled about the country, were cut off by the Syracusan cavalry. Two thousand men perished, and of the survivors few brought back their arms.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Nikias, who had expected this reverse, now cast the blame of it upon Demosthenes; and he, admitting his error, besought Nikias to embark his army and sail away as quickly as possible, pointing out that no further reinforcement could be hoped for, and that they could not hope for success with the force now at their disposal. Even had they been victorious, he argued, they had intended to leave their present camp, which was unhealthy at all times, and was now in the hot season becoming pestilential. The time was the beginning of autumn, and many of the Athenians were sick, while all were disheartened. Nikias, however, opposed the idea of retreat, not because he did not fear the Syracusans, but because he feared the Athenians more, and the treatment which as an unsuccessful general he would probably meet with. He declared that he saw no reason for alarm, and that even if there was, that he would rather perish by the hands of the enemy than those of his countrymen. A very different sentiment to that which was afterwards uttered by Leon the Byzantine, who said, &amp;quot;My countrymen, I had rather be put to death by you than to be put to death together with you.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;With regard to the place to which it would be best for them to remove their camp, that, Nikias said, was a question which they might take time to discuss.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Demosthenes, seeing that Nikias was thus obstinate, and conscious that his own project, when adopted, had led to a frightful disaster, ceased pressing him to raise the siege, and gave the other generals to understand that Nikias must have secret reasons, from his correspondents &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 28]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_28&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;within the city, which led him to persevere thus obstinately in remaining where he was. This caused them also to withdraw their objections to remaining; but when another army came to assist the Syracusans, and the Athenians began to perish from malaria, even Nikias himself agreed that it was time to retreat, and issued orders to his men to hold themselves in readiness to embark.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When all was ready, and the enemy off their guard, as they did not expect the Athenians to retreat, an eclipse of the moon took place, which greatly terrified Nikias and some others who, from ignorance or superstition, were in the habit of taking account of such phenomena. That the sun should be sometimes eclipsed even the vulgar understood to be in some way due to the moon intercepting its light: but what body could intercept the moon&#039;s light, so that suddenly the full moon should pale its light and alter its colour, they could not explain, but thought that it was a sinister omen and portended some great calamity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The treatise of Anaxagoras, the first writer who has clearly and boldly explained the phases and eclipses of the moon, was then known only to a few, and had not the credit of antiquity, while even those who understood it were afraid to mention it to their most trusted friends. Men at that time could not endure natural philosophers and those whom they called in derision stargazers, but accused them of degrading the movements of the heavenly bodies by attributing them to necessary physical causes. They drove Protagoras into exile, and cast Anaxagoras into prison, from whence he was with difficulty rescued by Perikles; while Sokrates, who never took any part in these speculations, was nevertheless put to death because he was a philosopher. It was not until after the period of which I am writing that the glorious works of Plato shed their light upon mankind, proving that Nature obeys a higher and divine law, and removing the reproach of impiety which used to attach to those who study these matters, so that all men might thereafter investigate natural phenomena unreproved. Indeed, Plato&#039;s companion Dion, although the moon was eclipsed when he was starting from the island of Zakynthus to attack the despot Dionysius, was not in the least disturbed by the omen, but sailed to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 29]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_29&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Syracuse and drove out the despot. Nikias at this time was without a competent soothsayer, for his intimate friend, Stilbides, who used to check a great deal of his superstition, died shortly before this. Indeed, the omen, if rightly explained, as Philochorus points out, is not a bad one but a very good one for men who are meditating a retreat; for what men are forced to do by fear, requires darkness to conceal it, and light is inimical to them. Moreover men were only wont to wait three days after an eclipse of the moon, or of the sun, as we learn from Autokleides in his book on divination; but Nikias persuaded them to wait for another complete circuit of the moon, because its face would not shine upon them propitiously before that time after its defilement with the gross earthy particles which had intercepted its rays.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_3_3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_3_3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[3]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Nikias now put all business aside, and kept offering sacrifices and taking omens, until the enemy attacked him. Their infantry assailed the camp and siege works, while their fleet surrounded the harbour, not in ships of war; but the very boys and children embarked in what boats they could find and jeered at the Athenians, challenging them to come out and fight. One of these boys, named Herakleides, the son of noble parents, ventured too far, and was captured by an Athenian ship. His uncle Pollichus, fearing for his safety, at once advanced with ten triremes which were under his command; and this movement brought forward the rest of the Syracusan fleet to support him. An obstinate battle now took place, in which the Syracusans were victorious, and many of the Athenians perished, amongst whom was their admiral Eurymedon. And now the Athenians refused to remain before Syracuse any longer, and called upon their generals to lead them away by land, for the Syracusans after their victory had at once blockaded the entrance to the harbour, so that no passage was left. Nikias and the other generals refused to agree to this proposal, as they thought it would be a pity to abandon a fleet of so many transports, and nearly two hundred ships of war. They placed the flower of the land force on board the ships, with the best of the slingers and darters, and manned one hundred and ten triremes, for they had not sufficient oars for a larger &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 30]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_30&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;number. Nikias now abandoned the great camp and walls of investment, which reached as far as the temple of Herakles, and drew the army up on the beach as spectators of the battle. Thus the Syracusan priests and generals were able for the first time since the siege began to sacrifice to Herakles, as they were wont to do, while the people were manning their fleet.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The Syracusan soothsayers promised them the victory if they awaited attack and did not begin the attack: for Herakles himself never struck the first blow, but always waited for his enemies to attack him. The sea-fight which now took place was the fiercest and most obstinately contested of all those which took place throughout the war, and its varying fortunes were shared with agonizing interest by the Athenian army and the citizens on the walls of Syracuse, who were able from their respective positions to overlook the whole battle and watch the manœuvres of each ship. The Athenians were placed at a great disadvantage by having all their ships collected into one mass, where they were attacked from all sides by the lighter and more manageable vessels of the enemy. The Syracusans also used stones as missiles, which strike with equal effect, however they are thrown, while the Athenians replied with volleys of arrows and javelins, whose aim was often spoiled by the motion of the vessels, and which are useless unless they fly with the point foremost. All these details had been foreseen and taught to the Syracusans by Aristion the Corinthian steersman, who fell in the moment of victory. The Athenians were finally routed and driven ashore with great slaughter, and their retreat by sea completely cut off. Knowing how difficult it would be to make their way to any place of safety by land, they allowed themselves to be so paralyzed by despair, that they let the Syracusans tow away their ships as prizes, without making an effort to save them, and actually neglected to ask for a truce for the burial of their dead. They seemed to think that the case of the sick and wounded whom they saw amongst them, and whom they must perforce abandon when they left their camp, was even more pitiable than that of the floating corpses, and they actually envied the lot of the slain, knowing well that after a few more days &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 31]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_31&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;of suffering they themselves were all destined to share their fate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; They were all eager to depart during the night which followed this disastrous day; but Gylippus, perceiving that the people of Syracuse were so given up to feasting and merry-making, celebrating both their victory and the festival of their national hero Herakles, to whom the day was sacred, that they could not be either forced or persuaded into attempting to harass the enemy&#039;s retreat, sent some of those men who had formerly been in correspondence with Nikias to tell him not to attempt to retreat that night, as all the roads were occupied by Syracusans lying in wait to attack him. Deceived by this intelligence, Nikias waited to find what he feared in the night turned into a reality on the following day. At daybreak the passes were occupied by the Syracusans, who also threw up entrenchments at all the places where rivers had to be forded, and broke all the bridges, stationing their cavalry upon the level ground, so that the Athenians could not advance a step without fighting. The Athenians remained for all that day and the following night in their camp, and then set out, with such weeping and lamentation that it seemed rather as if they were leaving their native country than a hostile one, so distressed were they to see the miseries of their friends and relatives, and of the sick and wounded who were unable to accompany their march and had to be left to their fate, while they themselves had a presentiment that their present sufferings were nothing in comparison with those which awaited them. Among all these piteous sights, Nikias himself offered a glorious example. Worn out by disease, compelled by the exigencies of the retreat to forego the medicines and treatment which his condition required, he nevertheless, weak as he was, did more than many strong men could do, while all his men knew well that he made those efforts, not from any wish or hope to save his own life, but that it was solely on their behalf that he did not give way to despair. The tears and lamentations of the rest were prompted by their own private sorrows and fears, but the only grief shown by Nikias was that so splendid an expedition should have ended in such miserable failure. Those who watched his noble bearing &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 32]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_32&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;and remembered how earnestly he had opposed the whole scheme, were filled with compassion for his undeserved sufferings. They began to despair of the favour of Heaven being shown to themselves, when they reflected that this man, careful as he had always been to perform every religious duty, was now no better off than the humblest or the most wicked soldier in his army.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Nikias made heroic efforts by cheerful looks, encouraging speeches, and personal appeals to his followers, to show himself superior to fortune. Throughout the retreat, although for eight days in succession he was constantly harassed by the attacks of the enemy, he nevertheless kept the division under his command unbroken and undefeated, until the other part of the army under Demosthenes was forced to surrender, being completely surrounded in an enclosed olive-ground, the property of Polyzelus, brother of the despot Gelon. Demosthenes himself drew his sword and stabbed himself, but not mortally, for the Syracusans quickly interposed and forced him to desist. When the Syracusans told Nikias of this disaster, and allowed him to send horsemen to convince him of its truth, he proposed terms to Gylippus, which were that the Athenians should be allowed to leave Sicily, on condition of the repayment of the whole expenses of the war, for which he offered to give hostages. These terms were refused, and the enemy with insulting cries and threats proceeded to shoot with missiles of all kinds at the Athenians, who were now completely without food or drink. Yet Nikias prevailed upon them to hold out during that night, and on the following day he led them, still under fire from the enemy, across the plain leading to the river Asinarus. There some were forced into the stream by the enemy, while others cast themselves in to quench their thirst. A most dreadful slaughter now took place, the Athenians being wild with thirst, and the Syracusans killing them as they drank, until Nikias surrendered himself to Gylippus, saying, &amp;quot;I beseech you, now that you are victorious, to show some mercy, not to me, but to the Athenian troops. Consider how changeful is the fortune of war, and how gently the Athenians dealt with your men in their hour of victory.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Gylippus was visibly affected by the words, and by the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 33]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_33&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;sight of Nikias; for he knew how well the Spartan prisoners had been treated by him, when the peace was made with Athens; moreover, he thought that it would be a great honour to him if he could carry home the enemy&#039;s commander-in-chief as a prisoner. He received Nikias with kindness, and gave orders to take the rest of the Athenians alive. It was long, however, before these orders were understood and obeyed, so that more Athenians were slain than survived, although many were spared by the Syracusans in order that they might be sold for slaves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The prisoners were now assembled together, and their arms and armour hung upon the trees by the river side, as a trophy of the victory. The victors next crowned themselves with garlands, decorated their horses, cut off the manes and tails of the captured horses, and marched back into their own city, having by their courage and skill won the most complete victory ever gained by one Greek state over another.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; At a public assembly of the Syracusans and their allies which was shortly afterwards held, the orator Eurykles proposed that the day on which Nikias was taken should be kept as a festival for ever, upon which no work should be done, and sacrifice should be offered to the gods, and that the feast should be called the Asinaria, from the name of the river where the victory was won. The day was the twenty-sixth of the Dorian month Karneius, which the Athenians call Metageitnion (September 21st). Furthermore, he proposed that the Athenian slaves and allies should be sold, that the Athenians themselves, with what native Sicilians had joined them, should be confined in the stone quarries within the city of Syracuse, and that their generals should be put to death.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These propositions wore accepted by the Syracusans, who treated Hermokrates with contempt when he urged that to be merciful in victory would be more honourable to them than the victory itself. Gylippus too, when he begged that he might carry the Athenian generals alive to Sparta, was shamefully insulted by the excited Syracusans, who had long disliked the irritating Spartan airs of superiority natural to Gylippus, and now, flushed with victory, no longer cared to conceal their feelings. Timæus &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 34]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_34&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;tells us that they accused him of avarice and peculation, a hereditary vice, it appears, in his family since his father Kleandrides was banished from Sparta for taking bribes, while he himself afterwards stole thirty of the hundred talents which Lysander sent home to Sparta, and hid them under the roof of his house, but was informed against, and exiled in disgrace. This will be found described at greater length in the Life of Lysander.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In his account of the death of Nikias and Demosthenes, Timæus does not exactly follow the narrative of Thucydides and Philistus, as he informs us that while the assembly was still sitting, Hermokrates sent to their prison to inform them that they were condemned to death, and to afford them the means of dying by their own hands, while the other historians state that the Syracusans put them to death.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_4_4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_4_4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[4]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Be this as it may, their dead bodies were exposed before the gates of Syracuse as a spectacle for the citizens. I have heard also that at the present day a shield is shown in one of the temples at Syracuse, which is said to be that of Nikias, and which is beautifully adorned with woven coverings of purple and gold.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Of the Athenians, the most part perished in the stone quarries of disease and insufficient food, for they received only a pint of barley-meal and half-a-pint of water each day. Not a few, however, were sold into slavery, being stolen for that purpose by Syracusans, or having escaped disguised as slaves. The rest were at length branded upon their foreheads with the figure of a horse, and sold into slavery. Yet even in this extremity their well-bred and dignified behaviour came to their aid; for they soon either obtained their freedom, or gained the confidence and respect of their masters. Some gained their freedom by their knowledge of Euripides. It appears that the dramas of Euripides were especially popular in Sicily, but that only a few fragments of his works had hitherto reached the Greek cities in that island. We are told that many of these captives on their return to Athens affec&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 35]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_35&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;tionately embraced Euripides, and told him how some of them had been sold into slavery, but had been set free after they had taught their masters as much of his poetry as they could remember, while others, when wandering about the country as fugitives after the battle, had obtained food and drink by reciting passages from his plays. We need not then wonder at the tale of the people of Kaunus, who, when a ship pursued by pirates was making for their harbour at first refused to admit it, but afterwards enquired whether any on board knew the plays of Euripides; and on hearing that they did, allowed them to enter the harbour and save themselves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; At Athens the news of the catastrophe was at first disbelieved, because of the unsatisfactory way in which it reached the city. A stranger, it is said, disembarked at Peiræus, went into a barber&#039;s shop, and began to converse about what had happened as upon a theme which must be uppermost in every man&#039;s mind. The astonished barber, hearing for the first time such fearful tidings, ran up to Athens to communicate it to the archons, and to the public in the market-place. All were shocked and astonished at hearing this, and the archons immediately convoked the public assembly, and brought the barber before it. When he was asked to explain from whom he had heard this intelligence, as he could give no satisfactory account, he was regarded as a disturber of the public tranquillity by fabricating idle tales, and was even put to the torture. Soon, however, men arrived who confirmed his tale, and described all the details of the catastrophe as far as they had witnessed them. Then at last the countrymen of Nikias believed, after his death, what he had so often foretold to them during his life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;FOOTNOTES:&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1_1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1_1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In North Africa, the modern oasis of Siwah.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2_2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2_2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[2]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plemmyrium on one side, and the city of Syracuse on the other, command the entrance of the gulf known as the Great Harbour, inside of which lay the Athenian fleet and camp.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_3_3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_3_3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[3]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Grote.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_4_4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_4_4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[4]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Grote, Part II. ch. lx, points out that there is no real contradiction between the statement cited from Timæus, and the accounts gives of the transaction by Thucydides and Philistus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 36]&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;LIFE_OF_CRASSUS&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_36&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;LIFE OF CRASSUS.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Marcus Crassus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_5_5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_5_5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[5]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was the son of a father who had been censor, and enjoyed a triumph; but he was brought up with his two brothers in a small house. His brothers were married in the lifetime of their parents, and all had a common table, which seems to have been the chief reason that Crassus was a temperate and moderate man in his way of living. Upon the death of one of his brothers, Crassus married the widow,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_6_6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_6_6&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[6]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and she became the mother of his children; for in these matters also he lived as regular a life as any Roman. However, as he grew older, he was charged with criminal intercourse with Licinia,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_7_7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_7_7&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[7]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; one of the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 37]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_37&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Vestal Virgins, who was brought to trial; the prosecutor was one Plotinus. Licinia had a pleasant estate in the suburbs, which Crassus wished to get at a small price, and with this view he was continually about the woman and paying his court to her, which brought on him the suspicion of a criminal intercourse; but he was acquitted by the judices, being indebted in some degree to his love of money for his acquittal from the charge of debauching the vestal. But he never remitted his attentions to Licinia till he got possession of the property.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now, the Romans say that the many good qualities of Crassus were obscured by one vice, avarice; but the fact appears to be that one vice, which was more predominant in his character than all the rest hid his other vices. They allege, as the chief proof of his avarice, the mode in which he got his money and the amount of his property. Though he did not at first possess above three hundred talents, and during his first consulship he dedicated the tenth part of his property to Hercules,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_8_8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_8_8&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[8]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and feasted the people, and gave every Roman out of his own means enough to maintain him for three months; yet, before the Parthian expedition, upon making an estimate of his property, he found it amount to seven thousand one hundred talents. The greatest part of this, if one must tell the truth, though it be a scandalous story, he got together out of the fire and the war, making the public misfortunes the source of his wealth; for, when Sulla took the city, and sold the property of those whom he put to death, considering it and calling it spoil, and wishing to attach the infamy of the deed to as many of the most powerful men as he could, Crassus was never tired of receiving or buying. Besides this, observing the accidents that were indigenous and familiar at Rome, conflagrations, and tumbling down of houses owing to their &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 38]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_38&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;weight and crowded state, he bought slaves, who were architects and builders. Having got these slaves to the number of more than five hundred, it was his practice to buy up houses on fire, and the houses which were adjoining to those on fire; for the owners, owing to fear and uncertainty, would sell them at a low price; and thus the greatest part of Rome fell into the hands of Crassus: but, though he had so many artizans, he built no house except his own; for he used to say that those who were fond of building were ruined by themselves, without the aid of any opponent. Though he had many silver mines, and much valuable land, and many labourers on it, still one would suppose that all this was of little value, compared with the value of his slaves: so many excellent slaves he possessed,—readers, clerks, assayers of silver,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_9_9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_9_9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[9]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; house-managers, and table-servants; and he himself superintended their education, and paid attention to it and taught them, and, in short, he considered that a master was mainly concerned in looking after his slaves, who were the living implements of domestic economy. And here Crassus was right, if, as he used to say, it was his opinion that he ought to effect everything by the instrumentality of slaves, and that he himself should direct the slaves; for, we observe, that what is economical with respect to things lifeless is political with respect to men. But he was not right in thinking and saying that nobody was rich who could not maintain an army out of his substance; for war feeds not by a fixed allowance, according to Archidamus;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_10_10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_10_10&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[10]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and, consequently, the wealth that is required for war is unlimited; and this opinion of Crassus was very different from the opinion of Marius; for when Marius, after giving to each man fourteen jugera of land, found that they wanted more, he said, &amp;quot;May there never be a Roman who thinks that too little which is enough to maintain him.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 39]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_39&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Besides this, Crassus was hospitable to strangers, for his house was open to all, and he used to lend money to his friends without interest; but he would demand it back immediately on the expiration of the time of the borrower, which made the gratuitous loan more burdensome than heavy interest. In his entertainments the invitation was usually to persons of the plebeian class, and general: and the frugality of the banquet, which was accompanied with neatness and a friendly welcome, made it more agreeable than a sumptuous feast. In his literary pursuits he mainly studied oratory,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_11_11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_11_11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[11]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and that kind which was of practical use; and, having attained an ability in speaking equal to the first among the Romans, he surpassed in care and labour those who had the greatest talents; for they say, there was no case, however mean and contemptible, which he approached without preparation; and often, when Pompeius, and Cæsar, and Cicero, were unwilling to get up to speak, he would perform all the duties of an advocate: and for this reason he became more popular, being considered a careful man, and always ready to give his help. He pleased people, also, by his friendly and affable manner in taking them by the hand, and addressing them; for Crassus never met a Roman, however low and humble his condition might be, without returning his salute,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_12_12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_12_12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[12]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and addressing him by his name. He is also said to have been well versed in history, and to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 40]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_40&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;have paid some attention to philosophy by studying the writings of Aristoteles, in which he had for his teacher Alexander, a man who gave a proof of his moderation and easy temper in his intercourse with Crassus; for it was not easy to say whether he was poorer when he became acquainted with Crassus, or after the acquaintance was made. He was, indeed, the only friend of Crassus, who always accompanied him when he travelled abroad; and he used to wear a cloak,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_13_13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_13_13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[13]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; lent him for the purpose, which on his return he was asked to give back. Oh, the submission&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_14_14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_14_14&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[14]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of the man! for the poor fellow did not consider poverty among the things that are indifferent. But this belongs to a later period.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Marius and Cinna had got the upper hand, and it was soon apparent that they would reinstate themselves in Rome, not for the benefit of their country, but plainly for the destruction and ruin of the nobles, those who were caught in the city were put to death: among whom were the father and brother of Crassus. Crassus, being very young, escaped immediate danger; but, seeing that he was hemmed in on all sides, and hunted by the tyrants, he took with him three friends and ten slaves; and, using wonderful expedition, made his escape to Iberia, having been there before, when his father was Prætor,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_15_15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_15_15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[15]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and having made himself friends. Finding all in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 41]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_41&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;great alarm and trembling at the cruelty of Marius, as if he were close at hand, he did not venture to make himself known, but sought refuge in a tract bordering on the sea, belonging to Vibius Pacianus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_16_16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_16_16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[16]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; where he hid himself in a large cave. He sent a slave to Vibius to sound his disposition; for the provisions that Crassus brought with him were now exhausted. On hearing the news, Vibius was pleased that Crassus had escaped; and inquiring about the number of persons with him, and where the place was, he did not go himself to see them, but he took his villicus near the spot, and ordered him to have food daily prepared, and to carry it and place it near the rock, and to go away without speaking a word, and not to be curious about the matter, or make any inquiries; and he gave him notice, that if he did meddle at all he should be put to death, but if he faithfully helped in the matter he should have his freedom. The cave is not far from the sea, and the precipices which shut it in leave a small and hardly perceptible path&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_17_17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_17_17&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[17]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which leads into the cave; but when you have entered, it opens to a wonderful height, and spreads out wide, with recesses which open into one another, and are of a large circuit. It is also neither without water nor light: for a spring of the purest water oozes out at the base of the precipice; and there are &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 42]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_42&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;natural clefts about that part where the rock closes, by which the external light is admitted, and in the daytime the spot is fully illuminated. The air within is free from all moisture caused by dropping, and is quite pure, owing to the compactness of the rock, which diverts all the wet and droppings to the spring.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; While Crassus stayed in the cave, the slave came daily to bring provisions; but he did not see the persons who were concealed, or know who they were; though he was seen by them, inasmuch as they knew, and watched the times of his coming. Now, the provision that was made for their meals was ample enough even for luxury, and not merely sufficient for their necessities. But Vibius determined to show Crassus every kind of friendly attention; and it occurred to him to consider the youth of Crassus, that he was a very young man, and that provision should be made in some degree also for the pleasures suitable to his age, and that merely to supply his wants would argue that he was serving Crassus as little as he could, rather than with hearty zeal; accordingly, he took with him two handsome female slaves, and went down to the sea-coast. When he came to the place, he pointed to the road that led up to it, and told them to go in boldly. Crassus, seeing them approach, was afraid that the spot was known, and had been discovered; and, accordingly, he asked them what they wanted, and who they were. The women replied, as they had been instructed, that they were looking for their master, who was concealed there; on which Crassus perceived the joke which Vibius was playing off upon him, and his kind attentions, and received the women; and they stayed with him for the rest of the time, telling and reporting to Vibius what he requested them. Fenestella&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_18_18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_18_18&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[18]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; says, that he saw one of these slaves when she was an old woman, and that he had often heard her mention this, and tell the story with pleasure.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In this way Crassus spent eight months in conceal&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 43]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_43&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ment; but as soon as he heard of Cinna&#039;s end, he showed himself, and out of the numbers that flocked to him he selected two thousand five hundred, with whom he went round to the cities; and one city, Malaca,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_19_19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_19_19&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[19]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he plundered, according to the testimony of many authors, though they say that he denied the fact, and contradicted those who affirmed it. After this he got together some vessels, and crossed over to Libya, to Metellus Pius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_20_20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_20_20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[20]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a man of reputation who had collected a force by no means contemptible. But he stayed no long time there; for he quarrelled with Metellus, and then set out to join Sulla, by whom he was treated with particular respect. When Sulla had passed over the sea to Italy, he wished all the young men who were with him to aid him actively, and he appointed them to different duties. Crassus, on being sent into the country of the Marsi to raise troops, asked for a guard, because the road lay through a tract which was occupied by the enemy; Sulla replied to him in passion and with vehemence, &amp;quot;I give thee as guards thy father, thy brother, thy friends, thy kinsmen, who were cut off illegally and wrongfully, and whose murderers I am now pursuing.&amp;quot; Stung by these words, and pricked on to the undertaking, Crassus immediately set out, and, vigorously making his way through the enemy, he got together a strong force, and showed himself active in the battles of Sulla. The events of that war, it is said, first excited him to rivalry and competition with Pompeius for distinction. Pompeius was younger than Crassus, and his father had a bad repute at Rome, and had been bitterly hated by the citizens; but still Pompeius shone conspicuous in the events of that period and proved himself to be a great man, so that Sulla showed him marks of respect which he did not very often show to others of more advanced years &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 44]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_44&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;and of his own rank, by rising from his seat when Pompeius approached, and uncovering his head, and addressing him by the title of Imperator. All this set Crassus in a flame, and goaded him, inasmuch as he was thus slighted in comparison with Pompeius; and with good reason; Crassus was deficient in experience, and the credit that he got by his military exploits was lost by his innate vices,—love of gain and meanness; for, upon taking Tudertia,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_21_21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_21_21&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[21]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a city of the Umbri, it was suspected that he appropriated to himself most of the spoil, and this was made a matter of charge against him to Sulla. However, in the battle near Rome,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_22_22&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_22_22&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[22]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which was the greatest in all the war, and the last, Sulla was defeated, the soldiers under his command being put to flight, and some of them trampled down in the pursuit: Crassus, who commanded the right wing, was victorious, and, after continuing the pursuit till nightfall, he sent to Sulla to ask for something for his soldiers to eat, and to report his success. But, during the proscriptions and confiscations, on the other hand, he got a bad name, by buying at low prices large properties, and asking for grants. It is said that, in the country of the Bruttii, he also proscribed a person, not pursuant to Sulla&#039;s orders, but merely to enrich himself thereby, and that, on this account, Sulla, who disapproved of his conduct, never employed him again in any public business. However, Crassus was most expert in gaining over everybody by flattery; and, on the other hand, he was easily taken in by flattery from any person. It is further mentioned as a peculiarity in his character, that, though very greedy of gain,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_23_23&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_23_23&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[23]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he hated and abused those most who were like himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; But Crassus was most annoyed at the military success of Pompeius, and his enjoying a triumph before he became a senator, and being called by the citizens Magnus, which means Great. On one occasion, when somebody observed that Pompeius the Great was approach&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 45]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_45&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ing, Crassus smiled, and asked, How great he was? But, as Crassus despaired of equalling Pompeius in military reputation, he entered upon a political career, and, by his activity, by pleading in the courts, and lending money, and by canvassing for candidates, and subjecting himself to all kinds of scrutiny in conjunction with those who wanted anything of the people, he acquired a power and reputation equal to what Pompeius had got by his many and great military services. And the result to each of them was something unusual; for, when Pompeius was absent from Rome, his name and his influence in the State, by reason of his military exploits, was superior to that of Crassus; but when Pompeius was at Rome, he often fell short of Crassus in influence, for his haughty temper and habitual pride made him avoid crowds and retire from the Forum, and seldom give his aid to those who sought it, and then not readily; his object being to keep his power at a higher pitch, by exercising it only on his own behalf. But Crassus was always ready to make himself useful, and he did not keep himself retired, nor was he difficult of access, but he was always busy in everything that was going on, and by the general kindness of his behaviour he got the advantage over the proud bearing of Pompeius. In personal dignity, in persuasive speech, and attractive expression of countenance it is said they were both equally fortunate. However, this rivalry did not hurry Crassus into any personal enmity or ill-will, and though, he was annoyed at Pompeius and Cæsar receiving greater honour than himself, he never allowed this jealous feeling to be associated with any hostility or ill disposition. It is true that when Cæsar was taken and detained by the pirates, he cried out, &amp;quot;What pleasure you will have, Crassus, when you hear of my capture!&amp;quot; But afterwards, at least, they were on friendly terms, and, when Cæsar was going to Iberia, as prætor,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_24_24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_24_24&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[24]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and had no money in consequence of his creditors having come upon him and seizing all his outfit, Crassus did not leave him in this difficulty, but got him released, by becoming security for him to the amount of eight hundred and thirty talents. When all Rome became &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 46]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_46&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;divided into three parties,—that of Pompeius, Cæsar and Crassus,—(for Cato&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_25_25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_25_25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[25]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; had more reputation than power, and was more admired than followed), the sober and conservative part of the citizens adhered to Pompeius; the violent and those who were lightly moved, were led by the hopes that they had from Cæsar; Crassus, by keeping a middle position, used both parties for his purposes, and, as he very often changed in his political views, he was neither a firm friend nor an irreconcilable enemy, but he would readily give up either his friendship or his enmity on calculation of interest; so that within a short interval, he often came forward to speak both for and against the same men and the same measures. He had also great influence, both because he was liked and feared, but mainly because he was feared. Accordingly Sicinius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_26_26&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_26_26&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[26]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was the most violent in his attacks on the magistrates and popular leaders of the day, in reply to one who asked, &amp;quot;Why Crassus was the only person whom he did not worry, and why he let him alone?&amp;quot; said, &amp;quot;That he had hay on his horn:&amp;quot; now, the Romans were accustomed to tie some hay round the horn of an ox that butted, as a warning to those who might meet it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The insurrection of the gladiators and their devastation of Italy, which is generally called the war of Spartacus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_27_27&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_27_27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[27]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; originated as follows:—One Lentulus Batiates kept gladiators in Capua, of whom the majority, who were Gauls and Thracians, had been closely confined, not for &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 47]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_47&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;any misbehaviour on their part, but through the villainy of their purchaser, for the purpose of fighting in the games. Two hundred of these resolved to make their escape; but their design being betrayed, those who had notice of the discovery, and succeeded in getting away, to the number of seventy-eight, took knives and spits out of a cook&#039;s shop, and sallied out. Meeting on the way with some waggons that were conveying gladiators&#039; arms to another city, they plundered the waggons, and armed themselves. Seizing on a strong position, they chose three leaders, of whom the first was Spartacus, a Thracian of nomadic race, a man not only of great courage and strength, but, in judgment and mildness of character, superior to his condition, and more like a Greek than one would expect from his nation. They say that when Spartacus was first taken to Rome to be sold, a snake was seen folded over his face while he was sleeping, and a woman, of the same tribe with Spartacus, who was skilled in divination, and possessed by the mysterious rites of Dionysus, declared that this was a sign of a great and formidable power which would attend him to a happy termination. This woman was at that time cohabiting with Spartacus, and she made her escape with him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The gladiators began by repelling those who came against them from Capua and getting a stock of military weapons, for which they gladly exchanged their gladiators&#039; arms, which they threw away as a badge of dishonour, and as barbaric. Clodius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_28_28&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_28_28&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[28]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the prætor was next sent against them from Rome, with three thousand men, and he blockaded them on a mountain which had only one ascent, and that was difficult and narrow, and Clodius had possession of it; on all other sides there were steep smooth-faced precipices. On the top of the hill there grew a great quantity of wild vines, and the men of Spartacus cutting off all the shoots that were adapted to their purpose, and, intertwining them, made strong and long ladders, so &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 48]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_48&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;that when fastened above, they reached along the face of the precipice to the level ground, and they all safely descended by them except one man, who stayed to take care of the arms; and, when all the rest had descended, he let the arms down, and, having done this, he got down safe himself. The Romans did not know what was going on; and accordingly, when the gladiators surrounded them, they were put in alarm by the surprise, and fled, on which the enemy took their camp. Many of the herdsmen and shepherds in those parts also joined the gladiators, men ever ready for a quarrel, and light of foot, some of whom the gladiators armed, and others they employed as scouts and light troops. Publius Barinus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_29_29&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_29_29&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[29]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the prætor was next sent against them, whose legatus, one Furius, at the head of two thousand soldiers, the gladiators engaged and put to flight. Cossinus was then despatched, with a large force, to advise with Barinus, and to be associated in the command; but Spartacus, watching his opportunity, while Cossinus was bathing at Salenæ,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_30_30&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_30_30&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[30]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was very near seizing him. Cossinus made his escape with great difficulty, and Spartacus, seizing the baggage, closely followed up the pursuit, with great slaughter of the Romans, and he took the camp. Cossinus also fell. Spartacus, after defeating the prætor himself in many other battles, and at last seizing his lictors and his horse, now became great and formidable: but still he formed a just judgment of the state of affairs and, not expecting to get the advantage over the power of the Romans, he designed to lead his forces to the Alps; thinking that it was advisable for them to cross the mountains and to go to their several homes, some to Thrace and some to Gaul. But the gladiators being strong in numbers, and confident, would not listen to him, and they went about ravaging Italy. The Senate were now no longer troubled merely at the humiliation and disgrace that they suffered by the revolt; but, moved by &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 49]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_49&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;fear and the danger, they sent out both the consuls&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_31_31&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_31_31&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[31]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; as to a war of the utmost difficulty and importance. Gellius, suddenly falling on the Germans, who, by reason of their arrogance and self-confidence, had separated from the troops of Spartacus, destroyed the whole body; and after Lentulus had hemmed in Spartacus with large armies, Spartacus, rushing upon them and joining battle, defeated the legates and got all the baggage. Spartacus now attempted to force his way towards the Alps; and Cassius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_32_32&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_32_32&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[32]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who &amp;quot;was the governor of Gaul upon the Padus, met him with ten thousand men, and a battle was fought, in which Cassius was defeated with great lose, and with difficulty made his escape.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The Senate, on receiving this news, angrily bade the consuls keep quiet, and they appointed Crassus to the command of the war, whose reputation and popularity induced many of the nobles to serve under him. Crassus took his station on the frontiers of Picenum, with the view of waiting for Spartacus, who was moving in that direction; and he sent Mummius, his legatus, at the head of two legions, to make a circuit, and with orders to follow the enemy, but not to engage with them, nor come to close quarters. But Mummius, as soon as he got what he thought a favourable opportunity, fought a battle, and was defeated; many of his men fell, and many, flying without their arms, made their escape. Crassus received Mummius himself roughly, and arming the soldiers again, he required of them security for their arms, that they would keep them; and five hundred, who had been the first to run, and had shown most cowardice, he distributed into &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 50]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_50&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;fifty decades,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_33_33&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_33_33&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[33]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and out of each decade he took one man, by lot, and put him to death; thus inflicting on the soldiers this ancient mode of punishment which had long fallen into disuse; for disgrace also is added to the manner of death, and many things horrible and dreadful to see accompany the punishment, in the presence of all the spectators. After inflicting this punishment, he made his men again face about and march against the enemy. Spartacus, however, avoided Crassus, and made his way through Lucania to the sea, and, falling in with some Cilician piratical vessels, in the Straits, he formed a design to seize Sicily, and by throwing two thousand men into the island, to kindle again the servile war there, the flames of which had not long since been quenched, and required only a few sparks to set it again in a blaze. The Cilicians&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_34_34&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_34_34&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[34]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; came to terms with Spartacus, and received his presents; but they deceived him, and sailed off. Under these circumstances, he marched back from the coast, and fixed his army in the peninsula of the Rhegine territory. Crassus now came up, and observing that the nature of the ground suggested what was to be done, he resolved to build a wall across the isthmus, for the purpose of keeping his soldiers employed, and cutting off the supplies of the enemy. Though the undertaking was great and difficult, he accomplished it, and completed the work, contrary to all expectation, in a short time, by digging a ditch&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_35_35&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_35_35&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[35]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; from sea to sea, through the neck of land, three hundred stadia in length, fifteen feet deep, and as many wide; and above the ditch he raised a rampart of surprising height and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 51]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_51&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;strength. At first Spartacus paid no attention to what was going on, and treated it with contempt; but when forage began to fail, and he wanted to advance further into the interior, he discovered the lines of Crassus; and as there was nothing to be got in the peninsula, taking advantage of a night when there was a fall of snow and a wintry storm, he filled up a small part of the ditch with earth, and wood, and the branches of trees, and so carried over a third part of his army.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now Crassus was afraid that Spartacus might form a design to march against Rome; but he was encouraged by many of the followers of Spartacus quitting their leader, in consequence of some disputes, and encamping by themselves upon the banks of the lake Lucanis,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_36_36&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_36_36&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[36]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which they say is subject to changes, at certain intervals becoming sweet, and then again salt, and not potable. Crassus coming upon this band, drove them from the lake; but he was prevented from cutting them to pieces and pursuing them, by the sudden appearance of Spartacus, who checked the flight. Crassus had, before this, written to the Senate, to say that they ought to summon Lucullus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_37_37&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_37_37&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[37]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; from Thrace, and Pompeius from Iberia; but he now changed his mind, and made every effort to put an end to the war before they &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 52]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_52&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;arrived, knowing that the success would be attributed to him who came last, and brought help, and not to himself. Accordingly, he determined to attack first those who had separated from the main body, and were carrying on the campaign by themselves, under the command of Caius Cannicius and Castus; and he dispatched six thousand men, with orders to occupy a certain hill, and keep themselves concealed. The men of Crassus endeavoured to escape notice by covering their helmets; but, being seen by two women, who were sacrificing for the enemy, they would have been in danger, if Crassus had not quickly appeared, and fought a battle, the most severely contested of all in this war, in which he destroyed twelve thousand three hundred men, of whom he found only two wounded in the back: all the rest died in the ranks, fighting against the Romans. After the defeat of this body, Spartacus retired to the mountains of Petilia,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_38_38&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_38_38&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[38]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; followed by Quintius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_39_39&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_39_39&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[39]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; one of the generals of Crassus, and Scrofas, his quæstor, who hung close on his rear. But, upon Spartacus facing about, the Romans were thrown into disorderly flight, and made their escape, after having with difficulty rescued their quæstor, who was wounded. This success was the ruin of Spartacus, in consequence of the self-confidence which it infused into the slaves: they would not now consent to avoid a battle, nor yet would they obey their commanders, whom they surrounded, with arms in their hands, on the march, and compelled to lead them back through Lucania against the Romans, wherein they did the very thing that Crassus desired; for it was reported that Pompeius was now approaching, and there were not a few who openly said that the victory in this war belonged to him; for he would fight as soon as he arrived, and put an end to the campaign. While Crassus, therefore, who was eager to decide the affair by a battle, and to fix his camp near the enemy, was engaged in digging his trenches, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 53]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_53&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;the slaves came up to them and attacked the men who were at work. As fresh men from both sides kept coming up to help their comrades, Spartacus, seeing that he must fight, arranged all his army in order of battle. When his horse was brought to him, he drew his sword and said, that if he won the battle he should have plenty of fine horses from the enemy, and if he was defeated he should not want one; upon which he killed his horse, and then he made his way towards Crassus himself, through many men, and inflicting many wounds; but he did not succeed in reaching Crassus, though he engaged with and killed two centurions. At last, after those about him had fled, he kept his ground, and, being surrounded by a great number, he fought till he was cut down. But, though Crassus had been successful, and had displayed the skill of a great general, and had exposed his person to danger, yet the credit of the victory did not escape being appropriated to Pompeius; for those who fled from the battle were destroyed by him, and Pompeius wrote to the Senate that Crassus had defeated the slaves in the open field, but he had cut up the war by the roots.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_40_40&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_40_40&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[40]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now Pompeius had a splendid triumph for his victory over Sertorius and his exploits in Iberia; but Crassus did not venture to ask for the greater triumph; and even as to the foot triumph called the ovation, which he did enjoy, it was considered but a mean thing, and below his dignity that he had a triumph for a servile war. But how the ovation differs from the other triumph, and about the name, I have spoken in the &#039;Life of Marcellus.&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_41_41&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_41_41&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[41]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After these events, Pompeius was forthwith in&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 54]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_54&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;vited to the consulship,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_42_42&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_42_42&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[42]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and, though Crassus had hopes of becoming his colleague, still he did not hesitate to solicit the assistance of Pompeius. Pompeius gladly listened to his proposal, for he was desirous in any way always to have Crassus his debtor for some obligation, and he actively exerted himself on behalf of Crassus; and finally he said, in his address to the public assembly, that he should feel no less grateful for the return of Crassus as his colleague than for his own election. They did not, however, continue in this harmony after entering on their office, but they differed on almost every subject, and quarrelled about everything, and by their disputes rendered their consulship unfruitful in all political measures, and ineffectual: however, Crassus made a great festival in honour of Hercules, and feasted the people at ten thousand tables, and gave them an allowance of corn for three months. It was at the close of their consulship, when Pompeius and Crassus happened to be addressing the public assembly, that a man, not of any distinction, a Roman eques, a rustic in his mode of life, and one who did not meddle with public affairs, Onatius Aurelius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_43_43&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_43_43&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[43]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; got up on the rostra, and, coming forward, told a dream which he had had. &amp;quot;Jupiter,&amp;quot; he said, &amp;quot;appeared to me, and bade me tell the citizens not to let the consuls lay down their office before they have become friends.&amp;quot; Upon the man saying this, and the assembly bidding the consuls be reconciled, Pompeius stood silent; but Crassus offering his right hand first, said, &amp;quot;Citizens, I do not consider that I am humbling myself or doing anything unworthy of me when I make the advance towards good-will and friendship to Pompeius, to whom you gave the name of Magnus before he had a beard, and voted a triumph before he was a senator.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; These were the things worthy of commemoration in the consulship of Crassus. But his censorship&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_44_44&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_44_44&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[44]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; passed &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 55]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_55&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;over altogether without results, and without any active measures; for he neither revised the senate, nor inspected the equites, nor made a census of the citizens, though he had for his colleague Lutatius Catulus, the mildest of the Romans. But it is said that Crassus designed a shameful and violent measure, to make Egypt tributary to the Romans, and that Catulus opposed him vigorously, on which a difference arising between them, they voluntarily laid down their office. In the affair of Catiline,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_45_45&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_45_45&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[45]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which was a serious matter, and one that came near overthrowing Rome, some suspicion, it is true, attached to Crassus, and a man came forward to name him as implicated in the conspiracy, but nobody believed him. However, Cicero, in one of his orations, evidently imputed to Crassus and Cæsar participation in the plot; but this oration was not published till after the death of both of them. But in the oration on his consulship, Cicero says that Crassus came to him by night and brought a letter&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_46_46&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_46_46&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[46]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which contained information on the affair of Catiline, as if his object was to establish the truth of the conspiracy. Now Crassus always hated Cicero for this, but his son stood in the way &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 56]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_56&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;of his doing Cicero any open injury. For Publius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_47_47&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_47_47&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[47]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was fond of oratory and of improving himself, was much attached to Cicero, and went so far as to change his dress when Cicero did at the time of his trial, and he induced the other young men to do the same. At last he prevailed upon his father, and reconciled him to Cicero.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Cæsar returned from his province,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_48_48&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_48_48&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[48]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he made preparations to be a candidate for the consulship; but, observing that Crassus and Pompeius were again at enmity, he did not choose by applying to one of them for his help to have the other for his enemy, and he did not think that he could succeed if neither of them assisted him. Accordingly, he set about reconciling them, by continually urging upon them, and showing that by their attempts to ruin one another they would increase the power of the Ciceros, and Catuli, and Catos, who would lose all their influence if they would unite their friends and adherents, and so direct the administration with combined strength, and one purpose. By persuasion and effecting a reconciliation, he brought them together, and he formed out of the union of all three an irresistible power by which he put down the Roman senate and the people, though he did not make Pompeius and Crassus more powerful, one through the other, but by means of the two he made himself most powerful; for immediately on being supported by Pompeius and Crassus, he was elected consul by a great majority. While Cæsar was ably discharging the business of the consulship, Crassus and Pompeius, by procuring for him the command of armies, and by delivering Gaul into his hands, fixed him in a kind of acropolis, thinking that they should administer the rest of the State as they mutually agreed, after securing to Cæsar the authority which the lot had &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 57]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_57&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;given him. Now Pompeius did all this through unbounded love of power; but to the old vice of Crassus, his avarice, there was now added a new passion, ambition for trophies and triumphs excited by the great exploits of Cæsar, since it was in this alone that he was Cæsar&#039;s inferior; for he had the superiority in everything else; and his passion remitted not nor diminished till it resulted in an inglorious death and public misfortunes. Cæsar had come down from Gaul to the city of Luca, and many of the Romans went to him there, and Pompeius and Crassus had private conferences with him, in which they agreed to take affairs in hand more vigorously, and to hold the whole power of the State at their disposal, to which end Cæsar was to remain in his military command, and Pompeius and Crassus were to have other provinces and armies. To this object there was only one road, which was to ask for a second consulship, and Cæsar was to assist them in their canvass by writing to his friends and sending many of his soldiers to support them at the comitia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As soon as Crassus and Pompeius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_49_49&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_49_49&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[49]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; returned to Rome, suspicion was excited, and there was much talk through the whole city that their meeting had been held for no good. In the Senate Marcellinus and Domitius asked Pompeius if he intended to be a candidate for the consulship, to which Pompeius replied that perhaps he should, and perhaps he should not; being asked again, he said that he was a candidate for the votes of the good citizens, but not a candidate for the votes of the bad. It was considered that Pompeius had made a haughty and arrogant answer; but Crassus said, in a more modest tone, that he would be a candidate, if it was for the interest of the State; if it was not, he would decline. This encouraged certain persons to become candidates, among &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 58]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_58&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;whom was Domitius. However, when Pompeius and Crassus had openly declared themselves candidates, the rest were afraid and withdrew; but Domitius was encouraged by Cato, who was his kinsman and friend, and stimulated and urged him to stick to his hopes, with the view of defending the common liberties; he said &amp;quot;it was not the consulship that Pompeius and Crassus wanted, but a tyranny; that their conduct showed they were not asking for the consulship, but aiming to seize on the provinces and the armies.&amp;quot; By such arguments, which were also his real opinions, Cato, all but by force, brought Domitius to the Forum, and many sided with them. And those who were surprised at the canvassing of Pompeius and Crassus were no small number. &amp;quot;Why then do they want a second consulship? And why do they wish to be colleagues again? And why will they not have the consulship with other colleagues? There are many men among us who are surely not unworthy to be colleagues with Crassus and Pompeius.&amp;quot; This alarmed the partizans of Pompeius, who now abstained from no proceeding, however disorderly and violent; but, in addition to all the rest, they placed a body of men to lie in wait and attack Domitius as he was going down to the Forum, while it was still dark, with his partizans, and they killed the man that held the light, and wounded many, among whom was Cato. After putting the party of Domitius to flight, and driving them back to the house,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_50_50&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_50_50&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[50]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Pompeius and Crassus were proclaimed consuls. Shortly after, they again surrounded the Senate-house with armed men, and, after driving Cato out of the Forum, and killing some persons who opposed them, they procured another five years&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_51_51&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_51_51&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[51]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 59]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_59&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;administration to be added to Cæsar&#039;s term, and the two provinces of Syria and Iberia to be given to them. When the lots were cast, Crassus got Syria, and Pompeius had Iberia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The result of the lot was not universally disliked; for the majority wished Pompeius not to be far from the city, and Pompeius, who was much attached to his wife,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_52_52&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_52_52&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[52]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; intended to spend his time chiefly in Rome. Crassus showed by his joy, immediately on the falling out of the lot, that he considered no greater good fortune had ever befallen him, and he could scarcely keep quiet before strangers and in public; to his friends he uttered many foolish and puerile expressions quite inconsistent with his years and temper, for he had never before shown himself in the least degree a braggart or arrogant. But now, being mightily elated, and his head completely turned, he was not for making Syria or Palestine the limit of his victories; but, designing to make the exploits of Lucullus against Tigranes, and those of Pompeius against Mithridates appear mere child&#039;s play, he extended his hopes as far as to the Bactrians, and the Indians, and the external sea. And yet there was no mention of a Parthian war in the law&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_53_53&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_53_53&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[53]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that was drawn up on this occasion. But every&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 60]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_60&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;body knew that Crassus was passionately bent on a Parthian war, and Cæsar wrote to him from Gaul, approving of his design, and urging him to it. When it was known that Ateius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_54_54&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_54_54&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[54]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the tribune, intended to offer some opposition to his leaving the city, and many persons joined him who complained that Crassus was going to make war upon a people who were doing the Romans no wrong, and had a treaty with them, Crassus in alarm prayed Pompeius to accompany him, and escort him out of the city. Now, the reputation of Pompeius with the multitude was great, and, by showing himself in front of Crassus, with cheerful looks and countenance, he tranquillized a numerous body of people who were prepared to obstruct Crassus, and to raise a shout against him, so that they made way and let him pass through them quietly. But Ateius met Crassus, and, first of all, endeavoured to stop him by words, and he protested against his marching out: in the next place, he ordered his attendant to lay hold of Crassus, and to detain him; but, as the rest of the tribunes would not allow this, the attendant quitted his hold of Crassus, and Ateius running to the gate, placed there a burning brazier, and, as soon as Crassus arrived, he threw incense and poured libations upon it, and, at the same time, he denounced against Crassus curses, in themselves dreadful and terrific, and, in addition thereto, he uttered the names of certain awful and inauspicious deities. The Romans say that these mysterious and ancient curses have great efficacy, that no man can escape upon whom they are laid, and that he who utters them also has an unlucky end, and, accordingly, they are not denounced either on ordinary occasions, or by many persons. Ateius was blamed for letting loose such imprecations and religious fears upon a State, on behalf of which he was hostile to Crassus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Crassus arrived at Brundisium, though &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 61]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_61&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;the sea was still rough owing to the wintry weather, he would not wait, but he set sail, and so lost many of his vessels. After getting together the remnant of his forces, he marched through Galatia.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_55_55&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_55_55&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[55]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Finding King Deiotarus, who was now a very old man, founding a new city, Crassus said sarcastically, &amp;quot;King, you are beginning to build at the twelfth hour.&amp;quot; The Galatian, with a smile, replied, &amp;quot;You, too, Imperator, I observe, are not very early with your Parthian expedition.&amp;quot; Now Crassus was past sixty, and he looked older than he was. On his arrival, matters at first turned out fully equal to his expectation; for he easily threw a bridge over the Euphrates, and got his army across safely, and he also obtained possession of many cities in Mesopotamia which surrendered. Before one of them, of which Apollonius was tyrant, he lost a hundred men, upon which he brought his force against the place, and, having got possession of it, he made plunder of all the property, and sold the people: the Greeks called the city Zenodotia.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_56_56&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_56_56&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[56]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On the capture of the city, Crassus allowed his soldiers to proclaim him Imperator, wherein he greatly disgraced himself, and showed the meanness of his spirit, and that he had no good hopes of greater things, as he was content with so slight a success. Having put garrisons in the cities that had surrendered, to the amount of seven thousand infantry and a thousand cavalry, he retired to winter in Syria, and there to await his son,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_57_57&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_57_57&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[57]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was coming from Cæsar in Gaul, with the decorations that he had gained by his valour, and with a thousand picked &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 62]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_62&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;horsemen. This seemed to be the first blunder of Crassus, or at least, it was the greatest blunder that he committed next to the expedition itself; for he ought to have advanced and to have secured Babylon and Seleukeia,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_58_58&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_58_58&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[58]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; two cities which were always hostile to the Parthians; instead of which, he gave his enemies time to make preparation. The next thing the people blamed was his waste of time in Syria, which was employed more for purposes of money profit than for military purposes; for he did not occupy himself in reviewing the numbers of his troops, nor establishing games to keep the soldiers in exercise, but he busied himself about estimating the revenues of cities, and he was for many days with weights and scales in his hands among the treasures of the goddess in Hierapolis,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_59_59&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_59_59&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[59]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and, after requiring from the towns and princes contingents of men, he would remit his requisitions for a sum of money; by all which he lost his reputation, and fell into contempt. The first sign that happened to him proceeded from this goddess herself, whom some consider to be Aphrodite (Venus); and others Hera (Juno); others again believe her to be the cause that has supplied from moisture the seeds for all things, and nature, and the power that has pointed out the source of all good things for men; for, as they were going out of the temple, young Crassus first stumbled at the gate, and then his father fell upon him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; While Crassus was getting together his forces out of the winter quarter, there came ambassadors from Arsakes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_60_60&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_60_60&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[60]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with a short message. They said, if the army &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 63]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_63&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;was sent by the Romans, there was nothing but war without truce, and without any terms; but if Crassus, contrary to the wish of his country, as they heard, had brought arms against the Parthians and occupied territory for his private profit, Arsakes would act with moderation, and would take pity on the old age of Crassus, and give up to the Romans the men whom he had in his power, and who were rather under guard themselves than keeping guard over others. Crassus haughtily replied, that he would give an answer in Seleukeia; on which Vagises, the oldest of the ambassadors, smiled, and, showing the palm of his hand, said, &amp;quot;From here, Crassus, hair will grow before you see Seleukeia.&amp;quot; The ambassadors now returned to Hyrodes, to inform him that he must be ready for war. From the cities of Mesopotamia, in which there were Roman garrisons, some soldiers, who made their escape at great hazard, brought reports that caused much anxiety, having been eye-witnesses of the numbers of the enemy, and of their mode of attacking the cities; and, as is usual, they magnified everything which they reported. &amp;quot;When the enemy pursued,&amp;quot; they said, &amp;quot;no man could escape from them, and when they fled, they could not be overtaken; that strange missiles preceded the appearance of the enemy, and before one could see who sent them, they pierced &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 64]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_64&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;through everything that they struck; and as to the arms of the mailed&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_61_61&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_61_61&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[61]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; soldiers, some were made to push through every obstacle, and others to give way to nothing.&amp;quot; When the soldiers heard this their courage sank; for they had been led to believe that the Parthians did not differ at all from the Armenians and Cappadocians, whom Lucullus plundered and robbed till he was weary, and they thought that the hardest part of the war would be a long march, and the pursuit of men who would not come to close quarters; but now, contrary to their hopes, they were in expectation of a contest and great danger, so that some of the officers thought that Crassus ought to stop, and again submit to their deliberation the general state of affairs. Among these was Cassius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_62_62&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_62_62&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[62]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the quæstor. The seers, also, in gentle terms showed that bad and unfavourable signs were always prognosticated to Crassus by the victims. But Crassus paid no attention to them, nor to those who advised anything else except to move on.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; But Crassus was in no small degree encouraged by Artabazes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_63_63&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_63_63&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[63]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the king of the Armenians, who came to the camp with six thousand horsemen. These were said to be the guards and attendants of the king; and he promised ten thousand men clothed in mail and thirty thousand infantry, who were to be maintained at his own cost. He attempted to persuade Crassus to invade Parthia through Armenia; for, he said, the army would not only have abundance of provision in its march through the country by reason of him supplying them, but would also advance safely, having in their front many mountains and continuous hills, and ground unfavourable for cavalry, in which alone lay the strength of the Parthians. Crassus was well enough satisfied with the zeal of the king and the splendour of the proffered aid; but he said he would march through Mesopotamia, where he had left many brave Romans; upon this the Armenian went away. As &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 65]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_65&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Crassus was taking his army over at the Zeugma,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_64_64&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_64_64&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[64]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; many extraordinary claps of thunder broke around, and many flashes of lightning came right in front of the army; and a wind, mingled with cloud and hurricane,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_65_65&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_65_65&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[65]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; falling on the raft, broke up and crushed to pieces a large part of it. The spot also, on which Crassus intended to encamp, was &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 66]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_66&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;struck with two thunderbolts.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_66_66&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_66_66&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[66]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A horse, belonging to the general, which was caparisoned in splendid style, violently dragged along the man who held the reins, and plunging into the stream, disappeared. It is said also, that the first eagle which was raised, turned round spontaneously. Added to this, it happened that, as they were giving out the rations to the soldiers after crossing the river, lentils and salt were given first, which the Romans consider to be symbols of lamentation, and are accustomed to place before the dead; and, as Crassus was haranguing the soldiers, an expression escaped him which greatly alarmed the army. He said he would destroy the raft over the river, that no one among them might return; and though he ought, upon seeing the imprudence of his words, to have recalled what he had said and explained it to the soldiers, he neglected to do so, through his arrogant temper. Finally, when he was offering the usual expiatory sacrifice, and the priest had put the viscera into his hands, he threw them away, on which, observing that the standers-by were greatly disturbed, he said with a smile, &amp;quot;Such is old age; but no arms at least shall drop from its hands.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this he advanced along the river, with seven legions and nearly four thousand horsemen, and almost as many light-armed troops as horsemen. Some of the scouts now returned from their exploration and reported that the country was clear of men, and that they had fallen in with the tracks of many horses, which indicated that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 67]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_67&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;they had turned about and were retreating. This gave Crassus still better hopes, and made the soldiers completely despise the Parthians, who, as they supposed, would not come to close quarters. However, Cassius again had some conversation with Crassus, and advised him at least to give his troops rest in some of the garrisoned cities, till he should get some certain information about the enemy; but if he would not do this, to advance towards Seleukeia along the river. He urged that the boats which carried the provisions would furnish them with supplies by stopping at the places of encampment, and that, by having the river as a protection against being hemmed in by the enemy, they would always be able to fight them on fair terms.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; While Crassus was considering and reflecting on these matters, there comes an Arab chieftain, Ariamnes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_67_67&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_67_67&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[67]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; by name, a cunning and faithless man, and of all the misfortunes that were by chance combined to ruin the Romans the chief and crowning mischief. Some of them who had served with Pompeius knew him as one who had received favours from Pompeius, and was supposed to be a friend to the Romans; but he now came to Crassus with a treacherous intent, and with the privity of the royal generals, to try if he could draw him far away from the river and the foot of the hills, into a boundless plain, where he might be surrounded by the enemy; for nothing was further from the intentions of the Parthians than to attack the Romans right in front. Accordingly, the barbarian coming to Crassus (and he was a plausible talker), spake in high terms of Pompeius as his benefactor, and praised the force of Crassus; but he blamed him for his tardiness, inasmuch as he was delaying and making preparation, as if he would have occasion to employ arms instead of hands and the most active feet, against an enemy who had long been trying to get together, as quick as they could, their most valuable property and their best slaves, and to move off to the Scythians or Hyrkanians. &amp;quot;And yet,&amp;quot; he said, &amp;quot;if you intend to fight, you ought to press on before the king recovers his courage and all his forces are &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 68]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_68&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;concentrated; for now Surena and Sillakes have been thrown in your way to stand the attack, and the king is no where to be seen.&amp;quot; But all this was false. For Hyrodes had at first divided his forces into two parts, and he was himself ravaging Armenia to take vengeance on Artavasdes; but he sent Surena against the Romans, not because he despised them, as some say, for it was not consistent for him to disdain Crassus as an antagonist, the first of the Romans, and to war against Artavasdes and take the villages of Armenia; but it seems that he really feared the danger, and that he was on the watch to await the result, and that he put Surena in the front to try the fortune of a battle, and so to divert the enemy. For Surena was no person of mean estate: in wealth, birth, and consideration, he was next to the king; but, in courage and ability, the first of the Parthians of his time; and, besides all this, in stature and beauty of person he had no equal. He used always to travel, when he was on his own business, with a thousand camels to carry his baggage, and he had following him two hundred carriages for concubines; and a thousand mailed horsemen, with a larger number of light cavalry, escorted him; and he had in all, horsemen, clients,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_68_68&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_68_68&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[68]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and slaves, no less than ten thousand. Now by hereditary right he had the privilege of first placing the diadem on the head of him who became king of the Parthians;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_69_69&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_69_69&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[69]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and this very Hyrodes, who had been driven out, he restored to the Parthian empire, and took for him Seleukeia the Great, being the first to mount the wall and to put to flight with his own hand those &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 69]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_69&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;who opposed him. Though he was not yet thirty years of age at that time, he had the first reputation for prudent counsel and judgment, by which qualities particularly he caused the ruin of Crassus, who through his confidence and pride in the first place, and next through his fears and his misfortunes, became a most easy victim to fraud.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The barbarian, after persuading Crassus, drew him away from the river, and led him through the plains by a track at first convenient and easy, but which soon became toilsome; for it was succeeded by deep sand, and plains treeless and waterless, not bounded in any direction by any object that the eye could reach, so that, not only through thirst and the difficulty of the march, was the army exhausted, but even the aspect of all around caused the soldiers to despond past all comfort, seeing neither plant, nor stream, nor top of sloping hill, nor blade of grass sprouting or rising through the earth, but a bare sea-like wave of desert heaps of sand environing the army. Now this of itself made the Romans suspect treachery. Messengers also came from Artavasdes the Armenian, with a message that he was engaged in a heavy struggle since Hyrodes had fallen upon him, and that he could not send Crassus aid; but he advised Crassus above all things to change his route immediately, and, by joining the Armenians, to bring the contest with Hyrodes to a close: but, if he would not do this, he recommended him to advance, and always to avoid encamping in such places as were adapted for the movements of cavalry, and to keep close to the mountainous parts: to all which Crassus sent no written answer, but, under the influence of passion and perverse disposition, he answered, that he had no leisure at present to deal with the Armenians, but he would come at another time to punish Artavasdes for his treachery. Cassius was again much dissatisfied: but he gave over advising Crassus, who was out of humour with him, though Cassius himself abused the barbarian. &amp;quot;What evil dæmon,&amp;quot; he said, &amp;quot;vilest of men, brought you to us, and by what drugs and witchcraft have you persuaded Crassus to plunge his army into a boundless wilderness and an abyss, and to pursue a path more fit for a nomadic chief of robbers than for a Roman Imperator?&amp;quot; But the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 70]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_70&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;barbarian, who was a cunning follow, with abject servility, prayed him to endure a little longer; and, while running along with the soldiers and giving them his help, he would jeer at them in a laughing mood, and say, &amp;quot;I suppose you think that you are marching through Campania, and you long for the fountains, and streams, and shades, and baths, and taverns? Have you forgotten that you are crossing the confines of the Arabs and Assyrians?&amp;quot; Thus the barbarian amused the Romans, and before his treachery was discovered he rode off, not, however, without the knowledge of Crassus, after making him believe that he would serve the Roman army, and put the affairs of the enemy in confusion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; It is said that on that day Crassus did not appear, as is the custom of Roman generals, in a purple dress, but in black, which he immediately changed on observing what he had done: and it is also said that the men who carried the standards had much difficulty in raising some of them up, for they stuck in the ground as if they were firmly rooted there. Crassus ridiculed all these omens, and quickened his march, urging the infantry to follow after the cavalry, till at last a few of those who had been sent forward as scouts came up, and reported that the rest of them had been cut off by the enemy, and they had escaped with difficulty, and that the Parthians were advancing with a large force, and full of confidence. This threw all the army into confusion, and Crassus was completely confounded, and began to put his men in order hastily, and with no great presence of mind: at first, as Cassius recommended, he extended the line of the legionary soldiers as far as possible in the plain, and making it of small depth, in order to prevent the enemy from attacking them on the flank, he distributed the cavalry on the wings; but he changed his plan and, drawing his men together, formed them into a deep square of four fronts, with twelve cohorts on each side. By the side of each cohort he placed a body of horse, in order that no part of the army might be without the aid of the cavalry, but might make the attack equally protected on all sides. He gave one of the wings to Cassius, and the other to young Crassus; he himself took his station in the centre. Thus &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 71]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_71&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;advancing, they came to a stream called Balissus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_70_70&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_70_70&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[70]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which was neither large nor copious; but it was a joyful sight to the soldiers in the midst of the drought and heat, and by comparison with the rest of their laborious march through a country without water. Now most of the commanders thought that they ought to encamp and spend the night there, and learn what was the number of the enemy, and the nature and disposition of their force, and so advance against them at daybreak; but Crassus, being prevailed upon by the importunity of his son, and the cavalry with him, to advance immediately, and engage with the enemy, gave orders for the men who required it to eat and drink in their ranks. And before this could be well accomplished all through the ranks, he led on his men, not slowly, nor halting at intervals, as is usual when men are marching to battle, but he kept them up to a quick, unbroken pace, until the enemy were in sight, who, contrary to expectation, did not appear to the Romans to be either numerous or formidable; for Surena disguised his numbers by placing the mass of his force behind the front ranks, and he prevented their bright armour from being seen by ordering his men to cover themselves with cloaks and skins. But when they were near the Romans, and the standard was raised by the general, first of all they filled the plain with a deep sound and a terrific noise; for the Parthians do not excite themselves to battle with horns or trumpets, but they have hollow instruments,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_71_71&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_71_71&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[71]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; made of skin, and furnished with brass bells, on which they strike at the same time in various parts; and these instruments produce a kind of deep and dismal sound, compounded of the roaring of wild beasts and the harsh crash &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 72]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_72&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;of thunder; for the Parthians rightly judge that of all the senses the hearing is that which causes the greatest alarm in the mind, and that, when this sense is affected, there is the speediest and greatest disturbance in the judgment.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The Romans were startled at the noise, when all of a sudden throwing off the covering of their armour the Parthians appeared, with their helmets and breastplates flashing like flame, the Margian steel&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_72_72&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_72_72&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[72]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; glittering sharp and bright, and the horses equipped in mail of brass and iron; but Surena was most conspicuous of all, being the tallest and handsomest man among them, though his personal appearance, owing to his feminine beauty, did not correspond to his reputation for courage, for he was dressed more in the Median fashion, with his face painted&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_73_73&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_73_73&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[73]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and his hair parted, while the rest of the Parthians, still keeping to the Scythian fashion, wore their hair long and bushy to make themselves more formidable. At first the Parthians intended to fall upon them with their long spears, and to drive the front ranks from their ground; but when they saw the depth of their close-locked ranks, and the firmness and stability of the men, they drew back; and while they seemed to be at the same time dispersing themselves and breaking their ranks, they threw themselves around the square before the Romans were aware of it. Crassus ordered the light-armed troops to spring forward; but they had not advanced far before they were met by a shower of arrows, which galled them, and they ran back for shelter among the legionary soldiers, and caused the beginning of disorder and alarm among the Romans, who saw the vigour with which the arrows were discharged and their strength, for they tore the armour and made their way through everything alike, whether hard or &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 73]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_73&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;soft defence. The Parthians, dispersing themselves at considerable distances from one another, began to discharge their arrows from all points at once, not taking any very exact aim (for the close and compact ranks of the Romans did not give a man the opportunity of missing if he wished it), but sending their arrows with vigorous and forcible effect from bows which were strong and large, and, owing to their great degree of bending, discharged the missiles with violence. Now the condition of the Romans was pitiable from the beginning: for, if they kept their position, they were exposed to be wounded, and if they attempted to close with the enemy, they were just as far from doing the enemy any harm, and they suffered just as much; for the Parthians while retreating&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_74_74&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_74_74&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[74]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; still discharged their arrows, and they do this most effectually next to the Scythians: and it is a most subtle device to make their escape from danger while they are still fighting, and to take away the disgrace of flight.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_75_75&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_75_75&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[75]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Romans endured so long as they had hopes that the Parthians would withdraw from the contest when they had discharged their arrows, or would come to close quarters; but when they perceived that there were many camels standing there, loaded with arrows, and that the Parthians who had first shot all their arrows, turned round to the camels for a fresh supply, Crassus, seeing no end to this, began to lose heart, and he sent messengers to his son with orders to force the enemy to engage before he was surrounded, for the Parthians were mainly attacking and surrounding with their cavalry the wing commanded by young Crassus, with the view of getting in his rear. Accordingly, the young man taking thirteen hundred horsemen,—a thou&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 74]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_74&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;sand of whom he had brought from Cæsar,—and five hundred archers, and eight cohorts of the legionary soldiers, who were nearest to him, wheeled about to attack the Parthians. But the Parthians, who were manœuvring about Crassus, either because they fell in with some marshes,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_76_76&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_76_76&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[76]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; as some say, or because it was their design to attack Crassus when they had drawn him as far as they could from his father, turned round and fled. On this Crassus, calling out that the Parthians did not stand their ground, advanced with Censorinus and Megabacchus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_77_77&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_77_77&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[77]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of whom Megabacchus was distinguished for courage and strength, and Censorinus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_78_78&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_78_78&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[78]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was a senator and a powerful speaker, both of them companions of Crassus, and about the same age. The cavalry pursued the enemy, nor did the infantry allow themselves to be left behind, being full of alacrity and hope of victory; for they thought that they were victorious and in pursuit: but they had not gone far before they perceived the stratagem; for the Parthians, who were supposed to be flying, began to face about, and others, in greater numbers, joined them. Upon this the Romans halted, thinking that the enemy would come to close quarters with them, as they were only few in number. But the Parthians placing their mailed horsemen in the front, to oppose the Romans, rode about them with the rest of the cavalry dispersed, and, by trampling the ground, they raised from the bottom heaps of sand, which threw up such an immense cloud of dust that the Romans could neither see clearly nor speak; and, being driven into a narrow compass, and falling one on another, they were wounded and died no easy nor yet a speedy death, for tortured with violent &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 75]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_75&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;convulsions and pain, and writhing with the arrows in them, they broke them in the wounds, and, by trying to pull out by force the barbed points, which had pierced through their veins and nerves, they increased the evil by breaking the arrows, and thus injured themselves. Many thus fell, and the survivors also were unable to fight; for, when Publius encouraged them to attack the mailed horsemen, they showed him that their hands were nailed to their shields, and their feet fastened right through to the ground, so that they were unable either to fly or to defend themselves. However, Publius cheering the cavalry, made a vigorous attack with them, and closed with the enemy; but the Romans were under a disadvantage, both as to attack and defence, striking with small and feeble spears against breastplates of raw hide and iron, and receiving the blows of long spears on the lightly-equipped and bare bodies of the Gauls, for Crassus trusted most to them, and with them indeed he did wonderful feats; for the Gauls, laying hold of the long spears, and closing with the Parthians, pushed them from their horses, the men, owing to the weight of their armour, being unable to stir themselves; and many of the Gauls, quitting their own horses, and slipping under those of the enemy, wounded them in the belly, and the horses springing up through pain, and, at the same time, trampling on their riders and the enemy, fell dead. The Gauls were most oppressed by the heat and thirst, being unaccustomed to both, and they had lost most of their horses by driving them against the long spears. They were, therefore, compelled to retreat to the legionary soldiers, taking with them Publius, who was badly wounded. Seeing a sandy eminence near, they retreated to it, and fastened their horses in the middle, and closing in their front by close-locking their shields, they thought they could thus more easily repel the enemy: but it turned out just the other way; for, while they were on the level ground, the front ranks did, in some sort, give relief to those who were behind; but on this spot, which raised the men one above another, by reason of the inequality of the ground, and placed every one who was in the rear above the man in front of him, there was no one who could escape, and they &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 76]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_76&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;were all alike exposed to the missiles, lamenting their inglorious and unresisting death. There were with Publius two Greeks, who belonged to the dwellers in those parts in Carrhæ,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_79_79&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_79_79&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[79]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Hieronymus and Nikomachus, both of whom attempted to persuade Publius to retire with them, and to make his escape to Ichnæ&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_80_80&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_80_80&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[80]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a city which had taken the side of the Romans, and was not far off. But he replied that no death was so dreadful as to make Publius, through fear of it, desert those who were losing their lives for his sake, and bade them save themselves, and taking leave of them, he allowed them to go: himself being unable to use his hand effectually, for it was pierced by an arrow, presented his side to his shield-bearer&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_81_81&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_81_81&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[81]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and ordered him to despatch him with his sword. They say that Censorinus perished in the same way, and that Megabacchus killed himself, and all the rest of the most distinguished men. The Parthians, ascending the hill, transfixed with their spears the survivors; and it is said that not more than five hundred were taken prisoners. The Parthians, cutting off the head of Publius, immediately rode off to attack Crassus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; With Crassus matters were thus. After ordering his son to make an attack on the Parthians, and receiving intelligence that they were routed to a great distance, and were hotly pursued; seeing also that the enemy in front were no longer pressing on him so much as before, for most of them had crowded to the place where young Crassus was, he recovered his courage a little, and drawing his forces together, posted them on a sloping ground, being in immediate expectation that his son would return from the pursuit. Of those who were sent by Publius to his father, when he began to be in danger, the first fell &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 77]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_77&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;into the hands of the enemy and were killed; and the next, after escaping with great difficulty, reported that Publius was lost, if he did not receive speedy and sufficient aid from his father. Now, Crassus was affected by many contending feelings at once, and he no longer viewed anything with sober judgment. Distracted by alarm for the whole army, and love of his son at the same time, he was urged by one motive to go to his aid, and by the other not to go: but finally he began to move in advance. In the mean time the enemy came up, making themselves more formidable by their shouts and pæans, and many of the drums again bellowed around the Romans, who were in expectation of a second attack. The Parthians, carrying the head of Publius fixed on a spear, rode close up to the Romans, and, displaying it insultingly, asked who were his parents and family, for it was not decent to suppose that so noble and brave a youth was the son of so cowardly and mean a man as Crassus. The sight of this broke and unstrung the spirit of the Romans more than all the rest of their dangers; and it did not fill them with a spirit for revenge, as one might have supposed, but with shuddering and trembling. Yet they say that the courage of Crassus on that dreadful occasion shone forth more brightly than ever before; for he went along the ranks, crying out, &amp;quot;Mine alone, Romans, is this misfortune: but the great fortune and glory of Rome abide in you, if your lives are saved, unbroken and unvanquishcd: and, if you have any pity on me, who have been deprived of the noblest of sons, show this in your fury against the enemy. Take from them their rejoicing, avenge their cruelty: be not cast down at what has happened, for it is the law that those who aim at great things must also endure. Neither did Lucullus vanquish Tigranes without loss of blood, nor Scipio Antiochus; and our ancestors of old lost a thousand ships on the coast of Sicily, and in Italy many Imperatores and generals, not one of whom, by being first vanquished, prevented them from vanquishing the victors; for it is not by good fortune that the Roman state has advanced to such a height of power, but by the endurance and courage of those who meet danger.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 78]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_78&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Though Crassus used such words to encourage them, he did not see many eager to follow his exhortations: but, by ordering them to shout the battle cry, he discovered the dispirited condition of his men, so weak, and feeble, and irregular a shout they made; while the cries on the side of the enemy were clear and bold. When the Parthians began the attack, their slaves and clients, riding about on the flanks of the Romans, galled them with their arrows: and the horsemen in front, using their long spears, kept driving the Romans into a narrow compass, except those who, to avoid death from the arrows, made a desperate attempt to rush upon the Parthians; wherein they did the enemy little damage, but met with a speedy death by great and mortal wounds; for the Parthians drove their spears, heavy with iron, against the horsemen; and, from the force of the blow, they often went even through two men. After thus fighting, as dark came on the Parthians retired, saying, that they allowed Crassus a single night to lament his son, unless he should take better counsel for himself, and choose rather to come to King Arsakes than to be taken. The Parthians encamped near the Romans, in high hopes. A painful night followed to the Romans, who neither paid any attention to the interment of the dead, nor care to the wounded, and those who were in the agonies of death; but every man was severally lamenting his own fate; for it appeared that they could not escape, either if they waited there till daybreak, or if they plunged by night into a boundless plain. And the wounded caused a great difficulty; for they would be an obstacle to the quickness of their flight if they attempted to carry them off: and, if they should leave them, their shouts would betray the attempt to escape unobserved. Though they considered Crassus to be the cause of all their sufferings, the soldiers still wished to see him and hear his voice. But Crassus, wrapping himself up in his cloak, lay concealed in the dark, an example to the many of fortune&#039;s reverses, and to the wise of want of judgment and of ambition, which made him dissatisfied unless he was the first and greatest among so many thousands, and think that he lacked everything because he was judged to be inferior &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 79]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_79&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;to two men only. However, Octavius the legate, and Cassius, endeavoured to rouse and comfort him; but, finding that he had entirely given himself up to despair, they called together the centurions and tribunes, and, after deliberating, they resolved not to stay on the ground, and they made an attempt at first to put the army in motion without the sound of the trumpet, and in silence. But when the soldiers who were disabled, perceived that they were going to be deserted, terrible disorder and confusion, mingled with groans and shouts, filled the camp; and this was followed by disorder and panic as they began to advance, for they thought that the enemy was coming upon them. After frequently turning from their route, and frequently putting themselves in order of battle, and taking up the wounded who followed, and then laying them down again, they lost much time on the march, with the exception of three hundred horsemen, with Ignatius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_82_82&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_82_82&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[82]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at their head, who reached Carrhæ about midnight. Ignatius, calling out in the Roman language to the watch upon the walls, and making them hear, told them to tell Coponius, the commander, that there had been a great battle between Crassus and the Parthians; and, without saying more or who he was, he rode off to the Zeugma, and saved all his men; but he got a bad name for deserting his general. However, the information thus conveyed to Coponius was some advantage to Crassus; for Coponius concluded that this hasty and confused message indicated that he who brought it had no good news to report: and, accordingly, he immediately ordered the soldiers to arm; and, as soon as he learned that Crassus was on his march, he went out to meet him, and, taking charge of him and his army, conducted them into the city.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Though the Parthians during the night discovered that the Romans were making their escape, they did not pursue, but at daybreak they came upon those who were left in the camp, to the number of four thousand, and massacred them; and they rode about the plain and overtook many who were there rambling about. Four complete cohorts, while it was still dark, under the command of Varguntinus the legate, got separated from the rest &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 80]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_80&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;and lost their way, and, being surrounded by the Parthians on an eminence, they fought till they were all killed, with the exception of twenty men. The Parthians, admiring the courage of these twenty men, who were endeavouring to push through them with their bare swords, made way and allowed them a passage through their ranks, and to march slowly to Carrhæ. A false report reached Surena, that Crassus and all the men of rank had made their escape, and that those who had fled to Carrhæ were a mingled rabble not worth notice. Thinking, then, that he had lost the end of his victory, but being still doubtful and wishing to know the truth, in order that he might either stay there and besiege the town, or leave the people of Carrhæ behind and pursue Crassus, he sends one of the men with him, who could speak both languages, with instructions to approach the walls, and in the Roman language to call out for Crassus himself or Cassius, and to say that Surena wished to have a conference with them. The man did as he was ordered; and when it was reported to Crassus, he accepted the invitation, and soon after there came from the barbarians some Arabs who well knew Crassus and Cassius by sight, having been in the camp before the battle. The Arabs, observing Cassius on the wall, said that Surena proposed a truce, and offered, if they would become friends to the king, to let them go safe, if they would leave Mesopotamia; for he considered this proposal advantageous to both sides, rather than to let matters come to extremities. Cassius accepted the proposal, and asked for a place and time to be fixed where Surena and Crassus should meet: the men replied that this should be done, and rode off.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now Surena was delighted at the Romans being besieged, and at daybreak he led the Parthians against the city, who, with many insulting expressions, bade the Romans, if they wished to have a truce, deliver up to them Crassus and Cassius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_83_83&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_83_83&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[83]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in chains. The Romans were &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 81]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_81&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;vexed at being deceived; and, telling Crassus to give up all hopes of aid from the Armenians as too remote and groundless, they prepared to make their escape by stealth; and none of the people of Carrhæ were to know this before the time came. But Andromachus, that most faithless wretch, heard of it from Crassus, who confided to him the secret, and also the guidance on the route. Accordingly, all was known to the Parthians; for Andromachus reported to them every particular. But as it is not the custom of the Parthians to fight in the dark, and indeed they cannot easily do it, and Crassus had left the city by night, Andromachus contrived that the Parthians should not be far behind in the pursuit, by leading the Romans first by one route and then by another, till at last he brought them out of their course into deep marshes and ground full of ditches, and thus made the march difficult and circuitous to all who followed him; for there were some who suspected that Andromachus had no honest object in turning and twisting about, and therefore did not follow. Cassius, indeed, returned to Carrhæ; and when the guides, who were Arabs, advised him to wait till the moon had passed the Scorpion, he replied, &amp;quot;I fear the Archer more than the Scorpion,&amp;quot; and, saying this, he rode off to Syria, with five hundred horsemen. Others, who had faithful guides, got into a mountainous country, called Sinnaca,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_84_84&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_84_84&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[84]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and were in a safe position before daybreak: they were about five thousand in number, and were commanded by a brave man, Octavius. But daybreak found Crassus exposed to the treachery of Andromachus in the unfavourable ground and the marshes. Crassus had with him four cohorts of the legionary soldiers, and a very few horsemen, and five lictors, with whom he got upon the road with great difficulty just as the enemy was falling upon him; and now being about twelve stadia short of joining Octavius, he fled to another hill not so difficult for cavalry nor yet so strong, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 82]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_82&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;but one that lay below Sinnaca, and was connected with it by a long ridge, which stretched through the middle of the plain. His danger was apparent to Octavius, who ran before any one else with a few men, from the higher ground to aid Crassus, upon which the rest of the men, abusing themselves for cowards, rushed forward, and, falling on the enemy, and repulsing them from the hill, put Crassus in the midst of them, and threw their shields before him, proudly exclaiming that there was no Parthian missile which should strike the Imperator until all of them had fallen in defence of him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Surena observing that the spirit of the Parthians was somewhat dulled towards the contest, and, if the night should come on and the Romans get among the mountains, they could not by any means be overtaken, employed the following stratagem against Crassus. Some of the captives were let loose, who, in the Parthian camp, had heard the barbarians saying to one another, in pursuance of a concerted plan, that the king did not wish the war with the Romans to be carried to extremities, but desired to have their friendship again, by doing them the favour of treating Crassus kindly. Accordingly the barbarians stopped fighting; and Surena, with his chief officers, riding gently up to the hill, unstrung his bow, and holding out his right hand, invited Crassus to come to terms, saying, that Crassus had put the king&#039;s courage and power to the test, though the king did not wish it, and yet the king of his own free will made the Romans an offer of mercy and friendship by being ready to make a truce with them if they would retire, and by giving them the opportunity of a safe retreat. Upon Surena saying this the Romans eagerly accepted his proposal, and were overjoyed; though Crassus, having been always over-reached by their fraud, and considering the suddenness of the change to be inexplicable, would not listen to them and hesitated. But the soldiers began to call out and urge him to accept the terms, and they fell to abusing and reproaching him, for wishing to expose them to the risk of fighting with those whom he did not venture to go to a conference with, even when they laid aside their arms. Crassus at first attempted to prevail on them by entreaty, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 83]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_83&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;and he said that, if they would hold out for the rest of the day, they would be able to march by night through the rough and mountain country, and he pointed out to them the route, and entreated them not to throw away their hopes when safety was so near; but, as the soldiers began to be exasperated and to clatter their arms and threaten him, he was alarmed, and advanced towards Surena, after first turning round and merely saying, &amp;quot;Octavius and Petronius, and you Roman officers who are here, you see that I go under compulsion, and you are witnesses that I am treated in a shameful way and am under constraint; but, if you get safe home, tell all the world, that Crassus lost his life through the treachery of the enemy, and was not surrendered by his fellow-citizens.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Yet Octavius and those about him did not stay behind, but descended the hill with Crassus. However, Crassus made the lictors who were following him turn back. The first who met them, on the part of the barbarians, were two Greeks of half-breed, who, leaping down from their horses, made their obeisance to Crassus, and, addressing him in the Greek language, urged him to send forward some persons, who, as they said, would see that Surena himself and those about him were advancing without armour and without their weapons. Crassus replied, that if he had the least concern about his life, he should not have put himself into their hands; however, he sent two Roscii, brothers, to inquire upon what terms they should meet, and how many of them. Surena immediately seized and detained the two brothers, and he himself advanced on horseback with the chief officers, and said, &amp;quot;What is this? the Roman Imperator on foot while we are riding!&amp;quot; and he ordered them to bring a horse to Crassus. Crassus observed that neither himself nor Surena was acting wrong in coming to the conference according to the fashion of their respective countries; on which Surena said that from that moment there was a truce and peace between king Hyrodes and the Romans; but that it was requisite to advance to the river,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_85_85&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_85_85&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[85]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and there have the agreement put in writing; &amp;quot;for you Romans,&amp;quot; he said, &amp;quot;have not a very good memory about contracts;&amp;quot; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 84]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_84&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;and he held out his right hand to Crassus. When Crassus was going to send for a horse, Surena said there was no occasion; &amp;quot;for the king gives you this.&amp;quot; At the same time a horse with golden bits stood close by Crassus, and the grooms raised him up and mounted him, and then followed, quickening the horse&#039;s pace with blows. Octavius first laid hold of the bridle of the horse, and, after him, Petronius, one of the tribunes, and then the rest got round the horse of Crassus, endeavouring to stop it, and dragging away those who pressed close upon Crassus on each side. This led to a struggle and tumult, and finally to blows; Octavius drew his sword and killed the groom of one of the barbarians, and another struck Octavius from behind and killed him. Petronius had no weapon, and, being struck on the breastplate, he leapt down from the horse unwounded; and a Parthian, named Pomaxathres, killed Crassus.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_86_86&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_86_86&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[86]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Some say that it was not Pomaxathres, but another, who killed Crassus, and that Pomaxathres cut off the head and right hand when Crassus was lying on the ground. But these are rather matters of conjecture than of certain knowledge; for of those who were present some fell there fighting about Crassus, and the rest immediately fled back to the hill. Upon this the Parthians came and said, that Crassus had been punished as he deserved, but Surena invited the rest to come down and fear nothing: whereupon, some of the Romans came down and surrendered, and the rest dispersed themselves under cover of night, of whom a very few escaped; the rest the Arabs hunted out, and put to death when they caught them. It is said that twenty thousand perished in all, and ten thousand were taken alive.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Surena sent the head&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_87_87&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_87_87&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[87]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and hand of Crassus to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 85]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_85&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Hyrodes in Armenia; and, causing a report to be carried by messengers to Seleukeia that he was bringing Crassus alive, he got ready a kind of ridiculous procession which, in mockery, he called a triumph. One of the Roman prisoners who bore the greatest resemblance to Crassus, Caius Paccianus, putting on a barbarian female dress, and being instructed to answer as Crassus and Imperator to those who addressed him, was conducted, seated on a horse, and in front of him trumpeters, and some lictors rode upon camels; and there were purses&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_88_88&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_88_88&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[88]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; suspended from the fasces, and, by the side of the axes, heads of Romans newly cut off. Behind these followed courtesans of Seleukeia, singing girls, who chanted many obscene and ridiculous things about the effeminacy and cowardice of Crassus. All this was public. But Surena assembling the Senate of Seleukeia,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_89_89&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_89_89&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[89]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; laid before them certain licentious books of the Milesiaca of Aristeides,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_90_90&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_90_90&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[90]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and, in this matter, at least, there was no invention on his part; for they were found among the baggage of Rustius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_91_91&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_91_91&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[91]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and they gave Surena the opportunity of greatly insulting and ridiculing the Romans, because they could not, even when going to war, abstain from such things and such books. To the Senate of Seleukeia, however, Æsopus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_92_92&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_92_92&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[92]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ap&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 86]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_86&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;peared to be a wise man, when they saw Surena with the wallet of Milesian obscenities in front of him, and dragging behind him a Parthian Sybaris in so many waggons full of concubines, in a manner forming a counterpart to those vipers and skytalæ&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_93_93&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_93_93&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[93]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; so much talked of, by presenting the visible and the front parts formidable and terrific, with spears, and bows, and horses, but in the rear of the phalanx, terminating in harlots, and rattling cymbals, and lute-playing, and nocturnal revels with women. Rustius, indeed, merits blame, but the Parthians were shameless in finding fault with the Milesian stories; for many of the kings who have reigned over them, as Arsakidæ, have been the sons of Milesian and Ionian concubines.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; While this was going on, Hyrodes happened to have been reconciled to Artavasdes the Armenian, and had agreed to receive the sister of Artavasdes as wife to his son Pacorus: and there were banquets and drinking-parties between them, and representations of many Greek plays; for Hyrodes was not a stranger either to the Greek language or the literature of the Greeks: and Artavasdes used to write tragedies, and speeches, and histories, some of which are preserved. When the head of Crassus was brought to the door, the tables were taken away, and a tragedy actor Jason,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_94_94&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_94_94&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[94]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; by name, a native of Tralles, chanted that part of the Bacchæ&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_95_95&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_95_95&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[95]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Euripides which relates to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 87]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_87&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Agave. While he was receiving applause. Sillakes, standing by the door of the apartment, and making a reverence, threw the head of Crassus before the company. The Parthians clapped their hands with shouts of joy and the attendants, at the command of the king, seated Sillakes, while Jason handed over to one of the members of the chorus the dress of Pentheus, and, laying hold of the head of Crassus, and, putting on the air of a bacchant, he sung these verses with great enthusiasm:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;We bring from a mountain&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;A young one new killed to the house,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;A fortunate prey.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This delighted all the company; and, while the following verses were being chanted, which are a dialogue with the chorus,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;A&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Who killed him?&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Mine is the honour,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Pomaxathres, springing up (for he happened to be at the banquet), laid hold of the head, as if it was more appropriate for him to say this than for Jason. The king was pleased, and made Pomaxathres a present, according to the fashion of the country, and he gave Jason a talent. In such a farce&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_96_96&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_96_96&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[96]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; as this, it is said, that the expedition of Crassus terminated just like a tragedy. However, just punishment overtook Hyrodes for his cruelty, and Surena for his treachery. Not long after, Hyrodes put Surena to death, being jealous of his reputation. Hyrodes also lost his son &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 88]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_88&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Pacorus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_97_97&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_97_97&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[97]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was defeated by the Romans in a battle; and having fallen into an illness which turned out to be dropsy, his son, Phraates,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_98_98&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_98_98&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[98]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who had a design on his life, gave him aconite.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_99_99&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_99_99&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[99]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But the poison only operated on the disease, which was thrown off together with it, and Hyrodes thereby relieved; whereupon Phraates took the shortest course and strangled his father.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;FOOTNOTES:&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_5_5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_5_5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[5]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Crassus belonged to the Licinia Gens. His name was M. Licinius Crassus Dives. He was the son of P. Licinius Crassus Dives, who was consul B.C. 97, and afterwards governor of the nearer Spain. In B.C. 93 P. Crassus had a triumph. He was afterwards employed in the Marsic war; and in B.C. 89 he was censor with L. Julius Cæsar, who had been consul in B.C. 90.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;M. Licinius Crassus, whose life Plutarch has written, was the youngest son of the Censor. The year of his birth is uncertain; but as he was above sixty when he left Rome for his Parthian campaign B.C. 55, he must have been born before B.C. 115. Meyer (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Orator. Roman. Fragment&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.) places the birth of Crassus in B.C. 114.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_6_6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_6_6&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[6]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Kaltwasser makes this passage mean that Crassus merely took his brother&#039;s wife and her children to live with him; which is contrary to the usual sense of the Greek words and readers the following sentence unmeaning.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Kaltwasser observes that we do not know that such marriages were in use among the Romans. I know no rule by which they were forbidden. (Gaius, i. 58, &amp;amp;amp;c.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_7_7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_7_7&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[7]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The punishment of a Vestal Virgin for incontinence was death. She was placed alive in a subterranean vault with a light and some food. (Dionysius, ix. 40: Liv. 8. c. 15; Juvenal, Sat. iv. 8.) The man who debauched a Vestal was also put to death. The Vestal Virgins had full power of disposing of their property; they were emancipated from the paternal power by the fact of being selected to be Vestal Virgins (Gaius, i. 130); and they were not under the same legal disabilities as other women (Gaius, i. 145; according to Dion Cassius, 49. c. 38, Octavia and Livia received privileges like those of the Vestals).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Another Licinia, a Vestal, had broken her vow, and was punished B.C. 113.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_8_8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_8_8&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[8]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Crassus, c. 12; and the Life of Sulla, c. 35.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_9_9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_9_9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[9]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This may hardly be a correct translation of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: argurognômonas&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἀργυρογνωμόνας&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;: but it is something like the meaning.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_10_10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_10_10&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[10]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; King Archidamus of Sparta, the second of the name, who commanded the Peloponnesian war, B.C. 431. Plutarch (Life of Demosthenes, c. 17) puts this saying in the mouth of one Krobylus, a demagogue.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_11_11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_11_11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[11]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Brutus,&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; c. 66) speaks of the oratory of Crassus, and commends his care and diligence; but he speaks of his natural parts as not striking. Crassus spoke on the same side as Cicero in the defence of Murena, of Caelius, and of Balbus (Meyer, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Orator. Roman. Fragmenta,&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; p. 382).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_12_12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_12_12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[12]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A Roman who aspired to the highest offices of the State, prepared his way by the magnificence of his public entertainments during his curule ædileship, and by his affable manners. An humble individual is always gratified when a great man addresses him by name, and a shake of the hand secures his devotion. Ovidius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ars Amat&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. ii. 253) alludes to this way of winning popular favour, and judiciously observes that it costs nothing, which would certainly recommend it to Crassus. If a man&#039;s memory was not so good as that of Crassus, he had only to buy a slave, as Horatius (1 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Epist&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. i. 50) recommends, who could tell him the name of every man whom he met. Such a slave was called Nomenclator. If the nomenclator&#039;s memory ever failed him, he would not let his master know it: he gave a person any name that came into his head.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_13_13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_13_13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[13]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Greek is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: stegastrou&amp;quot;&amp;gt;στέγαστρου&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, &#039;something that covers;&#039; but whether cloak or hat, or covered couch, or sedan, the learned have not yet determined.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_14_14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_14_14&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[14]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; These words may not be Plutarch&#039;s, and several critics have marked them as spurious. The Peripatetics, of whom Alexander was one, did not consider wealth as one of the things that are indifferent to a philosopher; the Stoics did.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_15_15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_15_15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[15]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is Plutarch&#039;s word; but the father of Crassus was Proconsul in Spain. When Cinna and Marius returned to Rome, B.C. 87, Crassus and his sons were proscribed. Crassus and one of his sons lost their lives: the circumstances are stated somewhat differently by different writers. (Florius, iii. 21; Appian, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 72.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Drumann correctly remarks that Plutarch and other Greek writers often use the word &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: stratêgos&amp;quot;&amp;gt;στρατηγός&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; simply to signify one who has command, and that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: stratêgos&amp;quot;&amp;gt;στρατηγός&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; is incorrectly rendered &#039;Prætor&#039; by those who write in Latin, when they make use of the Greek historians of Rome. But Plutarch&#039;s &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: stratêgos&amp;quot;&amp;gt;στρατηγός&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; sometimes means prætor, and it is the word by which he denotes that office; he probably does sometimes mean to say &#039;prætor,&#039; when the man of whom he speaks was not prætor. Whether &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: stratêgos&amp;quot;&amp;gt;στρατηγός&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; in Plutarch is always translated prætor or always Commander, there will be error. To translate it correctly in all cases, a man must know whether the person spoken of was prætor or not; and that cannot always be ascertained. But besides this, the word &#039;Commander&#039; will not do, for Plutarch sometimes calls a Proconsul &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: stratêgos&amp;quot;&amp;gt;στρατηγός&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, and a Proconsul had not merely a command: he had a government also.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_16_16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_16_16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[16]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So the name is written by Sintenis, who writes it Paccianus in the Life of Sertorius, c. 9. Some editions read Paciacus; but the termination in Paciacus is hardly Roman, and the termination in Pacianus is common. But the form Paciacus is adopted by Drumann, where he is speaking of L. Junius Paciacus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Geshichte Roms&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iv. p. 52).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Drumann observes that the flight of Crassus to Spain must have taken place B.C. 85, for he remained eight months in Spain and returned to Rome on the news of Cinna&#039;s death, B.C. 84.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_17_17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_17_17&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[17]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The MSS. have &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: auran&amp;quot;&amp;gt;αὖραν&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, &#039;breeze,&#039; which Coræs ingeniously corrected to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: laupan&amp;quot;&amp;gt;λαύπαν&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, &#039;path,&#039; which is undoubtedly right.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_18_18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_18_18&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[18]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; If Fenestella died in A.D. 19 at the age of seventy, as it is said, he would be born in B.C. 51, and he might have had this story from the old woman. (Clinton, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Fasti&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, A.D. 14.) See Life of Sulla, c. 28.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_19_19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_19_19&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[19]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Malaca, which still retains its name Malaga, was an old Phœnician settlement on the south coast of Spain. Much fish was salted and cured there; but I know not on what ground Kaltwasser concludes that the word &#039;Malach&#039; means Salt. It is sometimes asserted that the name is from the Aramaic word Malek, &#039;King;&#039; but W. Humboldt (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Prüfung der Untersuchungen über die Urbewohner Hispaniens)&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; says that it is a Basque word.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_20_20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_20_20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[20]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The son of Metellus Numidicus. See the Lives of Marius and Sertorius. Sulla lauded in Italy B.C. 83. See the Life of Sulla, c. 27.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_21_21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_21_21&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[21]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is the town which the Romans called Tuder. It was situated in Umbria on a hill near the Tiber, and is represented by the modern Todi.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_22_22&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_22_22&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[22]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Sulla, c. 29.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_23_23&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_23_23&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[23]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; There is nothing peculiar in this. It is common enough for a man to blame in others the faults that he has himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_24_24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_24_24&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[24]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Cæsar, c. 1. 2. and 11.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_25_25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_25_25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[25]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; M. Porcius Cato, whose Life Plutarch has written.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_26_26&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_26_26&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[26]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cn. Sicinius was Tribunus Plebis B.C. 76. He is mentioned by Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Brutus,&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; c. 60) as a man who had no other oratorical qualification except that of making people laugh. The Roman proverb to which Plutarch alludes occurs in Horatius, 1 Sat. 4. 34:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Foenum habet in cornu, longe fuge.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_27_27&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_27_27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[27]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The insurrection of the gladiators commenced B.C. 73, in the consulship of M. Terentius Varo Lucullus, the brother of Lucius Lucullus, and of C. Cassius Longinus Verus. The names of two other leaders, Crixus and Oenomaus, are recorded by Floras (iii. 20) and by Appian (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 116). The devastation caused by these marauders was long remembered. The allusion of Horatius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Carm.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 14) to their drinking all the wine that they could find,is characteristic.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_28_28&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_28_28&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[28]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This Clodius is called Appius CloDius Glaber by Florus (iii. 20). Compare the account of Appian (i. 116). Spartacus commenced the campaign by flying to Mount Vesuvius, which was the scene of the stratagem that is told in this chapter (Frontinus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stratagem&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 5) Drumann (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Geschichte Roms&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iv. 74. M. Licinius Crassus, N. 37) has given a sketch of the campaign with Spartacus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_29_29&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_29_29&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[29]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; P. Varinius Glaber who was prætor; and Clodius was his legatus. He seems to be the same person whom Frontinus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stratagem&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 5) mentions under the name of L. Varinus Proconsul.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_30_30&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_30_30&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[30]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The place is unknown. Probably the true reading is Salinæ, and the place may be the Salinæ Herculeæ, in the neighbourhood of Herculaneum. But this is only a guess.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_31_31&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_31_31&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[31]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The consuls were L. Gellius Publicola and Cn. Lentulus Clodianus B.C. 72.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_32_32&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_32_32&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[32]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was C. Cassius Longinus Verus, proconsul of Gaul upon the Po (see c. 8). Plutarch calls him &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: stratêgos&amp;quot;&amp;gt;στρατηγός&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;. Appian (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 117) says that one of the consuls defeated Crixus, who was at the head of 30,000 men, near Garganus, that Spartacus afterwards defeated both the consuls, and meditated advancing upon Rome with 120,000 foot soldiers. Spartacus sacrificed three hundred Roman captives to the manes of Crixus, who had fallen in the battle in which he was defeated; 20,000 of his men had perished with Crixus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Cassius was defeated in the neighbourhood of Mutina (Modena) as we learn from Florus (iii. 20).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_33_33&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_33_33&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[33]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Appian (i. 118) gives two accounts of the decimation, neither of which agrees with the account of Plutarch. This punishment which the Romans called Decimatio, is occasionally mentioned by the Roman writers (Liv. ii. 59).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_34_34&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_34_34&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[34]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Kaltwasser with the help of a false reading has mistranslated this passage. He says that Spartacus sent over ten thousand men into Sicily. Drumann has understood the passage as I have translated it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_35_35&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_35_35&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[35]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; If the length is rightly given, the ditch was about 38 Roman miles in length. There are no data for determining its position. The circumstance is briefly mentioned by Appian (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 118). Frontinus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stratagem.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 5) states that Spartacus filled up the ditch, where he crossed it, with the dead bodies of his prisoners and of the beasts which were killed for that purpose.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_36_36&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_36_36&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[36]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This lake, which Plutarch spells Leukanis, is placed by Kaltwasser in the vicinity of Paestum or Poseidonia, but on what grounds I do not know. Strabo indeed (p. 251) states that the river makes marshes there, but that will not enable us to identify them. Cramer (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ancient Italy&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 366) places here the Stagnum Lucanum, where Plutarch &amp;quot;mentions that Crassus defeated a considerable body of rebels under the command of Spartacus (Plut. Vit. Crass.)&amp;quot;: but nothing is given to prove the assertion. He adds, &amp;quot;In this district we must also place the Mons Calamatius and Mons Cathena of which Frontinus speaks in reference to the same event (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stratagem&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 4); they are the mountains of Capaccio.&amp;quot; This is founded on Cluverius, but Cluverius concludes that the Calamatius of Frontinus (ii. 4, 7), or Calamarcus as the MSS. seem to have it, is the same as the Cathena of Frontinus (ii. 5, 34); for in fact Frontinus tells the same story twice, as he sometimes does. It is a mistake to say that Frontinus is speaking &amp;quot;of the same event,&amp;quot; that is, the defeat of the gladiators on the lake. He is speaking of another event, which is described farther on in this chapter, when Crassus attacks Cannicius and Crixus, and &amp;quot;sent,&amp;quot; as Frontinus says (ii. 4, 7), &amp;quot; twelve cohorts round behind a mountain.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_37_37&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_37_37&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[37]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was Marcus Lucullus, the brother of Lucius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_38_38&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_38_38&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[38]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;To the Peteline mountains&#039; in the original. Strabo speaks of a Petelia in Lucania (p. 254), which some critics suppose that he has confounded with the Petilia in the country of the Bruttii. The reasons for this opinion are stated by Cramer (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ancient Italy&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 367, 390).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_39_39&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_39_39&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[39]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Quintus&#039; in the text of Plutarch, which is a common error. &#039;L. Quintius&#039; in Frontinus (ii. 5, 34).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_40_40&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_40_40&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[40]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The same thing is told in the Life of Pompeius, c. 21.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_41_41&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_41_41&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[41]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In the Life of Marcellus, c. 22, Plutarch describes the minor triumph, called the Ovatio, which name is from the word &#039;ovis&#039; a sheep; for a sheep only was sacrificed by the general who had the minor triumph; he who had the greater triumph, sacrificed an ox. In an ovatio the general walked in the procession, instead of riding in a chariot drawn by four horses, as in the Triumphus Curulis; and he wore a crown of myrtle, instead of a crown of bay which was worn on the occasion of the greater triumph. But Plinius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist. Nat.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; xv. 29) says that Crassus wore a crown of bay on the occasion of this ovation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_42_42&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_42_42&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[42]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The first consulship of M. Licinius Crassus and Cn. Pompeius Magnus belongs to B.C. 70.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_43_43&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_43_43&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[43]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The story is told again in the Life of Pompeius, c. 23, where Aurelius is called Caius Aurelius, which is probably the true name.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_44_44&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_44_44&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[44]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Crassus was censor with Lutatius Catulus in B.C. 65. The duties of the censors are here briefly alluded to by Plutarch. One of the most important was the numbering of the people and the registration of property for the purposes of taxation. This quarrel of the censors is mentioned by Dion Cassius (37. c. 9).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_45_45&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_45_45&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[45]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The conspiracy of Catiline was in B.C. 63, the year when Cicero was consul. See the Life of Cicero.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There seems to be no evidence that Crassus was implicated in the affair of Catiline. Dion Cassius (37. c. 31) speaks of anonymous letters about the conspiracy being brought to Crassus and other nobles; and Plutarch states on the authority of Cicero that Crassus communicated the letters to Cicero. Dion Cassius in another passage (37. c. 35) mentions the suspicion against Crassus, and that one of the prisoners informed against him, &amp;quot;but there were not many to believe it.&amp;quot; If Dion did not believe it, we need not; for he generally believes anything that is to a man&#039;s discredit. Sallustius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bellum Catilin.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; c. 48) has given us a statement of the affair, but his own opinion can scarcely be collected from it. He says, however, that he had heard Crassus declare that Cicero was the instigator of this charge. The orations of Cicero which Plutarch refers to are not extant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_46_46&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_46_46&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[46]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The text is corrupt, though the general meaning is plain. See the note of Sintonis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_47_47&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_47_47&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[47]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The son of Crassus, who is introduced abruptly in Plutarch&#039;s fashion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_48_48&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_48_48&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[48]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After Cæsar had been prætor in Spain he was elected consul B.C. 59, with M. Calpurnius Bibulus (see the Life of Cæsar, c. 14). After his consulship Cæsar had the Gauls as his province. The meeting at Luca (Lucca), which was on the southern limits of Cæsar&#039;s province, took place B.C. 56; and here was formed the coalition which is sometimes, though improperly, called the first Triumvirate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_49_49&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_49_49&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[49]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The second consulship of Pompeius and Crassus was B.C. 55. Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus was one of the consuls of the year B.C. 56, during which the elections for the year 55 took place. This Domitius, L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, was consul B.C. 54. In the quarrel between Pompeius and Cæsar, he joined Pompeius, and after various adventures finally he lost his life in the battle of Pharsalus B.C. 48.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_50_50&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_50_50&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[50]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The first &#039;house&#039; (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: oikia&amp;quot;&amp;gt;οἰκία&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) is evidently the house of Domitius. The second house (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: oikêma&amp;quot;&amp;gt;οἴκημα&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;), which may be more properly rendered &#039;chamber,&#039; may, as Sintenis says, mean the Senate-house, if the reading is right. Kaltwasser takes the second house to be the same as the first house; and he refers to the Life of Pompeius, c. 51, 52, where the same story is told.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In place of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: oikêma&amp;quot;&amp;gt;οἴκημα&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; some critics have read &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: bêma&amp;quot;&amp;gt;βῆμα&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; the Rostra.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_51_51&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_51_51&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[51]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Appian (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 18) says that Pompeius received Iberia and Libya. The Romans had now two provinces in the Spanish peninsula, Hispania Citerior or Tarraconensis, and Ulterior or Bætica. This arrangement, by which the whole power of the state was distributed among Pompeius, Crassus and Cæsar, was in effect a revolution, and the immediate cause of the wars which followed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Appian (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 18) after speaking of Crassus going on his Parthian expedition in which he lost his life, adds, &amp;quot;but the Parthian History will show forth the calamity of Crassus.&amp;quot; Appian wrote a Parthian History; but that which is now extant under the name is merely an extract from Plutarch&#039;s Life of Crassus, beginning with the sixteenth chapter: which extract is followed by another from Plutarch&#039;s Life of Antonius. The compiler of this Parthian History has put at the head of it a few words of introduction. The extract from Crassus is sometimes useful for the various readings which it offers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_52_52&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_52_52&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[52]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This wife was Cæsar&#039;s daughter Julia, whom Pompeius married in Cæsar&#039;s consulship (Vell. Paterc. ii. 44). She was nearly twenty-three years younger than Pompeius. Julia died B.C. 54, after giving birth to a son, who died soon after her. She possessed beauty and a good disposition. The people, with whom she was a favourite, had her buried in the Field of Mars. See the Lives of Pompeius and Cæsar.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_53_53&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_53_53&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[53]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; That is the Lex which prolonged Cæsar&#039;s government for five years and gave Iberia (Spain) and Syria to Pompeius and Crassus for the same period. The Lex was proposed by the Tribune Titus Trebonius (Livius, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Epitome&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 105; Dion Cassius, 39. c. 33).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_54_54&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_54_54&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[54]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; C. Ateius Capito Gallus and his brother tribune P. Aquillius Gallius were strong opponents of Pompeius and Crassus at this critical time. Crassus left Rome for his Parthian campaign at the close of B.C. 55, before the expiration of his consulship (Clinton, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Fasti&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, B.C. 54).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_55_55&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_55_55&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[55]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; We learn that Crassus sailed from Brundisium (Brindisi), the usual place of embarkation for Asia, but we are told nothing more of his course till we find him in Galatia, talking to old Deiotarus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_56_56&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_56_56&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[56]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Zenodotia or Zenodotium, a city of the district Osrhoene, and near the town of Nikephorium. These were Greek cities founded by the Macedonians. I have mistranslated the first part of this passage of Plutarch from not referring at the time to Dion Cassius (40. c. 13) who tells the story thus:—&amp;quot;The inhabitants of Zenodotium sent for some of the Romans, pretending that they intended to join them like the rest; but when the men were within the city, they cut off their retreat and killed them; and this was the reason why their city was destroyed.&amp;quot; The literal version of Plutarch&#039;s text will be the true one. &amp;quot;But in one of them, of which Apollonius was tyrant, a hundred of his soldiers were put to death, upon,&amp;quot; &amp;amp;amp;c.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_57_57&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_57_57&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[57]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was his son Publius, who is often mentioned in Cæsar&#039;s Gallic War.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_58_58&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_58_58&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[58]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Life of Lucullus, c. 22.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_59_59&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_59_59&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[59]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Hierapolis or the &#039;Holy City&#039; was also called Bambyke and Edessa. Strabo places it four schoeni from the west bank of the Euphrates. The goddess who was worshipped here was called Atargatis or Astarte. Lucian speaks of the goddess and her temple and ceremonial in his treatise &#039;On the Syrian Goddess&#039; (iii. p. 451, ed. Hemsterhuis). Lucian had visited the place. Josephus adds (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Jewish Antiq.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; xiv. 7) that Crassus stripped the temple of Jerusalem of all its valuables to the amount of ten thousand talents. The winter occupation of the Roman general was more profitable than his campaign the following year turned out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_60_60&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_60_60&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[60]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was a general name of the Parthian kings, and probably was used as a kind of title. The dynasty was called the Arsakidæ. The name Arsakes occurs among the Persian names in the Persæ of Aeschylus. Pott (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Etymologische Forschungen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 272) conjectures that the word means &#039;King of the Arii,&#039; or &#039;the noble King.&#039; The prefix &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; or &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ari&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; is very common in Persian names, as Ariamnes, Ariomardus, and others.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Plutarch in other passages of the Life of Crassus calls this Arsakes, Hyrodes, and other authorities call him Orodes. He is classed as Arsakes XIV. Orodes I. of Parthia, by those who have attempted to form a regular series of the Parthian kings.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Crassus replied that he would give his answer in Seleukeia, the large city on the Tigris, which was nearly pure Greek. The later Parthian capital was Ktesiphon, in the neighbourhood of Seleukeia, on the east bank of the Tigris and about twenty miles from Bagdad. The foundation of Ktesiphon is attributed by Ammianus Marcellinus (xxiii. 6, ed. Gronov.) to Bardanes, who was a contemporary of the Roman emperor Nero, if he is the Arsakes Bardanes who appears in the list of Parthian kings. But Ktesiphon is mentioned by Polybius in his fifth book, in the wars of Antiochus and Molon, and consequently it existed in the time of Crassus, though it is not mentioned in his Life. Ktesiphon is mentioned by Dion Cassius (40. c. 14) in his history of the campaign of Crassus, but this alone would not prove that Ktesiphon existed at that time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_61_61&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_61_61&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[61]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Greek word here and at the beginning of ch. xix., translated &#039;mailed&#039; by Mr. Long, always refers to cuirassed cavalry soldiers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_62_62&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_62_62&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[62]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; C. Cassius Longinus, the friend of M. Junius Brutus, and afterwards one of the assassins of the Dictator Cæsar.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_63_63&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_63_63&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[63]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He is afterwards called Artavasdes. He was a son of the Tigranes whom Lucullus defeated, and is called Artavasdes I. by Saint-Martin. He is mentioned again in Plutarch&#039;s Life of M. Antonius. c. 39, 50.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_64_64&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_64_64&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[64]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Zeugma means the Bridge. Seleukus Nikator is said to have established a bridge of boats here, in order to connect the opposite bank with Apameia, a city which he built on the east side of the Euphrates (Plinius, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist. Nat.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; v. 24). Zeugma afterwards was a usual place for crossing the river; but a bridge of boats could hardly be permanently kept there, and it appears that Crassus had to construct a raft. Zeugma is either upon or near the site of Bir, which is in about 37° N. Lat.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_65_65&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_65_65&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[65]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Probably these great hurricanes are not uncommon on the Euphrates. In the year 1831 a gale sent Colonel Chesney&#039;s &amp;quot;little vessel to the bottom of the river;&amp;quot; but a still greater calamity befel the Tigris steamer in the Euphrates expedition which was under the command of Colonel Chesney, in May 1836. A little after one P.M. a storm appeared bringing with it clouds of sand from the west-north-west. The two steam-boats the Tigris and the Euphrates were then passing over the rocks of Es-Geria, which were deeply covered with water. The Euphrates was safely secured; but the Tigris, being directed against the bank, struck with great violence; the wind suddenly veered round and drove her bow off; &amp;quot;this rendered it quite impossible to secure the vessel to the bank, along which she was blown rapidly by the heavy gusts; her head falling off into the stream as she passed close to the Euphrates, which vessel had been backed opportunely to avoid the concussion.&amp;quot; The Tigris perished in this violent hurricane and twenty men were lost in her. The storm lasted about eight minutes. Colonel Chesney escaped by swimming to the shore just before the vessel went down: he was fortunate &amp;quot;to take a direction which brought him to the land, without having seen anything whatever to guide him through the darkness worse than that of night.&amp;quot;—&amp;quot;For an instant,&amp;quot; says Colonel Chesney after getting to land, &amp;quot;I saw the keel of the Tigris uppermost (near the stern); she went down bow foremost, and having struck the bottom in that position, she probably turned round on the bow as a pivot, and thus showed part of her keel for an instant at the other extremity; but her paddle beams, floats, and parts of the sides were already broken up, and actually floated ashore, so speedy and terrific had been the work of destruction.&amp;quot; (Letter from Colonel Chesney to Sir J. Hobhouse, 28th May, 1836; Euphrates Expedition Papers printed by order of the House of Commons, 17th July, 1837.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Ammianus Marcellinus (xxiv. 1) speaks of a violent storm at Anatha (Annah) on the Euphrates, during the expedition of the Emperor Julian. It blew down the tents and stretched the soldiers on the ground.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_66_66&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_66_66&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[66]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A place struck with lightning was considered religious (religiosus), that is, it could no longer be used for common purposes. &amp;quot;The deity,&amp;quot; says Festus (v. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Fulguritum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;), &amp;quot;was supposed to have appropriated it to himself.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Dion Cassius (40. c. 17, &amp;amp;amp;c.) gives the story of the passage of the river. The eagle, according to him, was very obstinate. It stuck fast in the ground, as if it was planted there; and when it was forced up by the soldiers, it went along very unwillingly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Roman eagle was fixed at one end of a long shaft of wood, which had a sharp point at the other end for the purpose of fixing it in the ground. The eagle was gold, or gilded metal; and, according to Dion Cassius, it was kept in a small moveable case or consecrated chapel. The eagle was not moved from the winter encampment, unless the whole army was put in motion. The Vexilla (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: sêmeia&amp;quot;&amp;gt;σημεῖα&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; of the Greek writers) were what we call the colours.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;(See the note of Reimarus on Dion Cassius, 40. c. 18.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_67_67&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_67_67&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[67]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dion Cassius (40. c. 20), who tells the story, names the man Augarus. See the note of Reimarus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_68_68&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_68_68&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[68]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is the translation of Plutarch&#039;s word &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: pelatês&amp;quot;&amp;gt;πελάτης&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, which word &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: pelatês&amp;quot;&amp;gt;πελάτης&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; is used by the Greek writers on Roman history to express the Latin Cliens. It is not here supposed that Parthian clients were the same as Roman clients; but as Plutarch uses the word to express a certain condition among the Parthians, which was not that of slavery, it is proper to retain his word in the translation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_69_69&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_69_69&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[69]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This &amp;quot;very Hyrodes&amp;quot; and his brother Mithridates are said to have murdered their father Arsakes XII. Phraates III., who is spoken of in the Life of Lucullus. The two brothers quarrelled. Mithridates is mentioned by some authorities as the immediate successor of his father under the title of Arsakes XIII. Mithridates III. Mithridates was besieged in Babylon by Hyrodes; and Mithridates, after surrendering to his brother, was put to death. (Dion Cassius, 39. c. 56; Appian, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;On the Affairs of Syria&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 51; Justinus, xlii. 4.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_70_70&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_70_70&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[70]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This river is probably the same as the Bilecha, now the Belejik, a small stream which joins the Euphrates on the left bank at Racca, the old Nikephorium. This river is mentioned by Isidorus of Charax and by Ammianus Marcellinus (xxiii. c. 3), who calls it Belias.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_71_71&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_71_71&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[71]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch seems to mean something like drums furnished with bells or rattles; but his description is not very clear, and the passage may be rendered somewhat differently from what I have rendered it: &amp;quot;but they have instruments to beat upon (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: rhoptra&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ῥόπτρα&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;), made of skin, and hollow, which they stretch round brass sounders&amp;quot; (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: êcheiois&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἠχείοις&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, whatever the word may mean here). The word &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: rhoptron&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ῥόπτρον&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; properly means a thing to strike with; but it seems to have another meaning here. (See Passow&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Greek Lexicon&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.) The context seems to show that a drum is meant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_72_72&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_72_72&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[72]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Margiana was a country east of the Caspian, the position of which seems to be determined by the Murg-aub river, the ancient Margus. Hyrcania joined it on the west. Strabo (p. 516) describes Margiana as a fertile plain surrounded by deserts. He says nothing of its iron. Plinius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist. Nat.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; vi. 16) says that Orodes carried off the Romans who were captured at the time of the defeat of Crassus, to Antiochia, in Margiana.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_73_73&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_73_73&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[73]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So Xenophon (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cyropædia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 3. 2) represents King Astyages. The king also wore a wig or false locks.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_74_74&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_74_74&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[74]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The peculiarity of the Parthian warfare made a lasting impression on the Romans; and it is often alluded to by the Latin writers:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Fidentemque fuga Parthum versisque sagittis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Virgil, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Georgic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; iii. 31.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_75_75&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_75_75&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[75]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In reading the chapter, it must be remembered that Publius is young Crassus. If there is any apparent confusion between the father and son, it will be removed by reading carefully. I have chosen to translate Plutarch, not to mend him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_76_76&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_76_76&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[76]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The reading of this passage in Appian (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Parthica&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 29) is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: telmasin entuchontes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;τέλμασιν ἐντυχόντες&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, which Sintenis has adopted. The common reading is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: suntagmasin entuchontes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;συντάγμασιν ἐντυχόντες&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, which various critics variously explain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_77_77&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_77_77&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[77]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In the old Latin translation of Guarini, the name Cn. Plancus occurs in place of Megabacchus. Kaltwasser conjectures that Megabacchus was a Greek, but the context implies that he was a Roman. Orelli (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Onomastic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; C. Megaboccus) takes him to be the person mentioned by Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 7), which Gronovius had already observed, and again by Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pro Scauro&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_78_78&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_78_78&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[78]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Censorinus was a cognomen of the Marcia Gens, and several of the name are mentioned in the history of Rome; but this Censorinus does not appear to be otherwise known.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_79_79&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_79_79&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[79]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Carrhæ was a Mesopotamian town, south of Orfa or Edessa, and about 37° N. lat. It is supposed to be the Haran of Genesis (xi. 31).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_80_80&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_80_80&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[80]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ichnæ was a town on the Bilecha, south of Carrhæ. Dion Cassias (40. c. 12) calls it Ichniæ, and adds that Crassus before taking Nikephorium had been defeated by Talymenus Eilakes. Eilakes is probably a blunder in the copies of Dion; and it is conjectured that he is the Sillakes mentioned by Plutarch (c. 21), Appian, and Orosius (vi. 3).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_81_81&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_81_81&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[81]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The death of young Crassus, and the subsequent misfortunes of the Romans, are described by Dion Cassius, 40. c. 21, &amp;amp;amp;c.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_82_82&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_82_82&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[82]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Or Egnatius. He is called Gnatius by Appian.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_83_83&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_83_83&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[83]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cassius escaped to Syria, which he successfully defended against the invading Parthians, who lost their commander, Osakes. (Dion Cassius. 40. c. 28, 29; Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; v. 20; Orosius, vi. 13.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Cicero was proconsul of Cilicia during the Parthian invasion of Syria B.C. 51.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_84_84&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_84_84&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[84]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sinnaca is mentioned by Strabo p. 747, but he says nothing which enables us to fix its position. If Plutarch&#039;s narrative is correct; it was not far from Carrhæ; and Carrhæ was considered by the Romans to be the scene of the death of Crassus, probably because it was the nearest known place to the spot where he fell.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_85_85&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_85_85&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[85]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;The river&#039; is the Euphrates.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_86_86&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_86_86&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[86]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The stories about the death of Crassus varied, as we might suppose. Dion Cassius (40. c. 27) remarks that, according to one version of the story, Crassus was badly wounded, and was killed by one of his own people to prevent him from being taken alive. He adds that the chief part of the army of Crassus made their escape.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_87_87&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_87_87&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[87]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The story of molten gold being poured into the mouth of the head of Crassus is given by Dion Cassius as a report. Floras (iii. 11) has the same story; and he says that it was the right hand of Crassus which was sent to the king, as we might conjecture it would be, if only one was sent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_88_88&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_88_88&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[88]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Kaltwasser asks, &amp;quot;Was this perchance intended as an allusion to the avarice of Crassus, as the female dress was intended to refer to his cowardice?&amp;quot; The probable answer is Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_89_89&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_89_89&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[89]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As this was a Greek town, it had a Greek constitution, and was governed by a body which the Romans called a Senate. The Senate of Seleukeia is mentioned by Tacitus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Annal.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; vi. 42): &amp;quot;Trecenti opibus, aut sapientia delecti, ut Senatus: sua populo vis; et quoties concordes agunt, spernitur Parthus.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_90_90&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_90_90&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[90]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This Aristeides wrote lewd stories called Milesiaca, of which there were several books. They were translated into Latin by the historian L. Cornelius Sisenna, a contemporary of Sulla. It is not said whether the original or the translation formed a part of the camp furniture of this unworthy Roman soldier. The work of Aristeides was known to Ovidius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Tristia,&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 413, 443), who attempts to defend his own amatory poetry by the example of Sisenna, who translated an obscene book.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_91_91&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_91_91&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[91]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Probably there is an error in the name: Roscius has been proposed as the probable reading.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_92_92&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_92_92&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[92]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch is alluding to the fable of the two wallets, which every man carries, one in front with his neighbours&#039; faults in it, and the other behind containing his own. Phædrus (iv. 10, ed. Orelli) has pithily told the apologue:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Peras imposuit Iuppiter nobis duas:&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Propriis repletam vitiis post tergum dedit,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Alienis ante pectus suspendit gravem.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Hac re videre nostra mala non possumus:&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Alii simul delinquunt, censores sumus.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Two wallets Juppiter has placed upon us:&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Our own faults fill the bag we bear behind,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Our neighbour&#039;s heavy wallet hangs in front.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;And so we cannot see our own ill deeds;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;But if another trips, forthwith we censure.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_93_93&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_93_93&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[93]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This word means a thick stick; and a snake of like form.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_94_94&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_94_94&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[94]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Greek adventurers were always making their way to the courts of these barbarous Asiatic kings to serve in the capacity of physicians, mountebanks, or impostors of some kind. Several instances are mentioned by Herodotus. Tralles was a considerable town near the west coast of Asia Minor, from which this actor came.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_95_95&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_95_95&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[95]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Pentheus, king of Thebes, son of Agave; would not recognise the divinity of Bacchus, whereupon Bacchus infuriated the women, and among them Agave, who killed her own son. She is introduced in the Bacchæ with his head in her hand, exulting over the slaughter of the supposed wild beast.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The passage which is cited is from the Bacchæ of Euripides, v. 1168, ed. Elmsley. The exact meaning of the word &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: helika&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἕλικα&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; in the passage is uncertain. See Elmsley&#039;s note.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_96_96&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_96_96&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[96]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The word is Exodium (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: exodion&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἐξόδιον&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;), a kind of entertainment common among the Romans, though it is a Greek word. Plutarch means that this exhibition before the kings was like the farce which is acted after a tragedy. It seems as if Jason was first playing the part of Agave, and was then going to play that of Pentheus; but on seeing the head he put aside the mask and dress of Pentheus, and recited the words of the frantic mother. Plutarch sometimes leaves things in a kind of mist: he gives his reader opportunity for conjecture.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_97_97&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_97_97&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[97]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Pacorus was completely defeated B.C. 38 near the Euphrates by P. Ventidius Bassus, who was the legatus of M. Antonius. Pacorus lost his life in the battle (Dion Cassius, 49. c. 20; Plutarch, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life of Antonius&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 34). It is said that Pacorus fell on the same day on which Crassus lost his life fifteen years before, the 9th of June (Dion Cassius, 49. c. 21, and the note of Reimarus).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_98_98&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_98_98&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[98]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He began his reign under the name of Arsakes XV. Phraates IV., according to some authorities, B.C. 37. He was not satisfied with murdering his father: he murdered his brothers, and many distinguished Parthians. His name occurs again in Plutarch&#039;s Life of Antonius. Phraates delivered up to Augustus, B.C. 20, the Roman soldiers, eagles, and standards which had been taken by Crassus; an event which is commemorated by extant medals, and was recorded by Augustus among his other exploits in the Monumentum Ancyranum.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_99_99&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_99_99&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[99]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is the Greek word (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: akoniton&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ὰκόνιτον&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;): the same name is now given to Monkshood or Wolfsbane, a genus of Ranunculaceae. Aconite is now used as a medicine; &amp;quot;The best forms are either an alcoholic extract of the leaves, or an alcoholic tincture of the root made by displacement.&amp;quot; It is a poisonous plant, and death has followed from the careless use of it (&amp;quot;Aconite,&amp;quot; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Penny Cyclopædia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Supplement&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; to the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;P. Cyc.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;With this farce, as Plutarch remarks, the history of Crassus terminates. If Plutarch designed to make Crassus contemptible, he has certainly succeeded. And there is nothing in other authorities to induce us to think that he has done Crassus injustice. With some good qualities and his moderate abilities, he might have been a respectable man in a private station. But insatiable avarice, and that curse of many men, ambition without the ability that can ensure success and command respect, made Crassus a fool in his old age, and brought him to an ignominious end.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 89]&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;COMPARISON_OF_NIKIAS_AND_CRASSUS&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_89&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;COMPARISON OF NIKIAS AND CRASSUS.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In the first place, the wealth of Nikias was much more honestly and creditably obtained than that of Crassus. Generally speaking, one cannot approve of men who make their money from mines, which are as a rule worked by criminals, or savages, labouring in chains in unhealthy subterranean dungeons; but yet this method of amassing a fortune seems much the more honourable, when compared with Crassus&#039;s purchase of confiscated lands and his habit of bidding for houses that were on fire. Crassus too used to practise these openly, like a trade: while he was also accused of taking bribes for his speeches in the Senate, of defrauding the allies of Rome, of currying favour with great ladies and assisting them to shield offenders from justice. Nothing of this sort was ever laid to the charge of Nikias, who, however, was ridiculed for giving money to common informers because he feared their tongues. Yet this action of his, though it would have been a disgrace to Perikles, or Aristeides, was a necessity for Nikias, who was naturally of a timid disposition. Thus Lykurgus the orator excused himself when accused of having bought off some informers who threatened him. &amp;quot;I am glad,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;that after so long a public life as mine I should have been at last convicted of giving bribes rather than of receiving them.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The expenditure of Nikias was all calculated to increase his popularity in the state, being devoted to offerings to the gods, gymnastic contests and public dramatic performances. But all the money he spent that way, and all that he possessed was but a small part of what Crassus bestowed upon a public feast at Rome for some tens of thousands of guests, whom he even maintained at his own cost for some &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 90]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_90&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;time after. So true it is that wickedness and vice argue a want of due balance and proportion in a man&#039;s mind, which leads him to acquire wealth dishonestly, and then to squander it uselessly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; So much for their riches. Now in their political life, Nikias never did anything bold, daring or unjust, for he was outwitted by Alkibiades, and always stood in fear of the popular assembly. Crassus, on the other hand, is accused of great inconsistency, in lightly changing from one party to another, and he himself never denied that he once obtained the consulship by hiring men to assassinate Cato and Domitius. And in the assembly held for the dividing for the provinces, many were wounded and four men slain in the Forum, while Crassus himself (which I have forgotten to mention in his Life) struck one Lucius Annalius, a speaker on the other side, so violent a blow with his fist that his face was covered with blood. But though Crassus was overbearing and tyrannical in his public life, yet we cannot deny that the shrinking timidity and cowardice of Nikias deserve equally severe censure; and it must be remembered that when Crassus was carrying matters with so high a hand, it was no Kleon or Hyperbolus that he had for an antagonist, but the great Julius Cæsar himself, and Pompeius who had triumphed three several times, and that he gave way to neither of them, but became their equal in power, and even excelled Pompeius in dignity by obtaining the office of censor. A great politician should not try to avoid unpopularity, but to gain such power and reputation as will enable him to rise above it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yet if it were true that Nikias preferred quiet and security to anything else, and that he stood in fear of Alkibiades in the assembly, of the Spartans at Pylus, and of Perdikkas in Thrace, he had every opportunity to repose himself in Athens and to &amp;quot;weave the garland of a peaceful life,&amp;quot; as some philosopher calls it. He had indeed a true and divine love of peace, and his attempt to bring the Peloponnesian war to an end, was an act of real Hellenic patriotism. In this respect Crassus cannot be compared with Nikias, not though he had carried the frontier of the Roman empire as far as the Caspian and the Indian seas.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 91]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_91&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Yet a statesman, in a country which appreciates his merits, ought not when at the height of his power to make way for worthless men, and place in office those who have no claim to it, as Nikias did when he laid down his own office of commander-in-chief and gave it to Kleon, a man who possessed no qualification whatever for the post except his brazen effrontery. Neither can I praise Crassus for having so rashly and hurriedly brought the war with Spartacus to a crisis, although he was actuated by an honourable ambition in fearing that Pompeius would arrive and take from him the glory of having completed the war, as Mummius took from Marcellus the glory of winning Corinth. But on the other hand the conduct of Nikias was altogether monstrous and inexcusable. He did not give up his honourable post to his enemy at a time when there was hope of success and little peril. He saw that great danger was likely to be incurred by the general in command at Pylus, and yet he was content to place himself in safety, and let the state run the risk of ruin, by entrusting an incompetent person with the sole management of affairs. Yet Themistokles, rather than allow an ignorant commander to mismanage the war against Persia, bribed him to lay down his office. So also Cato at a most dangerous crisis became a candidate for the office of tribune of the people in order to serve his country. But Nikias, reserving himself to play the general at the expense of the village of Minoa, the island of Kythera, and the miserable inhabitants of Melos,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_100_100&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_100_100&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[100]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; when it came to fighting the Lacedæmonians eagerly stripped off his general&#039;s cloak, and entrusted to an inexperienced and reckless man like Kleon, the conduct of an enterprise involving the safety of a large Athenian fleet and army, showing himself no less neglectful of his own honour than he was of the interests of his country. After this he was forced against his will into the war with Syracuse, in which he seems to have imagined that his army would capture the city by remaining before it doing nothing, and not by vigorous attacks. No doubt it is a great testimony to the esteem in which he was held &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 92]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_92&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;by his countrymen, that he was always opposed to war and unwilling to act as general, and was nevertheless always forced by them to undertake that office: whereas Crassus, who always wished for an independent command, never obtained one except in the servile war, and then only because all the other generals, Pompeius, Metellus, and Lucullus, were absent. Yet at that time Crassus was at the height of his power and reputation: but his friends seem to have thought him, as the comic poet has it,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Most excellent, save in the battle-field.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And in his case also, the Romans gained no advantage from his ambitious desire of command. The Athenians sent Nikias to Sicily against his will, and Crassus led the Romans to Parthia against their will. Nikias suffered by the actions of the Athenians, while Rome suffered by the actions of Crassus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; However, in their last moments we incline rather to praise Nikias than to blame Crassus. Nikias, a skilful and experienced commander, did not share the rash hopes of his countrymen, but never thought that Sicily could be conquered, and dissuaded them from making the attempt. Crassus, on the other hand, urged the Romans to undertake the war with Parthia, representing the conquest of that country as an easy operation, which he nevertheless failed to effect. His ambition was vast. Cæsar had conquered the Gauls, Germans, Britons, and all the west of Europe, and Crassus wished in his turn to march eastward as far as the Indian Ocean, and to conquer all those regions of Asia which Pompeius and Lucullus, two great men and actuated by a like desire for conquest, had previously aspired to subdue. Yet they also met with a like opposition. When Pompeius was given an unlimited command in the East, the appointment was opposed by the Senate, and when Cæsar routed thirty thousand Germans, Cato proposed that he should be delivered up to the vanquished, and that thus the anger of the gods should be turned away from the city upon the author of so great a crime as he had committed by breaking his word. Yet the Romans slighted Cato&#039;s &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 93]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_93&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;proposals and held a solemn thanksgiving for fifteen days to show their joy at the news. How many days then must we imagine they would have spent in rejoicing if Crassus had sent despatches announcing the capture of Babylon, and then had reduced Media, Persia, Hyrkania, Susa, and Bactria to the condition of Roman provinces. &amp;quot;If a man must do wrong,&amp;quot; as Euripides says of those who cannot live in peace, and be contented when they are well off, they should do it on a grand scale like this, not capture contemptible places like Skandeia or Mende, or chase the people of Ægina, like birds who have been turned out of their nests. If we are to do an injustice, let us not do it in a miserable pettifogging way, but imitate such great examples as Crassus and Alexander the Great. Those who praise the one of these great men, and blame the other, do so only because they are unable to see any other distinction between them except that the one failed and the other succeeded.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When acting as general, Nikias did many great exploits, for he was many times victorious, all but took Syracuse, and ought not justly to bear the blame of the whole Sicilian disaster, because of his disease, and the ill will which some bore him at Athens. Crassus on the other hand committed so many mistakes as to put it out of the power of fortune to aid him, so that one wonders not so much that his folly was overcome by the Parthians as that it could overcome the good fortune of the Romans. Now as the one never disregarded religious observances and omens, the other despised them all, and yet both alike perished, it is hard to say what inference we ought to draw, as to which acted most wisely, yet we must incline rather to the side of him who followed the established rule in such matters rather than that of him who insolently discarded all such observances. In his death Crassus is more to be commended, because he yielded himself against his will in consequence of the entreaties of his friends, and was most treacherously deceived by the enemy, while Nikias delivered himself up to his enemies through a base and cowardly desire to save his life, and thus made his end more infamous.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;FOOTNOTES:&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_100_100&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_100_100&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[100]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I cannot find that Nikias took any part in the massacre of the people of Melos in 416 B.C.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 94]&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;LIFE_OF_SERTORIUS&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_94&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;LIFE OF SERTORIUS.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; It is perhaps not a matter of surprise, if in the lapse of time, which is unlimited, while fortune&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_101_101&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_101_101&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[101]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; is continually changing her course, spontaneity should often result in the same incidents; for, if the number of elemental things is not limited, fortune has in the abundance of material a bountiful supply of sameness of results; and, if things are implicated in a dependence upon definite numbers, it is of necessity that the same things must often happen, being effected by the same means. Now, as some are pleased to collect, by inquiry and hearsay, from among &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 95]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_95&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;the things which accidentally happen, such as bear some likeness to the works of calculation and forethought: such, for instance, as that there were two celebrated Atteis,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_102_102&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_102_102&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[102]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the one a Syrian and the other an Arcadian, and that both were killed by a wild boar; that there were two Actæons, one of whom was torn in pieces by his dogs and the other by his lovers; that there were two Scipios,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_103_103&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_103_103&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[103]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; by one of whom the Carthaginians were first conquered, and by the other were cut up root and branch; that Troy was taken by Hercules, on account of the horses of Laomedon, and by Agamemnon by means of the wooden horse, as it is called, and was taken a third time by Charidemus, by reason of the Ilians not being able to close the gates quick enough, owing to a horse having got between them; that there are two cities which have the same name with the most fragrant of plants, Ios&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_104_104&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_104_104&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[104]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Smyrna, and that Homer was born in one of them and died in the other: I may be allowed to add to these instances, that the most warlike of commanders and those who have accomplished most by a union of daring and cunning, have been one-eyed men, Philippus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_105_105&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_105_105&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[105]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Antigonus, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 96]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_96&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Annibal, and the subject of this Life—Sertorius; he whom one may affirm to have been more continent as to women than Philip, more true to his friends than Antigonus, more merciful to his enemies than Annibal,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_106_106&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_106_106&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[106]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; inferior in understanding to none of them, but in fortune inferior to all; and, though he always found Fortune more hard to deal with than his open enemies, yet he proved himself her equal by opposing the experience of Metellus, the daring of Pompeius, the fortune of Sulla, and the power of the whole Roman state; a fugitive and a stranger putting himself at the head of barbarians. Of all the Greeks, Eumenes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_107_107&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_107_107&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[107]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Kardia presents the nearest resemblance to him. Both of them were men qualified to command; both were warlike, and yet full of stratagem; both became exiles from their native land and the commanders of foreign troops; and both had the same violent and unjust fortune in their end, for both of them were the objects of conspiracy, and were cut off by the hands of those with whom they were victorious over their enemies.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Quintus Sertorius belonged to a family not among the meanest in Nussa,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_108_108&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_108_108&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[108]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a Sabine city. He was carefully brought up by a widowed mother, for he had lost his &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 97]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_97&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;father, and he appears to have been exceedingly attached to her. His mother&#039;s name, they say, was Rhea. He had a competent practical education in the courts of justice, and, as a young man, he attained some influence in the city by his eloquence. But his reputation and success in war diverted all his ambition in that direction.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now, first of all, after the Cimbri and Teutones had invaded Gaul, he was serving under Cæpio&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_109_109&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_109_109&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[109]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at the time when the Romans were defeated and put to flight; and, though he lost his horse and was wounded in the body, he crossed the Rhone swimming in his cuirass and with his shield against the powerful stream—so strong was his body and disciplined by exercise. On a second occasion, when the same barbarians were advancing with many thousand men and dreadful threats, so that for a Roman to stand to his ranks at such a time, and to obey his general, was a great matter, Marius had the command, and Sertorius undertook to be a spy upon the enemy. Putting on a Celtic dress, and making himself master of the most ordinary expressions of the language, for the purpose of conversation when occasion might offer, he mingled with the barbarians, and, either by his own eyes or by inquiry, learning all that was important to know, he returned to Marius. For this he obtained the prize of merit; and in the rest of the campaign, having given many proofs of his judgment and daring, he was honoured and trusted by his general. After the close of the war with the Cimbri and Teutones, he was sent as tribune by Didius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_110_110&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_110_110&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[110]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 98]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_98&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;the prætor to Iberia, and he wintered in Castlo,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_111_111&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_111_111&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[111]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a city of the Celtiberi. The soldiers, being in the midst of abundance, lost all discipline, and were generally drunk, which brought them into contempt with the barbarians, who, by night, sent for aid from their neighbours the Gyrisœni, and, coming on the soldiers in their lodgings, began to slaughter them. Sertorius with a few others stole out, and, collecting the soldiers who made their escape, surrounded the city. Finding the gates open through which the barbarians had secretly entered, he did not make the same mistake that they did, but he set a watch there, and, hemming in the city on all sides, he massacred every man who was of age to bear arms. When the massacre was over, he ordered all his soldiers to lay down their own armour and dress, and, putting on those of the barbarians, to follow him to the city from which the men came who had fallen on them in the night. The barbarians were deceived by the armour, and he found the gates open, and a number of men expecting to meet friends and fellow-citizens, returning from a successful expedition. Accordingly, most of them were killed by the Romans near the gates, and the rest surrendered and were sold as slaves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; This made the name of Sertorius known in Iberia; and as soon as he returned to Rome he was appointed quæstor in Gaul upon the Padus at a critical time; for the Marsic&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_112_112&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_112_112&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[112]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; war was threatening. Being commissioned to levy troops and procure arms, he applied so much zeal and expedition to the work, compared with the tardiness and indolence of the other young men, that he got the reputation of being a man likely to run an active career. Yet he remitted nothing of the daring of a soldier after he was promoted to the rank of commander; but he exhibited wonderful feats of courage, and exposed himself without any reserve to danger, whereby he lost one of his eyes &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 99]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_99&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;through a wound. But he always prided himself on this. He used to say that others did not always carry about with them the proofs of their valour, but put them aside, at times, as chains and spears, and crowns, while the proofs of his valour always abided with him, and those who saw what he had lost saw at the same time the evidences of his courage. The people also showed him appropriate marks of respect; for, on his entering the theatre, they received him with clapping of hands and expressions of their good wishes—testimonials which even those who were far advanced in age, and high in rank, could with difficulty obtain. However, when he was a candidate for the tribuneship, Sulla raised a party against him, and he failed; and this was, apparently, the reason why he hated Sulla. But when Marius was overpowered by Sulla and fled from Rome, and Sulla had set out to fight with Mithridates, and the consul Octavius adhered to the party of Sulla, while his colleague Cinna, who aimed at a revolution, revived the drooping faction of Marius, Sertorius attached himself to Cinna, especially as he saw that Octavius was deficient in activity, and he distrusted the friends of Marius. A great battle was fought in the Forum between the consuls, in which Octavius got the victory, and Cinna and Sertorius took to flight, having lost nearly ten thousand men. However, they persuaded most of the troops, which were still scattered about Italy, to come over to their side, and they were soon a match for Octavius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Marius had returned from Libya, and was proposing to join Cinna, himself in a mere private capacity and Cinna as consul, all the rest thought it politic to receive him; but Sertorius was against it: whether it was because he thought that Cinna would pay less respect to him when a general of higher reputation was present, or because he feared the ferocious temper of Marius, and that he would put all in confusion in his passion, which knew no bounds, transgressing the limits of justice in the midst of victory. However this may be, Sertorius observed that there remained little for them to do, as they were now triumphant; but if they received the proposal of Marius, he would appropriate to himself all the glory and all the troops, being a man who could endure no partner in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 100]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_100&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;power, and who was devoid of good faith. Cinna replied that what Sertorius suggested was true, but he felt ashamed and had a difficulty about refusing to receive Marius, after having invited him to join their party; whereupon Sertorius rejoined: &amp;quot;For my part, I thought that Marius had come to Italy on his own adventure, and I was merely considering what was best; but it was not honourable in you to make the thing a matter of deliberation at all after the arrival of the man whom you had thought proper to invite, but you ought to have employed him and received him; for a promise leaves no room for any further consideration.&amp;quot; Accordingly Cinna sent for Marius, and the forces being distributed among them, the three had the command. The war being finished, Cinna and Marius were filled with violence and bitterness, so that they made the evils of war as precious gold to the Romans, compared with the new state of affairs. Sertorius alone is said to have put no person to death to gratify his vengeance, nor to have abused his power; but he was much annoyed at the conduct of Marius, and he moderated Cinna by private interviews and entreaties. At last, the slaves whom Marius had used as allies in war, and kept as guards to protect his tyranny, becoming formidable and wealthy, partly from the grants of Marius and his direct permission; partly from their violent and outrageous treatment of their masters, whom they butchered, and then lay with their masters&#039; wives, and violated their children, Sertorius unable to endure any longer, speared the whole of them in their camp, to the number of four thousand.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_113_113&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_113_113&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[113]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; But when Marius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_114_114&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_114_114&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[114]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; had died, and Cinna shortly after &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 101]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_101&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;was cut off, and the younger Marius, contrary to the wish of Sertorius, and by illegal means, obtained the consulship, and the Carbos and the Norbani and Scipios were unsuccessfully contending against Sulla on his march to Rome, and affairs were being ruined, partly through the cowardice and laziness of the commanders, and partly through treachery; and there was no use in his staying to see things still go on badly, owing to the want of judgment in those who had more power than himself; and finally, when Sulla, after encamping near Scipio, and holding out friendly proposals, as if peace was going to be made, had corrupted the army, though Sertorius had warned Scipio of this, and given his advice, but without effect—altogether despairing about the city, Sertorius set out for Iberia, in order that if he should anticipate his enemies in strengthening his power there, he might offer protection to such of his friends as were unfortunate at Rome. Sertorius, having fallen in with bad weather in the mountainous parts, was required by the barbarians to pay them a tribute, and to purchase a free passage. His companions were much incensed at this, and declared it to be a great degradation for a Roman proconsul&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_115_115&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_115_115&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[115]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to pay a tribute to wretched barbarians; but Sertorius cared little for what they considered disgrace, and he said that he was buying time, the rarest of things for a man who was aiming at great objects: and so he pacified the barbarians with money, and hurrying into Iberia, got possession of the country. He there found nations strong in numbers and fighting men, but owing to the greediness and tyranny of the governors who had from time to time been sent among them, ill-disposed to the Roman administration in general; however, he regained the good will of the chiefs by his personal intercourse with them, and the favour of the mass by remission of taxes. But he got most popularity by relieving the people from having soldiers quartered on them; for he compelled the soldiers to fix their &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 102]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_102&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;winter tents in the suburbs of the towns, and he was the first to set the example. However, Sertorius did not depend altogether on the attachment of the barbarians, but he armed all the Roman settlers in Iberia who were able to bear arms, and by commencing the construction of all kinds of military engines and building ships he kept the cities in check; showing himself mild in all the affairs of civil administration, but formidable by his preparations against the enemy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Hearing that Sulla was master of Rome,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_116_116&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_116_116&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[116]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and that the party of Marius and Carbo was on the wane, and being in immediate expectation of an army coming to fight against him under some commander, he sent Julius Salinator to occupy the passes of the Pyrenees, with six thousand heavy armed soldiers. Shortly after this, Caius Annius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_117_117&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_117_117&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[117]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was sent from Rome by Sulla; but, seeing that the position of Julius could not be attacked, he was perplexed, and seated himself at the base of the mountains. But one Calpurnius, named Lanarius, assassinated Julius, on which the soldiers left the summits of the Pyrenees, and Annius, crossing the mountains, advanced with a large force and drove all before him. Sertorius, being unable to oppose him, fled with three thousand men to New Carthage,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_118_118&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_118_118&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[118]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and there embarking and crossing the sea, landed in Mauritania, in Libya. His soldiers, while getting water without due precautions, were fallen upon by the barbarians, and many of them were killed, upon which Sertorius sailed again for Iberia. He was, however, driven off the coast, and, being joined by some Cilician &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 103]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_103&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;piratical vessels,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_119_119&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_119_119&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[119]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he attacked the island of Pityussa,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_120_120&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_120_120&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[120]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and landing there drove out the garrison of Annius. Annius soon arrived with a large fleet and five thousand heavy armed men, and Sertorius ventured on a naval battle with him, though his vessels were light and built for quick sailing and not for fighting; but the sea was disturbed by a strong west wind, which drove most of the vessels of Sertorius upon the reefs, owing to their lightness, and Sertorius, with a few ships, could not get out to sea by reason of the wind, nor land on account of the enemy, and being tossed about for ten days, with the wind and a violent sea against him, he held out with great difficulty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As the wind abated he set sail, and put in at some scattered islands, which had no water. Leaving them, and passing through the Straits of Gades,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_121_121&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_121_121&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[121]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he touched at those parts of Iberia on the right which lie out of the strait, a little beyond the mouths of the Bætis,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_122_122&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_122_122&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[122]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which flows into the Atlantic Sea,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_123_123&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_123_123&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[123]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and has given name to those parts of Iberia which lie about it. There he fell in with some sailors, who had returned from a voyage to the Atlantic&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_124_124&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_124_124&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[124]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Islands, which are two in number, separated by &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 104]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_104&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;a very narrow channel, and ten thousand stadia from the coast of Libya, and are called the islands of the Happy. These islands have only moderate rains, but generally they enjoy gentle breezes, which bring dews; they have a rich and fertile soil, adapted for arable cultivation and planting; they also produce fruit spontaneously, sufficient in quantity and quality to maintain, without labour and trouble, a population at their ease. The air of the island is agreeable, owing to the temperature of the seasons, and the slightness of the changes; for the winds which blow from our part of the world from the north and east, owing to the great distance, fall upon a boundless space, and are dispersed and fail before they reach these islands; but the winds which blow round them from the ocean, the south and west, bring soft rains at intervals, from the sea, but in general they gently cool the island with moist clear weather, and nourish the plants; so that a firm persuasion has reached the barbarians that here are the Elysian Plains and the abode of the Happy which Homer&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_125_125&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_125_125&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[125]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; has celebrated in song.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 105]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_105&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Sertorius, hearing this description, was seized with a strong desire to dwell in the islands, and to live in quiet, free from tyranny and never-ending wars. The Cilicians, who did not want peace and leisure, but wealth and spoil, observing this inclination, sailed off to Africa, to restore Ascalis, the son of Iphtha, to the Moorish kingdom.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_126_126&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_126_126&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[126]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sertorius, however, did not despond, but he determined to help those who were fighting against Ascalis, in order that his companions, by getting some renewal of hope and opportunity for other deeds, might not disperse through their difficulties. The Moors were well pleased at his arrival, and Sertorius setting himself to work defeated Ascalis, and besieged him. Sulla sent Paccianus to help Ascalis, but Sertorius engaging him with his forces killed Paccianus, and after his victory brought over the army and took Tigennis, to which Ascalis and his brother had fled. It is here that the Libyans say Antæus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_127_127&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_127_127&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[127]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; is buried. Sertorius dug into the mound, as he did not believe what the barbarians said, so enormous was the size. But, finding the body there, sixty cubits in length, as they say, he was confounded, and, after making a sacrifice, he piled up the earth, and added to the repute and fame of the monument. The people of Tigennis have a mythus, that, on the death of Antæus his wife Tinge cohabited with Hercules, that Sophax was the issue of their connexion, and became king of the country, and named a city after his mother; they further say that Sophax had a son, Dio&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 106]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_106&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;dorus, whom many of the Libyan nations submitted to, as he had a Greek army of Olbiani and Mycenæi, who were settled in those parts by Hercules. But this may be considered as so much flattery to Juba,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_128_128&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_128_128&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[128]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of all kings the most devoted to historical inquiry; for they say that Juba&#039;s ancestors were the descendants of Diodorus and Sophax. Sertorius, now completely victorious, did no wrong to those who were his suppliants and trusted to him, but he restored to them both property and cities and the administration, receiving only what was fair and just for them to offer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; While Sertorius was considering where he should betake himself to, the Lusitani sent ambassadors to invite him to be their leader; for they were much in want of a commander of great reputation and experience, to oppose the formidable power of the Romans, and Sertorius was the only man whom they would trust, as they knew his character from those who had been about him. Now it is said that Sertorius was a man who never yielded either to pleasure or to fear, and while he was naturally unmoved by danger, he could bear prosperity with moderation; in the open field he was equal to any general of his time in enterprise, and as to all military matters that required stealthy manœuvres, the taking advantage of strong positions and rapid movements, and also craft and deception, he was in the moment of need most cunning in device. In rewarding courage he was bountiful, and in punishing for offences he was merciful. And yet, in the last part of his life, his cruel and vindictive treatment of the hostages may be alleged as a proof that his temper was not naturally humane, but that he put on the appearance of mildness through calculation and as a matter of necessity, But it is my opinion that no fortune can ever change to the opposite character a virtue which is genuine and founded on principle; still it is not impossible that good intentions and good natural dispositions, when impaired by great misfortunes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_129_129&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_129_129&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[129]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; contrary to desert, may together with &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 107]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_107&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;the dæmon change their habit; and this I think was the case with Sertorius when fortune began to fail him; for as his circumstances became unfavourable, he became harsh to those who had done him wrong.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; However, he then set sail from Libya, at the invitation of the Lusitanians,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_130_130&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_130_130&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[130]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and got them into fighting condition, being immediately made commander with full powers, and he subjected the neighbouring parts of Iberia, most of which, indeed, voluntarily joined him, chiefly by reason of his mild treatment and his activity; but in some cases he availed himself of cunning to beguile and win over the people, the chief of which was in the affair of the deer, which was after this fashion:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Spanos, a native, and one of those who lived on their lands, fell in with a deer&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_131_131&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_131_131&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[131]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which had just brought forth a young one and was flying from the hunters; he missed taking the deer, but he followed the fawn, being struck with its unusual colour (it was completely white), and caught it. It happened that Sertorius was staying in those parts, and when people brought him as presents anything that they had got in hunting, or from their farms, he would readily receive it and make a liberal return to those who showed him such attentions. Accordingly the man brought the fawn and gave it to Sertorius, who accepted the present. At first he took no particular pleasure in the animal, but in course of time, when he had made it so tame and familiar that it would come to him when he called it, accompany him in his walks, and cared not for a crowd and all the noise of the army, by degrees he began to give the thing a supernatural character, saying that the fawn was a gift from Artemis (Diana), and he gave out as a token of this that the fawn showed him many hidden things; for he knew that it is the nature of barbarians to be easily &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 108]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_108&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;accessible to superstition. He also resorted to such tricks as these: whenever he had got secret information that the enemy had invaded any part of the country, or were attempting to draw any city away from him, he would pretend that the deer had spoken to him in his sleep, and bid him keep his troops in readiness; and, on the other hand, when he heard that his generals had got a victory, he would keep the messenger concealed, and bring forward the deer crowned with chaplets, as is usual on the occasion of good news, and tell his men to rejoice and sacrifice to the gods, as they would hear of some good luck.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; By these means he tamed the people, and had them more manageable for all purposes, as they believed they were led, not by the counsels of a foreigner, but by a deity, and facts also confirmed them in this opinion, inasmuch as the power of Sertorius increased beyond all expectation; for with the two thousand six hundred men whom he called Romans, and four thousand Lusitanian targetiers, and seven hundred horsemen, whom he joined to a motley band of seven hundred Libyans, who crossed over with him to Lusitania, he fought with four Roman generals, who had under them one hundred and twenty thousand foot soldiers, six thousand horsemen, two thousand bowmen and slingers, and cities innumerable, while he had only twenty cities in all under him. But though so feeble and insignificant at first, he not only subdued great nations, and took many cities, but of the generals who were opposed to him he defeated Cotta&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_132_132&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_132_132&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[132]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in a naval engagement in the channel near Mellaria;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_133_133&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_133_133&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[133]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he put to flight Fufidius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_134_134&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_134_134&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[134]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the governor of Bætica, on the banks of the Bætis, with the slaughter of two thousand of his Roman soldiers; Lucius Domitius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_135_135&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_135_135&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[135]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; proconsul of the other &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 109]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_109&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Iberia,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_136_136&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_136_136&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[136]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was defeated by his quæstor; Thoranius, another of the commanders of Metellus, who was sent with a force, he destroyed; and on Metellus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_137_137&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_137_137&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[137]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; himself, the greatest man among the Romans in his day, and of the highest repute, he inflicted several discomfitures, and brought him to such straits, that Lucius Manlius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_138_138&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_138_138&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[138]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; came from Narbo,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_139_139&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_139_139&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[139]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in Gaul, to his relief, and Pompeius Magnus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_140_140&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_140_140&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[140]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was hastily despatched from Rome with an army; for Metellus was perplexed at having to deal with a daring man, who evaded all fighting in the open field, and could adapt himself to any circumstances by reason of the light and easy equipment and activity of his Iberian army; he who had been disciplined in regular battles fought by men in full armour and commanded a heavy immovable mass of men, who were excellently trained to thrust against their enemies, when they came to close quarters, and to strike them down, but unable to traverse mountains, to be kept always on the alert by the continual pursuing and retreating of light active men, and to endure hunger like them, and to live under the open sky without fire or tent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Besides this, Metellus was now growing old, and after so many great battles was somewhat inclined to an easy and luxurious mode of life; and he was opposed to Sertorius, a man full of the vigour of mature age, whose &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 110]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_110&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;body was wonderfully furnished with strength, activity, and power of endurance. He was never intoxicated with drink, even in his seasons of relaxation, and he was accustomed to bear great toil, long marches, and continued watchfulness, content with a little food of the meanest quality; and, inasmuch as he was always rambling about and hunting, when he had leisure, he became intimately acquainted with all the spots, both impracticable and practicable, which gave chance of escape if he had to fly, or opportunity of hemming in an enemy if he was in pursuit. Consequently, it happened that Metellus, being prevented from fighting, was damaged as much as men who are beaten in battle, and Sertorius by flying had all the advantage of the pursuer. He used to cut off the supplies of water, and check the foraging; and when Metellus was advancing Sertorius would get out of his way, and when he was encamped he would not let him rest; when Metellus was occupied with a siege, Sertorius would all at once show himself, and put Metellus in his turn in a state of blockade, owing to the want of the necessary supplies, so that the soldiers were quite wearied; and when Sertorius challenged Metellus to a single combat, the men cried out and bid him fight, as it would be a match between a general and a general, and a Roman and a Roman; and when Metellus declined, they jeered him. But he laughed at them, and he did right; for a general, as Theophrastus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_141_141&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_141_141&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[141]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; said, should die the death of a general, not that of a common targetier. Metellus perceiving that the Langobritæ&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_142_142&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_142_142&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[142]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; assisted Sertorius in no small degree, and that their town could easily be taken, as it was ill supplied with water, for they had only one well in the city, and any one who blockaded the place would be master of the streams in the suburbs and near the walls, he advanced against the city, expecting to finish the siege in two days, as there was no water; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 111]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_111&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;and accordingly his soldiers received orders to take provisions with them for five days only. But Sertorius quickly coming to their aid, gave orders to fill two thousand skins with water, and he offered for each skin a considerable sum of money. Many Iberians and Moors volunteered for the service, and, selecting the men who were strong and light-footed, he sent them through the mountain parts, with orders, when they had delivered the skins to the people in the city, to bring out of the town all the useless people, that the water might last the longer for those who defended the place. When the news reached Metellus he was much annoyed, for his soldiers had already consumed their provisions; but he sent Aquinius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_143_143&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_143_143&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[143]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at the head of six thousand men, to forage. Sertorius got notice of this, and laid an ambush on the road of three thousand men who starting up out of a bushy ravine, fell on Aquinius as he was returning. Sertorius attacked in front and put the Romans to flight, killing some and taking others prisoners. Aquinius returned with the loss of both his armour and horse, and Metellus made a disgraceful retreat amidst the jeers of the Iberians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; By such acts as these Sertorius gained the admiration and love of the barbarians; and, by introducing among them the Roman armour, and discipline, and signals, he took away the frantic and brutal part of their courage, and transformed them from a huge band of robbers into an efficient regular army. Besides, he employed gold and silver unsparingly for the decoration of their helmets, and he ornamented their shields, and accustomed them to the use of flowered cloaks and tunics, and, by supplying them with money for such purposes, and entering into a kind of honourable rivalry with them, he made himself popular. But they were most gained by what he did for their children. The youths of noblest birth he collected from the several nations at Osca,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_144_144&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_144_144&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[144]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a large &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 112]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_112&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;city, and set over them teachers of Greek and Roman learning; and thus he really had them as hostages under the show of educating them, as if he intended to give them a share in the government and the administration when they attained to man&#039;s estate. The fathers were wonderfully pleased at seeing their children dressed in robes with purple borders, and going so orderly to the schools of Sertorius, who paid for their education, and often had examinations into their proficiency, and gave rewards to the deserving, and presented them with golden ornaments for the neck, which the Romans call &amp;quot;bullæ.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_145_145&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_145_145&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[145]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It was an Iberian usage for those whose station was about the commander to die with him when he fell in battle, which the barbarians in those parts express by a term equivalent to the Greek &amp;quot;devotion.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_146_146&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_146_146&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[146]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now only a few shield-bearers and companions followed the rest of the commanders; but many thousands followed Sertorius, and were devoted to die with him. It is said that, when the army of Sertorius was routed near a certain city and the enemy was pressing on them, the Iberians, careless about themselves, saved Sertorius, and, raising him on their shoulders, every one vying with the rest helped him to the walls; and when their general was secure they then betook themselves to flight, each as well as he could.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Sertorius was not beloved by the Iberians only, but also by the soldiers of Italy, who served with him. When Perpenna Vento,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_147_147&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_147_147&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[147]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who belonged to the same party &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 113]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_113&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;as Sertorius, had arrived in Iberia with much money and a large force, and had determined to carry on war against Metellus on his own account, his soldiers were dissatisfied, and there was much talk in the camp about Sertorius, to the great annoyance of Perpenna, who was proud of his noble family and his wealth. However, when the soldiers heard that Pompeius was crossing the Pyrenees, taking their arms and pulling up the standards, they assailed Perpenna with loud cries, and bade him lead them to Sertorius; if he did not, they threatened to leave him, and go of themselves to a man who was able to take care of himself and others too. Perpenna yielded, and led them to join the troops of Sertorius, to the number of fifty-three cohorts.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; All the nations within the Iber river&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_148_148&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_148_148&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[148]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; were now joining Sertorius at once, and he was powerful in numbers; for they were continually flocking and crowding to him from all quarters. But he was troubled by the loose discipline and self-confidence of the barbarians, who called on him to attack the enemy, and were impatient of delay, and he attempted to pacify them with reasons. Seeing, however, that they were discontented, and were unwisely pressing him with their demands, he let them have their way, and winked at their engaging with the enemy, in so far as not to be completely crushed, but to get some hard knocks, which he hoped would render them more tractable for the future. Things turning out as he expected, Sertorius came to their aid when they were flying, and brought them back safe to the camp. However, as he wished also to cheer their spirits, a few days after this adventure he had all the army assembled, and introduced before them two horses,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_149_149&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_149_149&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[149]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; one very weak and rather old, the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 114]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_114&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;other of a large size and strong, with a tail remarkable for the thickness and beauty of the hair. There stood by the side of the weak horse a tall strong man, and by the side of the strong horse a little man of mean appearance. On a signal given to them, the strong man began to pull the tail of the horse with all his might towards him, as if he would tear it off; the weak man began to pluck out the hairs from the tail of the strong horse one by one. Now the strong man, after no small labour to himself to no purpose, and causing much mirth to the spectators, at last gave up; but the weak man in a trice, and with no trouble, bared the tail of all its hairs. On which Sertorius getting up, said, &amp;quot;You see, fellow allies, that perseverance will do more than strength, and that many things which cannot be compassed all at once, yield to continued efforts; for endurance is invincible, and it is thus that time in its course assails and vanquishes every power, being a favourable helper to those who with consideration watch the opportunities that it offers, but the greatest of enemies to those who hurry out of season.&amp;quot; By contriving from time to time such means as these for pacifying the barbarians, he managed his opportunities as he chose.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; His adventure with the people called Charicatani&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_150_150&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_150_150&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[150]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was not less admired than any of his military exploits. The Charicatani are a people who live beyond the river Tagonius: they do not dwell in cities or villages; but there is a large lofty hill, which contains caves and hollows in the rocks, looking to the north. The whole of the country at the foot of the hill consists of a clayey mud and of light earth, easily broken in pieces, which is not strong enough to bear a man&#039;s tread; and if it is only slightly touched will spread all about, like unslaked lime or ashes. Whenever the barbarians through fear of war hid themselves in their caves, and, collecting all their plunder there kept quiet, they could not be taken by any force; and now, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 115]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_115&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;seeing that Sertorius had retired before Metellus, and had encamped near the hill, they despised him as being beaten, on which Sertorius, whether in passion or not wishing to appear to be flying from the enemy, at daybreak rode up to the place and examined it. But he found the mountain unassailable on all sides; and while he was perplexing himself to no purpose and uttering idle threats, he saw a great quantity of dust from this light earth carried by the wind against the barbarians; for the caves are turned, as I have said, to the north, and the wind which blows from that quarter (some call it &amp;quot;caecias&amp;quot;) prevails most, and is the strongest of all the winds in those parts, being generated in wet plains and snow-covered mountains; and at that time particularly, it being the height of summer, it was strong, and maintained by the melting of the ice in the sub-arctic regions, and it blew most pleasantly both on the barbarians and their flocks, and refreshed them. Now, Sertorius, thinking on all these things, and also getting information from the country people, ordered his soldiers to take up some of the light ashy earth, and bringing it right opposite to the hill to make a heap of it there; which the barbarians thought to be intended as a mound for the purpose of getting at them, and they mocked him. Sertorius kept his soldiers thus employed till nightfall, when he led them away. At daybreak a gentle breeze at first began to blow, which stirred up the lightest part of the earth that had been heaped together, and scattered it about like chaff; but when the caecias began to blow strong, as the sun got higher, and the hills were all covered with dust, the soldiers got on the heap of earth and stirred it up to the bottom, and broke the clods; and some also rode their horses up and down through the earth, kicking up the light particles and raising them so as to be caught by the wind, which receiving all the earth that was broken and stirred up, drove it against the dwellings of the barbarians, whose doors were open to the caecias. The barbarians, having only the single opening to breathe through, upon which the wind fell, had their vision quickly obscured, and they were speedily overpowered by a suffocating difficulty of breathing, by reason of respiring a thick atmosphere filled with dust. Accordingly, after &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 116]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_116&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;holding out with difficulty for two days, they surrendered on the third, and thus added not so much to the power as to the reputation of Sertorius, who had taken by stratagem a place that was impregnable to arms.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now, as long as Sertorius had to oppose Metellus, he was generally considered to owe his success to the old age and natural tardiness of Metellus, who was no match for a daring man, at the head of a force more like a band of robbers than a regular army. But when Pompeius had crossed the Pyrenees, and Sertorius had met him in the field, and he and Pompeius had mutually offered one another every opportunity for a display of generalship, and Sertorius had the advantage in stratagem and caution, his fame was noised abroad as far as Rome, and he was considered the most able general of his age in the conduct of a war: for the reputation of Pompeius was no small one; but at that time particularly he was enjoying the highest repute by reason of his distinguished exploits in the cause of Sulla, for which Sulla gave him the name of Magnus, which means Great, and Pompeius obtained triumphal honours before he had a beard. All this made many of the cities which were subject to Sertorius turn their eyes towards Pompeius, and feel inclined to pass over to him; but their intentions were checked by the loss at Lauron,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_151_151&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_151_151&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[151]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which happened contrary to all expectation. Sertorius was besieging this town, when Pompeius came with all his force to relieve it. There was a hill, well situated for enabling an enemy to act against the place, which Sertorius made an effort to seize, and Pompeius to prevent its being occupied. Sertorius succeeded in getting possession of the hill, on which Pompeius made his troops stop, and was well pleased at what had happened, thinking that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 117]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_117&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sertorius was hemmed in between the city and his own army; and he sent a message to the people in Lauron, bidding them be of good cheer, and to keep to their walls and look on while Sertorius was blockaded. Sertorius smiled when he heard of this, and said he would teach Sulla&#039;s pupil (for so he contemptuously called Pompeius) that a general should look behind him rather than before. As he said this he pointed out to his men, who were thus blockaded, that there were six thousand heavy armed soldiers, whom he had left in the encampment, which he had quitted before he seized the hill, in order that if Pompeius should turn against them, the soldiers in camp might attack him in the rear. And Pompeius too saw this when it was too late, and he did not venture to attack Sertorius for fear of being surrounded; and though he could not for shame leave the citizens in their danger, he was obliged to sit there and see them ruined before his eyes; for the barbarians in despair surrendered. Sertorius spared their lives, and let them all go; but he burnt the city, not for revenge or because he was cruel, for of all commanders Sertorius appears to have least given way to passion; but he did it to shame and humble the admirers of Pompeius, and that the barbarians might say that Pompeius did not help his allies, though he was close at hand, and all but warmed with the flames of their city.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; However, Sertorius was now sustaining several defeats, though he always saved himself and those with him from defeat; but his losses were occasioned by the other generals. Yet he gained more credit from the means by which he repaired his defeats than the generals on the other side who won the victories; an instance of which occurred in the battle against Pompeius, on the Sucro, and another in the battle near Tuttia,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_152_152&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_152_152&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[152]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; against &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 118]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_118&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Pompeius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_153_153&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_153_153&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[153]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Metellus together. Now the battle on the Sucro is said to have been brought about by the eagerness of Pompeius, who wished Metellus to have no share in the victory. Sertorius, on his part, also wished to engage Pompeius before Metellus arrived; and, drawing out his forces when the evening was coming on, he commenced the battle, thinking that, as the enemy were strangers and unacquainted with the ground, the darkness would be a disadvantage to them, whether they were the pursued or the pursuers. When the battle began, it happened that Sertorius was not engaged with Pompeius, but with Afranius at first, who commanded the left wing of the enemy, while Sertorius commanded his own right. But, hearing that those who were opposed to Pompeius were giving way before his attack and being defeated, Sertorius left the right wing to the care of other generals, and hastened to the support of the wing that was giving way. Bringing together the soldiers who were already flying, and those who were still keeping their ranks, he encouraged them and made a fresh charge upon Pompeius, who was pursuing, and put his men to the rout; on which occasion Pompeius himself nearly lost his life, and had a wonderful escape after being wounded. The Libyans of Sertorius seized the horse of Pompeius, which was decked with golden ornaments and loaded with trappings; but while they were dividing the booty and quarrelling about it, they neglected the pursuit. As soon as Sertorius quitted the right wing to relieve the other part of the army, Afranius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_154_154&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_154_154&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[154]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; put to flight his opponents and drove them to their &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 119]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_119&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;camp, which, he entered with the captives, it being now dark, and began to plunder, knowing nothing of the defeat of Pompeius, and being unable to stop his soldiers from seizing the booty. In the mean time Sertorius returned, after defeating the enemy who were opposed to him, and falling on the soldiers of Afranius, who were all in disorder and consequently panic-stricken, he slaughtered many of them. In the morning he again armed his troops and came out to fight; but observing that Metellus was near, he broke up his order of battle, and marched off saying, &amp;quot;If that old woman had not come up, I would have given this boy a good drubbing by way of lesson, and have sent him back to Rome.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; About this time Sertorius was much dispirited, because that deer&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_155_155&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_155_155&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[155]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of his could nowhere be found; for he was thus deprived of a great means of cheering the barbarians, who then particularly required consolation. It happened that some men, who were rambling about at night for other purposes, fell in with the deer and caught it, for they knew it by the colour. Sertorius hearing of this, promised to give them a large sum of money if they would mention it to nobody; and, concealing the deer for several days, he came forward with a joyful countenance to the tribunal, and told the barbarian chiefs that the deity prognosticated to him in his sleep some great good fortune. He then ascended the tribunal, and transacted business with those who applied to him. The deer being let loose by those who had charge of it close by, and, seeing Sertorius, bounded joyfully up to the tribunal, and, standing by him, placed its head on his knees, and touched his right hand with its mouth, having been accustomed to do this before. Sertorius cordially returned &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 120]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_120&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;the caresses of the animal, and even shed tears. The spectators were at first surprised; then clapping their hands and shouting, they conducted Sertorius to his residence, considering him to be a man superior to other mortals and beloved by the gods; and they were full of good hopes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Sertorius, who had reduced the enemy to the greatest straits in the plains about Seguntum&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_156_156&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_156_156&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[156]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was compelled to fight a battle with them when they came down to plunder and forage. The battle was well contested on both sides. Memmius, one of the most skillful of the commanders under Pompeius, fell in the thick of the fight, and Sertorius, who was victorious, and making a great slaughter of those who opposed him, attempted to get at Metellus, who stood his ground with a resolution above his years, and, while fighting bravely, was struck by a spear. This made the Romans who were on the spot, as well as those who heard of it, ashamed to desert their leader, and inspired them with courage against their enemies. After covering Metellus with their shields and rescuing him from danger, by making a vigorous onset they drove the Iberians from their ground; and, as the victory now changed sides, Sertorius, with a view of securing a safe retreat for his men, and contriving the means of getting together another army without any interruption, retired to a strong city in the mountains, and began to repair the walls and strengthen the gates, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 121]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_121&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;though his object was anything rather than to stand a siege: but his design was to deceive the enemy, in which he succeeded; for they sat down before the place, thinking they should take it without difficulty, and in the mean time they let the defeated barbarians escape, and allowed Sertorius to collect a fresh army. It was got together by Sertorius sending officers to the cities, and giving orders that when they had collected a good body of men, they should dispatch a messenger to him. When the messenger came, he broke through the besiegers without any difficulty and joined his troops; and now he again advanced against the enemy in great force, and began to cut off their land supplies by ambuscades, and hemming them in, and showing himself at every point, inasmuch as his attacks were made with great expedition; and he cut off all their maritime supplies by occupying the coast with his piratical vessels, so that the generals opposed to him were obliged to separate, one to march off into Gaul, and Pompeius to winter among the Vaccæi&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_157_157&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_157_157&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[157]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in great distress for want of supplies, and to write to the Senate, that he would lead his army out of Iberia, if they did not send him money, for he had spent all his own in defence of Italy. There was great talk in Rome that Sertorius would come to Italy before Pompeius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_158_158&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_158_158&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[158]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to such difficulties did Sertorius, by his military abilities, reduce the first and ablest of the generals of that age.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Metellus also showed, that he feared the man and thought he was powerful; for he made proclamation, that if any Roman killed Sertorius he would give him a hundred talents of silver and twenty thousand jugera of land; and, if he was an exile, permission to return, to Rome: thus declaring that he despaired of being able to defeat Sertorius in the field, and therefore would purchase &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 122]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_122&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;his life by treachery. Besides this, Metellus was so elated by a victory which on one occasion he gained over Sertorius, and so well pleased with his success, that he was proclaimed Imperator&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_159_159&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_159_159&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[159]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and the cities received him in his visits to them with sacrifices and altars. It is also said, that he allowed chaplets to be placed on his head, and accepted invitations to sumptuous feasts, at which he wore a triumphal vest; and Victories&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_160_160&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_160_160&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[160]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which were contrived to move by machinery, descended and distributed golden trophies and crowns, and companies of youths and women sang epinician hymns in honour of him. For this he was with good reason ridiculed, for that after calling Sertorius a runaway slave of Sulla, and a remnant of the routed party of Carbo, he was so puffed up and transported with delight because he had gained an advantage over Sertorius, who had been compelled to retire. But it was a proof of the magnanimous character of Sertorius, first, that he gave the name of Senate to the Senators who fled from Rome and joined him, and that he appointed quæstors and generals from among them, and arranged everything of this kind according to Roman usage; and next, that though he availed himself of the arms, the money and the cities of the Iberians, he never yielded to them one *tittle of the Roman supremacy, but he appointed Romans to be their generals and commanders, considering that he was recovering freedom for the Romans, and was not strengthening the Iberians against the Romans; for Sertorius loved his country and had a great desire to return home. Notwithstanding this, in his reverses he behaved like a brave man, and never humbled himself before his enemies; and after his victories he would send to Metellus and to Pompeius, and declare that he was ready to lay down his arms and to live in a private station, if he might be allowed to return home; for, he said, he would rather be the obscurest citizen in Rome than an exile from his country, though he were proclaimed supreme ruler of all other countries in the world. It is said, that he longed to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 123]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_123&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;return home chiefly on account of his mother, who brought him up after his father&#039;s death, and to whom he was completely devoted. At the time when his friends in Iberia invited him to take the command, he heard of the death of his mother, and he was near dying of grief. He lay in his tent for seven days without giving the watchword, or being seen by any of his friends; and it was with difficulty that his fellow-generals and those of like rank with himself, who had assembled about his tent, prevailed on him to come out to the soldiers, and take a share in the administration of affairs, which were going on well. This made many people think that Sertorius was naturally a man of mild temper, and well disposed to a quiet life; but that, owing to uncontrollable causes, and contrary to his wishes, he entered on the career of a commander, and then, when he could not ensure his safety, and was driven to arms by his enemies, he had recourse to war as the only means by which he could protect his life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; His negociations with Mithridates also were a proof of his magnanimity; for now that Mithridates, rising from the fall that he had from Sulla, as it were, to a second contest, had again attacked Asia, and the fame of Sertorius was great, and had gone abroad to all parts, and those who sailed from the West had filled the Pontus with the reports about him, as if with so many foreign wares, Mithridates was moved to send an embassy to him, being urged thereto mainly by the fulsome exaggerations of his flatterers, who compared Sertorius to Hannibal and Mithridates to Pyrrhus, and said that if the Romans were attacked on both sides, they could not hold out against such great abilities and powers combined, when the most expert of commanders had joined the greatest of kings. Accordingly, Mithridates sent ambassadors to Iberia, with letters to Sertorius and proposals. On his part he offered to supply money and ships for the war, and he asked from Sertorius a confirmation of his title to the whole of Asia, which he had given up to the Romans pursuant to the treaty made with Sulla. Sertorius assembled a council, which he called a senate, and all the members advised to accept the king&#039;s proposal, and to be well content with it; they said the king only asked of them a name and an empty &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 124]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_124&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;answer touching things that were not in their power, in return for which they were to receive what they happened to stand most in need of. But Sertorius would not listen to this; he said he did not grudge Mithridates having Bithynia and Cappadocia; these were nations that were accustomed to a king, and the Romans had nothing to do with them; but the province which belonged to the Romans by the justest of titles, which Mithridates took from them and kept, from which, after a contest, he was driven out by Fimbria, and which he gave up by treaty with Sulla,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_161_161&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_161_161&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[161]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; -that province he would never allow to fall again into the power of Mithridates; for it was fit that the Roman state should be extended by his success, not that his success should be owing to her humiliation. To a generous mind, victory by honest means was a thing to desire, but life itself was not worth having with dishonour.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When this was reported to Mithridates he was amazed, and it is said that he remarked to his friends—what terms, then, will Sertorius impose when he is seated on the Palatium,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_162_162&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_162_162&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[162]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; if now, when he is driven to the shores of the Atlantic, he fixes limits to our kingdom, and threatens us with war if we make any attempt upon Asia? However, a treaty was made, and ratified by oath, on the following terms: Mithridates&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_163_163&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_163_163&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[163]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was to have Cappadocia and Bithynia, and Sertorius was to send him a general and soldiers; and Sertorius was to receive from Mithridates three thousand talents, and forty ships. Sertorius sent as general to Asia Marcus Marius, one of the Senators who had fled to him; and Mithridates, after assisting him to take some of the Asiatic cities,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_164_164&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_164_164&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[164]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; followed Marius as he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 125]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_125&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;entered them with the fasces and axes, voluntarily taking the second place and the character of an inferior. Marius restored some of the cities to liberty, and he wrote to others to announce to them their freedom from taxation through the power of Sertorius; so that Asia, which was much troubled by the Publicani,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_165_165&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_165_165&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[165]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and oppressed by the rapacity and insolence of the soldiers quartered there, was again raised on the wings of hope, and longed for the expected change of masters.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In Iberia, the senators and nobles about Sertorius, as soon as they were put into a condition to hope that they were a match for the opposite party, and their fears were over, began to feel envious, and had a foolish jealousy of the power of Sertorius. Perpenna encouraged this feeling, being urged by the empty pride of high birth to aspire to the supreme command, and he secretly held treasonable language to those who were favourable to his designs. &amp;quot;What evil dæmon,&amp;quot; he would say, &amp;quot;has got hold of us, and carried us from bad to worse—us who did not brook to stay at home and do the bidding of Sulla, though in a manner he was lord of all the earth and sea at once, but coming here with ill luck, in order to live free, have voluntarily become slaves by making ourselves the guards of Sertorius in his exile, and while we are called a senate, a name jeered at by all who hear it, we submit to insults, and orders, and sufferings as great as the Iberians and Lusitanians endure.&amp;quot; Their minds filled with such suggestions as these, the majority did not, indeed, openly desert Sertorius, for they feared his power, but they secretly damaged all his measures, and they oppressed the barbarians by severe treatment and exactions, on the pretext that it was by the order of Sertorius. This caused revolts and disturbances in the cities; and those who were sent to settle and pacify these outbreaks returned after causing more wars, and increasing the existing insubordination; so that Sertorius, contrary to his former &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 126]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_126&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;moderation and mildness, did a grievous wrong to the sons of the Iberians, who were educating at Osca,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_166_166&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_166_166&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[166]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; by putting some to death, and selling others as slaves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now Perpenna, having got several to join him in his conspiracy, gained over Manlius, one of those who were in command. This Manlius was much attached to a beautiful boy, and to give the youth a proof of his attachment he told him of the design, and urged him not to care for his other lovers; but to give his affections to him alone, as he would be a great man in a few days. The youth reported what Manlius said to Aufidius, another of his lovers, to whom he was more attached. On hearing this, Aufidius was startled, for he was engaged in the conspiracy against Sertorius, but he did not know that Manlius was a party to it. But when the youth named Perpenna and Graecinus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_167_167&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_167_167&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[167]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and some others whom Aufidius knew to be in the conspiracy, he was confounded, yet he made light of the story to the youth, and told him to despise Manlius for a lying braggart; but he went to Perpenna, and, showing him the critical state of affairs, and the danger, urged him to the deed. The conspirators followed his advice, and having engaged a man to bring letters they introduced him to Sertorius. The letters gave information of a victory gained by one of the generals, and a great slaughter of the enemy. Upon this Sertorius was overjoyed, and offered a sacrifice for the happy tidings; and Perpenna proposed to feast him and his friends (and they were of the number of the conspirators), and after much entreaty he prevailed on Sertorius to come. Now whenever Sertorius was present, an entertainment was conducted with great propriety and decorum; for he would not tolerate any indecent act or expression, but accustomed &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 127]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_127&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;his companions to enjoy mirth and merriment with orderly behaviour, and without any excess; but, on this occasion, in the midst of the feast, seeking to begin a quarrel, they openly used obscene language, and, pretending to be drunk, behaved indecently, for the purpose of irritating Sertorius. Whether it was that he was vexed at this disorderly conduct, or had now suspected their design by the flagging of the conversation&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_168_168&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_168_168&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[168]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and their unusual contemptuous manner towards him, he changed his posture on the couch by throwing himself on his back, as if he was paying no attention to them, and not listening. On Perpenna taking a cup of wine, and in the middle of the draught throwing it from him and so making a noise, which was the signal agreed on, Antonius, who lay next to Sertorius, struck him with his sword. On receiving the blow, Sertorius turned himself, and at the same time attempted to rise, but Antonius, throwing himself upon his chest, held his hands, and he was despatched by blows from many of the conspirators, without even making any resistance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 128]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_128&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_169_169&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_169_169&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[169]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now most of the Iberians immediately sent ambassadors to Pompeius and Metellus, to make their submission; those who remained Perpenna took under his command, and attempted to do something. After employing the means that Sertorius had got together, just so far as to disgrace himself, and show that he was not suited either to command or to obey, he engaged with Pompeius. Being quickly crushed by him and taken prisoner, he did not behave himself even in this extremity as a commander should do; but having got possession of the papers of Sertorius, he offered to Pompeius to show him autograph letters from consular men and persons of the highest &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 129]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_129&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;influence at Rome, in which Sertorius was invited to Italy, and was assured that there were many who were desirous to change the present settlement of affairs, and to alter the constitution. Now Pompeius, by behaving on this occasion, not like a young man, but one whose understanding was well formed and disciplined, relieved Rome from great dangers and revolutions. He got together all those letters, and all the papers of Sertorius, and burnt them, without either reading them himself or letting any one else read them; and he immediately put Perpenna to death, through fear that there might be defection and disturbance if the names were communicated to others. Of the fellow-conspirators of Perpenna, some were brought to Pompeius, and put to death; and others, who fled to Libya, were pierced by the Moorish spears. Not one escaped, except Aufidius, the rival of Manlius, and this happened, either because he escaped notice, or nobody took any trouble about him, and he lived to old age, in some barbarian village, in poverty and contempt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;FOOTNOTES:&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_101_101&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_101_101&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[101]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; If this is obscure, the fault is Plutarch&#039;s. His word for Fortune is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: tuchê&amp;quot;&amp;gt;τύχη&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; which he has often used in the Life of Sulla. The word for Spontaneity is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: to automaton&amp;quot;&amp;gt;τὸ αὐτόματον&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, the Self-moved. The word for Elemental things is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: ta hupokeimena&amp;quot;&amp;gt;τὰ ὑποκειμένα&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;. The word &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: hupokeimenon&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ὑποκειμένον&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; is used by Aristotle to signify both the thing of which something is predicated, the Subject of grammarians, and for the Substance, which is as it were the substratum on which actions operate. Aristotle (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Metaphys.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; vi. vii. 3) says &amp;quot;Essence (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: ousia&amp;quot;&amp;gt;οὐσία&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) or Being is predicated, if not in many ways, in four at least; for the formal cause (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: to ti ên einai&amp;quot;&amp;gt;τὸ τὶ ἦν εἶναι&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;), and the universal, and genus appear to be the essence of everything; and the fourth of these is the Substance (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: to hupokeimenon&amp;quot;&amp;gt;τὸ ὑποκειμένον&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;). And the Substance is that of which the rest are predicated, but it is not predicated of any other thing. And Essence seems to be especially the first Substance; and such, in a manner, matter (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: hulê&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ὕλη&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) is said to be; and in another manner, form; and in a third, that which is from these. And I mean by matter (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: hulê&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ὕλη&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;), copper, for instance; and by form, the figure of the idea; and by that which is from them, the statue in the whole,&amp;quot; &amp;amp;amp;c. I have translated &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: to ti ên einai&amp;quot;&amp;gt;τὸ τὶ ἦν εἶναι&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; by &amp;quot;formal cause,&amp;quot; as Thomas Taylor has done, and according to the explanation of Trendelenburg, in his edition of Aristotle &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;On the Soul&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 1, § 2. It is not my business to explain Aristotle, but to give some clue to the meaning of Plutarch.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The word &amp;quot;accidentally&amp;quot; (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: kata tuchên&amp;quot;&amp;gt;κατὰ τύχην&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) is opposed to &amp;quot;forethought&amp;quot; (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: pronoia&amp;quot;&amp;gt;προνοία&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;), &amp;quot;design,&amp;quot; &amp;quot;providence.&amp;quot; How Plutarch conceived Fortune, I do not know; nor do I know what Fortune and Chance mean in any language. But the nature of the contrast which he intends is sufficiently clear for his purpose.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_102_102&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_102_102&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[102]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As to Attes, as Pausanias (vii. 17) names him, his history is given by Pausanias. There appears to be some confusion in his story. Herodotus (i. 36) has a story of an Atys, a son of Crœsus, who was killed while hunting a wild boar; and Adonis, the favourite of Venus, was killed by a wild boar. It is not known who this Arcadian Atteus was.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Actæon saw Diana naked while she was bathing, and was turned by her into a deer and devoured by his dogs. (Apollodorus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Biblioth&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. iii. 4; Ovidius, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Metamorph&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. iii. 155.) The story of the other Actæon is told by Plutarch (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Amator. Narrationes&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 2).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_103_103&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_103_103&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[103]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The elder Africanus, P. Cornelius Scipio, who defeated Hannibal B.C. 202, and the younger Africanus, the adopted son of the son of the elder Africanus, who took Carthage B.C. 146. See Life of Tib. Gracchus, c. 1, Notes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_104_104&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_104_104&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[104]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ios, a small island of the Grecian Archipelago, now Nio, is mentioned among the places where Homer was buried. The name Ios resembles that of the Greek word for violet, (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: ion&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ίον&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;). Smyrna, one of the members of the Ionian confederation, is mentioned among the birth places of Homer. It was an accident that the name of the town Smyrna was the same as the name for myrrh, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Smyrna&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: smurnê&amp;quot;&amp;gt;σμύρνη&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;),x which was not a Greek word. Herodotus (iii. 112) says that it was the Arabians who procured myrrh.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_105_105&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_105_105&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[105]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This Philippus was the father of Alexander the Great. He is said to have lost an eye from a wound by an arrow at the siege of Pydna Antigonus, one of the generals of Alexander, was named Cyclops, or the one-eyed. He accompanied Alexander in his Asiatic expedition, and in the division of the empire after Alexander&#039;s death he obtained a share and by his vigour and abilities he made himself the most powerful of the successors of Alexander. It is said that Apelles, who painted the portrait of Antigonus, placed him in profile in order to hide the defect of the one eye. Antigonus closed his long career at the battle of Ipsus B.C. 301, where he was defeated and killed. He was then eighty-one years of age.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_106_106&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_106_106&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[106]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch&#039;s form is Annibas. I may have sometimes written it Hannibal. Thus we have Anno and Hanno. I don&#039;t know which is the true form. [I prefer to write it Hannibal.—A.S.]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_107_107&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_107_107&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[107]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch has written the Life of Eumenes, whom he contrasts with Sertorius. Eumenes was one of the generals of Alexander who accompanied him to Asia. After Alexander&#039;s death, he obtained for his government a part of Asia Minor bordering on the Euxine, and extending as far east as Trapezus. The rest of his life is full of adventure. He fell into the hands of Antigonus B.C. 315, who put him to death.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_108_108&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_108_108&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[108]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Nursia was in the country of the Sabini among the Apennines, and near the source of the Nar. It is now Norcia. The MSS. of Plutarch have Nussa.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_109_109&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_109_109&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[109]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The date is B.C. 105. See the Life of Marius, c. 10, and Notes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_110_110&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_110_110&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[110]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Titus Didius and Q. Cæcilius Metellus Nepos were consuls B.C. 98. In B.C. 97 Didius was in Spain as Proconsul, and fought against the Celtiberi. Gellius (ii. 27) quotes a passage from the Historiæ of Sallustius, in which mention is made of Sertorius serving under Didius in Spain, and the character of Sertorius is given pretty nearly in the terms of Plutarch, who may have used Sallustius as one of his authorities. Didius is mentioned by Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pro Cn. Plancio&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 25; and by Frontinus, i. 8. 5; ii. 10. 1; and by Appian (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Iberica&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 99). The passage in the text should be translated, &amp;quot;he was sent out under Didius as commander, and wintered in Iberia, in Castlo,&amp;quot; &amp;amp;amp;c. Plutarch has used the word &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: stratêgos&amp;quot;&amp;gt;στρατηγός&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, which means prætor; but to make the statement correct, we must translate it Proconsul, or commander. See Life of Crassus, c. 4, Notes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_111_111&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_111_111&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[111]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Castlo, Castalo, or Castulo, is placed on the north bank of the Bætis, the Guadalquivir.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_112_112&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_112_112&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[112]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Marius, c. 32, Notes. The events that are briefly alluded to at the end of this chapter are described in the Lives of Marius and Sulla. The battle in the Forum is spoken of in the Life of Marius, c. 41.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_113_113&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_113_113&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[113]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The same story is told in the Life of Marius, c. 44, where it is stated that Cinna and Sertorius combined to put these scoundrels out of the way; but the number that were massacred is not stated there.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_114_114&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_114_114&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[114]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare the Life of Marius, c. 45, and of Sulla, c. 28, &amp;amp;amp;c. Cinna was murdered by his soldiers two years after the death of Marius, and in his fourth consulship, B.C. 84. The younger Marius was Consul in B.C. 82, with Cn. Papirius Carbo for his colleague. This was Carbo&#039;s third consulship. According to Plutarch, Sertorius left Italy after the younger Marius was consul, and therefore not earlier than B.C. 82, unless we understand the passage in Plutarch as referring to the election of Marius, and not to the commencement of his consulship. Appian (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 86) places the departure of Sertorius in the year B.C. 83.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_115_115&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_115_115&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[115]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sertorius had not been Consul, and therefore he was not now Proconsul. It is true that a man, who had not been Consul, might receive the government of a Province with the title of Proconsul. (See c. 7.) Sertorius may have assumed the title.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_116_116&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_116_116&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[116]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; If Sertorius stayed at Rome till the younger Marius was elected Consul, as Plutarch states in the sixth chapter, he probably saw what he is here represented as hearing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_117_117&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_117_117&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[117]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This Annius, surnamed Luscus, served under Q. Metellus in the Jugurthine War B.C. 107. (Sallust, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Jug. War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 77.) Sulla gave him the command in Spain with the title of Proconsul B.C. 81. An extant medal seems to have been struck in honour of his Proconsulship. (Eckhel, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Doct. Num. Vet.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; v. 134.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_118_118&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_118_118&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[118]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This town, which the Romans called Nova Carthago, was built by the Carthaginians at the close of the first Punic War B.C. 235, and so long as they kept possession of Spain it was their chief city. Livius (26. c. 42), describes the situation of New Carthage, now Cartagena, and one of the best harbours in Spain. Its position on the S.E. coast is favourable for communication with Africa.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_119_119&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_119_119&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[119]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The maritime towns of Cilicia were for a long time the resort of a bold set of seamen and adventurers who scoured the Mediterranean and were as formidable to the people of Italy as the Barbary Corsairs were in the middle ages. It was one of the great merits of Cn. Pompeius Magnus that he cleared the seas of these scoundrels. See Lucullus, c. 37.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_120_120&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_120_120&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[120]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The two islands of Yviça or Ibiça and Formentera, which belong to the Balearic group, were sometimes comprehended under the name of the Pityussæ or the Pine Islands (Strabo, 167, ed. Casaub.). The Greeks and Romans called Yviça, Ebusus. Iviça is hilly, and the high tracts are well covered with pine and fir.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_121_121&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_121_121&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[121]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is the old name of the Straits of Gibraltar, which is still retained in the modern form Cadiz. Gadeira, which the Romans called Gades, was an old Phœnician town, on the island of Leon, where Cadiz now stands. Strabo (p. 168, ed. Casaub.) says that Gades in his time (the beginning of the reign of Tiberius) was not inferior in population to any city except Rome, and was a place of great trade, as it is now.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_122_122&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_122_122&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[122]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This river, now the Guadalquivir, gave the name of Bætica to one of the three provinces into which the Spanish Peninsula was ultimately divided by the Romans for the purposes of administration.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_123_123&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_123_123&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[123]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was the name for so much of the ocean that washes the west coast of Europe and Africa as the Greeks and Romans were acquainted with. The Greeks and Romans had no name for the Mediterranean.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_124_124&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_124_124&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[124]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The only islands in the Atlantic that correspond to this description are Madeira and Porto Santo, but Porto Santo is forty miles north-east of Madeira. The distance of Madeira from the coast of Africa is about 400 miles or about 4000 stadia. The climate of Madeira is very temperate: the thermometer seldom sinks below 60°, though it sometimes rises as high as 90° of Fahrenheit. On the high and mountainous parts there are heavy dews, and rain falls at all seasons. Owing to the variety of surface and elevation the island produces both tropical products and those of temperate countries. The fame of this happy region had spread to all parts of the ancient world, though we cannot safely conclude that the islands were known by report to Homer. Horace in his 16th &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Epode&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; is probably alluding to these islands when he is speaking of the Civil Wars and of flying from their horrors in those beautiful lines:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Nos manet Oceanus circumvagus; arva beata&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Petamus arva divites et insulas, &amp;amp;amp;c.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_125_125&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_125_125&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[125]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The passage is in the fourth book of the &#039;Odyssey,&#039; v. 563, and is quoted by Strabo (p. 31):&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;And there in sooth man&#039;s life is easiest;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Nor snow, nor raging storm, nor rain is there,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;But ever gently breathing gales of zephyr&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Oceanus sends up.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Strabo in another passage expresses an opinion that the Elysian fields were in the southern parts of Spain. That would at least be a good place for them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_126_126&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_126_126&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[126]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This region is the Mauritania of the Roman Geographers, the modern Marocco, and the town of Tigennis is the Roman Tingis, the modern Tangier, which is on the Atlantic coast of Africa, south-south-east of Gades. The circumstance of Tingis being attacked shows that the African campaign of Sertorius was in the north-western part of Marocco. Strabo mentions Tinga (p. 825). See also Plin. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;H.N.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; v. 1.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_127_127&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_127_127&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[127]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The story of this giant is in the mythographers. Tumuli are found in many parts of the old and new world, and it seems probable that they were all memorials to the dead. The only surprising thing in this story is the size of the body; which each man may explain in his own way. There are various records in antient writers of enormous bones being found. Those found at Tegea under a smithy, which were supposed to be the bones of Orestes, were seven cubits long (Herodotus, i. 68), little more than the ninth part of the dimensions of Antæus: but Antæus was a giant and Orestes was not. See Strabo&#039;s remarks on this story (p. 829).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_128_128&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_128_128&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[128]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Life of Sulla, c. 17. I am not sure that I have given the right meaning of this passage. Plutarch may mean to say that he has said so much on this matter in honour of Juba.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_129_129&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_129_129&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[129]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I have translated this passage literally and kept the word dæmon, which is the best way of enabling the reader to judge of the meaning; of the text. If the word &amp;quot;dæmon&amp;quot; is here translated &amp;quot;fortune,&amp;quot; it may mislead. A like construction to the words &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: tô daimoni summetabalein to êthos&amp;quot;&amp;gt;τῶ δαιμόνι συμμεταβαλεῖν τὸ ἧθος&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; occurs in the Life of Lucullus, c. 39. The meaning of the whole passage must be considered with reference to the sense of dæmon, which is explained in the notes of the Life of Sulla, c. 6.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_130_130&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_130_130&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[130]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Lusitani occupied a part of the modern kingdom of Portugal.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_131_131&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_131_131&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[131]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This story of the deer is told by Frontinus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stratagem,&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. 11, 13), and by Gellius (xv. 22).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_132_132&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_132_132&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[132]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was of the Aurelia Gens.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_133_133&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_133_133&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[133]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Is a small town on the coast, east of the mouth of the Bætis (Guadalquivir) and near the Straits of Gibraltar. The channel must be the Straits of Gibraltar.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_134_134&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_134_134&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[134]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is undoubtedly the right name, though it is corrupted in the MSS. See the various readings in Sintenis, and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sulla&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (c. 31), to which he refers. However, the corrupt readings of some MSS. clearly show what the true reading is.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_135_135&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_135_135&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[135]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sintenis reads Domitius Calvisius. But it should be Calvinus: Calvinus was a cognomen of the Domitii. (See Livius, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Epitome&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, lib. 90.) The person who is meant is L. Domitius Ahenobarbus. He fell in this battle on the Guadiana, where he was defeated by Hirtuleius. (Drumann, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Geschichte Roms&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Ahenobarbi, 19.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_136_136&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_136_136&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[136]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; That is the province which the Romans called Tarraconensis, from the town of Tarraco, Tarragona. The Tarraconensis was the north-eastern part of the Spanish peninsula. The true name of Thoranius is Thorius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_137_137&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_137_137&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[137]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was Q. Metellus Pius, the son of Numidicus, who was banished through the artifices of C. Marius. (Life of Marius, c. 7, &amp;amp;amp;c.) He was Proconsul in Spain from B.C. 78 to 72, and was sent there in consequence of the success of Sertorius against Cotta and Fufidius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_138_138&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_138_138&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[138]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Some critics read Lucius Lollius. See the various readings in Sintenis: his name was L. Manilius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_139_139&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_139_139&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[139]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I should rather have translated it &amp;quot;Gaul about Narbo.&amp;quot; Plutarch means the Roman Province in Gaul, which was called Narbonensis, from the town of Narbo Martius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_140_140&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_140_140&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[140]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Commonly called Pompey the Great, whose name occurs in the Lives of Sulla, Lucullus, and Crassus. Plutarch has written his Life at length.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_141_141&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_141_141&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[141]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Probably the philosopher and pupil of Aristotle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_142_142&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_142_142&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[142]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Some writers would connect this name of a people with Langobriga, the name of a place. There were two places of the name, it is said, and one is placed near the mouth of the Douro. It is useless to attempt to fix the position of the Langobritæ from what Plutarch has said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_143_143&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_143_143&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[143]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Or Aquinus or Aquilius. Cornelius Aquinus was his name.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_144_144&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_144_144&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[144]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Osca was a town in the north-east of Spain, probably Huesca in Aragon. Mannert observes that this school must have greatly contributed to fix the Latin language in Spain. Spain however already contained Roman settlers, and at a later period it contained numerous Roman colonies: in fact the Peninsula was completely Romanized, of which the Spanish language and the establishment of the Roman Law in Spain are the still existing evidence. The short-lived school of Sertorius could not have done much towards fixing the Latin language in Spain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_145_145&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_145_145&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[145]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Bulla was of a round form. See the copy of one from the British Museum in Smith&#039;s &#039;Dict. of Greek and Roman Antiquities.&#039; Kaltwasser refers to Plutarch&#039;s Life of Romulus, c. 20, and his &#039;Roman Questions,&#039; Part 3, in which he explains what the Bulla is.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_146_146&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_146_146&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[146]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Greek word &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: kataspeisis&amp;quot;&amp;gt;κατάσπεισις&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; signifies a &amp;quot;pouring out.&amp;quot; Kaltwasser refers to a passage in Cæsar&#039;s &#039;Gallic War,&#039; iii. 22, in which he speaks of the &amp;quot;devoted&amp;quot; (devoti), whom the Aquitani called Soldurii. As the Aquitani bordered on the Pyrenees, it is not surprising that the like usage prevailed among them and the Iberians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_147_147&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_147_147&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[147]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The orthography is Perperna, as is proved by inscriptions. M. Perperna, the grandfather of this Perperna, was consul B.C. 130. (see Life of Tib. Gracchus, c. 20, Notes.) The son of M. Perperna also was consul B.C. 92: he did not die till B.C. 49, and consequently survived his son, this Perperna of Plutarch. Perperna Vento had been prætor. He associated himself with Lepidus after the death of Sulla, and was like M. Lepidus driven from Rome (Life of Sulla, c. 34, Notes).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_148_148&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_148_148&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[148]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is the Ebro, which the Romans called Iberus, the large river which flows in a south-east direction and enters the Mediterranean.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It seems that Plutarch here means the nations between the Ebro and the Pyrenees, or the modern Aragon, Navarre, and Catalonia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_149_149&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_149_149&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[149]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The story is told by Frontinus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stratagemata&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 10, as Kaltwasser observes, and again, in iv. 7, in the very same words. It has been often remarked that Horatius probably alludes to this story (ii. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Epist.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; I, 45).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_150_150&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_150_150&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[150]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Tagonius is either the Tagus (Tajo), or a branch of that large river, on the banks of which the Carpetani are placed by geographers, who also mark Caraca, a position on the Henares, a branch of the Tagus. If Caraca represents the country of the Charicatani, the Tagonius is the Nares or Henares, on which stood Complutum, the modern Alcalá de Henarea. But all this is merely conjecture.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_151_151&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_151_151&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[151]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Lauron is placed near the coast, and near the outlet of the Sucro river, the modern Xucar. There was also a town Sucro near the mouth of the Sucro. Appian (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 109) says that when the city was captured, a soldier attempted violence on a woman (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: para phusin&amp;quot;&amp;gt;παρὰ φύσιν&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;), who tore out his eyes with her fingers. Sertorius, who knew that the whole cohort was addicted to infamous practices, put them all to death though they were Romans. Frontinus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stratagem.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 5) has a long account of this affair at Lauron, for which he quotes Livius, who says that Pompeius lost ten thousand men and all his baggage.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Pompeius began his Spanish campaign B.C. 76.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_152_152&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_152_152&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[152]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; These names are very uncertain in Plutarch. Tuttia may be the Turia, now the Guadalaviar, the river of Valencia, the outlet of which is about twenty-five miles north of the outlet of the Sucro. Other readings are Duria and Dusia (see the notes of Sintenis). If these rivers are properly identified, this campaign was carried on in the plains of the kingdom of Valencia. Tutia is mentioned by Florus (iii. 22) as one of the Spanish towns which surrendered to Pompeius after the death of Sertorius and Perperna.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Kaltwasser refers to Frontinus, who speaks of one Hirtuleius, or Herculeius in some editions, as a general of Sertorius who was defeated by Metellus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stratagem&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 1). In another passage (ii. 7) Frontinus states that Sertorius during a battle being informed by a native that Hirtuleius hod fallen, stabbed the man that he might not carry the news to others, and so dispirit his soldiers. Plutarch (Life of Pompeius c. 18) states that Pompeius defeated Herennius and Perperna near Valentia, and killed above ten thousand of their men. This is apparently the same battle that Plutarch is here speaking of.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_153_153&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_153_153&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[153]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Pompeius, c. 19; and Appian (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 110), who states that the battle took place near the town of Suero (which would be the more correct translation of the text of Plutarch), and that the wing which Perperna commanded was defeated by Metellus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_154_154&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_154_154&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[154]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This L. Afranius is the man whom Cicero calls &amp;quot;Auli filius&amp;quot; (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic,&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. 16), by which he meant that he was of obscure origin. He was consul with Q. Metellus Celer B.C. 60. Afranius and Petreius commanded for Pompeius in Spain B.C. 49, but C. Julius Cæsar compelled them to surrender, and pardoned them on the condition that they should not again serve against him. Afranius broke his promise and again joined Pompeius. He was in the battle of Thapsus in Africa B.C. 46, and after the defeat he attempted to escape into Mauritania, but was caught and given up to Cæsar, and shortly afterwards put to death by the soldiers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_155_155&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_155_155&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[155]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Appian (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 110) has the same story about the dear being found.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_156_156&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_156_156&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[156]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Seguntum, or Saguntia, as it is written in Appian (i. 110). It is not certain what place is meant. Some critics would read &amp;quot;in the plains of the Saguntini,&amp;quot; by which might be meant the neighbourhood of Saguntum, a town on the east coast between the mouths of the Ebro and the Xucar, which was taken by Hannibal in the second Punic War (Liv. 21, c. 15). The maps place a Segontia on the Tagonius, another on the Salo (Xalon), a branch of the Ebro, and a Saguntia in the country of the Vaccæi on the northern branch of the Douro. Pompeius in his letter to the Senate speaks of the capture of the camp of Sertorius near Sucro, his defeat on the Durius, and the capture of Valentia. If the Durius be the Douro, this Segontia may be one of the towns called Segontia in the north-west of Spain. But the Durius may be the Turia, the river of Valentia, and Segontia may be Saguntum. The fact of Pompeius wintering among the Vaccæi is perhaps in favour of a north-west Segontia; but still I think that Saguntum was the battle-field. This battle is mentioned by Appian (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 110), who says that Pompeius lost six thousand men, but that Metellus defeated Perperua, who lost about five thousand men.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_157_157&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_157_157&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[157]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Vaccæi occupied part of the country immediately north of the Durius (Douro); but the limits cannot be accurately defined.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_158_158&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_158_158&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[158]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare the Life of Lucullus, c. 5, and the Life of Crassus, c. 11. The letter of Pompeius to the Senate is in the third book of the Fragments of the Roman History of Sallustius. The letter concludes with the following words, which Plutarch had apparently read: &amp;quot;Ego non rem familiarem modo, verum etiam fidem consumpsi. Reliqui vos estis, qui nisi subvenitis, invito et praedicente me, exercitus hinc et cum eo omne bellum Hispaniae in Italiam transgredientur.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_159_159&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_159_159&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[159]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This appears to be the event which is described in the fragment of the Second Book of the History of Sallustius, which is preserved by Macrobius, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Saturnalia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 9, in the chapter &amp;quot;De Luxu.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_160_160&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_160_160&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[160]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare the Life of Sulla, c. 11.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_161_161&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_161_161&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[161]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Sulla, c. 24.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_162_162&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_162_162&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[162]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Kaltwasser quotes Reiske, who observes that Plutarch, who wrote under the Empire, expresses himself after the fashion of his age, when the Roman Cæsars lived on the Palatine.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_163_163&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_163_163&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[163]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The treaty with Mithridates was made B.C. 75. This Marius is mentioned in the Life of Lucullus, c. 8. Appian (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mithridatic War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 68) calls him Marcus Varius, and also states that Sertorius agreed to give Mithridates, Asia, Bithynia, Paphlagonia, Cappadocia, and Galatia. In the matter of Asia the narratives of Plutarch and Appian are directly opposed to one another.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_164_164&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_164_164&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[164]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This may be literally rendered &amp;quot;Marcus Marius together with whom Mithridates having captured some of the Asiatic cities;&amp;quot; Kaltwasser renders it, &amp;quot;in connection with him (Marcus Marius) Mithrdates conquered some towns in Asia.&amp;quot; But the context shows that Marcus Marius was to be considered the principal, and that the towns were not conquered in order to be given to Mithridates.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_165_165&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_165_165&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[165]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare the Life of Lucullus, c. 20.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_166_166&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_166_166&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[166]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Appian (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 112) does not mention this massacre of the Iberian boys; but he states that Sertorius had become odious to the Romans whom he now distrusted, and that he employed Iberians instead of the Romans as his body-guard. He also adds that the character of Sertorius was changed, that he gave himself up to wine and women, and was continually sustaining defeats. These circumstances and fear for his own life, according to Appian, led Perperna to conspire against Sertorius (i. 113).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_167_167&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_167_167&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[167]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Perhaps Octavius Gracimus, as the name appears in Frontinus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stratagem.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 5, 31).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_168_168&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_168_168&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[168]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: tê bradutêti tês lalias.&amp;quot;&amp;gt;τῆ βραδυτῆτι τῆς λαλιᾶς&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The meaning of these words may be doubtful; but what I have given is perhaps consistent with the Greek and with the circumstances. There was some hesitation about beginning the attack, and the flagging of the conversation was a natural consequence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Sertorius was murdered B.C. 72, in the consulship of L. Gellius Publicola and Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Clodianus, in the eighth year of his command in Spain. (Livius, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Epitom.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 96.) Accordingly this places the commencement of his command in B.C. 80; but he went to Spain in B.C. 82, or at the end of B.C. 83. See Notes on c. 6. Appian (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 114) states that when the will of Sertorius was opened it was discovered that he had placed Perperna among his heredes, a circumstance which throws doubt on the assertion of Appian that Perperna was afraid that Sertorius intended to take his life. Appian adds that when this was known, it created great enmity against Perperna among his followers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Plutarch&#039;s estimate of Sertorius may be a favourable one; yet he does not omit to mention that act of his life which was most blamable, the massacre of the youths at Osca. From the slight indications in Frontinus, who found some material for his work on Military Stratagems in the campaigns of Sertorius, and from other passages, we may collect that, however mild the temper of Sertorius was, circumstances must often have compelled him to acts of severity and even cruelty. The difficulties of his position can only be estimated when we reflect on the nature of a campaign in many parts of Spain and the kind of soldiers he had under him. Promptitude and decision were among his characteristics; and in such a warfare promptitude and decision cannot be exercised at the time when alone they are of any use, if a man is swayed by any other considerations than those of prudence and necessity in the hour of danger. A general who could stab one of his own men in the heat of battle, to prevent him dispiriting the army by news of a loss, proved that his judgment was as clear as his determination was resolved.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Plutarch&#039;s narrative is of no value as a campaign, and his apology must be that he was not writing a campaign, but delineating a man&#039;s character. Drumann &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Geschichte Roms&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Pompeius, p. 350, &amp;amp;amp;c.) has attempted to give a connected history of this campaign against Sertorius, and he has probably done it as well as it can be done with such materials as we possess. The map of Antient Spain and Portugal published by the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge, will be useful for reading the sketch in Drumann. Plutarch had no good map, and, as already observed, he was not writing a campaign. Some modern historical writers, who have maps, seem to have made very little use of them; and their narrative of military transactions is often us confused as Plutarch&#039;s.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The nature of Guerilla warfare in Spain may be learned from the history of the Peninsular War. The difficulties of a campaign in Navarre and the Basque provinces are well shown in the campaigns of Zumalacarregui, the Carlist chief, a modern Sertorius, whose extraordinary career was cut short by a chance ball before the walls of Bilbao, in 1835. (Henningsen, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The most striking Events of a Twelve-month&#039;s Campaign with Zumalacarregui&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, London, 1836.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_169_169&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_169_169&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[169]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Metellus marched to another part of Spain, and left Pompeius to deal with Perperna. According to Appian&#039;s narrative the decisive action between Pompeius and Perperna took place &amp;quot;on the tenth day,&amp;quot; probably the tenth from the death of Sertorius. Pompeius would not see Perperna after he was taken, and prudently put him to death. &amp;quot;The death of Sertorius,&amp;quot; says Appian, &amp;quot;was the end of the Spanish war, and it is probable that if Sertorius had lived, it would not have been terminated so soon, or so easily.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 130]&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;LIFE_OF_EUMENES&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_130&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;LIFE OF EUMENES.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The historian Douris tells us that the father of Eumenes of Kardia was so poor that he was obliged to act as a waggoner; yet he gave his son a liberal education both in mental and bodily exercises. While Eumenes was yet a lad, Philip, King of Macedon, happened to come to the city of Kardia, where he amused his leisure time by witnessing the gymnastic exercises of the young men. Perceiving that Eumenes was one of the most athletic, and that he was a manly and clever boy, Philip took him away and attached him to his own person. A more probable story is that Philip gave the boy this advancement out of regard for his father, whose friend and guest he was. After the death of Philip, Eumenes continued in the service of his son Alexander, and was thought to be as wise and as faithful as any of that prince&#039;s servants. His position was nominally that of chief secretary, but he was treated with as much honour and respect as the king&#039;s most intimate friends, and was entrusted with an independent command during the Indian campaign. On the death of Hephæstion, Perdikkas was appointed to succeed him, and Eumenes was given the post of commander of the cavalry, vacated by Perdikkas. Upon this Neoptolemus, the chief of the men-at-arms, sneered at Eumenes, saying that he himself bore a spear and shield in Alexander&#039;s service, but that Eumenes bore a pen and writing-tablets. However the Macedonian chiefs laughed him to scorn, as they well knew the worth of Eumenes, and that he was so highly esteemed that Alexander himself had done him the honour to make him his kinsman by marriage. He bestowed upon him Barsine, the sister of that daughter of Artabazus by whom he himself had a son named Herakles, and gave &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 131]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_131&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;her other sister Apame to Ptolemæus at the time when he distributed the other Persian ladies among his followers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Eumenes however was often in danger of incurring the displeasure of Alexander, because of his favourite Hephæstion. On one occasion a house was assigned to Evion, Hephæstion&#039;s flute-player, which the servants of Eumenes had previously claimed for their master&#039;s lodging. Hearing this, Eumenes went to Alexander in a rage, and complained that it was better to be a flute-player than a soldier. At first Alexander agreed with him, and blamed Hephæstion for his conduct. But afterwards he changed his mind, and attributed what Eumenes had done to a desire to insult himself, rather than to vindicate his rights against Hephæstion. At another time, when Alexander was about to despatch Nearchus with a fleet to explore the Atlantic, he asked his friends to subscribe some money, as he had none in his treasury. The sum for which Eumenes was asked was three hundred talents, of which he only paid one hundred, and said that he had had great difficulty in collecting even that amount. Alexander did not reproach him, nor take the money from him; but he ordered his slaves secretly to set the tent of Eumenes on fire, hoping when his property was brought out of it to prove him to have lied in saying that he possessed so little money. However the tent burned quicker than was expected, and Alexander was sorry that he had destroyed all the papers and writings which it contained. There was found in the ruins more than a thousand talents&#039; worth of gold and silver, melted by the heat of the fire. Of this Alexander refused to take any, but sent orders to all the officers of his kingdom to replace the accounts and writings which had been destroyed. Once again too he quarrelled with Hephæstion about some present to which each laid claim. They each abused the other roundly, but Eumenes came off the victor. Shortly afterwards, however, Hephæstion died, to the great grief of Alexander, who was enraged with all those who had disliked Hephæstion when alive, and were pleased at his death. He regarded Eumenes with especial hatred, and frequently referred to his quarrels with Hephæstion. Eumenes, however, being a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 132]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_132&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;shrewd man, determined that what seemed likely to become his ruin should prove his salvation. He won Alexander&#039;s favour by inventing new and extravagant modes of showing honour to his friend, and spent money profusely in providing him with a splendid funeral.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Alexander himself died, and the Macedonian army quarrelled with its chiefs, he in reality espoused the cause of the latter, although he declared that he belonged to neither party, modestly observing that it was not for him, a stranger, to interfere in the quarrels of Macedonians with one another. In the general division of Alexander&#039;s conquests which then took place, Eumenes obtained Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, and the coast of the Euxine sea as far as Trapezus.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_170_170&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_170_170&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[170]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This country was not yet conquered by the Macedonians, but was ruled by Ariarathes, and Leonnatus and Antigonus were requested by Perdikkas to come with a large army to put Eumenes in possession of his principality. Antigonus took no heed of this command, as he was already revolving immense schemes of conquest, and beginning to despise his colleagues. Leonnatus, however, did begin to march an army towards Phrygia, intending to help Eumenes, but on the way he was met by Hekatæus the despot of Kardia, who besought him to assist the Macedonians under Antipater, who were being besieged in the city of Lamia. Leonnatus on hearing this became eager to cross his army over the straits into Europe; and consequently he sent for Eumenes and reconciled him with Hekatæus. These two men had always been at enmity with one another on political grounds. Eumenes had often endeavoured to use his influence with Alexander to crush Hekatæus, and restore liberty to the oppressed citizens of Kardia, and never ceased accusing him of tyranny and injustice. On this occasion Eumenes refused to take part in the expedition into Europe, stating that he feared Antipater, who had always been his enemy, and who would be very likely to assassinate him to please Hekatæus. In answer to these objections Leonnatus unfolded to him his secret plans. His march to relieve Antipater was merely intended as a pretence to cover his real object, which was to attempt to make himself master of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 133]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_133&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Macedonia. He also showed Eumenes several letters which he had received from Pella, in which Kleopatra offered to marry him if he would march thither. However Eumenes, either because he feared Antipater, or because he thought Leonnatus to be embarked upon a rash and crazy enterprise, left him by night, taking with him all his property. He was attended by three hundred horsemen, and two hundred armed slaves, and had with him treasure to the amount of five thousand talents. He fled at once to Perdikkas, and betrayed all Leonnatus&#039;s plans to him, by which treachery he gained great favour with Perdikkas, and soon afterwards was established in his government of Cappadocia by an army led by Perdikkas himself. Ariarathes was taken prisoner, the country subdued and Eumenes proclaimed satrap over it. He distributed the government of the various cities amongst his friends, established garrisons, courts of justice, and receivers of revenue, as an absolute ruler, without any interference from Perdikkas. But when Perdikkas left the country Eumenes followed him, as he did not wish to be away from the court of that prince.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; However, Perdikkas considered that he was well able to carry out his own designs abroad, but required an active and faithful lieutenant to guard what he already possessed at home. Consequently when he reached Cilicia he sent Eumenes back, nominally to his own government, but really to observe Armenia where Neoptolemus was endeavouring to raise a revolt. Eumenes had frequent interviews with this man, who was of a flighty and vainglorious character, and tried to restrain him from any act of open rebellion. Perceiving also that the Macedonian phalanx was grown very strong, and gave itself most insolent airs, he determined to raise up some counterpoise to it, in the shape of a force of cavalry.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He set free from all taxes and state payments whatever those men of his province who were able to serve as horse soldiers, and bestowed fine horses, purchased by himself, upon their officers and those whom he especially trusted. He divided them into regiments, frequently bestowed upon them honours and rewards, and constantly exercised them in the performance of military manœuvres. Some of the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 134]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_134&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Macedonians were alarmed, but others were delighted to see in how short a time he had raised a force of no less than six thousand three hundred cavalry soldiers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Kraterus and Antipater, having made themselves masters of Greece, crossed over into Asia to destroy the kingdom of Perdikkas, and were about to invade Cappadocia, Eumenes was appointed by Perdikkas, who was absent on a campaign against Ptolemy, to be commander-in-chief of the forces in Cappadocia and Armenia. He also sent letters, ordering Neoptolemus and Alketas to place themselves under the orders of Eumenes. Alketas at once refused to serve under him, alleging that the Macedonian troops which he commanded would be ashamed to fight against Antipater, and were willing to receive Kraterus as their king. Neoptolemus also no longer concealed the treachery which he had so long meditated, and when summoned by Eumenes to join him, answered by drawing up his men in order of battle. Now did Eumenes reap the fruits of his prudence and foresight; for though his infantry was vanquished, yet his cavalry completely overthrew Neoptolemus, and captured all his baggage. He also caught the phalanx of the enemy when disordered by its victory, and forced it to surrender at discretion, and swear allegiance to himself. Neoptolemus fled with a few followers and joined Kraterus and Antipater, by whom an embassy had been sent to Eumenes to offer him the peaceful enjoyment of his government if he would join them, and likewise a large accession of territory and force, on condition that he would cease to regard Antipater with dislike and would not become an enemy to his friend Kraterus. To these overtures Eumenes answered that he had long hated Antipater, and was not likely to begin to love him now, when he saw him making war against his own friends, but that he was willing to act as mediator between Kraterus and Perdikkas, if they wished to arrange a fair and honourable peace. He declared that as long as he had breath in his body he would resist all unjust schemes of spoliation, and would rather lose his life than betray the confidence bestowed upon him by Perdikkas.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Eumenes returned this answer to Antipater, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 135]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_135&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;he was deliberating what was the next step to take, when suddenly Neoptolemus arrived bringing the news of his defeat, and begging for immediate assistance. He wished one of the chiefs to accompany him, but especially Kraterus, declaring that he was so popular with the Macedonians that if they so much as caught sight of his broad-brimmed Macedonian hat, and heard his voice, they would go over to him in a body. Indeed the name of Kraterus had great influence with the Macedonians, and he was their favourite general now that Alexander was dead, for they remembered how steadfast a friend Kraterus had proved to them, and how he had often incurred the anger of Alexander by opposing his adoption of Persian habits, and standing by his countrymen when they were in danger of being neglected and despised by a corrupt and effeminate court. Kraterus accordingly sent Antipater into Cilicia, and himself with the greater part of the army marched with Neoptolemus to fight Eumenes, whom he imagined he should catch unawares, engaged in feasting and celebrating his late victory. It did not argue any very great skill in Eumenes, that he soon became aware of the march of Kraterus to attack him; but to conceal his own weak points, not only from the enemy, but also from his own troops, and actually to force them to attack Kraterus without knowing against whom they fought, appears to me to have been the act of a consummate general. He gave out that Neoptolemus and Pigres were about to attack him a second time, with some Cappadocian and Paphlagonian cavalry. On the night when he intended to start he fell asleep and dreamed a strange dream. He seemed to see two Alexanders, each at the head of a phalanx, preparing to fight one another. Then Athena came to help the one, and Demeter the other. After a hard fight, that championed by Athena was overcome, and then Demeter gathered ears of corn, and crowned the victorious phalanx with them. He at once conceived that this dream referred to himself because he was about to fight for a most fertile land and one that abounded in corn; for at that time the whole country was sown with wheat, as if it were time of peace, and the fields promised an abundant harvest. He was confirmed &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 136]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_136&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;in his idea of the meaning of his dream when he heard that the watchword of the enemy was &#039;Athena,&#039; with the countersign &#039;Alexander.&#039; Hearing this, he himself gave the word &#039;Demeter,&#039; with the countersign &#039;Alexander,&#039; and ordered all his soldiers to crown themselves and adorn their arms with ears of wheat. He was often tempted to explain to his officers who it was against whom they were about to fight; but in spite of the inconvenience of such a secret, he decided finally to keep it to himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; He was careful not to send any Macedonians to attack Kraterus, but entrusted this duty to two divisions of cavalry, which he placed under the command respectively of Pharnabazus the son of Artabazus and Phœnix of Tenedos. These he ordered, as soon as they saw the enemy, to charge at full speed, and not to give them time for any parley, or to send a herald; for he was grievously afraid that if the Macedonians recognized Kraterus they would desert to him. He himself formed three hundred of the best of his cavalry into a compact mass with which he proceeded towards the right, to engage the detachment under Neoptolemus. The main body, as soon as it had passed a small hill, came in sight of the enemy and at once charged at full gallop. Kraterus at this broke out into violent abuse of Neoptolemus, saying that he had been deceived by him about the Macedonians who were to have deserted. However, he called upon those about him to quit them like men, and advanced to meet the horsemen.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The shock was terrible. Their spears were soon broken, and the fight was continued with swords. Kraterus proved no unworthy successor of Alexander, for he slew many and often rallied his troops, until a Thracian rode at him sideways and struck him from his horse. No one recognized him as he lay on the ground except Gorgias, one of the generals of Eumenes, who at once dismounted and kept guard over him, although he was grievously hurt and almost in the death-agony.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Meanwhile Eumenes encountered Neoptolemus. Each had a long-standing grudge against the other; but it chanced that in the first two charges which took place they did not see one another. The third time they recog&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 137]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_137&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;nized one another, and at once drew their daggers and rode together with loud shouts of defiance. With their reins flowing loose they drove their horses against one another like two triremes, and each clutched at the other as he passed, so that each tore the helmet from the other&#039;s head, and burst the fastenings of the corslet upon his shoulder. Both fell from their horses, and wrestled together in deadly strife on the ground. As Neoptolemus strove to rise, Eumenes struck him behind the knee, and leaped upon his own feet, but Neoptolemus rested upon his other knee, and continued the fight until he received a mortal stab in the neck. Eumenes through the mortal hate which he bore him at once fell to stripping him of his armour and abusing him, forgetting that he was still alive. He received a slight stab in the groin, but the wound frightened Eumenes more than it hurt him, as the hand that dealt it was almost powerless. Yet when Eumenes had finished despoiling the corpse he found that he was severely cut about the arms and thighs, in spite of which he remounted his horse, and rode to the other side of the battle-field, where he thought the enemy might still be offering resistance. Here he heard of the death of Kraterus, and rode up to where he lay. Finding that he was still alive and conscious, Eumenes dismounted, and with tears and protestations of friendship cursed Neoptolemus and lamented his hard fate, which had forced him either to kill his old friend and comrade or to perish at his hands.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; This victory was won by Eumenes about ten days after his former one. He gained great glory from this double achievement, as he appeared to have won one battle by courage and the other by generalship. Yet he was bitterly disliked and hated both by his own men and by the enemy, because he, a stranger and a foreigner, had vanquished the most renowned of the Macedonians in fair fight. Now if Perdikkas had lived to hear of the death of Kraterus, he would have been the chief Macedonian of the age; but the news of his death reached the camp of Perdikkas two days after that prince had fallen in a skirmish with the Egyptians, and the enraged Macedonian soldiery vowed vengeance against Eumenes. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 138]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_138&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Antigonus and Antipater at once declared war against him: and when they heard that Eumenes, passing by Mount Ida where the king&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_171_171&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_171_171&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[171]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; used to keep a breed of horses, took as many as he required and sent an account of his doing so to the Masters of the Horse, Antipater is said to have laughed and declared that he admired the wariness of Eumenes, who seemed to expect that he would be called upon to give an account of what he had done with the king&#039;s property. Eumenes had intended to fight a battle on the plains of Lydia near Sardis, because his chief strength lay in his cavalry, and also to let Kleopatra&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_172_172&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_172_172&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[172]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; see how powerful he was; but at her particular request, for she was afraid to give umbrage to Antipater, he marched into Upper Phrygia, and passed the winter in the city of Kelainæ. While here, Alketas, Polemon, and Dokimus caballed against him, claiming the supreme command for themselves. Hereupon Eumenes quoted the proverb, &amp;quot;No one reflects that he who rules must die.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He now promised his soldiers that in three days he would give them their pay, and accomplished this by selling the various fortified villages and castles in the neighbourhood to them, all of which were full of human beings to sell for slaves, and of cattle. The officers who bought these places from Eumenes were supplied by him with siege-artillery to take them, and the proceeds of the plunder were set off against the arrears of pay due to the soldiers. This proceeding made Eumenes very popular with his army, indeed, when a proclamation was distributed in his camp by contrivance of the enemy, in which a reward of a hundred talents and special honours were offered to the man who would kill Eumenes, the Macedonians were greatly enraged, and determined that a body-guard of one thousand men, of the best families in Macedonia, should watch over his safety day and night. The soldiers obeyed him with alacrity and were proud to receive from his hands the same marks of favour which kings are wont to bestow upon their favourites. Eumenes even took upon himself to give away purple hats and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 139]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_139&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cloaks, which is accounted the most royal present of all by the Macedonians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Success exalts even mean minds, and men always appear to have a certain dignity when in high station and power; but the truly great man proves his greatness more by the way in which he bears up against misfortunes and endures evil days, as did Eumenes. He was defeated by Antigonus in Southern Cappadocia by treachery, but when forced to retreat he did not allow the traitor who had betrayed him to make good his escape to Antigonus, but took him and hanged him on the spot. He managed to retreat by a different road to that on which the enemy were pursuing, and then suddenly turning about, encamped on the battle-field of the day before. Here he collected the dead bodies, burned them with the timber of the houses in the neighbouring villages, and raised separate barrows over the remains of the officers and the men—monuments of his hardihood and presence of mind which excited the admiration of Antigonus himself when he again passed that way. The two armies were still sometimes so near each other, that Eumenes once had an opportunity of making himself master of the whole of the enemy&#039;s baggage, which would have enriched his troops with an immense booty. He feared that the possession of such wealth would render them eager to quit his toilsome and perilous service, and sent secret warning under the pretext of private friendship to Menander, the general who had been left in charge of the baggage, and enabled him to withdraw into an unassailable position. This seemingly generous action excited the gratitude of the Macedonians, whose wives and children it had saved from slavery and dishonour, till Antigonus pointed out to them that Eumenes had spared them only that he might not encumber himself.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_173_173&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_173_173&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[173]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this, Eumenes, who was being constantly pursued by a superior force, recommended the greater part of his men to return to their homes. This he did either because he was anxious for their safety, or because he did not wish to drag about with him a force which was too small to fight, and too large to move with swiftness and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 140]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_140&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;secrecy. He himself took refuge in the impregnable fortress of Nora, on the borders of Cappadocia and Lycaonia, with five hundred horse and two hundred foot soldiers, and dismissed from thence with kind speeches and embraces, all of his friends who wished to leave the fortress, dismayed by the prospect of the dreary imprisonment which awaited them during a long siege in such a place. Antigonus when he arrived summoned Eumenes to a conference before beginning the siege, to which he answered, that Antigonus had many friends and officers, while he had none remaining with him, so that unless Antigonus would give him hostages for his safety, he would not trust himself with him. Upon this Antigonus bade him remember that he was speaking to his superior. &amp;quot;While I can hold my sword,&amp;quot; retorted Eumenes, &amp;quot;I acknowledge no man as my superior.&amp;quot; However, after Antigonus had sent his cousin Ptolemæus into the fortress, as Eumenes had demanded, he came down to meet Antigonus, whom he embraced in a friendly manner, as became men who had once been intimate friends and comrades. They talked for a long time, and Eumenes astonished all the assembly by his courage and spirit; for he did not ask for his life, and for peace, as they expected, but demanded to be reinstated in his government, and to have all the grants which he had received from Perdikkas restored to him. The Macedonians meanwhile flocked round him, eager to see what sort of man this Eumenes was, of whom they had heard so much; for since the death of Kraterus no one had been talked of so much as Eumenes in the Macedonian camp. Antigonus began to fear for his safety; he ordered them to keep at a distance, and at last throwing his arms round the waist of Eumenes conducted him back through a passage formed by his guards to the foot of the fortress.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this Antigonus invested the place with a double wall of circumvallation, left a force sufficient to guard it, and marched away. Eumenes was now closely besieged. There was plenty of water, corn, and salt in the fortress, but nothing else to eat or to drink. Yet he managed to render life cheerful, inviting all the garrison in turn to his own table, and entertaining his guests with &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 141]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_141&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;agreeable and lively conversation. He himself was no sturdy warrior, worn with toil and hardships, but a figure of the most delicate symmetry, seemingly in all the freshness of youth, with a gentle and engaging aspect. He was no orator, but yet was fascinating in conversation, as we may partly learn from his letters. During this siege, as he perceived that the men, cooped up in such narrow limits and eating their food without exercise, would lose health, and also that the horses would lose condition if they never used their limbs, while it was most important that, if they were required for a sudden emergency, they should be able to gallop, he arranged the largest room in the fort, fourteen cubits in length, as a place of exercise for the men, and ordered them to walk there, gradually quickening their pace, so as to combine exercise with amusement. For the horses, he caused their necks to be hoisted by pulleys fastened in the roof of their stable, until their fore feet barely touched the ground. In this uneasy position they were excited by their grooms with blows and shouts until the struggle produced the effect of a hard ride, as they sprung about and stood almost erect upon their hind legs till the sweat poured off them, so that this exercise proved no bad training either for strength or speed. They were fed with bruised barley, as being more quickly and easily digested.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this siege had lasted for some time, Antigonus learned that Antipater had died in Macedonia, and that Kassander and Polysperchon were fighting for his inheritance. He now conceived great hopes of gaining the supreme power for himself, and desired to have Eumenes as his friend and assistant in effecting this great design. He sent Hieronymus of Kardia, a friend of Eumenes, to make terms with him. Hieronymus proffered a written agreement to Eumenes, which Eumenes amended, and thus appealed to the Macedonians who were besieging him to decide between the two forms, as to which was the most just. Antigonus for decency&#039;s sake had mentioned the names of the royal family of Macedonia in the beginning of his agreement, but at the end of it demanded that Eumenes should swear fealty to himself. Eumenes corrected this by inserting the names of Queen Olympias and all the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 142]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_142&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;royal family, and then took a solemn oath of fealty, not to Antigonus alone, but to Olympias and all the royal house of Macedonia. This form was thought more reasonable by the Macedonians, who swore Eumenes according to it, raised the siege, and sent to Antigonus that he also might swear in the same form as Eumenes. After this Eumenes delivered up all the Cappadocian hostages in Nora, soon collected a force of little less than a thousand men, from his old soldiers who were still roaming about that country, and rode off with them, as he very rightly distrusted Antigonus, who as soon as he heard of what had happened, sent orders to the Macedonians to continue the siege, and bitterly reproached them for allowing Eumenes to amend the form of oath tendered to him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; While Eumenes was retreating he received letters from the party in Macedonia opposed to Antigonus, in which Olympias begged him to come and take the son of Alexander, whose life was threatened, under his protection; while Polysperchon and Philip, the king, bade him take the command of the army in Cappadocia and make war against Antigonus, empowering him out of the treasure at Quinda to take five hundred talents, as compensation for his own losses, and to make what use he pleased of the remainder for the expenses of the war. He was also informed that orders had been sent to Antigenes and Teutamus the commanders of the Argyraspides, the celebrated Macedonian regiment with the silver shields, to put him in possession of the treasure which they had brought from Susa, and to place themselves with their troops under his command.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Antigenes and Teutamus, on receiving these orders, received Eumenes with all outward manifestations of friendship, but were really full of concealed rage at being superseded by him. He, however, judiciously allayed their wrath by refusing to take the money, which he said he did not need, while as they wore both unwilling to obey and unable to command, he called in the aid of superstition, and declared that Alexander himself had appeared to him in a dream, as when alive, arrayed in the ensigns of royalty, seated in his tent, and despatching affairs of state, and he proposed that they should erect a magnificent &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 143]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_143&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;tent, should place a golden throne in the centre, on which should be laid a diadem, sceptre and royal apparel, and that there they should transact business as in the presence of the king. Antigenes and Teutamus willingly agreed to this proposal, which flattered their self-love by seeming to place them on an equality with Eumenes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As they marched up the country they were met by Peukestas, a friend of Eumenes, and by several other satraps, or provincial governors, who came accompanied by considerable bodies of troops, whose numbers and excellent equipment and discipline gave great encouragement to the Macedonian soldiery.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But these satraps, since the death of Alexander, had become dissolute, licentious, and effeminate princes, with all the vices of Eastern despots. They perpetually intrigued and quarrelled with one another, while they courted the Macedonians by profuse liberality, providing them with magnificent banquets and unlimited wine, until they entirely ruined the discipline of their camp, and led them to meditate choosing their leaders by a popular vote, as is done in republican cities. Eumenes, perceiving that the satraps mistrusted one another, but that they all agreed in hating and fearing himself, and only wanted an opportunity for having him assassinated, pretended to be in want of money, and borrowed large sums from those whom he chiefly suspected of designs against his person, so that he secured the safety of his person by taking other men&#039;s money, an object which most people are glad to attain by giving their own.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; While the peace lasted, the Macedonian soldiery willingly listened to the flattering promises of the satraps, each of whom wished to raise a force and make war upon the others; but when Antigonus moved to attack them with a large army, and a real general was imperatively demanded to meet him, then not only the soldiers implicitly obeyed Eumenes, but even those princes who during the peace had affected such airs of independence lowered their tone and each without a murmur proceeded to his appointed duty. When Antigonus was endeavouring to cross the river Pasitigris, none of the confederates except Eumenes perceived his design, but he boldly with&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 144]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_144&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;stood him, and in a pitched battle slew many men, filled the stream with corpses, and took four thousand prisoners. And also, when Eumenes fell sick, the Macedonians clearly proved that they knew that the others could give them banquets and fair promises, but that he alone could lead them to victory.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When the army was in Persia, Peukestas magnificently entertained all the soldiers, giving each man a victim for sacrifice, and thought that by this liberality he had quite won their hearts; but a few days afterwards, when they came into the presence of the enemy, Eumenes happened to be ill, and was being carried in a litter apart from the noise of the march in order to obtain rest. As the army gained the crest of some low hills they suddenly saw the enemy&#039;s troops marching down into the plain below. As soon as they saw the head of the column, with its gilded arms flashing in the sun, and the elephants with their towers and purple trappings, ready for instant attack, the Macedonians halted, grounded their arms, and refused to proceed until Eumenes should put himself at their head, plainly telling their officers that they dared not risk a battle without him for their leader. Eumenes at once came to the front at full speed in his litter, of which he caused the curtains on both sides to be drawn back, while he waved his hand to them in delight. They, in return, greeted him in the Macedonian fashion by shouts and the clash of their arms, and at once took up their shields and levelled their lances with a loud cry, challenging the enemy to come and fight them, for they now had a general to lead them on.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Antigonus, who had learned from prisoners that Eumenes was sick and travelling in a litter, imagined that it would not be difficult to overcome the others, and therefore hastened his march, hoping to bring on a battle while Eumenes was still unable to command. When, however, as he rode along the enemy&#039;s line he observed their admirable order and arrangement, he hesitated to attack. At last he perceived the litter proceeding from one wing to the other. Then, with a loud laugh, as was his habit when joking with his friends, he exclaimed, &amp;quot;It is that litter, it seems, that is manœuvring against us.&amp;quot; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 145]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_145&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Saying this, he at once withdrew his forces and encamped at some little distance. The army of Eumenes, however, soon afterwards, needing refreshment and repose, forced their generals to place them in cantonments for the winter in the district of Gabiene. These were so scattered, that the whole army was spread over a distance of a thousand stades (or a hundred and twenty-five English miles). Antigonus, hearing this, marched suddenly to attack them by a very difficult road, on which no water was to be found, but which nevertheless was very short and direct. He hoped to fall upon the enemy while scattered in their winter quarters, and defeat them before their generals could rally them into a compact mass. But as he marched through a desert region his army met with strong winds and bitter cold, so that the men were forced to light large fires to warm themselves, and these gave notice of their arrival to the enemy; for the natives who inhabited the mountains near the line of Antigonus&#039;s march, when they saw the numerous fires lighted by his troops, sent messengers on swift camels to tell Peukestas what they had observed. He was much alarmed at the news, and, noticing that the rest of the satraps shared his fears, proposed to retreat to the opposite extremity of the province, where they might at least reassemble a part of their force before the enemy came up. Eumenes, however, calmed their fears by promising that he would stop the progress of Antigonus, and prevent his coming to attack them until three days after they expected him. His counsels prevailed, and he at once despatched messengers to call the troops together out of their winter quarters, and collect all the available force, while he himself with the other generals rode to the front, and selecting a spot which was plainly visible to those crossing the desert, ordered fires to be lighted at intervals, as though an army were encamped along the frontier awaiting the attack of Antigonus. The latter, observing the heights covered with watch-fires, was filled with rage and mortification, imagining that the enemy must long ago have known his plans. Fearing to fight with his wearied troops against men who were fresh and had been living in comfort, he turned aside from the desert, and refreshed his army &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 146]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_146&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;among some neighbouring villages. When, however, he saw no enemy, or any signs of a hostile army being near, and learned from the natives that no troops had been seen by them, but only a large number of fires, he perceived that he had been out-manœuvred by Eumenes, and marched forward in anger, determined to settle their disputes by a pitched battle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Meanwhile the greater part of the army of Eumenes had assembled, and, admiring his stratagem, declared that he alone was fit to be their leader. This so vexed the officers in command of the Argyraspids, Antigenes, and Teutamus, that they determined to make away with him, and they held a council with most of the satraps and officers of the army to determine how best they might rid themselves of him. They all agreed that it would be wisest to make use of his talents in the approaching battle, and immediately after the battle to assassinate him. This result of their deliberations was at once betrayed to Eumenes by Eudamus, the officer in command of the elephants, and Phædimus, not from any love they bore to him, but through fear of losing the money which they had lent him. Eumenes thanked them for their kindness, and afterwards observed to the few friends whom he could trust, that he was living amongst a herd of savage beasts. He withdrew to his tent, made his will, and destroyed all his private papers, not wishing after his death to involve any one in danger. After having made these arrangements, he thought of allowing the enemy to win the victory, or of escaping through Armenia and Media into Cappadocia. He came to no decided resolution while his friends were present, but merely discussed the various chances which presented themselves to his versatile intellect, and then proceeded to array his troops in order of battle, uttering words of encouragement to them all, whether Greek or barbarian, while he himself was received with cheerful and confident shouts by the Argyraspids, who bade him be of good cheer, as the enemy never could abide their onset. These men were the oldest of the soldiers of Philip and Alexander, and had remained unconquered in battle up to that time, although many of them were seventy and none of them were less than sixty &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 147]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_147&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;years old. They now called out, as they moved to attack the troops of Antigonus, &amp;quot;Ye are fighting against your fathers, ye unnatural children.&amp;quot; Charging with fury, they broke down all opposition, for no one could stand before them, though most of the enemy died where they stood. On this side Antigonus was utterly defeated, but his cavalry were victorious; and through the base and unsoldierly conduct of Peukestas the whole of the baggage fell into his hands, by his own great presence of mind and the nature of the ground. This was a vast plain, not dusty, and yet not hard, but like a sea-beach, composed of a light loose sand, covered with a salt crust. Upon this the trampling of so many horses and men soon raised a cloud of dust through which no object could be seen, as it whitened the whole air and dazzled the eyes. Through this Antigonus dashed unnoticed, and made himself master of the baggage, together with the wives and children of the army of Eumenes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When the battle was over, Teutamus at once sent to offer terms for the recovery of the baggage. As Antigonus promised that he would deliver everything up to the Argyraspids, and that their wives and children should be kindly treated, if Eumenes were placed in his hands, the Macedonians were treacherous and wicked enough to resolve to deliver him alive into the hands of his enemies. With this intent they drew near to him, on various pretexts, some lamenting their loss, some encouraging him because of the victory he had won, and some preferring charges against the other generals. Suddenly they fell upon him, snatched away his sword, and bound his hands. When Nikanor was sent to conduct him to Antigonus, he asked, while he was passing through the ranks of the Macedonians, to be permitted to address them, not with any intention of begging his own life, but that he might clearly point out to them what was to their own advantage. Silence was enforced, and Eumenes, standing on a hillock, held forth his fettered hands, and spoke as follows:—&amp;quot;Basest of Macedonians, could Antigonus ever have erected such a monument of your disgrace as you have set up yourselves by surrendering your general to him? Is it not shameful for you, who have &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 148]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_148&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;conquered in the battle, to acknowledge yourselves defeated because of your baggage, as though victory lay more in money than in arms, so that you should ransom your baggage by delivering up your general? I indeed am now being carried off captive, an unconquered man, who has overcome his foes, but has been ruined by his friends; but I beseech you in the name of the Zeus that protects armies, and the gods who watch over the true keeping of oaths, kill me here with your own hands; for I shall be slain by you no less when I am put to death in the enemy&#039;s camp. Antigonus cannot complain of this action of yours, for he wishes to receive Eumenes dead, and not alive. If you are chary of your own hands to do the deed, one of mine will suffice if you will loose it from its bonds. Or if you will not trust me with a sword, then cast me, bound as I am, to be trampled on by the elephants. If you will act thus I will acquit you of all blame, and will declare that you have dealt with your general as became honourable men.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Eumenes had spoken thus, all the army was grieved and lamented his fate, but the Argyraspids called out that he must be carried away, and no attention paid to his talk; for, they said, it mattered little what fate befel a pestilent fellow from the Chersonese, who had involved the Macedonians in endless wars and troubles, but that it was not to be borne that the bravest of the soldiers of Philip and Alexander, after their unheard-of exploits, should in their old age be deprived of the fruits of their toils and be forced to depend upon charity, or that their wives should pass a third night in the enemy&#039;s camp. They at once hurried him away. When he reached the enemy&#039;s quarters, Antigonus, fearing that he would be crushed to death by the crowd (for not a man remained in the camp), sent ten of the strongest elephants, and many Medes and Parthians, armed with spears, to keep off the press from him. He himself could not bear to see Eumenes, because they had once been friends and comrades; and when he was asked by those who had charge of his person how they were to treat him, answered, &amp;quot;Like an elephant, or a lion!&amp;quot; After a while he felt compassion for his sufferings, and ordered his heavy chains to be &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 149]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_149&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;removed, appointed an attendant to anoint his person, and allowed his friends to have free access to him and supply him with provisions. A long debate took place for several days about the fate of Eumenes, in which Nearchus, a Cretan, and the young Demetrius, pleaded earnestly for him, while the other generals all opposed them and pressed for his execution. It is said that Eumenes himself inquired of his jailer, Onomarchus, what the reason was that Antigonus, having got his enemy into his power, did not put him to death quickly or else set him free honourably. When Onomarchus insultingly answered that it was not then, but in the battle-field that he ought to have shown how little he feared death, Eumenes retorted, &amp;quot;I proved it there also; ask those whom I encountered; but I never met a stronger man than myself.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Since then you have now met with a stronger man than yourself,&amp;quot; said Onomarchus; &amp;quot;why cannot you patiently await his pleasure?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When, therefore, Antigonus made up his mind to put Eumenes to death, he ordered him to be kept without food. He lingered thus for two or three days; but as the camp was suddenly broken up, men were sent to despatch him. Antigonus restored his body to his friends, and permitted them to burn it and collect the ashes in a silver urn to be carried to his wife and children. The death of Eumenes was quickly avenged by Heaven, which stirred up Antigonus to regard the Argyraspids with abhorrence, as wicked and faithless villains. He placed them under the command of Sibystius, the governor of Arachosia, and gave him orders to employ them, by small parties at a time, upon services which would ensure their destruction, so that not one of them should ever return to Macedonia, or behold the Grecian sea.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;FOOTNOTES:&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_170_170&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_170_170&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[170]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Trebisond.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_171_171&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_171_171&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[171]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Alexander.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_172_172&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_172_172&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[172]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch tells us nothing of how Kleopatra came to Sardis. See Thirlwall&#039;s &#039;History of Greece,&#039; chap. lvii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_173_173&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_173_173&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[173]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thirlwall&#039;s &#039;History,&#039; chap. lvii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 150]&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;COMPARISON_OF_SERTORIUS_AND_EUMENES&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_150&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;COMPARISON OF SERTORIUS AND EUMENES.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The above are all the particulars of the lives of Eumenes and Sertorius which have come down to us, and which appear worth recording. When we come to compare them, we find that each was an exile from his native country, and commanded a numerous army of foreign troops, although Sertorius enjoyed the great advantage of an undisputed command, while Eumenes always had to contend with many competitors for the first place, which nevertheless he always obtained by his brilliant exploits. Sertorius was eagerly followed by men who were proud to obey him, but Eumenes was only obeyed out of self-interest, by men who were incompetent to lead. The Roman ruled the tribes of Lusitania and Iberia, who had been long before conquered by the Romans, while the Kardian led the Macedonians, when fresh from the conquest of the world. Yet Sertorius was always looked up to as a wise man and a consummate captain, whereas Eumenes was despised as a mere quill-driver before he fought his way to the rank of general; so that Eumenes not only started with less advantages, but met with much greater difficulties, before he attained to distinction. Moreover, Eumenes throughout his whole career was constantly opposed by open enemies, and constantly had to make head against secret plots and intrigues; whereas Sertorius was at first opposed by none of the officers under his command, and at the very last only by a few. The one had for his object merely to conquer his enemies, while the other, after winning a victory, was obliged to defend himself against the jealousy of his friends.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 151]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_151&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Their military achievements are pretty equally balanced; although Eumenes was naturally fond of war and tumults, while Sertorius was of a quiet and peaceful disposition. Thus it happened that Eumenes, rather than dwell in comfortable and honourable retirement, passed his whole life in war, because he could not be satisfied with anything short of a throne; while Sertorius, who hated war, was forced to fight for his own safety against foes who would not allow him to live in peace. Antigonus would have made use of Eumenes as an officer with pleasure, if the latter would have laid aside his designs upon the throne of Macedonia; but Pompeius and his party would not so much as allow Sertorius to live, although his only wish was to be at rest.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;From this it resulted that the one of his own free will went to war to obtain power, while the other was forced against his will to obtain power in order to repel attacks.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The one died by an unexpected stroke, while the other long looked for death, and at last even wished for it. In the first this shows a noble and generous spirit, not to distrust his friends; while the latter seems rather to argue weakness of purpose, for though Eumenes had long intended to fly, yet he did not, and was taken. The death of Sertorius did not disgrace his life, for he met at the hands of his friends with that fate which none of his enemies could inflict upon him; but Eumenes, who could not escape before he was taken prisoner, and yet was willing to live after his capture, made a discreditable end; for by his entreaties to be spared, he proved that his enemy had conquered not merely his body but also his spirit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 152]&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;LIFE_OF_AGESILAUS&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_152&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;LIFE OF AGESILAUS.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Archidamus, the son of Zeuxidamus, king of Lacedæmon, after a glorious reign, left one son, Agis, by a noble lady named Lampito, and a much younger one, named Agesilaus, by Eupolia, the daughter of Melesippides. As by the Spartan law Agis was the next heir, and succeeded to the throne, Agesilaus was prepared for the life of a private man, in that severe Spartan school by which obedience is instilled into the youth of that country. For that reason it is said that the epithet of &#039;man-subduing&#039; is applied to Sparta by the poet Simonides, because the Spartan customs render the citizens well behaved, and amenable to discipline, like horses who are broken to harness early in life. The direct heirs to the throne are not subjected to this training; but in the case of Agesilaus it happened that when he began to rule he had previously been taught to obey. This rendered him by far the most popular of the kings of Sparta, because, in addition to the haughty spirit that became a king, he had learned to sympathize with the people over whom he ruled.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Agesilaus was an early and intimate friend of Lysander, as they were both placed as boys in the same herd or troop for the purposes of discipline. It was then that Lysander learned to admire the moderation and self-restraint of Agesilaus, who, although he was ambitious and high-spirited, with a most vehement and passionate desire to be first in every kind of competition, was yet of a manageable and easily ruled disposition, very sensitive to reproach, and far more afraid of blame than of toils or dangers. The misfortune of his lame leg was almost unnoticed, partly from the robust vigour of his frame, and also from his own cheerful acknowledgment of this defect, being always the first to joke about it. He sought by &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 153]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_153&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;these means to remedy his lameness, while his daring spirit never allowed it to prevent his undertaking the most dangerous and laborious adventures. We have no record of his appearance, for he himself never would consent to have his portrait taken, and even when dying begged that no statue or painting of him should be taken. We are, however, told that he was of small and mean stature, but that his lively and cheerful temper, even in the most trying situations, and the absence of anything harsh and overbearing in his manners, made him more popular than many younger and handsomer men even in extreme old age. The historian Theophrastus informs us that the mother of Agesilaus was a very small woman, and that the Ephors had fined Archidamus, on that special ground, for marrying her. &amp;quot;She will not bring forth kings to rule us,&amp;quot; said they, &amp;quot;but kinglets.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; During the reign of Agis, Alkibiades arrived in Lacedæmon as an exile, having made his escape from the army in Sicily, and, after a short sojourn, was universally believed to be carrying on an intrigue with the king&#039;s wife, Timaea, insomuch that Agis refused to recognize her child as his own, but declared that Alkibiades was its father. The historian Douris tells us that Timaea was not altogether displeased at this imputation, and that when nursing the child among her attendants she was wont to call it Alkibiades instead of Leotychides. The same authority states that Alkibiades himself declared that he seduced Timaea, not out of wantonness, but with the ambitious design of placing his own family upon the throne of Sparta. In consequence of this, Alkibiades, fearing the wrath of Agis, left Sparta, and the child was always viewed with suspicion by Agis, and never treated as his own son, until in his last illness the boy by tears and entreaties prevailed upon him to bear public witness to his legitimacy. But after the death of Agis, Lysander, the conqueror of Athens, who was the most important man in Sparta, began to urge the claims of Agesilaus to the throne, on the ground that Leotychides was a bastard, and therefore excluded from the succession. Many of the other citizens eagerly espoused the cause of Agesilaus, because they had been brought up in his company, and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 154]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_154&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;had become his intimate friends. There was, however, one Diopeithes, a soothsayer, who was learned in prophetic lore, and enjoyed a great reputation for wisdom and sanctity. This man declared that it was wrong for a lame man to become king of Lacedæmon, and quoted the following oracle:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Proud Sparta, resting on two equal feet,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Beware lest lameness on thy kings alight;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Lest wars unnumbered toss thee to and fro,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;And thou thyself be ruined in the fight.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In answer to this, Lysander argued that the oracle really warned the Spartans against making Leotychides king; for the god was not likely to allude to actual lameness, which might not even be congenital, but might arise from some accidental hurt, as disqualifying any one for the office of king, but rather meant by a &amp;quot;lame reign,&amp;quot; the reign of one who was not legitimate, and not truly descended from Herakles. Agesilaus also said that Poseidon bore witness to the illegitimacy of Leotychides; for Agis was said to have been cast out of his bed-chamber by an earthquake, after which he abstained from approaching his wife, on religious grounds, for a period of more than ten months, at the end of which Leotychides was born.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Having been raised to the throne on those grounds, Agesilaus at the same time acquired the large property left by the late king Agis, as Leotychides was declared illegitimate and driven into exile. As his own mother&#039;s family were respectable, but very poor, he distributed half this property among them, thus making sure of their good will and favour, and removing any jealousy which they might feel at his elevation. Moreover, as Xenophon tells us, he gained the greatest influence by always deferring to the wishes of his country, and thus was really enabled to act exactly as he pleased. The whole power of the state was at that time vested in the Ephors and the Senate of Elders, of whom the Ephors are elected every year, while the Elders sit for life. These two bodies were intended as a check upon the power of the kings, who would otherwise have been absolute, as has been explained in the Life of Lykurgus. Between these &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 155]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_155&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;magistrates and the kings there was generally a bad understanding; but Agesilaus adopted an opposite line of conduct. He never attempted to oppose or thwart the Ephors or the Senate, and even showed a marked deference to them, referring the initiative of all state affairs to them, hurrying into their presence when summoned, and rising from his royal throne whenever they appeared, while he presented each senator, on his election, with a cloak and an ox, to congratulate him on joining the Senate. Thus he appeared to exalt the power of the Ephors and to court their favour, but he himself was by far the greatest gainer, as his own personal influence was greatly increased, and the power of the crown much strengthened by the general good will which he inspired.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In his dealings with his fellow-citizens he is more to be praised as an enemy than as a friend; for he would not act unjustly to injure his enemies, but he sometimes disregarded justice in the interests of his friends. He was of too generous a nature to refrain from applauding even his enemies when they deserved it, but could not bear to reproach his friends for their faults, which he delighted to share with them, and to extricate them from the consequences, for he thought nothing disgraceful if done to serve a friend.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_174_174&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_174_174&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[174]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was also ever ready to forgive and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 156]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_156&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;assist those with whom he had been at variance, and thus won all hearts, and attained to a true popularity. The Ephors indeed, perceiving this, imposed a fine upon him, alleging as a reason for it that he was attaching the Spartans to his own person instead of to the State. For just as physical philosophers tell us that if the principle of strife and opposition were removed, the heavenly bodies would stand still, and all the productive power of nature would be at an end, so did the Laconian lawgiver endeavour to quicken the virtue of his citizens by constructing a constitution out of opposing elements, deeming that success is barren when there is none to resist, and that the harmonious working of a political system is valueless if purchased by the suppression of any important element. Some have thought that the germ of this idea can be traced in Homer,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_175_175&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_175_175&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[175]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for he would not have represented Agamemnon as rejoicing when Achilles and Odysseus quarrel &#039;with savage words,&#039; had he not thought that some great public benefit would arise from this opposition and rivalry of the bravest. But to this one cannot altogether agree; for party strife, if carried to excess, proves most dangerous and ruinous to all communities.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Shortly after Agesilaus had been raised to the throne he received news from Asia that the Persian king was preparing a large army with which he intended to drive the Lacedæmonians into the sea. Upon hearing this, Lysander was very eager to be sent out again to conduct affairs in Asia, in order that he might be able to assist his own friends and partizans, whom he had appointed as governors to many of the cities in that country, but who had mostly been forcibly expelled by the citizens for their insolent and tyrannical conduct. He therefore urged Agesilaus to undertake a campaign in Asia as the champion of Greece, and advised him to land upon some distant part of the coast, so as to establish himself securely before the arrival of the Persian army. At the same time he despatched instructions to his friends in Asia, to send to Lacedæmon, and demand Agesilaus as their &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 157]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_157&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;general. In a public debate upon the subject, Agesilaus agreed to conduct the war if he were furnished with thirty Spartans to act as generals, and to form a council of war. He also demanded a force of ten thousand picked men of the Neodamodes, or enfranchised Helots, and six thousand hoplites, or heavy armed troops, from the allied cities in Greece. By the active co-operation of Lysander all this was quickly agreed upon, and Agesilaus was sent out with a council of thirty Spartans, in which Lysander at once took the lead, not merely by his own great name and influence, but by reason of his intimacy with Agesilaus, through which it was supposed that this campaign would raise him to more than kingly power. While the army was being assembled at Geræstus, Agesilaus himself proceeded to Aulis with his friends, and while sleeping there, he appeared in a dream to hear a voice saying: &amp;quot;O king of the Lacedæmonians, since no one has ever been commander-in-chief of all the Greeks, save you and Agamemnon alone, it is fitting that you, since you command the same troops, start from the same place, and are about to attack the same enemy, should offer sacrifice to the same goddess to whom he sacrificed here before setting out.&amp;quot; Upon this there, at once, occurred to the mind of Agesilaus the legend of the maiden who was put to death on that occasion by her own father, in obedience to the soothsayers; but he did not allow himself to be disturbed by this omen, but arose and told the whole dream to his friends, observing that it was his intention to pay all due honour to the goddess Artemis, but not to imitate the barbarous conduct of Agamemnon. He now proceeded to hang garlands upon a hind, and ordered his own soothsayer to offer it as a sacrifice, disregarding the claims of the local Bœotian priest to do so. The Bœotarchs, however, heard of this, and were greatly incensed at what they considered an insult. They at once despatched a body of armed men to the spot, who forbade Agesilaus to offer sacrifice there, contrary to the ancestral customs of the Bœotians, and cast off the victim from the altar where it lay. After this Agesilaus sailed away in great trouble of mind, both from the anger he felt towards the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 158]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_158&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Thebans, and from the evil omen which had befallen him, as he feared that it portended the failure of his Asiatic campaign.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; On his arrival at Ephesus, he was much offended by the great power and influence possessed by Lysander, whose ante-chamber was always crowded, and who was always surrounded by persons desirous of paying their court to him. They evidently thought that although Agesilaus might be nominally in command of the expedition, yet that all real power and direction of affairs was enjoyed by Lysander, who had made himself feared and respected throughout Asia, beyond any other Greek commander, and had been able to benefit his friends and crush his enemies more effectually than any one had previously done. As all this was still fresh in the memory of all men, and especially as they perceived the extreme simplicity and courteousness of Agesilaus&#039;s manners and conversation, and observed, too, that Lysander was still as harsh, rude, and imperious as before, they all looked up to him alone as the virtual commander.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The other Spartan members of the council were deeply dissatisfied at finding that Lysander treated them rather as though he were king and they were merely there to ratify his decrees, than as their colleague with powers no more extensive than their own; while Agesilaus himself, who though he was above feeling any jealousy of the honours paid to Lysander, yet was ambitious and covetous of honour, began to fear that if any brilliant success should be achieved, the credit of it would be given to Lysander alone. He therefore proceeded to oppose all Lysander&#039;s plans, and if he knew that Lysander was interested in any enterprise, he took care to put it off and neglect it, while he successively rejected the petitions of every person in whom he knew Lysander to take an interest. In judicial decisions also he invariably acquitted those whom Lysander wished to punish, and condemned to pay heavy fines those whom he endeavoured to serve. As this took place so frequently that it could not be attributed to chance, but to a systematic purpose, Lysander was forced to warn his partizans that his intervention was an injury &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 159]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_159&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;and not a benefit to them, and that they must desist from their obsequious attentions to him, and address themselves directly to the king.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As these remarks seemed intended to place the king&#039;s policy in an invidious light, Agesilaus determined to humble him still further, and appointed him his carver. He then said aloud in the hearing of many persons, &amp;quot;Let them now go and pay their court to my carver.&amp;quot; Vexed at this insult, Lysander remonstrated with him, saying, &amp;quot;Truly, Agesilaus, you know how to degrade your friends.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Ay, to be sure,&amp;quot; answered he, &amp;quot;those among them who want to appear greater than I am.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_176_176&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_176_176&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[176]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Perhaps,&amp;quot; replied Lysander, &amp;quot;you have spoken the truth, and I have not acted rightly. Bestow on me, however, some post in which I may be usefully employed without wounding your feelings.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Upon this, Lysander was despatched on a mission to the Hellespont, where he found means to gain over a Persian noble named Spithridates, who had received some offence from Pharnabazus, the satrap of that province. Lysander induced this man to join Agesilaus with all his property, and with a regiment of two hundred horse; yet he himself did not forget his quarrel, and for the rest of his life assiduously plotted to remove the succession to the throne of Sparta from the two royal families, and to throw it open to all Spartans alike. It is indeed probable that he would have raised an important commotion in Sparta, had he not been slain in an expedition in Bœotia. Thus do ambitious men do more harm than good in a state, unless they have an unusual power of self-restraint. Lysander no doubt acted very offensively, and made a very unreasonable display of his pride; yet Agesilaus might have discovered some better method of correcting the faults of so great a man. Indeed, in my opinion they were both equally blinded by the same passion for personal aggrandizement, so that the one forgot the power of his prince, and the other could not bear with the shortcomings of his friend.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Tissaphernes was at first afraid of Agesilaus, and began to treat with him about setting free the Greek &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 160]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_160&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cities on the Ionian coast from the power of the king of Persia. Afterwards, however, he imagined that the force at his disposal justified him in breaking off these negotiations, and he declared war, to the great delight of Agesilaus. Great expectations had indeed been formed in Greece of the army of Agesilaus, and it was thought a strange thing that ten thousand Greeks under Xenophon should march through Persia to the sea, and defeat the king of Persia&#039;s troops as often as they pleased, while Agesilaus, the commander of the Lacedæmonians, the leading people in Greece, who were all-powerful both by sea and land, should accomplish nothing. He now revenged himself on the faithless Tissaphernes for his perjury by an equal piece of deceit, and gave out that he was about to march into Karia. When, however, the Persian army was assembled there, he proceeded north-wards to Phrygia, where he took many cities, and gained much plunder, pointing out to his friends that although to solemnly plight one&#039;s word and then to break it is wrong, yet that to out-manœuvre one&#039;s enemies is not only lawful, but profitable and glorious. Being, however, deficient in cavalry, and warned by the omen of a victim being found with an imperfect liver, he retired to Ephesus, and there collected a cavalry force, giving rich men the alternative of either serving themselves in his army, or of furnishing a horse soldier instead. Many preferred to do so, and Agesilaus soon possessed a force of warlike cavalry in the place of worthless foot soldiers; for those who did not wish to serve personally hired men who were willing to fight, and those who could not ride hired those who could. Just so did Agamemnon act very wisely in receiving a valuable mare, and thereby allowing a rich man to purchase his discharge from military service. Agesilaus now gave orders that the heralds who conducted the sale of captives by auction, should strip them of their clothes, and put them up for sale in a state of perfect nudity. Their clothes were sold separately, and the Greek soldiers laughed heartily at the white and soft skins, which never had felt the sun or wind, displayed by these Asiatics, and began to feel contempt for such effeminate adversaries. Agesilaus himself, pointing &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 161]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_161&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;first to the captives themselves, and then to their clothes and other property, observed, &amp;quot;These are the men with whom you have to fight, and these are the things you fight for.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When the season for active operations returned he announced his intention of marching into Lydia, not meaning thereby to deceive Tissaphernes; but Tissaphernes deceived himself, for he distrusted Agesilaus on account of his former stratagem. He therefore concluded that it was Agesilaus&#039;s real intention to invade Karia, especially as he was weak in cavalry, which could not act in that province. When, however, Agesilaus, as he had announced, marched into the level country near Sardis, Tissaphernes was obliged to hurry thither with all speed; and by means of his cavalry he cut off many stragglers from the Greek army. Agesilaus now perceived that the enemy&#039;s infantry had not come up, while he had all his troops in hand. He at once determined to fight, and having formed his cavalry and light-armed troops into one mixed body he ordered them to advance at once and attack the enemy, while he led on the heavy infantry in person. The Persians were routed, and the Greeks, following up their victory, took the enemy&#039;s camp with great slaughter. This victory not only enabled them to plunder the king&#039;s territories undisturbed, but also gave them the satisfaction of hearing that Tissaphernes, a bad man, and one for whom all the Greeks felt an especial hatred, had at length met with his deserts. Immediately after the battle the king of Persia sent Tithraustes to him, who caused him to be beheaded. Tithraustes now begged Agesilaus to make peace and leave the country, and offered him money if he would do so. Agesilaus answered that he had no power to make peace or war, but that such propositions must be referred to the authorities at home; while as to money he said that he preferred enriching his soldiers to enriching himself, and that among the Greeks it was not considered honourable to receive bribes, but rather to take plunder from their enemies. Nevertheless, wishing to oblige Tithraustes, because he had avenged Greece upon that common enemy of all, Tissaphernes, he removed his army into Phrygia, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 162]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_162&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;receiving a sum of thirty talents from Tithraustes for the maintenance of his soldiery.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;During his march he received a despatch from the government of Sparta, appointing him to the command of the naval as well as of the military forces in Asia. He was now at the zenith of his fame and the greatest man of his age, as Theopompus truly observes; yet he had more reason to be proud of his virtue than of his power. He was thought, however, to have committed an error in placing Peisander in command of the fleet, disregarding the claims of older and more experienced men, and preferring the advancement of his wife&#039;s brother to the interests of his country.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Having established his army in the province ruled by Pharnabazus, he not only found abundance of provisions, but also was able to amass much booty. He marched as far as the borders of Paphlagonia, and gained the alliance of Kotys,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_177_177&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_177_177&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[177]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the king of that country.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Spithridatos, ever since he had revolted from Pharnabazus, had constantly accompanied Agesilaus, together with his very handsome son, named Megabates, of whom Agesilaus was greatly enamoured, and a fair daughter. Agesilaus persuaded King Kotys to marry this girl, and received from him a force of one thousand horsemen, and two thousand light troops, called peltasts. With these he returned into Phrygia, and laid waste the country of Pharnabazus, who dared not meet him in the field, and feared to trust himself in any of his fortresses, but hovered about the country, taking his valuable property with him, and keeping his place of encampment as secret as he could. The watchful Spithridates, however, at last found an opportunity to attack him, and, with Herippidas the Spartan, took his camp and all his property. On this occasion Herippidas acted with great harshness in ordering all the plunder to be given up to be sold by auction, according to Greek usage. He forced the barbarian allies &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 163]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_163&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;to disgorge their booty, and searched for all that had been captured in so offensive a manner that Spithridates, in disgust at his conduct, at once went off to Sardis, taking with him the entire Paphlagonian force.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We are told that Agesilaus was terribly chagrined at this. He felt vexed at losing a good friend in Spithridates, and losing, too, a large force with him, while he was ashamed of the character for meanness and avarice which this miserable squabble would gain for Sparta, especially as he had always prided himself on showing a contempt for money both in politics and in private life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this, Pharnabazus was desirous of conferring with him, and a meeting was arranged between them by a friend of both, Apollophanes of Kyzikus. Agesilaus arrived first, and sitting down upon some thick grass under the shade of a tree, awaited the coming of Pharnabazus. Presently Pharnabazus arrived, with soft rugs and curiously-wrought carpets, but on seeing Agesilaus simply seated on the ground, he felt ashamed to use them, and sat down on the ground beside him, although he was dressed in a magnificent robe of many colours. They now greeted one another, and Pharnabazus stated his case very fairly, pointing out that he had done much good service to the Lacedæmonians during their war with Athens, and yet that his province was now being laid waste by them. Seeing all the Spartans round him hanging down their heads with shame, and not knowing what to answer because they knew that what Pharnabazus said was true, Agesilaus said: &amp;quot;We Spartans, Pharnabazus, were formerly at peace with your king, and then we respected his territory as that of a friend. Now we are at war with him, and regard all his property as that of an enemy. Now as we see that you still wish to belong to the king, we very naturally endeavour by injuring you to injure him. But from the day on which you shall declare that you will be a friend and ally of the Greeks rather than a slave of the king of Persia, you may regard this fleet and army and all of us, as the guardians of your property, of your liberty, and of all that makes life honourable and enjoyable.&amp;quot; In answer to this, Pharnabazus said: &amp;quot;If the king shall send any other general, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 164]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_164&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;and put me under him, I will join you. But if he places me in command, I will cheerfully obey him, and will fight you and do you all the mischief in my power.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Agesilaus was struck by the high-minded tone of this reply, and at once rose and took him by the hand, saying, &amp;quot;Would to God, Pharnabazus, that such a man as you might become our friend rather than our enemy.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As Pharnabazus was retiring with his friends, his son stayed behind, and running up to Agesilaus said with a smile, &amp;quot;Agesilaus, I make you my guest,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_178_178&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_178_178&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[178]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and gave him a fine javelin which he carried in his hand.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Agesilaus gladly accepted this offer, and, delighted with the engaging manners and evident friendship of the young man, looked round for some suitable present, and seeing that the horse of his secretary Idæus was adorned with fine trappings, took them off and gave them to the boy. Agesilaus never forgot the connection thus formed between them, but in after days, when the son of Pharnabazus was impoverished and driven into exile by his brother, he welcomed him to the Peloponnese, and provided him with protection and a home. He even went so far as to employ his influence in favour of an Athenian youth to whom the son of Pharnabazus was attached. This boy had outgrown the age and size of the boy-runners in the Olympic stadium, and was consequently refused leave to compete in that race. Upon this the Persian made a special application to Agesilaus on his behalf; and Agesilaus, willing to do anything to please his protégé, with great difficulty and management induced the judges to admit the boy as a competitor. This, indeed, was the character of Agesilaus, disinterested and just in all matters except in furthering the interests of his friends, in which case he seems to have hesitated at nothing. A letter of his to Idrilus, the Karian, runs as follows: &amp;quot;If Nikias be innocent, acquit him; if he be guilty, acquit him for my sake; but in any case acquit him.&amp;quot; Such was Agesilaus in most cases where his friends were concerned; although &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 165]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_165&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;in some few instances he allowed expediency to prevail over affection, and sacrificed his personal friend to the general advantage, as, for example, once, when owing to a sudden alarm the camp was being hurriedly broken up, he left a sick friend behind in spite of his passionate entreaties, observing as he did so, that it is hard to be wise and compassionate at the same time. This anecdote has been preserved by the philosopher Hieronymus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Agesilaus was now in the second year of his command in Asia, and had become one of the foremost men of his time, being greatly admired and esteemed for his remarkable sobriety and frugality of life. When away from his headquarters he used to pitch his tent within the precincts of the most sacred temples, thus making the gods witnesses of the most private details of his life. Among thousands of soldiers, moreover, there was scarcely one that used a worse mattress than Agesilaus. With regard to extremes of heat and cold, he seemed so constituted as to be able to enjoy whatever weather the gods might send. It was a pleasant and enjoyable spectacle for the Greek inhabitants of Asia to see their former tyrants, the deputy governors of cities and generals of provinces, who used to be so offensively proud, insolent, and profusely luxurious, now trembling before a man who walked about in a plain cloak, and altering their whole conduct in obedience to his curt Laconian sayings. Many used to quote the proverb of Timotheus, that &amp;quot;Ares alone is king, and Hellas fears not the power of gold.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The whole of Asia Minor was now excited, and ripe for revolt. Agesilaus established order&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_179_179&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_179_179&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[179]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in the cities on the coast by mild measures, without either banishing or putting to death any of the citizens, and next determined to advance farther, and transfer the theatre of war from the Ionic coast to the interior. He hoped thus to force the Persian king to fight for his very existence, and for his pleasant palaces at Susa and Ecbatana, and at any &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 166]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_166&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;rate to keep him fully employed, so that from henceforth he might have no leisure or means to act as arbitrator between the Greek states in their disputes, and to corrupt their statesmen by bribes. At this crisis, however, there arrived the Spartan Epikydides. He announced that Sparta was involved in an important war with Thebes and other Greek states, and brought an imperative summons from the ephors to Agesilaus to return at once and assist his countrymen at home.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;O Greeks, that will upon yourselves impose&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Such miserable, more than Persian woes.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It is pitiable to think of the malevolence and ill-will which produced this war, and arrayed the states of Greece against one another, putting a stop to such a glorious career of conquest at its very outset, exchanging a foreign for a civil war, and recalling the arms which were being used against the Persians to point them at Grecian breasts. I cannot agree with the Corinthian, Demaratus, when he says that those Greeks who did not see Alexander seated upon the throne of Darius lost one of the most delightful spectacles in the world. I think they would have been more likely to weep when they reflected that this conquest was left for Alexander and the Macedonians to effect, by those Greek generals who wasted the resources of their country in the battles of Leuktra and Koronea, Corinth and Mantinea. Still, nothing is more honourable to Agesilaus than the promptitude with which he withdrew from Asia, nor can we easily find another example of straightforward obedience and self-sacrifice in a general. Hannibal was in great difficulties and straits in Italy, and yet yielded a very unwilling obedience when summoned home to protect Carthage, while Alexander merely sneered at the news of the battle between Agis and Antipater, observing, &amp;quot;It appears, my friends, that while we have been conquering Darius here, there has been a battle of mice in Arcadia.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Well then does Sparta deserve to be congratulated on the love for her and the respect for her laws which Agesilaus showed on this occasion, when, as soon as the despatch reached him, he at once stopped his prosperous &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 167]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_167&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;and victorious career, gave up his soaring hopes of conquest, and marched home, leaving his work unfinished, regretted greatly by all his allies, and having signally confuted the saying of Phæax the son of Erasistratus, that the Lacedæmonians act best as a state, and the Athenians as individuals. He proved himself indeed to be a good king and a good general, but those who know him most intimately prized him more as a friend and companion than as either a king or a soldier.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Persian gold coins bore the device of an archer: and Agesilaus as he broke up his camp observed that he was being driven out of Asia by ten thousand archers, meaning that so many of these coins had been distributed among the statesmen of Athens and Thebes, to bribe them into forcing those countries to go to war with Sparta.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; He now crossed the Hellespont and proceeded through Thrace. Here he did not ask leave of any of the barbarian tribes to traverse their country, but merely inquired whether they would prefer him to treat them as friends or as enemies during his passage. All the tribes received him in a friendly manner and escorted him through their land, except the Trallians,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_180_180&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_180_180&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[180]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to whom it is said that Xerxes himself gave presents, who demanded from Agesilaus a hundred talents of silver and a hundred female slaves for his passage. He answered, &amp;quot;Why did they not come at once and take them;&amp;quot; and immediately marched into their country, where he found them strongly posted, and routed them with great slaughter.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He made the same enquiry, about peace or war, of the King of Macedonia, and on receiving the answer that he would consider the question, &amp;quot;Let him consider,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;but let us march in the meanwhile.&amp;quot; Struck with admiration and fear at his daring, the king bade him pass through as a friend. On reaching the country of Thessaly, he found the Thessalians in alliance with the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 168]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_168&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;enemies of Sparta, and laid waste their lands. He sent however Xenokles and Skythes to Larissa, the chief town in Thessaly, to arrange terms of peace. These men were seized upon by the Thessalians and cast into prison, at which the army was greatly excited, thinking that Agesilaus could do no less than besiege and take Larissa. He, on the other hand, said that he valued the lives of either of these two men more than all Thessaly, and obtained their release by negotiation. This ought not to surprise us in Agesilaus, for when he heard of the great battle at Corinth where so many distinguished men fell, and where though many of the enemy perished the Spartan loss was very small, he showed no signs of exultation, but sighed heavily, and said, &amp;quot;Alas for Greece, that she should by her own fault have lost so many men, who if they were alive could conquer all the barbarians in the world.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Thessalian tribe of the Pharsalians&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_181_181&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_181_181&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[181]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; now attacked his army, upon which he charged them with five hundred horse, and having routed them erected a trophy near Mount Narthakius. Agesilaus took great pride in this victory, because in it he had defeated the Thessalian horsemen, supposed to be the best in Greece, with cavalry disciplined by himself in Asia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; He was here met by Diphridas the Ephor, who brought him orders to invade Bœotia immediately. Although he had intended to make more extensive preparations, he thought it right at once to obey, and informed his friends that the day for which they had marched all the way from Asia would soon be at hand. He also sent for a reinforcement of two moras&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_182_182&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_182_182&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[182]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; from the army at Corinth. The Lacedæmonium government at home, also, wishing to do him honour, made proclamation that whosoever would might enrol himself to serve the King. All eagerly gave in their names, and from them the ephors selected fifty of the strongest, whom they sent to Agesilaus as a body-guard. He now marched through &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 169]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_169&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Thermopylæ, crossed the friendly country of Phokis, and entered Bœotia near Chæronea. While encamped there, he observed that the sun was eclipsed and became crescent-shaped, and at the same time came the news of the defeat and death of Peisander in a great sea-fight off Knidus, against Pharnabazus and Konon the Athenian. Agesilaus was naturally grieved both at his brother-in-law&#039;s death and at the disaster which had befallen Sparta, but as he feared to damp the courage of his soldiers on the eve of battle, he ordered the messengers to spread the contrary intelligence, that the Spartans had been victorious in the sea-fight, and he himself appeared with a garland on his head, offered sacrifice as though he had heard good news, and distributed portions of the meat to his friends, as presents of congratulation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Proceeding on his march through Bœotia he reached Koroneia, where he came into the presence of the enemy, and arrayed his forces for battle, placing the men of Orchomenos&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_183_183&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_183_183&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[183]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; on the left wing, while he led the right in person. In the army of the allies the Thebans formed the right, and the Argives the left wing. Xenophon informs us that this battle was the most furiously contested one that ever was known. He himself was an eye-witness of it, as he had served with Agesilaus during his Asiatic campaign, and had accompanied him on his return to Europe. The first shock was not very severe, as the Thebans easily overthrew the Orchomenians, while Agesilaus with equal ease routed the Argives. When, however, each of these victorious bodies heard that their left was hard pressed and retiring, they at once ceased from following up their success and halted where they stood. Agesilaus might now easily have won a partial victory, by allowing the Thebans to pass back again through his own lines and attacking them as they did so. Instead of this, his fierce spirit led him to form his troops in close order and attack them front to front. The Thebans fought with no less courage, and a terrible battle raged all along the line, but most fiercely at the point where the chosen body-guard of fifty men fought &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 170]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_170&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;round the Spartan king. The courage of these men saved the life of Agesilaus, for they recklessly exposed themselves in his defence, and by their exertions, although they could not prevent his being severely wounded, yet by receiving on their bodies through their shields and armour many blows which were intended for him, they succeeded in dragging him from where he had fallen among the enemy, and formed a bulwark around him, slaying many of the enemy, but with great loss to themselves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Lacedæmonians, unable to force back the Thebans, were at length compelled to open their ranks, and let them pass through, which at first they had scorned to do. They then assailed them on the flanks and rear as they passed. Yet they could not boast of having conquered the Thebans, who drew off and rejoined their comrades on Mount Helikon, with the proud conviction that in the battle they at any rate had not been defeated.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Agesilaus, although suffering from many wounds, refused to go to his tent before he had been carried on men&#039;s shoulders round the army, and had seen all the dead brought off the field of battle. He gave orders that some Thebans who had taken refuge in a neighbouring temple should be dismissed unharmed. This was the temple of Athena Itonia, and before it stands a trophy, erected by the Bœotians under Sparton, many years before, in memory of a victory which they had won over the Athenians under Tolmides, who fell in that battle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Next morning Agesilaus, wishing to discover whether the Thebans would renew the contest, ordered his soldiers to crown themselves with garlands, and the flute-players to play martial music while a trophy was erected in honour of the victory. When the enemy sent to ask for a truce for the burial of their dead, he granted it, and having thus confirmed his victory, caused himself to be carried to Delphi. Here the Pythian games were being celebrated, and Agesilaus not only took part in the procession in honour of the god, but also dedicated to him the tithe of the spoils of his Asiatic campaign, which amounted to one hundred talents.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On his return home, he was loved and admired by all his fellow-countrymen for his simple habits of life; for he did &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 171]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_171&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;not, like so many generals, return quite a different man, corrupted by foreign manners, and dissatisfied with those of his own country, but, just like those who had never crossed the Eurotas, he loved and respected the old Spartan fashions, and would not alter his dining at the public table, his bath, his domestic life with his wife, his care of his arms, or the furniture of his house, the doors of which we are told by Xenophon, were so old that it was thought that they must be the original ones put up by Aristodemus. Xenophon also tells us that the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;kanathrum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of his daughter was not at all finer than that of other children.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;kanathrum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; is a fantastic wooden car, shaped like a griffin or an antelope, in which children are carried in sacred processions. Xenophon does not mention the name of Agesilaus&#039;s daughter, and Dikæarchus is much grieved at this, observing that we do not know the name either of the daughter of Agesilaus or of the mother of Epameinondas; I, however, have discovered, by consulting Lacedæmonium records, that the wife of Agesilaus was named Kleora, and that she had two daughters, named Eupolia and Prolyta. His spear also may be seen at the present day in Sparta, and differs in no respect from that of any other Lacedæmonium.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Perceiving that many of his countrymen bred horses, and gave themselves great airs in consequence, he induced his sister Kyniske to enter a four-horse chariot for the race at Olympia, to prove to them that the winning of this prize depends not upon a man&#039;s courage, but upon his wealth, and the amount of money which he spends upon it. As Xenophon the philosopher was still with him, he advised him to send for his sons and educate them in Lacedæmon, that they might learn the most important of all lessons, to command and to obey.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Lysander was now dead, but Agesilaus found still existing an important conspiracy against himself, which Lysander had set on foot when he returned from Asia. Agesilaus now eagerly undertook to prove what Lysander&#039;s true character had been; and having read amongst the papers of the deceased that speech which Kleon of Halikarnassus wrote for him, treating of reforms &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 172]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_172&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;and alterations of the constitution, which Lysander meant some day to address to the people of Sparta, he wished to make it public. However, one of the senators, after reading the speech, was alarmed at the plausible nature of the argument which it contained, and advised Agesilaus not to dig Lysander out of his grave, but rather to bury the speech with him. This advice caused Agesilaus to desist from his project. He never openly attacked his political enemies, but contrived to get them appointed generals and governors of cities. When they displayed their bad qualities in these posts and were recalled to take their trial he used to come forward as their friend and by his exertions on their behalf make them his active partisans instead of his enemies, so that before long he succeeded in breaking up the party which was opposed to him, and reigned alone without any rival; for the other king, Agesipolis, whose father had been an exile, and who was himself very young, and of a mild and unassuming temper, counted for nothing in the state. Agesilaus won over this man also, and made a friend of him; for the two kings dine at the same &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;phiditium&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, or public table, when they are at Sparta. Knowing Agesipolis, like himself, to be prone to form attachments to young men, he always led the conversation to this subject, and encouraged the young king in doing so; for these love affairs among Lacedæmonians have in them nothing disgraceful, but produce much modest emulation and desire for glory, as has been explained in the Life of Lykurgus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Being now the most powerful man in Sparta, Agesilaus obtained the appointment of admiral of the fleet for Teleutias, his half-brother; and thereupon making an expedition against Corinth, he made himself master of the long walls by land, through the assistance of his brother at sea. Coming thus upon the Argives, who then held Corinth, in the midst of their Isthmian festival, he made them fly just as they had finished the customary sacrifice, and leave all their festive provision behind them. Upon this the Corinthian exiles&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_184_184&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_184_184&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[184]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who were with &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 173]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_173&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;him begged him to preside over the games, but this he refused to do, ordering them to celebrate the festival, while he took care that they did so without interruption. After he was gone the Argives returned, and celebrated the Isthmian games over again. Some of the winners on the former occasion now won the prize again, while others were defeated. Agesilaus observed that the Argives by this act confessed themselves to be cowards, if they set so high a value on presiding at the games, and yet did not dare to fight for it. With regard to such matters he used to think that a middle course was best, and he always was present at the choruses and games at Sparta, taking great interest in their management, and not even neglecting the races for boys and for girls; but of some other matters in which most men were interested he seemed to be entirely ignorant. For instance Kallipides, who was esteemed the finest tragic actor in Greece, once met him and spoke to him, after which he swaggered along amongst his train, but finding that no notice was taken of him, he at length asked, &amp;quot;Do you not know me, O king?&amp;quot; Agesilaus at this looked carefully at him, and enquired, &amp;quot;Are you not Kallipides the player?&amp;quot; for so the Lacedæmonians name actors. Again, when he was invited to hear some one imitate the nightingale he answered, &amp;quot;I have heard the original.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Menekrates the physician, after having succeeded in curing some cases of sickness which were thought to be desperate, was given the title of Zeus, and used to use this appellation on all occasions in a foolish manner. He even went so far as to write to Agesilaus in the following terms, &amp;quot;Menekrates Zeus wishes King Agesilaus health.&amp;quot; To this he answered, &amp;quot;King Agesilaus wishes Menekrates more sense.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; While he was encamped in the temple of Hera, near Corinth, watching the soldiers disposing of the captives which they had taken, ambassadors came from Thebes to treat for peace with him. He always had borne a grudge against that city, and thinking that this would be a good opportunity to indulge his hatred, he pretended neither to see nor to hear them &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 174]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_174&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;when they addressed him. But he soon paid the penalty of his insolence; for before the Thebans left him news was brought that an entire mora had been cut to pieces by Iphikrates. This was the greatest disaster which had befallen the Spartans for many years; for they lost a large number of brave and well-equipped citizens, all heavy-armed hoplites, and that too at the hands of mere mercenary light troops and peltasts. On hearing this Agesilaus at first leaped up to go to their assistance; but when he heard that they were completely destroyed, he returned to the temple of Hera, and recalling the Bœotian ambassadors, bade them deliver their message. But they now in their turn assumed a haughty demeanour, and made no mention of peace, but merely demanded leave to proceed to Corinth. At this, Agesilaus in a rage answered, &amp;quot;If you wish to go there to see your friends rejoicing over their success, you will be able to do so in safety to-morrow.&amp;quot; On the next day he took the ambassadors with him, and marched, laying waste the country as he went, up to the gates of Corinth, where, having thus proved that the Corinthians dared not come out and resent his conduct, he sent the ambassadors into the city. As for himself, he collected the survivors of the mora, and marched back to Lacedæmon, always starting before daybreak, and encamping after sunset, that he might not be insulted by the Arcadians, who bitterly hated the Lacedæmonians and enjoyed their discomfiture. After this at the instance of the Achæans he crossed over into Akarnania with them, where he obtained much plunder, and defeated the Akarnanians in battle. The Achæans now begged him to remain, and so prevent the enemy from sowing their fields in the winter; but he answered that he should do exactly the reverse, because, if the enemy next year had a good prospect of a harvest, they would be much more inclined to keep the peace than if their fields lay fallow. And this opinion of his was justified by the result; for as soon as the Akarnanians heard that another campaign was threatened, they made peace with the Achæans.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Konon and Pharnabazus, after their victory in the sea-fight at Knidus, had obtained command of the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 175]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_175&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;seas and began to plunder the coast of Laconia, while the Athenian walls likewise were restored, with money supplied by Pharnabazus for that purpose.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These circumstances disposed the Lacedæmonians to make peace with the king of Persia. They consequently sent Antalkidas to Tiribazus to arrange terms, and most basely and wickedly gave up to the king those Greek cities in Asia on behalf of which Agesilaus had fought. Antalkidas, indeed, was his enemy, and his great reason for concluding a peace on any terms was, that war was certain to increase the reputation and glory of Agesilaus. Yet when some one reproached Agesilaus, saying that the Lacedæmonians were Medising,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_185_185&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_185_185&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[185]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he answered, &amp;quot;Nay, say, rather, the Medes (Persians) are Laconising.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By threats of war he compelled those Greek states who were unwilling to do so to accept the terms of the peace, especially the Thebans; for one of the articles of the peace was, that the Thebans should leave the rest of Bœotia independent, by which of course they were greatly weakened. This was proved by subsequent events. When Phœbidas, in defiance of law and decency, seized the Kadmeia, or citadel of Thebes, in time of peace, all Greeks cried shame on him, and the Spartans felt especial annoyance at it. The enemies of Agesilaus now angrily enquired of Phœbidas who ordered him to do so, and as his answers hinted at Agesilaus as having suggested the deed, Agesilaus openly declared himself to be on Phœbidas&#039;s side, and said that the only thing to be considered was, whether it was advantageous to Sparta or not; for it was always lawful to render good service to the state, even impromptu and without previous orders. Yet in his talk Agesilaus always set a high value upon justice, calling it the first of all virtues; for he argued that courage would be useless without justice; while if all men were just, there would be no need of courage. When he was informed, &amp;quot;The pleasure of the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 176]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_176&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;great king is so-and-so,&amp;quot; he was wont to answer, &amp;quot;How can he be greater than I, unless he be juster?&amp;quot;—thus truly pointing out that justice is the real measure of the greatness of kings. When the king of Persia sent him a letter during the peace, offering to become his guest&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_186_186&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_186_186&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[186]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and friend, he refused to open it, saying that he was satisfied with the friendship existing between the two states, and that while that lasted he required no private bond of union with the king of Persia. However, in his actions he was far from carrying out these professions, but was frequently led into unjust acts by his ambition. In this instance he not only shielded Phœbidas from punishment for what he had done at Thebes, but persuaded Sparta to adopt his crime as its own, and continue to hold the Kadmeia, appointing as the chiefs of the garrison Archias and Leontidas,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_187_187&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_187_187&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[187]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; by whose means Phœbidas made his way into the citadel.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; This at once gave rise to a suspicion that Phœbidas was merely an agent, and that the whole plot originated with Agesilaus himself, and subsequent events confirmed this view; for as soon as the Thebans drove out the garrison and set free their city, Agesilaus made war upon them to avenge the murder of Archias and Leontidas, who had been nominally polemarchs, but in reality despots of Thebes. At this period Agesipolis was dead, and his successor Kleombrotus was despatched into Bœotia with an army; for Agesilaus excused himself from serving in that campaign on the ground of age, as it was forty years since he had first borne arms, and he was consequently exempt by law. The real reason was that he was ashamed, having so lately been engaged in a war to restore the exiled popular party at Phlius, to be seen now attacking the Thebans in the cause of despotism.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There was a Lacedæmonium named Sphodrias, one of the faction opposed to Agesilaus, who was established as Spartan governor of the town of Thespiæ, a daring and ambitious man, but hot-headed, and prone to act without due calculation. This man, who longed to achieve distinction, and who perceived that Phœbidas had made a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 177]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_177&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;name throughout Greece by his exploit at Thebes, persuaded himself that it would be a much more glorious deed if he were to make himself master of the Peiræus, and so by a sudden attack cut off the Athenians from the sea. It is said that this attempt originated with the Bœotarchs, Pelopidas and Mellon, who sent emissaries to Sphodrias to praise and flatter him, and point out that he alone was capable of conducting so bold an adventure. By this language, and an affectation of sympathy with Lacedæmon, these men at length prevailed on him to attempt a most unrighteous deed, and one which required considerable boldness and good fortune to ensure its success. Daylight, however, overtook Sphodrias before he had crossed the Thriasian plain, near Eleusis. All hope of surprising Peiræus by a night attack was now gone, and it is said, also, that the soldiers were alarmed and terror-stricken by certain lights which gleamed from the temples at Eleusis. Sphodrias himself, now that his enterprise had so manifestly failed, lost heart, and after hurriedly seizing some unimportant plunder, led his men back to Thespiæ. Upon this an embassy was sent from Athens to Sparta to complain of the acts of Sphodrias; but on the arrival of the ambassadors at Sparta they found that the government there were in no need of encouragement from without to proceed against Sphodrias, for they had already summoned him home to be tried for his life. Sphodrias durst not venture to return to Sparta, for he saw that his fellow-countrymen were angry with him and ashamed of his conduct towards the Athenians, and that they wished rather to be thought fellow-sufferers by his crime than accomplices in it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Sphodrias had a son, named Kleonymus, who was still quite a youth, and who was beloved by Archidamus, the son of Agesilaus. He now assisted this youth, who was pleading his father&#039;s cause as best he might, but he could not do so openly, because Sphodrias belonged to the party which was opposed to Agesilaus. When, however, Kleonymus came to him, and besought him with tears and piteous entreaties to appease Agesilaus, because the party of Sphodrias dreaded him more than any one else, the young man, after two or three days&#039; hesitation, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 178]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_178&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;at length, as the day fixed for the trial approached, mustered up courage to speak to his father on the subject, telling him that Kleonymus had begged him to intercede for his father.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Agesilaus was well aware of his son&#039;s intimacy with Kleonymus, which he had never discouraged; for Kleonymus promised to become as distinguished a man as any in Sparta. He did not on this occasion, however, hold out to his son any hopes of a satisfactory termination of the affair, but said that he would consider what would be the most fitting and honourable course to pursue. After this reply, Archidamus had not the heart to meet Kleonymus, although he had before been accustomed to see him several times daily. This conduct of his plunged the friends of Sphodrias into yet deeper despair of his cause, until Etymokles, one of the friends of Agesilaus, in a conference with them, explained that what Agesilaus really thought about the matter was, that the action itself deserved the greatest censure; but yet that Sphodrias was a brave energetic man, whom Sparta could not afford to lose.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Agesilaus used this language out of a desire to gratify his son, and from it Kleonymus soon perceived that Archidamus had been true to him in using his interest with his father; while the friends of Sphodrias became much more forward in his defence. Indeed Agesilaus was remarkably fond of children, and an anecdote is related of him, that when his children were very little he was fond of playing with them, and would bestride a reed as if it were a horse for their amusement. When one of his friends found him at this sport, he bade him mention it to no one before he himself became the father of a family.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Sphodrias was acquitted by the court; and the Athenians, as soon as they learned this, prepared for war. Agesilaus was now greatly blamed, and was charged with having obstructed the course of justice, and having made Sparta responsible for an outrage upon a friendly Greek state, merely in order to gratify the childish caprice of his son. As he perceived that Kleombrotus was unwilling to attack the Thebans, he himself invaded Bœotia, disregarding the law under which on a former occasion he had pleaded exemption from military service on account of his &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 179]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_179&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;age. Here he fought the Thebans with varying success; for once, when he was being borne out of action wounded, Antalkidas observed to him, &amp;quot;A fine return you are getting from the Thebans for having taught them how to fight against their will.&amp;quot; Indeed, the military power of the Thebans at that time was at its height, having as it were been exercised and practised by the many campaigns undertaken against them by the Lacedæmonians. This was why Lykurgus of old, in his three celebrated &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;rhetras&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, forbade the Lacedæmonians to fight often with the same people, lest by constant practice they should teach them how to fight. Agesilaus was also disliked by the allies of the Lacedæmonians, because of his hatred of Thebes and his desire to destroy that state, not on any public grounds, but merely on account of his own bitter personal dislike to the Thebans. The allies complained grievously that they, who composed the greater part of the Lacedæmonium force, should every year be led hither and thither, and exposed to great risks and dangers, merely to satisfy one man&#039;s personal pique. Hereupon we are told that Agesilaus, desiring to prove that this argument about their composing so large a part of the army was not founded on fact, made use of the following device:—He ordered all the allies to sit down in one body, and made the Lacedæmonians sit down separately. Next he gave orders, first that all the potters should stand up; and when they had risen, he ordered the smiths, carpenters, masons, and all the other tradesmen successively to do so. When then nearly all the allies had risen to their feet, the Spartans all remained seated, for they were forbidden to learn or to practise any mechanical art. At this Agesilaus smiled, and said, &amp;quot;You see, my men, how many more soldiers we send out than you do.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; On his return from his campaign against the Thebans, Agesilaus, while passing through Megara, was seized with violent pain in his sound leg, just as he was entering the town-hall in the Acropolis of that city. After this it became greatly swelled and full of blood, and seemed to be dangerously inflamed. A Syracusan physician opened a vein near the ankle, which relieved the pain, but the flow of blood was excessive, and could &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 180]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_180&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;not be checked, so that he fainted away from weakness, and was in a very dangerous condition. At length the bleeding stopped, and he was conveyed home to Lacedæmon, but he remained ill, and unable to serve in the wars for a long time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;During his illness many disasters befel the Spartans both by land and by sea. Of these, the most important was the defeat at Tegyra, where for the first time they wore beaten in a fair fight by the Thebans. The Lacedæmonians were now eager to make peace with all the Greek cities, and ambassadors from all parts of Greece met at Sparta to arrange terms. Among them was Epameinondas, a man who was renowned for his culture and learning, but who had not hitherto given any proof of his great military genius. This man, perceiving that all the other ambassadors were sedulously paying their court to Agesilaus, assumed an independent attitude, and in a speech delivered before the congress declared that nothing kept the war alive except the unjust pretensions of Sparta, who gained strength from the sufferings of the other states, and that no peace could be durable unless such pretensions were laid aside, and Sparta reduced to the equality with the rest of the cities of Greece.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Agesilaus, observing that all the representatives of the Greek states were filled with admiration at this language, and manifested strong sympathy with the speaker, enquired whether he thought it right and just that the cities of Bœotia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_188_188&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_188_188&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[188]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; should be left independent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 181]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_181&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Epameinondas quickly and boldly enquired in answer, whether he thought it right to leave each of the towns in Laconia independent. At this Agesilaus leaped to his feet in a rage, and asked him to state clearly whether he meant to leave Bœotia independent. As Epameinondas in reply merely repeated his question, as to whether Agesilaus meant to leave Laconia independent, Agesilaus became furious, eagerly seized the opportunity to strike the name of Thebes out of the roll of cities with whom peace was being made, and declared war against it. He ratified a treaty of peace with the other Greek cities, and bade their representatives begone, with the remark, that such of their disputes as admitted of settlement must be arranged by peaceful negotiation, and such as could not must be decided by war; but that it was too much trouble for him to act as arbitrator between them in their manifold quarrels and disagreements.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Kleombrotus, the other Spartan king, was at this time in the Phokian territory at the head of an army. The Ephors now at once sent orders to him to cross the Theban frontier, while they assembled a force from all the allied cities, who were most reluctant to serve, and objected strongly to the war, yet dared not express their discontent or disobey the Lacedæmonians. Many sinister omens were observed, which we have spoken of in the life of Epameinondas, and Prothous the Laconian openly opposed the whole campaign; yet Agesilaus would not desist, but urged on the war against Thebes, imagining that now, when all the other states were standing aloof, and Thebes was entirely isolated, he had a more favourable &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 182]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_182&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;opportunity than might ever occur again for destroying that city. The dates of this war seem to prove that it was begun more out of ill-temper than as a consequent of any definite plan; for the peace was ratified in Lacedæmon with the other cities on the fourteenth of the month Skirophorion; and on the fifth of the next month, Hekatombæon, only twenty days afterwards, the Spartans were defeated at Leuktra. A thousand Lacedæmonians perished, among them Kleombrotus the king, and with him the flower of the best families in Sparta. There fell also the handsome son of Sphodrias, Kleonymus, who fought before the king, and was thrice struck to the ground and rose again before he was slain by the Thebans.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In spite of the unparalleled disaster which had befallen the Lacedæmonians, for the Theban victory was the most complete ever won by one Greek state over another, the courage of the vanquished is nevertheless as much to be admired as that of the victors. Xenophon remarks that the conversation of good and brave men, even when jesting or sitting at table, is always worth remembering, and it is much more valuable to observe how nobly all really brave and worthy men bear themselves when in sorrow and misfortune. When the news of the defeat at Leuktra arrived at Sparta, the city was celebrating the festival of the Gymnopædia, and the chorus of grown men was going through its usual solemnity in the theatre. The Ephors, although the news clearly proved that all was lost and the state utterly ruined, yet would not permit the chorus to abridge its performance, and forbade the city to throw off its festal appearance. They privately communicated the names of the slain to their relatives, but they themselves calmly continued to preside over the contest of the choruses in the theatre, and brought the festival to a close as though nothing unusual had occurred. Next morning, when all men knew who had fallen and who had survived, one might see those whose relations had been slain, walking about in public with bright and cheerful countenances: but of those whose relatives survived, scarce one showed himself in public, but they sat at home with the women, as if mourning for the dead; or if any &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 183]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_183&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;one of them was forced to come forth, he looked mournful and humbled, and walked with cast-down eyes. Yet more admirable was the conduct of the women, for one might see mothers receiving their sons who had survived the battle with silence and sorrow, while those whose children had fallen proceeded to the temples to return thanks to the gods, and walked about the city with a proud and cheerful demeanour.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Yet, when their allies deserted them, and when the victorious Epameinondas, excited by his success, was expected to invade Peloponnesus, many Spartans remembered the oracle about the lameness of Agesilaus, and were greatly disheartened and cast down, fearing that they had incurred the anger of Heaven, and that the misfortunes of the city were due to their own conduct in having excluded the sound man from the throne, and chosen the lame one; the very thing which the oracle had bidden them beware of doing. Nevertheless, Agesilaus was so powerful in the state, and so renowned for wisdom and courage, that they gladly made use of him as their leader in the war, and also employed him to settle a certain constitutional difficulty which arose about the political rights of the survivors of the battle. They were unwilling to disfranchise all these men, who were so numerous and powerful, because they feared that if so they would raise a revolution in the city. For the usual rule at Sparta about those who survive a defeat is, that they are incapable of holding any office in the state; nor will any one give them his daughter in marriage; but all who meet them strike them, and treat them with contempt. They hang about the city in a squalid and degraded condition, wearing a cloak patched with pieces of a different colour, and they shave one half of their beards, and let the other half grow. Now, at the present crisis it was thought that to reduce so many citizens to this condition, especially when the state sorely required soldiers, would be an absurd proceeding; and consequently, Agesilaus was appointed lawgiver, to decide upon what was to be done. He neither altered the laws, nor proposed any new ones, but laid down his office of lawgiver at once, with the remark, that the laws must be allowed to sleep for that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 184]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_184&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;one day, and afterwards resume their force. By this means he both preserved the laws, retained the services of the citizens for the state, and saved them from infamy. With the intention of cheering up the young men, and enabling them to shake off their excessive despondency, he led an army into Arcadia. He was careful to avoid a battle, but captured a small fort belonging to the people of Mantinea, and overran their territory; thus greatly raising the spirits of the Spartans, who began to pluck up courage, and regard their city as not altogether ruined.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this, Epameinondas invaded Laconia with the army of the Thebans and their allies, amounting in all to no less than forty thousand heavy-armed soldiers. Many light troops and marauders accompanied this body, so that the whole force which entered Laconia amounted in all to seventy thousand men. This took place not less than six hundred years after the Dorians had settled in Lacedæmon; and through all that time these were the first enemies which the country had seen; for no one before this had dared to invade it. Now, however, the Thebans ravaged the whole district with fire and sword, and no one came out to resist them, for Agesilaus would not allow the Lacedæmonians to fight against what Theopompus calls &#039;such a heady torrent of war,&#039; but contented himself with guarding the most important parts of the city itself, disregarding the boastful threats of the Thebans, who called upon him by name to come out and fight for his country, since he was the cause of all its misfortunes, because he had begun the war.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Agesilaus was also distracted by the disorderly and excited state of the city itself, for the old men were in an agony of grief, resentment, and wounded honour, while the women could not be kept quiet, but were wrought to frenzy, by hearing the cries of the enemy, and seeing the fires which they lighted. He also suffered much at the thought of his own dishonour; for when he had ascended the throne, Sparta was the greatest and most powerful city in Greece, and now he beheld her shorn of all her glories, and his favourite boast, that no Laconian woman had ever seen the smoke of an enemy&#039;s fire &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 185]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_185&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;rendered signally untrue. We are told that when some Athenian was disputing with Antalkidas about the bravery of their respective nations, and saying, &amp;quot;We have often chased you away from the Kephissus,&amp;quot; Antalkidas answered, &amp;quot;Yes, but we have never had to chase you away from the Eurotas.&amp;quot; This is like the answer made by some Spartan of less distinction to an Argive, who said, &amp;quot;Many of you Spartans lie buried in Argive soil,&amp;quot; to which he replied, &amp;quot;But none of you are buried in Laconia.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; We are told at this time Antalkidas was one of the Ephors, and became so much alarmed that he sent his family away to the island of Kythera. Agesilaus, when the enemy attempted to cross the river and force their way into the city, abandoned most part of it, and drew up his forces on the high hills in the centre. At that time the river Eurotas was in high flood, as much snow had fallen, and the excessive cold of the water, as well as the strength of the stream, rendered it hard for the Thebans to cross. Epameinondas marched first, in the front rank of the phalanx; and some of those who were present pointed him out to Agesilaus, who is said to have gazed long at him, saying merely, &amp;quot;O thou man of great deeds.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Epameinondas was eager to assault the city itself, and to place a trophy of victory in its streets; but as he could not draw Agesilaus into a battle, he drew off his forces, and again laid waste the country. Meanwhile, in Lacedæmon itself, a body of two hundred men, of doubtful fidelity, seized the Issorium, where the temple of Artemis stands, which is a strong and easily defensible post. The Lacedæmonians at once wished to attack them, but Agesilaus, fearing that some deep-laid conspiracy might break out, ordered them to remain quiet. He himself, dressed simply in his cloak, unarmed, and attended only by one slave, went up to the two hundred, and, in a loud voice, told them that they had mistaken their orders; that they had not been ordered to go thither, nor yet to go all together in a body, but that some were to be posted &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;there&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, pointing to some other place, and the rest elsewhere in the city. They, hearing his commands, were delighted, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 186]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_186&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;imagining that their treason was undiscovered, and immediately marched to the places which he indicated. Agesilaus at once occupied the Issorium with troops which he could trust, and in the ensuing night seized and put to death fifteen of the leaders of the two hundred. Another more important conspiracy was betrayed to him, whose members, full Spartan citizens, were met together in one house to arrange revolutionary schemes. At such a crisis it was equally impossible to bring these men to a regular trial, and to allow them to carry on their intrigues. Agesilaus therefore, after taking the Ephors into his confidence, put them all to death untried, though before that time no Spartan had ever been executed without a trial.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As many of the Periœki and helots who had been entrusted with arms escaped out of the city and deserted to the enemy, which greatly disheartened the Spartans, he ordered his servants to visit the quarters of these soldiers at daybreak every morning, and wherever any one was gone, to hide his arms, so that the number of deserters might not be known.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We are told by some historians that the Thebans left Laconia because the weather became stormy, and their Arcadian allies began to melt away from them. Others say that they spent three entire months in the country, and laid nearly all of it waste. Theopompus relates that when the Bœotarchs had decided to leave the country, Phrixus, a Spartan, came from Agesilaus and offered them ten talents to be gone, thus paying them for doing what they had long before determined to do of their own accord.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; I cannot tell, however, how it was that Theopompus discovered this fact, and that no other historian mentions it. All writers agree, nevertheless, in declaring that at this crisis Sparta was saved by Agesilaus, who proved himself superior to party-spirit and desire of personal distinction, and steadily refused to risk an engagement. Yet he never was able to restore the city to the glorious and powerful condition which it had previously held, for Sparta, like an athlete who has been carefully trained throughout his life, suddenly broke down, and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 187]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_187&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;never recovered her former strength and prosperity. It is very natural that this should have happened, for the Spartan constitution was an excellent one for promoting courage, good order, and peace within the city itself; but when Sparta became the head of a great empire to be maintained by the sword, which Lykurgus would have thought a totally useless appendage to a well-governed and prosperous city, it utterly failed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Agesilaus was now too old for active service in the field, but his son, Archidamus, with some Sicilian mercenary troops which had been sent to the aid of the Spartans by the despot Dionysius, defeated the Arcadians in what was known as the &#039;Tearless Battle,&#039; where he did not lose one of his own men, but slew many of the enemy. This battle strikingly proved the weakness of the city, for in former times the Spartans used to regard it as such a natural and commonplace event for them to conquer their enemies, that they only sacrificed a cock to the gods, while those who had won a victory never boasted of it, and those who heard of it expressed no extravagant delight at the news. When the Ephors heard of the battle at Mantinea, which is mentioned by Thucydides in his history, they gave the messenger who brought the tidings a piece of meat from the public dining-table, as a present for his good news, and nothing more. But now, when the news of this battle reached Sparta, and Archidamus marched triumphantly into the town, all their accustomed reserve broke down. His father was the first to meet him, weeping for joy. After him came the senate, and the elders and women flocked down to the river side, holding up their hands to heaven and giving thanks to the gods for having put away the undeserved reproach of Sparta, and having once more allowed her to raise her head. It is said, indeed, that the Spartans before this battle were so much ashamed of themselves, that they dared not even look their wives in the face.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The independence of Messenia had been restored by Epameinondas, and its former citizens collected together from all quarters of Greece. The Lacedæmonians dared not openly attack these men, but they felt angry with Agesilaus, because during his reign they &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 188]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_188&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;had lost so fine a country, as large as Laconia itself, and as fertile as any part of Greece, after having enjoyed the possession of it for so many years. For this reason Agesilaus refused to accept the terms of peace offered by the Thebans. He was so unwilling to give up his nominal claim to Messenia, although he had practically lost that country, that instead of recovering it he very nearly lost Sparta as well, as he was out-manœuvred by Epameinondas. This happened in the following manner. The people of Mantinea revolted from the Thebans, and solicited aid from the Lacedæmonians. When Epameinondas heard that Agesilaus was marching thither at the head of an army, he eluded the Mantineans by a night march from Tegea, invaded the Lacedæmonium territory, and very nearly succeeded in avoiding the army of Agesilaus and catching Sparta defenceless. However, Euthynus of Thespiæ, according to Kallisthenes, or, according to Xenophon, a certain Cretan warned Agesilaus of his danger, upon which he at once sent a mounted messenger to the city with the news, and shortly afterwards marched thither himself. Soon the Thebans appeared, crossed the Eurotas, and assaulted the city with great fury, while Agesilaus, old as he was, defended it with all the spirit and energy of youth. He did not, as on the former occasion, consider that caution would be of any service, but perceived that reckless daring alone could save Sparta. And by incredible daring he did then snatch the city from the grasp of Epameinondas, and set up a trophy of victory, having afforded to the women and children the glorious spectacle of the men of Lacedæmon doing their duty on behalf of the country which reared them. There, too, might Archidamus be seen in the thick of the fight, displaying the courage of a man, and the swiftness of a youth, as he ran to each point where the Spartans seemed likely to give way, and everywhere with a few followers resisted a multitude of the enemy. I think, however, that Isidas, the son of Phœbidas, must have been most admired both by his own countrymen and even by the enemy. He was remarkably tall and handsome, and was just of the age when boyhood merges into manhood. Naked, without either clothes or armour, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 189]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_189&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;having just been anointing himself at home, he rushed out of his house, with a sword in one hand and a spear in the other, ran through the front ranks, and plunged among the enemy, striking down all who opposed him. He received not a single wound, either because the gods admired his bravery and protected him, or else because he appeared to his foes to be something more than man. After this exploit we are told that the Ephors crowned him for his bravery, and fined him a thousand drachmas for having fought without his shield.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; A few days afterwards was fought the battle of Mantinea, where, just as Epameinondas was carrying all before him and urging his troops to pursue, Antikrates the Lacedæmonium met him and wounded him, according to Dioskorides with a spear, while the Lacedæmonians to this day call the descendants of Antikrates Machairones, that is, children of the sword, as though he struck him with a sword. Indeed, they regarded Antikrates with such a love and admiration, because of the terror which Epameinondas had struck into their hearts while he was alive, that they decreed especial honours and presents to be bestowed upon him, and granted to his descendants an immunity from taxes and public burdens which is enjoyed at the present day by Kallikrates, one of the descendants of Antikrates.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After this battle and the death of Epameinondas the Greek states made peace between one another. When, however, all the other states were swearing to observe the peace, Agesilaus objected to the Messenians, men, he said, without a city, swearing any such oath. The rest, however, raised no objections to the oath of the Messenians, and the Lacedæmonians upon this refused to take any part in the proceedings, so that they alone remained at war, because they hoped to recover the territory of Messenia. Agesilaus was thought an obstinate and headlong man, and insatiable of war, because he took such pains to undermine the general peace, and to keep Sparta at war at a time when he was in such distress for money to carry it on, that he was obliged to borrow from his personal friends and to get up subscriptions among the citizens, and when he had much better have allowed the state some &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 190]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_190&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;repose and watched for a suitable opportunity to regain the country; instead of which, although he had lost so great an empire by sea and land, he yet insisted on continuing his frantic and fruitless efforts to reconquer the paltry territory of Messenia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; He still further tarnished his glory by taking service under the Egyptian Tachos. It was thought unworthy of a man who had proved himself the bravest and best soldier in Greece, and who had filled all the inhabited world with his fame, to hire himself out to a barbarian rebel, and make a profit of his great name and military reputation, just like any vulgar captain of mercenaries. If, when more than eighty years old, and almost crippled by honourable wounds, he had again placed himself at the head of a glorious crusade against the Persian on behalf of the liberties of Greece, all men would have admired his spirit, but even then would not entirely have approved of the undertaking; for to make an action noble, time and place must be fitting, since it is this alone that decides whether an action be good or bad. Agesilaus, however, cared nothing for his reputation, and considered that no service undertaken for the good of his country would be dishonourable or unworthy of him, but thought it much more unworthy and dishonourable to sit uselessly waiting for death at home. He raised a body of mercenary troops with the money furnished by Tachos, and set sail, accompanied, as in his former expedition, by thirty Spartan counsellors.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When he landed in Egypt, the chief generals and ministers of King Tachos at once came to pay their court to him. The other Egyptians also eagerly crowded to see Agesilaus, of whom they had heard so much. When, however, they saw only a little deformed old man, in mean attire, sitting on the grass, they began to ridicule him, and contemptuously to allude to the proverb of the mountain in labour, which brought forth a mouse. They were even more astonished when, of the presents offered to him, he accepted flour, calves, and geese, but refused to receive dried fruits, pastry, and perfumes. When greatly pressed to accept of these things, he ordered them to be given to the helots. Yet we are told &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 191]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_191&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;by Theophrastes that he was much pleased with the flowering papyrus, of which garlands are made, because of its neat and clean appearance, and he begged for and received some of this plant from the king when he left Egypt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When he joined Tachos, who was engaged in preparing his forces for a campaign, he was disappointed in not receiving the chief command, but being merely appointed to lead the mercenary troops, while Chabrias the Athenian was in command of the fleet, Tachos himself acting as commander-in-chief. This was the first vexatious circumstance which occurred to Agesilaus; and soon he began to feel great annoyance at the vainglorious swaggering tone of the Egyptian king, which nevertheless he was obliged to endure throughout the whole of a naval expedition which they undertook against the Phœnicians, during which he suppressed his feelings of disgust as well as he could until at last he had an opportunity of showing them. Nektanebis, the cousin of Tachos, and the commander of a large portion of his force, revolted, and caused himself to be proclaimed King of Egypt. He at once sent to Agesilaus begging for his assistance, and he also made the same proposals to Chabrias, offering them great rewards if they would join him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Tachos, hearing of this, also began to supplicate them to stand by him, and Chabrias besought Agesilaus to remain in the service of Tachos, and to act as his friend. To this, however, Agesilaus answered, &amp;quot;You, Chabrias, have come here on your own responsibility, and are able to act as you please. I was given by Sparta to the Egyptians as their general. It would not become me, therefore, to make war against those whom I was sent to aid, unless my country orders me to do so.&amp;quot; After expressing himself thus, he sent messengers to Sparta, with instructions to depreciate Tachos, and to praise Nektanebis. Both these princes also sent embassies to the Lacedæmonians, the one begging for aid as their old friend and ally, the other making large promises of future good-will towards them. After hearing both sides, the Spartans publicly answered the Egyptians, that Agesilaus would &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 192]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_192&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;decide between them, and they sent him a private despatch, bidding him to do what was best for Sparta. Hereupon Agesilaus and the mercenaries left Tachos, and joined Nektanebis, making the interests of his country the pretext for his extraordinary conduct, which we can hardly call anything better than treachery. However, the Lacedæmonians regard that course as the most honourable which is the most advantageous to their country, and know nothing of right or wrong, but only how to make Sparta great.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Tachos, deserted by the mercenaries, now fled for his life; but another claimant of the throne arose in the district of Mendes, and made war against Nektanebis with an army of one hundred thousand men. Nektanebis, in his talk with Agesilaus, spoke very confidently about this force, saying that they were indeed very numerous, but a mere mixed multitude of rustic recruits, whom he could afford to despise. To these remarks Agesilaus answered, &amp;quot;It is not their numbers, but their ignorance which I fear, lest we should be unable to deceive them. Stratagems in war consist in unexpectedly falling upon men who are expecting an attack from some other quarter, but a man who expects nothing gives his enemy no opportunity to take him unawares, just as in wrestling one cannot throw one&#039;s adversary if he stands still.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Mendesian soon began to intrigue with Agesilaus, and Nektanebis feared much that he might succeed in detaching him from himself. Consequently, when Agesilaus advised him to fight as soon as possible, and not prolong the war against men who were indeed inexperienced in battle, but who were able, from their enormous numbers, to raise vast entrenchments and surround him on every side, he took the exactly opposite course, and retired to a strongly fortified city, of great extent, viewing Agesilaus with suspicion and fear. Agesilaus was grieved at this, but, feeling ashamed to change sides a second time and so completely fail in his mission, he followed Nektanebis into his fortress.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When the enemy advanced and began to build a wall round the city, Nektanebis, fearing the consequences of a siege, was eager to fight, as were also the Greeks, for &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 193]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_193&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;they were very short of provisions. Agesilaus, however, opposed this design, for which he was heartily abused by the Egyptians, who called him a traitor and the betrayer of their king. He paid but little attention to their slanders, but watched for an opportunity to effect the project which he had conceived. This was as follows:—The enemy were digging a trench round the city, with the intention of completely isolating the garrison and starving it out. When then the two ends of this trench, which was to surround the city, had nearly met, Agesilaus towards evening ordered the Greeks to get under arms, and, proceeding to Nektanebis, said, &amp;quot;Young man, this is our opportunity. I would not say anything about it before, lest the secret should be divulged. But now the enemy themselves have secured our position by digging this enormous trench; for the part of it which is completed will keep off their superior numbers from us, while upon the ground which still remains unbroken we can fight them on equal terms. Come now, prove yourself a man of courage, charge bravely with us, and save both yourself and your army. Those of the enemy whom we first attack will not be able to resist our onset, and the rest will not be able to reach us because of the trench.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nektanebis was surprised at the ingenuity of Agesilaus, placed himself in the midst of the Greeks, and charging with them gained an easy victory. Having once established an ascendancy over the mind of Nektanebis, Agesilaus now proceeded to use the same trick again with the enemy. By alternately retreating and advancing he led them on until he had enticed them into a place between two deep canals. Here he at once formed his troops on a front equal to the space between the canals, and charged the enemy, who were unable to use their numbers to outflank and surround him. After a short resistance they fled. Many were slain, and the rest completely dispersed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XL.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; This victory secured the throne of Egypt for Nektanebis. He now showed great esteem for Agesilaus, and begged him to remain in Egypt during the winter. Agesilaus, however, was anxious to return home and assist in the war which was going on there, as he knew that Sparta was in great want of money, and was paying a force of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 194]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_194&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;mercenary troops. Nektanebis escorted him out of the country with great honour, giving him many presents, and the sum of two hundred and thirty talents of silver to be used in meeting the expenses of the war. As it was winter, and stormy weather, Agesilaus did not venture to cross the open sea, but coasted along the shores of Libya, as far as a desert spot known as the Harbour of Menelaus, where he died, in the eighty-fourth year of his age, and having been king of Sparta for forty-one years, during thirty of which he was the greatest and most powerful man in Greece, having been looked upon as all but the king of the whole country, up to the time of the battle of Leuktra.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It was the Spartan custom, in the case of citizens who died in foreign countries, to pay them the last rites wherever they might be, but to take home the remains of their kings. Consequently the Spartan counsellors enveloped the body in melted wax, as they could not obtain honey, and took it home to Lacedæmon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Archidamus, the son of Agesilaus, succeeded him on the throne, and his posterity continued to reign until Agis, the fifth in descent from Agesilaus, was murdered by Leonidas, because he endeavoured to restore the ancient discipline of Sparta.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;FOOTNOTES:&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_174_174&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_174_174&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[174]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This passage has been admirably paraphrased by Grote, &#039;History of Greece,&#039; Part II. ch. lxxiii.:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Combined with that ability and energy in which he was never deficient, this conciliatory policy ensured him more real power than had ever fallen to the lot of any king of Sparta—power, not merely over the military operations abroad, which usually fell to the kings, but also over the policy of the state at home. On the increase and maintenance of that real power, his chief thoughts were concentrated; new dispositions generated by kingship, which had never shown themselves in him before. Despising, like Lysander, both money, luxury, and all the outward show of power, he exhibited, as a king, an ultra-Spartan simplicity, carried almost to affectation in diet, clothing, and general habits. But like Lysander, also, he delighted in the exercise of dominion through the medium of knots or factions of devoted partizans, whom he rarely scrupled to uphold in all their career of injustice and oppression. Though an amiable man, with no disposition to tyranny and still less to plunder, for his own benefit—Agesilaus thus made himself the willing instrument of both, for the benefit of his various coadjutors and friends, whose power and consequence he identified with his own.&amp;quot; See also infra, ch. xiii. et al.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_175_175&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_175_175&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[175]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; We see here the beginning of that tendency of the Neoplatonic school to find a sanction for all their theories in some perversion of the plain meaning of Homer&#039;s words.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_176_176&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_176_176&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[176]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare Life of Lysander, ch. xxiii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_177_177&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_177_177&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[177]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In Sintenis&#039;s text of Plutarch this prince&#039;s name is spelt as above. Xenophon, however, in his Life of Agesilaus, spells it Otys; and this reading has been adopted by Grote. It must be remembered that Xenophon was probably an eye-witness of the proceedings which he records, and that Plutarch lived several centuries later.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_178_178&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_178_178&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[178]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Greek word here translated &amp;quot;guest&amp;quot; is explained by Liddell and Scott, s.v., to mean &amp;quot;any person in a foreign city with whom one has a treaty of hospitality for self and heirs, confirmed by mutual presents and an appeal to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: Zeus xenios&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Ζεὺς ξένιος&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_179_179&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_179_179&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[179]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He sought to compose the dissensions and misrule which had arisen out of the Lysandrian Dekarchies, or governments of ten, in the Greco-Asiatic cities, avoiding as much as possible the infliction of death or exile.—Grote, part ii. ch. lxxiii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_180_180&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_180_180&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[180]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Nothing is known of this tribe. There is a city, Tralles, in Asia Minor, which Clough conjectures may possibly have been connected with them. Liddell and Scott speak of &amp;quot;Trallians&amp;quot; as &amp;quot;Thracian barbarians employed in Asia as mercenaries, torturers, and executioners.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_181_181&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_181_181&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[181]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The people living about Pharsalia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_182_182&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_182_182&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[182]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Mora, a Spartan regiment of infantry. The number of men in each varied from 400 to 900, according as the men above 45, 50, &amp;amp;amp;c., years were called out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_183_183&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_183_183&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[183]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The most aristocratic city in Bœotia, now allied with the Spartans. During the Theban supremacy it was utterly destroyed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_184_184&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_184_184&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[184]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; That is, the aristocratic or pro-Laconian party, who had been driven out by the other side.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_185_185&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_185_185&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[185]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; To Medise was a phrase originally used during the great Persian invasion of Greece under Xerxes, B.C. 480, when those Greek cities who sided with the Persians, were said to Medise, that is, to take the side of the Medes. See Life of Artaxerxes, vol. iv. ch. 22, and Grote&#039;s &#039;History of Greece,&#039; part ii. ch. lxxvi.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_186_186&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_186_186&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[186]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ante&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ch. xiii., &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;note&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_187_187&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_187_187&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[187]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This name is spelt Leontiades by most writers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_188_188&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_188_188&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[188]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I extract the following note from Grote&#039;s &#039;History of Greece.&#039; &amp;quot;Plutarch gives this interchange of brief questions, between Agesilaus and Epameinondas, which is in substance the same as that given by Pausanias, and has every appearance of being true. But he introduces it in a very bold and abrupt way, such as cannot be conformable to the reality. To raise a question about the right of Sparta to govern Laconia was a most daring novelty. A courageous and patriotic Theban might venture upon it as a retort against those Spartans who questioned the right of Thebes to her presidency of Bœotia; but he would never do so without assigning his reasons to justify an assertion so startling to a large portion of his hearers. The reasons which I here ascribe to Epameinondas are such as we know to have formed the Theban creed, in reference to the Bœotian cities; such as were actually urged by the Theban orator in 427 B.C., when the fate of the Platæan captives was under discussion. After Epameinondas had once laid out the reasons in support of his assertion, he might then, if the same brief question were angrily put to him a second time, meet it with another equally brief counter-question or retort. It is this final interchange of thrusts which Plutarch has given, omitting the arguments previously stated by Epameinondas, and necessary to warrant the seeming paradox which he advances. We must recollect that Epameinondas does not contend that Thebes was entitled to &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;as much power&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in Bœotia as Sparta in Laconia. He only contends that Bœotia, under the presidency of Thebes, was as much an integral political aggregate, as Laconia under Sparta—in reference to the Grecian world.&amp;quot;—Grote&#039;s &#039;History of Greece,&#039; part ii. ch. lxvii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 195]&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;LIFE_OF_POMPEIUS&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_195&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;LIFE OF POMPEIUS.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Towards Pompeius the Roman people seem to have been disposed from the very first, just as the Prometheus of Aeschylus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_189_189&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_189_189&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[189]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was towards his deliverer Hercules, when he says:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Though hateful is the sire, most dear to me the son.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For neither did the Romans ever display hatred so violent and savage towards any commander as towards Strabo&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_190_190&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_190_190&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[190]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the father of Pompeius, whom they dreaded, when he was alive, for his military talent, for he was a man most expert in arms; and when he was killed by lightning and his body was carried out to interment they pulled it from the bier on which it was lying and treated it with indignity: nor, on the other hand, did any other Roman besides Pompeius ever receive from the people tokens of affection so strong, or so early, or which grew so rapidly with his good fortune, or abided with him so firmly in his &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 196]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_196&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;reverses. The cause of their hatred to the father was his insatiable avarice: the causes of their affection to the son were many; his temperate life, his practice in arms, the persuasiveness of his speech, the integrity of his character, and his affability to every man who came in his way, so that there was no man from whom another could ask a favour with so little pain, and no man whose requests another would more willingly labour to satisfy. For in addition to his other endearing qualities, Pompeius could give without seeming to confer a favour, and he could receive with dignity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; At the beginning also his countenance contributed in no small degree to win the good-will of the people and to secure a favourable reception before he opened his mouth. For the sweetness of his expression was mingled with dignity and kindness, and while he was yet in the very bloom of youth his noble and kingly nature clearly showed itself. There was also a slight falling back of the hair and softness in the expression of his eyes, which produced a resemblance to the likenesses of Alexander, though indeed the resemblance was more talked of than real. Accordingly many at first gave him the name, which Pompeius did not object to, whence some in derision called him Alexander. It was in allusion to this that Lucius Philippus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_191_191&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_191_191&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[191]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a consular man, when he was speaking in favour of Pompeius, said it was nothing strange if he who was Philippus loved Alexander. They used to report that Flora the courtesan, when she was now advanced in years, always spoke with pleasure of her intimacy with Pompeius, and said that she could never leave the embrace of Pompeius without bearing marks&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_192_192&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_192_192&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[192]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of the ardour of his passion. Besides this, Flora used to tell that Geminius, one of the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 197]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_197&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;companions of Pompeius, conceived a passion for her, and plagued her much with his solicitations, and when she said that for the sake of Pompeius she could not consent, Geminius applied to Pompeius. Now Pompeius, as she told the story, gave Geminius permission, but he never after touched Flora or had a meeting with her, though it was believed that he was attached to her; and Flora did not take this as most courtesans do, but was ill for a long time through grief and regret for the loss of her lover. And indeed it is said that Flora enjoyed such reputation and was so much talked of, that Cæcilius Metellus, when he was ornamenting the temple of the Dioscuri with statues and paintings, had the portrait of Flora painted and placed in the temple on account of her beauty. The wife of his freedman Demetrius also, who had the greatest influence with Pompeius and left a property of four thousand talents, contrary to his habit he did not treat kindly nor in a manner befitting her free condition: but it was through fear of her beauty, which was irresistible and much talked about, and that he might not appear to be captivated by her. Though he was so exceedingly cautious in such matters and so much on his guard, yet he did not escape the imputations of his enemies on the ground of amours, but he was slanderously accused of commerce with married women and of betraying many of the public interests to gratify them. Of his temperance and simplicity in his way of living the following anecdote is told. On one occasion when he was ill and indisposed to his ordinary food, the physician prescribed a thrush for him. After search had been made and none found, for the season was past, some one observed that one might be found at the house of Lucullus, for he kept them all the year round: &amp;quot;Well then,&amp;quot; said Pompeius, &amp;quot;I suppose if Lucullus were not luxurious, Pompeius could not live;&amp;quot; and without regarding the physician&#039;s advice he took something that was ready at hand. This, however, belongs to a later period.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When he was still quite a youth and was serving under his father, who was opposed to Cinna, he had one Lucius Terentius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_193_193&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_193_193&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[193]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for his companion and tent-mate. This &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 198]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_198&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Lucius being bribed by Cinna, designed to kill Pompeius, and others were to fire the general&#039;s tent. Information of this came to Pompeius while he was at supper, at which, nothing disturbed, he went on drinking more gaily, and showing great signs of affection towards Terentius; but when they were turning in to rest he slipped unobserved from under the tent, and after placing a guard about his father, kept quiet. When Terentius thought the time was come, drawing his sword he got up, and approaching the bed of Pompeius, he struck many blows upon the bed-covering, supposing that Pompeius was lying there. Upon this there was a great commotion owing to the soldiers&#039; hatred of their general, and there was a movement made towards mutiny by the men beginning to pull down the tents and take their arms. The general, fearing the tumult, did not come near; but Pompeius, going about in the midst of the soldiers, implored them with tears in his eyes, and finally throwing himself on his face before the gate of the camp right in their way, he lay there weeping, and told those who were going out to trample on him, so that every man drew back for very shame, and thus the whole army, with the exception of eight hundred men, changed their design and were reconciled to their commander.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Upon the death of Strabo, Pompeius had to defend a prosecution in respect of a charge of peculation against his father. He detected one of his freedmen in having appropriated most of the property, and proved it to the magistrates; but he was himself accused of having in his possession hunting nets and books which were taken among the plunder at Asculum.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_194_194&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_194_194&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[194]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He received these things from his father when he took Asculum, but he lost them after &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 199]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_199&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;his return to Rome, when the guards of Cinna broke into his house and plundered it. He had many preliminary contests with the accuser before the trial commenced, in which, by showing himself to possess an acuteness and firmness above his years, he got great reputation and popularity, so that Antistius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_195_195&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_195_195&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[195]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was prætor and presided at that trial, conceived a great affection for Pompeius, and offered him his daughter to wife, and spoke about it to his friends. Pompeius accepted the proposal, and an agreement was secretly made between them; but yet the matter did not fail to be generally known by reason of the partizanship of Antistius. When at last Antistius declared the votes of the judices to be for his acquittal, the people, as if a signal had been concerted, called out the name Talasius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_196_196&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_196_196&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[196]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which, pursuant to an old custom, they are used to utter on the occasion of a marriage. This ancient custom, they say, had the following origin: When the daughters of the Sabines had come to Rome to see the games, and the noblest among the Romans were carrying them off to be their wives, some goatherds and herdsmen of mean condition took upon their shoulders a tall handsome maid and were carrying her off. In order, however, that none of the better sort who might fall in with them should attempt to take the maid from them, they called out as they ran along that she was for Talasius (now Talasius was a man of rank and much beloved), so that those who heard the cry clapped their hands and shouted as being pleased at what the men were doing and commending them for it. From this time forth, as the story goes, inasmuch as the marriage of Talasius turned out to be a happy one, it is usual to utter the same expression by way of merriment at the occasion of a marriage. This is the most probable story among those which are told about the name Talasius. However, a few days after the trial Pompeius married Antistia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Having gone to Cinna&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_197_197&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_197_197&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[197]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to the camp, Pompeius be&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 200]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_200&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;came alarmed in consequence of some charge and false accusation, and he quickly stole out of the way. On his disappearing, a rumour went through the camp and a report that Cinna had murdered the young man, whereupon the soldiers, who had long been weary of him and hated their general, made an assault upon him. Cinna attempted to escape, but he was overtaken by a centurion, who pursued him with his naked sword. Cinna fell down at the knees of the centurion, and offered him his seal ring, which was of great price; but the centurion with great contempt replied: &amp;quot;I am not going to seal a contract, but to punish an abominable and unjust tyrant,&amp;quot; and so killed him. Cinna thus perished, but he was succeeded in the direction of affairs by Carbo, a still more furious tyrant than himself, who kept the power in his hands till Sulla advanced against him, to the great joy of the most part, who in their present sufferings thought even a change of masters no small profit. To such a condition had calamities brought the state, that men despairing of freedom sought a more moderate slavery.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now about this time Pompeius was tarrying in Picenum in Italy, for he had estates&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_198_198&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_198_198&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[198]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; there, but mainly because he liked the cities, which were well disposed and friendly towards him by reason of their ancient connection with his father. Seeing that the most distinguished and chief of the citizens were leaving their property and flocking from all sides to Sulla&#039;s camp as to a harbour of refuge, Pompeius did not think it becoming in him to steal away to Sulla like a fugitive, nor without bringing some contribution, nor yet as if he wanted help, but he thought that he should begin by doing Sulla some service and so approach with credit and a force. Accordingly he attempted to rouse the people of Picenum, who readily listened to his proposals, and paid no attention to those who came from Carbo. A certain Vindius having remarked that Pompeius had just quitted school to start up among them as a popular leader, the people were so infu&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 201]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_201&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;riated that they forthwith fell on Vindius and killed him. Upon this Pompeius, who was now three and twenty years of age, without being appointed general by any one, but himself assuming the command in Auximum,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_199_199&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_199_199&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[199]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a large city, placing a tribunal in the forum and by edict ordering two brothers Ventidii who were among the chief persons in the place and were opposing him on behalf of Carbo, to quit the city, began to enlist soldiers, and to appoint centurions and officers over them, and he went to all the surrounding cities and did the same. All who were of Carbo&#039;s party got up and quitted the cities, but the rest gladly put themselves in the hands of Pompeius, who thus in a short time raised three complete legions, and having supplied himself with provisions and beasts of burden and waggons and everything else that an army requires, advanced towards Sulla, neither hurrying nor yet content with passing along unobserved, but lingering by the way to harass the enemy, and endeavouring to detach from Carbo every part of Italy that he visited.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now there rose up against him three hostile generals at once, Carinna,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_200_200&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_200_200&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[200]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Clœlius and Brutus, not all in front, nor yet all from the same quarter, but they surrounded him with three armies, with the view of completely destroying him. Pompeius was not alarmed, but getting all his force together he attacked one of the armies, that of Brutus, placing in the front his cavalry, among whom he himself was. From the side of the enemy the Celtæ rode out to meet him, when Pompeius with spear in hand struck the first and strongest of them and brought him down; on which the rest fled and put the infantry also into confusion, so that there was a general rout. Hereupon the generals quarrelled among themselves and retired, as each best could, and the cities took the part of Pompeius, seeing that the enemy had dispersed in alarm. Next came Scipio&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_201_201&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_201_201&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[201]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the consul against him, but before the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 202]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_202&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lines had come close enough to discharge their javelins, the soldiers of Scipio saluted those of Pompeius and changed sides, and Scipio made his escape. Finally, near the river Arsis,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_202_202&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_202_202&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[202]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Carbo himself attacked Pompeius with several troops of horse, but Pompeius bravely stood the attack, and putting them to flight pursued and drove all of them upon difficult ground where no cavalry could act; and the men, seeing that there was no hope of saving themselves, surrendered with their arms and horses.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Sulla had not yet received intelligence of these events, but upon the first news and reports about Pompeius, being alarmed at his being among so many hostile generals of such reputation, he made haste to relieve him. Pompeius being informed that Sulla was near, ordered his officers to arm the forces and to display them in such manner that they might make the most gallant and splendid appearance to the Imperator, for he expected to receive great honours from him; and he got more than he expected. For when Sulla saw him approaching and his army standing by, admirable for the brave appearance of the men and elated and rejoicing in their success, he leapt down from his horse, and being addressed, according to custom, by the title of Imperator, he addressed Pompeius in return by the title of Imperator, though nobody would have expected that Sulla would give to a young man who was not yet a member of the Senate, the title for which he was fighting against the Scipios and the Marii. And indeed everything else was in accordance with the first greeting, for Sulla used to rise from his seat as Pompeius approached and take his vest from his head, which he was not observed to do generally to any other person, though there were many distinguished men about him. Pompeius, however, was not made vain by these marks of distinction, but on being immediately sent into Gaul by Sulla, where &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 203]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_203&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Metellus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_203_203&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_203_203&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[203]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; commanded and appeared to be doing nothing correspondent to his means, Pompeius said it was not right to take the command from a man who was his senior and superior in reputation; however he said he was ready to carry on the war in conjunction with Metellus, if he had no objection, in obedience to his orders and to give him his assistance. Metellus accepted the proposal and wrote to him to come, on which Pompeius entering Gaul, performed noble exploits, and he also fanned into a flame again and warmed the warlike and courageous temper of Metellus, which was now near becoming extinct through old age, as the liquid, heated stream of copper by flowing about the hard, cold metal is said to soften and to liquefy it into its own mass better than the fire. But as in the case of an athlete&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_204_204&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_204_204&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[204]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who has obtained the first place among men and has gloriously vanquished in every contest, his boyish victories are made of no account and are not registered; so the deeds which Pompeius then accomplished, though of themselves extraordinary, yet as they were buried under the number and magnitude of his subsequent struggles and wars, I have been afraid to disturb them, lest if we should dwell too long on his first exploits, we should miss the acts and events which are the most important and best show the character of the man.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_205_205&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_205_205&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[205]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now when Sulla was master of Italy and was proclaimed Dictator, he rewarded the other officers and generals by making them rich and promoting them to magistracies and by granting them without stint and with readiness what they asked for. But as he admired &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 204]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_204&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Pompeius for his superior merit and thought that he would be a great support to his own interests, he was anxious in some way to attach him by family relations. Metella, the wife of Sulla, had also the same wish, and they persuaded Pompeius to put away Antistia and to take to wife Aemilia, the step-daughter of Sulla, the child of Metella by Scaurus, who was then living with her husband and was pregnant. This matter of the marriage was of a tyrannical character, and more suited to the interests of Sulla than conformable to the character of Pompeius, for Aemilia, who was pregnant, was taken from another to be married to him, and Antistia was put away with dishonour and under lamentable circumstances, inasmuch as she had just lost her father also, and that, too, on her husband&#039;s account; for Antistius was murdered in the Senate-house because he was considered to be an adherent of Sulla for the sake of Pompeius; and the mother of Antistia having witnessed all this put an end to her life, so that this misfortune was added to the tragedy of the marriage; and in sooth another besides, for Aemilia herself died immediately afterwards in child-birth in the house of Pompeius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this, news arrived that Perpenna&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_206_206&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_206_206&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[206]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was securing Sicily for himself, and that the island was supplying to those who remained of the opposite faction a point for concentrating their forces; for Carbo&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_207_207&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_207_207&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[207]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was afloat in those parts with a navy, and Domitius had fallen upon Libya, and many other fugitives of note were crowding there, who had escaped from the proscriptions. Against these Pompeius was sent with a large force: and Perpenna immediately evacuated Sicily upon his arrival. Pompeius relieved the cities which had been harshly treated, and behaved kindly to them all except to the Mamertini in Messene. For when the Mamertini protested against the tribunal and the Roman administration of justice, on the ground that there was an old Roman enactment which forbade their introduction, &amp;quot;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 205]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_205&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Won&#039;t you stop,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;citing laws to us who have our swords by our sides?&amp;quot; It was considered also that Pompeius triumphed over the misfortunes of Carbo in an inhuman manner. For if it was necessary to put Carbo to death, as perhaps it was, he ought to have been put to death as soon as he was taken, and then the act might have been imputed to him who gave the order. But Pompeius produced in chains a Roman who had three times been Consul, and making him stand in front of the tribunal while he was sitting, sat in judgment on him, to the annoyance and vexation of those who were present; after which he ordered him to be removed and put to death. They say that when Carbo had been dragged off, seeing the sword already bared, he begged them to allow him to retire for a short time as his bowels were disordered. Caius Oppius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_208_208&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_208_208&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[208]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the friend of Cæsar, says that Pompeius behaved inhumanly to Quintus Valerius also; for Pompeius, who knew that Valerius was a learned man and a particular lover of learning, embraced him, and after walking about with him and questioning him about what he wanted to know, and getting his answer, he ordered his attendants to take Valerius away and immediately put him to death. But when Oppius is speaking of the enemies or friends of Cæsar, it is necessary to be very cautious in believing what he says. Now as to those enemies of Sulla who were of the greatest note and were openly taken, Pompeius of necessity punished them; but as to the rest he allowed as many as he could to escape detection, and he even aided some in getting away. Pompeius had determined to punish the inhabitants of Himera which had sided with the enemy; but Sthenis the popular leader having asked for a conference with him, told Pompeius that he would not do right, if he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 206]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_206&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;let the guilty escape and punished the innocent. On Pompeius asking who the guilty man was, Sthenis replied, it was himself, for he had persuaded those citizens who were his friends, and forced those who were his enemies. Pompeius admiring the bold speech and spirit of the man pardoned him first and then all the rest. Hearing that his soldiers were committing excesses on the march, he put a seal on their swords, and he who broke the seal was punished.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; While he was thus engaged in Sicily and settling the civil administration, he received a decree of the Senate and letters from Sulla which contained an order for him to sail to Libya and vigorously oppose Domitius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_209_209&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_209_209&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[209]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who had got together a power much larger than that with which Marius no long time back had passed over from Libya to Italy and put all affairs at Rome in confusion by making himself a tyrant after having been a fugitive. Accordingly making his preparations with all haste Pompeius left in command in Sicily Memmius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_210_210&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_210_210&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[210]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; his sister&#039;s husband, and himself set sail with a hundred and twenty large ships, and eight hundred transports which conveyed corn, missiles, money, and engines. On his landing with part of his vessels at Utica and the rest at Carthage, seven thousand men deserted from the enemy and came over to him; he had himself six complete legions. It is said that a ludicrous thing occurred here. Some soldiers having fallen in with a treasure, as it seems, got a large sum of money. The matter becoming known, all the rest of the soldiers got a notion that the place was full of money, which they supposed to have been hid during the misfortunes of the Carthaginians. The consequence was that Pompeius could do nothing with the soldiers for many days while they were busy with looking after treasure, but he went about laughing and looking on so many thousands all at one time digging and turning up the ground, till at last the men were tired and told their commander &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 207]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_207&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;to lead them were he pleased, as they had been punished enough for their folly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Domitius had posted himself to oppose Pompeius, with a ravine in his front which was difficult to pass and rough; but a violent rain accompanied with wind commenced in the morning and continued, so that Domitius giving up his intention of fighting on that day ordered a retreat. Pompeius taking advantage of this opportunity advanced rapidly and began to cross the ravine. But the soldiers of Domitius were in disorder and confusion, and what resistance they offered was neither made by the whole body nor yet in any regular manner: the wind also veered round and blew the storm right in their faces. However the storm confused the Romans also, for they did not see one another clearly, and Pompeius himself had a narrow escape with his life, not being recognised by a soldier to whom he was somewhat slow in giving the word on being asked for it. Having repulsed the enemy with great slaughter (for it is said that out of twenty thousand only three thousand escaped) they saluted Pompeius with the title of Imperator. But Pompeius said that he would not accept the honour, so long as the enemy&#039;s encampment was standing, and if they thought him worthy of this title they must first destroy the camp, upon which they forthwith rushed against the rampart, and Pompeius fought without a helmet for fear of what just had happened. The camp was taken and Domitius fell. Some of the cities immediately submitted, and others were taken by storm. Pompeius also made a prisoner of Iarbas,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_211_211&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_211_211&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[211]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; one of the kings, who had sided with Domitius, and he gave his kingdom to Hiempsal. Availing himself of his success and the strength of his army he invaded Numidia. After advancing many days&#039; march and subduing all whom he met with, and firmly establishing the dread &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 208]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_208&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;of the Romans among the barbarians which had now somewhat subsided, he said that he ought not to leave even the wild beasts of Libya, without letting them have some experience of the strength and courage of the Romans. Accordingly he spent a few days in hunting lions and elephants;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_212_212&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_212_212&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[212]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and in forty days in all, as it is said, he defeated his enemies, subdued Libya, and settled all the affairs of the kings, being then in his four and twentieth year.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; On his return to Utica he received letters from Sulla, with orders to disband the rest of the army, and to wait there with one legion for his successor in the command. Pompeius was annoyed at this and took it ill, though he did not show it; but the army openly expressed their dissatisfaction, and when Pompeius requested them to advance, they abused Sulla, and they said they would not let Pompeius be exposed to danger without them, and they advised him not to trust the tyrant. At first Pompeius endeavoured to mollify and quiet them, but finding that he could not prevail, he descended from the tribunal and went to his tent weeping. But the soldiers laid hold of him and again placed him on the tribunal, and a great part of the day was spent in the soldiers urging him to stay and be their leader, and in Pompeius entreating the soldiers to be obedient and not to mutiny, till at last, as they still urged him and drowned his voice with their cries, he swore he would kill himself, if they forced him; and so at last with great difficulty they were induced to stop. Sulla at first received intelligence that Pompeius had revolted, on which he said to his friends, it was his fate now that he was old to fight with boys, alluding to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 209]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_209&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;the fact that Marius, who was very young, gave him most trouble, and brought him into the extremest danger; but on hearing the true state of affairs, and perceiving that everybody with right good will was eager to receive Pompeius and to escort him, he made haste to outdo them. Accordingly he advanced and met Pompeius, and receiving him with all possible expressions of good-will, he saluted him with a loud voice by the name of Magnus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_213_213&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_213_213&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[213]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and he bade those who were present to address him in the same way. The word Magnus means Great. Others say that it was in Libya first that the whole army with acclamation pronounced the name, and that it obtained strength and currency by being confirmed by Sulla. But Pompeius himself, after everybody else, and some time later when he was sent into Iberia as proconsul against Sertorius, began to call himself in his letters and edicts Magnus Pompeius; for the name was no longer invidious when people had been made familiar with it. And here one may justly admire and respect the old Romans, who requited with such appellations and titles not success in war and battles only, but honoured therewith political services and merits also. Two men accordingly the people proclaimed Maximi, which means the Greatest; Valerius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_214_214&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_214_214&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[214]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; because he reconciled the senate to the people when there was a misunderstanding between them; and Fabius Rullus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_215_215&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_215_215&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[215]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; because he ejected from the senate certain rich persons the children of freedmen who had been enrolled in the list of senators.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this Pompeius asked for a triumph, but &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 210]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_210&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sulla opposed his claim: for the law gives a triumph to a consul or to a prætor&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_216_216&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_216_216&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[216]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; only, but to no one else. And this is the reason why the first Scipio, after defeating the Carthaginians in greater and more important contests in Iberia, did not ask for a triumph, for he was not consul, nor yet prætor. Sulla considered that if Pompeius, who was not yet well bearded, should enter the city in triumph, he who, by reason of his age, was not yet a member of the senate, both his own office and the honour given to Pompeius would be exposed to much obloquy. Sulla made these remarks to Pompeius, to show that he did not intend to let him have a triumph, but would resist him and check his ambition, if he would not listen to reason. Pompeius, however, was not cowed, but he told Sulla to reflect, that more men worship the rising than the setting sun, intending him to understand that his own power was on the increase, but that the power of Sulla was diminishing and fading away. Sulla did not distinctly hear these words, but observing that those who did hear them, by looks and gestures expressed their astonishment, he asked what it was that Pompeius had said. When he heard what it was, he was confounded at the boldness of Pompeius, and called out twice, &amp;quot;Let him triumph!&amp;quot; Now many persons were annoyed, and expressed their dissatisfaction at the triumph, on which Pompeius, wishing to annoy them still more, it is said, made preparation for entering the city in a car drawn by four elephants,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_217_217&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_217_217&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[217]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for he brought from Libya many of the king&#039;s elephants that he had taken; but as the gate was too narrow, he gave up his project and contented himself with horses. The soldiers, who had not &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 211]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_211&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;obtained as much as they expected, were ready to make a disturbance and impede the triumph, but Pompeius said that he cared not for it, and would rather give up the triumph than humour them; whereupon Servilius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_218_218&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_218_218&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[218]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a man of distinction, who had made most opposition to the triumph of Pompeius, said, Now he perceived that Pompeius was really Great and was worthy of the triumph. It is also certain that he might then have been easily admitted into the senate, if he had chosen; but he showed no eagerness for it, seeking, as they say, reputation from what was unusual. For it was nothing surprising if Pompeius were a senator before the age, but it was a most distinguished honour for him to triumph before he was a senator. Another thing also gained him the good-will of the many in no small degree, for the people were delighted at his being reviewed among the Equites after the triumph.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Sulla&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_219_219&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_219_219&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[219]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was annoyed to see to what a height of reputation and power Pompeius was advancing, but as he was ashamed to attempt to check his career he kept quiet. However, when Pompeius had brought about the election of Lepidus as consul in spite of Sulla and against his wish, by canvassing for Lepidus, and by employing the affection of the people towards himself to induce them to favour Lepidus, Sulla seeing Pompeius retiring with the crowd through the Forum, said, &amp;quot;I see, young man, that you are pleased with your victory: and indeed how can it be otherwise than generous and noble, for Lepidus, the vilest of men, to be declared consul before Catulus the best, through your management of the people? However, it is time for you not to slumber, but to attend to affairs, for you have strengthened your rival against yourself.&amp;quot; Sulla showed mainly by his testament that he was not well disposed to Pompeius, for he left legacies to his other friends, and made them his son&#039;s guardians, but he passed &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 212]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_212&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;over Pompeius altogether. But Pompeius took this very quietly, and behaved on the occasion as a citizen should do; and accordingly, when Lepidus and some others were putting impediments in the way of the body being interred in the Field of Mars, and were not for allowing the funeral to be public, Pompeius brought his aid, and gave to the interment both splendour and security.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As soon as Sulla&#039;s death made his prophetic warnings manifest, and Lepidus was attempting to put himself in Sulla&#039;s place, not by any circuitous movement or contrivance, but by taking up arms forthwith, and again stirring up and gathering round him the remnants of the factions which had long been enfeebled and had escaped from Sulla; and his colleague Catulus, to whom the most honest and soundest part of the Senate and the people attached themselves, was the first of the Romans of the day for reputation of temperance and integrity, but was considered to be better adapted for the conduct of civil than of military affairs, and circumstances themselves were calling for Pompeius, he did not hesitate what course to take, but attaching himself to the optimates,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_220_220&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_220_220&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[220]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he was appointed commander of a force to oppose Lepidus, who had already stirred up a large part of Italy and held with an army under the command of Brutus, Gaul within the Alps. Now Pompeius easily defeated the rest whom he attacked, but at Mutina&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_221_221&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_221_221&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[221]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in Gaul he sat down for some time opposite to Brutus, while Lepidus having hurried on to Rome and posted himself before the walls was demanding a second consulship and terrifying the citizens with a numerous army. But the alarm was ended by a letter from Pompeius, who had brought the war to a fortunate issue without a battle. For Brutus, whether it was that he gave up his force himself or was betrayed by his army changing sides, surrendered his person to Pompeius &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 213]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_213&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;and with some horsemen as an escort retired to one of the small towns near the Padus, where after the interval of a single day he was put to death by Geminius, whom Pompeius sent to him; and Pompeius was much blamed for this. For at the very commencement of the affair of the army changing sides, he wrote to the Senate that Brutus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_222_222&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_222_222&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[222]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; had voluntarily surrendered, and he then sent another letter in which he criminated the man after he was put to death. This Brutus was the father of the Brutus who together with Cassius killed Cæsar, a man who neither fought nor died like his father, as is told in his Life. As soon as Lepidus was driven from Italy, he made his escape into Sardinia, where he fell sick and died of vexation, not at the state of affairs, as they say, but from finding some writing by which he discovered that his wife had committed adultery.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; But a general, Sertorius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_223_223&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_223_223&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[223]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who in no respect resembled Lepidus, was in possession of Iberia and was hovering over the other Romans, a formidable adversary; for the civil wars had concentrated themselves as in a final disease in this one man, who had already destroyed many of the inferior commanders, and was then engaged with Metellus Pius, who was indeed a distinguished soldier and of great military ability, but owing to old age was considered to be following up the opportunities of war somewhat tardily, and was anticipated in his plans by the quickness and rapidity of Sertorius, who attacked him at all hazards and somewhat in robber fashion, and by his ambuscades and circuitous movements confounded a man well practised in regular battles and used to command a force of heavy-armed soldiers trained to close fighting. Upon this Pompeius, who had an army under his command, bestirred himself to be sent out to support Metellus; and though Catulus ordered him to disband his force he would not obey, but kept under arms in the neighbourhood of the city continually inventing excuses, until the command was given to him on the proposal of Lucius Philippus. It was on this occasion, as it is said, that some one in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 214]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_214&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;the Senate asked Philippus with some surprise, if he thought that Pompeius ought to be sent out as Proconsul,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_224_224&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_224_224&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[224]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Philippus replied, &amp;quot;Not as Proconsul, as I think, but in place of the Consuls,&amp;quot; meaning that both the consuls of that year were good for nothing. I&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Pompeius arrived in Iberia, as it usually happens with the reputation of a new commander, he gave the people great hopes, and the nations which were not firmly attached to the party of Sertorius began to stir themselves and change sides; whereupon Sertorius gave vent to arrogant expressions against Pompeius, and scoffingly said, he should only need a cane and a whip for this youth, if he were not afraid of that old woman, meaning Metellus. However he conducted his military operations with more caution, as in fact he kept a close watch on Pompeius and was afraid of him. For contrary to what one would have expected, Metellus had become very luxurious in his mode of life and had completely given himself up to pleasure, and there had been all at once a great change in him to habits of pride and extravagance, so that this also brought Pompeius a surpassing good-will and reputation, inasmuch as he maintained a frugal mode of living, a thing that cost him no great pains, for he was naturally temperate and well regulated in his desires. Though there were many vicissitudes in the war, the capture of Lauron by Sertorius gave Pompeius most annoyance; for while he supposed that Sertorius was surrounded, and had uttered certain boasting expressions, all at once it appeared that he himself was completely hemmed in, and as for this reason he was afraid to stir, he saw the city burnt before his face. But he defeated, near Valentia, Herennius and Perpenna, who were men of military talent, and among others had fled to Sertorius and served under him; and he slaughtered above ten thousand of their men.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 215]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_215&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Elated by this success, and full of great designs, he hastened to attack Sertorius himself, in order that Metellus might not share the victory. They engaged on the banks of the Sucro, though it was near the close of day, both parties fearing the arrival of Metellus, one wishing to fight by himself, and the other wishing to have only one opponent. The issue of the battle was doubtful, for one wing was victorious on each side; but of the two commanders-in-chief Sertorius got the more honour, for he put to flight the enemy who were opposed to him. A man of tall stature, an infantry soldier, attacked Pompeius, who was on horseback; and as they closed and came to a struggle, the blows of the swords fell on the hands of both, but not with the same effect; for Pompeius was only wounded, but he cut off the man&#039;s hand. Now, as many men rushed upon Pompeius, and the rout had already begun, he escaped, contrary to all expectation, by quitting his horse, which had trappings of gold and decorations of great value; for while the enemy were dividing the booty and fighting about it with one another, they were left behind in the pursuit. At daybreak both commanders again placed their forces in order of battle, with the intention of securing the victory, but when Metellus approached, Sertorius retreated and his army dispersed. For the fashion of his men was to disperse and again to come together, so that Sertorius often wandered about alone, and often appeared again at the head of one hundred and fifty thousand men, like a winter-torrent suddenly swollen. Now, when Pompeius went to meet Metellus after the battle, and they were near one another, he ordered his lictors to lower their fasces out of respect to Metellus as the superior in rank. But Metellus would not allow this, and in all other respects he behaved with consideration to Pompeius, not assuming any superiority on the ground of being a consular and the elder, except that when the two armies encamped together the watchword for both armies was given out by Metellus; but the two armies generally encamped apart. For the enemy used to cut off their communications and separate them, being fertile in stratagems, and skilful in showing himself in many quarters in a short time, and in leading from one combat &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 216]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_216&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;to another. Finally, by cutting off their supplies, plundering the country, and getting the command of the sea, he drove both Pompeius and Metellus from that part of Iberia which was under him, and they were compelled to fly to other provinces through want of provisions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Pompeius having spent most of his own property and applied it to the purposes of the war, demanded money of the senate, and said that he would come to Italy with his army if they did not send it. Lucullus, who was then consul, being at variance with Pompeius, and intriguing to get the command in the Mithridatic war for himself, bestirred himself to get money sent for fear of letting Pompeius have a reason for leaving Sertorius, and attacking Mithridates, which he wished to do, for Mithridates was considered to be an opponent whom it would be an honour to oppose and easy to vanquish. In the meantime, Sertorius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_225_225&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_225_225&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[225]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was assassinated by his friends, of whom Perpenna was the chief leader, and he attempted to do what Sertorius had done, having indeed the same troops and means, but not equal judgment for the management of them. Now Pompeius immediately advanced against Perpenna, and perceiving that he was floundering in his affairs, he sent down ten cohorts into the plain, as a bait, and gave them orders to disperse as if they were flying. When Perpenna had attacked the cohorts, and was engaged in the pursuit, Pompeius appeared in full force, and joining battle, gave the enemy a complete defeat. Most of the officers fell in the battle; but Perpenna was brought to Pompeius, who ordered him to be put to death, in which he did not show any ingratitude, nor that he had forgotten what had happened in Sicily, as some say, but he displayed great prudence and a judgment that was advantageous to the commonweal. For Perpenna, who had got possession of the writings of Sertorins, offered to produce letters from the most powerful men in Rome, who being &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 217]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_217&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;desirous to disturb the present settlement and to change the constitution, invited Sertorius to Italy. Now Pompeius, apprehending that this might give rise to greater wars than those which were just ended, put Perpenna to death, and burnt the letters without even reading them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After staying&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_226_226&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_226_226&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[226]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; long enough to extinguish the chief disturbances, and to quiet and settle those affairs which were in the most inflammatory state, he led his army back to Italy, and happened to arrive at the time when the servile war&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_227_227&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_227_227&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[227]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was at its height. This was the reason why Crassus the commander urged on the hazard of a battle, which he gained, with the slaughter of twelve thousand three hundred of the enemy. Fortune, however, in a manner adopted Pompeius into this success also, for five thousand men who escaped from the battle fell in his way, all of whom he destroyed, and he took the opportunity of writing first to the senate, to say that Crassus indeed had conquered the gladiators in a pitched battle, but he had pulled up the war by the roots. And this was agreeable to the Romans to hear, owing to their good-will towards Pompeius, and also to speak of. As to Iberia and Sertorius, no one even in jest would have said that the conquest was due to any one else than Pompeius. But though the man was in such repute, and such expectations were entertained of him, there was still some suspicion and fear that he would not disband his army, but would make his way by arms and sovereign power straight to the polity of Sulla. Accordingly, those who through fear ran to greet him on the way, were as many as those who did it from good-will. But when Pompeius had removed this suspicion also by declaring that he would disband his army after the triumph, there still remained one subject of reproach for those who envied him, that he attached &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 218]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_218&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;himself more to the people than to the senate, and that he had determined to restore the authority of the tribunate, which Sulla had destroyed, and to court the favour of the many, which was true. For there was nothing for which the people were more madly passionate, and nothing which they more desired, than to see that magistracy again, so that Pompeius considered the opportunity for this political measure a great good fortune, as he could not have found any other favour by which to requite the good-will of the citizens, if another had anticipated him in this.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now after a second triumph&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_228_228&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_228_228&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[228]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and the consulship were voted to him, Pompeius was not for this reason considered an object of admiration and a great man; but the people considered it a proof of his distinction, that Crassus, though the richest of all who were engaged in public life, and the most powerful speaker and the greatest man, and though he despised Pompeius and everybody else, did not venture to become a candidate for the consulship till he had applied to Pompeius. Pompeius indeed was well pleased with this, as he had long wished to have the opportunity of doing some service and friendly act to Crassus. According he readily accepted the advances of Crassus, and in his address to the people he declared that he should be as grateful to them for his colleague as for the consulship. However, when they were elected consuls, they differed about everything, and came into collision: in the senate Crassus had more weight, but among the people the influence of Pompeius was great. For Pompeius restored the tribunate&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_229_229&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_229_229&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[229]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to the people, and he allowed the judicia to be again transferred to the Equites by a law. But the most agreeable of all spectacles was that which Pompeius exhibited to the people when he personally solicited his discharge from service. It is the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 219]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_219&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;custom among the Roman Equites&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_230_230&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_230_230&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[230]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; when they have served the time fixed by law, to lead their horse into the Forum before the two men whom they call Censors, and after mentioning each general and Imperator under whom they have served, and giving an account of their service, they receive their dismissal. Honours also and infamy are awarded according to each man&#039;s conduct. Now on this occasion the Censors Gellius and Lentulus were sitting in all their official dignity, and the Equites who were to be inspected were passing by, when Pompeius was seen descending from the higher ground to the Forum, bearing the other insignia of his office, but leading his horse by the hand. When he came near and was full in sight, he bade the lictors make way for him, and he led his horse to the tribunal. The people admired, and kept profound silence; the censors were both awed and delighted at the sight. Then the elder said: &amp;quot;I ask you, Pompeius Magnus, if you have performed all the military services that the law requires?&amp;quot; Pompeius replied with a loud voice, &amp;quot;I have performed all, and all under my own command as Imperator.&amp;quot; On hearing this the people broke out into loud shouts, and it was impossible to repress the acclamations, so great was their delight; but the censors rising, conducted Pompeius home to please the citizens, who followed with loud expressions of applause.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now when the term of office was near expiring for Pompeius, and the differences with Crassus wore &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 220]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_220&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;increasing, one Caius Aurelius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_231_231&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_231_231&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[231]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who though a man of equestrian rank did not meddle with public affairs, on the occasion of an assembly of the people ascended the Rostra, and coming forward said, that Jupiter had appeared to him in his sleep and had bid him tell the consuls not to lay down their office before they were reconciled. On this being said, Pompeius stood still, without saying a word, but Crassus making the first advance to take his hand and address him, said, &amp;quot;I think I am doing nothing ignoble or mean, fellow citizens, in being first to give way to Pompeius, whom you considered worthy of the name of Magnus before he had a beard, and decreed to him two triumphs before he was a senator.&amp;quot; Upon this they were reconciled and laid down their office. Now Crassus continued the kind of life which he had originally adopted; but Pompeius withdrew himself from his numerous engagements as advocate, and gradually quitted the forum, and seldom went into public, and always with a large crowd of people. For it was no longer easy to meet with him or see him without a train; but he took most pleasure in showing himself with a numerous company close around him, and by these means he threw a dignity and importance about his presence, and thought that he ought to keep his high rank from contact or familiarity with the many. For life in the garment of peace is a hazardous thing towards loss of reputation for those who have gained distinction in arms and are ill suited for civil equality; for such men claim the first place in peace also, as in war, while those who get less honour in war cannot submit to have no advantage in peace at least. Wherefore when they moot in the Forum with the man who has been distinguished in camps and triumphs, they humble him and cast him down; but if a man renounces all pretensions to civil distinction and withdraws, they maintain his military honours and power untouched by envy. Facts soon showed this.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 221]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_221&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now the power of the pirates&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_232_232&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_232_232&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[232]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; had its beginning in Cilicia, and at first its adventure was attended with hazard and sought concealment, but it gained confidence and daring in the Mithridatic war by lending itself to aid the king. Then, the Romans being engaged in the civil wars about the gates of Rome, the sea was left destitute of all protection, and this by degrees drew them on, and encouraged them not to confine their attacks to those who navigated the sea, but to ravage islands and maritime cities. And now men who wore powerful by wealth and of distinguished birth, and who claimed superior education, began to embark on board piratical vessels and to share in their undertakings as if the occupation was attended with a certain reputation and was an object of ambition. There were also piratical posts established in many places and fortified beacons, at which armaments put in, which were fitted out for this peculiar occupation not only with bold vigorous crews and skilful helmsmen and the speed and lightness of the ships, but more annoying than their formidable appearance was their arrogant and pompous equipment, with their golden streamers&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_233_233&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_233_233&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[233]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and purple sails and silvered oars, as if they rioted in their evil practices and prided themselves on &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 222]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_222&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;them. And flutes and playing on stringed instruments and drinking along the whole coast, and capture of persons high in office, and ransomings of captured cities, were a disgrace to the Roman supremacy. Now the piratical ships had increased to above a thousand, and the cities captured by them were four hundred. They attacked and plundered the asyla and sacred places which had hitherto been unapproached, such as those of Claros,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_234_234&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_234_234&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[234]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Didyma, Samothrace, the temple of Chthonia in Hermione, the temple of Æsculapius in Epidaurus, and those of Neptune at the Isthmus and Tænaros and Kalauria, and those of Apollo at Actium and Leucas, and that of Juno in Samos, and in Argos, and Lacinium. They also performed strange rites on Olympus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_235_235&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_235_235&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[235]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and celebrated certain mysterious ceremonies, among which were those of Mithras&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_236_236&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_236_236&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[236]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and they are continued to the present time, having been first introduced by them. But they did most insult to the Romans, and going up from the sea they robbed on their roads and plundered the neighbouring villas. They once seized two prætors Sextilius and Bellinus in their purple dress, and they carried off with them their attendants and lictors. They also took the daughter of Antonius, a man who had enjoyed a triumph, as she was going into the country, and she was ransomed &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 223]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_223&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;at great cost. But their most insulting behaviour was in the following fashion. Whenever a man who was taken called out that he was a Roman and mentioned his name, they would pretend to be terror-struck and to be alarmed, and would strike their thighs and fall down at his knees praying him to pardon them; and their captive would believe all this to be real, seeing that they were humble and suppliant. Then some would put Roman shoes on his feet, and others would throw over him a toga, pretending it was done that there might be no mistake about him again. When they had for some time mocked the man in this way and had their fill of amusement, at last they would put a ladder down into the sea, and bid him step out and go away with their best wishes for a good journey; and if a man would not go, then they shoved him into the water.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The power of the pirates extended over the whole of our sea&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_237_237&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_237_237&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[237]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at once in a measure, so that it could not be navigated and was closed against all trade. It was this which mainly induced the Romans, who were hard pressed for provisions and were expecting great scarcity, to send out Pompeius to clear the sea of the pirates. Gabinius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_238_238&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_238_238&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[238]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; one of the friends of Pompeius, drew up a law which gave Pompeius, not a naval command, but palpably sole dominion and power over all men without any responsibility. For the law gave him authority over the sea within the columns of Hercules and all the main land to the distance of four hundred stadia from the sea. There were not many places within the Roman dominions which lay beyond those limits, but the chief nations and the most powerful of the kings were comprised within them. Besides this, Pompeius was empowered to choose fifteen legati from the Senate who should command in particular parts, to take from the treasuries and from the Publicani as much money as he pleased, and two hundred ships, with full authority &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 224]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_224&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;as to the number and levying of the armed force and of the rowers for the vessels. When these provisions of the law were read, the people received them with exceeding great satisfaction, but the chief of the Senate and the most powerful citizens considered that this unlimited and indefinite power was indeed too great to be an object of envy, but was a matter for alarm. Accordingly with the exception of Cæsar they opposed the law; but Cæsar spoke in favour of it, though indeed he cared very little for Pompeius, but from the beginning it was his plan to insinuate himself into the popular favour and to gain over the people. But the rest vehemently assailed Pompeius. One of the consuls who had observed to him that if he emulated Romulus he would not escape the end of Romulus, was near being killed by the people. When Catulus came forward to speak against the law, the people out of respect were silent for some time; but after he had spoken at length with honourable mention of Pompeius and without any invidious remark, and then advised the people to spare him and not to expose such a man to repeated dangers and wars, &amp;quot;What other man,&amp;quot; he continued, &amp;quot;will you have, if you lose him?&amp;quot; when with one accord all the people replied, &amp;quot;Yourself.&amp;quot; Now as Catulus could produce no effect, he retired from the Rostra; when Roscius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_239_239&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_239_239&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[239]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; came forward, nobody listened, but he made signs with his fingers that they should not appoint Pompeius to the sole command, but should give him a colleague. At this it is said that the people being irritated sent forth such a shout, that a crow&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_240_240&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_240_240&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[240]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which was flying over the Forum was stunned and fell down into the crowd. Whence it appears, that birds which fall, do not tumble into a great vacuum in the air caused by its rending and separation, but that they are struck by the blow of the voice, which, when it is carried along with great mass and strength, causes an agitation and a wave in the air.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now for the time the assembly was dissolved. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 225]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_225&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;But on the day on which they were going to put the law to the vote, Pompeius privately retired to the country, but on hearing that the law had passed, he entered the city by night, considering that he should make himself an object of jealousy if the people met him and crowded about him. At daybreak he came into public and sacrificed; and an assembly being summoned he contrived to get many other things in addition to what had been voted, and nearly doubled his armament. For he manned five hundred ships, and one hundred and twenty thousand heavy-armed soldiers and five thousand horse were raised. He chose out of the senate twenty-four men who had held command and served the office of prætor; and there were two quæstors. As the prices of provisions immediately fell, it gave the people, who were well pleased to have it, opportunity to say that the very name of Pompeius had put an end to the war. However, by dividing the waters and the whole space of the internal sea into thirteen parts and appointing a certain number of ships and a commander for each, with his force, which was thus dispersed in all directions, he surrounded the piratical vessels that fell in his way in a body, and forthwith hunted them down and brought them into port; but those who separated from one another before they were taken and effected their escape, crowded from all parts and made their way to Cilicia as to a hive; and against them Pompeius himself went with sixty of the best ships. But he did not sail against them till he had completely cleared of the piratical vessels the Tyrrhenian sea, the Libyan, and the seas around Sardinia, and Corsica, and Sicily, in forty days in all, by his own unwearied exertions and the active co-operation of his commanders.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In Rome the consul Piso, through passion and envy, was damaging the preparations for the war, and disbanding the seamen who were to man the ships, but Pompeius sent round his navy to Brundisium and himself advanced through Tyrrhenia to Rome. On hearing this all the people poured forth out of the city upon the road, just as if they had not only a few days before conducted him out of the city. And the rejoicing was caused by the speediness of the change, which was contrary to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 226]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_226&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;expectation, for the Forum had a superabundance of provisions. The consequence was that Piso ran the risk of being deprived of the consulship, for Gabinius had already a law drawn up. But Pompeius prevented this, and having managed everything else with moderation and got what he wanted, he went down to Brundisium and set sail. But though he was pressed by the urgency of the business and sailed past the cities in his haste, still he did not pass by Athens but he went up to it. After sacrifices to the gods and addressing the people, just as he was quitting the place he read two inscriptions, each of a single verse, addressed to him, the one within the gate,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;As thou own&#039;st thyself a mortal, so thou art in truth a God.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and that on the outside:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Expected, welcomed, seen, we now conduct thee forth.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Now as he treated mercifully some of the piratical crews which still held together and were cruising about the seas upon their preferring entreaties to him, and after receiving a surrender of their vessels and persons did them no harm, the rest entertaining good hopes attempted to get out of the way of the other officers, and coming to Pompeius they put themselves into his hands with their children and wives. But he spared all, and it was chiefly through their assistance that he tracked out and caught&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_241_241&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_241_241&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[241]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; those who still lurked in concealment, as being conscious that they had committed unpardonable crimes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The greater part and the most powerful of the pirates had deposited their families and wealth, and their useless people, in garrisons and strong forts among the heights of the Taurus; but manning their ships the pirates themselves awaited the approach of Pompeius near Coracesium&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_242_242&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_242_242&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[242]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in Cilicia, and a battle was fought in which they were defeated and afterwards &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 227]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_227&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;blockaded. At last sending a suppliant message they surrendered themselves and their cities and the islands of which they had possession and in which they had built forts that were difficult to force and hard to approach. Accordingly the war was ended, and all the pirates were driven from the sea in no more than three months. Pompeius received by surrender many ships, and among them ninety with brazen beaks. The pirates, who amounted to more than twenty thousand, he never thought of putting to death, but he considered that it would not be prudent to let them go and to allow them to be dispersed or to unite again, being poor, and warlike and many in number. Reflecting then that by nature man neither is made nor is a wild animal nor unsocial, and that he changes his character by the practice of vice which is contrary to his nature, but that he is tamed by habits and change of place and life, and that wild beasts by being accustomed to a gentler mode of living put off their wildness and savageness, he determined to transfer the men to the land from the sea and to let them taste a quiet life by being accustomed to live in cities and to cultivate the ground. The small and somewhat depopulated cities of Cilicia received some of the pirates whom they associated with themselves, and the cities received some additional tracts of land; and the city of Soli,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_243_243&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_243_243&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[243]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which had lately been deprived of its inhabitants by Tigranes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_244_244&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_244_244&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[244]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the Armenian king, he restored and settled many of them in it. To the greater part he gave as their residence Dyme&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_245_245&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_245_245&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[245]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in Achæa, which was then without inhabitants and had much good land.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 228]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_228&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now those who envied Pompeius found fault with these measures; but as to his conduct towards Metellus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_246_246&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_246_246&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[246]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in Crete, even his best friends were not pleased with it. Metellus, who was a kinsman of the Metellus who had the command in Iberia jointly with Pompeius, was sent as commander to Crete before Pompeius was chosen. For Crete was a kind of second source of pirates and next to Cilicia; and Metellus having caught many of them in the island took them prisoners and put them to death. Those who still survived and were blockaded, sent a suppliant message and invited Pompeius to the island, as being a part of his government and falling entirely within the limits reckoned from the coast. Pompeius accepted the invitation and wrote to Metellus to forbid him continuing the war. He also wrote to the cities not to pay any attention to Metellus, and he sent as commander one of his own officers, Lucius Octavius, who entering into the forts of the besieged pirates and fighting on their side made Pompeius not only odious and intolerable, but ridiculous also, inasmuch as he lent his name to accursed and godless men and threw around them his reputation as a kind of amulet, through envy and jealousy of Metellus. Neither did Achilles,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_247_247&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_247_247&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[247]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; it was argued, act like a man, but like a youth all full of violence and passionately pursuing glory, when he made a sign to the rest of the Greeks and would not let them strike Hector,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;For fear another gave the blow and won&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;The fame, and he should second only come;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;but Pompeius even protected and fought in behalf of the common enemy, that he might deprive of a triumph a general who had endured so much toil. Metellus however did not give in, but he took and punished the pirates, and after insulting and abusing Octavius in his camp he let him go.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When news reached Rome that the Pirates&#039; war &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 229]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_229&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;was at an end and that Pompeius being now at leisure was visiting the cities, Manlius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_248_248&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_248_248&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[248]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; one of the tribunes, proposed a law, that Pompeius should take all the country and force which Lucullus commanded, with the addition of Bithynia, which Glabrio&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_249_249&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_249_249&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[249]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; had, and should carry on the war against the kings Mithridates and Tigranes, with both the naval force and the dominion of the sea on the terms on which he received it originally. This was in short for the Roman dominion to be placed at the disposal of one man. For the provinces which alone he could not touch under the former law, Phrygia, Lycaonia, Galatia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, the upper Colchis, Armenia, these he now had together with the armies and resources with which Lucullus defeated Mithridates and Tigranes. But though Lucullus was thus deprived of the glory of his achievements and was receiving a successor in a triumph rather than in a war, the aristocratical party thought less of this, though they considered that the man was treated unjustly and ungratefully, but they were much dissatisfied with the power of Pompeius which they viewed as the setting up of a tyranny, and they severally exhorted and encouraged one another to oppose the law and not to give up their freedom. But when the time came, the rest kept back through fear of the people and were silent, except Catulus, who after finding much fault with the law and the tribune, yet without persuading any one, urged the Senate from the Rostra, repeating it many times, to seek for a mountain,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_250_250&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_250_250&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[250]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; like their ancestors, and a rock, to which they might fly for refuge and preserve their liberty. Accordingly the law was ratified, as they say, by all the tribes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_251_251&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_251_251&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[251]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Pompeius in his absence &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 230]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_230&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;was put in possession of nearly everything which Sulla got after he had made himself master of the city by arms and war. On receiving the letters and reading the decrees in the presence of his friends who were congratulating him, Pompeius is said to have contracted his eyebrows and to have struck his thigh, and to have spoken like a man who was already tired and averse to command, &amp;quot;Oh, the endless toils, how much better it were to have been one unknown to fame, if there shall never be an end to my military service and I shall never elude this envy and live quietly in the country with my wife.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_252_252&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_252_252&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[252]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On hearing these expressions not even his intimate friends could endure his hypocritical pretences, as they knew that he was the more delighted, inasmuch as his difference with Lucullus gave additional fire to his innate ambition and love of command.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; And in truth his acts soon discovered his real temper: for he issued counter-edicts in all directions by which he required the presence of the soldiers and summoned to him the subject rulers and kings. And as he traversed the country, he let nothing that Lucullus had done remain undisturbed, but he both remitted the punishments of many, and took away what had been given, and in short he left nothing undone in his eagerness to prove to the admirers of Lucullus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_253_253&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_253_253&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[253]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that he was entirely without power. Lucullus through his friends complained to Pompeius, and it was agreed that they should have a meeting. They met in Galatia: and as they were most distinguished generals and had won the greatest victories, their lictors met with the fasces wreathed with bay; but Lucullus advanced from green and shady parts, and Pompeius happened to have crossed an extensive tract without trees and parched. Accordingly the lictors of Lucullus seeing that the bays of Pompeius were faded and completely withered, gave them some of their own which were fresh, and so decorated and wreathed the fasces of Pompeius with them. This was considered a sign that Pompeius was coming to carry off &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 231]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_231&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;the prizes of victory and the glory that was due to Lucullus. As to the order of his consulship and in age also Lucullus had the priority, but the reputation of Pompeius was more exalted on account of his two triumphs. However they managed their first interview with as much civility and friendliness as they could, magnifying the exploits of each other, and congratulating one another on their victories: in their conferences however they came to no reasonable or fair settlement, but even fell to mutual abuse, Pompeius charging Lucullus with avarice, and Lucullus charging Pompeius with love of power; and they were with difficulty separated by their friends. Lucullus being in Galatia assigned portions of the captured land and gave other presents to whom he chose; while Pompeius, who was encamped at a short distance, prevented any attention being paid to the orders of Lucullus, and took from him all his soldiers except sixteen hundred, whose mutinous disposition he thought would make them useless to himself, but hostile to Lucullus. Besides this, Pompeius disparaged the exploits of Lucullus and openly said that Lucullus had warred against tragedies and mere shadows of kings, while to himself was reserved the contest against a genuine power and one that had grown wiser by losses, for Mithridates was now having recourse to shields, and swords and horses. Lucullus retorting said, that Pompeius was going to fight with a phantom and a shadow of war, being accustomed, like a lazy bird, to descend upon the bodies that others had slaughtered and to tear the remnants of wars; for so had he appropriated to himself the victories over Sertorius, Lepidus and Spartacus, though Crassus, Metellus and Catulus had respectively gained these victories: it was no wonder then, if Pompeius was surreptitiously trying to get the credit of the Armenian and Pontic wars, he who had in some way or other contrived to intrude himself into a triumph over runaway slaves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Lucullus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_254_254&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_254_254&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[254]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; now retired, and Pompeius after distributing his whole naval force over the sea between &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 232]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_232&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Phœnicia and the Bosporus to keep guard, himself marched against Mithridates, who had thirty thousand foot soldiers of the phalanx and two thousand horsemen, but did not venture to fight. First of all, Mithridates left a strong mountain which was difficult to assault, whereon he happened to be encamped, because he supposed there was no water there; but Pompeius, after occupying the same mountain, conjectured from the nature of the vegetation upon it and the hollows formed by the slopes of the ground that the place contained springs, and he ordered wells to be dug in all parts: and immediately the whole army had abundance of water, so that it was a matter of surprise that Mithridates had all along been ignorant of this. Pompeius then surrounded Mithridates with his troops and hemmed him in with his lines. After being blockaded forty-five days Mithridates succeeded in stealing away with the strongest part of his army, after having first massacred those who were unfit for service and were sick. Next, Pompeius overtook him on the Euphrates and pitched his camp near him; and fearing lest Mithridates should frustrate his design by crossing the river, he led his army against him in battle order at midnight, at which very hour it is said that Mithridates had a vision in his sleep which forewarned him of what was going to happen. He dreamed that he was sailing on the Pontic sea with a fair wind, and was already in sight of the Bosporus, and congratulating his fellow voyagers, as a man naturally would do in his joy at a manifest and sure deliverance; but all at once he saw himself abandoned by everybody and drifting about upon a small piece of wreck. While he was suffering under this anguish and these visions, his friends came to his bed-side and roused him with the news that Pompeius was attacking them. The enemy accordingly must of necessity fight in defence of their camp, and the generals leading their forces out put them in order of battle. Pompeius, seeing the preparations to oppose him, hesitated about running any risk in the dark, and thought that he ought only to surround the enemy, to prevent their escape, and attack them when it was daylight, inasmuch as their numbers were greater. But the oldest centurions by their entreaties and exhortations &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 233]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_233&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;urged him on; for it was not quite dark, but the moon which was descending in the horizon still allowed them to see objects clear enough. And it was this which most damaged the king&#039;s troops. For the Romans advanced with the moon on their backs, and as the light was much depressed towards the horizon, the shadows were projected a long way in front of the soldiers and fell upon the enemy, by reason of which they could not accurately estimate the distance between them and the Romans, but supposing that they were already at close quarters they threw their javelins without effect and struck nobody. The Romans perceiving this rushed upon the enemy with shouts, and as they did not venture to stand their ground, but were terror-struck and took to flight, the Romans slaughtered them to the number of much more than ten thousand, and took their camp. Mithridates at the commencement with eight hundred horsemen cut his way through the Romans, but the rest were soon dispersed and he was left alone with three persons, one of whom was his concubine Hypsikratia,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_255_255&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_255_255&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[255]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who on all occasions showed the spirit of a man and desperate courage; and accordingly the king used to call her Hypsikrates. On this occasion, armed like a Persian and mounted on horseback, she was neither exhausted by the long journeys nor ever wearied of attending to the King&#039;s person and his horse, till they came to a place called Inora,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_256_256&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_256_256&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[256]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which was filled with the King&#039;s property and valuables. Here Mithridates took costly garments and distributed among those who had flocked to him after the battle. He also gave to each of his friends a deadly poison to carry about with them, that none of them might fall into the hands of the Romans against his will. Thence he set out towards Armenia to Tigranes, but Tigranes forbade him to come and set a price of a hundred talents upon him, on which Mithri&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 234]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_234&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;dates passed by the sources of the Euphrates and continued his flight through Colchis.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_257_257&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_257_257&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[257]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Pompeius invaded Armenia at the invitation of young Tigranes,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_258_258&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_258_258&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[258]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who had now revolted from his father, and he met Pompeius near the river Araxes,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_259_259&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_259_259&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[259]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which rises in the same parts with the Euphrates, but turns to the east and enters the Caspian Sea. Pompeius and Tigranes received the submission of the cities as they advanced: but King Tigranes, who had been lately crushed by Lucullus, and heard that Pompeius was of a mild and gentle disposition, admitted a Roman garrison into his palace,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_260_260&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_260_260&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[260]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and taking with him his friends and kinsmen advanced to surrender himself. As he approached the camp on horseback, two lictors of Pompeius came up to him and ordered him to dismount from his horse and to enter on foot: they told him that no man on horseback had ever been seen in a Roman camp. Tigranes obeyed their orders, and taking off his sword presented it to them; and finally, when Pompeius came towards him, pulling off his cittaris,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_261_261&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_261_261&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[261]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he hastened to lay it before his feet, and what was most humiliating of all, to throw himself down at his knees. But Pompeius prevented this by laying hold of his right hand and drawing the king towards him; he also seated Tigranes by his side, and his son on the other side, and said that Tigranes ought so far to blame Lucullus only, who had taken from &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 235]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_235&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;him Syria, Phœnicia, Cilicia, Galatia, and Sophene,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_262_262&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_262_262&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[262]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but that what he had kept up to that time, he should still have, if he paid as a compensation to the Romans for his wrongful deeds six thousand talents, and his son should be King of Sophene. Tigranes assented to these terms, and being overjoyed by the Romans saluting him as king, he promised to give every soldier half a mina of silver,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_263_263&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_263_263&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[263]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to a centurion ten minæ, and to a tribune a talent. But his son took this ill, and on being invited to supper he said that he was not in want of Pompeius to show such honour as this, for he would find another Roman.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_264_264&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_264_264&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[264]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In consequence of this he was put in chains and kept for the triumph. No long time after Phraates the Parthian sent to demand the young man, as his son-in-law, and to propose that the Euphrates should be the boundary of the two powers. Pompeius replied that Tigranes belonged to his father rather than to his father-in-law, and that as to a boundary he should determine that on the principles of justice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Leaving Afranius in care of Armenia, Pompeius advanced through the nations that dwell about the Caucasus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_265_265&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_265_265&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[265]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; as of necessity he must do, in pursuit of Mithridates. The greatest of these nations are Albani and Iberians, of whom the Iberians extend to the Moschic mountains and the Pontus, and the Albani extend to the east and the Caspian Sea. The Albani at first allowed a free passage to Pompeius at his request; but as winter overtook the Romans in the country and they were occupied with the festival of the Saturnalia,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_266_266&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_266_266&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[266]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; mustering to the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 236]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_236&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;number of forty thousand they attacked the Romans, after crossing the Cyrnus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_267_267&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_267_267&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[267]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; river, which rising in the Iberian mountains and receiving the Araxes which comes down from Armenia, empties itself by twelve mouths into the Caspian. Others say that the Araxes does not join this stream, but that it has a separate outlet, though near to the other, into the same sea. Pompeius, though he could have opposed the enemy while they were crossing the river, let them cross quietly, and then he attacked and put them to flight and destroyed a great number. As the King begged for pardon, and sent ambassadors, Pompeius excused him for the wrong that he had done, and making a treaty with him, advanced against the Iberians, who were as numerous as the Albani and more warlike, and had a strong wish to please Mithridates and to repel Pompeius. For the Iberians had never submitted either to the Medes or the Persians,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_268_268&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_268_268&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[268]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and they had escaped the dominion of the Macedonians also, inasmuch as Alexander soon quitted Hyrkania. However Pompeius routed the Iberians also in a great battle, in which nine thousand of them were killed and above ten thousand taken prisoners, and he entered Colchis; and on the Phasis&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_269_269&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_269_269&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[269]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he was met by Servilius with the vessels with which he was guarding the Pontus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The pursuit of Mithridates was attended with great difficulties, as he had plunged among the nations around the Bosporus and the Mæotis; and intelligence &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 237]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_237&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;reached Pompeius that the Albani had again revolted. Moved by passion and desire of revenge, Pompeius turned against the Albani. He again crossed the Cyrnus with difficulty and danger, for the river had been fenced off with stakes to a great extent by the barbarians; and as the passage of the river was succeeded by a long waterless and difficult march, he had ten thousand skins filled with water and then advanced against the enemy, whom he found posted on the river Abas&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_270_270&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_270_270&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[270]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to the number of sixty thousand foot and twelve thousand cavalry, but poorly armed, and for the most part only with the skins of beasts. They were commanded by a brother of the king, named Kosis, who, when the two armies had come to close quarters, rushed against Pompeius and struck him with a javelin on the fold&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_271_271&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_271_271&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[271]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of his breastplate, but Pompeius with his javelin in his hand pierced him through and killed him. In this battle it is said that Amazons&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_272_272&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_272_272&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[272]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; also &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 238]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_238&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;fought on the side of the barbarians, and that they had come down hither from the mountains about the river Thermodon. For after the battle, when the Romans were stripping the barbarians, they found Amazonian shields and boots, but no body of a woman was seen. The Amazons inhabit those parts of the Caucasus which extend towards the Hyrcanian sea, but they do not border on the Albani, for Gelæ and Leges dwell between; and they cohabit with these people every year for two months, meeting them on the river Thermodon, after which they depart and live by themselves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After the battle Pompeius set out to advance to the Hyrkanian&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_273_273&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_273_273&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[273]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Caspian sea, but he was turned from his route by the number of deadly reptiles, when he was three days&#039; march from it. He retired to the Less Armenia; and he returned a friendly answer to the Kings of the Elymæi&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_274_274&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_274_274&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[274]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Medes who sent ambassadors, but against the Parthian king who had invaded Gordyene and was plundering the people of Tigranes, he sent Afranius with a force who drove him out and pursued him as far as the territory of Arbela. Of all the concubines of Mithridates who were brought to him, he knew not one, but sent all back to their parents and kin; for the greater part were the daughters and wives of generals and princes. Stratonike,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_275_275&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_275_275&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[275]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was in the greatest repute &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 239]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_239&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;and guarded the richest of the forts, was, it is said, the daughter of a harp-player, who was not rich and was an old man; and she made so sudden a conquest of Mithridates over his wine by her playing, that he kept the woman and went to bed with her, but sent away the old man much annoyed at not having been even civilly spoken to by the king. In the morning, however, when he got up and saw in his house tables loaded with silver and golden cups, and a great train of attendants, with eunuchs and boys bringing to him costly garments, and a horse standing before the door equipped like those that carried the king&#039;s friends, thinking that this was all mockery and a joke he made an attempt to escape through the door. But when the slaves laid hold of him and told him that the king had made him a present of the large substance of a rich man who had just died, and that this was but a small foretaste and sample of other valuables and possessions that were to come, after this explanation hardly convinced he took the purple dress, and leaping on the horse rode through the city exclaiming, &amp;quot;All this is mine.&amp;quot; To those who laughed at him he said, this was nothing strange, but it was rather strange that he did not pelt with stones those who came in his way, being mad with delight. Of this stock and blood was Stratonike. But she gave up this place to Pompeius, and also brought him many presents, of which he took only such as seemed suitable to decorate the temples and add splendour to his triumph, and he told her she was welcome to keep the rest. In like manner when the King of the Iberians sent him a couch and a table and a seat all of gold, and begged him to accept them, he delivered them also to the quæstors for the treasury.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In the fort Kænum&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_276_276&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_276_276&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[276]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Pompeius found also &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 240]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_240&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;private writings of Mithridates, which he read through with some pleasure as they gave him a good opportunity of learning the man&#039;s character. They were memoirs,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_277_277&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_277_277&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[277]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; from which it was discovered that he had taken off by poison&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_278_278&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_278_278&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[278]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; among many others his son Ariarathes and Alkæus of Sardis because he got the advantage over the King in riding racehorses. There were registered also interpretations of dreams,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_279_279&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_279_279&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[279]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; some of which he had seen himself, and others had been seen by some of his women; and there were lewd letters of Monime&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_280_280&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_280_280&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[280]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to him and his answers to her. Theophanes says that there was also found an address of Rutilius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_281_281&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_281_281&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[281]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in which he urged the King to the massacre of the Romans in Asia. But most persons with good reason suppose this to be a malicious story of Theophanes, perhaps invented through hatred to Rutilius, who was &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 241]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_241&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;a man totally unlike himself, or perchance to please Pompeius, whose father Rutilius in his historical writings had shown to be a thoroughly unprincipled fellow.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Thence Pompeius went to Amisus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_282_282&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_282_282&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[282]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; where his ambition led him to reprehensible measures. For though he had abused Lucullus greatly, because while the enemy was still alive, he published edicts for the settlement of the countries and distributed gifts and honours, things which victors are accustomed to do when a war is brought to a close and is ended, he himself, while Mithridates was still ruling in the Bosporus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_283_283&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_283_283&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[283]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and had got together a force sufficient to enable him to take the field again, just as if everything was finished, began to do the very things that Lucullus had done, settling the provinces, and distributing gifts, many commanders and princes, and twelve barbarous kings having come to him. Accordingly he did not even deign when writing in reply to the Parthian,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_284_284&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_284_284&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[284]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; as other persons did, to address him by the title of King of Kings, and he neglected to do this to please the other kings. He was also seized with a desire and a passion to get possession of Syria and to advance through Arabia to the Erythræan sea,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_285_285&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_285_285&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[285]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that in his victorious career he might reach the ocean that encompasses the world on all sides; for in Libya he was the first who advanced victoriously as far as the external sea, and again in Iberia he made the Atlantic sea the boundary of the Roman dominion; and thirdly, in his recent pursuit of the Albani he came very near to reaching the Hyrkanian sea. Accordingly he now put his army in motion that he might connect the circuit of his military expeditions with the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 242]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_242&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Erythræan sea; and besides, he saw that Mithridates was difficult to be caught by an armed force, and was a harder enemy to deal with when flying than when fighting.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Wherefore, remarking that he would leave behind him for Mithridates an enemy stronger than himself, famine, he set vessels to keep a guard on the merchants who sailed to the Bosporus; and death was the penalty for those who were caught. Taking the great bulk of his army he advanced on his march, and falling in with the bodies still unburied of those who with Triarius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_286_286&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_286_286&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[286]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; had fought unsuccessfully against Mithridates and fallen in battle, he buried all with splendid ceremonial and due honours. It was the neglect of this which is considered to have been the chief cause of the hatred to Lucullus. After subduing by his legate Afranius the Arabs in the neighbourhood of the Amanus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_287_287&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_287_287&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[287]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he descended into Syria, which he made a province and a possession of the Roman people on the ground that it had no legitimate kings; and he subdued Judæa&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_288_288&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_288_288&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[288]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and took King Aristobulus prisoner. He built some cities, and he gave others their liberty and punished the tyrants in them. But he spent most time in judicial business, settling the disputes of cities and kings, and in those cases for which he had no leisure, sending his friends; as for instance to the Armenians and Parthians, who referred to him the decision as to the country&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_289_289&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_289_289&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[289]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in dispute between them, he sent three judges and conciliators. For great was the fame of his power, and no less was the fame of his virtue and mildness; by reason of which he was enabled to veil most of the faults of his friends and intimates, for he did &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 243]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_243&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;not possess the art of checking or punishing evil doers, but he so behaved towards those who had anything to do with him, that they patiently endured both the extortion and oppression of the others.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XL.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The person who had most influence with Pompeius was Demetrius, a freedman, a youth not without understanding, but who abused his good fortune. The following story is told of him. Cato the philosopher, who was still a young man, but had a great reputation and already showed a lofty spirit, went up to Antioch,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_290_290&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_290_290&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[290]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; when Pompeius was not there, wishing to examine the city. Now Cato, as was his custom, walked on foot, but his friends who were journeying with him were on horseback. Observing before the gate a crowd of men in white vestments, and along the road, on one side the ephebi, and on the other the boys, in separate bodies, he was out of humour, supposing that this was done out of honour and respect to him who wanted nothing of the kind. However he bade his friends dismount and walk with him. As they came near, the man who was arranging and settling all this ceremony, with a crown on his head and a wand in his hand, met them and asked where they had left Demetrius and when he would arrive. Now the friends of Cato fell a-laughing, but Cato exclaimed, &amp;quot;O wretched city,&amp;quot; and passed by without making further answer. However Pompeius himself made Demetrius less an object of odium to others by submitting to his caprices without complaint. For it is said that frequently when Pompeius at entertainments was waiting for and receiving his guests, Demetrius would already have taken his place at the table, reclining with haughty air, and with his vest&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_291_291&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_291_291&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[291]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; over his ears hanging down. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 244]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_244&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Before he had returned to Rome, Demetrius had got possession of the most agreeable places in the suburbs, and the finest pleasure-grounds and costly gardens were called Demetrian; and yet up to his third triumph Pompeius was lodged in a moderate and simple manner. But afterwards when he was erecting for the Romans that beautiful and far-famed theatre,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_292_292&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_292_292&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[292]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he built, what may be compared to the small boat that is towed after a big vessel, close by a house more magnificent than he had before; and yet even this was so far from being such a building as to excite any jealousy that the person who became the owner of it after Pompeius, was surprised when he entered it, and he asked where Pompeius Magnus used to sup. Such is the story about these matters.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The King of the Arabians in the neighbourhood of Petra&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_293_293&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_293_293&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[293]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; hitherto had not troubled himself at all about &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 245]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_245&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;the Romans, but now being much alarmed he wrote to say that he was ready to submit and to do anything. Pompeius wishing to confirm him in this disposition made an expedition against Petra, wherein he did not altogether escape censure from most people. For they considered that this was evading the pursuit of Mithridates, and they urged him to turn against him who was his old antagonist and was fanning his flame and preparing according to report to lead an army through the country of the Scythians and Pæonians&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_294_294&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_294_294&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[294]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; against Italy. But Pompeius thinking it would be easier to crush the forces of Mithridates in the field than to overtake him when he was flying, did not choose to exhaust himself to no purpose in a pursuit, and he contrived to find other occupations in the interval of the war and he protracted the time. Fortune, however, settled the difficulty; for when he was at no great distance from Petra, and had already pitched his camp for that day and was exercising himself with his horse around the camp, letter-bearers rode up from Pontus with good tidings. This was manifest at once by the points of their spears, for they were wreathed with bay. Pompeius at first wished to finish his exercises, but as the men called out and entreated him, he leapt from his horse and taking the letters advanced into the camp. But as there was no tribunal&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_295_295&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_295_295&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[295]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 246]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_246&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;and there had not been time to make even the kind of tribunal that is used in the camp, which they are accustomed to form by digging out large lumps of earth and putting them together upon one another, in their then zeal and eagerness they piled together the loadings of the beasts of burden and raised an elevated place. Pompeius ascending this announced to the soldiers, that Mithridates was dead, having put an end to his own life because his son Pharnakes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_296_296&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_296_296&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[296]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; rebelled against him, and Pharnakes had taken possession of everything in those parts, and put all under his own dominion and that of the Romans, as he said in his letter.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Upon this the soldiers being delighted, as was natural, occupied themselves with sacrifices and entertainments, considering that in the person of Mithridates ten thousand enemies had expired. Pompeius having brought his own undertakings and expeditions to a termination, which he had not anticipated could be so easily done, immediately retired from Arabia; and quickly traversing the intermediate provinces he arrived at Amisus, where he found that many presents had been sent by Pharnakes and many corpses of members of the royal family, and the corpse of Mithridates also, which could not well be recognised by the face (for those who had embalmed the body had neglected to destroy the brain); but those who wished to see the body, recognised it by the scars. Pompeius himself would not see the body, but fearing divine retribution&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_297_297&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_297_297&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[297]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he sent it off to Sinope.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_298_298&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_298_298&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[298]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was amazed at &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 247]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_247&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;the dress and armour of Mithridates, both at the size and splendour of what he saw; though the sword belt, which cost four hundred talents, Publius stole and sold to Ariarathes, and the cittaris, a piece of wonderful workmanship, Gaius the foster-brother of Mithridates himself gave to Faustus the son of Sulla who asked for it. Pompeius did not know this at the time; but Pharnakes who afterwards discovered it punished the thieves. After Pompeius had arranged and settled affairs in those parts, he continued his march with more pomp. On arriving at Mitylene&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_299_299&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_299_299&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[299]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he gave the city its freedom for the sake of Theophanes, and he witnessed the usual contest there among the poets, the sole subject being his own exploits. Being pleased with the theatre he had a sketch taken of it and a plan made, with the intention of making one like it in Rome, but larger and more splendid. When he was in Rhodes, he heard all the sophists and made each a present of a talent. Poseidonius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_300_300&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_300_300&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[300]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; put in writing the discourse which he read before Pompeius in opposition to the rhetorician Hermagoras on the doctrine of general invention. In Athens Pompeius behaved in like manner to the philosophers, and after giving also to the city fifty talents towards its restoration, he was in hopes to set foot in Italy with a reputation above that of any man and to be received by his family with the same eagerness that he had to see them. But the Dæmon&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_301_301&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_301_301&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[301]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who takes care always to mix some portion of ill with the great and glorious good things which come from Fortune, had long been lurking on the watch and preparing to make his return more painful to him. For during the absence of Pompeius his wife &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 248]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_248&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mucia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_302_302&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_302_302&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[302]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; had been incontinent. Indeed while Pompeius was at a distance he treated the report with contempt, but when he had come near to Italy, and had examined the charge with more deliberation, as it seems, he sent her notice of divorce, though neither then nor afterwards did he say for what reason he put her away: but the reason is mentioned in Cicero&#039;s letters.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; All kinds of reports about Pompeius preceded his arrival at Rome, and there was great alarm, as it was supposed that he would forthwith lead his army against the city and that a monarchy&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_303_303&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_303_303&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[303]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; would be firmly established. Crassus taking his sons and his money secretly got away from Rome, whether it was that he really was afraid, or, what is more probable, he wished to give credibility to the calumny and to strengthen the odium against Pompeius. As soon, however, as Pompeius landed&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_304_304&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_304_304&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[304]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in Italy, he summoned his soldiers to an assembly,and after saying what was suitable to the occasion and expressing his affectionate thanks to them, he bade them disperse among their several cities and each go to his home, remembering to meet again for his triumph. The army being thus dispersed, and the fact being generally known, a wonderful circumstance happened. For the cities seeing Pompeius Magnus unarmed and advancing with a few friends, as if he were returning from an ordinary journey, pouring forth through good &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 249]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_249&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;will and forming an escort brought him into Rome with a larger force, so that if he had designed to make any change and revolution at that time he would not have wanted the army which he had disbanded.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As the law did not allow a general to enter the city before his triumph, Pompeius sent to the Senate to request they would put off the consular elections and to grant him this favour, that he might in his own person assist Piso in his canvass. As Cato opposed his request, he did not attain his object. But Pompeius admiring Cato&#039;s boldness of speech and the vigour which he alone openly displayed in behalf of the law, desired in some way or other to gain the man; and as Cato had two nieces, Pompeius wished to take one of them to wife and to marry the other to his son. Cato saw his object, which he viewed as a way of corrupting him and in a manner bribing him by a matrimonial alliance; but his sister and wife took it ill that he should reject an alliance with Pompeius Magnus. In the mean time Pompeius wishing to get Afranius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_305_305&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_305_305&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[305]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; made consul, expended money on his behalf among the tribes, and the voters came down to the gardens of Pompeius where they received the money, so that the thing became notorious and Pompeius had an ill name for making that office which was the highest of all and which he obtained for his services, venal for those who were unable to attain to it by merit. &amp;quot;These reproaches however,&amp;quot; said Cato to the women, &amp;quot;we must take our share of, if we become allied to Pompeius.&amp;quot; On hearing this the women agreed that he formed a better judgment than themselves as to what was proper.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Though the triumph&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_306_306&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_306_306&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[306]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was distributed over two &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 250]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_250&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;days, such was its magnitude that the time was not sufficient, but much of the preparation was excluded from the spectacle, and enough for the splendour and ornament of another procession. The nations over which Pompeius triumphed were designated by titles placed in front. The nations were the following, Pontus, Armenia, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, Media, Colchis, the Iberians, Albani, Syria, Cilicia, Mesopotamia, the parts about Phœnice and Palestine, Judæa, Arabia, and the whole body of pirates by sea and land who had been subdued. Among these nations fortified places not fewer than a thousand were taken, and cities not far short of nine hundred, and eight hundred piratical ships; and cities forty save one were founded. Besides this it was shown on written tablets that 5000 myriads (fifty millions) were the produce of the taxes, while from the additions that he had made to the state they received 8500 myriads (eighty-five millions), and there were brought into the public treasury in coined money and vessels of gold and silver twenty thousand talents, not including what had been given to the soldiers, of whom he who received the least according to his proportion received fifteen hundred drachmæ. The captives who appeared in the procession, besides the chief pirates, were the son of Tigranes the Armenian with his wife and daughter, and Zosime a wife of King Tigranes, and Aristobulus King of the Jews, and a wife and five children of Mithridates, and Scythian women, and also hostages of the Albani and Iberians and of the King of Commagene, and numerous trophies, equal in number to all the battles, which Pompeius had won himself or by his legati. But it was the chief thing towards his glory, and what had never happened before to any Roman, that he celebrated his third triumph over the third continent. For though others before him had triumphed three times, Pompeius by having gained his first triumph over Libya, his second over Europe, and this the last over Asia, seemed in a manner to have brought the whole world into his three triumphs.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; At this time Pompeius was under four-and-thirty&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_307_307&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_307_307&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[307]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 251]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_251&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;years of age, as those affirm who in all respects compare him with Alexander and force a parallel, but in fact he was near forty. How happy would it have been if he had died at the time up to which he had the fortune of Alexander; but the period that followed brought to him good fortune accompanied with odium, and ill fortune that was past all cure. For the power which he got in the city by fair means, he employed on the behalf of others illegally; and as much strength as he gave to them, so much he took from his own reputation, and so he was overthrown by the strength and magnitude of his own power before he was aware of it. And as the strongest parts and places in cities, when the enemies have got possession of them, give to them their own strength, so Cæsar being raised up through the power of Pompeius against the State, overthrew and cast down the man by whose help he became strong against others. And it was brought about thus. Immediately upon Lucullus returning from Asia, where he had been treated with great contumely by Pompeius, the Senate gave him a splendid reception, and when Pompeius had arrived they urged Lucullus still more to take a part in public affairs, for the purpose of limiting the credit of Pompeius. Though Lucullus was in other matters now dull and chilled for all active life, having given himself up to the pleasures of ease and the enjoyment of wealth, yet he forthwith sprang up against Pompeius, and by a vigorous attack got a victory over him with respect to the arrangements of Lucullus that he had annulled, and had the advantage in the Senate with the co-operation of Cato. Pompeius, defeated and pressed on all sides, was compelled to fly to tribunes and to attach himself to young men, of whom the most scandalous and the most daring, Clodius, took up his cause, but threw him completely under the feet of the people; and by making him inconsistently with his station constantly frequent the Forum and carrying him about, he used him for the purpose of confirming everything that was said or proposed to please and flatter the people. Further, he asked of Pompeius for his reward, just as if &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 252]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_252&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;he were not degrading him but were doing him a service, and he afterwards got what he asked, the betrayal of Cicero,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_308_308&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_308_308&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[308]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was a friend of Pompeius and had served him in public matters more than any one else. For when Cicero was in danger and prayed for his aid, Pompeius would not even see him, but shut the front door upon those who came on Cicero&#039;s part and went out by another door. Cicero fearing the trial retired from Rome.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; At this time Cæsar&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_309_309&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_309_309&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[309]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; returned from his government and undertook a political measure, which brought him the greatest popularity for the present and power for the future, but did the greatest damage to Pompeius and the State. For he became a candidate for his first consulship; but seeing that while Crassus was at variance with Pompeius, if he attached himself to one of them he would have the other for his enemy, he applied himself to effect a reconciliation between them, a thing which in other respects was fair and useful to the State, but was managed by him for a bad reason and with a dexterity full of treacherous design. For the strength which kept the State, just as in the case of a vessel, in a condition of equilibrium and prevented it falling over to this side or that, when brought together and united caused it to incline to one side with an irresistible force that overpowered and beat down everything. Accordingly Cato said that they were mistaken who affirmed that the State was overturned by the quarrel which afterwards broke out between Cæsar and Pompeius, for they laid the blame on the last events; for it was not their disunion nor yet their enmity, but their union and concord which was the first and greatest misfortune that befel the State. Cæsar was elected consul, and forthwith he courted the needy and poor by proposing measures for the establishment of cities, and the division of lands, wherein he stepped beyond the proprieties of his office and in a manner made his consulship into a tribunate. When his colleague Bibulus opposed him and Cato was prepared to support Bibulus most &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 253]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_253&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;vigorously, Cæsar brought forward Pompeius on the Rostra, and put the question to him, &amp;quot;If he approved of the proposed laws;&amp;quot; upon Pompeius saying that he did, &amp;quot;Will you not then,&amp;quot; said Cæsar, &amp;quot;if any one makes resistance to the laws, come forward before the people to maintain them?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Certainly,&amp;quot; said Pompeius, &amp;quot;I will come against those who threaten swords, with sword and shield.&amp;quot; It was the general opinion that Pompeius up to that day had never said or done anything more arrogant, so that even his friends in his defence said that the words had escaped him at the moment. But yet it was clear from what followed that he had completely given himself up to Cæsar to do what he pleased with him: for contrary to all expectation Pompeius married Cæsar&#039;s daughter Julia, who had been betrothed to Cæpio and was going to be married to him within a few days; and to pacify Cæpio, Pompeius gave him his own daughter who was already promised to Faustus the son of Sulla. Cæsar himself married Calpurnia the daughter of Piso.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this Pompeius filled the city with soldiers and managed everything by force. For the soldiers suddenly fell on the consul Bibulus as he was going down to the Forum with Lucullus and Cato, and broke the fasces; and some one bedaubed Bibulus by throwing a basket of ordure over his head, and two of the tribunes who were conducting him were wounded. By these means they cleared the Forum of their opponents and then carried the law about the distribution of lands. The people being taken with this bait were now become tame and ready to support any project of theirs, giving no trouble at all, but silently voting for what was proposed to them. Accordingly the regulations of Pompeius as to which he was at variance with Lucullus were confirmed, and Cæsar received Gaul within and without the Alps and the province of Illyricum for five years with four complete legions; and it was settled that the consuls for the next year should be Piso&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_310_310&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_310_310&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[310]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the father-in-law of Cæsar, and Gabinius, who was the most extravagant of the flatterers of Pompeius. While this was going on, Bibulus shut himself up in his &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 254]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_254&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;house and never went out for eight months, the remainder of the period of his consulship, but he sent out counter-edicts full of abuse and charges against both: Cato as if inspired and under divine influence foretold in the Senate what would happen to the city and to Pompeius; and Lucullus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_311_311&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_311_311&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[311]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; renouncing public life kept quiet, on the ground that his age disqualified him for political concerns, on which Pompeius observed that for an old man luxury was more unsuitable to his age than to mingle in affairs of state. However Pompeius himself also was soon rendered inactive through passion for his young wife, with whom he passed the chief part of his time, and lived in the country and his gardens, and he paid no attention to what was going on in the Forum, so that even Clodius, who was then tribune, despised Pompeius and engaged in the most daring measures. For after Clodius had ejected Cicero and sent off Cato to Cyprus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_312_312&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_312_312&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[312]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; under colour of giving him a command, and Cæsar was gone to Gaul, and Clodius saw that the people were devoted to him as he was doing everything and framing all his measures to please them, he immediately attempted to repeal some of the regulations of Pompeius, and seizing the person of the captive Tigranes he kept him in his own house, and he instituted prosecutions against the friends of Pompeius, and so made trial of the power of Pompeius by attacking his friends. At last when Pompeius came forward upon the occasion of a certain trial, Clodius having with him a body of men filled with insolence and arrogance took his station in a conspicuous place and put to them the following questions: &amp;quot;Who is Imperator unlimited? what man seeks another man? who scratches his head&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_313_313&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_313_313&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[313]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with one finger?&amp;quot; The people like a Chorus trained to chant corresponding parts, while Clodius was shaking his toga,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_314_314&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_314_314&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[314]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at every question with loud shouts replied, &amp;quot;Pompeius.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 255]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_255&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now this also annoyed Pompeius, who was unaccustomed to be abused and had no practice in this kind of warfare; but he was still more vexed when he perceived that the Senate were pleased at the insults offered to him and at his paying the penalty for his treachery to Cicero. But when it happened that they came to blows in the Forum and even proceeded so far as to wound one another, and a slave of Clodius was detected in the crowd stealing through the bystanders up to Pomipeius with a dagger in his hand, Pompeius alleging these proceedings as his excuse, and besides that, being afraid of the insolence and abuse of Clodius, came no more into the Forum so long as Clodius was in office, but kept to his house and was planning with his friends how he could pacify the resentment of the Senate and the nobles towards him. However he would not listen to Culleo,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_315_315&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_315_315&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[315]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who advised him to put away Julia and giving up the friendship of Cæsar to pass over to the Senate, but he followed the advice of those who recommended that Cicero&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_316_316&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_316_316&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[316]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; should be restored, who was the greatest enemy of Clodius and most beloved by the Senate. Pompeius with a strong party accompanied Cicero&#039;s brother who was going to make his entreaty to the people, and after some wounds had been inflicted in the Forum and some persons were killed, they got the advantage over Clodius. Cicero returning to the city in pursuance of a law immediately reconciled Pompeius to the Senate, and, by speaking in favour of the law relating to grain,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_317_317&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_317_317&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[317]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in a manner again made Pompeius master of all the land &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 256]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_256&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;and sea that the Romans possessed. For under his control were placed harbours, places of trade, the disposal of produce, in a word, all the affairs of those who navigated the sea and cultivated the land. But Clodius complained that the law had not been made on account of the scarcity of grain, but that the scarcity of grain was caused in order that the law might be passed, and that Pompeius might again fan into a flame and recover his power, which was as it were wasting away through his want of spirit. Others explained this to have been a device of the consul Spinther, whose object was to engage Pompeius in a higher official employment, that himself might be sent out to support king Ptolemæus.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_318_318&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_318_318&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[318]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; However Canidius the tribune proposed a measure to the effect that Pompeius without an army and with two lictors should go to bring about a reconciliation between the Alexandrians and the king. And indeed it was supposed that Pompeius was not displeased at the measure, but the Senate rejected it on the specious pretext that they feared for the safety of Pompeius. There were writings to be found scattered about the Forum and near the Senate-house, to the effect that Ptolemæus wished Pompeius to be given to him as general instead of Spinther. And Timagenes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_319_319&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_319_319&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[319]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; says that Ptolemæus without any reason and without necessity had quitted Egypt and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 257]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_257&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;left it at the advice of Theophanes who was planning profitable occupation for Pompeius and a subject for a fresh command. But the villainy of Theophanes does not make this so probable, as the character of Pompeius makes it improbable, for he had no ambition of so mean and illiberal a kind.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;L.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Pompeius being appointed to look after the management and the supply of corn, sent his deputies and friends to many places, and he himself sailed to Sicily and Sardinia and Libya and collected grain. When he was about to set sail, there was a violent wind on the sea, and the masters of the ships were unwilling to put out, but Pompeius embarking first and bidding them raise the anchor, cried, &amp;quot;It is necessary to sail; there is no necessity to live.&amp;quot; By such boldness and zeal, and the help of good fortune, Pompeius filled the markets with grain and the sea with ships, so that the superfluity of what he got together sufficed even for those who were without, and there was as from a spring an abundant overflowing for all.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; During this time the Celtic wars&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_320_320&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_320_320&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[320]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; raised Cæsar to great distinction; and though he was considered to be a very long way from Rome, and to be occupied with Belgæ and Suevi and Britanni, he contrived, by his skilful management, without being perceived, in the midst of the popular assemblies, and in the most important matters, to frustrate the political measures of Pompeius. For Cæsar&#039;s military force was like a body that invested him, and he was training it to toil, and making it invincible and formidable, not to oppose the barbarians, but he was disciplining his men in these contests just as if it were merely hunting wild beasts and pursuing them with dogs; and in the meantime he was sending to Rome gold and silver, and the rest of the spoil and wealth which he got in abundance from so many enemies, and by tempting people there with gifts, and assisting ædiles in their expenses, and generals and consuls and their wives, he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 258]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_258&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;was gaining over many of them; so that when he had crossed the Alps and was wintering in Luca, there was a great crowd of men and women who vied with one another in their eagerness to visit him, besides two hundred of the Senatorian class, among whom were Pompeius and Crassus; and one hundred and twenty fasces of proconsuls and prætors were seen at Cæsar&#039;s doors. Now, after filling all the rest with hopes and money, he sent them off; but a compact was made between him and Crassus and Pompeius, that they should be candidates for the consulship, and that Cæsar should help them by sending many of his soldiers to vote, and that as soon as they were elected, they should secure for themselves the command of provinces and armies, and should confirm Cæsar&#039;s provinces to him for another five years. Upon this being publicly known, the first men in the State were displeased, and Marcellinus coming forward before the popular assembly, asked both Crassus and Pompeius to their faces, if they would be candidates for the consulship. The assembly bade them give him an answer, on which Pompeius spoke first, and said, that perhaps he should and perhaps he should not. Crassus replied in a manner more befitting a citizen,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_321_321&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_321_321&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[321]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for he said that he would act either way, as he should think it best for the common weal. But when Marcellinus stuck close to Pompeius, and was considered to be speaking in violent terms, Pompeius said that Marcellinus, of all men, showed the least regard to fair dealing, because he was not grateful to him in that he was the means of Marcellinus becoming eloquent, though he was formerly mute, and of now being so full as to vomit, though formerly he was starving of hunger.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; However, though everybody else declined to become candidates for the consulship, Cato persuaded Lucius Domitius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_322_322&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_322_322&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[322]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and encouraged him not to give up, for he said the contest with the tyrants was not for power, but for liberty. But Pompeius and his partisans fearing the vigour of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 259]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_259&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Cato, and lest, as he had all the Senate on his side, he should draw away and change the minds of the sounder part of the people, would not allow Domitius to come down into the Forum, but they sent armed men and killed the linkbearer, who was advancing in front, and put the rest to flight. Cato was the last to retreat, after being wounded in the right arm while he was fighting in front of Domitius. By such means they attained the consulship, nor did they conduct themselves in it with more decency. First of all, while the people were electing Cato prætor and giving their votes, Pompeius broke up the assembly, alleging that the omens were not favourable; and they had Vatinius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_323_323&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_323_323&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[323]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; proclaimed in place of Cato by bribing the tribes. In the next place they introduced measures by means of Trebonius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_324_324&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_324_324&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[324]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which gave to Cæsar, pursuant to the agreement, a second five years, to Crassus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_325_325&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_325_325&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[325]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Syria and the Parthian expedition, but to Pompeius all Libya, and both the provinces of Iberia and four legions, of which he lent two to Cæsar at his request for the war in Gaul. Now Crassus went out to his province, after giving up his consular functions; and Pompeius opened his theatre,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_326_326&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_326_326&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[326]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and gave gymnastic and musical contests at the dedication of it, and fights of wild beasts, in which five hundred lions were killed; and at the end he exhibited an elephant-fight, a most astonishing spectacle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 260]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_260&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; For all this Pompeius got admiration and love; but on the other hand he brought on himself no less odium by giving up the forces and the provinces to legati who were his friends, while himself in the places of amusement in Italy going about from one to another spent his time with his wife, either because he loved her, or because he could not bear to leave his wife who was attached to him; for this also is said. And the love of the young woman for her husband was much talked about, for her affection towards Pompeius was not what might have been expected considering his age; but the reason appears to have been the chaste conduct of her husband who knew only his married wife, and the dignity of his manners which were not austere but agreeable and particularly attractive to women, if we must not disbelieve the testimony even of Flora the courtezan. It happened that at the election of ædiles some men came to blows and no small number were killed near Pompeius, and as his garments were drenched with blood, he changed them. There was great confusion and hurrying to the house of the slaves who were carrying the vests; and it happened that Julia,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_327_327&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_327_327&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[327]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was with &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 261]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_261&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;child, saw the bloody toga, upon which she fainted and with difficulty recovered, and in consequence of that alarm and the excitement, she miscarried. Even those who found most fault with the alliance of Cæsar and Pompeius, could not blame the woman for her affection. She became pregnant a second time and brought forth a female child, but she died of the pains of labour and the child did not survive her many days. Pompeius made preparations to bury her in his Alban villa, but the people by force took the body and carried it down into the Field of Mars, more from pity for the young woman than to please Pompeius and Cæsar. But of the two, it was considered that the people gave a larger portion of the honour to Cæsar who was absent than to Pompeius who was present. But in the city the waves forthwith began to move and everything was tossed to and fro, and was the subject of conversation tending to a complete split, now that the marriage connection was ended which hitherto rather veiled than checked the ambition of the two men. After no long time news also arrived that Crassus had lost his life among the Parthians; and that which had been a great hindrance to the civil war breaking out was now removed, for both Cæsar and Pompeius feared Crassus, and accordingly to some extent confined themselves within limits in their behaviour towards one another. But when fortune had cut off the man who was keeping a watch over the struggle, forthwith the words of the comic poet became applicable:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Now each against the other smears his limbs,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;And strews his hands with dust.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;So small a thing is fortune in comparison with men&#039;s nature. For fortune cannot satisfy men&#039;s desires, since so great an amount of command and extent of wide-stretched territory put no check on the desires of two men, but though they heard and read that &amp;quot;all things&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_328_328&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_328_328&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[328]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; were divided into three portions for the gods and each got his share of dominion,&amp;quot; they thought the Roman empire was not enough for them who were only two.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 262]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_262&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Yet Pompeius once said when he was addressing the people, that he had obtained every office sooner than he expected, and laid it down sooner than was expected. And in truth he had the disbandings of his forces a perpetual testimony of the truth of what he said. But now being convinced that Cæsar would not give up his power, he sought by means of the functionaries of the state to strengthen himself against him, but he attempted no change of any kind and did not wish to be considered to distrust Cæsar, but to disregard him rather and to despise him. However when he saw that the officers were not disposed of according to his judgment, the citizens being bribed, he allowed anarchy to spring up in the state; and forthwith there was much talk about a dictator, whom Lucilius the tribune first ventured to mention by advising the people to choose Pompeius dictator. Cato attacked him for this, and Lucilius ran the risk of losing his tribunate, and many of the friends of Pompeius came forward to exculpate him and said that he did not seek that office or wish for it. Upon this Cato commended Pompeius and exhorted him to turn his attention to the establishment of order, and Pompeius then out of shame did turn his attention to it, and Domitius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_329_329&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_329_329&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[329]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Messala were made consuls; but afterwards there was again anarchy, and a greater number of persons now began to agitate the question of a dictator more boldly, and Cato and his partisans fearing that they should be forced to yield, determined to let Pompeius have a certain legalized authority for the purpose of diverting him from that pure tyrannical office. Bibulus, who was an enemy of Pompeius, was the first to propose in the Senate to choose Pompeius sole consul&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_330_330&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_330_330&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[330]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and he said that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 263]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_263&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;the city would thus either be relieved from the present disorder, or they would be slaves to the best man among them. This opinion appeared strange from such a person, when Cato rising for the purpose as it was expected of speaking against Bibulus, as soon as there was silence, said that for his part he would not have introduced the proposed measure, but as it was introduced by another he advised that it should be adopted, for he preferred any government to no government, and he thought that nobody would administer affairs better than Pompeius at a time of such disorder. The Senate accepted the proposal and passed a decree that Pompeius if elected should be solo consul, and that if he wanted a colleague, he might choose any person whom he approved of, but not before two months had elapsed; and Pompeius being made consul on these terms and declared by Sulpicius the Interrex, addressed Cato in a friendly manner, admitting his great obligations to him and urging him to give him his advice as a private man in the discharge of his office. But Cato would not admit that Pompeius was under any obligations to him, for he had said nothing that he did say out of regard to him, but out of regard to the state: he added that he would give him his advice if he were privately applied to; and if Pompeius did not invite him, he would publicly tell him his opinion. Such was Cato in everything.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After entering the city, Pompeius married Cornelia,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_331_331&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_331_331&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[331]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a daughter of Metellus Scipio, who was not a virgin, but had lately been left a widow by Publius, the son of Crassus, who had lost his life among the Parthians, and whose virgin bride she was. The young woman possessed many &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 264]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_264&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;charms besides her youthful beauty, for she was well instructed in letters, in playing on the lyre, and in geometry, and she had been accustomed to listen to philosophical discourses with profit. In addition to this she had a disposition free from all affectation and pedantic display, faults which such acquirements generally breed in women: her father also, both in respect to family and reputation, was above all imputation. Still the marriage did not please some people on account of the disparity of years; for the youth of Cornelia made her a fitter match for a son of Pompeius. But those who were more judicious considered that Pompeius had overlooked the state, which was in an unfortunate condition, to cure which the state had selected him for her physician, and put herself solely in his hands; and he was wearing chaplets and celebrating a marriage, when he ought to have considered his consulship a calamity, as it would not have been conferred on him so contrary to all constitutional practice, if his country were in a prosperous condition. However, he presided at the trials for corruption and bribery,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_332_332&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_332_332&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[332]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and drew up laws, pursuant to which the trials were conducted, and with the exception presently to be mentioned, he conducted all the proceedings with dignity and fairness, and he secured to the courts safety, order, and quiet, by taking his own place there with armed men; but when his father-in-law Scipio was under trial, he sent for the three hundred and sixty judices to his house and obtained their support for him, and the accuser gave up the prosecution when he saw Scipio conducted from the Forum by the judices.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_333_333&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_333_333&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[333]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This brought Pompeius again into bad report, which was still further increased when he came forward to speak in praise of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 265]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_265&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Plancus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_334_334&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_334_334&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[334]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; though he had by special law put an end to encomiums on persons under trial. Cato, who happened to be one of the judices, stopped his ears with his hands, saying it was not right in him to listen to the encomiums which were contrary to law. In consequence of this Cato was rejected before the votes were given, but Plancus was convicted by the votes of the rest and to the shame of Pompeius. Now, a few days after, Hypsæus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_335_335&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_335_335&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[335]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a consular man, who was under prosecution, watched for Pompeius as he was going to sup after taking the bath, and clasping his knees, suppliantly entreated him; but Pompeius passed by contemptuously, saying that Hypsæus was spoiling his supper, and doing nothing more. By showing himself thus partial he got blame. However, in every other respect he established good order, and took his father-in-law as his colleague for the remaining five months. A decree also was made that he should hold the provinces for another four years, and should receive yearly a thousand talents, out of which he was to feed and maintain his troops.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Cæsar&#039;s friends taking advantage of this, claimed some notice for Cæsar also, who was fighting so many battles for the supremacy of Rome; they said that he deserved either another consulship, or to have a fresh period added to his command, during which no other should supersede him and carry off the glory due to his labours, but that he who had accomplished those things should hold the command and quietly enjoy the honour. A debate arose on those subjects, on which Pompeius, affecting to deprecate the odium against Cæsar out of regard to him, said that he had letters of Cæsar, who was &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 266]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_266&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;willing to have a successor and to be relieved from service, but still Cæsar thought it fair that he should be allowed to be a candidate for the consulship though he was not at Rome. To this Cato made opposition, and said that Cæsar ought to become a private person and lay down his arms, and then get any favour that he could from the citizens; and when Pompeius did not prosecute the debate, but submitted as if he were worsted, his real opinions about Cæsar became more suspected. He also sent to Cæsar and demanded back the troops&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_336_336&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_336_336&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[336]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which he had lent him, pretending that he wanted them for the Parthian war. But Cæsar, though he knew why he was required to give up the troops, sent them back after handsomely rewarding them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this Pompeius had a dangerous illness at Neapolis, from which he recovered. Upon the suggestion of Praxagoras, the people of Neapolis offered sacrifices for his restoration to health. The neighbouring people followed their example, and the thing thus going the round of Italy, every city, small and great, celebrated a festival for several days. No place was large enough to contain the people, who flocked together from all parts, but the roads were filled and the villages and ports with the people rejoicing and sacrificing. Many persons also with chaplets on their heads and lighted torches received Pompeius, and accompanied him throwing flowers over him, so that his journey and progress was a most beautiful sight and very splendid. However, it is said that this circumstance contributed to bring about the war as much as &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 267]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_267&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;anything else. For an arrogant feeling entered the mind of Pompeius, and, with the greatness of the rejoicing, carried off all reflection on the present state of affairs; and throwing away the caution which had always secured his good fortune and his measures, he fell into a state of such unmingled confidence and contempt of Cæsar&#039;s power, as to suppose that he would require neither arms to oppose him nor any troublesome preparation, but that he could put him down much easier than he had raised him. Besides this, Appius came from Gaul with the troops which Pompeius had lent to Cæsar; and he greatly disparaged Cæsar&#039;s exploits there, and uttered much abuse against Cæsar; and he said that Pompeius did not know his own power and reputation, if he intended to strengthen himself against Cæsar by other troops, for that he could put down Cæsar with Cæsar&#039;s own troops, as soon as he made his appearance; so great, as he said, was their hatred of Cæsar and their affection towards Pompeius. Accordingly Pompeius was so much elated, and through his confidence filled with such contempt, that he even ridiculed those who were afraid of the war; and to those who said that, if Cæsar advanced against the city, they saw no troops sufficient to repulse him, with smiling countenance and tranquil mien he bade them give themselves no trouble about that, &amp;quot;for in whatever part of Italy,&amp;quot; he said, &amp;quot;I stamp the earth with my foot, there will spring up forces both men and horse.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; And now Cæsar also stuck to public affairs more vigorously, himself keeping at no great distance from Italy, and continually sending his soldiers to the city to attend the elections, and with money insinuating himself into the favour of many of the magistrates and corrupting them; among whom was Paulus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_337_337&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_337_337&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[337]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the consul who changed &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 268]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_268&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;sides for fifteen hundred talents, and Curio&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_338_338&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_338_338&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[338]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the tribune who was released by Cæsar from countless debts, and Marcus Antonius who through friendship for Curio was involved in his obligations. Now it was said that one of the centurions who had come from Cæsar, while standing near the Senate-house and hearing that the Senate were refusing to allow Cæsar a prolongation of his term of government, said as he struck his hand on his sword, &amp;quot;But this will give it.&amp;quot; And all that was doing and preparing had this design in view. Yet the claims and reasons urged by Curio in favour of Cæsar were of a more constitutional character. For he asked one of two things, either that they should require Pompeius also to give up his force, or they should not take Cæsar&#039;s troops from him: he said, &amp;quot;Whether they become private persons on fair terms or continued a match for one another by each keeping what he had, they would remain quiet; but he who proposed to weaken one of them would double the power which he feared.&amp;quot; Upon this Marcellus the consul called Cæsar a robber, and urged the Senate to vote him an enemy, if he should not lay down his arms. Yet Curio with the assistance of Antonius and Piso, prevailed so far as to have it put to a regular vote. Accordingly he proposed that those senators should move off to one side who were in favour of Cæsar alone laying down his arms and Pompeius remaining in command; and the majority went over to that side. Again, upon his proposing that all should withdraw who were of opinion that both should lay down their arms and that neither should hold a command, only two-and-twenty were in favour of Pompeius, and all the rest were on the side of Curio. Curio considering that he had gained his point, rushed forth to the people exulting with delight, and the people received him with &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 269]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_269&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clapping of hands and threw on him chaplets and flowers. Pompeius was not in the Senate, for those who are in command of an army do not enter the city. But Marcellus rose up and said that he would not sit still to listen to words, but that as he spied ten legions already appearing in sight above the Alps and on their march, he also would dispatch a man to oppose them and to defend their country.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Upon this they changed their garments as was usual in a public calamity. Marcellus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_339_339&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_339_339&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[339]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; advanced to Pompeius through the Forum with the Senate following him, and standing in front of him said, &amp;quot;I bid you, Pompeius, defend your country and employ the forces that are in readiness and raise others.&amp;quot; Lentulus also said the same, who was one of the consuls elect for the coming year. But when Pompeius began to raise recruits, some refused and a few came together tardily and without any readiness, but the greater part cried out that some terms should be come to. For Antonius in spite of the Senate had read a letter of Cæsar to the people which contained proposals likely to conciliate the mass; for Cæsar proposed that both he and Pompeius should give up their provinces and dismiss their troops, and so put themselves in the hande of the people and render an account of what they had done. Lentulus who was now consul would not assemble the Senate; but Cicero who had just returned from Cilicia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_340_340&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_340_340&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[340]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; attempted an amicable settlement on the terms, that Cæsar should quit Gaul and give up all his army except two legions with which he should hold Illyricum and wait for his second consulship. As Pompeius was dissatisfied with this, the friends of Cæsar so far yielded as to agree that Cæsar should dismiss one &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 270]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_270&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;of these two legions; but as Lentulus made opposition and Cato called out that Pompeius was blundering again if he allowed himself to be deceived, the attempt at a settlement came to no conclusion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In the mean time intelligence arrived that Cæsar had taken Ariminum,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_341_341&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_341_341&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[341]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a large city of Italy, and was marching straight upon Rome with all his force. But this was false; for he was advancing with only three hundred horsemen and five thousand legionary soldiers, and he did not wait for the rest of his force which was beyond the Alps, choosing to fall upon his enemies when they were in confusion and did not expect him, rather than to give them time to prepare to fight with him. Upon reaching the river Rubico, which was the boundary of his province, he stood in silence and lingered, reflecting, as we may presume, on the magnitude of the risk. Then, like those who throw themselves into a huge abyss from a precipice, closing the eyes of calculation and wrapping himself up to meet the danger, he called out in Greek to those who were present these words only, &amp;quot;Let the die be cast,&amp;quot; and took his army over. As soon as the report reached Rome, and tumult and fear, such as were never known before, together with consternation filled the city, the Senate immediately hurried in a body to visit Pompeius, and the magistrates with them; but upon Tullus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_342_342&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_342_342&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[342]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; asking about an army and force, and Pompeius after some delay saying in a tone of no great confidence, that he had the men in readiness who had come from Cæsar, and he thought he should soon be able to get together those who had been before enrolled to the number of thirty thousand, Tullus cried aloud, &amp;quot;You have deceived us, Pompeius,&amp;quot; and he advised to send commissioners to Cæsar. One Favonius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_343_343&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_343_343&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[343]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in other respects no bad man, but who with his self-will and insolence often supposed that he was imitating the bold language of Cato, bade Pompeius strike the ground with his foot and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 271]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_271&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;call up the troops which he promised. Pompeius mildly submitted to this ill-timed sarcasm; and when Cato reminded him of what he had originally predicted to him about Cæsar, Pompeius replied that what Cato had said was in truth more prophetic, but what he had done was of a more friendly character.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Cato advised that Pompeius should be appointed general Imperator, adding, that it was the business of those who caused great mischief to put an end to it. Cato immediately left the city for Sicily, for he had obtained that island as his province; and of the rest each went to the province which had been assigned to him by lot. But as nearly all Italy was in commotion, the events that happened caused much perplexity; for those who were out of Rome hurried from all parts and crowded into the city, and the inhabitants of Rome hastened to leave the city, which in such tempest and confusion was weak in available means, but strong in insubordination and the difficulty that it caused to the magistrates. For it was not possible to allay the fear, nor did any one allow Pompeius to follow his own judgment, but in whatever way a man was affected, whether by fear, grief or perplexity, he carried it to Pompeius and filled him with it; and opposite measures prevailed in the same day, and it was impossible for Pompeius to get any true intelligence about the enemy, because there were many who reported anything that they chanced to hear, and were vexed if he did not believe them. Under these circumstances after declaring by an edict that he saw nothing but confusion, and bidding all the senators follow him, and giving notice that he should consider all who stayed behind as partisans of Cæsar, he left the city late in the evening; and the consuls fled without even making the sacrifices which were usual before wars. But even in the midst of danger Pompeius was fortunate in the general affection of the people, for though many blamed the generalship, there was not one who hated the general, but one might have found that those who were not willing to leave Pompeius were more numerous than those who left the city for the cause of liberty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; A few davs after, Cæsar entered and took pos&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 272]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_272&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;session of Rome.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_344_344&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_344_344&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[344]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He behaved with moderation to all and pacified everybody, except Metellus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_345_345&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_345_345&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[345]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; one of the tribunes who attempted to hinder him from taking money out of the treasury, on which Cæsar threatened him with death and added to his threat still harsher words, for he said, That to say this was harder for him than to do it. Having thus put Metellus to flight and taken what he wanted, Cæsar pursued Pompeius, being anxious to drive him out of Italy before his troops from Iberia arrived. Pompeius who had got possession of Brundisium and had plenty of ships, immediately put on board the consuls and with them thirty cohorts and sent them over before him to Dyrrachium: Scipio his father-in-law and his own son Cneius he sent to Syria to get a fleet ready. After barricading the gates and placing on the walls the soldiers who were most lightly armed, he ordered the people of Brundisium&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_346_346&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_346_346&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[346]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to keep quiet in their houses, and he then broke up all the ground in the city and intersected it with ditches, and filled up all the streets with stakes except two through which he went down to the sea. On the third day he had already embarked at his leisure all the troops with the exception of those who were guarding the walls, to whom he suddenly gave a signal, upon which they all ran down quickly and being taken on board got out to sea. When Cæsar saw the walls deserted, he concluded that the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 273]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_273&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;enemy were making off, and in his pursuit of them he narrowly escaped getting involved among the stakes and trenches; but as the people of Brundisium gave him warning, he avoided the city and, making a circuit round it, he found that all had got under sail, except two vessels which contained only a few soldiers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now everybody else reckons the sailing away of Pompeius among the best military stratagems, but Cæsar&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_347_347&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_347_347&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[347]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; wondered that Pompeius, who was in possession of a strong city and was expecting his troops from Iberia and was master of the sea, should desert and abandon Italy. Cicero&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_348_348&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_348_348&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[348]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; also blames Pompeius for imitating the generalship of Themistokles rather than that of Perikles, the circumstances being like those of Perikles and not those of Themistokles. And Cæsar showed by what he did that he was greatly afraid of time:&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_349_349&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_349_349&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[349]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for when he had taken prisoner Numerius, a friend of Pompeius, he sent him to Brundisium with instructions to bring about a reconciliation on fair terms; but Numerius sailed off with Pompeius. Upon this Cæsar, who in sixty days had become master of Italy without shedding any blood, was desirous of pursuing Pompeius immediately, but as he had no vessels, he turned about and marched to Iberia with the design of gaining over the troops there.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; During this time Pompeius got together a great force: his naval power was completely irresistible, for &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 274]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_274&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;the fighting ships were five hundred, and the number of Liburnian vessels&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_350_350&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_350_350&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[350]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and other small craft was immense; the cavalry, the flower of the Romans and Italians, was seven thousand, distinguished by family, and wealth and courage; his infantry, which was a mixed body and required discipline, he exercised in Berœa,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_351_351&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_351_351&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[351]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; not sitting still lazily, but practising himself in gymnastic exercises&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_352_352&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_352_352&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[352]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; as if he were still in the vigour of his age. And it was a great motive to confidence, when men saw Pompeius Magnus, who was now sixty years of age save two, exercising himself among the infantry under arms, then mounting his horse and drawing his sword without any trouble while his horse was galloping and easily sheathing it again; and in the throwing of his spear showing not only an exactness of aim, but a strength of arm in the distance to which he sent it, which many of the young men could not surpass. Both kings of nations and governors came to him; and of the men of rank about him from Rome there were sufficient to make up a complete Senate.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_353_353&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_353_353&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[353]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; There &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 275]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_275&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;came also Labeo,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_354_354&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_354_354&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[354]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who left Cæsar though he had been his friend and had served with him in Gaul; and Brutus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_355_355&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_355_355&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[355]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; son of the Brutus who was put to death in Gaul, a man of noble spirit who had never yet spoken to Pompeius or saluted him because Pompeius had put his father to death, but now he took service under him as the liberator of Rome. Cicero,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_356_356&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_356_356&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[356]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; though he had both in his writings and his speeches in the Senate recommended other measures, was ashamed not to join those who were fighting in defence of their country. There came also to Macedonia Tidius Sextius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_357_357&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_357_357&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[357]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a man of extreme old age, lame of one leg; and while others were laughing and jeering, Pompeius on seeing him rose up and ran to meet him, for he considered it a great testimony for men of advanced age and feeble strength to choose danger with him in preference to safety.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; A Senate being formed, upon the proposition of Cato they came to a resolution to put no Roman to death except in battle, and not to plunder any city that was subject to the Romans, which increased still further the popularity of the party of Pompeius; for those who were unconcerned about the war by reason of being far removed from it or who were disregarded on account of their weakness, gave Pompeius the benefit of their good wishes at least, and as far as words could go contended on his behalf in favour of the right, considering every man an enemy to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 276]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_276&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;gods and to men who did not wish Pompeius to be victorious. Cæsar also showed much moderation in his success, for after he had captured and defeated the forces of Pompeius in Iberia,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_358_358&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_358_358&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[358]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he let the generals go and employed the troops. After crossing the Alps again and hurrying through Italy, he arrived at Brundisium about the winter solstice. He then crossed the sea and putting in at Oricum sent Jubius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_359_359&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_359_359&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[359]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a friend of Pompeius, who was his prisoner, to Pompeius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_360_360&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_360_360&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[360]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to propose that they should both meet together on the third day, disband all their forces, and after being reconciled and confirming their union by oath, return to Italy. Pompeius again considered this to be an ambuscade, and hastily going down to the sea he took possession of the posts and places which presented very strong positions for an army; he also seized the naval stations and landing places which were favourable for those who came by sea, so that every wind which blew brought to Pompeius corn or troops or money; but Cæsar being confined in straits both on the sea and land side was of necessity glad to fight, and he attacked the lines of Pompeius and continually provoked him to battle, in which Cæsar had generally the advantage and the superiority in the skirmishing. But on one occasion he narrowly escaped being completely crushed and losing his army, for Pompeius fought with great courage and routed &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 277]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_277&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;all the enemy, who lost two thousand men; but he was either unable or was afraid to force his way into Cæsar&#039;s camp and to enter with the fugitives, which made Cæsar say to his friends, &amp;quot;To-day the victory would have been with the enemy, if they had had a commander who knew how to conquer.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The partisans of Pompeius being greatly elated at this success were eager to have a decisive battle. Pompeius wrote to the distant kings and generals and cities to inform them that he was victorious, but he feared the risk of a battle, thinking that by delay and reducing the enemy to straits he should finally vanquish men who were invincible in arms and had long been accustomed to conquer together, but as to the other military duties, and marches, and change of position, and digging of trenches and building of walls, were not efficient by reason of age and on this account were eager to come to close fighting and to engage hand to hand. However, previous to the last contest Pompeius had been able in some degree to draw his men from their purpose by persuading them to keep quiet; but when Cæsar after the battle was compelled by want of provisions to break up his camp, and began his march into Thessaly through the country of the Athamanes,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_361_361&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_361_361&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[361]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the confidence of the soldiers of Pompeius could no longer be kept in check, and calling out that Cæsar was flying, some were for following and pursuing him, and others for crossing over into Italy, and others were sending to Rome their slaves and friends to get possession of houses near the Forum, with the intention of forthwith becoming candidates for office. Many of their own accord sailed to Cornelia who was in Lesbos bearing the good tidings of the war being at an end; for Pompeius had sent her there out of the way of danger. The Senate being assembled, Afranius gave his opinion that they should stick to Italy, for Italy was the chief prize of the war, and would bring to those who were masters of it the possession of Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, Iberia, and all Gaul; and as to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 278]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_278&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;that which was the greatest concern to Pompeius, his native country who was stretching out her hands only at a short distance from them, it was not honourable to leave her to be insulted and enslaved by slaves and flatterers of tyrants. But Pompeius did not consider it to be consistent with his reputation to run away from Cæsar a second time and to be pursued, when fortune gave him the opportunity of being the pursuer, nor did he think it consistent with his duty to desert Scipio&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_362_362&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_362_362&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[362]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and the consular men in Hellas and Thessaly who would immediately fall into Cæsar&#039;s hands with their military chests and large forces; he thought also that Rome was best cared for by fighting in her defence as far from her as possible, that she might wait for the conqueror without feeling or hearing of any misfortunes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Having come to this decision, Pompeius pursued Cæsar, resolved to avoid a battle, but by following close up to hem him in and wear him out by privation. He had other reasons for thinking this to be the best plan, and it also reached his ears that it was a subject of common conversation among the cavalry that they ought to defeat Cæsar as soon as they could and then put down Pompeius also. Some say that this was also the reason why Pompeius employed Cato&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_363_363&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_363_363&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[363]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in no matter of importance, but even when he was marching against Cæsar left him on the coast to look after the stores, through fear that if Cæsar were destroyed, Cato might forthwith compel him also to lay down his command. Accordingly as he followed the enemy leisurely he was much censured and there was a clamour against him, that his object was not to defeat Cæsar by his generalship, but his native country and the Senate, that he might always keep the command and never give over having as his attendants and guards those who considered themselves the masters of the world. Domitius Ahenobarbus also by always calling him Agamemnon and King of Kings made him odious. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 279]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_279&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Favonius too made himself no less disagreeable by his scoffing manner than others by the unseasonable freedom of their language, calling out, &amp;quot;Men, we shall not eat figs in Tusculum&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_364_364&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_364_364&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[364]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; even this year!&amp;quot; Lucius Afranius who had lost his forces in Iberia and on that account had fallen under the imputation of treachery, now seeing that Pompeius avoided a battle, said he was surprised that those who accused him did not advance and fight against the trafficker in provinces. By these and like expressions often repeated they at last prevailed over Pompeius, a man who was a slave to public fame and the opinion of his friends, and drew him on to follow their own hopes and impetuosity and to give up the best considered plans, a thing which would have been unbefitting even in the master of a vessel, to say nothing of the commander-in-chief of so many nations and forces. Pompeius approved of the physician who never gratifies the desires of his patients, and yet he yielded to military advisers who were in a diseased state, through fear of offending if he adopted healing measures. And how can one say those men were in a healthy state, some of whom were going about among the troops and already canvassing for consulships and prætorships, and Spinther and Domitius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_365_365&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_365_365&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[365]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Scipio were disputing and quarrelling about the priesthood of Cæsar and canvassing, just as if Tigranes the Armenian were encamped by them or the King of the Nabathæans, and not that Cæsar and that force with which he had taken a thousand cities by storm, and subdued above three hundred nations, and had fought with Germans and Gauls unvanquished in more battles than could be counted, and had taken a hundred times ten thousand prisoners, and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 280]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_280&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;had slaughtered as many after routing them in pitched battles.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; However, by importunity and agitation, after the army had descended into the plain of Pharsalus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_366_366&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_366_366&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[366]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; they compelled Pompeius to hold a council of war, in which Labienus, who was commander of the cavalry, got up first, and swore that he would not leave the battle till he had routed the enemy; and they all swore to the same effect. In the night Pompeius dreamed that as he was entering the theatre, the people clapped, and that he was decorating a temple of Venus the Victorious&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_367_367&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_367_367&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[367]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with many spoils. And in some respects he was encouraged, but in others rather depressed by the dream, lest fame and glory should accrue from him to the race of Cæsar, which traced its descent from Venus; and certain panic alarms which were rushing through the camp aroused him. In the morning-watch a bright light&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_368_368&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_368_368&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[368]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; shone forth above the camp of Cæsar, which was in a state of profound tranquillity, and a flame-like torch springing from this light descended upon the camp of Pompeius; and Cæsar himself says that he witnessed this as he was visiting the watches. At daybreak, as Cæsar was going to move to Scotussa,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_369_369&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_369_369&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[369]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and the soldiers were engaged in taking down the tents and sending forward the beasts and camp-followers, the scouts came with intelligence that they spied many arms in the enemy&#039;s encampment moving backwards and forwards, and that there was a movement and noise as of men coming out to battle. After them others came announcing that the vanguard was already putting itself in battle order. Upon this, Cæsar observing that the expected day had arrived on which they would have to fight against men, and not &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 281]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_281&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;against hunger and poverty, quickly gave orders to hang out in front of his tent the purple colours,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_370_370&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_370_370&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[370]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which is the signal for battle among the Romans. The soldiers at the sight of it left their tents with loud shouts and rejoicing and hurried to arms; as the centurions led them to their several ranks, every man, just as if he belonged to a chorus, without confusion, being well trained, quietly took his place.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Pompeius commanded the right wing, intending to oppose Antonius; in the centre he placed his father-in-law Scipio against Calvinus Lucius;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_371_371&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_371_371&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[371]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and the left was commanded by Lucius Domitius, and strengthened with the main body of the cavalry. For nearly all the horsemen had crowded to that point, with the design of overpowering Cæsar and cutting to pieces the tenth legion, which had a very great reputation for courage, and Cæsar was accustomed to take his station in this legion when he fought a battle. But Cæsar, observing that the enemy&#039;s left wing was strengthened by so large a body of cavalry, and fearing their brilliant equipment, summoned six cohorts from the reserve, and placed them in the rear of the tenth legion, with orders to keep quiet and not let the enemy see them; but as soon as the cavalry advanced, they had orders to run forwards through the first ranks, and not to throw &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 282]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_282&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;their javelins, as the bravest soldiers are used to do in their eagerness to get to fighting with the sword, but to push upwards and to wound the eyes and faces of the enemy, for those handsome, blooming pyrrichists would not keep their ground for fear of their beauty being spoiled, nor would they venture to look at the iron that was pushed right into their faces. Now Cæsar was thus employed. But Pompeius, who was examining the order of battle from his horse, observing that the enemy were quietly awaiting in their ranks the moment of attack, and the greater part of his own army was not still, but was in wavelike motion through want of experience and in confusion, was alarmed lest his troops should be completely separated at the beginning of the battle, and he commanded the front ranks to stand with their spears presented, and keeping their ground in compact order to receive the enemy&#039;s attack. But Cæsar finds fault&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_372_372&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_372_372&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[372]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with this generalship of Pompeius; for he says that he thus weakened the force of the blows which a rapid assault produces; and the rush to meet the advancing ranks, which more than anything else fills the mass of the soldiers with enthusiasm and impetuosity in closing with the enemy, and combined with the shouts and running increases the courage—Pompeius, by depriving his men of this, fixed them to the ground and damped them. On Cæsar&#039;s side the numbers were twenty-two thousand; on the side of Pompeius the numbers&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_373_373&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_373_373&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[373]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; were somewhat more than double.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_374_374&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_374_374&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[374]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And now, when the signal was given on both sides, and the trumpet was beginning to urge them on to the conflict, every man of this great mass was busy in looking after himself; but a few of the Romans, the best, and some Greeks who were present, and not engaged in the battle, as the conflict drew near, began to reflect to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 283]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_283&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;what a condition ambition and rivalry had brought the Roman State. For kindred arms and brotherly battalions and common standards,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_375_375&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_375_375&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[375]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and the manhood and the might of a single state in such numbers, were closing in battle, self-matched against self, an example of the blindness of human nature and its madness, under the influence of passion. For if they had now been satisfied quietly to govern and enjoy what they had got, there was the largest and the best portion of the earth and of the sea subject to them; and if they still wished to gratify their love of trophies and of triumphs, and their thirst for them, they might have their fill of Parthian or German wars. Scythia, too, and the Indians were a labour in reserve, and ambition had a reasonable pretext for such undertaking, the civilization of barbaric nations. And what Scythian horse, or Parthian arrows, or Indian wealth could have checked seventy thousand Romans advancing in arms under Pompeius and Cæsar, whose name these nations heard of long before they heard of the name of Rome? Such unsociable, and various, and savage nations had they invaded and conquered. But now they engaged with one another in battle, without even feeling any compunction about their own glory, for which they spared not their native country, up to this day having always borne the name of invincible. For the relationship that had been made between them, and the charms of Julia, and that marriage, were from the very first only deceitful and suspected pledges of an alliance formed from interested motives, in which there was not a particle of true friendship.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now when the plain of Pharsalus was filled with men and horses and arms, and the signal for battle was raised on both sides, the first to spring forward from the line of Cæsar was Caius Crassianus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_376_376&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_376_376&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[376]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a centurion who had the command of one hundred and twenty men, and was now fulfilling a great promise to Cæsar. For as Cæsar observed him to be the first that was quitting the camp, he spoke to him and asked what he thought of the battle; and Crassianus stretching out his right &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 284]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_284&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;hand replied with a loud voice, &amp;quot;You shall have a splendid victory, Cæsar; and as to me, you shall praise me whether I survive the day or die.&amp;quot; Remembering what he had said, he rushed forward and carrying many along with him fell on the centre of the enemy. The struggle was forthwith with the sword and many fell; but while Crassianus was pushing forwards and cutting down those who were in the front ranks, a soldier made a stand against him and drove his sword through his mouth so that the point came out at the back of the neck. When Crassianus had fallen, the battle was equally contested in this part of the field. Now Pompeius did not quickly lead on the right wing, but was looking at the opposite wing and lost time in waiting for the cavalry to get into action. The cavalry were now extending their companies with the view of surrounding Cæsar, and they drove Cæsar&#039;s cavalry who were few in number upon the line in front of which they were stationed. But upon Cæsar giving the signal, the cavalry retired, and the cohorts which had been reserved to meet the enemy&#039;s attempt to outflank them, rushed forward, three thousand in number, and met the enemy; then fixing themselves by the side of the horsemen, they pushed their spears upwards, as they had been instructed, against the horses, aiming at the faces of the riders. The horsemen, who were altogether inexperienced in fighting, and had never expected or heard of such a mode of attack, did not venture to stand or endure the blows aimed at their eyes and mouths, but turning their backs and holding their hands before their faces they ingloriously took to flight. The soldiers of Cæsar leaving these fugitives to escape advanced against the infantry, and they made their attack at that point where the wing having lost the protection of the cavalry gave them the opportunity of outflanking and surrounding them. These men falling on the enemy in the flank and the tenth legion attacking them in front, the enemy did not stand their ground nor keep together, for they saw that while they were expecting to surround the enemy, they were themselves surrounded.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After the infantry were routed, and Pompeius seeing the dust conjectured what had befallen the cavalry, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 285]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_285&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;what reflections passed in his mind, it is difficult to say; but like a madman more than anything else and one whose reason was affected, without considering that he was Magnus Pompeius, without speaking a word to any one, he walked slowly back to his camp, so that one may properly apply to him the verses&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_377_377&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_377_377&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[377]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;But lofty father Zeus struck fear in Ajax;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;He stood confounded, and behind him threw&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;His shield of seven-ox-hide, and trembling look&#039;d&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Towards the crowd.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In this state Pompeius came to his tent and sat down without speaking, until many of the pursuers rushed into the camp with the fugitives; and then merely uttering these words, &amp;quot;What, even to the camp!&amp;quot; and nothing more, he rose and taking a dress suitable to his present condition made his way out. The rest of the legions also fled, and there was great slaughter in the camp of those who were left to guard the tents and of the slaves; but Asinius Pollio&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_378_378&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_378_378&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[378]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; says that only six thousand soldiers fell, and Pollio fought in that battle on Cæsar&#039;s side. When Cæsar&#039;s men took the camp, they saw evidence of the folly and frivolity of the enemy. For every tent was crowned with myrtle and furnished with flowered coverings to the couches and tables loaded with cups; and bowls of wine were laid out, and there was the preparation and decoration of persons who had performed a sacrifice and were celebrating a festival,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_379_379&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_379_379&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[379]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; rather than of men who were arming for battle. So blinded by their hopes, and so full of foolish confidence did they come out to war.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Pompeius having proceeded a little way from the camp let his horse go, and with very few persons about him, went on slowly as no one pursued him, and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 286]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_286&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;with such thoughts, as would naturally arise in the mind of a man who for four-and-thirty years had been accustomed to conquer and to have the mastery in everything, and now for the first time in his old age experienced what defeat and flight were; reflecting also that in a single battle he had lost the reputation and the power which were the fruit of so many struggles and wars, and while a little before he was protected by so many armed men and horses, and armaments, now he was retreating and had become so weak and humbled, as easily to escape the notice of his enemies who were looking for him. After passing Larissa&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_380_380&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_380_380&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[380]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and arriving at Tempe, being thirsty he threw himself down on his face and drank of the river, and then rising up he proceeded through Tempe till he reached the sea. There he rested for the remainder of the night in a fisherman&#039;s hut, and at daybreak embarking on board of one of the river-boats and taking with him those of his followers who were freemen, and bidding his slaves go to Cæsar without any apprehension for their safety, he rowed along the coast till he saw a large merchant-ship preparing to set sail, the master of which was a Roman, who had no intimacy with Pompeius, but knew him by sight: his name was Peticius. It happened the night before that Peticius saw Pompeius in a dream, not as he had often seen him, but humble and downcast, speaking to him. And it happened that he was telling his dream to his shipmates, as is usual with men in such weighty matters, who have nothing to do; when all at once one of the sailors called out that he spied a river-boat rowing from the land with men in it who were making signals with their clothes and stretching out their hands to them. Accordingly Peticius turning his eyes in that direction recognised Pompeius just as he had seen him in the dream, and striking his forehead he ordered the sailors to put the boat alongside, and he stretched out his right &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 287]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_287&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;hand and called to Pompeius, already conjecturing from his appearance the fortune and the reverses of the man. Upon which the master, without waiting to be entreated or addressed, took on board with him, all whom Pompeius chose (and these were the two Lentuli&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_381_381&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_381_381&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[381]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Favonius), and set sail; and shortly after seeing King Deiotarus making his way from the land as fast as he could they took him in also. When it was supper time and the master had made the best preparation that he could, Favonius observing that Pompeius had no domestics and was beginning to take off his shoes, ran up to him and loosed his shoes and helped him to anoint himself. And henceforward Favonius continued to wait on Pompeius and serve him, just as slaves do their master, even to the washing of his feet and preparing his meals, so that a witness of the free will of that service and the simplicity and absence of all affectation might have exclaimed&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;To generous minds how noble every task.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_382_382&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_382_382&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[382]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In such wise Pompeius coasted to Amphipolis,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_383_383&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_383_383&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[383]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and thence crossed over to Mitylene, wishing to take up Cornelia and her son. Upon reaching the shore of the island he sent a message to the city, not such as Cornelia expected, for the pleasing intelligence that she had received both by report and by letter led her to hope that the war was terminated near Dyrrachium, and that all that remained for Pompeius was to pursue Cæsar. The messenger, who found her in this state of expectation, did not venture to salute her, but indicating by tears more than words the chief and greatest of her misfortunes, he bade &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 288]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_288&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;her hasten, if she wished to see Pompeius in a single vessel and that not his own. Cornelia, on hearing these words, threw herself on the ground, and lay there a long time without sense or speech, and with difficulty recovering herself, and seeing that it was not a time for tears and lamentations, she ran through the city to the sea. Pompeius met and caught her in his arms as she was just ready to sink down and fall upon him, when Cornelia said, &amp;quot;I see you, husband, not through your own fortune but mine, reduced to a single vessel, you who before your marriage with Cornelia sailed along this sea with five hundred ships. Why have you come to see me, and why did you not leave to her evil dæmon one who has loaded you also with so much misfortune? How happy a woman should I have been had I died before I heard that Publius, whose virgin bride I was, had perished by the Parthians; and how wise, if even after he died I had put an end to my own life, as I attempted to do; but forsooth I have been kept alive to be the ruin of Pompeius Magnus also.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; So it is said Cornelia spoke, and thus Pompeius replied: &amp;quot;It is true, Cornelia, you have hitherto known only one fortune, and that the better; and perhaps it has deceived you too, in that it has abided with me longer than is wont. But as we are mortals, we must bear this change, and still try fortune; for it is not hopeless for a man to attempt from this condition to recover his former state who has come to this after being in that other.&amp;quot; Accordingly Cornelia sent for her property and slaves from the city; and though the Mitylenæans came to pay their respects to Pompeius, and invited him to enter the city, he would not, but he exhorted them also to yield to the conqueror and to be of good heart, for Cæsar was merciful and of a humane disposition. But turning to Kratippus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_384_384&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_384_384&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[384]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the philosopher, for he had come down from the city to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 289]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_289&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;see him, Pompeius found fault with and in a few words expressed some doubts about Providence, Kratippus rather giving way to him and trying to lead him to better hopes, that he might not give him pain at so unseasonable a time by arguing against him; for Pompeius might have questioned him about Providence, and Kratippus might have shown that the state of affairs at Rome required a monarchy on account of the political disorder; and he might have asked Pompeius, &amp;quot;How, Pompeius, and by what evidence shall we be persuaded that you would have used your fortune better than Cæsar, if you had been victorious?&amp;quot; But these matters that concern the gods we must leave as they are.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Taking on board his wife and friends, Pompeius continued his voyage, only putting in at such ports as of necessity he must for water or provisions. The first city that he came to was Attaleia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_385_385&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_385_385&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[385]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Pamphylia; and there some galleys from Cilicia met him, and some soldiers were collecting, and there were again about sixty senators about him. Hearing that his navy still kept together, and that Cato had recruited many soldiers and was passing over to Libya, he lamented to his friends and blamed himself for being forced to engage with his army only, and for not making any use of the force which was beyond all dispute superior to that of the enemy; and that his navy was not so stationed that if he were defeated by land he might forthwith have had what would have made him a match for the enemy, a strength and power so great by sea close at hand. Indeed Pompeius committed no greater fault, nor did Cæsar show any greater generalship, than in withdrawing the field of battle so far beyond the reach of assistance from the navy. However, being compelled in the present state of affairs to decide and do something, he sent round to the cities, and himself sailing about to some, asked them for money, and began to man ships. But fearing the rapid movements and speed of his enemy, lest he should come upon him and take him before he was &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 290]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_290&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;prepared, he looked about for a place of refuge for the present and a retreat. Now there appeared to them upon consideration to be no province to which they could safely fly; and as to the kingdoms, Pompeius gave it as his opinion that the Parthian&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_386_386&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_386_386&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[386]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at the present was the best able to receive and protect them in their present weakness, and to strengthen them again and to send them forth with the largest force; of the rest, some turned their thoughts towards Libya and Juba,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_387_387&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_387_387&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[387]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but Theophanes of Lesbos pronounced it madness to leave Egypt, which was only three days&#039; sail distant, and Ptolemæus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_388_388&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_388_388&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[388]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was still a youth, and indebted to Pompeius for the friendship and favour which his father had received from him, and to put himself in the hands of the Parthians, a most treacherous nation; and to be the first of all persons who did not choose to submit to a Roman who had been connected with him by marriage, nor to make trial of his moderation, and to put himself in the power of Arsakes,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_389_389&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_389_389&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[389]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was not able to take even Crassus so long as he was alive; and to carry a young wife of the family of Scipio among barbarians, who measured their power by their insolence and unbridled temper; and if no harm should befall Cornelia, and it should only be apprehended that she might suffer injury, it would be a sad thing for her to be in the power of those who were able to do it. This alone, it is said diverted Pompeius from proceeding to the Euphrates; if indeed any reflection still guided Pompeius, and he was not rather directed by a dæmon to the way that he took.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Accordingly when the proposal to fly to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 291]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_291&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Egypt prevailed, Pompeius setting sail from Cyprus in a galley of Seleukeia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_390_390&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_390_390&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[390]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with his wife (and of the rest some accompanied him also in ships of war, and others in merchant vessels), crossed the sea safely; and hearing that Ptolemæus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_391_391&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_391_391&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[391]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was seated before Pelusium with his army, being engaged in war against his sister, he came to that part of the coast and sent forward a person to announce his arrival to the king and to pray for his protection. Now Ptolemæus was very young, and Potheinus who managed everything, summoned a council of the chief persons; and the chief persons were those whom he chose to make so, and he bade each man give his opinion. It was indeed a sad thing that such men should deliberate about Pompeius Magnus, as Potheinus the eunuch and Theodotus of Chios who was hired as a teacher of rhetoric and the Egyptian Achillas: for these were the chief advisers of the king among the eunuchs and others who had the care of his person; and such was the court whose decision Pompeius was waiting for at anchor some distance from the shore and tossed by the waves, he who thought it beneath him to be indebted to Cæsar for his life. Now opinions among the rest were so far divided that some advised they should drive away Pompeius, and others, that they should invite and receive him: but Theodotus displaying his power in speech and his rhetorical art proved that neither of these courses was safe, but that if they received Pompeius, they would have Cæsar for an enemy and Pompeius for their master, and if they drove him away, they would incur the displeasure of Pompeius &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 292]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_292&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;for ejecting him and of Cæsar for the trouble of the pursuit; it was therefore best to send for the man and kill him, for thus they would please Cæsar and have nothing to fear from Pompeius. And he concluded with a smile, as it is said, A dead man does not bite.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Having determined on this they intrust the execution to Achillas, who taking with him one Septimius who had a long time ago served under Pompeius as a centurion and Salvius another centurion and three or four slaves, put out towards the ship of Pompeius. It happened that all the most distinguished persons who accompanied Pompeius had come on board his ship to see what was going on. Accordingly when they saw a reception which was neither royal nor splendid nor corresponding to the expectations of Theophanes, but a few men in a fishing-boat sailing towards them, this want of respect made them suspect treachery and they advised Pompeius to row back into the open sea, while they were still out of reach of missiles. In the mean time as the boat was nearing, Septimius was the first to rise and he addressed Pompeius as Imperator in the Roman language and Achillas saluting him in Greek invited him to enter the boat, because, as he said, the shallows were of great extent and the sea being rather sandy had not depth enough to float a trireme. At the same time it was observed that some of the king&#039;s ships were getting their men on board, and soldiers occupied the shore, so that it appeared impossible to escape even if they changed their minds and made the attempt; and besides, this want of confidence would give the murderers some excuse for their crime. Accordingly, after embracing Cornelia who was anticipating and bewailing his fate, he ordered two centurions to step into the boat before him, and Philippus one of his freedmen and a slave called Scythes, and while Achillas was offering him his hand out of the boat, he turned round to his wife and son and repeated the iambics of Sophocles,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Whoever to a tyrant bends his way,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Is made his slave, e&#039;en if he goes a freeman.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_392_392&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_392_392&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[392]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; These were the last words that he spoke to his &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 293]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_293&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;friends before he entered the boat: and as it was a considerable distance to the land from the galley, and none of those in the boat addressed any friendly conversation to him, looking at Septimius he said, &amp;quot;I am not mistaken I think in recognising you as an old comrade of mine;&amp;quot; and Septimius nodded without making any reply or friendly acknowledgment. As there was again a profound silence, Pompeius who had a small roll on which he had written a speech in Greek that he intended to address to Ptolemæus, began reading it. As they neared the land, Cornelia with her friends in great anxiety was watching the result from the galley, and she began to have good hopes when she saw some of the king&#039;s people collecting together at the landing as if to honor Pompeius and give him a reception. In the mean time, while Pompeius was taking the hand of Philippus that he might rise more easily, Septimius from behind was the first to transfix him with his sword; and Salvius, and after him Achillas drew their swords. Pompeius drawing his toga close with both hands over his face, without saying or doing anything unworthy of himself, but giving a groan only, submitted to the blows, being sixty years of age save one, and ending his life just one day after his birthday.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXXX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Those in the ships seeing the murder uttered a shriek which could be heard even to the land, and quickly raising their anchors, took to flight: and a strong breeze aided them in their escape to the open sea, so that the Egyptians, though desirous of pursuing, turned back. They cut off the head of Pompeius, and throwing the body naked out of the boat, left it for those to gaze at who felt any curiosity. Philippus stayed by the body, till the people wore satisfied with looking at it, and then washing it with sea-water he wrapped it up in a tunic of his own; and as he had no other means, he looked about till he found the wreck of a small fishing-boat, which was decayed indeed, but enough to make a funeral pile in case of need for a naked body, and that not an entire corpse. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 294]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_294&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;As he was collecting these fragments and putting them together, a Roman, now an old man&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_393_393&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_393_393&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[393]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who had served his first campaigns in his youth under Pompeius, stood by him and said: &amp;quot;Who are you, my friend, that are preparing to perform the funeral rites to Pompeius Magnus?&amp;quot; Philippus replying that he was a freedman, the man said: &amp;quot;But you shall not have this honour to yourself: allow me too to share in this pious piece of good fortune, that I may not altogether have to complain of being in a strange land, if in requital for many sufferings I get this honour at least, to touch and to tend with my hands the greatest of the Roman generals.&amp;quot; Such were the obsequies of Pompeius. On the next day Lucius Lentulus who was on his voyage from Cyprus, not knowing what had happened, was coasting along the shore, when he saw the pile and Philippus standing by it before he was seen himself and said, &amp;quot;Who is resting here after closing his career?&amp;quot; and after a slight interval, with a groan, he added, &amp;quot;perhaps it is you, Pompeius Magnus.&amp;quot; Presently he landed, and being seized was put to death. This was the end of Pompeius. Not long after Cæsar arriving in Egypt, which was filled with this horrid deed, turned away from the man who brought him the head of Pompeius, as from a murderer, and when he received the seal of Pompeius, he shed tears; the device was a lion holding a sword. He put to death Achillas and Potheinus, and the king himself being defeated in battle was lost somewhere near the river. Theodotus the sophist escaped the vengeance of Cæsar, for he fled from Egypt and wandered about in a miserable state, the object of detestation; but Brutus Marcus, after he had killed Cæsar and got the power in his hands, finding Theodotus in Asia, put him to death with every circumstance of contumely. Cornelia obtained the remains of Pompeius and had them carried to his Alban villa and interred there.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;FOOTNOTES:&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_189_189&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_189_189&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[189]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This line is from the Prometheus Loosed (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: luomenos&amp;quot;&amp;gt;λυόμενος&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) of Aeschylus which is lost. Prometheus Bound (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: desmôtês&amp;quot;&amp;gt;δεσμώτης&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) is extant. Hermann is of opinion that the Prometheus Loosed did not belong to the same Tetralogy as the Prometheus Bound.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_190_190&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_190_190&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[190]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Gens to which Pompeius belonged was Plebeian. Cn. Pompeius Strabo, the father of Pompeius Magnus, was consul B.C. 89. Strabo, a name derived like many other Roman names from some personal peculiarity, signifies one who squints, and it was borne by members of other Roman Gentes also, as the Julia, and Fannia. It is said that the father of Pompeius Magnus had a cook Menogenes, who was called Strabo, and that the name was given to Cn. Pompeius because he resembled his cook. However this may be, Cn. Pompeius adopted the name, and it appears on his coins and in the Fasti. He had a bad character and appears to have deserved it. (Drumann, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Geschichte Roms&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Pompeii, p. 306.) Compare the Life of Sulla, c. 6. Notes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The latter part of this chapter is somewhat obscure in the original. See the note of Coræs.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_191_191&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_191_191&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[191]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; L. Marcius Philippus, Consul B.C. 91 with Sextus Julius Cæsar, was a distinguished orator.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_192_192&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_192_192&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[192]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Some of the commentators have had strange opinions about the meaning of this passage, which Kaltwasser has mistranslated. It is rightly explained in Schaefer&#039;s note, and the learned Lambinus has fully expounded it in a note on Horatius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Od.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. 13): but in place of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: adêktos&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἀδήκτος&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; he has a wrong reading &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: adêkto&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἀδήκτο&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;. Flora was not the only courtesan who received the distinction mentioned in the text. The gilded statue of Phryne, the work of Praxiteles, was placed in the temple at Delphi, presented by the lady herself. (Pausanias, x. 15).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_193_193&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_193_193&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[193]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Pompeius Magnus was born B.C. 106. He was younger than Marcus Crassus, of the same age as Cicero, and six years older than the Dictator Cæsar. The event mentioned in the chapter belongs to the year B.C 87, in which his father fought against L. Cinna. Pompeius Strabo died in this year.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_194_194&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_194_194&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[194]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This town, now Ascoli on the Tronto, in Picenum, was taken by Pompeius Strabo B.C. 89 in the Marsic war, and burnt. The inhabitants, who had killed the proconsul P. Servilius and other Romans, were severely handled; and Pompeius Strabo had a triumph (December 89) for his success against the Asculani and other inhabitants of Picenum. (Velleius, ii. 21.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_195_195&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_195_195&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[195]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; P. Antistius was prætor B.C. 86, the year after the death of Pompeius Strabo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_196_196&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_196_196&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[196]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare the Life of Romulus, c. 14.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_197_197&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_197_197&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[197]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cinna was killed in his fourth consulate, B.C. 84. Appianus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 78) states that he was massacred by his soldiers, but his account may be true and that of Plutarch also, which is more particular, (See also Livius, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Epit.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 83.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_198_198&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_198_198&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[198]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The father of Pompeius had enriched himself during the Social wars.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_199_199&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_199_199&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[199]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now Osimo, was one of the cities of Picenum, south of Ancona. It was a Roman colony.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_200_200&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_200_200&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[200]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The three commanders were C. Albius Carinnas, C. Cœlius Caldus and M. Junius Brutus. The word Clœlius in Plutarch may be a mistake of the copyists. Brutus was the father of M. Brutus, one of Cæsar&#039;s assassins.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_201_201&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_201_201&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[201]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; L. Cornelius Scipio, consul B.C. 83. Plutarch speaks of the same event in the Life of Sulla, c. 28, where he states that the soldiers of Scipio came over to Sulla. The two statements are contradictory, Appianus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 85) tells the story of Scipio&#039;s army going over to Sulla.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_202_202&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_202_202&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[202]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A mistake for Æsis (Esino, or Finmesino), a river which formed the boundary between Umbria and Picenum, and enters the sea north of Ancona. Appianus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 87) states that Metellus defeated Carinnas, the legatus of Carbo, on the Æsis (B.C. 82).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_203_203&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_203_203&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[203]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was Q. Metellus Pius who afterwards commanded in Iberia against Sertorius. See the Life of Sertorius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_204_204&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_204_204&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[204]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Greek writers often employ similes and metaphors derived from the athletic contests. There were contests both for boys and full-grown men. Compare the Life of Agesilaus, c. 13.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_205_205&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_205_205&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[205]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The marriage arrangements mentioned in this chapter took place after the capture of Præneste, B.C. 82. See the Life of Sulla, c. 33. Sulla attempted to make Cæsar also part with his wife (Cæsar, c. 1): but Cæsar would not. Sulla, who was a cunning man, wished to gain over to his side all the young men of promise.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Antistius had been murdered in the Senate-house, by the order of the consul, the younger Marius, who was then blockaded in Præneste. Q. Mucius Scævola, the Pontifex, was murdered at the same time. (Appianus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 88.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_206_206&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_206_206&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[206]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; His true name is Perperna. See the Life of Sertorius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_207_207&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_207_207&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[207]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cn. Papirius Carbo was put to death, B.C. 82, in his third consulship. Compare Appianus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 96, and Life of Sulla, c. 28, Notes. Valerius Maximus, ix. c. 13, gives the story of his begging for a short respite, with some other particulars.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_208_208&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_208_208&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[208]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Caius Oppius, an intimate friend of Cæsar. Some persons believed that he was the author of the Books on the Alexandrine, African, and Spanish campaigns, which are printed with the Gallic War of Cæsar. (Suetonius, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cæsar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 56.) Hs wrote various biographies. Oppius is often mentioned by Cicero. There is extant a letter of Cicero to him &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Diversos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, xi. 29); but it is entitled in some editions of Cicero &#039;To Appius.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_209_209&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_209_209&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[209]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, the father-in-law of Cinna. He had been consul B.C. 96 with C. Cassius Longinus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_210_210&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_210_210&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[210]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; C. Memmius, according to Drumann, the same who afterwards fell in the war against Sertorius. (Life of Sertorius, c. 21.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_211_211&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_211_211&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[211]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The expedition of Pompeius to Africa was in B.C. 81. Iarbas is said to have been a descendant of Massinissa. He escaped from the battle. The scene of the battle and the subsequent movements of Pompeius cannot be collected from Plutarch&#039;s narrative, which here, as in the case of military operations generally, is of no value. As to the age of Pompeius, see the note in Clinton&#039;s Fasti B.C. 81.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_212_212&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_212_212&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[212]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The lion is a native of North Africa, but it is doubtful if the elephant is. The Carthaginians employed many elephants in their armies, which they probably got from the countries south of the great desert. Plutarch evidently considers the elephant as a native of North Africa, or he would not speak of hunting it; yet in chapter 14 he speaks of the elephants as the King&#039;s, or the King&#039;s elephants, as if the elephants that Pompeius took were merely some that belonged to Iarbas or some of the African kings, and had got loose. Plinius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;N.H.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; viii. 1) speaks of elephants in the forests of Mauritania. They are enumerated by Herodotus (iv. 191) among the beasts of North Africa.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_213_213&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_213_213&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[213]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Drumann discusses at some length the question as to the time and occasion on which Pompeius received the appellation: those who are curious may consult his work, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Geschichte Roms&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Pompeii, p. 335.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_214_214&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_214_214&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[214]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; M. Valerius Maximus, a brother of Publicola. The allusion is to the secession of the Plebs to the Mons Sacer, B.C. 494, which was followed by the institution of the Tribunitian office. Cicero (Brutus, 14) mentions this Valerius, and the secession to the Mons Sacer. See Livius, ii. 30.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_215_215&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_215_215&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[215]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Q. Fabius Maximus Rullus, who was five times consul, and for the last time in B.C. 295. (Livius, x. 22.) He was afterwards Dictator and Censor. It was in his capacity of Censor that he ejected these persons from the Senate, B.C. 304. Compare the Life of Fabius Maximus, c. 1.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_216_216&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_216_216&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[216]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Kaltwasser observes that it was not so much a law (lex) as a usage: but Plutarch&#039;s words by no means imply that he thought there was a Lex to this effect. Livius (xxxi. c. 20) states that only a dictator, consul, or prætor could have a triumph. The claim of Pompeius was an impudent demand: but he felt his power. The &#039;first Scipio&#039; is the elder Africanus. See Life of Tiberius Gracchus, c. 1, Notes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_217_217&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_217_217&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[217]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch may mean that Pompeius really attempted to enter the gate in a chariot drawn by elephants, and finding that he could not do it, he got out and mounted a chariot drawn by horses. This is perhaps nearer the literal version of the passage, and agrees better with Plinius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;N. H.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; viii. 1).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_218_218&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_218_218&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[218]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; P. Servilius Vatia Isauricus, consul for B.C. 79. Pompeius triumphed B.C. 81, or in the beginning of 80 B.C., the first of the class of Equites who ever had this honour. The review of the Equites, which is spoken of at the end of this chapter, is explained by c. 22.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_219_219&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_219_219&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[219]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare the Life of Sulla, c. 31, &amp;amp;amp;c. Sulla died in the consulship of M. Æmilius Lepidus and Q. Lutatius Catulus, B.C. 78.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_220_220&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_220_220&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[220]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is the Roman expression, which Plutarch has rendered by &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: hoi aristoi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;οἱ άριστοι&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;. Compare Life of Tib. Gracchus, c. 10.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_221_221&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_221_221&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[221]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On the site of Modena. The events of the consulship of Lepidus are very confused. Drumann observes (Pompeii, p. 345) that Plutarch incorrectly tells the story as if Pompeius was not present at the attack of Lepidus on Rome (Appianus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 107; Floras, iii. 23): but Plutarch&#039;s narrative does not of necessity imply that Pompeius was not there.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_222_222&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_222_222&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[222]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Brutus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_223_223&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_223_223&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[223]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Sertorius, and as to the conduct of Pompeius in the war more particularly, chapter 12, &amp;amp;amp;c.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_224_224&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_224_224&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[224]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Pro Consule was the title of a Roman general who was sent to a province with consular authority. It was not unusual to appoint a man Pro Consule who had not been &#039;consul.&#039; The point of the reply lies in the form of the expression &#039;Pro Consule,&#039; which was a title, as contrasted with &#039;Pro Consulibus,&#039; which means &#039;instead of the consuls, to displace the consuls.&#039; The expression of L. Philippus is recorded by Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pro Lege Manilia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 21). Pompeius went to Iberia B.C. 76.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_225_225&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_225_225&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[225]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The death of Sertorius took place B.C. 72. As to the death of Perperna, see the Life of Sertorius, c. 26. The allusion to Sicily will be explained by referring to c. 10; but there is nothing there stated for which Pompeius needed to show any gratitude to Perperna. We may assume that Perperna left the island, because he could not safely stay.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_226_226&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_226_226&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[226]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The war in Spain was not quite settled by the death of Perperna. There was still some work left to do. Several towns held out, particularly in the country of the warlike Arevaci, who were on the east coast of Spain. Pompeius burnt Uxama; and L. Afranius conducted the war with unsparing severity against the Calaguritani who made a desperate resistance. (Floras, iii. 22.) The capture of their town ended the war. Drumann, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Geschichte Roms&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Pompeii, p. 376.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_227_227&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_227_227&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[227]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The history of the Servile war is in the Life of Crassus, c. 11, &amp;amp;amp;c.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_228_228&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_228_228&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[228]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was in B.C. 71. In B.C. 70 Pompeius was consul for the first time with M. Licinius Crassus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_229_229&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_229_229&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[229]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sulla had not abolished the tribunitian office, but he had deprived the tribunes of the chief part of their power. It does not seem exactly certain what Sulla did. Appianus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 100) says &#039;that he weakened it very much and carried a law by which no man after being tribune could hold any other office.&#039; Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Legibus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 9) considers the extension of the tribunitian power as unavoidable, and as effected with the least mischief by being the work of Pompeius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_230_230&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_230_230&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[230]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A Cornelia Lex, passed in the time of Sulla, made the Judices in the Judicia Publica eligible only out of the body of Senators. That the Senators had acted corruptly in the administration of justice, we have the authority of Cicero in one of his Verrine orations (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;In Verr.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; A 1, 13 and 16). The measure for restoring the Equites to a share in the judicial functions was proposed by the prætor L. Aurelius Cotta, the uncle of C. Julius Cæsar, with the approbation of Pompeius and Cæsar, who were now acting in concert. The charges of corruption which Cotta made against the Senate are recorded by Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;In Verr.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; iii. 96). The proposed law (rogatio), which was carried, made the Judices eligible out of the Senators, Equites, and Tribuni Ærarii, which three classes are mentioned by Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Atticum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 16) as represented by the Judices who sat on the trial of Clodius. The purity of the administration of justice was not hereby improved. Cicero, on the occasion of the trial of Clodius, speaks of all these classes having their dishonest representatives among the judices.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_231_231&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_231_231&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[231]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare the Life of Crassus, c. 12.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The remarks at the end of the chapter may be useful to some men who would meddle with matters political, when their only training has been in camps. Pompeius was merely a soldier, and had no capacity for civil affairs.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_232_232&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_232_232&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[232]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The history of piracy in the Mediterranean goes as far back as the history of navigation. The numerous creeks and islands of this inland sea offer favourable opportunities for piratical posts, and accordingly we read of pirates as early as we read of commerce by sea. (Thucydides, i. 5.) The disturbances in the Roman State had encouraged these freebooters in their depredations. Cæsar, when a young man, fell into their hands (Life of Cæsar, c. 1); and also P. Clodius. The insecure state of Italy is shown by the fact of the pirates even landing on the Italian coast, and seizing the Roman magistrates, Sextilius and Bellienus. Cicero in his oration in favour of the Lex Manilia (c. 12, c. 17, &amp;amp;amp;c.) gives some particulars of the excesses of the pirates. Antonia, whom they carried off, was the daughter of the distinguished orator, Marcus Antonius (Life of Marius, c. 44), who had been sent against the Cilician pirates B.C. 102, and had a triumph for his victory over them. If Cicero alludes (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pro Lege Manilia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) to the capture of the daughter of Antonius, that probably took place before B.C. 87, for in that year Antonius was put to death. But Cicero speaks of the daughter of &#039;a prætor&#039; being carried off from Misenum, and it is not improbable that he alludes to M. Antonius Creticus, prætor B.C. 75. If this explanation is correct, the Antonia was the grand-daughter of the orator Antonius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_233_233&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_233_233&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[233]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: stulides&amp;quot;&amp;gt;στυλίδες&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;. The meaning of this word is uncertain. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: Stulis&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Στυλίς&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; is a diminutive of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: stulos&amp;quot;&amp;gt;στῦλος&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, and signifies a small pillar, or pole. It may be that which carried the colours. But I do not profess to have translated the word, for I do not know what is meant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_234_234&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_234_234&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[234]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; From the places enumerated it appears that the pirates had carried their ravages from the coast of Asia Minor to the shores of Greece and up the Ionian Sea as far as the entrance of the Gulf of Ambracia, now the Gulf of Arta, near the entrance of which Actium was situated on the southern coast, and even to the Italian shores. The temple of Juno Lacinia was on the south-eastern coast of Italy on a promontory, now called Capo delle Colonne, from the ruins of the ancient temple. The noted temples of antiquity were filled with works of art and rich offerings, the gifts of pious devotees. Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pro Lege Manilia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;), c. 18) speaks of the pirates as infesting even the Via Appia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_235_235&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_235_235&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[235]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Not the mountain of that name, Kaltwasser remarks, but a town of Lycia in Asia Minor, one of the headquarters of the pirates. Strabo (p. 671) places Olympus in Cilicia. There was both a city and a mountain named Olympus there; and I have accordingly translated &#039;on Olympus.&#039; (Beaufort, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Karamania&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 46.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_236_236&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_236_236&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[236]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Mithras was a Persian deity, as it appears. The name occurs in many Persian compounds as Mithridates, Ithamitres, and others. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mitra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; is a Sanscrit name for the Sun. (Wilson, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sanscrit Dictionary&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_237_237&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_237_237&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[237]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Mediterranean. See the Life of Sertorius, c. 8, note. As to the limits of the command of Pompeius, compare Velleius Paterculus, ii. 31.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_238_238&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_238_238&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[238]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aulus Gabinius, one of the tribunes for the year B.C. 67, proposed the measure. The consuls of this year were C. Calpurnius Piso and M. Acilius Glabrio.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_239_239&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_239_239&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[239]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; L. Roscius Otho, one of the tribunes, and the proposer of the unpopular law (B.C. 67) which gave the Equites fourteen separate seats at the theatre. (Velleius, ii. 32; Dion Cassius, 36, c. 25.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_240_240&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_240_240&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[240]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare the Life of Flaminiaus, c. 10.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_241_241&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_241_241&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[241]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: ekomizen&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἐκόμιζεν&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; in the text. The reading is perhaps wrong, and the sense is doubtful. Reiske conjectured that it should be &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: ekolaze&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἐκόλαζε&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_242_242&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_242_242&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[242]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This place is on the coast of the Rough or Mountainous Cilicia, on a steep rock near the sea. (Strabo, p. 668; Beaufort&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Karamania&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 174.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_243_243&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_243_243&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[243]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Soli was an Achæan and Rhodian colony. After being settled by Pompeius, it received the name of Pompeiopolis, or the city of Pompeius. It is on the coast of the Level Cilicia, twenty miles west of the mouth of the river Cydnus, on which Tarsus stood. Soli was the birthplace of the Stoic Chrysippus, and of Philemon the comic writer. (Strabo, p. 671; Beaufort&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Kar.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 259.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_244_244&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_244_244&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[244]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare the Life of Lucullus, c. 26.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_245_245&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_245_245&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[245]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; One of the towns of Achæa in the Peloponnesus, near the borders of Elis. Pausanias (vii. 17).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As to the number of the pirates who surrendered, see Appianus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mithridatic War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 96).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_246_246&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_246_246&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[246]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Q. Cæcilius Metellus Creticus is stated by some modern writers to have been a son of Metellus Dalmaticus; but it is unknown who his father and grandfather were. (Drumann, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Geschichte Roms&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.) He had been consul B.C. 69. (Compare Velleius Paterculus, ii. 32.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_247_247&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_247_247&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[247]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The passage is in the Iliad, xxii. 207.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_248_248&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_248_248&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[248]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Or as Plutarch writes it Mallius. The tribune C. Manilius is meant, who carried the Lex Manilia, B.C. 66, which gave Pompeius the command in the Mithridatic war. Cicero supported the law in the speech which is extant, Pro Lege Manilia. It has been proposed to alter Mallius in Plutarch&#039;s text into Manilius, but Sintenis refers to Dion Cassius (36. c. 25, 26, 27).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_249_249&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_249_249&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[249]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was Glabrio the consul of B.C. 67 (see note on c. 25), who had been appointed to supersede Lucullus. (Life of Lucullus, c. 34, notes.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_250_250&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_250_250&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[250]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The allusion is to the secession of the Plebs to the Mons Sacer, which is recorded in Livius (2. c. 32).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_251_251&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_251_251&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[251]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Tib. Gracchus, c. 12, and the note.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_252_252&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_252_252&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[252]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Pompeius was appointed to the command in the Mithridatic war B.C. 66, when he was in Cilicia. (Appianus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mithridatic War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 97.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_253_253&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_253_253&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[253]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare the Life of Lucullus, c. 35, &amp;amp;amp;c.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_254_254&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_254_254&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[254]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As to the events in this chapter, compare Appianus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mithridatic War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 98, &amp;amp;amp;c.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_255_255&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_255_255&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[255]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Probably a Greek woman, as we may infer from the name. The king seems to have had a liking for Greek women.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_256_256&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_256_256&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[256]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is probably a corrupted name. It is Sinorega in Appianus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mithridatic War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 101). Coræs proposes Sinora. (Strabo, p. 555.) The place is mentioned by Ammianus (quoted by Sintenis) under the name of Sinhorium or Synorium. Strabo places Sinoria (as it is written in Casaubon&#039;s text) on the borders of the Greater Armenia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_257_257&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_257_257&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[257]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Appianus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mithridatic War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 101) describes the course which Mithridates took in his flight. He spent the winter in Dioscuri, as Appianus calls it, or Dioscurias on the east coast of the Euxine; and afterwards entered the countries bordering on the Mæotis or sea of Azoff. (Compare Strabo, p. 555.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_258_258&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_258_258&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[258]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was the third son of Tigranes by the daughter of Mithridates. The other two had been put to death by their father. The young Tigranes appeared in the triumph of Pompeius at Rome and then was put to death. (Appianus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mithridatic War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 104, 5.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_259_259&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_259_259&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[259]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Lucullus, c. 26, notes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_260_260&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_260_260&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[260]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Probably Artaxata is meant, for Appianus (c. 104) says that Pompeius had advanced to the neighbourhood of Artaxata.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Appianus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mithridatic War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 104) places these transactions with Tigranes after the battle with the Iberians which Plutarch describes in c. 34.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_261_261&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_261_261&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[261]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Probably a Persian word, with the same meaning as Tiara, the head-dress of the Persians and some other Oriental nations. The kings wore it upright to distinguish them from other people. (Herodotus, vii. 61.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_262_262&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_262_262&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[262]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A part of Armenia between the Antitaurus and the mountain range of Masius. (Strabo, p. 527.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_263_263&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_263_263&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[263]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Appianus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mithridatic War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 104) states that Pompeius received 6000 talents (of silver?) from Tigranes; and he seems to understand it as if the money was for Pompeius. In the other sums he agrees with Plutarch, except as to the tribunes, who received 10,000 drachmæ, or one talent and 4000 drachmæ, or 40 minæ.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On the value of the drachma, see Life of Tib. Gracchus, c. 2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_264_264&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_264_264&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[264]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;e.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, to sup with.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_265_265&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_265_265&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[265]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This great mountain system lies between the Euxine and the Caspian, and was now entered for the first time by the Roman troops. Colchis was on the west side of the mountains.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_266_266&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_266_266&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[266]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Saturnalia were celebrated in Rome on the 19th of December at this time. (Macrobius, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sat.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. 10; and the Life of Sulla, c. 18.) It was accordingly in the winter of B.C. 66 that Pompeius was in the mountains of the Caucasus. (Dion Cassius, 36. c. 36, 37.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_267_267&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_267_267&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[267]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I have kept the name Cyrnus, as it stands in the text of Plutarch, though it is probably, an error of the transcribers. The real name Cyrus could not be unknown to Plutarch. In the text of Appianus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mithridatic War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 103) the name is erroneously written Cyrtus; in Dion Cassius, it is Cyrnus. The Cyrus, now the Cur, flows from the higher regions of the Caucasus through Iberia and Albania, and is joined by the Araxes, Aras, above the point where the united stream enters the Caspian on the west coast. The twelve mouths are mentioned by Appianus (c. 103). Compare Strabo, p. 491.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_268_268&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_268_268&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[268]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In fact the Persians never subdued any of the mountain tribes within the nominal limits of their dominions; and the Caucasus was indeed not even within the nominal limits.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It is true that Alexander soon quitted Hyrkania, which lies on the south-east coast of the Caspian; but when he was in Hyrkania he was still a considerable distance from the Iberians. (Arrianus, iii. 23, &amp;amp;amp;c.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_269_269&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_269_269&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[269]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is the Faz, or Reone, which enters the south-east angle of the Euxine in the country of the Colchi.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_270_270&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_270_270&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[270]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Abas river is conjectured by some writers to be the Alazonius, which was the boundary between Iberia and Albania, The Abas is mentioned by Dion Cassius, 37. c. 3.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_271_271&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_271_271&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[271]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: epi tên tou thôrakos epiptuchên&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ θώρακος ἐπιπτυχήν&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Apparently some part of the coat of mail where there was a fold to allow of the motion of the body. As to the battle see Dion Cassius, 37. c. 3, &amp;amp;amp;c.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_272_272&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_272_272&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[272]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Appianus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mithridatic War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 103) says &amp;quot;Among the hostages and the captives were found many women, who were wounded as much as the men; and they were supposed to be Amazons, whether it is that some nation called Amazons borders on them, and they were then invited to give aid, or that the barbarians in those parts call any warlike women by the name of Amazons.&amp;quot; The explanation of Appianus is probably the true explanation. Instances of women serving as soldiers are not uncommon even in modern warfare. The story of a race of fighting women occurs in many ancient writers. The Amazons are first mentioned by Herodotus (iv. 110-116). There is a story of a hundred armed women being presented to Alexander (Arrian, vii. 13, &amp;amp;amp;c., who gives his opinion about them). Strabo (p. 503) says that Theophanes, who accompanied Pompeius in this campaign, places the Gelæ and Legæ between the Albanians and the Amazons. It is probable that the women of the mountain tribes of the Caucasus sometimes served in the field, and this at least may explain the story here told by Plutarch. The chief residence of the Amazons is placed in the plains of Themiscyra on the Thermodon in Cappadocia. Plutarch in his confused notions of geography appears to consider the Thermodon as a Caucasian river. He also places them near the Leges, a name which resembles that of the Lesghians, one of the present warlike tribes of the Caucasus. On antient medals the Amazons are represented with a short vest reaching to the knee, and one breast bare. Their arms were a crescent shield, the bow and arrow, and the double axe, whence the name Amazonia was used as a distinctive appellation for that weapon (Amazonia securis, Horat. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Od.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; iv. 4).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_273_273&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_273_273&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[273]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Caspian sea or lake was also called the Hyrkanian, from the province of Hyrkania which bordered on the south-east coast. The first notice of this great lake is in Herodotus (i. 203).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_274_274&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_274_274&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[274]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Elymæi were mountaineers who occupied the mountainous region between Susiana and Media. Gordyene was in the most south-eastern part of Armenia. Tigranocerta was in Gordyene. Appianus says that in his time Sophene and Gordyene composed the Less Armenia (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mithridatic War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 105). In the territory of Arbela, where the town of Arbil now is, Alexander had defeated Darius, the last king of Persia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_275_275&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_275_275&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[275]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Another Greek woman, as we may infer from the name. The story of the surrender of the fort by Stratonike is told by Appianus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mithridatic War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 107) with some additional particulars. Dion Cassius (37. c. 7) names this fort Symphorium.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The narrative of Plutarch omits many circumstances in the campaigns of Pompeius, which Appianus has described (c. 105, 106) a happening between the arrangement with Tigranes and the surrender of the fort by Stratonike. Among these events was the war in Judæa and the capture of Jerusalem. Pompeius entered the Holy of Holies in the Temple, into which only the high priest could enter, and that on certain occasions. Jerusalem was taken B.C. 63 in the consulship of Cicero. The events of this campaign are too confused to be reduced into chronological order. Drumann has attempted it (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Geschichte Roms&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Pompeii, p. 451, &amp;amp;amp;c.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_276_276&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_276_276&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[276]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch means the fort which he has mentioned in the preceding chapter without there giving it a name; the Symphorium of Dion. It was on the river Lycus, not quite 200 stadia from Cabira (Strabo, 556), and was an impregnable place.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_277_277&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_277_277&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[277]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: Hupomnêmata&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Ὑπομνήματα&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;: probably written in Greek, with which Mithridates was well acquainted. These valuable memoirs were used by Theophanes in his history of the campaigns of Pompeius. Theophanes was a native of Mitylene in Lesbos and accompanied Pompeius in several of his campaigns. He is often mentioned by Cicero (Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 4, and the notes in the Variorum edition).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_278_278&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_278_278&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[278]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The character of Mithridates is only known to us from his enemies. But his own memoirs, if the truth is here stated, prove his cruel and vindictive character. He spared neither his friends nor his own children. Among others he put to death his son Xiphares by Stratonike to revenge himself on the mother for giving up the fort Kænum.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_279_279&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_279_279&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[279]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Sulla, c. 6. The registration of dreams and their interpretation, that is the events which followed and were supposed to explain them, were usual among the Greeks. There is still extant one of these curious collections by Artemidorus Daldianus in five books, entitled Oneirocritica, or The Interpretation of Dreams. The fifth book of &#039;Results&#039; contains ninety-five dreams of individuals and the events which happened.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_280_280&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_280_280&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[280]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Lucullus, c. 18.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_281_281&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_281_281&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[281]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Publius Rutilius Rufus was consul B.C. 105. He was exiled in consequence of being unjustly convicted B.C. 92 at the time when the Judices were chosen from the body of the Equites. He was accused of Repetundæ and convicted and exiled. He retired to Smyrna, where he wrote the history of his own times in Greek. All the authorities state that he was an honest man and was unjustly condemned. (Velleius Paterculus, ii. 13; Tacitus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Agricola&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 1: and the various passages in Orelli, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Onomasticon&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, P. Rutilius Rufus.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_282_282&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_282_282&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[282]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Lucullus, c. 14.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_283_283&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_283_283&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[283]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The strait that unites the Euxine to the Mæotis or Sea of Azoff, was called the Bosporus, which name was also given to the country on the European side of the strait, which is included in the peninsula of the Crimea.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_284_284&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_284_284&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[284]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Dion Cassius, 37. c. 5.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_285_285&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_285_285&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[285]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is the Indian Ocean. The name first occurs in Herodotus. It is generally translated the Red Sea, and so it is translated by Kaltwasser. But the Red Sea was called the Arabian Gulf by Herodotus. However, the term Erythræan Sea was sometimes used with no great accuracy, and appears to have comprehended the Red Sea, which is a translation of the term Erythræan, as the Greeks understood that word (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: erythros&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἐρυθρός&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, Red).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_286_286&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_286_286&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[286]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Triarius, the legatus of Lucullus, had been defeated three years before by Mithridates. See the Life of Lucullus, c. 35; and Appianus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mithridatic War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 89).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_287_287&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_287_287&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[287]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This mountain range is connected with the Taurus and runs down to the coast of the Mediterranean, which it reaches at the angle formed by the Gulf of Scanderoon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_288_288&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_288_288&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[288]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This campaign, as already observed in the notes to c. 36, is placed earlier by Appianus, but his chronology is confused and incorrect. The siege of Jerusalem, which was accompanied with great difficulty, is described by Dion Cassius (37. c. 15, &amp;amp;amp;c.), and by Josephus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Jewish Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, xiv. 4). There was a great slaughter of the Jews when the city was stormed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_289_289&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_289_289&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[289]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This country was Gordyene. (Dion Cassius, 37. c. 5.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_290_290&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_290_290&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[290]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This city, the capital of Syria, was built by Seleucus Nicator and called Antiocheia after his father Antiochus. It is situated in 36° 12&#039; N. lat. on the south bank of the Orontes, a river which enters the sea south of the Gulf of Scanderoon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_291_291&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_291_291&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[291]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The meaning of the original is obscure. The word is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: to imation&amp;quot;&amp;gt;τὸ ιμάτιον&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, which ought to signify his vest or toga. Some critics take it to mean a kind of handkerchief used by sick persons and those of effeminate habits; and they say it was also used by persons when travelling, as a cover for the head, which the Greeks called Theristerium. The same word is used in the passage (c. 7), where it is said that &amp;quot;Sulla used to rise from his seat as Pompeius approached and take his vest from his head.&amp;quot; Whatever may be the meaning of the word here, Plutarch seems to say that this impudent fellow would take his seat at the table before the guests had arrived and leave his master to receive them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_292_292&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_292_292&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[292]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Drumann (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Geschichte Roms&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Pompeii, p. 53) observes that &amp;quot;Plutarch does not say that Pompeius built his house near his theatre, but that he built it in addition to his theatre and at the same time, as Donatus had perceived, De Urbe Roma, 3, 8, in Græv. Thes. T. 3, p. 695.&amp;quot; But Drumann is probably mistaken. There is no great propriety in the word &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: epholkion&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἐφόλκιον&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; unless the house was near the theatre, and the word &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: paretektênato&amp;quot;&amp;gt;παρετεκτήνατο&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; rather implies &#039;proximity,&#039; than &#039;in addition to.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This was the first permanent theatre that Rome had. It was built partly on the model of that of Mitylene and it was opened in the year B.C. 55. This magnificent theatre, which would accommodate 40,000 people, stood in the Campus Martius. It was built of stone with the exception of the scena, and ornamented with statues, which were placed there under the direction of Atticus, who was a man of taste. Augustus embellished the theatre, and he removed thither the statue of Pompeius, which up to that time had stood in the Curia where Cæsar was murdered. The scena was burnt down in the time of Tiberius, who began to rebuild it; but it was not finished till the reign of Claudius. Nero gilded the interior. The scena was again burnt in the beginning of the reign of Titus, who restored it again. The scena was again burnt in the reign of Philippus and a third time restored. (Drumann, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Geschichte Roms&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Pompeii, p. 521; Dion Cassius 39. c. 88, and the notes of Reimarus.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_293_293&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_293_293&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[293]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Petra, the capital of the Nabathæi, is about half way between the southern extremity of the Dead Sea and the northern extremity of the Ælanitic Gulf, the more eastern of the two northern branches of the Red Sea. The ruins of Petra exist in the Wady Musa, and have been visited by Burckhardt, Irby and Mangles, and last by Laborde, who has given the most complete description of them in his &#039;Voyage de l&#039;Arabie Pétrée,&#039; Paris, 1830. The place is in the midst of a desert, but has abundance of water. Its position made it an important place of commerce in the caravan trade of the East; and it was such in the time of Strabo, who states on the authority of his friend Athonodorus that many Romans were settled there (p. 779). It contains numerous tombs and a magnificent temple cut in the rock, a theatre and the remains of houses.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The king against whom Pompeius was marching is named Aretas by Dion Cassius (37. c. 15).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_294_294&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_294_294&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[294]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Pæonians were a Thracian people on the Strymon. (Herodotus, v. 1.) It appears from Dion Cassius (49. c. 36) that the Greeks often called the Pannonians by the name of Pæonians, which Sintenis considers a reason for not altering the reading here into Pannonians. Appianus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mithridatic War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 102) uses the name Pæonians, though he means Pannonians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_295_295&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_295_295&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[295]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is the Roman word. Compare Tacitus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Annal.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. 18): &amp;quot;congerunt cespites, exstruunt tribunal.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_296_296&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_296_296&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[296]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The circumstances of the rebellion of Pharnakes and the death of Mithridates are told by Appianus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mithridatic War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 110) and Dion Cassius (37. c. 11). Mithridates died B.C. 63, in the year in which Cicero was consul.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The text of the last sentence in this chapter is corrupt; and the meaning is uncertain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_297_297&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_297_297&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[297]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: to nemesêton&amp;quot;&amp;gt;τὸ νεμέσητον&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_298_298&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_298_298&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[298]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The body of Mithridates was interred at Sinope. Appianus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mithridatic War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 113) says that Pharnakes sent the dead body of his father in a galley to Pompeius to Sinope, and also those who had killed Manius Aquilius, and many hostages Greeks and barbarians. There might be some doubt about the meaning of the words &#039;many corpses of members of the royal family&#039; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: polla sômata tôn basilikôn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;πολλα σώματα τῶν βασιλικῶν&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; but Plutarch appears from the context to mean dead bodies. Two of the daughters of Mithridates who were with him when he died, are mentioned by Appianus (c. 111) as having taken poison at the same time with their father. The poison worked on them, but had no effect on the old man, who therefore prevailed on a Gallic officer who was in his service to kill him. (Compare Dion Cassius, 39. c. 13, 14.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_299_299&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_299_299&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[299]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He made it what the Romans called Libera Civitas, a city which had its own jurisdiction and was free from taxes. Compare the Life of Cæsar, c. 48.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_300_300&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_300_300&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[300]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was a native of Apamea in Syria, a Stoic, and a pupil of Panætius. He was one of the masters of Cicero, who often speaks of him and occasionally corresponded with him (Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 1). Cicero also mentions Hermagoras in his treatise De Inventione (i. 6, and 9), and in the Brutus (c. 79).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_301_301&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_301_301&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[301]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Sulla, c. 6.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_302_302&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_302_302&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[302]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; She was the daughter of Q. Mucius Scævola, consul B.C. 95, and the third wife of Pompeius, who had three children by her. She was not the sister of Q. Metellus Nepos and Q. Metellus Celer, as Kaltwasser says, but a kinswoman. Cn. Pompeius and Sextus Pompeius were the sons of Mucia. Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. 12) speaks of the divorce of Mucia and says that it was approved of; but he does not assign the reason. C. Julius Cæsar (Suetonius, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cæsar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 50) is named as the adulterer or one of them, and Pompeius called him his Ægisthus. After her divorce in the year B.C. 62 Mucia married M. Æmilius Scaurus, the brother of the second wife of Pompeius. Mucia survived the battle of Actium (B.C. 31), and she was treated with respect by Octavianus Cæsar (Dion Cassius, 51. c. 2; Drumann, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Geschichte Roms&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Pompeii, p. 557).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_303_303&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_303_303&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[303]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Here and elsewhere I have used Plutarch&#039;s word &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: monarchia&amp;quot;&amp;gt;μοναρχία&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, &#039;The government of one man,&#039; by which he means the Dictatorship, in some passages at least.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_304_304&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_304_304&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[304]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He landed in Italy B.C. 62, during the consulship of D. Junius Silanus and L. Licinius Murena. The request mentioned at the beginning of c. 44 is also noticed in Plutarch&#039;s Life of Cato (c. 30). M. Pupius Piso was one of the consuls for B.C. 61.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_305_305&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_305_305&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[305]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was L. Afranius, one of the legati of Pompeius, who has often been mentioned. He was consul with Q. Metellus Celer B.C. 60 (compare Dion Cassius, 37. c. 49). Cicero, who was writing to Atticus at the time (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. 17), speaks of the bribery at the election of Afranius, and accuses Pompeius of being active on the occasion. From this consulship Horatius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Od.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 1) dates the commencement of the civil wars, for in this year was formed the coalition between Cæsar, Pompeius, and Crassus. See the remark of Cato, c. 47.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_306_306&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_306_306&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[306]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare Appianus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mithridatic War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 116) and Dramann, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Geschichte Roms&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Pompeii, p. 485. When particular measures of money are not mentioned, Plutarch, as usual with him, means Attic drachmæ.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_307_307&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_307_307&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[307]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The triumph of Pompeius was in B.C. 61 on his birthday (Plinius 37. c. 2). Pompeius was born B.C. 106, and consequently he was now entering on his forty-sixth year—Xylander (Holzmann) preferred to read &#039;fifty&#039; instead of &#039;forty.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_308_308&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_308_308&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[308]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero went into exile B.C. 58, and after the events mentioned in chapter 47. Cæsar returned from his province of Iberia in B.C. 60.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_309_309&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_309_309&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[309]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Cæsar, c. 14, as to the events mentioned in this chapter and the following. Cæsar was consul B.C. 59.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_310_310&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_310_310&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[310]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; L. Calpurnius Piso and A. Gabinius were consuls B.C. 58, in the year in which Clodius was tribune and Cicero was exiled.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_311_311&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_311_311&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[311]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As to this remark of Pompeius, compare the Life of Lucullus, c. 38.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_312_312&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_312_312&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[312]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare the Life of Cato, c. 34.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_313_313&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_313_313&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[313]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A mark of an effeminate person. Compare the Life of Cæsar, c. 4, which explains this passage.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_314_314&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_314_314&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[314]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This event is told by Dion Cassius (39. c. 19), but as Kaltwasser remarks he places it in B.C. 56, when Clodius was ædile and Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus and M. Marcius Philippus were consuls. The trial was that of Milo De Vi, B.C. 56. Compare Cicero (Ad Quintum Fratrem, ii. 3) and Rein (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Criminalrecht der Römer&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 758, note).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_315_315&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_315_315&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[315]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Q. Terentius Culleo was a tribunus plebis B.C. 58. He is mentioned by Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; iii. 15) and elsewhere.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_316_316&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_316_316&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[316]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero returned to Rome B.C. 57 in the consulship of P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther and Q. Cæcilius Metellus Nepos. See the Life of Cicero, c. 33. He had returned to Rome before the trial mentioned at the end of c. 48.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_317_317&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_317_317&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[317]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Pompeius was made Præfectus Annonæ for five years. There was a great scarcity at Rome, which was nothing unusual, and dangerous riots (see the article CORN TRADE, ROMAN, &#039;Political Dictionary,&#039; by the author of this note). The appointment of Pompeius is mentioned by Dion Cassius (39. c. 9, and the notes of Reimarus). Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Atticum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iv. 1) speaks of the appointment of Pompeius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_318_318&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_318_318&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[318]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ptolemæus Auletes had given large bribes to several Romans to purchase their influence and to get himself declared a friend and ally of the Romans; which was in fact to put himself under their protection. His subjects were dissatisfied with him for various reasons, and among others for the heavy taxes which he laid on them to raise the bribe money. He made his escape from Egypt and was now in Rome. The story is told at some length in Dion Cassius (39. c. 12, &amp;amp;amp;c.), and the matter of the king&#039;s restoration is discussed by Cicero in several letters (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Diversos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 1-7) to this Spinther. The king for the present did not get the aid which he wanted, and he retired to Ephesus, where he lodged within the precincts of the temple of Artemis, which was an ASYLUM. (See &#039;Political Dictionary,&#039; art. Asylum; and Strabo, p. 641.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_319_319&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_319_319&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[319]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A Greek historian of the time of Augustus. He was originally a captive slave, but he was manumitted and admitted to the intimacy of Augustus Cæsar. He was very free with his tongue, which at last caused him to be forbidden the house of Augustus. (Seneca, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Ira&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 23.) He burnt some of his historical writings, but not all of them, for Plutarch here refers to his authority. Horatius (1 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ep&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. 19. v. 15) alludes to Timagenes. (See Suidas, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: Timagenês&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Τιμαγένης&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_320_320&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_320_320&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[320]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Cæsar, c. 15, and as to the conference at Luca, c. 21. The conference took place B.C. 56, when Marcellinus (c. 48, notes) was one of the consuls. Compare also the Life of Crassus (c. 14, 15), and Dion Cassius, 39. c. 30, as to the trouble at Rome at this time, and Appianus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 17).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_321_321&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_321_321&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[321]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is the meaning of the word &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: politikôteron&amp;quot;&amp;gt;πολιτικώτερον&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, which is generally mistranslated here and in other parts of Plutarch. It is the translation of the Roman term &#039;civiliter.&#039; (Tacitus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Annal&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. i 33, iii 76.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_322_322&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_322_322&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[322]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Life of Crassus, c. 15, notes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_323_323&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_323_323&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[323]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; P. Vatinius, often mentioned by Cicero. (See Orelli, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Onomasticon&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Vatinius.) Cicero&#039;s extant oration In Vatinium was delivered B.C. 56.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_324_324&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_324_324&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[324]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; C. Trebonius, a friend of Cicero, several of whose letters to him are extant. (Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Divers.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; x. 28; xii. 16; xv. 20, 21.) He was one of the conspirators against Cæsar; and Cicero tells him (x. 28) that he was somewhat vexed with him that he saved Antonius from the same fate. Trebonius was treacherously put to death at Smyrna by Dolabella with circumstances of great cruelty B.C. 43. (Dion Cassius, 47. c. 29.) In the notes to the life of Crassus, c. 16, I have incorrectly called this Tribune Titus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_325_325&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_325_325&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[325]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch must mean that Crassus left Rome before the expiration of his consulship B.C. 55; but the words &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: apallageis tês hupateias&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἀπαλλαγεὶς τῆς ὑπατείας&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; are in themselves doubtful. (Life of Crassus, c. 16.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_326_326&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_326_326&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[326]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Drumann (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Geschichte Roms&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Pompeii, p. 524) has diligently collected all the circumstances of this magnificent exhibition. (See also Dion Cassius, 39. c. 38, and the references in the notes of Reimarus.) The elephant-fight (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: elphantomachia&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἐλφαντομαχία&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) was a fight between the elephants and armed Gætulians. There were eighteen elephants. The cries of the animals when they were wounded moved the pity of the spectators. The elephants would not enter the vessels when they were leaving Africa, till they received a promise from their leaders that they should not he injured; the treacherous treatment of them at the games was the cause of their loud lamentations, in which they appealed to the deity against the violation of the solemn promise. (Dion Cassius.) Cicero, who was not fond of exhibitions of the kind, speaks with disgust of the whole affair (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Diversos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, vii. 1). The letter of Cicero, written at the time, is valuable contemporary evidence. Various facts on the exhibition of elephants at Rome are collected in the Library of Entertaining Knowledge, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Menageries&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Elephant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A rhinoceros was also exhibited at the games of Pompeius; and an actress was brought on the stage, who had made her first appearance in the consulship of C. Marius the younger, and Cn. Carbo B.C. 82, but she made her appearance again in the time of Augustus, A.D. 9, in the consulship of Poppæus, when she was 103 years old, 91 years after her first appearance. (Plinius, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;H.N&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. vii. 49.) Drumann says, when speaking of the games of Pompeius, &amp;quot;a woman of unusually advanced age was brought forward;&amp;quot; but the words of Plinius &amp;quot;anus pro miraculo reducta,&amp;quot; apply to her last appearance. A woman of one-and-forty was no uncommon thing then, nor is it now. The pointing in the common texts is simply the cause of the blunder.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_327_327&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_327_327&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[327]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Crassus, c. 16, notes, Julia died B.C. 54, in the consulship of L. Domitius Ahenobarbus and Ap. Claudius Pulcher (See the Life of Cæsar. c. 23.) Crassus lost his life B.C. 53.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_328_328&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_328_328&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[328]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A quotation from the Iliad, xv. 189.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_329_329&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_329_329&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[329]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cn. Domitius Calvinus and M. Valerius Messala, the consuls of B.C. 53, were not elected till seven months after the proper time, so that there was during this time an anarchy &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: anarchia&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἀναρχία&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, which is Plutarch&#039;s word). This term &#039;anarchy&#039; must be taken in its literal and primary sense of a time when there were no magistrates, which would be accompanied with anarchy in the modern sense of the term. Dion Cassius (40. c. 45) describes this period of confusion. The translation in the text may lead to a misunderstanding of Plutarch&#039;s meaning; it should be, &amp;quot;he allowed an anarchy to take place.&amp;quot; Kaltwasser&#039;s translation: &amp;quot;so liess er es zu einer Anarchie kommen,&amp;quot; is perfectly exact.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_330_330&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_330_330&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[330]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In the year B.C. 52 in which year Clodius was killed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_331_331&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_331_331&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[331]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; She was the daughter of Q. Cæcilius Metellus Pius Scipio, who was the son of P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica and of Licinia, the daughter of the orator L. Crassus. He was adopted (B.C. 64 or 63) by the testament of Q. Cæcilius Metellus Pius, who fought in Spain ngainst Sertorius; but his daughter must have been born before this, as she bore the name Cornelia. Drumann (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Geschichte Roms&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Cæcilii, p. 49) thinks that the story of her attempting to destroy herself when she heard of the death of her husband (Life of Pompeius, c. 74) is suspicious, because she married Pompeius the year after. If Cornelia were the only woman that was ever said to have done so, we might doubt the story; but as she is not, we need not suspect it on that account.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_332_332&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_332_332&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[332]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Corruption is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: dorodokia&amp;quot;&amp;gt;δοροδοκία&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; in Plutarch, &#039;gift receiving,&#039; and it ought to correspond to the Roman Peculatus. But &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: dorodokia&amp;quot;&amp;gt;δοροδοκία&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; also means corruption by bribes. Bribery is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: dekasmos&amp;quot;&amp;gt;δεκασμός&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; in Plutarch, which is expressed generally by the Roman Ambitus, and specially by the verb &#039;decuriare.&#039; (See Cicero&#039;s Oration Pro Cn. Plancio, Ed. Wunder.) The offence of Scipio was Ambitus. (Dion Cassius, 40. c. 51, &amp;amp;amp;c.; Appianus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 24.) As to Roman Bribery, see the article BRIBERY, &#039;Political Dictionary,&#039; by the author of this note, whose contribution begins p. 416.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_333_333&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_333_333&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[333]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; These 360 Judices appear to have been chosen for the occasion of these trials. (Velleius Pater. ii. 76; Goettling, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Roemische Staatsverfassung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 482.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_334_334&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_334_334&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[334]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; T. Munatius Plancus Bursa, a tribune of the Plebs. In B.C. 52 Milo and Clodius with their followers had an encounter in which Clodius was killed. Tho people, with whom he was a favourite, burnt his body in the Curia Hostilia, and the Curia with it. (Dion Cassius, 40, c. 48.) Plancus was charged with encouraging this disorder, and he was brought to trial. Cicero was his accuser; he was condemned and exiled. (Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Diversos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, vii. 2.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_335_335&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_335_335&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[335]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plautius Hypsæus was not a consular. He had been the quæstor of Pompeius. He and Scipio had been candidates for the consulship this year, and were both charged with bribery. (Dion Cassius, 40, c. 53.) Hypsæus was convicted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_336_336&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_336_336&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[336]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Cæsar, c. 29. Pompeius had lent Cæsar two legions (c. 52). Compare Dion Cassius, 40. c. 65, and Appianus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 29. The illness of Pompeius and the return of the legions from Gaul took place in the year B.C. 50. Appius Claudius (c. 57) was sent by the Senate to conduct the legions from Gaul. Dion Cassius (40. c. 65) says that Pompeius had lent Cæsar only one legion, but that Cæsar had to give up another also, inasmuch as Pompeius obtained an order of the Senate that both he and Cæsar should give a legion to Bibulus, who was in Syria, for the Parthian war. (Appianus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 29; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bell. Gall.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; viii. 54.) Thus Pompeius in effect gave up nothing, but Cæsar parted with two legions. The legions were not sent to Syria, but both wintered in Capua. The consul C. Claudius Marcellus (B.C. 50) gave both these legions to Pompeius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_337_337&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_337_337&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[337]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; L. Æmilius Paulus was consul B.C. 50, with C. Claudius Marcellus a violent opponent of Cæsar. He built the Basilica Pauli (Appianus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 26). Basilica is a Greek word (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: basilikê&amp;quot;&amp;gt;βασιλική&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;); a basilica was used as a court of law, and a place of business for merchants. The form of a Roman basilica is known from the description of Vitruvius (v. 1), the ground-plan of two Basilicæ at Rome, and that of Pompeii which is in better preservation. Some of the great Roman churches are called Basilicæ, and in their construction bear some resemblance to the antient Basilicæ. (&#039;Penny Cyclopædia,&#039; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Basilica&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_338_338&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_338_338&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[338]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; C. Scribonius Curio. Compare the Life of M. Antonius, c. 2. He was a man of ability, but extravagant in his habits (Dion Cassius, 40. c. 60):—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Momentumque fuit mutatus Curio rerum,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Gallorum captus spoliis et Cæsaris auro.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Lucanus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pharsalia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iv. 819&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As to the vote on the proposition of Curio, Appianus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 30) agrees with Plutarch. Dion Cassius (40. c. 64: and 41. c. 2) gives a different account of this transaction.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_339_339&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_339_339&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[339]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; C. Claudius Marcellus and L. Cornelius Lentulus Crus were consuls for the year B.C. 49, in which the war broke out, This Marcellus was the cousin of the consul Marcellus of the year B.C. 50, who (Appianus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 30) presented Pompeius with a sword when he commissioned him to fight against Cæsar. Plutarch appears (c. 58, 59) to mean the same Marcellus; but he has confounded them. The Marcellus of c. 58 is the consul of B.C. 49; and the Marcellus of c. 59 is the consul of B.C. 50, according to Dion Cassius (40. c. 66 41. c. 1, &amp;amp;amp;c.) and Appianus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_340_340&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_340_340&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[340]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero returned from his government of Cilicia B.C. 50.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_341_341&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_341_341&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[341]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Cæsar, c. 32.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_342_342&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_342_342&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[342]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; L. Volcatius Tullus who had been consul B.C. 66 (&#039;Consule Tullo&#039;), Horatius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Od.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; iii. 8).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_343_343&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_343_343&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[343]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The reply of Pompeius is given by Appianus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 37). As to the confusion in Rome see Dion Cassius (42. c. 6-9); and the references in Clinton, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Fasti&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, B.C. 49.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_344_344&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_344_344&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[344]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch here omits the capture of Corfinium, which took place before Cæsar entered Rome. See Dion Cassius (41. c. 10), and the Life of Cæsar, c. 34.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_345_345&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_345_345&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[345]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; L. Metullus, of whom little is known. Kaltwasser makes Cæsar say to Metellus, &amp;quot;It was not harder for him to say it than to do it;&amp;quot; which has no sense in it. What Cæsar did say appears from the Life of Cæsar, c. 35. Cæsar did not mean to say that it was as easy for him to do it as to say it. He meant that it was hard for him to be reduced to say such a thing; as to doing it, when he had said it, that would be a light matter. Sintenis suspects that the text is not quite right here. See the various readings and his proposed alteration; also Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; x. 4.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_346_346&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_346_346&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[346]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 25, &amp;amp;amp;c.) describes the operations at Brundisium and the escape ot Pompeius. Compare also Dion Cassius (41. c. 12); Appianus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 39). The usual passage from Italy to Greece was from Brundisium to Dyrrachium (Durazzo), which in former times was called Epidamnus (Thucydides, i. 24; Appianus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 39).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_347_347&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_347_347&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[347]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This does not appear in Cæsar&#039;s Civil War.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_348_348&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_348_348&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[348]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This opinion of Cicero is contained in a letter to Atticus (vii. 11). When Xerxes invaded Attica (B.C. 480), Themistokles advised the Athenians to quit their city and trust to their ships. The naval victory of Salamis justified his advice. In the Peloponnesian War (B.C. 431) Perikles advised the Athenians to keep within their walls and wait for the Cæsar invaders to retire from Attica for want of supplies; in which also the result justified the advice of Perikles. Cicero in his letters often complains of the want of resolution which Pompeius displayed at this crisis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_349_349&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_349_349&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[349]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch means that Cæsar feared that Pompeius had everything to gain if the war was prolonged.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In his Civil War (i. 24) Numerius is called Cneius Magius, &#039;Præfectus fabrorum,&#039; or head of the engineer department. Sintenis observes that Oudendorp might have used this passage for the purpose of restoring the true prænomen in Cæsar&#039;s text, &#039;Numerius&#039; in place of &#039;Cneius.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_350_350&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_350_350&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[350]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; These vessels took their name from the Liburni, on the coast of Illyricum. They were generally biremes, and well adapted for sea manœuvres.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_351_351&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_351_351&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[351]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A town in Macedonia west of the Thermaic Gulf or Bay of Saloniki. It appears from this that Pompeius led his troops from the coast of the Adriatic nearly to the opposite coast of Macedonia (Dion Cassius, 41. c. 43). His object apparently was to form a junction with the forces that Scipio and his son were sent to raise in the East (c. 62).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_352_352&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_352_352&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[352]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Romans were accustomed to such exercises as these in the Campus Martius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;———&amp;quot;cur apricum&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Oderit campum patiens pulveris atque solis?&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;———sæpe disco&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Sæpe trans finem jaculo nobilis expedito.&amp;quot;—Horatius, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Od&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. i. 8.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Compare the Life of Marius (34).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Romans maintained their bodily vigour by athletic and military exercises to a late period of life. The bath, swimming, riding, and the throwing of the javelin were the means by which they maintained their health and strength. A Roman commander at the age of sixty was a more vigorous man than modern commanders at the like age generally are.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_353_353&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_353_353&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[353]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Pompeius passed the winter at Thessalonica (Saloniki) on the Thermaic Gulf and on the Via Egnatia, which ran from Dyrrachium to Thessalonica, and thence eastward. He had with him two hundred senators. The consuls, prætors, and quæstors of the year B.C. 49 were continued by the Senate at Thessalonica for the year B.C. 48 under the names of Proconsuls, Proprætors, Proquæstors. Cæsar and P. Servillus Isauricus were elected consuls at Rome for the year B.C. 48 (Life of Cæsar, c. 37). The party of Pompeius could not appoint new magistrates for want of the ceremony of a Lex Curiata (Dion Cassius, 41. c. 43).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_354_354&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_354_354&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[354]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; His name is Titus Labienus (Life of Cæsar, c. 34). &#039;Labeo&#039; is a mere blunder of the copyists. Dion Cassius (41. c. 4) gives the reasons for Labienus passing over to Pompeius. Labienus had served Cæsar well in Gaul, and he is often mentioned in Cæsar&#039;s Book on the Gallic War. He fell at the battle of Munda in Spain B.C. 45. (See the Life of Cæsar, c. 34, 56.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_355_355&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_355_355&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[355]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; M. Junius Brutus. See the Life of Brutus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_356_356&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_356_356&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[356]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero was not in the Senate at Thessalonica, though he had come over to Macedonia. (See the Life of Cicero, c. 38.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_357_357&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_357_357&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[357]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Tidius is not a Roman name. It should be Didius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_358_358&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_358_358&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[358]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The defeats of Afranius and Petreius in Iberia, in the summer of B.C. 49, are told by Cæsar in his Civil War, i. 41-81.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Cæsar reached Brundisium at the close of the year B.C. 49. See the remarks on the time in Clinton, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Fasti&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, B.C. 49. Oricum or Oricus was a town on the coast of Epirus, south of Apollonia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_359_359&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_359_359&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[359]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; L. Vibillius Rufus appears to be the person intended. He is often mentioned by Cæsar (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 15, 23, &amp;amp;amp;c.); but as the readings in Cæsar&#039;s text are very uncertain (Jubellius, Jubilius, Jubulus) Sintenis has not thought it proper to alter the text of Plutarch here.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;On the third day.&#039; Cæsar (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 10) says &#039;triduo proximo,&amp;quot; and the correction of Moses du Soul, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: hêmera rhêtê&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἡμέρα ῥητῆ&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, is therefore unnecessary. Pompeius had moved westward from Thessalonica at the time when Rufus was sent to him, and was in Candavia on his road to Apollonia and Dyrrachium (Cæsar, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 11).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_360_360&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_360_360&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[360]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Pompeius returned to Dyrrachium, which it had been the object of Cæsar to seize. As he had not accomplished this, Cæsar posted himself on the River Apsus between Apollonia and Dyrrachium. The fights in the neighbourhood of Dyrrachium are described by Cæsar (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 34, &amp;amp;amp;c.).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_361_361&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_361_361&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[361]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Athamanes were on the borders of Epirus and Thessalia. In place of the Athamanes the MSS. of Cæsar (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 78) have Acarnania, which, as Drumann says, must be a mistake in the text of Cæsar.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_362_362&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_362_362&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[362]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Q. Metellus Scipio, the father-in-law of Pompeius, who had been appointed to the government of Syria by the Senate. Scipio had now come to Thesaalia (Cæsar, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 33, and 80).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_363_363&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_363_363&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[363]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cato was left with fifteen cohorts in Dyrrachium. See the Life of Cato, c. 55; Dion Cassius (12. c. 10).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_364_364&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_364_364&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[364]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Or Tusculanum, as Plutarch calls it, now Frascati, about 12 miles S.E. of Rome, where Cicero had a villa.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_365_365&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_365_365&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[365]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Lentulus Spinther, consul of B.C. 57, and L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, consul B.C. 54. This affair is mentioned by Cæsar himself (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 83, &amp;amp;amp;c.). We have the best evidence of the bloody use that the party of Pompeius would have made of their victory is the letters of Cicero himself (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Atticum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, xi. 6). There was to be a general proscription, and Rome was to see the times of Sulla revived. But the courage and wisdom of one man defeated the designs of these senseless nobles. Cæsar (c. 83) mentions their schemes with a contemptuous brevity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_366_366&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_366_366&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[366]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The town of Pharsalus was situated near the Enipeus, in one of the great plains of Thessalia, called Pharsalia. Cæsar (iii. 88) does not mention the place where the battle was fought. See Appianus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 75.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_367_367&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_367_367&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[367]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Pompeius had dedicated a temple at Rome to Venus Victrix. The Julia (Iulia) Gens, to which Cæsar belonged, traced their deecent from Venus through Iulus, the son of Æneas. (See the Life of Cæsar, c. 42.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_368_368&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_368_368&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[368]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar does not mention this meteor in his Civil War. See Life of Cæsar, c. 43, and Dion Cassius, 41. c. 61.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_369_369&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_369_369&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[369]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A place in Thessalia north of Pharsalus where Titus Quinctius Flaminius defeated King Philip of Macedonia, B.C. 197.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_370_370&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_370_370&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[370]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: ton phoinikoun chitôna&amp;quot;&amp;gt;τὸν φοινικοῦν χιτῶνα&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;. Shakspere has employed this in his Julius Cæsar, Act V. Sc. 1:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Their bloody sign of battle is hung out.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Plutarch means the Vexillum. He has expressed by his word (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: protheinai&amp;quot;&amp;gt;προθεῖναι&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) the &#039;propono&#039; of Cæsar (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bell. Gall.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 20; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bell. Hispan.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; c. 28, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bell. Alexandr.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; c. 45). The &#039;hung out&#039; is a better translation than &#039;unfurled.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_371_371&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_371_371&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[371]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch in this as in some other instances places the Prænomen last, instead of first which he ought to do; but immediately after he writes Lucius Domitius correctly. The error may be owing to the copyists.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The order of the battle is described by Cæsar (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 89). Plutarch here and in the Life of Cæsar (c. 44) says that Pompeius commanded the right, but Cæsar says that he was on the left. Domitius, that is, L. Domitius Ahenobarbus (Consul B.C. 54), may have commanded under him. Cn. Domitius Calvinus (Consul B.C. 53), whom Plutarch calls Calvinus Lucius, commanded Cæsar&#039;s centre. The account of Appianus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 76) does not agree with Cæsar&#039;s.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_372_372&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_372_372&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[372]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Cæsar B.C. (iii. 88), and Appianus (ii. 79), who quotes Cæsar&#039;s letters.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_373_373&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_373_373&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[373]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The whole number of Italian troops on both sides was about 70,000, as Plutarch says in the next chapter. There were also other troops on both sides (Appianus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 70). The battle was fought on the ninth of August, B.C. 48, according to the uncorrected calendar.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_374_374&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_374_374&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[374]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dion Cassius has some like reflections (41. c. 53-58); and Appianus (ii. 77), who says that both the commanders-in-chief shed tears; which we need not believe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_375_375&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_375_375&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[375]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Lucan, i. 6.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_376_376&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_376_376&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[376]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Crassinius, in the Life of Cæsar, c. 44. Cæsar (iii. 91, 99) names him Crastinus. Compare Appianus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 82). Crastinus received an honourable interment after the battle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_377_377&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_377_377&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[377]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The passage is from the Iliad, xi. 544.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_378_378&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_378_378&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[378]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; C. Asinius Pollio was a soldier, a poet, and an historical writer. His history of the Civil Wars was comprised in seventeen books. Appianus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 79) quotes this circumstance from Pollio. Horatius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Od.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 1) addresses this Pollio, and Virgilius in his fourth Eclogue. The first part of the ode of Horatius contains an allusion to Pollio&#039;s historical work.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_379_379&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_379_379&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[379]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar (iii. 96) describes the appearance of the camp of Pompeius, and adds that his hungry soldiers found an entertainment which their enemies had prepared for themselves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_380_380&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_380_380&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[380]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Pompeius passed by Larissa, the chief town of Thessalia, on his road to the vale of Tempe, in which the river Peneius flows between the mountain range of Olympus and Ossa. In saying that Pompeius &amp;quot;let his horse go,&amp;quot; I have used an expression that may be misunderstood. Cæsar(iii. 96) will explain it—&amp;quot;protinusque equo citato Larissam contendit,&amp;quot; and he continued his flight at the same rate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_381_381&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_381_381&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[381]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; These were L. Lentulus Spinther, Consul B.C. 57, and Lentulus Crus, Consul B.C. 49. Deiotarus was king or tetrarch of Galatia in Asia Minor, and had come to the assistance of Pompeius with a considerable force. Pompeius had given him Armenia the Less, and the title of King. Cæsar after the battle of Pharsalus took Armenia from him, but allowed him to retain the title of King.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_382_382&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_382_382&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[382]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The verse is from Euripides. It is placed among the Fragmenta Incerta CXIX. ed. Matthiæ.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_383_383&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_383_383&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[383]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This town was near the mouth of the Strymon, a river of Thrace, and out of the direct route to Lesbos. The reason of Pompeius going there is explained by Cæsar (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 102). Cornelia was at Mitylene in Lesbos with Sextus, the younger son of Pompeius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_384_384&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_384_384&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[384]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Kratippus was a Peripatetic, and at this time the chief of that sect. Cicero&#039;s son Marcus afterwards heard his lectures at Athens (Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Officiis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 1), B.C. 44.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The last sentence of this chapter is somewhat obscure, and the opinions of the critics vary as to the reading. See the note of Sintenis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_385_385&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_385_385&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[385]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This city was on the coast of Pamphylia. It took its name from Attalus Philadelphus, the king of Pergamum of that name, who built it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Lucanus (viii. 251) makes Pompeius first land at Phaselis in Lycia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_386_386&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_386_386&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[386]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dion Cassius (43. c. 2) discusses this matter. He thinks that Pompeius could never have thought of going to Parthia. Compare Appianus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 83).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_387_387&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_387_387&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[387]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is the King Juba mentioned in the Life of Cæsar, c. 52.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_388_388&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_388_388&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[388]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is Ptolemæus Dionysius, the last of his race, and the son of the Ptolemæus Auletes mentioned in c. 49. Auletes had been restored to his kingdom through the influence of Pompeius by A. Gabinius B.C. 55.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_389_389&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_389_389&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[389]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This Arsakes is called Hyrodes or Orodes in the Life of Crassus (c. 18). Arsakes seems to have been a name common to the Parthian kings, as the representatives of Arsakes, the founder of the dynasty. Orodes had already refused his aid to Pompeius in the beginning of the war, and put in chains Hirrus, who had been sent to him. The Parthian demanded the cession of Syria, which Pompeius would not consent to.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_390_390&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_390_390&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[390]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Probably Seleukeia in Syria at the mouth of the Orontes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_391_391&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_391_391&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[391]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was now thirteen years of age, and according to his father&#039;s testament, he and his sister Kleopatra were to be joint kings and to intermarry after the fashion of the Greek kings of Egypt. The advisers of Ptolemæus had driven Kleopatra out of Egypt, and on the news of her advancing against the eastern frontiers with an army, they went out to meet her. Pelusium, on the eastern branch of the Nile, had for many centuries been the strong point on this frontier. (Cæsar, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 103; Dion Cassius, 42. c. 3, &amp;amp;amp;c.) Pompeius approached the shore of Egypt with several vessels and about 2000 soldiers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As to the circumstances in this chapter, compare Dion Cassius (42. c. 3), Appianus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 84), and Cæsar (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 104). Cæsar simply mentions the assassination of Pompeius. He says no more about it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_392_392&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_392_392&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[392]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The death of Pompeius is mentioned by Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Atticum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, xi. 6). As to his age, Drumann observes, &amp;quot;He was born B.C. 106, and was consequently 58 years old when he was killed, on the 29th of September, or on the day before his birthday, about the time of the autumnal equinox according to the unreformed calendar.&amp;quot; (Lucanus, viii 467.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_393_393&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_393_393&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[393]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He is called Cordus by Lucanus (viii. 715), and had formerly been a quæstor of Pompeius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 295]&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;COMPARISON_OF_AGESILAUS_AND_POMPEIUS&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_295&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;COMPARISON OF AGESILAUS AND POMPEIUS.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As both these men&#039;s lives are now before us, let us briefly recapitulate them, observing as we do so the points in which they differ from one another. These are as follows:—First, Pompeius obtained his power and renown by the most strictly legitimate means, chiefly by his own exertions when assisting Sulla in the liberation of Italy; while Agesilaus obtained the throne in defiance of both human and divine laws, for he declared Leotychides to be a bastard, although his brother had publicly recognised him as his own son, and he also by a quibble evaded the oracle about a lame reign.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Secondly, Pompeius both respected Sulla while he lived, gave his body an honourable burial, in spite of Lepidus, when he died, and married Sulla&#039;s daughter to his own son Faustus; while Agesilaus, on a trifling pretext, disgraced and ruined Lysander. Yet Sulla gave Pompeius nothing more than he possessed himself, whereas Lysander made Agesilaus king of Sparta, and leader of the united armies of Greece.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thirdly, the political wrong-doings of Pompeius were chiefly committed to serve his relatives, Cæsar and Scipio; while Agesilaus saved Sphodrias from the death which he deserved for his outrage upon the Athenians merely to please his son, and vigorously supported Phœbidas when he committed a similar breach of the peace against the Thebans. And generally, we may say that while Pompeius only injured the Romans through inability to refuse the demands of friends, or through ignorance, Agesilaus ruined the Lacedæmonians by plunging them into war with Thebes, to gratify his own angry and quarrelsome temper.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 296]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_296&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; If it be right to attribute the disasters which befel either of those men to some special ill-luck which attended them, the Romans had no reason whatever to suspect any such thing of Pompeius; but Agesilaus, although the Lacedæmonians well knew the words of the oracle, yet would not allow them to avoid &amp;quot;a lame reign.&amp;quot; Even if Leotychides had been proved a thousand times to be a bastard, the family of Eurypon could have supplied Sparta with a legitimate and sound king, had not Lysander, for the sake of Agesilaus, deceived them as to the true meaning of the oracle. On the other hand, we have no specimen of the political ingenuity of Pompeius which can be compared with that admirable device of Agesilaus, when he readmitted the survivors of the battle of Leuktra to the privileges of Spartan citizens, by permitting the laws to sleep for one day. Pompeius did not even think it his duty to abide by the laws which he had himself enacted, but broke them to prove his great power to his friends. Agesilaus, when forced either to abolish the laws or to ruin his friends, discovered an expedient by which the laws did his friends no hurt, and yet had not to be abolished in order to save them. I also place to the credit of Agesilaus that unparalleled act of obedience, when on receiving a despatch from Sparta he abandoned the whole of his Asian enterprise. For Agesilaus did not, like Pompeius, enrich the state by his own exploits, but looking solely to the interests of his country, he gave up a position of greater glory and power than any Greek before or since ever held, with the single exception of Alexander.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Looking at them from another point of view, I suppose that even Xenophon himself would not think of comparing the number of the victories won by Pompeius, the size of the armies which he commanded, and that of those which he defeated, with any of the victories of Agesilaus; although Xenophon has written so admirably upon other subjects, that he seems to think himself privileged to say whatever he pleases about the life of his favourite hero. I think also that the two men differ much in their treatment of their enemies. The Greek wished to sell the Thebans for slaves, and to drive the Messenians from their country, although Thebes was the mother city of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 297]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_297&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sparta, and the Messenians sprang from the same stock as the Lacedæmonians. In his attempts to effect this, he all but lost Sparta herself, and did lose the Spartan empire; while Pompeius even gave cities to be inhabited by such of the Mediterranean pirates as abandoned that mode of life; and when Tigranes the king of Armenia was in his power, he did not lead him in his triumph, but chose rather to make him an ally of Rome; observing, that he preferred an advantage which would last for all time to the glory which only endured for a single day.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;If, however, we place the chief glory of a general in feats of arms and strategy, the Laconian will be found greatly to excel the Roman. Agesilaus did not abandon Sparta even when it was attacked by seventy thousand men, when he had but few troops with which to defend it, and those too all disheartened by their recent defeat at Leuktra. Pompeius, on hearing that Cæsar, with only five thousand three hundred men, had taken a town in Italy, left Rome in terror, either yielding to this small force like a coward, or else falsely supposing it to be more numerous than it was. He carefully carried off his own wife and children, but left the families of his partizans unprotected in Rome, when he ought either to have fought for the city against Cæsar, or else to have acknowledged him as his superior and submitted to him, for Cæsar was both his fellow-countryman and his relative. Yet, after having violently objected to the prorogation of Cæsar&#039;s term of office as consul, he put it in his power to capture Rome itself, and to say to Metellus that he regarded him and all the rest of the citizens as prisoners of war.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Agesilaus, when he was the stronger, always forced his enemy to fight, and when weaker, always avoided a battle. By always practising this, the highest art of a general, he passed through his life without a single defeat; whereas Pompeius was unable to make use of his superiority to Cæsar by sea, and was forced by him to hazard everything on the event of a land battle; for as soon as Cæsar had defeated him, he at once obtained possession of all Pompeius&#039;s treasure, supplies, and command of the sea, without gaining which he must inevitably have been defeated, even without a battle. Pompeius&#039;s excuse &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 298]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_298&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;for his conduct is, in truth, his severest condemnation. It is very natural and pardonable for a young general to be influenced by clamours and accusations of remissness and cowardice, so as to abandon the course which he had previously decided upon as the safest; but that the great Pompeius, of whom the Romans used to say that the camp was his home, and that he only made an occasional campaign in the senate house, at a time when his followers called the consuls and generals of Rome traitors and rebels, and when they knew that he was in possession of absolute uncontrolled power, and had already conducted so many campaigns with such brilliant success as commander-in-chief—that he should be moved by the scoffs of a Favonius or a Domitius, and hazard his army and his life lest they should call him Agamemnon, is a most discreditable supposition. If he were so sensitive on the point of honour, he ought to have made a stand at the very beginning, and fought a battle in defence of Rome, not first to have retreated, giving out that he was acting with a subtlety worthy of Themistokles himself, and then to have regarded every day spent in Thessaly without fighting as a disgrace. The plain of Pharsalia was not specially appointed by heaven as the arena in which he was to contend with Cæsar for the empire of the world, nor was he summoned by the voice of a herald either to fight or to avow himself vanquished. There were many plains, and innumerable cities and countries which his command of the sea would have enabled him to reach, if he had wished to imitate Fabius Maximus, Marius, Lucullus, or Agesilaus himself, who resisted the same kind of clamour at Sparta, when his countrymen wished to fight the Thebans and protect their native land; while in Egypt he endured endless reproaches, abuse, and suspicion from Nektanebis because he forbade him to fight, and by consistently carrying out his own judicious policy saved the Egyptians against their will. He not only guided Sparta safely through that terrible crisis, but was enabled to win a victory over the Thebans in the city itself, which he never could have done had he yielded to the entreaties of the Lacedæmonians to fight when their country was first invaded. Thus it happened that Agesilaus was warmly praised by those &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 299]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_299&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;whose opinions he had overruled, while Pompeius made mistakes to please his friends, and afterwards was reproached by them for what he had done. Some historians tell us, however, that he was deceived by his father-in-law, Scipio, who with the intention of embezzling and converting to his own use the greater part of the treasure which Pompeius brought from Asia, urged him to fight as soon as possible, as though there was likely to be a scarcity of money. In these respects, then, we have reviewed their respective characters.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Pompeius went to Egypt of necessity, fleeing for his life; but Agesilaus went there with the dishonourable purpose of acting as general for the barbarians, in order that he might employ the money which he earned by that means in making war upon the Greeks. We blame the Egyptians for their conduct to Pompeius; but the Egyptians have equal reason to complain of the conduct of Agesilaus towards themselves; for though Pompeius trusted them and was betrayed, yet Agesilaus deserted the man who trusted him, and joined the enemies of those whom he went out to assist.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 300]&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;LIFE_OF_ALEXANDER&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_300&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;LIFE OF ALEXANDER.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In writing the Lives of Alexander the Great and of Cæsar the conqueror of Pompeius, which are contained in this book, I have before me such an abundance of materials, that I shall make no other preface than to beg the reader, if he finds any of their famous exploits recorded imperfectly, and with large excisions, not to regard this as a fault. I am writing biography, not history; and often a man&#039;s most brilliant actions prove nothing as to his true character, while some trifling incident, some casual remark or jest, will throw more light upon what manner of man he was than the bloodiest battle, the greatest array of armies, or the most important siege. Therefore, just as portrait painters pay most attention to those peculiarities of the face and eyes, in which the likeness consists, and care but little for the rest of the figure, so it is my duty to dwell especially upon those actions which reveal the workings of my heroes&#039; minds, and from these to construct the portraits of their respective lives, leaving their battles and their great deeds to be recorded by others.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; All are agreed that Alexander was descended on his father&#039;s side from Herakles through Karanus, and on his mother&#039;s from Æakus through Neoptolemus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We are told that Philip and Olympias first met during their initiation into the sacred mysteries at Samothrace, and that he, while yet a boy, fell in love with the orphan girl, and persuaded her brother Arymbas to consent to their marriage. The bride, before she consorted with her husband, dreamed that she had been struck by a thunderbolt, from which a sheet of flame sprang out in every direction, and then suddenly died away. Philip himself some time after his marriage dreamed that he set a seal &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 301]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_301&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;upon his wife&#039;s body, on which was engraved the figure of a lion. When he consulted the soothsayers as to what this meant, most of them declared the meaning to be, that his wife required more careful watching; but Aristander of Telmessus declared that she must be pregnant, because men do not seal up what is empty, and that she would bear a son of a spirited and lion-like disposition. Once Philip found his wife asleep, with a large tame snake stretched beside her; and this, it is said, quite put an end to his passion for her, and made him avoid her society, either because he feared the magic arts of his wife, or else from a religious scruple, because his place was more worthily filled. Another version of this story is that the women of Macedonia have been from very ancient times subject to the Orphic and Bacchic frenzy (whence they were called Clodones and Mimallones), and perform the same rites as do the Edonians and the Thracian women about Mount Haemus, from which the word &amp;quot;threskeuein&amp;quot; has come to mean &amp;quot;to be over-superstitious.&amp;quot; Olympias, it is said, celebrated these rites with exceeding fervour, and in imitation of the Orientals, and to introduce into the festal procession large tame serpents,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_394_394&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_394_394&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[394]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which struck terror into the men as they glided through the ivy wreaths and mystic baskets which the women carried on their heads.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; We are told that Philip after this portent sent Chairon of Megalopolis to Delphi, to consult the god there, and that he delivered an oracular response bidding him sacrifice to Zeus Ammon, and to pay especial reverence to that god: warning him, moreover, that he would some day lose the sight of that eye with which, through the chink of the half-opened door, he had seen the god consorting with his wife in the form of a serpent. The historian Eratosthenes informs us that when Alexander was about to set out on his great expedition, Olympias told him the secret of his birth, and bade him act worthily of his divine parentage. Other writers say that she scrupled to mention the subject, and was heard to say &amp;quot;Why does Alexander make Hera jealous of me?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Alexander was born on the sixth day of the month &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 302]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_302&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Hekatombæon,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_395_395&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_395_395&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[395]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which the Macedonians call Lous, the same day on which the temple of Artemis at Ephesus was burned. This coincidence inspired Hegesias of Magnesia to construct a ponderous joke, dull enough to have put out the fire, which was, that it was no wonder that the temple of Artemis was burned, since she was away from, it, attending to the birth of Alexander.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_396_396&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_396_396&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[396]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; All the Persian magi who were in Ephesus at the time imagined that the destruction of the temple was but the forerunner of a greater disaster, and ran through the city beating their faces and shouting that on that day was born the destroyer of Asia. Philip, who had just captured the city of Potidæa, received at that time three messengers. The first announced that the Illyrians had been severely defeated by Parmenio; the second that his racehorse had won a victory at Olympia, and the third, that Alexander was born. As one may well believe, he was delighted at such good news and was yet more overjoyed when the soothsayers told him that his son, whose birth coincided with three victories, would surely prove invincible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; His personal appearance is best shown by the statues of Lysippus, the only artist whom he allowed to represent him; in whose works we can clearly trace that slight droop of his head towards the left, and that keen glance of his eyes which formed his chief characteristics, and which were afterwards imitated by his friends and successors.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Apelles, in his celebrated picture of Alexander wielding a thunderbolt, has not exactly copied the fresh tint of his flesh, but has made it darker and swarthier than it was, for we are told that his skin was remarkably fair, inclining to red about the face and breast. We learn from the memoirs of Aristoxenes, that his body diffused a rich perfume, which scented his clothes, and that his breath was remarkably sweet. This was possibly caused by the hot and fiery constitution of his body; for sweet scents are produced, according to Theophrastus, by heat acting upon moisture. For this reason the hottest and driest &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 303]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_303&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;regions of the earth produce the most aromatic perfumes, because the sun dries up that moisture which causes most substances to decay.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Alexander&#039;s warm temperament of body seems to have rendered him fond of drinking, and fiery in disposition. As a youth he showed great power of self-control, by abstaining from all sensual pleasures in spite of his vehement and passionate nature; while his intense desire for fame rendered him serious and high-minded beyond his years.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For many kinds of glory, however, Alexander cared little; unlike his father Philip, who prided himself on his oratorical powers, and used to record his victories in the chariot races at Olympia upon his coins. Indeed, when Alexander&#039;s friends, to try him, asked him whether he would contend in the foot race at Olympia, for he was a remarkably swift runner, he answered, &amp;quot;Yes, if I have kings to contend with.&amp;quot; He seems to have been altogether indifferent to athletic exercises; for though he gave more prizes than any one else to be contended for by dramatists, flute players, harp players, and even by rhapsodists,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_397_397&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_397_397&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[397]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and though he delighted in all manner of hunting and cudgel playing, he never seems to have taken any interest in the contests of boxing or the pankratium.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_398_398&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_398_398&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[398]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When ambassadors from the King of Persia arrived in Macedonia, Philip was absent, and Alexander entertained them. His engaging manners greatly charmed them, and he became their intimate friend. He never put any childish questions to them, but made many enquiries about the length of the journey from the sea coast to the interior of Persia, about the roads which led thither, about the king, whether he was experienced in war or not, and about the resources and military strength of the Persian empire, so that the ambassadors were filled with admira&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 304]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_304&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;tion, and declared that the boasted subtlety of Philip was nothing in comparison with the intellectual vigour and enlarged views of his son. Whenever he heard of Philip&#039;s having taken some city or won some famous victory, he used to look unhappy at the news, and would say to his friends, &amp;quot;Boys, my father will forestall us in everything; he will leave no great exploits for you and me to achieve.&amp;quot; Indeed, he cared nothing for pleasure or wealth, but only for honour and glory; and he imagined that the more territory he inherited from his father, the less would be left for him to conquer. He feared that his father&#039;s conquests would be so complete, as to leave him no more battles to fight, and he wished to succeed, not to a wealthy and luxurious, but to a military empire, at the head of which he might gratify his desire for war and adventure.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His education was superintended by many nurses, pedagogues, and teachers, the chief of whom was Leonidas, a harsh-tempered man, who was nearly related to Olympias. He did not object to the title of pedagogue,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_399_399&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_399_399&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[399]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; thinking that his duties are most valuable and honourable, but, on account of his high character and relationship to Alexander, was generally given the title of tutor by the others. The name and office of pedagogue was claimed by one Lysimachus, an Akarnanian by birth, and a dull man, but who gained the favour of Alexander by addressing him as Achilles, calling himself Phœnix, and Philip, Peleus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Philoneikus the Thessalian brought the horse Boukephalus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_400_400&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_400_400&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[400]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and offered it to Philip for the sum of thirteen talents, the king and his friends proceeded to some level ground to try the horse&#039;s paces. They found that he was very savage and unmanageable, for he allowed no one to mount him, and paid no attention to any man&#039;s voice, but refused to allow any one to approach &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 305]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_305&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;him. On this Philip became angry, and bade them take the vicious intractable brute away. Alexander, who was present, said, &amp;quot;What a fine horse they are ruining because they are too ignorant and cowardly to manage him.&amp;quot; Philip at first was silent, but when Alexander repeated this remark several times, and seemed greatly distressed, he said, &amp;quot;Do you blame your elders, as if you knew more than they, or were better able to manage a horse?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;This horse, at any rate,&amp;quot; answered Alexander, &amp;quot;I could manage better than any one else.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;And if you cannot manage him,&amp;quot; retorted his father, &amp;quot;what penalty will you pay for your forwardness?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;I will pay,&amp;quot; said Alexander, &amp;quot;the price of the horse.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;While the others were laughing and settling the terms of the wager, Alexander ran straight up to the horse, took him by the bridle, and turned him to the sun; as it seems he had noticed that the horse&#039;s shadow dancing before his eyes alarmed him and made him restive. He then spoke gently to the horse, and patted him on the back with his hand, until he perceived that he no longer snorted so wildly, when, dropping his cloak, he lightly leaped upon his back. He now steadily reined him in, without violence or blows, and as he saw that the horse was no longer ill-tempered, but only eager to gallop, he let him go, boldly urging him to full speed with his voice and heel.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Philip and his friends were at first silent with terror; but when he wheeled the horse round, and rode up to them exulting in his success, they burst into a loud shout. It is said that his father wept for joy, and, when he dismounted, kissed him, saying, &amp;quot;My son, seek for a kingdom worthy of yourself: for Macedonia will not hold you.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Philip, seeing that his son was easily led, but could not be made to do anything by force, used always to manage him by persuasion, and never gave him orders. As he did not altogether care to entrust his education to the teachers whom he had obtained, but thought that it would be too difficult a task for them, since Alexander required, as Sophokles says of a ship:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Stout ropes to check him, and stout oars to guide.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 306]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_306&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;he sent for Aristotle, the most renowned philosopher of the age, to be his son&#039;s tutor, and paid him a handsome reward for doing so. He had captured and destroyed Aristotle&#039;s native city of Stageira; but now he rebuilt it, and repeopled it, ransoming the citizens, who had been, sold for slaves, and bringing back those who were living in exile. For Alexander and Aristotle he appointed the temple and grove of the nymphs, near the city of Mieza, as a school-house and dwelling; and there to this day are shown the stone seat where Aristotle sat, and the shady avenues where he used to walk. It is thought that Alexander was taught by him not only his doctrines of Morals and Politics, but also those more abstruse mysteries which are only communicated orally and are kept concealed from the vulgar: for after he had invaded Asia, hearing that Aristotle had published some treatises on these subjects, he wrote him a letter in which he defended the practice of keeping these speculations secret in the following words:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Alexander to Aristotle wishes health. You have not done well in publishing abroad those sciences which should only be taught by word of mouth. For how shall we be distinguished from other men, if the knowledge which we have acquired be made the common property of all? I myself had rather excel others in excellency of learning than in greatness of power. Farewell.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To pacify him, Aristotle wrote in reply that these doctrines were published, and yet not published: meaning that his treatise on Metaphysics was only written for those who had been instructed in philosophy by himself, and would be quite useless in other hands.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; I think also that Aristotle more than any one else implanted a love of medicine in Alexander, who was not only fond of discussing the theory, but used to prescribe for his friends when they were sick, and order them to follow special courses of treatment and diet, as we gather from his letters. He was likewise fond of literature and of reading, and we are told by Onesikritus that he was wont to call the Iliad a complete manual of the military art, and that he always carried with him Aristotle&#039;s recension of Homer&#039;s poems, which is called &#039;the casket &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 307]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_307&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;copy,&#039; and placed it under his pillow together with his dagger. Being without books when in the interior of Asia, he ordered Harpalus to send him some. Harpalus sent him the histories of Philistus, several plays of Euripides, Sophokles, and Æschylus, and the dithyrambic hymns of Telestus and Philoxenus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Alexander when a youth used to love and admire Aristotle more even than his father, for he said that the latter had enabled him to live, but that the former had taught him to live well. He afterwards suspected him somewhat; yet he never did him any injury, but only was not so friendly with him as he had been, whereby it was observed that he no longer bore him the good-will he was wont to do. Notwithstanding this, he never lost that interest in philosophical speculation which he had acquired in his youth, as it proved by the honours which he paid to Anaxarchus, the fifty talents which he sent as a present to Xenokrates, and the protection and encouragement which he gave to Dandamris and Kalanus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Philip was besieging Byzantium he left to Alexander, who was then only sixteen years old, the sole charge of the administration of the kingdom of Macedonia, confirming his authority by entrusting to him his own signet.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_401_401&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_401_401&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[401]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He defeated and subdued the Mædian&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_402_402&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_402_402&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[402]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; rebels, took their city, ejected its barbarian inhabitants, and reconstituted it as a Grecian colony, to which he gave the name of Alexandropolis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was present at the battle against the Greeks at Chæronea, and it is said to have been the first to charge the Sacred Band of the Thebans. Even in my own time, an old oak tree used to be pointed out, near the river Kephissus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_403_403&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_403_403&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[403]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which was called Alexander&#039;s oak, because his tent was pitched beside it. It stands not far from the place where the Macedonian corpses were buried after the battle. Philip, as we may imagine, was overjoyed at &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 308]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_308&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;these proofs of his son&#039;s courage and skill, and nothing pleased him more than to hear the Macedonians call Alexander their king, and himself their general. Soon, however, the domestic dissensions produced by Philip&#039;s amours and marriages caused an estrangement between them, and the breach was widened by Olympias, a jealous and revengeful woman, who incensed Alexander against his father. But what especially moved Alexander was the conduct of Attalus at the marriage feast of his niece Kleopatra. Philip, who was now too old for marriage, had become enamoured of this girl, and after the wedding, Attalus in his cups called upon the Macedonians to pray to the gods that from the union of Philip and Kleopatra might be born a legitimate heir to the throne.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Enraged at these words, Alexander exclaimed, &amp;quot;You villain, am I then a bastard?&amp;quot; and threw a drinking cup at him. Philip, seeing this, rose and drew his sword to attack Alexander; but fortunately for both he was so excited by drink and rage that he missed his footing and fell headlong to the ground. Hereupon Alexander mocking him observed, &amp;quot;This is the man who was preparing to cross from Europe to Asia, and has been overthrown in passing from one couch&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_404_404&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_404_404&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[404]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to another.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After this disgraceful scene, Alexander, with his mother Olympias, retired into Epirus, where he left her, and proceeded to the country of the Illyrians. About the same time Demaratus of Corinth, an old friend of the family, and privileged to speak his mind freely, came on a visit to Philip. After the first greetings were over, Philip enquired whether the states of Greece agreed well together. &amp;quot;Truly, King Philip,&amp;quot; answered Demaratus, &amp;quot;it well becomes you to show an interest in the agreement of the Greeks, after you have raised such violent quarrels in your own family.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These words had such an effect upon Philip that Demaratus was able to prevail upon him to make his peace with Alexander and to induce him to return.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Yet when Pixodarus, the satrap of Karia, hoping to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 309]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_309&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;connect himself with Philip, and so to obtain him as an ally, offered his eldest daughter in marriage to Arrhidæus, Philip&#039;s natural son, and sent Aristokrites to Macedonia to conduct the negotiations, Olympias and her friends again exasperated Alexander against his father by pointing out to him that Philip, by arranging this splendid marriage for Arrhidæus, and treating him as a person of such great importance, was endeavouring to accustom the Macedonians to regard him as the heir to the throne. Alexander yielded to these representations so far as to send Thessalus, the tragic actor, on a special mission to Pixodarus in Karia, to assure him that he ought to disregard Arrhidæus, who was illegitimate, and foolish to boot, and that it was to Alexander that he ought to offer the hand of his daughter.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Pixodarus was much more eager to accept this proposal than the former, but Philip one day hearing that Alexander was alone in his chamber, went thither with Philotas, the son of Parmenio, an intimate friend, and bitterly reproached him, pointing out how unworthy it was of his high birth and glorious position to stoop to marry the daughter of a mere Karian,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_405_405&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_405_405&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[405]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and of a barbarian who was a subject of the King of Persia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Upon this he wrote to the Corinthians to send him Thessalus in chains, and also banished out of his kingdom Harpalus, Nearchus, Erigyius, and Ptolemæus, all of whom Alexander afterwards brought back and promoted to great honours.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Shortly after this, Pausanias was grossly insulted by the contrivance of Attalus and Kleopatra, and, as he could not obtain amends for what he suffered, assassinated Philip. We are told that most men laid the blame of this murder upon Queen Olympias, who found the young man smarting from the outrage which had been committed upon him, and urged him to avenge himself, while some accused Alexander himself. It is said that when Pausanias came to him and complained of his treatment, Alexander answered him by quoting the line from the Medea of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 310]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_310&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Euripides, in which she declares that she will be revenged upon&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The guardian, and the bridegroom, and the bride,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;alluding to Attalus, Philip, and Kleopatra.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;However this may be, it is certain that he sought out and punished all who were concerned in the plot, and he expressed his sorrow on discovering that during his own absence from the kingdom, Kleopatra had been cruelly tortured and put to death by his mother Olympias.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; At the age of twenty he succeeded to the throne of Macedonia, a perilous and unenviable inheritance: for the neighbouring barbarian tribes chafed at being held in bondage, and longed for the rule of their own native kings; while Philip, although he had conquered Greece by force of arms, yet had not had time to settle its government and accustom it to its new position. He had overthrown all constituted authority in that country, and had left men&#039;s minds in an excited condition, eager for fresh changes and revolutions. The Macedonians were very sensible of the dangerous crisis through which they were passing, and hoped that Alexander would refrain as far as possible from interfering in the affairs of Greece, deal gently with the insurgent chiefs of his barbarian subjects, and carefully guard against revolutionary outbreaks. He, however, took quite a different view of the situation, conceiving it to be best to win safety by audacity, and carrying things with a high hand, thinking that if he showed the least sign of weakness, his enemies would all set upon him at once. He crushed the risings of the barbarians by promptly marching through their country as far as the river Danube, and by winning a signal victory over Syrmus, the King of the Triballi. After this, as he heard that the Thebans had revolted, and that the Athenians sympathised with them, he marched his army straight through Thermopylæ, with the remark that Demosthenes, who had called him a boy while he was fighting the Illyrians and Triballi, and a youth while he was marching through Thessaly, should find him a man when he saw him before the gates of Athens. When he reached Thebes, he gave the citizens &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 311]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_311&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;an opportunity to repent of their conduct, only demanding Phœnix and Prothytes to be given up to him, and offering the rest a free pardon if they would join him. When, however, the Thebans in answer to this, demanded that he should give up Philotas and Antipater to them, and called upon all who were willing to assist in the liberation of Greece to come and join them, he bade his Macedonians prepare for battle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Thebans, although greatly outnumbered, fought with superhuman valour; but they were taken in the rear by the Macedonian garrison, who suddenly made a sally from the Kadmeia, and the greater part of them were surrounded and fell fighting. The city was captured, plundered and destroyed. Alexander hoped by this terrible example to strike terror into the other Grecian states, although he put forward the specious pretext that he was avenging the wrongs of his allies; for the Platæans and Phokians had made some complaints of the conduct of the Thebans towards them. With the exception of the priests, the personal friends and guests of the Macedonians, the descendants of the poet Pindar, and those who had opposed the revolt, he sold for slaves all the rest of the inhabitants, thirty thousand in number. More than six thousand men perished in the battle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Amidst the fearful scene of misery and disorder which followed the capture of the city, certain Thracians broke into the house of one Timoklea, a lady of noble birth and irreproachable character. Their leader forcibly violated her, and then demanded whether she had any gold or silver concealed. She said that she had, led him alone into the garden, and, pointing to a well, told him that when the city was taken she threw her most valuable jewels into it. While the Thracian was stooping over the well trying to see down to the bottom, she came behind, pushed him in, and threw large stones upon him until he died. The Thracians seized her, and took her to Alexander, where she proved herself a woman of courage by her noble and fearless carriage, as she walked in the midst of her savage captors. The king enquired who she was, to which she replied she was the sister of Theagenes, who fought against Philip to protect the liberty of Greece, and who fell leading on the Thebans &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 312]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_312&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;at Chæronea. Alexander, struck by her answer, and admiring her exploit, gave orders that she and her children should be set at liberty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Alexander came to terms with the Athenians, although they had expressed the warmest sympathy for the Thebans, omitting the performance of the festival of Demeter, out of respect for their misfortunes, and giving a kindly welcome to all the fugitives who reached Athens. Either he had had his fill of anger, like a sated lion, or possibly he wished to perform some signal act of mercy by way of contrast to his savage treatment of Thebes. Be this as it may, he not only informed the Athenians that he had no grounds of quarrel with them, but even went so far as to advise them to watch the course of events with care, since, if anything should happen to him, they might again become the ruling state in Greece. In after times, Alexander often grieved over his harsh treatment of the Thebans, and the recollection of what he had done made him much less severe to others. Indeed, he always referred his unfortunate drunken quarrel with Kleitus, and the refusal of the Macedonian soldiers to invade India, by which they rendered the glory of his great expedition incomplete, to the anger of Dionysius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_406_406&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_406_406&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[406]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who desired to avenge the fate of his favourite city. Moreover, of the Thebans who survived the ruin of their city, no one ever asked any favour of Alexander without its being granted. This was the manner in which Alexander dealt with Thebes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The Greeks after this assembled at Corinth and agreed to invade Persia with Alexander for their leader. Many of their chief statesmen and philosophers paid him visits of congratulation, and he hoped that Diogenes of Sinope, who was at that time living at Corinth, would do so. As he, however, paid no attention whatever to Alexander and remained quietly in the suburb called Kraneium, Alexander himself went to visit him. He found him lying at full length, basking in the sun. At the approach of so many people, he sat up, and looked at Alexander. Alexander greeted him, and enquired whether he could do anything for him. &amp;quot;Yes,&amp;quot; answered &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 313]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_313&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Diogenes, &amp;quot;you can stand a little on one side, and not keep the sun off me.&amp;quot; This answer is said to have so greatly surprised Alexander, and to have filled him with such a feeling of admiration for the greatness of mind of a man who could treat him with such insolent superiority, that when he went away, while all around were jeering and scoffing he said, &amp;quot;Say what you will; if I were not Alexander, I would be Diogenes.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Desiring to consult the oracle of Apollo concerning his campaign, he now proceeded to Delphi. It chanced that he arrived there on one of the days which are called unfortunate, on which no oracular responses can be obtained. In spite of this he at once sent for the chief priestess, and as she refused to officiate and urged that she was forbidden to do so by the law, he entered the temple by force and dragged her to the prophetic tripod. She, yielding to his persistence, said, &amp;quot;You are irresistible, my son.&amp;quot; Alexander, at once, on hearing this, declared that he did not wish for any further prophecy, but that he had obtained from her the response which he wished for. While he was preparing for his expedition, among many other portents, the statue of Orpheus at Loibethra, which is made of cypress-wood, was observed to be covered with sweat. All were alarmed at this omen, but Aristander bade them take courage, as it portended that Alexander should perform many famous acts, which would cause poets much trouble to record.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The number of his army is variously stated by different authorities, some saying that it amounted to thirty thousand foot and four thousand horse, while others put the whole amount so high as forty-three thousand foot and five thousand horse. To provide for this multitude, Aristobulus relates that he possessed only seventy talents, while Douris informs us that he had only provisions for thirty days, and Onesikritus declares that he was in debt to the amount of two hundred talents. Yet although he started with such slender resources, before he embarked he carefully enquired into the affairs of his friends, and made them all ample presents, assigning to some of them large tracts of land, and to others villages, the rents of houses, or the right of levying harbour dues. When he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 314]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_314&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;had almost expended the whole of the revenues of the crown in this fashion, Perdikkas enquired of him, &amp;quot;My king, what have you reserved for yourself?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;My hopes,&amp;quot; replied Alexander. &amp;quot;Then,&amp;quot; said Perdikkas, &amp;quot;are we who go with you not to share them?&amp;quot; and he at once refused to accept the present which had been offered to him, as did several others. Those, however, who would receive his gifts, or who asked for anything, were rewarded with a lavish hand, so that he distributed among them nearly all the revenues of Macedonia; so confident of success was he when he set out. When he had crossed the Hellespont he proceeded to Troy, offered sacrifice to Athena, and poured libations to the heroes who fell there. He anointed the column which marks the tomb of Achilles with fresh oil, and after running round it naked with his friends, as is customary, placed a garland upon it, observing that Achilles was fortunate in having a faithful friend while he lived, and a glorious poet to sing of his deeds after his death. While he was walking through the city and looking at all the notable things, he was asked whether he wished to see the harp which had once belonged to Paris. He answered, that he cared nothing for it, but that he wished to find that upon which Achilles used to play when he sang of the deeds of heroes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Meanwhile the generals of Darius had collected a large army, and posted it at the passage of the river Granikus, so that it was necessary for Alexander to fight a battle in order to effect so much as an entrance into Asia. Most of the Greek generals were alarmed at the depth and uneven bed of the river, and at the rugged and broken ground on the farther bank, which they would have to mount in the face of the enemy. Some also raised a religious scruple, averring that the Macedonian kings never made war during the month Daisius. Alexander said that this could be easily remedied, and ordered that the second month in the Macedonian calendar should henceforth be called Artemisium. When Parmenio besought him not to risk a battle, as the season was far advanced, he said that the Hellespont would blush for shame if he crossed it, and then feared to cross the Granikus, and at once plunged into the stream with &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 315]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_315&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;thirteen squadrons of cavalry. It seemed the act of a desperate madman rather than of a general to ride thus through a rapid river, under a storm of missiles, towards a steep bank where every position of advantage was occupied by armed men. He, however, gained the farther shore, and made good his footing there, although with great difficulty on account of the slippery mud. As soon as he had crossed, and driven away those who had opposed his passage, he was charged by a mass of the enemy, and forced to fight, pell-mell, man to man, before he could put those who had followed him over into battle array. The enemy came on with a shout, and rode straight up to the horses of the Macedonians, thrusting at them with spears, and using swords when their spears were broken. Many of them pressed round Alexander himself, who was made a conspicuous figure by his shield and the long white plume which hung down on each side of his helmet. He was struck by a javelin in the joint of his corslet, but received no hurt. Rhœsakes and Spithridates, two of the Persian generals, now attacked him at once. He avoided the charge of the latter, but broke his spear against the breastplate of Rhœsakes, and was forced to betake him to his sword. No sooner had they closed together than Spithridates rode up beside him, and, standing up in his stirrups, dealt him such a blow with a battle-axe, as cut off one side of his plume, and pierced his helmet just so far as to reach his hair with the edge of the axe. While Spithridates was preparing for another blow, he was run through by black Kleitus with a lance, and at the same moment Alexander with his sword laid Rhœsakes dead at his feet. During this fierce and perilous cavalry battle, the Macedonian phalanx&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_407_407&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_407_407&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[407]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; crossed the river, and engaged the enemy&#039;s infantry force, none of which offered much resistance except a body of mercenary Greeks in the pay of Persia. These troops retired to a small rising ground, and begged for quarter. Alexander, however, furiously attacked them by riding up to them by himself, in front of his men.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He lost his horse, which was killed by a sword-thrust, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 316]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_316&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;and it is said that more of the Macedonians perished in that fight, and that more wounds were given and received, than in all the rest of the battle, as they were attacking desperate men accustomed to war.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Persians are said to have lost twenty thousand infantry, and two thousand five hundred cavalry. In the army of Alexander, Aristobulus states the total loss to have been thirty-four men, nine of whom were foot soldiers. Alexander ordered that each of these men should have his statue made in bronze by Lysippus; and wishing to make the Greeks generally partakers of his victory, he sent the Athenians three hundred captured shields, and on the other spoils placed the following vainglorious inscription:&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_408_408&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_408_408&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[408]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Alexander, the son of Philip, and the Greeks, all but the Lacedæmonians, won these spoils from the barbarians of Asia.&amp;quot; As for the golden drinking-cups, purple hangings, and other plunder of that sort, he sent it nearly all to his mother, reserving only a few things for himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; This victory wrought a great change in Alexander&#039;s position. Several of the neighbouring states came and made their submission to him, and even Sardis itself, the chief town in Lydia, and the main station of the Persians in Asia Minor, submitted without a blow. The only cities which still resisted him, Halikarnassus and Miletus, he took by storm, and conquered all the adjacent territory, after which he remained in doubt as to what to attempt next; whether to attack Darius at once and risk all that he had won upon the issue of a single battle, or to consolidate and organise his conquests on the coast of Asia Minor, and to gather new strength for the final struggle. It is said that at this time a spring in the country of Lykia, near the city of Xanthus, overflowed, and threw up from its depths a brazen tablet, upon which, in ancient characters, was inscribed a prophecy that the Persian empire should be destroyed by the Greeks. Encouraged by this portent, he extended his conquests along the sea coast as far as Phœnicia and Kilikia. Many &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 317]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_317&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;historians dwelt with admiration on the good fortune of Alexander, in meeting with such fair weather and such a smooth sea during his passage along the stormy shore of Pamphylia, and say that it was a miracle that the furious sea, which usually dashed against the highest rocks upon the cliffs, fell calm for him. Menander alludes to this in one of his plays.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Like Alexander, if I wish to meet&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;A man, at once I find him in the street;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;And, were I forced to journey o&#039;er the sea,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;The sea itself would calm its waves for me.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Alexander himself, however, in his letters, speaks of no such miracle, but merely tells us that he started from Phaselis, and passed along the difficult road called Klimax, or the Ladder.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_409_409&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_409_409&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[409]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He spent some time in Phaselis, and while he was there, observing in the market-place a statue of Theodektes, a philosopher, who had recently died, he made a procession to it one day after dinner, and crowned it with flowers, as a sportive recognition of what he owed to Theodektes, with whose philosophical writings Aristotle had made him familiar.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this he put down a revolt among the Pisidians, and conquered the whole of Phrygia. On his arrival at Gordium, which is said to have been the capital of King Midas of old, he was shown the celebrated chariot there, tied up with a knot of cornel-tree bark. Here he was told the legend, which all the natives believed, that whoever untied that knot was destined to become lord of all the world. Most historians say that as the knot was tied with a strap whose ends could not be found, and was very complicated and intricate, Alexander, despairing of untying it, drew his sword and cut through the knot, thus making many ends appear. But Aristobulus tells us that he easily undid it by pulling out of the pole the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 318]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_318&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;pin to which the strap was fastened, and then drawing off the yoke itself from the pole.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He now prevailed upon the people of Paphlagonia and Kappadokia to join him, and also was encouraged in his design of proceeding farther into the interior by receiving intelligence of the death of Memnon, the general to whom Darius had entrusted the defence of the sea coast, who had already caused him much trouble, and had offered a most stubborn resistance to him. Darius, too, came from Susa, confident in the numbers of his army, for he was at the head of six hundred thousand men, and greatly encouraged by a dream upon which the Magi had put rather a strained interpretation in order to please him. He dreamed that he saw the Macedonian phalanx begirt with flame, and that Alexander, dressed in a courier&#039;s cloak like that which he himself had worn before he became king, was acting as his servant. Afterwards, Alexander went into the temple of Belus, and disappeared. By this vision the gods probably meant to foretell that the deeds of the Macedonians would be brilliant and glorious, and that Alexander after conquering Asia, just as Darius had conquered it when from a mere courier he rose to be a king, would die young and famous.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Darius was also much encouraged by the long inaction of Alexander in Kilikia. This was caused by an illness, which some say arose from the hardships which he had undergone, and others tell us was the result of bathing in the icy waters of the Kydnus. No physician dared to attend him, for they all thought that he was past the reach of medicine, and dreaded the anger of the Macedonians if they proved unsuccessful. At last Philip, an Akarnanian, seeing that he was dangerously ill, determined to run the risk, as he was his true friend, and thought it his duty to share all his dangers. He compounded a draught for him, and persuaded him to drink it, by telling him that it would give him strength and enable him to take the field. At this time Parmenio sent him a letter from the camp, bidding him beware of Philip, who had been bribed to poison him by Darius with rich presents, and the offer of his own daughter in marriage. Alexander read the letter, and showed it to no one, but &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 319]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_319&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;placed it under his pillow. At the appointed hour, Philip and his friends entered the room, bringing the medicine in a cup. Alexander took the cup from him, and gave him the letter to read, while he firmly and cheerfully drank it off. It was a strange and theatrical scene. When the one had read, and the other had drunk, they stared into each other&#039;s faces, Alexander with a cheerful expression of trust and kindly feeling towards Philip, while Philip, enraged at the calumny, first raised his hands to heaven, protesting his innocence, and then, casting himself upon his knees at the bed-side, besought Alexander to be of good cheer and follow his advice. The effect of the drug at first was to produce extreme weakness, for he became speechless and almost insensible. In a short time, however, by Philip&#039;s care, he recovered his strength, and showed himself publicly to the Macedonians, who were very anxious about him, and would not believe that he was better until they saw him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; There was in the camp of Darius a Macedonian refugee, named Amyntas, who was well acquainted with Alexander&#039;s character. This man, when he found that Darius wished to enter the hilly country to fight Alexander amongst its narrow valleys, besought him to remain where he was, upon the flat open plains, where the enormous numbers of his troops could be advantageously used against the small Macedonian army. When Darius answered that he feared Alexander and his men would escape unless he attacked, Amyntas said, &amp;quot;O king, have no fears on that score; for he will come and fight you, and I warrant he is not far off now.&amp;quot; However, Amyntas made no impression on Darius, who marched forward into Kilikia, while at the same time Alexander marched into Syria to meet him. During the night they missed one another, and each turned back, Alexander rejoicing at this incident, and hurrying to catch Darius in the narrow defile leading into Kilikia, while Darius was glad of the opportunity of recovering his former ground, and of disentangling his army from the narrow passes through the mountains. He already had perceived the mistake which he had committed in entering a country where the sea, the mountains, and the river Pyramus which ran between them, made it impossible for &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 320]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_320&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;his army to act, while on the other hand it afforded great advantages to his enemies, who were mostly foot soldiers, and whose numbers were not so great as to encumber their movements.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Fortune, no doubt, greatly favoured Alexander, but yet he owed much of his success to his excellent generalship; for although enormously outnumbered by the enemy, he not only avoided being surrounded by them, but was able to outflank their left with his own right wing, and by this manœuvre completely defeated the Persians. He himself fought among the foremost, and, according to Chares, was wounded in the thigh by Darius himself. Alexander in the account of the battle which he despatched to Antipater, does not mention the name of the man who wounded him, but states that he received a stab in the thigh with a dagger, and that the wound was not a dangerous one.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He won a most decisive victory, and slew more than a hundred thousand of the enemy, but could not come up with Darius himself, as he gained a start of nearly a mile. He captured his chariot, however, and his bow and arrows, and on his return found the Macedonians revelling in the rich plunder which they had won, although the Persians had been in light marching order, and had left most of their heavy baggage at Damascus. The royal pavilion of Darius himself, full of beautiful slaves, and rich furniture of every description, had been left unplundered, and was reserved for Alexander himself, who as soon as he had taken off his armour, proceeded to the bath, saying &amp;quot;Let me wash off the sweat of the battle in the bath of Darius.&amp;quot; &amp;quot; Nay,&amp;quot; answered one of his companions, &amp;quot;in that of Alexander; for the goods of the vanquished become the property of the victor.&amp;quot; When he entered the bath and saw that all the vessels for water, the bath itself, and the boxes of unguents were of pure gold, and smelt the delicious scent of the rich perfumes with which the whole pavilion was filled; and when he passed from the bath into a magnificent and lofty saloon where a splendid banquet was prepared, he looked at his friends and said &amp;quot;This, then, it is to be a king indeed.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 321]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_321&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; While he was dining it was told him that the mother and wife of Darius, and his two daughters, who were among the captives, had seen the chariot and bow of Darius, and were mourning for him, imagining him to be dead. Alexander when he heard this paused for a long time, being more affected by the grief of these ladies, than by the victory which he had won. Hie sent Leonnatus to inform them, that they need neither mourn for Darius, nor fear Alexander; for he was fighting for the empire of Asia, not as a personal enemy of Darius, and would take care that they were treated with the same honour and respect as before. This generous message to the captive princesses was followed by acts of still greater kindness; for he permitted then to bury whomsoever of the slain Persians they wished, and to use all their own apparel and furniture, which had been seized by the soldiers as plunder. He also allowed them to retain the regal title and state, and even increased their revenues. But the noblest and most truly royal part of his treatment of these captive ladies was that he never permitted them to hear any coarse language, or imagine for a moment that they were likely to suffer violence or outrage; so that they lived unseen and unmolested, more as though they were in some sacred retreat of holy virgins than in a camp. Yet the wife of Darius is said to have been the most beautiful princess of her age, just as Darius himself was the tallest and handsomest man in Asia, and their daughters are said to have resembled their parents in beauty. Alexander, it seems, thought it more kingly to restrain himself than to conquer the enemy, and never touched any of them, nor did he know any other before his marriage, except Barsine. This lady, after the death of her husband Memnon, remained at Damascus. She had received a Greek education, was naturally attractive, and was of royal descent, as her father was Artabazus, who married one of the king&#039;s daughters; which, added to the solicitations of Parmenio, as we are told by Aristobulus, made Alexander the more willing to attach himself to so beautiful and well-born a lady. When Alexander saw the beauty of the other captives, he said in jest, that the Persian ladies make &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 322]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_322&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;men&#039;s eyes sore to behold them. Yet, in spite of their attractions, he was determined that his self-restraint should be as much admired as their beauty, and passed by them as if they had been images cut out of stone.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Indeed, when Philoxenus, the commander of his fleet, wrote to inform him that a slave merchant of Tarentum, named Theodorus, had two beautiful slaves for sale, and desired to know whether he would buy them, Alexander was greatly incensed, and angrily demanded of his friends what signs of baseness Philoxenus could have observed in him that he should venture to make such disgraceful proposals to him. He sent a severe reprimand to Philoxenus, and ordered him to send Theodorus and his merchandise to the devil. He also severely rebuked a young man named Hagnon for a similar offence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On another occasion, when he heard that two Macedonians of Parmenio&#039;s regiment, named Damon and Timotheus, had violently outraged the wives of some of the mercenary soldiers, he wrote to Parmenio, ordering him, if the charge were proved, to put them to death like mere brute beasts that prey upon mankind. And in that letter he wrote thus of himself. &amp;quot;I have never seen, or desired to see the wife of Darius, and have not even allowed her beauty to be spoken of in my presence.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was wont to say that he was chiefly reminded that he was mortal by these two weaknesses, sleep and lust; thinking weariness and sensuality alike to be bodily weaknesses. He was also most temperate in eating, as was signally proved by his answer to the princess Ada, whom he adopted as his mother, and made Queen of Karia. She, in order to show her fondness for him, sent him every day many dainty dishes and sweetmeats, and at last presented him with her best cooks. He answered her that he needed them not, since he had been provided with much better relishes for his food by his tutor Leonidas, who had taught him to earn his breakfast by a night-march, and to obtain an appetite for his dinner by eating sparingly at breakfast. &amp;quot;My tutor,&amp;quot; he said, &amp;quot;would often look into my chests of clothes, and of bedding, to make sure that my mother had not hidden any delicacies for me in them.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 323]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_323&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; He was less given to wine than he was commonly supposed to be. He was thought to be a great drinker because of the length of time which he would pass over each cup, in talking more than in drinking it, for he always held a long conversation while drinking, provided he was at leisure to do so. If anything had to be done, no wine, or desire of rest, no amusement, marriage, or spectacle could restrain him, as they did other generals. This is clearly shown by the shortness of his life, and the wonderful number of great deeds which he performed during the little time that he lived. When he was at leisure, he used to sacrifice to the gods immediately after rising in the morning, and then sit down to his breakfast. After breakfast, he would pass the day in hunting, deciding disputes between his subjects, devising military manœuvres, or reading. When on a journey, if he was not in any great hurry, he used, while on the road, to practice archery, or to dismount from a chariot which was being driven at full speed, and then again mount it. Frequently also he hunted foxes and shot birds for amusement, as we learn from his diaries. On arriving at the place where he intended to pass the night, he always bathed and anointed himself, and then asked his cooks what was being prepared for his dinner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He always dined late, just as it began to grow dark, and was very careful to have his table well provided, and to give each of his guests an equal share. He sat long over his wine, as we have said, because of his love of conversation. And although at all other times his society was most charming, and his manners gracious and pleasant beyond any other prince of his age, yet when he was drinking, his talk ran entirely upon military topics, and became offensively boastful, partly from his own natural disposition, and partly from the encouragement which he received from his flatterers. This often greatly embarrassed honest men, as they neither wished to vie with the flatterers in praising him to his face, nor yet to appear to grudge him his due share of admiration. To bestow such excessive praise seemed shameful, while to withhold it was dangerous. After a drinking bout, he would take a bath, and often slept until late in the following day; and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 324]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_324&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;sometimes he passed the whole day asleep. He cared but little for delicate food, and often when the rarest fruits and fish were sent to him from the sea-coast, he would distribute them so lavishly amongst his friends as to leave none for himself; yet his table was always magnificently served, and as his revenues became increased by his conquests, its expense rose to ten thousand drachmas a day. To this it was finally limited, and those who entertained Alexander were told that they must not expend more than that sum.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After the battle of Issus, he sent troops to Damascus, and captured all the treasure, the baggage, and the women and children of the Persian army. Those who chiefly benefited by this were the Thessalian cavalry, who had distinguished themselves in the battle, and had been purposely chosen for this service by Alexander as a reward for their bravery; yet all the camp was filled with riches, so great was the mass of plunder. Then did the Macedonians get their first taste of gold and silver, of Persian luxury and of Persian women; and after this, like hounds opening upon a scent, they eagerly pressed forward on the track of the wealthy Persians. Alexander, however, thought it best, before proceeding further, to complete the conquest of the sea-coast. Cyprus was at once surrendered to him by its local kings, as was all Phœnicia, except Tyre. He besieged Tyre for seven months, with great mounds and siege artillery on the land side, while a fleet of two hundred triremes watched it by sea. During the seventh month of the siege he dreamed that Herakles greeted him in a friendly manner from the walls of Tyre, and called upon him to come in. Many of the Tyrians also dreamed that Apollo appeared to them, and said that he was going to Alexander, since what was being done in the city of Tyre did not please him. The Tyrians, upon this, treated the god as though he were a man caught in the act of deserting to Alexander, for they tied cords round his statue, nailed it down to its base, and called him Alexandristes, or follower of Alexander. Alexander now dreamed another dream, that a satyr appeared to him at a distance, and sported with him, but when he endeavoured to catch him, ran away, and that, at length, after much &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 325]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_325&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;trouble, he caught him. This was very plausibly explained by the prophets to mean &amp;quot;Sa Tyros&amp;quot;—&amp;quot;Tyre shall be thine,&amp;quot; dividing the Greek word Satyros into two parts. A well is shown at the present day near which Alexander saw the satyr in his dream.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;During the siege, Alexander made an expedition against the neighbouring Arab tribes, in which he fell into great danger through his old tutor Lysimachus, who insisted on accompanying him, declaring that he was no older and no less brave than Phœnix when he followed Achilles to Troy. When they reached the mountains, they were forced to leave their horses and march on foot. The rest proceeded on their way, but Lysimachus could not keep up, although night was coming on and the enemy were near. Alexander would not leave him, but encouraged him and helped him along until he became separated from his army, and found himself almost alone. It was now dark, and bitterly cold. The country where they were was very rugged and mountainous, and in the distance appeared many scattered watch-fires of the enemy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Alexander, accustomed to rouse the disheartened Macedonians by his own personal exertions, and trusting to his swiftness of foot, ran up to the nearest fire, struck down with his sword two men who wore watching beside it, and brought a burning firebrand back to his own party. They now made up an enormous fire, which terrified some of the enemy so much that they retreated, while others who had intended to attack them, halted and forbore to do so, thus enabling them to pass the night in safety.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The siege of Tyre came to an end in the following manner. The greater part of Alexander&#039;s troops were resting from their labours, but in order to occupy the attention of the enemy, he led a few men up to the city walls, while Aristander, the soothsayer, offered sacrifice. When he saw the victims, he boldly informed all who were present that during the current month, Tyre would be taken. All who heard him laughed him to scorn, as that day was the last of the month, but Alexander seeing him at his wits&#039; end, being always eager to support the credit of prophecies, gave orders that that day should &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 326]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_326&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;not be reckoned as the thirtieth of the month, but as the twenty-third. After this he bade the trumpets sound, and assaulted the walls much more vigorously than he had originally intended. The attack succeeded, and as the rest of the army would no longer stay behind in the camp, but rushed to take their share in the assault, the Tyrians were overpowered, and their city taken on that very day.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Afterwards, while Alexander was besieging Gaza, the largest city in Syria, a clod of earth was dropped upon his shoulder by a bird, which afterwards alighted upon one of the military engines, and became entangled in the network of ropes by which it was worked. This portent also was truly explained by Aristander; for the place was taken, and Alexander was wounded in the shoulder.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He sent many of the spoils to Olympias, Kleopatra, and others of his friends, and sent his tutor Leonidas five hundred talents weight of frankincense, and a hundred talents of myrrh, to remind him of what he had said when a child. Leonidas once, when sacrificing, reproved Alexander for taking incense by handfuls to throw upon the victim when it was burning on the altar. &amp;quot;When,&amp;quot; he said, &amp;quot;you have conquered the country from which incense comes, Alexander, then you may make such rich offerings as these; but at present you must use what we have sparingly.&amp;quot; Alexander now wrote to him, &amp;quot;We have sent you abundance of frankincense and myrrh, that you may no longer treat the gods so stingily.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When a certain casket was brought to him, which appeared to be the most valuable of all the treasures taken from Darius, he asked his friends what they thought he ought to keep in it as his own most precious possession. After they had suggested various different things, he said that he intended to keep his copy of the Iliad in it. This fact is mentioned by many historians; and if the legend which is current among the people of Alexandria; on the authority of Herakleides, be true, the poems of Homer were far from idle or useless companions to him, even when on a campaign. The story goes that after conquering Egypt, he desired to found a great and populous Grecian city, to be called after his own &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 327]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_327&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;name, and that after he had fixed upon an excellent site, where in the opinion of the best architects, a city surpassing anything previously existing could be built, he dreamed that a man with long hair and venerable aspect appeared to him, and recited the following verses:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Hard by, an island in the stormy main&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Lies close to Egypt, Pharos is its name.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As soon as he woke, he proceeded to Pharos, which then was an island near the Canopic mouth of the Nile, though at the present day so much earth has been deposited by the river that it is joined to the mainland. When he saw the great advantages possessed by this place, which is a long strip of land, stretching between the sea and a large inland lake, with a large harbour at the end of it, he at once said that Homer, besides his other admirable qualities, was a splendid architect, and gave orders to his workmen to mark out a site for a city suitable to such a situation. There was no chalk or white earth, with which it is usual to mark the course of the walls, but they took barley-groats, and marked out a semicircular line with them upon the black earth, dividing it into equal segments by lines radiating from the centre, so that it looked like a Macedonian cloak, of which the walls formed the outer fringe. While the king was looking with satisfaction at the plan of the new city, suddenly from the lake and the river, innumerable aquatic birds of every kind flew like great clouds to the spot, and devoured all the barley. This omen greatly disturbed Alexander; however, the soothsayers bade him take courage, and interpreted it to mean that the place would become a very rich and populous city. Upon this he ordered the workmen at once to begin to build, while he himself started to visit the shrine and oracle of Zeus Ammon. This journey is tedious and difficult, and dangerous also, because the way lies over a waterless desert, where the traveller is exposed to violent storms of sand whenever the south wind blows. It was here that fifty thousand men of the army of Cambyses are said to have been overwhelmed by the sand, which rolled upon them in huge billows until they were completely ingulfed. All these perils were present &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 328]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_328&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;to all men&#039;s minds, but it was hard to turn Alexander away from any project upon which he had once set his heart. The invariable good fortune which he had enjoyed confirmed his self-will, and his pride would not allow him to confess himself vanquished either by human enemies or natural obstacles.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; During his journey, the signal assistance which he received from the gods in all his difficulties was more remarkable and more generally believed than the oracular response which he is said to have received, although these portents made men more inclined to believe in the oracle. In the first place, plentiful showers were sent, which quite dissipated any fears which the expedition had entertained about suffering from thirst, while the rain cooled the sand and thus tempered the hot air of the desert to a pleasant warmth. Next, when the guides lost their way, and all were wandering helplessly, birds appeared who guided them on the right path, flying before them and encouraging them to march, and waiting for those of them who fell behind wearied. &amp;quot;We are even assured by Kallisthones that, at night, the birds by their cries recalled stragglers, and kept all on the direct road.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When Alexander had crossed the desert, and arrived at the temple, the priest of Ammon greeted him as the son of the god. He inquired whether anyone of his father&#039;s murderers had escaped, to which the priest answered that he must not ask such questions, for his father was more than man. Alexander now altered the form of his inquiry and asked whether he had punished all the murderers of Philip: and then he asked another question, about his empire, whether he was fated to conquer all mankind. On receiving as an answer that this would be granted to him and that Philip had been amply avenged, he made splendid presents to the god, and amply rewarded the priests.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This is the account which most historians give about the response of the oracle; but in a letter to his mother, Alexander says that he received certain secret prophecies, which upon his return he would communicate to her alone. Some narrate that the priest, wishing to give him a friendly greeting in the Greek language, said &amp;quot;My son,&amp;quot; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 329]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_329&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;but being a foreigner, mispronounced the words so as to say &amp;quot;Son of Zeus,&amp;quot; a mistake which delighted Alexander and caused men to say that the god himself had addressed him as &amp;quot;Son of Zeus.&amp;quot; We are told that while in Egypt, he attended the lectures of the philosopher Psammon, and was especially pleased when he pointed out that God is King over all men, because that which rules and conquers must be king. He himself thought that he had improved upon this by saying that although God is the common father of all men, yet that he makes the best men more peculiarly his own.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In his dealings with Asiatics, he always acted and spoke with the greatest arrogance, and seemed firmly convinced of his own divine parentage, but he was careful not to make the same boast when among Greeks. On one occasion, indeed, he wrote to the Athenians the following letter about their possession of Samos. &amp;quot;I,&amp;quot; he said, &amp;quot;should not have presented you with that free and glorious city; but it was presented to you by its former master, my reputed father Philip.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yet afterwards when he was wounded by an arrow and in great pain he said &amp;quot;This, my friends, is blood that runs from my wound, and not&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Ichor, that courses through the veins of gods.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Once when a great thunderstorm terrified every one, Anaxarchus the sophist, who was with him, said &amp;quot;Son of Zeus, canst thou do as much?&amp;quot; To this, Alexander answered with a smile, &amp;quot;Nay, I love not to frighten my friends, as you would have me do, when you complained of my table, because fish was served upon it instead of princes&#039; heads.&amp;quot; Indeed we are told that once, when Alexander had sent some small fish to Hephæstion, Anaxarchus used this expression ironically disparaging those who undergo great toils and run great risks to obtain magnificent results which, after all, make them no happier or able to enjoy themselves than other men. From these anecdotes we see that Alexander himself did not put any belief in the story of his divine parentage, but that he used it as a means of imposing upon others.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 330]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_330&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; From Egypt he returned to Phœnicia, and there offered magnificent sacrifices to the gods, with grand processions, cyclic choruses, and performances of tragic dramas. These last were especially remarkable, for the local kings of Cyprus acted as choragi, that is, supplied the chorus and paid all the expenses of putting the drama upon the stage, just as is done every year at Athens by the representatives of the tribes, and they exhibited wonderful emulation, desiring to outdo each other in the splendour of their shows. The contest between Nikokreon, King of Salamis, and Pasikrates, King of Soli, is especially memorable. These two had obtained by lot the two most celebrated actors of the day, who were named Athenodorus and Thessalus, to act in their plays. Of these, Athenodorus was assigned to Nikokreon, and Thessalus, in whose success Alexander himself was personally interested, to Pasikrates. Alexander, however, never allowed any word to escape him denoting his preference for one over the other until after the votes had been given, and Athenodorus had been proclaimed the winner, when, as he was going home, he said that he would willingly have given up a province of his kingdom to save Thessalus from being vanquished. As Athenodorus was fined by the Athenians for being absent from their Dionysian festival, in which he ought to have taken part, he begged Alexander to write them a letter to excuse him. Alexander refused to do this, but paid his fine himself. And when Lykon, of Skarphia, an excellent actor who had pleased Alexander well, inserted a verse into the comedy which he was acting, in which he begged to be given ten talents, Alexander laughed and gave them to him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Darius now sent an embassy to Alexander, bearing a letter, in which he offered to pay ten thousand talents as a ransom for his wife and children, and proposed that Alexander should receive all the territory west of the Euphrates, and become his ally and son-in-law. Alexander laid this proposal before his friends, and when Parmenio said, &amp;quot;I should accept it, if I were Alexander.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;So would I,&amp;quot; replied Alexander, &amp;quot;if I were Parmenio.&amp;quot; He wrote, however, a letter in answer to Darius, informing &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 331]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_331&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;him that if he would come to him, and submit himself, he should be used with courtesy; but that if not, he should presently march against him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Soon after this the wife of Darius died in child-bed, which greatly grieved Alexander, as he thereby lost a great opportunity of displaying his magnanimity: nevertheless he granted her a magnificent funeral. We are told that one of the eunuchs attached to the royal harem, named Teireus, who had been captured with the ladies, made his escape shortly after the queen&#039;s death, rode straight to Darius, and informed him of what had happened. Darius, at this, beat his face and wept aloud, saying, &amp;quot;Alas for the fortune of Persia! that the wife and sister of the king should not only have been taken captive while she lived, but also have been buried unworthily of her rank when she died.&amp;quot; To this the eunuch answered, &amp;quot;You have no cause to lament the evil fortune of Persia on account of your wife&#039;s burial, or of any want of due respect to her. Our lady Statira, your children, and your mother, when alive wanted for nothing except the light of your countenance, which our lord Oromasdes will some day restore to them, nor was she treated without honour when she died, for her funeral was even graced by the tears of her enemies. Alexander is as gracious a conqueror as he is a terrible enemy.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These words roused other suspicions in the mind of Darius: and, leading the eunuch into an inner chamber in his tent, he said to him, &amp;quot;If you have not, like the good luck of Persia, gone over to Alexander and the Macedonians, and if I am still your master Darius, tell me, I conjure you by the name of great Mithras our lord, and by the right hand of a king, which I give thee, do I lament over the least of Statira&#039;s misfortunes when I weep for her death, and did she not in her life make us more miserable by her dishonour, than if she had fallen into the hands of a cruel enemy? For what honest communication can a young conqueror have with the wife of his enemy, and what can be the meaning of his showing such excessive honour to her after her death?&amp;quot; While Darius was yet speaking, Teireus threw himself at his feet, and besought him to be silent, and not to dishonour Alexander &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 332]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_332&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;and his dead wife and sister by such suspicions, nor yet to take away from himself that thought which ought to be his greatest consolation in his misfortunes, which was that he had been conquered by one who was more than man. Rather ought he to admire Alexander, whose honourable treatment of the Persian women proved him to be even greater than did his bravery in vanquishing their men. Those words the eunuch assured him, with many protestations and oaths, were perfectly true. Darius, when he heard this, came out of his tent to his friends, and, raising his hands to heaven, said, &amp;quot;Ye parent gods, who watch over the Persian throne, grant that I may again restore the fortune of Persia to its former state, in order that I may have an opportunity of repaying Alexander in person the kindness which he has shown to those whom I hold dearest; but if indeed the fated hour has arrived, and the Persian empire is doomed to perish, may no other conqueror than Alexander mount the throne of Cyrus.&amp;quot; The above is the account given by most historians of what took place on this occasion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Alexander, after conquering all the country on the higher bank of the Euphrates, marched to attack Darius, who was advancing to meet him with an army of a million fighting men.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;During this march, one of Alexander&#039;s friends told him as a joke, that the camp-followers had divided themselves into two bodies in sport, each of which was led by a general, the one called Alexander, and the other Darius; and that after beginning to skirmish with one another by throwing clods of earth, they had come to blows of the fist, and had at length become so excited that they fought with sticks and stones, and that it was hard to part them. On hearing this, Alexander ordered the two leaders to fight in single combat: and he himself armed the one called Alexander, while Philotas armed the representative of Darius. The whole army looked on, thinking that the result would be ominous of their own success or failure. After a severe fight, the one called Alexander conquered, and was rewarded with twelve villages and the right of wearing the Persian garb. This we are told by Eratosthenes the historian.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 333]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_333&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;The decisive battle with Darius was fought at Gaugamela, not at Arbela, as most writers tell us. It is said that this word signifies &amp;quot;the house of the camel,&amp;quot; and that one of the ancient Kings of Persia, whose life had been saved by the swiftness with which a camel bore him away from his enemies, lodged the animal there for the rest of its life, and assigned to it the revenues of several villages for its maintenance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;During the month Bœdromion, at the beginning of the celebration of the Eleusinian mysteries, there was an eclipse, of the moon: and on the eleventh day after the eclipse the two armies came within sight of one another. Darius kept his troops under arms, and inspected their ranks by torch-light, while Alexander allowed the Macedonians to take their rest, but himself with the soothsayer Aristander performed some mystical ceremonies in front of his tent, and offered sacrifice to Phœbus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When Parmenio and the elder officers of Alexander saw the entire plain between Mount Niphates and the confines of Gordyene covered with the watch fires of the Persians, and heard the vague, confused murmur of their army like the distant roar of the sea, they were astonished, and said to one another that it would indeed be a prodigious effort to fight such a mass of enemies by daylight in a pitched battle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As soon as Alexander had finished his sacrifice they went to him, and tried to persuade him to fall upon the Persians by night, as the darkness would prevent his troops from seeing the overwhelming numbers of the enemy. It was then that he made that memorable answer, &amp;quot;I will not steal a victory,&amp;quot; which some thought to show an over-boastful spirit, which could jest in the presence of such fearful danger; while others thought that it showed a steady confidence and true knowledge of what would happen on the morrow, and meant that he did not intend to give Darius, when vanquished, the consolation of attributing his defeat to the confusion of a night attack; for Darius had already explained his defeat at Issus to have been owing to the confined nature of the ground, and to his forces having been penned up between the mountains and the sea. It was not any want of men &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 334]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_334&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;or of arms which would make Darius yield, when he had so vast a country and such great resources at his disposal: it was necessary to make pride and hope alike die within him, by inflicting upon him a crushing defeat in a fair field and in open daylight.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After his officers had retired, Alexander retired to his tent and is said to have slept more soundly than was his wont, which surprised the generals who came to wait upon him early in the morning. On their own responsibility they gave orders to the soldiers to prepare their breakfast; and then, as time pressed, Parmenio entered his tent, and standing by his bed-side, twice or thrice called him loudly by name. When he was awake, Parmenio asked him why he slept so soundly, as if he had already won the victory instead of being just about to fight the most important of all his battles. Alexander answered with a smile; &amp;quot;Do you not think we have already won the victory, now that we are no longer obliged to chase Darius over an enormous tract of wasted country?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Alexander both before the battle, and in the most dangerous crisis of the day proved himself truly great, always taking judicious measures, with a cheerful confidence of success. His left wing was terribly shaken by a tumultuous charge of the Bactrian cavalry, who broke into the ranks of the Macedonians, while Mazæus sent some horsemen completely round the left wing, who fell upon the troops left to guard the baggage. Parmenio, finding his men thrown into confusion by these attacks, sent a message to Alexander, that his fortified camp and baggage would be lost, if he did not at once despatch a strong reinforcement to the rear. At the time when Alexander received this message, he was in the act of giving his own troops orders to attack, and he answered that Parmenio must, in his confusion, have forgotten that the victors win all the property of the vanquished, and that men who are defeated must not think about treasure or prisoners, but how to fight and die with honour. After sending back this answer to Parmenio, he put on his helmet; for he had left his tent fully armed at all other points, wearing a tunic of Sicilian manufacture &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 335]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_335&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;closely girt round his waist, and over that a double-woven linen corslet, which had been among the spoils taken at Issus. His helmet was of steel, polished as bright as silver, and was wrought by Theophilus, while round his neck he wore a steel gorget, inlaid with precious stones. His sword, his favourite weapon, was a miracle of lightness and tempering, and had been presented to him by the King of Kitium in Cyprus. The cloak which hung from his shoulders was by far the most gorgeous of all his garments, and was the work of the ancient artist Helikon,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_410_410&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_410_410&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[410]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; presented to Alexander by the city of Rhodes, and was worn by him in all his battles. While he was arraying his troops in order of battle, and giving final directions to his officers, he rode another horse to spare Boukephalus, who was now somewhat old. As soon as he was ready to begin the attack, he mounted Boukephalus and led on his army.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Upon this occasion, after addressing the Thessalians and other Greek troops at considerable length, as they confidently shouted to him to lead them against the barbarians, we are told by Kallisthenes that he shifted his lance into his left hand, and raising his right hand to heaven, prayed to the gods that, if he really were the son of Zeus, they would assist and encourage the Greeks. The prophet Aristander, who rode by his side, dressed in a white robe, and with a crown of gold upon his head, now pointed out to him an eagle which rose over his head and directed its flight straight towards the enemy. This so greatly encouraged all who beheld it, that all the cavalry of Alexander&#039;s army at once set spurs to their horses and dashed forwards, followed by the phalanx. Before the first of them came to actual blows, the Persian line gave way, and terrible confusion took place, as Alexander drove the beaten troops before him, struggling to fight his way to the centre, where was Darius himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Alexander had already noted the conspicuous figure of this tall, handsome prince, as he stood in his lofty chariot, surrounded by the royal body guard, a glittering mass of well-armed horsemen, behind the deep ranks of the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 336]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_336&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Persian army. The onslaught of Alexander was so terrific that none could withstand him, and those whom he drove before him, in headlong flight, disordered the ranks which were yet unbroken, and caused a general rout. Yet the noblest and bravest of the Persians fought and died manfully in defence of their king, and, even when lying on the ground at their last gasp, seized the men and horses by the legs to prevent their pursuing him. Darius himself, seeing all these frightful disasters, when his first line was hurled back in ruin, would fain have turned his chariot and fled, but this was difficult, for the wheels were encumbered by the heaps of corpses, and the horses were so excited and restive that the charioteer was unable to manage them. Darius, we are told, left his chariot and his arms, mounted a mare which had recently foaled, and rode away. He would not have escaped even thus, had not mounted messengers just then arrived from Parmenio, begging Alexander to come to his aid, as he was engaged with a large body of the enemy upon which he could make no impression. Indeed, throughout this battle, Parmenio is said to have displayed great remissness and self-will, either because his courage was damped by age, or because, as we are told by Kallisthenes, he envied Alexander&#039;s greatness and prosperity. Alexander was much vexed at the message, but without explaining to the soldiers what his real reasons were, ordered the trumpets to sound the recall, as though he were tired of slaughter, or because night was now coming on. He himself at once rode to the scene of danger, but on his way thither heard that the enemy had been completely defeated and put to flight.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The result of this battle was the complete destruction of the Persian empire. Alexander was at once saluted King of Asia, and after a splendid sacrifice to the gods, distributed the treasures and provinces of that country among his friends. In the pride of his heart he now wrote to Greece, saying that all the despots must be driven out, and each city left independent with a constitutional government, and gave orders for the rebuilding of the city of Platæa, because the ancestors of the citizens of Platæa gave their territory to be consecrated to the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 337]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_337&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;gods on behalf of the liberties of Greece. He also sent some part of the spoils to the citizens of Kroton, in Italy, to show his respect for the memory of Phaÿllus the athlete, who, during the Persian invasion, when all the other Greek cities in Italy deserted the cause of their countrymen in Greece, fitted out a ship of war at his own expense, and sailed to Salamis to take part in the battle there, and share in the dangers of the Greeks. Such honour did Alexander pay to personal prowess, for he loved to reward and to commemorate noble deeds.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Alexander now marched into the country of Babylonia, which at once yielded to him. As he drew near to Ekbatana he marvelled much at an opening in the earth, out of which poured fire, as if from a well. Close by, the naphtha which was poured out formed a large lake. This substance is like bitumen, and is so easy to set on fire, that without touching it with any flame, it will catch light from the rays which are sent forth from a fire, burning the air which is between both. The natives, in order to show Alexander the qualities of naphtha, lightly sprinkled with it the street which led to his quarters, and when it became dark applied a match to one end of the track which had been sprinkled with it. As soon as it was alight in one place, the fire ran all along, and as quick as thought the whole street was in flames. At this time Alexander was in his bath, and was waited upon by Stephanus, a hard-favoured page-boy, who had, however, a fine voice. Athenophanes, an Athenian, who always anointed and bathed King Alexander, now asked him if he would like to see the power of the naphtha tried upon Stephanus, saying that if it burned upon his body and did not go out, the force of it must indeed be marvellous. The boy himself was eager to make the trial, and was anointed with it and set on fire. He was at once enveloped in flame, and Alexander was terrified for him, fearing that he would be burned to death. Indeed, had it not chanced that several attendants with pitchers of water in their hands had just arrived, all help would have been too late. They poured water over the boy and extinguished the flames, but not before he had been badly burned, so that he was ill for some time after. Some &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 338]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_338&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;writers, who are eager to prove the truth of ancient legends, say that this naphtha was truly the deadly drug used by Medea, with which she anointed the crown and robe spoken of in the tragedies: for flame could not be produced by them, nor of its own accord, but if fire were brought near to clothes steeped in naphtha they would at once burst into flame. The reason of this is that the rays which fire sends forth fall harmlessly upon all other bodies, merely imparting to them light and heat; but when they meet with such as have an oily, dry humour, and thereby have a sympathy with the nature of fire, they easily cause them to catch fire. It is a disputed question, however, how the naphtha is produced, though most writers conceive its combustible principle to be supplied by the greasy and fiery nature of the soil; for all the district of Babylonia is fiery hot, so that often barley is cast up out of the ground in which it is sown, as if the earth throbbed and vibrated with the heat, and during the hottest part of summer the inhabitants are wont to sleep upon leathern bags filled with water for the sake of coolness. Harpalus, who was appointed governor of the district, took an especial delight in adorning the palace and the public walks with Greek flowers and shrubs; but although he found no difficulty with most of them, he was unable to induce ivy to grow, because ivy loves a cold soil, and the earth there is too hot for it. These digressions, provided they be not too lengthy, we hope will not be thought tedious by our readers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Alexander made himself master of Susa, he found in the palace forty thousand talents worth of coined money, besides an immense mass of other valuable treasure. Here we are told was found five thousand talents weight of cloth dyed with Hermionic&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_411_411&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_411_411&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[411]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; purple cloth, which had been stored up there for a space of two hundred years save ten, and which nevertheless still kept its colour as brilliantly as ever. The reason of this is said to be that honey was originally used in dyeing the cloth purple, and white olive oil for such of it as was &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 339]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_339&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;dyed-white: for cloth of these two colours will preserve its lustre without fading for an equal period of time. Demon also informs us that amongst other things the Kings of Persia had water brought from the Nile and the Danube, and laid up in their treasury, as a confirmation of the greatness of their empire, and to prove that they were lords of all the world.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As the district of Persis&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_412_412&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_412_412&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[412]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was very hard to invade, both because of its being mountainous, and because it was defended by the noblest of the Persians (for Darius had fled thither for refuge), Alexander forced his way into it by a circuitous path, which was shown him by a native of the country, the son of a Lykian captive, by a Persian mother, who was able to speak both the Greek and the Persian language. It is said that while Alexander was yet a child, the prophetess at the temple of Apollo at Delphi foretold that a wolf&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_413_413&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_413_413&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[413]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; should some day serve him for a guide when he went to attack the Persians. When Persis was taken, a terrible slaughter was made of all the prisoners. A letter written by Alexander himself is still extant, in which he orders that they should all be put to the sword, thinking this to be the safest course. He is said to have found as much coined money here&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_414_414&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_414_414&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[414]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; as in Susa, and so much other treasure that it required ten thousand carts, each drawn by a pair of mules, and five thousand camels, to carry it away.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Alexander, observing a large statue of Xerxes which had been thrown down and was being carelessly trampled upon by the soldiers as they pressed into the royal palace, stopped, and addressed it as though it were alive. &amp;quot;Shall we,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;leave thee lying there, because of thy invasion of Greece, or shall we set thee up again because of thy magnificence and greatness of soul?&amp;quot; He then stood musing for a long time, till at length he roused himself from his reverie and went his way. Being desirous of giving his soldiers some rest, as it was now winter, he remained in that country for four months. It is related &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 340]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_340&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;that when he first took his seat upon the royal throne of Persia, under the golden canopy, Demaratus, an old friend and companion of Alexander, burst into tears, and exclaimed that the Greeks who had died before that day had lost the greatest of pleasures, because they had not seen Alexander seated on the throne of Darius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this, while he was engaged in preparing to march in pursuit of Darius, he chanced to be present at a banquet where his friends had brought their mistresses. Of these ladies the chief was the celebrated Thais, who afterwards became the mistress of King Ptolemy of Egypt, and who was of Attic parentage.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She at first amused Alexander by her conversation, then adroitly flattered him, and at last, after he had been drinking for some time, began to speak in a lofty strain of patriotism which scarcely became such a person. She declared, that she was fully repaid for all the hardships which she had undergone while travelling through Asia with the army, now that she was able to revel in the palace of the haughty Kings of Persia; but that it would be yet sweeter to her to burn the house of Xerxes, who burned her native Athens, and to apply the torch with her own hand in the presence of Alexander, that it might be told among men that a woman who followed Alexander&#039;s camp had taken a more noble revenge upon the Persians for the wrongs of Greece, than all the admirals and generals of former times had been able to do. This speech of hers was enthusiastically applauded, and all Alexander&#039;s friends pressed him to execute the design. Alexander leaped from his seat, and led the way, with a garland upon his head and a torch in his hand. The rest of the revellers followed, and surrounded the palace, while the remainder of the Macedonians, hearing what was going on, brought them torches. They did so the more readily because they thought that the destruction of the palace indicated an intention on Alexander&#039;s part to return home, and not to remain in Persia. Some historians say that this was how he came to burn the palace, while others say that he did it after mature deliberation: but all agree that he repented of what he had done, and gave orders to have the fire extinguished.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 341]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_341&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; His liberality and love of making presents increased with his conquests: and his gifts were always bestowed in so gracious a manner as to double their value. I will now mention a few instances of this. Ariston, the leader of the Pæonians, having slain an enemy, brought his head and showed it to Alexander, saying, &amp;quot;O king, in my country such a present as this is always rewarded with a gold cup.&amp;quot; Alexander smiled, and said, &amp;quot;Yes, with an empty cup: but I pledge you in this gold cup, full of good wine, and give you the cup besides.&amp;quot; One of the common Macedonian soldiers was driving a mule laden with gold belonging to Alexander; but as the animal became too weary to carry it, he unloaded it, and carried the gold himself. When Alexander saw him toiling under his burden, and learned his story, he said, &amp;quot;Be not weary yet, but carry it a little way farther, as far as your own tent; for I give it to you.&amp;quot; He seemed to be more vexed with those who did not ask him for presents than with those who did so. He wrote a letter to Phokion, in which he declared that he would not any longer remain his friend, if Phokion refused all his presents. Serapion, a boy who served the ball to the players at tennis, had been given nothing by Alexander because he had never asked for anything. One day when Serapion was throwing the ball to the players as usual, he omitted to do so to the king, and when Alexander asked why he did not give him the ball, answered &amp;quot;You do not ask me for it.&amp;quot; At this, Alexander laughed and gave him many presents. Once he appeared to be seriously angry with one Proteus, a professed jester. The man&#039;s friends interceded for him, and he himself begged for pardon with tears in his eyes, until Alexander said that he forgave him. &amp;quot;My king,&amp;quot; said he &amp;quot;will you not give me something by way of earnest, to assure me that I am in your favour.&amp;quot; Upon this the king at once ordered him to be given five talents. The amount of money which he bestowed upon his friends and his body guard appears from a letter which his mother Olympias wrote to him, in which she said, &amp;quot;It is right to benefit your friends and to show your esteem for them; but you are making them all as great as kings, so that they get many friends, and leave you alone without &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 342]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_342&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;any.&amp;quot; Olympias often wrote to him to this effect, but he kept all her letters secret, except one which Hephæstion, who was accustomed to read Alexander&#039;s letters, opened and read. Alexander did not prevent him, but took his own ring from his finger, and pressed the seal upon Hephæstion&#039;s mouth. The son of Mazæus, who had been the chief man in the kingdom under Darius, was governor of a province, and Alexander added another larger one to it. The young nobleman refused to accept the gift, and said, &amp;quot;My king, formerly there was only one Darius, but you now have made many Alexanders.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He presented Parmenio with the house of Bagoas, in which it is said that property worth a thousand talents was found which had belonged to the people of Susa. He also sent word to Antipater, warning him to keep a guard always about his person, as a plot had been formed against his life. He sent many presents to his mother, but forbade her to interfere with the management of the kingdom. When she stormed at this decision of his, he patiently endured her anger; and once when Antipater wrote a long letter to him full of abuse of Olympias, he observed, after reading it, that Antipater did not know that one tear of his mother&#039;s eye would outweigh ten thousand such letters.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XL.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Alexander now observed that his friends were living in great luxury and extravagance; as for instance, Hagnon of Teos had his shoes fastened with silver nails; Leonnatus took about with him many camels, laden with dust,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_415_415&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_415_415&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[415]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; from Egypt, to sprinkle his body with when he wrestled; Philotas had more than twelve miles of nets for hunting; and that all of them used richly perfumed unguents to anoint themselves with instead of plain oil, and were attended by a host of bathmen and chamberlains. He gently reproved them for this, saying that he was surprised that men who had fought so often and in such great battles, did not remember that the victors always sleep more sweetly than the vanquished, and that they did not perceive, when they imitated the luxury of the Persians, that indulgence is for slaves, but labour for &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 343]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_343&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;princes. &amp;quot;How,&amp;quot; he asked, &amp;quot;can a man attend to his horse, or clean his own lance and helmet, if he disdains to rub his own precious body with his hands? And do you not know, that our career of conquest will come to an end on the day when we learn to live like those whom we have vanquished?&amp;quot; He himself, by way of setting an example, now exposed himself to greater fatigues and hardships than ever in his campaigns and hunting expeditions, so that old Lakon, who was with him when he slew a great lion, said, &amp;quot;Alexander, you fought well with the lion for his kingdom.&amp;quot; This hunting scene was afterwards represented by Kraterus at Delphi. He had figures made in bronze of Alexander and the hounds fighting with the lion, and of himself running to help him. Some of the figures were executed by the sculptor Lysippus, and some by Leochares.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Thus did Alexander risk his life in the vain endeavour to teach his friends to live with simplicity and hardihood; but they, now that they had become rich and important personages, desired to enjoy themselves, and no longer cared for long marches and hard campaigns, so that at last they began to murmur against him, and speak ill of him. He bore this with great gentleness at first, saying that it was the part of a king to do his subjects good and to be ill-spoken of by them in return. Indeed, he used to take advantage of the most trifling incidents to show the esteem he had for his intimate friends, of which I will now give a few examples.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Peukestas once was bitten by a bear, while hunting. He wrote and told his friends of his mishap, but kept it secret from Alexander. He, when he heard of it, wrote to Peukestas, blaming him for having concealed his hurt. &amp;quot;But now,&amp;quot; he writes, &amp;quot;let me know how you are, and tell me if those who were hunting the bear with you deserted you, that I may punish them.&amp;quot; When Hephæstion was absent on some business, he wrote to him to say that Kraterus had been struck in the thighs with Perdikkas&#039;s spear, while they were amusing themselves by baiting an ichneumon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When Peukestas recovered from some illness, he wrote to the physician Alexippus, congratulating him on the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 344]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_344&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cure which he had effected. When Kraterus was ill, Alexander had a dream about him, in consequence of which he offered sacrifice to certain gods, and bade him also sacrifice to them: and when Pausanias the physician wished to give Kraterus a draught of hellebore, Alexander wrote to him, advising him to take the drug, but expressing the greatest anxiety about the result.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He imprisoned Ephialtes and Kissus, who were the first to bring him the news that Harpalus had absconded, because he thought that they wrongfully accused him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When he was on the point of sending home all his invalided and superannuated soldiers, Eurylochus of Ægæ was found to have placed his name upon the list, although he was in perfect health. When questioned, he confessed that he was in love with a lady named Telesippa, who was returning to the sea-coast, and that he had acted thus in order to be able to follow her. Alexander on hearing this, enquired who this lady was. Being told that she was a free-born Greek courtezan, he answered, &amp;quot;I sympathise with your affection, Eurylochus; but since Telesippa is a free-born woman, let us try if we cannot, either by presents or arguments, persuade her to remain with us.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; It is wonderful how many letters and about what trifling matters he found time to write to his friends. For instance, he sent a letter to Kilikia ordering search to be made for a slave boy belonging to Seleukus, who had run away, and praising Peukestas because he had captured Nikon, the runaway slave of Kraterus. He wrote also to Megabazus about a slave who had taken sanctuary in a temple, ordering him to catch him when outside of the temple, if possible, but not to lay hands on him within its precincts.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We are told that when he was sitting as judge to hear men tried for their lives, he was wont to close one ear with his hand, while the prosecutor was speaking, in order that he might keep it unbiassed and impartial to listen to what the accused had to say in his defence. But later in his life, so many persons were accused before him, and so many of them truly, that his temper became soured and he inclined to believe them to be all alike &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 345]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_345&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;guilty. And he was especially transported with rage, and made completely pitiless if any one spoke ill of him, for he valued his reputation more than his life or his crown.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He now set out again in pursuit of Darius, with the intention of fighting another battle with him: but on hearing that Darius had been taken by the satrap Bessus, he dismissed all his Thessalian cavalry and sent them home, giving them a largess of two thousand talents over and above the pay which was due to them. He now set out on a long and toilsome journey in pursuit of Darius, for in eleven days he rode more than five hundred miles, so that his men were terribly distressed, especially by want of water. One day he met some Macedonians who were carrying water from a river in skins on the backs of mules. Seeing Alexander faint with thirst, as it was the hottest time of the day, they quickly filled a helmet with water and gave it to him to drink. He asked them to whom they were carrying the water, to which they answered, &amp;quot;To our own sons; but provided that you live, even if they should die, we can beget other children.&amp;quot; On hearing this he took the helmet into his hands; but seeing all the horsemen around him eagerly watching him and coveting the water, he gave it back without tasting it. He thanked the men for offering it to him, but said, &amp;quot;If I alone drink it, all these soldiers will be discontented.&amp;quot; The soldiers, when they saw the noble courage and self-denial of Alexander, bade him lead them on boldly, and urged forward their horses, saying that they felt neither hunger nor thirst, and did not think themselves to be mortal men, so long as they had such a king as Alexander to lead them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The whole of his army was equally enthusiastic; yet the fatigues of the march were so great, that when Alexander burst into the enemy&#039;s camp, only sixty men are said to have followed him. Here they passed over great heaps of gold and silver, and pursued a long line of waggons, full of women and children, which were proceeding along without any drivers, until they had reached the foremost of them, because they imagined that Darius might be hidden in them. At last he was found, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 346]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_346&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lying in his chariot, pierced with innumerable javelins, and just breathing his last. He was able to ask for drink, and when given some cold water by Polystratus, he said to him, &amp;quot;My good sir, this is the worst of all my misfortunes that I am unable to recompense you for your kindness to me; but Alexander will reward you, and the gods will reward Alexander for his courteous treatment of my mother and wife and daughters. Wherefore I pray thee, embrace him, as I embrace thee.&amp;quot; With these words he took Polystratus by the hand and died. When Alexander came up, he showed great grief at the sight, and covered the body with his own cloak. He afterwards captured Bessus and tore him asunder, by bending down the tops of trees and tying different parts of his body to each, and then letting them spring up again so that each tore off the limb to which it was attached. Alexander now had the corpse of Darius adorned as became a prince, and sent it to his mother, while he received his brother Exathres into the number of his intimate friends.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; He himself, with a few picked troops, now invaded Hyrkania, where he discovered an arm of the sea, which appeared to be as large as the Euxine, or Black Sea, but not so salt. He was unable to obtain any certain information about it, but conjectured it to be a branch of the Mæotic lake.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_416_416&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_416_416&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[416]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Yet geographers, many years before Alexander, knew well that this, which is entitled the Hyrkanian or Caspian Sea, is the northernmost of four gulfs proceeding from the exterior ocean. Here some of the natives surprised the grooms in charge of his horse Boukephalus, and captured the animal. Alexander was much distressed at this, and sent a herald to make proclamation that unless his horse were restored to him, he would massacre the whole tribe with their wives and children. When, however, they brought back his horse, and offered to place their chief cities in his hands as a pledge for their good behaviour, he treated them all with kindness, and paid a ransom for the horse to those who had captured it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; From hence he passed into Parthia, where, being at leisure, he first began to wear the Persian dress, either &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 347]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_347&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;because he thought that he should more easily win the hearts of the natives by conforming to their fashion, or else in order to try the obedience of his Macedonian soldiers and see whether they might not, by degrees, be brought to pay him the same respect and observance which the kings of Persia used to exact from their subjects. He did not, however, completely adopt the Persian costume, which would have been utterly repugnant to Grecian ideas, and wore neither the trousers, the coat with long sleeves, nor the tiara, but his dress, though less simple than the Macedonian, was still far from being so magnificent or so effeminate as that of the Persians. He at first only wore this dress when giving audiences to the natives of the country, or when alone with his more intimate friends, but afterwards he frequently both drove out publicly and transacted business in the Persian dress. The sight greatly offended the Macedonians, but yet they were so filled with admiration for his courage, that they felt he must be indulged in his fancies about dress; for besides all his other honourable wounds, he had only a short time before this been struck by an arrow in the calf of his leg, so that splinters of the bone came out, and also received such a blow upon his neck from a stone, that his eyesight was affected for a considerable time afterwards. Yet he did not cease to expose himself to danger, but crossed the river Orexartes, which he himself thought to be the Tanais or Don, and, although suffering from an attack of dysentery, defeated the Scythians and chased them for many miles.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Most historians, amongst whom are Kleitarchus, Polykleitus, Onesikritus, Antigenes, and Istrus, say that while in this country he met an Amazon: while Aristobulus, Chares the court-usher, Ptolemy, Antikleides, Philon of Thebes, and Philippus the herald of festivals, besides Hekatæus of Eretria, Philip of Chalkis, and Douris of Samos, say that this is a mere fiction. And this opinion seems to be corroborated by Alexander himself: for he wrote to Antipater an exact account of his Scythian campaign, and mentioned that the King of the Scythians offered him his daughter in marriage, but says nothing about Amazons. It is said that many years afterwards, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 348]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_348&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;when Lysimachus had made himself king, Onesikritus was reading aloud to him the fourth book of his History of Alexander, in which mention is made of the Amazon. Lysimachus asked him with a quiet smile, &amp;quot;And where was I all the time?&amp;quot; However, Alexander&#039;s fame is not impaired if we disbelieve this story, nor is it increased if we regard it as true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As he feared that the Macedonians would refuse to follow him any farther, he allowed the great mass of his army to repose itself, and advanced through Hyrkania with a force of twenty thousand infantry and three thousand cavalry, all picked men. In a speech addressed to these select regiments, he declared that the natives of Asia had only seen them hitherto as if in a dream; and that, if they merely threw the whole country into disorder and then retired from it, the Asiatics would attack them as boldly as if they were so many women. Yet he said, that he permitted those who desired it to leave his service and return home, merely protesting against being left, with only his personal friends and a few volunteers, to carry on the noble enterprise of making Macedonia mistress of the whole world. These are almost the exact words which he uses in a letter to Antipater, and he further says that when he had spoken thus, the soldiers burst into a universal shout, bidding him lead them whithersoever he would. After this experiment had succeeded with the select troops, it was no difficult matter to induce the remainder to follow him, but they came almost of their own accord. He now began to imitate the Asiatic habits more closely, and endeavoured to assimilate the Macedonian and Asiatic customs and manners, hoping that by this means his empire, during his absence, would rest upon a foundation of good will rather than of force. To further this object he selected thirty thousand native youths, whom he ordered to be taught to speak the Greek language and to use the same arms as the Macedonians; and appointed a numerous body of instructors for them. His marriage with Roxana was due to a genuine passion, for he was struck by her great beauty when he saw her dance in a chorus after a feast, but nevertheless the alliance was a very politic one; for &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 349]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_349&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;the natives were pleased to see him take a wife from among themselves, and were charmed with the courteous and honourable conduct of Alexander, who, although Roxana was the only woman whom he had ever loved, yet would not approach her until he was lawfully married to her.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As Alexander perceived that, among his most intimate friends, Hephæstion encouraged him and furthered his designs, while Kraterus steadfastly adhered to the Macedonian customs, he made use of the latter in all transactions with Asiatics, and of the former when dealing with Greeks and Macedonians. He loved Hephæstion, and respected Kraterus above all the rest of his friends, and was wont to say that Hephæstion loved Alexander, but that Kraterus loved the king. His favour caused constant jealousies between them, so that once in India they actually drew their swords and fought with one another. Their friends began to take part in the quarrel on either side, when Alexander rode up, and bitterly reproached Hephæstion before them all, saying that he must be a fool and a madman if he did not see, that without Alexander&#039;s favour he would be nobody. Privately also he sharply rebuked Kraterus; and calling them both before him, made them be friends again, swearing by Zeus Ammon, and all the gods, that they were the two men whom he loved best in the world; but that if he heard of any more quarrelling between them he would put them both to death, or at least him who began the quarrel. In consequence of this, it is said that there never again, even in sport, was any dispute between them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Philotas, the son of Parmenio, was a man of much importance among the Macedonians; for he was courageous and hardy, and the most liberal man, and the most devoted to his friends in all the army except Alexander himself. We are told of him that once a friend of his came to him to borrow money, and he at once commanded one of his servants to let him have it. His purse-bearer answered that he had no money, upon which Philotas exclaimed, &amp;quot;What! Have I no plate or furniture upon which you can raise money for my friend?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His lofty carriage, his immense wealth, and the splendour in which he lived, caused him to appear too great for a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 350]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_350&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;private station, while his pride and vulgar ostentation made him generally disliked. His own father, Parmenio, once said to him: &amp;quot;My son, I pray you show a little more humility.&amp;quot; He had long been an object of suspicion to Alexander, who was kept constantly informed about him by the following means:—After the battle of Issus, when the baggage of Darius was captured at Damascus, there was taken among the captives a beautiful Greek girl, named Antigone. She fell to the lot of Philotas, and became his mistress; and the young man, who was much enamoured of her, used to boast to her over his wine that all the conquests of the Macedonians were really due to the prowess of his father and himself, and that Alexander was merely a foolish boy, who owed his crown and his empire to their exertions. Antigone repeated these expressions to one of her friends, who, as was natural, did not keep them secret, so that at last they reached the ears of Kraterus. Kraterus privately introduced the woman to Alexander; and he, after he had heard her repeat what she had been told, ordered her to take secret note of the confidential expressions of Philotas, and to report them, from time to time, to himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Philotas had no idea that he was being spied upon in this manner, and in his conversation with Antigone frequently spoke insolently and slightingly of his sovereign. Alexander, although he had accumulated terrible proofs of treason against Philotas, nevertheless remained silent, either because he felt assured of the loyalty of Parmenio, or because he feared to attack a man of such power and importance. At length, however, a Macedonian of Chalastra, named Simnus, formed a plot against Alexander&#039;s life, and invited a young man, named Nikomachus, his own intimate friend, to join him. Nikomachus refused compliance, and told the whole story of the plot to his brother, Kebalinus, who at once had an interview with Philotas, and bade him bring them at once to Alexander, as persons who had a most important communication to make to him. Philotas, however, for some reason or other, did not bring them before Alexander, but said that the king was not at leisure to hear them, as he was engaged in more important business. This he repeated on a second &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 351]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_351&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;occasion, and as his behaviour made the two brothers suspect his loyalty, they communicated with another officer, and by his means obtained an audience. They now told Alexander about the design of Limnus, and also said that Philotas had acted very luke-warmly in the matter, as they had twice told him that there was a plot against Alexander, and yet he had, on each occasion, disregarded their warning.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This greatly enraged Alexander: and as when Limnus was arrested he defended himself desperately and was killed in the scuffle, he was yet more disturbed, as he feared he had now lost all clue to the plot. He now openly showed his displeasure with Philotas, and encouraged all his enemies to say boldly that it was folly of the king to imagine that an obscure man like Limnus would have ventured to form a conspiracy against his life, but that Limnus was merely a tool in the hands of some more powerful person; and that if he wished to discover the real authors of the plot, he must seek for them among those who would have been most benefited by its success. Finding that the king lent a ready ear to suggestions of this kind, they soon furnished him with an overwhelming mass of evidence of the treasonable designs of Philotas. Philotas was at once arrested, and put to the torture in the presence of the chief officers of the Macedonian army, while Alexander himself sat behind a curtain to hear what he would say. It is said that when Alexander heard Philotas piteously beg Hephæstion for mercy, he exclaimed aloud, &amp;quot;Are you such a coward as this, Philotas, and yet contrive such daring plots?&amp;quot; To be brief, Philotas was put to death, and immediately afterwards Alexander sent to Media and caused Parmenio to be assassinated, although he was a man who had performed the most important services for Philip, had, more than any other of the older Macedonians, encouraged Alexander to invade Asia, and had seen two of his three sons die in battle before he perished with the third. This cruelty made many of the friends of Alexander fear him, and especially Antipater,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_417_417&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_417_417&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[417]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who now formed a secret league with the Ætolians, who also feared Alexander because &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 352]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_352&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;when he heard of the destruction of the people of Œneadæ, he said that he himself, and not the sons of the people of Œneadæ, would be revenged upon the Ætolians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;L.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Not long after this followed the murder of Kleitus, which, if simply told, seems more cruel than that of Philotas; but if we consider the circumstances under which it took place, and the provocation which was given, we shall treat it rather as a misfortune which befel Alexander during a fit of drunken passion than as a deliberate act. It happened as follows. Some men came from the sea-coast, bringing Greek grapes as a present to Alexander. He admired their bloom and ripeness, and invited Kleitus to see them, meaning to present him with some of them. Kleitus was engaged in offering sacrifice, but on receiving this summons left his sacrifice and went to the king: upon which, three of the sheep which he was about to offer up as victims, followed him. When Alexander heard of this, he consulted his soothsayers, Aristander, and Kleomantes the Laconian. As they reported that this was an evil omen, he bade them at once offer an expiatory sacrifice on behalf of Kleitus; for he himself, three days before, had dreamed a strange dream about Kleitus, that he had seen him sitting dressed in black amongst the sons of Parmenio, who were all of them dead. Before, however, the sacrifices on behalf of Kleitus had been performed, he came to the banquet, before which Alexander himself had offered sacrifice to the Dioskuri.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After all had drunk heavily, a song was sung which had been composed by one Pranichus, or Pierion according to some writers, in which the generals who had recently been defeated by the barbarians were held up to public shame and ridicule. The elder Macedonians were vexed at this, and blamed both the writer of the song and the man who sung it, but Alexander and his associates were much pleased with it, and bade the singer go on. Kleitus, who was now very much excited by drink and who was naturally of a fierce and independent temper, was especially annoyed, and said that it was not right for Macedonians to be thus insulted in the presence of enemies and barbarians, for that, in spite of their misfortune, they were far braver men than those who ridiculed them. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 353]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_353&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Alexander answered that Kleitus, when he called cowardice a misfortune, was no doubt pleading his own cause: at which reproach Kleitus sprang to his feet, and exclaimed, &amp;quot;my cowardice at any rate saved the life of the son of the gods, when he turned his back to the sword of Spithridates; so that now, by the blood and wounds of the Macedonians, you have become so great a man that you pretend to be the child of Ammon, and disown your father Philip.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Alexander, stung to the quick by these words, said, &amp;quot;Villain, do you suppose that you will be allowed to spread these calumnies against me, rendering the Macedonians disaffected, and yet go unpunished?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Too much are we punished,&amp;quot; answered Kleitus, &amp;quot;when we see such a reward as this given us for all our hard service, but we congratulate those of us who are dead, because they died before they saw Macedonians beaten with Median rods, and begging Persian attendants to procure them an audience of their king.&amp;quot; When Kleitus spoke his mind thus boldly, Alexander&#039;s intimate friends answered with bitter reproaches, but the older men endeavoured to pacify them. Alexander now turning to Xenodochus of Kardia and Astenius of Kolophon, asked, &amp;quot;Do not the Greeks seem to you to treat the Macedonians as if they were beasts, and they themselves were more than mortal men? &amp;quot;Kleitus, however, would not hold his peace, but went on to say that if Alexander could not bear to hear men speak their mind, he had better not invite free-born people to his table, and ought to confine himself to the society of barbarians and slaves who would pay respect to his Persian girdle and striped&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_418_418&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_418_418&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[418]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; tunic. At this speech Alexander could no longer restrain his passion, but seized an apple from the table, hurled it at Kleitus, and began to feel for his dagger. Aristophanes, one of his body-guard, had already secreted it, and the rest now pressed round him imploring him to be quiet. He however leaped to his feet, and, as if in a great emergency, ehouted in the Macedonian tongue to the foot-guards to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 354]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_354&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;turn out. He bade the trumpeter sound an alarm, and as the man hesitated and refused, struck him with his fist. This man afterwards gained great credit for his conduct, as it was thought that by it he had saved the whole camp from being thrown into an uproar. As Kleitus would not retract what he had said, his friends seized him and forced him out of the room. But he re-entered by another door, and in an offensive and insolent tone began to recite the passage from the Andromache of Euripides, which begins,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Ah me! in Greece an evil custom reigns,&amp;quot; &amp;amp;amp;c.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Upon this Alexander snatched a lance from one of his guards, and ran Kleitus through the body with it, just as he was drawing aside the curtain and preparing to enter the room. Kleitus fell with a loud groan, and died on the spot. Alexander, when he came to himself, and saw his friends all standing round in mute reproach, snatched the spear out of the corpse, and would have thrust it into his own neck, but was forcibly witheld by his guards, who laid hold of him and carried him into his bed-chamber.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Alexander spent the whole night in tears, and on the next day was so exhausted by his agony of grief as to be speechless, and only able to sigh heavily. At length his friends, alarmed at his silence, broke into the room. He took no notice of any of their attempts at consolation, except that he seemed to make signs of assent when Aristander the soothsayer told him that all this had been preordained to take place, and reminded him of his dream about Kleitus. His friends now brought to him Kallisthenes the philosopher, who was a nephew of Aristotle, and Anaxarchus of Abdera. Kallisthenes endeavoured to soothe his grief, by kind and gentle consolation, but Anaxarchus, a man who had always pursued an original method of his own in philosophical speculations, and who was thought to be overbearing and harsh-tempered by his friends, as soon as he entered the room exclaimed, &amp;quot;This is that Great Alexander, upon whom the eyes of the world are fixed: there he lies like a slave, fearing what men will say of him, although he ought rather to dictate to them what they should think right, as becomes &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 355]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_355&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;the master of the world, and not to be influenced by their foolish opinions. Know you not,&amp;quot; asked he &amp;quot;that Law and Justice sit beside the throne of Zeus, and make everything which is done by those in power to be lawful and right?&amp;quot; By such discourse as this Anaxarchus assuaged Alexander&#039;s sorrow, but encouraged his savage and lawless disposition. He gained great favour for himself, and was able to influence Alexander against Kallisthenes, who was already no favourite with him on account of his upright, uncompromising spirit. It is related that once at table, when the conversation turned upon the seasons, and upon the climate of Asia, Kallisthenes argued that it was colder in the country where they were than in Greece; and when Anaxarchus vehemently contradicted this, he said, &amp;quot;Why, you must admit that this country is the colder of the two; for in Greece you used to wear only one cloak all through the winter, whereas here you sit down to dinner wrapped in three Persian rugs.&amp;quot; This reply made Anaxarchus more his enemy than before.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Kallisthenes made all the sophists and flatterers of Alexander jealous of him because he was much sought after by the young men for his learning, and was liked by the elder men on account of his sober, dignified, and austere life, which confirmed the common report, that he had come to the court of Alexander with the intention of prevailing upon him to refound his native city, and collect together its scattered citizens. His high moral character gained him many enemies, but he himself gave some colour to their accusations by his conduct in constantly refusing all invitations, and by behaving himself with gravity and silence when in society, as if he were displeased with his company. His manner had caused Alexander himself to say of him, &amp;quot;I hate a philosopher who is not wise in his own interest.&amp;quot; It is related that once at a great banquet, when sitting over their wine, Kallisthenes was asked to speak in praise of the Macedonians, and that he at once poured forth such a fluent and splendid eulogy that all the company rose, vehemently applauding, and threw their garlands to him. At this Alexander remarked that, as Euripides says,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;On noble subjects, all men can speak well.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 356]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_356&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Now,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;show us your ability by blaming the Macedonians, in order that they may be made better men by having their shortcomings pointed out.&amp;quot; Kallisthenes hereupon began to speak in a depreciatory strain, and told many home-truths about the Macedonians, pointing out that Philip had become strong only because Greece was weakened by faction, and quoting the line,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;In times of trouble, bad men rise to fame.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This speech caused the Macedonians to hate him most bitterly, and provoked Alexander to say that Kallisthenes had made a display, not of his own abilities, but of his dislike to the Macedonians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; This is the account which Strœbus, Kallisthenes&#039;s reader, is said by Hermippus to have given to Aristotle about the quarrel between Kallisthenes and Alexander; and he added that Kallisthenes was well aware that he was out of favour with the king, and twice or thrice when setting out to wait on him would repeat the line from the Iliad,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Patroklus, too, hath died, a better man than thou.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On hearing this Aristotle acutely remarked, that Kallisthenes had great ability and power of speech, but no common sense. He, like a true philosopher, refused to kneel and do homage to Alexander, and alone had the spirit to express in public what all the oldest and best Macedonians privately felt. By his refusal he relieved the Greeks and Alexander from a great disgrace, but ruined himself, because he seemed to use force rather than persuasion to attain his object. We are told by Charon of Mitylene that once when at table, Alexander, after drinking, passed the cup to one of his friends; and that he after receiving it, rose, stood by the hearth, and after drinking knelt before Alexander: after which he kissed him and resumed his seat. All the guests did this in turn until the cup came to Kallisthenes. The king, who was conversing to Hephæstion, did not take any notice of what he did, and after drinking he also came forward to kiss him, when Demetrius, who was surnamed Pheidon, said, &amp;quot;My king, do not kiss him, for he alone has not done &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 357]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_357&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;homage to you.&amp;quot; Upon this Alexander avoided kissing Kallisthenes, who said in a loud voice, &amp;quot;Then I will go away with the loss of a kiss.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The breach thus formed was widened by Hephæstion, who declared that Kallisthenes had agreed with him to kneel before Alexander, and then had broken his compact; and this story was believed by Alexander. After this came Lysimachus and Hagnon, and many others, who accused Kallisthenes of giving himself great airs, as though he were a queller of despots, and said that he had a large following among the younger men, who looked up to him as being the only free man among so many myriads of people. These accusations were more easily believed to be true because at this time the plot of Hermolaus was discovered; and it was said that when Hermolaus enquired of Kallisthenes how one might become the most famous man in the world, he answered, &amp;quot;By killing the most famous man in the world.&amp;quot; He was even said to have encouraged Hermolaus to make the attempt, bidding him have no fear of Alexander&#039;s golden throne, and reminding him that he would have to deal with a man who was both wounded and in ill-health. Yet none of those concerned in Hermolaus&#039;s conspiracy mentioned the name of Kallisthenes, even under the most exquisite tortures. Alexander himself, in the letters which he wrote to Kraterus, Attalus, and Alketas immediately after the discovery of the plot, states that the royal pages, when put to the torture, declared that they alone had conspired, and that they had no accomplices. &amp;quot;The pages,&amp;quot; Alexander goes on to say, &amp;quot;were stoned to death by the Macedonians, but I will myself punish the sophist, and those who sent him hither, and those who receive into their cities men that plot against me.&amp;quot; In these words he evidently alludes to Aristotle: for Kallisthenes was brought up in his house, being the son of Hero, Aristotle&#039;s first cousin. Some writers tell us that Kallisthenes was hanged by the orders of Alexander; others that he was thrown into chains and died of sickness. Chares informs us that he was kept in confinement for seven months, in order that he might be tried in the presence of Aristotle himself, but that during the time &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 358]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_358&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;when Alexander was wounded in India, he died of excessive corpulence, covered with vermin.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; This, however, took place after the period of which we write. At this time Demaratus of Corinth, although an elderly man, was induced to travel as far as the court of Alexander: and when he beheld him, said that the Greeks who had died before they saw Alexander sitting upon the throne of Darius, had lost one of the greatest pleasures in the world.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Demaratus by this speech gained great favour with the king, but lived but a short time to enjoy it, as he was soon carried off by sickness. His funeral was conducted with the greatest magnificence, for the whole army was employed to raise a mound of great extent, and eighty cubits high, as a memorial of him; while his remains were placed in a splendidly equipped four-horse chariot and sent back to the sea-coast.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As Alexander was now about to invade India, and observed that his army had become unwieldy and difficult to move in consequence of the mass of plunder with which the soldiers were encumbered, he collected all the baggage-waggons together one morning at daybreak, and first burned his own and those of his companions, after which he ordered those of the Macedonians to be set on fire. This measure appears to have been more energetic than the occasion really required; and yet it proved more ruinous in the design than in the execution: for although some of the soldiers were vexed at the order, most of them with enthusiastic shouts distributed their most useful property among those who were in want, burning and destroying all the rest with a cheerful alacrity which raised Alexander&#039;s spirits to the highest pitch. Yet Alexander was terrible and pitiless in all cases of dereliction of duty. He put to death Menander, one of his personal friends, because he did not remain in a fort, where he had been appointed to command the garrison; and he shot dead with his own hand Orsodates, a native chief who had revolted from him. At this time it happened that a ewe brought forth a lamb, upon whose head was a tiara in shape and colour like that of the King of Persia, with stones hanging on each side of it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 359]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_359&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Alexander, much disturbed at this portent, was purified by the priests at Babylon, whom he was accustomed to make use of for this purpose, but told his friends that he was alarmed for their sake, and not for his own, as he feared that if he fell, heaven might transfer his crown to some unworthy and feeble successor. However, he was soon cheered by a better omen. The chief of Alexander&#039;s household servants, a Macedonian named Proxenus, while digging a place to pitch the royal tent near the river Oxus, discovered a well, full of a smooth, fatty liquid. When the upper layer was removed, there spouted forth a clear oil, exactly like olive oil in smell and taste, and incomparably bright and clear: and that, too, in a country where no olive trees grew. It is said that the water of the Oxus itself is very soft and pleasant, and that it causes the skin of those who bathe in it to become sleek and glossy. Alexander was greatly delighted with this discovery, as we learn from a letter which he wrote to Antipater, in which he speaks of this as being one of the most important and manifest signs of the divine favour which had ever been vouchsafed to him. The soothsayers held that the omen portended, that the campaign would be glorious, but laborious and difficult: for oil has been given by the gods to men to refresh them after labour.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Alexander when on this expedition ran terrible risks in battle, and was several times grievously wounded. His greatest losses were caused, however, by the want of provisions, and by the severity of the climate. He himself, striving to overcome fortune by valour, thought nothing impossible to a brave man, and believed that, while daring could surmount all obstacles, cowardice could not be safe behind any defences. We are told that when he was besieging the fortress of Sisymithres, which was placed upon a steep and inaccessible rock, his soldiers despaired of being able to take it. He asked Oxyartes what sort of a man Sisymithres himself was in respect of courage. When Oxyartes answered that he was the greatest coward in the world, Alexander said &#039;You tell me, that the fortress can be taken; for its spirit is weak.&amp;quot; And indeed he did take it, by playing upon the fears of Sisymithres. Once he was attacking another &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 360]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_360&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;fortress, also situated upon the top of a lofty rock. While he was addressing words of encouragement to the younger Macedonians, finding that one of them was named Alexander, he said &amp;quot;You must this day prove yourself a brave man, if but for your name&#039;s sake.&amp;quot; The youth fought most bravely, but fell, to the great grief of Alexander. When he reached the city named Nysa,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_419_419&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_419_419&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[419]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the Macedonians were unwilling to attack it, because a very deep river ran past its walls. &amp;quot;Unlucky that I am,&amp;quot; exclaimed Alexander, &amp;quot;why did I never learn to swim?&amp;quot; Saying thus, he prepared to cross the river just as he was, with his shield upon his left arm. After an unsuccessful assault, ambassadors were sent by the besieged, who were surprised to find Alexander dressed in his armour, covered with dust and blood. A cushion was now brought to him, and he bade the eldest of the ambassadors seat himself upon it. This man was named Akouphis: and he was so much struck with the splendid courtesy of Alexander, that he asked him what his countrymen must do, in order to make him their friend. Alexander replied that they must make Akouphis their chief, and send a hundred of their best men to him. Upon this Akouphis laughed, and answered: &amp;quot;I shall rule them better, O King, if I send the worst men to you and not the best.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; There was one Taxiles,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_420_420&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_420_420&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[420]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was said to be king of a part of India as large as Egypt, with a rich and fertile soil. He was also a shrewd man, and came and embraced Alexander, saying, &amp;quot;Why should we two fight one another, Alexander, since you have not come to take away from us the water which we drink nor the food which we eat; and these are the only things about which it is worth while for sensible men to fight? As for all other kinds of property, if I have more than you, I am willing to bestow it upon you, or, if you are the richer, I would willingly be placed in your debt by receiving some from you.&amp;quot; Alexander was delighted with these &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 361]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_361&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;words, and giving him his right hand as a pledge of his friendship exclaimed, &amp;quot;Perhaps you suppose that by this arrangement we shall become friends without a contest; but you are mistaken, for I will contend with you in good offices, and will take care that you do not overcome me.&amp;quot; Saying thus, they exchanged presents, amongst which Alexander gave Taxiles a thousand talents of coined money. This conduct of his greatly vexed his friends; but caused him to be much more favourably regarded by many of the natives.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After this, Alexander, who had suffered great losses from the Indian mercenary troops who flocked to defend the cities which he attacked, made a treaty of alliance with them in a certain town, and afterwards, as they were going away set upon them while they were on the road and killed them all. This is the greatest blot upon his fame; for in all the rest of his wars, he always acted with good faith as became a king. He was also much troubled by the philosophers who attended him, because they reproached those native princes who joined him, and encouraged the free states to revolt and regain their independence. For this reason, he caused not a few of them to be hanged.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; His campaign against king Porus is described at length in his own letters. He tells us that the river Hydaspes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_421_421&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_421_421&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[421]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ran between the two camps, and that Porus with his elephants watched the further bank, and prevented his crossing. Alexander himself every day caused a great noise and disturbance to be made in his camp, in order that the enemy might be led to disregard his movements: and at last upon a dark and stormy night he took a division of infantry and the best of the cavalry, marched to a considerable distance from the enemy, and crossed over into an island of no great extent. Here he was exposed to a terrible storm of rain, with thunder and lightning; but, although several of his men were struck dead, he pressed on, crossed the island, and gained the furthermost bank of the river. The Hydaspes was flooded by the rain, and the stream ran fiercely down this second branch, while the Macedonians could with difficulty keep &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 362]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_362&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;their footing upon this slippery and uneven bottom Here it was that Alexander is said to have exclaimed, &amp;quot;O ye Athenians, what toils do I undergo to obtain your praise.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This, however, rests only on the authority of the historian Oneskritus, for Alexander himself relates that they abandoned their rafts, and waded through this second torrent under arms, with the water up to their breasts. After crossing, he himself rode on some twenty furlongs in advance of the infantry, thinking that if the enemy met him with their cavalry alone, he would be able to rout them easily, and that, if they advanced their entire force, before a battle could be begun, he would be joined by his own infantry. And indeed he soon fell in with a thousand horse and sixty war chariots of the enemy, which he routed, capturing all the chariots, and slaying four hundred of the horsemen. Porus now perceived that Alexander himself had crossed the river, and advanced to attack him with all his army, except only a detachment which he left to prevent the Macedonians from crossing the river at their camp. Alexander, alarmed at the great numbers of the enemy, and at their elephants, did not attack their centre, but charged them on the left wing, ordering Koinus to attack them on the right. The enemy on each wing were routed, but retired towards their main body, where the elephants stood. Here an obstinate and bloody contest took place, insomuch that it was the eighth hour of the day before the Indians were finally overcome. These particulars we are told by the chief actor in the battle himself, in his letters. Most historians are agreed that Porus stood four cubits&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_422_422&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_422_422&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[422]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and a span high, and was so big a man that when mounted on his elephant, although it was a very large one, he seemed as well proportioned to the animal as an ordinary man is to a horse. This elephant showed wonderful sagacity and care for its king, as while he was still vigorous it charged the enemy and overthrew them, but when it perceived that he was fainting from his wounds, fearing that he might fall, it &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 363]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_363&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;quietly knelt on the ground, and then gently drew the spears out of his body with its trunk. When Porus was captured, Alexander asked him how he wished to be treated. &amp;quot;Like a king,&amp;quot; answered Porus. Alexander then enquired if he had nothing else to ask about his treatment. &amp;quot;Everything,&amp;quot; answered Porus, &amp;quot;is comprised in these words, like a king.&amp;quot; Alexander now replaced Porus in his kingdom, with the title of satrap, and also added a large province to it, subduing the independent inhabitants. This country was said to have contained fifteen separate tribes, five thousand considerable cities and innumerable villages; besides another district three times as large, over which he appointed Philippus, one of his personal friends, to be satrap.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this battle with Porus, Alexander&#039;s horse Boukephalus died, not immediately, but some time afterwards. Most historians say that he died of wounds received in the battle, but Onesikritus tells us that he died of old age and overwork, for he had reached his thirtieth year. Alexander was greatly grieved at his loss, and sorrowed for him as much as if he had lost one of his most intimate friends. He founded a city as a memorial of him upon the banks of the Hydaspes, which he named Boukephalia. It is also recorded that when he lost a favourite dog called Peritas, which he had brought up from a whelp, and of which he was very fond, he founded a city and called it by the dog&#039;s name. The historian Sotion tells us that he heard this from Potamon of Lesbos.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The battle with King Porus made the Macedonians very unwilling to advance farther into India. They had overcome Porus with the greatest difficulty, as he brought against them a force of twenty thousand infantry and two thousand cavalry, and now offered the most violent opposition to Alexander, who wished to cross the river Ganges. This river, they heard, was thirty-two furlongs wide and a hundred cubits deep, while its further banks were completely covered with armed men, horses and elephants, for it was said that the kings of the Gandaritæ and Præsiæ were awaiting his attack with an army of eighty thousand horsemen, two hundred thousand foot soldiers, eight thousand war chariots, and six thousand elephants; nor was this any exaggeration, for not long &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 364]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_364&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;afterwards Androkottus, the king of this country, presented five hundred elephants to Seleukus, and overran and subdued the whole of India with an army of six hundred thousand men.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Alexander at first retired to his tent in a rage, and shut himself up there, not feeling any gratitude to those who had prevented his crossing the Ganges, but regarding a retreat as an acknowledgment of defeat. However, after his friends had argued with him, and his soldiers had come to the door of his tent, begging him with tears in their eyes to go no farther, he relented, and gave orders for a retreat. He now contrived many ingenious devices to impress the natives, as, for instance, he caused arms, and bridles and mangers for horses to be made of much more than the usual size, and left them scattered about. He also set up altars, which even to the present day are reverenced by the kings of the Præsiæ, who cross the river to them, and offer sacrifice upon them in the Greek fashion. Androkottus himself, who was then a lad, saw Alexander himself and afterwards used to declare that Alexander might easily have conquered the whole country, as the then king was hated by his subjects on account of his mean and wicked disposition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this, Alexander wishing to see the outer ocean,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_423_423&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_423_423&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[423]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; caused many rafts and vessels managed with oars to be built, and proceeded in a leisurely manner down the Indus. His voyage, however, was not an idle one, nor was it unaccompanied with danger, for as he passed down the river, he disembarked, attacked the tribes on the banks, and subdued them all. When he was among the Malli, who are said to be the most warlike tribe in India, he very nearly lost his life. He was besieging their chief city, and after the garrison had been driven from the walls by volleys of missiles, he was the first man to ascend a scaling ladder and mount the walls. The ladder now broke, so that no more could mount, and as the enemy began to assemble inside at the foot of the wall and shoot up at him from below, Alexander, alone against a host, leaped down amongst them, and by good luck, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 365]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_365&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;alighted on his feet. His armour rattled loudly as he leaped, and made the natives think that a bright light was emitted from his body; so that at first they gave way and fled from him. But when they saw that he was attended by only two followers, some of them attacked him at close quarters with swords and spears, while one standing a little way off shot an arrow at him with such force and with such good aim, that it passed through his corslet and imbedded itself in the bones of his breast. As he shrank back when the arrow struck him, the man who had shot it ran up to him with a drawn sword in his hand. Peukestas and Limnæus now stood before Alexander to protect him. Both were wounded, Limnæus mortally; but Peukestas managed to stand firm, while Alexander despatched the Indian with his own hand. Alexander was wounded in many places, and at last received a blow on the neck with a club, which forced him to lean his back against the wall, still facing the enemy. The Macedonians now swarmed round him, snatched him up just as he fainted away, and carried him insensible to his tent. A rumour now ran through the camp that he was dead, and his attendants with great difficulty sawed through the wooden shaft of the arrow, and so got off his corslet. They next had to pluck out the barbed head of the arrow, which was firmly fixed in one of his ribs. This arrow-head is said to have measured four fingers-breadths&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_424_424&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_424_424&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[424]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in length, and three in width. When it was pulled out, he swooned away, so that he nearly died, but at length recovered his strength. When he was out of danger, though still very weak, as he had to keep himself under careful treatment for a long time, he heard a disturbance without, and learning that the Macedonians were anxious to see him, took his cloak and went out to them. After sacrificing to the gods for the recovery of his health, he started again on his journey, and passed through a great extent of country and past many considerable cities, all of which he subdued.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 366]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_366&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; He captured ten of the Indian philosophers called Gymnosophistæ;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_425_425&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_425_425&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[425]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who had been instrumental in causing Sabbas to revolt, and had done much mischief to the Macedonians. These men are renowned for their short, pithy answers, and Alexander put difficult questions to all of them, telling them that he would first put to death the man who answered him worst, and so the rest in order. The first was asked, whether he thought the living or the dead to be the more numerous. He answered, &amp;quot;The living, for the dead are not.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The second was asked, which breeds the largest animals, the sea or the land. He answered, &amp;quot;The land, for the sea is only a part of it.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The third was asked, which is the cleverest of beasts. He answered, &amp;quot;That which man has not yet discovered.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The fourth was asked why he made Sabbas rebel. He answered, &amp;quot;Because I wished him either to live or to die with honour.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The fifth was asked, which he thought was first, the day or the night. He answered, &amp;quot;The day was first, by one day.&amp;quot; As he saw that the king was surprised at this answer, he added, &amp;quot;impossible questions require impossible answers.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Alexander now asked the sixth how a man could make himself most beloved. He answered, &amp;quot;By being very powerful, and yet not feared by his subjects.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of the remaining three, the first one was asked, how a man could become a god. He answered, &amp;quot;By doing that which is impossible for a man to do.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The next was asked, which was the stronger, life or death. He answered, &amp;quot;Life, because it endures such terrible suffering.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The last, being asked how long it was honourable for a man to live, answered, &amp;quot;As long as he thinks it better for him to live than to die.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Upon this Alexander turned to the judge and asked &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 367]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_367&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;him to pronounce his decision. He said that they had answered each one worse than the other. &amp;quot;Then,&amp;quot; said Alexander, &amp;quot;you shall yourself be put to death for having given such a verdict.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Not so,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;O king, unless you mean to belie your own words, for you said at the beginning that you would put to death him who gave the worst answer.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Alexander now gave them presents and dismissed them unhurt. He also sent Onesikritus to the most renowned of them, who lived a life of serene contemplation, desiring that they would come to him. This Onesikritus was a philosopher of the school of Diogenes the cynic. One of the Indians, named Kalanus, is said to have received him very rudely, and to have proudly bidden him to take off his clothes and speak to him naked, as otherwise he would not hold any conversation with him, even if he came from Zeus himself. Dandamis, another of the Gymnosophists, was of a milder mood, and when he had been told of Sokrates, Pythagoras, and Diogenes, said that they appeared to him to have been wise men, but to have lived in too great bondage to the laws. Other writers say that Dandamis said nothing more than &amp;quot;For what purpose has Alexander come all the way hither?&amp;quot; However, Taxiles persuaded Kalanus to visit Alexander. His real name was Sphines: but as in the Indian tongue he saluted all he met with the word &#039;Kale,&#039; the Greeks named him Kalanus. This man is said to have shown to Alexander a figure representing his empire, in the following manner. He flung on the ground a dry, shrunken hide, and then trod upon the outside of it, but when he trod it down in one place, it rose up in all the others. He walked all round the edge of it, and showed that this kept taking place until at length he stepped into the middle, and so made it all lie flat. This image was intended to signify that Alexander ought to keep his strength concentrated in the middle of his empire, and not wander about on distant journeys.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Alexander&#039;s voyage down the Indus and its tributaries, to the sea-coast, took seven months. On reaching the ocean he sailed to an island which he himself called Skillustis, but which was generally known as &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 368]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_368&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Psiltukis. Here he landed and sacrificed to the gods, after which he explored the sea and the coast as far as he could reach. Having done this, he turned back, after praying to the gods that no conqueror might ever transcend this, the extreme limit of his conquests. He ordered his fleet to follow the line of the coast, keeping India on their right hand: and he gave Nearchus the supreme command, with Onesikritus as chief pilot. He, himself, marched through the country of the Oreitæ, where he endured terrible sufferings from scarcity of provisions, and lost so many men that he scarcely brought back home from India the fourth part of his army, which originally amounted to a hundred and twenty thousand foot, and fifteen thousand horse. Most of the men perished from sickness, bad food, and the excessive heat of the sun, and many from sheer hunger, as they had to march through an uncultivated region, inhabited only by a few miserable savages, with a stunted breed of cattle whose flesh had acquired a rank and disagreeable taste through their habit of feeding on sea-fish.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After a terrible march of sixty days, the army passed through this desert region, and reached Gedrosia, where the men at once received abundant supplies of food, which were furnished by the chiefs of the provinces which they entered.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After he had refreshed his troops here for a little, Alexander led them in a joyous revel for seven days through Karmania.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_426_426&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_426_426&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[426]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He, himself, feasted continually, night and day, with his companions, who sat at table with him upon a lofty stage drawn by eight horses, so that all men could see them. After the king&#039;s equipage followed numberless other waggons, some with hangings of purple and embroidered work, and others with canopies of green boughs, which were constantly renewed, containing the rest of Alexander&#039;s friends and officers, all &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 369]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_369&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;crowned with flowers and drinking wine. There was not a shield, a helmet, or a pike, to be seen, but all along the road the soldiers were dipping cups, and horns, and earthenware vessels into great jars of liquor and drinking one another&#039;s healths, some drinking as they marched along, while others sat by the roadside. Everywhere might be heard the sound of flutes and pipes, and women singing and dancing; while with all this dissolute march the soldiers mingled rough jokes, as if the god Dionysus himself were amongst them and attended on their merry procession. At the capital of Gedrosia, Alexander again halted his army, and refreshed them with feasting and revelry. It is said that he himself, after having drunk hard, was watching a contest between several choruses, and that his favourite Bagoas won the prize, and then came across the theatre and seated himself beside him, dressed as he was and wearing his crown as victor. The Macedonians, when they saw this, applauded vehemently, and cried out to Alexander to kiss him, until at length he threw his arms round him and kissed him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; He was now much pleased at being joined by Nearchus and his officers, and took so much interest in their accounts of their voyage, that he wished to sail down the Euphrates himself with a great fleet, and then to coast round Arabia and Libya, and so enter the Mediterranean sea through the pillars of Herakles.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_427_427&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_427_427&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[427]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He even began to build many ships at Thapsakus, and to collect sailors and pilots from all parts of the world, but the severe campaigns which he had just completed in India, the wound which he had received among the Malli, and the great losses which his army had sustained in crossing the desert, had made many of his subjects doubt whether he was ever likely to return alive, and had encouraged them to revolt, while his absence had led many of his satraps and viceroys to act in an extremely arbitrary and despotic manner, so that his whole empire was in a most critical condition, and full of conspiracies and seditious risings. Olympias and Kleopatra&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_428_428&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_428_428&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[428]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; had attacked and driven out Antipater, and had divided the kingdom &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 370]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_370&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;between themselves, Olympias taking Epirus, and Kleopatra Macedonia. When Alexander heard this, he said that his mother had proved herself the wiser of the two; for the Macedonians never would endure to be ruled by a woman. He now sent Nearchus back to the sea, determining to make war all along the coast, and coming down in person to punish the most guilty of his officers. He killed Oxyartes, one of the sons of Abouletes (the satrap of Susiana) with his own hands, with a sarissa or Macedonian pike. Abouletes had made no preparations to receive Alexander, but offered him three thousand talents of silver. Alexander ordered the money to be thrown down for the horses; and as they could not eat it, he said &amp;quot;What is the use of your having prepared this for me?&amp;quot; and ordered Abouletes to be cast into prison.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; While Alexander was in Persis&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_429_429&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_429_429&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[429]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he first renewed the old custom that whenever the king came there he should give every woman a gold piece. On account of this custom we are told that many of the Persian kings came but seldom to Persis, and that Ochus never came at all, but exiled himself from his native country through his niggardliness. Shortly afterwards Alexander discovered that the sepulchre of Cyrus had been broken into, and put the criminal to death, although he was a citizen of Pella&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_430_430&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_430_430&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[430]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of some distinction, named Polemarchus. When he had read the inscription upon the tomb, he ordered it to be cut in Greek letters also. The inscription ran as follows: &amp;quot;O man, whosoever thou art, and whencesoever thou comest—for I know that thou shalt come—I am Cyrus, who won the empire for the Persians. I pray thee, do not grudge me this little earth that covereth my body.&amp;quot; These words made a deep impression upon Alexander, and caused him to meditate upon the uncertainty and changefulness of human affairs. About this time, Kalanus, who had for some days been suffering from some internal disorder, begged that a funeral pile might be erected for him. He rode up to it on horseback, said &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 371]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_371&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;a prayer, poured a libation for himself and cut off a lock of his own hair, as is usual at a sacrifice, and then, mounting the pile, shook hands with those Macedonians who were present, bidding them be of good cheer that day, and drink deep at the king&#039;s table. He added, that he himself should shortly see the king at Babylon. Having spoken thus he lay down and covered himself over. He did not move when the fire reached him, but remained in the same posture until he was consumed, thus sacrificing himself to the gods after the manner of the Indian philosophers. Many years afterwards another Indian, a friend of Cæsar, did the like in the city of Athens; and at the present day his sepulchre is shown under the name of &amp;quot;the Indian&#039;s tomb.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After Alexander left the funeral pyre, he invited many of his friends and chief officers to dinner, and offered a prize to the man who could drink most unmixed wine. Promachus, who won it, drank as much as four choes.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_431_431&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_431_431&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[431]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was presented with a golden crown worth a talent, and lived only three days afterwards. Of the others, Chares, the historian, tells us that forty-one died of an extreme cold that came upon them in their drunkenness.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Alexander now celebrated the marriage of many of his companions at Susa. He himself married Statira, the daughter of Darius, and bestowed the noblest of the Persian ladies upon the bravest of his men. He gave a splendid banquet on the occasion of his marriage, inviting to it not only all the newly married couples, but all those Macedonians who were already married to Persian wives. It is said that nine thousand guests were present at this feast, and that each of them was presented with a golden cup to drink his wine in. Alexander entertained them in all other respects with the greatest magnificence, and even paid all the debts of his guests, so that the whole expense amounted to nine thousand eight hundred and seventy talents. On this occasion, Antigenes the one-eyed got his name inscribed on the roll as a debtor, and produced a man who said that he was his creditor. He received the amount of his alleged debt, but his deceit &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 372]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_372&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;was afterwards discovered by Alexander, who was much enraged, banished him from his court, and took away his command. This Antigenes was a very distinguished soldier. When Philip, was besieging Perinthus, Antigenes, who was then very young, was struck in the eye with a dart, and would not allow his friends to pull it out, nor leave the fight, before he had driven back the enemy into the city. He now was terribly cast down at his disgrace, and made no secret of his intention of making away with himself. The king, fearing that he would carry out his threat, pardoned him, and permitted him to keep the money.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Alexander was much pleased with the appearance of the three thousand youths whom he had left to be trained in the Greek manner, who had now grown into strong and handsome men, and showed great skill and activity in the performance of military exercises; but the Macedonians were very discontented, and feared that their king would now have less need for them. When Alexander sent those of them who were sick or maimed back to the sea coast, they said that it was disgraceful treatment that he should send these poor men home to their country and their parents in disgrace, and in worse case than when they set out, after he had had all the benefit of their services. They bade him send them all home, and regard them all as unserviceable, since he had such a fine troop of young gallants at his disposal to go and conquer the world with. Alexander was much vexed at this. He savagely reproached the soldiers, dismissed all his guards, and replaced them with Persians, whom he appointed as his body-guards and chamberlains. When the Macedonians saw him attended by these men, and found themselves shut out from his presence, they were greatly humbled, and after discussing the matter together they became nearly mad with rage and jealousy. At last they agreed to go to his tent without their arms, dressed only in their tunics, and there with weeping and lamentation offered themselves to him and bade him deal with them as with ungrateful and wicked men. Alexander, although he was now inclined to leniency, refused to receive them, but they would not go away, and remained &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 373]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_373&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;for two days and nights at the door of his tent lamenting and calling him their sovereign. On the third day he came out, and when he saw them in such a pitiable state of abasement, he wept for some time. He then gently blamed them for their conduct, and spoke kindly to them. He gave splendid presents to all the invalids, and dismissed them, writing at the same time to Antipater with orders, that in every public spectacle these men should sit in the best places in the theatre or the circus with garlands on their heads. The orphan children of those who had fallen he took into his own service.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After Alexander was come to the city of Ekbatana in Media, and had despatched the most weighty part of his business there, he gave himself up entirely to devising magnificent spectacles and entertainments, with the aid of three thousand workmen, whom he had sent for from Greece. During this time, Hephæstion fell sick of a fever, and being a young man, and accustomed to a soldier&#039;s life, did not put himself upon a strict diet and remain quiet as he ought to have done. As soon as Glaukus, his physician, left him to go to the theatre, he ate a boiled fowl for his breakfast, and drank a large jar of cooled wine. Upon this he was immediately taken worse, and very shortly afterwards died.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Alexander&#039;s grief for him exceeded all reasonable measure. He ordered the manes of all the horses and mules to be cut off in sign of mourning, he struck off the battlements of all the neighbouring cities, crucified the unhappy physician, and would not permit the flute or any other musical instrument to be played throughout his camp, until a response came from the oracle of Ammon bidding him honour Hephæstion and offer sacrifice to him as to a hero.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_432_432&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_432_432&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[432]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; To assuage his grief he took to war, and found consolation in fighting and man-hunting. He conquered the tribe called Kossæi, and slew their entire male population, which passed for an acceptable offering to the manes of Hephæstion. He now determined to spend ten thousand talents&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_433_433&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_433_433&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[433]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; on the funeral and tomb of Hephæstion; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 374]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_374&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;and as he wished to exceed the cost by the ingenuity and brilliancy of invention shown in this spectacle, he chose Stasikrates out of all his mechanicians to arrange it, as he was thought to be able both to devise with grandeur and to execute with skill.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He on one occasion before this, when conversing with Alexander, told him that of all mountains in the world Mount Athos in Thrace was that which could most easily be carved into the figure of a man; and that, if Alexander would give him the order, he would form Athos into the most magnificent and durable monument of him that the world had ever seen, as he would represent him as holding in his left hand the city of Myriandrus, and with his right pouring, as a libation, a copious river into the sea. Alexander would not, indeed, adopt this suggestion, but was fond of discussing much more wonderful and costly designs than this with his engineers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Just as Alexander was on the point of starting for Babylon, Nearchus, who had returned with his fleet up the Euphrates, met him, and informed him that some Chaldæans had warned Alexander to avoid Babylon. He took no heed of this warning, but went his way. When he drew near the walls he saw many crows flying about and pecking at one another, some of whom fell to the ground close beside him. After this, as he heard that Apollodorus, the governor of Babylon, had sacrificed to the gods to know what would happen to Alexander, he sent for Pythagoras, the soothsayer, who had conducted the sacrifice, to know if this were true. The soothsayer admitted that it was, on which Alexander inquired what signs he had observed in the sacrifice. Pythagoras answered that the victim&#039;s liver wanted one lobe. &amp;quot;Indeed!&amp;quot; exclaimed Alexander, &amp;quot;that is a terrible omen.&amp;quot; He did Pythagoras no hurt, but regretted that he had not listened to the warning of Nearchus, and spent most of his time in his camp outside the walls of Babylon, or in boats on the river Euphrates. Many unfavourable omens now depressed his spirit. A tame ass attacked and kicked to death the finest and largest lion that he kept; and one day, as he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 375]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_375&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;stripped to play at tennis, the young man with whom he played, when it was time to dress again, saw a man sitting on the king&#039;s throne, wearing his diadem and royal robe. For a long time this man refused to speak, but at length said that he was a citizen of Messene, named Dionysius, who had been brought to Babylon and imprisoned on some charge or other, and that now the god Serapis had appeared to him, loosed his chains, and had brought him thither, where he had bidden him to put on the king&#039;s diadem and robe, seat himself on his throne, and remain silent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Alexander heard this, he caused the man to be put to death, according to the advice of his soothsayers; but he himself was much cast down, and feared that the gods had forsaken him: he also grew suspicious of his friends. Above all he feared Antipater and his sons, one of whom, Iolas, was his chief cup-bearer, while the other, Kassander, had but recently arrived from Greece, and as he had been trained in the Greek fashion, and had never seen any Oriental customs before, he burst into a loud, insolent laugh, when he saw some of the natives doing homage to Alexander. Alexander was very angry, and seizing him by the hair with both hands, beat his head against the wall. Another time he stopped Kassander, when he was about to say something to some men who were accusing his father, Antipater. &amp;quot;Do you imagine&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;that these men would have journeyed so far merely in order to accuse a man falsely, if they had not been wronged by him?&amp;quot; When Kassander answered, that it looked very like a false accusation for a man to journey far from the place where his proofs lay, Alexander said with a laugh, &amp;quot;This is how Aristotle teaches his disciples to argue on either side of the question; but if any of you be proved to have wronged these men ever so little, you shall smart for it.&amp;quot; It is related that after this, terror of Alexander became so rooted in the mind of Kassander, that many years afterwards, when Kassander was king of Macedonia, and lord of all Greece, he was walking about in Delphi looking at the statues, and that when he saw that of Alexander he was seized with a violent shuddering; his hair stood upright on his head, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 376]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_376&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;and his body quaked with fear, so that it was long before he regained his composure.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After Alexander had once lost his confidence and become suspicious and easily alarmed, there was no circumstance so trivial that he did not make an omen of it, and the palace was full of sacrifices, lustrations, and soothsayers. So terrible a thing is disbelief in the gods and contempt for them on the one hand, while superstition and excessive reverence for them presses on men&#039;s guilty consciences like a torrent of water&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_434_434&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_434_434&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[434]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; poured upon them. Thus was Alexander&#039;s mind filled with base and cowardly alarms. However when the oracular responses of the gods about Hephæstion were reported to him, he laid aside his grief somewhat, and again indulged in feasts and drinking bouts. He entertained Nearchus and his friends magnificently, after which he took a bath, and then, just as he was going to sleep, Medius invited him to a revel at his house. He drank there the whole of the following day, when he began to feel feverish: though he did not drink up the cup of Herakles at a draught, or suddenly feel a pain as of a spear piercing his body, as some historians have thought it necessary to write, in order to give a dramatic fitness and dignity to the end of so important a personage. Aristobulus tells us that he became delirious through fever, and drank wine to quench his thirst, after which he became raving mad, and died on the thirtieth day of the month Daisius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In his own diary his last illness is described thus: &amp;quot;On the eighteenth day of Daisius he slept in the bath-room, because he was feverish. On the following day after bathing he came into his chamber and spent the day playing at dice with Medius. After this he bathed late in the evening, offered sacrifice to the gods, dined, and suffered from fever during the night. On the twentieth he bathed and sacrificed as usual, and while reclining in his bath-room he conversed with Nearchus and his friends, listening to their account of their voyage, and of the Great Ocean. On the twenty-first he did the same, but his fever grew much worse, so that he suffered much &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 377]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_377&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;during the night, and next day was very ill. On rising from his bed he lay beside the great plunge-bath, and conversed with his generals about certain posts which were vacant in his army, bidding them choose suitable persons to fill them. On the twenty-fourth, although very ill, he rose and offered sacrifice; and he ordered his chief officers to remain near him, and the commanders of brigades and regiments to pass the night at his gate. On the twenty-fifth he was carried over the river to the other palace, and slept a little, but the fever did not leave him. When his generals came to see him he was speechless, and remained so during the twenty-fifth, so that the Macedonians thought that he was dead. They clamoured at his palace gates, and threatened the attendants until they forced their way in. When the gates were thrown open they all filed past his bed one by one, dressed only in their tunics. On this day Python and Seleukus, who had been to the temple of Serapis, enquired whether they should bring Alexander thither. The god answered that they must leave him alone. The eight and twentieth day of the month, towards evening, Alexander died.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Most of the above is copied, word for word, from Alexander&#039;s household diary. No one had any suspicion of poison at the time; but it is said that six years after there appeared clear proof that he was poisoned, and that Olympias put many men to death, and caused the ashes of Iolas, who had died in the mean time, to be cast to the winds, as though he had administered the poison to Alexander.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Some writers say that Antipater was advised by Aristotle to poison Alexander, and inform us that one Hagnothemis declared that he had been told as much by Antipater; and that the poison was as cold as ice, and was gathered like dew, from a certain rock near the city of Nonakris, and preserved in the hoof of an ass: for no other vessel could contain it, because it is so exceedingly cold and piercing. Most historians, however, think that the whole story of Alexander&#039;s being poisoned was a fiction; and this view is strongly supported by the fact, that as Alexander&#039;s generals began to fight one another immediately after his death, his body lay for many days &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 378]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_378&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;unheeded, in hot and close rooms, and yet showed no signs of decay, but remained sweet and fresh. Roxana, who was pregnant, was regarded with great respect by the Macedonians, and being jealous of Statira, she sent her a forged letter, purporting to come from Alexander and asking her to come to him. When Statira came, Roxana killed both her and her sister, cast their bodies down a well, and filled up the well with earth. Her accomplice in this crime was Perdikkas, who on the death of Alexander at once became a very powerful man. He sheltered his authority under the name of Arrhidæus, who became the nominal, while Perdikkas was the virtual king of Macedonia. This Arrhidæus was the son of Philip by a low and disreputable woman named Philinna, and was half-witted in consequence of some bodily disorder with which he was afflicted. This disease was not congenital nor produced by natural causes, for he had been a fine boy and showed considerable ability, but Olympias endeavoured to poison him, and destroyed his intellect by her drugs.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;FOOTNOTES:&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_394_394&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_394_394&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[394]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On the subject of serpent worship, see in Smith&#039;s &#039;Dictionary of the Bible,&#039; art.: &#039;Serpent,&#039; and &#039;Brazen Serpent.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_395_395&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_395_395&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[395]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Greek month Hekatombæon answers to the last half of our July and the first half of August.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_396_396&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_396_396&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[396]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cf. Horace, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Carm.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; iii. 22.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_397_397&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_397_397&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[397]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reciters of epic poems, the cantos of which were called &#039;rhapsodies.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_398_398&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_398_398&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[398]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The same indifference to athletic sports, as practised in Greece, is mentioned in the Life of Philopœmen. The pankratium is sometimes called the pentathlum, and consisted of five contests, the foot-race, leaping, throwing the quoit, hurling the javelin, and wrestling. No one received the prize unless he was winner in all. In earlier times boxing was part of the pentathlum, but hurling the javelin was afterwards substituted for it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_399_399&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_399_399&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[399]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In Greek, this word is properly applied to the slave whose duty it was to attend a boy to and from school, and generally to keep him out of mischief. He was not supposed to teach him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_400_400&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_400_400&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[400]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The literal meaning of this word is &amp;quot;bull&#039;s head.&amp;quot; It is conjectured that this refers to the mark with which the horse was branded, not to his appearance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_401_401&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_401_401&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[401]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I believe that the seal here mentioned was Philip&#039;s own, and in no sense the &amp;quot;great seal of the kingdom,&amp;quot; although Strabo speaks of the public seal of a state.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_402_402&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_402_402&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[402]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A tribe in the eastern part of Macedonia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_403_403&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_403_403&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[403]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Near Chæronea.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_404_404&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_404_404&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[404]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It must be remembered that the ancients, although they possessed chairs, always ate and drank reclining upon couches.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_405_405&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_405_405&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[405]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Karians, ever since the siege of Troy, were regarded by the Greeks with the greatest contempt Cf. Il. ix. 378.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_406_406&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_406_406&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[406]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Bacchus. Compare the Bacchæ of Euripides, passim.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_407_407&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_407_407&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[407]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For a description of the Macedonian phalanx, see life of Titus Flaminius, ch. viii., note.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_408_408&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_408_408&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[408]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This inscription was no doubt written over such spoils as were placed in the Greek temples. Compare Virgil&#039;s &amp;quot;Æneas hæc de Danais victoribus arma.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_409_409&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_409_409&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[409]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When the wind blew from the south, this road was covered by such a depth of water as to be impracticable: for some time before he reached the spot the wind had blown strong from the south—but as he came near, the special providence of the gods (so he and his friends conceived it) brought on a change of wind to the north, so that the sea receded and left an available passage, though his soldiers had the water up to their waists. Grote&#039;s History of Greece, Part II. ch. xcii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_410_410&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_410_410&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[410]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Smith&#039;s &#039;Biographical Dictionary&#039; s.v.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_411_411&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_411_411&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[411]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This dye was probably made from the murex or purple fish, caught in the Hermionic gulf, in Argolis, which produced a dye only second to that of Tyre.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_412_412&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_412_412&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[412]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;No certainty is attainable about the ancient geography of these regions. Mr. Long&#039;s Map of Ancient Persia shows how little can be made out.&amp;quot; (Grote&#039;s &#039;History of Greece,&#039; part ii. chap. cxiii., note.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_413_413&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_413_413&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[413]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Lykus in Greek signifies a wolf.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_414_414&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_414_414&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[414]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In Persepolis, the capital of the district called Persis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_415_415&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_415_415&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[415]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The ancients, whose bodies were anointed with oil or unguents, used dust when wrestling, to enable them to hold one another.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_416_416&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_416_416&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[416]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Sea of Azof.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_417_417&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_417_417&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[417]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Antipater had been left by Alexander as his viceroy in Macedonia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_418_418&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_418_418&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[418]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The word which I have translated &#039;striped&#039; is mentioned by Xenophon in the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cyropædia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; as one of the ensigns of royalty assumed by Cyrus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_419_419&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_419_419&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[419]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Probably Cabul or Ghuznee. The whole geography of Alexander&#039;s Asiatic campaigns will be found most exhaustively discussed in Grote&#039;s &#039;History of Greece,&#039; part ii. ch. xcii., s. 99.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_420_420&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_420_420&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[420]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The same name occurs in the Life of Sulla, c. 15, and Life of Lucullus, c. 26.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_421_421&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_421_421&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[421]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The river Jhelum in the Punjaub.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_422_422&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_422_422&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[422]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A cubit is the space from the point of the elbow to that of the little finger: a span is the space one can stretch over with the thumb and the little finger.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_423_423&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_423_423&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[423]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As distinguished from the Mediterranean. The ancients gave the name of ocean to the sea by which they believed that their world was surrounded.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_424_424&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_424_424&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[424]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: daktylos&amp;quot;&amp;gt;δάκτυλος&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, the shortest Greek measure, a finger&#039;s breadth, about 7/20 of an inch. The modern Greek seamen measure the distance of the sun from the horizon by fingers&#039; breadths. Newton&#039;s &#039;Halicarnassus.&#039; (Liddell &amp;amp;amp; Scott, s.v.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_425_425&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_425_425&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[425]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So called from their habit of going entirely naked. One of them is said by Arrian to have said to Alexander. &amp;quot;You are a man like all of us, Alexander—except that you abandon your home like a meddlesome destroyer, to invade the most distant regions; enduring hardships yourself, and inflicting hardships on others.&amp;quot; (Arrian, vii, 1, 8.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_426_426&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_426_426&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[426]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; To recompense his soldiers for their recent distress, the king conducted them for seven days in drunken bacchanalian procession through Karmania, himself and all his friends taking part in the revelry; an imitation of the jovial festivity and triumph with which the god Dionysus had marched back from the conquest of India. (Grote&#039;s &#039;History of Greece,&#039; part ii. ch. xciv.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_427_427&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_427_427&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[427]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The straits of Gibraltar.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_428_428&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_428_428&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[428]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Her daughter, Alexander&#039;s sister.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_429_429&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_429_429&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[429]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The district known to the ancients as Persis or Persia proper, corresponds roughly to the modern province of Fars. Its capital city was Persepolis, near the modern city of Schiraz.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_430_430&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_430_430&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[430]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The capital of Macedonia, Alexander&#039;s native city.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_431_431&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_431_431&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[431]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: chous&amp;quot;&amp;gt;χοῦς&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; a liquid measure containing 12 &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: kotulai&amp;quot;&amp;gt;κοτύλαι&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; of 5.46 pints apiece.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_432_432&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_432_432&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[432]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Greek word hero means a semi-divine personage, who was worshipped, though with less elaborate ritual than a god.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_433_433&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_433_433&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[433]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; £2,300,000. Grote, following Diodorus, raises the total even higher, to twelve thousand talents, or £2,760,000. &amp;quot;History of Greece,&amp;quot; part ii. ch. xciv.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_434_434&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_434_434&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[434]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Greek text here is corrupt. I have endeavoured to give what appears to have been Plutarch&#039;s meaning.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 379]&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;LIFE_OF_C_CAESAR&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_379&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;LIFE OF C. CÆSAR.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_435_435&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_435_435&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[435]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When Sulla got possession of the supreme power, he confiscated the marriage portion of Cornelia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_436_436&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_436_436&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[436]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the daughter of Cinna&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_437_437&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_437_437&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[437]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who had once enjoyed the supremacy in Rome, because he could not either by promises or threats induce Cæsar to part with her. The cause of the enmity between Cæsar and Sulla was Cæsar&#039;s relationship to Marius; for the elder Marius was the husband of Julia the sister of Cæsar&#039;s father, and Julia was the mother of the younger Marius, who was consequently Cæsar&#039;s cousin. Cæsar was not content with being let alone by Sulla, who &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 380]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_380&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;was at first fully occupied with the proscriptions and other matters, but he presented himself to the people as a candidate for a priesthood,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_438_438&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_438_438&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[438]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; though he had hardly arrived at man&#039;s estate. But Sulla by his opposition contrived to exclude him from this office, and even thought of putting him to death; and when some observed that there was no reason in putting to death such a youth, Sulla observed, that they had no sense if they did not see many Marii in this boy. These words were conveyed to Cæsar, who thereupon concealed himself by wandering about for some time in the Sabine country. On one occasion when he was changing his place of abode on account of sickness, he fell in by night with the soldiers of Sulla who were scouring those parts and seizing on those who were concealed. But Cæsar got away by giving Cornelius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_439_439&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_439_439&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[439]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was in command of the soldiers, two talents, and going straightway down to the coast he took ship and sailed to Bithynia to King Nicomedes,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_440_440&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_440_440&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[440]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with whom he stayed no long time. On his voyage from Bithynia, he was captured near the island Pharmacusa&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_441_441&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_441_441&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[441]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; by pirates,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_442_442&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_442_442&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[442]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who at that time were in possession of the seas with a powerful force and numerous ships.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The pirates asked Cæsar twenty talents for his ransom, on which he laughed at them for not knowing who their prize was, and he promised to give them fifty talents. While he dispatched those about him to various &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 381]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_381&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cities to raise the money, he was left with one friend and two attendants among these Cilician pirates, who were notorious for their cruelty, yet he treated them with such contempt that whenever he was lying down to rest, he would send to them and order them to be quiet. He spent eight and thirty days among them, not so much like a prisoner as a prince surrounded by his guards, and he joined in their sports and exercises with perfect unconcern. He also wrote poems and some speeches which he read to them, and those who did not approve of his compositions he would call to their faces illiterate fellows and barbarians, and he would often tell them with a laugh that he would hang them all. The pirates were pleased with his manners, and attributed this freedom of speech to simplicity and a mirthful disposition. As soon as the ransom came from Miletus and Cæsar had paid it and was set at liberty, he manned some vessels in the port of Miletus and went after the pirates, whom he found still on the island, and he secured most of them. All their property he made his booty; but the pirates, he lodged in prison at Pergamum, and then went to Junius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_443_443&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_443_443&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[443]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who, as governor of the provinces of Asia, was the proper person to punish the captives. But as the governor was casting a longing eye on the booty, which was valuable, and said he would take time to consider about the captives, Cæsar without more ado, left him and going straight to Pergamum took all the pirates out of prison and crucified them, as he had often told them he would do in the island when they thought he was merely jesting.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Sulla&#039;s power was now declining, and Cæsar&#039;s friends in Rome recommended him to return. However, he first made a voyage to Rhodus in order to have the instruction of Apollonius the son of Molon,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_444_444&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_444_444&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[444]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of whom Cicero also was a hearer. This Apollonius was a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 382]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_382&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;distinguished rhetorician, and had the reputation of being a man of a good disposition. Cæsar is said to have had a great talent for the composition of discourses on political matters, and to have cultivated it most diligently, so as to obtain beyond dispute the second rank; his ambition to be first in power and arms, made him from want of leisure give up the first rank, to which his natural talents invited him, and consequently his attention to military matters and political affairs by which he got the supreme power, did not allow him to attain perfection in oratory. Accordingly at a later period, in his reply to Cicero about Cato,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_445_445&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_445_445&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[445]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he deprecates all comparison between the composition of a soldier and the eloquence of an accomplished orator who had plenty of leisure to prosecute his studies.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; On his return to Rome he impeached&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_446_446&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_446_446&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[446]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dolabella&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_447_447&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_447_447&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[447]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for maladministration in his province, and many of the cities of Greece gave evidence in support of the charge. Dolabella, indeed, was acquitted; but to make some return to the Greeks for their zeal in his behalf, Cæsar assisted them in their prosecution of Publius Antonius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_448_448&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_448_448&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[448]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for corruption before Marcus Lucullus, the governor of Macedonia; and his aid was so effectual that Antonius appealed to the tribunes, alleging that he had not a fair trial in Greece with the Greeks for his accusers. At Rome Cæsar got a brilliant popularity by aiding at trials with his eloquence; and he gained also much good will by his agreeable mode of saluting people and his pleasant manners, for he was more attentive to please than persons usually are at that age. He was also gradually acquiring political influence by the splendour of his entertainments and his table and of his general mode of living. At first &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 383]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_383&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;those who envied him, thinking that when his resources failed his influence would soon go, did not concern themselves about his flourishing popularity: but at last when his political power had acquired strength and had become difficult to overthrow and was manifestly tending to bring about a complete revolution, they perceived that no beginnings should be considered too small to be capable of quickly becoming great by uninterrupted endurance and having no obstacle to their growth by reason of being despised. Cicero, who is considered to have been the first to suspect and to fear the smiling surface&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_449_449&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_449_449&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[449]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Cæsar&#039;s policy, as a man would the smiling smoothness of a sea, and who observed the bold and determined character which was concealed under a friendly and joyous exterior, said that in all his designs and public measures he perceived a tyrannical purpose; &amp;quot;but on the other hand,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;when I look at his hair, which is arranged with so much care, and see him scratching his head with one finger,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_450_450&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_450_450&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[450]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I cannot think that such a wicked purpose will ever enter into this man&#039;s mind as the overthrow of the Roman State.&amp;quot; This, however, belongs to a later period.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; He received the first proof of the good will of the people towards him when he was a competitor against Caius Popilius for a military tribuneship,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_451_451&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_451_451&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[451]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and was proclaimed before him. He received a second and more conspicuous evidence of popular favour on the occasion of the death of Julia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_452_452&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_452_452&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[452]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the wife of Marius, when Cæsar, who was her nephew, pronounced over her a splendid funeral oration in the Forum, and at the funeral ventured to exhibit the images&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_453_453&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_453_453&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[453]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Marius, which were then seen for the first time &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 384]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_384&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;since the administration of Sulla, for Marius and his son had been adjudged enemies. Some voices were raised against Cæsar on account of this display, but the people responded by loud shouts, and received him with clapping of hands, and admiration, that he was bringing back as from the regions of Hades, after so long an interval, the glories of Marius to the city. Now it was an ancient Roman usage to pronounce funeral orations&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_454_454&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_454_454&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[454]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; over elderly women, but it was not customary to do it in the case of young women, and Cæsar set the first example by pronouncing a funeral oration over his deceased wife, which brought him some popularity and won the many by sympathy to consider him a man of a kind disposition and full of feeling. After the funeral of his wife he went to Iberia as quæstor to the Prætor Vetus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_455_455&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_455_455&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[455]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for whom he always showed great respect, and whose son he made his own quæstor when he filled the office of Prætor. After his quæstorship he married for his third wife Pompeia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_456_456&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_456_456&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[456]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he had by his wife Cornelia a daughter, who afterwards married Pompeius Magnus. Owing to his profuse expenditure (and indeed men generally supposed that he was buying at a great cost a short-lived popularity, though in fact he was purchasing things of the highest value at a low price) it is said that before he attained any public office he was in debt to the amount of thirteen hundred talents. Upon being appointed curator of the Appian Road,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_457_457&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_457_457&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[457]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he laid out upon it a large sum of his own; and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 385]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_385&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;during his ædileship&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_458_458&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_458_458&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[458]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he exhibited three hundred and twenty pair of gladiators, and by his liberality and expenditure on the theatrical exhibitions, the processions, and the public entertainments, he completely drowned all previous displays, and put the people in such a humour, that every man was seeking for new offices and new honours to requite him with.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; There were at this time two parties in the State, that of Sulla, which was all-powerful, and that of Marius, which was cowed and divided and very feeble. It was Cæsar&#039;s object to strengthen and gain over the party of Marius, and accordingly, when the ambitious splendour of his ædileship was at its height, he had images of Marius secretly made, and triumphal Victories, which he took by night and set up on the Capitol. At daybreak the people seeing the images glittering with gold, and exquisitely laboured by art (and there were inscriptions also which declared the Cimbrian victories of Marius), were in admiration at the boldness of him who had placed them there, for it was no secret who it was, and the report quickly circulating through the city, brought everybody to the spot to see. Some exclaimed that Cæsar had a design to make himself tyrant, which appeared by his reviving those testimonials of honour which had been buried in the earth by laws and decrees of the senate, and that it was done to try if the people, who were already tampered with, were tamed to his purpose by his splendid exhibitions, and would allow him to venture on such tricks and innovations. But the partisans of Marius, encouraging one another, soon collected in surprising numbers, and filled the Capitol with their noise. Many also shed tears of joy at seeing the likeness of Marius, and Cæsar was highly extolled as the only man worthy to be a kinsman of Marius. The senate being assembled about these matters, Catulus Lutatius, who had at that time the greatest name of any man in Rome, got up, and charging Cæsar, uttered that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 386]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_386&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;memorable expression: &amp;quot;Cæsar, no longer are you taking the state by underground approaches, but by storming engines.&amp;quot; Cæsar spoke in reply to this charge, and satisfied the senate, on which his admirers were still more elated, and urged him not to abate of his pretensions for any one: with the favour of the people, they said, he would soon get the better of all, and be the first man in the State.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; About this time Metellus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_459_459&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_459_459&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[459]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the Pontifex Maximus, died, and though Isauricus and Catulus were candidates for the priesthood, which was a great object of ambition, and were men of the highest rank and greatest influence in the senate, Cæsar would not give way to them, but he presented himself to the people as a competitor. The favour of the people appearing equally divided, Catulus, as the more distinguished candidate, being more afraid of the uncertainty of the event, sent and offered Cæsar a large sum of money if he would retire from his canvass; but Cæsar replied that he would stand it out even if he had to borrow still more. On the day of the election, his mother, with tears, accompanied him to the door, when Cæsar embracing her, said, &amp;quot;Mother, to-day you shall see your son either Pontifex Maximus, or an exile.&amp;quot; After the voting was over, which was conducted with great spirit, Cæsar prevailed, a circumstance which alarmed the senate and the nobles, who feared that he would lead on the people to the boldest measures. Accordingly, Piso and Catulus blamed Cicero for having spared Cæsar, who, in the matter of Catiline&#039;s&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_460_460&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_460_460&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[460]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; conspiracy, had given him a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 387]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_387&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;handle. Now Catiline designed not only to alter the form of government, but to subvert the whole Commonwealth, and throw all into confusion, but he was ejected from the city on being convicted of some minor charges, and before the extent of his designs was discovered. He left behind him in the city Lentulus and Cethegus, to carry his plans into execution. It is uncertain if Cæsar secretly lent them any countenance and aid, but when they were completely convicted in the senate, and Cicero the consul put it to each senator to give his opinion on their punishment, all who spoke declared for death till it came to Cæsar&#039;s turn to speak. Cæsar rose and delivered a studied oration, to the effect that it was not consistent with the constitution, nor was it just to put to death without a trial men distinguished for their high character and their family, unless there was the most urgent necessity; and he added that, if they were imprisoned in the Italian cities which Cicero himself might choose, until the war against Catiline was brought to an end, the senate might have time to deliberate on the case of each prisoner when peace was restored.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; This proposal appeared so humane, and was supported by so powerful a speech, that not only those who rose after Cæsar sided with, him, but many of those who had already spoken changed their opinions and went over to that of Cæsar, till it came to the turn of Cato and Catulus to speak. After they had made a vigorous opposition, and Cato in his speech had also urged suspicious matter against Cæsar and strongly argued against him, the conspirators were handed over to the executioner, and as Cæsar was leaving the Senate many of the young men who then acted as a guard to Cicero, crowded together and threatened Cæsar with their naked swords.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_461_461&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_461_461&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[461]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 388]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_388&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Curio&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_462_462&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_462_462&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[462]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; is said to have thrown his toga round Cæsar, and to have carried him off; and Cicero also, when the young men looked to him, is said to have checked them by a motion, either through fear of the people or because he thought that the death of Cæsar would be most unjust and a violation of law. If this is true, I cannot conceive why Cicero said nothing about it in the book on his Consulship;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_463_463&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_463_463&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[463]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but Cicero was blamed afterwards for not having taken advantage of so favourable an opportunity to get rid of Cæsar, and for having feared the people, who were extravagantly attached to Cæsar. And indeed a few days after, when Cæsar had gone to the Senate and defended himself in a speech against the imputations that had been cast on him, and his speech was received with loud marks of disapprobation and the sitting of the Senate was lasting longer than usual, the people came with loud cries and surrounded the Senate-house calling for Cæsar and bidding the Senate let him go. Accordingly, Cato apprehending danger mainly from some movement of the needy part of the people, who were like a firebrand among the rest of the citizens, as they had all their hopes in Cæsar, prevailed on the Senate to give them a monthly allowance of corn, which produced an addition to the rest of the expenditure of seven millions&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_464_464&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_464_464&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[464]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; five hundred thousands. However, the immediate alarm was manifestly quenched by this measure, which snapped off the best part of Cæsar&#039;s influence and scattered it, at a time when he was going &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 389]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_389&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;to enter on his office of Prætor which made him more formidable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; No tumults occurred in Cæsar&#039;s Prætorship,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_465_465&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_465_465&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[465]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but a disagreeable incident happened in his family. Publius Clodius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_466_466&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_466_466&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[466]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a man of Patrician rank, was distinguished both by wealth and eloquence, but in arrogance and impudence he was not inferior to the most notorious scoundrels in Rome. Clodius was in love with Pompeia, Cæsar&#039;s wife, and Pompeia was in no way averse to him. But a strict watch was kept over the woman&#039;s apartment, and Aurelia, Cæsar&#039;s mother, who was a prudent woman, by always observing Pompeia, made it difficult and hazardous for the lovers to have an interview. Now the Romans have a goddess whom they call Bona, as the Greeks have a Gynæceia. The Phrygians, who claim this goddess, say she was the mother of King Midas; the Romans say she was a Dryad and the wife of Faunus; but the Greeks say she is one of the mothers of Dionysus, whose name must not be uttered; and this is the reason why they cover the tents with vine-leaves during the celebration of her festival, and a sacred serpent sits by the goddess according to the mythus. No man is allowed to approach the festival, nor to be in the house during the celebration of the rites; but the women by themselves are said to perform many rites similar to the Orphic in the celebration. Accordingly when the season of the festival is come, the husband, if he be consul or prætor, leaves the house and every male also quits it; and the wife taking possession &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 390]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_390&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;of the house makes all arrangements, and the chief ceremonies are celebrated by night, the evening festival being accompanied with mirth and much music.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; While Pompeia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_467_467&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_467_467&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[467]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was now celebrating this festival, Clodius, who was not yet bearded, and for this reason thought that he should not be discovered, assumed the dress and equipment of a female lute-player and went to the house looking just like a young woman. Finding the door open, he was safely let in by a female slave who was in the secret, and who forthwith ran off to tell Pompeia. As there was some delay and Clodius was too impatient to wait where the woman had left him, but was rambling about the house, which was large, and trying to avoid the lights, Aurelia&#039;s waiting-woman, as was natural for one woman with another, challenged him to a little mirthful sport, and as he declined the invitations, she pulled him forward and asked who he was and where he came from. Clodius replied that he was waiting for Abra the maid of Pompeia, for that was the woman&#039;s name, but his voice betrayed him, and the waiting-woman ran with a loud cry to the lights and the rest of the company, calling out that she had discovered a man. All the women were in the greatest alarm, and Aurelia stopped the celebration of the rites and covered up the sacred things: she also ordered the doors to be closed and went about the house with the lights to look for Clodius. He was discovered lurking in the chamber of the girl who had let him in, and on being recognised by the women was turned out of doors. The women went straightway, though it was night, to their husbands to tell them what had happened; and as soon as it was day, the talk went through Rome of the desecration of the sacred rites by Clodius, and how he ought to be punished for his behaviour, not only to the persons whom he had insulted, but to the city and the gods. Accordingly one of the tribunes instituted a prosecution against Clodius for an offence against religion, and the most powerful of the senators combined against him, charging him, among other abominations, with adultery with his sister, who was the wife of Lucullus. The people set themselves in opposition to their exertions and supported &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 391]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_391&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Clodius, and were of great service to him with the judices, who were terror-struck and afraid of the people. Cæsar immediately divorced Pompeia, and when he was summoned as a witness on the trial, he said he knew nothing about the matters that Clodius was charged with. This answer appearing strange, the accuser asked him, &amp;quot;Why have you put away your wife?&amp;quot; to which Cæsar replied, &amp;quot;Because I considered that my wife ought not even to be suspected.&amp;quot; Some say that this was the real expression of Cæsar&#039;s opinion, but others affirm that it was done to please the people who were bent on saving Clodius. However this may be, Clodius was acquitted, for the majority of the judices gave in their votes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_468_468&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_468_468&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[468]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; written confusedly, that they might run no risk from the populace by convicting Clodius nor lose the good opinion of the better sort by acquitting him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; On the expiration of his Prætorship, Cæsar received Iberia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_469_469&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_469_469&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[469]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for his province, but as he had a difficulty about arranging matters with his creditors, who put obstructions in the way of his leaving Rome, and were clamorous, he applied to Crassus, then the richest man in Rome, who stood in need of the vigour and impetuosity of Cæsar to support him in his political hostility to Pompeius. Crassus undertook to satisfy the most importunate and unrelenting of the creditors, and having become security for Cæsar to the amount of eight hundred and thirty talents, thus enabled him to set out for his province. There is a story that as Cæsar was crossing the Alps, he passed by a small barbarian town which had very few inhabitants and was a miserable place, on which his companions jocosely observed, &amp;quot;They did not suppose there were any contests &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 392]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_392&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;for honors in such a place as that, and struggles for the first rank and mutual jealousy of the chief persons:&amp;quot; on which Cæsar earnestly remarked, &amp;quot;I would rather be the first man here than the second at Rome.&amp;quot; Again in Spain, when he had some leisure and was reading the history of Alexander,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_470_470&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_470_470&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[470]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he was for a long time in deep thought, and at last burst into tears; and on his friends asking the reason of this, he said, &amp;quot;Don&#039;t you think it is a matter for sorrow, that Alexander was king of so many nations at such an early age, and I have as yet done nothing of note?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; However, as soon as he entered Iberia, he commenced active operations and in a few days raised ten cohorts in addition to the twenty which were already there, and with this force marching against the Calaici&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_471_471&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_471_471&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[471]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Lusitani he defeated them, and advanced to the shores of the external sea, subduing the nations which hitherto had paid no obedience to Rome. After his military success, he was equally fortunate in settling the civil administration by establishing friendly relations among the different states, and particularly by healing the differences between debtors and creditors;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_472_472&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_472_472&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[472]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for which purpose he determined that the creditor should annually take two-thirds of the debtor&#039;s income, and that the owner should take the other third, which arrangement was to continue till the debt was paid. By these measures he gained a good reputation, and he retired from the province with the acquisition of a large fortune, having enriched his soldiers also by his campaigns and been saluted by them Imperator.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As it was the law at Rome that those who were &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 393]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_393&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;soliciting a triumph should stay outside the city, and that those who were candidates for the consulship should be present in the city, Cæsar finding himself in this difficulty, and having reached Rome just at the time of the consular elections, sent to the senate to request permission to offer himself to the consulship in his absence through the intervention of his friends. Cato at first urged the law in opposition to Cæsar&#039;s request, but seeing that many of the senators had been gained over by Cæsar, he attempted to elude the question by taking advantage of time and wasting the day in talking, till at last Cæsar determined to give up the triumph and to secure the consulship. As soon as he entered the city, he adopted a policy which deceived everybody except Cato; and this was the bringing about of a reconciliation between Pompeius and Crassus, the two most powerful men in Rone, whom Cæsar reconciled from their differences, and centering in himself the united strength of the two by an act that had a friendly appearance, changed the form of government without its being observed. For it was not, as most people suppose, the enmity of Cæsar and Pompeius which produced the civil wars, but their friendship rather, inasmuch as they first combined to depress the nobility and then quarrelled with one another. Cato, who often predicted what would happen, at the time only got by it the character of being a morose, meddling fellow, though afterwards he was considered to be a wise, but not a fortunate adviser.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Cæsar,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_473_473&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_473_473&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[473]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; however, supported on both sides by the friendship of Crassus and Pompeius, was raised to the consulship and proclaimed triumphantly with Calpurnius Bibulus for his colleague. Immediately upon entering on his office he proposed enactments more suitable to the most turbulent tribune than a consul, for in order to please the populace he introduced measures for certain allotments and divisions of land.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_474_474&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_474_474&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[474]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But he met with &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 394]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_394&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;opposition in the Senate from the good and honourable among them, and as he had long been looking for a pretext, he exclaimed with solemn adjurations, that he was driven against his will to court the favour of the people by the arrogance and obstinacy of the Senate, and accordingly he hurried to the popular assembly and placing Crassus on one side of him and Pompeius on the other, he asked them if they approved of his legislative measures. Upon their expressing their approbation, he entreated them to give him their aid against those who threatened to oppose him with their swords. Pompeius and Crassus promised their assistance, and Pompeius added, that he would oppose swords with sword and shield. The nobility were annoyed at hearing such mad, inconsiderate words drop from Pompeius, which were unbecoming his own character and the respect that he owed to the Senate; but the people were delighted. Cæsar, whose secret design it was to secure the influence of Pompeius still more, gave him to wife his daughter Julia,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_475_475&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_475_475&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[475]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was already betrothed to Servilius Cæpio; and he promised Cæpio that he should have the daughter of Pompeius, though she also was not disengaged, being betrothed to Faustus, the son of Sulla. Shortly after Cæsar married Calpurnia, the daughter of Piso, and got Piso named consul for the next year, though Cato in this matter also strongly protested and exclaimed that it was an intolerable thing for the chief power to be prostituted by marriage bargains and that they should help one another &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 395]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_395&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;by means of women, to provinces and armies and political power. Bibulus, Cæsar&#039;s colleague, found it useless to oppose Cæsar&#039;s measures, and he and Cato several times narrowly escaped with their lives in the Forum, whereupon Bibulus shut himself up at home for the remainder of his consulship. Immediately after his marriage Pompeius filled the Forum with armed men, and supported the people in passing Cæsar&#039;s laws and in giving him for five years Gaul on both sides of the Alps with the addition of Illyricum and four legions. Upon Cato&#039;s venturing to speak against these measures, Cæsar ordered him to be carried off to prison, thinking that he would appeal to the tribunes. But Cato went off without speaking a word; and Cæsar observing that the nobles were much annoyed at this, and the people also through respect for Cato&#039;s virtue were following him in silence and with downcast eyes, secretly asked one of the tribunes to release Cato. Very few of the senators used to accompany Cæsar to the Senate, but the majority not liking his measures stayed away. Considius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_476_476&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_476_476&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[476]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was a very old man, observed that the senators did not come because they were afraid of the arms and the soldiers. &amp;quot;Why don&#039;t you then stay at home for the same reason?&amp;quot; replied Cæsar, to which Considius rejoined, &amp;quot;My age makes me fearless, for the little of life that remains for me is not worth much thought.&amp;quot; The most scandalous public measure in Cæsar&#039;s consulship was the election as tribune of that&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_477_477&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_477_477&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[477]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Clodius who had dishonoured Cæsar&#039;s wife and violated the mysterious nocturnal rites. But he was elected in order to ruin Cicero, and Cæsar did not set out &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 396]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_396&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;for his province till with the aid of Clodius he had put down Cicero by his cabals and driven him out of Italy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Such is said to have been the course of Cæsar&#039;s life before his Gallic campaigns.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_478_478&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_478_478&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[478]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But the period of his wars which he afterwards fought and his expedition by which he subdued Gaul, is just like a new beginning in his career and the commencement of a new course of life and action, in which he showed himself as a soldier and a general inferior to none who have gained admiration as leaders and been the greatest men: for whether we compare Cæsar&#039;s exploits with those of the Fabii, Scipios, and Metelli, or with those of his contemporaries or immediate predecessors, Sulla and Marius and both the Luculli or even Pompeius himself, whose fame, high as the heavens, was blossoming at that time in every kind of military virtue, Cæsar will be found to surpass them all—his superiority over one appearing in the difficulties of the country in which he carried on his campaigns, over another in the extent of country subdued, over a third in the number and courage of the enemy whom he defeated, over another again in the savage manners and treacherous character of the nations that he brought to civility, over a fourth in his clemency and mildness to the conquered, over another again in his donations and liberality to his soldiers; and in fine his superiority over all other generals appears by the numbers of battles that he fought and of enemies that he slew. For in somewhat less than ten years during which he carried on his campaign in Gaul he took by storm above eight hundred cities, and subdued three hundred nations, and fought with three millions of men at different times, of whom he destroyed one million in battle and took as many prisoners.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_479_479&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_479_479&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[479]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So great were the good-will and devotion of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 397]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_397&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Cæsar&#039;s soldiers to him, that those who under other generals were in no way superior to ordinary soldiers, were invincible and irresistible and ready to meet any danger for Cæsar&#039;s glory. An instance of this is Acilius, who in the sea-fight of Massalia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_480_480&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_480_480&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[480]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; boarded one of the enemy&#039;s ships and had his right hand cut off with a sword, but he still kept hold of his shield with the left hand and striking at the faces of the enemy drove all to flight and got possession of the vessel. Another instance was Cassius Scæva,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_481_481&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_481_481&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[481]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who in the fight at Dyrrachium had one eye destroyed by an arrow, his shoulder transfixed with one javelin and his thigh with another, and on his shield he had received the blows of one hundred and thirty missiles. In this plight he called to the enemy as if he designed to surrender himself, and two of them accordingly approached him, but with his sword he lopped off one man&#039;s shoulder and wounding the other in the face, put him to flight, and finally he escaped himself with the aid of his friends. In Britannia on one occasion the natives had attacked the foremost centurions who had got into a marshy spot full of water, upon which, in the presence of Cæsar who was viewing the contest, a soldier rushed into the midst of the enemy, and after performing many conspicuous acts of valour, rescued the centurions from the barbarians, who took to flight. The soldier, with difficulty attempting to cross after all the rest, plunged into the muddy stream, and with great trouble and the loss of his shield, sometimes swimming, sometimes walking, he got safe over. While those who were about Cæsar were admiring his conduct and coming to receive him with congratulations and shouts, the soldier, with the greatest marks of dejection and tears in his eyes, fell down at Cæsar&#039;s feet and begged pardon for the loss of his shield. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 398]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_398&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Again, in Libya, Scipio&#039;s party having taken one of Cæsar&#039;s ships in which was Granius Petro, who had been appointed quæstor, made booty of all the rest, but offered to give the quæstor his life; but he replying that it was the fashion with Cæsar&#039;s soldiers to give and not to accept mercy, killed himself with his own sword.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; This courage and emulation Cæsar cherished and created, in the first place by distributing rewards and honours without stint, and thus showing that he did not get wealth from the enemy for his own enjoyment and pleasure, but that it was treasured up with him as the common reward of courage, and that he was rich only in proportion as he rewarded deserving soldiers; and in the next place by readily undergoing every danger and never shrinking from any toil. Now they did not so much admire Cæsar&#039;s courage, knowing his love of glory; but his endurance of labour beyond his body&#039;s apparent power of sustaining it, was a matter of astonishment, for he was of a spare habit, and had a white and soft skin, and was subject to complaints in the head and to epileptic fits, which, as it is said, first attacked him at Corduba;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_482_482&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_482_482&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[482]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; notwithstanding all this, he did not make his feeble health an excuse for indulgence, but he made military service the means of his cure, by unwearied journeying, frugal diet, and by constantly keeping in the open air and enduring fatigue, struggling with his malady and keeping his body proof against its attacks. He generally slept in chariots or in litters, making even his repose a kind of action; and in the daytime he used to ride in a vehicle to the garrisons, cities and camps, with a slave by his side, one of those who were expert at taking down what was dictated on a journey, and a single soldier behind him armed with a sword. He used to travel so quick that on his first journey from Rome he reached the Rhodanus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_483_483&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_483_483&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[483]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 399]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_399&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;eight days. From his boyhood he was a good horseman, for he had been accustomed to place his hands behind him and, holding them close together on his back, to put the horse to his full speed. In that campaign he also practised himself in dictating letters as he was riding and thus giving employment to two scribes, and as Oppius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_484_484&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_484_484&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[484]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; says, to more. He is said also to have introduced the practice of communicating with his friends by letters, as there was no time for personal interviews on urgent affairs, owing to the amount of business and the size of the city. This anecdote also is cited as a proof of his indifference as to diet. On one occasion when he was entertained at supper by his host Valerius Leo&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_485_485&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_485_485&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[485]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in Mediolanum, asparagus was served up with myrum poured on it instead of oil, which Cæsar ate without taking any notice of it, and reproved his friends who were out of humour on the occasion. &amp;quot;You should be content,&amp;quot; he said, &amp;quot;not to eat what you don&#039;t like; but to find fault with your host&#039;s ill-breeding is to be as ill-bred as himself.&amp;quot; Once upon a journey he was compelled by a storm to take shelter in a poor man&#039;s hut, which contained only a single chamber and that hardly large enough for one person, on which he observed to his friends that the post of honour must be given to the worthiest and the place of safety to the weakest; and he bade Oppius lie down while he and the rest slept in the porch.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Cæsar&#039;s first Gallic campaign was against the Helvetii&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_486_486&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_486_486&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[486]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Tigurini, who had burnt their cities, twelve &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 400]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_400&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;in number, and their villages, of which there were four hundred, and were advancing through that part of Gaul which was subject to the Romans, like the Cimbri and Teutones of old, to whom they were considered to be not inferior in courage and in numbers equal, being in all three hundred thousand, of whom one hundred and ninety thousand were fighting men. The Tigurini were not opposed by Cæsar in person, but by Labienus, who was sent against them by Cæsar and totally defeated them near the Arar. The Helvetii fell on Cæsar unexpectedly as he was leading his forces to a friendly city, but he succeeded in making his way to a strong position, where he rallied his army and prepared for battle. A horse being brought to him, he said, &amp;quot;I shall want this for the pursuit after I have defeated the enemy; but let us now move on against them;&amp;quot; and accordingly he made the charge on foot. After a long and difficult contest, the Helvetian warriors were driven back, but the hardest struggle was about the chariots and the camp, for the Helvetians made a stand there and a desperate resistance, and also their wives and children, who fought till they were cut to pieces, and the battle was hardly over at midnight. This glorious deed of victory Cæsar followed up by one still better, for he brought together those who had escaped from the battle and compelled them to re-occupy the tract which they had left and to rebuild the cities which they had destroyed; and the number of these was above one hundred thousand. His object in this measure was to prevent the Germans from crossing the Rhenus and occupying the vacant country.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; His next contest was with the Germans and for the immediate defence of the Gauls, although he had before this made an alliance with their king Ariovistus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_487_487&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_487_487&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[487]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 401]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_401&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;in Rome. But the Germans were intolerable neighbours to Cæsar&#039;s subjects, and if opportunity offered, it was supposed that they would not remain satisfied with what they had, but would invade and occupy Gaul. Cæsar observing his officers afraid of the approaching contest, and particularly the men of rank and the youths who had joined him in the expectation of finding a campaign with Cæsar a matter of pleasure and profit, called them to a public assembly and bade them leave him and not fight against their inclination since they were so cowardly and effeminate: as for himself he said he would take the tenth legion by itself and lead it against the enemy, knowing that he should not have to deal with a braver enemy than the Cimbri, and that he was not a worse general than Marius. Upon this the tenth legion sent a deputation of their body to thank him, but the rest of the legions abused their own officers, and the whole army, full of impetuosity and eagerness, all followed Cæsar, marching for many days, till they encamped within two hundred stadia of the enemy. The courage of Ariovistus was somewhat broken by the bare approach of the Romans; for as he had supposed that the Romans would not stand the attack of the Germans, and he never expected that they would turn assailants, he was amazed at Cæsar&#039;s daring and he also saw that his own army was disturbed. The spirit of the Germans was still more blunted by the predictions of their wise women, who observing the eddies in the rivers and drawing signs from the whirlings and noise of the waters, foreboded the future and declared that the army ought not to fight before it was new moon. Cæsar hearing of this and perceiving that the Germans were inactive, thought it a good opportunity for engaging with them, while they were out of spirits instead of sitting still and waiting for their time. By attacking their fortifications and the hills on which they were encamped, he irritated the Germans and provoked them to come down in passion and fight. The Germans were &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 402]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_402&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;completely routed and pursued to the Rhenus a distance of four hundred stadia, and the whole of this space was strewed with dead bodies and arms. Ariovistus with a few escaped across the river. The dead are said to have been eighty thousand in number.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After these exploits he left his forces among the Sequani&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_488_488&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_488_488&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[488]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to winter, and with the view of attending to what was going on at Rome, came down to Gaul about the Padus, which was a part of his province; for the river Rubico separates the rest of Italy from Gaul beneath the Alps. Fixing his residence there, he carried on his political intrigues, and many persons came to visit him to whom he gave what they asked for; and he dismissed all either with their wishes satisfied, or with hopes. During the whole period of his government in Gaul, he conducted his operations without attracting any attention from Pompeius, though at one time he was subduing the enemy by the arms of the citizens, and at another capturing and subjecting the citizens by the money which he got from the enemy. Hearing that the Belgæ&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_489_489&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_489_489&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[489]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; had risen in arms, who were the most powerful nation of the Gauls and in possession of a third part of all Gaul, and that they had assembled many ten thousands of armed men, he immediately turned about and went against them with all possible expedition; and falling upon the enemy while they were plundering the Gauls who were in alliance with the Romans, he put to flight and destroyed those who were collected in greatest numbers and the chief part of them after an unsuccessful resistance, and such was the slaughter that the Romans crossed the lakes &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 403]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_403&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;and deep rivers over the dead bodies. Of the rebels all who dwelt near the ocean surrendered without resistance; but against the fiercest and most warlike of those in these parts, the Nervii,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_490_490&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_490_490&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[490]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar led his forces. The Nervii, who inhabited the dense thickets and had placed their families and property in a deep recess of the forest as far as possible from the enemy, suddenly, to the number of sixty thousand, attacked Cæsar while he was fortifying his camp and not expecting a battle, and they put the Roman cavalry to flight, and surrounding the twelfth and seventh legions, killed all the centurions. If Cæsar had not seized a shield and, making his way through the first ranks, charged the barbarians, and if the tenth legion had not run down from the heights to support him when he was in danger of being overpowered, and broken the ranks of the enemy, it is supposed that not a single Roman would have escaped. Encouraged by Cæsar&#039;s intrepidity, the Romans fought, as the saying is, beyond their strength, but yet they could not put the Nervii to flight, who defended themselves till they were cut to pieces. Out of sixty thousand only five hundred are said to have escaped; and three senators out of four hundred.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The Senate on receiving intelligence of this victory, decreed that for fifteen days&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_491_491&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_491_491&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[491]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; there should be sacrifices to the gods and cessation from all business, with feasting, which had never been done before, for so long a time. For the danger was considered to have been great, so many nations having broken out at once; and because Cæsar was the conqueror, the good will of the many towards him made the victory more splendid. And accordingly, having settled affairs in Gaul, he again spent the winter in the plain of the Padus, and employed himself in intriguing at Rome. Not only the candidates &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 404]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_404&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;for the offices of the State carried their election by Cæsar supplying them with money which they spent in bribing the people, and directed all their measures to the increase of Cæsar&#039;s power, but the greater part of the Romans most distinguished for rank and political power, came to see him at Luca,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_492_492&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_492_492&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[492]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Pompeius and Crassus, and Appius, the governor of Sardinia, and Nepos, proconsul of Iberia, so that there were a hundred and twenty lictors there, and more than two hundred senators. Their deliberations resulted in this: it was agreed that Pompeius and Crassus should be made consuls, and that Cæsar should have an allowance of money and five additional years in his province, which to all reflecting people seemed the most extravagant thing of all. For those who were receiving so much from Cæsar, urged the Senate to grant him money as if he had none, or rather compelled the Senate to do it, groaning as it were over its own decrees. Cato, indeed, was not present, for he had been purposely sent out of the way on a mission to Cyprus; and Favonius, who affected to imitate Cato, finding he could do nothing by his opposition, hastily left the Senate and began to clamour to the people. But nobody attended to him, some from fear of displeasing Pompeius and Crassus, but the greater part kept quiet to please Cæsar, living on hopes from him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Cæsar again returned to his troops in Gaul where he found much war in the country, for two great German nations had just crossed the Rhenus for the purpose of getting land; the one nation was called Usipes,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_493_493&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_493_493&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[493]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and the other Tenteritæ. Respecting the battle with them, Cæsar says in his Commentaries,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_494_494&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_494_494&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[494]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 405]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_405&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;barbarians, while they were treating with him during a truce, attacked on their march and so put to flight his own cavalry to the number of five thousand with eight hundred of their own, for his men were not expecting an attack; that they then sent other ambassadors to him intending to deceive him again, whom he detained, and then led his army against the barbarians, considering all faith towards such faithless men and violators of truces to be folly. But Tanusius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_495_495&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_495_495&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[495]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; says that while the senate were decreeing festivals and sacrifices for the victory, Cato delivered it as his opinion, that they ought to give up Cæsar to the barbarians, and so purge themselves of the violation of the truce on behalf of the city, and turn the curse on the guilty man. Of those who had crossed the river there were slaughtered to the number of four hundred thousand, and the few who recrossed the river were received by the Sugambri&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_496_496&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_496_496&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[496]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a German tribe. Cæsar laying hold of this ground of complaint against the Germans, and being also greedy of glory and desirous to be the first man to cross the Rhenus with an army, began to build a bridge over the river, which was very broad, and in this part of the bed spread out widest, and was rough, and ran with a strong current so as to drive the trunks of trees that were carried down and logs of wood against the supports of the bridge,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_497_497&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_497_497&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[497]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and tear them asunder. But Cæsar &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 406]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_406&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;planted large timbers across the bed of the river above the bridge to receive the trees that floated down, and thus bridling the descending current, beyond all expectation he accomplished the completion of the bridge in ten days.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Cæsar now led his troops over the river, no one venturing to oppose him, and even the Suevi, the most valiant of the Germans, retired with their property into deep woody valleys. After devastating with fire the enemy&#039;s country and encouraging all those who favoured the Romans, he returned into Gaul after spending eighteen days in Germany. His expedition against the Britanni&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_498_498&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_498_498&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[498]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was notorious for its daring: for he was &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 407]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_407&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;the first who entered the western Ocean with an armament and sailed through the Atlantic sea, leading an army to war; and by attempting to occupy an island of incredible magnitude, which furnished matter for much dispute to numerous writers, who affirmed that the name and the accounts about it were pure inventions, for it never had existed and did not then exist, he extended the Roman supremacy beyond the inhabited world. After twice crossing over to the island from the opposite coast of Gaul, and worsting the enemy in many battles rather than advantaging his own men, for there was nothing worth taking from men who lived so wretched a life and were so poor, he brought the war to a close not such as he wished, but taking hostages from the king and imposing a tribute, he retired from the island. On his return he found letters which were just going to cross &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 408]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_408&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;over to him from his friends in Rome, informing him of his daughter&#039;s death, who died in child-birth in the house of her husband Pompeius. Great was the grief of Pompeius, and great was the grief of Cæsar; and their friends were also troubled, as the relationship was now dissolved which maintained peace and concord in the State, which but for this alliance was threatened with disturbance. The child also died after surviving the mother only a few days. Now the people, in spite of the tribunes, carried Julia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_499_499&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_499_499&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[499]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to the Field of Mars, where her obsequies were celebrated; and there she lies.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As the force of Cæsar was now large, he was obliged to distribute it in many winter encampments. But while he was on his road to Italy, according to his custom, there was another general rising of the Gauls, and powerful armies scouring the country attempted to destroy the winter camps, and attacked the Roman entrenchments. The most numerous and bravest of the revolted Gauls under Abriorix destroyed Cotta&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_500_500&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_500_500&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[500]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Titurius with their army; and the legion under Cicero&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_501_501&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_501_501&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[501]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; they surrounded with sixty thousand men and blockaded, and they came very near taking the camp by storm, for all the Romans had been wounded and were courageously defending themselves above their strength. When this intelligence reached Cæsar, who was at a distance, he quickly turned about, and getting together seven thousand &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 409]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_409&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;men in all, he hurried to release Cicero from the blockade. The besiegers were aware of his approach and met him with the intention of cutting him off at once, for they despised the fewness of his numbers. But Cæsar, deceiving the enemy, avoided them continually, and having occupied a position which was advantageous to one who had to contend against many with a small force, he fortified his camp, and kept his men altogether from fighting; and he made them increase the height of the ramparts and build up the gates as if they were afraid, his manœuvre being to make the enemy despise him, till at last when they made their assault in scattered bodies, urged by self-confidence, sallying out he put them to flight and killed many of them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_502_502&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_502_502&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[502]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The frequent defections of the Gauls in those parts were thus quieted, and also by Cæsar during the winter moving about in all directions and carefully watching disturbances. For there had come to him from Italy three legions to replace those that had perished, Pompeius having lent him two of those which were under his command, and one legion having been newly raised in Gaul upon the Padus. But in the course of time there showed themselves, what had long in secret been planted and spread abroad by the most powerful men among the most warlike tribes, the elements of the greatest and the most dangerous of all the wars in Gaul, strengthened by a numerous body of young men armed and collected from all quarters, and by great stores brought together, and fortified cities, and countries difficult of access. And at that time, during the winter, frozen rivers and forests buried in snow, and plains overflowed by winter torrents, and in some parts paths that could not be discovered for the depth of the snow, and in other parts the great uncertainty of a march through marshes and streams diverted from their course, seemed to place the proceedings of the insurgents altogether beyond any attempt on the part of Cæsar. Accordingly many tribes had revolted, but the leaders of the revolt were the Arvenni and the Car&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 410]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_410&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;nuntini; Vergentorix was elected to the supreme direction of the war, he whose father the Gauls had put to death on the ground of aiming at a tyranny.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Vergentorix,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_503_503&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_503_503&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[503]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; dividing his force into many parts, and placing over them many commanders, began to gain over all the surrounding country as far as those who bordered on the Arar, it being his design, as Cæsar&#039;s enemies in Rome were combining against him, to rouse all Gaul to war. If he had attempted this a little later, when Cæsar was engaged in the civil war, alarms no less than those from the invasion of the Cimbri would have seized on Italy. But now Cæsar, who appears to have had the talent for making the best use of all opportunities in war, and particularly critical seasons, as soon as he heard of the rising, set out on his march, by the very roads&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_504_504&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_504_504&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[504]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that he traversed, and the impetuosity and rapidity of his march in so severe a winter letting the barbarians see that an invincible and unvanquished army was coming against them. For where no one believed that a messenger or a letter-carrier from him could make his way in a long time, there was Cæsar seen with all his army, at once ravaging their lands, and destroying the forts, taking cities, and receiving those who changed sides and came over to him, till at last even the nation of the Edui&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_505_505&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_505_505&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[505]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; declared against him, who up to this time had called themselves brothers of the Romans, and had received signal distinction, but now by joining the insurgents they greatly &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 411]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_411&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;dispirited Cæsar&#039;s troops. In consequence of this, Cæsar moved from those parts, and passed over the territory of the Lingones,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_506_506&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_506_506&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[506]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; wishing to join the Sequani, who were friends, and formed a bulwark in front of Italy against the rest of Gaul. There the enemy fell upon him and hemmed him in with many ten thousands, upon which Cæsar resolved to fight a decisive battle against the combined forces, and after a great contest, he gained a victory at last, and with great slaughter, routed the barbarians; but at first it appears that he sustained some loss, and the Aruveni show a dagger&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_507_507&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_507_507&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[507]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; suspended in a temple, which they say was taken from Cæsar. Cæsar himself afterwards saw it, and smiled; and when his friends urged him to take it down, he would not, because he considered it consecrated.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; However, the chief part of those who then escaped, fled with the king to the city of Alesia.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_508_508&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_508_508&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[508]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 412]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_412&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;while Cæsar was besieging this city, which was considered to be impregnable by reason of the strength of the walls and the number of the defenders, there fell upon him from without a danger great beyond all expectation. For the strength of all the nations in Gaul assembling in arms came against Alesia, to the number of three hundred thousand; and the fighting men in the city were not fewer than one hundred and seventy thousand; so that Cæsar being caught between two such forces and blockaded, was compelled to form two walls for his protection, the one towards the city, and the other opposite those who had come upon him, since, if these forces should unite, his affairs would be entirely ruined. On many accounts then, and with good reason, the hazard before the walls of Alesia was famed abroad, as having produced deeds of daring and skill such as no other struggle had done; but it is most worthy of admiration that Cæsar engaged with so many thousands outside of the town and defeated them without it being known to those in the city; and still more admirable, that this was also unknown to the Romans who were guarding the wall towards the city. For they knew nothing of the victory till they heard the weeping of the men in Alesia and the wailing of the women, when they saw on the other side many shields adorned with silver and gold, and many breastplates smeared with blood, and also cups and Gallic tents conveyed by the Romans to their camp. So quickly did so mighty a force, like a phantom or a dream, vanish out of sight and disperse, the greater part of the men having fallen in battle. But those who held Alesia, after giving no small trouble to themselves and to Cæsar, at last surrendered; and the leader of the whole war, Vergentorix, putting on his best armour, and equipping his horse, came out through the gates, and riding round Cæsar who was seated, and then leaping down from his horse, he threw off his complete armour, and seating himself at Cæsar&#039;s feet, he re&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 413]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_413&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;mained there till he was delivered up to be kept for the triumph.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_509_509&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_509_509&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[509]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar had long ago resolved to put down Pompeius, as Pompeius also had fully resolved to do towards him. For now that Crassus had lost his life among the Parthians, who kept a watch over both of them, it remained for one of them, in order to be the chief, to put down him who was, and to him who was the chief, to take off the man whom he feared, in order that this might not befall him. But it had only recently occurred to Pompeius to take alarm, and hitherto he had despised Cæsar, thinking it would be no difficult thing for the man whom he had elevated to be again depressed by him; but Cæsar, who had formed his design from the beginning, like an athlete, removed himself to a distance from his antagonists, and exercised himself in the Celtic wars, and thus disciplined his troops and increased his reputation, being elevated by his exploits to an equality with the victories of Pompeius; also laying hold of pretexts, some furnished by the conduct of Pompeius himself, and others by the times and the disordered state of the administration at Rome, owing to which, those who were candidates for magistracies placed tables in public and shamelessly bribed the masses, and the people being hired went down to show their partisanship not with votes on behalf of their briber, but with bows and swords and slings. And after polluting the Rostra with blood and dead bodies, they separated, leaving the city to anarchy, like a ship carried along without a pilot, so that sensible men were well content if matters should result in nothing worse than a monarchy after such madness and such tempest. And there were many who even ventured to say publicly that the state of affairs could only be remedied by a monarchy, and that they ought to submit to this remedy when applied by the mildest of physicians, hinting at Pompeius. But when Pompeius in what he said affected to decline the honour, though in fact he was more than anything else labouring to bring about his appointment as dictator, Cato, who saw through his intention, persuaded the Senate to appoint &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 414]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_414&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;him sole consul, that he might not by violent means get himself made dictator, and might be contented with a mere constitutional monarchy. They also decreed an additional period for his provinces: and he had two, Iberia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_510_510&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_510_510&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[510]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and all Libya, which he administered by sending Legati and maintaining armies, for which he received out of the public treasury a thousand talents every year.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Upon this, Cæsar began to canvass for a consulship by sending persons to Rome, and also for a prorogation of the government of his provinces. At first Pompeius kept silent, but Marcellus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_511_511&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_511_511&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[511]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Lentulus opposed his claim, for they hated Cæsar on other grounds, and they added to what was necessary what was not necessary, to dishonour and insult him. For they deprived of the citizenship the inhabitants of Novum Comum&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_512_512&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_512_512&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[512]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a colony lately settled by Cæsar in Gaul; and Marcellus, who was consul, punished with stripes one of the Senators of Novum Comum who had come to Rome, and added too this insult, &amp;quot;That he put these marks upon him to show that he was not a Roman,&amp;quot; and he told him to go and show them to Cæsar. After the consulship of Marcellus, when Cæsar had now profusely poured forth his Gallic wealth for all those engaged in public life to draw from, and had released Curio&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_513_513&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_513_513&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[513]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the tribune from many debts, and given to Paulus the consul fifteen hundred talents, out of which he decorated the Forum with the Basilica, a famous monument which he built in place of the old one called Fulvia;—under these circumstances, Pompeius, fearing cabal, both openly himself and by means of his friends exerted himself to have a successor&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_514_514&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_514_514&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[514]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; appointed to Cæsar in his government, and he sent and demanded back of him the soldiers&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_515_515&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_515_515&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[515]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which he had lent to Cæsar for the Gallic wars. Cæsar sent &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 415]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_415&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;the men back after giving each of them a present of two hundred and fifty drachmæ. The officers who led these troops to Pompeius, spread abroad among the people reports about Cæsar which were neither decent nor honest; and they misled Pompeius by ill-founded hopes, telling him that the army of Cæsar longed to see him, and that while he with difficulty directed affairs at Rome owing to the odium produced by secret intrigues, the force with Cæsar was all ready for him, and that if Cæsar&#039;s soldiers should only cross over to Italy, they would forthwith be on his side: so hateful, they said, had Cæsar become to them on account of his numerous campaigns, and so suspected owing to their fear of monarchy. With all this Pompeius was inflated, and he neglected to get soldiers in readiness, as if he were under no apprehension; but by words and resolution he was overpowering Cæsar, as he supposed, by carrying decrees against him, which Cæsar cared not for at all. It is even said that one of the centurions who had been sent by him to Rome, while standing in front of the Senate-house, on hearing that the Senate would not give Cæsar a longer term in his government. &amp;quot;But this,&amp;quot; he said, &amp;quot;shall give it,&amp;quot; striking the hilt of his sword with his hand.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; However, the claim of Cæsar at least had a striking show of equity. For he proposed that he should lay down his arms and that when Pompeius had done the same and both had become private persons, they should get what favours they could from the citizens; and he argued that if they took from him his power and confirmed to Pompeius what he had, they would be stigmatizing one as a tyrant and making the other a tyrant in fact. When Curio made this proposal before the people on behalf of Cæsar, he was loudly applauded; and some even threw chaplets of flowers upon him as on a victorious athlete. Antonius, who was tribune, produced to the people a letter&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_516_516&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_516_516&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[516]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Cæsar&#039;s on this subject which he had &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 416]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_416&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;received, and he read it in spite of the consuls. But in the Senate, Scipio, the father-in-law of Pompeius, made a motion, that if Cæsar did not lay down his arms on a certain day, he should be declared an enemy. Upon the consuls putting the question, whether they were of opinion that Pompeius should dismiss his troops, and again, whether Cæsar should, very few voted in favour of the former question, and all but a few voted in favour of the latter; but when Antonius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_517_517&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_517_517&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[517]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; on his side moved that both should dismiss their troops, all unanimously were in favour of that opinion. Scipio made a violent opposition, and Lentulus, the consul, called out that they needed arms to oppose a robber, and not votes, on which the Senate broke up and the Senators changed their dress as a sign of lamentation on account of the dissension.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; But when letters had come from Cæsar by which he appeared to moderate his demands, for he proposed to surrender everything else except Gaul within the Alps and Illyricum with two legions, which should be given to him to hold till he was a candidate for a second consulship, and Cicero the orator, who had just returned from Cilicia and was labouring at a reconciliation, was inducing Pompeius to relent, and Pompeius was ready to yield in everything else except as to the soldiers, whom he still insisted on taking from Cæsar, Cicero urged the friends of Cæsar to give in and to come to a settlement on the terms of the above-mentioned provinces and the allowance of six thousand soldiers, only to Cæsar. Pompeius was ready to yield and to give way; but the consul Lentulus would not let him, and he went so far as to insult and drive with dishonour from the Senate both Curio and Antonius, thus himself contriving for Cæsar the most specious of all pretexts, by the aid of which indeed Cæsar mainly excited the passions of his men, pointing out to them that men of distinction and magistrates had made their escape in hired vehicles in the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 417]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_417&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;dress of slaves. For, putting on this guise through fear, they had stolen out of Rome.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now Cæsar had about him no more than three hundred horse and five thousand legionary soldiers; for the rest of his army, which had been left beyond the Alps, was to be conducted by those whom he sent for that purpose. Seeing that the commencement of his undertaking and the onset did not so much require a large force at the present, but were to be effected by the alarm which a bold stroke would create and by quickly seizing his opportunity, for he concluded that he should strike terror by his unexpected movement more easily than he could overpower his enemies by attacking them with all his force, he ordered his superior officers and centurions with their swords alone and without any other weapons to take Ariminum, a large city of Gaul, avoiding all bloodshed and confusion as much as possible; and he intrusted the force to Hortensius.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_518_518&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_518_518&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[518]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar himself passed the day in public, standing by some gladiators who were exercising, and looking on; and a little before evening after attending to his person and going into the mess-room and staying awhile with those who were invited to supper, just as it was growing dark he rose, and courteously addressing the guests, told them to wait for his return, but he had previously given notice to a few of his friends to follow him, not all by the same route, but by different directions. Mounting one of the hired vehicles, he drove at first along another road, and then turning towards Ariminium, when he came to the stream which divides Gaul within the Alps from the rest of Italy (it is called Rubico&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_519_519&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_519_519&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[519]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; , and he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 418]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_418&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;began to calculate as he approached nearer to the danger, and was agitated by the magnitude of the hazard, he checked his speed; and halting he considered about many things with himself in silence, his mind moving from one side to the other, and his will then underwent many changes; and he also discussed at length with his friends who were present, of whom Pollio Asinius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_520_520&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_520_520&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[520]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was one, all the difficulties, and enumerated the evils which would ensue to all mankind from his passage of the river, and how great a report of it they would leave to posterity. At last, with a kind of passion, as if he were throwing himself out of reflection into the future, and uttering what is the usual expression with which men preface their entry upon desperate enterprises and daring, &amp;quot;Let the die be cast,&amp;quot; he hurried to cross the river; and thence advancing at full speed, he attacked Ariminum before daybreak and took it. It is said that on the night before the passage of the river, he had an impure dream,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_521_521&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_521_521&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[521]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for he dreamed that he was in unlawful commerce with his mother.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; But when Ariminum was taken, as if the war had been let loose through wide gates over all the earth and sea at once, and the laws of the state were confounded together with the limits of the province, one would not have supposed that men and women only, as on other occasions, in alarm were hurrying through Italy, but that the cities themselves, rising from their &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 419]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_419&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;foundations, were rushing in flight one through another; and Rome herself, as if she were deluged by torrents, owing to the crowding of the people from the neighbouring towns and their removal, could neither easily be pacified by magistrate nor kept in order by words, and in the midst of the mighty swell and the tossing of the tempest, narrowly escaped being overturned by her own agitation. For contending emotions and violent movements occupied every place. Neither did those who rejoiced keep quiet, but in many places, as one might expect in a large city, coming into collision with those who were alarmed and sorrowing, and being full of confidence as to the future, they fell to wrangling with them; and people from various quarters assailed Pompeius, who was terror-struck and had to endure the censure of one party for strengthening Cæsar against himself and the supremacy of Rome, while others charged him with inciting Lentulus to insult Cæsar who was ready to give way and was proposing fair terms of accommodation. Favonius bade him stamp on the ground with his foot; for Pompeius on one occasion in an arrogant address to the Senate, told them not to be concerned or trouble themselves about preparations for war; when Cæsar advanced, he would stamp upon the earth with his foot and fill Italy with armies. However, even then Pompeius had the advantage over Cæsar in amount of forces: but nobody would let the man follow his own judgment: and giving way to the many false reports and alarms, that the war was now close at hand and the enemy in possession of everything, and carried away by the general movement, he declared by an edict that he saw there was tumult, and he left the city after giving his commands to the Senate to follow, and that no one should stay who preferred his country and freedom to tyranny.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_522_522&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_522_522&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[522]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Accordingly the consuls fled without even making the sacrifices which it was usual to make before quitting the city; and most of the senators also took to flight, in a manner as if they were robbing, each &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 420]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_420&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;snatching of his own what first came to hand as if it belonged to another. There were some also who, though they had hitherto vehemently supported the party of Cæsar, through alarm at that time lost their presence of mind, and without any necessity for it were carried along with the current of that great movement. A most piteous sight was the city, when so great a storm was coming on, left like a ship whose helmsman had given her up, to be carried along and dashed against anything that lay in her way. But though this desertion of the city was so piteous a thing, men for the sake of Pompeius considered the flight to be their country, and they were quitting Rome as if it were the camp of Cæsar; for even Labienus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_523_523&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_523_523&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[523]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; one of Cæsar&#039;s greatest friends, who had been his legatus and had fought with him most gallantly in all the Gallic wars, then fled away from Cæsar and came to Pompeius. But Cæsar sent to Labienus both his property and his baggage; and advancing he pitched his camp close by Domitius, who with thirty cohorts held Corfinium.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_524_524&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_524_524&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[524]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Domitius despairing of himself asked his physician, who was a slave, for poison, and taking what was given, he drank it, intending to die. Shortly after, hearing that Cæsar showed wonderful clemency towards his prisoners, he bewailed his fate and blamed the rashness of his resolution. But on the physician assuring him that what he had taken was only a sleeping potion and not deadly, he sprung up overjoyed, and going to Cæsar, received his right hand, and yet he afterwards &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 421]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_421&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;went over again to Pompeius. This intelligence being carried to Rome made people more tranquil, and some who had fled, returned.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Cæsar took the troops of Domitius into his service, as well as the soldiers that were raising for Pompeius whom he surprised in the cities; and having now got a numerous and formidable army, he advanced against Pompeius. Pompeius did not await his approach, but fled to Brundisium, and sending the consuls over before him with a force to Dyrrachium,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_525_525&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_525_525&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[525]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; himself shortly after sailed from Brundisium upon the approach of Cæsar, as will be told more particularly in the Life of Pompeius.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_526_526&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_526_526&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[526]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Though Cæsar wished to pursue immediately, he was prevented by want of ships, and he turned back to Rome, having in sixty days without bloodshed become master of Italy. Finding the city more tranquil than he expected and many of the Senators in it, he addressed them in moderate and constitutional language,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_527_527&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_527_527&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[527]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; urging them to send persons to Pompeius with suitable terms of accommodation; but no one listened to his proposal, either because they feared Pompeius, whom they had deserted, or supposed that Cæsar did not really mean what he said, and merely used specious words. When the tribune Metellus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_528_528&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_528_528&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[528]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; attempted to prevent him from taking money from the reserved treasure&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_529_529&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_529_529&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[529]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and alleged certain laws, Cæsar &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 422]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_422&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;replied, &amp;quot;That the same circumstances did not suit arms and laws: but do you, if you don&#039;t like what is doing, get out of the way, for war needs not bold words; when we have laid down our arms after coming to terms, then you may come forward and make your speeches to the people.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;And in saying this,&amp;quot; he continued, &amp;quot;I waive part of my rights, for you are mine, and all are mine, who have combined against me, now that I have caught them.&amp;quot; Having thus spoken to Metellus he walked to the doors of the treasury; but as the keys were not found, he sent for smiths and ordered them to break the locks. Metellus again opposed him, and some commended him for it, but Cæsar, raising his voice, threatened to kill him, if he did not stop his opposition, &amp;quot;And this,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;young man, you well know, is more painful for me to have said than to do.&amp;quot; These words alarmed Metellus and made him retire, and also caused everything else to be supplied to Cæsar for the war without further trouble, and with speed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; He marched against Iberia,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_530_530&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_530_530&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[530]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; having first &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 423]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_423&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;determined to drive out Afranius and Varro, the legati of Pompeius, and having got into his power the forces and the provinces in those parts, then to advance against Pompeius without leaving any enemy in his rear. After having often been exposed to risk in his own person from ambuscades, and with his army chiefly from want of provisions, he never gave up pursuing, challenging to battle and hemming in the enemy with his lines, till he had made himself master of their camps and forces. The generals escaped to Pompeius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; On his return to Rome, Piso, the father-in-law of Cæsar, advised that they should send commissioners to Pompeius to treat of terms, but Isauricus opposed the measure to please Cæsar. Being chosen Dictator by the Senate, he restored the exiles, and the children of those who had suffered in the times of Sulla,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_531_531&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_531_531&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[531]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he reinstated in their civil rights, and he relieved the debtors by a certain abatement of the interest, and took in hand other measures of the like kind, not many in number; but in eleven days, he abdicated the monarchy, and declaring himself and Servilius Isauricus consuls&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_532_532&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_532_532&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[532]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; set out on his expedition. The rest of his forces he passed by on his hurried march, and with six hundred picked horsemen and five legions, the time being the winter solstice and the commencement of January (and this pretty nearly corresponds to the Poseideon of the Athenians), he put to sea, and crossing the Ionian gulf he took Oricum and Apollonia; but he sent back his ships to Brundisium for the soldiers whom he had left behind on his march. But while the men were still on the road, as they were already passed the vigour of their age and worn out by the number of their campaigns, they murmured against Cæsar, &amp;quot;Whither now will he lead us and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 424]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_424&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;where will this man at last carry us to, hurrying us about and treating us as if we could never be worn out and as if we were inanimate things? even the sword is at last exhausted by blows, and shield and breastplate need to be spared a little after so long use. Even our wounds do not make Cæsar consider that he commands perishable bodies, and that we are but mortal towards endurance and pain; and the winter season and the storms of the sea even a god cannot command; but this man runs all risks, as if he were not pursuing his enemies, but flying from them.&amp;quot; With such words as these they marched slowly towards Brundisium. But when they found that Cæsar had embarked, then quickly changing their temper, they reproached themselves as traitors to their Imperator; and they abused their officers also for not hastening the march. Sitting on the heights, they looked towards the sea and towards Epirus for the ships which were to carry them over to their commander.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; At Apollonia, as Cæsar had not a force sufficient to oppose the enemy, and the delay of the troops from Italy put him in perplexity and much uneasiness, he formed a desperate design, without communicating it to any one, to embark in a twelve-oared boat and go over to Brundisium, though the sea was commanded by so many ships of the enemy.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_533_533&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_533_533&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[533]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Accordingly, disguising himself in a slave&#039;s dress, he went on board by night, and throwing himself down as a person of no importance, he lay quiet. While the river Anius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_534_534&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_534_534&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[534]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was carrying down the boat towards the sea, the morning breeze, which at that time generally made the water smooth at the outlet of the river by driving the waves before it, was beaten down by &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 425]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_425&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;a strong wind which blew all night over the sea; and the river, chafing at the swell of the sea and the opposition of the waves, was becoming rough, being driven back by the huge blows and violent eddies, so that it was impossible for the master of the boat to make head against it; on which he ordered the men to change about, intending to turn the boat round. Cæsar perceiving this, discovered himself, and taking the master by the hand, who was alarmed at the sight of him, said, &amp;quot;Come, my good man, have courage and fear nothing; you carry Cæsar and the fortune of Cæsar in your boat.&amp;quot; The sailors now forgot the storm, and sticking to their oars, worked with all their force to get out of the river. But as it was impossible to get on, after taking in much water and running great risk at the mouth of the river, Cæsar very unwillingly consented that the master should put back. On his return, the soldiers met him in crowds, and blamed him much and complained that he did not feel confident of victory even with them alone, but was vexed and exposed himself to risk on account of the absent, as if he distrusted those who were present.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Shortly after Antonius arrived from Brundisium with the troops; and Cæsar, being now confident, offered battle to Pompeius, who was well posted and had sufficient supplies both from land and sea, while Cæsar at first had no abundance, and afterwards was hard pressed for want of provisions: but the soldiers cut up a certain root&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_535_535&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_535_535&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[535]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and mixing it with milk, ate it. And once, having made loaves of it, they ran up to the enemies&#039; outposts, threw the bread into the camp, and pitched it about, adding, that so long as the earth produces such roots, they will never stop besieging Pompeius. Pompeius, however, would not let either the matter of the loaves or these words be made known to the mass of the army; for his soldiers were dispirited and dreaded the savage temper and endurance of the enemy as if they were wild beasts. There were continually skirmishes about the fortifications &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 426]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_426&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;of Pompeius, and Cæsar had the advantage in all except one, in which there was a great rout of his troops and he was in danger of losing his camp. For when Pompeius made an onset, no one stood the attack, but the trenches were filled with the dying, and Cæsar&#039;s men were falling about their own ramparts and bulwarks, being driven in disorderly flight. Though Cæsar met the fugitives and endeavoured to turn them, he had no success, and when he laid hold of the colours, those who were carrying them threw them down, so that the enemy took two and thirty, and Cæsar himself had a narrow escape with his life. A tall, strong man was running away past by Cæsar, who putting his hand upon him, ordered him to stand and face the enemy; but the man, who was completely confounded by the danger, raised his sword to strike him, on which Cæsar&#039;s shield-bearer struck the man first and cut off his shoulder. Cæsar had so completely given up his cause as lost, that when Pompeius either through caution or from some accident did not put the finishing stroke to his great success, but retreated after shutting up the fugitives within their ramparts, Cæsar said to his friends as he was retiring, To-day the victory would be with the enemy, if they had a commander who knew how to conquer. Going into his tent and lying down, Cæsar spent that night of all nights in the greatest agony and perplexity, considering that his generalship had been bad, in that while a fertile country lay near him and the rich cities of Macedonia and Thessaly, he had neglected to carry the war thither, and was now stationed on the sea which the enemy commanded with his ships, and that he was rather held in siege by want of supplies than holding the enemy in siege by his arms. Accordingly, after passing a restless night, full of uneasiness at the difficulty and danger of his present position, he broke up his camp with the determination of leading his troops into Macedonia to oppose Scipio, for he concluded that either he should draw Pompeius after him to a country where he would fight without the advantage of having the same supplies from the sea, or that he would defeat Scipio if he were left to himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XL.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; This encouraged the army of Pompeius and the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 427]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_427&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;officers about him to stick close to Cæsar, whom they considered to have been defeated and to be making his escape; though Pompeius himself was cautious about hazarding a battle for so great a stake, and, as he was excellently furnished with everything for prolonging the war, he thought it best to wear out and weaken the vigour of the enemy, which could not be long sustained. For the best fighting men in Cæsar&#039;s army possessed experience and irresistible courage in battle; but in marchings and making encampments and assaulting fortifications and watching by night, they gave way by reason of their age, and their bodies were unwieldy for labour, and owing to weakness, had lost their alacrity. It was also reported that a pestilential disease was prevalent in Cæsar&#039;s army, which had originated in the want of proper food; and, what was chief of all, as Cæsar was neither well supplied with money nor provisions, it might be expected that in a short time his army would be broken up of itself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; For these reasons Pompeius did not wish to fight, and Cato alone commended his design, because he wished to spare the citizens; for after seeing those who had fallen in the battle to the number of a thousand, he wrapped up his face and went away with tears in his eyes. But all the rest abused Pompeius for avoiding a battle, and tried to urge him on by calling him Agamemnon and King of Kings, by which they implied that he was unwilling to lay down the sole command, and was proud at having so many officers under his orders and coming to his tent, Favonius, who aped Cato&#039;s freedom of speech, raved because they should not be able even that year to enjoy the figs of Tusculum owing to Pompeius being so fond of command; and Afranius (for he had just arrived from Iberia, where he had shown himself a bad general), being charged with betraying his army for a bribe, asked why they did not fight with the merchant who had bought the provinces of him. Pressed by all this importunity, Pompeius pursued Cæsar with the intention of fighting, though contrary to his wish. Cæsar accomplished his march with difficulty, as no one would supply him with provisions and he was universally despised on account of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 428]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_428&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;his recent defeat; however, after taking Gomphi,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_536_536&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_536_536&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[536]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a Thessalian city, he had not only provisions for his army, but his men were unexpectedly relieved from their disease. For they fell in with abundance of wine, of which they drank plentifully, and revelling and rioting on their march, by means of their drunkenness, they threw off and got rid of their complaint in consequence of their bodies being brought into a different habit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When the two armies had entered the plain of Pharsalus and pitched their camps, Pompeius again fell back into his former opinion, and there were also unlucky appearances and a vision in his sleep.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_537_537&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_537_537&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[537]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He dreamed that he saw himself in the theatre, applauded by the Romans. But those about him were so confident, and so fully anticipated a victory, that Domitius and Scipio and Spinther were disputing and bestirring themselves against one another about the priesthood of Cæsar, and many persons sent to Rome to hire and get possession of houses that were suitable for consuls and prætors, expecting to be elected to magistracies immediately after the war. But the cavalry showed most impatience for the battle, being sumptuously equipped with splendid armour, and priding themselves on their well-fed horses and fine persons, and on their numbers also, for they were seven thousand against Cæsar&#039;s thousand. The number of the infantry also was unequal, there being forty-five thousand matched against twenty-two thousand.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Cæsar, calling his soldiers together and telling them that Corfinius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_538_538&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_538_538&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[538]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was close at hand with two legions, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 429]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_429&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;and that other cohorts to the number of fifteen under Calenus were encamped near Megara and Athens, asked if they would wait for them or hazard a battle by themselves. The soldiers cried out aloud that they did not wish him to wait, but rather to contrive and so manage his operations that they might soonest come to a battle with their enemies. While he was performing a lustration of the army, as soon as he had sacrificed the first victim, the soothsayer said that within three days there would be a decisive battle with the enemy. Upon Cæsar asking him, if he saw any favourable sign in the victims as to the result of the battle also, he replied, &amp;quot;You can answer this better for yourself: the gods indicate a great change and revolution of the actual state of things to a contrary state, so that if you think yourself prosperous in your present condition, expect the worst fortune; but if you do not, expect the better.&amp;quot; As Cæsar was taking his round to inspect the watches the night before the battle about midnight, there was seen in the heavens a fiery torch, which seemed to pass over Cæsar&#039;s camp and assuming a bright and flame-like appearance to fall down upon the camp of Pompeius. In the morning watch they perceived that there was also a panic confusion among the enemy. However, as Cæsar did not expect that the enemy would fight on that day, he began to break up his camp with the intention of marching to Scotussa.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The tents were already taken down when the scouts rode up to him with intelligence that the enemy were coming down to battle, whereupon Cæsar was overjoyed, and after praying to the gods he arranged his battle in three divisions. He placed Domitius Calvinus in command of the centre, Antonius had the left wing, and he commanded the right, intending to fight in the tenth legion. Observing that the cavalry of the enemy were posting themselves opposite to this wing and fearing their splendid appearance and their numbers, he ordered six cohorts to come round to him from the last line without being observed and he placed them in the rear of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 430]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_430&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;the right wing with orders what to do when the enemy&#039;s cavalry made their attack. Pompeius commanded his own right, and Domitius the left, and the centre was under Scipio, his father-in-law. But all the cavalry crowded to the left, intending to surround the right wing of the enemy and to make a complete rout of the men who were stationed about the general; for they believed that no legionary phalanx, however deep, could resist, but that their opponents would be completely crushed and broken to pieces by an attack of so many cavalry at once. When the signal for attack was going to be given on both sides, Pompeius ordered the legionary soldiers to stand with their spears presented and in close order to wait the attack of the enemy till they were within a spear&#039;s throw. But Cæsar says that here also Pompeius made a mistake, not knowing that the first onset, accompanied with running and impetuosity, gives force to the blows, and at the same time fires the courage, which is thus fanned in every way. As Cæsar was about to move his phalanx and was going into action, the first centurion that he spied was a man who was faithful to him and experienced in war, and was encouraging those under his command and urging them to vigorous exertion. Cæsar addressing him by name said, &amp;quot;What hopes have we Caius Crassinius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_539_539&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_539_539&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[539]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and how are our men as to courage?&amp;quot; Crassinius stretching out his right hand and calling out aloud, said, &amp;quot;We shall have a splendid victory, Cæsar; and you shall praise me whether I survive the day or die.&amp;quot; Saying this, he was the first to fall on the enemy at his full speed and carrying with him the hundred and twenty soldiers who were under his command. Having cut through the first rank, he was advancing with great slaughter of the enemy and was driving them from their ground, when he was stopped by a blow from a sword through the mouth, and the point came out at the back of his neck.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The infantry having thus rushed together in the centre and being engaged in the struggle, the cavalry of Pompeius proudly advanced from the wing, extending their companies to enclose Cæsar&#039;s right; but before they &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 431]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_431&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;fell upon the enemy, the cohorts sprang forward from among Cæsar&#039;s troops, not, according to the usual fashion of war, throwing their spears nor yet holding them in their hands and aiming at the thighs and legs of the enemy, but pushing them against their eyes and wounding them in the face; and they had been instructed to do this by Cæsar, who was confident that men who had no great familiarity with battles or wounds, and were young and very proud of their beauty and youth, would dread such wounds and would not keep their ground both through fear of the present danger and the future disfigurement. And it turned out so; for they could not stand the spears being pushed up at them nor did they venture to look at the iron that was presented against their eyes, but they turned away and covered their faces to save them; and at last, having thus thrown themselves into confusion, they turned to flight most disgracefully and ruined the whole cause. For those who had defeated the cavalry, immediately surrounded the infantry and falling on them in the rear began to cut them down. But when Pompeius saw from the other wing the cavalry dispersed in flight, he was no longer the same, nor did he recollect that he was Pompeius Magnus, but more like a man who was deprived of his understanding by the god than anything else,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_540_540&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_540_540&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[540]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he retired without speaking a word to his tent, and sitting down awaited the result, until the rout becoming general the enemy were assailing the ramparts, and fighting with those who defended them. Then, as if he had recovered his senses and uttering only these words, as it is reported, &amp;quot;What even to the ramparts!&amp;quot; he put off his military and general&#039;s dress, and taking one suited for a fugitive, stole away. But what fortunes he afterwards had, and how he gave himself up to the Egyptians and was murdered, I shall tell in the Life of Pompeius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Cæsar entered the camp of Pompeius and saw the bodies of those who were already killed, and the slaughter still going on among the living, he said with a groan: They would have it so; they brought me &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 432]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_432&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;into such a critical position that I, Caius Cæsar, who have been successful in the greatest wars, should have been condemned, if I had disbanded my troops. Asinius Pollio&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_541_541&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_541_541&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[541]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; says that Cæsar uttered these words on that occasion in Latin, and that he wrote them down in Greek. He also says that the chief part of those who were killed were slaves, and they were killed when the camp was taken; and that not more than six thousand soldiers fell. Of those who were taken prisoners, Cæsar drafted most into his legions; and he pardoned many men of distinction, among whom was Brutus, who afterwards murdered him. Cæsar is said to have been very much troubled at his not being found, but when Brutus, who had escaped unhurt, presented himself to Cæsar, he was greatly pleased.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; There were many prognostics of the victory, but the most remarkable is that which is reported as having appeared at Tralles.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_542_542&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_542_542&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[542]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In the temple of Victory there stood a statue of Cæsar, and the ground about it was naturally firm and the surface was also paved with hard stone; from this, they say, there sprung up a palm-tree by the pedestal of the statue. In Patavium, Caius Cornelius, a man who had reputation for his skill in divination, a fellow-citizen and acquaintance of Livius the historian, happened to be sitting that day to watch the birds. And first of all, as Livius says, he discovered the time of the battle, and he said to those who were present that the affair was now deciding and the men were going into action. Looking again and observing the signs, he sprang up with enthusiasm and called out, &amp;quot;You conquer, Cæsar.&amp;quot; The bystanders being surprised, he took the chaplet from his head and said with an oath, that he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 433]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_433&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;would not put it on again till facts had confirmed his art. Livius affirms that these things were so.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Cæsar after giving the Thessalians their liberty&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_543_543&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_543_543&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[543]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in consideration of his victory, pursued Pompeius. On reaching Asia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_544_544&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_544_544&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[544]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he made the Cnidians free to please Theopompus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_545_545&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_545_545&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[545]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the collector of mythi, and he remitted to all the inhabitants of Asia the third of their taxes. Arriving at Alexandria&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_546_546&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_546_546&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[546]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; after the death of Pompeius, he turned away from Theodotus who brought him the head of Pompeius, but he received his seal ring&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_547_547&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_547_547&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[547]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and shed tears over it. All the companions and intimate friends of Pompeius who were rambling about the country and had been taken by the King, he treated well and gained over to himself. He wrote to his friends in Rome, that the chief and the sweetest pleasure that he derived from his victory, was to be able to pardon any of those citizens who had fought against him. As to the war&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_548_548&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_548_548&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[548]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; there, some say &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 434]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_434&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;that it might have been avoided and that it broke out in consequence of his passion for Kleopatra and was discreditable to him and hazardous; but others blame the King&#039;s party and chiefly the eunuch Potheinus,who possessed the chief power, and having lately cut off Pompeius and driven out Kleopatra, was now secretly plotting against Cæsar; and on this account they say that Cæsar from that time passed the nights in drinking in order to protect himself. But in his public conduct Pothinus was unbearable, for he both said and did many things to bring odium on Cæsar and to insult him. While measuring out to the soldiers the worst and oldest corn he told them they must be satisfied with it and be thankful, as they were eating what belonged to others; and at the meals he used only wooden and earthen vessels, alleging that Cæsar had got all the gold and silver vessels in payment for a debt.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_549_549&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_549_549&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[549]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For the father of the then King owed Cæsar one thousand seven hundred and fifty times ten thousand, of which Cæsar had remitted the seven hundred and fifty to the King&#039;s sons before, but he now claimed the one thousand to maintain his army with. Upon Pothinus now bidding him take his departure and attend to his important affairs and that he should afterwards receive his money back with thanks, Cæsar said, that least of all people did he want the Egyptians as advisers, and he secretly sent for Kleopatra from the country.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Kleopatra,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_550_550&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_550_550&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[550]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; taking Apollodorus the Sicilian alone of all her friends with her, and getting into a small boat, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 435]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_435&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;approached the palace as it was growing dark; and as it was impossible for her to escape notice in any other way, she got into a bed sack and laid herself out at full length, and Apollodorus, tying the sack together with a cord, carried her through the doors to Cæsar. Cæsar is said to have been first captivated by this device of Kleopatra, which showed a daring temper, and being completely enslaved by his intercourse with her and her attractions, he brought about an accommodation between Kleopatra and her brother on the terms of her being associated with him in the kingdom. A feast was held to celebrate the reconciliation, during which a slave of Cæsar, his barber, owing to his timidity in which he had no equal, leaving nothing unscrutinized, and listening and making himself very busy, found out that a plot against Cæsar was forming by Achillas the general and Potheinus the eunuch. Cæsar being made acquainted with their design, placed a guard around the apartment, and put Potheinus to death. Achillas escaped to the camp, and raised about Cæsar a dangerous and difficult war for one who with so few troops had to resist so large a city and force. In this contest the first danger that he had to encounter was being excluded from water, for the canals&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_551_551&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_551_551&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[551]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; were dammed up by the enemy; and, in the second place, an attempt being made to cut off his fleet, he was compelled to repel the danger with fire, which spreading from the arsenals to the large library&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_552_552&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_552_552&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[552]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; destroyed it; and, in the third place, in the battle near the Pharos&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_553_553&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_553_553&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[553]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he leaped down from the mound into a small &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 436]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_436&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;boat and went to aid the combatants; but as the Egyptians were coming against him from all quarters, he threw himself into the sea and swam away with great difficulty. On this occasion it is said that he had many papers in his hands, and that he did not let them go, though the enemy were throwing missiles at him and he had to dive under the water, but holding the papers above the water with one hand, he swam with the other; but the boat was sunk immediately. At last, when the King had gone over to the enemy, Cæsar attacked and defeated them in a battle in which many fell and the King&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_554_554&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_554_554&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[554]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; himself disappeared. Leaving Kleopatra&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_555_555&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_555_555&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[555]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Queen of Egypt, who shortly after gave birth to a child that she had by Cæsar, which the Alexandrines named Cæsarion, he marched to Syria.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;L.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; From Syria continuing his march through Asia he heard that Domitius had been defeated by Pharnakes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_556_556&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_556_556&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[556]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 437]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_437&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;son of Mithridates, and had fled from Pontus with a few men; and that Pharnakes, who used his victory without any moderation, and was in possession of Bithynia and Cappadocia, also coveted Armenia, called the Little, and was stirring up all the kings and tetrarchs in this part. Accordingly Cæsar forthwith advanced against the man with three legions and fighting a great battle near Zela drove Pharnakes in flight from Pontus, and completely destroyed his army. In reporting to one of his friends at Rome, Amantius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_557_557&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_557_557&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[557]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the celerity and rapidity of this battle, he wrote only three words: &amp;quot;I came, I saw, I conquered.&amp;quot; In the Roman language the three words ending in the like form of verb, have a brevity which is not without its effect.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this, passing over to Italy he went up to Rome at the close of the year for which he had been chosen Dictator&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_558_558&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_558_558&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[558]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the second time, though that office had never before been for a whole year; and he was elected consul for the following year. He was much blamed about a mutiny&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_559_559&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_559_559&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[559]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that broke out among the soldiers in which &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 438]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_438&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;they killed two men of prætorian rank, Cosconius and Galba, because he reproved his men no further than by calling them citizens instead of soldiers, and he gave to each of them a thousand drachmæ, and allotted to them much land in Italy. He also bore the blame of the madness of Dolabella,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_560_560&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_560_560&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[560]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the covetousness of Amantius, and the drunkenness of Antonius, and the greedy tricks of Corfinius in getting the house of Pompeius, and his building it over again as if it were not fit for him; for the Romans were annoyed at these things. But Cæsar, in the present state of affairs, though he was not ignorant of these things, and did not approve of them, was compelled to employ such men in his service.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As Cato&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_561_561&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_561_561&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[561]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Scipio, after the battle near Pharsalus, had fled to Libya, and there, with the assistance of King Juba, got together a considerable force, Cæsar determined to go against them; and about the winter solstice passing over to Sicily and wishing to cut off from the officers about him all hopes of delay and tarrying there, he placed his own tent on the margin of the waves,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_562_562&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_562_562&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[562]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and as soon as there was a wind he went on board and set sail with three thousand foot-soldiers and a few horsemen. Having landed them unobserved he embarked again, for he was under some apprehension about the larger part of his force; and having fallen in with it on the sea, he conducted all to the camp. Now there was with him in the army a man in other respects contemptible enough and of no note, but of the family of the Africani, and his &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 439]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_439&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;name was Scipio Sallutio;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_563_563&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_563_563&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[563]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and as Cæsar heard that the enemy relied on a certain old oracular answer, that it was always the privilege of the family of the Scipios to conquer in Libya, either to show his contempt of Scipio as a general by a kind of joke, or because he really wished to have the benefit of the omen himself (it is difficult to say which), he used to place this Sallutio in the front of the battles as if he were the leader of the army; for Cæsar was often compelled to engage with the enemy and to seek a battle, there being neither sufficient supply of corn for the men nor fodder for the animals, but they were compelled to take the sea-weed after washing off the salt and mixing a little grass with it by way of sweetening it, and so to feed their horses. For the Numidians, by continually showing themselves in great numbers and suddenly appearing, kept possession of the country; and on one occasion while the horsemen of Cæsar were amusing themselves with a Libyan, who was exhibiting to them his skill in dancing and playing on a flute at the same time in a surprising manner, and the men, pleased with the sight, were sitting on the ground and the boys holding their horses, the enemy suddenly coming round and falling upon them killed some, and entered the camp together with the rest, who fled in disorderly haste. And if Cæsar himself and Asinius Pollio had not come out of the camp to help the men, and checked the pursuit, the war would have been at an end. In another battle, also, the enemy had the advantage in the encounter, on which occasion it is said that Cæsar, seizing by the neck the man who bore the eagle and was running away, turned him round, and said, &amp;quot;There is the enemy!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; However Scipio&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_564_564&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_564_564&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[564]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was encouraged by these advantages to hazard a decisive battle; and leaving Afranius and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 440]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_440&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Juba&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_565_565&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_565_565&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[565]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; encamped each separately at a short distance, he commenced making a fortified camp above a lake near the city Thapsus, intending it as a place for the whole army to sally forth from to battle and a place of refuge also. While he was thus employed, Cæsar with incredible speed making his way through woody grounds which contained certain approaches that had not been observed, surrounded part of the enemy and attacked others in front. Having put these to flight he availed himself of the critical moment and the career of fortune, by means of which he captured the camp of Afranius on the first assault, and at the first assault also he broke into the camp of the Numidians from which Juba fled; and in a small part of a single day he made himself master of three camps and destroyed fifty thousand of the enemy without losing as many as fifty of his own men. This is the account that some writers give of that battle; but others say that Cæsar was not in the action himself, but that as he was marshalling and arranging his forces, he was attacked by his usual complaint, and that perceiving it as soon as it came on, and before his senses were completely confounded and overpowered by the malady, just as he was beginning to be convulsed, he was carried to one of the neighbouring towers and stayed there quietly. Of the men of consular and prætorian rank who escaped from the battle, some killed themselves when they were being taken, and Cæsar put many to death who were captured.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Being ambitious to take Cato&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_566_566&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_566_566&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[566]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; alive, Cæsar hastened to Utica, for Cato was guarding that city and was not in the battle. Hearing that Cato had put an end &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 441]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_441&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;to himself, Cæsar was evidently annoyed, but for what reason is uncertain. However, he said, &amp;quot;Cato, I grudge you your death, for you also have grudged me the preservation of your life.&amp;quot; But the work which be wrote against Cato after his death cannot be considered an indication that he was mercifully disposed towards him or in a mood to be easily reconciled. For how can we suppose that he would have spared Cato living, when he poured out against him after he was dead so much indignation? However, some persons infer from his mild treatment of Cicero and Brutus and ten thousand others of his enemies that this discourse also was composed not from any enmity, but from political ambition, for the following reason. Cicero wrote a panegyric on Cato and gave the composition the title &amp;quot;Cato&amp;quot;; and the discourse was eagerly read by many, as one may suppose, being written by the most accomplished of orators on the noblest subject. This annoyed Cæsar, who considered the panegyric on a man whose death he had caused to be an attack upon himself. Accordingly in his treatise he got together many charges against Cato; and the work is entitled &amp;quot;Anticato.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_567_567&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_567_567&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[567]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Both compositions have many admirers, as well on account of Cæsar as of Cato.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; However, on his return&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_568_568&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_568_568&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[568]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to Rome from Libya, in the first place Cæsar made a pompous harangue to the people about his victory, in which he said that he had conquered a country large enough to supply annually to the treasury two hundred thousand Attic medimni of corn, and three million litræ of oil. In the next place he celebrated triumphs,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_569_569&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_569_569&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[569]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the Egyptian, the Pontic, and the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 442]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_442&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Libyan, not of course for his victory over Scipio, but over Juba.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_570_570&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_570_570&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[570]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On that occasion Juba also, the son of King Juba, who was still an infant, was led in the triumphal procession, most fortunate in his capture, for from being a barbarian and a Numidian he became numbered among the most learned of the Greek writers. After the triumphs Cæsar made large presents to the soldiers, and entertained the people with banquets and spectacles, feasting the whole population at once at twenty-two thousand triclina,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_571_571&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_571_571&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[571]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and exhibiting also shows of gladiators and naval combats in honour of his daughter Julia who had been dead for some time. After the shows a census&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_572_572&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_572_572&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[572]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was taken, in which instead of the three hundred and twenty thousand of former enumerations, there were enrolled only one hundred and fifty thousand. So much desolation had the civil wars produced and so large a proportion of the people had been destroyed in them, not to reckon the miseries that had befallen the rest of Italy and the provinces.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; All this being completed, Cæsar was made &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 443]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_443&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;consul&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_573_573&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_573_573&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[573]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for the fourth time, and set out to Iberia to attack the sons of Pompeius, who were still young, but had got together a force of amazing amount and displayed a boldness that showed they were worthy to command, so that they put Cæsar in the greatest danger. The great battle was fought near the city of Munda,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_574_574&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_574_574&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[574]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in which Cæsar, seeing that his men were being driven from their ground and making a feeble resistance, ran through the arms and the ranks calling out, &amp;quot;If they had no sense of shame, to take and deliver him up to the boys.&amp;quot; With difficulty and after great exertion he put the enemy to flight and slaughtered above thirty thousand of them, but he lost a thousand of his own best soldiers. On retiring after the battle he said to his friends, that he had often fought for victory, but now for the first time he had fought for existence. He gained this victory on the day of the festival of Bacchus, on which day it is said that Pompeius Magnus also went out to battle; the interval was four years. The younger of the sons&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_575_575&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_575_575&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[575]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Pompeius escaped, but after a few days Didius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_576_576&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_576_576&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[576]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; brought the head of the elder. This was the last war that Cæsar was engaged in; but the triumph&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_577_577&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_577_577&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[577]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that was celebrated for &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 444]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_444&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;this victory vexed the Romans more than anything else. For this was no victory over foreign leaders nor yet over barbarian kings, but Cæsar had destroyed the children of the bravest of the Romans, who had been unfortunate, and had completely ruined his family, and it was not seemly to celebrate a triumph over the calamities of his country, exulting in these things, for which the only apology both before gods and men was that they had been done of necessity; and that too when he had never before sent either messenger or public letters to announce a victory gained in the civil wars, but had from motives of delicacy rejected all glory on that account.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; However, the Romans, gave way before the fortune of the man and received the bit, and considering the monarchy to be a respite from the civil wars and miseries they appointed him dictator&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_578_578&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_578_578&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[578]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for life. This was confessedly a tyranny, for the monarchy received in addition to its irresponsibility the character of permanency; and when Cicero&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_579_579&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_579_579&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[579]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in the Senate had proposed the highest &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 445]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_445&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;honours&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_580_580&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_580_580&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[580]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to him, which though great were still such as were befitting a human being, others by adding still further honours and vying with one another made Cæsar odious and an object of dislike even to those who were of the most moderate temper, by reason of the extravagant and unusual character of what was decreed; and it is supposed that those who hated Cæsar cooperated in these measures no less than those who were his flatterers, that they might have as many pretexts as possible against him and might be considered to make their attempt upon him with the best ground of complaint. For in all other respects, after the close of the civil wars, he showed himself blameless; and it was not without good reason that the Romans voted a temple to Clemency to commemorate his moderate measures. For he pardoned many of those who had fought against him, and to some he even gave offices and honours, as to Brutus and Cassius, both of whom were Prætors. He also did not allow the statues of Pompeius to remain thrown down, but he set them up again, on which Cicero said that by erecting the statues of Pompeius, Cæsar had firmly fixed his own. When his friends urged him to have guards and many offered their services for this purpose, he would not consent, and he said, that it was better to die at once than to be always expecting death. But for the purpose of surrounding himself with the affection of the Romans as the noblest and also the securest protection, he again courted the people with banquets and distribution of corn, and the soldiers with the foundation of colonies, of which &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 446]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_446&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;the most conspicuous were Carthage&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_581_581&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_581_581&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[581]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Corinth, to both of which it happened that their former capture and their present restoration occurred at once and at the same time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; To some of the nobles he promised consulships and prætorships for the future, and others he pacified with certain other offices and honours, and he gave hopes to all, seeking to make it appear that he ruled over them with their own consent, so that when Maximus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_582_582&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_582_582&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[582]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the consul died, he appointed Caninius Revilius consul for the one day that still remained of the term of office. When many persons were going, as was usual, to salute the new consul and to form part of his train Cicero said, &amp;quot;We must make haste, or the man will have gone out of office.&amp;quot; Cæsar&#039;s great success did not divert his natural inclination for great deeds and his ambition to the enjoyment of that for which he had laboured, but serving as fuel and incentives to the future bred in him designs of greater things and love of new glory, as if he had used up what he had already acquired; and the passion was nothing else than emulation of himself as if he were another person, and a kind of rivalry between what he intended and what he had accomplished; and his propositions and designs were to march against the Parthians,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_583_583&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_583_583&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[583]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and after subduing them and marching through Hyrkania &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 447]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_447&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;and along the Caspian Sea and the Caucasus, and so encompassing the Euxine, to invade Scythia, and after having overrun the countries bordering on the Germans and Germany itself to return through Gaul to Italy, and so to complete his circle of the empire which would be bounded on all sides by the ocean. During this expedition he intended also to dig through the Corinthian Isthmus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_584_584&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_584_584&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[584]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and he had already commissioned Anienus to superintend the work; and to receive the Tiber&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_585_585&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_585_585&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[585]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; immediately below the city in a deep cut, and giving it a bend towards Circæum to make it enter the sea by Tarracina, with the view of giving security and facility to those who came to Rome for the purpose of trade: besides this he designed to draw off the water from the marshes about Pomentium and Setia,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_586_586&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_586_586&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[586]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and to make them solid ground, which would &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 448]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_448&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;employ many thousands of men in the cultivation; and where the sea was nearest to Rome he designed to place barriers to it by means of moles, and after clearing away the hidden rocks and dangerous places on the shore of Ostia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_587_587&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_587_587&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[587]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to make harbours and naval stations which should give security to the extensive shipping. And all these things were in preparation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; But the arrangement of the Kalendar&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_588_588&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_588_588&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[588]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 449]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_449&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;correction of the irregularity in the reckoning of time were handled by him skilfully, and being completed were of the most varied utility. For it was not only in very ancient times that the Romans had the periods of the moon in confusion with respect to the year, so that the feasts and festivals gradually changing at last fell out in opposite seasons of the year, but even with respect to the solar year at that time nobody kept any reckoning except the priests, who, as they alone knew the proper time, all of a sudden and when nobody expected it, would insert the intercalary month named Mercedonius, which King Numa is said to have been the first to intercalate, thereby devising a remedy, which was slight and would extend to no great period, for the irregularity in the recurrence of the times, as I have explained in the Life of Numa. But Cæsar laying the problem before the ablest philosophers and mathematicians, from the methods that were laid before him compounded a correction of his own which was more exact, which the Romans use to the present time, and are considered to be in less error than other nations as to the inequality. However, even this furnished matter for complaint to those who envied him and disliked his power; for Cicero, the orator, as it is said, when some observed that Lyra would rise to-morrow, &amp;quot;Yes,&amp;quot; he replied, &amp;quot;pursuant to the Edict,&amp;quot; meaning that men admitted even this by compulsion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; But the most manifest and deadly hatred towards him was produced by his desire of kingly power, which to the many was the first, and to those who had long nourished a secret hatred of him the most specious, cause. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 450]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_450&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;And indeed those who were contriving this honour for Cæsar spread about a certain report among the people, that according to the Sibylline writings&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_589_589&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_589_589&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[589]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; it appeared that Parthia could be conquered by the Romans if they advanced against it with a king, but otherwise could not he assailed. And as Cæsar was going down from Alba to the city, they ventured to salute him as King, but as the people showed their dissatisfaction, Cæsar was disturbed and said that he was not called King but Cæsar; and as hereupon there was a general silence, he passed along with no great cheerfulness nor good humour on his countenance. When some extravagant honours had been decreed to him in the Senate, it happened that he was sitting above the Rostra,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_590_590&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_590_590&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[590]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and when the consuls and prætors approached with all the Senate behind them, without rising from his seat, but just as if he were transacting business with private persons, he answered that the honours required rather to be contracted than enlarged. This annoyed not the Senate only, but the people also, who considered that the State was insulted in the persons of the Senate; and those who were not obliged to stay went away forthwith with countenance greatly downcast, so that Cæsar perceiving it forthwith went home, and as he threw his cloak from his shoulders he called out to his friends, that he was ready to offer his throat to anyone who wished to kill him; but afterwards he alleged his disease as an excuse for his behaviour, saying that persons who are so affected cannot usually keep their senses steady when they address a multitude standing, but that the senses being speedily convulsed and whirling about bring on giddiness and are overpowered. However, the fact was not so, for it is said that he was very desirous to rise up when the Senate came, but was checked by one of his friends, or rather one of his flatterers, Cornelius Balbus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_591_591&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_591_591&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[591]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 451]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_451&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;who said, &amp;quot;Will you not remember that you are Cæsar, and will you not allow yourself to be honoured as a superior?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; There was added to these causes of offence the insult offered to the tribunes. It was the festival of the Lupercalia,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_592_592&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_592_592&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[592]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; about which many writers say that it was originally a festival of the shepherds and had also some relationship to the Arcadian Lykæa. On this occasion many of the young nobles and magistrates run through the city without their toga, and for sport and to make laughter strike those whom they meet with strips of hide that have the hair on; many women of rank also purposely put themselves in the way and present their hands to be struck like children at school, being persuaded that this is favourable to easy parturition for those who are pregnant, and to conception for those who are barren. Cæsar was a spectator, being seated at the Rostra on a golden chair in a triumphal robe; and Antonius was one of those who ran in the sacred race, for he was consul. Accordingly, when he entered the Forum and the crowd made way for him, he presented to Cæsar a diadem&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_593_593&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_593_593&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[593]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which he carried surrounded with a crown of bay; and there was &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 452]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_452&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;a clapping of hands, not loud, but slight, which had been already concerted. When Cæsar put away the diadem from him all the people clapped their hands, and when Antonius presented it again, only a few clapped; but when Cæsar declined to receive it, again all the people applauded. The experiment having thus failed, Cæsar rose and ordered the crown to be carried to the Capitol. But as Cæsar&#039;s statues were seen crowned with royal diadems, two of the tribunes, Flavius and Marullus, went up to them and pulled off the diadems, and having discovered those who had been the first to salute Cæsar as king they led them off to prison. The people followed clapping their hands and calling the tribunes Bruti, because it was Brutus who put down the kingly power and placed the sovereignty in the Senate and people instead of its being in the hands of one man. Cæsar being irritated at this deprived Flavius and Marullus of their office, and while rating them he also insulted the people by frequently calling the tribunes Bruti and Cumæi.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_594_594&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_594_594&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[594]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In this state of affairs the many turned to Marcus Brutus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_595_595&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_595_595&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[595]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who on his father&#039;s side was considered to be a descendant of the ancient Brutus, and on his mother&#039;s side belonged to the Servilii, another distinguished house, and he was the son-in-law and nephew of Cato. The honours and favours which Brutus had received from Cæsar dulled him towards attempting of his own proper motion the overthrow of the monarchical power; for not only was his life saved at the battle of Pharsalus after the rout of Pompeius, and many of his friends also at his entreaty, but besides this he had great credit with Cæsar. He had also received among those who then held the prætorship&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_596_596&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_596_596&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[596]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the chief office, and he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 453]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_453&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;was to be consul in the fourth year from that time, having been preferred to Cassius who was a rival candidate. For it is said that Cæsar observed that Cassius urged better grounds of preference, but that he could not pass over Brutus. And on one occasion when some persons were calumniating Brutus to him, at a time when the conspiracy was really forming, he would not listen to them, but touching his body with his hand he said to the accusers, &amp;quot;Brutus waits&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_597_597&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_597_597&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[597]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for this dry skin,&amp;quot; by which he intended to signify that Brutus was worthy of the power for his merits, but for the sake of the power would not be ungrateful and a villain. Now, those who were eager for the change and who looked up to him alone, or him as the chief person, did not venture to speak with him on the subject, but by night they used to fill the tribunal and the seat on which he sat when discharging his functions as prætor with writings, most of which were to this purport, &amp;quot;You are asleep, Brutus,&amp;quot; and &amp;quot;You are not Brutus.&amp;quot; By which Cassius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_598_598&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_598_598&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[598]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; perceiving that his ambition was somewhat stirred, urged him more than he had done before, and pricked him on; and Cassius himself had also a private grudge against Cæsar for the reasons which I have mentioned in the Life of Brutus. Indeed Cæsar suspected Cassius, and he once said to his friends, &amp;quot;What think ye is Cassius aiming at? for my part, I like him not over much, for he is over pale.&amp;quot; On the other hand it is said that when a rumour reached him, that Antonius and Dolabella were plotting, he said, &amp;quot;I am not much afraid of these well-fed,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_599_599&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_599_599&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[599]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; long-haired fellows, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 454]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_454&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;but I rather fear those others, the pale and thin,&amp;quot; meaning Cassius and Brutus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; But it appears that destiny is not so much a thing that gives no warning as a thing that cannot be avoided, for they say that wondrous signs and appearances presented themselves. Now, as to lights in the skies and sounds by night moving in various directions and solitary birds descending into the Forum, it is perhaps not worth while recording these with reference to so important an event: but Strabo&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_600_600&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_600_600&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[600]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the Philosopher relates that many men all of fire were seen contending against one another, and that a soldier&#039;s slave emitted a great flame from his hand and appeared to the spectators to be burning, but when the flame went out, the man had sustained no harm; and while Cæsar himself was sacrificing the heart of the victim could not be found, and this was considered a bad omen, for naturally an animal without a heart cannot exist. The following stories also are told by many; that a certain seer warned him to be on his guard against great danger on that day of the month of March, which the Romans call the Ides;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_601_601&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_601_601&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[601]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and when the day had arrived, as Cæsar was going to the Senate-house, he saluted the seer and jeered him saying, &amp;quot;Well, the Ides of March are come;&amp;quot; but the seer mildly replied, &amp;quot;Yes, they are come, but they are not yet over.&amp;quot; The day before, when Marcus Lepidus was entertaining him, he chanced to be signing some letters, according to his habit, while he was reclining at table; and the conversation having turned on what kind of death was the best, before any one could give an opinion he called out, &amp;quot;That which is unexpected!&amp;quot; After this, while he was sleeping, as he was accustomed to do, by the side of his wife, all the doors and windows in the house flew open at once, and being startled by the noise and the brightness of the moon which was shining down upon him, he observed that Calpurnia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_602_602&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_602_602&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[602]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was in a deep slumber, but was &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 455]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_455&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;uttering indistinct words and inarticulate groans in the midst of her sleep; and indeed she was dreaming that she held her murdered husband in her arms and was weeping over him. Others say this was not the vision that Calpurnia had, but the following: there was attached to Cæsar&#039;s house by way of ornament and distinction pursuant to a vote of the Senate an acroterium,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_603_603&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_603_603&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[603]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; as Livius says, and Calpurnia in her dream seeing this tumbling down lamented and wept. When day came accordingly she entreated Cæsar, if it were possible, not to go out, and to put off the meeting of the Senate; but if he paid no regard to her dreams, she urged him to inquire by other modes of divination and by sacrifices about the future. Cæsar also, as it seems, had some suspicion and fear; for he had never before detected in Calpurnia any womanish superstition, and now he saw that she was much disturbed. And when the seers also after sacrificing many victims reported to him that the omens were unfavourable, he determined to send Antonius to dismiss the Senate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In the mean time Decimus Brutus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_604_604&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_604_604&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[604]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; surnamed &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 456]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_456&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Albinus, who was in such favour with Cæsar that he was made in his will his second heir,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_605_605&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_605_605&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[605]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but was engaged in the conspiracy with the other Brutus and Cassius, being afraid that if Cæsar escaped that day, the affair might become known, ridiculed the seers and chided Cæsar for giving cause for blame and censure to the Senate who would consider themselves insulted: he said, &amp;quot;That the Senate had met at his bidding and that they were all ready to pass a decree, that he should be proclaimed King of the provinces out of Italy and should wear a diadem whenever he visited the rest of the earth and sea; but if any one shall tell them when they are taking their seats, to be gone now and to come again, when Calpurnia shall have had better dreams, what may we not expect to be said by those who envy you? or who will listen to your friends when they say that this is not slavery and tyranny; but if,&amp;quot; he continued, &amp;quot;you are fully resolved to consider the day inauspicious, it is better for you to go yourself and address the Senate and then to adjourn the business.&amp;quot; As he said this, Brutus took Cæsar by the hand and began to lead him forth: and he had gone but a little way from the door, when a slave belonging to another person, who was eager to get at Cæsar but was prevented by the press and numbers about him, rushing into the house delivered himself up to Calpurnia and told her to keep him till Cæsar returned, for he had important things to communicate to him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Artemidorus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_606_606&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_606_606&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[606]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a Knidian by birth, and a professor of Greek philosophy, which had brought him into &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 457]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_457&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;the familiarity of some of those who belonged to the party of Brutus, so that he knew the greater part of what was going on, came and brought in a small roll the information which he intended to communicate; but observing that Cæsar gave each roll as he received it to the attendants about him, he came very near, and said, &amp;quot;This you alone should read, Cæsar, and read it soon; for it is about weighty matters which concern you.&amp;quot; Accordingly Cæsar received the roll, but he was prevented from reading it by the number of people who came in his way, though he made several attempts, and he entered the Senate holding that roll in his hand and retaining that alone among all that had been presented to him. Some say that it was another person who gave him this roll, and that Artemidorus did not even approach him, but was kept from him all the way by the pressure of the crowd.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now these things perchance may be brought about by mere spontaneity; but the spot that was the scene of that murder and struggle, wherein the Senate was then assembled, which contained the statue of Pompeius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_607_607&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_607_607&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[607]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and was a dedication by Pompeius and one of the ornaments that he added to his theatre, completely proved that it was the work of some dæmon to guide and call the execution of the deed to that place. It is said also that Cassius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_608_608&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_608_608&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[608]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; looked towards the statue of Pompeius before the deed was begun and silently invoked it, though he was not averse to the philosophy of Epikurus; but the critical moment for the bold attempt which was now come probably produced in him enthusiasm and feeling in place of his former principles. Now Antonius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_609_609&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_609_609&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[609]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was faith&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 458]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_458&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ful to Cæsar and a robust man, was kept on the outside by Brutus Albinus, who purposely engaged him in a long conversation. When Cæsar entered, the Senate rose to do him honour, and some of the party of Brutus stood around his chair at the back, and others presented themselves before him, as if their purpose was to support the prayer of Tillius Cimber&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_610_610&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_610_610&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[610]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; on behalf of his exiled brother, and they all joined in entreaty, following Cæsar as far as his seat. When he had taken his seat and was rejecting their entreaties, and, as they urged them still more strongly, began to show displeasure towards them individually, Tillius taking hold of his toga with both his hands pulled it downwards from the neck, which was the signal for the attack. Casca&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_611_611&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_611_611&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[611]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was the first to strike him on the neck with his sword, a blow neither mortal nor severe, for as was natural at the beginning of so bold a deed he was confused, and Cæsar turning round seized the dagger and held it fast. And it happened that at the same moment he who was struck cried out in the Roman language, &amp;quot;You villain, Casca, what are you doing?&amp;quot; and he who had given the blow cried out to his brother in Greek, &amp;quot;Brother, help.&amp;quot; Such being the beginning, those who were not privy to the conspiracy were prevented by consternation and horror at what was going on either from flying or going to aid, and they did not even venture to utter a word. And now each of the conspirators bared his sword, and Cæsar, being hemmed in all round, in whatever direction he turned meeting blows and swords aimed against his eyes and face, driven about like a wild beast, was caught in the hands of his enemies; for it was arranged that all of them should take a part in and taste of the deed of blood. Accordingly Brutus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_612_612&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_612_612&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[612]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; also gave him &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 459]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_459&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;one blow in the groin. It is said by some authorities, that he defended himself against the rest, moving about his body hither and thither and calling out, till he saw that Brutus had drawn his sword, when he pulled his toga over his face and offered no further resistance, having been driven either by chance or by the conspirators to the base on which the statue of Pompeius stood. And the base was drenched with blood, as if Pompeius was directing the vengeance upon his enemy who was stretched beneath his feet and writhing under his many wounds; for he is said to have received three and twenty wounds. Many of the conspirators were wounded by one another, while they were aiming so many blows against one body.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After Cæsar was killed, though Brutus came forward as if he was going to say something about the deed, the Senators,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_613_613&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_613_613&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[613]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; without waiting to listen, rushed through the door and making their escape filled the people with confusion and indescribable alarm, so that some closed their houses, and others left their tables and places of business, and while some ran to the place to see what had happened, others who had seen it ran away. But Antonius and Lepidus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_614_614&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_614_614&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[614]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who were the chief friends of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 460]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_460&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Cæsar, stole away and fled for refuge to the houses of other persons. The partizans of Brutus, just as they were, warm from the slaughter, and showing their bare swords, advanced all in a body from the Senate-house to the Capitol, not like men who were flying, but exultant and confident, calling the people to liberty and joined by the nobles who met them. Some even went up to the Capitol with them and mingled with them as if they had participated in the deed, and claimed the credit of it, among whom were Caius Octavius and Lentulus Spinther.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_615_615&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_615_615&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[615]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But they afterwards paid the penalty of their vanity, for they were put to death by Antonius and the young Cæsar, without having enjoyed even the reputation of that for which they lost their lives, for nobody believed that they had a share in the deed. For neither did those who put them to death, punish them for what they did, but for what they wished to do. On the next day Brutus came down and addressed the people, who listened without expressing disapprobation or approbation of what had been done, but they indicated by their deep silence that they pitied Cæsar and respected Brutus. The Senate, with the view of making an amnesty and conciliating all parties, decreed that Cæsar should be honoured as a god and that not the smallest thing should be disturbed which he had &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 461]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_461&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;settled while he was in power; and they distributed among the partisans of Brutus provinces and suitable honours, so that all people supposed that affairs were quieted and had been settled in the best way.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; But when the will&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_616_616&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_616_616&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[616]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Cæsar was opened and it was discovered that he had given to every Roman a handsome present, and they saw the body, as it was carried through the Forum, disfigured with the wounds, the multitude, no longer kept within the bounds of propriety and order, but heaping about the corpse benches, lattices and tables taken from the Forum, they set fire to it on the spot and burnt it; then taking the flaming pieces of wood they ran to the houses of the conspirators to fire them, and others ran about the city in all directions seeking for the men to seize and tear them in pieces. But none of the conspirators came in their way, and they were all well protected. One Cinna,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_617_617&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_617_617&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[617]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; however, a friend of Cæsar, hap&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 462]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_462&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;pened, as it is said, to have had a strange dream the night before; for he dreamed that he was invited by Cæsar to sup with him, and when he excused himself, he was dragged along by Cæsar by the hand, against his will and making resistance the while. Now, when he heard that the body of Cæsar was burning in the Forum, he got up and went there out of respect, though he was somewhat alarmed at his dream and had a fever on him. One of the multitude who saw Cinna told his name to another who was inquiring of him, and he again told it to a third, and immediately it spread through the crowd that this man was one of those who had killed Cæsar; and indeed there was one of the conspirators who was named Cinna: and taking this man to be him the people forthwith rushed upon him and tore him in pieces on the spot. It was principally through alarm at this that the partisans of Brutus and Cassius after a few days left the city. But what they did and suffered before they died is told in the Life of Brutus.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_618_618&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_618_618&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[618]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; At the time of his death Cæsar was full fifty-six years old, having survived Pompeius not much more than four years, and of the power and dominion which all through his life he pursued at so great risk and barely got at last, having reaped the fruit in name only, and with the glory of it the odium of the citizens. Yet his great dæmon,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_619_619&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_619_619&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[619]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which accompanied him through life, followed him even when he was dead, the avenger of his murder, through every land and sea hunting and tracking out his murderers till not one of them was left, and pursuing even those who in any way whatever had either put their hand to the deed or been participators in the plot. Among human events the strangest was that which befell Cassius, for after his defeat at Philippi he killed himself with the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 463]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_463&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;same dagger that he had employed against Cæsar; and among signs from heaven, there was the great comet, which appeared conspicuous for seven nights after Cæsar&#039;s assassination and then disappeared, and the obscuration of the splendour of the sun. For during all that year the circle of the sun rose pale and without rays, and the warmth that came down from it was weak and feeble, so that the air as it moved was dark and heavy owing to the feebleness of the warmth which penetrated it, and the fruits withered and fell off when they were half ripened and imperfect on account of the coldness of the atmosphere. But chief of all, the phantom that appeared to Brutus showed that Cæsar&#039;s murder was not pleasing to the gods; and it was after this manner. When Brutus was going to take his army over from Abydus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_620_620&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_620_620&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[620]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to the other continent, he was lying down by night, as his wont was, in his tent, not asleep, but thinking about the future; for it is said that Brutus of all generals was least given to sleep, and had naturally the power of keeping awake longer than any other person. Thinking that he heard a noise near the door, he looked towards the light of the lamp which was already sinking down, and saw a frightful vision of a man of unusual size and savage countenance. At first he was startled, but observing that the figure neither moved nor spoke, but was standing silent by the bed, he asked him who he was. The phantom replied, &amp;quot;Thy bad dæmon, Brutus; and thou shalt see me at Philippi.&amp;quot; Upon which Brutus boldly replied, &amp;quot;I shall see;&amp;quot; and the dæmon immediately disappeared. In course of time having engaged with Antonius and Cæsar at Philippi, in the first battle he was victorious, and after routing that part of the army which was opposed to him he followed up his success and plundered Cæsar&#039;s camp. As he was preparing to fight the second battle, the same phantom appeared again by night, without speaking to him, but Brutus, who perceived what his fate was, threw himself headlong into the midst of the danger. However he did not fall in the battle, but when the rout took &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 464]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_464&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;place, he fled to a precipitous spot, and throwing himself with his breast on his bare sword, a friend also, as it is said, giving strength to the blow, he died.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_621_621&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_621_621&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[621]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;FOOTNOTES:&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_435_435&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_435_435&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[435]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It has been remarked by Niebuhr (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Lectures on the History of Rome&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 33) that the beginning of the Life of Cæsar is lost. He says, &amp;quot;Plutarch could not have passed over the ancestors, the father, and the whole family, together with the history of Cæsar&#039;s youth, &amp;amp;amp;c.&amp;quot; But the reasons for this opinion are not conclusive. The same reason would make us consider other lives imperfect, which are also deficient in such matters. Plutarch, after his fashion, gives incidental information about Cæsar&#039;s youth and his family. I conceive that he purposely avoided a formal beginning; and according to his plan of biography, he was right. Niebuhr also observes that the beginning of the Life of Cæsar in Suetonius is imperfect; &amp;quot;a fact well known, but it is only since the year 1812, that we know that the part which is wanting contained a dedication to the præfectus prætorio of the time, a fact which has not yet found its way into any history of Roman Literature.&amp;quot; It is an old opinion that the Life of Cæsar in Suetonius is imperfect. The fact that the dedication alone is wanting, for so Niebuhr appears to mean, shows that the Life is not incomplete, and there is no reason for thinking that it is.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;C. Julius Cæsar, the son of C. Julius Cæsar and Aurelia, was born on the twelfth of July, B.C. 100, in the sixth consulship of his uncle C. Marius. His father, who had been prætor, died suddenly at Pisa when his son was in his sixteenth year.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_436_436&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_436_436&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[436]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Pompeius, c. 9, and notes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_437_437&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_437_437&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[437]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar was first betrothed to Cossutia, the daughter of a rich Roman Eques, but he broke off the marriage contract, and married Cornelia, B.C. 83.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_438_438&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_438_438&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[438]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A different story is told by Suetonius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cæsar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 1), and Velleius Paterculus (ii. 43).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_439_439&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_439_439&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[439]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cornelius Phagita (Suetonius, c. 1, 74.) The words of Sulla are also reported by Suetonius (c. 1).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_440_440&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_440_440&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[440]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Nicomedes III. Cæsar was sent to him by Thermus to get ships for the siege of Mitylene. Suetonius, a lover of scandal, has preserved a grievous imputation against Cæsar, which is connected with this visit to Nicomedes (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cæsar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 2, 49). Cæsar in a speech for the Bithynians (Gellius, v. 13) calls Nicomedes his friend. He felt the reproach keenly, and tried to clear himself (Dion Cassius, 43, c. 20). But it is easier to make such charges than to confute them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;M. Minucius Thermus, Proprætor. Cæsar served his first campaign under him at the siege and capture of Mitylene B.C. 80. Cæsar gained a civic crown. See the note in Burmaun&#039;s edition of Suetonius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_441_441&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_441_441&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[441]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This island was near Miletus. Stephan. Byzant., &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: Pharmakoussa&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Φαρμακοῦσσα&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_442_442&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_442_442&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[442]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Pompeius, c. 26. Cæsar served a short time against the Cilician pirates under P. Servilius Isauricus (Sueton. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cæsar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 2) B.C. 77, or perhaps later.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_443_443&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_443_443&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[443]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was now in Bithynia according to Vell. Paterculus (ii. 42). This affair of the pirates happened according to Drumann in B.C. 76. Plutarch places it five years earlier.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_444_444&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_444_444&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[444]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch should probably have called him only Molo. He was a native of Alabanda in Caria. Cicero often mentions his old master, but always by the name of Molo only. He calls the rhetorician, who was the master of Q. Mucius Scævola, consul B.C. 117. Apollonius, who was also a native of Alabanda.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_445_445&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_445_445&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[445]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See c. 54.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_446_446&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_446_446&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[446]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the first chapter of the Life of Lucullus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_447_447&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_447_447&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[447]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cn. Cornelius Dolabella, consul B.C. 81, afterwards was governor of Macedonia as proconsul, in which office he was charged with maladministration. Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Brutus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 71, 92) mentions this trial. Drumann places it in B.C. 77. Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Brutus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 72) gives his opinion of the eloquence of Cæsar. (Suetonius, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cæsar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 4; Vell. Paterculus, ii. 42.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_448_448&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_448_448&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[448]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; His name was Caius. He was consul B.C. 63 with Cicero. The trial, which was in B.C. 76, of course related to misconduct prior to that date. The trial was not held in Greece. M. Lucullus was the brother of L. Lucullus, and was Prætor in Rome at the time of the trial.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_449_449&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_449_449&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[449]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Some amplification is necessary here in order to preserve Plutarch&#039;s metaphor. He was fond of such poetical turns.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Nec poterat quemquam placidi pellacia ponti&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Subdola pellicere in fraudem ridentibus undis.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Lucretius&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, v. 1002.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_450_450&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_450_450&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[450]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Pompeius, c. 48.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_451_451&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_451_451&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[451]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The military tribunes, it appears, were now elected by the people, or part of them at least. Comp. Liv. 43, c. 14.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_452_452&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_452_452&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[452]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; His aunt Julia and his wife Cornelia died during his quæstorship, probably B.C. 68.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_453_453&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_453_453&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[453]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Roman word is Imagines. There is a curious passage about the Roman Imagines in Polybius (vi. 53, ed. Bekker)—&amp;quot;Viginti clarissimarum familiarum imagines antelatæ sunt.&amp;quot; Tacit. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Annal.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; iii. 76.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_454_454&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_454_454&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[454]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The origin of this custom with respect to women is told by Livius (5. c. 50). It was introduced after the capture of the city by the Gauls, as a reward to the women for contributing to the ransom demanded by the enemy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_455_455&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_455_455&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[455]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Antistius Vetus (Vell. Paterculus, ii. 18) was Prætor of the division of Iberia which was called Bætica. His son C. Antistius Veius was Quæstor B.C. 61 under Cæsar in Iberia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_456_456&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_456_456&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[456]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; She was a daughter of Q. Pompeius Rufus, the son-in-law of Sulla, who lost his life B.C. 88, during the consulship of his father. See the Life of Sulla, c. 6 notes. The daughter who is here mentioned was Julia, Cæsar&#039;s only child.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_457_457&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_457_457&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[457]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was the road from Rome to Capua, which was begun by the Censor Appius Claudius Cæcus B.C. 312, and afterwards continued to Brundisium. It commenced at Rome and ran in nearly a direct line to Terracina across the Pomptine marshes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The appointment as commissioner (curator) for repairing and making roads was an office of honour, and one that gave a man the opportunity of gaining popular favour.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_458_458&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_458_458&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[458]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar was Curule Ædile B.C. 65.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_459_459&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_459_459&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[459]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Q. Metellus Pius, Consul B.C. 80. Cæsar&#039;s competitors were P. Servilius Isauricus, consul B.C. 79, under whom Cæsar had fought against the pirates, and Q. Lutatius Catulus, consul B.C. 78, the son of the Catulus whom Marius put to death. Cæsar was already a Pontifex, but the acquisition of the post of Pontifex Maximus, which places him at the head of religion, was an object of ambition to him in his present position. The office was for life, it brought him an official residence in the Via Sacra, and increased political influence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_460_460&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_460_460&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[460]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The conspiracy of Catiline happened B.C. 63, when Cicero was consul. See the Life of Cicero, c. 10, &amp;amp;amp;c. Sallustius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Catilina&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 51, &amp;amp;amp;c.) has given the speeches of Cæsar and Cato in the debate upon the fate of the conspirators who had been seized. If we have not the words of Cæsar, there is no reason for supposing that we have not the substance of his speech. Whatever might be Cæsar&#039;s object, his proposal was consistent with law and a fair trial. The execution of the conspirators was a violent and illegal measure.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_461_461&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_461_461&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[461]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This circumstance is mentioned by Sallustius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Catilina&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 49), apparently as having happened when Cæsar was leaving the Senate, after one of the debates previous to that on which it was determined to put the conspirators to death. Sallustius mentions Catulus and C. Piso as the instigators. He also observes that they had tried to prevail on Cicero to criminate Cæsar by false testimony. (See Drumann, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Tullii&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, § 40, p. 531.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_462_462&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_462_462&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[462]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; C. Scribonius Curio, consul B.C. 76, father of the Curio mentioned in the Life of Pompeius, c. 58, who was a tribune B.C. 50.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_463_463&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_463_463&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[463]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero wrote his book on his Consulship B.C. 60, in which year Cæsar was elected consul, and it was published at that time. Cæsar was then rising in power, and Cicero was humbled. It would be as well for him to say nothing on this matter which Plutarch alludes to (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 1).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Cicero wrote first a prose work on his consulship in Greek (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. 19), and also a poem in three books in Latin hexameters (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 3).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_464_464&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_464_464&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[464]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Attic drachmæ, as usual with Plutarch, when he omits the denomination of the money. In his Life of Cato (c. 26) Plutarch estimates the sum at 1250 talents. This impolitic measure of Cato tended to increase an evil that had long been growing in Rome, the existence of a large body of poor who looked to the public treasury for part of their maintenance. (See the note on the Life of Caius Gracchus, c. 5.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_465_465&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_465_465&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[465]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar was Prætor B.C. 62. He was Prætor designatus in December B.C. 63, when he delivered his speech on the punishment of Catiline&#039;s associates.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_466_466&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_466_466&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[466]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Some notice of this man is contained in the Life of Lucullus, c. 34, 38, and the Life of Cicero, c. 29. The affair of the Bona Dea, which made a great noise in Rome, is told very fully in Cicero&#039;s letters to Atticus (i. 12, &amp;amp;amp;c.), which were written at the time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The feast of the Bona Dea was celebrated on the first of May, in the house of the Consul or of the Prætor Urbanus. There is some further information about it in Plutarch&#039;s Romanæ Quæstiones (ed. Wyttenbach, vol. ii.). According to Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Haruspicum Responsis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 17), the real name of the goddess was unknown to the men; and Dacier considers it much to the credit of the Roman ladies that they kept the secret so well. For this ingenious remark I am indebted to Kaltwasser&#039;s citation of Dacier; I have not had curiosity enough to look at Dacier&#039;s notes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_467_467&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_467_467&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[467]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The divorce of Pompeia is mentioned by Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. 13).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_468_468&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_468_468&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[468]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Clodius was tried B.C. 61, and acquitted by a corrupt jury (judices). (See Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. 16.) Kaltwasser appears to me to have mistaken this passage. The judices voted by ballot, which had been the practice in Rome in such trials since the passing of the Lex Cassia B.C. 137. Drumanu remarks (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Geschichte Roms&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Claudii, p. 214, note) that Plutarch has confounded the various parts of the procedure at the trial; and it may be so. See the Life of Cicero, c. 29. There is a dispute as to the meaning of the term Judicia Populi, to which kind of Judicia the Lex Cassia applied. (Orelli, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Onomasticon&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Index Legum, p. 279.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_469_469&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_469_469&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[469]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar was Prætor (B.C. 60) of Hispania Ulterior or Bætica, which included Lusitania.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_470_470&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_470_470&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[470]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A similar story is told by Suetonius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cæsar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 7) and Dion Cassius (37. c. 52), but they assign it to the time of Cæsar&#039;s quæstorship in Spain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_471_471&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_471_471&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[471]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Calaici, or Callaici, or Gallæci, occupied that part of the Spanish peninsula which extended from the Douro north and north-west to the Atlantic. (Strabo, p. 152.) The name still exists in the modern term Gallica. D. Junius Brutus, consul B.C. 138, and the grandfather of one of Cæsar&#039;s murderers, triumphed over the Callaici and Lusitani, and obtained the name Callaicus. The transactions of Cæsar in Lusitania are recorded by Dion Cassius (37. c. 52).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_472_472&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_472_472&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[472]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Many of the creditors were probably Romans. (Velleius Pat. ii 43, and the Life of Lucullus, c. 7.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_473_473&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_473_473&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[473]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar was consul B.C. 59.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_474_474&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_474_474&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[474]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The measure was for the distribution of Public land (Dion Cassius, 38. c. 1, &amp;amp;amp;c. &amp;amp;amp;c.) and it was an Agrarian Law. The law comprehended also the land about Capua (Campanus ager). Twenty thousand Roman citizens were settled on the allotted lands (Vell. Pater, ii. 44; Appianus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 10). Cicero, who was writing to Atticus at the time, mentions this division of the lands as an impolitic measure. It left the Romans without any source of public income in Italy except the Vicesimæ (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 16, 18).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Romans, who were fond of jokes and pasquinades against those who were in power, used to call the consulship of Cæsar, the consulship of Caius Cæsar and Julius Cæsar, in allusion to the inactivity of Bibulus, who could not resist his bolder colleague&#039;s measures. (Dion Cassius, 38. c. 8.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_475_475&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_475_475&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[475]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The marriage with Pompeius took place in Cæsar&#039;s consulship. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life of Crassus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 16.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This Servilius Cæpio appears to be Q. Servilius Cæpio, the brother of Servilia, the mother of M. Junius Brutus, one of Cæsar&#039;s assassins. Servilius Cæpio adopted Brutus, who is accordingly sometimes called Q. Cæpio Brutus. (Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Divers.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; vii. 21; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 24.) Piso was L. Calpurnius Piso, who with Aulus Gabinius was consul B.C. 58.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_476_476&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_476_476&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[476]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Q. Considius Gallus. He is mentioned by Cicero several times in honourable terms (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 24).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_477_477&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_477_477&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[477]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero went into exile B.C. 58. See the Life of Cicero, c. 30.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Dion Cassius (38. c. 17) states that Cæsar was outside of the city with his army, ready to march to his province, at the time when Clodius proposed the bill of penalties against him. Cicero says the same (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pro Sestio&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 18). Cæsar, according to Dion, was not in favour of the penalties contained in the bill; but he probably did not exert himself to save Cicero. Pompeius, who had presided at the comitia in which Clodius was adrogated into a Plebeian family, in order to qualify him to be a tribune, treated Cicero with neglect (Life of Pompeius, c. 46). Cæsar owed Cicero nothing. Pompeius owed him much. And Cicero deserved his punishment.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_478_478&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_478_478&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[478]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar&#039;s Gallic campaign began B.C. 58.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He carried on the war actively for eight years, till the close of B.C. 51. But he was still proconsul of Gallia in the year B.C. 50. Plutarch has not attempted a regular narrative of Cæsar&#039;s campaigns, which would have been foreign to his purpose (see the Life of Alexander, c. 1); nor can it be attempted in these notes. The great commander has left in his Commentary on the Gallic War an imperishable record of his subjugation of Gaul.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_479_479&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_479_479&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[479]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch here, after his fashion, throws in a few anecdotes without any regard to the chronological order.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_480_480&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_480_480&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[480]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Massalia, an ancient Greek settlement, now Marseilles, was called Massilia by the Romans. The siege of Massalia is told by Cæsar (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 1, &amp;amp;amp;c.). It took place after Pompeius had fled from Brundisium.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_481_481&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_481_481&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[481]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The story of Scæva is told by Cæsar (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 53). The missiles were arrows. As to the exact number of arrows that the brave centurion Scæva received in his shield, see the note in Oudendorp&#039;s Cæsar. Scæva was promoted to the first class of centurions (Suetonius. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cæsar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 68).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_482_482&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_482_482&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[482]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cordoba or Cordova in Hispania Bætica. Cæsar must therefore have been subject to these attacks during his quæstorship, or at least his prætorship in Spain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of Cæsar&#039;s endurance and activity, Suetonius also (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cæsar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 57) has preserved several notices.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_483_483&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_483_483&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[483]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Kaltwasser translates this: &amp;quot;He travelled with such speed that he did not require more than eight days to reach the Rhone after leaving Rome;&amp;quot; as if this was his habit. But Kaltwasser is mistaken.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_484_484&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_484_484&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[484]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Pompeius, c. 10.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the time of Gellius (xvii. 9) there was extant a collection of Cæsar&#039;s letters to C. Oppius and Cornelius Balbus, written in a kind of cipher. (See Suetonius, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cæsar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 56.) Two letters of Cæsar to Oppius and Balbus are extant in the collection of Cicero&#039;s letters (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Atticum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ix. 8, 16), both expressed with admirable brevity and clearness. One of them also shows his good sense and his humanity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_485_485&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_485_485&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[485]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The story is also told by Suetonius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cæsar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 54). Instead of using plain oil, Leo thought he should please his guests by mixing it with a fragrant oil (conditum oleum pro viridi). He was an ill-bred fellow for his pains; but a well-bred man would affect not to notice his blunder.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_486_486&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_486_486&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[486]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This campaign belongs to B.C. 58. The Helvetii occupied the country between the Rhine, the Jura, the Rhone, and the Rhætian Alps. The history of the campaign is given by Cæsar (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Gallic War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 2-29; Dion Cassius, 38, c. 31). The Arar is the Saone, which joins the Rhone at Lyons.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_487_487&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_487_487&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[487]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This German chief had been acknowledged as king and ally (rex et amicus) during Cæsar&#039;s consulship, B.C. 59. What territory the Romans considered as belonging to his kingdom does not appear. The campaign with Ariovistus and the circumstances which preceded it are told by Cæsar (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Gallic War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 31, &amp;amp;amp;c.).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The speech of Cæsar in which he rated the men for their cowardice is reported by himself (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Gallic War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 40). The pursuit of the Germans was continued for five miles according to the MSS. of Cæsar; but some editors in place of &#039;five&#039; have put &#039;fifty.&#039; Plutarch&#039;s 400 stadia are equal to 50 Roman miles.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_488_488&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_488_488&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[488]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Gallic War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 54). The army wintered in the country between the Jura, the Rhone and Saone, and the Rhine; which was the country of the Sequani. Cæsar says that he went into Citerior Gallia, that is, North Italy, &#039;ad conventus agendos,&#039; to make his circuits for the administration of justice and other civil business. He may be excused for not saying anything of his political intrigues.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_489_489&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_489_489&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[489]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The rising of the Belgæ is the subject of Cæsar&#039;s Second Book. This campaign was in B.C. 57. It was not a rebellion of the Belgæ, for they had not been conquered, but they feared that the Romans would attack them after completing the subjugation of the Galli. The Belgæ were defeated on the Axona, the Aisne, a branch of the Seine (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Gallic War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 9-11). There is no mention in Cæsar of lakes and rivers being filled with dead bodies.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_490_490&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_490_490&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[490]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Nervii considered themselves of German origin. They occupied Hainault in Belgium, and the modern cities of Cambray and Tournay in France were within their limits. The Nervii were on the Sabis, the Sambre. Cæsar (ii. 25) speaks of seizing a shield and restoring the battle. Plutarch has taken from Cæsar (c. 29) the amount of the enemy&#039;s loss. See Dion Cassius (39. c. 1, &amp;amp;amp;c.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_491_491&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_491_491&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[491]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Ob easque res ex litteris Cæsaris dies xv subplicatio decreta est, quod ante id tempus accidit nulli.&amp;quot; (Cæsar, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Gallic War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 35.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_492_492&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_492_492&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[492]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Crassus, c. 14; Life of Pompeius, c. 51. The meeting at Luca was at the end of B.C. 56, and Plutarch has omitted the campaign of that year, which is contained in Cæsar&#039;s Third Book of the Gallic War.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_493_493&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_493_493&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[493]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Csasar (iv. 1) names them Usipetes and Tenetheri. The events in this chapter belong to B.C. 55, when Cn. Pompeius Magnus and M. Licinius Crassus were consuls for the second time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_494_494&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_494_494&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[494]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar, iv. c. 12. Plutarch here calls the Commentaries &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: ephêmerides&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἐφημερίδες&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, which means a Diary or Day-book. The proper Greek word would be &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: hypomnêmata&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ὑπομνήματα&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;. Kaltwasser accordingly concludes that Plutarah appears to have confounded the Ephemerides and the Commentarii, or at least to have used the word &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: ephêmerides&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἐφημερίδες&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; improperly instead of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: hypomnêmata&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ὑπομνήματα&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;. There is no proof that Cæsar kept a diary. That kind of labour is suited to men of a different stamp from him. Plutarch means the Commentarii. It is true that Servius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Æneid.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; xi. 743) speaks of a diary (Ephemeris) of Cæsar, which records his being once captured by the Gauls. But see the note of Davis on this passage (Cæsar, ed. Oudendorp, ii. 999). Suetonius, who enumerates Cæsar&#039;s writings (Cæsar, 55, 56), mentions no Ephemeris. There were abundant sources for anecdotes about Cæsar. The Roman himself wrote as an historian: he was not a diary keeper.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_495_495&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_495_495&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[495]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Tanusius Geminus wrote a history which is mentioned by Suetonius (Cæsar, 9). Cato&#039;s opinion on this occasion was merely dictated by party hostility and personal hatred. His proposal was unjust and absurd. Cæsar had good reason for writing his Anticato.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_496_496&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_496_496&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[496]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Or Sigambri, a German tribe on the east bank of the Lower Rhine. They bordered on the Ubii, and were north of them. The name probably remains in the Sieg, a small stream which enters the Rhine on the east bank, nearly opposite to Bonn.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_497_497&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_497_497&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[497]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar describes the construction of this bridge (iv. 17) without giving any particulars as to the place where it was made. The situation can only be inferred from a careful examination of the previous part of his history, and it has been subject of much discussion, in which opinions are greatly divided. The narratives of Dion Cassius (39. c. 48) and Florus (iii. 10) give some assistance towards the solution of the question. Professor Müller, in an excellent article in the &#039;Jahrbücher des Vereins von Alterthumsfreunden im Rheinlande&#039; (vii. 1845), has proved that the bridge must have been built near Coblenz. Cæsar defeated the Germans in the angle between the Moselle and the Rhine. He must have crossed the Moselle in order to find a convenient place for his bridge, which he would find near Neuwied. The bridge abutted on the east bank on the territory of the Ubii, who were his friends. The narrative of Cæsar, when carefully examined, admits of no other construction than that which Müller has put upon it; and if there were any doubt, it is removed by Cæsar himself in another passage (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Gallic War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, vi. 9) where he speaks of his second bridge, which gave him a passage from the territory of the Treviri into that of the Ubii, and he adds that the site of the second bridge was near that of the first.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the Gallic War (iv. 15) Cæsar speaks of the junction (ad confluentem Mosæ et Rheni) of the Mosa and the Rhine, where Müller assumes that he means the Moselle, as he undoubtedly does. Either the reading Mosa is wrong, or, what is not improbable, both the Moselle and the Maas had the same name, Mosa. Mosella or Mosula is merely the diminution of Mosa. At this confluence of the Moselle and Rhine the town of Coblenz was afterwards built, which retains the ancient name. Cæsar indicates which Mosa he means clearly enough by the words &#039;ad confluentem.&#039; There was no &#039;confluens&#039; of the Great Mosa and the Rhenus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_498_498&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_498_498&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[498]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The first expedition of Cæsar to Britain was in the autumn of B.C. 55, and is described in his fourth book of the Gallic War, c. 20, &amp;amp;amp;c. He landed on the coast of Kent, either at Deal or between Sandgate and Hythe. His second expedition was in the following year B.C. 54, which is described in the fifth book, c. 8 &amp;amp;amp;c. He crossed the Thamesis (Thames) in face of the forces of Cassivelaunus, whose territories were bounded on the south by the Thames.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There has been some discussion on the place where Cæsar crossed the Thames. Camden (p. 882, ed. Gibson) fixes the place at Cowey Stakes near Oatlands on the Thames, opposite to the place where the Wey joins the Thames. Bede, who wrote at the beginning of the eighth century, speaks of stakes in the bed of the river at that place, which so far corresponds to Cæsar&#039;s description, who says that the enemy had protected the ford with stakes on the banks and across the bed of the river. Certain stakes still exist there, which are the subject of a paper in the Archæologia, 1735, by Mr. Samuel Gale. The stakes are as hard as ebony; and it is evident from the exterior grain that the stakes were the entire bodies of young oak trees. Cæsar places the ford eighty miles from the coast of Kent where he landed, which distance agrees very well with the position of Oatlands, as Camden remarks.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Cassivelaunus had been appointed Commander-in-chief of all the British forces. This is the king whom Plutarch means. He agreed to pay an annual tribute to the Romans (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Gallic War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, v. 22), and gave them hostages. Compare Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; iv. 17.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Cæsar wrote two letters to Cicero while he was in Britain. He wrote one letter on the 1st of September, which Cicero received on the 28th of September (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Quintum Fratrem,&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; iii. 1). Cicero here alludes to Cæsar&#039;s sorrow for his daughter&#039;s death, of which Cæsar had not received intelligence when he wrote to Cicero; but Cicero knew that the news had gone to him. On the 24th of October, Cicero received another letter written from the British coast from Cæsar, and one from his brother Quintus who was with Cæsar. This letter was written on the 26th of September. Cæsar states (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Gallic War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, v. 23) that it was near the time of the equinox when he was leaving Britain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_499_499&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_499_499&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[499]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Crassus, c. 16, and the Life of Pompeius, c. 53.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_500_500&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_500_500&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[500]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; L. Aurunculeius Cotta and Q. Titurius Sabinus were sent into the country of the Eburones, the chief part of which was between the Maas and the Rhine, in the parallels of Namur and Liege. This king, who is called Abriorix, is named Ambiorix by Cæsar (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Gallic War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 24, &amp;amp;amp;c.) The Gauls, after an unsuccessful attempt on the camp, persuaded the Romans to leave it under a promise that they should have a safe passage through the country of the Eburones. Ambiorix made them believe that there was going to be a general rising of the Gauls, and that their best plan was to make their way to the camp of Q. Cicero or Labienus. When they had left their camp, the Gauls fell upon them in a convenient spot and massacred most of them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_501_501&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_501_501&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[501]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Quintus Cicero was encamped in the country of the Nervii in Hainault. The attack on his camp is described by Cæsar (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Gallic War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, v. 39, &amp;amp;amp;c.) Cæsar says, when he is speaking of his own camp (v. 50), &#039;Jubet ... ex omnibus partibus castra altiore vallo muniri portasque obstrui, &amp;amp;amp;c.... cum simulatione terroris;&#039; of which Plutarch has given the meaning.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_502_502&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_502_502&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[502]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Kaltwasser remarks that Plutarch passes over the events in Cæsar&#039;s Sixth Book of the Gallic War, as containing matters of less importance for his purpose.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_503_503&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_503_503&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[503]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar (vii. 4) calls him Vercingetorix. He was of the nation of the Arverni, whom Plutarch (as his text stands) calls Arvenni in c. 25, and Aruveni in c. 26. The Arverni were on the Upper Loire in Auvergne. The Carnunteni, whom Cæsar calls Carnutes, were partly in the middle basin of the same river. Orleans (Genapum) and Chartres (Autricum) were their headquarters.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_504_504&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_504_504&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[504]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: tais autais hodois&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ταῖς αὐταῖς ὁδοῖς&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; in the MSS., which gives no sense. I have adopted Reiske&#039;s alteration &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: autais tais hodois&amp;quot;&amp;gt;αὐταῖς ταῖς ὁδοῖς&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;. Cæsar (vii. 8) describes his march over the Cevenna, the Cevennes, in winter. He had to cut his road through snow six feet deep. The enemy, who considered the Cevennes as good a protection as a wall, were surprised by his sudden appearance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_505_505&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_505_505&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[505]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So Plutarch writes it. It is Ædui in Cæsar&#039;s text, or Hædui. The Ædui, one of the most powerful of the Gallic tribes, were situated between the Upper Loire and the Saone, and possessed the chief part of Burgundy. The Saone separated them from the Sequani on the east.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_506_506&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_506_506&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[506]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Lingones were on the Vosges, which contain the sources of the Marne and the Moselle. The Saone separated them from the Sequani on the south-east. The account of this campaign is unintelligible in Plutarch. It is contained in Cæsar&#039;s Seventh Book.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_507_507&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_507_507&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[507]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A small matter in itself; but if true, a trait in Cæsar&#039;s character. Schaefer has the following note: &amp;quot;Aliter facturus erat Cyrneus, omnino inferior ille Romano.&amp;quot; The Corsican is Napoleon. Cæsar was the magnanimous man, whom Aristotle describes (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Eth. Nicom.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; iv. 7); Napoleon was not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_508_508&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_508_508&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[508]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Alise, or rather the summit of Mont Auxois, west of Dijon in Burgundy, represents the Alesia of Cæsar. A stream flowed along each of two sides of the city. Alesia belonged to the Mandubii, who were dependants of the Ædui. The siege and capture of Alesia, B.C. 52, are told by Cæsar (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Gallic War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, vii. 68, &amp;amp;amp;c.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The assembling of the Gallic nations was a last great effort to throw off the yoke.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Dion Cassius (40. c. 41) says Vercingetorix was put in chains. Seven years after he appeared in Cæsar&#039;s triumph, after which he was put to death.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Cæsar passed the winter of B.C. 51 at Nemetocenna, Arras, in Belgium. The final pacification of Gaul is mentioned (viii. 48). Cæsar left Gaul for North Italy in the early part of B.C. 50, and having visited all the cities in his province on the Italian side of the Alps, he again returned to Nemetocenna in Belgium, and after finally settling affairs in those parts, he returned to North Italy, where he learned that the two legions, which had been taken from him for the Parthian war, had been given by the consul C. Marcellus to Pompeius, and were kept in Italy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In nine years Cæsar completed the subjugation of all that part of Gaul which is bounded by the Saltus Pyrenæus, the Alps and the Cevennes, the Rhine and the Rhone; and it was reduced to the form of a province. (Suetonius, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cæsar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 25.) With the capture of Alesia the Seventh book of the Gallic War ends. The Eighth book is not by Cæsar.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_509_509&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_509_509&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[509]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As to the disturbances at Rome mentioned in this chapter, see the Life of Pompeius, c. 54, &amp;amp;amp;c., notes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_510_510&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_510_510&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[510]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Life of Pompeius, c. 52.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_511_511&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_511_511&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[511]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; M. Claudius Marcellus, consul B.C. 51, with S. Sulpicius Rufus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_512_512&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_512_512&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[512]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Novum Comum or Novocomum; north of the Padus, had been settled as a Colonia Latina by Cæsar. (Appianus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 26.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The government of the colonia was formed on a Roman model: there was a body of Decuriones or Senators.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_513_513&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_513_513&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[513]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Pompeius, c. 58; Appianus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii, 26; Dion Cassius, 40. c. 59.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_514_514&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_514_514&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[514]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, whom Cæsar took in Corfinium, c. 34.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_515_515&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_515_515&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[515]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Pompeius, c. 52.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_516_516&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_516_516&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[516]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 1) mentions this letter; but it was read in the Senate after great opposition. The consuls of the year B.C. 49 were L. Cornelius Lentulus and C. Claudius Marcellus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Cæsar, in the first few chapters of the Civil War, has clearly stated all the matters that are referred to in c. 30 and 31. The &amp;quot;letters&amp;quot; mentioned in c. 31 as coming before Curio and Antonius left Rome, are not mentioned by Cæsar. Plutarch might have confounded this with another matter. (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 3.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_517_517&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_517_517&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[517]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar was at Ravenna when the tribunes fled from Rome, and he first saw them at Ariminum, Rimini, which was not within the limits of Cæsar&#039;s province. (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 6; Dion Cassius, 41. c. 3.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_518_518&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_518_518&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[518]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Q. Hortensius Hortalus, a son of the orator Hortensius. He was an unprincipled fellow.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_519_519&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_519_519&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[519]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar says nothing of the passage of the Rubico, but his silence does not disprove the truth of the story as told by Plutarch. The passage of the Rubico was a common topic (locus communis) for rhetoricians. Lucanus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pharsalia,&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. 213) has embellished it:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Fonte cadit modico parvisque impellitur undis&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Puniceus Rubicon, cum fervida canduit æstas—&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Tunc vires præbebat hiems.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This small stream does not appear to be identified with certainty. Some writers make it the Fiumicino.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Ariminum was not in Cæsar&#039;s province, and Plutarch must have known that, as appears from his narrative. Kaltwasser thinks that he may mean that it was originally a Gallic town, which was true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_520_520&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_520_520&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[520]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In Plutarch&#039;s time the system of naming the Romans was greatly confused, and he extended the confusion to earlier times. C. Asinius Pollio, who was with Cæsar at the Rubico and at the battle of Pharsalia, wrote a history of the Civil Wars. He was also a poet. (Horatius, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Od.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 1.) His work, as we may collect from c. 46, furnished materials for anecdotes about Cæsar.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_521_521&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_521_521&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[521]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This dream according to Suetonius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cæsar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 7) and Dion Cassius (41. c. 24) he had at Cades (Cadiz) in Spain during his quæstorship. The time of the dream is not unimportant, if the interpretation of it was that he was destined to have the dominion of the world. Cæsar has not recorded his dream. Sulla recorded his dreams. He was superstitious and cruel. Cæsar was not cruel, and there is no proof that he was superstitious.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_522_522&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_522_522&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[522]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Pompeius went to Capua, where he thought of making a stand, but he soon moved on to Brundisium. On the confusion in the city see Dion Cassius (41. c. 5-9).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_523_523&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_523_523&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[523]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The author of the Eighth book of the Gallic War (c. 52) speaks of Labienus being solicited by Cæsar&#039;s enemies. Cæsar had put him over Gaul south of the Alps. In the Civil War, Book 1, he is merely mentioned as having fortified Cingulum at his own cost. Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; vii. 7) says that he was indebted to Cæsar for his wealth. His defection is mentioned by Cicero several times, and it gave a temporary encouragement to the party of Pompeius. (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; vi. 12, 13.) Labienus joined Pompeius and the Consuls at Teanum in Campania on the 23rd of January.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_524_524&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_524_524&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[524]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Corfinium three miles from the river Aternus. Cæsar (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 16-23) describes the siege of Corfinium. L. Domitius Ahenobarbus was treated kindly by Cæsar. He afterwards went to Massalia and defended it against Cæsar. This most excellent citizen, as Cicero calls him, met the death he so well deserved at the battle of Pharsalia, and as Cicero says (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phillipp.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 29), at the hand of M. Antonius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_525_525&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_525_525&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[525]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Pompeius, c. 62.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_526_526&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_526_526&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[526]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; From this it appears that the Life of Pompeius was written after the Life of Cæsar.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_527_527&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_527_527&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[527]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i, 32) has reported his own speech.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_528_528&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_528_528&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[528]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Pompeius, c. 62.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_529_529&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_529_529&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[529]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was the &amp;quot;sanctius ærarium&amp;quot; (Cæsar, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 13), which Lentulus had left open; in such alarm had he left the city. This money, which was kept in the temple of Saturn, was never touched except in cases of great emergency. Vossius remarks that to save his own character, Cæsar says that he found this treasury open. But Cæsar does not say that he found it open. He says that Lentulus left it open. There was time enough for Metellus to lock the door after Lentulus ran away. Cæsar would have been a fool not to take the money; and if he wanted it, he would of course break the door open, if he found it shut. But whether the door was open or shut was unimportant; the wrongful act, if there was any, consisted in taking the money, and he would not have been excused for taking it simply because the door was unlocked. I believe Cæsar broke it open (Cicero &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; x. 4; Dion Cassius, 41. c. 17; and the authorities quoted by Reimarus). I also believe Cæsar when he says that Lentulus left the door unlocked. The Senate had supplied Pompeius with money for the war out of the ordinary treasury. When Cæsar took Corfinium, he gave to Domitius all the money that he found there, which was to a large amount, though this was public money and had been given to Domitius by Pompeius to pay his soldiers with. (Appianus, ii. 28; Cæsar, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 23.) When &amp;quot;that man of greatest purity and integrity,&amp;quot; as Cicero calls him, M. Terentius Varro, commanded for Pompeius in Spain (B.C. 48), he carried off the treasure from the temple of Hercules at Cadiz. That man, on whom Cicero vents every term of abuse that his fear and hatred could supply, restored the stolen money to the god. (Cæsar, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 18, 21.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_530_530&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_530_530&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[530]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Spanish campaign against Afranius is contained in the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 34, &amp;amp;amp;c. The legati of Pompeius in Spain were L. Afranius, consul B.C. 60, M. Petreius, and M. Terentius Varro, better known for his learning and his numerous works than for his military talents. After the surrender of Afranius and Petreius, Cæsar marched to the south of Spain, for Varro, who was in Lusitania, was making preparations for war. Varro, after some feeble efforts, surrendered to the conqueror at Cordova. Varro was treated kindly like all the rest who fell into Cæsar&#039;s hands, and he had the opportunity of placing himself against Cæsar at Dyrrachium.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On his return from the successful close of his Spanish campaign, Massalia surrendered to Cæsar after an obstinate resistance. (Cæsar, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 22.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It was on his return to Massalia from the south of Spain that Cæsar heard of his appointment as Dictator (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 21).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_531_531&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_531_531&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[531]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (Cæsar, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 1; Dion Cassius, 41. c. 37.) Cæsar does not speak of those who had suffered in Sulla&#039;s time; nor does Dion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_532_532&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_532_532&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[532]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar and P. Servilius Isauricus (son of the consul Isauricus, B.C. 79) were elected Consuls for B.C. 48. See the Life of Pompeius, c. 54, notes; and of Cæsar, c. 57, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Dictator&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When Cæsar had left Rome, the boys formed themselves into two parties, Pompeians and Cæsarians, and had a battle without arms, in which the Cæsarians were victorious. (Dion Cassius, 41, c. 39.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As to Cæsar&#039;s forces, see &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_533_533&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_533_533&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[533]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dion Cassius (41. c. 45) tells this story of the boat adventure; and (Appianus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 57) Cæsar was uneasy at the delay of M. Antonius and his legions, and he feared that Antonius might desert him. Cæsar says nothing of this attempt to cross the sea. He very seldom mentions his personal risks. He left this to the anecdote collectors.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_534_534&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_534_534&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[534]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The river appears to be the Anas of Dion (41. c. 45) which is near Apollonia, though he does not mention the river in his account of Cæsar&#039;s attempted voyage. This is the river which Strabo calls Æas, and Hekatæus calls Aous (Strabo, p. 316).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For the events in these three chapters see the Life of Pompeius, c. 65, &amp;amp;amp;c., and the references in the notes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_535_535&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_535_535&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[535]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar calls the root Chara (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 48. Comp. Plinius, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;N.H.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 19, c. 8). These facts are mentioned in Cæsar. The events in the neighbourhood of Dyrrachium and Apollonia must be studied in Cæsar, Dion Cassius, Book 41, and Appianus, Book ii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_536_536&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_536_536&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[536]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar mentions the capture of Gomphi (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 80), but he says nothing of the wine. Cæsar let his men plunder Gomphi. The town had offered him all its means and prayed him for a garrison, but on hearing of his loss at Dyrrachinm the people shut their gates against him and sent to Pompeius for aid. The town was stormed on the first day that it was attacked.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_537_537&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_537_537&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[537]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As Kaltwasser observes, there was no bad omen in the dream, as it is here reported. We must look to the Life of Pompeius, c. 68, for the complete dream. Perhaps something has dropped out of the text here. Dacier, as Kaltwasser says, has inserted the whole passage out of the Life of Pompeius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_538_538&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_538_538&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[538]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is an error. The name is Q. Cornificus. See the note of Sintenis. He was a quæstor of Cæsar. Calenus is Fulvus Calenus, who had been sent by Cæsar into Achaia, and had received the submission of Delphi, Thebæ, and Orchomenus, and was then engaged in taking other cities and trying to gain over other cities. (Cæsar, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 55.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_539_539&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_539_539&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[539]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Pompeius, c. 71.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_540_540&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_540_540&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[540]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I have omitted the unmeaning words &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: ê dia theias hêttês tethambêmenos&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἢ διὰ θείας ἥττης τεθαμβημένος&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;. See the note of Sintenis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_541_541&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_541_541&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[541]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; These words of Cæsar are also reported by Suetonius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cæsar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 30), on the authority of Pollio. They are: Hoc voluerunt: tantis rebus gestis C. Cæsar condemnatus essem, nisi ab exercitu auxilium petissem. These words are more emphatic with the omission of &#039;they brought me into such a critical position,&#039; and Casaubon proposes to erase them in Plutarch&#039;s text, that is, to alter and improve the text.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_542_542&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_542_542&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[542]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A rich town of Lydia in Asia Minor on the north side of the Mæander. This miracle at Tralles and others are enumerated by Cæsar (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 105; Dion Cassius, 41. c. 61). The book of Livius, in which this affair of Patavium (Padua) was mentioned (the 111th), is lost. See the Supplement of Freinsheim, c. 72.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_543_543&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_543_543&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[543]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See life of Pompeius, c. 42, notes; and Appianus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 88).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_544_544&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_544_544&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[544]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar crossed the Hellespont, where he met with C. Cassius Longinus going with a fleet to aid Pharnakes in Pontus. Cassius surrendered and was kindly treated, in consideration of which he afterwards assisted to murder Cæsar. (Appianus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 88.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_545_545&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_545_545&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[545]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Of Knidus. The same who is mentioned by Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; xiii. 7) as a friend of Cæsar, and by Strabo, p. 48, &amp;amp;amp;c.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Asia is the Roman province of Asia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_546_546&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_546_546&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[546]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 106) speaks of his arrival on the coast of Egypt. The Egyptians were offended to see the Roman fasces carried before him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_547_547&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_547_547&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[547]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar had the head of Pompeius burnt with due honours, and he built a temple to Nemesis over the ashes. The temple was pulled down by the Jews in their rising in Egypt during the time of Trajanus. (Appianus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 90.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As to the seal ring see the Life of Pompeius, c. 80, and Dion Cassias (42. c. 18).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_548_548&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_548_548&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[548]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Alexandrine war, which is confusedly told here, is recorded in a single book entitled De Bello Alexandrino and in Dion Cassius (42. c. 34-44). The origin of it is told by Cæsar at the end of the third Book of the Civil War. The history of the Alexandrine war by Appianus was in his Ægyptiaca, which is lost. Dion Cassius, a lover of scandal, mentions that Cæsar&#039;s attachment to Kleopatra was the cause of the Alexandrine war (42. c. 44). But it could not be the sole cause. Cæsar landed with the insignia of his office, as if he were entering a Roman province, and it might be reasonably suspected by the Egyptians that he had a design on the country. Instead of thanking them for ridding him of his rival, he fixed himself and his soldiers in one of the quarters of Alexandria. Cæsar went to get money (Dion, 42. c. 9). Kleopatra kept him there longer than he at first intended to stay.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_549_549&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_549_549&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[549]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ptolemæus Auletes through Cæsar&#039;s influence had been declared a friend and ally of the Romans in Cæsar&#039;s consulship B.C. 59. (Cic. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 16.) Ptolemæus had to spend money for this: he both gave and promised. It does not appear that this money was promised to Cæsar: it is more probable that it was promised to the Roman State and Cæsar came to get it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_550_550&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_550_550&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[550]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The story of Kleopatra coming to Cæsar is also told by Dion Cassius (42. c. 34). Cæsar mentions his putting Pothinus to death (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 112). Cæsar had at first only 3200 foot soldiers and 800 cavalry to oppose to the 20,000 men of Achillas, who were not bad soldiers. Besides these 20,000 men Achillas had a great number of vagabonds collected from all parts of Cilicia and Syria.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_551_551&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_551_551&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[551]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Alexandria had no springs, and it was supplied from the Nile, the water of which was received into cisterns under the houses. This supply was (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bell. Alex.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 5, &amp;amp;amp;c.) damaged by Ganymedes the Egyptian drawing up salt water from the sea and sending it into the cisterns. Cæsar supplied himself by digging wells in the sand.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_552_552&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_552_552&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[552]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As to the destruction of the library see Dion Cassius (42. c. 38) and the notes of Reimarus. The destruction is not mentioned by Cæsar or the author of the Alexandrine war. Kleopatra afterwards restored it, and the library was famed for a long time after. Lipsius (Opera iii. 1124, Vesal 1675) has collected all that is known of this and other ancient libraries.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_553_553&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_553_553&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[553]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Pharos is a small island in the bay of Alexandria, which was connected with the mainland by a mole, and so divided the harbour into two parts. The story of the battle of the Pharos is told by Dion Cassius (42. c. 40), with the particulars about Cæsar&#039;s escape. See the notes of Reimarus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The modern city of Alexandria is chiefly built on the mole which joined the old city to the mainland. (Article &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Alexandria&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &#039;Penny Cyclopædia,&#039; by the author of this note.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_554_554&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_554_554&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[554]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The King, the elder brother of Kleopatra, was drowned in the Nile. (Dion Cassius, 42. c. 43, and the notes of Reimarus.) His body was found. (Florus, ii. 60.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_555_555&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_555_555&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[555]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar did not add Egypt to the Roman Empire. He married Kleopatra to her younger brother, who was a boy. Dion says that he still continued his commerce with Kleopatra. Cæsar was nine months in Egypt, from October 48 to July 47 of the unreformed Kalendar.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Cæsarion, a Greek form from the word Cæsar, may have been Cæsar&#039;s son, for there is no doubt that Cæsar cohabited with Kleopatra in Egypt. There is more about this Cæsarion in Suetonius, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cæsar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 52, where the reading is doubtful; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cæsar Octavian&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. c. 17. When Cæsar Octavianus took Egypt he put Cæsarion to death.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_556_556&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_556_556&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[556]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He had been acknowledged by Pompeius as king of the Bosporus after the death of his father. He was now in Asia Minor, where he had taken Amisus and had castrated all the male children. Cæsar after hearing of the defeat of Domitius Calvinus, his legatus, by Pharnakos, advanced against him and routed his army. Zela is eight hours south of Amasia, the birthplace of Strabo, and about 40° 15&#039; N. lat. Pharnakes was afterwards murdered by Asander, one of his generals. (Appianus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 91; Dion Cassius, 42, 46; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bell. Alexandria&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 72.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The modern town of Zilleh, which contains 2000 houses, stands on the site of Zela. A hill rises abruptly above the plain near the centre of the present town, and occupies a commanding position. The appearance of the place corresponds very well with Strabo&#039;s description (p. 561), in whose time it was the capital of Zelitis. (Hamilton&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Asia Minor&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 361.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_557_557&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_557_557&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[557]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is the best MS. reading, not Amintius; the true name is probably C. Matius. He was an intimate friend of Cæsar, and he is well spoken of by Cicero. He remained faithful to the cause of Cæsar after his death, and he attached himself to Octavianus. There is a letter of Cicero to Matius, with the answer of Matius (Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Diversos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, xi. 27, 28) written after Cæsar&#039;s death, which shows him to have been a man of honour and courage, and worthy of the name of Cæsar&#039;s friend.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This letter of Cæsar&#039;s is probably a forgery of the anecdote-makers. Davis (note to Oudendorp&#039;s Cæsar, ii. 992) has indicated the probable source of this supposed letter. (Suetonius, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cæsar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 37.) The battle was a smart affair of several hours, and was not won without some loss.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_558_558&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_558_558&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[558]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was named Dictator for B.C. 47 by the Senate in Rome immediately after the battle of Pharsalia: he was at Alexandria when he received this news. He appointed M. Antonius his Master of the Horse and sent him to Rome. (Dion Cassius, 42. c. 21-33.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_559_559&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_559_559&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[559]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It broke out during his dictatorship. (Suetonius, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cæsar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 70; Dion Cassius, 42. c. 52.) The story is told very circumstantially by Appianus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 92). The soldiers demanded of Cæsar release from service (missio), and he granted it to them in a single word, Mitto. The soldiers having got what they asked for were no longer soldiers, but citizens; and Cæsar in the subsequent part of the conference properly addressed them as Quirites, just as Cicero addresses the Roman people by this name in one of his orations against Rullus. The soldiers at last prevailed on him to restore them to their former condition; and he set out with them for his African war. This affair is alluded to by Tacitus. (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Annal.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 42; Lucanus, v. 357.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_560_560&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_560_560&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[560]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; P. Cornelius Dolabella, a devoted adherent of Cæsar. His turbulent tribunate is recorded by Dion Cassius (42. c. 29, &amp;amp;amp;c.). He was consul with M. Antonius B.C. 44. The name Amantius occurs here again. It is Amintius in some editions of Plutarch. Kaltwasser observes that nothing is known of Amintius and Corfinius. But Corfinius should be Cornificius; and Amantius should probably be C. Matius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_561_561&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_561_561&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[561]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cato was not in the battle of Pharsalus. After the battle Cato, Scipio, Afranius, and Labienus went to Corcyra, whence they sailed to Africa to join Juba. (Life of Cato, c. 55; Dion Cassius, 42. c. 10; Appianus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 95, &amp;amp;amp;c.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The history of the African War is contained in one book, and is printed in the editions with the Gallic War of Cæsar. Cæsar landed at Hadrumetum, because Utica was strongly guarded. (Dion Cassius, 42. c. 58.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_562_562&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_562_562&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[562]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Comp. the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;African War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 1.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_563_563&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_563_563&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[563]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dion Cassius (42. c. 58) calls him Salatto. Suetonius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cæsar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 59) also tells the same story. The African campaign is told by Dion Cassius, 43. c. 1, &amp;amp;amp;c.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_564_564&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_564_564&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[564]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Scipio avoided fighting as long as he could. Thapsus was situated on a kind of peninsula, south of Hadrumetum, as Dion Cassius states. But his description is not clear. There were salt-pans near it, which were separated from the sea by a very narrow tract. Cæsar occupied this approach to Thapsus, and then formed his lines about the town in the form of a crescent. Scipio came to relieve Thapsus, and this brought on a battle. (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;African War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 80.) Cæsar could not stop the slaughter after the battle was won.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_565_565&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_565_565&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[565]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Petreius, Cæsar&#039;s former opponent in Spain, fled with Juba to Zama, where Juba had his family and his treasures. But the people would not receive Juba into the place. On which, after rambling about for some time with Petreius, in despair they determined to fight with one another that they might die like soldiers. Juba, who was strong, easily killed Petreius, and then with the help of a slave he killed himself. (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;African War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 94; Dion Cassius, 43, c. 8.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Scipio attempted to escape to Spain on ship-board. Near Hippo Regius (Bona) he was in danger of falling into the hands of P. Silius, on which he stabbed himself. Afranius and Faustus Sulla, the son of the dictator, were taken prisoners and murdered by the soldiers in Cæsar&#039;s camp.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_566_566&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_566_566&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[566]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As to the death of Cato, see the Life of Cato, c. 65.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_567_567&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_567_567&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[567]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The work was in two books, and was written about the time of the battle of Munda, B.C. 45. (Suetonius, c. 56; Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, xii. 40; Dion Cassius, 43. c. 13, and the notes of Reimarus about the &amp;quot;Anticato.&amp;quot;)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_568_568&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_568_568&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[568]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar made the kingdom of Juba a Roman province, of which he appointed C. Sallustius, the historian, proconsul. He laid heavy impositions on the towns of Thapsus and Hadrumetum. He imposed on the people of Leptis an annual tax of 3,000,000 pounds weight of oil (pondo olei), which Plutarch translates by the Greek word litræ. On his voyage to Rome he stayed at Carales (Cagliari) in Sardinia. He reached Rome at the end of July, B.C. 46. (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;African War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 97, &amp;amp;amp;c.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Dion Cassius (43. c. 15, &amp;amp;amp;c.) gives us a speech of Cæsar before the Senate on his return to Rome.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_569_569&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_569_569&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[569]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As Kaltwasser remarks, Plutarch has omitted the triumph over Gaul. (Dion Cassius, 43. c. 19; Appianus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 101.) After the triumph Vercingetorix was put to death. Arsinœ, the sister of Kleopatra, appeared in the Egyptian triumph in chains.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_570_570&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_570_570&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[570]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Sulla, c. 16 notes; and Dion Cassius, 51. c. 15.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_571_571&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_571_571&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[571]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch has the word &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: triklinos&amp;quot;&amp;gt;τρίκλινος&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;. The Latin form is triclinium, a couch which would accomodate three persons at table. The word is of Greek origin, and simply means a place which will allow three persons to recline upon it. As triclinia were placed in eating-rooms, such a room is sometimes called triclinium. It is sometimes incorrectly stated that triclinium means three couches, and that a dining-room had the name of triclinium because it contained three couches; which is absurd. Vitruvius describes œci(dining-rooms) square and large enough to contain four triclinia, and leave room also for the servants (vi. 10). It may be true that three couches was a common number in a room.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_572_572&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_572_572&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[572]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; There was no census this year, as Rualdus quoted by Kaltwasser shows. Augustus had a census made in his sixth consulship, B.C. 28; and there had then been none for twenty-four years. That of B.C. 42 was in the consulship of M. Æmilius Lepidus and Munatius Plancus. It has been remarked that Plutarch gives the exact numbers that are given in Suetonius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cæsar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 41), when he is speaking of the number of poor citizens who received an allowance of corn from the state, which number Cæsar reduced from 320,000 to 150,000. This passage, compared with Dion Cassius (43. c. 21), seems to explain the origin of Plutarch&#039;s statement. Appianus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 102) also supposed that it was a census. See Clinton, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Fasti&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Lustra Romana, B.C. 50. (See the Life of Caius Gracchus, c. 5, notes.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_573_573&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_573_573&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[573]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar was sole consul in the year B.C. 45. He was still dictator.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_574_574&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_574_574&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[574]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Munda was in Bætica, west of Malaca (Malaga). The battle was fought on the day of the Liberalia, the feast of Liber or Bacchus, the 17th of March. Pompeius, B.C. 49, left Brundisium on the Ides of March, the 15th.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Spanish campaign is contained in a book entitled &amp;quot;De Bello Hispaniensi,&amp;quot; which is printed with the &amp;quot;Commentaries of Cæsar:&amp;quot; thirty thousand men fell on the side of Pompeius, and three thousand equites (c. 31). See also Dion Cassius, 43, c. 36; and Appianus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 104.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_575_575&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_575_575&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[575]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cneius Pompeius, the elder of the two sons of Pompeius Magnus, was overtaken after he had for some time eluded the pursuit of the enemy. His head was carried to Hispalis (Seville) and exhibited in public. Cæsar, who was then at Gades (Cadiz), came shortly after to Hispalis, and addressed the people in a speech. Sextus Pompeius was at Corduba during the battle, and he made his escape on hearing the news of his brother&#039;s defeat.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_576_576&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_576_576&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[576]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; C. Didius. According to Dion, Cn. Pompeius was killed by another set of pursuers, not by Didius. The author of the Spanish War (c. 40) does not mention Didius as having carried the head of Pompeius to Hispalis. After the death of Pompeius, Didius fell in a battle with some Lusitani who had escaped from Munda.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_577_577&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_577_577&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[577]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar celebrated his Spanish triumph in October, B.C. 45.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_578_578&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_578_578&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[578]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar was appointed Dictator for Life, and consul for ten years, (Appianus, ii. 106.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Dictatorship was properly only a temporary office, and created in some great emergency, or for a particular purpose. The first dictator was T. Lartius, who was appoined, B.C. 501. The original period of office was only six months (Livius, ix. 34), and many dictators abdicated, that is, voluntarily resigned the dictatorship before the end of the six months. The Dictator had that authority within the city which the consuls, when in office, only had without. During his term of office there were no consuls. Under the Dictator there was a Magister Equitum, who was sometimes appointed probably by the Dictator. The whole question of the dictatorship is one of considerable difficulty. No dictator had been appointed for one hundred and twenty years before the time when Sulla was appointed; and his dictatorship and that of Cæsar must not be considered as the genuine office. Cæsar was the last Roman who had the title of Dictator. The subject of the Dictatorship is discussed by Niebuhr, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Roman History&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, vol. i. 552, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;English Transl.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_579_579&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_579_579&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[579]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The honours decreed to Cæsar in the year before are mentioned by Dion Cassius (43. c. 14). Among other things a large statue of him was made which was supported on a figure of the earth (probably a sphere); and there was the inscription—&amp;quot;Semideus, Half-God.&amp;quot; The further honours conferred on Cæsar in this year are recorded by Dion Cassius (43. c. 44, &amp;amp;amp;c.). A statue of the Dictator was to be placed in the temple of Quirinus (Romulus), which was equivalent to calling Cæsar a second founder of Rome. Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; xii. 45, and xiii. 28)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Jokes Atticus on the new neighbour that he was going to have: Atticus lived on the Quirinal Hill, where the temple of Quirinus stood.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Senate also decreed that Cæsar should use the word Imperator as a title prefixed to his name—Imperator Caius Julius Cæsar. The old practice was to put it after the name, as M. Tullius Cicero Imperator. The title Imperator prefixed to the name does not occur on the medals of Cæsar. But this decree of the Senate was the origin of the term Imperator being used as a title by the Roman Emperors. (Dion Cassius, 43. c. 44.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_580_580&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_580_580&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[580]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I do not find what particular honours Cicero proposed. His correspondence with Atticus during this period shows that he was dissatisfied with the state of affairs, and very uneasy about himself, though, as far as concerned Cæsar, he had nothing to fear.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_581_581&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_581_581&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[581]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Carthage was destroyed B.C. 146; and Corinth in the same year by L. Mummius. Colonies were sent to both places in B.C. 44. (Dion Cassius, 43. c. 50.) Many Romans were sent to settle in both places. (Strabo, p. 833; Pausanias, ii. 1.) The colonization of Carthage had been attempted by Caius Gracchus. (Life of C. Gracchus, c. 11, notes.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_582_582&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_582_582&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[582]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In B.C. 45 Cæsar was consul for the fourth time and without a colleague. But he laid down the office before the end of the year, and Quintus Fabius Maximus and C. Trebonius were appointed consuls; the first instance of consuls being appointed for a part of the year, which afterwards became a common practice. (Dion Cassius, 43. c. 46.) The appointment of C. Caninius is mentioned by Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Diversos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, vii. 30), who remarks that nobody dined in that consulship, and that the consul was so vigilant that he did not sleep during his term of office: in fact he was consul for only part of a day. An inscription records the consulships of this year. (Note to Cicero in the Variorum edition.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_583_583&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_583_583&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[583]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On the intended Parthian expedition of Cæsar, see Dion Cassius, 43. c. 51.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_584_584&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_584_584&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[584]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This design of Cæsar is mentioned by Dion Cassius (44. c. 5), Suetonius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cæsar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 441), and Plinius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;H.N.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; iv. 4).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_585_585&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_585_585&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[585]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This scheme is not mentioned by any other author that I can find. Circæum, or Circeii, as the Romans called it, is the mountain promontory, now Circello or Circeo, between which and Tarracina lies the southern part of the Pomptine marshes. The intended cut must therefore run nearly in the direction of the Via Appia and to the west of it. But considerable cuttings would be required on that more elevated part of the Campagna which lies between the mountains of Alba and the nearest part of the coast. The basin of the Pomptine marshes is bounded by the offsets of the Alban mountains, the Volscian mountains, and the sea. In the central part it is only a few feet above the sea-level, and in some parts it is below it. When a violent south-west wind raises the sea on the coast between Tarracina and Circeo, the water would be driven into the basin of the Pomptine marshes instead of flowing out. There would therefore be no sufficient fall of water to keep the channel clear, even if the head of the cut, where it originated in the Tiber, were high enough; and that is doubtful. The scheme was probably a canal, which with some locks might be practicable; but if the work could be accomplished, it would probably have no commercial advantages.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_586_586&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_586_586&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[586]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Pometia is the common Roman form, from which comes the name of the Pometinæ, or Pomptinæ Paludes, now the Pontine Paludi; the site of Pometia is uncertain. That Cæsar intended to accomplish the drainage of this tract is mentioned by Dion Cassius and Suetonius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Setia (Sezza), noted for its wine, is on the Volscian hills (the Monti Lepini), and on the eastern margin of the marshes. The physical condition of this tract is described by Prony, in his &amp;quot;Description Hydrographique et Historique des Marais Pontins,&amp;quot; 4to. Paris, 1822; the work is accompanied by a volume of plans and sections and a map of the district. A sketch of the physical character of this district, and of the various attempts to drain it, is also given in the &#039;Penny Cyclopædia,&#039;—art. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pomptine Marshes&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. See also Westphal&#039;s two valuable maps of the Campagna di Roma, and his accompanying Memoir, Berlin and Stettin, 1829.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_587_587&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_587_587&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[587]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ostia, the old port of Rome, on the east bank of the Tiber near the mouth of the river. The present Ostia is somewhat farther inland, and was built in the ninth century by Pope Gregory the Fourth. There are extensive remains of the old town, but they are in a very decayed condition. &amp;quot;Numerous shafts of columns, which are scattered about in all directions, remains of the walls of extensive buildings, and large heaps of rubbish covered with earth and overgrown with grass, give some, though a faint, idea of the splendour, of the ancient city, which at the time of its greatest splendour, at the beginning of our era, had eighty thousand inhabitants.&amp;quot; (Westphal, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Die Römische Kampagne&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 7.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_588_588&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_588_588&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[588]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The reformation of the Kalendar was effected in B.C. 46. Dion Cassius (43. c. 26) says that Cæsar was instructed on this subject during his residence at Alexandria in Egypt. The Egyptians had a year of 365 days from a very early date (Herodotus, ii. 4). In this year (B.C. 46) Cæsar intercalated two months of 67 days between November and December, and as this was the year in which, according to the old fashion, the intercalary month of 23 days had been inserted in February, the whole intercalation in this year was 90 days. Cæsar made the reformed year consist of 365 days, and he directed one day to be intercalated in every fourth year (quarto quoque anno) in order that the civil year, which began on the 1st of January, might agree with the solar year. The old practice of intercalating a month was of course dropped. The year B.C. 46 was a year of 445 days. By this reformation, says Dion Cassius, all error was avoided except a very small one, and he adds, that to correct the accumulations of this error, it would only be necessary to intercalate one day in 1461 years. But this is a mistake; for in 1460 years there would be an error of nearly eleven days too much. Ten days were actually dropped between the 4th and 15th of October, 1582, by Gregory XIII., with the sanction of the Council of Trent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A curious mistake was soon made at Rome by the Pontifices who had the regulation of the Kalendar. The rule was to intercalate a day in every fourth year (quarto quoque anno). Now such expressions are ambiguous in Latin, as is shown by numerous examples. (Savigny, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;System des heut. Röm. Rechts&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iv. 329.) The expression might mean that both the year one and the year four were to be included in the interpretation of this rule; and the Pontifices interpreted it accordingly. Thus, after intercalating in year one, they intercalated again in year four, instead of in year five. In the time of Augustus, B.C. 8. the error was corrected, and the civil year was set right by dropping the three intercalary days which came next after that year, three being the number of days in excess that had been intercalated. For the future the rule of Cæsar was correctly interpreted. Dion Cassius in expressing the rule as to intercalation uses the phrase, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: dia pente etôn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;διὰ πέντε ἐτῶν&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The subject of Cæsar&#039;s reformation is explained in the notes to Dion Cassius (43. c. 26), ed. Reimarus, and in the article Calendar (Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities) by Professor Key.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_589_589&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_589_589&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[589]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Romans had a large collection of these writings (libri Sibyllini) which were kept in the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus under the care of particular functionaries (duumviri sacrorum). On this curious subject the reader will find sufficient information in the Penny Cyclopædia,—art. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sibyl&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_590_590&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_590_590&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[590]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dion Cassius (44. c. 8), who tells the story, says that he was seated in the vestibule of the Temple of Venus; and he mentions another excuse that Cæsar had for not rising.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_591_591&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_591_591&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[591]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; L. Cornelius Balbus was a native of Gades. Pompeius Magnus gave him the Roman citizenship for his services in Spain against Sertorius, which was confirmed by a lex passed B.C. 72, in the consulship of Cn. Cornelius Lentulus. Probably to show his gratitude to the consul, Balbus assumed the Roman name Cornelius. Balbus is often mentioned in Cicero&#039;s correspondence. After Cæsar&#039;s death he attached himself to Cæsar Octavianus, and he was consul B.C. 40. He left a journal of the events of his own and Cæsar&#039;s life. He also urged Hirtius (Pansa) to write the Eighth Book of the Gallic War (Preface addressed to Balbus), Suetonius, Cæsar, 81.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_592_592&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_592_592&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[592]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Lupercalia are described in the Life of Romulus, c. 21. The festival was celebrated on the 15th of February. It was apparently an old shepherd celebration; and the name of the deity Lupercus appears to be connected with the name Lupus (wolf), the nurturer of the twins Romulus and Remus. Shakspere, who has literally transferred into his play of Julius Cæsar many passages from North&#039;s Plutarch, makes Cæsar say to the consul Antonius—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Forget not, in your speed, Antonius,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;To touch Calphurnia; for our elders say,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;The barren, touched in this holy chase,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Shake off their sterile curse.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Act i. Sc. 2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_593_593&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_593_593&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[593]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dion Cassius (44. c. 9) speaks of the honours conferred on Cæsar and his supposed ambitious designs.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_594_594&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_594_594&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[594]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Latin word &amp;quot;brutus&amp;quot; means &amp;quot;senseless,&amp;quot; &amp;quot;stupid.&amp;quot; The Cumæi, the inhabitants of Cume in Æolis, were reckoned very stupid. Strabo (p. 622) gives two reasons why this opinion obtained; one of which was, that it was not till three hundred years after the foundation of the city that they thought of making some profit by the customs duties, though they had a port.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_595_595&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_595_595&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[595]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare the Life of Brutus, c. 1, Dion Cassius (44. c. 12), and Drumann, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Geschichte Roms&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Junii, p. 2. This Brutus was not a descendant of him who expelled the last king.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_596_596&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_596_596&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[596]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch means the office of Prætor Urbanus, the highest of the offices called prætorships. There was originally only one prætor, the Prætor Urbanus. There were now sixteen. The Prætor Urbanus was the chief person engaged in the administration of justice in Rome; and hence the allusion to the &amp;quot;tribunal&amp;quot; (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: bêma&amp;quot;&amp;gt;βῆμα&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) where the Prætor sat when he did business.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_597_597&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_597_597&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[597]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I have translated this according to the reading of Sintenis. Compare the Life of Brutus, c. 8. Cæsar was very lean. As to the writings compare Dion Cassius (44, c. 12).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_598_598&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_598_598&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[598]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Brutus, c. 89.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_599_599&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_599_599&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[599]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cæsar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Let me have men about me that are fat;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Sleek-headed men, and such as sleep o&#039; nights:&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Yond&#039; Cassius has a lean and hungry look;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;He thinks too much: such men are dangerous.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Shakspere, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Julius Cæsar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Act i. Sc. 2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_600_600&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_600_600&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[600]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The passage was in the Historical Memoirs. See the Life of Sulla, c. 26; and the Life of Lucullus, c. 28. Notes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_601_601&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_601_601&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[601]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Ides of March were the 15th, on which day Cæsar was murdered.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_602_602&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_602_602&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[602]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare Dion Cassius (44. c. 17). Cæsar also had a dream.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_603_603&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_603_603&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[603]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I have kept Plutarch&#039;s word, which is Greek. Suetonius (Cæsar, c. 81) expresses it by the Latin word &amp;quot;fastigium,&amp;quot; and also Florus (iv. 2), Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Philipp.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 43), and Julius Obsequens (c. 127), who enumerates the omens mentioned by Plutarch. The passage of Livius must have been in the 116th Book, which is lost. See the Epitome. The word here probably means a pediment. But it also signifies an ornament, such as a statue placed on the summit of a pediment.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_604_604&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_604_604&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[604]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Decimus Junius Brutus Albinus was the son of Decimus Junius Brutus, Consul B.C. 77, and grandson of Decimus Junius Brutus Callaicus, Consul B.C. 138. He was adopted by Aulus Postumius Albinus, Consul, B.C. 99, whence he took the name Albinus. He served under Cæsar in Gaul, during which campaign he destroyed the fleet of the Veneti. (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Gallic War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 12, &amp;amp;amp;c.) Decimus Brutus was a great favourite with Cæsar, who by his will placed him in the second degree of succession; he also gave him the province of Cisalpine Gaul, which Brutus held after Cæsar&#039;s death, and appointed him to be consul for B.C. 42. In the year B.C. 43, after M. Antonius had united himself with M. Lepidus, the governor of Gallia Narbonensis, and L. Munatius Plancus and Asinius Pollio had also joined M. Antonius, Decimus Brutus attempted to make his escape into Macedonia to Marcus Brutus; but he was overtaken in the Alps by the cavalry of Antonius, and put to death after abjectly praying for mercy. This was the just punishment of a treacherous friend who helped Cæsar to the supreme power and then betrayed him (Vell. Paterculus, ii. 61). Like many other men, he did well enough when he was directed by others, but when he was put in command, he lost his head and threw away the opportunities that he had. There are extant several of his letters to Ciecro and letters of Cicero to him. (Dion Cassius, 43. c. 53, and the references in the notes; Drumann, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Geschichte Roms&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Junii.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_605_605&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_605_605&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[605]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It was usual for the Romans in their wills to substitute an heres, one or more (in the Roman sense), to take the property in case the person who was first named in the will for any reason did not take it. Cæsar&#039;s first heres was his great nephew, C. Octavius, afterwards Augustus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_606_606&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_606_606&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[606]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It was the general opinion that some roll or writing was put into Cæsar&#039;s hands, which informed him of the conspiracy; but, as is usual in such cases, there were different statements current about the particulars of this circumstance. Compare Dion Cassius, 44. c. 18.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_607_607&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_607_607&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[607]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; According to Dion Cassius (41. c. 52) the Senate was assembled in the curia (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: synedrion&amp;quot;&amp;gt;συνέδριον&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;), which Pompeius had built.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_608_608&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_608_608&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[608]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The two sects of Greek philosophy that had most adherents among the Romans were those of the Epicureans and the Stoics. Cassius, as an Epicurean, would have no faith in any superhuman powers; but in the moments of danger a man&#039;s speculative principles give way to the common feelings of all mankind. I have kept Plutarch&#039;s word &amp;quot;enthusiasm,&amp;quot; which is here to be understood not in our sense, but in the Greek sense of a person under some superhuman influence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_609_609&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_609_609&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[609]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is a mistake of Plutarch, who has stated the fact correctly in his Life of Brutus (c. 17). It was Caius Trebonius who kept Antonius engaged in talk, as we learn from Dion Cassius (44. c. 10), Appianus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil War&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 117), and Cicero, who in a Letter to Trebonius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Diversos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, x. 28) complains that Trebonius had taken Antonius aside, and so saved his life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_610_610&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_610_610&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[610]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Some would write Tullius Cimber. See the note of Sintenis. Atilius may be the true name.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_611_611&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_611_611&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[611]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; P. Servilius Casca was at this time a tribune of the Plebs (Dion Cassius, 44. c. 52).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_612_612&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_612_612&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[612]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dion Cassius adds (44. c. 19) that Cæsar said to M. Brutus, &amp;quot;And you too, my son.&amp;quot; Probably the story of Cæsar&#039;s death received many embellishments. Of his three and twenty wounds, only one was mortal according to the physician Antistius (Suetonius, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cæsar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 82): but though the wounds severally might not have been mortal, the loss of blood from all might have caused death. Suetonius (c. 82) adds, that Cæsar pierced the arm of Cassius (he mentions two Cassii among the conspirators) with his graphium (stylus). See the notes in Burmann&#039;s edition of Suetonius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The circumstances of the death of Cæsar are minutely stated by Drumann, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Geschichte Roms&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Julii, p. 728, &amp;amp;amp;c. The reflections of Dion Cassius (44. c. 1, 2) on the death of Cæsar are worth reading. He could not see that any public good was accomplished by this murder; nor can anybody else.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_613_613&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_613_613&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[613]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero was among them. He saw, as he says himself (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; xiv. 10), the tyrant fall, and he rejoiced. In his letters he speaks with exultation of the murder, and commends the murderers. But he was not let into the secret. They were afraid to trust him. If he had been in the conspiracy, he says (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Philipp.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 14) he would have made clean work; he would have assassinated all the enemies of liberty; in other words, all the chief men of Cæsar&#039;s party. He had abjectly humbled himself before Cæsar, who treated him with kind respect. Like all genuine cowards he was cruel when he had power.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_614_614&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_614_614&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[614]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; M. Æmilius Lepidus, son of M. Lepidus, consul B.C. 78. He afterwards formed one of the Triumviri with M. Antonius and Octavianus Cæsar. This was the Lepidus with whom Cæsar supped the day before he was murdered. He was a feeble man, though something of a soldier. Shakspere has painted him in a few words:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Antony&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. This is a slight unmeritable man,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Meet to be sent on errands.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Julius Cæsar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Act iv. Sc. 1.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There is more of him in the Lives of Brutus and Antonius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_615_615&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_615_615&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[615]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I do not know who this Caius Octavius is. There is probably some mistake in the name. Lentulus was the son of P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther, consul B.C. 57. He had, like many others, experienced Cæsar&#039;s clemency. Plutarch is mistaken in saying that this Spinther was put to death, though he was probably included in the proscription. (See Drumann, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Geschichte Roms&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Lentuli, p. 545.) The Lentulus who is mentioned as having been put to death in Egypt (Life of Pompeius, c. 80) was L. Cornelius Lentulus Crus, consul B.C. 49.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The disturbances which followed Cæsar&#039;s death are more particularly described in the Lives of Brutus and Antonius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_616_616&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_616_616&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[616]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar made Caius Octavius, his sister&#039;s grandson, his first heres. He left a legacy to every Roman citizen, the amount of which is variously stated. He also left to the public his gardens on the Tiber. (Suetonius, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cæsar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 83); Dion Cassius (44. c. 35).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Shakspere has made a noble scene of the speech of Antonius over Cæsar&#039;s body on the opening of the will:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ant&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Here is the will, and under Cæsar&#039;s seal;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To every Roman citizen he gives,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To every several man, seventy-five drachmas:&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Moreover he hath left you all his walks,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;His private arbours and new planted orchards,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;On this side Tiber; he hath left them you&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And to your heirs for ever; common pleasures,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To walk abroad, and recreate yourselves.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Here was a Cæsar. When comes such another?&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Julius Cæsar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Act iii. Sc. 2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Antonius, according to Roman fashion, made a funeral speech over the body of Cæsar (Life of Antonius, c. 14; of Brutus, c. 20). Dion Cassius (44. c. 36-49) has put a long speech in the mouth of Antonius, mere empty declamation. Appianus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 144-6) gives one which is well enough suited to the character of Antonius. (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Oratorum Romanorum Fragmenta&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ed. Mayer, p. 455.) It is probable that the speech of Antonius was preserved, and was used as materials by the historians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_617_617&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_617_617&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[617]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This man, who unluckily bore the name of Cinna, was C. Helvius Cinna, a tribune of the plebs, a poet, and a friend of Cæsar. (Dion Cassius, 44. c. 50, and the notes of Reimarus.) The conspirator Cinna was the son of L. Cornelius Cinna, who was a partisan of Marius, and was murdered in his fourth consulship (Life of Pompeius, c. 5). Cæsar&#039;s wife Cornelia, the mother of his only child Julia, was the sister of the conspirator Cinna, as Plutarch names him. But probably he was not one of the conspirators, though he approved of the deed after it was done. (Drumann, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Geschichte Roms&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Cinnæ, p. 591, notes, and also as to Helvius Cinna.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_618_618&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_618_618&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[618]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And also in the Life of Antonius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_619_619&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_619_619&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[619]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Suetonius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cæsar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 89) observes that scarce any of his assasins survived him three years; and they all came to a violent end.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_620_620&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_620_620&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[620]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This town was on the Asiatic side of the Hellespont. Compare the Life of Brutus, c. 36. 48, and Appianus (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iv. 134). Dion Cassius does not mention the ghost story.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_621_621&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_621_621&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[621]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It has been already remarked that Niebuhr is of opinion that the introduction to the Life of Cæsar is lost. This opinion will not appear well founded to those who have got a right conception of the dramatic form in which Plutarch has cast most of his Lives, and more particularly this of Cæsar. He begins by representing him as resisting the tyrant Sulla when others yielded, and then making his way through a long series of events to the supreme power, which he had no sooner attained than he lost it. But his fortune survived him, and the faithless men, his murderers, most of whom owed to him their lives or their fortunes, were pursued by the avenging dæmon till they were all hunted down.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A just estimate of the first of all the Romans is not a difficult task. We know him from the evidence of his contemporaries, both friends and enemies. The devoted attachment of his true friends is beyond doubt; and his enemies could not deny his exalted talents. Cicero, who has in various places heaped on him every term of abuse that his copious storehouse contained, does not refuse his testimony to the great abilities and generous character of Cæsar. Drumann (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Geschichte Roms&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Julii) has given an elaborate examination of Cæsar&#039;s character. His faults and his vices belonged to his age, and he had them in common with nearly all his contemporaries. His most striking virtues, his magnanimity, his generosity, his mercy to the vanquished, distinguished him among all the Romans of his period. Cæsar was a combination of bodily activity, intellectual power, of literary acquirements, and administrative talent that has seldom appeared. As a soldier he was not inferior in courage and endurance to the hardiest veteran of his legions; and his military ability places him in the first rank of commanders who have contended with and overcome almost insurmountable obstacles. Cicero ranks him in the first class of orators; and his own immortal work, his History of the Gallic Campaign and the Civil War, is a literary monument which distinguishes him among all other commanders. As a speaker and a writer he had no superior among his contemporaries. His varied talents are further shown by his numerous literary labours, of which some small notices remain. His views were large and enlightened, his schemes were vast and boundless. His genius deserved a better sphere than the degenerate republic in which he lived. But the power which he acquired did not die with him. A youth of tender age succeeded to the name and the inheritance of Cæsar, and by his great talents and a long career of wonderful success consolidated that Monarchy which we call the Roman Empire.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Shakspere has founded his play of Julius Cæsar on Plutarch&#039;s Life of Cæsar and the Lives of Brutus and Antonius. The passages in North&#039;s version which he has more particularly turned to his purpose are collected in Mr. Knight&#039;s edition of Shakspere (8vo. edition). Shakspere has three Roman plays, Coriolanus, Julius Cæsar, and Antony and Cleopatra. As a drama the first is the best. The play of Julius Cæsar has been estimated very differently by different critics. Mr. Knight has many valuable remarks on these Roman plays (vol. xi.), and he has shown the way, as he conceives, in which they should be viewed. The Julius Cæsar is so constructed as to show the usurpation and death of Cæsar, and the fall of Brutus, the chief of the assassins, at the battle of Philippi. With Brutus the hopes of his party fell. The play should therefore rather be entitled Marcus Brutus than Julius Cæsar; and it is deficient in that unity without which no great dramatic effect can be produced. The name and the fame of Cæsar,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;the noblest man,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;That ever lived in the tide of time,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;obscure the meaner talents of Brutus; and that death which in Plutarch forms a truly tragical catastrophe, here occurs in the middle of the action, which would appropriately terminate with it. But we have to follow the historical course of events; we follow Brutus to his fate at the battle of Philippi, and witness the vengeance of which Cæsar&#039;s ghost forewarns the false friends. Shakspere may have meant to represent Brutus as the last of the Romans, and the Republic as dying with him; but he also represents him as haunted by the ghost of his murdered benefactor, and losing heart before the final contest. The &amp;quot;great dæmon&amp;quot; of Cæsar avenged him on his enemies; and in this point of view the play has a unity. Brutus dies like a Roman, and that murder to which he was led by the instigation of others, only renders the Monarchy inevitable and necessary. But if the play is faulty in construction, as I venture to think it is, it has other merits of the highest order, which place it in some respects among the best works of the great master of dramatic art.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 465]&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_465&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_466&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;LIFE_OF_PHOKION&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;LIFE OF PHOKION.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The orator Demades, who became one of the chief men in Athens by his subservience to the Macedonians and Antipater, and who was forced to say and to write much that was derogatory to the glory and contrary to the traditional policy of Athens, used to excuse himself by pleading that he did not come to the helm before the vessel of the State was an utter wreck. This expression, which seems a bold one when used by Demades, might with great truth have been applied to the policy of Phokion. Indeed Demades himself wrecked Athens by his licentious life and policy, and when he was an old man Antipater said of him that he was like a victim which has been cut up for sacrifice, for there was nothing left of him but his tongue and his paunch; while the true virtue of Phokion was obscured by the evil days for Greece during which he lived, which prevented his obtaining the distinction which he deserved. We must not believe Sophokles, when he says that virtue is feeble and dies out in men:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Why, not the very mind that&#039;s born with man,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;When he&#039;s unfortunate, remains the same.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yet we must admit that fortune has so much power even over good men, that it has sometimes withheld from them their due meed of esteem and praise, has sullied their reputations with unworthy calumnies, and made it difficult for the world to believe in their virtue.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; It would seem that democracies, when elated by success, are especially prone to break out into wanton maltreatment of their greatest men; and this is also true in the opposite case: for misfortunes render popular assemblies harsh, irritable, and uncertain in temper, so &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 467]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_467&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;that it becomes a dangerous matter to address them, because they take offence at any speaker who gives them wholesome counsel. When he blames them for their mistakes, they think that he is reproaching them with their misfortunes, and when he speaks his mind freely about their condition, they imagine that he is insulting them. Just as honey irritates wounds and sores, so does true and sensible advice exasperate the unfortunate, if it be not of a gentle and soothing nature: exactly as the poet calls sweet things agreeable, because they agree with the taste, and do not oppose or fight against it. An inflamed eye prefers the shade, and shuns strong lights: and a city, when involved in misfortunes, becomes timid and weak through its inability to endure plain speaking at a time when it especially needs it, as otherwise its mistakes cannot be repaired. For this reason the position of a statesman in a democracy must always be full of peril; for if he tries merely to please the people he will share their ruin, while if he thwarts them he will be destroyed by them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Astronomers teach us that the sun does not move in exactly the same course as the stars, and yet not in one which is opposed to them, but by revolving in an inclined and oblique orbit performs an easy and excellent circuit through them all, by which means everything is kept in its place, and its elements combined in the most admirable manner. So too in political matters, the man who takes too high a tone, and opposes the popular will in all cases, must be thought harsh and morose, while on the other hand he who always follows the people and shares in all their mistakes pursues a dangerous and ruinous policy. The art of government by which states are made great consists in sometimes making concessions to the people, and gratifying them when they are obedient to authority, and at the same time insisting upon salutary measures. Men willingly obey and support such a ruler if he does not act in a harsh and tyrannical fashion: but he has a very difficult and laborious part to play, and it is hard for him to combine the sternness of a sovereign with the gentleness of a popular leader, If, however, he succeed in combining these qualities, they produce the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 468]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_468&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;truest and noblest harmony, like that by which God is said to regulate the universe, as everything is brought about by gentle persuasion, and not by violence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; All this was exemplified in the case of the younger Cato: for he had not the art of persuasion and was unacceptable to the people, nor did he rise to eminence by the popular favour, but Cicero&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_622_622&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_622_622&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[622]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; says that he lost his consulship because he acted as if he were living in the Republic of Plato, and not in the dregs of Romulus. Such men seem to me to resemble fruits which grow out of season: for men gaze upon them with wonder, but do not eat them: and the stern antique virtue of Cato, displayed as it was in a corrupt and dissolute age, long after the season for it had gone by, gained him great glory and renown, but proved totally useless, as it was of too exalted a type to suit the political exigencies of the day. When Cato began his career, his country was not already ruined, as was that of Phokion. The ship of the state was indeed labouring heavily in the storm, but Cato, although he was not permitted to take the helm and guide the vessel, exerted himself so manfully, and gave so much assistance to those who were more powerful than himself, that he all but triumphed over fortune. The constitution was, no doubt, finally overthrown; but its ruin was due to others, and only took place after a long and severe struggle, during which Cato very nearly succeeded in saving it. I have chosen Phokion to compare with him, not because of the general resemblance of their characters as good and statesmanlike men, for a man may possess the same quality in various forms, as, for example, the courage of Alkibiades was of a different kind to that of Epameinondas; the ability of Themistokles was different &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 469]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_469&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;to that of Aristeides; and the justice of Numa Pompilius was different to that of Agesilaus. But in the case of Phokion and Cato, their virtues bore the same stamp, form, and ethical complexion down to the most minute particulars. Both alike possessed the same mixture of kindness and severity, of caution and daring: both alike cared for the safety of others and neglected their own: both alike shrank from baseness, and were zealous for the right; so that one would have to use a very nice discrimination to discover the points of difference between their respective dispositions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Cato is admitted by all writers to have been a man of noble descent, as will be explained in his life: and I imagine that the family of Phokion was not altogether mean and contemptible. If his father had really been a pestle maker, as we are told by Idomeneus, who may be sure that Glaukippus, the son of Hypereides, who collected and flung at him such a mass of abuse, would not have omitted to mention his low birth, nor would he have been so well brought up as to have been a scholar of Plato while a lad, and afterwards to have studied under Xenokrates in the Academy; while from his youth up he always took an interest in liberal branches of learning. We are told by the historian Douris that scarcely any Athenian ever saw Phokion laughing or weeping, or bathing in the public baths, or with his hand outside of his cloak, when he wore one. Indeed when he was in the country or on a campaign he always went barefooted and wore only his tunic, unless the cold was excessively severe; so that the soldiers used to say in jest that it was a sign of wintry weather to see Phokion wearing his cloak.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Though one of the kindest and most affable of men, he was of a forbidding and severe countenance, so that men who did not know him well feared to address him when alone. Once when Chares in a speech mentioned Phokion&#039;s gloomy brow, the Athenians began to laugh. &amp;quot;Yet,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;his brow has never harmed you: but the laughter of these men has brought great sorrow upon the state.&amp;quot; In like manner also the oratory of Phokion was most valuable, as it incited his countrymen to win &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 470]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_470&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;brilliant successes, and to form lofty aspirations. He spoke in a brief, harsh, commanding style, without any attempt to flatter or please his audience. Just as Zeno says that a philosopher ought to steep his words in meaning, so Phokion&#039;s speeches conveyed the greatest possible amount of meaning in the smallest compass. It is probably in allusion to this that Polyeuktus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_623_623&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_623_623&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[623]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Sphettus said that Demosthenes was the best orator, but that Phokion was the most powerful speaker. As the smallest coins are those which have the greatest intrinsic value, so Phokion in his speeches seemed to say much with few words. We are told that once while the people were flocking into the theatre Phokion was walking up and down near the stage, plunged in thought. &amp;quot;You seem meditative, Phokion,&amp;quot; said one of his friends. &amp;quot;Yes, by Zeus,&amp;quot; answered he, &amp;quot;I am considering whether I can shorten the speech which I am going to make to the Athenians.&amp;quot; Demosthenes himself, who despised the other orators, when Phokion rose used to whisper to his friends, &amp;quot;Here comes the cleaver of my harangues.&amp;quot; Much of his influence, however, must be ascribed to his personal character; since a word or a gesture of a truly good man carries more weight than ten thousand eloquently argued speeches.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; While yet a youth Phokion especially attached himself to the general Chabrias, and followed him in his campaigns, in which he gained considerable military experience, and in some instances was able to correct the strange inequalities of his commander&#039;s temperament. Chabrias, usually sluggish and hard to rouse, when in action became vehemently excited, and tried to outdo the boldest of his followers in acts of daring: indeed he lost his life at Chios by being the first to run his ship on shore and to try to effect a landing in the face of the enemy. Phokion, who was a man of action, and cautious nevertheless, proved most useful in stirring up Chabrias when sluggish, and again in moderating his eagerness when roused. In consequence of this, Chabrias, who was of a kindly and noble disposition, loved Phokion and promoted him to many responsible posts, so that his name became &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 471]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_471&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;well known throughout Greece, as Chabrias entrusted him with the management of the most important military operations. At the battle of Naxos he enabled Phokion to win great glory, by placing him in command of the left wing, where the most important struggle took place, and where the victory was finally decided. As this was the first sea fight, since the capture and ruin of Athens, which the Athenians won by themselves, without allies, over other Greeks, they were greatly pleased with Chabrias, and Phokion was henceforth spoken of as a man of military genius. The battle was won during the performance of the Great Mysteries at Eleusis; and every year afterwards, on the sixteenth day of the month Böedromion, Chabrias used to entertain the Athenians, and offer libations of wine to the gods.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this Chabrias sent Phokion to visit the islands and exact tribute from them, giving him an escort of twenty ships of war: upon which Phokion is said to have remarked, that if he was sent to fight the islanders, he should require a larger force, but that if he was going to the allies of Athens, one ship would suffice for him. He sailed in his own trireme, visited all the states, simply and unassumingly explained the objects of his mission to their leading men, and returned home with a large fleet, which the allies despatched to convey their tribute safe to Athens.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He not only esteemed and looked up to Chabrias while he lived, but after his death he took care of his family, and endeavoured to make a good man of his son Ktesippus; and though he found this youth stupid and unmanageable, he never ceased his efforts to amend his character and to conceal his faults. Once only we are told that when on some campaign the young man was tormenting him with unreasonable questions, and offering him advice as though he were appointed assistant-general, Phokion exclaimed, &amp;quot;O Chabrias, Chabrias, I do indeed prove myself grateful for your friendship for me, by enduring this from your son!&amp;quot; Observing that the public men of the day had, as if by lot, divided the duties of the war-office and of the public assembly amongst themselves, so that Eubulus, Aristophon, Demosthenes, Lykurgus, and Hype&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 472]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_472&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;reides did nothing except make speeches to the people and bring forward bills, while Diopeithes, Menestheus, Leosthenes, and Chares rose entirely by acting as generals and by making war, Phokion wished to restore the era of Perikles, Aristeides, and Solon, statesmen who were able to manage both of these branches of the administration with equal success. Each one of those great men seemed to him, in the words of Archilochus, to have been&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;A man, who served the grisly god of arms,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Yet well could comprehend the Muses&#039;s charms.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The tutelary goddess of Athens herself, he remarked, presided equally over war and over domestic administration, and was worshipped under both attributes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; With this object in view Phokion invariably used his political influence in favour of peace, but nevertheless was elected general&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_624_624&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_624_624&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[624]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; more times not only than any of his contemporaries, but also than any of his predecessors: yet he never canvassed his countrymen or made any effort to obtain the office, though he did not refuse to fill it at his country&#039;s bidding. All historians admit that he was elected general five-and-forty times, and never once missed being elected, since even when he was absent the Athenians used to send for him to come home and be elected; so that his enemies used to wonder that Phokion, who always thwarted the Athenians and never flattered them either by word or deed, should be favoured by them, and were wont to say that the Athenians in their hours of relaxation used to amuse themselves by listening to the speeches of their more lively and brilliant orators, just as royal personages are said to amuse themselves with their favourites after dinner, but that they made their appointments to public offices in a sober and earnest spirit, choosing for that purpose the most severe and sensible man in Athens, and the one too, who alone, or at any rate more than any one else, was in the habit of opposing their impulses and wishes. When an oracle was &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 473]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_473&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;brought from Delphi and read before the assembly, which said that when all the Athenians were of one mind, one man would be opposed to the state, Phokion rose and said that he was the man in question, for he disapproved of the whole of their policy. And once when he made some remark in a speech which was vociferously applauded, and he saw the whole assembly unanimous in its approval of his words, he turned to some of his friends and said, &amp;quot;Have I inadvertently said something bad?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Once when the Athenians were asking for subscriptions for some festival, and all the others had paid their subscriptions, Phokion, after he had been frequently asked to subscribe, answered, &amp;quot;Ask these rich men: for my part I should be ashamed of myself if I were to give money to you, and not pay what I owe to this man here,&amp;quot; pointing to Kallikles the money-lender. As the people did not cease shouting and abusing him, he told them a fable: &amp;quot;A cowardly man went to the wars, and when he heard the cawing of the crows, he laid down his arms and sat still. Then he took up his arms and marched on, and they again began to caw, so he halted again. At last he said, &#039;You may caw as loud as you please, but you shall never make a meal of me.&#039;&amp;quot; On another occasion when the Athenians wished to send him to meet the enemy, and when he refused, called him a coward, he said, &amp;quot;You are not able to make me brave, nor am I able to make you cowards. However, we understand one another.&amp;quot; At some dangerous crisis the people were greatly enraged with him, and demanded an account of his conduct as general. &amp;quot;I hope,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;my good friends, that you will save yourselves first.&amp;quot; As the Athenians, when at war, were humble-spirited, and full of fears, but after peace was made became bold, and reproached Phokion for having lost them their chance of victory, he said, &amp;quot;You are fortunate in having a general who understands you; for if you had not, you would long ago have been ruined.&amp;quot; When the Athenians wished to decide some dispute about territory by arms instead of by arbitration, Phokion advised them to fight the Bœotians with words, in which they were superior, not with arms, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 474]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_474&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;in which they were inferior to them. Once when they would not attend to his words, or listen to him, he said, &amp;quot;You are able to force me to do what I do not wish, but you shall never force me to counsel what I do not approve.&amp;quot; When Demosthenes, one of the orators of the opposite party, said to him, &amp;quot;Phokion, the Athenians will kill you, if they lose their senses.&amp;quot; He answered, &amp;quot;Yes, but they will kill you, if they regain them.&amp;quot; When he saw Polyeuktus of Sphettus in a great heat urging the Athenians to go to war with Philip, panting and sweating profusely, as he was a very fat man, and drinking great draughts of water, he said, &amp;quot;Ought you to believe what this man says, and vote for war? What sort of a figure will he make in a suit of armour and with a shield to carry, when the enemy are at hand, if he cannot explain his thoughts to you without nearly choking himself?&amp;quot; When Lykurgus abused him freely in the public assembly and above all, reproached him with having advised the people to deliver up ten citizens to Alexander when he demanded them, he said, &amp;quot;I have often given the people good advice, but they will not obey me.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; There was one Archibiades, who was surnamed the Laconizer, who grew a great beard, wore a Spartan cloak, and affected a stern demeanour like a Spartan. Once when Phokion was being violently attacked in the assembly he called upon this man to bear witness to the truth of what he said, and to assist him. Archibiades now rose and said what he thought would please the Athenians, upon which Phokion, seizing him by the beard, exclaimed, &amp;quot;Why then, Archibiades, do you not shave?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_625_625&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_625_625&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[625]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When Aristogeiton, the informer, who made warlike speeches in the public assembly, and urged the people to action, came to be enrolled on the list for active service leaning on a stick, with his legs bandaged, Phokion, catching sight of him from the tribune where he stood, called out &amp;quot;Write down Aristogeiton, a cripple and a villain.&amp;quot; From this it appears strange that so harsh and ungenial a man should have been named &amp;quot;The Good.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 475]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_475&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;It is difficult, I imagine, but not impossible, for the same man to be like wine, both sweet and harsh: just as other men and other wines seem at first to be pleasant, but prove in the end both disagreeable and injurious to those who use them. We are told that Hypereides once said to the Athenians, &amp;quot;Men of Athens, do not think whether I am harsh or not, but whether I am harsh for nothing;&amp;quot; as if it was only covetousness that made men hated, and as if those persons were not much more generally disliked who used their power to gratify their insolence, their private grudges, their anger, or their ambition. Phokion never harmed any Athenian because he disliked him, and never accounted any man his enemy, but merely showed himself stern and inexorable to those who opposed his efforts to save his country, while in the rest of his life he was so kind and amiable to all men, that he often helped his opponents, and came to the aid of his political antagonists when they were in difficulties. Once when his friends reproached him for having interceded in court for some worthless man who was being tried, he answered that good men do not need any intercessor. When Aristogeiton, after he had been condemned, sent for Phokion, and begged him to visit him, he at once started to go to the prison; and when his friends tried to prevent him, he said, &amp;quot;My good sirs, let me go; for where would one wish to meet Aristogeiton rather than in prison?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Indeed, if any other generals were sent out to the allies and people of the islands, they always treated them as enemies, fortified their walls, blocked up their harbours, and sent their slaves and cattle, their women and children, into their cities for shelter; but when Phokion was in command they came out a long way to meet him with their own ships, crowned with flowers, and led him rejoicing into their cities.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Philip stealthily seized Eubœa,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_626_626&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_626_626&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[626]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; landed a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 476]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_476&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Macedonian army there, and began to win over the cities by means of their despots, Plutarchus of Eretria sent to Athens and begged the Athenians to rescue the island from the Macedonians. Phokion was now sent thither in command of a small force, as it was expected that the people of the country would rally round him. He found, however, nothing but treachery and corruption, as all patriotism had been undermined by the bribes of Philip, and soon was brought into great danger. He established himself upon a hill which was cut off by a ravine from the plain near the city of Tamynæ, and there collected the most trustworthy part of his forces, bidding his officers take no heed of the undisciplined mass of talkers and cowards who deserted from his camp and made their way home, observing that they were useless in action because they would not obey orders, and only hindered the fighting men, while at Athens the consciousness of their baseness would prevent their bringing false accusations against him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When the enemy&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_627_627&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_627_627&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[627]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; drew near, he ordered his troops to remain quiet under arms until he had finished offering sacrifice. Either the sacrifices were unfavourable, or else he designedly wasted time, wishing to bring the enemy as close as possible. The result was that Plutarchus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_628_628&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_628_628&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[628]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; imagining that the Athenians were terror-stricken and hanging back, rushed to attack the enemy at the head of the Eubœans. Seeing this, the Athenian cavalry could no longer endure to remain idle, but charged at once, pouring out of their camp in scattered bodies and with much confusion. These first troops were defeated, and Plutarchus himself took to flight. Some of the enemy now came close up to the rampart of the Athenian &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 477]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_477&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;camp, and began to tear down the stakes of which it was formed as though they were already completely victorious.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At this crisis the sacrifices proved favourable, and the Athenian infantry, sallying out of their camp, routed and overthrew all whom they found near their ramparts. Phokion now ordered his main body to remain in reserve, in order to give those who had been scattered in the former skirmish a point to rally on, while he himself, with some picked men, charged the enemy. A severe battle now took place, in which all exerted themselves with the most reckless bravery. Thallus, the son of Kineas, and Glaukus, the son of Polymedes, who fought by the side of the general himself, were especially distinguished. Kleophanes also did most excellent service on this occasion, for he rallied the scattered horsemen, called upon them to help their general in his utmost need, and prevailed upon them to return and complete the victory which the infantry had gained. After this, Phokion banished Plutarchus from Eretria, and captured a fort named Zaretra, which commanded the narrowest part of the island. He set free all the Greek captives, because he feared that the Athenian orators might urge the people in their anger to treat them with undue severity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After Phokion had accomplished this, he sailed away to Athens; and the allies soon found cause to wish for his goodness and justice, while the Athenians soon learned to value his courage and military skill. Molossus, his successor, managed the war so unsuccessfully that he himself was made a prisoner by the enemy. Shortly afterwards Philip, full of great designs, proceeded with all his army to the Hellespont, in order to take Perinthus, Byzantium, and the Chersonese at one blow. The Athenians were eager to help these cities, and the orators succeeded in getting Chares sent thither in command of an army. However, when he arrived he effected nothing of importance, for the cities would not admit his troops within their walls, and viewed him with suspicion, so that he was reduced to roaming about the country, exacting contributions of money from the allies of Athens, and regarded with contempt by the enemy. Upon this the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 478]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_478&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;people, exasperated by the speeches of the orators, became much enraged, and regretted that they had sent any assistance to the people of Byzantium: but Phokion rose, and said that they ought not be angry with their allies for not trusting them, but with their generals for not being trustworthy. &amp;quot;These men,&amp;quot; he remarked, &amp;quot;make you feared even by those who cannot be saved without your assistance.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Athenians were much moved by these words. They repented of their anger, and ordered Phokion himself to take a second armament and proceed to the assistance of their allies on the Hellespont. The reputation of Phokion had been very great even before this, but now, since Leon, the leading man in Byzantium, who had been a fellow-student in the Academy with Phokion, made himself answerable for his good faith, the Byzantines would not permit him to carry out his intention of encamping outside their walls, but opened their gates and received the Athenians into their houses. Phokion&#039;s men proved not only irreproachable in their conduct, but repaid the confidence which had been shown them by fighting on all occasions with the utmost bravery. Thus was Philip this time driven from the Hellespont, and regarded with contempt as a coward and a runaway, while Phokion took several of his ships, recovered some towns which had received Macedonian garrisons, and landed at various points on the coast to ravage and overrun the country, until at last he was wounded by the enemy and forced to return home.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Once when the people of Megara secretly invited Phokion to come to their aid, as he was afraid that the Bœotians might hear of his intentions and cut off the proposed reinforcements, he called a meeting of the Assembly at daybreak, laid the Megarian proposals before the Athenians, and as soon as a decree had been passed to aid them, ordered the trumpet to sound, bade his troops leave the Assembly and get under arms at once, and led them straightway to Megara. The people of Megara gladly welcomed him, and he not only fortified Nisæa, but built two long walls from the city to its seaport, thus joining Megara to the sea in such a fashion that the city &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 479]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_479&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;no longer feared its enemies by land, and cheerfully threw in its lot with the Athenians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Philip was viewed with hostility by every state in Greece, and other generals had been elected in Phokion&#039;s absence to make war against him, Phokion, when he returned from his tour among the islands, advised them to make peace, and come to terms with Philip, who on his part was quite willing to do so, and feared to go to war. On this occasion a pettifogging Athenian, who spent all his time in the law courts, opposed Phokion, and said, &amp;quot;Do you dare, Phokion, to advise the Athenians to turn back when they have arms already in their hands?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Yes, I do,&amp;quot; answered he, &amp;quot;and that too although I know that in time of war I shall be your master, and in time of peace you will be mine.&amp;quot; As Phokion did not succeed, but Demosthenes carried his point, and counselled the Athenians to fight as far as possible from Attica, he said to him: &amp;quot;My good sir, let us not consider where we are to fight, but how we can win the victory. If we are victorious, the war will be kept at a distance, but all the horrors of war always press closely upon the vanquished.&amp;quot; After the defeat,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_629_629&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_629_629&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[629]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the noisy revolutionary party dragged Charidemus to the tribune, and bade him act as general. All the more respectable citizens were much alarmed at this. They appealed to the council of the Areopagus to aid them, addressed the people with tears and entreaties, and prevailed upon them to place the city under the charge of Phokion. Phokion now considered it necessary to submit with a good grace to the pleasure of Philip, and when Demades moved that Athens should share the general peace and take part in the congress of the Greek states, Phokion objected to the motion before it was known what Philip wished the Greeks to do. His opposition was fruitless, because of the critical state of affairs; but when afterwards he saw the Athenians bitterly repenting of what they had done, because they were obliged to furnish Philip with ships of war and cavalry, he said: &amp;quot;It was because I feared this that I opposed the motion of Demades: but now that you have passed that motion you must not be grieved and downcast, but &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 480]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_480&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;remember that your ancestors were sometimes independent and sometimes subject to others, but that they acted honourably in either case, and saved both their city and the whole of Greece.&amp;quot; On the death of Philip he opposed the wish of the Athenians to hold a festival&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_630_630&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_630_630&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[630]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; because of the good news: for he said that it was an unworthy thing for them to rejoice, because the army which had defeated them at Chæronea had been weakened by the loss of only one man.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Demosthenes spoke abusively of Alexander, who was even then at the gates of Thebes, Phokion said to him, in the words of Homer,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;&#039;Rash man, forbear to rouse the angry chief,&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;who is also a man of unbounded ambition. When he has kindled such a terrible conflagration close by, why do you wish our city to fan the flame? I, however, will not permit these men to ruin us, even though they wish it, for that is why I have undertaken the office of general.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After Thebes was destroyed, Alexander demanded Demosthenes and his party, with Lykurgus, Hypereides, and Charidenus to be delivered up to him. The whole assembly, on hearing this proposal, cast its eyes upon Phokion, and, after calling upon him repeatedly by name, induced him to rise. Placing by his side his most beloved and trusted friend, he said:&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_631_631&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_631_631&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[631]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;These men have brought the city to such a pass, that if any one were to demand that Nikokles here should be delivered up to him, I should advise you to give him up. For my own part, I should account it a happy thing to die on behalf of all of you. I feel pity also, men of Athens,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;for those Thebans &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 481]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_481&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;who have fled hither for refuge; but it is enough that Greece should have to mourn for the loss of Thebes. It is better then, on behalf of both the Thebans and ourselves, to deprecate the wrath of our conqueror rather than to oppose him.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We are told that when the decree refusing to give up the persons demanded was presented to Alexander, he flung it from him and refused to listen to the envoys; but he received a second embassy headed by Phokion, because he was told by the older Macedonians that his father had always treated him with great respect. He not only conversed with Phokion, and heard his petition, but even asked his advice. Phokion advised him, if he desired quiet, to give up war; and if he wished for glory, to turn his arms against the Persians, and leave the Greeks unmolested. Phokion conversed much with Alexander, and, as he had formed a shrewd estimate of his character, was so happy in his remarks that he entirely appeased his anger, and even led him to say that the Athenians must watch the progress of events with care, since, if anything were to happen to him, it would be their duty to take the lead in Greece. Alexander singled out Phokion in a special manner as his guest and friend, and treated him with a degree of respect which he showed to few even of his own companions. The historian Douris tells us in confirmation of this that after Alexander had conquered Darius, and had become a great man, he omitted the usual words of greeting from all his letters, except from those which he wrote to Phokion, addressing him alone as he addressed Antipater (his viceroy), with the word &#039;Hail.&#039; This is also recorded by the historian Chares.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; With regard to money matters, all writers agree in saying that Alexander sent Phokion a hundred talents as a present. When this money arrived at Athens Phokion enquired of those who brought it why Alexander should give all this money to him alone, when there were so many other citizens in Athens? They answered, &amp;quot;Because he thinks that you alone are a good and honourable man.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Then,&amp;quot; said Phokion, &amp;quot;let him allow me still to be thought so, and to remain so.&amp;quot; When the men who brought the treasure followed him into his &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 482]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_482&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;house, and saw its frugal arrangements, and his wife making bread, while Phokion with his own hands drew water from the well and washed their feet, they pressed the money upon him yet more earnestly, and expressed their disappointment at his refusal, saying that it was a shameful thing for a friend of King Alexander to live so poorly. Phokion, seeing a poor old man walk by clad in a ragged cloak, asked them whether they thought him to be a worse man than that. They begged him not to say such things, but he answered. &amp;quot;And yet that man lives on slenderer means than mine, and finds that they suffice him. Moreover,&amp;quot; he continued, &amp;quot;if I received such a mass of gold and did not use it, I should reap no advantage from it, while, if I did use it, I should destroy both my own character and that of the giver.&amp;quot; So the treasure was sent back from Athens, and proved that the man who did not need such a sum was richer than he who offered it. As Alexander was displeased, and wrote to Phokion saying that he did not regard as his friends those who asked him for nothing, Phokion did not even then ask for money, but begged for the release of Echekrates the sophist, Athenodorus of Imbros, and of two Rhodians, Demaratus and Sparton, who had been arrested, and were imprisoned at Sardis. Alexander immediately set these men at liberty, and sending Kraterus to Macedonia bade him hand over to Phokion whichever he might choose of the Asiatic cities of Kius, Gergithus, Mylassa, and Elæa; showing all the more eagerness to make him a present because he was angry at his former refusal. Phokion however would not take them, and Alexander shortly afterwards died. The house of Phokion may be seen at the present day in Melite.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_632_632&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_632_632&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[632]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It is adorned with plates of copper, but otherwise is very plain and simple.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; We have no information about Phokion&#039;s first wife, except that she was the sister of Kephisodotus the modeller in clay. His second wife was no less renowned in Athens for her simplicity of life then was Phokion himself for his goodness. Once when the Athenians were witnessing a new play, the actor who was to play the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 483]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_483&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;part of the king demanded from the choragus a large troop of richly-attired attendants, and, as he did not obtain them, refused to appear upon the stage, and kept the audience waiting: At last Melanthius, the choragus, shoved him on to the stage, exclaiming. &amp;quot;Do you not see the wife of Phokion there, who always goes about with only one maidservant to wait upon her, and are you going to give yourself ridiculous airs and lead our wives into extravagance?&amp;quot; These words were heard by the audience, and were received with great cheering and applause. Once, when an Ionian lady was displaying a coronet and necklace of gold and precious stones to her, she said, &amp;quot;My only ornament is that this is the twentieth year that Phokion has been elected general by the Athenians.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As his son Phokus wished to contend in the games at the Panathenaic Festival, he entered him for the horse race,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_633_633&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_633_633&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[633]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; not because he cared about his winning the prize, but because he thought that the youth, who was addicted to wine and of licentious life, would be benefited by the strict training and exercise which he would have to undergo. The young man won the race, and was invited by many of his friends to dine with them to celebrate his victory. Phokion excused him to all but one, with whom he permitted him to dine in honour of his success. When, however, he came to the dinner and saw footpans filled with wine and aromatic herbs offered to the guests as they entered to wash their feet in, he turned to his son, and said, &amp;quot;Phokus, why do you not prevent your friend from spoiling your victory.&amp;quot; As he wished to remove his son altogether from the influence of Athenian life he took him to Lacedæmon, and placed him with the young men who were undergoing the Spartan training there. The Athenians were vexed at this, because Phokion appeared to despise and undervalue the institutions of his own country. Once Demades said to him &amp;quot;Phokion, why should we not advise the Athenians to adopt the Spartan constitution; if you bid me, I am quite willing to make a speech and bring forward a motion &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 484]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_484&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;in the assembly for doing so.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Indeed,&amp;quot; answered Phokion &amp;quot;it would suit a man who is scented like you, and wears so rich a robe, to talk about plain Spartan fare and Lykurgus to the Athenians!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Alexander wrote to the Athenians ordering them to send ships of war to him, some of the orators were against doing so, and the senate asked Phokion to speak. &amp;quot;I say,&amp;quot; remarked he, &amp;quot;that we ought either to conquer, or else to keep on good terms with our conqueror.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;When Pytheas first began to make speeches, as he was even then fluent and impudent, Phokion said, &amp;quot;Will you not be silent, and remember that you are only a newly-bought servant of the people.&amp;quot; When Harpalus fled from Asia with a large amount of treasure and came to Athens, where all the venal politicians paid great court to him, he gave them but a very small part of his hoard, but sent a present of seven hundred talents to Phokion, placing all his other property and his person in his hands. Phokion returned a rough answer, telling Harpalus that if he continued corrupting the Athenians he would sorely repent of it. For the moment Harpalus desisted from his offers, but shortly afterwards when the Athenians were met together in the assembly he observed that those who had received his bribes all turned against him and spoke ill of him, that they might not be suspected, while Phokion, who had taken nothing from him, nevertheless showed some interest in his safety as well as in the welfare of Athens. Harpalus now was induced to pay his court to him a second time, but after assailing him on all sides found that he was impregnable by bribes. However Harpalus made a friend and companion of his son-in-law Charikles, who entirely lost his reputation in consequence, as Harpalus entrusted him with the entire management of his affairs.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Moreover, upon the death of Pythionike, the courtezan, whose lover Harpalus had been, and who had borne him a daughter, as he desired to erect a very costly monument to her memory, he appointed Charikles&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_634_634&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_634_634&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[634]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 485]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_485&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;superintend the building of it. Charikles was mean enough to accept this commission; and he incurred even more disgrace from the appearance of the tomb when it was completed. It stands at the present day in the precinct of Hermes, on the road from Athens to Eleusis, and cannot have cost anything like thirty talents, which sum is said to have been paid to Charikles by Harpalus for its construction. Besides this, after his death, his daughter was adopted by Charikles and Phokion, and received every attention from them. When, however, Charikles was prosecuted for having taken a share of the treasure of Harpalus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_635_635&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_635_635&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[635]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and begged Phokion to come into court and speak in his favour, Phokion refused, saying &amp;quot;Charikles, I chose you to be my son-in-law in all honesty.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When Asklepiades, the son of Hipparchus, first brought the news of Alexander&#039;s death to Athens, Demades advised the people not to believe it. Such a corpse, he declared, must have been smelt throughout the world. Phokion, seeing that the people were excited at the report, endeavoured to soothe and pacify them. Upon this many rushed to the tribune, and loudly declared that Asklepiades had brought true tidings, and that Alexander was really dead. &amp;quot;If,&amp;quot; replied Phokion, &amp;quot;he is dead to-day, he will be dead to-morrow and the day after, so that we may quietly, and with all the greater safety, take counsel as to what we are to do.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Leosthenes plunged the city into the war&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_636_636&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_636_636&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[636]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for the liberation of Greece, as Phokion opposed him, he sneeringly asked him what good he had done the city during the many years that he had been general. &amp;quot;No small good,&amp;quot; retorted Phokion, &amp;quot;I have caused the Athenians to be buried at home in their own sepulchres.&amp;quot; As Leosthenes spoke in a boastful and confident &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 486]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_486&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;manner before the public assembly, Phokion said, &amp;quot;Your speeches, young man, are like cypress trees; they are tall and stately, but they bear no fruit.&amp;quot; When Hypereides rose and asked Phokion when he would advise the Athenians to go to war; &amp;quot;When,&amp;quot; answered he, &amp;quot;I see young men willing to observe discipline, the rich subscribing to the expenses, and the orators leaving off embezzling the public funds.&amp;quot; As many admired the force which Leosthenes got together, and inquired of Phokion whether he thought that sufficient preparations had been made, he answered, &amp;quot;Enough for the short course; but I fear for Athens if the race of war is to be a long one, since she has no reserves, either of money, ships, or men.&amp;quot; The events of the war bore out the justice of his remark; for at first Leosthenes was elated by his great success, as he defeated the Bœotians in a pitched battle, and drove Antipater into Lamia. The Athenians were now full of hope, and did nothing but hold high festival to welcome the good news, and offer sacrifices of thanksgiving to the gods. Phokion, however, when asked whether he did not wish that he had done all this, answered, &amp;quot;Certainly I do; but I wish that quite the contrary policy had been adopted.&amp;quot; Again, when despatch after despatch kept arriving from the camp, announcing fresh successes, he said, &amp;quot;I wonder when we shall leave off being victorious.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After the death of Leosthenes, those who feared that, if Phokion were made commander-in-chief, he would put an end to the war, suborned an obscure person to rise in the assembly and say that, as a friend and associate of Phokion, he should advise them to spare him, and keep him safe, since they had no one else like him in Athens, and to send Antiphilus to command the army. The Athenians approved of this advice, but Phokion came forward and declared that he had never associated with the man, or had any acquaintance with him. &amp;quot;From this day forth, however,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;I regard you as my friend and companion, for you have given advice which suits me.&amp;quot; When the Athenians were eager to invade Bœotia, he at first opposed them; and when some of his friends told him that he would be put to death if he always &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 487]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_487&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;thwarted the Athenians, he answered, &amp;quot;I shall suffer death unjustly, if I tell them what is to their advantage, but justly if I do wrong.&amp;quot; When he saw that they would not give up the project, but excitedly insisted on it, he bade the herald proclaim that all Athenians who had arrived at manhood&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_637_637&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_637_637&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[637]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; from sixty years and under, should take provisions for five days and follow him to Bœotia at once. Upon this a great disturbance took place, as the older citizens leaped to their feet, and clamoured loudly. &amp;quot;There is nothing strange in the proclamation,&amp;quot; said Phokion, &amp;quot;for I, who am eighty years of age, shall be with you as your general.&amp;quot; Thus he managed to quiet them, and induced them to give up their intention.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As the seaboard of Attica was being plundered by Mikion, who had landed at Rhamnus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_638_638&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_638_638&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[638]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with a large force of Macedonians and mercenary soldiers, and was overrunning the country, Phokion led out the Athenians to attack him. As men kept running up to him and pestering him with advice, to seize this hill, to despatch his cavalry in that direction, to make his attack in this other place, he said &amp;quot;Herakles, how many generals I see, and how few soldiers.&amp;quot; While he was arraying his hoplites in line, one of them advanced a long way in front, and then, fearing one of the enemy, retired. &amp;quot;Young man,&amp;quot; said Phokion, &amp;quot;are you not ashamed of having deserted two posts, that in which you were placed by your general and that in which you placed yourself?&amp;quot; He now charged the enemy and overthrew them, slaying Mikion himself and many others. Meanwhile the Greek army in Thessaly fought a battle with Leonnatus, who was coming&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_639_639&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_639_639&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[639]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to join Antipater with a Macedonian army from Asia. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 488]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_488&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Antiphilus led the infantry and Menon, a Thessalian, the cavalry. In the battle Leonnatus himself was slain, and his troops defeated.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Shortly afterwards Kraterus crossed over from Asia with a large force, and a second battle took place at Krannon.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_640_640&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_640_640&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[640]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Greeks were defeated, but not in a crushing manner or with much loss. Yet, as the Greek commanders were young men, unable to maintain discipline, and, as at the same time, Antipater was tampering with the loyalty of the cities from which the army came, the whole force broke up, and most disgracefully betrayed the cause of Grecian liberty. Antipater at once marched upon Athens with his army. Demosthenes and Hypereides at once fled from Athens, but Demades, who had not been able to pay any part of the money which he had been condemned to pay to the state (for he had been convicted of making illegal proposals&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_641_641&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_641_641&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[641]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; on seven separate occasions, and had become disfranchised and disqualified from addressing the people), now set the laws at defiance, and proposed that ambassadors, with full powers, should be sent to Antipater to sue for peace. The people were greatly alarmed, and called upon Phokion, saying that they could trust no one else. &amp;quot;If I had always been trusted,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;we should not now be discussing such matters as these.&amp;quot; The motion was carried, and Phokion was sent to Antipater, who was encamped in the Kadmeia of Thebes, and preparing to invade Attica. Phokion&#039;s first request was that he would stay where he was and arrange terms. Upon hearing this Kraterus said, &amp;quot;Phokion advises us to do what is unjust, when he bids us remain here, doing evil to the country of our friends &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 489]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_489&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;and allies, while we might do ourselves good in that of our enemies.&amp;quot; Antipater, however, seized him by the hand and said, &amp;quot;We must yield to Phokion in this.&amp;quot; With regard to terms, he said that he required the same terms from the Athenians which Leosthenes had demanded from himself at Lamia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Phokion returned to Athens, as the people had no choice but to submit to these terms, he went back again to Thebes with the other ambassadors;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_642_642&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_642_642&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[642]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for the Athenians had appointed the philosopher Xenokrates&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_643_643&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_643_643&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[643]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; as an additional ambassador, because his virtue, wisdom, and intellectual power was so renowned that they imagined that no man&#039;s heart could be so arrogant, cruel, and savage as not to be touched by some feeling of reverence and awe at the sight of Xenokrates.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;However, their expectations were entirely disappointed by the ignorance and hatred of good men displayed by Antipater. In the first place, though he shook hands with the others, he bestowed no greeting upon Xenokrates; upon which Xenokrates is said to have remarked that Antipater did well in showing that he felt shame before him for the treatment which he was about to inflict upon the city. After this Xenokrates began to make him a speech, but Antipater would not suffer him to proceed, and by rude interruptions reduced him to silence. After Phokion and Demades had spoken, Antipater stated his willingness to make peace and become an ally of the Athenians, if they would deliver up Demosthenes, Hypereides, and some other orators to him,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_644_644&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_644_644&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[644]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; re-establish their original government, in which the magistrates were chosen according to property, receive a garrison in Munychia, and pay the whole expenses of the war, besides a fine. The ambassadors thought that they ought to be contented and thankful for these terms, with the exception of Xenokrates, who said, &amp;quot;If Antipater looks &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 490]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_490&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;upon us as slaves, the terms are moderate; if as free men, they are severe.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_645_645&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_645_645&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[645]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; When Phokion earnestly begged Antipater not to send a garrison to Athens, he is said to have said in reply, &amp;quot;Phokion, I am willing to grant you any request you please, unless it be one which would be fatal both to you and to myself.&amp;quot; Some say that this is not the true version of the incident, but that Antipater enquired of Phokion whether, if he did not place a garrison in Athens, Phokion would guarantee that the city would abide by the terms of the peace, and not intrigue with a view of regaining its independence: and as Phokion was silent and hesitated how to reply, Kallimedon, surnamed &#039;the crab&#039; a man of a fierce and anti-democratical temper, exclaimed: &amp;quot;If, Antipater, this man should talk nonsense, will you believe him, and not do what you have decided upon?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Thus it came to pass that the Athenians received into their city a Macedonian garrison, whose commander was Menyllus, an amiable man and a friend of Phokion himself. It was thought that the sending of the garrison was a mere piece of arrogance on Antipater&#039;s part, and to be more due to an insolent desire to show the extent of his power than to any real necessity. The time, too, at which it was sent, rendered its arrival especially galling to the Athenians: for it was during the celebration of the mysteries, on the twentieth day of the month Bœdromion, that the garrison entered the city. On that day, Iacchus used to be carried in procession from Athens to Eleusis, but now the whole ritual was marred, and the Athenians sadly contrasted this celebration of the mysteries with those of former years. In earlier times,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_646_646&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_646_646&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[646]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; when the city was powerful and flourishing, the splendid spectacle of the celebration of the mysteries used to strike awe and terror into the hearts of the enemies of Athens, but now at these same rites the gods seemed to look on unmoved at the disasters of Greece, while the most sacred season was desecrated, and that which had been the pleasantest time of the year now served merely to remind them of their greatest misfortunes. A few years before this, the priestesses of Dodona had sent an &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 491]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_491&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;oracular warning to Athens, bidding the Athenians guard the extremities of Artemis. In those days the fillets which are wound round the couches of the gods which are carried in the mysteries were dyed of a yellow instead of a crimson colour, and presented a corpse-like appearance, and, what was more remarkable, the fillets dyed by private persons at the same time, all were of the same colour. One of the initiated also, while washing a little pig in the harbour of Kantharus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_647_647&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_647_647&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[647]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was seized by a shark, who swallowed all the lower part of his body. By this portent, Heaven clearly intimated to the Athenians that they were to lose the lower part of their city, and their command of the sea, but to keep the upper part. As for the Macedonian garrison, Menyllus took care that the Athenians suffered no inconvenience from it; but more than twelve thousand of the citizens were disfranchised under the new constitution, on account of their poverty. Of these men, those who remained in Athens were thought to have been shamefully ill treated, while those who left the city in consequence of this measure and proceeded to Thrace, where Antipater provided them with a city and with territory, looked like the inhabitants of a town which has been taken by storm.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The deaths of Demosthenes at Kalauria, and of Hypereides at Kleonæ, which I have recounted elsewhere, very nearly led the Athenians to look back with regret upon the days of Alexander and Philip. In later times, after Antigonus had been assassinated, and his murderers had begun a career of violence and extortion, some one seeing a countryman in Phrygia digging in the ground, asked him what he was doing, the man replied with a sigh, &amp;quot;I am seeking for Antigonus.&amp;quot; Just so at this time it recurred to many to reflect on the noble and placable character of those princes, and to contrast them with Antipater, who, although he pretended to be only a private citizen, wore shabby clothes, and lived on humble fare, really tyrannized over the Athenians in their distress more grievously than either of them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 492]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_492&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Phokion, however, managed to save many from exile, by supplicating Antipater on their behalf, and in the case of the exiles he obtained this much favour, that they were not transported quite out of Greece, beyond the Keraunian mountains and Cape Tænarus, as were the exiles from the other Greek cities, but were settled in Peloponnesus. Among these was Hagnonides, the informer. Phokion now devoted his attention to the management of the internal politics of Athens in a quiet and law-abiding fashion. He contrived to have good and sensible men always appointed as magistrates, and by excluding the noisy and revolutionary party from the public offices, made them less inclined to create a disturbance, and taught them to be content with their country as it was, and to turn their minds to agricultural pursuits. When he saw Xenokrates paying his tax as a resident alien, he wished to enrol him as a citizen; but Xenokrates refused, saying that he would not put himself under the new constitution after he had gone on an embassy to prevent its being established.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Menyllus offered him presents, Phokion replied that he did not consider him to be a better man than Alexander, and saw no greater reason why he should accept a present now than when Alexander offered it to him. As Menyllus begged his son Phokus to accept it, Phokion said, &amp;quot;If Phokus alters his nature, and becomes frugal, his father&#039;s property will be enough for him; but, as it is, nothing will satisfy him.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He gave a sharp reply to Antipater, who asked him to perform some disgraceful service for him. &amp;quot;I cannot,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;be Antipater&#039;s friend and his toady at the same time.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Antipater himself is said to have remarked that he had two friends at Athens, Phokion and Demades, the one of whom he could not persuade to take a bribe, while the other took bribes and never was satisfied. Phokion indeed considered it a great proof of his virtue that he had grown old in poverty, after having so many times been elected general of the Athenians, and having been the friend of kings; while Demades openly prided himself both upon his wealth and his contempt for the laws. Although there was a law in force at Athens at that period, which forbade &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 493]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_493&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;foreigners to appear in a chorus, and imposed a fine of one thousand drachmas upon the choragus who allowed them to do so, Demades exhibited a chorus of one hundred foreigners, and publicly paid in the theatre a fine of a thousand drachmas for each of them. On the occasion of the marriage of his son Demeas, he said, &amp;quot;My boy, when I married your mother, our next-door neighbours heard nothing of it; but kings and potentates shall attend your nuptials.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Although the Athenians tormented Phokion with requests that he would use his influence with Antipater to get the Macedonian garrison withdrawn, he always contrived to postpone making this application, either because he knew that it would not be granted, or because he thought that the fear of the Macedonian troops compelled the Athenians to live in a quiet and orderly fashion; but, on the other hand, he induced Antipater to postpone indefinitely his demand for money from the city. The Athenians now betook themselves to Demades, who eagerly promised his services, and, together with his son, started for Macedonia, to which country it seems as if he was brought by the direct agency of the gods at a time when Antipater was on a sick bed, and Kassander, who was now at the head of affairs, had discovered a letter addressed by Demades to Antigonus in Asia, inviting him to cross over into Greece and Macedonia, and free them from their dependence on an old and rotten warp&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_648_648&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_648_648&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[648]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; -by which expression he meant to sneer at Antipater. As soon as Kassander saw Demades arrive in Macedonia he had him arrested, and first led his son close to him and then stabbed him, so that his robe was covered with his son&#039;s blood, and then, after bitterly upbraiding him with his ingratitude and treason, killed him also.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Antipater on his death-bed appointed Polysperchon to the supreme command, and gave Kassander the post of chiliarch, or general of the body guard. Kassander, however, instantly began to plot against Polysperchon, and taking time by the forelock, sent Nikanor in haste to supersede Menyllus, before the news of the death of Antipater became publicly known, with &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 494]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_494&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;orders to make himself master of Munychia. This was done, and when after a few days the Athenians heard that Antipater was dead they blamed Phokion, insinuating that he had been told of the death of Antipater, but said nothing about it, and so encouraged the designs of Nikanor. Phokion took no notice of this scandalous talk, but put himself in communication with Nikanor, and prevailed upon him to treat the Athenians with mildness, and even induced him to act as president of the games, in the performance of which office he took considerable pride and incurred some expense.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Meanwhile Polysperchon, who was now regent of the Macedonian empire, and had put down Kassander, sent a letter to the Athenians to the effect that &amp;quot;the king restored the democracy at Athens, and bade the Athenians govern themselves according to the customs of their fathers.&amp;quot; This was merely a trick to ruin Phokion, for Polysperchon, whose design, as his acts shortly afterwards proved, was to gain over the city of Athens to his side, had no hopes of succeeding in this unless Phokion were driven out of Athens; while he expected that Phokion would be driven out when all the exiled citizens returned, and when the informers and mob orators again occupied the bema. As the Athenians were excited at this intelligence, Nikanor desired to discuss the matter with them, and appeared at a conference held in Peiræus, having received from Phokion a pledge for his personal safety. Derkyllus, the local commander, tried to seize him, but Nikanor escaped, and at once began to take measures for the defence of Peiræus against the Athenians. Phokion, when blamed for having permitted Nikanor to escape, answered that he felt confidence in Nikanor, and did not expect that he would do any harm; and even if he did, he preferred suffering wrong to doing it. This was no doubt a most magnanimous sentiment; but when a man on such grounds risks the freedom of his country, especially when he is acting as general, I am inclined to think that he breaks an older and more important law, that, namely, of his duty to his fellow-citizens. We cannot argue that Phokion refrained from seizing Nikanor because he feared to involve his country in war, and it &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 495]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_495&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;was absurd of him to plead that good faith and justice demanded that Nikanor should be left alone, on the understanding that he would feel bound to abstain from any acts of violence. The real truth seems to have been that Phokion had a firm belief in Nikanor&#039;s honesty, since he refused to believe those who told him that Nikanor was plotting the capture of Peiræus, and had sent Macedonian soldiers into Salamis, and had even corrupted some of the inhabitants in Peiræus itself. Even when Philomelus of Lamptra moved a resolution that all Athenians should get under arms and be ready to follow their general Phokion, he refused to act, until Nikanor marched his troops out of Munychia and fortified Peiræus with a trench and palisade.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When this took place Phokion, who was now quite willing to lead the Athenians to attack Nikanor, was insulted and treated with contempt; and now Alexander the son of Polysperchon arrived with a military force, nominally with the intention of assisting the citizens against Nikanor, but really meaning if possible to make himself master of the city while it was divided against itself. The exiled Athenians who accompanied him at once entered the city, and as the disfranchised inhabitants joined them, a disorderly and informal assembly was held, in which Phokion was removed from his office, and other men were appointed generals. Had it not been that Alexander and Nikanor were observed to hold frequent conferences together alone outside the walls, the city could not have been saved. Hagnonides the informer now at once began to accuse Phokion and his party of treason; upon which Charikles and Kallimedon left the city in terror, while Phokion and those of his friends who stood by him proceeded to Polysperchon himself. They were accompanied, out of regard for Phokion, by Solon of Platæa and Deinarchus of Corinth, who were thought to be intimate friends of Polysperchon. As Deinarchus was sick, they waited for some days at Elatea, and in the meantime, at the instigation of Hagnonides, although Archestratus brought forward the motion for it in the assembly, the Athenians sent an embassy to the court of Macedonia to accuse Phokion of treason. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 496]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_496&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Both met Polysperchon at the same time, as he with the king&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_649_649&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_649_649&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[649]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was passing through a village of Phokis named Pharyges, which lies at the foot of the Akrousian mountain, now called Galate. Here Polysperchon set up the throne with the gilt ceiling, under which he placed the king and his friends. He ordered Deinarchus at once to be seized, tortured, and put to death, but he allowed the Athenians to plead their cause before him. They however made a great disturbance by contradicting and abusing one another, so that Hagnonides said, &amp;quot;Pack us all into one cage and send us back to Athens to be tried.&amp;quot; At this the king laughed, but the Macedonians and others who were present wished to hear what each side had to say, and bade the two embassies state their case. They were not, however, fairly treated, for Polysperchon several times interrupted Phokion during his speech, until at last he struck the ground with his staff in a rage and held his peace. When Hegemon&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_650_650&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_650_650&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[650]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; too said that Polysperchon himself knew him to be a friend to the people of Athens, Polysperchon angrily exclaimed &amp;quot;Do not slander me to the king.&amp;quot; At this the king himself leaped to his feet, and would have struck Hegemon with a spear, but was quickly seized by Polysperchon, upon which the court broke up.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Phokion and his companions were now taken into custody: upon which such of his friends as saw this from a distance covered their faces with their cloaks and made their escape. Kleitus conducted the prisoners back to Athens, nominally to be tried there, but really already under sentence of death. The procession was a sad one, as they were brought in carts through the Kerameikus to the theatre, where Kleitus kept them until the archons had convened the assembly. From this assembly neither slaves, foreigners, nor disfranchised citizens were excluded, but every one, men and women alike, were allowed to be present and to address the people. After the king&#039;s letter was read, in which he said that he was convinced that these men were traitors, but sent them to Athens for trial because that city was free and independent, Kleitus brought in the prisoners. At the sight of Phokion the better class of citizens covered their faces and silently &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 497]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_497&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;wept, and one of them had the courage to rise and say that, as the king had allowed the Athenian people to conduct so important a trial, all slaves and foreigners ought to leave the assembly. The populace, however, would not hear of this, but cried, &amp;quot;Down with the oligarchs who hate the people.&amp;quot; As no other friend of Phokion dared to speak, he himself, after obtaining a hearing with difficulty, asked &amp;quot;Do you wish to condemn us to death justly or unjustly?&amp;quot; As some answered &amp;quot;justly,&amp;quot; he said, &amp;quot;How can you be sure of this, if you will not hear us?&amp;quot; As however the people paid no more attention to him, he came nearer to them and said, &amp;quot;For my own part, I admit that I have done wrong, and I consider that my political acts deserve to be punished with death; but, men of Athens, why will you kill these others, who have done no wrong?&amp;quot; When many voices answered, &amp;quot;Because they are your friends,&amp;quot; Phokion retired and held his peace. Hagnonides now read the motion which he was about to put to the meeting which called upon the people to decide by a show of hands whether the men were guilty or not; and in case they were found guilty, to put them to death.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When this decree was read some wished to add to it that they should be put to death with torture, and bade Hagnonides send for the rack and the executioners; but Hagnonides, seeing that even the Macedonian Kleitus was disgusted at this proposal, and thought it a savage and wicked action, said, &amp;quot;Men of Athens, when we catch the villain Kallimedon, we will put him to the torture; but I will make no such proposal in the case of Phokion.&amp;quot; Upon this one of the better class cried out, &amp;quot;And quite right too; for if we torture Phokion, what shall we do to you?&amp;quot; When the decree was passed by show of hands, no one sat still, but the whole people, many of them wearing garlands of flowers, rose and voted for the death of the accused. These, besides Phokion, consisted of Nikokles, Thodippus, Hegemon, and Pythokles: while sentence of death in their absence was passed against Demetrius Phalereus, Kallimedon, Charikles, and some others.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When after the assembly broke up the condemned men were being taken to prison, the others threw themselves into the arms of their friends and relations, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 498]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_498&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;and walked along with tears and lamentations; but when they saw that the countenance of Phokion was as calm as when he used as general to be conducted in state out of the assembly, they wondered at his composure and greatness of soul. His enemies accompanied him and abused him, and one even came up to him and spat in his face. At this outrage it is said that Phokion looked towards the archons, and said, &amp;quot;Will no one make this fellow behave himself?&amp;quot; As Thodippus in prison, when he saw the hemlock being prepared, bewailed his fate, and said that he did not deserve to perish with Phokion, Phokion said, &amp;quot;Are you not satisfied then to die in Phokion&#039;s company?&amp;quot; When one of his friends asked him if he had any message for his son Phokus, he answered, &amp;quot;Yes, tell him not to bear any malice against the Athenians.&amp;quot; When Nikokles, the most trusty of his friends, begged to be allowed to drink the poison before him, he answered, &amp;quot;Your request is one which it grieves me to grant; but, as I have never refused you anything in your life, I agree even to this.&amp;quot; When all his friends had drunk, the poison ran short, and the executioner refused to prepare any more unless he were paid twelve drachmas, the price of that weight of hemlock. After a long delay, Phokion called one of his friends to him, and, saying that it was hard if a man could not even die gratis at Athens, bade him give the man the money he wanted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The day of Phokion&#039;s death was the nineteenth of the month Munychion,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_651_651&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_651_651&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[651]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and the knights rode past the prison in solemn procession to the temple of Zeus. Some of them took off their garlands from their heads, while others came in tears to the gates of the prison and looked in. All whose better feelings were not utterly overpowered by passion and hatred agreed in thinking it a very indecent proceeding not to have waited one day for the execution, and so to have avoided the pollution of the festival by the death of the prisoners. Moreover, the enemies of Phokion, as if they had not even yet satisfied their spite, passed a decree excluding his body from burial, and forbidding any Athenian to furnish fire to burn it. In consequence of this, no one of his friends dared to touch &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 499]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_499&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;the body, but one Konopion, a man who was accustomed to deal with such cases for hire, conveyed the body beyond Eleusis, obtained fire from Megara over the Attic frontier, and burned it. Phokion&#039;s wife, who was present with her maids, raised an empty tomb&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_652_652&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_652_652&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[652]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; on the spot, placed the bones in her bosom, and carried them by night into her own house, where she buried them beside the hearth, saying, &amp;quot;To thee, dear hearth, I entrust these remains of a good man; do you restore them to his fathers&#039; tomb when the Athenians recover their senses.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After a short time, however, when circumstances had taught them what a protector and guardian of virtue they had lost, the Athenians set up a brazen statue of Phokion, and gave his remains a public burial. They themselves condemned and executed Hagnonides, while Phokion&#039;s son followed Epikurus and Demophilus, who fled the country, discovered their place of refuge, and avenged himself upon them. He is said to have been far from respectable in character; and once, when attached to a common prostitute, who was the slave of a brothel-keeper, he happened to attend one of the lectures of Theodorus, who was surnamed &amp;quot;the atheist,&amp;quot; in the Lyceum. As he heard him say that &amp;quot;if it be noble to ransom one&#039;s male friends from captivity, it must be equally so to ransom one&#039;s female friends; and that, if it be right for a man to set free the man whom he loves, it must be his duty to do likewise to the woman whom he loves,&amp;quot; he determined to use this argument for the gratification of his own passion, and to conclude that the philosopher bade him purchase the freedom of his mistress.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The treatment of Phokion reminded the Greeks of that of Sokrates, as both the crime and the misfortune of the city in both cases was almost exactly the same.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;FOOTNOTES:&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_622_622&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_622_622&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[622]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cic. ad Att. ii. 1. Dicit enim tanquam in Platonis &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: politeia&amp;quot;&amp;gt;πολιτέιᾳ&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; non tanquam in fæce Romuli sententiam. I have translated Plutarch literally, though I have no doubt that the occasion to which he alludes (which is not mentioned by Cicero, l.c.) is that of the election to the prætorship, B.C. 55, when the worthless adventurer Vatinius was preferred to Cato. M. Cato in petitione præturæ, prælato Vatinio, repulsam tulit. Liv. Epit. cv. See also Val. Max. vii. 5, and Merivale&#039;s &#039;History of the Romans,&#039; vol. i. ch. ix.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The word &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: hupateia&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ὑπατεία&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; is always used by Plutarch as the Greek equivalent for the Roman title of consul.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_623_623&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_623_623&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[623]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This saying of his is mentioned in the &#039;Life of Demosthenes,&amp;quot; c. 10.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_624_624&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_624_624&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[624]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was elected no less than forty-five times to the annual office of Strategus or General of the city—that is, one of the Board of Ten so denominated, the greatest executive function at Athens.—Grote, &#039;Hist. of Greece,&#039; Part ii. ch. lxxxvii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_625_625&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_625_625&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[625]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Meaning, why do you affect to be a Spartan, and yet speak like an Athenian? See vol. iii. &#039;Life of Kleomenes,&#039; ch. ix.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_626_626&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_626_626&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[626]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Grote observes, in commenting on this passage, that &amp;quot;Plutarch has no clear idea of the different contests carried on in Eubœa. He passes on, without a note of transition, from this war in the island (in 349-348 B.C.) to the subsequent war in 341 B.C. Nothing indeed can be more obscure and difficult to disentangle than the sequence of Eubœan transactions.&amp;quot;—&#039;Hist. of Greece,&#039; Part ii., ch. lxxxviii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_627_627&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_627_627&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[627]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; From Plutarch&#039;s narrative one would imagine that the &amp;quot;enemy&amp;quot; must mean the Macedonians: but we find that they really were the native Eubœans, led by Kallias of Chalkis, with only a detachment of Macedonians and some Phokian mercenary troops.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_628_628&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_628_628&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[628]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Disregarding Phokion&#039;s order, and acting with a deliberate treason which was accounted at Athens unparalleled, Plutarchus advanced out of the camp to meet them; but presently fled, drawing along in his flight the Athenian horse, who had also advanced in some disorder. —Grote, l.c.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_629_629&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_629_629&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[629]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The battle of Chæronea, which took place in August, B.C. 338.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_630_630&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_630_630&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[630]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Greek is &amp;quot;to offer sacrifice,&amp;quot; with the implied idea of feasting on the animal offered. In the first chapter of this Life we learn that it was only the less eatable parts of the victim which were burned. Thus the idea of offering sacrifice always suggested merry-making and feasting to the Greek mind. Grote says, &amp;quot;We cannot doubt that the public of Athens, as well as Demosthenes, felt great joy at an event which seemed to open to them fresh chances of freedom, and that the motion for a sacrifice of thanksgiving, in spite of Phokion&#039;s opposition, was readily adopted.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_631_631&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_631_631&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[631]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This speech of Phokion is given at greater length by Diodorus, xvii. 15.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_632_632&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_632_632&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[632]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A quarter of Athens, probably south of the Acropolis. See Lieut.-Col. Leake&#039;s &#039;Topography of Athens,&#039; sect. iv.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_633_633&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_633_633&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[633]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The original is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: apobatês&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἀποβάτης&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, which corresponds to the Latin desultor, meaning one who rode several horses, leaping from one to the other.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_634_634&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_634_634&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[634]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch&#039;s narrative here is misleading, as it seems to imply that Harpalus gave this money to Charikles &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;after&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; his arrival in Athens. We know from Theopompus (Fr. 277) that the monument had been finished some time before Harpalus quitted Asia. Plutarch treats it as a mean structure, unworthy of the sum expended on it; but both Dikæarchus and Pausanias describe it as stately and magnificent. Grote&#039;s &#039;History of Greece,&#039; Part II. ch. xcv., note.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_635_635&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_635_635&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[635]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Life of Demosthenes, ch. xxv.; and Grote, Hist. of Greece, Part II., ch. xcv.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_636_636&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_636_636&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[636]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Lamian war, so called from the siege of Lamia, in which Leosthenes perished.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_637_637&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_637_637&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[637]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: Hêbê&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Ἥβη&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, the word here used, means the time just before manhood, from about fourteen to twenty years of age; at Sparta it was fixed at eighteen, so that of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: hoi deka aph&#039; hêbês&amp;quot;&amp;gt;οἱ δέκα ἀφ&#039; ἥβης&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; were men of twenty-eight, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: hoi tettarakonta aph&#039; hêbês&amp;quot;&amp;gt;οἱ τετταράκοντα ἀφ&#039; ἥβης&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; men of fifty-eight, &amp;amp;amp;c. Xen. Hell. 3. 4, 23. Liddell and Scott. Here, therefore, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: hoi achri heksêkonta aph&#039; hêbês&amp;quot;&amp;gt;οἱ ἄχρι ἑκσήκοντα ἀφ&#039; ἥβης&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; must mean all citizens under about seventy-five years of age.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_638_638&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_638_638&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[638]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Rhamnus was a demus of Attica, situated on a small rocky peninsula on the east coast of Attica, sixty stadia from Marathon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_639_639&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_639_639&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[639]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In Thessaly. The action was fought B.C. 322. Menon with his Thessalian horse defeated the Macedonian cavalry, but the Greek infantry were beaten back by the phalanx, with a loss of 120 men.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_640_640&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_640_640&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[640]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch speaks as if Leonnatus had effected his junction with Antipater before the action was fought. But the real truth was that Leonnatus advanced to raise the siege of Lamia, and that Antiphilus, who was not strong enough to continue the blockade and fight the relieving force, raised the blockade and moved by rapid marches to attack Leonnatus apart from Antipater. Through the superior efficiency of the Thessalian cavalry under Menon, he gained an important advantage in a cavalry battle over Leonnatus, who was himself slain. On the very next day Antipater came up, bringing the troops from Lamia, and took command of the defeated army.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_641_641&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_641_641&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[641]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Smith&#039;s Dict. of Antiquities, s.v. Graphé Paranomon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_642_642&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_642_642&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[642]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Demades, although Plutarch does not mention it, accompanied Phokion on his first visit to Antipater.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_643_643&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_643_643&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[643]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The successor of Plato and Speusippus as presiding teacher in the school of the Academy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_644_644&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_644_644&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[644]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The expression in the text is vague, but we learn from other sources that the surrender of at least two other anti-Macedonian orators was demanded.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_645_645&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_645_645&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[645]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Grote.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_646_646&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_646_646&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[646]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See vol. i., Life of Alkibiades, ch. 34.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_647_647&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_647_647&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[647]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The three sub-divisions of Port Peiræus were named Kantharus, Aphredisium and Zea. See Leake, &#039;Topography of Athens,&#039; and Schol. in Ar. Pac. 144.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_648_648&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_648_648&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[648]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The upright threads of the loom are meant, not a large rope.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_649_649&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_649_649&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[649]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Philip Arrhidæus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_650_650&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_650_650&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[650]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Another of the accused.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_651_651&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_651_651&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[651]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; May.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_652_652&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_652_652&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[652]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; These words, which I borrow from Clough, express the meaning to English ears, though the Greek merely is &amp;quot;piled up a mound.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 500]&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;LIFE_OF_CATO&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_500&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;LIFE OF CATO.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Cato&#039;s family derived the origin of its splendour and reputation from his great-grandfather&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_653_653&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_653_653&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[653]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cato, a man who had reputation and power chief among the Romans by reason of his merit, as it has been written in his Life. Cato was left an orphan with his brother Cæpio and a sister Porcia. Servilia also was a sister of Cato by the same mother. All of them were brought up and lived with Livius Drusus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_654_654&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_654_654&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[654]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; their mother&#039;s uncle, who was then the chief political leader; for he was a most powerful speaker, and also a man of the best regulated habits, and in lofty bearing inferior to no Roman. It is said that Cato from his childhood both in his voice and the expression of his countenance and even in his amusements gave indication of a character immovable and impassive and firm in everything. His purposes displayed a strength &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 501]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_501&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;in accomplishing his ends which was above his age: and while he was rough and stubborn towards those who attempted to flatter him, still more did he show his mastery over all who would try to terrify him by threats. He was also difficult to move to laughter, and his countenance was seldom relaxed even into a smile; he was not quick nor prone to anger, but when he had been moved to anger, he was hard to pacify. Accordingly when he began to learn, he was dull and slow to conceive, but when he had conceived, he held fast and remembered well. And it is generally the case that those who have a good natural capacity are more ready at recollection,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_655_655&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_655_655&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[655]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but those have a strong memory who learn with labour and trouble; for all learning is in a manner a branding on the mind. It appears too that Cato&#039;s difficulty of persuasion made learning a matter of more labour to him; for learning is in truth a kind of passive condition, and to be easily persuaded is incident to those who have less power of resistance. It is for this reason that young men are more easily persuaded than old men, and sick persons than those who are whole; and generally, with those in whom the doubting faculty is weakest, that which is proposed meets the readiest acceptance. However, they say that Cato was obedient to his pædagogus and did everything that he was bid, but he would ask for the reason of everything, and inquire the Why. His pædagogus also was a good-tempered man, and was readier at a reason than a blow: his name was Sarpedon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; While Cato was still a boy, the Allies&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_656_656&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_656_656&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[656]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of the Romans were agitating to obtain the Roman franchise; and a certain Pompædius Sillo,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_657_657&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_657_657&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[657]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a man of military talent and of the highest repute, and a friend of Drusus, lodged with him several days, during which he became familiar with the youths, and he said, &amp;quot;Come now, pray your uncle on our behalf to exert himself to get the franchise &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 502]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_502&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;for us.&amp;quot; Now, Cæpio with a smile nodded assent, but as Cato made no answer and looked on the strangers steadily and sternly, Pompædius said, &amp;quot;But you, young man, what reply have you for us? Can you not help the strangers with your uncle, like your brother?&amp;quot; As Cato still would not speak, but by his silence and his expression showed that he rejected their entreaty, Pompædius took him up and holding him through the window as if he intended to drop him down, told him either to assent or he would let him fall, and at the same time he assumed an angry tone and several times he swung the boy backwards and forwards as he held him in his hands. Now, when Cato had borne this for some time, unmoved and fearless, Pompædius gently putting him down said to his friends, &amp;quot;What a blessing&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_658_658&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_658_658&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[658]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to Italy that he is a child; for if he were a man, I do not think we should have a single vote among the people.&amp;quot; On another occasion when a kinsman on his birthday invited to supper other boys and Cato with them, in order to pass the time they played in a part of the house by themselves, younger and older mixed together; and the game consisted of trials, and accusations, and carrying off those who were convicted. Now, one of the boys convicted, who was of a handsome presence, being dragged off by an older boy to a chamber and shut up, called on Cato for aid. Cato soon perceiving what was going on came to the door, and pushing through those who were standing before it and endeavouring to stop him, took the boy out; and in a passion he went off home with him and other boys accompanied him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Cato was so much talked off that when Sulla was preparing for exhibition the sacred horse race called Troja,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_659_659&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_659_659&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[659]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in which youths are the actors, and had got together the boys of noble birth and appointed two captains, the boys submitted to the one for his mother&#039;s sake, for he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 503]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_503&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;was a son of Metella, Sulla&#039;s wife; but the other, who was a nephew of Pompeius and named Sextus, they would not have, nor would they go through their exercise nor follow him; and on Sulla asking whom they would have, they all called out &amp;quot;Cato,&amp;quot; and Sextus himself gave way and yielded the honour to Cato as his better. It happened that Sulla was an old friend of Cato&#039;s family, and sometimes he had the children brought to him and talked with them, a kind of friendship which he showed to few, by reason of the weight and state of the office and power that he held. Sarpedon considering this a great matter both as regarded the honour and security of the youth, constantly took Cato to pay his respects to Sulla at his house, which at that time to all outward appearance differed not from a place of torture for criminals,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_660_660&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_660_660&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[660]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; so great was the number of those who were dragged there and put to the rack. Cato was at this time in his fourteenth year, and seeing the heads of persons who were said to be men of distinction brought out, and those who were present lamenting inwardly, he asked his pædagogus why nobody killed this man. Sarpedon replied, &amp;quot;Because they fear him, child, more than they hate him.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Why, then,&amp;quot; said Cato, &amp;quot;do you not give me a sword that I might kill him, and so free my country from slavery?&amp;quot; Hearing these words and at the same time observing his eyes and countenance to be filled with passion and resolve, Sarpedon was so afraid that henceforward he kept a close look and watch upon him, that he should not venture on any desperate measure. Now when he was still a little boy, and some persons asked him whom he loved most, he replied his brother; when he was asked whom he loved next, he gave the same answer, his brother; and so on to the third question, until the questioner was tired out by always getting the same answer. When he arrived at man&#039;s estate, he strengthened still more his affection to his brother; for when he was twenty years of age he never supped, he never went abroad, never came into the Forum without Cæpio. When Cæpio used perfumes, Cato would &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 504]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_504&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;not have them; and in all other respects he was strict and frugal in his way of living. Accordingly Cæpio, who was admired for his temperance and moderation, admitted that he was indeed temperate and moderate when contrasted with others, &amp;quot;but,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;when I compare my life with Cato&#039;s, I seem to myself to differ not at all from Sippius;&amp;quot; which was the name of a man notorious at that time for luxury and effeminacy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After Cato obtained the priesthood&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_661_661&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_661_661&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[661]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Apollo, he changed his residence, and taking his portion of his paternal property, which portion was a hundred and twenty talents, he contracted his style of living still further, and making his companion of Antipater&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_662_662&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_662_662&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[662]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Tyrus, a Stoic, he attached himself mainly to Ethical and Political studies, occupying himself with every virtue as if he were possessed by some divine influence; but above all that part of the beautiful which consists in steady adherence to justice and in inflexibility towards partiality or favour was his great delight. He disciplined himself also in the kind of speaking which works upon numbers, considering that, as in a great state, so in political philosophy, there should be nurtured with it something of the contentious quality. Yet he did not practise his exercises in company with others, nor did any one hear him when he was declaiming; but to one of his companions who observed, &amp;quot;Men find fault, Cato, with your silence,&amp;quot; he replied, &amp;quot;I only hope they may not find fault with my life. But I will begin to speak, when I am not going to say something that were better unsaid.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The Basilica&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_663_663&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_663_663&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[663]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; called Porcia was a censorial dedication of the old Cato. Now, as the tribunes were accus&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 505]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_505&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;tomed to transact business here, and there was a pillar which was considered to be in the way of their seats, they resolved to take it away or to remove it to another spot. This was the first occasion that brought Cato into the Forum, and against his will; for he opposed the tribunes, and he gained admiration by this sample of his eloquence and elevated character. His speech contained nothing juvenile or artificial, but it was straightforward, full to overflowing, and rough. However there was diffused over the roughness of the sentiments a charm which led the ear, and his own character intermingled with it gave to the dignity of his address a certain pleasingness and placidity, that were not ill calculated to win men&#039;s favour. His voice was loud and powerful enough to reach to so large a multitude, and it had a strength and tone which could neither be broken nor tired; for he often spoke for a whole day without being wearied. On this occasion he got the better in the matter in dispute, and then again wrapped himself up in silence and his discipline. He used to harden his body by vigorous exercises, training himself to endure both heat and snow with uncovered head, and to walk along the roads in all seasons without a vehicle. His friends who used to accompany him on his journeys employed horses, and Cato would often go side by side with each of them in turns, and talk to them, himself walking while they rode. He showed in his complaints also wonderful endurance and self-denial; for when he had a fever, he would spend the day quite alone without permitting any person to approach him, until he felt certain relief, and that the disease was going away.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; At entertainments he used to cast lots for the parts, and if he failed, and his friends urged him to begin first, he would say that it was not right to do so against the will of Venus.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_664_664&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_664_664&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[664]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And at first he would get up from &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 506]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_506&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;supper after drinking once, but in course of time he stuck to drinking more than anybody, so that he often continued over his wine till daybreak. His friends said that the cause of this was the administration and public affairs, in which Cato being engaged all day and hindered from literary pursuits, associated with philosophers during the night and over his cups. Accordingly when one Memmius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_665_665&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_665_665&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[665]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; observed in company that Cato was intoxicated all night long, Cicero rejoined, &amp;quot;But you do not say that he also plays at dice all day long.&amp;quot; Altogether Cato thought that he ought to walk a course the opposite to the then modes of life and usages, which he considered to be bad and to require a great change, and observing that a purple dress of a deep bright was much in fashion, he himself wore the dark. He would go into public without shoes and tunic after dinner, not seeking for reputation by the strangeness of the practice, but habituating himself to be ashamed only of what was shameful, and to despise everything else as indifferent. The inheritance of his cousin Cato of the value of a hundred talents having been added to his property, he turned it into money and let any of his friends make use of it who needed, without paying interest. Some also pledged to the treasury both lands and slaves of his, which Cato himself offered for this purpose and confirmed the pledge.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When he considered that he was ripe for marriage, without ever having had to do with any woman, he betrothed Lepida, who had before been promised in marriage to Scipio Metellus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_666_666&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_666_666&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[666]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but at that time was disengaged, for Scipio had repudiated her, and the betrothment was cancelled. However before the marriage Scipio &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 507]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_507&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;again changed his mind, and by using every exertion got the maid. Cato, who was greatly irritated and stung, made preparation to prosecute the matter in legal form, but on his friends preventing him, in his passion and youthful fervour he betook himself to iambic verses and vented much injurious language upon Scipio, employing the bitterness of Archilochus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_667_667&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_667_667&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[667]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but dropping his ungoverned licence and childish manner. He married Atilia,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_668_668&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_668_668&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[668]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the daughter of Soranus, and this was the first woman with whom he came together, but not the only woman, like Lælius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_669_669&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_669_669&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[669]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the companion of Scipio; for Lælius was more fortunate in having known during his long life only one woman and that his wife.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When the Servile War&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_670_670&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_670_670&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[670]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was on foot, which they called the war of Spartacus, Gellius was commander, but Cato joined the service as a volunteer for his brother&#039;s sake, for his brother Cæpio was a tribune. He had not indeed the opportunity of displaying as much as he wished his zeal and his discipline in virtue owing to the war being ill conducted; but notwithstanding this, by showing, in contrast to the great effeminacy and luxury of those who were engaged in that campaign, orderly behaviour and bravery when it was required, and courage and prudence in all things, he was considered in no degree to fall short of the old Cato. Gellius assigned to him special distinctions and honours, which Cato would not take nor allow, saying that he had done nothing worthy of honour. In consequence of this he was considered a strange kind of fellow; and when a law was made, that those who were candidates for an office should not be accompanied by &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 508]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_508&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;nomenclators,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_671_671&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_671_671&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[671]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he was the only person when a candidate for a tribuneship who observed the law; and having himself made it his business to salute and address those whom he met with, he did not escape censure even from those who praised him, for the more they perceived the honourable nature of his conduct, the more they were annoyed at the difficulty of imitating it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Upon being appointed a tribune he was sent to Macedonia to Rubrius the Prætor. On that occasion it is told that his wife being troubled and shedding tears, one of the friends of Cato, Munatius, said, &amp;quot;Atilia, be of good cheer; I will take care of him for you.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;It shall be so,&amp;quot; replied Cato; and after they had advanced one day&#039;s journey, he said immediately after supper, &amp;quot;Come, Munatius, and keep your promise to Atilia by not separating yourself from me either by day or by night.&amp;quot; Upon this he ordered two beds to be placed in the same chamber and Munatius always slept thus, being watched in jest by Cato. There accompanied him fifteen slaves, and two freedmen and four friends, and while they rode on horseback, Cato himself always went on foot, keeping by the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 509]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_509&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;side of each of them in turns and talking with them. When he arrived at the camp, where there were several legions, being appointed to the command of one legion by the general, he considered the display of his own merit, being only one thing, as a small matter and nothing kingly, but being chiefly ambitious to make those who were under him like himself, he did not deprive his power of its terrors, but he added to it reason, by means of which persuading and instructing his men about every thing—honour and punishment following; whether he made his soldiers more peaceable or warlike or more full of zeal or just, it is difficult to say, so formidable did they become to the enemy, and gentle to the allies, and so little disposed to wrong, and so ambitious of praise. But that which Cato cared least for, he had most of, both good opinion, and popularity, and honour above measure, and affection from the soldiers. For by voluntarily labouring at that which he imposed on others, and in his dress and way of living and marching on foot making himself like them rather than the commander, and in his morals and in his noble bearing, and in eloquence surpassing all who were intitled Imperators and generals, by such means he imperceptibly produced in the men at the same time good will towards himself. For no true emulation after virtue is bred except from perfect good will and respect towards him who commends it: but those who having no love, praise the brave, respect their character, though they admire not their virtue, nor do they imitate it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Hearing that Athenodorus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_672_672&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_672_672&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[672]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; named Kordylion, who had great skill in the Stoic philosophy, was living at Pergamus, being now an old man, and having most resolutely resisted all intimacy and friendship with governors and kings, Cato thought that he should get nothing by sending and writing to him, but as he had a furlough of two months allowed by the law, he made a voyage to Asia to the man, in the confidence that through his own merits he should not fail in the chase. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 510]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_510&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;After discoursing with Athenodorus and getting the victory over him and drawing him from his settled purpose, he returned with him to the camp, overjoyed and greatly elated at having made the noblest capture and got a more splendid booty than the nations and kingdoms which Pompeius at that time and Lucullus were subduing in their campaigns.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; While Cato was still engaged in the service, his brother, who was on his road to Asia, fell sick at Ænus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_673_673&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_673_673&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[673]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in Thrace; and a letter immediately came to Cato, and though the sea was very stormy, and there was no vessel at hand of sufficient size, taking only two friends with him and three slaves, he set sail from Thessalonike in a small trading ship. After narrowly escaping being drowned at sea, he was saved by unexpected good luck, but he found Cæpio already dead. He was considered to have borne the misfortune with more of passion than philosophy, not only in his lamentations and his embracings of the dead body and the heaviness of his grief, but also in his expenditure about the interment, and the trouble that he took about fragrant spices and costly vests which were burnt with the body, and a monument of polished Thasian stone of the cost of eight talents which was constructed in the Agora of Ænus. These things there were some who found fault with by comparison with Cato&#039;s freedom from all display in other matters, not seeing how much mildness and affection there was in the man who was inflexible and firm against pleasures and fears and shameless entreaties. For the celebration of the funeral both cities and princes offered to send him many things to do honour to the dead, from none of whom however would he receive valuables, but he accepted fragrant spices and vests, paying the price to those who sent the things. Though the succession came to him and the young daughter of Cæpio, he did not claim back in the division of the property any thing that he had expended about the funeral. And though he did such &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 511]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_511&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;things as these and continued to do such, there was one&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_674_674&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_674_674&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[674]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who wrote, that he passed the ashes of the dead through a sieve and sifted them to search for the gold that was burnt. So far did the writer allow, not to his sword only, but also to his stilus, irresponsibility and exemption from all account.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When the time of Cato&#039;s service was at an end, he was attended on his departure, not with good wishes, which is usual, nor yet with praises, but with tears and never-satisfied embraces, the soldiers placing their garments under his feet on the way by which he went and kissing his hands, which the Romans of that day hardly ever did to any of their Imperators. As he wished, before engaging in public affairs, at the same time to travel about to make himself acquainted with Asia, and to see with his own eyes the customs and mode of living and power of each province, and at the same time not to give any offence to the Galatian Deiotarus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_675_675&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_675_675&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[675]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who prayed Cato to come to him on account of the ancient ties of hospitality and friendship that subsisted between him and Cato&#039;s family, he made his sojourning after this fashion. At daybreak he used to send forward his bread-maker and cook to the place where he intended to lodge; and it was their practice to enter the city with great decorum and no stir, and if there happened to be no ancient friend of Cato&#039;s family there or no acquaintance, they would prepare for his reception in an inn without troubling anybody; and if there was no inn, they would in that case apply to the magistrates and gladly accept what accommodation was offered. And oftentimes getting no credit, and being neglected because they did not apply to the magistrates about these matters with noise or threats, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 512]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_512&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Cato came upon them before they had accomplished their business, and when he was seen, he was still more despised; and because he would sit silently on the baggage, he gave them the notion of being a person of mean condition and a very timid man. However Cato would call them to him, and would say, &amp;quot;Ye miserable wretches, lay aside this inhospitable practice. All those who come to you will not be Catos. Dull by your kind reception the power of those who only want a pretext to take by force what they cannot get from you with your consent.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In Syria&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_676_676&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_676_676&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[676]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a laughable incident is said to have happened to him. For as he was walking to Antiocheia, he saw near the gates on the outside a number of men arranged on each side of the road, among whom young men by themselves in cloaks and boys on the other side stood in orderly wise, and some had white vests and crowns, and these were priests of the gods or magistrates. Now Cato, being quite sure that some honourable reception was preparing for him by the city, was angry with those of his own people who had been sent on, for not having prevented this, and he bade his friends get off their horses and he proceeded with them on foot. But when they came near, he who was arranging all this ceremony and setting the folk in order, a man somewhat advanced in years, holding a rod in his hand and a chaplet, advanced in front of the rest, and meeting Cato, without even saluting him, asked where they had left Demetrius and when he would be there. Demetrius had been a slave of Pompeius, but at this time, as all the world, so to speak, had their eyes on Pompeius, Demetrius was courted above his merits on account of his great influence with Pompeius. Now the friends of Cato were seized with such a fit of laughter that they could not contain themselves as they walked through the crowd, but Cato, who at the time was vehemently disconcerted, uttered the words, &amp;quot;O ill-fated city,&amp;quot; and nothing more; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 513]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_513&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;afterwards however he was accustomed to laugh at the matter himself both when he told the story and when he thought of it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; However Pompeius himself reproved those who thus misbehaved themselves towards Cato in their ignorance. For when Cato on his arrival at Ephesus went to pay his respects to Pompeius as his elder, and much his superior in reputation and then at the head of the greatest armies, Pompeius observing him did not wait or allow Cato to approach him as he was seated, but springing up as to a man of superior rank, he met him and gave him his right hand. And Pompeius passed many encomiums on the merit of Cato while treating him as a friend and showing him attention during his stay, and still more when he had departed, so that all persons being admonished and now directing their observation to Cato admired him for the things for which he was despised, and studied his mildness and magnanimity. Yet it did not escape notice that the great attention of Pompeius to him proceeded more from respect than from love, and people discerned that Pompeius honoured him while he was present, and was glad when he went away. For the other young men who came to him, he was ambitious to keep with him, and he wished them to stay, but he asked of Cato nothing of the kind, and as if he were not commander with irresponsible power while Cato was there, he was glad to get rid of him; and yet he was almost the only person among those who were sailing to Rome to whom Pompeius commended his children and wife, who however were connected with Cato by kinship. In consequence of this there was high regard and great exertion and emulation in the cities towards Cato, and suppers and invitations, wherein Cato bade his friends keep a watch upon him, lest he should unawares make good what Curio&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_677_677&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_677_677&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[677]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; had said. For Curio, who was annoyed at the austerity of Cato, who was his friend and intimate, asked him if he should like to visit Asia after he had served his time in the army. And on Cato saying that he should like it very much, &amp;quot;You say well,&amp;quot; replied &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 514]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_514&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Curio, &amp;quot;for you will be more agreeable when you return thence, and tamer,&amp;quot; using some such words as these.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Deiotarus the Galatian, who was now an old man, sent for Cato, wishing to intrust to him his children and his family; and on his arrival he offered him all manner of presents, and tried and entreated him in every way till he so irritated Cato, that after arriving in the evening and staying all night, he set off on the following day about the third hour. However when he had advanced one day&#039;s journey, he found in Possinus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_678_678&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_678_678&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[678]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; more presents than before awaiting him there, and letters from the Galatian begging him to receive them; and if he should not be disposed to take them, to let his friends at least receive favours on his account, as they well deserved it, and Cato had not much of his own. But Cato did not give in even to these arguments, though he saw that some of his friends were beginning to be softened and were inclined to blame him; but observing that all receiving of gifts might find a good excuse, and his friends should share in all that he got honourably and justly, he sent back the presents to Deiotarus. As he was about to set sail to Brundisium, his friends thought that they ought to put the ashes of Cæpio in another vessel, but Cato, saying that he would rather part with his life than the ashes of his brother, set sail. And indeed it is said that it chanced that he had a very dangerous passage, though the rest got to Brundisium with little difficulty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; On his return to Rome he spent his time either at home in the company of Athenodorus, or in the Forum assisting his friends. Though the office of Quæstor&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_679_679&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_679_679&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[679]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was now open to him, he did not become a candidate for it till he had read the laws relating to the quæstorship, and had learned all particulars from the experienced, and had comprehended the powers of the office in a certain shape. Accordingly as soon as he was established in the office, he made a great change in the servants and clerks about the treasury, for as they constantly had in hand the public accounts and the laws, and had young superiors who, by reason of their inexperience and ignorance, in fact re&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 515]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_515&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;quired others to teach and direct them, they did not allow their superiors to have any power, but were the superior officers themselves, until Cato vigorously applied himself to the business, not having the name only and the honour of a magistrate, but understanding and judgment and apt expression; and he resolved to make the clerks into servants as they really were, in some things detecting their evil doings, and in others correcting their errors which arose from inexperience. But as the clerks were insolent, and attempted to ingratiate themselves with and to flatter the other quæstors, and resisted him, he expelled from the treasury the first among them whom he had detected in knavish dealings in a matter of trust concerning an inheritance, and he brought another to trial for dishonesty. This second person Catulus Lutatius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_680_680&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_680_680&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[680]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the censor came forward to defend, a man who had great dignity from his office, and the greatest from his merit, being considered superior to all the Romans in integrity and temperance; and he was also an admirer and intimate friend of Cato all through his life. Now, when Catulus found that the justice of the case was against him and openly asked to have the man acquitted for his sake, Cato would not allow him to act so: and when he still continued to urge his request, Cato said, &amp;quot;It were a scandalous thing, Catulus, for you, who are the censor, and whose duty it is to examine into our lives, to be turned out&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_681_681&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_681_681&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[681]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; by our officers.&amp;quot; When Cato had uttered these words, Catulus looked at him as if he were going to reply, but he said nothing, and either being angry or ashamed he went away in silence and perplexed. However the man was not convicted, for when the votes for condemnation had exceeded those for acquittal by a single vote, and Lollius Marcus, one of the colleagues of Cato, owing to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 516]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_516&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;sickness had not attended at the trial, Catulus sent to him and prayed him to give his support to the man; and he was carried thither in a litter after the trial and gave the vote which acquitted. However Cato did not employ the clerk nor give him his pay, nor did he take any reckoning at all of the vote of Lollius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Having thus humbled the clerks and reduced them to obedience, by managing the accounts in his own way, he made the treasury in a short time more respected than the Senate, so that every body said and considered that Cato had surrounded the quæstorship with the dignity of the consulship. For in the first place finding that many persons owed old debts to the state and that the state was indebted to many, he at the same time put an end to the state being wronged and wronging others, by demanding the money from those who owed it vigorously and without relenting at all, and paying the creditors speedily and readily, so that the people respected him when they saw those pay who expected to defraud the state, and those recover who never expected it. In the next place, it was the general practice to bring in writings without observing the proper forms, and previous quæstors used to receive false decrees to please persons, and at their request. Cato however let nothing of this kind escape his notice, and on one occasion being in doubt about a decree, whether it was really ratified, though many persons testified to the fact, he would not trust them, nor did he allow it to be deposited until the consuls came and by oath confirmed its genuineness. Now there were many whom Sulla had rewarded for killing proscribed persons at the rate of twelve thousand drachmæ apiece, and though all detested them as accursed and abominable wretches, no one ventured to bring them to punishment; but Cato, calling to account every man who had public money by unfair means, made him give it up and at the same time upbraided him for his unholy and illegal acts with passion and argument. Those whom this befel were immediately charged with murder and were brought before the judices in a manner prejudged, and were punished, to the joy of all who considered that the tyranny of those former times was at the same time &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 517]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_517&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;blotted out and that they witnessed Sulla himself punished.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The many were captivated by his persevering and unwearied industry: for none of his colleagues went up earlier to the treasury or came away after him. He never omitted attending any meeting of the people and of the Senate, for he feared and kept a watch on those who were ready to vote for remissions of debts and taxes and for gifts in favour of any body. By proving that the treasury was inaccessible and free from intrigues, and full of money, he showed that they could be rich without doing wrong. Though at first he appeared to be disliked by and odious to some of his colleagues, he afterwards gained their good-will by subjecting himself on behalf of them all to the hatred that was incurred by not giving away the public money and by not deciding dishonestly, and by furnishing them with an answer to those who preferred their requests and urged them, that nothing could be done if Cato did not consent. On the last day of his office when he had been accompanied to his house by almost all the citizens, he heard that many who were intimate with Marcellus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_682_682&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_682_682&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[682]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and men of influence, had fallen upon him at the treasury and having got round him were forcing him to sign a certain payment of money that was due. Marcellus from his boyhood had been a friend of Cato and together with him had been a most excellent magistrate, but by himself he was easily led by others through false shame, and was ready to oblige any body. Accordingly Cato immediately returned to the treasury, and finding that Marcellus had been prevailed upon to sign the payment asked for the tablets and erased what was written, while Marcellus stood by and said not a word. Having done this Cato conducted him down from the treasury and put him in his house; and Marcellus neither then nor afterwards found fault with Cato, but continued on intimate terms with him all along. Nor did Cato when he had quitted the treasury leave it destitute of protection, but slaves of his were there daily who copied out the transactions, and he himself purchased for five talents &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 518]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_518&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;books which contained the public accounts from the times of Sulla to his own quæstorship, and he always had them in his hands.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; He used to go into the Senate house the first, and he was the last to come away; and often while the rest were slowly assembling, he would sit and read quietly, holding his toga before the book. He never went abroad when there was to be a meeting of the Senate; but afterwards when Pompeius saw that Cato could not be prevailed upon, and could never be brought to comply with the unjust measures on which he was intent, he used to contrive to engage him in giving his aid to some friend in a matter before the courts, or in arbitrations, or in discharging some business. But Cato quickly perceiving his design, refused all such engagements and made it a rule to do nothing else while the Senate was assembled. For it was neither for the sake of reputation, nor self-aggrandisement, nor by a kind of spontaneous movement, nor by chance, like some others, that he was thrown into the management of state affairs, but he selected a public career as the proper labour of a good man, and thought that he ought to attend to public concerns more than the bee to its cells, inasmuch as he made it his business to have the affairs of the provinces and decrees and trials and the most important measures communicated to him by his connections and friends in every place. On one occasion by opposing Clodius the demagogue, who was making a disturbance and laying the foundation for great charges, and calumniating to the people the priests and priestesses, among whom was also Fabia,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_683_683&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_683_683&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[683]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the sister of Terentia, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 519]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_519&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Cicero&#039;s wife, he was in great danger, but he involved Clodius in disgrace and compelled him to withdraw from the city; and when Cicero thanked him, Cato said that he ought to reserve his gratitude for the state, as it was for the sake of the state that he did every thing and directed his political measures. In consequence of this there was a high opinion of him, so that an orator said to the judices on a certain trial when the evidence of a single person was produced, that it was not right to believe a single witness even if he was Cato; and many persons now were used to say when speaking of things incredible and contrary to all probability, as by way of proverb, that this could not be believed even if Cato said it. And when a man of bad character and great expense delivered a discourse in the senate in favour of frugality and temperance, Amnæus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_684_684&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_684_684&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[684]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; rose up and said, &amp;quot;My man, who will endure you, you who sup like Crassus, and build like Lucullus, and harangue us like Cato.&amp;quot; Others also who were people of bad character and intemperate, but in their language dignified and severe, they used to call by way of mockery, Catos.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Though many invited him to the tribuneship, he did not think it well to expend the power of a great office and magistracy, no more than that of a strong medicine, on matters wherein it was not required. At the same time as he had leisure from public affairs, he took books and philosophers with him and set out for Lucania, for he had lands there on which there was no unseemly residence. On the road he met with many beasts of burden and baggage and slaves, and learning that Nepos Metellus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_685_685&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_685_685&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[685]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was returning to Rome for the purpose of being a candidate for the tribuneship, he halted without speaking, and after a short interval ordered his people to turn back. His friends wondering at this, he said, &amp;quot;Don&#039;t you know that even of himself Metellus is a formidable man by reason of his violence; and now that he has come upon the motion of Pompeius, he will fall upon the state like a thunderbolt &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 520]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_520&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;and put all in confusion? It is therefore not a time for leisure or going from home, but we must get the better of the man or die nobly in defence of liberty.&amp;quot; However at the urgency of his friends he went first to visit his estates, and after staying no long time he returned to the city. He arrived in the evening, and as soon as day dawned, he went down into the Forum to be a candidate for the tribuneship and to oppose Metellus. For this magistracy gives more power to check than to act; and even if all the rest of the tribunes save one should assent to a measure, the power lies with him who does not consent or permit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; At first there were few of Cato&#039;s friends about him, but when his views became public, in a short time all the people of character and distinction crowded together and cheered and encouraged him, for they said it was no favour that he was receiving, but he was conferring the greatest favour on his country and the most honest of the citizens, for that when it was often in his power to hold a magistracy without any trouble, he now came down to contend on behalf of freedom and the constitution, not without danger. It is said that owing to many persons through zeal and friendly disposition crowding towards him he was in some danger, and with difficulty on account of the crowd he made his way to the Forum. Being elected tribune with others and with Metellus, and observing that the consular comitia were accompanied with bribery, he rated the people, and at the close of his speech he swore that he would prosecute the briber, whoever he might be, with the exception of Silanus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_686_686&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_686_686&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[686]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; on account of his connection with him; for Silanus had to wife Servilia, a sister of Cato. For this reason he passed over Silanus, but he prosecuted Lucius Murena,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_687_687&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_687_687&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[687]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; on the charge of having secured his election with Silanus by bribery. There was a law according to which the accused had always the power to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 521]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_521&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;appoint a person to watch the accuser, in order that it might not be unknown what he was getting together and preparing to support the prosecution. Now he who was appointed by Murena to watch Cato used to accompany him and observe his conduct, and when he saw that Cato was doing nothing with unfair design or contrary to equity, but honourably and in a kindly spirit was going a simple and straightforward course towards the prosecution, he had such admiration of his noble bearing and morality that he would come up to Cato in the Forum, or go to his door and ask, whether he intended that day to attend to any matters that concerned the prosecution, and if he said that he did not, he would take his word and go away. When the trial came on, Cicero, who was then consul and one of the advocates of Murena, on account of Cato&#039;s connection with the Stoics, ridiculed and mocked these philosophers and their so-called paradoxes, and thus made the judices laugh. On which it is said that Cato, with a smile, observed to those who were present, &amp;quot;My friends, what a ridiculous consul we have.&amp;quot; Murena, who was acquitted, did not display towards Cato the temper of a bad or a foolish man, for in his consulship he used to ask his advice in the most important affairs, and all along in every other matter showed him respect and confidence. Cato&#039;s own conduct was the cause of this, for while he was severe and terrible on the judgment seat and in the Senate on behalf of justice, he was benevolent and friendly in all his social intercourse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Before Cato entered on the tribuneship, during Cicero&#039;s consulship he supported his administration in many other difficulties, and he put the finishing stroke to the measures relating to Catiline,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_688_688&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_688_688&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[688]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which were the most important and glorious of all. Catiline himself, who was designing to effect a pernicious and complete change in the Roman state, and was at the same time stirring up insurrection and war, being convicted by Cicero, fled from the city; but Lentulus and Cethegus and many others with them, who had taken up the conspiracy, upbraiding Catiline with cowardice and want of spirit in his &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 522]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_522&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;designs, were plotting to destroy the city with fire, and to subvert the supremacy of Rome by the revolt of nations and by foreign wars. Their schemes having been discovered in the manner told in the Life of Cicero, he laid the matter before the Senate for their deliberation, whereupon Silanus, who spoke first, gave his opinion that the men ought to suffer the extreme punishment, and those who followed him spoke to the same effect, till it came to Cæsar&#039;s turn. Cæsar now rose, and as he was a powerful speaker and wished rather to increase all change and disturbance in the state than to allow it to be quenched, considering it as the stuff for his own designs to work upon, he urged many arguments of a persuasive and humane kind to the effect that the men ought not to be put to death without trial, and he advised that they should be confined in prison: and he wrought so great a change in the opinion of the Senate, who were afraid of the people, that even Silanus retracted what he had said, and affirmed that neither had he recommended that they should be put to death, but that they should be imprisoned; for to a Roman this was the extreme of punishment.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Such had been the change, and all the Senators in a body had gone over to the milder and more humane proposal, when Cato rising to deliver his opinion, commenced his speech in anger and passion, abusing Silanus for changing his mind, and attacking Cæsar, whom he charged with a design to overturn the State under a popular guise and pretext of humanity, and with making the Senate alarmed at things at which he himself ought to be alarmed, and therewith well content, if he escaped unharmed on account of what had passed and without suspicion, when he was so openly and audaciously endeavouring to rescue the common enemies of all, and admitting that he had no pity for the state, such and so great though it was, and though it had so narrowly escaped destruction, but was shedding tears and lamenting because those who ought never to have existed or been born would by their death release the state from great bloodshed and danger. They say that this is the only speech of Cato which is preserved, and that it was owing to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 523]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_523&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Cicero the consul, who had previously instructed those clerks who surpassed the rest in quick writing in the use of certain signs which comprehended in their small and brief marks the force of many characters and had placed them in different parts of the Senate house. For the Romans at this time were not used to employ nor did they possess what are called note-writers,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_689_689&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_689_689&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[689]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but it was on this occasion, as they say, that they were first established in a certain form. However, Cato prevailed and changed the opinion of the Senate, who condemned the men to death.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now as we perhaps ought not to omit even the slight tokens of character when we are delineating as it were a likeness of the soul, it is reported that on this occasion when Cæsar was making much exertion and a great struggle against Cato, and the attention of the Senate was fixed on both of them, a small letter was brought in for Cæsar from the outside. Cato attempted to fix suspicion on this matter, and alleged that some of the senators were disturbed at it and he bade him read the writing, on which Cæsar handed the letter to Cato who was standing near him. Cato read the letter, which was an amatory epistle addressed to Cæsar by his sister Servilia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_690_690&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_690_690&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[690]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was enamoured of Cæsar and had been debauched by him, and throwing it at Cæsar he said, &amp;quot;Take it, drunkard,&amp;quot; and so resumed his speech. Indeed in the female part of his family Cato appears to have always been unlucky. For this sister had a bad report in respect of Cæsar; and the conduct of the other Servilia, also a sister of Cato, was still more unseemly. For though she was married to Lucullus, a man who was among the first of the Romans in reputation, and bore him a child, she was driven from his house for incontinence. And what was &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 524]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_524&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;most scandalous of all, even Cato&#039;s wife Atilia was not free from such vices, for though he had two children by her, he was compelled to put her away for her unseemly behaviour.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Cato then married Marcia, a daughter of Philippus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_691_691&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_691_691&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[691]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who had the character of being an honest woman, and about whom a good deal is said; but just as in a drama, this part of Cato&#039;s life is a difficult and perplexed matter. However it was after the following manner, as Thrasea&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_692_692&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_692_692&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[692]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; writes, who refers as his authority to Munatius, a companion and intimate associate of Cato. Among the numerous friends and admirers of Cato there were some more conspicuous and distinguished than others, of whom one was Quintus Hortensius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_693_693&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_693_693&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[693]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a man of splendid reputation and honest morals. Now as Hortensius was desirous to be not merely an intimate friend and companion of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 525]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_525&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Cato, but in a manner to unite in kinship and community the whole family and stock, he endeavoured to persuade Cato, whose daughter Porcia was the wife of Bibulus and had born him two sons, to give her in turn to him as a fertile soil to beget children in. He said that according to men&#039;s opinion such a thing was strange, but that according to nature it was good and for the advantage of states, that a woman who was in her youth and perfection should neither lie idle and check her procreative power, nor yet should by breeding more children than enough cause trouble to her husband and impoverish him when he wanted no more children; but that if there was a community of offspring among worthy men, it would make virtue abundant and widely diffused among families, and would mingle the state with itself by these family relationships. If Bibulus, he said, was greatly attached to his wife, he would return her as soon as she had born a child, and he had become more closely united both with Bibulus and Cato by a community of children. Cato replied that he loved Hortensius and valued his kinship, but he considered it strange for Hortensius to speak about the marriage of his daughter who had been given to another; on which Hortensius changing his proposal and disclosing himself did not hesitate to ask the wife of Cato, who was still young enough to bear children, while Cato himself had children enough. And it cannot be said that Hortensius did this because he knew that Cato paid no attention to Marcia, for they say that she happened to be with child at the time. Accordingly Cato seeing the earnestness and eagerness of Hortensius did not refuse, but he said that Philippus the father of Marcia must also approve of it. When they had seen Philippus and informed him of the agreement, he did not give Marcia in marriage, except in the presence of Cato, and Cato joined in giving her away. Though this took place later, it seemed convenient to me to anticipate the time as I had made mention of the female part of Cato&#039;s family.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Lentulus and his associates had been executed, and Cæsar, on account of the charges and insinuations made against him before the Senate, betook himself to the people for protection and was stirring up the numerous &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 526]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_526&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;diseased and corrupted members of the state and collecting them about him, Cato, being alarmed, persuaded the Senate to relieve the crowd of poor who had no property by an allowance of grain, the expenditure for which purpose was to the amount of twelve hundred and fifty talents&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_694_694&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_694_694&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[694]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; annually; and the threats of Cæsar were manifestly rendered futile by this liberality and bounty. After this, Metellus, as soon as he had entered on the tribuneship, got together tumultuous meetings and proposed a law that Pompeius Magnus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_695_695&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_695_695&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[695]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; should hasten to Italy with his forces and should undertake the protection of the city, which it was alleged was in danger from Catiline. This was in appearance a specious proposal, but the real object and end of the law was to put affairs in the hands of Pompeius and to surrender to him the supremacy. When the Senate was assembled and Cato did not in his usual way fall violently on Metellus, but advised him with much forbearance and moderation, and at last even betook himself to entreaty and praised the family of the Metelli for having always been aristocratic, Metellus becoming much emboldened and despising Cato, whom he supposed to be giving way and cowering, broke out in extravagant threats and arrogant expressions, as if he would accomplish every thing in spite of the Senate. On this Cato, changing his attitude and tone and language, and concluding all that he said with a vehement affirmation that so long as he lived Pompeius should not come into the city with his soldiers, brought the Senate to this opinion, that neither he nor Metellus was in a sober mind and that neither of them was guided by sound considerations, but that the measures of Metellus were madness which from excess of depravity was loading to the destruction and confusion of every thing, and those of Cato an enthusiasm of virtue struggling in behalf of honour and justice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; But when the people were going to vote on the law, and armed strangers and gladiators and slaves had come to the Forum arrayed to support Metellus, and that part of the people which longed for Pompeius from desire of change was not small, and there was also great &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 527]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_527&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;support from Cæsar who was then prætor, and the first men of the citizens rather shared in the indignation and wrongs of Cato than joined him in making resistance, and great depression and alarm prevailed in his family, so that some of his friends taking no food watched all night with one another in perplexed deliberation on his behalf, and his wife and sisters also were lamenting and weeping, Cato himself displayed a fearless and confident behaviour to all, and cheered them, and he took his supper, as usual, and after resting all night was roused from a deep sleep by Minucius Thermus one of his colleagues; and they went down to the Forum with a few persons accompanying them, though many met them and urged them to be on their guard. When Cato stopped and saw the temple of the Dioscuri&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_696_696&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_696_696&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[696]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; surrounded by armed men and the steps guarded by gladiators, and Metellus himself with Cæsar sitting above, he turned to his friends and said, &amp;quot;O the daring and cowardly men, to collect such a force of soldiery against a single man unarmed and defenceless.&amp;quot; Saying this he advanced straight forwards with Thermus; and those who occupied the steps made way for them but they let nobody else pass, except that Cato with difficulty pulled Munatius by the hand and got him up, and then advancing right onwards, he flung himself between Metellus and Cæsar and there took his seat, and so cut off their communications. Cæsar and Metellus were disconcerted, but the better part of the people seeing and admiring the noble bearing and spirit of Cato came nearer, and with shouts encouraged Cato to be of good heart, and they urged one another to stay and keep close together and not to betray their liberty and the man who was contending in defence of it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The clerk now produced the law, but Cato would not let him read it, and when Metellus took it and began to read, Cato snatched the writing from him; and when Metellus who knew the law by heart was beginning to declare it orally, Thermus held his mouth with his hand and stopped his voice, till at last Metellus seeing that the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 528]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_528&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;men were making an opposition which he could not resist and that the people were beginning to give way to what was best and to change, he ordered armed men to hurry thither from his house&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_697_697&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_697_697&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[697]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with threats and shouts. This being done, and all having been dispersed except Cato, who stood there, though he was pelted with stones and pieces of wood from above, Murena, who had been brought to trial and prosecuted by Cato, did not remain indifferent, but holding his toga in front of him and calling out to those who were throwing missiles, to stop, and finally persuading Cato himself and taking him in his arms, led him off to the temple of the Dioscuri. Now when Metellus saw that all was clear about the Rostra, and that his opponents were flying through the Forum, being quite confident that he had got the victory, he ordered the armed men to go away, and coming forward in an orderly manner he attempted to conduct the proceedings about the law. But his opponents quickly recovering themselves from their rout again advanced with loud and confident shouts, so that the partizans of Metellus were seized with confusion and fear, for they thought that their opponents were falling on them with arms which they had provided themselves with from some place or other, and not one of them stood his ground, but all ran away from the Rostra. When they were thus dispersed, and Cato coming forward partly commended and partly encouraged the people, the people prepared themselves to put down Metellus by every means, and the Senate assembling declared anew that they would support Cato and resist the law, which they considered to be introducing discord and civil war into Rome.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Metellus himsalf was unmoved from his purpose and still bold, but seeing that his partizans were struck with great terror at Cato, and considered him invincible and that it was impossible to overpower him, he suddenly hurried out to the Forum, and assemb&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 529]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_529&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ling the people he said many things calculated to bring odium on Cato, and crying out that he was flying from his tyranny and the conspiracy against Pompeius, for which the city would speedily repent and for their disgracing so great a man, he forthwith set out to Asia to lay all these charges before Pompeius. Now the fame of Cato was great inasmuch as he had eased the state of the no small burden of the tribuneship, and in a manner had put down the power of Pompeius in the person of Metellus; but he got still more credit by not consenting that the Senate, who were minded to do it, should degrade Metellus, and by opposing the measure and praying them not to pass it. For the majority considered it a token of a humane and moderate temper not to trample on his enemy nor insult him after he had got the victory; and to the prudent it appeared wise and politic in him not to irritate Pompeius. After this, Lucullus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_698_698&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_698_698&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[698]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who had returned from his campaign, the conclusion and the glory of which Pompeius was considered to have snatched from him, ran the risk of not having a triumph, owing to Caius Memmius stirring up the people and bringing charges against him, rather to please Pompeius than out of any private ill-will. But Cato, being connected with Lucullus by Lucullus having married Cato&#039;s sister Servilia, and also thinking it a scandalous affair, resisted Memmius and exposed himself to much calumny and many imputations. Finally an attempt being made to eject Cato from his office, on the ground that he was exercising tyrannical power, he so far prevailed as to compel Memmius himself to desist from his prosecution and to give up the contest. Lucullus accordingly had a triumph, in consideration of which he stuck still more closely to the friendship of Cato, which was to him a protection and bulwark against the power of Pompeius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Pompeius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_699_699&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_699_699&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[699]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; returning from his military command &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 530]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_530&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;with great reputation, and relying on the splendour and heartiness of his reception for getting everything from the citizens that he asked for, sent a message to the Senate before his arrival at Rome, to ask them to put off the Comitia, that he might be present to assist Piso at his canvass. The majority were ready to give way, but Cato who did not consider the putting off the Comitia as the chief matter, and wished to cut short the attempts and the hopes of Pompeius, opposed the request and induced the Senate to change their mind and reject it. This gave Pompeius no little uneasiness, and considering that he should find no slight obstacle in Cato, if he did not make him his friend, he sent for Munatius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_700_700&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_700_700&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[700]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; an intimate of Cato, and as Cato had two marriageable nieces, he asked for the elder for his own wife, and the younger for his son. Some say that the suit was not for the nieces, but the daughters of Cato. When Munatius made the proposal to Cato and his wife and sisters, the women were delighted above measure at the prospect of the alliance by reason of the greatness and reputation of the man; but Cato, without pause or deliberation, with passion forthwith replied, &amp;quot;Go, Munatius, go, and tell Pompeius, that Cato is not to be caught by approaching him through the women&#039;s chamber, but that he is well content to have the friendship of Pompeius, and if Pompeius will act rightly, Cato will show him a friendship more sure than any marriage connection, but he will not give up hostages to the reputation of Pompeius contrary to the interests of his country.&amp;quot; The women were vexed at these words, and Cato&#039;s friends blamed his answer as both rude and insolent. The next thing, however, was that Pompeius while trying to secure the consulship for one of his friends, sent money for the tribes, and the bribery&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_701_701&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_701_701&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[701]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was notorious, the money being counted out in his gardens. Accordingly when Cato observed to the women, that he who was connected with Pompeius by marriage, must of necessity &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 531]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_531&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;participate in such measures and be loaded with the disgrace of them, they admitted that he had judged better in rejecting the alliance of Pompeius. But if we may judge by the result, Cato appears to have made a complete mistake in not accepting the proposed alliance with Pompeius, and allowing him to turn to Cæsar and to contract a marriage, which, by uniting the power of Pompeius and Cæsar, nearly overthrew the Roman state and did destroy the constitution, nothing of which probably would have happened if Cato had not, through fear of the small errors of Pompeius, overlooked the greatest, which was the allowing him to increase the power of another.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; These things, however, were still in the future. Now when Lucullus was engaged in a contest with Pompeius respecting the arrangements made in Pontus, for each of them wished his own arrangements to be confirmed, and Cato gave his aid to Lucullus, who was manifestly wronged, Pompeius being worsted in the Senate and seeking to make himself popular, proposed a division of lands among the soldiery. But when Cato opposed him in this measure also and frustrated the law, Pompeius next attached himself to Clodius, the boldest of the demagogues at that time, and gained over Cæsar,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_702_702&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_702_702&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[702]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to which Cato in a manner gave occasion. For Cæsar, who had returned from his prætorship in Iberia, at the same time wished to be a candidate for the consulship and asked for a triumph. But as it was the law that those who were candidates for a magistracy should be present, and those who were going to have a triumph should stay outside the walls, Cæsar asked permission of the Senate to solicit the office through means of others. Many were willing to consent, but Cato spoke against it, and when he saw that the Senators were ready to oblige Cæsar, he took up the whole day in talking, and thus frustrated the designs, of the Senate. Cæsar accordingly giving up his hopes of a triumph, entered the city, and immediately attached himself to Pompeius, and sought the consulship. Being &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 532]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_532&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;elected consul, Cæsar gave Julia in marriage to Pompeius, and the two now coalescing against the state, the one introduced laws for giving to the poor allotments and a distribution of land, and the other assisted in supporting these measures. But Lucullus and Cicero siding with Bibulus, the other consul, opposed the measures, and Cato most of all, who already suspected that the friendship and combination of Cæsar and Pompeius had no just object, and said that he was not afraid of the distribution of the land, but of the reward for it which those would claim who were gratifying the multitude, and alluring them by this bait.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; By these arguments Cato brought the Senate to an unanimous opinion; and of those without the Senate no small number supported the senators, being annoyed at the unusual measures of Cæsar: for what the boldest and most reckless tribunes were used to propose for popularity&#039;s sake, these very measures Cæsar in the possession of consular power adopted, basely and meanly endeavouring to ingratiate himself with the people. Cæsar&#039;s party, therefore, being alarmed, had recourse to violence, and first of all a basket of ordure was thrown upon Bibulus as he was going down to the Forum, and then the people fell on his lictors and broke the fasces; finally missiles being thrown about, and many being wounded, all the rest ran away from the Forum except Cato, who walked away slowly, every now and then turning round and cursing the citizens. Accordingly Cæsar&#039;s partisans not only passed the law for the distribution of land,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_703_703&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_703_703&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[703]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but they added to it a clause to compel all the Senate to swear that they would maintain the law, and give their aid against any one who should act contrary to it, and they enacted heavy penalties against those who did not swear. All swore to maintain the law under compulsion, bearing in mind what befell Metellus of old, whom the people allowed to be driven from&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_704_704&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_704_704&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[704]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Italy because he would not swear to observe a like enactment. For this reason the women &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 533]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_533&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;of Cato&#039;s family with tears earnestly entreated him to yield and take the oath, and also his friends and intimate acquaintance. But the person who most persuaded and induced Cato to take the oath was Cicero the orator, who argued and urged that perhaps it was not even right for him to think that he was the only man who ought to refuse obedience to what had been determined by the common voice; and when it was impossible to undo what had been done, it was altogether senseless and mad to have no regard for himself; and of all evils, he argued, it was the greatest to give up and surrender the state, to the interests of which all his actions were directed, to those who were plotting against it, as if he were glad to be released from all struggles in its behalf; for if Cato did not stand in need of Rome, Rome stood in need of Cato, and all his friends also did; and among them Cicero said that he was the first, being the object of the designs of Clodius, who was clearly proceeding to attack him by means of the tribunitian office. By these and the like arguments and entreaties, both at home and in the Forum, it is said that Cato was induced to relent, and was prevailed upon with difficulty, and that he came forward to take the oath last of all, except Favonius, one of his friends and intimates.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Cæsar being encouraged, introduced another law for the division of nearly the whole of Campania among the poor and needy. Nobody spoke against it except Cato; and him Cæsar caused to be dragged from the Rostra to prison, Cato the while remitting nothing of his freedom of speech, but as he went along, at the same time speaking about the law and advising them to cease attempting such political measures. The Senate followed with downcast countenances, and the best part of the people, much annoyed and troubled, though they said nothing, so that Cæsar did not fail to see that they were displeased; but out of self-will and expectation that Cato would appeal and have recourse to entreaties, he continued leading him to prison. But when it was plain that Cato intended to do nothing at all, Cæsar, overcome by shame and the ill opinion of the thing, privately persuaded one of the tribunes to rescue Cato. By these laws, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 534]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_534&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;however, and these grants of land, they so cajoled the people, that they voted to Cæsar the government of Illyricum and all Gaul with four legions for five years, though Cato warned them that they would by their own votes plant the tyrant in the Acropolis; and they transferred by illegal means Publius Clodius from the patrician order to the plebeians, and made the man a tribune, who was willing to do anything in his public capacity to serve them, on condition that they would let Cicero be driven out; and they made consuls Piso&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_705_705&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_705_705&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[705]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Calpurnius, the father of Cæsar&#039;s wife, and Gabinius Aulus, a man from the lap of Pompeius, as those say who were acquainted with his habits and life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; But though Cæsar and his party had thus violently got possession of the power, and had one part of the citizens at their command through their grants, and another part through fear, they still dreaded Cato. For even when they did get the advantage over him, the fact that it was with difficulty and labour, and not without shame and exposure that they hardly forced their purpose, was annoying and vexatious. Clodius, indeed, did not expect to be able to put down Cicero so long as Cato was at home, and as he was contriving how to effect this, he sent for Cato as soon as he was in his office, and addressed him to the effect that he considered Cato to be the purest man of all the Romans, and he was ready to prove the sincerity of his opinion by his acts, and he said that though many persons were soliciting the commission to Cyprus and Ptolemæus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_706_706&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_706_706&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[706]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and asking to be sent, he thought &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 535]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_535&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Cato alone worthy of it, and that he gladly offered him the favour. On Cato crying out that the thing was a snare and insult and not a favour, Clodius replied in an insolent and contemptuous manner, &amp;quot;Well, if you don&#039;t like it, you shall make the voyage against your liking;&amp;quot; and immediately going before the people he got the mission of Cato confirmed by a law. When Cato was leaving Rome, Clodius allowed him neither ship nor soldier nor attendant except two clerks, one of whom was a thief and a thorough knave, and the other was a client of Clodius. And as if he had given him but small occupations with the affairs of Cyprus and Ptolemæus, Clodius commissioned him also to restore the Byzantine fugitives, his wish being that Cato should be as long as possible from Rome during his tribuneship.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Being under such compulsion, Cato advised Cicero, who was pressed by his enemies, not to raise any commotion nor to involve the city in a contest and bloodshed, but by yielding to the times to be again the saviour of his country; and sending forward to Cyprus Canidius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_707_707&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_707_707&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[707]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; one of his friends, he prevailed on Ptolemæus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_708_708&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_708_708&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[708]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to yield without a struggle, assuring him that he should want neither money nor respect, for that the people would give him the priesthood of the goddess at Paphos.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_709_709&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_709_709&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[709]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cato himself stayed in Rhodes making preparation and waiting for the answers. In the meantime Ptolemæus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_710_710&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_710_710&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[710]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; King of Egypt, left Alexandria in anger after quarrelling with the citizens, and set sail for Rome in the hope that Cæsar and Pompeius would restore him with a military force; and as he wished to see Cato he sent a message, expecting &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 536]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_536&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;that Cato would come to him. Cato happened to be then undergoing a purging,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_711_711&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_711_711&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[711]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and he answered that Ptolemæus must come, if he wished to see him; and when the king did come, Cato neither advanced to meet him nor rose, but saluted him as one of his ordinary visitors and bade him be seated; and by this behaviour the king was at first disturbed, and was amazed at the contrast between Cato&#039;s haughty behaviour and rough manners, and the meanness and simplicity of the man&#039;s attire. But when he had begun to talk with him about his own affairs, and listened to words full of wisdom and plain-speaking, for Cato reproved him and showed what a happy condition he had left and to what servitude and toils and corruption and love of aggrandisement in the chief men of the Romans he was subjecting himself, whom scarcely Egypt would satisfy if it were all turned into silver, and Cato advised the king to return and be reconciled to his people, and said that he was ready to sail with him and assist in bringing about an accommodation, the king, as if he had been brought to his senses from some madness or delirium by the words of Cato, and perceiving the integrity and judgment of the man, was resolved to follow his advice. However, the king was again turned by his friends to his original design, but as soon as he was in Rome and was approaching the door of one of the magistrates, he groaned over his ill resolve, as if he had rejected, not the advice of a good man, but the prophetic warning of a deity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The Ptolemæus in Cyprus, to Cato&#039;s good luck, poisoned himself; and as it was said that he had left a large sum of money, Cato determined to go to Byzantium himself, and he sent his nephew Brutus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_712_712&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_712_712&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[712]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 537]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_537&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Cyprus, because he did not altogether trust Canidius. After bringing the exiles to terms with their fellow-citizens and leaving Byzantium at peace with itself, he sailed to Cyprus. Now as there was a great quantity of movables, such as suited a royal household, consisting of cups, tables, precious stones and purple, all which was to be sold and turned into money, Cato being desirous to do everything with the greatest exactness and to bring up everything to the highest price, and to be present everywhere and to apply the strictest reckoning, would not trust even to the usages of the market, but suspecting all alike, assistants, criers, purchasers and friends, in fine, by talking to the purchasers singly and urging them to bid, he in this way got most of the things sold that were put up for sale. Cato thus offended the rest of his friends by showing that he did not trust them, and Munatius, the most intimate of all, he put into a state of resentment that was well nigh past cure; so that when Cæsar was writing his book against Cato, this passage in the charges against him furnished matter for the most bitter invective.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Munatius, however, states that his anger against Cato arose not by reason of Cato&#039;s distrust of him, but his contemptuous behaviour, and a certain jealousy of his own in regard to Canidius; for Munatius also published a book about Cato, which Thrasea chiefly followed. He says that he arrived after the rest in Cyprus and found very poor accommodation prepared for him; and that on going to Cato&#039;s door he was repulsed, because Cato was engaged about some matters in the house with Canidius, and when he complained of this in reasonable terms, he got an answer which was not reasonable and to the effect: That excessive affection, as Theophrastus says, is in danger of often becoming the cause of hatred, &amp;quot;for,&amp;quot; continued Cato, &amp;quot;you, by reason of your very great affection for me, are vexed when you suppose that you receive less respect than is your due. But I employ Canidius because I have made trial of him and trust him more than others, for he came at the first and has shown himself to be an honest man.&amp;quot; This, says Munatius, Cato said to him, when they two were alone, but that Cato afterwards told it to Canidius; and accordingly when &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 538]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_538&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Munatius heard of it, as he says, he did not go to Cato&#039;s table nor to his counsels when he was invited; and when Cato threatened that he would take pledges&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_713_713&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_713_713&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[713]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; from him, which the Romans do in the case of those who refuse to obey a command, that without caring for Cato&#039;s threats he sailed away from Cyprus and for a long time continued to be angry with him. That afterwards Marcia, for she was still the wife of Cato, having spoken with Cato, both Cato and he happened to be invited to supper by Barcas;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_714_714&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_714_714&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[714]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Cato, who came in after the guests were seated, asked where he should recline. Upon Barcas answering, &amp;quot;Where he pleased,&amp;quot; Cato looking about him said he would take his place near Munatius; and going round he did take his place near him, but showed him no other sign of friendly feeling during the supper. However, upon Marcia preferring a second request, Cato wrote to him to say that he wished to see him on some matter, and that he went early in the morning to the house and was detained by Marcia till all the rest went way, when Cato came in and throwing both his arms round him saluted and received him with all signs of friendship. Now I have told this at some length, because I consider such things to contain a certain evidence for the exhibition and perception of character no less than public and great acts.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Cato&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_715_715&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_715_715&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[715]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; got together nearly seven thousand talents of silver, and being afraid of the length of the voyage, he had many vessels made, each of which contained two talents and five hundred drachmæ, and he fastened to each vessel a long rope, to the end of which was attached a very large piece of cork, with the view, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 539]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_539&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;that if the ship were wrecked, the cork holding the vessels suspended in the deep sea might indicate the place. Now the money, with the exception of a small part, was safely conveyed; but though he had accounts of all his administration carefully drawn up in two books, he saved neither of them. One of them was in the care of his freedman Philargyros, who set sail from Kenchreæ,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_716_716&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_716_716&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[716]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but was wrecked, and lost the book and all the cargo with it: the other he had safely carried as far as Corcyra, where he pitched his tent in the Agora; but the sailors on account of the cold having lighted many fires, the tents were burnt in the night, and the book was destroyed. The king&#039;s managers who were present were ready to stop the mouths of the enemies and detractors of Cato; but the matter gave him annoyance for other reasons. For it was not to prove his own integrity, but to set an example of exact dealing to others that he was ambitious to produce his accounts, and this was the cause of his vexation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Cato&#039;s arrival with the ships did not pass unobserved by the Romans, for all the magistrates and priests, and all the Senate and a great part of the people met him at the river, so that both the banks were covered, and Cato&#039;s voyage upwards was not inferior to a triumph in show and splendour. Yet it seemed to some to be a perverse and stubborn thing, that though the consuls and prætors were present, Cato neither landed to meet them nor stopped his course, but sweeping along the shore in a royal galley of six banks, he never stopped till he had moored his ships in the dockyard. However, when the money was carried along through the Forum, the people were amazed&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_717_717&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_717_717&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[717]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at the quantity, and the Senate assembling voted together with suitable thanks that an extraordinary prætorship&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_718_718&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_718_718&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[718]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; should be given to Cato, and that he should &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 540]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_540&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;wear a dress with a purple border when he was present at the public spectacles. Cato protested against both these distinctions, but he recommended the Senate to emancipate Nikias, the king&#039;s steward, to whose care and integrity he bore testimony. At that time Philippus, the father of Marcia, was consul, and in a manner the dignity and power of the office were transferred to Cato, for the colleague of Philippus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_719_719&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_719_719&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[719]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; paid no less respect to Cato on account of his merit than on account of his relationship to Philippus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XL.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Cicero&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_720_720&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_720_720&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[720]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; had returned from the exile into which he was driven by Clodius, and was now a powerful man, he forcibly pulled down and destroyed in the absence of Clodius, the tribunitian tablets which Clodius had recorded and placed in the Capitol; and the Senate having been assembled about this business, and Clodius making it a matter of accusation, Cicero said that inasmuch as Clodius had been made tribune in an illegal manner, all that had been done during his tribunate and recorded ought to be ineffectual and invalid. But Cato took exception to what Cicero said, and at length he rose and declared, that he was of opinion that there was nothing sound or good in any degree in the administration of Clodius, but that if any man was for rescinding all that Clodius had done in his tribunate, all his own measures relating to Cyprus were thereby rescinded, and his mission had not been legal, having been proposed by a man who was not legally tribune: he maintained that Clodius had not been illegally elected tribune by virtue of being adopted out of the patrician body into a plebeian family, for the law allowed this; but if he had been a bad magistrate, like others, it was fitting to call to account the man who had done wrong, and not to annul the office which had been wronged also. In consequence of this, Cicero was &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 541]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_541&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;angry with Cato, and for a long time ceased all friendly intercourse with him: however, they were afterwards reconciled.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this Pompeius and Crassus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_721_721&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_721_721&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[721]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; had a meeting with Cæsar, who had come across the Alps, in which they agreed that they should seek a second consulship; and when they were established in it, they should cause another period in Cæsar&#039;s government as long as the first to be given him by the vote of the people, and to themselves the chief of the provinces and money and military forces: the which was a conspiracy for the division of the supreme power and the destruction of the constitution. Now though many honest men were at this time preparing to be candidates for the consulship, they were deterred by seeing Pompeius and Crassus canvassing; but Lucius Domitius alone, the husband of Porcia, the sister of Cato, was induced by Cato not to give way or to yield, as the contest was not for office but for the liberty of Rome. And indeed it was currently said among that part of the citizens who were still of sober thoughts, that they ought not to allow the consular office to become completely overbearing and oppressive by permitting the power of Crassus and Pompeius to be combined, but that they should deprive one of them of the office. And they ranged themselves on the side of Domitius, urging and encouraging him to keep to his purpose; for many, they argued, even of those who said nothing by reason of fear, would help him with their votes. The party of Pompeius and Crassus fearing this, laid an ambuscade for Domitius as he was going down to the Campus Martius early in the morning, by torch-light. First of all the man who was lighting Domitius and standing close by him was struck and fell down dead; and after him others also being wounded, there was a general flight of all except Cato and Domitius; for Cato held Domitius though he himself was wounded in the arm, and urged him to stay and so long as there was breath in them, not to give up the struggle for liberty against the tyrants &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 542]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_542&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;who showed how they would use their power, by making their way to it through such acts of wrong.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Domitius, however, did not face the danger, but fled to his house, upon which Pompeius and Crassus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_722_722&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_722_722&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[722]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; were elected. Yet Cato did not give up the contest, but came forward as a candidate for a prætorship, because he wished to have a strong position in his struggles with them and not to be himself a private man while he was opposing those who were in office. Pompeius and Crassus being afraid of this, and considering that the prætorship by reason of Cato would become a match for the consulship, in the first place on a sudden and without the knowledge of many of the body, summoned the Senate, and got a vote passed that those who were elected prætors should enter on office forthwith and should not let the time fixed by law intervene, during which time prosecutions were allowed of those who had bribed the people. In the next place, now that they had by the vote of the Senate made bribery free from all responsibility, they brought forward their own tools and friends as candidates for the prætorship, themselves giving the bribe-money, and themselves standing by while the voting was going on. But when the merit and good name of Cato were getting the superiority even over all this, the many for very shame considering it a great crime by their votes to sell Cato, whom it were even honourable to purchase for the state as prætor, and the tribe which was first called voted for him, Pompeius all at once, falsely saying he had heard thunder, dissolved the assembly, for it was the custom of the Romans to view such tokens as inauspicious, and not to ratify anything when there had been signs from heaven. Thereafter, by employing excessive bribery and driving all the honest folks from the Campus they brought about by violence that Vatinius should be elected prætor instead of Cato. Upon this it is said that those who had given their votes thus illegally and dishonestly, forthwith skulked away; and a certain tribune forming on the spot a meeting of those who were assembling together and expressing their dis&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 543]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_543&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;satisfaction, Cato came before them, and as if inspired by the gods, foretold everything that would happen to the state, and urged the citizens to oppose Pompeius and Crassus as being privy to such measures and engaging in a course of policy, on account of which they feared Cato lest, if he were prætor, he should get the advantage over them. And finally as he went home, he was attended by such a crowd as not even all the prætors together, who were elected, had to accompany them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Caius Trebonius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_723_723&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_723_723&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[723]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; drew up a law for the division of the provinces between the consuls, to the effect that one of them should have the government of Iberia and Libya, and the other Syria and Egypt, to attack and carry on war against whom they pleased with naval and military forces, the rest despairing of all opposition and hindrance even desisted from speaking against the measure, and when Cato got up on the Rostra before the question was put to the vote, and expressed a wish to speak, he with difficulty obtained leave to speak for two hours.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_724_724&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_724_724&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[724]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After Cato had occupied this time with much speaking, and alleging of arguments and prophetic warnings, they would not let him speak longer, but an officer went up and pulled him down while he was still keeping his place on the Rostra. But inasmuch as he continued to cry out from the place where he was standing below, and had persons to listen to him and join in his dissatisfaction, the officer again laid hold of him and taking him away, put him out of the Forum. But scarcely was he let loose when he returned and made his way to the Rostra with loud shouts, urging the citizens to aid him. This being repeated several times, Trebonius in a passion ordered him to be led to prison, and the crowd followed listening to him talking as he went along, so that Trebonius was afraid and let him go. In this manner Cato took up all that day: but on the following &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 544]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_544&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;days by terrifying some of the citizens and gaining over others by favours and by bribes, and with armed men preventing Aquilius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_725_725&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_725_725&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[725]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; one of the tribunes from coming out of the senate house, and by ejecting from the Forum Cato himself, who called out that there had been thunder, and by wounding no small number, and even killing some, they forcibly carried the law, in consequence of which many persons in passion crowded together and pelted the statues of Pompeius. Cato, however, who came up to them stopped this; and further, when a law was proposed respecting the provinces and armies of Cæsar, Cato no longer addressed himself to the people, but turning to Pompeius himself he adjured and forewarned him, that he did not see that he was now taking up Cæsar on his shoulders, but that when he began to feel the weight of his burden and to be mastered by it, having neither power to rid himself of it nor strength to bear it, he would fall with it upon the state, and then he would remember Cato&#039;s advice and see that it concerned no less the interests of Pompeius than honour and justice. Though Pompeius heard this often, he cared not for it and let it pass, not believing there would be any change in Cæsar, because he trusted in his own good fortune and power.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; For the following year Cato was chosen prætor,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_726_726&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_726_726&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[726]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 545]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_545&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;but he was considered not to add so much dignity and honour to the office by his good administration, as to detract from it and bring it into disrepute by often going to the Rostra without his shoes and his tunic, and in this attire presiding at trials of men of rank in matters of life and death. Some also say that even after dinner, when he had drunk wine, he would transact business; but this at least is untruly said. The people being now corrupted by the bribery of those who were ambitious of office, and the majority being accustomed to receive money for their votes as if in the way of a regular trade, Cato wishing to eradicate completely this disease in the state, persuaded the Senate to make a decree, that if those who were elected magistrates should have none ready to accuse them, they should themselves be compelled to come forward before a sworn court and give an account of their election. The candidates for magistracies were vexed at this, and still more vexed were the mass who received the bribe-money. Accordingly in the morning when Cato had gone to the tribunal, the people in a body pressing upon him, cried out, abused him, and pelted him so that every person fled from the tribunal, and Cato himself being shoved from his place by the crowd and carried along with it, with difficulty laid hold of the Rostra. Thereupon getting up, by the boldness and firmness of his demeanour, Cato forthwith mastered the tumult, and stopped the shouting, and after saying what was suitable to the occasion and being listened to with perfect quiet, he put an end to the disturbance. When the Senate were bestowing praise upon him, he said, &amp;quot;But I cannot praise you, who left a prætor in danger and did not come to his help.&amp;quot; But of the candidates for magistracies every man felt himself in a difficult position, being afraid to give bribes himself, and being afraid that he should lose the office if another did it. Accordingly it was agreed among them that they should come together to one place, and each lay down one hundred and twenty-five thousand drachmæ of silver, and all should then seek the office in a right and just way, and that he who broke the terms and employed &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 546]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_546&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;bribery, should lose his money. Having agreed to these terms they chose Cato as depositary and umpire and witness, and bringing the money, they offered to place it with him; and they had the terms of the agreement drawn up before him, but Cato took sureties instead of the money, and would not receive the money itself. When the day for the election came, Cato taking his place by the presiding tribune and watching the vote, discovered that one of those who had entered into the engagement, was playing foul, and he ordered him to pay the money to the rest. But they, commending his uprightness and admiring it, waived the penalty, considering that they had sufficient satisfaction from the wrong-doer; but Cato offended all the rest and got very great odium from this, it being as if he assumed to himself the power of the Senate and of the courts of justice and of the magistrates. For the opinion and the credit of no one virtue makes people more envious than that of justice,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_727_727&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_727_727&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[727]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 547]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_547&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;because both æpower and credit among the many follow it chiefly. For people do not merely honour the just, as they do the brave, nor do they admire them, as they do the wise, but they even love the just, and have confidence in them and give them credit. But as to the brave and wise, they fear the one, and give no credit to the other; and besides this, they think that the brave and the wise excel by nature rather than by their own will; and with respect to courage and wisdom, they consider the one to be a certain sharpness, and the other a firmness of soul; but inasmuch as any man who chooses, has it in his power to be just, they have most abhorrence of injustice as badness that is without excuse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Wherefore all the great were enemies of Cato, as being reproved by his conduct: and as Pompeius viewed Cato&#039;s reputation even as a nullification of his own power, he was continually setting persons on to abuse him, among whom Clodius also was one, the demagogue, who had again insensibly attached himself to Pompeius, and was crying out against Cato on the ground that he had appropriated to his own purposes much money in Cyprus, and was hostile to Pompeius because Pompeius had rejected a marriage with Cato&#039;s daughter. Cato replied that he had brought to the city from Cyprus, without the aid of a single horse or soldier, more money than Pompeius had brought back from so many wars and triumphs after disturbing the habitable world, and that he never chose Pompeius to make a marriage alliance with, not because he considered Pompeius unworthy, but because he saw the difference between his polity and that of Pompeius. &amp;quot;For my part,&amp;quot; continued Cato, &amp;quot;I declined a province when it was offered to me after my prætorship, but Pompeius has got some provinces, and he also offers some to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 548]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_548&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;others; and now, last of all, he has lent to Cæsar a force of six thousand legionary soldiers for Gaul, which neither did Cæsar ask of you, nor did Pompeius give with your assent; but forces to such an amount and arms and horses are gifts from private persons and things of mutual exchange. And being called Imperator and governor he has given up to others the armies and the provinces, and he himself sits down close to the city raising commotions at the elections and contriving disturbances, from which it is manifest that he is intriguing to get by means of anarchy a monarchy for himself.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In this fashion Cato defended himself against Pompeius. But Marcus Favonius, an intimate friend and admirer of Cato, just as Apollodorus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_728_728&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_728_728&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[728]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Phalerum is said to have been of Socrates of old, being a passionate man and one who was violently moved by his principles, did not with any temper or moderation, but intemperately attack Pompeius, like a man under the influence of drink and somewhat mad. Favonius was a candidate for the ædileship and was losing his election, when Cato, who was present, observed that the voting tablets were written in one hand, and so proved the knavery, and by appealing to the tribunes stopped the return. Afterwards when Favonius was made ædile, Cato both administered the other duties of the ædileship, and superintended the exhibitions in the theatre, giving to the actors not crowns of gold, but as is the fashion of Olympia, crowns of wild olive, and instead of costly presents, giving to the Greeks, turnips and lettuces and radishes and parsley;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_729_729&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_729_729&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[729]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and to the Romans, earthen jars of wine, and hogs&#039; flesh, and figs and gourds, and bundles of wood, at the thrift of which gifts some laughed, but others treated the matter in a respectful way, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 549]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_549&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;seeing the austere and serious countenance of Cato imperceptibly assuming a pleasant expression. Finally, Favonius, mingling with, the crowd and sitting among the spectators, applauded Cato, and called out to him to give to those who were distinguishing themselves, and to honour them, and he urged the spectators to the same effect, inasmuch as he had surrendered all his authority to Cato. Now in the other theatre, Curio, the colleague of Favonius, was conducting the celebration in splendid style, but still the people left him to go to the other place, and they readily joined in the amusement of Favonius playing a private part and Cato the part of the superintendent of the exhibitions. And Cato did this to disparage the thing and to show that when a man is in sport he should use sportive ways, and accompany it with unpretending kindness rather than with much preparation and great cost, bestowing great care and trouble on things of no value.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now when Scipio and Hypsæus and Milo&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_730_730&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_730_730&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[730]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; were candidates for the consulship, and were employing not merely those wrongful ways that were now familiar and had become usual in matters political, the giving of gifts and bribery, but were plainly pushing on through arms and slaughter to civil war, in their daring and madness, and some persons were urging Pompeius to preside over the comitia, Cato at first opposed this and said, that the laws should not owe their maintenance to Pompeius, but that Pompeius should owe his security to the laws. However, when there had been an anarchy for some time, and three armies were occupying the Forum daily, and the mischief had well nigh become past checking, he determined in favour of putting affairs in the hands of Pompeius before the extreme necessity arrived, by the voluntary favour of the Senate, and by employing the most moderate of unconstitutional means as a healing measure for the settlement of what was most important, to bring on the monarchy rather than to let the civil dissensions result in a monarchy. Accordingly &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 550]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_550&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Bibulus, who was a friend of Cato, proposed that they ought to elect Pompeius sole consul, for that either matters would be put into a good condition by his settlement of them, or that the state would be enslaved by the best man in it. Cato rose and spoke in favour of the proposal, which nobody could have expected, and recommended any government as better than no government; and he added, that he expected that Pompeius would manage present affairs best, and would protect the state with which he was intrusted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Pompeius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_731_731&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_731_731&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[731]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; being thus declared consul prayed Cato to come to him to the suburbs: and on his arrival Pompeius received him in a friendly manner with salutations and pressing of hands, and after acknowledging his obligations he entreated Cato to be his adviser and his assessor in the consulship. But Cato replied, that neither had he said what he first said out of evil disposition towards Pompeius, nor had he said what he last said in order to win his favour, but everything for the interest of the state; accordingly he observed that he would give Pompeius his advice when he was privately invited, but that in public, even if he should not be invited, he would certainly say what he thought. And he did as he said. In the first place, when Pompeius was proposing laws with new penalties and severe proceedings against those who had already bribed the people, Cato advised him not to care about the past, but to attend to the future, for he said, it was not easy to determine at what point the inquiry into past offences should stop, and if penalties be imposed after the offences, those would be hardly dealt with who were punished by a law which they were not breaking at the time of their wrong-doing. In the next place, when many men of rank were under trial, some of whom were friends and relations of Pompeius, Cato observing that Pompeius was giving way to the greater part of them and yielding, rebuked him firmly and roused him up. Though Pompeius himself had caused a law to be passed which did not allow the panegyrics which used to be pronounced on those who were under &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 551]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_551&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;trial, he wrote a panegyric on Munatius Plancus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_732_732&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_732_732&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[732]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; on the occasion of his trial and handed it in, but Cato by stopping his ears with his hands, for he happened to be one of the judices, prevented the testimonial from being read. Plancus challenged Cato as one of the judices after the speeches, but nevertheless he was convicted. And altogether Cato was a kind of thing difficult and unmanageable for persons accused, as they were neither willing to have him to be a judex, nor could they venture to challenge him. For not a few were convicted because, by being unwilling to have Cato for one of their judices, they were considered to show that they had no confidence in the justice of their cause; and their revilers even charged it upon some as matter of great reproach that they would not have Cato as one of their judices when he was proposed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now when Cæsar, though he kept close to his armies in Gaul and stuck to arms, was still employing gifts and money and friends to secure his power in the city, Cato&#039;s admonitions roused Pompeius from his former long continued state of incredulity, and he began to be afraid of the danger; but as he was somewhat hesitating and spiritlessly procrastinating all attempts at prevention, Cato resolved to be a candidate for the consulship with the view of either forthwith wresting Cæsar&#039;s arms from him or demonstrating his designs. But the rival candidates were both popular men: and Sulpicius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_733_733&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_733_733&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[733]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; had already derived much advantage from Cato&#039;s reputation in the state and his influence. He therefore seemed to be doing what was neither just nor grateful, but yet Cato found no fault with him. &amp;quot;What is it strange,&amp;quot; said &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 552]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_552&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;he, &amp;quot;if a man does not give up to another the thing which he thinks to be the greatest of goods?&amp;quot; But Cato by persuading the Senate to pass a Consultum that those who were candidates for the office should canvass the people themselves, and should not solicit through any other person, not even by such person going about to see the citizens on their behalf, still more irritated the citizens, in that by depriving them not only of the opportunity of receiving money, but even of conferring a favour, he rendered the people at once poor and dishonoured. In addition to this, as Cato had neither any persuasive manners in canvassing for himself, but wished to maintain the dignity of his life in his character rather than to add to it that of the consulship by shaking hands with the electors, and as he would not allow his friends to do the things by which the mass are taken and gained over, he lost the office.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;L.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Though the matter caused not only to those who failed, but to their friends and kin a certain degree of shame and depression and sorrow for many days, Cato bore what had happened with so little concern, that after anointing himself in the Campus he exercised at ball, and again after dinner, according to his wont, he went down into the Forum without his shoes and tunic, and walked about with his intimates. But Cicero blames him, that when the times required such a magistrate, he used no exertion nor tried to gain the favour of the people by friendly intercourse with them, but for the future ceased to make any effort and gave up the contest, though he was again a candidate for the prætorship. Cato, however, said, that he lost the prætorship not by the real will of the majority, but because they were forced or corrupted; whereas in the voting for the consulship, in which there was no foul play, he further perceived that he had displeased the people by his manners, which it was not the part of a man of sense to change in order to please others, nor, if he still kept to the like manners, to subject himself to the like treatment.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Cæsar had attacked warlike nations and had conquered them with great hazard, and when it was the opinion that he had fallen upon the Germans even after a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 553]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_553&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;truce had been made, and had destroyed three hundred thousand&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_734_734&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_734_734&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[734]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of them, the rest indeed were promising to the people to offer sacrifices for the victory, but Cato urged that they should give up Cæsar to those who had been wronged, and should not turn the guilt upon themselves nor allow it to fall on the state. &amp;quot;However,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;let us still sacrifice to the gods, that they do not turn their vengeance for the madness and desperation of the commander upon the soldiers, and that they spare the city.&amp;quot; Upon this Cæsar wrote and sent a letter to the Senate; and when the letter had been read, which contained much abuse of Cato and many charges against him, Cato got up, and not under the influence of passion or personal animosity, but as if it were on good consideration and due preparation, showed that the charges against him were in the nature of abuse and insult, and were pure trifling and mockery on Cæsar&#039;s part. Then taking hold of all Cæsar&#039;s measures from the first, and unveiling all his plans, not as if he were an enemy, but a fellow conspirator and participator, he proved to them that they had no reason to fear the sons of the Britons nor yet the Celts, but Cæsar himself, if they were prudent; and he so worked on and excited them that the friends of Cæsar repented of having read the letter in the Senate, and so given Cato an opportunity of making a fair statement and true charges. Nothing, however, was done, but it was merely said that it would be well for a successor to Cæsar to be appointed. But when Cæsar&#039;s friends required that Pompeius also should lay down his arms and give up his provinces, or that Cæsar should not, Cato cried out, that now what he foretold them had come to pass, and that the man was having recourse to force and was openly employing the power which he had got by deceiving and gulling the state; yet Cato could do nothing out of doors, because the people all along wished Cæsar to have the chief power, and he found the Senate ready to assent to his measures, but afraid of the people.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 554]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_554&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; But when Ariminum&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_735_735&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_735_735&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[735]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was captured, and news came that Cæsar with his army was advancing against the city, then indeed all men turned their eyes on Cato, both the people and Pompeius, as the only man who from the first had foreseen and who had first clearly shown the designs of Cæsar. Accordingly Cato said, &amp;quot;Men, if any among you had listened to what I had all along been foretelling and advising, you would neither have to fear a single man now, nor would you have to rest all your hopes on a single man.&amp;quot; Upon Pompeius saying that Cato had indeed spoken more like a prophet, but that he had acted more like a friend, Cato advised the Senate to place affairs in the hands of Pompeius alone, for it was the business of those who caused great evils to put an end to them. Now as Pompeius had not a force in readiness, and he saw that the troops which he was then levying had no zeal, he left Rome. Cato having determined to follow Pompeius in his flight, sent his younger son into the country of the Bruttii&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_736_736&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_736_736&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[736]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to Munatius for safe keeping, but the elder he took with him. And as his household and daughters required some one to look after them, he took again Marcia, who was now a widow with a large estate, for Hortensius at his death had made her his heir. It was with reference to this that Cæsar&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_737_737&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_737_737&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[737]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; vented most abuse on Cato, and charged him with covetousness and making a traffic of his marriage; for why should he give up his wife, said Cæsar, if he still wanted one, or why should he take her back, if he did not want &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 555]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_555&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;one? if it was not that from the first&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_738_738&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_738_738&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[738]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the woman was put as a bait in the way of Hortensius, and Cato gave her up when she was young that he might have her back when she was rich. Now, in reply to these charges, this from Euripides suffices:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;First then what can&#039;t be said, for of this kind&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;I deem thy so call&#039;d cowardice, O Hercules.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For to accuse Cato of filthy lucre is like upbraiding Hercules with cowardice. But whether the matter of the marriage was not well in other respects is a thing for inquiry. However, Cato did espouse Marcia, and intrusting to her his family and daughters, hurried after Pompeius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; From that day it is said that Cato never cut the hair of his head or beard, nor put on a chaplet, but maintained till his death the same outward signs of sorrow and depression of spirits and grief over the misfortunes of his country, just the same when his party was victorious and when it was vanquished. At that time having got by lot Sicily as his province, he crossed over to Syracuse, and on hearing that Asinius Pollio&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_739_739&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_739_739&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[739]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; had arrived from the enemy with a large force at Messene, he sent to him to demand the reason of his coming. But Cato in turn being asked for the reason of the change in affairs, and having heard that Pompeius had completely deserted Italy and was encamped in Dyrrachium, he said that there was great perplexity and uncertainty in matters appertaining to the gods. Pompeius, who had always been invincible while he was doing what was not honest or just, now when he wished to save his country and fight in defence of liberty, was deserted by his good fortune. As to Asinius, he said that he was able to drive him out of Sicily, but as another greater force was coming against him, he did not choose to ruin the island by a war; and after advising the Syracusans to join the victorious party and to take care of themselves, he sailed away. When he came to Pompeius, he kept steadily to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 556]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_556&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;one opinion, to prolong the war, for he expected some terms of reconciliation and did not wish that the state should be worsted in a battle and suffer from itself the extreme of sufferings by having its fate determined by the sword. And he persuaded Pompeius and his council to other determinations akin to these, neither to plunder any city that was subject to the Romans, nor to put to death any Roman except on the field of battle; and he gained good opinion and brought over many to the side of Pompeius, who were pleased with his moderation and mildness.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Being sent to Asia to help those there who were collecting vessels and an army, he took with him his sister Servilia and her young child by Lucullus. For Servilia, who was now a widow, followed Cato, and she removed much of the evil report about her licentious conduct by voluntarily subjecting herself to the guardianship of Cato and his wanderings and mode of life. But Cæsar&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_740_740&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_740_740&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[740]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; did not spare his abuse of Cato even with respect to Servilia. However as it seems the generals of Pompeius did not want the assistance of Cato at all; and after persuading the Rhodians to join the side of Pompeius and leaving Servilia and the child there, he returned to Pompeius, who had already a splendid military force and a naval power with him. Here indeed Pompeius appeared most clearly to show his mind; for at first he intended to give to Cato the command of the ships, and the fighting vessels were not fewer than five hundred, and the Liburnian and spy ships and open boats were very numerous: but having soon perceived, or it having been hinted to him by his friends, that it was the one chief thing in all the policy of Cato to liberate his country, and that if he should have the command of so great a force, the very day on which they should defeat Cæsar, Cato would require Pompeius also to lay down his arms and to follow the laws, he changed his mind though he had already spoken with him, and he appointed Bibulus commander of the ships. Yet he found not Cato&#039;s zeal dulled by this; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 557]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_557&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;for it is told that when Pompeius was urging his troops to a battle before Dyrrachium and bidding each of the commanders say something and to encourage the men, the soldiers heard them with listlessness and silence; but when Cato, after the rest, had gone through all the topics derived from philosophy that were suitable to the occasion to be said about liberty and virtue, and death and good fame, with great emotion on his part, and finally addressed himself to invoke the gods as being there present and watching over the struggle on behalf of their country, there was so loud an acclamation and so great a movement in the whole army thus excited, that all the commanders hastened to the contest full of hopes. The soldiers of Pompeius routed and defeated the enemy, but the dæmon of Cæsar prevented the completion of the victory by taking advantage of the caution of Pompeius and his want of confidence in his success. Now this is told in the Life of Pompeius.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_741_741&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_741_741&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[741]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But while all were rejoicing and magnifying the victory, Cato wept for his country and bewailed the love of power that brought destruction and misfortune with it, when he saw that many brave citizens had fallen by the hands of one another.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Pompeius in order to pursue Cæsar broke up his camp to march into Thessaly, he left at Dyrrachium a great quantity of arms and stores, and many kinsmen and friends, and he appointed Cato commander and guardian over all with fifteen cohorts, both because he trusted and feared the man. For if he were defeated, he considered that Cato would be his surest support; but that if he were victorious, Cato would not, if he were present, let him manage matters as he chose. Many men of rank also were left behind in Dyrrachium with Cato. When the defeat at Pharsalus took place, Cato resolved that if Pompeius were dead, he would take over to Italy those who were with him, and himself would live an exile as far from the tyranny as possible; but if Pompeius were alive, that he would by all means keep together the force for him. Accordingly having crossed over to Cercyra, where the navy was, he proposed to give up the command to Cicero, who was a consular, while he was only of prætorian rank; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 558]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_558&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;but when Cicero would not accept the command and set off for Italy, Cato observing that Pompeius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_742_742&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_742_742&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[742]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; through his stubborn self-will and unreasonable temper was desirous of punishing those who were sailing away, privately admonished and pacified him, by which Cato manifestly saved Cicero from death and secured the safety of the rest.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Conjecturing that Pompeius Magnus would make his escape to Egypt or to Libya, and being in haste to join him, Cato with all whom he had about him weighed anchor and set sail after permitting all those to go away or stay behind who were not ready to accompany him. He reached Libya, and coasting along he fell in with Sextus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_743_743&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_743_743&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[743]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the younger son of Pompeius, who reported to him his father&#039;s death in Egypt. Now they were all much troubled, and no one after the death of Pompeius would obey any other commander while Cato was present. Wherefore Cato, out of respect to those who were with him, and because he had not heart to desert and leave in difficulties the brave men who had given proof of their fidelity, undertook the command and went along the coast till he came to Cyrene; for the people received him though a few days before they had shut out Labienus. Upon hearing that Scipio, the father-in-law of Pompeius, had been well received by King Juba, and that Varus Attius, who had been appointed governor of Libya by Pompeius, was with them with a force, he set out by land in the winter season, having got together a number of asses to carry water, and driving along with him a quantity of cattle, and also taking chariots and the people called Psylli,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_744_744&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_744_744&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[744]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who cure the bites of serpents by sucking out the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 559]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_559&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;poison with their mouths, and deaden and soothe the serpents themselves by charming them with music. Though the march was seven days in succession, Cato led at the head of his men without using horse or beast of burden. And he continued to sup in a sitting posture from the day that he heard of the defeat at Pharsalus, and he added this further sign of his sorrow, never to lie down except when he was sleeping. Having spent the winter in Libya&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_745_745&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_745_745&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[745]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he led forth his army; and the men were near ten thousand.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Matters were in bad plight between Scipio and Varus, for in consequence of their disagreement and disunion they were secretly trying to win the favour of Juba,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_746_746&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_746_746&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[746]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was intolerable for the arrogance of his temper and his haughtiness by reason of his wealth and power. When he was going to have his first interview with Cato, Juba placed his seat between the seats of Scipio and Cato. However, when Cato observed it, he took up his seat and moved it to the other side so as to leave Scipio in the middle, though Scipio was his enemy, and had published a certain writing which contained abuse of Cato. This, indeed, people make no account of; but they blame Cato that in Sicily he placed Philostratus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_747_747&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_747_747&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[747]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 560]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_560&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;in the middle, as he was walking about with him, to do honour to philosophy. On this occasion, however, he checked Juba, who had all but made Scipio and Varus his satraps, and he reconciled them. Though all invited Cato to the command, and Scipio and Varus were the first to surrender and give it up to him, he said that he would not break the laws in defence of which they were fighting against him who broke them, nor would he place himself, who was a proprætor, before a proconsul who was present. For Scipio had been appointed proconsul, and the majority, on account of the name, had confidence that they should be successful, if a Scipio commanded in Libya.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; However when Scipio&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_748_748&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_748_748&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[748]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; immediately on receiving the command, wished to please Juba by putting to death all the people of Utica who were capable of bearing arms, and to dig down the city, because it favoured Cæsar, Cato would not endure this, but with adjurations and loud cries in the council and by appealing to the gods he with difficulty rescued the people from their cruelty; and partly at the request of the citizens of Utica&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_749_749&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_749_749&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[749]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and partly at the instance of Scipio, he undertook to keep guard in the city, that it should not either involuntarily or voluntarily join Cæsar. For the place was in all respects advantageous, and defensible by those who held it; and it was strengthened still more by Cato. For he brought abundance of corn into the city, and he strengthened the walls by raising towers, and making strong ditches and palisado-work in front of the city. To the people of Utica who were able to bear arms he assigned the palisado-work as their quarter, and made them give up their arms to him; but he kept the rest in the city, and took great care that they should not be wronged and should suffer no harm from the Romans. He also sent &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 561]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_561&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;out a great quantity of arms, supplies and grain to those in camp, and altogether he made the city the storehouse for the war. But the advice which he gave Pompeius before, and gave Scipio then, not to fight with a man of a warlike turn and great ability, but to take advantage of time which wastes all the vigour wherein the strength of tyranny lies, Scipio through self-will despised; and on one occasion he wrote to Cato upbraiding him with cowardice, in that he was not content to sit down within a city and walls, but would not even let others boldly use their own judgment as opportunity offered. To this Cato replied, that he was ready to take the legionary soldiers and horsemen whom he had brought into Libya, and carry them over to Italy, and so make Cæsar change his place and to turn him from them to himself. And when Scipio mocked at this also, it was clear that Cato was much annoyed that he had declined the command, for he saw that Scipio would neither conduct the war well, nor, if he should succeed contrary to expectation, would he behave with moderation to the citizens in his victory. Accordingly Cato formed the opinion and mentioned it to some of his friends, that he had no good hopes of the war on account of the inexperience and confidence of the commanders, but if there should be any good fortune, and Cæsar should be worsted, he would not stay in Rome, and would fly from the harshness and cruelty of Scipio, who was even then uttering dreadful and extravagant threats against many. But it turned out worse than he expected; and late in the evening there arrived a messenger from the camp who had been three days on the road, with the news that a great battle had been fought at Thapsus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_750_750&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_750_750&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[750]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in which their affairs were entirely ruined, that Cæsar was in possession of the camps, Scipio and Juba had escaped with a few men, and the rest of the army was destroyed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; On the arrival of this intelligence, the city, as was natural on the receipt of such news by night and in time of war, nearly lost its reason, and hardly contained itself within the walls; but Cato coming forward, when&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 562]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_562&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ever he met with any one running about and calling out, laid hold of him, and cheering him took away the excessive fright and confusion of his alarm, by saying that matters perchance were not so bad as they had been reported, but were magnified by rumour; and so he stayed the tumult. At daybreak he made proclamation that the three hundred, whom he had as a Senate, and these were Romans, and were carrying on business in Libya as merchants and money-lenders, should assemble at the temple of Jupiter, and also all the Roman senators who were present and their sons. While they were still assembling, Cato advanced, without hurry and with a tranquil countenance, as if nothing new had happened, holding a book in his hand, which he was reading; and this was a register of the military engines, arms, corn, bows, and legionary soldiers. When they had come together, beginning with the three hundred, and commending at some length the zeal and fidelity which they had displayed in aiding with their means and persons and advice, he exhorted them not to let their hopes be destroyed, and not severally to provide for their flight or escape. For, he said, that if they would keep together, Cæsar would despise them less if they made resistance, and would spare them more if they asked his mercy. And he urged them to deliberate about themselves, and that he would not find fault with their deciding either way, and if they should be disposed to turn to the fortunate side, he should attribute the change to necessity; but if they preferred to oppose the danger and to undertake the hazard in defence of liberty, he should not only commend them, but admire their virtue, and make himself their commander and fellow-combatant, till they had tried the last fortune of their country, which was not Utica or Adrumetum only, but Rome, that had often by her might recovered from greater falls. And they had many grounds for safety and security; and chief of all, that they were warring against a man who was pulled in many directions by the circumstances of the times, for Iberia had gone over to Pompeius the young, and Rome herself had not yet altogether received the bit for want of being used to it, but was impatient of suffering and ready to rise up collected upon every change, and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 563]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_563&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;danger was not a thing to fly from, but they should take as a pattern the enemy, who was not sparing of his life for accomplishing the greatest wrongs, and for whom the uncertainty of the war had not the same result as for them, to whom it would bring the happiest life, if they were successful, and the most glorious death if they failed. However, he said they ought to deliberate by themselves, and he joined them in praying that in consideration of their former virtue and zeal what they resolved might be for the best.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Cato had spoken to this effect, some of them indeed were brought to confidence by his words; but the greater part seeing his fearlessness and noble and generous temper, nearly forgot present circumstances, and considering him alone as an invincible leader and superior to all fortune, prayed him to use their persons and property and arms as he judged best, for they said it was better to die in obedience to him than to save their lives by betraying such virtue. On a certain person observing that they should declare freedom to the slaves, and most of them assenting to this, Cato said he would not do so, for it was not lawful nor yet right; but if the masters were ready to give up their slaves, they should receive those who were of military age. Many offers were made, and Cato, after telling them to enrol every man who was willing, retired. Shortly after there came to him letters from Juba and Scipio; from Juba, who was hid in a mountain with a few men, asking him what he had resolved to do; and that if Cato left Utica he would wait for him, and if he stood a siege he would come to aid him with an army; from Scipio, who was in a vessel off a certain point not far from Utica, and waiting with the same views.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Accordingly Cato determined to detain the letter-carriers till he had confirmed the resolution of the three hundred. For the senators were zealous, and immediately manumitted their slaves, and set about arming them. But with respect to the three hundred, inasmuch as they were men engaged in maritime affairs and money lending, and had the chief part of their substance in slaves, the words of Cato stood no long time in them, but oozed out, just as &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 564]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_564&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;bodies which have a great degree of rarity easily receive heat and again part with it, being cooled when the fire is removed; in like manner Cato, while they saw him, fanned the flame and warmed those men; but when they began to reflect by themselves, the fear of Cæsar drove out of them all regard to Cato and to honour. &amp;quot;Who are we,&amp;quot; said they, &amp;quot;and who is the man whose commands we are refusing to obey? Is not this Cæsar, to whom the whole power of the Romans has been transferred? and not one of us is a Scipio, nor a Pompeius, nor a Cato. But at a time when all men by reason of fear are humbled in mind more than is fitting, at such a time shall we fight in defence of the liberty of the Romans, and contend in Utica against a man before whom Cato with Pompeius Magnus fled and gave up Italy; and shall we manumit our slaves to oppose Cæsar, we who have only as much freedom as he shall choose to give? No, even yet, miserable wretches, let us know our own weakness, and deprecate the conqueror, and send persons to supplicate him.&amp;quot; This was what the most moderate among the three hundred recommended; but the majority were forming a design on the senatorial class, with the hope that, if they seized them, they would pacify Cæsar&#039;s rage against themselves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Though Cato suspected the change, he took no notice of it. However he wrote to Scipio and Juba to tell them to keep away from Utica, because he distrusted the three hundred, and he sent off the letter-carriers. But the horsemen who had escaped from the battle, no contemptible number, riding up to Utica, sent to Cato three men, who did not bring the same message from all; for one party was bent on going to Juba, another wished to join Cato, and a third was afraid of entering Utica. Cato on hearing this ordered Marcus Rubrius to observe the three hundred and quietly to receive the registrations of those who manumitted their slaves without forcing any one; and himself taking the senatorial men went out of Utica, and meeting with the commanders of the cavalry he besought them not to betray so many Roman senators, nor to choose Juba for their commander in place of Cato but to secure their own safety and that of the rest by coming into a city which could not be taken by storm, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 565]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_565&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;and contained both corn and other resources for many years. The senatorial men joined in this prayer and wept; and the commanders conferred with the cavalry, while Cato sat down on a mound with the senatorial men and waited for the answer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In the meantime Rubrius came in a passion, charging the three hundred with great disorder and tumult, inasmuch, as they were falling off and disturbing the city. On which the rest, altogether despairing, fell to weeping and lamentation, but Cato attempted to cheer them, and sent to the three hundred and bade them wait. But the representatives on the part of the horsemen came with no reasonable requisitions: for they said that they neither wanted Juba for their pay-master, nor were they afraid of Cæsar if they had Cato to command them, but it was a dangerous thing to shut themselves up with the citizens of Utica, who were Phœnicians and an inconstant people; and if they should keep quiet now, they would set upon them and betray them, when Cæsar came. If then any man wanted their aid in war and their presence, he must eject or kill all the people of Utica, and then invite them into a city free from enemies and barbarians. Cato considered this to be an excessively savage and barbarous proposal, but he answered mildly and said that he would consult with the three hundred. When he had returned into the city he found the men no longer making pretexts or evasions out of respect to him, but openly complaining that any one should force them to fight with Cæsar when they were neither able nor willing. Some even whispered with respect to the senatorial men, that they ought to keep them in the city, since Cæsar was near. Cato let this pass as if he did not hear it, and indeed he was somewhat deaf; but when one came up to him and reported that the horsemen were going away, Cato, fearing that the three hundred might do something desperate to the senatorial men, got up with his friends and set out walking; but observing that they had already advanced some distance, he seized a horse and rode to them. The horsemen were glad to see him approach, and received him and urged him to save himself with them. Then it is said that Cato even shed tears, beseeching on behalf of the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 566]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_566&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;senatorial men and holding forth his hands, and turning back the horses of some and laying hold of their arms, until he prevailed on them to abide there for that day at least, and secure the senatorial men in their flight.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Cato arrived with the horsemen, and had posted some at the gates, and had delivered the citadel to others to watch, the three hundred, who were afraid that they should be punished for their change, sent to Cato and prayed him by all means to come to them. But the senatorial men crowding round him would not let him go, and they declared that they would not give up their guardian and saviour to faithless men and traitors. For a most lively perception, as it appears, and affection and admiration of Cato&#039;s virtue had been implanted in all alike who were in Utica, inasmuch as nothing spurious or deceitful was mingled with what he did. And as the man had long resolved to kill himself, he laboured with prodigious toil, and had care and pain on behalf of others, in order that after placing all in safety he might be released from life. For his resolution to die was no secret, though he said nothing. Accordingly he complied with the wish of the three hundred after comforting the senatorial men, and he went alone to the three hundred, who thanked him, and prayed him to employ them and trust them in everything else, and if they are not Catos, and not capable of the lofty mind of Cato, he should have pity on their weakness; and as they had determined to supplicate Cæsar and to send to him, on Cato&#039;s behalf chiefly and for him first of all they would prefer their prayer; and if they could not prevail on Cæsar, neither would they receive the grace if it were offered to themselves, but so long as they breathed would fight for him. In reply to this Cato commended their good intentions, but said that they ought for their own safety&#039;s sake to send quickly, and not to offer any petition on his behalf, for entreaty belonged to the vanquished, and deprecation of vengeance to those who were wrongdoers; that he had not only been unvanquished all through life, but that he was victorious as far as he chose to be, and had the superiority over Cæsar in things honourable and just, and that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 567]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_567&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Cæsar was the party who was captured and conquered; for what he used to deny that he was doing against his country long ago, he was now convicted of and detected therein.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Having thus spoken to the three hundred he went away, and hearing that Cæsar at the head of all his army was already on his march, &amp;quot;Ha!&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;he considers that he has to deal with men;&amp;quot; and turning to the senators he urged them not to delay, but to make their escape while the horsemen were still staying there. He also closed the gates, except one that led to the sea, where he assigned vessels to those under his command and preserved order by stopping wrong-doing and settling disturbances, and supplying with stores those who were ill provided. And when Marcus Octavius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_751_751&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_751_751&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[751]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with two legions had encamped near, and had sent a message to Cato, in which he called on Cato to come to some terms with him about the command, Cato gave him no answer, but he said to his friends, &amp;quot;Do we wonder why our affairs are ruined, when we see that love of power abides among us even when we are in the midst of ruin?&amp;quot; In the mean time hearing that the horsemen, as they were leaving the city, were pillaging and plundering the people of Utica, as if their property was booty, Cato hurried to them as fast as he could run, and took the plunder from the first that he met with, and the rest made haste to throw it away or set it down on the ground, and all of them for very shame retired in silence and with downcast looks. Cato having called together the people of Utica in the city, entreated them not to irritate Cæsar against the three hundred, but to unite altogether to secure their safety. Then again betaking himself to the sea he inspected the persons who were embarking, and all his friends and acquaintance whom he could persuade to go away, he embraced and accompanied to the shore. But he did not recommend his son to take shipping, nor did he think it his duty to turn him from his purpose of sticking to his father. There was one Statyllius, in years a young man, but one who aimed at being resolute in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 568]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_568&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;character and an imitator of the indifference of Cato. This man Cato entreated to embark, for he was notoriously a hater of Cæsar; and-when he would not go, Cato looking on Apollonides the Stoic and Demetrius the Peripatetic said—&amp;quot;It is your business to soften this stubborn man and to fashion him to his own interests.&amp;quot; But Cato himself was busied all the night and the greatest part of the following day in assisting the rest in making their escape and helping those who wanted his aid.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Lucius Caæsar,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_752_752&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_752_752&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[752]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was a kinsman of Cæsar, and about to go to him as ambassador on behalf of the three hundred, urged Cato to help him in devising some plausible speech which he should employ on behalf of the three hundred, &amp;quot;for on thy behalf,&amp;quot; he continued, &amp;quot;it is becoming for me to touch the hands and to fall down at the knees of Cæsar,&amp;quot; Cato would not allow him to do this, and said, &amp;quot;For my part, if I wished to save my life by Cæsar&#039;s favour, I ought to go to him myself. But I do not choose to thank a tyrant for his illegal acts; and he acts illegally in sparing as master those whom he has no right to lord it over. However, if you please, let us consider how you shall get pardon for the three hundred.&amp;quot; After talking with Lucius on this matter he presented his son and his friends to him as he was departing, and after accompanying him some distance and taking leave of him he returned home, and then calling together his son and his friends he spoke on many subjects, among which he forbade his son to meddle in political matters, for, he said, circumstances no longer allowed him to act as befitted a Cato, and to act otherwise was base. At evening he went to the bath. While he was bathing, he remembered Statyllius, and calling out aloud he said, &amp;quot;Apollonides, have you sent Statyllius away, and brought him down from his stubborn temper, and has the man &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 569]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_569&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;gone without even taking leave of us?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;By no means,&amp;quot; replied Apollonides, &amp;quot;though we said much to him, but he is lofty and immovable and says he will stay and do whatever you do.&amp;quot; On this they say that Cato smiled and replied, &amp;quot;Well, this will soon be shown.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After taking the bath he supped in much company, still sitting as his fashion had been since the battle, for he never reclined except when he was sleeping; and there were at supper with him all his friends and the magistrates of Utica. After supper the drinking went on with much gaiety and enjoyment, one philosophical subject after another taking its turn, till at last the enquiry came round to the so-called paradoxes of the Stoics, that the good man alone is free, and that all the bad are slaves. Hereupon the Peripatetic making objections, as one might expect, Cato broke in with great vehemence, and with a loud tone and harsh voice maintained his discourse at great length, and displayed wonderful energy, so that no one failed to observe that he had resolved to end his life and relieve himself from present troubles. Wherefore as there was silence and depression of spirits among all the company, after he had done speaking, with the view of cheering them up and diverting their suspicions, Cato again begun to put questions and to express anxiety about the state of affairs, and his fears for those who had sailed away, and also for those who were going through a waterless and barbarian desert.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; At the end of the entertainment he took his usual walk with his friends after supper, and after giving the officers of the watch the proper orders, he retired to his chamber, but he first embraced his son and his friends with more than his usual expression of kindness, which again made them suspect what was going to happen. On entering his chamber and lying down he took Plato&#039;s dialogue on the Soul,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_753_753&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_753_753&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[753]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and when he had gone through the greater part of it, he looked up over his head, and not seeing his sword hanging there, for his son had caused it &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 570]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_570&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;to be taken away while he was at supper, he called a slave and asked who had taken his sword. The slave made no answer and Cato was again at the book, but after a short interval, as if he were in no haste or hurry, and was merely looking for his sword, he bade the slave bring it. As there was some delay and nobody brought it, after having read the dialogue through he again called his slaves one by one, and raising his voice demanded his sword; and striking the mouth of one of them with his fist he bruised his hand, being in a great passion and calling out aloud that he was surrendered defenceless to the enemy by his son and his slaves, till at last his son ran in weeping with his friends, and embracing him fell to lamentations and entreaties. But Cato rising up looked sternly and said, &amp;quot;When and where have I been proved, and without knowing it, to have lost my reason, that no one instructs me or teaches me in the matters wherein I am judged to have determined ill, but I am hindered from using my own reasonings and am deprived of my weapons? Why don&#039;t you put your father in chains also, generous son, and his hands behind his back, till Cæsar shall come and find me unable even to defend myself? For I need not a sword to kill myself, when it is in my power to die by holding my breath for a short time and giving my head a single blow against the wall.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As he said this the youth went out weeping, and all the rest, except Demetrius and Apollonides, to whom when they were left by themselves Cato begun to speak in milder terms, and said, &amp;quot;I suppose you too have resolved by force to keep alive a man of my age and to sit here in silence and to watch him, or are you come to prove that it is neither a shocking nor a shameful thing for Cato, when he has no other way to save his life, to wait for mercy from his enemy? Why then do you not speak and convince me of this and teach me a new doctrine, that we may cast away those former opinions and reasons in which we lived together, and being made wiser through Cæsar owe him the greater thanks for it? And yet for my part I have come to no resolve about myself, but it is necessary that when I have resolved I have power to do what I have determined. And I will deliberate in a manner together &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 571]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_571&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;with you, deliberating with the reasons which even you in your philosophy follow. Go away then in good heart and tell my son not to force his father when he cannot persuade him.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Upon this Demetrius and Apollonides without making any reply retired weeping. The sword was sent in by a child, and when Cato received it he drew it and looked at it. Seeing that the point was entire and the edge preserved, he said, &amp;quot;Now I am my own master,&amp;quot; and laying the sword down, he began reading the book again, and he is said to have read it through twice.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_754_754&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_754_754&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[754]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He then fell into so sound a sleep that those who were outside the chamber were aware of it, and about midnight he called his freedmen Cleanthes the physician and Butas whom he employed chief of all in public matters. He sent Butas to the sea to examine if all had set sail and to report to him, and he presented his hand to the physician to tie it up, as it was inflamed from the blow which he gave the slave. And this made them all more cheerful, for they thought that Cato was inclined to live. In a little time Butas came and reported that all had set sail except Crassus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_755_755&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_755_755&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[755]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was detained by some business, and that even he was now all but on board, and that a violent storm and wind prevailed at sea. Cato hearing this groaned for pity of those who were at sea and he sent Butas again to the sea, to learn if any one were driven &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 572]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_572&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;back and waited any necessaries, and to let him know. And now the birds were beginning to sing,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_756_756&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_756_756&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[756]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and he sank asleep again for a while. When Butas had returned and reported that all was quiet about the ports, Cato, bidding him close the door, threw himself on the bed as if he were going to sleep for the rest of the night. When Butas had gone out, he drew the sword and thrust it beneath his chest, but as he used his hand with less effect owing to the inflammation, he did not immediately despatch himself, and having some difficulty in dying he fell from the bed and made a noise by overturning a little abacus of the geometrical kind that stood by, which his attendants perceiving called out and his son and his friends immediately ran in. Seeing him smeared with blood and the greater part of his bowels protruding, though he was still alive and his eyes were open, they were all dreadfully alarmed, and the physician going up to him attempted to replace his bowels, which remained uninjured, and to sew up the wound. But when Cato recovered and saw this, he pushed the physician away, and tearing the bowels with his hands and at the same time rending the wound he died.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_757_757&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_757_757&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[757]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXXI&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;. In a space of time which one would not have thought enough for all in the house to have heard of the event, there were present at the door the three hundred, and soon after the people of Utica were assembled, with &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 573]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_573&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;one voice calling Cato benefactor and saviour and the only free man, the only unvanquished. And this they did though it was told that Cæsar was advancing; but neither fear nor subserviency towards the conqueror nor their mutual differences and quarrels dulled them towards doing honour to Cato. They decorated the body in splendid style, and made a pompous procession and interred him near the sea, where a statue of him now stands with a sword in his hand, and then they began to think how they should save themselves and their city.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Cæsar hearing from those who came to him that Cato was staying in Utica and not flying away, and that he was sending off the rest, while himself and his companions and his son were fearlessly going about, thought it difficult to ascertain the intentions of the man, but as he made most account of him he advanced with his force by quick marches. When he heard of his death, it is reported that he said this, &amp;quot;Cato, I grudge thee thy death, for thou hast grudged me thy safety.&amp;quot; For in fact if Cato had submitted to receive his life from Cæsar, he would not have been considered to have lowered his own fame so much as to have added to the splendour of Cæsar&#039;s. What would have been done is uncertain, but with respect to Cæsar the milder measures are more probable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;LXXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Cato died he was fifty&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_758_758&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_758_758&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[758]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; years of age save two. His son&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_759_759&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_759_759&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[759]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; received no harm from Cæsar, but he is said to have been fond of pleasure and not free from blame with regard to women. In Cappadocia he had as his host Marphadates, one of the royal family, who possessed a handsome wife, and as Cato stayed longer with &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 574]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_574&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;them than was decent, he was satirized in such terms as these:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;To-morrow Cato goes away, to-morrow thirty days.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Porcius and Marphadates, friends are two, but Psyche one.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For the wife of Marphadates was named Psyche (Soul). And again:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Of noble blood and splendid fame, Cato has a royal Soul.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But he blotted out and destroyed all such ill report by his death; for while fighting at Philippi against Cæsar and Antonius in defence of liberty, and the line was giving way, not deigning either to fly or to secrete himself, but challenging the enemy and showing himself in front of them and cheering on those who kept the ground with him he fell after exhibiting to his adversaries prodigies of valour. And still more, the daughter of Cato being inferior neither in virtue nor courage (for she was the wife of Brutus who killed Cæsar) was both privy to the conspiracy and parted with life in a manner worthy of her noble birth and merit, as is told in the Life of Brutus. Statyllius, who said that he would follow Cato&#039;s example, was prevented indeed at the time by the philosophers, though he wished to kill himself, but afterwards he showed himself most faithful to Brutus and most serviceable at Philippi, and there he died.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;FOOTNOTES:&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_653_653&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_653_653&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[653]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cato was a cognomen of the Porcia Gens, which was Plebeian. The name Cato was first given to M. Porcius Cato Censorius, who was consul B.C. 195 and censor B.C. 184. The father of the Cato whose life is here written was M. Porcius Cato, a Tribunus Plebis, who married Livia, a sister of the tribune M. Livius Drusus. This Cato, the tribune, was the son of M. Porcius Cato Salonianus, who was the son of Cato the Censor. Cato the Censor was therefore the great-grandfather of the Cato whose life is here written. See the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life of Cato the Censor&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Plutarch, c. 24. 97. This Cato was born B.C. 95.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_654_654&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_654_654&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[654]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The text of Plutarch says that Livius Drusus was the uncle of Cato&#039;s mother, but this is a mistake, and accordingly Xylander proposed to read &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: theio men onti pros tês mêtros&amp;quot;&amp;gt;θείο μὲν ὄντι πρὸς τῆς μητρός&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;. But Sintenis supposes that Plutarch may have misunderstood the Roman expression &amp;quot;avunculus maternus.&amp;quot; Cato&#039;s father had by his wife Livia a daughter Porcia, who married J. Domitius Ahenobarbus. Livia&#039;s second husband was Q. Servilius Cæpio, by whom she had a son Q. Servilius Cæpio, whom Plutarch calls Cato&#039;s brother, and two daughters, named Servilia, one of whom married M. Junius Brutus, the father of the Brutus who was one of Cæsar&#039;s assassins, and the other married L. Licinius Lucullus (Life of Lucullus. c. 38).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_655_655&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_655_655&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[655]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The word is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: anamnêstikous&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἀναμνηστικούς&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;. The meaning of Plutarch is perhaps not quite clear. See the note in Schaefer&#039;s edition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_656_656&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_656_656&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[656]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; These were the Roman Socii, or Italian states, which were in a kind of alliance with and subordination to Rome. They had to furnish troops for the wars, and to share the burdens of the Roman State in return for which they claimed the citizenship (Life of Marius, c. 32).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_657_657&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_657_657&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[657]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Or Silo (Life of Marius, c. 33).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_658_658&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_658_658&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[658]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; There is obviously an error here in Plutarch&#039;s text, as Sintenis observes. The real meaning of what Pompædius said appears from the context, and from a passage of Valerius Maximus (3. 1, 2), who tells the same story.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_659_659&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_659_659&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[659]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This sham fight was according to an old tradition established by Æneas. It is described by Virgil, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Æneid&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, v. 553, &amp;amp;amp;c. See Tacitus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Annal.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; xi. 11; and Dion Cassius, 43. c. 23, and 49. c. 43. These games (ludi) were also celebrated under the early Emperors.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_660_660&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_660_660&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[660]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The text is literally &amp;quot;a place for the impious,&amp;quot; not &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;the&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; place. But Plutarch may allude to the tortures of the wicked in the regions below, according to the popular notions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_661_661&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_661_661&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[661]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The possession of a priestly office by a person who also discharged the functions of civil life was common among the Romans. The effect of this political institution was more extensive than at first sight may appear, but the examination of such a question belongs, as Plutarch sometimes observes, to another place.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_662_662&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_662_662&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[662]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He is mentioned by Cicero (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Offic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 24), but some suppose that there were two Tyrian philosophers of that name.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_663_663&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_663_663&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[663]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Plutarch&#039;s Life of Cato the Censor, c. 19. This, the first Roman Basilica, was erected B.C. 182 (Livy, 39. c. 44). A basilica was a place for law business and the meeting of traders and the like.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_664_664&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_664_664&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[664]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The highest cast with four dice of six sides was twenty-four points, and it was called Venus. The lowest cast was four points, and it was called Canis. This is one explanation. But the Venus is also explained to be the throw which resulted in all the dice turning up with different faces. See the notes in Burmann&#039;s edition of Suetonius, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Octav. Augustus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 71. It is said that sometimes they played with four-sided dice, sometimes with six-sided. The subject is somewhat obscure, and the investigation not suited to all people.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_665_665&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_665_665&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[665]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Probably C. Memmius Gemellus, tribune of the Plebs, B.C. 66. See the Life of Lucullus, c. 37.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_666_666&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_666_666&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[666]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was Q. Cæcilius Metellus Pius Scipio, the son of P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica, prætor B.C. 94. He was the adopted son of Q. Metellus Pius, consul B.C. 80, who is mentioned in the Life of Sulla, c. 28. This rival of Cato was the Metellus who was defeated by Cæsar at the battle of Thapsus, and is often mentioned in this Life. It is not said what legal process Cato could have instituted for the loss of his promised marriage.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_667_667&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_667_667&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[667]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This Greek poet, who was probably born about the close of the eighth century B.C. at Paros, was noted for his biting Iambics, which became proverbial.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Archilochum proprio rabies armavit iambo.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;HORAT. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ars Poet.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, v. 79.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_668_668&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_668_668&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[668]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was of course a gentile name. The name Soranus should be Seranus or Serranus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_669_669&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_669_669&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[669]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; C. Lælius, the friend of the elder Scipio Africanus, is probably meant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_670_670&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_670_670&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[670]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The history of this insurrection of Spartacus is told in the Life of Crassus, c. 8, &amp;amp;amp;c. As to Gellius, see the Life of Crassus, c. 9.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_671_671&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_671_671&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[671]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Nomenclators, literally, &amp;quot;persons who called or addressed others by name,&amp;quot; were slaves and sometimes perhaps other persons, whose business it was to know every man&#039;s name, to attend a candidate in his canvass, and to inform him of the names of those whom he was going to address, in order that he might appear to be acquainted with them; for in accordance with a feeling, which all men have in some degree, a desire to be known, a voter was pleased to find himself addressed by a candidate as if his face and name were familiar. This kind of notice from people who are above another in rank and station is peculiarly gratifying to those who are conscious that they have no real merit, and the pleasure which such attention gives to those who receive it is the exact measure of their own real opinion of their insignificance. I say their real opinion, for such persons have a true opinion of themselves, though they attempt to conceal it from themselves, and also to conceal it from others, in neither of which attempts are they quite successful. It makes no difference if a man knows that the great man who affects to know him really does not know him, for he knows that the great man does not know everybody and cares for very few; but the mere pretence of knowing, the mere show of knowing and recognising, which the great man assumes, he is willing to take for what he knows that it is not, a mark of respect; and mainly, that others, as he hopes, may be deceived by the false appearance, and take him to be what he knows that he is not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Cato&#039;s tribuneship was a military tribuneship (tribunus militum).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_672_672&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_672_672&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[672]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was a native of Tarsus in Cilicia, and at the time of Cato&#039;s visit to him he had the care of the library at Pergamus. Strabo (p. 674, ed. Casaub.) says that he died in Cato&#039;s house at Rome.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_673_673&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_673_673&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[673]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ænus was a small town at the mouth of the river Hebrus, now the Maritza. The island of Thasos, now Thaso, contains marble. The monument was a costly memorial, if the Attic talent was meant, which we must presume. Talents of silver are of course intended.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_674_674&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_674_674&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[674]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The allusion is to the Anticato of Cæsar (Life of Cæsar, c. 54). How the matter really was, no one can tell; but such a story is not likely to be a pure invention.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_675_675&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_675_675&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[675]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He is mentioned as being an old man in B.C. 54 (Life of Crassus c. 17). Deiotarus was a friend of the Romans in their Asiatic wars against Mithridates, and the senate conferred on him the title of king. He knew what kind of people he had to deal with when he showed such attention to Cato&#039;s train (c. 15). His history is closely connected with that of Cæsar, and of Cicero, who made a speech in his defence before Cæsar at Rome B.C. 45 (Pro Rege Deiotaro).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_676_676&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_676_676&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[676]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The story about Demetrius, the contemptible favourite of Pompeius, is told by Plutarch in his Life of Pompeius, c. 40. Plutarch makes the visit to Asia precede Cato&#039;s quæstorship, upon which see the remarks of Drumann, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Geschichte Roms&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, v. 157. The narration of Plutarch is evidently confused as will appear from the fourteenth and fifteenth chapters.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_677_677&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_677_677&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[677]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Either C. Scribonius Curio who was consul B.C. 76, or his son the tribune, an adherent of Cæsar; but probably the father is meant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_678_678&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_678_678&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[678]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Marius, c. 17.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_679_679&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_679_679&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[679]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cato&#039;s quæstorship was in the year B.C. 65.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_680_680&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_680_680&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[680]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Lutatius Catulus, censor B.C. 65, was the son of Catulus who with Marius defeated the Cimbri at Vercellæ B.C. 101. (Life of Marius, c. 25.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_681_681&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_681_681&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[681]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This pasange, which has been supposed by some translators to mean that Catulus ran the risk of being degraded from his office, is correctly translated and explained by Kaltwasser. Cato hinted that the officers of the Court would turn Catulus out, if he continued to act as he did. Plutarch has told the same story in his treatise &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: peri dusopias&amp;quot;&amp;gt;περὶ δυσοπίας&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Vitioso Pudore&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; c. 13, to which Kaltwasser refers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_682_682&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_682_682&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[682]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He may be C. Claudius Marcellus afterwards consul B.C. 50, or his cousin of the same name who was consul B.C. 49.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_683_683&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_683_683&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[683]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The parentage of Terentia, Cicero&#039;s wife, is unknown. The mother of Terentia must have married a Fabius, by whom she had this Fabia, the half sister of Terentia. Fabia was a woman of rank. Though a vestal virgin, she did not escape scandal, for she was tried B.C. 73 for sexual intercourse with Catilina: Fabia was acquitted (Drumann, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Geschichte Roms&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, v. 392).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There is a mistake in the text: &amp;quot;charges&amp;quot; (p. 25) is a misprint, and should be &amp;quot;changes;&amp;quot; in place of &amp;quot;Cicero&#039;s wide, he was in great danger, but he involved Clodius,&amp;quot; it should be &amp;quot;Cicero&#039;s wife, and she was in great danger, he involved Clodius.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Therefore in place of &amp;quot;he was,&amp;quot; line 10 from bottom, read &amp;quot;and she was;&amp;quot; and in the same line omit &amp;quot;but.&amp;quot; In line 13 from the bottom read &amp;quot;changes&amp;quot; for &amp;quot;charges.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_684_684&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_684_684&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[684]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Probably the name is corrupted. The expression is attributed to Cato, in the Life of Lucullus, c. 40.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_685_685&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_685_685&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[685]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Q. Metellus Nepos was serving under Pompeius in Asia in B.C. 64. He came to Rome in B.C. 63 to be a candidate for the tribuneship.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_686_686&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_686_686&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[686]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; D. Junius Silanus, who was consul with Licinius Murena, B.C. 62, was now the husbaud of Servilia, who had been the wife of D. Junius Brutus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_687_687&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_687_687&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[687]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was the son of L. Licinius Murena, who served under Sulla in Greece. The son served under his father in B.C. 83 against Mithridates. After the consular election in B.C. 63 he was prosecuted for bribery (ambitus). Cicero&#039;s speech in defence of Murena is extant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_688_688&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_688_688&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[688]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The affair of Catiline is spoken of in the Life of Cæsar, c. 17, and in the Life of Cicero, c. 10, &amp;amp;amp;c.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_689_689&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_689_689&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[689]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This Servilia was now the wife of Silanus the consul. Lucullus the husband of the other Servilia had his triumph in the year of Cicero&#039;s consulship B.C. 63 (Life of Lucullus, c. 37). He was probably the husband of Servilia at this time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_690_690&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_690_690&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[690]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Short-hand writers were called by the Romans &amp;quot;actuarii&amp;quot; and &amp;quot;notarii,&amp;quot; of which last word Plutarch&#039;s word (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: sêmeiographoi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;σημειόγραφοι&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) is a translation. It is not likely that short-hand writing was invented for the occasion, as Plutarch says. Under the empire short-hand writers are often mentioned.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_691_691&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_691_691&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[691]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; L. Marcius Philippus, consul in B.C. 56 with Cn. Cornelius Lentulus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_692_692&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_692_692&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[692]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; L. Thrasea Pætus, a Latin writer, a native of Padua, who was put to death by Nero (Tacitus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Annal.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; xvi. 34, 25). His authority for the Life of Cato was, as it appears, Munatius Rufus, who accompanied Cato to Cyprus (c. 37).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_693_693&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_693_693&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[693]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Quintus Hortensius was consul B.C. 69, a distinguished orator and a man of refined and luxurious habits. Bibulus is M. Calpurnius Bibulus, the colleague of Cæsar in his consulship B.C. 59. He had three sons by Porcia, Cato&#039;s daughter by Atilia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This transfer of Marcia is oddly told by Plutarch. It was not a mere case of lending the woman for the purpose of procreation, for the child of Hortensius could not be his legal child, unless Marcia became his legal wife. Cato must accordingly have divorced his wife, which was done at Rome without any trouble. The only thing then that is peculiar in the affair is, that Cato did not divorce his wife because he was dissatisfied with her on good grounds, nor for such grounds as Cicero divorced his wife, but for the reason mentioned in the text. Marcia continued to be the wife of Hortensius till his death. The marriage with Hortensius probably took place about B.C. 56.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This affair has caused the critics much difficulty. But as we may assume that Hortensius wished to have a child that would be his own, which is in fact Plutarch&#039;s statement, and one that would be in his paternal power, he must have married Marcia, and Cato must have divorced her in proper form. The fact of Philippus giving his daughter away shows that she was then at his disposal. Cato married her again, and his conduct proved that he trusted her. The notion of Cato lending his wife would have been as inconsistent with legal principle and morality in Rome as such a transaction would be in England.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_694_694&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_694_694&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[694]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare the Life of Cæsar, c. 8.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_695_695&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_695_695&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[695]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Pompeius was now in Asia. See the Life of Pompeius, c. 42, 43.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_696_696&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_696_696&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[696]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Castor and Pollux. See the Life of Tiberius Gracchus, c. 2. The temple was on the south side of the Forum Romanum. The steps are those which led to the Rostra.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_697_697&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_697_697&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[697]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is the translation of the reading &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: oikothen&amp;quot;&amp;gt;οίκοθεν&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, which is probably incorrect. Solanus proposes &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: autothen&amp;quot;&amp;gt;αὐτόθεν&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, and Kaltwasser proposes &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: apothen&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἀπόθεν&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, &amp;quot;from a distance,&amp;quot; which he has adopted in his version, &amp;quot;und liess die bewaffneten, die &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;von fern&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; standen, mit furchbarem Geschre* anrücken.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_698_698&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_698_698&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[698]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Lucullus returned B.C. 66. He triumphed B.C. 63. See the Life of Lucullus, c. 37. Plutarch has here confused the order of events. Kaltwasser translates this passage as if Lucullus had returned to Rome after Metellus left it in B.C. 62.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_699_699&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_699_699&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[699]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He returned B.C. 62. The consuls who were elected for the year B.C. 61, were M. Pupius Piso, who had been a legatus of Pompeius in Asia, and M. Valerius Messalla. See the Life of Pompeius, c. 44.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_700_700&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_700_700&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[700]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Probably Munatius Rufus, who is mentioned again in c. 36. Drumann (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Porcii&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 162) says it was Munatius Plancus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_701_701&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_701_701&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[701]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was in B.C. 61, at the election of the consuls L. Afranius and Q. Cæcilius Metellus Celer, the consuls of B.C. 60. See the Life of Pompeius, c. 44.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_702_702&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_702_702&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[702]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar returned B.C. 60, and was consul B.C. 59. See the Life of Cæsar, c. 13, 14, for the events alluded to in this 31st chapter; and the Life of Pompeius, c. 47.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_703_703&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_703_703&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[703]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Cæsar, c. 14.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_704_704&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_704_704&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[704]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Numidicus. The story is told in the Life of Marius, c. 29. The matters referred to in this and the following chapter are told circumstantially by Dion Cassius (38, c. 1-7). See Life of Cæsar, c. 14.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_705_705&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_705_705&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[705]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; L. Calpurnius Piso, the father of Calpurnia the wife of Cæsar, and Aulus Gabinius were consuls B.C. 58. Aulus Gabinius, when Tribunus Plebis B.C. 67, proposed the law which gave Pompeius the command against the pirates. The meaning of the obscure allusion at the end of the chapter, which is literally rendered, may be collected from the context; and still more plainly from the abuse which Cicero heaps on Gabinius for his dissolute life after he had been banished in the consulship of Gabinius (Drumann, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Gabinii&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 60).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_706_706&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_706_706&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[706]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This Ptolemæus, the brother of Ptolemæus Auletes, King of Egypt, was now in possession of Cyprus, and the mission of Cato, which could not be to his taste, was to take possession of the island for the Romans. When Clodius had been made prisoner by the pirates nine years before, Ptolemæus was asked to contribute to his ransom but he only sent two talents, for which ill-timed saving he was mulcted in his whole kingdom by this unprincipled tribune (Drumann, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Claudii&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 263).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_707_707&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_707_707&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[707]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He is called Caninius in the Life of Brutus, c. 3.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_708_708&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_708_708&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[708]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The feeble king had not spirit to attempt a resistance, which indeed would have been useless. He put an end to himself by poison (c. 36), and the Romans took the island. A more unjustifiable act of aggression than the occupation of Cyprus, hardly occurs even in the history of Rome.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_709_709&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_709_709&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[709]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The priesthood of such temples as Paphos was a valuable thing. These temples had lands and slaves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_710_710&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_710_710&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[710]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was Auletes, the father of Cleopatra. He was restored to his kingdom by A. Gabinius B.C. 55, while he was governor of Syria.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_711_711&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_711_711&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[711]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is the meaning of the passage. The interview was ludicrous enough, but Dacier makes it still more so, by seating Cato on a close-stool; and Kind and Schirach, two German translators, make him receive the king in the same way (Kaltwasser&#039;s note).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_712_712&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_712_712&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[712]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was M. Junius Brutus, afterwards Cæsar&#039;s friend and assassin. Cato could not have found a better man for his purpose; at least for laying his hands on all that came in his way. Brutus took the opportunity of helping himself to some of the plunder in his uncle&#039;s absence. At a later time he had large sums out at interest in Cyprus and partly in other persons&#039; names. He was a merciless usurer. (Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Attic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, v. 18 and 21; vi. 21; and the Life of Cicero, c. 36, notes.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_713_713&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_713_713&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[713]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch explains in a general way what is meant. The Roman word &amp;quot;pignus,&amp;quot; which Plutarch translates by &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: enechyra&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἐνέχυρα&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, means a thing pawned and delivered as a security to the pawnee. To take pledges, &amp;quot;pignora capere,&amp;quot; was to seize something that belonged to a man in order to compel the discharge of a duty. It was like a distress for a service. Instances occur in Livy (3. c. 38, 37. c. 51; Cicero, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Oratore&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 3. c. 1).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_714_714&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_714_714&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[714]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Greek nominative would be Barcas. The name does not appear to be Roman and is probably corrupted. Bursa is a Roman name. See c. 48.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_715_715&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_715_715&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[715]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; There is no suspicion that Cato got anything for himself. He was above that. He honestly discharged his dishonest mission.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_716_716&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_716_716&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[716]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was a port of Corinth on the east side of the Isthmus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_717_717&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_717_717&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[717]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The amazement of the people at the quantity of the plunder, and the thanks of the Senate for the faithful discharge of their order to pillage, might seem regular enough if it had been booty gotten in war. But the robbery was not gilded with this false show. It was pure, simple robbery without the accessories of war.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_718_718&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_718_718&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[718]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This means a prætorship before the age at which a man could regularly hold the office. Cato returned from Cyprus in B.C. 56. He was now thirty-eight years of age, for he died B.C. 46, when he was forty-eight.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_719_719&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_719_719&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[719]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The order of the words in the original makes the meaning appear somewhat ambiguous. The passage might be translated, as it is by Dacier, &amp;quot;for the colleague of Philippus paid no less respect to Cato on account of his merit, than Philippus did on account of his relationship.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_720_720&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_720_720&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[720]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero returned from exile B.C. 57, in the month of September of the unreformed calendar.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_721_721&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_721_721&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[721]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was the meeting at Luca in B.C. 56. See the Life of Pompeius, c. 51; and the Life of Cæsar, c. 21.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_722_722&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_722_722&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[722]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was the second consulship of each, and was in B.C. 55. Cato lost the prætorship, and Vatinius was elected instead of him (Dion Cassius (39, c. 32).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_723_723&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_723_723&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[723]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As to Caius Trebonius, see the Life of Pompeius, c. 52.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_724_724&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_724_724&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[724]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; One would suppose that a less time would have been more than enough, though not for Cato. Dion Cassius (39. c. 31) says that Favonius spoke for an hour before Cato did, and took up all the time in complaining of the shortness of his allowance. It would be a fair inference that he had little to say against the measure itself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_725_725&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_725_725&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[725]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dion Cassius (39. c. 35) tells us more particularly how it happened that P. Aquilius Gallus was in the senate house. Gallus was afraid that he should be excluded from the Forum the next day, and accordingly he passed the night in the senate house, both for safety&#039;s sake and to be ready on the spot in the morning. But Trebonius, who found it out, kept him shut up for that night and the greater part of the following day.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_726_726&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_726_726&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[726]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cato was prætor in B.C. 54. It does not appear that he ever was prætor before, and it is not therefore clear what is meant by the &amp;quot;extraordinary prætorship&amp;quot; (c. 39). In place of the word &amp;quot;Rostra,&amp;quot; in the fifth line of this chapter, read &amp;quot;tribunal.&amp;quot; Plutarch uses the same word (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: bêma&amp;quot;&amp;gt;βῆμα&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) for both, which circumstance is calculated occasionally to cause a translator to make a slip, even when he knows better. The &amp;quot;tribunal&amp;quot; was the seat of the prætor, when he was doing justice. But lower down (line 8 from the bottom) Rostra is the proper translation of Plutarch&#039;s word (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: epilabesthai tôn embolon&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἐπιλαβέσθαι τῶν ἐμβόλον&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) and it was the place from which Cato spoke, after he had got up. In c. 43, when Cato gets up to speak, Plutarch makes him mount the Bema (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: bêma&amp;quot;&amp;gt;βῆμα&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;), by which he means the place when the orators stood at the Rostra. The Rostra were the beaks of the Antiate galleys, with which, it is said, this place was ornamented at the close of the Latin war (Livy, 8, c. 14).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_727_727&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_727_727&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[727]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The reason according to Plutarch why people envy the man who has a high reputation for integrity, is because of the power and credit which it gives. Whatever then gives power and credit should be also an object of envy, as wealth; and so it is. The notion of envy implies a desire to see the person who is the object of it humbled and cast down. The Greeks attributed this feeling to their gods, who looked with an evil eye on great prosperity, and loved to humble it. But the feeling of envy, if that is the right term, towards him who has power and credit by reason of his high character for integrity, is not the same feeling as envy of the wealthy man. The envious of wealth desire to have the wealth both for itself and for its uses. The envious of character desire to have the opinion of the character, because of the profit that is from it, but they may not desire to have that which is the foundation of the character. If they did, their desire would be for virtue, and the envious feeling would not exist. Courage and wisdom are less objects of envy than good character or wealth, and perhaps, because most men feel that they are not capable of having the one or the other. The notion of envy implies that the person has, or thinks he has, the same capability as another who has something which he has not. A man who is not a painter does not envy a great painter; a man who is a painter may envy a great painter. The mass may admire the honest man who is of higher rank than themselves, even if they have no regard for honesty; but they do not envy; they wonder as at something which is above them. But if the honest man is of their own station in life, and has a character of integrity, they may envy him for his superiority. It appears that if there is a number of people who are generally on a footing of equality, any superiority which one may acquire over the rest, makes him an object of envy. If high character for integrity brings power and credit with it, there must be some persons with whom the power and the credit prevail, but these are the persons who are farthest removed from rivalry with him who has the credit. Those who are nearer to him are the persons who envy, who feel that the superiority of one man makes their inferiority. Plutarch assumes the existence of a class who love the just and give them credit, and of a class who envy them; but the two classes of persons are not the same.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_728_728&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_728_728&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[728]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This name recurs in the Symposium and Phædon of Plato. The second sentence in this chapter is very corrupt in the original, and the translation is merely a guess at the meaning. Favonius was ædile in B.C. 53 (Dion Cassius, 40. c. 45).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_729_729&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_729_729&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[729]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Some apology is necessary for translating &amp;quot;pears &amp;quot; (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: apious&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἀπίους&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, in the original said to mean &amp;quot;pears&amp;quot;) into &amp;quot;parsley.&amp;quot; The context shows clearly enough that pears are not meant. Kaltwasser has made the &amp;quot;pears&amp;quot; into &amp;quot;celery,&amp;quot; and there is just as good reason for making &amp;quot;parsley&amp;quot; of them. Plutarch may have misunderstood the Roman word &amp;quot;apium&amp;quot; or confounded it with the Greek.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_730_730&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_730_730&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[730]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Scipio was the father-in-law of Cornelia, the last wife of Pompeius (Life of Pompeius, c. 55). As to P. Plautus Hypsæus, see the Life of Pompeius, c. 55. Titus Annius Milo afterwards killed Clodius, and Cicero defended him on his trial (Life of Cicero, c. 35).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_731_731&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_731_731&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[731]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Pompeius was sole consul B.C. 53, for seven months, after which he had his father-in-law Scipio as his colleague.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_732_732&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_732_732&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[732]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; T. Munatius Plancus Bursa was a tribune in B.C. 52. When Clodius was killed by Milo, the populace, who loved Clodius, took the dead body into the Curia Hostilia, at the instigation of Bursa and his colleague Rufus, and making a pile of the benches, burnt the body and the Curia with it (Dion Cassius, 40. c. 49, 55). Bursa was tried for his share in this matter and convicted, to the great joy of Cicero, who was his accuser. Cicero speaks of this affair in a letter to Marius (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Diversos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, vii. 2).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_733_733&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_733_733&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[733]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Servius Sulpicius Rufus, a friend of Cicero, who has recorded his great talents, and a distinguished Jurist. He was consul in B.C. 51 with M. Claudius Marcellus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_734_734&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_734_734&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[734]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Kaltwasser refers to the Life of Cæsar, c. 22, for an explanation of the first part of this chapter; and to the Life of Cæsar, c. 29, and to that of Pompeius, c. 58, for the transactions which are mentioned in the latter part of this chapter.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_735_735&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_735_735&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[735]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cæsar took Ariminum (Rimini) in B.C. 49. See the Life of Cæsar, c. 33, and the Life of Pompeius, c. 60.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_736_736&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_736_736&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[736]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In South Italy, now Calabria Ultra. This Munatius was probably Munatius Rufus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_737_737&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_737_737&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[737]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In Cæsar&#039;s Anticato, which has often been mentioned. It seems that Cæsar raked up all that he could in Cato&#039;s life that was against him, and this affair of Marcia furnished him with plausible matter. Hortensius died B.C. 50. Drumann remarks (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Porcii&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 198), &amp;quot;that she lived, after the year 56, in which she reconciled Cato with Munatius Rufus, with the consent of Cato, with Hortensius, after whose death in the year 50 she returned into her former relation,&amp;quot; that is, she became again the wife of Cato. If so, Cato must have married her again (see note, c. 25), as Plutarch says that he did. Drumann speaks as if Cato had a reversion of her, which became an estate in possession after the estate of Hortensius was determined by her death.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_738_738&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_738_738&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[738]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The quotation is from the Hercules &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: Heraklês mainomenos&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Ἡρακλῆς μαινόμενος&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; of Euripides (v. 173), one of the extant plays.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_739_739&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_739_739&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[739]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Life of Cæsar, c. 72.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_740_740&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_740_740&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[740]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Another allusion to the Anticato. It is difficult to see what probable charge Cæsar could make of this circumstance. The meaning of Plutarch may easily be conjectured (Drumann, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Porcii&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 192).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_741_741&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_741_741&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[741]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Pompeius, c. 65; and the Life of Cæsar, c. 39.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_742_742&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_742_742&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[742]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cn. Pompeius, the elder son of Pompeius Magnus is meant. It is conjectured that the word &amp;quot;young&amp;quot; (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: neon&amp;quot;&amp;gt;νέον&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) has fallen out of the text (compare c. 58). He had been sent by his father to get ships, and he arrived with an Egyptian fleet on the coast of Epirus shortly before the battle of Pharsalus. On the news of the defeat of Pompeius Magnus, the Egyptians left him (Dion Cassius, 42. c. 12).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_743_743&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_743_743&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[743]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He must also have seen Cornelia, for Sextus was with her. Life of Pompeius, c. 78.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_744_744&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_744_744&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[744]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; These people are described by Herodotus (iv. 173) as having been all destroyed by the sands of the deserts, and their country, which was on the Syrtis, being occupied by the Nasamones.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Lucan (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pharsalia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ix. 891) has made the Psylli occupy a conspicuous place in the march of Cato.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Gens unica terras&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Incolit a sævo serpentum innoxia morsu,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Marmaridæ Psylli: par lingua potentibus herbis,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Ipse cruor tutus, nullumque admittere virus&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Vel cantu cessante potest.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Seven days is much too little for the march from Cyrene to the Carthaginian territory, and there is either an error in Plutarch&#039;s text or a great error in his geography.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_745_745&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_745_745&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[745]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The name Libya occurs four times in this chapter. Libya was the general name for the continent, but the term did not include Egypt. In the first two instances in which the name occurs in this chapter, the word is used in the general sense. In the other two instances it means the Roman province of Africa. Kaltwasser has used the term Africa in all the four instances. It is immaterial which is used, if rightly understood in both cases.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_746_746&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_746_746&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[746]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Cæsar, c. 53, 54, 55, and the references in the notes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_747_747&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_747_747&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[747]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Antonius, c. 81.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_748_748&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_748_748&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[748]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Cæsar, c. 52, and Dion Cassius, 42, c. 57. This Scipio was unworthy of the name and unequal to the times.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_749_749&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_749_749&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[749]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Greek writers represent the name in different ways. Plutarch writes &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: Itukê&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Ἰτύκη&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;. Dion Cassius writes it &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: Outikê&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Οὐτική&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;. This old Phœnician city was on the coast near the mouth of the river Bagradas; but its supposed remains are some distance inland. (Shaw&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Travels in Barbary&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;amp;amp;c., p. 79, 4to. edition.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_750_750&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_750_750&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[750]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Life of Cæsar, c. 53, and Dion Cassius, 43, c. 7. The battle was fought in B.C. 46.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_751_751&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_751_751&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[751]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The son of Cn. Octavius, who was consul B.C. 76. Marcus was Curule Ædile B.C. 50. (Drumann, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Octavii&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 225.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_752_752&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_752_752&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[752]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was the son of L. Julius Cæsar, consul B.C. 64. The son was pardoned by Cæsar (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bell. Afric.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; c. 88, 89). Dion Cassius (43, c. 12) says that Cæsar first brought him to trial, but as he was unwilling to condemn him by his own authority, he privately got him put to death. The statement of Dion is deficient in precision, incredible by reason of Cæsar&#039;s well-known clemency, and the insignificance of Lucius as an enemy, and not altogether reconcilable with other authorities. (Drumann, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Julii&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 125.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_753_753&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_753_753&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[753]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Phædon which contains the last conversation of Socrates, and his death. The incident of the reading of the Dialogue, and the reflections which it suggested, have been used by Addison in his frigid and bombastic tragedy of Cato.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_754_754&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_754_754&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[754]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Kaltwasser quotes a note of Dacier who cannot conceive how Cato could read so long a Dialogue through twice in so short a time. It is equally a matter of wonder how any body could know that he read it through once. The fact that he had the book and was reading it is all that could be known. Another difficulty that is suggested by Dacier is, that the Dialogue contains the strongest arguments against suicide; but perhaps this difficulty is removed by the suggestion that in one passage it is said that a man should not kill himself till the deity has sent a kind of necessity; and Cato might conceive, as he did conceive, that the necessity had come to him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The suicide of Cato was a peculiar case and hardly belongs to the more general cases of suicide. His position, if he had lived under the domination of Cæsar, would have been intolerable to a man of his principles; for that he might have lived by Cæsar&#039;s grace, if he had chosen, can hardly be doubted notwithstanding Cæsar wrote his Anticatones.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_755_755&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_755_755&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[755]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was P. Licinius Crassus Junianus, a Junius who had been adopted by a Crassus, as the name shows.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_756_756&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_756_756&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[756]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;trans&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: êdê d&#039; ornithes êdon&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ήδη δ&#039; ὄρνιθες ηδον&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;. The translators do not agree about these words. Dacier and others translate them literally, as I have done. Kaltwasser translated them, &amp;quot;and already the cocks crowed.&amp;quot; He adds that the other translation is wrong, because it is said immediately after, that it was still night. But what follows as to the night does not prove that it was dark; it rather implies that there was not much sleeping time that remained before morning. Cocks sometimes crow in the night, it is true, but Plutarch evidently means to show by the expression that the morning was dawning, and so the birds might be singing, if there were any birds in Utica. The matter is appropriate for a dissertation, which would be as instructive as many other dissertations on matters of antiquity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_757_757&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_757_757&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[757]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Appian (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 98, &amp;amp;amp;c.) tells the story of his death differently. He says that the wound was sewed up, and that being left alone, he tore his bowels out. But it is improbable that, if the wound had been sewed up, he would have been left alone. The story of Dion Cassius (43, c. 11) is the same. See Florus, iv. 2, 71, who says that he killed himself &amp;quot;circa primam vigiliam.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_758_758&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_758_758&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[758]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As he died in B.C. 46, he was in the forty-ninth year of his age. His chatacter requires no comment; it has been fully delineated by Plutarch. A single letter of Cato to Cicero is extant (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ad Diversos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, xv. 5); and a letter of such a man is worth reading, though it be short. His speech against the conspirators, which Sallust has given, may contain the matter, but not the words of Cato.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_759_759&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_759_759&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[759]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He had his father&#039;s property. After Cæsar&#039;s death he joined M. Brutus, the husband of his sister Portia, and fell at Philippi B.C. 42. This son of Cato had a younger brother (c. 52), whose mother was Marcia, but nothing more is known of him. The death of the wife of Brutus is told in the Life of Brutus, c. 13, 53.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;END OF VOL. III.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LONDON: PRINTED BY WM. CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:RobbieMcClintock/2018/Kant_in_the_Culture_Factory&amp;diff=2850</id>
		<title>Texts:RobbieMcClintock/2018/Kant in the Culture Factory</title>
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		<updated>2025-12-26T19:45:27Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: Text replacement - &amp;quot;{{Top Texts}}&amp;quot; to &amp;quot;__NOTITLE__
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&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;inbox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; ... in heaven, … perhaps, a pattern is laid up for the man who wants to see and found a city within himself on the basis of what he sees. It doesn&#039;t make any difference whether it is or will be somewhere. For he would mind the things of this city alone, and of no other.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p style=&amp;quot;text-align: right; margin-top: -1.5em;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Plato, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Republic of Plato, 592b,&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (Allan Bloom, trans., New York: 	Basic Books, 1968) p. 275.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It is the mark of an educated man to look for precision in each class of things just so far as the nature of the subject admits.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p style=&amp;quot;text-align: right; margin-top: -1.5em;&amp;quot;&amp;gt; Aristotle, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Nicomachean Ethics&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Aristotle, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Nicomachean Ethics&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,1094b24-5,  W. D. Ross, trans., 	in Jonathan Barnes, ed., &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Complete Works of Aristotle&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 	(Revised Oxford translation) Princeton: Bollingen Series LXXI:2, 	1984, vol. 2, p. 1729&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;xh1&amp;gt;  Kant in the Culture Factory&amp;lt;/xh1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;xh3&amp;gt;Robbie McClintock&amp;lt;/xh3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p style=&amp;quot;margin-top: -0.25em;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Teachers College, Columbia University&amp;lt;br/&amp;gt; Emeritus&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h5 class=&amp;quot;b1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hello,&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;nums&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;I&#039;m working on this essay as a contribution to a set of online worksites that prototype a Collaboratory for Liberal Learning.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;I am using italicized text to address those reading this text, 	primarily participants in PESNA 2018, and there I use &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;we&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 	&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;our&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, etc., to indicate the community of scholars of which we 	are members. In the main parts of the essay in plain, non-italicized 	text, I am addressing an inclusive, general audience, and use &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;we&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 	&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;our&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, etc. to indicate it.  	&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; I hope the Collaboratory might become a way to facilitate educational thought and action digitally, independent from the existing forms and structures for educational work. I do not here want to say much about the structure or function of the Collaboratory, but rather to express some ideas exemplifying concerns relevant to it as a means for putting liberal learning into action. &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;According to an old saw about liberal learning, it arises through the pursuit of knowledge for its own sake. But that&#039;s easy to say yet difficult to do. What does pursuing knowledge for its own sake entail? Why is it difficult? What does the phrase mean? Enthused with high-minded principle, we easily find ourselves charting a path up the ever-branching academic ladder according, each usually sticking to a well-calculated ascent; coping with ever-present assessment regimes; framing research to satisfy peer review and to win grants; planning courses with an eye to student evaluations, collegial sensitivities, and administrative expectations;  publishing another paper, another book, in the pursuit of tenure, promotion, fame, perhaps even fortune.  We produce knowledge for many reasons other than for its own sake.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;I hope the Collaboratory for Liberal Learning can become a locus of thinking and acting educationally for its own sake, without all these extrinsic motivations. For that to happen we need to finesse extrinsic motivations and act on the intrinsic purposes of education in sustained efforts. But we cannot implement such efforts according to a pre-planned blueprint; they need to emerge through recursive, adaptive activities.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Perhaps an excess of pre-planned activity accounts for why 	organizations such as the Association of American Colleges &amp;amp;amp; 	Universities, dedicated to advancing liberal education, produce work 	that often seems drained of the liberal spirit. Advancing the work 	of the organization supplants efforts to learn liberally as 	participants work to produce reports and programs furthering the 	cause, rather than engage in doing what they do for its own sake, 	seeing what happens through a process of emergence.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; To act recursively, we start acting with a first approximation and a willingness to continue with successive effort with as much purposeful self-awareness as we can muster. With this idea in mind, the brief reflections that follow do not plan a course of action. Rather they may inform intentions, guiding recursive initiatives that we might take in learning liberally, for its own sake.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;These reflections, mini-essays in the light of Kant, are not at this stage fully developed, nor at all exhaustive of the possibilities. Between us all, we could write many such essays in the light of many exemplars of learning liberally, from Socrates and Plato through the pantheon of greats. All could aim to stimulate thinking and acting educationally for its own sake, without extrinsic motivations -- suggestive, possibly performative, not prescriptive. They should end with a pause for wonder, perhaps too with a reflective urge for action. Here you will only find a couple preliminary attempts.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;quot;Kant and the Public Use of Reason&amp;amp;quot; explores the distinction between the private and the public use of reason he drew in writing about enlightenment. I think using reason publicly overlaps significantly with the idea of pursuing knowledge for its own sake. Then, &amp;amp;quot;Notes towards the Definition of Study&amp;amp;quot; ventures a first-pass at a set of concepts for constructing educational experience from the raw data of life.  T. S. Eliot and Kant inspire these notes, especially Kant&#039;s exploration of how persons construct experience of the external world by structuring inchoate data with an aesthetic of time and space and a logic of &amp;amp;quot;the pure concepts of the understanding.&amp;amp;quot; And to end it, I reflect on analogies of pedagogical experience akin to Kant&#039;s analogies of experience, pedagogical characteristics that persons might be alert to as they pursue their self-formation for its own sake. Finally, as the whole paper nears ending, I enter an IOU for a discussion of &amp;amp;quot;Design and Modernity,&amp;amp;quot; an important set of developments in which Kant had an important role that I have neither the time nor space to address here. And I follow that with the actual ending, some reflections on Wittgenstein’s famous admonition about remaining silent with which he ended the &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;Tractatus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;I expect these and other such mini-essays to remain work in progress. &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;Work-in-progress&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; should become the mantra for learning liberally. Pursuing knowledge and self-formation for its own sake remains in progress until that possibility ends in death.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Suggestively, the authors of many great expressions of learning 	liberally kept them in continuous revision or died feeling they were 	incomplete or imperfect, leaving them for posthumous publication -- 	Vergil&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Aeneid&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Chaucer&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Canterbury Tales&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Erasmus&#039;s 	&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Adages&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Rabelais&#039; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Gargantua, &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;Spenser&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Faerie 	Queen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Montaigne&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Essays&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, the poetry of Emily Dickinson, 	Butler&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Way of All Flesh&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, much of Kafka&#039;s corpus, Musil&#039;s 	&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Man without Qualities&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, etc., etc. Of course, premature death 	and fear of opprobrium or worse accounts some delays in publication, 	but writing despite fear of publication increases the likelihood 	that the author is doing it for its own sake.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; From time to time I will interject italicized observations as place holders for further development of the text. &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;Kant on the Public Use of Reason&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Part of Kant’s enduring relevance arises from his realism about despotic power.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Despotism, absolute power, can be more or less tyrannical. If can 	incorporate a rule of law and honor, as in &amp;amp;quot;among thieves&amp;amp;quot; 	and with all sorts of groups that possess an&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; esprit de corps&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 	or churn about in an &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ad hoc&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; chaos.  	&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; In his answer to the question, “What Is Enlightenment?”, he praised the rule of Frederick the Great, which permitted freedom of expression in religious matters and even some in matters political, while requiring obedience in action from his subjects. That sufficed, Kant thought, for the eventual emergence of an enlightened condition for all.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;See Immanuel Kant, “What Is Enlightenment?” in Kant, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Practical 	Philosophy&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, (Mary J. Gregor, trans., 1996), p. 21.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; Let’s do something dangerous and try to see Kant’s satisfaction with Fredrick’s despotism, not as a deficiency of democratic commitments, but as sound basis for thinking and acting educationally.  &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Dreams of democracy did not shape Kant’s judgment. We should perhaps follow this example, for our democracies may be more despotic than we habitually think. Without forcing the matter too much, we can observe that the age of democratic revolution marked a great divide in educational theory. Thought and practice came to dwell less on the problem of achieving autonomy, personal and collective,&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Plato, Aristotle, the Stoics and Epicureans, Erasmus, Montaigne, 	Rousseau, among many others, provide important examples of this 	presupposition. Eminent Judaic and Christian thinkers do as well 	when they present their ideas as resources for achieving full 	humanity as distinct from asserting doctrine as a set of required 	beliefs.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; while living under despotic rule and took up the challenge of educating the person and the polity for democratic life.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;This challenge of educating the person and the polity for democratic 	life has become pervasive. John Dewey, Amy Gutmann, and Nel Noddings 	exemplify it with persuasive authority; see &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Democracy and 	Education&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 1916; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Democratic Education&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 2nd. Ed. 1999; and 	&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Education and Democracy in the 21st Century&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 2013.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;9 This shift rested on an historical materiality: principles of heredity as a means of transferring the possession of power contracted and principles of passing its possession to representatives chosen by citizens, variously defined, expanded.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;This shift has been prominent not only in governmental structures, 	but in economic and social organizations as well, but shareholders 	have even less influence over corporate management than citizens do 	over political governance.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; Call the result &amp;amp;quot;democracy,&amp;amp;quot; but we should ask more deeply than we do whether the actual powers, as codified and exercised, have significantly changed as a result. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Federalist&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 10 has long been a Utopian hope, for party politicians have become masterful in subverting the means of preventing the deleterious effects of faction.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;James Madison warned that the causes of faction would always 	operate, but a well-constituted governing system could prevent the 	effects essentially by charging elected representatives with 	representing the whole of their potential constituency and ensuring 	that those representatives periodically stood for re-election by 	that whole constituency. He did not adequately foresee how 	distortions in patterns of representation and the ability of 	factions to dominate communications media could subvert periodic 	elections as a defense against factional misrule. See &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The 	Federalist&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (James B. Cooke, ed., Middletown, CT: Wesleyan 	University Press, 1961, pp. 56-65.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;With a present-day perspective, interpreters easily criticize the German &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Aufklärung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in general and Kant in particular as excessively apolitical, capable of a brief enthusiasm for the American and French revolutions yet content throughout to follow the despotic stricture, “Obey!” Kant quite explicitly espoused this outlook in his reflections on enlightenment, praising the despotism of Frederick the Great for permitting the free expression of thought provided his subjects willingly obeyed. Is our condition so very different under the Constitution with its First Amendment? Do we not often experience the functioning of our political and economic and social systems as despotic, requiring behavior contrary to what we believe desirable and right, to which we nevertheless obey for want of a plausible alternative?  True; a few emigrate to Canada, an age-old answer to despotic excess. But far more often we find ourselves in an alienated condition, pervasively subject to the exercise of power in politics, at work, and in diverse institutions with which we dissent, unreconciled, but obeying all the same. Consider simply what has happened to the legitimacy of the American Supreme Court.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For many reasons, I prefer living under our 21st-century despotisms than under those of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ancien régime&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, not least because I’m living here and now, not there and then. But I do not accept the democratic complacency that the established order &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;merits&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; our allegiance in the processes of education. These are processes through we form ourselves as humans and as humans we should realize our full, autonomous humanity, personal and collective. For doing so, Kant voiced purposes more important and challenging:  &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Enlightenment is the human being&#039;s emergence from his self-incurred minority&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Minority&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; is inability to make use of one&#039;s own understanding without direction from another. This minority is &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;self-incurred&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; when its cause lies not in lack of understanding but in lack of resolution and courage to use it without direction from another. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sapere aude!&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Have courage to make use of your own understanding! is thus the motto of enlightenment.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Kant, “What Is Enlightenment?” (1784), Mary J. McGregor, trans., 	in Immanuel Kant, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Practical Philosophy&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (New York; Cambridge 	University Press, 1996), p. 17. Translating into English Kant’s 	thought in these sentences and those that immediately follow 	presents difficulties. Gregor uses &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;minority&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;majority&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 	to render Kant’s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Unmündigkeit&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mündigkeit&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and 	others use &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;immaturity&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;maturity&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Neither quite does 	the job, for at root &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mündigkeit&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; meant &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;capable of speaking 	for oneself&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and the DWDS ([https://www.dwds.de/wb/Autonomie Digitales Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprache]), gives synonyms of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Autonomie&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (autonomy), &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Eigenständigkeit&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 	(self-reliance), &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Selbstbestimmung&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (self determination), and 	&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Selbstständigkeit&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (independence). Why do elected legislators, each 	well-schooled, representatives of diverse constituencies, toe the 	line mouthing their leaders’ talking-points and voting predictably 	as a partisan mass? A naive question, for we all know the answer. 	But then we should ask ourselves, why do we accept representatives 	who are demonstrably &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;unmündig&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, incapable of speaking for 	themselves, lacking the &amp;amp;quot;resolution and courage to use [their 	understanding] without direction from another&amp;amp;quot;?  	&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Freedom to reason publicly would best sustain efforts to emerge from self-incurred minority, immaturity, a lack of autonomy, Kant asserted. Kant recognized that most people faced numerous impediments to being fully able to speak for themselves -- most women had no legal rights to do so and a hierarchical, class society pressured both many men and women to defer to voices of power. Nevertheless, Kant thought that people had the power to think and speak for themselves, but they needed strong resolve and courage to do so. In his view, a process of enlightenment would ensue as “a few independent thinkers” asserted their reason publicly, disseminating “the spirit of a rational valuing of one’s own worth and of the calling of each individual to think for himself.”&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Kant, “What Is Enlightenment?”, pp. 17-8.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Kant averred that &amp;amp;quot;freedom to make public use of one&#039;s reason in all matters” would over time have an enlightening effect, enabling more and more persons to raise themselves out of their self-incurred minority. He understood minority as an “inability to make use of one’s own understanding without direction from another,” and he thought people self-incurred it through “the lack of resolution and courage to use [their understanding] without direction from another.”&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Kant, “What Is Enlightenment?”, p. 17.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; Everyone had the power to think for themselves. Achieving an enlightened age in which everyone in fact did so -- a far off ideal -- required more and more examples of people thinking without direction from another, which would inspire the resolution and courage in others to do so in their turn.  &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We now easily fail to grasp the power Kant attributed to the public use of reason. The public use of reason meant something different from simply speaking up in the marketplace of ideas. For Kant, the public use of reason constituted one pole of an ideal-type tension with reason&#039;s private use at the opposite one. We can easily misunderstand what he meant by the private use of reason, for people exercised typical examples of it in highly public situations. As communication, both the public and the private use of reason addressed a multiplicity of recipients. But as modes of reasoning, thinking and feeling privately proceeds within some given boundaries -- those of an office, a status, a role, a persona, or an identify, which significantly shape the reasoning. All but the most privileged among us have jobs to do, and even the most privileged must defend their privileges, not simply assume them. Private uses of reason take place as persons reason within bounded expectations, whether codified or set by convention.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;It helps to codify the distinction to think of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;private&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in the 	sense that private enterprise or property is private. Personal 	privacy versus publicity has little to do with the distinction. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Der 	öffentliche Gebrauch der Vernunft&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and from that 	&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Öffentlichkeit&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, the public sphere, has great inclusiveness, 	“&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;als Gesamtheit gesehener Bereich von Menschen, in dem etwas 	allgemein bekannt [geworden] und allen zugänglich ist&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,” as 	the totality of the observable human domain, in which anything is 	generally known [apparent] and accessible to all. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Öffen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and 	“open” are basically the same word as in the English expression 	“open source.” Thus, we might best say that &amp;amp;quot;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Öffentlichkeit&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;” 	is the “open sphere” as distinct from closed spheres.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In Kant&#039;s time and ours, numerous private purposes, the purposes that set people apart in endless subgroups, click in as people consider and discuss matters. How often do those of us working in educational institutions shape what we say and teach according to professional, institutional, and governmental norms, expectations, and requirements?&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;An example: On my campus, and I suspect many others, all faculty 	members had to participate in instructional sessions on how to 	observe FERPA regulations.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; Kant would have no problem with our doing so as long as in doing so it does not contravene our considered thoughts and convictions.  If we find ourselves compelled to violate those, we ought to resign our posts. But he thought one&#039;s work within a role would normally leave one free to have and express views that differed with those fit for the private spheres, which one could and should address to the public sphere, views one could and should express freely, autonomously, making use of one&#039;s own reason to “speak to the public in the strict sense, that is, the world.” An enlightening effect would follow when someone uses his own reason &amp;amp;quot;as a member of a whole commonwealth, even of the society of citizens of the world, and ... in his capacity [as] a scholar who by his writings addresses a public in the proper sense of the word.&amp;amp;quot;&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Kant, “What Is Enlightenment?”, pp. 18-19.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We must leave moot the question whether the public use of reason could have had the effects Kant envisioned: a progressive enlightening through the free use of public reason eventually bringing to fruition an enlightened age. Living in a despotic time, Kant wrote aspirationally. Communications developments in late 18th-century German lands were such that he could aspire, for himself and others, to speak as a member of the whole community, even of the society of citizens of the world. He was aware of difficulties, without doubt insufficiently so,&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Looking back, we tend to criticize past thinkers for the ways in 	which they fell short relative to subsequent achievements. Those 	thinkers, however, lived prospectively, trying to leaven the batter 	of possibility, with change accumulating recursively through the 	sequence of conditioned, circumstantial efforts.  	&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; but he participated, self-aware, with others in the public sphere, attempting to further enlightenment through the public use of reason. Together, over several generations, they had inspirational effects moving historical action in progressive directions. But as Habermas and others have shown, the public sphere also changed significantly, which, ignoring a heap of complications, leads to the practical question for our time.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;See especially Jürgen Habermas, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Structural Transformation of 	the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society, 	1962, &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;(Thomas Burger, trans., Cambridge: The MIT Press, 1991). 	Habermas&#039;s study has spawned an extensive further discussion.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How can intellectuals in the early 21st century aspire to the public use of reason? Many of us have thought, or think, that we use public reason in our work through institutions of education, particularly in universities and research organizations. I’ve spent much of my career acting as if that were true, as if it were a potentiality that we might bring about by acting insofar as possible in accordance with it. I’ve been around long enough to see that wish recede further and further towards implausibility. All sorts of OK things -- peer review, departmental and disciplinary organization, raising standards of competence and promoting mobility between institutions -- and lots of not-so-OK things -- external accountability regimes, the inexorable growth of overhead, mortgaging the system through student debt, over-publication and over-specialization for fear of scholarly mortality -- shuffle academic discourse into a multiplicity of private spheres. The public sphere seems shattered into an incoherent multiplicity of private spheres.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Kant believed that enlightenment required only the public use of reason in all matters. I can grasp fairly clearly what Kant meant by the private use of reason, but I have difficulty pinning down the clear meaning of the public use of reason, which he understood as &amp;amp;quot;that use which someone makes of it as a scholar [as Emerson&#039;s person thinking] before the entire public of the world of readers.&amp;amp;quot; What did “reasoning as a scholar before the entire world of readers” entail as Kant understood it that would set it apart from the private use of reason, employing the assumptions and conventions of one or another group of readers? Both the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Gelehrte&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, a learned person, and the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Leserwelt&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, the world of readers, an inclusive assemblage of learned persons, were ideal-types, then difficult to approximate in realities and now probably quite impossible to realize. I think, however, implicitly through the terms, Kant was calling for a high level of detachment and generality in reasoning, a drive for &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Allgemeingültigkeit,&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; universal validity but less in the logical sense and more in that of effective in all situations, generally in force. The public use of reason concerned ideas and propositions applicable not in special instances of some concern, but to all possible occurrences of it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Let&#039;s put a question to ourselves and move on, resolving to hold the question in abeyance, awaiting further reflection, as we explore another matter in the light of Kant. The question: What relation does the use of public reason by writers and an active, inclusive audience of peers, all seeking ideas that stand up with reference to any and all instances of a matter, have to do with learning liberally? &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Let&#039;s hold that question, not putting it out of mind, but rather keeping it in the periphery of our attention while we turn to a different immediate concern, namely an attempt to specify a set of concepts sufficient for generating all possible forms of educational experience.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;We might eventually refine the set into &amp;amp;quot;the pure concepts of 	cultural acquisition&amp;amp;quot; in parallel with Kant&#039;s categories, &amp;amp;quot;the 	pure concepts of the understanding.&amp;amp;quot; The adjective &amp;amp;quot;pure&amp;amp;quot; 	translates &amp;amp;quot;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;rein&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,&amp;amp;quot; which in addition to meaning 	&amp;amp;quot;pure&amp;amp;quot; has connotations of &amp;amp;quot;clean,&amp;amp;quot; &amp;amp;quot;sheer,&amp;amp;quot; 	&amp;amp;quot;unadulterated,&amp;amp;quot; &amp;amp;quot;immaculate.&amp;amp;quot; These are 	concepts cleanly applicable to any experience, bringing with them 	none of the prior specifics of this or that particular experience.  	&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; I try to do it in a Kantian spirit, but without having yet ventured to emulate Kant&#039;s systematizing drive. Additionally, I need to preface the effort with some stipulation about what I understand &amp;amp;quot;educational experience&amp;amp;quot; to consist in, for it departs from the understanding implicit in most contemporary discussion of education.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;In order to ask in Kantian fashion -- &amp;amp;quot;How is educational experience possible?&amp;amp;quot; -- we need to be clear what sort of experience it involves, and I would like here to simply stipulate without trying to fully give my reasons that educational experience involves the experience of acquiring characteristics. There is no &amp;amp;quot;&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;nature versus nurture&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;quot; in educational experience, for we experience what might be nature in the process only through our nurture of it. If educational experience consists in acquiring characteristics, it follows that the experiential actuality is that of the acquiring agent, the inward locus of perception and action with which the agent controls the (well or ill) the process of acquisition. This stipulation has consequences for how we should try to talk about educational experience.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;For instance, most discourse about education attends to &amp;amp;quot;teaching and learning&amp;amp;quot; as a central concern. I think that teaching as a primary form of educational action lies outside the bounds of possible educational experience, for it is not what the teacher does as such that determines the acquiring of anything, but how the agent receives and construes the teacher&#039;s actions. Teaching is important, but secondary to the learners&#039; actions. We need to attend to &amp;amp;quot;learning and teaching,&amp;amp;quot; as much good learning theory does. A full understanding of educational experience should generate as Kant&#039;s critiques do, both a &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;Lehre&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;, a sound doctrine, a set of tenets, and a &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;Dialektik&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;, a clarification of deceptive appearances commonly accepted. I intend what follows as a preliminary draft of a part of a critique of educational experience that would serve a function analogous to Kant&#039;s Analytic of Concepts in the &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;Critique of Pure Reason&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;. Thus, it would be a part of a &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;Lehre&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; or doctrine of how humans construct their experience of acquiring characteristics. A full effort would include a &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;Dialektik&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; of educational experience showing how we displace educational agency onto the institutions, programs and practitioners of what we call &amp;amp;quot;education,&amp;amp;quot; losing phenomenological contact with the subjective agent acquiring characteristics. The discussion that follows presupposes many fruits of such a &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;Dialektik&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;, but I cannot provide it here.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;I first addressed these concerns in two essays, Robert McClintock, 	&amp;amp;quot;Toward a Place for Study in a World of Instruction.&amp;amp;quot; 	&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Teachers College Record&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Vol. 73, No. 2, December 1971, pp. 	161–205, and Robert McClintock, &amp;amp;quot;Universal Voluntary Study.&amp;amp;quot; 	&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Center Magazine&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Vol. 6, No. 1, January/February 1973, 	pp. 24–30. They run through all my work in various ways, most 	fully developed under the heading of &amp;amp;quot;formative justice.&amp;amp;quot; 	See: Robbie McClintock, “Formative Justice: The Regulative 	Principle of Education,” &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Teachers College Record&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Vol. 118 	No. 10, 2016, and at book length, Robbie McClintock, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Formative 	Justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (New York: Collaboratory for Liberal Learning, 	forthcoming, 2019).&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;Notes toward the Definition of Study&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Here are some definitions that may help clarify how educational experience is possible. Such experience takes place in and through an agent acquiring characteristics. I set forth the concepts with attention here neither to nuance nor amplification. I want them to achieve &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Allgemeingültigkeit&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, being discernable in any and all educational experience and effective in elucidating what the agent does in any particular educational experience. Additionally, the concepts should be effective in common ideas about education that involve matters outside the scope of possible educational experience, usually by attributing effective agency to actors external to the actual acquisition taking place.  &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In principle, the bare definitions should make a systematic ensemble, but I have not worked out the principles that would organize them as Kant did for his table of categories&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Quantity, Quality, Relation, Modality, each giving rise to a triad 	of categories, distinguished through consideration of substance, 	cause &amp;amp;amp; effect, and reciprocity. See the Transcendental 	Analytic, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;passim&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, especially its Chapter 1, Section 3, in 	Kant, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Critique of Pure Reason&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. (Paul Guyer and Allen W. Wood, 	trans., New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999) pp. 210-218.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;. As presented, part of the meaning of each concept arises from elsewhere in the set. Unfortunately, they must be written or read in some order. Indeed, their sequence has some meaning, but some terms ineluctably appear in a definition of another before its definition appears on the page. Hence, one must read them through, once to get the components of the set in mind; then a second time to grasp their reciprocal interactions, critically assessing each in the context of the entire set.  &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These definitions are epistemic, not ontic. Ontic definitions answer a What-Is question. Epistemic definitions serve to answer How-To questions. One tests epistemic definitions by using them to build up sound understandings of how phenomena take place. The purpose is not to define in some lifeless abstraction indicating &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;what education is&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. What education is, is a given -- living organisms acquire characteristics in the course of their living. How do they make that possible in their life experience? The purpose is to define how we think about the process of self-formation that takes place through our experience? How do we determine what we can and should be? What follows here are general concepts for thinking about that process. We have here a preliminary table of categories in a critique of educational experience, one done in the spirit, if not syntax, of Immanuel Kant.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;In my use of Kant in this essay, I intend to 	be neither nostalgic nor anachronistic. For our purposes here, Kant 	should be taken as a living presence. Kant is to pedagogical design 	as Newton is to aeronautical design. Although physics has progressed 	far beyond Newton&#039;s version of it, his version is still the one 	appropriate for describing the flight of airplanes. In a similar 	way, although epistemology has progressed far beyond Kant&#039;s version 	of it, his critiques still give us tools appropriate for describing 	educational relationships.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;The Pedagogical Process&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;Culture&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;One&#039;s culture comprises all capacities, skills, and cultural characteristics, all that the agent acquires through life experience. Even biological endowments develop from inception on through a significant admixture of culture.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;Education&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The processes by which an agent creates and acquires culture, any and all of her particular characteristics manifest through her life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;Pedagogical Agents&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;I think with some adaptation these concepts apply in the phenomenal 	experience of all living agents, but developing that would lead far 	afield. Hence, I frame the concepts with respect to the educational 	experience of human agents and I take that to take place in the 	phenomenal experience of human persons, each in their full 	complexity. I think we can in a secondary sense speak about the 	educational experience of human polities in which a identifiable 	active agency effectively controls what the polity does. I do not 	think we can coherently speak about either individuals or societies 	having experience as these terms serve as descriptive abstractions 	by which we glom together observed characteristics. For more on the 	importance of considering the experiencing by persons and polities, 	not individuals and societies, see Robbie McClintock, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Formative 	Justice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, annotation 4, &amp;amp;quot;Persons, not individuals,&amp;amp;quot; and 	5, &amp;amp;quot;Persons and polities,&amp;amp;quot; pp. 84-89.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;Inquirer&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The person who experiences education. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Learner&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; might serve as well here, especially for the acquisition of conventional information, ideas, and values. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Inquirer&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, however, stresses generality and includes place in educational experience for all a person&#039;s acquirements and extensions through their expanding culture.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Much educational experience is perfectionist 	in that it perfects of pushes beyond what one learns in a 	productive, creative extension of oneself. Talk of the &amp;amp;quot;learner&amp;amp;quot; 	downplays this creative dimension of educational experience.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;Pupil&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;An inquirer who assumes that the relevant domain of the mentor is its universe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;Student&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;An inquirer who believes that the relevant universe may exceed the domain and horizon of the mentor. (Note: the modifier &amp;amp;quot;relevant&amp;amp;quot; here implies that existentially a person can simultaneously be a pupil in some things and a student in others.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;Mentor&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A person or persons formally or informally helping an inquirer in the acquisition of culture. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Teacher&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; might serve as well, but we need it for a more specialized meaning. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Educator&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; serves as an encomium for a mentor of high repute.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;Teacher&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A mentor whose domain in an educational process includes and exceeds that of the inquirer, e.g., the teacher knows the subject better than the student.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;Coach&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A mentor in an educational process in which the inquirer&#039;s domain includes and exceeds that of the mentor, e.g., the player can outperform the coach.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;Pedagogical Space&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;Domain&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The person&#039;s cultural resources directly involved in the educational experience taking place: the educational attainments available as grounds for the inquirer&#039;s current educational effort. Each inquirer and each mentor has a unique domain that has nevertheless morphological continuities to those of everyone else.  &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;Universe&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;All possible cultural resources that an inquirer might master in the full course of her education. A person’s universe becomes manifest through the sum of her experience, waxing and waning through the life course.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;We blandly assume that educational experience is positive, as in 	Dewey&#039;s &amp;amp;quot;education is growth.&amp;amp;quot; Educational experience is 	not only positive but frequently negative, for instance as a person 	believes falsehoods, experiences trauma, loses important memories, 	or becomes depressed. Vices are as much personal acquisitions as 	virtues. We pay for too little attention to the harm experienced by 	many persons in their educational experience as they are caught up 	in misguided programs in which law and convention compel them to 	participate.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;Horizon&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The portion of the inquirer&#039;s universe that her domain enables her to perceive, however dimly. The horizon includes what the inquirer knows, her domain, plus what she knows she does not know, the part of her universe yet outside of her domain of which she is aware.  &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;Perspective&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The portion of the inquirer&#039;s universe that the mentor&#039;s domain enables him to perceive or vice versa. Note the cross-over here: perspective involves the mentor&#039;s view of the inquirer&#039;s domain or the inquirer&#039;s view of the mentor&#039;s domain. Imperfect perspective on the part of inquirer or mentor leads to much confusion in educational experience.  &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;Pedagogical Purpose&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;Objective&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The particular capacities, the skills, the acquisitions that an inquirer seeks to master through an educational experience, that is, the specific culture the inquirer seeks to create or acquire in an educational experience. An inquirer can formulate an objective only about matters within her horizon.  &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;Intention&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A general aim in an educational process arising from the inquirer&#039;s sense that all specific objectives evident within his horizon do not exhaust the possibilities of his universe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;Note:  &amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A common pedagogical difficulty arises when the perspective of the mentor leads him to define something as an objective when the horizon of the inquirer is such that she can only pursue it as an intention. Thus, classroom teachers at every level often ask questions that students don&#039;t get because they don&#039;t see the connection to the objective as they experience it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;Pedagogical Outcomes&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;Development&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;An educational process that extends the inquirer&#039;s domain further towards her horizon. Development can purposefully result from the pursuit of both objectives and intentions.  &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;Discovery&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;An educational process that extends the inquirer&#039;s horizon further into his universe. Discovery can purposefully result from the pursuit of intentions, but not strictly speaking from objectives where students see work leading to a preset end. Serendipitous discovery can result from the pursuit of objectives when the unexpected happens and the inquirer responds intentionally to the possibilities it reveals over and beyond the objectives.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;br/&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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We need several sub-definitions because the domains of the inquirer and the mentor overlap but do not coincide. How their domains overlap distinguishes between different ways people can participate in educational processes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We also need several sub-definitions because the objective of an educational process may refer to the pertinent domain, or beyond the domain to the broader horizon. Where the objective stands in relation to domain, horizon, and universe distinguishes between different forms of education (i.e., acculturation, training, instruction, research, study).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;Education as acquiring culture.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;Acculturation&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mastering available capacities, skills, and acquisitions that differ from those set by the objectives of the educational experience. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The structure of classes and periods acculturates students to the&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;Training&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;An educational experience in which the objective lies within the domain of both the inquirer and the mentor, for instance when a tool or procedure is a given for both trainee and trainer, and the latter must ensure that the former masters its use. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Practice makes perfect&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;Instruction&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;An educational process in which the mentor believes that the objective lies within his domain and within the horizon of the inquirer. The instructor must impart the skills and knowledge he possesses so that the inquirer acquires them as part of his domain. Instruction can result in training or learning.  &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;Learning&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;An educational process in which the inquirer believes that the objective lies within her own horizon and within the domain of the mentor. Learning can result through acculturation, training, or instruction.  &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;Education as the creation of culture&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;Research&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;An inclusive educational process in which the inquirer pursues an objective within her horizon, without direct help from a mentor.  &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;Study&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;An inclusive educational process that results as an inquirer pursues intentions, with or without operative objectives, with or without the help of a mentor.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;Note:  &amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;An inquirer can engage in study during acculturation, training, learning, and research, all of which derive their teleological structure from objectives. Study is a responsiveness to intentions either in the midst of work towards objectives or as unstructured pursuit of felt intentions. Objectives point to specific goals within the horizon; intentions to unspecific possibilities within and beyond the horizon. Intentions are more general, fuzzier, and inward than objectives.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;As with our reflections on Kant&#039;s ideas about the public use of reason, let&#039;s leave these &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;quot;pure concepts of cultural acquisition&amp;amp;quot;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;in this tentative, undeveloped form, suspended for subsequent improvement. Kant thought that all people constructed their phenomenal experience by construing the given raw data, situating it in a conceptual space and time and synthesizing the situated data using the pure concepts of the understanding to make synthetic &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;a priori&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; judgments, judgments that construed the raw data into apprehended experience. &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Very careful, well-prepared, patient readers find &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;The Critique of Pure Reason&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;, through which Kant analyzed and presented how people constructed their phenomenal awareness, extremely difficult. But we should not lose sight of the fact that their construction of phenomenal awareness that he analyzed was something that any and every person incessantly engages in, generally quite successfully. His text is seriously esoteric, but it concerns everyday, ordinary experience, common to us all. &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;In the first critique, Kant addressed the linkage between his difficult analysis of the pure concepts of the understanding and the ordinary awareness of the external world that everyone seems to acquire and share. As Kant saw it, the living person starts facing a jumble of impressions -- as William James later put it, the infant, &amp;amp;quot;assailed by eyes, ears, nose, skin, and entrails at once, feels it all as one great blooming, buzzing confusion.&amp;amp;quot;&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;William James, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Principles of Psychology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Vol. I. (Edited by 	Frederick H. Burkhardt, Fredson Bowers, and Ignas K. Skrupskelis. 	Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981). P. 462.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; Kant contended that for everyone and anyone, &amp;amp;quot;experience is possible only through the representation of a necessary connection of perceptions.&amp;amp;quot; And he observed that anyone and everyone used three types of necessary connections to construct their experience of the external world -- the persistence of substance, cause and effect, and simultaneous interaction.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt; Kant, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Critique of Pure Reason, &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;Division One, Transcendental 	Analytic, Book II, Analytic of Principles, pp. 267-337 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;passim&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 	especially his analogies of experience in Chapter II, Section III, 	Systematic representation of all synthetic principles of pure 	understanding, pp. 295-320.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; The beer the barman poured over there a few moments ago is the same beer in the mug in front of me (substance); raising the mug to my lips, tilting it, and swallowing has the effect of my drinking some of it (cause and effect); looking my companion in the eye as we raise our mugs and click them together reinforces a bond of camaraderie (reciprocity or community). Necessary temporal connections of persistence, temporal succession, and simultaneity are the necessary elements of these three forms of experience. Relative to lived experience, Kant arrived at his analysis of the pure concepts of the understanding in an effort to explain how the necessities inherent in the experiencing arose, accounting for the possibility of the experiences. Why bother? Because without understanding what makes experience possible, we all too easily believe in the actuality of impossible experiences, connections outside the bounds of possible experience.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;In what immediately follows, I want to extend the tentative set of pure concepts of educational experience by reflecting on five experiential forms of educational experience, of acquiring culture. I will introduce these very much in the ordinary language of everyday experience. I think we can and should, in the spirit of Kant, work back from a clear understanding of what happens in acquiring culture in these ways, improving our pure concepts of cultural acquisition. Doing that, I think we can and should become cognizant with much greater confidence than at present about what sorts of apparent educational experience lies outside the bounds of possible experience. What follows may initiate such an effort, but it falls far short of fully achieving it. Beginnings, however, are necessary.  &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;In leading to these considerations, I have concentrated on the three analogies of experience in Kant&#039;s first critique. The second and third critiques also each have an analogy of experience in them and in this section I write with the five implicit in the background.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;In my use of Kant in this essay, I intend to be neither nostalgic 	nor anachronistic. For our purposes here, Kant should be taken as a 	living presence. Kant is to pedagogical design as Newton is to 	aeronautical design. Although physics has progressed far beyond 	Newton&#039;s version of it, his version is still the one appropriate for 	describing the flight of airplanes. In a similar way, although 	epistemology has progressed far beyond Kant&#039;s version of it, his 	critiques still give us tools appropriate for describing educational 	relationships. Immanuel Kant, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Critique of Practical Reason&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 	(Mary Gregor, trans., New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998) 	and Immanuel Kant, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Critique of the Power of Judgment&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (Paul 	Guyer and Eric Matthews, trans., New York: Cambridge University 	Press, 2000).&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; But as all five are features of ordinary experience common to all of us, I make little reference to Kant&#039;s texts. Thus, in this section, I am trying to indicate what kind of necessary connections in sensed data people make as they are acquiring culture. In doing this, I am using Kant&#039;s texts, not as sources of authority, but as heuristics, and I am rather skeptical that the five forms of educational experience that we might identify with a Kantian heuristic exhaust the possibilities. But the five are a good place to start and cover substantial ground.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Let&#039;s ask, What principles, applicable to any and all instances of study, yield the necessary connections making educational experience possible, enabling subjective selves to acquire their cultural characteristics? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Study results when the inquirer pursues intentions in addition to the operative objectives. Intentions suggest to the inquirer that the universe harbors more possibilities than those charted by the operative objectives. Intentions arise because the inquirer intuits that interesting possibilities exist beyond the horizon. Study guided thus by intention is an openness to possibility, a readiness to respond to it. We need to understand how people respond to possibility, how they move from the known to the unknown.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Let us reflect on five ways of extending the cultural horizon into the universe—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;recognition&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;production&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;control&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;commitment&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;selection&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. I do not suggest that people use only these five capacities to respond to possibility. I do not pretend to give an exhaustive account of the modes by which people can move beyond their horizons into the realm of unperceived possibilities. Likewise, I do not suggest that people use these five capacities exclusively in intentional activities. Quite the contrary, people may use these capacities also in learning, in pursuing objectives.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Our interest here, however, is in understanding how people use these principles in pursuing intentions, possibilities beyond their horizon that they cannot define precisely as objectives. Let&#039;s briefly introduce the five and then return to reflect on these capacities to begin developing the principles of study. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;[This text is still in progress and fleshing out the principles of study still needs considerable further work.]&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;Recognition.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This is the &amp;amp;quot;Ah ha!&amp;amp;quot; experience, the sudden awareness that in the buzzing confusion something substantial, identifiable inheres. An objective may activate recognition. For instance, if you ask June to find Jim to tell him that you need his help, she will have the objective of recognizing Jim. But much more often recognition arises in response to a general intention. Thus, when I&#039;m walking down the street thinking deep thoughts and I see a familiar face which I suddenly recognize as Jim&#039;s, I recognize Jim, not by objective, but by intention. Intention, a responsiveness to possibility, most deeply guides recognition of something new, something hitherto vague, murky, incoherent. Recognition often involves attaching a name to a perception, linking it to a noun, a &amp;amp;quot;substantive,&amp;amp;quot; a word that calls attention to the substantiality of the object of perception.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;Production.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This is the &amp;amp;quot;Look, Ma!&amp;amp;quot; experience, the activation of a causal sequence to the point of suddenly doing something one could not do before. Like recognition, production also can be done by objective, as often occurs in offices and factories where managers have carefully planned the causal sequence to come to a well-specified conclusion. But frequently people produce works in response to an intention in which the precise outcome is fuzzy, the result creative as in artistic work. Simple speech gives us endless examples. Under certain circumstances, diplomats and lawyers may shape an utterance precisely according to a conscious objective. Most of us, most of the time, in contrast, produce our utterances more spontaneously in response to our intentions, sometimes surprising ourselves on discovering what it was that we really had to say. What is true of speech is true of most creative making: the maker has intentions and produces unexpected results through the sequence of causalities that translate the intention into a completed work. The sequence carries the maker beyond her prior horizon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;Control.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This is the &amp;amp;quot;I got it!&amp;amp;quot; experience, the maintenance of complex interactions in a dynamic equilibrium that one can steer or guide in useful ways. Many examples of control involve objectives, like the simple thermostat that keeps room temperature close to the objective set for it. But many other examples of control equilibrate around intentional goals, states of mind and states of being—curiosity, fun, health, happiness, fulfillment, influence, power, love. Control consists in the capacity to maintain approximations of these states. Efforts to maintain control are deeply, integrally intentional because one cannot limit the significant interactions to the predictable ground within one&#039;s horizon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Control often overlaps with production, but they are conceptually distinct. Production results from a distinct sequence of causes and effects; control manages a complex of reciprocally interacting simultaneous influences. Take riding a bicycle as a simple example of the overlap. Peddling the bike forward is a clear example of production. Most anyone can effectively explicate the sequence of causes and effects that move the bike forward. Balancing the bike is the example of control. Few people can clearly explain how they do it and it depends heavily on the cyclist&#039;s ability to coordinate multiple senses to register the reciprocal interaction of many forces, continually wielding those he can to shift the center of mass of the system towards the direction of its fall, catching the bike and himself so to speak, overcompensating a bit and beginning to fall in the opposite direction. Thus we see saw through life!.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;Commitment.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This is the &amp;amp;quot;Here I stand!&amp;amp;quot; experience, the conviction that this or that course of action is worthy and right regardless of the immediate consequences that will come of it. One can form objectives while carrying out a commitment. But insofar as a commitment is a conviction that something is right independent of the specific results that come of it, commitment IS an intentional act, one that does not reduce to a set of objectives. The person acting from commitment reaches beyond his horizon to take a stand in a world in which foreseen consequences cease to matter. The committed person acts simply because he experiences the intention entailing his action as right, as worthy of action.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;Selection.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This is the &amp;amp;quot;It fits, it suits me!&amp;amp;quot; experience, the formation of preferences through judgments about form and beauty. Selections can be managed according to objectives, otherwise major industries—cosmetics, advertising, public relations—would not exist. Yet selection more deeply offers individuals and groups the opportunity to express their intentions. We might say that people choose in response to their conscious objectives, but that very often they find that these do not suffice to effectively discriminate between the available alternatives. At that point, people select through judgments that reflect their intentions, their sense of possibility, an ineffable sense of form, fit, beauty, compatibility.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;I feel this paragraph on “selection” does not 	do justice to the complexity of the matters at stake in Kant’s 	third critique. In addition to the concerns I indicate in the next 	footnote, I think what Kant had to say about the power of judgment 	in the biological realm has implications for the formation of 	identity, both biological and cultural, and I wonder whether these 	implications and those about the formation of taste all subsume 	under the power of judgment.   	&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;[*** While experiencing, we engage in recognizing, producing, controlling, selecting, and committing as discernibly different modes of perceiving and acting. In the flow of experiencing, however, as living agents, we integrate these together and bring them to bear as an ensemble in the ever-fluid specifics of our lives. Our personhood, our inner life, our autonomy arises, uniquely and ineluctably, not only from the different ways we develop these five capacities, but further and most importantly from the immediacy and finality with which we bring them to bear in our lived experience. &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Currently, “educating the whole person” once again is drawing considerable attention, a welcome development, but one that strikes me as slightly skewed. As a phrase, “the whole person” invites an objectified view. We want to see the person as a whole, even though we know that unpacking the phrase requires adding in all sorts of internal qualities and states of mind and the person before us still has a lot of future living ahead of her. “Hence, in “educating the whole person” we are trying to do something that lies outside the bounds of possible educational experience. How might we save the concept? I think we can do it by saying that the &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;whole person is educating herself&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;, all the time, forming herself, bringing all her powers as then integrated to bear on the situation at hand. Of course, Homer nods, in many ways for many reasons. Hence circumstances, among them teachers, serve students well by inspiring the student to bring himself fully to bear: Think! Pay attention! Be alert! Try! Persevere! It is not that we need to be educated for virtue; we need to see that we educate ourselves with and through virtue. Virtues and vices are recursive life conditions and we shape ourselves as best we can by managing them as harmoniously as we can.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;I suspect &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;harmony&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 	&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;concord&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 	&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;congruity&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 	indicate a condition, one akin to &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;balance&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 	that receives too little reflective attention in trying to 	understand human life and experience. See José Ortega’s essay 	from 1940, “Del Imperio Romano,” translated as “Concord and 	Liberty” in Ortega, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Concord and 	Liberty&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (Helene Weyl, trans., New 	York: The Norton Library, 1963), pp. 9-47. The ancients saw 	maintaining the harmony of parts to be the pre-eminent political and 	pedagogical problem, especially Socrates and Plato. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Concord&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 	has continued to have a significant place in Protestant, 	particularly Lutheran, theology, and the concept of a Concord has a 	place in law and international relations, but the various terms have 	contracted into rather specialized domains – harmony in music, 	concord in theology, congruity in geometry. Any serious inquiry into 	these matters requires coming to term with Kant’s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Critique 	of the Power of Judgment&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, but I 	suspect in doing so one should be open to the possibility that his 	conviction that judgments of taste have no pure concept of judgment 	associated with them may have been wrong or may have been correct.  	&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; ***]&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;With these five modes of educational experience in mind, let us summarize the essentials in this and the preceding section as they have so far unfolded and introduce one further concept. Education is the process by which people create and acquire culture, the sum of their characteristics. At any particular time, a person has a domain, consisting of previously mastered culture, and a horizon inside of which she perceives things that she knows she does not know. Cultural possibilities within her horizon can serve as her objectives for learning. In addition to her horizon, she has a more encompassing universe in which there are cultural possibilities that she does not perceive distinctly but that may nevertheless be very significant possibilities for her. Intentions are general aims that a person senses, suggesting that all her current objectives do not exhaust her possibilities and that, in addition to the objectives, those possibilities are worth pursuing intentionally.  &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Intentions can be powerful motivators in the creation and acquisition of culture because the person intuits that it is worthwhile to be receptive to prospects that are significant yet indistinct. We have defined study as an inclusive educational process that results as an inquirer pursues intentions, with or without operative objectives, with or without the help of a mentor. It is educational effort motivated by intentions, pushing one&#039;s horizon to fill out one&#039;s universe of possibilities. I further indicate five significant forms of activity in which intentions, as distinct from objectives, can be highly significant. These are &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;recognition&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;production&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;control&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;selection&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;commitment&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Broadly, educational intentions aiming to make study fruitful will challenge people to use their capacities fully to recognize things (actual and potential), to produce works, to manage systems, to affirm principles, and to judge fitness. How?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;[As a work in progress, I feel there is a jump here that I should work to fill it.]&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To answer “How?”, we need to think about design, how we shape resources and efforts that will help us do things. One item that we have not yet defined is &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;design&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. How should we think about design in order to make sense of the infinite particularities of it, among them designing educational resources to support these five forms of educational experience?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;Design&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A process through which people apply synthetic &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;a priori&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; judgments, using epistemic definitions, criteria, and models, to shape the stuff of experience to accord more closely with their knowledge, principles, and preferences.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;See Kant, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Critique of Pure Reason&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, especially his 	introductions to the first and second editions (pp. 127-152), for 	his discussion of synthetic &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;a priori&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; judgments, judgments 	that are prior to the substance of experience and synthesize raw 	data into coherent experience. Kant called attention to the 	existence and power of such judgments, not in the sense of inventing 	them, but reclassifying various mental operations that prior 	thinkers had seen either as empirical, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;a posteriori&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 	judgments, or as purely logical (analytic) &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;a priori&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 	judgments. The upshot strongly challenged the claims of both 	empiricist and rationalist metaphysics.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Design builds conceptual understanding into the world we make. &amp;amp;quot;Art is long, life short, judgment difficult, opportunity transient. To act is easy, to think is hard; to act according to our thought is troublesome.&amp;amp;quot;&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Goethe, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Wilhelm 	Meister’s Apprenticeship,&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Thomas 	Carlyle, trans., Indenture, end of Book VII.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;3 Design is that troublesome effort to act according to our thought; it makes judgment easier and opportunity more stable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Take any example of design. Central to it will be an effort to render the work knowable, understandable, predictable in one way or another, to imbue it with affordances. What drives the design of a tool, simple or complex? The user wants to know that the tool will work for the purpose which guided its design. The worker gets angry at his tool when it fails at the task for which it was designed and abashed when he breaks it trying to use it for some purpose for which it was not designed.  &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;[I cannot here fully develop the point, but I think that design applies synthetic &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;a priori&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; judgments to all sorts of matters in our lifeworld, with highly transformative effects, especially since roughly 1750 or so. But here is a glimpse.] &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;For instance, diverse &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;a priori &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;principles of testing and classification have given rise to the design of raw materials, which serves to make the performance of materials knowable, predictable. Handbooks of specifications and standards give ready access to the knowledge built into such materials, clear statements of the stresses they will bear. Manufacturing design serves to make the outcome of production predictable, foretelling both the character and quality of the product and, even more, making its cost knowable, an essential component in designing its marketing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Design, understood as action that embodies knowledge in the stuff of life and matter, has come to hold a fundamental place in our culture.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;What is prior to experience in the Kantian frame can be confusing. 	It is not some otherworldly matter separate from the stuff of 	experience, but rather the operative conceptual principles through 	which the stuff of experience becomes an experience rather than a 	confusing chaos.    	&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; Hume and Kant destroyed much metaphysics, ushering in the era in which epistemology had primacy over ontology. Increasingly, people recognize all the sciences to be cognitive sciences, describing the world that our knowing reveals, giving an account of how and why we know it, and adopting a principle of uncertainty about all the rest. The positive test, complementing the negative one of falsification, is not verification, but suitability as grounds for design, if not of practical applications then of further cognitive experiments and explorations.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;For a useful discussion, see Robert J. 	Ackermann. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Data, Instruments, and 	Theory: A Dialectical Approach to Understanding Science&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. 	(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984).&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; Hegel laid down the ontology of the emergent universe-by-design that the human spirit makes as its habitat. &amp;amp;quot;What is rational is actual and what is actual is rational.&amp;amp;quot;&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;G. W. F. Hegel. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Philosophy 	of Right&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. (T. M. Knox, trans., 	Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1952). p. 10. &amp;amp;quot;Actual&amp;amp;quot; translates 	&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;wirklich&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 	which relates etymologically to &amp;amp;quot;working.&amp;amp;quot; One might 	almost translate Hegel as saying that the rational is effective and 	the effective is rational. Design aims at making an idea &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;wirklich&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 	actually effective in the world of action.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt; This is absurd if said willfully about things in themselves and the random flux, but it makes fine sense said, as Hegel said it, about a reasoning spirit that draws itself out of itself, that educates itself, to design itself as the actuality of the inchoate chaos. So too, Kant&#039;s claims about a synthetic a priori, in which propositions are at once prior to experience but substantively informative about experience, make simple sense in the context of design. Categorical principles are prior to experience but informative about it because we can act with those principles to design the experience, to give it human form, substance, and significance. Kant’s critical philosophy, deeply constructivist in character, however difficult, analyzes our imperfect ability to act according to our thought.&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Kant set the problem of synthetic &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;a 	priori&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; judgments in the 	introduction to the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Critique of Pure 	Reason&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. I take all three critiques 	as inquiries into the constructive power of thought giving rise 	through design and education to the world of human culture.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&amp;amp;quot;Whereof one cannot speak, &amp;lt;br/&amp;gt; thereof one must be silent&amp;amp;quot;&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;&amp;amp;quot;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Wovon man nicht sprechen kann, darüber muss man 	schweigen.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;quot; Ludwig Wittgenstein, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Tractatus 	Logico-Philosophicus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (London: Routledge &amp;amp;amp; Kegan Paul, 1922). 	#7.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Now I am going to stop; it might even result in a conclusion of sorts. In the best of all possible worlds, I would like to insert a reflection on the role of design thinking in the construction of the modern lifeworld, but that would be a big historical tome. I would like to reflect further on Kant&#039;s ideas about the role of synthetic &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;a priori&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; judgments in our construction of experience, but that would be too convoluted and abstract. &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;In abbreviated form, I will assert, however, that design thinking can construct systems of experience based on principles, the fruits of which people experience as alienating and unfulfilling. As they take effect, the results of such misdirected design prove difficult to question and powerfully resist displacement by systems of experience based on other principles. In this essay I am trying to express in potential the idea that modern educational systems have been constructed over the past four or five centuries on some misconceived principles about educational experience. The primary educational agencies in that historical construction have been the school, the curriculum, the teacher, acting to educate the pupil and the student. I think if we analyze carefully the possibility of educational experience, we will find that the school and the curriculum are outside the bounds of possible educational experience, and teachers are within it only with respect to their human capacity as acquirers of characteristics.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Chris Higgins’ “Brief for Teacherly Self-Cultivation” and the 	whole book that follows, shows the teacher, not as the incarnation 	of a role, but as a full human being whose capacity to serve others 	as an educational resource arises through his own ongoing experience 	acquiring human characteristics. See Higgins, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Good Life of 	Teaching: An Ethics of Professional Practice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (New York: 	Wiley-Blackwell, 	2011).&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Throughout the construction of instructional systems, the history of educational thought and practice includes a steady critical counterpoint, often satirical, sometimes caustic, objecting to its illiberal and inhumane effects. Broadly speaking, this critical counterpoint constitutes the historical case for liberal learning as an alternative to formal instruction from the ancients to the present. In the historical lifeworld, however, its different forms, from instruction in the liberal arts to progressive education, have proved highly susceptible to co-optation and suppression by the four forms of greed driving formal instruction that Nietzsche astutely described.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Nietzsche, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Schopenhauer as Educator&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Section 6, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;passim&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;I began by observing how people have easily said that liberal learning consists in the pursuit for its own sake of knowledge, culture, self-formation, but they have difficulty actually doing that, for we do not confidently understand what it actually entails in practice on an historically significant scale. The prime exemplars of liberal learning have usually exerted influence as loners, one voice speaking to different persons about their personal lifeworlds. Why?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Here I must beg indulgence for some historical determinism. Up until very recent times, the efficacy of design thinking has depended primarily on principles of production, the design of cause and effect. Pervasively, we experience a lifeworld in which causal effort, large and small, utilizes recognition, production, control, commitment, and preference to shape the experiential flow of our lives. It both empowers and alienates.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;As Henry Ford said in discussing his decision to mass produce the 	Model-T, “Any customer can have a car painted any colour that he 	wants so long as it is black.” He went on to recount how crazy his 	peers in the business of producing automobiles circa 1909 believed 	him to be and gave a remarkable statement of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;a priori&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 	power of design thinking: his peers asked, &amp;amp;quot;&#039;How soon will Ford 	blow up?&#039; Nobody knows how many thousand times it has been asked 	since&amp;amp;quot; he noted. &amp;amp;quot;It is asked only because of the failure 	to grasp that a principle rather than an individual is at work, and 	the principle is so simple that it seems mysterious.&amp;amp;quot; Henry 	Ford, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;My Life and Work&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, Page &amp;amp;amp; 	Company, 1922) p. 72 &amp;amp;amp; 73.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; The design of systems for the autonomous control of ongoing interactions has not developed to a similar degree. Examples exist in nature as flocks of birds coordinate their flight in interaction with one another. But control through ongoing interaction requires conditions of simultaneity within which interactions take place and until recently effective simultaneity has required close proximity among interacting agents. Electronic networks are greatly expanding the scope and duration of simultaneous interaction with the horizon of possible experience broadening substantially.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Let&#039;s take the internet with its interactivity amplified by Tim 	Berners-Lee into the World Wide Web as the prime example of this 	expansion of the scope and duration of autonomous control of 	interactions. Interactions on it involve recognition, production, 	control, commitment, and selection. Among the many developments on 	the World Wide Web, established, causally constructed systems of 	power work to exploit it and perhaps to turn it into a primarily 	causal system, subject to top-down management. Projects such as 	Wikipedia writ large, which create actualities in the lifeworld 	through the autonomous control of interaction across the web, point 	more positively towards the possibilities of autonomous, 	simultaneous interaction across a large scope and a long duration.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;I believe the dominance of causal action arises when people pursue purposes external to their interactive intentions. Interaction takes place in a domain of simultaneity in between sequential cause (before) and effect (after). I think learning for its own sake must be an autonomous interactive process and the difficulty in implementing such processes under past conditions accounts for the interstitial character of liberal learning. It takes place in those interstices where the causal programs have no force.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Montaigne gave a paradigmatic example of the interstitial source of 	liberal learning in praising &amp;amp;quot;his understanding tutor, who very 	well knew discreetly to connive&amp;amp;quot; at his deviating from the 	prescribed readings. Montaigne, &amp;amp;quot;On the Education of Children.&amp;amp;quot;&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;I am going to here close, for I think I have arrived at the point at which Wittgenstein&#039;s admonition takes hold. We structure our discourse about education and learning around the attainment of objectives, which brings with it a causal framework for thinking. I do not think we really know how to be clear about learning for its own sake. Whereof we cannot speak, we must be silent. But that is not the end of the matter. As &amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Goethe&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; said, &amp;amp;quot;where words fail, deeds speak.&amp;amp;quot;&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Goethe, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Wilhelm 	Meister’s Apprenticeship,&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Thomas 	Carlyle, trans., Indenture, end of Book VII.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt; We can try to create ways to advance learning free from the use of private reason, where we insulate ourselves from extrinsic purposes. I&#039;d like to invite those who might care to do so to join, in a spirit of conviviality that Ivan Illich commended, in creating an online worksite, a  Collaboratory for Liberal Learning. For more on its rationale and some on its particulars, see my forthcoming invitation, &amp;amp;quot;Let&#039;s Put Liberal Learning into Action.&amp;amp;quot;&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Robbie McClintock, &amp;amp;quot;Let&#039;s Put Liberal Learning into Action,&amp;amp;quot; 	&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Educational Theory&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Vol. 68, No. 3, 2018, forthcoming.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Plato/Statesman&amp;diff=2848</id>
		<title>Texts:Plato/Statesman</title>
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		<updated>2025-12-26T19:45:24Z</updated>

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&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt; STATESMAN &amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; By Plato &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt; Translated by Benjamin Jowett &amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt; Contents &amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#link2H_4_0002&amp;quot;&amp;gt; STATESMAN &amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; INTRODUCTION AND ANALYSIS. &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In the Phaedrus, the Republic, the Philebus, the Parmenides, and the Sophist, we may observe the tendency of Plato to combine two or more subjects or different aspects of the same subject in a single dialogue. In the Sophist and Statesman especially we note that the discussion is partly regarded as an illustration of method, and that analogies are brought from afar which throw light on the main subject. And in his later writings generally we further remark a decline of style, and of dramatic power; the characters excite little or no interest, and the digressions are apt to overlay the main thesis; there is not the &#039;callida junctura&#039; of an artistic whole. Both the serious discussions and the jests are sometimes out of place. The invincible Socrates is withdrawn from view; and new foes begin to appear under old names. Plato is now chiefly concerned, not with the original Sophist, but with the sophistry of the schools of philosophy, which are making reasoning impossible; and is driven by them out of the regions of transcendental speculation back into the path of common sense. A logical or psychological phase takes the place of the doctrine of Ideas in his mind. He is constantly dwelling on the importance of regular classification, and of not putting words in the place of things. He has banished the poets, and is beginning to use a technical language. He is bitter and satirical, and seems to be sadly conscious of the realities of human life. Yet the ideal glory of the Platonic philosophy is not extinguished. He is still looking for a city in which kings are either philosophers or gods (compare Laws). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The Statesman has lost the grace and beauty of the earlier dialogues. The mind of the writer seems to be so overpowered in the effort of thought as to impair his style; at least his gift of expression does not keep up with the increasing difficulty of his theme. The idea of the king or statesman and the illustration of method are connected, not like the love and rhetoric of the Phaedrus, by &#039;little invisible pegs,&#039; but in a confused and inartistic manner, which fails to produce any impression of a whole on the mind of the reader. Plato apologizes for his tediousness, and acknowledges that the improvement of his audience has been his only aim in some of his digressions. His own image may be used as a motto of his style: like an inexpert statuary he has made the figure or outline too large, and is unable to give the proper colours or proportions to his work. He makes mistakes only to correct them&amp;amp;mdash;this seems to be his way of drawing attention to common dialectical errors. The Eleatic stranger, here, as in the Sophist, has no appropriate character, and appears only as the expositor of a political ideal, in the delineation of which he is frequently interrupted by purely logical illustrations. The younger Socrates resembles his namesake in nothing but a name. The dramatic character is so completely forgotten, that a special reference is twice made to discussions in the Sophist; and this, perhaps, is the strongest ground which can be urged for doubting the genuineness of the work. But, when we remember that a similar allusion is made in the Laws to the Republic, we see that the entire disregard of dramatic propriety is not always a sufficient reason for doubting the genuineness of a Platonic writing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The search after the Statesman, which is carried on, like that for the Sophist, by the method of dichotomy, gives an opportunity for many humorous and satirical remarks. Several of the jests are mannered and laboured: for example, the turn of words with which the dialogue opens; or the clumsy joke about man being an animal, who has a power of two-feet&amp;amp;mdash;both which are suggested by the presence of Theodorus, the geometrician. There is political as well as logical insight in refusing to admit the division of mankind into Hellenes and Barbarians: &#039;if a crane could speak, he would in like manner oppose men and all other animals to cranes.&#039; The pride of the Hellene is further humbled, by being compared to a Phrygian or Lydian. Plato glories in this impartiality of the dialectical method, which places birds in juxtaposition with men, and the king side by side with the bird-catcher; king or vermin-destroyer are objects of equal interest to science (compare Parmen.). There are other passages which show that the irony of Socrates was a lesson which Plato was not slow in learning&amp;amp;mdash;as, for example, the passing remark, that &#039;the kings and statesmen of our day are in their breeding and education very like their subjects;&#039; or the anticipation that the rivals of the king will be found in the class of servants; or the imposing attitude of the priests, who are the established interpreters of the will of heaven, authorized by law. Nothing is more bitter in all his writings than his comparison of the contemporary politicians to lions, centaurs, satyrs, and other animals of a feebler sort, who are ever changing their forms and natures. But, as in the later dialogues generally, the play of humour and the charm of poetry have departed, never to return. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Still the Politicus contains a higher and more ideal conception of politics than any other of Plato&#039;s writings. The city of which there is a pattern in heaven (Republic), is here described as a Paradisiacal state of human society. In the truest sense of all, the ruler is not man but God; and such a government existed in a former cycle of human history, and may again exist when the gods resume their care of mankind. In a secondary sense, the true form of government is that which has scientific rulers, who are irresponsible to their subjects. Not power but knowledge is the characteristic of a king or royal person. And the rule of a man is better and higher than law, because he is more able to deal with the infinite complexity of human affairs. But mankind, in despair of finding a true ruler, are willing to acquiesce in any law or custom which will save them from the caprice of individuals. They are ready to accept any of the six forms of government which prevail in the world. To the Greek, nomos was a sacred word, but the political idealism of Plato soars into a region beyond; for the laws he would substitute the intelligent will of the legislator. Education is originally to implant in men&#039;s minds a sense of truth and justice, which is the divine bond of states, and the legislator is to contrive human bonds, by which dissimilar natures may be united in marriage and supply the deficiencies of one another. As in the Republic, the government of philosophers, the causes of the perversion of states, the regulation of marriages, are still the political problems with which Plato&#039;s mind is occupied. He treats them more slightly, partly because the dialogue is shorter, and also because the discussion of them is perpetually crossed by the other interest of dialectic, which has begun to absorb him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The plan of the Politicus or Statesman may be briefly sketched as follows: (1) By a process of division and subdivision we discover the true herdsman or king of men. But before we can rightly distinguish him from his rivals, we must view him, (2) as he is presented to us in a famous ancient tale: the tale will also enable us to distinguish the divine from the human herdsman or shepherd: (3) and besides our fable, we must have an example; for our example we will select the art of weaving, which will have to be distinguished from the kindred arts; and then, following this pattern, we will separate the king from his subordinates or competitors. (4) But are we not exceeding all due limits; and is there not a measure of all arts and sciences, to which the art of discourse must conform? There is; but before we can apply this measure, we must know what is the aim of discourse: and our discourse only aims at the dialectical improvement of ourselves and others.&amp;amp;mdash;Having made our apology, we return once more to the king or statesman, and proceed to contrast him with pretenders in the same line with him, under their various forms of government. (5) His characteristic is, that he alone has science, which is superior to law and written enactments; these do but spring out of the necessities of mankind, when they are in despair of finding the true king. (6) The sciences which are most akin to the royal are the sciences of the general, the judge, the orator, which minister to him, but even these are subordinate to him. (7) Fixed principles are implanted by education, and the king or statesman completes the political web by marrying together dissimilar natures, the courageous and the temperate, the bold and the gentle, who are the warp and the woof of society. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The outline may be filled up as follows:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I have reason to thank you, Theodorus, for the acquaintance of Theaetetus and the Stranger. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: And you will have three times as much reason to thank me when they have delineated the Statesman and Philosopher, as well as the Sophist. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Does the great geometrician apply the same measure to all three? Are they not divided by an interval which no geometrical ratio can express? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: By the god Ammon, Socrates, you are right; and I am glad to see that you have not forgotten your geometry. But before I retaliate on you, I must request the Stranger to finish the argument... &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The Stranger suggests that Theaetetus shall be allowed to rest, and that Socrates the younger shall respond in his place; Theodorus agrees to the suggestion, and Socrates remarks that the name of the one and the face of the other give him a right to claim relationship with both of them. They propose to take the Statesman after the Sophist; his path they must determine, and part off all other ways, stamping upon them a single negative form (compare Soph.). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The Stranger begins the enquiry by making a division of the arts and sciences into theoretical and practical&amp;amp;mdash;the one kind concerned with knowledge exclusively, and the other with action; arithmetic and the mathematical sciences are examples of the former, and carpentering and handicraft arts of the latter (compare Philebus). Under which of the two shall we place the Statesman? Or rather, shall we not first ask, whether the king, statesman, master, householder, practise one art or many? As the adviser of a physician may be said to have medical science and to be a physician, so the adviser of a king has royal science and is a king. And the master of a large household may be compared to the ruler of a small state. Hence we conclude that the science of the king, statesman, and householder is one and the same. And this science is akin to knowledge rather than to action. For a king rules with his mind, and not with his hands. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But theoretical science may be a science either of judging, like arithmetic, or of ruling and superintending, like that of the architect or master-builder. And the science of the king is of the latter nature; but the power which he exercises is underived and uncontrolled,&amp;amp;mdash;a characteristic which distinguishes him from heralds, prophets, and other inferior officers. He is the wholesale dealer in command, and the herald, or other officer, retails his commands to others. Again, a ruler is concerned with the production of some object, and objects may be divided into living and lifeless, and rulers into the rulers of living and lifeless objects. And the king is not like the master-builder, concerned with lifeless matter, but has the task of managing living animals. And the tending of living animals may be either a tending of individuals, or a managing of herds. And the Statesman is not a groom, but a herdsman, and his art may be called either the art of managing a herd, or the art of collective management:&amp;amp;mdash;Which do you prefer? &#039;No matter.&#039; Very good, Socrates, and if you are not too particular about words you will be all the richer some day in true wisdom. But how would you subdivide the herdsman&#039;s art? &#039;I should say, that there is one management of men, and another of beasts.&#039; Very good, but you are in too great a hurry to get to man. All divisions which are rightly made should cut through the middle; if you attend to this rule, you will be more likely to arrive at classes. &#039;I do not understand the nature of my mistake.&#039; Your division was like a division of the human race into Hellenes and Barbarians, or into Lydians or Phrygians and all other nations, instead of into male and female; or like a division of number into ten thousand and all other numbers, instead of into odd and even. And I should like you to observe further, that though I maintain a class to be a part, there is no similar necessity for a part to be a class. But to return to your division, you spoke of men and other animals as two classes&amp;amp;mdash;the second of which you comprehended under the general name of beasts. This is the sort of division which an intelligent crane would make: he would put cranes into a class by themselves for their special glory, and jumble together all others, including man, in the class of beasts. An error of this kind can only be avoided by a more regular subdivision. Just now we divided the whole class of animals into gregarious and non-gregarious, omitting the previous division into tame and wild. We forgot this in our hurry to arrive at man, and found by experience, as the proverb says, that &#039;the more haste the worse speed.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And now let us begin again at the art of managing herds. You have probably heard of the fish-preserves in the Nile and in the ponds of the Great King, and of the nurseries of geese and cranes in Thessaly. These suggest a new division into the rearing or management of land-herds and of water-herds:&amp;amp;mdash;I need not say with which the king is concerned. And land-herds may be divided into walking and flying; and every idiot knows that the political animal is a pedestrian. At this point we may take a longer or a shorter road, and as we are already near the end, I see no harm in taking the longer, which is the way of mesotomy, and accords with the principle which we were laying down. The tame, walking, herding animal, may be divided into two classes&amp;amp;mdash;the horned and the hornless, and the king is concerned with the hornless; and these again may be subdivided into animals having or not having cloven feet, or mixing or not mixing the breed; and the king or statesman has the care of animals which have not cloven feet, and which do not mix the breed. And now, if we omit dogs, who can hardly be said to herd, I think that we have only two species left which remain undivided: and how are we to distinguish them? To geometricians, like you and Theaetetus, I can have no difficulty in explaining that man is a diameter, having a power of two feet; and the power of four-legged creatures, being the double of two feet, is the diameter of our diameter. There is another excellent jest which I spy in the two remaining species. Men and birds are both bipeds, and human beings are running a race with the airiest and freest of creation, in which they are far behind their competitors;&amp;amp;mdash;this is a great joke, and there is a still better in the juxtaposition of the bird-taker and the king, who may be seen scampering after them. For, as we remarked in discussing the Sophist, the dialectical method is no respecter of persons. But we might have proceeded, as I was saying, by another and a shorter road. In that case we should have begun by dividing land animals into bipeds and quadrupeds, and bipeds into winged and wingless; we should than have taken the Statesman and set him over the &#039;bipes implume,&#039; and put the reins of government into his hands. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Here let us sum up:&amp;amp;mdash;The science of pure knowledge had a part which was the science of command, and this had a part which was a science of wholesale command; and this was divided into the management of animals, and was again parted off into the management of herds of animals, and again of land animals, and these into hornless, and these into bipeds; and so at last we arrived at man, and found the political and royal science. And yet we have not clearly distinguished the political shepherd from his rivals. No one would think of usurping the prerogatives of the ordinary shepherd, who on all hands is admitted to be the trainer, matchmaker, doctor, musician of his flock. But the royal shepherd has numberless competitors, from whom he must be distinguished; there are merchants, husbandmen, physicians, who will all dispute his right to manage the flock. I think that we can best distinguish him by having recourse to a famous old tradition, which may amuse as well as instruct us; the narrative is perfectly true, although the scepticism of mankind is prone to doubt the tales of old. You have heard what happened in the quarrel of Atreus and Thyestes? &#039;You mean about the golden lamb?&#039; No, not that; but another part of the story, which tells how the sun and stars once arose in the west and set in the east, and that the god reversed their motion, as a witness to the right of Atreus. &#039;There is such a story.&#039; And no doubt you have heard of the empire of Cronos, and of the earthborn men? The origin of these and the like stories is to be found in the tale which I am about to narrate. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There was a time when God directed the revolutions of the world, but at the completion of a certain cycle he let go; and the world, by a necessity of its nature, turned back, and went round the other way. For divine things alone are unchangeable; but the earth and heavens, although endowed with many glories, have a body, and are therefore liable to perturbation. In the case of the world, the perturbation is very slight, and amounts only to a reversal of motion. For the lord of moving things is alone self-moved; neither can piety allow that he goes at one time in one direction and at another time in another; or that God has given the universe opposite motions; or that there are two gods, one turning it in one direction, another in another. But the truth is, that there are two cycles of the world, and in one of them it is governed by an immediate Providence, and receives life and immortality, and in the other is let go again, and has a reverse action during infinite ages. This new action is spontaneous, and is due to exquisite perfection of balance, to the vast size of the universe, and to the smallness of the pivot upon which it turns. All changes in the heaven affect the animal world, and this being the greatest of them, is most destructive to men and animals. At the beginning of the cycle before our own very few of them had survived; and on these a mighty change passed. For their life was reversed like the motion of the world, and first of all coming to a stand then quickly returned to youth and beauty. The white locks of the aged became black; the cheeks of the bearded man were restored to their youth and fineness; the young men grew softer and smaller, and, being reduced to the condition of children in mind as well as body, began to vanish away; and the bodies of those who had died by violence, in a few moments underwent a parallel change and disappeared. In that cycle of existence there was no such thing as the procreation of animals from one another, but they were born of the earth, and of this our ancestors, who came into being immediately after the end of the last cycle and at the beginning of this, have preserved the recollection. Such traditions are often now unduly discredited, and yet they may be proved by internal evidence. For observe how consistent the narrative is; as the old returned to youth, so the dead returned to life; the wheel of their existence having been reversed, they rose again from the earth: a few only were reserved by God for another destiny. Such was the origin of the earthborn men. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;And is this cycle, of which you are speaking, the reign of Cronos, or our present state of existence?&#039; No, Socrates, that blessed and spontaneous life belongs not to this, but to the previous state, in which God was the governor of the whole world, and other gods subject to him ruled over parts of the world, as is still the case in certain places. They were shepherds of men and animals, each of them sufficing for those of whom he had the care. And there was no violence among them, or war, or devouring of one another. Their life was spontaneous, because in those days God ruled over man; and he was to man what man is now to the animals. Under his government there were no estates, or private possessions, or families; but the earth produced a sufficiency of all things, and men were born out of the earth, having no traditions of the past; and as the temperature of the seasons was mild, they took no thought for raiment, and had no beds, but lived and dwelt in the open air. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Such was the age of Cronos, and the age of Zeus is our own. Tell me, which is the happier of the two? Or rather, shall I tell you that the happiness of these children of Cronos must have depended on how they used their time? If having boundless leisure, and the power of discoursing not only with one another but with the animals, they had employed these advantages with a view to philosophy, gathering from every nature some addition to their store of knowledge;&amp;amp;mdash;or again, if they had merely eaten and drunk, and told stories to one another, and to the beasts;&amp;amp;mdash;in either case, I say, there would be no difficulty in answering the question. But as nobody knows which they did, the question must remain unanswered. And here is the point of my tale. In the fulness of time, when the earthborn men had all passed away, the ruler of the universe let go the helm, and became a spectator; and destiny and natural impulse swayed the world. At the same instant all the inferior deities gave up their hold; the whole universe rebounded, and there was a great earthquake, and utter ruin of all manner of animals. After a while the tumult ceased, and the universal creature settled down in his accustomed course, having authority over all other creatures, and following the instructions of his God and Father, at first more precisely, afterwards with less exactness. The reason of the falling off was the disengagement of a former chaos; &#039;a muddy vesture of decay&#039; was a part of his original nature, out of which he was brought by his Creator, under whose immediate guidance, while he remained in that former cycle, the evil was minimized and the good increased to the utmost. And in the beginning of the new cycle all was well enough, but as time went on, discord entered in; at length the good was minimized and the evil everywhere diffused, and there was a danger of universal ruin. Then the Creator, seeing the world in great straits, and fearing that chaos and infinity would come again, in his tender care again placed himself at the helm and restored order, and made the world immortal and imperishable. Once more the cycle of life and generation was reversed; the infants grew into young men, and the young men became greyheaded; no longer did the animals spring out of the earth; as the whole world was now lord of its own progress, so the parts were to be self-created and self-nourished. At first the case of men was very helpless and pitiable; for they were alone among the wild beasts, and had to carry on the struggle for existence without arts or knowledge, and had no food, and did not know how to get any. That was the time when Prometheus brought them fire, Hephaestus and Athene taught them arts, and other gods gave them seeds and plants. Out of these human life was framed; for mankind were left to themselves, and ordered their own ways, living, like the universe, in one cycle after one manner, and in another cycle after another manner. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Enough of the myth, which may show us two errors of which we were guilty in our account of the king. The first and grand error was in choosing for our king a god, who belongs to the other cycle, instead of a man from our own; there was a lesser error also in our failure to define the nature of the royal functions. The myth gave us only the image of a divine shepherd, whereas the statesmen and kings of our own day very much resemble their subjects in education and breeding. On retracing our steps we find that we gave too narrow a designation to the art which was concerned with command-for-self over living creatures, when we called it the &#039;feeding&#039; of animals in flocks. This would apply to all shepherds, with the exception of the Statesman; but if we say &#039;managing&#039; or &#039;tending&#039; animals, the term would include him as well. Having remodelled the name, we may subdivide as before, first separating the human from the divine shepherd or manager. Then we may subdivide the human art of governing into the government of willing and unwilling subjects&amp;amp;mdash;royalty and tyranny&amp;amp;mdash;which are the extreme opposites of one another, although we in our simplicity have hitherto confounded them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And yet the figure of the king is still defective. We have taken up a lump of fable, and have used more than we needed. Like statuaries, we have made some of the features out of proportion, and shall lose time in reducing them. Or our mythus may be compared to a picture, which is well drawn in outline, but is not yet enlivened by colour. And to intelligent persons language is, or ought to be, a better instrument of description than any picture. &#039;But what, Stranger, is the deficiency of which you speak?&#039; No higher truth can be made clear without an example; every man seems to know all things in a dream, and to know nothing when he is awake. And the nature of example can only be illustrated by an example. Children are taught to read by being made to compare cases in which they do not know a certain letter with cases in which they know it, until they learn to recognize it in all its combinations. Example comes into use when we identify something unknown with that which is known, and form a common notion of both of them. Like the child who is learning his letters, the soul recognizes some of the first elements of things; and then again is at fault and unable to recognize them when they are translated into the difficult language of facts. Let us, then, take an example, which will illustrate the nature of example, and will also assist us in characterizing the political science, and in separating the true king from his rivals. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I will select the example of weaving, or, more precisely, weaving of wool. In the first place, all possessions are either productive or preventive; of the preventive sort are spells and antidotes, divine and human, and also defences, and defences are either arms or screens, and screens are veils and also shields against heat and cold, and shields against heat and cold are shelters and coverings, and coverings are blankets or garments, and garments are in one piece or have many parts; and of these latter, some are stitched and others are fastened, and of these again some are made of fibres of plants and some of hair, and of these some are cemented with water and earth, and some are fastened with their own material; the latter are called clothes, and are made by the art of clothing, from which the art of weaving differs only in name, as the political differs from the royal science. Thus we have drawn several distinctions, but as yet have not distinguished the weaving of garments from the kindred and co-operative arts. For the first process to which the material is subjected is the opposite of weaving&amp;amp;mdash;I mean carding. And the art of carding, and the whole art of the fuller and the mender, are concerned with the treatment and production of clothes, as well as the art of weaving. Again, there are the arts which make the weaver&#039;s tools. And if we say that the weaver&#039;s art is the greatest and noblest of those which have to do with woollen garments,&amp;amp;mdash;this, although true, is not sufficiently distinct; because these other arts require to be first cleared away. Let us proceed, then, by regular steps:&amp;amp;mdash;There are causal or principal, and co-operative or subordinate arts. To the causal class belong the arts of washing and mending, of carding and spinning the threads, and the other arts of working in wool; these are chiefly of two kinds, falling under the two great categories of composition and division. Carding is of the latter sort. But our concern is chiefly with that part of the art of wool-working which composes, and of which one kind twists and the other interlaces the threads, whether the firmer texture of the warp or the looser texture of the woof. These are adapted to each other, and the orderly composition of them forms a woollen garment. And the art which presides over these operations is the art of weaving. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But why did we go through this circuitous process, instead of saying at once that weaving is the art of entwining the warp and the woof? In order that our labour may not seem to be lost, I must explain the whole nature of excess and defect. There are two arts of measuring&amp;amp;mdash;one is concerned with relative size, and the other has reference to a mean or standard of what is meet. The difference between good and evil is the difference between a mean or measure and excess or defect. All things require to be compared, not only with one another, but with the mean, without which there would be no beauty and no art, whether the art of the statesman or the art of weaving or any other; for all the arts guard against excess or defect, which are real evils. This we must endeavour to show, if the arts are to exist; and the proof of this will be a harder piece of work than the demonstration of the existence of not-being which we proved in our discussion about the Sophist. At present I am content with the indirect proof that the existence of such a standard is necessary to the existence of the arts. The standard or measure, which we are now only applying to the arts, may be some day required with a view to the demonstration of absolute truth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; We may now divide this art of measurement into two parts; placing in the one part all the arts which measure the relative size or number of objects, and in the other all those which depend upon a mean or standard. Many accomplished men say that the art of measurement has to do with all things, but these persons, although in this notion of theirs they may very likely be right, are apt to fail in seeing the differences of classes&amp;amp;mdash;they jumble together in one the &#039;more&#039; and the &#039;too much,&#039; which are very different things. Whereas the right way is to find the differences of classes, and to comprehend the things which have any affinity under the same class. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I will make one more observation by the way. When a pupil at a school is asked the letters which make up a particular word, is he not asked with a view to his knowing the same letters in all words? And our enquiry about the Statesman in like manner is intended not only to improve our knowledge of politics, but our reasoning powers generally. Still less would any one analyze the nature of weaving for its own sake. There is no difficulty in exhibiting sensible images, but the greatest and noblest truths have no outward form adapted to the eye of sense, and are only revealed in thought. And all that we are now saying is said for the sake of them. I make these remarks, because I want you to get rid of any impression that our discussion about weaving and about the reversal of the universe, and the other discussion about the Sophist and not-being, were tedious and irrelevant. Please to observe that they can only be fairly judged when compared with what is meet; and yet not with what is meet for producing pleasure, nor even meet for making discoveries, but for the great end of developing the dialectical method and sharpening the wits of the auditors. He who censures us, should prove that, if our words had been fewer, they would have been better calculated to make men dialecticians. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And now let us return to our king or statesman, and transfer to him the example of weaving. The royal art has been separated from that of other herdsmen, but not from the causal and co-operative arts which exist in states; these do not admit of dichotomy, and therefore they must be carved neatly, like the limbs of a victim, not into more parts than are necessary. And first (1) we have the large class of instruments, which includes almost everything in the world; from these may be parted off (2) vessels which are framed for the preservation of things, moist or dry, prepared in the fire or out of the fire. The royal or political art has nothing to do with either of these, any more than with the arts of making (3) vehicles, or (4) defences, whether dresses, or arms, or walls, or (5) with the art of making ornaments, whether pictures or other playthings, as they may be fitly called, for they have no serious use. Then (6) there are the arts which furnish gold, silver, wood, bark, and other materials, which should have been put first; these, again, have no concern with the kingly science; any more than the arts (7) which provide food and nourishment for the human body, and which furnish occupation to the husbandman, huntsman, doctor, cook, and the like, but not to the king or statesman. Further, there are small things, such as coins, seals, stamps, which may with a little violence be comprehended in one of the above-mentioned classes. Thus they will embrace every species of property with the exception of animals,&amp;amp;mdash;but these have been already included in the art of tending herds. There remains only the class of slaves or ministers, among whom I expect that the real rivals of the king will be discovered. I am not speaking of the veritable slave bought with money, nor of the hireling who lets himself out for service, nor of the trader or merchant, who at best can only lay claim to economical and not to royal science. Nor am I referring to government officials, such as heralds and scribes, for these are only the servants of the rulers, and not the rulers themselves. I admit that there may be something strange in any servants pretending to be masters, but I hardly think that I could have been wrong in supposing that the principal claimants to the throne will be of this class. Let us try once more: There are diviners and priests, who are full of pride and prerogative; these, as the law declares, know how to give acceptable gifts to the gods, and in many parts of Hellas the duty of performing solemn sacrifices is assigned to the chief magistrate, as at Athens to the King Archon. At last, then, we have found a trace of those whom we were seeking. But still they are only servants and ministers. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And who are these who next come into view in various forms of men and animals and other monsters appearing&amp;amp;mdash;lions and centaurs and satyrs&amp;amp;mdash;who are these? I did not know them at first, for every one looks strange when he is unexpected. But now I recognize the politician and his troop, the chief of Sophists, the prince of charlatans, the most accomplished of wizards, who must be carefully distinguished from the true king or statesman. And here I will interpose a question: What are the true forms of government? Are they not three&amp;amp;mdash;monarchy, oligarchy, and democracy? and the distinctions of freedom and compulsion, law and no law, poverty and riches expand these three into six. Monarchy may be divided into royalty and tyranny; oligarchy into aristocracy and plutocracy; and democracy may observe the law or may not observe it. But are any of these governments worthy of the name? Is not government a science, and are we to suppose that scientific government is secured by the rulers being many or few, rich or poor, or by the rule being compulsory or voluntary? Can the many attain to science? In no Hellenic city are there fifty good draught players, and certainly there are not as many kings, for by kings we mean all those who are possessed of the political science. A true government must therefore be the government of one, or of a few. And they may govern us either with or without law, and whether they are poor or rich, and however they govern, provided they govern on some scientific principle,&amp;amp;mdash;it makes no difference. And as the physician may cure us with our will, or against our will, and by any mode of treatment, burning, bleeding, lowering, fattening, if he only proceeds scientifically: so the true governor may reduce or fatten or bleed the body corporate, while he acts according to the rules of his art, and with a view to the good of the state, whether according to law or without law. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;I do not like the notion, that there can be good government without law.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I must explain: Law-making certainly is the business of a king; and yet the best thing of all is, not that the law should rule, but that the king should rule, for the varieties of circumstances are endless, and no simple or universal rule can suit them all, or last for ever. The law is just an ignorant brute of a tyrant, who insists always on his commands being fulfilled under all circumstances. &#039;Then why have we laws at all?&#039; I will answer that question by asking you whether the training master gives a different discipline to each of his pupils, or whether he has a general rule of diet and exercise which is suited to the constitutions of the majority? &#039;The latter.&#039; The legislator, too, is obliged to lay down general laws, and cannot enact what is precisely suitable to each particular case. He cannot be sitting at every man&#039;s side all his life, and prescribe for him the minute particulars of his duty, and therefore he is compelled to impose on himself and others the restriction of a written law. Let me suppose now, that a physician or trainer, having left directions for his patients or pupils, goes into a far country, and comes back sooner than he intended; owing to some unexpected change in the weather, the patient or pupil seems to require a different mode of treatment: Would he persist in his old commands, under the idea that all others are noxious and heterodox? Viewed in the light of science, would not the continuance of such regulations be ridiculous? And if the legislator, or another like him, comes back from a far country, is he to be prohibited from altering his own laws? The common people say: Let a man persuade the city first, and then let him impose new laws. But is a physician only to cure his patients by persuasion, and not by force? Is he a worse physician who uses a little gentle violence in effecting the cure? Or shall we say, that the violence is just, if exercised by a rich man, and unjust, if by a poor man? May not any man, rich or poor, with or without law, and whether the citizens like or not, do what is for their good? The pilot saves the lives of the crew, not by laying down rules, but by making his art a law, and, like him, the true governor has a strength of art which is superior to the law. This is scientific government, and all others are imitations only. Yet no great number of persons can attain to this science. And hence follows an important result. The true political principle is to assert the inviolability of the law, which, though not the best thing possible, is best for the imperfect condition of man. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I will explain my meaning by an illustration:&amp;amp;mdash;Suppose that mankind, indignant at the rogueries and caprices of physicians and pilots, call together an assembly, in which all who like may speak, the skilled as well as the unskilled, and that in their assembly they make decrees for regulating the practice of navigation and medicine which are to be binding on these professions for all time. Suppose that they elect annually by vote or lot those to whom authority in either department is to be delegated. And let us further imagine, that when the term of their magistracy has expired, the magistrates appointed by them are summoned before an ignorant and unprofessional court, and may be condemned and punished for breaking the regulations. They even go a step further, and enact, that he who is found enquiring into the truth of navigation and medicine, and is seeking to be wise above what is written, shall be called not an artist, but a dreamer, a prating Sophist and a corruptor of youth; and if he try to persuade others to investigate those sciences in a manner contrary to the law, he shall be punished with the utmost severity. And like rules might be extended to any art or science. But what would be the consequence? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;The arts would utterly perish, and human life, which is bad enough already, would become intolerable.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But suppose, once more, that we were to appoint some one as the guardian of the law, who was both ignorant and interested, and who perverted the law: would not this be a still worse evil than the other? &#039;Certainly.&#039; For the laws are based on some experience and wisdom. Hence the wiser course is, that they should be observed, although this is not the best thing of all, but only the second best. And whoever, having skill, should try to improve them, would act in the spirit of the law-giver. But then, as we have seen, no great number of men, whether poor or rich, can be makers of laws. And so, the nearest approach to true government is, when men do nothing contrary to their own written laws and national customs. When the rich preserve their customs and maintain the law, this is called aristocracy, or if they neglect the law, oligarchy. When an individual rules according to law, whether by the help of science or opinion, this is called monarchy; and when he has royal science he is a king, whether he be so in fact or not; but when he rules in spite of law, and is blind with ignorance and passion, he is called a tyrant. These forms of government exist, because men despair of the true king ever appearing among them; if he were to appear, they would joyfully hand over to him the reins of government. But, as there is no natural ruler of the hive, they meet together and make laws. And do we wonder, when the foundation of politics is in the letter only, at the miseries of states? Ought we not rather to admire the strength of the political bond? For cities have endured the worst of evils time out of mind; many cities have been shipwrecked, and some are like ships foundering, because their pilots are absolutely ignorant of the science which they profess. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Let us next ask, which of these untrue forms of government is the least bad, and which of them is the worst? I said at the beginning, that each of the three forms of government, royalty, aristocracy, and democracy, might be divided into two, so that the whole number of them, including the best, will be seven. Under monarchy we have already distinguished royalty and tyranny; of oligarchy there were two kinds, aristocracy and plutocracy; and democracy may also be divided, for there is a democracy which observes, and a democracy which neglects, the laws. The government of one is the best and the worst&amp;amp;mdash;the government of a few is less bad and less good&amp;amp;mdash;the government of the many is the least bad and least good of them all, being the best of all lawless governments, and the worst of all lawful ones. But the rulers of all these states, unless they have knowledge, are maintainers of idols, and themselves idols&amp;amp;mdash;wizards, and also Sophists; for, after many windings, the term &#039;Sophist&#039; comes home to them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And now enough of centaurs and satyrs: the play is ended, and they may quit the political stage. Still there remain some other and better elements, which adhere to the royal science, and must be drawn off in the refiner&#039;s fire before the gold can become quite pure. The arts of the general, the judge, and the orator, will have to be separated from the royal art; when the separation has been made, the nature of the king will be unalloyed. Now there are inferior sciences, such as music and others; and there is a superior science, which determines whether music is to be learnt or not, and this is different from them, and the governor of them. The science which determines whether we are to use persuasion, or not, is higher than the art of persuasion; the science which determines whether we are to go to war, is higher than the art of the general. The science which makes the laws, is higher than that which only administers them. And the science which has this authority over the rest, is the science of the king or statesman. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Once more we will endeavour to view this royal science by the light of our example. We may compare the state to a web, and I will show you how the different threads are drawn into one. You would admit&amp;amp;mdash;would you not?&amp;amp;mdash;that there are parts of virtue (although this position is sometimes assailed by Eristics), and one part of virtue is temperance, and another courage. These are two principles which are in a manner antagonistic to one another; and they pervade all nature; the whole class of the good and beautiful is included under them. The beautiful may be subdivided into two lesser classes: one of these is described by us in terms expressive of motion or energy, and the other in terms expressive of rest and quietness. We say, how manly! how vigorous! how ready! and we say also, how calm! how temperate! how dignified! This opposition of terms is extended by us to all actions, to the tones of the voice, the notes of music, the workings of the mind, the characters of men. The two classes both have their exaggerations; and the exaggerations of the one are termed &#039;hardness,&#039; &#039;violence,&#039; &#039;madness;&#039; of the other &#039;cowardliness,&#039; or &#039;sluggishness.&#039; And if we pursue the enquiry, we find that these opposite characters are naturally at variance, and can hardly be reconciled. In lesser matters the antagonism between them is ludicrous, but in the State may be the occasion of grave disorders, and may disturb the whole course of human life. For the orderly class are always wanting to be at peace, and hence they pass imperceptibly into the condition of slaves; and the courageous sort are always wanting to go to war, even when the odds are against them, and are soon destroyed by their enemies. But the true art of government, first preparing the material by education, weaves the two elements into one, maintaining authority over the carders of the wool, and selecting the proper subsidiary arts which are necessary for making the web. The royal science is queen of educators, and begins by choosing the natures which she is to train, punishing with death and exterminating those who are violently carried away to atheism and injustice, and enslaving those who are wallowing in the mire of ignorance. The rest of the citizens she blends into one, combining the stronger element of courage, which we may call the warp, with the softer element of temperance, which we may imagine to be the woof. These she binds together, first taking the eternal elements of the honourable, the good, and the just, and fastening them with a divine cord in a heaven-born nature, and then fastening the animal elements with a human cord. The good legislator can implant by education the higher principles; and where they exist there is no difficulty in inserting the lesser human bonds, by which the State is held together; these are the laws of intermarriage, and of union for the sake of offspring. Most persons in their marriages seek after wealth or power; or they are clannish, and choose those who are like themselves,&amp;amp;mdash;the temperate marrying the temperate, and the courageous the courageous. The two classes thrive and flourish at first, but they soon degenerate; the one become mad, and the other feeble and useless. This would not have been the case, if they had both originally held the same notions about the honourable and the good; for then they never would have allowed the temperate natures to be separated from the courageous, but they would have bound them together by common honours and reputations, by intermarriages, and by the choice of rulers who combine both qualities. The temperate are careful and just, but are wanting in the power of action; the courageous fall short of them in justice, but in action are superior to them: and no state can prosper in which either of these qualities is wanting. The noblest and best of all webs or states is that which the royal science weaves, combining the two sorts of natures in a single texture, and in this enfolding freeman and slave and every other social element, and presiding over them all. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;Your picture, Stranger, of the king and statesman, no less than of the Sophist, is quite perfect.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; ... &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The principal subjects in the Statesman may be conveniently embraced under six or seven heads:&amp;amp;mdash;(1) the myth; (2) the dialectical interest; (3) the political aspects of the dialogue; (4) the satirical and paradoxical vein; (5) the necessary imperfection of law; (6) the relation of the work to the other writings of Plato; lastly (7), we may briefly consider the genuineness of the Sophist and Statesman, which can hardly be assumed without proof, since the two dialogues have been questioned by three such eminent Platonic scholars as Socher, Schaarschmidt, and Ueberweg. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I. The hand of the master is clearly visible in the myth. First in the connection with mythology;&amp;amp;mdash;he wins a kind of verisimilitude for this as for his other myths, by adopting received traditions, of which he pretends to find an explanation in his own larger conception (compare Introduction to Critias). The young Socrates has heard of the sun rising in the west and setting in the east, and of the earth-born men; but he has never heard the origin of these remarkable phenomena. Nor is Plato, here or elsewhere, wanting in denunciations of the incredulity of &#039;this latter age,&#039; on which the lovers of the marvellous have always delighted to enlarge. And he is not without express testimony to the truth of his narrative;&amp;amp;mdash;such testimony as, in the Timaeus, the first men gave of the names of the gods (&#039;They must surely have known their own ancestors&#039;). For the first generation of the new cycle, who lived near the time, are supposed to have preserved a recollection of a previous one. He also appeals to internal evidence, viz. the perfect coherence of the tale, though he is very well aware, as he says in the Cratylus, that there may be consistency in error as well as in truth. The gravity and minuteness with which some particulars are related also lend an artful aid. The profound interest and ready assent of the young Socrates, who is not too old to be amused &#039;with a tale which a child would love to hear,&#039; are a further assistance. To those who were naturally inclined to believe that the fortunes of mankind are influenced by the stars, or who maintained that some one principle, like the principle of the Same and the Other in the Timaeus, pervades all things in the world, the reversal of the motion of the heavens seemed necessarily to produce a reversal of the order of human life. The spheres of knowledge, which to us appear wide asunder as the poles, astronomy and medicine, were naturally connected in the minds of early thinkers, because there was little or nothing in the space between them. Thus there is a basis of philosophy, on which the improbabilities of the tale may be said to rest. These are some of the devices by which Plato, like a modern novelist, seeks to familiarize the marvellous. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The myth, like that of the Timaeus and Critias, is rather historical than poetical, in this respect corresponding to the general change in the later writings of Plato, when compared with the earlier ones. It is hardly a myth in the sense in which the term might be applied to the myth of the Phaedrus, the Republic, the Phaedo, or the Gorgias, but may be more aptly compared with the didactic tale in which Protagoras describes the fortunes of primitive man, or with the description of the gradual rise of a new society in the Third Book of the Laws. Some discrepancies may be observed between the mythology of the Statesman and the Timaeus, and between the Timaeus and the Republic. But there is no reason to expect that all Plato&#039;s visions of a former, any more than of a future, state of existence, should conform exactly to the same pattern. We do not find perfect consistency in his philosophy; and still less have we any right to demand this of him in his use of mythology and figures of speech. And we observe that while employing all the resources of a writer of fiction to give credibility to his tales, he is not disposed to insist upon their literal truth. Rather, as in the Phaedo, he says, &#039;Something of the kind is true;&#039; or, as in the Gorgias, &#039;This you will think to be an old wife&#039;s tale, but you can think of nothing truer;&#039; or, as in the Statesman, he describes his work as a &#039;mass of mythology,&#039; which was introduced in order to teach certain lessons; or, as in the Phaedrus, he secretly laughs at such stories while refusing to disturb the popular belief in them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The greater interest of the myth consists in the philosophical lessons which Plato presents to us in this veiled form. Here, as in the tale of Er, the son of Armenius, he touches upon the question of freedom and necessity, both in relation to God and nature. For at first the universe is governed by the immediate providence of God,&amp;amp;mdash;this is the golden age,&amp;amp;mdash;but after a while the wheel is reversed, and man is left to himself. Like other theologians and philosophers, Plato relegates his explanation of the problem to a transcendental world; he speaks of what in modern language might be termed &#039;impossibilities in the nature of things,&#039; hindering God from continuing immanent in the world. But there is some inconsistency; for the &#039;letting go&#039; is spoken of as a divine act, and is at the same time attributed to the necessary imperfection of matter; there is also a numerical necessity for the successive births of souls. At first, man and the world retain their divine instincts, but gradually degenerate. As in the Book of Genesis, the first fall of man is succeeded by a second; the misery and wickedness of the world increase continually. The reason of this further decline is supposed to be the disorganisation of matter: the latent seeds of a former chaos are disengaged, and envelope all things. The condition of man becomes more and more miserable; he is perpetually waging an unequal warfare with the beasts. At length he obtains such a measure of education and help as is necessary for his existence. Though deprived of God&#039;s help, he is not left wholly destitute; he has received from Athene and Hephaestus a knowledge of the arts; other gods give him seeds and plants; and out of these human life is reconstructed. He now eats bread in the sweat of his brow, and has dominion over the animals, subjected to the conditions of his nature, and yet able to cope with them by divine help. Thus Plato may be said to represent in a figure&amp;amp;mdash;(1) the state of innocence; (2) the fall of man; (3) the still deeper decline into barbarism; (4) the restoration of man by the partial interference of God, and the natural growth of the arts and of civilised society. Two lesser features of this description should not pass unnoticed:&amp;amp;mdash;(1) the primitive men are supposed to be created out of the earth, and not after the ordinary manner of human generation&amp;amp;mdash;half the causes of moral evil are in this way removed; (2) the arts are attributed to a divine revelation: and so the greatest difficulty in the history of pre-historic man is solved. Though no one knew better than Plato that the introduction of the gods is not a reason, but an excuse for not giving a reason (Cratylus), yet, considering that more than two thousand years later mankind are still discussing these problems, we may be satisfied to find in Plato a statement of the difficulties which arise in conceiving the relation of man to God and nature, without expecting to obtain from him a solution of them. In such a tale, as in the Phaedrus, various aspects of the Ideas were doubtless indicated to Plato&#039;s own mind, as the corresponding theological problems are to us. The immanence of things in the Ideas, or the partial separation of them, and the self-motion of the supreme Idea, are probably the forms in which he would have interpreted his own parable. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; He touches upon another question of great interest&amp;amp;mdash;the consciousness of evil&amp;amp;mdash;what in the Jewish Scriptures is called &#039;eating of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil.&#039; At the end of the narrative, the Eleatic asks his companion whether this life of innocence, or that which men live at present, is the better of the two. He wants to distinguish between the mere animal life of innocence, the &#039;city of pigs,&#039; as it is comically termed by Glaucon in the Republic, and the higher life of reason and philosophy. But as no one can determine the state of man in the world before the Fall, &#039;the question must remain unanswered.&#039; Similar questions have occupied the minds of theologians in later ages; but they can hardly be said to have found an answer. Professor Campbell well observes, that the general spirit of the myth may be summed up in the words of the Lysis: &#039;If evil were to perish, should we hunger any more, or thirst any more, or have any similar sensations? Yet perhaps the question what will or will not be is a foolish one, for who can tell?&#039; As in the Theaetetus, evil is supposed to continue,&amp;amp;mdash;here, as the consequence of a former state of the world, a sort of mephitic vapour exhaling from some ancient chaos,&amp;amp;mdash;there, as involved in the possibility of good, and incident to the mixed state of man. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Once more&amp;amp;mdash;and this is the point of connexion with the rest of the dialogue&amp;amp;mdash;the myth is intended to bring out the difference between the ideal and the actual state of man. In all ages of the world men have dreamed of a state of perfection, which has been, and is to be, but never is, and seems to disappear under the necessary conditions of human society. The uselessness, the danger, the true value of such political ideals have often been discussed; youth is too ready to believe in them; age to disparage them. Plato&#039;s &#039;prudens quaestio&#039; respecting the comparative happiness of men in this and in a former cycle of existence is intended to elicit this contrast between the golden age and &#039;the life under Zeus&#039; which is our own. To confuse the divine and human, or hastily apply one to the other, is a &#039;tremendous error.&#039; Of the ideal or divine government of the world we can form no true or adequate conception; and this our mixed state of life, in which we are partly left to ourselves, but not wholly deserted by the gods, may contain some higher elements of good and knowledge than could have existed in the days of innocence under the rule of Cronos. So we may venture slightly to enlarge a Platonic thought which admits of a further application to Christian theology. Here are suggested also the distinctions between God causing and permitting evil, and between his more and less immediate government of the world. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; II. The dialectical interest of the Statesman seems to contend in Plato&#039;s mind with the political; the dialogue might have been designated by two equally descriptive titles&amp;amp;mdash;either the &#039;Statesman,&#039; or &#039;Concerning Method.&#039; Dialectic, which in the earlier writings of Plato is a revival of the Socratic question and answer applied to definition, is now occupied with classification; there is nothing in which he takes greater delight than in processes of division (compare Phaedr.); he pursues them to a length out of proportion to his main subject, and appears to value them as a dialectical exercise, and for their own sake. A poetical vision of some order or hierarchy of ideas or sciences has already been floating before us in the Symposium and the Republic. And in the Phaedrus this aspect of dialectic is further sketched out, and the art of rhetoric is based on the division of the characters of mankind into their several classes. The same love of divisions is apparent in the Gorgias. But in a well-known passage of the Philebus occurs the first criticism on the nature of classification. There we are exhorted not to fall into the common error of passing from unity to infinity, but to find the intermediate classes; and we are reminded that in any process of generalization, there may be more than one class to which individuals may be referred, and that we must carry on the process of division until we have arrived at the infima species. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; These precepts are not forgotten, either in the Sophist or in the Statesman. The Sophist contains four examples of division, carried on by regular steps, until in four different lines of descent we detect the Sophist. In the Statesman the king or statesman is discovered by a similar process; and we have a summary, probably made for the first time, of possessions appropriated by the labour of man, which are distributed into seven classes. We are warned against preferring the shorter to the longer method;&amp;amp;mdash;if we divide in the middle, we are most likely to light upon species; at the same time, the important remark is made, that &#039;a part is not to be confounded with a class.&#039; Having discovered the genus under which the king falls, we proceed to distinguish him from the collateral species. To assist our imagination in making this separation, we require an example. The higher ideas, of which we have a dreamy knowledge, can only be represented by images taken from the external world. But, first of all, the nature of example is explained by an example. The child is taught to read by comparing the letters in words which he knows with the same letters in unknown combinations; and this is the sort of process which we are about to attempt. As a parallel to the king we select the worker in wool, and compare the art of weaving with the royal science, trying to separate either of them from the inferior classes to which they are akin. This has the incidental advantage, that weaving and the web furnish us with a figure of speech, which we can afterwards transfer to the State. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There are two uses of examples or images&amp;amp;mdash;in the first place, they suggest thoughts&amp;amp;mdash;secondly, they give them a distinct form. In the infancy of philosophy, as in childhood, the language of pictures is natural to man: truth in the abstract is hardly won, and only by use familiarized to the mind. Examples are akin to analogies, and have a reflex influence on thought; they people the vacant mind, and may often originate new directions of enquiry. Plato seems to be conscious of the suggestiveness of imagery; the general analogy of the arts is constantly employed by him as well as the comparison of particular arts&amp;amp;mdash;weaving, the refining of gold, the learning to read, music, statuary, painting, medicine, the art of the pilot&amp;amp;mdash;all of which occur in this dialogue alone: though he is also aware that &#039;comparisons are slippery things,&#039; and may often give a false clearness to ideas. We shall find, in the Philebus, a division of sciences into practical and speculative, and into more or less speculative: here we have the idea of master-arts, or sciences which control inferior ones. Besides the supreme science of dialectic, &#039;which will forget us, if we forget her,&#039; another master-science for the first time appears in view&amp;amp;mdash;the science of government, which fixes the limits of all the rest. This conception of the political or royal science as, from another point of view, the science of sciences, which holds sway over the rest, is not originally found in Aristotle, but in Plato. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The doctrine that virtue and art are in a mean, which is familiarized to us by the study of the Nicomachean Ethics, is also first distinctly asserted in the Statesman of Plato. The too much and the too little are in restless motion: they must be fixed by a mean, which is also a standard external to them. The art of measuring or finding a mean between excess and defect, like the principle of division in the Phaedrus, receives a particular application to the art of discourse. The excessive length of a discourse may be blamed; but who can say what is excess, unless he is furnished with a measure or standard? Measure is the life of the arts, and may some day be discovered to be the single ultimate principle in which all the sciences are contained. Other forms of thought may be noted&amp;amp;mdash;the distinction between causal and co-operative arts, which may be compared with the distinction between primary and co-operative causes in the Timaeus; or between cause and condition in the Phaedo; the passing mention of economical science; the opposition of rest and motion, which is found in all nature; the general conception of two great arts of composition and division, in which are contained weaving, politics, dialectic; and in connexion with the conception of a mean, the two arts of measuring. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In the Theaetetus, Plato remarks that precision in the use of terms, though sometimes pedantic, is sometimes necessary. Here he makes the opposite reflection, that there may be a philosophical disregard of words. The evil of mere verbal oppositions, the requirement of an impossible accuracy in the use of terms, the error of supposing that philosophy was to be found in language, the danger of word-catching, have frequently been discussed by him in the previous dialogues, but nowhere has the spirit of modern inductive philosophy been more happily indicated than in the words of the Statesman:&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;If you think more about things, and less about words, you will be richer in wisdom as you grow older.&#039; A similar spirit is discernible in the remarkable expressions, &#039;the long and difficult language of facts;&#039; and &#039;the interrogation of every nature, in order to obtain the particular contribution of each to the store of knowledge.&#039; Who has described &#039;the feeble intelligence of all things; given by metaphysics better than the Eleatic Stranger in the words&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;The higher ideas can hardly be set forth except through the medium of examples; every man seems to know all things in a kind of dream, and then again nothing when he is awake?&#039; Or where is the value of metaphysical pursuits more truly expressed than in the words,&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;The greatest and noblest things have no outward image of themselves visible to man: therefore we should learn to give a rational account of them?&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; III. The political aspects of the dialogue are closely connected with the dialectical. As in the Cratylus, the legislator has &#039;the dialectician standing on his right hand;&#039; so in the Statesman, the king or statesman is the dialectician, who, although he may be in a private station, is still a king. Whether he has the power or not, is a mere accident; or rather he has the power, for what ought to be is (&#039;Was ist vernunftig, das ist wirklich&#039;); and he ought to be and is the true governor of mankind. There is a reflection in this idealism of the Socratic &#039;Virtue is knowledge;&#039; and, without idealism, we may remark that knowledge is a great part of power. Plato does not trouble himself to construct a machinery by which &#039;philosophers shall be made kings,&#039; as in the Republic: he merely holds up the ideal, and affirms that in some sense science is really supreme over human life. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; He is struck by the observation &#039;quam parva sapientia regitur mundus,&#039; and is touched with a feeling of the ills which afflict states. The condition of Megara before and during the Peloponnesian War, of Athens under the Thirty and afterwards, of Syracuse and the other Sicilian cities in their alternations of democratic excess and tyranny, might naturally suggest such reflections. Some states he sees already shipwrecked, others foundering for want of a pilot; and he wonders not at their destruction, but at their endurance. For they ought to have perished long ago, if they had depended on the wisdom of their rulers. The mingled pathos and satire of this remark is characteristic of Plato&#039;s later style. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The king is the personification of political science. And yet he is something more than this,&amp;amp;mdash;the perfectly good and wise tyrant of the Laws, whose will is better than any law. He is the special providence who is always interfering with and regulating all things. Such a conception has sometimes been entertained by modern theologians, and by Plato himself, of the Supreme Being. But whether applied to Divine or to human governors the conception is faulty for two reasons, neither of which are noticed by Plato:&amp;amp;mdash;first, because all good government supposes a degree of co-operation in the ruler and his subjects,&amp;amp;mdash;an &#039;education in politics&#039; as well as in moral virtue; secondly, because government, whether Divine or human, implies that the subject has a previous knowledge of the rules under which he is living. There is a fallacy, too, in comparing unchangeable laws with a personal governor. For the law need not necessarily be an &#039;ignorant and brutal tyrant,&#039; but gentle and humane, capable of being altered in the spirit of the legislator, and of being administered so as to meet the cases of individuals. Not only in fact, but in idea, both elements must remain&amp;amp;mdash;the fixed law and the living will; the written word and the spirit; the principles of obligation and of freedom; and their applications whether made by law or equity in particular cases. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There are two sides from which positive laws may be attacked:&amp;amp;mdash;either from the side of nature, which rises up and rebels against them in the spirit of Callicles in the Gorgias; or from the side of idealism, which attempts to soar above them,&amp;amp;mdash;and this is the spirit of Plato in the Statesman. But he soon falls, like Icarus, and is content to walk instead of flying; that is, to accommodate himself to the actual state of human things. Mankind have long been in despair of finding the true ruler; and therefore are ready to acquiesce in any of the five or six received forms of government as better than none. And the best thing which they can do (though only the second best in reality), is to reduce the ideal state to the conditions of actual life. Thus in the Statesman, as in the Laws, we have three forms of government, which we may venture to term, (1) the ideal, (2) the practical, (3) the sophistical&amp;amp;mdash;what ought to be, what might be, what is. And thus Plato seems to stumble, almost by accident, on the notion of a constitutional monarchy, or of a monarchy ruling by laws. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The divine foundations of a State are to be laid deep in education (Republic), and at the same time some little violence may be used in exterminating natures which are incapable of education (compare Laws). Plato is strongly of opinion that the legislator, like the physician, may do men good against their will (compare Gorgias). The human bonds of states are formed by the inter-marriage of dispositions adapted to supply the defects of each other. As in the Republic, Plato has observed that there are opposite natures in the world, the strong and the gentle, the courageous and the temperate, which, borrowing an expression derived from the image of weaving, he calls the warp and the woof of human society. To interlace these is the crowning achievement of political science. In the Protagoras, Socrates was maintaining that there was only one virtue, and not many: now Plato is inclined to think that there are not only parallel, but opposite virtues, and seems to see a similar opposition pervading all art and nature. But he is satisfied with laying down the principle, and does not inform us by what further steps the union of opposites is to be effected. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In the loose framework of a single dialogue Plato has thus combined two distinct subjects&amp;amp;mdash;politics and method. Yet they are not so far apart as they appear: in his own mind there was a secret link of connexion between them. For the philosopher or dialectician is also the only true king or statesman. In the execution of his plan Plato has invented or distinguished several important forms of thought, and made incidentally many valuable remarks. Questions of interest both in ancient and modern politics also arise in the course of the dialogue, which may with advantage be further considered by us:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; a. The imaginary ruler, whether God or man, is above the law, and is a law to himself and to others. Among the Greeks as among the Jews, law was a sacred name, the gift of God, the bond of states. But in the Statesman of Plato, as in the New Testament, the word has also become the symbol of an imperfect good, which is almost an evil. The law sacrifices the individual to the universal, and is the tyranny of the many over the few (compare Republic). It has fixed rules which are the props of order, and will not swerve or bend in extreme cases. It is the beginning of political society, but there is something higher&amp;amp;mdash;an intelligent ruler, whether God or man, who is able to adapt himself to the endless varieties of circumstances. Plato is fond of picturing the advantages which would result from the union of the tyrant who has power with the legislator who has wisdom: he regards this as the best and speediest way of reforming mankind. But institutions cannot thus be artificially created, nor can the external authority of a ruler impose laws for which a nation is unprepared. The greatest power, the highest wisdom, can only proceed one or two steps in advance of public opinion. In all stages of civilization human nature, after all our efforts, remains intractable,&amp;amp;mdash;not like clay in the hands of the potter, or marble under the chisel of the sculptor. Great changes occur in the history of nations, but they are brought about slowly, like the changes in the frame of nature, upon which the puny arm of man hardly makes an impression. And, speaking generally, the slowest growths, both in nature and in politics, are the most permanent. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; b. Whether the best form of the ideal is a person or a law may fairly be doubted. The former is more akin to us: it clothes itself in poetry and art, and appeals to reason more in the form of feeling: in the latter there is less danger of allowing ourselves to be deluded by a figure of speech. The ideal of the Greek state found an expression in the deification of law: the ancient Stoic spoke of a wise man perfect in virtue, who was fancifully said to be a king; but neither they nor Plato had arrived at the conception of a person who was also a law. Nor is it easy for the Christian to think of God as wisdom, truth, holiness, and also as the wise, true, and holy one. He is always wanting to break through the abstraction and interrupt the law, in order that he may present to himself the more familiar image of a divine friend. While the impersonal has too slender a hold upon the affections to be made the basis of religion, the conception of a person on the other hand tends to degenerate into a new kind of idolatry. Neither criticism nor experience allows us to suppose that there are interferences with the laws of nature; the idea is inconceivable to us and at variance with facts. The philosopher or theologian who could realize to mankind that a person is a law, that the higher rule has no exception, that goodness, like knowledge, is also power, would breathe a new religious life into the world. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; c. Besides the imaginary rule of a philosopher or a God, the actual forms of government have to be considered. In the infancy of political science, men naturally ask whether the rule of the many or of the few is to be preferred. If by &#039;the few&#039; we mean &#039;the good&#039; and by &#039;the many,&#039; &#039;the bad,&#039; there can be but one reply: &#039;The rule of one good man is better than the rule of all the rest, if they are bad.&#039; For, as Heracleitus says, &#039;One is ten thousand if he be the best.&#039; If, however, we mean by the rule of the few the rule of a class neither better nor worse than other classes, not devoid of a feeling of right, but guided mostly by a sense of their own interests, and by the rule of the many the rule of all classes, similarly under the influence of mixed motives, no one would hesitate to answer&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;The rule of all rather than one, because all classes are more likely to take care of all than one of another; and the government has greater power and stability when resting on a wider basis.&#039; Both in ancient and modern times the best balanced form of government has been held to be the best; and yet it should not be so nicely balanced as to make action and movement impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The statesman who builds his hope upon the aristocracy, upon the middle classes, upon the people, will probably, if he have sufficient experience of them, conclude that all classes are much alike, and that one is as good as another, and that the liberties of no class are safe in the hands of the rest. The higher ranks have the advantage in education and manners, the middle and lower in industry and self-denial; in every class, to a certain extent, a natural sense of right prevails, sometimes communicated from the lower to the higher, sometimes from the higher to the lower, which is too strong for class interests. There have been crises in the history of nations, as at the time of the Crusades or the Reformation, or the French Revolution, when the same inspiration has taken hold of whole peoples, and permanently raised the sense of freedom and justice among mankind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But even supposing the different classes of a nation, when viewed impartially, to be on a level with each other in moral virtue, there remain two considerations of opposite kinds which enter into the problem of government. Admitting of course that the upper and lower classes are equal in the eye of God and of the law, yet the one may be by nature fitted to govern and the other to be governed. A ruling caste does not soon altogether lose the governing qualities, nor a subject class easily acquire them. Hence the phenomenon so often observed in the old Greek revolutions, and not without parallel in modern times, that the leaders of the democracy have been themselves of aristocratic origin. The people are expecting to be governed by representatives of their own, but the true man of the people either never appears, or is quickly altered by circumstances. Their real wishes hardly make themselves felt, although their lower interests and prejudices may sometimes be flattered and yielded to for the sake of ulterior objects by those who have political power. They will often learn by experience that the democracy has become a plutocracy. The influence of wealth, though not the enjoyment of it, has become diffused among the poor as well as among the rich; and society, instead of being safer, is more at the mercy of the tyrant, who, when things are at the worst, obtains a guard&amp;amp;mdash;that is, an army&amp;amp;mdash;and announces himself as the saviour. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The other consideration is of an opposite kind. Admitting that a few wise men are likely to be better governors than the unwise many, yet it is not in their power to fashion an entire people according to their behest. When with the best intentions the benevolent despot begins his regime, he finds the world hard to move. A succession of good kings has at the end of a century left the people an inert and unchanged mass. The Roman world was not permanently improved by the hundred years of Hadrian and the Antonines. The kings of Spain during the last century were at least equal to any contemporary sovereigns in virtue and ability. In certain states of the world the means are wanting to render a benevolent power effectual. These means are not a mere external organisation of posts or telegraphs, hardly the introduction of new laws or modes of industry. A change must be made in the spirit of a people as well as in their externals. The ancient legislator did not really take a blank tablet and inscribe upon it the rules which reflection and experience had taught him to be for a nation&#039;s interest; no one would have obeyed him if he had. But he took the customs which he found already existing in a half-civilised state of society: these he reduced to form and inscribed on pillars; he defined what had before been undefined, and gave certainty to what was uncertain. No legislation ever sprang, like Athene, in full power out of the head either of God or man. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Plato and Aristotle are sensible of the difficulty of combining the wisdom of the few with the power of the many. According to Plato, he is a physician who has the knowledge of a physician, and he is a king who has the knowledge of a king. But how the king, one or more, is to obtain the required power, is hardly at all considered by him. He presents the idea of a perfect government, but except the regulation for mixing different tempers in marriage, he never makes any provision for the attainment of it. Aristotle, casting aside ideals, would place the government in a middle class of citizens, sufficiently numerous for stability, without admitting the populace; and such appears to have been the constitution which actually prevailed for a short time at Athens&amp;amp;mdash;the rule of the Five Thousand&amp;amp;mdash;characterized by Thucydides as the best government of Athens which he had known. It may however be doubted how far, either in a Greek or modern state, such a limitation is practicable or desirable; for those who are left outside the pale will always be dangerous to those who are within, while on the other hand the leaven of the mob can hardly affect the representation of a great country. There is reason for the argument in favour of a property qualification; there is reason also in the arguments of those who would include all and so exhaust the political situation. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The true answer to the question is relative to the circumstances of nations. How can we get the greatest intelligence combined with the greatest power? The ancient legislator would have found this question more easy than we do. For he would have required that all persons who had a share of government should have received their education from the state and have borne her burdens, and should have served in her fleets and armies. But though we sometimes hear the cry that we must &#039;educate the masses, for they are our masters,&#039; who would listen to a proposal that the franchise should be confined to the educated or to those who fulfil political duties? Then again, we know that the masses are not our masters, and that they are more likely to become so if we educate them. In modern politics so many interests have to be consulted that we are compelled to do, not what is best, but what is possible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; d. Law is the first principle of society, but it cannot supply all the wants of society, and may easily cause more evils than it cures. Plato is aware of the imperfection of law in failing to meet the varieties of circumstances: he is also aware that human life would be intolerable if every detail of it were placed under legal regulation. It may be a great evil that physicians should kill their patients or captains cast away their ships, but it would be a far greater evil if each particular in the practice of medicine or seamanship were regulated by law. Much has been said in modern times about the duty of leaving men to themselves, which is supposed to be the best way of taking care of them. The question is often asked, What are the limits of legislation in relation to morals? And the answer is to the same effect, that morals must take care of themselves. There is a one-sided truth in these answers, if they are regarded as condemnations of the interference with commerce in the last century or of clerical persecution in the Middle Ages. But &#039;laissez-faire&#039; is not the best but only the second best. What the best is, Plato does not attempt to determine; he only contrasts the imperfection of law with the wisdom of the perfect ruler. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Laws should be just, but they must also be certain, and we are obliged to sacrifice something of their justice to their certainty. Suppose a wise and good judge, who paying little or no regard to the law, attempted to decide with perfect justice the cases that were brought before him. To the uneducated person he would appear to be the ideal of a judge. Such justice has been often exercised in primitive times, or at the present day among eastern rulers. But in the first place it depends entirely on the personal character of the judge. He may be honest, but there is no check upon his dishonesty, and his opinion can only be overruled, not by any principle of law, but by the opinion of another judging like himself without law. In the second place, even if he be ever so honest, his mode of deciding questions would introduce an element of uncertainty into human life; no one would know beforehand what would happen to him, or would seek to conform in his conduct to any rule of law. For the compact which the law makes with men, that they shall be protected if they observe the law in their dealings with one another, would have to be substituted another principle of a more general character, that they shall be protected by the law if they act rightly in their dealings with one another. The complexity of human actions and also the uncertainty of their effects would be increased tenfold. For one of the principal advantages of law is not merely that it enforces honesty, but that it makes men act in the same way, and requires them to produce the same evidence of their acts. Too many laws may be the sign of a corrupt and overcivilized state of society, too few are the sign of an uncivilized one; as soon as commerce begins to grow, men make themselves customs which have the validity of laws. Even equity, which is the exception to the law, conforms to fixed rules and lies for the most part within the limits of previous decisions. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; IV. The bitterness of the Statesman is characteristic of Plato&#039;s later style, in which the thoughts of youth and love have fled away, and we are no longer tended by the Muses or the Graces. We do not venture to say that Plato was soured by old age, but certainly the kindliness and courtesy of the earlier dialogues have disappeared. He sees the world under a harder and grimmer aspect: he is dealing with the reality of things, not with visions or pictures of them: he is seeking by the aid of dialectic only, to arrive at truth. He is deeply impressed with the importance of classification: in this alone he finds the true measure of human things; and very often in the process of division curious results are obtained. For the dialectical art is no respecter of persons: king and vermin-taker are all alike to the philosopher. There may have been a time when the king was a god, but he now is pretty much on a level with his subjects in breeding and education. Man should be well advised that he is only one of the animals, and the Hellene in particular should be aware that he himself was the author of the distinction between Hellene and Barbarian, and that the Phrygian would equally divide mankind into Phrygians and Barbarians, and that some intelligent animal, like a crane, might go a step further, and divide the animal world into cranes and all other animals. Plato cannot help laughing (compare Theaet.) when he thinks of the king running after his subjects, like the pig-driver or the bird-taker. He would seriously have him consider how many competitors there are to his throne, chiefly among the class of serving-men. A good deal of meaning is lurking in the expression&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;There is no art of feeding mankind worthy the name.&#039; There is a similar depth in the remark,&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;The wonder about states is not that they are short-lived, but that they last so long in spite of the badness of their rulers.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; V. There is also a paradoxical element in the Statesman which delights in reversing the accustomed use of words. The law which to the Greek was the highest object of reverence is an ignorant and brutal tyrant&amp;amp;mdash;the tyrant is converted into a beneficent king. The sophist too is no longer, as in the earlier dialogues, the rival of the statesman, but assumes his form. Plato sees that the ideal of the state in his own day is more and more severed from the actual. From such ideals as he had once formed, he turns away to contemplate the decline of the Greek cities which were far worse now in his old age than they had been in his youth, and were to become worse and worse in the ages which followed. He cannot contain his disgust at the contemporary statesmen, sophists who had turned politicians, in various forms of men and animals, appearing, some like lions and centaurs, others like satyrs and monkeys. In this new disguise the Sophists make their last appearance on the scene: in the Laws Plato appears to have forgotten them, or at any rate makes only a slight allusion to them in a single passage (Laws). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; VI. The Statesman is naturally connected with the Sophist. At first sight we are surprised to find that the Eleatic Stranger discourses to us, not only concerning the nature of Being and Not-being, but concerning the king and statesman. We perceive, however, that there is no inappropriateness in his maintaining the character of chief speaker, when we remember the close connexion which is assumed by Plato to exist between politics and dialectic. In both dialogues the Proteus Sophist is exhibited, first, in the disguise of an Eristic, secondly, of a false statesman. There are several lesser features which the two dialogues have in common. The styles and the situations of the speakers are very similar; there is the same love of division, and in both of them the mind of the writer is greatly occupied about method, to which he had probably intended to return in the projected &#039;Philosopher.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The Statesman stands midway between the Republic and the Laws, and is also related to the Timaeus. The mythical or cosmical element reminds us of the Timaeus, the ideal of the Republic. A previous chaos in which the elements as yet were not, is hinted at both in the Timaeus and Statesman. The same ingenious arts of giving verisimilitude to a fiction are practised in both dialogues, and in both, as well as in the myth at the end of the Republic, Plato touches on the subject of necessity and free-will. The words in which he describes the miseries of states seem to be an amplification of the &#039;Cities will never cease from ill&#039; of the Republic. The point of view in both is the same; and the differences not really important, e.g. in the myth, or in the account of the different kinds of states. But the treatment of the subject in the Statesman is fragmentary, and the shorter and later work, as might be expected, is less finished, and less worked out in detail. The idea of measure and the arrangement of the sciences supply connecting links both with the Republic and the Philebus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; More than any of the preceding dialogues, the Statesman seems to approximate in thought and language to the Laws. There is the same decline and tendency to monotony in style, the same self-consciousness, awkwardness, and over-civility; and in the Laws is contained the pattern of that second best form of government, which, after all, is admitted to be the only attainable one in this world. The &#039;gentle violence,&#039; the marriage of dissimilar natures, the figure of the warp and the woof, are also found in the Laws. Both expressly recognize the conception of a first or ideal state, which has receded into an invisible heaven. Nor does the account of the origin and growth of society really differ in them, if we make allowance for the mythic character of the narrative in the Statesman. The virtuous tyrant is common to both of them; and the Eleatic Stranger takes up a position similar to that of the Athenian Stranger in the Laws. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; VII. There would have been little disposition to doubt the genuineness of the Sophist and Statesman, if they had been compared with the Laws rather than with the Republic, and the Laws had been received, as they ought to be, on the authority of Aristotle and on the ground of their intrinsic excellence, as an undoubted work of Plato. The detailed consideration of the genuineness and order of the Platonic dialogues has been reserved for another place: a few of the reasons for defending the Sophist and Statesman may be given here. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 1. The excellence, importance, and metaphysical originality of the two dialogues: no works at once so good and of such length are known to have proceeded from the hands of a forger. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 2. The resemblances in them to other dialogues of Plato are such as might be expected to be found in works of the same author, and not in those of an imitator, being too subtle and minute to have been invented by another. The similar passages and turns of thought are generally inferior to the parallel passages in his earlier writings; and we might a priori have expected that, if altered, they would have been improved. But the comparison of the Laws proves that this repetition of his own thoughts and words in an inferior form is characteristic of Plato&#039;s later style. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 3. The close connexion of them with the Theaetetus, Parmenides, and Philebus, involves the fate of these dialogues, as well as of the two suspected ones. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 4. The suspicion of them seems mainly to rest on a presumption that in Plato&#039;s writings we may expect to find an uniform type of doctrine and opinion. But however we arrange the order, or narrow the circle of the dialogues, we must admit that they exhibit a growth and progress in the mind of Plato. And the appearance of change or progress is not to be regarded as impugning the genuineness of any particular writings, but may be even an argument in their favour. If we suppose the Sophist and Politicus to stand halfway between the Republic and the Laws, and in near connexion with the Theaetetus, the Parmenides, the Philebus, the arguments against them derived from differences of thought and style disappear or may be said without paradox in some degree to confirm their genuineness. There is no such interval between the Republic or Phaedrus and the two suspected dialogues, as that which separates all the earlier writings of Plato from the Laws. And the Theaetetus, Parmenides, and Philebus, supply links, by which, however different from them, they may be reunited with the great body of the Platonic writings. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PERSONS OF THE DIALOGUE: Theodorus, Socrates, The Eleatic Stranger, The Younger Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I owe you many thanks, indeed, Theodorus, for the acquaintance both of Theaetetus and of the Stranger. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: And in a little while, Socrates, you will owe me three times as many, when they have completed for you the delineation of the Statesman and of the Philosopher, as well as of the Sophist. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Sophist, statesman, philosopher! O my dear Theodorus, do my ears truly witness that this is the estimate formed of them by the great calculator and geometrician? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: What do you mean, Socrates? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I mean that you rate them all at the same value, whereas they are really separated by an interval, which no geometrical ratio can express. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: By Ammon, the god of Cyrene, Socrates, that is a very fair hit; and shows that you have not forgotten your geometry. I will retaliate on you at some other time, but I must now ask the Stranger, who will not, I hope, tire of his goodness to us, to proceed either with the Statesman or with the Philosopher, whichever he prefers. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: That is my duty, Theodorus; having begun I must go on, and not leave the work unfinished. But what shall be done with Theaetetus? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: In what respect? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Shall we relieve him, and take his companion, the Young Socrates, instead of him? What do you advise? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Yes, give the other a turn, as you propose. The young always do better when they have intervals of rest. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I think, Stranger, that both of them may be said to be in some way related to me; for the one, as you affirm, has the cut of my ugly face (compare Theaet.), the other is called by my name. And we should always be on the look-out to recognize a kinsman by the style of his conversation. I myself was discoursing with Theaetetus yesterday, and I have just been listening to his answers; my namesake I have not yet examined, but I must. Another time will do for me; to-day let him answer you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Very good. Young Socrates, do you hear what the elder Socrates is proposing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: I do. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And do you agree to his proposal? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: As you do not object, still less can I. After the Sophist, then, I think that the Statesman naturally follows next in the order of enquiry. And please to say, whether he, too, should be ranked among those who have science. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then the sciences must be divided as before? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: I dare say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But yet the division will not be the same? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: How then? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: They will be divided at some other point. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Where shall we discover the path of the Statesman? We must find and separate off, and set our seal upon this, and we will set the mark of another class upon all diverging paths. Thus the soul will conceive of all kinds of knowledge under two classes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: To find the path is your business, Stranger, and not mine. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Yes, Socrates, but the discovery, when once made, must be yours as well as mine. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Well, and are not arithmetic and certain other kindred arts, merely abstract knowledge, wholly separated from action? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But in the art of carpentering and all other handicrafts, the knowledge of the workman is merged in his work; he not only knows, but he also makes things which previously did not exist. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then let us divide sciences in general into those which are practical and those which are purely intellectual. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Let us assume these two divisions of science, which is one whole. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And are &#039;statesman,&#039; &#039;king,&#039; &#039;master,&#039; or &#039;householder,&#039; one and the same; or is there a science or art answering to each of these names? Or rather, allow me to put the matter in another way. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Let me hear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: If any one who is in a private station has the skill to advise one of the public physicians, must not he also be called a physician? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And if any one who is in a private station is able to advise the ruler of a country, may not he be said to have the knowledge which the ruler himself ought to have? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But surely the science of a true king is royal science? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And will not he who possesses this knowledge, whether he happens to be a ruler or a private man, when regarded only in reference to his art, be truly called &#039;royal&#039;? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: He certainly ought to be. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And the householder and master are the same? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Again, a large household may be compared to a small state:&amp;amp;mdash;will they differ at all, as far as government is concerned? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: They will not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then, returning to the point which we were just now discussing, do we not clearly see that there is one science of all of them; and this science may be called either royal or political or economical; we will not quarrel with any one about the name. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: This too, is evident, that the king cannot do much with his hands, or with his whole body, towards the maintenance of his empire, compared with what he does by the intelligence and strength of his mind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Clearly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then, shall we say that the king has a greater affinity to knowledge than to manual arts and to practical life in general? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly he has. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then we may put all together as one and the same&amp;amp;mdash;statesmanship and the statesman&amp;amp;mdash;the kingly science and the king. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And now we shall only be proceeding in due order if we go on to divide the sphere of knowledge? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Think whether you can find any joint or parting in knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Tell me of what sort. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Such as this: You may remember that we made an art of calculation? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Which was, unmistakeably, one of the arts of knowledge? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And to this art of calculation which discerns the differences of numbers shall we assign any other function except to pass judgment on their differences? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: How could we? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: You know that the master-builder does not work himself, but is the ruler of workmen? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: He contributes knowledge, not manual labour? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And may therefore be justly said to share in theoretical science? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But he ought not, like the calculator, to regard his functions as at an end when he has formed a judgment;&amp;amp;mdash;he must assign to the individual workmen their appropriate task until they have completed the work. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Are not all such sciences, no less than arithmetic and the like, subjects of pure knowledge; and is not the difference between the two classes, that the one sort has the power of judging only, and the other of ruling as well? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: That is evident. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: May we not very properly say, that of all knowledge, there are two divisions&amp;amp;mdash;one which rules, and the other which judges? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: I should think so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And when men have anything to do in common, that they should be of one mind is surely a desirable thing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then while we are at unity among ourselves, we need not mind about the fancies of others? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And now, in which of these divisions shall we place the king?&amp;amp;mdash;Is he a judge and a kind of spectator? Or shall we assign to him the art of command&amp;amp;mdash;for he is a ruler? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: The latter, clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then we must see whether there is any mark of division in the art of command too. I am inclined to think that there is a distinction similar to that of manufacturer and retail dealer, which parts off the king from the herald. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: How is this? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Why, does not the retailer receive and sell over again the productions of others, which have been sold before? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly he does. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And is not the herald under command, and does he not receive orders, and in his turn give them to others? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then shall we mingle the kingly art in the same class with the art of the herald, the interpreter, the boatswain, the prophet, and the numerous kindred arts which exercise command; or, as in the preceding comparison we spoke of manufacturers, or sellers for themselves, and of retailers,&amp;amp;mdash;seeing, too, that the class of supreme rulers, or rulers for themselves, is almost nameless&amp;amp;mdash;shall we make a word following the same analogy, and refer kings to a supreme or ruling-for-self science, leaving the rest to receive a name from some one else? For we are seeking the ruler; and our enquiry is not concerned with him who is not a ruler. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Thus a very fair distinction has been attained between the man who gives his own commands, and him who gives another&#039;s. And now let us see if the supreme power allows of any further division. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: By all means. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I think that it does; and please to assist me in making the division. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: At what point? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: May not all rulers be supposed to command for the sake of producing something? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Nor is there any difficulty in dividing the things produced into two classes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: How would you divide them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Of the whole class, some have life and some are without life. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And by the help of this distinction we may make, if we please, a subdivision of the section of knowledge which commands. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: At what point? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: One part may be set over the production of lifeless, the other of living objects; and in this way the whole will be divided. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: That division, then, is complete; and now we may leave one half, and take up the other; which may also be divided into two. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Which of the two halves do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Of course that which exercises command about animals. For, surely, the royal science is not like that of a master-workman, a science presiding over lifeless objects;&amp;amp;mdash;the king has a nobler function, which is the management and control of living beings. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And the breeding and tending of living beings may be observed to be sometimes a tending of the individual; in other cases, a common care of creatures in flocks? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But the statesman is not a tender of individuals&amp;amp;mdash;not like the driver or groom of a single ox or horse; he is rather to be compared with the keeper of a drove of horses or oxen. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes, I see, thanks to you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Shall we call this art of tending many animals together, the art of managing a herd, or the art of collective management? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: No matter;&amp;amp;mdash;whichever suggests itself to us in the course of conversation. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Very good, Socrates; and, if you continue to be not too particular about names, you will be all the richer in wisdom when you are an old man. And now, as you say, leaving the discussion of the name,&amp;amp;mdash;can you see a way in which a person, by showing the art of herding to be of two kinds, may cause that which is now sought amongst twice the number of things, to be then sought amongst half that number? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: I will try;&amp;amp;mdash;there appears to me to be one management of men and another of beasts. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: You have certainly divided them in a most straightforward and manly style; but you have fallen into an error which hereafter I think that we had better avoid. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What is the error? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I think that we had better not cut off a single small portion which is not a species, from many larger portions; the part should be a species. To separate off at once the subject of investigation, is a most excellent plan, if only the separation be rightly made; and you were under the impression that you were right, because you saw that you would come to man; and this led you to hasten the steps. But you should not chip off too small a piece, my friend; the safer way is to cut through the middle; which is also the more likely way of finding classes. Attention to this principle makes all the difference in a process of enquiry. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What do you mean, Stranger? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I will endeavour to speak more plainly out of love to your good parts, Socrates; and, although I cannot at present entirely explain myself, I will try, as we proceed, to make my meaning a little clearer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What was the error of which, as you say, we were guilty in our recent division? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The error was just as if some one who wanted to divide the human race, were to divide them after the fashion which prevails in this part of the world; here they cut off the Hellenes as one species, and all the other species of mankind, which are innumerable, and have no ties or common language, they include under the single name of &#039;barbarians,&#039; and because they have one name they are supposed to be of one species also. Or suppose that in dividing numbers you were to cut off ten thousand from all the rest, and make of it one species, comprehending the rest under another separate name, you might say that here too was a single class, because you had given it a single name. Whereas you would make a much better and more equal and logical classification of numbers, if you divided them into odd and even; or of the human species, if you divided them into male and female; and only separated off Lydians or Phrygians, or any other tribe, and arrayed them against the rest of the world, when you could no longer make a division into parts which were also classes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true; but I wish that this distinction between a part and a class could still be made somewhat plainer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: O Socrates, best of men, you are imposing upon me a very difficult task. We have already digressed further from our original intention than we ought, and you would have us wander still further away. But we must now return to our subject; and hereafter, when there is a leisure hour, we will follow up the other track; at the same time, I wish you to guard against imagining that you ever heard me declare&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: That a class and a part are distinct. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What did I hear, then? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: That a class is necessarily a part, but there is no similar necessity that a part should be a class; that is the view which I should always wish you to attribute to me, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: So be it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There is another thing which I should like to know. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The point at which we digressed; for, if I am not mistaken, the exact place was at the question, Where you would divide the management of herds. To this you appeared rather too ready to answer that there were two species of animals; man being one, and all brutes making up the other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I thought that in taking away a part, you imagined that the remainder formed a class, because you were able to call them by the common name of brutes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: That again is true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Suppose now, O most courageous of dialecticians, that some wise and understanding creature, such as a crane is reputed to be, were, in imitation of you, to make a similar division, and set up cranes against all other animals to their own special glorification, at the same time jumbling together all the others, including man, under the appellation of brutes,&amp;amp;mdash;here would be the sort of error which we must try to avoid. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: How can we be safe? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: If we do not divide the whole class of animals, we shall be less likely to fall into that error. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: We had better not take the whole? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Yes, there lay the source of error in our former division. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: How? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: You remember how that part of the art of knowledge which was concerned with command, had to do with the rearing of living creatures,&amp;amp;mdash;I mean, with animals in herds? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: In that case, there was already implied a division of all animals into tame and wild; those whose nature can be tamed are called tame, and those which cannot be tamed are called wild. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And the political science of which we are in search, is and ever was concerned with tame animals, and is also confined to gregarious animals. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But then we ought not to divide, as we did, taking the whole class at once. Neither let us be in too great haste to arrive quickly at the political science; for this mistake has already brought upon us the misfortune of which the proverb speaks. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What misfortune? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The misfortune of too much haste, which is too little speed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: And all the better, Stranger;&amp;amp;mdash;we got what we deserved. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Very well: Let us then begin again, and endeavour to divide the collective rearing of animals; for probably the completion of the argument will best show what you are so anxious to know. Tell me, then&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Have you ever heard, as you very likely may&amp;amp;mdash;for I do not suppose that you ever actually visited them&amp;amp;mdash;of the preserves of fishes in the Nile, and in the ponds of the Great King; or you may have seen similar preserves in wells at home? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes, to be sure, I have seen them, and I have often heard the others described. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And you may have heard also, and may have been assured by report, although you have not travelled in those regions, of nurseries of geese and cranes in the plains of Thessaly? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I asked you, because here is a new division of the management of herds, into the management of land and of water herds. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: There is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And do you agree that we ought to divide the collective rearing of herds into two corresponding parts, the one the rearing of water, and the other the rearing of land herds? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There is surely no need to ask which of these two contains the royal art, for it is evident to everybody. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Any one can divide the herds which feed on dry land? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: How would you divide them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I should distinguish between those which fly and those which walk. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And where shall we look for the political animal? Might not an idiot, so to speak, know that he is a pedestrian? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The art of managing the walking animal has to be further divided, just as you might halve an even number. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Let me note that here appear in view two ways to that part or class which the argument aims at reaching,&amp;amp;mdash;the one a speedier way, which cuts off a small portion and leaves a large; the other agrees better with the principle which we were laying down, that as far as we can we should divide in the middle; but it is longer. We can take either of them, whichever we please. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Cannot we have both ways? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Together? What a thing to ask! but, if you take them in turn, you clearly may. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Then I should like to have them in turn. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There will be no difficulty, as we are near the end; if we had been at the beginning, or in the middle, I should have demurred to your request; but now, in accordance with your desire, let us begin with the longer way; while we are fresh, we shall get on better. And now attend to the division. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Let me hear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The tame walking herding animals are distributed by nature into two classes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Upon what principle? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The one grows horns; and the other is without horns. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Suppose that you divide the science which manages pedestrian animals into two corresponding parts, and define them; for if you try to invent names for them, you will find the intricacy too great. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: How must I speak of them, then? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: In this way: let the science of managing pedestrian animals be divided into two parts, and one part assigned to the horned herd, and the other to the herd that has no horns. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: All that you say has been abundantly proved, and may therefore be assumed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The king is clearly the shepherd of a polled herd, who have no horns. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: That is evident. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Shall we break up this hornless herd into sections, and endeavour to assign to him what is his? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: By all means. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Shall we distinguish them by their having or not having cloven feet, or by their mixing or not mixing the breed? You know what I mean. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I mean that horses and asses naturally breed from one another. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But the remainder of the hornless herd of tame animals will not mix the breed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And of which has the Statesman charge,&amp;amp;mdash;of the mixed or of the unmixed race? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Clearly of the unmixed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I suppose that we must divide this again as before. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: We must. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Every tame and herding animal has now been split up, with the exception of two species; for I hardly think that dogs should be reckoned among gregarious animals. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly not; but how shall we divide the two remaining species? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There is a measure of difference which may be appropriately employed by you and Theaetetus, who are students of geometry. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What is that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The diameter; and, again, the diameter of a diameter. (Compare Meno.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: How does man walk, but as a diameter whose power is two feet? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Just so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And the power of the remaining kind, being the power of twice two feet, may be said to be the diameter of our diameter. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly; and now I think that I pretty nearly understand you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: In these divisions, Socrates, I descry what would make another famous jest. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Human beings have come out in the same class with the freest and airiest of creation, and have been running a race with them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: I remark that very singular coincidence. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And would you not expect the slowest to arrive last? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Indeed I should. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And there is a still more ridiculous consequence, that the king is found running about with the herd and in close competition with the bird-catcher, who of all mankind is most of an adept at the airy life. (Plato is here introducing a new subdivision, i.e. that of bipeds into men and birds. Others however refer the passage to the division into quadrupeds and bipeds, making pigs compete with human beings and the pig-driver with the king. According to this explanation we must translate the words above, &#039;freest and airiest of creation,&#039; &#039;worthiest and laziest of creation.&#039;) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then here, Socrates, is still clearer evidence of the truth of what was said in the enquiry about the Sophist? (Compare Sophist.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: That the dialectical method is no respecter of persons, and does not set the great above the small, but always arrives in her own way at the truest result. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And now, I will not wait for you to ask, but will of my own accord take you by the shorter road to the definition of a king. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: By all means. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I say that we should have begun at first by dividing land animals into biped and quadruped; and since the winged herd, and that alone, comes out in the same class with man, we should divide bipeds into those which have feathers and those which have not, and when they have been divided, and the art of the management of mankind is brought to light, the time will have come to produce our Statesman and ruler, and set him like a charioteer in his place, and hand over to him the reins of state, for that too is a vocation which belongs to him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good; you have paid me the debt,&amp;amp;mdash;I mean, that you have completed the argument, and I suppose that you added the digression by way of interest. (Compare Republic.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then now, let us go back to the beginning, and join the links, which together make the definition of the name of the Statesman&#039;s art. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: By all means. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The science of pure knowledge had, as we said originally, a part which was the science of rule or command, and from this was derived another part, which was called command-for-self, on the analogy of selling-for-self; an important section of this was the management of living animals, and this again was further limited to the management of them in herds; and again in herds of pedestrian animals. The chief division of the latter was the art of managing pedestrian animals which are without horns; this again has a part which can only be comprehended under one term by joining together three names&amp;amp;mdash;shepherding pure-bred animals. The only further subdivision is the art of man-herding,&amp;amp;mdash;this has to do with bipeds, and is what we were seeking after, and have now found, being at once the royal and political. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: To be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And do you think, Socrates, that we really have done as you say? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Do you think, I mean, that we have really fulfilled our intention?&amp;amp;mdash;There has been a sort of discussion, and yet the investigation seems to me not to be perfectly worked out: this is where the enquiry fails. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: I do not understand. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I will try to make the thought, which is at this moment present in my mind, clearer to us both. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Let me hear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There were many arts of shepherding, and one of them was the political, which had the charge of one particular herd? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And this the argument defined to be the art of rearing, not horses or other brutes, but the art of rearing man collectively? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Note, however, a difference which distinguishes the king from all other shepherds. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: To what do you refer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I want to ask, whether any one of the other herdsmen has a rival who professes and claims to share with him in the management of the herd? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I mean to say that merchants, husbandmen, providers of food, and also training-masters and physicians, will all contend with the herdsmen of humanity, whom we call Statesmen, declaring that they themselves have the care of rearing or managing mankind, and that they rear not only the common herd, but also the rulers themselves. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Are they not right in saying so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Very likely they may be, and we will consider their claim. But we are certain of this,&amp;amp;mdash;that no one will raise a similar claim as against the herdsman, who is allowed on all hands to be the sole and only feeder and physician of his herd; he is also their match-maker and accoucheur; no one else knows that department of science. And he is their merry-maker and musician, as far as their nature is susceptible of such influences, and no one can console and soothe his own herd better than he can, either with the natural tones of his voice or with instruments. And the same may be said of tenders of animals in general. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But if this is as you say, can our argument about the king be true and unimpeachable? Were we right in selecting him out of ten thousand other claimants to be the shepherd and rearer of the human flock? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Surely not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Had we not reason just to now to apprehend, that although we may have described a sort of royal form, we have not as yet accurately worked out the true image of the Statesman? and that we cannot reveal him as he truly is in his own nature, until we have disengaged and separated him from those who hang about him and claim to share in his prerogatives? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And that, Socrates, is what we must do, if we do not mean to bring disgrace upon the argument at its close. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: We must certainly avoid that. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then let us make a new beginning, and travel by a different road. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What road? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I think that we may have a little amusement; there is a famous tale, of which a good portion may with advantage be interwoven, and then we may resume our series of divisions, and proceed in the old path until we arrive at the desired summit. Shall we do as I say? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: By all means. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Listen, then, to a tale which a child would love to hear; and you are not too old for childish amusement. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Let me hear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There did really happen, and will again happen, like many other events of which ancient tradition has preserved the record, the portent which is traditionally said to have occurred in the quarrel of Atreus and Thyestes. You have heard, no doubt, and remember what they say happened at that time? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: I suppose you to mean the token of the birth of the golden lamb. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: No, not that; but another part of the story, which tells how the sun and the stars once rose in the west, and set in the east, and that the god reversed their motion, and gave them that which they now have as a testimony to the right of Atreus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes; there is that legend also. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Again, we have been often told of the reign of Cronos. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes, very often. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Did you ever hear that the men of former times were earth-born, and not begotten of one another? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes, that is another old tradition. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: All these stories, and ten thousand others which are still more wonderful, have a common origin; many of them have been lost in the lapse of ages, or are repeated only in a disconnected form; but the origin of them is what no one has told, and may as well be told now; for the tale is suited to throw light on the nature of the king. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good; and I hope that you will give the whole story, and leave out nothing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Listen, then. There is a time when God himself guides and helps to roll the world in its course; and there is a time, on the completion of a certain cycle, when he lets go, and the world being a living creature, and having originally received intelligence from its author and creator, turns about and by an inherent necessity revolves in the opposite direction. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Why is that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Why, because only the most divine things of all remain ever unchanged and the same, and body is not included in this class. Heaven and the universe, as we have termed them, although they have been endowed by the Creator with many glories, partake of a bodily nature, and therefore cannot be entirely free from perturbation. But their motion is, as far as possible, single and in the same place, and of the same kind; and is therefore only subject to a reversal, which is the least alteration possible. For the lord of all moving things is alone able to move of himself; and to think that he moves them at one time in one direction and at another time in another is blasphemy. Hence we must not say that the world is either self-moved always, or all made to go round by God in two opposite courses; or that two Gods, having opposite purposes, make it move round. But as I have already said (and this is the only remaining alternative) the world is guided at one time by an external power which is divine and receives fresh life and immortality from the renewing hand of the Creator, and again, when let go, moves spontaneously, being set free at such a time as to have, during infinite cycles of years, a reverse movement: this is due to its perfect balance, to its vast size, and to the fact that it turns on the smallest pivot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Your account of the world seems to be very reasonable indeed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Let us now reflect and try to gather from what has been said the nature of the phenomenon which we affirmed to be the cause of all these wonders. It is this. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The reversal which takes place from time to time of the motion of the universe. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: How is that the cause? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Of all changes of the heavenly motions, we may consider this to be the greatest and most complete. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: I should imagine so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And it may be supposed to result in the greatest changes to the human beings who are the inhabitants of the world at the time. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Such changes would naturally occur. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And animals, as we know, survive with difficulty great and serious changes of many different kinds when they come upon them at once. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Hence there necessarily occurs a great destruction of them, which extends also to the life of man; few survivors of the race are left, and those who remain become the subjects of several novel and remarkable phenomena, and of one in particular, which takes place at the time when the transition is made to the cycle opposite to that in which we are now living. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The life of all animals first came to a standstill, and the mortal nature ceased to be or look older, and was then reversed and grew young and delicate; the white locks of the aged darkened again, and the cheeks the bearded man became smooth, and recovered their former bloom; the bodies of youths in their prime grew softer and smaller, continually by day and night returning and becoming assimilated to the nature of a newly-born child in mind as well as body; in the succeeding stage they wasted away and wholly disappeared. And the bodies of those who died by violence at that time quickly passed through the like changes, and in a few days were no more seen. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Then how, Stranger, were the animals created in those days; and in what way were they begotten of one another? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: It is evident, Socrates, that there was no such thing in the then order of nature as the procreation of animals from one another; the earth-born race, of which we hear in story, was the one which existed in those days&amp;amp;mdash;they rose again from the ground; and of this tradition, which is now-a-days often unduly discredited, our ancestors, who were nearest in point of time to the end of the last period and came into being at the beginning of this, are to us the heralds. And mark how consistent the sequel of the tale is; after the return of age to youth, follows the return of the dead, who are lying in the earth, to life; simultaneously with the reversal of the world the wheel of their generation has been turned back, and they are put together and rise and live in the opposite order, unless God has carried any of them away to some other lot. According to this tradition they of necessity sprang from the earth and have the name of earth-born, and so the above legend clings to them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly that is quite consistent with what has preceded; but tell me, was the life which you said existed in the reign of Cronos in that cycle of the world, or in this? For the change in the course of the stars and the sun must have occurred in both. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I see that you enter into my meaning;&amp;amp;mdash;no, that blessed and spontaneous life does not belong to the present cycle of the world, but to the previous one, in which God superintended the whole revolution of the universe; and the several parts the universe were distributed under the rule of certain inferior deities, as is the way in some places still. There were demigods, who were the shepherds of the various species and herds of animals, and each one was in all respects sufficient for those of whom he was the shepherd; neither was there any violence, or devouring of one another, or war or quarrel among them; and I might tell of ten thousand other blessings, which belonged to that dispensation. The reason why the life of man was, as tradition says, spontaneous, is as follows: In those days God himself was their shepherd, and ruled over them, just as man, who is by comparison a divine being, still rules over the lower animals. Under him there were no forms of government or separate possession of women and children; for all men rose again from the earth, having no memory of the past. And although they had nothing of this sort, the earth gave them fruits in abundance, which grew on trees and shrubs unbidden, and were not planted by the hand of man. And they dwelt naked, and mostly in the open air, for the temperature of their seasons was mild; and they had no beds, but lay on soft couches of grass, which grew plentifully out of the earth. Such was the life of man in the days of Cronos, Socrates; the character of our present life, which is said to be under Zeus, you know from your own experience. Can you, and will you, determine which of them you deem the happier? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then shall I determine for you as well as I can? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: By all means. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Suppose that the nurslings of Cronos, having this boundless leisure, and the power of holding intercourse, not only with men, but with the brute creation, had used all these advantages with a view to philosophy, conversing with the brutes as well as with one another, and learning of every nature which was gifted with any special power, and was able to contribute some special experience to the store of wisdom, there would be no difficulty in deciding that they would be a thousand times happier than the men of our own day. Or, again, if they had merely eaten and drunk until they were full, and told stories to one another and to the animals&amp;amp;mdash;such stories as are now attributed to them&amp;amp;mdash;in this case also, as I should imagine, the answer would be easy. But until some satisfactory witness can be found of the love of that age for knowledge and discussion, we had better let the matter drop, and give the reason why we have unearthed this tale, and then we shall be able to get on. In the fulness of time, when the change was to take place, and the earth-born race had all perished, and every soul had completed its proper cycle of births and been sown in the earth her appointed number of times, the pilot of the universe let the helm go, and retired to his place of view; and then Fate and innate desire reversed the motion of the world. Then also all the inferior deities who share the rule of the supreme power, being informed of what was happening, let go the parts of the world which were under their control. And the world turning round with a sudden shock, being impelled in an opposite direction from beginning to end, was shaken by a mighty earthquake, which wrought a new destruction of all manner of animals. Afterwards, when sufficient time had elapsed, the tumult and confusion and earthquake ceased, and the universal creature, once more at peace, attained to a calm, and settled down into his own orderly and accustomed course, having the charge and rule of himself and of all the creatures which are contained in him, and executing, as far as he remembered them, the instructions of his Father and Creator, more precisely at first, but afterwords with less exactness. The reason of the falling off was the admixture of matter in him; this was inherent in the primal nature, which was full of disorder, until attaining to the present order. From God, the constructor, the world received all that is good in him, but from a previous state came elements of evil and unrighteousness, which, thence derived, first of all passed into the world, and were then transmitted to the animals. While the world was aided by the pilot in nurturing the animals, the evil was small, and great the good which he produced, but after the separation, when the world was let go, at first all proceeded well enough; but, as time went on, there was more and more forgetting, and the old discord again held sway and burst forth in full glory; and at last small was the good, and great was the admixture of evil, and there was a danger of universal ruin to the world, and to the things contained in him. Wherefore God, the orderer of all, in his tender care, seeing that the world was in great straits, and fearing that all might be dissolved in the storm and disappear in infinite chaos, again seated himself at the helm; and bringing back the elements which had fallen into dissolution and disorder to the motion which had prevailed under his dispensation, he set them in order and restored them, and made the world imperishable and immortal. And this is the whole tale, of which the first part will suffice to illustrate the nature of the king. For when the world turned towards the present cycle of generation, the age of man again stood still, and a change opposite to the previous one was the result. The small creatures which had almost disappeared grew in and stature, and the newly-born children of the earth became grey and died and sank into the earth again. All things changed, imitating and following the condition of the universe, and of necessity agreeing with that in their mode of conception and generation and nurture; for no animal was any longer allowed to come into being in the earth through the agency of other creative beings, but as the world was ordained to be the lord of his own progress, in like manner the parts were ordained to grow and generate and give nourishment, as far as they could, of themselves, impelled by a similar movement. And so we have arrived at the real end of this discourse; for although there might be much to tell of the lower animals, and of the condition out of which they changed and of the causes of the change, about men there is not much, and that little is more to the purpose. Deprived of the care of God, who had possessed and tended them, they were left helpless and defenceless, and were torn in pieces by the beasts, who were naturally fierce and had now grown wild. And in the first ages they were still without skill or resource; the food which once grew spontaneously had failed, and as yet they knew not how to procure it, because they had never felt the pressure of necessity. For all these reasons they were in a great strait; wherefore also the gifts spoken of in the old tradition were imparted to man by the gods, together with so much teaching and education as was indispensable; fire was given to them by Prometheus, the arts by Hephaestus and his fellow-worker, Athene, seeds and plants by others. From these is derived all that has helped to frame human life; since the care of the Gods, as I was saying, had now failed men, and they had to order their course of life for themselves, and were their own masters, just like the universal creature whom they imitate and follow, ever changing, as he changes, and ever living and growing, at one time in one manner, and at another time in another. Enough of the story, which may be of use in showing us how greatly we erred in the delineation of the king and the statesman in our previous discourse. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What was this great error of which you speak? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There were two; the first a lesser one, the other was an error on a much larger and grander scale. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I mean to say that when we were asked about a king and statesman of the present cycle and generation, we told of a shepherd of a human flock who belonged to the other cycle, and of one who was a god when he ought to have been a man; and this a great error. Again, we declared him to be the ruler of the entire State, without explaining how: this was not the whole truth, nor very intelligible; but still it was true, and therefore the second error was not so great as the first. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Before we can expect to have a perfect description of the statesman we must define the nature of his office. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And the myth was introduced in order to show, not only that all others are rivals of the true shepherd who is the object of our search, but in order that we might have a clearer view of him who is alone worthy to receive this appellation, because he alone of shepherds and herdsmen, according to the image which we have employed, has the care of human beings. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And I cannot help thinking, Socrates, that the form of the divine shepherd is even higher than that of a king; whereas the statesmen who are now on earth seem to be much more like their subjects in character, and much more nearly to partake of their breeding and education. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Still they must be investigated all the same, to see whether, like the divine shepherd, they are above their subjects or on a level with them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: To resume:&amp;amp;mdash;Do you remember that we spoke of a command-for-self exercised over animals, not singly but collectively, which we called the art of rearing a herd? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes, I remember. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There, somewhere, lay our error; for we never included or mentioned the Statesman; and we did not observe that he had no place in our nomenclature. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: How was that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: All other herdsmen &#039;rear&#039; their herds, but this is not a suitable term to apply to the Statesman; we should use a name which is common to them all. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True, if there be such a name. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Why, is not &#039;care&#039; of herds applicable to all? For this implies no feeding, or any special duty; if we say either &#039;tending&#039; the herds, or &#039;managing&#039; the herds, or &#039;having the care&#039; of them, the same word will include all, and then we may wrap up the Statesman with the rest, as the argument seems to require. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Quite right; but how shall we take the next step in the division? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: As before we divided the art of &#039;rearing&#039; herds accordingly as they were land or water herds, winged and wingless, mixing or not mixing the breed, horned and hornless, so we may divide by these same differences the &#039;tending&#039; of herds, comprehending in our definition the kingship of to-day and the rule of Cronos. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: That is clear; but I still ask, what is to follow. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: If the word had been &#039;managing&#039; herds, instead of feeding or rearing them, no one would have argued that there was no care of men in the case of the politician, although it was justly contended, that there was no human art of feeding them which was worthy of the name, or at least, if there were, many a man had a prior and greater right to share in such an art than any king. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But no other art or science will have a prior or better right than the royal science to care for human society and to rule over men in general. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: In the next place, Socrates, we must surely notice that a great error was committed at the end of our analysis. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What was it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Why, supposing we were ever so sure that there is such an art as the art of rearing or feeding bipeds, there was no reason why we should call this the royal or political art, as though there were no more to be said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Our first duty, as we were saying, was to remodel the name, so as to have the notion of care rather than of feeding, and then to divide, for there may be still considerable divisions. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: How can they be made? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: First, by separating the divine shepherd from the human guardian or manager. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And the art of management which is assigned to man would again have to be subdivided. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: On what principle? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: On the principle of voluntary and compulsory. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Why? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Because, if I am not mistaken, there has been an error here; for our simplicity led us to rank king and tyrant together, whereas they are utterly distinct, like their modes of government. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then, now, as I said, let us make the correction and divide human care into two parts, on the principle of voluntary and compulsory. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And if we call the management of violent rulers tyranny, and the voluntary management of herds of voluntary bipeds politics, may we not further assert that he who has this latter art of management is the true king and statesman? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: I think, Stranger, that we have now completed the account of the Statesman. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Would that we had, Socrates, but I have to satisfy myself as well as you; and in my judgment the figure of the king is not yet perfected; like statuaries who, in their too great haste, having overdone the several parts of their work, lose time in cutting them down, so too we, partly out of haste, partly out of a magnanimous desire to expose our former error, and also because we imagined that a king required grand illustrations, have taken up a marvellous lump of fable, and have been obliged to use more than was necessary. This made us discourse at large, and, nevertheless, the story never came to an end. And our discussion might be compared to a picture of some living being which had been fairly drawn in outline, but had not yet attained the life and clearness which is given by the blending of colours. Now to intelligent persons a living being had better be delineated by language and discourse than by any painting or work of art: to the duller sort by works of art. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true; but what is the imperfection which still remains? I wish that you would tell me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The higher ideas, my dear friend, can hardly be set forth except through the medium of examples; every man seems to know all things in a dreamy sort of way, and then again to wake up and to know nothing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I fear that I have been unfortunate in raising a question about our experience of knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Why so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Why, because my &#039;example&#039; requires the assistance of another example. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Proceed; you need not fear that I shall tire. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I will proceed, finding, as I do, such a ready listener in you: when children are beginning to know their letters&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What are you going to say? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: That they distinguish the several letters well enough in very short and easy syllables, and are able to tell them correctly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Whereas in other syllables they do not recognize them, and think and speak falsely of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Will not the best and easiest way of bringing them to a knowledge of what they do not as yet know be&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Be what? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: To refer them first of all to cases in which they judge correctly about the letters in question, and then to compare these with the cases in which they do not as yet know, and to show them that the letters are the same, and have the same character in both combinations, until all cases in which they are right have been placed side by side with all cases in which they are wrong. In this way they have examples, and are made to learn that each letter in every combination is always the same and not another, and is always called by the same name. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Are not examples formed in this manner? We take a thing and compare it with another distinct instance of the same thing, of which we have a right conception, and out of the comparison there arises one true notion, which includes both of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Exactly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Can we wonder, then, that the soul has the same uncertainty about the alphabet of things, and sometimes and in some cases is firmly fixed by the truth in each particular, and then, again, in other cases is altogether at sea; having somehow or other a correct notion of combinations; but when the elements are transferred into the long and difficult language (syllables) of facts, is again ignorant of them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: There is nothing wonderful in that. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Could any one, my friend, who began with false opinion ever expect to arrive even at a small portion of truth and to attain wisdom? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Hardly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then you and I will not be far wrong in trying to see the nature of example in general in a small and particular instance; afterwards from lesser things we intend to pass to the royal class, which is the highest form of the same nature, and endeavour to discover by rules of art what the management of cities is; and then the dream will become a reality to us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then, once more, let us resume the previous argument, and as there were innumerable rivals of the royal race who claim to have the care of states, let us part them all off, and leave him alone; and, as I was saying, a model or example of this process has first to be framed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Exactly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: What model is there which is small, and yet has any analogy with the political occupation? Suppose, Socrates, that if we have no other example at hand, we choose weaving, or, more precisely, weaving of wool&amp;amp;mdash;this will be quite enough, without taking the whole of weaving, to illustrate our meaning? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Why should we not apply to weaving the same processes of division and subdivision which we have already applied to other classes; going once more as rapidly as we can through all the steps until we come to that which is needed for our purpose? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: How do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I shall reply by actually performing the process. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: All things which we make or acquire are either creative or preventive; of the preventive class are antidotes, divine and human, and also defences; and defences are either military weapons or protections; and protections are veils, and also shields against heat and cold, and shields against heat and cold are shelters and coverings; and coverings are blankets and garments; and garments are some of them in one piece, and others of them are made in several parts; and of these latter some are stitched, others are fastened and not stitched; and of the not stitched, some are made of the sinews of plants, and some of hair; and of these, again, some are cemented with water and earth, and others are fastened together by themselves. And these last defences and coverings which are fastened together by themselves are called clothes, and the art which superintends them we may call, from the nature of the operation, the art of clothing, just as before the art of the Statesman was derived from the State; and may we not say that the art of weaving, at least that largest portion of it which was concerned with the making of clothes, differs only in name from this art of clothing, in the same way that, in the previous case, the royal science differed from the political? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: In the next place, let us make the reflection, that the art of weaving clothes, which an incompetent person might fancy to have been sufficiently described, has been separated off from several others which are of the same family, but not from the co-operative arts. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: And which are the kindred arts? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I see that I have not taken you with me. So I think that we had better go backwards, starting from the end. We just now parted off from the weaving of clothes, the making of blankets, which differ from each other in that one is put under and the other is put around: and these are what I termed kindred arts. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: I understand. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And we have subtracted the manufacture of all articles made of flax and cords, and all that we just now metaphorically termed the sinews of plants, and we have also separated off the process of felting and the putting together of materials by stitching and sewing, of which the most important part is the cobbler&#039;s art. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Precisely. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then we separated off the currier&#039;s art, which prepared coverings in entire pieces, and the art of sheltering, and subtracted the various arts of making water-tight which are employed in building, and in general in carpentering, and in other crafts, and all such arts as furnish impediments to thieving and acts of violence, and are concerned with making the lids of boxes and the fixing of doors, being divisions of the art of joining; and we also cut off the manufacture of arms, which is a section of the great and manifold art of making defences; and we originally began by parting off the whole of the magic art which is concerned with antidotes, and have left, as would appear, the very art of which we were in search, the art of protection against winter cold, which fabricates woollen defences, and has the name of weaving. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Yes, my boy, but that is not all; for the first process to which the material is subjected is the opposite of weaving. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: How so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Weaving is a sort of uniting? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But the first process is a separation of the clotted and matted fibres? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I mean the work of the carder&#039;s art; for we cannot say that carding is weaving, or that the carder is a weaver. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Again, if a person were to say that the art of making the warp and the woof was the art of weaving, he would say what was paradoxical and false. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: To be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Shall we say that the whole art of the fuller or of the mender has nothing to do with the care and treatment of clothes, or are we to regard all these as arts of weaving? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And yet surely all these arts will maintain that they are concerned with the treatment and production of clothes; they will dispute the exclusive prerogative of weaving, and though assigning a larger sphere to that, will still reserve a considerable field for themselves. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Besides these, there are the arts which make tools and instruments of weaving, and which will claim at least to be co-operative causes in every work of the weaver. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Well, then, suppose that we define weaving, or rather that part of it which has been selected by us, to be the greatest and noblest of arts which are concerned with woollen garments&amp;amp;mdash;shall we be right? Is not the definition, although true, wanting in clearness and completeness; for do not all those other arts require to be first cleared away? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then the next thing will be to separate them, in order that the argument may proceed in a regular manner? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: By all means. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Let us consider, in the first place, that there are two kinds of arts entering into everything which we do. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What are they? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The one kind is the conditional or co-operative, the other the principal cause. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The arts which do not manufacture the actual thing, but which furnish the necessary tools for the manufacture, without which the several arts could not fulfil their appointed work, are co-operative; but those which make the things themselves are causal. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: A very reasonable distinction. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Thus the arts which make spindles, combs, and other instruments of the production of clothes, may be called co-operative, and those which treat and fabricate the things themselves, causal. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The arts of washing and mending, and the other preparatory arts which belong to the causal class, and form a division of the great art of adornment, may be all comprehended under what we call the fuller&#039;s art. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Carding and spinning threads and all the parts of the process which are concerned with the actual manufacture of a woollen garment form a single art, which is one of those universally acknowledged,&amp;amp;mdash;the art of working in wool. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: To be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Of working in wool, again, there are two divisions, and both these are parts of two arts at once. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: How is that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Carding and one half of the use of the comb, and the other processes of wool-working which separate the composite, may be classed together as belonging both to the art of wool-working, and also to one of the two great arts which are of universal application&amp;amp;mdash;the art of composition and the art of division. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: To the latter belong carding and the other processes of which I was just now speaking; the art of discernment or division in wool and yarn, which is effected in one manner with the comb and in another with the hands, is variously described under all the names which I just now mentioned. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Again, let us take some process of wool-working which is also a portion of the art of composition, and, dismissing the elements of division which we found there, make two halves, one on the principle of composition, and the other on the principle of division. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Let that be done. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And once more, Socrates, we must divide the part which belongs at once both to wool-working and composition, if we are ever to discover satisfactorily the aforesaid art of weaving. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: We must. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Yes, certainly, and let us call one part of the art the art of twisting threads, the other the art of combining them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Do I understand you, in speaking of twisting, to be referring to manufacture of the warp? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Yes, and of the woof too; how, if not by twisting, is the woof made? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: There is no other way. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then suppose that you define the warp and the woof, for I think that the definition will be of use to you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: How shall I define them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: As thus: A piece of carded wool which is drawn out lengthwise and breadthwise is said to be pulled out. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And the wool thus prepared, when twisted by the spindle, and made into a firm thread, is called the warp, and the art which regulates these operations the art of spinning the warp. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And the threads which are more loosely spun, having a softness proportioned to the intertexture of the warp and to the degree of force used in dressing the cloth,&amp;amp;mdash;the threads which are thus spun are called the woof, and the art which is set over them may be called the art of spinning the woof. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And, now, there can be no mistake about the nature of the part of weaving which we have undertaken to define. For when that part of the art of composition which is employed in the working of wool forms a web by the regular intertexture of warp and woof, the entire woven substance is called by us a woollen garment, and the art which presides over this is the art of weaving. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But why did we not say at once that weaving is the art of entwining warp and woof, instead of making a long and useless circuit? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: I thought, Stranger, that there was nothing useless in what was said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Very likely, but you may not always think so, my sweet friend; and in case any feeling of dissatisfaction should hereafter arise in your mind, as it very well may, let me lay down a principle which will apply to arguments in general. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Proceed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Let us begin by considering the whole nature of excess and defect, and then we shall have a rational ground on which we may praise or blame too much length or too much shortness in discussions of this kind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Let us do so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The points on which I think that we ought to dwell are the following:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Length and shortness, excess and defect; with all of these the art of measurement is conversant. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And the art of measurement has to be divided into two parts, with a view to our present purpose. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Where would you make the division? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: As thus: I would make two parts, one having regard to the relativity of greatness and smallness to each other; and there is another, without which the existence of production would be impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Do you not think that it is only natural for the greater to be called greater with reference to the less alone, and the less less with reference to the greater alone? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Well, but is there not also something exceeding and exceeded by the principle of the mean, both in speech and action, and is not this a reality, and the chief mark of difference between good and bad men? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Plainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then we must suppose that the great and small exist and are discerned in both these ways, and not, as we were saying before, only relatively to one another, but there must also be another comparison of them with the mean or ideal standard; would you like to hear the reason why? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: If we assume the greater to exist only in relation to the less, there will never be any comparison of either with the mean. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And would not this doctrine be the ruin of all the arts and their creations; would not the art of the Statesman and the aforesaid art of weaving disappear? For all these arts are on the watch against excess and defect, not as unrealities, but as real evils, which occasion a difficulty in action; and the excellence or beauty of every work of art is due to this observance of measure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But if the science of the Statesman disappears, the search for the royal science will be impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Well, then, as in the case of the Sophist we extorted the inference that not-being had an existence, because here was the point at which the argument eluded our grasp, so in this we must endeavour to show that the greater and less are not only to be measured with one another, but also have to do with the production of the mean; for if this is not admitted, neither a statesman nor any other man of action can be an undisputed master of his science. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes, we must certainly do again what we did then. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But this, Socrates, is a greater work than the other, of which we only too well remember the length. I think, however, that we may fairly assume something of this sort&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: That we shall some day require this notion of a mean with a view to the demonstration of absolute truth; meanwhile, the argument that the very existence of the arts must be held to depend on the possibility of measuring more or less, not only with one another, but also with a view to the attainment of the mean, seems to afford a grand support and satisfactory proof of the doctrine which we are maintaining; for if there are arts, there is a standard of measure, and if there is a standard of measure, there are arts; but if either is wanting, there is neither. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True; and what is the next step? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The next step clearly is to divide the art of measurement into two parts, as we have said already, and to place in the one part all the arts which measure number, length, depth, breadth, swiftness with their opposites; and to have another part in which they are measured with the mean, and the fit, and the opportune, and the due, and with all those words, in short, which denote a mean or standard removed from the extremes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Here are two vast divisions, embracing two very different spheres. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There are many accomplished men, Socrates, who say, believing themselves to speak wisely, that the art of measurement is universal, and has to do with all things. And this means what we are now saying; for all things which come within the province of art do certainly in some sense partake of measure. But these persons, because they are not accustomed to distinguish classes according to real forms, jumble together two widely different things, relation to one another, and to a standard, under the idea that they are the same, and also fall into the converse error of dividing other things not according to their real parts. Whereas the right way is, if a man has first seen the unity of things, to go on with the enquiry and not desist until he has found all the differences contained in it which form distinct classes; nor again should he be able to rest contented with the manifold diversities which are seen in a multitude of things until he has comprehended all of them that have any affinity within the bounds of one similarity and embraced them within the reality of a single kind. But we have said enough on this head, and also of excess and defect; we have only to bear in mind that two divisions of the art of measurement have been discovered which are concerned with them, and not forget what they are. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: We will not forget. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And now that this discussion is completed, let us go on to consider another question, which concerns not this argument only but the conduct of such arguments in general. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What is this new question? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Take the case of a child who is engaged in learning his letters: when he is asked what letters make up a word, should we say that the question is intended to improve his grammatical knowledge of that particular word, or of all words? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Clearly, in order that he may have a better knowledge of all words. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And is our enquiry about the Statesman intended only to improve our knowledge of politics, or our power of reasoning generally? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Clearly, as in the former example, the purpose is general. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Still less would any rational man seek to analyse the notion of weaving for its own sake. But people seem to forget that some things have sensible images, which are readily known, and can be easily pointed out when any one desires to answer an enquirer without any trouble or argument; whereas the greatest and highest truths have no outward image of themselves visible to man, which he who wishes to satisfy the soul of the enquirer can adapt to the eye of sense (compare Phaedr.), and therefore we ought to train ourselves to give and accept a rational account of them; for immaterial things, which are the noblest and greatest, are shown only in thought and idea, and in no other way, and all that we are now saying is said for the sake of them. Moreover, there is always less difficulty in fixing the mind on small matters than on great. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Let us call to mind the bearing of all this. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I wanted to get rid of any impression of tediousness which we may have experienced in the discussion about weaving, and the reversal of the universe, and in the discussion concerning the Sophist and the being of not-being. I know that they were felt to be too long, and I reproached myself with this, fearing that they might be not only tedious but irrelevant; and all that I have now said is only designed to prevent the recurrence of any such disagreeables for the future. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good. Will you proceed? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then I would like to observe that you and I, remembering what has been said, should praise or blame the length or shortness of discussions, not by comparing them with one another, but with what is fitting, having regard to the part of measurement, which, as we said, was to be borne in mind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And yet, not everything is to be judged even with a view to what is fitting; for we should only want such a length as is suited to give pleasure, if at all, as a secondary matter; and reason tells us, that we should be contented to make the ease or rapidity of an enquiry, not our first, but our second object; the first and highest of all being to assert the great method of division according to species&amp;amp;mdash;whether the discourse be shorter or longer is not to the point. No offence should be taken at length, but the longer and shorter are to be employed indifferently, according as either of them is better calculated to sharpen the wits of the auditors. Reason would also say to him who censures the length of discourses on such occasions and cannot away with their circumlocution, that he should not be in such a hurry to have done with them, when he can only complain that they are tedious, but he should prove that if they had been shorter they would have made those who took part in them better dialecticians, and more capable of expressing the truth of things; about any other praise and blame, he need not trouble himself&amp;amp;mdash;he should pretend not to hear them. But we have had enough of this, as you will probably agree with me in thinking. Let us return to our Statesman, and apply to his case the aforesaid example of weaving. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good;&amp;amp;mdash;let us do as you say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The art of the king has been separated from the similar arts of shepherds, and, indeed, from all those which have to do with herds at all. There still remain, however, of the causal and co-operative arts those which are immediately concerned with States, and which must first be distinguished from one another. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: You know that these arts cannot easily be divided into two halves; the reason will be very evident as we proceed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Then we had better do so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: We must carve them like a victim into members or limbs, since we cannot bisect them. (Compare Phaedr.) For we certainly should divide everything into as few parts as possible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What is to be done in this case? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: What we did in the example of weaving&amp;amp;mdash;all those arts which furnish the tools were regarded by us as co-operative. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: So now, and with still more reason, all arts which make any implement in a State, whether great or small, may be regarded by us as co-operative, for without them neither State nor Statesmanship would be possible; and yet we are not inclined to say that any of them is a product of the kingly art. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: No, indeed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The task of separating this class from others is not an easy one; for there is plausibility in saying that anything in the world is the instrument of doing something. But there is another class of possessions in a city, of which I have a word to say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What class do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: A class which may be described as not having this power; that is to say, not like an instrument, framed for production, but designed for the preservation of that which is produced. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: To what do you refer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: To the class of vessels, as they are comprehensively termed, which are constructed for the preservation of things moist and dry, of things prepared in the fire or out of the fire; this is a very large class, and has, if I am not mistaken, literally nothing to do with the royal art of which we are in search. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There is also a third class of possessions to be noted, different from these and very extensive, moving or resting on land or water, honourable and also dishonourable. The whole of this class has one name, because it is intended to be sat upon, being always a seat for something. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: A vehicle, which is certainly not the work of the Statesman, but of the carpenter, potter, and coppersmith. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: I understand. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And is there not a fourth class which is again different, and in which most of the things formerly mentioned are contained,&amp;amp;mdash;every kind of dress, most sorts of arms, walls and enclosures, whether of earth or stone, and ten thousand other things? all of which being made for the sake of defence, may be truly called defences, and are for the most part to be regarded as the work of the builder or of the weaver, rather than of the Statesman. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Shall we add a fifth class, of ornamentation and drawing, and of the imitations produced by drawing and music, which are designed for amusement only, and may be fairly comprehended under one name? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Plaything is the name. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: That one name may be fitly predicated of all of them, for none of these things have a serious purpose&amp;amp;mdash;amusement is their sole aim. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: That again I understand. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then there is a class which provides materials for all these, out of which and in which the arts already mentioned fabricate their works;&amp;amp;mdash;this manifold class, I say, which is the creation and offspring of many other arts, may I not rank sixth? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I am referring to gold, silver, and other metals, and all that wood-cutting and shearing of every sort provides for the art of carpentry and plaiting; and there is the process of barking and stripping the cuticle of plants, and the currier&#039;s art, which strips off the skins of animals, and other similar arts which manufacture corks and papyri and cords, and provide for the manufacture of composite species out of simple kinds&amp;amp;mdash;the whole class may be termed the primitive and simple possession of man, and with this the kingly science has no concern at all. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The provision of food and of all other things which mingle their particles with the particles of the human body, and minister to the body, will form a seventh class, which may be called by the general term of nourishment, unless you have any better name to offer. This, however, appertains rather to the husbandman, huntsman, trainer, doctor, cook, and is not to be assigned to the Statesman&#039;s art. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: These seven classes include nearly every description of property, with the exception of tame animals. Consider;&amp;amp;mdash;there was the original material, which ought to have been placed first; next come instruments, vessels, vehicles, defences, playthings, nourishment; small things, which may be included under one of these&amp;amp;mdash;as for example, coins, seals and stamps, are omitted, for they have not in them the character of any larger kind which includes them; but some of them may, with a little forcing, be placed among ornaments, and others may be made to harmonize with the class of implements. The art of herding, which has been already divided into parts, will include all property in tame animals, except slaves. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The class of slaves and ministers only remains, and I suspect that in this the real aspirants for the throne, who are the rivals of the king in the formation of the political web, will be discovered; just as spinners, carders, and the rest of them, were the rivals of the weaver. All the others, who were termed co-operators, have been got rid of among the occupations already mentioned, and separated from the royal and political science. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: I agree. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Let us go a little nearer, in order that we may be more certain of the complexion of this remaining class. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Let us do so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: We shall find from our present point of view that the greatest servants are in a case and condition which is the reverse of what we anticipated. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Who are they? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Those who have been purchased, and have so become possessions; these are unmistakably slaves, and certainly do not claim royal science. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Again, freemen who of their own accord become the servants of the other classes in a State, and who exchange and equalise the products of husbandry and the other arts, some sitting in the market-place, others going from city to city by land or sea, and giving money in exchange for money or for other productions&amp;amp;mdash;the money-changer, the merchant, the ship-owner, the retailer, will not put in any claim to statecraft or politics? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: No; unless, indeed, to the politics of commerce. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But surely men whom we see acting as hirelings and serfs, and too happy to turn their hand to anything, will not profess to share in royal science? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But what would you say of some other serviceable officials? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Who are they, and what services do they perform? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There are heralds, and scribes perfected by practice, and divers others who have great skill in various sorts of business connected with the government of states&amp;amp;mdash;what shall we call them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: They are the officials, and servants of the rulers, as you just now called them, but not themselves rulers. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There may be something strange in any servant pretending to be a ruler, and yet I do not think that I could have been dreaming when I imagined that the principal claimants to political science would be found somewhere in this neighbourhood. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Well, let us draw nearer, and try the claims of some who have not yet been tested: in the first place, there are diviners, who have a portion of servile or ministerial science, and are thought to be the interpreters of the gods to men. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There is also the priestly class, who, as the law declares, know how to give the gods gifts from men in the form of sacrifices which are acceptable to them, and to ask on our behalf blessings in return from them. Now both these are branches of the servile or ministerial art. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes, clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And here I think that we seem to be getting on the right track; for the priest and the diviner are swollen with pride and prerogative, and they create an awful impression of themselves by the magnitude of their enterprises; in Egypt, the king himself is not allowed to reign, unless he have priestly powers, and if he should be of another class and has thrust himself in, he must get enrolled in the priesthood. In many parts of Hellas, the duty of offering the most solemn propitiatory sacrifices is assigned to the highest magistracies, and here, at Athens, the most solemn and national of the ancient sacrifices are supposed to be celebrated by him who has been chosen by lot to be the King Archon. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Precisely. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But who are these other kings and priests elected by lot who now come into view followed by their retainers and a vast throng, as the former class disappears and the scene changes? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Whom can you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: They are a strange crew. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Why strange? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: A minute ago I thought that they were animals of every tribe; for many of them are like lions and centaurs, and many more like satyrs and such weak and shifty creatures;&amp;amp;mdash;Protean shapes quickly changing into one another&#039;s forms and natures; and now, Socrates, I begin to see who they are. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Who are they? You seem to be gazing on some strange vision. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Yes; every one looks strange when you do not know him; and just now I myself fell into this mistake&amp;amp;mdash;at first sight, coming suddenly upon him, I did not recognize the politician and his troop. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Who is he? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The chief of Sophists and most accomplished of wizards, who must at any cost be separated from the true king or Statesman, if we are ever to see daylight in the present enquiry. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: That is a hope not lightly to be renounced. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Never, if I can help it; and, first, let me ask you a question. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Is not monarchy a recognized form of government? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And, after monarchy, next in order comes the government of the few? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Is not the third form of government the rule of the multitude, which is called by the name of democracy? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And do not these three expand in a manner into five, producing out of themselves two other names? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What are they? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What are they? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There is a criterion of voluntary and involuntary, poverty and riches, law and the absence of law, which men now-a-days apply to them; the two first they subdivide accordingly, and ascribe to monarchy two forms and two corresponding names, royalty and tyranny. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And the government of the few they distinguish by the names of aristocracy and oligarchy. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Democracy alone, whether rigidly observing the laws or not, and whether the multitude rule over the men of property with their consent or against their consent, always in ordinary language has the same name. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But do you suppose that any form of government which is defined by these characteristics of the one, the few, or the many, of poverty or wealth, of voluntary or compulsory submission, of written law or the absence of law, can be a right one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Why not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Reflect; and follow me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: In what direction? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Shall we abide by what we said at first, or shall we retract our words? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: To what do you refer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: If I am not mistaken, we said that royal power was a science? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And a science of a peculiar kind, which was selected out of the rest as having a character which is at once judicial and authoritative? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And there was one kind of authority over lifeless things and another other living animals; and so we proceeded in the division step by step up to this point, not losing the idea of science, but unable as yet to determine the nature of the particular science? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Hence we are led to observe that the distinguishing principle of the State cannot be the few or many, the voluntary or involuntary, poverty or riches; but some notion of science must enter into it, if we are to be consistent with what has preceded. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: And we must be consistent. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Well, then, in which of these various forms of States may the science of government, which is among the greatest of all sciences and most difficult to acquire, be supposed to reside? That we must discover, and then we shall see who are the false politicians who pretend to be politicians but are not, although they persuade many, and shall separate them from the wise king. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: That, as the argument has already intimated, will be our duty. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Do you think that the multitude in a State can attain political science? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But, perhaps, in a city of a thousand men, there would be a hundred, or say fifty, who could? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: In that case political science would certainly be the easiest of all sciences; there could not be found in a city of that number as many really first-rate draught-players, if judged by the standard of the rest of Hellas, and there would certainly not be as many kings. For kings we may truly call those who possess royal science, whether they rule or not, as was shown in the previous argument. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Thank you for reminding me; and the consequence is that any true form of government can only be supposed to be the government of one, two, or, at any rate, of a few. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And these, whether they rule with the will, or against the will, of their subjects, with written laws or without written laws, and whether they are poor or rich, and whatever be the nature of their rule, must be supposed, according to our present view, to rule on some scientific principle; just as the physician, whether he cures us against our will or with our will, and whatever be his mode of treatment,&amp;amp;mdash;incision, burning, or the infliction of some other pain,&amp;amp;mdash;whether he practises out of a book or not out of a book, and whether he be rich or poor, whether he purges or reduces in some other way, or even fattens his patients, is a physician all the same, so long as he exercises authority over them according to rules of art, if he only does them good and heals and saves them. And this we lay down to be the only proper test of the art of medicine, or of any other art of command. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then that can be the only true form of government in which the governors are really found to possess science, and are not mere pretenders, whether they rule according to law or without law, over willing or unwilling subjects, and are rich or poor themselves&amp;amp;mdash;none of these things can with any propriety be included in the notion of the ruler. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And whether with a view to the public good they purge the State by killing some, or exiling some; whether they reduce the size of the body corporate by sending out from the hive swarms of citizens, or, by introducing persons from without, increase it; while they act according to the rules of wisdom and justice, and use their power with a view to the general security and improvement, the city over which they rule, and which has these characteristics, may be described as the only true State. All other governments are not genuine or real; but only imitations of this, and some of them are better and some of them are worse; the better are said to be well governed, but they are mere imitations like the others. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: I agree, Stranger, in the greater part of what you say; but as to their ruling without laws&amp;amp;mdash;the expression has a harsh sound. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: You have been too quick for me, Socrates; I was just going to ask you whether you objected to any of my statements. And now I see that we shall have to consider this notion of there being good government without laws. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There can be no doubt that legislation is in a manner the business of a king, and yet the best thing of all is not that the law should rule, but that a man should rule supposing him to have wisdom and royal power. Do you see why this is? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Why? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Because the law does not perfectly comprehend what is noblest and most just for all and therefore cannot enforce what is best. The differences of men and actions, and the endless irregular movements of human things, do not admit of any universal and simple rule. And no art whatsoever can lay down a rule which will last for all time. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Of course not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But the law is always striving to make one;&amp;amp;mdash;like an obstinate and ignorant tyrant, who will not allow anything to be done contrary to his appointment, or any question to be asked&amp;amp;mdash;not even in sudden changes of circumstances, when something happens to be better than what he commanded for some one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly; the law treats us all precisely in the manner which you describe. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: A perfectly simple principle can never be applied to a state of things which is the reverse of simple. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then if the law is not the perfection of right, why are we compelled to make laws at all? The reason of this has next to be investigated. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Let me ask, whether you have not meetings for gymnastic contests in your city, such as there are in other cities, at which men compete in running, wrestling, and the like? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes; they are very common among us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And what are the rules which are enforced on their pupils by professional trainers or by others having similar authority? Can you remember? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: To what do you refer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The training-masters do not issue minute rules for individuals, or give every individual what is exactly suited to his constitution; they think that they ought to go more roughly to work, and to prescribe generally the regimen which will benefit the majority. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And therefore they assign equal amounts of exercise to them all; they send them forth together, and let them rest together from their running, wrestling, or whatever the form of bodily exercise may be. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And now observe that the legislator who has to preside over the herd, and to enforce justice in their dealings with one another, will not be able, in enacting for the general good, to provide exactly what is suitable for each particular case. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: He cannot be expected to do so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: He will lay down laws in a general form for the majority, roughly meeting the cases of individuals; and some of them he will deliver in writing, and others will be unwritten; and these last will be traditional customs of the country. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: He will be right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Yes, quite right; for how can he sit at every man&#039;s side all through his life, prescribing for him the exact particulars of his duty? Who, Socrates, would be equal to such a task? No one who really had the royal science, if he had been able to do this, would have imposed upon himself the restriction of a written law. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: So I should infer from what has now been said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Or rather, my good friend, from what is going to be said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: And what is that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Let us put to ourselves the case of a physician, or trainer, who is about to go into a far country, and is expecting to be a long time away from his patients&amp;amp;mdash;thinking that his instructions will not be remembered unless they are written down, he will leave notes of them for the use of his pupils or patients. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But what would you say, if he came back sooner than he had intended, and, owing to an unexpected change of the winds or other celestial influences, something else happened to be better for them,&amp;amp;mdash;would he not venture to suggest this new remedy, although not contemplated in his former prescription? Would he persist in observing the original law, neither himself giving any new commandments, nor the patient daring to do otherwise than was prescribed, under the idea that this course only was healthy and medicinal, all others noxious and heterodox? Viewed in the light of science and true art, would not all such enactments be utterly ridiculous? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Utterly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And if he who gave laws, written or unwritten, determining what was good or bad, honourable or dishonourable, just or unjust, to the tribes of men who flock together in their several cities, and are governed in accordance with them; if, I say, the wise legislator were suddenly to come again, or another like to him, is he to be prohibited from changing them?&amp;amp;mdash;would not this prohibition be in reality quite as ridiculous as the other? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Do you know a plausible saying of the common people which is in point? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: I do not recall what you mean at the moment. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: They say that if any one knows how the ancient laws may be improved, he must first persuade his own State of the improvement, and then he may legislate, but not otherwise. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: And are they not right? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I dare say. But supposing that he does use some gentle violence for their good, what is this violence to be called? Or rather, before you answer, let me ask the same question in reference to our previous instances. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Suppose that a skilful physician has a patient, of whatever sex or age, whom he compels against his will to do something for his good which is contrary to the written rules; what is this compulsion to be called? Would you ever dream of calling it a violation of the art, or a breach of the laws of health? Nothing could be more unjust than for the patient to whom such violence is applied, to charge the physician who practises the violence with wanting skill or aggravating his disease. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: In the political art error is not called disease, but evil, or disgrace, or injustice. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And when the citizen, contrary to law and custom, is compelled to do what is juster and better and nobler than he did before, the last and most absurd thing which he could say about such violence is that he has incurred disgrace or evil or injustice at the hands of those who compelled him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And shall we say that the violence, if exercised by a rich man, is just, and if by a poor man, unjust? May not any man, rich or poor, with or without laws, with the will of the citizens or against the will of the citizens, do what is for their interest? Is not this the true principle of government, according to which the wise and good man will order the affairs of his subjects? As the pilot, by watching continually over the interests of the ship and of the crew,&amp;amp;mdash;not by laying down rules, but by making his art a law,&amp;amp;mdash;preserves the lives of his fellow-sailors, even so, and in the self-same way, may there not be a true form of polity created by those who are able to govern in a similar spirit, and who show a strength of art which is superior to the law? Nor can wise rulers ever err while they observing the one great rule of distributing justice to the citizens with intelligence and skill, are able to preserve them, and, as far as may be, to make them better from being worse. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: No one can deny what has been now said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Neither, if you consider, can any one deny the other statement. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What was it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: We said that no great number of persons, whoever they may be, can attain political knowledge, or order a State wisely, but that the true government is to be found in a small body, or in an individual, and that other States are but imitations of this, as we said a little while ago, some for the better and some for the worse. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What do you mean? I cannot have understood your previous remark about imitations. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And yet the mere suggestion which I hastily threw out is highly important, even if we leave the question where it is, and do not seek by the discussion of it to expose the error which prevails in this matter. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The idea which has to be grasped by us is not easy or familiar; but we may attempt to express it thus:&amp;amp;mdash;Supposing the government of which I have been speaking to be the only true model, then the others must use the written laws of this&amp;amp;mdash;in no other way can they be saved; they will have to do what is now generally approved, although not the best thing in the world. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What is this? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: No citizen should do anything contrary to the laws, and any infringement of them should be punished with death and the most extreme penalties; and this is very right and good when regarded as the second best thing, if you set aside the first, of which I was just now speaking. Shall I explain the nature of what I call the second best? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: By all means. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I must again have recourse to my favourite images; through them, and them alone, can I describe kings and rulers. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What images? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The noble pilot and the wise physician, who &#039;is worth many another man&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;in the similitude of these let us endeavour to discover some image of the king. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What sort of an image? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Well, such as this:&amp;amp;mdash;Every man will reflect that he suffers strange things at the hands of both of them; the physician saves any whom he wishes to save, and any whom he wishes to maltreat he maltreats&amp;amp;mdash;cutting or burning them; and at the same time requiring them to bring him payments, which are a sort of tribute, of which little or nothing is spent upon the sick man, and the greater part is consumed by him and his domestics; and the finale is that he receives money from the relations of the sick man or from some enemy of his, and puts him out of the way. And the pilots of ships are guilty of numberless evil deeds of the same kind; they intentionally play false and leave you ashore when the hour of sailing arrives; or they cause mishaps at sea and cast away their freight; and are guilty of other rogueries. Now suppose that we, bearing all this in mind, were to determine, after consideration, that neither of these arts shall any longer be allowed to exercise absolute control either over freemen or over slaves, but that we will summon an assembly either of all the people, or of the rich only, that anybody who likes, whatever may be his calling, or even if he have no calling, may offer an opinion either about seamanship or about diseases&amp;amp;mdash;whether as to the manner in which physic or surgical instruments are to be applied to the patient, or again about the vessels and the nautical implements which are required in navigation, and how to meet the dangers of winds and waves which are incidental to the voyage, how to behave when encountering pirates, and what is to be done with the old-fashioned galleys, if they have to fight with others of a similar build&amp;amp;mdash;and that, whatever shall be decreed by the multitude on these points, upon the advice of persons skilled or unskilled, shall be written down on triangular tablets and columns, or enacted although unwritten to be national customs; and that in all future time vessels shall be navigated and remedies administered to the patient after this fashion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What a strange notion! &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Suppose further, that the pilots and physicians are appointed annually, either out of the rich, or out of the whole people, and that they are elected by lot; and that after their election they navigate vessels and heal the sick according to the written rules. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Worse and worse. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But hear what follows:&amp;amp;mdash;When the year of office has expired, the pilot or physician has to come before a court of review, in which the judges are either selected from the wealthy classes or chosen by lot out of the whole people; and anybody who pleases may be their accuser, and may lay to their charge, that during the past year they have not navigated their vessels or healed their patients according to the letter of the law and the ancient customs of their ancestors; and if either of them is condemned, some of the judges must fix what he is to suffer or pay. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: He who is willing to take a command under such conditions, deserves to suffer any penalty. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Yet once more, we shall have to enact that if any one is detected enquiring into piloting and navigation, or into health and the true nature of medicine, or about the winds, or other conditions of the atmosphere, contrary to the written rules, and has any ingenious notions about such matters, he is not to be called a pilot or physician, but a cloudy prating sophist;&amp;amp;mdash;further, on the ground that he is a corrupter of the young, who would persuade them to follow the art of medicine or piloting in an unlawful manner, and to exercise an arbitrary rule over their patients or ships, any one who is qualified by law may inform against him, and indict him in some court, and then if he is found to be persuading any, whether young or old, to act contrary to the written law, he is to be punished with the utmost rigour; for no one should presume to be wiser than the laws; and as touching healing and health and piloting and navigation, the nature of them is known to all, for anybody may learn the written laws and the national customs. If such were the mode of procedure, Socrates, about these sciences and about generalship, and any branch of hunting, or about painting or imitation in general, or carpentry, or any sort of handicraft, or husbandry, or planting, or if we were to see an art of rearing horses, or tending herds, or divination, or any ministerial service, or draught-playing, or any science conversant with number, whether simple or square or cube, or comprising motion,&amp;amp;mdash;I say, if all these things were done in this way according to written regulations, and not according to art, what would be the result? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: All the arts would utterly perish, and could never be recovered, because enquiry would be unlawful. And human life, which is bad enough already, would then become utterly unendurable. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But what, if while compelling all these operations to be regulated by written law, we were to appoint as the guardian of the laws some one elected by a show of hands, or by lot, and he caring nothing about the laws, were to act contrary to them from motives of interest or favour, and without knowledge,&amp;amp;mdash;would not this be a still worse evil than the former? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: To go against the laws, which are based upon long experience, and the wisdom of counsellors who have graciously recommended them and persuaded the multitude to pass them, would be a far greater and more ruinous error than any adherence to written law? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Therefore, as there is a danger of this, the next best thing in legislating is not to allow either the individual or the multitude to break the law in any respect whatever. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The laws would be copies of the true particulars of action as far as they admit of being written down from the lips of those who have knowledge? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly they would. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And, as we were saying, he who has knowledge and is a true Statesman, will do many things within his own sphere of action by his art without regard to the laws, when he is of opinion that something other than that which he has written down and enjoined to be observed during his absence would be better. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes, we said so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And any individual or any number of men, having fixed laws, in acting contrary to them with a view to something better, would only be acting, as far as they are able, like the true Statesman? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: If they had no knowledge of what they were doing, they would imitate the truth, and they would always imitate ill; but if they had knowledge, the imitation would be the perfect truth, and an imitation no longer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And the principle that no great number of men are able to acquire a knowledge of any art has been already admitted by us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes, it has. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then the royal or political art, if there be such an art, will never be attained either by the wealthy or by the other mob. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then the nearest approach which these lower forms of government can ever make to the true government of the one scientific ruler, is to do nothing contrary to their own written laws and national customs. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: When the rich imitate the true form, such a government is called aristocracy; and when they are regardless of the laws, oligarchy. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Or again, when an individual rules according to law in imitation of him who knows, we call him a king; and if he rules according to law, we give him the same name, whether he rules with opinion or with knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: To be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And when an individual truly possessing knowledge rules, his name will surely be the same&amp;amp;mdash;he will be called a king; and thus the five names of governments, as they are now reckoned, become one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: That is true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And when an individual ruler governs neither by law nor by custom, but following in the steps of the true man of science pretends that he can only act for the best by violating the laws, while in reality appetite and ignorance are the motives of the imitation, may not such an one be called a tyrant? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And this we believe to be the origin of the tyrant and the king, of oligarchies, and aristocracies, and democracies,&amp;amp;mdash;because men are offended at the one monarch, and can never be made to believe that any one can be worthy of such authority, or is able and willing in the spirit of virtue and knowledge to act justly and holily to all; they fancy that he will be a despot who will wrong and harm and slay whom he pleases of us; for if there could be such a despot as we describe, they would acknowledge that we ought to be too glad to have him, and that he alone would be the happy ruler of a true and perfect State. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: To be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But then, as the State is not like a beehive, and has no natural head who is at once recognized to be the superior both in body and in mind, mankind are obliged to meet and make laws, and endeavour to approach as nearly as they can to the true form of government. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And when the foundation of politics is in the letter only and in custom, and knowledge is divorced from action, can we wonder, Socrates, at the miseries which there are, and always will be, in States? Any other art, built on such a foundation and thus conducted, would ruin all that it touched. Ought we not rather to wonder at the natural strength of the political bond? For States have endured all this, time out of mind, and yet some of them still remain and are not overthrown, though many of them, like ships at sea, founder from time to time, and perish and have perished and will hereafter perish, through the badness of their pilots and crews, who have the worst sort of ignorance of the highest truths&amp;amp;mdash;I mean to say, that they are wholly unaquainted with politics, of which, above all other sciences, they believe themselves to have acquired the most perfect knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then the question arises:&amp;amp;mdash;which of these untrue forms of government is the least oppressive to their subjects, though they are all oppressive; and which is the worst of them? Here is a consideration which is beside our present purpose, and yet having regard to the whole it seems to influence all our actions: we must examine it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes, we must. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: You may say that of the three forms, the same is at once the hardest and the easiest. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I am speaking of the three forms of government, which I mentioned at the beginning of this discussion&amp;amp;mdash;monarchy, the rule of the few, and the rule of the many. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: If we divide each of these we shall have six, from which the true one may be distinguished as a seventh. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: How would you make the division? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Monarchy divides into royalty and tyranny; the rule of the few into aristocracy, which has an auspicious name, and oligarchy; and democracy or the rule of the many, which before was one, must now be divided. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: On what principle of division? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: On the same principle as before, although the name is now discovered to have a twofold meaning. For the distinction of ruling with law or without law, applies to this as well as to the rest. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The division made no difference when we were looking for the perfect State, as we showed before. But now that this has been separated off, and, as we said, the others alone are left for us, the principle of law and the absence of law will bisect them all. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: That would seem to follow, from what has been said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then monarchy, when bound by good prescriptions or laws, is the best of all the six, and when lawless is the most bitter and oppressive to the subject. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The government of the few, which is intermediate between that of the one and many, is also intermediate in good and evil; but the government of the many is in every respect weak and unable to do either any great good or any great evil, when compared with the others, because the offices are too minutely subdivided and too many hold them. And this therefore is the worst of all lawful governments, and the best of all lawless ones. If they are all without the restraints of law, democracy is the form in which to live is best; if they are well ordered, then this is the last which you should choose, as royalty, the first form, is the best, with the exception of the seventh, for that excels them all, and is among States what God is among men. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: You are quite right, and we should choose that above all. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The members of all these States, with the exception of the one which has knowledge, may be set aside as being not Statesmen but partisans,&amp;amp;mdash;upholders of the most monstrous idols, and themselves idols; and, being the greatest imitators and magicians, they are also the greatest of Sophists. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: The name of Sophist after many windings in the argument appears to have been most justly fixed upon the politicians, as they are termed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And so our satyric drama has been played out; and the troop of Centaurs and Satyrs, however unwilling to leave the stage, have at last been separated from the political science. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: So I perceive. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There remain, however, natures still more troublesome, because they are more nearly akin to the king, and more difficult to discern; the examination of them may be compared to the process of refining gold. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What is your meaning? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The workmen begin by sifting away the earth and stones and the like; there remain in a confused mass the valuable elements akin to gold, which can only be separated by fire,&amp;amp;mdash;copper, silver, and other precious metal; these are at last refined away by the use of tests, until the gold is left quite pure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes, that is the way in which these things are said to be done. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: In like manner, all alien and uncongenial matter has been separated from political science, and what is precious and of a kindred nature has been left; there remain the nobler arts of the general and the judge, and the higher sort of oratory which is an ally of the royal art, and persuades men to do justice, and assists in guiding the helm of States:&amp;amp;mdash;How can we best clear away all these, leaving him whom we seek alone and unalloyed? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: That is obviously what has in some way to be attempted. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: If the attempt is all that is wanting, he shall certainly be brought to light; and I think that the illustration of music may assist in exhibiting him. Please to answer me a question. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What question? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: There is such a thing as learning music or handicraft arts in general? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: There is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And is there any higher art or science, having power to decide which of these arts are and are not to be learned;&amp;amp;mdash;what do you say? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: I should answer that there is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And do we acknowledge this science to be different from the others? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And ought the other sciences to be superior to this, or no single science to any other? Or ought this science to be the overseer and governor of all the others? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: The latter. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: You mean to say that the science which judges whether we ought to learn or not, must be superior to the science which is learned or which teaches? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Far superior. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And the science which determines whether we ought to persuade or not, must be superior to the science which is able to persuade? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Very good; and to what science do we assign the power of persuading a multitude by a pleasing tale and not by teaching? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: That power, I think, must clearly be assigned to rhetoric. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And to what science do we give the power of determining whether we are to employ persuasion or force towards any one, or to refrain altogether? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: To that science which governs the arts of speech and persuasion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Which, if I am not mistaken, will be politics? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Rhetoric seems to be quickly distinguished from politics, being a different species, yet ministering to it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But what would you think of another sort of power or science? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What science? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The science which has to do with military operations against our enemies&amp;amp;mdash;is that to be regarded as a science or not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: How can generalship and military tactics be regarded as other than a science? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And is the art which is able and knows how to advise when we are to go to war, or to make peace, the same as this or different? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: If we are to be consistent, we must say different. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And we must also suppose that this rules the other, if we are not to give up our former notion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And, considering how great and terrible the whole art of war is, can we imagine any which is superior to it but the truly royal? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: No other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The art of the general is only ministerial, and therefore not political? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Exactly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Once more let us consider the nature of the righteous judge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Does he do anything but decide the dealings of men with one another to be just or unjust in accordance with the standard which he receives from the king and legislator,&amp;amp;mdash;showing his own peculiar virtue only in this, that he is not perverted by gifts, or fears, or pity, or by any sort of favour or enmity, into deciding the suits of men with one another contrary to the appointment of the legislator? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: No; his office is such as you describe. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then the inference is that the power of the judge is not royal, but only the power of a guardian of the law which ministers to the royal power? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The review of all these sciences shows that none of them is political or royal. For the truly royal ought not itself to act, but to rule over those who are able to act; the king ought to know what is and what is not a fitting opportunity for taking the initiative in matters of the greatest importance, whilst others should execute his orders. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And, therefore, the arts which we have described, as they have no authority over themselves or one another, but are each of them concerned with some special action of their own, have, as they ought to have, special names corresponding to their several actions. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: I agree. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And the science which is over them all, and has charge of the laws, and of all matters affecting the State, and truly weaves them all into one, if we would describe under a name characteristic of their common nature, most truly we may call politics. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Exactly so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then, now that we have discovered the various classes in a State, shall I analyse politics after the pattern which weaving supplied? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: I greatly wish that you would. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then I must describe the nature of the royal web, and show how the various threads are woven into one piece. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: A task has to be accomplished, which, although difficult, appears to be necessary. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly the attempt must be made. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: To assume that one part of virtue differs in kind from another, is a position easily assailable by contentious disputants, who appeal to popular opinion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: I do not understand. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Let me put the matter in another way: I suppose that you would consider courage to be a part of virtue? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly I should. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And you would think temperance to be different from courage; and likewise to be a part of virtue? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I shall venture to put forward a strange theory about them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: That they are two principles which thoroughly hate one another and are antagonistic throughout a great part of nature. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: How singular! &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Yes, very&amp;amp;mdash;for all the parts of virtue are commonly said to be friendly to one another. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then let us carefully investigate whether this is universally true, or whether there are not parts of virtue which are at war with their kindred in some respect. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Tell me how we shall consider that question. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: We must extend our enquiry to all those things which we consider beautiful and at the same time place in two opposite classes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Explain; what are they? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Acuteness and quickness, whether in body or soul or in the movement of sound, and the imitations of them which painting and music supply, you must have praised yourself before now, or been present when others praised them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And do you remember the terms in which they are praised? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: I do not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I wonder whether I can explain to you in words the thought which is passing in my mind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Why not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: You fancy that this is all so easy: Well, let us consider these notions with reference to the opposite classes of action under which they fall. When we praise quickness and energy and acuteness, whether of mind or body or sound, we express our praise of the quality which we admire by one word, and that one word is manliness or courage. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: How? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: We speak of an action as energetic and brave, quick and manly, and vigorous too; and when we apply the name of which I speak as the common attribute of all these natures, we certainly praise them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And do we not often praise the quiet strain of action also? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: To be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And do we not then say the opposite of what we said of the other? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: How do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: We exclaim How calm! How temperate! in admiration of the slow and quiet working of the intellect, and of steadiness and gentleness in action, of smoothness and depth of voice, and of all rhythmical movement and of music in general, when these have a proper solemnity. Of all such actions we predicate not courage, but a name indicative of order. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But when, on the other hand, either of these is out of place, the names of either are changed into terms of censure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: How so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Too great sharpness or quickness or hardness is termed violence or madness; too great slowness or gentleness is called cowardice or sluggishness; and we may observe, that for the most part these qualities, and the temperance and manliness of the opposite characters, are arrayed as enemies on opposite sides, and do not mingle with one another in their respective actions; and if we pursue the enquiry, we shall find that men who have these different qualities of mind differ from one another. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: In what respect? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: In respect of all the qualities which I mentioned, and very likely of many others. According to their respective affinities to either class of actions they distribute praise and blame,&amp;amp;mdash;praise to the actions which are akin to their own, blame to those of the opposite party&amp;amp;mdash;and out of this many quarrels and occasions of quarrel arise among them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The difference between the two classes is often a trivial concern; but in a state, and when affecting really important matters, becomes of all disorders the most hateful. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: To what do you refer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: To nothing short of the whole regulation of human life. For the orderly class are always ready to lead a peaceful life, quietly doing their own business; this is their manner of behaving with all men at home, and they are equally ready to find some way of keeping the peace with foreign States. And on account of this fondness of theirs for peace, which is often out of season where their influence prevails, they become by degrees unwarlike, and bring up their young men to be like themselves; they are at the mercy of their enemies; whence in a few years they and their children and the whole city often pass imperceptibly from the condition of freemen into that of slaves. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What a cruel fate! &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And now think of what happens with the more courageous natures. Are they not always inciting their country to go to war, owing to their excessive love of the military life? they raise up enemies against themselves many and mighty, and either utterly ruin their native-land or enslave and subject it to its foes? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: That, again, is true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Must we not admit, then, that where these two classes exist, they always feel the greatest antipathy and antagonism towards one another? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: We cannot deny it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And returning to the enquiry with which we began, have we not found that considerable portions of virtue are at variance with one another, and give rise to a similar opposition in the characters who are endowed with them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Let us consider a further point. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: What is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: I want to know, whether any constructive art will make any, even the most trivial thing, out of bad and good materials indifferently, if this can be helped? does not all art rather reject the bad as far as possible, and accept the good and fit materials, and from these elements, whether like or unlike, gathering them all into one, work out some nature or idea? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: To, be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Then the true and natural art of statesmanship will never allow any State to be formed by a combination of good and bad men, if this can be avoided; but will begin by testing human natures in play, and after testing them, will entrust them to proper teachers who are the ministers of her purposes&amp;amp;mdash;she will herself give orders, and maintain authority; just as the art of weaving continually gives orders and maintains authority over the carders and all the others who prepare the material for the work, commanding the subsidiary arts to execute the works which she deems necessary for making the web. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: In like manner, the royal science appears to me to be the mistress of all lawful educators and instructors, and having this queenly power, will not permit them to train men in what will produce characters unsuited to the political constitution which she desires to create, but only in what will produce such as are suitable. Those which have no share of manliness and temperance, or any other virtuous inclination, and, from the necessity of an evil nature, are violently carried away to godlessness and insolence and injustice, she gets rid of by death and exile, and punishes them with the greatest of disgraces. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: That is commonly said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But those who are wallowing in ignorance and baseness she bows under the yoke of slavery. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Quite right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The rest of the citizens, out of whom, if they have education, something noble may be made, and who are capable of being united by the statesman, the kingly art blends and weaves together; taking on the one hand those whose natures tend rather to courage, which is the stronger element and may be regarded as the warp, and on the other hand those which incline to order and gentleness, and which are represented in the figure as spun thick and soft, after the manner of the woof&amp;amp;mdash;these, which are naturally opposed, she seeks to bind and weave together in the following manner: &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: In what manner? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: First of all, she takes the eternal element of the soul and binds it with a divine cord, to which it is akin, and then the animal nature, and binds that with human cords. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: I do not understand what you mean. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The meaning is, that the opinion about the honourable and the just and good and their opposites, which is true and confirmed by reason, is a divine principle, and when implanted in the soul, is implanted, as I maintain, in a nature of heavenly birth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes; what else should it be? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Only the Statesman and the good legislator, having the inspiration of the royal muse, can implant this opinion, and he, only in the rightly educated, whom we were just now describing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Likely enough. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But him who cannot, we will not designate by any of the names which are the subject of the present enquiry. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The courageous soul when attaining this truth becomes civilized, and rendered more capable of partaking of justice; but when not partaking, is inclined to brutality. Is not that true? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And again, the peaceful and orderly nature, if sharing in these opinions, becomes temperate and wise, as far as this may be in a State, but if not, deservedly obtains the ignominious name of silliness. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Can we say that such a connexion as this will lastingly unite the evil with one another or with the good, or that any science would seriously think of using a bond of this kind to join such materials? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: But in those who were originally of a noble nature, and who have been nurtured in noble ways, and in those only, may we not say that union is implanted by law, and that this is the medicine which art prescribes for them, and of all the bonds which unite the dissimilar and contrary parts of virtue is not this, as I was saying, the divinest? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Where this divine bond exists there is no difficulty in imagining, or when you have imagined, in creating the other bonds, which are human only. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: How is that, and what bonds do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Rights of intermarriage, and ties which are formed between States by giving and taking children in marriage, or between individuals by private betrothals and espousals. For most persons form marriage connexions without due regard to what is best for the procreation of children. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: In what way? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: They seek after wealth and power, which in matrimony are objects not worthy even of a serious censure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: There is no need to consider them at all. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: More reason is there to consider the practice of those who make family their chief aim, and to indicate their error. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: They act on no true principle at all; they seek their ease and receive with open arms those who are like themselves, and hate those who are unlike them, being too much influenced by feelings of dislike. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: How so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The quiet orderly class seek for natures like their own, and as far as they can they marry and give in marriage exclusively in this class, and the courageous do the same; they seek natures like their own, whereas they should both do precisely the opposite. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: How and why is that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Because courage, when untempered by the gentler nature during many generations, may at first bloom and strengthen, but at last bursts forth into downright madness. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Like enough. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: And then, again, the soul which is over-full of modesty and has no element of courage in many successive generations, is apt to grow too indolent, and at last to become utterly paralyzed and useless. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: That, again, is quite likely. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: It was of these bonds I said that there would be no difficulty in creating them, if only both classes originally held the same opinion about the honourable and good;&amp;amp;mdash;indeed, in this single work, the whole process of royal weaving is comprised&amp;amp;mdash;never to allow temperate natures to be separated from the brave, but to weave them together, like the warp and the woof, by common sentiments and honours and reputation, and by the giving of pledges to one another; and out of them forming one smooth and even web, to entrust to them the offices of State. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: How do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: Where one officer only is needed, you must choose a ruler who has both these qualities&amp;amp;mdash;when many, you must mingle some of each, for the temperate ruler is very careful and just and safe, but is wanting in thoroughness and go. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly, that is very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: The character of the courageous, on the other hand, falls short of the former in justice and caution, but has the power of action in a remarkable degree, and where either of these two qualities is wanting, there cities cannot altogether prosper either in their public or private life. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly they cannot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; STRANGER: This then we declare to be the completion of the web of political action, which is created by a direct intertexture of the brave and temperate natures, whenever the royal science has drawn the two minds into communion with one another by unanimity and friendship, and having perfected the noblest and best of all the webs which political life admits, and enfolding therein all other inhabitants of cities, whether slaves or freemen, binds them in one fabric and governs and presides over them, and, in so far as to be happy is vouchsafed to a city, in no particular fails to secure their happiness. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; YOUNG SOCRATES: Your picture, Stranger, of the king and statesman, no less than of the Sophist, is quite perfect. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
{{flat-where}}&lt;br /&gt;
{{close}}&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Plutarch/Morals&amp;diff=2861</id>
		<title>Texts:Plutarch/Morals</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Plutarch/Morals&amp;diff=2861"/>
		<updated>2025-12-26T19:45:23Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: Text replacement - &amp;quot;{{Top Texts}}&amp;quot; to &amp;quot;__NOTITLE__
{{Setup|tick=Where}}&amp;quot;&lt;/p&gt;
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{{Setup|tick=Where}}&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 class=&amp;quot;c1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;BOHN&#039;S CLASSICAL LIBRARY&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;PLUTARCH&#039;S MORALS&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;GEORGE BELL &amp;amp;amp; SONS,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
LONDON: YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
NEW YORK: 66, FIFTH AVENUE, AND&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
BOMBAY: 53, ESILANADE ROAD&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
CAMBRIDGE: DEIGHTON, BELL &amp;amp;amp; CO.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt;PLUTARCH&#039;S MORALS&amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;ETHICAL ESSAYS&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;TRANSLATED&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;WITH NOTES AND INDEX&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;BY ARTHUR RICHARD SHILLETO, M.A.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h5 class=&amp;quot;c2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Sometime Scholar of Trinity College, Cambridge,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Translator of Pausanias.&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;figcenter c3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;img src=&amp;quot;images/printers.png&amp;quot; width=&amp;quot;100&amp;quot; height=&amp;quot;94&amp;quot; alt=&amp;quot;Printers mark&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;LONDON&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
GEORGE BELL AND SONS&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
1898&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;CHISWICK PRESS:—CHARLES WHITTINGHAM AND CO., TOOKS COURT,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
CHANCERY LANE.&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;tnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Transcriber&#039;s note:&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The original book uses often colons instead of semicolons. Spelling of proper names is different in different pages and some words occur in hyphenated and unhyphenated forms. These have not been changed. A couple of commas and periods have been added or removed to improve the reading and only obvious spelling errors have been corrected.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_vii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vii&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;PREFACE.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Plutarch, who was born at Chæronea in Bœotia, probably about A.D. 50, and was a contemporary of Tacitus and Pliny, has written two works still extant, the well-known &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Lives&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and the less-known &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Moralia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Lives&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; have often been translated, and have always been a popular work. Great indeed was their power at the period of the French Revolution. The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Moralia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, on the other hand, consisting of various Essays on various subjects (only twenty-six of which are directly ethical, though they have given their name to the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Moralia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;), are declared by Mr. Paley &amp;quot;to be practically almost unknown to most persons in Britain, even to those who call themselves scholars.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1_1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1_1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Habent etiam sua fata libelli.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In older days the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Moralia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; were more valued. Montaigne, who was a great lover of Plutarch, and who observes in one passage of his Essays that &amp;quot;Plutarch and Seneca were the only two books of solid learning he seriously settled himself to read,&amp;quot; quotes as much from the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Moralia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; as from the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Lives&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. And in the seventeenth century I cannot but think the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Moralia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; were largely read at our Universities, at least at the University of Cambridge. For, not to mention the wonderful way in which the famous Jeremy Taylor has taken the cream of &amp;quot;Conjugal Precepts&amp;quot; in his Sermon called &amp;quot;The Marriage Ring,&amp;quot; or the large and copious use &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_viii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;viii&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;he has made in his &amp;quot;Holy Living&amp;quot; of three other Essays in this volume, namely, those &amp;quot;On Curiosity,&amp;quot; &amp;quot;On Restraining Anger,&amp;quot; and &amp;quot;On Contentedness of Mind,&amp;quot; proving conclusively what a storehouse he found the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Moralia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, we have evidence that that most delightful poet, Robert Herrick, read the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Moralia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, too, when at Cambridge, so that one cannot but think it was a work read in the University course generally in those days. For in a letter to his uncle written from Cambridge, asking for books or money for books, he makes the following remark: &amp;quot;How kind Arcisilaus the philosopher was unto Apelles the painter, Plutark in his Morals will tell you.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2_2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2_2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In 1882 the Reverend C. W. King, Senior Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, translated the six &amp;quot;Theosophical Essays&amp;quot; of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Moralia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, forming a volume in Bohn&#039;s Classical Library. The present volume consists of the twenty-six &amp;quot;Ethical Essays,&amp;quot; which are, in my opinion, the cream of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Moralia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and constitute a highly interesting series of treatises on what might be called &amp;quot;The Ethics of the Hearth and Home.&amp;quot; I have grouped these Essays in such a manner as to enable the reader to read together such as touch on the same or on kindred subjects.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As is well known, the text of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Moralia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; is very corrupt, and the reading very doubtful, in many places. In eight of the twenty-six Essays in this volume I have had the invaluable help of the text of Rudolf Hercher; help so invaluable that one cannot but sadly regret that only one volume of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Moralia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; has yet appeared in the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bibliotheca Teubneriana&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Wyttenbach&#039;s text and notes I have always used when available, and when not so have fallen back upon Reiske. Reiske is always ingenious, but too fond of correcting a text, and the criticism of him by Wyttenbach &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_ix&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ix&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;is perhaps substantially correct. &amp;quot;In nullo auctore habitabat; vagabatur per omnes: nec apud quemquam tamdiu divertebat, ut in paulo interiorem ejus consuetudinem se insinuaret.&amp;quot; I have also had constantly before me the Didot Edition of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Moralia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, edited by Frederic Dübner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Let any reader who wishes to know more about Plutarch, consult the article on Plutarch, in the Ninth Edition of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Encyclopaedia Britannica&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, by the well-known scholar F. A. Paley. He will also do well to read an Essay on Plutarch by R. W. Emerson, reprinted in Volume III. of the Bohn&#039;s Standard Library Edition of Emerson&#039;s Works, and Five Lectures on Plutarch by the late Archbishop Trench, published by Messrs. Macmillan and Co. in 1874. All these contain much of interest, and will repay perusal.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In conclusion, I hope this little volume will be the means of making popular some of the best thoughts of one of the most interesting and thoughtful of the ancients, who often seems indeed almost a modern.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;small&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Cambridge,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/small&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;small&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;March&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 1888.&amp;lt;/small&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1_1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1_1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See article &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Plutarch&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Encyclopaedia Britannica&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Ninth Edition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2_2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2_2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Grosart&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Herrick&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, vol. i. p. liii. See in this volume, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_180&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;180&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and also note to p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_288&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;288&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. Richard Baxter again is always quoting the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Moralia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CONTENTS&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;table width=&amp;quot;100%&amp;quot; summary=&amp;quot;TOC&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right2&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_center&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Page&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;two&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ON EDUCATION.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;two&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ON LOVE TO ONE&#039;S OFFSPRING.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_21a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;21&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;two&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ON LOVE.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_29&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;29&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;two&amp;quot;&amp;gt;CONJUGAL PRECEPTS.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_70&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;70&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;two&amp;quot;&amp;gt;CONSOLATORY LETTER TO HIS WIFE.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_85&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;85&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;two&amp;quot;&amp;gt;THAT VIRTUE MAY BE TAUGHT.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_92a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;92&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;two&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ON VIRTUE AND VICE.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_95a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;95&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;two&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ON MORAL VIRTUE.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_98a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;98&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;two&amp;quot;&amp;gt;HOW ONE MAY BE AWARE OF ONE&#039;S PROGRESS IN VIRTUE.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_118a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;118&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;two&amp;quot;&amp;gt;WHETHER VICE IS SUFFICIENT TO CAUSE UNHAPPINESS.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_138a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;138&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;two&amp;quot;&amp;gt;WHETHER THE DISORDERS OF MIND OR BODY ARE WORSE.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_142a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;142&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;two&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ON ABUNDANCE OF FRIENDS.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_145a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;145&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;two&amp;quot;&amp;gt;HOW ONE MAY DISCERN A FLATTERER FROM A FRIEND.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_153a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;153&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;two&amp;quot;&amp;gt;HOW A MAN MAY BE BENEFITED BY HIS ENEMIES.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_201a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;201&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;two&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ON TALKATIVENESS.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_214&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;214&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;two&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ON CURIOSITY.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_238a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;238&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;two&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ON SHYNESS.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_252a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;252&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;two&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ON RESTRAINING ANGER.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_267a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;267&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;two&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ON CONTENTEDNESS OF MIND.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_289&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;289&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;two&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ON ENVY AND HATRED.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_312&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;312&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;two&amp;quot;&amp;gt;HOW ONE CAN PRAISE ONESELF WITHOUT EXCITING ENVY.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_315a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;315&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;two&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ON THOSE WHO ARE PUNISHED BY THE DEITY LATE.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_331a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;331&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;two&amp;quot;&amp;gt;AGAINST BORROWING MONEY.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_365a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;365&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;XXIV.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;two&amp;quot;&amp;gt;WHETHER &amp;quot;LIVE UNKNOWN&amp;quot; BE A WISE PRECEPT.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_373a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;373&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;XXV.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;two&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ON EXILE.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_378a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;378&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;XXVI.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;two&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ON FORTUNE.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_394a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;394&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right2&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_center&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;INDEX&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_center&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;cell_right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_401&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;401&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/table&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;PLUTARCH&#039;S MORALS.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;ON EDUCATION.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;i.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Come let us consider what one might say on the education of free children, and by what training they would become good citizens.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; It is perhaps best to begin with birth: I would therefore warn those who desire to be fathers of notable sons, not to form connections with any kind of women, such as courtesans or mistresses: for those who either on the father or mother&#039;s side are ill-born have the disgrace of their origin all their life long irretrievably present with them, and offer a ready handle to abuse and vituperation. So that the poet was wise, who said, &amp;quot;Unless the foundation of a house be well laid, the descendants must of necessity be unfortunate.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_3_3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_3_3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Good birth indeed brings with it a store of assurance, which ought to be greatly valued by all who desire legitimate offspring. For the spirit of those who are a spurious and bastard breed is apt to be mean and abject: for as the poet truly says, &amp;quot;It makes a man even of noble spirit servile, when he is conscious of the ill fame of either his father or mother.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_4_4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_4_4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On the other hand the sons of illustrious parents are full of pride and arrogance. As an instance of this it is recorded of Diophantus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_5_5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_5_5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the son of Themistocles, that he often used to say to various people &amp;quot;that he could do what he pleased with the Athenian people, for what he wished his mother wished, and what she wished Themistocles wished, and what Themistocles &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;wished all the Athenians wished.&amp;quot; All praise also ought we to bestow on the Lacedæmonians for their loftiness of soul in fining their king Archidamus for venturing to marry a small woman, for they charged him with intending to furnish them not with kings but kinglets.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Next must we mention, what was not overlooked even by those who handled this subject before us, that those who approach their wives for procreation must do so either without having drunk any wine or at least very little. For those children, that their parents begot in drink, are wont to be fond of wine and apt to turn out drunkards. And so Diogenes, seeing a youth out of his mind and crazy, said, &amp;quot;Young man, your father was drunk when he begot you.&amp;quot; Let this hint serve as to procreation: now let us discuss education.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; To speak generally, what we are wont to say about the arts and sciences is also true of moral excellence, for to its perfect development three things must meet together, natural ability, theory, and practice. By theory I mean training, and by practice working at one&#039;s craft. Now the foundation must be laid in training, and practice gives facility, but perfection is attained only by the junction of all three. For if any one of these elements be wanting, excellence must be so far deficient. For natural ability without training is blind: and training without natural ability is defective, and practice without both natural ability and training is imperfect. For just as in farming the first requisite is good soil, next a good farmer, next good seed, so also here: the soil corresponds to natural ability, the training to the farmer, the seed to precepts and instruction. I should therefore maintain stoutly that these three elements were found combined in the souls of such universally famous men as Pythagoras, and Socrates, and Plato, and of all who have won undying fame. Happy at any rate and dear to the gods is he to whom any deity has vouchsafed all these elements! But if anyone thinks that those who have not good natural ability cannot to some extent make up for the deficiencies of nature by right training and practice, let such a one know that he is very wide of the mark, if not out of it altogether. For good natural parts are impaired by sloth; while inferior ability is&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; mended by training: and while simple things escape the eyes of the careless, difficult things are reached by painstaking. The wonderful efficacy and power of long and continuous labour you may see indeed every day in the world around you.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_6_6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_6_6&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;6&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thus water continually dropping wears away rocks: and iron and steel are moulded by the hands of the artificer: and chariot wheels bent by some strain can never recover their original symmetry: and the crooked staves of actors can never be made straight. But by toil what is contrary to nature becomes stronger than even nature itself. And are these the only things that teach the power of diligence? Not so: ten thousand things teach the same truth. A soil naturally good becomes by neglect barren, and the better its original condition, the worse its ultimate state if uncared for. On the other hand a soil exceedingly rough and sterile by being farmed well produces excellent crops. And what trees do not by neglect become gnarled and unfruitful, whereas by pruning they become fruitful and productive? And what constitution so good but it is marred and impaired by sloth, luxury, and too full habit? And what weak constitution has not derived benefit from exercise and athletics? And what horses broken in young are not docile to their riders? while if they are not broken in till late they become hard-mouthed and unmanageable. And why should we be surprised at similar cases, seeing that we find many of the savagest animals docile and tame by training? Rightly answered the Thessalian, who was asked who the mildest Thessalians were, &amp;quot;Those who have done with fighting.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_7_7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_7_7&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;7&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But why pursue the line of argument further? For the Greek name for moral virtue is only habit: and if anyone defines moral virtues as habitual virtues, he will not be beside the mark. But I will employ only one more illustration, and dwell no longer on this topic. Lycurgus, the Lacedæmonian legislator, took two puppies of the same parents, and brought them up in an entirely different way: the one he pampered and cosseted up, while he taught the other to hunt and be a retriever. Then on one occasion, when the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Lacedæmonians were convened in assembly, he said, &amp;quot;Mighty, O Lacedæmonians, is the influence on moral excellence of habit, and education, and training, and modes of life, as I will prove to you at once.&amp;quot; So saying he produced the two puppies, and set before them a platter and a hare: the one darted on the hare, while the other made for the platter. And when the Lacedæmonians could not guess what his meaning was, or with what intent he had produced the puppies, he said, &amp;quot;These puppies are of the same parents, but by virtue of a different bringing up the one is pampered, and the other a good hound.&amp;quot; Let so much suffice for habit and modes of life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;v.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The next point to discuss will be nutrition. In my opinion mothers ought to nurse and suckle their own children. For they will bring them up with more sympathy and care, if they love them so intimately and, as the proverb puts it, &amp;quot;from their first growing their nails.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_8_8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_8_8&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Whereas the affection of wet or dry nurses is spurious and counterfeit, being merely for pay. And nature itself teaches that mothers ought themselves to suckle and rear those they have given birth to. And for that purpose she has supplied every female parent with milk. And providence has wisely provided women with two breasts, so that if they should bear twins, they would have a breast for each. And besides this, as is natural enough, they would feel more affection and love for their children by suckling them. For this supplying them with food is as it were a tightener of love, for even the brute creation, if taken away from their young, pine away, as we constantly see. Mothers must therefore, as I said, certainly try to suckle their own children: but if they are unable to do so either through physical weakness (for this contingency sometimes occurs), or in haste to have other children, they must select wet and dry nurses with the greatest care, and not introduce into their houses any kind of women. First and foremost they must be Greeks in their habits. For just as it is necessary immediately after birth to shapen the limbs of children, so that they may grow straight and not crooked, so from the beginning must their habits be carefully &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;attended to. For infancy is supple and easily moulded, and what children learn sinks deeply into their souls while they are young and tender, whereas everything hard is softened only with great difficulty. For just as seals are impressed on soft wax, so instruction leaves its permanent mark on the minds of those still young. And divine Plato seems to me to give excellent advice to nurses not to tell their children any kind of fables, that their souls may not in the very dawn of existence be full of folly or corruption.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_9_9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_9_9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Phocylides the poet also seems to give admirable advice when he says, &amp;quot;We must teach good habits while the pupil is still a boy.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Attention also must he given to this point, that the lads that are to wait upon and be with young people must be first and foremost of good morals, and able to speak Greek distinctly and idiomatically, that they may not by contact with foreigners of loose morals contract any of their viciousness. For as those who are fond of quoting proverbs say not amiss, &amp;quot;If you live with a lame man, you will learn to halt.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_10_10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_10_10&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;10&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Next, when our boys are old enough to be put into the hands of tutors,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_11_11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_11_11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; great care must be taken that we do not hand them over to slaves, or foreigners, or flighty persons. For what happens nowadays in many cases is highly ridiculous: good slaves are made farmers, or sailors, or merchants, or stewards, or money-lenders; but if they find a winebibbing, greedy, and utterly useless slave, to him parents commit the charge of their sons, whereas the good tutor ought to be such a one as was Phœnix, the tutor of Achilles. The point also which I am now going to speak about is of the utmost importance. The schoolmasters we ought to select for our boys should be of blameless life, of pure character, and of great experience. For a good training is the source and root of gentlemanly behaviour. And just as farmers prop up their trees, so good schoolmasters prop up the young by good advice and suggestions, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;6&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;that they may become upright. How one must despise, therefore, some fathers, who, whether from ignorance or inexperience, before putting the intended teachers to the test, commit their sons to the charge of untried and untested men. If they act so through inexperience it is not so ridiculous; but it is to the remotest degree absurd when, though perfectly aware of both the inexperience and worthlessness of some schoolmasters, they yet entrust their sons to them; some overcome by flattery, others to gratify friends who solicit their favours; acting just as if anybody ill in body, passing over the experienced physician, should, to gratify his friend, call him in, and so throw away his life; or as if to gratify one&#039;s friend one should reject the best pilot and choose him instead. Zeus and all the gods! can anyone bearing the sacred name of father put obliging a petitioner before obtaining the best education for his sons? Were they not then wise words that the time-honoured Socrates used to utter, and say that he would proclaim, if he could, climbing up to the highest part of the city, &amp;quot;Men, what can you be thinking of, who move heaven and earth to make money, while you bestow next to no attention on the sons you are going to leave that money to?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_12_12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_12_12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I would add to this that such fathers act very similarly to a person who should be very careful about his shoe but care nothing about his foot. Many persons also are so niggardly about their children, and indifferent to their interests, that for the sake of a paltry saving, they prefer worthless teachers for their children, practising a vile economy at the expense of their children&#039;s ignorance. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Apropos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of this, Aristippus on one occasion rebuked an empty-headed parent neatly and wittily. For being asked how much money a parent ought to pay for his son&#039;s education, he answered, &amp;quot;A thousand drachmæ.&amp;quot; And he replying, &amp;quot;Hercules, what a price! I could buy a slave for as much;&amp;quot; Aristippus answered, &amp;quot;You shall have two slaves then, your son and the slave you buy.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_13_13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_13_13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And is it not altogether strange that you accustom your son to take his food in his right hand, and chide him if he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;7&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;offers his left, whereas you care very little about his hearing good and sound discourses? I will tell you what happens to such admirable fathers, when they have educated and brought up their sons so badly: when the sons grow to man&#039;s estate, they disregard a sober and well-ordered life, and rush headlong into disorderly and low vices; then at the last the parents are sorry they have neglected their education, bemoaning bitterly when it is too late their sons&#039; debasement. For some of them keep flatterers and parasites in their retinue—an accursed set of wretches, the defilers and pest of youth; others keep mistresses and common prostitutes, wanton and costly; others waste their money in eating; others come to grief through dice and revelling; some even go in for bolder profligacy, being whoremongers and defilers of the marriage bed,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_14_14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_14_14&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;14&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who would madly pursue their darling vice if it cost them their lives. Had they associated with some philosopher, they would not have lowered themselves by such practices, but would have remembered the precept of Diogenes, whose advice sounds rather low, but is really of excellent moral intent,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_15_15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_15_15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Go into a brothel, my lad, that you may see the little difference between vice and virtue.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;viii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I say, then, to speak comprehensively (and I might be justly considered in so saying to speak as an oracle, not to be delivering a mere precept), that a good education and sound bringing-up is of the first and middle and last importance; and I declare it to be most instrumental and conducive to virtue and happiness. For all other human blessings compared to this are petty and insignificant. For noble birth is a great honour, but it is an advantage from our forefathers. And wealth is valuable, but it is the acquisition of fortune, who has often taken it away from those who had it, and brought it to those who little expected it; and much wealth is a sort of mark for villanous slaves and informers to shoot at to fill their own &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;purses; and, what is a most important point, even the greatest villains have money sometimes. And glory is noble, but insecure. And beauty is highly desirable, but shortlived. And health is highly valuable, but soon impaired. And strength is desirable, but illness or age soon made sad inroads into it. And generally speaking, if anyone prides himself on his bodily strength, let him know that he is deficient in judgment. For how much inferior is the strength of a man to that of animals, as elephants, bulls, and lions! But education is of all our advantages the only one immortal and divine. And two of the most powerful agencies in man&#039;s nature are mind and reason. And mind governs reason, and reason obeys mind; and mind is irremovable by fortune, cannot be taken away by informers, cannot be destroyed by disease, cannot have inroads made into it by old age. For the mind alone flourishes in age; and while time takes away everything else, it adds wisdom to old age. Even war, that sweeps away everything else like a winter torrent, cannot take away education. And Stilpo, the Megarian, seems to me to have made a memorable answer when Demetrius enslaved Megara and rased it to the ground. On his asking whether Stilpo had lost anything, he replied, &amp;quot;Certainly not, for war can make no havoc of virtue.&amp;quot; Corresponding and consonant to this is the answer of Socrates, who when asked, I think by Gorgias,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_16_16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_16_16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; if he had any conception as to the happiness of the King of Persia, replied, &amp;quot;I do not know his position in regard to virtue and education: for happiness lies in these, and not in adventitious advantages.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ix.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And as I advise parents to think nothing more important than the education of their children, so I maintain that it must be a sound and healthy education, and that our sons must be kept as far as possible from vulgar twaddle. For what pleases the vulgar displeases the wise. I am borne out by the lines of Euripides, &amp;quot;Unskilled am I in the oratory that pleases the mob; but amongst the few that are my equals I am reckoned rather wise. For those who are little thought of by the wise, seem to hit the taste &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of the vulgar.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_17_17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_17_17&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;17&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And I have myself noticed that those who practise to speak acceptably and to the gratification of the masses promiscuously, for the most part become also profligate and lovers of pleasure in their lives. Naturally enough. For if in giving pleasure to others they neglect the noble, they would be hardly likely to put the lofty and sound above a life of luxury and pleasure, and to prefer moderation to delights. Yet what better advice could we give our sons than to follow this? or to what could we better exhort them to accustom themselves? For perfection is only attained by neither speaking nor acting at random—as the proverb says, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Perfection is only attained by practice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_18_18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_18_18&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;18&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Whereas extempore oratory is easy and facile, mere windbag, having neither beginning nor end. And besides their other shortcomings extempore speakers fall into great disproportion and repetition, whereas a well considered speech preserves its due proportions. It is recorded by tradition that Pericles, when called on by the people for a speech, frequently refused on the plea that he was unprepared. Similarly Demosthenes, his state-rival, when the Athenians called upon him for his advice, refused to give it, saying, &amp;quot;I am not prepared.&amp;quot; But this you will say, perhaps, is mere tradition without authority. But in his speech against Midias he plainly sets forth the utility of preparation, for he says, &amp;quot;I do not deny, men of Athens, that I have prepared this speech to the best of my ability: for I should have been a poor creature if, after suffering so much at his hands, and even still suffering, I had neglected how to plead my case.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_19_19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_19_19&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;19&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Not that I would altogether reject extempore oratory, or its use in critical cases, but it should be used only as one would take medicine.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_20_20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_20_20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;20&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Up, indeed, to man&#039;s estate I would have no extempore speaking, but when anyone&#039;s powers of speech are rooted and grounded, then, as emergencies call for it, I would allow his words to flow freely. For as those who have been for a long time in fetters stumble if unloosed, not being able &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;10&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to walk from being long used to their fetters, so those who for a long time have used compression in their words, if they are suddenly called upon to speak off-hand, retain the same character of expression. But to let mere lads speak extempore is to give rise to the acme of foolish talk. A wretched painter once showed Apelles, they say, a picture, and said, &amp;quot;I have just done it.&amp;quot; Apelles replied, &amp;quot;Without your telling me, I should know it was painted quickly; I only wonder you haven&#039;t painted more such in the time.&amp;quot; As then (for I now return from my digression), I advise to avoid stilted and bombastic language, so again do I urge to avoid a finical and petty style of speech; for tall talk is unpopular, and petty language makes no impression. And as the body ought to be not only sound but in good condition, so speech ought to be not only not feeble but vigorous. For a safe mediocrity is indeed praised, but a bold venturesomeness is also admired. I am also of the same opinion with regard to the disposition of the soul, which ought to be neither audacious nor timid and easily dejected: for the one ends in impudence and the other in servility; but to keep in all things the mean between extremes is artistic and proper. And, while I am still on this topic, I wish to give my opinion, that I regard a monotonous speech first as no small proof of want of taste, next as likely to generate disdain, and certain not to please long. For to harp on one string is always tiresome and brings satiety; whereas variety is pleasant always whether to the ear or eye.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;x.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Next our freeborn lad ought to go in for a course of what is called general knowledge, but a smattering of this will be sufficient, a taste as it were (for perfect knowledge of all subjects would be impossible); but he must seriously cultivate philosophy. I borrow an illustration to show my meaning: it is well to sail round many cities, but advantageous to live in the best. It was a witty remark of the philosopher Bion,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_21_21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_21_21&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;21&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that, as those suitors who could not seduce Penelope took up with her maids as a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;pis aller&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, so those who cannot attain philosophy wear themselves out in useless pursuits. Philosophy, therefore, ought &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to be regarded as the most important branch of study. For as regards the cure of the body, men have found two branches, medicine and exercise: the former of which gives health, and the latter good condition of body; but philosophy is the only cure for the maladies and disorders of the soul. For with her as ruler and guide we can know what is honourable, what is disgraceful; what is just, what unjust; generally speaking, what is to be sought after, what to be avoided; how we ought to behave to the gods, to parents, to elders, to the laws, to foreigners, to rulers, to friends, to women, to children, to slaves: viz., that we ought to worship the gods, honour parents, reverence elders, obey the laws, submit ourselves to rulers, love our friends, be chaste in our relations with women, kind to our children, and not to treat our slaves badly; and, what is of the greatest importance, to be neither over elated in prosperity nor over depressed in adversity,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_22_22&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_22_22&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;22&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; nor to be dissolute in pleasures, nor fierce and brutish in anger. These I regard as the principal blessings that philosophy teaches. For to enjoy prosperity nobly shows a man; and to enjoy it without exciting envy shows a moderate man; and to conquer the passions by reason argues a wise man; and it is not everybody who can keep his temper in control. And those who can unite political ability with philosophy I regard as perfect men, for I take them to attain two of the greatest blessings, serving the state in a public capacity, and living the calm and tranquil life of philosophy. For, as there are three kinds of life, the practical, the contemplative, and the life of enjoyment, and of these three the one devoted to enjoyment is a paltry and animal life, and the practical without philosophy an unlovely and harsh life, and the contemplative without the practical a useless life, so we must endeavour with all our power to combine public life with philosophy as far as circumstances will permit. Such was the life led by Pericles, by Archytas of Tarentum, by Dion of Syracuse, by Epaminondas the Theban, one of whom was a disciple of Plato (viz., Dion). And as to education, I do not know that I need dwell any more on it. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;But in addition to what I have said, it is useful, if not necessary, not to neglect to procure old books, and to make a collection of them, as is usual in agriculture. For the use of books is an instrument in education, and it is profitable in learning to go to the fountain head.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Exercise also ought not to be neglected, but we ought to send our boys to the master of the gymnasium to train them duly, partly with a view to carrying the body well, partly with a view to strength. For good habit of body in boys is the foundation of a good old age. For as in fine weather we ought to lay up for winter, so in youth one ought to form good habits and live soberly so as to have a reserve stock of strength for old age. Yet ought we to husband the exertions of the body, so as not to be wearied out by them and rendered unfit for study. For, as Plato says,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_23_23&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_23_23&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;23&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; excessive sleep and fatigue are enemies to learning. But why dwell on this? For I am in a hurry to pass to the most important point. Our lads must be trained for warlike encounters, making themselves efficient in hurling the javelin and darts, and in the chase. For the possessions of those who are defeated in battle belong to the conquerors as booty of war; and war is not the place for delicately brought up bodies: it is the spare warrior that makes the best combatant, who as an athlete cuts his way through the ranks of the enemies. Supposing anyone objects: &amp;quot;How so? As you undertook to give advice on the education of freeborn children, do you now neglect the poor and plebeian ones, and give instructions only suitable to the rich?&amp;quot; It is easy enough to meet such critics. I should prefer to make my teaching general and suitable to all; but if any, through their poverty, shall be unable to follow up my precepts, let them blame fortune, and not the author of these hints. We must try with all our might to procure the best education for the poor as well as the rich, but if that is impossible, then we must put up with the practicable. I inserted those matters into my discourse here, that I might hereafter confine myself to all that appertains to the right education of the young.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And this I say that we ought to try to draw our boys to good pursuits by entreaties and exhortation, but &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;certainly not by blows or abusive language. For that seems to be more fitting for slaves than the freeborn. For slaves try to shirk and avoid their work, partly because of the pain of blows, partly on account of being reviled. But praise or censure are far more useful than abuse to the freeborn, praise pricking them on to virtue, censure deterring them from vice. But one must censure and praise alternately: when they are too saucy we must censure them and make them ashamed of themselves, and again encourage them by praise, and imitate those nurses who, when their children sob, give them the breast to comfort them. But we must not puff them up and make them conceited with excessive praise, for that will make them vain and give themselves airs.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xiii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And I have ere now seen some fathers, whose excessive love for their children has turned into hatred. My meaning I will endeavour to make clearer by illustration. While they are in too great a hurry to make their sons take the lead in everything, they lay too much work upon them, so that they faint under their tasks, and, being overburdened, are disinclined for learning. For just as plants grow with moderate rain, but are done for by too much rain, so the mind enlarges by a proper amount of work, but by too much is unhinged. We must therefore give our boys remission from continuous labour, bearing in mind that all our life is divided into labour and rest; thus we find not only wakefulness but sleep, not only war but peace, not only foul weather but fine also, not only working days but also festivals. And, to speak concisely, rest is the sauce of labour. And we can see this not only in the case of animate, but even inanimate things, for we make bows and lyres slack that we may be able to stretch them. And generally the body is preserved by repletion and evacuation, and the soul by rest and work. We ought also to censure some fathers who, after entrusting their sons to tutors and preceptors, neither see nor hear how the teaching is done. This is a great mistake. For they ought after a few days to test the progress of their sons, and not to base their hopes on the behaviour of a hireling; and the preceptors will take all the more pains with the boys, if they have from time to time to give an account of their progress. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;14&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Hence the propriety of that remark of the groom, that nothing fats the horse so much as the king&#039;s eye.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_24_24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_24_24&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;24&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And especial attention, in my opinion, must be paid to cultivating and exercising the memory of boys, for memory is, as it were, the storehouse of learning; and that was why they fabled Mnemosyne to be the mother of the Muses, hinting and insinuating that nothing so generates and contributes to the growth of learning as memory. And therefore the memory must be cultivated, whether boys have a good one by nature, or a bad one. For we shall so add to natural good parts, and make up somewhat for natural deficiencies, so that the deficient will be better than others, and the clever will outstrip themselves. For good is that remark of Hesiod, &amp;quot;If to a little you keep adding a little, and do so frequently, it will soon be a lot.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_25_25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_25_25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;25&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And let not fathers forget, that thus cultivating the memory is not only good for education, but is also a great aid in the business of life. For the remembrance of past actions gives a good model how to deal wisely in future ones.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xiv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; We must also keep our sons from filthy language. For, as Democritus says, Language is the shadow of action. They must also be taught to be affable and courteous. For as want of affability is justly hateful, so boys will not be disagreeable to those they associate with, if they yield occasionally in disputes. For it is not only excellent to know how to conquer, but also to know how to be defeated, when victory would be injurious, for there is such a thing as a Cadmean victory.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_26_26&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_26_26&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;26&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I can cite wise Euripides as a witness of the truth of what I say, who says, &amp;quot;When two are talking, and one of them is in a passion, he is the wiser who first gives way.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_27_27&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_27_27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I will next state something quite as important, indeed, if anything, even more important. That is, that life must be spent without luxury, the tongue must be &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;under control, so must the temper and the hands. All this is of extreme importance, as I will show by examples. To begin with the last case, some who have put their hands to unjust gains, have lost all the fruits of their former life, as the Lacedæmonian Gylippus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_28_28&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_28_28&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;28&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was exiled from Sparta for embezzling the public money. To be able to govern the temper also argues a wise man. For Socrates, when a very impudent and disgusting young fellow kicked him on one occasion, seeing all the rest of his class vexed and impatient, even to the point of wanting to prosecute the young man, said, &amp;quot;What! If a young ass kicked me would you have me kick it back?&amp;quot; Not that the young fellow committed this outrage on Socrates with impunity, for as all reviled him and nicknamed him the kicker, he hung himself. And when Aristophanes brought his &amp;quot;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Clouds&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;quot; on the stage, and bespattered Socrates with his gibes and flouts, and one of the spectators said, &amp;quot;Aren&#039;t you vexed, Socrates, at his exhibiting you on the stage in this comic light?&amp;quot; he answered, &amp;quot;Not I, by Zeus, for I look upon the theatre as only a large supper party.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_29_29&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_29_29&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;29&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Very similar to this was the behaviour of Archytas of Tarentum and Plato. The former, on his return from war, where he had been general, finding his land neglected, called his bailiff, and said to him, &amp;quot;You would have caught it, had I not been very angry.&amp;quot; And Plato, very angry with a gluttonous and shameless slave, called his sister&#039;s son Speusippus, and said, &amp;quot;Go and beat him, for I am too angry.&amp;quot; But someone will say, these examples are difficult and hard to follow. I know it. But we must try, as far as possible, following these examples, to avoid ungovernable and mad rage. For we cannot in other respects equal those distinguished men in their ability and virtue, nevertheless we must, like initiating priests of the gods and torchbearers of wisdom, attempt as far as possible to imitate and nibble at their practice. Then, again, if anyone thinks it a small and unimportant matter to govern the tongue, another point I promised to touch on, he is very far from the reality. For silence at the proper season is wisdom, and better than any speech. And that is, I &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;think, the reason why the ancients instituted the mysteries that we, learning therein to be silent, might transfer our secrecy to the gods to human affairs. And no one ever yet repented of his silence, while multitudes have repented of their speaking. And what has not been said is easy to say, while what has been once said can never be recalled. I have heard of myriads who have fallen into the greatest misfortunes through inability to govern their tongues. Passing over the rest, I will mention one or two cases in point. When Ptolemy Philadelphus married his sister Arsinoe, Sotades said, &amp;quot;You are contracting an unholy marriage.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_30_30&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_30_30&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;30&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For this speech he long lingered in prison, and paid the righteous penalty for his unseasonable babbling, and had to weep a long time for making others laugh. Theocritus the Sophist similarly cracked his jokes, and had to pay even a greater penalty. For when Alexander ordered the Greeks to furnish him with purple robes to wear at the sacrifices on his triumphal return from war against the barbarians, and his subjects contributed so much per head, Theocritus said, &amp;quot;Before I doubted, but now I am sure, that this is the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;purple death&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Homer speaks of.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_31_31&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_31_31&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;31&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; By this speech he made Alexander his enemy. The same Theocritus put Antigonus, the King of the Macedonians, a one-eyed man, into a thundering rage by alluding to his misfortune. For the King sent his chief cook, Eutropio, an important person at his court, to go and fetch Theocritus before him to confer with him, and when he had frequently requested him to come without avail, Theocritus at last said, &amp;quot;I know well you wish to serve me up raw to the Cyclops;&amp;quot; flouting the King as one-eyed and the cook with his profession. Eutropio replied, &amp;quot;You shall lose your head, and pay the penalty for this babbling and mad insolence;&amp;quot; and reported his words to the King, who sent and had his head taken off. Our boys must also be taught to speak the truth as a most sacred duty; for to lie is servile, and most hateful in all men, hardly to be pardoned even in poor slaves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Thus much have I said about the good conduct &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;17&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and self-control of boys without any doubt or hesitation: but as to what I am now going to say I am doubtful and undecided, and like a person weighed in the scales against exactly his weight, and feel great hesitation as to whether I should recommend or dissuade the practice. But I must speak out. The question is this—whether we ought to let the lovers of our boys associate and be with them, or on the contrary, debar them from their company and scare them off. For when I look at fathers self-opinionated sour and austere, who think their sons having lovers a disgrace not to be borne, I am rather afraid of recommending the practice. But when, on the other hand, I think of Socrates, Xenophon, Æschines, Cebes, and all the company of those men who have approved of male loves, and who have introduced their minions to learning, to high positions in the State, and to good morals, I change my opinion, and am moved to emulate those men. And Euripides seems to favour these views in the passage, &amp;quot;But there is among mortals another love, that of the righteous temperate and pure soul.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_32_32&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_32_32&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;32&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Nor must we omit the remark of Plato, which seems to mix seriousness with mirth, that &amp;quot;those who have distinguished themselves ought to be permitted to kiss any handsome boy they like.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_33_33&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_33_33&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;33&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Those then that seek only carnal enjoyment must be kept off, but those that love the soul must be encouraged. And while the loves common at Thebes and Elis, and the so-called rape at Crete, must be avoided, the loves of Athens and Lacedæmon should be emulated.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xvi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; As to this matter, therefore, let every parent follow his inclination. And now, as I have spoken about the good and decent behaviour of boys, I shall change my subject and speak a little about youths. For I have often censured the introducers of bad habits, who have set over boys tutors and preceptors, but have given to youths full liberty, when they ought, on the contrary, to have watched and guarded them more than boys. For who does not know that the offences of boys are petty and easily cured, and proceed from the carelessness of tutors or want of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;18&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;obedience to preceptors; but the faults of young men are often grave and serious, as gluttony, and robbing their fathers, and dice, and revellings, and drinking-bouts, and deflowering of maidens, and seducing of married women. Such outbreaks ought to be carefully checked and curbed. For that prime of life is prodigal in pleasure, and frisky, and needs a bridle, so that those parents who do not strongly check that period, are foolishly, if unawares, giving their youths license for vice.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_34_34&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_34_34&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;34&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sensible parents, therefore, ought during all that period to guard and watch and restrain their youths, by precepts, by threats, by entreaties, by advice, by promises, by citing examples,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_35_35&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_35_35&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;35&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; on the one hand, of those who have come to ruin by being too fond of pleasure, on the other hand, of those who by their self-control have attained to praise and good report. For these are, as it were, the two elements of virtue, hope of honour, and fear of punishment; the former inciting to good practices, the latter deterring from bad.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xvii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; We ought, at all hazards, to keep our boys also from association with bad men, for they will catch some of their villany. This was the meaning of Pythagoras&#039; enigmatical precepts, which I shall quote and explain, as they give no slight momentum towards the acquisition of virtue: as, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Do not touch black tails&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: that is, do not associate with bad men.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_36_36&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_36_36&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;36&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Do not go beyond the balance&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: that is, we must pay the greatest attention to justice and not go beyond it. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Do not sit on a measure&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: that is, do not be lazy, but earn tomorrow&#039;s bread as well as to-day&#039;s. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Do not give everyone your right hand&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: that is, do not be too ready to strike up a friendship. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Do not wear a tight ring&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: that is, let your life be free, do not bind yourself by a chain. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Do not poke the fire with a sword&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: that is, do not provoke an angry person, but yield to such. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Do not eat the heart&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: do not wear away the heart by anxiety. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Abstain from beans&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: that is, do not meddle in state affairs, for the voting for offices was formerly taken by beans. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Do not put your food in the chamber-pot&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: that is, do not throw your pearls before swine, for words are the food of the mind, and the villany of men &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;19&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;twist them to a corrupt meaning. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;When you have come to the end of a journey do not look back&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: that is, when people are going to die and see that their end is near, they ought to take it easily and not be dejected. But I will return from my digression. We must keep our boys, as I said, from association with all bad men, but especially from flatterers. For, as I have often said to parents, and still say, and will constantly affirm, there is no race more pestilential, nor more sure to ruin youths swiftly, than the race of flatterers, who destroy both parents and sons root and branch, making the old age of the one and the youth of the others miserable, holding out pleasure as a sure bait. The sons of the rich are by their fathers urged to be sober, but by them to be drunk; by their fathers to be chaste, by them to wax wanton; by their fathers to save, by them to spend; by their fathers to be industrious, by them to be lazy. For they say, &amp;quot;&#039;Our life&#039;s but a span;&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_37_37&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_37_37&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;37&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; we can only live once; why should you heed your father&#039;s threats? he&#039;s an old twaddler, he has one foot in the grave; we shall soon hoist him up and carry him off to burial.&amp;quot; Some even pimp for them and supply them with prostitutes or even married women, and cut huge slices off the father&#039;s savings for old age, if they don&#039;t run off with them altogether. An accursed tribe, feigning friendship, knowing nothing of real freedom, flatterers of the rich, despisers of the poor, drawn to young men by a sort of natural logic,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_38_38&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_38_38&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;38&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; showing their teeth and grinning all over when their patrons laugh,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_39_39&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_39_39&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;39&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; misbegotten brats of fortune and bastard elements in life, living according to the nod of the rich, free in their circumstances, but slaves by inclination, when they are not insulted thinking themselves insulted, because they are parasites to no purpose. So, if any father cares for the good bringing-up of his sons, he must banish from his house this abominable race. He must also be on his guard against the viciousness of his sons&#039; schoolfellows, for they are quite sufficient to corrupt the best morals.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xviii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; What I have said hitherto is &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;apropos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; to my &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;20&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;subject: I will now speak a word to the men. Parents must not be over harsh and rough in their natures, but must often forgive their sons&#039; offences, remembering that they themselves were once young. And just as doctors by infusing a sweet flavour into their bitter potions find delight a passage to benefit, so fathers must temper the severity of their censure by mildness; and sometimes relax and slacken the reins of their sons&#039; desires, and again tighten them; and must be especially easy in respect to their faults, or if they are angry must soon cool down. For it is better for a father to be hot-tempered than sullen, for to continue hostile and irreconcilable looks like hating one&#039;s son. And it is good to seem not to notice some faults, but to extend to them the weak sight and deafness of old age, so as seeing not to see, and hearing not to hear, their doings. We tolerate the faults of our friends; why should we not that of our sons? often even our slaves&#039; drunken debauches we do not expose. Have you been rather near? spend more freely. Have you been vexed? let the matter pass. Has your son deceived you by the help of a slave? do not be angry. Did he take a yoke of oxen from the field, did he come home smelling of yesterday&#039;s debauch? wink at it. Is he scented like a perfume shop? say nothing. Thus frisky youth gets broken in.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_40_40&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_40_40&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;40&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_20a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xix.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Those of our sons who are given to pleasure and pay little heed to rebuke, we must endeavour to marry, for marriage is the surest restraint upon youth. And we must marry our sons to wives not much richer or better born, for the proverb is a sound one, &amp;quot;Marry in your own walk of life.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_41_41&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_41_41&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;41&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For those who marry wives superior to themselves in rank are not so much the husbands of their wives as unawares slaves to their dowries.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_42_42&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_42_42&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;42&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xx.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I shall add a few remarks, and then bring my subject to a close. Before all things fathers must, by a good behaviour, set a good example to their sons, that, looking at their lives as a mirror, they may turn away from &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;21&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;bad deeds and words. For those fathers who censure their sons&#039; faults while they themselves commit the same, are really their own accusers, if they know it not, under their sons&#039; name; and those who live a depraved life have no right to censure their slaves, far less their sons. And besides this they will become counsellors and teachers of their sons in wrongdoing; for where old men are shameless youths will of a certainty have no modesty. We must therefore take all pains to teach our sons self-control, emulating the conduct of Eurydice, who, though an Illyrian and more than a barbarian, to teach her sons educated herself though late in life, and her love to them is well depicted in the inscription which she offered to the Muses: &amp;quot;Eurydice of Hierapolis made this offering to the Muses, having conceived a vast love for knowledge. For when a mother with sons full-grown she learnt letters, the preservers of knowledge.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To carry out all these precepts would be perhaps a visionary scheme; but to attain to many, though it would need a happy disposition and much care, is a thing possible to human nature.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_43_43&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_43_43&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;43&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_3_3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_3_3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Here. Fur.&amp;quot; 1261, 1262.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_4_4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_4_4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Hippol.&amp;quot; 424, 425.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_5_5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_5_5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cleophantus is the name given to this lad by other writers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_6_6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_6_6&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;6&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare Sophocles, &amp;quot;Œdipus Tyrannus,&amp;quot; 112, 113.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_7_7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_7_7&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;7&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Thessalians were very pugnacious. Cf. Isocrates, &amp;quot;Oratio de Pace,&amp;quot; p. 316. οἱ μὲν (θετταλοὶ) σφίσιν αύσῖς ἀτοῖς ἀεὶ πολεμοῦσιν.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_8_8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_8_8&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A proverbial expression among the ancients for earliest childhood. See Erasmus, &amp;quot;Adagia.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_9_9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_9_9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plato, &amp;quot;Republic,&amp;quot; ii. p. 429, E.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_10_10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_10_10&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;10&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Erasmus, &amp;quot;Adagia.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_11_11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_11_11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It is difficult to know how to render the word παιδαγωγὸς in English. He was the slave who took the boy to school, and generally looked after him from his seventh year upward. Tutor or governor seems the best rendering. He had great power over the boy entrusted to him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_12_12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_12_12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plato, &amp;quot;Clitophon,&amp;quot; p. 255, D.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_13_13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_13_13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare Diogenes Laertius, ii. 72.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_14_14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_14_14&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;14&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading κοιτοφθοροῦντες, the excellent emendation of Wyttenbach.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_15_15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_15_15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; From the heathen standpoint of course, not from the Christian. Compare the advice of Cato in Horace&#039;s &amp;quot;Satires,&amp;quot; Book i. Sat. ii. 31-35. It is a little difficult to know what Diogenes&#039; precept really means. Is it that vice is universal? Like Shakespeare&#039;s &amp;quot;Measure for Measure,&amp;quot; Act ii. Sc. ii. 5. &amp;quot;All sects, all ages smack of this vice.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_16_16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_16_16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was asked by Polus, see Plato, &amp;quot;Gorgias,&amp;quot; p. 290, F.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_17_17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_17_17&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;17&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Hippolytus,&amp;quot; 986-989.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_18_18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_18_18&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;18&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cf. Plato, &amp;quot;Cratylus,&amp;quot; p. 257, E. ὦ παῖ Ὶππονίκου Ὲρμόγενες, παλαιὰ παροιμἰα, ὃτι χαλεπὰ τὰ καλἀ ἐσιν ὃπη ἔχει μαθεῖν. So Horace, &amp;quot;Sat.&amp;quot; i. ix. 59, 60, &amp;quot;Nil sine magno Vita labore dedit mortalibus.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_19_19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_19_19&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;19&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Midias,&amp;quot; p. 411, C.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_20_20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_20_20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;20&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;i.e.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, occasionally and sparingly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_21_21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_21_21&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;21&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Diogenes Laertius assigns the remark to Aristippus, while Stobæus fathers it on Aristo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_22_22&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_22_22&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;22&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A favourite thought with the ancients. Compare Isocrates, &amp;quot;Admonitio ad Demonicum,&amp;quot; p. 18; and Aristotle, &amp;quot;Nic. Eth.,&amp;quot; iv. 3.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_23_23&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_23_23&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;23&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Republic,&amp;quot; vii. p. 489, E.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_24_24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_24_24&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;24&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A famous Proverb. It is &amp;quot;the master&#039;s eye&amp;quot; generally, as in Xenophon, &amp;quot;Œconom.&amp;quot; xii. 20; and Aristotle, &amp;quot;Œconom.&amp;quot; i. 6.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_25_25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_25_25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;25&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Works and Days,&amp;quot; 361, 362. The lines were favourite ones with our author. He quotes them again, § 3, of &amp;quot;How one may be aware of one&#039;s Progress in Virtue.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_26_26&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_26_26&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;26&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Pausanias, ix. 9. Also Erasmus, &amp;quot;Adagia.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_27_27&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_27_27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A fragment from the &amp;quot;Protesilaus&amp;quot; of Euripides. Our &amp;quot;It takes two to make a quarrel.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_28_28&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_28_28&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;28&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Plutarch&#039;s Lysander.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_29_29&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_29_29&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;29&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Or &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;symposium&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, where all sorts of liberties were taken.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_30_30&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_30_30&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;30&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I have softened his phrase. His actual words were very coarse, and would naturally be resented by Ptolemy. See Athenæus, 621, A.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_31_31&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_31_31&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;31&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; v. 83; xvi. 334; xx, 477.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_32_32&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_32_32&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;32&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A fragment from the &amp;quot;Dictys&amp;quot; of Euripides.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_33_33&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_33_33&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;33&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Republ.&amp;quot; v. 463, F. sq.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_34_34&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_34_34&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;34&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cf. Shakespeare&#039;s &amp;quot;Winter Tale,&amp;quot; Act iii. sc. iii. 59-63.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_35_35&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_35_35&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;35&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As Horace&#039;s father did. See &amp;quot;Satires,&amp;quot; Book i. Sat. iv. 105-129.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_36_36&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_36_36&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;36&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; What we call &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;black sheep&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_37_37&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_37_37&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;37&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; From Simonides. Cf. Seneca, &amp;quot;Epist.&amp;quot; xlix. &amp;quot;Punctum est quod vivimus, et adhuc puncto minus.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_38_38&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_38_38&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;38&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading with Wyttenbach, ὡς ἐκ λογικῆς τέχνης.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_39_39&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_39_39&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;39&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Like &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Carker&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in Dombey.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_40_40&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_40_40&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;40&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare the character of Micio in the &amp;quot;Adelphi&amp;quot; of Terence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_41_41&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_41_41&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;41&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This saying is assigned by Diogenes Laertius to Pittacus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_42_42&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_42_42&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;42&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare Plautus, &amp;quot;Asinaria,&amp;quot; i. l. 74. &amp;quot;Argentum accepi: dote imperum vendidi.&amp;quot; Compare also our author, &amp;quot;Whether Vice is sufficient to cause Unhappiness,&amp;quot; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_138a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;§ i.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_43_43&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_43_43&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;43&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Wyttenbach thinks this treatise is not Plutarch&#039;s. He bases his conclusion partly on external, partly on internal, grounds. It is not quoted by Stobæus, or any of the ancients, before the fourteenth century. And its style is not Plutarch&#039;s; it has many words foreign to Plutarch: it has &amp;quot;nescio quid novum ac peregrinum, ab illa Plutarchea copia et gravitate diversum leve et inane.&amp;quot; Certainly its matter is superior to its manner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_21a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ON LOVE TO ONE&#039;S OFFSPRING.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;i.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Appeals to foreign law-courts were first devised among the Greeks through mistrust of one another&#039;s justice, for they looked on justice as a necessity not indigenous among them. Is it not on much the same principle that the philosophers, in regard to some of their questions, owing to their variety of opinion, have appealed to the brute creation as to a strange state, and submitted the decision to their instincts and habits as not to be talked over &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_22&amp;quot;&amp;gt;22&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and impartial? Or is it a general charge against human infirmity that, having different opinions on the most necessary and important things, we seek in horses and dogs and birds how to marry and beget and rear children, as though we had no means of making our own nature known, and appeal to the habits and instincts of the brute creation, and call them in to bear witness against the many deviations from nature in our lives, which from the first are confused and disorderly. For among the brutes nature remains ever the same, pure and simple, but in men, owing to reason and habit, like oil in the hands of the perfumers, being mixed up with many added opinions, it becomes various and loses its original simplicity. And let us not wonder that the brutes follow nature more closely than human beings, for in that respect even they are outstripped by inanimate things, which, being dowered neither with imagination nor any appetite or inclination contrary to nature, ever continue in the one path which nature has prescribed for them, as if they were tied and bound. But in brutes the gentleness of mood inspired by reason, the subtlety, the love of freedom, are not qualities found in excess, but they have unreasonable appetites and desires, and act in a roundabout way within certain limits, riding, as it were, at the anchor of nature, and only going straight under bit and bridle. But in man reason, which is absolute master, inventing different modes and fashions of life, has left no plain or evident trace of nature.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_44_44&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_44_44&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;44&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_22a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Consider in their marriages how much the animals follow nature. For they do not wait for any legislation about bachelor or late-married, like the citizens of Lycurgus and Solon, nor do they fear penalties for childlessness, nor are they anxious for the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;jus trium liberorum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_45_45&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_45_45&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;45&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; like many of the Romans, who only marry and have children for the privileges it bestows, not to have heirs, but to be qualified for succeeding themselves to inheritances. Then, again, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_23&amp;quot;&amp;gt;23&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the male animal does not go with the female at all times; for its aim is not pleasure but procreation: so in the season of spring, the most appropriate time for such pairings,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_46_46&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_46_46&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;46&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the female being submissive and tender attracts the male by her beautiful condition of body, coming as she does from the dew and fresh pastures, and when pregnant modestly retires and takes thought for the birth and safety of her offspring. We cannot adequately describe all this, but every animal exhibits for its young affection and forethought and endurance and unselfishness. We call the bee wise, and celebrate its &amp;quot;making the yellow honey,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_47_47&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_47_47&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;47&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; flattering it for its tickling sweetness; but we neglect the wisdom and ingenuity of other creatures, both as regards the birth and bringing up of their young. For example, the kingfisher after conception weaves its nest with the thorns of the marine needle, making it round and oblong in shape like a fisherman&#039;s basket, and after deftly and closely weaving it together, subjects it to the action of the sea waves, that its surface may be rendered waterproof by this plash and cement, and it is hard for even iron or stone to break it. And what is more wonderful still, so symmetrically is the entrance of the nest adjusted to the kingfisher&#039;s shape and size, that no beast either greater or smaller can enter it, they even say that it does not admit the sea, or even the very smallest things. And cats, when they breed, very often let their kittens go out and feed, and take them back into their entrails again.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_48_48&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_48_48&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;48&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And the bear, a most savage and ugly beast, gives birth to its young without shape or joints, and with its tongue as with an instrument moulds its features, so that it seems to give form as well as life to its progeny. And the lion in Homer, &amp;quot;whom the hunters meet in the wood with its whelps, exulting in its strength, which so frowns that it hides its eyes,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_49_49&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_49_49&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;49&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; does it not intend to bargain with the hunters for its whelps? For universally the love of animals for their offspring makes timid ones bold, and lazy ones energetic, and greedy ones &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;24&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;unselfish. And so the bird in Homer, feeding its young &amp;quot;with its beak, with whatever it has captured, even though it goes ill with itself,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_50_50&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_50_50&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;50&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; nourishes its young at the cost of its own hunger, and when the food is near its maw abstains from it, and holds it tightly in its mouth, that it may not gulp it down unawares. &amp;quot;And so a bitch bestriding her tender pups, barks at a strange man, and yearns for the fray,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_51_51&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_51_51&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;51&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; making her fear for them a sort of second anger. And partridges when they are pursued with their young let them fly on, and, contriving their safety, themselves fly so near the sportsmen as to be almost caught, and then wheel round, and again fly back and make the sportsmen hope to catch them, till at last, having thus provided for the safety of their young, they lead the sportsmen on a long way. As to hens, we see every day how they watch over their chicks, dropping their wings over some, and letting others climb on their backs, or anywhere about them, and clucking for joy all the time: and though they fly from dogs and dragons when only afraid for themselves, if they are afraid for their chicks they stand their ground and fight valiantly. Are we to suppose then that nature has only implanted these instincts in fowls and dogs and bears, anxious only about their offspring, to put us mortals out of countenance and to give us a bad name? considering these examples for us to follow, while disgrace justly attaches to our inhumanity, for mankind only is accused of having no disinterested affection, and of not knowing how to love except in regard to advantage. For that line is greatly admired in the theatres, &amp;quot;Man loves man only for reward,&amp;quot; and is the view of Epicurus, who thinks that the father so loves his son, the mother her child, children their parents. Whereas, if the brutes could understand conversation, and if anyone were to introduce horses and cows and dogs and birds into a common theatre,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_52_52&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_52_52&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;52&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and were to change the sentiment into &amp;quot;neither do dogs love their pups, nor horses their foals, nor birds their young, out &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;25&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of interest, but gratuitously and by nature,&amp;quot; it would be recognized by the affections of all of them to be a true sentiment. Why it would be disgraceful, great God, that birth and travail and procreation should be gratis and mere nature among the beasts, while among mankind they should be merely mercenary transactions!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But such a statement is not true or worthy of credit. For as nature, in wild growths, such as wild vines, wild figs, or wild olives, makes the fruit imperfect and inferior to the fruit of cultivated trees, so has she given to the brutes an imperfect affection for their kind, one neither marked by justice nor going beyond commodity: whereas to man, a logical and social animal, she has taught justice and law, and honour to the gods, and building of cities, and philanthropy, and has contributed the noble and goodly and fruitful seeds of all these in love to one&#039;s offspring, thereby following the very first elements that are found in the construction of the body. For nature is everywhere perfect and artistic and complete, and, to borrow the expression of Erasistratus, has nothing tawdry about her: but one cannot adequately describe all the processes appertaining to birth, nor would it be perhaps decent to pry too closely into such hidden matters, and to particularize too minutely all their wondrous ingenuity. But her contrivance and dispensation of milk alone is sufficient to prove nature&#039;s wonderful care and forethought. For all the superfluous blood in women, that owing to their languor and thinness of spirit floats about on the surface and oppresses them, has a safety-valve provided by nature in the menses, which relieve and cleanse the rest of the body, and fit the womb for conception in due season. But after conception nature stops the menses, and arrests the flow of the blood, using it as aliment for the babe in the womb, until the time arrives for its birth, and it requires a different kind of food. At this stage the blood is most ingeniously changed into a supply of milk, not diffused all over the body, but externally in the breasts, so that the babe can with its mouth imbibe the gentle and soothing nutriment.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_53_53&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_53_53&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;53&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But all these various &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_26&amp;quot;&amp;gt;26&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;processes of nature, all this economy, all this forethought, would be useless, had not nature also implanted in mothers love to their offspring and anxiety for their welfare.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;For of all things, that on the earth do breathe&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Or creep, man is by far the wretchedest.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_54_54&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_54_54&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;54&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the poet&#039;s words are especially applicable to a newborn babe. For there is nothing so imperfect, so helpless, so naked, so shapeless, so foul as a newborn babe: to whom almost alone nature has given an impure outlet to the light of day: being kneaded with blood, and full of defilement, and like one killed rather than born: which no one would touch, or lift up, or kiss, or embrace, but from natural affection. And that is why all the animals have their udders under the belly, women alone have their breasts high on their bodies, that they can lift up their babes to kiss, to dandle, and to fondle: seeing that their bearing and rearing children comes not from necessity but love.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Refer the question to the ancient inhabitants of the earth, to the first mothers and fathers. There was no law ordering them to have families, no expectation of advantage or return to be got out of them. I should rather say that mothers would be likely to be hostile and bear malice to their babes, owing to the great danger and pains of travail. And women say the lines, &amp;quot;When the sharp pangs of travail seize on the pregnant woman, then come to her aid the Ilithyiæ, who help women in hard childbirth, those daughters of Hera, goddesses of travail,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_55_55&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_55_55&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;55&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; were not written by Homer, but by some Homerid who had been a mother, or was even then in the throes of travail, and who vividly felt the sharp pain in her womb. But the love to one&#039;s offspring implanted by nature, moves and influences the mother even then: in the very height of her throes, she neglects not nor flees from her babe, but turns to it and smiles at it, and takes it up and caresses it, though she derives no pleasure or utility from it, but with pain and sorrow receives it, &amp;quot;warming it and fostering it &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_27&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;in swaddling clothes, with unintermittent assiduity both night and day.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_56_56&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_56_56&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;56&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; What hope of gain or advantage had they in those days? nay, or even now? for the hopes of parents are uncertain, and have to be long waited for. He who plants a vine in the spring equinox, gleans its vintage in the autumnal equinox; he who sows corn when the Pleiads set, reaps it when they rise; cattle and horses and birds have produce at once fit for use; whereas man&#039;s bringing up is toilsome, his growth slow; and as excellence flowers late, most fathers die before their sons attain to fame. Neocles lived not to see Themistocles&#039; victory at Salamis, nor Miltiades Cimon&#039;s at the Eurymedon, nor did Xanthippus hear Pericles haranguing, nor did Aristo hear Plato philosophizing, nor did their fathers know of the triumphs of Euripides and Sophocles. They heard them faltering in speech and lisping in syllables, the poor parents saw their errors in revelling and drinking and love-affairs, so that of all Evenus&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_57_57&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_57_57&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;57&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; lines, that one alone is most remembered and quoted, &amp;quot;to a father a son is always a cause of fear or pain.&amp;quot; Nevertheless, parents do not cease to bring up sons, even when they can least need them. For it is ridiculous to suppose that the rich, when they have sons, sacrifice and rejoice that they will have people to take care of them and to bury them; unless indeed they bring up sons from want of heirs; as if one could not find or fall in with anyone who would be willing to have another&#039;s property! Why, the sand on the sea shore, and the dust, and the wings of birds of varied note, are less numerous than the number of would-be heirs. For had Danaus, the father of fifty daughters, been childless, he would have had more heirs, and of a different spirit. For sons have no gratitude, nor regard, nor veneration for inheritance; but take it as a debt; whereas the voices of strangers which you hear round the childless man, are like those lines in the play, &amp;quot;O People, first bathe, after one decision in the courts, then eat, drink, gobble, take the three-obol-piece.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_58_58&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_58_58&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;58&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And what Euripides has said, &amp;quot;Money finds friends for men, and has the greatest &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_28&amp;quot;&amp;gt;28&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;power among mankind,&amp;quot; is not merely a general truth, but is especially true in the case of the childless. For those the rich entertain to dinner, those great men pay court to, to those alone orators give their services gratis. &amp;quot;A mighty personage is a rich man, whose heir is unknown.&amp;quot; It has at any rate made many much loved and honoured, whom the possession of one child would have made unloved and insignificant. Whence we see that there is no power or advantage to be got from children, but that the love of them, alike in mankind as among the animals, proceeds entirely from nature.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;v.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; What if this natural affection, like many other virtues, is obscured by badness, as a wilderness chokes a garden? Are we to say that man does not love himself by nature, because many cut their throats or throw themselves down precipices? Did not Œdipus put out his eyes? And did not Hegesias by his speeches make, many of his hearers to commit suicide?&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_59_59&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_59_59&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;59&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Fatality has many different aspects.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_60_60&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_60_60&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;60&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But all these are diseases and maladies of the soul driving a man contrary to nature out of his wits: as men themselves testify even against themselves. For if a sow destroys one of its litter, or a bitch one of its pups, men are dejected and troubled, and think it an evil omen, and sacrifice to the gods to avert any bad results, on the score that it is natural to all to love and cherish their offspring, unnatural to destroy it. For just as in mines the gold is conspicuous even though mixed up with earth, so nature manifests plainly love to offspring even in instances of faulty habits and affections. For when the poor do not rear their children, it is from fear that if reared to man&#039;s estate they would be more than ought to be the case servile, and have little culture, and be debarred of all advantages: so, thinking poverty the worst of all evils, they cannot bear to give it their children, any more than they would some bad disease.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_61_61&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_61_61&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;61&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_44_44&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_44_44&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;44&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Much of this is very corrupt in the Greek. I have tried to get the best sense I could; but it is very obscure. Certainly Plutarch&#039;s style is often very harsh and crabbed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_45_45&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_45_45&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;45&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;jus trium liberorum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; assigned certain privileges to the father of three children, under the Roman Emperors. Frequent allusions are made to this law by the ancient writers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_46_46&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_46_46&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;46&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare Lucretius, i. 10-20.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_47_47&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_47_47&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;47&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A quotation from Simonides.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_48_48&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_48_48&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;48&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; We are not bound to swallow all the ancients tell us. Credat Judæus Apella!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_49_49&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_49_49&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;49&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xvii. 134-136.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_50_50&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_50_50&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;50&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; ix. 324. Quoted again in &amp;quot;How one may be aware of one&#039;s Progress in Virtue,&amp;quot; § 8.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_51_51&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_51_51&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;51&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; xx. 14, 15.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_52_52&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_52_52&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;52&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A theatre, that is, in which animals and birds and human beings should meet in common.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_53_53&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_53_53&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;53&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; All that is said here about the milk, the menses, and the blood, I have been obliged somewhat to condense and paraphrase. The ancients sometimes speak more plainly than we can. Ever and anon one must pare down a phrase or word in translating an ancient author. It is inevitable. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Verbum sat sapienti.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_54_54&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_54_54&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;54&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xvii. 446, 447.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_55_55&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_55_55&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;55&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ibid. xi. 269-271.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_56_56&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_56_56&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;56&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A fragment from Euripides, according to Xylander.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_57_57&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_57_57&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;57&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Evenus of Paros was an Elegiac Poet.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_58_58&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_58_58&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;58&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aristophanes, &amp;quot;Equites,&amp;quot; 50, 51.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_59_59&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_59_59&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;59&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Cicero &amp;quot;Tuscul.&amp;quot; i. 34.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_60_60&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_60_60&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;60&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Alcestis,&amp;quot; 1159; &amp;quot;Helena,&amp;quot; 1688; &amp;quot;Andromache,&amp;quot; 1284; &amp;quot;Bacchæ,&amp;quot; 1388.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_61_61&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_61_61&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;61&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The discourse breaks off abruptly. It is directed against the Epicureans. It throws ridicule on appealing to the affection of brutes for their offspring instead of appealing to human nature.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_29&amp;quot;&amp;gt;29&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;ON LOVE.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;two&amp;quot;&amp;gt;FLAVIANUS AND AUTOBULUS, THE OPENERS OF THE DIALOGUE, ARE BROTHERS. THE OTHER SPEAKERS ARE THEIR FATHER, DAPHNÆUS, PROTOGENES, PISIAS, AND OTHERS.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_29a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;i.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Flavianus.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—You say that it was on Mount Helicon, Autobulus, that those conversations took place about Love, which you are now about to narrate to us at our request, as you either wrote them down, or at least remember them from frequently asking our father about them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Autobulus.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—It was on Mount Helicon among the Muses, Flavianus, when the people of Thespiæ were celebrating their Festival to the God of Love, which they celebrate very magnificently and splendidly every five years to that God, as also to the Muses.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Flavianus.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—Do you know what all of us who have come to this audience intend to ask of you?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Autobulus.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—No, but I shall know if you tell me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Flavianus.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—Remove from your discourse for this once the poet&#039;s meadows and shades, and talk about ivy and yews, and all other commonplaces of that kind that writers love to introduce, with more zeal than discretion, in imitation of Plato&#039;s Ilissus and the famous willow and the gentle slope of grass.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_62_62&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_62_62&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;62&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Autobulus.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—My dear Flavianus, my narrative needs not any such exordium. The occasion that caused the conversation simply demands a chorus for the action and a stage, nothing else is wanting to the drama, let us only pray to the Mother of the Muses to be propitious, and give me memory for my narrative.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Long ago our father, before we were born, having lately married our mother, had gone to sacrifice to the God of Love, in consequence of a dispute and variance that broke out among their parents, and took our mother to the Festival, for she also had her part in the vow and sacrifice. Some of their intimate friends journeyed with them from the town where they lived, and when they got to Thespiæ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_30&amp;quot;&amp;gt;30&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;they found there Daphnæus the son of Archidamus, a lover of Lysandra the daughter of Simo, and of all her suitors the one who stood highest in her favour, and Soclarus the son of Aristio, who had come from Tithorea. And there were there also Protogenes of Tarsus, and Zeuxippus from Sparta, strangers, and my father said most of the most notable Bœotians were there also. For two or three days they went about the town in one another&#039;s company, as it was likely they would do, quietly carrying on philosophical discussions in the wrestling-schools and theatres: after that, to avoid a wearisome contest of harpers, decided beforehand by canvassing and cabal, most broke up their camp as if they had been in a hostile country, and removed to Mount Helicon, and bivouacked there with the Muses. In the morning they were visited by Anthemion and Pisias, both men of good repute, and very great friends of Baccho, who was surnamed the Handsome, and also rivals of one another somewhat through their affection for him. Now you must know that there was at Thespiæ a lady called Ismenodora, famous for her wealth and good family, and of uncommon good repute for her virtuous life: for she had been a widow some time without a breath of slander lighting upon her, though she was young and good-looking. As Baccho was the son of a friend and crony of hers, she had tried to bring about a marriage between him and a maiden who was her own relation, but by frequently being in his company and talking to him she had got rather smitten with him herself. And hearing much in his favour, and often talking about him, and seeing that many noble young men were in love with him, she fell violently in love with him, and, being resolved to do nothing unbecoming to her fair fame, determined to marry and live openly with him. And the matter seeming in itself rather odd, Baccho&#039;s mother looked rather askance at the proposed matrimonial alliance as being too high and splendid for her son, while some of his companions who used to go out hunting with him, frightening him and flouting him with Ismenodora&#039;s being rather too old for him, really did more to break off the match than those who seriously opposed it. And Baccho, being only a youth, somehow felt a little ashamed at the idea of&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_31&amp;quot;&amp;gt;31&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; marrying a widow, but, neglecting the opinions of everybody else, he submitted the decision as to the expediency of the marriage to Pisias and Anthemion, the latter being his cousin, though older than him, and the former the gravest&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_63_63&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_63_63&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;63&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of his lovers. Pisias objected to the marriage, and upbraided Anthemion with throwing the youth away on Ismenodora. Anthemion replied that it was not well in Pisias, being a good fellow in other respects, to imitate depraved lovers by shutting out his friend from house and marriage and wealth, merely that he might enjoy the sight of him as long as possible naked and in all his virgin bloom at the wrestling-schools.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; To avoid getting estranged by provoking one another on the question, they came and chose our father and his companions as umpires on the matter. And of the other friends, as if by concerted arrangement, Daphnæus espoused the view of Anthemion, and Protogenes the view of Pisias. And Protogenes inveighing somewhat too freely against Ismenodora, Daphnæus took him up and said, &amp;quot;Hercules, what are we not to expect, if Protogenes is going to be hostile to love? he whose whole life, whether in work or at play, has been devoted to love, in forgetfulness of letters, in forgetfulness of his country, not like Laius, away from his country only five days, his was only a torpid and land love: whereas your love &#039;unfolding its swift wings,&#039; flew over the sea from Cilicia to Athens, merely to gaze at and saunter about with handsome boys. For that was the original reason, doubtless, of Protogenes&#039; journey abroad.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And some laughter ensuing, Protogenes replied, &amp;quot;Do I really seem to you now to be hostile to love, and not to be fighting for love against ungovernable lust, which with most disgraceful acts and emotions assumes the most honourable of titles?&amp;quot; Whereupon Daphnæus, &amp;quot;Do you call the marriage and union of man and woman most disgraceful, than which no holier tie exists nor ever &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_32&amp;quot;&amp;gt;32&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;did?&amp;quot; Protogenes replied, &amp;quot;Why, as all this is necessary for the human race to continue, our legislators do not act amiss in crying up marriage and eulogizing it to the masses, but of genuine love there is not a particle in the woman&#039;s side of a house;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_64_64&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_64_64&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;64&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and I also say that you who are sweet on women and girls only love them as flies love milk, and bees the honey-comb, and butchers and cooks calves and birds, fattening them up in darkness.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_65_65&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_65_65&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;65&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But as nature leads one to eat and drink moderately and sufficiently, and excess in this is called gluttony and gormandizing, so the mutual desires between men and women are natural; but that headlong, violent, and uncontrollable passion for the sex is not rightly called love. For love, when it seizes a noble and young soul, ends in virtue through friendship; but these violent passions for women, at the best, aim only at carnal enjoyment and reaping the harvest of a beauteous prime, as Aristippus showed in his answer to one who told him Lais loved him not, &#039;No more,&#039; he said, &#039;do meat and wine love me, but I gladly enjoy both.&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_66_66&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_66_66&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;66&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For the end of passion is pleasure and fruition: but love, when it has once lost the promise of friendship, will not remain and continue to cherish merely for beauty that which gives it pain, where it gives no return of friendship and virtue. You remember the husband in the play saying to his wife, &#039;Do you hate me? I can bear that hatred very easily, since of my dishonour I make money.&#039; Not a whit more really in love than this husband is the one, who, not for gain but merely for the sexual appetite, puts up with a peevish and unsympathetic wife, as Philippides, the comic poet, ridiculed the orator, Stratocles, &#039;You scarce can kiss her if she turns her back on you.&#039; If, however, we ought to give the name of love to this passion, then is it an effeminate and bastard love, and like at Cynosarges,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_67_67&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_67_67&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;67&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; taking us to the woman&#039;s side of the house: or rather as &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_33&amp;quot;&amp;gt;33&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;they say there is a genuine mountain eagle, which Homer called &#039;black, and a bird of prey,&#039; and there are other kinds of spurious eagles, which catch fish and lazy birds in marshes, and often in want of food emit an hungry wail: so the genuine love is the love of boys, a love not &#039;flashing with desire,&#039; as Anacreon said the love of maidens was, nor &#039;redolent of ointment and sprightly,&#039; but you will see it plain and without airs in the schools of the philosophers, or perhaps in the gymnasiums and wrestling-schools, keenly and nobly pursuing youths, and urging on to virtue those who are well worthy of attention: but that soft and stay-at-home love, spending all its time in women&#039;s bosoms and beds, always pursuing effeminate delights, and enervated by unmanly, unfriendly, and unimpassioned pleasures, we ought to condemn as Solon condemned it: for he forbade slaves to love boys or to anoint them with oil, while he allowed them to associate with women. For friendship is noble and refined, whereas pleasure is vulgar and illiberal. Therefore, for a slave to love boys is neither liberal or refined: for it is merely the love of copulation, as the love of women.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;v.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Protogenes was intending to go on at greater length, when Daphnæus stopped him and said, &amp;quot;You do well, by Zeus, to mention Solon, and we too may use him as the test of an amorous man. Does he not define such a one in the lines, &#039;As long as you love boys in the glorious flower of their youth for their kisses and embraces.&#039; And add to Solon the lines of Æschylus, &#039;You did not disdain the honour of the thighs, O thankless one after all my frequent kisses.&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_68_68&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_68_68&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;68&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For some laugh at them if they bid lovers, like sacrificing priests and seers, to inspect thighs and loins; but I think this a mighty argument in behalf of the love of women. For if the unnatural commerce with males does not take away or mar the amorous propensity, much more likely is it that the natural love of women will end in friendship after the favour. For, Protogenes, the yielding of the female to the male was called by the ancients the favour. Thus Pindar says Hephæstus was the son of Hera &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_34&amp;quot;&amp;gt;34&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&#039;without any favours&#039;:&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_69_69&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_69_69&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;69&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Sappho, addressing a girl not yet ripe for marriage, says to her, &#039;You seemed to me a little girl, too young for the favour.&#039; And someone asks Hercules, &#039;Did you obtain the girl&#039;s favour by force or by persuasion?&#039; But the love of males for males, whether rape or voluntary—pathicks effeminately submitting, to use Plato&#039;s words, &#039;to be treated bestially&#039;—is altogether a foul and unlovely favour. And so I think Solon wrote the lines quoted above &#039;in his hot youth,&#039; as Plato puts it; but when he became older wrote these other lines, &#039;Now I delight in Cyprus-born Aphrodite, and in Dionysus, and in the Muses: all these give joys to men&#039;: as if, after the heat and tempest of his boyish loves, he had got into a quiet haven of marriage and philosophy. But indeed, Protogenes, if we look at the real facts of the case, the love for boys and women is really one and the same passion: but if you wish in a disputatious spirit to make any distinction, you will find that this boy-love goes beyond all bounds, and, like some late-born and ill-begotten bastard brat, seeks to expel its legitimate brother the older love, the love of women. For indeed, friend, it is only yesterday or the day before, since the strippings and exposures of the youths in the gymnasiums, that this boy-love crept in, and gently insinuated itself and got a footing, and at last in a little time got fully-fledged in the wrestling-schools, and has now got fairly unbearable, and insults and tramples on conjugal love, that love that gives immortality to our mortal race, when our nature has been extinguished by death, kindling it again by new births. And this boy-love denies that pleasure is its aim: for it is ashamed and afraid to confess the truth: but it needs some specious excuse for the liberties it takes with handsome boys in their prime: the pretext is friendship and virtue. So your boy-lover wallows in the dust, bathes in cold water, raises his eyebrows, gives himself out for a philosopher, and lives chaste abroad because of the law: but in the stillness of night&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Sweet is the ripe fruit when the guard&#039;s withdrawn.&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_70_70&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_70_70&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;70&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_35&amp;quot;&amp;gt;35&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But if, as Protogenes says, there is no carnal intercourse in these boy-familiarities, how is it Love, if Aphrodite is not present, whom it is the destiny of Love to cherish and pay court to, and to partake of just as much honour and power as she assigns to him? But if there is any Love without Aphrodite, as there is drunkenness without wine in drinks made from figs and barley, the disturbing it will be fruitless and without effect, and surfeiting and disgusting.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; At the conclusion of this speech, it was clear that Pisias was vexed and indignant with Daphnæus; and after a moment&#039;s silence he began: &amp;quot;O Hercules! what levity and audacity for men to state that they are tied to women as dogs to bitches, and to banish the god of Love from the gymnasiums and public walks, and light of day and open intercourse, and to restrict him to brothels&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_71_71&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_71_71&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;71&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and philtres and incantations of wanton women: for to chaste women, I am sure, it belongs not either to love or be loved.&amp;quot; At this point our father told me he interposed, and took Protogenes by the hand, and said to him:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;&#039;This word of yours rouses the Argive host,&#039;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and of a verity Pisias makes us to side with Daphnæus by his extravagant language, charging marriage with being a loveless intercourse, and one that has no participation in divine friendship, although we can see that it is an intercourse, if erotic persuasion and favour fail, that cannot be restrained by shame and fear as by bit and bridle.&amp;quot; Thereupon Pisias said, &amp;quot;I care little about his arguments; but I see that Daphnæus is in the same condition as brass: for, just as it is not worked upon so much by the agency of fire as by the molten and liquid brass fused with it, so is he not so much captivated by the beauty of Lysandra as by his association with one who is the victim of the gentle passion; and it is plain that, if he doesn&#039;t take refuge with &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_36&amp;quot;&amp;gt;36&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;us, he will soon melt away in the flame altogether. But I see, what Anthemion would very much like, that I am offending the Court, so I stop.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;You amuse us,&amp;quot; said Anthemion: &amp;quot;but you ought from the first to have spoken to the point.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;quot;I say then,&amp;quot; continued Pisias, &amp;quot;and give it out boldly, as far as I am concerned, let every woman have a lover; but we ought to guard against giving the wealth of Ismenodora to Baccho, lest, if we involve him in so much grandeur and magnificence, we unwittingly lose him in it, as tin is lost in brass. For if the lad were to marry quite a plain and insignificant woman, it would be great odds whether he would keep the upper hand, as wine mixed with water; and Ismenodora seems already marked out for sway and command; for otherwise she would not have rejected such illustrious and wealthy suitors to woo a lad hardly yet arrived at man&#039;s estate, and almost requiring a tutor still. And therefore men of sense prune the excessive wealth of their wives, as if it had wings that required clipping; for this same wealth implants in them luxury, caprice, and vanity, by which they are often elated and fly away altogether: but if they remain, it would be better to be bound by golden fetters, as in Ethiopia, than to a woman&#039;s wealth.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;viii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Here Protogenes put in, &amp;quot;You say nothing about the risk we run of unseasonably and ridiculously reversing the well-known advice of Hesiod:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;If seasonable marriage you would make,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Let about thirty be the bridegroom&#039;s age,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The bride be in the fifth year of her womanhood:&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_72_72&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_72_72&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;72&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;if we thus marry a lad hardly old enough for marriage to a woman so many years older, than himself, as dates and figs are forced. You will say she loves him passionately: who prevents her, then, from serenading at his doors, singing her amorous ditty, putting garlands on his statues, and wrestling and boxing with her rivals in his affections? For all these are what people in love do. And let her lower her eyebrows, and give up the airs of a coquette, and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_37&amp;quot;&amp;gt;37&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;assume the appearance of those that are deeply smitten. But if she is modest and chaste, let her decorously stay at home and await there her lovers and sweethearts; for any sensible man would be disgusted and flee from a woman who took the initiative in love, far less would he be likely to marry her after such a barefaced wooing.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ix.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; When Protogenes had done speaking, my father said, &amp;quot;Do you see, Anthemion, that they force us to intervene again, who have no objection to dance in the retinue of conjugal Love?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;I do,&amp;quot; said Anthernion, &amp;quot;but pray defend Love at some length, as you are on his side, and moreover come to the rescue of wealth,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_73_73&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_73_73&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;73&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with which Pisias seeks to scare us.&amp;quot; Thereupon my father began, &amp;quot;What on earth will not be brought as a charge against a woman, if we are to reject Ismenodora because she is in love and has money? Granted she loves sway and is rich? What then, if she is young and handsome? And what if she plumes herself somewhat on the lustre of her race? Have not chaste women often something of the morose and peevish in their character almost past bearing? Do they not sometimes get called waspish and shrewish by virtue of their very chastity? Would it be best then to marry off the street some Thracian Abrotonus, or some Milesian Bacchis, and seal the bargain by the present of a handful of nuts? But we have known even such turn out intolerable tyrants, Syrian flute-girls and ballet-dancers, as Aristonica, and Œnanthe with her tambourine, and Agathoclea, who have lorded it over kings&#039; diadems.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_74_74&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_74_74&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;74&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Why Syrian Semiramis was only the servant and concubine of one of king Ninus&#039;s slaves, till Ninus the great king seeing and falling in love with her, she got such power over him that she thought so cheap of him, that she asked to be allowed one day to sit on the royal throne, with the royal diadem on her head, and to transact state affairs. And &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_38&amp;quot;&amp;gt;38&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Ninus having granted her permission, and having ordered all his subjects to obey her as himself, she first gave several very moderate orders to make trial of the guards; but when she saw that they obeyed her without the slightest hesitation, she ordered them to seize Ninus and put him in fetters, and at last put him to death; and all her commands being obeyed, she ruled over Asia for a long time with great lustre. And was not Belestiche a foreign woman off the streets, although at Alexandria she has shrines and temples, with an inscription as Aphrodite Belestiche, which she owes to the king&#039;s love? And she who has in this very town&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_75_75&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_75_75&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;75&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a temple and rites in common with Eros, and at Delphi stands in gold among kings and queens, by what dowry got she her lovers? But just as the lovers of Semiramis, Belestiche, and Phryne, became their prey unconsciously through their weakness and effeminacy, so on the other hand poor and obscure men, having contracted alliances with rich women of rank, have not been thereby spoilt nor merged their personality, but have lived with their wives on a footing of kindness, yet still kept their position as heads of the house. But he that abases his wife and makes her small, like one who tightens the ring on a finger too small for it fearing it will come off,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_76_76&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_76_76&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;76&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; is like those who cut their mares&#039; tails off and then take them to a river or pond to drink, when they say that sorrowfully discerning their loss of beauty these mares lose their self-respect and allow themselves to be covered by asses.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_77_77&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_77_77&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;77&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; To select a wife for wealth rather than for her excellence or family is dishonourable and illiberal; but it is silly to reject wealth when it is accompanied by excellence and family. Antigonus indeed wrote to his officer who had garrisoned Munychia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_78_78&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_78_78&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;78&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to make not only the collar strong but the dog lean, that he might undermine the strength of the Athenians; but it becomes not the husband of a rich or handsome woman to make his wife poor or ugly, but by his self-control&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_39&amp;quot;&amp;gt;39&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and good sense, and by not too extravagantly showing his admiration for her, to exhibit himself as her equal not her slave, and (to borrow an illustration from the scales) to add just so much weight to his character as shall over-balance her, yet only just. Moreover, both Ismenodora and Baccho are of a suitable age for marriage and procreation of children; Ismenodora, I hear, is still in her prime, and&amp;quot; (here my father smiled slily at Pisias) &amp;quot;she is certainly not a bit older than her rivals, and has no grey hairs, as some of those who consort with Baccho have. And if their union is seasonable, who knows but that she may be a better partner for him than any young woman? For young couples do not blend and mix well together, and it takes a long time and is not an easy process for them to divest themselves of their pride and spirit, and at first there&#039;s a good deal of dirty weather and they don&#039;t pull well together, and this is oftenest the case when there&#039;s love on both sides, and, just as a storm wrecks the ship if no pilot is on board, so their marriage is trouble and confusion, neither party knowing how either to rule or to give way properly. And if the baby is under the nurse, and the boy under the master, and the lad under the master of the gymnasium, and the youth under his lover, and the full-grown man under the law and magistrate, and no one is his own master and exempt from obedience to someone, what wonder would it be if a sensible woman rather older than her husband would direct well the life of a young man, being useful to him by reason of her superior wisdom, and acceptable to him for her sweetness and gentleness? And to sum up the whole matter,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;we Bœotians ought to revere Hercules, and so find no fault in any inequality of age in marriages, seeing that he gave his own wife Megara in marriage to Iolaus, though he was only sixteen and she three-and-thirty.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_79_79&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_79_79&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;79&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;x.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; As the conversation was going on, our father said that a friend of Pisias came galloping up from the town to report an act of marvellous audacity. Ismenodora, it appears, thinking Baccho had no personal dislike to the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_40&amp;quot;&amp;gt;40&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;match, but only stood in awe of his friends who tried to dissuade him from it, determined that she would not let the young fellow slip through her fingers. Accordingly, she sent for the most active and intimate&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_80_80&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_80_80&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;80&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of her male friends, and for some of her female cronies, and instructed them as to what part they should play, and waited for the hour when Baccho was accustomed regularly to pass by her house on his way to the wrestling-school. And as he passed by on this occasion with two or three of his companions, anointed for the exercise, Ismenodora met him at the door and just touched his cloak, and her friends rushed out all together and prettily seized the pretty fellow as he was in his cloak and jersey,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_81_81&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_81_81&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;81&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and hurried him into the house and at once locked the doors. And the women inside at once divested him of his cloak and put on him a bridal robe; and the servants ran about the town and put olive wreaths and laurel garlands at the doors of Baccho&#039;s house as well as Ismenodora&#039;s, and a flute-girl went up and down the street playing and singing the wedding-song. And some of the inhabitants of Thespiæ and the strangers laughed, others were indignant and tried to make the superintendents of the gymnasium move in the matter, for they have great power in Thespiæ over the youths, and pay great attention to their actions. And now there was no more talk about the sports, but everyone left the theatre for the neighbourhood of Ismenodora&#039;s house, and there stood in groups talking and disputing about what had happened.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Now when Pisias&#039; friend had come up like an &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;aide-de-camp&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in war, &amp;quot;bloody with spurring, fiery red with haste,&amp;quot; to report this news that Ismenodora had seized Baccho, my father said that Zeuxippus smiled, and being a great lover of Euripides repeated the line,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Lady, though rich, thou hast thy sex&#039;s feelings.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But Pisias jumped up and cried out, &amp;quot;Ye gods, what will be the end of license like this which will overthrow our town? Already we are fast tending to lawlessness through our independence. And yet it is perhaps ridicu&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_41&amp;quot;&amp;gt;41&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;lous to be indignant about law and justice, when nature itself is trampled upon by being thus subjected to women? Saw even Lemnos ever the like of this?&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_82_82&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_82_82&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;82&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Let us go,&amp;quot; he continued, &amp;quot;let us go and hand over to the women the gymnasium and council-hall, if the townsmen have lost all their nerve.&amp;quot; Pisias then left the company, and Protogenes went with him, partly sympathizing with his indignation, but still endeavouring to cool him. And Anthemion said, &amp;quot;&#039;Twas a bold deed and certainly does savour somewhat of Lemnos—I own it now we are alone—this Ismenodora must be most violently in love.&amp;quot; Hereupon Soclarus said, with a sly smile, &amp;quot;You don&#039;t think then that this rape and detention was an excuse and stratagem on the part of a wily young man to escape from the clutches of his lovers, and fly of his own volition to the arms of a rich and handsome widow?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Pray don&#039;t say so, Soclarus,&amp;quot; said Anthemion, &amp;quot;pray don&#039;t entertain any such suspicions of Baccho, for even if he were not by nature most simple and naïve, he would not have concealed the matter from me to whom he divulges all his secrets, especially as he knows that I have always been very anxious he should marry Ismenodora. But as Heraclitus says truly, It is more difficult to control love than anger; for whatever love has a fancy to, it will buy even at the cost of life, money, and reputation. Who lives a more quiet life in our town than Ismenodora? When did ever any ugly rumour attach itself to her? When did ever any breath of suspicion sully her house? Some divine inspiration, beyond human calculation, seems now to have possessed her.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then Pemptides laughed and said, &amp;quot;Of course you know that there is a certain disease of the body called the sacred disease.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_83_83&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_83_83&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;83&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It is no wonder, therefore, if some call the greatest and most insane passion of the soul sacred and divine. However, as in Egypt I once saw two neighbours &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_42&amp;quot;&amp;gt;42&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;disputing when a serpent passed by them on the road, both calling it a good omen, but each claiming the blessing as his alone; so seeing lately that some of you drag Love to the men&#039;s apartments, while others confine it to the women&#039;s side of the house, while all of you regard it as a divine and superlative blessing, I do not wonder, since it is a passion that has such power and honour, that those who ought to banish it from every quarter and clip its wings do themselves add to its influence and power. And hitherto I held my peace, for I saw that the discussion turned rather on private than public interests, but now that we have got rid of Pisias, I would gladly hear from you to what they had an eye who first called Love a god.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xiii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Just as Pemptides had left off, and our father was about to answer his question, another messenger came from the town, sent by Ismenodora to summon Anthemion, for the tumult had increased, and there was a difference of opinion between the superintendents of the gymnasium, one thinking they ought to demand the liberation of Baccho, the other thinking they ought not to interfere. Anthemion got up at once and went off. And our father, addressing Pemptides especially, said, &amp;quot;You seem to me, my dear Pemptides, to be handling a great and bold matter, or rather to be discussing things that ought not to be discussed, in asking for a reason in each case for our opinion about the gods. Our ancient and hereditary faith is sufficient, a better argument than which we cannot either utter or find,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Not e&#039;en if wisdom in our brains resides;&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_84_84&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_84_84&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;84&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;but if this common foundation and basis of all piety be disturbed, and its stability and time-honoured ideas be unsettled, it becomes undermined and is suspected by everybody. You have heard, of course, what hot water Euripides got into, when he wrote at the beginning of his &#039;Melanippe,&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Zeus, whosoe&#039;er he is, I do not know&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Except by hearsay,&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_85_85&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_85_85&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;85&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;but if he changed the opening line, he had confidence, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_43&amp;quot;&amp;gt;43&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;it seems, that his play would go down with the public uncommonly well,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_86_86&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_86_86&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;86&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; so he altered it into&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Zeus the divine, as he is truly called.&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_87_87&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_87_87&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;87&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And what difference is there between calling in question the received opinion about Zeus or Athene, and that about Love? For it is not now for the first time that Love asks for an altar and sacrifices, nor is he a strange god introduced by foreign superstition, as some Attis or Adonis, furtively smuggled in by hermaphrodites and women, and secretly receiving honours not his own, to avoid an indictment among the gods for coming among them under false pretences. And when, my friend, you hear the words of Empedocles,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Friendship is there too, of same length and breadth,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But with the mind&#039;s eye only can you see it,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Till with the sight your very soul is thralled,&#039;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;you must suppose that they refer to Love. For this god is invisible, but to be extolled by us as one of the very oldest gods. And if you demand proofs about every one of the gods, laying a profane hand on every temple, and bringing a learned doubt to every altar, you will scrutinize and pry into everything. But we need not go far to find Love&#039;s pedigree.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;See you how great a goddess Aphrodite is?&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;She &#039;tis that gave us and engendered Love,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Whereof come all that on the earth do live.&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_88_88&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_88_88&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;88&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And so Empedocles calls Aphrodite &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life-giving&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_89_89&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_89_89&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;89&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Sophocles calls her &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Fruitful&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, both very appropriate epithets. And though the wonderful act of generation belongs to Aphrodite only, and Love is only present in it as a subordinate, yet if he be absent the whole affair becomes undesirable, and low, and tame. For a loveless coition brings only satiety, as the satisfaction of hunger and thirst, and has nothing noble resulting from it, whereas by Love Aphrodite removes the cloying element in pleasure, and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_44&amp;quot;&amp;gt;44&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;produces harmonious friendship. And so Parmenides declares Love to be the oldest of the creations of Aphrodite, writing in his Cosmogony,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Of all the gods first Love she did contrive.&#039;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But Hesiod, more naturally in my opinion, makes Love the most ancient of all, so that all things derive their existence from him.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_90_90&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_90_90&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;90&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; If we then deprive Love of his ancient honours, those of Aphrodite will be lost also. For we cannot argue that, while some revile Love, all spare Aphrodite, for on the same stage we hear of Love,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Love is an idle thing and for the idle:&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_91_91&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_91_91&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;91&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and again of Aphrodite,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Cypris, my boys, is not her only name,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For many names has she. She is a hell,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A power remorseless, nay a raging madness.&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_92_92&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_92_92&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;92&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Just as in the case of the other gods there is hardly one that has not been reviled, or escaped the scurrility of ignorance. Look, for example, at Ares, who may be considered as it were the counterpart of Love, what honours he has received from men, and again what abuse, as&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Ares is blind, ye women, has no eyes,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And with his pig&#039;s snout roots up all good things.&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_93_93&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_93_93&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;93&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And Homer calls him &#039;blood-stained&#039; and &#039;fickle.&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_94_94&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_94_94&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;94&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And Chrysippus brings a grievous charge against him, in defining his name to mean destroyer,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_95_95&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_95_95&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;95&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; thereby giving a handle to those who think that Ares is only the fighting, wrangling, and quarrelsome instinct among mankind. Others again will tell us that Aphrodite is simply desire, and Hermes eloquence, and the Muses the arts and sciences, and Athene wisdom. You see what an abyss of impiety opens up before us, if we describe each of the gods, as only a passion, a power, or a virtue!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xiv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;quot;I see it,&amp;quot; said Pemptides, &amp;quot;and it is impious either to make the gods passions, or to do just the con&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_45&amp;quot;&amp;gt;45&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;trary, and make the passions gods.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;What then?&amp;quot; said my father, &amp;quot;do you consider Ares a god, or only a human passion?&amp;quot; And Pemptides, answering that he looked on Ares as god of the passionate and manly element in mankind, &amp;quot;What,&amp;quot; cried my father, &amp;quot;shall the passionate and warlike and antagonistic instincts in man have a god, but the affectionate and social and clubable have none? Shall Ares, under his names of Enyalius and Stratius, preside over arms and war and sieges and sacks of cities, and shall there be no god to witness and preside over, to direct and guide, conjugal affection, that friendship of closest union and communion? Why even those who hunt gazelles and hares and deer have a silvan deity who harks and halloos them on, for to Aristæus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_96_96&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_96_96&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;96&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; they pay their vows when in pitfalls and snares they trap wolves and bears,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;For Aristæus first set traps for animals.&#039;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And Hercules invoked another god, when he was about to shoot at the bird, as the line of Æschylus shows,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Hunter Apollo, make my bolt go straight!&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_97_97&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_97_97&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;97&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And shall no god or good genius assist and prosper the man who hunts in the best chase of all, the chase of friendship? For I cannot for my part, my dear Daphnæus, consider man a less beautiful or important plant than the oak, or sacred olive, or the vine which Homer glorifies,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_98_98&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_98_98&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;98&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; seeing that man too has his growth and glorious prime alike of soul and body.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then said Daphnæus, &amp;quot;In the name of the gods, who thinks differently?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;All those certainly must,&amp;quot; answered my father, &amp;quot;who think that the gods care only about ploughing and planting and sowing. Have they not Nymphs attending upon them, called Dryads, &#039;whose age is coeval with the trees they live in: and Dionysus the mirth-giving does he not increase the yield of the trees, the sacred splendour of Autumn,&#039; as Pindar says?&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_99_99&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_99_99&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;99&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And if they care about all this, is there no god or genius who is interested in the nurture and growth of boys and youths in all their glorious flower? is there no one that cares that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_46&amp;quot;&amp;gt;46&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the growing man may be upright and virtuous, and that the nobility of his nature may not be warped and corrupted, either through want of a guardian or by the depravity of those he associates with? Is it not monstrous and thankless to say so, seeing that we enjoy the divine bounty, which is dealt out to us richly, and never abandons us in our straits? And yet some of these same straits have more necessity than beauty. For example, our birth, in spite of the unpleasant circumstances attending it, is witnessed by the divine Ilithyia and Artemis: and it would be better not to be born at all than to become bad through want of a good guardian and guide. Moreover in sickness the god who is over that province does not desert us, nor even in death: for even then there is a conductor and guide for the departed, to lay them to sleep, and convey their souls to Hades,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_100_100&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_100_100&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;100&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; as the poet says,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Night bore me not to be lord of the lyre,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Nor to be seer, or healer of diseases,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But to conduct the souls of the departed.&#039;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And yet these duties involve much unpleasantness, whereas we cannot mention a holier work, nor any struggle or contest more fitting for a god to attend and play the umpire in, than the guidance of the young and beautiful in the prosecution of their love-affairs. For there is here nothing of an unpleasant nature, no compulsion of any kind, but persuasion and grace, truly making toil sweet and labour delightful, lead the way to virtue and friendship, and do not arrive at that desired goal without the deity, for they have as their leader and lord no other god than Love, the companion of the Muses and Graces and Aphrodite. For Love &#039;sowing in the heart of man the sweet harvest of desire,&#039; to borrow the language of Melanippides, mixes the sweetest and most beautiful things together. But perhaps you are of a different opinion, Zeuxippus.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xvi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Not I, by Zeus,&amp;quot; replied Zeuxippus. &amp;quot;To have a different opinion would be ridiculous.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Then,&amp;quot; continued my father, &amp;quot;is it not also ridiculous, if there are four kinds of friendship, for so the ancients distinguished, the natural first, the second that to one&#039;s kindred, the third &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_47&amp;quot;&amp;gt;47&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;that to one&#039;s companions, the fourth the friendship of love, and each of the first three have a god as patron, either a god of friendship, or a god of hospitality, or a god of the family, or a god of the race,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_101_101&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_101_101&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;101&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; whereas the friendship of love only, as something altogether unholy, is left without any patron god, and that, too, when it needs most of all attentive direction?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;It is,&amp;quot; said Zeuxippus, &amp;quot;highly ridiculous.&amp;quot; My father continued, &amp;quot;The language of Plato is very suggestive here, to make a slight digression. One kind of madness (he says) is conveyed to the soul from the body through certain bad temperaments or mixtures, or through the prevalence of some noxious spirit, and is harsh, difficult to cure, and baneful. Another kind of madness is not uninspired or from within, but an afflatus from without, a deviation from sober reason, originated and set in motion by some higher power, the ordinary characteristic of which is called enthusiasm. For, as one full of breath is called ἔμτνοος, and as one full of sense is called ἔμφρων, so the name enthusiasm is given to the commotion of the soul caused by some Divine agency.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_102_102&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_102_102&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;102&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thus there is the prophetic enthusiasm which proceeds from Apollo, and the Bacchic enthusiasm which comes from Dionysus, to which Sophocles alludes where he says, &#039;Dance with the Corybantes;&#039; for the rites of Cybele and Pan have great affinities to the orgies of Bacchus. And the third madness proceeds from the Muses, and possesses an impressionable and pure soul, and stirs up the poetry and music in a man. As to the martial and warlike madness, it is well known from what god it proceeds, namely, Ares, &#039;kindling tearful war, that puts an end to the dance and the song, and exciting civic strife.&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_103_103&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_103_103&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;103&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; There remains, Daphnæus, one more kind of madness in man, neither obscure nor tranquil, as to which I should like to ask Pemptides here,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;What god it is that shakes the fruitful thyrsus?&#039;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I refer to that love-fury for modest boys and chaste women, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_48&amp;quot;&amp;gt;48&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;which is far the keenest and fiercest passion of all. For have you not observed how the soldier, when he lays aside his arms, ceases from his warlike fury, as the poet says,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Then from him&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Right gladly did his squires remove the armour,&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_104_104&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_104_104&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;104&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and sits down a peaceful spectator of others?&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_105_105&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_105_105&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;105&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Bacchic and Corybantic dances one can also modulate and quell, by changing the metre from the trochaic and the measure from the Phrygian. Similarly, too, the Pythian priestess, when she descends from her tripod, possesses her soul in peace. Whereas the love-fury, when once it has really seized on a man and inflamed him, can be laid by no Muse, no charm or incantation, no change of place; but present they burn, absent they desire, by day they follow their loves about, by night they serenade them, sober call for them, and drunken sing about them. And he who said that poetic fancies, owing to their vividness, were dreams of people awake, would have more truly spoken so of the fancies of lovers, who, as if their loves were present, converse with them, greet them, chide them. For sight seems to paint all other fancies on a wet ground, so soon do they fade and recede from the memory, but the images of lovers, painted by the fancy as it were on encaustic tiles, leave impressions on the memory, that move, and live, and speak, and are permanent for all time. The Roman Cato, indeed, said that the soul of the lover resided in the soul of the loved one, and I should extend the remark to the appearance, the character, the life, and the actions, conducted by which he travels a long journey in a short time, as the Cynics say they have found a short cut and, as it were, forced march to virtue, for there is also a short cut to friendship and love when the god is propitious. To sum up, the enthusiasm of lovers is not a thing uninspired, and the god that guides and governs it is none other than the god whose festival we are now keeping, and to whom we are now sacrificing. Nevertheless, as we judge of a god mainly from his power and usefulness (as among human advantages we reckon and call these two the most divine, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_49&amp;quot;&amp;gt;49&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;dominion and virtue), it is high time to consider, before we proceed any further, whether Love yields to any of the gods in power. Certainly, as Sophocles says, &#039;Wonderful is the power which the Cyprian Queen exerts so as always to win the victory:&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_106_106&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_106_106&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;106&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; great also is the might of Ares; and in some sort we see the power of all the other gods divided among these two; for Aphrodite has most intimate connection with the beautiful, and Ares is in our souls from the first to combat against the sordid, to borrow the idea of Plato. Let us consider, then, to begin with, that the venereal delight can be purchased for six obols, and that no one ever yet put himself into any trouble or danger about it, unless he was in love. And not to mention here such famous courtesans as Phryne or Lais, Gnathænium, &#039;kindling her lamp at evening time,&#039; on the look-out for lovers and inviting them, is often passed by; &#039;yet, if some sudden whiff arise&#039; of mighty love and desire, it makes this very delight seem equal to the fabled wealth of Tantalus and his domains. So feeble and cloying is the venereal indulgence, if Love inspires it not. And you will see this more plainly still from the following consideration. Many have allowed others to share in their venereal enjoyments, prostituting not only their mistresses but their wives, like that Roman Galba, who used to ask Mæcenas to dinner, and when he saw from his nods and winks that he had a mind to do with his wife, turned his head gently aside as if asleep; but when one of his slaves came up to the table and stole some wine, his eyes were wide open enough, and he said, &#039;Villain, don&#039;t you know that I am asleep only for Mæcenas?&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_107_107&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_107_107&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;107&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But this is not perhaps so strange, considering Galba was a buffoon. But at Argos Nicostratus and Phayllus were great political rivals: so when King Philip visited that city, Phayllus thought if he prostituted his wife, who was very handsome, to the King, he would get from him some important office or place. And Nicostratus getting wind of this, and walking about the doors of Phayllus&#039; house with some of his servants on the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;qui vive&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_50&amp;quot;&amp;gt;50&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Phayllus made his wife put on men&#039;s boots, and a military cloak, and a Macedonian broad-brimmed hat, and so smuggled her into the King, without being detected, as one of the King&#039;s young men. But, of all the multitude of lovers, did you ever hear of one that prostituted his boy-love even for the honours of Zeus? I think not. Why, though no one will generally either speak or act against tyrants, many will who find them their rivals and are jealous about their handsome minions. You must have heard how Aristogiton of Athens, and Antileon of Metapontum, and Melanippus of Agrigentum, rose not against tyrants, although they saw how badly they managed affairs, and what drunken tricks they played, yet, when they attempted the chastity of their boy-loves, they retaliated on them, jeoparding their lives, as if they were defending the inviolability of temples and sanctuaries. It is also recorded that Alexander wrote to Theodoras, the brother of Proteas, &#039;Send me your singing-girl, unless you love her yourself, and I will give you ten talents;&#039; and when Antipatridas, one of his companions, came to revel with him, bringing with him a female harper, he fancied the girl not a little, and asked Antipatridas if he cared very much about her. And when he replied that he did immensely, Alexander said, &#039;Plague take you,&#039; but nevertheless abstained from touching the girl.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xvii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Consider also how Love excels in warlike feats, and is by no means idle, as Euripides called him,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_108_108&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_108_108&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;108&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; nor a carpet-knight, nor &#039;sleeping on a maiden&#039;s soft cheeks.&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_109_109&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_109_109&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;109&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For a man inspired by Love needs not Ares to help him when he goes out as a warrior against the enemy, but at the bidding of his own god is &#039;ready&#039; for his friend &#039;to go through fire and water and whirlwinds.&#039; And in Sophocles&#039; play,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_110_110&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_110_110&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;110&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; when the sons of Niobe are being shot at and dying, one of them calls out for no helper or assister but his lover. And you know of course how it was that Cleomachus the Pharsalian fell in battle?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;We cer&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_51&amp;quot;&amp;gt;51&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;tainly don&#039;t,&amp;quot; said Pemptides and those near him, &amp;quot;but we should very much like to.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Well,&amp;quot; said my father, &amp;quot;the tale&#039;s worth hearing. When the war between the Eretrians and Chalcidians was at its height, Cleomachus had come to aid the latter with a Thessalian force; and the Chalcidian infantry seemed strong enough, but they had great difficulty in repelling the enemy&#039;s cavalry. So they begged that high-souled hero Cleomachus to charge the Eretrian cavalry first. And he asked his boy-love, who was by, if he would be a spectator of the fight, and he saying he would, and affectionately kissing him and putting his helmet on his head, Cleomachus with a proud joy put himself at the head of the bravest of the Thessalians, and charged the enemy&#039;s cavalry with such impetuosity that he threw them into disorder and routed them; and the Eretrian infantry also fleeing in consequence, the Chalcidians won a splendid victory. However, Cleomachus got killed, and they show his tomb in the market-place at Chalcis, over which a huge pillar stands to this day, and whereas before that the people of Chalcis had censured boy-loves, from that time forward they preferred that kind of love to the normal love. Aristotle gives a slightly different account, namely, that this Cleomachus came not from Thessaly, but from Chalcis in Thrace, to the help of the Chalcidians in Eubœa; and that that was the origin of the song in vogue among the Chalcidians,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Ye boys, who come of noble sires and beauteous are in face,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Grudge not to give to valiant men the joy of your embrace:&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For Love that does the limbs relax combined with bravery&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In the Chalcidian cities has fame that ne&#039;er shall die.&#039;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But according to the account of the poet Dionysius, in his &#039;Causes,&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_111_111&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_111_111&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;111&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the name of the lover was Anton, and that of the boy-love was Philistus. And among you Thebans, Pemptides, is it not usual for the lover to give his boy-love a complete suit of armour when he is enrolled among the men? And did not the erotic Pammenes change the disposition of the heavy-armed infantry, censuring Homer as knowing nothing about love, because he drew up the Achæans in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_52&amp;quot;&amp;gt;52&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;order of battle in tribes and clans, and did not put lover and love together, that so&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Spear should be next to spear, helmet to helmet,&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_112_112&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_112_112&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;112&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;seeing that Love is the only invincible general.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_113_113&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_113_113&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;113&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For men in battle will leave in the lurch clansmen and friends, aye, and parents and sons, but what warrior ever broke through or charged through lover and love, seeing that even when there is no necessity lovers frequently display their bravery and contempt of life. As Thero the Thessalian, who put his left hand on a wall, and drew his sword, and chopped off his thumb, and challenged his rival to do the same. And another in battle falling on his face, as his enemy was about to give him the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;coup-de-grace&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, begged him to wait a little till he could turn round, that his love should not see him with a wound in his back. And not only are the most warlike nations most amorous, as the Bœotians the Lacedæmonians and the Cretans, but also of the old heroes, who were more amorous than Meleager, Achilles, Aristomenes, Cimon, and Epaminondas. Why, Epaminondas had as his boy-loves Asopichus and Cephisodorus, the latter of whom fell with him at Mantinea, and is buried near him. As to ..., who was most formidable and a source of terror to the enemy, Eucnamus of Amphissa, who first stood up against him and smote him, received hero honours from the Phocians for his exploit. And as to all the loves of Hercules, it would take up too much time to enumerate them, but those who think that Iolaus was one of them do up to this day worship and honour him, and make their loves swear fidelity at his tomb. Hercules is also said, having understood the art of healing, to have preserved the life of Alcestis, when she was given up by the doctors, to gratify Admetus, who passionately loved his wife, and was Hercules&#039; minion. They say also in legend that Apollo was enamoured of Admetus,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;And was his hired slave for one long year.&#039;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It was a happy thought our remembering Alcestis, for &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_53&amp;quot;&amp;gt;53&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;though women have not much of Ares in them, yet when possessed by Love they are bold even to the death, beyond what one would expect from their nature. For if we may credit legendary lore, the stories about Alcestis, and Protesilaus, and Eurydice the wife of Orpheus, show that the only one of the gods that Hades pays attention to is Love; although to everybody else, as Sophocles says, &amp;quot;he knows of no forbearance or favour, or anything but strict justice; &amp;quot;yet before lovers his genius stands rebuked, and they alone find him neither implacable nor relentless. Wherefore although, my friend, it is an excellent thing to be initiated in the Eleusinian mysteries, yet I see that the votaries and initiated of Love have a better time of it in Hades than they have, * *&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_114_114&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_114_114&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;114&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; though in regard to legendary lore I stand in the position of one who neither altogether believes nor altogether disbelieves. For legendary lore speaks well, and by a certain wonderful good fortune lights upon the truth, in saying that lovers have a return from Hades to the light of day, but it knows not by what way or how, having as it were got benighted on the road which Plato first discovered by philosophy. There are, indeed, some slender and obscure particles of truth scattered about in the mythology of the Egyptians, but they require a clever man to hunt them out, a man capable of getting great results from small data. Wherefore let that matter pass. And now next to the mighty power of Love let us consider its good will and favour to mankind, I do not mean as to whether it bestows many gifts on its votaries—that is palpable to all—but whether they derive any further advantage from it. For Euripides, though very amorous, admired a very small matter, when he wrote the line—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Love teaches letters to a man unlearn&#039;d.&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_115_115&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_115_115&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;115&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For it makes one previously sluggish quick and intelligent, and, as has been said before, it makes the coward brave, as people harden wood in the fire and make it strong from being weak. And every lover becomes liberal and genuine &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_54&amp;quot;&amp;gt;54&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and generous, even if he was mean before, his littleness and miserliness melting away like iron in the fire, so that they rejoice to give to their loves more than they do to receive themselves from others. You know of course that Anytus, the son of Anthemion, was in love with Alcibiades, and was on one occasion sumptuously entertaining several of his friends, when Alcibiades broke in and took from the table half the cups and went away again; and when some of the guests were indignant and said, &#039;The stripling has used you most insolently and contemptuously,&#039; Anytus replied, &#039;Nay, rather, he has dealt kindly with me, for when he might have taken all he has left me half.&#039;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xviii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Zeuxippus was pleased with this story, and said, &amp;quot;O Hercules, you have been within an ace of making me forget my hereditary hatred to Anytus for his behaviour to Socrates and philosophy,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_116_116&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_116_116&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;116&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; since he was so mild and noble to his love.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Be it so,&amp;quot; said my father, &amp;quot;Love also makes peevish and gloomy persons kind and agreeable to those they live with; for as &#039;when the fire blazes the house looks brighter,&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_117_117&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_117_117&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;117&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; so man, it seems, becomes more cheerful through the heat of love. But most people are affected rather curiously; if they see by night a light in a house, they look on it with admiration and wonder; but if they see a little, mean, and ignoble soul suddenly filled with noble-mindedness, freedom, dignity, grace, and liberality, they do not feel constrained to say with Telemachus, &#039;Surely, some god is there within.&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_118_118&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_118_118&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;118&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And is it not wonderful, Daphnæus,&amp;quot; continued my father,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_119_119&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_119_119&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;119&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;in the name of the Graces, that the lover who cares about hardly anything, either his companions and friends, or even the laws and magistrates and kings, who fears nothing, admires nothing, courts nothing, but can even endure to gaze on &#039;the forked lightning,&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_120_120&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_120_120&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;120&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; yet directly he looks on his love &#039;he crouches like a cock with drooping feathers,&#039; and his boldness is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_55&amp;quot;&amp;gt;55&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;broken and his pride is cowed. And among the Muses it would not be amiss to mention Sappho; for as the Romans say Cacus the son of Hephæstus vomited out of his mouth fire and flames, so she really speaks words that burn like fire, and in her songs shows the warmth of her heart, as Philoxenus puts it, &#039;by euphonious songs assuaging the pains of love.&#039; And if you have not in your love for Lysandra forgot all your old love-songs, do repeat to us, Daphnæus, the lines in which beautiful Sappho says that &#039;when her love appeared her voice failed and her body burned, and she was seized with paleness and trembling and vertigo.&#039;&amp;quot; And when Daphnæus had repeated the lines, my father resumed, &amp;quot;In the name of Zeus, is not this plainly a divine seizure? Is not this a wonderful commotion of soul? Why, the Pythian priestess on the tripod is not moved so much as this! Who of those inspired by Cybele are made beside themselves to this extent by the flute and the kettledrum? Moreover, while many see the same body and the same beauty, only the lover is taken by it. Why is this the case? We get no light on it from Menander&#039;s words, &#039;Love is opportunity; and he that is smitten is the only one wounded.&#039; But the god is the cause of it, striking one and letting another go scot-free. But I will not pass over now, &#039;since it has come into my mouth,&#039; as Æschylus says, what perhaps would have been better spoken before, for it is a very important point. Perhaps, my friend, of all other things which we do not perceive through the senses, some got believed through legend, some through the law, some through reason; whereas we owe our conception of the gods altogether to the poets and legislators and philosophers: all alike teaching the existence of gods, but greatly differing as to their number and order, nature and power. For the gods of the philosophers &#039;know nothing of disease or old age or pain, and have not to cross the resounding Acheron;&#039; nor do the philosophers accept as gods Strifes, or Prayers, which are found in poetry;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_121_121&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_121_121&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;121&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; nor will they admit Terror and Fear as gods or as the sons of Ares. And on many points also they are at variance with the legislators, as Xenophanes bade the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_56&amp;quot;&amp;gt;56&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Egyptians, if they regarded Osiris as mortal, not to honour him as a god; but if they thought him a god not to mourn for him. And, again, the poets and legislators will not listen to, nor can they understand, the philosophers who make gods of ideas and numbers and units and spirits. And their views generally are very different. As there were formerly three parties at Athens, the Parali, the Epacrii, and the Pediei, all at variance with one another, yet all agreed to vote for Solon, and chose him with one accord as their mediator and ruler and lawgiver, as he seemed indisputably to hold the first place in merit; so the three parties that entertain different views about the gods are all unanimous on one point, for poets legislators and philosophers all alike register Love as one of the gods, &#039;loudly singing his praises with one voice,&#039; as Alcæus says the people of Mitylene chose Pittacus as their monarch. But our king and ruler and governor, Love, is brought down crowned from Helicon to the Academy by Hesiod and Plato and Solon, and in royal apparel rides in a chariot drawn by friendship and intimacy (not such as Euripides speaks of in the line, &#039;he has been bound in fetters not of brass,&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_122_122&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_122_122&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;122&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; shamefully throwing round him cold and heavy necessity), and soars aloft to the most beautiful and divine things, about which others have spoken better than I can.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xix.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; When my father had spoken thus much, Soclarus began, &amp;quot;Do you see that a second time you have committed the same fault, not cancelling your debts as you ought to do—for I must speak my mind—but evading them on purpose, and not delivering to us your promised ideas on a sacred subject? For as some little time back you only just touched on Plato and the Egyptians as if unwilling to enter on the subject more fully, so now you are doing again. However, as to what has been &#039;eloquently told&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_123_123&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_123_123&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;123&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; by Plato, or rather by the Muses through Plato&#039;s mouth, do not tell us that, my good friend, even if we ask for it; but as to your hint that the Egyptian legend about Love corresponded with Plato&#039;s views, you need not discuss it fully and minutely, we shall be satisfied if we hear a little of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_57&amp;quot;&amp;gt;57&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;such mighty matters.&amp;quot; And as the rest of the company made the same request, my father said, &amp;quot;The Egyptians, (like the Greeks) recognize two Loves, the Pandemian and the Celestial, to which they add the Sun, they also highly venerate Aphrodite. We also see much similarity between Love and the Sun, for neither is a fire, as some think, but a sweet and productive radiance and warmth, the Sun bringing to the body nourishment and light and growth, and Love doing the same to the soul. And as the heat of the Sun is more powerful when it emerges from clouds and after mist, so Love is sweeter and hotter after a jealous tiff with the loved one,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_124_124&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_124_124&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;124&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and moreover, as some think the Sun is kindled and extinguished, so also do people conceive of Love as mortal and uncertain. Moreover, just as without training the body cannot easily bear the heat of the Sun, so neither can the untrained soul easily bear the yoke of Love, but both are equally out of tune and suffer, for which they blame the deity and not their own weakness. But in this respect they seem to differ, in that the Sun exhibits to the eye things beautiful and ugly alike, whereas Love throws its light only on beautiful things, and persuades lovers to concentrate their attention on these, and to neglect all other things. As to those that call Aphrodite the Moon, they, too, find some points in common between them; for the Moon is divine and heavenly and a sort of halfway-house between mortal and immortal, but inactive in itself and dark without the presence of the Sun, as is the case with Aphrodite in the absence of Love. So we may say that Aphrodite resembles the Moon, and Love the Sun, more than any other deities, yet are not Love and the Sun altogether the same, for just as body and soul are not the same, but something different, so is it with the Sun and Love, the former can be seen, the latter only felt. And if it should not seem too harsh a saying, one might argue that the Sun acts entirely opposite to Love, for it turns the mind away from the world of fancy to the world of reality, beguiling us by its grace and splendid appearance, and persuading us to seek for truth and everything else in and round it and nowhere else. For as Euripides says,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_58&amp;quot;&amp;gt;58&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Too passionately do we love the Sun,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Because it always shines upon the earth,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;From inexperience of another life,&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_125_125&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_125_125&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;125&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;or rather from forgetfulness of those things which Love brings to our remembrance. For as when we are woke by a great and bright light, everything that the soul has seen in dreams is vanished and fled, so the Sun is wont to banish the remembrance of past changes and chances, and to bewitch the intelligence, pleasure and admiration causing this forgetfulness. And though reality is really there, yet the soul cleaves to dreams and is dazzled by what is most beautiful and divine. &#039;For round the soul are poured sweet yet deceiving dreams,&#039; so that the soul thinks everything here good and valuable, unless it obtain divine and chaste Love as its physician and preserver. For Love brings the soul through the body to truth and the region of truth, where pure and guileless beauty is to be found, kindly befriending its votaries like an initiator at the mysteries. And it associates with the soul only through the body. And as geometricians, in the case of boys who cannot yet be initiated into the perception of incorporeal and impassive substance, convey their ideas through the medium of spheres, cubes, and dodecahedrons, so celestial Love has contrived beautiful mirrors of beautiful things, and exhibits them to us glittering in the shapes colours and appearances of youths in all their flower, and calmly stirs the memory which is inflamed first by these. Consequently some, through the stupidity of their friends and intimates, who have endeavoured by force and against reason to extinguish the flame, have got no advantage from it, but filled themselves with smoke and confusion, or have rushed into secret and lawless pleasures and ingloriously wasted their prime. But as many as by sober reason and modesty have abated the extravagance of the passion, and left in the soul only a bright glow—not exciting a tornado of passion, but a wonderful and productive diffusion, as in a growing plant, opening the pores of complaisance and friendliness—these in no long time cease to regard the personal charms of those they love, and study their inward &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_59&amp;quot;&amp;gt;59&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;characters, and gaze at one another with unveiled eyes, and associate with one another in words and actions, if they find in their minds any fragment or image of the beautiful; and if not they bid them farewell and turn to others, like bees that only go to those flowers from which they can get honey. But wherever they find any trace or emanation or pleasing resemblance of the divine, in an ecstasy of pleasure and delight they indulge their memory, and revive to whatever is truly lovely and felicitous and admired by everybody.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xx.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;quot;The poets indeed seem for the most part to have written and sung about Love in a playful and merry manner, but have sometimes spoken seriously about him, whether out of their own mind, or the god helping them to truth. Among these are the lines about his birth, &#039;Well-sandalled Iris bare the most powerful of the gods to golden-haired Zephyr.&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_126_126&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_126_126&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;126&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But perhaps the learned have persuaded you that these lines are only a fanciful illustration of the variety and beauty of love.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Certainly,&amp;quot; said Daphnæus, &amp;quot;what else could they mean?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Hear me,&amp;quot; said my father, &amp;quot;for the heavenly phenomenon compels us so to speak. The rainbow&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_127_127&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_127_127&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;127&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; is, I suppose, a reflection caused by the sun&#039;s rays falling on a moist cloud, making us think the appearance is in the cloud. Similarly erotic fancy in the case of noble souls causes a reflection of the memory, from things which here appear and are called beautiful, to what is really divine and lovely and felicitous and wonderful. But most lovers pursuing and groping after the semblance of beauty in boys and women, as in mirrors,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_128_128&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_128_128&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;128&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; can derive nothing more certain than pleasure mixed with pain. And this seems the love-delirium of Ixion, who instead of the joy he desired embraced only a cloud, as children who desire to take the rainbow into their hands, clutching at whatever they see. But different is the be&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_60&amp;quot;&amp;gt;60&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;haviour of the noble and chaste lover: for he reflects on the divine beauty that can only be felt, while he uses the beauty of the visible body only as an organ of the memory, though he embraces it and loves it, and associating with it is still more inflamed in mind. And so neither in the body do they sit ever gazing at and desiring this light, nor after death do they return to this world again, and skulk and loiter about the doors and bedchambers of newly-married people, disagreeable ghosts of pleasure-loving and sensual men and women, who do not rightly deserve the name of lovers. For the true lover, when he has got into the other world and associated with beauties as much as is lawful, has wings and is initiated and passes his time above in the presence of his Deity, dancing and waiting upon him, until he goes back to the meadows of the Moon and Aphrodite, and sleeping there commences a new existence. But this is a subject too high for the present occasion. However, it is with Love as with the other gods, to borrow the words of Euripides, &#039;he rejoices in being honoured by mankind,&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_129_129&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_129_129&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;129&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;vice versa&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, for he is most propitious to those that receive him properly, but visits his displeasure on those that affront him. For neither does Zeus as god of Hospitality punish and avenge any outrages on strangers or suppliants, nor as god of the family fulfil the curses of parents, as quickly as Love hearkens to lovers unfairly treated, being the chastiser of boorish and haughty persons. Why need I mention the story of Euxynthetus and Leucomantis, the latter of whom is called The Peeping Girl to this day in Cyprus? But perhaps you have not heard of the punishment of the Cretan Gorgo, a somewhat similar case to that of Leucomantis, except that she was turned into stone as she peeped out of window to see her lover carried out to burial. For this Gorgo had a lover called Asander, a proper young man and of a good family, but reduced in fortune, though he thought himself worthy to mate with anybody. So he wooed Gorgo, being a relation of hers, and though he had many rivals, as she was much run after for her wealth belike, yet he had won the esteem of all the guardians and relations of the young girl.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_130_130&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_130_130&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;130&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; * * * *&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_61&amp;quot;&amp;gt;61&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; * * * Now the origins and causes of Love are not peculiar to either sex, but common to both. For those attractions that make men amorous may as well proceed from women as from boys.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_131_131&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_131_131&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;131&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And as to those beautiful and holy reminiscences and invitations to the divine and genuine and Olympian beauty, by which the soul soars aloft, what hinders but that they may come either from boys or lads, maidens or grown women, whenever a chaste and orderly nature and beauteous prime are associated together (just as a neat shoe exhibits the shapeliness of the foot, to borrow the illustration of Aristo), whenever connoisseurs of beauty descry in beautiful forms and pure bodies clear traces of an upright and unenervated soul.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_132_132&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_132_132&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;132&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For if&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_133_133&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_133_133&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;133&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the man of pleasure, who was asked whether &amp;quot;he was most given to the love of women or boys,&amp;quot; and answered, &amp;quot;I care not which so beauty be but there,&amp;quot; is considered to have given an appropriate answer as to his erotic desires, shall the noble lover of beauty neglect beauty and nobility of nature, and make love only with an eye to the sexual parts? Why, the lover of horses will take just as much pleasure in the good points of Podargus, as in those of Æthe, Agamemnon&#039;s mare,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_134_134&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_134_134&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;134&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and the sportsman rejoices not only in dogs, but also rears Cretan and Spartan bitches,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_135_135&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_135_135&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;135&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and shall the lover of the beautiful and of humanity be unfair and deal unequally with either sex, and think that the difference between the loves of boys and women is only their different dress? And yet they say that beauty is a flower of virtue; and it is ridiculous to assert that the female sex never blossoms nor make a goodly show of virtue, for as Æschylus truly says,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;I never can mistake the burning eye&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Of the young woman that has once known man.&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_136_136&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_136_136&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;136&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Shall the indications then of a forward wanton and corrupt &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_62&amp;quot;&amp;gt;62&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;character be found in the faces of women, and shall there be no gleam of chastity and modesty in their appearance? Nay, there are many such, and shall they not move and provoke love? To doubt it would be neither sensible nor in accordance with the facts, for generally speaking, as has been pointed out, all these attractions are the same in both sexes.... But, Daphnæus, let us combat those views which Zeuxippus lately advanced, making Love to be only irregular desire carrying the soul away to licentiousness, not that this was so much his own view as what he had often heard from morose men who knew nothing of love: some of whom marry unfortunate women for their dowries, and force on them economy and illiberal saving, and quarrel with them every day of their lives: while others, more desirous of children than wives, when they have made those women they come across mothers, bid farewell to marriage, or regard it not at all, and neither care to love nor be loved. Now the fact that the word for conjugal love differs only by one letter from the word for endurance, the one being στέργειν the other στέγειν, seems to emphasize the conjugal kindness mixed by time and intimacy with necessity. But that marriage which Love has inspired will in the first place, as in Plato&#039;s Republic, know nothing of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Meum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Tuum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, for the proverb, &#039;whatever belongs to a friend is common property,&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_137_137&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_137_137&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;137&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; is especially true of married persons who, though disunited in body, are perforce one in soul, neither wishing to be two, nor thinking themselves so. In the second place there will be mutual respect, which is a vital necessity in marriage. For as to that external respect which has in it more of compulsion than choice, being forced by the law and shame and fear,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Those needful bits and curbs to headstrong weeds,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_138_138&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_138_138&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;138&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;that will always exist in wedlock. But in Love there is such self-control and decorum and constancy, that if the god but once enter the soul of a licentious man, he makes him give up all his amours, abates his pride, and breaks down his haughtiness and dissoluteness, putting in their place modesty and silence and tranquillity and decorum, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_63&amp;quot;&amp;gt;63&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and makes him constant to one. You have heard of course of the famous courtesan Lais,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_139_139&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_139_139&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;139&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; how she set all Greece on fire with her charms, or rather was contended for by two seas,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_140_140&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_140_140&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;140&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and how, when she fell in love with Hippolochus the Thessalian, &#039;she left Acro-Corinthus washed by the green sea,&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_141_141&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_141_141&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;141&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and deserted all her other lovers, that great army, and went off to Thessaly and lived faithful to Hippolochus. But the women there, envious and jealous of her for her surpassing beauty, dragged her into the temple of Aphrodite, and there stoned her to death, for which reason probably it is called to this day the temple of Aphrodite the Murderess.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_142_142&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_142_142&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;142&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; We have also heard of servant girls who have refused the embraces of their masters, and of private individuals who have scorned an amour with queens, when Love has had dominion in their hearts. For as in Rome, when a dictator is proclaimed, all other magistrates lay down their offices, so those over whom Love is lord are free henceforward from all other lords and masters, and pass the rest of their lives dedicate to the god and slaves in his temple. For a noble woman united by Love to her lawful husband would prefer the embraces of bears and dragons to those of any other man.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Although there are plenty of examples of this virtue of constancy, yet to you, that are the festive votaries of the god,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_143_143&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_143_143&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;143&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; it will not be amiss to relate the story of the Galatian Camma. She was a woman of most remarkable beauty, and the wife of the tetrarch Sinatus, whom Sinorix, one of the most influential men in Galatia, and desperately in love with Camma, murdered, as he could neither get her by force or persuasion in the lifetime of her husband. And Camma found a refuge and comfort in her grief in discharging the functions of hereditary priestess to Artemis, and most of her time she spent in her temple, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_64&amp;quot;&amp;gt;64&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and, though many kings and potentates wooed her, she refused them all. But when Sinorix boldly proposed marriage to her, she declined not his offer, nor blamed him for what he had done, as though she thought he had only murdered Sinatus out of excessive love for her, and not in sheer villany. He came, therefore, with confidence, and asked her hand, and she met him and greeted him and led him to the altar of the goddess, and pledged him in a cup of poisoned mead, drinking half of it herself and giving him the rest. And when she saw that he had drunk it up, she shouted aloud for joy, and calling upon the name of her dead husband, said, &#039;Till this day, dearest husband, I have lived, deprived of you, a life of sorrow: but now take me to yourself with joy, for I have avenged you on the worst of men, as glad to share death with him as life with you.&#039; Then Sinorix was removed out of the temple on a litter, and soon after gave up the ghost, and Camma lived the rest of that day and following night, and is said to have died with a good courage and even with gaiety.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_144_144&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_144_144&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;144&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxiii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;quot;As many similar examples might be adduced, both among ourselves and foreigners, who can feel any patience with those that reproach Aphrodite with hindering friendship when she associates herself with Love as a partner? Whereas any reflecting person would call the love of boys wanton and gross lasciviousness, and say with the poet:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;This is an outrage, not an act of love.&#039;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;All willing pathics, therefore, we consider the vilest of mankind, and credit them with neither fidelity, nor modesty, nor friendship, for as Sophocles says:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Those who shall lose such friends may well be glad,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And those who have such pray that they may lose them,&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_145_145&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_145_145&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;145&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But as for those who, not being by nature vicious, have been seduced or forced, they are apt all their life to despise and hate their seducers, and when an opportunity has presented itself to take fierce vengeance. As Crateus, who murdered Archelaus, and Pytholaus, who murdered &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_65&amp;quot;&amp;gt;65&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Alexander of Pheræ. And Periander, the tyrant of the Ambraciotes, having asked a most insulting question of his minion, was murdered by him, so exasperated was he. But with women and wives all this is the beginning of friendship, and as it were an initiation into the sacred mysteries. And pleasure plays a very small part in this, but the esteem and favour and mutual love and constancy that result from it, proves that the Delphians did not talk nonsense in giving the name of Arma&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_146_146&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_146_146&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;146&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to Aphrodite, nor Homer in giving the name of friendship&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_147_147&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_147_147&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;147&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to sexual love, and testifies to the fact that Solon was a most experienced legislator in conjugal matters, seeing that he ordered husbands not less than thrice a month to associate with their wives, not for pleasure, but as states at certain intervals renew their treaties with one another, so he wished that by such friendliness marriage should, as it were, be renewed after any intervening tiffs and differences. But you will tell me there is much folly and even madness in the love of women. Is there not more extravagance in the love of boys?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Seeing my many rivals I grow faint.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The lad is beardless, smooth and soft and handsome,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;O that I might in his embraces die,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And have the fact recorded on my tomb.&#039;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Such extravagant language as this is madness not love. And it is absurd to detract from woman&#039;s various excellence. Look at their self-restraint and intelligence, their fidelity and uprightness, and that bravery courage and magnanimity so conspicuous in many! And to say that they have a natural aptitude for all other virtues, but are deficient as regards friendship alone, is monstrous. For they are fond of their children and husbands, and generally speaking the natural affection in them is not only, like a fruitful soil, capable of friendship, but is also accompanied by persuasion and other graces. And as poetry gives to words a kind of relish by melody and metre and rhythm, making instruction thereby more interesting, but what is injurious more insidious, so nature, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_66&amp;quot;&amp;gt;66&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;investing woman with beautiful appearance and attractive voice and bewitching figure, does much for a licentious woman in making her wiles more formidable, but makes a modest one more apt thereby to win the goodwill and friendship of her husband. And as Plato advised Xenocrates, a great and noble man in all other respects, but too austere in his temperament, to sacrifice to the Graces, so one might recommend a good and modest woman to sacrifice to Love, that her husband might be a mild and agreeable partner, and not run after any other woman, so as to be compelled to say like the fellow in the comedy, &#039;What a wretch I am to ill-treat such a woman!&#039; For to love in marriage is far better than to be loved, for it prevents many, nay all, of those offences which spoil and mar marriage.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxiv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; As to the passionate affection in the early days of marriage,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_148_148&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_148_148&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;148&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; my dear Zeuxippus, do not fear that it will leave any sore or irritation, though it is not wonderful that there should be some friction at the commencement of union with a virtuous woman, just as at the grafting of trees, as there is also pain at the beginning of conception, for there can be no complete union without some suffering. Learning puts boys out somewhat when they first go to school, as philosophy does young men at a later day, but the ill effects are not lasting, either in their cases or in the case of lovers. As in the fusion of two liquors, love does indeed at first cause a simmering and commotion, but eventually cools down and settles and becomes tranquil. For the union of lovers is indeed a complete union, whereas the union of those that live together without love resembles only the friction and concussion of Epicurus&#039; atoms in collision and recoil, forming no such union as Love makes, when he presides over the conjugal state. For nothing else produces so much pleasure, or such lasting advantages, or such beautiful remarkable and desirable friendship,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;As when husband and wife live in one house,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Two souls beating as one.&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_149_149&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_149_149&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;149&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the law gives its countenance, and nature shows that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_67&amp;quot;&amp;gt;67&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;even the gods themselves require love for the production of everything. Thus the poets tell us that &#039;the earth loves a shower, and heaven loves the earth,&#039; and the natural philosophers tell us that the sun is in love with the moon, and that they are husband and wife, and that the earth is the mother of man and beast and the producer of all plants. Would not the world itself then of necessity come to an end, if the great god Love and the desires implanted by the god should leave matter, and matter should cease to yearn for and pursue its lead? But not to seem to wander too far away and altogether to trifle, you know that many censure boy-loves for their instability, and jeeringly say that that intimacy like an egg is destroyed by a hair,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_150_150&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_150_150&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;150&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for that boy-lovers like Nomads, spending the summer in a blooming and flowery country, at once decamp then as from an enemy&#039;s territory. And still more vulgarly Bion the Sophist called the sprouting beards of beautiful boys Harmodiuses and Aristogitons,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_151_151&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_151_151&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;151&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; inasmuch as lovers were delivered by them from a pleasant tyranny. But this charge cannot justly be brought against genuine lovers, and it was prettily said by Euripides, as he embraced and kissed handsome Agatho whose beard was just sprouting, that the Autumn of beautiful youths was lovely as well as the Spring. And I maintain that the love of beautiful and chaste wives flourishes not only in old age amid grey hairs and wrinkles, but even in the grave and monument. And while there are few such long unions in the case of boy-loves, one might enumerate ten thousand such instances of the love of women, who have kept their fidelity to the end of their lives. One such case I will relate, which happened in my time in the reign of the Emperor Vespasian.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Julius, who stirred up a revolt in Galatia, among several other confederates had one Sabinus, a young man of good family, and for wealth and renown the most conspicuous of all the men in those parts. But having attempted &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_68&amp;quot;&amp;gt;68&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;what was too much for them they were foiled, and expecting to pay the penalty, some committed suicide, others fled and were captured. Now Sabinus himself could easily have got out of the way and made his escape to the barbarians, but he had married a most excellent wife, whose name in that part of the world was Empone, but in Greek would be Herois, and he could neither leave her behind nor take her with him. As he had in the country some underground caves, known only to two of his freedmen, where he used to stow away things, he dismissed all the rest of his slaves, as if he intended to poison himself, and taking with him these two trusty freedmen he descended with them into those underground caves, and sent one of them, Martialis, to tell his wife that he had poisoned himself, and that his body was burnt in the flames of his country-house, for he wanted his wife&#039;s genuine sorrow to lend credit to the report of his death. And so it happened. For she, throwing herself on to the ground, groaned and wailed for three days and nights, and took no food. And Sabinus, being informed of this, and fearing that she would die of grief, told Martialis to inform her secretly that he was alive and well and in hiding, and to beg her not to relax her show of grief, but to keep up the farce. And she did so with the genius of a professional actress, but yearning to see her husband she visited him by night, and returned without being noticed, and for six or seven months she lived with him this underground life. And she disguised him by changing his dress, and cutting off his beard, and re-arranging his hair, so that he should not be known, and took him to Rome, having some hopes of obtaining his pardon. But being unsuccessful in this she returned to her own country, and spent most of her time with her husband underground, but from time to time visited the town, and showed herself to some ladies who were her friends and relations. But what is most astonishing of all is that, though she bathed with them, she concealed her pregnancy from them. For the dye which women use to make their hair a golden auburn, has a tendency to produce corpulence and flesh and a full habit, and she rubbed this abundantly over all parts of her body, and so concealed her pregnancy. And she bare the pangs of travail by herself, as a lioness bears her whelps, having hid herself in the cave with her&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_69&amp;quot;&amp;gt;69&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; husband, and there she gave birth to two boys, one of whom died in Egypt, the other, whose name was Sabinus, was among us only the other day at Delphi. Vespasian eventually put her to death, but paid the penalty for it, his whole progeny in a short time being wiped off the face of the earth.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_152_152&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_152_152&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;152&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For during the whole of his reign he did no more savage act, nor could gods or demons have turned away their eyes from a crueller sight. And yet her courage and bold language abated the pity of the spectators, though it exasperated Vespasian, for, despairing of her safety, she bade them go and tell the Emperor, &#039;that it was sweeter to live in darkness and underground than to wear his crown.&#039;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_153_153&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_153_153&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;153&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxvi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Here my father said that the conversation about Love which took place at Thespiæ ended. And at this moment Diogenes, one of Pisias&#039; companions, was noticed coming up at a faster pace than walking. And while he was yet a little way off, Soclarus hailed him with, &amp;quot;You don&#039;t announce war, Diogenes,&amp;quot; and he replied, &amp;quot;Hush! it is a marriage; come with me quickly, for the sacrifice only waits for you.&amp;quot; All were delighted, and Zeuxippus asked if Pisias was still against the marriage. &amp;quot;As he was first to oppose it,&amp;quot; said Diogenes, &amp;quot;so he was first to yield the victory to Ismenodora, and he has now put on a crown and robed himself in white, so as to take his place at the head of the procession to the god through the market-place.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Come,&amp;quot; said my father, &amp;quot;in Heaven&#039;s name, let us go and laugh at him, and worship the god; for it is clear that the god has taken delight in what has happened, and been propitious.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_62_62&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_62_62&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;62&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The allusion is to Plato&#039;s &amp;quot;Phædrus,&amp;quot; p. 230, B. Much, indeed, of the subject-matter here is, we shall find, somewhat similar to that of the Phædrus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_63_63&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_63_63&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;63&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It is difficult to know what the best English word here is. From the sly thrust in § ix. Pisias was evidently grey. I have therefore selected the word &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;gravest&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. But &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;the most austere&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;the most sensible&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;the most solid&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;the most sedate&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, all might express the Greek word also. Let the reader take which he likes best.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_64_64&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_64_64&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;64&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In a Greek house the women and men had each their own separate apartments. This must be borne in mind here to explain the allusion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_65_65&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_65_65&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;65&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; That is, from interested and selfish motives.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_66_66&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_66_66&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;66&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On Lais and Aristippus see Cicero, &amp;quot;Ad. Fam.,&amp;quot; ix. 26.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_67_67&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_67_67&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;67&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Pausanias, i. 19, shows us that there was at Athens a Temple of Hercules called Cynosarges. But the matter is obscure. What the exact allusion is I cannot say.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_68_68&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_68_68&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;68&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Fragment of Æschylus. See Athenæus, xiii. p. 602, E, which explains the otherwise obscure allusion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_69_69&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_69_69&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;69&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; That is the son of Hera alone, who was unwilling to be outdone by Zeus, who had given birth to Pallas Athene alone. Hesiod has the same view, &amp;quot;Theog.&amp;quot; 927.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_70_70&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_70_70&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;70&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ὀπώρα is so used also in Æsch. &amp;quot;Suppl.,&amp;quot; 998, 1015. See also &amp;quot;Athenæus,&amp;quot; 608, F. Daphnæus implies these very nice gentlemen, like the same class described by Juvenal, &amp;quot;Curios simulant et Bacchanalia vivunt.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_71_71&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_71_71&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;71&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I omit καὶ κοπίδας as a gloss or explanation of the old reading μακελεῖα instead of ματρυλεῖα. Nothing can be made of καὶ κοπίδας in the context.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_72_72&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_72_72&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;72&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Works and Days,&amp;quot; 606-608.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_73_73&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_73_73&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;73&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I follow here the reading of Wyttenbach. Through the whole of this essay the reading is very uncertain frequently. My text in it has been formed from a careful collation of Wyttenbach, Reiske, and Dübner. I mention this here once for all, for it is unnecessary in a translation to minutely specify the various readings on every occasion. I am not editing the &amp;quot;Moralia.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_74_74&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_74_74&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;74&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;De Œnantha et Agathoclea, v. Polyb. excerpt, l. xv.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Reiske&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_75_75&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_75_75&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;75&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thespiæ. The allusion is to Phryne. See Pausanias, ix. 27; x. 15.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_76_76&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_76_76&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;76&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading with Wyttenbach, ὥσπερ δακτύλιον ἰσχνοῦ ὡ μὴ περιῤῥυῇ δεδιώς.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_77_77&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_77_77&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;77&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Perhaps &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;cur&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; = coward, was originally &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;cur-tail&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_78_78&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_78_78&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;78&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; One of the three ports at Athens. See Pausanias, i. 1.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_79_79&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_79_79&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;79&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Iolaus was the nephew of Hercules, and was associated with him in many of his Labours. See Pausanias, i. 19; vii. 2; viii. 14, 45.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_80_80&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_80_80&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;80&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I read συνοαρίζοντας. The general reading συνερῶντας will hardly do here. Wyttenbach suggests συνεαρίζοντας.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_81_81&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_81_81&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;81&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; What the διβολἰα was is not quite clear. I have supposed a jersey.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_82_82&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_82_82&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;82&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The women of Lemnos were very masterful. On one memorable occasion they killed all their husbands in one night. Thus the line of Ovid has almost a proverbial force, &amp;quot;Lemniadesque viros nimium quoque vincere norunt.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Heroides&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, vi. 53. Siebelis in his Preface to Pausanias, p. xxi, gives from an old Scholia a sort of excuse for the action of the women of Lemnos.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_83_83&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_83_83&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;83&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Probably the epilepsy. See Herodotus, iii. 33.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_84_84&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_84_84&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;84&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Bacchae,&amp;quot; 203.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_85_85&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_85_85&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;85&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, Fragment of the &amp;quot;Melanippe.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_86_86&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_86_86&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;86&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I take Wyttenbach&#039;s suggestion as to the reading here.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_87_87&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_87_87&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;87&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This line is taken bodily by Aristophanes in his &amp;quot;Frogs,&amp;quot; 1244.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_88_88&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_88_88&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;88&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The first line is the first line of a passage from Euripides, consisting of thirteen lines, containing similar sentiments to this. See Athenæus, xiii. p. 599, F. The last two lines are from Euripides, &amp;quot;Hippolytus,&amp;quot; 449, 450.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_89_89&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_89_89&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;89&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare Lucretius, i. 1-5.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_90_90&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_90_90&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;90&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Hesiod, &amp;quot;Theogony,&amp;quot; 116-120.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_91_91&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_91_91&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;91&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Danae,&amp;quot; Frag. Compare Ovid, &amp;quot;Cedit amor rebus: res age, tutus eris.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_92_92&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_92_92&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;92&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sophocles, Fragm. 678, Dindorf. Compare a remark of Sophocles, recorded by Cicero, &amp;quot;De Senectute,&amp;quot; ch. xiv.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_93_93&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_93_93&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;93&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sophocles, Fragm. 720. Reading καλὰ with Reiske.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_94_94&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_94_94&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;94&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; v. 831.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_95_95&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_95_95&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;95&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Connecting Ἄρῃς with ἀναιρεῖν.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_96_96&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_96_96&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;96&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Saint Hubert&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of the Middle Ages.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_97_97&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_97_97&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;97&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Æschylus, Frag. 1911. Dindorf.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_98_98&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_98_98&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;98&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Odyssey, v. 69.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_99_99&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_99_99&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;99&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Fragm. 146, 125.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_100_100&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_100_100&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;100&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Hermes is alluded to.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_101_101&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_101_101&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;101&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; All these four were titles of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Zeus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. They are very difficult to put into English so as to convey any distinctive and definite idea to an English reader.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_102_102&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_102_102&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;102&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Enthusiasm is the being ἔνθεος, or inspired by some god.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_103_103&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_103_103&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;103&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; From Æschylus, &amp;quot;Supplices,&amp;quot; 681, 682.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_104_104&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_104_104&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;104&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; vii. 121, 122.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_105_105&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_105_105&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;105&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Like the character described in Lucretius, ii. 1-6.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_106_106&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_106_106&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;106&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sophocles, &amp;quot;Trachiniae,&amp;quot; 497. The Cyprian Queen is, of course, Aphrodite.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_107_107&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_107_107&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;107&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Hence the famous Proverb, &amp;quot;Non omnibus dormio.&amp;quot; See Cic. &amp;quot;Ad. Fam.&amp;quot; vii. 24.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_108_108&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_108_108&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;108&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Above, in § xiii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_109_109&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_109_109&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;109&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Sophocles, &amp;quot;Antigone,&amp;quot; 783, 784. And compare Horace, &amp;quot;Odes,&amp;quot; Book iv. Ode xiii. 6-8, &amp;quot;Ille virentis et Doctæ psallere Chiæ &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pulchris excubat in genis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_110_110&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_110_110&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;110&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The &amp;quot;Niobe,&amp;quot; which exists only in a few fragments.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_111_111&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_111_111&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;111&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was the name of Dionysius&#039; Poem. He was a Corinthian poet.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_112_112&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_112_112&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;112&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xiii. 131.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_113_113&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_113_113&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;113&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading according to the conjecture of Wyttenbach, ὡς τὸν Ἔρωτα υὁνον ἀήττητον ὄντα τῶν στρατηγῶν.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_114_114&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_114_114&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;114&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Something has probably dropped out here, as Dübner suspects.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_115_115&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_115_115&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;115&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Fragment from the &amp;quot;Sthenebœa&amp;quot; of Euripides.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_116_116&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_116_116&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;116&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anytus was one of the accusers of Socrates, and so one of the causers of his death. So Horace calls Socrates &amp;quot;Anyti reum,&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Sat.&amp;quot; ii. 4, 3.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_117_117&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_117_117&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;117&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homeric Epigrammata, xiii. 5. Quoted also in &amp;quot;On Virtue and Vice,&amp;quot; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_95a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;§ I.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_118_118&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_118_118&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;118&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Odyssey, xix. 40.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_119_119&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_119_119&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;119&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I adopt the suggestion of Wyttenbach, εἶπεν ῶ Δαφναῖε.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_120_120&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_120_120&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;120&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Pinder, &amp;quot;Pyth.&amp;quot; i. 8.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_121_121&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_121_121&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;121&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See for example Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xi. 3, 73; ix. 502.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_122_122&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_122_122&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;122&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Pirithous,&amp;quot; Fragm. 591. Dindorf.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_123_123&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_123_123&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;123&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; An allusion to Homer, &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; xii. 453.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_124_124&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_124_124&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;124&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So Terence, &amp;quot;Andria,&amp;quot; 555. &amp;quot;Amantium iræ amoris integratiost.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_125_125&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_125_125&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;125&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Hippolytus,&amp;quot; 194-196.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_126_126&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_126_126&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;126&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The lines are from Alcæus. Thus Love was the child of the Rainbow and the West Wind. A pretty conceit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_127_127&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_127_127&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;127&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Greek &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;iris&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_128_128&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_128_128&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;128&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The mirrors of the ancients were of course not like our mirrors. They were only burnished bronze. Hence the view in them would be at best somewhat obscure. This explains 1 Cor. xiii. 12; 2 Cor. iii. 18; James i. 23.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_129_129&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_129_129&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;129&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Euripides, &amp;quot;Hippolytus,&amp;quot; 7, 8.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_130_130&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_130_130&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;130&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Here the story unfortunately ends, and for all time we shall know no more of it. Reiske somewhat forcibly says, &amp;quot;Vel lippus videat Gorgus historiam non esse finitam, et multa, ut et alias, periisse.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_131_131&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_131_131&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;131&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Like Reiske we condense here a little.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_132_132&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_132_132&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;132&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading with Reiske ὀρθῆς και ἀθρύπτου.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_133_133&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_133_133&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;133&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I read εἰ γἁρ.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_134_134&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_134_134&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;134&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xxiii. 295. Podargus was an entire horse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_135_135&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_135_135&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;135&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Ovid, &amp;quot;Metamorph.&amp;quot; iii. 206-208.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_136_136&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_136_136&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;136&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Æschylus, &amp;quot;Toxotides,&amp;quot; Fragm. 224.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_137_137&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_137_137&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;137&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A very favourite proverb among the ancients. See Plat. &amp;quot;Phaedr.&amp;quot; fin. Martial, ii. 43.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_138_138&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_138_138&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;138&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Soph. Fragm. 712.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_139_139&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_139_139&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;139&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On Lais, see Pausanias, ii. 2. Her Thessalian lover is there called Hippostratus. Her favours were so costly that the famous proverb is said to owe its origin to her, &amp;quot;Non cuivis homini contingit adire Corinthum.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_140_140&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_140_140&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;140&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Ægean and Ionian. Cf. Horace, &amp;quot;Odes,&amp;quot; i. 7, 2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_141_141&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_141_141&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;141&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On Acro-Corinthus, see Pausanias, ii. 4. The words in inverted commas are from Euripides, Fragm. 921.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_142_142&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_142_142&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;142&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On Lais generally, and her end, see Athenæus, xiii. 54, 55.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_143_143&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_143_143&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;143&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_29a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;I&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Festival of Love was being kept at this very time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_144_144&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_144_144&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;144&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This story is also told by Plutarch, &amp;quot;De Mulierum Virtutibus,&amp;quot; § xx.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_145_145&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_145_145&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;145&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sophocles, Fragm. 741. Quoted again in &amp;quot;On Abundance of Friends,&amp;quot; § iii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_146_146&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_146_146&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;146&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A Delphic word for love. Can it be connected with ἅρμα?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_147_147&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_147_147&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;147&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Very frequent in Homer, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;e.g.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; ii. 232; vi, 165; xiii. 636: xiv. 353, etc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_148_148&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_148_148&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;148&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Lucretius, iv. 1105-1114. I tone down the original here a little.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_149_149&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_149_149&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;149&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; vi. 183, 184. Cf. Eurip. &amp;quot;Medea,&amp;quot; 14, 15.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_150_150&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_150_150&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;150&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This means when the moustache and beard and whiskers begin to grow.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_151_151&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_151_151&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;151&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The whole story about Harmodius and Aristogiton and how they killed Hipparchus is told by Thucydides, vi. 54-59. Bion therefore practically called these sprouting beards &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;tyrant-killers&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;tyrannicides&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_152_152&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_152_152&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;152&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Scriptus igitur hic libellus est post caedem Domitiani.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Reiske.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_153_153&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_153_153&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;153&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Vespasian certainly was not cruel generally. &amp;quot;Non temere quis punitus insons reperietur, nisi absente eo et ignaro aut certe invito atque decepto..... Sola est, in qua merito culpetur, pecuniæ cupiditas.&amp;quot;—Suetonius, &amp;quot;Divus Vespasianus,&amp;quot; 15, 16.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_70&amp;quot;&amp;gt;70&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CONJUGAL PRECEPTS.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;PLUTARCH SENDS GREETING TO POLLIANUS AND EURYDICE.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After the customary marriage rites, by which, the Priestess of Demeter has united you together, I think that to make an appropriate discourse, and one that will chime in with the occasion, will be useful to you and agreeable to the law. For in music one of the tunes played on the flute is called Hippothorus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_154_154&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_154_154&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;154&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which is a tune that excites fierce desire in stallions to cover mares; and though in philosophy there are many goodly subjects, yet is there none more worthy of attention than that of marriage, on which subject philosophy spreads a charm over those who are to pass life together, and makes them gentle and mild to one another. I send therefore as a gift to both of you a summary of what you have often heard, as you are both well versed in philosophy, arranging my matter in a series of short observations that it may be the more easily remembered, and I pray that the Muses will assist and co-operate with Aphrodite, so that no lyre or lute could be more harmonious or in tune than your married life, as the result of philosophy and concord. And thus the ancients set up near Aphrodite statues of Hermes, to show that conversation was one of the great charms of marriage, and also statues of Peitho&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_155_155&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_155_155&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;155&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and the Graces, to teach married people to gain their way with one another by persuasion, and not by wrangling or contention.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;i.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Solon bade the bride eat a quince the first night of marriage, intimating thereby, it seems, that the bridegroom, was to expect his first pleasure from the bride&#039;s mouth and conversation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; In Bœotia they dress up the bride with a chaplet &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_71&amp;quot;&amp;gt;71&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of asparagus, for as the asparagus gives most excellent fruit from a thorny stalk, so the bride, by not being too reluctant and coy in the first approaches, will make the married state more agreeable and pleasant. But those husbands who cannot put up with the early peevishness of their brides, are not a whit wiser than those persons who pluck unripe grapes and leave the ripe grapes for others.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_156_156&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_156_156&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;156&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On the other hand, many brides, being at first disgusted with their husbands, are like those that stand the bee&#039;s sting but neglect the honey.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Married people should especially at the outset beware of the first quarrel and collision, observing that vessels when first fabricated are easily broken up into their component parts, but in process of time, getting compact and firmly welded together, are proof against either fire or steel.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; As fire gets kindled easily in chaff or in a wick or in the fur of hares, but is easily extinguished again, if it find no material to keep it in and feed it, so we must not consider that the love of newly-married people, that blazes out so fiercely in consequence of the attractions of youth and beauty, will be durable and lasting, unless it be fixed in the character, and occupy the mind, and make a living impression.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_157_157&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_157_157&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;157&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;v.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; As catching fish by drugged bait is easy, but makes the fish poor to eat and insipid, so those wives that lay traps for their husbands by philtres and charms, and become their masters by pleasure, have stupid senseless and spoiled husbands to live with. For those that were bewitched by Circe did her no good, nor could she make any use of them when they were turned into swine and asses, but she was greatly in love with the prudent Odysseus who dwelt with her sensibly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Those women who would rather lord it over fools than obey sensible men, resemble those people who would rather lead the blind on a road, and not people who have eyesight and know how to follow.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Women disbelieve that Pasiphäe, a king&#039;s wife, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_72&amp;quot;&amp;gt;72&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;was enamoured of a bull, although they see some of their sex despising grave and sober men, and preferring to associate with men who are the slaves of intemperance and pleasure, and like dogs and he-goats.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;viii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Men who through weakness or effeminacy cannot vault upon their horses&#039; backs, teach them to kneel and so receive their riders. Similarly, some men that marry noble or rich wives, instead of making themselves better humble their wives, thinking to rule them easier by lowering them. But one ought to govern with an eye to the merit of a woman, as much as to the size of a horse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ix.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; We see that the moon when it is far from the sun is bright and glorious, but pales and hides its light when it is near. A modest wife on the contrary ought to be seen chiefly with her husband, and to stay at home and in retirement in his absence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;x.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; It is not a true observation of Herodotus, that a woman puts off her modesty with her shift.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_158_158&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_158_158&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;158&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On the contrary, the modest woman puts on her modesty instead, and great modesty is a sign of great conjugal love.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; As where two voices are in unison the loudest prevails; so in a well-managed household everything is done by mutual consent, but the husband&#039;s supremacy is exhibited, and his wishes are consulted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The Sun beat the North Wind.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_159_159&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_159_159&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;159&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For when it blew a strong and terrible blast, and tried to make the man remove his cloak, he only drew it round him more closely, but when the Sun came out with its warm rays, at first warmed and afterwards scorched, he stripped himself of coat as well as cloak. Most woman act similarly: if their husbands try to curtail by force their luxury and extravagance, they are vexed and fight for their rights, but if they are convinced by reason, they quietly drop their expensive habits, and keep within bounds.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xiii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Cato turned out of the Senate a man who kissed his own wife in the presence of his daughter. This was perhaps too strong a step, but if it is unseemly, as indeed it is, for husband and wife in the presence of others to fondle &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_73&amp;quot;&amp;gt;73&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and kiss and embrace one another, is it not far more unseemly in the presence of others to quarrel and jangle? Just as conjugal caresses and endearments ought to be private, so ought admonition and scolding and plain speaking.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xiv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Just as there is little use in a mirror adorned with gold or precious stones, unless it conveys a true likeness, so there is no advantage in a rich wife, unless she conforms her life and habits to her husband&#039;s position. For if when a man is joyful the mirror makes him look sad, and when he is put out and sad it makes him look gay and smiling from ear to ear, the mirror is plainly faulty. So the wife is faulty and devoid of tact, who frowns when her husband is in the vein for mirth and jollity, and who jokes and laughs when he is serious: the former conduct is disagreeable, the latter contemptuous.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_160_160&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_160_160&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;160&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And, just as geometricians say lines and surfaces do not move of themselves, but only in connection with bodies, so the wife ought to have no private emotions of her own, but share in her husband&#039;s gravity or mirth, anxiety or gaiety.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; As those husbands who do not like to see their wives eating and drinking in their company only teach them to take their food on the sly, so those husbands who are not gay and jolly with their wives, and never joke or smile with them, only teach them to seek their pleasures out of their company.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xvi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The kings of Persia have their wedded wives at their side at banquets and entertainments; but when they have a mind for a drunken debauch they send them away,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_161_161&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_161_161&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;161&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and call for singing-girls and concubines, rightly so doing, for so they do not mix up their wives with licentiousness and drunkenness. Similarly, if a private individual, lustful and dissolute, goes astray with a courtesan or maid-servant, the wife should not be vexed or impatient, but consider that it is out of respect to her that he bestows upon another all his wanton depravity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_74&amp;quot;&amp;gt;74&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xvii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; As kings make&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_162_162&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_162_162&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;162&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; if fond of music many musicians, if lovers of learning many men of letters, and many athletes if fond of gymnastics, so the man who has an eye for female charms teaches his wife to dress well, the man of pleasure teaches his meretricious tricks and wantonness, while the true gentleman makes his virtuous and decorous.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xviii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; A Lacedæmonian maiden, when someone asked her if she had yet had dealings with a man, replied, &amp;quot;No, but he has with me.&amp;quot; This methinks is the line of conduct a matron should pursue, neither to decline the embraces of a husband when he takes the initiative, nor to provoke them herself, for the one is forward and savours of the courtesan, the other is haughty and unnatural.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xix.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The wife ought not to have her own private friends, but cultivate only those of the husband. Now the gods are our first and greatest friends, so the wife ought only to worship and recognize her husband&#039;s gods, and the door ought to be shut on all superfluous worship and strange superstitions, for none of the gods are pleased with stealthy and secret sacrifices on the part of a wife.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xx.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Plato says that is a happy and fortunate state, where the words &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Meum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Tuum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; are least heard,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_163_163&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_163_163&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;163&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; because the citizens regard the common interest in all matters of importance. Far more essential is it in marriage that the words should have no place. For, as the doctors say, that blows on the left shoulders are also felt on the right,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_164_164&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_164_164&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;164&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; so is it good&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_165_165&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_165_165&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;165&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for husband and wife to mutually sympathize with one another, that, just as the strength of ropes comes from the twining and interlacing of fibres together, so the marriage knot may be confirmed and strengthened by the interchange of mutual affection and kindness. Nature itself teaches this by the birth of children, which are so much a joint result, that neither husband nor wife can dis&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_75&amp;quot;&amp;gt;75&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;criminate or discern which part of the child is theirs. So, too, it is well for married persons to have one purse, and to throw all their property into one common stock, that here also there may be no &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Meum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Tuum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. And just as we call the mixture of water and wine by the name of wine, even though the water should preponderate,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_166_166&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_166_166&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;166&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; so we say that the house and property belongs to the man, even though the wife contribute most of the money.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Helen was fond of wealth, Paris of pleasure, whereas Odysseus was prudent, Penelope chaste. So the marriage of the last two was happy and enviable, while that of the former two brought an Iliad of woe on Greeks and barbarians alike.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The Roman who was taken to task by his friends for repudiating a chaste wealthy and handsome wife, showed them his shoe and said, &amp;quot;Although this is new and handsome, none of you know where it pinches me.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_167_167&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_167_167&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;167&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A wife ought not therefore to put her trust in her dowry, or family, or beauty, but in matters that more vitally concern her husband, namely, in her disposition and companionableness and complaisance with him, not to make every-day life vexatious or annoying, but harmonious and cheerful and agreeable. For as doctors are more afraid of fevers that are generated from uncertain causes, and from a complication of ailments, than of those that have a clear and adequate cause, so the small and continual and daily matters of offence between husband and wife, that the world knows nothing about, set the household most at variance, and do it the greatest injury.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxiii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; King Philip was desperately enamoured of a Thessalian woman,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_168_168&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_168_168&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;168&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was accused of bewitching him; his wife Olympias therefore wished to get this woman into her power. But when she came before her, and was &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_76&amp;quot;&amp;gt;76&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;evidently very handsome, and talked to her in a noble and sensible manner, Olympias said, &amp;quot;Farewell to calumny! Your charms lie in yourself.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_169_169&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_169_169&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;169&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So invincible are the charms of a lawful wife to win her husband&#039;s affection by her virtuous character, bringing to him in herself dowry, and family, and philtres, and even Aphrodite&#039;s cestus.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_170_170&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_170_170&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;170&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_76a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxiv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Olympias, on another occasion, when a young courtier had married a wife who was very handsome, but whose reputation was not very good, remarked, &amp;quot;This fellow has no sense, or he would not have married with his eyes.&amp;quot; We ought neither to marry with our eyes, nor with our fingers, as some do, who reckon up on their fingers what dowry the wife will bring, not what sort of partner she will make.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; It was advice of Socrates, that when young men looked at themselves in the mirror, those who were not handsome should become so through virtue, and those who were so should not by vice deform their beauty. Good also is it for the matron, when she has the mirror in her hands, if not handsome to say to herself, &amp;quot;What should I be, if I were not virtuous?&amp;quot; and if handsome to say to herself, &amp;quot;How good it were to add virtue to beauty!&amp;quot; for it is a feather in the cap of a woman not handsome to be loved for herself and not for good looks.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxvi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Dionysius, the tyrant of Sicily, sent some costly dresses and necklaces to the daughters of Lysander, but he would not receive them, and said, &amp;quot;These presents will bring my daughters more shame than adornment.&amp;quot; And Sophocles said still earlier than Lysander, &amp;quot;Your madness of mind will not appear handsome, wretch, but most unhandsome.&amp;quot; For, as Crates says, &amp;quot;that is adornment which adorns,&amp;quot; and that adorns a woman that makes her more comely; and it is not gold or diamonds or scarlet robes that make her so, but her dignity, her correct conduct, and her modesty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxvii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Those who sacrifice to Hera as goddess of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_77&amp;quot;&amp;gt;77&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;marriage,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_171_171&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_171_171&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;171&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; do not burn the gall with the other parts of the victim, but when they have drawn it throw it away beside the altar: the lawgiver thus hinting that gall and rage have no place in marriage. For the austerity of a matron should be, like that of wine, wholesome and pleasant, not bitter as aloes, or like a drug.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxviii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Plato advised Xenocrates, a man rather austere but in all other respects a fine fellow, to sacrifice to the Graces. I think also that a chaste wife needs the graces with her husband that, as Metrodorus said, &amp;quot;she may live agreeably with him, and not be bad-tempered because she is chaste.&amp;quot; For neither should the frugal wife neglect neatness, nor the virtuous one neglect to make herself attractive, for peevishness makes a wife&#039;s good conduct disagreeable, as untidiness makes one disgusted with simplicity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxix.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The wife who is afraid to laugh and jest with her husband, lest she should appear bold and wanton, resembles one that will not anoint herself with oil lest she should be thought to use cosmetics, and will not wash her face lest she should be thought to paint. We see also in the case of those poets and orators, that avoid a popular illiberal and affected style, that they artificially endeavour to move and sway their audience by the facts, and by a skilful arrangement of them, and by their gestures. Consequently a matron will do well to avoid and repudiate over-preciseness meretriciousness and pomposity, and to use tact in her dealings with her husband in every-day life, accustoming him to a combination of pleasure and decorum. But if a wife be by nature austere and apathetic, and no lover of pleasure, the husband must make the best of it, for, as Phocion said, when Antipater enjoined on him an action neither honourable nor becoming, &amp;quot;You cannot have me as a friend and flatterer both,&amp;quot; so he must say to himself about his strict and austere wife, &amp;quot;I cannot have in the same woman wife and mistress.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxx.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; It was a custom among the Egyptian ladies not to wear shoes, that they might stay at home all day and not go abroad. But most of our women will only stay at &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_78&amp;quot;&amp;gt;78&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;home if you strip them of their golden shoes, and bracelets, and shoe-buckles, and purple robes, and pearls.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxxi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Theano, as she was putting on her shawl, displayed her arm, and somebody observing, &amp;quot;What a handsome arm!&amp;quot; she replied, &amp;quot;But not common.&amp;quot; So ought not even the speech, any more than the arm, of a chaste woman, to be common, for speech must be considered as it were the exposing of the mind, especially in the presence of strangers. For in words are seen the state of mind and character and disposition of the speaker.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxxii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Phidias made a statue of Aphrodite at Elis, with one foot on a tortoise,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_172_172&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_172_172&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;172&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; as a symbol that women should stay at home and be silent. For the wife ought only to speak either to her husband, or by her husband, not being vexed if, like a flute-player, she speaks more decorously by another mouth-piece.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxxiii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; When rich men and kings honour philosophers, they really pay homage to themselves as well; but when philosophers pay court to the rich, they lower themselves without advancing their patrons. The same is the case with women. If they submit themselves to their husbands they receive praise, but if they desire to rule, they get less credit even than the husbands who submit to their rule. But the husband ought to rule his wife, not as a master does a chattel, but as the soul governs the body, by sympathy and goodwill. As he ought to govern the body by not being a slave to its pleasures and desires, so he ought to rule his wife by cheerfulness and complaisance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxxiv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The philosophers tell us that some bodies are composed of distinct parts, as a fleet or army; others of connected parts, as a house or ship; others united and growing together, as every animal is. The marriage of lovers is like this last class, that of those who marry for dowry or children is like the second class, and that of those who only sleep together is like the first class, who may be said to live in the same house, but in no other sense to live together. But, just as doctors tell us that liquids are the only things that thoroughly mix, so in married people there must be a complete union of bodies, wealth, friends, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_79&amp;quot;&amp;gt;79&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and relations. And thus the Roman legislator forbade married people to exchange presents with one another, not that they should not go shares with one another, but that they should consider everything as common property.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxxv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; At Leptis, a town in Libya, it is the custom for the bride the day after marriage to send to her mother-in-law&#039;s house for a pipkin, who does not lend her one, but says she has not got one, that from the first the daughter-in-law may know her mother-in-law&#039;s stepmotherly mind,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_173_173&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_173_173&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;173&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that if afterwards she should be harsher still, she should be prepared for it and not take it ill. Knowing this the wife ought to guard against any cause of offence, for the bridegroom&#039;s mother is jealous of his affection to his wife. But there is one cure for this condition of mind, to conciliate privately the husband&#039;s affection, and not to divert or diminish his love for his mother.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxxvi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Mothers seem to love their sons best as able to help them, and fathers their daughters as needing their help; perhaps also it is in compliment to one another, that each prefers the other sex in their children, and openly favours it. This, however, is a matter perhaps of little importance. But it looks very nice in the wife to show greater respect to her husband&#039;s parents than to her own, and if anything unpleasant has happened to confide it to them rather than to her own people. For trust begets trust,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_174_174&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_174_174&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;174&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and love love.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxxvii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The generals of the Greeks in Cyrus&#039;s army ordered their men to receive the enemy silently if they came up shouting, but if they came up silently to rush out to meet them with a shout. So sensible wives, in their husband&#039;s tantrums, are quiet when they storm, but if they are silent and sullen talk them round and appease them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxxviii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Rightly does Euripides&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_175_175&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_175_175&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;175&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; censure those who introduce the lyre at wine-parties, for music ought to be &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_80&amp;quot;&amp;gt;80&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;called in to assuage anger and grief, rather than to enervate the voluptuous still more than before. Think, therefore, those in error who sleep together for pleasure, but when they have any little difference with one another sleep apart, and do not then more than at any other time invoke Aphrodite, who is the best physician in such cases, as the poet, I ween, teaches us, where he introduces Hera, saying:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Their long-continued strife I now will end,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For to the bed of love I will them send.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_176_176&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_176_176&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;176&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxxix.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Everywhere and at all times should husband and wife avoid giving one another cause of offence, but most especially when they are in bed together. The woman who was in labour and had a bad time said to those that urged her to go to bed, &amp;quot;How shall the bed cure me, which was the very cause of this trouble?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_177_177&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_177_177&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;177&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And those differences and quarrels which the bed generates will not easily be put an end to at any other time or place.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_80a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xl.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Hermione seems to speak the truth where she says:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The visits of bad women ruined me.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_178_178&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_178_178&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;178&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But this case does not happen naturally, but only when dissension and jealousy has made wives open not only their doors but their ears to such women. But that is the very time when a sensible wife will shut her ears more than at any other time, and be especially on her guard against whisperers, that fire may not be added to fire,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_179_179&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_179_179&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;179&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and remember the remark of Philip, who, when his friends tried to excite him against the Greeks, on the ground that they were treated well and yet reviled him, answered, &amp;quot;What will they do then, if I treat them ill?&amp;quot; Whenever, then, calumniating women come and say to a wife, &amp;quot;How badly your husband treats you, though a chaste and loving wife!&amp;quot; let her answer, &amp;quot;How would he act then, if I were to begin to hate him and injure him?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xli.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The master who saw his runaway slave a long &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_81&amp;quot;&amp;gt;81&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;time after he had run away, and chased him, and came up with him just as he had got to the mill, said to him, &amp;quot;In what more appropriate place could I have wished to find you?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_180_180&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_180_180&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;180&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So let the wife, who is jealous of her husband, and on the point of writing a bill of divorce in her anger, say to herself, &amp;quot;In what state would my rival be better pleased to see me in than this, vexed and at variance with my husband, and on the point of abandoning his house and bed?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xlii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The Athenians have three sacred seedtimes: the first at Scirus, as a remembrance of the original sowing of corn, the second at Rharia, the third under Pelis, which is called Buzygium.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_181_181&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_181_181&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;181&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But a more sacred seedtime than all these is the procreation of children, and therefore Sophocles did well to call Aphrodite &amp;quot;fruitful Cytherea.&amp;quot; Wherefore it behoves both husband and wife to be most careful over this business, and to abstain from lawless and unholy breaches of the marriage vow, and from sowing in quarters where they desire no produce, or where, if any produce should come, they would be ashamed of it and desire to conceal it.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_182_182&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_182_182&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;182&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xliii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; When Gorgias the Rhetorician recited his speech at Olympia recommending harmony to the Greeks, Melanthius cried out, &amp;quot;He recommend harmony to us! Why, he can&#039;t persuade his wife and maid to live in harmony, though there are only three of them in the house!&amp;quot; Gorgias belike had an intrigue with the maid, and his wife was jealous. He then must have his own house in good order who undertakes to order the affairs of his friends and the public, for any ill-doings on the part of husbands to their wives is far more likely to come out and be known to the public than the ill-doings of wives to their husbands.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xliv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; They say the cat is driven mad by the smell of perfumes. If it happens that wives are equally affected &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_82&amp;quot;&amp;gt;82&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;by perfumes, it is monstrous that their husbands should not abstain from using perfumes, rather than for so small a pleasure to incommode so grievously their wives. And since they suffer quite as much when their husbands go with other women, it is unjust for a small pleasure to pain and grieve wives, and not to abstain from connection with other women, when even bee-keepers will do as much, because bees are supposed to dislike and sting those that have had dealings with women.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xlv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Those that approach elephants do not dress in white, nor those that approach bulls in red, for these colours render those animals savage; and tigers they say at the beating of drums go quite wild, and tear themselves in their rage. Similarly, as some men cannot bear to see scarlet and purple dresses, and others are put out by cymbals and drums,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_183_183&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_183_183&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;183&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; what harm would it do wives to abstain from these things, and not to vex or provoke husbands, but to live with them quietly and meekly?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xlvi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; A woman said to Philip, who against her will was pulling her about, &amp;quot;Let me go, all women are alike when the lamp is put out.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_184_184&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_184_184&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;184&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A good remark to adulterers and debauchees. But the married woman ought to show when the light is put out that she is not like all other women, for then, when her body is not visible, she ought to exhibit her chastity and modesty as well as her personal affection to her husband.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xlvii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Plato&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_185_185&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_185_185&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;185&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; recommended old men to act with decorum especially before young men, that they too might show respect to them; for where the old behave shamelessly, no modesty or reverence will be exhibited by the young. The husband ought to remember this, and show no one more respect than his wife, knowing that the bridal chamber will be to her either a school of virtue or of vice. And he who enjoys pleasures that he forbids his wife, is like a man that orders his wife to go on fighting against an enemy to whom he has himself surrendered.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xlviii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; As to love of show, Eurydice, read and try to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_83&amp;quot;&amp;gt;83&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;remember what was written by Timoxena to Aristylla: and do you, Pollianus, not suppose that your wife will abstain from extravagance and expense, if she sees that you do not despise such vanities in others, but delight in gilt cups, and pictures in houses, and trappings for mules, and ornaments for horses. For it is not possible to banish extravagance from the women&#039;s side of the house if it is always to be seen in the men&#039;s apartments. Moreover, Pollianus, as you are already old enough for the study of philosophy, adorn your character by its teaching, whether it consists of demonstration or constructive reasoning, by associating and conversing with those that can profit you. And for your wife gather honey from every quarter, as the bees do, and whatever knowledge you have yourself acquired impart to her, and converse with her, making the best arguments well known and familiar to her. For now&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Father thou art to her, and mother dear,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And brother too.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_186_186&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_186_186&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;186&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And no less decorous is it to hear the wife say, &amp;quot;Husband, you are my teacher and philosopher and guide in the most beautiful and divine subjects.&amp;quot; For such teaching in the first place detaches women from absurdities: for the woman who has learnt geometry will be ashamed to dance, nor will she believe in incantations and spells, if she has been charmed by the discourses of Plato and Xenophon; and if anyone should undertake to draw the moon down from the sky, she will laugh at the ignorance and stupidity of women that credit such nonsense, well understanding geometry, and having heard how Aglaonice, the daughter of the Thessalian Hegetor, having a thorough knowledge of the eclipses of the moon, and being aware beforehand of the exact time when the moon would be in eclipse, cheated the women, and persuaded them that she herself had drawn it down from the sky. For no woman was ever yet credited with having had a child without intercourse with a man, for those shapeless embryos and gobbets of flesh that take form from corruption are called moles. We must guard against such false conceptions as these arising in the minds &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_84&amp;quot;&amp;gt;84&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of women, for if they are not well informed by good precepts, and share in the teaching that men get, they generate among themselves many foolish and absurd ideas and states of mind. But do you, Eurydice, study to make yourself acquainted with the sayings of wise and good women, and ever have on your tongue those sentiments which as a girl you learnt with us, that so you may make your husband&#039;s heart glad, and be admired by all other women, being in yourself so wonderfully and splendidly adorned. For one cannot take or put on, except at great expense, the jewels of this or that rich woman, or the silk dresses of this or that foreign woman, but the virtues that adorned Theano,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_187_187&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_187_187&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;187&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Cleobuline, and Gorgo the wife of Leonidas, and Timoclea the sister of Theagenes, and the ancient Claudia,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_188_188&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_188_188&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;188&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Cornelia the sister of Scipio,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_189_189&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_189_189&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;189&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and all other such noble and famous women, these one may array oneself in without money and without price, and so adorned lead a happy and famous life. For if Sappho plumed herself so much on the beauty of her lyrical poetry as to write to a certain rich woman, &amp;quot;You shall lie down in your tomb, nor shall there be any remembrance of you, for you have no part in the roses of Pieria,&amp;quot; how shall you not have a greater right to plume yourself on having a part not in the roses but in the fruits which the Muses bring, and which they freely bestow on those that admire learning and philosophy?&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_190_190&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_190_190&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;190&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_154_154&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_154_154&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;154&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This tune is again alluded to by Plutarch in &amp;quot;Quæstion. Convival&amp;quot;., p. 704, F. See also Clemens Alexandrinus, &amp;quot;Pædagog.&amp;quot; ii. p. 164, Α ταῐς δὲ ἵπποις μιγνυμέναις οἷον ὑμέναιος ἐπαυλεῖται νόμος αὐλωδιας ἱππόθορον τοῦτον κεκληκασιν οἱ Μουσικοί.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_155_155&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_155_155&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;155&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Peitho means Persuasion, and is represented as one of the Graces by Hermes anax. See Pausanias, ix. 35.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_156_156&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_156_156&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;156&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare the Proverb Εικελὸς ὀμφακίζεται, and Tibullus, iii. 5, 19: &amp;quot;Quid fraudare juvat vitem crescentibus uvis?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_157_157&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_157_157&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;157&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cf. Shakspere, &amp;quot;Romeo and Juliet,&amp;quot; A. ii. Sc. vi. 9-15.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_158_158&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_158_158&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;158&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Herodotus, i. 8.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_159_159&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_159_159&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;159&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; An allusion to the well-known Fable of Æsop, No. 82 in Halm&#039;s edition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_160_160&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_160_160&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;160&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This comparison of the mirror is beautifully used by Keble in his &amp;quot;Christian Year:&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Without a hope on earth to find&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A mirror in an answering mind.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Wednesday before Easter&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_161_161&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_161_161&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;161&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Does this throw light on Esther, i. 10-12?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_162_162&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_162_162&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;162&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; By their patronage.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_163_163&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_163_163&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;163&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Republic,&amp;quot; v. p. 462, C.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_164_164&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_164_164&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;164&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; By the power of sympathy. This is especially true of eyes. Wyttenbach compares the Epigram in the Anthology, i. 46. 9. Καὶ γὰρ δέξιον ὄμμα κακούμενον ὄμματι λαίῳ Πολλάκι τοῦς ἰδίους ἀντιδίδωσι πόνους.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_165_165&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_165_165&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;165&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading καλον with Hercher.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_166_166&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_166_166&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;166&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The ancients hardly ever drank wine neat. Hence the allusion. The symposiarch, or arbiter bibendi, settled the proportions to be used.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_167_167&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_167_167&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;167&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare the French proverb, &amp;quot;Le beau soulier blesse souvent le pied.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_168_168&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_168_168&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;168&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thessaly was considered by the ancients famous for enchantments and spells. So Juvenal, vi. 610, speaks of &amp;quot;Thessala philtia,&amp;quot; and see Horace, &amp;quot;Odes,&amp;quot; i. 27. 21, 22; &amp;quot;Epodes,&amp;quot; v. 45.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_169_169&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_169_169&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;169&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Wyttenbach well compares the lines of Menander:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἔνεστ᾽ἀληθὲς φίλτρον εὐγνώμων τρόπός,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;τούτῳ κατακρατεῖν ἀνδρὸς εἴωθεν γυνή.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_170_170&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_170_170&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;170&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; An allusion to Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xiv. 214-217.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_171_171&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_171_171&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;171&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Called by the Romans &amp;quot;pronuba Juno.&amp;quot; See Verg. &amp;quot;Æneid,&amp;quot; iv. 166; Ovid, &amp;quot;Heroides,&amp;quot; vi. 43.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_172_172&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_172_172&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;172&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Pausanias, vi. 25. The statue was made of ivory and gold.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_173_173&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_173_173&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;173&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare Terence, &amp;quot;Hecyra,&amp;quot; 201. &amp;quot;Uno animo omnes socrus oderunt nurus.&amp;quot; As to stepmotherly feelings, the &amp;quot;injusta noverca&amp;quot; has passed into a proverb with all nations. See for example Hesiod, &amp;quot;Works and Days,&amp;quot; 823, ἄλλοτε μητρυιὴ πἐλει ἡμἐρη, ἄλλοτε μήτηρ.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_174_174&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_174_174&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;174&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Wyttenbach compares Seneca&#039;s &amp;quot;Fidelem si putaveris facies.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Ep.&amp;quot; iii. p. 6.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_175_175&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_175_175&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;175&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Medea,&amp;quot; 190-198.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_176_176&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_176_176&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;176&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xiv. 205, 209.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_177_177&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_177_177&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;177&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Mulier Parturiens, Phaedrus&#039; &amp;quot;Fables,&amp;quot; i. 18.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_178_178&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_178_178&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;178&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Andromache,&amp;quot; 930.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_179_179&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_179_179&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;179&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Proverb. Cf. Horace, &amp;quot;Oleum adde camino,&amp;quot; ii. &amp;quot;Sat.&amp;quot; iii. 321.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_180_180&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_180_180&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;180&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Æsop&#039;s Fables, No. 121. Halme. Δραπέτης is the title. All readers of Plautus and Terence know what a bugbear to slaves the threat of being sent to the mill was. They would have to turn it instead of horses, or other cattle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_181_181&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_181_181&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;181&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; That is, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Yoking oxen for the plough&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_182_182&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_182_182&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;182&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Procreation of children was among the ancients frequently called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ploughing&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sowing&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Hence the allusions in this paragraph. So, too, Shakspere, &amp;quot;Measure for Measure,&amp;quot; Act i. Sc. iv. 41-44.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_183_183&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_183_183&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;183&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The reference is to the rites of Cybele. See Lucretius, ii. 618.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_184_184&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_184_184&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;184&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Erasmus, &amp;quot;Adagia.&amp;quot; The French proverb is &amp;quot;La nuit tous les chats sont gris.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_185_185&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_185_185&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;185&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Laws,&amp;quot; p. 729, C.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_186_186&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_186_186&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;186&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; From the words of Andromache to Hector, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; vi. 429, 430.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_187_187&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_187_187&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;187&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Theano was the wife of Pythagoras.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_188_188&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_188_188&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;188&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Livy, xxix. 14. Propertius, v. 11. 51, 52. Ovid, &amp;quot;Fasti,&amp;quot; iv. 305 sq.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_189_189&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_189_189&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;189&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And mother of the Gracchi.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_190_190&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_190_190&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;190&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Jeremy Taylor, in his beautiful sermon on &amp;quot;The Marriage Ring,&amp;quot; has borrowed not a few hints from this treatise of Plutarch, as usual investing with a new beauty whatever he borrows, from whatever source. He had the classics at his fingers&#039; end, and much of his unique charm he owes to them. But he read them as a philosopher, and not as a grammarian.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_85&amp;quot;&amp;gt;85&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CONSOLATORY LETTER TO HIS WIFE.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;i.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Plutarch to his wife sends greeting. The messenger that you sent to me to announce the death of our little girl seems to have missed his way &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;en route&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; for Athens; but when I got to Tanagra I heard the news from my niece. I suppose the funeral has already taken place, and I hope everything went off so as to give you least sorrow both now and hereafter. But if you left undone anything you wished to do, waiting for my opinion, and thinking your grief would then be lighter, be it without ceremoniousness or superstition, both which things are indeed foreign to your character.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Only, my dear wife, let us both be patient at this calamity. I know and can see very clearly how great it is, but should I find your grief too excessive, it would trouble me even more than the event itself. And yet I have not a heart hard as heart of oak or flintstone, as you yourself know very well, who have shared with me in the bringing up of so many children, as they have all been educated at home by ourselves. And this one I know was more especially beloved by you, as she was the first daughter after four sons, when you longed for a daughter, and so I gave her your name.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_191_191&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_191_191&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;191&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And as you are very fond of children your grief must have a peculiar bitterness when you call to mind her pure and simple gaiety, which was without a tincture of passion or querulousness. For she had from nature a wonderful contentedness of mind and meekness, and her affectionateness and winning ways not only pleased one but also afforded a means of observing her kindliness of heart, for she used to bid her nurse&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_192_192&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_192_192&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;192&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; give the teat not only to other children but even to her favourite playthings, and so invited them as it were to her table in kindliness of heart, and gave them a share of her good things, and provided the best entertainment for those that pleased her.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But I see no reason, my dear wife, why these and similar traits in her character, that gave us delight in her lifetime,&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_86&amp;quot;&amp;gt;86&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; should now, when recalled to the memory, grieve and trouble us. Though, on the other hand, I fear that if we cease to grieve we may also cease to remember her, like Clymene, who says in the Play&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_193_193&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_193_193&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;193&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I hate the supple bow of cornel-wood,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And would put down athletics,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;because she ever avoided and trembled at anything that reminded her of her son, for it brought grief with it, and it is natural to avoid everything that gives us pain. But as she gave us the greatest pleasure in embracing her and even in seeing and hearing her, so ought her memory living and dwelling with us to give us more, aye, many times more, joy than grief, since those arguments that we have often used to others ought to be profitable to us in the present conjuncture, nor should we sit down and rail against fortune, opposing to those joys many more griefs.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Those who were present at the funeral tell me with evident surprise that you put on no mourning, and that you bedizened up neither yourself nor your maids with the trappings of woe, and that there was no ostentatious expenditure of money at the funeral, but that everything was done orderly and silently in the presence of our relations. I am not myself surprised that you, who never made a display either at the theatre or on any other public occasion, and thought extravagance useless even in the case of pleasure, should have been frugal in your grief. For not only ought the chaste woman to remain uncorrupt in Bacchanalian revels,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_194_194&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_194_194&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;194&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but she ought to consider her self-control not a whit less necessary in the surges of sorrow and emotion of grief, contending not (as most people think) against natural affection, but against the extravagant wishes of the soul. For we are indulgent to natural affection in the regret, and honour, and memory that it pays to the dead: but the insatiable desire for a passionate display of funeral grief, coming to the climax in coronachs and beatings of the breast, is not less unseemly than intemperance in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_87&amp;quot;&amp;gt;87&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;pleasure and is unreasonably&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_195_195&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_195_195&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;195&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; forgiven only because pain and grief instead of delight are elements in the unseemly exhibition. For what is more unreasonable than to curtail excessive laughter or any other demonstration of joy, and to allow a free vent to copious lamentation and wailing that come from the same source? And how unreasonable is it, as some husbands do, to quarrel with their wives about perfume and purple robes, while they allow them to shear their heads in mourning, and to dress in black, and to sit in idle grief, and to lie down in weariness! And what is worst of all, how unreasonable is it for husbands to interfere if their wives chastise the domestics and maids immoderately or without sufficient cause, yet allow them to ill-treat themselves cruelly in cases and conjunctures that require repose and kindness!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;v.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But between us, my dear wife, there never was any occasion for such a contest, nor do I think there ever will be. For as to your economy in dress and simple way of living, there is no philosopher with whom you are acquainted whom you did not amaze, nor is there any citizen who has not observed&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_196_196&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_196_196&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;196&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; how plainly you dressed at sacred rites, and sacrifices, and theatres. You have also already on similar painful occasions exhibited great fortitude, as when you lost your eldest son, and again when our handsome Chæron died. For when I was informed of his death, I well remember some guests from the sea were coming home with me to my house as well as some others, but when they saw the great quiet and tranquillity of the household, they thought, as they afterwards told some other people, that no such disaster had really happened, but that the news was untrue. So well had you ordered everything in the house, at a time when there would have been great excuse for disorder. And yet you had suckled that son, though your breast had had to be lanced owing to a contusion. This was noble conduct and showed your great natural affection.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But most mothers we see, when their children are &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_88&amp;quot;&amp;gt;88&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;brought to them clean and tidy, take them into their hands as playthings, and when they die burst out into idle and unthankful grief, not so much out of affection—for affection is thoughtful and noble—but a great yearning for vain glory&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_197_197&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_197_197&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;197&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; mixed with a little natural affection makes their grief fierce and vehement and hard to appease. And this does not seem to have escaped Æsop&#039;s notice, for he says that when Zeus assigned their honours to various gods, Grief also claimed his. And Zeus granted his wish, with this limitation that only those who chose and wished need pay him honour.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_198_198&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_198_198&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;198&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It is thus with grief at the outset, everyone welcomes it at first, but after it has got by process of time settled, and become an inmate of the house, it is with difficulty dislodged again, however much people may wish to dislodge it. Wherefore we ought to keep it out of doors, and not let it approach the garrison by wearing mourning or shearing the hair, or by any similar outward sign of sorrow. For these things occurring daily and being importunate make the mind little, and narrow, and unsocial, and harsh, and timid, so that, being besieged and taken in hand by grief, it can no longer laugh, and shuns daylight, and avoids society. This evil will be followed by neglect of the body, and dislike to anointing and the bath and the other usual modes of life: whereas the very opposite ought to be the case, for the mind ill at ease especially requires that the body should be in a sound and healthy condition. For much of grief is blunted and relaxed when the body is permeated by calm, like the sea in fine weather. But if the body get into a dry and parched condition from a low diet, and gives no proper nutriment to the soul, but only feeds it with sorrow and grief, as it were with bitter and injurious exhalations, it cannot easily recover its tone however people may wish it should. Such is the state of the soul that has been so ill-treated.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Moreover, I should not hesitate to assert&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_199_199&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_199_199&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;199&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_89&amp;quot;&amp;gt;89&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;most formidable peril in connection with this is &amp;quot;the visits of bad women,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_200_200&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_200_200&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;200&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and their chatter, and joint lamentation, all which things fan the fire of sorrow and aggravate it, and suffer it not to be extinguished either by others or by itself. I am not ignorant what a time of it you had lately, when you went to the aid of Theon&#039;s sister, and fought against the women who came on a visit of condolence and rushed up with lamentation and wailing, adding fuel as it were to her fire of grief in their simplicity. For when people see their friends&#039; houses on fire they put it out as quickly and energetically as they can, but when their souls are on fire they themselves bring fuel. And if anybody has anything the matter with his eyes they will not let him put his hands to them, however much he wish, nor do they themselves touch the inflamed part; but a person in grief sits down and gives himself up to every chance comer, like a river [that all make use of], to stir up and aggravate the sore, so that from a little tickling and discomfort it grows into a great and terrible disease. However, as to all this I know you will be on your guard.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;viii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Try also often to carry yourself back in memory to that time when, this little girl not having been then born, we had nothing to charge Fortune with, and to compare that time and this together, as if our circumstances had gone back to what they were then. Otherwise, my dear wife, we shall seem discontented at the birth of our little daughter, if we consider our position before her birth as more perfect. But we ought not to erase from our memory the two years of her life, but to consider them as a time of pleasure giving us gratification and enjoyment, and not to deem the shortness of the blessing as a great evil, nor to be unthankful for what was given us, because Fortune did not give us a longer tenure as we wished. For ever to be careful what we say about the gods, and to be cheerful and not rail against Fortune, brings a sweet and goodly profit; and he who in such conjunctures as ours mostly tries to remember his blessings, and turns and diverts his mind from the dark and disturbing things in life to the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_90&amp;quot;&amp;gt;90&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;bright and radiant, either altogether extinguishes his grief or makes it small and dim from a comparison with his comforts. For as perfume gives pleasure to the nose, and is a remedy against disagreeable smells, so the remembrance of past happiness in present trouble gives all the relief they require to those who do not shut out of their memory the blessings of the past, or always and everywhere rail against Fortune. And this certainly ought not to be our case, that we should slander all our past life because, like a book, it has one erasure in it, when all the other pages have been bright and clean.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ix.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; You have often heard that happiness consists in right calculations resulting in a healthy state of mind, and that the changes which Fortune brings about need not upset it, and introduce confusion into our life. But if we too must, like most people, be governed by external events, and make an inventory of the dealings of Fortune, and constitute other people the judges of our felicity, do not now regard the tears and lamentations of those who visit you, which by a faulty custom are lavished on everybody, but consider rather how happy you are still esteemed by them for your family, your house, and life. For it would be monstrous, if others would gladly prefer your destiny to theirs, even taking into account our present sorrow, that you should rail against and be impatient at our present lot, and in consequence of our bitter grief not reflect how much comfort is still left to us. But like those who quote imperfect verses of Homer&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_201_201&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_201_201&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;201&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and neglect the finest passages of his writings, to enumerate and complain of the trials of life, while you pay no attention to its blessings, is to resemble those stingy misers, who heap up riches and make no use of them when they have them, but lament and are impatient if they are lost. And if you grieve over her dying unmarried and childless, you can comfort yourself with the thought that you have had both those advantages. For they should not be reckoned as great blessings in the case of those who do not enjoy them, and small blessings in the case of those who do. And that she has gone to a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_91&amp;quot;&amp;gt;91&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;place where she is out of pain ought not to pain us, for what evil can we mourn for on her account if her pains are over? For even the loss of important things does not grieve us when we have no need of them. But it was only little things that your Timoxena was deprived of, little things only she knew, and in little things only did she rejoice; and how can one be said to be deprived of things of which one had no conception, nor experience, nor even desire for?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;x.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; As to what you hear from some people, who get many to credit their notion, that the dead suffer no evil or pain, I know that you are prevented from believing that by the tradition of our fathers and by the mystic symbols of the mysteries of Dionysus, for we are both initiated. Consider then that the soul, being incorruptible, is in the same condition after death as birds that have been caught. For if it has been a long time in the body, and during this mortal life has become tame by many affairs and long habit, it swoops down again and a second time enters the body, and does not cease to be involved in the changes and chances of this life that result from birth. For do not suppose that old age is abused and ill-spoken of only for its wrinkles and white hair and weakness of body, but this is the worst feature about it, that it makes the soul feeble in its remembrance of things in the other world, and strong in its attachment to things in this world, and bends and presses it, if it retain the form which it had in the body from its experience. But that soul, which does indeed enter the body, but remains only a short time in it, being liberated from it by the higher powers, rears as it were at a damp and soft turning post in the race of life, and hastens on to its destined goal. For just as if anyone put out a fire, and light it again at once, it is soon rekindled, and burns up again quickly, but if it has been out a long time, to light it again will be a far more difficult and irksome task, so the soul that has sojourned only a short time in this dark and mortal life, quickly recovers the light and blaze of its former bright life, whereas for those who have not had the good fortune very early, to use the language of the poet, &amp;quot;to pass the gates of Hades,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_202_202&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_202_202&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;202&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; nothing remains but a great &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_92&amp;quot;&amp;gt;92&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;passion for the things of this life, and a softening of the soul through contact with the body, and a melting away of it as if by the agency of drugs.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_203_203&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_203_203&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;203&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And the truth of this is rendered more apparent in our hereditary and time-honoured customs and laws. For when infants die no libations are poured out for them, nor are any other rites performed for them, such as are always performed for adults. For they have no share in the earth or in things of the earth, nor do parents haunt their tombs or monuments, or sit by their bodies when they are laid out. For the laws do not allow us to mourn for such, seeing that it is an impious thing to do so in the case of persons who have departed into a better and more divine place and sphere. I know that doubts are entertained about this, but since to doubt is harder for them than to believe, let us do externally as the laws enjoin, and internally let us be more holy and pure and chaste.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_204_204&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_204_204&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;204&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_191_191&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_191_191&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;191&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Timoxena, as we see later on, § ix.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_192_192&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_192_192&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;192&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Adopting Reiske&#039;s reading, μαστὸν κελεύουσα, προεκαλεῖτο καθάπερ.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_193_193&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_193_193&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;193&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides&#039; &amp;quot;Phaethon,&amp;quot; which exists only in fragments. Clymene was the daughter of Oceanus, and mother of Phaethon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_194_194&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_194_194&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;194&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; An allusion to Euripides, &amp;quot;Bacchæ,&amp;quot; 317, 318.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_195_195&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_195_195&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;195&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading with Reiske οὐδένι λόγῳ δὲ, or ἀλόγως δὲ. Some such reading seems necessary to comport with the τί γὰρ ἀλογώτερον two lines later.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_196_196&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_196_196&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;196&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading παρεῖχες with Xylander.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_197_197&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_197_197&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;197&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A great craving for sympathy would be the modern way of putting it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_198_198&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_198_198&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;198&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Fable of Æsop, entitled Πένθους γερας, No. 355. Halme. See also Plutarch&#039;s &amp;quot;Consolation to Apollonius,&amp;quot; § xix., where the Fable is told at some length.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_199_199&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_199_199&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;199&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading with Reiske οὐκ ἂν εἰπεῖν φοβηθείην.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_200_200&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_200_200&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;200&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; An allusion to Euripides, &amp;quot;Andromache,&amp;quot; 930. See Plutarch&#039;s &amp;quot;Conjugal Precepts,&amp;quot; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_80a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;§ xl.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_201_201&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_201_201&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;201&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The whole subject is discussed in full by Athenæus, p. 632, F. F. A false quantity we see was a bugbear even before the days of Universities.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_202_202&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_202_202&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;202&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; v. 646; xxiii. 71.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_203_203&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_203_203&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;203&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This section is dreadfully corrupt. I have adopted, it will be seen, the suggestions of Wyttenbach.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_204_204&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_204_204&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;204&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This Consolatory Letter ends rather abruptly. It is probable that there was more of it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_92a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;THAT VIRTUE MAY BE TAUGHT.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;i.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; As to virtue we deliberate and dispute whether good sense, and justice, and rectitude can be taught: and then we are not surprised that, while the works of orators, and pilots, and musicians, and house-builders, and farmers, are innumerable, good men are only a name and expression, like Centaurs and Giants and Cyclopes, and that it is impossible to find any virtuous action without alloy of base motives, or any character free from vice: but if nature produces spontaneously anything good, it is marred by much that is alien to it, as fruit choked by weeds. Men learn to play on the harp, and to dance, and to read, and to farm, and to ride on horseback: they learn how to put on their shoes and clothes generally: people teach how &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_93&amp;quot;&amp;gt;93&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to pour out wine, how to cook; and all these things cannot be properly performed, without being learned. The art of good living alone, though all those things I have mentioned only exist on its account, is untaught, unmethodical, inartistic, and supposed to come by the light of nature!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; O sirs, by asserting that virtue is not a thing to be taught, why are we making it unreal? For if teaching produces it, the deprivation of teaching prevents it. And yet, as Plato says, a discord and false note on the lyre makes not brother go to war with brother, nor sets friends at variance, nor makes states hostile to one another, so as to do and suffer at one another&#039;s hands the most dreadful things:&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_205_205&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_205_205&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;205&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; nor can anyone say that there was ever a dissension in any city as to the pronunciation of Telchines: nor in a private house any difference between man and wife as to woof and warp. And yet no one without learning would undertake to ply the loom, or write a book, or play on the lyre, though he would thereby do no great harm, but he fears making himself ridiculous, for as Heraclitus says, &amp;quot;It is better to hide one&#039;s ignorance,&amp;quot; yet everyone thinks himself competent to manage a house and wife and the state and hold any magisterial office. On one occasion, when a boy was eating rather greedily, Diogenes gave the lad&#039;s tutor a blow with his fist, ascribing the fault not to the boy, who had not learnt how to eat properly, but to the tutor who had not taught him. And can one not properly handle a dish or a cup, unless one has learnt from a boy, as Aristophanes bids us, &amp;quot;not to giggle, nor eat too fast, nor cross our legs,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_206_206&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_206_206&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;206&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and yet be perfectly fit to manage a family and city, and wife, and live well, and hold office, when one has not learnt how one should behave in the conduct of life? When Aristippus was asked by someone, &amp;quot;Are you everywhere then?&amp;quot; he smiled and said, &amp;quot;If I am everywhere, I lose my passage money.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_207_207&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_207_207&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;207&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Why should not you also say, &amp;quot;If men are not better for learning, the money paid to tutors is also lost?&amp;quot; For just as nurses mould with their hands &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_94&amp;quot;&amp;gt;94&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the child&#039;s body, so tutors, receiving it immediately it is weaned, mould its soul, teaching it by habit the first vestiges of virtue. And the Lacedæmonian, who was asked, what good he did as a tutor, replied, &amp;quot;I make what is good pleasant to boys.&amp;quot; Moreover tutors teach boys to walk in the streets with their heads down,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_208_208&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_208_208&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;208&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to touch salt fish with one finger only, other fish bread and meat with two, to scratch themselves in such a way, and in such a way to put on their cloak.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_209_209&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_209_209&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;209&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; What then? He that says that the doctor&#039;s skill is wanted in the case of a slight skin-eruption or whitlow, but is not needed in the case of pleurisy, fever, or lunacy, in what respect does he differ from the man that says that schools and teaching and precepts are only for small and boyish duties, while great and important matters are to be left to mere routine and accident? For, as the man is ridiculous who says we ought to learn to row but not to steer, so he who allows all other arts to be learnt, but not virtue, seems to act altogether contrary to the Scythians. For they, as Herodotus tells us,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_210_210&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_210_210&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;210&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; blind their slaves that they may remain with them, but such an one puts the eye of reason into slavish and servile arts, and takes it away from virtue. And the general Iphicrates well answered Callias, the son of Chabrias, who asked him, &amp;quot;What are you? an archer? a targeteer? cavalry, or infantry?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;None of these,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;but the commander of them all.&amp;quot; Ridiculous therefore is he who says that the use of the bow and other arms and the sling and riding are to be taught, but that strategy and how to command an army comes by the light of nature. Still more ridiculous is he who asserts that good sense alone need not be taught, without which all other arts are useless and profitless, seeing that she is the mistress and orderer and arranger of all of them, and puts each of them to their proper use. For example, what grace would there be in a banquet, though the servants had been well-trained, and had learnt how to dress and cook &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_95&amp;quot;&amp;gt;95&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the meat and pour out the wine,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_211_211&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_211_211&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;211&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; unless there was good order and method among the waiters?&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_212_212&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_212_212&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;212&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_205_205&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_205_205&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;205&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plato, &amp;quot;Clitophon,&amp;quot; p. 407, C.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_206_206&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_206_206&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;206&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aristophanes, &amp;quot;Clouds,&amp;quot; 983.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_207_207&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_207_207&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;207&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Does Juvenal allude to this, viii. 97?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_208_208&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_208_208&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;208&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So as to look modest and be &amp;quot;Ingenui vultus pueri, ingenuique pudoris.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_209_209&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_209_209&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;209&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading with Salmasius, ἀναβαλεῐν.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_210_210&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_210_210&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;210&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Herodotus, iv. 2. The historian, however, assigns other reasons for blinding them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_211_211&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_211_211&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;211&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A line from &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; xv. 323.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_212_212&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_212_212&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;212&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Malim δαιτυμόνας.&amp;quot; Wyttenbach, who remarks generally on this short treatise, &amp;quot;Non integra videtur esse nec continua disputatio, sed disputationis, Plutarcheæ tamen, excerptum compendium.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_95a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ON VIRTUE AND VICE.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;i.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Clothes seem to warm a man, not by throwing out heat themselves (for in itself every garment is cold, whence in great heat or in fevers people frequently change and shift them), but the heat which a man throws out from his own body is retained and wrapped in by a dress fitting close to the body, which does not admit of the heat being dissipated when once it has got firm hold. A somewhat similar case is the idea that deceives the mass of mankind, that if they could live in big houses, and get together a quantity of slaves and money, they would have a happy life. But a happy and cheerful life is not from without, on the contrary, a man adds the pleasure and gratification to the things that surround him, his temperament being as it were the source of his feelings.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_213_213&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_213_213&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;213&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;But when the fire blazes the house is brighter to look at.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_214_214&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_214_214&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;214&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;So, too, wealth is pleasanter, and fame and power more splendid, when a man has joy in his heart, seeing that men can bear easily and quietly poverty and exile and old age if their character is a contented and mild one.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; For as perfumes make threadbare coats and rags to smell sweet, while the body of Anchises sent forth a fetid &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_96&amp;quot;&amp;gt;96&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; discharge, &amp;quot;distilling from his back on to his linen robe,&amp;quot; so every kind of life with virtue is painless and pleasurable, whereas vice if infused into it makes splendour and wealth and magnificence painful, and sickening, and unwelcome to its possessors.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;He is deemed happy in the market-place,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But when he gets him home, thrice miserable,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;His wife rules all, quarrels, and domineers.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_215_215&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_215_215&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;215&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And yet there would be no great difficulty in getting rid of a bad wife, if one was a man and not a slave. But a man cannot by writing a bill of divorce to his vice get rid of all trouble at once, and enjoy tranquillity by living apart: for it is ever present in his vitals, and sticks to him night and day, &amp;quot;and burns without a torch, and consigns him to gloomy old age,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_216_216&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_216_216&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;216&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; being a disagreeable fellow-traveller owing to its arrogance, and a costly companion at table owing to its daintiness, and an unpleasant bed-fellow, disturbing and marring sleep by anxiety and care and envy. For during such a one&#039;s sleep the body indeed gets rest, but the mind has terrors, and dreams, and perturbations, owing to superstition,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;For when my trouble catches me asleep,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;I am undone by the most fearful dreams,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;as one says. For thus envy, and fear, and anger, and lust affect one. During the daytime, indeed, vice looks abroad and imitates the behaviour of others, is shy and conceals its evil desires, and does not altogether give way to its propensities, but often even resists and fights stoutly against them; but in sleep it escapes the observation of people and the law, and, being as far as possible removed from fear or modesty, gives every passion play, and excites its depravity and licentiousness, for, to borrow Plato&#039;s expression,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_217_217&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_217_217&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;217&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;it attempts incest with its mother, and procures for itself unlawful meats, and abstains from no action what&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_97&amp;quot;&amp;gt;97&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;ever,&amp;quot; and enjoys lawlessness as far as is practicable in visions and phantasies, that end in no complete pleasure or satisfaction, but can only stir up and inflame the passions and morbid emotions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Where then is the pleasure of vice, if there is nowhere in it freedom from anxiety and pain, or independence, or tranquillity, or rest?&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_218_218&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_218_218&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;218&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A healthy and sound constitution does indeed augment the pleasures of the body, but for the soul there can be no lasting joy or gratification, unless cheerfulness and fearlessness and courage supply a calm serenity free from storms; for otherwise, even if hope or delight smile on the soul, it is soon confused and disturbed by care lifting up its head again, so that it is but the calm of a sunken rock.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Pile up gold, heap up silver, build covered walks, fill your house with slaves and the town with debtors, unless you lay to rest the passions of the soul, and put a curb on your insatiable desires, and rid yourself of fear and anxiety, you are but pouring out wine for a man in a fever, and giving honey to a man who is bilious, and laying out a sumptuous banquet for people who are suffering from dysentery, and can neither retain their food nor get any benefit from it, but are made even worse by it. Have you never observed how sick persons turn against and spit out and refuse the daintiest and most costly viands, though people offer them and almost force them down their throats, but on another occasion, when their condition is different, their respiration good, their blood in a healthy state, and their natural warmth restored, they get up, and enjoy and make a good meal of simple bread and cheese and cress? Such, also, is the effect of reason on the mind. You will be contented, if you have learned what is good and honourable. You will live daintily and be a king in poverty, and enjoy a quiet and private life as much as the public life of general or statesman. By the aid of philosophy you will live not unpleasantly, for you will learn to extract pleasure from all places &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_98&amp;quot;&amp;gt;98&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and things: wealth will make you happy, because it will enable you to benefit many; and poverty, as you will not then have many anxieties; and glory, for it will make you honoured; and obscurity, for you will then be safe from envy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_213_213&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_213_213&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;213&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Happiness comes from within, not from without. The true seat of happiness is the mind. Compare Milton, &amp;quot;Paradise Lost,&amp;quot; Book i. 254, 255:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The mind is its own place, and in itself&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Can make a Heaven of Hell, a Hell of Heaven.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_214_214&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_214_214&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;214&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homeric Epigrammata, xiii. 5.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_215_215&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_215_215&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;215&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Wyttenbach thinks these lines are by Menander. Plutarch quotes them again &amp;quot;On Contentedness of Mind,&amp;quot; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_300a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;§ xi.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_216_216&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_216_216&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;216&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Hesiod, &amp;quot;Works and Days,&amp;quot; 705.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_217_217&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_217_217&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;217&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plato, &amp;quot;Republic,&amp;quot; ix. p. 571, D. Quoted again, &amp;quot;How one may be aware of one&#039;s Progress in Virtue,&amp;quot; § xii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_218_218&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_218_218&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;218&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And so Dr. Young truly says,—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;A man of pleasure is a man of pains.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0 c8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Night Thoughts.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_98a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ON MORAL VIRTUE.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;i.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I propose to discuss what is called and appears to be moral virtue (which differs mainly from contemplative virtue in that it has emotion for its matter, and reason for its form), what its nature is, and how it subsists, and whether that part of the soul which takes it in is furnished with reason of its own, or participates in something foreign, and if the latter, whether as things that are mixed with something better than themselves, or rather as that which is subject to superintendence and command, and may be said to share in the power of that which commands. For I think it is clear that virtue can exist and continue altogether free from matter and mixture. My best course will be to run briefly over the views of others, not so much to display my research as because, when their ideas have been set forth, mine will become more clear and be on a firmer basis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Menedemus of Eretria took away the number and differences of virtues, on the ground that virtue was one though it had many names; for that just as mortal is synonymous with man, so temperance and bravery and justice were the same thing. And Aristo of Chios also made virtue one in substance, and called it soundness of mind: its diversities and varieties only existing in certain relations, as if one called our sight when it took in white objects white-sight, and when it took in black objects black-sight, and so on. For virtue, when it considers what it ought to do and what it ought not to do, is called prudence; and when it curbs passion, and sets a fit and proper limit to pleasure, it is called self-control; and when it is associated with our dealings and covenants with one another, it is called justice; just as a knife is one article,&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_99&amp;quot;&amp;gt;99&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; though at different times it cuts different things in half: and so, too, fire acts on different matter though it has but one property. And Zeno of Cittium seems to incline somewhat to the same view, as he defines prudence in distribution as justice, in choice as self-control, in endurance as fortitude: and those who defend these views maintain that by the term prudence Zeno means knowledge. But Chrysippus, thinking each particular virtue should be arranged under its particular quality, unwittingly stirred up, to use Plato&#039;s language, &amp;quot;a whole swarm of virtues,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_219_219&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_219_219&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;219&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; unusual and unknown. For as from brave we get bravery, and from mild mildness, and from just justice, so from acceptable he got acceptableness, and from good goodness, and from great greatness, and from the honourable honourableness, and he made virtues of many other such clevernesses, affabilities, and versatilities, and filled philosophy, which did not at all require it, with many strange names.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Now all these agree in supposing virtue to be a disposition and faculty of the governing part of the soul set in motion by reason, or rather to be reason itself conformable and firm and immutable. They think further that the emotional and unreasoning part of the soul is not by any natural difference distinct from the reasoning part, but that that same part of the soul, which they call intellect and the leading principle of action, being altogether diverted and changed by the passions, and by the alterations which habit or disposition have brought about, becomes either vice or virtue, without having in itself any unreasoning element, but that it is called unreasoning when, by the strong and overpowering force of appetite, it launches out into excesses contrary to the direction of reason. For passion, according to them, is only vicious and intemperate reason, getting its strength and power from bad and faulty judgement. But all of those philosophers seem to have been ignorant that we are all in reality two-fold and composite, though they did not recognize it, and only saw the more evident mixture of soul and body. And yet that there is in the soul itself something composite and two-fold and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_100&amp;quot;&amp;gt;100&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;dissimilar (the unreasoning part of it, as if another body, being by necessity and nature mixed up with and united to reason), seems not to have escaped the notice even of Pythagoras, as we infer from his zeal for music, which he introduced to calm and soothe the soul, as knowing that it was not altogether amenable to precept and instruction, or redeemable from vice only by reason, but that it needed some other persuasion and moulding and softening influence to co-operate with reason, unless it were to be altogether intractable and refractory to philosophy. And Plato saw very plainly and confidently and decidedly that the soul of this universe is not simple or uncomposite or uniform, but is made up of forces that work uniformly and differently, in the one case it is ever marshalled in the same order and moves about in one fixed orbit, in the other case it is divided into motions and orbits contrary to each other and changing about, and thus generates differences in things. So, too, the soul of man, being a part or portion of the soul of the universe, and compounded upon similar principles and proportions, is not simple or entirely uniform, but has one part intelligent and reasoning, which is intended by nature to rule and dominate in man, and another part unreasoning, and subject to passion and caprice, and disorderly, and in need of direction. And this last again is divided into two parts, one of which, being most closely connected with the body, is called desire, and the other, sometimes taking part with the body, sometimes with reason, lending its influence against the body, is called anger. And the difference between reason and sense on the one hand, and anger and desire on the other, is shown by their antipathy to one another, so that they are often at variance with one another as to what is best.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_220_220&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_220_220&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;220&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; These were at first&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_221_221&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_221_221&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;221&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the views of Aristotle, as is clear from his writings, though afterwards he joined anger to desire, as if anger were nothing but a desire and passion for revenge. However, he always considered the emotional and unreasoning part of the soul as distinct from the reasoning, not that it is altogether unreasoning as the perceptive, or nutritive, or &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_101&amp;quot;&amp;gt;101&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;vegetative portions of the soul, for these are always deaf and disobedient to reason, and in a certain sense are off-shoots from the flesh, and altogether attached to the body; but the emotional, though it is destitute of any reason of its own, yet is naturally inclined to listen to reason and sense, and turn and submit and mould itself accordingly, unless it be entirely corrupted by brute pleasure and a life of indulgence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; As for those who wonder that what is unreasoning should obey reason, they do not seem to me to recognize the power of reason, how great it is, and how far-reaching its dominion is—a power not gained by harsh and repelling methods, but by attractive ones, as mild persuasion which always accomplishes more than compulsion or violence. For even the spirit and nerves and bones, and other parts of the body, though devoid of reason, yet at any instigation of reason, when she shakes as it were the reins, are all on the alert and compliant and obedient, the feet to run, and the hands to throw or lift, at her bidding. Right excellently has the poet set forth in the following lines the sympathy and accordance between the unreasoning and reason:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Thus were her beauteous cheeks diffused with tears,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Weeping her husband really present then.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But though Odysseus pitied her in heart,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;His eyes like horn or steel impassive stood&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Within their lids, and craft his tears repressed.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_222_222&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_222_222&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;222&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;So completely under the control of judgement did he keep his spirit and blood and tears. The same is shown by the subsidence of our passions, which are laid to rest in the presence of handsome women or boys, whom reason and the law forbid us to touch; a case which most frequently happens to lovers, when they hear that they have unwittingly fallen in love with a sister or daughter. For at once passion is laid at the voice of reason, and the body exhibits its members as subservient to decorum. And frequently in the case of dainty food, people very much attracted by it, if they find out at the time or learn afterwards that they have eaten what is unclean or unlawful, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_102&amp;quot;&amp;gt;102&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;not only suffer distress and grief in their imagination, but even their very body is upset by the notion, and violent retchings and vomitings follow.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_223_223&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_223_223&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;223&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I fear I should seem to be introducing merely novel and enticing arguments, if I were to enumerate stringed instruments and lyres, and harps and flutes, and other harmonious musical instruments, which, although inanimate, yet speak to man&#039;s passions, rejoicing with him, and mourning with him, and chiming in with him, and rioting with him,—in a word, falling in with the vein and emotions and characters of those that play on them. And they say that Zeno on one occasion, going into the theatre when Amœbeus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_224_224&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_224_224&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;224&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was playing on the harp, said to the pupils, &amp;quot;Let us go and learn what music can be produced by guts and nerves and wood and bones, when they preserve proportion and time and order.&amp;quot; But passing these things over, I would gladly learn from them, if, when they see dogs and horses and birds domesticated, and by habit and training uttering sounds that can be understood, and making obedient movements and gestures, and acting quietly and usefully to us, and when they notice that Achilles in Homer cheers on horses as well as men to the fight,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_225_225&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_225_225&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;225&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; they still wonder and doubt, whether the passionate and emotional and painful and pleasurable elements in us are by nature obedient to the voice of reason, and influenced and affected by it, seeing that those elements are not apart from us or detached from us, or formed from outside, or hammered into us by force, but are innate in us, and ever associate with us, and are nourished within us, and abound in us through habit. Accordingly moral character is well called by the Greeks ἧθος, for it is, to speak generally, a quality of the unreasoning element in man, and is called ἧθος because the unreasoning element moulded by reason receives this quality and difference by habit, which is called ἔθος.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_226_226&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_226_226&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;226&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Not that reason wishes to expel passion altogether (that is neither &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_103&amp;quot;&amp;gt;103&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;possible, nor advisable), but only to keep it within bounds and order, and to engender the moral virtues, which are not apathetic, but hold the due proportion and mean in regard to passion. And this she does by reducing the power of passion to a good habit. For there are said to be three things existing in the soul, power, passion, and habit. Power is the principle or matter of passion, as power to be angry, ashamed, or confident: and passion is the actual setting in motion of that power, being itself anger, confidence, or shame; and habit is the strong formation of power in the unreasoning element engendered by use, being vice if the passions are badly tutored by reason, virtue if they are well tutored.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;v.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But since they do not regard every virtue as a mean, nor call it moral, we must discuss this difference by approaching the matter more from first principles. Some things in the world exist absolutely, as the earth, the sky, the stars, and the sea; others have relation to us, as good and evil, as what is desirable or to be avoided, as pleasant and painful: and since reason has an eye to both of these classes, when it considers the former it is scientific and contemplative, when it considers the latter it is deliberative and practical. And prudence is the virtue in the latter case, as knowledge in the former. And there is this difference between prudence and knowledge, prudence consists in applying the contemplative to the practical and emotional so as to make reason paramount. On which account it often needs the help of fortune; whereas knowledge needs neither the help of fortune nor deliberation to gain its ends: for it considers only things which are always the same. And as the geometrician does not deliberate about the triangle, as to whether its interior angles are together equal to two right angles, for he knows it as a fact—and deliberation only takes place in the case of things which differ at different times, not in the case of things which are certain and unchangeable—so the contemplative mind having its scope in first principles, and things that are fixed, and that ever have one nature which does not admit of change, has no need for deliberation. But prudence, which has to enter into matters full of obscurity and confusion, frequently has to take its chance, and&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_104&amp;quot;&amp;gt;104&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; to deliberate about things which are uncertain, and, in carrying the deliberation into practice, has to co-operate with the unreasoning element, which comes to its help, and is involved in its decisions, for they need an impetus. Now this impetus is given to passion by the moral character, an impetus requiring reason to regulate it, that it may render moderate and not excessive help, and at the seasonable time. For the emotional and unreasoning elements are subject to motions sometimes too quick and vehement, at other times too remiss and slow. And so everything we do may be a success from one point of view, but a failure from many points of view; as to hit the mark one thing only is requisite, but one may miss it in various ways, as one may shoot beyond or too short. This then is the function of practical reason following nature, to prevent our passions going either too far or too short. For where from weakness and want of strength, or from fear and hesitation, the impetus gives in and abandons what is good, there reason is by to stir it up and rekindle it; and where on the other hand it goes ahead too fast and in disorder, there it represses and checks its zeal. And thus setting bounds to the emotional motions, it engenders in the unreasoning part of the soul moral virtues, which are the mean between excess and deficiency. Not that we can say that all virtue exists in the mean, but knowledge and prudence being in no need of the unreasoning element, and being situated in the pure and unemotional part of the soul, is a complete perfection and power of reason, whereby we get the most divine and happy fruit of understanding. But that virtue which is necessary because of the body, and needs the help of the passions as an instrument towards the practical, not destroying or doing away with but ordering and regulating the unreasoning part of the soul, is perfection as regards its power and quality, but in quantity it is a mean correcting both excess and deficiency.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But since the word mean has a variety of meanings—for there is one kind of mean compounded of two simple extremes, as grey is the mean between white and black; and there is another kind of mean, where that which contains and is contained is the mean between the containing and contained, as eight is the mean between twelve and&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_105&amp;quot;&amp;gt;105&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; four; and there is a third kind of mean which has part in neither extreme, as the indifferent is the mean between good and bad,—virtue cannot be a mean in any of these ways. For neither is it a mixture of vices, nor containing that which is defective is it contained by that which is excessive, nor is it again altogether free from, emotional storms of passion, wherein are excess and deficiency. But it is, and is commonly so called, a mean like that in music and harmony. For as in music there is a middle note between the highest and lowest in the scale, which being perfectly in tune avoids the sharpness of the one and the flatness of the other; so virtue, being a motion and power in the unreasoning part of the soul, takes away the remissness and strain, and generally speaking the excess and defect of the appetite, by reducing each of the passions to a state of mean and rectitude. For example, they tell us that bravery is the mean between cowardice and foolhardiness, whereof the former is a defect, the latter an excess of anger: and that liberality is the mean between stinginess and prodigality: and that meekness is the mean between insensibility and savageness: and so of temperance and justice, that the latter, being concerned with contracts, is to assign neither too much nor too little to litigants, and that the former ever reduces the passions to the proper mean between apathy (or insensibility) and gross intemperance. This last illustration serves excellently to show us the radical difference between the unreasoning and reasoning parts of the soul, and to prove to us that passion and reason are wide as the poles asunder. For the difference would not be discernible between temperance and continence, nor between intemperance and incontinence, in pleasure and desires, if the appetite and judgement were in the same portion of the soul. Now temperance is a state, wherein reason holds the reins, and manages the passions as a quiet and well-broken-in animal, finding them obedient and submissive to the reins and masters over their desires.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_227_227&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_227_227&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;227&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Continence on the other hand is not driven by reason without some trouble, not being docile but jibbing and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_106&amp;quot;&amp;gt;106&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;kicking, like an animal compelled by bit and bridle and whip and backing, being in itself full of struggles and commotion. Plato explains this by his simile of the chariot-horses of the soul, the worse one of which ever kicking against the other and disturbing the charioteer, he is obliged ever to hold them in with all his might, and to tighten the reins, lest, to borrow the language of Simonides, &amp;quot;he should drop from his hands the purple reins.&amp;quot; And so they do not consider continence to be an absolute virtue, but something less than a virtue; for no mean arises from the concord of the worse with the better, nor is the excess of the passion curtailed, nor does the appetite obey or act in unison with reason, but it both gives and suffers trouble, and is constrained by force, and is as it were an enemy in a town given up to faction.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The town is full of incense, and at once&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Resounds with triumph-songs and bitter wailing.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_228_228&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_228_228&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;228&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Such is the state of soul of the continent person owing to his conflicting condition. On the same grounds they consider incontinence to be something less than vice, but intemperance to be a complete vice. For it, having both its appetite and reason depraved, is by the one carried away to desire disgraceful things,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_229_229&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_229_229&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;229&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; by the other, through bad judgement consenting to desire, loses even the perception of wrongdoing. But incontinence keeps its judgement sound through reason, but is carried away against its judgement by passion which is too strong for reason, whence it differs from intemperance. For in the one case reason is mastered by passion, in the other it does not even make a fight against it, in the one case it opposes its desires even when it follows them, in the other it is their advocate and even leader, in the one case it gladly participates in what is wrong, in the other sorrowfully, in the one case it willingly rushes into what is disgraceful, in the other it abandons the honourable unwillingly. And as there is a difference in their deeds, so no less manifest is the difference &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_107&amp;quot;&amp;gt;107&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;in their language. For these are the expressions of the intemperate. &amp;quot;What grace or pleasure in life is there without golden Aphrodite? May I die, when I care no longer for these things!&amp;quot; And another says, &amp;quot;To eat, to drink, to enjoy the gifts of Aphrodite is everything, for all other things I look upon as supplementary,&amp;quot; as if from the bottom of his soul he gave himself up to pleasures, and was completely subverted by them. And not less so he who said, &amp;quot;Let me be ruined, it is best for me,&amp;quot; had his judgement diseased through his passion. But the sayings of incontinence are quite different, as&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;My nature forces me against my judgement,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_230_230&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_230_230&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;230&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Alas! it is poor mortals&#039; plague and bane,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To know the good, yet not the good pursue.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_231_231&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_231_231&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;231&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And again—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;My anger draws me on, has no control,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Tis but a sandy hook against a tempest.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Here he compares not badly to a sandy hook, a sorry kind of anchor, the soul that is unsettled and has no steady reason, but surrenders judgment through flabbiness and feebleness. And not unlike this image are the lines,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;As some ship moored and fastened to the shore,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;If the wind blows, the cables cannot hold it.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By cables he means the judgement which resists what is disgraceful, though sometimes it gives way under a tremendous storm of passion. For indeed it is with full sail that the intemperate man is borne on to pleasure by his desires, and surrenders himself to them, and even plays the part of pilot to the vessel; whereas the incontinent man is dragged sidelong into the disgraceful, and is its victim, as it were, while he desires eagerly to resist and overcome his passion, as Timon bantered Anaxarchus: &amp;quot;The recklessness and frantic energy of Anaxarchus to rush anywhere seemed like a dog&#039;s courage, but he being aware of it was miserable, so people said, but his voluptuous nature ever plunged him into excesses again, nature which even &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_108&amp;quot;&amp;gt;108&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;most sophists are afraid of.&amp;quot; For neither is the wise man continent but temperate, nor the fool incontinent but intemperate; for the one delights in what is good, and the other is not vexed at what is bad. Incontinence, therefore, is a mark of a sophistical soul, endued with reason which cannot abide by what it knows to be right.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Such, then, are the differences between incontinence and intemperance, and continence and temperance have their counterpart and analogous differences; for remorse and trouble and annoyance are companions of continence, whereas in the soul of the temperate person there is everywhere such equability and calm and soundness, by which the unreasoning is adjusted and harmonized to reason, being adorned with obedience and wonderful mildness, that looking at it you would say with the poet, &amp;quot;At once the wind was laid, and a wondrous calm ensued, for the god allayed the fury of the waves,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_232_232&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_232_232&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;232&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; reason having extinguished the vehement and furious and frantic motions of the desires, and making those which nature necessarily requires sympathetic and obedient and friendly and co-operative in carrying purposes out in action, so that they do not outrun or come short of reason, or behave disorderly and disobediently, but that every appetite is tractable, &amp;quot;as sucking foal runs by the side of its dam.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_233_233&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_233_233&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;233&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And this confirms the saying of Xenocrates about true philosophers, that they alone do willingly what all others do unwillingly at the compulsion of the law, as dogs are turned away from their pleasures by a blow, or cats by a noise, looking at nothing but their danger. It is clear then that there is in the soul a perception of such a generic and specific difference in relation to the desires, as of something fighting against and opposing them. But some say that there is no radical distinction difference or variance between reason and passion, but that there is a shifting of one and the same reason from one to the other, which escapes our notice owing to the sharpness and quickness of the change, so that we do not see at a glance that desire and repentance, anger and fear, giving way to what is disgraceful &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_109&amp;quot;&amp;gt;109&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;through passion, and recovery from the same, are the same natural property of the soul. For desire and fear and anger and the like they consider only depraved opinions and judgements, not in one portion of the soul only but in all its leading principles, inclinations and yieldings, and assents and impulses, and generally speaking in its energies soon changed, like the sallies of children, whose fury and excessive violence is unstable by reason of their weakness. But these views are, in the first place, contrary to evidence and observation; for no one observes in himself a change from passion to judgement, and from judgement back to passion; nor does anyone cease from loving when he reflects that it would be well to break the affair off and strive with all his might against it; nor again, does he put on one side reflection and judgement, when he gives way and is overcome by desire. Moreover, when he resists passion by reason, he does not escape passion altogether; nor again, when he is mastered by passion does he fail to discern his fault through reason: so that neither by passion does he abolish reason, nor does he by reason get rid of passion, but is tossed about to and fro alternately between passion and reason. And those who suppose that the leading principle in the soul is at one time desire, and at another time reason in opposition to desire, are not unlike people who would make the hunter and the animal he hunts one and the same person, but alternately changing from hunter to animal, from animal to hunter. As their eyesight is plainly deficient, so these are faulty in regard to their perceptions, seeing that they must perceive in themselves not a change of one and the same thing, but a difference and struggle between two opposing elements. &amp;quot;What then,&amp;quot; say they, &amp;quot;does not the deliberative element in a man often hold different views, and is it not swayed to different opinions as to expediency, and yet it is one and the same thing?&amp;quot; Certainly, I reply; but the case is not similar. For the rational part of the soul does not fight against itself, but though it has only one faculty, it makes use of different reasonings; or rather the reasoning is one, but employs itself in different subjects as on different matter. And so there is neither pain in reasonings without passion, nor are men compelled, as it were, to choose something contrary to&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_110&amp;quot;&amp;gt;110&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; their judgement, unless indeed some passion, as in a balance, secretly predominates in the scale. For this often happens, reason not opposing reason, but ambition, or contention, or favour, or jealousy, or fear opposing reason, that we do but think there is a difference between two reasons, as in the line, &amp;quot;They were ashamed to refuse, and feared to accept,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_234_234&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_234_234&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;234&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; or, &amp;quot;To die in battle is dreadful but glorious; but not to die, though cowardly, is more pleasant.&amp;quot; Moreover, in judgements about contracts passions come in and cause the greatest delay; and in the councils of kings those who speak to ingratiate themselves do not favour either of the two cases, but give themselves up to passion without regard to what is expedient; and so those that rule in aristocracies do not allow orators to be pathetic in their pleadings. For reasoning without passion has a direct tendency to justice, while if passion is infused, a contest and difference is excited between pleasure and pain on the one hand, and judgement and justice on the other. For otherwise how is it that in philosophical speculations people are with little pain frequently induced by others to change their opinions, and even Aristotle himself and Democritus and Chrysippus have rejected without trouble or pain, and even with pleasure, some of the opinions which they formerly advocated? For no passion stands in the way in the theoretic and scientific part of the soul, and the unreasoning element is quiet and gives no trouble therein. And so reason gladly inclines to the truth, when it is evident, and abandons error; for in it, and not in passion, lies a willingness to listen to conviction and to change one&#039;s opinions on conviction. But the deliberations and judgements and arbitrations of most people as to matters of fact being mixed up with passion, give reason no easy or pleasant access, as she is held fast and incommoded by the unreasonable, which assails her through pleasure, or fear, or pain, or desire. And the decision in these cases lies with sense which has dealings with both passion and reason, for if one gets the better of the other the other is not destroyed, but only dragged along by force in spite of its resistance. For he who is dissatisfied with himself for &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_111&amp;quot;&amp;gt;111&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;falling in love calls in reason to his aid to overcome his passion, for both reason and passion are in his soul, and he perceives they are contrary one to the other, and violently represses the inflammatory one of the two. On the other hand, in deliberations and speculations without passion (such as the contemplative part of the soul is most conversant with), if they are evenly balanced no decision takes place, but the matter is left in doubt, which is a sort of stationary position of the mind in conflicting arguments. But should there be any inclination to one of the two sides, the most powerful opinion carries the day, yet without giving pain or creating hostility. And, generally speaking, when reason seems opposed to reason, there is no perception of two distinct things, but only of one under different phases, whereas when the unreasoning has a controversy with reason, since there can be no victory or defeat without pain, forthwith they tear the soul in two,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_235_235&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_235_235&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;235&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and make the difference between them apparent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;viii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And not only from their contest, but quite as much from their agreement, can we see that the source of the passions is something quite distinct from that of reason. For since&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_236_236&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_236_236&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;236&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; one may love either a good and excellent child or a bad and vicious one, and be unreasonably angry with one&#039;s children or parents, yet in behalf of them show a just anger against enemies or tyrants; as in the one case there is the perception of a difference and struggle between passion and reason, so in the other there is a perception of persuasion and agreement inclining, as it were, the scale, and giving their help. Moreover a good man marrying a wife according to the laws is minded to associate and live with her justly and soberly, but as time goes on, his intercourse with her having engendered a strong passion for her, he perceives that his love and affection are increased by reason. Just so, again, young fellows falling in with kindly teachers at first submit themselves to them out of necessity and emulation for learning, but end by loving them, and instead of being their pupils and scholars become and get the title of their lovers. The same is the case in cities in respect to good &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_112&amp;quot;&amp;gt;112&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;magistrates, and neighbours, and connections by marriage; for beginning at first to associate with one another from necessity and propriety, they afterwards go on to love almost insensibly, reason drawing over and persuading the emotional element. And he who said—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;There are two kinds of shame, the one not bad,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The other a sad burden to a family,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_237_237&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_237_237&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;237&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;is it not clear that he felt this emotion in himself often contrary to reason and detrimental by hesitation and delay to opportunities and actions?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ix.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; In a certain sense yielding to the force of these arguments, they call shame modesty, pleasure joy, and timidity caution; nor would anyone blame them for this euphemism, if they only gave those specious names to the emotions that are consistent with reason, while they gave other kinds of names to those emotions that resist and do violence to reason. But whenever, though convicted by their tears and tremblings and changes of colour, they avoid the terms pain and fear, and speak of bitings and states of excitement, and gloss over the passions by calling them inclinations, they seem to contrive evasions and flights from facts by names sophistical, and not philosophical. And yet again they seem to use words rightly when they call those joys and wishes and cautions not apathies but good conditions of the mind. For it is a happy disposition of the soul when reason does not annihilate passion, but orders and arranges it in the case of temperate persons. But what is the condition of worthless and incontinent persons, who, when they judge they ought to love their father and mother better than some boy or girl they are enamoured of, yet cannot, and yet at once love their mistress or flatterer, when they judge they ought to hate them? For if passion and judgement were the same thing, love and hate would immediately follow the judging it right to love and hate, whereas the contrary happens, passion following some judgements, but declining to follow others. Wherefore they acknowledge, the facts compelling them to do so, that every judgement is not passion, but only that judgement that is provocative of violent and excessive impulse: ad&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_113&amp;quot;&amp;gt;113&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;mitting that judgement and passion in us are something different, as what moves is different from what is moved. Even Chrysippus himself, by his defining in many places endurance and continence to be habits that follow the lead of reason, proves that he is compelled by the facts to admit, that that element in us which follows absolutely is something different from that which follows when persuaded, but resists when not persuaded.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;x.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Now as to those who make all sins and offences equal, it is not now the occasion to discuss if in other respects they deviate from truth: but as regards the passions&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_238_238&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_238_238&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;238&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; they seem to go clean contrary to reason and evidence. For according to them every passion is a sin, and everyone who grieves, or fears, or desires, commits sin. But in good truth it is evident that there are great differences between passions, according as one is more or less affected by them. For who would say that the craven fear of Dolon&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_239_239&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_239_239&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;239&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was not something very different from the fear of Ajax, &amp;quot;who retreated with his face to the enemy and at a foot&#039;s pace, drawing back slowly knee after knee&amp;quot;?&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_240_240&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_240_240&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;240&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Or who would say that the grief of Plato at the death of Socrates was identical with the grief of Alexander at the death of Clitus, when he attempted to lay violent hands on himself? For grief is beyond measure intensified by falling out against expectation: and the calamity that comes unlooked for is more painful than that we may reasonably fear: as if when expecting to see one&#039;s friend basking in prosperity and admiration, one should hear that he had been put to the torture, as Parmenio heard about Philotas. And who would say that the anger of Magas against Philemon was equal to that of Nicocreon against Anaxarchus? Both Magas and Nicocreon had been insulted, but whereas Nicocreon brayed Anaxarchus to death with iron pestles and made mincemeat of him, Magas contented himself with bidding the executioner lay his naked sword on Philemon&#039;s neck, and then let him go.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_241_241&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_241_241&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;241&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And so Plato called anger the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_114&amp;quot;&amp;gt;114&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;nerves of the mind, since it can be both intensified by bitterness, and slackened by mildness. To evade these and similar arguments, they deny that intensity and excess of passion are according to judgement, wherein is the propensity to fault, but maintain that they are bites and contractions and diffusings capable of increase or diminution through the unreasoning element. And yet it is evident that there are differences as regards judgements; for some judge poverty to be no evil, while others judge it to be a great evil, and others again the very greatest evil, insomuch that they even throw themselves headlong down rocks and into the sea on account of it. Again as to death, some think it an evil only in depriving us of good things, whereas others think it so in regard to eternal punishments and awful torments in the world below. Health again is valued by some as natural and advantageous, while to others it seems the greatest blessing of life, in comparison with which they reckon little either of wealth or children or &amp;quot;royal power that makes one equal to the gods,&amp;quot; and at last come to think even virtue useless and unprofitable, if health be absent. Thus it is clear that even with regard to judgements themselves some err more, some less. But I shall bring no further proof of this now, but this one may assume therefrom, that they themselves concede that the unreasoning element is something different from judgement, in that they allow that by it passion becomes greater and more violent, and while they quarrel about the name and word they give up the thing itself to those who maintain that the emotional and unreasoning part of the soul is distinct from the reasoning and judging element. And in his treatise on Anomaly,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_242_242&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_242_242&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;242&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Chrysippus, after telling us that anger is blind, and frequently does not let one see what is obvious, frequently also obscures what we do get a sight of, goes on to say, &amp;quot;The encroachment of the passions blots out reason, and makes things look different to what they should look, violently forcing people on unreasonable acts.&amp;quot; And he quotes as witness Menander, who says, &amp;quot;Alas! &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_115&amp;quot;&amp;gt;115&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;poor me, wherever were my brains in my body at the time when I chose that line of conduct, and not this?&amp;quot; And Chrysippus proceeds, &amp;quot;Though every living creature endowed with reason is naturally inclined to use reason and to be governed by it on every occasion, yet often do we reject it, being borne away by a more violent impulse;&amp;quot; thus admitting what results from the difference between passion and reason. For otherwise it is ridiculous, as Plato says, to argue that a man is sometimes better than himself, sometimes worse, sometimes master of himself, sometimes not master of himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; For how is it possible that the same person can be both better and worse than himself, both master of himself and not master, unless everyone is in some way twofold, having in himself both a better and worse self? For so he that makes the baser element subject to the better has self-control and is a superior man, whereas he who allows the nobler element of the soul to follow and be subservient to the incorrigible and unreasoning element, is inferior to what he might be, and is called incontinent, and is in an unnatural condition. For by nature it appertains to reason, which is divine, to rule and govern the unreasoning element, which has its origin from the body, which it also naturally resembles and participates in its passions, being placed in it and mixed up with it, as is proved by the impulses to bodily delights, which are always fierce or languid according to the changes of the body. And so it is that young men are keen and vehement in their desires, being red hot and raging from their fulness of blood and animal heat, whereas with old men the liver, which is the seat of desire, is dried up and weak and feeble, and reason has more power with them than passion which decays with the body. This principle also no doubt characterizes the nature of animals as regards the sexual appetite. For it is not of course from any fitness or unfitness of opinions, that some animals are so bold and resolute in the presence of danger, while others are helpless and full of fear and trembling; but this difference of emotion is produced by the workings of the blood and spirit and body, the emotional part growing out of the flesh, as from a root, and carrying along with it its quality and temperament. And that the body of man&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_116&amp;quot;&amp;gt;116&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; sympathizes with and is affected by the emotional impulses is proved by pallors, and blushings, and tremblings, and palpitations of the heart, as on the other hand by an all-pervading joy in the hope and expectation of pleasures. But whenever the mind is by itself and unmoved by passion, the body is in repose and at rest, having no participation or share in the working of the intellect, unless it involve the emotional, or the unreasoning element call it in. So that it is clear that there are two distinct parts of the soul differing from one another in their faculties.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And generally speaking of all existing things, as they themselves admit and is clear, some are governed by nature, some by habit, some by an unreasoning soul, some by a soul that has reason and intelligence. Man too participates in all this, and is subject to all those differences here mentioned, for he is affected by habit, and nourished by nature, and uses reason and intelligence. He has also a share of the unreasoning element, and has the principle of passion innate in him, not as a mere episode in his life but as a necessity, which ought not therefore to be entirely rooted out, but requires care and attention. For the function of reason is no Thracian or Lycurgean one to root up and destroy all the good elements in passion indiscriminately with the bad, but, as some genial and mild god, to prune what is wild, and to correct disproportion, and after that to train and cultivate the useful part. For as those who are afraid to get drunk do not pour on the ground their wine, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;but mix it with water&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, so those who are afraid of the disturbing element in passion do not eradicate passion altogether but temper it. Similarly with oxen and horses people try to restrain their mad bounds and restiveness, not their movements and powers of work, and so reason makes use of the passions when they have become tame and docile, not by cutting out the sinews or altogether mutilating the serviceable part of the soul. For as Pindar says, &amp;quot;The horse to the chariot, and the ox to the plough, while he that meditates destruction for the boar must find a staunch hound.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_243_243&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_243_243&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;243&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But much more useful than these are the whole tribe of passions when they wait on reason and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_117&amp;quot;&amp;gt;117&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;run parallel to virtue. Thus moderate anger is useful to courage, and hatred of evil to uprightness, and righteous indignation against those who are fortunate beyond their deserts, when they are inflamed in their souls with folly and insolence and need a check. And no one if they wished could pluck away or sever&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_244_244&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_244_244&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;244&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; natural affection from friendship, or pity from philanthropy, or sympathy both in joy and grief from genuine goodwill. And if those err who wish to banish love because of erotic madness, neither are they right who blame all desire because of love of money, but they act like people who refuse to run because they might stumble, or to throw because they might throw wide of the mark, or object to sing altogether because they might make a false note. For as in sounds music does not create melody by the banishment of sharps and flats, and as in bodies the art of the physician procures health not by the doing away of cold and heat but by their being blended in due proportions and quantities, so is victory won in the soul by the powers and motions of the passions being reduced by reason to moderation and due proportion. For excessive grief or fear or joy in the soul (I speak not of mere joy grief or fear), resembles a body swollen or inflamed. And Homer when he says excellently,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The brave man&#039;s colour never changes, nor&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Is he much frightened,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_245_245&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_245_245&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;245&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;does not take away all fear but only excessive fear, that bravery may not become recklessness, nor confidence foolhardiness. So also in regard to pleasure we must do away with excessive desire, and in regard to vengeance with excessive hatred of evil. For so in the former case one will not be apathetic but temperate, and in the latter one will not be savage or cruel but just. But if the passions were entirely removed, supposing that to be possible, reason would become in many duller and blunter, like the pilot in the absence of a storm. And no doubt it is from having noticed this that legislators try to excite in states ambition and emulation among their townsmen, and stir up and increase their courage and pugnacity against enemies &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_118&amp;quot;&amp;gt;118&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;by the sound of trumpets and flutes. For it is not only in poems, as Plato says, that he that is inspired by the Muses, and as it were possessed by them, will laugh to shame the plodding artist, but also in fighting battles passion and enthusiasm will be irresistible and invincible, such as Homer makes the gods inspire men with, as in the line,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Thus speaking he infused great might in Hector,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The shepherd of the people.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_246_246&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_246_246&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;246&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;He is not mad like this without the god,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_247_247&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_247_247&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;247&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;as if the god had added passion to reason as an incitement and spur. And you may see those very persons, whose opinions I am combating, frequently urging on the young by praises, and frequently checking them by rebukes, though pleasure follows the one, pain the other. For rebukes and censure produce repentance and shame, the one bringing grief, the other fear, and these they mostly make use of for purposes of correction. And so Diogenes, when Plato was being praised, said, &amp;quot;What has he to vaunt of, who has been a philosopher so long, and yet never gave pain to anyone?&amp;quot; For one could not say, to use the words of Xenocrates, that the mathematics are such handles to philosophy as are the emotions of young men, such as shame, desire, repentance, pleasure, pain, ambition, whereon reason and the law laying a suitable grip succeed in putting the young man on the right road. So that it was no bad remark of the Lacedæmonian tutor, that he would make the boy entrusted to his charge pleased with what was good and displeased with what was bad,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_248_248&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_248_248&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;248&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for a higher or nobler aim cannot be proposed in the education fit for a freeborn lad.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_219_219&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_219_219&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;219&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See &amp;quot;Meno,&amp;quot; p. 72, A.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_220_220&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_220_220&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;220&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Omitting ἕτερα, which Reiske justly suspects.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_221_221&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_221_221&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;221&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading πρῶτον with Wyttenbach.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_222_222&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_222_222&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;222&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; xix. 208-212.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_223_223&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_223_223&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;223&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As in the story in &amp;quot;Gil Blas&amp;quot; of the person who, after eating a ragout of rabbit, was told it was a ragout of cat.—Book X. chapter xii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_224_224&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_224_224&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;224&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As to Amœbeus, see Athenæus, p. 623. D.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_225_225&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_225_225&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;225&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xvi. 167.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_226_226&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_226_226&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;226&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Generally speaking ἔθος is the habit, ἦθος the moral character generated by habit. The former is Aristotle&#039;s ἐνέργεια, the latter his ἕξις.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_227_227&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_227_227&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;227&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I have adopted, it will be seen, the suggestion of Wyttenbach, &amp;quot;τῷ λογισμῷ mutandum videtur in τὸν χαλινόν.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_228_228&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_228_228&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;228&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sophocles, &amp;quot;Œdipus Tyrannus,&amp;quot; 4, 5. Quoted by our author again &amp;quot;On Abundance of Friends,&amp;quot; § vi.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_229_229&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_229_229&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;229&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading with &amp;quot;Reiske,&amp;quot; ἐξάγεται πρὸς τὸ ἐπιθυμεῖν τὰ αἰσχρά.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_230_230&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_230_230&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;230&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In the &amp;quot;Chrysippus&amp;quot; of Euripides, Fragm.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_231_231&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_231_231&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;231&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare Romans viii. 19.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_232_232&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_232_232&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;232&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; xii. 168, 169.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_233_233&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_233_233&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;233&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This line is from Simonides, and is quoted again in &amp;quot;How one may be aware of one&#039;s Progress in Virtue,&amp;quot; § xiv.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_234_234&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_234_234&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;234&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; vii. 93.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_235_235&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_235_235&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;235&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading with Reiske, εἰς δύο.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_236_236&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_236_236&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;236&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading ἐτεὶ with Reiske and Wyttenbach.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_237_237&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_237_237&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;237&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Hippolytus&amp;quot; 385, 386.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_238_238&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_238_238&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;238&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading with Reiske πάθεσι for πλείοσι.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_239_239&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_239_239&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;239&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; x. 374, sq.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_240_240&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_240_240&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;240&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xi. 547.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_241_241&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_241_241&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;241&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;De Anaxarchi supplicio nota res. v. Menage ad Diog. Läert. 9, 59. De Magae, reguli Cyrenarum, adversus Philemonem lenitate v. De Cohibenda Ira, § ix.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Reiske.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_242_242&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_242_242&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;242&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Celebres fuere quondam Chrysippi sex libri περὶ τῆς κατὰ τὰς λήξεις ἀνωμαλίας, in quibus auctore Varrone, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;propositum habuit ostendere, similes res dissimilibus verbis et similibus dissimiles esse notatas vocabulis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. v. Menage ad Diog. Läert. 7, 192.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Reiske&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_243_243&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_243_243&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;243&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare &amp;quot;On Contentedness of Mind,&amp;quot; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_302a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;§ xiii.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_244_244&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_244_244&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;244&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading with &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Reiske&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ἀποῤῥήξειεν.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_245_245&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_245_245&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;245&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xiii. 284, 285.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_246_246&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_246_246&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;246&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xv. 262.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_247_247&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_247_247&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;247&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; v. 185.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_248_248&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_248_248&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;248&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare &amp;quot;That Virtue may be Taught,&amp;quot; § ii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_118a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;HOW ONE MAY BE AWARE OF ONE&#039;S PROGRESS IN VIRTUE.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;i.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; What amount of argument, Sossius Senecio, will make a man know that he is improving in respect to virtue, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_119&amp;quot;&amp;gt;119&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;if his advances in it do not bring about some diminution in folly, but vice, weighing equally with all his good intentions, &amp;quot;acts like the lead that makes the net go down?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_249_249&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_249_249&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;249&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For neither in music nor grammatical knowledge could anyone recognize any improvement, if he remained as unskilful in them as before, and had not lost some of his old ignorance. Nor in the case of anyone ill would medical treatment, if it brought no relief or ease, by the disease somewhat yielding and abating, give any perception of improvement of health, till the opposite condition was completely brought about by the body recovering its full strength. But just as in these cases there is no improvement unless, by the abatement of what weighs them down till they rise in the opposite scale, they recognize a change, so in the case of those who profess philosophy no improvement or sign of improvement can be supposed, unless the soul lay aside and purge itself of some of its imperfection, and if it continue altogether bad until it become absolutely good and perfect. For indeed a wise man cannot in a moment of time change from absolute badness to perfect goodness, and suddenly abandon for ever all that vice, of which he could not during a long period of time divest himself of any portion. And yet you know, of course, that those who maintain these views frequently give themselves much trouble and bewilderment about the difficulty, that a wise man does not perceive that he has become wise, but is ignorant and doubtful that in a long period of time by little and little, by removing some things and adding others, there will be a secret and quiet improvement, and as it were passage to virtue. But if the change were so great and sudden that the worst man in the morning could become the best man at night, or should the change so happen that he went to bed vicious and woke up in the morning wise, and, having dismissed from his mind all yesterday&#039;s follies and errors, should say,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;False dreams, away, you had no meaning then!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_250_250&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_250_250&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;250&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;who on earth could be ignorant of so great a change happening to himself, of virtue blazing forth so completely &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_120&amp;quot;&amp;gt;120&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;all at once? I myself am of opinion that anyone, like Caeneus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_251_251&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_251_251&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;251&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who, according, to his prayer, got changed from a woman into a man, would sooner be ignorant of the transformation, than that a man should become at once, from a cowardly and senseless person with no powers of self-control, brave and sensible and perfect master of himself, and should in a moment change from a brutish life to a divine without being aware of it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; That was an excellent observation, Measure the stone by the mason&#039;s rule, not the rule by the stone.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_252_252&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_252_252&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;252&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But the Stoics, not applying dogmas to facts but facts to their own preconceived opinions, and forcing things to agree that do not by nature, have filled philosophy with many difficulties, the greatest of which is that all men but the perfect man are equally vicious, which has produced the enigma called progress, one little short of extreme folly, since it makes those who have not at once under its guidance given up all passions and disorders equally unfortunate as those who have not got rid of a single vile propensity. However they are their own confuters, for while they lay down in the schools that Aristides was as unjust as Phalaris, and Brasidas as great a craven as Dolon, and Plato actually as senseless as Meletus, in life and its affairs they turn away from and avoid one class as implacable, while they make use of the others and trust them in most important matters as most worthy people.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But we who see that in every kind of evil, but especially in a disordered and unsettled state of mind, there are degrees of more and less (so that the progress made differs in different cases, badness abating, as a shadow flees away, under the influence of reason, which calmly illuminates and cleanses the soul), cannot consider it unreasonable to think that the change will be perceived, as people who come up out of some ravine can take note of the progress they make upwards. Look at the case from the following point of view first. Just as mariners sailing with full sail over the gaping&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_253_253&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_253_253&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;253&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ocean measure the course &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_121&amp;quot;&amp;gt;121&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;they have made by the time they have taken and the force of the wind, and compute their progress accordingly, so anyone can compute his progress in philosophy by his continuous and unceasing course, by his not making many halts on the road, and then again advancing by leaps and bounds, but by his quiet and even and steady march forward guided by reason. For the words of the poet, &amp;quot;If to a little you keep adding a little, and do so frequently, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;it will soon be a lot&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_254_254&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_254_254&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;254&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; are not only true of the increase of money, but are universally applicable, and especially to increase in virtue, since reason invokes to her aid the enormous force of habit. On the other hand the inconsistencies and dulnesses of some philosophers not only check advance, as it were, on the road, but even break up the journey altogether, since vice always attacks at its leisure and forces back whatever yields to it.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_255_255&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_255_255&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;255&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The mathematicians tell us that planets, after completing their course, become stationary; but in philosophy there is no such intermission or stationary position from the cessation of progress, for its nature is ever to be moving and, as it were, to be weighed in the scales, sometimes being overweighted by the good preponderating, sometimes by the bad. If, therefore, imitating the oracle given to the Amphictyones by the god, &amp;quot;to fight against the people of Cirrha every day and every night,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_256_256&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_256_256&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;256&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; you are conscious that night and day you ever maintain a fierce fight against vice, not often relaxing your vigilance, or long off your guard, or receiving as heralds to treat of peace&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_257_257&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_257_257&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;257&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the pleasures, or idleness, or stress of business, you may reasonably go forward to the future courageously and confidently.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Moreover, if there be any intermissions in philosophy, and yet your later studies are firmer and more continuous than your former ones, it is no bad indication that your sloth has been expelled by labour and exercise; for the contrary is a bad sign, when after a short time your lapses &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_122&amp;quot;&amp;gt;122&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;from zeal become many and continuous, as if your zeal were dying away. For as in the growth of a reed, which shoots up from the ground finely and beautifully to an even and continuous height, though at first from its great intervals it is hindered and baffled in its growth, and afterwards through its weakness is discouraged by any breath of air, and though strengthened by many and frequent joints, yet a violent wind gives it commotion and trembling, so those who at first make great launches out into philosophy, and afterwards find that they are continually hindered and baffled, and cannot perceive that they make any progress, finally get tired of it and cry off. &amp;quot;But he who is as it were winged,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_258_258&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_258_258&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;258&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; is by his simplicity borne along to his end, and by his zeal and energy cuts through impediments to his progress, as merely obstacles on the road. As it is a sign of the growth of violent love, not so much to rejoice in the presence of the loved one, for everyone does that, as to be distressed and grieved at his absence,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_259_259&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_259_259&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;259&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; so many feel a liking for philosophy and seem to take a wonderful interest in the study, but if they are diverted by other matters and business their passion evaporates and they take it very easily. &amp;quot;But whoever is strongly smitten with love for his darling&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_260_260&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_260_260&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;260&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; will show his mildness and agreeableness in the presence of and joint pursuit of wisdom with the loved one, but if he is drawn away from him and is not in his company you will see him in a stew and ill at ease and peevish whether at work or leisure, and unreasonably forgetful of his friends, and wholly impelled by his passion for philosophy. For we ought not to rejoice at discourses only when we hear them, as people like perfumes only when they smell them, and not to seek or care about them in their absence, but in the same condition as people who are hungry and thirsty are in if torn away from food and drink, we ought to follow after true proficiency in philosophy, whether marriage, or wealth, or friendship, or military service, strike in and produce a separation. For just as more &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_123&amp;quot;&amp;gt;123&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;is to be got from philosophy, so much the more does what we fail to obtain trouble us.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;v.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Either precisely the same as this or very similar is Hesiod&#039;s&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_261_261&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_261_261&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;261&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; very ancient definition of progress in virtue, namely, that the road is no longer very steep or arduous, but easy and smooth and level, its roughness being toned down by exercise, and casting the bright light of philosophy on doubt and error and regrets, such as trouble those who give themselves to philosophy at the outset, like people who leave a land they know, and do not yet descry the land they are sailing to. For by abandoning the common and familiar, before they know and apprehend what is better, they frequently flounder about in the middle and are fain to return. As they say the Roman Sextius, giving up for philosophy all his honours and offices in Rome, being afterwards discontented with philosophy from the difficulties he met with in it at first, very nearly threw himself out of window. Similarly they relate of Diogenes of Sinope,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_262_262&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_262_262&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;262&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; when he began to be a philosopher, that the Athenians were celebrating a festival, and there were public banquets and shows and mutual festivities, and drinking and revelling all night, and he, coiled up in a corner of the market-place intending to sleep, fell into a train of thought likely seriously to turn him from his purpose and shake his resolution, for he reflected that he had adopted without any necessity a toilsome and unusual kind of life, and by his own fault sat there debarred of all the good things. At that moment, however, they say a mouse stole up and began to munch some of the crumbs of his barley-cake, and he plucked up his courage and said to himself, in a railing and chiding fashion, &amp;quot;What say you, Diogenes? Do your leavings give this mouse a sumptuous meal, while you, the gentleman, wail and lament because you are not getting drunk yonder and reclining on soft and luxurious couches?&amp;quot; Whenever such depressions of mind are not frequent, and the mind when they take place quickly recovers from them, after having put them to flight as it were, and when such annoyance and distraction is easily &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_124&amp;quot;&amp;gt;124&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;got rid of, then one may consider one&#039;s progress in virtue as a certainty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And since not only the things that in themselves shake and turn them in the opposite direction are more powerful in the case of weak philosophers, but also the serious advice of friends, and the playful and jeering objections of adversaries bend and soften people, and have ere now shaken some out of philosophy altogether, it will be no slight indication of one&#039;s progress in virtue if one takes all this very calmly, and is neither disturbed nor aggravated by people who tell us and mention to us that some of our former comrades are flourishing in kings&#039; courts, or have married wives with dowries, or are attended by a crowd of friends when they come down to the forum to solicit some office or advocateship. He that is not moved or affected by all this is already plainly one upon whom philosophy has got a right hold; for it is impossible that we should cease to be envious of what most people admire, unless the admiration of virtue was strongly implanted in us. For over-confidence may be generated in some by anger and folly, but to despise what men admire is not possible without a true and steady elevation of mind. And so people in such a condition of mind, comparing it with that of others, pride themselves on it, and say with Solon, &amp;quot;We would not change virtue for wealth, for while virtue abides, wealth changes hands, and now one man, now another, has it.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_263_263&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_263_263&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;263&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And Diogenes compared his shifting about from Corinth to Athens, and again from Thebes to Corinth, to the different residences of the King of Persia, as his spring residence at Susa, his winter residence at Babylon, and his summer residence in Media. And Agesilaus said of the great king, &amp;quot;How is he better than me, if he is not more upright?&amp;quot; And Aristotle, writing to Antipater about Alexander, said, &amp;quot;that he ought not to think highly of himself because he had many subjects, for anyone who had right notions about the gods was entitled to think quite as highly of himself.&amp;quot; And Zeno, observing that Theophrastus was admired for the number of his pupils,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_264_264&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_264_264&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;264&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; said, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_125&amp;quot;&amp;gt;125&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;His choir is, I admit, larger than mine, but mine is more harmonious.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Whenever then, by thus comparing the advantages of virtue with external things, you get rid of envies and jealousies and those things which fret and depress the minds of many who are novices in philosophy, this also is a great indication of your progress in virtue. Another and no slight indication is a change in the style of your discourses. For generally speaking all novices in philosophy adopt most such as tend to their own glorification; some, like birds, in their levity and ambition soaring to the height and brightness of physical things; others like young puppies, as Plato&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_265_265&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_265_265&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;265&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; says, rejoicing in tearing and biting, betake themselves to strifes and questions and sophisms; but most plunging themselves into dialectics immediately store themselves for sophistry; and some collect sentences&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_266_266&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_266_266&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;266&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and histories and go about (as Anacharsis said he saw the Greeks used money for no other purpose but to count it up), merely piling up and comparing them, but making no practical use of them. Applicable here is that saying of Antiphanes, which someone applied to Plato&#039;s pupils. Antiphanes said playfully that in a certain city words were frozen directly they were spoken, owing to the great cold, and were thawed again in the summer, so that one could then hear what had been said in the winter. So he said of the words which were spoken by Plato to young men, that most of them only understood them late in life when they were become old men. And this is the condition people are in in respect to all philosophy, until the judgement gets into a sound and healthy state, and begins to adapt itself to those things which can produce character and greatness of mind, and to seek discourses whose footsteps turn inwards rather than outwards, to borrow the language of Æsop.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_267_267&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_267_267&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;267&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For as Sophocles said he had first toned down the pompous style of Æschylus, then his harsh and over-artificial method, and had in the third &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_126&amp;quot;&amp;gt;126&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;place changed his manner of diction, a most important point and one that is most intimately connected with the character, so those who go in for philosophy, when they have passed from flattering and artificial discourses to such as deal with character and emotion, are beginning to make genuine and modest progress in virtue.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;viii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Furthermore, take care, in reading the writings of philosophers or hearing their speeches, that you do not attend to words more than things, nor get attracted more by what is difficult and curious than by what is serviceable and solid and useful. And also, in studying poems or history, let nothing escape you of what is said to the point, which is likely either to correct the character or to calm the passions. For as Simonides says the bee hovers among the flowers &amp;quot;making the yellow honey,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_268_268&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_268_268&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;268&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; while others value and pluck flowers only for their beauty and fragrance, so of all that read poems for pleasure and amusement he alone that finds and gathers what is valuable seems capable of knowledge from his acquaintance with and friendship for what is noble and good.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_269_269&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_269_269&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;269&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For those who study Plato and Xenophon only for their style, and cull out only what is pure and Attic, and as it were the dew and the bloom, do they not resemble people who love drugs for their smell and colour, but care not for them as anodynes or purges, and are not aware of those properties? Whereas those who have more proficiency can derive benefit not from discourses only, but from sights and actions, and cull what is good and useful, as is recorded of Æschylus and other similar kind of men. As to Æschylus, when he was watching a contest in boxing at the Isthmus, and the whole theatre cried out upon one of the boxers being beaten, he nudged with his elbow Ion of Chios, and said, &amp;quot;Do you observe the power of training? The beaten man holds his peace, while the spectators cry out.&amp;quot; And Brasidas having caught hold of a mouse among some figs, being bitten by it let it go, and said to himself, &amp;quot;Hercules, there is no creature so small or weak that it will not fight for its life!&amp;quot; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_127&amp;quot;&amp;gt;127&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And Diogenes, seeing a lad drinking water out of the palm of his hand, threw away the cup which he kept in his wallet. So much does attention and assiduous practice make people perceptive and receptive of what contributes to virtue from any source. And this is the case still more with those who mix discourses with actions, who not only, to use the language of Thucydides,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_270_270&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_270_270&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;270&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;exercise themselves in the presence of danger,&amp;quot; but also in regard to pleasures and strifes, and judgements, and advocateships, and magistrateships make a display of their opinions, or rather form their opinions by their practice. For we can no more think those philosophers who are ever learning and busy and investigating what they have got from philosophy, and then straightway publish it in the market-place or in the haunt of young men, or at a royal supper-party, any more than we give the name of physicians to those who sell drugs and mixtures. Nay rather such a sophist differs very little at all from the bird described in Homer,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_271_271&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_271_271&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;271&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; offering his scholars like it whatever he has got, and as it feeds its callow young from its own mouth, &amp;quot;though it goes ill with itself,&amp;quot; so he gets no advantage or food from what he has got for himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ix.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; We must therefore see to it that our discourse be serviceable to ourselves, and that it may not appear to others to be vain-glorious or ambitious, and we must show that we are as willing to listen as to teach, and especially must we lay aside all disputatiousness and love of strife in controversy, and cease bandying fierce words with one another as if we were contending with one another at boxing, and leave off rejoicing more in smiting and knocking down one another than in learning and teaching. For in such cases moderation and mildness, and to commence arguing without quarrelsomeness and to finish without getting into a rage, and neither to be insolent if you come off best in the argument, nor dejected if you come off worst, is a sufficient sign of progress in virtue. Aristippus was an excellent example of this, when overcome in argument by the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_128&amp;quot;&amp;gt;128&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;sophistry of a man, who had plenty of assurance, but was generally speaking mad or half-witted. Observing that he was in great joy and very puffed up at his victory, he said, &amp;quot;I who have been vanquished in the argument shall have a better night&#039;s rest than my victor.&amp;quot; We can also test ourselves in regard to public speaking, if we are not timid and do not shrink from speaking when a large audience has unexpectedly been got together, nor dejected when we have only a small one to harangue to, and if we do not, when we have to speak to the people or before some magistrate, miss the opportunity through want of proper preparation; for these things are recorded both of Demosthenes and Alcibiades. As for Alcibiades, though he possessed a most excellent understanding, yet from want of confidence in speaking he often broke down, and in trying to recall a word or thought that slipped his memory had to stop short.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_272_272&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_272_272&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;272&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And Homer did not deny that his first line was unmetrical,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_273_273&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_273_273&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;273&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; though he had sufficient confidence to follow it up by so many other lines, so great was his genius. Much more then ought those who aim at virtue and what is noble to lose no opportunity of public speaking, paying very little attention to either uproar or applause at their speeches.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_128a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;x.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And not only ought each to see to his discourses but also to his actions whether he regards utility more than show, and truth more than display. For if a genuine love for youth or maiden seeks no witnesses, but is content to enjoy its delights privately, far more does it become the philosopher and lover of the beautiful, who is conversant with virtue through his actions, to pride himself on his silence, and not to need people to praise or listen to him. As that man who called his maid in the house, and cried out to her, &amp;quot;See, Dionysia, I am angry no longer,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_274_274&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_274_274&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;274&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; so he that does anything agreeable and polite, and then goes and spreads it about the town, plainly shows that he looks for public applause and has a strong propensity to vain-glory, and as yet has no acquaintance with virtue as a reality but only as a dream, restlessly roving about amid &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_129&amp;quot;&amp;gt;129&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;phantoms and shadows, and making a display of whatever he does as painters display a picture. It is therefore a sign of progress in virtue not merely to have given to a friend or done a good turn to an acquaintance without mentioning it to other people, but also to have given an honest vote among many unjust ones, and to have withstood the dishonourable request of some rich man or of some man in office, and to have been above taking bribes, and, by Zeus, to have been thirsty all night and not to have drunk, or, like Agesilaus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_275_275&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_275_275&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;275&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to have resisted, though strongly tempted, the kiss of a handsome youth or maiden, and to have kept the fact to oneself and been silent about it. For one&#039;s being satisfied with one&#039;s own good opinion&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_276_276&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_276_276&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;276&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and not despising it, but rejoicing in it and acquiescing in it as competent to see and decide on what is honourable, proves that reason is rooted and grounded within one, and that, to borrow the language of Democritus, one is accustomed to draw one&#039;s delights from oneself. And just as farmers behold with greater pleasure those ears of corn which bend and bow down to the ground, while they look upon those that from their lightness stand straight upright as empty pretenders, so also among those young men who wish to be philosophers those that are most empty and without any solidity show the greatest amount of assurance in their appearance and walk, and a face full of haughtiness and contempt that looks down on everybody, but when they begin to grow full and get some fruit from study they lay aside their proud and vain&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_277_277&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_277_277&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;277&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; bearing. And just as in vessels that contain water the air is excluded, so with men that are full of solid merit their pride abates, and their estimate of themselves becomes a lower one, and they cease to plume themselves on a long beard and threadbare cloak,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_278_278&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_278_278&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;278&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and transfer their training to the mind, and are most severe and austere to themselves, while they are milder in their intercourse with everybody else; and they do not as before &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_130&amp;quot;&amp;gt;130&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;eagerly snatch at the name and reputation of philosopher, nor do they write themselves down as such, but even if he were addressed by that title by anyone else, an ingenuous young man would say, smiling and blushing, &amp;quot;I am not a god: why do you liken me to the immortals?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_279_279&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_279_279&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;279&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For as Æschylus says,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I never can mistake the burning eye&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Of the young woman that has once known man,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_280_280&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_280_280&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;280&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;so to the young man who has tasted of true progress in philosophy the following lines of Sappho are applicable, &amp;quot;My tongue cleaves to the roof of my month, and a fire courses all over my lean body,&amp;quot; and his eye will be gentle and mild, and you would desire to hear him speak. For as those who are initiated come together at first with confusion and noise and jostle one another, but when the mysteries are being performed and exhibited, they give their attention with awe and silence, so also at the commencement of philosophy you will see round its doors much confusion and assurance and prating, some rudely and violently jostling their way to reputation, but he who once enters in, and sees the great light, as when shrines are open to view, assumes another air and is silent and awe-struck, and in humility and decorum follows reason as if she were a god. And the playful remark of Menedemus seems to suit these very well. He said that the majority of those who went to school at Athens became first wise, and then philosophers, after that orators, and as time went on became ordinary kind of people, the more they had to do with learning, so much the more laying aside their pride and high estimate of themselves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_130a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Of people that need the help of the physician some, if their tooth ache or even finger smart, run at once to the doctor, others if they are feverish send for one and implore his assistance at their own home, others who are melancholy or crazy or delirious will not sometimes even see the doctor if he comes to their house, but drive him away, or avoid him, ignorant through their grievous disease that they are diseased at all. Similarly of those who have done &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_131&amp;quot;&amp;gt;131&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; what is wrong some are incorrigible, being hostile and indignant and furious at those who reprove and admonish them, while others are meeker and bear and allow reproof. Now, when one has done what is wrong, to offer oneself for reproof, to expose the case and reveal one&#039;s wrongdoing, and not to rejoice if it lies hid, or be satisfied if it is not known, but to make confession of it and ask for interference and admonishment, is no small indication of progress in virtue. And so Diogenes said that one who wished to do what was right ought to seek either a good friend or red-hot enemy, that either by rebuke or mild entreaty he might flee from vice. But as long as anyone, making a display of dirt or stains on his clothes, or a torn shoe, prides himself to outsiders on his freedom from arrogance, and, by Zeus, thinks himself doing something very smart if he jeers at himself as a dwarf or hunchback, but wraps up and conceals as if they were ulcers the inner vileness of his soul and the deformities of his life, as his envy, his malignity, his littleness, his love of pleasure, and will not let anyone touch or look at them from fear of disgrace, such a one has made little progress in virtue, yea rather none. But he that joins issue with his vices, and shows that he himself is even more pained and grieved about them than anyone else, or, what is next best, is able and willing to listen patiently to the reproof of another and to correct his life accordingly, he seems truly to be disgusted at his depravity and resolute to divest himself of it. We ought certainly to be ashamed of and shun every appearance of vice, but he who is more put about by his vice itself than by the bad reputation that ensues upon it, will not mind either hearing it spoken against or even speaking against it himself if it make him a better man. That was a witty remark of Diogenes to a young man, who when seen in a tavern retired into the kitchen: &amp;quot;The more,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;you retire, the more are you in the tavern.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_281_281&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_281_281&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;281&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Even so the more a vicious man denies his vice, the more does it &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_132&amp;quot;&amp;gt;132&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;insinuate itself and master him: as those people really poor who pretend to be rich get still more poor from their false display. But he who is really making progress in virtue imitates Hippocrates, who confessed publicly and put into black and white that he had made a mistake about the sutures of the skull,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_282_282&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_282_282&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;282&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for he will think it monstrous, if that great man declared his mistake, that others might not fall into the same error, and yet he himself for his own deliverance from vice cannot bear to be shown he is in the wrong, and to confess his stupidity and ignorance. Moreover the sayings of Bion and Pyrrho will test not so much one&#039;s progress as a greater and more perfect habit of virtue. Bion maintained that his friends might think they had made progress, when they could listen as patiently to abuse as to such language as the following, &amp;quot;Stranger, you look not like a bad or foolish person,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_283_283&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_283_283&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;283&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Health and joy go with you, may the gods give you happiness!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_284_284&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_284_284&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;284&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; While as to Pyrrho they say, when he was at sea and in peril from a storm, that he pointed out a little pig that was quietly enjoying some grain that had been scattered about, and said to his companions that the man who did not wish to be disturbed by the changes and chances of life should attain a similar composedness of mind through reason and philosophy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Look also at the opinion of Zeno, who thought that everybody might gauge his progress in virtue by his dreams, if he saw himself in his dreams pleasing himself with nothing disgraceful, and neither doing nor wishing to do anything dreadful or unjust, but that, as in the clear depths of a calm and tranquil sea, his fancy and passions were plainly shown to be under the control of reason. And this had not escaped the notice of Plato,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_285_285&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_285_285&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;285&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; it seems, who had earlier expressed in form and outline the part that fancy and unreason played in sleep in the soul that was by nature tyrannical, &amp;quot;for it attempts incest,&amp;quot; he says, &amp;quot;with its mother, and procures for itself unlawful meats, and gives &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_133&amp;quot;&amp;gt;133&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;itself up to the most abandoned desires, such as in daytime the law through shame and fear debars people from.&amp;quot; As then beasts of burden that have been well-trained do not, even if their driver let go the reins, attempt to turn aside and leave the proper road, but go forward orderly as usual, pursuing their way without stumbling, so those whose unreason has become obedient and mild and tempered by reason, will not easily wish, either in dreams or in illnesses, to deal insolently or lawlessly through their desires, but will keep to their usual habits, which acquire their power and force by attention. For if the body can by training make itself and its members so subject to control, that the eyes in sorrow can refrain from tears, and the heart from palpitating in fear, and the passions can be calm in the presence of beautiful youths and maidens, is it not far more likely that the training of the passions and emotions of the soul will allay, tame down, and mould their propensities even in dreams? A story is told about the philosopher Stilpo,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_286_286&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_286_286&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;286&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that he thought he saw in a dream Poseidon angry with him because he had not sacrificed an ox to him, as was usual among the Megarians:&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_287_287&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_287_287&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;287&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and that he, not a bit frightened, said, &amp;quot;What are you talking about, Poseidon? Do you come here as a peevish boy, because I have not with borrowed money filled the town with the smell of sacrifice, and have only sacrificed to you out of what I had at home on a modest scale?&amp;quot; Then he thought that Poseidon smiled at him, and held out his right hand, and said that for his sake he would give the Megarians a large shoal of anchovies. Those, then, that have such pleasant, clear, and painless dreams, and no frightful, or harsh, or malignant, or untoward apparition, may be said to have reflections of their progress in virtue; whereas agitation and panics and ignoble flights, and boyish delights, and lamentations in the case of sad and strange dreams, are like the waves that break on the coast, the soul not having yet got its proper composure, but being still in course of being moulded by opinions and laws, from which it escapes in dreams as far &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_134&amp;quot;&amp;gt;134&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;as possible, so that it is once again set free and open to the passions. Do you investigate all these points too, as to whether they are signs of progress in virtue, or of some habit which has already a settled constancy and strength through reason.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xiii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Now since entire freedom from the passions is a great and divine thing, and progress in virtue seems, as we say, to consist in a certain remissness and mildness of the passions, we must observe the passions both in themselves and in reference to one another to gauge the difference: in themselves as to whether desire, and fear, and rage are less strong in us now than formerly, through our quickly extinguishing their violence and heat by reason; and in reference to one another as to whether we are animated now by modesty more than by fear, and by emulation more than by envy, and by love of glory rather than by love of riches, and generally speaking whether—to use the language of musicians—it is in the Dorian more than in the Lydian measures that we err either by excess or deficiency,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_288_288&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_288_288&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;288&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; whether we are plainer in our manner of living or more luxurious, whether we are slower in action or quicker, whether we admire men and their discourses more than we should or despise them. For as it is a good sign in diseases if they turn aside from vital parts of the body, so in the case of people who are making progress in virtue, when vice seems to shift to milder passions, it is a sign it will soon die out. When Phrynis added to the seven chords two chords more, the Ephors asked him which he preferred to let them cut off, the upper or lower ones;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_289_289&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_289_289&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;289&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; so we must cut off both above and below, if we mean to attain, to the mean and to due proportion: for progress in virtue first diminishes the excess and sharpness of the passions,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;That sharpness for which madmen are so vehement,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;as Sophocles says.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xiv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I have already said that it is a very great indication of progress in virtue to transfer our judgement to action, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_135&amp;quot;&amp;gt;135&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and not to let our words remain merely words, but to make deeds of them. A manifestation of this is in the first place emulation as regards what we praise, and a zeal to do what we admire, and an unwillingness either to do or allow what we censure. To illustrate my meaning by an example, it is probable that all Athenians praised the daring and bravery of Miltiades; but Themistocles alone said that the trophy of Miltiades would not let him sleep, but woke him up of a night, and not only praised and admired him, but manifestly emulated and imitated his glorious actions. Small, therefore, can we think the progress we have made, as long as our admiration for those who have done noble things is barren, and does not of itself incite us to imitate them. For as there is no strong love without jealousy, so there is no ardent and energetic praise of virtue, which does not prick and goad one on, and make one not envious but emulous of what is noble, and desirous to do something similar. For not only at the discourses of a philosopher ought we, as Alcibiades said,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_290_290&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_290_290&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;290&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to be moved in heart and shed tears, but the true proficient in virtue, comparing his own deeds and actions with those of the good and perfect man, and grieved at the same time at the knowledge of his own deficiency, yet rejoicing in hope and desire, and full of impulses that will not let him rest, is, as Simonides says,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Like sucking foal running by side of dam,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_291_291&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_291_291&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;291&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;being desirous all but to coalesce with the good man. For it is a special sign of true progress in virtue to love and admire the disposition of those whose deeds we emulate, and to resemble them with a goodwill that ever assigns due honour and praise to them. But whoever is steeped in contentiousness and envy against his betters, let him know that he may be pricked on by a jealous desire for glory or power, but that he neither honours nor admires virtue.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Whenever, then, we begin so much to love good men that we deem happy, &amp;quot;not only,&amp;quot; as Plato&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_292_292&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_292_292&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;292&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; says, &amp;quot;the temperate man himself, but also the man who hears &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_136&amp;quot;&amp;gt;136&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the words that flow from his wise lips,&amp;quot; and even admire and are pleased with his figure and walk and look and smile, and desire to adapt ourselves to his model and to stick closely to him, then may we think that we are making genuine progress. Still more will this be the case, if we admire the good not only in prosperity, but like lovers who admire even the lispings and paleness of those in their flower,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_293_293&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_293_293&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;293&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; as the tears and dejection of Panthea in her grief and affliction won the affections of Araspes,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_294_294&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_294_294&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;294&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; so we fear neither the exile of Aristides, nor the prison of Anaxagoras, nor the poverty of Socrates, nor the condemnation of Phocion, but think virtue worthy our love even under such trials, and join her, ever chanting that line of Euripides,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Unto the noble everything is good.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_295_295&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_295_295&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;295&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For the enthusiasm that can go so far as not to be discouraged at the sure prospect of trouble, but admires and emulates what is good even so, could never be turned away from what is noble by anybody. Such men ever, whether they have some business to transact, or have taken upon them some office, or are in some critical conjuncture, put before their eyes the example of noble men, and consider what Plato would have done on the occasion, what Epaminondas would have said, how Lycurgus or Agesilaus would have dealt; that so, adjusting and re-modelling themselves, as it were, at their mirrors, they may correct any ignoble expression, and repress any ignoble passion. For as those that have learnt the names of the Idæan Dactyli&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_296_296&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_296_296&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;296&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; make use of them to banish their fear by quietly repeating them over, so the bearing in mind and remembering good men, which soon suggests itself forcibly to those who have made some progress in virtue in all their emotions and difficulties, keeps them upright and not liable to fall. Let this also then be a sign to you of progress in virtue.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xvi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; In addition to this, not to be too much disturbed, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_137&amp;quot;&amp;gt;137&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;nor to blush, nor to try and conceal oneself, or make any change in one&#039;s dress, on the sudden appearance of a man of distinction and virtue, but to feel confident and go and meet such a one, is the confirmation of a good conscience. It is reported that Alexander, seeing a messenger running up to him full of joy and holding out his right hand, said, &amp;quot;My good friend, what are you going to tell me? Has Homer come to life again?&amp;quot; For he thought that his own exploits required nothing but posthumous fame.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_297_297&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_297_297&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;297&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And a young man improving in character instinctively loves nothing better than to take pride and pleasure in the company of good and noble men, and to display his house, his table, his wife, his amusements, his serious pursuits, his spoken or written discourses; insomuch that he is grieved when he remembers that his father or guardian died without seeing him in that condition in life, and would pray for nothing from the gods so much, as that they could come to life again, and be spectators of his life and actions; as, on the contrary, those that have neglected their affairs, and come to ruin, cannot look upon their relatives even in dreams without fear and trembling.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xvii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Add, if you please, to what I have already said, as no small indication of progress in virtue, the thinking no wrong-doing small, but being on your guard and heed against all. For as people who despair of ever being rich make no account of small expenses, thinking they will never make much by adding little to little,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_298_298&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_298_298&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;298&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but when hope is nearer fruition, then with wealth increases the love of it,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_299_299&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_299_299&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;299&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; so in things that have respect to virtue, not he that generally assents to such sayings as &amp;quot;Why trouble about hereafter?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;If things are bad now, they will some day be better,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_300_300&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_300_300&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;300&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but the man who pays heed to everything, and is vexed and concerned if vice gets pardon, when it lapses into even the most trifling wrongdoing, plainly shows that he has &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_138&amp;quot;&amp;gt;138&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;already attained to some degree of purity, and deigns not to contract defilement from anything whatever. For the idea that we have nothing of any importance to bring disgrace upon, makes people inclined to what is little and careless.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_301_301&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_301_301&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;301&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; To those who are building a stone wall or coping it matters not if they lay on any chance wood or common stone, or some tombstone that has fallen down, as bad workmen do, heaping and piling up pell-mell every kind of material; but those who have made some progress in virtue, whose life &amp;quot;has been wrought on a golden base,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_302_302&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_302_302&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;302&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; like the foundation of some holy or royal building, undertake nothing carelessly, but lay and adjust everything by the line and level of reason, thinking the remark of Polycletus superlatively good, that that work is most excellent, where the model stands the test of the nail.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_303_303&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_303_303&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;303&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_249_249&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_249_249&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;249&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Erasmus, Adagia, &amp;quot;Eadem pensari trutina.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_250_250&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_250_250&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;250&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Iphigenia in Tauris,&amp;quot; 569.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_251_251&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_251_251&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;251&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Ovid, &amp;quot;Metamorphoses,&amp;quot; xii. 189, sq.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_252_252&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_252_252&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;252&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Erasmus, &amp;quot;Adagia,&amp;quot; p. 1103.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_253_253&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_253_253&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;253&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare Shakspere, &amp;quot;Tempest,&amp;quot; A. i. Sc. i. 63, &amp;quot;And gape at widest to glut him.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_254_254&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_254_254&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;254&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Hesiod, &amp;quot;Works and Days,&amp;quot; 361, 362. Quoted again by our author, &amp;quot;On Education,&amp;quot; § 13.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_255_255&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_255_255&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;255&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;In via ad virtutem qui non progreditur, is non stat et manet, sed regreditur.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Wyttenbach&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_256_256&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_256_256&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;256&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Adopting the reading of Hercher. See Pausanias, x. 37, where the oracle is somewhat different.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_257_257&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_257_257&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;257&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For the town which parleys surrenders.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_258_258&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_258_258&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;258&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; From Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xix. 386.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_259_259&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_259_259&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;259&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare Aristotle, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Rhetoric&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 11. και ἀρχή δὲ τοῦ ἔρωτος γίγνεται αὕτη πᾶσιν, ὅταν μὴ μόνον παρόντος χαίρωσιν, ἀλλὰ και ἀπόντος μεμνημένοι ἔρῶσιν.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_260_260&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_260_260&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;260&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The line is a Fragment of Sophocles.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_261_261&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_261_261&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;261&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Hesiod, &amp;quot;Works and Days,&amp;quot; 289-292.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_262_262&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_262_262&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;262&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The well-known Cynic philosopher.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_263_263&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_263_263&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;263&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Bergk. fr. 15. Compare Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; vi. 339. νίκη δ᾽ ἐπαμείβεται ἄνδρας.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_264_264&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_264_264&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;264&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; We are told by Diogenes Läertius, v. 37, that Theophrastus had 2000 hearers sometimes at once.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_265_265&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_265_265&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;265&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Republic,&amp;quot; vii. p. 539, B.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_266_266&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_266_266&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;266&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sentences borrowed from some author or other, such, as we still possess from the hands of Hermogenes and Aphthonius; compare the collection of bon-mots of Greek courtesans in Athenæus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_267_267&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_267_267&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;267&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A reference to Æsop&#039;s Fable, Λέων και Ἀλώπηξ. Cf. Horace, &amp;quot;Epistles,&amp;quot; i. i. 73-75.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_268_268&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_268_268&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;268&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This passage is alluded to also in &amp;quot;On Love to one&#039;s Offspring.&amp;quot; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_22a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;§ ii.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_269_269&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_269_269&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;269&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Madvig&#039;s text.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_270_270&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_270_270&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;270&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thucydides, i. 18.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_271_271&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_271_271&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;271&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; ix. 323, 324. Quoted also in &amp;quot;On Love to One&#039;s Offspring,&amp;quot; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_22a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;§ ii.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_272_272&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_272_272&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;272&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The remark about Demosthenes has somehow slipped out, as Wyttenbach has suggested.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_273_273&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_273_273&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;273&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Does this refer to Πηληίαδεω before Ἀχιλῆος in &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; i. 1?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_274_274&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_274_274&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;274&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; An allusion to some passage in a Play that has not come down to us.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_275_275&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_275_275&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;275&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare our Author, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Audiendis Poetis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, § xi. ὥσπερ ὁ Ἀγησίλαοσ οὐκ ὑπέμεινεν ὑπὸ τοῦ καλοῦ φιληθῆναι προσιόντος.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_276_276&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_276_276&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;276&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading with Madvig and Hercher, τὸ γὰρ αὺτὸν, sq.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_277_277&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_277_277&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;277&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Literally &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;cork-like&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, so vain, empty. So Horace, &amp;quot;levior cortice,&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Odes,&amp;quot; iii. 9, 22.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_278_278&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_278_278&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;278&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Marks of a philosopher among the ancients. Compare our Author, &amp;quot;How one may discern a flatterer from a friend,&amp;quot; § vii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_279_279&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_279_279&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;279&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; xvi. 187.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_280_280&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_280_280&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;280&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Æschylus, &amp;quot;Toxotides,&amp;quot; Fragm. 224. Quoted again by our author, &amp;quot;On Love,&amp;quot; § xxi.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_281_281&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_281_281&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;281&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Turpe habitum fuisse in caupona conspici, et hoc exemplo apparet, et alia sunt indicia. Isocrates Orat. Areopagitica laudans antiquorum Atheniensium mores, p. 257: ἐν καπηλείῳ δὲ φαγεῖν ἢ πιεῖν οὐδεὶς ἃν οἰκέτης ἐπιεικὴς ἐτὸλμησε: quem locum citans Athenæus alia etiam adfert xiii. p. 566, F.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Wyttenbach&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_282_282&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_282_282&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;282&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Wyttenbach compares Quintilian, &amp;quot;Institut. Orat.&amp;quot; iii. 6, p. 255: &amp;quot;Nam et Hippocrates clarus arte medicinæ videtur honestissime fecisse, qui quosdam errores suos, ne posteri errarent, confessus est.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_283_283&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_283_283&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;283&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; vi. 187.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_284_284&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_284_284&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;284&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; xxiv. 402.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_285_285&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_285_285&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;285&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plato, &amp;quot;Republic,&amp;quot; ix. p. 571, D.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_286_286&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_286_286&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;286&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A somewhat similar story about Stilpo is told in Athenæus, x. p. 423, D.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_287_287&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_287_287&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;287&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So Haupt and Herscher very ingeniously for ἱερεῦσιν.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_288_288&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_288_288&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;288&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Adopting the suggestion of Wyttenbach as to the reading. The Dorian measure was grave and severe, the Lydian soft and effeminate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_289_289&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_289_289&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;289&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See our author, &amp;quot;Apophthegmata Laconica,&amp;quot; p. 220 C.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_290_290&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_290_290&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;290&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plato, &amp;quot;Symposium,&amp;quot; p. 25, E.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_291_291&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_291_291&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;291&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This line is quoted again by our author, &amp;quot;On Moral Virtue,&amp;quot; § vii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_292_292&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_292_292&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;292&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plato, &amp;quot;Laws,&amp;quot; iv. p. 711, E.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_293_293&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_293_293&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;293&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See those splendid lines of Lucretius, iv. 1155-1169.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_294_294&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_294_294&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;294&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Res valde celebrata ex Institutione Cyri Xenophontea, v. 1, 2; vi. 1, 17.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Wyttenbach&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_295_295&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_295_295&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;295&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This line is very like a Fragment in the &amp;quot;Danae&amp;quot; of Euripides. Dind. (328).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_296_296&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_296_296&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;296&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On these see Pausanias, v. 7.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_297_297&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_297_297&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;297&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Such as Homer could have brought. Compare Horace, &amp;quot;Odes,&amp;quot; iv. ix. 25-28; and Cicero, &amp;quot;pro Archia,&amp;quot; x. &amp;quot;Magnus ille Alexander—cum in Sigeo ad Achillis tumulum adstitisset, O fortunate, inquit, adolescens, qui tuæ virtutis Homerum præconem inveneris.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_298_298&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_298_298&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;298&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Contrary to Hesiod&#039;s saw, &amp;quot;Works and Days,&amp;quot; 361, 362.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_299_299&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_299_299&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;299&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So Juvenal, xiv. 138-140.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_300_300&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_300_300&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;300&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Like Horace&#039;s &amp;quot;Non si male nunc, et olim Sic erit.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Odes,&amp;quot; ii. x. 16, 17.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_301_301&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_301_301&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;301&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Noblesse oblige&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in fact.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_302_302&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_302_302&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;302&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Pindar, Frag. 206.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_303_303&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_303_303&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;303&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Like Horace&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;factus ad unguem&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, because the sculptor tries its polish and the niceness of the joints by drawing his nail over the surface. Casaub. Pers. i. 64; Horace, &amp;quot;Sat.&amp;quot; i. v. 32, 33; A. P. 294; Erasmus, &amp;quot;Adagia,&amp;quot; p. 507.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_138a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;WHETHER VICE IS SUFFICIENT TO CAUSE UNHAPPINESS.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_304_304&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_304_304&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;304&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;i.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; ... He who gets a dowry with his wife sells himself for it, as Euripides says,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_305_305&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_305_305&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;305&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but his gains are few and uncertain; but he who does not go all on fire through many a funeral pile, but through a regal pyre, full of panting and fear and sweat got from travelling over the sea as a merchant, has the wealth of Tantalus, but cannot enjoy it owing to his want of leisure. For that Sicyonian horse-breeder was wise, who gave Agamemnon as a present a swift mare, &amp;quot;that he should not follow him to wind-swept Ilium, but delight himself at home,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_306_306&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_306_306&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;306&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in the quiet enjoyment of his abundant riches &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_139&amp;quot;&amp;gt;139&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and painless leisure. But nowadays courtiers, and people who think they have a turn for affairs, thrust themselves forward of their own accord uninvited into courts and toilsome escorts and bivouacs, that they may get a horse, or brooch, or some such piece of good luck. &amp;quot;But his wife is left behind in Phylace, and tears her cheeks in her sorrow, and his house is only half complete without him,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_307_307&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_307_307&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;307&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; while he is dragged about, and wanders about, and wastes his time in idle hopes, and has to put up with much insult. And even if he gets any of those things he desires, giddy and dizzy at Fortune&#039;s rope-dance, he seeks retirement, and deems those happy who live obscure and in security, while they again look up admiringly at him who soars so high above their heads.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_308_308&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_308_308&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;308&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Vice has universally an ill effect on everybody, being in itself a sufficient producer of infelicity, needing no instruments nor ministers. For tyrants, anxious to make those whom they punish wretched, keep executioners and torturers, and contrive branding-irons and other instruments of torture to inspire fear&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_309_309&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_309_309&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;309&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in the brute soul, whereas vice attacks the soul without any such apparatus, and crushes and dejects it, and fills a man with sorrow, and lamentation, and melancholy, and remorse. Here is a proof of what I say. Many are silent under mutilation, and endure scourging or torture at the hand of despots or tyrants without uttering a word, whenever their soul, abating the pain by reason, forcibly as it were checks and represses them: but you can never quiet anger or smother grief, or persuade a timid person not to run away, or one suffering from remorse not to cry out, nor tear his hair, nor smite his thigh. Thus vice is stronger than fire and sword.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; You know of course that cities, when they desire to publicly contract for the building of temples or colossuses, listen to the estimates of the contractors who compete for the job, and bring their plans and charges, and finally select the contractor who will do the work at least &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_140&amp;quot;&amp;gt;140&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;expense, and best, and quickest. Let us suppose then that we publicly contract to make the life of man miserable, and take the estimates of Fortune and Vice for this object. Fortune shall come forward, provided with all sorts of instruments and costly apparatus to make life miserable and wretched. She shall come with robberies and wars, and the blood-guiltiness of tyrants, and storms at sea, and lightning drawn down from the sky, she shall compound hemlock, she shall bring swords, she shall levy an army of informers, she shall cause fevers to break out, she shall rattle fetters and build prisons. It is true that most of these things are owing to Vice rather than Fortune, but let us suppose them all to come from Fortune. And let Vice stand by naked, without any external things against man, and let her ask Fortune how she will make man unhappy and dejected. Fortune, dost thou threaten poverty? Metrocles laughs at thee, who sleeps during winter among the sheep, in summer in the vestibules of temples, and challenges the king of the Persians,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_310_310&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_310_310&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;310&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who winters at Babylon, and summers in Media, to vie with him in happiness. Dost thou bring slavery, and bondage, and sale? Diogenes despises thee, who cried out, as he was being sold by some robbers, &amp;quot;Who will buy a master?&amp;quot; Dost thou mix a cup of poison? Didst not thou offer such a one to Socrates? And cheerfully, and mildly, without fear, without changing colour or countenance, he calmly drank it up: and when he was dead, all who survived deemed him happy, as sure to have a divine lot in Hades. And as to thy fire, did not Decius, the general of the Romans, anticipate it for himself, having piled up a funeral pyre between the two armies, and sacrificed himself to Cronos, dedicating himself for the supremacy of his country? And the chaste and loving wives of the Indians strive and contend with one another for the fire, and she that wins the day and gets burnt with the body of her husband, is pronounced happy by the rest, and her praises sung. And of the wise men in that part of the world no one is esteemed or pronounced happy, who does not in his &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_141&amp;quot;&amp;gt;141&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;lifetime, in good health and in full possession of all his faculties, separate soul from body by fire, and emerge pure from flesh, having purged away his mortal part. Or wilt thou reduce a man from a splendid property, and house, and table, and sumptuous living, to a threadbare coat and wallet, and begging of daily bread? Such was the beginning of happiness to Diogenes, of freedom and glory to Crates. Or wilt thou nail a man on a cross, or impale him on a stake? What cares Theodorus whether he rots above ground or below? Such was the happy mode of burial amongst the Scythians,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_311_311&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_311_311&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;311&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and among the Hyrcanians dogs, among the Bactrians birds, devour according to the laws the dead bodies of those who have made a happy end.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Who then are made unhappy by these things? Those who have no manliness or reason, the enervated and untrained, who retain the opinions they had as children. Fortune therefore does not produce perfect infelicity, unless Vice co-operate. For as a thread saws through a bone that has been soaked in ashes and vinegar, and as people bend and fashion ivory only when it has been made soft and supple by beer, and cannot under any other circumstances, so Fortune, lighting upon what is in itself faulty and soft through Vice, hollows it out and wounds it. And as the Parthian juice, though hurtful to no one else nor injurious to those who touch it or carry it about, yet if it be communicated to a wounded man straightway kills him through his previous susceptibility to receive its essence, so he who will be upset in soul by Fortune must have some secret internal ulcer or sore to make external things so piteous and lamentable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;v.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Does then Vice need Fortune to bring about infelicity? By no means. She lashes not up the rough and stormy sea, she girds not lonely mountain passes with robbers lying in wait by the way, she makes not clouds of hail to burst on the fruitful plains, she suborns not Meletus or Anytus or Callixenus as accusers, she takes not away wealth, excludes not people from the prætorship to make them wretched; but she scares the rich, the well-to-do, and great heirs; by land and sea she insinuates herself and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_142&amp;quot;&amp;gt;142&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;sticks to people, infusing lust, inflaming with anger, afflicting them with superstitious fears, tearing them in pieces with envy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_304_304&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_304_304&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;304&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The beginning of this short Treatise is lost. Nor is the first paragraph at all clear. We have to guess somewhat at the meaning.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_305_305&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_305_305&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;305&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In a fragment of the &amp;quot;Phaethon.&amp;quot; Compare also &amp;quot;On Education,&amp;quot; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_20a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;§ 19.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_306_306&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_306_306&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;306&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xxiii. 297, 298.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_307_307&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_307_307&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;307&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; ii. 700, 701.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_308_308&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_308_308&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;308&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Tis ever so. Compare Horace, &amp;quot;Sat.&amp;quot; i. i. 1-14.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_309_309&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_309_309&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;309&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Adopting Reiske&#039;s reading.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_310_310&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_310_310&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;310&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Proverbial for extreme good fortune. Cf. Horace, &amp;quot;Odes,&amp;quot; iii. ix. 4, &amp;quot;Persarum vigui rege beatior.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_311_311&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_311_311&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;311&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Herodotus, iv. 72.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_142a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;WHETHER THE DISORDERS OF MIND OR BODY ARE WORSE.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;i.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Homer, looking at the mortality of all living creatures, and comparing them with one another in their lives and habits, gave vent to his thoughts in the words,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Of all the things that on the earth do breathe,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Or creep, man is by far the wretchedest;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_312_312&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_312_312&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;312&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;assigning to man an unhappy pre-eminence in extreme misfortune. But let us, assuming that man is, as thus publicly declared, supreme in infelicity and the most wretched of all living creatures, compare him with himself, in the estimate of his misery dividing body and soul, not idly but in a very necessary way, that we may learn whether our life is more wretched owing to Fortune or through our own fault. For disease is engendered in the body by nature, but vice and depravity in the soul is first its own doing, then its settled condition. And it is no slight aid to tranquillity of mind if what is bad be capable of cure, and lighter and less violent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The fox in Æsop&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_313_313&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_313_313&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;313&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; disputing with the leopard as to their respective claims to variety, the latter showed its body and appearance all bright and spotted, while the tawny skin of the former was dirty and not pleasant to look at. Then the fox said, &amp;quot;Look inside me, sir judge, and you will see that I am more full of variety than my opponent,&amp;quot; referring to his trickiness and versatility in shifts. Let us similarly say to ourselves, Many diseases and disorders, good sir, thy body naturally produces of itself, many also it receives from without; but if thou lookest at thyself within thou wilt find, to borrow the language of Democritus, a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_143&amp;quot;&amp;gt;143&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;varied and susceptible storehouse and treasury of what is bad, not flowing in from without, but having as it were innate and native springs, which vice, being exceedingly rich and abundant in passion, produces. And if diseases are detected in the body by the pulse and by pallors and flushes,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_314_314&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_314_314&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;314&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and are indicated by heats and sudden pains, while the diseases of the mind, bad as they are, escape the notice of most people, the latter are worse because they deprive the sufferer of the perception of them. For reason if it be sound perceives the diseases of the body, but he that is diseased in his mind cannot judge of his sufferings, for he suffers in the very seat of judgement. We ought to account therefore the first and greatest of the diseases of the mind that ignorance,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_315_315&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_315_315&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;315&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; whereby vice is incurable for most people, dwelling with them and living and dying with them. For the beginning of getting rid of disease is the perception of it, which leads the sufferer to the necessary relief, but he who through not believing he is ill knows not what he requires refuses the remedy even when it is close at hand. For amongst the diseases of the body those are the worst which are accompanied by stupor, as lethargies, headaches, epilepsies, apoplexies, and those fevers which raise inflammation to the pitch of madness, and disturb the brain as in the case of a musical instrument,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And move the mind&#039;s strings hitherto untouched.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_316_316&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_316_316&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;316&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And so doctors wish a man not to be ill, or if he is ill to be ignorant of it, as is the case with all diseases of the soul. For neither those who are out of their minds, nor the licentious, nor the unjust think themselves faulty—some even think themselves perfect. For no one ever yet called a fever health, or consumption a good condition of body, or gout swift-footedness, or paleness a good colour; but many call anger manliness, and love friendship, and envy competition, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_144&amp;quot;&amp;gt;144&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and cowardice prudence. Then again those that are ill in body send for doctors, for they are conscious of what they need to counteract their ailments; but those who are ill in mind avoid philosophers, for they think themselves excellent in the very matters in which they come short. And it is on this account that we maintain that ophthalmia is a lesser evil than madness, and gout than frenzy. For the person ill in body is aware of it and calls loudly for the doctor, and when he comes allows him to anoint his eye, to open a vein, or to plaster up his head; but you hear mad Agave in her frenzy not knowing her dearest ones, but crying out, &amp;quot;We bring from the mountain to the halls a young stag recently torn limb from limb, a fortunate capture.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_317_317&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_317_317&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;317&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Again he who is ill in body straightway gives up and goes to bed and remains there quietly till he is well, and if he toss and tumble about a little when the fit is on him, any of the people who are by saying to him,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Gently,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Stay in the bed, poor wretch, and take your ease,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_318_318&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_318_318&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;318&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;restrain him and check him. But those who suffer from a diseased brain are then most active and least at rest, for impulses bring about action, and the passions are vehement impulses. And so they do not let the mind rest, but when the man most requires quiet and silence and retirement, then is he dragged into the open air, and becomes the victim of anger, contentiousness, lust, and grief, and is compelled to do and say many lawless things unsuitable to the occasion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; As therefore the storm which prevents one&#039;s putting into harbour is more dangerous than the storm which will not let one sail, so those storms of the soul are more formidable which do not allow a man to take in sail, or to calm his reason when it is disturbed, but without a pilot and without ballast, in perplexity and uncertainty through contrary and confusing courses, he rushes headlong and falls into woeful shipwreck, and shatters his life. So that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_145&amp;quot;&amp;gt;145&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;from these points of view it is worse to be diseased in mind than body, for the latter only suffer, but the former do ill as well as suffer ill. But why need I speak of our various passions? The very times bring them to our mind. Do you see yon great and promiscuous crowd jostling against one another and surging round the rostrum and forum? They have not assembled here to sacrifice to their country&#039;s gods, nor to share in one another&#039;s rites; they are not bringing to Ascræan Zeus the firstfruits of Lydian produce,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_319_319&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_319_319&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;319&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; nor are they celebrating in honour of Dionysus the Bacchic orgies on festival nights with common revellings; but a mighty plague stirring up Asia in annual cycles drives them here for litigation and suits at law at stated times: and the mass of business, like the confluence of mighty rivers, has inundated one forum, and festers and teems with ruiners and ruined. What fevers, what agues, do not these things cause? What obstructions, what irruptions of blood into the air-vessels, what distemperature of heat, what overflow of humours, do not result? If you examine every suit at law, as if it were a person, as to where it originated, where it came from, you will find that one was produced by obstinate temper, another by frantic love of strife, a third by some sordid desire.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_320_320&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_320_320&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;320&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_312_312&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_312_312&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;312&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xvii. 446, 447.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_313_313&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_313_313&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;313&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the Fable Ἀλώπηξ και Πὰρδαλις. No. 42, Ed. Halme.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_314_314&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_314_314&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;314&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading with Wyttenbach, ὠχριάσεσι και ἐρυθήμασι.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_315_315&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_315_315&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;315&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Forte ἄγνοιαν.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Wyttenbach&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. The ordinary reading is ἂνοιαν. &amp;quot;E cœlo descendit γνῶθι σεαυτόν,&amp;quot; says Juvenal truly, xi. 27.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_316_316&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_316_316&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;316&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare the image in Shakspere, &amp;quot;Hamlet,&amp;quot; A. iii. Sc. I. 165, 166.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Now see that noble and most sovereign reason,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Like sweet bells jangled, out of tune and harsh.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_317_317&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_317_317&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;317&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Bacchæ,&amp;quot; 1170-1172. Agave&#039;s treatment of her son Pentheus was a stock philosophical comparison. See for example Horace, ii. &amp;quot;Sat.&amp;quot; iii. 303, 304, and context.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_318_318&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_318_318&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;318&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Orestes,&amp;quot; 258.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_319_319&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_319_319&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;319&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Aurum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; puta. Pactolus enim aurum fert. Videtur dictio e Pindaro desumta esse.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Reiske&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_320_320&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_320_320&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;320&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Libellus hic fine carere videtur. Quare autem opusculum hoc Plutarcho indignum atque suppositum visum Xylandro fuerit, non intelligo.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Reiske&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_145a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ON ABUNDANCE OF FRIENDS.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;i.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Menon the Thessalian, who thought he was a perfect adept in discourse, and, to borrow the language of Empedocles, &amp;quot;had attained the heights of wisdom,&amp;quot; was asked by Socrates, what virtue was, and upon his answering quickly and glibly, that virtue was a different thing in boy and old man, and in man and woman, and in magistrate and private person, and in master and servant, &amp;quot;Capital,&amp;quot; said Socrates, &amp;quot;you were asked about one virtue, but you &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_146&amp;quot;&amp;gt;146&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;have raised up a whole swarm of them,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_321_321&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_321_321&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;321&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; conjecturing not amiss that the man named many because he knew not one. Might not someone jeer at us in the same way, as being afraid, when we have not yet one firm friendship, that we shall without knowing it fall upon an abundance of friends? It is very much the same as if a man maimed and blind should be afraid of becoming hundred-handed like Briareus or all eyes like Argus. And yet we wonderfully praise the young man in Menander, who said that he thought anyone wonderfully good, if he had even the shadow of a friend.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_322_322&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_322_322&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;322&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_146a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But among many other things what stands chiefly in the way of getting a friend is the desire for many friends, like a licentious woman who, through giving her favours indiscriminately, cannot retain her old lovers, who are neglected and drop off;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_323_323&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_323_323&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;323&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; or rather like the foster-child of Hypsipyle, &amp;quot;sitting in the meadow and plucking flower after flower, snatching at each prize with gladsome heart, insatiable in its childish delight,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_324_324&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_324_324&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;324&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; so in the case of each of us, owing to our love of novelty and fickleness, the recent flower ever attracts, and makes us inconstant, frequently laying the foundations of many friendships and intimacies that come to nothing, neglecting in love of what we eagerly pursue what we have already possession of. To begin therefore with the domestic hearth,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_325_325&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_325_325&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;325&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; as the saying is, with the traditions of life that time has handed down to us about constant friends, let us take the witness and counsel of antiquity, according to which friendships go in pairs, as in the cases of Theseus and Pirithous, Achilles and Patroclus, Orestes and Pylades, Phintias and Damon, Epaminondas and Pelopidas. For friendship is a creature that goes in pairs, and is not gregarious, or crow-like,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_326_326&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_326_326&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;326&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and to think a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_147&amp;quot;&amp;gt;147&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;friend a second self, and to call him companion as it were second one,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_327_327&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_327_327&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;327&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; shows that friendship is a dual relation. For we can get neither many slaves nor many friends at small expense. What then is the purchase-money of friendship? Benevolence and complaisance conjoined with virtue, and yet nature has nothing more rare than these. And so to love or be loved very much cannot find place with many persons; for as rivers that have many channels and cuttings have a weak and thin stream, so excessive love in the soul if divided out among many is weakened. Thus love for their young is most strongly implanted in those that bear only one, as Homer calls a beloved son &amp;quot;the only one, the child of old age,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_328_328&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_328_328&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;328&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that is, when the parents neither have nor are likely to have another child.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Not that we insist on only one friend, but among the rest there should be one eminently so, like a child of old age, who according to that well-known proverb has eaten a bushel of salt with one,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_329_329&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_329_329&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;329&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; not as nowadays many so-called friends contract friendship from drinking together once, or playing at ball together, or playing together with dice, or passing the night together at some inn, or meeting at the wrestling-school or in the market. And in the houses of rich and leading men people congratulate them on their many friends, when they see the large and bustling crowd of visitors and handshakers and retainers: and yet they see more flies in their kitchens, and as the flies only come for the dainties, so they only dance attendance for what they can get. And since true friendship has three main requirements, virtue, as a thing good; and familiarity, as a thing pleasant; and use, as a thing serviceable; for we ought to choose a friend with judgement, and rejoice in his company, and make use of him in need; and all these things are prejudicial to abundance of friends, especially judgement, which is the most important point; we must first consider, if it is impossible in a short time to test dancers who are to form a chorus, or rowers who are to pull together, or slaves who are to act as stewards of estates, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_148&amp;quot;&amp;gt;148&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;or as tutors of one&#039;s sons, far more difficult is it to meet with many friends who will take off their coats to aid you in every fortune, each of whom &amp;quot;offers his services to you in prosperity, and does not object to share your adversity.&amp;quot; For neither does a ship encounter so many storms at sea, nor do they fortify places with walls, or harbours with defences and earthworks, in the expectation of so many and great dangers, as friendship tested well and soundly promises defence and refuge from. But if friends slip in without being tested, like money proved to be bad,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Those who shall lose such friends may well be glad,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And those who have such pray that they may lose them.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_330_330&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_330_330&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;330&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yet is it difficult and by no means easy to avoid and bring to a close an unpleasant friendship: as in the case of food which is injurious and harmful, we cannot retain it on the stomach without damage and hurt, nor can we expel it as it was taken into the mouth, but only in a putrid mixed up and changed form, so a bad friend is troublesome both to others and himself if retained, and if he be got rid of forcibly it is with hostility and hatred, and like the voiding of bile.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; We ought not, therefore, lightly to welcome or strike up an intimate friendship with any chance comers, or love those who attach themselves to us, but attach ourselves to those who are worthy of our friendship. For what is easily got is not always desirable: and we pass over and trample upon heather and brambles that stick to us&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_331_331&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_331_331&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;331&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; on our road to the olive and vine: so also is it good not always to make a friend of the person who is expert in twining himself around us, but after testing them to attach ourselves to those who are worthy of our affection and likely to be serviceable to us.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;v.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; As therefore Zeuxis, when some people accused him of painting slowly, replied, &amp;quot;I admit that I do, but then I paint to last,&amp;quot; so ought we to test for a long time the friendship and intimacy that we take up and mean to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_149&amp;quot;&amp;gt;149&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;keep. Is it not easy then to put to the test many friends, and to associate with many friends at the same time, or is this impossible? For intimacy is the full enjoyment of friendship, and most pleasant is companying with and spending the day with a friend. &amp;quot;Never again shall we alive, apart from dear friends, sit and take counsel alone together.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_332_332&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_332_332&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;332&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And Menelaus said about Odysseus, &amp;quot;Nor did anything ever divide or separate us, who loved and delighted in one another, till death&#039;s black cloud overshadowed us.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_333_333&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_333_333&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;333&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The contrary effect seems to be produced by abundance of friends. For the friendship of a pair of friends draws them together and puts them together and holds them together, and is heightened by intercourse and kindliness, &amp;quot;as when the juice of the fig curdles and binds the white milk,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_334_334&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_334_334&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;334&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; as Empedocles says, such unity and complete union will such a friendship produce. Whereas having many friends puts people apart and severs and disunites them, by transferring and shifting the tie of friendship too frequently, and does not admit of a mixture and welding of goodwill by the diffusing and compacting of intimacy. And this causes at once an inequality and difficulty in respect of acts of kindness, for the uses of friendship become inoperative by being dispersed over too wide an area. &amp;quot;One man is acted upon by his character, another by his reflection.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_335_335&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_335_335&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;335&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For neither do our natures and impulses always incline in the same directions, nor are our fortunes in life identical, for opportunities of action are, like the winds, favourable to some, unfavourable to others.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_149a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Moreover, if all our friends want to do the same things at the same time, it will be difficult to satisfy them all, whether they desire to deliberate, or to act in state affairs, or wish for office, or are going to entertain guests. If again at the same time they chance to be engaged in different occupations and interests and ask you all together, one who is going on a voyage that you will sail with him, another who is going to law that you will be his advocate, another who is going to try a case that you will try it with him, another who is selling or buying that you will go into &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_150&amp;quot;&amp;gt;150&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;partnership with him, another who is going to marry that you will join him in the sacrifice, another who is going to bury a relation that you will be one of the mourners,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The town is full of incense, and at once&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Resounds with triumph-songs and bitter wailing,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_336_336&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_336_336&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;336&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;that is the fruit of many friends; to oblige all is impossible, to oblige none is absurd, and to help one and offend many is grievous.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;No lover ever yet fancied neglect.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_337_337&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_337_337&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;337&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And yet people bear patiently and without anger the carelessness and neglect of friends, if they get from them such excuses as &amp;quot;I forgot,&amp;quot; &amp;quot;I did it unwittingly.&amp;quot; But he who says, &amp;quot;I did not assist you in your lawsuit, for I was assisting another friend,&amp;quot; or &amp;quot;I did not visit you when you had your fever, for I was helping so-and-so who was entertaining his friends,&amp;quot; excusing himself for his inattention to one by his attention to another, so far from making the offence less, even adds jealousy to his neglect. But most people in friendship regard only, it seems, what can be got out of it, overlooking what will be asked in return, and not remembering that he, who has had many of his own requests granted, must oblige others in turn by granting their requests. And as Briareus with his hundred hands had to feed fifty stomachs, and was therefore no better provided than we are, who with two hands have to supply the necessities of only one belly, so in having many friends&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_338_338&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_338_338&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;338&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; one has to do many services for them, one has to share in their anxiety, and to toil and moil with them. For we must not listen to Euripides when he says, &amp;quot;mortals ought to join in moderate friendships for one another, and not love with all their heart, that the spell may be soon broken, and the friendship may either be ended or become closer at will,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_339_339&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_339_339&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;339&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that so it may be adjusted to our requirements, like the sail of a ship that we can either slacken or haul &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_151&amp;quot;&amp;gt;151&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;tight. But let us transfer, Euripides, these lines of yours to enmities, and bid people make their animosities moderate, and not hate with all their heart, that their hatred, and wrath, and querulousness, and suspicions, may be easily broken. Recommend rather for our consideration that saying of Pythagoras, &amp;quot;Do not give many your right hand,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_340_340&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_340_340&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;340&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that is, do not make many friends, do not go in for a common and vulgar friendship, which is sure to cause anyone much trouble; for its sharing in others&#039; anxieties and griefs and labours and dangers is quite intolerable to free and noble natures. And that was a true saying of the wise Chilo&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_341_341&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_341_341&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;341&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to one who told him he had no enemy, &amp;quot;Neither,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;do you seem to me to have a friend.&amp;quot; For enmities inevitably accompany and are involved in friendships.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; It is impossible I say not to share with a friend in his injuries and disgraces and enmities, for enemies at once suspect and hate the friend of their enemies, and even friends are often envious and jealous and carp at him. As then the oracle given to Timesias about his colony foretold him, &amp;quot;that his swarm of bees would soon be followed by a swarm of wasps,&amp;quot; so those that seek a swarm of friends have sometimes lighted unawares on a wasp&#039;s-nest of enemies. And the remembrance of wrongs done by an enemy and the kindness of a friend do not weigh in the same balance. See how Alexander treated the friends and intimates of Philotas and Parmenio, how Dionysius treated those of Dion, Nero those of Plautus, Tiberius those of Sejanus, torturing and putting them to death. For as neither the gold nor rich robes of Creon&#039;s daughter&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_342_342&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_342_342&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;342&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; availed her or her sire, but the flame that burst out suddenly involved him in the same fate as herself, as he ran up to embrace her and rescue her, so some friends, though they have had no enjoyment out of their friends&#039; prosperity, are involved in their misfortunes. And this is especially the case with philosophers and kind people, as Theseus, when his friend Pirithous was punished and im&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_152&amp;quot;&amp;gt;152&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;prisoned, &amp;quot;was also bound in fetters not of brass.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_343_343&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_343_343&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;343&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And Thucydides tells us that during the plague at Athens those that most displayed their virtue perished with their friends that were ill, for they neglected their own lives in going to visit them.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_344_344&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_344_344&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;344&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;viii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; We ought not therefore to be too lavish with our virtue, binding it together and implicating it in various people&#039;s fortunes, but we ought to preserve our friendship for those who are worthy of it, and are capable of reciprocating it. For this is indeed the greatest argument against many friends that friendship is originated by similarity. For seeing that even the brutes can hardly be forced to mix with those that are unlike themselves, but crouch down, and show their dislike, and run away, while they mix freely with those that are akin to them and have a similar nature, and gently and gladly make friends with one another then, how is it possible that there should be friendship between people differing in characters and temperaments and ideas of life? For harmony on the harp or lyre is attained by notes in unison and not in unison, sharp and flat somehow or other producing concord, but in the harmony of friendship there must be no unlike, or uneven, or unequal element, but from all alike must come agreement in opinions and wishes and feeling, as if one soul were put into several bodies.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_152a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ix.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; What man then is so industrious, so changeable, and so versatile, as to be able to make himself like and adapt himself to many different persons, and not to laugh at the advice of Theognis, &amp;quot;Imitate the ingenuity of the polypus, that takes the colour of whatever stone it sticks to.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_345_345&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_345_345&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;345&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And yet the changes in the polypus do not go deep but are only on the surface, which, from its thickness or thinness takes the impression of everything that approaches it, whereas friends endeavour to be like one another in character, and feeling, and language, and pursuits, and disposition. It requires a not very fortunate or very good Proteus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_346_346&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_346_346&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;346&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; able by jugglery to assume various forms, to be &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_153&amp;quot;&amp;gt;153&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;frequently at the same time a student with the learned, and ready to try a fall with wrestlers, or to go a hunting with people fond of the chase, or to get drunk with tipplers, or to go a canvassing with politicians, having no fixed character of his own.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_347_347&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_347_347&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;347&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And as the natural philosophers say of unformed and colourless matter when subjected to external change, that it is now fire, now water, now air, now solid earth, so the soul suitable for many friendships must be impressionable, and versatile, and pliant, and changeable. But friendship requires a steady constant and unchangeable character, a person that is uniform in his intimacy. And so a constant friend is a thing rare and hard to find.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_321_321&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_321_321&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;321&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plato, &amp;quot;Men.&amp;quot; p. 71 E.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_322_322&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_322_322&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;322&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Quoted more fully by our author, &amp;quot;De Fraterno Amore,&amp;quot; § iii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_323_323&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_323_323&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;323&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Eadem comparatione utitur Lucianus in Toxari T. ii. p. 351: ὅστις ἂν πολύφιλος ᾗ ὅμοιος ἡμῖν δοκεῖ ταῖς κοιναῖς ταύταις καὶ μοιχευομέναις γυναιξί· και οἰόμεθ᾽ οὐκεθ᾽ ὁμοίως ἰσχυρὰν τὴν φιλίαν αὐτοῦ εἷναι πρὸς πολλὰς εὐνοίας διαιρεθεῖσαν.&amp;quot;— &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Wyttenbach&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_324_324&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_324_324&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;324&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; From the &amp;quot;Hypsipyle&amp;quot; of Euripides.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_325_325&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_325_325&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;325&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A well-known proverb for beginning at the beginning. Aristophanes, &amp;quot;Vespæ.&amp;quot; 846; Plato, &amp;quot;Euthryphro,&amp;quot; 3 A; Strabo, 9.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_326_326&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_326_326&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;326&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; An allusion to the well-known proverb, κολοιὸς ποτι κολοιόν. See Erasmus, &amp;quot;Adagia,&amp;quot; p. 1644.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_327_327&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_327_327&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;327&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The paronomasia is on ἑταῖρος, ἕτερος.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_328_328&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_328_328&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;328&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; ix. 482; &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; xvi. 19.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_329_329&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_329_329&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;329&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cf. Cicero, &amp;quot;De Amicitia,&amp;quot; xix.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_330_330&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_330_330&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;330&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sophocles, Fragm. 741. Quoted again by our author, &amp;quot;On Love,&amp;quot; § xxiii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_331_331&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_331_331&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;331&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For the image compare Lucio&#039;s speech, Shakspere, &amp;quot;Measure for Measure,&amp;quot; A. iv. Sc. iii. 189, 190: &amp;quot;Nay, friar, I am a kind of burr; I shall stick.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_332_332&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_332_332&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;332&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xxiii. 77, 78.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_333_333&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_333_333&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;333&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; iv. 178-180.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_334_334&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_334_334&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;334&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; v. 902, altered somewhat.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_335_335&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_335_335&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;335&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Bergk. p. 1344&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_336_336&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_336_336&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;336&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sophocles, &amp;quot;Œdipus Tyrannus,&amp;quot; 4, 5. Quoted again &amp;quot;On Moral Virtue,&amp;quot; § vi.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_337_337&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_337_337&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;337&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A line from Menander. Quoted again &amp;quot;De Fraterno Amore,&amp;quot; § xx.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_338_338&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_338_338&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;338&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading with Halm and Hercher ἐν τῷ πολλοῖς φιλοῖς χρῆσθαι.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_339_339&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_339_339&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;339&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Hippolytus,&amp;quot; 253-257, where Dindorf and Hercher agree in the reading.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_340_340&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_340_340&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;340&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare &amp;quot;On Education,&amp;quot; § xvii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_341_341&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_341_341&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;341&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Chilo was one of the Seven Wise Men. See Pausanias, iii. 16; X. 24.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_342_342&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_342_342&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;342&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For the circumstances see Euripides, &amp;quot;Medea,&amp;quot; 1136 sq.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_343_343&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_343_343&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;343&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For the friendship of Theseus and Pirithous, see Pausanias, i. 17; x. 29. The line is from Euripides, &amp;quot;Pirithous,&amp;quot; Fragm. 591. Cf. &amp;quot;On Shyness,&amp;quot; § x.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_344_344&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_344_344&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;344&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thucydides, ii. 51.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_345_345&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_345_345&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;345&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Bergk. p. 500&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_346_346&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_346_346&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;346&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On Proteus, see Verg. &amp;quot;Georg.&amp;quot; iv. 387 sq.; Ovid, &amp;quot;Art.&amp;quot; i. 761; &amp;quot;Met.&amp;quot; ii. 9; &amp;quot;Fasti,&amp;quot; i. 367 sq., and especially Horace, &amp;quot;Epistles,&amp;quot; i. i. 90: &amp;quot;Quo teneam vultus mutantem Protea nodo?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_347_347&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_347_347&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;347&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Literally, &amp;quot;having no hearth of character,&amp;quot; the hearth being an emblem of stability. Compare &amp;quot;How One may Discern a Flatterer from a Friend,&amp;quot; § vii., where the same image is employed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_153a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;HOW ONE MAY DISCERN A FLATTERER FROM A FRIEND.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;i.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Plato says,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_348_348&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_348_348&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;348&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Antiochus Philopappus, that all men pardon the man who acknowledges that he is excessively fond of himself, but that there is among many other defects this very grave one in self-love, that by it a man becomes incapable of being a just and impartial judge about himself, for love is blind in regard to the loved object, unless a person has learnt and accustomed himself to honour and pursue what is noble rather than his own selfish interests. This gives a great field for the flatterer in friendship, who finds a wonderful base of operations in our self-love, which makes each person his own first and greatest flatterer, and easily admits a flatterer from without, who will be, so he thinks and hopes, both a witness and confirmer of his good opinion of himself. For he that lies open to the reproach of being fond of flatterers is very fond of himself, and owing to his &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_154&amp;quot;&amp;gt;154&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;goodwill to himself wishes to possess all good qualities, and thinks he actually does; the wish is not ridiculous, but the thought is misleading and requires a good deal of caution. And if truth is a divine thing, and, according to Plato,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_349_349&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_349_349&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;349&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the beginning of all good things both to the gods and men, the flatterer is likely to be an enemy to the gods, and especially to Apollo, for he always sets himself against that famous saying, &amp;quot;Know thyself,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_350_350&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_350_350&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;350&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; implanting in everybody&#039;s mind self-deceit and ignorance of his own good or bad qualities, thus making his good points defective and imperfect, and his bad points altogether incorrigible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; If however, as is the case with most other bad things, the flatterer attacked only or chiefly ignoble or worthless persons, the evil would not be so mischievous or so difficult to guard against. But since, as wood-worms breed most in soft and sweet wood, those whose characters are honourable and good and equitable encourage and support the flatterer most,—and moreover, as Simonides says, &amp;quot;rearing of horses does not go with the oil-flask,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_351_351&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_351_351&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;351&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but with fruitful fields,&amp;quot; so we see that flattery does not join itself to the poor, the obscure, or those without means, but is the snare and bane of great houses and estates, and often overturns kingdoms and principalities,—it is a matter of no small importance, needing much foresight, to examine the question, that so flattery may be easily detected, and neither injure nor discredit friendship. For just as lice leave dying persons, and abandon bodies when the blood on which they feed is drying up, so one never yet saw flatterers dancing attendance on dry and cold poverty, but they fasten on wealth and position and there get fat, but speedily decamp if reverses come. But we ought not to wait to experience that, which would be unprofitable, or rather injurious and dangerous. For not to find friends at a time when you want them is hard, as also not to be able to exchange an inconstant and bad friend for a constant and good one. For a friend should be like money tried before being re&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_155&amp;quot;&amp;gt;155&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;quired, not found faulty in our need. For we ought not to have our wits about us only when the mischief is done, but we ought to try and prevent the flatterer doing any harm to us: for otherwise we shall be in the same plight as people who test deadly poisons by first tasting them, and kill or nearly kill themselves in the experiment. We do not praise such, nor again all those who, looking at their friend simply from the point of view of decorum and utility, think that they can detect all agreeable and pleasant companions as flatterers in the very act. For a friend ought not to be disagreeable or unpleasant, nor ought friendship to be a thing high and mighty with sourness and austerity, but even its decorous deportment ought to be attractive and winning,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_352_352&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_352_352&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;352&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for by it&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The Graces and Desire have pitched their tents,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_353_353&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_353_353&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;353&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and not only to a person in misfortune &amp;quot;is it sweet to look into the eyes of a friendly person,&amp;quot; as Euripides&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_354_354&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_354_354&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;354&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; says, but no less does it bring pleasure and charm in good fortune, than when it relieves the sorrows and difficulties of adversity. And as Evenus said &amp;quot;fire was the best sauce,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_355_355&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_355_355&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;355&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; so the deity, mixing up friendship with life, has made everything bright and sweet and acceptable by its presence and the enjoyment it brings. How else indeed could the flatterer insinuate himself by the pleasure he gives, unless he knew that friendship admitted the pleasurable element? It would be impossible to say. But just as spurious and mock gold only imitates the brightness and glitter of real gold, so the flatterer seems to imitate the pleasantness and agreeableness of the real friend, and to exhibit himself ever merry and bright, contradicting and opposing nothing. We must not however on that account suspect all who &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_156&amp;quot;&amp;gt;156&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;praise as simple flatterers. For friendship requires praise as much as censure on the proper occasion. Indeed peevishness and querulousness are altogether alien to friendship and social life: but when goodwill bestows praise ungrudgingly and readily upon good actions, people endure also easily and without pain admonition and plainspeaking, believing and continuing to love the person who took such pleasure in praising, as if now he only blamed out of necessity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; It is difficult then, someone may say, to distinguish between the flatterer and the friend, if they differ neither in the pleasure they give nor in the praise they bestow; for as to services and attentions you may often see friendship outstripped by flattery. Certainly it is so, I should reply, if we are trying to find the genuine flatterer who handles his craft with cleverness and art, but not if, like most people, we consider those persons flatterers who are called their own oil-flask-carriers and table-men, men who begin to talk, as one said, the moment their hands have been washed for dinner,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_356_356&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_356_356&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;356&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; whose servility, ribaldry, and want of all decency, is apparent at the first dish and glass. It did not of course require very much discrimination to detect Melanthius the parasite of Alexander of Pheræ of flattery, who, to those who asked how Alexander was murdered, answered, &amp;quot;Through his side into my belly&amp;quot;: or those who formed a circle round a wealthy table, &amp;quot;whom neither fire, nor sword, nor steel, would keep from running to a feast&amp;quot;:&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_357_357&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_357_357&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;357&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; or those female flatterers in Cyprus, who after they crossed over into Syria were nicknamed &amp;quot;step-ladders,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_358_358&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_358_358&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;358&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; because they lay down and let the kings&#039; wives use their bodies as steps to mount their carriages.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; What kind of flatterer then must we be on our guard against? The one who neither seems to be nor acknowledges himself to be one: whom you will not always find in the vicinity of your kitchen, who is not to be &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_157&amp;quot;&amp;gt;157&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;caught watching the dial to see how near it is to dinner-time,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_359_359&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_359_359&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;359&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; nor gets so drunk as to throw himself down anyhow, but one who is generally sober, and a busybody, and thinks he ought to have a hand in your affairs, and wishes to share in your secrets, and as to friendship plays rather a tragic than a satyric or comic part. For as Plato says, &amp;quot;it is the height of injustice to appear to be just when you are not really so,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_360_360&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_360_360&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;360&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; so we must deem the most dangerous kind of flattery not the open but the secret, not the playful but the serious. For it throws suspicion even upon a genuine friendship, which we may often confound with it, if we are not careful. When Gobryas pursued one of the Magi into a dark room, and was on the ground wrestling with him, and Darius came up and was doubtful how he could kill one without killing both, Gobryas bade him thrust his sword boldly through both of them;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_361_361&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_361_361&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;361&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but we, since we give no assent to that saying, &amp;quot;Let friend perish so the enemy perish with him,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_362_362&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_362_362&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;362&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in our endeavour to distinguish the flatterer from the friend, seeing that their resemblances are so many, ought to take great care that we do not reject the good with the bad, nor in sparing what is beneficial fall in with what is injurious. For as wild grains mixed up with wheat, if very similar in size and appearance, are not easily kept apart, for if the sieve have small holes they don&#039;t pass through, and if large holes they pass with the corn, so flattery is not easily distinguished from friendship, being mixed up with it in feeling and emotion, habit and custom.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;v.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Because however friendship is the most pleasant of all things, and nothing more glads the heart of man, therefore the flatterer attracts by the pleasure he gives, pleasure being in fact his field. And because favours and good services accompany friendship, as the proverb says &amp;quot;a friend is more necessary than fire or water,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_363_363&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_363_363&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;363&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; therefore &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_158&amp;quot;&amp;gt;158&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the flatterer volunteers all sorts of services, and strives to show himself on all occasions zealous and obliging and ready. And since friendship is mainly produced by a similarity of tastes and habits, and to have the same likes and dislikes first brings people together and unites them through sympathy,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_364_364&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_364_364&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;364&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the flatterer observing this moulds himself like material and demeans himself accordingly, seeking completely to imitate and resemble those whom he desires to ingratiate himself with, being supple in change, and plausible in his imitations, so that one would say,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Achilles&#039; son, O no, it is himself.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_365_365&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_365_365&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;365&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But his cleverest trick is that, observing that freedom of speech, is both spoken of and reckoned as the peculiar and natural voice of friendship, while not speaking freely is considered unfriendly and disingenuous, he has not failed to imitate this trait of friendship also. But just as clever cooks infuse bitter sauces and sharp seasoning to prevent sweet things from cloying, so these flatterers do not use a genuine or serviceable freedom of speech, but merely a winking and tickling innuendo. He is therefore difficult to detect, like those creatures which naturally change their colour and take that of the material or place near them.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_366_366&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_366_366&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;366&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But since he deceives and conceals his true character by his imitations, it is our duty to unmask him and detect him by the differences between him and the true friend, and to show that he is, as Plato says, &amp;quot;tricked out in other people&#039;s colours and forms, from lack of any of his own.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_367_367&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_367_367&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;367&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Let us examine the matter then from the beginning. I said that friendship originated in most cases from a similar disposition and nature, generally inclined to the same habits and morals, and rejoicing in the same pursuits, studies, and amusements, as the following lines testify: &amp;quot;To old man the voice of old man is sweetest, to boy that of boy, to woman is most acceptable that of woman, to the sick person that of sick person, while he that is overtaken &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_159&amp;quot;&amp;gt;159&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;by misfortune is a comforter to one in trouble.&amp;quot; The flatterer knowing then that it is innate in us to delight in, and enjoy the company of, and to love, those who are like ourselves, attempts first to approach and get near a person in this direction, (as one tries to catch an animal in the pastures,) by the same pursuits and amusements and studies and modes of life quietly throwing out his bait, and disguising himself in false colours, till his victim give him an opportunity to catch him, and become tame and tractable at his touch. Then too he censures the things and modes of life and persons that he knows his victim dislikes, while he praises those he fancies immoderately, overdoing it indeed&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_368_368&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_368_368&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;368&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with his show of surprise and excessive admiration, making him more and more convinced that his likes and dislikes are the fruits of judgement and not of caprice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; How then is the flatterer convicted, and by what differences is he detected, of being only a counterfeit, and not really like his victim? We must first then look at the even tenor and consistency of his principles, if he always delights in the same things, and always praises the same things, and directs and governs his life after one pattern, as becomes the noble lover of consistent friendship and familiarity. Such a person is a friend. But the flatterer having no fixed character of his own,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_369_369&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_369_369&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;369&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and not seeking to lead the life suitable for him, but shaping and modelling himself after another&#039;s pattern, is neither simple nor uniform, but complex and unstable, assuming different appearances, like water poured from vessel to vessel, ever in a state of flux and accommodating himself entirely to the fashion of those who entertain him. The ape indeed, as it seems, attempting to imitate man, is caught imitating his movements and dancing like him, but the flatterer himself attracts and decoys other men, imitating not all alike, for with one he sings and dances, with another he wrestles and gets covered with the dust of the palæstra, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_160&amp;quot;&amp;gt;160&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;while he follows a third fond of hunting and the chase all but shouting out the words of Phædra,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;How I desire to halloo on the dogs,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Chasing the dappled deer,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_370_370&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_370_370&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;370&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and yet he has really no interest in the chase, it is the hunter himself he sets the toils and snares for. And if the object of his pursuit is some young scholar and lover of learning, he is all for books then, his beard flows down to his feet,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_371_371&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_371_371&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;371&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he&#039;s quite a sight with his threadbare cloak, has all the indifference of the Stoic, and speaks of nothing but the rectangles and triangles of Plato. But if any rich and careless fellow fond of drink come in his way,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Then wise Odysseus stript him of his rags,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_372_372&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_372_372&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;372&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;his threadbare cloak is thrown aside, his beard is shorn off like a fruitless crop, he goes in for wine-coolers and tankards, and laughs loudly in the streets, and jeers at philosophers. As they say happened at Syracuse, when Plato went there, and Dionysius was seized with a furious passion for philosophy, and so great was the concourse of geometricians that they raised up quite a cloud of dust in the palace, but when Plato fell out of favour, and Dionysius gave up philosophy, and went back again headlong to wine and women and trifles and debauchery, then all the court was metamorphosed, as if they all had drunk of Circe&#039;s cup, for ignorance and oblivion and silliness reigned rampant. I am borne out in what I say by the behaviour of great flatterers and demagogues,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_373_373&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_373_373&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;373&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the greatest of whom Alcibiades, a jeerer and horse-rearer at Athens, and living a gay and merry life, wore his hair closely shaven at Lacedæmon, and washed in cold water, and attired himself in a threadbare cloak; while in Thrace he fought&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_374_374&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_374_374&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;374&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and drank; and at Tissaphernes&#039; court lived delicately and luxuriously and in a pretentious style; and thus curried favour and was &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_161&amp;quot;&amp;gt;161&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;popular with everybody by imitating their habits and ways. Such was not the way however in which Epaminondas or Agesilaus acted, for though they associated with very many men and states and different modes of life, they maintained everywhere their usual demeanour, both in dress and diet and language and behaviour. So Plato&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_375_375&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_375_375&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;375&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at Syracuse was exactly the same man as in the Academy, the same with Dionysius as with Dion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;viii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; As to the changes of the flatterer, which resemble those of the polypus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_376_376&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_376_376&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;376&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a man may most easily detect them by himself pretending to change about frequently, and by censuring the kind of life he used formerly to praise, and anon approving of the words actions and modes of life that he used to be displeased with. He will then see that the flatterer is never consistent or himself, never loving hating rejoicing grieving at his own initiative, but like a mirror, merely reflecting the image of other people&#039;s emotions and manners and feelings. Such a one will say, if you censure one of your friends to him, &amp;quot;You are slow in finding the fellow out, he never pleased me from the first.&amp;quot; But if on the other hand you change your language and praise him, he will swear by Zeus that he rejoices at it, and is himself under obligations to the man, and believes in him. And if you talk of the necessity of changing your mode of life, of retiring from public life to a life of privacy and ease, he says, &amp;quot;We ought long ago to have got rid of uproar&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_377_377&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_377_377&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;377&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and envy.&amp;quot; But if you think of returning again to public life, he chimes in, &amp;quot;Your sentiments do you honour: retirement from business is pleasant, but inglorious and mean.&amp;quot; One ought to say at once to such a one, &amp;quot;&#039;Stranger, quite different now you look to what you did before.&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_378_378&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_378_378&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;378&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I do not need a friend to change his opinions with me and to assent to me in everything, my shadow will do that better, but I need one that will speak the truth and help me with his judgement.&amp;quot; This is one way of detecting the flatterer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_162&amp;quot;&amp;gt;162&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ix.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; We must also observe another difference in the resemblance between the friend and flatterer. The true friend does not imitate you in everything, nor is he too keen to praise, but praises only what is excellent, for as Sophocles says,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;He is not born to share in hate but love,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_379_379&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_379_379&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;379&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;yes, by Zeus, and he is born to share in doing what is right and in loving what is noble, and not to share in wrong-doing or misbehaviour, unless it be that, as a running of the eyes is catching, so through companionship and intimacy he may against his will contract by infection some vice or ill habit, as they say Plato&#039;s intimates imitated his stoop, Aristotle&#039;s his lisp, and king Alexander&#039;s his holding his head a little on one side, and rapidity of utterance in conversation,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_380_380&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_380_380&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;380&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for people mostly pick up unawares such traits of character. But the flatterer is exactly like the chameleon,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_381_381&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_381_381&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;381&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which takes every colour but white, and so he, though unable to imitate what is worth his while, leaves nothing that is bad unimitated. And just as poor painters unable to make a fine portrait from inefficiency in their craft, bring out the likeness by painting all the wrinkles, moles and scars, so the flatterer imitates his friend&#039;s intemperance, superstition, hot temper, sourness to domestics, suspicion of his friends and relations. For he is by nature inclined to what is worst, and thinks that imitation of what is bad is as far as possible removed from censure. For those are suspected who have noble aims in life, and seem to be vexed and disgusted at their friends&#039; faults, for that injured and even ruined Dion with Dionysius, Samius with Philip, and Cleomenes with Ptolemy. But he that wishes to be and appear at the same time both agreeable and trustworthy pretends &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_163&amp;quot;&amp;gt;163&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to rejoice more in what is bad, as being through excessive love for his friend not even offended at his vices, but as one with him in feeling and nature in all matters. And so they claim to share in involuntary and chance ailments, and pretend to have the same complaints, in flattery to those who suffer from any, as that their eyesight and sense of hearing are deficient, if their friends are somewhat blind or deaf, as the flatterers of Dionysius, who was rather short-sighted, jostled one another at a dinner party, and knocked the dishes off the table, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;as if from defect of vision&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_382_382&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_382_382&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;382&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And some to make their cases more similar wind themselves in closer, and dive even into family secrets for parallels. For seeing that their friends are unfortunate in marriage, or suspicious about the behaviour of their sons or relations, they do not spare themselves, but make quite a Jeremiad about their own sons, or wife, or kinsfolk, or relations, proclaiming loudly their own family secrets. For similarity in situation makes people more sympathetic, and their friends having received as it were hostages by their confessions, entrust them in return with their secrets, and having once made confidants of them, dare not take back their confidence.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_383_383&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_383_383&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;383&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I actually know of a man who turned his wife out of doors because his friend had put away his; but as he secretly visited her and sent messages to her, he was detected by his friend&#039;s wife noticing his conduct. So little did he know the nature of a flatterer that thought the following lines more applicable to a crab than a flatterer, &amp;quot;His whole body is belly, his eye is on everything, he is a creature creeping on his teeth,&amp;quot; for such is a true picture of the parasite, &amp;quot;friends of the frying-pan, hunting for a dinner,&amp;quot; to borrow the language of Eupolis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;x.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; However let us put off all this to its proper place in the discourse. But let us not fail to notice the wiliness of the flatterer&#039;s imitation, in that, even if he imitates any good points in the person he flatters, he always takes care to give him the palm. Whereas among real friends there is no rivalry or jealousy of one another, but they are satisfied and contented alike whether they are equal or one of them &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_164&amp;quot;&amp;gt;164&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;is superior. But the flatterer, ever remembering that he is to play second fiddle,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_384_384&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_384_384&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;384&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; makes his copy always fall a little short of the original, for he admits that he is everywhere outstripped and left behind, except in vice. For in that alone he claims pre-eminence, for if his friend is peevish, he says he is atrabilious; if his friend is superstitious, he says he is a fanatic; if his friend is in love, he says he is madly in love; if his friend laughs, he will say, &amp;quot;You laughed a little unseasonably, but I almost died of laughter.&amp;quot; But in regard to any good points his action is quite the opposite. He says he can run quickly, but his friend flies; he says he can ride pretty well, but his friend is a Centaur on horseback. He says &amp;quot;I am not a bad poet, and don&#039;t write very bad lines,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;&#039;But your sonorous verse is like Jove&#039;s thunder.&#039;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thus he shows at once that his friend&#039;s aims in life are good, and that his friend has reached a height he cannot soar to. Such then are the differences in the resemblances between the flatterer and the friend.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But since, as has been said before, to give pleasure is common to both, for the good man delights in his friends as much as the bad man in his flatterers, let us consider the difference between them here too. The difference lies in the different aim of each in giving pleasure. Look at it this way. There is no doubt a sweet smell in perfume. So there is also in medicine. But the difference is that while in perfume pleasure and nothing else is designed, in medicine either purging, or warming, or adding flesh to the system, is the primary object, and the sweet smell is only a secondary consideration. Again painters mix gay colours and dyes: there are also some drugs which are gay in appearance and not unpleasing in colour. What then is the difference between these? Manifestly we distinguish by the end each aims at. So too the social life of friends employs mirth to add a charm to some good and useful end,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_385_385&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_385_385&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;385&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and sometimes makes joking and a good table and wine, aye, and even chaff and banter, the seasoning to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_165&amp;quot;&amp;gt;165&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;noble and serious matters, as in the line,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Much they enjoyed talking to one another,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_386_386&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_386_386&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;386&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and again,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Never did ought else&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Disturb our love or joy in one another.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_387_387&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_387_387&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;387&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But the flatterer&#039;s whole aim and end is to cook up and season his joke or word or action, so as to produce pleasure. And to speak concisely, the flatterer&#039;s object is to please in everything he does, whereas the true friend always does what is right, and so often gives pleasure, often pain, not wishing the latter, but not shunning it either, if he deems it best. For as the physician, if it be expedient, infuses saffron or spikenard, aye, or uses some soothing fomentation or feeds his patient up liberally, and sometimes orders castor,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Or poley,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_388_388&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_388_388&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;388&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that so strong and foully smells,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;or pounds hellebore and compels him to drink it,—neither in the one case making unpleasantness, nor in the other pleasantness, his end and aim, but in both studying only the interest of his patient,—so the friend sometimes by praise and kindness, extolling him and gladdening his heart, leads him to what is noble, as Agamemnon,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Teucer, dear head, thou son of Telamon,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Go on thus shooting, captain of thy men;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_389_389&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_389_389&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;389&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;or Diomede,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;How could I e&#039;er forget divine Odysseus?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_390_390&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_390_390&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;390&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But where on the other hand there is need of correction, then he rebukes with biting words and with the freedom worthy of a friend,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Zeus-cherished Menelaus, art thou mad,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And in thy folly tak&#039;st no heed of safety?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_391_391&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_391_391&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;391&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Sometimes also he joins action to word, as Menedemus sobered the profligate and disorderly son of his friend Asclepiades, by shutting him out of his house, and not speaking to him. And Arcesilaus forbade Bato his school, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_166&amp;quot;&amp;gt;166&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;when he wrote a line in one of his plays against Cleanthes, and only got reconciled with him after he repented and made his peace with Cleanthes. For we ought to give our friend pain if it will benefit him, but not to the extent of breaking off our friendship; but just as we make use of some biting medicine, that will save and preserve the life of the patient. And so the friend, like a musician, in bringing about an improvement to what is good and expedient, sometimes slackens the chords, sometimes tightens them, and is often pleasant, but always useful. But the flatterer, always harping on one note, and accustomed to play his accompaniment only with a view to please and to ingratiate himself, knows not how either to oppose in deed, or give pain in word, but complies only with every wish, ever chiming in with and echoing the sentiments of his patron. As then Xenophon says Agesilaus took pleasure in being praised by those who would also censure him,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_392_392&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_392_392&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;392&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; so ought we to think that to please and gratify us is friendly in the person who can also give us pain and oppose us, but to feel suspicion at an intercourse which is merely for pleasure and gratification, and never pungent, aye and by Zeus to have ready that saying of the Lacedæmonian, who, on hearing king Charillus praised, said, &amp;quot;How can he be a good man, who is not severe even to the bad?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; They say the gadfly attacks bulls, and the tick dogs, in the ear: so the flatterer besieges with praise the ears of those who are fond of praise, and sticks there and is hard to dislodge. We ought therefore here to make a wide-awake and careful discrimination, whether the praise is bestowed on the action or the man. It is bestowed on the action, if people praise the absent rather than the present, if also those that have the same aims and aspirations praise not only us but all that are similarly disposed, and do not evidently say and do one thing at one time, and the direct contrary at another; and the greatest test is if we are conscious, in the matters for which we get the praise, that we have not regretted them, and are not ashamed at them, and would not rather have said and done differently. For &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_167&amp;quot;&amp;gt;167&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;our own inward judgement, testifying the contrary and not admitting the praise, is above passion, and impregnable and proof against the flatterer. But I know not how it is that most people in misfortune cannot bear exhortation, but are captivated more by condolence and sympathy, and when they have done something wrong and acted amiss, he that by censure and blame implants in them the stings of repentance is looked upon by them as hostile and an accuser, while they welcome and regard as friendly and well-disposed to them the person who bestows praise and panegyric on what they have done. Those then that readily praise and join in applauding some word or action on the part of someone whether in jest or earnest, only do temporary harm for the moment, but those who injure the character by their praise, aye, and by their flattery undermine the morals, act like those slaves who do not steal from the bin, but from the seed corn.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_393_393&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_393_393&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;393&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For they pervert the disposition, which is the seed of actions, and the character, which is the principle and fountain of life, by attaching to vice names that belong properly only to virtue. For as Thucydides says,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_394_394&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_394_394&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;394&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in times of faction and war &amp;quot;people change the accustomed meaning of words as applied to acts at their will and pleasure, for reckless daring is then considered bravery to one&#039;s comrades, and prudent delay specious cowardice, and sober-mindedness the cloak of the coward, and taking everything into account before action a real desire to do nothing.&amp;quot; So too in the case of flattery we must observe and be on our guard against wastefulness being called liberality, and cowardliness prudence, and madness quick-wittedness, and meanness frugality, and the amorous man called social and affectionate, and the term manly applied to the passionate and vain man, and the term civil applied to the paltry and mean man. As I remember Plato&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_395_395&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_395_395&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;395&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; says the lover is a flatterer &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_168&amp;quot;&amp;gt;168&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of the beloved one, and calls the snub nose graceful, and the aquiline nose royal, and swarthy people manly, and fair people the children of the gods, and the olive complexion is merely the lover&#039;s phrase to gloss over and palliate excessive pallor. And yet the ugly man persuaded he is handsome, or the short man persuaded he is tall, cannot long remain in the error, and receives only slight injury from it, and not irreparable mischief: but praise applied to vices as if they were virtues, so that one is not vexed but delighted with a vicious life, removes all shame from wrong-doing, and was the ruin of the Sicilians, by calling the savage cruelty of Dionysius and Phalaris detestation of wickedness and uprightness. It was the ruin of Egypt, by styling Ptolemy&#039;s effeminacy, and superstition, and howlings, and beating of drums, religion and service to the gods.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_396_396&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_396_396&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;396&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It was nearly the overthrow and destruction of the ancient manners of the Romans, palliating the luxury and intemperance and display of Antony as exhibitions of jollity and kindliness, when his power and fortune were at their zenith. What else invested Ptolemy&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_397_397&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_397_397&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;397&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with his pipe and fiddle? What else brought Nero&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_398_398&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_398_398&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;398&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; on the tragic stage, and invested him with the mask and buskins? Was it not the praise of flatterers? And are not many kings called Apollos if they can just sing a song,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_399_399&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_399_399&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;399&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Dionysuses if they get drunk, and Herculeses if they can wrestle, and do they not joy in such titles, and are they not dragged into every kind of disgrace by flattery?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xiii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Wherefore we must be especially on our guard against the flatterer in regard to praise; as indeed he is very well aware himself, and clever to avoid suspicion. If he light upon some dandy, or rustic in a thick leather garment, he treats him with nothing but jeers and mocks,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_400_400&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_400_400&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;400&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; as Struthias insulted Bias, ironically praising him for his stupidity, saying, &amp;quot;You have drunk more than king Alex&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_169&amp;quot;&amp;gt;169&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;ander,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_401_401&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_401_401&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;401&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and, &amp;quot;that he was ready to die of laughing at his tale about the Cyprian.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_402_402&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_402_402&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;402&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But when he sees people more refined very much on their guard, and observing both time and place, he does not praise them directly, but draws off a little and wheels round and approaches them noiselessly, as one tries to catch a wild animal. For sometimes he reports to a man the panegyric of other persons upon him, (as orators do, introducing some third person,) saying that he had a very pleasant conversation in the market with some strangers and men of worth, who mentioned how they admired his many good points. On another occasion he concocts and fabricates some false and trifling charges against him, pretending he has heard them from other people, and runs up with a serious face and inquires, where he said or did such and such a thing. And upon his denying he ever did, he pounces on him at once&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_403_403&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_403_403&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;403&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and compliments his man with, &amp;quot;I thought it strange that you should have spoken ill of your friends, seeing that you don&#039;t even treat your enemies so: and that you should have tried to rob other people, seeing that you are so lavish with your own money.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xiv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Other flatterers again, just as painters heighten the effect of their pictures by the combination of light and shade, so by censure abuse detraction and ridicule of the opposite virtues secretly praise and foment the actual vices of those they flatter. Thus they censure modesty as merely rustic behaviour in the company of profligates, and greedy people, and villains, and such as have got rich by evil and dishonourable courses; and contentment and uprightness they call having no spirit or energy in action; and when they associate with lazy and idle persons who avoid all public duties, they are not ashamed to call the life of a citizen wearisome meddling in other people&#039;s affairs, and the desire to hold office fruitless vain-glory. And some ere now to flatter an orator have depreciated a philosopher, and others won favour with wanton women by traducing those wives who are faithful to their husbands as constitutionally cold and countrybred. And by an acme of villainy flatterers &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_170&amp;quot;&amp;gt;170&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;do not always spare even themselves. For as wrestlers stoop that they may the easier give their adversaries a fall, so by censuring themselves they glide into praising others. &amp;quot;I am a cowardly slave,&amp;quot; says such a one, &amp;quot;at sea, I shirk labour, I am madly in rage if a word is said against me; but this man fears nothing, has no vices, is a rare good fellow, patient and easy in all circumstances.&amp;quot; But if a person has an excellent idea of his own good sense, and desires to be austere and self-opinionated, and in his moral rectitude is ever spouting that line of Homer,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Tydides, neither praise nor blame me much,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_404_404&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_404_404&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;404&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;the artistic flatterer does not attack him as he attacked others, but employs against such a one a new device. For he comes to him about his own private affairs, as if desirous to have the advice of one wiser than himself; he has, he says, more intimate friends, but he is obliged to trouble him; &amp;quot;for whither shall we that are deficient in judgement go? whom shall we trust?&amp;quot; And having listened to his utterance he departs, saying he has received an oracle not an opinion. And if he notices that somebody lays claim to experience in oratory, he gives him some of his writings, and begs him to read and correct them. So, when king Mithridates took a fancy to play the surgeon, several of his friends offered themselves for operating upon, as for cutting or cauterizing, flattering in deed and not in word, for his being credited by them would seem to prove his skill.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_405_405&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_405_405&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;405&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;For Providence has many different aspects.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_406_406&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_406_406&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;406&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But we can test this kind of negative praise, that needs more wary caution, by purposely giving strange advice and suggestions, and by adopting absurd corrections. For if he raises no objection but nods assent to everything, and approves of everything, and is always crying out, &amp;quot;Good! How admirable!&amp;quot; he is evidently&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Asking advice, but seeking something else,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;wishing by praise to puff you up.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_171&amp;quot;&amp;gt;171&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Moreover, as some have defined painting to be silent poetry,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_407_407&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_407_407&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;407&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; so is there praise in silent flattery. For as hunters are more likely to catch the objects of their chase unawares, if they do not openly appear to be so engaged, but seem to be walking, or tending their sheep, or looking after the farm, so flatterers obtain most success in their praise, when they do not seem to be praising but to be doing something else. For he who gives up his place or seat to the great man when he comes in, and while making a speech to the people or senate breaks off even in the middle, if he observes any rich man wants to speak, and gives up to him alike speech and platform, shows by his silence even more than he would by any amount of vociferation that he thinks the other the better man, and superior to him in judgement. And consequently you may always see them occupying the best places at theatres and public assembly rooms, not that they think themselves worthy of them, but that they may flatter the rich by giving up their places to them; and at public meetings they begin speaking first, and then make way as for better men, and most readily take back their own view, if any influential or rich or famous person espouse the contrary view. And so one can see plainly that all such servility and drawing back on their part is a lowering their sails, not to experience or virtue or age, but to wealth and fame. Not so Apelles the famous painter, who, when Megabyzus sat with him, and wished to talk about lines and shades, said to him, &amp;quot;Do you see my lads yonder grinding colours, they admired just now your purple and gold, but now they are laughing at you for beginning to talk about what you don&#039;t understand.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_408_408&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_408_408&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;408&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And Solon, when Crœsus asked him about happiness, replied that Tellus, an obscure Athenian, and Bito and Cleobis were happier than he was.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_409_409&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_409_409&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;409&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But flatterers proclaim kings and rich men and rulers not only happy and fortunate, but also pre-eminent for wisdom, and art, and every virtue.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_172&amp;quot;&amp;gt;172&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xvi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Now some cannot bear to hear the assertion of the Stoics&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_410_410&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_410_410&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;410&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that the wise man is at once rich, and handsome, and noble, and a king; but flatterers declare that the rich man is at once orator and poet, and (if he likes) painter, and flute-player, and swift-footed, and strong, falling down if he wrestles with them, and if contending with him in running letting him win the race, as Crisso of Himera purposely allowed Alexander to outrun him, which vexed the king very much when he heard of it.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_411_411&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_411_411&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;411&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And Carneades said that the sons of rich men and kings learnt nothing really well and properly except how to ride, for their master praised and flattered them in their studies, and the person who taught them wrestling always let them throw him, whereas the horse, not knowing or caring whether his rider were a private person or ruler, rich or poor, soon threw him over his head if he could not ride well. Simple therefore and fatuous was that remark of Bion, &amp;quot;If you could by encomiums make your field to yield well and be fruitful, you could not be thought wrong in tilling it so rather than digging it and labouring in it: nor would it be strange in you to praise human beings if by so doing you could be useful and serviceable to them.&amp;quot; For a field does not become worse by being praised, but those who praise a man falsely and against his deserts puff him up and ruin him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xvii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Enough has been said on this matter: let us now examine outspokenness. For just as Patroclus put on the armour of Achilles, and drove his horses to the battle, only durst not touch his spear from Mount Pelion, but let that alone, so ought the flatterer, tricked out and modelled in the distinctive marks and tokens of the friend, to leave untouched and uncopied only his outspokenness, as the special burden of friendship, &amp;quot;heavy, huge, strong.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_412_412&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_412_412&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;412&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But since flatterers, to avoid the blame they incur by their buffoonery, and drinking, and gibes, and jokes, sometimes work their ends by frowns and gravity, and intermix cen&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_173&amp;quot;&amp;gt;173&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;sure and reproof, let us not pass this over either without examination. And I think, as in Menander&#039;s Play the sham Hercules comes on the stage not with a club stout and strong, but with a light and hollow cane, so the outspokenness of the flatterer is to those who experience it mild and soft, and the very reverse of vigorous, and like those cushions for women&#039;s heads, which seem able to stand their ground, but in reality yield and give way under their pressure; so this sham outspokenness is puffed up and inflated with an empty and spurious and hollow bombast, that when it contracts and collapses draws in the person who relies on it. For true and friendly outspokenness attacks wrong-doers, bringing pain that is salutary and likely to make them more careful, like honey biting but cleansing ulcerated parts of the body,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_413_413&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_413_413&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;413&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but in other respects serviceable and sweet. But we will speak of this anon.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_414_414&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_414_414&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;414&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But the flatterer first exhibits himself as disagreeable and passionate and unforgiving in his dealings with others. For he is harsh to his servants, and a terrible fellow to attack and ferret out the faults of his kinsmen and friends, and to look up to and respect nobody who is a stranger, but to look down upon them, and is relentless and mischief-making in making people provoked with others, hunting after the reputation of hating vice, as one not likely knowingly to mince matters with the vicious, or ingratiate himself with them either in word or deed. Next he pretends to know nothing of real and great crimes, but he is a terrible fellow to inveigh against trifling and external shortcomings, and to fasten on them with intensity and vehemence, as if he sees any pot or pipkin out of its place, or anyone badly housed, or neglecting his beard or attire, or not adequately attending to a horse or dog. But contempt of parents, and neglect of children, and bad treatment of wife, and haughtiness to friends, and throwing away money, all this he cares nothing about, but is silent and does not dare to make any allusion to it: just as if the trainer in a gymnasium were to allow the athlete to get drunk and live in debauchery,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_415_415&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_415_415&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;415&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_174&amp;quot;&amp;gt;174&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and yet be vexed at the condition of his oil-flask or strigil if out of order; or as if the schoolmaster scolded a boy about his tablet and pen, but paid no attention to a solecism or barbarism. The flatterer is like a man who should make no comment on the speech of a silly and ridiculous orator, but should find fault with his voice, and chide him for injuring his throat by drinking cold water; or like a person bidden to read some wretched composition, who should merely find fault with the thickness of the paper, and call the copyist a dirty and careless fellow. So too when Ptolemy seemed to desire to become learned, his flatterers used to spin out the time till midnight, disputing about some word or line or history, but not one of them all objected to his cruelty and outrages, his torturing and beating people to death.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_416_416&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_416_416&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;416&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Just as if, when a man has tumours and fistulas, one were to cut his hair and nails with a surgeon&#039;s knife, so flatterers use outspokenness only in cases where it gives no pain or distress.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xviii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Moreover some of them are cleverer still and make their outspokenness and censure a means of imparting pleasure. As Agis the Argive,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_417_417&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_417_417&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;417&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; when Alexander bestowed great gifts on a buffoon, cried out in envy and displeasure, &amp;quot;What a piece of absurdity!&amp;quot; and on the king turning angrily to him and saying, &amp;quot;What are you talking about?&amp;quot; he replied, &amp;quot;I admit that I am vexed and put out, when I see that all you descendants of Zeus alike take delight in flatterers and jesters, for Hercules had his Cercopes, and Dionysus his Sileni, and with you too I see that such are held in good repute.&amp;quot; And on one occasion, when the Emperor Tiberius entered the senate, one of his flatterers got up and said, that being free men they ought to be outspoken, and not suppress or conceal anything that might be important, and having by this exordium engaged everybody&#039;s attention, a dead silence prevailing, and even Tiberius being all attention, he said, &amp;quot;Listen, Cæsar, to what we all charge you with, although no one ventures to tell you openly of it; you neglect yourself, and are careless &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_175&amp;quot;&amp;gt;175&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;about your health, and wear yourself out with anxiety and labour on our behalf, taking no rest either by night or day.&amp;quot; And on his stringing much more together in the same strain, they say the orator Cassius Severus said, &amp;quot;This outspokenness will ruin the man.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xix.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; These are indeed trifling matters: but the following are more important and do mischief to foolish people, when flatterers accuse them of the very contrary vices and passions to those to which they are really addicted; as Himerius the flatterer twitted a very rich, very mean, and very covetous Athenian with being a careless spendthrift, and likely one day to want bread as well as his children; or on the other hand if they rail at extravagant spendthrifts for meanness and sordidness, as Titus Petronius railed at Nero; or exhort rulers who make savage and cruel attacks on their subjects to lay aside their excessive clemency, and unseasonable and inexpedient mercy. Similar to these is the person who pretends to be on his guard against and afraid of a silly stupid fellow as if he were clever and cunning; and the one who, if any person fond of detraction, rejoicing in defamation and censure, should be induced on any occasion to praise some man of note, fastens on him and alleges against him that he has an itch for praising people. &amp;quot;You are always extolling people of no merit: for who is this fellow, or what has he said or done out of the common?&amp;quot; But it is in regard to the objects of their love that they mostly attack those they flatter, and additionally inflame them. For if they see people at variance with their brothers, or despising their parents, or treating their wives contemptuously, they neither take them to task nor scold them, but fan the flame of their anger still more. &amp;quot;You don&#039;t sufficiently appreciate yourself,&amp;quot; they say, &amp;quot;you are yourself the cause of your being put upon in this way, through your constant submissiveness and humility.&amp;quot; And if there is any tiff or fit of jealousy in regard to some courtesan or adulteress, the flatterer is at hand with remarkable outspokenness, adding fuel to flame,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_418_418&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_418_418&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;418&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and taking the lady&#039;s part, and accusing her lover of acting in a very unkind harsh and shameful manner to her,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_176&amp;quot;&amp;gt;176&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;O ingrate, after all those frequent kisses!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_419_419&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_419_419&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;419&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thus Antony&#039;s friends, when he was passionately in love with the Egyptian woman,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_420_420&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_420_420&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;420&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; persuaded him that he was loved by her, and twitted him with being cold and haughty to her. &amp;quot;She,&amp;quot; they said, &amp;quot;has left her mighty kingdom and happy mode of life, and is wasting her beauty, taking the field with you like some camp-follower,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The while your heart is proof &#039;gainst all her charms,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_421_421&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_421_421&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;421&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;as you neglect her love-lorn as she is.&amp;quot; But he that is pleased at being reproached with his wrong-doing, and delights in those that censure him, as he never did in those that praised him, is unconscious that he is really perverted also by what seems to be rebuke. For such outspokenness is like the bites of wanton women,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_422_422&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_422_422&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;422&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that while seeming to hurt really tickle and excite pleasure. And just as if people mix pure wine, which is by itself an antidote against hemlock, with it and so offer it, they make the poison quite deadly, being rapidly carried to the heart by the warmth,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_423_423&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_423_423&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;423&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; so ill-disposed men, knowing that outspokenness is a great antidote to flattery, make it a means of flattering. And so it was rather a bad answer Bias&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_424_424&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_424_424&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;424&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; made, to the person who inquired what was the most formidable animal, &amp;quot;Of wild animals the tyrant, and of tame the flatterer.&amp;quot; For it would have been truer to observe that tame flatterers are those that are found round the baths and table, but the one that intrudes into the interior of the house and into the women&#039;s apartments with his curiosity and calumny and malignity, like the legs and arms of the polypus, is wild and savage and unmanageable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xx.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Now one kind of caution against his snares is to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_177&amp;quot;&amp;gt;177&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;know and ever remember that, whereas the soul contains true and noble and reasoning elements, as also unreasoning and false and emotional ones, the friend is always a counsellor and adviser to the better instincts of the soul, as the physician improves and maintains health, whereas the flatterer works upon the emotional and unreasoning ones, and tickles and titillates them and seduces them from reason, employing sensuality as his bait. As then there are some kinds of food which neither benefit the blood or spirit, nor brace up the nerves and marrow, but stir the passions, excite the lower nature, and make the flesh unsound and rotten, so the language of the flatterer adds nothing to soberness and reason, but encourages some love passion, or stirs up foolish rage, or incites to envy, or produces the empty and burdensome vanity of pride, or joins in bewailing woes, or ever by his calumnies and hints makes malignity and illiberality and suspicion sharp and timid and jealous, and cannot fail to be detected by those that closely observe him. For he is ever anchoring himself upon some passion, and fattening it, and, like a bubo, fastens himself on some unsound and inflamed parts of the soul. Are you angry? Have your revenge, says he. Do you desire anything? Get it. Are you afraid? Let us flee. Do you suspect? Entertain no doubts about it. But if he is difficult to detect in thus playing upon our passions, since they often overthrow reason by their intensity and strength, he will give a handle to find him out in smaller matters, being consistent in them too. For if anyone feels a little uneasy after a surfeit or excess in drink, and so is a little particular about his food and doubts the advisability of taking a bath, a friend will try and check him from excess, and bid him be careful and not indulge, whereas the flatterer will drag him to the bath, bid him serve up some fresh food, and not starve himself and so injure his constitution. And if he see him reluctant about a journey or voyage or some business or other, he will say that there is no hurry, that it&#039;s all one whether the business be put off, or somebody else despatched to look after it. And if you have promised to lend or give some money to a friend, but have repented of your offer, and yet feel ashamed not to keep your promise, the flatterer will throw&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_178&amp;quot;&amp;gt;178&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; his influence into the worse scale, he will confirm your desire to save your purse, he will destroy your reluctance, and will bid you be careful as having many expenses, and others to think about besides that person. And so, unless we are entirely ignorant of our desires, our shamelessness, and our timidity, the flatterer cannot easily escape our detection. For he is ever the advocate of those passions, and outspoken when we desire to repress them.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_425_425&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_425_425&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;425&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But so much for this matter.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Now let us pass on to useful and kind services, for in them too the flatterer makes it very difficult and confusing to detect him from the friend, seeming to be zealous and ready on all occasions and never crying off. For, as Euripides says,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_426_426&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_426_426&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;426&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a friend&#039;s behaviour is, &amp;quot;like the utterance of truth, simple,&amp;quot; and plain and inartificial, while that of the flatterer &amp;quot;is in itself unsound, and needs wise remedies,&amp;quot; aye, by Zeus, and many such, and not ordinary ones. As for example in chance meetings the friend often neither speaks nor is spoken to, but merely looks and smiles, and then passes on, showing his inner affection and goodwill only by his countenance, which his friend also reciprocates, but the flatterer runs up, follows, holds out his hand at a distance, and if he is seen and addressed first, frequently protests with oaths, and calls witnesses to prove, that he did not see you. So in business friends neglect many unimportant points, are not too punctilious and officious, and do not thrust themselves upon every service, but the flatterer is persevering and unceasing and indefatigable in it, giving nobody else either room or place to help, but putting himself wholly at your disposal, and if you will not find him something to do for you, he is troubled, nay rather altogether dejected and lamenting loudly.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_427_427&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_427_427&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;427&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; To all sensible people all this is an indication, not of true or sober friendship, but of a meretricious one, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_179&amp;quot;&amp;gt;179&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;that embraces you more warmly than there is any occasion for. Nevertheless let us first look at the difference between the friend and flatterer in their promises. For it has been well said by those who have handled this subject before us, that the friend&#039;s promise is,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;If I can do it, and &#039;tis to be done,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;but the flatterer&#039;s is,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Speak out your mind, whate&#039;er it is, to me.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_428_428&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_428_428&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;428&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the comic dramatists put such fellows on the stage,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Nicomachus, pit me against that soldier,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;See if I beat him not into a jelly,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And make his face e&#039;en softer than a sponge.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_429_429&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_429_429&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;429&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the next place no friend participates in any matter, unless he has first been asked his advice, and put the matter to the test, and set it on a suitable and expedient basis. But the flatterer, if anyone allows him to examine a matter and give his opinion on it, not only wishes to gratify him by compliance, but also fearing to be looked upon with suspicion as unwilling and reluctant to engage in the business, gives in to and even urges on his friend&#039;s desire. For there is hardly any king or rich man who would say,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;O that a beggar I could find, or worse&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Than beggar, if, with good intent to me,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;He would lay bare his heart boldly and honestly;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_430_430&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_430_430&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;430&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;but, like the tragedians, they require a chorus of sympathizing friends, or the applause of a theatre. And so Merope gives the following advice in the tragedy,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Choose you for friends those who will speak their mind,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For those bad men that only speak to please&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;See that you bolt and bar out of your house.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_431_431&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_431_431&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;431&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But they act just the contrary, for they turn away with horror from those who speak their mind, and hold different &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_180&amp;quot;&amp;gt;180&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;views as to what is expedient, while they welcome those bad and illiberal impostors (that only speak to please them) not only within their houses, but also to their affections and secrets. Now the simpler of these do not think right or claim to advise you in important matters, but only to assist in the carrying out of them: but the more cunning one stands by during the discussion, and knits his brows, and nods assent with his head, but says nothing, but if his friend express an opinion, he then says, &amp;quot;Hercules, you only just anticipated me, I was about to make that very remark.&amp;quot; For as the mathematicians tell us that surfaces and lines neither bend nor extend nor move of themselves, being without body and only perceived by the mind, but only bend and extend and change their position with the bodies whose extremities they are: so you will catch the flatterer ever assenting with, and agreeing with, aye, and feeling with, and being angry with, another, so easy of detection in all these points of view is the difference between the friend and the flatterer. Moreover as regards the kind of good service. For the favour done by a friend, as the principal strength of an animal is within, is not for display or ostentation, but frequently as a doctor cures his patient imperceptibly, so a friend benefits by his intervention, or by paying off creditors, or by managing his friend&#039;s affairs, even though the person who receives the benefit may not be aware of it. Such was the behaviour of Arcesilaus on various occasions, and when Apelles&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_432_432&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_432_432&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;432&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Chios was ill, knowing his poverty, he took with him twenty drachmæ when he visited him, and sitting down beside him he said, &amp;quot;There is nothing here but those elements of Empedocles, &#039;fire and water and earth and balmy expanse of air,&#039; but you don&#039;t lie very comfortably,&amp;quot; and with that he moved his pillow, and privately put the money under it. And when his old housekeeper found it, and wonderingly told Apelles of it, he laughed and said, &amp;quot;This is some trick of Arcesilaus.&amp;quot; And the saying is also true in philosophy that &amp;quot;children are like their parents.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_433_433&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_433_433&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;433&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_181&amp;quot;&amp;gt;181&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;when Cephisocrates had to stand his trial on a bill of indictment, Lacydes (who was an intimate friend of Arcesilaus) stood by him with several other friends, and when the prosecutor asked for his ring, which was the principal evidence against him, Cephisocrates quietly dropped it on the ground, and Lacydes noticing this put his foot on it and so hid it. And after sentence was pronounced in his favour, Cephisocrates going up to thank the jury, one of them who had seen the artifice told him to thank Lacydes, and related to him all the matter, though Lacydes had not said a word about it to anybody. So also I think the gods do often perform benefits secretly, taking a natural delight in bestowing their favours and bounties.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_434_434&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_434_434&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;434&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But the good service of the flatterer has no justice, or genuineness, or simplicity, or liberality about it; but is accompanied with sweat, and running about, and noise, and knitting of the brow, creating an impression and appearance of toilsome and bustling service, like a painting over-curiously wrought in bold colours, and with bent folds wrinkles and angles, to make the closer resemblance to life. Moreover he tires one by relating what journeys and anxieties he has had over the matter, how many enemies he has made over it, the thousand bothers and annoyances he has gone through, so that you say, &amp;quot;The affair was not worth all this trouble.&amp;quot; For being reminded of any favour done to one is always unpleasant and disagreeable and insufferable:&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_435_435&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_435_435&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;435&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but the flatterer not only reminds us of his services afterwards, but even during the very moment of doing them upbraids us with them and is importunate. But the friend, if he is obliged to mention the matter, relates it modestly, and says not a word about himself. And so, when the Lacedæmonians sent corn to the people of Smyrna that needed it, and the people of Smyrna wondered at their kindness, the Lacedæmonians said, &amp;quot;It was no great matter, we only voted that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_182&amp;quot;&amp;gt;182&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;we and our beasts of burden should go without our dinner one day, and sent what was so saved to you.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_436_436&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_436_436&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;436&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Not only is it handsome to do a favour in that way, but it is more pleasant to the receivers of it, because they think those who have done them the service have done it at no great loss to themselves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxiii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But it is not so much by the importunity of the flatterer in regard to services, nor by his facility in making promises, that one can recognize his nature, as by the honourable or dishonourable kind of service, and by the regard to please or to be of real use. For the friend is not as Gorgias defined him, one who will ask his friend to help him in what is right, while he will himself do many services for his friend that are not right.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;For friend should share in good not in bad action.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_437_437&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_437_437&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;437&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He will therefore rather try and turn him away from what is not becoming, and if he cannot persuade him, good is that answer of Phocion to Antipater, &amp;quot;You cannot have me both as friend and flatterer,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_438_438&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_438_438&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;438&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that is, as friend and no friend. For one must indeed assist one&#039;s friend but not do anything wrong for him, one must advise with him but not plot with him, one must bear witness for him but not join him in fraud, one must certainly share adversity with him but not crime. For since we should not wish even to know of our friends&#039; dishonourable acts, much less should we desire to share their dishonour by acting with them. As then the Lacedæmonians, when conquered in battle by Antipater, on settling the terms of peace, begged that he would lay upon them what burdens he pleased, provided he enjoined nothing dishonourable, so the friend, if any necessity arise involving expense or danger or trouble, is the first to desire to be applied to and share in it with alacrity and without crying off, but if there be anything disgraceful in connection with it he begs to have nothing to do with it. The flatterer on the contrary cries off from &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_183&amp;quot;&amp;gt;183&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;toilsome and dangerous employments, and if you put him to the test by ringing him,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_439_439&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_439_439&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;439&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he returns a hollow and spurious sound, and finds some excuse; whereas use him in disgraceful and low and disreputable service, and trample upon him, he will think no treatment too bad or ignominious. Have you observed the ape? He cannot guard the house like the dog, nor bear burdens like the horse, nor plough like the ox, so he has to bear insult and ribaldry, and put up with being made sport of, exhibiting himself as an instrument to produce laughter. So too the flatterer, who can neither advocate your cause, nor give you useful counsel, nor share in your contention with anybody, but shirks all labour and toil, never makes any excuses in underhand transactions, is sure to lend a helping hand in any love affair, is energetic in setting free some harlot, and not careless in clearing off the account of a drinking score, nor remiss in making preparations for banquets, and obsequious to concubines, but if ordered to be uncivil to your relations, or to help in turning your wife out of doors, he is relentless and not to be put out of countenance. So that he is not hard to detect here too. For if ordered to do anything you please disreputable or dishonourable, he is ready to take any pains to oblige you.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxiv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; One might detect again how greatly the flatterer differs from the friend by his behaviour to other friends. For the friend is best pleased with loving and being beloved by many, and also always tries to contrive for his friend that he too may be much loved and honoured, for he believes in the proverb &amp;quot;the goods of friends are common property,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_440_440&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_440_440&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;440&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and thinks it ought to apply to nothing more than to friends; but the false and spurious and counterfeit friend, knowing how much he debases friendship, like debased and spurious coin, is not only by nature envious, but shows his envy even of those who are like himself, striving to outdo them in scurrility and gossip, while he quakes and trembles at any of his betters, not by Zeus &amp;quot;merely walking on foot by their Lydian chariot,&amp;quot; but, to use the language of Simonides, &amp;quot;not even, having pure lead by &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_184&amp;quot;&amp;gt;184&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; comparison with their refined gold.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_441_441&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_441_441&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;441&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Whenever then, being light and counterfeit and false, he is put to the test at close quarters with a true and solid and cast-iron friendship, he cannot stand the test but is detected at once, and imitates the conduct of the painter that painted some wretched cocks, for he ordered his lad to scare away all live cocks as far from his picture as possible. So he too scares away real friends and will not let them come near if he can help it, but if he cannot prevent that, he openly fawns upon them, and courts them, and admires them as his betters, but privately runs them down and spreads calumnies about them. And when secret detraction has produced a sore feeling,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_442_442&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_442_442&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;442&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; if he has not effected his end completely, he remembers and observes the teaching of Medius, who was the chief of Alexander&#039;s flatterers, and a leading sophist in conspiracy against the best men. He bade people confidently sow their calumny broadcast and bite with it, teaching them that even if the person injured should heal his sore, the scar of the calumny would remain. Consumed by these scars, or rather gangrenes and cancers, Alexander put to death Callisthenes, and Parmenio, and Philotas; while he himself submitted to be completely outwitted by such as Agnon, and Bagoas, and Agesias, and Demetrius, who worshipped him and tricked him up and feigned him to be a barbaric god. So great is the power of flattery, and nowhere greater, as it seems, than among the greatest people. For their thinking and wishing the best about themselves makes them credit the flatterer, and gives him courage.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_443_443&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_443_443&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;443&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For lofty heights are difficult of approach and hard to reach for those who &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_185&amp;quot;&amp;gt;185&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;endeavour to scale them, but the highmindedness and conceit of a person thrown off his balance by good fortune or good natural parts is easily reached by mean and petty people.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And so we advised at the beginning of this discourse, and now advise again, to cut off self-love and too high an opinion of ourselves; for that flatters us first, and makes us more impressionable and prepared for external flatterers. But if we hearken to the god, and recognize the immense importance to everyone of that saying, &amp;quot;Know thyself,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_444_444&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_444_444&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;444&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and at the same time carefully observe our nature and education and training, with its thousand shortcomings in respect to good, and the large proportion of vice and vanity mixed up with our words and deeds and feelings, we shall not make ourselves so easy a mark for flatterers. Alexander said that he disbelieved those who called him a god chiefly in regard to sleep and the sexual delight, for in both those things he was more ignoble and emotional than in other respects.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_445_445&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_445_445&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;445&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So we, if we observe the blots, blemishes, shortcomings, and imperfections of our private selves, shall perceive clearly that we do not need a friend who shall bestow upon us praise and panegyric, but one that will reprove us, and speak plainly to us, aye, by Zeus, and censure us if we have done amiss. For it is only a few out of many that venture to speak plainly to their friends rather than gratify them, and even among those few you will not easily find any who know how to do so properly, for they think they are outspoken when they abuse and scold. And yet, just as in the case of any other medicine, to employ freedom of speech unseasonably is only to give needless pain and trouble, and in a manner to do so as to produce vexation the very thing the flatterer does so as to produce pleasure. For it does people harm not only to praise them unseasonably but also to blame them unseasonably, and especially exposes them to the successful attack of flatterers, for, like water, they abandon the rugged hills for the soft grassy valleys. And so outspokenness ought to be tempered with kindness, and reason ought to be called in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_186&amp;quot;&amp;gt;186&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to correct its excessive tartness, (as we tone down the too powerful glare of a lamp), that people may not, by being troubled and grieved at continual blame and rebuke, fly for refuge to the shade of the flatterer, and turn aside to him to free themselves from annoyance. For we ought, Philopappus, to banish all vice by virtue, not by the opposite vice, as some hold,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_446_446&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_446_446&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;446&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; by exchanging modesty for impudence, and countrified ways for town ribaldry, and by removing their character as far as possible from cowardice and effeminacy, even if that should make people get very near to audacity and foolhardiness. And some even make superstition a plea for atheism, and stupidity a plea for knavery, perverting their nature, like a stick bent double, from inability to set it straight. But the basest disowning of flattery is to be disagreeable without any purpose in view, and it shows an altogether inelegant and clumsy unfitness for social intercourse to shun by unpleasing moroseness the suspicion of being mean and servile in friendship; like the freedman in the comedy who thought railing only enjoying freedom of speech. Seeing then, that it is equally disgraceful to become a flatterer through trying only to please, as in avoiding flattery to destroy all friendship and intimacy by excessive freedom of speech, we must avoid both these extremes, and, as in any other case, make our freedom of speech agreeable by its moderation. So the subject itself seems next to demand that I should conclude it by discussing that point.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxvi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; As then we see that much trouble arises from excessive freedom of speech, let us first of all detach from it any element of self-love, being carefully on our guard that we may not appear to upbraid on account of any private hurt or injury. For people do not regard a speech on the speaker&#039;s own behalf as arising from goodwill, but from anger, and reproach rather than admonition. For freedom in speech is friendly and has weight, but reproach is selfish and little. And so people respect and admire those that speak their mind freely, but accuse back and despise those that reproach them: as Agamemnon would not stand the moderate freedom of speech of Achilles, but &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_187&amp;quot;&amp;gt;187&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;submitted to and endured the bitter attack and speech of Odysseus,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Pernicious chief, would that thou didst command&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Some sorry host, and not such men as these!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_447_447&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_447_447&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;447&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;for he was restrained by the carefulness and sobriety of his speech, and also Odysseus had no private motive of anger but only spoke out on behalf of Greece,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_448_448&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_448_448&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;448&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; whereas Achilles seemed rather vexed on his own account. And Achilles himself, though not sweet-tempered or mild of mood, but &amp;quot;a terrible man, and one that would perchance blame an innocent person,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_449_449&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_449_449&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;449&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; yet silently listened to Patroclus bringing against him many such charges as the following,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Pitiless one, thy sire never was&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Knight Peleus, nor thy mother gentle Thetis,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But the blue sea and steep and rocky crags&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Thy parents were, so flinty is thy heart.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_450_450&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_450_450&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;450&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For as Hyperides the orator bade the Athenians consider not only whether he spoke bitterly, but whether he spoke so from interested motives,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_451_451&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_451_451&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;451&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; so the rebuke of a friend void of all private feeling is solemn and grave and what one dare not lightly face. And if anyone shows plainly in his freedom of speech, that he altogether passes over and dismisses any offences his friend has done to himself, and only blames him for other shortcomings, and does not spare him but gives him pain for the interests of others, the tone of his outspokenness is invincible, and the sweetness of his manner even intensifies the bitterness and austerity of his rebuke. And so it has well been said, that in anger and differences with our friends we ought more especially to act with a view to their interest or honour. And no less friendly is it, when it appears that we have been passed over and neglected, to boldly put in a word for others that are neglected too, and to remind people of them, as Plato, when he was out of favour with Dionysius, begged for an &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_188&amp;quot;&amp;gt;188&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;audience, and Dionysius granted it, thinking that Plato had some personal grievance and was going to enter into it, but Plato opened the conversation as follows, &amp;quot;If, Dionysius, you knew that some enemy had sailed to Sicily with a view to do you some harm, but found no opportunity, would you allow him to sail back again, and go off scot-free?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Certainly not, Plato,&amp;quot; replied Dionysius, &amp;quot;for we must not only hate and punish the deeds of our enemies, but also their intentions.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;If then,&amp;quot; said Plato, &amp;quot;anyone has come here for your benefit, and wishes to do you good, and you do not find him an opportunity, is it right to let him go away with neglect and without thanks?&amp;quot; And on Dionysius asking, who he meant, he replied, &amp;quot;I mean Æschines, a man of as good a character as any of Socrates&#039; pupils whatever, and able to improve by his conversation any with whom he might associate: and he is neglected, though he has made a long voyage here to discuss philosophy with you.&amp;quot; This speech so affected Dionysius, that he at once threw his arms round Plato and embraced him, admiring his benevolence and loftiness of mind, and treated Æschines well and handsomely.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxvii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; In the next place, let us clear away as it were and remove all insolence, and jeering, and mocking, and ribaldry, which are the evil seasonings of freedom of speech. For as, when the surgeon performs an operation, a certain neatness and delicacy of touch ought to accompany his use of the knife, but all pantomimic and venturesome and fashionable suppleness and over-finicalness ought to be far away from his hand, so freedom of speech admits of dexterity and politeness, provided that a pleasant way of putting it does not destroy the power of the rebuke, for impudence and coarseness and insolence, if added to freedom of speech, entirely mar and ruin the effect. And so the harper plausibly and elegantly silenced Philip, who ventured to dispute with him about proper playing on the harp, by answering him, &amp;quot;God forbid that you should be so unfortunate, O king, as to understand harping better than me.&amp;quot; But that was not a right answer of Epicharmus, when Hiero a few days after putting to death some of his friends invited him to supper, &amp;quot;You did not invite me,&amp;quot; he&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_189&amp;quot;&amp;gt;189&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; said, &amp;quot;the other day, when you sacrificed your friends.&amp;quot; Bad also was that answer of Antiphon, who, when Dionysius asked him &amp;quot;which was the best kind of bronze,&amp;quot; answered, &amp;quot;That of which the Athenians made statues of Harmodius and Aristogiton.&amp;quot; For this unpleasant and bitter kind of language profits not those that use it, nor does scurrility and puerile jesting please, but such kind of speeches are indications of an incontinent tongue inspired by hate, and full of malignity and insolence, and those who use such language do but ruin themselves, recklessly dancing on the verge of a well.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_452_452&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_452_452&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;452&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For Antiphon was put to death by Dionysius, and Timagenes lost the friendship of Augustus, not by using on any occasion too free a tongue, but at supper-parties and walks always declining to talk seriously, &amp;quot;only saying what he knew would make the Argives laugh,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_453_453&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_453_453&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;453&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and thus virtually charging friendship with being only a cloak for abuse. For even the comic poets have introduced on the stage many grave sentiments well adapted to public life, but joking and ribaldry being mixed with them, like insipid sauces with food, destroy their effect and make them lose their nourishing power, so that the comic poets only get a reputation for malignity and coarseness, and the audience get no benefit from what is said. We may on other occasions jest and laugh with our friends, but let our outspokenness be coupled with seriousness and gravity, and if it be on important matters, let our speech be trustworthy and moving from its pathos, and animation, and tone of voice. And on all occasions to let an opportunity slip by is very injurious, but especially does it destroy the usefulness of freedom of speech. It is plain therefore that we must abstain from freedom of speech when men are in their cups. For he disturbs the harmony of a social gathering&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_454_454&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_454_454&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;454&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who, in the midst of mirth and jollity, introduces a topic that shall knit the brows and contract the face, and shall act as a damper to the Lysian&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_455_455&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_455_455&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;455&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_190&amp;quot;&amp;gt;190&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;god, who, as Pindar says, &amp;quot;looses the rope of all our cares and anxieties.&amp;quot; There is also great danger in such ill-timed freedom of speech. For wine makes people easily slip into rage, and oftentimes freedom of speech in liquor makes enemies. And generally speaking it is not noble or brave but cowardly to conceal your ideas when people are sober and to give free vent to them at table, snarling like cowardly dogs. We need say no more therefore on this head.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxviii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But since many people do not think fit or even dare to find fault with their friends when in prosperity, but think that condition altogether out of the reach and range of rebuke, but inveigh against them if they have made a slip or stumble, and trample upon them if they are in dejection and in their power, and, like a stream swollen above its banks, pour upon them then the torrent of all their eloquence,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_456_456&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_456_456&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;456&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and enjoy and are glad at their reverse of fortune, owing to their former contempt of them when they were poor themselves, it is not amiss to discuss this somewhat, and to answer those words of Euripides,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;What need of friends, when things go well with us?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_457_457&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_457_457&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;457&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;for those in prosperity stand in especial need of friends who shall be outspoken to them, and abate their excessive pride. For there are few who are sensible in prosperity, most need to borrow wisdom from others, and such considerations as shall keep them lowly when puffed up and giving themselves airs owing to their good fortune. But when the deity has abased them and stripped them of their conceit, there is something in their very circumstances to reprove them and bring about a change of mind. And so there is no need then of a friendly outspokenness, nor of weighty or caustic words, but truly in such reverses &amp;quot;it is sweet to look into the eyes of a friendly person,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_458_458&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_458_458&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;458&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; consoling &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_191&amp;quot;&amp;gt;191&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and cheering one up: as Xenophon&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_459_459&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_459_459&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;459&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; tells us that the sight of Clearchus in battle and dangers, and his calm benevolent face, inspired courage in his men when in peril. But he who uses to a man in adversity too great freedom and severity of speech, like a man applying too pungent a remedy to an inflamed and angry eye, neither cures him nor abates his pain, but adds anger to his grief, and exasperates his mental distress. For example anyone well is not at all angry or fierce with a friend, who blames him for his excesses with women and wine, his laziness and taking no exercise, his frequent baths, and his unseasonable surfeiting: but to a person ill all this is unsufferable, and even worse than his illness to hear, &amp;quot;All this has happened to you through your intemperance, and luxury, your dainty food, and love for women.&amp;quot; The patient answers, &amp;quot;How unseasonable is all this, good sir! I am making my will, the doctors are preparing me a dose of castor and scammony, and you are scolding me and plying me with philosophy.&amp;quot; And thus the affairs of the unfortunate do not admit of outspokenness and a string of Polonius-like saws, but they require kindness and help. For when children fall down their nurses do not run up to them and scold, but pick them up, and clean them, and tidy their dress, and afterwards find fault and correct them. The story is told of Demetrius of Phalerum, when an exile from his native country, and living a humble and obscure life at Thebes, that he was not pleased to see Crates approaching, for he expected to receive from him cynical outspokenness and harsh language. But as Crates talked kindly to him, and discussed his exile, and pointed out that there was no evil in it, or anything that ought to put him about, for he had only got rid of the uncertainties and dangers of public life, and at the same time bade him trust in himself and his condition of mind, Demetrius cheered up and became happier, and said to his friends, &amp;quot;Out upon all my former business and employments, that left me no leisure to know such a man as this!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;For friendly speech is good to one in grief,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;While bitter language only suits the fool.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_460_460&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_460_460&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;460&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_192&amp;quot;&amp;gt;192&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; This is the way with generous friends. But the ignoble and low flatterers of those in prosperity, as Demosthenes says fractures and sprains always give us pain again when the body is not well,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_461_461&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_461_461&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;461&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; adhere to them in reverses, as if they were pleased at and enjoyed them. But indeed if there be any need of reminding a man of the blunders he committed through unadvisedly following his own counsel, it is enough to say, &amp;quot;This was not to my mind, indeed I often tried to dissuade you from it.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_462_462&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_462_462&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;462&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxix.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; In what cases then ought a friend to be vehement, and when ought he to use emphatic freedom of language? When circumstances call upon him to check some headlong pleasure or rage or insolence, or to curtail avarice, or to correct some foolish negligence. Thus Solon spoke out to Crœsus, who was corrupted and enervated by insecure good fortune, bidding him look to the end.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_463_463&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_463_463&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;463&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thus Socrates restrained Alcibiades, and wrung from him genuine tears by his reproof, and changed his heart.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_464_464&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_464_464&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;464&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Such also was the plain dealing of Cyrus with Cyaxares, and of Plato with Dion, for when Dion was most famous and attracted to himself the notice of all men, by the splendour and greatness of his exploits, Plato warned him to fear and be on his guard against &amp;quot;pleasing only himself, for so he would lose all his friends.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_465_465&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_465_465&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;465&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Speusippus also wrote to him not to plume himself on being a great person only with lads and women, but to see to it that by adorning Sicily with piety and justice and good laws he might make the Academy glorious. On the other hand Euctus and Eulæus, companions of Perseus, in the days of his prosperity ingratiated themselves with him, and assented to him in all things, and danced attendance upon him, like all the other courtiers, but when he fled after his defeat by the Romans at Pydna, they attacked him and censured him bitterly, reminding him and upbraiding him in regard to everything he had done amiss or neglected to do, till he was so greatly &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_193&amp;quot;&amp;gt;193&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;exasperated both from grief and rage that he whipped out his sword and killed both of them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxx.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Let so much suffice for general occasions of freedom of speech. There are also particular occasions, which our friends themselves furnish, that one who really cares for his friends will not neglect, but make use of. In some cases a question, or narrative, or the censure or praise of similar things in other people, gives as it were the cue for freedom of speech. Thus it is related that Demaratus came to Macedonia from Corinth at the time when Philip was at variance with his wife and son, and when the king asked if the Greeks were at harmony with one another, Demaratus, being his well-wisher and friend, answered, &amp;quot;It is certainly very rich of you, Philip, inquiring as to concord between the Athenians and Peloponnesians, when you don&#039;t observe that your own house is full of strife and variance.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_466_466&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_466_466&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;466&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Good also was the answer of Diogenes, who, when Philip was marching to fight against the Greeks, stole into his camp, and was arrested and brought before him, and the king not recognizing him asked if he was a spy, &amp;quot;Certainly,&amp;quot; replied he, &amp;quot;Philip, I have come to spy out your inconsiderate folly, which makes you, under no compulsion, come here and hazard your kingdom and life on a moment&#039;s&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_467_467&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_467_467&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;467&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; cast of the die.&amp;quot; This was perhaps rather too strong a remark.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxxi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Another suitable time for reproof is when people have been abused by others for their faults, and have consequently become humble, and abated their pride. The man of tact will ingeniously seize the occasion, checking and baffling those that used the abuse, but privately speaking seriously to his friend, and reminding him, that he ought to be more careful if for no other reason than to take off the edge of his enemies&#039; satire. He will say, &amp;quot;How can they open their mouths against you, or what can they urge, if you give up and abandon what you get this bad name about?&amp;quot; Thus pain comes only from abuse, but profit from reproof. And some correct their friends more &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_194&amp;quot;&amp;gt;194&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;daintily by blaming others; censuring others for what they know are their friends&#039; faults. Thus my master Ammonius in afternoon school, noticing that some of his pupils had not dined sufficiently simply, bade one of his freedmen scourge his own son, charging him with being unable to get through his dinner without vinegar,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_468_468&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_468_468&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;468&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but in acting thus he had an eye to us, so that this indirect rebuke touched the guilty persons.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxxii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; We must also beware of speaking too freely to a friend in the company of many people, remembering the well-known remark of Plato. For when Socrates reproved one of his friends too vehemently in a discussion at table, Plato said, &amp;quot;Would it not have been better to have said this privately?&amp;quot; Whereupon Socrates replied, &amp;quot;And you too, sir, would it not have become you to make this remark also privately?&amp;quot; And Pythagoras having rebuked one of his pupils somewhat harshly before many people, they say the young fellow went off and hung himself, and from that moment Pythagoras never again rebuked anyone in another&#039;s presence. For, as in the case of some foul disease, so also in the case of wrong-doing we ought to make the detection and exposure private, and not ostentatiously public by bringing witnesses and spectators. For it is not the part of a friend but a sophist to seek glory by the ill-fame of another, and to show off in company, like the doctors that perform wonderful cures in the theatres as an advertisement.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_469_469&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_469_469&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;469&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And independently of the insult, which ought not to be an element in any cure, we must remember that vice is contentious and obstinate. For it is not merely &amp;quot;love,&amp;quot; as Euripides says, that &amp;quot;if checked becomes more vehement,&amp;quot; but an unsparing rebuke before many people makes every infirmity and vice more impudent. As then Plato&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_470_470&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_470_470&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;470&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; urges old men who want to teach the young reverence to act reverently to them first themselves, so among friends a gentle rebuke is gently taken, and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_195&amp;quot;&amp;gt;195&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;a cautious and careful approach and mild censure of the wrong-doer undermines and destroys vice, and makes its own modesty catching. So that line is most excellent, &amp;quot;holding his head near, that the others might not hear.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_471_471&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_471_471&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;471&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And most especially indecorous is it to expose a husband in the hearing of his wife, or a father before his children, or a lover in the presence of the loved one, or a master before his scholars. For people are beside themselves with pain and rage if reproached before those with whom they desire to be held in good repute. And I think it was not so much wine that exasperated Alexander with Clitus, as his seeming to put him down in the presence of many people. And Aristomenes, the tutor of Ptolemy,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_472_472&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_472_472&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;472&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; because he went up to the king and woke him as he was asleep in an audience of some ambassadors, gave a handle to the king&#039;s flatterers who professed to be indignant on his behalf, and said, &amp;quot;If after your immense state-labours and many vigils you have been overpowered by sleep, he ought to have rebuked you privately, and not put his hands upon you before so many people.&amp;quot; And Ptolemy sent for a cup of poison and ordered the poor man to drink it up. And Aristophanes said Cleon blamed him for &amp;quot;railing against the state when strangers were present,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_473_473&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_473_473&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;473&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and so irritating the Athenians. We ought therefore to be very much on our guard in relation to this point too as well as others, if we wish not to make a display and catch the public ear, but to use our freedom of speech for beneficial purposes and to cure vice. Moreover, what Thucydides has represented the Corinthians saying of themselves, that &amp;quot;they had a right to blame their neighbours,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_474_474&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_474_474&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;474&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; is not a bad precept for those to remember who intend to use freedom of speech. Lysander, it seems, on one occasion said to a Megarian, who was speaking somewhat boldly on behalf of Greece among the allies, &amp;quot;Your words require a state to back &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_196&amp;quot;&amp;gt;196&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;them&amp;quot;:&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_475_475&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_475_475&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;475&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; similarly every man&#039;s freedom of speech requires character behind it, and especially true is this in regard to those who censure and correct others. Thus Plato said that his life was a tacit rebuke to Speusippus: and doubtless Xenocrates by his mere presence in the schools, and by his earnest look at Polemo, made a changed man of him. Whereas a man of levity and bad character, if he ventures to rebuke anybody, is likely to hear the line,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;He doctors others, all diseased himself.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_476_476&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_476_476&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;476&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxxiii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yet since circumstances frequently call on people who are bad themselves in association with other such to reprove them, the most convenient mode of reproof will be that which contrives to include the reprover in the same indictment as the reproved, as in the case of the line,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Tydides, how on earth have we forgot&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Our old impetuous courage?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_477_477&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_477_477&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;477&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Now are we all not worth one single Hector.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_478_478&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_478_478&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;478&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In this mild way did Socrates rebuke young men, as not himself without ignorance, but one that needed in common with them to prosecute virtue, and seek truth. For they gain goodwill and influence, who seem to have the same faults as their friends, and desire to correct themselves as well as them. But he who is high and mighty in setting down another, as if he were himself perfect and without any imperfections, unless he be of a very advanced age, or has an acknowledged reputation for virtue and worth, does no good, but is only regarded as a tiresome bore. And so it was wisely done of Phœnix to relate his own mishaps, how he had meant killing his father, but quickly repented at the thought &amp;quot;that he would be called by the Achæans parricide,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_479_479&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_479_479&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;479&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that he might not seem to be rebuking Achilles, as one that had himself never suffered from excess of rage. For kindness of this sort has great influence, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_197&amp;quot;&amp;gt;197&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and people yield more to those who seem to be sympathetic and not supercilious. And since we ought not to expose an inflamed eye to a strong light, and a soul a prey to the passions cannot bear unmixed reproof and rebuke, one of the most useful remedies will be found to be a slight mixture of praise, as in the following lines,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Ye will not sure give up your valiant courage,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The best men in the host! I should not care&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;If any coward left the fight, not I;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But you to do so cuts me to the heart.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_480_480&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_480_480&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;480&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Where is thy bow, where thy wing&#039;d arrows, Pandarus,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Where thy great fame, which no one here can match?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_481_481&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_481_481&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;481&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Such language again plainly cheers very much those that are down as,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Where now is Œdipus, and his famous riddles?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_482_482&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_482_482&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;482&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Does much-enduring Hercules say this?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_483_483&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_483_483&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;483&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For not only does it soften the harsh imperiousness of censure, but also, by reminding a man of former noble deeds, implants a desire to emulate his former self in the person who is ashamed of what is low, and makes himself his own exemplar for better things. But if we make a comparison between him and other men, as his contemporaries, his fellow-citizens, or his relations, then the contentious spirit inherent in vice is vexed and exasperated, and is often apt to chime in angrily, &amp;quot;Why don&#039;t you go off to my betters then, and leave off bothering me?&amp;quot; We must therefore be on our guard against praising others, when we are rebuking a man, unless indeed it be their parents, as Agamemnon says in Homer,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Little like Tydeus is his father&#039;s son!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_484_484&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_484_484&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;484&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;or as Odysseus in the play called &amp;quot;The Scyrians,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_485_485&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_485_485&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;485&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Dost thou card wool, and thus the lustre smirch&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Of thy illustrious sire, thy noble race?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_198&amp;quot;&amp;gt;198&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxxiv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But it is by no means fitting when rebuked to rebuke back, and when spoken to plainly to answer back, for that soon kindles a flame and causes dissension; and generally speaking such altercation will not look so much like a retort as an inability to bear freedom of speech. It is better therefore to listen patiently to a friend&#039;s rebuke, for if he should afterwards do wrong himself and so need rebuke, he has set you the example of freedom of speech. For being reminded without any malice, that he himself has not been accustomed to spare his friends when they have done wrong, but to convince them and show them their fault, he will be the more inclined to yield and give himself up to correction, as it will seem a return of goodwill and kindness rather than scolding or rage.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxxv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Moreover, as Thucydides says &amp;quot;he is well advised who [only] incurs envy in the most important matters,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_486_486&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_486_486&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;486&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; so the friend ought only to take upon himself the unpleasant duty of reproof in grave and momentous cases. For if he is always in a fret and a fume, and rates his acquaintances more like a tutor than a friend, his rebuke will be blunt and ineffective in cases of the highest importance, and he will resemble a doctor who dispenses some sharp and bitter, but important and costly, drug in trifling cases of common occurrence, where it was not at all needed, and so will lose all the advantages that might come from a judicious use of freedom of speech. He will therefore be very much on his guard against continual fault-finding, and if his friend is always pettifogging about minute matters, and is needlessly querulous, it will give him a handle against him in more important shortcomings. Philotimus the doctor, when a patient who had abscesses on his liver showed him his sore finger, said to him, &amp;quot;My friend, it is not the whitlow that matters.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_487_487&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_487_487&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;487&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So an opportunity sometimes offers itself to a friend to say to a man, who is always finding fault on small and trivial points, &amp;quot;Why are we always discussing mere child&#039;s play, tippling,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_488_488&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_488_488&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;488&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_199&amp;quot;&amp;gt;199&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and trifles? Let such a one, my dear sir, send away his mistress, or give up playing at dice, he will then be in my opinion in all respects an excellent fellow.&amp;quot; For he who receives pardon on small matters is content that his friend should rebuke him on matters of more moment: but the man who is ever on the scold, everywhere sour and glum, knowing and prying into everything, is scarcely tolerable to his children or brothers, and insufferable to his slaves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_199a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxxvi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But since &amp;quot;neither,&amp;quot; to use the words of Euripides, &amp;quot;do all troubles proceed only from old age,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_489_489&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_489_489&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;489&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; nor from the stupidity of our friends, we ought to observe not only the shortcomings but also the good points of our friends, aye, by Zeus, and to be ready to praise them first, and only censure them afterwards. For as iron receives its consistency and temper by first being submitted to fire and so made soft and then dipped into cold water, so when friends have been first warmed and melted with praises we can afterwards use gentle remonstrance, which has a similar effect to that of dipping in the case of the metal. For an opportunity will offer itself to say, &amp;quot;Are those actions worthy to be compared with these? Do you see what fruits virtue yields? These are the things we your friends ask of you, these become you, for these you are designed by nature; but all that other kind of conduct we must reject with abhorrence, &#039;cast it away on a mountain, or throw it into the roaring sea.&#039;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_490_490&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_490_490&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;490&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For as a clever doctor would prefer to cure the illness of his patient by sleep and diet rather than by castor or scammony, so a kind friend and good father or teacher delight to use praise rather than blame to correct the character. For nothing makes rebuke less painful or more beneficial than to refrain from anger, and to inveigh against wrong-doing mildly and kindly. And so we ought not sharply to drive home the guilt of those who deny it, or prevent their making their defence, but even contrive to furnish them with specious excuses, and if they seem reluctant to give a bad motive for their action we ought ourselves to find for them a better, as Hector did for his brother Paris,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Unhappy man, thy anger was not good,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_491_491&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_491_491&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;491&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_200&amp;quot;&amp;gt;200&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;suggesting that his absconding from the battle was not running away or cowardice, but only anger. And Nestor says to Agamemnon,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You only yielded to your lofty passion.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_492_492&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_492_492&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;492&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For it has, I think, a better moral tendency to say &amp;quot;You forgot,&amp;quot; or &amp;quot;You did it inadvertently,&amp;quot; than to say &amp;quot;You acted unfairly,&amp;quot; or &amp;quot;You behaved shamefully:&amp;quot; as also &amp;quot;Don&#039;t contend with your brother,&amp;quot; than &amp;quot;Don&#039;t envy your brother;&amp;quot; and &amp;quot;Avoid the woman who is your ruin,&amp;quot; than &amp;quot;Stop ruining the woman.&amp;quot; Such is the language employed in rebuke that desires to reform and not to wound; that rebuke which looks merely at the effect to be produced acts on another principle. For when it is necessary to stop people on the verge of wrong-doing, or to check some violent and irregular impulse, or if we wish to rouse and infuse vigour in those who prosecute virtue only feebly and languidly, we may then assign strange and unbecoming motives for their behaviour. As Odysseus in Sophocles&#039; play,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_493_493&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_493_493&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;493&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; striving to rouse Achilles, says he is not angry about his supper,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_494_494&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_494_494&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;494&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but &amp;quot;that he is afraid now that he looks upon the walls of Troy,&amp;quot; and when Achilles was vexed at this, and talked of sailing home again, he said,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I know what &#039;tis you shun: &#039;tis not ill fame:&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But Hector&#039;s near, it is not safe to beard him.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thus by frightening the high-spirited and courageous man by the imputation of cowardice, and the sober and orderly man by that of licentiousness, and the liberal and munificent man by that of meanness and avarice, people urge them on to what is good, and deter them from what is bad, showing moderation in cases past remedy, and exhibiting in their freedom of speech more sorrow and sympathy than fault-finding; but in the prevention of wrong-doing and in earnest fighting against the passions they are vehement and inexorable and assiduous: for that is the time &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_201&amp;quot;&amp;gt;201&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;for downright plainness and truth. Besides we see that enemies censure one another for what they have done amiss, as Diogenes said,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_495_495&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_495_495&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;495&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he who wished to lead a good life ought to have good friends or red-hot enemies, for the former told you what was right, and the latter blamed you if you did what was wrong. But it is better to be on our guard against wrong actions, through listening to the persuasion of those that advise us well, than to repent, after we have done wrong, in consequence of the reproaches of our enemies. And so we ought to employ tact in our freedom of speech, as it is the greatest and most powerful remedy in friendship, and always needs a well-chosen occasion, and moderation in applying it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxxvii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Since then, as I have said before, freedom of speech is often painful to the person who is to receive benefit from it, we must imitate the surgeons, who, when they have performed an operation, do not leave the suffering part to pain and smart, but bathe and foment it; so those who do their rebuking daintily run&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_496_496&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_496_496&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;496&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; off after paining and smarting, and by different dealing and kind words soothe and mollify them, as statuaries smooth and polish images which have been broken or chipped. But he that is broken and wounded by rebuke, if he is left sullen and swelling with rage and off his equilibrium, is henceforth hard to win back or talk over. And so people who reprove ought to be especially careful on this point, and not to leave them too soon, nor break off their conversation and intercourse with their acquaintances at the exasperating and painful stage.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_348_348&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_348_348&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;348&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plato, &amp;quot;Laws,&amp;quot; v. p. 731 D, E.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_349_349&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_349_349&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;349&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Laws,&amp;quot; v. p. 730 C.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_350_350&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_350_350&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;350&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Inscribed in the vestibule of the temple of Apollo at Delphi. See Pausanias, x. 24.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_351_351&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_351_351&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;351&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Used here apparently proverbially for poverty or low position in life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_352_352&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_352_352&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;352&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Wyttenbach well compares Cicero, &amp;quot;De Amicitia,&amp;quot; xviii.: &amp;quot;Accedat huc suavitas quædam oportet sermonum atque morum, haudquaquam mediocre condimentum amicitiæ. Tristitia autem et in omni re severitas, habet illa quidem gravitatem: sed amicitia remissior esse debet, et liberior, et dulcior, et ad omnem comitatem facilitatemque proclivior.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_353_353&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_353_353&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;353&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Hesiod, &amp;quot;Theogony,&amp;quot; 64.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_354_354&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_354_354&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;354&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Ion,&amp;quot; 732.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_355_355&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_355_355&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;355&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Our author assigns this saying to Prodicus, &amp;quot;De Sanitate Præcepta,&amp;quot; § viii. But to Evenus, &amp;quot;Quæst. Conviv.&amp;quot; Lib. vii. Proœmium, and &amp;quot;Platonicæ Quæstiones,&amp;quot; x. § iii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_356_356&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_356_356&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;356&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As was usual. See Homer, &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; i. 146. Cf. Plautus, &amp;quot;Persa,&amp;quot; v. iii. 16: &amp;quot;Hoc age, accumbe: hunc diem suavem meum natalem agitemus amœnum: date aquam manibus: apponite mensam.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_357_357&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_357_357&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;357&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; From a play of Eupolis called &amp;quot;The Flatterers.&amp;quot; Cf. Terence, &amp;quot;Eunuchus,&amp;quot; 489-491.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_358_358&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_358_358&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;358&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Athenæus, 256 D. Compare also Valerius Maximus, ix. 1.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_359_359&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_359_359&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;359&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Videatur Casaubonus ad Athenæum, vi. p. 243 A.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Wyttenbach.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_360_360&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_360_360&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;360&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Republic,&amp;quot; p. 361 A.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_361_361&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_361_361&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;361&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Herodotus, iii. 78.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_362_362&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_362_362&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;362&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Erasmus, &amp;quot;Adagia,&amp;quot; p. 1883.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_363_363&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_363_363&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;363&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Proverbium etiam a Cicerone laudatum &#039;De Amicitia,&#039; cap. vi.: Itaque non aqua, non igne, ut aiunt, pluribus locis utimur, quam amicitia. Notavit etiam Erasmus &#039;Adag.&#039; p. 112.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Wyttenbach.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_364_364&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_364_364&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;364&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare Sallust, &amp;quot;De Catilinæ Conjuratione,&amp;quot; cap. xx.: &amp;quot;Nam idem velle atque idem nolle, ea demum firma amicitia est.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_365_365&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_365_365&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;365&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Proverbiale, quo utitur Plutarchus in Alcibiade, p. 203 D. Iambus Tragici esse videtur, ad Neoptolemum dictus.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Wyttenbach.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_366_366&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_366_366&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;366&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As the polypus, or chameleon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_367_367&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_367_367&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;367&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plato, &amp;quot;Phædrus,&amp;quot; p. 239 D.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_368_368&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_368_368&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;368&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Wyttenbach compares Juvenal, iii. 100-108.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_369_369&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_369_369&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;369&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See my note &amp;quot;On Abundance of Friends,&amp;quot; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_152a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;§ ix.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Wyttenbach well points out the felicity of the expression here, &amp;quot;siquidem parasitus est άοικος καὶ ἀνέστιος.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_370_370&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_370_370&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;370&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Hippolytus,&amp;quot; 219, 218. Cf. Ovid, &amp;quot;Heroides,&amp;quot; iv. 41, 42.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_371_371&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_371_371&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;371&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare &amp;quot;How one may be aware of one&#039;s progress in virtue,&amp;quot; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_128a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;§ x.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cf. also Horace, &amp;quot;Satires,&amp;quot; ii. iii. 35; Quintilian, xi. 1.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_372_372&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_372_372&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;372&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; xxii. 1.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_373_373&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_373_373&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;373&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The demagogue is a kind of flatterer. See Aristotle, &amp;quot;Pol.&amp;quot; iv. 4.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_374_374&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_374_374&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;374&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cf. Aristophanes, &amp;quot;Acharnians,&amp;quot; 153, ὅπερ μαχιμώτατον θρᾳκῶν ἔθνος.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_375_375&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_375_375&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;375&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plato was somewhat of a traveller, he three times visited Syracuse, and also travelled in Egypt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_376_376&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_376_376&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;376&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As to the polypus, see &amp;quot;On Abundance of Friends,&amp;quot; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_152a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;§ ix.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_377_377&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_377_377&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;377&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As &amp;quot;Fumum et opes &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;strepitumque&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Romæ.&amp;quot;—Horace, &amp;quot;Odes,&amp;quot; iii. 29. 12.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_378_378&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_378_378&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;378&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; xvi. 181.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_379_379&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_379_379&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;379&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sophocles, &amp;quot;Antigone,&amp;quot; 523.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_380_380&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_380_380&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;380&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As to these traits in Plato and Aristotle, compare &amp;quot;De Audiendis Poetis,&amp;quot; § viii. And as to Alexander, Plutarch tells us in his Life that he used to hold his head a little to the left, &amp;quot;Life,&amp;quot; p. 666 B. See also &amp;quot;De Alexandri Fortuna aut Virtute,&amp;quot; § ii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_381_381&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_381_381&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;381&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;De Chamæleonte Aristoteles &#039;Hist. Animal.&#039; i. 11; &#039;Part. Animal.&#039; iv. 11; Theophrastus Eclog. ap. Photium edit. Aristot. Sylburg. T. viii. p. 329: μεταβάλλει δὲ ὁ χαμαιλέων εἰς πάντα τὰ χρώματα· πλὴν τὴν εἰς τὸ λευκὸν και τὸ ἐρυθρὸν οὐ δέχεται μεταβολήν. Similiter Plinius &#039;Hist. Nat.&#039; viii. 51.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Wyttenbach.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_382_382&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_382_382&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;382&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Athenæus, 249 F; 435 E.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_383_383&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_383_383&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;383&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cf. Juv. iii. 113; &amp;quot;Scire volunt secreta domus, atque inde timeri.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_384_384&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_384_384&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;384&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cf. Menander apud Stob. p. 437: Τὰ δεύτερ᾽ αἰεὶ τὴν γυναῖκα δεὶ λέγειν, Τὴν δ᾽ ἡγεμονιαν τῶν ὅλων τὸν ἄνδρ᾽ ἔχειν.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_385_385&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_385_385&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;385&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As Lord Stowell used to say that &amp;quot;dinners lubricated business.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_386_386&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_386_386&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;386&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xi. 643.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_387_387&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_387_387&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;387&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; iv. 178, 179.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_388_388&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_388_388&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;388&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Perhaps the poley-germander. See Pliny, &amp;quot;Nat. Hist,&amp;quot; xxi. 84. The line is from Nicander Theriac. 64.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_389_389&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_389_389&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;389&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; viii. 281, 282.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_390_390&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_390_390&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;390&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; x. 243.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_391_391&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_391_391&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;391&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; vii. 109, 110.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_392_392&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_392_392&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;392&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Xenophon, &amp;quot;Agesilaus,&amp;quot; xi. 5. p. 673 C.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_393_393&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_393_393&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;393&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; To filch the grain from the bin or granary would not of course be so important a theft as to steal the seed-stock preserved for sowing. So probably Cato, &amp;quot;De Re Rustica,&amp;quot; v. § iv.: &amp;quot;Segetem ne defrudet,&amp;quot; sc. villicus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_394_394&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_394_394&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;394&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thucydides, iii. 82.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_395_395&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_395_395&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;395&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plato, &amp;quot;Republic,&amp;quot; v. p. 474 E. Compare also Lucretius, iv. 1160-1170; Horace, &amp;quot;Satires,&amp;quot; i. 3. 38 sq.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_396_396&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_396_396&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;396&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This Ptolemy was a votary of Cybele, and a spiritual ancestor of General Booth. The worship of Cybele is well described by Lucretius, ii. 598-643.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_397_397&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_397_397&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;397&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was Ptolemy Auletes, as the former was Ptolemy Philopator.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_398_398&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_398_398&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;398&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Suetonius, &amp;quot;Nero,&amp;quot; ch. 21.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_399_399&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_399_399&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;399&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Plerumque &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;minuta voce cantillare&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Wyttenbach&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. What Milton would have called &amp;quot;a lean and flashy song.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_400_400&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_400_400&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;400&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Naso suspendit adunco, as Horace, &amp;quot;Sat.&amp;quot; i. 6. 5.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_401_401&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_401_401&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;401&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Athenæus, p. 434 C.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_402_402&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_402_402&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;402&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As Gnatho in Terence, &amp;quot;Eunuch.&amp;quot; 496-498.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_403_403&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_403_403&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;403&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading ἑλών, as Courier, Hercher.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_404_404&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_404_404&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;404&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; x. 249. They are words of Odysseus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_405_405&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_405_405&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;405&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was carrying flattery rather far. &amp;quot;Mithridatis medicinæ scientia multis memorata veterum.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Wyttenbach.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_406_406&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_406_406&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;406&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Alcestis,&amp;quot; 1159.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_407_407&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_407_407&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;407&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Our author gives this definition to Simonides, &amp;quot;De Gloria Atheniensium,&amp;quot; § iii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_408_408&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_408_408&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;408&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So our author again, &amp;quot;On Contentedness of Mind,&amp;quot; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_301a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;§ xii.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_409_409&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_409_409&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;409&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Herodotus, i. 30, 33; Juvenal, x. 274, 275; and Pausanias, ii. 20.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_410_410&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_410_410&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;410&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Nobile Stoæ Paradoxum. Cicero Fin. iii. 22, ex persona Catonis. Horatius ridet Epistol. i. 1. 106-108. Ad summam sapiens uno minor est Jove: dives, Liber, honoratus, pulcher, rex denique regum; Præcipue sanus, nisi quum pituita molesta est.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Wyttenbach.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_411_411&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_411_411&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;411&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See also &amp;quot;On Contentedness of Mind,&amp;quot; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_301a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;§ xii.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_412_412&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_412_412&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;412&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xvi. 141. See the context also from 130 sq.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_413_413&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_413_413&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;413&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Our author has used this illustration again in &amp;quot;Phocion,&amp;quot; p. 742 B.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_414_414&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_414_414&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;414&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Namely in § xxvii. where παῤῥησια is discussed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_415_415&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_415_415&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;415&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Contrary to the severe training he ought to undergo, well expressed by Horace, &amp;quot;De Arte Poetica,&amp;quot; 412-414.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_416_416&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_416_416&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;416&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading with Hercher ἀποτυμπανίζοντος και στρεβλοῦντος. This was Ptolemy Physcon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_417_417&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_417_417&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;417&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Unus ex Alexandri adulatoribus: memoratus Curtio viii. 5, 6.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Wyttenbach.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_418_418&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_418_418&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;418&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A common proverb among the ancients. See &amp;quot;Conjugal Precepts,&amp;quot; § xl.; Erasmus, &amp;quot;Adagia,&amp;quot; pp. 1222, 1838.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_419_419&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_419_419&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;419&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A line out of Æschylus&#039; &amp;quot;Myrmidons.&amp;quot; Quoted again by our author, &amp;quot;Of Love,&amp;quot; § v.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_420_420&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_420_420&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;420&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cleopatra.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_421_421&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_421_421&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;421&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; x. 329. They are the words of Circe to Odysseus. But the line was suspected even by old grammarians, and is put in brackets in modern editions of the &amp;quot;Odyssey.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_422_422&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_422_422&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;422&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Lucretius, iv. 1079-1085.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_423_423&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_423_423&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;423&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So Pliny, &amp;quot;Hist. Nat.&amp;quot; xxv. 95: &amp;quot;Remedio est (cicutæ), priusquam perveniat ad vitalia, vini natura excalfactoria: sed in vino pota irremediabilis existimatur.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_424_424&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_424_424&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;424&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Assigned to Pittacus by our author, &amp;quot;Septem Sapientum Convivium,&amp;quot; § ii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_425_425&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_425_425&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;425&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So Wyttenbach, who reads ἐνστάσεις, and translates, &amp;quot;et libertate loquendi in nobis reprehendendis utitur, quando nos cupiditatibus morbisque animi nostri non indulgere, sed resistere, volumus.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_426_426&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_426_426&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;426&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Phœnissæ,&amp;quot; 469-472.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_427_427&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_427_427&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;427&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Like Juvenal&#039;s &amp;quot;Græculus esuriens in cælum, jusseris, ibit.&amp;quot;—Juvenal, iii, 78.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_428_428&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_428_428&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;428&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; These are two successive lines found three times in Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xiv. 195, 196; xviii. 426, 427; &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; v. 89, 90. The two lines are in each case spoken by one person.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_429_429&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_429_429&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;429&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Probably lines from &amp;quot;The Flatterer&amp;quot; of Menander.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_430_430&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_430_430&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;430&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; From the &amp;quot;Ino&amp;quot; of Euripides.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_431_431&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_431_431&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;431&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; From the &amp;quot;Erechtheus&amp;quot; of Euripides.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_432_432&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_432_432&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;432&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; We know from Athenæus, p. 420 D, that Apelles and Arcesilaus were friends.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_433_433&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_433_433&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;433&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; An allusion to Hesiod, &amp;quot;Works and Days,&amp;quot; 235. Cf. Horace, &amp;quot;Odes,&amp;quot; iv. 5. 23.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_434_434&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_434_434&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;434&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the beautiful story of Baucis and Philemon, Ovid, &amp;quot;Metamorphoses,&amp;quot; viii. 626-724: &amp;quot;Cura pii dis sunt, et qui coluere coluntur.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_435_435&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_435_435&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;435&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare Terence, &amp;quot;Andria,&amp;quot; 43, 44. So too Seneca, &amp;quot;De Beneficiis,&amp;quot; ii. 10: &amp;quot;Hæc enim beneficii inter duos lex est: alter statim oblivisci debet dati, alter accepti nunquam. Lacerat animum et premit frequens meritorum commemoratio.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_436_436&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_436_436&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;436&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A similar story about the Samians and Lacedæmonians is told by Aristotle, &amp;quot;Œconom.&amp;quot; ii. 9.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_437_437&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_437_437&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;437&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A line from Euripides, &amp;quot;Iphigenia in Aulis,&amp;quot; 407.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_438_438&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_438_438&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;438&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Also in &amp;quot;Conjugal Precepts,&amp;quot; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_76a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;§ xxix.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_439_439&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_439_439&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;439&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Persius, iii. 21, 22, with Jahn&#039;s Note.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_440_440&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_440_440&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;440&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See &amp;quot;On Love,&amp;quot; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_61&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;§ xxi.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_441_441&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_441_441&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;441&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Auri plumbique oppositio fere proverbialis est. Petronius, &#039;Satyricon,&#039; 43. Plane fortunæ filius: in manu illius plumbum aureum fiebat.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Wyttenbach.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; The passage about the Lydian chariot is said to be by Pindar in our author, &amp;quot;Nicias,&amp;quot; p. 523 D.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_442_442&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_442_442&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;442&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Wyttenbach compares Seneca, &amp;quot;Epist.&amp;quot; cxxiii. p. 495: &amp;quot;Horum sermo multum nocet: nam etiamsi non statim officit, semina in animo relinquit, sequiturque nos etiam cum ab illis discesserimus, resurrecturum postea malum.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_443_443&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_443_443&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;443&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare Cicero, &amp;quot;De Amicitia,&amp;quot; xxvi.: &amp;quot;Assentatio, quamvis perniciosa sit, nocere tamen nemini potest, nisi ei, qui eam recipit atque ea delectatur. Ita fit, ut is assentatoribus patefaciat aures suas maxime, qui ipse sibi assentetur et se maxime ipse delectet.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_444_444&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_444_444&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;444&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare § i.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_445_445&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_445_445&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;445&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare our Author, &amp;quot;Quaestiones Convivalium,&amp;quot; viii. p. 717 F.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_446_446&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_446_446&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;446&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So Horace, &amp;quot;Satires,&amp;quot; i. 2, 24: &amp;quot;Dum vitant stulti vitia in contraria currunt.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_447_447&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_447_447&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;447&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xiv. 84, 85.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_448_448&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_448_448&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;448&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare Cicero, &amp;quot;De Officiis,&amp;quot; i. 25: &amp;quot;Omnis autem animadversio et castigatio contumelia vacare debet: neque ad ejus, qui punitur aliquem aut verbis fatigat, sed ad reipublicæ utilitatem referri.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_449_449&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_449_449&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;449&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xi. 654.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_450_450&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_450_450&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;450&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xvi. 33-35.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_451_451&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_451_451&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;451&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cf. Plutarch, &amp;quot;Phocion,&amp;quot; p. 746 D.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_452_452&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_452_452&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;452&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A proverb of persons on the brink of destruction. Wells among the ancients were uncovered.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_453_453&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_453_453&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;453&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; ii. 215, of Thersites. As to Theagenes, see Seneca, &amp;quot;De Ira,&amp;quot; ii. 23.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_454_454&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_454_454&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;454&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Literally, &amp;quot;brings a cloud over fair weather.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_455_455&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_455_455&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;455&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The MSS. have Lydian. Lysian Dionysus is also found in Pausanias, ix. 16. Lyæus is suggested by Wyttenbach, and read by Hercher. Lysius or Lyæus will both be connected with λύω, and so refer to Dionysus as the god that looses or frees us from care. See Horace, &amp;quot;Epodes,&amp;quot; ix. 37, 38.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_456_456&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_456_456&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;456&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare Juvenal, iii. 73, 74: &amp;quot;Sermo Promptus et Isæo torrentior.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_457_457&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_457_457&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;457&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Orestes,&amp;quot; 667.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_458_458&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_458_458&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;458&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Ion,&amp;quot; 732.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_459_459&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_459_459&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;459&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Anabasis,&amp;quot; ii. 6, 11.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_460_460&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_460_460&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;460&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Perhaps by Euripides.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_461_461&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_461_461&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;461&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Olynth.&amp;quot; ii. p. 8 C; &amp;quot;Pro Corona,&amp;quot; 341 C.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_462_462&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_462_462&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;462&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; ix. 108, 109. They are the words of Nestor to Agamemnon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_463_463&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_463_463&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;463&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Herodotus, i. 30-32.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_464_464&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_464_464&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;464&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Plato&#039;s &amp;quot;Symposium,&amp;quot; p. 215 E.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_465_465&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_465_465&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;465&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Plato, &amp;quot;Epist.&amp;quot; iv. p. 321 B.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_466_466&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_466_466&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;466&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See our author, &amp;quot;Apophthegmata,&amp;quot; p. 179 C.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_467_467&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_467_467&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;467&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare Horace, &amp;quot;Satires,&amp;quot; i. 1. 7, 8: &amp;quot;Quid enim, concurritur: horæ Momento cita mors venit aut victoria læta.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_468_468&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_468_468&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;468&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And so being dainty. See Athenæus, ii. ch. 76.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_469_469&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_469_469&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;469&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; We see from this and other places that the mountebanks and quacks of the Middle Ages and later times existed also among the ancients. Human nature in its great leading features is ever the same. &amp;quot;Omne ignotum pro magnifico est.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_470_470&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_470_470&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;470&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Laws,&amp;quot; p. 729 C.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_471_471&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_471_471&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;471&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; i. 157; iv. 70; xvii. 592.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_472_472&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_472_472&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;472&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ptolemy V., Epiphanes. The circumstances are related by Polybius, xv. 29; xvii. 35.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_473_473&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_473_473&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;473&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See &amp;quot;Acharnians,&amp;quot; 501, 502.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_474_474&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_474_474&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;474&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thucydides, i. 70: καὶ ἅμα, εἴπερ τινὲς και ἄλλοι, νομίζομεν ἄξιοι εἷναι τοῖς πέλας ψόγον ἐπενεγκεῖν.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_475_475&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_475_475&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;475&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See our Author, &amp;quot;Apophthegmata,&amp;quot; p. 190 E.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_476_476&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_476_476&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;476&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A line of Euripides, quoted again in &amp;quot;How a Man may be benefited by his Enemies,&amp;quot; § iv.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_477_477&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_477_477&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;477&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xi. 313.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_478_478&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_478_478&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;478&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Do. viii. 234, 235.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_479_479&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_479_479&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;479&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Do. ix. 461.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_480_480&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_480_480&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;480&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xiii. 116-119.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_481_481&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_481_481&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;481&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Do. v. 171, 172.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_482_482&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_482_482&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;482&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Phœnissæ,&amp;quot; 1688.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_483_483&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_483_483&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;483&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Hercules Furens,&amp;quot; 1250.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_484_484&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_484_484&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;484&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; v. 800. Athene is the speaker.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_485_485&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_485_485&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;485&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A play by Sophocles, now only in fragments, relating the life of Achilles in the island of Scyros, the scene of his amour with Deidamia, the daughter of Lycomedes, by whom he became the father of Pyrrhus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_486_486&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_486_486&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;486&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thucydides, ii. 64. Quoted again in &amp;quot;On Shyness,&amp;quot; § xviii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_487_487&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_487_487&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;487&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See also &amp;quot;De Audiendo,&amp;quot; § x.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_488_488&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_488_488&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;488&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; πότους comes in rather curiously here. Can any other word lurk under it?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_489_489&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_489_489&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;489&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Phœnissæ,&amp;quot; 528, 529.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_490_490&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_490_490&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;490&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; vi. 347.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_491_491&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_491_491&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;491&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Do. vi. 326.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_492_492&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_492_492&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;492&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; ix. 109, 110.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_493_493&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_493_493&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;493&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In Dindorf&#039;s &amp;quot;Poetæ Scenici Græci,&amp;quot; Fragment 152.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_494_494&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_494_494&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;494&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As it is not quite clear why Achilles should have been angry about his supper, διὰ τὸ δειπνὸν, apropos of the context, Wyttenbach ingeniously suggests, as this lost play of Sophocles was called Συν δεῖπνον, that Plutarch may have written ἐν τῷ Δείπνῳ.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_495_495&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_495_495&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;495&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare &amp;quot;How One may be aware of one&#039;s Progress in Virtue,&amp;quot; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_130a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;§ xi.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_496_496&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_496_496&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;496&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Ductum e proverbiali dictione βαλόντα ἐκφεύγειν, emisso telo aufugere.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Wyttenbach.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_201a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;HOW A MAN MAY BE BENEFITED BY HIS ENEMIES.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;i.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I am well aware, Cornelius Pulcher, that you prefer the mildest manners in public life, by which you can be at once most useful to the community, and most agreeable in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_202&amp;quot;&amp;gt;202&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;private life to those who have any dealings with you. But since it is difficult to find any region without wild beasts, though it is related of Crete;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_497_497&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_497_497&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;497&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and hitherto there has been no state that has not suffered from envy, rivalry, and strife, the most fruitful seeds of hostility; (for, even if nothing else does, our friendships involve us in enmities, as Chilo&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_498_498&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_498_498&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;498&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the wise man perceived, who asked the man who told him he had no enemy, whether he had a friend either), it seems to me that a public man ought not only to examine the whole question of enemies in its various ramifications, but also to listen to the serious remark of Xenophon,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_499_499&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_499_499&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;499&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that a sensible man will receive profit even from his enemies. The ideas therefore that lately occurred to me to deliver, I have now put together nearly in the identical words and send them to you, with the exception of some matter also in &amp;quot;Political Precepts,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_500_500&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_500_500&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;500&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a treatise which I have often noticed in your hands.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; People in old times were well satisfied if they were not injured by strange and wild beasts, and that was the only motive of their fights with them, but those of later days have by now learnt to make use of them, for they feed on their flesh, and clothe themselves with their wool, and make medical use of their gall and beestings, and turn their hides into shields, so that we might reasonably fear, if beasts failed man, that his life would become brutish, and wild, and void of resources. Similarly since all others are satisfied with not being injured by their enemies, but the sensible will also (as Xenophon says) get profit out of them, we must not be incredulous, but seek a method and plan how to obtain this advantage, seeing that life without an enemy is impossible. The husbandman cannot cultivate every tree, nor can the hunter tame every kind of animal, so both seek means to derive profit according to their several necessities, the one from his barren trees, the other from his wild animals. Sea-water also is undrinkable and brackish, but it feeds fish, and is a sort of vehicle to convey and transport travellers anywhere. The Satyr, when he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_203&amp;quot;&amp;gt;203&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;saw fire for the first time, wished to kiss it and embrace it, but Prometheus warned him,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Goat, thou wilt surely mourn thy loss of beard.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_501_501&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_501_501&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;501&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For fire burns whoever touches it, but it also gives light and warmth, and is an instrument of art to all those who know how to use it.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_502_502&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_502_502&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;502&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Consider also in the case of the enemy, if he is in other respects injurious and intractable, he somehow or other gives us a handle to make use of him by, and so is serviceable. And many things are unpleasant and detestable and antagonistic to those to whom they happen, but you must have noticed that some use even illnesses as a period of rest for the body, and others by excessive toil have strengthened and trained their bodily vigour, and some have made exile and the loss of money a passage to leisure and philosophy, as did Diogenes and Crates. And Zeno, when he heard of the wreck of the ship which contained all his property, said, &amp;quot;Thou hast done well, Fortune, to confine me to my threadbare cloak.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_503_503&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_503_503&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;503&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For as those animals that have the strongest and healthiest stomachs eat and digest serpents and scorpions, and some even feed on stones and shells, which they convert into nourishment by the strength and heat of their stomachs, while fastidious people out of health almost vomit if offered bread and wine, so foolish people spoil even their friendships, while the wise know how to turn to account even their enmities.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; In the first place then it seems to me that what is most injurious in enmity may become most useful to those that pay attention to it? To what do I refer? Why, to the way in which your enemy ever wide awake pries into all your affairs, and analyzes your whole life, trying to get a handle against you somewhere, able not only to look through a tree, like Lynceus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_504_504&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_504_504&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;504&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; or through stones and shells, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_204&amp;quot;&amp;gt;204&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;but through your friend and domestic and every intimate acquaintance, as far as possible detecting your doings, and digging and ferreting into your designs. For our friends are ill and often die without our knowing anything about it through our delay and carelessness, but we almost pry into even the dreams of our enemies; and our enemy knows even more than we do ourselves of our diseases and debts and differences with our wives.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_505_505&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_505_505&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;505&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But they pay most attention to our faults and hunt them out: and as vultures follow the scent of putrid carcases, and cannot perceive sound and wholesome ones, so the diseases and vices and crimes of life attract the enemy, and on these those that hate us pounce, these they attack and tear to pieces. Is not this an advantage to us? Certainly it is. For it teaches us to live warily and be on our guard, and neither to do or say anything carelessly or without circumspection, but ever to be vigilant by careful mode of living that we give no handle to an enemy. For the cautiousness that thus represses the passions and follows reason implants a care and determination to live well and without reproach. For as those states that have been sobered by wars with their neighbours and continual campaigns love the blessings of order and peace, so those people who are compelled to lead a sober life owing to their enemies, and to be on their guard against carelessness and negligence, and to do everything with an eye to utility, imperceptibly glide into a faultless mode of life, and tone down their character, even without requiring much assistance from precepts. For those who always remember the line,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Ah! how would Priam and his sons rejoice,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_506_506&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_506_506&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;506&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;are by it diverted from and learn to shun all such things as their enemies would rejoice and laugh at. Again we see actors&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_507_507&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_507_507&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;507&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and singers on the stage oftentimes slack and remiss, and not taking sufficient pains about their performances in the theatres when they have it all to themselves; but when there is a competition and contest with &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_205&amp;quot;&amp;gt;205&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;others, they not only wake up but tune their instruments, and adjust their chords, and play on the flute with more care. Similarly whoever knows that his enemy is antagonistic to his life and character, pays more attention to himself, and watches his behaviour more carefully, and regulates his life. For it is peculiar to vice to be more afraid of enemies than friends in regard to our faults. And so Nasica, when some expressed their opinion that the Roman Republic was now secure, since Carthage was rased to the ground and Achaia reduced to slavery, said, &amp;quot;Nay rather we are now in a critical position, since we have none left to fear or respect.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Consider also that very philosophical and witty answer of Diogenes to the man who asked, &amp;quot;How shall I avenge myself on my enemy?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;By becoming a good and honest man.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_508_508&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_508_508&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;508&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Some people are terribly put about if they see their enemies&#039; horses in a good condition, or hear their dogs praised; if they see their farm well-tilled, their garden well-kept, they groan aloud. What a state think you then they would be in, if you were to exhibit yourself as a just man, sensible and good, in words excellent, in deeds pure, in manner of life decorous, &amp;quot;reaping fruit from the deep soil of the soul, where good counsels grow.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_509_509&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_509_509&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;509&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Pindar says&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_510_510&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_510_510&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;510&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;those that are conquered are reduced to complete silence:&amp;quot; but not absolutely, not all men, only those that see they are outdone by their enemies in industry, in goodness, in magnanimity, in humanity, in kindnesses; these, as Demosthenes says, &amp;quot;stop the tongue, block up the mouth, choke people, and make them silent.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_511_511&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_511_511&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;511&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Be better than the bad: &#039;tis in your power.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_512_512&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_512_512&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;512&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;If you wish to vex the man who hates you, do not abuse him by calling him a pathick, or effeminate, or intemperate, or a low fellow, or illiberal; but be yourself a man, and temperate, and truthful, and kind and just in all your &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_206&amp;quot;&amp;gt;206&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;dealings with those you come across. But if you are tempted to use abuse, mind that you yourself are very far from what you abuse him for, dive down into your own soul, look for any rottenness in yourself, lest someone suggest to you the line of the tragedian,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You doctor others, all diseased yourself.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_513_513&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_513_513&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;513&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;If you say your enemy is uneducated, increase your own love of learning and industry; if you call him coward, stir up the more your own spirit and manliness; and if you say he is wanton and licentious, erase from your own soul any secret trace of the love of pleasure. For nothing is more disgraceful or more unpleasant than slander that recoils on the person who sets it in motion; for as the reflection of light seems most to injure weak eyes, so does censure when it recoils on the censurer, and is borne out by the facts. For as the north-east wind attracts clouds, so does a bad life draw upon itself rebukes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;v.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Whenever Plato was in company with people who behaved in an unseemly manner, he used to say to himself, &amp;quot;Am I such a person as this?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_514_514&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_514_514&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;514&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So he that censures another man&#039;s life, if he straightway examines and mends his own, directing and turning it into the contrary direction, will get some advantage from his censure, which will be otherwise idle and unprofitable. Most people laugh if a bald-pate or hump-back jeer and mock at others who are so too: it is quite as ridiculous to jeer and mock if one lies open to retort oneself, as Leo of Byzantium showed in his answer to the hump-back who jeered at him for weakness of eyes, &amp;quot;You twit me with an infirmity natural to man, while you yourself carry your Nemesis on your back.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_515_515&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_515_515&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;515&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And so do not abuse another as an adulterer, if you yourself are mad after boys: nor as a spendthrift, if you yourself are niggardly. Alcmæon said to Adrastus, &amp;quot;You are near kinsman to a woman that slew her husband.&amp;quot; What &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_207&amp;quot;&amp;gt;207&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;was his reply? He retaliated on him with the appropriate retort, &amp;quot;But you killed with your own hand the mother that bare you.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_516_516&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_516_516&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;516&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And Domitius said to Crassus, &amp;quot;Did you not weep for the lamprey that was bred in your fishpond, and died?&amp;quot; To which Crassus replied, &amp;quot;Did you weep, when you buried your three wives?&amp;quot; He therefore that intends to abuse others must not be witty and noisy and impudent, but a man that does not lie open to counter-abuse and retort, for the god seems to have enjoined upon no one the precept &amp;quot;Know thyself&amp;quot; so much as on the person who is censorious, to prevent people saying just what they please, and hearing what don&#039;t please them. For such a one is wont, as Sophocles&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_517_517&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_517_517&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;517&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; says, &amp;quot;idly letting his tongue flow, to hear against his will, what he willingly says ill of others.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; This use and advantage then there is in abusing one&#039;s enemy, and no less arises from being abused and ill-spoken of oneself by one&#039;s enemies. And so Antisthenes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_518_518&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_518_518&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;518&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; said well that those who wish to lead a good life ought to have genuine friends or red-hot enemies; for the former deterred you from what was wrong by reproof, the latter by abuse. But since friendship has nowadays become very mealy-mouthed in freedom of speech, voluble in flattery and silent in rebuke, we can only hear the truth from our enemies. For as Telephus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_519_519&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_519_519&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;519&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; having no surgeon of his own, submitted his wound to be cured by his enemy&#039;s spear, so those who cannot procure friendly rebuke must content themselves with the censure of an enemy that hates them, reprehending and castigating their vices, and regard not the animus of the person, but only his matter. For as he who intended to kill the Thessalian Prometheus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_520_520&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_520_520&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;520&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_208&amp;quot;&amp;gt;208&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;only stabbed a tumour, and so lanced it that the man&#039;s life was saved, and he was rid of the tumour by its bursting, so oftentimes abuse, suddenly thrust on a man in anger or hatred, has cured some disease in his soul which he was ignorant of or neglected. But most people when they are abused do not consider whether the abuse really belongs to them properly, but look round to see what abuse they can heap on the abuser, and, as wrestlers get smothered with the dust of the arena, do not wipe off the abuse hurled at themselves, but bespatter others, and at last get on both sides grimy and discoloured. But if anyone gets a bad name from an enemy, he ought to clear himself of the imputation even more than he would remove any stain on his clothes that was pointed out to him; and if it be wholly untrue, yet he ought to investigate what originated the charge, and to be on his guard and be afraid lest he had unawares done something very near akin to what was imputed to him. As Lacydes, the king of the Argives, by the way he wore his hair and by his mincing walk got charged with effeminacy: and Pompey&#039;s scratching his head with one finger was construed in the same way, though both these men were very far from effeminacy or wantonness. And Crassus was accused of an intrigue with one of the Vestal Virgins, because he wished to purchase from her a pleasant estate, and therefore frequently visited her and waited upon her. And Postumia, from her readiness to laugh and talk somewhat freely with men, got accused and even had to stand her trial for incest,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_521_521&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_521_521&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;521&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but was, however, acquitted of that charge: but Spurius Minucius the Pontif ex Maximus, when he pronounced her innocent, urged her not to be freer in her words than she was in her life. And though Themistocles&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_522_522&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_522_522&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;522&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was guiltless of treason, his intimacy with Pausanias, and the letters and messages that frequently passed between them, laid him under suspicion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_208a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Whenever therefore any false charge is made against us, we ought not merely to despise and neglect it as false, but to see what word or action, either in jest or earnest, has made the charge seem probable, and this we &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_209&amp;quot;&amp;gt;209&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;must for the future be earnestly on our guard against and shun. For if others falling into unforeseen trouble and difficulties teach us what is expedient, as Merope says,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Fortune has made me wise, though she has ta&#039;en&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;My dearest ones as wages,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_523_523&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_523_523&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;523&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;why should we not take an enemy, and pay him no wages, to teach us, and give us profit and instruction, in matters which had escaped our notice? For an enemy has keener perception than a friend, for, as Plato&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_524_524&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_524_524&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;524&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; says, &amp;quot;the lover is blind as respects the loved one,&amp;quot; and hatred is both curious and talkative. Hiero was twitted by one of his enemies for his foul breath, so he went home and said to his wife, &amp;quot;How is this? You never told me of it.&amp;quot; But she being chaste and innocent replied, &amp;quot;I thought all men&#039;s breath was like that.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_525_525&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_525_525&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;525&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thus perceptible and material things, and things that are plain to everybody, are sooner learnt from enemies than from friends and intimates.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;viii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Moreover to keep the tongue well under control, no small factor in moral excellence, and to make it always obedient and submissive to reason, is not possible, unless by practice and attention and painstaking a man has subdued his worst passions, as for example anger. For such expressions as &amp;quot;a word uttered involuntarily,&amp;quot; and &amp;quot;escaping the barrier of the teeth,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_526_526&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_526_526&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;526&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and &amp;quot;words darting forth spontaneously,&amp;quot; well illustrate what happens in the case of ill-disciplined souls, ever wavering and in an unsettled condition through infirmity of temper, through unbridled fancy, or through faulty education. But, according to divine Plato,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_527_527&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_527_527&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;527&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; though a word seems a very trivial matter, the heaviest penalty follows upon it both from gods and men. But silence can never be called to account, is not only not thirsty, to borrow the language of Hippocrates, but when abused is dignified and Socratic, or rather Herculean, if indeed it was Hercules who said,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Sharp words he heeded not so much as flies.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_528_528&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_528_528&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;528&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_210&amp;quot;&amp;gt;210&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Not more dignified and noble than this is it to keep silent when an enemy reviles you, &amp;quot;as one swims by a smooth and mocking cliff,&amp;quot; but in practice it is better. If you accustom yourself to bear silently the abuse of an enemy, you will very easily bear the attack of a scolding wife, and will remain undisturbed when you hear the sharp language of a friend or brother, and will be calm and placid when you are beaten or have something thrown at your head by your father or mother. For Socrates put up with Xanthippe, a passionate and forward woman, which made him a more easy companion with others, as being accustomed to submit to her caprices; and it is far better to train and accustom the temper to bear quietly the insults and rages and jeers and taunts of enemies and estranged persons, and not to be distressed at it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ix.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Thus then must we exhibit in our enmities meekness and forbearance, and in our friendships still more simplicity and magnanimity and kindness. For it is not so graceful to do a friend a service, as disgraceful to refuse to do so at his request; and not to revenge oneself on an enemy when opportunity offers is generous. But the man who sympathizes with his enemy in affliction, and assists him in distress, and readily holds out a helping hand to his children and family and their fortunes when in a low condition, whoever does not admire such a man for his humanity, and praise his benevolence,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;He has a black heart made of adamant&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Or iron or bronze.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_529_529&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_529_529&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;529&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When Cæsar ordered the statues of Pompey that had been thrown down to be put up again,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_530_530&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_530_530&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;530&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cicero said, &amp;quot;You have set up again Pompey&#039;s statues, and in so doing have erected statues to yourself.&amp;quot; We ought not therefore to be niggardly in our praise and honour of an enemy that deserves a good name. For he who praises another receives on that account greater praise himself, and is the more credited on another occasion when he finds fault, as not having any personal ill-feeling against the man, but only &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_211&amp;quot;&amp;gt;211&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;disapproving of his act; and what is most noble and advantageous, the man who is accustomed to praise his enemies, and not to be vexed or malignant at their prosperity, is as far as possible from envying the good fortune of his friends, and the success of his intimates. And yet what practice will be more beneficial to our minds, or bring about a happier disposition, than that which banishes from us all jealousy and envy? For as in war many necessary things, otherwise bad, are customary and have as it were the sanction of law, so that they cannot be abolished in spite of the injury they do, so enmity drags along in its train hatred, and envy, and jealousy, and malignity, and revenge, and stamps them on the character. Moreover knavery, and deceit, and villainy, that seem neither bad nor unfair if employed against an enemy, if they once get planted in the mind are difficult to dislodge; and eventually from force of habit get used also against friends, unless they are forewarned and forearmed through their previous acquaintance with the tricks of enemies. If then Pythagoras,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_531_531&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_531_531&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;531&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; accustoming his disciples to abstain from all cruelty and inhumanity to the brute creation, did right to discountenance bird-fowling, and to buy up draughts of fishes and bid them be thrown into the water again, and to forbid killing any but wild animals, much more noble is it, in dissensions and differences with human beings, to be a generous, just and true enemy, and to check and tame all bad and low and knavish propensities, that in all intercourse with friends a man may keep the peace and abstain from doing an injury. Scaurus was an enemy and accuser of Domitius, but when one of Domitius&#039; slaves came to him to reveal some important matters which were unknown to Scaurus, he would not hear him, but seized him and sent him back to his master. And when Cato was prosecuting Murena for canvassing, and was getting together his evidence, he was accompanied as was usual by people who watched what he was doing,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_532_532&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_532_532&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;532&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and would often ask him if he intended that day to get together his witnesses and open the case, and if he said &amp;quot;No,&amp;quot; they believed him and went &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_212&amp;quot;&amp;gt;212&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;their way. All this is the greatest proof of the credit which was reposed in Cato, but it is better and more important, that we should accustom ourselves to deal justly even with our enemies, and then there will be no fear that we should ever act unjustly and treacherously to our friends and intimates.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;x.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But since, as Simonides says, &amp;quot;all larks must have their crests,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_533_533&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_533_533&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;533&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and every man&#039;s nature contains in it pugnacity and jealousy and envy, which last is, as Pindar says, &amp;quot;the companion of empty-headed men,&amp;quot; one might get considerable advantage by purging oneself of those passions against enemies, and by diverting them, like sewers, as far as possible from companions and friends.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_534_534&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_534_534&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;534&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And this it seems the statesmanlike Onomademus had remarked, for being on the victorious side in a disturbance at Chios, he urged his party not to expel all of the different faction, but to leave some, &amp;quot;in order,&amp;quot; he said, &amp;quot;that we may not begin to quarrel with our friends, when we have got entirely rid of our enemies.&amp;quot; So too our expending these passions entirely on our enemies will give less trouble to our friends. For it ought not to be, as Hesiod&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_535_535&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_535_535&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;535&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; says, that &amp;quot;potter envies potter, and singer envies singer, and neighbour neighbour,&amp;quot; and cousin cousin, and brother brother, &amp;quot;if hastening to get rich&amp;quot; and enjoying prosperity. But if there is no other way to get rid of strife and envy and quarrels, accustom yourself to be vexed at your enemies&#039; good fortune, and sharpen and accentuate on them your acerbity. For as judicious gardeners think they produce finer roses and violets by planting alongside of them garlic and onions, that any bitter or strong elements may be transferred to them, so your enemy&#039;s getting and attracting your envy and malignity will render you kinder and more agreeable to your prosperous friends. And so let us be rivals of our enemies for glory or office or righteous gain, not only being vexed if they get ahead of us, but also carefully observing all the steps by which they get ahead, and trying to outdo &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_213&amp;quot;&amp;gt;213&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;them in industry, and hard work, and soberness, and prudence; as Themistocles said Miltiades&#039; victory at Marathon would not let him sleep.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_536_536&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_536_536&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;536&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For he who thinks his enemy gets before him in offices, or advocacies, or state affairs, or in favour with his friends or great men, if from action and emulation he sinks into envy and despondency, makes his life become idle and inoperative. But he who is not blinded by hate,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_537_537&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_537_537&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;537&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but a discerning spectator of life and character and words and deeds, will perceive that most of what he envies comes to those who have them from diligence and prudence and good actions, and exerting himself in the same direction he will increase his love of what is honourable and noble, and will eradicate his vanity and sloth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But if our enemies seem to us to have got either by flattery, or fraud, or bribery, or venal services, ill-got and discreditable power at court or in state, it ought not to trouble us but rather inspire pleasure in us, when we compare our own liberty and purity and independence of life. For, as Plato&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_538_538&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_538_538&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;538&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; says, &amp;quot;all the gold above or below the earth is not of equal value with virtue.&amp;quot; And we ought ever to remember the precept of Solon, &amp;quot;We will not exchange our virtue for others&#039; wealth.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_539_539&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_539_539&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;539&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Nor will we give up our virtue for the applause of banqueting theatres, nor for honours and chief seats among eunuchs and harlots, nor to be monarchs&#039; satraps; for nothing is to be desired or noble that comes from what is bad. But since, as Plato&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_540_540&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_540_540&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;540&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; says, &amp;quot;the lover is blind as respects the loved one,&amp;quot; and we notice more what our enemies do amiss, we ought not to let either our joy at their faults or our grief at their success be idle, but in either case we ought to reflect, how we may become better than them by avoiding their errors, and by imitating their virtues not come short of them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_497_497&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_497_497&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;497&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So Pliny, viii. 83: &amp;quot;In Creta Insula non vulpes ursive, atque omnino millum maleficum animal præter phalangium.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_498_498&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_498_498&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;498&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the same remark of Chilo, &amp;quot;On Abundance of Friends,&amp;quot; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_149a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;§ vi.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_499_499&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_499_499&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;499&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Œconom.&amp;quot; i. 15.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_500_500&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_500_500&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;500&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A treatise of Plutarch still extant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_501_501&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_501_501&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;501&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A line from a lost Satyric Play of Æschylus, called &amp;quot;Prometheus Purphoros.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_502_502&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_502_502&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;502&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So fire is called πάντεχνον in Æschylus, &amp;quot;Prometheus Desmotes,&amp;quot; 7.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_503_503&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_503_503&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;503&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare Seneca, &amp;quot;De Animi Tranquillitate,&amp;quot; cap. xiii.: &amp;quot;Zeno noster cum omnia sua audiret submersa, Jubet, inquit, me fortuna expeditius philosophari.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_504_504&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_504_504&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;504&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Horace, &amp;quot;Epistles,&amp;quot; i. I. 28; Pausanias, iv. 2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_505_505&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_505_505&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;505&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Plautus, &amp;quot;Trinummus,&amp;quot; 205-211.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_506_506&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_506_506&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;506&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; i. 255.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_507_507&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_507_507&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;507&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Literally &amp;quot;the artists of Dionysus.&amp;quot; We know what they were from our author&#039;s &amp;quot;Quæstiones Romanæ,&amp;quot; § 107: διὰ τί τοὺς περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον τεχνίτας ἱστρίωνας ῾Ρωμαῖοι καλοῦσιν;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_508_508&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_508_508&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;508&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare &amp;quot;De Audiendis Poetis,&amp;quot; § iv.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_509_509&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_509_509&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;509&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Æschylus, &amp;quot;Septem contra Thebas,&amp;quot; 593, 594.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_510_510&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_510_510&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;510&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Pindar, &amp;quot;Fragm.&amp;quot; 253.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_511_511&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_511_511&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;511&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Demosthenes, &amp;quot;De Falsa Legatione,&amp;quot; p. 406.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_512_512&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_512_512&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;512&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Orestes,&amp;quot; 251.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_513_513&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_513_513&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;513&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A line from Euripides. Quoted also &amp;quot;De Adulatore et Amico,&amp;quot; § xxxii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_514_514&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_514_514&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;514&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare &amp;quot;De Audiendo,&amp;quot; §vi. See also Horace, &amp;quot;Satires,&amp;quot; i, 4. 136, 137.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_515_515&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_515_515&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;515&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The story is somewhat differently told, &amp;quot;Quæst. Conviv.,&amp;quot; Lib. ii. § ix.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_516_516&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_516_516&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;516&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; From a lost play of Euripides.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_517_517&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_517_517&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;517&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In some lost play. Compare Hesiod, &amp;quot;Works and Days,&amp;quot; 719-721; Terence, &amp;quot;Andria,&amp;quot; 920.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_518_518&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_518_518&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;518&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The sentiment is assigned to Diogenes twice elsewhere by our author, namely, &amp;quot;How One may be aware of one&#039;s Progress in Virtue,&amp;quot; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_130a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;§ xi&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;., and &amp;quot;How One may discern a Flatterer from a Friend,&amp;quot; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_199a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;§ xxxvi&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_519_519&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_519_519&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;519&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Propertius, ii. 1. 63, 64; Ovid, &amp;quot;Metamorphoses,&amp;quot; xii. 112; xiii. 171; &amp;quot;Tristia,&amp;quot; v. 2. 15, 16; &amp;quot;Remedia Amoris,&amp;quot; 47, 48; Erasmus, &amp;quot;Adagia,&amp;quot; p. 221.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_520_520&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_520_520&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;520&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Jason Pheræus cognomine Prometheus dictus est. Vide Ciceronem, &#039;Nat. Deor.&#039; iii. 29; Plinium, vii. 51; Valerium Maximum, i. 8, Extem. 6.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Wytttenbach&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_521_521&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_521_521&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;521&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; She was a Vestal Virgin. See Livy, iv. 44.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_522_522&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_522_522&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;522&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Thucydides, i. 135, 136.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_523_523&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_523_523&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;523&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; From a lost play of Euripides. Compare the proverb, παθήματα μαθήματα.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_524_524&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_524_524&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;524&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Laws,&amp;quot; v. p. 731 E.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_525_525&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_525_525&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;525&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Told again &amp;quot;Reg. et Imperator. Apophthegm.,&amp;quot; p. 175 B.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_526_526&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_526_526&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;526&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A favourite image of Homer, employed &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; iv. 350; xiv. 83; &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; i. 64; xxiii. 70.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_527_527&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_527_527&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;527&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Laws,&amp;quot; xi. p. 935 A. Quoted again &amp;quot;On Talkativeness,&amp;quot; § vii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_528_528&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_528_528&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;528&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Pausanias, v. 14.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_529_529&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_529_529&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;529&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; From a Fragment of Pindar.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_530_530&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_530_530&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;530&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Suetonius, &amp;quot;Divus Julius,&amp;quot; 75: &amp;quot;Sed et statuas L. Sullæ atque Pompeii a plebe disjectas reposuit.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_531_531&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_531_531&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;531&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare our author, &amp;quot;Quaestiones Convivalium,&amp;quot; viii. p. 729 E.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_532_532&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_532_532&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;532&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; No doubt in the interest of the defendant. See our author, &amp;quot;Cato Minor,&amp;quot; p. 769 B.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_533_533&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_533_533&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;533&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A Greek proverb, see Erasmus, &amp;quot;Adagia,&amp;quot; p. 921.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_534_534&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_534_534&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;534&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So Cicero, &amp;quot;Nat. Deor.&amp;quot; ii. 56: &amp;quot;In ædibus architecti avertunt ab oculis naribusque dominorum ea quæ profluentia necessario tætri essent aliquid habitura.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_535_535&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_535_535&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;535&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Works and Days,&amp;quot; 23-26. Our &amp;quot;Two of a trade seldom agree.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_536_536&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_536_536&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;536&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare &amp;quot;How One may be aware of one&#039;s Progress in Virtue,&amp;quot; § xiv.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_537_537&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_537_537&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;537&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For as the English proverb says, &amp;quot;Hatred is blind as well as love.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_538_538&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_538_538&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;538&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Laws,&amp;quot; v. p. 728 A.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_539_539&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_539_539&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;539&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Quoted more fully &amp;quot;How One may be aware of one&#039;s Progress in Virtue,&amp;quot; § vi.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_540_540&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_540_540&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;540&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Laws,&amp;quot; v. p. 731 E. See also above, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_208a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;§ vii.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_214&amp;quot;&amp;gt;214&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;ON TALKATIVENESS.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_541_541&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_541_541&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;541&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;i.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Philosophy finds talkativeness a disease very difficult and hard to cure. For its remedy, conversation, requires hearers: but talkative people hear nobody, for they are ever prating. And the first evil this inability to keep silence produces is an inability to listen. It is a self-chosen deafness of people who, I take it, blame nature for giving us one tongue and two ears. If then the following advice of Euripides to a foolish hearer was good,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I cannot fill one that can nought retain,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Pumping up wise words for an unwise man;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;one might more justly say to a talkative man, or rather about a talkative man,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I cannot fill one that will nothing take,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Pumping up wise words for an unwise man;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;or rather deluging with words one that talks to those who don&#039;t listen, and listens not to those who talk. Even if he does listen for a short time, talkativeness hurries off what is said like the retiring sea, and anon brings it up again multiplied with the approaching tide. The portico at Olympia that returns many echoes to one utterance is called seven-voiced,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_542_542&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_542_542&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;542&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and if the slightest utterance catches the ear of talkativeness, it at once echoes it all round,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Moving the mind&#039;s chords all unmoved before.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_543_543&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_543_543&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;543&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For their ears can certainly have no passages leading to the brain but only to the tongue. And so while other people retain what they hear, talkative people lose it altogether, and, being empty-headed, they resemble empty vessels, and go about making much noise.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_544_544&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_544_544&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;544&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_215&amp;quot;&amp;gt;215&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; If however it seems that no attempt at cure has been left untried, let us say to the talkative person,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Be silent, boy; silence has great advantages;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;two of the first and foremost of which are hearing and being heard, neither of which can happen to talkative people, for however they desire either so unhappy are they that they must desist from it. For in all other diseases of the soul, as love of money, love of glory, or love of pleasure, people at any rate attain the desired object: but it is the cruel fate of talkative people to desire hearers but not to get them, for everyone flees from them with headlong speed; and if people are sitting or walking about in any public place,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_545_545&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_545_545&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;545&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and see one coming they quickly pass the word to one another to shift quarters. And as when there is dead silence in any assembly they say Hermes has joined the company, so when any prater joins some drinking party or social gathering of friends, all are silent, not wishing to give him a chance to break in, and if he uninvited begin to open his mouth, they all, &amp;quot;like before a storm at sea, when Boreas is blowing a gale round some headland,&amp;quot; foreseeing tossing about and nausea, disperse. And so it is their destiny to find neither willing table-companions, nor messmates when they are travelling by land or by sea, but only such as cannot help themselves; for such a fellow is always at you, plucking hold of your clothes or chin, or giving you a dig in the ribs with his elbow. &amp;quot;Most valuable are the feet in such a conjuncture,&amp;quot; according to Archilochus, nay according to the wise Aristotle himself. For he being bothered with a talkative fellow, and wearied out with his absurd tales, and his frequent question, &amp;quot;Is not this wonderful, Aristotle?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Not at all,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;but it is wonderful that anyone with a pair of legs stops here to listen to you.&amp;quot; And to another such fellow, who said after a long rigmarole, &amp;quot;Did I weary you, philosopher, by my chatter?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Not you, by Zeus,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;for I paid no attention to you.&amp;quot; For &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_216&amp;quot;&amp;gt;216&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;even if talkative people force you to listen,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_546_546&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_546_546&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;546&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the mind can give them only its outward ears to deluge, while it unfolds and pursues some other thoughts within; so they find neither hearers to attend to them, nor credit them. They say those that are prone to Venus are commonly barren: so the prating of talkative people is ineffectual and fruitless.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And yet nature has fenced and barricaded in us nothing so much as the tongue, having put the teeth before it as a barrier, so that if, when reason holds tight her &amp;quot;glossy reins,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_547_547&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_547_547&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;547&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; it hearken not, nor keep within bounds, we may check its intemperance, biting it till the blood comes. For Euripides tells us that, not from unbolted houses or store-rooms, but &amp;quot;from unbridled mouths the end is misfortune.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_548_548&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_548_548&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;548&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But those persons who think that houses without doors and open purses are no good to their possessors, and yet keep their mouths open and unshut, and allow their speech to flow continually like the waves of the Euxine,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_549_549&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_549_549&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;549&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; seem to regard speech as of less value than anything. And so they never get believed, though credit is the aim of every speech; for to inspire belief in one&#039;s hearers is the proper end of speech, but praters are disbelieved even when they tell the truth. For as corn stowed away in a granary is found to be larger in quantity but inferior in quality, so the speech of a talkative man is increased by a large addition of falsehood, which destroys his credit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then again every man of modesty and propriety would avoid drunkenness, for anger is next door neighbour to madness as some think,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_550_550&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_550_550&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;550&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but drunkenness lives in the same house: or rather drunkenness is madness, more short-lived indeed, but more potent also through volition, for it is self-chosen. Nor is drunkenness censured for anything so much as its intemperate and endless talk.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_217&amp;quot;&amp;gt;217&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Wine makes a prudent man begin to sing,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And gently laugh, and even makes him dance.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_551_551&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_551_551&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;551&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And yet there is no harm in all this, in singing and laughing and dancing. But the poet adds—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And it compels to say what&#039;s best unsaid.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_552_552&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_552_552&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;552&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This is indeed dreadful and dangerous. And perhaps the poet in this passage has solved that problem of the philosophers, and stated the difference between being under the influence of wine and being drunk, mirth being the condition of the former, foolish talk of the latter. For as the proverb tells us, &amp;quot;What is in the heart of the sober is on the tongue of the drunken.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_553_553&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_553_553&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;553&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And so Bias, being silent at a drinking bout, and jeered at by some young man in the company as stupid, replied, &amp;quot;What fool could hold his tongue in liquor?&amp;quot; And at Athens a certain person gave an entertainment to the king&#039;s ambassadors, and at their desire contrived to get the philosophers there too, and as they were all talking together and comparing ideas, and Zeno alone was silent, the strangers greeted him and pledged him, and said, &amp;quot;What are we to tell the king about you, Zeno?&amp;quot; And he replied, &amp;quot;Nothing, but that there is an old man at Athens that can hold his tongue at a drinking bout.&amp;quot; So profound and mysterious and sober is silence, while drunkenness is talkative: for it is void of sense and understanding, and so is loquacious. And so the philosophers define drunkenness to be silly talk in wine. Drinking therefore is not censured, if silence go with it, but foolish prating turns being under the influence of wine into drunkenness. And the drunken man prates only in his cups; but the talkative man prates everywhere, in the market-place, in the theatre, out walking, by night and by day. If he is your doctor, he is more trouble to you than your disease: if he is on board ship with you, he disgusts you more than sea-sickness; if he praises you, he is more fulsome than blame. It is more pleasure associating with bad men who have tact than with good men who prate. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_218&amp;quot;&amp;gt;218&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Nestor indeed in Sophocles&#039; Play, trying by his words to soothe exasperated Ajax, said to him mildly,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I blame you not, for though your words are bad,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Your acts are good:&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;but we cannot feel so to the talkative man, for his want of tact in words destroys and undoes all the grace of his actions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;v.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Lysias wrote a defence for some accused person, and gave it him, and he read it several times, and came to Lysias in great dejection and said, &amp;quot;When I first perused this defence, it seemed to me wonderful, but when I read it a second and third time, it seemed altogether dull and ineffective. Then Lysias laughed, and said, &amp;quot;What then? Are you going to read it more than once to the jury?&amp;quot; And yet do but consider the persuasiveness and grace of Lysias&#039; style;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_554_554&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_554_554&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;554&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for he &amp;quot;I say was a great favourite with the dark-haired Muses.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_555_555&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_555_555&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;555&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And of the things which have been said of Homer the truest is that he alone of all poets has survived the fastidiousness of mankind, as being ever new and still at his acme as regards giving pleasure, and yet saying and proclaiming about himself, &amp;quot;I hate to spin out a plain tale over and over again,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_556_556&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_556_556&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;556&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he avoids and fears that satiety which lies in ambush for every narrative, and takes the hearer from one subject to another, and relieves by novelty the possibility of being surfeited. But the talkative worry one&#039;s ears to death with their tautologies, as people scribble the same things over and over again on palimpsests.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_557_557&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_557_557&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;557&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Let us remind them then first of this, that just as in the case of wine, which was intended for pleasure and mirth, those who compel people to drink it neat and in large quantities bring some into a disgusting condition of drunkenness, so with speech, which is the pleasantest social tie amongst &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_219&amp;quot;&amp;gt;219&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;mankind, those who make a bad and ill-advised use of it render it unpleasing and unfit for company, paining those whom they think to gratify, and become a laughing-stock to those who they think admire them, and objectionable to those who they think love them. As then he cannot be a favourite of the goddess who with Aphrodite&#039;s charmed girdle&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_558_558&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_558_558&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;558&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; repels and drives away those who associate with him, so he who with his speech bores and disgusts one is without either taste or refinement.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Of all other passions and disorders some are dangerous, some hateful, some ridiculous, but in talkativeness all these elements are combined. For praters are jeered at for their commonplaces, and hated when they bring bad news, and run into danger when they reveal secrets. And so Anacharsis, when he was feasted by Solon and lay down to sleep, and was observed with his left hand on his private parts, and his right hand on his mouth, for he thought his tongue needed the stronger restraint, was right in his opinion. For it would be difficult to find as many men who have been ruined by venereal excesses as cities and leading states that have been undone by the utterance of a secret. When Sulla was besieging Athens, and had no time to waste there, &amp;quot;for he had other fish to fry,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_559_559&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_559_559&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;559&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; as Mithridates was ravaging Asia, and the party of Marius was again in power at Rome, some old men in a barber&#039;s shop happened to observe to one another that the Heptachalcon was not well guarded, and that their city ran a great risk of being captured at that point, and some spies who overheard this conversation reported it to Sulla. And he at once marched up his forces, and about midnight entered the city with his army, and all but rased it to the ground, and filled it with slaughter and dead bodies, insomuch that the Ceramicus ran with blood: and he was thus savage against the Athenians for their words rather than their deeds, for they had spoken ill of him and his wife Metella, jumping on to the walls and calling out in a jeering way,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Sulla is a mulberry bestrewn with barley meal,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_220&amp;quot;&amp;gt;220&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and much similar banter. Thus they drew down upon themselves for words, which, as Plato&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_560_560&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_560_560&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;560&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; says, are a very small matter, a very heavy punishment.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_561_561&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_561_561&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;561&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The prating of one man also prevented Rome from becoming free by the removal of Nero. For it was only the night before the tyrant was to be murdered, and all preparations had been made, when he that was to do the deed going to the theatre, and seeing someone in chains near the doors who was about to be taken before Nero, and was bewailing his sad fortune, went up close to him and whispered, &amp;quot;Pray only, good sir, that to-day may pass by, to-morrow you will owe me many thanks.&amp;quot; He guessing the meaning of the riddle, and thinking, I take it, &amp;quot;he is a fool who gives up what is in his hand for a remote contingency,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_562_562&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_562_562&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;562&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; preferred certain to honourable safety. For he informed Nero of what the man had said, and he was immediately arrested, and torture, and fire, and scourging were applied to him, who denied now in his necessity what before he had divulged without necessity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;viii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Zeno the philosopher,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_563_563&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_563_563&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;563&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that he might not against his will divulge any secrets when put to the torture, bit off his tongue, and spit it at the tyrant. Famous also was the reward which Leæna had for her taciturnity.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_564_564&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_564_564&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;564&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; She was the mistress of Harmodius and Aristogiton, and, although a woman, participated in their hopes of success in the conspiracy against the tyrants: for she had revelled in the glorious cup of love, and had been initiated in their secrets through the god. When then they had failed in their attempt and been put to death, and she was examined and bidden to reveal the names of the other conspirators, she refused to do so, and held out to the end, showing that those famous men in loving such a one as her had done nothing unworthy of them. And the Athenians erected to her &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_221&amp;quot;&amp;gt;221&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;memory a bronze lioness without a tongue, and placed it near the entrance to the Acropolis, signifying her dauntless courage by the nobleness of that animal, and by its being without a tongue her silence and fidelity. For no spoken word has done as much good as many unspoken ones. For at some future day we can give utterance if we like to what has been not said, but a word once spoken cannot be recalled, but flies about and runs all round the world. And this is the reason, I take it, why men teach us to speak, but the gods teach us to be silent, silence being enjoined on us in the mysteries and in all religious rites. Thus Homer has described the most eloquent Odysseus, and Telemachus, and Penelope, and the nurse, as all remarkable for their taciturnity. You remember the nurse saying,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I&#039;ll keep it close as heart of oak or steel.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_565_565&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_565_565&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;565&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And Odysseus sitting by Penelope,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Though in his heart he pitied her sad grief,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;His eyes like horn or steel impassive stood&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Within their lids, and craft his tears repressed.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_566_566&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_566_566&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;566&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;So great control had he over all his body, and so much were all his members under the sway and rule of reason, that he commanded his eyes not to weep, his tongue not to speak, and his heart not to tremble or quake.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_567_567&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_567_567&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;567&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;So calm and passive did his heart remain,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_568_568&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_568_568&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;568&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;reason penetrating even to the irrational instincts, and making spirit and blood obedient and docile to it. Such also were most of his companions, for though they were dashed to the ground and dragged along by the Cyclops, they said not a word about Odysseus, nor did they show the stake of wood that had been put into the fire and prepared to put out Polyphemus&#039; eye, but they would rather have been eaten alive than divulge secrets, such wonderful &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_222&amp;quot;&amp;gt;222&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;self-control and fidelity had they.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_569_569&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_569_569&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;569&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And so it was not amiss of Pittacus, when the king of Egypt sent him a victim, and bade him take from it the best and worst piece of it, to pull out the tongue and send that to the king, as being the instrument of the greatest blessings and withal the greatest mischiefs.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ix.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; So Ino in Euripides, speaking plainly about herself, says she knows &amp;quot;how to be silent when she should, and to speak when speech is safe.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_570_570&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_570_570&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;570&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For those who have enjoyed a truly noble and royal education learn first to be silent and then to speak. So the famous king Antigonus, when his son asked him, &amp;quot;When are we going to shift our quarters?&amp;quot; answered, &amp;quot;Are you afraid that you only will not hear the trumpet?&amp;quot; Was he afraid then to entrust a secret to him, to whom he intended one day to leave his kingdom? Nay rather, it was to teach him to be close and guarded on such matters. Metellus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_571_571&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_571_571&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;571&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; also, the well-known veteran, when questioned somewhat similarly about an expedition, said, &amp;quot;If I thought my coat knew the secret, I would strip it off and throw it into the fire.&amp;quot; And Eumenes, when he heard that Craterus was marching against him, told none of his friends, but pretended that it was Neoptolemus; for his soldiers despised Neoptolemus, but they admired the glory and loved the virtue of Craterus; and no one but Eumenes knew the truth, and they engaged and were victorious, and unwittingly killed Craterus, and only recognized his dead body. So great a part did silence play in the battle, concealing the name of the enemy&#039;s general: so that Eumenes&#039; friends marvelled more than found fault at his not having told them the truth. And if anyone should receive blame in such a case, it is better to be censured when one has done well by keeping one&#039;s counsel, rather than to have to accuse others through having come to grief by trusting them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;x.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But, generally speaking, who has the right to blame the person who has not kept his secret? For if it was not to be known, it was not well to tell another person of it at &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_223&amp;quot;&amp;gt;223&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;all, and if you divulged your secret yourself and expected another person to keep it, you had more faith in another than in yourself. And so should he be such another as yourself you are deservedly undone, and should he be a better man than yourself, your safety is more than you could have reckoned on, as it involved finding a man more to be trusted than yourself. But you will say, He is my friend. Yes, but he has another friend, whom he reposes confidence in as much as you do in your friend, and that other friend has one of his own, and so on, so that the secret spreads in many quarters from inability to keep it close in one. For as the unit never deviates from its orbit, but (as its name signifies) always remains one, but the number two contains within it the seeds of infinity, for when it departs from itself it becomes plurality at once by doubling, so speech confined in one person&#039;s breast is truly secret, but if it be communicated to another it soon gets noised abroad. And so Homer calls words &amp;quot;winged,&amp;quot; for as he that lets a bird go from his hands cannot easily get it back again, so he that lets a word go from his mouth cannot catch or stop it, but it is borne along &amp;quot;whirling on swift wings,&amp;quot; and dispersed from one person to another. When a ship scuds before the gale the mariners can stop it, or at least check its course with cables and anchors, but when the spoken word once sails out of harbour, so to speak, there is no roadstead or anchorage for it, but borne along with much noise and echo it dashes its utterer on the rocks, and brings him into imminent danger of shipwreck,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;As one might set on fire Ida&#039;s woods&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;With a small torch, so what one tells one person&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Is soon the property of all the citizens.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_572_572&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_572_572&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;572&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The Roman Senate had been discussing for several days a secret matter, and there was much doubt and suspicion about it. And one of the senator&#039;s wives, discreet in other matters but a very woman in curiosity, pressed her husband close, and entreated him to tell her what the secret was; she vowed and swore she would not divulge it, and did not refrain from shedding tears at her not being trusted. And he, nothing loth to convince her of her folly, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_224&amp;quot;&amp;gt;224&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;said, &amp;quot;Your importunity, wife, has prevailed, listen to a dreadful and portentous matter. It has been told us by the priests that a lark has been seen flying in the air with a golden helmet and spear: it is this portent that we are considering and discussing with the augurs, as to whether it be a good or bad omen. But say nothing about it.&amp;quot; Having said these words he went into the Forum. But his wife seized on the very first of her maids that entered the room, and smote her breast, and tore her hair, and said, &amp;quot;Alas! for my husband and country! What will become of us?&amp;quot; wishing and teaching her maid to say, &amp;quot;Whatever&#039;s up?&amp;quot; So when she inquired she told her all about it, adding that refrain common to all praters, &amp;quot;Tell no one a word about it.&amp;quot; The maid however had scarce left her mistress when she told one of her fellow-servants who was doing little or nothing, and she told her lover who happened to call at that moment. So the news spread to the Forum so quickly that it got the start of its original author, and one of his friends meeting him said, &amp;quot;Have you only just left your house?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Only just,&amp;quot; he replied. &amp;quot;Didn&#039;t you hear the news?&amp;quot; said his friend. &amp;quot;What news?&amp;quot; said he. &amp;quot;Why, that a lark has been seen flying in the air with a golden helmet and spear, and the Senate are met to discuss the portent.&amp;quot; And he smiled and said to himself, &amp;quot;You are quick, wife, for the tale to get before me to the Forum!&amp;quot; Then meeting some of the Senators he disabused them of their panic. But to punish his wife, he said when he got home, &amp;quot;You have undone me, wife: for the secret has got abroad from my house, so that I must be an exile from my country for your inability to keep a secret.&amp;quot; And on her trying to deny it, and saying, &amp;quot;Were there not three hundred Senators that heard of it as well as you? Might not one of them have divulged it?&amp;quot; he replied, &amp;quot;Stuff o&#039; your three hundred! It was at your importunity that I invented the story, to put you to the test!&amp;quot; This fellow tested his wife warily and cunningly, as one pours water, and not wine or oil, into a leaky vessel. And Fabius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_573_573&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_573_573&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;573&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the friend of Augustus, hearing &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_225&amp;quot;&amp;gt;225&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the Emperor in his old age mourning over the extinction of his family, how two of his daughter Julia&#039;s sons were dead, and how Posthumus Agrippa, the only remaining one, was in exile through false accusation,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_574_574&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_574_574&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;574&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and how he was compelled to put his wife&#039;s son&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_575_575&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_575_575&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;575&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; into the succession to the Empire, though he pitied Agrippa and had half a mind to recall him from banishment, repeated the Emperor&#039;s words to his wife, and she to Livia.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_576_576&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_576_576&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;576&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And Livia bitterly upbraided Augustus, if he meant recalling his grandson, for not having done so long ago, instead of bringing her into hatred and hostility with the heir to the Empire. When Fabius came in the morning as usual into the Emperor&#039;s presence, and said, &amp;quot;Hail, Cæsar!&amp;quot; the Emperor replied, &amp;quot;Farewell,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_577_577&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_577_577&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;577&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Fabius.&amp;quot; And he understanding the meaning of this straightway went home, and sent for his wife, and said, &amp;quot;The Emperor knows that I have not kept his secret, so I shall kill myself.&amp;quot; And his wife replied, &amp;quot;You have deserved your fate, since having been married to me so long you did not remember and guard against my incontinence of speech, but suffer me to kill myself first.&amp;quot; So saying she took his sword, and slew herself first.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; That was a good answer therefore that the comic poet Philippides made to king Lysimachus, who greeted him kindly, and said to him,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_578_578&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_578_578&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;578&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;What shall I give you of all my possessions?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Whatever you like, O king, except your secrets.&amp;quot; And talkativeness has another plague attached to it, even curiosity: for praters wish to hear much that they may have much to say, and most of all do they gad about to investigate and pry into secrets and hidden things, providing as it were an antiquated stock of rubbish&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_579_579&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_579_579&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;579&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for their twaddle, in fine like children who cannot&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_580_580&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_580_580&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;580&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; hold ice in their hands, and yet are unwilling to let it go,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_581_581&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_581_581&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;581&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; or rather taking secrets to their bosoms and embracing them as if &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_226&amp;quot;&amp;gt;226&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;they were so many serpents, that they cannot control, but are sure to be gnawed to death by. They say that garfish and vipers burst in giving life to their young, so secrets by coming out ruin and destroy those who cannot keep them. Seleucus Callinicus having lost his army and all his forces in a battle against the Galati, threw off his diadem, and fled on a swift horse with an escort of three or four of his men a long day&#039;s journey by bypaths and out-of-the-way tracks, till faint and famishing for want of food he drew rein at a small farmhouse, where by chance he found the master at home, and asked for some bread and water. And he supplied him liberally and courteously not only with what he asked for but with whatever else was on the farm, and recognized the king, and being very joyful at this opportunity of ministering to the king&#039;s necessities, he could not contain himself, nor dissemble like the king who wished to be incognito, but he accompanied him to the road, and on parting from him, said, &amp;quot;Farewell, king Seleucus.&amp;quot; And he stretching out his right hand, and drawing the man to him as if he was going to kiss him, gave a sign to one of his escort to draw his sword and cut the man&#039;s head off;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And at his word the head roll&#039;d in the dust.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_582_582&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_582_582&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;582&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Whereas if he had been silent then, and kept his counsel for a time, as the king afterwards became prosperous and great, he would have received, I take it, greater favour for his silence than for his hospitality. And yet he had I admit some excuse for his want of reticence, namely hope and joy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xiii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But most talkative people have no excuse for ruining themselves. As for example in a barber&#039;s shop one day there was some conversation about the tyranny of Dionysius, that it was as hard as adamant and invincible, and the barber laughed and said, &amp;quot;Fancy your saying this to me, who have my razor at his throat most days!&amp;quot; And Dionysius hearing this had him crucified. Barbers indeed are generally a talkative race, for people fond of prating flock to them and sit in their shops, so that they pick up the habit from their customers. It was a witty answer &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_227&amp;quot;&amp;gt;227&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; therefore of king Archelaus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_583_583&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_583_583&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;583&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; when a talkative barber put the towel round his neck, and asked him, &amp;quot;How shall I shave you, O king?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Silently,&amp;quot; said the monarch. It was a barber that first spread the news of the great reverse of the Athenians in Sicily, having heard of it at the Piræus from a slave that had escaped from the island. He at once left his shop, and ran into the city at full speed, &amp;quot;that no one else should reap the fame, and he come in the second,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_584_584&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_584_584&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;584&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of carrying the news into the town. And an uproar arising, as was only to be expected, the people assembled in the ecclesia, and began to investigate the origin of the rumour. So the barber was dragged up and questioned, but knew not the person&#039;s name who had told him, so was obliged to refer its origin to an anonymous and unknown person. Then anger filled the theatre, and the multitude cried out, &amp;quot;Torture the cursed fellow, put him to the rack: he has fabricated and concocted this news: who else heard it? who credits it?&amp;quot; The wheel was brought, the poor fellow stretched on it. Meantime those came up who had brought the news, who had escaped from the carnage in Sicily. Then all the multitude dispersed to weep over their private sorrows, and abandoned the poor barber, who remained fastened to the wheel. And when released late in the evening he actually asked the executioner, if they had heard how Nicias the General was slain. So invincible and incorrigible a vice does habit make talkativeness to be.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xiv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And yet, as those that drink bitter and strong-smelling physic are disgusted even with the cups they drink it out of, so those that bring evil tidings are disliked and hated by their hearers. Wittily therefore has Sophocles described the conversation between Creon and the guard.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;G.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Is&#039;t in your ears or in your mind you&#039;re grieved?&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;C.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Why do you thus define the seat of grief?&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;G.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; The doer pains your mind, but I your ears.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_585_585&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_585_585&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;585&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;However those that tell the tale grieve us as well as those &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_228&amp;quot;&amp;gt;228&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;that did the deed: and yet there is no means of checking or controlling the running tongue. At Lacedæmon the temple of Athene Chalciœcus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_586_586&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_586_586&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;586&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was broken into, and an empty flagon was observed lying on the ground inside, and a great concourse of people came up and discussed the matter. And one of the company said, &amp;quot;If you will allow me, I will tell you what I think about this flagon. I cannot help being of opinion that these sacrilegious wretches drank hemlock, and brought wine with them, before commencing their nefarious and dangerous work: that so, if they should fail to be detected, they might depart in safety, drinking the wine neat as an antidote to the hemlock: whereas should they be caught in the act, before they were put to the torture they would die of the poison easily and painlessly.&amp;quot; When he had uttered these words, the idea seemed so ingenious and farfetched that it looked as if it could not emanate from fancy, but only from knowledge of the real facts. So the crowd surrounded this man, and asked him one after the other, &amp;quot;Who are you? Who knows you? How come you to know all this?&amp;quot; And at last he was convicted in this way, and confessed that he was one of those that had committed the sacrilege. And were not the murderers of Ibycus similarly captured? They were sitting in the theatre, and some cranes flew over their heads, and they laughed and whispered to one another, &amp;quot;Behold the avengers of Ibycus.&amp;quot; And this being overheard by some who sat near, as Ibycus had now been some time missing and inquired after, they laid hold of this remark, and reported it to the magistrates. And so they were convicted and dragged off to punishment, being brought to justice not by the cranes but by their own inability to hold their tongues, being compelled by some Fury or Vengeance as it were to divulge the murder.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_587_587&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_587_587&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;587&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For as in the body there is an attraction to sore and suffering parts from neighbouring parts, so the tongue of talkative persons, ever suffering from inflammation and a throbbing pulse, attracts and draws to it secret and hidden things. And so the tongue ought to be fenced in, and have reason ever before &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_229&amp;quot;&amp;gt;229&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;it, as a bulwark, to prevent its tripping: that we may not seem to be more silly than geese, of whom it is said that, when they fly from Cilicia over Mt. Taurus which swarms with eagles, they carry in their mouths a large stone, which they employ as a gag or bridle for their scream, and so they cross over by night unobserved.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Now if anyone were to ask who is the worst and most abandoned man, no one would pass over the traitor, or mention anyone else. It was as the reward of treason that Euthycrates roofed his house with Macedonian wood, as Demosthenes tells us; and that Philocrates got a large sum of money, and spent it on women and fish; and it was for betraying Eretria that Euphorbus and Philagrus got an estate from king Philip. But the talkative man is an unhired and officious traitor, not of horses&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_588_588&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_588_588&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;588&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; or walls, but of secrets which he divulges in the law courts, in factions, in party-strife, no one thanking him for his pains; but should anyone listen to him he thinks he is the obliged party. So that what was said to a man who rashly and indiscriminately squandered away all his means and bestowed them on others,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It is not kindness in you but disease,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;This itch for giving,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_589_589&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_589_589&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;589&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;is appropriate also to the prater, &amp;quot;You don&#039;t communicate to us all this out of friendship or goodwill, but it is a disease in you, this itch for talking and prating.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xvi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But all this must not be looked upon merely as an indictment against talkativeness, but an attempt to cure it: for we overcome the passions by judgement and practice, but judgement is the first step. For no one is wont to shun, and eradicate from his soul, what he does not dislike. And we dislike the passions only when we discern by reason the harm and shame that results to us by indulging them. As we see every day in the case of talkative people: if they wish to be loved, they are hated; if they desire to please, they bore; when they think they are admired, they are really laughed at; they spend, and get no gain from so &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_230&amp;quot;&amp;gt;230&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; doing; they injure their friends, benefit their enemies, and ruin themselves. So that the first cure and remedy of this disorder will be to reckon up the shame and trouble that results from it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xvii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; In the next place we must consider the opposite virtue to talkativeness, always listening to and having on our lips the encomiums passed upon reserve, and remembering the decorum sanctity and mysterious power of silence, and ever bearing in mind that terse and brief speakers, who put the maximum of matter into the minimum of words, are more admired and esteemed and thought wiser&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_590_590&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_590_590&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;590&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; than unbridled windbags. And so Plato&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_591_591&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_591_591&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;591&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; praises, and compares to clever javelin-men, such as speak tersely, compressedly, and concisely. And Lycurgus by using his citizens from boyhood to silence taught them to perfection their brevity and terseness. For as the Celtiberians make steel of iron only after digging down deep in the soil, and carefully separating the iron ore, so Laconian oratory has no rind,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_592_592&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_592_592&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;592&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but by the removal of all superfluous matter goes home straight to the point like steel. For its sententiousness,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_593_593&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_593_593&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;593&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and pointed suppleness in repartee, comes from the habit of silence. And we ought to quote such pointed sayings especially to talkative people, such neatness and vigour have they, as, for example, what the Lacedæmonians said to Philip, &amp;quot;[Remember] Dionysius at Corinth.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_594_594&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_594_594&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;594&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And again, when Philip wrote to them, &amp;quot;If I invade Laconia, I will drive you all out of house and home,&amp;quot; they only wrote back, &amp;quot;If.&amp;quot; And when king Demetrius was indignant and cried out, &amp;quot;The Lacedæmonians have only sent me one ambassador,&amp;quot; the ambassador was not frightened but said, &amp;quot;Yes, one to one man.&amp;quot; Certainly among the ancients men of few words were admired. So the Amphictyones did not write extracts from the Iliad or Odyssey, or the Pæans of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_231&amp;quot;&amp;gt;231&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Pindar, in the temple of Pythian Apollo at Delphi, but &amp;quot;Know thyself,&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Not too much of anything,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_595_595&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_595_595&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;595&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and &amp;quot;Be a surety, trouble is near;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_596_596&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_596_596&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;596&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; so much did they admire compactness and simplicity of speech, combining brevity with shrewdness of mind. And is not the god himself short and concise in his oracles? Is he not called Loxias,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_597_597&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_597_597&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;597&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; because he prefers ambiguity to longwindedness? And are not those who express their meaning by signs without words wonderfully praised and admired? As Heraclitus, when some of the citizens asked him to give them his opinion about concord, got on the platform, and took a cup of cold water, and put some barley-meal in it, and stirred it up with penny-royal, thus showing them that it is being content with anything, and not needing costly dainties, that keeps cities in peace and concord. Scilurus, the king of the Scythians, left eighty sons, and on his death-bed asked for a bundle of sticks, and bade his sons break it when it was tied together, and when they could not, he took the sticks one by one and easily broke them all up: thus showing them that their harmony and concord would make them strong and hard to overthrow, while dissension would make them feeble and insecure.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xviii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; If then anyone were continually to recollect and repeat these or similar terse sayings, he would probably cease to be pleased with idle talk. As for myself, when I consider of what importance it is to attend to reason, and to keep to one&#039;s purpose, I confess I am quite put out of countenance by the example of the slave of Pupius Piso the orator. He, not wishing to be annoyed by their prating, ordered his slaves merely to answer his questions, and not say a word more. On one occasion wishing to pay honour to Clodius who was then in power, he ordered him to be invited to his house, and provided for him no doubt a sumptuous entertainment. At the time fixed all the guests were present except Clodius, for whom they waited, and the host frequently sent the slave who used to invite guests to see if he was coming, but when evening came, and he was now quite despaired of, he said to his slave, &amp;quot;Did you &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_232&amp;quot;&amp;gt;232&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;not invite him?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Certainly,&amp;quot; said the slave. &amp;quot;Why then has he not come?&amp;quot; said the master. &amp;quot;Because he declined,&amp;quot; said the slave. &amp;quot;Why then did you not tell me of it at once?&amp;quot; said the master. &amp;quot;Because you never asked me,&amp;quot; said the slave. This was a Roman slave. But an Athenian slave &amp;quot;while digging will tell his master on what terms peace was made.&amp;quot; So great is the force of habit in all matters. And of it we will now speak.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xix.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; For it is not by applying bit or bridle that we can restrain the talkative person, we must master the disease by habit. In the first place then, when you are in company and questions are going round, accustom yourself not to speak till all the rest have declined giving an answer. For as Sophocles says, &amp;quot;counsel is not like a race;&amp;quot; no more are question and answer. For in a race the victory belongs to him who gets in first, but in company, if anyone has given a satisfactory answer, it is sufficient by assenting and agreeing to his view to get the reputation of being a pleasant fellow; and if no satisfactory answer is given, then to enlighten ignorance and supply the necessary information is well-timed and does not excite envy. But let us be especially on our guard that, if anyone else is asked a question, we do not ourselves anticipate and intercept him in giving an answer. It is indeed perhaps nowhere good form, if another is asked a favour, to push him aside and undertake to grant it ourselves; for we shall seem so to upbraid two people at once, the one who was asked as not able to grant the favour, and the other as not knowing how to ask in the right quarter. But especially insulting is such forwardness and impetuosity in answering questions. For he that anticipates by his own answer the person that was asked the question seems to say, &amp;quot;What is the good of asking him? What does he know about it? In my presence nobody else ought to be asked about these matters.&amp;quot; And yet we often put questions to people, not so much because we want an answer, as to elicit from them conversation and friendly feeling, and from a wish to fit them for company, as Socrates drew out Theætetus and Charmides. For it is all one to run up and kiss one who wishes to be kissed by another, or to divert to oneself the attention that he was bestowing on another, as to intercept another person&#039;s&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_233&amp;quot;&amp;gt;233&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; answers, and to transfer people&#039;s ears, and force their attention, and fix them on oneself; when, even if he that was asked declines to give an answer, it will be well to hold oneself in reserve, and only to meet the question modestly when one&#039;s turn comes, so framing one&#039;s answer as to seem to oblige the person who asked the question, and as if one had been appealed to for an answer by the other. For if people are asked questions and cannot give a satisfactory answer they are with justice excused; but he who without being asked undertakes to answer a question, and anticipates another, is disagreeable even if he succeeds, while, if his answer is unsatisfactory, he is ridiculed by all the company, and his failure is a source of the liveliest satisfaction to them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xx.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The next thing to practise oneself to in answering the questions put to one,—a point to which the talkative person ought to pay the greatest attention,—is not through inadvertence to give serious answers to people who only challenge you to talk in fun and sport. For some people concoct questions not for real information, but simply for amusement and to pass the time away, and propound them to talkative people, just to have them on. Against this we must be on our guard, and not rush into conversation too hastily, or as if we were obliged for the chance, but we must consider the character of the inquirer and his purpose. When it seems that he really desires information, we should accustom ourselves to pause, and interpose some interval between the question and answer; during which time the questioner can add anything if he chooses, and the other can reflect on his answer, and not be in too great a hurry about it, nor bury it in obscurity, nor, as is frequently the case in too great haste, answer some other question than that which was asked. The Pythian Priestess indeed was accustomed to utter some of her oracles at the very moment before the question was put: for the god whom she serves &amp;quot;understands the dumb, and hears the mute.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_598_598&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_598_598&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;598&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But he that wishes to give an appropriate answer must carefully consider both the question and the mind of the questioner, lest it be as the proverb expresses it,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_234&amp;quot;&amp;gt;234&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I asked for shovels, they denied me pails.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_599_599&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_599_599&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;599&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Besides we ought to check this greediness and hunger for words, that it may not seem as if we had a flood on our tongue which was dammed up, but which we were only too glad to discharge&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_600_600&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_600_600&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;600&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; on a question being put. Socrates indeed so repressed his thirst, that he would not allow himself to drink after exercise in the gymnasium, till he had first drawn from the well one bucket of water and poured it on to the ground, that he might accustom his irrational part to wait upon reason.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; There are moreover three kinds of answers to questions, the necessary, the polite, and the superfluous. For instance, if anyone asked, &amp;quot;Is Socrates at home?&amp;quot; one, as if backward and disinclined to answer, might say, &amp;quot;Not at home;&amp;quot; or, if he wished to speak with Laconic brevity, might cut off &amp;quot;at home,&amp;quot; and simply say &amp;quot;No;&amp;quot; as, when Philip wrote to the Lacedæmonians to ask if they would receive him in their city, they sent him back merely a large &amp;quot;No.&amp;quot; But another would answer more politely, &amp;quot;He is not at home, but with the bankers,&amp;quot; and if he wished to add a little more, &amp;quot;he expects to see some strangers there.&amp;quot; But the superfluous prater, if he has read Antimachus of Colophon,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_601_601&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_601_601&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;601&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; says, &amp;quot;He is not at home, but with the bankers, waiting for some Ionian strangers, about whom he has had a letter from Alcibiades who is in the neighbourhood of Miletus, staying with Tissaphernes the satrap of the great king, who used long ago to favour the Lacedæmonian party, but now attaches himself to the Athenians for Alcibiades&#039; sake, for Alcibiades desires to return to his country, and so has succeeded in changing the views of Tissaphernes.&amp;quot; And then he will go over the whole of the Eighth Book of Thucydides, and deluge the man, till before he is aware Miletus is captured, and Alcibiades is in exile the second time. In such a case most of all ought we to curtail talkativeness, by following &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_235&amp;quot;&amp;gt;235&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the track of a question closely, and tracing out our answer according to the need of the questioner with the same accuracy as we describe a circle. When Carneades was disputing in the gymnasium before the days of his great fame, the superintendent of the gymnasium sent to him a message to bid him modulate his voice (for it was of the loudest), and when he asked him to fix a standard, the superintendent replied not amiss, &amp;quot;The standard of the person talking with you.&amp;quot; So the meaning of the questioner ought to be the standard for the answer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Moreover as Socrates urged his disciples to abstain from such food as tempted them to eat when they were not hungry, and from such drinks as tempted them to drink when they were not thirsty, so the talkative person ought to be afraid most of such subjects of conversation as he most delights in and repeats &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ad nauseam&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and to try and resist their influence. For example, soldiers are fond of descriptions about war, and thus Homer introduces Nestor frequently narrating his prowess and glorious deeds. And generally speaking those who have been successful in the law courts, or beyond their hopes been favourites of kings and princes, are possessed, as it were by some disease, with the itch for frequently recalling and narrating, how they got on and were advanced, what struggles they underwent, how they argued on some famous occasion, how they won the day either as plaintiffs or defendants, what panegyrics were showered upon them. For joy is much more inclined to prate than the well-known sleeplessness represented in comedies, frequently rousing itself, and finding something fresh to relate. And so at any excuse they slip into such narratives. For not only,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Where anyone does itch, there goes his hand,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_602_602&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_602_602&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;602&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;but also delight has a voice of its own, and leads about the tongue in its train, ever wishing to fortify it with memory. Thus lovers spend most of their time in conversations that revive the memory of their loves; and if they cannot talk to human beings about them, they talk about them to inanimate objects, as, &amp;quot;O dearest bed,&amp;quot; and,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_236&amp;quot;&amp;gt;236&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;O happy lamp, Bacchis deems you a god,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And if she thinks so, then you are indeed&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The greatest of the gods.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The talkative person therefore is merely as regards words a white line,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_603_603&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_603_603&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;603&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but he that is especially inclined to certain subjects should be especially on his guard against talking about them, and should avoid such topics, since from the pleasure they give him they may entice him to be very prolix and tedious. The same is the case with people in regard to such subjects as they think they are more experienced in and acquainted with than others. For such a one, being self-appreciative and fond of fame, &amp;quot;spends most of the day in that particular branch of study in which he chances to be proficient.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_604_604&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_604_604&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;604&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thus he that is fond of reading will give his time to research; the grammarian his to syntax; and the traveller, who has wandered over many countries, his to geography. We must therefore be on our guard against our favourite topics, for they are an enticement to talkativeness, as its wonted haunts are to an animal. Admirable therefore was the behaviour of Cyrus in challenging his companions, not to those contests in which he was superior to them, but to those in which he was inferior, partly that he might not give them pain through his superiority, partly for his own benefit by learning from them. But the talkative person acts just contrary, for if any subject is introduced from which he might learn something he did not know, this he rejects and refuses, not being able to earn a good deal by a short silence,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_605_605&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_605_605&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;605&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but he rambles round the subject and babbles out stale and commonplace rhapsodies. As one amongst us, who by chance had read two or three of the books of Ephorus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_606_606&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_606_606&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;606&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; bored everybody, and dispersed every social party, by always narrating the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_237&amp;quot;&amp;gt;237&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;particulars of the battle of Leuctra and its consequences, so that he got nicknamed Epaminondas.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxiii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Nevertheless this is one of the least of the evils of talkativeness, and we ought even to try and divert it into such channels as these, for prating is less of a nuisance when it is on some literary subject. We ought also to try and get some persons to write on some topic, and so discuss it by themselves. For Antipater the Stoic philosopher,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_607_607&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_607_607&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;607&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; not being able or willing it seems to dispute with Carneades, who inveighed vehemently against the Stoic philosophy, writing and filling many books of controversy against him, got the nickname of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Noisy-with-the-pen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; and perhaps the exercise and excitement of writing, keeping him very much apart from the community, might make the talkative man by degrees better company to those he associated with; as dogs, bestowing their rage on sticks and stones, are less savage to men. It will also be very advantageous for such to mix with people better and older than themselves, for they will accustom themselves to be silent by standing in awe of their reputation. And withal it will be well, when we are going to say something, and the words are on our lips, to reflect and consider, &amp;quot;What is this word that is so eager for utterance? To what is this tongue marching? What good will come of speaking now, or what harm of silence?&amp;quot; For we ought not to drop words as we should a burden that pressed upon us, for the word remains still after it has been spoken just the same; but men speak either on their own behalf if they want something, or to benefit those that hear them, or, to gratify one another, they season everyday life with speech, as one seasons food with salt. But if words are neither useful to the speaker, nor necessary for the hearer, nor contain any pleasure or charm, why are they spoken? For words may be idle and useless as well as deeds. And besides all this we must ever remember as most important the dictum of Simonides, that he had often repented he had spoken, but never that he had been silent: while as to the power and strength of practice consider how men by much toil and painstaking will get rid even of a cough or hiccough. And silence is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_238&amp;quot;&amp;gt;238&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;not only never thirsty, as Hippocrates says, but also never brings pain or sorrow.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_541_541&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_541_541&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;541&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Or &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Garrulity&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Chattering&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Prating&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. It is Talkativeness in a bad sense.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_542_542&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_542_542&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;542&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Or &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Heptaphonos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. See Pausanias, v. 21.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_543_543&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_543_543&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;543&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Some unknown poet&#039;s words. I suppose they mean driving one mad, making one &amp;quot;Like sweet bells jangled, out of tune and harsh.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_544_544&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_544_544&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;544&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So our English proverb, &amp;quot;Empty vessels make the greatest sound.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_545_545&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_545_545&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;545&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Literally in a semi-circular place. It is not quite clear whether the front seats of the theatre are meant, or, as I have taken it, more generally, of some public place for entertainment or meeting, some promenade or piazza.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_546_546&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_546_546&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;546&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading ἀκοὔειν, which seems far the best reading.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_547_547&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_547_547&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;547&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; v. 226; &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; vi. 81.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_548_548&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_548_548&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;548&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Bacchæ,&amp;quot; 385-387.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_549_549&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_549_549&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;549&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Ovid, &amp;quot;Tristia,&amp;quot; iv. 4, 55-58.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_550_550&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_550_550&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;550&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For example, Horace, &amp;quot;Epistles,&amp;quot; i. 2, 62: &amp;quot;Ira furor brevis est&amp;quot; I read ὁμότοιχος with Mez.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_551_551&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_551_551&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;551&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; xiv. 463-465.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_552_552&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_552_552&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;552&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ibid. 466.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_553_553&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_553_553&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;553&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare the German proverb, &amp;quot;Thought when sober, said when drunk&amp;quot;—&amp;quot;Nuchtern gedacht, voll gesagt.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_554_554&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_554_554&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;554&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cf. Quintilian, x. 1, 78: &amp;quot;His ætate Lysias major, subtilis atque elegans et quo nihil, si oratori satis est docere, quæras perfectius. Nihil enim est inane, nihil arcessitum; puro tamen fonti quam magno flumini propior.&amp;quot; Cf. ix. 4, 17.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_555_555&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_555_555&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;555&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Somewhat like Pindar, &amp;quot;Pyth.&amp;quot; i. 1. 1, 2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_556_556&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_556_556&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;556&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; xii. 452, 453.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_557_557&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_557_557&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;557&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Cicero, &amp;quot;Ad Fam.&amp;quot; vii. 18; Catullus, xxii. 5, 6.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_558_558&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_558_558&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;558&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xiv. 214-217.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_559_559&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_559_559&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;559&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Allusio ad Homericum ἐπεἱ πόνος ἄλλος ἐπείγει.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Xylander.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_560_560&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_560_560&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;560&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Laws,&amp;quot; xi. p. 935 A.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_561_561&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_561_561&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;561&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So true are the words of Æschylus, γλώσσῃ ματαίᾳ ζημία προστρίβεται.—&amp;quot;Prom.&amp;quot; 329.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_562_562&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_562_562&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;562&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Our &amp;quot;A bird in the hand is worth two in the bush.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_563_563&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_563_563&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;563&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Non Citticus, sed Eleates. v. Cic. Tuscul. ii. 22, et Nat. Deor. 3, 33.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Reiske.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_564_564&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_564_564&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;564&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Pausanias, i. 23. Leæna means &amp;quot;lioness.&amp;quot; On the conspiracy see Thucydides, vi. 54-59.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_565_565&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_565_565&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;565&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; xix. 494. Plutarch quotes from memory. The nurse&#039;s name was Euryclea.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_566_566&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_566_566&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;566&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Odyssey,&amp;quot; xix. 210-212. Quoted again &amp;quot;On Moral Virtue,&amp;quot; § iv.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_567_567&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_567_567&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;567&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Literally &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;bark&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. See &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; xx. 13, 16.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_568_568&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_568_568&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;568&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; xx. 23.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_569_569&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_569_569&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;569&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; ix. Κυκλώπεια.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_570_570&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_570_570&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;570&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Ino.&amp;quot; Fragment, 416.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_571_571&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_571_571&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;571&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Significat Q. Cæcilium Metellum, de quo Liv. xl. 45, 46.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Reiske.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_572_572&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_572_572&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;572&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Ino.&amp;quot; Fragm. 415. Compare St. James, iii. 5, 6.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_573_573&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_573_573&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;573&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Fabius Maximus. So Tacitus, &amp;quot;Annals,&amp;quot; i. 5, who relates this story somewhat differently.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_574_574&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_574_574&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;574&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Tacitus, &amp;quot;Annals,&amp;quot; i. 3. As to his fate, see &amp;quot;Annals,&amp;quot; i. 6.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_575_575&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_575_575&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;575&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Tiberius Nero, who actually did succeed Augustus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_576_576&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_576_576&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;576&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Emperor&#039;s wife.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_577_577&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_577_577&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;577&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So it is in § xii. But perhaps here it means, &amp;quot;I wish you had more sense, Fabius!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_578_578&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_578_578&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;578&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Adopting the reading of Reiske.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_579_579&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_579_579&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;579&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading φορυτοῦ or φορυτῶν, as Wyttenbach.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_580_580&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_580_580&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;580&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading κατέχειν δύνανται with Reiske.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_581_581&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_581_581&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;581&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Sophocles, Fragm. 162.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_582_582&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_582_582&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;582&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; x. 457.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_583_583&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_583_583&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;583&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare &amp;quot;Moralia,&amp;quot; p. 177 A; Horace, &amp;quot;Satires,&amp;quot; i. 7. 3: &amp;quot;Omnibus et lippis notum et tonsoribus.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_584_584&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_584_584&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;584&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xxii. 207.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_585_585&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_585_585&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;585&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sophocles, &amp;quot;Antigone,&amp;quot; 317-319.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_586_586&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_586_586&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;586&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Pausanias, iii. 17; iv. 15; x. 5.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_587_587&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_587_587&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;587&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare the idea of the people of Melita, Acts xxviii. 4.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_588_588&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_588_588&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;588&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; An Allusion to Dolon in Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; x., 374, sq. according to Xylander.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_589_589&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_589_589&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;589&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Quoted again by our author in his &amp;quot;Publicola,&amp;quot; p. 105 B., and assigned to Epicharmus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_590_590&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_590_590&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;590&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So Shakspere has taught us, &amp;quot;Brevity is the soul of wit.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hamlet&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Act ii Sc. 2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_591_591&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_591_591&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;591&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;In Protagora.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Xylander.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_592_592&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_592_592&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;592&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; That is, is all kernel. See passim our author&#039;s &amp;quot;Apophthegmata Laconica.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_593_593&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_593_593&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;593&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Or, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;apophthegmatic nature&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_594_594&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_594_594&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;594&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dionysius the younger, tyrant of Syracuse, was expelled, and afterwards kept a school at Corinth. That is the allusion. It would be like saying &amp;quot;Remember Napoleon at St. Helena.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_595_595&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_595_595&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;595&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Pausanias, x. 24.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_596_596&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_596_596&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;596&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Plato, &amp;quot;Charmides,&amp;quot; 165 A.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_597_597&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_597_597&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;597&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A title applied to Apollo first by Herodotus, i. 91, from his ambiguous (λοξά) oracles.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_598_598&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_598_598&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;598&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Part of the words of an oracle of the Pythian Priestess, slightly changed. The whole oracle may be seen in Herodotus, i. 47.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_599_599&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_599_599&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;599&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Proverb of cross purposes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_600_600&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_600_600&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;600&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading ἐξερᾰσθαι with Dübner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_601_601&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_601_601&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;601&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Catullus calls him &amp;quot;tumidus,&amp;quot; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;i.e.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; long-winded, 95, 10. See also Propertius, iii. 34-32. He was a Greek poet, a contemporary of Socrates and Plato, and author of a Thebaid. Pausanias mentions him, viii. 25; ix. 35.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_602_602&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_602_602&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;602&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The mediæval proverb, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ubi dolor ibi digitus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_603_603&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_603_603&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;603&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A proverbial expression for having no judgment. See Sophocles, Fragm. 307; Plato, &amp;quot;Charmides,&amp;quot; 154 B; Erasmus, &amp;quot;Adagia.&amp;quot; So we say a person&#039;s mind is a blank sheet on a subject he knows nothing about.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_604_604&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_604_604&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;604&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, Fragm. 202. Quoted also by Plato, &amp;quot;Gorgias,&amp;quot; 484 E.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_605_605&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_605_605&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;605&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading with Reiske, μισθὸν αὑτῷ δοῦναι τῷ μικρὸν σιωπῆσαι μὴ δυνάμενος.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_606_606&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_606_606&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;606&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A celebrated Greek historian, and pupil of Isocrates. See Cicero, &amp;quot;De Oratore,&amp;quot; ii. 13.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_607_607&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_607_607&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;607&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Of Tarsus. See Cicero, &amp;quot;De Officiis,&amp;quot; iii. 12.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_238a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ON CURIOSITY.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_608_608&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_608_608&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;608&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;i.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; If a house is dark, or has little air, is in an exposed position, or unhealthy, the best thing will probably be to leave it; but if one is attached to it from long residence in it, one can improve it and make it more light and airy and healthy by altering the position of the windows and stairs, and by throwing open new doors and shutting up old ones. So some towns have been altered for the better, as my native place,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_609_609&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_609_609&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;609&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which did lie to the west and received the rays of the setting sun from Parnassus, was they say turned to the east by Chæron. And Empedocles the naturalist is supposed to have driven away the pestilence from that district, by having closed up a mountain gorge that was prejudicial to health by admitting the south wind to the plains. Similarly, as there are certain diseases of the soul that are injurious and harmful and bring storm and darkness to it, the best thing will be to eject them and lay them low by giving them open sky, pure air and light, or, if that cannot be, to change and improve them some way or other. One such mental disease, that immediately suggests itself to one, is curiosity, the desire to know other people&#039;s troubles, a disease that seems neither free from envy nor malignity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Malignant wretch, why art so keen to mark&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Thy neighbour&#039;s fault, and seest not thine own?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_610_610&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_610_610&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;610&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Shift your view, and turn your curiosity so as to look inwards: if you delight to study the history of evils, you have copious material at home, &amp;quot;as much as there is water in the Alizon, or leaves on the oak,&amp;quot; such a quantity of faults will you find in your own life, and passions in your soul, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_239&amp;quot;&amp;gt;239&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and shortcomings in your duty. For as Xenophon says&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_611_611&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_611_611&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;611&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; good managers have one place for the vessels they use in sacrificing, and another for those they use at meals, one place for their farm instruments, and another for their weapons of war, so your faults arise from different causes, some from envy, some from jealousy, some from cowardice, some from meanness. Review these, consider these; bar up the curiosity that pries into your neighbours&#039; windows and passages, and open it on the men&#039;s apartments, and women&#039;s apartments, and servant&#039;s attics, in your own house. There this inquisitiveness and curiosity will find full vent, in inquiries that will not be useless or malicious, but advantageous and serviceable, each one saying to himself,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;What have I done amiss? What have I done?&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;What that I ought to have done left undone?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And now, as they say of Lamia that she is blind when she sleeps at home, for she puts her eyes on her dressing-table, but when she goes out she puts her eyes on again, and has good sight, so each of us turns, like an eye, our malicious curiosity out of doors and on others, while we are frequently blind and ignorant about our own faults and vices, not applying to them our eyes and light. So that the curious man is more use to his enemies than to himself, for he finds fault with and exposes their shortcomings, and shows them what they ought to avoid and correct, while he neglects most of his affairs at home, owing to his excitement about things abroad. Odysseus indeed would not converse with his mother till he had learnt from the seer Tiresias what he went to Hades to learn; and after receiving that information, then he turned to her, and asked questions about the other women, who Tyro was, and who the fair Chloris, and why Epicaste&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_612_612&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_612_612&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;612&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; had died, &amp;quot;having fastened a noose with a long drop to the lofty beam.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_613_613&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_613_613&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;613&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But we, while very remiss and ignorant and careless about ourselves, know all about the pedigrees &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_240&amp;quot;&amp;gt;240&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of other people, that our neighbour&#039;s grandfather was a Syrian, and his grandmother a Thracian woman, and that such a one owes three talents, and has not paid the interest. We even inquire into such trifling matters as where somebody&#039;s wife has been, and what those two are talking in the corner about. But Socrates used to busy himself in examining the secret of Pythagoras&#039; persuasive oratory, and Aristippus, meeting Ischomachus at the Olympian games, asked him how Socrates conversed so as to have so much influence over the young men, and having received from him a few scraps and samples of his style, was so enthusiastic about it that he wasted away, and became quite pale and lean, thirsty and parched, till he sailed to Athens and drew from the fountain-head, and knew the wonderful man himself and his speeches and philosophy, the object of which was that men should recognize their faults and so get rid of them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But some men cannot bear to look upon their own life, so unlovely a spectacle is it, nor to throw and flash on themselves, like a lantern, the reflection of reason; but their soul being burdened with all manner of vices, and dreading and shuddering at its own interior, sallies forth and wanders abroad, feeding and fattening its malignity there. For as a hen, when its food stands near its coop,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_614_614&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_614_614&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;614&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; will frequently slip off into a corner and scratch up,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Where I ween some poor little grain appears on the dunghill,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;so curious people neglecting conversation or inquiry about common matters, such as no one would try and prevent or be indignant at their prying into, pick out the secret and hidden troubles of every family. And yet that was a witty answer of the Egyptian, to the person who asked him, &amp;quot;What he was carrying wrapped up;&amp;quot; &amp;quot;It was wrapped up on purpose that you should not know.&amp;quot; And you too, Sir, I would say to a curious person, why do you pry into what is hidden? If it were not something bad it would not be hidden. Indeed it is not usual to go into a strange house without knocking at the door, and nowadays there are porters, but in old times there were knockers on doors &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_241&amp;quot;&amp;gt;241&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to let the people inside know when anyone called, that a stranger might not find the mistress or daughter of the house &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;en déshabille&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, or one of the slaves being corrected, or the maids bawling out. But the curious person intrudes on all such occasions as these, although he would be unwilling to be a spectator, even if invited, of a well-ordered family: but the things for which bars and bolts and doors are required, these he reveals and divulges openly to others. Those are the most troublesome winds, as Aristo says, that blow up our clothes: but the curious person not only strips off the garments and clothes of his neighbours, but breaks through their walls, opens their doors, and like the wanton wind, that insinuates itself into maidenly reserve, he pries into and calumniates dances and routs and revels.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And as Cleon is satirized in the play&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_615_615&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_615_615&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;615&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; as having &amp;quot;his hands among the Ætolians, but his soul in Peculation-town,&amp;quot; so the soul of the curious man is at once in the mansions of the rich, and the cottages of the poor, and the courts of kings, and the bridal chambers of the newly married; he pries into everything, the affairs of foreigners, the affairs of princes, and sometimes not without danger. For just as if one were to taste aconite to investigate its properties, and kill oneself before one had discovered them, so those that pry into the troubles of great people ruin themselves before they get the knowledge they desire; even as those become blind who, neglecting the wide and general diffusion all over the earth of the sun&#039;s rays, impudently attempt to gaze at its orb and penetrate to its light. And so that was a wise answer of Philippides the Comic Poet, when King Lysimachus asked him on one occasion, &amp;quot;What would you like to have of mine?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Anything, O king, but your secrets.&amp;quot; For the pleasantest and finest things to be got from kings are public, as banquets, and riches, and festivities, and favours: but come not near any secret of theirs, pry not into it. There is no concealment of the joy of a prosperous monarch, or of his laugh when he is in a playful mood, or of any tokens of his goodwill and favour; but dreadful is what he conceals, his gloominess, his sternness, his reserve, his store of latent wrath, his &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_242&amp;quot;&amp;gt;242&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;meditation on stern revenge, his jealousy of his wife, or suspicion of his son, or doubt about the fidelity of a friend. Flee from this cloud that is so black and threatening, for when its hidden fury bursts forth, you will not fail to hear its thunder and see its lightning.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;v.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; How shall you flee from it? Why, by dissipating and distracting your curiosity, by turning your soul to better and pleasanter objects: examine the phenomena of sky, and earth, and air, and sea. Are you by nature fond of gazing at little or great things? If at great, turn your attention to the sun, consider its rising and setting: view the changes of the moon, like the changes of our mortal life, see how it waxes and wanes,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;How at the first it peers out small and dim&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Till it unfolds its full and glorious Orb,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And when its zenith it has once attained,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Again it wanes, grows small, and disappears.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_616_616&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_616_616&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;616&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These are indeed Nature&#039;s secrets, but they bring no trouble on those that study them. But if you decline the study of great things, inspect with curiosity smaller matters, see how some plants flourish, are green and gay, and exhibit their beauty, all the year round, while others are sometimes gay like them, at other times, like some unthrift, run through their resources entirely, and are left bare and naked. Consider again their various shapes, how some produce oblong fruits, others angular, others smooth and round. But perhaps you will not care to pry into all this, since you will find nothing bad. If you must then ever bestow your time and attention on what is bad, as the serpent lives but in deadly matter, go to history, and turn your eye on the sum total of human misery. For there you will find &amp;quot;the falls of men, and murders of their lives,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_617_617&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_617_617&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;617&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; rapes of women, attacks of slaves, treachery of friends, mixing of poisons, envyings, jealousies, &amp;quot;shipwrecks of families,&amp;quot; and dethroning of princes. Sate and cloy your&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_243&amp;quot;&amp;gt;243&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;self on these, you will by so doing vex and enrage none of your associates.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But it seems curiosity does not rejoice in stale evils, but only in fresh and recent ones, gladly viewing the spectacle of tragedies of yesterday, but backward in taking part in comic and festive scenes. And so the curious person is a languid and listless hearer to the narrator of a marriage, or sacrifice, or solemn procession, he says he has heard most of all that before, bids the narrator cut it short and come to the point; but if his visitor tell him of the violation of some girl, or the adultery of some married woman, or the disputes and intended litigation of brothers, he doesn&#039;t go to sleep then, nor pretend want of leisure,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;But he pricks up his ears, and asks for more.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And indeed those lines,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Alas! how quicker far to mortals&#039; ears&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Do ill news travel than the news of good!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;are truly said of curious people. For as cupping-glasses take away the worst blood, so the ears of curious people attract only the worst reports; or rather, as cities have certain ominous and gloomy gates, through which they conduct only condemned criminals, or convey filth and night soil, for nothing pure or holy has either ingress into or egress from them, so into the ears of curious people goes nothing good or elegant, but tales of murders travel and lodge there, wafting a whiff of unholy and obscene narrations.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And ever in my house is heard alone&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The sound of wailing;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;this is to the curious their one Muse and Siren, this the sweetest note they can hear. For curiosity desires to know what is hidden and secret; but no one conceals his good fortune, nay sometimes people even pretend to have such advantages as they do not really possess. So the curious man, eager to hear a history of what is bad, is possessed by the passion of malignity, which is brother to envy and jealousy. For envy is pain at another&#039;s blessings, and malignity is joy at another&#039;s misfortunes: and both proceed from the same savage and brutish vice, ill-nature.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_244&amp;quot;&amp;gt;244&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But so unpleasant is it to everybody to have his private ills brought to light, that many have died rather than acquaint the doctors with their secret ailments. For suppose Herophilus, or Erasistratus, or even Æsculapius himself during his sojourn on earth, had gone with their drugs and surgical instruments from house to house, to inquire what man had a fistula in ano, or what woman had a cancer in her womb;—and yet their curiosity would have been professional&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_618_618&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_618_618&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;618&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;—who would not have driven them away from their house, for not waiting till they were sent for, and for coming without being asked to spy out their neighbours&#039; ailments? But curious people pry into these and even worse matters, not from a desire to heal them, but only to expose them to others, which makes them deservedly hated. For we are not vexed and mortified with custom-house officers when they levy toll on goods &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;bona fide&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; imported, but only when they seek for contraband articles, and rip up bags and packages: and yet the law allows them to do even this, and sometimes it is injurious to them not to do so. But curious people abandon and neglect their own affairs, and are busy about their neighbours&#039; concerns. Seldom do they go into the country, for they do not care for its quiet and stillness and solitude, but if once in a way they do go there, they look more at their neighbours&#039; vines than their own, and inquire how many cows of their neighbour have died, or how much of his wine has turned sour, and when they are satisfied on these points they soon return to town again. But the genuine countryman does not willingly listen to any rumour that chances to come from the town, for he quotes the following lines,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Even with spade in hand he&#039;ll tell the terms&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;On which peace was concluded: all these things&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The cursèd fellow walks about and pries into.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;viii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But curious people shun the country as stale and dull and too quiet, and push into warehouses and markets and harbours, asking, &amp;quot;Any news? Were you not in the market in the forenoon?&amp;quot; and sometimes receiving for answer, &amp;quot;What then? Do you think things in the town change every three hours?&amp;quot; Notwithstanding if any&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_245&amp;quot;&amp;gt;245&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;one brings any news, he&#039;ll get off his horse, and embrace him, and kiss him, and stand to listen. If however the person who meets him says he has no news, he will say somewhat peevishly, &amp;quot;No news, Sir? Have you not been in the market? Did you not pass by the officers&#039; quarters? Did you exchange no words with those that have just arrived from Italy?&amp;quot; To stop such people the Locrian authorities had an excellent rule; they fined everyone coming from abroad who asked what the news was. For as cooks pray for plenty of meat, and fishmongers for shoals of fish, so curious people pray for shoals of trouble, and plenty of business, and innovations and changes, that they may have something to hunt after and tittle-tattle about. Well also was it in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Charondas&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, the legislator of the people of Thurii,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_619_619&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_619_619&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;619&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to forbid any of the citizens but adulterers and curious persons to be ridiculed on the stage. Adultery itself indeed seems to be only the fruit of curiosity about another man&#039;s pleasures, and an inquiring and prying into things kept close and hidden from the world; while curiosity is a tampering with and seduction of and revealing the nakedness of secrets.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_620_620&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_620_620&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;620&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ix.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; As it is likely that much learning will produce wordiness, and so Pythagoras enjoined five years&#039; silence on his scholars, calling it a truce from words,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_621_621&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_621_621&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;621&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; so defamation of character is sure to go with curiosity. For what people are glad to hear they are glad to talk about, and what they eagerly pick up from others they joyfully retail to others. And so, amongst the other mischiefs of curiosity, the disease runs counter to their desires; for all people fight shy of them, and conceal their affairs from them, and neither care to do or say anything in their presence, but defer consultations, and put off investigations, till such people are out of the way; and if, when some secret is just about to be uttered, or some important business is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_246&amp;quot;&amp;gt;246&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;just about to be arranged, some curious man happen to pop in, they are mum at once and reserved, as one puts away fish if the cat is about; and so frequently things seen and talked about by all the rest of the world are unknown only to them. For the same reason the curious person never gets the confidence of anybody. For we would rather entrust our letters and papers and seals to slaves and strangers than to curious friends and intimates. The famous Bellerophon,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_622_622&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_622_622&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;622&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; though he carried letters against his life, opened them not, but abstained from reading the letter to the king, as he had refused to sell his honour to Proetus&#039; wife, so great was his continence.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_623_623&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_623_623&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;623&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For curiosity and adultery both come from incontinence, and to the latter is added monstrous folly and insanity. For to pass by so many common and public women, and to intrude oneself on some married woman,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_624_624&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_624_624&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;624&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who is sure to be more costly, and possibly less pretty to boot, is the acme of madness. Yet such is the conduct of curious people. They neglect many gay sights, fail to hear much that would be well worth hearing, lose much fine sport and pastime, to break open private letters, to put their ears to their neighbour&#039;s walls, and to whisper to their slaves and women-servants, practices always low, and frequently dangerous.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;x.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; It will be exceedingly useful, therefore, to deter the curious from these propensities, for them to remember their past experience. Simonides used to say that he occasionally opened two chests for rewards and thanks that he had by him, and found the one full for rewards, but the one for thanks always empty.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_625_625&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_625_625&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;625&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So if anyone were to open occasionally the stores that curiosity had amassed, and observe what a cargo there was of useless and idle and unlovely things, perhaps the sight of all this poor stuff would inspire him with disgust. Suppose someone, in studying the writings of the ancients, were to pick out only their worst passages, and compile them into a volume, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_247&amp;quot;&amp;gt;247&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;as Homer&#039;s imperfect lines, and the solecisms of the tragedians, and Archilochus&#039; indecent and bitter railings against women, by which he so exposed himself, would he not be worthy of the curse of the tragedian,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Perish, compiler of thy neighbours&#039; ills?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And independently of such a curse, the piling up of other people&#039;s misdoings is indecent and useless, and like the town which Philip founded and filled with the vilest and most dissolute wretches, and called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Rogue Town&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Curious persons, indeed, making a collection of the faults and errors and solecisms, not of lines or poems but of people&#039;s lives, render their memory a most inelegant and unlovely register of dark deeds. Just as there are in Rome some people who care nothing for pictures and statues, or even handsome boys or women exposed for sale, but haunt the monster-market, and make eager inquiries about people who have no calves, or three eyes, or arms like weasels, or heads like ostriches, and look about for some&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Unnatural monster like the Minotaur,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_626_626&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_626_626&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;626&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and for a time are greatly captivated with them, but if anyone continually gazes at such sights, they will soon give him satiety and disgust; so let those who curiously inquire into the errors and faults of life, and disgraces of families, and disorders in other people&#039;s houses, first remember what little favour or advantage such prying has brought them on previous occasions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Habit will be of the utmost importance in stopping this propensity, if we begin early to practise self-control in respect to it, for as the disease increases by habit and degrees, so will its cure, as we shall see when we discuss the necessary discipline. In the first place, let us begin with the most trifling and unimportant matters. What hardship will it be when we walk abroad not to read the epitaphs on graves, or what detriment shall we suffer by not glancing at the inscriptions on walls in the public walks? Let us reflect that there is nothing useful or pleasant for us in these notices, which only record that so-and-so&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_248&amp;quot;&amp;gt;248&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; remembered so-and-so out of gratitude, and, &amp;quot;Here lies the best of friends,&amp;quot; and much poor stuff of that kind;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_627_627&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_627_627&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;627&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which indeed do not seem to do much harm, except indirectly, to those that read them, by engendering the practice of curiosity about things immaterial. And as huntsmen do not allow the hounds to follow any scent and run where they please, but check and restrain them in leashes, keeping their sense of smell pure and fresh for the object of their chase, that they may the keener dart on their tracks, &amp;quot;following up the traces of the unfortunate beasts by their scent,&amp;quot; so we must check and repress the sallies and excursions of the curious man to every object of interest, whether of sight or hearing, and confine him to what is useful. For as eagles and lions on the prowl keep their claws sheathed that they may not lose their edge and sharpness, so, when we remember that curiosity for learning has also its edge and keenness, let us not entirely expend or blunt it on inferior objects.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Next let us accustom ourselves when we pass a strange house not to look inside at the door, or curiously inspect the interior, as if we were going to pilfer something, remembering always that saying of Xenocrates, that it is all one whether one puts one&#039;s feet or eyes in another person&#039;s house. For such prying is neither honourable, nor comely, nor even agreeable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Stranger, thou&#039;lt see within untoward sights.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For such is generally the condition inside houses, utensils kicking about, maids lolling about, no work going on, nothing to please the eye; and moreover such side glances, and stray shots as it were, distort the soul, and are unhandsome, and the practice is a pernicious one. When Diogenes saw Dioxippus, a victor at Olympia, driving up in his chariot and unable to take his eyes off a handsome woman who was watching the procession, but still turning round and casting sheep&#039;s eyes at her, he said, &amp;quot;See you yon athlete straining his neck to look at a girl?&amp;quot; And similarly you may see curious people twisting and straining &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_249&amp;quot;&amp;gt;249&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;their necks at every spectacle alike, from the habit and practice of turning their eyes in all directions. And I think the senses ought not to rove about, like an ill-trained maid, when sent on an errand by the soul, but to do their business, and then return quickly with the answer, and afterwards to keep within the bounds of reason, and obey her behests. But it is like those lines of Sophocles,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Then did the Ænianian&#039;s horses bolt,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Unmanageable quite;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_628_628&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_628_628&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;628&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;for so the senses not having, as we said, right training and practice, often run away, and drag reason along with them, and plunge her into unlawful excesses. And so, though that story about Democritus is false, that he purposely destroyed his eyesight by the reflection from burning-glasses (as people sometimes shut up windows that look into the street), that they might not disturb him by frequently calling off his attention to external things, but allow him to confine himself to purely intellectual matters, yet it is very true in every case that those who use the mind most are least acted upon by the senses. And so the philosophers erected their places for study as far as possible from towns, and called Night the time propitious to thought,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_629_629&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_629_629&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;629&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; thinking quiet and withdrawal from worldly distractions a great help towards meditating upon and solving the problems of life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xiii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Moreover, when men are abusing and reviling one another in the market-place, it is not very difficult or tiresome not to go near them; or if a tumultuous concourse of people crowd together, to remain seated; or to get up and go away, if you are not master of yourself. For you will gain no advantage by mixing yourself up with curious people: but you will derive the greatest benefit from putting a force upon your inclinations, and bridling your curiosity, and accustoming it to obey reason. Afterwards it will be well to extend the practice still further, and not to go to the theatre when some fine piece is performing, and if your friends invite you to see some dancer or actor to decline, and, if there is some shouting &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_250&amp;quot;&amp;gt;250&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;in the stadium and hippodrome, not even to turn your head to look what is up. For as Socrates advised people to abstain from food that made them eat when they were not hungry, and from drinks that made them drink when they were not thirsty, so ought we also to shun and flee from those objects of interest, whether to eye or ear, that master us and attract us when we stand in no need of them. Thus Cyrus would not look at Panthea, but when Araspes told him that her beauty was well worth inspection, he replied, &amp;quot;For that very reason must I the more abstain from seeing her, for if at your persuasion I were to pay her a visit, perhaps she would persuade me to visit her again when I could ill spare the time, so that I might neglect important business to sit with her and gaze on her charms.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_630_630&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_630_630&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;630&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Similarly Alexander would not see the wife of Darius, who was reputed to be very beautiful, but visited her mother who was old, and would not venture to look upon the young and handsome queen. We on the contrary peep into women&#039;s litters, and hang about their windows, and think we do no harm, though we thus make our curiosity a loop-hole&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_631_631&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_631_631&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;631&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for all manner of vice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xiv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Moreover, as it is of great help to fair dealing sometimes not to seize some honest gain, that you may accustom yourself as far as possible to flee from unjust gains, and as it makes greatly for virtue to abstain sometimes from your own wife, that you may not ever be tempted by another woman, so, applying the habit to curiosity, try not to see and hear at times all that goes on in your own house even, and if anyone wishes to tell you anything about it give him the go-by, and decline to hear him. For it was nothing but his curiosity that involved Œdipus in his extreme calamities: for it was to try and find out his extraction that he left Corinth and met Laius, and killed him, and got his kingdom, and married his own mother, and when he then seemed at the acme of felicity, he must needs make further inquiries about himself; and though his wife tried to prevent him, he none the less com&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_251&amp;quot;&amp;gt;251&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;pelled the old man that had been an eye-witness of the deed to tell him all the circumstances of it, and though he long suspected how the story would end, yet when the old man cried out,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Alas! the dreadful tale I must then tell,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;so inflamed was he with curiosity and trembling with impatience, that he replied,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I too must hear, for hear it now I will.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_632_632&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_632_632&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;632&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;So bitter-sweet and uncontrollable is the itch of curiosity, like a sore, shedding its blood when lanced. But he that is free from this disease, and calm by nature, being ignorant of many unpleasant things, may say,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Holy oblivion of all human ills,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;What wisdom dost thou bring!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_633_633&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_633_633&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;633&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; We ought therefore also to accustom ourselves, when we receive a letter, not to be in a tremendous hurry about breaking the seal, as most people are, even tearing it open with their teeth if their hands are slow; nor to rise from our seat and run up to meet him, if a messenger comes; and if a friend says, &amp;quot;I have some news to tell you,&amp;quot; we ought to say, &amp;quot;I had rather you had something useful or advantageous to tell me.&amp;quot; When I was on one occasion lecturing at Rome, one of my audience was the well-known Rusticus, whom the Emperor Domitian afterwards had put to death through envy of his glory, and a soldier came in in the middle and brought him a letter from the Emperor, and silence ensuing, and I stopping that he might have time to read his letter, he would not, and did not open it till I had finished my lecture, and the audience had dispersed; so that everybody marvelled at his self-control. But whenever anyone who has power feeds his curiosity till it is strong and vehement, he can no longer easily control it, when it hurries him on to illicit acts, from force of habit; and such people open their friends&#039; letters, thrust themselves in at private meetings, become spectators of rites &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_252&amp;quot;&amp;gt;252&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;they ought not to witness, enter holy grounds they ought not to, and pry into the lives and conversations of kings.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xvi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Indeed tyrants themselves, who must know all things, are made unpopular by no class more than by their spies&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_634_634&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_634_634&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;634&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and talebearers. Darius in his youth, when he mistrusted his own powers, and suspected and feared everybody, was the first who employed spies; and the Dionysiuses introduced them at Syracuse: but in a revolution they were the first that the Syracusans took and tortured to death. Indeed informers are of the same tribe and family as curious people. However informers only investigate wicked acts or plots, but curious people pry into and publish abroad the involuntary misfortunes of their neighbours. And it is said that impious people first got their name from curiosity, for it seems there was a mighty famine at Athens, and those people that had wheat not producing it, but grinding it stealthily by night in their houses, some of their neighbours went about and noticed the noise of the mills grinding, and so they got their name.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_635_635&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_635_635&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;635&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This also is the origin of the well-known Greek word for informer, (Sycophant, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;quasi&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Fig-informer), for when the people were forbidden to export figs, those who informed against those who did were called Fig-informers. It is well worth the while of curious people to give their attention to this, that they may be ashamed of having any similarity or connection in habit with a class of people so universally hated and disliked as informers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_608_608&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_608_608&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;608&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Jeremy Taylor has largely borrowed from this Treatise in his &amp;quot;Holy Living,&amp;quot; chap. ii. § v. Of Modesty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_609_609&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_609_609&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;609&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Chæronea in Bœotia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_610_610&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_610_610&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;610&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Lines from some comic poet, no doubt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_611_611&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_611_611&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;611&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Œconomicus,&amp;quot; cap. viii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_612_612&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_612_612&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;612&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The mother of Œdipus, better known as &amp;quot;Jocasta.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_613_613&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_613_613&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;613&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; xi. 278. Epicaste hung herself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_614_614&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_614_614&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;614&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;οἰκίσκῳ corrigit Valekenarius ad Herodot. p. 557.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Wyttenbach&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_615_615&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_615_615&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;615&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aristophanes, &amp;quot;Equites,&amp;quot; 79.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_616_616&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_616_616&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;616&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sophocles, Fragm. 713. The lines are quoted more fully by our author in his &amp;quot;Lives,&amp;quot; p. 911. There are there four preceding lines that compare human life to the moon&#039;s changes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_617_617&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_617_617&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;617&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Æschylus, &amp;quot;Supplices,&amp;quot; 937.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_618_618&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_618_618&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;618&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; All three being eminent doctors.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_619_619&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_619_619&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;619&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Intelligo Charondam.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Xylander.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_620_620&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_620_620&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;620&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch wants to show that curiosity and adultery are really the same vice in principle. Hence his imagery here. Jeremy Taylor has very beautifully dealt with this passage, &amp;quot;Holy Living,&amp;quot; chap. ii. § v. I cannot pretend to his felicity of language. Thus Plutarch makes adultery mere curiosity, and curiosity a sort of adultery in regard to secrets. A profoundly ethical and moral view. Compare § ix.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_621_621&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_621_621&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;621&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare Lucian&#039;s ἐχεγλωττία, after ἐχεχειρία (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;armistice&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;), &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Lexiph.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 9.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_622_622&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_622_622&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;622&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the story in Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; vi. 155 sq.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_623_623&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_623_623&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;623&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Or self-control.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_624_624&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_624_624&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;624&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Literally, some woman &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;shut up&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, or &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;enclosed&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_625_625&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_625_625&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;625&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See also our author&#039;s &amp;quot;On those who are punished by the Deity late,&amp;quot; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_344a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;§ xi.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_626_626&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_626_626&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;626&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Euripides, Fragm., 389. Also Plutarch&#039;s &amp;quot;Theseus,&amp;quot; cap. xv.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_627_627&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_627_627&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;627&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch rather reminds one, in his evident contempt for &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Epitaphs&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, of the cynic who asked, &amp;quot;Where are all the bad people buried?&amp;quot; Where indeed?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_628_628&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_628_628&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;628&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sophocles, &amp;quot;Electra,&amp;quot; 724, 725.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_629_629&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_629_629&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;629&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;euphronê&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, a stock phrase for night, is here defined.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_630_630&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_630_630&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;630&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Historia exstat initio libri quinti Cyropædiæ.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Reiske.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_631_631&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_631_631&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;631&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Literally, &amp;quot;slippery and prone to.&amp;quot; For the metaphor of &amp;quot;slippery&amp;quot; compare Horace, &amp;quot;Odes,&amp;quot; i. 19-8, &amp;quot;Et vultus nimium lubricus adspici.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_632_632&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_632_632&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;632&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This and the line above are in Sophocles, &amp;quot;Œdipus Tyrannus,&amp;quot; 1169, 1170.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_633_633&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_633_633&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;633&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Orestes,&amp;quot; 213.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_634_634&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_634_634&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;634&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Literally, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ears&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_635_635&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_635_635&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;635&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The paronomasia is as follows. The word for impious people is supposed to mean &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;listeners to mills grinding&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_252a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ON SHYNESS.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_636_636&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_636_636&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;636&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;i.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Some of the things that grow on the earth are in their nature wild and barren and injurious to the growth &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_253&amp;quot;&amp;gt;253&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of seeds and plants, yet those who till the ground consider them indications not of a bad soil but of a rich and fat one;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_637_637&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_637_637&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;637&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; so also there are passions of the soul that are not good, yet are as it were offshoots of a good disposition, and one likely to improve with good advice. Among these I class shyness, no bad sign in itself, though it affords occasion to vice. For the modest oftentimes plunge into the same excesses as the shameless, but then they are pained and grieved at them, and not pleased like the others. For the shameless person is quite apathetic at what is disgraceful, while the modest person is easily affected even at the very appearance of it. Shyness is in fact an excess of modesty. And thus it is called shamefacedness, because the face exhibits the changes of the mind. For as dejection is defined to be the grief that makes people look on the ground, so shamefacedness is that shyness that cannot look people in the face. And so the orator said the shameless person had not pupils&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_638_638&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_638_638&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;638&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in his eyes but harlots. The bashful person on the other hand shows his delicacy and effeminacy of soul in his countenance, and palliates his weakness, which exposes him to defeat at the hands of the impudent, by the name of modesty. Cato used to say he was better pleased with those lads that blushed than with those that turned pale, rightly teaching us to fear censure more than labour,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_639_639&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_639_639&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;639&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and suspicion than danger. However we must avoid too much timidity and fear of censure, since many have played the coward, and abandoned noble ventures, more from fear of a bad name than of the dangers to be undergone, not being able to bear a bad reputation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; As we must not disregard their weakness, so neither again must we praise that rigid and stubborn insensibility, &amp;quot;that recklessness and frantic energy to rush anywhere, that seemed like a dog&#039;s courage in Anaxarchus.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_640_640&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_640_640&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;640&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But we must contrive a harmonious blending of the two, that shall remove the shamelessness of pertinacity, and the weakness of excessive modesty; seeing its cure is&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_254&amp;quot;&amp;gt;254&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;difficult, and the correction of such excesses not without danger. For as the husbandman, in rooting up some wild and useless weed, at once plunges his spade vigorously into the ground, and digs it up by the root, or burns it with fire, but if he has to do with a vine that needs pruning, or some apple-tree, or olive, he puts his hand to it very carefully, being afraid of injuring any sound part; so the philosopher, eradicating from the soul of the young man that ignoble and untractable weed, envy, or unseasonable avarice, or amputating the excessive love of pleasure, may bandage and draw blood, make deep incision, and leave scars: but if he has to apply reason as a corrective to a tender and delicate part of the soul, such as shyness and bashfulness, he is careful that he may not inadvertently root up modesty as well. For nurses who are often rubbing the dirt off their infants sometimes tear their flesh and put them to torture. We ought not therefore, by rubbing off the shyness of youths too much, to make them too careless and contemptuous; but as those that pull down houses close to temples prop up the adjacent parts, so in trying to get rid of shyness we must not eradicate with it the virtues akin to it, as modesty and meekness and mildness, by which it insinuates itself and becomes part of a man&#039;s character, flattering the bashful man that he has a nature courteous and civil and affable, and not hard as flint or self-willed. And so the Stoics from the outset verbally distinguished shame and shyness from modesty, that they might not by identity of name give the vice opportunity to inflict harm. But let it be granted to us to use the words indiscriminately, following indeed the example of Homer. For he said,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Modesty does both harm and good to men;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_641_641&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_641_641&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;641&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and he did well to mention the harm it does first. For it becomes advantageous only through reason&#039;s curtailing its excess, and reducing it to moderate proportions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; In the first place, then, the person who is afflicted with shyness ought to be persuaded that he suffers from an injurious disease, and that nothing injurious &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_255&amp;quot;&amp;gt;255&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; can be good: nor must he be wheedled and tickled with the praise of being called a nice and jolly fellow rather than being styled lofty and dignified and just; nor, like Pegasus in Euripides, &amp;quot;who stooped and crouched lower than he wished&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_642_642&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_642_642&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;642&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to take up his rider Bellerophon, must he humble himself and grant whatever favours are asked him, fearing to be called hard and ungentle. They say that the Egyptian Bocchoris, who was by nature very severe, had an asp sent him by Isis, which coiled round his head, and shaded him from above, that he might judge righteously. Bashfulness on the contrary, like a dead weight on languid and effeminate persons, not daring to refuse or contradict anybody, makes jurors deliver unjust verdicts, and shuts the mouth of counsellors, and makes people say and do many things against their wish; and so the most headstrong person is always master and lord of such, through his own impudence prevailing against their modesty. So bashfulness, like soft and sloping ground, being unable to repel or avert any attack, lies open to the most shameful acts and passions. It is a bad guardian of youth, as Brutus said he didn&#039;t think that person had spent his youth well who had not learnt how to say No. It is a bad duenna of the bridal bed and of women&#039;s apartments, as the penitent adultress in Sophocles said to her seducer,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You did persuade, and coax me into sin.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_643_643&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_643_643&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;643&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thus shyness, being first seduced by vice,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_644_644&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_644_644&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;644&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; leaves its citadel unbarred, unfortified, and open to attack. By gifts people ensnare the worse natures, but by persuasion and playing upon their bashfulness people often seduce even good women. I pass over the injury done to worldly affairs by bashfulness causing people to lend to those whose credit is doubtful, and to go security against their wish, for though they commend that saying, &amp;quot;Be a surety, trouble is at hand,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_645_645&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_645_645&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;645&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; they cannot apply it when business is on hand.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; It would not be easy to enumerate how many this vice has ruined. When Creon said to Medea,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_256&amp;quot;&amp;gt;256&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Lady, &#039;tis better now to earn your hate,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Than through my softness afterwards to groan,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_646_646&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_646_646&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;646&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;he uttered a pregnant maxim for others; for he himself was overcome by his bashfulness, and granted her one day more, and so was the undoing of his family. And some, when they suspected murder or poison, have failed through it to take precautions for their safety. Thus perished Dion, not ignorant that Callippus was plotting against him, but ashamed to be on his guard against a friend and host. So Antipater, the son of Cassander, having invited Demetrius to supper, and being invited back by him for the next day, was ashamed to doubt another as he had been trusted himself, and went, and got his throat cut after supper. And Polysperchon promised Cassander for a hundred talents to murder Hercules, the son of Alexander by Barsine, and invited him to supper, and, as the stripling suspected and feared the invitation, and pleaded as an excuse that he was not very well, Polysperchon called on him, and addressed him as follows, &amp;quot;Imitate, my lad, your father&#039;s good-nature and kindness to his friends, unless indeed you fear us as plotting against you.&amp;quot; The young man was ashamed to refuse any longer, so he went with him, and some of those at the supper-party strangled him. And so that line of Hesiod,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_647_647&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_647_647&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;647&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Invite your friend to supper, not your enemy,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;is not ridiculous, as some say, or stupid advice, but wise. Show no bashfulness in regard to an enemy, and do not suppose him trustworthy, though he may seem so.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_648_648&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_648_648&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;648&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For if you invite you will be invited back, and if you entertain others you will be entertained back to your hurt, if you let the temper as it were of your caution be weakened by shame.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;v.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; As then this disease is the cause of much mischief, we must try and exterminate it by assiduous effort, beginning first, as people are wont to do in other matters, with small and easy things. For example, if anyone pledge you to drink with him at a dinner when you have had enough, do not be bashful, or do violence to nature, but &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_257&amp;quot;&amp;gt;257&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;put the cup down without drinking. Again, if somebody else challenge you to play at dice with him in your cups, be not bashful or afraid of ridicule, but imitate Xenophanes, who, when Lasus of Hermione called him coward because he would not play at dice with him, admitted that he was a great coward and had no courage for what was ignoble. Again, if you meet with some prating fellow who attacks you and sticks to you, do not be bashful, but get rid of him, and hasten on and pursue your undertaking. For such flights and repulses, keeping you in practice in trying to overcome your bashfulness in small matters, will prepare you for greater occasions. And here it is well to record a remark of Demosthenes. When the Athenians were going to help Harpalus, and to war against Alexander, all of a sudden Philoxenus, who was Alexander&#039;s admiral, was sighted in the offing. And the populace being greatly alarmed, and speechless for fear, Demosthenes said, &amp;quot;What will they do when they see the sun, if they cannot lift their eyes to face a lamp?&amp;quot; And what will you do in important matters, if the king desires anything, or the people importune you, if you cannot decline to drink when your friend asks you, or evade the onset of some prating fellow, but allow the trifler to waste all your time, from not having nerve to say, &amp;quot;I will see you some other time, I have no leisure now.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_649_649&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_649_649&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;649&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Moreover, the use and practice of restraining one&#039;s bashfulness in small and unimportant matters is advantageous also in regard to praise. For example, if a friend&#039;s harper sings badly at a drinking party, or an actor hired at great cost murders&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_650_650&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_650_650&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;650&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Menander, and most of the party clap and applaud, I find it by no means hard, or bad manners, to listen silently, and not to be so illiberal as to praise contrary to one&#039;s convictions. For if in such matters you are not master of yourself, what will you do if your friend reads a poor poem, or parades a speech stupidly and ridiculously written?&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_651_651&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_651_651&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;651&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; You will praise it of course, and join the flatterers in loud applause. But how then will you &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_258&amp;quot;&amp;gt;258&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;find fault with your friend if he makes mistakes in business? How will you be able to correct him, if he acts improperly in reference to some office, or marriage, or the state? For I cannot indeed assent to the remark of Pericles to his friend, who asked him to bear false witness in his favour even to the extent of perjury, &amp;quot;I am your friend as far as the altar.&amp;quot; He went too far. But he that has long accustomed himself never to go against his convictions in praising a speaker, or clapping a singer, or laughing at a dull buffoon, will never go to this length, nor say to some impudent fellow in such matters, &amp;quot;Swear on my behalf, bear false witness, pronounce an unjust verdict.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; So also we ought to refuse people that want to borrow money of us, from being accustomed to say No in small and easily refused matters. Thus Archelaus, king of the Macedonians, being asked at supper for a gold cup by a man who thought &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Receive&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; the finest word in the language, bade a boy give it to Euripides,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_652_652&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_652_652&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;652&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and gazing intently on the man said to him, &amp;quot;You are fit to ask, and not to receive, and he is fit to receive without asking.&amp;quot; Thus did he make judgement and not bashfulness the arbiter of his gifts and favours. Yet we oftentimes pass over our friends who are both deserving and in need, and give to others who continually and impudently importune us, not from the wish to give but from the inability to say No. So the older Antigonus, being frequently annoyed by Bion, said, &amp;quot;Give a talent to Bion and necessity.&amp;quot; Yet he was of all the kings most clever and ingenious at getting rid of such importunity. For on one occasion, when a Cynic asked him for a drachma, he replied, &amp;quot;That would be too little for a king to give;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_653_653&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_653_653&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;653&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and when the Cynic rejoined, &amp;quot;Give me then a talent,&amp;quot; he met him with, &amp;quot;That would be too much for a Cynic to receive.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_654_654&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_654_654&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;654&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Diogenes indeed &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_259&amp;quot;&amp;gt;259&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;used to go round begging to the statues in the Ceramicus, and when people expressed their astonishment said he was practising how to bear refusals. And we must practise ourselves in small matters, and exercise ourselves in little things, with a view to refusing people who importune us, or would receive from us when inconvenient, that we may be able to avoid great miscarriages. For no one, as Demosthenes says,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_655_655&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_655_655&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;655&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; if he expends his resources on unnecessary things, will have means for necessary ones. And our disgrace is greatly increased, if we are deficient in what is noble, and abound in what is trivial.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;viii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But bashfulness is not only a bad and inconsiderate manager of money, but also in more important matters makes us reject expediency and reason. For when we are ill we do not call in the experienced doctor, because we stand in awe of the family one; and instead of the best teachers for our boys we select those that importune us;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_656_656&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_656_656&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;656&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and in our suits at law we frequently refuse the aid of some skilled advocate, to oblige the son of some friend or relative, and give him a chance to make a forensic display; and lastly, you will find many so-called philosophers Epicureans or Stoics, not from deliberate choice or conviction, but simply from bashfulness, to have the same views as their friends and acquaintances. Since this is the case, let us accustom ourselves betimes in small and everyday matters to employ no barber or fuller merely from bashfulness, nor to put up at a sorry inn, when a better is at hand, merely because the innkeeper has on several occasions been extra civil to us, but for the benefit of the habit to select the best even in a small matter; as the Pythagoreans were careful never to put their left leg across the right, nor to take an even number instead of an odd, all other matters being indifferent. We must accustom ourselves also, at a sacrifice or marriage or any entertainment of that kind, not to invite the person who greets us and runs up to meet us, but the friend who is serviceable to us. For he that has thus practised and trained himself will be difficult to catch tripping, nay even unassailable, in greater matters.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_260&amp;quot;&amp;gt;260&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ix.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Let so much suffice for practice. And of useful considerations the first is that which teaches and reminds us, that all passions and maladies of the soul are accompanied by the very things which we think we avoid through them. Thus infamy comes through too great love of fame, and pain comes from love of pleasure, and plenty of work to the idle, and to the contentious defeats and losses of lawsuits. And so too it is the fate of bashfulness, in fleeing from the smoke of ill-repute, to throw itself into the fire of it.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_657_657&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_657_657&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;657&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For the bashful, not venturing to say No to those that press them hard, afterwards feel shame at just rebuke, and, through standing in awe of slight blame, frequently in the end incur open disgrace. For if a friend asks some money of them, and through bashfulness they cannot refuse, a little time after they are disgraced by the facts becoming known;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_658_658&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_658_658&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;658&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; or if they have promised to help friends in a lawsuit, they turn round and hide their diminished heads, and run away from fear of the other side. Many also, who have accepted on behalf of a daughter or sister an unprofitable offer of marriage at the bidding of bashfulness, have afterwards been compelled to break their word, and break off the match.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;x.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; He that said all the dwellers in Asia were slaves to one man because they could not say the one syllable No, spoke in jest and not in earnest; but bashful persons, even if they say nothing, can by raising or dropping their eyebrows decline many disagreeable and unpleasant acts of compliance. For Euripides says, &amp;quot;Silence is an answer to wise men,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_659_659&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_659_659&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;659&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but we stand more in need of it to inconsiderate persons, for we can talk over the sensible. And indeed it is well to have at hand and frequently on our lips the sayings&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_660_660&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_660_660&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;660&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of good and famous men to quote to those who importune us, as that of Phocion to Antipater, &amp;quot;You cannot have me both as a friend and flatterer;&amp;quot; or his remark to the Athenians, when they applauded him &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_261&amp;quot;&amp;gt;261&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and bade him contribute to the expenses of a festival, &amp;quot;I am ashamed to contribute anything to you, till I have paid yonder person my debts to him,&amp;quot; pointing out his creditor Callicles. For, as Thucydides says, &amp;quot;It is not disgraceful to admit one&#039;s poverty, but it is very much so not to try to mend it.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_661_661&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_661_661&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;661&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But he who through stupidity or softness is too bashful to say to anyone that importunes him,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Stranger, no silver white is in my caves,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;but goes bail for him as it were through his promises,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Is bound by fetters not of brass but shame.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_662_662&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_662_662&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;662&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But Persæus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_663_663&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_663_663&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;663&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; when he lent a sum of money to one of his friends, had the fact duly attested by a banker in the market-place, remembering belike that line in Hesiod,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_664_664&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_664_664&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;664&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;E&#039;en to a brother, smiling, bring you witness.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And he wondering and saying, &amp;quot;Why all these legal forms, Persæus?&amp;quot; he replied, &amp;quot;Ay, verily, that my money may be paid back in a friendly way, and that I may not have to use legal forms to get it back.&amp;quot; For many, at first too bashful to see to security, have afterwards had to go to law, and lost their friend.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_665_665&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_665_665&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;665&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Plato again, giving Helicon of Cyzicus a letter for Dionysius, praised the bearer as a man of goodness and moderation, but added at the end of the letter, &amp;quot;I write you this about a man, an animal by nature apt to change.&amp;quot; But Xenocrates, though a man of austere character, was prevailed upon through his bashfulness to recommend to Polysperchon by letter, one who was no good man as the event showed; for when the Macedonian welcomed him, and inquired if he wanted any money, he asked for a talent, and Polysperchon gave it him, but wrote to Xenocrates advising him for the future to be more careful in the choice of people he recommended. But Xenocrates knew not the fellow&#039;s true character; we on the other &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_262&amp;quot;&amp;gt;262&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;hand very often when we know that such and such men are bad, yet give them testimonials and money, doing ourselves injury, and not getting any pleasure for it, as people do get in the company of whores and flatterers, but being vexed and disgusted at the importunity that has upset and forced our reason. For the line&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I know that what I&#039;m going to do is bad,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_666_666&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_666_666&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;666&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;is especially applicable to people that importune us, when one is going to perjure oneself, or deliver an unjust verdict, or vote for a measure that is inexpedient, or borrow money for someone who will never pay it back.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And so repentance follows more closely upon bashfulness than upon any emotion, and that not afterwards, but in the very act. For we are vexed with ourselves when we give, and ashamed when we perjure ourselves, and get ill-fame from our advocacies, and are put to the blush, when we cannot fulfil our promises. For frequently, from inability to say No, we promise impossibilities to persevering applicants, as introductions at court, and audiences with princes, from reluctance or want of nerve to say, &amp;quot;The king does not know us, others have his regard far more.&amp;quot; But Lysander, when he was out of favour with Agesilaus, though he was thought to have very great influence with him owing to his great reputation, was not ashamed to dismiss suitors, and bid them go and pay their court to others who had more influence with the king. For not to be able to do everything carries no disgrace with it, but to undertake and try and force your way to what you are unable to do, or unqualified by nature for, is in addition to the disgrace incurred a task full of trouble.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xiii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; To take another element into consideration, all seemly and modest requests we ought readily to comply with, not bashfully but heartily, whereas in injurious or unreasonable requests we ought ever to remember the conduct of Zeno, who, meeting a young man he knew walking very quietly near a wall, and learning from him that he was trying to get out of the way of a friend who wanted him to perjure himself on his behalf, said to him, &amp;quot;O stupid fellow, what do you tell me? Is he not afraid or ashamed to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_263&amp;quot;&amp;gt;263&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;press you to what is not right? And dare not you stand up boldly against him for what is right?&amp;quot; For he that said &amp;quot;villainy is no bad weapon against villainy&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_667_667&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_667_667&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;667&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; taught people the bad practice of standing on one&#039;s defence against vice by imitating it; but to get rid of those who shamelessly and unblushingly importune us by their own effrontery, and not to gratify the immodest in their disgraceful desires through false modesty, is the right and proper conduct of sensible people.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xiv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Moreover it is no great task to resist disreputable and low and worthless fellows who importune you, but some send such off with a laugh or a jest, as Theocritus did, who, when two fellows in the public baths, one a stranger, the other a well-known thief, wanted to borrow his scraper,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_668_668&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_668_668&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;668&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; put them both off with a playful answer, &amp;quot;You, sir, I don&#039;t know, and you I know too well.&amp;quot; And Lysimache,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_669_669&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_669_669&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;669&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the priestess of Athene Polias at Athens, when some muleteers that bore the sacred vessels asked her to give them a drink, answered, &amp;quot;I hesitate to do so from fear that you would make a practice of it.&amp;quot; And when a certain young man, the son of a distinguished officer, but himself effeminate and far from bold, asked Antigonus for promotion, he replied, &amp;quot;With me, young man, honours are given for personal prowess, not for the prowess of ancestors.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But if the person that importunes us be famous or a man of power, for such persons are very hard to move by entreaty or to get rid of when they come to sue for your vote and interest, it will not perhaps be easy or even necessary to behave as Cato, when quite a young man, did to Catulus. Catulus was in the highest repute at Rome, and at that time held the office of censor, and went to Cato, who then held the office of quæstor, and tried to beg off someone whom he had fined, and was urgent and even violent in his petitions, till Cato at last lost all patience, and said, &amp;quot;To have you, the censor, removed by my officers against your will, Catulus, would not be a seemly thing for you.&amp;quot; So Catulus felt ashamed, and went off in a rage. But see &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_264&amp;quot;&amp;gt;264&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;whether the answers of Agesilaus and Themistocles are not more modest and in better form. Agesilaus, when he was asked by his father to pronounce sentence contrary to the law, said, &amp;quot;Father, I was taught by you even from my earliest years to obey the laws, so now I shall obey you and do nothing contrary to law.&amp;quot; And Themistocles, when Simonides asked him to do something unjust, replied, &amp;quot;Neither would you be a good poet if your lines violated the laws of metre, nor should I be a good magistrate if I gave decisions contrary to law.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xvi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And yet it is not on account of want of metrical harmony in respect to the lyre, to borrow the words of Plato, that cities quarrel with cities and friends with friends, and do and suffer the worst woes, but on account of deviations&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_670_670&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_670_670&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;670&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; from law and justice. And yet some, who themselves pay great attention to melody and letters and measures, do not think it wrong for others to neglect what is right in magistracies and judicial sentences and business generally. One must therefore deal with them in the following manner. Does an orator ask a favour of you when you are acting as juryman, or a demagogue when you are sitting in council? Say you will grant his request if he first utter a solecism, or introduce a barbarism into his speech; he will refuse because of the shame that would attach itself to him; at any rate we see some that will not in a speech let two vowels come together. If again some illustrious and distinguished person importune you to something bad, bid him come into the market-place dancing or making wry faces, and if he refuse you will have an opportunity to speak, and ask him which is more disgraceful, to utter a solecism and make wry faces, or to violate the law and one&#039;s oath, and contrary to justice to do more for a bad than for a good man. Nicostratus the Argive, when Archidamus offered him a large sum of money and any Lacedæmonian bride he chose if he would deliver up Cromnum, said Archidamus could not be a descendant of Hercules, for he travelled about and killed evil-doers, whereas Archidamus tried to make evil-doers of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_265&amp;quot;&amp;gt;265&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the good. In like manner, if a man of good repute tries to force and importune us to something bad, let us tell him that he is acting in an ignoble way, and not as his birth and virtue would warrant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xvii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But in the case of people of no repute you must see whether you can persuade the miser by your importunity to lend you money without a bond, or the proud man to yield you the better place, or the ambitious man to surrender some office to you when he might take it himself. For truly it would seem monstrous that, while such remain firm and inflexible and unmoveable in their vicious propensities, we who wish to be, and profess to be, men of honour and justice should be so little masters of ourselves as to abandon and betray virtue. For indeed, if those who importune us do it for glory and power, it is absurd that we should adorn and aggrandize others only to get infamy and a bad name ourselves; like unfair umpires in the public games, or like people voting only to ingratiate themselves, and so bestowing improperly offices and prizes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_671_671&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_671_671&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;671&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and glory on others, while they rob themselves of respect and fair fame. And if we see that the person who importunes us only does so for money, does it not occur to one that it is monstrous to be prodigal of one&#039;s own fame and reputation merely to make somebody else&#039;s purse heavier? Why the idea must occur to most people, they sin with their eyes open; like people who are urged hard to toss off big bumpers, and grunt and groan and make wry faces, but at last do as they are told.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xviii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Such weakness of mind is like a temperament of body equally susceptible to heat and cold; for if such people are praised by those that importune them they are overcome and yield at once, whereas they are mortally afraid of the blame and suspicions of those whose desires they do not comply with. But we ought to be stout and resolute in either case, neither yielding to bullying nor cajolery. Thucydides indeed tells us, since envy necessarily follows ability, that &amp;quot;he is well advised who incurs envy in matters of the highest importance.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_672_672&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_672_672&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;672&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But we, thinking it &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_266&amp;quot;&amp;gt;266&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;difficult to escape envy, and seeing that it is altogether impossible not to incur blame or give offence to those we live with, shall be well advised if we prefer the hatred of the perverse to that of those who might justly find fault with us for having iniquitously served their turn. And indeed we ought to be on our guard against praise from those who importune us, which is sure to be altogether insincere, and not to resemble swine, readily allowing anyone that presses to make use of us from our pleasure at itching and tickling, and submitting ourselves to their will. For those that give their ears to flatterers differ not a whit from such as let themselves be tripped up at wrestling, only their overthrow and fall is more disgraceful; some forbearing hostility and reproof in the case of bad men, that they may be called merciful and humane and compassionate; and others on the contrary persuaded to take up unnecessary and dangerous animosities and charges by those who praise them as the only men, the only people that never flatter, and go so far as to entitle them their mouthpieces and voices. Accordingly Bio&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_673_673&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_673_673&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;673&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; compared such people to jars, that you could easily take by the ears and turn about at your will. Thus it is recorded that the sophist Alexinus in one of his lectures said a good many bad things about Stilpo the Megarian, but when one of those that were present said, &amp;quot;Why, he was speaking in your praise only the other day,&amp;quot; he replied, &amp;quot;I don&#039;t doubt it; for he is the best and noblest of men.&amp;quot; Menedemus on the contrary, having heard that Alexinus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_674_674&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_674_674&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;674&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; frequently praised him, replied, &amp;quot;But I always censure him, for that man is bad who either praises a bad man or is blamed by a good.&amp;quot; So inflexible and proof was he against such flattery, and master of that advice which Hercules in Antisthenes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_675_675&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_675_675&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;675&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; gave, when he ordered his sons to be grateful to no one that praised them; which meant nothing else than that they should not be dumbfoundered at it, nor flatter again those who praised them. Very apt, I take it, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_267&amp;quot;&amp;gt;267&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;was the remark of Pindar to one who told him that he praised him everywhere and to all persons, &amp;quot;I am greatly obliged to you, and will make your account true by my actions.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xix.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; A useful precept in reference to all passions is especially valuable in the case of the bashful. When they have been overcome by this infirmity, and against their judgement have erred and been confounded, let them fix it in their memories, and, remembering the pain and grief it gave them, let them recall it to their mind and be on their guard for a very long time. For as travellers that have stumbled against a stone, or pilots that have been wrecked off a headland, if they remember these occurrences, not only dread and are on their guard continually on those spots, but also on all similar ones; so those that frequently remember the disgrace and injury that bashfulness brought them, and its sorrow and anguish, will in similar cases be on their guard against their weakness, and will not readily allow themselves to be subjugated by it again.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_636_636&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_636_636&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;636&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Or &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;bashfulness&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;shamefacedness&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, what the French call &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;mauvaise honte&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_637_637&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_637_637&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;637&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Shakespeare puts all this into one line: &amp;quot;Most subject is the fattest soil to weeds.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;2 Henry IV.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, A. iv. Sc. iv.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_638_638&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_638_638&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;638&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Or &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;girls&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. κόρη means both a girl, and the pupil of the eye.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_639_639&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_639_639&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;639&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So Wyttenbach.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_640_640&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_640_640&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;640&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; These lines are quoted again &amp;quot;On Moral Virtue,&amp;quot; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_104&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;§ vi.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_641_641&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_641_641&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;641&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xxiv. 44, 45.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_642_642&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_642_642&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;642&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Bellerophon,&amp;quot; Fragm., 313.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_643_643&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_643_643&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;643&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Soph., Fragm., 736.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_644_644&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_644_644&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;644&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Surely it is necessary to read προδιαφθαρẽισα τῷ ἀκολάστῳ.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_645_645&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_645_645&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;645&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Plato, &amp;quot;Charmides,&amp;quot; 165 A.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_646_646&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_646_646&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;646&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Medea,&amp;quot; 290, 291.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_647_647&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_647_647&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;647&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Works and Days,&amp;quot; 342.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_648_648&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_648_648&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;648&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading with Wyttenbach, μήδ᾽ ὑπόλαβε πιστεύειν, δοκοῦντα.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_649_649&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_649_649&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;649&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Horace&#039;s very amusing &amp;quot;Satire,&amp;quot; i. ix., on such tiresome fellows.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_650_650&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_650_650&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;650&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ὲπιτρίβω is used in the same sense by Demosthenes, p. 288.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_651_651&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_651_651&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;651&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On such social pests see Juvenal, i. 1-14.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_652_652&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_652_652&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;652&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Pausanias, i. 2. Euripides left Athens about 409 B.C., and took up his abode for good in Macedonia at the court of Archelaus, where he died 406 B.C.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_653_653&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_653_653&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;653&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For a drachma was only worth 6 obols, or 9¾&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;d.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of our money, nearly = Roman denarius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_654_654&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_654_654&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;654&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A talent was 6,000 drachmæ, or 36,000 obols, about £243 15&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;s.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of our money.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_655_655&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_655_655&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;655&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Olynth.&amp;quot; iii. p. 33, § 19.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_656_656&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_656_656&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;656&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare &amp;quot;On Education,&amp;quot; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;§ vii.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_657_657&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_657_657&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;657&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Our &amp;quot;Out of the frying-pan into the fire.&amp;quot; Cf. &amp;quot;Incidit in Scyllam cupiens vitare Charybdim.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_658_658&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_658_658&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;658&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; By their having to borrow themselves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_659_659&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_659_659&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;659&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Fragm. 947.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_660_660&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_660_660&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;660&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Or apophthegms, of which Plutarch and Lord Verulam have both left us collections.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_661_661&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_661_661&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;661&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thucydides, ii. 40. Pericles is the speaker.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_662_662&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_662_662&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;662&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A slightly-changed line from Euripides&#039; &amp;quot;Pirithous,&amp;quot; Fragm. 591. Quoted correctly &amp;quot;On Abundance of Friends,&amp;quot; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_151&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;§ vii.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_663_663&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_663_663&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;663&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Zenonis discipulus.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Reiske.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_664_664&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_664_664&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;664&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Works and Days,&amp;quot; 371.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_665_665&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_665_665&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;665&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cf. Shakspere, &amp;quot;Hamlet,&amp;quot; i. iii. 76.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_666_666&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_666_666&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;666&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Medea,&amp;quot; 1078.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_667_667&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_667_667&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;667&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Our &amp;quot;Set a thief to catch a thief.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_668_668&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_668_668&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;668&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Or strigil. See Otto Jahn&#039;s note on Persius, v. 126.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_669_669&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_669_669&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;669&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Forsitan illa quam nominat Pausanias, i. 27.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Reiske.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_670_670&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_670_670&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;670&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Literally &amp;quot;want of tune in.&amp;quot; We cannot well keep up the metaphor. Compare with this passage, &amp;quot;That virtue may be taught,&amp;quot; § ii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_671_671&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_671_671&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;671&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Literally &amp;quot;crowns.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_672_672&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_672_672&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;672&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thucydides, ii. 64. Pericles is the speaker. Quoted again in &amp;quot;How one may discern a flatterer from a friend,&amp;quot; § xxxv.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_673_673&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_673_673&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;673&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Est Bio Borysthenita, de quo vide Diog. Laërt.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Reiske.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_674_674&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_674_674&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;674&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;De Alexino Eleo vide Diog. Laërt., ii. 109. Nostri p. 1063, 3.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Reiske.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_675_675&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_675_675&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;675&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Antisthenes wrote a book called &amp;quot;Hercules.&amp;quot; See Diogenes Laertius, vi. 16.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_267a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ON RESTRAINING ANGER.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;A DIALOGUE BETWEEN SYLLA AND FUNDANUS.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;i.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sylla.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Those painters, Fundanus, seem to me to do well who, before giving the finishing touches to their paintings, lay them by for a time and then revise them; because by taking their eyes off them for a time they gain by frequent inspection a new insight, and are more apt to detect minute differences, that continuous familiarity would have hidden. Now since a human being cannot so separate himself from himself for a time, and make a break in his continuity, and then approach himself again—and that is perhaps the chief reason why a man is a worse judge of himself than of others—the next best thing will be for a man to inspect his friends after an interval, and likewise offer himself to their scrutiny, not to see whether he has aged quickly, or whether his bodily condition is better or&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_268&amp;quot;&amp;gt;268&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; worse, but to examine his moral character, and see whether time has added any good quality, or removed any bad one. On my return then to Rome after an absence of two years, and having been with you now five months, I am not at all surprised that there has been a great increase and growth in those good points which you formerly had owing to your admirable nature; but when I see how gentle and obedient to reason your former excessive impetuosity and hot temper has become, it cannot but occur to me to quote the line,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Ye gods, how much more mild is he become!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_676_676&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_676_676&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;676&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And this mildness has not wrought in you sloth or weakness, but like cultivation of the soil it has produced a smoothness and depth fit for action, instead of the former impetuosity and vehemence. And so it is clear that your propensity to anger has not been effaced by any declining vigour or through some chance, but has been cured by good precepts. And indeed, for I will tell you the truth, when our friend Eros&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_677_677&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_677_677&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;677&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; reported this change in you to me, I suspected that owing to goodwill he bare witness not of the actual state of the case, but of what was becoming to all good and virtuous men, although, as you know, he can never be persuaded to depart from his real opinion to ingratiate himself with anyone. But now he is acquitted of false witness, and do you, as your journey gives you leisure, narrate to me the mode of cure you employed to make your temper so under control, so natural, gentle and obedient to reason.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Fundanus.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Most friendly Sylla, take care that you do not in your goodwill and affection to me rest under any misconception of my real condition. For it is possible that Eros, not being able always himself to keep his temper in its place in the obedience that Homer speaks of,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_678_678&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_678_678&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;678&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but sometimes carried away by his hatred of what is bad, may think me grown milder than I really am, as in changes of the scale in music the lowest notes become the highest.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sylla.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Neither of these is the case, Fundanus, but oblige me by doing as I ask.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_269&amp;quot;&amp;gt;269&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Fundanus.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; One of the excellent precepts then of Musonius that I remember, Sylla, is this, that those who wish to be well should diet themselves all their life long. For I do not think we must employ reason as a cure, as we do hellebore, by purging it out with the disease, but we must retain it in the soul, to restrain and govern the judgement. For the power of reason is not like physic, but wholesome food, which co-operates with good health in producing a good habit of body in those by whom it is taken. But admonition and reproof, when passion is at its height and swelling, does little or no good, but resembles very closely those strong-smelling substances, that are able to set on their legs again those that have fallen in epileptic fits, but cannot rid them of their disease. For although all other passions, even at the moment of their acme, do in some sort listen to reason and admit it into the soul, yet anger does not, for, as Melanthius says,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Fell things it does when it the mind unsettles,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;for it absolutely turns reason out of doors, and bolts it out, and, like those persons who burn themselves and houses together, it makes all the interior full of confusion and smoke and noise, so that what would be advantageous can neither be seen nor heard. And so an empty ship in a storm at open sea would sooner admit on board a pilot from without, than a man in a tempest of rage and anger would listen to another&#039;s advice, unless his own reason was first prepared to hearken. But as those who expect a siege get together and store up supplies, when they despair of relief from without, so ought we by all means to scour the country far and wide to derive aids against anger from philosophy, and store them up in the soul: for, when the time of need comes, we shall find it no easy task to import them. For either the soul doesn&#039;t hear what is said without because of the uproar, if it have not within its own reason (like a boatswain as it were) to receive at once and understand every exhortation; or if it does hear, it despises what is uttered mildly and gently, while it is exasperated by harsh censure. For anger being haughty and self-willed and hard to be worked upon by another, like a&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_270&amp;quot;&amp;gt;270&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; fortified tyranny, must have someone born and bred within it&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_679_679&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_679_679&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;679&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to overthrow it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Now long-continued anger, and frequent giving way to it, produces an evil disposition of soul, which people call irascibility, and which ends in passionateness, bitterness, and peevishness, whenever the mind becomes sore and vexed at trifles and querulous at everyday occurrences, like iron thin and beaten out too fine. But when the judgement checks and suppresses at once the rising anger, it not only cures the soul for the moment, but restores its tone and balance for the future. It has happened to myself indeed twice or thrice, when I strongly fought against anger, that I was in the same plight as the Thebans, who after they had once defeated the Lacedæmonians, whom they had hitherto thought invincible, never lost a battle against them again. I then felt confident that reason can win the victory. I saw also that anger is not only appeased by the sprinkling of cold water, as Aristotle attested, but is also extinguished by the action of fear; aye, and, as Homer tells us, anger has been cured and has melted away in the case of many by some sudden joy. So that I came to the conclusion that this passion is not incurable for those who wish to be cured. For it does not arise from great and important causes, but banter and joking, a laugh or a nod, and similar trifles make many angry, as Helen by addressing her niece,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Electra, maiden now for no short time,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_680_680&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_680_680&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;680&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;provoked her to reply,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Your wisdom blossoms late, since formerly&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;You left your house in shame;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_681_681&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_681_681&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;681&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and Callisthenes incensed Alexander, by saying, when a huge cup was brought to him, &amp;quot;I will not drink to Alexander till I shall require the help of Æsculapius.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; As then it is easy to put out a flame kindled in the hair of hares and in wicks and rubbish, but if it once gets hold of things solid and thick, it quickly destroys and consumes them, &amp;quot;raging amidst the lofty work of the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_271&amp;quot;&amp;gt;271&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;carpenters,&amp;quot; as Æschylus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_682_682&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_682_682&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;682&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; says; so he that observes anger in its rise, and sees it gradually smoking and bursting forth into fire from some chatter or rubbishy scurrility, need have no great trouble with it, but can frequently smother it merely by silence and contempt. For as a person puts out a fire by bringing no fuel to it, so with respect to anger, he that does not in the beginning fan it, and stir up its rage in himself, keeps it off and destroys it. And so, though Hieronymus has given us many useful sayings and precepts, I am not pleased with his remark that there is no perception of anger in its birth, but only in its actual developement, so quick is it. For none of the passions when stirred up and set in motion has so palpable a birth and growth as anger. As indeed Homer skilfully shows us, where he represents Achilles as seized at once with grief, when word was brought him &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;of Patroclus&#039; death&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, in the line,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Thus spake he, and grief&#039;s dark cloud covered him;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_683_683&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_683_683&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;683&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;whereas he represents him as waxing angry with Agamemnon slowly, and as inflamed by his many words, which if either of them&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_684_684&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_684_684&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;684&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; had abstained from, their quarrel would not have attained such growth and magnitude. And so Socrates, as often as he perceived any anger rising in him against any of his friends, &amp;quot;setting himself like some ocean promontory to break the violence of the waves,&amp;quot; would lower his voice, and put on a smiling countenance, and give his eye a gentler expression, by inclining in the other direction and running counter to his passion, thus keeping himself from fall and defeat.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;v.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; For the first way, my friend, to overcome anger, like the putting down of some tyrant, is not to obey or listen to it when it bids you speak loud, and look fierce, and beat yourself, but to remain quiet, and not to make the passion more intense, as one would a disease, by tossing about and crying out. In love affairs indeed, such things as revellings, and serenadings, and crowning the loved &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_272&amp;quot;&amp;gt;272&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;one&#039;s door with garlands, may indeed bring some pleasant and elegant relief.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I went, but asked not who or whose she was,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;I merely kissed her door-post. If that be&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A crime, I do plead guilty to the same.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_685_685&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_685_685&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;685&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the case of mourners also giving up to weeping and wailing takes away with the tears much of the grief. But anger on the contrary is much more fanned by what angry persons do and say. It is best therefore to be calm, or to flee and hide ourselves and go to a haven of quiet, when we feel the fit of temper coming upon us as an epileptic fit, that we fall not, or rather fall not on others, for it is our friends that we fall upon most and most frequently. For we do not love all, nor envy all, nor fear all men; but nothing is untouched or unassailed by anger; for we are angry with friends and enemies, parents and children, aye, and with the gods, and beasts, and even things inanimate, as was Thamyris,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Breaking his gold-bound horn, breaking the music&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Of well-compacted lyre;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_686_686&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_686_686&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;686&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and Pandarus, who called down a curse upon himself, if he did not burn his bow &amp;quot;after breaking it with his hands.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_687_687&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_687_687&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;687&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And Xerxes inflicted stripes and blows on the sea, and sent letters to Mount Athos, &amp;quot;Divine Athos, whose top reaches heaven, put not in the way of my works stones large and difficult to deal with, or else I will hew thee down, and throw thee into the sea.&amp;quot; For anger has many formidable aspects, and many ridiculous ones, so that of all the passions it is the most hated and despised. It will be well to consider both aspects.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; To begin then, whether my process was wrong or right I know not, but I began my cure of anger by noticing its effects in others, as the Lacedæmonians study the nature of drunkenness in the Helots. And in the first place, as Hippocrates tells us that disease is most dangerous in which the face of the patient is most unlike himself, so observing that people beside themselves with anger &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_273&amp;quot;&amp;gt;273&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;change their face, colour, walk, and voice, I formed an impression as it were of that aspect of passion, and was very disgusted with myself if ever I should appear so frightful and like one out of his mind to my friends and wife and daughters, not only wild and unlike oneself in appearance, but also with a voice savage and harsh, as I had noticed in some&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_688_688&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_688_688&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;688&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of my acquaintance, who could neither preserve for anger their ordinary behaviour, or demeanour, or grace of language, or persuasiveness and gentleness in conversation. Caius Gracchus, indeed, the orator, whose character was harsh and style of oratory impassioned, had a pitch-pipe made for him, such as musicians use to heighten or lower their voices by degrees, and this, when he was making a speech, a slave stood behind him and held, and used to give him a mild and gentle note on it, whereby he lowered his key, and removed from his voice the harsh and passionate element, charming and laying the heat of the orator,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;As shepherds&#039; wax-joined reed sounds musically&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;With sleep provoking strain.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_689_689&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_689_689&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;689&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For myself if I had some elegant and sprightly companion, I should not be vexed at his showing me a looking-glass in my fits of anger, as they offer one to some after a bath to little useful end. For to behold oneself unnaturally distorted in countenance will condemn anger in no small degree. The poets playfully tell us that Athene when playing on the pipe was rebuked thus by a Satyr,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;That look no way becomes you, take your armour,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Lay down your pipes, and do compose your cheeks,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and though she paid no attention to him, yet afterwards when she saw her face in a river, she felt vexed and threw her pipes away, although art had made melody a compensation for her unsightliness. And Marsyas, it seems, by a sort of mouthpiece forcibly repressed the violence of his breath, and tricked up and hid the contortion of his face,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Around his shaggy temples put bright gold,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And o&#039;er his open mouth thongs tied behind.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_274&amp;quot;&amp;gt;274&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Now anger, that puffs up and distends the face so as to look ugly, utters a voice still more harsh and unpleasant,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Moving the mind&#039;s chords undisturbed before.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They say that the sea is cleansed when agitated by the winds it throws up tangle and seaweed; but the intemperate and bitter and vain words, which the mind throws up when the soul is agitated, defile the speakers of them first of all and fill them with infamy, as always having those thoughts within their bosom and being defiled with them, but only giving vent to them in anger. And so for a word which is, as Plato styles it, &amp;quot;a very small matter,&amp;quot; they incur a most heavy punishment, for they get reputed to be enemies, and evil speakers, and malignant in disposition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Seeing and observing all this, it occurs to me to take it as a matter of fact, and record it for my own general use, that if it is good to keep the tongue soft and smooth in a fever, it is better to keep it so in anger. For if the tongue of people in a fever be unnatural, it is a bad sign, but not the cause of their malady; but the tongue of angry people, being rough and foul, and breaking out into unseemly speeches, produces insults that work irremediable mischief, and argue deep-rooted malevolence within. For wine drunk neat does not exhibit the soul in so ungovernable and hateful a condition as temper does: for the outbreaks of the one smack of laughter and fun, while those of the other are compounded with gall: and at a drinking-bout he that is silent is burdensome to the company and tiresome, whereas in anger nothing is more highly thought of than silence, as Sappho advises,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;When anger&#039;s busy in the brain&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Thy idly-barking tongue restrain.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;viii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And not only does the consideration of all this naturally arise from observing ourselves in the moments of anger, but we cannot help seeing also the other properties of rage, how ignoble it is, how unmanly, how devoid of dignity and greatness of mind! And yet to most people its noise seems vigour, its threatening confidence, and its obstinacy force of character; some even not wisely entitle its savageness magnanimity, and its implacability firmness,&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_275&amp;quot;&amp;gt;275&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and its morosity hatred of what is bad. For their actions and motions and whole demeanour argue great littleness and meanness, not only when they are fierce with little boys, and peevish with women, and think it right to treat dogs and horses and mules with harshness, as Ctesiphon the pancratiast thought fit to kick back a mule that had kicked him, but even in the butcheries that tyrants commit their littleness of soul is apparent in their savageness, and their suffering in their action, so that they are like the bites of serpents, that, when they are burnt and smart with pain, violently thrust their venom on those that have hurt them. For as a swelling is produced in the flesh by a heavy blow, so in softest souls the inclination to hurt others gets its greater strength from greater weakness. Thus women are more prone to anger than men, and people ill than people well, and old men than men in their prime, and the unfortunate than the prosperous; the miser is most prone to anger with his steward, the glutton with his cook, the jealous man with his wife, the vain man when he is spoken ill of; and worst of all are those &amp;quot;men who are too eager in states for office, or to head a faction, a manifest sorrow,&amp;quot; to borrow Pindar&#039;s words. So from the very great pain and suffering of the soul there arises mainly from weakness anger, which is not like the nerves of the soul, as some one defined it, but like its strainings and convulsions when it is excessively vehement in its thirst for revenge.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ix.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Such bad examples as these were not pleasant to look at but necessary, but I shall now proceed to describe people who have been mild and easy in dealing with anger, conduct gratifying either to see or hear about, being utterly disgusted&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_690_690&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_690_690&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;690&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with people who use such language as,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You have a man wronged: shall a man stand this?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Put your heel upon his neck, and dash his head against the ground,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and other provoking expressions such as these, by which some not well have transferred anger from the woman&#039;s &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_276&amp;quot;&amp;gt;276&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;side of the house to the man&#039;s. For manliness in all other respects seems to resemble justice, and to differ from it only in respect to gentleness, with which it has more affinities. For it sometimes happens to worse men to govern better ones, but to erect a trophy in the soul against anger (which Heraclitus says it is difficult to contend against, for whatever it wishes is bought at the price of the soul), is a proof of power so great and victorious as to be able to apply the judgement as if it were nerves and sinews to the passions. So I always try to collect and peruse the remarks on this subject not only of the philosophers, who foolish&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_691_691&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_691_691&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;691&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; people say had no gall in their composition, but still more of kings and tyrants. Such was the remark of Antigonus to his soldiers, when they were abusing him near his tent as if he were not listening, so he put his staff out, and said, &amp;quot;What&#039;s to do? can you not go rather farther off to run me down?&amp;quot; And when Arcadio the Achæan, who was always railing against Philip, and advising people to flee&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Unto a country where they knew not Philip,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;visited Macedonia afterwards on some chance or other, the king&#039;s friends thought he ought to be punished and the matter not looked over; but Philip treated him kindly, and sent him presents and gifts, and afterwards bade inquiry to be made as to what sort of account of him Arcadio now gave to the Greeks; and when all testified that the fellow had become a wonderful praiser of the king, Philip said, &amp;quot;You see I knew how to cure him better than all of you.&amp;quot; And at the Olympian games when there was defamation of Philip, and some of his suite said to him, that the Greeks ought to smart for it, because they railed against him when they were treated well by him, he replied, &amp;quot;What will they do then if they are treated badly by me?&amp;quot; Excellent also was the behaviour of Pisistratus to Thrasybulus, and of Porsena to Mucius, and of Magas to Philemon. As to Magas, after he had been publicly jeered at by Philemon in one of his comedies at the theatre in the following words,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_277&amp;quot;&amp;gt;277&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Magas, the king hath written thee a letter,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Unhappy Magas, since thou can&#039;st not read,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;after having taken Philemon, who had been cast on shore by a storm at Parætonium, he commanded one of his soldiers only to touch his neck with the naked sword and then to go away quietly, and dismissed him, after sending him a ball and some dice as if he were a silly boy. And Ptolemy on one occasion, flouting a grammarian for his ignorance, asked him who was the father of Peleus, and he answered, &amp;quot;I will tell you, if you tell me first who was the father of Lagus.&amp;quot; This was a jeer at the obscure birth of the king, and all his courtiers were indignant at it as an unpardonable liberty; but Ptolemy said, &amp;quot;If it is not kingly to take a flout, neither is it kingly to give one.&amp;quot; And Alexander was more savage than usual in his behaviour to Callisthenes and Clitus. So Porus, when he was taken captive, begged Alexander to use him as a king. And on his inquiring, &amp;quot;What, nothing more?&amp;quot; he replied &amp;quot;No. For everything is included in being used as a king.&amp;quot; So they call the king of the gods Milichius,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_692_692&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_692_692&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;692&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; while they call Ares Maimactes;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_693_693&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_693_693&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;693&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and punishment and torture they assign to the Erinnyes and to demons, not to the gods or Olympus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;x.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; As then a certain person passed the following remark on Philip when he had razed Olynthus to the ground, &amp;quot;He certainly could not build such another city,&amp;quot; so we may say to anger, &amp;quot;You can root up, and destroy, and throw down, but to raise up and save and spare and tolerate is the work of mildness and moderation, the work of a Camillus, a Metellus, an Aristides, a Socrates; but to sting and bite is to resemble the ant and horse-fly. For, indeed, when I consider revenge, I find its angry method to be for the most part ineffectual, since it spends itself in biting the lips and gnashing the teeth, and in vain attacks, and in railings coupled with foolish threats, and eventually resembles children running races, who from feebleness ridiculously tumble down before they reach the goal they are hastening to. So that speech of the Rhodian to a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_278&amp;quot;&amp;gt;278&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;lictor of the Roman prætor who was shouting and talking insolently was not inapt, &amp;quot;It is no matter to me what you say, but what your master thinks.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_694_694&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_694_694&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;694&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And Sophocles, when he had introduced Neoptolemus and Eurypylus as armed for the battle, gives them this high commendation,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_695_695&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_695_695&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;695&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;They rushed into the midst of armed warriors.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Some barbarians indeed poison their steel, but bravery has no need of gall, being dipped in reason, but rage and fury are not invincible but rotten. And so the Lacedæmonians by their pipes turn away the anger of their warriors, and sacrifice to the Muses before commencing battle, that reason may abide with them, and when they have routed a foe do not follow up the victory,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_696_696&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_696_696&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;696&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but relax their rage, which like small daggers they can easily take back. But anger kills myriads before it is glutted with revenge, as happened in the case of Cyrus and Pelopidas the Theban. But Agathocles bore mildly the revilings of those he was besieging, and when one of them cried out, &amp;quot;Potter, how are you going to get money to pay your mercenaries?&amp;quot; he replied laughingly, &amp;quot;Out of your town if I take it.&amp;quot; And when some of those on the wall threw his ugliness into the teeth of Antigonus, he said to them, &amp;quot;I thought I was rather a handsome fellow.&amp;quot; But after he had taken the town, he sold for slaves those that had flouted him, protesting that, if they insulted him again, he would bring the matter before their masters. I have noticed also that hunters and orators are very unsuccessful when they give way to anger.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_697_697&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_697_697&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;697&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And Aristotle tells us that the friends of Satyrus stopped up his ears with wax when he was to plead a cause, that he might not make any confusion in the case through rage at the abuse of his enemies. And does it not frequently happen with ourselves that a slave who has offended escapes punishment, because they abscond in fear of our threats and harsh words? What nurses then say to children, &amp;quot;Give up crying, and you shall have it,&amp;quot; may usefully be applied to anger, thus, &amp;quot;Do not be in a hurry, or bawl out, or be vehement, and you will sooner &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_279&amp;quot;&amp;gt;279&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and better get what you want.&amp;quot; For a father, seeing his boy trying to cut or cleave something with a knife, takes the knife from him and does it himself: and similarly a person, taking revenge out of the hand of passion, does himself safely and usefully and without harm punish the person who deserves punishment, and not himself instead, as anger often does.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Now though all the passions need such discipline as by exercise shall tame and subdue their unreasoning and disobedient elements, yet there is none which we ought to keep under by such discipline so much as the exhibition of anger to our servants. For neither envy, nor fear, nor rivalry come into play between them and us; but our frequent displays of anger to them, creating many offences and faults, make us to slip as if on slippery ground owing to our autocracy with our servants, which no one resists or prevents. For it is impossible to check irresponsible power so as never to break out under the influence of passion, unless one wields power with much meekness, and refuses to listen to the frequent complaints of one&#039;s wife and friends charging one with being too easy and lax with one&#039;s servants. And by nothing have I been more exasperated against them, as if they were being ruined for want of correction. At last, though late, I got to see that in the first place it is better to make them worse by forbearance, than by bitterness and anger to distort oneself for the correction of others. In the next place I observed that many for the very reason that they were not corrected were frequently ashamed to be bad, and made pardon rather than punishment the commencement of their reformation, aye, and made better slaves to some merely at their nod silently and cheerfully than to others with all their beatings and brandings, and so I came to the conclusion that reason gets better obeyed than temper, for it is not as the poet said,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Where there is fear, there too is self-respect,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;but it is just the other way about, for self-respect begets that kind of fear that corrects the behaviour. But perpetual and pitiless beating produces not so much repentance for wrong-doing as contrivances to continue in it without detection. In the third place, ever remembering and reflecting &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_280&amp;quot;&amp;gt;280&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;within myself that, just as he that teaches us the use of the bow does not forbid us to shoot but only to miss the mark, so it will not prevent punishment altogether to teach people to do it in season, and with moderation, utility, and decorum, I strive to remove anger most especially by not forbidding those who are to be corrected to speak in their defence, but by listening to them. For the interval of time gives a pause to passion, and a delay that mitigates it, and so judgement finds out both the fit manner and adequate amount of punishment. Moreover he that is punished has nothing to allege against his correction, if he is punished not in anger but only after his guilt is brought home to him. And the greatest disgrace will not be incurred, which is when the servant seems to speak more justly than the master. As then Phocion, after the death of Alexander, to stop the Athenians from revolting and believing the news too soon, said to them, &amp;quot;Men of Athens, if he is dead to-day, he will certainly also be dead to-morrow and the next day,&amp;quot; so I think the man who is in a hurry to punish anyone in his rage ought to consider with himself, &amp;quot;If this person has wronged you to-day, he will also have wronged you to-morrow and the next day; and there will be no harm done if he shall be punished somewhat late; whereas if he shall be punished at once, he will always seem to you to have been innocent, as has often happened before now.&amp;quot; For which of us is so savage as to chastise and scourge a slave because five or ten days before he over-roasted the meat, or upset the table, or was somewhat tardy on some errand? And yet these are the very things for which we put ourselves out and are harsh and implacable, immediately after they have happened and are recent. For as bodies seem greater in a mist, so do little matters in a rage. We ought therefore to consider such arguments as these at once, and if, when there is no trace of passion left, the matter appear bad to calm and clear reason, then it ought to be taken in hand, and the punishment ought not to be neglected or abandoned, as we leave food when we have lost our appetites. For nothing causes people to punish so much when their anger is fierce, as that when it is appeased they do not punish at all, but forget the matter entirely, and resemble lazy rowers,&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_281&amp;quot;&amp;gt;281&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; who lie in harbour when the sea is calm, and then sail out to their peril when the wind gets up. So we, condemning reason for slackness and mildness in punishing, are in a hurry to punish, borne along by passion as by a dangerous gale. He that is hungry takes his food as nature dictates, but he that punishes should have no hunger or thirst for it, nor require anger as a sauce to stimulate him to it, but should punish when he is as far as possible from having any desire for it, and has to compel his reason to it. For we ought not, as Aristotle tells us slaves in his time were scourged in Etruria to the music of the flute, to go headlong into punishing with a desire and zest for it, and to delight in punishing, and then afterwards to be sorry at it—for the first is savage, and the last womanish—but we should without either sorrow or pleasure chastise at the dictates of reason, giving anger no opportunity to interfere.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But this perhaps will not appear a cure of anger so much as a putting away and avoiding such faults as men commit in anger. And yet, though the swelling of the spleen is only a symptom of fever, the fever is assuaged by its abating, as Hieronymus tells us. Now when I contemplated the origin of anger itself, I observed that, though different persons fell into it for different reasons, yet in nearly all of them was the idea of their being despised and neglected to be found. So we ought to help those who try to get rid of anger, by removing as far as possible from them any action savouring of contempt or contumely, and by looking upon their anger as folly or necessity, or emotion, or mischance, as Sophocles says,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;In those that are unfortunate, O king,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;No mind stays firm, but all their balance lose.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_698_698&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_698_698&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;698&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And so Agamemnon, ascribing to Ate his carrying off Briseis, yet says to Achilles,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I wish to please you in return, and give&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Completest satisfaction.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_699_699&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_699_699&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;699&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For suing is not the action of one who shews his contempt, and when he that has done an injury is humble he removes &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_282&amp;quot;&amp;gt;282&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;all idea of slighting one. But the angry person must not expect this, but rather take to himself the answer of Diogenes, who, when it was said to him, &amp;quot;These people laugh at you,&amp;quot; replied, &amp;quot;But I am not one to be laughed at,&amp;quot; and not think himself despised, but rather despise the person who gave the offence, as acting from weakness, or error, or rashness, or heedlessness, or illiberality, or old age, or youth. Nor must we entertain such notions with regard to our servants and friends. For they do not despise us as void of ability or energy, but owing to our evenness and good-nature, some because we are mild, and others presuming on our affection for them. But as it is we not only fly into rages with wife and slaves and friends, as if we were slighted by them, but we also frequently, from forming the same idea of being slighted, fall foul of innkeepers and sailors and muleteers, and are vexed at dogs that bark and asses that are in our way: like the man who was going to beat an ass-driver, but when he cried out he was an Athenian, he said to the ass, &amp;quot;You are not an Athenian anyway,&amp;quot; and beat it with many stripes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xiii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Moreover those continuous and frequent fits of anger that gather together in the soul by degrees, like a swarm of bees or wasps, are generated within us by selfishness and peevishness, luxury and softness. And so nothing causes us to be mild to our servants and wife and friends so much as easiness and simplicity, and the learning to be content with what we have, and not to require a quantity of superfluities.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;He who likes not his meat if over-roast&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Or over-boiled, or under-roast or under-boiled,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And never praises it however dressed,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;but will not drink unless he have snow to cool his drink, nor eat bread purchased in the market, nor touch food served on cheap or earthenware plates, nor sleep upon any but a feather bed that rises and falls like the sea stirred up from its depths, and with rods and blows hastens his servants at table, so that they run about and cry out and sweat as if they were bringing poultices to sores, he is slave to a weak querulous and discontented mode of life, and, like one who has a continual cough or various ailments, whether he is aware of it or not, he is in an&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_283&amp;quot;&amp;gt;283&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; ulcerous and catarrh-like condition as regards his proneness to anger. We must therefore train the body to contentment by plain living, that it may be easily satisfied: for they that require little do not miss much; and it is no great hardship to begin with our food, and take it silently whatever it is, and not by being choleric and peevish to thrust upon ourselves and friends the worst sauce to meat, anger.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;No more unpleasant supper could there be&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_700_700&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_700_700&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;700&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;than that wherein the servants are beaten, and the wife scolded, because something is burnt or smoked or not salt enough, or because the bread is too cold. Arcesilaus was once entertaining some friends and strangers, and when dinner was served, there was no bread, through the servants having neglected to buy any. In such a case as this which of us would not have broken the walls with vociferation? But he only smiled and said, &amp;quot;How unfit a sage is to give an entertainment!&amp;quot; And when Socrates once took Euthydemus home with him from the wrestling-school, Xanthippe was in a towering rage, and scolded, and at last upset the table, and Euthydemus rose and went away full of sorrow. But Socrates said to him, &amp;quot;Did not a hen at your house the other day fly in and act in the very same way? And we did not put ourselves out about it.&amp;quot; We ought to receive our friends with gaiety and smiles and welcome, not knitting our brows, or inspiring fear and trembling in the attendants. We ought also to accustom ourselves to the use of any kind of ware at table, and not to stint ourselves to one kind rather than another, as some pick out a particular tankard or horn, as they say Marius did, out of many, and will not drink out of anything else; and some act in the same way with regard to oil-flasks and scrapers,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_701_701&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_701_701&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;701&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; being content with only one out of all, and so, if such an article is broken or lost, they are very much put out about it, and punish with severity. He then that is prone to anger should not use rare and dainty things, such as choice cups and seals and precious stones: for if they are lost they put a man beside &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_284&amp;quot;&amp;gt;284&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;himself much more than the loss of ordinary and easily got things would do. And so when Nero had got an eight-cornered tent constructed, a wonderful object both for its beauty and costliness, Seneca said to him, &amp;quot;You have now shown yourself to be poor, for if you should lose this, you will not be able to procure such another.&amp;quot; And indeed it did so happen that the tent was lost by shipwreck, but Nero bore its loss patiently, remembering what Seneca had said. Now this easiness about things generally makes a man also easy and gentle to his servants, and if to them, then it is clear he will be so to his friends also, and to all that serve under him in any capacity. So we observe that newly-purchased slaves do not inquire about the master who has bought them, whether he is superstitious or envious, but only whether he is a bad-tempered man: and generally speaking we see that neither can men put up with chaste wives, nor wives with loving husbands, nor friends with one another, if they be ill-tempered to boot. So neither marriage nor friendship is bearable with anger, though without anger even drunkenness is a small matter. For the wand of Dionysus punishes sufficiently the drunken man, but if anger be added it turns wine from being the dispeller of care and inspirer of the dance into a savage and fury. And simple madness can be cured by Anticyra,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_702_702&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_702_702&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;702&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but madness mixed with anger is the producer of tragedies and dreadful narratives.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xiv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; So we ought to give anger no vent, either in jest, for that draws hatred to friendliness; or in discussion, for that turns love of learning into strife; or on the judgement-seat, for that adds insolence to power; or in teaching, for that produces dejection and hatred of learning: or in prosperity, for that increases envy; or in adversity, for that deprives people of compassion, when they are peevish and run counter to those who condole with them, like Priam,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;A murrain on you, worthless wretches all,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Have you no griefs at home, that here you come&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To sympathize with me?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_703_703&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_703_703&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;703&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_285&amp;quot;&amp;gt;285&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Good temper on the other hand is useful in some circumstances, adorns and sweetens others, and gets the better of all peevishness and anger by its gentleness. Thus Euclides,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_704_704&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_704_704&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;704&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; when his brother said to him in a dispute between them, &amp;quot;May I perish, if I don&#039;t have my revenge on you!&amp;quot; replied, &amp;quot;May I perish, if I don&#039;t persuade you!&amp;quot; and so at once turned and changed him. And Polemo, when a man reviled him who was fond of precious stones and quite crazy for costly seal-rings, made no answer, but bestowed all his attention on one of his seal-rings, and eyed it closely; and he being delighted said, &amp;quot;Do not look at it so, Polemo, but in the light of the sun, and it will appear to you more beautiful.&amp;quot; And Aristippus, when there was anger between him and Æschines, and somebody said, &amp;quot;O Aristippus, where is now your friendship?&amp;quot; replied, &amp;quot;It is asleep, but I will wake it up,&amp;quot; and went to Æschines, and said to him, &amp;quot;Do I seem to you so utterly unfortunate and incurable as to be unworthy of any consideration?&amp;quot; And Æschines replied, &amp;quot;It is not at all wonderful that you, being naturally superior to me in all things, should have been first to detect in this matter too what was needful.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;For not a woman only, but young child&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Tickling the bristly boar with tender hand,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Will lay him prostrate sooner than an athlete.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But we that tame wild beasts and make them gentle, and carry in our arms young wolves and lions&#039; whelps, inconsistently repel our children and friends and acquaintances in our rage, and let loose our temper like some wild beast on our servants and fellow-citizens, speciously trying to disguise it not rightly under the name of hatred of evil, but it is, I suppose, as with the other passions and diseases of the soul, we cannot get rid of any of them by calling one prudence, and another liberality, and another piety.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And yet, as Zeno said the seed was a mixture and compound drawn from all the faculties of the soul, so anger seems a universal seed from all the passions. For it is drawn from pain and pleasure and haughtiness, and from envy it gets its property of malignity—and it is even &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_286&amp;quot;&amp;gt;286&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;worse than envy,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_705_705&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_705_705&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;705&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for it does not mind its own suffering if it can only implicate another in misery—and the most unlovely kind of desire is innate in it, namely the appetite for injuring another. So when we go to the houses of spendthrifts we hear a flute-playing girl early in the morning, and see &amp;quot;the dregs of wine,&amp;quot; as one said, and fragments of garlands, and the servants at the doors reeking of yesterday&#039;s debauch; but for tokens of savage and peevish masters these you will see by the faces, and marks, and manacles of their servants: for in the house of an angry man&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The only music ever heard is wailing,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;stewards being beaten within, and maids tortured, so that the spectators even in their jollity and pleasure pity these victims of passion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xvi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Moreover those to whom it happens through their genuine hatred of what is bad to be frequently overtaken by anger, can abate its excess and acerbity by giving up their excessive confidence in their intimates. For nothing swells the anger more, than when a good man is detected of villainy, or one who we thought loved us falls out and jangles with us. As for my own disposition, you know of course how mightily it inclines to goodwill and belief in mankind. As then people walking on empty space,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_706_706&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_706_706&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;706&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the more confidently I believe in anybody&#039;s affection, the more sorrow and distress do I feel if my estimate is a mistaken one. And indeed I could never divest myself of my ardour and zeal in affection, but as to trusting people I could perhaps use Plato&#039;s caution as a curb. For he said he so praised Helicon the mathematician, because he was by nature a changeable animal, but that he was afraid of those that were well educated in the city, lest, being human beings and the seed of human beings, they should reveal by some trait or other the weakness of human nature. But Sophocles&#039; line,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Trace out most human acts, you&#039;ll find them base,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;seems to trample on human nature and lower its merits too &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_287&amp;quot;&amp;gt;287&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;much. Still such a peevish and condemnatory verdict as this has a tendency to make people milder in their rage, for it is the sudden and unexpected that makes people go distracted. And we ought, as Panætius somewhere said, to imitate Anaxagoras, and as he said at the death of his son, &amp;quot;I knew that I had begotten a mortal,&amp;quot; so ought every one of us to use the following kind of language in those contretemps that stir up our anger, &amp;quot;I knew that the slave I bought was not a philosopher,&amp;quot; &amp;quot;I knew that the friend I had was not perfect,&amp;quot; &amp;quot;I knew that my wife was but a woman.&amp;quot; And if anyone would also constantly put to himself that question of Plato, &amp;quot;Am I myself all I should be?&amp;quot; and look at home instead of abroad, and curb his propensity to censoriousness, he would not be so keen to detect evil in others, for he would see that he stood in need of much allowance himself. But now each of us, when angry and punishing, quote the words of Aristides and Cato, &amp;quot;Do not steal, Do not tell lies,&amp;quot; and &amp;quot;Why are you lazy?&amp;quot; And, what is most disgraceful of all, we blame angry people when we are angry ourselves, and chastise in temper faults that were committed in temper, unlike the doctors who&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;With bitter physic purge the bitter bile,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;for we rather increase and aggravate the disease. Whenever then I busy myself with such considerations as these, I try also to curtail my curiosity. For to scrutinize and pry into everything too minutely, and to overhaul every business of a servant, or action of a friend, or pastime of a son, or whisper of a wife, produces frequent, indeed daily, fits of anger, caused entirely by peevishness and harshness of character. Euripides says that the Deity&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;In great things intervenes, but small things leaves&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To fortune;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_707_707&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_707_707&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;707&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;but I am of opinion that a prudent man should commit nothing to fortune, nor neglect anything, but should put some things in his wife&#039;s hands to manage, others in the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_288&amp;quot;&amp;gt;288&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;hands of his servants, others in the hands of his friends, (as a governor has his stewards, and financiers, and controllers), while he himself superintends the most important and weighty matters. For as small writing strains the eyes, so small matters even more strain and bother people, and stir up their anger, which carries this evil habit to greater matters. Above all I thought that saying of Empedocles, &amp;quot;Fast from evil,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_708_708&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_708_708&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;708&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a great and divine one, and I approved of those promises and vows as not ungraceful or unphilosophical, to abstain for a year from wine and Venus, honouring the deity by continence, or for a stated time to give up lying, taking great heed to ourselves to be truthful always whether in play or earnest. With these I compared my own vow, as no less pleasing to the gods and holy, first to abstain from anger for a few days, like spending days without drunkenness or even without wine at all, offering as it were wineless offerings of honey.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_709_709&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_709_709&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;709&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Then I tried for a month or two, and so in time made some progress in forbearance by earnest resolve, and by keeping myself courteous and without anger and using fair language, purifying myself from evil words and absurd actions, and from passion which for a little unlovely pleasure pays us with great mental disturbance and the bitterest repentance. In consequence of all this my experience, and the assistance of the deity, has made me form the view, that courtesy and gentleness and kindliness are not so agreeable, and pleasant, and delightful, to any of those we live with as to ourselves, that have those qualities.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_710_710&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_710_710&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;710&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_676_676&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_676_676&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;676&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xxii. 373.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_677_677&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_677_677&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;677&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Alluded to again &amp;quot;On the tranquillity of the mind,&amp;quot; § i.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_678_678&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_678_678&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;678&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The allusion is to Homer&#039;s &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; xx. 23.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_679_679&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_679_679&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;679&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading ἐξ ἑαυτοῦ with Reiske.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_680_680&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_680_680&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;680&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Orestes,&amp;quot; 72.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_681_681&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_681_681&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;681&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Orestes,&amp;quot; 99.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_682_682&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_682_682&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;682&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Fragment 361.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_683_683&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_683_683&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;683&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xvii. 591.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_684_684&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_684_684&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;684&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The reading of the MSS. is αὐτῶν.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_685_685&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_685_685&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;685&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Lines of Callimachus. φλιήν is the admirable emendation of Salmasius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_686_686&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_686_686&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;686&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sophocles, &amp;quot;Thamyras,&amp;quot; Fragm. 232.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_687_687&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_687_687&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;687&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; v. 214-216.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_688_688&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_688_688&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;688&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading ἐνίοις, as Wyttenbach suggests.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_689_689&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_689_689&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;689&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aeschylus, &amp;quot;Prometheus,&amp;quot; 574, 575.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_690_690&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_690_690&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;690&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It will be seen I adopt the reading and punctuation of Xylander.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_691_691&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_691_691&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;691&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is the reading of Reiske and Dübner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_692_692&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_692_692&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;692&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; That is &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;mild&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Zeus is so called, Pausanias, i. 37; ii. 9, 20.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_693_693&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_693_693&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;693&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; That is, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;fierce&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;furious&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. It will be seen I adopt the suggestion of Reiske.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_694_694&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_694_694&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;694&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Literally &amp;quot;is silent about.&amp;quot; It is like the saying about Von Moltke that he can be silent in six or seven languages.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_695_695&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_695_695&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;695&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Adopting Reiske&#039;s reading.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_696_696&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_696_696&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;696&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare Pausanias, iv. 8.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_697_697&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_697_697&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;697&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dübner puts this sentence in brackets.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_698_698&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_698_698&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;698&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sophocles, &amp;quot;Antigone,&amp;quot; 563, 564.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_699_699&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_699_699&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;699&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xix. 138.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_700_700&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_700_700&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;700&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; xx. 392.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_701_701&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_701_701&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;701&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Or strigils.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_702_702&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_702_702&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;702&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anticyra was famous for its hellebore, which was prescribed in cases of madness. See Horace, &amp;quot;Satires,&amp;quot; ii. 3. 82, 83.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_703_703&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_703_703&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;703&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xxiv. 239, 240.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_704_704&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_704_704&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;704&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A philosopher of Megara, and disciple of Socrates. Compare our author, &amp;quot;De Fraterno Amore,&amp;quot; § xviii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_705_705&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_705_705&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;705&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So Reiske. Dübner reads φόβου. The MSS. have φόνου, which Wyttenbach retains, but is evidently not quite satisfied with the text. Can φθόνου—ἑτερον be an account of ἐπιχαιρεκακια?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_706_706&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_706_706&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;706&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Up in the clouds. Cf. ἀεροβατέω.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_707_707&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_707_707&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;707&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Horace, remembering these lines no doubt, says &amp;quot;De Arte Poetica,&amp;quot; 191, 192,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Nec deus intersit nisi dignus vindice nodus&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Inciderit.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_708_708&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_708_708&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;708&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It is quite likely that the delicious poet Robert Herrick borrowed hence his &amp;quot;To starve thy sin not bin, That is to keep thy Lent.&amp;quot; For we know he was a student of the &amp;quot;Moralia&amp;quot; when at the University of Cambridge.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_709_709&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_709_709&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;709&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Æschylus, &amp;quot;Eumenides,&amp;quot; 107. Sophocles, &amp;quot;Œdipus Colonæus,&amp;quot; 481. See also our author&#039;s &amp;quot;De Sanitate Præcepta,&amp;quot; § xix.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_710_710&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_710_710&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;710&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Jeremy Taylor has closely imitated parts of this Dialogue in his &amp;quot;Holy Living,&amp;quot; chapter iv. sect. viii., &amp;quot;Twelve remedies against anger, by way of exercise,&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Thirteen remedies against anger, by way of consideration.&amp;quot; Such a storehouse did he make of the &amp;quot;Moralia.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_289&amp;quot;&amp;gt;289&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;ON CONTENTEDNESS OF MIND.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_711_711&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_711_711&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;711&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;PLUTARCH SENDS GREETING TO PACCIUS.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;i.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; It was late when I received your letter, asking me to write to you something on contentedness of mind, and on those things in the Timæus that require an accurate explanation. And it so fell out that at that very time our friend Eros was obliged to set sail at once for Rome, having received a letter from the excellent Fundanus, urging haste according to his wont. And not having as much time as I could have wished to meet your request, and yet not thinking for one moment of letting my messenger go to you entirely empty-handed, I copied out the notes that I had chanced to make on contentedness of mind. For I thought that you did not desire this discourse merely to be treated to a subject handled in fine style, but for the real business of life. And I congratulate you that, though you have friendships with princes, and have as much forensic reputation as anybody, yet you are not in the same plight as the tragic Merops, nor have you like him by the felicitations of the multitude been induced to forget the sufferings of humanity; but you remember, what you have often heard, that a patrician&#039;s slipper&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_712_712&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_712_712&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;712&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; is no cure for the gout, nor a costly ring for a whitlow, nor a diadem for the headache. For how can riches, or fame, or power at court help us to ease of mind or a calm life, unless we enjoy them when present, but are not for ever pining after them when absent? And what else causes this but the long exercise and practice of reason, which, when the unreasoning and emotional part of the soul breaks out of bounds, curbs it quickly, and does not allow it to be carried away headlong from its actual position? And as Xenophon&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_713_713&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_713_713&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;713&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; advised that we should remember and honour the gods most especially in prosperity, that so, when we should be in any strait, we might confidently call upon them as already our well-wishers&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_290&amp;quot;&amp;gt;290&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and friends; so sensible men would do well before trouble comes to meditate on remedies how to bear it, that they may be the more efficacious from being ready for use long before. For as savage dogs are excited at every sound, and are only soothed by a familiar voice, so also it is not easy to quiet the wild passions of the soul, unless familiar and well-known arguments be at hand to check its excitement.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; He then that said, that the man that wished to have an easy mind ought to have little to do either public or private, first of all makes ease of mind a very costly article for us, if it is to be bought at the price of doing nothing, as if he should advise every sick person,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Lie still, poor wretch, in bed.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_714_714&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_714_714&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;714&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And indeed stupor is a bad remedy for the body against despair,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_715_715&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_715_715&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;715&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; nor is he any better physician of the soul who removes its trouble and anxiety by recommending a lazy and soft life and a leaving our friends and relations and country in the lurch. In the next place, it is false that those that have little to do are easy in mind. For then women would be easier in mind than men, since they mostly stay at home in inactivity, and even now-a-days it is as Hesiod says,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_716_716&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_716_716&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;716&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The North Wind comes not near a soft-skinned maiden;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;yet griefs and troubles and unrest, proceeding from jealousy or superstition or ambition or vanity, inundate the women&#039;s part of the house with unceasing flow. And Laertes, though he lived for twenty years a solitary life in the country,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;With an old woman to attend on him,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Who duly set on board his meat and drink,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_717_717&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_717_717&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;717&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and fled from his country and house and kingdom, yet had sorrow and dejection&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_718_718&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_718_718&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;718&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; as a perpetual companion with leisure. And some have been often thrown into sad unrest merely from inaction, as the following,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;But fleet Achilles, Zeus-sprung, son of Peleus,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Sat by the swiftly-sailing ships and fumed,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_291&amp;quot;&amp;gt;291&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Nor ever did frequent th&#039; ennobling council,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Nor ever join the war, but pined in heart,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Though in his tent abiding, for the fray.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_719_719&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_719_719&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;719&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And full of emotion and distress at this state of things he himself says,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;A useless burden to the earth I sit&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Beside the ships.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_720_720&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_720_720&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;720&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;So even Epicurus thinks that those who are desirous of honour and glory should not rust in inglorious ease, but use their natural talents in public life for the benefit of the community at large, seeing that they are by nature so constituted that they would be more likely to be troubled and afflicted at inaction, if they did not get what they desired. But he is absurd in that he does not urge men of ability to take part in public life, but only the restless. But we ought not to estimate ease or unrest of mind by our many or few actions, but by their fairness or foulness. For the omission of fair actions troubles and distresses us, as I have said before, quite as much as the actual doing of foul actions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; As for those who think that one kind of life is especially free from trouble, as some think that of farmers, others that of bachelors, others that of kings, Menander sufficiently exposes their error in the following lines:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Phania, I thought those rich who need not borrow,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Nor groan at nights, nor cry out &#039;Woe is me,&#039;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Kicked up and down in this untoward world,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But sweet and gentle sleep they may enjoy.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He then goes on to remark that he saw the rich suffering the same as the poor,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Trouble and life are truly near akin.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;With the luxurious or the glorious life&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Trouble consorts, and in the life of poverty&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Lasts with it to the end.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But just as people on the sea, timid and prone to sea-sickness, think they will suffer from it less on board a merchantman than on a boat, and for the same reason shift their quarters to a trireme, but do not attain anything by these changes, for they take with them their timidity and qualmishness, so changes of life do not remove the sorrows and troubles &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_292&amp;quot;&amp;gt;292&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of the soul; which proceed from want of experience and reflection, and from inability or ignorance rightly to enjoy the present. These afflict the rich as well as the poor; these trouble the married as well as the unmarried; these make people shun the forum, but find no happiness in retirement; these make people eagerly desire introductions at court, though when got they straightway care no more about them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The sick are peevish in their straits and needs.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_721_721&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_721_721&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;721&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For the wife bothers them, and they grumble at the doctor, and they find the bed uneasy, and, as Ion says,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The friend that visits them tires their patience,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And yet they do not like him to depart.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But afterwards, when the illness is over, and a sounder condition supervenes, health returns and makes all things pleasant and acceptable. He that yesterday loathed eggs and cakes of finest meal and purest bread will to-day eat eagerly and with appetite coarsest bread with a few olives and cress.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Such contentedness and change of view in regard to every kind of life does the infusion of reason bring about. When Alexander heard from Anaxarchus of the infinite number of worlds, he wept, and when his friends asked him what was the matter, he replied, &amp;quot;Is it not a matter for tears that, when the number of worlds is infinite, I have not conquered one?&amp;quot; But Crates, who had only a wallet and threadbare cloak, passed all his life jesting and laughing as if at a festival. Agamemnon was troubled with his rule over so many subjects,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You look on Agamemnon, Atreus&#039; son,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Whom Zeus has plunged for ever in a mass&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Of never-ending cares.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_722_722&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_722_722&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;722&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But Diogenes when he was being sold sat down and kept jeering at the auctioneer, and would not stand up when he bade him, but said joking and laughing, &amp;quot;Would you tell a fish you were selling to stand up?&amp;quot; And Socrates in prison played the philosopher and discoursed with his &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_293&amp;quot;&amp;gt;293&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;friends. But Phäethon,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_723_723&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_723_723&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;723&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; when he got up to heaven, wept because nobody gave to him his father&#039;s horses and chariot. As therefore the shoe is shaped by the foot, and not the foot by the shoe, so does the disposition make the life similar to itself. For it is not, as one said, custom that makes the best life seem sweet to those that choose it, but it is sense that makes that very life at once the best and sweetest. Let us cleanse therefore the fountain of contentedness, which is within us, that so external things may turn out for our good, through our putting the best face on them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Events will take their course, it is no good&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Our being angry at them, he is happiest&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Who wisely turns them to the best account.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_724_724&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_724_724&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;724&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;v.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Plato compared human life to a game at dice, wherein we ought to throw according to our requirements, and, having thrown, to make the best use of whatever turns up. It is not in our power indeed to determine what the throw will be, but it is our part, if we are wise, to accept in a right spirit whatever fortune sends, and so to contrive matters that what we wish should do us most good, and what we do not wish should do us least harm. For those who live at random and without judgement, like those sickly people who can stand neither heat nor cold, are unduly elated by prosperity, and cast down by adversity; and in either case suffer from unrest, but &#039;tis their own fault, and perhaps they suffer most in what are called good circumstances. Theodorus, who was surnamed the Atheist, used to say that he held out arguments with his right hand, but his hearers received them with their left; so awkward people frequently take in a clumsy manner the favours of fortune; but men of sense, as bees extract honey from thyme which is the strongest and driest of herbs,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_725_725&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_725_725&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;725&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; so from the least auspicious circumstances frequently derive advantage and profit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; We ought then to cultivate such a habit as this, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_294&amp;quot;&amp;gt;294&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;like the man who threw a stone at his dog, and missed it, but hit his step-mother, and cried out, &amp;quot;Not so bad.&amp;quot; Thus we may often turn the edge of fortune when things turn not out as we wish. Diogenes was driven into exile; &amp;quot;not so bad;&amp;quot; for his exile made him turn philosopher. And Zeno of Cittium,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_726_726&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_726_726&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;726&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; when he heard that the only merchantman he had was wrecked, cargo and all, said, &amp;quot;Fortune, you treat me handsomely, since you reduce me to my threadbare cloak and piazza.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_727_727&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_727_727&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;727&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; What prevents our imitating such men as these? Have you failed to get some office? You will be able to live in the country henceforth, and manage your own affairs. Did you court the friendship of some great man, and meet with a rebuff? You will live free from danger and cares. Have you again had matters to deal with that required labour and thought? &amp;quot;Warm water will not so much make the limbs soft by soaking,&amp;quot; to quote Pindar,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_728_728&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_728_728&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;728&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; as glory and honour and power make &amp;quot;labour sweet, and toil to be no toil.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_729_729&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_729_729&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;729&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Or has any bad luck or contumely fallen on you in consequence of some calumny or from envy? The breeze is favourable that will waft you to the Muses and the Academy, as it did Plato when his friendship with Dionysius came to an end. It does indeed greatly conduce to contentedness of mind to see how famous men have borne the same troubles with an unruffled mind. For example, does childlessness trouble you? Consider those kings of the Romans, none of whom left his kingdom to a son. Are you distressed at the pinch of poverty? Who of the Bœotians would you rather prefer to be than Epaminondas, or of the Romans than Fabricius? Has your wife been seduced? Have you never read that inscription at Delphi,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Agis the king of land and sea erected me;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and have you not heard that his wife Timæa was seduced by Alcibiades, and in her whispers to her handmaidens called the child that was born Alcibiades? Yet this did not prevent Agis from being the most famous and greatest &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_295&amp;quot;&amp;gt;295&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of the Greeks. Neither again did the licentiousness of his daughter prevent Stilpo from leading the merriest life of all the philosophers that were his contemporaries. And when Metrocles reproached him with her life, he said, &amp;quot;Is it my fault or hers?&amp;quot; And when Metrocles answered, &amp;quot;Her fault, but your misfortune,&amp;quot; he rejoined, &amp;quot;How say you? Are not faults also slips?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Certainly,&amp;quot; said he. &amp;quot;And are not slips mischances in those matters wherein we slip?&amp;quot; Metrocles assented. &amp;quot;And are not mischances misfortunes in those matters wherein we mischance?&amp;quot; By this gentle and philosophical argument he demonstrated the Cynic&#039;s reproach to be an idle bark.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But most people are troubled and exasperated not only at the bad in their friends and intimates, but also in their enemies. For railing and anger and envy and malignity and jealousy and ill-will are the bane of those that suffer from those infirmities, and trouble and exasperate the foolish: as for example the quarrels of neighbours, and peevishness of acquaintances, and the want of ability in those that manage state affairs. By these things you yourself seem to me to be put out not a little, as the doctors in Sophocles, who&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;With bitter physic purge the bitter bile,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_730_730&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_730_730&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;730&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;so vexed and bitter are you at people&#039;s weaknesses and infirmities, which is not reasonable in you. Even your own private affairs are not always managed by simple and good and suitable instruments, so to speak, but very frequently by sharp and crooked ones. Do not think it then either your business, or an easy matter either, to set all these things to rights. But if you take people as they are, as the surgeon uses his bandages and instruments for drawing teeth, and with cheerfulness and serenity welcome all that happens, as you would look upon barking dogs as only following their nature, you will be happier in the disposition you will then have than you will be distressed at other people&#039;s disagreeableness and shortcomings. For you will forget to make a collection of disagreeable things,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_731_731&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_731_731&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;731&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_296&amp;quot;&amp;gt;296&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;now inundate, as some hollow and low-lying ground, your littleness of mind and weakness, which fills itself with other people&#039;s bad points. For seeing that some of the philosophers censure compassion to the unfortunate (on the ground that it is good to help our neighbours, and not to give way to sentimental sympathy in connection with them), and, what is of more importance, do not allow those that are conscious of their errors and bad moral disposition to be dejected and grieved at them, but bid them cure their defects without grief at once, is it not altogether unreasonable, look you, to allow ourselves to be peevish and vexed, because all those who have dealings with us and come near us are not good and clever? Let us see to it, dear Paccius, that we do not, whether we are aware of it or not, play a part, really looking&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_732_732&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_732_732&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;732&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; not at the universal defects of those that approach us, but at our own interests through our selfishness, and not through our hatred of evil. For excessive excitement about things, and an undue appetite and desire for them, or on the other hand aversion and dislike to them, engender suspiciousness and peevishness against persons, who were, we think, the cause of our being deprived of some things, and of being troubled with others. But he that is accustomed to adapt himself to things easily and calmly is most cheerful and gentle in his dealings with people.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;viii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Wherefore let us resume our argument. As in a fever everything seems bitter and unpleasant to the taste, but when we see others not loathing but fancying the very same eatables and drinkables, we no longer find the fault to be in them but in ourselves and our disease, so we shall cease to blame and be discontented with the state of affairs, if we see others cheerfully and without grief enduring the same. It also makes for contentedness, when things happen against our wish, not to overlook our many advantages and comforts, but by looking at both good and bad to feel that the good preponderate. When our eyes are dazzled with things too bright we turn them away, and ease them by looking at flowers or grass, while we keep the eyes of our mind strained on disagreeable things, and force &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_297&amp;quot;&amp;gt;297&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;them to dwell on bitter ideas, well-nigh tearing them away by force from the consideration of pleasanter things. And yet one might apply here, not unaptly, what was said to the man of curiosity,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_733_733&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_733_733&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;733&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Malignant wretch, why art so keen to mark&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Thy neighbour&#039;s fault, and seest not thine own?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Why on earth, my good sir, do you confine your view to your troubles, making them so vivid and acute, while you do not let your mind dwell at all on your present comforts? But as cupping-glasses draw the worst blood from the flesh, so you force upon your attention the worst things in your lot: acting not a whit more wisely than that Chian, who, selling much choice wine to others, asked for some sour wine for his own supper; and one of his slaves being asked by another, what he had left his master doing, replied, &amp;quot;Asking for bad when good was by.&amp;quot; For most people overlook the advantages and pleasures of their individual lives, and run to their difficulties and grievances. Aristippus, however, was not such a one, for he cleverly knew as in a scale to make the better preponderate over the worse. So having lost a good farm, he asked one of those who made a great show of condolence and sympathy, &amp;quot;Have you not only one little piece of ground, while I have three fields left?&amp;quot; And when he admitted that it was so, he went on to say, &amp;quot;Ought I not then to condole with you rather than you with me?&amp;quot; For it is the act of a madman to distress oneself over what is lost, and not to rejoice at what is left; but like little children, if one of their many playthings be taken away by anyone, throw the rest away and weep and cry out, so we, if we are assailed by fortune in some one point, wail and mourn and make all other things seem unprofitable in our eyes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ix.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Suppose someone should say, What blessings have we? I would reply, What have we not? One has reputation, another a house, another a wife, another a good friend. When Antipater of Tarsus was reckoning up on his death-bed his various pieces of good fortune, he did not &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_298&amp;quot;&amp;gt;298&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;even pass over his favourable voyage from Cilicia to Athens. So we should not overlook, but take account of everyday blessings, and rejoice that we live, and are well, and see the sun, and that no war or sedition plagues our country, but that the earth is open to cultivation, the sea secure to mariners, and that we can speak or be silent, lead a busy or an idle life, as we choose. We shall get more contentedness from the presence of all these blessings, if we fancy them as absent, and remember from time to time how people ill yearn for health, and people in war for peace, and strangers and unknown in a great city for reputation and friends, and how painful it is to be deprived of all these when one has once had them. For then each of these blessings will not appear to us only great and valuable when it is lost, and of no value while we have it. For not having it cannot add value to anything. Nor ought we to amass things we regard as valuable, and always be on the tremble and afraid of losing them as valuable things, and yet, when we have them, ignore them and think little of them; but we ought to use them for our pleasure and enjoyment, that we may bear their loss, if that should happen, with more equanimity. But most people, as Arcesilaus said, think it right to inspect minutely and in every detail, perusing them alike with the eyes of the body and mind, other people&#039;s poems and paintings and statues, while they neglect to study their own lives, which have often many not unpleasing subjects for contemplation, looking abroad and ever admiring other people&#039;s reputations and fortunes, as adulterers admire other men&#039;s wives, and think cheap of their own.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;x.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And yet it makes much for contentedness of mind to look for the most part at home and to our own condition, or if not, to look at the case of people worse off than ourselves, and not, as most people do, to compare ourselves with those who are better off. For example, those who are in chains think those happy who are freed from their chains, and they again freemen, and freemen citizens, and they again the rich, and the rich satraps, and satraps kings, and kings the gods, content with hardly anything short of hurling thunderbolts and lightning. And so they ever&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_299&amp;quot;&amp;gt;299&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; want something above them, and are never thankful for what they have.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I care not for the wealth of golden Gyges,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I never had or envy or desire&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To be a god, or love for mighty empire,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Far distant from my eyes are all such things.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But this, you will say, was the language of a Thasian. But you will find others, Chians or Galatians or Bithynians, not content with the share of glory or power they have among their fellow-citizens, but weeping because they do not wear senators&#039; shoes; or, if they have them, that they cannot be prætors at Rome; or, if they get that office, that they are not consuls; or, if they are consuls, that they are only proclaimed second and not first. What is all this but seeking out excuses for being unthankful to fortune, only to torment and punish oneself? But he that has a mind in sound condition, does not sit down in sorrow and dejection if he is less renowned or rich than some of the countless myriads of mankind that the sun looks upon, &amp;quot;who feed on the produce of the wide world,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_734_734&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_734_734&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;734&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but goes on his way rejoicing at his fortune and life, as far fairer and happier than that of myriads of others. In the Olympian games it is not possible to be the victor by choosing one&#039;s competitors. But in the race of life circumstances allow us to plume ourselves on surpassing many, and to be objects of envy rather than to have to envy others, unless we pit ourselves against a Briareus or a Hercules. Whenever then you admire anyone carried by in his litter as a greater man than yourself, lower your eyes and look at those that bear the litter. And when you think the famous Xerxes happy for his passage over the Hellespont, as a native of those parts&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_735_735&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_735_735&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;735&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; did, look too at those who dug through Mount Athos under the lash, and at those whose ears and noses were cut off because the bridge was broken by the waves, consider their state of mind also, for they think your life and fortunes happy. Socrates, when he heard one of his friends saying, &amp;quot;How &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_300&amp;quot;&amp;gt;300&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;dear this city is! Chian wine costs one mina,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_736_736&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_736_736&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;736&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a purple robe three, and half a pint of honey five drachmæ,&amp;quot; took him to the meal market, and showed him half a peck of meal for an obol, then took him to the olive market, and showed him a peck of olives for two coppers, and lastly showed him that a sleeveless vest&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_737_737&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_737_737&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;737&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was only ten drachmæ. At each place Socrates&#039; friend exclaimed, &amp;quot;How cheap this city is!&amp;quot; So also we, when we hear anyone saying that our affairs are bad and in a woful plight, because we are not consuls or governors, may reply, &amp;quot;Our affairs are in an admirable condition, and our life an enviable one, seeing that we do not beg, nor carry burdens, nor live by flattery.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_300a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But since through our folly we are accustomed to live more with an eye to others than ourselves, and since nature is so jealous and envious that it rejoices not so much in its own blessings as it is pained by those of others, do not look only at the much-cried-up splendour of those whom you envy and admire, but open and draw, as it were, the gaudy curtain of their pomp and show, and peep within, you will see that they have much to trouble them, and many things to annoy them. The well-known Pittacus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_738_738&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_738_738&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;738&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; whose fame was so great for fortitude and wisdom and uprightness, was once entertaining some guests, and his wife came in in a rage and upset the table, and as the guests were dismayed he said, Every one of you has some trouble, and he who has mine only is not so bad off.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Happy is he accounted at the forum,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But when he opens the door of his own house&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Thrice miserable; for his wife rules all,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Still lords it over him, and is ever quarrelling.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Many griefs has he that I wot not of.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Many such cases are there, unknown to the public, for family pride casts a veil over them, to be found in wealth and glory and even in royalty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;O happy son of Atreus, child of destiny,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Blessed thy lot;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_739_739&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_739_739&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;739&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;congratulation like this comes from an external view, from a halo of arms and horses and the pomp of war, but the inward voice of emotion testifies against all this vain glory;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_301&amp;quot;&amp;gt;301&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;A heavy fate is laid on me by Zeus&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The son of Cronos.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_740_740&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_740_740&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;740&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Old man, I think your lot one to be envied,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;As that of any man who free from danger&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Passes his life unknown and in obscurity.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_741_741&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_741_741&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;741&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By such reflections as these one may wean oneself from that discontent with one&#039;s fortune, which makes one&#039;s own condition look low and mean from too much admiring one&#039;s neighbour&#039;s.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_301a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Another thing, which is a great hindrance to peace of mind, is not to proportion our desires to our means, but to carry too much sail, as it were, in our hopes of great things and then, if unsuccessful, to blame destiny and fortune, and not our own folly. For he is not unfortunate who wishes to shoot with a plough, or hunt the hare with an ox; nor has he an evil genius opposed to him, who does not catch deer with fishing nets, but merely is the dupe of his own stupidity and folly in attempting impossibilities. Self-love is mainly to blame, making people fond of being first and aspiring in all matters, and insatiably desirous to engage in everything. For people not only wish at one and the same time to be rich, and learned, and strong, and boon-companions, and agreeable, and friends of kings, and governors of cities, but they are also discontented if they have not dogs and horses and quails and cocks of the first quality. Dionysius the elder was not content with being the most powerful monarch of his times, but because he could not beat Philoxenus the poet in singing, or surpass Plato in dialectics, was so angry and exasperated that he put the one to work in his stone quarries, and sent the other to Ægina and sold him there. Alexander was of a different spirit, for when Crisso the famous runner ran a race with him, and seemed to let the king outrun him on purpose, he was greatly displeased. Good also was the spirit of Achilles in Homer, who, when he said,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;None of the Achæan warriors is a match&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For me in war,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_302&amp;quot;&amp;gt;302&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;added,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Yet in the council hall&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Others there are who better are than me.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_742_742&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_742_742&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;742&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And when Megabyzus the Persian visited the studio of Apelles, and began to chatter about art, Apelles stopped him and said, &amp;quot;While you kept silence you seemed to be somebody from your gold and purple, but now these lads that are grinding colours are laughing at your nonsense.&amp;quot; But some who think the Stoics only talk idly, in styling their wise man not only prudent and just and brave but also orator and general and poet and rich man and king, yet claim for themselves all those titles, and are indignant if they do not get them. And yet even among the gods different functions are assigned to different personages; thus one is called the god of war, another the god of oracles, another the god of gain, and Aphrodite, as she has nothing to do with warlike affairs, is despatched by Zeus to marriages and bridals.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_302a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xiii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And indeed there are some pursuits which cannot exist together, but are by their very nature opposed. For example oratory and the study of the mathematics require ease and leisure; whereas political ability and the friendship of kings cannot be attained without mixing in affairs and in public life. Moreover wine and indulgence in meat make the body indeed strong and vigorous, but blunt the intellect; and though unremitting attention to making and saving money will heap up wealth, yet despising and contemning riches is a great help to philosophy. So that all things are not within any one&#039;s power, and we must obey that saying inscribed in the temple of Apollo at Delphi, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Know thyself&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_743_743&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_743_743&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;743&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and adapt ourselves to our natural bent, and not drag and force nature to some other kind of life or pursuit. &amp;quot;The horse to the chariot, and the ox to the plough, and swiftly alongside the ship scuds the dolphin, while he that meditates destruction for the boar must find a staunch hound.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_744_744&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_744_744&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;744&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But he that chafes and is grieved that he is not at one and the same time &amp;quot;a lion reared on the mountains, exulting in his strength,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_745_745&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_745_745&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;745&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and a little Maltese &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_303&amp;quot;&amp;gt;303&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;lap-dog&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_746_746&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_746_746&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;746&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; reared in the lap of a rich widow, is out of his senses. And not a whit wiser is he who wishes to be an Empedocles, or Plato, or Democritus, and write about the world and the real nature of things, and at the same time to be married like Euphorion to a rich wife, or to revel and drink with Alexander like Medius; and is grieved and vexed if he is not also admired for his wealth like Ismenias, and for his virtue like Epaminondas. But runners are not discontented because they do not carry off the crowns of wrestlers, but rejoice and delight in their own crowns. &amp;quot;You are a citizen of Sparta: see you make the most of her.&amp;quot; So too said Solon:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;We will not change our virtue for their wealth,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For virtue never dies, but wealth has wings,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And flies about from one man to another.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And Strato the natural philosopher, when he heard that Menedemus had many more pupils than he had, said, &amp;quot;Is it wonderful at all that more wish to wash than to be anointed?&amp;quot; And Aristotle, writing to Antipater, said, &amp;quot;Not only has Alexander a right to plume himself on his rule over many subjects, but no less legitimate is satisfaction at entertaining right opinions about the gods.&amp;quot; For those that think so highly of their own walk in life will not be so envious about their neighbours&#039;. We do not expect a vine to bear figs, nor an olive grapes, yet now-a-days, with regard to ourselves, if we have not at one and the same time the privilege of being accounted rich and learned, generals and philosophers, flatterers and outspoken, stingy and extravagant, we slander ourselves and are dissatisfied, and despise ourselves as living a maimed and imperfect life. Furthermore, we see that nature teaches us the same lesson.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_747_747&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_747_747&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;747&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For as she provides different kinds of beasts with different kinds of food, and has not made all carnivorous, or seed-pickers, or root-diggers, so she has given to mankind various means of getting a livelihood, &amp;quot;one by keeping sheep, another by ploughing, another by fowling,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_748_748&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_748_748&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;748&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and another by catching the fish of the sea. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_304&amp;quot;&amp;gt;304&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;We ought each therefore to select the calling appropriate for ourselves and labour energetically in it, and leave other people to theirs, and not demonstrate Hesiod as coming short of the real state of things when he said,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Potter is wroth with potter, smith with smith.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_749_749&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_749_749&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;749&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For not only do people envy those of the same trade and manner of life, but the rich envy the learned, and the famous the rich, and advocates sophists, aye, and freemen and patricians admire and think happy comedians starring it at the theatres, and dancers, and the attendants at kings&#039; courts, and by all this envy give themselves no small trouble and annoyance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xiv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But that every man has in himself the magazines of content or discontent, and that the jars containing blessings and evils are not on the threshold of Zeus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_750_750&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_750_750&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;750&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but lie stored in the mind, is plain from the differences of men&#039;s passions. For the foolish overlook and neglect present blessings, through their thoughts being ever intent on the future; but the wise make the past clearly present to them through memory. For the present giving only a moment of time to the touch, and then evading our grasp, does not seem to the foolish to be ours or to belong to us at all. And like that person&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_751_751&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_751_751&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;751&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; painted as rope-making in Hades and permitting an ass feeding by to eat up the rope as fast as he makes it, so the stupid and thankless forgetfulness of most people comes upon them and takes possession of them, and obliterates from their mind every past action, whether success, or pleasant leisure, or society, or enjoyment, and breaks the unity of life which arises from the past being blended with the present; for detaching to-day from both yesterday and to-morrow, it soon makes every event as if it had never happened from lack of memory. For as those in the schools, who deny the growth of our bodies by reason of the continual flux of substance, make each of us in theory different from himself and another man, so those who do not keep or recall to their memory former things, but let them drift, actually empty them&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_305&amp;quot;&amp;gt;305&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;selves daily, and hang upon the morrow, as if what happened a year ago, or even yesterday and the day before yesterday, had nothing to do with them, and had hardly occurred at all.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; This is one great hindrance to contentedness of mind, and another still greater is whenever, like flies that slide down smooth places in mirrors, but stick fast in rough places or where there are cracks, men let pleasant and agreeable things glide from their memory, and pin themselves down to the remembrance of unpleasant things; or rather, as at Olynthus they say beetles, when they get into a certain place called Destruction-to-beetles, cannot get out, but fly round and round till they die, so men will glide into the remembrance of their woes, and will not give themselves a respite from sorrow. But, as we use our brightest colours in a picture, so in the mind we ought to look at the cheerful and bright side of things, and hide and keep down the gloomy, for we cannot altogether obliterate or get rid of it. For, as the strings of the bow and lyre are alternately tightened and relaxed, so is it with the order of the world; in human affairs there is nothing pure and without alloy. But as in music there are high and low notes, and in grammar vowels and mutes, but neither the musician nor grammarian decline to use either kinds, but know how to blend and employ them both for their purpose, so in human affairs which are balanced one against another,—for, as Euripides says,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;There is no good without ill in the world,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But everything is mixed in due proportion,&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;we ought not to be disheartened or despondent; but as musicians drown their worst music with the best, so should we take good and bad together, and make our chequered life one of convenience and harmony. For it is not, as Menander says,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Directly any man is born, a genius&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Befriends him, a good guide to him for life,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;but it is rather, as Empedocles states, two fates or genii take hold of each of us when we are born and govern us. &amp;quot;There were Chthonia and far-seeing Heliope, and cruel Deris, and grave Harmonia, and Callisto, and Æschra, and&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_306&amp;quot;&amp;gt;306&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Thoosa, and Denæa, and charming Nemertes, and Asaphea with the black fruit.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xvi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And as&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_752_752&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_752_752&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;752&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at our birth we received the mingled seeds of each of these passions, which is the cause of much irregularity, the sensible person hopes for better things, but expects worse, and makes the most of either, remembering that wise maxim, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Not too much of anything.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; For not only will he who is least solicitous about to-morrow best enjoy it when it comes, as Epicurus says, but also wealth, and renown, and power and rule, gladden most of all the hearts of those who are least afraid of the contrary. For the immoderate desire for each, implanting a most immoderate fear of losing them, makes the enjoyment of them weak and wavering, like a flame under the influence of a wind. But he whom reason enables to say to fortune without fear or trembling,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;If you bring any good I gladly welcome it,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But if you fail me little does it trouble me,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;he can enjoy the present with most zest through his confidence, and absence of fear of the loss of what he has, which would be unbearable. For we may not only admire but also imitate the behaviour of Anaxagoras, which made him cry out at the death of his son, &amp;quot;I knew I had begot a mortal,&amp;quot; and apply it to every contingency. For example, &amp;quot;I know that wealth is ephemeral and insecure; I know that those who gave power can take it away again; I know that my wife is good, but still a woman; and that my friend, since a human being, is by nature a changeable animal, to use Plato&#039;s expression.&amp;quot; For such a prepared frame of mind, if anything happens unwished for but not unexpected, not admitting of such phrases as &amp;quot;I shouldn&#039;t have dreamed of it,&amp;quot; or &amp;quot;I expected quite a different lot,&amp;quot; or &amp;quot;I didn&#039;t look for this,&amp;quot; abates the violent&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_753_753&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_753_753&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;753&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; beatings and palpitations of the heart, and quickly causes wild unrest to subside. Carneades indeed reminds us that in great matters the unexpected makes the sum total of grief and dejection. Certainly the kingdom of Macedonia was many times smaller than the Roman Empire, but when &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_307&amp;quot;&amp;gt;307&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Perseus lost Macedonia, he not only himself bewailed his wretched fate, but seemed to all men the most unfortunate and unlucky of mankind; yet Æmilius who conquered him, though he had to give up to another the command both by land and sea, yet was crowned, and offered sacrifice, and was justly esteemed happy. For he knew that he had taken a command which he would have to give up, but Perseus lost his kingdom without expecting it. Well also has the poet&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_754_754&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_754_754&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;754&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; shown the power of anything that happens unexpectedly. For Odysseus wept bitterly at the death of his dog, but was not so moved when he sat by his wife who wept, for in the latter case he had come fully determined to keep his emotion under the control of reason, whereas in the former it was against his expectation, and therefore fell upon him as a sudden blow.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xvii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And since generally speaking some things which happen against our will pain and trouble us by their very nature, while in the case of most we accustom ourselves and learn to be disgusted with them from fancy, it is not unprofitable to counteract this to have ever ready that line of Menander,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You suffer no dread thing but in your fancy.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For what, if they touch you neither in soul nor body, are such things to you as the low birth of your father, or the adultery of your wife, or the loss of some prize or precedence, since even by their absence a man is not prevented from being in excellent condition both of body and soul. And with respect to the things that seem to pain us by their very nature, as sickness, and anxieties, and the deaths of friends and children, we should remember, that line of Euripides,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Alas! and why alas? we only suffer&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;What mortals must expect.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For no argument has so much weight with emotion when it is borne down with grief, as that which reminds it of the common and natural necessity to which man is exposed owing to the body, the only handle which he gives to fortune, for in his most important and influential part&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_755_755&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_755_755&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;755&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_308&amp;quot;&amp;gt;308&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;secure against external things. When Demetrius captured Megara, he asked Stilpo if any of his things had been plundered, and Stilpo answered, &amp;quot;I saw nobody carrying off anything of mine.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_756_756&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_756_756&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;756&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And so when fortune has plundered us and stripped us of everything else, we have that within ourselves&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Which the Achæans ne&#039;er could rob us of.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_757_757&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_757_757&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;757&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;So that we ought not altogether to abase and lower nature, as if she had no strength or stability against fortune; but on the contrary, knowing that the rotten and perishable part of man, wherein alone he lies open to fortune, is small, while we ourselves are masters of the better part, wherein are situated our greatest blessings, as good opinions and teaching and virtuous precepts, all which things cannot be abstracted from us or perish, we ought to look on the future with invincible courage, and say to fortune, as Socrates is supposed to have said to his accusers Anytus and Melitus before the jury, &amp;quot;Anytus and Melitus can kill me, but they cannot hurt me.&amp;quot; For fortune can afflict us with disease, take away our money, calumniate us to the people or king, but cannot make a good and brave and high-souled man bad and cowardly and low and ignoble and envious, nor take away that disposition of mind, whose constant presence is of more use for the conduct of life than the presence of a pilot at sea. For the pilot cannot make calm the wild wave or wind, nor can he find a haven at his need wherever he wishes, nor can he await his fate with confidence and without trembling, but as long as he has not despaired, but uses his skill, he scuds before the gale, &amp;quot;lowering his big sail, till his lower mast is only just above the sea dark as Erebus,&amp;quot; and sits at the helm trembling and quaking. But the disposition of a wise man gives calm even to the body, mostly cutting off the causes of diseases by temperance and plain living and moderate exercise; but if some beginning of trouble arise from without, as we avoid a sunken rock, so he passes by it with furled sail, as Asclepiades puts it; but if some unexpected &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_309&amp;quot;&amp;gt;309&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and tremendous gale come upon him and prove too much for him, the harbour is at hand, and he can swim away from the body, as from a leaky boat.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xviii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; For it is the fear of death, and not the desire of life, that makes the foolish person to hang to the body, clinging to it, as Odysseus did to the fig-tree from fear of Charybdis that lay below,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Where the wind neither let him stay, or sail,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;so that he was displeased at this, and afraid of that. But he who understands somehow or other the nature of the soul, and reflects that the change it will undergo at death will be either to something better or at least not worse, he has in his fearlessness of death no small help to ease of mind in life. For to one who can enjoy life when virtue and what is congenial to him have the upper hand, and that can fearlessly depart from life, when uncongenial and unnatural things are in the ascendant, with the words on his lips,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The deity shall free me, when I will,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_758_758&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_758_758&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;758&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;what can we imagine could befall such a man as this that would vex him and wear him and harass him? For he who said, &amp;quot;I have anticipated you, O fortune, and cut off all your loopholes to get at me,&amp;quot; did not trust to bolts or keys or walls, but to determination and reason, which are within the power of all persons that choose. And we ought not to despair or disbelieve any of these sayings, but admiring them and emulating them and being enthusiastic about them, we ought to try and test ourselves in smaller matters with a view to greater, not avoiding or rejecting that self-examination, nor sheltering ourselves under the remark, &amp;quot;Perhaps nothing will be more difficult.&amp;quot; For inertia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_759_759&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_759_759&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;759&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and softness are generated by that self-indulgence which ever occupies itself only with the easiest tasks, and flees from the disagreeable to what is most pleasant. But the soul that accustoms itself to face steadily sickness and grief and exile, and calls in reason to its help in each case, will find in what appears so sore and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_310&amp;quot;&amp;gt;310&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;dreadful much that is false, empty, and rotten, as reason will show in each case.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xix.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And yet many shudder at that line of Menander,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;No one can say, I shall not suffer this or that,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;being ignorant how much it helps us to freedom from grief to practise to be able to look fortune in the face with our eyes open, and not to entertain fine and soft fancies, like one reared in the shade on many hopes that always yield and never resist. We can, however, answer Menander&#039;s line,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;No one can say, I shall not suffer this or that,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;for a man can say, &amp;quot;I will not do this or that, I will not lie, I will not play the rogue, I will not cheat, I will not scheme.&amp;quot; For this is in our power, and is no small but great help to ease of mind. As on the contrary&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The consciousness of having done ill deeds,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_760_760&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_760_760&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;760&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;like a sore in the flesh, leaves in the mind a regret which ever wounds it and pricks it. For reason banishes all other griefs, but itself creates regret when the soul is vexed with shame and self-tormented. For as those who shudder in ague-fits or burn in fevers feel more trouble and distress than those who externally suffer the same from cold or heat, so the grief is lighter which comes externally from chance, but that lament,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;None is to blame for this but I myself,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;coming from within on one&#039;s own misdeeds, intensifies one&#039;s bitterness by the shame felt. And so neither costly house, nor quantity of gold, nor pride of race, nor weighty office, nor grace of language, nor eloquence, impart so much calm and serenity to life, as a soul pure from evil acts and desires, having an imperturbable and undefiled character as the source of its life; whence good actions flow, producing an enthusiastic and cheerful energy accompanied by loftiness of thought, and a memory sweeter and more lasting than that hope which Pindar says is the support of old age. Censers do not, as Carneades said, after they are emptied, long retain their sweet smell; but in the mind of the wise man good actions always leave a fresh and fragrant memory, by which joy is watered and flourishes, and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_311&amp;quot;&amp;gt;311&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;despises those who wail over life and abuse it as a region of ills, or as a place of exile for souls in this world.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xx.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I am very taken with Diogenes&#039; remark to a stranger at Lacedæmon, who was dressing with much display for a feast, &amp;quot;Does not a good man consider every day a feast?&amp;quot; And a very great feast too, if we live soberly. For the world is a most holy and divine temple, into which man is introduced at his birth, not to behold motionless images made by hands, but those things (to use the language of Plato) which the divine mind has exhibited as the visible representations of invisible things, having innate in them the principle of life and motion, as the sun moon and stars, and rivers ever flowing with fresh water, and the earth affording maintenance to plants and animals. Seeing then that life is the most complete initiation into all these things, it ought to be full of ease of mind and joy; not as most people wait for the festivals of Cronos&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_761_761&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_761_761&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;761&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Dionysus and the Panathenæa and other similar days, that they may joy and refresh themselves with bought laughter, paying actors and dancers for the same. On such occasions indeed we sit silently and decorously, for no one wails when he is initiated, or groans when he beholds the Pythian games, or when he is drinking at the festival of Cronos:&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_761_761&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;761&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but men shame the festivals which the deity supplies us with and initiates us in, passing most of their time in lamentation and heaviness of heart and distressing anxiety. And though men delight in the pleasing notes of musical instruments, and in the songs of birds, and behold with joy the animals playing and frisking, and on the contrary are distressed when they roar and howl and look savage; yet in regard to their own life, when they see it without smiles and dejected, and ever oppressed and afflicted by the most wretched sorrows and toils and unending cares, they do not think of trying to procure alleviation and ease. How is this? Nay, they will not even listen to others&#039; exhortation, which would enable them to acquiesce in the present without repining, and to remember the past with thankfulness, and to meet the future hopefully and cheerfully without fear or suspicion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_711_711&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_711_711&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;711&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Or cheerfulness, or tranquillity of mind. Jeremy Taylor has largely borrowed again from this treatise in his &amp;quot;Holy Living,&amp;quot; ch. ii. § 6, &amp;quot;Of Contentedness in all Estates and Accidents.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_712_712&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_712_712&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;712&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading with Salmasius κάλτιος πατρίκιος.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_713_713&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_713_713&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;713&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Locus Xenophontis est Cyropæd.,&amp;quot; l. i. p. 52.—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Reiske.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_714_714&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_714_714&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;714&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Orestes,&amp;quot; 258.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_715_715&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_715_715&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;715&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So Wyttenbach, Dübner. Vulgo ἀναισθησίας—ἀπονία.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_716_716&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_716_716&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;716&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Works and Days,&amp;quot; 519.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_717_717&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_717_717&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;717&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; i. 191, 192.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_718_718&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_718_718&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;718&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I read κατηφείαν.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_719_719&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_719_719&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;719&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; i. 488-492.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_720_720&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_720_720&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;720&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xviii. 104.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_721_721&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_721_721&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;721&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Orestes,&amp;quot; 232.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_722_722&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_722_722&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;722&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; x. 88, 89.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_723_723&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_723_723&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;723&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The story of Phäethon is a very well-known one, and is recorded very fully by Ovid in the &amp;quot;Metamorphoses,&amp;quot; Book ii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_724_724&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_724_724&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;724&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Bellerophon.&amp;quot; Fragm. 298.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_725_725&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_725_725&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;725&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Supplying φυτῶν with Reiske.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_726_726&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_726_726&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;726&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In Cyprus. Zeno was the founder of the Stoics.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_727_727&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_727_727&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;727&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Zeno and his successors taught in the Piazza at Athens called the Painted Piazza. See Pausanias, i. 15.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_728_728&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_728_728&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;728&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Pindar, Nem. iv. 6.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_729_729&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_729_729&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;729&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Bacchæ,&amp;quot; 66.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_730_730&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_730_730&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;730&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Quoted again by our author &amp;quot;On Restraining Anger,&amp;quot; § xvi.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_731_731&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_731_731&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;731&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As will be seen, I follow Wyttenbach&#039;s guidance in this very corrupt passage, which is a true crux.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_732_732&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_732_732&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;732&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading δεδορκότες.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_733_733&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_733_733&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;733&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See &amp;quot;On Curiosity,&amp;quot; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_238a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;§ i.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_734_734&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_734_734&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;734&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Simonides.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_735_735&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_735_735&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;735&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Herodotus, vii. 56.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_736_736&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_736_736&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;736&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A mina was 100 drachmæ (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;i.e.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; £4. 1&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;s.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 3&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;d.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;), and 600 obols.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_737_737&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_737_737&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;737&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A slave&#039;s ordinary dress.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_738_738&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_738_738&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;738&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; One of the Seven Wise Men.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_739_739&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_739_739&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;739&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; iii. 182.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_740_740&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_740_740&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;740&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; ii. 111.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_741_741&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_741_741&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;741&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Words of Agamemnon to the House Porter. Euripides, &amp;quot;Iphigenia in Aulis,&amp;quot; 17-19.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_742_742&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_742_742&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;742&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xviii. 105, 106.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_743_743&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_743_743&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;743&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Pausanias, x. 24.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_744_744&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_744_744&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;744&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Pindar, Fragm., 258. Quoted &amp;quot;On Moral Virtue,&amp;quot; § xii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_745_745&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_745_745&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;745&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xvii. 61; &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; vi. 130.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_746_746&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_746_746&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;746&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A famous breed of dogs from the island Melita, near Dalmatia. See Pliny, &amp;quot;Hist. Nat.,&amp;quot; iii. 26, extr. § 30; xxx. 5, extr. § 14.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_747_747&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_747_747&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;747&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; That &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Non omnia possumus omnes&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_748_748&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_748_748&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;748&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Pindar, &amp;quot;Isthm.,&amp;quot; i. 65-70.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_749_749&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_749_749&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;749&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Hesiod, &amp;quot;Works and Days,&amp;quot; 25. Our &amp;quot;two of a trade seldom agree.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_750_750&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_750_750&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;750&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; An allusion to &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xxiv. 527-533.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_751_751&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_751_751&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;751&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ocnus. See Pausanias, x. 29.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_752_752&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_752_752&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;752&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So Wyttenbach, who reads Ὡς δὲ τούτων.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_753_753&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_753_753&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;753&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading οἷα with Reiske.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_754_754&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_754_754&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;754&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer to wit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_755_755&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_755_755&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;755&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The soul.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_756_756&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_756_756&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;756&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The reading here is rather doubtful. That I have adopted is Reiske&#039;s and Wyttenbach&#039;s.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_757_757&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_757_757&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;757&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; v. 484.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_758_758&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_758_758&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;758&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Bacchæ,&amp;quot; 498. Compare Horace, &amp;quot;Epistles,&amp;quot; i. xvi. 78, 79.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_759_759&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_759_759&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;759&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading with Dübner ἀργίαν. Reiske has ἀτονίαν.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_760_760&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_760_760&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;760&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Orestes,&amp;quot; 396.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_761_761&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_761_761&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;761&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Saturnalia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (as the Romans called this feast) was well known as a festival of merriment and license.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_312&amp;quot;&amp;gt;312&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;ON ENVY AND HATRED.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;i.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Outwardly there seems no difference between hatred and envy, but they seem identical. For generally speaking, as vice has many hooks, and is swayed hither and thither by the passions that hang on it, there are many points of contact and entanglement between them, for as in the case of illnesses there is a sympathy between the various passions. Thus the prosperous man is equally a source of pain to hate and envy. And so we think benevolence the opposite of both these passions, being as it is a wish for our neighbour&#039;s good, and we think hate and envy identical, for the desire of both is the very opposite of benevolence. But since their similarities are not so great as their dissimilarities, let us investigate and trace out these two passions from their origin.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Hatred then is generated by the fancy that the person hated is either bad generally or bad to oneself. For those who think they are wronged naturally hate those who they think wrong them, and dislike and are on their guard against those who are injurious or bad to others;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_762_762&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_762_762&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;762&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but people envy merely those they think prosperous. So envy seems illimitable, being, like ophthalmia, troubled at everything bright, whereas hatred is limited, since it settles only on what seems hostile.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; In the second place people feel hatred even against the brutes; for some hate cats and beetles and toads and serpents. Thus Germanicus could not bear the crowing or sight of a cock, and the Persian magicians kill their mice, not only hating them themselves but thinking them hateful to their god, and the Arabians and Ethiopians abominate them as much. Whereas we envy only human beings.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Indeed among the brutes it is not likely that there should be any envy, for they have no conception of prosperity or adversity, nor have they any idea of reputation or &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_313&amp;quot;&amp;gt;313&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;want of reputation, which are the things that mainly excite envy; but they hate one another, and are hostile to one another, and fight with one another to the death, as eagles and dragons, crows and owls, titmice and finches, insomuch that they say that even the blood of these creatures will not mix, and if you try to mix it it will immediately separate again. It is likely also that there is strong hatred between the cock and the lion, and the pig and the elephant, owing to fear. For what people fear they naturally hate. We see also from this that envy differs from hatred, for the animals are capable of the one, but not of the other.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;v.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Moreover envy against anyone is never just, for no one wrongs another by his prosperity, though that is what he is envied for; but many are hated with justice, for we even think others&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_763_763&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_763_763&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;763&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; worthy of hatred, if they do not flee from such, and are not disgusted and vexed at them. A great indication of this is that some people admit they hate many, but declare they envy nobody. Indeed hatred of evil is reckoned among praiseworthy things; and when some were praising Charillus, the nephew of Lycurgus and king of Sparta, for his mildness and gentleness, his colleague said, &amp;quot;How can Charillus be good, who is not even harsh to the bad?&amp;quot; And so the poet described the bodily defects of Thersites at much length, whereas he expressed his vile moral character most shortly and by one remark, &amp;quot;He was most hateful both to Achilles and Odysseus.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_764_764&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_764_764&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;764&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For to be hated by the most excellent is the height of worthlessness. But people deny that they are envious, and, if they are charged with being so, they put forward ten thousand pleas, saying they are angry with the man or fear him or hate him, suggesting any other passion than envy, and concealing it as the only disorder of the soul which is abominable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Of necessity then these two passions cannot, like plants, be fed and nourished and grow on the same roots; for they are by nature different.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_765_765&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_765_765&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;765&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For we hate people more as they grow worse, but they are envied only the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_314&amp;quot;&amp;gt;314&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;more the more they advance in virtue. And so Themistocles, when quite a lad, said he had done nothing remarkable, for he was not yet envied. For as insects attack most ripe corn and roses in their bloom, so envy fastens most on the good and on those who are growing in virtue and good repute for moral character. Again extreme badness intensifies hatred. So hated indeed and loathed were the accusers of Socrates, as guilty of extreme vileness, by their fellow-citizens, that they would neither supply them with fire, nor answer their questions, nor touch the water they had bathed in, but ordered the servants to pour it away as polluted, till they could bear this hatred no longer and hung themselves. But splendid and exceptional success often extinguishes envy. For it is not likely that anyone envied Alexander or Cyrus, after their conquests made them lords of the world. But as the sun, when it is high over our heads and sends down its rays, makes next to no shadow, so at those successes that attain such a height as to be over its head envy is humbled, and retires completely dazzled. So Alexander had none to envy him, but many to hate him, by whom he was plotted against till he died. So too misfortunes stop envy, but they do not remove hatred. For people hate their enemies even when they lie prostrate at their feet, but no one envies the unfortunate. But the remark of one of the sophists of our day is true, that the envious are very prone to pity; so here too there is a great difference between these two passions, for hatred abandons neither the fortunate nor unfortunate, whereas envy is mitigated in the extreme of either fortune.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Let as look at the same again from opposite points of view. Men put an end to their enmity and hatred, either if persuaded they have not been wronged, or if they come round to the view that those they hated are good men and not bad, or thirdly if they receive a kindness. For, as Thucydides says, the last favour conferred, even though a smaller one, if it be seasonable, outweighs a greater offence.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_766_766&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_766_766&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;766&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Yet the persuasion that they have not been wronged does not put an end to envy, for people envy although absolutely persuaded that they have not been wronged; and the two &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_315&amp;quot;&amp;gt;315&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;other cases actually increase envy; for people look with an evil eye even more on those they think good, as having virtue, which is the greatest blessing; and if they are treated kindly by the prosperous it grieves them, for they envy both their will and power to do kindnesses, the former proceeding from their goodness, the latter from their prosperity, but both being blessings. Thus envy is a passion altogether different from hatred, seeing that what abates the one pains and exasperates the other.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;viii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Let us now look at the intent of each of these passions. The intent of the person who hates is to do as much harm as he can, so they define hatred to be a disposition and intent on the watch for an opportunity to do harm. But this is altogether foreign to envy.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_767_767&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_767_767&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;767&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For those who envy their relations and friends would not wish them to come to ruin, or fall into calamity, but are only annoyed at their prosperity; and would hinder, if they could, their glory and renown, but they would not bring upon them irremediable misfortunes: they are content to remove, as in the case of a lofty house, what stands in their light.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_762_762&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_762_762&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;762&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ἄλλως MSS. Wyttenbach ἄλλων. Malo ἄλλοις.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_763_763&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_763_763&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;763&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So Wyttenbach.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_764_764&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_764_764&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;764&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; ii. 220.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_765_765&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_765_765&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;765&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So Wyttenbach. The reading in this passage is very doubtful.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_766_766&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_766_766&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;766&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thucydides, i. 42.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_767_767&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_767_767&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;767&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading ἄπεστιν ὅλως. Οἱ γὰρ φθονοῦντες. What can be made of πολλοὺς here?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_315a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;HOW ONE CAN PRAISE ONESELF WITHOUT EXCITING ENVY.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;i.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; To speak to other people about one&#039;s own importance or ability, Herculanus, is universally declared to be tiresome and illiberal, but in fact not many even of those who censure it avoid its unpleasantness. Thus Euripides, though he says,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;If words had to be bought by human beings,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;No one would wish to trumpet his own praises.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But since one can get words &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;sans&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; any payment&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;From lofty ether, everyone delights&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In speaking truth or falsehood of himself,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For he can do it with impunity;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;yet uses much tiresome boasting, intermixing with the passion and action of his plays irrelevant matter about himself. Similarly Pindar says, that &amp;quot;to boast unseason&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_316&amp;quot;&amp;gt;316&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;ably is to play an accompaniment to madness,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_768_768&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_768_768&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;768&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; yet he does not cease to talk big about his own merit, which indeed is well worthy of encomium, who would deny it? But those who are crowned in the games leave it to others to celebrate their victories, to avoid the unpleasantness of singing their own praises. So we are with justice disgusted at Timotheus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_769_769&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_769_769&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;769&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for trumpeting his own glory inelegantly and contrary to custom in the inscription for his victory over Phrynis, &amp;quot;A proud day for you, Timotheus, was it when the herald cried out, &#039;The Milesian Timotheus is victorious over the son of Carbo and his Ionic notes.&#039;&amp;quot; As Xenophon says, &amp;quot;Praise from others is the pleasantest thing a man can hear,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_770_770&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_770_770&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;770&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but to others a man&#039;s self-praise is most nauseous. For first we think those impudent who praise themselves, since modesty would be becoming even if they were praised by others; secondly, we think them unjust in giving themselves what they ought to receive from others; thirdly, if we are silent we seem to be vexed and to envy them, and if we are afraid of this imputation, we are obliged to heap praise upon them contrary to our real opinion, and to bear them out, undertaking a task more befitting gross flattery than honour.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And yet, in spite of all this, there are occasions when a statesman may venture to speak in his own praise, not to cry up his own glory and merit, but when the time and matter demand that he should speak the truth about himself, as he would about another; especially when it is mentioned that another has done good and excellent things,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_771_771&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_771_771&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;771&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; there is no need for him to suppress the fact that he has done as well. For such self-praise bears excellent fruit, since much more and better praise springs from it as from seed. For the statesman does not ask for reputation as a reward or consolation, nor is he merely pleased at its attending upon his actions, but he values it because credit and character give him opportunities to do good on a larger scale. For it is both easy and pleasant to benefit those who &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_317&amp;quot;&amp;gt;317&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;believe in us and are friendly to us, but it is not easy to act virtuously against suspicion and calumny, and to force one&#039;s benefits on those that reject them. Let us now consider, if there are any other reasons warranting self-praise in a statesman, what they are, that, while we avoid vain glory and disgusting other people, we may not omit any useful kind of self-praise.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; That is vain glory then when men seem to praise themselves that they may call forth the laudation of others; and it is especially despised because it seems to proceed from ambition and an unseasonable opinion of oneself. For as those who cannot obtain food are forced to feed on their own flesh against nature, and that is the end of famine, so those that hunger after praise, if they get no one else to praise them, disgrace themselves by their anxiety to feed their own vanity. But when, not merely content with praising themselves, they vie with the praise of others, and pit their own deeds and actions against theirs, with the intent of outshining them, they add envy and malignity to their vanity. The proverb teaches us that to put our foot into another&#039;s dance is meddlesome and ridiculous; we ought equally to be on our guard against intruding our own panegyric into others&#039; praises out of envy and spite, nor should we allow others either to praise us then, but we should make way for those that are being honoured, if they are worthy of honour, and even if they seem to us undeserving of honour and worthless, we ought not to strip them of their praise by self-laudation, but by direct argument and proof that they are not worthy of all these encomiums. It is plain then that we ought to avoid all such conduct as this.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But self-praise cannot be blamed, if it is an answer to some charge or calumny, as those words of Pericles, &amp;quot;And yet you are angry with such a man as me, a man I take it inferior to no one either in knowledge of what should be done, or in ability to point out the same, and a lover of my country to boot, and superior to bribes.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_772_772&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_772_772&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;772&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For not only did he avoid all swagger and vain-glory and ambition in talking thus loftily about himself, but he also exhi&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_318&amp;quot;&amp;gt;318&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;bited the spirit and greatness of his virtue, which could abase and crush envy because it could not be abased itself. For people will hardly condemn such men, for they are elevated and cheered and inspired by noble self-laudation such as this, if it have a true basis, as all history testifies. Thus the Thebans, when their generals were charged with not returning home, and laying down their office of Bœotarchs when their time had expired, but instead of that making inroads into Laconia, and helping Messene, hardly acquitted Pelopidas, who was submissive and suppliant, but for Epaminondas,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_773_773&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_773_773&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;773&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who gloried in what he had done, and at last said that he was ready to die, if they would confess that he had ravaged Laconia, and restored Messene, and made Arcadia one state, against the will of the Thebans, they would not pass sentence upon him, but admired his heroism, and with rejoicing and smiles set him free. So too we must not altogether find fault with Sthenelus in Homer saying,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;We boast ourselves far better than our fathers,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_774_774&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_774_774&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;774&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;when we remember the words of Agamemnon,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;How now? thou son of brave horse-taming Tydeus,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Why dost thou crouch for fear, and watch far off&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The lines of battle? How unlike thy father!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_775_775&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_775_775&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;775&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For it was not because he was defamed himself, but he stood up for his friend&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_776_776&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_776_776&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;776&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that was abused, the occasion giving him a reasonable excuse for self-commendation. So too the Romans were far from pleased at Cicero&#039;s frequently passing encomiums upon himself in the affair of Catiline, yet when Scipio said they ought not to try him (Scipio), since he had given them the power to try anybody, they put on garlands, and accompanied him to the Capitol, and sacrificed with him. For Cicero was not compelled to praise himself, but only did so for glory, whereas the danger in which Scipio stood removed envy from him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;v.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And not only on one&#039;s trial and in danger, but also in misfortune, is tall talk and boasting more suitable than in prosperity. For in prosperity people seem to clutch as it were at glory and enjoy it, and so gratify their ambition; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_319&amp;quot;&amp;gt;319&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;but in adversity, being far from ambition owing to circumstances, such self-commendation seems to be a bearing up and fortifying the spirit against fortune, and an avoidance altogether of that desire for pity and condolence, and that humility, which we often find in adversity. As then we esteem those persons vain and without sense who in walking hold themselves very erect and with a stiff neck, yet in boxing or fighting we commend such as hold themselves up and alert, so the man struggling with adversity, who stands up straight against his fate, &amp;quot;in fighting posture like some boxer,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_777_777&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_777_777&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;777&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and instead of being humble and abject becomes through his boasting lofty and dignified, seems to be not offensive and impudent, but great and invincible. This is why, I suppose, Homer has represented Patroclus modest and without reproach in prosperity, yet at the moment of death saying grandiloquently,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Had twenty warriors fought me such as thou,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;All had succumbed to my victorious spear.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_778_778&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_778_778&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;778&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And Phocion, though in other respects he was gentle, yet after his sentence exhibited his greatness of soul to many others, and notably to one of those that were to die with him, who was weeping and wailing, to whom he said, &amp;quot;What! are you not content to die with Phocion?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Not less, but still more, lawful is it for a public man who is wronged to speak on his own behalf to those who treat him with ingratitude. Thus Achilles generally conceded glory to the gods, and modestly used such language as,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;If ever Zeus&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Shall grant to me to sack Troy&#039;s well-built town;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_779_779&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_779_779&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;779&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;but when insulted and outraged contrary to his deserts, he utters in his rage boastful words,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Alighting from my ships twelve towns I sacked,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_780_780&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_780_780&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;780&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;For they will never dare to face my helmet&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;When it gleams near.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_781_781&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_781_781&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;781&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_320&amp;quot;&amp;gt;320&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;For frank outspokenness, when it is part of one&#039;s defence, admits of boasting. It was in this spirit no doubt that Themistocles, who neither in word nor deed had given any offence, when he saw the Athenians were tired of him and treating him with neglect, did not abstain from saying, &amp;quot;My good sirs, why do you tire of receiving benefits so frequently at the same hands?&amp;quot; and&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_782_782&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_782_782&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;782&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;When the storm is on you fly to me for shelter as to a tree, but when fine weather comes again, then you pass by and strip me of my leaves.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; They then that are wronged generally mention what they have done well to those who are ungrateful. And the person who is blamed for what he has done well is altogether to be pardoned, and not censured, if he passes encomiums on his own actions: for he is in the position of one not scolding but making his defence. This it was that made Demosthenes&#039; freedom of speech splendid, and prevented people being wearied out by the praise which in all his speech &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;On the Crown&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; he lavished on himself, pluming himself on those embassies and decrees in connection with the war with which fault had been found.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;viii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Not very unlike this is the grace of antithesis, when a person shows that the opposite of what he is charged with is base and low. Thus Lycurgus when he was charged at Athens with having bribed an informer to silence, replied, &amp;quot;What kind of a citizen do you think me, who, having had so long time the fingering of your public money, am detected in giving rather than taking unjustly?&amp;quot; And Cicero, when Metellus told him that he had destroyed more as a witness than he had got acquitted as an advocate, answered, &amp;quot;Who denies that my honesty is greater than my eloquence?&amp;quot; Compare such sayings of Demosthenes as, &amp;quot;Who would not have been justified in killing me, had I tried in word only to impair the ancient glory of our city?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_783_783&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_783_783&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;783&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And, &amp;quot;What think you these wretches would have said, if the states had departed, when I was curiously discussing these points?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_784_784&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_784_784&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;784&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And indeed the whole of that speech &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;On the Crown&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; most ingeniously introduces his own &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_321&amp;quot;&amp;gt;321&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;praises in his antitheses, and answers to the charges brought against him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ix.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; However it is worth while to notice in his speech that he most artistically inserts praise of his audience in the remarks about himself, and so makes his speech less egotistical and less likely to raise envy. Thus he shows how the Athenians behaved to the Eubœans and to the Thebans, and what benefits they conferred on the people of Byzantium and on the Chersonese, claiming for himself only a subordinate part in the matter. Thus he cunningly insinuates into the audience with his own praises what they will gladly hear, for they rejoice at the enumeration of their successes,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_785_785&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_785_785&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;785&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and their joy is succeeded by admiration and esteem for the person to whom the success was due. So also Epaminondas, when Meneclidas once jeered at him as thinking more of himself than Agamemnon ever did, replied, &amp;quot;It is your fault then, men of Thebes, by whose help alone I put down the power of the Lacedæmonians in one day.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;x.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But since most people very much dislike and object to a man&#039;s praising himself, but if he praises some one else are on the contrary often glad and readily bear him out, some are in the habit of praising in season those that have the same pursuits business and characters as themselves, and so conciliate and move the audience in their own favour; for the audience know at the moment such a one is speaking that, though he is speaking about another, yet his own similar virtue is worthy of their praise.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_786_786&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_786_786&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;786&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For as one who throws in another&#039;s teeth things of which he is guilty himself must know that he upbraids himself most, so the good in paying honour to the good remind those who know their character of themselves, so that their hearers cry out at once, &amp;quot;Are not you such a one yourself?&amp;quot; Thus Alexander honouring Hercules, and Androcottus again honouring Alexander, got themselves honoured on the same grounds. Dionysius on the contrary pulling Gelon to pieces, and calling him the Gelos&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_787_787&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_787_787&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;787&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Sicily, was not aware that through his envy he was weakening the importance and dignity of his own authority.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_322&amp;quot;&amp;gt;322&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; These things then a public man must generally know and observe. But those that are compelled to praise themselves do so less offensively if they do not ascribe all the honour to themselves, but, being aware that their glory will be tiresome to others, set it down partly to fortune, partly to the deity. So Achilles said well,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Since the gods granted us to kill this hero.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_788_788&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_788_788&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;788&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Well also did Timoleon, who erected a temple at Syracuse to the goddess of Fortune after his success, and dedicated his house to the Good Genius. Excellently again did Pytho of Ænos, (when he came to Athens after killing Cotys, and when the demagogues vied with one another in praising him to the people, and he observed that some were jealous and displeased,) in coming forward and saying, &amp;quot;Men of Athens, this is the doing of one of the gods, I only put my hands to the work.&amp;quot; Sulla also forestalled envy by ever praising fortune, and eventually he proclaimed himself as under the protection of Aphrodite.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_789_789&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_789_789&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;789&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For men would rather ascribe their defeat to fortune than the enemy&#039;s valour, for in the former case they consider it an accident, whereas in the latter case they would have to blame themselves and set it down to their own shortcomings. So they say the legislation of Zaleucus pleased the Locrians not least, because he said that Athene visited him from time to time, and suggested to him and taught him his laws, and that none of those he promulgated were his own idea and plan.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Perhaps this kind of remedy by talking people over must be contrived for those who are altogether crabbed or envious; but for people of moderation it is not amiss to qualify excessive praise. Thus if anyone should praise you as learned, or rich, or influential, it would be well to bid him not talk about you in that strain, but say that you were good and harmless and useful. For the person that acts so does not introduce his own praise but transfers it, nor does he seem to rejoice in people passing encomiums upon him, but rather to be vexed at their praising him inappropriately and on wrong grounds, and he seems to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_323&amp;quot;&amp;gt;323&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;hide bad traits by better ones, not wishing to be praised, but showing how he ought to be praised. Such seems the intent of such words as the following, &amp;quot;I have not fortified the city with stones or bricks, but if you wish to see how I have fortified it, you will find arms and horses and allies.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_790_790&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_790_790&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;790&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Still more in point are the last words of Pericles. For as he was dying, and his friends very naturally were weeping and wailing, and reminded him of his military services and his power, and the trophies and victories and towns he had won for Athens, and was leaving as a legacy, he raised himself up a little and blamed them as praising him for things common to many, and some of them the results of fortune rather than merit, while they had passed over the best and greatest of his deeds and one peculiarly his own, that he had never been the cause of any Athenian&#039;s wearing mourning. This gives the orator an example, if he be a good man, when praised for his eloquence, to transfer the praise to his life and character, and the general who is admired for his skill and good fortune in war to speak with confidence about his gentleness and uprightness. And again, if any very extravagant praise is uttered, such as many people use in flattery which provokes envy, one can reply,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I am no god; why do you liken me&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To the immortals?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_791_791&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_791_791&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;791&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;If you really know me, praise my integrity, or my sobriety, or my kindheartedness, or my philanthropy. For even envy is not reluctant to give moderate praise to one that deprecates excessive praise, and true panegyric is not lost by people refusing to accept idle and false praise. So those kings who would not be called gods or the sons of gods, but only fond of their brothers or mother, or benefactors,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_792_792&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_792_792&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;792&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; or dear to the gods, did not excite the envy of those that honoured them by those titles, that were noble but still such as men might claim. Again, people dislike those writers or speakers who entitle themselves wise, but they wel&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_324&amp;quot;&amp;gt;324&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;come those who content themselves with saying that they are lovers of philosophy, and have made some progress, or use some such moderate language about themselves as that, which does not excite envy. But rhetorical sophists, who expect to hear &amp;quot;Divine, wonderful, grand,&amp;quot; at their declamations, are not even welcomed with &amp;quot;Pretty fair, so so.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xiii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Moreover, as people anxious not to injure those who have weak eyes, draw a shade over too much light, so some people make their praise of themselves less glaring and absolute, by pointing out some of their small defects, or miscarriages, or errors, and so remove all risk of making people offended or envious. Thus Epeus, who boasts very much of his skill in boxing, and says very confidently,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I can your body crush, and break your bones,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_793_793&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_793_793&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;793&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;yet says,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Is&#039;t not enough that I&#039;m in fight deficient?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_794_794&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_794_794&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;794&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But Epeus is perhaps a ridiculous instance, excusing his bragging as an athlete by his confession of timidity and want of manliness. But agreeable and graceful is that man who mentions his own forgetfulness, or ignorance, or ambition, or eager desire for knowledge and conversation. Thus Odysseus of the Sirens,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;My heart to listen to them did incline,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;I bade my comrades by a nod to unloose me.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_795_795&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_795_795&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;795&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And again of the Cyclops,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I did not hearken (it had been far better),&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;I wished to see the Cyclops, and to taste&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;His hospitality.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_796_796&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_796_796&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;796&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And generally speaking the admixture with praise of such faults as are not altogether base and ignoble stops envy. Thus many have blunted the point of envy by admitting and introducing, when they have been praised, their past poverty and straits, aye, and their low origin. So Agathocles pledging his young men in golden cups beautifully chased, ordered some earthenware pots to be brought in, and said, &amp;quot;See the fruits of perseverance, labour, and bravery! Once I produced pots like these, but now golden cups.&amp;quot; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_325&amp;quot;&amp;gt;325&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;For Agathocles it seems was so low-born and poor that he was brought up in a potter&#039;s shop, though afterwards he was king of almost all Sicily.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xiv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; These are external remedies against self-praise. There are other internal ones as it were, such as Cato applied, when he said &amp;quot;he was envied, because he had to neglect his own affairs, and lie awake every night for the interests of his country.&amp;quot; Compare also the following lines,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;How should I boast? who could with ease have been&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Enrolled among the many in the army,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And had a fortune equal to the wisest;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_797_797&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_797_797&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;797&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I shrink from squandering past labours&#039; grace,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Nor do I now reject all present toil.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_797_797&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;797&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For as it is with house and farm, so also is it with glory and reputation, people for the most part envy those who have got them easily or for nothing, not those who have bought them at the cost of much toil and danger.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Since then we can praise ourselves not only without causing pain or envy but even usefully and advantageously, let us consider, that we may not seem to have only that end in view but some other also, if we might praise ourselves to excite in our hearers emulation and ambition. For Nestor, by reciting his battles and acts of prowess, stirred up Patroclus and nine others to single combat with Hector. For the exhortation that adds deed to word and example and proper emulation is animating and moving and stimulating, and with its impulse and resolution inspires hope that the things we aim at are attainable and not impossible. That is why in the choruses at Lacedæmon the old men sing,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;We once were young and vigorous and strong,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and then the boys,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;We shall be stronger far than now we are,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and then the youths,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;We now are strong, look at us if you like.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_326&amp;quot;&amp;gt;326&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; In this wise and statesmanlike manner did the legislator exhibit to the young men the nearest and dearest examples of what they should do in the persons of those who had done so.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xvi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Moreover it is not amiss sometimes, to awe and repress and take down and tame the impudent and bold, to boast and talk a little big about oneself. As Nestor did, to mention him again,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;For I have mixed ere now with better men&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Than both of you, and ne&#039;er did they despise me.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_798_798&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_798_798&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;798&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;So also Aristotle told Alexander that not only had they that were rulers over many subjects a right to think highly of themselves, but also those that had right views about the gods. Useful too against our enemies and foes is the following line,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Ill-starred are they whose sons encounter me.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_799_799&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_799_799&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;799&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Compare also the remark of Agesilaus about the king of the Persians, who was called great, &amp;quot;How is he greater than me, if he is not also more upright?&amp;quot; And that also of Epaminondas to the Lacedæmonians who were inveighing against the Thebans, &amp;quot;Anyhow we have made you talk at greater length than usual.&amp;quot; But these kind of remarks are fitting for enemies and foes; but our boasting is also good on occasion for friends and fellow-citizens, not only to abate their pride and make them more humble, but also when they are in fear and dejection to raise them up again and give them confidence. Thus Cyrus talked big in perils and on battle-fields, though at other times he was no boaster. And the second Antigonus, though he was on all other occasions modest and far from vanity, yet in the sea-fight off Cos, when one of his friends said to him, &amp;quot;See you not how many more ships the enemy have got than we have?&amp;quot; answered, &amp;quot;How many do you make me equal to then?&amp;quot; This Homer also seems to have noticed. For he has represented Odysseus, when his comrades were dreadfully afraid of the noise and whirlpool of Charybdis, reminding them of his former cleverness and valour;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;We are in no worse plight than when the Cyclops&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_327&amp;quot;&amp;gt;327&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;By force detained us in his hollow cave;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But even then, thanks to my valour, judgement,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And sense, we did escape.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_800_800&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_800_800&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;800&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For such is not the self-praise of a demagogue or sophist, or of one that asks for clapping or applause, but of one who makes his valour and experience a pledge of confidence to his friends. For in critical conjunctures the reputation and credit of one who has experience and capacity in command plays a great part in insuring safety.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xvii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; As I have said before, to pit oneself against another&#039;s praise and reputation is by no means fitting for a public man: however, in important matters, where mistaken praise is injurious and detrimental, it is not amiss to confute it, or rather to divert the hearer to what is better by showing him the difference between true and false merit. Anyone would be glad, I suppose, when vice was abused and censured, to see most people voluntarily keep aloof from it; but if vice should be well thought of, and honour and reputation come to the person who promoted its pleasures or desires, no nature is so well constituted or strong that it would not be mastered by it. So the public man must oppose the praise not of men but of bad actions, for such praise is corrupting, and causes people to imitate and emulate what is base as if it were noble. But it is best refuted by putting it side by side with the truth: as Theodorus the tragic actor is reported to have said once to Satyrus the comic actor, &amp;quot;It is not so wonderful to make an audience laugh as to make them weep and cry.&amp;quot; But what if some philosopher had answered him, &amp;quot;To make an audience weep and cry is not so noble a thing as to make them forget their sorrows.&amp;quot; This kind of self-laudation benefits the hearer, and changes his opinion. Compare the remark of Zeno in reference to the number of Theophrastus&#039; scholars, &amp;quot;His is a larger body, but mine are better taught.&amp;quot; And Phocion, when Leosthenes was still in prosperity, being asked by the orators what benefit he had conferred on the city, replied, &amp;quot;Only this, that during my period of office there has been no funeral oration, but all &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_328&amp;quot;&amp;gt;328&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the dead have been buried in their fathers&#039; sepulchres.&amp;quot; Wittily also did Crates parody the lines,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Eating and wantonness and love&#039;s delights&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Are all I value,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;with&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Learning and those grand things the Muses teach one&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Are all I value.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Such self-praise is good and useful and teaches people to admire and love what is valuable and expedient instead of what is vain and superfluous. Let so much suffice on the question proposed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xviii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; It remains to me now to point out, what our subject next demands and calls for, how everyone may avoid unseasonable self-praise. For there is a wonderful incentive to talking about oneself in self-love, which is frequently strongly implanted in those who seem to have only moderate aspirations for fame. For as it is one of the rules to preserve good health to avoid altogether places where sickness is, or to exercise the greatest precaution if one must go there, so talking about oneself has its slippery times and places that draw it on on any pretext. For first, when others are praised, as I said before, ambition makes people talk about themselves, and a certain desire and impulse for fame which is hard to check bites and tickles that ambition, especially if the other person is praised for the same things or less important things than the hearer thinks he is a proficient in. For as hungry people have their appetite more inflamed and sharpened by seeing others eat, so the praise of one&#039;s neighbours makes those who eagerly desire fame to blaze out into jealousy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xix.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; In the second place the narration of things done successfully and to people&#039;s mind entices many unawares to boasting and bragging in their joy; for falling into conversation about their victories, or success in state affairs, or their words or deeds commended by great men, they cannot keep themselves within bounds. With this kind of self-laudation you may see that soldiers and sailors are most taken. To be in this state of mind also frequently happens to those who have returned from important posts and responsible duties, for in their mention of illustrious&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_329&amp;quot;&amp;gt;329&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; men and men of royal rank they insert the encomiums they have passed on themselves, and do not so much think they are praising themselves as merely repeating the praises of others about themselves. Others think their hearers do not detect them at all of self-praise, when they recount the greeting and welcome and kindness they have received from kings and emperors, but only imagine them to be enumerating the courtesy and kindliness of those great personages. So we must be very much on our guard in praising others to free ourselves from all suspicion of self-love and self-recommendation, and not to seem to be really praising ourselves &amp;quot;under pretext of Patroclus.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_801_801&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_801_801&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;801&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xx.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Moreover that kind of conversation that mainly consists of censuring and running down others is dangerous as giving opportunity for self-laudation to those who pine for fame. A fault into which old men especially fall, when they are led to scold others and censure their bad ways and faulty actions, and so extol themselves as being remarkably the opposite. In old men we must allow all this, especially if to age they add reputation and merit, for such fault-finding is not without use, and inspires those who are rebuked with both emulation and love of honour.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_802_802&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_802_802&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;802&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But all other persons must especially avoid and fear that roundabout kind of self-praise. For since generally speaking censuring one&#039;s neighbours is disagreeable and barely tolerable and requires great wariness, he that mixes up his own praise with blame of another, and hunts for fame by defaming another, is altogether tiresome and inspires disgust, for he seems to wish to get credit through trying to prove others unworthy of credit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Furthermore, as those that are naturally prone and inclined to laughter must be especially on their guard against tickling and touching, such as excites that propensity by contact with the smoothest parts of the body, so those that have a great passion for reputation ought to be especially advised to abstain from praising themselves when they are praised by others. For a person ought to blush when praised, and not to be past blushing from &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_330&amp;quot;&amp;gt;330&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;impudence, and ought to check those who extol him too highly, and not to rebuke them for praising him too little; though very many people do so, themselves prompting and reminding their praisers of others of their own acts and virtues, till by their own praise they spoil the effect of the praise that others give them. For some tickle and puff themselves up by self-praise, while others, malignantly holding out the small bait of eulogy, provoke others to talk about themselves, while others again ask questions and put inquiries, as was done to the soldier in Menander, merely to poke fun at him;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;&#039;How did you get this wound?&#039; &#039;Sir, by a javelin.&#039;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;How in the name of Heaven?&#039; &#039;I was on&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A scaling ladder fastened to a wall.&#039;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;I show my wound to them in serious earnest,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But they for their part only mock at me.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; As regards all these points then we must be on our guard as much as possible not to launch out into praise of ourselves, or yield to it in consequence of questions put to us to draw us. And the best caution and security against this is to pay attention to others who praise themselves, and to consider how disagreeable and objectionable the practice is to everybody, and that no other conversation is so offensive and tiring. For though we cannot say that we suffer any other evil at the hands of those who praise themselves, yet being naturally bored by the practice, and avoiding it, we are anxious to get rid of them and breathe again; insomuch that even the flatterer and parasite and needy person in his distress finds the rich man or satrap or king praising himself hard to bear and wellnigh intolerable; and they say that having to listen to all this is paying a very large shot to their entertainment, like the fellow in Menander;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;To hear their foolish&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_803_803&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_803_803&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;803&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; saws, and soldier talk,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Such as this cursed braggart bellows forth,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Kills me; I get lean even at their feasts.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For as we may use this language not only about soldiers or men who have newly become rich,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_804_804&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_804_804&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;804&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who spin us a long &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_331&amp;quot;&amp;gt;331&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;yarn of their great and grand doings, being puffed up with pride and talking big about themselves; if we remember that the censure of others always follows our self-praise, and that the end of this vain-glory is a bad repute, and that, as Demosthenes says,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_805_805&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_805_805&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;805&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the result will be that we shall only tire our hearers, and not be thought what we profess ourselves to be, we shall cease talking about ourselves, unless by so doing we can bestow great benefit on ourselves or our hearers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_768_768&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_768_768&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;768&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Pindar, &amp;quot;Olymp.&amp;quot; ix. 57, 58.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_769_769&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_769_769&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;769&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Mentioned by Pausanias, iii. 12; viii. 50.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_770_770&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_770_770&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;770&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Memorabilia,&amp;quot; ii. l. 31.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_771_771&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_771_771&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;771&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading as Wyttenbach suggests, μάλιστα δὲ ὅταν λέγηται τὰ ἄλλῳ πεπραγμένα &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;sq.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_772_772&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_772_772&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;772&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thucydides, ii. 60.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_773_773&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_773_773&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;773&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Pausanias, ix. 14, 15.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_774_774&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_774_774&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;774&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; iv. 405.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_775_775&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_775_775&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;775&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; iv. 370, 371.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_776_776&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_776_776&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;776&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Diomede.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_777_777&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_777_777&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;777&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sophocles, &amp;quot;Trachiniæ,&amp;quot; 442.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_778_778&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_778_778&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;778&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xvi. 847, 848. Plutarch only quotes the first line. I have added the second for the English reader, as necessary for the sense.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_779_779&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_779_779&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;779&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; i. 128, 129.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_780_780&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_780_780&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;780&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; ix. 328.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_781_781&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_781_781&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;781&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xvi. 70, 71.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_782_782&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_782_782&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;782&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So Wyttenbach.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_783_783&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_783_783&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;783&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Demosthenes, &amp;quot;De Corona,&amp;quot; p. 260.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_784_784&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_784_784&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;784&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;De Corona,&amp;quot; p. 307.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_785_785&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_785_785&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;785&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After Wyttenbach.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_786_786&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_786_786&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;786&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; After Wyttenbach.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_787_787&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_787_787&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;787&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; That is, laughing-stock. A play on the word Gelon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_788_788&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_788_788&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;788&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xxii. 379. He speaks of Hector.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_789_789&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_789_789&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;789&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Others take it &amp;quot;as fortune&#039;s favourite.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_790_790&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_790_790&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;790&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Words of Demosthenes, &amp;quot;De Corona,&amp;quot; p. 325. Plutarch condenses them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_791_791&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_791_791&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;791&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; xvi. 187.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_792_792&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_792_792&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;792&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Titles of the Ptolemies, Philadelphus Philometor, Euergetes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_793_793&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_793_793&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;793&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xxiii. 673.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_794_794&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_794_794&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;794&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ibid. 670.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_795_795&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_795_795&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;795&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; xii. 192-194.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_796_796&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_796_796&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;796&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ibid. ix. 228, 229.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_797_797&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_797_797&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;797&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Fragments from the &amp;quot;Philoctetes&amp;quot; of Euripides.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_798_798&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_798_798&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;798&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; i. 260, 261.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_799_799&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_799_799&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;799&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; vi. 127.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_800_800&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_800_800&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;800&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; xii. 209-212.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_801_801&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_801_801&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;801&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; An allusion to Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xix. 302.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_802_802&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_802_802&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;802&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Adopting the reading of Dübner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_803_803&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_803_803&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;803&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Adopting the reading of Salmasius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_804_804&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_804_804&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;804&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Nouveaux riches, novi homines&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_805_805&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_805_805&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;805&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Demosthenes, &amp;quot;De Corona,&amp;quot; p. 270.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_331a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ON THOSE WHO ARE PUNISHED BY THE DEITY LATE.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;A discussion between Patrocleas, Plutarch, Timon, and Olympicus.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;i.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; When Epicurus had made these remarks, Quintus, and before any of us who were at the end of the porch&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_806_806&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_806_806&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;806&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; could reply, he went off abruptly. And we, marvelling somewhat at his rudeness, stood still silently but looked at one another, and then turned and pursued our walk as before. And Patrocleas was the first to speak. &amp;quot;Are we,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;to leave the question unanswered, or are we to reply to his argument in his absence as if he were present?&amp;quot; Then said Timon, &amp;quot;Because he went off the moment he had thrown his missile at us, it would not be good surely to leave it sticking in us; for we are told that Brasidas plucked the javelin that had been thrown at him out of his body, and with it killed the hurler of it; but there is of course no need for us to avenge ourselves so on those that have launched on us an absurd or false argument, it will be enough to dislodge the notion before it gets fixed in us.&amp;quot; Then said I, &amp;quot;Which of his words has moved you &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_332&amp;quot;&amp;gt;332&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;most? For the fellow seemed to rampage about, in his anger and abusive language, with a long disconnected and rambling rhapsody drawn from all sources, and at the same time inveighed against Providence.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_332a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then said Patrocleas, &amp;quot;The slowness and delay of the deity in punishing the wicked used to seem&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_807_807&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_807_807&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;807&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to me a very dreadful thing, but now in consequence of his speech I come as it were new and fresh to the notion. Yet long ago I was vexed when I heard that line of Euripides,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;He does delay, such is the Deity&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In nature.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_808_808&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_808_808&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;808&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For indeed it is not fitting that the deity should be slow in anything, and least of all in the punishment of the wicked, seeing that they are not slow or sluggish in doing evil, but are hurried by their passions into crime at headlong speed. Moreover, as Thucydides&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_809_809&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_809_809&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;809&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; says, when punishment follows as closely as possible upon wrong-doing, it blocks up the road at once for those who would follow up their villainy if it were successful. For no debt so much as that of justice paid behind time damps the hopes and dejects the mind of the wronged person, and aggravates the audacity and daring of the wrong-doer; whereas the punishment that follows crime immediately not only checks future outbreaks but is also the greatest possible comfort to the injured. And so I am often troubled when I consider that remark of Bias, who told, it seems, a bad man that he was not afraid that he would escape punishment, but that he would not live to see it. For how did the Messenians who were killed long before derive any benefit from the punishment of Aristocrates? For he had been guilty of treason at the battle of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Great Trench&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, but had reigned over the Arcadians for more than twenty years without being found out, but afterwards was detected and paid the penalty, but they were no longer alive.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_810_810&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_810_810&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;810&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Or what consolation was brought to the people of Orchomenus, who lost their sons and friends and relatives in consequence of the treason of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_333&amp;quot;&amp;gt;333&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Lyciscus, by the disease which settled upon him long afterwards and spread all over his body? For he used to go and dip and soak his feet in the river, and uttered imprecations and prayed that they might rot off if he was guilty of treason or crime. Nor was it permitted to the children&#039;s children of those that were slain to see at Athens the tearing out of their graves the bodies of those atrocious criminals that had killed them, and the carrying them beyond their borders. And so it seems strange in Euripides using the following argument to deter people from vice:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Fear not, for vengeance will not strike at once&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Your heart, or that of any guilty wretch,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But silently and with slow foot it moves,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_811_811&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_811_811&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;811&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And when their time&#039;s come will the wicked reach.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This is no doubt the very reason why the wicked incite and cheer themselves on to commit lawless acts, for crime shows them a fruit visible and ripe at once, but a punishment late, and long subsequent to the enjoyment.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; When Patrocleas had said thus much, Olympicus interfered, &amp;quot;There is another consideration, Patrocleas, the great absurdity involved in these delays and long-suffering of the deity. For the slowness of punishment takes away belief in providence, and the wicked, observing that no evil follows each crime except long afterwards, attribute it when it comes to mischance, and look upon it in the light more of accident than punishment, and so receive no benefit from it, being grieved indeed when the misfortune comes, but feeling no remorse for what they have done amiss. For, as in the case of a horse, the whipping or spurring that immediately follows upon a stumble or some other fault is a corrective and brings him to his duty, but pulling and backing him with the bit and shouting at him long afterwards seems to come from some other motive than a desire to teach him, for he is put to pain without being shown his fault; so the vice which each time it stumbles or offends is at once punished and checked by correction is most likely&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_812_812&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_812_812&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;812&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to come to itself and be humble &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_334&amp;quot;&amp;gt;334&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and stand in awe of the deity, as one that beholds men&#039;s acts and passions and does not punish behind time; whereas that justice that, according to Euripides, &amp;quot;steals on silently and with slow foot,&amp;quot; and falls upon the wicked some time or other, seems to resemble more chance than providence by reason, of its uncertainty, delay, and irregularity. So that I do not see what benefit there is in those mills of the gods that are said to grind late,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_813_813&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_813_813&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;813&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; since they obscure the punishment, and obliterate the fear, of evil-doing.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; When Olympicus had done speaking, and I was musing with myself on the matter, Timon said, &amp;quot;Am I to put the finishing touch of difficulty on our subject, or am I to let him first contend earnestly against these views?&amp;quot; Then said I, &amp;quot;Why should we bring up the third wave&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_814_814&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_814_814&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;814&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and drown the argument, if he is not able to refute or evade the charges already brought? To begin then with the domestic hearth, as the saying is,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_815_815&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_815_815&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;815&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; let us imitate that cautious manner of speaking about the deity in vogue among the Academic philosophers, and decline to speak about these things as if we thoroughly understood them. For it is worse in us mortals than for people ignorant of music to discuss music, or for people ignorant of military matters to discuss the art of war, to examine too closely into the nature of the gods and demons, like people with no knowledge of art trying to get at the intention of artists from opinion and fancy and probabilities. For if&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_816_816&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_816_816&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;816&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; it is no easy matter for anyone not a professional to conjecture why the surgeon performed an operation later rather than sooner, or why he ordered his patient to take a bath to-day rather than yesterday, how is it easy or safe for a mortal to say anything else about the deity than that he knows best the time to cure vice, and applies to each his punishment as the doctor administers a drug, and that a punishment not of the same magnitude, or applied at the same time, in all cases. For that the cure of the soul, which is called justice, is the greatest of all arts is testified &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_335&amp;quot;&amp;gt;335&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;by Pindar as well as by ten thousand others, for he calls God, the ruler and lord of all things, the greatest artificer as the creator of justice, whose function it is to determine when, and how, and how far, each bad man is to be punished. And Plato says that Minos, the son of Zeus, was his father&#039;s pupil in this art, not thinking it possible that any one could succeed in justice, or understand how to succeed in it, without he had learned or somehow got that science. For the laws which men make are not always merely reasonable, nor is their meaning always apparent, but some injunctions seem quite ridiculous, for example, the Ephors at Lacedæmon make proclamation, directly they take office, that no one is to let his moustache grow, but that all are to obey the laws, that they be not grievous to them. And the Romans lay a light rod on the bodies of those they make freemen, and when they make their wills, they nominate some as their heirs, while to others they sell the property, which, seems strange. But strangest of all is that ordinance of Solon, that the citizen who, when his city is in faction, will not side with either party is to lose his civic rights. And generally one might mention many absurdities in laws, if one did not know the mind of the legislator, or understand the reason for each particular piece of legislation. How is it wonderful then, if human affairs are so difficult to comprehend, that it is no easy task to say in connection with the gods, why they punish some offenders early, and others late?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;v.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; This is not a pretext for evading the subject, but merely a request for lenient judgement, that our discourse, looking as it were for a haven and place of refuge, may rise to the difficulty with greater confidence basing itself on probability. Consider then first that, according to Plato, god, making himself openly a pattern of all things good, concedes human virtue, which is in some sort a resemblance to himself, to those who are able to follow him. For all nature, being in disorder, got the principle of change and became order&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_817_817&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_817_817&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;817&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; by a resemblance to and participation in the nature and virtue of the deity. The same Plato also tells us that nature put eyesight into us, in order that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_336&amp;quot;&amp;gt;336&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the soul by beholding and admiring the heavenly bodies might accustom itself to welcome and love harmony and order, and might hate disorderly and roving propensities, and avoid aimless reliance on chance, as the parent of all vice and error. For man can enjoy no greater blessing from god than to attain to virtue by the earnest imitation of the noblest qualities of the divine nature. And so he punishes the wicked leisurely and long after, not being afraid of error or after repentance through punishing too hastily, but to take away from us that eager and brutish thirst for revenge, and to teach us that we are not to retaliate on those that have offended us in anger, and when the soul is most inflamed and distorted with passion and almost beside itself for rage, like people satisfying fierce thirst or hunger, but to imitate the mildness and long-suffering of the deity, and to avenge ourselves in an orderly and decent manner, only when we have taken counsel with time long enough to give us the least possible likelihood of after repentance. For it is a smaller evil, as Socrates said, to drink dirty water when excessively thirsty, than, when one&#039;s mind is disturbed and full of rage and fury, before it is settled and becomes pure, to glut our revenge on the person of a relation and kinsman. For it is not the punishment that follows as closely as possible upon wrong-doing, as Thucydides said,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_818_818&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_818_818&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;818&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but that which is more remote, that observes decorum. For as Melanthius says of anger,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Fell things it does when it the mind unsettles,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_819_819&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_819_819&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;819&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;so also reason acts with justice and moderation, when it banishes rage and passion. So also people are made milder by the example of other men, as when they hear that Plato, when he held his stick over his slave to correct him, waited some time, as he himself has told us, to compose his anger; and that Archytas, having learned of some wrong or disorderly action on the part of some of his farm labourers, knowing that at the time he was in a very great rage and highly incensed at them, did nothing to them, but merely departed, saying, &amp;quot;You may thank your stars that I am in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_337&amp;quot;&amp;gt;337&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;a rage with you.&amp;quot; If then the remembrance of the words and recorded acts of men abates the fierceness and intensity of our rage, much more likely is it that we (observing that the deity, though without either fear or repentance in any case, yet puts off his punishments and defers them for some time) shall be reserved in our views about such matters, and shall think that mildness and long-suffering which the god exhibits a divine part of virtue, reforming a few by speedy punishment, but benefiting and correcting many by a tardy one.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Let us consider in the second place that punishments inflicted by men for offences regard only retaliation, and, when the offender is punished, stop and go no further; so that they seem to follow offences yelping at them like a dog, and closely pursuing at their heels as it were. But it is likely that the deity would look at the state of any guilty soul that he intended to punish, if haply it might turn and repent, and would give&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_820_820&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_820_820&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;820&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; time for reformation to all whose vice was not absolute and incurable. For knowing how great a share of virtue souls come into the world with, deriving it from him, and how strong and lasting is their nobility of nature, and how it breaks out into vice against its natural disposition through the corruption of bad habits and companions, and afterwards in some cases reforms itself, and recovers its proper position, he does not inflict punishment on all persons alike; but the incorrigible he at once removes from life and cuts off, since it is altogether injurious to others, but most of all to a man&#039;s own self, to live in perpetual vice, whereas to those who seem to have fallen into wrong-doing, rather from ignorance of what was good than from deliberate choice of what was bad, he gives time to repent. But if they persist in vice he punishes them too, for he has no fear that they will escape him. Consider also how many changes take place in the life and character of men, so that the Greeks give the names τρόπος and ἦθος to the character, the first word meaning &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;change&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and the latter the immense force and power of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;habit&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. I think also that the ancients called Cecrops half man and half dragon&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_821_821&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_821_821&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;821&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_338&amp;quot;&amp;gt;338&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;not because, as some say, he became from a good king wild and dragon-like, but contrariwise because he was originally perverse and terrible, and afterwards became a mild and humane king. And if this is uncertain, at any rate we know that Gelon and Hiero, both Sicilians, and Pisistratus the son of Hippocrates, though they got their supreme power by bad means, yet used it for virtuous ends, and though they mounted the throne in an irregular way, yet became good and useful princes. For by good legislation and by encouraging agriculture they made the citizens earnest and industrious instead of scoffers and chatterers. As for Gelon, after fighting valiantly and defeating the Carthaginians in a great battle, he would not conclude with them the peace they asked for until they inserted an article promising to cease sacrificing their sons to Cronos. And Lydiades was tyrant in Megalopolis, yet in the very height of his power changing his ideas and being disgusted with injustice, he restored their old constitution to the citizens,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_822_822&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_822_822&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;822&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and fell gloriously, fighting against the enemy in behalf of his country. And if any one had slain prematurely Miltiades the tyrant of the Chersonese, or had prosecuted and got a conviction against Cimon for incest with his sister, or had deprived Athens of Themistocles for his wantonness and revellings and outrages in the market, as in later days Athens lost Alcibiades, by an indictment, should we not have had to go without the glory of Marathon, and Eurymedon, and beautiful Artemisium, &amp;quot;where the Athenian youth laid the bright base of liberty?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_823_823&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_823_823&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;823&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For great natures produce nothing little, nor can their energy and activity rust owing to their keen intellect, but they toss to and fro as at sea till they come to a settled and durable character. As then one inexperienced in farming, seeing a spot full of thick bushes and rank growth, full of wild beasts and streams and mud, would not think much of it, while to one who has learnt how to discriminate and discern between different kind of soils all these are various tokens of the richness and goodness of the land, so great natures break out into many strange excesses, which exasperate us at first beyond bearing, so that we think it right to cut off such offenders and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_339&amp;quot;&amp;gt;339&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;stop their career at once, whereas a better judge, seeing the good and noble even in these, waits for age and the season which nature appoints for gathering fruit to bring sense and virtue.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; So much for this point. Do you not think also that some of the Greeks did well to adopt that Egyptian law which orders a pregnant woman condemned to death not to suffer the penalty till after she has given birth?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Certainly,&amp;quot; said all the company. I continued, &amp;quot;Put the case not of a woman pregnant, but of a man who can in process of time bring to light and reveal some secret act or plan, point out some unknown evil, or devise some scheme of safety, or invent something useful and necessary, would it not be better to defer his execution, and wait the result of his meditation? That is my opinion, at least.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;So we all think,&amp;quot; said Patrocleas. &amp;quot;Quite right,&amp;quot; said I. &amp;quot;For do but consider, had Dionysius had vengeance taken on him at the beginning of his tyranny, none of the Greeks would have dwelt in Sicily, which was laid waste by the Carthaginians. Nor would the Greeks have dwelt in Apollonia, or Anactorium, or the peninsula of the Leucadians, had not Periander&#039;s chastisement been postponed for a long time. I think also that Cassander&#039;s punishment was deferred that Thebes might be repeopled. And of the mercenaries that plundered this very temple most crossed over into Sicily with Timoleon, and after they had conquered the Carthaginians and put down their authority, perished miserably, miserable wretches that they were. For no doubt the deity makes use of some wicked men, as executioners, to punish others, and so I think he crushes as it were most tyrants. For as the gall of the hyena and rennet of the seal, both nasty beasts in all other respects, are useful in certain diseases, so when some need sharp correction, the deity casts upon them the implacable fury of some tyrant, or the savage ferocity of some prince, and does not remove the bane and trouble till their fault be got rid of and purged. Such a potion was Phalaris to the Agrigentines, and Marius to the Romans. And to the people of Sicyon the god distinctly foretold that their city needed a scourge, when they took away from the Cleonæans (as if he was a Sicyonian) the lad Teletias, who was crowned&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_340&amp;quot;&amp;gt;340&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; in the Pythian games, and tore him to pieces. As for the Sicyonians, Orthagoras became their tyrant, and subsequently Myro and Clisthenes, and these three checked their wanton outbreaks; but the Cleonæans, not getting such a cure, went to ruin. You have of course heard Homer&#039;s lines,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;&#039;From a bad father sprang a son far better,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Excelling in all virtue;&#039;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_824_824&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_824_824&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;824&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and yet that son of Copreus never performed any brilliant or notable action: but the descendants of Sisyphus and Autolycus and Phlegyas nourished in the glory and virtues of great kings. Pericles also sprang of a family under a curse,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_825_825&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_825_825&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;825&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Pompey the Great at Rome was the son of Pompeius Strabo, whose dead body the Roman people cast out and trampled upon, so great was their hatred of him. How is it strange then, since the farmer does not cut down the thorn till he has taken his asparagus, nor do the Libyans burn the twigs till they have gathered the ledanum, that god does not exterminate the wicked and rugged root of an illustrious and royal race till it has produced its fit fruit? For it would have been better for the Phocians to have lost ten thousand of the oxen and horses of Iphitus, and for more gold and silver to have gone from Delphi, than that Odysseus and Æsculapius should not have been born, nor those others who from bad and wicked men became good and useful.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;viii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;quot;And do you not all think that it is better that punishment should take place at the fitting time and in the fitting manner rather than quickly and on the spur of the moment? Consider the case of Callippus, who with the very dagger with which he slew Dion, pretending to be his friend, was afterwards slain by his own friends. And when Mitius the Argive was killed in a tumult, a brazen statue in the market-place fell on his murderer and killed him during the public games. And of course, Patrocleas, you know all about Bessus the Pæonian, and about Aristo the Œtæan leader of mercenaries.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Not I, by Zeus,&amp;quot; said Patrocleas, &amp;quot;but I should like to hear.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Aristo,&amp;quot; I &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_341&amp;quot;&amp;gt;341&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;continued, &amp;quot;at the permission of the tyrants removed the necklace of Eriphyle&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_826_826&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_826_826&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;826&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which was hung up in this temple, and took it to his wife as a present; but his son being angry with his mother for some reason or other, set the house on fire, and burnt all that were in it. As for Bessus, it seems he had killed his father, though his crime was long undiscovered. But at last going to sup with some strangers, he knocked down a nest of swallows, pricking it with his lance, and killed all the young swallows. And when the company said, as it was likely they would, &#039;Whatever makes you act in such a strange manner?&#039; &#039;Have they not,&#039; he replied, &#039;been long bearing false witness against me, crying out that I had killed my father?&#039; And the company, astonished at his answer, laid the matter before the king, and the affair was inquired into, and Bessus punished.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ix.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;quot;These cases,&amp;quot; I continued, &amp;quot;we cite supposing, as has been laid down, that there is a deferring of punishment to the wicked; and, for the rest, I think we ought to listen to Hesiod, who tells us—not like Plato, who asserts that punishment is a condition that follows crime—that it is contemporaneous with it, and grows with it from the same source and root. For Hesiod says,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Evil advice is worst to the adviser;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_827_827&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_827_827&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;827&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;He who plots mischief &#039;gainst another brings&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;It first on his own pate.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_828_828&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_828_828&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;828&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The cantharis is said to have in itself the antidote to its own sting, but wickedness, creating its own pain and torment, pays the penalty of its misdeeds not afterwards but at the time of its ill-doing. And as every malefactor about to pay the penalty of his crime in his person bears his cross, so vice fabricates for itself each of its own torments, being the terrible author of its own misery in life, wherein in addition to shame it has frequent fears and fierce passions and endless remorse and anxiety. But some are just &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_342&amp;quot;&amp;gt;342&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;like children, who, seeing malefactors in the theatres in golden tunics and purple robes with crowns on and dancing, admire them and marvel at them, thinking them happy, till they see them goaded and lashed and issuing fire from their gaudy but cheap garments.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_829_829&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_829_829&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;829&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For most wicked people, though they have great households and conspicuous offices and great power, are yet being secretly punished before they are seen to be murdered or hurled down rocks, which is rather the climax and end of their punishment than the punishment itself. For as Plato tells us that Herodicus the Selymbrian having fallen into consumption, an incurable disease, was the first of mankind to mix exercise with the art of healing, and so prolonged his own life and that of others suffering from the same disease, so those wicked persons who seem to avoid immediate punishment, receive a longer and not slower punishment, not later but extending over a wider period; for they are not punished in their old age, but rather grow old in perpetual punishment. I speak of course of long time as a human being, for to the gods all the period of man&#039;s life is as nothing, and so to them &#039;now and not thirty years ago&#039; means no more than with us torturing or hanging a malefactor in the evening instead of the morning would mean; especially as man is shut up in life as in a prison from which there is no egress or escape, and though doubtless during his life he has much feasting and business and gifts and favours and amusement, yet, just like people playing at dice or draughts in a prison, the rope is all the time hanging over his head.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_830_830&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_830_830&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;830&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;x.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;quot;And indeed what prevents our asserting that people in prison under sentence of death are not punished till their heads are cut off, or that the person who has taken hemlock, and walks about till he feels it is getting into his legs, suffers not at all till he is deprived of sensation by the freezing and curdling of his blood, if we consider the last moment of punishment all the punishment, and ignore all the intermediate sufferings and fears and anxiety and remorse, the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_343&amp;quot;&amp;gt;343&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;destiny of every guilty wretch? That would be arguing that the fish that has swallowed the hook is not caught, till we see it boiled by the cook or sliced at table. For every wrong-doer is liable to punishment, and soon swallows the pleasantness of his wrong-doing like a bait, while his conscience still vexes and troubles him,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;As through the sea the impetuous tunny darts.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For the recklessness and audacity of vice is strong and rampant till the crime is committed, but afterwards, when the passion subsides like a storm, it becomes timid and dejected and a prey to fears and superstitions. So that Stesichorus in his account of Clytæmnestra&#039;s dream may have represented the facts and real state of the case, where he says, &amp;quot;A dragon seemed to appear to her with its lofty head smeared all over with blood, and out of it seemed to come king Orestes the grandson of Plisthenes.&amp;quot; For visions in dreams, and apparitions during the day, and oracles, and lightning, and whatever is thought to come from the deity, bring tempests of apprehension to the guilty. So they say that one time Apollodorus in a dream saw himself flayed by the Scythians, and then boiled, and that his heart out of the caldron spoke to him in a low voice and said, &amp;quot;I am the cause of this;&amp;quot; and at another time he dreamed that he saw his daughters running round him in a circle all on fire and in flames. And Hipparchus the son of Pisistratus, a little before his death, dreamt that Aphrodite threw some blood on his face out of a certain phial. And the friends of Ptolemy Ceraunus dreamed that he was summoned for trial by Seleucus, and that the judges were vultures and wolves, who tore his flesh and distributed it wholesale among his enemies. And Pausanias at Byzantium, having sent for Cleonice a free-born maiden, intending to outrage her and pass the night with her, being seized with some alarm or suspicion killed her, and frequently saw her in his dreams saying to him, &amp;quot;Come near for judgement, lust is most assuredly a grievous bane to men,&amp;quot; and as this apparition did not cease, he sailed, it seems, to Heraclea to the place where the souls of the dead could be summoned, and by propitiations and sacrifices called up the soul of the maiden, and she appeared to him&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_344&amp;quot;&amp;gt;344&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and told him that this trouble would end when he got to Lacedæmon, and directly he got there he died.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_831_831&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_831_831&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;831&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_344a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;quot;And so, if nothing happens to the soul after death, but that event is the end of all enjoyment or punishment, one would be rather inclined to say that the deity was lax and indulgent in quickly punishing the wicked and depriving them of life. For even if we were to say that the wicked had no other trouble in a long life, yet, when their wrong-doing was proved to bring them no profit or enjoyment, no good or adequate return for their many and great anxieties, the consciousness of that would be quite enough to throw&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_832_832&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_832_832&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;832&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; their mind off its balance. So they record of Lysimachus that he was so overcome by thirst that he surrendered himself and his forces to the Getæ for some drink, but after he had drunk and bethought him that he was now a captive, he said, &amp;quot;Alas! How guilty am I for so brief a gratification to lose so great a kingdom!&amp;quot; And yet it is very difficult to resist a necessity of nature. But when a man, either for the love of money, or for political place or power, or carried away by some amorous propensity, does some lawless and dreadful deed, and, after his eager desire is satisfied, sees in process of time that only the base and terrible elements of his crime remain, while nothing useful, or necessary, or advantageous has flowed from it, is it not likely that the idea would often present itself to him that, moved by vain-glory, or for some illiberal and unlovely pleasure, he had violated the greatest and noblest rights of mankind, and had filled his life with shame and trouble? For as Simonides used to say playfully that he always found his money-chest full but his gratitude-chest empty,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_833_833&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_833_833&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;833&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; so the wicked contemplating their own vice soon find out that their gratification is joyless and hopeless,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_834_834&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_834_834&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;834&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and ever attended by fears and griefs and gloomy memories, and suspicions about the future, and distrust about the present. Thus we hear Ino, repenting for what she had done, saying on the stage,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_345&amp;quot;&amp;gt;345&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Dear women, would that I could now inhabit&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For the first time the house of Athamas,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Guiltless of any of my awful deeds!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_835_835&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_835_835&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;835&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It is likely that the soul of every wicked person will meditate in this way, and consider how it can escape the memory of its ill-deeds, and lay its conscience to sleep, and become pure, and live another life over again from the beginning. For there is no confidence, or reality, or continuance, or security, in what wickedness proposes to itself, unless by Zeus we shall say that evil-doers are wise, but wherever the greedy love of wealth or pleasure or violent envy dwells with hatred and malignity, there will you also see and find stationed superstition, and remissness for labour, and cowardice in respect to death, and sudden caprice in the passions, and vain-glory and boasting. Those that censure them frighten them, and they even fear those that praise them as wronged by their deceit, and as most hostile to the bad because they readily praise those they think good. For as in the case of ill-tempered steel the hardness of vice is rotten, and its strength easily shattered. So that in course of time, understanding their real selves, they are vexed and disgusted with their past life and abhor it. For if a bad man who restores property entrusted to his care, or becomes surety for a friend, or contributes very generously and liberally to his country out of love of glory or honour, at once repents and is sorry for what he has done from the fickleness and changeableness of his mind; and if men applauded in the theatres directly afterwards groan, their love of glory subsiding into love of money; shall we suppose that those who sacrificed men to tyrannies and conspiracies as Apollodorus did, or that those who robbed their friends of money as Glaucus the son of Epicydes did,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_836_836&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_836_836&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;836&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; never repented, or loathed themselves, or regretted their past misdeeds? For my part, if it is lawful to say so, I do not think evil-doers need any god or man to punish them, for the marring and troubling of all their life by vice is in itself adequate punishment.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_345a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;quot;But consider now whether I have not spoken too long.&amp;quot; Then Timon said, &amp;quot;Perhaps you have, considering &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_346&amp;quot;&amp;gt;346&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;what remains and the time it will take. For now I am going to start the last question, as if it were a combatant in reserve, since the other two questions have been debated sufficiently. For as to the charge and bold accusation that Euripides brings against the gods, for visiting the sins of the parents upon the children, consider that even those of us who are silent agree with Euripides. For if the guilty were punished themselves there would be no further need to punish the innocent, for it is not fair to punish even the guilty twice for the same offence, whereas if the gods through easiness remit the punishment of the wicked, and exact it later on from the innocent, they do not well to compensate for their tardiness by injustice. Such conduct resembles the story told of Æsop&#039;s coming to this very spot,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_837_837&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_837_837&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;837&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with money from Crœsus, to offer a splendid sacrifice to the god, and to give four minæ to each of the Delphians. And some quarrel or difference belike ensuing between him and the Delphians here, he offered the sacrifice, but sent the money back to Sardis, as though the Delphians were not worthy to receive that benefit, so they fabricated against him a charge of sacrilege, and put him to death by throwing him headlong down yonder rock called Hyampia. And in consequence the god is said to have been wroth with them, and to have brought dearth on their land, and all kinds of strange diseases, so that they went round at the public festivals of the Greeks, and invited by proclamation whoever wished to take satisfaction of them for Æsop&#039;s death. And three generations afterwards came Idmon&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_838_838&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_838_838&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;838&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a Samian, no relation of Æsop&#039;s, but a descendant of those who had purchased Æsop as a slave at Samos, and by giving him satisfaction the Delphians got rid of their trouble. And it was in consequence of this, they say, that the punishment of those guilty of sacrilege was transferred from Hyampia to Nauplia.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_839_839&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_839_839&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;839&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And even great lovers of Alexander, as we are, do not praise his destroying the city of the Branchidæ and putting everybody in it to death because their great-grandfathers betrayed the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_347&amp;quot;&amp;gt;347&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;temple at Miletus.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_840_840&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_840_840&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;840&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And Agathocles, the tyrant of Syracuse, laughing and jeering at the Corcyræans for asking him why he wasted their island, replied, &amp;quot;Because, by Zeus, your forefathers welcomed Odysseus.&amp;quot; And when the people of Ithaca likewise complained of his soldiers carrying off their sheep, he said, &amp;quot;Your king came to us, and actually put out the shepherd&#039;s eye to boot.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_841_841&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_841_841&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;841&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And is it not stranger still in Apollo punishing the present inhabitants of Pheneus, by damming up the channel dug to carry off their water,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_842_842&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_842_842&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;842&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and so flooding the whole of their district, because a thousand years ago, they say, Hercules carried off to Pheneus the oracular tripod? and in telling the Sybarites that the only end of their troubles would be propitiating by their ruin on three occasions the wrath of Leucadian Hera? And indeed it is no long time since the Locrians have ceased sending maidens&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_843_843&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_843_843&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;843&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to Troy,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Who without upper garments and barefooted,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Like slave-girls, in the early morning swept&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Around Athene&#039;s altar all unveiled,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Till old age came upon them with its burdens,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;all because Ajax violated Cassandra. Where is the reason or justice in all this? Nor do we praise the Thracians who to this day, in honour of Orpheus, mark their wives;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_844_844&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_844_844&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;844&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; nor the barbarians on the banks of the Eridanus who, they say, wear mourning for Phäethon. And I think it would be still more ridiculous if the people living at the time Phäethon perished had neglected him, and those who lived five or ten generations after his tragic death had begun the practice of wearing mourning and grieving for him. And yet this would be only folly, there would be nothing dreadful or fatal about it, but what should make the anger of the gods subside at once and then afterwards, like some rivers, burst out against others till they completely ruin them?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_348&amp;quot;&amp;gt;348&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xiii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Directly he left off, fearing that if he began again he would introduce more and greater absurdities, I asked him, &amp;quot;Well, do you believe all this to be true?&amp;quot; And he replied, &amp;quot;If not all, but only some, of it is true, do you not think that the subject presents the same difficulty?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Perhaps,&amp;quot; said I, &amp;quot;it is as with those in a raging fever, whether they have few or many clothes on the bed they are equally hot or nearly so, yet to ease them we shall do well to remove some of the clothes; but let us waive this point, if you don&#039;t like the line of argument, though a good deal of what you have said seems myth and fable, and let us recall to our minds the recent festival in honour of Apollo called Theoxenia,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_845_845&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_845_845&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;845&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and the noble share in it which the heralds expressly reserve for the descendants of Pindar, and how grand and pleasant it seemed to you.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Who could help being pleased,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;with such a delightful honour, so Greek and breathing the simple spirit of antiquity, had he not, to use Pindar&#039;s own phrase, &#039;a black heart forged when the flame was cold?&#039;&amp;quot; &amp;quot;I pass over then,&amp;quot; said I, &amp;quot;the similar proclamation at Sparta, &#039;After the Lesbian singer,&#039; in honour and memory of old Terpander, for it is a similar case. But you yourselves certainly lay claim to be better than other Bœotians as descended from Opheltes,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_846_846&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_846_846&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;846&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and than other Phocians because of your ancestor Daiphantus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_847_847&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_847_847&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;847&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and you were the first to give me help and assistance in preserving for the Lycormæ and Satilæi their hereditary privilege of wearing crowns as descendants of Hercules, when I contended that we ought to confirm the honours and favours of the descendants of Hercules more especially because, though he was such a benefactor to the Greeks, he had had himself no adequate favour or return.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;You remind me,&amp;quot; he said, &amp;quot;of a noble effort, and one well worthy of a philosopher.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Dismiss then,&amp;quot; said I, &amp;quot;my dear fellow, your vehement accusation against the gods, and do not be so vexed that some of a bad or evil stock are punished by them, or else do not joy in and approve of the honour paid to descent &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_349&amp;quot;&amp;gt;349&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;from a good stock. For it is unreasonable, if we continue to show favour to a virtuous stock, to think punishment wrong in the case of a criminal stock, or that it should not correspond with the adequate reward of merit. And he that is glad to see the descendants of Cimon honoured at Athens, but is displeased and indignant that the descendants of Lachares or Aristo are in exile, is too soft and easy, or rather too fault-finding and peevish with the gods, accusing them if the descendants of a bad and wicked man are fortunate, and accusing them also if the progeny of the bad are wiped off the face of the earth; thus finding fault with the deity alike, whether the descendants of the good or bad father are unfortunate.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xiv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Let these remarks,&amp;quot; I continued, &amp;quot;be your bulwarks as it were against those excessively bitter and railing accusations. And taking up again as it were the initial clue to our subject, which as it is about the deity is dark and full of mazes and labyrinths, let us warily and calmly follow the track to what is probable and plausible, for certainty and truth are things very difficult to find even in every-day life. For example, why are the children of those that have died of consumption or dropsy bidden to sit with their feet in water till the dead body is burnt? For that is thought to prevent the disease transferring itself to them. Again, when a she-goat takes a bit of eringo into her mouth, why do the whole herd stand still, till the goatherd comes up and takes it out of her mouth? There are other properties that have connection and communication, and that transfer themselves from one thing to another with incredible&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_848_848&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_848_848&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;848&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; quickness and over immense distances. But we marvel more at intervals of time than place. And yet is it more wonderful that Athens should have been smitten with a plague&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_849_849&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_849_849&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;849&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that started in Arabia, and of which Pericles died and Thucydides fell sick, than that, when the Delphians and Sybarites became wicked, vengeance should have fallen on their descendants.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_850_850&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_850_850&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;850&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For properties have relations and connections between ends and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_350&amp;quot;&amp;gt;350&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;beginnings, and although the reason of them may not be known by us, they silently perform their errand.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Moreover the public punishments of cities by the gods admits of a just defence. For a city is one continuous entity, a sort of creature that never changes from age, or becomes different by time, but is ever sympathetic with and conformable to itself, and is answerable for whatever it does or has done for the public weal, as long as the community by its union and federal bonds preserves its unity. For he that would make several, or rather any quantity of, cities out of one by process of time would be like a person who made one human being several, by regarding him now as an old man, now as a young man, now as a stripling. Or rather this kind of reasoning resembles the arguments of Epicharmus, from whom the sophists borrowed the piled-up method of reasoning,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_851_851&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_851_851&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;851&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for example, he incurred the debt long ago, so he does not owe it now, being a different person, or, he was invited to dinner yesterday, but he comes uninvited to-day, for he is another person. And yet age produces greater changes in any individual than it does commonly in cities. For any one would recognize Athens again if he had not seen it for thirty years, for the present habits and feelings of the people there, their business, amusements, likes and dislikes, are just what they were long ago; whereas a man&#039;s friend or acquaintance meeting him after some time would hardly recognize his appearance, for the change of character easily introduced by every thought and deed, feeling and custom, produce a wonderful strangeness and novelty in the same person. And yet a man is reckoned to be the same person from birth to death, and similarly we think it right for a city always remaining the same to be liable to reproach for the ill deeds of its former inhabitants, on the same principle as it enjoys its ancient glory and power; or shall we, without being aware of it, throw everything into Heraclitus&#039; river, into which he says a person cannot step twice,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_852_852&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_852_852&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;852&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; since nature is ever changing and altering everything?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_351&amp;quot;&amp;gt;351&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xvi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;quot;If then a city is one continuous entity, so of course is a race that starts from one beginning, that can trace back intimate union and similarity of faculties, for that which is begot is not, like some production of art, unlike the begetter, for it proceeds from him, and is not merely produced by him, so that it appropriately receives his share, whether that be honour or punishment. And if I should not seem to be trifling, I should say that the bronze statue of Cassander melted down by the Athenians, and the body of Dionysius thrown out of their territory by the Syracusans after his death, were treated more unjustly than punishing their posterity would have been. For there was none of the nature of Cassander in the statue, and the soul of Dionysius had left his dead body before this outrage, whereas Nysæus and Apollocrates,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_853_853&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_853_853&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;853&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Antipater and Philip,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_854_854&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_854_854&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;854&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and similarly other sons of wicked parents had innate in them a good deal of their fathers, and that no listless or inactive element, but one by which they lived and were nourished, and by which their ideas were controlled. Nor is it at all strange or absurd that some should have their fathers&#039; characteristics. And to speak generally, as in surgery whatever is useful is also just, and that person would be ridiculous who should say it was unjust to cauterize the thumb when the hip-joints were in pain, and to lance the stomach when the liver was inflamed, or when oxen were tender in their hoofs to anoint the tips of their horns, so he that looks for any other justice in punishment than curing vice, and is dissatisfied if surgery is employed to one part to benefit another, as surgeons open a vein to relieve ophthalmia, can see nothing beyond the evidence of the senses, and does not remember that even a schoolmaster by correcting one lad admonishes others, and that by decimation a general makes his whole army obey. And so not only by one part to another comes benefit, but also to the soul through the soul, even more often than to the body through the body, come certain dispositions, and vices or improvement of character. For just as it is likely in the case of the body that the same feelings and changes will take place, so the soul, being worked upon by fancies, naturally &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_352&amp;quot;&amp;gt;352&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;becomes better or worse according as it has more confidence or fear.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xvii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; While I was thus speaking, Olympicus interposed, and said, &amp;quot;You seem in your argument to assume the important assumption of the permanence of the soul.&amp;quot; I replied, &amp;quot;You too concede it, or rather did concede it. For that the deity deals with everyone according to his merit has been the assumption of our argument from the beginning.&amp;quot; Then said he, &amp;quot;Do you think that it follows, because the gods notice our actions and deal with us accordingly, that souls are either altogether imperishable, or for some time survive dissolution?&amp;quot; Then said I, &amp;quot;Not exactly so, my good sir, but is the deity so little and so attached to trifles, if we have nothing divine in ourselves, nothing resembling him, nothing lasting or sure, but that we all do fade as a leaf, as Homer&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_855_855&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_855_855&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;855&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; says, and die after a brief life, as to take the trouble—like women that tend and cultivate their gardens of Adonis&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_856_856&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_856_856&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;856&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in pots—to create souls to flourish in a delicate body having no stability only for a day, and then to be annihilated at once&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_857_857&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_857_857&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;857&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; by any occasion? And if you please, leaving the other gods out of the question, consider the case of our god here.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_858_858&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_858_858&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;858&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Does it seem likely to you that, if he knew that the souls of the dead perish immediately, and glide out of their bodies like mist or smoke, he would enjoin many propitiatory offerings for the departed and honours for the dead, merely cheating and beguiling those that believed in him? For my own part, I shall never abandon my belief in the permanence of the soul, unless some second Hercules&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_859_859&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_859_859&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;859&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; shall come and take away the tripod of the Pythian Priestess, and abolish and destroy the oracle. For as long as many such oracles are still given, as was said to be given to Corax of Naxos formerly, it is impious to declare that the soul dies.&amp;quot; Then said Patrocleas, &amp;quot;What oracle do you refer to? Who was this Corax? To me both the occurrence and name are quite strange.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;That cannot be,&amp;quot; said &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_353&amp;quot;&amp;gt;353&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;I, &amp;quot;but I am to blame for using the surname instead of the name. For he that killed Archilochus in battle was called Calondes, it seems, but his surname was Corax. He was first rejected by the Pythian Priestess, as having slain a man sacred to the Muses, but after using many entreaties and prayers, and urging pleas in defence of his act, he was ordered to go to the dwelling of Tettix, and appease the soul of Archilochus. Now this place was Tænarum, for there they say Tettix the Cretan had gone with a fleet and founded a city, and dwelt near the place where departed souls were conjured up. Similarly also, when the Spartans were bidden by the oracle to appease the soul of Pausanias, the necromancers were summoned from Italy, and, after they had offered sacrifice, they got the ghost out of the temple.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xviii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;quot;It is one and the same argument,&amp;quot; I continued, &amp;quot;that confirms the providence of the deity and the permanence of the soul of man, so that you cannot leave one if you take away the other. And if the soul survives after death, it makes the probability stronger that rewards or punishments will be assigned to it. For during life the soul struggles, like an athlete, and when the struggle is over, then it gets its deserts. But what rewards or punishments the soul gets when by itself in the unseen world for the deeds done in the body has nothing to do with us that are alive, and is perhaps not credited by us, and certainly unknown to us; whereas those punishments that come on descendants and on the race are evident to all that are alive, and deter and keep back many from wickedness. For there is no more disgraceful or bitter punishment than to see our children in misfortune through our faults, and if the soul of an impious or lawless man could see after death, not his statues or honours taken from him, but his children or friends or race in great adversity owing to him, and paying the penalty for his misdeeds, no one would ever persuade him, could he come to life again, to be unjust and licentious, even for the honours of Zeus. I could tell you a story on this head, which I recently heard, but I hesitate to do so, lest you should regard it only as a myth; I confine myself therefore to probability.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Pray don&#039;t,&amp;quot; said Olympicus, &amp;quot;let us have your story.&amp;quot; And as the others made&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_354&amp;quot;&amp;gt;354&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; the same request, I said, &amp;quot;Permit me first to finish my discourse according to probability, and then, if you like, I will set my myth a going, if it is a myth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xix.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Bion says the deity in punishing the children of the wicked for their fathers&#039; crimes is more ridiculous than a doctor administering a potion to a son or grandson for a father&#039;s or grandfather&#039;s disease. But the cases, though in some respects similar and like, are in others dissimilar. For to cure one person of a disease does not cure another, nor is one any better, when suffering from ophthalmia or fever, by seeing another anointed or poulticed. But the punishments of evil-doers are exhibited to everybody for this reason, that it is the function of justice, when it is carried out as reason dictates, to check some by the punishment of others. So that Bion did not see in what respect his comparison touched our subject. For sometimes, when a man falls into a grievous but not incurable malady, which afterwards by intemperance and negligence ruins his constitution and kills him, is not his son, who is not supposed to be suffering from the same malady but only to have a predisposition for it, enjoined to a careful manner of living by his medical man, or friend, or intelligent trainer in gymnastics, or honest guardian, and recommended to abstain from fish and pastry, wine and women, and to take medicine frequently, and to go in for training in the gymnasiums, and so to dissipate and get rid of the small seeds of what might be a serious malady, if he allowed it to come to a head? Do we not indeed give advice of this kind to the children of diseased fathers or mothers, bidding them take care and be cautious and not to neglect themselves, but at once to arrest the first germ, of the malady, nipping it in the bud while removable, and before it has got a firm footing in the constitution?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Certainly we do,&amp;quot; said all the company. &amp;quot;We are not then,&amp;quot; I continued, &amp;quot;acting in a strange or ridiculous but in a necessary and useful way, in arranging their exercise and food and physic for the sons of epileptic or atrabilious or gouty people, not when they are ill, but to prevent their becoming so. For the offspring of a poor constitution does not require punishment, but it does require medical treatment and care, and if any one stigmatizes this, because it curtails pleasure and involves some self-denial&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_355&amp;quot;&amp;gt;355&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and pain, as a punishment inflicted by cowardice and timidity, we care not for his opinion. Can it be right to tend and care for the body that has an hereditary predisposition to some malady, and are we to neglect the growth and spread in the young character of hereditary taint of vice, and to dally with it, and wait till it be plainly mixed up with the feelings, and, to use the language of Pindar, &amp;quot;produce malignant fruit in the heart?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xx.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Or is the deity in this respect no wiser than Hesiod, who exhorts and advises, &amp;quot;not to beget children on our return from a sad funeral, but after a banquet with the gods,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_860_860&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_860_860&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;860&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; as though not vice or virtue only, but sorrow or joy and all other propensities, came from generation, to which the poet bids us come gay and agreeable and sprightly. But it is not Hesiod&#039;s function, or the work of human wisdom, but it belongs to the deity, to discern and accurately distinguish similarities and differences of character, before they become obvious by resulting in crime through the influence of the passions. For the young of bears and wolves and apes manifest from their birth the nature innate in them in all its naked simplicity; whereas mankind, under the influence of customs and opinions and laws, frequently conceal their bad qualities and imitate what is good, so as altogether to obliterate and escape from the innate taint of vice, or to be undetected for a long time, throwing the veil of craft round their real nature, so that we are scarce conscious of their villainy till we feel the blow or smart of some unjust action, so that we are in fact only aware that there is such a thing as injustice when men act unjustly, or as vice when men act viciously, or as cowardice when men run away, just as if one were to suppose that scorpions had a sting only when they stung us, or that vipers were venomous only when they bit us, which would be a very silly idea. For every bad man is not bad only when he breaks out into crime, but he has the seeds of vice in his nature, and is only vicious in act when he has opportunity and means, as opportunity makes the thief steal,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_861_861&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_861_861&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;861&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and the tyrant violate the laws. But the deity is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_356&amp;quot;&amp;gt;356&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;not ignorant of the nature and disposition of every man, inasmuch as by his very nature he can read the soul better than the body, and does not wait to punish violence in the act, or shamelessness in the tongue, or lasciviousness in the members. For he does not retaliate upon the wrong-doer as having been ill-treated by him, nor is he angry with the robber as having been plundered by him, nor does he hate the adulterer as having himself suffered from his licentiousness, but it is to cure him that he often punishes the adulterous or avaricious or unjust man in embryo, before he has had time to work out all his villainy, as we try to stop epileptic fits before they come on.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Just now we were dissatisfied that the wicked were punished late and tardily, whereas at present we find fault with the deity for correcting the character and disposition of same before they commit crime, from our ignoring that the future deed may be worse and more dreadful than the past, and the hidden intention than the overt act; for we are not able fully to understand the reasons why it is better to leave some alone in their ill deeds, and to arrest others in the intention; just as no doubt medicine is not appropriate in the case of some patients, which would be beneficial to others not ill, but yet perhaps in a more dangerous condition still. And so the gods do not visit all the offences of parents on their children, but if a good man is the son of a bad one, as the son of a sickly parent is sometimes of a good constitution, he is exempt from the punishment of his race, as not being a participator in its viciousness. But if a young man imitates his vicious race it is only right that he should inherit the punishment of their ill deeds, as he would their debts. For Antigonus was not punished for Demetrius, nor, of the old heroes,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_862_862&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_862_862&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;862&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Phyleus for Augeas, or Nestor for Neleus, for though their sires were bad they were good, but those whose nature liked and approved the vices of their ancestors, these justice punished, taking vengeance on their similarity in viciousness. For as the warts and moles and freckles of parents often skip a generation, and reappear in the grandsons and granddaughters, and as a Greek woman, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_357&amp;quot;&amp;gt;357&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;that had a black baby and so was accused of adultery, found out that she was the great granddaughter of an Ethiopian,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_863_863&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_863_863&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;863&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and as the son of Pytho the Nisibian who recently died, and who was said to trace his descent to the Sparti,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_864_864&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_864_864&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;864&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; had the birthmark on his body of the print of a spear the token of his race, which though long dormant had come up again as out of the deep, so frequently earlier generations conceal and suppress the mental idiosyncrasies and passions of their race, which afterwards nature causes to break out in other members of the family, and so displays the family bent either to vice or virtue.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; When I had said thus much I was silent, but Olympicus smiled and said, &amp;quot;We do not praise you, lest we should seem to forget your promised story, as though what you had advanced was adequate proof enough, but we will give our opinion when we have heard it.&amp;quot; Then I began as follows. &amp;quot;Thespesius of Soli, an intimate friend of that Protogenes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_865_865&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_865_865&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;865&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who lived in this city with us for some time, had been very profligate during the early part of his life, and had quickly run through his property, and for some time owing to his straits had given himself up to bad practices, when repenting of his old ways, and following the pursuit of riches, he resembled those profligate husbands that pay no attention to their wives while they live with them, but get rid of them, and then, after they have married other men, do all they can wickedly to seduce them. Abstaining then from nothing dishonourable that could bring either enjoyment or gain, in no long time he got together no great amount of property, but a very great reputation for villainy. But what most damaged his character was the answer he received from the oracle of Amphilochus.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_866_866&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_866_866&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;866&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For he sent it seems a messenger to consult the god whether he would live the rest of his life better, and the answer was he would do better after his death. And indeed this happened in a sense not long after. For he fell headlong down from a great height, and though he had received no wound &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_358&amp;quot;&amp;gt;358&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;nor even a blow, the fall did for him, but three days after (just as he was about to be buried) he recovered. He soon picked up his strength again, and went home, and so changed his manner of life that people would hardly credit it. For the Cilicians say that they know nobody who was in those days more fairdealing in business, or more devout to the deity, or more disagreeable to his enemies, or more faithful to his friends; insomuch that all who had any dealings with him desired to hear the reason of this change, not thinking that so great a reformation of character could have proceeded from chance, and their idea was correct, as his narrative to Protogenes and others of his great friends showed. For he told them that, when his soul left the body, the change he first underwent was as if he were a pilot thrown violently into the sea out of a ship. Then raising himself up a little, he thought he recovered the power of breathing again altogether, and looked round him in every direction, as if one eye of the soul was open. But he saw none of the things he had ever seen before, but stars enormous in size and at immense distance from one another, sending forth a wonderful and intense brightness of colour, so that the soul was borne along and moved about everywhere quickly and easily, like a ship is fair weather. But omitting most of the sights he saw, he said that the souls of the dead mounted into the air, which yielded to them and formed fiery bubbles, and then, when each bubble quietly broke, they assumed human forms, light in weight but with different kinds of motion, for some leapt about with wonderful agility and darted straight upwards, while others like spindles flitted round all together in a circle, some in an upward direction, some in a downward, with mixed and confused motion, hardly stopping at all, or only after a very long time. As to most of these he was ignorant who they were, but he saw two or three that he knew, and tried to approach them and talk with them, but they would not listen to him, and did not seem to be in their right minds, but out of their senses and distraught, avoiding every sight and touch, and at first turned round and round alone, but afterwards meeting many other souls whirling round and in the same condition as themselves, they moved about promiscuously with no particular object in view, and uttered&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_359&amp;quot;&amp;gt;359&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; inarticulate sounds, like yells, mixed with wailing and terror. Other souls in the upper part of the air seemed joyful, and frequently approached one another in a friendly way, and avoided those troubled souls, and seemed to mark their displeasure by keeping themselves to themselves, and their joy and delight by extension and expansion. At last he said he saw the soul of a relation, that he thought he knew but was not quite sure, as he died when he was a boy, which came up to him and said to him, &amp;quot;Welcome, Thespesius.&amp;quot; And he wondering, and saying that his name was not Thespesius but Aridæus, the soul replied, &amp;quot;That was your old name, but henceforth it will be Thespesius. For assuredly you are not dead, but by the will of the gods are come here with your intellect, for the rest of your soul you have left in the body like an anchor; and as a proof of what I say both now and hereafter notice that the souls of the dead have no shadow and do not move their eyelids.&amp;quot; Thespesius, on hearing these words, pulled himself somewhat more together again, and began to use his reason, and looking more closely he noticed that an indistinct and shadow-like line was suspended over him, while the others shone all round and were transparent, but were not all alike; for some were like the full-moon at its brightest, throwing out one smooth even and continuous colour, others had spots or light marks here and there, while others were quite variegated and strange to the sight, with black spots like snakes, while others again had dim scratches.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then the kinsman of Thespesius (for there is nothing to prevent our calling the souls by the name of the persons), pointed out everything, and told him that Adrastea, the daughter of Necessity and Zeus, was placed in the highest position to punish all crimes, and no criminal was either so great or so small as to be able to escape her either by fraud or violence. But, as there were three kinds of punishment, each had its own officer and administering functionary. &amp;quot;For speedy Vengeance undertakes the punishment of those that are to be corrected at once in the body and through their bodies, and she mildly passes by many offences that only need expiation; but if the cure of vice demands further pains, then the deity hands over such criminals after death to Justice, and those whom Justice&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_360&amp;quot;&amp;gt;360&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; rejects as altogether incurable, Erinnys (the third and fiercest of Adrastea&#039;s officers), pursues as they are fleeing and wandering about in various directions, and with pitiless severity utterly undoes them all, and thrusts them down to a place not to be seen or spoken about. And, of all these punishments, that which is administered in this life by Vengeance is most like those in use among the barbarians. For as among the Persians they pluck off and scourge the garments and tiaras of those that are to be punished, while the offenders weep and beg them to cease, so most punishments by fine or bodily chastisement have no sharp touch, nor do they reach vice itself, but are only for show and sentiment. And whoever goes from this world to that incorrigible and impure, Justice takes him aside, naked as he is in soul, and unable to veil or hide or conceal his villainy, but descried all round and in all points by everybody, and shows him first to his good parents, if such they were, to let them see what a wretch he is and how unworthy of his ancestors; but if they were wicked too, seeing them punished and himself being seen by them, he is chastised for a long time till he is purged of each of his bad propensities by sufferings and pains, which as much exceed in magnitude and intensity all sufferings in the flesh, as what is real is more vivid than a dream. But the scars and marks of the stripes for each bad propensity are more visible in some than in others. Observe also, he continued, the different and various colours of the souls. That dark dirty-brown colour is the pigment of illiberality and covetousness, and the blood-red the sign of cruelty and savageness, and where the blue is there sensuality and love of pleasure are not easily eradicated, and that violet and livid colour marks malice and envy, like the dark liquid ejected by the cuttle fish. For as during life vice produces these colours by the soul being acted upon by passions and reacting upon the body, so here it is the end of purification and correction when they are toned down, and the soul becomes altogether bright and one colour. But as long as these colours remain, there are relapses of the passions accompanied by palpitation and throbbing of the heart, in some faint and soon suppressed, in others more violent and lasting. And some of these souls by being again and again corrected&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_361&amp;quot;&amp;gt;361&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; recover their proper disposition and condition, while others again by their violent ignorance and excessive love of pleasure&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_867_867&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_867_867&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;867&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; are carried into the bodies of animals; for one by weakness of reasoning power, and slowness of contemplation, is impelled by the practical element in him to generation, while another, lacking an instrument to satisfy his licentiousness, desires to gratify his passions immediately, and to get that gratification through the medium of the body; for here there is no real fruition, but only an imperfect shadow and dream of incomplete pleasure.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After he had said this, Thespesius&#039; kinsman hurried him at great speed through immense space, as it seemed to him, though he travelled as easily and straight as if he were carried on the wings of the sun&#039;s rays. At last he got to an extensive and bottomless abyss, where his strength left him, as he found was the case with the other souls there: for keeping together and making swoops, like birds, they flitted all round the abyss, but did not venture to pass over it. To internal view it resembled the caverns of Bacchus, being beautiful throughout&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_868_868&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_868_868&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;868&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with trees and green foliage and flowers of all kinds, and it breathed a soft and gentle air, laden with scents marvellously pleasant, and producing the effect that wine does on those who are topers; for the souls were elevated by its fragrance, and gay and blithe with one another: and the whole spot was full of mirth and laughter, and such songs as emanate from gaiety and enjoyment. And Thespesius&#039; kinsman told him that this was the way Dionysus went up to heaven by, and by which he afterwards took up Semele, and it was called the place of Oblivion. But he would not let Thespesius stay there, much as he wished, but forcibly dragged him away, instructing and telling him that the intellect was melted and moistened by pleasure, and that the irrational and corporeal element being watered and made flesh stirs up the memory of the body, from which comes a yearning and strong desire for generation, so called from being an inclination to the earth,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_869_869&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_869_869&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;869&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; when the soul is weighed down with moisture.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_362&amp;quot;&amp;gt;362&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Next Thespesius travelled as far in another direction, and seemed to see a great crater into which several rivers emptied themselves, one whiter than the foam of the sea or snow, another like the purple of the rainbow, and others of various hues whose brightness was apparent at some distance, but when he got nearer the air became thinner and the colours grew dim, and the crater lost all its gay colours but white. And he saw three genii sitting together in a triangular position, mixing the rivers together in certain proportions. Then the guide of Thespesius&#039; soul told him, that Orpheus got as far as here, when he came in quest of the soul of his wife,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_870_870&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_870_870&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;870&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and from not exactly remembering what he had seen spread a false report among mankind, that the oracle at Delphi was common to Apollo and Night, though Apollo had no communion with Night: but this, pursued the guide, is an oracle common to Night and the Moon, that utters forth its oracular knowledge in no particular part of the world, nor has it any particular seat, but wanders about everywhere in men&#039;s dreams and visions. Hence, as you see, dreams receive and disseminate a mixture&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_871_871&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_871_871&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;871&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of simple truth with deceit and error. But the oracle of Apollo you do not know, nor can you see it, for the earthiness of the soul does not suffer it to soar upwards, but keeps it down in dependence on the body. And taking him nearer his guide tried to show him the light from the tripod, which, as he said, shone as far as Parnassus through the bosom of Themis, but though he desired to see it he could not for its brightness, but as he passed by he heard the shrill voice of a woman speaking in verse several things, among others, he thought, telling the time of his death. That, said the genius, was the voice of the Sibyl, who sang about the future as she was being borne about in the Orb of the moon. Though desirous then to hear more, he was conveyed into another direction by the violent motion of the moon, as if he had been in the eddies of a whirlpool, so that he heard very little more, only a prophecy about Mt. Vesuvius and that Dicæarchia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_872_872&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_872_872&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;872&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; would be destroyed by fire, and a short piece about the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_363&amp;quot;&amp;gt;363&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Emperor then reigning,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_873_873&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_873_873&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;873&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that &amp;quot;though he was good he would lose his empire through sickness.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After this Thespesius and his guide turned to see those that were undergoing punishment. And at first they saw only distressing and pitiable sights, but after that, Thespesius, little expecting it, found himself among his friends and acquaintances and kinsfolk who were being punished, and undergoing dreadful sufferings and hideous and bitter tortures, and who wept and wailed to him. And at last he descried his father coming up out of a certain gulf covered with marks and scars, stretching out his hands, and not allowed to keep silence, but compelled by those that presided over his torture to confess that he had been an accursed wretch and poisoned some strangers that had gold, and during his lifetime had escaped the detection of everybody; but had been found out here, and his guilt brought home to him, for which he had already suffered much, and was being dragged on to suffer more. So great was his consternation and fear that he did not dare to intercede or beg for his father&#039;s release, but wishing to turn and flee he could no longer see his gentle and kind guide, but he was thrust forward by some persons horrible to look at, as if some dire necessity compelled him to go through with the business, and saw that the shades of those that had been notorious criminals and punished in their life-time were not so severely tortured here or like the others, but had an incomplete&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_874_874&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_874_874&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;874&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; though toilsome punishment for their irrational passions.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_875_875&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_875_875&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;875&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Whereas those who under the mask and show of virtue had lived all their lives in undetected vice were forced by their torturers with labour and pain to turn their souls inside out, unnaturally wriggling and writhing about, like the sea-scolopendras who, when they have swallowed the hook, turn themselves inside out; but some of them their torturers flayed and crimped so as to show their various inward vices which were only skinned over, which were deep in their soul the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_364&amp;quot;&amp;gt;364&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;principal part of man. And he said he saw other souls, like snakes two or three or even more twined together, devouring one another in malignity and malevolence for what they had suffered or done in life. He said also that there were several lakes running parallel, one of boiling gold, another most cold of lead, another hard of iron, and several demons were standing by, like smiths, who lowered down and drew up by turns with instruments the souls of those whose criminality lay in insatiable cupidity. For when they were red-hot and transparent through their bath in the lake of gold, the demons thrust them into the lake of lead and dipped them in that; and when they got congealed in it and hard as hail, they dipped them into the lake of iron, and there they became wonderfully black, and broken and crushed by the hardness of the iron, and changed their appearance, and after that they were dipped again in the lake of gold, after suffering, he said, dreadful agony in all these changes of torment. But he said those souls suffered most piteously of all that, when they seemed to have escaped justice, were arrested again, and these were those whose crimes had been visited on their children or descendants. For whenever one of these latter happened to come up, he fell into a rage and cried out, and showed the marks of what he had suffered, and upbraided and pursued the soul of the parent, that wished to fly and hide himself but could not. For quickly did the ministers of torture pursue them, and hurry them back again to Justice,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_876_876&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_876_876&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;876&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; wailing all the while on account of their fore-knowledge of what their punishment would be. And to some of them he said many of their posterity clung at once, and just like bees or bats stuck to them, and squeaked and gibbered&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_877_877&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_877_877&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;877&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in their rage at the memory of what they had suffered owing to them. Last of all he saw the souls of those that were to come into the world a second time, forcibly moulded and transformed into various kinds of animals by artificers appointed for the very purpose with instruments and blows, who broke off all the limbs of some, and only wrenched off some of others, and polished others down or &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_365&amp;quot;&amp;gt;365&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;annihilated them altogether, to fit them for other habits and modes of life. Among them he saw the soul of Nero tortured in other ways, and pierced with red-hot nails. And the artificers having taken it in hand and converted it into the semblance of a Pindaric viper, which gets its way to life by gnawing through its mother&#039;s womb, a great light, he said, suddenly shone, and a voice came out of the light, ordering them to change it into something milder, so they devised of it the animal that croaks about lakes and marshes, for he had been punished sufficiently for his crimes, and now deserved some favour at the hands of the gods, for he had freed Greece, the noblest nation of his subjects and the best-beloved of the gods.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_878_878&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_878_878&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;878&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So much did Thespesius behold, but as he intended to return a horrible dread came upon him. For a woman, marvellous in appearance and size, took hold of him and said to him, &amp;quot;Come here that you may the better remember everything you have seen.&amp;quot; And she was about to strike him with a red-hot iron pin, such as the encaustic painters use,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_879_879&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_879_879&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;879&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; when another woman prevented her; and he was suddenly sucked up, as through&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_880_880&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_880_880&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;880&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a pipe, by a strong and violent wind, and lit upon his own body, and woke up and found that he was close to his tomb.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_806_806&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_806_806&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;806&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In the temple at Delphi, the scene of the discussion, as we see later on, §§ vii. xii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_807_807&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_807_807&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;807&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading ἐδόκει with Reiske.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_808_808&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_808_808&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;808&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Orestes,&amp;quot; 420. Cf. &amp;quot;Ion,&amp;quot; 1615.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_809_809&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_809_809&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;809&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thucydides, iii. 38.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_810_810&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_810_810&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;810&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the circumstances in Pausanias, iv. 17 and 22.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_811_811&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_811_811&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;811&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare Petronius, &amp;quot;Satyricon,&amp;quot; 44: &amp;quot;Dii pedes lanatos habent.&amp;quot; Compare also &amp;quot;Tibullus,&amp;quot; i. 9. 4: &amp;quot;Sera tamen tacitis Pœna venit pedibus.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_812_812&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_812_812&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;812&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading μάλιστα (for μόλις) with Wyttenbach.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_813_813&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_813_813&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;813&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; An allusion to the proverb Ὄψε θεῶν ἀλέουσι μύλοι, ἀλέουσι δὲ λεπτά. See Erasmus, &amp;quot;Adagia,&amp;quot; p. 1864.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_814_814&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_814_814&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;814&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cf. Plato, &amp;quot;Republic,&amp;quot; 472 A.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_815_815&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_815_815&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;815&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Note, &amp;quot;On Abundance of Friends,&amp;quot; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_146a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;§ ii.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_816_816&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_816_816&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;816&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading εἰ γὰρ.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_817_817&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_817_817&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;817&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Or &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;a world&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_818_818&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_818_818&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;818&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See above, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_332a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;§ ii.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_819_819&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_819_819&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;819&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Quoted also in &amp;quot;On restraining Anger,&amp;quot; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_269&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;§ ii.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_820_820&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_820_820&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;820&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It seems necessary to read either πορίζειν with Mez, or ὁρίζειν with Wyttenbach.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_821_821&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_821_821&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;821&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare Aristophanes, &amp;quot;Vespæ,&amp;quot; 438.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_822_822&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_822_822&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;822&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Pausanias, viii. 27.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_823_823&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_823_823&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;823&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Pindar.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_824_824&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_824_824&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;824&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xv. 641, 642.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_825_825&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_825_825&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;825&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Thucydides, i. 127.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_826_826&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_826_826&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;826&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Pausanias, v. 17; viii. 24; ix. 41; x. 29.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_827_827&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_827_827&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;827&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Hesiod, &amp;quot;Works and Days,&amp;quot; 266.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_828_828&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_828_828&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;828&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ibid. 265. Compare Pausanias, ii. 9; Ovid, A. A. i. 655, 656.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_829_829&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_829_829&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;829&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Significat martyres Christianos, in tunica molesta fumantes.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Reiske.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_830_830&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_830_830&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;830&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Like the sword of Damocles. See Horace, &amp;quot;Odes,&amp;quot; iii. 1. 17, 21.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_831_831&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_831_831&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;831&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See also Pausanias, iii. 17.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_832_832&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_832_832&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;832&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Surely ἄν ἀνατρέποι must be read.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_833_833&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_833_833&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;833&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare &amp;quot;On Curiosity,&amp;quot; § x.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_834_834&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_834_834&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;834&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The reading is very doubtful. I adopt ἡδονῆς μὲν εὐθὑς κενιν χάριν, ἐλπίδος ἔρημον εὑρίσκουσι.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_835_835&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_835_835&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;835&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Ino.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_836_836&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_836_836&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;836&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Herodotus, vi. 86; Juvenal, xiii, 199-207.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_837_837&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_837_837&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;837&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The company are in the temple at Delphi, be it remembered.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_838_838&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_838_838&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;838&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Called Iadmon in Herodotus, ii. 134, where this story is also told.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_839_839&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_839_839&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;839&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Wyttenbach suggests Daulis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_840_840&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_840_840&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;840&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; To Xerxes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_841_841&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_841_841&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;841&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The allusion is to the well-known story of Odysseus and the Cyclops Polyphemus, who is supposed to have dwelt in the island of Sicily, where Agathocles was tyrant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_842_842&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_842_842&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;842&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Pausanias, viii. 14.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_843_843&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_843_843&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;843&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Two were to be sent for 1,000 continuous years. So the Oracle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_844_844&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_844_844&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;844&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Pausanias ix. 30; Herodotus, v. 6.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_845_845&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_845_845&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;845&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Pausanias, vii. 27; Athenæus, 372 A.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_846_846&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_846_846&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;846&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A former king of Thebes. See Pausanias, ix. 5.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_847_847&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_847_847&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;847&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Called Daiphantes, Pausanias, x. 1.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_848_848&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_848_848&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;848&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading ἀπίστοις with Xylander.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_849_849&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_849_849&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;849&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The famous plague. See Thucydides, ii. 47-54.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_850_850&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_850_850&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;850&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The allusion is to the circumstances mentioned in § xii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_851_851&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_851_851&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;851&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Videtur idem cum &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;sorita&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; esse.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Reiske.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_852_852&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_852_852&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;852&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare our author, &amp;quot;De EI apud Delphos,&amp;quot; § xviii. See also Seneca, &amp;quot;Epist.,&amp;quot; lviii. p. 483; and Plato, &amp;quot;Cratylus,&amp;quot; 402 A.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_853_853&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_853_853&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;853&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sons of Dionysius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_854_854&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_854_854&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;854&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sons of Cassander.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_855_855&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_855_855&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;855&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; vi. 146-149.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_856_856&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_856_856&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;856&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare Plato, &amp;quot;Phædrus,&amp;quot; 276 B. These gardens of Adonis were what we might call flowerpot gardens. See Erasmus, &amp;quot;Adagia.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_857_857&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_857_857&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;857&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; εὐθὺς seems the best reading, ἀεὶ is flat.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_858_858&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_858_858&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;858&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Apollo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_859_859&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_859_859&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;859&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_345a&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;§ xii.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_860_860&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_860_860&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;860&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Hesiod, &amp;quot;Works and Days,&amp;quot; 735, 736.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_861_861&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_861_861&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;861&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare the French Proverb, &amp;quot;L&#039;occasion fait le larron.&amp;quot; And Juvenal&#039;s &amp;quot;Nemo repente fuit turpissimus.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_862_862&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_862_862&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;862&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So Reiske very ingeniously.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_863_863&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_863_863&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;863&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A rather far-fetched pedigree.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_864_864&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_864_864&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;864&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Pausanias, viii. 11; ix. 5, 10. See also Ovid, &amp;quot;Metamorphoses,&amp;quot; Book iii. 100-130.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_865_865&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_865_865&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;865&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare &amp;quot;On Love,&amp;quot; § ii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_866_866&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_866_866&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;866&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; At Mallus, in Cilicia. See Pausanias, i. 34.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_867_867&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_867_867&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;867&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading φιληδονίασ with Reiske.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_868_868&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_868_868&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;868&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading διαπεποικιλμένον ὄν with Wyttenbach.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_869_869&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_869_869&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;869&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A paronomasia on γένεσις as if ἐπὶ γὴν νεῦσις. We cannot English it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_870_870&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_870_870&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;870&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Eurydice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_871_871&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_871_871&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;871&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;μιγνύμενον, Turn, et Bong.,&amp;quot; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Reiske&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Surely the right reading.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_872_872&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_872_872&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;872&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Latin Puteoli.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_873_873&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_873_873&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;873&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Vespasian. See Suetonius, &amp;quot;Vespasian,&amp;quot; ch. 24, as to the particulars of his death.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_874_874&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_874_874&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;874&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The reading is very doubtful. I have followed Wyttenbach in reading τριβομένην τριβὴν ἀτελῆ.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_875_875&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_875_875&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;875&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Such as that of the Danaides. So Wyttenbach.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_876_876&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_876_876&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;876&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Adopting the arrangement of Wyttenbach.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_877_877&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_877_877&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;877&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare Homer, &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; xxiv. 5-10.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_878_878&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_878_878&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;878&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Pausanias, vii. 17, for a sneaking kindness for Nero.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_879_879&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_879_879&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;879&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Athenæus, 687 B.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_880_880&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_880_880&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;880&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading διὰ with Reiske.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;AGAINST BORROWING MONEY&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_365a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;i.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Plato in his Laws&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_881_881&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_881_881&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;881&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; does not permit neighbours to use one another&#039;s water, unless they have first dug for themselves as far as the clay, and reached ground that is unsuitable for a well. For clay, having a rich and compact nature, absorbs the water it receives, and does not let it pass through. But he allows people that cannot make a well of their own to use their neighbour&#039;s water, for the law ought to relieve necessity. Ought there not also to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_366&amp;quot;&amp;gt;366&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;be a law about money, that people should not borrow of others, nor go to other people&#039;s sources of income, until they have first examined their own resources at home, and collected, as by drops, what is necessary for their use? But nowadays from luxury and effeminacy and lavish expenditure people do not use their own resources, though they have them, but borrow from others at great interest without necessity. And what proves this very clearly is the fact that people do not lend money to the needy, but only to those who, wanting an immediate supply, bring a witness and adequate security for their credit, so that they can be in no actual necessity of borrowing.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_882_882&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_882_882&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;882&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Why pay court to the banker or trader? Borrow from your own table. You have cups, silver dishes, pots and pans. Use them in your need. Beautiful Aulis or Tenedos will furnish you with earthenware instead, purer than silver, for they will not smell strongly and unpleasantly of interest, a kind of rust that daily soils your sumptuousness, nor will they remind you of the calends and the new moon, which, though the most holy of days, the money-lenders make ill-omened and hateful. For those who instead of selling them put their goods out at pawn cannot be saved even by Zeus the Protector of Property: they are ashamed to sell, they are not ashamed to pay interest on their goods when out at pawn. And yet the famous Pericles made the ornament of Athene, which weighed forty talents of fine gold, removable at will, for &amp;quot;so,&amp;quot; he said, &amp;quot;we can use the gold in war, and at some other time restore as costly a one.&amp;quot; So should we too in our necessities, as in a siege, not receive a garrison imposed on us by a hostile money-lender, nor allow our goods to go into slavery; but stripping our table, our bed, our carriages, and our diet, of superfluities, we should keep ourselves free, intending to restore all those things again, if we have good luck.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; So the Roman matrons offered their gold and ornaments as first-fruits to Pythian Apollo, out of which a golden cup was made and sent to Delphi;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_883_883&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_883_883&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;883&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and the Carthaginian matrons had their heads shorn, and with the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_367&amp;quot;&amp;gt;367&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;hair cut off made cords for the machines and engines to be used in defence of their country.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_884_884&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_884_884&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;884&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But we being ashamed of independence enslave ourselves to covenants and conditions, when we ought to restrict and confine ourselves to what is useful, and dock or sell useless superfluities, to build a temple of liberty for ourselves, our wives, and children. The famous Artemis at Ephesus gives asylum and security from their creditors to debtors, when they take refuge in her temple; but the asylum and sanctuary of frugality is everywhere open to the sober-minded, affording them joyful and honourable and ample space for much ease. For as the Pythian Priestess told the Athenians at the time of the Median war that the god had given them wooden walls,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_885_885&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_885_885&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;885&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and they left the region and city, their goods and houses, and took refuge in their ships for liberty, so the god gives us a wooden table, and earthenware plate, and coarse garments, if we wish to live free. Care not for fine horses or chariots with handsome harness, adorned with gold&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_886_886&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_886_886&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;886&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and silver, which swift interest will catch up and outrun, but mounted on any chance donkey or nag flee from the hostile and tyrannical money-lender, not demanding like the Mede land and water,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_887_887&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_887_887&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;887&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but interfering with your liberty, and lowering your status. If you pay him not, he duns you; if you offer the money, he won&#039;t have it; if you are selling anything, he cheapens the price; if you don&#039;t want to sell, he forces you; if you sue him, he comes to terms with you; if you swear, he hectors; if you go to his house, he shuts the door in your face; whereas if you stay at home, he billets himself on you, and is ever rapping at your door.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; How did Solon benefit the Athenians by ordaining that debtors should no longer have to pay in person? For they are slaves to all money-lenders,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_888_888&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_888_888&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;888&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and not to them only, what would there be so monstrous in that? but to their &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_368&amp;quot;&amp;gt;368&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;slaves, who are insolent and savage barbarians, such as Plato represents the fiery torturers and executioners in Hades who preside over the punishment of the impious. For they make the forum a hell for wretched debtors, and like vultures devour and rend them limb from limb, &amp;quot;piercing into their bowels,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_889_889&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_889_889&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;889&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and stand over others and prevent their tasting their own grapes or crops, as if they were so many Tantaluses. And as Darius sent Datis and Artaphernes to Athens with manacles and chains in their hands for their captives, so they bring into Greece boxes full of bonds and agreements, like fetters, and visit the towns and scour the country round, sowing not like Triptolemus harmless corn, but planting the toilsome and prolific and never-ending roots of debts, which grow and spread all round, and ruin and choke cities. They say that hares at once give birth and suckle and conceive again, but the debts of these knaves and barbarians give birth before they conceive; for at the very moment of giving they ask back, and take up what they laid down, and lend what they take for lending.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;v.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; It is a saying among the Messenians, that &amp;quot;there is a Pylos before Pylos, and another Pylos too.&amp;quot; So it may be said with respect to these money-lenders, &amp;quot;there is interest before interest, and other interest too.&amp;quot; Then of course they laugh at those natural philosophers who say that nothing can come of nothing, for they get interest on what neither is nor was; and they think it disgraceful to farm out the taxes, though the law allows it, while they themselves against the law exact tribute for what they lend, or rather, if one is to say the truth, defraud as they lend, for he who receives less than he signs his name for is defrauded. The Persians indeed think lying a secondary crime, but debt a principal one, for lying frequently follows upon debt, but money-lenders tell more lies, for they make fraudulent entries in their account-books, writing down that they have given so-and-so so much, when they have really given less. And the only excuse for their lying is covetousness, not necessity, not utter poverty, but insatiable greediness, the outcome of which is without enjoyment and useless to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_369&amp;quot;&amp;gt;369&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;themselves, and fatal to their victims. For neither do they farm the fields which they rob their debtors of, nor do they inhabit their houses when they have thrust them out, nor use their tables or apparel, but first one is ruined, and then a second is hunted down, for whom the first one serves as a decoy. For the bane spreads and grows like a fire, to the destruction and ruin of all who fall into their clutches, for it consumes one after another; and the money-lender, who fans and feeds this flame to ensnare many, gets no more advantage from it but that some time after he can take his account-book and read how many he has sold up, how many turned out of house and home, and track the sources of his wealth, which is ever growing into a larger pile.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And do not think I say this as an enemy proclaiming war against the money-lenders,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;For never did they lift my cows or horses,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_890_890&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_890_890&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;890&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;but merely to prove to those who too readily borrow money what disgrace and servitude it brings with it, and what extreme folly and weakness it is. Have you anything? do not borrow, for you are not in a necessitous condition. Have you nothing? do not borrow, for you will never be able to pay back. Let us consider either case separately. Cato said to a certain old man who was a wicked fellow, &amp;quot;My good sir, why do you add the shame that comes from wickedness to old age, that has so many troubles of its own?&amp;quot; So too do you, since poverty has so many troubles of its own, not add the terrible distress that comes from borrowing money and from debt; and do not take away from poverty its only advantage over wealth, its freedom from corroding care. For the proverb that says, &amp;quot;I cannot carry a goat, put an ox on my shoulder,&amp;quot; has a ridiculous ring. Unable to bear poverty, are you going to put on your back a money-lender, a weight hard to carry even for a rich man? How then, will you say, am I to maintain myself? Do you ask this, having two hands, two legs, and a tongue, in short, being a man, to love and be loved, to give and receive benefits? Can you not be a schoolmaster&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_370&amp;quot;&amp;gt;370&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; or tutor, or porter, or sailor, or make coasting voyages? Any of these ways of getting a livelihood is less disgraceful and difficult than to always have to hear, &amp;quot;Pay me that thou owest.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The well-known Rutilius went up to Musonius at Rome, and said to him, &amp;quot;Musonius, Zeus Soter, whom you imitate and emulate, does not borrow money.&amp;quot; And Musonius smilingly answered, &amp;quot;Neither does he lend.&amp;quot; For you must know Rutilius, himself a lender, was bantering Musonius for being a borrower. What Stoic inflatedness was all this! What need was there to bring in Zeus Soter? For all nature teaches the same lesson. Swallows do not borrow money, nor do ants, although nature has given them no hands, or reason, or profession. But men have intellect in excess, and so ingenious are they that they keep near them horses, and dogs, and partridges, and jackdaws. Why then do you despair, who are as impressible as a jackdaw, have as much voice as a partridge, and are as noble as a dog, of getting some person to befriend you, by looking after him, winning his affections, guarding him, fighting his battles? Do you not see how many opportunities there are both on land and sea? As Crates says,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Miccylus and his wife, to ward off famine&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In these bad times, I saw both carding wool.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And King Antigonus asked Cleanthes, when he saw him at Athens after a long interval, &amp;quot;Do you still grind, Cleanthes?&amp;quot; And he replied, &amp;quot;I do, O king, but for my living, yet so as not to desert philosophy.&amp;quot; Such was the admirable spirit of the man who, coming from the mill and kneading-trough, wrote with the hand that had baked and ground about the gods, and the moon, and stars, and the sun. But those kinds of labour are in our view servile! And so that we may appear free we borrow money, and flatter and dance attendance on slaves, and give them dinners and presents, and pay taxes as it were to them, not on account of our poverty (for no one lends money to a poor man), but from our love of lavish expenditure. For if we were content with things necessary for subsistence, the race of money-lenders would be as extinct as Centaurs and&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_371&amp;quot;&amp;gt;371&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Gorgons are; it is luxury that has created them as much as goldsmiths, and silversmiths, and perfumers, and dyers in bright colours. For we do not owe money for bread and wine, but for estates, and slaves, and mules, and dining-rooms, and tables, and for our lavish public entertainments, in our unprofitable and thankless ambition. And he that is once involved in debt remains in it all his time, like a horse bitted and bridled that takes one rider after another, and there is no escape to green pastures and meadows, but they wander about like those demons who were driven out of heaven by the gods who are thus described by Empedocles:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Into the sea the force of heaven thrusts them,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The sea rejects them back upon the land;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To the sun&#039;s rays th&#039; unresting earth remits them;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The sun anon whirls them to heaven again.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;So one after another usurer or trader gets hold of the poor wretch, hailing either from Corinth, or Patræ, or Athens, till he gets set on to by them all, and torn to bits, and cut into mince-meat as it were for his interest. For as a person who is fallen into the mire must either get up out of it or remain in it, and if he turns about in it, and wallows in it, and bedabbles his body all over in it, he contracts only the greater defilement, so by borrowing from one person to pay another and changing their money-lenders they contract and incur fresh interest, and get into greater liabilities, and closely resemble sufferers from cholera, whose case does not admit of cure because they evacuate everything they are ordered to take, and so ever add to the disease. So these will not get cleansed from the disease of debt, but at regular times in the year pay their interest with pain and agony, and then immediately another creditor presents his little account, so again their heads swim and ache, when they ought to have got rid of their debts altogether, and regained their freedom.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;viii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I now turn my attention to those who are rich and luxurious, and use language like the following, &amp;quot;Am I then to go without slaves and hearth and home?&amp;quot; As if any dropsical person, whose body was greatly swollen and who was very weak, should say to his doctor, &amp;quot;Am I then to become lean and empty?&amp;quot; And why not, to get well?&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_372&amp;quot;&amp;gt;372&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And do you too go without a slave, not to be a slave yourself; and without chattels, not to be another man&#039;s chattel. Listen to a story about two vultures; one was vomiting and saying it would bring its inside up, and the other who was by said, &amp;quot;What harm if you do? For it won&#039;t be your inside you bring up, but that dead body we devoured lately.&amp;quot; And so any debtor does not sell his own estate, or his own house, but his creditor&#039;s, for he has made him by law master of them. Nay, but by Zeus, says one, my father left me this field. Yes, and your father also left you liberty and a status in the community, which you ought to value more than you do. And your father begot you with hand and foot, but should either of them mortify, you pay the surgeon to cut it off. Thus Calypso clad and &amp;quot;dressed&amp;quot; Odysseus &amp;quot;in raiment smelling sweet,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_891_891&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_891_891&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;891&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; like the body of an immortal, as a gift and token of her affection for him; but when his vessel was upset and he himself immersed, and owing to this wet and heavy raiment could hardly keep himself on the top of the waves, he threw it off and stripped himself, and covered his naked breast with Ino&#039;s veil,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_892_892&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_892_892&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;892&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and &amp;quot;swam for it gazing on the distant shore,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_893_893&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_893_893&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;893&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and so saved his life, and lacked neither food nor raiment. What then? have not poor debtors storms, when the money-lender stands over them and says, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pay&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Thus spoke Poseidon, and the clouds did gather,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And lashed the sea to fury, and at once&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Eurus and Notus and the stormy Zephyr&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Blew all together.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_894_894&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_894_894&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;894&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thus interest rolls on interest as wave upon wave, and he that is involved in debt struggles against the load that bears him down, but cannot swim away and escape, but sinks to the bottom, and carries with him to ruin his friends that have gone security for him. But Crates the Theban, though he had neither duns nor debts, and was only disgusted at the distracting cares of housekeeping, gave up a property worth eight talents, and assumed the philosopher&#039;s threadbare cloak and wallet, and took refuge &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_373&amp;quot;&amp;gt;373&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;in philosophy and poverty. And Anaxagoras left his sheep-farm. But why need I mention these? since the lyric poet Philoxenus, obtaining by lot in a Sicilian colony much substance and a house abounding in every kind of comfort, but finding that luxury and pleasure and absence of refinement was the fashion there, said, &amp;quot;By the gods these comforts shall not undo me, I will give them up,&amp;quot; and he left his lot to others, and sailed home again. But debtors have to put up with being dunned, subjected to tribute, suffering slavery, passing debased coin, and like Phineus, feeding certain winged Harpies, who carry off and lay violent hands on their food, not at the proper season, for they get possession of their debtors&#039; corn before it is sown, and they traffic for oil before the olives are ripe; and the money-lender says, &amp;quot;I have wine at such and such a price,&amp;quot; and takes a bond for it, when the grapes are yet on the vine waiting for Arcturus to ripen them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_881_881&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_881_881&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;881&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Page 844, A. B. C.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_882_882&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_882_882&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;882&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading with Wyttenbach διδοῦσι and ἔχουσι.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_883_883&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_883_883&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;883&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Livy, v. 25.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_884_884&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_884_884&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;884&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Appian, lv. 26.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_885_885&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_885_885&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;885&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Herodotus, vii. 141-143; viii. 51.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_886_886&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_886_886&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;886&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading with Reiske κατάχρυσα.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_887_887&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_887_887&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;887&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The technical term for submission to an enemy. See Pausanias, iii. 12; x. 20. Herodotus, v. 17, 18; vii. 133.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_888_888&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_888_888&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;888&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading with Reiske δανεισταῖς. Perhaps ἀφανισταῖς originally came after ἀγρίοις, and got somehow displaced.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_889_889&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_889_889&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;889&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Homer, &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; xi. 578, 579, and context.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_890_890&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_890_890&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;890&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; i. 154.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_891_891&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_891_891&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;891&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; v. 264.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_892_892&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_892_892&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;892&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; v. 333-375.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_893_893&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_893_893&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;893&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; v. 439.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_894_894&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_894_894&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;894&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; v. 291-295.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;WHETHER &amp;quot;LIVE UNKNOWN&amp;quot; BE A WISE PRECEPT.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_373a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;i.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; He who uttered this precept&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_895_895&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_895_895&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;895&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; certainly did not wish to live unknown, for he uttered it to let all the world know he was a superior thinker, and to get to himself unjust glory by exhorting others to shun glory.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I hate the wise man for himself not wise.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_896_896&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_896_896&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;896&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They say that Philoxenus the son of Eryxis and Gnatho the Sicilian, being exceedingly greedy where good fare was going, would blow their nose in the dishes, to disgust all others at the table, that they alone might take their fill of the choicest dishes. So those that are insatiable pursuers of glory calumniate glory to others who are their rivals, that they may get it without antagonists. In this they &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_374&amp;quot;&amp;gt;374&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;resemble rowers, who face the stern of the vessel but propel it ahead, that by the recoil from the stroke of their oars they may reach port, so those that give vent to precepts like this pursue glory with their face turned in the opposite direction. For otherwise what need was there to utter a precept like this, or to write and hand it down to posterity, if he wished to live unknown to his own generation, who did not wish to live unknown to posterity?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Look at the matter in the following way.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_897_897&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_897_897&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;897&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Has not that &amp;quot;live unknown&amp;quot; a villainous ring, as though one had broken open graves? Is your life so disgraceful that we must all be ignorant of it? For my part I should say, Even if your life be bad do not live unknown, but be known, reform, repent; if you have virtue, be not utterly useless in life; if you are vicious, do not continue unreformed. Point out then and define to whom you recommend this precept. If to an ignorant or wicked or senseless person, you resemble one who should say to a person in a fever or delirium, &amp;quot;Be unknown. Don&#039;t let the doctor know your condition. Go and throw yourself into some dark place, that you and your ailments may be unknown.&amp;quot; So you say to a vicious man, &amp;quot;Go off with your vice, and hide your deadly and irremediable disease from your friends, fearful to show your superstitious fears, palpitations as it were, to those who could admonish you and cure you.&amp;quot; Our remote ancestors paid public attention to the sick, and if any one had either had or cured a similar complaint, he communicated his experience to the patient, and so they say medical art became great by these contributions from experience. We ought also in the same way to expose to everyone diseased lives and the passions of the soul, and to handle them, and to examine the condition of each,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_898_898&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_898_898&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;898&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and say, Are you a passionate man? Be on your guard against anger. Are you of a jealous turn? Look to it. Are you in love? I myself was in love once, but I had to repent. But nowadays people deny and conceal and cloak their vices, and so fix them deeper in themselves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Moreover if you advise men of worth to live un&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_375&amp;quot;&amp;gt;375&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;known and in obscurity, you say to Epaminondas, Do not be a general; and to Lycurgus, Do not be a legislator; and to Thrasybulus, Do not be a tyrannicide; and to Pythagoras, Do not teach; and to Socrates, Do not discourse; and first and foremost you bid yourself, Epicurus, to refrain from writing letters to your friends in Asia, and from enrolling Egyptian strangers among your disciples, and from dancing attendance on the youths of Lampsacus, and sending books to all quarters to display your wisdom to all men and all women, and leaving directions in your will about your funeral. What is the meaning of those common tables of yours? what that crowd of friends and handsome youths? Why those many thousand lines written and composed so laboriously on Metrodorus, and Aristobulus, and Chæredemus, that they may not be unknown even in death, if&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_899_899&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_899_899&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;899&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; you ordain for virtue oblivion, for art inactivity, for philosophy silence, and for success that it should be speedily forgotten?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But if you exclude all knowledge about life, like putting the lights out at a supper party, that you may go from pleasure to pleasure undetected,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_900_900&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_900_900&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;900&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; then &amp;quot;live unknown.&amp;quot; Certainly if I am going to pass my life with the harlot Hedeia, or my days with Leontium, and spurn at virtue, and put my &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;summum bonum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in sensual gratifications, these are ends that require darkness and night, on these oblivion and ignorance are rightly cast. But if any one in nature sings the praises of the deity and justice and providence, and in morals upholds the law and society and the constitution, and in the constitution what is honourable and not expedient, why should he &amp;quot;live unknown&amp;quot;? Is it that he should instruct nobody, inspire in nobody an emulation for virtue, and be to nobody a pattern in good?&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_901_901&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_901_901&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;901&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Had Themistocles been unknown at Athens, Greece would not have repelled Xerxes; had Camillus been unknown at Rome, Rome would not have remained a state; had Plato been unknown to Dion, Sicily would not have won its freedom. And as light, I take it, makes us not only visible &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_376&amp;quot;&amp;gt;376&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;but useful to one another, so knowledge gives not only glory but impetus to virtue. Epaminondas in obscurity up to his fortieth year was no use to the Thebans, but when his merits became known and he was put into power, he saved his state from ruin, and liberated Greece from slavery, making his abilities efficacious in emergency through his reputation like the bright shining of a light. For Sophocles&#039; words,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Brightly shines brass in use, but when unused&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;It groweth dull in time, and mars the house,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_902_902&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_902_902&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;902&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;are also appropriate to the character of a man, which gets rusty and senile by not mixing in affairs but living in obscurity. For mute inglorious ease, and a sedentary life devoted to leisure, not only injure the body but also the soul: and as hidden waters overshadowed and stagnant get foul because they have no outlet, so the innate powers of unruffled lives, that neither imbibe nor pass on anything, even if they had any useful element in them once, seem to be effete and wasted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;v.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Have you never noticed how when night comes on a tired languor seizes the body, and inactive torpor overpowers the soul, and reason shrinks within itself like a fire going out, and feeling quite worn out is gently agitated by disordered fancies, only just indicating that the man is alive? But when the sun rises and scares away deceitful dreams, and brings on as it were the everyday world&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_903_903&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_903_903&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;903&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and with its light rouses and stimulates the thoughts and actions of everybody, then, as Democritus says, &amp;quot;men form new ideas for the day,&amp;quot; and betake themselves to their various pursuits with mutual impetuosity, as if drawn by a strong impulse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And I think that life itself, and the way we come into the world, is so ordained by the deity that we should know one another. For everyone comes into this great universe obscure and unknown casually and by degrees, but when he mixes with his fellows and grows to maturity he shines forth, and becomes well-known instead of obscure, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_377&amp;quot;&amp;gt;377&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and conspicuous instead of unknown. For knowledge is not the road to being, as some say, but being to knowledge, for being does not create but only exhibits things, as death is not the reducing of existence to non-existence, but rather the result of dissolution is obscurity. So people considering the Sun as Apollo according to hereditary and ancient institutions, call him Delius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_904_904&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_904_904&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;904&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Pythius; whereas the lord of the world of darkness, whether god or demon, they call Hades&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_905_905&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_905_905&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;905&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (for when we die we go into an unseen and invisible place), and the lord of dark night and idle sleep. And I think our ancestors called man himself by a word meaning light,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_906_906&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_906_906&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;906&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; because by their relationship to light all have implanted in them a strong and vehement desire to know and to be known. And some philosophers think that the soul itself is light in its essence, inferring so on other grounds and because it can least endure ignorance about facts, and hates&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_907_907&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_907_907&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;907&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; everything obscure, and is disturbed at everything dark, which inspires fear and suspicion in it, whereas light is so dear and welcome to it that it thinks nothing otherwise delightful bearable without it, as indeed light makes every pleasure pastime and enjoyment gay and cheerful, like the application of some sweet and general flavour. But the man who thrusts himself into obscurity, and wraps himself up in darkness and buries himself alive, is like one who is dissatisfied with his birth, and renounces his being.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And yet &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pindar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; tells us&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_908_908&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_908_908&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;908&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that the abode of the blest is a glorious existence, where the sun shines bright through the entire night in meadows red with roses, an extensive plain full of shady trees ever in bloom never in fruit, watered by gentle purling streams, and there the blest ones pass their time away in thinking and talking about the past and present in social converse....&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_909_909&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_909_909&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;909&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But the third road is of those who have lived unholy and lawless lives, that thrusts their souls to Erebus and the bottomless pit, where sluggish streams of murky night belch forth endless darkness, which receive those that are to be punished &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_378&amp;quot;&amp;gt;378&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and conceal them in forgetfulness and oblivion. For vultures do not always prey on the liver of wicked persons lying on the ground,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_910_910&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_910_910&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;910&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for it is destroyed by fire or has rolled away; nor does the carrying of heavy burdens press upon and tire out the bodies of those that undergo punishment,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;For their strength has no longer flesh and bones,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_911_911&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_911_911&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;911&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;nor have the dead any vestige of body that can receive the infliction of punishment that can make impression; but in reality the only punishment of those who have lived ill is infamy and obscurity and utter annihilation, which hurries them off to the dark river of oblivion,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_912_912&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_912_912&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;912&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and plunges them into the abyss of a fathomless sea, involving them in uselessness and idleness, ignorance and obscurity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_895_895&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_895_895&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;895&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Probably Epicurus, as we infer from the very personal § iii.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_896_896&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_896_896&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;896&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, Fragm. 930.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_897_897&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_897_897&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;897&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading with Wyttenbach, Ἀλλὰ τοῦτο μὲν ταύτῃ.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_898_898&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_898_898&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;898&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading ἑκάστου for ἕκαστον. Reiske proposed ὲκάστων.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_899_899&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_899_899&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;899&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading εἰ (for ἵνα) with Xylander and Wyttenbach.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_900_900&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_900_900&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;900&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading with Wyttenbach.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_901_901&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_901_901&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;901&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Adopting the suggestion of Wyttenbach, &amp;quot;Forte καλοῦ, at Amiot.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_902_902&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_902_902&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;902&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Frag. 742.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_903_903&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_903_903&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;903&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Dormiens quisque in peculiarem abest mumdum, expergefactus in communem redit.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Xylander&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Compare Herrick&#039;s Poem, &amp;quot;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Dreames&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_904_904&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_904_904&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;904&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Bright.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_905_905&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_905_905&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;905&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Invisible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_906_906&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_906_906&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;906&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; φώς.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_907_907&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_907_907&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;907&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading with Wyttenbach ἐχθαίρει.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_908_908&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_908_908&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;908&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading φησίν for φύσιν.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_909_909&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_909_909&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;909&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Hiatus hic valde deflendus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_910_910&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_910_910&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;910&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As was fabled about Tityus, &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; xi. 576-579.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_911_911&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_911_911&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;911&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; xi. 219.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_912_912&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_912_912&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;912&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So Reiske, ποταμὶν τῆς λήθης.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_378a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ON EXILE&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;i.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; They say those discourses, like friends, are best and surest that come to our refuge and aid in adversity, and are useful. For many who come forward do more harm than good in the remarks they make to the unfortunate, as people unable to swim trying to rescue the drowning get entangled with them and sink to the bottom together. Now the discourse that ought to come from friends and people disposed to be helpful should be consolation, and not mere assent with a man&#039;s sad feelings. For we do not in adverse circumstances need people to weep and wail with us like choruses in a tragedy, but people to speak plainly to us and instruct us, that grief and dejection of mind are in all cases useless and idle and senseless; and that where the circumstances themselves, when examined by the light of reason, enable a man to say to himself that his trouble is greater in fancy than in reality, it is quite ridiculous not to inquire of the body what it has suffered, nor of the mind if it is any the worse for what has happened, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_379&amp;quot;&amp;gt;379&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;but to employ external sympathizers to teach us what our grief is.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Therefore let us examine alone by ourselves the weight of our misfortunes, as if they were burdens. For the body is weighed down by the burden of what presses on it, but the soul often adds to the real load a burden of its own. A stone is naturally hard, and ice naturally cold, but they do not receive these properties and impressions from without; whereas with regard to exile and loss of reputation or honours, as also with regard to their opposites, as crowns and office and position, it is not their own intrinsic nature but our opinion of them that is the gauge of their real joy or sorrow, so that each person makes them for himself light or heavy, easy to bear or hard to bear. When Polynices was asked&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;What is&#039;t to be an exile? Is it grievous?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;he replied to the question,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Most grievous, and in deed worse than in word.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_913_913&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_913_913&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;913&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Compare with this the language of Alcman, as the poet has represented him in the following lines. &amp;quot;Sardis, my father&#039;s ancient home, had I had the fortune to be reared in thee, I should have been dressed in gold as a priest of Cybele,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_914_914&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_914_914&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;914&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and beaten the fine drums; but as it is my name is Alcman, and I am a citizen of Sparta, and I have learned to write Greek poetry, which makes me greater than the tyrants Dascyles or Gyges.&amp;quot; Thus the very same thing one man&#039;s opinion makes good, like current coin, and another&#039;s bad and injurious.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But let it be granted that exile is, as many say and sing, a grievous thing. So some food is bitter, and sharp, and biting to the taste, yet by an admixture with it of sweet and agreeable food we take away its unpleasantness. There are also some colours unpleasant to look at, that quite confuse and dazzle us by their intensity and excessive force. If then we can relieve this by a mixture of shadow, or by diverting the eye to green or some agreeable colour, so too can we deal with misfortunes, mixing up &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_380&amp;quot;&amp;gt;380&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;with them the advantages and pleasant things we still enjoy, as wealth, or friends, or leisure, and no deficiency in what is necessary for our subsistence. For I do not think that there are many natives of Sardis who would not choose your fortune even with exile, and be content to live as you do in a strange land, rather than, like snails who have no other home than their shells, enjoy no other blessing but staying at home in ease.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; As then he in the comedy that was exhorting an unfortunate friend to take courage and bear up against fortune, when he asked him &amp;quot;how,&amp;quot; answered &amp;quot;as a philosopher,&amp;quot; so may we also play the philosopher&#039;s part and bear up against fortune manfully. How do we do when it rains, or when the North Wind doth blow? We go to the fire, or the baths, or the house, or put on another coat: we don&#039;t sit down in the rain and cry. So too can you more than most revive and cheer yourself for the chill of adversity, not standing in need of outward aid, but sensibly using your actual advantages. The surgeon&#039;s cupping-glasses extract the worst humours from the body to relieve and preserve the rest of it, whereas the melancholy and querulous by ever dwelling on their worst circumstances, and thinking only of them, and being engrossed by their troubles, make even useful things useless to them, at the very time when the need is most urgent. For as to those two jars, my friend, that Homer&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_915_915&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_915_915&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;915&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; says are stored in Heaven, one full of good fortunes, one of bad, it is not Zeus that presides as the dispenser of them, giving to some a gentle and even portion, and to others unmixed streams of evils, but ourselves. For the sensible make their life pleasanter and more endurable by mitigating their sorrows with the consideration of their blessings, while most people, like sieves, let the worst things stick to them while the best pass through.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;v.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And so, if we fall into any real trouble or evil, we ought to get cheerfulness and ease of mind from the consideration of the actual blessings that are still left to us, mitigating outward trouble by private happiness. And as to those things which are not really evil in their nature, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_381&amp;quot;&amp;gt;381&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;but only so from imagination and empty fancy, we must act as we do with children who are afraid of masks: by bringing them near, and putting them in their hands, and turning them about, we accustom them never to heed them at all: and so we by bringing reason to bear on it may discover the rottenness and emptiness and exaggeration of our fancy. As a case in point let us take your present exile from what you deem your country. For in nature no country, or house, or field, or smithy, as Aristo said, or surgery, is peculiarly ours, but all such things exist or rather take their name in connection with the person who dwells in them or possesses them. For man, as Plato says, is not an earthly and immovable but heavenly plant, the head making the body erect as from a root, and turned up to heaven.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_916_916&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_916_916&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;916&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And so Hercules said well,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Argive or Theban am I, I vaunt not&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To be of one town only, every tower&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;That does to Greece belong, that is my country.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But better still said Socrates, that he was not an Athenian or Greek, but a citizen of the world (as a man might say he was a Rhodian or Corinthian), for he did not confine himself to Sunium, or Tænarum, or the Ceraunian mountains.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;See you the boundless reach of sky above,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And how it holds the earth in its soft arms?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These are the boundaries of our country, nor is there either exile or stranger or foreigner in these, where there is the same fire, water and air, the same rulers controllers and presidents, the sun the moon and the morning star, the same laws to all, under one appointment and ordinance the summer and winter solstices, the equinoxes, Pleias and Arcturus, the seasons of sowing and planting; where there is one king and ruler, God, who has under his jurisdiction the beginning and middle and end of everything, and travels round and does everything in a regular way in accordance with nature; and in his wake to punish all transgressions of the divine law follows Justice, whom &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_382&amp;quot;&amp;gt;382&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;all men naturally invoke in dealing with one another as fellow citizens.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; As to your not dwelling at Sardis, that is nothing. Neither do all the Athenians dwell at Colyttus, nor all the Corinthians at Craneum, nor all the Lacedæmonians at Pitane. Do you consider all those Athenians strangers and exiles who removed from Melita to Diomea, where they call the month Metageitnion,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_917_917&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_917_917&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;917&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and keep the festival Metageitnia to commemorate their migration, and gladly and gaily accept and are content with their neighbourhood with other people? Surely you would not. What part of the inhabited world or of the whole earth is very far distant from another part, seeing that mathematicians teach us that the whole earth is a mere point compared to heaven? But we, like ants or bees, if we get banished from one ant-hill or hive are in sore distress and feel lost, not knowing or having learnt to make and consider all things our own, as indeed they are. And yet we laugh at the stupidity of one who asserts that the moon shines brighter at Athens than at Corinth, though in a sort we are in the same case ourselves, when in a strange land we look on the earth, the sea, the air, the sky, as if we doubted whether or not they were different from those we had been accustomed to. For nature makes us free and unrestrained, but we bind and confine immure and force ourselves into small and scanty space. Then too we laugh at the Persian kings, who, if the story be true, drink only of the water of the Choaspes, thus making the rest of the world waterless as far as they are concerned, but when we migrate to other places, we desire the water of the Cephisus, or we yearn for the Eurotas, or Taygetus, or Parnassus, and so make the whole world for ourselves houseless and homeless.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Some Egyptians, who migrated to Ethiopia because of the anger and wrath of their king, to those who begged them to return to their wives and children very immodestly exposed their persons, saying that they would never be in want of wives or children while so provided. It is far more becoming and less low to say that whoever &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_383&amp;quot;&amp;gt;383&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;has the good fortune to be provided with the few necessaries of life is nowhere a stranger, nowhere without home and hearth, only he must have besides these prudence and sense, as an anchor and helm, that he may be able to moor himself in any harbour. For a person indeed who has lost his wealth it is not easy quickly to get another fortune, but every city is at once his country to the man who knows how to make it such, and has the roots by which he can live and thrive and get acclimatized in every place, as was the case with Themistocles and Demetrius of Phalerum. The latter after his banishment became a great friend of Ptolemy at Alexandria, and not only passed his days in abundance, but also sent gifts to the Athenians. And Themistocles, who was publicly entertained at the king&#039;s expense, is stated to have said to his wife and children, &amp;quot;We should have been ruined, if we had not been ruined.&amp;quot; And so Diogenes the Cynic to the person who said to him, &amp;quot;The people of Sinope have condemned you to banishment from Pontus,&amp;quot; replied, &amp;quot;And I have condemned them to stay in Pontus, &#039;by the high cliffs of the inhospitable sea.&#039;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_918_918&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_918_918&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;918&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;[918] And Stratonicus asked his host at Seriphus, for what offence exile was the appointed punishment, and being told that they punished rogues by exile, said, &amp;quot;Why then are not you a rogue, to escape from this hole of a place?&amp;quot; For the comic poet says they get their crop of figs down there with slings, and that the island is very barely supplied with the necessaries of life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;viii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; For if you look at the real facts and shun idle fancy, he that has one city is a stranger and foreigner in all others. For it does not seem to such a one fair and just to leave his own city and dwell in another. &amp;quot;It has been your lot to be a citizen of Sparta, see that you adorn your native city,&amp;quot; whether it be inglorious, or unhealthy, or disturbed with factions, or has its affairs in disorder. But the person whom fortune has deprived of his own city, she allows to make his home in any he fancies. That was an excellent precept of Pythagoras, &amp;quot;Choose the best kind of life, custom will make it easy.&amp;quot; So too it is wise and profitable to say here, &amp;quot;Choose the best and pleasantest &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_384&amp;quot;&amp;gt;384&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;city, time will make it your country, and a country that will not always distract you and trouble you and give you various orders such as, &#039;Contribute so much money, Go on an embassy to Rome, Entertain the prefect, Perform public duties.&#039;&amp;quot; If a person in his senses and not altogether silly were to think of these things, he would prefer to live in exile in some island, like Gryarus or Cinarus,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Savage, and fruitless, ill repaying tillage,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and that not in dejection and wailing, or using the language of those women in Simonides,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I am shut in by the dark roaring sea&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;That foams all round,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;but he will rather be of the mind of Philip, who when he was thrown in wrestling, and turned round, and noticed the mark his body made in the dust, said, &amp;quot;O Hercules, what a little part of the earth I have by nature, though I desire all the world!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ix.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I think also you have seen Naxos, or at any rate Hyria, which is close here. But the former was the home of Ephialtes and Otus, and the latter was the dwelling-place of Orion. And Alcmæon, when fleeing from the Furies, so the poets tell us, dwelt in a place recently formed by the silting of the Achelous;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_919_919&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_919_919&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;919&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but I think he chose that little spot to dwell in ease and quiet, merely to avoid political disturbances and factions, and those furies informers. And the Emperor Tiberius lived the last seven years of his life in the island of Capreæ, and the sacred governing power of the world enclosed in his breast during all that time never changed its abode. But the incessant and constant cares of empire, coming from all sides, made not that island repose of his pure and complete. But he who can disembark on a small island, and get rid of great troubles, is a miserable man, if he cannot often say and sing to himself those lines of Pindar, &amp;quot;To love the slender cypress, and to leave the Cretan pastures lying near Ida. I have but little land, where I grow strong, and have nothing to do with sorrow or faction,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_920_920&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_920_920&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;920&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; or the ordinances of princes, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_385&amp;quot;&amp;gt;385&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;or public duties in political emergencies, or state functions hard to get off.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;x.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; For if that seems a good saying of Callimachus, &amp;quot;Do not measure wisdom by a Persian rope,&amp;quot; much less should we measure happiness by ropes and parasangs, and if we inhabit an island containing 200 furlongs only, and not (like Sicily) four days&#039; sail round, ought we to wail and lament as if we were very unfortunate? For how does plenty of room bring about an easy life? Have you not heard Tantalus saying in the play,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_921_921&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_921_921&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;921&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I sow a field that takes twelve days to travel round,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The Berecyntian region,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;but shortly after he says,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;My fortunes, that were once as high as heaven,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Now to the ground are fallen, and do say to me,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Learn not to make too much of earthly things.&#039;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And Nausithous leaving the spacious Hyperia because of the proximity of the Cyclopes, and migrating to an island &amp;quot;far from all enterprising men,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_922_922&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_922_922&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;922&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and living an unsocial life,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Apart from men beside the stormy sea,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_923_923&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_923_923&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;923&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;yet contrived to make the life of his citizens very pleasant. And the Cyclades were first inhabited by the sons of Minos, and afterwards by the sons of Codrus and Neleus, though foolish people now think they are punished if they are exiled to them. And yet what island used as a place of exile is not of larger extent than Scillus, where Xenophon after his military service saw a comfortable old age?&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_924_924&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_924_924&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;924&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And the Academy, a small place bought for only 3,000 drachmæ,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_925_925&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_925_925&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;925&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was the domicile of Plato and Xenocrates and Polemo, who taught and lived there all their lives, except one day every year, when Xenocrates went to Athens to grace the festival of Dionysus, so they said, and to see the new plays exhibited. And Theocritus of Chios twitted &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_386&amp;quot;&amp;gt;386&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Aristotle with loving to live at the courts of Philip and Alexander, and preferring to dwell at the mouth of the Borborus to dwelling in the Academy. For there is a river near Pella that the Macedonians call Borborus. As to islands Homer seems to sing their praise, and recommend them to us as if on purpose, as&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;She came to Lemnos, town of sacred Thoas;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_926_926&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_926_926&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;926&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;What Lesbos has, the seat of the immortals;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_927_927&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_927_927&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;927&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;He captured lofty Scyros, citadel&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Of Enyeus;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_928_928&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_928_928&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;928&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And those who from Dulichium came, and from&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The sacred islands called th&#039; Echinades,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;That lie across the sea opposite Elis;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_929_929&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_929_929&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;929&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and of the illustrious men that dwelt in islands he mentions Æolus the favourite of the gods, and Odysseus most wise, and Ajax most brave, and Alcinous most kind to strangers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; When Zeno learned that the only ship he had left was with all its freight lost at sea, he said, &amp;quot;Fortune, you deal kindly with me, confining me to my threadbare cloak and the life of a philosopher.&amp;quot; And a man not altogether silly, or madly in love with crowds, might, I think, not blame fortune for confining him in an island, but might even praise her for relieving him from weariness and anxiety, and wanderings in foreign countries, and perils by sea, and the uproar of the forum, and for giving him truly a secure, quiet, undistracted and private life, putting him as it were inside a circle in which everything necessary for him was contained. For what island has not a house, a promenade, a bath, and fish and hares for those who love fishing and field-sports? And the greatest blessing, quiet, which others frequently pant for, you can freely enjoy.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_930_930&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_930_930&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;930&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And whereas in the world,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_930_930&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;930&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; when men are playing at dice or otherwise enjoying the privacy of their homes, informers and busybodies hunt them up and pursue them from their &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_387&amp;quot;&amp;gt;387&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;houses and gardens in the suburbs, and drag them by force to the forum and court, in an island no one comes to bother one or dun one or to borrow money, or to beg one to be surety for him or canvass for him: only one&#039;s best friends and intimates come to visit one out of good will and affection, and the rest of one&#039;s life is a sort of holy retirement to whoever wishes or has learnt to live the life of leisure. But he who thinks those happy who are always scouring the country, and pass most of their lives in inns and ferryboats, is like a person who thinks the planets happier than fixed stars. And yet every planet keeps its order, rolling in one sphere, as in an island. For, as Heraclitus says, the sun will never deviate from its bounds, for if it did, the Furies, who are the ministers of Justice, would find it out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Let us use such and similar language, my friend, and harp upon it, to those who are banished to an island, and are debarred all access with others&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;By the sea waves, which many keep apart.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_931_931&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_931_931&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;931&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But you who are not tied down to one spot, but only forbidden to live in one, have by that prohibition liberty to go to all others. Moreover to the considerations, I am not in office, or a member of the senate, or an umpire in the games, you may oppose these, I do not belong to any faction, I have no large sums to spend, I have not to dance attendance at the doors of the prefect, it is no odds to me who has got by lot the province, whether he is hot-tempered or an objectionable person. But just as Archilochus overlooked the fruitful fields and vineyards of Thasos, and abused that island as rocky and uneven, and said of it,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;It stands like donkey&#039;s chine crowned with wild forest,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;so we, fixing our eyes only on one aspect of exile, its inglorious state, overlook its freedom from cares, its leisure, its liberty. And yet people thought the kings of Persia happy, because they passed their winter in Babylon, their summer in Media, and the pleasant season of spring at Susa. So can the exile be present at the Eleusinian mysteries, at the festival of Dionysus at Athens, at the Nemean &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_388&amp;quot;&amp;gt;388&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;games at Argos, at the Pythian games at Delphi, and can pass on and be a spectator of the Isthmian and Corinthian games, if he is fond of sight-seeing; and if not, he has leisure, can walk about, read, sleep without being disturbed, and can say like Diogenes, &amp;quot;Aristotle has to dine when Philip thinks fit, Diogenes can dine at any time he himself chooses,&amp;quot; having no business, or magistrate, or prefect, to put him out of his general habits of living.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xiii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And so it is that you will find few of the wisest and most intelligent men buried in their own countries, but most (even without any compulsion) have themselves weighed anchor, and transferred their course, and removed, some to Athens, some from it. For who ever bestowed such encomium upon his country as Euripides did in the following lines?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;First we are not a race brought in from other parts,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But are indigenous, when all other cities&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Are, draughts-men like, transferred from place to place,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And are imported from elsewhere. And, lady,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;If it is not beside the mark to boast,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;We have above us a well-tempered sky,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A climate not too hot, nor yet too cold.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And all the finest things in Greece or Asia&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;We do procure as an attraction here.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_932_932&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_932_932&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;932&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And yet the author of these lines went to Macedonia, and lived all the latter part of his life at the court of Archelaus. And of course you have heard the following epitaph;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Here lies Euphorion&#039;s son, Athenian Æschylus,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To whom death came in corn-producing Gela.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For he, like Simonides before him, went to Sicily. And many have changed the commencing words of Herodotus, &amp;quot;This is the setting forth of the history of Herodotus of Halicarnassus&amp;quot; into &amp;quot;Herodotus of Thurii.&amp;quot; For he migrated to Thurii, and participated in that colony. As to the divine and sacred spirit of the Muses, the poet of the Trojan war, Homer, did not many cities claim him as theirs, because he did not cry up one city only? And Hospitable Zeus has many great honours.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_389&amp;quot;&amp;gt;389&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xiv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And if anyone shall say that these pursued glory and honour, go to the philosophers, and their schools and lectures, consider those at the Lyceum, the Academy, the Porch, the Palladium, the Odeum. If you admire and prefer the Peripatetic school, Aristotle was a native of Stagira, Theophrastus of Eresus, Strato of Lampsacus, Glyco of Troas, Aristo of Ceos, Critolaus of Phaselis. If you prefer the Stoic school, Zeno was a native of Cittium, Cleanthes of Assus, Chrysippus of Soli, Diogenes of Babylon, Antipater of Tarsus; and the Athenian Archidemus migrated to the country of the Parthians, and left at Babylon a succession of the Stoic school. Who exiled these men? Nobody; it was their own pursuit of quiet, of which no one who is famous or powerful can get much at home, that made them teach us this by their practice, while they taught us other things by their precepts. And even nowadays most excellent and renowned persons live in strange lands, not in consequence of being expelled or banished, but at their own option, to avoid business and distracting cares, and the want of leisure which their own country would bring them. For it seems to me that the Muses aided our old writers to complete their finest and most esteemed works by calling in exile as a fellow-worker. Thus Thucydides the Athenian wrote the history of the war between the Peloponnesians and the Athenians in Thrace near the forest of Scapte, Xenophon wrote at Scillus in Elis, Philistus in Epirus, Timæus of Tauromenium at Athens, Androtion of Athens at Megara, and Bacchylides the poet&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_933_933&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_933_933&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;933&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in Peloponnesus. All these and many more, though exiled from their country, did not despair or give themselves up to dejection, but so happy was their disposition that they considered exile a resource given them by fortune, whereby they obtained universal fame after their deaths, whereas no memorial is left of those who were factious against them and banished them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; He therefore is ridiculous who thinks that any ignominy attaches itself to exile. What say you? Was Diogenes without glory, whom Alexander saw basking in the sun, and stopped to ask if he wanted anything, and when he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_390&amp;quot;&amp;gt;390&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;answered, &amp;quot;Nothing, but that you would get a little out of my light,&amp;quot; Alexander, astonished at his spirit, said to his friends, &amp;quot;If I were not Alexander, I would be Diogenes.&amp;quot; Was Camillus without glory when banished from Rome, of which he is now accounted the second founder? And indeed Themistocles did not lose by his exile the glory he had obtained among the Greeks, but he added to it among the barbarians, and there is no one so without honour, so ignoble, who would prefer to be Leobates who indicted him rather than Themistocles the exile, or Clodius who banished Cicero rather than the banished one, or Aristophon the accuser rather than Timotheus who got driven by him from his country.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xvi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But since a good many are moved by the lines of Euripides, who seems to bring a strong indictment against exile, let us see what it is he says in each question and answer about it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Jocasta.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; What is&#039;t to be an exile? Is it grievous?&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Polynices.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Most grievous, and in deed worse than in word.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Jocasta.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; What is its aspect? What is hard for exiles?&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Polynices.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; This is the greatest, that they have no freedom.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Jocasta.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; This is a slave&#039;s life not to speak one&#039;s thoughts!&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Polynices.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Then one must put up with one&#039;s masters&#039; follies.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_934_934&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_934_934&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;934&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But this is not a right or true estimate.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_935_935&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_935_935&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;935&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For first of all, not to say out all one thinks is not the action of a slave but of a sensible man, in times and matters that require reticence and silence, as Euripides himself has said elsewhere better,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Be silent where &#039;tis meet, speak where &#039;tis safe.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then as for the follies of one&#039;s masters, one has to put up with them just as much in one&#039;s own country as in exile. Indeed, more frequently have the former reason to fear that the powerful in cities will act unjustly to them either through calumny or violence. But his greatest and absurdest error is that he takes away from exiles freedom of speech. It is wonderful, if Theodorus had no freedom of speech, that when Lysimachus the king said to him, &amp;quot;Did &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_391&amp;quot;&amp;gt;391&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;not your country cast you out because of your character?&amp;quot; replied, &amp;quot;Yes, as Semele cast out Dionysus, when unable to bear him any longer.&amp;quot; And when he showed him Telesphorus in a cage,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_936_936&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_936_936&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;936&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with his eyes scooped out, and his nose and ears and tongue cut off, and said to him, &amp;quot;This is how I treat those that act ill to me.&amp;quot; * *&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_937_937&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_937_937&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;937&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And had not Diogenes freedom of speech, who, when he visited Philip&#039;s camp just as he was on the eve of offering battle to the Greeks, and was taken before the king as a spy, told him he had come to see his insatiable folly, who was going shortly to stake his dominions and life on a mere die. And did not Hannibal the Carthaginian use freedom of speech to Antiochus, though he was an exile, and Antiochus a king? For as a favourable occasion presented itself he urged the king to attack the enemy, and when after sacrifice he reported that the entrails forbade it, Hannibal chided him and said, &amp;quot;You listen rather to what flesh tells you than to the instruction of a man of experience.&amp;quot; Nor does exile deprive geometricians or grammarians of their freedom of speech, or prevent their discussing what they know and have learnt. Why should it then good and worthy men? It is meanness everywhere that stops a man&#039;s speech, ties and gags his tongue, and forces him to be silent. But what are the next lines of Euripides?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Jocasta.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Hopes feed the hearts of exiles, so they say.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Polynices.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Hopes have a flattering smile, but still delay.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_938_938&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_938_938&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;938&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But this is an accusation against folly rather than exile. For it is not those who have learnt and know how to enjoy the present, but those who ever hang on the future, and hope after what they have not, that float as it were on hope as on a raft, though they never get beyond the walls.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_939_939&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_939_939&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;939&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Jocasta.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; But did your father&#039;s friends do nothing for you?&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Polynices.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Be fortunate! Friends are no use in trouble.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Jocasta.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Did not your good birth better your condition?&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Polynices.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; &#039;Tis bad to want. Birth brought no bread to me.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_940_940&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_940_940&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;940&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_392&amp;quot;&amp;gt;392&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But it was ungrateful in Polynices thus to rail against exile as discrediting his good birth and robbing him of friends, for it was on account of his good birth that he was deemed worthy of a royal bride though an exile, and he came to fight supported by a band of friends and allies, a great force, as he himself admits a little later,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Many of the princes of the Danai&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And from Mycenæ are with me, bestowing&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A sad but necessary kindness on me.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_941_941&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_941_941&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;941&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nor was there any more justice in the lament of his mother:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I never lit for you the nuptial torch&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In marriage customary, nor did Ismenus&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Furnish you with the usual solemn bath.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_942_942&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_942_942&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;942&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She ought to have been pleased and content to hear that her son dwelt in such a palace &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;as that at Argos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and in lamenting that the nuptial torch was not lit, and that he had not had the usual bath in the river Ismenus, as though there was no water or fire at Argos for wedded people, she lays on exile the evils really caused by pride and stupidity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xvii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But exile, you will say, is a matter of reproach. It may be among fools, who also jeer at the beggar, the bald man, the dwarf, aye, and even the stranger and resident alien. But those who are not carried away in that manner admire good men, whether they are poor, or strangers or exiles. Do we not see that all men adore the temple of Theseus as well as the Parthenon and Eleusinium? And yet Theseus was an exile from Athens, though it was owing to him that Athens is now inhabited, and he was banished from a city which he did not merely dwell in, but had himself built. And what glory is left to Eleusis, if we are ashamed of Eumolpus, who migrated from Thrace, and taught the Greeks (as he still teaches them) the mysteries? And who was the father of Codrus that reigned at Athens? Was it not Melanthus, an exile from Messene? And do you not praise the answer of Antisthenes to the person who told him that his mother was a Phrygian, &amp;quot;So also is the mother of the gods.&amp;quot; If you &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_393&amp;quot;&amp;gt;393&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;are twitted then with exile, why do you not answer, &amp;quot;The father of the glorious victor Hercules was an exile.&amp;quot; And Cadmus, the grandfather of Dionysus, when he was sent from home to find Europa, and never came back, &amp;quot;though a Phœnician born he changed his country,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_943_943&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_943_943&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;943&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and migrated to Thebes, and became&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_944_944&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_944_944&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;944&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the grandfather of &amp;quot;Dionysus, who rejoices in the cry of Evoe, the exciter of women, who delights in frantic honours.&amp;quot; As for what Æschylus obscurely hints at in the line,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Apollo the chaste god, exile from heaven,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;let me keep a religious silence, as Herodotus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_945_945&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_945_945&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;945&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; says. And Empedocles commences his system of philosophy as follows, &amp;quot;It is an ordinance of necessity, an ancient decree of the gods, when anyone stains his hands with crime and murder, the long-lived demons get hold of him, so that he wanders away from the gods for thirty thousand years. Such is my condition now, that of an exile and wanderer from the gods.&amp;quot; In these words he not only speaks of himself, but points out that all of us men similarly are strangers and foreigners and exiles in this world. For he says, &amp;quot;O men, it is not blood or a compounded spirit that made the being or beginning of the soul, but it is your earth-born and mortal body that is made up of these.&amp;quot; He calls speciously by the mildest of names the birth of the soul that has come from elsewhere a living in a strange country. But the truth is the soul is an exile and wanderer, being driven about by the divine decrees and laws, and then, as in some sea-girt island, gets joined to the body like an oyster to its shell, as Plato says, because it cannot call to mind or remember from what honour and greatness of happiness it migrated, not from Sardis to Athens, nor from Corinth to Lemnos or Scyros, but exchanging heaven and the moon for earth and life upon earth, if it shifts from place to place for ever so short a time it is put out and feels strange, and fades away like a dying plant. But although one soil is more suitable to a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_394&amp;quot;&amp;gt;394&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;plant than another, and it thrives and grows better on such a soil, yet no situation can rob a man of his happiness or virtue or sense. It was in prison that Anaxagoras wrote his squaring of the circle, and that Socrates, even after drinking the hemlock, talked philosophically, and begged his friends to be philosophers, and was esteemed happy by them. On the other hand, Phaëthon and Tantalus, though they got up to heaven, fell into the greatest misfortunes through their folly, as the poets tell us.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_913_913&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_913_913&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;913&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Phœnissæ,&amp;quot; 388, 389.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_914_914&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_914_914&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;914&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading βακέλας. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Gallus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in Latin.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_915_915&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_915_915&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;915&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xxiv. 527-533.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_916_916&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_916_916&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;916&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plato, &amp;quot;Timæus,&amp;quot; p. 90 A. Compare Ovid, &amp;quot;Metamorphoses,&amp;quot; i. 84-86.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_917_917&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_917_917&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;917&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Derived from μετὰ, γείτον, because then people flitted and changed their neighbours.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_918_918&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_918_918&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;918&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Iphigenia in Tauris,&amp;quot; 253.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_919_919&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_919_919&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;919&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See also Pausanias, viii. 24.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_920_920&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_920_920&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;920&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Pindar, Fragm. 126.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_921_921&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_921_921&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;921&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Æschylus, &amp;quot;Niobe,&amp;quot; Fragm. 146.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_922_922&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_922_922&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;922&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; vi. 8. I read ἀνδρῶν as Wyttenbach.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_923_923&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_923_923&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;923&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; vi. 204.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_924_924&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_924_924&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;924&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Pausanias, v. 6.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_925_925&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_925_925&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;925&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In our money about £121 17&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;s.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 6&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;d.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_926_926&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_926_926&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;926&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xiv. 230.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_927_927&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_927_927&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;927&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xxiv. 544.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_928_928&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_928_928&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;928&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; ix. 668.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_929_929&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_929_929&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;929&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; ii. 625, 626.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_930_930&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_930_930&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;930&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So Reiske.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_931_931&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_931_931&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;931&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Iliad,&amp;quot; xxi. 59.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_932_932&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_932_932&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;932&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, Fragm. 950.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_933_933&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_933_933&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;933&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reiske suggests Βακχυλίδης ὁ Κεῖος. A very probable suggestion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_934_934&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_934_934&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;934&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Phœnissæ,&amp;quot; 388-393.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_935_935&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_935_935&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;935&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Omitting πρώτος, which probably got in from πρῶτον following, and for which Reiske conjectured ὁρᾷς ώς.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_936_936&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_936_936&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;936&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Such as Cardinal Balue was shut up by Louis XI. in for fourteen years.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_937_937&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_937_937&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;937&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The answer of Theodorus is wanting.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_938_938&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_938_938&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;938&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Phœnissæ,&amp;quot; 396, 397.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_939_939&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_939_939&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;939&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; That is, they never get any further.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_940_940&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_940_940&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;940&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Phœnissæ,&amp;quot; 402-405.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_941_941&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_941_941&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;941&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Phœnissæ,&amp;quot; 430-432.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_942_942&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_942_942&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;942&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ibid. 344-346.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_943_943&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_943_943&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;943&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Reading χθονὸς. &amp;quot;Sic mutandum censet Valckenarius.&amp;quot;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Wyttenbach&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_944_944&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_944_944&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;944&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Through his daughter Semele.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_945_945&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_945_945&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;945&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Herodotus, ii. 171.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_394a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ON FORTUNE.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;i.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Fortune, not wisdom, rules the affairs of mortals.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_946_946&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_946_946&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;946&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And does not justice, and fairness, and sobriety, and decorum rule the affairs of mortals? Was it of fortune or owing to fortune that Aristides persevered in his poverty, when he might have been lord of much wealth? And that Scipio after taking Carthage neither saw nor received any of the spoil? Was it of fortune or owing to fortune that Philocrates spent on harlots and fish the money he had received from Philip? And that Lasthenes and Euthycrates lost Olynthus, measuring happiness by their belly and lusts? Was it of fortune that Alexander the son of Philip not only himself abstained from the captive women, but punished others that outraged them? Was it under the influence of an evil genius and fortune that Alexander,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_947_947&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_947_947&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;947&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the son of Priam, intrigued with the wife of his host and ran away with her, and filled two continents with war and evils? For if all these things are due to fortune, what hinders our saying that cats and goats and apes are under the influence of fortune in respect of greediness, and lust, and ribaldry?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And if there are such things as sobriety and justice and fortitude, with what reason can we deny the existence of prudence, and if prudence exists, how can we deny the existence of wisdom? For sobriety is a kind of prudence, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_395&amp;quot;&amp;gt;395&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;as people say, and justice also needs the presence of prudence. Nay more, we call the wisdom and prudence that makes people good in regard to pleasure self-control and sobriety, and in dangers and hardships endurance and fortitude, and in dealings between man and man and in public life equity and justice. And so, if we are to ascribe to fortune the acts of wisdom, let us ascribe justice and sobriety to fortune also, aye, and let us put down to fortune stealing, and picking pockets, and lewdness, and let us bid farewell to argument, and throw ourselves entirely on fortune, as if we were, like dust or refuse, borne along and hurried away by a violent wind. For if there be no wisdom, it is not likely that there is any deliberation or investigation of matters, or search for expediency, but Sophocles only talked nonsense when he said,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Whate&#039;er is sought is found, what is neglected&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Escapes our notice;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_948_948&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_948_948&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;948&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and again in dividing human affairs,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;What can be taught I learn, what can be found out&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Duly investigate, and of the gods&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;I ask for what is to be got by prayer.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_949_949&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_949_949&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;949&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For what can be found out or learnt by men, if everything is due to fortune? And what deliberative assembly of a state is not annulled, what council of a king is not abrogated, if all things are subject to fortune? whom we abuse as blind because we ourselves are blind in our dealings with her. Indeed, how can it be otherwise, seeing that we repudiate wisdom, which is like plucking out our eyes, and take a blind guide of our lives?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iii.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Supposing any of us were to assert that seeing is a matter of fortune, not of eyesight, nor of the eyes that give light, as Plato says, and that hearing is a matter of fortune, and not the imbibing of a current of air through the ear and brain, it would be well for us then to be on our guard against the evidence of our senses. But indeed &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_396&amp;quot;&amp;gt;396&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;nature has given us sight and hearing and taste and smell, and all other parts of the body and their functions, as ministers of wisdom and prudence. For &amp;quot;it is the mind that sees, and the mind that hears, everything else is deaf and blind.&amp;quot; And just as, if there were no sun, we should have perpetual night for all the stars, as Heraclitus says, so man for all his senses, if he had no mind or reason, would be little better than the beasts. But as it is, it is not by fortune or chance that we are superior to them and masters of them, but Prometheus, that is reason, is the cause of this,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Presenting us with bulls, horses, and asses,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To ease us of our toil, and serve instead,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;as Æschylus says.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_950_950&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_950_950&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;950&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For as to fortune and natural condition, most of the beasts are better off than we are. For some are armed with horns and tusks and stings, and as for the hedgehog, as Empedocles says, it has its back all rough with sharp bristles, and some are shod and protected by scales and fur and talons and hoofs worn smooth by use, whereas man alone, as Plato says, is left by nature naked, unarmed, unshod, and uncovered. But by one gift, that of reason and painstaking and forethought, nature compensates for all these deficiencies. &amp;quot;Small indeed is the strength of man, but by the versatility of his intellect he can tame the inhabitants of the sea, earth, and air.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_951_951&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_951_951&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;951&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Nothing is more agile and swift than horses, yet they run for man; the dog is a courageous and high-spirited creature, yet it guards man; fish is most pleasant to the taste, the pig the fattest of all animals, yet both are food and delicacies for man. What is huger or more formidable in appearance than the elephant? Yet it is man&#039;s plaything, and a spectacle at public shows, and learns to dance and kneel. And all these things are not idly introduced, but to the end that they may teach us to what heights reason raises man, and what things it sets him above, and how it makes him master of everything.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_397&amp;quot;&amp;gt;397&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;For we are not good boxers, nor good wrestlers,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Nor yet swift runners,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_952_952&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_952_952&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;952&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;for in all these points we are less fortunate than the beasts. But by our experience and memory and wisdom and cunning, as Anaxagoras says, we make use of them, and get their honey and milk, and catch them, and drive and lead them about at our will. And there is nothing of fortune in this, it is all the result of wisdom and forethought.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;iv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Moreover the labours of carpenters and coppersmiths and house-builders and statue-makers are affairs of mortals, and we see that no success in such trades is got by fortune or chance. For that fortune plays a very small part in the life of a wise man, whether coppersmith or house-builder, and that the greatest works are wrought by art alone, is shown by the poet in the following lines:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;All handicraftsmen go into the street,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Ye that with fan-shaped baskets worship Ergane,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Zeus&#039; fierce-eyed daughter;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_953_953&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_953_953&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;953&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;for Ergane&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_954_954&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_954_954&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;954&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Athene, and not Fortune, do the trades regard as their patrons. They do indeed say that Nealces,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_955_955&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_955_955&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;955&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; on one occasion painting a horse, was quite satisfied with his painting in all other respects, but that some foam on the bridle from the horse&#039;s breath did not please him, so that he frequently tried to rub it out; at last in his anger he threw his sponge (just as it was, full of colours) at the picture, and this very wonderfully produced exactly the effect he desired. This is the only fortunate accident in art that history records. Artificers everywhere use rules and weights and measures, that none of their work may be done at random and anyhow. And indeed the arts may be considered as wisdom on a small scale, or rather as emanations from and fragments of wisdom scattered about among the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_398&amp;quot;&amp;gt;398&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;necessities of life; as the fire of Prometheus is riddled to have been divided and scattered about in all quarters of the world. For thus small particles and fragments of wisdom, breaking up as it were and getting divided into pieces, have formed into order.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;v.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; It is strange then that the arts do not require fortune to attain to their ends, and yet that the most important and complete of all the arts, the sum total of man&#039;s glory and merit, should be so completely powerless. Why, there is a kind of wisdom even in the tightening or slackening of chords, which people call music, and in the dressing of food, which we call the art of cooking, and in cleaning clothes, which we call the art of the fuller, and we teach boys how to put on their shoes and clothes generally, and to take their meat in the right hand and their bread in the left, since none of these things come by fortune, but require attention and care. And are we to suppose that the most important things which make so much for happiness do not call for wisdom, and have nothing to do with reason and forethought? Why, no one ever yet wetted earth with water and then left it, thinking it would become bricks by fortune and spontaneously, or procured wool and leather, and sat down and prayed Fortune that it might become clothes and shoes; nor does anyone getting together much gold and silver and a quantity of slaves, and living in a spacious hall with many doors, and making a display of costly couches and tables, believe that these things will constitute his happiness, and give him a painless happy life secure from changes, unless he be wise also. A certain person asked the general Iphicrates in a scolding way who he was, as he seemed neither a heavy-armed soldier, nor a bowman, nor a targeteer, and he replied, &amp;quot;I am the person who rule and make use of all these.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;§ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; So wisdom is neither gold, nor silver, nor fame, nor wealth, nor health, nor strength, nor beauty. What is it then? It is what can use all these well, and that by means of which each of these things becomes pleasant and esteemed and useful, and without which they are useless; and unprofitable and injurious, and a burden and disgrace to their possessor. So Hesiod&#039;s Prometheus gives very good advice to Epimetheus, &amp;quot;not to receive gifts from&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_399&amp;quot;&amp;gt;399&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Olympian Zeus but to send them back,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_956_956&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_956_956&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;956&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; meaning external things and things of fortune. For as if he urged one who knew nothing of music not to play on the pipe, or one who knew nothing of letters not to read, or one who was not used to horses not to ride, so he advised him not to take office if he were foolish, nor to grow rich if he were illiberal, nor to marry if likely to be ruled by his wife. For success beyond their merit is to foolish persons a cause of folly, as Demosthenes said,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_957_957&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_957_957&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;957&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and good fortune beyond their merit is to those who are not sensible a cause of misfortune.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_958_958&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_958_958&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;958&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_946_946&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_946_946&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;946&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A line from Chæremon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_947_947&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_947_947&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;947&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Better known as Paris.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_948_948&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_948_948&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;948&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Œdipus Tyrannus,&amp;quot; 110, 111. Wyttenbach compares Terence, &amp;quot;Heauton Timorumenos,&amp;quot; 675. &amp;quot;Nil tam difficilest, quin quærende investigari possiet.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_949_949&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_949_949&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;949&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Soph., Frag. 723.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_950_950&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_950_950&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;950&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Æschylus, Fragm. 180. Reading ἀντιδουλα with Reiske and the MSS.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_951_951&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_951_951&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;951&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Euripides, &amp;quot;Æolus,&amp;quot; Fragm. 27.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_952_952&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_952_952&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;952&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Homer, &amp;quot;Odyssey,&amp;quot; viii. 246, 247.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_953_953&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_953_953&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;953&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Soph., Frag. 724.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_954_954&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_954_954&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;954&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;The Worker.&amp;quot; Generally a title of Athene, as Pausanias, i. 24; iii. 17; v. 14; vi. 26; viii. 32; ix. 26. Gataker thinks καὶ τὴν should be expunged. Hercher omits καὶ τὴν Ἀθηνᾶν altogether.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_955_955&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_955_955&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;955&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So Hercher after Madvig. See Pliny, &amp;quot;Hist. Nat.,&amp;quot; XXXV. 36, 20.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_956_956&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_956_956&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;956&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Hesiod, &amp;quot;Works and Days,&amp;quot; 86, 87.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_957_957&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_957_957&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;957&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Olynth.,&amp;quot; i. 23.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_958_958&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_958_958&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;958&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The whole of this essay reminds one of the well-known lines of Juvenal, twice repeated—namely, x. 365, 366; and xiv. 315, 316:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Nullum numen habes, si sit prudentia; nos te,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Nos facimus, Fortuna, deam caeloque locamus.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_400&amp;quot;&amp;gt;400&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_401&amp;quot;&amp;gt;401&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;INDEX.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul class=&amp;quot;IX&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Abrotonus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_37&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;37&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Absence, the test of affection, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_122&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;122&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Academy, the, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_385&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;385&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Achilles, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_52&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;52&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_102&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;102&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_172&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;172&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_187&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;187&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_196&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;196&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_200&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;200&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_271&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;271&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_290&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;290&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_291&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;291&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_301&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;301&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_319&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;319&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Acropolis, statue of Leæna in the, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_221&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;221&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Admetus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_52&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;52&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Adonis, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_43&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;43&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_352&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;352&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Adultery, the fruit of curiosity, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_245&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;245&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Love of change, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_298&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;298&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Æschines, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_17&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;17&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_188&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;188&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_285&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;285&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Æschylus, quoted or referred to, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_33&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;33&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_45&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;45&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_47&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;47&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_55&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;55&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_61&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;61&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_125&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;125&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_126&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;126&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_130&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;130&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_176&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;176&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_203&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;203&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_205&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;205&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_242&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;242&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_271&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;271&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_273&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;273&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_385&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;385&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_388&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;388&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_393&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;393&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_396&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;396&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Æsculapius, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_244&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;244&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_270&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;270&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Æsop, fables of alluded to, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_72&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;72&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_81&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;81&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_88&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;88&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_125&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;125&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_142&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;142&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Agamemnon, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_292&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;292&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_300&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;300&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_301&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;301&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Agathoclea, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_37&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;37&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Agathocles, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_278&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;278&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_324&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;324&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_325&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;325&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_347&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;347&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Agave, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_144&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;144&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Agesilaus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_129&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;129&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_136&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;136&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_161&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;161&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_166&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;166&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_262&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;262&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_264&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;264&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_326&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;326&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Agis, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_294&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;294&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aglaonice, her knowledge of eclipses, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_83&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;83&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ajax, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_113&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;113&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_347&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;347&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alcæus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_56&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;56&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_59&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;59&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alcestis, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_53&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;53&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alcibiades, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_54&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;54&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_128&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;128&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_135&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;135&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_160&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;160&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_192&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;192&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_294&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;294&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_338&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;338&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alcman, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_379&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;379&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alexander, the Great, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_50&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;50&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_113&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;113&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_124&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;124&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_137&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;137&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_151&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;151&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_162&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;162&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_172&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;172&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_174&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;174&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_184&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;184&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_185&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;185&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_195&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;195&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_250&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;250&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_270&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;270&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_277&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;277&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_280&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;280&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_292&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;292&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_301&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;301&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_303&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;303&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_314&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;314&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_321&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;321&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_389&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;389&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_390&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;390&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_394&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;394&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alexinus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_266&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;266&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ammonius, Plutarch&#039;s master, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_194&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;194&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Amœbeus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_102&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;102&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Amphictyones, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_121&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;121&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_230&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;230&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anacharsis, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_125&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;125&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_219&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;219&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anacreon, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_33&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;33&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anaxagoras, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_136&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;136&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_306&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;306&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_373&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;373&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_394&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;394&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_397&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;397&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anaxarchus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_107&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;107&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_113&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;113&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_253&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;253&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_292&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;292&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anger, how to restrain, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_267&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;267&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-288.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Animals, appeal to, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_21&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;21&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-25.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Use of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_202&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;202&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Answers, three different kinds of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_234&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;234&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anticyra, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_284&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;284&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antigonus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_38&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;38&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_222&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;222&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_258&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;258&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_263&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;263&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_276&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;276&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_278&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;278&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_326&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;326&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_370&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;370&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antileon, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_50&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;50&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antimachus, poet, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_234&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;234&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antipater, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_77&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;77&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_124&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;124&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_182&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;182&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_237&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;237&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_260&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;260&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_297&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;297&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antipatridas, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_50&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;50&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antiphanes, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_125&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;125&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antiphon, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_189&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;189&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antisthenes, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_266&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;266&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Antony, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_176&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;176&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anytus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_54&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;54&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_141&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;141&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Apelles, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_10&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;10&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_171&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;171&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_302&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;302&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aphrodite, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_34&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;34&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_43&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;43&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_44&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;44&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_49&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;49&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_76&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;76&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_78&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;78&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_80&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;80&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_219&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;219&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Apollo, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_154&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;154&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_347&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;347&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_377&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;377&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Araspes, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_136&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;136&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arcadio, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_276&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;276&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arcesilaus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_180&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;180&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_283&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;283&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Archelaus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_258&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;258&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_388&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;388&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_402&amp;quot;&amp;gt;402&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Archidamus, king, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_264&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;264&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Archilochus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_215&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;215&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_247&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;247&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_387&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;387&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Archytas, of Tarentum, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_336&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;336&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ares, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_44&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;44&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_45&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;45&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_47&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;47&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_49&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;49&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Argus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_146&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;146&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristæus (the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Saint Hubert&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of the Middle Ages), &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_45&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;45&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristides, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_120&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;120&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_136&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;136&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristippus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_6&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;6&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_32&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;32&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_93&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;93&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_127&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;127&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_128&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;128&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_240&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;240&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_285&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;285&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_297&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;297&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristo, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_98&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;98&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_241&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;241&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristocrates, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_322&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;322&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristogiton, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_50&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;50&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_67&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;67&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_189&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;189&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_220&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;220&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristomenes, the hero, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_52&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;52&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristomenes, tutor of Ptolemy Epiphanes, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_195&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;195&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristonica, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_37&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;37&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristophanes, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_43&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;43&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_93&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;93&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_195&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;195&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_241&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;241&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aristotle, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_100&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;100&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_101&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;101&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_110&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;110&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_124&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;124&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_162&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;162&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_215&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;215&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_270&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;270&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_278&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;278&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_281&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;281&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_303&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;303&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_326&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;326&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_386&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;386&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arisinoe, sister and wife of Ptolemy Philadelphus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Artemis, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_367&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;367&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Asopichus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_52&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;52&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ass-driver, story of Athenian, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_282&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;282&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Athene, ornament of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_366&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;366&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Athene and the Satyr, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_273&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;273&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Athene Chalciœcus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_228&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;228&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Called Ergane, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_397&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;397&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Athenians, oracle given to the, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_367&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;367&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Attis, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_43&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;43&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Augustus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_189&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;189&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_224&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;224&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_225&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;225&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Aulis, famous for earthenware, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_366&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;366&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bacchis, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_37&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;37&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Barbers, a talkative race, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_226&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;226&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_227&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;227&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Baxter, Richard, and Plutarch, Preface, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_viii&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;viii&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, note.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Belestiche, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_38&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;38&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bellerophon, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_246&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;246&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_255&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;255&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bessus, story about, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_341&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;341&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bias, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_176&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;176&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_217&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;217&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_332&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;332&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bion, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_10&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;10&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_67&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;67&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_132&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;132&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_172&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;172&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_258&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;258&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_354&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;354&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bocchoris, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_255&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;255&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Books, value of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Boys, not to be overworked, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;To be taught to speak the truth, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Love of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_17&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;17&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_31&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;31&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_33&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;33&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-35, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_50&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;50&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_51&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;51&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_52&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;52&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_54&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;54&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_61&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;61&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_64&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;64&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_65&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;65&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_67&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;67&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Brasidas, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_120&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;120&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_126&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;126&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_331&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;331&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Briareus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_146&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;146&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_150&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;150&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_299&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;299&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Brides, custom of in Bœotia, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_70&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;70&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_71&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;71&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Custom of at Leptis in Libya, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_79&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;79&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Caeneus, his change of sex, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_120&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;120&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cæsar, Julius, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_210&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;210&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Callimachus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_272&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;272&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_385&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;385&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Callisthenes, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_270&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;270&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Callixenus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_141&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;141&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Camma, story about, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_63&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;63&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_64&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;64&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Carneades, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_172&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;172&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_235&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;235&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_237&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;237&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_306&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;306&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_310&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;310&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cassander, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_256&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;256&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_339&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;339&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_351&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;351&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cassandra, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_347&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;347&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cato, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_48&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;48&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_72&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;72&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_211&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;211&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_212&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;212&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_263&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;263&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_325&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;325&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_369&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;369&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cebes, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_17&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;17&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cephisocrates, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_181&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;181&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cephisodorus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_52&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;52&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ceramicus, at Athens, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_219&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;219&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_259&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;259&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cestus of Aphrodite, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_76&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;76&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_219&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;219&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Chæron, son of Plutarch, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_87&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;87&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Chæron, and Chæronea, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_238&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;238&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Chæronea, Plutarch&#039;s native place, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_238&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;238&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Chalcis, people of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_51&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;51&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Chameleon, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_158&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;158&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_162&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;162&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Character, moral, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_102&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;102&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Childless, paid court to, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_28&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;28&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Chilo, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_151&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;151&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_202&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;202&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Chrysippus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_44&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;44&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_99&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;99&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_110&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;110&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_113&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;113&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_114&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;114&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_115&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;115&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cicero, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_210&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;210&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_318&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;318&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_320&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;320&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_390&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;390&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cimon, father of Miltiades, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_52&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;52&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Claudia, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_84&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;84&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cleanthes, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_370&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;370&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Clearchus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_191&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;191&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cleomachus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_51&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;51&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cleonice, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_343&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;343&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_344&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;344&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Clitus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_113&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;113&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_195&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;195&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_277&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;277&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Clodius, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_231&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;231&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_232&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;232&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Clytæmnestra, dream of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_343&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;343&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Conjugal constancy, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_81&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;81&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Conjugal precepts, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_70&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;70&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-84.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Contentedness of mind, on, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_289&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;289&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-311.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Contracts, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_139&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;139&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Corax, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_352&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;352&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cornelia, sister of Scipio, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_84&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;84&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Correction of servants, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_279&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;279&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-281.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_403&amp;quot;&amp;gt;403&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Crassus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_207&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;207&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_208&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;208&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Crates, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_76&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;76&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_141&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;141&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_191&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;191&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_203&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;203&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_292&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;292&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_328&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;328&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_370&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;370&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_372&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;372&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Creon, his daughter, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_151&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;151&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Crete, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_202&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;202&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Crisso, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_172&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;172&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Crœsus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_171&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;171&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_192&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;192&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ctesiphon, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_275&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;275&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Curiosity, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_238&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;238&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-252.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cybele, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_47&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;47&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_55&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;55&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_82&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;82&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_379&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;379&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cyclades, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_385&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;385&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cynic, story about, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_258&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;258&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cynosarges, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_32&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;32&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, note.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cyrus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_79&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;79&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_236&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;236&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_250&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;250&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_314&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;314&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_326&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;326&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Danaus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Darius, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_157&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;157&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_250&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;250&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Deity, on those who are punished late by the, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_331&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;331&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-365.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Demaratus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_193&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;193&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Demetrius, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_8&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_191&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;191&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_230&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;230&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Democritus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_14&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;14&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_110&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;110&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_129&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;129&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_142&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;142&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_249&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;249&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_377&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;377&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Demosthenes, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_128&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;128&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_192&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;192&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_205&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;205&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_257&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;257&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_259&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;259&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_320&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;320&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_321&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;321&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_323&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;323&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_331&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;331&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_399&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;399&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Diogenes, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_7&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;7&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_93&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;93&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_118&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;118&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_123&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;123&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_124&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;124&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_127&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;127&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_131&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;131&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_140&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;140&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_141&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;141&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_193&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;193&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_201&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;201&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_203&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;203&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_205&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;205&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_248&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;248&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_258&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;258&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_259&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;259&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_282&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;282&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_292&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;292&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_294&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;294&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_301&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;301&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_311&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;311&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_383&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;383&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_388&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;388&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_389&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;389&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_390&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;390&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_391&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;391&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Dion, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_151&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;151&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_161&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;161&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_162&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;162&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_192&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;192&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_256&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;256&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Dionysius, the tyrant of Sicily, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_76&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;76&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_151&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;151&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_160&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;160&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_161&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;161&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_162&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;162&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_163&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;163&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_168&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;168&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_187&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;187&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_188&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;188&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_189&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;189&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_226&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;226&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_230&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;230&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_261&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;261&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_294&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;294&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_321&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;321&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_339&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;339&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Dionysius, a Corinthian poet, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_51&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;51&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Dionysus (the Latin &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bacchus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;), &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_45&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;45&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_47&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;47&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_91&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;91&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_145&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;145&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_393&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;393&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Dioxippus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_248&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;248&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Disease, the sacred, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_41&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;41&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, note.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Disorders, of mind or body, which worse? &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_142&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;142&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_145&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;145&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Dolon, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_113&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;113&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_120&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;120&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Domitian, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_251&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;251&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Domitius, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_207&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;207&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_211&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;211&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Dorian measure, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_134&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;134&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Drink, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_216&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;216&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_217&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;217&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_284&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;284&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Dryads, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_45&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;45&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Earthenware, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_366&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;366&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Education, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-21.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Egyptian, answer of an, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_240&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;240&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Emerson, on Plutarch, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;see&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Title-page, and Preface, p. ix.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Empedocles, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_43&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;43&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_145&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;145&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_149&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;149&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_180&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;180&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_288&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;288&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_305&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;305&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_371&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;371&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_393&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;393&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_396&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;396&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Empone, her devotion to her husband, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_67&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;67&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-69.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Enemies, how a man may be benefited by his, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_201&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;201&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-213.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Enthusiasm, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_47&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;47&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Envy, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_212&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;212&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_213&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;213&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_243&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;243&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_304&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;304&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;On envy and hatred, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_312&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;312&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-315.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;How one can praise oneself without exciting envy, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_315&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;315&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-331.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Epaminondas, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_52&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;52&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_136&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;136&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_161&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;161&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_294&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;294&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_318&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;318&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_321&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;321&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_326&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;326&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_376&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;376&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ephesus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_367&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;367&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ephorus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_236&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;236&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Epicharmus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_188&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;188&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_189&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;189&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_350&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;350&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Epicureans, argued against, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_21&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;21&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-28, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_373&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;373&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-378.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Epicurus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_24&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;24&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_291&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;291&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_306&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;306&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_373&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;373&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_375&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;375&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Epitaphs, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_247&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;247&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_248&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;248&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Erasistratus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;25&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_244&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;244&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ergane, name of Athene, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_397&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;397&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Eumenes, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_222&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;222&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Euphemism, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_112&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;112&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_143&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;143&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_144&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;144&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_167&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;167&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Euphorion, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_303&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;303&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Eupolis, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_163&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;163&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Euripides, quoted or referred to, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_8&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_14&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;14&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_17&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;17&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_28&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;28&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_40&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;40&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_42&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;42&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_43&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;43&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_44&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;44&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_50&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;50&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_53&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;53&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_56&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;56&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_58&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;58&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_60&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;60&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_67&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;67&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_79&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;79&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_80&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;80&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_86&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;86&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_89&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;89&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_107&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;107&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_112&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;112&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_119&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;119&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_136&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;136&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_138&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;138&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_144&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;144&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_146&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;146&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_150&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;150&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_151&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;151&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_152&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;152&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_155&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;155&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_160&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;160&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_170&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;170&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_178&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;178&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_179&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;179&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_182&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;182&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_190&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;190&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_191&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;191&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_194&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;194&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_196&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;196&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_197&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;197&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_199&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;199&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_205&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;205&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_206&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;206&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_207&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;207&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_209&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;209&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_214&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;214&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_216&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;216&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_222&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;222&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_223&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;223&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_236&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;236&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_247&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;247&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_251&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;251&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_255&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;255&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_256&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;256&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_260&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;260&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_261&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;261&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_262&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;262&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_270&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;270&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_287&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;287&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_290&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;290&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_292&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;292&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_293&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;293&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_301&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;301&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_305&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;305&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_307&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;307&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_309&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;309&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_310&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;310&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_315&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;315&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_325&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;325&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_332&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;332&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_333&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;333&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_334&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;334&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_345&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;345&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_346&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;346&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_373&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;373&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_379&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;379&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_383&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;383&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_388&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;388&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_390&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;390&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_391&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;391&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_392&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;392&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_397&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;397&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Eurydice of Hierapolis, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_21&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;21&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Eurydice, wife of Orpheus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_53&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;53&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Euthydemus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_283&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;283&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Eutropio, cook to King Antigonus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Evenus, sayings of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_155&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;155&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Exercise, value of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_404&amp;quot;&amp;gt;404&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Exile, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_378&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;378&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-394.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Fabius Maximus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_224&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;224&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_225&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;225&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Fabricius, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_294&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;294&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Family, defects and idiosyncrasies of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_356&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;356&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_357&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;357&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Fancy, power of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_307&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;307&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Fathers, not to be too strict, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;20&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;To set a good example to their sons, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;20&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_21&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;21&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;jus trium liberorum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_22&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;22&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Saying of Evenus about fathers, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Favour, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;the&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_33&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;33&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_34&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;34&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Reminding of favours unpleasant, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_181&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;181&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Feast, every day a, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_311&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;311&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Fickleness, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_146&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;146&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Flatterers, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_19&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;19&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Saying of Phocion about, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_77&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;77&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_182&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;182&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;How to be discerned from friends, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_153&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;153&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-201.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Flute-girls at marriages, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_40&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;40&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Fortune, not to be railed at, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_89&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;89&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-91.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Fortune&#039;s rope-dance, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_139&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;139&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Fortune and vice, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_140&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;140&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_141&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;141&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;On Fortune, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_394&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;394&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-399.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Freedom of speech, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_185&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;185&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-201.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Friends, on abundance of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_145&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;145&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-153.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Friendship going in pairs, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_146&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;146&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_147&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;147&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Originated by similarity, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_152&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;152&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_158&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;158&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_159&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;159&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;How friends are to be distinguished from flatterers, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_153&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;153&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-201.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Galba, story about, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_49&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;49&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Geese, ingenuity of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_229&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;229&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Germanicus, idiosyncrasy of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_312&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;312&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Glaucus, son of Epicydes, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_353&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;353&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Gobryas, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_157&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;157&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Gods considered as forces, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_44&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;44&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_302&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;302&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Perform their benefits secretly, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_181&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;181&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Gorgias, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_81&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;81&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Gorgo, wife of Leonidas, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_84&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;84&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Gracchus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_273&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;273&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Great, the, especially open to flatterers, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_184&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;184&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_185&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;185&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Grief, immoderate at death to be avoided, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_86&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;86&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_87&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;87&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_88&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;88&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Unexpected grief worst, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_113&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;113&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_306&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;306&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Gylippus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Habit, force of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_337&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;337&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Hannibal, remark of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_391&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;391&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Happiness, the mind the seat of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_95&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;95&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Hares, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_368&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;368&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Harmodius, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_67&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;67&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_189&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;189&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_220&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;220&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Hatred, and envy, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_312&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;312&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-315.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Hegesias, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_28&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;28&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Helicon, Mount, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_29&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;29&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_30&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;30&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Helots, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_272&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;272&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Hemlock, how affected by wine, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_228&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;228&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Heraclea, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_343&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;343&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Heraclitus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_41&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;41&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_93&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;93&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_231&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;231&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_276&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;276&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_350&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;350&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_387&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;387&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_396&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;396&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Hercules, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_39&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;39&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_52&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;52&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_299&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;299&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_321&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;321&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_347&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;347&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_348&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;348&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_352&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;352&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Heredity, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_351&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;351&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_355&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;355&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Hermes, his functions, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_46&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;46&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Proverbial saying about, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_215&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;215&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Herodotus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_72&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;72&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_94&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;94&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_141&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;141&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_157&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;157&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_171&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;171&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_192&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;192&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_299&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;299&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_367&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;367&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_388&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;388&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_393&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;393&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Herophilus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_244&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;244&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Herrick, and Plutarch, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;see&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Preface, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_viii&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;viii&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_288&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;288&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, note.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Hesiod, quoted or alluded to, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_14&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;14&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_36&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;36&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_44&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;44&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_96&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;96&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_121&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;121&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_123&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;123&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_155&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;155&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_180&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;180&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_212&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;212&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_256&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;256&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_261&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;261&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_290&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;290&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_304&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;304&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_341&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;341&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_355&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;355&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_398&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;398&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_399&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;399&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Hiero, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_209&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;209&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_338&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;338&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Hieronymus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_271&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;271&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_281&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;281&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Hipparchus, dream of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_343&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;343&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Hippocrates, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_132&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;132&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_237&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;237&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_238&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;238&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Hippothorus, a tune, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_70&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;70&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Homer, alluded to or quoted, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_23&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;23&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_24&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;24&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_26&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;26&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_33&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;33&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_44&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;44&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_45&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;45&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_48&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;48&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_52&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;52&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_54&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;54&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_55&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;55&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_56&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;56&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_61&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;61&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_65&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;65&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_66&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;66&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_71&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;71&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_75&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;75&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_76&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;76&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_80&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;80&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_83&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;83&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_91&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;91&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_95&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;95&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_101&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;101&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_102&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;102&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_108&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;108&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_110&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;110&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_113&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;113&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_117&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;117&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_118&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;118&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_122&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;122&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_127&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;127&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_128&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;128&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_130&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;130&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_132&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;132&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_138&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;138&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_139&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;139&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_142&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;142&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_147&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;147&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_149&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;149&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_160&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;160&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_161&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;161&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_165&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;165&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_170&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;170&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_172&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;172&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_176&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;176&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_179&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;179&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_187&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;187&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_192&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;192&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_195&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;195&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_196&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;196&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_197&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;197&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_199&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;199&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_200&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;200&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_204&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;204&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_209&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;209&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_216&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;216&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_217&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;217&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_218&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;218&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_219&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;219&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_221&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;221&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_222&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;222&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_223&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;223&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_226&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;226&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_227&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;227&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_235&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;235&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_239&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;239&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_246&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;246&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_247&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;247&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_254&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;254&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_268&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;268&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_270&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;270&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_271&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;271&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_272&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;272&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_281&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;281&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_283&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;283&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_284&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;284&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_290&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;290&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_291&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;291&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_292&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;292&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_300&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;300&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_301&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;301&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_302&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;302&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_304&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;304&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_307&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;307&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_308&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;308&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_309&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;309&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_313&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;313&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_318&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;318&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_319&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;319&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_322&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;322&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_323&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;323&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_324&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;324&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_326&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;326&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_327&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;327&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_329&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;329&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_340&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;340&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_341&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;341&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_347&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;347&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_352&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;352&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_368&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;368&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_369&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;369&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_372&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;372&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_378&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;378&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_385&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;385&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_386&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;386&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_387&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;387&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_397&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;397&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_398&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;398&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Hyperides, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_187&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;187&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Hypsipyle, her foster-child, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_146&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;146&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_405&amp;quot;&amp;gt;405&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Ibycus, story about, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_228&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;228&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Idæan Dactyli, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_136&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;136&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ignorance of self, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_143&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;143&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Imagination, power of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_101&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;101&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_102&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;102&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Indian wives, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_140&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;140&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Indian sages, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_140&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;140&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_141&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;141&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Infants, death of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_92&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;92&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Iolaus, nephew of Hercules, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_39&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;39&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_52&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;52&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Iphicrates, answer of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_94&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;94&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_398&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;398&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Knowledge of self, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_154&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;154&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_185&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;185&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_207&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;207&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_302&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;302&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Labour, its power, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Lacydes, friend of Arcesilaus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_181&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;181&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Lacydes, king of the Argives, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_208&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;208&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Lais, famous courtesan, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_32&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;32&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_49&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;49&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_63&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;63&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Law, martial, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_211&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;211&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Leæna, her heroism, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_220&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;220&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_221&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;221&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Lemnos, the women of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_41&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;41&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Leo of Byzantium, saying of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_206&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;206&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Life, the three kinds of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Like a game at dice, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_293&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;293&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Chequered, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_305&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;305&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Live unknown,&amp;quot; whether a wise precept, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_373&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;373&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-378.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Litigation, evil effects of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_145&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;145&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Livia, wife of Augustus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_225&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;225&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Liver, the seat of desire, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_115&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;115&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Locrians, custom of the, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_347&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;347&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Locris, authorities of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_245&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;245&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Love, to one&#039;s offspring, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_21&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;21&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-28.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;On love generally, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_29&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;29&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-69.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;God of Love, his festival at Thespiæ, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_29&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;29&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_63&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;63&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Pandemian and Celestial love, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_57&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;57&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;No strong love without jealousy, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_135&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;135&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Lovers admire even the defects of their loves, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_136&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;136&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_167&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;167&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_168&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;168&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_209&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;209&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_213&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;213&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Love blind, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_153&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;153&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Loxias, name of Apollo, meaning of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_231&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;231&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Lyciscus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_332&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;332&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_333&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;333&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Lycurgus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_136&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;136&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_230&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;230&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_320&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;320&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Lydiades, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_238&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;238&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Lydian measure, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_134&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;134&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Lydian produce, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_145&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;145&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Lynceus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_203&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;203&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Lysander, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_76&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;76&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_262&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;262&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Lysias, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_218&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;218&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Lysimache, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_263&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;263&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Lysimachus, king, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_225&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;225&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_241&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;241&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_344&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;344&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_390&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;390&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_391&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;391&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Mæcenas, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_49&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;49&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Magas, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_113&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;113&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_276&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;276&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_277&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;277&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Man, his wretchedness, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_26&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;26&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_142&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;142&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Different views of men, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_114&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;114&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Man&#039;s various idiosyncrasies and fortunes, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_149&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;149&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Marriage, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;20&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_31&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;31&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-39, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_63&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;63&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-69.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Hesiod on the proper age for marriage, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_36&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;36&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;No &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Meum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Tuum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; to exist in marriage, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_62&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;62&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_74&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;74&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_75&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;75&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Mutual respect a vital necessity in marriage, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_62&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;62&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Conjugal Precepts, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_70&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;70&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-84.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Marsyas, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_273&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;273&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Means, various kinds of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_104&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;104&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_105&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;105&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Measures, Dorian and Lydian, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_134&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;134&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Median war, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_367&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;367&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Medius, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_184&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;184&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_303&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;303&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Megabyzus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_171&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;171&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_302&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;302&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Megara, wife of Hercules, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_39&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;39&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Megarians, their sacrifice to Poseidon, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_133&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;133&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Melanippus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_50&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;50&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Melanthius, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_81&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;81&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_336&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;336&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Meleager, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_52&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;52&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Meletus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_120&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;120&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_141&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;141&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Memory, the storehouse of learning, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_14&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;14&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Menander, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_55&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;55&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_96&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;96&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_114&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;114&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_115&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;115&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_146&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;146&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_150&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;150&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_164&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;164&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_173&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;173&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_179&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;179&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_257&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;257&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_291&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;291&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_305&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;305&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_307&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;307&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_310&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;310&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_330&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;330&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Menedemus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_98&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;98&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_130&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;130&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_165&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;165&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_303&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;303&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Metageitnion, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_382&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;382&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Metella, wife of Sulla, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_219&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;219&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Metellus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_222&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;222&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_277&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;277&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_320&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;320&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Metrocles, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_140&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;140&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_295&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;295&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Metrodorus, saying of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_77&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;77&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Mice, dislike to, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_312&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;312&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Miltiades, the son of Cimon, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_135&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;135&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_338&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;338&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Mirrors of the ancients, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_59&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;59&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, note.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Comparison of wives to mirrors, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_73&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;73&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Proper use of the mirror, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_76&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;76&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Comparison of the flatterer to a mirror, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_161&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;161&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Mithridates, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_170&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;170&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_219&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;219&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Money, against borrowing, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_365&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;365&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-373.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_406&amp;quot;&amp;gt;406&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Montaigne, and Plutarch, Preface, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_vii&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vii&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Mothers, to be carefully selected, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;To suckle their children, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Munychia, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_38&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;38&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Music, power of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_102&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;102&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Musonius, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_370&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;370&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Nasica, saying of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_205&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;205&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Nations, most warlike also most amorous, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_52&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;52&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Natures, great, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_338&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;338&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Nealces, story about, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_397&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;397&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Neglect, not liked, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_150&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;150&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Neocles, father of Themistocles, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Nero, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_151&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;151&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_168&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;168&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_175&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;175&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_220&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;220&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_284&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;284&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_365&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;365&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Nicostratus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_49&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;49&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_264&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;264&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Night, Greek word for, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_249&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;249&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ninus and Semiramis, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_37&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;37&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_38&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;38&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Niobe, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_50&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;50&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;No, saying, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_255&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;255&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_260&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;260&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_262&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;262&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ocnus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_304&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;304&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Odysseus, self-restraint of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_101&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;101&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_221&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;221&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_307&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;307&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Œdipus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_28&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;28&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_197&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;197&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_250&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;250&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_251&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;251&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Œnanthe, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_37&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;37&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Old age querulous, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_329&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;329&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Olympia, remarkable portico at, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_214&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;214&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Olympias, wife of King Philip, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_75&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;75&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_76&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;76&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Olynthus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_305&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;305&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Onomademus, wise advice of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_212&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;212&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Oratory, extempore and prepared, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_10&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;10&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_128&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;128&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Laconic oratory, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_230&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;230&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Orpheus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_53&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;53&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Paley, F. A., on the Moralia, Preface, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_vii&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vii&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Pan, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_47&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;47&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Panthea, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_136&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;136&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Parmenides, his Cosmogony, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_44&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;44&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Parmenio, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_151&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;151&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Parthian juice, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_141&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;141&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Passions, difference in, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_113&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;113&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_114&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;114&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Patroclus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_172&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;172&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_187&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;187&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_319&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;319&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_325&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;325&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Pausanias and Cleonice, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_343&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;343&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_344&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;344&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Pederasty, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;see&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Boys, love of.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Perfection, not in mortals, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_287&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;287&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Pericles, son of Xanthippus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_258&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;258&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_317&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;317&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_323&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;323&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_340&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;340&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_349&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;349&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_366&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;366&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Perseus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_192&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;192&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_193&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;193&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_307&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;307&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Persia, kings of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_73&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;73&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_124&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;124&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_140&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;140&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_382&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;382&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_387&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;387&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Phäethon, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_293&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;293&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_347&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;347&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_394&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;394&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Phalaris, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_120&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;120&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_168&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;168&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_339&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;339&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Phayllus and his wife, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_49&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;49&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_50&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;50&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Phidias, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_78&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;78&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Philip, King, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_49&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;49&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_50&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;50&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_75&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;75&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_80&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;80&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_82&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;82&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_188&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;188&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_193&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;193&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_230&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;230&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_247&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;247&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_276&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;276&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_277&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;277&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_384&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;384&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Philippides, comic poet, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_32&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;32&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_225&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;225&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_241&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;241&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Philosophy, its importance, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_97&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;97&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_98&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;98&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Philosophers&#039; dress, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_129&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;129&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_141&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;141&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_160&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;160&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_203&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;203&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Birthplace of various philosophers, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_389&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;389&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Philotas, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_151&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;151&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Philotimus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_198&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;198&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Philoxenus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_373&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;373&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Phocion, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_77&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;77&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_136&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;136&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_182&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;182&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_260&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;260&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_280&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;280&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_319&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;319&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_327&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;327&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_328&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;328&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Phocylides, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Phœnix, tutor of Achilles, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_196&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;196&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Phryne, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_38&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;38&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_49&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;49&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Phrynis, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_134&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;134&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Pindar, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_33&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;33&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_34&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;34&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_45&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;45&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_54&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;54&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_116&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;116&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_138&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;138&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_183&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;183&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_190&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;190&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_205&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;205&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_210&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;210&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_212&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;212&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_267&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;267&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_275&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;275&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_294&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;294&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_302&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;302&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_303&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;303&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_310&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;310&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_315&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;315&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_316&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;316&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_335&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;335&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_339&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;339&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_348&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;348&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_355&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;355&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_377&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;377&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_384&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;384&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Pirithous, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_151&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;151&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Piso, Pupius, story about, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_231&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;231&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_232&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;232&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Pittacus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_222&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;222&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_300&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;300&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Plato, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_7&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;7&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_8&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_17&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;17&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_29&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;29&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_34&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;34&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_47&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;47&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_49&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;49&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_62&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;62&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_66&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;66&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_74&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;74&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_77&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;77&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_82&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;82&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_83&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;83&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_93&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;93&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_96&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;96&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_99&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;99&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_100&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;100&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_106&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;106&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_113&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;113&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_114&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;114&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_115&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;115&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_118&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;118&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_120&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;120&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_125&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;125&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_132&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;132&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_135&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;135&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_136&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;136&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_153&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;153&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_154&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;154&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_157&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;157&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_158&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;158&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_160&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;160&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_161&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;161&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_162&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;162&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_167&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;167&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_187&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;187&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_188&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;188&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_192&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;192&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_194&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;194&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_196&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;196&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_206&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;206&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_209&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;209&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_213&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;213&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_220&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;220&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_230&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;230&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_255&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;255&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_261&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;261&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_264&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;264&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_274&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;274&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_286&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;286&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_287&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;287&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_293&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;293&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_294&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;294&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_306&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;306&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_311&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;311&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_334&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;334&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_335&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;335&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_336&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;336&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_341&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;341&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_342&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;342&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_365&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;365&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_385&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;385&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_393&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;393&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_395&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;395&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_396&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;396&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Plutarch&#039;s wife, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;see&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Timoxena.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Polemo, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_196&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;196&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_285&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;285&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_385&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;385&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Polycletus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_138&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;138&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Polypus, the, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_152&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;152&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_158&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;158&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_161&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;161&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Polysperchon, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_256&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;256&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_261&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;261&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_407&amp;quot;&amp;gt;407&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Pompey, the Great, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_208&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;208&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_210&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;210&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_340&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;340&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;His father Pompeius Strabo, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_340&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;340&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Portico, remarkable, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_214&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;214&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Porus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_277&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;277&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Poseidon, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_133&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;133&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Postumia, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_208&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;208&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Praise of self, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_315&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;315&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-331.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Proteus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_152&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;152&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Proverbs, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_14&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;14&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_18&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;18&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_19&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;19&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;20&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_49&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;49&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_62&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;62&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_75&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;75&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_80&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;80&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_82&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;82&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_121&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;121&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_146&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;146&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_147&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;147&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_154&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;154&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_157&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;157&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_175&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;175&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_183&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;183&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_189&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;189&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_212&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;212&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_215&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;215&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_217&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;217&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_235&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;235&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_260&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;260&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_263&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;263&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_306&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;306&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_317&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;317&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_333&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;333&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_334&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;334&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_341&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;341&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_355&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;355&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_369&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;369&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ptolemy Auletes, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_168&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;168&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ptolemy Epiphanes, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_195&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;195&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ptolemy Philadelphus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ptolemy Philopator, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_168&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;168&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ptolemy Physcon, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_174&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;174&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Punishment, on those that receive late punishment from the Deity, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_331&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;331&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-365.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Puppies, differently trained, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Pydna, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_192&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;192&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Pyrrho, saying of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_132&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;132&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Pythagoras, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_18&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;18&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_19&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;19&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_100&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;100&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_151&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;151&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_194&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;194&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_211&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;211&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_240&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;240&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_245&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;245&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_383&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;383&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Pythian Priestess, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_233&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;233&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_367&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;367&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Reason, power of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_101&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;101&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_133&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;133&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_221&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;221&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_289&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;289&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Remorse, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_344&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;344&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_345&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;345&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Repartee, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_206&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;206&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_207&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;207&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Respites, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_339&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;339&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Rusticus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_251&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;251&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Rutilius, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_370&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;370&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sabinus, story about, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_67&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;67&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-69.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sappho, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_34&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;34&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_55&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;55&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_84&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;84&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_130&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;130&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_274&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;274&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Saturnalia, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_311&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;311&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, note.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Satyr, story about the, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_202&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;202&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_203&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;203&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Scaurus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_211&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;211&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Scilurus, and the bundle of sticks, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_231&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;231&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Scipio, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_318&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;318&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sejanus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_151&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;151&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Seleucus Callinicus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_226&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;226&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Self, love of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_153&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;153&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_154&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;154&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_301&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;301&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ignorance of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_143&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;143&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Knowledge of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_154&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;154&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_185&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;185&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_207&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;207&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_302&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;302&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Semiramis, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_37&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;37&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_38&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;38&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Senator, story about Roman, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_223&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;223&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_224&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;224&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Seneca, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_284&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;284&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sextius, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_123&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;123&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Shyness, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_252&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;252&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-267.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Silence, benefit of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_220&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;220&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-222, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_230&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;230&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-232, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_237&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;237&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Simonides, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_23&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;23&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_106&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;106&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_108&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;108&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_126&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;126&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_135&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;135&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_154&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;154&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_183&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;183&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_184&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;184&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_212&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;212&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_237&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;237&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_246&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;246&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_299&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;299&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_344&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;344&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_384&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;384&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sinatus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_63&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;63&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_64&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;64&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sinorix, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_63&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;63&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_64&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;64&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Socrates, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_8&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_17&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;17&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_54&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;54&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_76&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;76&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_136&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;136&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_140&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;140&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_145&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;145&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_188&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;188&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_192&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;192&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_194&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;194&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_196&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;196&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_210&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;210&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_232&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;232&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_234&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;234&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_235&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;235&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_240&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;240&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_250&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;250&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_271&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;271&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_277&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;277&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_283&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;283&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_292&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;292&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_293&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;293&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_299&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;299&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_300&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;300&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_308&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;308&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_314&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;314&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_336&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;336&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_394&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;394&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Solon, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_33&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;33&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_34&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;34&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_56&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;56&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_124&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;124&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_171&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;171&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_192&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;192&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_213&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;213&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_303&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;303&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_335&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;335&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_367&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;367&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;His legislation for husbands, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_65&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;65&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;His direction to brides, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_70&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;70&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sophocles, quoted or referred to, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_43&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;43&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_44&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;44&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_47&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;47&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_49&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;49&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_50&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;50&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_53&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;53&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_62&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;62&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_64&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;64&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_76&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;76&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_106&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;106&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_122&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;122&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_125&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;125&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_134&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;134&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_148&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;148&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_150&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;150&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_162&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;162&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_197&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;197&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_200&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;200&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_207&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;207&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_218&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;218&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_227&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;227&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_232&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;232&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_242&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;242&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_249&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;249&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_251&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;251&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_255&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;255&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_272&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;272&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_278&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;278&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_281&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;281&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_286&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;286&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_295&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;295&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_319&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;319&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_376&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;376&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_395&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;395&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_397&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;397&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sotades, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Speusippus, nephew of Plato, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_192&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;192&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_196&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;196&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Step-ladders, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_156&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;156&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Step-mothers, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_79&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;79&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, note.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Stilpo, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_8&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_133&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;133&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_266&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;266&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_295&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;295&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_308&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;308&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Stoics, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_172&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;172&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_254&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;254&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_302&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;302&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Stratocles, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_32&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;32&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Suicide, always possible, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_309&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;309&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sulla, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_219&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;219&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_322&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;322&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sycophant, origin of word, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_252&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;252&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Talkativeness, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_214&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;214&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-238.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Tantalus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_49&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;49&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_138&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;138&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_385&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;385&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_394&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;394&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Tavern-frequenting, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_131&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;131&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, note.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Taylor, Jeremy, and Plutarch, Preface, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_vii&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vii&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_viii&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;viii&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_84&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;84&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, note, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_238&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;238&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, note, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_245&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;245&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, note, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_288&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;288&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, note.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Telephus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_207&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;207&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Tenedos, famous for earthenware, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_366&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;366&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Theano, wife of Pythagoras, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_78&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;78&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_84&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;84&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_408&amp;quot;&amp;gt;408&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Thebans, and Lacedæmonians, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_270&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;270&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Themistocles, and his son, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;His father Neocles, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Themistocles and Miltiades, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_135&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;135&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_213&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;213&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_338&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;338&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Suspicion about, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_208&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;208&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sayings of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_264&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;264&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_314&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;314&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_320&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;320&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Theocritus, the Sophist, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_263&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;263&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Theodorus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_141&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;141&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_293&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;293&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_327&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;327&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_390&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;390&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_391&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;391&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Theognis, his advice, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_152&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;152&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Theophrastus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_124&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;124&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_327&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;327&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thero, the Thessalian, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_52&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;52&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Theseus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_151&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;151&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_392&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;392&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thespesius, of Soli, curious story about, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_357&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;357&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-365.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thessalians, very pugnacious, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, note.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thessaly, famous for enchantments, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_75&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;75&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, note, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_83&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;83&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thucydides, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_127&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;127&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_152&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;152&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_167&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;167&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_195&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;195&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_198&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;198&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_208&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;208&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_261&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;261&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_265&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;265&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_314&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;314&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_317&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;317&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_332&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;332&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_336&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;336&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_349&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;349&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_389&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;389&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Tiberius, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_151&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;151&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_174&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;174&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_175&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;175&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_225&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;225&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_384&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;384&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Timæa, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_294&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;294&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Timesias, oracle given to, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_151&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;151&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Timoleon, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_322&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;322&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Timon, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_107&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;107&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Timotheus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_316&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;316&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Timoxena, wife of Plutarch, consolatory letter to, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_85&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;85&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-92.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Timoxena, daughter of Plutarch, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_85&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;85&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-92.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Tongue, government of the, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_209&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;209&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_210&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;210&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_214&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;214&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-238, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_274&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;274&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Barricaded by nature, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_216&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;216&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Training, power of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-7.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Triptolemus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_368&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;368&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Truth, a divine thing, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_154&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;154&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Tutors, choice of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-7;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Habits they teach boys, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_94&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;94&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Versatility, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_152&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;152&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_153&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;153&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Vespasian, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_67&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;67&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_69&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;69&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Vice, not got rid of as easily as a wife, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_96&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;96&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Uneasiness of, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_96&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;96&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_97&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;97&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_139&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;139&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Whether it is sufficient to cause unhappiness, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_138&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;138&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-142.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Vice in embryo, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_355&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;355&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_356&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;356&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Virtue, its two elements, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_18&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;18&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Can be taught, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_92&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;92&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-95.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;On virtue and vice, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_95&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;95&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-98.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;On moral virtue, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_98&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;98&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-118.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;On progress in virtue, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_118&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;118&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-138.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Washing hands usual before dinner, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_156&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;156&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Wealth, has wings, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_124&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;124&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_303&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;303&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Wives, to be carefully selected, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Rich wives, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;20&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_138&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;138&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Indian wives, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_140&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;140&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Words, winged, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_223&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;223&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Wyttenbach, his criticism on Reiske, Preface, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_viii&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;viii&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_ix&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ix&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Xanthippe, wife of Socrates, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_210&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;210&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_283&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;283&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Xanthippus, father of Pericles, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Xenocrates, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_66&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;66&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_77&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;77&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_118&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;118&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_196&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;196&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_248&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;248&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_261&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;261&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_385&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;385&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Xenophanes, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_55&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;55&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_108&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;108&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_257&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;257&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Xenophon, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_17&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;17&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_83&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;83&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_166&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;166&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_191&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;191&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_202&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;202&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_239&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;239&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_250&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;250&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, note, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_289&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;289&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_316&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;316&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_335&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;335&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_389&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;389&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Xerxes, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_272&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;272&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_299&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;299&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Youth, a ticklish period of life, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_17&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;17&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_18&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;18&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Zaleucus, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_322&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;322&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Zeno, founder of the Stoics, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_99&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;99&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_102&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;102&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_124&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;124&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_132&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;132&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_203&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;203&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_217&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;217&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_220&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;220&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_262&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;262&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_263&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;263&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_285&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;285&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_294&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;294&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_327&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;327&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_386&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;386&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Zeuxis, his remark on painting, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_148&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;148&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;CHISWICK PRESS:--C. WHITTINGHAM AND CO., TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE.&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
{{flat-where}}&lt;br /&gt;
{{close}}&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Plato/Theaetetus&amp;diff=2849</id>
		<title>Texts:Plato/Theaetetus</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Plato/Theaetetus&amp;diff=2849"/>
		<updated>2025-12-26T19:45:23Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: Text replacement - &amp;quot;{{Top Texts}}&amp;quot; to &amp;quot;__NOTITLE__
{{Setup|tick=Where}}&amp;quot;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;__NOTITLE__&lt;br /&gt;
{{Setup|tick=Where}}&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt; THEAETETUS &amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; By Plato &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt; Translated by Benjamin Jowett &amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt; Contents &amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#link2H_4_0002&amp;quot;&amp;gt; THEAETETUS &amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; INTRODUCTION AND ANALYSIS. &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Some dialogues of Plato are of so various a character that their relation to the other dialogues cannot be determined with any degree of certainty. The Theaetetus, like the Parmenides, has points of similarity both with his earlier and his later writings. The perfection of style, the humour, the dramatic interest, the complexity of structure, the fertility of illustration, the shifting of the points of view, are characteristic of his best period of authorship. The vain search, the negative conclusion, the figure of the midwives, the constant profession of ignorance on the part of Socrates, also bear the stamp of the early dialogues, in which the original Socrates is not yet Platonized. Had we no other indications, we should be disposed to range the Theaetetus with the Apology and the Phaedrus, and perhaps even with the Protagoras and the Laches. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But when we pass from the style to an examination of the subject, we trace a connection with the later rather than with the earlier dialogues. In the first place there is the connexion, indicated by Plato himself at the end of the dialogue, with the Sophist, to which in many respects the Theaetetus is so little akin. (1) The same persons reappear, including the younger Socrates, whose name is just mentioned in the Theaetetus; (2) the theory of rest, which Socrates has declined to consider, is resumed by the Eleatic Stranger; (3) there is a similar allusion in both dialogues to the meeting of Parmenides and Socrates (Theaet., Soph.); and (4) the inquiry into not-being in the Sophist supplements the question of false opinion which is raised in the Theaetetus. (Compare also Theaet. and Soph. for parallel turns of thought.) Secondly, the later date of the dialogue is confirmed by the absence of the doctrine of recollection and of any doctrine of ideas except that which derives them from generalization and from reflection of the mind upon itself. The general character of the Theaetetus is dialectical, and there are traces of the same Megarian influences which appear in the Parmenides, and which later writers, in their matter of fact way, have explained by the residence of Plato at Megara. Socrates disclaims the character of a professional eristic, and also, with a sort of ironical admiration, expresses his inability to attain the Megarian precision in the use of terms. Yet he too employs a similar sophistical skill in overturning every conceivable theory of knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The direct indications of a date amount to no more than this: the conversation is said to have taken place when Theaetetus was a youth, and shortly before the death of Socrates. At the time of his own death he is supposed to be a full-grown man. Allowing nine or ten years for the interval between youth and manhood, the dialogue could not have been written earlier than 390, when Plato was about thirty-nine years of age. No more definite date is indicated by the engagement in which Theaetetus is said to have fallen or to have been wounded, and which may have taken place any time during the Corinthian war, between the years 390-387. The later date which has been suggested, 369, when the Athenians and Lacedaemonians disputed the Isthmus with Epaminondas, would make the age of Theaetetus at his death forty-five or forty-six. This a little impairs the beauty of Socrates&#039; remark, that &#039;he would be a great man if he lived.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In this uncertainty about the place of the Theaetetus, it seemed better, as in the case of the Republic, Timaeus, Critias, to retain the order in which Plato himself has arranged this and the two companion dialogues. We cannot exclude the possibility which has been already noticed in reference to other works of Plato, that the Theaetetus may not have been all written continuously; or the probability that the Sophist and Politicus, which differ greatly in style, were only appended after a long interval of time. The allusion to Parmenides compared with the Sophist, would probably imply that the dialogue which is called by his name was already in existence; unless, indeed, we suppose the passage in which the allusion occurs to have been inserted afterwards. Again, the Theaetetus may be connected with the Gorgias, either dialogue from different points of view containing an analysis of the real and apparent (Schleiermacher); and both may be brought into relation with the Apology as illustrating the personal life of Socrates. The Philebus, too, may with equal reason be placed either after or before what, in the language of Thrasyllus, may be called the Second Platonic Trilogy. Both the Parmenides and the Sophist, and still more the Theaetetus, have points of affinity with the Cratylus, in which the principles of rest and motion are again contrasted, and the Sophistical or Protagorean theory of language is opposed to that which is attributed to the disciple of Heracleitus, not to speak of lesser resemblances in thought and language. The Parmenides, again, has been thought by some to hold an intermediate position between the Theaetetus and the Sophist; upon this view, the Sophist may be regarded as the answer to the problems about One and Being which have been raised in the Parmenides. Any of these arrangements may suggest new views to the student of Plato; none of them can lay claim to an exclusive probability in its favour. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The Theaetetus is one of the narrated dialogues of Plato, and is the only one which is supposed to have been written down. In a short introductory scene, Euclides and Terpsion are described as meeting before the door of Euclides&#039; house in Megara. This may have been a spot familiar to Plato (for Megara was within a walk of Athens), but no importance can be attached to the accidental introduction of the founder of the Megarian philosophy. The real intention of the preface is to create an interest about the person of Theaetetus, who has just been carried up from the army at Corinth in a dying state. The expectation of his death recalls the promise of his youth, and especially the famous conversation which Socrates had with him when he was quite young, a few days before his own trial and death, as we are once more reminded at the end of the dialogue. Yet we may observe that Plato has himself forgotten this, when he represents Euclides as from time to time coming to Athens and correcting the copy from Socrates&#039; own mouth. The narrative, having introduced Theaetetus, and having guaranteed the authenticity of the dialogue (compare Symposium, Phaedo, Parmenides), is then dropped. No further use is made of the device. As Plato himself remarks, who in this as in some other minute points is imitated by Cicero (De Amicitia), the interlocutory words are omitted. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Theaetetus, the hero of the battle of Corinth and of the dialogue, is a disciple of Theodorus, the great geometrician, whose science is thus indicated to be the propaedeutic to philosophy. An interest has been already excited about him by his approaching death, and now he is introduced to us anew by the praises of his master Theodorus. He is a youthful Socrates, and exhibits the same contrast of the fair soul and the ungainly face and frame, the Silenus mask and the god within, which are described in the Symposium. The picture which Theodorus gives of his courage and patience and intelligence and modesty is verified in the course of the dialogue. His courage is shown by his behaviour in the battle, and his other qualities shine forth as the argument proceeds. Socrates takes an evident delight in &#039;the wise Theaetetus,&#039; who has more in him than &#039;many bearded men&#039;; he is quite inspired by his answers. At first the youth is lost in wonder, and is almost too modest to speak, but, encouraged by Socrates, he rises to the occasion, and grows full of interest and enthusiasm about the great question. Like a youth, he has not finally made up his mind, and is very ready to follow the lead of Socrates, and to enter into each successive phase of the discussion which turns up. His great dialectical talent is shown in his power of drawing distinctions, and of foreseeing the consequences of his own answers. The enquiry about the nature of knowledge is not new to him; long ago he has felt the &#039;pang of philosophy,&#039; and has experienced the youthful intoxication which is depicted in the Philebus. But he has hitherto been unable to make the transition from mathematics to metaphysics. He can form a general conception of square and oblong numbers, but he is unable to attain a similar expression of knowledge in the abstract. Yet at length he begins to recognize that there are universal conceptions of being, likeness, sameness, number, which the mind contemplates in herself, and with the help of Socrates is conducted from a theory of sense to a theory of ideas. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There is no reason to doubt that Theaetetus was a real person, whose name survived in the next generation. But neither can any importance be attached to the notices of him in Suidas and Proclus, which are probably based on the mention of him in Plato. According to a confused statement in Suidas, who mentions him twice over, first, as a pupil of Socrates, and then of Plato, he is said to have written the first work on the Five Solids. But no early authority cites the work, the invention of which may have been easily suggested by the division of roots, which Plato attributes to him, and the allusion to the backward state of solid geometry in the Republic. At any rate, there is no occasion to recall him to life again after the battle of Corinth, in order that we may allow time for the completion of such a work (Muller). We may also remark that such a supposition entirely destroys the pathetic interest of the introduction. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Theodorus, the geometrician, had once been the friend and disciple of Protagoras, but he is very reluctant to leave his retirement and defend his old master. He is too old to learn Socrates&#039; game of question and answer, and prefers the digressions to the main argument, because he finds them easier to follow. The mathematician, as Socrates says in the Republic, is not capable of giving a reason in the same manner as the dialectician, and Theodorus could not therefore have been appropriately introduced as the chief respondent. But he may be fairly appealed to, when the honour of his master is at stake. He is the &#039;guardian of his orphans,&#039; although this is a responsibility which he wishes to throw upon Callias, the friend and patron of all Sophists, declaring that he himself had early &#039;run away&#039; from philosophy, and was absorbed in mathematics. His extreme dislike to the Heraclitean fanatics, which may be compared with the dislike of Theaetetus to the materialists, and his ready acceptance of the noble words of Socrates, are noticeable traits of character. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The Socrates of the Theaetetus is the same as the Socrates of the earlier dialogues. He is the invincible disputant, now advanced in years, of the Protagoras and Symposium; he is still pursuing his divine mission, his &#039;Herculean labours,&#039; of which he has described the origin in the Apology; and he still hears the voice of his oracle, bidding him receive or not receive the truant souls. There he is supposed to have a mission to convict men of self-conceit; in the Theaetetus he has assigned to him by God the functions of a man-midwife, who delivers men of their thoughts, and under this character he is present throughout the dialogue. He is the true prophet who has an insight into the natures of men, and can divine their future; and he knows that sympathy is the secret power which unlocks their thoughts. The hit at Aristides, the son of Lysimachus, who was specially committed to his charge in the Laches, may be remarked by the way. The attempt to discover the definition of knowledge is in accordance with the character of Socrates as he is described in the Memorabilia, asking What is justice? what is temperance? and the like. But there is no reason to suppose that he would have analyzed the nature of perception, or traced the connexion of Protagoras and Heracleitus, or have raised the difficulty respecting false opinion. The humorous illustrations, as well as the serious thoughts, run through the dialogue. The snubnosedness of Theaetetus, a characteristic which he shares with Socrates, and the man-midwifery of Socrates, are not forgotten in the closing words. At the end of the dialogue, as in the Euthyphro, he is expecting to meet Meletus at the porch of the king Archon; but with the same indifference to the result which is everywhere displayed by him, he proposes that they shall reassemble on the following day at the same spot. The day comes, and in the Sophist the three friends again meet, but no further allusion is made to the trial, and the principal share in the argument is assigned, not to Socrates, but to an Eleatic stranger; the youthful Theaetetus also plays a different and less independent part. And there is no allusion in the Introduction to the second and third dialogues, which are afterwards appended. There seems, therefore, reason to think that there is a real change, both in the characters and in the design. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The dialogue is an enquiry into the nature of knowledge, which is interrupted by two digressions. The first is the digression about the midwives, which is also a leading thought or continuous image, like the wave in the Republic, appearing and reappearing at intervals. Again and again we are reminded that the successive conceptions of knowledge are extracted from Theaetetus, who in his turn truly declares that Socrates has got a great deal more out of him than ever was in him. Socrates is never weary of working out the image in humorous details,&amp;amp;mdash;discerning the symptoms of labour, carrying the child round the hearth, fearing that Theaetetus will bite him, comparing his conceptions to wind-eggs, asserting an hereditary right to the occupation. There is also a serious side to the image, which is an apt similitude of the Socratic theory of education (compare Republic, Sophist), and accords with the ironical spirit in which the wisest of men delights to speak of himself. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The other digression is the famous contrast of the lawyer and philosopher. This is a sort of landing-place or break in the middle of the dialogue. At the commencement of a great discussion, the reflection naturally arises, How happy are they who, like the philosopher, have time for such discussions (compare Republic)! There is no reason for the introduction of such a digression; nor is a reason always needed, any more than for the introduction of an episode in a poem, or of a topic in conversation. That which is given by Socrates is quite sufficient, viz. that the philosopher may talk and write as he pleases. But though not very closely connected, neither is the digression out of keeping with the rest of the dialogue. The philosopher naturally desires to pour forth the thoughts which are always present to him, and to discourse of the higher life. The idea of knowledge, although hard to be defined, is realised in the life of philosophy. And the contrast is the favourite antithesis between the world, in the various characters of sophist, lawyer, statesman, speaker, and the philosopher,&amp;amp;mdash;between opinion and knowledge,&amp;amp;mdash;between the conventional and the true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The greater part of the dialogue is devoted to setting up and throwing down definitions of science and knowledge. Proceeding from the lower to the higher by three stages, in which perception, opinion, reasoning are successively examined, we first get rid of the confusion of the idea of knowledge and specific kinds of knowledge,&amp;amp;mdash;a confusion which has been already noticed in the Lysis, Laches, Meno, and other dialogues. In the infancy of logic, a form of thought has to be invented before the content can be filled up. We cannot define knowledge until the nature of definition has been ascertained. Having succeeded in making his meaning plain, Socrates proceeds to analyze (1) the first definition which Theaetetus proposes: &#039;Knowledge is sensible perception.&#039; This is speedily identified with the Protagorean saying, &#039;Man is the measure of all things;&#039; and of this again the foundation is discovered in the perpetual flux of Heracleitus. The relativeness of sensation is then developed at length, and for a moment the definition appears to be accepted. But soon the Protagorean thesis is pronounced to be suicidal; for the adversaries of Protagoras are as good a measure as he is, and they deny his doctrine. He is then supposed to reply that the perception may be true at any given instant. But the reply is in the end shown to be inconsistent with the Heraclitean foundation, on which the doctrine has been affirmed to rest. For if the Heraclitean flux is extended to every sort of change in every instant of time, how can any thought or word be detained even for an instant? Sensible perception, like everything else, is tumbling to pieces. Nor can Protagoras himself maintain that one man is as good as another in his knowledge of the future; and &#039;the expedient,&#039; if not &#039;the just and true,&#039; belongs to the sphere of the future. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And so we must ask again, What is knowledge? The comparison of sensations with one another implies a principle which is above sensation, and which resides in the mind itself. We are thus led to look for knowledge in a higher sphere, and accordingly Theaetetus, when again interrogated, replies (2) that &#039;knowledge is true opinion.&#039; But how is false opinion possible? The Megarian or Eristic spirit within us revives the question, which has been already asked and indirectly answered in the Meno: &#039;How can a man be ignorant of that which he knows?&#039; No answer is given to this not unanswerable question. The comparison of the mind to a block of wax, or to a decoy of birds, is found wanting. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But are we not inverting the natural order in looking for opinion before we have found knowledge? And knowledge is not true opinion; for the Athenian dicasts have true opinion but not knowledge. What then is knowledge? We answer (3), &#039;True opinion, with definition or explanation.&#039; But all the different ways in which this statement may be understood are set aside, like the definitions of courage in the Laches, or of friendship in the Lysis, or of temperance in the Charmides. At length we arrive at the conclusion, in which nothing is concluded. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There are two special difficulties which beset the student of the Theaetetus: (1) he is uncertain how far he can trust Plato&#039;s account of the theory of Protagoras; and he is also uncertain (2) how far, and in what parts of the dialogue, Plato is expressing his own opinion. The dramatic character of the work renders the answer to both these questions difficult. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 1. In reply to the first, we have only probabilities to offer. Three main points have to be decided: (a) Would Protagoras have identified his own thesis, &#039;Man is the measure of all things,&#039; with the other, &#039;All knowledge is sensible perception&#039;? (b) Would he have based the relativity of knowledge on the Heraclitean flux? (c) Would he have asserted the absoluteness of sensation at each instant? Of the work of Protagoras on &#039;Truth&#039; we know nothing, with the exception of the two famous fragments, which are cited in this dialogue, &#039;Man is the measure of all things,&#039; and, &#039;Whether there are gods or not, I cannot tell.&#039; Nor have we any other trustworthy evidence of the tenets of Protagoras, or of the sense in which his words are used. For later writers, including Aristotle in his Metaphysics, have mixed up the Protagoras of Plato, as they have the Socrates of Plato, with the real person. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Returning then to the Theaetetus, as the only possible source from which an answer to these questions can be obtained, we may remark, that Plato had &#039;The Truth&#039; of Protagoras before him, and frequently refers to the book. He seems to say expressly, that in this work the doctrine of the Heraclitean flux was not to be found; &#039;he told the real truth&#039; (not in the book, which is so entitled, but) &#039;privately to his disciples,&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;words which imply that the connexion between the doctrines of Protagoras and Heracleitus was not generally recognized in Greece, but was really discovered or invented by Plato. On the other hand, the doctrine that &#039;Man is the measure of all things,&#039; is expressly identified by Socrates with the other statement, that &#039;What appears to each man is to him;&#039; and a reference is made to the books in which the statement occurs;&amp;amp;mdash;this Theaetetus, who has &#039;often read the books,&#039; is supposed to acknowledge (so Cratylus). And Protagoras, in the speech attributed to him, never says that he has been misunderstood: he rather seems to imply that the absoluteness of sensation at each instant was to be found in his words. He is only indignant at the &#039;reductio ad absurdum&#039; devised by Socrates for his &#039;homo mensura,&#039; which Theodorus also considers to be &#039;really too bad.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The question may be raised, how far Plato in the Theaetetus could have misrepresented Protagoras without violating the laws of dramatic probability. Could he have pretended to cite from a well-known writing what was not to be found there? But such a shadowy enquiry is not worth pursuing further. We need only remember that in the criticism which follows of the thesis of Protagoras, we are criticizing the Protagoras of Plato, and not attempting to draw a precise line between his real sentiments and those which Plato has attributed to him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 2. The other difficulty is a more subtle, and also a more important one, because bearing on the general character of the Platonic dialogues. On a first reading of them, we are apt to imagine that the truth is only spoken by Socrates, who is never guilty of a fallacy himself, and is the great detector of the errors and fallacies of others. But this natural presumption is disturbed by the discovery that the Sophists are sometimes in the right and Socrates in the wrong. Like the hero of a novel, he is not to be supposed always to represent the sentiments of the author. There are few modern readers who do not side with Protagoras, rather than with Socrates, in the dialogue which is called by his name. The Cratylus presents a similar difficulty: in his etymologies, as in the number of the State, we cannot tell how far Socrates is serious; for the Socratic irony will not allow him to distinguish between his real and his assumed wisdom. No one is the superior of the invincible Socrates in argument (except in the first part of the Parmenides, where he is introduced as a youth); but he is by no means supposed to be in possession of the whole truth. Arguments are often put into his mouth (compare Introduction to the Gorgias) which must have seemed quite as untenable to Plato as to a modern writer. In this dialogue a great part of the answer of Protagoras is just and sound; remarks are made by him on verbal criticism, and on the importance of understanding an opponent&#039;s meaning, which are conceived in the true spirit of philosophy. And the distinction which he is supposed to draw between Eristic and Dialectic, is really a criticism of Plato on himself and his own criticism of Protagoras. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The difficulty seems to arise from not attending to the dramatic character of the writings of Plato. There are two, or more, sides to questions; and these are parted among the different speakers. Sometimes one view or aspect of a question is made to predominate over the rest, as in the Gorgias or Sophist; but in other dialogues truth is divided, as in the Laches and Protagoras, and the interest of the piece consists in the contrast of opinions. The confusion caused by the irony of Socrates, who, if he is true to his character, cannot say anything of his own knowledge, is increased by the circumstance that in the Theaetetus and some other dialogues he is occasionally playing both parts himself, and even charging his own arguments with unfairness. In the Theaetetus he is designedly held back from arriving at a conclusion. For we cannot suppose that Plato conceived a definition of knowledge to be impossible. But this is his manner of approaching and surrounding a question. The lights which he throws on his subject are indirect, but they are not the less real for that. He has no intention of proving a thesis by a cut-and-dried argument; nor does he imagine that a great philosophical problem can be tied up within the limits of a definition. If he has analyzed a proposition or notion, even with the severity of an impossible logic, if half-truths have been compared by him with other half-truths, if he has cleared up or advanced popular ideas, or illustrated a new method, his aim has been sufficiently accomplished. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The writings of Plato belong to an age in which the power of analysis had outrun the means of knowledge; and through a spurious use of dialectic, the distinctions which had been already &#039;won from the void and formless infinite,&#039; seemed to be rapidly returning to their original chaos. The two great speculative philosophies, which a century earlier had so deeply impressed the mind of Hellas, were now degenerating into Eristic. The contemporaries of Plato and Socrates were vainly trying to find new combinations of them, or to transfer them from the object to the subject. The Megarians, in their first attempts to attain a severer logic, were making knowledge impossible (compare Theaet.). They were asserting &#039;the one good under many names,&#039; and, like the Cynics, seem to have denied predication, while the Cynics themselves were depriving virtue of all which made virtue desirable in the eyes of Socrates and Plato. And besides these, we find mention in the later writings of Plato, especially in the Theaetetus, Sophist, and Laws, of certain impenetrable godless persons, who will not believe what they &#039;cannot hold in their hands&#039;; and cannot be approached in argument, because they cannot argue (Theat; Soph.). No school of Greek philosophers exactly answers to these persons, in whom Plato may perhaps have blended some features of the Atomists with the vulgar materialistic tendencies of mankind in general (compare Introduction to the Sophist). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And not only was there a conflict of opinions, but the stage which the mind had reached presented other difficulties hardly intelligible to us, who live in a different cycle of human thought. All times of mental progress are times of confusion; we only see, or rather seem to see things clearly, when they have been long fixed and defined. In the age of Plato, the limits of the world of imagination and of pure abstraction, of the old world and the new, were not yet fixed. The Greeks, in the fourth century before Christ, had no words for &#039;subject&#039; and &#039;object,&#039; and no distinct conception of them; yet they were always hovering about the question involved in them. The analysis of sense, and the analysis of thought, were equally difficult to them; and hopelessly confused by the attempt to solve them, not through an appeal to facts, but by the help of general theories respecting the nature of the universe. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Plato, in his Theaetetus, gathers up the sceptical tendencies of his age, and compares them. But he does not seek to reconstruct out of them a theory of knowledge. The time at which such a theory could be framed had not yet arrived. For there was no measure of experience with which the ideas swarming in men&#039;s minds could be compared; the meaning of the word &#039;science&#039; could scarcely be explained to them, except from the mathematical sciences, which alone offered the type of universality and certainty. Philosophy was becoming more and more vacant and abstract, and not only the Platonic Ideas and the Eleatic Being, but all abstractions seemed to be at variance with sense and at war with one another. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The want of the Greek mind in the fourth century before Christ was not another theory of rest or motion, or Being or atoms, but rather a philosophy which could free the mind from the power of abstractions and alternatives, and show how far rest and how far motion, how far the universal principle of Being and the multitudinous principle of atoms, entered into the composition of the world; which could distinguish between the true and false analogy, and allow the negative as well as the positive a place in human thought. To such a philosophy Plato, in the Theaetetus, offers many contributions. He has followed philosophy into the region of mythology, and pointed out the similarities of opposing phases of thought. He has also shown that extreme abstractions are self-destructive, and, indeed, hardly distinguishable from one another. But his intention is not to unravel the whole subject of knowledge, if this had been possible; and several times in the course of the dialogue he rejects explanations of knowledge which have germs of truth in them; as, for example, &#039;the resolution of the compound into the simple;&#039; or &#039;right opinion with a mark of difference.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; ... &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Terpsion, who has come to Megara from the country, is described as having looked in vain for Euclides in the Agora; the latter explains that he has been down to the harbour, and on his way thither had met Theaetetus, who was being carried up from the army to Athens. He was scarcely alive, for he had been badly wounded at the battle of Corinth, and had taken the dysentery which prevailed in the camp. The mention of his condition suggests the reflection, &#039;What a loss he will be!&#039; &#039;Yes, indeed,&#039; replies Euclid; &#039;only just now I was hearing of his noble conduct in the battle.&#039; &#039;That I should expect; but why did he not remain at Megara?&#039; &#039;I wanted him to remain, but he would not; so I went with him as far as Erineum; and as I parted from him, I remembered that Socrates had seen him when he was a youth, and had a remarkable conversation with him, not long before his own death; and he then prophesied of him that he would be a great man if he lived.&#039; &#039;How true that has been; how like all that Socrates said! And could you repeat the conversation?&#039; &#039;Not from memory; but I took notes when I returned home, which I afterwards filled up at leisure, and got Socrates to correct them from time to time, when I came to Athens&#039;...Terpsion had long intended to ask for a sight of this writing, of which he had already heard. They are both tired, and agree to rest and have the conversation read to them by a servant...&#039;Here is the roll, Terpsion; I need only observe that I have omitted, for the sake of convenience, the interlocutory words, &amp;quot;said I,&amp;quot; &amp;quot;said he&amp;quot;; and that Theaetetus, and Theodorus, the geometrician of Cyrene, are the persons with whom Socrates is conversing.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Socrates begins by asking Theodorus whether, in his visit to Athens, he has found any Athenian youth likely to attain distinction in science. &#039;Yes, Socrates, there is one very remarkable youth, with whom I have become acquainted. He is no beauty, and therefore you need not imagine that I am in love with him; and, to say the truth, he is very like you, for he has a snub nose, and projecting eyes, although these features are not so marked in him as in you. He combines the most various qualities, quickness, patience, courage; and he is gentle as well as wise, always silently flowing on, like a river of oil. Look! he is the middle one of those who are entering the palaestra.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Socrates, who does not know his name, recognizes him as the son of Euphronius, who was himself a good man and a rich. He is informed by Theodorus that the youth is named Theaetetus, but the property of his father has disappeared in the hands of trustees; this does not, however, prevent him from adding liberality to his other virtues. At the desire of Socrates he invites Theaetetus to sit by them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;Yes,&#039; says Socrates, &#039;that I may see in you, Theaetetus, the image of my ugly self, as Theodorus declares. Not that his remark is of any importance; for though he is a philosopher, he is not a painter, and therefore he is no judge of our faces; but, as he is a man of science, he may be a judge of our intellects. And if he were to praise the mental endowments of either of us, in that case the hearer of the eulogy ought to examine into what he says, and the subject should not refuse to be examined.&#039; Theaetetus consents, and is caught in a trap (compare the similar trap which is laid for Theodorus). &#039;Then, Theaetetus, you will have to be examined, for Theodorus has been praising you in a style of which I never heard the like.&#039; &#039;He was only jesting.&#039; &#039;Nay, that is not his way; and I cannot allow you, on that pretence, to retract the assent which you have already given, or I shall make Theodorus repeat your praises, and swear to them.&#039; Theaetetus, in reply, professes that he is willing to be examined, and Socrates begins by asking him what he learns of Theodorus. He is himself anxious to learn anything of anybody; and now he has a little question to which he wants Theaetetus or Theodorus (or whichever of the company would not be &#039;donkey&#039; to the rest) to find an answer. Without further preface, but at the same time apologizing for his eagerness, he asks, &#039;What is knowledge?&#039; Theodorus is too old to answer questions, and begs him to interrogate Theaetetus, who has the advantage of youth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Theaetetus replies, that knowledge is what he learns of Theodorus, i.e. geometry and arithmetic; and that there are other kinds of knowledge&amp;amp;mdash;shoemaking, carpentering, and the like. But Socrates rejoins, that this answer contains too much and also too little. For although Theaetetus has enumerated several kinds of knowledge, he has not explained the common nature of them; as if he had been asked, &#039;What is clay?&#039; and instead of saying &#039;Clay is moistened earth,&#039; he had answered, &#039;There is one clay of image-makers, another of potters, another of oven-makers.&#039; Theaetetus at once divines that Socrates means him to extend to all kinds of knowledge the same process of generalization which he has already learned to apply to arithmetic. For he has discovered a division of numbers into square numbers, 4, 9, 16, etc., which are composed of equal factors, and represent figures which have equal sides, and oblong numbers, 3, 5, 6, 7, etc., which are composed of unequal factors, and represent figures which have unequal sides. But he has never succeeded in attaining a similar conception of knowledge, though he has often tried; and, when this and similar questions were brought to him from Socrates, has been sorely distressed by them. Socrates explains to him that he is in labour. For men as well as women have pangs of labour; and both at times require the assistance of midwives. And he, Socrates, is a midwife, although this is a secret; he has inherited the art from his mother bold and bluff, and he ushers into light, not children, but the thoughts of men. Like the midwives, who are &#039;past bearing children,&#039; he too can have no offspring&amp;amp;mdash;the God will not allow him to bring anything into the world of his own. He also reminds Theaetetus that the midwives are or ought to be the only matchmakers (this is the preparation for a biting jest); for those who reap the fruit are most likely to know on what soil the plants will grow. But respectable midwives avoid this department of practice&amp;amp;mdash;they do not want to be called procuresses. There are some other differences between the two sorts of pregnancy. For women do not bring into the world at one time real children and at another time idols which are with difficulty distinguished from them. &#039;At first,&#039; says Socrates in his character of the man-midwife, &#039;my patients are barren and stolid, but after a while they &amp;quot;round apace,&amp;quot; if the gods are propitious to them; and this is due not to me but to themselves; I and the god only assist in bringing their ideas to the birth. Many of them have left me too soon, and the result has been that they have produced abortions; or when I have delivered them of children they have lost them by an ill bringing up, and have ended by seeing themselves, as others see them, to be great fools. Aristides, the son of Lysimachus, is one of these, and there have been others. The truants often return to me and beg to be taken back; and then, if my familiar allows me, which is not always the case, I receive them, and they begin to grow again. There come to me also those who have nothing in them, and have no need of my art; and I am their matchmaker (see above), and marry them to Prodicus or some other inspired sage who is likely to suit them. I tell you this long story because I suspect that you are in labour. Come then to me, who am a midwife, and the son of a midwife, and I will deliver you. And do not bite me, as the women do, if I abstract your first-born; for I am acting out of good-will towards you; the God who is within me is the friend of man, though he will not allow me to dissemble the truth. Once more then, Theaetetus, I repeat my old question&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;quot;What is knowledge?&amp;quot; Take courage, and by the help of God you will discover an answer.&#039; &#039;My answer is, that knowledge is perception.&#039; &#039;That is the theory of Protagoras, who has another way of expressing the same thing when he says, &amp;quot;Man is the measure of all things.&amp;quot; He was a very wise man, and we should try to understand him. In order to illustrate his meaning let me suppose that there is the same wind blowing in our faces, and one of us may be hot and the other cold. How is this? Protagoras will reply that the wind is hot to him who is cold, cold to him who is hot. And &amp;quot;is&amp;quot; means &amp;quot;appears,&amp;quot; and when you say &amp;quot;appears to him,&amp;quot; that means &amp;quot;he feels.&amp;quot; Thus feeling, appearance, perception, coincide with being. I suspect, however, that this was only a &amp;quot;facon de parler,&amp;quot; by which he imposed on the common herd like you and me; he told &amp;quot;the truth&amp;quot; (in allusion to the title of his book, which was called &amp;quot;The Truth&amp;quot;) in secret to his disciples. For he was really a votary of that famous philosophy in which all things are said to be relative; nothing is great or small, or heavy or light, or one, but all is in motion and mixture and transition and flux and generation, not &amp;quot;being,&amp;quot; as we ignorantly affirm, but &amp;quot;becoming.&amp;quot; This has been the doctrine, not of Protagoras only, but of all philosophers, with the single exception of Parmenides; Empedocles, Heracleitus, and others, and all the poets, with Epicharmus, the king of Comedy, and Homer, the king of Tragedy, at their head, have said the same; the latter has these words&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;quot;Ocean, whence the gods sprang, and mother Tethys.&amp;quot; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And many arguments are used to show, that motion is the source of life, and rest of death: fire and warmth are produced by friction, and living creatures owe their origin to a similar cause; the bodily frame is preserved by exercise and destroyed by indolence; and if the sun ceased to move, &amp;quot;chaos would come again.&amp;quot; Now apply this doctrine of &amp;quot;All is motion&amp;quot; to the senses, and first of all to the sense of sight. The colour of white, or any other colour, is neither in the eyes nor out of them, but ever in motion between the object and the eye, and varying in the case of every percipient. All is relative, and, as the followers of Protagoras remark, endless contradictions arise when we deny this; e.g. here are six dice; they are more than four and less than twelve; &amp;quot;more and also less,&amp;quot; would you not say?&#039; &#039;Yes.&#039; &#039;But Protagoras will retort: &amp;quot;Can anything be more or less without addition or subtraction?&amp;quot;&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;I should say &amp;quot;No&amp;quot; if I were not afraid of contradicting my former answer.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;And if you say &amp;quot;Yes,&amp;quot; the tongue will escape conviction but not the mind, as Euripides would say?&#039; &#039;True.&#039; &#039;The thoroughbred Sophists, who know all that can be known, would have a sparring match over this, but you and I, who have no professional pride, want only to discover whether our ideas are clear and consistent. And we cannot be wrong in saying, first, that nothing can be greater or less while remaining equal; secondly, that there can be no becoming greater or less without addition or subtraction; thirdly, that what is and was not, cannot be without having become. But then how is this reconcilable with the case of the dice, and with similar examples?&amp;amp;mdash;that is the question.&#039; &#039;I am often perplexed and amazed, Socrates, by these difficulties.&#039; &#039;That is because you are a philosopher, for philosophy begins in wonder, and Iris is the child of Thaumas. Do you know the original principle on which the doctrine of Protagoras is based?&#039; &#039;No.&#039; &#039;Then I will tell you; but we must not let the uninitiated hear, and by the uninitiated I mean the obstinate people who believe in nothing which they cannot hold in their hands. The brethren whose mysteries I am about to unfold to you are far more ingenious. They maintain that all is motion; and that motion has two forms, action and passion, out of which endless phenomena are created, also in two forms&amp;amp;mdash;sense and the object of sense&amp;amp;mdash;which come to the birth together. There are two kinds of motions, a slow and a fast; the motions of the agent and the patient are slower, because they move and create in and about themselves, but the things which are born of them have a swifter motion, and pass rapidly from place to place. The eye and the appropriate object come together, and give birth to whiteness and the sensation of whiteness; the eye is filled with seeing, and becomes not sight but a seeing eye, and the object is filled with whiteness, and becomes not whiteness but white; and no other compound of either with another would have produced the same effect. All sensation is to be resolved into a similar combination of an agent and patient. Of either, taken separately, no idea can be formed; and the agent may become a patient, and the patient an agent. Hence there arises a general reflection that nothing is, but all things become; no name can detain or fix them. Are not these speculations charming, Theaetetus, and very good for a person in your interesting situation? I am offering you specimens of other men&#039;s wisdom, because I have no wisdom of my own, and I want to deliver you of something; and presently we will see whether you have brought forth wind or not. Tell me, then, what do you think of the notion that &amp;quot;All things are becoming&amp;quot;?&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;When I hear your arguments, I am marvellously ready to assent.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;But I ought not to conceal from you that there is a serious objection which may be urged against this doctrine of Protagoras. For there are states, such as madness and dreaming, in which perception is false; and half our life is spent in dreaming; and who can say that at this instant we are not dreaming? Even the fancies of madmen are real at the time. But if knowledge is perception, how can we distinguish between the true and the false in such cases? Having stated the objection, I will now state the answer. Protagoras would deny the continuity of phenomena; he would say that what is different is entirely different, and whether active or passive has a different power. There are infinite agents and patients in the world, and these produce in every combination of them a different perception. Take myself as an instance:&amp;amp;mdash;Socrates may be ill or he may be well,&amp;amp;mdash;and remember that Socrates, with all his accidents, is spoken of. The wine which I drink when I am well is pleasant to me, but the same wine is unpleasant to me when I am ill. And there is nothing else from which I can receive the same impression, nor can another receive the same impression from the wine. Neither can I and the object of sense become separately what we become together. For the one in becoming is relative to the other, but they have no other relation; and the combination of them is absolute at each moment. (In modern language, the act of sensation is really indivisible, though capable of a mental analysis into subject and object.) My sensation alone is true, and true to me only. And therefore, as Protagoras says, &amp;quot;To myself I am the judge of what is and what is not.&amp;quot; Thus the flux of Homer and Heracleitus, the great Protagorean saying that &amp;quot;Man is the measure of all things,&amp;quot; the doctrine of Theaetetus that &amp;quot;Knowledge is perception,&amp;quot; have all the same meaning. And this is thy new-born child, which by my art I have brought to light; and you must not be angry if instead of rearing your infant we expose him.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;Theaetetus will not be angry,&#039; says Theodorus; &#039;he is very good-natured. But I should like to know, Socrates, whether you mean to say that all this is untrue?&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;First reminding you that I am not the bag which contains the arguments, but that I extract them from Theaetetus, shall I tell you what amazes me in your friend Protagoras?&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;What may that be?&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;I like his doctrine that what appears is; but I wonder that he did not begin his great work on Truth with a declaration that a pig, or a dog-faced baboon, or any other monster which has sensation, is a measure of all things; then, while we were reverencing him as a god, he might have produced a magnificent effect by expounding to us that he was no wiser than a tadpole. For if sensations are always true, and one man&#039;s discernment is as good as another&#039;s, and every man is his own judge, and everything that he judges is right and true, then what need of Protagoras to be our instructor at a high figure; and why should we be less knowing than he is, or have to go to him, if every man is the measure of all things? My own art of midwifery, and all dialectic, is an enormous folly, if Protagoras&#039; &amp;quot;Truth&amp;quot; be indeed truth, and the philosopher is not merely amusing himself by giving oracles out of his book.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Theodorus thinks that Socrates is unjust to his master, Protagoras; but he is too old and stiff to try a fall with him, and therefore refers him to Theaetetus, who is already driven out of his former opinion by the arguments of Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Socrates then takes up the defence of Protagoras, who is supposed to reply in his own person&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;Good people, you sit and declaim about the gods, of whose existence or non-existence I have nothing to say, or you discourse about man being reduced to the level of the brutes; but what proof have you of your statements? And yet surely you and Theodorus had better reflect whether probability is a safe guide. Theodorus would be a bad geometrician if he had nothing better to offer.&#039;...Theaetetus is affected by the appeal to geometry, and Socrates is induced by him to put the question in a new form. He proceeds as follows:&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;Should we say that we know what we see and hear,&amp;amp;mdash;e.g. the sound of words or the sight of letters in a foreign tongue?&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;We should say that the figures of the letters, and the pitch of the voice in uttering them, were known to us, but not the meaning of them.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;Excellent; I want you to grow, and therefore I will leave that answer and ask another question: Is not seeing perceiving?&#039; &#039;Very true.&#039; &#039;And he who sees knows?&#039; &#039;Yes.&#039; &#039;And he who remembers, remembers that which he sees and knows?&#039; &#039;Very true.&#039; &#039;But if he closes his eyes, does he not remember?&#039; &#039;He does.&#039; &#039;Then he may remember and not see; and if seeing is knowing, he may remember and not know. Is not this a &amp;quot;reductio ad absurdum&amp;quot; of the hypothesis that knowledge is sensible perception? Yet perhaps we are crowing too soon; and if Protagoras, &amp;quot;the father of the myth,&amp;quot; had been alive, the result might have been very different. But he is dead, and Theodorus, whom he left guardian of his &amp;quot;orphan,&amp;quot; has not been very zealous in defending him.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Theodorus objects that Callias is the true guardian, but he hopes that Socrates will come to the rescue. Socrates prefaces his defence by resuming the attack. He asks whether a man can know and not know at the same time? &#039;Impossible.&#039; Quite possible, if you maintain that seeing is knowing. The confident adversary, suiting the action to the word, shuts one of your eyes; and now, says he, you see and do not see, but do you know and not know? And a fresh opponent darts from his ambush, and transfers to knowledge the terms which are commonly applied to sight. He asks whether you can know near and not at a distance; whether you can have a sharp and also a dull knowledge. While you are wondering at his incomparable wisdom, he gets you into his power, and you will not escape until you have come to an understanding with him about the money which is to be paid for your release. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But Protagoras has not yet made his defence; and already he may be heard contemptuously replying that he is not responsible for the admissions which were made by a boy, who could not foresee the coming move, and therefore had answered in a manner which enabled Socrates to raise a laugh against himself. &#039;But I cannot be fairly charged,&#039; he will say, &#039;with an answer which I should not have given; for I never maintained that the memory of a feeling is the same as a feeling, or denied that a man might know and not know the same thing at the same time. Or, if you will have extreme precision, I say that man in different relations is many or rather infinite in number. And I challenge you, either to show that his perceptions are not individual, or that if they are, what appears to him is not what is. As to your pigs and baboons, you are yourself a pig, and you make my writings a sport of other swine. But I still affirm that man is the measure of all things, although I admit that one man may be a thousand times better than another, in proportion as he has better impressions. Neither do I deny the existence of wisdom or of the wise man. But I maintain that wisdom is a practical remedial power of turning evil into good, the bitterness of disease into the sweetness of health, and does not consist in any greater truth or superior knowledge. For the impressions of the sick are as true as the impressions of the healthy; and the sick are as wise as the healthy. Nor can any man be cured of a false opinion, for there is no such thing; but he may be cured of the evil habit which generates in him an evil opinion. This is effected in the body by the drugs of the physician, and in the soul by the words of the Sophist; and the new state or opinion is not truer, but only better than the old. And philosophers are not tadpoles, but physicians and husbandmen, who till the soil and infuse health into animals and plants, and make the good take the place of the evil, both in individuals and states. Wise and good rhetoricians make the good to appear just in states (for that is just which appears just to a state), and in return, they deserve to be well paid. And you, Socrates, whether you please or not, must continue to be a measure. This is my defence, and I must request you to meet me fairly. We are professing to reason, and not merely to dispute; and there is a great difference between reasoning and disputation. For the disputer is always seeking to trip up his opponent; and this is a mode of argument which disgusts men with philosophy as they grow older. But the reasoner is trying to understand him and to point out his errors to him, whether arising from his own or from his companion&#039;s fault; he does not argue from the customary use of names, which the vulgar pervert in all manner of ways. If you are gentle to an adversary he will follow and love you; and if defeated he will lay the blame on himself, and seek to escape from his own prejudices into philosophy. I would recommend you, Socrates, to adopt this humaner method, and to avoid captious and verbal criticisms.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Such, Theodorus, is the very slight help which I am able to afford to your friend; had he been alive, he would have helped himself in far better style. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;You have made a most valorous defence.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes; but did you observe that Protagoras bade me be serious, and complained of our getting up a laugh against him with the aid of a boy? He meant to intimate that you must take the place of Theaetetus, who may be wiser than many bearded men, but not wiser than you, Theodorus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;The rule of the Spartan Palaestra is, Strip or depart; but you are like the giant Antaeus, and will not let me depart unless I try a fall with you.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes, that is the nature of my complaint. And many a Hercules, many a Theseus mighty in deeds and words has broken my head; but I am always at this rough game. Please, then, to favour me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;On the condition of not exceeding a single fall, I consent.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Socrates now resumes the argument. As he is very desirous of doing justice to Protagoras, he insists on citing his own words,&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;What appears to each man is to him.&#039; And how, asks Socrates, are these words reconcileable with the fact that all mankind are agreed in thinking themselves wiser than others in some respects, and inferior to them in others? In the hour of danger they are ready to fall down and worship any one who is their superior in wisdom as if he were a god. And the world is full of men who are asking to be taught and willing to be ruled, and of other men who are willing to rule and teach them. All which implies that men do judge of one another&#039;s impressions, and think some wise and others foolish. How will Protagoras answer this argument? For he cannot say that no one deems another ignorant or mistaken. If you form a judgment, thousands and tens of thousands are ready to maintain the opposite. The multitude may not and do not agree in Protagoras&#039; own thesis that &#039;Man is the measure of all things;&#039; and then who is to decide? Upon his own showing must not his &#039;truth&#039; depend on the number of suffrages, and be more or less true in proportion as he has more or fewer of them? And he must acknowledge further, that they speak truly who deny him to speak truly, which is a famous jest. And if he admits that they speak truly who deny him to speak truly, he must admit that he himself does not speak truly. But his opponents will refuse to admit this of themselves, and he must allow that they are right in their refusal. The conclusion is, that all mankind, including Protagoras himself, will deny that he speaks truly; and his truth will be true neither to himself nor to anybody else. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Theodorus is inclined to think that this is going too far. Socrates ironically replies, that he is not going beyond the truth. But if the old Protagoras could only pop his head out of the world below, he would doubtless give them both a sound castigation and be off to the shades in an instant. Seeing that he is not within call, we must examine the question for ourselves. It is clear that there are great differences in the understandings of men. Admitting, with Protagoras, that immediate sensations of hot, cold, and the like, are to each one such as they appear, yet this hypothesis cannot be extended to judgments or opinions. And even if we were to admit further,&amp;amp;mdash;and this is the view of some who are not thorough-going followers of Protagoras,&amp;amp;mdash;that right and wrong, holy and unholy, are to each state or individual such as they appear, still Protagoras will not venture to maintain that every man is equally the measure of expediency, or that the thing which seems is expedient to every one. But this begins a new question. &#039;Well, Socrates, we have plenty of leisure. Yes, we have, and, after the manner of philosophers, we are digressing; I have often observed how ridiculous this habit of theirs makes them when they appear in court. &#039;What do you mean?&#039; I mean to say that a philosopher is a gentleman, but a lawyer is a servant. The one can have his talk out, and wander at will from one subject to another, as the fancy takes him; like ourselves, he may be long or short, as he pleases. But the lawyer is always in a hurry; there is the clepsydra limiting his time, and the brief limiting his topics, and his adversary is standing over him and exacting his rights. He is a servant disputing about a fellow-servant before his master, who holds the cause in his hands; the path never diverges, and often the race is for his life. Such experiences render him keen and shrewd; he learns the arts of flattery, and is perfect in the practice of crooked ways; dangers have come upon him too soon, when the tenderness of youth was unable to meet them with truth and honesty, and he has resorted to counter-acts of dishonesty and falsehood, and become warped and distorted; without any health or freedom or sincerity in him he has grown up to manhood, and is or esteems himself to be a master of cunning. Such are the lawyers; will you have the companion picture of philosophers? or will this be too much of a digression? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;Nay, Socrates, the argument is our servant, and not our master. Who is the judge or where is the spectator, having a right to control us?&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I will describe the leaders, then: for the inferior sort are not worth the trouble. The lords of philosophy have not learned the way to the dicastery or ecclesia; they neither see nor hear the laws and votes of the state, written or recited; societies, whether political or festive, clubs, and singing maidens do not enter even into their dreams. And the scandals of persons or their ancestors, male and female, they know no more than they can tell the number of pints in the ocean. Neither are they conscious of their own ignorance; for they do not practise singularity in order to gain reputation, but the truth is, that the outer form of them only is residing in the city; the inner man, as Pindar says, is going on a voyage of discovery, measuring as with line and rule the things which are under and in the earth, interrogating the whole of nature, only not condescending to notice what is near them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;What do you mean, Socrates?&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I will illustrate my meaning by the jest of the witty maid-servant, who saw Thales tumbling into a well, and said of him, that he was so eager to know what was going on in heaven, that he could not see what was before his feet. This is applicable to all philosophers. The philosopher is unacquainted with the world; he hardly knows whether his neighbour is a man or an animal. For he is always searching into the essence of man, and enquiring what such a nature ought to do or suffer different from any other. Hence, on every occasion in private life and public, as I was saying, when he appears in a law-court or anywhere, he is the joke, not only of maid-servants, but of the general herd, falling into wells and every sort of disaster; he looks such an awkward, inexperienced creature, unable to say anything personal, when he is abused, in answer to his adversaries (for he knows no evil of any one); and when he hears the praises of others, he cannot help laughing from the bottom of his soul at their pretensions; and this also gives him a ridiculous appearance. A king or tyrant appears to him to be a kind of swine-herd or cow-herd, milking away at an animal who is much more troublesome and dangerous than cows or sheep; like the cow-herd, he has no time to be educated, and the pen in which he keeps his flock in the mountains is surrounded by a wall. When he hears of large landed properties of ten thousand acres or more, he thinks of the whole earth; or if he is told of the antiquity of a family, he remembers that every one has had myriads of progenitors, rich and poor, Greeks and barbarians, kings and slaves. And he who boasts of his descent from Amphitryon in the twenty-fifth generation, may, if he pleases, add as many more, and double that again, and our philosopher only laughs at his inability to do a larger sum. Such is the man at whom the vulgar scoff; he seems to them as if he could not mind his feet. &#039;That is very true, Socrates.&#039; But when he tries to draw the quick-witted lawyer out of his pleas and rejoinders to the contemplation of absolute justice or injustice in their own nature, or from the popular praises of wealthy kings to the view of happiness and misery in themselves, or to the reasons why a man should seek after the one and avoid the other, then the situation is reversed; the little wretch turns giddy, and is ready to fall over the precipice; his utterance becomes thick, and he makes himself ridiculous, not to servant-maids, but to every man of liberal education. Such are the two pictures: the one of the philosopher and gentleman, who may be excused for not having learned how to make a bed, or cook up flatteries; the other, a serviceable knave, who hardly knows how to wear his cloak,&amp;amp;mdash;still less can he awaken harmonious thoughts or hymn virtue&#039;s praises. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;If the world, Socrates, were as ready to receive your words as I am, there would be greater peace and less evil among mankind.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Evil, Theodorus, must ever remain in this world to be the antagonist of good, out of the way of the gods in heaven. Wherefore also we should fly away from ourselves to them; and to fly to them is to become like them; and to become like them is to become holy, just and true. But many live in the old wives&#039; fable of appearances; they think that you should follow virtue in order that you may seem to be good. And yet the truth is, that God is righteous; and of men, he is most like him who is most righteous. To know this is wisdom; and in comparison of this the wisdom of the arts or the seeming wisdom of politicians is mean and common. The unrighteous man is apt to pride himself on his cunning; when others call him rogue, he says to himself: &#039;They only mean that I am one who deserves to live, and not a mere burden of the earth.&#039; But he should reflect that his ignorance makes his condition worse than if he knew. For the penalty of injustice is not death or stripes, but the fatal necessity of becoming more and more unjust. Two patterns of life are set before him; the one blessed and divine, the other godless and wretched; and he is growing more and more like the one and unlike the other. He does not see that if he continues in his cunning, the place of innocence will not receive him after death. And yet if such a man has the courage to hear the argument out, he often becomes dissatisfied with himself, and has no more strength in him than a child.&amp;amp;mdash;But we have digressed enough. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;For my part, Socrates, I like the digressions better than the argument, because I understand them better.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; To return. When we left off, the Protagoreans and Heracliteans were maintaining that the ordinances of the State were just, while they lasted. But no one would maintain that the laws of the State were always good or expedient, although this may be the intention of them. For the expedient has to do with the future, about which we are liable to mistake. Now, would Protagoras maintain that man is the measure not only of the present and past, but of the future; and that there is no difference in the judgments of men about the future? Would an untrained man, for example, be as likely to know when he is going to have a fever, as the physician who attended him? And if they differ in opinion, which of them is likely to be right; or are they both right? Is not a vine-grower a better judge of a vintage which is not yet gathered, or a cook of a dinner which is in preparation, or Protagoras of the probable effect of a speech than an ordinary person? The last example speaks &#039;ad hominen.&#039; For Protagoras would never have amassed a fortune if every man could judge of the future for himself. He is, therefore, compelled to admit that he is a measure; but I, who know nothing, am not equally convinced that I am. This is one way of refuting him; and he is refuted also by the authority which he attributes to the opinions of others, who deny his opinions. I am not equally sure that we can disprove the truth of immediate states of feeling. But this leads us to the doctrine of the universal flux, about which a battle-royal is always going on in the cities of Ionia. &#039;Yes; the Ephesians are downright mad about the flux; they cannot stop to argue with you, but are in perpetual motion, obedient to their text-books. Their restlessness is beyond expression, and if you ask any of them a question, they will not answer, but dart at you some unintelligible saying, and another and another, making no way either with themselves or with others; for nothing is fixed in them or their ideas,&amp;amp;mdash;they are at war with fixed principles.&#039; I suppose, Theodorus, that you have never seen them in time of peace, when they discourse at leisure to their disciples? &#039;Disciples! they have none; they are a set of uneducated fanatics, and each of them says of the other that they have no knowledge. We must trust to ourselves, and not to them for the solution of the problem.&#039; Well, the doctrine is old, being derived from the poets, who speak in a figure of Oceanus and Tethys; the truth was once concealed, but is now revealed by the superior wisdom of a later generation, and made intelligible to the cobbler, who, on hearing that all is in motion, and not some things only, as he ignorantly fancied, may be expected to fall down and worship his teachers. And the opposite doctrine must not be forgotten:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;pre xml:space=&amp;quot;preserve&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &#039;Alone being remains unmoved which is the name for all,&#039; &amp;lt;/pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; as Parmenides affirms. Thus we are in the midst of the fray; both parties are dragging us to their side; and we are not certain which of them are in the right; and if neither, then we shall be in a ridiculous position, having to set up our own opinion against ancient and famous men. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Let us first approach the river-gods, or patrons of the flux. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; When they speak of motion, must they not include two kinds of motion, change of place and change of nature?&amp;amp;mdash;And all things must be supposed to have both kinds of motion; for if not, the same things would be at rest and in motion, which is contrary to their theory. And did we not say, that all sensations arise thus: they move about between the agent and patient together with a perception, and the patient ceases to be a perceiving power and becomes a percipient, and the agent a quale instead of a quality; but neither has any absolute existence? But now we make the further discovery, that neither white or whiteness, nor any sense or sensation, can be predicated of anything, for they are in a perpetual flux. And therefore we must modify the doctrine of Theaetetus and Protagoras, by asserting further that knowledge is and is not sensation; and of everything we must say equally, that this is and is not, or becomes or becomes not. And still the word &#039;this&#039; is not quite correct, for language fails in the attempt to express their meaning. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; At the close of the discussion, Theodorus claims to be released from the argument, according to his agreement. But Theaetetus insists that they shall proceed to consider the doctrine of rest. This is declined by Socrates, who has too much reverence for the great Parmenides lightly to attack him. (We shall find that he returns to the doctrine of rest in the Sophist; but at present he does not wish to be diverted from his main purpose, which is, to deliver Theaetetus of his conception of knowledge.) He proceeds to interrogate him further. When he says that &#039;knowledge is in perception,&#039; with what does he perceive? The first answer is, that he perceives sights with the eye, and sounds with the ear. This leads Socrates to make the reflection that nice distinctions of words are sometimes pedantic, but sometimes necessary; and he proposes in this case to substitute the word &#039;through&#039; for &#039;with.&#039; For the senses are not like the Trojan warriors in the horse, but have a common centre of perception, in which they all meet. This common principle is able to compare them with one another, and must therefore be distinct from them (compare Republic). And as there are facts of sense which are perceived through the organs of the body, there are also mathematical and other abstractions, such as sameness and difference, likeness and unlikeness, which the soul perceives by herself. Being is the most universal of these abstractions. The good and the beautiful are abstractions of another kind, which exist in relation and which above all others the mind perceives in herself, comparing within her past, present, and future. For example; we know a thing to be hard or soft by the touch, of which the perception is given at birth to men and animals. But the essence of hardness or softness, or the fact that this hardness is, and is the opposite of softness, is slowly learned by reflection and experience. Mere perception does not reach being, and therefore fails of truth; and therefore has no share in knowledge. But if so, knowledge is not perception. What then is knowledge? The mind, when occupied by herself with being, is said to have opinion&amp;amp;mdash;shall we say that &#039;Knowledge is true opinion&#039;? But still an old difficulty recurs; we ask ourselves, &#039;How is false opinion possible?&#039; This difficulty may be stated as follows:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Either we know or do not know a thing (for the intermediate processes of learning and forgetting need not at present be considered); and in thinking or having an opinion, we must either know or not know that which we think, and we cannot know and be ignorant at the same time; we cannot confuse one thing which we do not know, with another thing which we do not know; nor can we think that which we do not know to be that which we know, or that which we know to be that which we do not know. And what other case is conceivable, upon the supposition that we either know or do not know all things? Let us try another answer in the sphere of being: &#039;When a man thinks, and thinks that which is not.&#039; But would this hold in any parallel case? Can a man see and see nothing? or hear and hear nothing? or touch and touch nothing? Must he not see, hear, or touch some one existing thing? For if he thinks about nothing he does not think, and not thinking he cannot think falsely. And so the path of being is closed against us, as well as the path of knowledge. But may there not be &#039;heterodoxy,&#039; or transference of opinion;&amp;amp;mdash;I mean, may not one thing be supposed to be another? Theaetetus is confident that this must be &#039;the true falsehood,&#039; when a man puts good for evil or evil for good. Socrates will not discourage him by attacking the paradoxical expression &#039;true falsehood,&#039; but passes on. The new notion involves a process of thinking about two things, either together or alternately. And thinking is the conversing of the mind with herself, which is carried on in question and answer, until she no longer doubts, but determines and forms an opinion. And false opinion consists in saying to yourself, that one thing is another. But did you ever say to yourself, that good is evil, or evil good? Even in sleep, did you ever imagine that odd was even? Or did any man in his senses ever fancy that an ox was a horse, or that two are one? So that we can never think one thing to be another; for you must not meet me with the verbal quibble that one&amp;amp;mdash;eteron&amp;amp;mdash;is other&amp;amp;mdash;eteron (both &#039;one&#039; and &#039;other&#039; in Greek are called &#039;other&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;eteron). He who has both the two things in his mind, cannot misplace them; and he who has only one of them in his mind, cannot misplace them&amp;amp;mdash;on either supposition transplacement is inconceivable. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But perhaps there may still be a sense in which we can think that which we do not know to be that which we know: e.g. Theaetetus may know Socrates, but at a distance he may mistake another person for him. This process may be conceived by the help of an image. Let us suppose that every man has in his mind a block of wax of various qualities, the gift of Memory, the mother of the Muses; and on this he receives the seal or stamp of those sensations and perceptions which he wishes to remember. That which he succeeds in stamping is remembered and known by him as long as the impression lasts; but that, of which the impression is rubbed out or imperfectly made, is forgotten, and not known. No one can think one thing to be another, when he has the memorial or seal of both of these in his soul, and a sensible impression of neither; or when he knows one and does not know the other, and has no memorial or seal of the other; or when he knows neither; or when he perceives both, or one and not the other, or neither; or when he perceives and knows both, and identifies what he perceives with what he knows (this is still more impossible); or when he does not know one, and does not know and does not perceive the other; or does not perceive one, and does not know and does not perceive the other; or has no perception or knowledge of either&amp;amp;mdash;all these cases must be excluded. But he may err when he confuses what he knows or perceives, or what he perceives and does not know, with what he knows, or what he knows and perceives with what he knows and perceives. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Theaetetus is unable to follow these distinctions; which Socrates proceeds to illustrate by examples, first of all remarking, that knowledge may exist without perception, and perception without knowledge. I may know Theodorus and Theaetetus and not see them; I may see them, and not know them. &#039;That I understand.&#039; But I could not mistake one for the other if I knew you both, and had no perception of either; or if I knew one only, and perceived neither; or if I knew and perceived neither, or in any other of the excluded cases. The only possibility of error is: 1st, when knowing you and Theodorus, and having the impression of both of you on the waxen block, I, seeing you both imperfectly and at a distance, put the foot in the wrong shoe&amp;amp;mdash;that is to say, put the seal or stamp on the wrong object: or 2ndly, when knowing both of you I only see one; or when, seeing and knowing you both, I fail to identify the impression and the object. But there could be no error when perception and knowledge correspond. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The waxen block in the heart of a man&#039;s soul, as I may say in the words of Homer, who played upon the words ker and keros, may be smooth and deep, and large enough, and then the signs are clearly marked and lasting, and do not get confused. But in the &#039;hairy heart,&#039; as the all-wise poet sings, when the wax is muddy or hard or moist, there is a corresponding confusion and want of retentiveness; in the muddy and impure there is indistinctness, and still more in the hard, for there the impressions have no depth of wax, and in the moist they are too soon effaced. Yet greater is the indistinctness when they are all jolted together in a little soul, which is narrow and has no room. These are the sort of natures which have false opinion; from stupidity they see and hear and think amiss; and this is falsehood and ignorance. Error, then, is a confusion of thought and sense. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Theaetetus is delighted with this explanation. But Socrates has no sooner found the new solution than he sinks into a fit of despondency. For an objection occurs to him:&amp;amp;mdash;May there not be errors where there is no confusion of mind and sense? e.g. in numbers. No one can confuse the man whom he has in his thoughts with the horse which he has in his thoughts, but he may err in the addition of five and seven. And observe that these are purely mental conceptions. Thus we are involved once more in the dilemma of saying, either that there is no such thing as false opinion, or that a man knows what he does not know. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; We are at our wit&#039;s end, and may therefore be excused for making a bold diversion. All this time we have been repeating the words &#039;know,&#039; &#039;understand,&#039; yet we do not know what knowledge is. &#039;Why, Socrates, how can you argue at all without using them?&#039; Nay, but the true hero of dialectic would have forbidden me to use them until I had explained them. And I must explain them now. The verb &#039;to know&#039; has two senses, to have and to possess knowledge, and I distinguish &#039;having&#039; from &#039;possessing.&#039; A man may possess a garment which he does not wear; or he may have wild birds in an aviary; these in one sense he possesses, and in another he has none of them. Let this aviary be an image of the mind, as the waxen block was; when we are young, the aviary is empty; after a time the birds are put in; for under this figure we may describe different forms of knowledge;&amp;amp;mdash;there are some of them in groups, and some single, which are flying about everywhere; and let us suppose a hunt after the science of odd and even, or some other science. The possession of the birds is clearly not the same as the having them in the hand. And the original chase of them is not the same as taking them in the hand when they are already caged. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; This distinction between use and possession saves us from the absurdity of supposing that we do not know what we know, because we may know in one sense, i.e. possess, what we do not know in another, i.e. use. But have we not escaped one difficulty only to encounter a greater? For how can the exchange of two kinds of knowledge ever become false opinion? As well might we suppose that ignorance could make a man know, or that blindness could make him see. Theaetetus suggests that in the aviary there may be flying about mock birds, or forms of ignorance, and we put forth our hands and grasp ignorance, when we are intending to grasp knowledge. But how can he who knows the forms of knowledge and the forms of ignorance imagine one to be the other? Is there some other form of knowledge which distinguishes them? and another, and another? Thus we go round and round in a circle and make no progress. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; All this confusion arises out of our attempt to explain false opinion without having explained knowledge. What then is knowledge? Theaetetus repeats that knowledge is true opinion. But this seems to be refuted by the instance of orators and judges. For surely the orator cannot convey a true knowledge of crimes at which the judges were not present; he can only persuade them, and the judge may form a true opinion and truly judge. But if true opinion were knowledge they could not have judged without knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Once more. Theaetetus offers a definition which he has heard: Knowledge is true opinion accompanied by definition or explanation. Socrates has had a similar dream, and has further heard that the first elements are names only, and that definition or explanation begins when they are combined; the letters are unknown, the syllables or combinations are known. But this new hypothesis when tested by the letters of the alphabet is found to break down. The first syllable of Socrates&#039; name is SO. But what is SO? Two letters, S and O, a sibilant and a vowel, of which no further explanation can be given. And how can any one be ignorant of either of them, and yet know both of them? There is, however, another alternative:&amp;amp;mdash;We may suppose that the syllable has a separate form or idea distinct from the letters or parts. The all of the parts may not be the whole. Theaetetus is very much inclined to adopt this suggestion, but when interrogated by Socrates he is unable to draw any distinction between the whole and all the parts. And if the syllables have no parts, then they are those original elements of which there is no explanation. But how can the syllable be known if the letter remains unknown? In learning to read as children, we are first taught the letters and then the syllables. And in music, the notes, which are the letters, have a much more distinct meaning to us than the combination of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Once more, then, we must ask the meaning of the statement, that &#039;Knowledge is right opinion, accompanied by explanation or definition.&#039; Explanation may mean, (1) the reflection or expression of a man&#039;s thoughts&amp;amp;mdash;but every man who is not deaf and dumb is able to express his thoughts&amp;amp;mdash;or (2) the enumeration of the elements of which anything is composed. A man may have a true opinion about a waggon, but then, and then only, has he knowledge of a waggon when he is able to enumerate the hundred planks of Hesiod. Or he may know the syllables of the name Theaetetus, but not the letters; yet not until he knows both can he be said to have knowledge as well as opinion. But on the other hand he may know the syllable &#039;The&#039; in the name Theaetetus, yet he may be mistaken about the same syllable in the name Theodorus, and in learning to read we often make such mistakes. And even if he could write out all the letters and syllables of your name in order, still he would only have right opinion. Yet there may be a third meaning of the definition, besides the image or expression of the mind, and the enumeration of the elements, viz. (3) perception of difference. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; For example, I may see a man who has eyes, nose, and mouth;&amp;amp;mdash;that will not distinguish him from any other man. Or he may have a snub-nose and prominent eyes;&amp;amp;mdash;that will not distinguish him from myself and you and others who are like me. But when I see a certain kind of snub-nosedness, then I recognize Theaetetus. And having this sign of difference, I have knowledge. But have I knowledge or opinion of this difference; if I have only opinion I have not knowledge; if I have knowledge we assume a disputed term; for knowledge will have to be defined as right opinion with knowledge of difference. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And so, Theaetetus, knowledge is neither perception nor true opinion, nor yet definition accompanying true opinion. And I have shown that the children of your brain are not worth rearing. Are you still in labour, or have you brought all you have to say about knowledge to the birth? If you have any more thoughts, you will be the better for having got rid of these; or if you have none, you will be the better for not fancying that you know what you do not know. Observe the limits of my art, which, like my mother&#039;s, is an art of midwifery; I do not pretend to compare with the good and wise of this and other ages. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And now I go to meet Meletus at the porch of the King Archon; but to-morrow I shall hope to see you again, Theodorus, at this place. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; ... &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I. The saying of Theaetetus, that &#039;Knowledge is sensible perception,&#039; may be assumed to be a current philosophical opinion of the age. &#039;The ancients,&#039; as Aristotle (De Anim.) says, citing a verse of Empedocles, &#039;affirmed knowledge to be the same as perception.&#039; We may now examine these words, first, with reference to their place in the history of philosophy, and secondly, in relation to modern speculations. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; (a) In the age of Socrates the mind was passing from the object to the subject. The same impulse which a century before had led men to form conceptions of the world, now led them to frame general notions of the human faculties and feelings, such as memory, opinion, and the like. The simplest of these is sensation, or sensible perception, by which Plato seems to mean the generalized notion of feelings and impressions of sense, without determining whether they are conscious or not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The theory that &#039;Knowledge is sensible perception&#039; is the antithesis of that which derives knowledge from the mind (Theaet.), or which assumes the existence of ideas independent of the mind (Parm.). Yet from their extreme abstraction these theories do not represent the opposite poles of thought in the same way that the corresponding differences would in modern philosophy. The most ideal and the most sensational have a tendency to pass into one another; Heracleitus, like his great successor Hegel, has both aspects. The Eleatic isolation of Being and the Megarian or Cynic isolation of individuals are placed in the same class by Plato (Soph.); and the same principle which is the symbol of motion to one mind is the symbol of rest to another. The Atomists, who are sometimes regarded as the Materialists of Plato, denied the reality of sensation. And in the ancient as well as the modern world there were reactions from theory to experience, from ideas to sense. This is a point of view from which the philosophy of sensation presented great attraction to the ancient thinker. Amid the conflict of ideas and the variety of opinions, the impression of sense remained certain and uniform. Hardness, softness, cold, heat, etc. are not absolutely the same to different persons, but the art of measuring could at any rate reduce them all to definite natures (Republic). Thus the doctrine that knowledge is perception supplies or seems to supply a firm standing ground. Like the other notions of the earlier Greek philosophy, it was held in a very simple way, without much basis of reasoning, and without suggesting the questions which naturally arise in our own minds on the same subject. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; (b) The fixedness of impressions of sense furnishes a link of connexion between ancient and modern philosophy. The modern thinker often repeats the parallel axiom, &#039;All knowledge is experience.&#039; He means to say that the outward and not the inward is both the original source and the final criterion of truth, because the outward can be observed and analyzed; the inward is only known by external results, and is dimly perceived by each man for himself. In what does this differ from the saying of Theaetetus? Chiefly in this&amp;amp;mdash;that the modern term &#039;experience,&#039; while implying a point of departure in sense and a return to sense, also includes all the processes of reasoning and imagination which have intervened. The necessary connexion between them by no means affords a measure of the relative degree of importance which is to be ascribed to either element. For the inductive portion of any science may be small, as in mathematics or ethics, compared with that which the mind has attained by reasoning and reflection on a very few facts. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; II. The saying that &#039;All knowledge is sensation&#039; is identified by Plato with the Protagorean thesis that &#039;Man is the measure of all things.&#039; The interpretation which Protagoras himself is supposed to give of these latter words is: &#039;Things are to me as they appear to me, and to you as they appear to you.&#039; But there remains still an ambiguity both in the text and in the explanation, which has to be cleared up. Did Protagoras merely mean to assert the relativity of knowledge to the human mind? Or did he mean to deny that there is an objective standard of truth? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; These two questions have not been always clearly distinguished; the relativity of knowledge has been sometimes confounded with uncertainty. The untutored mind is apt to suppose that objects exist independently of the human faculties, because they really exist independently of the faculties of any individual. In the same way, knowledge appears to be a body of truths stored up in books, which when once ascertained are independent of the discoverer. Further consideration shows us that these truths are not really independent of the mind; there is an adaptation of one to the other, of the eye to the object of sense, of the mind to the conception. There would be no world, if there neither were nor ever had been any one to perceive the world. A slight effort of reflection enables us to understand this; but no effort of reflection will enable us to pass beyond the limits of our own faculties, or to imagine the relation or adaptation of objects to the mind to be different from that of which we have experience. There are certain laws of language and logic to which we are compelled to conform, and to which our ideas naturally adapt themselves; and we can no more get rid of them than we can cease to be ourselves. The absolute and infinite, whether explained as self-existence, or as the totality of human thought, or as the Divine nature, if known to us at all, cannot escape from the category of relation. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But because knowledge is subjective or relative to the mind, we are not to suppose that we are therefore deprived of any of the tests or criteria of truth. One man still remains wiser than another, a more accurate observer and relater of facts, a truer measure of the proportions of knowledge. The nature of testimony is not altered, nor the verification of causes by prescribed methods less certain. Again, the truth must often come to a man through others, according to the measure of his capacity and education. But neither does this affect the testimony, whether written or oral, which he knows by experience to be trustworthy. He cannot escape from the laws of his own mind; and he cannot escape from the further accident of being dependent for his knowledge on others. But still this is no reason why he should always be in doubt; of many personal, of many historical and scientific facts he may be absolutely assured. And having such a mass of acknowledged truth in the mathematical and physical, not to speak of the moral sciences, the moderns have certainly no reason to acquiesce in the statement that truth is appearance only, or that there is no difference between appearance and truth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The relativity of knowledge is a truism to us, but was a great psychological discovery in the fifth century before Christ. Of this discovery, the first distinct assertion is contained in the thesis of Protagoras. Probably he had no intention either of denying or affirming an objective standard of truth. He did not consider whether man in the higher or man in the lower sense was a &#039;measure of all things.&#039; Like other great thinkers, he was absorbed with one idea, and that idea was the absoluteness of perception. Like Socrates, he seemed to see that philosophy must be brought back from &#039;nature&#039; to &#039;truth,&#039; from the world to man. But he did not stop to analyze whether he meant &#039;man&#039; in the concrete or man in the abstract, any man or some men, &#039;quod semper quod ubique&#039; or individual private judgment. Such an analysis lay beyond his sphere of thought; the age before Socrates had not arrived at these distinctions. Like the Cynics, again, he discarded knowledge in any higher sense than perception. For &#039;truer&#039; or &#039;wiser&#039; he substituted the word &#039;better,&#039; and is not unwilling to admit that both states and individuals are capable of practical improvement. But this improvement does not arise from intellectual enlightenment, nor yet from the exertion of the will, but from a change of circumstances and impressions; and he who can effect this change in himself or others may be deemed a philosopher. In the mode of effecting it, while agreeing with Socrates and the Cynics in the importance which he attaches to practical life, he is at variance with both of them. To suppose that practice can be divorced from speculation, or that we may do good without caring about truth, is by no means singular, either in philosophy or life. The singularity of this, as of some other (so-called) sophistical doctrines, is the frankness with which they are avowed, instead of being veiled, as in modern times, under ambiguous and convenient phrases. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Plato appears to treat Protagoras much as he himself is treated by Aristotle; that is to say, he does not attempt to understand him from his own point of view. But he entangles him in the meshes of a more advanced logic. To which Protagoras is supposed to reply by Megarian quibbles, which destroy logic, &#039;Not only man, but each man, and each man at each moment.&#039; In the arguments about sight and memory there is a palpable unfairness which is worthy of the great &#039;brainless brothers,&#039; Euthydemus and Dionysodorus, and may be compared with the egkekalummenos (&#039;obvelatus&#039;) of Eubulides. For he who sees with one eye only cannot be truly said both to see and not to see; nor is memory, which is liable to forget, the immediate knowledge to which Protagoras applies the term. Theodorus justly charges Socrates with going beyond the truth; and Protagoras has equally right on his side when he protests against Socrates arguing from the common use of words, which &#039;the vulgar pervert in all manner of ways.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; III. The theory of Protagoras is connected by Aristotle as well as Plato with the flux of Heracleitus. But Aristotle is only following Plato, and Plato, as we have already seen, did not mean to imply that such a connexion was admitted by Protagoras himself. His metaphysical genius saw or seemed to see a common tendency in them, just as the modern historian of ancient philosophy might perceive a parallelism between two thinkers of which they were probably unconscious themselves. We must remember throughout that Plato is not speaking of Heracleitus, but of the Heracliteans, who succeeded him; nor of the great original ideas of the master, but of the Eristic into which they had degenerated a hundred years later. There is nothing in the fragments of Heracleitus which at all justifies Plato&#039;s account of him. His philosophy may be resolved into two elements&amp;amp;mdash;first, change, secondly, law or measure pervading the change: these he saw everywhere, and often expressed in strange mythological symbols. But he has no analysis of sensible perception such as Plato attributes to him; nor is there any reason to suppose that he pushed his philosophy into that absolute negation in which Heracliteanism was sunk in the age of Plato. He never said that &#039;change means every sort of change;&#039; and he expressly distinguished between &#039;the general and particular understanding.&#039; Like a poet, he surveyed the elements of mythology, nature, thought, which lay before him, and sometimes by the light of genius he saw or seemed to see a mysterious principle working behind them. But as has been the case with other great philosophers, and with Plato and Aristotle themselves, what was really permanent and original could not be understood by the next generation, while a perverted logic carried out his chance expressions with an illogical consistency. His simple and noble thoughts, like those of the great Eleatic, soon degenerated into a mere strife of words. And when thus reduced to mere words, they seem to have exercised a far wider influence in the cities of Ionia (where the people &#039;were mad about them&#039;) than in the life-time of Heracleitus&amp;amp;mdash;a phenomenon which, though at first sight singular, is not without a parallel in the history of philosophy and theology. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It is this perverted form of the Heraclitean philosophy which is supposed to effect the final overthrow of Protagorean sensationalism. For if all things are changing at every moment, in all sorts of ways, then there is nothing fixed or defined at all, and therefore no sensible perception, nor any true word by which that or anything else can be described. Of course Protagoras would not have admitted the justice of this argument any more than Heracleitus would have acknowledged the &#039;uneducated fanatics&#039; who appealed to his writings. He might have said, &#039;The excellent Socrates has first confused me with Heracleitus, and Heracleitus with his Ephesian successors, and has then disproved the existence both of knowledge and sensation. But I am not responsible for what I never said, nor will I admit that my common-sense account of knowledge can be overthrown by unintelligible Heraclitean paradoxes.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; IV. Still at the bottom of the arguments there remains a truth, that knowledge is something more than sensible perception;&amp;amp;mdash;this alone would not distinguish man from a tadpole. The absoluteness of sensations at each moment destroys the very consciousness of sensations (compare Phileb.), or the power of comparing them. The senses are not mere holes in a &#039;Trojan horse,&#039; but the organs of a presiding nature, in which they meet. A great advance has been made in psychology when the senses are recognized as organs of sense, and we are admitted to see or feel &#039;through them&#039; and not &#039;by them,&#039; a distinction of words which, as Socrates observes, is by no means pedantic. A still further step has been made when the most abstract notions, such as Being and Not-being, sameness and difference, unity and plurality, are acknowledged to be the creations of the mind herself, working upon the feelings or impressions of sense. In this manner Plato describes the process of acquiring them, in the words &#039;Knowledge consists not in the feelings or affections (pathemasi), but in the process of reasoning about them (sullogismo).&#039; Here, is in the Parmenides, he means something not really different from generalization. As in the Sophist, he is laying the foundation of a rational psychology, which is to supersede the Platonic reminiscence of Ideas as well as the Eleatic Being and the individualism of Megarians and Cynics. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; V. Having rejected the doctrine that &#039;Knowledge is perception,&#039; we now proceed to look for a definition of knowledge in the sphere of opinion. But here we are met by a singular difficulty: How is false opinion possible? For we must either know or not know that which is presented to the mind or to sense. We of course should answer at once: &#039;No; the alternative is not necessary, for there may be degrees of knowledge; and we may know and have forgotten, or we may be learning, or we may have a general but not a particular knowledge, or we may know but not be able to explain;&#039; and many other ways may be imagined in which we know and do not know at the same time. But these answers belong to a later stage of metaphysical discussion; whereas the difficulty in question naturally arises owing to the childhood of the human mind, like the parallel difficulty respecting Not-being. Men had only recently arrived at the notion of opinion; they could not at once define the true and pass beyond into the false. The very word doxa was full of ambiguity, being sometimes, as in the Eleatic philosophy, applied to the sensible world, and again used in the more ordinary sense of opinion. There is no connexion between sensible appearance and probability, and yet both of them met in the word doxa, and could hardly be disengaged from one another in the mind of the Greek living in the fifth or fourth century B.C. To this was often added, as at the end of the fifth book of the Republic, the idea of relation, which is equally distinct from either of them; also a fourth notion, the conclusion of the dialectical process, the making up of the mind after she has been &#039;talking to herself&#039; (Theat.). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; We are not then surprised that the sphere of opinion and of Not-being should be a dusky, half-lighted place (Republic), belonging neither to the old world of sense and imagination, nor to the new world of reflection and reason. Plato attempts to clear up this darkness. In his accustomed manner he passes from the lower to the higher, without omitting the intermediate stages. This appears to be the reason why he seeks for the definition of knowledge first in the sphere of opinion. Hereafter we shall find that something more than opinion is required. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; False opinion is explained by Plato at first as a confusion of mind and sense, which arises when the impression on the mind does not correspond to the impression made on the senses. It is obvious that this explanation (supposing the distinction between impressions on the mind and impressions on the senses to be admitted) does not account for all forms of error; and Plato has excluded himself from the consideration of the greater number, by designedly omitting the intermediate processes of learning and forgetting; nor does he include fallacies in the use of language or erroneous inferences. But he is struck by one possibility of error, which is not covered by his theory, viz. errors in arithmetic. For in numbers and calculation there is no combination of thought and sense, and yet errors may often happen. Hence he is led to discard the explanation which might nevertheless have been supposed to hold good (for anything which he says to the contrary) as a rationale of error, in the case of facts derived from sense. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Another attempt is made to explain false opinion by assigning to error a sort of positive existence. But error or ignorance is essentially negative&amp;amp;mdash;a not-knowing; if we knew an error, we should be no longer in error. We may veil our difficulty under figures of speech, but these, although telling arguments with the multitude, can never be the real foundation of a system of psychology. Only they lead us to dwell upon mental phenomena which if expressed in an abstract form would not be realized by us at all. The figure of the mind receiving impressions is one of those images which have rooted themselves for ever in language. It may or may not be a &#039;gracious aid&#039; to thought; but it cannot be got rid of. The other figure of the enclosure is also remarkable as affording the first hint of universal all-pervading ideas,&amp;amp;mdash;a notion further carried out in the Sophist. This is implied in the birds, some in flocks, some solitary, which fly about anywhere and everywhere. Plato discards both figures, as not really solving the question which to us appears so simple: &#039;How do we make mistakes?&#039; The failure of the enquiry seems to show that we should return to knowledge, and begin with that; and we may afterwards proceed, with a better hope of success, to the examination of opinion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But is true opinion really distinct from knowledge? The difference between these he seeks to establish by an argument, which to us appears singular and unsatisfactory. The existence of true opinion is proved by the rhetoric of the law courts, which cannot give knowledge, but may give true opinion. The rhetorician cannot put the judge or juror in possession of all the facts which prove an act of violence, but he may truly persuade them of the commission of such an act. Here the idea of true opinion seems to be a right conclusion from imperfect knowledge. But the correctness of such an opinion will be purely accidental; and is really the effect of one man, who has the means of knowing, persuading another who has not. Plato would have done better if he had said that true opinion was a contradiction in terms. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Assuming the distinction between knowledge and opinion, Theaetetus, in answer to Socrates, proceeds to define knowledge as true opinion, with definite or rational explanation. This Socrates identifies with another and different theory, of those who assert that knowledge first begins with a proposition. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The elements may be perceived by sense, but they are names, and cannot be defined. When we assign to them some predicate, they first begin to have a meaning (onomaton sumploke logou ousia). This seems equivalent to saying, that the individuals of sense become the subject of knowledge when they are regarded as they are in nature in relation to other individuals. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yet we feel a difficulty in following this new hypothesis. For must not opinion be equally expressed in a proposition? The difference between true and false opinion is not the difference between the particular and the universal, but between the true universal and the false. Thought may be as much at fault as sight. When we place individuals under a class, or assign to them attributes, this is not knowledge, but a very rudimentary process of thought; the first generalization of all, without which language would be impossible. And has Plato kept altogether clear of a confusion, which the analogous word logos tends to create, of a proposition and a definition? And is not the confusion increased by the use of the analogous term &#039;elements,&#039; or &#039;letters&#039;? For there is no real resemblance between the relation of letters to a syllable, and of the terms to a proposition. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Plato, in the spirit of the Megarian philosophy, soon discovers a flaw in the explanation. For how can we know a compound of which the simple elements are unknown to us? Can two unknowns make a known? Can a whole be something different from the parts? The answer of experience is that they can; for we may know a compound, which we are unable to analyze into its elements; and all the parts, when united, may be more than all the parts separated: e.g. the number four, or any other number, is more than the units which are contained in it; any chemical compound is more than and different from the simple elements. But ancient philosophy in this, as in many other instances, proceeding by the path of mental analysis, was perplexed by doubts which warred against the plainest facts. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Three attempts to explain the new definition of knowledge still remain to be considered. They all of them turn on the explanation of logos. The first account of the meaning of the word is the reflection of thought in speech&amp;amp;mdash;a sort of nominalism &#039;La science est une langue bien faite.&#039; But anybody who is not dumb can say what he thinks; therefore mere speech cannot be knowledge. And yet we may observe, that there is in this explanation an element of truth which is not recognized by Plato; viz. that truth and thought are inseparable from language, although mere expression in words is not truth. The second explanation of logos is the enumeration of the elementary parts of the complex whole. But this is only definition accompanied with right opinion, and does not yet attain to the certainty of knowledge. Plato does not mention the greater objection, which is, that the enumeration of particulars is endless; such a definition would be based on no principle, and would not help us at all in gaining a common idea. The third is the best explanation,&amp;amp;mdash;the possession of a characteristic mark, which seems to answer to the logical definition by genus and difference. But this, again, is equally necessary for right opinion; and we have already determined, although not on very satisfactory grounds, that knowledge must be distinguished from opinion. A better distinction is drawn between them in the Timaeus. They might be opposed as philosophy and rhetoric, and as conversant respectively with necessary and contingent matter. But no true idea of the nature of either of them, or of their relation to one another, could be framed until science obtained a content. The ancient philosophers in the age of Plato thought of science only as pure abstraction, and to this opinion stood in no relation. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Like Theaetetus, we have attained to no definite result. But an interesting phase of ancient philosophy has passed before us. And the negative result is not to be despised. For on certain subjects, and in certain states of knowledge, the work of negation or clearing the ground must go on, perhaps for a generation, before the new structure can begin to rise. Plato saw the necessity of combating the illogical logic of the Megarians and Eristics. For the completion of the edifice, he makes preparation in the Theaetetus, and crowns the work in the Sophist. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Many (1) fine expressions, and (2) remarks full of wisdom, (3) also germs of a metaphysic of the future, are scattered up and down in the dialogue. Such, for example, as (1) the comparison of Theaetetus&#039; progress in learning to the &#039;noiseless flow of a river of oil&#039;; the satirical touch, &#039;flavouring a sauce or fawning speech&#039;; or the remarkable expression, &#039;full of impure dialectic&#039;; or the lively images under which the argument is described,&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;the flood of arguments pouring in,&#039; the fresh discussions &#039;bursting in like a band of revellers.&#039; (2) As illustrations of the second head, may be cited the remark of Socrates, that &#039;distinctions of words, although sometimes pedantic, are also necessary&#039;; or the fine touch in the character of the lawyer, that &#039;dangers came upon him when the tenderness of youth was unequal to them&#039;; or the description of the manner in which the spirit is broken in a wicked man who listens to reproof until he becomes like a child; or the punishment of the wicked, which is not physical suffering, but the perpetual companionship of evil (compare Gorgias); or the saying, often repeated by Aristotle and others, that &#039;philosophy begins in wonder, for Iris is the child of Thaumas&#039;; or the superb contempt with which the philosopher takes down the pride of wealthy landed proprietors by comparison of the whole earth. (3) Important metaphysical ideas are: a. the conception of thought, as the mind talking to herself; b. the notion of a common sense, developed further by Aristotle, and the explicit declaration, that the mind gains her conceptions of Being, sameness, number, and the like, from reflection on herself; c. the excellent distinction of Theaetetus (which Socrates, speaking with emphasis, &#039;leaves to grow&#039;) between seeing the forms or hearing the sounds of words in a foreign language, and understanding the meaning of them; and d. the distinction of Socrates himself between &#039;having&#039; and &#039;possessing&#039; knowledge, in which the answer to the whole discussion appears to be contained. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There is a difference between ancient and modern psychology, and we have a difficulty in explaining one in the terms of the other. To us the inward and outward sense and the inward and outward worlds of which they are the organs are parted by a wall, and appear as if they could never be confounded. The mind is endued with faculties, habits, instincts, and a personality or consciousness in which they are bound together. Over against these are placed forms, colours, external bodies coming into contact with our own body. We speak of a subject which is ourselves, of an object which is all the rest. These are separable in thought, but united in any act of sensation, reflection, or volition. As there are various degrees in which the mind may enter into or be abstracted from the operations of sense, so there are various points at which this separation or union may be supposed to occur. And within the sphere of mind the analogy of sense reappears; and we distinguish not only external objects, but objects of will and of knowledge which we contrast with them. These again are comprehended in a higher object, which reunites with the subject. A multitude of abstractions are created by the efforts of successive thinkers which become logical determinations; and they have to be arranged in order, before the scheme of thought is complete. The framework of the human intellect is not the peculium of an individual, but the joint work of many who are of all ages and countries. What we are in mind is due, not merely to our physical, but to our mental antecedents which we trace in history, and more especially in the history of philosophy. Nor can mental phenomena be truly explained either by physiology or by the observation of consciousness apart from their history. They have a growth of their own, like the growth of a flower, a tree, a human being. They may be conceived as of themselves constituting a common mind, and having a sort of personal identity in which they coexist. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; So comprehensive is modern psychology, seeming to aim at constructing anew the entire world of thought. And prior to or simultaneously with this construction a negative process has to be carried on, a clearing away of useless abstractions which we have inherited from the past. Many erroneous conceptions of the mind derived from former philosophies have found their way into language, and we with difficulty disengage ourselves from them. Mere figures of speech have unconsciously influenced the minds of great thinkers. Also there are some distinctions, as, for example, that of the will and of the reason, and of the moral and intellectual faculties, which are carried further than is justified by experience. Any separation of things which we cannot see or exactly define, though it may be necessary, is a fertile source of error. The division of the mind into faculties or powers or virtues is too deeply rooted in language to be got rid of, but it gives a false impression. For if we reflect on ourselves we see that all our faculties easily pass into one another, and are bound together in a single mind or consciousness; but this mental unity is apt to be concealed from us by the distinctions of language. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; A profusion of words and ideas has obscured rather than enlightened mental science. It is hard to say how many fallacies have arisen from the representation of the mind as a box, as a &#039;tabula rasa,&#039; a book, a mirror, and the like. It is remarkable how Plato in the Theaetetus, after having indulged in the figure of the waxen tablet and the decoy, afterwards discards them. The mind is also represented by another class of images, as the spring of a watch, a motive power, a breath, a stream, a succession of points or moments. As Plato remarks in the Cratylus, words expressive of motion as well as of rest are employed to describe the faculties and operations of the mind; and in these there is contained another store of fallacies. Some shadow or reflection of the body seems always to adhere to our thoughts about ourselves, and mental processes are hardly distinguished in language from bodily ones. To see or perceive are used indifferently of both; the words intuition, moral sense, common sense, the mind&#039;s eye, are figures of speech transferred from one to the other. And many other words used in early poetry or in sacred writings to express the works of mind have a materialistic sound; for old mythology was allied to sense, and the distinction of matter and mind had not as yet arisen. Thus materialism receives an illusive aid from language; and both in philosophy and religion the imaginary figure or association easily takes the place of real knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Again, there is the illusion of looking into our own minds as if our thoughts or feelings were written down in a book. This is another figure of speech, which might be appropriately termed &#039;the fallacy of the looking-glass.&#039; We cannot look at the mind unless we have the eye which sees, and we can only look, not into, but out of the mind at the thoughts, words, actions of ourselves and others. What we dimly recognize within us is not experience, but rather the suggestion of an experience, which we may gather, if we will, from the observation of the world. The memory has but a feeble recollection of what we were saying or doing a few weeks or a few months ago, and still less of what we were thinking or feeling. This is one among many reasons why there is so little self-knowledge among mankind; they do not carry with them the thought of what they are or have been. The so-called &#039;facts of consciousness&#039; are equally evanescent; they are facts which nobody ever saw, and which can neither be defined nor described. Of the three laws of thought the first (All A = A) is an identical proposition&amp;amp;mdash;that is to say, a mere word or symbol claiming to be a proposition: the two others (Nothing can be A and not A, and Everything is either A or not A) are untrue, because they exclude degrees and also the mixed modes and double aspects under which truth is so often presented to us. To assert that man is man is unmeaning; to say that he is free or necessary and cannot be both is a half truth only. These are a few of the entanglements which impede the natural course of human thought. Lastly, there is the fallacy which lies still deeper, of regarding the individual mind apart from the universal, or either, as a self-existent entity apart from the ideas which are contained in them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In ancient philosophies the analysis of the mind is still rudimentary and imperfect. It naturally began with an effort to disengage the universal from sense&amp;amp;mdash;this was the first lifting up of the mist. It wavered between object and subject, passing imperceptibly from one or Being to mind and thought. Appearance in the outward object was for a time indistinguishable from opinion in the subject. At length mankind spoke of knowing as well as of opining or perceiving. But when the word &#039;knowledge&#039; was found how was it to be explained or defined? It was not an error, it was a step in the right direction, when Protagoras said that &#039;Man is the measure of all things,&#039; and that &#039;All knowledge is perception.&#039; This was the subjective which corresponded to the objective &#039;All is flux.&#039; But the thoughts of men deepened, and soon they began to be aware that knowledge was neither sense, nor yet opinion&amp;amp;mdash;with or without explanation; nor the expression of thought, nor the enumeration of parts, nor the addition of characteristic marks. Motion and rest were equally ill adapted to express its nature, although both must in some sense be attributed to it; it might be described more truly as the mind conversing with herself; the discourse of reason; the hymn of dialectic, the science of relations, of ideas, of the so-called arts and sciences, of the one, of the good, of the all:&amp;amp;mdash;this is the way along which Plato is leading us in his later dialogues. In its higher signification it was the knowledge, not of men, but of gods, perfect and all sufficing:&amp;amp;mdash;like other ideals always passing out of sight, and nevertheless present to the mind of Aristotle as well as Plato, and the reality to which they were both tending. For Aristotle as well as Plato would in modern phraseology have been termed a mystic; and like him would have defined the higher philosophy to be &#039;Knowledge of being or essence,&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;words to which in our own day we have a difficulty in attaching a meaning. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yet, in spite of Plato and his followers, mankind have again and again returned to a sensational philosophy. As to some of the early thinkers, amid the fleetings of sensible objects, ideas alone seemed to be fixed, so to a later generation amid the fluctuation of philosophical opinions the only fixed points appeared to be outward objects. Any pretence of knowledge which went beyond them implied logical processes, of the correctness of which they had no assurance and which at best were only probable. The mind, tired of wandering, sought to rest on firm ground; when the idols of philosophy and language were stripped off, the perception of outward objects alone remained. The ancient Epicureans never asked whether the comparison of these with one another did not involve principles of another kind which were above and beyond them. In like manner the modern inductive philosophy forgot to enquire into the meaning of experience, and did not attempt to form a conception of outward objects apart from the mind, or of the mind apart from them. Soon objects of sense were merged in sensations and feelings, but feelings and sensations were still unanalyzed. At last we return to the doctrine attributed by Plato to Protagoras, that the mind is only a succession of momentary perceptions. At this point the modern philosophy of experience forms an alliance with ancient scepticism. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The higher truths of philosophy and religion are very far removed from sense. Admitting that, like all other knowledge, they are derived from experience, and that experience is ultimately resolvable into facts which come to us through the eye and ear, still their origin is a mere accident which has nothing to do with their true nature. They are universal and unseen; they belong to all times&amp;amp;mdash;past, present, and future. Any worthy notion of mind or reason includes them. The proof of them is, 1st, their comprehensiveness and consistency with one another; 2ndly, their agreement with history and experience. But sensation is of the present only, is isolated, is and is not in successive moments. It takes the passing hour as it comes, following the lead of the eye or ear instead of the command of reason. It is a faculty which man has in common with the animals, and in which he is inferior to many of them. The importance of the senses in us is that they are the apertures of the mind, doors and windows through which we take in and make our own the materials of knowledge. Regarded in any other point of view sensation is of all mental acts the most trivial and superficial. Hence the term &#039;sensational&#039; is rightly used to express what is shallow in thought and feeling. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; We propose in what follows, first of all, like Plato in the Theaetetus, to analyse sensation, and secondly to trace the connexion between theories of sensation and a sensational or Epicurean philosophy. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Paragraph I. We, as well as the ancients, speak of the five senses, and of a sense, or common sense, which is the abstraction of them. The term &#039;sense&#039; is also used metaphorically, both in ancient and modern philosophy, to express the operations of the mind which are immediate or intuitive. Of the five senses, two&amp;amp;mdash;the sight and the hearing&amp;amp;mdash;are of a more subtle and complex nature, while two others&amp;amp;mdash;the smell and the taste&amp;amp;mdash;seem to be only more refined varieties of touch. All of them are passive, and by this are distinguished from the active faculty of speech: they receive impressions, but do not produce them, except in so far as they are objects of sense themselves. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Physiology speaks to us of the wonderful apparatus of nerves, muscles, tissues, by which the senses are enabled to fulfil their functions. It traces the connexion, though imperfectly, of the bodily organs with the operations of the mind. Of these latter, it seems rather to know the conditions than the causes. It can prove to us that without the brain we cannot think, and that without the eye we cannot see: and yet there is far more in thinking and seeing than is given by the brain and the eye. It observes the &#039;concomitant variations&#039; of body and mind. Psychology, on the other hand, treats of the same subject regarded from another point of view. It speaks of the relation of the senses to one another; it shows how they meet the mind; it analyzes the transition from sense to thought. The one describes their nature as apparent to the outward eye; by the other they are regarded only as the instruments of the mind. It is in this latter point of view that we propose to consider them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The simplest sensation involves an unconscious or nascent operation of the mind; it implies objects of sense, and objects of sense have differences of form, number, colour. But the conception of an object without us, or the power of discriminating numbers, forms, colours, is not given by the sense, but by the mind. A mere sensation does not attain to distinctness: it is a confused impression, sugkechumenon ti, as Plato says (Republic), until number introduces light and order into the confusion. At what point confusion becomes distinctness is a question of degree which cannot be precisely determined. The distant object, the undefined notion, come out into relief as we approach them or attend to them. Or we may assist the analysis by attempting to imagine the world first dawning upon the eye of the infant or of a person newly restored to sight. Yet even with them the mind as well as the eye opens or enlarges. For all three are inseparably bound together&amp;amp;mdash;the object would be nowhere and nothing, if not perceived by the sense, and the sense would have no power of distinguishing without the mind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But prior to objects of sense there is a third nature in which they are contained&amp;amp;mdash;that is to say, space, which may be explained in various ways. It is the element which surrounds them; it is the vacuum or void which they leave or occupy when passing from one portion of space to another. It might be described in the language of ancient philosophy, as &#039;the Not-being&#039; of objects. It is a negative idea which in the course of ages has become positive. It is originally derived from the contemplation of the world without us&amp;amp;mdash;the boundless earth or sea, the vacant heaven, and is therefore acquired chiefly through the sense of sight: to the blind the conception of space is feeble and inadequate, derived for the most part from touch or from the descriptions of others. At first it appears to be continuous; afterwards we perceive it to be capable of division by lines or points, real or imaginary. By the help of mathematics we form another idea of space, which is altogether independent of experience. Geometry teaches us that the innumerable lines and figures by which space is or may be intersected are absolutely true in all their combinations and consequences. New and unchangeable properties of space are thus developed, which are proved to us in a thousand ways by mathematical reasoning as well as by common experience. Through quantity and measure we are conducted to our simplest and purest notion of matter, which is to the cube or solid what space is to the square or surface. And all our applications of mathematics are applications of our ideas of space to matter. No wonder then that they seem to have a necessary existence to us. Being the simplest of our ideas, space is also the one of which we have the most difficulty in ridding ourselves. Neither can we set a limit to it, for wherever we fix a limit, space is springing up beyond. Neither can we conceive a smallest or indivisible portion of it; for within the smallest there is a smaller still; and even these inconceivable qualities of space, whether the infinite or the infinitesimal, may be made the subject of reasoning and have a certain truth to us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Whether space exists in the mind or out of it, is a question which has no meaning. We should rather say that without it the mind is incapable of conceiving the body, and therefore of conceiving itself. The mind may be indeed imagined to contain the body, in the same way that Aristotle (partly following Plato) supposes God to be the outer heaven or circle of the universe. But how can the individual mind carry about the universe of space packed up within, or how can separate minds have either a universe of their own or a common universe? In such conceptions there seems to be a confusion of the individual and the universal. To say that we can only have a true idea of ourselves when we deny the reality of that by which we have any idea of ourselves is an absurdity. The earth which is our habitation and &#039;the starry heaven above&#039; and we ourselves are equally an illusion, if space is only a quality or condition of our minds. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Again, we may compare the truths of space with other truths derived from experience, which seem to have a necessity to us in proportion to the frequency of their recurrence or the truth of the consequences which may be inferred from them. We are thus led to remark that the necessity in our ideas of space on which much stress has been laid, differs in a slight degree only from the necessity which appears to belong to other of our ideas, e.g. weight, motion, and the like. And there is another way in which this necessity may be explained. We have been taught it, and the truth which we were taught or which we inherited has never been contradicted in all our experience and is therefore confirmed by it. Who can resist an idea which is presented to him in a general form in every moment of his life and of which he finds no instance to the contrary? The greater part of what is sometimes regarded as the a priori intuition of space is really the conception of the various geometrical figures of which the properties have been revealed by mathematical analysis. And the certainty of these properties is immeasurably increased to us by our finding that they hold good not only in every instance, but in all the consequences which are supposed to flow from them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Neither must we forget that our idea of space, like our other ideas, has a history. The Homeric poems contain no word for it; even the later Greek philosophy has not the Kantian notion of space, but only the definite &#039;place&#039; or &#039;the infinite.&#039; To Plato, in the Timaeus, it is known only as the &#039;nurse of generation.&#039; When therefore we speak of the necessity of our ideas of space we must remember that this is a necessity which has grown up with the growth of the human mind, and has been made by ourselves. We can free ourselves from the perplexities which are involved in it by ascending to a time in which they did not as yet exist. And when space or time are described as &#039;a priori forms or intuitions added to the matter given in sensation,&#039; we should consider that such expressions belong really to the &#039;pre-historic study&#039; of philosophy, i.e. to the eighteenth century, when men sought to explain the human mind without regard to history or language or the social nature of man. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In every act of sense there is a latent perception of space, of which we only become conscious when objects are withdrawn from it. There are various ways in which we may trace the connexion between them. We may think of space as unresisting matter, and of matter as divided into objects; or of objects again as formed by abstraction into a collective notion of matter, and of matter as rarefied into space. And motion may be conceived as the union of there and not there in space, and force as the materializing or solidification of motion. Space again is the individual and universal in one; or, in other words, a perception and also a conception. So easily do what are sometimes called our simple ideas pass into one another, and differences of kind resolve themselves into differences of degree. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Within or behind space there is another abstraction in many respects similar to it&amp;amp;mdash;time, the form of the inward, as space is the form of the outward. As we cannot think of outward objects of sense or of outward sensations without space, so neither can we think of a succession of sensations without time. It is the vacancy of thoughts or sensations, as space is the void of outward objects, and we can no more imagine the mind without the one than the world without the other. It is to arithmetic what space is to geometry; or, more strictly, arithmetic may be said to be equally applicable to both. It is defined in our minds, partly by the analogy of space and partly by the recollection of events which have happened to us, or the consciousness of feelings which we are experiencing. Like space, it is without limit, for whatever beginning or end of time we fix, there is a beginning and end before them, and so on without end. We speak of a past, present, and future, and again the analogy of space assists us in conceiving of them as coexistent. When the limit of time is removed there arises in our minds the idea of eternity, which at first, like time itself, is only negative, but gradually, when connected with the world and the divine nature, like the other negative infinity of space, becomes positive. Whether time is prior to the mind and to experience, or coeval with them, is (like the parallel question about space) unmeaning. Like space it has been realized gradually: in the Homeric poems, or even in the Hesiodic cosmogony, there is no more notion of time than of space. The conception of being is more general than either, and might therefore with greater plausibility be affirmed to be a condition or quality of the mind. The a priori intuitions of Kant would have been as unintelligible to Plato as his a priori synthetical propositions to Aristotle. The philosopher of Konigsberg supposed himself to be analyzing a necessary mode of thought: he was not aware that he was dealing with a mere abstraction. But now that we are able to trace the gradual developement of ideas through religion, through language, through abstractions, why should we interpose the fiction of time between ourselves and realities? Why should we single out one of these abstractions to be the a priori condition of all the others? It comes last and not first in the order of our thoughts, and is not the condition precedent of them, but the last generalization of them. Nor can any principle be imagined more suicidal to philosophy than to assume that all the truth which we are capable of attaining is seen only through an unreal medium. If all that exists in time is illusion, we may well ask with Plato, &#039;What becomes of the mind?&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Leaving the a priori conditions of sensation we may proceed to consider acts of sense. These admit of various degrees of duration or intensity; they admit also of a greater or less extension from one object, which is perceived directly, to many which are perceived indirectly or in a less degree, and to the various associations of the object which are latent in the mind. In general the greater the intension the less the extension of them. The simplest sensation implies some relation of objects to one another, some position in space, some relation to a previous or subsequent sensation. The acts of seeing and hearing may be almost unconscious and may pass away unnoted; they may also leave an impression behind them or power of recalling them. If, after seeing an object we shut our eyes, the object remains dimly seen in the same or about the same place, but with form and lineaments half filled up. This is the simplest act of memory. And as we cannot see one thing without at the same time seeing another, different objects hang together in recollection, and when we call for one the other quickly follows. To think of the place in which we have last seen a thing is often the best way of recalling it to the mind. Hence memory is dependent on association. The act of recollection may be compared to the sight of an object at a great distance which we have previously seen near and seek to bring near to us in thought. Memory is to sense as dreaming is to waking; and like dreaming has a wayward and uncertain power of recalling impressions from the past. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Thus begins the passage from the outward to the inward sense. But as yet there is no conception of a universal&amp;amp;mdash;the mind only remembers the individual object or objects, and is always attaching to them some colour or association of sense. The power of recollection seems to depend on the intensity or largeness of the perception, or on the strength of some emotion with which it is inseparably connected. This is the natural memory which is allied to sense, such as children appear to have and barbarians and animals. It is necessarily limited in range, and its limitation is its strength. In later life, when the mind has become crowded with names, acts, feelings, images innumerable, we acquire by education another memory of system and arrangement which is both stronger and weaker than the first&amp;amp;mdash;weaker in the recollection of sensible impressions as they are represented to us by eye or ear&amp;amp;mdash;stronger by the natural connexion of ideas with objects or with one another. And many of the notions which form a part of the train of our thoughts are hardly realized by us at the time, but, like numbers or algebraical symbols, are used as signs only, thus lightening the labour of recollection. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And now we may suppose that numerous images present themselves to the mind, which begins to act upon them and to arrange them in various ways. Besides the impression of external objects present with us or just absent from us, we have a dimmer conception of other objects which have disappeared from our immediate recollection and yet continue to exist in us. The mind is full of fancies which are passing to and fro before it. Some feeling or association calls them up, and they are uttered by the lips. This is the first rudimentary imagination, which may be truly described in the language of Hobbes, as &#039;decaying sense,&#039; an expression which may be applied with equal truth to memory as well. For memory and imagination, though we sometimes oppose them, are nearly allied; the difference between them seems chiefly to lie in the activity of the one compared with the passivity of the other. The sense decaying in memory receives a flash of light or life from imagination. Dreaming is a link of connexion between them; for in dreaming we feebly recollect and also feebly imagine at one and the same time. When reason is asleep the lower part of the mind wanders at will amid the images which have been received from without, the intelligent element retires, and the sensual or sensuous takes its place. And so in the first efforts of imagination reason is latent or set aside; and images, in part disorderly, but also having a unity (however imperfect) of their own, pour like a flood over the mind. And if we could penetrate into the heads of animals we should probably find that their intelligence, or the state of what in them is analogous to our intelligence, is of this nature. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Thus far we have been speaking of men, rather in the points in which they resemble animals than in the points in which they differ from them. The animal too has memory in various degrees, and the elements of imagination, if, as appears to be the case, he dreams. How far their powers or instincts are educated by the circumstances of their lives or by intercourse with one another or with mankind, we cannot precisely tell. They, like ourselves, have the physical inheritance of form, scent, hearing, sight, and other qualities or instincts. But they have not the mental inheritance of thoughts and ideas handed down by tradition, &#039;the slow additions that build up the mind&#039; of the human race. And language, which is the great educator of mankind, is wanting in them; whereas in us language is ever present&amp;amp;mdash;even in the infant the latent power of naming is almost immediately observable. And therefore the description which has been already given of the nascent power of the faculties is in reality an anticipation. For simultaneous with their growth in man a growth of language must be supposed. The child of two years old sees the fire once and again, and the feeble observation of the same recurring object is associated with the feeble utterance of the name by which he is taught to call it. Soon he learns to utter the name when the object is no longer there, but the desire or imagination of it is present to him. At first in every use of the word there is a colour of sense, an indistinct picture of the object which accompanies it. But in later years he sees in the name only the universal or class word, and the more abstract the notion becomes, the more vacant is the image which is presented to him. Henceforward all the operations of his mind, including the perceptions of sense, are a synthesis of sensations, words, conceptions. In seeing or hearing or looking or listening the sensible impression prevails over the conception and the word. In reflection the process is reversed&amp;amp;mdash;the outward object fades away into nothingness, the name or the conception or both together are everything. Language, like number, is intermediate between the two, partaking of the definiteness of the outer and of the universality of the inner world. For logic teaches us that every word is really a universal, and only condescends by the help of position or circumlocution to become the expression of individuals or particulars. And sometimes by using words as symbols we are able to give a &#039;local habitation and a name&#039; to the infinite and inconceivable. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Thus we see that no line can be drawn between the powers of sense and of reflection&amp;amp;mdash;they pass imperceptibly into one another. We may indeed distinguish between the seeing and the closed eye&amp;amp;mdash;between the sensation and the recollection of it. But this distinction carries us a very little way, for recollection is present in sight as well as sight in recollection. There is no impression of sense which does not simultaneously recall differences of form, number, colour, and the like. Neither is such a distinction applicable at all to our internal bodily sensations, which give no sign of themselves when unaccompanied with pain, and even when we are most conscious of them, have often no assignable place in the human frame. Who can divide the nerves or great nervous centres from the mind which uses them? Who can separate the pains and pleasures of the mind from the pains and pleasures of the body? The words &#039;inward and outward,&#039; &#039;active and passive,&#039; &#039;mind and body,&#039; are best conceived by us as differences of degree passing into differences of kind, and at one time and under one aspect acting in harmony and then again opposed. They introduce a system and order into the knowledge of our being; and yet, like many other general terms, are often in advance of our actual analysis or observation. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; According to some writers the inward sense is only the fading away or imperfect realization of the outward. But this leaves out of sight one half of the phenomenon. For the mind is not only withdrawn from the world of sense but introduced to a higher world of thought and reflection, in which, like the outward sense, she is trained and educated. By use the outward sense becomes keener and more intense, especially when confined within narrow limits. The savage with little or no thought has a quicker discernment of the track than the civilised man; in like manner the dog, having the help of scent as well as of sight, is superior to the savage. By use again the inward thought becomes more defined and distinct; what was at first an effort is made easy by the natural instrumentality of language, and the mind learns to grasp universals with no more exertion than is required for the sight of an outward object. There is a natural connexion and arrangement of them, like the association of objects in a landscape. Just as a note or two of music suffices to recall a whole piece to the musician&#039;s or composer&#039;s mind, so a great principle or leading thought suggests and arranges a world of particulars. The power of reflection is not feebler than the faculty of sense, but of a higher and more comprehensive nature. It not only receives the universals of sense, but gives them a new content by comparing and combining them with one another. It withdraws from the seen that it may dwell in the unseen. The sense only presents us with a flat and impenetrable surface: the mind takes the world to pieces and puts it together on a new pattern. The universals which are detached from sense are reconstructed in science. They and not the mere impressions of sense are the truth of the world in which we live; and (as an argument to those who will only believe &#039;what they can hold in their hands&#039;) we may further observe that they are the source of our power over it. To say that the outward sense is stronger than the inward is like saying that the arm of the workman is stronger than the constructing or directing mind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Returning to the senses we may briefly consider two questions&amp;amp;mdash;first their relation to the mind, secondly, their relation to outward objects:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 1. The senses are not merely &#039;holes set in a wooden horse&#039; (Theaet.), but instruments of the mind with which they are organically connected. There is no use of them without some use of words&amp;amp;mdash;some natural or latent logic&amp;amp;mdash;some previous experience or observation. Sensation, like all other mental processes, is complex and relative, though apparently simple. The senses mutually confirm and support one another; it is hard to say how much our impressions of hearing may be affected by those of sight, or how far our impressions of sight may be corrected by the touch, especially in infancy. The confirmation of them by one another cannot of course be given by any one of them. Many intuitions which are inseparable from the act of sense are really the result of complicated reasonings. The most cursory glance at objects enables the experienced eye to judge approximately of their relations and distance, although nothing is impressed upon the retina except colour, including gradations of light and shade. From these delicate and almost imperceptible differences we seem chiefly to derive our ideas of distance and position. By comparison of what is near with what is distant we learn that the tree, house, river, etc. which are a long way off are objects of a like nature with those which are seen by us in our immediate neighbourhood, although the actual impression made on the eye is very different in one case and in the other. This is a language of &#039;large and small letters&#039; (Republic), slightly differing in form and exquisitely graduated by distance, which we are learning all our life long, and which we attain in various degrees according to our powers of sight or observation. There is nor the consideration. The greater or less strain upon the nerves of the eye or ear is communicated to the mind and silently informs the judgment. We have also the use not of one eye only, but of two, which give us a wider range, and help us to discern, by the greater or less acuteness of the angle which the rays of sight form, the distance of an object and its relation to other objects. But we are already passing beyond the limits of our actual knowledge on a subject which has given rise to many conjectures. More important than the addition of another conjecture is the observation, whether in the case of sight or of any other sense, of the great complexity of the causes and the great simplicity of the effect. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The sympathy of the mind and the ear is no less striking than the sympathy of the mind and the eye. Do we not seem to perceive instinctively and as an act of sense the differences of articulate speech and of musical notes? Yet how small a part of speech or of music is produced by the impression of the ear compared with that which is furnished by the mind! &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Again: the more refined faculty of sense, as in animals so also in man, seems often to be transmitted by inheritance. Neither must we forget that in the use of the senses, as in his whole nature, man is a social being, who is always being educated by language, habit, and the teaching of other men as well as by his own observation. He knows distance because he is taught it by a more experienced judgment than his own; he distinguishes sounds because he is told to remark them by a person of a more discerning ear. And as we inherit from our parents or other ancestors peculiar powers of sense or feeling, so we improve and strengthen them, not only by regular teaching, but also by sympathy and communion with other persons. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 2. The second question, namely, that concerning the relation of the mind to external objects, is really a trifling one, though it has been made the subject of a famous philosophy. We may if we like, with Berkeley, resolve objects of sense into sensations; but the change is one of name only, and nothing is gained and something is lost by such a resolution or confusion of them. For we have not really made a single step towards idealism, and any arbitrary inversion of our ordinary modes of speech is disturbing to the mind. The youthful metaphysician is delighted at his marvellous discovery that nothing is, and that what we see or feel is our sensation only: for a day or two the world has a new interest to him; he alone knows the secret which has been communicated to him by the philosopher, that mind is all&amp;amp;mdash;when in fact he is going out of his mind in the first intoxication of a great thought. But he soon finds that all things remain as they were&amp;amp;mdash;the laws of motion, the properties of matter, the qualities of substances. After having inflicted his theories on any one who is willing to receive them &#039;first on his father and mother, secondly on some other patient listener, thirdly on his dog,&#039; he finds that he only differs from the rest of mankind in the use of a word. He had once hoped that by getting rid of the solidity of matter he might open a passage to worlds beyond. He liked to think of the world as the representation of the divine nature, and delighted to imagine angels and spirits wandering through space, present in the room in which he is sitting without coming through the door, nowhere and everywhere at the same instant. At length he finds that he has been the victim of his own fancies; he has neither more nor less evidence of the supernatural than he had before. He himself has become unsettled, but the laws of the world remain fixed as at the beginning. He has discovered that his appeal to the fallibility of sense was really an illusion. For whatever uncertainty there may be in the appearances of nature, arises only out of the imperfection or variation of the human senses, or possibly from the deficiency of certain branches of knowledge; when science is able to apply her tests, the uncertainty is at an end. We are apt sometimes to think that moral and metaphysical philosophy are lowered by the influence which is exercised over them by physical science. But any interpretation of nature by physical science is far in advance of such idealism. The philosophy of Berkeley, while giving unbounded license to the imagination, is still grovelling on the level of sense. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; We may, if we please, carry this scepticism a step further, and deny, not only objects of sense, but the continuity of our sensations themselves. We may say with Protagoras and Hume that what is appears, and that what appears appears only to individuals, and to the same individual only at one instant. But then, as Plato asks,&amp;amp;mdash;and we must repeat the question,&amp;amp;mdash;What becomes of the mind? Experience tells us by a thousand proofs that our sensations of colour, taste, and the like, are the same as they were an instant ago&amp;amp;mdash;that the act which we are performing one minute is continued by us in the next&amp;amp;mdash;and also supplies abundant proof that the perceptions of other men are, speaking generally, the same or nearly the same with our own. After having slowly and laboriously in the course of ages gained a conception of a whole and parts, of the constitution of the mind, of the relation of man to God and nature, imperfect indeed, but the best we can, we are asked to return again to the &#039;beggarly elements&#039; of ancient scepticism, and acknowledge only atoms and sensations devoid of life or unity. Why should we not go a step further still and doubt the existence of the senses of all things? We are but &#039;such stuff as dreams are made of;&#039; for we have left ourselves no instruments of thought by which we can distinguish man from the animals, or conceive of the existence even of a mollusc. And observe, this extreme scepticism has been allowed to spring up among us, not, like the ancient scepticism, in an age when nature and language really seemed to be full of illusions, but in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, when men walk in the daylight of inductive science. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The attractiveness of such speculations arises out of their true nature not being perceived. They are veiled in graceful language; they are not pushed to extremes; they stop where the human mind is disposed also to stop&amp;amp;mdash;short of a manifest absurdity. Their inconsistency is not observed by their authors or by mankind in general, who are equally inconsistent themselves. They leave on the mind a pleasing sense of wonder and novelty: in youth they seem to have a natural affinity to one class of persons as poetry has to another; but in later life either we drift back into common sense, or we make them the starting-points of a higher philosophy. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; We are often told that we should enquire into all things before we accept them;&amp;amp;mdash;with what limitations is this true? For we cannot use our senses without admitting that we have them, or think without presupposing that there is in us a power of thought, or affirm that all knowledge is derived from experience without implying that this first principle of knowledge is prior to experience. The truth seems to be that we begin with the natural use of the mind as of the body, and we seek to describe this as well as we can. We eat before we know the nature of digestion; we think before we know the nature of reflection. As our knowledge increases, our perception of the mind enlarges also. We cannot indeed get beyond facts, but neither can we draw any line which separates facts from ideas. And the mind is not something separate from them but included in them, and they in the mind, both having a distinctness and individuality of their own. To reduce our conception of mind to a succession of feelings and sensations is like the attempt to view a wide prospect by inches through a microscope, or to calculate a period of chronology by minutes. The mind ceases to exist when it loses its continuity, which though far from being its highest determination, is yet necessary to any conception of it. Even an inanimate nature cannot be adequately represented as an endless succession of states or conditions. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Paragraph II. Another division of the subject has yet to be considered: Why should the doctrine that knowledge is sensation, in ancient times, or of sensationalism or materialism in modern times, be allied to the lower rather than to the higher view of ethical philosophy? At first sight the nature and origin of knowledge appear to be wholly disconnected from ethics and religion, nor can we deny that the ancient Stoics were materialists, or that the materialist doctrines prevalent in modern times have been associated with great virtues, or that both religious and philosophical idealism have not unfrequently parted company with practice. Still upon the whole it must be admitted that the higher standard of duty has gone hand in hand with the higher conception of knowledge. It is Protagoras who is seeking to adapt himself to the opinions of the world; it is Plato who rises above them: the one maintaining that all knowledge is sensation; the other basing the virtues on the idea of good. The reason of this phenomenon has now to be examined. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; By those who rest knowledge immediately upon sense, that explanation of human action is deemed to be the truest which is nearest to sense. As knowledge is reduced to sensation, so virtue is reduced to feeling, happiness or good to pleasure. The different virtues&amp;amp;mdash;the various characters which exist in the world&amp;amp;mdash;are the disguises of self-interest. Human nature is dried up; there is no place left for imagination, or in any higher sense for religion. Ideals of a whole, or of a state, or of a law of duty, or of a divine perfection, are out of place in an Epicurean philosophy. The very terms in which they are expressed are suspected of having no meaning. Man is to bring himself back as far as he is able to the condition of a rational beast. He is to limit himself to the pursuit of pleasure, but of this he is to make a far-sighted calculation;&amp;amp;mdash;he is to be rationalized, secularized, animalized: or he is to be an amiable sceptic, better than his own philosophy, and not falling below the opinions of the world. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Imagination has been called that &#039;busy faculty&#039; which is always intruding upon us in the search after truth. But imagination is also that higher power by which we rise above ourselves and the commonplaces of thought and life. The philosophical imagination is another name for reason finding an expression of herself in the outward world. To deprive life of ideals is to deprive it of all higher and comprehensive aims and of the power of imparting and communicating them to others. For men are taught, not by those who are on a level with them, but by those who rise above them, who see the distant hills, who soar into the empyrean. Like a bird in a cage, the mind confined to sense is always being brought back from the higher to the lower, from the wider to the narrower view of human knowledge. It seeks to fly but cannot: instead of aspiring towards perfection, &#039;it hovers about this lower world and the earthly nature.&#039; It loses the religious sense which more than any other seems to take a man out of himself. Weary of asking &#039;What is truth?&#039; it accepts the &#039;blind witness of eyes and ears;&#039; it draws around itself the curtain of the physical world and is satisfied. The strength of a sensational philosophy lies in the ready accommodation of it to the minds of men; many who have been metaphysicians in their youth, as they advance in years are prone to acquiesce in things as they are, or rather appear to be. They are spectators, not thinkers, and the best philosophy is that which requires of them the least amount of mental effort. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; As a lower philosophy is easier to apprehend than a higher, so a lower way of life is easier to follow; and therefore such a philosophy seems to derive a support from the general practice of mankind. It appeals to principles which they all know and recognize: it gives back to them in a generalized form the results of their own experience. To the man of the world they are the quintessence of his own reflections upon life. To follow custom, to have no new ideas or opinions, not to be straining after impossibilities, to enjoy to-day with just so much forethought as is necessary to provide for the morrow, this is regarded by the greater part of the world as the natural way of passing through existence. And many who have lived thus have attained to a lower kind of happiness or equanimity. They have possessed their souls in peace without ever allowing them to wander into the region of religious or political controversy, and without any care for the higher interests of man. But nearly all the good (as well as some of the evil) which has ever been done in this world has been the work of another spirit, the work of enthusiasts and idealists, of apostles and martyrs. The leaders of mankind have not been of the gentle Epicurean type; they have personified ideas; they have sometimes also been the victims of them. But they have always been seeking after a truth or ideal of which they fell short; and have died in a manner disappointed of their hopes that they might lift the human race out of the slough in which they found them. They have done little compared with their own visions and aspirations; but they have done that little, only because they sought to do, and once perhaps thought that they were doing, a great deal more. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The philosophies of Epicurus or Hume give no adequate or dignified conception of the mind. There is no organic unity in a succession of feeling or sensations; no comprehensiveness in an infinity of separate actions. The individual never reflects upon himself as a whole; he can hardly regard one act or part of his life as the cause or effect of any other act or part. Whether in practice or speculation, he is to himself only in successive instants. To such thinkers, whether in ancient or in modern times, the mind is only the poor recipient of impressions&amp;amp;mdash;not the heir of all the ages, or connected with all other minds. It begins again with its own modicum of experience having only such vague conceptions of the wisdom of the past as are inseparable from language and popular opinion. It seeks to explain from the experience of the individual what can only be learned from the history of the world. It has no conception of obligation, duty, conscience&amp;amp;mdash;these are to the Epicurean or Utilitarian philosopher only names which interfere with our natural perceptions of pleasure and pain. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There seem then to be several answers to the question, Why the theory that all knowledge is sensation is allied to the lower rather than to the higher view of ethical philosophy:&amp;amp;mdash;1st, Because it is easier to understand and practise; 2ndly, Because it is fatal to the pursuit of ideals, moral, political, or religious; 3rdly, Because it deprives us of the means and instruments of higher thought, of any adequate conception of the mind, of knowledge, of conscience, of moral obligation. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; ... &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; ON THE NATURE AND LIMITS Of PSYCHOLOGY. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;pre xml:space=&amp;quot;preserve&amp;quot;&amp;gt; O gar arche men o me oide, teleute de kai ta metaxu ex ou me oide sumpeplektai, tis mechane ten toiauten omologian pote epistemen genesthai; Plato Republic.&lt;br /&gt;
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Monon gar auto legeiv, osper gumnon kai aperemomenon apo ton onton apanton, adunaton.  Soph. &amp;lt;/pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Since the above essay first appeared, many books on Psychology have been given to the world, partly based upon the views of Herbart and other German philosophers, partly independent of them. The subject has gained in bulk and extent; whether it has had any true growth is more doubtful. It begins to assume the language and claim the authority of a science; but it is only an hypothesis or outline, which may be filled up in many ways according to the fancy of individual thinkers. The basis of it is a precarious one,&amp;amp;mdash;consciousness of ourselves and a somewhat uncertain observation of the rest of mankind. Its relations to other sciences are not yet determined: they seem to be almost too complicated to be ascertained. It may be compared to an irregular building, run up hastily and not likely to last, because its foundations are weak, and in many places rest only on the surface of the ground. It has sought rather to put together scattered observations and to make them into a system than to describe or prove them. It has never severely drawn the line between facts and opinions. It has substituted a technical phraseology for the common use of language, being neither able to win acceptance for the one nor to get rid of the other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The system which has thus arisen appears to be a kind of metaphysic narrowed to the point of view of the individual mind, through which, as through some new optical instrument limiting the sphere of vision, the interior of thought and sensation is examined. But the individual mind in the abstract, as distinct from the mind of a particular individual and separated from the environment of circumstances, is a fiction only. Yet facts which are partly true gather around this fiction and are naturally described by the help of it. There is also a common type of the mind which is derived from the comparison of many minds with one another and with our own. The phenomena of which Psychology treats are familiar to us, but they are for the most part indefinite; they relate to a something inside the body, which seems also to overleap the limits of space. The operations of this something, when isolated, cannot be analyzed by us or subjected to observation and experiment. And there is another point to be considered. The mind, when thinking, cannot survey that part of itself which is used in thought. It can only be contemplated in the past, that is to say, in the history of the individual or of the world. This is the scientific method of studying the mind. But Psychology has also some other supports, specious rather than real. It is partly sustained by the false analogy of Physical Science and has great expectations from its near relationship to Physiology. We truly remark that there is an infinite complexity of the body corresponding to the infinite subtlety of the mind; we are conscious that they are very nearly connected. But in endeavouring to trace the nature of the connexion we are baffled and disappointed. In our knowledge of them the gulf remains the same: no microscope has ever seen into thought; no reflection on ourselves has supplied the missing link between mind and matter...These are the conditions of this very inexact science, and we shall only know less of it by pretending to know more, or by assigning to it a form or style to which it has not yet attained and is not really entitled. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Experience shows that any system, however baseless and ineffectual, in our own or in any other age, may be accepted and continue to be studied, if it seeks to satisfy some unanswered question or is based upon some ancient tradition, especially if it takes the form and uses the language of inductive philosophy. The fact therefore that such a science exists and is popular, affords no evidence of its truth or value. Many who have pursued it far into detail have never examined the foundations on which it rests. The have been many imaginary subjects of knowledge of which enthusiastic persons have made a lifelong study, without ever asking themselves what is the evidence for them, what is the use of them, how long they will last? They may pass away, like the authors of them, and &#039;leave not a wrack behind;&#039; or they may survive in fragments. Nor is it only in the Middle Ages, or in the literary desert of China or of India, that such systems have arisen; in our own enlightened age, growing up by the side of Physics, Ethics, and other really progressive sciences, there is a weary waste of knowledge, falsely so-called. There are sham sciences which no logic has ever put to the test, in which the desire for knowledge invents the materials of it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And therefore it is expedient once more to review the bases of Psychology, lest we should be imposed upon by its pretensions. The study of it may have done good service by awakening us to the sense of inveterate errors familiarized by language, yet it may have fallen into still greater ones; under the pretence of new investigations it may be wasting the lives of those who are engaged in it. It may also be found that the discussion of it will throw light upon some points in the Theaetetus of Plato,&amp;amp;mdash;the oldest work on Psychology which has come down to us. The imaginary science may be called, in the language of ancient philosophy, &#039;a shadow of a part of Dialectic or Metaphysic&#039; (Gorg.). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In this postscript or appendix we propose to treat, first, of the true bases of Psychology; secondly, of the errors into which the students of it are most likely to fall; thirdly, of the principal subjects which are usually comprehended under it; fourthly, of the form which facts relating to the mind most naturally assume. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; We may preface the enquiry by two or three remarks:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; (1) We do not claim for the popular Psychology the position of a science at all; it cannot, like the Physical Sciences, proceed by the Inductive Method: it has not the necessity of Mathematics: it does not, like Metaphysic, argue from abstract notions or from internal coherence. It is made up of scattered observations. A few of these, though they may sometimes appear to be truisms, are of the greatest value, and free from all doubt. We are conscious of them in ourselves; we observe them working in others; we are assured of them at all times. For example, we are absolutely certain, (a) of the influence exerted by the mind over the body or by the body over the mind: (b) of the power of association, by which the appearance of some person or the occurrence of some event recalls to mind, not always but often, other persons and events: (c) of the effect of habit, which is strongest when least disturbed by reflection, and is to the mind what the bones are to the body: (d) of the real, though not unlimited, freedom of the human will: (e) of the reference, more or less distinct, of our sensations, feelings, thoughts, actions, to ourselves, which is called consciousness, or, when in excess, self-consciousness: (f) of the distinction of the &#039;I&#039; and &#039;Not I,&#039; of ourselves and outward objects. But when we attempt to gather up these elements in a single system, we discover that the links by which we combine them are apt to be mere words. We are in a country which has never been cleared or surveyed; here and there only does a gleam of light come through the darkness of the forest. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; (2) These fragments, although they can never become science in the ordinary sense of the word, are a real part of knowledge and may be of great value in education. We may be able to add a good deal to them from our own experience, and we may verify them by it. Self-examination is one of those studies which a man can pursue alone, by attention to himself and the processes of his individual mind. He may learn much about his own character and about the character of others, if he will &#039;make his mind sit down&#039; and look at itself in the glass. The great, if not the only use of such a study is a practical one,&amp;amp;mdash;to know, first, human nature, and, secondly, our own nature, as it truly is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; (3) Hence it is important that we should conceive of the mind in the noblest and simplest manner. While acknowledging that language has been the greatest factor in the formation of human thought, we must endeavour to get rid of the disguises, oppositions, contradictions, which arise out of it. We must disengage ourselves from the ideas which the customary use of words has implanted in us. To avoid error as much as possible when we are speaking of things unseen, the principal terms which we use should be few, and we should not allow ourselves to be enslaved by them. Instead of seeking to frame a technical language, we should vary our forms of speech, lest they should degenerate into formulas. A difficult philosophical problem is better understood when translated into the vernacular. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I.a. Psychology is inseparable from language, and early language contains the first impressions or the oldest experience of man respecting himself. These impressions are not accurate representations of the truth; they are the reflections of a rudimentary age of philosophy. The first and simplest forms of thought are rooted so deep in human nature that they can never be got rid of; but they have been perpetually enlarged and elevated, and the use of many words has been transferred from the body to the mind. The spiritual and intellectual have thus become separated from the material&amp;amp;mdash;there is a cleft between them; and the heart and the conscience of man rise above the dominion of the appetites and create a new language in which they too find expression. As the differences of actions begin to be perceived, more and more names are needed. This is the first analysis of the human mind; having a general foundation in popular experience, it is moulded to a certain extent by hierophants and philosophers. (See Introd. to Cratylus.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; b. This primitive psychology is continually receiving additions from the first thinkers, who in return take a colour from the popular language of the time. The mind is regarded from new points of view, and becomes adapted to new conditions of knowledge. It seeks to isolate itself from matter and sense, and to assert its independence in thought. It recognizes that it is independent of the external world. It has five or six natural states or stages:&amp;amp;mdash;(1) sensation, in which it is almost latent or quiescent: (2) feeling, or inner sense, when the mind is just awakening: (3) memory, which is decaying sense, and from time to time, as with a spark or flash, has the power of recollecting or reanimating the buried past: (4) thought, in which images pass into abstract notions or are intermingled with them: (5) action, in which the mind moves forward, of itself, or under the impulse of want or desire or pain, to attain or avoid some end or consequence: and (6) there is the composition of these or the admixture or assimilation of them in various degrees. We never see these processes of the mind, nor can we tell the causes of them. But we know them by their results, and learn from other men that so far as we can describe to them or they to us the workings of the mind, their experience is the same or nearly the same with our own. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; c. But the knowledge of the mind is not to any great extent derived from the observation of the individual by himself. It is the growing consciousness of the human race, embodied in language, acknowledged by experience, and corrected from time to time by the influence of literature and philosophy. A great, perhaps the most important, part of it is to be found in early Greek thought. In the Theaetetus of Plato it has not yet become fixed: we are still stumbling on the threshold. In Aristotle the process is more nearly completed, and has gained innumerable abstractions, of which many have had to be thrown away because relative only to the controversies of the time. In the interval between Thales and Aristotle were realized the distinctions of mind and body, of universal and particular, of infinite and infinitesimal, of idea and phenomenon; the class conceptions of faculties and virtues, the antagonism of the appetites and the reason; and connected with this, at a higher stage of development, the opposition of moral and intellectual virtue; also the primitive conceptions of unity, being, rest, motion, and the like. These divisions were not really scientific, but rather based on popular experience. They were not held with the precision of modern thinkers, but taken all together they gave a new existence to the mind in thought, and greatly enlarged and more accurately defined man&#039;s knowledge of himself and of the world. The majority of them have been accepted by Christian and Western nations. Yet in modern times we have also drifted so far away from Aristotle, that if we were to frame a system on his lines we should be at war with ordinary language and untrue to our own consciousness. And there have been a few both in mediaeval times and since the Reformation who have rebelled against the Aristotelian point of view. Of these eccentric thinkers there have been various types, but they have all a family likeness. According to them, there has been too much analysis and too little synthesis, too much division of the mind into parts and too little conception of it as a whole or in its relation to God and the laws of the universe. They have thought that the elements of plurality and unity have not been duly adjusted. The tendency of such writers has been to allow the personality of man to be absorbed in the universal, or in the divine nature, and to deny the distinction between matter and mind, or to substitute one for the other. They have broken some of the idols of Psychology: they have challenged the received meaning of words: they have regarded the mind under many points of view. But though they may have shaken the old, they have not established the new; their views of philosophy, which seem like the echo of some voice from the East, have been alien to the mind of Europe. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; d. The Psychology which is found in common language is in some degree verified by experience, but not in such a manner as to give it the character of an exact science. We cannot say that words always correspond to facts. Common language represents the mind from different and even opposite points of view, which cannot be all of them equally true (compare Cratylus). Yet from diversity of statements and opinions may be obtained a nearer approach to the truth than is to be gained from any one of them. It also tends to correct itself, because it is gradually brought nearer to the common sense of mankind. There are some leading categories or classifications of thought, which, though unverified, must always remain the elements from which the science or study of the mind proceeds. For example, we must assume ideas before we can analyze them, and also a continuing mind to which they belong; the resolution of it into successive moments, which would say, with Protagoras, that the man is not the same person which he was a minute ago, is, as Plato implies in the Theaetetus, an absurdity. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; e. The growth of the mind, which may be traced in the histories of religions and philosophies and in the thoughts of nations, is one of the deepest and noblest modes of studying it. Here we are dealing with the reality, with the greater and, as it may be termed, the most sacred part of history. We study the mind of man as it begins to be inspired by a human or divine reason, as it is modified by circumstances, as it is distributed in nations, as it is renovated by great movements, which go beyond the limits of nations and affect human society on a scale still greater, as it is created or renewed by great minds, who, looking down from above, have a wider and more comprehensive vision. This is an ambitious study, of which most of us rather &#039;entertain conjecture&#039; than arrive at any detailed or accurate knowledge. Later arises the reflection how these great ideas or movements of the world have been appropriated by the multitude and found a way to the minds of individuals. The real Psychology is that which shows how the increasing knowledge of nature and the increasing experience of life have always been slowly transforming the mind, how religions too have been modified in the course of ages &#039;that God may be all and in all.&#039; E pollaplasion, eoe, to ergon e os nun zeteitai prostatteis. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; f. Lastly, though we speak of the study of mind in a special sense, it may also be said that there is no science which does not contribute to our knowledge of it. The methods of science and their analogies are new faculties, discovered by the few and imparted to the many. They are to the mind, what the senses are to the body; or better, they may be compared to instruments such as the telescope or microscope by which the discriminating power of the senses, or to other mechanical inventions, by which the strength and skill of the human body is so immeasurably increased. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; II. The new Psychology, whatever may be its claim to the authority of a science, has called attention to many facts and corrected many errors, which without it would have been unexamined. Yet it is also itself very liable to illusion. The evidence on which it rests is vague and indefinite. The field of consciousness is never seen by us as a whole, but only at particular points, which are always changing. The veil of language intercepts facts. Hence it is desirable that in making an approach to the study we should consider at the outset what are the kinds of error which most easily affect it, and note the differences which separate it from other branches of knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; a. First, we observe the mind by the mind. It would seem therefore that we are always in danger of leaving out the half of that which is the subject of our enquiry. We come at once upon the difficulty of what is the meaning of the word. Does it differ as subject and object in the same manner? Can we suppose one set of feelings or one part of the mind to interpret another? Is the introspecting thought the same with the thought which is introspected? Has the mind the power of surveying its whole domain at one and the same time?&amp;amp;mdash;No more than the eye can take in the whole human body at a glance. Yet there may be a glimpse round the corner, or a thought transferred in a moment from one point of view to another, which enables us to see nearly the whole, if not at once, at any rate in succession. Such glimpses will hardly enable us to contemplate from within the mind in its true proportions. Hence the firmer ground of Psychology is not the consciousness of inward feelings but the observation of external actions, being the actions not only of ourselves, but of the innumerable persons whom we come across in life. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; b. The error of supposing partial or occasional explanation of mental phenomena to be the only or complete ones. For example, we are disinclined to admit of the spontaneity or discontinuity of the mind&amp;amp;mdash;it seems to us like an effect without a cause, and therefore we suppose the train of our thoughts to be always called up by association. Yet it is probable, or indeed certain, that of many mental phenomena there are no mental antecedents, but only bodily ones. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; c. The false influence of language. We are apt to suppose that when there are two or more words describing faculties or processes of the mind, there are real differences corresponding to them. But this is not the case. Nor can we determine how far they do or do not exist, or by what degree or kind of difference they are distinguished. The same remark may be made about figures of speech. They fill up the vacancy of knowledge; they are to the mind what too much colour is to the eye; but the truth is rather concealed than revealed by them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; d. The uncertain meaning of terms, such as Consciousness, Conscience, Will, Law, Knowledge, Internal and External Sense; these, in the language of Plato, &#039;we shamelessly use, without ever having taken the pains to analyze them.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; e. A science such as Psychology is not merely an hypothesis, but an hypothesis which, unlike the hypotheses of Physics, can never be verified. It rests only on the general impressions of mankind, and there is little or no hope of adding in any considerable degree to our stock of mental facts. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; f. The parallelism of the Physical Sciences, which leads us to analyze the mind on the analogy of the body, and so to reduce mental operations to the level of bodily ones, or to confound one with the other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; g. That the progress of Physiology may throw a new light on Psychology is a dream in which scientific men are always tempted to indulge. But however certain we may be of the connexion between mind and body, the explanation of the one by the other is a hidden place of nature which has hitherto been investigated with little or no success. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; h. The impossibility of distinguishing between mind and body. Neither in thought nor in experience can we separate them. They seem to act together; yet we feel that we are sometimes under the dominion of the one, sometimes of the other, and sometimes, both in the common use of language and in fact, they transform themselves, the one into the good principle, the other into the evil principle; and then again the &#039;I&#039; comes in and mediates between them. It is also difficult to distinguish outward facts from the ideas of them in the mind, or to separate the external stimulus to a sensation from the activity of the organ, or this from the invisible agencies by which it reaches the mind, or any process of sense from its mental antecedent, or any mental energy from its nervous expression. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; i. The fact that mental divisions tend to run into one another, and that in speaking of the mind we cannot always distinguish differences of kind from differences of degree; nor have we any measure of the strength and intensity of our ideas or feelings. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; j. Although heredity has been always known to the ancients as well as ourselves to exercise a considerable influence on human character, yet we are unable to calculate what proportion this birth-influence bears to nurture and education. But this is the real question. We cannot pursue the mind into embryology: we can only trace how, after birth, it begins to grow. But how much is due to the soil, how much to the original latent seed, it is impossible to distinguish. And because we are certain that heredity exercises a considerable, but undefined influence, we must not increase the wonder by exaggerating it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; k. The love of system is always tending to prevail over the historical investigation of the mind, which is our chief means of knowing it. It equally tends to hinder the other great source of our knowledge of the mind, the observation of its workings and processes which we can make for ourselves. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; l. The mind, when studied through the individual, is apt to be isolated&amp;amp;mdash;this is due to the very form of the enquiry; whereas, in truth, it is indistinguishable from circumstances, the very language which it uses being the result of the instincts of long-forgotten generations, and every word which a man utters being the answer to some other word spoken or suggested by somebody else. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; III. The tendency of the preceding remarks has been to show that Psychology is necessarily a fragment, and is not and cannot be a connected system. We cannot define or limit the mind, but we can describe it. We can collect information about it; we can enumerate the principal subjects which are included in the study of it. Thus we are able to rehabilitate Psychology to some extent, not as a branch of science, but as a collection of facts bearing on human life, as a part of the history of philosophy, as an aspect of Metaphysic. It is a fragment of a science only, which in all probability can never make any great progress or attain to much clearness or exactness. It is however a kind of knowledge which has a great interest for us and is always present to us, and of which we carry about the materials in our own bosoms. We can observe our minds and we can experiment upon them, and the knowledge thus acquired is not easily forgotten, and is a help to us in study as well as in conduct. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The principal subjects of Psychology may be summed up as follows:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; a. The relation of man to the world around him,&amp;amp;mdash;in what sense and within what limits can he withdraw from its laws or assert himself against them (Freedom and Necessity), and what is that which we suppose to be thus independent and which we call ourselves? How does the inward differ from the outward and what is the relation between them, and where do we draw the line by which we separate mind from matter, the soul from the body? Is the mind active or passive, or partly both? Are its movements identical with those of the body, or only preconcerted and coincident with them, or is one simply an aspect of the other? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; b. What are we to think of time and space? Time seems to have a nearer connexion with the mind, space with the body; yet time, as well as space, is necessary to our idea of either. We see also that they have an analogy with one another, and that in Mathematics they often interpenetrate. Space or place has been said by Kant to be the form of the outward, time of the inward sense. He regards them as parts or forms of the mind. But this is an unfortunate and inexpressive way of describing their relation to us. For of all the phenomena present to the human mind they seem to have most the character of objective existence. There is no use in asking what is beyond or behind them; we cannot get rid of them. And to throw the laws of external nature which to us are the type of the immutable into the subjective side of the antithesis seems to be equally inappropriate. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; c. When in imagination we enter into the closet of the mind and withdraw ourselves from the external world, we seem to find there more or less distinct processes which may be described by the words, &#039;I perceive,&#039; &#039;I feel,&#039; &#039;I think,&#039; &#039;I want,&#039; &#039;I wish,&#039; &#039;I like,&#039; &#039;I dislike,&#039; &#039;I fear,&#039; &#039;I know,&#039; &#039;I remember,&#039; &#039;I imagine,&#039; &#039;I dream,&#039; &#039;I act,&#039; &#039;I endeavour,&#039; &#039;I hope.&#039; These processes would seem to have the same notions attached to them in the minds of all educated persons. They are distinguished from one another in thought, but they intermingle. It is possible to reflect upon them or to become conscious of them in a greater or less degree, or with a greater or less continuity or attention, and thus arise the intermittent phenomena of consciousness or self-consciousness. The use of all of them is possible to us at all times; and therefore in any operation of the mind the whole are latent. But we are able to characterise them sufficiently by that part of the complex action which is the most prominent. We have no difficulty in distinguishing an act of sight or an act of will from an act of thought, although thought is present in both of them. Hence the conception of different faculties or different virtues is precarious, because each of them is passing into the other, and they are all one in the mind itself; they appear and reappear, and may all be regarded as the ever-varying phases or aspects or differences of the same mind or person. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; d. Nearest the sense in the scale of the intellectual faculties is memory, which is a mode rather than a faculty of the mind, and accompanies all mental operations. There are two principal kinds of it, recollection and recognition,&amp;amp;mdash;recollection in which forgotten things are recalled or return to the mind, recognition in which the mind finds itself again among things once familiar. The simplest way in which we can represent the former to ourselves is by shutting our eyes and trying to recall in what we term the mind&#039;s eye the picture of the surrounding scene, or by laying down the book which we are reading and recapitulating what we can remember of it. But many times more powerful than recollection is recognition, perhaps because it is more assisted by association. We have known and forgotten, and after a long interval the thing which we have seen once is seen again by us, but with a different feeling, and comes back to us, not as new knowledge, but as a thing to which we ourselves impart a notion already present to us; in Plato&#039;s words, we set the stamp upon the wax. Every one is aware of the difference between the first and second sight of a place, between a scene clothed with associations or bare and divested of them. We say to ourselves on revisiting a spot after a long interval: How many things have happened since I last saw this! There is probably no impression ever received by us of which we can venture to say that the vestiges are altogether lost, or that we might not, under some circumstances, recover it. A long-forgotten knowledge may be easily renewed and therefore is very different from ignorance. Of the language learnt in childhood not a word may be remembered, and yet, when a new beginning is made, the old habit soon returns, the neglected organs come back into use, and the river of speech finds out the dried-up channel. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; e. &#039;Consciousness&#039; is the most treacherous word which is employed in the study of the mind, for it is used in many senses, and has rarely, if ever, been minutely analyzed. Like memory, it accompanies all mental operations, but not always continuously, and it exists in various degrees. It may be imperceptible or hardly perceptible: it may be the living sense that our thoughts, actions, sufferings, are our own. It is a kind of attention which we pay to ourselves, and is intermittent rather than continuous. Its sphere has been exaggerated. It is sometimes said to assure us of our freedom; but this is an illusion: as there may be a real freedom without consciousness of it, so there may be a consciousness of freedom without the reality. It may be regarded as a higher degree of knowledge when we not only know but know that we know. Consciousness is opposed to habit, inattention, sleep, death. It may be illustrated by its derivative conscience, which speaks to men, not only of right and wrong in the abstract, but of right and wrong actions in reference to themselves and their circumstances. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; f. Association is another of the ever-present phenomena of the human mind. We speak of the laws of association, but this is an expression which is confusing, for the phenomenon itself is of the most capricious and uncertain sort. It may be briefly described as follows. The simplest case of association is that of sense. When we see or hear separately one of two things, which we have previously seen or heard together, the occurrence of the one has a tendency to suggest the other. So the sight or name of a house may recall to our minds the memory of those who once lived there. Like may recall like and everything its opposite. The parts of a whole, the terms of a series, objects lying near, words having a customary order stick together in the mind. A word may bring back a passage of poetry or a whole system of philosophy; from one end of the world or from one pole of knowledge we may travel to the other in an indivisible instant. The long train of association by which we pass from one point to the other, involving every sort of complex relation, so sudden, so accidental, is one of the greatest wonders of mind...This process however is not always continuous, but often intermittent: we can think of things in isolation as well as in association; we do not mean that they must all hang from one another. We can begin again after an interval of rest or vacancy, as a new train of thought suddenly arises, as, for example, when we wake of a morning or after violent exercise. Time, place, the same colour or sound or smell or taste, will often call up some thought or recollection either accidentally or naturally associated with them. But it is equally noticeable that the new thought may occur to us, we cannot tell how or why, by the spontaneous action of the mind itself or by the latent influence of the body. Both science and poetry are made up of associations or recollections, but we must observe also that the mind is not wholly dependent on them, having also the power of origination. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There are other processes of the mind which it is good for us to study when we are at home and by ourselves,&amp;amp;mdash;the manner in which thought passes into act, the conflict of passion and reason in many stages, the transition from sensuality to love or sentiment and from earthly love to heavenly, the slow and silent influence of habit, which little by little changes the nature of men, the sudden change of the old nature of man into a new one, wrought by shame or by some other overwhelming impulse. These are the greater phenomena of mind, and he who has thought of them for himself will live and move in a better-ordered world, and will himself be a better-ordered man. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; At the other end of the &#039;globus intellectualis,&#039; nearest, not to earth and sense, but to heaven and God, is the personality of man, by which he holds communion with the unseen world. Somehow, he knows not how, somewhere, he knows not where, under this higher aspect of his being he grasps the ideas of God, freedom and immortality; he sees the forms of truth, holiness and love, and is satisfied with them. No account of the mind can be complete which does not admit the reality or the possibility of another life. Whether regarded as an ideal or as a fact, the highest part of man&#039;s nature and that in which it seems most nearly to approach the divine, is a phenomenon which exists, and must therefore be included within the domain of Psychology. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; IV. We admit that there is no perfect or ideal Psychology. It is not a whole in the same sense in which Chemistry, Physiology, or Mathematics are wholes: that is to say, it is not a connected unity of knowledge. Compared with the wealth of other sciences, it rests upon a small number of facts; and when we go beyond these, we fall into conjectures and verbal discussions. The facts themselves are disjointed; the causes of them run up into other sciences, and we have no means of tracing them from one to the other. Yet it may be true of this, as of other beginnings of knowledge, that the attempt to put them together has tested the truth of them, and given a stimulus to the enquiry into them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Psychology should be natural, not technical. It should take the form which is the most intelligible to the common understanding, because it has to do with common things, which are familiar to us all. It should aim at no more than every reflecting man knows or can easily verify for himself. When simple and unpretentious, it is least obscured by words, least liable to fall under the influence of Physiology or Metaphysic. It should argue, not from exceptional, but from ordinary phenomena. It should be careful to distinguish the higher and the lower elements of human nature, and not allow one to be veiled in the disguise of the other, lest through the slippery nature of language we should pass imperceptibly from good to evil, from nature in the higher to nature in the neutral or lower sense. It should assert consistently the unity of the human faculties, the unity of knowledge, the unity of God and law. The difference between the will and the affections and between the reason and the passions should also be recognized by it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Its sphere is supposed to be narrowed to the individual soul; but it cannot be thus separated in fact. It goes back to the beginnings of things, to the first growth of language and philosophy, and to the whole science of man. There can be no truth or completeness in any study of the mind which is confined to the individual. The nature of language, though not the whole, is perhaps at present the most important element in our knowledge of it. It is not impossible that some numerical laws may be found to have a place in the relations of mind and matter, as in the rest of nature. The old Pythagorean fancy that the soul &#039;is or has in it harmony&#039; may in some degree be realized. But the indications of such numerical harmonies are faint; either the secret of them lies deeper than we can discover, or nature may have rebelled against the use of them in the composition of men and animals. It is with qualitative rather than with quantitative differences that we are concerned in Psychology. The facts relating to the mind which we obtain from Physiology are negative rather than positive. They show us, not the processes of mental action, but the conditions of which when deprived the mind ceases to act. It would seem as if the time had not yet arrived when we can hope to add anything of much importance to our knowledge of the mind from the investigations of the microscope. The elements of Psychology can still only be learnt from reflections on ourselves, which interpret and are also interpreted by our experience of others. The history of language, of philosophy, and religion, the great thoughts or inventions or discoveries which move mankind, furnish the larger moulds or outlines in which the human mind has been cast. From these the individual derives so much as he is able to comprehend or has the opportunity of learning. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a name=&amp;quot;link2H_4_0002&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;link2H_4_0002&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &amp;lt;!--  H2 anchor --&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;div style=&amp;quot;height: 4em;&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/div&amp;gt; &amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; THEAETETUS &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PERSONS OF THE DIALOGUE: Socrates, Theodorus, Theaetetus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Euclid and Terpsion meet in front of Euclid&#039;s house in Megara; they enter the house, and the dialogue is read to them by a servant. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; EUCLID: Have you only just arrived from the country, Terpsion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; TERPSION: No, I came some time ago: and I have been in the Agora looking for you, and wondering that I could not find you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; EUCLID: But I was not in the city. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; TERPSION: Where then? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; EUCLID: As I was going down to the harbour, I met Theaetetus&amp;amp;mdash;he was being carried up to Athens from the army at Corinth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; TERPSION: Was he alive or dead? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; EUCLID: He was scarcely alive, for he has been badly wounded; but he was suffering even more from the sickness which has broken out in the army. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; TERPSION: The dysentery, you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; EUCLID: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; TERPSION: Alas! what a loss he will be! &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; EUCLID: Yes, Terpsion, he is a noble fellow; only to-day I heard some people highly praising his behaviour in this very battle. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; TERPSION: No wonder; I should rather be surprised at hearing anything else of him. But why did he go on, instead of stopping at Megara? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; EUCLID: He wanted to get home: although I entreated and advised him to remain, he would not listen to me; so I set him on his way, and turned back, and then I remembered what Socrates had said of him, and thought how remarkably this, like all his predictions, had been fulfilled. I believe that he had seen him a little before his own death, when Theaetetus was a youth, and he had a memorable conversation with him, which he repeated to me when I came to Athens; he was full of admiration of his genius, and said that he would most certainly be a great man, if he lived. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; TERPSION: The prophecy has certainly been fulfilled; but what was the conversation? can you tell me? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; EUCLID: No, indeed, not offhand; but I took notes of it as soon as I got home; these I filled up from memory, writing them out at leisure; and whenever I went to Athens, I asked Socrates about any point which I had forgotten, and on my return I made corrections; thus I have nearly the whole conversation written down. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; TERPSION: I remember&amp;amp;mdash;you told me; and I have always been intending to ask you to show me the writing, but have put off doing so; and now, why should we not read it through?&amp;amp;mdash;having just come from the country, I should greatly like to rest. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; EUCLID: I too shall be very glad of a rest, for I went with Theaetetus as far as Erineum. Let us go in, then, and, while we are reposing, the servant shall read to us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; TERPSION: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; EUCLID: Here is the roll, Terpsion; I may observe that I have introduced Socrates, not as narrating to me, but as actually conversing with the persons whom he mentioned&amp;amp;mdash;these were, Theodorus the geometrician (of Cyrene), and Theaetetus. I have omitted, for the sake of convenience, the interlocutory words &#039;I said,&#039; &#039;I remarked,&#039; which he used when he spoke of himself, and again, &#039;he agreed,&#039; or &#039;disagreed,&#039; in the answer, lest the repetition of them should be troublesome. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; TERPSION: Quite right, Euclid. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; EUCLID: And now, boy, you may take the roll and read. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; EUCLID&#039;S SERVANT READS. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: If I cared enough about the Cyrenians, Theodorus, I would ask you whether there are any rising geometricians or philosophers in that part of the world. But I am more interested in our own Athenian youth, and I would rather know who among them are likely to do well. I observe them as far as I can myself, and I enquire of any one whom they follow, and I see that a great many of them follow you, in which they are quite right, considering your eminence in geometry and in other ways. Tell me then, if you have met with any one who is good for anything. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Yes, Socrates, I have become acquainted with one very remarkable Athenian youth, whom I commend to you as well worthy of your attention. If he had been a beauty I should have been afraid to praise him, lest you should suppose that I was in love with him; but he is no beauty, and you must not be offended if I say that he is very like you; for he has a snub nose and projecting eyes, although these features are less marked in him than in you. Seeing, then, that he has no personal attractions, I may freely say, that in all my acquaintance, which is very large, I never knew any one who was his equal in natural gifts: for he has a quickness of apprehension which is almost unrivalled, and he is exceedingly gentle, and also the most courageous of men; there is a union of qualities in him such as I have never seen in any other, and should scarcely have thought possible; for those who, like him, have quick and ready and retentive wits, have generally also quick tempers; they are ships without ballast, and go darting about, and are mad rather than courageous; and the steadier sort, when they have to face study, prove stupid and cannot remember. Whereas he moves surely and smoothly and successfully in the path of knowledge and enquiry; and he is full of gentleness, flowing on silently like a river of oil; at his age, it is wonderful. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: That is good news; whose son is he? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: The name of his father I have forgotten, but the youth himself is the middle one of those who are approaching us; he and his companions have been anointing themselves in the outer court, and now they seem to have finished, and are coming towards us. Look and see whether you know him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I know the youth, but I do not know his name; he is the son of Euphronius the Sunian, who was himself an eminent man, and such another as his son is, according to your account of him; I believe that he left a considerable fortune. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Theaetetus, Socrates, is his name; but I rather think that the property disappeared in the hands of trustees; notwithstanding which he is wonderfully liberal. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: He must be a fine fellow; tell him to come and sit by me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: I will. Come hither, Theaetetus, and sit by Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: By all means, Theaetetus, in order that I may see the reflection of myself in your face, for Theodorus says that we are alike; and yet if each of us held in his hands a lyre, and he said that they were tuned alike, should we at once take his word, or should we ask whether he who said so was or was not a musician? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: We should ask. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And if we found that he was, we should take his word; and if not, not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And if this supposed likeness of our faces is a matter of any interest to us, we should enquire whether he who says that we are alike is a painter or not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly we should. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And is Theodorus a painter? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I never heard that he was. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Is he a geometrician? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Of course he is, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And is he an astronomer and calculator and musician, and in general an educated man? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I think so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: If, then, he remarks on a similarity in our persons, either by way of praise or blame, there is no particular reason why we should attend to him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I should say not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But if he praises the virtue or wisdom which are the mental endowments of either of us, then he who hears the praises will naturally desire to examine him who is praised: and he again should be willing to exhibit himself. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very true, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then now is the time, my dear Theaetetus, for me to examine, and for you to exhibit; since although Theodorus has praised many a citizen and stranger in my hearing, never did I hear him praise any one as he has been praising you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I am glad to hear it, Socrates; but what if he was only in jest? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Nay, Theodorus is not given to jesting; and I cannot allow you to retract your consent on any such pretence as that. If you do, he will have to swear to his words; and we are perfectly sure that no one will be found to impugn him. Do not be shy then, but stand to your word. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I suppose I must, if you wish it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: In the first place, I should like to ask what you learn of Theodorus: something of geometry, perhaps? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And astronomy and harmony and calculation? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I do my best. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Yes, my boy, and so do I; and my desire is to learn of him, or of anybody who seems to understand these things. And I get on pretty well in general; but there is a little difficulty which I want you and the company to aid me in investigating. Will you answer me a question: &#039;Is not learning growing wiser about that which you learn?&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And by wisdom the wise are wise? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And is that different in any way from knowledge? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Wisdom; are not men wise in that which they know? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly they are. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then wisdom and knowledge are the same? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Herein lies the difficulty which I can never solve to my satisfaction&amp;amp;mdash;What is knowledge? Can we answer that question? What say you? which of us will speak first? whoever misses shall sit down, as at a game of ball, and shall be donkey, as the boys say; he who lasts out his competitors in the game without missing, shall be our king, and shall have the right of putting to us any questions which he pleases...Why is there no reply? I hope, Theodorus, that I am not betrayed into rudeness by my love of conversation? I only want to make us talk and be friendly and sociable. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: The reverse of rudeness, Socrates: but I would rather that you would ask one of the young fellows; for the truth is, that I am unused to your game of question and answer, and I am too old to learn; the young will be more suitable, and they will improve more than I shall, for youth is always able to improve. And so having made a beginning with Theaetetus, I would advise you to go on with him and not let him off. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Do you hear, Theaetetus, what Theodorus says? The philosopher, whom you would not like to disobey, and whose word ought to be a command to a young man, bids me interrogate you. Take courage, then, and nobly say what you think that knowledge is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Well, Socrates, I will answer as you and he bid me; and if I make a mistake, you will doubtless correct me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: We will, if we can. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Then, I think that the sciences which I learn from Theodorus&amp;amp;mdash;geometry, and those which you just now mentioned&amp;amp;mdash;are knowledge; and I would include the art of the cobbler and other craftsmen; these, each and all of, them, are knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Too much, Theaetetus, too much; the nobility and liberality of your nature make you give many and diverse things, when I am asking for one simple thing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What do you mean, Socrates? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Perhaps nothing. I will endeavour, however, to explain what I believe to be my meaning: When you speak of cobbling, you mean the art or science of making shoes? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Just so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And when you speak of carpentering, you mean the art of making wooden implements? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I do. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: In both cases you define the subject matter of each of the two arts? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But that, Theaetetus, was not the point of my question: we wanted to know not the subjects, nor yet the number of the arts or sciences, for we were not going to count them, but we wanted to know the nature of knowledge in the abstract. Am I not right? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Perfectly right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Let me offer an illustration: Suppose that a person were to ask about some very trivial and obvious thing&amp;amp;mdash;for example, What is clay? and we were to reply, that there is a clay of potters, there is a clay of oven-makers, there is a clay of brick-makers; would not the answer be ridiculous? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Truly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: In the first place, there would be an absurdity in assuming that he who asked the question would understand from our answer the nature of &#039;clay,&#039; merely because we added &#039;of the image-makers,&#039; or of any other workers. How can a man understand the name of anything, when he does not know the nature of it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: He cannot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then he who does not know what science or knowledge is, has no knowledge of the art or science of making shoes? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: None. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Nor of any other science? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And when a man is asked what science or knowledge is, to give in answer the name of some art or science is ridiculous; for the question is, &#039;What is knowledge?&#039; and he replies, &#039;A knowledge of this or that.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Moreover, he might answer shortly and simply, but he makes an enormous circuit. For example, when asked about the clay, he might have said simply, that clay is moistened earth&amp;amp;mdash;what sort of clay is not to the point. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, Socrates, there is no difficulty as you put the question. You mean, if I am not mistaken, something like what occurred to me and to my friend here, your namesake Socrates, in a recent discussion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: What was that, Theaetetus? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Theodorus was writing out for us something about roots, such as the roots of three or five, showing that they are incommensurable by the unit: he selected other examples up to seventeen&amp;amp;mdash;there he stopped. Now as there are innumerable roots, the notion occurred to us of attempting to include them all under one name or class. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And did you find such a class? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I think that we did; but I should like to have your opinion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Let me hear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: We divided all numbers into two classes: those which are made up of equal factors multiplying into one another, which we compared to square figures and called square or equilateral numbers;&amp;amp;mdash;that was one class. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: The intermediate numbers, such as three and five, and every other number which is made up of unequal factors, either of a greater multiplied by a less, or of a less multiplied by a greater, and when regarded as a figure, is contained in unequal sides;&amp;amp;mdash;all these we compared to oblong figures, and called them oblong numbers. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Capital; and what followed? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: The lines, or sides, which have for their squares the equilateral plane numbers, were called by us lengths or magnitudes; and the lines which are the roots of (or whose squares are equal to) the oblong numbers, were called powers or roots; the reason of this latter name being, that they are commensurable with the former [i.e., with the so-called lengths or magnitudes] not in linear measurement, but in the value of the superficial content of their squares; and the same about solids. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Excellent, my boys; I think that you fully justify the praises of Theodorus, and that he will not be found guilty of false witness. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: But I am unable, Socrates, to give you a similar answer about knowledge, which is what you appear to want; and therefore Theodorus is a deceiver after all. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well, but if some one were to praise you for running, and to say that he never met your equal among boys, and afterwards you were beaten in a race by a grown-up man, who was a great runner&amp;amp;mdash;would the praise be any the less true? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And is the discovery of the nature of knowledge so small a matter, as just now said? Is it not one which would task the powers of men perfect in every way? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: By heaven, they should be the top of all perfection! &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well, then, be of good cheer; do not say that Theodorus was mistaken about you, but do your best to ascertain the true nature of knowledge, as well as of other things. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I am eager enough, Socrates, if that would bring to light the truth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Come, you made a good beginning just now; let your own answer about roots be your model, and as you comprehended them all in one class, try and bring the many sorts of knowledge under one definition. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I can assure you, Socrates, that I have tried very often, when the report of questions asked by you was brought to me; but I can neither persuade myself that I have a satisfactory answer to give, nor hear of any one who answers as you would have him; and I cannot shake off a feeling of anxiety. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: These are the pangs of labour, my dear Theaetetus; you have something within you which you are bringing to the birth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I do not know, Socrates; I only say what I feel. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And have you never heard, simpleton, that I am the son of a midwife, brave and burly, whose name was Phaenarete? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, I have. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And that I myself practise midwifery? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: No, never. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Let me tell you that I do though, my friend: but you must not reveal the secret, as the world in general have not found me out; and therefore they only say of me, that I am the strangest of mortals and drive men to their wits&#039; end. Did you ever hear that too? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Shall I tell you the reason? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: By all means. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Bear in mind the whole business of the midwives, and then you will see my meaning better:&amp;amp;mdash;No woman, as you are probably aware, who is still able to conceive and bear, attends other women, but only those who are past bearing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, I know. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The reason of this is said to be that Artemis&amp;amp;mdash;the goddess of childbirth&amp;amp;mdash;is not a mother, and she honours those who are like herself; but she could not allow the barren to be midwives, because human nature cannot know the mystery of an art without experience; and therefore she assigned this office to those who are too old to bear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I dare say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And I dare say too, or rather I am absolutely certain, that the midwives know better than others who is pregnant and who is not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And by the use of potions and incantations they are able to arouse the pangs and to soothe them at will; they can make those bear who have a difficulty in bearing, and if they think fit they can smother the embryo in the womb. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: They can. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Did you ever remark that they are also most cunning matchmakers, and have a thorough knowledge of what unions are likely to produce a brave brood? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: No, never. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then let me tell you that this is their greatest pride, more than cutting the umbilical cord. And if you reflect, you will see that the same art which cultivates and gathers in the fruits of the earth, will be most likely to know in what soils the several plants or seeds should be deposited. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, the same art. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And do you suppose that with women the case is otherwise? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I should think not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Certainly not; but midwives are respectable women who have a character to lose, and they avoid this department of their profession, because they are afraid of being called procuresses, which is a name given to those who join together man and woman in an unlawful and unscientific way; and yet the true midwife is also the true and only matchmaker. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Such are the midwives, whose task is a very important one, but not so important as mine; for women do not bring into the world at one time real children, and at another time counterfeits which are with difficulty distinguished from them; if they did, then the discernment of the true and false birth would be the crowning achievement of the art of midwifery&amp;amp;mdash;you would think so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Indeed I should. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well, my art of midwifery is in most respects like theirs; but differs, in that I attend men and not women; and look after their souls when they are in labour, and not after their bodies: and the triumph of my art is in thoroughly examining whether the thought which the mind of the young man brings forth is a false idol or a noble and true birth. And like the midwives, I am barren, and the reproach which is often made against me, that I ask questions of others and have not the wit to answer them myself, is very just&amp;amp;mdash;the reason is, that the god compels me to be a midwife, but does not allow me to bring forth. And therefore I am not myself at all wise, nor have I anything to show which is the invention or birth of my own soul, but those who converse with me profit. Some of them appear dull enough at first, but afterwards, as our acquaintance ripens, if the god is gracious to them, they all make astonishing progress; and this in the opinion of others as well as in their own. It is quite clear that they never learned anything from me; the many fine discoveries to which they cling are of their own making. But to me and the god they owe their delivery. And the proof of my words is, that many of them in their ignorance, either in their self-conceit despising me, or falling under the influence of others, have gone away too soon; and have not only lost the children of whom I had previously delivered them by an ill bringing up, but have stifled whatever else they had in them by evil communications, being fonder of lies and shams than of the truth; and they have at last ended by seeing themselves, as others see them, to be great fools. Aristeides, the son of Lysimachus, is one of them, and there are many others. The truants often return to me, and beg that I would consort with them again&amp;amp;mdash;they are ready to go to me on their knees&amp;amp;mdash;and then, if my familiar allows, which is not always the case, I receive them, and they begin to grow again. Dire are the pangs which my art is able to arouse and to allay in those who consort with me, just like the pangs of women in childbirth; night and day they are full of perplexity and travail which is even worse than that of the women. So much for them. And there are others, Theaetetus, who come to me apparently having nothing in them; and as I know that they have no need of my art, I coax them into marrying some one, and by the grace of God I can generally tell who is likely to do them good. Many of them I have given away to Prodicus, and many to other inspired sages. I tell you this long story, friend Theaetetus, because I suspect, as indeed you seem to think yourself, that you are in labour&amp;amp;mdash;great with some conception. Come then to me, who am a midwife&#039;s son and myself a midwife, and do your best to answer the questions which I will ask you. And if I abstract and expose your first-born, because I discover upon inspection that the conception which you have formed is a vain shadow, do not quarrel with me on that account, as the manner of women is when their first children are taken from them. For I have actually known some who were ready to bite me when I deprived them of a darling folly; they did not perceive that I acted from goodwill, not knowing that no god is the enemy of man&amp;amp;mdash;that was not within the range of their ideas; neither am I their enemy in all this, but it would be wrong for me to admit falsehood, or to stifle the truth. Once more, then, Theaetetus, I repeat my old question, &#039;What is knowledge?&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;and do not say that you cannot tell; but quit yourself like a man, and by the help of God you will be able to tell. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: At any rate, Socrates, after such an exhortation I should be ashamed of not trying to do my best. Now he who knows perceives what he knows, and, as far as I can see at present, knowledge is perception. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Bravely said, boy; that is the way in which you should express your opinion. And now, let us examine together this conception of yours, and see whether it is a true birth or a mere wind-egg:&amp;amp;mdash;You say that knowledge is perception? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well, you have delivered yourself of a very important doctrine about knowledge; it is indeed the opinion of Protagoras, who has another way of expressing it. Man, he says, is the measure of all things, of the existence of things that are, and of the non-existence of things that are not:&amp;amp;mdash;You have read him? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: O yes, again and again. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Does he not say that things are to you such as they appear to you, and to me such as they appear to me, and that you and I are men? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, he says so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: A wise man is not likely to talk nonsense. Let us try to understand him: the same wind is blowing, and yet one of us may be cold and the other not, or one may be slightly and the other very cold? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Now is the wind, regarded not in relation to us but absolutely, cold or not; or are we to say, with Protagoras, that the wind is cold to him who is cold, and not to him who is not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I suppose the last. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then it must appear so to each of them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And &#039;appears to him&#039; means the same as &#039;he perceives.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then appearing and perceiving coincide in the case of hot and cold, and in similar instances; for things appear, or may be supposed to be, to each one such as he perceives them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then perception is always of existence, and being the same as knowledge is unerring? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: In the name of the Graces, what an almighty wise man Protagoras must have been! He spoke these things in a parable to the common herd, like you and me, but told the truth, &#039;his Truth,&#039; (In allusion to a book of Protagoras&#039; which bore this title.) in secret to his own disciples. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What do you mean, Socrates? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I am about to speak of a high argument, in which all things are said to be relative; you cannot rightly call anything by any name, such as great or small, heavy or light, for the great will be small and the heavy light&amp;amp;mdash;there is no single thing or quality, but out of motion and change and admixture all things are becoming relatively to one another, which &#039;becoming&#039; is by us incorrectly called being, but is really becoming, for nothing ever is, but all things are becoming. Summon all philosophers&amp;amp;mdash;Protagoras, Heracleitus, Empedocles, and the rest of them, one after another, and with the exception of Parmenides they will agree with you in this. Summon the great masters of either kind of poetry&amp;amp;mdash;Epicharmus, the prince of Comedy, and Homer of Tragedy; when the latter sings of &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;Ocean whence sprang the gods, and mother Tethys,&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; does he not mean that all things are the offspring, of flux and motion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I think so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And who could take up arms against such a great army having Homer for its general, and not appear ridiculous? (Compare Cratylus.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Who indeed, Socrates? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Yes, Theaetetus; and there are plenty of other proofs which will show that motion is the source of what is called being and becoming, and inactivity of not-being and destruction; for fire and warmth, which are supposed to be the parent and guardian of all other things, are born of movement and of friction, which is a kind of motion;&amp;amp;mdash;is not this the origin of fire? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: It is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And the race of animals is generated in the same way? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And is not the bodily habit spoiled by rest and idleness, but preserved for a long time by motion and exercise? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And what of the mental habit? Is not the soul informed, and improved, and preserved by study and attention, which are motions; but when at rest, which in the soul only means want of attention and study, is uninformed, and speedily forgets whatever she has learned? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then motion is a good, and rest an evil, to the soul as well as to the body? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I may add, that breathless calm, stillness and the like waste and impair, while wind and storm preserve; and the palmary argument of all, which I strongly urge, is the golden chain in Homer, by which he means the sun, thereby indicating that so long as the sun and the heavens go round in their orbits, all things human and divine are and are preserved, but if they were chained up and their motions ceased, then all things would be destroyed, and, as the saying is, turned upside down. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I believe, Socrates, that you have truly explained his meaning. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then now apply his doctrine to perception, my good friend, and first of all to vision; that which you call white colour is not in your eyes, and is not a distinct thing which exists out of them. And you must not assign any place to it: for if it had position it would be, and be at rest, and there would be no process of becoming. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Then what is colour? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Let us carry the principle which has just been affirmed, that nothing is self-existent, and then we shall see that white, black, and every other colour, arises out of the eye meeting the appropriate motion, and that what we call a colour is in each case neither the active nor the passive element, but something which passes between them, and is peculiar to each percipient; are you quite certain that the several colours appear to a dog or to any animal whatever as they appear to you? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Far from it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Or that anything appears the same to you as to another man? Are you so profoundly convinced of this? Rather would it not be true that it never appears exactly the same to you, because you are never exactly the same? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: The latter. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And if that with which I compare myself in size, or which I apprehend by touch, were great or white or hot, it could not become different by mere contact with another unless it actually changed; nor again, if the comparing or apprehending subject were great or white or hot, could this, when unchanged from within, become changed by any approximation or affection of any other thing. The fact is that in our ordinary way of speaking we allow ourselves to be driven into most ridiculous and wonderful contradictions, as Protagoras and all who take his line of argument would remark. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: How? and of what sort do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: A little instance will sufficiently explain my meaning: Here are six dice, which are more by a half when compared with four, and fewer by a half than twelve&amp;amp;mdash;they are more and also fewer. How can you or any one maintain the contrary? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well, then, suppose that Protagoras or some one asks whether anything can become greater or more if not by increasing, how would you answer him, Theaetetus? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I should say &#039;No,&#039; Socrates, if I were to speak my mind in reference to this last question, and if I were not afraid of contradicting my former answer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Capital! excellent! spoken like an oracle, my boy! And if you reply &#039;Yes,&#039; there will be a case for Euripides; for our tongue will be unconvinced, but not our mind. (In allusion to the well-known line of Euripides, Hippol.: e gloss omomoch e de thren anomotos.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The thoroughbred Sophists, who know all that can be known about the mind, and argue only out of the superfluity of their wits, would have had a regular sparring-match over this, and would have knocked their arguments together finely. But you and I, who have no professional aims, only desire to see what is the mutual relation of these principles,&amp;amp;mdash;whether they are consistent with each or not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, that would be my desire. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And mine too. But since this is our feeling, and there is plenty of time, why should we not calmly and patiently review our own thoughts, and thoroughly examine and see what these appearances in us really are? If I am not mistaken, they will be described by us as follows:&amp;amp;mdash;first, that nothing can become greater or less, either in number or magnitude, while remaining equal to itself&amp;amp;mdash;you would agree? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Secondly, that without addition or subtraction there is no increase or diminution of anything, but only equality. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Thirdly, that what was not before cannot be afterwards, without becoming and having become. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, truly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: These three axioms, if I am not mistaken, are fighting with one another in our minds in the case of the dice, or, again, in such a case as this&amp;amp;mdash;if I were to say that I, who am of a certain height and taller than you, may within a year, without gaining or losing in height, be not so tall&amp;amp;mdash;not that I should have lost, but that you would have increased. In such a case, I am afterwards what I once was not, and yet I have not become; for I could not have become without becoming, neither could I have become less without losing somewhat of my height; and I could give you ten thousand examples of similar contradictions, if we admit them at all. I believe that you follow me, Theaetetus; for I suspect that you have thought of these questions before now. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, Socrates, and I am amazed when I think of them; by the Gods I am! and I want to know what on earth they mean; and there are times when my head quite swims with the contemplation of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I see, my dear Theaetetus, that Theodorus had a true insight into your nature when he said that you were a philosopher, for wonder is the feeling of a philosopher, and philosophy begins in wonder. He was not a bad genealogist who said that Iris (the messenger of heaven) is the child of Thaumas (wonder). But do you begin to see what is the explanation of this perplexity on the hypothesis which we attribute to Protagoras? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Not as yet. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then you will be obliged to me if I help you to unearth the hidden &#039;truth&#039; of a famous man or school. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: To be sure, I shall be very much obliged. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Take a look round, then, and see that none of the uninitiated are listening. Now by the uninitiated I mean the people who believe in nothing but what they can grasp in their hands, and who will not allow that action or generation or anything invisible can have real existence. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, indeed, Socrates, they are very hard and impenetrable mortals. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Yes, my boy, outer barbarians. Far more ingenious are the brethren whose mysteries I am about to reveal to you. Their first principle is, that all is motion, and upon this all the affections of which we were just now speaking are supposed to depend: there is nothing but motion, which has two forms, one active and the other passive, both in endless number; and out of the union and friction of them there is generated a progeny endless in number, having two forms, sense and the object of sense, which are ever breaking forth and coming to the birth at the same moment. The senses are variously named hearing, seeing, smelling; there is the sense of heat, cold, pleasure, pain, desire, fear, and many more which have names, as well as innumerable others which are without them; each has its kindred object,&amp;amp;mdash;each variety of colour has a corresponding variety of sight, and so with sound and hearing, and with the rest of the senses and the objects akin to them. Do you see, Theaetetus, the bearings of this tale on the preceding argument? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Indeed I do not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then attend, and I will try to finish the story. The purport is that all these things are in motion, as I was saying, and that this motion is of two kinds, a slower and a quicker; and the slower elements have their motions in the same place and with reference to things near them, and so they beget; but what is begotten is swifter, for it is carried to fro, and moves from place to place. Apply this to sense:&amp;amp;mdash;When the eye and the appropriate object meet together and give birth to whiteness and the sensation connatural with it, which could not have been given by either of them going elsewhere, then, while the sight is flowing from the eye, whiteness proceeds from the object which combines in producing the colour; and so the eye is fulfilled with sight, and really sees, and becomes, not sight, but a seeing eye; and the object which combined to form the colour is fulfilled with whiteness, and becomes not whiteness but a white thing, whether wood or stone or whatever the object may be which happens to be coloured white. And this is true of all sensible objects, hard, warm, and the like, which are similarly to be regarded, as I was saying before, not as having any absolute existence, but as being all of them of whatever kind generated by motion in their intercourse with one another; for of the agent and patient, as existing in separation, no trustworthy conception, as they say, can be formed, for the agent has no existence until united with the patient, and the patient has no existence until united with the agent; and that which by uniting with something becomes an agent, by meeting with some other thing is converted into a patient. And from all these considerations, as I said at first, there arises a general reflection, that there is no one self-existent thing, but everything is becoming and in relation; and being must be altogether abolished, although from habit and ignorance we are compelled even in this discussion to retain the use of the term. But great philosophers tell us that we are not to allow either the word &#039;something,&#039; or &#039;belonging to something,&#039; or &#039;to me,&#039; or &#039;this,&#039; or &#039;that,&#039; or any other detaining name to be used, in the language of nature all things are being created and destroyed, coming into being and passing into new forms; nor can any name fix or detain them; he who attempts to fix them is easily refuted. And this should be the way of speaking, not only of particulars but of aggregates; such aggregates as are expressed in the word &#039;man,&#039; or &#039;stone,&#039; or any name of an animal or of a class. O Theaetetus, are not these speculations sweet as honey? And do you not like the taste of them in the mouth? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I do not know what to say, Socrates; for, indeed, I cannot make out whether you are giving your own opinion or only wanting to draw me out. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: You forget, my friend, that I neither know, nor profess to know, anything of these matters; you are the person who is in labour, I am the barren midwife; and this is why I soothe you, and offer you one good thing after another, that you may taste them. And I hope that I may at last help to bring your own opinion into the light of day: when this has been accomplished, then we will determine whether what you have brought forth is only a wind-egg or a real and genuine birth. Therefore, keep up your spirits, and answer like a man what you think. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Ask me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then once more: Is it your opinion that nothing is but what becomes?&amp;amp;mdash;the good and the noble, as well as all the other things which we were just now mentioning? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: When I hear you discoursing in this style, I think that there is a great deal in what you say, and I am very ready to assent. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Let us not leave the argument unfinished, then; for there still remains to be considered an objection which may be raised about dreams and diseases, in particular about madness, and the various illusions of hearing and sight, or of other senses. For you know that in all these cases the esse-percipi theory appears to be unmistakably refuted, since in dreams and illusions we certainly have false perceptions; and far from saying that everything is which appears, we should rather say that nothing is which appears. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very true, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But then, my boy, how can any one contend that knowledge is perception, or that to every man what appears is? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I am afraid to say, Socrates, that I have nothing to answer, because you rebuked me just now for making this excuse; but I certainly cannot undertake to argue that madmen or dreamers think truly, when they imagine, some of them that they are gods, and others that they can fly, and are flying in their sleep. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Do you see another question which can be raised about these phenomena, notably about dreaming and waking? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What question? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: A question which I think that you must often have heard persons ask:&amp;amp;mdash;How can you determine whether at this moment we are sleeping, and all our thoughts are a dream; or whether we are awake, and talking to one another in the waking state? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Indeed, Socrates, I do not know how to prove the one any more than the other, for in both cases the facts precisely correspond;&amp;amp;mdash;and there is no difficulty in supposing that during all this discussion we have been talking to one another in a dream; and when in a dream we seem to be narrating dreams, the resemblance of the two states is quite astonishing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: You see, then, that a doubt about the reality of sense is easily raised, since there may even be a doubt whether we are awake or in a dream. And as our time is equally divided between sleeping and waking, in either sphere of existence the soul contends that the thoughts which are present to our minds at the time are true; and during one half of our lives we affirm the truth of the one, and, during the other half, of the other; and are equally confident of both. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And may not the same be said of madness and other disorders? the difference is only that the times are not equal. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And is truth or falsehood to be determined by duration of time? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: That would be in many ways ridiculous. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But can you certainly determine by any other means which of these opinions is true? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I do not think that I can. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Listen, then, to a statement of the other side of the argument, which is made by the champions of appearance. They would say, as I imagine&amp;amp;mdash;Can that which is wholly other than something, have the same quality as that from which it differs? and observe, Theaetetus, that the word &#039;other&#039; means not &#039;partially,&#039; but &#039;wholly other.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly, putting the question as you do, that which is wholly other cannot either potentially or in any other way be the same. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And must therefore be admitted to be unlike? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: If, then, anything happens to become like or unlike itself or another, when it becomes like we call it the same&amp;amp;mdash;when unlike, other? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Were we not saying that there are agents many and infinite, and patients many and infinite? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And also that different combinations will produce results which are not the same, but different? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Let us take you and me, or anything as an example:&amp;amp;mdash;There is Socrates in health, and Socrates sick&amp;amp;mdash;Are they like or unlike? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: You mean to compare Socrates in health as a whole, and Socrates in sickness as a whole? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Exactly; that is my meaning. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I answer, they are unlike. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And if unlike, they are other? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And would you not say the same of Socrates sleeping and waking, or in any of the states which we were mentioning? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I should. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: All agents have a different patient in Socrates, accordingly as he is well or ill. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And I who am the patient, and that which is the agent, will produce something different in each of the two cases? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The wine which I drink when I am in health, appears sweet and pleasant to me? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: For, as has been already acknowledged, the patient and agent meet together and produce sweetness and a perception of sweetness, which are in simultaneous motion, and the perception which comes from the patient makes the tongue percipient, and the quality of sweetness which arises out of and is moving about the wine, makes the wine both to be and to appear sweet to the healthy tongue. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly; that has been already acknowledged. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But when I am sick, the wine really acts upon another and a different person? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The combination of the draught of wine, and the Socrates who is sick, produces quite another result; which is the sensation of bitterness in the tongue, and the motion and creation of bitterness in and about the wine, which becomes not bitterness but something bitter; as I myself become not perception but percipient? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: There is no other object of which I shall ever have the same perception, for another object would give another perception, and would make the percipient other and different; nor can that object which affects me, meeting another subject, produce the same, or become similar, for that too would produce another result from another subject, and become different. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Neither can I by myself, have this sensation, nor the object by itself, this quality. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: When I perceive I must become percipient of something&amp;amp;mdash;there can be no such thing as perceiving and perceiving nothing; the object, whether it become sweet, bitter, or of any other quality, must have relation to a percipient; nothing can become sweet which is sweet to no one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then the inference is, that we (the agent and patient) are or become in relation to one another; there is a law which binds us one to the other, but not to any other existence, nor each of us to himself; and therefore we can only be bound to one another; so that whether a person says that a thing is or becomes, he must say that it is or becomes to or of or in relation to something else; but he must not say or allow any one else to say that anything is or becomes absolutely:&amp;amp;mdash;such is our conclusion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very true, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then, if that which acts upon me has relation to me and to no other, I and no other am the percipient of it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then my perception is true to me, being inseparable from my own being; and, as Protagoras says, to myself I am judge of what is and what is not to me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I suppose so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: How then, if I never err, and if my mind never trips in the conception of being or becoming, can I fail of knowing that which I perceive? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: You cannot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then you were quite right in affirming that knowledge is only perception; and the meaning turns out to be the same, whether with Homer and Heracleitus, and all that company, you say that all is motion and flux, or with the great sage Protagoras, that man is the measure of all things; or with Theaetetus, that, given these premises, perception is knowledge. Am I not right, Theaetetus, and is not this your new-born child, of which I have delivered you? What say you? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I cannot but agree, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then this is the child, however he may turn out, which you and I have with difficulty brought into the world. And now that he is born, we must run round the hearth with him, and see whether he is worth rearing, or is only a wind-egg and a sham. Is he to be reared in any case, and not exposed? or will you bear to see him rejected, and not get into a passion if I take away your first-born? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Theaetetus will not be angry, for he is very good-natured. But tell me, Socrates, in heaven&#039;s name, is this, after all, not the truth? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: You, Theodorus, are a lover of theories, and now you innocently fancy that I am a bag full of them, and can easily pull one out which will overthrow its predecessor. But you do not see that in reality none of these theories come from me; they all come from him who talks with me. I only know just enough to extract them from the wisdom of another, and to receive them in a spirit of fairness. And now I shall say nothing myself, but shall endeavour to elicit something from our young friend. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Do as you say, Socrates; you are quite right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Shall I tell you, Theodorus, what amazes me in your acquaintance Protagoras? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: What is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I am charmed with his doctrine, that what appears is to each one, but I wonder that he did not begin his book on Truth with a declaration that a pig or a dog-faced baboon, or some other yet stranger monster which has sensation, is the measure of all things; then he might have shown a magnificent contempt for our opinion of him by informing us at the outset that while we were reverencing him like a God for his wisdom he was no better than a tadpole, not to speak of his fellow-men&amp;amp;mdash;would not this have produced an overpowering effect? For if truth is only sensation, and no man can discern another&#039;s feelings better than he, or has any superior right to determine whether his opinion is true or false, but each, as we have several times repeated, is to himself the sole judge, and everything that he judges is true and right, why, my friend, should Protagoras be preferred to the place of wisdom and instruction, and deserve to be well paid, and we poor ignoramuses have to go to him, if each one is the measure of his own wisdom? Must he not be talking &#039;ad captandum&#039; in all this? I say nothing of the ridiculous predicament in which my own midwifery and the whole art of dialectic is placed; for the attempt to supervise or refute the notions or opinions of others would be a tedious and enormous piece of folly, if to each man his own are right; and this must be the case if Protagoras&#039; Truth is the real truth, and the philosopher is not merely amusing himself by giving oracles out of the shrine of his book. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: He was a friend of mine, Socrates, as you were saying, and therefore I cannot have him refuted by my lips, nor can I oppose you when I agree with you; please, then, to take Theaetetus again; he seemed to answer very nicely. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: If you were to go into a Lacedaemonian palestra, Theodorus, would you have a right to look on at the naked wrestlers, some of them making a poor figure, if you did not strip and give them an opportunity of judging of your own person? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Why not, Socrates, if they would allow me, as I think you will, in consideration of my age and stiffness; let some more supple youth try a fall with you, and do not drag me into the gymnasium. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Your will is my will, Theodorus, as the proverbial philosophers say, and therefore I will return to the sage Theaetetus: Tell me, Theaetetus, in reference to what I was saying, are you not lost in wonder, like myself, when you find that all of a sudden you are raised to the level of the wisest of men, or indeed of the gods?&amp;amp;mdash;for you would assume the measure of Protagoras to apply to the gods as well as men? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly I should, and I confess to you that I am lost in wonder. At first hearing, I was quite satisfied with the doctrine, that whatever appears is to each one, but now the face of things has changed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Why, my dear boy, you are young, and therefore your ear is quickly caught and your mind influenced by popular arguments. Protagoras, or some one speaking on his behalf, will doubtless say in reply,&amp;amp;mdash;Good people, young and old, you meet and harangue, and bring in the gods, whose existence or non-existence I banish from writing and speech, or you talk about the reason of man being degraded to the level of the brutes, which is a telling argument with the multitude, but not one word of proof or demonstration do you offer. All is probability with you, and yet surely you and Theodorus had better reflect whether you are disposed to admit of probability and figures of speech in matters of such importance. He or any other mathematician who argued from probabilities and likelihoods in geometry, would not be worth an ace. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: But neither you nor we, Socrates, would be satisfied with such arguments. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then you and Theodorus mean to say that we must look at the matter in some other way? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, in quite another way. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And the way will be to ask whether perception is or is not the same as knowledge; for this was the real point of our argument, and with a view to this we raised (did we not?) those many strange questions. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Shall we say that we know every thing which we see and hear? for example, shall we say that not having learned, we do not hear the language of foreigners when they speak to us? or shall we say that we not only hear, but know what they are saying? Or again, if we see letters which we do not understand, shall we say that we do not see them? or shall we aver that, seeing them, we must know them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: We shall say, Socrates, that we know what we actually see and hear of them&amp;amp;mdash;that is to say, we see and know the figure and colour of the letters, and we hear and know the elevation or depression of the sound of them; but we do not perceive by sight and hearing, or know, that which grammarians and interpreters teach about them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Capital, Theaetetus; and about this there shall be no dispute, because I want you to grow; but there is another difficulty coming, which you will also have to repulse. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Some one will say, Can a man who has ever known anything, and still has and preserves a memory of that which he knows, not know that which he remembers at the time when he remembers? I have, I fear, a tedious way of putting a simple question, which is only, whether a man who has learned, and remembers, can fail to know? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Impossible, Socrates; the supposition is monstrous. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Am I talking nonsense, then? Think: is not seeing perceiving, and is not sight perception? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And if our recent definition holds, every man knows that which he has seen? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And you would admit that there is such a thing as memory? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And is memory of something or of nothing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Of something, surely. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Of things learned and perceived, that is? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Often a man remembers that which he has seen? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And if he closed his eyes, would he forget? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Who, Socrates, would dare to say so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But we must say so, if the previous argument is to be maintained. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What do you mean? I am not quite sure that I understand you, though I have a strong suspicion that you are right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: As thus: he who sees knows, as we say, that which he sees; for perception and sight and knowledge are admitted to be the same. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But he who saw, and has knowledge of that which he saw, remembers, when he closes his eyes, that which he no longer sees. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And seeing is knowing, and therefore not-seeing is not-knowing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then the inference is, that a man may have attained the knowledge of something, which he may remember and yet not know, because he does not see; and this has been affirmed by us to be a monstrous supposition. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Thus, then, the assertion that knowledge and perception are one, involves a manifest impossibility? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then they must be distinguished? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I suppose that they must. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Once more we shall have to begin, and ask &#039;What is knowledge?&#039; and yet, Theaetetus, what are we going to do? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: About what? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Like a good-for-nothing cock, without having won the victory, we walk away from the argument and crow. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: How do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: After the manner of disputers (Lys.; Phaedo; Republic), we were satisfied with mere verbal consistency, and were well pleased if in this way we could gain an advantage. Although professing not to be mere Eristics, but philosophers, I suspect that we have unconsciously fallen into the error of that ingenious class of persons. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I do not as yet understand you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then I will try to explain myself: just now we asked the question, whether a man who had learned and remembered could fail to know, and we showed that a person who had seen might remember when he had his eyes shut and could not see, and then he would at the same time remember and not know. But this was an impossibility. And so the Protagorean fable came to nought, and yours also, who maintained that knowledge is the same as perception. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And yet, my friend, I rather suspect that the result would have been different if Protagoras, who was the father of the first of the two brats, had been alive; he would have had a great deal to say on their behalf. But he is dead, and we insult over his orphan child; and even the guardians whom he left, and of whom our friend Theodorus is one, are unwilling to give any help, and therefore I suppose that I must take up his cause myself, and see justice done? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Not I, Socrates, but rather Callias, the son of Hipponicus, is guardian of his orphans. I was too soon diverted from the abstractions of dialectic to geometry. Nevertheless, I shall be grateful to you if you assist him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Very good, Theodorus; you shall see how I will come to the rescue. If a person does not attend to the meaning of terms as they are commonly used in argument, he may be involved even in greater paradoxes than these. Shall I explain this matter to you or to Theaetetus? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: To both of us, and let the younger answer; he will incur less disgrace if he is discomfited. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then now let me ask the awful question, which is this:&amp;amp;mdash;Can a man know and also not know that which he knows? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: How shall we answer, Theaetetus? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: He cannot, I should say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: He can, if you maintain that seeing is knowing. When you are imprisoned in a well, as the saying is, and the self-assured adversary closes one of your eyes with his hand, and asks whether you can see his cloak with the eye which he has closed, how will you answer the inevitable man? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I should answer, &#039;Not with that eye but with the other.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then you see and do not see the same thing at the same time. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, in a certain sense. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: None of that, he will reply; I do not ask or bid you answer in what sense you know, but only whether you know that which you do not know. You have been proved to see that which you do not see; and you have already admitted that seeing is knowing, and that not-seeing is not-knowing: I leave you to draw the inference. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes; the inference is the contradictory of my assertion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Yes, my marvel, and there might have been yet worse things in store for you, if an opponent had gone on to ask whether you can have a sharp and also a dull knowledge, and whether you can know near, but not at a distance, or know the same thing with more or less intensity, and so on without end. Such questions might have been put to you by a light-armed mercenary, who argued for pay. He would have lain in wait for you, and when you took up the position, that sense is knowledge, he would have made an assault upon hearing, smelling, and the other senses;&amp;amp;mdash;he would have shown you no mercy; and while you were lost in envy and admiration of his wisdom, he would have got you into his net, out of which you would not have escaped until you had come to an understanding about the sum to be paid for your release. Well, you ask, and how will Protagoras reinforce his position? Shall I answer for him? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: By all means. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: He will repeat all those things which we have been urging on his behalf, and then he will close with us in disdain, and say:&amp;amp;mdash;The worthy Socrates asked a little boy, whether the same man could remember and not know the same thing, and the boy said No, because he was frightened, and could not see what was coming, and then Socrates made fun of poor me. The truth is, O slatternly Socrates, that when you ask questions about any assertion of mine, and the person asked is found tripping, if he has answered as I should have answered, then I am refuted, but if he answers something else, then he is refuted and not I. For do you really suppose that any one would admit the memory which a man has of an impression which has passed away to be the same with that which he experienced at the time? Assuredly not. Or would he hesitate to acknowledge that the same man may know and not know the same thing? Or, if he is afraid of making this admission, would he ever grant that one who has become unlike is the same as before he became unlike? Or would he admit that a man is one at all, and not rather many and infinite as the changes which take place in him? I speak by the card in order to avoid entanglements of words. But, O my good sir, he will say, come to the argument in a more generous spirit; and either show, if you can, that our sensations are not relative and individual, or, if you admit them to be so, prove that this does not involve the consequence that the appearance becomes, or, if you will have the word, is, to the individual only. As to your talk about pigs and baboons, you are yourself behaving like a pig, and you teach your hearers to make sport of my writings in the same ignorant manner; but this is not to your credit. For I declare that the truth is as I have written, and that each of us is a measure of existence and of non-existence. Yet one man may be a thousand times better than another in proportion as different things are and appear to him. And I am far from saying that wisdom and the wise man have no existence; but I say that the wise man is he who makes the evils which appear and are to a man, into goods which are and appear to him. And I would beg you not to press my words in the letter, but to take the meaning of them as I will explain them. Remember what has been already said,&amp;amp;mdash;that to the sick man his food appears to be and is bitter, and to the man in health the opposite of bitter. Now I cannot conceive that one of these men can be or ought to be made wiser than the other: nor can you assert that the sick man because he has one impression is foolish, and the healthy man because he has another is wise; but the one state requires to be changed into the other, the worse into the better. As in education, a change of state has to be effected, and the sophist accomplishes by words the change which the physician works by the aid of drugs. Not that any one ever made another think truly, who previously thought falsely. For no one can think what is not, or, think anything different from that which he feels; and this is always true. But as the inferior habit of mind has thoughts of kindred nature, so I conceive that a good mind causes men to have good thoughts; and these which the inexperienced call true, I maintain to be only better, and not truer than others. And, O my dear Socrates, I do not call wise men tadpoles: far from it; I say that they are the physicians of the human body, and the husbandmen of plants&amp;amp;mdash;for the husbandmen also take away the evil and disordered sensations of plants, and infuse into them good and healthy sensations&amp;amp;mdash;aye and true ones; and the wise and good rhetoricians make the good instead of the evil to seem just to states; for whatever appears to a state to be just and fair, so long as it is regarded as such, is just and fair to it; but the teacher of wisdom causes the good to take the place of the evil, both in appearance and in reality. And in like manner the Sophist who is able to train his pupils in this spirit is a wise man, and deserves to be well paid by them. And so one man is wiser than another; and no one thinks falsely, and you, whether you will or not, must endure to be a measure. On these foundations the argument stands firm, which you, Socrates, may, if you please, overthrow by an opposite argument, or if you like you may put questions to me&amp;amp;mdash;a method to which no intelligent person will object, quite the reverse. But I must beg you to put fair questions: for there is great inconsistency in saying that you have a zeal for virtue, and then always behaving unfairly in argument. The unfairness of which I complain is that you do not distinguish between mere disputation and dialectic: the disputer may trip up his opponent as often as he likes, and make fun; but the dialectician will be in earnest, and only correct his adversary when necessary, telling him the errors into which he has fallen through his own fault, or that of the company which he has previously kept. If you do so, your adversary will lay the blame of his own confusion and perplexity on himself, and not on you. He will follow and love you, and will hate himself, and escape from himself into philosophy, in order that he may become different from what he was. But the other mode of arguing, which is practised by the many, will have just the opposite effect upon him; and as he grows older, instead of turning philosopher, he will come to hate philosophy. I would recommend you, therefore, as I said before, not to encourage yourself in this polemical and controversial temper, but to find out, in a friendly and congenial spirit, what we really mean when we say that all things are in motion, and that to every individual and state what appears, is. In this manner you will consider whether knowledge and sensation are the same or different, but you will not argue, as you were just now doing, from the customary use of names and words, which the vulgar pervert in all sorts of ways, causing infinite perplexity to one another. Such, Theodorus, is the very slight help which I am able to offer to your old friend; had he been living, he would have helped himself in a far more gloriose style. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: You are jesting, Socrates; indeed, your defence of him has been most valorous. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Thank you, friend; and I hope that you observed Protagoras bidding us be serious, as the text, &#039;Man is the measure of all things,&#039; was a solemn one; and he reproached us with making a boy the medium of discourse, and said that the boy&#039;s timidity was made to tell against his argument; he also declared that we made a joke of him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: How could I fail to observe all that, Socrates? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well, and shall we do as he says? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: By all means. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But if his wishes are to be regarded, you and I must take up the argument, and in all seriousness, and ask and answer one another, for you see that the rest of us are nothing but boys. In no other way can we escape the imputation, that in our fresh analysis of his thesis we are making fun with boys. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Well, but is not Theaetetus better able to follow a philosophical enquiry than a great many men who have long beards? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Yes, Theodorus, but not better than you; and therefore please not to imagine that I am to defend by every means in my power your departed friend; and that you are to defend nothing and nobody. At any rate, my good man, do not sheer off until we know whether you are a true measure of diagrams, or whether all men are equally measures and sufficient for themselves in astronomy and geometry, and the other branches of knowledge in which you are supposed to excel them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: He who is sitting by you, Socrates, will not easily avoid being drawn into an argument; and when I said just now that you would excuse me, and not, like the Lacedaemonians, compel me to strip and fight, I was talking nonsense&amp;amp;mdash;I should rather compare you to Scirrhon, who threw travellers from the rocks; for the Lacedaemonian rule is &#039;strip or depart,&#039; but you seem to go about your work more after the fashion of Antaeus: you will not allow any one who approaches you to depart until you have stripped him, and he has been compelled to try a fall with you in argument. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: There, Theodorus, you have hit off precisely the nature of my complaint; but I am even more pugnacious than the giants of old, for I have met with no end of heroes; many a Heracles, many a Theseus, mighty in words, has broken my head; nevertheless I am always at this rough exercise, which inspires me like a passion. Please, then, to try a fall with me, whereby you will do yourself good as well as me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: I consent; lead me whither you will, for I know that you are like destiny; no man can escape from any argument which you may weave for him. But I am not disposed to go further than you suggest. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Once will be enough; and now take particular care that we do not again unwittingly expose ourselves to the reproach of talking childishly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: I will do my best to avoid that error. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: In the first place, let us return to our old objection, and see whether we were right in blaming and taking offence at Protagoras on the ground that he assumed all to be equal and sufficient in wisdom; although he admitted that there was a better and worse, and that in respect of this, some who as he said were the wise excelled others. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Had Protagoras been living and answered for himself, instead of our answering for him, there would have been no need of our reviewing or reinforcing the argument. But as he is not here, and some one may accuse us of speaking without authority on his behalf, had we not better come to a clearer agreement about his meaning, for a great deal may be at stake? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then let us obtain, not through any third person, but from his own statement and in the fewest words possible, the basis of agreement. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: In what way? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: In this way:&amp;amp;mdash;His words are, &#039;What seems to a man, is to him.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Yes, so he says. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And are not we, Protagoras, uttering the opinion of man, or rather of all mankind, when we say that every one thinks himself wiser than other men in some things, and their inferior in others? In the hour of danger, when they are in perils of war, or of the sea, or of sickness, do they not look up to their commanders as if they were gods, and expect salvation from them, only because they excel them in knowledge? Is not the world full of men in their several employments, who are looking for teachers and rulers of themselves and of the animals? and there are plenty who think that they are able to teach and able to rule. Now, in all this is implied that ignorance and wisdom exist among them, at least in their own opinion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And wisdom is assumed by them to be true thought, and ignorance to be false opinion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Exactly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: How then, Protagoras, would you have us treat the argument? Shall we say that the opinions of men are always true, or sometimes true and sometimes false? In either case, the result is the same, and their opinions are not always true, but sometimes true and sometimes false. For tell me, Theodorus, do you suppose that you yourself, or any other follower of Protagoras, would contend that no one deems another ignorant or mistaken in his opinion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: The thing is incredible, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And yet that absurdity is necessarily involved in the thesis which declares man to be the measure of all things. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: How so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Why, suppose that you determine in your own mind something to be true, and declare your opinion to me; let us assume, as he argues, that this is true to you. Now, if so, you must either say that the rest of us are not the judges of this opinion or judgment of yours, or that we judge you always to have a true opinion? But are there not thousands upon thousands who, whenever you form a judgment, take up arms against you and are of an opposite judgment and opinion, deeming that you judge falsely? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Yes, indeed, Socrates, thousands and tens of thousands, as Homer says, who give me a world of trouble. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well, but are we to assert that what you think is true to you and false to the ten thousand others? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: No other inference seems to be possible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And how about Protagoras himself? If neither he nor the multitude thought, as indeed they do not think, that man is the measure of all things, must it not follow that the truth of which Protagoras wrote would be true to no one? But if you suppose that he himself thought this, and that the multitude does not agree with him, you must begin by allowing that in whatever proportion the many are more than one, in that proportion his truth is more untrue than true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: That would follow if the truth is supposed to vary with individual opinion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And the best of the joke is, that he acknowledges the truth of their opinion who believe his own opinion to be false; for he admits that the opinions of all men are true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And does he not allow that his own opinion is false, if he admits that the opinion of those who think him false is true? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Whereas the other side do not admit that they speak falsely? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: They do not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And he, as may be inferred from his writings, agrees that this opinion is also true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then all mankind, beginning with Protagoras, will contend, or rather, I should say that he will allow, when he concedes that his adversary has a true opinion&amp;amp;mdash;Protagoras, I say, will himself allow that neither a dog nor any ordinary man is the measure of anything which he has not learned&amp;amp;mdash;am I not right? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And the truth of Protagoras being doubted by all, will be true neither to himself to any one else? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: I think, Socrates, that we are running my old friend too hard. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But I do not know that we are going beyond the truth. Doubtless, as he is older, he may be expected to be wiser than we are. And if he could only just get his head out of the world below, he would have overthrown both of us again and again, me for talking nonsense and you for assenting to me, and have been off and underground in a trice. But as he is not within call, we must make the best use of our own faculties, such as they are, and speak out what appears to us to be true. And one thing which no one will deny is, that there are great differences in the understandings of men. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: In that opinion I quite agree. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And is there not most likely to be firm ground in the distinction which we were indicating on behalf of Protagoras, viz. that most things, and all immediate sensations, such as hot, dry, sweet, are only such as they appear; if however difference of opinion is to be allowed at all, surely we must allow it in respect of health or disease? for every woman, child, or living creature has not such a knowledge of what conduces to health as to enable them to cure themselves. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: I quite agree. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Or again, in politics, while affirming that just and unjust, honourable and disgraceful, holy and unholy, are in reality to each state such as the state thinks and makes lawful, and that in determining these matters no individual or state is wiser than another, still the followers of Protagoras will not deny that in determining what is or is not expedient for the community one state is wiser and one counsellor better than another&amp;amp;mdash;they will scarcely venture to maintain, that what a city enacts in the belief that it is expedient will always be really expedient. But in the other case, I mean when they speak of justice and injustice, piety and impiety, they are confident that in nature these have no existence or essence of their own&amp;amp;mdash;the truth is that which is agreed on at the time of the agreement, and as long as the agreement lasts; and this is the philosophy of many who do not altogether go along with Protagoras. Here arises a new question, Theodorus, which threatens to be more serious than the last. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Well, Socrates, we have plenty of leisure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: That is true, and your remark recalls to my mind an observation which I have often made, that those who have passed their days in the pursuit of philosophy are ridiculously at fault when they have to appear and speak in court. How natural is this! &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I mean to say, that those who have been trained in philosophy and liberal pursuits are as unlike those who from their youth upwards have been knocking about in the courts and such places, as a freeman is in breeding unlike a slave. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: In what is the difference seen? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: In the leisure spoken of by you, which a freeman can always command: he has his talk out in peace, and, like ourselves, he wanders at will from one subject to another, and from a second to a third,&amp;amp;mdash;if the fancy takes him, he begins again, as we are doing now, caring not whether his words are many or few; his only aim is to attain the truth. But the lawyer is always in a hurry; there is the water of the clepsydra driving him on, and not allowing him to expatiate at will: and there is his adversary standing over him, enforcing his rights; the indictment, which in their phraseology is termed the affidavit, is recited at the time: and from this he must not deviate. He is a servant, and is continually disputing about a fellow-servant before his master, who is seated, and has the cause in his hands; the trial is never about some indifferent matter, but always concerns himself; and often the race is for his life. The consequence has been, that he has become keen and shrewd; he has learned how to flatter his master in word and indulge him in deed; but his soul is small and unrighteous. His condition, which has been that of a slave from his youth upwards, has deprived him of growth and uprightness and independence; dangers and fears, which were too much for his truth and honesty, came upon him in early years, when the tenderness of youth was unequal to them, and he has been driven into crooked ways; from the first he has practised deception and retaliation, and has become stunted and warped. And so he has passed out of youth into manhood, having no soundness in him; and is now, as he thinks, a master in wisdom. Such is the lawyer, Theodorus. Will you have the companion picture of the philosopher, who is of our brotherhood; or shall we return to the argument? Do not let us abuse the freedom of digression which we claim. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Nay, Socrates, not until we have finished what we are about; for you truly said that we belong to a brotherhood which is free, and are not the servants of the argument; but the argument is our servant, and must wait our leisure. Who is our judge? Or where is the spectator having any right to censure or control us, as he might the poets? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then, as this is your wish, I will describe the leaders; for there is no use in talking about the inferior sort. In the first place, the lords of philosophy have never, from their youth upwards, known their way to the Agora, or the dicastery, or the council, or any other political assembly; they neither see nor hear the laws or decrees, as they are called, of the state written or recited; the eagerness of political societies in the attainment of offices&amp;amp;mdash;clubs, and banquets, and revels, and singing-maidens,&amp;amp;mdash;do not enter even into their dreams. Whether any event has turned out well or ill in the city, what disgrace may have descended to any one from his ancestors, male or female, are matters of which the philosopher no more knows than he can tell, as they say, how many pints are contained in the ocean. Neither is he conscious of his ignorance. For he does not hold aloof in order that he may gain a reputation; but the truth is, that the outer form of him only is in the city: his mind, disdaining the littlenesses and nothingnesses of human things, is &#039;flying all abroad&#039; as Pindar says, measuring earth and heaven and the things which are under and on the earth and above the heaven, interrogating the whole nature of each and all in their entirety, but not condescending to anything which is within reach. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: What do you mean, Socrates? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I will illustrate my meaning, Theodorus, by the jest which the clever witty Thracian handmaid is said to have made about Thales, when he fell into a well as he was looking up at the stars. She said, that he was so eager to know what was going on in heaven, that he could not see what was before his feet. This is a jest which is equally applicable to all philosophers. For the philosopher is wholly unacquainted with his next-door neighbour; he is ignorant, not only of what he is doing, but he hardly knows whether he is a man or an animal; he is searching into the essence of man, and busy in enquiring what belongs to such a nature to do or suffer different from any other;&amp;amp;mdash;I think that you understand me, Theodorus? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: I do, and what you say is true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And thus, my friend, on every occasion, private as well as public, as I said at first, when he appears in a law-court, or in any place in which he has to speak of things which are at his feet and before his eyes, he is the jest, not only of Thracian handmaids but of the general herd, tumbling into wells and every sort of disaster through his inexperience. His awkwardness is fearful, and gives the impression of imbecility. When he is reviled, he has nothing personal to say in answer to the civilities of his adversaries, for he knows no scandals of any one, and they do not interest him; and therefore he is laughed at for his sheepishness; and when others are being praised and glorified, in the simplicity of his heart he cannot help going into fits of laughter, so that he seems to be a downright idiot. When he hears a tyrant or king eulogized, he fancies that he is listening to the praises of some keeper of cattle&amp;amp;mdash;a swineherd, or shepherd, or perhaps a cowherd, who is congratulated on the quantity of milk which he squeezes from them; and he remarks that the creature whom they tend, and out of whom they squeeze the wealth, is of a less tractable and more insidious nature. Then, again, he observes that the great man is of necessity as ill-mannered and uneducated as any shepherd&amp;amp;mdash;for he has no leisure, and he is surrounded by a wall, which is his mountain-pen. Hearing of enormous landed proprietors of ten thousand acres and more, our philosopher deems this to be a trifle, because he has been accustomed to think of the whole earth; and when they sing the praises of family, and say that some one is a gentleman because he can show seven generations of wealthy ancestors, he thinks that their sentiments only betray a dull and narrow vision in those who utter them, and who are not educated enough to look at the whole, nor to consider that every man has had thousands and ten thousands of progenitors, and among them have been rich and poor, kings and slaves, Hellenes and barbarians, innumerable. And when people pride themselves on having a pedigree of twenty-five ancestors, which goes back to Heracles, the son of Amphitryon, he cannot understand their poverty of ideas. Why are they unable to calculate that Amphitryon had a twenty-fifth ancestor, who might have been anybody, and was such as fortune made him, and he had a fiftieth, and so on? He amuses himself with the notion that they cannot count, and thinks that a little arithmetic would have got rid of their senseless vanity. Now, in all these cases our philosopher is derided by the vulgar, partly because he is thought to despise them, and also because he is ignorant of what is before him, and always at a loss. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: That is very true, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But, O my friend, when he draws the other into upper air, and gets him out of his pleas and rejoinders into the contemplation of justice and injustice in their own nature and in their difference from one another and from all other things; or from the commonplaces about the happiness of a king or of a rich man to the consideration of government, and of human happiness and misery in general&amp;amp;mdash;what they are, and how a man is to attain the one and avoid the other&amp;amp;mdash;when that narrow, keen, little legal mind is called to account about all this, he gives the philosopher his revenge; for dizzied by the height at which he is hanging, whence he looks down into space, which is a strange experience to him, he being dismayed, and lost, and stammering broken words, is laughed at, not by Thracian handmaidens or any other uneducated persons, for they have no eye for the situation, but by every man who has not been brought up a slave. Such are the two characters, Theodorus: the one of the freeman, who has been trained in liberty and leisure, whom you call the philosopher,&amp;amp;mdash;him we cannot blame because he appears simple and of no account when he has to perform some menial task, such as packing up bed-clothes, or flavouring a sauce or fawning speech; the other character is that of the man who is able to do all this kind of service smartly and neatly, but knows not how to wear his cloak like a gentleman; still less with the music of discourse can he hymn the true life aright which is lived by immortals or men blessed of heaven. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: If you could only persuade everybody, Socrates, as you do me, of the truth of your words, there would be more peace and fewer evils among men. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Evils, Theodorus, can never pass away; for there must always remain something which is antagonistic to good. Having no place among the gods in heaven, of necessity they hover around the mortal nature, and this earthly sphere. Wherefore we ought to fly away from earth to heaven as quickly as we can; and to fly away is to become like God, as far as this is possible; and to become like him, is to become holy, just, and wise. But, O my friend, you cannot easily convince mankind that they should pursue virtue or avoid vice, not merely in order that a man may seem to be good, which is the reason given by the world, and in my judgment is only a repetition of an old wives&#039; fable. Whereas, the truth is that God is never in any way unrighteous&amp;amp;mdash;he is perfect righteousness; and he of us who is the most righteous is most like him. Herein is seen the true cleverness of a man, and also his nothingness and want of manhood. For to know this is true wisdom and virtue, and ignorance of this is manifest folly and vice. All other kinds of wisdom or cleverness, which seem only, such as the wisdom of politicians, or the wisdom of the arts, are coarse and vulgar. The unrighteous man, or the sayer and doer of unholy things, had far better not be encouraged in the illusion that his roguery is clever; for men glory in their shame&amp;amp;mdash;they fancy that they hear others saying of them, &#039;These are not mere good-for-nothing persons, mere burdens of the earth, but such as men should be who mean to dwell safely in a state.&#039; Let us tell them that they are all the more truly what they do not think they are because they do not know it; for they do not know the penalty of injustice, which above all things they ought to know&amp;amp;mdash;not stripes and death, as they suppose, which evil-doers often escape, but a penalty which cannot be escaped. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: What is that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: There are two patterns eternally set before them; the one blessed and divine, the other godless and wretched: but they do not see them, or perceive that in their utter folly and infatuation they are growing like the one and unlike the other, by reason of their evil deeds; and the penalty is, that they lead a life answering to the pattern which they are growing like. And if we tell them, that unless they depart from their cunning, the place of innocence will not receive them after death; and that here on earth, they will live ever in the likeness of their own evil selves, and with evil friends&amp;amp;mdash;when they hear this they in their superior cunning will seem to be listening to the talk of idiots. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Very true, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Too true, my friend, as I well know; there is, however, one peculiarity in their case: when they begin to reason in private about their dislike of philosophy, if they have the courage to hear the argument out, and do not run away, they grow at last strangely discontented with themselves; their rhetoric fades away, and they become helpless as children. These however are digressions from which we must now desist, or they will overflow, and drown the original argument; to which, if you please, we will now return. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: For my part, Socrates, I would rather have the digressions, for at my age I find them easier to follow; but if you wish, let us go back to the argument. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Had we not reached the point at which the partisans of the perpetual flux, who say that things are as they seem to each one, were confidently maintaining that the ordinances which the state commanded and thought just, were just to the state which imposed them, while they were in force; this was especially asserted of justice; but as to the good, no one had any longer the hardihood to contend of any ordinances which the state thought and enacted to be good that these, while they were in force, were really good;&amp;amp;mdash;he who said so would be playing with the name &#039;good,&#039; and would not touch the real question&amp;amp;mdash;it would be a mockery, would it not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Certainly it would. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: He ought not to speak of the name, but of the thing which is contemplated under the name. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Whatever be the term used, the good or expedient is the aim of legislation, and as far as she has an opinion, the state imposes all laws with a view to the greatest expediency; can legislation have any other aim? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But is the aim attained always? do not mistakes often happen? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Yes, I think that there are mistakes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The possibility of error will be more distinctly recognised, if we put the question in reference to the whole class under which the good or expedient falls. That whole class has to do with the future, and laws are passed under the idea that they will be useful in after-time; which, in other words, is the future. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Suppose now, that we ask Protagoras, or one of his disciples, a question:&amp;amp;mdash;O, Protagoras, we will say to him, Man is, as you declare, the measure of all things&amp;amp;mdash;white, heavy, light: of all such things he is the judge; for he has the criterion of them in himself, and when he thinks that things are such as he experiences them to be, he thinks what is and is true to himself. Is it not so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And do you extend your doctrine, Protagoras (as we shall further say), to the future as well as to the present; and has he the criterion not only of what in his opinion is but of what will be, and do things always happen to him as he expected? For example, take the case of heat:&amp;amp;mdash;When an ordinary man thinks that he is going to have a fever, and that this kind of heat is coming on, and another person, who is a physician, thinks the contrary, whose opinion is likely to prove right? Or are they both right?&amp;amp;mdash;he will have a heat and fever in his own judgment, and not have a fever in the physician&#039;s judgment? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: How ludicrous! &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And the vinegrower, if I am not mistaken, is a better judge of the sweetness or dryness of the vintage which is not yet gathered than the harp-player? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And in musical composition the musician will know better than the training master what the training master himself will hereafter think harmonious or the reverse? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And the cook will be a better judge than the guest, who is not a cook, of the pleasure to be derived from the dinner which is in preparation; for of present or past pleasure we are not as yet arguing; but can we say that every one will be to himself the best judge of the pleasure which will seem to be and will be to him in the future?&amp;amp;mdash;nay, would not you, Protagoras, better guess which arguments in a court would convince any one of us than the ordinary man? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Certainly, Socrates, he used to profess in the strongest manner that he was the superior of all men in this respect. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: To be sure, friend: who would have paid a large sum for the privilege of talking to him, if he had really persuaded his visitors that neither a prophet nor any other man was better able to judge what will be and seem to be in the future than every one could for himself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Who indeed? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And legislation and expediency are all concerned with the future; and every one will admit that states, in passing laws, must often fail of their highest interests? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then we may fairly argue against your master, that he must admit one man to be wiser than another, and that the wiser is a measure: but I, who know nothing, am not at all obliged to accept the honour which the advocate of Protagoras was just now forcing upon me, whether I would or not, of being a measure of anything. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: That is the best refutation of him, Socrates; although he is also caught when he ascribes truth to the opinions of others, who give the lie direct to his own opinion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: There are many ways, Theodorus, in which the doctrine that every opinion of every man is true may be refuted; but there is more difficulty in proving that states of feeling, which are present to a man, and out of which arise sensations and opinions in accordance with them, are also untrue. And very likely I have been talking nonsense about them; for they may be unassailable, and those who say that there is clear evidence of them, and that they are matters of knowledge, may probably be right; in which case our friend Theaetetus was not so far from the mark when he identified perception and knowledge. And therefore let us draw nearer, as the advocate of Protagoras desires; and give the truth of the universal flux a ring: is the theory sound or not? at any rate, no small war is raging about it, and there are combination not a few. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: No small, war, indeed, for in Ionia the sect makes rapid strides; the disciples of Heracleitus are most energetic upholders of the doctrine. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then we are the more bound, my dear Theodorus, to examine the question from the foundation as it is set forth by themselves. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Certainly we are. About these speculations of Heracleitus, which, as you say, are as old as Homer, or even older still, the Ephesians themselves, who profess to know them, are downright mad, and you cannot talk with them on the subject. For, in accordance with their text-books, they are always in motion; but as for dwelling upon an argument or a question, and quietly asking and answering in turn, they can no more do so than they can fly; or rather, the determination of these fellows not to have a particle of rest in them is more than the utmost powers of negation can express. If you ask any of them a question, he will produce, as from a quiver, sayings brief and dark, and shoot them at you; and if you inquire the reason of what he has said, you will be hit by some other new-fangled word, and will make no way with any of them, nor they with one another; their great care is, not to allow of any settled principle either in their arguments or in their minds, conceiving, as I imagine, that any such principle would be stationary; for they are at war with the stationary, and do what they can to drive it out everywhere. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I suppose, Theodorus, that you have only seen them when they were fighting, and have never stayed with them in time of peace, for they are no friends of yours; and their peace doctrines are only communicated by them at leisure, as I imagine, to those disciples of theirs whom they want to make like themselves. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Disciples! my good sir, they have none; men of their sort are not one another&#039;s disciples, but they grow up at their own sweet will, and get their inspiration anywhere, each of them saying of his neighbour that he knows nothing. From these men, then, as I was going to remark, you will never get a reason, whether with their will or without their will; we must take the question out of their hands, and make the analysis ourselves, as if we were doing geometrical problem. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Quite right too; but as touching the aforesaid problem, have we not heard from the ancients, who concealed their wisdom from the many in poetical figures, that Oceanus and Tethys, the origin of all things, are streams, and that nothing is at rest? And now the moderns, in their superior wisdom, have declared the same openly, that the cobbler too may hear and learn of them, and no longer foolishly imagine that some things are at rest and others in motion&amp;amp;mdash;having learned that all is motion, he will duly honour his teachers. I had almost forgotten the opposite doctrine, Theodorus, &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;pre xml:space=&amp;quot;preserve&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &#039;Alone Being remains unmoved, which is the name for the all.&#039; &amp;lt;/pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; This is the language of Parmenides, Melissus, and their followers, who stoutly maintain that all being is one and self-contained, and has no place in which to move. What shall we do, friend, with all these people; for, advancing step by step, we have imperceptibly got between the combatants, and, unless we can protect our retreat, we shall pay the penalty of our rashness&amp;amp;mdash;like the players in the palaestra who are caught upon the line, and are dragged different ways by the two parties. Therefore I think that we had better begin by considering those whom we first accosted, &#039;the river-gods,&#039; and, if we find any truth in them, we will help them to pull us over, and try to get away from the others. But if the partisans of &#039;the whole&#039; appear to speak more truly, we will fly off from the party which would move the immovable, to them. And if I find that neither of them have anything reasonable to say, we shall be in a ridiculous position, having so great a conceit of our own poor opinion and rejecting that of ancient and famous men. O Theodorus, do you think that there is any use in proceeding when the danger is so great? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Nay, Socrates, not to examine thoroughly what the two parties have to say would be quite intolerable. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then examine we must, since you, who were so reluctant to begin, are so eager to proceed. The nature of motion appears to be the question with which we begin. What do they mean when they say that all things are in motion? Is there only one kind of motion, or, as I rather incline to think, two? I should like to have your opinion upon this point in addition to my own, that I may err, if I must err, in your company; tell me, then, when a thing changes from one place to another, or goes round in the same place, is not that what is called motion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Here then we have one kind of motion. But when a thing, remaining on the same spot, grows old, or becomes black from being white, or hard from being soft, or undergoes any other change, may not this be properly called motion of another kind? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: I think so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Say rather that it must be so. Of motion then there are these two kinds, &#039;change,&#039; and &#039;motion in place.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: You are right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And now, having made this distinction, let us address ourselves to those who say that all is motion, and ask them whether all things according to them have the two kinds of motion, and are changed as well as move in place, or is one thing moved in both ways, and another in one only? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Indeed, I do not know what to answer; but I think they would say that all things are moved in both ways. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Yes, comrade; for, if not, they would have to say that the same things are in motion and at rest, and there would be no more truth in saying that all things are in motion, than that all things are at rest. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: To be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And if they are to be in motion, and nothing is to be devoid of motion, all things must always have every sort of motion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Consider a further point: did we not understand them to explain the generation of heat, whiteness, or anything else, in some such manner as the following:&amp;amp;mdash;were they not saying that each of them is moving between the agent and the patient, together with a perception, and that the patient ceases to be a perceiving power and becomes a percipient, and the agent a quale instead of a quality? I suspect that quality may appear a strange and uncouth term to you, and that you do not understand the abstract expression. Then I will take concrete instances: I mean to say that the producing power or agent becomes neither heat nor whiteness but hot and white, and the like of other things. For I must repeat what I said before, that neither the agent nor patient have any absolute existence, but when they come together and generate sensations and their objects, the one becomes a thing of a certain quality, and the other a percipient. You remember? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: We may leave the details of their theory unexamined, but we must not forget to ask them the only question with which we are concerned: Are all things in motion and flux? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Yes, they will reply. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And they are moved in both those ways which we distinguished, that is to say, they move in place and are also changed? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Of course, if the motion is to be perfect. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: If they only moved in place and were not changed, we should be able to say what is the nature of the things which are in motion and flux? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Exactly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But now, since not even white continues to flow white, and whiteness itself is a flux or change which is passing into another colour, and is never to be caught standing still, can the name of any colour be rightly used at all? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: How is that possible, Socrates, either in the case of this or of any other quality&amp;amp;mdash;if while we are using the word the object is escaping in the flux? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And what would you say of perceptions, such as sight and hearing, or any other kind of perception? Is there any stopping in the act of seeing and hearing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Certainly not, if all things are in motion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then we must not speak of seeing any more than of not-seeing, nor of any other perception more than of any non-perception, if all things partake of every kind of motion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Yet perception is knowledge: so at least Theaetetus and I were saying. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then when we were asked what is knowledge, we no more answered what is knowledge than what is not knowledge? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: I suppose not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Here, then, is a fine result: we corrected our first answer in our eagerness to prove that nothing is at rest. But if nothing is at rest, every answer upon whatever subject is equally right: you may say that a thing is or is not thus; or, if you prefer, &#039;becomes&#039; thus; and if we say &#039;becomes,&#039; we shall not then hamper them with words expressive of rest. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Yes, Theodorus, except in saying &#039;thus&#039; and &#039;not thus.&#039; But you ought not to use the word &#039;thus,&#039; for there is no motion in &#039;thus&#039; or in &#039;not thus.&#039; The maintainers of the doctrine have as yet no words in which to express themselves, and must get a new language. I know of no word that will suit them, except perhaps &#039;no how,&#039; which is perfectly indefinite. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Yes, that is a manner of speaking in which they will be quite at home. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And so, Theodorus, we have got rid of your friend without assenting to his doctrine, that every man is the measure of all things&amp;amp;mdash;a wise man only is a measure; neither can we allow that knowledge is perception, certainly not on the hypothesis of a perpetual flux, unless perchance our friend Theaetetus is able to convince us that it is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Very good, Socrates; and now that the argument about the doctrine of Protagoras has been completed, I am absolved from answering; for this was the agreement. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Not, Theodorus, until you and Socrates have discussed the doctrine of those who say that all things are at rest, as you were proposing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: You, Theaetetus, who are a young rogue, must not instigate your elders to a breach of faith, but should prepare to answer Socrates in the remainder of the argument. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, if he wishes; but I would rather have heard about the doctrine of rest. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Invite Socrates to an argument&amp;amp;mdash;invite horsemen to the open plain; do but ask him, and he will answer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Nevertheless, Theodorus, I am afraid that I shall not be able to comply with the request of Theaetetus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEODORUS: Not comply! for what reason? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: My reason is that I have a kind of reverence; not so much for Melissus and the others, who say that &#039;All is one and at rest,&#039; as for the great leader himself, Parmenides, venerable and awful, as in Homeric language he may be called;&amp;amp;mdash;him I should be ashamed to approach in a spirit unworthy of him. I met him when he was an old man, and I was a mere youth, and he appeared to me to have a glorious depth of mind. And I am afraid that we may not understand his words, and may be still further from understanding his meaning; above all I fear that the nature of knowledge, which is the main subject of our discussion, may be thrust out of sight by the unbidden guests who will come pouring in upon our feast of discourse, if we let them in&amp;amp;mdash;besides, the question which is now stirring is of immense extent, and will be treated unfairly if only considered by the way; or if treated adequately and at length, will put into the shade the other question of knowledge. Neither the one nor the other can be allowed; but I must try by my art of midwifery to deliver Theaetetus of his conceptions about knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very well; do so if you will. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then now, Theaetetus, take another view of the subject: you answered that knowledge is perception? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I did. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And if any one were to ask you: With what does a man see black and white colours? and with what does he hear high and low sounds?&amp;amp;mdash;you would say, if I am not mistaken, &#039;With the eyes and with the ears.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I should. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The free use of words and phrases, rather than minute precision, is generally characteristic of a liberal education, and the opposite is pedantic; but sometimes precision is necessary, and I believe that the answer which you have just given is open to the charge of incorrectness; for which is more correct, to say that we see or hear with the eyes and with the ears, or through the eyes and through the ears. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I should say &#039;through,&#039; Socrates, rather than &#039;with.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Yes, my boy, for no one can suppose that in each of us, as in a sort of Trojan horse, there are perched a number of unconnected senses, which do not all meet in some one nature, the mind, or whatever we please to call it, of which they are the instruments, and with which through them we perceive objects of sense. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I agree with you in that opinion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The reason why I am thus precise is, because I want to know whether, when we perceive black and white through the eyes, and again, other qualities through other organs, we do not perceive them with one and the same part of ourselves, and, if you were asked, you might refer all such perceptions to the body. Perhaps, however, I had better allow you to answer for yourself and not interfere. Tell me, then, are not the organs through which you perceive warm and hard and light and sweet, organs of the body? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Of the body, certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And you would admit that what you perceive through one faculty you cannot perceive through another; the objects of hearing, for example, cannot be perceived through sight, or the objects of sight through hearing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Of course not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: If you have any thought about both of them, this common perception cannot come to you, either through the one or the other organ? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: It cannot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: How about sounds and colours: in the first place you would admit that they both exist? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And that either of them is different from the other, and the same with itself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And that both are two and each of them one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: You can further observe whether they are like or unlike one another? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I dare say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But through what do you perceive all this about them? for neither through hearing nor yet through seeing can you apprehend that which they have in common. Let me give you an illustration of the point at issue:&amp;amp;mdash;If there were any meaning in asking whether sounds and colours are saline or not, you would be able to tell me what faculty would consider the question. It would not be sight or hearing, but some other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly; the faculty of taste. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Very good; and now tell me what is the power which discerns, not only in sensible objects, but in all things, universal notions, such as those which are called being and not-being, and those others about which we were just asking&amp;amp;mdash;what organs will you assign for the perception of these notions? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: You are thinking of being and not being, likeness and unlikeness, sameness and difference, and also of unity and other numbers which are applied to objects of sense; and you mean to ask, through what bodily organ the soul perceives odd and even numbers and other arithmetical conceptions. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: You follow me excellently, Theaetetus; that is precisely what I am asking. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Indeed, Socrates, I cannot answer; my only notion is, that these, unlike objects of sense, have no separate organ, but that the mind, by a power of her own, contemplates the universals in all things. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: You are a beauty, Theaetetus, and not ugly, as Theodorus was saying; for he who utters the beautiful is himself beautiful and good. And besides being beautiful, you have done me a kindness in releasing me from a very long discussion, if you are clear that the soul views some things by herself and others through the bodily organs. For that was my own opinion, and I wanted you to agree with me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I am quite clear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And to which class would you refer being or essence; for this, of all our notions, is the most universal? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I should say, to that class which the soul aspires to know of herself. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And would you say this also of like and unlike, same and other? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And would you say the same of the noble and base, and of good and evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: These I conceive to be notions which are essentially relative, and which the soul also perceives by comparing in herself things past and present with the future. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And does she not perceive the hardness of that which is hard by the touch, and the softness of that which is soft equally by the touch? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But their essence and what they are, and their opposition to one another, and the essential nature of this opposition, the soul herself endeavours to decide for us by the review and comparison of them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The simple sensations which reach the soul through the body are given at birth to men and animals by nature, but their reflections on the being and use of them are slowly and hardly gained, if they are ever gained, by education and long experience. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Assuredly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And can a man attain truth who fails of attaining being? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And can he who misses the truth of anything, have a knowledge of that thing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: He cannot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then knowledge does not consist in impressions of sense, but in reasoning about them; in that only, and not in the mere impression, truth and being can be attained? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And would you call the two processes by the same name, when there is so great a difference between them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: That would certainly not be right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And what name would you give to seeing, hearing, smelling, being cold and being hot? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I should call all of them perceiving&amp;amp;mdash;what other name could be given to them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Perception would be the collective name of them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Which, as we say, has no part in the attainment of truth any more than of being? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And therefore not in science or knowledge? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then perception, Theaetetus, can never be the same as knowledge or science? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Clearly not, Socrates; and knowledge has now been most distinctly proved to be different from perception. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But the original aim of our discussion was to find out rather what knowledge is than what it is not; at the same time we have made some progress, for we no longer seek for knowledge in perception at all, but in that other process, however called, in which the mind is alone and engaged with being. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: You mean, Socrates, if I am not mistaken, what is called thinking or opining. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: You conceive truly. And now, my friend, please to begin again at this point; and having wiped out of your memory all that has preceded, see if you have arrived at any clearer view, and once more say what is knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I cannot say, Socrates, that all opinion is knowledge, because there may be a false opinion; but I will venture to assert, that knowledge is true opinion: let this then be my reply; and if this is hereafter disproved, I must try to find another. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: That is the way in which you ought to answer, Theaetetus, and not in your former hesitating strain, for if we are bold we shall gain one of two advantages; either we shall find what we seek, or we shall be less likely to think that we know what we do not know&amp;amp;mdash;in either case we shall be richly rewarded. And now, what are you saying?&amp;amp;mdash;Are there two sorts of opinion, one true and the other false; and do you define knowledge to be the true? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, according to my present view. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Is it still worth our while to resume the discussion touching opinion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: To what are you alluding? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: There is a point which often troubles me, and is a great perplexity to me, both in regard to myself and others. I cannot make out the nature or origin of the mental experience to which I refer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Pray what is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: How there can be false opinion&amp;amp;mdash;that difficulty still troubles the eye of my mind; and I am uncertain whether I shall leave the question, or begin over again in a new way. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Begin again, Socrates,&amp;amp;mdash;at least if you think that there is the slightest necessity for doing so. Were not you and Theodorus just now remarking very truly, that in discussions of this kind we may take our own time? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: You are quite right, and perhaps there will be no harm in retracing our steps and beginning again. Better a little which is well done, than a great deal imperfectly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well, and what is the difficulty? Do we not speak of false opinion, and say that one man holds a false and another a true opinion, as though there were some natural distinction between them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: We certainly say so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: All things and everything are either known or not known. I leave out of view the intermediate conceptions of learning and forgetting, because they have nothing to do with our present question. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: There can be no doubt, Socrates, if you exclude these, that there is no other alternative but knowing or not knowing a thing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: That point being now determined, must we not say that he who has an opinion, must have an opinion about something which he knows or does not know? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: He must. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: He who knows, cannot but know; and he who does not know, cannot know? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: What shall we say then? When a man has a false opinion does he think that which he knows to be some other thing which he knows, and knowing both, is he at the same time ignorant of both? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: That, Socrates, is impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But perhaps he thinks of something which he does not know as some other thing which he does not know; for example, he knows neither Theaetetus nor Socrates, and yet he fancies that Theaetetus is Socrates, or Socrates Theaetetus? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: How can he? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But surely he cannot suppose what he knows to be what he does not know, or what he does not know to be what he knows? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: That would be monstrous. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Where, then, is false opinion? For if all things are either known or unknown, there can be no opinion which is not comprehended under this alternative, and so false opinion is excluded. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Suppose that we remove the question out of the sphere of knowing or not knowing, into that of being and not-being. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: May we not suspect the simple truth to be that he who thinks about anything, that which is not, will necessarily think what is false, whatever in other respects may be the state of his mind? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: That, again, is not unlikely, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then suppose some one to say to us, Theaetetus:&amp;amp;mdash;Is it possible for any man to think that which is not, either as a self-existent substance or as a predicate of something else? And suppose that we answer, &#039;Yes, he can, when he thinks what is not true.&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;That will be our answer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But is there any parallel to this? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Can a man see something and yet see nothing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But if he sees any one thing, he sees something that exists. Do you suppose that what is one is ever to be found among non-existing things? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I do not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: He then who sees some one thing, sees something which is? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And he who hears anything, hears some one thing, and hears that which is? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And he who touches anything, touches something which is one and therefore is? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: That again is true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And does not he who thinks, think some one thing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And does not he who thinks some one thing, think something which is? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I agree. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then he who thinks of that which is not, thinks of nothing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And he who thinks of nothing, does not think at all? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Obviously. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then no one can think that which is not, either as a self-existent substance or as a predicate of something else? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Clearly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then to think falsely is different from thinking that which is not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: It would seem so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then false opinion has no existence in us, either in the sphere of being or of knowledge? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But may not the following be the description of what we express by this name? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: May we not suppose that false opinion or thought is a sort of heterodoxy; a person may make an exchange in his mind, and say that one real object is another real object. For thus he always thinks that which is, but he puts one thing in place of another; and missing the aim of his thoughts, he may be truly said to have false opinion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Now you appear to me to have spoken the exact truth: when a man puts the base in the place of the noble, or the noble in the place of the base, then he has truly false opinion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I see, Theaetetus, that your fear has disappeared, and that you are beginning to despise me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What makes you say so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: You think, if I am not mistaken, that your &#039;truly false&#039; is safe from censure, and that I shall never ask whether there can be a swift which is slow, or a heavy which is light, or any other self-contradictory thing, which works, not according to its own nature, but according to that of its opposite. But I will not insist upon this, for I do not wish needlessly to discourage you. And so you are satisfied that false opinion is heterodoxy, or the thought of something else? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I am. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: It is possible then upon your view for the mind to conceive of one thing as another? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But must not the mind, or thinking power, which misplaces them, have a conception either of both objects or of one of them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Either together or in succession? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And do you mean by conceiving, the same which I mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What is that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I mean the conversation which the soul holds with herself in considering of anything. I speak of what I scarcely understand; but the soul when thinking appears to me to be just talking&amp;amp;mdash;asking questions of herself and answering them, affirming and denying. And when she has arrived at a decision, either gradually or by a sudden impulse, and has at last agreed, and does not doubt, this is called her opinion. I say, then, that to form an opinion is to speak, and opinion is a word spoken,&amp;amp;mdash;I mean, to oneself and in silence, not aloud or to another: What think you? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I agree. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then when any one thinks of one thing as another, he is saying to himself that one thing is another? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But do you ever remember saying to yourself that the noble is certainly base, or the unjust just; or, best of all&amp;amp;mdash;have you ever attempted to convince yourself that one thing is another? Nay, not even in sleep, did you ever venture to say to yourself that odd is even, or anything of the kind? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Never. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And do you suppose that any other man, either in his senses or out of them, ever seriously tried to persuade himself that an ox is a horse, or that two are one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But if thinking is talking to oneself, no one speaking and thinking of two objects, and apprehending them both in his soul, will say and think that the one is the other of them, and I must add, that even you, lover of dispute as you are, had better let the word &#039;other&#039; alone (i.e. not insist that &#039;one&#039; and &#039;other&#039; are the same (Both words in Greek are called eteron: compare Parmen.; Euthyd.)). I mean to say, that no one thinks the noble to be base, or anything of the kind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I will give up the word &#039;other,&#039; Socrates; and I agree to what you say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: If a man has both of them in his thoughts, he cannot think that the one of them is the other? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Neither, if he has one of them only in his mind and not the other, can he think that one is the other? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True; for we should have to suppose that he apprehends that which is not in his thoughts at all. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then no one who has either both or only one of the two objects in his mind can think that the one is the other. And therefore, he who maintains that false opinion is heterodoxy is talking nonsense; for neither in this, any more than in the previous way, can false opinion exist in us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But if, Theaetetus, this is not admitted, we shall be driven into many absurdities. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What are they? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I will not tell you until I have endeavoured to consider the matter from every point of view. For I should be ashamed of us if we were driven in our perplexity to admit the absurd consequences of which I speak. But if we find the solution, and get away from them, we may regard them only as the difficulties of others, and the ridicule will not attach to us. On the other hand, if we utterly fail, I suppose that we must be humble, and allow the argument to trample us under foot, as the sea-sick passenger is trampled upon by the sailor, and to do anything to us. Listen, then, while I tell you how I hope to find a way out of our difficulty. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Let me hear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I think that we were wrong in denying that a man could think what he knew to be what he did not know; and that there is a way in which such a deception is possible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: You mean to say, as I suspected at the time, that I may know Socrates, and at a distance see some one who is unknown to me, and whom I mistake for him&amp;amp;mdash;then the deception will occur? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But has not that position been relinquished by us, because involving the absurdity that we should know and not know the things which we know? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Let us make the assertion in another form, which may or may not have a favourable issue; but as we are in a great strait, every argument should be turned over and tested. Tell me, then, whether I am right in saying that you may learn a thing which at one time you did not know? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly you may. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And another and another? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I would have you imagine, then, that there exists in the mind of man a block of wax, which is of different sizes in different men; harder, moister, and having more or less of purity in one than another, and in some of an intermediate quality. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I see. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Let us say that this tablet is a gift of Memory, the mother of the Muses; and that when we wish to remember anything which we have seen, or heard, or thought in our own minds, we hold the wax to the perceptions and thoughts, and in that material receive the impression of them as from the seal of a ring; and that we remember and know what is imprinted as long as the image lasts; but when the image is effaced, or cannot be taken, then we forget and do not know. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Now, when a person has this knowledge, and is considering something which he sees or hears, may not false opinion arise in the following manner? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: In what manner? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: When he thinks what he knows, sometimes to be what he knows, and sometimes to be what he does not know. We were wrong before in denying the possibility of this. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: And how would you amend the former statement? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I should begin by making a list of the impossible cases which must be excluded. (1) No one can think one thing to be another when he does not perceive either of them, but has the memorial or seal of both of them in his mind; nor can any mistaking of one thing for another occur, when he only knows one, and does not know, and has no impression of the other; nor can he think that one thing which he does not know is another thing which he does not know, or that what he does not know is what he knows; nor (2) that one thing which he perceives is another thing which he perceives, or that something which he perceives is something which he does not perceive; or that something which he does not perceive is something else which he does not perceive; or that something which he does not perceive is something which he perceives; nor again (3) can he think that something which he knows and perceives, and of which he has the impression coinciding with sense, is something else which he knows and perceives, and of which he has the impression coinciding with sense;&amp;amp;mdash;this last case, if possible, is still more inconceivable than the others; nor (4) can he think that something which he knows and perceives, and of which he has the memorial coinciding with sense, is something else which he knows; nor so long as these agree, can he think that a thing which he knows and perceives is another thing which he perceives; or that a thing which he does not know and does not perceive, is the same as another thing which he does not know and does not perceive;&amp;amp;mdash;nor again, can he suppose that a thing which he does not know and does not perceive is the same as another thing which he does not know; or that a thing which he does not know and does not perceive is another thing which he does not perceive:&amp;amp;mdash;All these utterly and absolutely exclude the possibility of false opinion. The only cases, if any, which remain, are the following. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What are they? If you tell me, I may perhaps understand you better; but at present I am unable to follow you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: A person may think that some things which he knows, or which he perceives and does not know, are some other things which he knows and perceives; or that some things which he knows and perceives, are other things which he knows and perceives. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I understand you less than ever now. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Hear me once more, then:&amp;amp;mdash;I, knowing Theodorus, and remembering in my own mind what sort of person he is, and also what sort of person Theaetetus is, at one time see them, and at another time do not see them, and sometimes I touch them, and at another time not, or at one time I may hear them or perceive them in some other way, and at another time not perceive them, but still I remember them, and know them in my own mind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then, first of all, I want you to understand that a man may or may not perceive sensibly that which he knows. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And that which he does not know will sometimes not be perceived by him and sometimes will be perceived and only perceived? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: That is also true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: See whether you can follow me better now: Socrates can recognize Theodorus and Theaetetus, but he sees neither of them, nor does he perceive them in any other way; he cannot then by any possibility imagine in his own mind that Theaetetus is Theodorus. Am I not right? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: You are quite right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then that was the first case of which I spoke. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The second case was, that I, knowing one of you and not knowing the other, and perceiving neither, can never think him whom I know to be him whom I do not know. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: In the third case, not knowing and not perceiving either of you, I cannot think that one of you whom I do not know is the other whom I do not know. I need not again go over the catalogue of excluded cases, in which I cannot form a false opinion about you and Theodorus, either when I know both or when I am in ignorance of both, or when I know one and not the other. And the same of perceiving: do you understand me? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I do. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The only possibility of erroneous opinion is, when knowing you and Theodorus, and having on the waxen block the impression of both of you given as by a seal, but seeing you imperfectly and at a distance, I try to assign the right impression of memory to the right visual impression, and to fit this into its own print: if I succeed, recognition will take place; but if I fail and transpose them, putting the foot into the wrong shoe&amp;amp;mdash;that is to say, putting the vision of either of you on to the wrong impression, or if my mind, like the sight in a mirror, which is transferred from right to left, err by reason of some similar affection, then &#039;heterodoxy&#039; and false opinion ensues. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, Socrates, you have described the nature of opinion with wonderful exactness. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Or again, when I know both of you, and perceive as well as know one of you, but not the other, and my knowledge of him does not accord with perception&amp;amp;mdash;that was the case put by me just now which you did not understand. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: No, I did not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I meant to say, that when a person knows and perceives one of you, his knowledge coincides with his perception, he will never think him to be some other person, whom he knows and perceives, and the knowledge of whom coincides with his perception&amp;amp;mdash;for that also was a case supposed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But there was an omission of the further case, in which, as we now say, false opinion may arise, when knowing both, and seeing, or having some other sensible perception of both, I fail in holding the seal over against the corresponding sensation; like a bad archer, I miss and fall wide of the mark&amp;amp;mdash;and this is called falsehood. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes; it is rightly so called. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: When, therefore, perception is present to one of the seals or impressions but not to the other, and the mind fits the seal of the absent perception on the one which is present, in any case of this sort the mind is deceived; in a word, if our view is sound, there can be no error or deception about things which a man does not know and has never perceived, but only in things which are known and perceived; in these alone opinion turns and twists about, and becomes alternately true and false;&amp;amp;mdash;true when the seals and impressions of sense meet straight and opposite&amp;amp;mdash;false when they go awry and crooked. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: And is not that, Socrates, nobly said? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Nobly! yes; but wait a little and hear the explanation, and then you will say so with more reason; for to think truly is noble and to be deceived is base. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Undoubtedly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And the origin of truth and error is as follows:&amp;amp;mdash;When the wax in the soul of any one is deep and abundant, and smooth and perfectly tempered, then the impressions which pass through the senses and sink into the heart of the soul, as Homer says in a parable, meaning to indicate the likeness of the soul to wax (Kerh Kerhos); these, I say, being pure and clear, and having a sufficient depth of wax, are also lasting, and minds, such as these, easily learn and easily retain, and are not liable to confusion, but have true thoughts, for they have plenty of room, and having clear impressions of things, as we term them, quickly distribute them into their proper places on the block. And such men are called wise. Do you agree? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Entirely. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But when the heart of any one is shaggy&amp;amp;mdash;a quality which the all-wise poet commends, or muddy and of impure wax, or very soft, or very hard, then there is a corresponding defect in the mind&amp;amp;mdash;the soft are good at learning, but apt to forget; and the hard are the reverse; the shaggy and rugged and gritty, or those who have an admixture of earth or dung in their composition, have the impressions indistinct, as also the hard, for there is no depth in them; and the soft too are indistinct, for their impressions are easily confused and effaced. Yet greater is the indistinctness when they are all jostled together in a little soul, which has no room. These are the natures which have false opinion; for when they see or hear or think of anything, they are slow in assigning the right objects to the right impressions&amp;amp;mdash;in their stupidity they confuse them, and are apt to see and hear and think amiss&amp;amp;mdash;and such men are said to be deceived in their knowledge of objects, and ignorant. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: No man, Socrates, can say anything truer than that. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then now we may admit the existence of false opinion in us? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And of true opinion also? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: We have at length satisfactorily proven beyond a doubt there are these two sorts of opinion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Undoubtedly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Alas, Theaetetus, what a tiresome creature is a man who is fond of talking! &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What makes you say so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Because I am disheartened at my own stupidity and tiresome garrulity; for what other term will describe the habit of a man who is always arguing on all sides of a question; whose dulness cannot be convinced, and who will never leave off? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: But what puts you out of heart? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I am not only out of heart, but in positive despair; for I do not know what to answer if any one were to ask me:&amp;amp;mdash;O Socrates, have you indeed discovered that false opinion arises neither in the comparison of perceptions with one another nor yet in thought, but in union of thought and perception? Yes, I shall say, with the complacence of one who thinks that he has made a noble discovery. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I see no reason why we should be ashamed of our demonstration, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: He will say: You mean to argue that the man whom we only think of and do not see, cannot be confused with the horse which we do not see or touch, but only think of and do not perceive? That I believe to be my meaning, I shall reply. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Quite right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well, then, he will say, according to that argument, the number eleven, which is only thought, can never be mistaken for twelve, which is only thought: How would you answer him? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I should say that a mistake may very likely arise between the eleven or twelve which are seen or handled, but that no similar mistake can arise between the eleven and twelve which are in the mind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well, but do you think that no one ever put before his own mind five and seven,&amp;amp;mdash;I do not mean five or seven men or horses, but five or seven in the abstract, which, as we say, are recorded on the waxen block, and in which false opinion is held to be impossible; did no man ever ask himself how many these numbers make when added together, and answer that they are eleven, while another thinks that they are twelve, or would all agree in thinking and saying that they are twelve? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly not; many would think that they are eleven, and in the higher numbers the chance of error is greater still; for I assume you to be speaking of numbers in general. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Exactly; and I want you to consider whether this does not imply that the twelve in the waxen block are supposed to be eleven? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, that seems to be the case. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then do we not come back to the old difficulty? For he who makes such a mistake does think one thing which he knows to be another thing which he knows; but this, as we said, was impossible, and afforded an irresistible proof of the non-existence of false opinion, because otherwise the same person would inevitably know and not know the same thing at the same time. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then false opinion cannot be explained as a confusion of thought and sense, for in that case we could not have been mistaken about pure conceptions of thought; and thus we are obliged to say, either that false opinion does not exist, or that a man may not know that which he knows;&amp;amp;mdash;which alternative do you prefer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: It is hard to determine, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And yet the argument will scarcely admit of both. But, as we are at our wits&#039; end, suppose that we do a shameless thing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Let us attempt to explain the verb &#039;to know.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: And why should that be shameless? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: You seem not to be aware that the whole of our discussion from the very beginning has been a search after knowledge, of which we are assumed not to know the nature. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Nay, but I am well aware. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And is it not shameless when we do not know what knowledge is, to be explaining the verb &#039;to know&#039;? The truth is, Theaetetus, that we have long been infected with logical impurity. Thousands of times have we repeated the words &#039;we know,&#039; and &#039;do not know,&#039; and &#039;we have or have not science or knowledge,&#039; as if we could understand what we are saying to one another, so long as we remain ignorant about knowledge; and at this moment we are using the words &#039;we understand,&#039; &#039;we are ignorant,&#039; as though we could still employ them when deprived of knowledge or science. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: But if you avoid these expressions, Socrates, how will you ever argue at all? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I could not, being the man I am. The case would be different if I were a true hero of dialectic: and O that such an one were present! for he would have told us to avoid the use of these terms; at the same time he would not have spared in you and me the faults which I have noted. But, seeing that we are no great wits, shall I venture to say what knowing is? for I think that the attempt may be worth making. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Then by all means venture, and no one shall find fault with you for using the forbidden terms. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: You have heard the common explanation of the verb &#039;to know&#039;? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I think so, but I do not remember it at the moment. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: They explain the word &#039;to know&#039; as meaning &#039;to have knowledge.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I should like to make a slight change, and say &#039;to possess&#039; knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: How do the two expressions differ? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Perhaps there may be no difference; but still I should like you to hear my view, that you may help me to test it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I will, if I can. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I should distinguish &#039;having&#039; from &#039;possessing&#039;: for example, a man may buy and keep under his control a garment which he does not wear; and then we should say, not that he has, but that he possesses the garment. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: It would be the correct expression. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well, may not a man &#039;possess&#039; and yet not &#039;have&#039; knowledge in the sense of which I am speaking? As you may suppose a man to have caught wild birds&amp;amp;mdash;doves or any other birds&amp;amp;mdash;and to be keeping them in an aviary which he has constructed at home; we might say of him in one sense, that he always has them because he possesses them, might we not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And yet, in another sense, he has none of them; but they are in his power, and he has got them under his hand in an enclosure of his own, and can take and have them whenever he likes;&amp;amp;mdash;he can catch any which he likes, and let the bird go again, and he may do so as often as he pleases. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Once more, then, as in what preceded we made a sort of waxen figment in the mind, so let us now suppose that in the mind of each man there is an aviary of all sorts of birds&amp;amp;mdash;some flocking together apart from the rest, others in small groups, others solitary, flying anywhere and everywhere. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Let us imagine such an aviary&amp;amp;mdash;and what is to follow? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: We may suppose that the birds are kinds of knowledge, and that when we were children, this receptacle was empty; whenever a man has gotten and detained in the enclosure a kind of knowledge, he may be said to have learned or discovered the thing which is the subject of the knowledge: and this is to know. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Granted. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And further, when any one wishes to catch any of these knowledges or sciences, and having taken, to hold it, and again to let them go, how will he express himself?&amp;amp;mdash;will he describe the &#039;catching&#039; of them and the original &#039;possession&#039; in the same words? I will make my meaning clearer by an example:&amp;amp;mdash;You admit that there is an art of arithmetic? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: To be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Conceive this under the form of a hunt after the science of odd and even in general. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I follow. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Having the use of the art, the arithmetician, if I am not mistaken, has the conceptions of number under his hand, and can transmit them to another. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And when transmitting them he may be said to teach them, and when receiving to learn them, and when receiving to learn them, and when having them in possession in the aforesaid aviary he may be said to know them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Exactly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Attend to what follows: must not the perfect arithmetician know all numbers, for he has the science of all numbers in his mind? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And he can reckon abstract numbers in his head, or things about him which are numerable? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Of course he can. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And to reckon is simply to consider how much such and such a number amounts to? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And so he appears to be searching into something which he knows, as if he did not know it, for we have already admitted that he knows all numbers;&amp;amp;mdash;you have heard these perplexing questions raised? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I have. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: May we not pursue the image of the doves, and say that the chase after knowledge is of two kinds? one kind is prior to possession and for the sake of possession, and the other for the sake of taking and holding in the hands that which is possessed already. And thus, when a man has learned and known something long ago, he may resume and get hold of the knowledge which he has long possessed, but has not at hand in his mind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: That was my reason for asking how we ought to speak when an arithmetician sets about numbering, or a grammarian about reading? Shall we say, that although he knows, he comes back to himself to learn what he already knows? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: It would be too absurd, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Shall we say then that he is going to read or number what he does not know, although we have admitted that he knows all letters and all numbers? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: That, again, would be an absurdity. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then shall we say that about names we care nothing?&amp;amp;mdash;any one may twist and turn the words &#039;knowing&#039; and &#039;learning&#039; in any way which he likes, but since we have determined that the possession of knowledge is not the having or using it, we do assert that a man cannot not possess that which he possesses; and, therefore, in no case can a man not know that which he knows, but he may get a false opinion about it; for he may have the knowledge, not of this particular thing, but of some other;&amp;amp;mdash;when the various numbers and forms of knowledge are flying about in the aviary, and wishing to capture a certain sort of knowledge out of the general store, he takes the wrong one by mistake, that is to say, when he thought eleven to be twelve, he got hold of the ring-dove which he had in his mind, when he wanted the pigeon. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: A very rational explanation. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But when he catches the one which he wants, then he is not deceived, and has an opinion of what is, and thus false and true opinion may exist, and the difficulties which were previously raised disappear. I dare say that you agree with me, do you not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And so we are rid of the difficulty of a man&#039;s not knowing what he knows, for we are not driven to the inference that he does not possess what he possesses, whether he be or be not deceived. And yet I fear that a greater difficulty is looking in at the window. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: How can the exchange of one knowledge for another ever become false opinion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: In the first place, how can a man who has the knowledge of anything be ignorant of that which he knows, not by reason of ignorance, but by reason of his own knowledge? And, again, is it not an extreme absurdity that he should suppose another thing to be this, and this to be another thing;&amp;amp;mdash;that, having knowledge present with him in his mind, he should still know nothing and be ignorant of all things?&amp;amp;mdash;you might as well argue that ignorance may make a man know, and blindness make him see, as that knowledge can make him ignorant. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Perhaps, Socrates, we may have been wrong in making only forms of knowledge our birds: whereas there ought to have been forms of ignorance as well, flying about together in the mind, and then he who sought to take one of them might sometimes catch a form of knowledge, and sometimes a form of ignorance; and thus he would have a false opinion from ignorance, but a true one from knowledge, about the same thing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I cannot help praising you, Theaetetus, and yet I must beg you to reconsider your words. Let us grant what you say&amp;amp;mdash;then, according to you, he who takes ignorance will have a false opinion&amp;amp;mdash;am I right? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: He will certainly not think that he has a false opinion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Of course not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: He will think that his opinion is true, and he will fancy that he knows the things about which he has been deceived? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then he will think that he has captured knowledge and not ignorance? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And thus, after going a long way round, we are once more face to face with our original difficulty. The hero of dialectic will retort upon us:&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;O my excellent friends, he will say, laughing, if a man knows the form of ignorance and the form of knowledge, can he think that one of them which he knows is the other which he knows? or, if he knows neither of them, can he think that the one which he knows not is another which he knows not? or, if he knows one and not the other, can he think the one which he knows to be the one which he does not know? or the one which he does not know to be the one which he knows? or will you tell me that there are other forms of knowledge which distinguish the right and wrong birds, and which the owner keeps in some other aviaries or graven on waxen blocks according to your foolish images, and which he may be said to know while he possesses them, even though he have them not at hand in his mind? And thus, in a perpetual circle, you will be compelled to go round and round, and you will make no progress.&#039; What are we to say in reply, Theaetetus? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Indeed, Socrates, I do not know what we are to say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Are not his reproaches just, and does not the argument truly show that we are wrong in seeking for false opinion until we know what knowledge is; that must be first ascertained; then, the nature of false opinion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I cannot but agree with you, Socrates, so far as we have yet gone. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then, once more, what shall we say that knowledge is?&amp;amp;mdash;for we are not going to lose heart as yet. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly, I shall not lose heart, if you do not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: What definition will be most consistent with our former views? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I cannot think of any but our old one, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: What was it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Knowledge was said by us to be true opinion; and true opinion is surely unerring, and the results which follow from it are all noble and good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: He who led the way into the river, Theaetetus, said &#039;The experiment will show;&#039; and perhaps if we go forward in the search, we may stumble upon the thing which we are looking for; but if we stay where we are, nothing will come to light. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very true; let us go forward and try. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The trail soon comes to an end, for a whole profession is against us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: How is that, and what profession do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The profession of the great wise ones who are called orators and lawyers; for these persuade men by their art and make them think whatever they like, but they do not teach them. Do you imagine that there are any teachers in the world so clever as to be able to convince others of the truth about acts of robbery or violence, of which they were not eye-witnesses, while a little water is flowing in the clepsydra? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly not, they can only persuade them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And would you not say that persuading them is making them have an opinion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: To be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: When, therefore, judges are justly persuaded about matters which you can know only by seeing them, and not in any other way, and when thus judging of them from report they attain a true opinion about them, they judge without knowledge, and yet are rightly persuaded, if they have judged well. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And yet, O my friend, if true opinion in law courts and knowledge are the same, the perfect judge could not have judged rightly without knowledge; and therefore I must infer that they are not the same. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: That is a distinction, Socrates, which I have heard made by some one else, but I had forgotten it. He said that true opinion, combined with reason, was knowledge, but that the opinion which had no reason was out of the sphere of knowledge; and that things of which there is no rational account are not knowable&amp;amp;mdash;such was the singular expression which he used&amp;amp;mdash;and that things which have a reason or explanation are knowable. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Excellent; but then, how did he distinguish between things which are and are not &#039;knowable&#039;? I wish that you would repeat to me what he said, and then I shall know whether you and I have heard the same tale. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I do not know whether I can recall it; but if another person would tell me, I think that I could follow him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Let me give you, then, a dream in return for a dream:&amp;amp;mdash;Methought that I too had a dream, and I heard in my dream that the primeval letters or elements out of which you and I and all other things are compounded, have no reason or explanation; you can only name them, but no predicate can be either affirmed or denied of them, for in the one case existence, in the other non-existence is already implied, neither of which must be added, if you mean to speak of this or that thing by itself alone. It should not be called itself, or that, or each, or alone, or this, or the like; for these go about everywhere and are applied to all things, but are distinct from them; whereas, if the first elements could be described, and had a definition of their own, they would be spoken of apart from all else. But none of these primeval elements can be defined; they can only be named, for they have nothing but a name, and the things which are compounded of them, as they are complex, are expressed by a combination of names, for the combination of names is the essence of a definition. Thus, then, the elements or letters are only objects of perception, and cannot be defined or known; but the syllables or combinations of them are known and expressed, and are apprehended by true opinion. When, therefore, any one forms the true opinion of anything without rational explanation, you may say that his mind is truly exercised, but has no knowledge; for he who cannot give and receive a reason for a thing, has no knowledge of that thing; but when he adds rational explanation, then, he is perfected in knowledge and may be all that I have been denying of him. Was that the form in which the dream appeared to you? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Precisely. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And you allow and maintain that true opinion, combined with definition or rational explanation, is knowledge? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Exactly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then may we assume, Theaetetus, that to-day, and in this casual manner, we have found a truth which in former times many wise men have grown old and have not found? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: At any rate, Socrates, I am satisfied with the present statement. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Which is probably correct&amp;amp;mdash;for how can there be knowledge apart from definition and true opinion? And yet there is one point in what has been said which does not quite satisfy me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What was it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: What might seem to be the most ingenious notion of all:&amp;amp;mdash;That the elements or letters are unknown, but the combination or syllables known. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: And was that wrong? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: We shall soon know; for we have as hostages the instances which the author of the argument himself used. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What hostages? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The letters, which are the clements; and the syllables, which are the combinations;&amp;amp;mdash;he reasoned, did he not, from the letters of the alphabet? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes; he did. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Let us take them and put them to the test, or rather, test ourselves:&amp;amp;mdash;What was the way in which we learned letters? and, first of all, are we right in saying that syllables have a definition, but that letters have no definition? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I think so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I think so too; for, suppose that some one asks you to spell the first syllable of my name:&amp;amp;mdash;Theaetetus, he says, what is SO? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I should reply S and O. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: That is the definition which you would give of the syllable? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I should. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I wish that you would give me a similar definition of the S. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: But how can any one, Socrates, tell the elements of an element? I can only reply, that S is a consonant, a mere noise, as of the tongue hissing; B, and most other letters, again, are neither vowel-sounds nor noises. Thus letters may be most truly said to be undefined; for even the most distinct of them, which are the seven vowels, have a sound only, but no definition at all. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then, I suppose, my friend, that we have been so far right in our idea about knowledge? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes; I think that we have. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well, but have we been right in maintaining that the syllables can be known, but not the letters? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I think so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And do we mean by a syllable two letters, or if there are more, all of them, or a single idea which arises out of the combination of them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I should say that we mean all the letters. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Take the case of the two letters S and O, which form the first syllable of my own name; must not he who knows the syllable, know both of them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: He knows, that is, the S and O? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But can he be ignorant of either singly and yet know both together? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Such a supposition, Socrates, is monstrous and unmeaning. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But if he cannot know both without knowing each, then if he is ever to know the syllable, he must know the letters first; and thus the fine theory has again taken wings and departed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, with wonderful celerity. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Yes, we did not keep watch properly. Perhaps we ought to have maintained that a syllable is not the letters, but rather one single idea framed out of them, having a separate form distinct from them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very true; and a more likely notion than the other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Take care; let us not be cowards and betray a great and imposing theory. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: No, indeed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Let us assume then, as we now say, that the syllable is a simple form arising out of the several combinations of harmonious elements&amp;amp;mdash;of letters or of any other elements. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And it must have no parts. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Why? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Because that which has parts must be a whole of all the parts. Or would you say that a whole, although formed out of the parts, is a single notion different from all the parts? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I should. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And would you say that all and the whole are the same, or different? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I am not certain; but, as you like me to answer at once, I shall hazard the reply, that they are different. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I approve of your readiness, Theaetetus, but I must take time to think whether I equally approve of your answer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes; the answer is the point. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: According to this new view, the whole is supposed to differ from all? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well, but is there any difference between all (in the plural) and the all (in the singular)? Take the case of number:&amp;amp;mdash;When we say one, two, three, four, five, six; or when we say twice three, or three times two, or four and two, or three and two and one, are we speaking of the same or of different numbers? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Of the same. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: That is of six? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And in each form of expression we spoke of all the six? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Again, in speaking of all (in the plural) is there not one thing which we express? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Of course there is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And that is six? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then in predicating the word &#039;all&#039; of things measured by number, we predicate at the same time a singular and a plural? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Clearly we do. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Again, the number of the acre and the acre are the same; are they not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And the number of the stadium in like manner is the stadium? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And the army is the number of the army; and in all similar cases, the entire number of anything is the entire thing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And the number of each is the parts of each? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Exactly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then as many things as have parts are made up of parts? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But all the parts are admitted to be the all, if the entire number is the all? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then the whole is not made up of parts, for it would be the all, if consisting of all the parts? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: That is the inference. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But is a part a part of anything but the whole? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes, of the all. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: You make a valiant defence, Theaetetus. And yet is not the all that of which nothing is wanting? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And is not a whole likewise that from which nothing is absent? but that from which anything is absent is neither a whole nor all;&amp;amp;mdash;if wanting in anything, both equally lose their entirety of nature. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I now think that there is no difference between a whole and all. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But were we not saying that when a thing has parts, all the parts will be a whole and all? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then, as I was saying before, must not the alternative be that either the syllable is not the letters, and then the letters are not parts of the syllable, or that the syllable will be the same with the letters, and will therefore be equally known with them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: You are right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And, in order to avoid this, we suppose it to be different from them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But if letters are not parts of syllables, can you tell me of any other parts of syllables, which are not letters? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: No, indeed, Socrates; for if I admit the existence of parts in a syllable, it would be ridiculous in me to give up letters and seek for other parts. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Quite true, Theaetetus, and therefore, according to our present view, a syllable must surely be some indivisible form? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But do you remember, my friend, that only a little while ago we admitted and approved the statement, that of the first elements out of which all other things are compounded there could be no definition, because each of them when taken by itself is uncompounded; nor can one rightly attribute to them the words &#039;being&#039; or &#039;this,&#039; because they are alien and inappropriate words, and for this reason the letters or elements were indefinable and unknown? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I remember. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And is not this also the reason why they are simple and indivisible? I can see no other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: No other reason can be given. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then is not the syllable in the same case as the elements or letters, if it has no parts and is one form? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: To be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: If, then, a syllable is a whole, and has many parts or letters, the letters as well as the syllable must be intelligible and expressible, since all the parts are acknowledged to be the same as the whole? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But if it be one and indivisible, then the syllables and the letters are alike undefined and unknown, and for the same reason? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I cannot deny that. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: We cannot, therefore, agree in the opinion of him who says that the syllable can be known and expressed, but not the letters. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly not; if we may trust the argument. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well, but will you not be equally inclined to disagree with him, when you remember your own experience in learning to read? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What experience? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Why, that in learning you were kept trying to distinguish the separate letters both by the eye and by the ear, in order that, when you heard them spoken or saw them written, you might not be confused by their position. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And is the education of the harp-player complete unless he can tell what string answers to a particular note; the notes, as every one would allow, are the elements or letters of music? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Exactly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then, if we argue from the letters and syllables which we know to other simples and compounds, we shall say that the letters or simple elements as a class are much more certainly known than the syllables, and much more indispensable to a perfect knowledge of any subject; and if some one says that the syllable is known and the letter unknown, we shall consider that either intentionally or unintentionally he is talking nonsense? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Exactly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And there might be given other proofs of this belief, if I am not mistaken. But do not let us in looking for them lose sight of the question before us, which is the meaning of the statement, that right opinion with rational definition or explanation is the most perfect form of knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: We must not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well, and what is the meaning of the term &#039;explanation&#039;? I think that we have a choice of three meanings. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What are they? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: In the first place, the meaning may be, manifesting one&#039;s thought by the voice with verbs and nouns, imaging an opinion in the stream which flows from the lips, as in a mirror or water. Does not explanation appear to be of this nature? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly; he who so manifests his thought, is said to explain himself. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And every one who is not born deaf or dumb is able sooner or later to manifest what he thinks of anything; and if so, all those who have a right opinion about anything will also have right explanation; nor will right opinion be anywhere found to exist apart from knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Let us not, therefore, hastily charge him who gave this account of knowledge with uttering an unmeaning word; for perhaps he only intended to say, that when a person was asked what was the nature of anything, he should be able to answer his questioner by giving the elements of the thing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: As for example, Socrates...? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: As, for example, when Hesiod says that a waggon is made up of a hundred planks. Now, neither you nor I could describe all of them individually; but if any one asked what is a waggon, we should be content to answer, that a waggon consists of wheels, axle, body, rims, yoke. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And our opponent will probably laugh at us, just as he would if we professed to be grammarians and to give a grammatical account of the name of Theaetetus, and yet could only tell the syllables and not the letters of your name&amp;amp;mdash;that would be true opinion, and not knowledge; for knowledge, as has been already remarked, is not attained until, combined with true opinion, there is an enumeration of the elements out of which anything is composed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: In the same general way, we might also have true opinion about a waggon; but he who can describe its essence by an enumeration of the hundred planks, adds rational explanation to true opinion, and instead of opinion has art and knowledge of the nature of a waggon, in that he attains to the whole through the elements. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: And do you not agree in that view, Socrates? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: If you do, my friend; but I want to know first, whether you admit the resolution of all things into their elements to be a rational explanation of them, and the consideration of them in syllables or larger combinations of them to be irrational&amp;amp;mdash;is this your view? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Precisely. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well, and do you conceive that a man has knowledge of any element who at one time affirms and at another time denies that element of something, or thinks that the same thing is composed of different elements at different times? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Assuredly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And do you not remember that in your case and in that of others this often occurred in the process of learning to read? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: You mean that I mistook the letters and misspelt the syllables? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: To be sure; I perfectly remember, and I am very far from supposing that they who are in this condition have knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: When a person at the time of learning writes the name of Theaetetus, and thinks that he ought to write and does write Th and e; but, again, meaning to write the name of Theododorus, thinks that he ought to write and does write T and e&amp;amp;mdash;can we suppose that he knows the first syllables of your two names? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: We have already admitted that such a one has not yet attained knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And in like manner be may enumerate without knowing them the second and third and fourth syllables of your name? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: He may. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And in that case, when he knows the order of the letters and can write them out correctly, he has right opinion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But although we admit that he has right opinion, he will still be without knowledge? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And yet he will have explanation, as well as right opinion, for he knew the order of the letters when he wrote; and this we admit to be explanation. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then, my friend, there is such a thing as right opinion united with definition or explanation, which does not as yet attain to the exactness of knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: It would seem so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And what we fancied to be a perfect definition of knowledge is a dream only. But perhaps we had better not say so as yet, for were there not three explanations of knowledge, one of which must, as we said, be adopted by him who maintains knowledge to be true opinion combined with rational explanation? And very likely there may be found some one who will not prefer this but the third. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: You are quite right; there is still one remaining. The first was the image or expression of the mind in speech; the second, which has just been mentioned, is a way of reaching the whole by an enumeration of the elements. But what is the third definition? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: There is, further, the popular notion of telling the mark or sign of difference which distinguishes the thing in question from all others. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Can you give me any example of such a definition? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: As, for example, in the case of the sun, I think that you would be contented with the statement that the sun is the brightest of the heavenly bodies which revolve about the earth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Understand why:&amp;amp;mdash;the reason is, as I was just now saying, that if you get at the difference and distinguishing characteristic of each thing, then, as many persons affirm, you will get at the definition or explanation of it; but while you lay hold only of the common and not of the characteristic notion, you will only have the definition of those things to which this common quality belongs. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I understand you, and your account of definition is in my judgment correct. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But he, who having right opinion about anything, can find out the difference which distinguishes it from other things will know that of which before he had only an opinion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes; that is what we are maintaining. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Nevertheless, Theaetetus, on a nearer view, I find myself quite disappointed; the picture, which at a distance was not so bad, has now become altogether unintelligible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I will endeavour to explain: I will suppose myself to have true opinion of you, and if to this I add your definition, then I have knowledge, but if not, opinion only. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The definition was assumed to be the interpretation of your difference. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But when I had only opinion, I had no conception of your distinguishing characteristics. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I suppose not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then I must have conceived of some general or common nature which no more belonged to you than to another. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Tell me, now&amp;amp;mdash;How in that case could I have formed a judgment of you any more than of any one else? Suppose that I imagine Theaetetus to be a man who has nose, eyes, and mouth, and every other member complete; how would that enable me to distinguish Theaetetus from Theodorus, or from some outer barbarian? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: How could it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Or if I had further conceived of you, not only as having nose and eyes, but as having a snub nose and prominent eyes, should I have any more notion of you than of myself and others who resemble me? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Surely I can have no conception of Theaetetus until your snub-nosedness has left an impression on my mind different from the snub-nosedness of all others whom I have ever seen, and until your other peculiarities have a like distinctness; and so when I meet you to-morrow the right opinion will be re-called? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then right opinion implies the perception of differences? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: What, then, shall we say of adding reason or explanation to right opinion? If the meaning is, that we should form an opinion of the way in which something differs from another thing, the proposal is ridiculous. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: How so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: We are supposed to acquire a right opinion of the differences which distinguish one thing from another when we have already a right opinion of them, and so we go round and round:&amp;amp;mdash;the revolution of the scytal, or pestle, or any other rotatory machine, in the same circles, is as nothing compared with such a requirement; and we may be truly described as the blind directing the blind; for to add those things which we already have, in order that we may learn what we already think, is like a soul utterly benighted. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Tell me; what were you going to say just now, when you asked the question? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: If, my boy, the argument, in speaking of adding the definition, had used the word to &#039;know,&#039; and not merely &#039;have an opinion&#039; of the difference, this which is the most promising of all the definitions of knowledge would have come to a pretty end, for to know is surely to acquire knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And so, when the question is asked, What is knowledge? this fair argument will answer &#039;Right opinion with knowledge,&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;knowledge, that is, of difference, for this, as the said argument maintains, is adding the definition. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: That seems to be true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But how utterly foolish, when we are asking what is knowledge, that the reply should only be, right opinion with knowledge of difference or of anything! And so, Theaetetus, knowledge is neither sensation nor true opinion, nor yet definition and explanation accompanying and added to true opinion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I suppose not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And are you still in labour and travail, my dear friend, or have you brought all that you have to say about knowledge to the birth? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: I am sure, Socrates, that you have elicited from me a good deal more than ever was in me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And does not my art show that you have brought forth wind, and that the offspring of your brain are not worth bringing up? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; THEAETETUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But if, Theaetetus, you should ever conceive afresh, you will be all the better for the present investigation, and if not, you will be soberer and humbler and gentler to other men, and will be too modest to fancy that you know what you do not know. These are the limits of my art; I can no further go, nor do I know aught of the things which great and famous men know or have known in this or former ages. The office of a midwife I, like my mother, have received from God; she delivered women, I deliver men; but they must be young and noble and fair. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And now I have to go to the porch of the King Archon, where I am to meet Meletus and his indictment. To-morrow morning, Theodorus, I shall hope to see you again at this place. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
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	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Plato/Lysis&amp;diff=2847</id>
		<title>Texts:Plato/Lysis</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Plato/Lysis&amp;diff=2847"/>
		<updated>2025-12-26T19:45:23Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: Text replacement - &amp;quot;{{Top Texts}}&amp;quot; to &amp;quot;__NOTITLE__
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&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt; LYSIS &amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; By Plato &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt; Translated by Benjamin Jowett &amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt; Contents &amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#link2H_4_0002&amp;quot;&amp;gt; LYSIS, OR FRIENDSHIP &amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#link2H_4_0003&amp;quot;&amp;gt; PERSONS OF THE DIALOGUE &amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; INTRODUCTION. &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — No answer is given in the Lysis to the question, &#039;What is Friendship?&#039; any more than in the Charmides to the question, &#039;What is Temperance?&#039; There are several resemblances in the two Dialogues: the same youthfulness and sense of beauty pervades both of them; they are alike rich in the description of Greek life. The question is again raised of the relation of knowledge to virtue and good, which also recurs in the Laches; and Socrates appears again as the elder friend of the two boys, Lysis and Menexenus. In the Charmides, as also in the Laches, he is described as middle-aged; in the Lysis he is advanced in years. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The Dialogue consists of two scenes or conversations which seem to have no relation to each other. The first is a conversation between Socrates and Lysis, who, like Charmides, is an Athenian youth of noble descent and of great beauty, goodness, and intelligence: this is carried on in the absence of Menexenus, who is called away to take part in a sacrifice. Socrates asks Lysis whether his father and mother do not love him very much? &#039;To be sure they do.&#039; &#039;Then of course they allow him to do exactly as he likes.&#039; &#039;Of course not: the very slaves have more liberty than he has.&#039; &#039;But how is this?&#039; &#039;The reason is that he is not old enough.&#039; &#039;No; the real reason is that he is not wise enough: for are there not some things which he is allowed to do, although he is not allowed to do others?&#039; &#039;Yes, because he knows them, and does not know the others.&#039; This leads to the conclusion that all men everywhere will trust him in what he knows, but not in what he does not know; for in such matters he will be unprofitable to them, and do them no good. And no one will love him, if he does them no good; and he can only do them good by knowledge; and as he is still without knowledge, he can have as yet no conceit of knowledge. In this manner Socrates reads a lesson to Hippothales, the foolish lover of Lysis, respecting the style of conversation which he should address to his beloved. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — After the return of Menexenus, Socrates, at the request of Lysis, asks him a new question: &#039;What is friendship? You, Menexenus, who have a friend already, can tell me, who am always longing to find one, what is the secret of this great blessing.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — When one man loves another, which is the friend&amp;amp;mdash;he who loves, or he who is loved? Or are both friends? From the first of these suppositions they are driven to the second; and from the second to the third; and neither the two boys nor Socrates are satisfied with any of the three or with all of them. Socrates turns to the poets, who affirm that God brings like to like (Homer), and to philosophers (Empedocles), who also assert that like is the friend of like. But the bad are not friends, for they are not even like themselves, and still less are they like one another. And the good have no need of one another, and therefore do not care about one another. Moreover there are others who say that likeness is a cause of aversion, and unlikeness of love and friendship; and they too adduce the authority of poets and philosophers in support of their doctrines; for Hesiod says that &#039;potter is jealous of potter, bard of bard;&#039; and subtle doctors tell us that &#039;moist is the friend of dry, hot of cold,&#039; and the like. But neither can their doctrine be maintained; for then the just would be the friend of the unjust, good of evil. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Thus we arrive at the conclusion that like is not the friend of like, nor unlike of unlike; and therefore good is not the friend of good, nor evil of evil, nor good of evil, nor evil of good. What remains but that the indifferent, which is neither good nor evil, should be the friend (not of the indifferent, for that would be &#039;like the friend of like,&#039; but) of the good, or rather of the beautiful? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But why should the indifferent have this attachment to the beautiful or good? There are circumstances under which such an attachment would be natural. Suppose the indifferent, say the human body, to be desirous of getting rid of some evil, such as disease, which is not essential but only accidental to it (for if the evil were essential the body would cease to be indifferent, and would become evil)&amp;amp;mdash;in such a case the indifferent becomes a friend of the good for the sake of getting rid of the evil. In this intermediate &#039;indifferent&#039; position the philosopher or lover of wisdom stands: he is not wise, and yet not unwise, but he has ignorance accidentally clinging to him, and he yearns for wisdom as the cure of the evil. (Symp.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — After this explanation has been received with triumphant accord, a fresh dissatisfaction begins to steal over the mind of Socrates: Must not friendship be for the sake of some ulterior end? and what can that final cause or end of friendship be, other than the good? But the good is desired by us only as the cure of evil; and therefore if there were no evil there would be no friendship. Some other explanation then has to be devised. May not desire be the source of friendship? And desire is of what a man wants and of what is congenial to him. But then the congenial cannot be the same as the like; for like, as has been already shown, cannot be the friend of like. Nor can the congenial be the good; for good is not the friend of good, as has been also shown. The problem is unsolved, and the three friends, Socrates, Lysis, and Menexenus, are still unable to find out what a friend is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Thus, as in the Charmides and Laches, and several of the other Dialogues of Plato (compare especially the Protagoras and Theaetetus), no conclusion is arrived at. Socrates maintains his character of a &#039;know nothing;&#039; but the boys have already learned the lesson which he is unable to teach them, and they are free from the conceit of knowledge. (Compare Chrm.) The dialogue is what would be called in the language of Thrasyllus tentative or inquisitive. The subject is continued in the Phaedrus and Symposium, and treated, with a manifest reference to the Lysis, in the eighth and ninth books of the Nicomachean Ethics of Aristotle. As in other writings of Plato (for example, the Republic), there is a progress from unconscious morality, illustrated by the friendship of the two youths, and also by the sayings of the poets (&#039;who are our fathers in wisdom,&#039; and yet only tell us half the truth, and in this particular instance are not much improved upon by the philosophers), to a more comprehensive notion of friendship. This, however, is far from being cleared of its perplexity. Two notions appear to be struggling or balancing in the mind of Socrates:&amp;amp;mdash;First, the sense that friendship arises out of human needs and wants; Secondly, that the higher form or ideal of friendship exists only for the sake of the good. That friends are not necessarily either like or unlike, is also a truth confirmed by experience. But the use of the terms &#039;like&#039; or &#039;good&#039; is too strictly limited; Socrates has allowed himself to be carried away by a sort of eristic or illogical logic against which no definition of friendship would be able to stand. In the course of the argument he makes a distinction between property and accident which is a real contribution to the science of logic. Some higher truths appear through the mist. The manner in which the field of argument is widened, as in the Charmides and Laches by the introduction of the idea of knowledge, so here by the introduction of the good, is deserving of attention. The sense of the inter-dependence of good and evil, and the allusion to the possibility of the non-existence of evil, are also very remarkable. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The dialectical interest is fully sustained by the dramatic accompaniments. Observe, first, the scene, which is a Greek Palaestra, at a time when a sacrifice is going on, and the Hermaea are in course of celebration; secondly, the &#039;accustomed irony&#039; of Socrates, who declares, as in the Symposium, that he is ignorant of all other things, but claims to have a knowledge of the mysteries of love. There are likewise several contrasts of character; first of the dry, caustic Ctesippus, of whom Socrates professes a humorous sort of fear, and Hippothales the flighty lover, who murders sleep by bawling out the name of his beloved; there is also a contrast between the false, exaggerated, sentimental love of Hippothales towards Lysis, and the childlike and innocent friendship of the boys with one another. Some difference appears to be intended between the characters of the more talkative Menexenus and the reserved and simple Lysis. Socrates draws out the latter by a new sort of irony, which is sometimes adopted in talking to children, and consists in asking a leading question which can only be answered in a sense contrary to the intention of the question: &#039;Your father and mother of course allow you to drive the chariot?&#039; &#039;No they do not.&#039; When Menexenus returns, the serious dialectic begins. He is described as &#039;very pugnacious,&#039; and we are thus prepared for the part which a mere youth takes in a difficult argument. But Plato has not forgotten dramatic propriety, and Socrates proposes at last to refer the question to some older person. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOME QUESTIONS RELATING TO FRIENDSHIP. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The subject of friendship has a lower place in the modern than in the ancient world, partly because a higher place is assigned by us to love and marriage. The very meaning of the word has become slighter and more superficial; it seems almost to be borrowed from the ancients, and has nearly disappeared in modern treatises on Moral Philosophy. The received examples of friendship are to be found chiefly among the Greeks and Romans. Hence the casuistical or other questions which arise out of the relations of friends have not often been considered seriously in modern times. Many of them will be found to be the same which are discussed in the Lysis. We may ask with Socrates, 1) whether friendship is &#039;of similars or dissimilars,&#039; or of both; 2) whether such a tie exists between the good only and for the sake of the good; or 3) whether there may not be some peculiar attraction, which draws together &#039;the neither good nor evil&#039; for the sake of the good and because of the evil; 4) whether friendship is always mutual,&amp;amp;mdash;may there not be a one-sided and unrequited friendship? This question, which, like many others, is only one of a laxer or stricter use of words, seems to have greatly exercised the minds both of Aristotle and Plato. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 5) Can we expect friendship to be permanent, or must we acknowledge with Cicero, &#039;Nihil difficilius quam amicitiam usque ad extremum vitae permanere&#039;? Is not friendship, even more than love, liable to be swayed by the caprices of fancy? The person who pleased us most at first sight or upon a slight acquaintance, when we have seen him again, and under different circumstances, may make a much less favourable impression on our minds. Young people swear &#039;eternal friendships,&#039; but at these innocent perjuries their elders laugh. No one forms a friendship with the intention of renouncing it; yet in the course of a varied life it is practically certain that many changes will occur of feeling, opinion, locality, occupation, fortune, which will divide us from some persons and unite us to others. 6) There is an ancient saying, Qui amicos amicum non habet. But is not some less exclusive form of friendship better suited to the condition and nature of man? And in those especially who have no family ties, may not the feeling pass beyond one or a few, and embrace all with whom we come into contact, and, perhaps in a few passionate and exalted natures, all men everywhere? 7) The ancients had their three kinds of friendship, &#039;for the sake of the pleasant, the useful, and the good:&#039; is the last to be resolved into the two first; or are the two first to be included in the last? The subject was puzzling to them: they could not say that friendship was only a quality, or a relation, or a virtue, or a kind of virtue; and they had not in the age of Plato reached the point of regarding it, like justice, as a form or attribute of virtue. They had another perplexity: 8) How could one of the noblest feelings of human nature be so near to one of the most detestable corruptions of it? (Compare Symposium; Laws). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Leaving the Greek or ancient point of view, we may regard the question in a more general way. Friendship is the union of two persons in mutual affection and remembrance of one another. The friend can do for his friend what he cannot do for himself. He can give him counsel in time of difficulty; he can teach him &#039;to see himself as others see him&#039;; he can stand by him, when all the world are against him; he can gladden and enlighten him by his presence; he &#039;can divide his sorrows,&#039; he can &#039;double his joys;&#039; he can anticipate his wants. He will discover ways of helping him without creating a sense of his own superiority; he will find out his mental trials, but only that he may minister to them. Among true friends jealousy has no place: they do not complain of one another for making new friends, or for not revealing some secret of their lives; (in friendship too there must be reserves;) they do not intrude upon one another, and they mutually rejoice in any good which happens to either of them, though it may be to the loss of the other. They may live apart and have little intercourse, but when they meet, the old tie is as strong as ever&amp;amp;mdash;according to the common saying, they find one another always the same. The greatest good of friendship is not daily intercourse, for circumstances rarely admit of this; but on the great occasions of life, when the advice of a friend is needed, then the word spoken in season about conduct, about health, about marriage, about business,&amp;amp;mdash;the letter written from a distance by a disinterested person who sees with clearer eyes may be of inestimable value. When the heart is failing and despair is setting in, then to hear the voice or grasp the hand of a friend, in a shipwreck, in a defeat, in some other failure or misfortune, may restore the necessary courage and composure to the paralysed and disordered mind, and convert the feeble person into a hero; (compare Symposium). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — It is true that friendships are apt to be disappointing: either we expect too much from them; or we are indolent and do not &#039;keep them in repair;&#039; or being admitted to intimacy with another, we see his faults too clearly and lose our respect for him; and he loses his affection for us. Friendships may be too violent; and they may be too sensitive. The egotism of one of the parties may be too much for the other. The word of counsel or sympathy has been uttered too obtrusively, at the wrong time, or in the wrong manner; or the need of it has not been perceived until too late. &#039;Oh if he had only told me&#039; has been the silent thought of many a troubled soul. And some things have to be indicated rather than spoken, because the very mention of them tends to disturb the equability of friendship. The alienation of friends, like many other human evils, is commonly due to a want of tact and insight. There is not enough of the Scimus et hanc veniam petimusque damusque vicissim. The sweet draught of sympathy is not inexhaustible; and it tends to weaken the person who too freely partakes of it. Thus we see that there are many causes which impair the happiness of friends. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — We may expect a friendship almost divine, such as philosophers have sometimes dreamed of: we find what is human. The good of it is necessarily limited; it does not take the place of marriage; it affords rather a solace than an arm of support. It had better not be based on pecuniary obligations; these more often mar than make a friendship. It is most likely to be permanent when the two friends are equal and independent, or when they are engaged together in some common work or have some public interest in common. It exists among the bad or inferior sort of men almost as much as among the good; the bad and good, and &#039;the neither bad nor good,&#039; are drawn together in a strange manner by personal attachment. The essence of it is loyalty, without which it would cease to be friendship. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Another question 9) may be raised, whether friendship can safely exist between young persons of different sexes, not connected by ties of relationship, and without the thought of love or marriage; whether, again, a wife or a husband should have any intimate friend, besides his or her partner in marriage. The answer to this latter question is rather perplexing, and would probably be different in different countries (compare Sympos.). While we do not deny that great good may result from such attachments, for the mind may be drawn out and the character enlarged by them; yet we feel also that they are attended with many dangers, and that this Romance of Heavenly Love requires a strength, a freedom from passion, a self-control, which, in youth especially, are rarely to be found. The propriety of such friendships must be estimated a good deal by the manner in which public opinion regards them; they must be reconciled with the ordinary duties of life; and they must be justified by the result. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yet another question, 10). Admitting that friendships cannot be always permanent, we may ask when and upon what conditions should they be dissolved. It would be futile to retain the name when the reality has ceased to be. That two friends should part company whenever the relation between them begins to drag may be better for both of them. But then arises the consideration, how should these friends in youth or friends of the past regard or be regarded by one another? They are parted, but there still remain duties mutually owing by them. They will not admit the world to share in their difference any more than in their friendship; the memory of an old attachment, like the memory of the dead, has a kind of sacredness for them on which they will not allow others to intrude. Neither, if they were ever worthy to bear the name of friends, will either of them entertain any enmity or dislike of the other who was once so much to him. Neither will he by &#039;shadowed hint reveal&#039; the secrets great or small which an unfortunate mistake has placed within his reach. He who is of a noble mind will dwell upon his own faults rather than those of another, and will be ready to take upon himself the blame of their separation. He will feel pain at the loss of a friend; and he will remember with gratitude his ancient kindness. But he will not lightly renew a tie which has not been lightly broken...These are a few of the Problems of Friendship, some of them suggested by the Lysis, others by modern life, which he who wishes to make or keep a friend may profitably study. (Compare Bacon, Essay on Friendship; Cic. de Amicitia.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt; Socrates, who is the narrator, Menexenus, Hippothales, Lysis, Ctesippus. &amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SCENE: A newly-erected Palaestra outside the walls of Athens. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I was going from the Academy straight to the Lyceum, intending to take the outer road, which is close under the wall. When I came to the postern gate of the city, which is by the fountain of Panops, I fell in with Hippothales, the son of Hieronymus, and Ctesippus the Paeanian, and a company of young men who were standing with them. Hippothales, seeing me approach, asked whence I came and whither I was going. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I am going, I replied, from the Academy straight to the Lyceum. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then come straight to us, he said, and put in here; you may as well. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Who are you, I said; and where am I to come? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He showed me an enclosed space and an open door over against the wall. And there, he said, is the building at which we all meet: and a goodly company we are. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And what is this building, I asked; and what sort of entertainment have you? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The building, he replied, is a newly erected Palaestra; and the entertainment is generally conversation, to which you are welcome. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Thank you, I said; and is there any teacher there? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, he said, your old friend and admirer, Miccus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Indeed, I replied; he is a very eminent professor. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Are you disposed, he said, to go with me and see them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, I said; but I should like to know first, what is expected of me, and who is the favourite among you? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Some persons have one favourite, Socrates, and some another, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And who is yours? I asked: tell me that, Hippothales. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — At this he blushed; and I said to him, O Hippothales, thou son of Hieronymus! do not say that you are, or that you are not, in love; the confession is too late; for I see that you are not only in love, but are already far gone in your love. Simple and foolish as I am, the Gods have given me the power of understanding affections of this kind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Whereupon he blushed more and more. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Ctesippus said: I like to see you blushing, Hippothales, and hesitating to tell Socrates the name; when, if he were with you but for a very short time, you would have plagued him to death by talking about nothing else. Indeed, Socrates, he has literally deafened us, and stopped our ears with the praises of Lysis; and if he is a little intoxicated, there is every likelihood that we may have our sleep murdered with a cry of Lysis. His performances in prose are bad enough, but nothing at all in comparison with his verse; and when he drenches us with his poems and other compositions, it is really too bad; and worse still is his manner of singing them to his love; he has a voice which is truly appalling, and we cannot help hearing him: and now having a question put to him by you, behold he is blushing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Who is Lysis? I said: I suppose that he must be young; for the name does not recall any one to me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Why, he said, his father being a very well-known man, he retains his patronymic, and is not as yet commonly called by his own name; but, although you do not know his name, I am sure that you must know his face, for that is quite enough to distinguish him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But tell me whose son he is, I said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He is the eldest son of Democrates, of the deme of Aexone. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Ah, Hippothales, I said; what a noble and really perfect love you have found! I wish that you would favour me with the exhibition which you have been making to the rest of the company, and then I shall be able to judge whether you know what a lover ought to say about his love, either to the youth himself, or to others. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Nay, Socrates, he said; you surely do not attach any importance to what he is saying. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Do you mean, I said, that you disown the love of the person whom he says that you love? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — No; but I deny that I make verses or address compositions to him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He is not in his right mind, said Ctesippus; he is talking nonsense, and is stark mad. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — O Hippothales, I said, if you have ever made any verses or songs in honour of your favourite, I do not want to hear them; but I want to know the purport of them, that I may be able to judge of your mode of approaching your fair one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Ctesippus will be able to tell you, he said; for if, as he avers, the sound of my words is always dinning in his ears, he must have a very accurate knowledge and recollection of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, indeed, said Ctesippus; I know only too well; and very ridiculous the tale is: for although he is a lover, and very devotedly in love, he has nothing particular to talk about to his beloved which a child might not say. Now is not that ridiculous? He can only speak of the wealth of Democrates, which the whole city celebrates, and grandfather Lysis, and the other ancestors of the youth, and their stud of horses, and their victory at the Pythian games, and at the Isthmus, and at Nemea with four horses and single horses&amp;amp;mdash;these are the tales which he composes and repeats. And there is greater twaddle still. Only the day before yesterday he made a poem in which he described the entertainment of Heracles, who was a connexion of the family, setting forth how in virtue of this relationship he was hospitably received by an ancestor of Lysis; this ancestor was himself begotten of Zeus by the daughter of the founder of the deme. And these are the sort of old wives&#039; tales which he sings and recites to us, and we are obliged to listen to him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — When I heard this, I said: O ridiculous Hippothales! how can you be making and singing hymns in honour of yourself before you have won? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But my songs and verses, he said, are not in honour of myself, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — You think not? I said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Nay, but what do you think? he replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Most assuredly, I said, those songs are all in your own honour; for if you win your beautiful love, your discourses and songs will be a glory to you, and may be truly regarded as hymns of praise composed in honour of you who have conquered and won such a love; but if he slips away from you, the more you have praised him, the more ridiculous you will look at having lost this fairest and best of blessings; and therefore the wise lover does not praise his beloved until he has won him, because he is afraid of accidents. There is also another danger; the fair, when any one praises or magnifies them, are filled with the spirit of pride and vain-glory. Do you not agree with me? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And the more vain-glorious they are, the more difficult is the capture of them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I believe you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — What should you say of a hunter who frightened away his prey, and made the capture of the animals which he is hunting more difficult? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He would be a bad hunter, undoubtedly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes; and if, instead of soothing them, he were to infuriate them with words and songs, that would show a great want of wit: do you not agree. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And now reflect, Hippothales, and see whether you are not guilty of all these errors in writing poetry. For I can hardly suppose that you will affirm a man to be a good poet who injures himself by his poetry. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Assuredly not, he said; such a poet would be a fool. And this is the reason why I take you into my counsels, Socrates, and I shall be glad of any further advice which you may have to offer. Will you tell me by what words or actions I may become endeared to my love? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That is not easy to determine, I said; but if you will bring your love to me, and will let me talk with him, I may perhaps be able to show you how to converse with him, instead of singing and reciting in the fashion of which you are accused. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There will be no difficulty in bringing him, he replied; if you will only go with Ctesippus into the Palaestra, and sit down and talk, I believe that he will come of his own accord; for he is fond of listening, Socrates. And as this is the festival of the Hermaea, the young men and boys are all together, and there is no separation between them. He will be sure to come: but if he does not, Ctesippus with whom he is familiar, and whose relation Menexenus is his great friend, shall call him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That will be the way, I said. Thereupon I led Ctesippus into the Palaestra, and the rest followed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Upon entering we found that the boys had just been sacrificing; and this part of the festival was nearly at an end. They were all in their white array, and games at dice were going on among them. Most of them were in the outer court amusing themselves; but some were in a corner of the Apodyterium playing at odd and even with a number of dice, which they took out of little wicker baskets. There was also a circle of lookers-on; among them was Lysis. He was standing with the other boys and youths, having a crown upon his head, like a fair vision, and not less worthy of praise for his goodness than for his beauty. We left them, and went over to the opposite side of the room, where, finding a quiet place, we sat down; and then we began to talk. This attracted Lysis, who was constantly turning round to look at us&amp;amp;mdash;he was evidently wanting to come to us. For a time he hesitated and had not the courage to come alone; but first of all, his friend Menexenus, leaving his play, entered the Palaestra from the court, and when he saw Ctesippus and myself, was going to take a seat by us; and then Lysis, seeing him, followed, and sat down by his side; and the other boys joined. I should observe that Hippothales, when he saw the crowd, got behind them, where he thought that he would be out of sight of Lysis, lest he should anger him; and there he stood and listened. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I turned to Menexenus, and said: Son of Demophon, which of you two youths is the elder? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That is a matter of dispute between us, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And which is the nobler? Is that also a matter of dispute? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And another disputed point is, which is the fairer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The two boys laughed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I shall not ask which is the richer of the two, I said; for you are friends, are you not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly, they replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And friends have all things in common, so that one of you can be no richer than the other, if you say truly that you are friends. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — They assented. I was about to ask which was the juster of the two, and which was the wiser of the two; but at this moment Menexenus was called away by some one who came and said that the gymnastic-master wanted him. I supposed that he had to offer sacrifice. So he went away, and I asked Lysis some more questions. I dare say, Lysis, I said, that your father and mother love you very much. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And they would wish you to be perfectly happy. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But do you think that any one is happy who is in the condition of a slave, and who cannot do what he likes? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I should think not indeed, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And if your father and mother love you, and desire that you should be happy, no one can doubt that they are very ready to promote your happiness. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly, he replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And do they then permit you to do what you like, and never rebuke you or hinder you from doing what you desire? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, indeed, Socrates; there are a great many things which they hinder me from doing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — What do you mean? I said. Do they want you to be happy, and yet hinder you from doing what you like? for example, if you want to mount one of your father&#039;s chariots, and take the reins at a race, they will not allow you to do so&amp;amp;mdash;they will prevent you? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly, he said, they will not allow me to do so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Whom then will they allow? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There is a charioteer, whom my father pays for driving. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And do they trust a hireling more than you? and may he do what he likes with the horses? and do they pay him for this? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — They do. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But I dare say that you may take the whip and guide the mule-cart if you like;&amp;amp;mdash;they will permit that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Permit me! indeed they will not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then, I said, may no one use the whip to the mules? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, he said, the muleteer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And is he a slave or a free man? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — A slave, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And do they esteem a slave of more value than you who are their son? And do they entrust their property to him rather than to you? and allow him to do what he likes, when they prohibit you? Answer me now: Are you your own master, or do they not even allow that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Nay, he said; of course they do not allow it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then you have a master? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, my tutor; there he is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And is he a slave? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — To be sure; he is our slave, he replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Surely, I said, this is a strange thing, that a free man should be governed by a slave. And what does he do with you? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He takes me to my teachers. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — You do not mean to say that your teachers also rule over you? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Of course they do. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then I must say that your father is pleased to inflict many lords and masters on you. But at any rate when you go home to your mother, she will let you have your own way, and will not interfere with your happiness; her wool, or the piece of cloth which she is weaving, are at your disposal: I am sure that there is nothing to hinder you from touching her wooden spathe, or her comb, or any other of her spinning implements. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Nay, Socrates, he replied, laughing; not only does she hinder me, but I should be beaten if I were to touch one of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Well, I said, this is amazing. And did you ever behave ill to your father or your mother? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — No, indeed, he replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But why then are they so terribly anxious to prevent you from being happy, and doing as you like?&amp;amp;mdash;keeping you all day long in subjection to another, and, in a word, doing nothing which you desire; so that you have no good, as would appear, out of their great possessions, which are under the control of anybody rather than of you, and have no use of your own fair person, which is tended and taken care of by another; while you, Lysis, are master of nobody, and can do nothing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Why, he said, Socrates, the reason is that I am not of age. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I doubt whether that is the real reason, I said; for I should imagine that your father Democrates, and your mother, do permit you to do many things already, and do not wait until you are of age: for example, if they want anything read or written, you, I presume, would be the first person in the house who is summoned by them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And you would be allowed to write or read the letters in any order which you please, or to take up the lyre and tune the notes, and play with the fingers, or strike with the plectrum, exactly as you please, and neither father nor mother would interfere with you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That is true, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then what can be the reason, Lysis, I said, why they allow you to do the one and not the other? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I suppose, he said, because I understand the one, and not the other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, my dear youth, I said, the reason is not any deficiency of years, but a deficiency of knowledge; and whenever your father thinks that you are wiser than he is, he will instantly commit himself and his possessions to you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I think so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Aye, I said; and about your neighbour, too, does not the same rule hold as about your father? If he is satisfied that you know more of housekeeping than he does, will he continue to administer his affairs himself, or will he commit them to you? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I think that he will commit them to me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Will not the Athenian people, too, entrust their affairs to you when they see that you have wisdom enough to manage them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And oh! let me put another case, I said: There is the great king, and he has an eldest son, who is the Prince of Asia;&amp;amp;mdash;suppose that you and I go to him and establish to his satisfaction that we are better cooks than his son, will he not entrust to us the prerogative of making soup, and putting in anything that we like while the pot is boiling, rather than to the Prince of Asia, who is his son? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — To us, clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And we shall be allowed to throw in salt by handfuls, whereas the son will not be allowed to put in as much as he can take up between his fingers? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Or suppose again that the son has bad eyes, will he allow him, or will he not allow him, to touch his own eyes if he thinks that he has no knowledge of medicine? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He will not allow him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Whereas, if he supposes us to have a knowledge of medicine, he will allow us to do what we like with him&amp;amp;mdash;even to open the eyes wide and sprinkle ashes upon them, because he supposes that we know what is best? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That is true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And everything in which we appear to him to be wiser than himself or his son he will commit to us? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That is very true, Socrates, he replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then now, my dear Lysis, I said, you perceive that in things which we know every one will trust us,&amp;amp;mdash;Hellenes and barbarians, men and women,&amp;amp;mdash;and we may do as we please about them, and no one will like to interfere with us; we shall be free, and masters of others; and these things will be really ours, for we shall be benefited by them. But in things of which we have no understanding, no one will trust us to do as seems good to us&amp;amp;mdash;they will hinder us as far as they can; and not only strangers, but father and mother, and the friend, if there be one, who is dearer still, will also hinder us; and we shall be subject to others; and these things will not be ours, for we shall not be benefited by them. Do you agree? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He assented. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And shall we be friends to others, and will any others love us, in as far as we are useless to them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Neither can your father or mother love you, nor can anybody love anybody else, in so far as they are useless to them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And therefore, my boy, if you are wise, all men will be your friends and kindred, for you will be useful and good; but if you are not wise, neither father, nor mother, nor kindred, nor any one else, will be your friends. And in matters of which you have as yet no knowledge, can you have any conceit of knowledge? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That is impossible, he replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And you, Lysis, if you require a teacher, have not yet attained to wisdom. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And therefore you are not conceited, having nothing of which to be conceited. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Indeed, Socrates, I think not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — When I heard him say this, I turned to Hippothales, and was very nearly making a blunder, for I was going to say to him: That is the way, Hippothales, in which you should talk to your beloved, humbling and lowering him, and not as you do, puffing him up and spoiling him. But I saw that he was in great excitement and confusion at what had been said, and I remembered that, although he was in the neighbourhood, he did not want to be seen by Lysis; so upon second thoughts I refrained. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In the meantime Menexenus came back and sat down in his place by Lysis; and Lysis, in a childish and affectionate manner, whispered privately in my ear, so that Menexenus should not hear: Do, Socrates, tell Menexenus what you have been telling me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Suppose that you tell him yourself, Lysis, I replied; for I am sure that you were attending. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly, he replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Try, then, to remember the words, and be as exact as you can in repeating them to him, and if you have forgotten anything, ask me again the next time that you see me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I will be sure to do so, Socrates; but go on telling him something new, and let me hear, as long as I am allowed to stay. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I certainly cannot refuse, I said, since you ask me; but then, as you know, Menexenus is very pugnacious, and therefore you must come to the rescue if he attempts to upset me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, indeed, he said; he is very pugnacious, and that is the reason why I want you to argue with him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That I may make a fool of myself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — No, indeed, he said; but I want you to put him down. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That is no easy matter, I replied; for he is a terrible fellow&amp;amp;mdash;a pupil of Ctesippus. And there is Ctesippus himself: do you see him? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Never mind, Socrates, you shall argue with him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Well, I suppose that I must, I replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Hereupon Ctesippus complained that we were talking in secret, and keeping the feast to ourselves. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I shall be happy, I said, to let you have a share. Here is Lysis, who does not understand something that I was saying, and wants me to ask Menexenus, who, as he thinks, is likely to know. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And why do you not ask him? he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very well, I said, I will; and do you, Menexenus, answer. But first I must tell you that I am one who from my childhood upward have set my heart upon a certain thing. All people have their fancies; some desire horses, and others dogs; and some are fond of gold, and others of honour. Now, I have no violent desire of any of these things; but I have a passion for friends; and I would rather have a good friend than the best cock or quail in the world: I would even go further, and say the best horse or dog. Yea, by the dog of Egypt, I should greatly prefer a real friend to all the gold of Darius, or even to Darius himself: I am such a lover of friends as that. And when I see you and Lysis, at your early age, so easily possessed of this treasure, and so soon, he of you, and you of him, I am amazed and delighted, seeing that I myself, although I am now advanced in years, am so far from having made a similar acquisition, that I do not even know in what way a friend is acquired. But I want to ask you a question about this, for you have experience: tell me then, when one loves another, is the lover or the beloved the friend; or may either be the friend? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Either may, I should think, be the friend of either. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Do you mean, I said, that if only one of them loves the other, they are mutual friends? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, he said; that is my meaning. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But what if the lover is not loved in return? which is a very possible case. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Or is, perhaps, even hated? which is a fancy which sometimes is entertained by lovers respecting their beloved. Nothing can exceed their love; and yet they imagine either that they are not loved in return, or that they are hated. Is not that true? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, he said, quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In that case, the one loves, and the other is loved? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then which is the friend of which? Is the lover the friend of the beloved, whether he be loved in return, or hated; or is the beloved the friend; or is there no friendship at all on either side, unless they both love one another? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There would seem to be none at all. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then this notion is not in accordance with our previous one. We were saying that both were friends, if one only loved; but now, unless they both love, neither is a friend. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That appears to be true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then nothing which does not love in return is beloved by a lover? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I think not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then they are not lovers of horses, whom the horses do not love in return; nor lovers of quails, nor of dogs, nor of wine, nor of gymnastic exercises, who have no return of love; no, nor of wisdom, unless wisdom loves them in return. Or shall we say that they do love them, although they are not beloved by them; and that the poet was wrong who sings&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;Happy the man to whom his children are dear, and steeds having single hoofs, and dogs of chase, and the stranger of another land&#039;? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I do not think that he was wrong. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — You think that he is right? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then, Menexenus, the conclusion is, that what is beloved, whether loving or hating, may be dear to the lover of it: for example, very young children, too young to love, or even hating their father or mother when they are punished by them, are never dearer to them than at the time when they are being hated by them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I think that what you say is true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And, if so, not the lover, but the beloved, is the friend or dear one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And the hated one, and not the hater, is the enemy? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then many men are loved by their enemies, and hated by their friends, and are the friends of their enemies, and the enemies of their friends. Yet how absurd, my dear friend, or indeed impossible is this paradox of a man being an enemy to his friend or a friend to his enemy. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I quite agree, Socrates, in what you say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But if this cannot be, the lover will be the friend of that which is loved? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And the hater will be the enemy of that which is hated? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yet we must acknowledge in this, as in the preceding instance, that a man may be the friend of one who is not his friend, or who may be his enemy, when he loves that which does not love him or which even hates him. And he may be the enemy of one who is not his enemy, and is even his friend: for example, when he hates that which does not hate him, or which even loves him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That appears to be true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But if the lover is not a friend, nor the beloved a friend, nor both together, what are we to say? Whom are we to call friends to one another? Do any remain? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Indeed, Socrates, I cannot find any. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But, O Menexenus! I said, may we not have been altogether wrong in our conclusions? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I am sure that we have been wrong, Socrates, said Lysis. And he blushed as he spoke, the words seeming to come from his lips involuntarily, because his whole mind was taken up with the argument; there was no mistaking his attentive look while he was listening. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I was pleased at the interest which was shown by Lysis, and I wanted to give Menexenus a rest, so I turned to him and said, I think, Lysis, that what you say is true, and that, if we had been right, we should never have gone so far wrong; let us proceed no further in this direction (for the road seems to be getting troublesome), but take the other path into which we turned, and see what the poets have to say; for they are to us in a manner the fathers and authors of wisdom, and they speak of friends in no light or trivial manner, but God himself, as they say, makes them and draws them to one another; and this they express, if I am not mistaken, in the following words:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;God is ever drawing like towards like, and making them acquainted.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I dare say that you have heard those words. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, he said; I have. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And have you not also met with the treatises of philosophers who say that like must love like? they are the people who argue and write about nature and the universe. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true, he replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And are they right in saying this? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — They may be. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Perhaps, I said, about half, or possibly, altogether, right, if their meaning were rightly apprehended by us. For the more a bad man has to do with a bad man, and the more nearly he is brought into contact with him, the more he will be likely to hate him, for he injures him; and injurer and injured cannot be friends. Is not that true? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then one half of the saying is untrue, if the wicked are like one another? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That is true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But the real meaning of the saying, as I imagine, is, that the good are like one another, and friends to one another; and that the bad, as is often said of them, are never at unity with one another or with themselves; for they are passionate and restless, and anything which is at variance and enmity with itself is not likely to be in union or harmony with any other thing. Do you not agree? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, I do. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then, my friend, those who say that the like is friendly to the like mean to intimate, if I rightly apprehend them, that the good only is the friend of the good, and of him only; but that the evil never attains to any real friendship, either with good or evil. Do you agree? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He nodded assent. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then now we know how to answer the question &#039;Who are friends?&#039; for the argument declares &#039;That the good are friends.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, he said, that is true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, I replied; and yet I am not quite satisfied with this answer. By heaven, and shall I tell you what I suspect? I will. Assuming that like, inasmuch as he is like, is the friend of like, and useful to him&amp;amp;mdash;or rather let me try another way of putting the matter: Can like do any good or harm to like which he could not do to himself, or suffer anything from his like which he would not suffer from himself? And if neither can be of any use to the other, how can they be loved by one another? Can they now? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — They cannot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And can he who is not loved be a friend? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But say that the like is not the friend of the like in so far as he is like; still the good may be the friend of the good in so far as he is good? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But then again, will not the good, in so far as he is good, be sufficient for himself? Certainly he will. And he who is sufficient wants nothing&amp;amp;mdash;that is implied in the word sufficient. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Of course not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And he who wants nothing will desire nothing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He will not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Neither can he love that which he does not desire? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He cannot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And he who loves not is not a lover or friend? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Clearly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — What place then is there for friendship, if, when absent, good men have no need of one another (for even when alone they are sufficient for themselves), and when present have no use of one another? How can such persons ever be induced to value one another? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — They cannot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And friends they cannot be, unless they value one another? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But see now, Lysis, whether we are not being deceived in all this&amp;amp;mdash;are we not indeed entirely wrong? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — How so? he replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Have I not heard some one say, as I just now recollect, that the like is the greatest enemy of the like, the good of the good?&amp;amp;mdash;Yes, and he quoted the authority of Hesiod, who says: &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;Potter quarrels with potter, bard with bard, Beggar with beggar;&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — and of all other things he affirmed, in like manner, &#039;That of necessity the most like are most full of envy, strife, and hatred of one another, and the most unlike, of friendship. For the poor man is compelled to be the friend of the rich, and the weak requires the aid of the strong, and the sick man of the physician; and every one who is ignorant, has to love and court him who knows.&#039; And indeed he went on to say in grandiloquent language, that the idea of friendship existing between similars is not the truth, but the very reverse of the truth, and that the most opposed are the most friendly; for that everything desires not like but that which is most unlike: for example, the dry desires the moist, the cold the hot, the bitter the sweet, the sharp the blunt, the void the full, the full the void, and so of all other things; for the opposite is the food of the opposite, whereas like receives nothing from like. And I thought that he who said this was a charming man, and that he spoke well. What do the rest of you say? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I should say, at first hearing, that he is right, said Menexenus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then we are to say that the greatest friendship is of opposites? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Exactly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, Menexenus; but will not that be a monstrous answer? and will not the all-wise eristics be down upon us in triumph, and ask, fairly enough, whether love is not the very opposite of hate; and what answer shall we make to them&amp;amp;mdash;must we not admit that they speak the truth? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — We must. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — They will then proceed to ask whether the enemy is the friend of the friend, or the friend the friend of the enemy? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Neither, he replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Well, but is a just man the friend of the unjust, or the temperate of the intemperate, or the good of the bad? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I do not see how that is possible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And yet, I said, if friendship goes by contraries, the contraries must be friends. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — They must. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then neither like and like nor unlike and unlike are friends. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I suppose not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And yet there is a further consideration: may not all these notions of friendship be erroneous? but may not that which is neither good nor evil still in some cases be the friend of the good? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — How do you mean? he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Why really, I said, the truth is that I do not know; but my head is dizzy with thinking of the argument, and therefore I hazard the conjecture, that &#039;the beautiful is the friend,&#039; as the old proverb says. Beauty is certainly a soft, smooth, slippery thing, and therefore of a nature which easily slips in and permeates our souls. For I affirm that the good is the beautiful. You will agree to that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — This I say from a sort of notion that what is neither good nor evil is the friend of the beautiful and the good, and I will tell you why I am inclined to think so: I assume that there are three principles&amp;amp;mdash;the good, the bad, and that which is neither good nor bad. You would agree&amp;amp;mdash;would you not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I agree. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And neither is the good the friend of the good, nor the evil of the evil, nor the good of the evil;&amp;amp;mdash;these alternatives are excluded by the previous argument; and therefore, if there be such a thing as friendship or love at all, we must infer that what is neither good nor evil must be the friend, either of the good, or of that which is neither good nor evil, for nothing can be the friend of the bad. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But neither can like be the friend of like, as we were just now saying. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And if so, that which is neither good nor evil can have no friend which is neither good nor evil. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Clearly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then the good alone is the friend of that only which is neither good nor evil. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That may be assumed to be certain. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And does not this seem to put us in the right way? Just remark, that the body which is in health requires neither medical nor any other aid, but is well enough; and the healthy man has no love of the physician, because he is in health. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He has none. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But the sick loves him, because he is sick? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And sickness is an evil, and the art of medicine a good and useful thing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But the human body, regarded as a body, is neither good nor evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And the body is compelled by reason of disease to court and make friends of the art of medicine? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then that which is neither good nor evil becomes the friend of good, by reason of the presence of evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — So we may infer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And clearly this must have happened before that which was neither good nor evil had become altogether corrupted with the element of evil&amp;amp;mdash;if itself had become evil it would not still desire and love the good; for, as we were saying, the evil cannot be the friend of the good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Further, I must observe that some substances are assimilated when others are present with them; and there are some which are not assimilated: take, for example, the case of an ointment or colour which is put on another substance. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In such a case, is the substance which is anointed the same as the colour or ointment? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — What do you mean? he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — This is what I mean: Suppose that I were to cover your auburn locks with white lead, would they be really white, or would they only appear to be white? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — They would only appear to be white, he replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And yet whiteness would be present in them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But that would not make them at all the more white, notwithstanding the presence of white in them&amp;amp;mdash;they would not be white any more than black? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But when old age infuses whiteness into them, then they become assimilated, and are white by the presence of white. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Now I want to know whether in all cases a substance is assimilated by the presence of another substance; or must the presence be after a peculiar sort? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The latter, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then that which is neither good nor evil may be in the presence of evil, but not as yet evil, and that has happened before now? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And when anything is in the presence of evil, not being as yet evil, the presence of good arouses the desire of good in that thing; but the presence of evil, which makes a thing evil, takes away the desire and friendship of the good; for that which was once both good and evil has now become evil only, and the good was supposed to have no friendship with the evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — None. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And therefore we say that those who are already wise, whether Gods or men, are no longer lovers of wisdom; nor can they be lovers of wisdom who are ignorant to the extent of being evil, for no evil or ignorant person is a lover of wisdom. There remain those who have the misfortune to be ignorant, but are not yet hardened in their ignorance, or void of understanding, and do not as yet fancy that they know what they do not know: and therefore those who are the lovers of wisdom are as yet neither good nor bad. But the bad do not love wisdom any more than the good; for, as we have already seen, neither is unlike the friend of unlike, nor like of like. You remember that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, they both said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And so, Lysis and Menexenus, we have discovered the nature of friendship&amp;amp;mdash;there can be no doubt of it: Friendship is the love which by reason of the presence of evil the neither good nor evil has of the good, either in the soul, or in the body, or anywhere. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — They both agreed and entirely assented, and for a moment I rejoiced and was satisfied like a huntsman just holding fast his prey. But then a most unaccountable suspicion came across me, and I felt that the conclusion was untrue. I was pained, and said, Alas! Lysis and Menexenus, I am afraid that we have been grasping at a shadow only. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Why do you say so? said Menexenus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I am afraid, I said, that the argument about friendship is false: arguments, like men, are often pretenders. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — How do you mean? he asked. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Well, I said; look at the matter in this way: a friend is the friend of some one; is he not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly he is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And has he a motive and object in being a friend, or has he no motive and object? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He has a motive and object. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And is the object which makes him a friend, dear to him, or neither dear nor hateful to him? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I do not quite follow you, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I do not wonder at that, I said. But perhaps, if I put the matter in another way, you will be able to follow me, and my own meaning will be clearer to myself. The sick man, as I was just now saying, is the friend of the physician&amp;amp;mdash;is he not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And he is the friend of the physician because of disease, and for the sake of health? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And disease is an evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And what of health? I said. Is that good or evil, or neither? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Good, he replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And we were saying, I believe, that the body being neither good nor evil, because of disease, that is to say because of evil, is the friend of medicine, and medicine is a good: and medicine has entered into this friendship for the sake of health, and health is a good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And is health a friend, or not a friend? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — A friend. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And disease is an enemy? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then that which is neither good nor evil is the friend of the good because of the evil and hateful, and for the sake of the good and the friend? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then the friend is a friend for the sake of the friend, and because of the enemy? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That is to be inferred. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then at this point, my boys, let us take heed, and be on our guard against deceptions. I will not again repeat that the friend is the friend of the friend, and the like of the like, which has been declared by us to be an impossibility; but, in order that this new statement may not delude us, let us attentively examine another point, which I will proceed to explain: Medicine, as we were saying, is a friend, or dear to us for the sake of health? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And health is also dear? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And if dear, then dear for the sake of something? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And surely this object must also be dear, as is implied in our previous admissions? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And that something dear involves something else dear? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But then, proceeding in this way, shall we not arrive at some first principle of friendship or dearness which is not capable of being referred to any other, for the sake of which, as we maintain, all other things are dear, and, having there arrived, we shall stop? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — My fear is that all those other things, which, as we say, are dear for the sake of another, are illusions and deceptions only, but where that first principle is, there is the true ideal of friendship. Let me put the matter thus: Suppose the case of a great treasure (this may be a son, who is more precious to his father than all his other treasures); would not the father, who values his son above all things, value other things also for the sake of his son? I mean, for instance, if he knew that his son had drunk hemlock, and the father thought that wine would save him, he would value the wine? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He would. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And also the vessel which contains the wine? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But does he therefore value the three measures of wine, or the earthen vessel which contains them, equally with his son? Is not this rather the true state of the case? All his anxiety has regard not to the means which are provided for the sake of an object, but to the object for the sake of which they are provided. And although we may often say that gold and silver are highly valued by us, that is not the truth; for there is a further object, whatever it may be, which we value most of all, and for the sake of which gold and all our other possessions are acquired by us. Am I not right? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And may not the same be said of the friend? That which is only dear to us for the sake of something else is improperly said to be dear, but the truly dear is that in which all these so-called dear friendships terminate. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That, he said, appears to be true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And the truly dear or ultimate principle of friendship is not for the sake of any other or further dear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then we have done with the notion that friendship has any further object. May we then infer that the good is the friend? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I think so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And the good is loved for the sake of the evil? Let me put the case in this way: Suppose that of the three principles, good, evil, and that which is neither good nor evil, there remained only the good and the neutral, and that evil went far away, and in no way affected soul or body, nor ever at all that class of things which, as we say, are neither good nor evil in themselves;&amp;amp;mdash;would the good be of any use, or other than useless to us? For if there were nothing to hurt us any longer, we should have no need of anything that would do us good. Then would be clearly seen that we did but love and desire the good because of the evil, and as the remedy of the evil, which was the disease; but if there had been no disease, there would have been no need of a remedy. Is not this the nature of the good&amp;amp;mdash;to be loved by us who are placed between the two, because of the evil? but there is no use in the good for its own sake. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I suppose not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then the final principle of friendship, in which all other friendships terminated, those, I mean, which are relatively dear and for the sake of something else, is of another and a different nature from them. For they are called dear because of another dear or friend. But with the true friend or dear, the case is quite the reverse; for that is proved to be dear because of the hated, and if the hated were away it would be no longer dear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true, he replied: at any rate not if our present view holds good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But, oh! will you tell me, I said, whether if evil were to perish, we should hunger any more, or thirst any more, or have any similar desire? Or may we suppose that hunger will remain while men and animals remain, but not so as to be hurtful? And the same of thirst and the other desires,&amp;amp;mdash;that they will remain, but will not be evil because evil has perished? Or rather shall I say, that to ask what either will be then or will not be is ridiculous, for who knows? This we do know, that in our present condition hunger may injure us, and may also benefit us:&amp;amp;mdash;Is not that true? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And in like manner thirst or any similar desire may sometimes be a good and sometimes an evil to us, and sometimes neither one nor the other? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — To be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But is there any reason why, because evil perishes, that which is not evil should perish with it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — None. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then, even if evil perishes, the desires which are neither good nor evil will remain? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Clearly they will. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And must not a man love that which he desires and affects? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He must. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then, even if evil perishes, there may still remain some elements of love or friendship? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But not if evil is the cause of friendship: for in that case nothing will be the friend of any other thing after the destruction of evil; for the effect cannot remain when the cause is destroyed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And have we not admitted already that the friend loves something for a reason? and at the time of making the admission we were of opinion that the neither good nor evil loves the good because of the evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But now our view is changed, and we conceive that there must be some other cause of friendship? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I suppose so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — May not the truth be rather, as we were saying just now, that desire is the cause of friendship; for that which desires is dear to that which is desired at the time of desiring it? and may not the other theory have been only a long story about nothing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Likely enough. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But surely, I said, he who desires, desires that of which he is in want? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And that of which he is in want is dear to him? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And he is in want of that of which he is deprived? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then love, and desire, and friendship would appear to be of the natural or congenial. Such, Lysis and Menexenus, is the inference. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — They assented. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then if you are friends, you must have natures which are congenial to one another? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly, they both said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And I say, my boys, that no one who loves or desires another would ever have loved or desired or affected him, if he had not been in some way congenial to him, either in his soul, or in his character, or in his manners, or in his form. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, yes, said Menexenus. But Lysis was silent. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then, I said, the conclusion is, that what is of a congenial nature must be loved. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — It follows, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then the lover, who is true and no counterfeit, must of necessity be loved by his love. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Lysis and Menexenus gave a faint assent to this; and Hippothales changed into all manner of colours with delight. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Here, intending to revise the argument, I said: Can we point out any difference between the congenial and the like? For if that is possible, then I think, Lysis and Menexenus, there may be some sense in our argument about friendship. But if the congenial is only the like, how will you get rid of the other argument, of the uselessness of like to like in as far as they are like; for to say that what is useless is dear, would be absurd? Suppose, then, that we agree to distinguish between the congenial and the like&amp;amp;mdash;in the intoxication of argument, that may perhaps be allowed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And shall we further say that the good is congenial, and the evil uncongenial to every one? Or again that the evil is congenial to the evil, and the good to the good; and that which is neither good nor evil to that which is neither good nor evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — They agreed to the latter alternative. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then, my boys, we have again fallen into the old discarded error; for the unjust will be the friend of the unjust, and the bad of the bad, as well as the good of the good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That appears to be the result. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But again, if we say that the congenial is the same as the good, in that case the good and he only will be the friend of the good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But that too was a position of ours which, as you will remember, has been already refuted by ourselves. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — We remember. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then what is to be done? Or rather is there anything to be done? I can only, like the wise men who argue in courts, sum up the arguments:&amp;amp;mdash;If neither the beloved, nor the lover, nor the like, nor the unlike, nor the good, nor the congenial, nor any other of whom we spoke&amp;amp;mdash;for there were such a number of them that I cannot remember all&amp;amp;mdash;if none of these are friends, I know not what remains to be said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Here I was going to invite the opinion of some older person, when suddenly we were interrupted by the tutors of Lysis and Menexenus, who came upon us like an evil apparition with their brothers, and bade them go home, as it was getting late. At first, we and the by-standers drove them off; but afterwards, as they would not mind, and only went on shouting in their barbarous dialect, and got angry, and kept calling the boys&amp;amp;mdash;they appeared to us to have been drinking rather too much at the Hermaea, which made them difficult to manage&amp;amp;mdash;we fairly gave way and broke up the company. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I said, however, a few words to the boys at parting: O Menexenus and Lysis, how ridiculous that you two boys, and I, an old boy, who would fain be one of you, should imagine ourselves to be friends&amp;amp;mdash;this is what the by-standers will go away and say&amp;amp;mdash;and as yet we have not been able to discover what is a friend! &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
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		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
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		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Plato/Timaeus&amp;diff=2846</id>
		<title>Texts:Plato/Timaeus</title>
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		<updated>2025-12-26T19:45:21Z</updated>

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&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt; TIMAEUS &amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; by Plato &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt; Translated by Benjamin Jowett &amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; INTRODUCTION AND ANALYSIS. &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of all the writings of Plato the Timaeus is the most obscure and repulsive to the modern reader, and has nevertheless had the greatest influence over the ancient and mediaeval world. The obscurity arises in the infancy of physical science, out of the confusion of theological, mathematical, and physiological notions, out of the desire to conceive the whole of nature without any adequate knowledge of the parts, and from a greater perception of similarities which lie on the surface than of differences which are hidden from view. To bring sense under the control of reason; to find some way through the mist or labyrinth of appearances, either the highway of mathematics, or more devious paths suggested by the analogy of man with the world, and of the world with man; to see that all things have a cause and are tending towards an end&amp;amp;mdash;this is the spirit of the ancient physical philosopher. He has no notion of trying an experiment and is hardly capable of observing the curiosities of nature which are &amp;amp;lsquo;tumbling out at his feet,&amp;amp;rsquo; or of interpreting even the most obvious of them. He is driven back from the nearer to the more distant, from particulars to generalities, from the earth to the stars. He lifts up his eyes to the heavens and seeks to guide by their motions his erring footsteps. But we neither appreciate the conditions of knowledge to which he was subjected, nor have the ideas which fastened upon his imagination the same hold upon us. For he is hanging between matter and mind; he is under the dominion at the same time both of sense and of abstractions; his impressions are taken almost at random from the outside of nature; he sees the light, but not the objects which are revealed by the light; and he brings into juxtaposition things which to us appear wide as the poles asunder, because he finds nothing between them. He passes abruptly from persons to ideas and numbers, and from ideas and numbers to persons,&amp;amp;mdash;from the heavens to man, from astronomy to physiology; he confuses, or rather does not distinguish, subject and object, first and final causes, and is dreaming of geometrical figures lost in a flux of sense. He contrasts the perfect movements of the heavenly bodies with the imperfect representation of them (Rep.), and he does not always require strict accuracy even in applications of number and figure (Rep.). His mind lingers around the forms of mythology, which he uses as symbols or translates into figures of speech. He has no implements of observation, such as the telescope or microscope; the great science of chemistry is a blank to him. It is only by an effort that the modern thinker can breathe the atmosphere of the ancient philosopher, or understand how, under such unequal conditions, he seems in many instances, by a sort of inspiration, to have anticipated the truth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The influence with the Timaeus has exercised upon posterity is due partly to a misunderstanding. In the supposed depths of this dialogue the Neo-Platonists found hidden meanings and connections with the Jewish and Christian Scriptures, and out of them they elicited doctrines quite at variance with the spirit of Plato. Believing that he was inspired by the Holy Ghost, or had received his wisdom from Moses, they seemed to find in his writings the Christian Trinity, the Word, the Church, the creation of the world in a Jewish sense, as they really found the personality of God or of mind, and the immortality of the soul. All religions and philosophies met and mingled in the schools of Alexandria, and the Neo-Platonists had a method of interpretation which could elicit any meaning out of any words. They were really incapable of distinguishing between the opinions of one philosopher and another&amp;amp;mdash; between Aristotle and Plato, or between the serious thoughts of Plato and his passing fancies. They were absorbed in his theology and were under the dominion of his name, while that which was truly great and truly characteristic in him, his effort to realize and connect abstractions, was not understood by them at all. Yet the genius of Plato and Greek philosophy reacted upon the East, and a Greek element of thought and language overlaid and partly reduced to order the chaos of Orientalism. And kindred spirits, like St. Augustine, even though they were acquainted with his writings only through the medium of a Latin translation, were profoundly affected by them, seeming to find &amp;amp;lsquo;God and his word everywhere insinuated&amp;amp;rsquo; in them (August. Confess.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There is no danger of the modern commentators on the Timaeus falling into the absurdities of the Neo-Platonists. In the present day we are well aware that an ancient philosopher is to be interpreted from himself and by the contemporary history of thought. We know that mysticism is not criticism. The fancies of the Neo-Platonists are only interesting to us because they exhibit a phase of the human mind which prevailed widely in the first centuries of the Christian era, and is not wholly extinct in our own day. But they have nothing to do with the interpretation of Plato, and in spirit they are opposed to him. They are the feeble expression of an age which has lost the power not only of creating great works, but of understanding them. They are the spurious birth of a marriage between philosophy and tradition, between Hellas and the East&amp;amp;mdash;(Greek) (Rep.). Whereas the so-called mysticism of Plato is purely Greek, arising out of his imperfect knowledge and high aspirations, and is the growth of an age in which philosophy is not wholly separated from poetry and mythology. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; A greater danger with modern interpreters of Plato is the tendency to regard the Timaeus as the centre of his system. We do not know how Plato would have arranged his own dialogues, or whether the thought of arranging any of them, besides the two &amp;amp;lsquo;Trilogies&amp;amp;rsquo; which he has expressly connected; was ever present to his mind. But, if he had arranged them, there are many indications that this is not the place which he would have assigned to the Timaeus. We observe, first of all, that the dialogue is put into the mouth of a Pythagorean philosopher, and not of Socrates. And this is required by dramatic propriety; for the investigation of nature was expressly renounced by Socrates in the Phaedo. Nor does Plato himself attribute any importance to his guesses at science. He is not at all absorbed by them, as he is by the IDEA of good. He is modest and hesitating, and confesses that his words partake of the uncertainty of the subject (Tim.). The dialogue is primarily concerned with the animal creation, including under this term the heavenly bodies, and with man only as one among the animals. But we can hardly suppose that Plato would have preferred the study of nature to man, or that he would have deemed the formation of the world and the human frame to have the same interest which he ascribes to the mystery of being and not-being, or to the great political problems which he discusses in the Republic and the Laws. There are no speculations on physics in the other dialogues of Plato, and he himself regards the consideration of them as a rational pastime only. He is beginning to feel the need of further divisions of knowledge; and is becoming aware that besides dialectic, mathematics, and the arts, there is another field which has been hitherto unexplored by him. But he has not as yet defined this intermediate territory which lies somewhere between medicine and mathematics, and he would have felt that there was as great an impiety in ranking theories of physics first in the order of knowledge, as in placing the body before the soul. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It is true, however, that the Timaeus is by no means confined to speculations on physics. The deeper foundations of the Platonic philosophy, such as the nature of God, the distinction of the sensible and intellectual, the great original conceptions of time and space, also appear in it. They are found principally in the first half of the dialogue. The construction of the heavens is for the most part ideal; the cyclic year serves as the connection between the world of absolute being and of generation, just as the number of population in the Republic is the expression or symbol of the transition from the ideal to the actual state. In some passages we are uncertain whether we are reading a description of astronomical facts or contemplating processes of the human mind, or of that divine mind (Phil.) which in Plato is hardly separable from it. The characteristics of man are transferred to the world-animal, as for example when intelligence and knowledge are said to be perfected by the circle of the Same, and true opinion by the circle of the Other; and conversely the motions of the world-animal reappear in man; its amorphous state continues in the child, and in both disorder and chaos are gradually succeeded by stability and order. It is not however to passages like these that Plato is referring when he speaks of the uncertainty of his subject, but rather to the composition of bodies, to the relations of colours, the nature of diseases, and the like, about which he truly feels the lamentable ignorance prevailing in his own age. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; We are led by Plato himself to regard the Timaeus, not as the centre or inmost shrine of the edifice, but as a detached building in a different style, framed, not after the Socratic, but after some Pythagorean model. As in the Cratylus and Parmenides, we are uncertain whether Plato is expressing his own opinions, or appropriating and perhaps improving the philosophical speculations of others. In all three dialogues he is exerting his dramatic and imitative power; in the Cratylus mingling a satirical and humorous purpose with true principles of language; in the Parmenides overthrowing Megarianism by a sort of ultra-Megarianism, which discovers contradictions in the one as great as those which have been previously shown to exist in the ideas. There is a similar uncertainty about the Timaeus; in the first part he scales the heights of transcendentalism, in the latter part he treats in a bald and superficial manner of the functions and diseases of the human frame. He uses the thoughts and almost the words of Parmenides when he discourses of being and of essence, adopting from old religion into philosophy the conception of God, and from the Megarians the IDEA of good. He agrees with Empedocles and the Atomists in attributing the greater differences of kinds to the figures of the elements and their movements into and out of one another. With Heracleitus, he acknowledges the perpetual flux; like Anaxagoras, he asserts the predominance of mind, although admitting an element of necessity which reason is incapable of subduing; like the Pythagoreans he supposes the mystery of the world to be contained in number. Many, if not all the elements of the Pre-Socratic philosophy are included in the Timaeus. It is a composite or eclectic work of imagination, in which Plato, without naming them, gathers up into a kind of system the various elements of philosophy which preceded him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; If we allow for the difference of subject, and for some growth in Plato&amp;amp;rsquo;s own mind, the discrepancy between the Timaeus and the other dialogues will not appear to be great. It is probable that the relation of the ideas to God or of God to the world was differently conceived by him at different times of his life. In all his later dialogues we observe a tendency in him to personify mind or God, and he therefore naturally inclines to view creation as the work of design. The creator is like a human artist who frames in his mind a plan which he executes by the help of his servants. Thus the language of philosophy which speaks of first and second causes is crossed by another sort of phraseology: &amp;amp;lsquo;God made the world because he was good, and the demons ministered to him.&amp;amp;rsquo; The Timaeus is cast in a more theological and less philosophical mould than the other dialogues, but the same general spirit is apparent; there is the same dualism or opposition between the ideal and actual&amp;amp;mdash;the soul is prior to the body, the intelligible and unseen to the visible and corporeal. There is the same distinction between knowledge and opinion which occurs in the Theaetetus and Republic, the same enmity to the poets, the same combination of music and gymnastics. The doctrine of transmigration is still held by him, as in the Phaedrus and Republic; and the soul has a view of the heavens in a prior state of being. The ideas also remain, but they have become types in nature, forms of men, animals, birds, fishes. And the attribution of evil to physical causes accords with the doctrine which he maintains in the Laws respecting the involuntariness of vice. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The style and plan of the Timaeus differ greatly from that of any other of the Platonic dialogues. The language is weighty, abrupt, and in some passages sublime. But Plato has not the same mastery over his instrument which he exhibits in the Phaedrus or Symposium. Nothing can exceed the beauty or art of the introduction, in which he is using words after his accustomed manner. But in the rest of the work the power of language seems to fail him, and the dramatic form is wholly given up. He could write in one style, but not in another, and the Greek language had not as yet been fashioned by any poet or philosopher to describe physical phenomena. The early physiologists had generally written in verse; the prose writers, like Democritus and Anaxagoras, as far as we can judge from their fragments, never attained to a periodic style. And hence we find the same sort of clumsiness in the Timaeus of Plato which characterizes the philosophical poem of Lucretius. There is a want of flow and often a defect of rhythm; the meaning is sometimes obscure, and there is a greater use of apposition and more of repetition than occurs in Plato&amp;amp;rsquo;s earlier writings. The sentences are less closely connected and also more involved; the antecedents of demonstrative and relative pronouns are in some cases remote and perplexing. The greater frequency of participles and of absolute constructions gives the effect of heaviness. The descriptive portion of the Timaeus retains traces of the first Greek prose composition; for the great master of language was speaking on a theme with which he was imperfectly acquainted, and had no words in which to express his meaning. The rugged grandeur of the opening discourse of Timaeus may be compared with the more harmonious beauty of a similar passage in the Phaedrus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; To the same cause we may attribute the want of plan. Plato had not the command of his materials which would have enabled him to produce a perfect work of art. Hence there are several new beginnings and resumptions and formal or artificial connections; we miss the &amp;amp;lsquo;callida junctura&amp;amp;rsquo; of the earlier dialogues. His speculations about the Eternal, his theories of creation, his mathematical anticipations, are supplemented by desultory remarks on the one immortal and the two mortal souls of man, on the functions of the bodily organs in health and disease, on sight, hearing, smell, taste, and touch. He soars into the heavens, and then, as if his wings were suddenly clipped, he walks ungracefully and with difficulty upon the earth. The greatest things in the world, and the least things in man, are brought within the compass of a short treatise. But the intermediate links are missing, and we cannot be surprised that there should be a want of unity in a work which embraces astronomy, theology, physiology, and natural philosophy in a few pages. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It is not easy to determine how Plato&amp;amp;rsquo;s cosmos may be presented to the reader in a clearer and shorter form; or how we may supply a thread of connexion to his ideas without giving greater consistency to them than they possessed in his mind, or adding on consequences which would never have occurred to him. For he has glimpses of the truth, but no comprehensive or perfect vision. There are isolated expressions about the nature of God which have a wonderful depth and power; but we are not justified in assuming that these had any greater significance to the mind of Plato than language of a neutral and impersonal character... With a view to the illustration of the Timaeus I propose to divide this Introduction into sections, of which the first will contain an outline of the dialogue: (2) I shall consider the aspects of nature which presented themselves to Plato and his age, and the elements of philosophy which entered into the conception of them: (3) the theology and physics of the Timaeus, including the soul of the world, the conception of time and space, and the composition of the elements: (4) in the fourth section I shall consider the Platonic astronomy, and the position of the earth. There will remain, (5) the psychology, (6) the physiology of Plato, and (7) his analysis of the senses to be briefly commented upon: (8) lastly, we may examine in what points Plato approaches or anticipates the discoveries of modern science. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Socrates begins the Timaeus with a summary of the Republic. He lightly touches upon a few points,&amp;amp;mdash;the division of labour and distribution of the citizens into classes, the double nature and training of the guardians, the community of property and of women and children. But he makes no mention of the second education, or of the government of philosophers. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And now he desires to see the ideal State set in motion; he would like to know how she behaved in some great struggle. But he is unable to invent such a narrative himself; and he is afraid that the poets are equally incapable; for, although he pretends to have nothing to say against them, he remarks that they are a tribe of imitators, who can only describe what they have seen. And he fears that the Sophists, who are plentifully supplied with graces of speech, in their erratic way of life having never had a city or house of their own, may through want of experience err in their conception of philosophers and statesmen. &amp;amp;lsquo;And therefore to you I turn, Timaeus, citizen of Locris, who are at once a philosopher and a statesman, and to you, Critias, whom all Athenians know to be similarly accomplished, and to Hermocrates, who is also fitted by nature and education to share in our discourse.&amp;amp;rsquo; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; HERMOCRATES: &amp;amp;lsquo;We will do our best, and have been already preparing; for on our way home, Critias told us of an ancient tradition, which I wish, Critias, that you would repeat to Socrates.&amp;amp;rsquo; &amp;amp;lsquo;I will, if Timaeus approves.&amp;amp;rsquo; &amp;amp;lsquo;I approve.&amp;amp;rsquo; Listen then, Socrates, to a tale of Solon&amp;amp;rsquo;s, who, being the friend of Dropidas my great-grandfather, told it to my grandfather Critias, and he told me. The narrative related to ancient famous actions of the Athenian people, and to one especially, which I will rehearse in honour of you and of the goddess. Critias when he told this tale of the olden time, was ninety years old, I being not more than ten. The occasion of the rehearsal was the day of the Apaturia called the Registration of Youth, at which our parents gave prizes for recitation. Some poems of Solon were recited by the boys. They had not at that time gone out of fashion, and the recital of them led some one to say, perhaps in compliment to Critias, that Solon was not only the wisest of men but also the best of poets. The old man brightened up at hearing this, and said: Had Solon only had the leisure which was required to complete the famous legend which he brought with him from Egypt he would have been as distinguished as Homer and Hesiod. &amp;amp;lsquo;And what was the subject of the poem?&amp;amp;rsquo; said the person who made the remark. The subject was a very noble one; he described the most famous action in which the Athenian people were ever engaged. But the memory of their exploits has passed away owing to the lapse of time and the extinction of the actors. &amp;amp;lsquo;Tell us,&amp;amp;rsquo; said the other, &amp;amp;lsquo;the whole story, and where Solon heard the story.&amp;amp;rsquo; He replied&amp;amp;mdash;There is at the head of the Egyptian Delta, where the river Nile divides, a city and district called Sais; the city was the birthplace of King Amasis, and is under the protection of the goddess Neith or Athene. The citizens have a friendly feeling towards the Athenians, believing themselves to be related to them. Hither came Solon, and was received with honour; and here he first learnt, by conversing with the Egyptian priests, how ignorant he and his countrymen were of antiquity. Perceiving this, and with the view of eliciting information from them, he told them the tales of Phoroneus and Niobe, and also of Deucalion and Pyrrha, and he endeavoured to count the generations which had since passed. Thereupon an aged priest said to him: &amp;amp;lsquo;O Solon, Solon, you Hellenes are ever young, and there is no old man who is a Hellene.&amp;amp;rsquo; &amp;amp;lsquo;What do you mean?&amp;amp;rsquo; he asked. &amp;amp;lsquo;In mind,&amp;amp;rsquo; replied the priest, &amp;amp;lsquo;I mean to say that you are children; there is no opinion or tradition of knowledge among you which is white with age; and I will tell you why. Like the rest of mankind you have suffered from convulsions of nature, which are chiefly brought about by the two great agencies of fire and water. The former is symbolized in the Hellenic tale of young Phaethon who drove his father&amp;amp;rsquo;s horses the wrong way, and having burnt up the earth was himself burnt up by a thunderbolt. For there occurs at long intervals a derangement of the heavenly bodies, and then the earth is destroyed by fire. At such times, and when fire is the agent, those who dwell by rivers or on the seashore are safer than those who dwell upon high and dry places, who in their turn are safer when the danger is from water. Now the Nile is our saviour from fire, and as there is little rain in Egypt, we are not harmed by water; whereas in other countries, when a deluge comes, the inhabitants are swept by the rivers into the sea. The memorials which your own and other nations have once had of the famous actions of mankind perish in the waters at certain periods; and the rude survivors in the mountains begin again, knowing nothing of the world before the flood. But in Egypt the traditions of our own and other lands are by us registered for ever in our temples. The genealogies which you have recited to us out of your own annals, Solon, are a mere children&amp;amp;rsquo;s story. For in the first place, you remember one deluge only, and there were many of them, and you know nothing of that fairest and noblest race of which you are a seed or remnant. The memory of them was lost, because there was no written voice among you. For in the times before the great flood Athens was the greatest and best of cities and did the noblest deeds and had the best constitution of any under the face of heaven.&amp;amp;rsquo; Solon marvelled, and desired to be informed of the particulars. &amp;amp;lsquo;You are welcome to hear them,&amp;amp;rsquo; said the priest, &amp;amp;lsquo;both for your own sake and for that of the city, and above all for the sake of the goddess who is the common foundress of both our cities. Nine thousand years have elapsed since she founded yours, and eight thousand since she founded ours, as our annals record. Many laws exist among us which are the counterpart of yours as they were in the olden time. I will briefly describe them to you, and you shall read the account of them at your leisure in the sacred registers. In the first place, there was a caste of priests among the ancient Athenians, and another of artisans; also castes of shepherds, hunters, and husbandmen, and lastly of warriors, who, like the warriors of Egypt, were separated from the rest, and carried shields and spears, a custom which the goddess first taught you, and then the Asiatics, and we among Asiatics first received from her. Observe again, what care the law took in the pursuit of wisdom, searching out the deep things of the world, and applying them to the use of man. The spot of earth which the goddess chose had the best of climates, and produced the wisest men; in no other was she herself, the philosopher and warrior goddess, so likely to have votaries. And there you dwelt as became the children of the gods, excelling all men in virtue, and many famous actions are recorded of you. The most famous of them all was the overthrow of the island of Atlantis. This great island lay over against the Pillars of Heracles, in extent greater than Libya and Asia put together, and was the passage to other islands and to a great ocean of which the Mediterranean sea was only the harbour; and within the Pillars the empire of Atlantis reached in Europe to Tyrrhenia and in Libya to Egypt. This mighty power was arrayed against Egypt and Hellas and all the countries bordering on the Mediterranean. Then your city did bravely, and won renown over the whole earth. For at the peril of her own existence, and when the other Hellenes had deserted her, she repelled the invader, and of her own accord gave liberty to all the nations within the Pillars. A little while afterwards there were great earthquakes and floods, and your warrior race all sank into the earth; and the great island of Atlantis also disappeared in the sea. This is the explanation of the shallows which are found in that part of the Atlantic ocean.&amp;amp;rsquo; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Such was the tale, Socrates, which Critias heard from Solon; and I noticed when listening to you yesterday, how close the resemblance was between your city and citizens and the ancient Athenian State. But I would not speak at the time, because I wanted to refresh my memory. I had heard the old man when I was a child, and though I could not remember the whole of our yesterday&amp;amp;rsquo;s discourse, I was able to recall every word of this, which is branded into my mind; and I am prepared, Socrates, to rehearse to you the entire narrative. The imaginary State which you were describing may be identified with the reality of Solon, and our antediluvian ancestors may be your citizens. &amp;amp;lsquo;That is excellent, Critias, and very appropriate to a Panathenaic festival; the truth of the story is a great advantage.&amp;amp;rsquo; Then now let me explain to you the order of our entertainment; first, Timaeus, who is a natural philosopher, will speak of the origin of the world, going down to the creation of man, and then I shall receive the men whom he has created, and some of whom will have been educated by you, and introduce them to you as the lost Athenian citizens of whom the Egyptian record spoke. As the law of Solon prescribes, we will bring them into court and acknowledge their claims to citizenship. &amp;amp;lsquo;I see,&amp;amp;rsquo; replied Socrates, &amp;amp;lsquo;that I shall be well entertained; and do you, Timaeus, offer up a prayer and begin.&amp;amp;rsquo; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; TIMAEUS: All men who have any right feeling, at the beginning of any enterprise, call upon the Gods; and he who is about to speak of the origin of the universe has a special need of their aid. May my words be acceptable to them, and may I speak in the manner which will be most intelligible to you and will best express my own meaning! &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; First, I must distinguish between that which always is and never becomes and which is apprehended by reason and reflection, and that which always becomes and never is and is conceived by opinion with the help of sense. All that becomes and is created is the work of a cause, and that is fair which the artificer makes after an eternal pattern, but whatever is fashioned after a created pattern is not fair. Is the world created or uncreated?&amp;amp;mdash;that is the first question. Created, I reply, being visible and tangible and having a body, and therefore sensible; and if sensible, then created; and if created, made by a cause, and the cause is the ineffable father of all things, who had before him an eternal archetype. For to imagine that the archetype was created would be blasphemy, seeing that the world is the noblest of creations, and God is the best of causes. And the world being thus created according to the eternal pattern is the copy of something; and we may assume that words are akin to the matter of which they speak. What is spoken of the unchanging or intelligible must be certain and true; but what is spoken of the created image can only be probable; being is to becoming what truth is to belief. And amid the variety of opinions which have arisen about God and the nature of the world we must be content to take probability for our rule, considering that I, who am the speaker, and you, who are the judges, are only men; to probability we may attain but no further. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Excellent, Timaeus, I like your manner of approaching the subject&amp;amp;mdash;proceed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; TIMAEUS: Why did the Creator make the world?...He was good, and therefore not jealous, and being free from jealousy he desired that all things should be like himself. Wherefore he set in order the visible world, which he found in disorder. Now he who is the best could only create the fairest; and reflecting that of visible things the intelligent is superior to the unintelligent, he put intelligence in soul and soul in body, and framed the universe to be the best and fairest work in the order of nature, and the world became a living soul through the providence of God. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In the likeness of what animal was the world made?&amp;amp;mdash;that is the third question...The form of the perfect animal was a whole, and contained all intelligible beings, and the visible animal, made after the pattern of this, included all visible creatures. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Are there many worlds or one only?&amp;amp;mdash;that is the fourth question...One only. For if in the original there had been more than one they would have been the parts of a third, which would have been the true pattern of the world; and therefore there is, and will ever be, but one created world. Now that which is created is of necessity corporeal and visible and tangible,&amp;amp;mdash;visible and therefore made of fire,&amp;amp;mdash;tangible and therefore solid and made of earth. But two terms must be united by a third, which is a mean between them; and had the earth been a surface only, one mean would have sufficed, but two means are required to unite solid bodies. And as the world was composed of solids, between the elements of fire and earth God placed two other elements of air and water, and arranged them in a continuous proportion&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; fire:air::air:water, and air:water::water:earth, &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; and so put together a visible and palpable heaven, having harmony and friendship in the union of the four elements; and being at unity with itself it was indissoluble except by the hand of the framer. Each of the elements was taken into the universe whole and entire; for he considered that the animal should be perfect and one, leaving no remnants out of which another animal could be created, and should also be free from old age and disease, which are produced by the action of external forces. And as he was to contain all things, he was made in the all-containing form of a sphere, round as from a lathe and every way equidistant from the centre, as was natural and suitable to him. He was finished and smooth, having neither eyes nor ears, for there was nothing without him which he could see or hear; and he had no need to carry food to his mouth, nor was there air for him to breathe; and he did not require hands, for there was nothing of which he could take hold, nor feet, with which to walk. All that he did was done rationally in and by himself, and he moved in a circle turning within himself, which is the most intellectual of motions; but the other six motions were wanting to him; wherefore the universe had no feet or legs. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And so the thought of God made a God in the image of a perfect body, having intercourse with himself and needing no other, but in every part harmonious and self-contained and truly blessed. The soul was first made by him&amp;amp;mdash;the elder to rule the younger; not in the order in which our wayward fancy has led us to describe them, but the soul first and afterwards the body. God took of the unchangeable and indivisible and also of the divisible and corporeal, and out of the two he made a third nature, essence, which was in a mean between them, and partook of the same and the other, the intractable nature of the other being compressed into the same. Having made a compound of all the three, he proceeded to divide the entire mass into portions related to one another in the ratios of 1, 2, 3, 4, 9, 8, 27, and proceeded to fill up the double and triple intervals thus&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;pre xml:space=&amp;quot;preserve&amp;quot;&amp;gt; - over 1, 4/3, 3/2, - over 2, 8/3, 3, - over 4, 16/3, 6,  - over 8: - over 1, 3/2, 2,   - over 3, 9/2, 6, - over 9, 27/2, 18, - over 27; &amp;lt;/pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; in which double series of numbers are two kinds of means; the one exceeds and is exceeded by equal parts of the extremes, e.g. 1, 4/3, 2; the other kind of mean is one which is equidistant from the extremes&amp;amp;mdash;2, 4, 6. In this manner there were formed intervals of thirds, 3:2, of fourths, 4:3, and of ninths, 9:8. And next he filled up the intervals of a fourth with ninths, leaving a remnant which is in the ratio of 256:243. The entire compound was divided by him lengthways into two parts, which he united at the centre like the letter X, and bent into an inner and outer circle or sphere, cutting one another again at a point over against the point at which they cross. The outer circle or sphere was named the sphere of the same&amp;amp;mdash;the inner, the sphere of the other or diverse; and the one revolved horizontally to the right, the other diagonally to the left. To the sphere of the same which was undivided he gave dominion, but the sphere of the other or diverse was distributed into seven unequal orbits, having intervals in ratios of twos and threes, three of either sort, and he bade the orbits move in opposite directions to one another&amp;amp;mdash;three of them, the Sun, Mercury, Venus, with equal swiftness, and the remaining four&amp;amp;mdash;the Moon, Saturn, Mars, Jupiter, with unequal swiftness to the three and to one another, but all in due proportion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; When the Creator had made the soul he made the body within her; and the soul interfused everywhere from the centre to the circumference of heaven, herself turning in herself, began a divine life of rational and everlasting motion. The body of heaven is visible, but the soul is invisible, and partakes of reason and harmony, and is the best of creations, being the work of the best. And being composed of the same, the other, and the essence, these three, and also divided and bound in harmonical proportion, and revolving within herself&amp;amp;mdash;the soul when touching anything which has essence, whether divided or undivided, is stirred to utter the sameness or diversity of that and some other thing, and to tell how and when and where individuals are affected or related, whether in the world of change or of essence. When reason is in the neighbourhood of sense, and the circle of the other or diverse is moving truly, then arise true opinions and beliefs; when reason is in the sphere of thought, and the circle of the same runs smoothly, then intelligence is perfected. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; When the Father who begat the world saw the image which he had made of the Eternal Gods moving and living, he rejoiced; and in his joy resolved, since the archetype was eternal, to make the creature eternal as far as this was possible. Wherefore he made an image of eternity which is time, having an uniform motion according to number, parted into months and days and years, and also having greater divisions of past, present, and future. These all apply to becoming in time, and have no meaning in relation to the eternal nature, which ever is and never was or will be; for the unchangeable is never older or younger, and when we say that he &amp;amp;lsquo;was&amp;amp;rsquo; or &amp;amp;lsquo;will be,&amp;amp;rsquo; we are mistaken, for these words are applicable only to becoming, and not to true being; and equally wrong are we in saying that what has become IS become and that what becomes IS becoming, and that the non-existent IS non-existent...These are the forms of time which imitate eternity and move in a circle measured by number. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Thus was time made in the image of the eternal nature; and it was created together with the heavens, in order that if they were dissolved, it might perish with them. And God made the sun and moon and five other wanderers, as they are called, seven in all, and to each of them he gave a body moving in an orbit, being one of the seven orbits into which the circle of the other was divided. He put the moon in the orbit which was nearest to the earth, the sun in that next, the morning star and Mercury in the orbits which move opposite to the sun but with equal swiftness&amp;amp;mdash;this being the reason why they overtake and are overtaken by one another. All these bodies became living creatures, and learnt their appointed tasks, and began to move, the nearer more swiftly, the remoter more slowly, according to the diagonal movement of the other. And since this was controlled by the movement of the same, the seven planets in their courses appeared to describe spirals; and that appeared fastest which was slowest, and that which overtook others appeared to be overtaken by them. And God lighted a fire in the second orbit from the earth which is called the sun, to give light over the whole heaven, and to teach intelligent beings that knowledge of number which is derived from the revolution of the same. Thus arose day and night, which are the periods of the most intelligent nature; a month is created by the revolution of the moon, a year by that of the sun. Other periods of wonderful length and complexity are not observed by men in general; there is moreover a cycle or perfect year at the completion of which they all meet and coincide...To this end the stars came into being, that the created heaven might imitate the eternal nature. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Thus far the universal animal was made in the divine image, but the other animals were not as yet included in him. And God created them according to the patterns or species of them which existed in the divine original. There are four of them: one of gods, another of birds, a third of fishes, and a fourth of animals. The gods were made in the form of a circle, which is the most perfect figure and the figure of the universe. They were created chiefly of fire, that they might be bright, and were made to know and follow the best, and to be scattered over the heavens, of which they were to be the glory. Two kinds of motion were assigned to them&amp;amp;mdash;first, the revolution in the same and around the same, in peaceful unchanging thought of the same; and to this was added a forward motion which was under the control of the same. Thus then the fixed stars were created, being divine and eternal animals, revolving on the same spot, and the wandering stars, in their courses, were created in the manner already described. The earth, which is our nurse, clinging around the pole extended through the universe, he made to be the guardian and artificer of night and day, first and eldest of gods that are in the interior of heaven. Vain would be the labour of telling all the figures of them, moving as in dance, and their juxta-positions and approximations, and when and where and behind what other stars they appear to disappear&amp;amp;mdash;to tell of all this without looking at a plan of them would be labour in vain. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The knowledge of the other gods is beyond us, and we can only accept the traditions of the ancients, who were the children of the gods, as they said; for surely they must have known their own ancestors. Although they give no proof, we must believe them as is customary. They tell us that Oceanus and Tethys were the children of Earth and Heaven; that Phoreys, Cronos, and Rhea came in the next generation, and were followed by Zeus and Here, whose brothers and children are known to everybody. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; When all of them, both those who show themselves in the sky, and those who retire from view, had come into being, the Creator addressed them thus:&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;amp;lsquo;Gods, sons of gods, my works, if I will, are indissoluble. That which is bound may be dissolved, but only an evil being would dissolve that which is harmonious and happy. And although you are not immortal you shall not die, for I will hold you together. Hear me, then:&amp;amp;mdash;Three tribes of mortal beings have still to be created, but if created by me they would be like gods. Do ye therefore make them; I will implant in them the seed of immortality, and you shall weave together the mortal and immortal, and provide food for them, and receive them again in death.&amp;amp;rsquo; Thus he spake, and poured the remains of the elements into the cup in which he had mingled the soul of the universe. They were no longer pure as before, but diluted; and the mixture he distributed into souls equal in number to the stars, and assigned each to a star&amp;amp;mdash;then having mounted them, as in a chariot, he showed them the nature of the universe, and told them of their future birth and human lot. They were to be sown in the planets, and out of them was to come forth the most religious of animals, which would hereafter be called man. The souls were to be implanted in bodies, which were in a perpetual flux, whence, he said, would arise, first, sensation; secondly, love, which is a mixture of pleasure and pain; thirdly, fear and anger, and the opposite affections: and if they conquered these, they would live righteously, but if they were conquered by them, unrighteously. He who lived well would return to his native star, and would there have a blessed existence; but, if he lived ill, he would pass into the nature of a woman, and if he did not then alter his evil ways, into the likeness of some animal, until the reason which was in him reasserted her sway over the elements of fire, air, earth, water, which had engrossed her, and he regained his first and better nature. Having given this law to his creatures, that he might be guiltless of their future evil, he sowed them, some in the earth, some in the moon, and some in the other planets; and he ordered the younger gods to frame human bodies for them and to make the necessary additions to them, and to avert from them all but self-inflicted evil. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Having given these commands, the Creator remained in his own nature. And his children, receiving from him the immortal principle, borrowed from the world portions of earth, air, fire, water, hereafter to be returned, which they fastened together, not with the adamantine bonds which bound themselves, but by little invisible pegs, making each separate body out of all the elements, subject to influx and efflux, and containing the courses of the soul. These swelling and surging as in a river moved irregularly and irrationally in all the six possible ways, forwards, backwards, right, left, up and down. But violent as were the internal and alimentary fluids, the tide became still more violent when the body came into contact with flaming fire, or the solid earth, or gliding waters, or the stormy wind; the motions produced by these impulses pass through the body to the soul and have the name of sensations. Uniting with the ever-flowing current, they shake the courses of the soul, stopping the revolution of the same and twisting in all sorts of ways the nature of the other, and the harmonical ratios of twos and threes and the mean terms which connect them, until the circles are bent and disordered and their motion becomes irregular. You may imagine a position of the body in which the head is resting upon the ground, and the legs are in the air, and the top is bottom and the left right. And something similar happens when the disordered motions of the soul come into contact with any external thing; they say the same or the other in a manner which is the very opposite of the truth, and they are false and foolish, and have no guiding principle in them. And when external impressions enter in, they are really conquered, though they seem to conquer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; By reason of these affections the soul is at first without intelligence, but as time goes on the stream of nutriment abates, and the courses of the soul regain their proper motion, and apprehend the same and the other rightly, and become rational. The soul of him who has education is whole and perfect and escapes the worst disease, but, if a man&amp;amp;rsquo;s education be neglected, he walks lamely through life and returns good for nothing to the world below. This, however, is an after-stage&amp;amp;mdash;at present, we are only concerned with the creation of the body and soul. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The two divine courses were encased by the gods in a sphere which is called the head, and is the god and lord of us. And to this they gave the body to be a vehicle, and the members to be instruments, having the power of flexion and extension. Such was the origin of legs and arms. In the next place, the gods gave a forward motion to the human body, because the front part of man was the more honourable and had authority. And they put in a face in which they inserted organs to minister in all things to the providence of the soul. They first contrived the eyes, into which they conveyed a light akin to the light of day, making it flow through the pupils. When the light of the eye is surrounded by the light of day, then like falls upon like, and they unite and form one body which conveys to the soul the motions of visible objects. But when the visual ray goes forth into the darkness, then unlike falls upon unlike&amp;amp;mdash;the eye no longer sees, and we go to sleep. The fire or light, when kept in by the eyelids, equalizes the inward motions, and there is rest accompanied by few dreams; only when the greater motions remain they engender in us corresponding visions of the night. And now we shall be able to understand the nature of reflections in mirrors. The fires from within and from without meet about the smooth and bright surface of the mirror; and because they meet in a manner contrary to the usual mode, the right and left sides of the object are transposed. In a concave mirror the top and bottom are inverted, but this is no transposition. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; These are the second causes which God used as his ministers in fashioning the world. They are thought by many to be the prime causes, but they are not so; for they are destitute of mind and reason, and the lover of mind will not allow that there are any prime causes other than the rational and invisible ones&amp;amp;mdash;these he investigates first, and afterwards the causes of things which are moved by others, and which work by chance and without order. Of the second or concurrent causes of sight I have already spoken, and I will now speak of the higher purpose of God in giving us eyes. Sight is the source of the greatest benefits to us; for if our eyes had never seen the sun, stars, and heavens, the words which we have spoken would not have been uttered. The sight of them and their revolutions has given us the knowledge of number and time, the power of enquiry, and philosophy, which is the great blessing of human life; not to speak of the lesser benefits which even the vulgar can appreciate. God gave us the faculty of sight that we might behold the order of the heavens and create a corresponding order in our own erring minds. To the like end the gifts of speech and hearing were bestowed upon us; not for the sake of irrational pleasure, but in order that we might harmonize the courses of the soul by sympathy with the harmony of sound, and cure ourselves of our irregular and graceless ways. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Thus far we have spoken of the works of mind; and there are other works done from necessity, which we must now place beside them; for the creation is made up of both, mind persuading necessity as far as possible to work out good. Before the heavens there existed fire, air, water, earth, which we suppose men to know, though no one has explained their nature, and we erroneously maintain them to be the letters or elements of the whole, although they cannot reasonably be compared even to syllables or first compounds. I am not now speaking of the first principles of things, because I cannot discover them by our present mode of enquiry. But as I observed the rule of probability at first, I will begin anew, seeking by the grace of God to observe it still. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In our former discussion I distinguished two kinds of being&amp;amp;mdash;the unchanging or invisible, and the visible or changing. But now a third kind is required, which I shall call the receptacle or nurse of generation. There is a difficulty in arriving at an exact notion of this third kind, because the four elements themselves are of inexact natures and easily pass into one another, and are too transient to be detained by any one name; wherefore we are compelled to speak of water or fire, not as substances, but as qualities. They may be compared to images made of gold, which are continually assuming new forms. Somebody asks what they are; if you do not know, the safest answer is to reply that they are gold. In like manner there is a universal nature out of which all things are made, and which is like none of them; but they enter into and pass out of her, and are made after patterns of the true in a wonderful and inexplicable manner. The containing principle may be likened to a mother, the source or spring to a father, the intermediate nature to a child; and we may also remark that the matter which receives every variety of form must be formless, like the inodorous liquids which are prepared to receive scents, or the smooth and soft materials on which figures are impressed. In the same way space or matter is neither earth nor fire nor air nor water, but an invisible and formless being which receives all things, and in an incomprehensible manner partakes of the intelligible. But we may say, speaking generally, that fire is that part of this nature which is inflamed, water that which is moistened, and the like. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Let me ask a question in which a great principle is involved: Is there an essence of fire and the other elements, or are there only fires visible to sense? I answer in a word: If mind is one thing and true opinion another, then there are self-existent essences; but if mind is the same with opinion, then the visible and corporeal is most real. But they are not the same, and they have a different origin and nature. The one comes to us by instruction, the other by persuasion, the one is rational, the other is irrational; the one is movable by persuasion, the other immovable; the one is possessed by every man, the other by the gods and by very few men. And we must acknowledge that as there are two kinds of knowledge, so there are two kinds of being corresponding to them; the one uncreated, indestructible, immovable, which is seen by intelligence only; the other created, which is always becoming in place and vanishing out of place, and is apprehended by opinion and sense. There is also a third nature&amp;amp;mdash;that of space, which is indestructible, and is perceived by a kind of spurious reason without the help of sense. This is presented to us in a dreamy manner, and yet is said to be necessary, for we say that all things must be somewhere in space. For they are the images of other things and must therefore have a separate existence and exist in something (i.e. in space). But true reason assures us that while two things (i.e. the idea and the image) are different they cannot inhere in one another, so as to be one and two at the same time. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; To sum up: Being and generation and space, these three, existed before the heavens, and the nurse or vessel of generation, moistened by water and inflamed by fire, and taking the forms of air and earth, assumed various shapes. By the motion of the vessel, the elements were divided, and like grain winnowed by fans, the close and heavy particles settled in one place, the light and airy ones in another. At first they were without reason and measure, and had only certain faint traces of themselves, until God fashioned them by figure and number. In this, as in every other part of creation, I suppose God to have made things, as far as was possible, fair and good, out of things not fair and good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And now I will explain to you the generation of the world by a method with which your scientific training will have made you familiar. Fire, air, earth, and water are bodies and therefore solids, and solids are contained in planes, and plane rectilinear figures are made up of triangles. Of triangles there are two kinds; one having the opposite sides equal (isosceles), the other with unequal sides (scalene). These we may fairly assume to be the original elements of fire and the other bodies; what principles are prior to these God only knows, and he of men whom God loves. Next, we must determine what are the four most beautiful figures which are unlike one another and yet sometimes capable of resolution into one another...Of the two kinds of triangles the equal-sided has but one form, the unequal-sided has an infinite variety of forms; and there is none more beautiful than that which forms the half of an equilateral triangle. Let us then choose two triangles; one, the isosceles, the other, that form of scalene which has the square of the longer side three times as great as the square of the lesser side; and affirm that, out of these, fire and the other elements have been constructed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I was wrong in imagining that all the four elements could be generated into and out of one another. For as they are formed, three of them from the triangle which has the sides unequal, the fourth from the triangle which has equal sides, three can be resolved into one another, but the fourth cannot be resolved into them nor they into it. So much for their passage into one another: I must now speak of their construction. From the triangle of which the hypotenuse is twice the lesser side the three first regular solids are formed&amp;amp;mdash;first, the equilateral pyramid or tetrahedron; secondly, the octahedron; thirdly, the icosahedron; and from the isosceles triangle is formed the cube. And there is a fifth figure (which is made out of twelve pentagons), the dodecahedron&amp;amp;mdash;this God used as a model for the twelvefold division of the Zodiac. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Let us now assign the geometrical forms to their respective elements. The cube is the most stable of them because resting on a quadrangular plane surface, and composed of isosceles triangles. To the earth then, which is the most stable of bodies and the most easily modelled of them, may be assigned the form of a cube; and the remaining forms to the other elements,&amp;amp;mdash;to fire the pyramid, to air the octahedron, and to water the icosahedron,&amp;amp;mdash;according to their degrees of lightness or heaviness or power, or want of power, of penetration. The single particles of any of the elements are not seen by reason of their smallness; they only become visible when collected. The ratios of their motions, numbers, and other properties, are ordered by the God, who harmonized them as far as necessity permitted. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The probable conclusion is as follows:&amp;amp;mdash;Earth, when dissolved by the more penetrating element of fire, whether acting immediately or through the medium of air or water, is decomposed but not transformed. Water, when divided by fire or air, becomes one part fire, and two parts air. A volume of air divided becomes two of fire. On the other hand, when condensed, two volumes of fire make a volume of air; and two and a half parts of air condense into one of water. Any element which is fastened upon by fire is cut by the sharpness of the triangles, until at length, coalescing with the fire, it is at rest; for similars are not affected by similars. When two kinds of bodies quarrel with one another, then the tendency to decomposition continues until the smaller either escapes to its kindred element or becomes one with its conqueror. And this tendency in bodies to condense or escape is a source of motion...Where there is motion there must be a mover, and where there is a mover there must be something to move. These cannot exist in what is uniform, and therefore motion is due to want of uniformity. But then why, when things are divided after their kinds, do they not cease from motion? The answer is, that the circular motion of all things compresses them, and as &amp;amp;lsquo;nature abhors a vacuum,&amp;amp;rsquo; the finer and more subtle particles of the lighter elements, such as fire and air, are thrust into the interstices of the larger, each of them penetrating according to their rarity, and thus all the elements are on their way up and down everywhere and always into their own places. Hence there is a principle of inequality, and therefore of motion, in all time. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In the next place, we may observe that there are different kinds of fire&amp;amp;mdash;(1) flame, (2) light that burns not, (3) the red heat of the embers of fire. And there are varieties of air, as for example, the pure aether, the opaque mist, and other nameless forms. Water, again, is of two kinds, liquid and fusile. The liquid is composed of small and unequal particles, the fusile of large and uniform particles and is more solid, but nevertheless melts at the approach of fire, and then spreads upon the earth. When the substance cools, the fire passes into the air, which is displaced, and forces together and condenses the liquid mass. This process is called cooling and congealment. Of the fusile kinds the fairest and heaviest is gold; this is hardened by filtration through rock, and is of a bright yellow colour. A shoot of gold which is darker and denser than the rest is called adamant. Another kind is called copper, which is harder and yet lighter because the interstices are larger than in gold. There is mingled with it a fine and small portion of earth which comes out in the form of rust. These are a few of the conjectures which philosophy forms, when, leaving the eternal nature, she turns for innocent recreation to consider the truths of generation. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Water which is mingled with fire is called liquid because it rolls upon the earth, and soft because its bases give way. This becomes more equable when separated from fire and air, and then congeals into hail or ice, or the looser forms of hoar frost or snow. There are other waters which are called juices and are distilled through plants. Of these we may mention, first, wine, which warms the soul as well as the body; secondly, oily substances, as for example, oil or pitch; thirdly, honey, which relaxes the contracted parts of the mouth and so produces sweetness; fourthly, vegetable acid, which is frothy and has a burning quality and dissolves the flesh. Of the kinds of earth, that which is filtered through water passes into stone; the water is broken up by the earth and escapes in the form of air&amp;amp;mdash;this in turn presses upon the mass of earth, and the earth, compressed into an indissoluble union with the remaining water, becomes rock. Rock, when it is made up of equal particles, is fair and transparent, but the reverse when of unequal. Earth is converted into pottery when the watery part is suddenly drawn away; or if moisture remains, the earth, when fused by fire, becomes, on cooling, a stone of a black colour. When the earth is finer and of a briny nature then two half-solid bodies are formed by separating the water,&amp;amp;mdash;soda and salt. The strong compounds of earth and water are not soluble by water, but only by fire. Earth itself, when not consolidated, is dissolved by water; when consolidated, by fire only. The cohesion of water, when strong, is dissolved by fire only; when weak, either by air or fire, the former entering the interstices, the latter penetrating even the triangles. Air when strongly condensed is indissoluble by any power which does not reach the triangles, and even when not strongly condensed is only resolved by fire. Compounds of earth and water are unaffected by water while the water occupies the interstices in them, but begin to liquefy when fire enters into the interstices of the water. They are of two kinds, some of them, like glass, having more earth, others, like wax, having more water in them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Having considered objects of sense, we now pass on to sensation. But we cannot explain sensation without explaining the nature of flesh and of the mortal soul; and as we cannot treat of both together, in order that we may proceed at once to the sensations we must assume the existence of body and soul. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; What makes fire burn? The fineness of the sides, the sharpness of the angles, the smallness of the particles, the quickness of the motion. Moreover, the pyramid, which is the figure of fire, is more cutting than any other. The feeling of cold is produced by the larger particles of moisture outside the body trying to eject the smaller ones in the body which they compress. The struggle which arises between elements thus unnaturally brought together causes shivering. That is hard to which the flesh yields, and soft which yields to the flesh, and these two terms are also relative to one another. The yielding matter is that which has the slenderest base, whereas that which has a rectangular base is compact and repellent. Light and heavy are wrongly explained with reference to a lower and higher in place. For in the universe, which is a sphere, there is no opposition of above or below, and that which is to us above would be below to a man standing at the antipodes. The greater or less difficulty in detaching any element from its like is the real cause of heaviness or of lightness. If you draw the earth into the dissimilar air, the particles of earth cling to their native element, and you more easily detach a small portion than a large. There would be the same difficulty in moving any of the upper elements towards the lower. The smooth and the rough are severally produced by the union of evenness with compactness, and of hardness with inequality. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Pleasure and pain are the most important of the affections common to the whole body. According to our general doctrine of sensation, parts of the body which are easily moved readily transmit the motion to the mind; but parts which are not easily moved have no effect upon the patient. The bones and hair are of the latter kind, sight and hearing of the former. Ordinary affections are neither pleasant nor painful. The impressions of sight afford an example of these, and are neither violent nor sudden. But sudden replenishments of the body cause pleasure, and sudden disturbances, as for example cuttings and burnings, have the opposite effect. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;gt;From sensations common to the whole body, we proceed to those of particular parts. The affections of the tongue appear to be caused by contraction and dilation, but they have more of roughness or smoothness than is found in other affections. Earthy particles, entering into the small veins of the tongue which reach to the heart, when they melt into and dry up the little veins are astringent if they are rough; or if not so rough, they are only harsh, and if excessively abstergent, like potash and soda, bitter. Purgatives of a weaker sort are called salt and, having no bitterness, are rather agreeable. Inflammatory bodies, which by their lightness are carried up into the head, cutting all that comes in their way, are termed pungent. But when these are refined by putrefaction, and enter the narrow veins of the tongue, and meet there particles of earth and air, two kinds of globules are formed&amp;amp;mdash;one of earthy and impure liquid, which boils and ferments, the other of pure and transparent water, which are called bubbles; of all these affections the cause is termed acid. When, on the other hand, the composition of the deliquescent particles is congenial to the tongue, and disposes the parts according to their nature, this remedial power in them is called sweet. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Smells are not divided into kinds; all of them are transitional, and arise out of the decomposition of one element into another, for the simple air or water is without smell. They are vapours or mists, thinner than water and thicker than air: and hence in drawing in the breath, when there is an obstruction, the air passes, but there is no smell. They have no names, but are distinguished as pleasant and unpleasant, and their influence extends over the whole region from the head to the navel. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Hearing is the effect of a stroke which is transmitted through the ears by means of the air, brain, and blood to the soul, beginning at the head and extending to the liver. The sound which moves swiftly is acute; that which moves slowly is grave; that which is uniform is smooth, and the opposite is harsh. Loudness depends on the quantity of the sound. Of the harmony of sounds I will hereafter speak. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Colours are flames which emanate from all bodies, having particles corresponding to the sense of sight. Some of the particles are less and some larger, and some are equal to the parts of the sight. The equal particles appear transparent; the larger contract, and the lesser dilate the sight. White is produced by the dilation, black by the contraction, of the particles of sight. There is also a swifter motion of another sort of fire which forces a way through the passages of the eyes, and elicits from them a union of fire and water which we call tears. The inner fire flashes forth, and the outer finds a way in and is extinguished in the moisture, and all sorts of colours are generated by the mixture. This affection is termed by us dazzling, and the object which produces it is called bright. There is yet another sort of fire which mingles with the moisture of the eye without flashing, and produces a colour like blood&amp;amp;mdash;to this we give the name of red. A bright element mingling with red and white produces a colour which we call auburn. The law of proportion, however, according to which compound colours are formed, cannot be determined scientifically or even probably. Red, when mingled with black and white, gives a purple hue, which becomes umber when the colours are burnt and there is a larger admixture of black. Flame-colour is a mixture of auburn and dun; dun of white and black; yellow of white and auburn. White and bright meeting, and falling upon a full black, become dark blue; dark blue mingling with white becomes a light blue; the union of flame-colour and black makes leek-green. There is no difficulty in seeing how other colours are probably composed. But he who should attempt to test the truth of this by experiment, would forget the difference of the human and divine nature. God only is able to compound and resolve substances; such experiments are impossible to man. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; These are the elements of necessity which the Creator received in the world of generation when he made the all-sufficient and perfect creature, using the secondary causes as his ministers, but himself fashioning the good in all things. For there are two sorts of causes, the one divine, the other necessary; and we should seek to discover the divine above all, and, for their sake, the necessary, because without them the higher cannot be attained by us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Having now before us the causes out of which the rest of our discourse is to be framed, let us go back to the point at which we began, and add a fair ending to our tale. As I said at first, all things were originally a chaos in which there was no order or proportion. The elements of this chaos were arranged by the Creator, and out of them he made the world. Of the divine he himself was the author, but he committed to his offspring the creation of the mortal. From him they received the immortal soul, but themselves made the body to be its vehicle, and constructed within another soul which was mortal, and subject to terrible affections&amp;amp;mdash;pleasure, the inciter of evil; pain, which deters from good; rashness and fear, foolish counsellors; anger hard to be appeased; hope easily led astray. These they mingled with irrational sense and all-daring love according to necessary laws and so framed man. And, fearing to pollute the divine element, they gave the mortal soul a separate habitation in the breast, parted off from the head by a narrow isthmus. And as in a house the women&amp;amp;rsquo;s apartments are divided from the men&amp;amp;rsquo;s, the cavity of the thorax was divided into two parts, a higher and a lower. The higher of the two, which is the seat of courage and anger, lies nearer to the head, between the midriff and the neck, and assists reason in restraining the desires. The heart is the house of guard in which all the veins meet, and through them reason sends her commands to the extremity of her kingdom. When the passions are in revolt, or danger approaches from without, then the heart beats and swells; and the creating powers, knowing this, implanted in the body the soft and bloodless substance of the lung, having a porous and springy nature like a sponge, and being kept cool by drink and air which enters through the trachea. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The part of the soul which desires meat and drink was placed between the midriff and navel, where they made a sort of manger; and here they bound it down, like a wild animal, away from the council-chamber, and leaving the better principle undisturbed to advise quietly for the good of the whole. For the Creator knew that the belly would not listen to reason, and was under the power of idols and fancies. Wherefore he framed the liver to connect with the lower nature, contriving that it should be compact, and bright, and sweet, and also bitter and smooth, in order that the power of thought which originates in the mind might there be reflected, terrifying the belly with the elements of bitterness and gall, and a suffusion of bilious colours when the liver is contracted, and causing pain and misery by twisting out of its place the lobe and closing up the vessels and gates. And the converse happens when some gentle inspiration coming from intelligence mirrors the opposite fancies, giving rest and sweetness and freedom, and at night, moderation and peace accompanied with prophetic insight, when reason and sense are asleep. For the authors of our being, in obedience to their Father&amp;amp;rsquo;s will and in order to make men as good as they could, gave to the liver the power of divination, which is never active when men are awake or in health; but when they are under the influence of some disorder or enthusiasm then they receive intimations, which have to be interpreted by others who are called prophets, but should rather be called interpreters of prophecy; after death these intimations become unintelligible. The spleen which is situated in the neighbourhood, on the left side, keeps the liver bright and clean, as a napkin does a mirror, and the evacuations of the liver are received into it; and being a hollow tissue it is for a time swollen with these impurities, but when the body is purged it returns to its natural size. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The truth concerning the soul can only be established by the word of God. Still, we may venture to assert what is probable both concerning soul and body. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The creative powers were aware of our tendency to excess. And so when they made the belly to be a receptacle for food, in order that men might not perish by insatiable gluttony, they formed the convolutions of the intestines, in this way retarding the passage of food through the body, lest mankind should be absorbed in eating and drinking, and the whole race become impervious to divine philosophy. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The creation of bones and flesh was on this wise. The foundation of these is the marrow which binds together body and soul, and the marrow is made out of such of the primary triangles as are adapted by their perfection to produce all the four elements. These God took and mingled them in due proportion, making as many kinds of marrow as there were hereafter to be kinds of souls. The receptacle of the divine soul he made round, and called that portion of the marrow brain, intending that the vessel containing this substance should be the head. The remaining part he divided into long and round figures, and to these as to anchors, fastening the mortal soul, he proceeded to make the rest of the body, first forming for both parts a covering of bone. The bone was formed by sifting pure smooth earth and wetting it with marrow. It was then thrust alternately into fire and water, and thus rendered insoluble by either. Of bone he made a globe which he placed around the brain, leaving a narrow opening, and around the marrow of the neck and spine he formed the vertebrae, like hinges, which extended from the head through the whole of the trunk. And as the bone was brittle and liable to mortify and destroy the marrow by too great rigidity and susceptibility to heat and cold, he contrived sinews and flesh&amp;amp;mdash;the first to give flexibility, the second to guard against heat and cold, and to be a protection against falls, containing a warm moisture, which in summer exudes and cools the body, and in winter is a defence against cold. Having this in view, the Creator mingled earth with fire and water and mixed with them a ferment of acid and salt, so as to form pulpy flesh. But the sinews he made of a mixture of bone and unfermented flesh, giving them a mean nature between the two, and a yellow colour. Hence they were more glutinous than flesh, but softer than bone. The bones which have most of the living soul within them he covered with the thinnest film of flesh, those which have least of it, he lodged deeper. At the joints he diminished the flesh in order not to impede the flexure of the limbs, and also to avoid clogging the perceptions of the mind. About the thighs and arms, which have no sense because there is little soul in the marrow, and about the inner bones, he laid the flesh thicker. For where the flesh is thicker there is less feeling, except in certain parts which the Creator has made solely of flesh, as for example, the tongue. Had the combination of solid bone and thick flesh been consistent with acute perceptions, the Creator would have given man a sinewy and fleshy head, and then he would have lived twice as long. But our creators were of opinion that a shorter life which was better was preferable to a longer which was worse, and therefore they covered the head with thin bone, and placed the sinews at the extremity of the head round the neck, and fastened the jawbones to them below the face. And they framed the mouth, having teeth and tongue and lips, with a view to the necessary and the good; for food is a necessity, and the river of speech is the best of rivers. Still, the head could not be left a bare globe of bone on account of the extremes of heat and cold, nor be allowed to become dull and senseless by an overgrowth of flesh. Wherefore it was covered by a peel or skin which met and grew by the help of the cerebral humour. The diversity of the sutures was caused by the struggle of the food against the courses of the soul. The skin of the head was pierced by fire, and out of the punctures came forth a moisture, part liquid, and part of a skinny nature, which was hardened by the pressure of the external cold and became hair. And God gave hair to the head of man to be a light covering, so that it might not interfere with his perceptions. Nails were formed by combining sinew, skin, and bone, and were made by the creators with a view to the future when, as they knew, women and other animals who would require them would be framed out of man. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The gods also mingled natures akin to that of man with other forms and perceptions. Thus trees and plants were created, which were originally wild and have been adapted by cultivation to our use. They partake of that third kind of life which is seated between the midriff and the navel, and is altogether passive and incapable of reflection. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; When the creators had furnished all these natures for our sustenance, they cut channels through our bodies as in a garden, watering them with a perennial stream. Two were cut down the back, along the back bone, where the skin and flesh meet, one on the right and the other on the left, having the marrow of generation between them. In the next place, they divided the veins about the head and interlaced them with each other in order that they might form an additional link between the head and the body, and that the sensations from both sides might be diffused throughout the body. In the third place, they contrived the passage of liquids, which may be explained in this way:&amp;amp;mdash;Finer bodies retain coarser, but not the coarser the finer, and the belly is capable of retaining food, but not fire and air. God therefore formed a network of fire and air to irrigate the veins, having within it two lesser nets, and stretched cords reaching from both the lesser nets to the extremity of the outer net. The inner parts of the net were made by him of fire, the lesser nets and their cavities of air. The two latter he made to pass into the mouth; the one ascending by the air-pipes from the lungs, the other by the side of the air-pipes from the belly. The entrance to the first he divided into two parts, both of which he made to meet at the channels of the nose, that when the mouth was closed the passage connected with it might still be fed with air. The cavity of the network he spread around the hollows of the body, making the entire receptacle to flow into and out of the lesser nets and the lesser nets into and out of it, while the outer net found a way into and out of the pores of the body, and the internal heat followed the air to and fro. These, as we affirm, are the phenomena of respiration. And all this process takes place in order that the body may be watered and cooled and nourished, and the meat and drink digested and liquefied and carried into the veins. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The causes of respiration have now to be considered. The exhalation of the breath through the mouth and nostrils displaces the external air, and at the same time leaves a vacuum into which through the pores the air which is displaced enters. Also the vacuum which is made when the air is exhaled through the pores is filled up by the inhalation of breath through the mouth and nostrils. The explanation of this double phenomenon is as follows:&amp;amp;mdash;Elements move towards their natural places. Now as every animal has within him a fountain of fire, the air which is inhaled through the mouth and nostrils, on coming into contact with this, is heated; and when heated, in accordance with the law of attraction, it escapes by the way it entered toward the place of fire. On leaving the body it is cooled and drives round the air which it displaces through the pores into the empty lungs. This again is in turn heated by the internal fire and escapes, as it entered, through the pores. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The phenomena of medical cupping-glasses, of swallowing, and of the hurling of bodies, are to be explained on a similar principle; as also sounds, which are sometimes discordant on account of the inequality of them, and again harmonious by reason of equality. The slower sounds reaching the swifter, when they begin to pause, by degrees assimilate with them: whence arises a pleasure which even the unwise feel, and which to the wise becomes a higher sense of delight, being an imitation of divine harmony in mortal motions. Streams flow, lightnings play, amber and the magnet attract, not by reason of attraction, but because &amp;amp;lsquo;nature abhors a vacuum,&amp;amp;rsquo; and because things, when compounded or dissolved, move different ways, each to its own place. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I will now return to the phenomena of respiration. The fire, entering the belly, minces the food, and as it escapes, fills the veins by drawing after it the divided portions, and thus the streams of nutriment are diffused through the body. The fruits or herbs which are our daily sustenance take all sorts of colours when intermixed, but the colour of red or fire predominates, and hence the liquid which we call blood is red, being the nurturing principle of the body, whence all parts are watered and empty places filled. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The process of repletion and depletion is produced by the attraction of like to like, after the manner of the universal motion. The external elements by their attraction are always diminishing the substance of the body: the particles of blood, too, formed out of the newly digested food, are attracted towards kindred elements within the body and so fill up the void. When more is taken away than flows in, then we decay; and when less, we grow and increase. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The young of every animal has the triangles new and closely locked together, and yet the entire frame is soft and delicate, being newly made of marrow and nurtured on milk. These triangles are sharper than those which enter the body from without in the shape of food, and therefore they cut them up. But as life advances, the triangles wear out and are no longer able to assimilate food; and at length, when the bonds which unite the triangles of the marrow become undone, they in turn unloose the bonds of the soul; and if the release be according to nature, she then flies away with joy. For the death which is natural is pleasant, but that which is caused by violence is painful. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Every one may understand the origin of diseases. They may be occasioned by the disarrangement or disproportion of the elements out of which the body is framed. This is the origin of many of them, but the worst of all owe their severity to the following causes: There is a natural order in the human frame according to which the flesh and sinews are made of blood, the sinews out of the fibres, and the flesh out of the congealed substance which is formed by separation from the fibres. The glutinous matter which comes away from the sinews and the flesh, not only binds the flesh to the bones, but nourishes the bones and waters the marrow. When these processes take place in regular order the body is in health. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But when the flesh wastes and returns into the veins there is discoloured blood as well as air in the veins, having acid and salt qualities, from which is generated every sort of phlegm and bile. All things go the wrong way and cease to give nourishment to the body, no longer preserving their natural courses, but at war with themselves and destructive to the constitution of the body. The oldest part of the flesh which is hard to decompose blackens from long burning, and from being corroded grows bitter, and as the bitter element refines away, becomes acid. When tinged with blood the bitter substance has a red colour, and this when mixed with black takes the hue of grass; or again, the bitter substance has an auburn colour, when new flesh is decomposed by the internal flame. To all which phenomena some physician or philosopher who was able to see the one in many has given the name of bile. The various kinds of bile have names answering to their colours. Lymph or serum is of two kinds: first, the whey of blood, which is gentle; secondly, the secretion of dark and bitter bile, which, when mingled under the influence of heat with salt, is malignant and is called acid phlegm. There is also white phlegm, formed by the decomposition of young and tender flesh, and covered with little bubbles, separately invisible, but becoming visible when collected. The water of tears and perspiration and similar substances is also the watery part of fresh phlegm. All these humours become sources of disease when the blood is replenished in irregular ways and not by food or drink. The danger, however, is not so great when the foundation remains, for then there is a possibility of recovery. But when the substance which unites the flesh and bones is diseased, and is no longer renewed from the muscles and sinews, and instead of being oily and smooth and glutinous becomes rough and salt and dry, then the fleshy parts fall away and leave the sinews bare and full of brine, and the flesh gets back again into the circulation of the blood, and makes the previously mentioned disorders still greater. There are other and worse diseases which are prior to these; as when the bone through the density of the flesh does not receive sufficient air, and becomes stagnant and gangrened, and crumbling away passes into the food, and the food into the flesh, and the flesh returns again into the blood. Worst of all and most fatal is the disease of the marrow, by which the whole course of the body is reversed. There is a third class of diseases which are produced, some by wind and some by phlegm and some by bile. When the lung, which is the steward of the air, is obstructed, by rheums, and in one part no air, and in another too much, enters in, then the parts which are unrefreshed by air corrode, and other parts are distorted by the excess of air; and in this manner painful diseases are produced. The most painful are caused by wind generated within the body, which gets about the great sinews of the shoulders&amp;amp;mdash;these are termed tetanus. The cure of them is difficult, and in most cases they are relieved only by fever. White phlegm, which is dangerous if kept in, by reason of the air bubbles, is not equally dangerous if able to escape through the pores, although it variegates the body, generating diverse kinds of leprosies. If, when mingled with black bile, it disturbs the courses of the head in sleep, there is not so much danger; but if it assails those who are awake, then the attack is far more dangerous, and is called epilepsy or the sacred disease. Acid and salt phlegm is the source of catarrh. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Inflammations originate in bile, which is sometimes relieved by boils and swellings, but when detained, and above all when mingled with pure blood, generates many inflammatory disorders, disturbing the position of the fibres which are scattered about in the blood in order to maintain the balance of rare and dense which is necessary to its regular circulation. If the bile, which is only stale blood, or liquefied flesh, comes in little by little, it is congealed by the fibres and produces internal cold and shuddering. But when it enters with more of a flood it overcomes the fibres by its heat and reaches the spinal marrow, and burning up the cables of the soul sets her free from the body. When on the other hand the body, though wasted, still holds out, then the bile is expelled, like an exile from a factious state, causing associating diarrhoeas and dysenteries and similar disorders. The body which is diseased from the effects of fire is in a continual fever; when air is the agent, the fever is quotidian; when water, the fever intermits a day; when earth, which is the most sluggish element, the fever intermits three days and is with difficulty shaken off. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of mental disorders there are two sorts, one madness, the other ignorance, and they may be justly attributed to disease. Excessive pleasures or pains are among the greatest diseases, and deprive men of their senses. When the seed about the spinal marrow is too abundant, the body has too great pleasures and pains; and during a great part of his life he who is the subject of them is more or less mad. He is often thought bad, but this is a mistake; for the truth is that the intemperance of lust is due to the fluidity of the marrow produced by the loose consistency of the bones. And this is true of vice in general, which is commonly regarded as disgraceful, whereas it is really involuntary and arises from a bad habit of the body and evil education. In like manner the soul is often made vicious by the influence of bodily pain; the briny phlegm and other bitter and bilious humours wander over the body and find no exit, but are compressed within, and mingle their own vapours with the motions of the soul, and are carried to the three places of the soul, creating infinite varieties of trouble and melancholy, of rashness and cowardice, of forgetfulness and stupidity. When men are in this evil plight of body, and evil forms of government and evil discourses are superadded, and there is no education to save them, they are corrupted through two causes; but of neither of them are they really the authors. For the planters are to blame rather than the plants, the educators and not the educated. Still, we should endeavour to attain virtue and avoid vice; but this is part of another subject. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Enough of disease&amp;amp;mdash;I have now to speak of the means by which the mind and body are to be preserved, a higher theme than the other. The good is the beautiful, and the beautiful is the symmetrical, and there is no greater or fairer symmetry than that of body and soul, as the contrary is the greatest of deformities. A leg or an arm too long or too short is at once ugly and unserviceable, and the same is true if body and soul are disproportionate. For a strong and impassioned soul may &amp;amp;lsquo;fret the pigmy body to decay,&amp;amp;rsquo; and so produce convulsions and other evils. The violence of controversy, or the earnestness of enquiry, will often generate inflammations and rheums which are not understood, or assigned to their true cause by the professors of medicine. And in like manner the body may be too much for the soul, darkening the reason, and quickening the animal desires. The only security is to preserve the balance of the two, and to this end the mathematician or philosopher must practise gymnastics, and the gymnast must cultivate music. The parts of the body too must be treated in the same way&amp;amp;mdash;they should receive their appropriate exercise. For the body is set in motion when it is heated and cooled by the elements which enter in, or is dried up and moistened by external things; and, if given up to these processes when at rest, it is liable to destruction. But the natural motion, as in the world, so also in the human frame, produces harmony and divides hostile powers. The best exercise is the spontaneous motion of the body, as in gymnastics, because most akin to the motion of mind; not so good is the motion of which the source is in another, as in sailing or riding; least good when the body is at rest and the motion is in parts only, which is a species of motion imparted by physic. This should only be resorted to by men of sense in extreme cases; lesser diseases are not to be irritated by medicine. For every disease is akin to the living being and has an appointed term, just as life has, which depends on the form of the triangles, and cannot be protracted when they are worn out. And he who, instead of accepting his destiny, endeavours to prolong his life by medicine, is likely to multiply and magnify his diseases. Regimen and not medicine is the true cure, when a man has time at his disposal. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Enough of the nature of man and of the body, and of training and education. The subject is a great one and cannot be adequately treated as an appendage to another. To sum up all in a word: there are three kinds of soul located within us, and any one of them, if remaining inactive, becomes very weak; if exercised, very strong. Wherefore we should duly train and exercise all three kinds. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The divine soul God lodged in the head, to raise us, like plants which are not of earthly origin, to our kindred; for the head is nearest to heaven. He who is intent upon the gratification of his desires and cherishes the mortal soul, has all his ideas mortal, and is himself mortal in the truest sense. But he who seeks after knowledge and exercises the divine part of himself in godly and immortal thoughts, attains to truth and immortality, as far as is possible to man, and also to happiness, while he is training up within him the divine principle and indwelling power of order. There is only one way in which one person can benefit another; and that is by assigning to him his proper nurture and motion. To the motions of the soul answer the motions of the universe, and by the study of these the individual is restored to his original nature. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Thus we have finished the discussion of the universe, which, according to our original intention, has now been brought down to the creation of man. Completeness seems to require that something should be briefly said about other animals: first of women, who are probably degenerate and cowardly men. And when they degenerated, the gods implanted in men the desire of union with them, creating in man one animate substance and in woman another in the following manner:&amp;amp;mdash;The outlet for liquids they connected with the living principle of the spinal marrow, which the man has the desire to emit into the fruitful womb of the woman; this is like a fertile field in which the seed is quickened and matured, and at last brought to light. When this desire is unsatisfied the man is over-mastered by the power of the generative organs, and the woman is subjected to disorders from the obstruction of the passages of the breath, until the two meet and pluck the fruit of the tree. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The race of birds was created out of innocent, light-minded men, who thought to pursue the study of the heavens by sight; these were transformed into birds, and grew feathers instead of hair. The race of wild animals were men who had no philosophy, and never looked up to heaven or used the courses of the head, but followed only the influences of passion. Naturally they turned to their kindred earth, and put their forelegs to the ground, and their heads were crushed into strange oblong forms. Some of them have four feet, and some of them more than four,&amp;amp;mdash;the latter, who are the more senseless, drawing closer to their native element; the most senseless of all have no limbs and trail their whole body on the ground. The fourth kind are the inhabitants of the waters; these are made out of the most senseless and ignorant and impure of men, whom God placed in the uttermost parts of the world in return for their utter ignorance, and caused them to respire water instead of the pure element of air. Such are the laws by which animals pass into one another. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And so the world received animals, mortal and immortal, and was fulfilled with them, and became a visible God, comprehending the visible, made in the image of the Intellectual, being the one perfect only-begotten heaven. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a name=&amp;quot;link2H_SECT2&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;link2H_SECT2&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &amp;lt;!--  H2 anchor --&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;div style=&amp;quot;height: 4em;&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/div&amp;gt; &amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; Section 2. &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Nature in the aspect which she presented to a Greek philosopher of the fourth century before Christ is not easily reproduced to modern eyes. The associations of mythology and poetry have to be added, and the unconscious influence of science has to be subtracted, before we can behold the heavens or the earth as they appeared to the Greek. The philosopher himself was a child and also a man&amp;amp;mdash;a child in the range of his attainments, but also a great intelligence having an insight into nature, and often anticipations of the truth. He was full of original thoughts, and yet liable to be imposed upon by the most obvious fallacies. He occasionally confused numbers with ideas, and atoms with numbers; his a priori notions were out of all proportion to his experience. He was ready to explain the phenomena of the heavens by the most trivial analogies of earth. The experiments which nature worked for him he sometimes accepted, but he never tried experiments for himself which would either prove or disprove his theories. His knowledge was unequal; while in some branches, such as medicine and astronomy, he had made considerable proficiency, there were others, such as chemistry, electricity, mechanics, of which the very names were unknown to him. He was the natural enemy of mythology, and yet mythological ideas still retained their hold over him. He was endeavouring to form a conception of principles, but these principles or ideas were regarded by him as real powers or entities, to which the world had been subjected. He was always tending to argue from what was near to what was remote, from what was known to what was unknown, from man to the universe, and back again from the universe to man. While he was arranging the world, he was arranging the forms of thought in his own mind; and the light from within and the light from without often crossed and helped to confuse one another. He might be compared to a builder engaged in some great design, who could only dig with his hands because he was unprovided with common tools; or to some poet or musician, like Tynnichus (Ion), obliged to accommodate his lyric raptures to the limits of the tetrachord or of the flute. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The Hesiodic and Orphic cosmogonies were a phase of thought intermediate between mythology and philosophy and had a great influence on the beginnings of knowledge. There was nothing behind them; they were to physical science what the poems of Homer were to early Greek history. They made men think of the world as a whole; they carried the mind back into the infinity of past time; they suggested the first observation of the effects of fire and water on the earth&amp;amp;rsquo;s surface. To the ancient physics they stood much in the same relation which geology does to modern science. But the Greek was not, like the enquirer of the last generation, confined to a period of six thousand years; he was able to speculate freely on the effects of infinite ages in the production of physical phenomena. He could imagine cities which had existed time out of mind (States.; Laws), laws or forms of art and music which had lasted, &amp;amp;lsquo;not in word only, but in very truth, for ten thousand years&amp;amp;rsquo; (Laws); he was aware that natural phenomena like the Delta of the Nile might have slowly accumulated in long periods of time (Hdt.). But he seems to have supposed that the course of events was recurring rather than progressive. To this he was probably led by the fixedness of Egyptian customs and the general observation that there were other civilisations in the world more ancient than that of Hellas. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The ancient philosophers found in mythology many ideas which, if not originally derived from nature, were easily transferred to her&amp;amp;mdash;such, for example, as love or hate, corresponding to attraction or repulsion; or the conception of necessity allied both to the regularity and irregularity of nature; or of chance, the nameless or unknown cause; or of justice, symbolizing the law of compensation; are of the Fates and Furies, typifying the fixed order or the extraordinary convulsions of nature. Their own interpretations of Homer and the poets were supposed by them to be the original meaning. Musing in themselves on the phenomena of nature, they were relieved at being able to utter the thoughts of their hearts in figures of speech which to them were not figures, and were already consecrated by tradition. Hesiod and the Orphic poets moved in a region of half-personification in which the meaning or principle appeared through the person. In their vaster conceptions of Chaos, Erebus, Aether, Night, and the like, the first rude attempts at generalization are dimly seen. The Gods themselves, especially the greater Gods, such as Zeus, Poseidon, Apollo, Athene, are universals as well as individuals. They were gradually becoming lost in a common conception of mind or God. They continued to exist for the purposes of ritual or of art; but from the sixth century onwards or even earlier there arose and gained strength in the minds of men the notion of &amp;amp;lsquo;one God, greatest among Gods and men, who was all sight, all hearing, all knowing&amp;amp;rsquo; (Xenophanes). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Under the influence of such ideas, perhaps also deriving from the traditions of their own or of other nations scraps of medicine and astronomy, men came to the observation of nature. The Greek philosopher looked at the blue circle of the heavens and it flashed upon him that all things were one; the tumult of sense abated, and the mind found repose in the thought which former generations had been striving to realize. The first expression of this was some element, rarefied by degrees into a pure abstraction, and purged from any tincture of sense. Soon an inner world of ideas began to be unfolded, more absorbing, more overpowering, more abiding than the brightest of visible objects, which to the eye of the philosopher looking inward, seemed to pale before them, retaining only a faint and precarious existence. At the same time, the minds of men parted into the two great divisions of those who saw only a principle of motion, and of those who saw only a principle of rest, in nature and in themselves; there were born Heracliteans or Eleatics, as there have been in later ages born Aristotelians or Platonists. Like some philosophers in modern times, who are accused of making a theory first and finding their facts afterwards, the advocates of either opinion never thought of applying either to themselves or to their adversaries the criterion of fact. They were mastered by their ideas and not masters of them. Like the Heraclitean fanatics whom Plato has ridiculed in the Theaetetus, they were incapable of giving a reason of the faith that was in them, and had all the animosities of a religious sect. Yet, doubtless, there was some first impression derived from external nature, which, as in mythology, so also in philosophy, worked upon the minds of the first thinkers. Though incapable of induction or generalization in the modern sense, they caught an inspiration from the external world. The most general facts or appearances of nature, the circle of the universe, the nutritive power of water, the air which is the breath of life, the destructive force of fire, the seeming regularity of the greater part of nature and the irregularity of a remnant, the recurrence of day and night and of the seasons, the solid earth and the impalpable aether, were always present to them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The great source of error and also the beginning of truth to them was reasoning from analogy; they could see resemblances, but not differences; and they were incapable of distinguishing illustration from argument. Analogy in modern times only points the way, and is immediately verified by experiment. The dreams and visions, which pass through the philosopher&amp;amp;rsquo;s mind, of resemblances between different classes of substances, or between the animal and vegetable world, are put into the refiner&amp;amp;rsquo;s fire, and the dross and other elements which adhere to them are purged away. But the contemporary of Plato and Socrates was incapable of resisting the power of any analogy which occurred to him, and was drawn into any consequences which seemed to follow. He had no methods of difference or of concomitant variations, by the use of which he could distinguish the accidental from the essential. He could not isolate phenomena, and he was helpless against the influence of any word which had an equivocal or double sense. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yet without this crude use of analogy the ancient physical philosopher would have stood still; he could not have made even &amp;amp;lsquo;one guess among many&amp;amp;rsquo; without comparison. The course of natural phenomena would have passed unheeded before his eyes, like fair sights or musical sounds before the eyes and ears of an animal. Even the fetichism of the savage is the beginning of reasoning; the assumption of the most fanciful of causes indicates a higher mental state than the absence of all enquiry about them. The tendency to argue from the higher to the lower, from man to the world, has led to many errors, but has also had an elevating influence on philosophy. The conception of the world as a whole, a person, an animal, has been the source of hasty generalizations; yet this general grasp of nature led also to a spirit of comprehensiveness in early philosophy, which has not increased, but rather diminished, as the fields of knowledge have become more divided. The modern physicist confines himself to one or perhaps two branches of science. But he comparatively seldom rises above his own department, and often falls under the narrowing influence which any single branch, when pursued to the exclusion of every other, has over the mind. Language, two, exercised a spell over the beginnings of physical philosophy, leading to error and sometimes to truth; for many thoughts were suggested by the double meanings of words (Greek), and the accidental distinctions of words sometimes led the ancient philosopher to make corresponding differences in things (Greek). &amp;amp;lsquo;If they are the same, why have they different names; or if they are different, why have they the same name?&amp;amp;rsquo;&amp;amp;mdash;is an argument not easily answered in the infancy of knowledge. The modern philosopher has always been taught the lesson which he still imperfectly learns, that he must disengage himself from the influence of words. Nor are there wanting in Plato, who was himself too often the victim of them, impressive admonitions that we should regard not words but things (States.). But upon the whole, the ancients, though not entirely dominated by them, were much more subject to the influence of words than the moderns. They had no clear divisions of colours or substances; even the four elements were undefined; the fields of knowledge were not parted off. They were bringing order out of disorder, having a small grain of experience mingled in a confused heap of a priori notions. And yet, probably, their first impressions, the illusions and mirages of their fancy, created a greater intellectual activity and made a nearer approach to the truth than any patient investigation of isolated facts, for which the time had not yet come, could have accomplished. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There was one more illusion to which the ancient philosophers were subject, and against which Plato in his later dialogues seems to be struggling&amp;amp;mdash;the tendency to mere abstractions; not perceiving that pure abstraction is only negation, they thought that the greater the abstraction the greater the truth. Behind any pair of ideas a new idea which comprehended them&amp;amp;mdash;the (Greek), as it was technically termed&amp;amp;mdash;began at once to appear. Two are truer than three, one than two. The words &amp;amp;lsquo;being,&amp;amp;rsquo; or &amp;amp;lsquo;unity,&amp;amp;rsquo; or essence,&amp;amp;rsquo; or &amp;amp;lsquo;good,&amp;amp;rsquo; became sacred to them. They did not see that they had a word only, and in one sense the most unmeaning of words. They did not understand that the content of notions is in inverse proportion to their universality&amp;amp;mdash;the element which is the most widely diffused is also the thinnest; or, in the language of the common logic, the greater the extension the less the comprehension. But this vacant idea of a whole without parts, of a subject without predicates, a rest without motion, has been also the most fruitful of all ideas. It is the beginning of a priori thought, and indeed of thinking at all. Men were led to conceive it, not by a love of hasty generalization, but by a divine instinct, a dialectical enthusiasm, in which the human faculties seemed to yearn for enlargement. We know that &amp;amp;lsquo;being&amp;amp;rsquo; is only the verb of existence, the copula, the most general symbol of relation, the first and most meagre of abstractions; but to some of the ancient philosophers this little word appeared to attain divine proportions, and to comprehend all truth. Being or essence, and similar words, represented to them a supreme or divine being, in which they thought that they found the containing and continuing principle of the universe. In a few years the human mind was peopled with abstractions; a new world was called into existence to give law and order to the old. But between them there was still a gulf, and no one could pass from the one to the other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Number and figure were the greatest instruments of thought which were possessed by the Greek philosopher; having the same power over the mind which was exerted by abstract ideas, they were also capable of practical application. Many curious and, to the early thinker, mysterious properties of them came to light when they were compared with one another. They admitted of infinite multiplication and construction; in Pythagorean triangles or in proportions of 1:2:4:8 and 1:3:9:27, or compounds of them, the laws of the world seemed to be more than half revealed. They were also capable of infinite subdivision&amp;amp;mdash;a wonder and also a puzzle to the ancient thinker (Rep.). They were not, like being or essence, mere vacant abstractions, but admitted of progress and growth, while at the same time they confirmed a higher sentiment of the mind, that there was order in the universe. And so there began to be a real sympathy between the world within and the world without. The numbers and figures which were present to the mind&amp;amp;rsquo;s eye became visible to the eye of sense; the truth of nature was mathematics; the other properties of objects seemed to reappear only in the light of number. Law and morality also found a natural expression in number and figure. Instruments of such power and elasticity could not fail to be &amp;amp;lsquo;a most gracious assistance&amp;amp;rsquo; to the first efforts of human intelligence. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There was another reason why numbers had so great an influence over the minds of early thinkers&amp;amp;mdash;they were verified by experience. Every use of them, even the most trivial, assured men of their truth; they were everywhere to be found, in the least things and the greatest alike. One, two, three, counted on the fingers was a &amp;amp;lsquo;trivial matter (Rep.), a little instrument out of which to create a world; but from these and by the help of these all our knowledge of nature has been developed. They were the measure of all things, and seemed to give law to all things; nature was rescued from chaos and confusion by their power; the notes of music, the motions of the stars, the forms of atoms, the evolution and recurrence of days, months, years, the military divisions of an army, the civil divisions of a state, seemed to afford a &amp;amp;lsquo;present witness&amp;amp;rsquo; of them&amp;amp;mdash;what would have become of man or of the world if deprived of number (Rep.)? The mystery of number and the mystery of music were akin. There was a music of rhythm and of harmonious motion everywhere; and to the real connexion which existed between music and number, a fanciful or imaginary relation was superadded. There was a music of the spheres as well as of the notes of the lyre. If in all things seen there was number and figure, why should they not also pervade the unseen world, with which by their wonderful and unchangeable nature they seemed to hold communion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Two other points strike us in the use which the ancient philosophers made of numbers. First, they applied to external nature the relations of them which they found in their own minds; and where nature seemed to be at variance with number, as for example in the case of fractions, they protested against her (Rep.; Arist. Metaph.). Having long meditated on the properties of 1:2:4:8, or 1:3:9:27, or of 3, 4, 5, they discovered in them many curious correspondences and were disposed to find in them the secret of the universe. Secondly, they applied number and figure equally to those parts of physics, such as astronomy or mechanics, in which the modern philosopher expects to find them, and to those in which he would never think of looking for them, such as physiology and psychology. For the sciences were not yet divided, and there was nothing really irrational in arguing that the same laws which regulated the heavenly bodies were partially applied to the erring limbs or brain of man. Astrology was the form which the lively fancy of ancient thinkers almost necessarily gave to astronomy. The observation that the lower principle, e.g. mechanics, is always seen in the higher, e.g. in the phenomena of life, further tended to perplex them. Plato&amp;amp;rsquo;s doctrine of the same and the other ruling the courses of the heavens and of the human body is not a mere vagary, but is a natural result of the state of knowledge and thought at which he had arrived. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; When in modern times we contemplate the heavens, a certain amount of scientific truth imperceptibly blends, even with the cursory glance of an unscientific person. He knows that the earth is revolving round the sun, and not the sun around the earth. He does not imagine the earth to be the centre of the universe, and he has some conception of chemistry and the cognate sciences. A very different aspect of nature would have been present to the mind of the early Greek philosopher. He would have beheld the earth a surface only, not mirrored, however faintly, in the glass of science, but indissolubly connected with some theory of one, two, or more elements. He would have seen the world pervaded by number and figure, animated by a principle of motion, immanent in a principle of rest. He would have tried to construct the universe on a quantitative principle, seeming to find in endless combinations of geometrical figures or in the infinite variety of their sizes a sufficient account of the multiplicity of phenomena. To these a priori speculations he would add a rude conception of matter and his own immediate experience of health and disease. His cosmos would necessarily be imperfect and unequal, being the first attempt to impress form and order on the primaeval chaos of human knowledge. He would see all things as in a dream. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The ancient physical philosophers have been charged by Dr. Whewell and others with wasting their fine intelligences in wrong methods of enquiry; and their progress in moral and political philosophy has been sometimes contrasted with their supposed failure in physical investigations. &amp;amp;lsquo;They had plenty of ideas,&amp;amp;rsquo; says Dr. Whewell, &amp;amp;lsquo;and plenty of facts; but their ideas did not accurately represent the facts with which they were acquainted.&amp;amp;rsquo; This is a very crude and misleading way of describing ancient science. It is the mistake of an uneducated person&amp;amp;mdash;uneducated, that is, in the higher sense of the word&amp;amp;mdash;who imagines every one else to be like himself and explains every other age by his own. No doubt the ancients often fell into strange and fanciful errors: the time had not yet arrived for the slower and surer path of the modern inductive philosophy. But it remains to be shown that they could have done more in their age and country; or that the contributions which they made to the sciences with which they were acquainted are not as great upon the whole as those made by their successors. There is no single step in astronomy as great as that of the nameless Pythagorean who first conceived the world to be a body moving round the sun in space: there is no truer or more comprehensive principle than the application of mathematics alike to the heavenly bodies, and to the particles of matter. The ancients had not the instruments which would have enabled them to correct or verify their anticipations, and their opportunities of observation were limited. Plato probably did more for physical science by asserting the supremacy of mathematics than Aristotle or his disciples by their collections of facts. When the thinkers of modern times, following Bacon, undervalue or disparage the speculations of ancient philosophers, they seem wholly to forget the conditions of the world and of the human mind, under which they carried on their investigations. When we accuse them of being under the influence of words, do we suppose that we are altogether free from this illusion? When we remark that Greek physics soon became stationary or extinct, may we not observe also that there have been and may be again periods in the history of modern philosophy which have been barren and unproductive? We might as well maintain that Greek art was not real or great, because it had nihil simile aut secundum, as say that Greek physics were a failure because they admire no subsequent progress. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The charge of premature generalization which is often urged against ancient philosophers is really an anachronism. For they can hardly be said to have generalized at all. They may be said more truly to have cleared up and defined by the help of experience ideas which they already possessed. The beginnings of thought about nature must always have this character. A true method is the result of many ages of experiment and observation, and is ever going on and enlarging with the progress of science and knowledge. At first men personify nature, then they form impressions of nature, at last they conceive &amp;amp;lsquo;measure&amp;amp;rsquo; or laws of nature. They pass out of mythology into philosophy. Early science is not a process of discovery in the modern sense; but rather a process of correcting by observation, and to a certain extent only, the first impressions of nature, which mankind, when they began to think, had received from poetry or language or unintelligent sense. Of all scientific truths the greatest and simplest is the uniformity of nature; this was expressed by the ancients in many ways, as fate, or necessity, or measure, or limit. Unexpected events, of which the cause was unknown to them, they attributed to chance (Thucyd.). But their conception of nature was never that of law interrupted by exceptions,&amp;amp;mdash;a somewhat unfortunate metaphysical invention of modern times, which is at variance with facts and has failed to satisfy the requirements of thought. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Plato&amp;amp;rsquo;s account of the soul is partly mythical or figurative, and partly literal. Not that either he or we can draw a line between them, or say, &amp;amp;lsquo;This is poetry, this is philosophy&amp;amp;rsquo;; for the transition from the one to the other is imperceptible. Neither must we expect to find in him absolute consistency. He is apt to pass from one level or stage of thought to another without always making it apparent that he is changing his ground. In such passages we have to interpret his meaning by the general spirit of his writings. To reconcile his inconsistencies would be contrary to the first principles of criticism and fatal to any true understanding of him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There is a further difficulty in explaining this part of the Timaeus&amp;amp;mdash;the natural order of thought is inverted. We begin with the most abstract, and proceed from the abstract to the concrete. We are searching into things which are upon the utmost limit of human intelligence, and then of a sudden we fall rather heavily to the earth. There are no intermediate steps which lead from one to the other. But the abstract is a vacant form to us until brought into relation with man and nature. God and the world are mere names, like the Being of the Eleatics, unless some human qualities are added on to them. Yet the negation has a kind of unknown meaning to us. The priority of God and of the world, which he is imagined to have created, to all other existences, gives a solemn awe to them. And as in other systems of theology and philosophy, that of which we know least has the greatest interest to us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There is no use in attempting to define or explain the first God in the Platonic system, who has sometimes been thought to answer to God the Father; or the world, in whom the Fathers of the Church seemed to recognize &amp;amp;lsquo;the firstborn of every creature.&amp;amp;rsquo; Nor need we discuss at length how far Plato agrees in the later Jewish idea of creation, according to which God made the world out of nothing. For his original conception of matter as something which has no qualities is really a negation. Moreover in the Hebrew Scriptures the creation of the world is described, even more explicitly than in the Timaeus, not as a single act, but as a work or process which occupied six days. There is a chaos in both, and it would be untrue to say that the Greek, any more than the Hebrew, had any definite belief in the eternal existence of matter. The beginning of things vanished into the distance. The real creation began, not with matter, but with ideas. According to Plato in the Timaeus, God took of the same and the other, of the divided and undivided, of the finite and infinite, and made essence, and out of the three combined created the soul of the world. To the soul he added a body formed out of the four elements. The general meaning of these words is that God imparted determinations of thought, or, as we might say, gave law and variety to the material universe. The elements are moving in a disorderly manner before the work of creation begins; and there is an eternal pattern of the world, which, like the &amp;amp;lsquo;idea of good,&amp;amp;rsquo; is not the Creator himself, but not separable from him. The pattern too, though eternal, is a creation, a world of thought prior to the world of sense, which may be compared to the wisdom of God in the book of Ecclesiasticus, or to the &amp;amp;lsquo;God in the form of a globe&amp;amp;rsquo; of the old Eleatic philosophers. The visible, which already exists, is fashioned in the likeness of this eternal pattern. On the other hand, there is no truth of which Plato is more firmly convinced than of the priority of the soul to the body, both in the universe and in man. So inconsistent are the forms in which he describes the works which no tongue can utter&amp;amp;mdash;his language, as he himself says, partaking of his own uncertainty about the things of which he is speaking. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; We may remark in passing, that the Platonic compared with the Jewish description of the process of creation has less of freedom or spontaneity. The Creator in Plato is still subject to a remnant of necessity which he cannot wholly overcome. When his work is accomplished he remains in his own nature. Plato is more sensible than the Hebrew prophet of the existence of evil, which he seeks to put as far as possible out of the way of God. And he can only suppose this to be accomplished by God retiring into himself and committing the lesser works of creation to inferior powers. (Compare, however, Laws for another solution of the difficulty.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Nor can we attach any intelligible meaning to his words when he speaks of the visible being in the image of the invisible. For how can that which is divided be like that which is undivided? Or that which is changing be the copy of that which is unchanging? All the old difficulties about the ideas come back upon us in an altered form. We can imagine two worlds, one of which is the mere double of the other, or one of which is an imperfect copy of the other, or one of which is the vanishing ideal of the other; but we cannot imagine an intellectual world which has no qualities&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;amp;lsquo;a thing in itself&amp;amp;rsquo;&amp;amp;mdash;a point which has no parts or magnitude, which is nowhere, and nothing. This cannot be the archetype according to which God made the world, and is in reality, whether in Plato or in Kant, a mere negative residuum of human thought. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There is another aspect of the same difficulty which appears to have no satisfactory solution. In what relation does the archetype stand to the Creator himself? For the idea or pattern of the world is not the thought of God, but a separate, self-existent nature, of which creation is the copy. We can only reply, (1) that to the mind of Plato subject and object were not yet distinguished; (2) that he supposes the process of creation to take place in accordance with his own theory of ideas; and as we cannot give a consistent account of the one, neither can we of the other. He means (3) to say that the creation of the world is not a material process of working with legs and arms, but ideal and intellectual; according to his own fine expression, &amp;amp;lsquo;the thought of God made the God that was to be.&amp;amp;rsquo; He means (4) to draw an absolute distinction between the invisible or unchangeable which is or is the place of mind or being, and the world of sense or becoming which is visible and changing. He means (5) that the idea of the world is prior to the world, just as the other ideas are prior to sensible objects; and like them may be regarded as eternal and self-existent, and also, like the IDEA of good, may be viewed apart from the divine mind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There are several other questions which we might ask and which can receive no answer, or at least only an answer of the same kind as the preceding. How can matter be conceived to exist without form? Or, how can the essences or forms of things be distinguished from the eternal ideas, or essence itself from the soul? Or, how could there have been motion in the chaos when as yet time was not? Or, how did chaos come into existence, if not by the will of the Creator? Or, how could there have been a time when the world was not, if time was not? Or, how could the Creator have taken portions of an indivisible same? Or, how could space or anything else have been eternal when time is only created? Or, how could the surfaces of geometrical figures have formed solids? We must reply again that we cannot follow Plato in all his inconsistencies, but that the gaps of thought are probably more apparent to us than to him. He would, perhaps, have said that &amp;amp;lsquo;the first things are known only to God and to him of men whom God loves.&amp;amp;rsquo; How often have the gaps in Theology been concealed from the eye of faith! And we may say that only by an effort of metaphysical imagination can we hope to understand Plato from his own point of view; we must not ask for consistency. Everywhere we find traces of the Platonic theory of knowledge expressed in an objective form, which by us has to be translated into the subjective, before we can attach any meaning to it. And this theory is exhibited in so many different points of view, that we cannot with any certainty interpret one dialogue by another; e.g. the Timaeus by the Parmenides or Phaedrus or Philebus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The soul of the world may also be conceived as the personification of the numbers and figures in which the heavenly bodies move. Imagine these as in a Pythagorean dream, stripped of qualitative difference and reduced to mathematical abstractions. They too conform to the principle of the same, and may be compared with the modern conception of laws of nature. They are in space, but not in time, and they are the makers of time. They are represented as constantly thinking of the same; for thought in the view of Plato is equivalent to truth or law, and need not imply a human consciousness, a conception which is familiar enough to us, but has no place, hardly even a name, in ancient Greek philosophy. To this principle of the same is opposed the principle of the other&amp;amp;mdash;the principle of irregularity and disorder, of necessity and chance, which is only partially impressed by mathematical laws and figures. (We may observe by the way, that the principle of the other, which is the principle of plurality and variation in the Timaeus, has nothing in common with the &amp;amp;lsquo;other&amp;amp;rsquo; of the Sophist, which is the principle of determination.) The element of the same dominates to a certain extent over the other&amp;amp;mdash;the fixed stars keep the &amp;amp;lsquo;wanderers&amp;amp;rsquo; of the inner circle in their courses, and a similar principle of fixedness or order appears to regulate the bodily constitution of man. But there still remains a rebellious seed of evil derived from the original chaos, which is the source of disorder in the world, and of vice and disease in man. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But what did Plato mean by essence, (Greek), which is the intermediate nature compounded of the Same and the Other, and out of which, together with these two, the soul of the world is created? It is difficult to explain a process of thought so strange and unaccustomed to us, in which modern distinctions run into one another and are lost sight of. First, let us consider once more the meaning of the Same and the Other. The Same is the unchanging and indivisible, the heaven of the fixed stars, partaking of the divine nature, which, having law in itself, gives law to all besides and is the element of order and permanence in man and on the earth. It is the rational principle, mind regarded as a work, as creation&amp;amp;mdash;not as the creator. The old tradition of Parmenides and of the Eleatic Being, the foundation of so much in the philosophy of Greece and of the world, was lingering in Plato&amp;amp;rsquo;s mind. The Other is the variable or changing element, the residuum of disorder or chaos, which cannot be reduced to order, nor altogether banished, the source of evil, seen in the errors of man and also in the wanderings of the planets, a necessity which protrudes through nature. Of this too there was a shadow in the Eleatic philosophy in the realm of opinion, which, like a mist, seemed to darken the purity of truth in itself.&amp;amp;mdash;So far the words of Plato may perhaps find an intelligible meaning. But when he goes on to speak of the Essence which is compounded out of both, the track becomes fainter and we can only follow him with hesitating steps. But still we find a trace reappearing of the teaching of Anaxagoras: &amp;amp;lsquo;All was confusion, and then mind came and arranged things.&amp;amp;rsquo; We have already remarked that Plato was not acquainted with the modern distinction of subject and object, and therefore he sometimes confuses mind and the things of mind&amp;amp;mdash;(Greek) and (Greek). By (Greek) he clearly means some conception of the intelligible and the intelligent; it belongs to the class of (Greek). Matter, being, the Same, the eternal,&amp;amp;mdash;for any of these terms, being almost vacant of meaning, is equally suitable to express indefinite existence,&amp;amp;mdash;are compared or united with the Other or Diverse, and out of the union or comparison is elicited the idea of intelligence, the &amp;amp;lsquo;One in many,&amp;amp;rsquo; brighter than any Promethean fire (Phil.), which co-existing with them and so forming a new existence, is or becomes the intelligible world...So we may perhaps venture to paraphrase or interpret or put into other words the parable in which Plato has wrapped up his conception of the creation of the world. The explanation may help to fill up with figures of speech the void of knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The entire compound was divided by the Creator in certain proportions and reunited; it was then cut into two strips, which were bent into an inner circle and an outer, both moving with an uniform motion around a centre, the outer circle containing the fixed, the inner the wandering stars. The soul of the world was diffused everywhere from the centre to the circumference. To this God gave a body, consisting at first of fire and earth, and afterwards receiving an addition of air and water; because solid bodies, like the world, are always connected by two middle terms and not by one. The world was made in the form of a globe, and all the material elements were exhausted in the work of creation. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The proportions in which the soul of the world as well as the human soul is divided answer to a series of numbers 1, 2, 3, 4, 9, 8, 27, composed of the two Pythagorean progressions 1, 2, 4, 8 and 1, 3, 9, 27, of which the number 1 represents a point, 2 and 3 lines, 4 and 8, 9 and 27 the squares and cubes respectively of 2 and 3. This series, of which the intervals are afterwards filled up, probably represents (1) the diatonic scale according to the Pythagoreans and Plato; (2) the order and distances of the heavenly bodies; and (3) may possibly contain an allusion to the music of the spheres, which is referred to in the myth at the end of the Republic. The meaning of the words that &amp;amp;lsquo;solid bodies are always connected by two middle terms&amp;amp;rsquo; or mean proportionals has been much disputed. The most received explanation is that of Martin, who supposes that Plato is only speaking of surfaces and solids compounded of prime numbers (i.e. of numbers not made up of two factors, or, in other words, only measurable by unity). The square of any such number represents a surface, the cube a solid. The squares of any two such numbers (e.g. 2 squared, 3 squared = 4, 9), have always a single mean proportional (e.g. 4 and 9 have the single mean 6), whereas the cubes of primes (e.g. 3 cubed and 5 cubed) have always two mean proportionals (e.g. 27:45:75:125). But to this explanation of Martin&amp;amp;rsquo;s it may be objected, (1) that Plato nowhere says that his proportion is to be limited to prime numbers; (2) that the limitation of surfaces to squares is also not to be found in his words; nor (3) is there any evidence to show that the distinction of prime from other numbers was known to him. What Plato chiefly intends to express is that a solid requires a stronger bond than a surface; and that the double bond which is given by two means is stronger than the single bond given by one. Having reflected on the singular numerical phenomena of the existence of one mean proportional between two square numbers are rather perhaps only between the two lowest squares; and of two mean proportionals between two cubes, perhaps again confining his attention to the two lowest cubes, he finds in the latter symbol an expression of the relation of the elements, as in the former an image of the combination of two surfaces. Between fire and earth, the two extremes, he remarks that there are introduced, not one, but two elements, air and water, which are compared to the two mean proportionals between two cube numbers. The vagueness of his language does not allow us to determine whether anything more than this was intended by him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Leaving the further explanation of details, which the reader will find discussed at length in Boeckh and Martin, we may now return to the main argument: Why did God make the world? Like man, he must have a purpose; and his purpose is the diffusion of that goodness or good which he himself is. The term &amp;amp;lsquo;goodness&amp;amp;rsquo; is not to be understood in this passage as meaning benevolence or love, in the Christian sense of the term, but rather law, order, harmony, like the idea of good in the Republic. The ancient mythologers, and even the Hebrew prophets, had spoken of the jealousy of God; and the Greek had imagined that there was a Nemesis always attending the prosperity of mortals. But Plato delights to think of God as the author of order in his works, who, like a father, lives over again in his children, and can never have too much of good or friendship among his creatures. Only, as there is a certain remnant of evil inherent in matter which he cannot get rid of, he detaches himself from them and leaves them to themselves, that he may be guiltless of their faults and sufferings. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Between the ideal and the sensible Plato interposes the two natures of time and space. Time is conceived by him to be only the shadow or image of eternity which ever is and never has been or will be, but is described in a figure only as past or future. This is one of the great thoughts of early philosophy, which are still as difficult to our minds as they were to the early thinkers; or perhaps more difficult, because we more distinctly see the consequences which are involved in such an hypothesis. All the objections which may be urged against Kant&amp;amp;rsquo;s doctrine of the ideality of space and time at once press upon us. If time is unreal, then all which is contained in time is unreal&amp;amp;mdash;the succession of human thoughts as well as the flux of sensations; there is no connecting link between (Greek) and (Greek). Yet, on the other hand, we are conscious that knowledge is independent of time, that truth is not a thing of yesterday or tomorrow, but an &amp;amp;lsquo;eternal now.&amp;amp;rsquo; To the &amp;amp;lsquo;spectator of all time and all existence&amp;amp;rsquo; the universe remains at rest. The truths of geometry and arithmetic in all their combinations are always the same. The generations of men, like the leaves of the forest, come and go, but the mathematical laws by which the world is governed remain, and seem as if they could never change. The ever-present image of space is transferred to time&amp;amp;mdash;succession is conceived as extension. (We remark that Plato does away with the above and below in space, as he has done away with the absolute existence of past and future.) The course of time, unless regularly marked by divisions of number, partakes of the indefiniteness of the Heraclitean flux. By such reflections we may conceive the Greek to have attained the metaphysical conception of eternity, which to the Hebrew was gained by meditation on the Divine Being. No one saw that this objective was really a subjective, and involved the subjectivity of all knowledge. &amp;amp;lsquo;Non in tempore sed cum tempore finxit Deus mundum,&amp;amp;rsquo; says St. Augustine, repeating a thought derived from the Timaeus, but apparently unconscious of the results to which his doctrine would have led. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The contradictions involved in the conception of time or motion, like the infinitesimal in space, were a source of perplexity to the mind of the Greek, who was driven to find a point of view above or beyond them. They had sprung up in the decline of the Eleatic philosophy and were very familiar to Plato, as we gather from the Parmenides. The consciousness of them had led the great Eleatic philosopher to describe the nature of God or Being under negatives. He sings of &amp;amp;lsquo;Being unbegotten and imperishable, unmoved and never-ending, which never was nor will be, but always is, one and continuous, which cannot spring from any other; for it cannot be said or imagined not to be.&amp;amp;rsquo; The idea of eternity was for a great part a negation. There are regions of speculation in which the negative is hardly separable from the positive, and even seems to pass into it. Not only Buddhism, but Greek as well as Christian philosophy, show that it is quite possible that the human mind should retain an enthusiasm for mere negations. In different ages and countries there have been forms of light in which nothing could be discerned and which have nevertheless exercised a life-giving and illumining power. For the higher intelligence of man seems to require, not only something above sense, but above knowledge, which can only be described as Mind or Being or Truth or God or the unchangeable and eternal element, in the expression of which all predicates fail and fall short. Eternity or the eternal is not merely the unlimited in time but the truest of all Being, the most real of all realities, the most certain of all knowledge, which we nevertheless only see through a glass darkly. The passionate earnestness of Parmenides contrasts with the vacuity of the thought which he is revolving in his mind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Space is said by Plato to be the &amp;amp;lsquo;containing vessel or nurse of generation.&amp;amp;rsquo; Reflecting on the simplest kinds of external objects, which to the ancients were the four elements, he was led to a more general notion of a substance, more or less like themselves, out of which they were fashioned. He would not have them too precisely distinguished. Thus seems to have arisen the first dim perception of (Greek) or matter, which has played so great a part in the metaphysical philosophy of Aristotle and his followers. But besides the material out of which the elements are made, there is also a space in which they are contained. There arises thus a second nature which the senses are incapable of discerning and which can hardly be referred to the intelligible class. For it is and it is not, it is nowhere when filled, it is nothing when empty. Hence it is said to be discerned by a kind of spurious or analogous reason, partaking so feebly of existence as to be hardly perceivable, yet always reappearing as the containing mother or nurse of all things. It had not that sort of consistency to Plato which has been given to it in modern times by geometry and metaphysics. Neither of the Greek words by which it is described are so purely abstract as the English word &amp;amp;lsquo;space&amp;amp;rsquo; or the Latin &amp;amp;lsquo;spatium.&amp;amp;rsquo; Neither Plato nor any other Greek would have spoken of (Greek) or (Greek) in the same manner as we speak of &amp;amp;lsquo;time&amp;amp;rsquo; and &amp;amp;lsquo;space.&amp;amp;rsquo; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yet space is also of a very permanent or even eternal nature; and Plato seems more willing to admit of the unreality of time than of the unreality of space; because, as he says, all things must necessarily exist in space. We, on the other hand, are disposed to fancy that even if space were annihilated time might still survive. He admits indeed that our knowledge of space is of a dreamy kind, and is given by a spurious reason without the help of sense. (Compare the hypotheses and images of Rep.) It is true that it does not attain to the clearness of ideas. But like them it seems to remain, even if all the objects contained in it are supposed to have vanished away. Hence it was natural for Plato to conceive of it as eternal. We must remember further that in his attempt to realize either space or matter the two abstract ideas of weight and extension, which are familiar to us, had never passed before his mind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Thus far God, working according to an eternal pattern, out of his goodness has created the same, the other, and the essence (compare the three principles of the Philebus&amp;amp;mdash;the finite, the infinite, and the union of the two), and out of them has formed the outer circle of the fixed stars and the inner circle of the planets, divided according to certain musical intervals; he has also created time, the moving image of eternity, and space, existing by a sort of necessity and hardly distinguishable from matter. The matter out of which the world is formed is not absolutely void, but retains in the chaos certain germs or traces of the elements. These Plato, like Empedocles, supposed to be four in number&amp;amp;mdash;fire, air, earth, and water. They were at first mixed together; but already in the chaos, before God fashioned them by form and number, the greater masses of the elements had an appointed place. Into the confusion (Greek) which preceded Plato does not attempt further to penetrate. They are called elements, but they are so far from being elements (Greek) or letters in the higher sense that they are not even syllables or first compounds. The real elements are two triangles, the rectangular isosceles which has but one form, and the most beautiful of the many forms of scalene, which is half of an equilateral triangle. By the combination of these triangles which exist in an infinite variety of sizes, the surfaces of the four elements are constructed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; That there were only five regular solids was already known to the ancients, and out of the surfaces which he has formed Plato proceeds to generate the four first of the five. He perhaps forgets that he is only putting together surfaces and has not provided for their transformation into solids. The first solid is a regular pyramid, of which the base and sides are formed by four equilateral or twenty-four scalene triangles. Each of the four solid angles in this figure is a little larger than the largest of obtuse angles. The second solid is composed of the same triangles, which unite as eight equilateral triangles, and make one solid angle out of four plane angles&amp;amp;mdash;six of these angles form a regular octahedron. The third solid is a regular icosahedron, having twenty triangular equilateral bases, and therefore 120 rectangular scalene triangles. The fourth regular solid, or cube, is formed by the combination of four isosceles triangles into one square and of six squares into a cube. The fifth regular solid, or dodecahedron, cannot be formed by a combination of either of these triangles, but each of its faces may be regarded as composed of thirty triangles of another kind. Probably Plato notices this as the only remaining regular polyhedron, which from its approximation to a globe, and possibly because, as Plutarch remarks, it is composed of 12 x 30 = 360 scalene triangles (Platon. Quaest.), representing thus the signs and degrees of the Zodiac, as well as the months and days of the year, God may be said to have &amp;amp;lsquo;used in the delineation of the universe.&amp;amp;rsquo; According to Plato earth was composed of cubes, fire of regular pyramids, air of regular octahedrons, water of regular icosahedrons. The stability of the last three increases with the number of their sides. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The elements are supposed to pass into one another, but we must remember that these transformations are not the transformations of real solids, but of imaginary geometrical figures; in other words, we are composing and decomposing the faces of substances and not the substances themselves&amp;amp;mdash;it is a house of cards which we are pulling to pieces and putting together again (compare however Laws). Yet perhaps Plato may regard these sides or faces as only the forms which are impressed on pre-existent matter. It is remarkable that he should speak of each of these solids as a possible world in itself, though upon the whole he inclines to the opinion that they form one world and not five. To suppose that there is an infinite number of worlds, as Democritus (Hippolyt. Ref. Haer. I.) had said, would be, as he satirically observes, &amp;amp;lsquo;the characteristic of a very indefinite and ignorant mind.&amp;amp;rsquo; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The twenty triangular faces of an icosahedron form the faces or sides of two regular octahedrons and of a regular pyramid (20 = 8 x 2 + 4); and therefore, according to Plato, a particle of water when decomposed is supposed to give two particles of air and one of fire. So because an octahedron gives the sides of two pyramids (8 = 4 x 2), a particle of air is resolved into two particles of fire. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The transformation is effected by the superior power or number of the conquering elements. The manner of the change is (1) a separation of portions of the elements from the masses in which they are collected; (2) a resolution of them into their original triangles; and (3) a reunion of them in new forms. Plato himself proposes the question, Why does motion continue at all when the elements are settled in their places? He answers that although the force of attraction is continually drawing similar elements to the same spot, still the revolution of the universe exercises a condensing power, and thrusts them again out of their natural places. Thus want of uniformity, the condition of motion, is produced. In all such disturbances of matter there is an alternative for the weaker element: it may escape to its kindred, or take the form of the stronger&amp;amp;mdash;becoming denser, if it be denser, or rarer if rarer. This is true of fire, air, and water, which, being composed of similar triangles, are interchangeable; earth, however, which has triangles peculiar to itself, is capable of dissolution, but not of change. Of the interchangeable elements, fire, the rarest, can only become a denser, and water, the densest, only a rarer: but air may become a denser or a rarer. No single particle of the elements is visible, but only the aggregates of them are seen. The subordinate species depend, not upon differences of form in the original triangles, but upon differences of size. The obvious physical phenomena from which Plato has gathered his views of the relations of the elements seem to be the effect of fire upon air, water, and earth, and the effect of water upon earth. The particles are supposed by him to be in a perpetual process of circulation caused by inequality. This process of circulation does not admit of a vacuum, as he tells us in his strange account of respiration. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of the phenomena of light and heavy he speaks afterwards, when treating of sensation, but they may be more conveniently considered by us in this place. They are not, he says, to be explained by &amp;amp;lsquo;above&amp;amp;rsquo; and &amp;amp;lsquo;below,&amp;amp;rsquo; which in the universal globe have no existence, but by the attraction of similars towards the great masses of similar substances; fire to fire, air to air, water to water, earth to earth. Plato&amp;amp;rsquo;s doctrine of attraction implies not only (1) the attraction of similar elements to one another, but also (2) of smaller bodies to larger ones. Had he confined himself to the latter he would have arrived, though, perhaps, without any further result or any sense of the greatness of the discovery, at the modern doctrine of gravitation. He does not observe that water has an equal tendency towards both water and earth. So easily did the most obvious facts which were inconsistent with his theories escape him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The general physical doctrines of the Timaeus may be summed up as follows: (1) Plato supposes the greater masses of the elements to have been already settled in their places at the creation: (2) they are four in number, and are formed of rectangular triangles variously combined into regular solid figures: (3) three of them, fire, air, and water, admit of transformation into one another; the fourth, earth, cannot be similarly transformed: (4) different sizes of the same triangles form the lesser species of each element: (5) there is an attraction of like to like&amp;amp;mdash;smaller masses of the same kind being drawn towards greater: (6) there is no void, but the particles of matter are ever pushing one another round and round (Greek). Like the atomists, Plato attributes the differences between the elements to differences in geometrical figures. But he does not explain the process by which surfaces become solids; and he characteristically ridicules Democritus for not seeing that the worlds are finite and not infinite. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The astronomy of Plato is based on the two principles of the same and the other, which God combined in the creation of the world. The soul, which is compounded of the same, the other, and the essence, is diffused from the centre to the circumference of the heavens. We speak of a soul of the universe; but more truly regarded, the universe of the Timaeus is a soul, governed by mind, and holding in solution a residuum of matter or evil, which the author of the world is unable to expel, and of which Plato cannot tell us the origin. The creation, in Plato&amp;amp;rsquo;s sense, is really the creation of order; and the first step in giving order is the division of the heavens into an inner and outer circle of the other and the same, of the divisible and the indivisible, answering to the two spheres, of the planets and of the world beyond them, all together moving around the earth, which is their centre. To us there is a difficulty in apprehending how that which is at rest can also be in motion, or that which is indivisible exist in space. But the whole description is so ideal and imaginative, that we can hardly venture to attribute to many of Plato&amp;amp;rsquo;s words in the Timaeus any more meaning than to his mythical account of the heavens in the Republic and in the Phaedrus. (Compare his denial of the &amp;amp;lsquo;blasphemous opinion&amp;amp;rsquo; that there are planets or wandering stars; all alike move in circles&amp;amp;mdash;Laws.) The stars are the habitations of the souls of men, from which they come and to which they return. In attributing to the fixed stars only the most perfect motion&amp;amp;mdash;that which is on the same spot or circulating around the same&amp;amp;mdash;he might perhaps have said that to &amp;amp;lsquo;the spectator of all time and all existence,&amp;amp;rsquo; to borrow once more his own grand expression, or viewed, in the language of Spinoza, &amp;amp;lsquo;sub specie aeternitatis,&amp;amp;rsquo; they were still at rest, but appeared to move in order to teach men the periods of time. Although absolutely in motion, they are relatively at rest; or we may conceive of them as resting, while the space in which they are contained, or the whole anima mundi, revolves. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The universe revolves around a centre once in twenty-four hours, but the orbits of the fixed stars take a different direction from those of the planets. The outer and the inner sphere cross one another and meet again at a point opposite to that of their first contact; the first moving in a circle from left to right along the side of a parallelogram which is supposed to be inscribed in it, the second also moving in a circle along the diagonal of the same parallelogram from right to left; or, in other words, the first describing the path of the equator, the second, the path of the ecliptic. The motion of the second is controlled by the first, and hence the oblique line in which the planets are supposed to move becomes a spiral. The motion of the same is said to be undivided, whereas the inner motion is split into seven unequal orbits&amp;amp;mdash;the intervals between them being in the ratio of two and three, three of either:&amp;amp;mdash;the Sun, moving in the opposite direction to Mercury and Venus, but with equal swiftness; the remaining four, Moon, Saturn, Mars, Jupiter, with unequal swiftness to the former three and to one another. Thus arises the following progression:&amp;amp;mdash;Moon 1, Sun 2, Venus 3, Mercury 4, Mars 8, Jupiter 9, Saturn 27. This series of numbers is the compound of the two Pythagorean ratios, having the same intervals, though not in the same order, as the mixture which was originally divided in forming the soul of the world. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Plato was struck by the phenomenon of Mercury, Venus, and the Sun appearing to overtake and be overtaken by one another. The true reason of this, namely, that they lie within the circle of the earth&amp;amp;rsquo;s orbit, was unknown to him, and the reason which he gives&amp;amp;mdash;that the two former move in an opposite direction to the latter&amp;amp;mdash;is far from explaining the appearance of them in the heavens. All the planets, including the sun, are carried round in the daily motion of the circle of the fixed stars, and they have a second or oblique motion which gives the explanation of the different lengths of the sun&amp;amp;rsquo;s course in different parts of the earth. The fixed stars have also two movements&amp;amp;mdash;a forward movement in their orbit which is common to the whole circle; and a movement on the same spot around an axis, which Plato calls the movement of thought about the same. In this latter respect they are more perfect than the wandering stars, as Plato himself terms them in the Timaeus, although in the Laws he condemns the appellation as blasphemous. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The revolution of the world around earth, which is accomplished in a single day and night, is described as being the most perfect or intelligent. Yet Plato also speaks of an &amp;amp;lsquo;annus magnus&amp;amp;rsquo; or cyclical year, in which periods wonderful for their complexity are found to coincide in a perfect number, i.e. a number which equals the sum of its factors, as 6 = 1 + 2 + 3. This, although not literally contradictory, is in spirit irreconcilable with the perfect revolution of twenty-four hours. The same remark may be applied to the complexity of the appearances and occultations of the stars, which, if the outer heaven is supposed to be moving around the centre once in twenty-four hours, must be confined to the effects produced by the seven planets. Plato seems to confuse the actual observation of the heavens with his desire to find in them mathematical perfection. The same spirit is carried yet further by him in the passage already quoted from the Laws, in which he affirms their wanderings to be an appearance only, which a little knowledge of mathematics would enable men to correct. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; We have now to consider the much discussed question of the rotation or immobility of the earth. Plato&amp;amp;rsquo;s doctrine on this subject is contained in the following words:&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;amp;lsquo;The earth, which is our nurse, compacted (OR revolving) around the pole which is extended through the universe, he made to be the guardian and artificer of night and day, first and eldest of gods that are in the interior of heaven&amp;amp;rsquo;. There is an unfortunate doubt in this passage (1) about the meaning of the word (Greek), which is translated either &amp;amp;lsquo;compacted&amp;amp;rsquo; or &amp;amp;lsquo;revolving,&amp;amp;rsquo; and is equally capable of both explanations. A doubt (2) may also be raised as to whether the words &amp;amp;lsquo;artificer of day and night&amp;amp;rsquo; are consistent with the mere passive causation of them, produced by the immobility of the earth in the midst of the circling universe. We must admit, further, (3) that Aristotle attributed to Plato the doctrine of the rotation of the earth on its axis. On the other hand it has been urged that if the earth goes round with the outer heaven and sun in twenty-four hours, there is no way of accounting for the alternation of day and night; since the equal motion of the earth and sun would have the effect of absolute immobility. To which it may be replied that Plato never says that the earth goes round with the outer heaven and sun; although the whole question depends on the relation of earth and sun, their movements are nowhere precisely described. But if we suppose, with Mr. Grote, that the diurnal rotation of the earth on its axis and the revolution of the sun and outer heaven precisely coincide, it would be difficult to imagine that Plato was unaware of the consequence. For though he was ignorant of many things which are familiar to us, and often confused in his ideas where we have become clear, we have no right to attribute to him a childish want of reasoning about very simple facts, or an inability to understand the necessary and obvious deductions from geometrical figures or movements. Of the causes of day and night the pre-Socratic philosophers, and especially the Pythagoreans, gave various accounts, and therefore the question can hardly be imagined to have escaped him. On the other hand it may be urged that the further step, however simple and obvious, is just what Plato often seems to be ignorant of, and that as there is no limit to his insight, there is also no limit to the blindness which sometimes obscures his intelligence (compare the construction of solids out of surfaces in his account of the creation of the world, or the attraction of similars to similars). Further, Mr. Grote supposes, not that (Greek) means &amp;amp;lsquo;revolving,&amp;amp;rsquo; or that this is the sense in which Aristotle understood the word, but that the rotation of the earth is necessarily implied in its adherence to the cosmical axis. But (a) if, as Mr Grote assumes, Plato did not see that the rotation of the earth on its axis and of the sun and outer heavens around the earth in equal times was inconsistent with the alternation of day and night, neither need we suppose that he would have seen the immobility of the earth to be inconsistent with the rotation of the axis. And (b) what proof is there that the axis of the world revolves at all? (c) The comparison of the two passages quoted by Mr Grote (see his pamphlet on &amp;amp;lsquo;The Rotation of the Earth&amp;amp;rsquo;) from Aristotle De Coelo, Book II (Greek) clearly shows, although this is a matter of minor importance, that Aristotle, as Proclus and Simplicius supposed, understood (Greek) in the Timaeus to mean &amp;amp;lsquo;revolving.&amp;amp;rsquo; For the second passage, in which motion on an axis is expressly mentioned, refers to the first, but this would be unmeaning unless (Greek) in the first passage meant rotation on an axis. (4) The immobility of the earth is more in accordance with Plato&amp;amp;rsquo;s other writings than the opposite hypothesis. For in the Phaedo the earth is described as the centre of the world, and is not said to be in motion. In the Republic the pilgrims appear to be looking out from the earth upon the motions of the heavenly bodies; in the Phaedrus, Hestia, who remains immovable in the house of Zeus while the other gods go in procession, is called the first and eldest of the gods, and is probably the symbol of the earth. The silence of Plato in these and in some other passages (Laws) in which he might be expected to speak of the rotation of the earth, is more favourable to the doctrine of its immobility than to the opposite. If he had meant to say that the earth revolves on its axis, he would have said so in distinct words, and have explained the relation of its movements to those of the other heavenly bodies. (5) The meaning of the words &amp;amp;lsquo;artificer of day and night&amp;amp;rsquo; is literally true according to Plato&amp;amp;rsquo;s view. For the alternation of day and night is not produced by the motion of the heavens alone, or by the immobility of the earth alone, but by both together; and that which has the inherent force or energy to remain at rest when all other bodies are moving, may be truly said to act, equally with them. (6) We should not lay too much stress on Aristotle or the writer De Caelo having adopted the other interpretation of the words, although Alexander of Aphrodisias thinks that he could not have been ignorant either of the doctrine of Plato or of the sense which he intended to give to the word (Greek). For the citations of Plato in Aristotle are frequently misinterpreted by him; and he seems hardly ever to have had in his mind the connection in which they occur. In this instance the allusion is very slight, and there is no reason to suppose that the diurnal revolution of the heavens was present to his mind. Hence we need not attribute to him the error from which we are defending Plato. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; After weighing one against the other all these complicated probabilities, the final conclusion at which we arrive is that there is nearly as much to be said on the one side of the question as on the other, and that we are not perfectly certain, whether, as Bockh and the majority of commentators, ancient as well as modern, are inclined to believe, Plato thought that the earth was at rest in the centre of the universe, or, as Aristotle and Mr. Grote suppose, that it revolved on its axis. Whether we assume the earth to be stationary in the centre of the universe, or to revolve with the heavens, no explanation is given of the variation in the length of days and nights at different times of the year. The relations of the earth and heavens are so indistinct in the Timaeus and so figurative in the Phaedo, Phaedrus and Republic, that we must give up the hope of ascertaining how they were imagined by Plato, if he had any fixed or scientific conception of them at all. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The soul of the world is framed on the analogy of the soul of man, and many traces of anthropomorphism blend with Plato&amp;amp;rsquo;s highest flights of idealism. The heavenly bodies are endowed with thought; the principles of the same and other exist in the universe as well as in the human mind. The soul of man is made out of the remains of the elements which had been used in creating the soul of the world; these remains, however, are diluted to the third degree; by this Plato expresses the measure of the difference between the soul human and divine. The human soul, like the cosmical, is framed before the body, as the mind is before the soul of either&amp;amp;mdash;this is the order of the divine work&amp;amp;mdash;and the finer parts of the body, which are more akin to the soul, such as the spinal marrow, are prior to the bones and flesh. The brain, the containing vessel of the divine part of the soul, is (nearly) in the form of a globe, which is the image of the gods, who are the stars, and of the universe. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There is, however, an inconsistency in Plato&amp;amp;rsquo;s manner of conceiving the soul of man; he cannot get rid of the element of necessity which is allowed to enter. He does not, like Kant, attempt to vindicate for men a freedom out of space and time; but he acknowledges him to be subject to the influence of external causes, and leaves hardly any place for freedom of the will. The lusts of men are caused by their bodily constitution, though they may be increased by bad education and bad laws, which implies that they may be decreased by good education and good laws. He appears to have an inkling of the truth that to the higher nature of man evil is involuntary. This is mixed up with the view which, while apparently agreeing with it, is in reality the opposite of it, that vice is due to physical causes. In the Timaeus, as well as in the Laws, he also regards vices and crimes as simply involuntary; they are diseases analogous to the diseases of the body, and arising out of the same causes. If we draw together the opposite poles of Plato&amp;amp;rsquo;s system, we find that, like Spinoza, he combines idealism with fatalism. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The soul of man is divided by him into three parts, answering roughly to the charioteer and steeds of the Phaedrus, and to the (Greek) of the Republic and Nicomachean Ethics. First, there is the immortal nature of which the brain is the seat, and which is akin to the soul of the universe. This alone thinks and knows and is the ruler of the whole. Secondly, there is the higher mortal soul which, though liable to perturbations of her own, takes the side of reason against the lower appetites. The seat of this is the heart, in which courage, anger, and all the nobler affections are supposed to reside. There the veins all meet; it is their centre or house of guard whence they carry the orders of the thinking being to the extremities of his kingdom. There is also a third or appetitive soul, which receives the commands of the immortal part, not immediately but mediately, through the liver, which reflects on its surface the admonitions and threats of the reason. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The liver is imagined by Plato to be a smooth and bright substance, having a store of sweetness and also of bitterness, which reason freely uses in the execution of her mandates. In this region, as ancient superstition told, were to be found intimations of the future. But Plato is careful to observe that although such knowledge is given to the inferior parts of man, it requires to be interpreted by the superior. Reason, and not enthusiasm, is the true guide of man; he is only inspired when he is demented by some distemper or possession. The ancient saying, that &amp;amp;lsquo;only a man in his senses can judge of his own actions,&amp;amp;rsquo; is approved by modern philosophy too. The same irony which appears in Plato&amp;amp;rsquo;s remark, that &amp;amp;lsquo;the men of old time must surely have known the gods who were their ancestors, and we should believe them as custom requires,&amp;amp;rsquo; is also manifest in his account of divination. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The appetitive soul is seated in the belly, and there imprisoned like a wild beast, far away from the council chamber, as Plato graphically calls the head, in order that the animal passions may not interfere with the deliberations of reason. Though the soul is said by him to be prior to the body, yet we cannot help seeing that it is constructed on the model of the body&amp;amp;mdash;the threefold division into the rational, passionate, and appetitive corresponding to the head, heart and belly. The human soul differs from the soul of the world in this respect, that it is enveloped and finds its expression in matter, whereas the soul of the world is not only enveloped or diffused in matter, but is the element in which matter moves. The breath of man is within him, but the air or aether of heaven is the element which surrounds him and all things. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Pleasure and pain are attributed in the Timaeus to the suddenness of our sensations&amp;amp;mdash;the first being a sudden restoration, the second a sudden violation, of nature (Phileb.). The sensations become conscious to us when they are exceptional. Sight is not attended either by pleasure or pain, but hunger and the appeasing of hunger are pleasant and painful because they are extraordinary. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I shall not attempt to connect the physiological speculations of Plato either with ancient or modern medicine. What light I can throw upon them will be derived from the comparison of them with his general system. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There is no principle so apparent in the physics of the Timaeus, or in ancient physics generally, as that of continuity. The world is conceived of as a whole, and the elements are formed into and out of one another; the varieties of substances and processes are hardly known or noticed. And in a similar manner the human body is conceived of as a whole, and the different substances of which, to a superficial observer, it appears to be composed&amp;amp;mdash;the blood, flesh, sinews&amp;amp;mdash;like the elements out of which they are formed, are supposed to pass into one another in regular order, while the infinite complexity of the human frame remains unobserved. And diseases arise from the opposite process&amp;amp;mdash;when the natural proportions of the four elements are disturbed, and the secondary substances which are formed out of them, namely, blood, flesh, sinews, are generated in an inverse order. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Plato found heat and air within the human frame, and the blood circulating in every part. He assumes in language almost unintelligible to us that a network of fire and air envelopes the greater part of the body. This outer net contains two lesser nets, one corresponding to the stomach, the other to the lungs; and the entrance to the latter is forked or divided into two passages which lead to the nostrils and to the mouth. In the process of respiration the external net is said to find a way in and out of the pores of the skin: while the interior of it and the lesser nets move alternately into each other. The whole description is figurative, as Plato himself implies when he speaks of a &amp;amp;lsquo;fountain of fire which we compare to the network of a creel.&amp;amp;rsquo; He really means by this what we should describe as a state of heat or temperature in the interior of the body. The &amp;amp;lsquo;fountain of fire&amp;amp;rsquo; or heat is also in a figure the circulation of the blood. The passage is partly imagination, partly fact. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; He has a singular theory of respiration for which he accounts solely by the movement of the air in and out of the body; he does not attribute any part of the process to the action of the body itself. The air has a double ingress and a double exit, through the mouth or nostrils, and through the skin. When exhaled through the mouth or nostrils, it leaves a vacuum which is filled up by other air finding a way in through the pores, this air being thrust out of its place by the exhalation from the mouth and nostrils. There is also a corresponding process of inhalation through the mouth or nostrils, and of exhalation through the pores. The inhalation through the pores appears to take place nearly at the same time as the exhalation through the mouth; and conversely. The internal fire is in either case the propelling cause outwards&amp;amp;mdash;the inhaled air, when heated by it, having a natural tendency to move out of the body to the place of fire; while the impossibility of a vacuum is the propelling cause inwards. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Thus we see that this singular theory is dependent on two principles largely employed by Plato in explaining the operations of nature, the impossibility of a vacuum and the attraction of like to like. To these there has to be added a third principle, which is the condition of the action of the other two,&amp;amp;mdash;the interpenetration of particles in proportion to their density or rarity. It is this which enables fire and air to permeate the flesh. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Plato&amp;amp;rsquo;s account of digestion and the circulation of the blood is closely connected with his theory of respiration. Digestion is supposed to be effected by the action of the internal fire, which in the process of respiration moves into the stomach and minces the food. As the fire returns to its place, it takes with it the minced food or blood; and in this way the veins are replenished. Plato does not enquire how the blood is separated from the faeces. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of the anatomy and functions of the body he knew very little,&amp;amp;mdash;e.g. of the uses of the nerves in conveying motion and sensation, which he supposed to be communicated by the bones and veins; he was also ignorant of the distinction between veins and arteries;&amp;amp;mdash;the latter term he applies to the vessels which conduct air from the mouth to the lungs;&amp;amp;mdash;he supposes the lung to be hollow and bloodless; the spinal marrow he conceives to be the seed of generation; he confuses the parts of the body with the states of the body&amp;amp;mdash;the network of fire and air is spoken of as a bodily organ; he has absolutely no idea of the phenomena of respiration, which he attributes to a law of equalization in nature, the air which is breathed out displacing other air which finds a way in; he is wholly unacquainted with the process of digestion. Except the general divisions into the spleen, the liver, the belly, and the lungs, and the obvious distinctions of flesh, bones, and the limbs of the body, we find nothing that reminds us of anatomical facts. But we find much which is derived from his theory of the universe, and transferred to man, as there is much also in his theory of the universe which is suggested by man. The microcosm of the human body is the lesser image of the macrocosm. The courses of the same and the other affect both; they are made of the same elements and therefore in the same proportions. Both are intelligent natures endued with the power of self-motion, and the same equipoise is maintained in both. The animal is a sort of &amp;amp;lsquo;world&amp;amp;rsquo; to the particles of the blood which circulate in it. All the four elements entered into the original composition of the human frame; the bone was formed out of smooth earth; liquids of various kinds pass to and fro; the network of fire and air irrigates the veins. Infancy and childhood is the chaos or first turbid flux of sense prior to the establishment of order; the intervals of time which may be observed in some intermittent fevers correspond to the density of the elements. The spinal marrow, including the brain, is formed out of the finest sorts of triangles, and is the connecting link between body and mind. Health is only to be preserved by imitating the motions of the world in space, which is the mother and nurse of generation. The work of digestion is carried on by the superior sharpness of the triangles forming the substances of the human body to those which are introduced into it in the shape of food. The freshest and acutest forms of triangles are those that are found in children, but they become more obtuse with advancing years; and when they finally wear out and fall to pieces, old age and death supervene. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; As in the Republic, Plato is still the enemy of the purgative treatment of physicians, which, except in extreme cases, no man of sense will ever adopt. For, as he adds, with an insight into the truth, &amp;amp;lsquo;every disease is akin to the nature of the living being and is only irritated by stimulants.&amp;amp;rsquo; He is of opinion that nature should be left to herself, and is inclined to think that physicians are in vain (Laws&amp;amp;mdash;where he says that warm baths would be more beneficial to the limbs of the aged rustic than the prescriptions of a not over-wise doctor). If he seems to be extreme in his condemnation of medicine and to rely too much on diet and exercise, he might appeal to nearly all the best physicians of our own age in support of his opinions, who often speak to their patients of the worthlessness of drugs. For we ourselves are sceptical about medicine, and very unwilling to submit to the purgative treatment of physicians. May we not claim for Plato an anticipation of modern ideas as about some questions of astronomy and physics, so also about medicine? As in the Charmides he tells us that the body cannot be cured without the soul, so in the Timaeus he strongly asserts the sympathy of soul and body; any defect of either is the occasion of the greatest discord and disproportion in the other. Here too may be a presentiment that in the medicine of the future the interdependence of mind and body will be more fully recognized, and that the influence of the one over the other may be exerted in a manner which is not now thought possible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In Plato&amp;amp;rsquo;s explanation of sensation we are struck by the fact that he has not the same distinct conception of organs of sense which is familiar to ourselves. The senses are not instruments, but rather passages, through which external objects strike upon the mind. The eye is the aperture through which the stream of vision passes, the ear is the aperture through which the vibrations of sound pass. But that the complex structure of the eye or the ear is in any sense the cause of sight and hearing he seems hardly to be aware. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The process of sight is the most complicated (Rep.), and consists of three elements&amp;amp;mdash;the light which is supposed to reside within the eye, the light of the sun, and the light emitted from external objects. When the light of the eye meets the light of the sun, and both together meet the light issuing from an external object, this is the simple act of sight. When the particles of light which proceed from the object are exactly equal to the particles of the visual ray which meet them from within, then the body is transparent. If they are larger and contract the visual ray, a black colour is produced; if they are smaller and dilate it, a white. Other phenomena are produced by the variety and motion of light. A sudden flash of fire at once elicits light and moisture from the eye, and causes a bright colour. A more subdued light, on mingling with the moisture of the eye, produces a red colour. Out of these elements all other colours are derived. All of them are combinations of bright and red with white and black. Plato himself tells us that he does not know in what proportions they combine, and he is of opinion that such knowledge is granted to the gods only. To have seen the affinity of them to each other and their connection with light, is not a bad basis for a theory of colours. We must remember that they were not distinctly defined to his, as they are to our eyes; he saw them, not as they are divided in the prism, or artificially manufactured for the painter&amp;amp;rsquo;s use, but as they exist in nature, blended and confused with one another. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; We can hardly agree with him when he tells us that smells do not admit of kinds. He seems to think that no definite qualities can attach to bodies which are in a state of transition or evaporation; he also makes the subtle observation that smells must be denser than air, though thinner than water, because when there is an obstruction to the breathing, air can penetrate, but not smell. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The affections peculiar to the tongue are of various kinds, and, like many other affections, are caused by contraction and dilation. Some of them are produced by rough, others by abstergent, others by inflammatory substances,&amp;amp;mdash;these act upon the testing instruments of the tongue, and produce a more or less disagreeable sensation, while other particles congenial to the tongue soften and harmonize them. The instruments of taste reach from the tongue to the heart. Plato has a lively sense of the manner in which sensation and motion are communicated from one part of the body to the other, though he confuses the affections with the organs. Hearing is a blow which passes through the ear and ends in the region of the liver, being transmitted by means of the air, the brain, and the blood to the soul. The swifter sound is acute, the sound which moves slowly is grave. A great body of sound is loud, the opposite is low. Discord is produced by the swifter and slower motions of two sounds, and is converted into harmony when the swifter motions begin to pause and are overtaken by the slower. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The general phenomena of sensation are partly internal, but the more violent are caused by conflict with external objects. Proceeding by a method of superficial observation, Plato remarks that the more sensitive parts of the human frame are those which are least covered by flesh, as is the case with the head and the elbows. Man, if his head had been covered with a thicker pulp of flesh, might have been a longer-lived animal than he is, but could not have had as quick perceptions. On the other hand, the tongue is one of the most sensitive of organs; but then this is made, not to be a covering to the bones which contain the marrow or source of life, but with an express purpose, and in a separate mass. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; We have now to consider how far in any of these speculations Plato approximated to the discoveries of modern science. The modern physical philosopher is apt to dwell exclusively on the absurdities of ancient ideas about science, on the haphazard fancies and a priori assumptions of ancient teachers, on their confusion of facts and ideas, on their inconsistency and blindness to the most obvious phenomena. He measures them not by what preceded them, but by what has followed them. He does not consider that ancient physical philosophy was not a free enquiry, but a growth, in which the mind was passive rather than active, and was incapable of resisting the impressions which flowed in upon it. He hardly allows to the notions of the ancients the merit of being the stepping-stones by which he has himself risen to a higher knowledge. He never reflects, how great a thing it was to have formed a conception, however imperfect, either of the human frame as a whole, or of the world as a whole. According to the view taken in these volumes the errors of ancient physicists were not separable from the intellectual conditions under which they lived. Their genius was their own; and they were not the rash and hasty generalizers which, since the days of Bacon, we have been apt to suppose them. The thoughts of men widened to receive experience; at first they seemed to know all things as in a dream: after a while they look at them closely and hold them in their hands. They begin to arrange them in classes and to connect causes with effects. General notions are necessary to the apprehension of particular facts, the metaphysical to the physical. Before men can observe the world, they must be able to conceive it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; To do justice to the subject, we should consider the physical philosophy of the ancients as a whole; we should remember, (1) that the nebular theory was the received belief of several of the early physicists; (2) that the development of animals out of fishes who came to land, and of man out of the animals, was held by Anaximander in the sixth century before Christ (Plut. Symp. Quaest; Plac. Phil.); (3) that even by Philolaus and the early Pythagoreans, the earth was held to be a body like the other stars revolving in space around the sun or a central fire; (4) that the beginnings of chemistry are discernible in the &amp;amp;lsquo;similar particles&amp;amp;rsquo; of Anaxagoras. Also they knew or thought (5) that there was a sex in plants as well as in animals; (6) they were aware that musical notes depended on the relative length or tension of the strings from which they were emitted, and were measured by ratios of number; (7) that mathematical laws pervaded the world; and even qualitative differences were supposed to have their origin in number and figure; (8) the annihilation of matter was denied by several of them, and the seeming disappearance of it held to be a transformation only. For, although one of these discoveries might have been supposed to be a happy guess, taken together they seem to imply a great advance and almost maturity of natural knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; We should also remember, when we attribute to the ancients hasty generalizations and delusions of language, that physical philosophy and metaphysical too have been guilty of similar fallacies in quite recent times. We by no means distinguish clearly between mind and body, between ideas and facts. Have not many discussions arisen about the Atomic theory in which a point has been confused with a material atom? Have not the natures of things been explained by imaginary entities, such as life or phlogiston, which exist in the mind only? Has not disease been regarded, like sin, sometimes as a negative and necessary, sometimes as a positive or malignant principle? The &amp;amp;lsquo;idols&amp;amp;rsquo; of Bacon are nearly as common now as ever; they are inherent in the human mind, and when they have the most complete dominion over us, we are least able to perceive them. We recognize them in the ancients, but we fail to see them in ourselves. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Such reflections, although this is not the place in which to dwell upon them at length, lead us to take a favourable view of the speculations of the Timaeus. We should consider not how much Plato actually knew, but how far he has contributed to the general ideas of physics, or supplied the notions which, whether true or false, have stimulated the minds of later generations in the path of discovery. Some of them may seem old-fashioned, but may nevertheless have had a great influence in promoting system and assisting enquiry, while in others we hear the latest word of physical or metaphysical philosophy. There is also an intermediate class, in which Plato falls short of the truths of modern science, though he is not wholly unacquainted with them. (1) To the first class belongs the teleological theory of creation. Whether all things in the world can be explained as the result of natural laws, or whether we must not admit of tendencies and marks of design also, has been a question much disputed of late years. Even if all phenomena are the result of natural forces, we must admit that there are many things in heaven and earth which are as well expressed under the image of mind or design as under any other. At any rate, the language of Plato has been the language of natural theology down to our own time, nor can any description of the world wholly dispense with it. The notion of first and second or co-operative causes, which originally appears in the Timaeus, has likewise survived to our own day, and has been a great peace-maker between theology and science. Plato also approaches very near to our doctrine of the primary and secondary qualities of matter. (2) Another popular notion which is found in the Timaeus, is the feebleness of the human intellect&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;amp;lsquo;God knows the original qualities of things; man can only hope to attain to probability.&amp;amp;rsquo; We speak in almost the same words of human intelligence, but not in the same manner of the uncertainty of our knowledge of nature. The reason is that the latter is assured to us by experiment, and is not contrasted with the certainty of ideal or mathematical knowledge. But the ancient philosopher never experimented: in the Timaeus Plato seems to have thought that there would be impiety in making the attempt; he, for example, who tried experiments in colours would &amp;amp;lsquo;forget the difference of the human and divine natures.&amp;amp;rsquo; Their indefiniteness is probably the reason why he singles them out, as especially incapable of being tested by experiment. (Compare the saying of Anaxagoras&amp;amp;mdash;Sext. Pyrrh.&amp;amp;mdash;that since snow is made of water and water is black, snow ought to be black.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The greatest &amp;amp;lsquo;divination&amp;amp;rsquo; of the ancients was the supremacy which they assigned to mathematics in all the realms of nature; for in all of them there is a foundation of mechanics. Even physiology partakes of figure and number; and Plato is not wrong in attributing them to the human frame, but in the omission to observe how little could be explained by them. Thus we may remark in passing that the most fanciful of ancient philosophies is also the most nearly verified in fact. The fortunate guess that the world is a sum of numbers and figures has been the most fruitful of anticipations. The &amp;amp;lsquo;diatonic&amp;amp;rsquo; scale of the Pythagoreans and Plato suggested to Kepler that the secret of the distances of the planets from one another was to be found in mathematical proportions. The doctrine that the heavenly bodies all move in a circle is known by us to be erroneous; but without such an error how could the human mind have comprehended the heavens? Astronomy, even in modern times, has made far greater progress by the high a priori road than could have been attained by any other. Yet, strictly speaking&amp;amp;mdash;and the remark applies to ancient physics generally&amp;amp;mdash;this high a priori road was based upon a posteriori grounds. For there were no facts of which the ancients were so well assured by experience as facts of number. Having observed that they held good in a few instances, they applied them everywhere; and in the complexity, of which they were capable, found the explanation of the equally complex phenomena of the universe. They seemed to see them in the least things as well as in the greatest; in atoms, as well as in suns and stars; in the human body as well as in external nature. And now a favourite speculation of modern chemistry is the explanation of qualitative difference by quantitative, which is at present verified to a certain extent and may hereafter be of far more universal application. What is this but the atoms of Democritus and the triangles of Plato? The ancients should not be wholly deprived of the credit of their guesses because they were unable to prove them. May they not have had, like the animals, an instinct of something more than they knew? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Besides general notions we seem to find in the Timaeus some more precise approximations to the discoveries of modern physical science. First, the doctrine of equipoise. Plato affirms, almost in so many words, that nature abhors a vacuum. Whenever a particle is displaced, the rest push and thrust one another until equality is restored. We must remember that these ideas were not derived from any definite experiment, but were the original reflections of man, fresh from the first observation of nature. The latest word of modern philosophy is continuity and development, but to Plato this is the beginning and foundation of science; there is nothing that he is so strongly persuaded of as that the world is one, and that all the various existences which are contained in it are only the transformations of the same soul of the world acting on the same matter. He would have readily admitted that out of the protoplasm all things were formed by the gradual process of creation; but he would have insisted that mind and intelligence&amp;amp;mdash;not meaning by this, however, a conscious mind or person&amp;amp;mdash;were prior to them, and could alone have created them. Into the workings of this eternal mind or intelligence he does not enter further; nor would there have been any use in attempting to investigate the things which no eye has seen nor any human language can express. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Lastly, there remain two points in which he seems to touch great discoveries of modern times&amp;amp;mdash;the law of gravitation, and the circulation of the blood. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; (1) The law of gravitation, according to Plato, is a law, not only of the attraction of lesser bodies to larger ones, but of similar bodies to similar, having a magnetic power as well as a principle of gravitation. He observed that earth, water, and air had settled down to their places, and he imagined fire or the exterior aether to have a place beyond air. When air seemed to go upwards and fire to pierce through air&amp;amp;mdash;when water and earth fell downward, they were seeking their native elements. He did not remark that his own explanation did not suit all phenomena; and the simpler explanation, which assigns to bodies degrees of heaviness and lightness proportioned to the mass and distance of the bodies which attract them, never occurred to him. Yet the affinities of similar substances have some effect upon the composition of the world, and of this Plato may be thought to have had an anticipation. He may be described as confusing the attraction of gravitation with the attraction of cohesion. The influence of such affinities and the chemical action of one body upon another in long periods of time have become a recognized principle of geology. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; (2) Plato is perfectly aware&amp;amp;mdash;and he could hardly be ignorant&amp;amp;mdash;that blood is a fluid in constant motion. He also knew that blood is partly a solid substance consisting of several elements, which, as he might have observed in the use of &amp;amp;lsquo;cupping-glasses&amp;amp;rsquo;, decompose and die, when no longer in motion. But the specific discovery that the blood flows out on one side of the heart through the arteries and returns through the veins on the other, which is commonly called the circulation of the blood, was absolutely unknown to him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; A further study of the Timaeus suggests some after-thoughts which may be conveniently brought together in this place. The topics which I propose briefly to reconsider are (a) the relation of the Timaeus to the other dialogues of Plato and to the previous philosophy; (b) the nature of God and of creation (c) the morality of the Timaeus:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; (a) The Timaeus is more imaginative and less scientific than any other of the Platonic dialogues. It is conjectural astronomy, conjectural natural philosophy, conjectural medicine. The writer himself is constantly repeating that he is speaking what is probable only. The dialogue is put into the mouth of Timaeus, a Pythagorean philosopher, and therefore here, as in the Parmenides, we are in doubt how far Plato is expressing his own sentiments. Hence the connexion with the other dialogues is comparatively slight. We may fill up the lacunae of the Timaeus by the help of the Republic or Phaedrus: we may identify the same and other with the (Greek) of the Philebus. We may find in the Laws or in the Statesman parallels with the account of creation and of the first origin of man. It would be possible to frame a scheme in which all these various elements might have a place. But such a mode of proceeding would be unsatisfactory, because we have no reason to suppose that Plato intended his scattered thoughts to be collected in a system. There is a common spirit in his writings, and there are certain general principles, such as the opposition of the sensible and intellectual, and the priority of mind, which run through all of them; but he has no definite forms of words in which he consistently expresses himself. While the determinations of human thought are in process of creation he is necessarily tentative and uncertain. And there is least of definiteness, whenever either in describing the beginning or the end of the world, he has recourse to myths. These are not the fixed modes in which spiritual truths are revealed to him, but the efforts of imagination, by which at different times and in various manners he seeks to embody his conceptions. The clouds of mythology are still resting upon him, and he has not yet pierced &amp;amp;lsquo;to the heaven of the fixed stars&amp;amp;rsquo; which is beyond them. It is safer then to admit the inconsistencies of the Timaeus, or to endeavour to fill up what is wanting from our own imagination, inspired by a study of the dialogue, than to refer to other Platonic writings,&amp;amp;mdash;and still less should we refer to the successors of Plato,&amp;amp;mdash;for the elucidation of it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; More light is thrown upon the Timaeus by a comparison of the previous philosophies. For the physical science of the ancients was traditional, descending through many generations of Ionian and Pythagorean philosophers. Plato does not look out upon the heavens and describe what he sees in them, but he builds upon the foundations of others, adding something out of the &amp;amp;lsquo;depths of his own self-consciousness.&amp;amp;rsquo; Socrates had already spoken of God the creator, who made all things for the best. While he ridiculed the superficial explanations of phenomena which were current in his age, he recognised the marks both of benevolence and of design in the frame of man and in the world. The apparatus of winds and waters is contemptuously rejected by him in the Phaedo, but he thinks that there is a power greater than that of any Atlas in the &amp;amp;lsquo;Best&amp;amp;rsquo; (Phaedo; Arist. Met.). Plato, following his master, affirms this principle of the best, but he acknowledges that the best is limited by the conditions of matter. In the generation before Socrates, Anaxagoras had brought together &amp;amp;lsquo;Chaos&amp;amp;rsquo; and &amp;amp;lsquo;Mind&amp;amp;rsquo;; and these are connected by Plato in the Timaeus, but in accordance with his own mode of thinking he has interposed between them the idea or pattern according to which mind worked. The circular impulse (Greek) of the one philosopher answers to the circular movement (Greek) of the other. But unlike Anaxagoras, Plato made the sun and stars living beings and not masses of earth or metal. The Pythagoreans again had framed a world out of numbers, which they constructed into figures. Plato adopted their speculations and improved upon them by a more exact knowledge of geometry. The Atomists too made the world, if not out of geometrical figures, at least out of different forms of atoms, and these atoms resembled the triangles of Plato in being too small to be visible. But though the physiology of the Timaeus is partly borrowed from them, they are either ignored by Plato or referred to with a secret contempt and dislike. He looks with more favour on the Pythagoreans, whose intervals of number applied to the distances of the planets reappear in the Timaeus. It is probable that among the Pythagoreans living in the fourth century B.C., there were already some who, like Plato, made the earth their centre. Whether he obtained his circles of the Same and Other from any previous thinker is uncertain. The four elements are taken from Empedocles; the interstices of the Timaeus may also be compared with his (Greek). The passage of one element into another is common to Heracleitus and several of the Ionian philosophers. So much of a syncretist is Plato, though not after the manner of the Neoplatonists. For the elements which he borrows from others are fused and transformed by his own genius. On the other hand we find fewer traces in Plato of early Ionic or Eleatic speculation. He does not imagine the world of sense to be made up of opposites or to be in a perpetual flux, but to vary within certain limits which are controlled by what he calls the principle of the same. Unlike the Eleatics, who relegated the world to the sphere of not-being, he admits creation to have an existence which is real and even eternal, although dependent on the will of the creator. Instead of maintaining the doctrine that the void has a necessary place in the existence of the world, he rather affirms the modern thesis that nature abhors a vacuum, as in the Sophist he also denies the reality of not-being (Aristot. Metaph.). But though in these respects he differs from them, he is deeply penetrated by the spirit of their philosophy; he differs from them with reluctance, and gladly recognizes the &amp;amp;lsquo;generous depth&amp;amp;rsquo; of Parmenides (Theaet.). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There is a similarity between the Timaeus and the fragments of Philolaus, which by some has been thought to be so great as to create a suspicion that they are derived from it. Philolaus is known to us from the Phaedo of Plato as a Pythagorean philosopher residing at Thebes in the latter half of the fifth century B.C., after the dispersion of the original Pythagorean society. He was the teacher of Simmias and Cebes, who became disciples of Socrates. We have hardly any other information about him. The story that Plato had purchased three books of his writings from a relation is not worth repeating; it is only a fanciful way in which an ancient biographer dresses up the fact that there was supposed to be a resemblance between the two writers. Similar gossiping stories are told about the sources of the Republic and the Phaedo. That there really existed in antiquity a work passing under the name of Philolaus there can be no doubt. Fragments of this work are preserved to us, chiefly in Stobaeus, a few in Boethius and other writers. They remind us of the Timaeus, as well as of the Phaedrus and Philebus. When the writer says (Stob. Eclog.) that all things are either finite (definite) or infinite (indefinite), or a union of the two, and that this antithesis and synthesis pervades all art and nature, we are reminded of the Philebus. When he calls the centre of the world (Greek), we have a parallel to the Phaedrus. His distinction between the world of order, to which the sun and moon and the stars belong, and the world of disorder, which lies in the region between the moon and the earth, approximates to Plato&amp;amp;rsquo;s sphere of the Same and of the Other. Like Plato (Tim.), he denied the above and below in space, and said that all things were the same in relation to a centre. He speaks also of the world as one and indestructible: &amp;amp;lsquo;for neither from within nor from without does it admit of destruction&amp;amp;rsquo; (Tim). He mentions ten heavenly bodies, including the sun and moon, the earth and the counter-earth (Greek), and in the midst of them all he places the central fire, around which they are moving&amp;amp;mdash;this is hidden from the earth by the counter-earth. Of neither is there any trace in Plato, who makes the earth the centre of his system. Philolaus magnifies the virtues of particular numbers, especially of the number 10 (Stob. Eclog.), and descants upon odd and even numbers, after the manner of the later Pythagoreans. It is worthy of remark that these mystical fancies are nowhere to be found in the writings of Plato, although the importance of number as a form and also an instrument of thought is ever present to his mind. Both Philolaus and Plato agree in making the world move in certain numerical ratios according to a musical scale: though Bockh is of opinion that the two scales, of Philolaus and of the Timaeus, do not correspond...We appear not to be sufficiently acquainted with the early Pythagoreans to know how far the statements contained in these fragments corresponded with their doctrines; and we therefore cannot pronounce, either in favour of the genuineness of the fragments, with Bockh and Zeller, or, with Valentine Rose and Schaarschmidt, against them. But it is clear that they throw but little light upon the Timaeus, and that their resemblance to it has been exaggerated. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; That there is a degree of confusion and indistinctness in Plato&amp;amp;rsquo;s account both of man and of the universe has been already acknowledged. We cannot tell (nor could Plato himself have told) where the figure or myth ends and the philosophical truth begins; we cannot explain (nor could Plato himself have explained to us) the relation of the ideas to appearance, of which one is the copy of the other, and yet of all things in the world they are the most opposed and unlike. This opposition is presented to us in many forms, as the antithesis of the one and many, of the finite and infinite, of the intelligible and sensible, of the unchangeable and the changing, of the indivisible and the divisible, of the fixed stars and the planets, of the creative mind and the primeval chaos. These pairs of opposites are so many aspects of the great opposition between ideas and phenomena&amp;amp;mdash;they easily pass into one another; and sometimes the two members of the relation differ in kind, sometimes only in degree. As in Aristotle&amp;amp;rsquo;s matter and form the connexion between them is really inseparable; for if we attempt to separate them they become devoid of content and therefore indistinguishable; there is no difference between the idea of which nothing can be predicated, and the chaos or matter which has no perceptible qualities&amp;amp;mdash;between Being in the abstract and Nothing. Yet we are frequently told that the one class of them is the reality and the other appearance; and one is often spoken of as the double or reflection of the other. For Plato never clearly saw that both elements had an equal place in mind and in nature; and hence, especially when we argue from isolated passages in his writings, or attempt to draw what appear to us to be the natural inferences from them, we are full of perplexity. There is a similar confusion about necessity and free-will, and about the state of the soul after death. Also he sometimes supposes that God is immanent in the world, sometimes that he is transcendent. And having no distinction of objective and subjective, he passes imperceptibly from one to the other; from intelligence to soul, from eternity to time. These contradictions may be softened or concealed by a judicious use of language, but they cannot be wholly got rid of. That an age of intellectual transition must also be one of inconsistency; that the creative is opposed to the critical or defining habit of mind or time, has been often repeated by us. But, as Plato would say, &amp;amp;lsquo;there is no harm in repeating twice or thrice&amp;amp;rsquo; (Laws) what is important for the understanding of a great author. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It has not, however, been observed, that the confusion partly arises out of the elements of opposing philosophies which are preserved in him. He holds these in solution, he brings them into relation with one another, but he does not perfectly harmonize them. They are part of his own mind, and he is incapable of placing himself outside of them and criticizing them. They grow as he grows; they are a kind of composition with which his own philosophy is overlaid. In early life he fancies that he has mastered them: but he is also mastered by them; and in language (Sophist) which may be compared with the hesitating tone of the Timaeus, he confesses in his later years that they are full of obscurity to him. He attributes new meanings to the words of Parmenides and Heracleitus; but at times the old Eleatic philosophy appears to go beyond him; then the world of phenomena disappears, but the doctrine of ideas is also reduced to nothingness. All of them are nearer to one another than they themselves supposed, and nearer to him than he supposed. All of them are antagonistic to sense and have an affinity to number and measure and a presentiment of ideas. Even in Plato they still retain their contentious or controversial character, which was developed by the growth of dialectic. He is never able to reconcile the first causes of the pre-Socratic philosophers with the final causes of Socrates himself. There is no intelligible account of the relation of numbers to the universal ideas, or of universals to the idea of good. He found them all three, in the Pythagorean philosophy and in the teaching of Socrates and of the Megarians respectively; and, because they all furnished modes of explaining and arranging phenomena, he is unwilling to give up any of them, though he is unable to unite them in a consistent whole. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Lastly, Plato, though an idealist philosopher, is Greek and not Oriental in spirit and feeling. He is no mystic or ascetic; he is not seeking in vain to get rid of matter or to find absorption in the divine nature, or in the Soul of the universe. And therefore we are not surprised to find that his philosophy in the Timaeus returns at last to a worship of the heavens, and that to him, as to other Greeks, nature, though containing a remnant of evil, is still glorious and divine. He takes away or drops the veil of mythology, and presents her to us in what appears to him to be the form-fairer and truer far&amp;amp;mdash;of mathematical figures. It is this element in the Timaeus, no less than its affinity to certain Pythagorean speculations, which gives it a character not wholly in accordance with the other dialogues of Plato. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; (b) The Timaeus contains an assertion perhaps more distinct than is found in any of the other dialogues (Rep.; Laws) of the goodness of God. &amp;amp;lsquo;He was good himself, and he fashioned the good everywhere.&amp;amp;rsquo; He was not &amp;amp;lsquo;a jealous God,&amp;amp;rsquo; and therefore he desired that all other things should be equally good. He is the IDEA of good who has now become a person, and speaks and is spoken of as God. Yet his personality seems to appear only in the act of creation. In so far as he works with his eye fixed upon an eternal pattern he is like the human artificer in the Republic. Here the theory of Platonic ideas intrudes upon us. God, like man, is supposed to have an ideal of which Plato is unable to tell us the origin. He may be said, in the language of modern philosophy, to resolve the divine mind into subject and object. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The first work of creation is perfected, the second begins under the direction of inferior ministers. The supreme God is withdrawn from the world and returns to his own accustomed nature (Tim.). As in the Statesman, he retires to his place of view. So early did the Epicurean doctrine take possession of the Greek mind, and so natural is it to the heart of man, when he has once passed out of the stage of mythology into that of rational religion. For he sees the marks of design in the world; but he no longer sees or fancies that he sees God walking in the garden or haunting stream or mountain. He feels also that he must put God as far as possible out of the way of evil, and therefore he banishes him from an evil world. Plato is sensible of the difficulty; and he often shows that he is desirous of justifying the ways of God to man. Yet on the other hand, in the Tenth Book of the Laws he passes a censure on those who say that the Gods have no care of human things. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The creation of the world is the impression of order on a previously existing chaos. The formula of Anaxagoras&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;amp;lsquo;all things were in chaos or confusion, and then mind came and disposed them&amp;amp;rsquo;&amp;amp;mdash;is a summary of the first part of the Timaeus. It is true that of a chaos without differences no idea could be formed. All was not mixed but one; and therefore it was not difficult for the later Platonists to draw inferences by which they were enabled to reconcile the narrative of the Timaeus with the Mosaic account of the creation. Neither when we speak of mind or intelligence, do we seem to get much further in our conception than circular motion, which was deemed to be the most perfect. Plato, like Anaxagoras, while commencing his theory of the universe with ideas of mind and of the best, is compelled in the execution of his design to condescend to the crudest physics. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; (c) The morality of the Timaeus is singular, and it is difficult to adjust the balance between the two elements of it. The difficulty which Plato feels, is that which all of us feel, and which is increased in our own day by the progress of physical science, how the responsibility of man is to be reconciled with his dependence on natural causes. And sometimes, like other men, he is more impressed by one aspect of human life, sometimes by the other. In the Republic he represents man as freely choosing his own lot in a state prior to birth&amp;amp;mdash;a conception which, if taken literally, would still leave him subject to the dominion of necessity in his after life; in the Statesman he supposes the human race to be preserved in the world only by a divine interposition; while in the Timaeus the supreme God commissions the inferior deities to avert from him all but self-inflicted evils&amp;amp;mdash;words which imply that all the evils of men are really self-inflicted. And here, like Plato (the insertion of a note in the text of an ancient writer is a literary curiosity worthy of remark), we may take occasion to correct an error. For we too hastily said that Plato in the Timaeus regarded all &amp;amp;lsquo;vices and crimes as involuntary.&amp;amp;rsquo; But the fact is that he is inconsistent with himself; in one and the same passage vice is attributed to the relaxation of the bodily frame, and yet we are exhorted to avoid it and pursue virtue. It is also admitted that good and evil conduct are to be attributed respectively to good and evil laws and institutions. These cannot be given by individuals to themselves; and therefore human actions, in so far as they are dependent upon them, are regarded by Plato as involuntary rather than voluntary. Like other writers on this subject, he is unable to escape from some degree of self-contradiction. He had learned from Socrates that vice is ignorance, and suddenly the doctrine seems to him to be confirmed by observing how much of the good and bad in human character depends on the bodily constitution. So in modern times the speculative doctrine of necessity has often been supported by physical facts. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The Timaeus also contains an anticipation of the stoical life according to nature. Man contemplating the heavens is to regulate his erring life according to them. He is to partake of the repose of nature and of the order of nature, to bring the variable principle in himself into harmony with the principle of the same. The ethics of the Timaeus may be summed up in the single idea of &amp;amp;lsquo;law.&amp;amp;rsquo; To feel habitually that he is part of the order of the universe, is one of the highest ethical motives of which man is capable. Something like this is what Plato means when he speaks of the soul &amp;amp;lsquo;moving about the same in unchanging thought of the same.&amp;amp;rsquo; He does not explain how man is acted upon by the lesser influences of custom or of opinion; or how the commands of the soul watching in the citadel are conveyed to the bodily organs. But this perhaps, to use once more expressions of his own, &amp;amp;lsquo;is part of another subject&amp;amp;rsquo; or &amp;amp;lsquo;may be more suitably discussed on some other occasion.&amp;amp;rsquo; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There is no difficulty, by the help of Aristotle and later writers, in criticizing the Timaeus of Plato, in pointing out the inconsistencies of the work, in dwelling on the ignorance of anatomy displayed by the author, in showing the fancifulness or unmeaningness of some of his reasons. But the Timaeus still remains the greatest effort of the human mind to conceive the world as a whole which the genius of antiquity has bequeathed to us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; One more aspect of the Timaeus remains to be considered&amp;amp;mdash;the mythological or geographical. Is it not a wonderful thing that a few pages of one of Plato&amp;amp;rsquo;s dialogues have grown into a great legend, not confined to Greece only, but spreading far and wide over the nations of Europe and reaching even to Egypt and Asia? Like the tale of Troy, or the legend of the Ten Tribes (Ewald, Hist. of Isr.), which perhaps originated in a few verses of II Esdras, it has become famous, because it has coincided with a great historical fact. Like the romance of King Arthur, which has had so great a charm, it has found a way over the seas from one country and language to another. It inspired the navigators of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries; it foreshadowed the discovery of America. It realized the fiction so natural to the human mind, because it answered the enquiry about the origin of the arts, that there had somewhere existed an ancient primitive civilization. It might find a place wherever men chose to look for it; in North, South, East, or West; in the Islands of the Blest; before the entrance of the Straits of Gibraltar, in Sweden or in Palestine. It mattered little whether the description in Plato agreed with the locality assigned to it or not. It was a legend so adapted to the human mind that it made a habitation for itself in any country. It was an island in the clouds, which might be seen anywhere by the eye of faith. It was a subject especially congenial to the ponderous industry of certain French and Swedish writers, who delighted in heaping up learning of all sorts but were incapable of using it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; M. Martin has written a valuable dissertation on the opinions entertained respecting the Island of Atlantis in ancient and modern times. It is a curious chapter in the history of the human mind. The tale of Atlantis is the fabric of a vision, but it has never ceased to interest mankind. It was variously regarded by the ancients themselves. The stronger heads among them, like Strabo and Longinus, were as little disposed to believe in the truth of it as the modern reader in Gulliver or Robinson Crusoe. On the other hand there is no kind or degree of absurdity or fancy in which the more foolish writers, both of antiquity and of modern times, have not indulged respecting it. The Neo-Platonists, loyal to their master, like some commentators on the Christian Scriptures, sought to give an allegorical meaning to what they also believed to be an historical fact. It was as if some one in our own day were to convert the poems of Homer into an allegory of the Christian religion, at the same time maintaining them to be an exact and veritable history. In the Middle Ages the legend seems to have been half-forgotten until revived by the discovery of America. It helped to form the Utopia of Sir Thomas More and the New Atlantis of Bacon, although probably neither of those great men were at all imposed upon by the fiction. It was most prolific in the seventeenth or in the early part of the eighteenth century, when the human mind, seeking for Utopias or inventing them, was glad to escape out of the dulness of the present into the romance of the past or some ideal of the future. The later forms of such narratives contained features taken from the Edda, as well as from the Old and New Testament; also from the tales of missionaries and the experiences of travellers and of colonists. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The various opinions respecting the Island of Atlantis have no interest for us except in so far as they illustrate the extravagances of which men are capable. But this is a real interest and a serious lesson, if we remember that now as formerly the human mind is liable to be imposed upon by the illusions of the past, which are ever assuming some new form. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; When we have shaken off the rubbish of ages, there remain one or two questions of which the investigation has a permanent value:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 1. Did Plato derive the legend of Atlantis from an Egyptian source? It may be replied that there is no such legend in any writer previous to Plato; neither in Homer, nor in Pindar, nor in Herodotus is there any mention of an Island of Atlantis, nor any reference to it in Aristotle, nor any citation of an earlier writer by a later one in which it is to be found. Nor have any traces been discovered hitherto in Egyptian monuments of a connexion between Greece and Egypt older than the eighth or ninth century B.C. It is true that Proclus, writing in the fifth century after Christ, tells us of stones and columns in Egypt on which the history of the Island of Atlantis was engraved. The statement may be false&amp;amp;mdash;there are similar tales about columns set up &amp;amp;lsquo;by the Canaanites whom Joshua drove out&amp;amp;rsquo; (Procop.); but even if true, it would only show that the legend, 800 years after the time of Plato, had been transferred to Egypt, and inscribed, not, like other forgeries, in books, but on stone. Probably in the Alexandrian age, when Egypt had ceased to have a history and began to appropriate the legends of other nations, many such monuments were to be found of events which had become famous in that or other countries. The oldest witness to the story is said to be Crantor, a Stoic philosopher who lived a generation later than Plato, and therefore may have borrowed it from him. The statement is found in Proclus; but we require better assurance than Proclus can give us before we accept this or any other statement which he makes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Secondly, passing from the external to the internal evidence, we may remark that the story is far more likely to have been invented by Plato than to have been brought by Solon from Egypt. That is another part of his legend which Plato also seeks to impose upon us. The verisimilitude which he has given to the tale is a further reason for suspecting it; for he could easily &amp;amp;lsquo;invent Egyptian or any other tales&amp;amp;rsquo; (Phaedrus). Are not the words, &amp;amp;lsquo;The truth of the story is a great advantage,&amp;amp;rsquo; if we read between the lines, an indication of the fiction? It is only a legend that Solon went to Egypt, and if he did he could not have conversed with Egyptian priests or have read records in their temples. The truth is that the introduction is a mosaic work of small touches which, partly by their minuteness, and also by their seeming probability, win the confidence of the reader. Who would desire better evidence than that of Critias, who had heard the narrative in youth when the memory is strongest at the age of ten from his grandfather Critias, an old man of ninety, who in turn had heard it from Solon himself? Is not the famous expression&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;amp;lsquo;You Hellenes are ever children and there is no knowledge among you hoary with age,&amp;amp;rsquo; really a compliment to the Athenians who are described in these words as &amp;amp;lsquo;ever young&amp;amp;rsquo;? And is the thought expressed in them to be attributed to the learning of the Egyptian priest, and not rather to the genius of Plato? Or when the Egyptian says&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;amp;lsquo;Hereafter at our leisure we will take up the written documents and examine in detail the exact truth about these things&amp;amp;rsquo;&amp;amp;mdash;what is this but a literary trick by which Plato sets off his narrative? Could any war between Athens and the Island of Atlantis have really coincided with the struggle between the Greeks and Persians, as is sufficiently hinted though not expressly stated in the narrative of Plato? And whence came the tradition to Egypt? or in what does the story consist except in the war between the two rival powers and the submersion of both of them? And how was the tale transferred to the poem of Solon? &amp;amp;lsquo;It is not improbable,&amp;amp;rsquo; says Mr. Grote, &amp;amp;lsquo;that Solon did leave an unfinished Egyptian poem&amp;amp;rsquo; (Plato). But are probabilities for which there is not a tittle of evidence, and which are without any parallel, to be deemed worthy of attention by the critic? How came the poem of Solon to disappear in antiquity? or why did Plato, if the whole narrative was known to him, break off almost at the beginning of it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; While therefore admiring the diligence and erudition of M. Martin, we cannot for a moment suppose that the tale was told to Solon by an Egyptian priest, nor can we believe that Solon wrote a poem upon the theme which was thus suggested to him&amp;amp;mdash;a poem which disappeared in antiquity; or that the Island of Atlantis or the antediluvian Athens ever had any existence except in the imagination of Plato. Martin is of opinion that Plato would have been terrified if he could have foreseen the endless fancies to which his Island of Atlantis has given occasion. Rather he would have been infinitely amused if he could have known that his gift of invention would have deceived M. Martin himself into the belief that the tradition was brought from Egypt by Solon and made the subject of a poem by him. M. Martin may also be gently censured for citing without sufficient discrimination ancient authors having very different degrees of authority and value. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 2. It is an interesting and not unimportant question which is touched upon by Martin, whether the Atlantis of Plato in any degree held out a guiding light to the early navigators. He is inclined to think that there is no real connexion between them. But surely the discovery of the New World was preceded by a prophetic anticipation of it, which, like the hope of a Messiah, was entering into the hearts of men? And this hope was nursed by ancient tradition, which had found expression from time to time in the celebrated lines of Seneca and in many other places. This tradition was sustained by the great authority of Plato, and therefore the legend of the Island of Atlantis, though not closely connected with the voyages of the early navigators, may be truly said to have contributed indirectly to the great discovery. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The Timaeus of Plato, like the Protagoras and several portions of the Phaedrus and Republic, was translated by Cicero into Latin. About a fourth, comprehending with lacunae the first portion of the dialogue, is preserved in several MSS. These generally agree, and therefore may be supposed to be derived from a single original. The version is very faithful, and is a remarkable monument of Cicero&amp;amp;rsquo;s skill in managing the difficult and intractable Greek. In his treatise De Natura Deorum, he also refers to the Timaeus, which, speaking in the person of Velleius the Epicurean, he severely criticises. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The commentary of Proclus on the Timaeus is a wonderful monument of the silliness and prolixity of the Alexandrian Age. It extends to about thirty pages of the book, and is thirty times the length of the original. It is surprising that this voluminous work should have found a translator (Thomas Taylor, a kindred spirit, who was himself a Neo-Platonist, after the fashion, not of the fifth or sixteenth, but of the nineteenth century A.D.). The commentary is of little or no value, either in a philosophical or philological point of view. The writer is unable to explain particular passages in any precise manner, and he is equally incapable of grasping the whole. He does not take words in their simple meaning or sentences in their natural connexion. He is thinking, not of the context in Plato, but of the contemporary Pythagorean philosophers and their wordy strife. He finds nothing in the text which he does not bring to it. He is full of Porphyry, Iamblichus and Plotinus, of misapplied logic, of misunderstood grammar, and of the Orphic theology. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Although such a work can contribute little or nothing to the understanding of Plato, it throws an interesting light on the Alexandrian times; it realizes how a philosophy made up of words only may create a deep and widespread enthusiasm, how the forms of logic and rhetoric may usurp the place of reason and truth, how all philosophies grow faded and discoloured, and are patched and made up again like worn-out garments, and retain only a second-hand existence. He who would study this degeneracy of philosophy and of the Greek mind in the original cannot do better than devote a few of his days and nights to the commentary of Proclus on the Timaeus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; A very different account must be given of the short work entitled &amp;amp;lsquo;Timaeus Locrus,&amp;amp;rsquo; which is a brief but clear analysis of the Timaeus of Plato, omitting the introduction or dialogue and making a few small additions. It does not allude to the original from which it is taken; it is quite free from mysticism and Neo-Platonism. In length it does not exceed a fifth part of the Timaeus. It is written in the Doric dialect, and contains several words which do not occur in classical Greek. No other indication of its date, except this uncertain one of language, appears in it. In several places the writer has simplified the language of Plato, in a few others he has embellished and exaggerated it. He generally preserves the thought of the original, but does not copy the words. On the whole this little tract faithfully reflects the meaning and spirit of the Timaeus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; From the garden of the Timaeus, as from the other dialogues of Plato, we may still gather a few flowers and present them at parting to the reader. There is nothing in Plato grander and simpler than the conversation between Solon and the Egyptian priest, in which the youthfulness of Hellas is contrasted with the antiquity of Egypt. Here are to be found the famous words, &amp;amp;lsquo;O Solon, Solon, you Hellenes are ever young, and there is not an old man among you&amp;amp;rsquo;&amp;amp;mdash;which may be compared to the lively saying of Hegel, that &amp;amp;lsquo;Greek history began with the youth Achilles and left off with the youth Alexander.&amp;amp;rsquo; The numerous arts of verisimilitude by which Plato insinuates into the mind of the reader the truth of his narrative have been already referred to. Here occur a sentence or two not wanting in Platonic irony (Greek&amp;amp;mdash;a word to the wise). &amp;amp;lsquo;To know or tell the origin of the other divinities is beyond us, and we must accept the traditions of the men of old time who affirm themselves to be the offspring of the Gods&amp;amp;mdash;that is what they say&amp;amp;mdash;and they must surely have known their own ancestors. How can we doubt the word of the children of the Gods? Although they give no probable or certain proofs, still, as they declare that they are speaking of what took place in their own family, we must conform to custom and believe them.&amp;amp;rsquo; &amp;amp;lsquo;Our creators well knew that women and other animals would some day be framed out of men, and they further knew that many animals would require the use of nails for many purposes; wherefore they fashioned in men at their first creation the rudiments of nails.&amp;amp;rsquo; Or once more, let us reflect on two serious passages in which the order of the world is supposed to find a place in the human soul and to infuse harmony into it. &amp;amp;lsquo;The soul, when touching anything that has essence, whether dispersed in parts or undivided, is stirred through all her powers to declare the sameness or difference of that thing and some other; and to what individuals are related, and by what affected, and in what way and how and when, both in the world of generation and in the world of immutable being. And when reason, which works with equal truth, whether she be in the circle of the diverse or of the same,&amp;amp;mdash;in voiceless silence holding her onward course in the sphere of the self-moved,&amp;amp;mdash;when reason, I say, is hovering around the sensible world, and when the circle of the diverse also moving truly imparts the intimations of sense to the whole soul, then arise opinions and beliefs sure and certain. But when reason is concerned with the rational, and the circle of the same moving smoothly declares it, then intelligence and knowledge are necessarily perfected;&amp;amp;rsquo; where, proceeding in a similar path of contemplation, he supposes the inward and the outer world mutually to imply each other. &amp;amp;lsquo;God invented and gave us sight to the end that we might behold the courses of intelligence in the heaven, and apply them to the courses of our own intelligence which are akin to them, the unperturbed to the perturbed; and that we, learning them and partaking of the natural truth of reason, might imitate the absolutely unerring courses of God and regulate our own vagaries.&amp;amp;rsquo; Or let us weigh carefully some other profound thoughts, such as the following. &amp;amp;lsquo;He who neglects education walks lame to the end of his life, and returns imperfect and good for nothing to the world below.&amp;amp;rsquo; &amp;amp;lsquo;The father and maker of all this universe is past finding out; and even if we found him, to tell of him to all men would be impossible.&amp;amp;rsquo; &amp;amp;lsquo;Let me tell you then why the Creator made this world of generation. He was good, and the good can never have jealousy of anything. And being free from jealousy, he desired that all things should be as like himself as they could be. This is in the truest sense the origin of creation and of the world, as we shall do well in believing on the testimony of wise men: God desired that all things should be good and nothing bad, so far as this was attainable.&amp;amp;rsquo; This is the leading thought in the Timaeus, just as the IDEA of Good is the leading thought of the Republic, the one expression describing the personal, the other the impersonal Good or God, differing in form rather than in substance, and both equally implying to the mind of Plato a divine reality. The slight touch, perhaps ironical, contained in the words, &amp;amp;lsquo;as we shall do well in believing on the testimony of wise men,&amp;amp;rsquo; is very characteristic of Plato. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PERSONS OF THE DIALOGUE: Socrates, Critias, Timaeus, Hermocrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: One, two, three; but where, my dear Timaeus, is the fourth of those who were yesterday my guests and are to be my entertainers to-day? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; TIMAEUS: He has been taken ill, Socrates; for he would not willingly have been absent from this gathering. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then, if he is not coming, you and the two others must supply his place. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; TIMAEUS: Certainly, and we will do all that we can; having been handsomely entertained by you yesterday, those of us who remain should be only too glad to return your hospitality. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Do you remember what were the points of which I required you to speak? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; TIMAEUS: We remember some of them, and you will be here to remind us of anything which we have forgotten: or rather, if we are not troubling you, will you briefly recapitulate the whole, and then the particulars will be more firmly fixed in our memories? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: To be sure I will: the chief theme of my yesterday&amp;amp;rsquo;s discourse was the State&amp;amp;mdash;how constituted and of what citizens composed it would seem likely to be most perfect. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; TIMAEUS: Yes, Socrates; and what you said of it was very much to our mind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Did we not begin by separating the husbandmen and the artisans from the class of defenders of the State? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; TIMAEUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And when we had given to each one that single employment and particular art which was suited to his nature, we spoke of those who were intended to be our warriors, and said that they were to be guardians of the city against attacks from within as well as from without, and to have no other employment; they were to be merciful in judging their subjects, of whom they were by nature friends, but fierce to their enemies, when they came across them in battle. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; TIMAEUS: Exactly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: We said, if I am not mistaken, that the guardians should be gifted with a temperament in a high degree both passionate and philosophical; and that then they would be as they ought to be, gentle to their friends and fierce with their enemies. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; TIMAEUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And what did we say of their education? Were they not to be trained in gymnastic, and music, and all other sorts of knowledge which were proper for them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; TIMAEUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And being thus trained they were not to consider gold or silver or anything else to be their own private property; they were to be like hired troops, receiving pay for keeping guard from those who were protected by them&amp;amp;mdash;the pay was to be no more than would suffice for men of simple life; and they were to spend in common, and to live together in the continual practice of virtue, which was to be their sole pursuit. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; TIMAEUS: That was also said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Neither did we forget the women; of whom we declared, that their natures should be assimilated and brought into harmony with those of the men, and that common pursuits should be assigned to them both in time of war and in their ordinary life. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; TIMAEUS: That, again, was as you say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And what about the procreation of children? Or rather was not the proposal too singular to be forgotten? for all wives and children were to be in common, to the intent that no one should ever know his own child, but they were to imagine that they were all one family; those who were within a suitable limit of age were to be brothers and sisters, those who were of an elder generation parents and grandparents, and those of a younger, children and grandchildren. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; TIMAEUS: Yes, and the proposal is easy to remember, as you say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And do you also remember how, with a view of securing as far as we could the best breed, we said that the chief magistrates, male and female, should contrive secretly, by the use of certain lots, so to arrange the nuptial meeting, that the bad of either sex and the good of either sex might pair with their like; and there was to be no quarrelling on this account, for they would imagine that the union was a mere accident, and was to be attributed to the lot? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; TIMAEUS: I remember. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And you remember how we said that the children of the good parents were to be educated, and the children of the bad secretly dispersed among the inferior citizens; and while they were all growing up the rulers were to be on the look-out, and to bring up from below in their turn those who were worthy, and those among themselves who were unworthy were to take the places of those who came up? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; TIMAEUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then have I now given you all the heads of our yesterday&amp;amp;rsquo;s discussion? Or is there anything more, my dear Timaeus, which has been omitted? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; TIMAEUS: Nothing, Socrates; it was just as you have said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I should like, before proceeding further, to tell you how I feel about the State which we have described. I might compare myself to a person who, on beholding beautiful animals either created by the painter&amp;amp;rsquo;s art, or, better still, alive but at rest, is seized with a desire of seeing them in motion or engaged in some struggle or conflict to which their forms appear suited; this is my feeling about the State which we have been describing. There are conflicts which all cities undergo, and I should like to hear some one tell of our own city carrying on a struggle against her neighbours, and how she went out to war in a becoming manner, and when at war showed by the greatness of her actions and the magnanimity of her words in dealing with other cities a result worthy of her training and education. Now I, Critias and Hermocrates, am conscious that I myself should never be able to celebrate the city and her citizens in a befitting manner, and I am not surprised at my own incapacity; to me the wonder is rather that the poets present as well as past are no better&amp;amp;mdash;not that I mean to depreciate them; but every one can see that they are a tribe of imitators, and will imitate best and most easily the life in which they have been brought up; while that which is beyond the range of a man&amp;amp;rsquo;s education he finds hard to carry out in action, and still harder adequately to represent in language. I am aware that the Sophists have plenty of brave words and fair conceits, but I am afraid that being only wanderers from one city to another, and having never had habitations of their own, they may fail in their conception of philosophers and statesmen, and may not know what they do and say in time of war, when they are fighting or holding parley with their enemies. And thus people of your class are the only ones remaining who are fitted by nature and education to take part at once both in politics and philosophy. Here is Timaeus, of Locris in Italy, a city which has admirable laws, and who is himself in wealth and rank the equal of any of his fellow-citizens; he has held the most important and honourable offices in his own state, and, as I believe, has scaled the heights of all philosophy; and here is Critias, whom every Athenian knows to be no novice in the matters of which we are speaking; and as to Hermocrates, I am assured by many witnesses that his genius and education qualify him to take part in any speculation of the kind. And therefore yesterday when I saw that you wanted me to describe the formation of the State, I readily assented, being very well aware, that, if you only would, none were better qualified to carry the discussion further, and that when you had engaged our city in a suitable war, you of all men living could best exhibit her playing a fitting part. When I had completed my task, I in return imposed this other task upon you. You conferred together and agreed to entertain me to-day, as I had entertained you, with a feast of discourse. Here am I in festive array, and no man can be more ready for the promised banquet. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; HERMOCRATES: And we too, Socrates, as Timaeus says, will not be wanting in enthusiasm; and there is no excuse for not complying with your request. As soon as we arrived yesterday at the guest-chamber of Critias, with whom we are staying, or rather on our way thither, we talked the matter over, and he told us an ancient tradition, which I wish, Critias, that you would repeat to Socrates, so that he may help us to judge whether it will satisfy his requirements or not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; CRITIAS: I will, if Timaeus, who is our other partner, approves. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; TIMAEUS: I quite approve. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; CRITIAS: Then listen, Socrates, to a tale which, though strange, is certainly true, having been attested by Solon, who was the wisest of the seven sages. He was a relative and a dear friend of my great-grandfather, Dropides, as he himself says in many passages of his poems; and he told the story to Critias, my grandfather, who remembered and repeated it to us. There were of old, he said, great and marvellous actions of the Athenian city, which have passed into oblivion through lapse of time and the destruction of mankind, and one in particular, greater than all the rest. This we will now rehearse. It will be a fitting monument of our gratitude to you, and a hymn of praise true and worthy of the goddess, on this her day of festival. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Very good. And what is this ancient famous action of the Athenians, which Critias declared, on the authority of Solon, to be not a mere legend, but an actual fact? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; CRITIAS: I will tell an old-world story which I heard from an aged man; for Critias, at the time of telling it, was, as he said, nearly ninety years of age, and I was about ten. Now the day was that day of the Apaturia which is called the Registration of Youth, at which, according to custom, our parents gave prizes for recitations, and the poems of several poets were recited by us boys, and many of us sang the poems of Solon, which at that time had not gone out of fashion. One of our tribe, either because he thought so or to please Critias, said that in his judgment Solon was not only the wisest of men, but also the noblest of poets. The old man, as I very well remember, brightened up at hearing this and said, smiling: Yes, Amynander, if Solon had only, like other poets, made poetry the business of his life, and had completed the tale which he brought with him from Egypt, and had not been compelled, by reason of the factions and troubles which he found stirring in his own country when he came home, to attend to other matters, in my opinion he would have been as famous as Homer or Hesiod, or any poet. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And what was the tale about, Critias? said Amynander. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; About the greatest action which the Athenians ever did, and which ought to have been the most famous, but, through the lapse of time and the destruction of the actors, it has not come down to us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Tell us, said the other, the whole story, and how and from whom Solon heard this veritable tradition. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; He replied:&amp;amp;mdash;In the Egyptian Delta, at the head of which the river Nile divides, there is a certain district which is called the district of Sais, and the great city of the district is also called Sais, and is the city from which King Amasis came. The citizens have a deity for their foundress; she is called in the Egyptian tongue Neith, and is asserted by them to be the same whom the Hellenes call Athene; they are great lovers of the Athenians, and say that they are in some way related to them. To this city came Solon, and was received there with great honour; he asked the priests who were most skilful in such matters, about antiquity, and made the discovery that neither he nor any other Hellene knew anything worth mentioning about the times of old. On one occasion, wishing to draw them on to speak of antiquity, he began to tell about the most ancient things in our part of the world&amp;amp;mdash;about Phoroneus, who is called &amp;amp;lsquo;the first man,&amp;amp;rsquo; and about Niobe; and after the Deluge, of the survival of Deucalion and Pyrrha; and he traced the genealogy of their descendants, and reckoning up the dates, tried to compute how many years ago the events of which he was speaking happened. Thereupon one of the priests, who was of a very great age, said: O Solon, Solon, you Hellenes are never anything but children, and there is not an old man among you. Solon in return asked him what he meant. I mean to say, he replied, that in mind you are all young; there is no old opinion handed down among you by ancient tradition, nor any science which is hoary with age. And I will tell you why. There have been, and will be again, many destructions of mankind arising out of many causes; the greatest have been brought about by the agencies of fire and water, and other lesser ones by innumerable other causes. There is a story, which even you have preserved, that once upon a time Paethon, the son of Helios, having yoked the steeds in his father&amp;amp;rsquo;s chariot, because he was not able to drive them in the path of his father, burnt up all that was upon the earth, and was himself destroyed by a thunderbolt. Now this has the form of a myth, but really signifies a declination of the bodies moving in the heavens around the earth, and a great conflagration of things upon the earth, which recurs after long intervals; at such times those who live upon the mountains and in dry and lofty places are more liable to destruction than those who dwell by rivers or on the seashore. And from this calamity the Nile, who is our never-failing saviour, delivers and preserves us. When, on the other hand, the gods purge the earth with a deluge of water, the survivors in your country are herdsmen and shepherds who dwell on the mountains, but those who, like you, live in cities are carried by the rivers into the sea. Whereas in this land, neither then nor at any other time, does the water come down from above on the fields, having always a tendency to come up from below; for which reason the traditions preserved here are the most ancient. The fact is, that wherever the extremity of winter frost or of summer sun does not prevent, mankind exist, sometimes in greater, sometimes in lesser numbers. And whatever happened either in your country or in ours, or in any other region of which we are informed&amp;amp;mdash;if there were any actions noble or great or in any other way remarkable, they have all been written down by us of old, and are preserved in our temples. Whereas just when you and other nations are beginning to be provided with letters and the other requisites of civilized life, after the usual interval, the stream from heaven, like a pestilence, comes pouring down, and leaves only those of you who are destitute of letters and education; and so you have to begin all over again like children, and know nothing of what happened in ancient times, either among us or among yourselves. As for those genealogies of yours which you just now recounted to us, Solon, they are no better than the tales of children. In the first place you remember a single deluge only, but there were many previous ones; in the next place, you do not know that there formerly dwelt in your land the fairest and noblest race of men which ever lived, and that you and your whole city are descended from a small seed or remnant of them which survived. And this was unknown to you, because, for many generations, the survivors of that destruction died, leaving no written word. For there was a time, Solon, before the great deluge of all, when the city which now is Athens was first in war and in every way the best governed of all cities, is said to have performed the noblest deeds and to have had the fairest constitution of any of which tradition tells, under the face of heaven. Solon marvelled at his words, and earnestly requested the priests to inform him exactly and in order about these former citizens. You are welcome to hear about them, Solon, said the priest, both for your own sake and for that of your city, and above all, for the sake of the goddess who is the common patron and parent and educator of both our cities. She founded your city a thousand years before ours (Observe that Plato gives the same date (9000 years ago) for the foundation of Athens and for the repulse of the invasion from Atlantis (Crit.).), receiving from the Earth and Hephaestus the seed of your race, and afterwards she founded ours, of which the constitution is recorded in our sacred registers to be 8000 years old. As touching your citizens of 9000 years ago, I will briefly inform you of their laws and of their most famous action; the exact particulars of the whole we will hereafter go through at our leisure in the sacred registers themselves. If you compare these very laws with ours you will find that many of ours are the counterpart of yours as they were in the olden time. In the first place, there is the caste of priests, which is separated from all the others; next, there are the artificers, who ply their several crafts by themselves and do not intermix; and also there is the class of shepherds and of hunters, as well as that of husbandmen; and you will observe, too, that the warriors in Egypt are distinct from all the other classes, and are commanded by the law to devote themselves solely to military pursuits; moreover, the weapons which they carry are shields and spears, a style of equipment which the goddess taught of Asiatics first to us, as in your part of the world first to you. Then as to wisdom, do you observe how our law from the very first made a study of the whole order of things, extending even to prophecy and medicine which gives health, out of these divine elements deriving what was needful for human life, and adding every sort of knowledge which was akin to them. All this order and arrangement the goddess first imparted to you when establishing your city; and she chose the spot of earth in which you were born, because she saw that the happy temperament of the seasons in that land would produce the wisest of men. Wherefore the goddess, who was a lover both of war and of wisdom, selected and first of all settled that spot which was the most likely to produce men likest herself. And there you dwelt, having such laws as these and still better ones, and excelled all mankind in all virtue, as became the children and disciples of the gods. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Many great and wonderful deeds are recorded of your state in our histories. But one of them exceeds all the rest in greatness and valour. For these histories tell of a mighty power which unprovoked made an expedition against the whole of Europe and Asia, and to which your city put an end. This power came forth out of the Atlantic Ocean, for in those days the Atlantic was navigable; and there was an island situated in front of the straits which are by you called the Pillars of Heracles; the island was larger than Libya and Asia put together, and was the way to other islands, and from these you might pass to the whole of the opposite continent which surrounded the true ocean; for this sea which is within the Straits of Heracles is only a harbour, having a narrow entrance, but that other is a real sea, and the surrounding land may be most truly called a boundless continent. Now in this island of Atlantis there was a great and wonderful empire which had rule over the whole island and several others, and over parts of the continent, and, furthermore, the men of Atlantis had subjected the parts of Libya within the columns of Heracles as far as Egypt, and of Europe as far as Tyrrhenia. This vast power, gathered into one, endeavoured to subdue at a blow our country and yours and the whole of the region within the straits; and then, Solon, your country shone forth, in the excellence of her virtue and strength, among all mankind. She was pre-eminent in courage and military skill, and was the leader of the Hellenes. And when the rest fell off from her, being compelled to stand alone, after having undergone the very extremity of danger, she defeated and triumphed over the invaders, and preserved from slavery those who were not yet subjugated, and generously liberated all the rest of us who dwell within the pillars. But afterwards there occurred violent earthquakes and floods; and in a single day and night of misfortune all your warlike men in a body sank into the earth, and the island of Atlantis in like manner disappeared in the depths of the sea. For which reason the sea in those parts is impassable and impenetrable, because there is a shoal of mud in the way; and this was caused by the subsidence of the island. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I have told you briefly, Socrates, what the aged Critias heard from Solon and related to us. And when you were speaking yesterday about your city and citizens, the tale which I have just been repeating to you came into my mind, and I remarked with astonishment how, by some mysterious coincidence, you agreed in almost every particular with the narrative of Solon; but I did not like to speak at the moment. For a long time had elapsed, and I had forgotten too much; I thought that I must first of all run over the narrative in my own mind, and then I would speak. And so I readily assented to your request yesterday, considering that in all such cases the chief difficulty is to find a tale suitable to our purpose, and that with such a tale we should be fairly well provided. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And therefore, as Hermocrates has told you, on my way home yesterday I at once communicated the tale to my companions as I remembered it; and after I left them, during the night by thinking I recovered nearly the whole of it. Truly, as is often said, the lessons of our childhood make a wonderful impression on our memories; for I am not sure that I could remember all the discourse of yesterday, but I should be much surprised if I forgot any of these things which I have heard very long ago. I listened at the time with childlike interest to the old man&amp;amp;rsquo;s narrative; he was very ready to teach me, and I asked him again and again to repeat his words, so that like an indelible picture they were branded into my mind. As soon as the day broke, I rehearsed them as he spoke them to my companions, that they, as well as myself, might have something to say. And now, Socrates, to make an end of my preface, I am ready to tell you the whole tale. I will give you not only the general heads, but the particulars, as they were told to me. The city and citizens, which you yesterday described to us in fiction, we will now transfer to the world of reality. It shall be the ancient city of Athens, and we will suppose that the citizens whom you imagined, were our veritable ancestors, of whom the priest spoke; they will perfectly harmonize, and there will be no inconsistency in saying that the citizens of your republic are these ancient Athenians. Let us divide the subject among us, and all endeavour according to our ability gracefully to execute the task which you have imposed upon us. Consider then, Socrates, if this narrative is suited to the purpose, or whether we should seek for some other instead. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And what other, Critias, can we find that will be better than this, which is natural and suitable to the festival of the goddess, and has the very great advantage of being a fact and not a fiction? How or where shall we find another if we abandon this? We cannot, and therefore you must tell the tale, and good luck to you; and I in return for my yesterday&amp;amp;rsquo;s discourse will now rest and be a listener. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; CRITIAS: Let me proceed to explain to you, Socrates, the order in which we have arranged our entertainment. Our intention is, that Timaeus, who is the most of an astronomer amongst us, and has made the nature of the universe his special study, should speak first, beginning with the generation of the world and going down to the creation of man; next, I am to receive the men whom he has created, and of whom some will have profited by the excellent education which you have given them; and then, in accordance with the tale of Solon, and equally with his law, we will bring them into court and make them citizens, as if they were those very Athenians whom the sacred Egyptian record has recovered from oblivion, and thenceforward we will speak of them as Athenians and fellow-citizens. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I see that I shall receive in my turn a perfect and splendid feast of reason. And now, Timaeus, you, I suppose, should speak next, after duly calling upon the Gods. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; TIMAEUS: All men, Socrates, who have any degree of right feeling, at the beginning of every enterprise, whether small or great, always call upon God. And we, too, who are going to discourse of the nature of the universe, how created or how existing without creation, if we be not altogether out of our wits, must invoke the aid of Gods and Goddesses and pray that our words may be acceptable to them and consistent with themselves. Let this, then, be our invocation of the Gods, to which I add an exhortation of myself to speak in such manner as will be most intelligible to you, and will most accord with my own intent. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; First then, in my judgment, we must make a distinction and ask, What is that which always is and has no becoming; and what is that which is always becoming and never is? That which is apprehended by intelligence and reason is always in the same state; but that which is conceived by opinion with the help of sensation and without reason, is always in a process of becoming and perishing and never really is. Now everything that becomes or is created must of necessity be created by some cause, for without a cause nothing can be created. The work of the creator, whenever he looks to the unchangeable and fashions the form and nature of his work after an unchangeable pattern, must necessarily be made fair and perfect; but when he looks to the created only, and uses a created pattern, it is not fair or perfect. Was the heaven then or the world, whether called by this or by any other more appropriate name&amp;amp;mdash;assuming the name, I am asking a question which has to be asked at the beginning of an enquiry about anything&amp;amp;mdash;was the world, I say, always in existence and without beginning? or created, and had it a beginning? Created, I reply, being visible and tangible and having a body, and therefore sensible; and all sensible things are apprehended by opinion and sense and are in a process of creation and created. Now that which is created must, as we affirm, of necessity be created by a cause. But the father and maker of all this universe is past finding out; and even if we found him, to tell of him to all men would be impossible. And there is still a question to be asked about him: Which of the patterns had the artificer in view when he made the world&amp;amp;mdash;the pattern of the unchangeable, or of that which is created? If the world be indeed fair and the artificer good, it is manifest that he must have looked to that which is eternal; but if what cannot be said without blasphemy is true, then to the created pattern. Every one will see that he must have looked to the eternal; for the world is the fairest of creations and he is the best of causes. And having been created in this way, the world has been framed in the likeness of that which is apprehended by reason and mind and is unchangeable, and must therefore of necessity, if this is admitted, be a copy of something. Now it is all-important that the beginning of everything should be according to nature. And in speaking of the copy and the original we may assume that words are akin to the matter which they describe; when they relate to the lasting and permanent and intelligible, they ought to be lasting and unalterable, and, as far as their nature allows, irrefutable and immovable&amp;amp;mdash;nothing less. But when they express only the copy or likeness and not the eternal things themselves, they need only be likely and analogous to the real words. As being is to becoming, so is truth to belief. If then, Socrates, amid the many opinions about the gods and the generation of the universe, we are not able to give notions which are altogether and in every respect exact and consistent with one another, do not be surprised. Enough, if we adduce probabilities as likely as any others; for we must remember that I who am the speaker, and you who are the judges, are only mortal men, and we ought to accept the tale which is probable and enquire no further. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Excellent, Timaeus; and we will do precisely as you bid us. The prelude is charming, and is already accepted by us&amp;amp;mdash;may we beg of you to proceed to the strain? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; TIMAEUS: Let me tell you then why the creator made this world of generation. He was good, and the good can never have any jealousy of anything. And being free from jealousy, he desired that all things should be as like himself as they could be. This is in the truest sense the origin of creation and of the world, as we shall do well in believing on the testimony of wise men: God desired that all things should be good and nothing bad, so far as this was attainable. Wherefore also finding the whole visible sphere not at rest, but moving in an irregular and disorderly fashion, out of disorder he brought order, considering that this was in every way better than the other. Now the deeds of the best could never be or have been other than the fairest; and the creator, reflecting on the things which are by nature visible, found that no unintelligent creature taken as a whole was fairer than the intelligent taken as a whole; and that intelligence could not be present in anything which was devoid of soul. For which reason, when he was framing the universe, he put intelligence in soul, and soul in body, that he might be the creator of a work which was by nature fairest and best. Wherefore, using the language of probability, we may say that the world became a living creature truly endowed with soul and intelligence by the providence of God. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; This being supposed, let us proceed to the next stage: In the likeness of what animal did the Creator make the world? It would be an unworthy thing to liken it to any nature which exists as a part only; for nothing can be beautiful which is like any imperfect thing; but let us suppose the world to be the very image of that whole of which all other animals both individually and in their tribes are portions. For the original of the universe contains in itself all intelligible beings, just as this world comprehends us and all other visible creatures. For the Deity, intending to make this world like the fairest and most perfect of intelligible beings, framed one visible animal comprehending within itself all other animals of a kindred nature. Are we right in saying that there is one world, or that they are many and infinite? There must be one only, if the created copy is to accord with the original. For that which includes all other intelligible creatures cannot have a second or companion; in that case there would be need of another living being which would include both, and of which they would be parts, and the likeness would be more truly said to resemble not them, but that other which included them. In order then that the world might be solitary, like the perfect animal, the creator made not two worlds or an infinite number of them; but there is and ever will be one only-begotten and created heaven. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Now that which is created is of necessity corporeal, and also visible and tangible. And nothing is visible where there is no fire, or tangible which has no solidity, and nothing is solid without earth. Wherefore also God in the beginning of creation made the body of the universe to consist of fire and earth. But two things cannot be rightly put together without a third; there must be some bond of union between them. And the fairest bond is that which makes the most complete fusion of itself and the things which it combines; and proportion is best adapted to effect such a union. For whenever in any three numbers, whether cube or square, there is a mean, which is to the last term what the first term is to it; and again, when the mean is to the first term as the last term is to the mean&amp;amp;mdash;then the mean becoming first and last, and the first and last both becoming means, they will all of them of necessity come to be the same, and having become the same with one another will be all one. If the universal frame had been created a surface only and having no depth, a single mean would have sufficed to bind together itself and the other terms; but now, as the world must be solid, and solid bodies are always compacted not by one mean but by two, God placed water and air in the mean between fire and earth, and made them to have the same proportion so far as was possible (as fire is to air so is air to water, and as air is to water so is water to earth); and thus he bound and put together a visible and tangible heaven. And for these reasons, and out of such elements which are in number four, the body of the world was created, and it was harmonized by proportion, and therefore has the spirit of friendship; and having been reconciled to itself, it was indissoluble by the hand of any other than the framer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Now the creation took up the whole of each of the four elements; for the Creator compounded the world out of all the fire and all the water and all the air and all the earth, leaving no part of any of them nor any power of them outside. His intention was, in the first place, that the animal should be as far as possible a perfect whole and of perfect parts: secondly, that it should be one, leaving no remnants out of which another such world might be created: and also that it should be free from old age and unaffected by disease. Considering that if heat and cold and other powerful forces which unite bodies surround and attack them from without when they are unprepared, they decompose them, and by bringing diseases and old age upon them, make them waste away&amp;amp;mdash;for this cause and on these grounds he made the world one whole, having every part entire, and being therefore perfect and not liable to old age and disease. And he gave to the world the figure which was suitable and also natural. Now to the animal which was to comprehend all animals, that figure was suitable which comprehends within itself all other figures. Wherefore he made the world in the form of a globe, round as from a lathe, having its extremes in every direction equidistant from the centre, the most perfect and the most like itself of all figures; for he considered that the like is infinitely fairer than the unlike. This he finished off, making the surface smooth all round for many reasons; in the first place, because the living being had no need of eyes when there was nothing remaining outside him to be seen; nor of ears when there was nothing to be heard; and there was no surrounding atmosphere to be breathed; nor would there have been any use of organs by the help of which he might receive his food or get rid of what he had already digested, since there was nothing which went from him or came into him: for there was nothing beside him. Of design he was created thus, his own waste providing his own food, and all that he did or suffered taking place in and by himself. For the Creator conceived that a being which was self-sufficient would be far more excellent than one which lacked anything; and, as he had no need to take anything or defend himself against any one, the Creator did not think it necessary to bestow upon him hands: nor had he any need of feet, nor of the whole apparatus of walking; but the movement suited to his spherical form was assigned to him, being of all the seven that which is most appropriate to mind and intelligence; and he was made to move in the same manner and on the same spot, within his own limits revolving in a circle. All the other six motions were taken away from him, and he was made not to partake of their deviations. And as this circular movement required no feet, the universe was created without legs and without feet. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Such was the whole plan of the eternal God about the god that was to be, to whom for this reason he gave a body, smooth and even, having a surface in every direction equidistant from the centre, a body entire and perfect, and formed out of perfect bodies. And in the centre he put the soul, which he diffused throughout the body, making it also to be the exterior environment of it; and he made the universe a circle moving in a circle, one and solitary, yet by reason of its excellence able to converse with itself, and needing no other friendship or acquaintance. Having these purposes in view he created the world a blessed god. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Now God did not make the soul after the body, although we are speaking of them in this order; for having brought them together he would never have allowed that the elder should be ruled by the younger; but this is a random manner of speaking which we have, because somehow we ourselves too are very much under the dominion of chance. Whereas he made the soul in origin and excellence prior to and older than the body, to be the ruler and mistress, of whom the body was to be the subject. And he made her out of the following elements and on this wise: Out of the indivisible and unchangeable, and also out of that which is divisible and has to do with material bodies, he compounded a third and intermediate kind of essence, partaking of the nature of the same and of the other, and this compound he placed accordingly in a mean between the indivisible, and the divisible and material. He took the three elements of the same, the other, and the essence, and mingled them into one form, compressing by force the reluctant and unsociable nature of the other into the same. When he had mingled them with the essence and out of three made one, he again divided this whole into as many portions as was fitting, each portion being a compound of the same, the other, and the essence. And he proceeded to divide after this manner:&amp;amp;mdash;First of all, he took away one part of the whole (1), and then he separated a second part which was double the first (2), and then he took away a third part which was half as much again as the second and three times as much as the first (3), and then he took a fourth part which was twice as much as the second (4), and a fifth part which was three times the third (9), and a sixth part which was eight times the first (8), and a seventh part which was twenty-seven times the first (27). After this he filled up the double intervals (i.e. between 1, 2, 4, 8) and the triple (i.e. between 1, 3, 9, 27) cutting off yet other portions from the mixture and placing them in the intervals, so that in each interval there were two kinds of means, the one exceeding and exceeded by equal parts of its extremes (as for example 1, 4/3, 2, in which the mean 4/3 is one-third of 1 more than 1, and one-third of 2 less than 2), the other being that kind of mean which exceeds and is exceeded by an equal number (e.g. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;pre xml:space=&amp;quot;preserve&amp;quot;&amp;gt; - over 1, 4/3, 3/2, - over 2, 8/3, 3, - over 4, 16/3, 6,  - over 8: and - over 1, 3/2, 2,   - over 3, 9/2, 6, - over 9, 27/2, 18, - over 27. &amp;lt;/pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Where there were intervals of 3/2 and of 4/3 and of 9/8, made by the connecting terms in the former intervals, he filled up all the intervals of 4/3 with the interval of 9/8, leaving a fraction over; and the interval which this fraction expressed was in the ratio of 256 to 243 (e.g. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;pre xml:space=&amp;quot;preserve&amp;quot;&amp;gt; 243:256::81/64:4/3::243/128:2::81/32:8/3::243/64:4::81/16:16/3::242/32:8. &amp;lt;/pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And thus the whole mixture out of which he cut these portions was all exhausted by him. This entire compound he divided lengthways into two parts, which he joined to one another at the centre like the letter X, and bent them into a circular form, connecting them with themselves and each other at the point opposite to their original meeting-point; and, comprehending them in a uniform revolution upon the same axis, he made the one the outer and the other the inner circle. Now the motion of the outer circle he called the motion of the same, and the motion of the inner circle the motion of the other or diverse. The motion of the same he carried round by the side (i.e. of the rectangular figure supposed to be inscribed in the circle of the Same) to the right, and the motion of the diverse diagonally (i.e. across the rectangular figure from corner to corner) to the left. And he gave dominion to the motion of the same and like, for that he left single and undivided; but the inner motion he divided in six places and made seven unequal circles having their intervals in ratios of two and three, three of each, and bade the orbits proceed in a direction opposite to one another; and three (Sun, Mercury, Venus) he made to move with equal swiftness, and the remaining four (Moon, Saturn, Mars, Jupiter) to move with unequal swiftness to the three and to one another, but in due proportion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Now when the Creator had framed the soul according to his will, he formed within her the corporeal universe, and brought the two together, and united them centre to centre. The soul, interfused everywhere from the centre to the circumference of heaven, of which also she is the external envelopment, herself turning in herself, began a divine beginning of never-ceasing and rational life enduring throughout all time. The body of heaven is visible, but the soul is invisible, and partakes of reason and harmony, and being made by the best of intellectual and everlasting natures, is the best of things created. And because she is composed of the same and of the other and of the essence, these three, and is divided and united in due proportion, and in her revolutions returns upon herself, the soul, when touching anything which has essence, whether dispersed in parts or undivided, is stirred through all her powers, to declare the sameness or difference of that thing and some other; and to what individuals are related, and by what affected, and in what way and how and when, both in the world of generation and in the world of immutable being. And when reason, which works with equal truth, whether she be in the circle of the diverse or of the same&amp;amp;mdash;in voiceless silence holding her onward course in the sphere of the self-moved&amp;amp;mdash;when reason, I say, is hovering around the sensible world and when the circle of the diverse also moving truly imparts the intimations of sense to the whole soul, then arise opinions and beliefs sure and certain. But when reason is concerned with the rational, and the circle of the same moving smoothly declares it, then intelligence and knowledge are necessarily perfected. And if any one affirms that in which these two are found to be other than the soul, he will say the very opposite of the truth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; When the father and creator saw the creature which he had made moving and living, the created image of the eternal gods, he rejoiced, and in his joy determined to make the copy still more like the original; and as this was eternal, he sought to make the universe eternal, so far as might be. Now the nature of the ideal being was everlasting, but to bestow this attribute in its fulness upon a creature was impossible. Wherefore he resolved to have a moving image of eternity, and when he set in order the heaven, he made this image eternal but moving according to number, while eternity itself rests in unity; and this image we call time. For there were no days and nights and months and years before the heaven was created, but when he constructed the heaven he created them also. They are all parts of time, and the past and future are created species of time, which we unconsciously but wrongly transfer to the eternal essence; for we say that he &amp;amp;lsquo;was,&amp;amp;rsquo; he &amp;amp;lsquo;is,&amp;amp;rsquo; he &amp;amp;lsquo;will be,&amp;amp;rsquo; but the truth is that &amp;amp;lsquo;is&amp;amp;rsquo; alone is properly attributed to him, and that &amp;amp;lsquo;was&amp;amp;rsquo; and &amp;amp;lsquo;will be&amp;amp;rsquo; are only to be spoken of becoming in time, for they are motions, but that which is immovably the same cannot become older or younger by time, nor ever did or has become, or hereafter will be, older or younger, nor is subject at all to any of those states which affect moving and sensible things and of which generation is the cause. These are the forms of time, which imitates eternity and revolves according to a law of number. Moreover, when we say that what has become IS become and what becomes IS becoming, and that what will become IS about to become and that the non-existent IS non-existent&amp;amp;mdash;all these are inaccurate modes of expression (compare Parmen.). But perhaps this whole subject will be more suitably discussed on some other occasion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Time, then, and the heaven came into being at the same instant in order that, having been created together, if ever there was to be a dissolution of them, they might be dissolved together. It was framed after the pattern of the eternal nature, that it might resemble this as far as was possible; for the pattern exists from eternity, and the created heaven has been, and is, and will be, in all time. Such was the mind and thought of God in the creation of time. The sun and moon and five other stars, which are called the planets, were created by him in order to distinguish and preserve the numbers of time; and when he had made their several bodies, he placed them in the orbits in which the circle of the other was revolving,&amp;amp;mdash;in seven orbits seven stars. First, there was the moon in the orbit nearest the earth, and next the sun, in the second orbit above the earth; then came the morning star and the star sacred to Hermes, moving in orbits which have an equal swiftness with the sun, but in an opposite direction; and this is the reason why the sun and Hermes and Lucifer overtake and are overtaken by each other. To enumerate the places which he assigned to the other stars, and to give all the reasons why he assigned them, although a secondary matter, would give more trouble than the primary. These things at some future time, when we are at leisure, may have the consideration which they deserve, but not at present. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Now, when all the stars which were necessary to the creation of time had attained a motion suitable to them, and had become living creatures having bodies fastened by vital chains, and learnt their appointed task, moving in the motion of the diverse, which is diagonal, and passes through and is governed by the motion of the same, they revolved, some in a larger and some in a lesser orbit&amp;amp;mdash;those which had the lesser orbit revolving faster, and those which had the larger more slowly. Now by reason of the motion of the same, those which revolved fastest appeared to be overtaken by those which moved slower although they really overtook them; for the motion of the same made them all turn in a spiral, and, because some went one way and some another, that which receded most slowly from the sphere of the same, which was the swiftest, appeared to follow it most nearly. That there might be some visible measure of their relative swiftness and slowness as they proceeded in their eight courses, God lighted a fire, which we now call the sun, in the second from the earth of these orbits, that it might give light to the whole of heaven, and that the animals, as many as nature intended, might participate in number, learning arithmetic from the revolution of the same and the like. Thus then, and for this reason the night and the day were created, being the period of the one most intelligent revolution. And the month is accomplished when the moon has completed her orbit and overtaken the sun, and the year when the sun has completed his own orbit. Mankind, with hardly an exception, have not remarked the periods of the other stars, and they have no name for them, and do not measure them against one another by the help of number, and hence they can scarcely be said to know that their wanderings, being infinite in number and admirable for their variety, make up time. And yet there is no difficulty in seeing that the perfect number of time fulfils the perfect year when all the eight revolutions, having their relative degrees of swiftness, are accomplished together and attain their completion at the same time, measured by the rotation of the same and equally moving. After this manner, and for these reasons, came into being such of the stars as in their heavenly progress received reversals of motion, to the end that the created heaven might imitate the eternal nature, and be as like as possible to the perfect and intelligible animal. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Thus far and until the birth of time the created universe was made in the likeness of the original, but inasmuch as all animals were not yet comprehended therein, it was still unlike. What remained, the creator then proceeded to fashion after the nature of the pattern. Now as in the ideal animal the mind perceives ideas or species of a certain nature and number, he thought that this created animal ought to have species of a like nature and number. There are four such; one of them is the heavenly race of the gods; another, the race of birds whose way is in the air; the third, the watery species; and the fourth, the pedestrian and land creatures. Of the heavenly and divine, he created the greater part out of fire, that they might be the brightest of all things and fairest to behold, and he fashioned them after the likeness of the universe in the figure of a circle, and made them follow the intelligent motion of the supreme, distributing them over the whole circumference of heaven, which was to be a true cosmos or glorious world spangled with them all over. And he gave to each of them two movements: the first, a movement on the same spot after the same manner, whereby they ever continue to think consistently the same thoughts about the same things; the second, a forward movement, in which they are controlled by the revolution of the same and the like; but by the other five motions they were unaffected, in order that each of them might attain the highest perfection. And for this reason the fixed stars were created, to be divine and eternal animals, ever-abiding and revolving after the same manner and on the same spot; and the other stars which reverse their motion and are subject to deviations of this kind, were created in the manner already described. The earth, which is our nurse, clinging (or &amp;amp;lsquo;circling&amp;amp;rsquo;) around the pole which is extended through the universe, he framed to be the guardian and artificer of night and day, first and eldest of gods that are in the interior of heaven. Vain would be the attempt to tell all the figures of them circling as in dance, and their juxtapositions, and the return of them in their revolutions upon themselves, and their approximations, and to say which of these deities in their conjunctions meet, and which of them are in opposition, and in what order they get behind and before one another, and when they are severally eclipsed to our sight and again reappear, sending terrors and intimations of the future to those who cannot calculate their movements&amp;amp;mdash;to attempt to tell of all this without a visible representation of the heavenly system would be labour in vain. Enough on this head; and now let what we have said about the nature of the created and visible gods have an end. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; To know or tell the origin of the other divinities is beyond us, and we must accept the traditions of the men of old time who affirm themselves to be the offspring of the gods&amp;amp;mdash;that is what they say&amp;amp;mdash;and they must surely have known their own ancestors. How can we doubt the word of the children of the gods? Although they give no probable or certain proofs, still, as they declare that they are speaking of what took place in their own family, we must conform to custom and believe them. In this manner, then, according to them, the genealogy of these gods is to be received and set forth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Oceanus and Tethys were the children of Earth and Heaven, and from these sprang Phorcys and Cronos and Rhea, and all that generation; and from Cronos and Rhea sprang Zeus and Here, and all those who are said to be their brethren, and others who were the children of these. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Now, when all of them, both those who visibly appear in their revolutions as well as those other gods who are of a more retiring nature, had come into being, the creator of the universe addressed them in these words: &amp;amp;lsquo;Gods, children of gods, who are my works, and of whom I am the artificer and father, my creations are indissoluble, if so I will. All that is bound may be undone, but only an evil being would wish to undo that which is harmonious and happy. Wherefore, since ye are but creatures, ye are not altogether immortal and indissoluble, but ye shall certainly not be dissolved, nor be liable to the fate of death, having in my will a greater and mightier bond than those with which ye were bound at the time of your birth. And now listen to my instructions:&amp;amp;mdash;Three tribes of mortal beings remain to be created&amp;amp;mdash;without them the universe will be incomplete, for it will not contain every kind of animal which it ought to contain, if it is to be perfect. On the other hand, if they were created by me and received life at my hands, they would be on an equality with the gods. In order then that they may be mortal, and that this universe may be truly universal, do ye, according to your natures, betake yourselves to the formation of animals, imitating the power which was shown by me in creating you. The part of them worthy of the name immortal, which is called divine and is the guiding principle of those who are willing to follow justice and you&amp;amp;mdash;of that divine part I will myself sow the seed, and having made a beginning, I will hand the work over to you. And do ye then interweave the mortal with the immortal, and make and beget living creatures, and give them food, and make them to grow, and receive them again in death.&amp;amp;rsquo; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Thus he spake, and once more into the cup in which he had previously mingled the soul of the universe he poured the remains of the elements, and mingled them in much the same manner; they were not, however, pure as before, but diluted to the second and third degree. And having made it he divided the whole mixture into souls equal in number to the stars, and assigned each soul to a star; and having there placed them as in a chariot, he showed them the nature of the universe, and declared to them the laws of destiny, according to which their first birth would be one and the same for all,&amp;amp;mdash;no one should suffer a disadvantage at his hands; they were to be sown in the instruments of time severally adapted to them, and to come forth the most religious of animals; and as human nature was of two kinds, the superior race would hereafter be called man. Now, when they should be implanted in bodies by necessity, and be always gaining or losing some part of their bodily substance, then in the first place it would be necessary that they should all have in them one and the same faculty of sensation, arising out of irresistible impressions; in the second place, they must have love, in which pleasure and pain mingle; also fear and anger, and the feelings which are akin or opposite to them; if they conquered these they would live righteously, and if they were conquered by them, unrighteously. He who lived well during his appointed time was to return and dwell in his native star, and there he would have a blessed and congenial existence. But if he failed in attaining this, at the second birth he would pass into a woman, and if, when in that state of being, he did not desist from evil, he would continually be changed into some brute who resembled him in the evil nature which he had acquired, and would not cease from his toils and transformations until he followed the revolution of the same and the like within him, and overcame by the help of reason the turbulent and irrational mob of later accretions, made up of fire and air and water and earth, and returned to the form of his first and better state. Having given all these laws to his creatures, that he might be guiltless of future evil in any of them, the creator sowed some of them in the earth, and some in the moon, and some in the other instruments of time; and when he had sown them he committed to the younger gods the fashioning of their mortal bodies, and desired them to furnish what was still lacking to the human soul, and having made all the suitable additions, to rule over them, and to pilot the mortal animal in the best and wisest manner which they could, and avert from him all but self-inflicted evils. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; When the creator had made all these ordinances he remained in his own accustomed nature, and his children heard and were obedient to their father&amp;amp;rsquo;s word, and receiving from him the immortal principle of a mortal creature, in imitation of their own creator they borrowed portions of fire, and earth, and water, and air from the world, which were hereafter to be restored&amp;amp;mdash;these they took and welded them together, not with the indissoluble chains by which they were themselves bound, but with little pegs too small to be visible, making up out of all the four elements each separate body, and fastening the courses of the immortal soul in a body which was in a state of perpetual influx and efflux. Now these courses, detained as in a vast river, neither overcame nor were overcome; but were hurrying and hurried to and fro, so that the whole animal was moved and progressed, irregularly however and irrationally and anyhow, in all the six directions of motion, wandering backwards and forwards, and right and left, and up and down, and in all the six directions. For great as was the advancing and retiring flood which provided nourishment, the affections produced by external contact caused still greater tumult&amp;amp;mdash;when the body of any one met and came into collision with some external fire, or with the solid earth or the gliding waters, or was caught in the tempest borne on the air, and the motions produced by any of these impulses were carried through the body to the soul. All such motions have consequently received the general name of &amp;amp;lsquo;sensations,&amp;amp;rsquo; which they still retain. And they did in fact at that time create a very great and mighty movement; uniting with the ever-flowing stream in stirring up and violently shaking the courses of the soul, they completely stopped the revolution of the same by their opposing current, and hindered it from predominating and advancing; and they so disturbed the nature of the other or diverse, that the three double intervals (i.e. between 1, 2, 4, 8), and the three triple intervals (i.e. between 1, 3, 9, 27), together with the mean terms and connecting links which are expressed by the ratios of 3:2, and 4:3, and of 9:8&amp;amp;mdash;these, although they cannot be wholly undone except by him who united them, were twisted by them in all sorts of ways, and the circles were broken and disordered in every possible manner, so that when they moved they were tumbling to pieces, and moved irrationally, at one time in a reverse direction, and then again obliquely, and then upside down, as you might imagine a person who is upside down and has his head leaning upon the ground and his feet up against something in the air; and when he is in such a position, both he and the spectator fancy that the right of either is his left, and the left right. If, when powerfully experiencing these and similar effects, the revolutions of the soul come in contact with some external thing, either of the class of the same or of the other, they speak of the same or of the other in a manner the very opposite of the truth; and they become false and foolish, and there is no course or revolution in them which has a guiding or directing power; and if again any sensations enter in violently from without and drag after them the whole vessel of the soul, then the courses of the soul, though they seem to conquer, are really conquered. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And by reason of all these affections, the soul, when encased in a mortal body, now, as in the beginning, is at first without intelligence; but when the flood of growth and nutriment abates, and the courses of the soul, calming down, go their own way and become steadier as time goes on, then the several circles return to their natural form, and their revolutions are corrected, and they call the same and the other by their right names, and make the possessor of them to become a rational being. And if these combine in him with any true nurture or education, he attains the fulness and health of the perfect man, and escapes the worst disease of all; but if he neglects education he walks lame to the end of his life, and returns imperfect and good for nothing to the world below. This, however, is a later stage; at present we must treat more exactly the subject before us, which involves a preliminary enquiry into the generation of the body and its members, and as to how the soul was created&amp;amp;mdash;for what reason and by what providence of the gods; and holding fast to probability, we must pursue our way. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; First, then, the gods, imitating the spherical shape of the universe, enclosed the two divine courses in a spherical body, that, namely, which we now term the head, being the most divine part of us and the lord of all that is in us: to this the gods, when they put together the body, gave all the other members to be servants, considering that it partook of every sort of motion. In order then that it might not tumble about among the high and deep places of the earth, but might be able to get over the one and out of the other, they provided the body to be its vehicle and means of locomotion; which consequently had length and was furnished with four limbs extended and flexible; these God contrived to be instruments of locomotion with which it might take hold and find support, and so be able to pass through all places, carrying on high the dwelling-place of the most sacred and divine part of us. Such was the origin of legs and hands, which for this reason were attached to every man; and the gods, deeming the front part of man to be more honourable and more fit to command than the hinder part, made us to move mostly in a forward direction. Wherefore man must needs have his front part unlike and distinguished from the rest of his body. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And so in the vessel of the head, they first of all put a face in which they inserted organs to minister in all things to the providence of the soul, and they appointed this part, which has authority, to be by nature the part which is in front. And of the organs they first contrived the eyes to give light, and the principle according to which they were inserted was as follows: So much of fire as would not burn, but gave a gentle light, they formed into a substance akin to the light of every-day life; and the pure fire which is within us and related thereto they made to flow through the eyes in a stream smooth and dense, compressing the whole eye, and especially the centre part, so that it kept out everything of a coarser nature, and allowed to pass only this pure element. When the light of day surrounds the stream of vision, then like falls upon like, and they coalesce, and one body is formed by natural affinity in the line of vision, wherever the light that falls from within meets with an external object. And the whole stream of vision, being similarly affected in virtue of similarity, diffuses the motions of what it touches or what touches it over the whole body, until they reach the soul, causing that perception which we call sight. But when night comes on and the external and kindred fire departs, then the stream of vision is cut off; for going forth to an unlike element it is changed and extinguished, being no longer of one nature with the surrounding atmosphere which is now deprived of fire: and so the eye no longer sees, and we feel disposed to sleep. For when the eyelids, which the gods invented for the preservation of sight, are closed, they keep in the internal fire; and the power of the fire diffuses and equalizes the inward motions; when they are equalized, there is rest, and when the rest is profound, sleep comes over us scarce disturbed by dreams; but where the greater motions still remain, of whatever nature and in whatever locality, they engender corresponding visions in dreams, which are remembered by us when we are awake and in the external world. And now there is no longer any difficulty in understanding the creation of images in mirrors and all smooth and bright surfaces. For from the communion of the internal and external fires, and again from the union of them and their numerous transformations when they meet in the mirror, all these appearances of necessity arise, when the fire from the face coalesces with the fire from the eye on the bright and smooth surface. And right appears left and left right, because the visual rays come into contact with the rays emitted by the object in a manner contrary to the usual mode of meeting; but the right appears right, and the left left, when the position of one of the two concurring lights is reversed; and this happens when the mirror is concave and its smooth surface repels the right stream of vision to the left side, and the left to the right (He is speaking of two kinds of mirrors, first the plane, secondly the concave; and the latter is supposed to be placed, first horizontally, and then vertically.). Or if the mirror be turned vertically, then the concavity makes the countenance appear to be all upside down, and the lower rays are driven upwards and the upper downwards. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; All these are to be reckoned among the second and co-operative causes which God, carrying into execution the idea of the best as far as possible, uses as his ministers. They are thought by most men not to be the second, but the prime causes of all things, because they freeze and heat, and contract and dilate, and the like. But they are not so, for they are incapable of reason or intellect; the only being which can properly have mind is the invisible soul, whereas fire and water, and earth and air, are all of them visible bodies. The lover of intellect and knowledge ought to explore causes of intelligent nature first of all, and, secondly, of those things which, being moved by others, are compelled to move others. And this is what we too must do. Both kinds of causes should be acknowledged by us, but a distinction should be made between those which are endowed with mind and are the workers of things fair and good, and those which are deprived of intelligence and always produce chance effects without order or design. Of the second or co-operative causes of sight, which help to give to the eyes the power which they now possess, enough has been said. I will therefore now proceed to speak of the higher use and purpose for which God has given them to us. The sight in my opinion is the source of the greatest benefit to us, for had we never seen the stars, and the sun, and the heaven, none of the words which we have spoken about the universe would ever have been uttered. But now the sight of day and night, and the months and the revolutions of the years, have created number, and have given us a conception of time, and the power of enquiring about the nature of the universe; and from this source we have derived philosophy, than which no greater good ever was or will be given by the gods to mortal man. This is the greatest boon of sight: and of the lesser benefits why should I speak? even the ordinary man if he were deprived of them would bewail his loss, but in vain. Thus much let me say however: God invented and gave us sight to the end that we might behold the courses of intelligence in the heaven, and apply them to the courses of our own intelligence which are akin to them, the unperturbed to the perturbed; and that we, learning them and partaking of the natural truth of reason, might imitate the absolutely unerring courses of God and regulate our own vagaries. The same may be affirmed of speech and hearing: they have been given by the gods to the same end and for a like reason. For this is the principal end of speech, whereto it most contributes. Moreover, so much of music as is adapted to the sound of the voice and to the sense of hearing is granted to us for the sake of harmony; and harmony, which has motions akin to the revolutions of our souls, is not regarded by the intelligent votary of the Muses as given by them with a view to irrational pleasure, which is deemed to be the purpose of it in our day, but as meant to correct any discord which may have arisen in the courses of the soul, and to be our ally in bringing her into harmony and agreement with herself; and rhythm too was given by them for the same reason, on account of the irregular and graceless ways which prevail among mankind generally, and to help us against them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Thus far in what we have been saying, with small exception, the works of intelligence have been set forth; and now we must place by the side of them in our discourse the things which come into being through necessity&amp;amp;mdash;for the creation is mixed, being made up of necessity and mind. Mind, the ruling power, persuaded necessity to bring the greater part of created things to perfection, and thus and after this manner in the beginning, when the influence of reason got the better of necessity, the universe was created. But if a person will truly tell of the way in which the work was accomplished, he must include the other influence of the variable cause as well. Wherefore, we must return again and find another suitable beginning, as about the former matters, so also about these. To which end we must consider the nature of fire, and water, and air, and earth, such as they were prior to the creation of the heaven, and what was happening to them in this previous state; for no one has as yet explained the manner of their generation, but we speak of fire and the rest of them, whatever they mean, as though men knew their natures, and we maintain them to be the first principles and letters or elements of the whole, when they cannot reasonably be compared by a man of any sense even to syllables or first compounds. And let me say thus much: I will not now speak of the first principle or principles of all things, or by whatever name they are to be called, for this reason&amp;amp;mdash;because it is difficult to set forth my opinion according to the method of discussion which we are at present employing. Do not imagine, any more than I can bring myself to imagine, that I should be right in undertaking so great and difficult a task. Remembering what I said at first about probability, I will do my best to give as probable an explanation as any other&amp;amp;mdash;or rather, more probable; and I will first go back to the beginning and try to speak of each thing and of all. Once more, then, at the commencement of my discourse, I call upon God, and beg him to be our saviour out of a strange and unwonted enquiry, and to bring us to the haven of probability. So now let us begin again. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; This new beginning of our discussion of the universe requires a fuller division than the former; for then we made two classes, now a third must be revealed. The two sufficed for the former discussion: one, which we assumed, was a pattern intelligible and always the same; and the second was only the imitation of the pattern, generated and visible. There is also a third kind which we did not distinguish at the time, conceiving that the two would be enough. But now the argument seems to require that we should set forth in words another kind, which is difficult of explanation and dimly seen. What nature are we to attribute to this new kind of being? We reply, that it is the receptacle, and in a manner the nurse, of all generation. I have spoken the truth; but I must express myself in clearer language, and this will be an arduous task for many reasons, and in particular because I must first raise questions concerning fire and the other elements, and determine what each of them is; for to say, with any probability or certitude, which of them should be called water rather than fire, and which should be called any of them rather than all or some one of them, is a difficult matter. How, then, shall we settle this point, and what questions about the elements may be fairly raised? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In the first place, we see that what we just now called water, by condensation, I suppose, becomes stone and earth; and this same element, when melted and dispersed, passes into vapour and air. Air, again, when inflamed, becomes fire; and again fire, when condensed and extinguished, passes once more into the form of air; and once more, air, when collected and condensed, produces cloud and mist; and from these, when still more compressed, comes flowing water, and from water comes earth and stones once more; and thus generation appears to be transmitted from one to the other in a circle. Thus, then, as the several elements never present themselves in the same form, how can any one have the assurance to assert positively that any of them, whatever it may be, is one thing rather than another? No one can. But much the safest plan is to speak of them as follows:&amp;amp;mdash;Anything which we see to be continually changing, as, for example, fire, we must not call &amp;amp;lsquo;this&amp;amp;rsquo; or &amp;amp;lsquo;that,&amp;amp;rsquo; but rather say that it is &amp;amp;lsquo;of such a nature&amp;amp;rsquo;; nor let us speak of water as &amp;amp;lsquo;this&amp;amp;rsquo;; but always as &amp;amp;lsquo;such&amp;amp;rsquo;; nor must we imply that there is any stability in any of those things which we indicate by the use of the words &amp;amp;lsquo;this&amp;amp;rsquo; and &amp;amp;lsquo;that,&amp;amp;rsquo; supposing ourselves to signify something thereby; for they are too volatile to be detained in any such expressions as &amp;amp;lsquo;this,&amp;amp;rsquo; or &amp;amp;lsquo;that,&amp;amp;rsquo; or &amp;amp;lsquo;relative to this,&amp;amp;rsquo; or any other mode of speaking which represents them as permanent. We ought not to apply &amp;amp;lsquo;this&amp;amp;rsquo; to any of them, but rather the word &amp;amp;lsquo;such&amp;amp;rsquo;; which expresses the similar principle circulating in each and all of them; for example, that should be called &amp;amp;lsquo;fire&amp;amp;rsquo; which is of such a nature always, and so of everything that has generation. That in which the elements severally grow up, and appear, and decay, is alone to be called by the name &amp;amp;lsquo;this&amp;amp;rsquo; or &amp;amp;lsquo;that&amp;amp;rsquo;; but that which is of a certain nature, hot or white, or anything which admits of opposite qualities, and all things that are compounded of them, ought not to be so denominated. Let me make another attempt to explain my meaning more clearly. Suppose a person to make all kinds of figures of gold and to be always transmuting one form into all the rest;&amp;amp;mdash;somebody points to one of them and asks what it is. By far the safest and truest answer is, That is gold; and not to call the triangle or any other figures which are formed in the gold &amp;amp;lsquo;these,&amp;amp;rsquo; as though they had existence, since they are in process of change while he is making the assertion; but if the questioner be willing to take the safe and indefinite expression, &amp;amp;lsquo;such,&amp;amp;rsquo; we should be satisfied. And the same argument applies to the universal nature which receives all bodies&amp;amp;mdash;that must be always called the same; for, while receiving all things, she never departs at all from her own nature, and never in any way, or at any time, assumes a form like that of any of the things which enter into her; she is the natural recipient of all impressions, and is stirred and informed by them, and appears different from time to time by reason of them. But the forms which enter into and go out of her are the likenesses of real existences modelled after their patterns in a wonderful and inexplicable manner, which we will hereafter investigate. For the present we have only to conceive of three natures: first, that which is in process of generation; secondly, that in which the generation takes place; and thirdly, that of which the thing generated is a resemblance. And we may liken the receiving principle to a mother, and the source or spring to a father, and the intermediate nature to a child; and may remark further, that if the model is to take every variety of form, then the matter in which the model is fashioned will not be duly prepared, unless it is formless, and free from the impress of any of those shapes which it is hereafter to receive from without. For if the matter were like any of the supervening forms, then whenever any opposite or entirely different nature was stamped upon its surface, it would take the impression badly, because it would intrude its own shape. Wherefore, that which is to receive all forms should have no form; as in making perfumes they first contrive that the liquid substance which is to receive the scent shall be as inodorous as possible; or as those who wish to impress figures on soft substances do not allow any previous impression to remain, but begin by making the surface as even and smooth as possible. In the same way that which is to receive perpetually and through its whole extent the resemblances of all eternal beings ought to be devoid of any particular form. Wherefore, the mother and receptacle of all created and visible and in any way sensible things, is not to be termed earth, or air, or fire, or water, or any of their compounds or any of the elements from which these are derived, but is an invisible and formless being which receives all things and in some mysterious way partakes of the intelligible, and is most incomprehensible. In saying this we shall not be far wrong; as far, however, as we can attain to a knowledge of her from the previous considerations, we may truly say that fire is that part of her nature which from time to time is inflamed, and water that which is moistened, and that the mother substance becomes earth and air, in so far as she receives the impressions of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Let us consider this question more precisely. Is there any self-existent fire? and do all those things which we call self-existent exist? or are only those things which we see, or in some way perceive through the bodily organs, truly existent, and nothing whatever besides them? And is all that which we call an intelligible essence nothing at all, and only a name? Here is a question which we must not leave unexamined or undetermined, nor must we affirm too confidently that there can be no decision; neither must we interpolate in our present long discourse a digression equally long, but if it is possible to set forth a great principle in a few words, that is just what we want. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Thus I state my view:&amp;amp;mdash;If mind and true opinion are two distinct classes, then I say that there certainly are these self-existent ideas unperceived by sense, and apprehended only by the mind; if, however, as some say, true opinion differs in no respect from mind, then everything that we perceive through the body is to be regarded as most real and certain. But we must affirm them to be distinct, for they have a distinct origin and are of a different nature; the one is implanted in us by instruction, the other by persuasion; the one is always accompanied by true reason, the other is without reason; the one cannot be overcome by persuasion, but the other can: and lastly, every man may be said to share in true opinion, but mind is the attribute of the gods and of very few men. Wherefore also we must acknowledge that there is one kind of being which is always the same, uncreated and indestructible, never receiving anything into itself from without, nor itself going out to any other, but invisible and imperceptible by any sense, and of which the contemplation is granted to intelligence only. And there is another nature of the same name with it, and like to it, perceived by sense, created, always in motion, becoming in place and again vanishing out of place, which is apprehended by opinion and sense. And there is a third nature, which is space, and is eternal, and admits not of destruction and provides a home for all created things, and is apprehended without the help of sense, by a kind of spurious reason, and is hardly real; which we beholding as in a dream, say of all existence that it must of necessity be in some place and occupy a space, but that what is neither in heaven nor in earth has no existence. Of these and other things of the same kind, relating to the true and waking reality of nature, we have only this dreamlike sense, and we are unable to cast off sleep and determine the truth about them. For an image, since the reality, after which it is modelled, does not belong to it, and it exists ever as the fleeting shadow of some other, must be inferred to be in another (i.e. in space), grasping existence in some way or other, or it could not be at all. But true and exact reason, vindicating the nature of true being, maintains that while two things (i.e. the image and space) are different they cannot exist one of them in the other and so be one and also two at the same time. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Thus have I concisely given the result of my thoughts; and my verdict is that being and space and generation, these three, existed in their three ways before the heaven; and that the nurse of generation, moistened by water and inflamed by fire, and receiving the forms of earth and air, and experiencing all the affections which accompany these, presented a strange variety of appearances; and being full of powers which were neither similar nor equally balanced, was never in any part in a state of equipoise, but swaying unevenly hither and thither, was shaken by them, and by its motion again shook them; and the elements when moved were separated and carried continually, some one way, some another; as, when grain is shaken and winnowed by fans and other instruments used in the threshing of corn, the close and heavy particles are borne away and settle in one direction, and the loose and light particles in another. In this manner, the four kinds or elements were then shaken by the receiving vessel, which, moving like a winnowing machine, scattered far away from one another the elements most unlike, and forced the most similar elements into close contact. Wherefore also the various elements had different places before they were arranged so as to form the universe. At first, they were all without reason and measure. But when the world began to get into order, fire and water and earth and air had only certain faint traces of themselves, and were altogether such as everything might be expected to be in the absence of God; this, I say, was their nature at that time, and God fashioned them by form and number. Let it be consistently maintained by us in all that we say that God made them as far as possible the fairest and best, out of things which were not fair and good. And now I will endeavour to show you the disposition and generation of them by an unaccustomed argument, which I am compelled to use; but I believe that you will be able to follow me, for your education has made you familiar with the methods of science. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In the first place, then, as is evident to all, fire and earth and water and air are bodies. And every sort of body possesses solidity, and every solid must necessarily be contained in planes; and every plane rectilinear figure is composed of triangles; and all triangles are originally of two kinds, both of which are made up of one right and two acute angles; one of them has at either end of the base the half of a divided right angle, having equal sides, while in the other the right angle is divided into unequal parts, having unequal sides. These, then, proceeding by a combination of probability with demonstration, we assume to be the original elements of fire and the other bodies; but the principles which are prior to these God only knows, and he of men who is the friend of God. And next we have to determine what are the four most beautiful bodies which are unlike one another, and of which some are capable of resolution into one another; for having discovered thus much, we shall know the true origin of earth and fire and of the proportionate and intermediate elements. And then we shall not be willing to allow that there are any distinct kinds of visible bodies fairer than these. Wherefore we must endeavour to construct the four forms of bodies which excel in beauty, and then we shall be able to say that we have sufficiently apprehended their nature. Now of the two triangles, the isosceles has one form only; the scalene or unequal-sided has an infinite number. Of the infinite forms we must select the most beautiful, if we are to proceed in due order, and any one who can point out a more beautiful form than ours for the construction of these bodies, shall carry off the palm, not as an enemy, but as a friend. Now, the one which we maintain to be the most beautiful of all the many triangles (and we need not speak of the others) is that of which the double forms a third triangle which is equilateral; the reason of this would be long to tell; he who disproves what we are saying, and shows that we are mistaken, may claim a friendly victory. Then let us choose two triangles, out of which fire and the other elements have been constructed, one isosceles, the other having the square of the longer side equal to three times the square of the lesser side. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Now is the time to explain what was before obscurely said: there was an error in imagining that all the four elements might be generated by and into one another; this, I say, was an erroneous supposition, for there are generated from the triangles which we have selected four kinds&amp;amp;mdash;three from the one which has the sides unequal; the fourth alone is framed out of the isosceles triangle. Hence they cannot all be resolved into one another, a great number of small bodies being combined into a few large ones, or the converse. But three of them can be thus resolved and compounded, for they all spring from one, and when the greater bodies are broken up, many small bodies will spring up out of them and take their own proper figures; or, again, when many small bodies are dissolved into their triangles, if they become one, they will form one large mass of another kind. So much for their passage into one another. I have now to speak of their several kinds, and show out of what combinations of numbers each of them was formed. The first will be the simplest and smallest construction, and its element is that triangle which has its hypotenuse twice the lesser side. When two such triangles are joined at the diagonal, and this is repeated three times, and the triangles rest their diagonals and shorter sides on the same point as a centre, a single equilateral triangle is formed out of six triangles; and four equilateral triangles, if put together, make out of every three plane angles one solid angle, being that which is nearest to the most obtuse of plane angles; and out of the combination of these four angles arises the first solid form which distributes into equal and similar parts the whole circle in which it is inscribed. The second species of solid is formed out of the same triangles, which unite as eight equilateral triangles and form one solid angle out of four plane angles, and out of six such angles the second body is completed. And the third body is made up of 120 triangular elements, forming twelve solid angles, each of them included in five plane equilateral triangles, having altogether twenty bases, each of which is an equilateral triangle. The one element (that is, the triangle which has its hypotenuse twice the lesser side) having generated these figures, generated no more; but the isosceles triangle produced the fourth elementary figure, which is compounded of four such triangles, joining their right angles in a centre, and forming one equilateral quadrangle. Six of these united form eight solid angles, each of which is made by the combination of three plane right angles; the figure of the body thus composed is a cube, having six plane quadrangular equilateral bases. There was yet a fifth combination which God used in the delineation of the universe. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Now, he who, duly reflecting on all this, enquires whether the worlds are to be regarded as indefinite or definite in number, will be of opinion that the notion of their indefiniteness is characteristic of a sadly indefinite and ignorant mind. He, however, who raises the question whether they are to be truly regarded as one or five, takes up a more reasonable position. Arguing from probabilities, I am of opinion that they are one; another, regarding the question from another point of view, will be of another mind. But, leaving this enquiry, let us proceed to distribute the elementary forms, which have now been created in idea, among the four elements. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; To earth, then, let us assign the cubical form; for earth is the most immoveable of the four and the most plastic of all bodies, and that which has the most stable bases must of necessity be of such a nature. Now, of the triangles which we assumed at first, that which has two equal sides is by nature more firmly based than that which has unequal sides; and of the compound figures which are formed out of either, the plane equilateral quadrangle has necessarily a more stable basis than the equilateral triangle, both in the whole and in the parts. Wherefore, in assigning this figure to earth, we adhere to probability; and to water we assign that one of the remaining forms which is the least moveable; and the most moveable of them to fire; and to air that which is intermediate. Also we assign the smallest body to fire, and the greatest to water, and the intermediate in size to air; and, again, the acutest body to fire, and the next in acuteness to air, and the third to water. Of all these elements, that which has the fewest bases must necessarily be the most moveable, for it must be the acutest and most penetrating in every way, and also the lightest as being composed of the smallest number of similar particles: and the second body has similar properties in a second degree, and the third body in the third degree. Let it be agreed, then, both according to strict reason and according to probability, that the pyramid is the solid which is the original element and seed of fire; and let us assign the element which was next in the order of generation to air, and the third to water. We must imagine all these to be so small that no single particle of any of the four kinds is seen by us on account of their smallness: but when many of them are collected together their aggregates are seen. And the ratios of their numbers, motions, and other properties, everywhere God, as far as necessity allowed or gave consent, has exactly perfected, and harmonized in due proportion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; From all that we have just been saying about the elements or kinds, the most probable conclusion is as follows:&amp;amp;mdash;earth, when meeting with fire and dissolved by its sharpness, whether the dissolution take place in the fire itself or perhaps in some mass of air or water, is borne hither and thither, until its parts, meeting together and mutually harmonising, again become earth; for they can never take any other form. But water, when divided by fire or by air, on re-forming, may become one part fire and two parts air; and a single volume of air divided becomes two of fire. Again, when a small body of fire is contained in a larger body of air or water or earth, and both are moving, and the fire struggling is overcome and broken up, then two volumes of fire form one volume of air; and when air is overcome and cut up into small pieces, two and a half parts of air are condensed into one part of water. Let us consider the matter in another way. When one of the other elements is fastened upon by fire, and is cut by the sharpness of its angles and sides, it coalesces with the fire, and then ceases to be cut by them any longer. For no element which is one and the same with itself can be changed by or change another of the same kind and in the same state. But so long as in the process of transition the weaker is fighting against the stronger, the dissolution continues. Again, when a few small particles, enclosed in many larger ones, are in process of decomposition and extinction, they only cease from their tendency to extinction when they consent to pass into the conquering nature, and fire becomes air and air water. But if bodies of another kind go and attack them (i.e. the small particles), the latter continue to be dissolved until, being completely forced back and dispersed, they make their escape to their own kindred, or else, being overcome and assimilated to the conquering power, they remain where they are and dwell with their victors, and from being many become one. And owing to these affections, all things are changing their place, for by the motion of the receiving vessel the bulk of each class is distributed into its proper place; but those things which become unlike themselves and like other things, are hurried by the shaking into the place of the things to which they grow like. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Now all unmixed and primary bodies are produced by such causes as these. As to the subordinate species which are included in the greater kinds, they are to be attributed to the varieties in the structure of the two original triangles. For either structure did not originally produce the triangle of one size only, but some larger and some smaller, and there are as many sizes as there are species of the four elements. Hence when they are mingled with themselves and with one another there is an endless variety of them, which those who would arrive at the probable truth of nature ought duly to consider. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Unless a person comes to an understanding about the nature and conditions of rest and motion, he will meet with many difficulties in the discussion which follows. Something has been said of this matter already, and something more remains to be said, which is, that motion never exists in what is uniform. For to conceive that anything can be moved without a mover is hard or indeed impossible, and equally impossible to conceive that there can be a mover unless there be something which can be moved&amp;amp;mdash;motion cannot exist where either of these are wanting, and for these to be uniform is impossible; wherefore we must assign rest to uniformity and motion to the want of uniformity. Now inequality is the cause of the nature which is wanting in uniformity; and of this we have already described the origin. But there still remains the further point&amp;amp;mdash;why things when divided after their kinds do not cease to pass through one another and to change their place&amp;amp;mdash;which we will now proceed to explain. In the revolution of the universe are comprehended all the four elements, and this being circular and having a tendency to come together, compresses everything and will not allow any place to be left void. Wherefore, also, fire above all things penetrates everywhere, and air next, as being next in rarity of the elements; and the two other elements in like manner penetrate according to their degrees of rarity. For those things which are composed of the largest particles have the largest void left in their compositions, and those which are composed of the smallest particles have the least. And the contraction caused by the compression thrusts the smaller particles into the interstices of the larger. And thus, when the small parts are placed side by side with the larger, and the lesser divide the greater and the greater unite the lesser, all the elements are borne up and down and hither and thither towards their own places; for the change in the size of each changes its position in space. And these causes generate an inequality which is always maintained, and is continually creating a perpetual motion of the elements in all time. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In the next place we have to consider that there are divers kinds of fire. There are, for example, first, flame; and secondly, those emanations of flame which do not burn but only give light to the eyes; thirdly, the remains of fire, which are seen in red-hot embers after the flame has been extinguished. There are similar differences in the air; of which the brightest part is called the aether, and the most turbid sort mist and darkness; and there are various other nameless kinds which arise from the inequality of the triangles. Water, again, admits in the first place of a division into two kinds; the one liquid and the other fusile. The liquid kind is composed of the small and unequal particles of water; and moves itself and is moved by other bodies owing to the want of uniformity and the shape of its particles; whereas the fusile kind, being formed of large and uniform particles, is more stable than the other, and is heavy and compact by reason of its uniformity. But when fire gets in and dissolves the particles and destroys the uniformity, it has greater mobility, and becoming fluid is thrust forth by the neighbouring air and spreads upon the earth; and this dissolution of the solid masses is called melting, and their spreading out upon the earth flowing. Again, when the fire goes out of the fusile substance, it does not pass into a vacuum, but into the neighbouring air; and the air which is displaced forces together the liquid and still moveable mass into the place which was occupied by the fire, and unites it with itself. Thus compressed the mass resumes its equability, and is again at unity with itself, because the fire which was the author of the inequality has retreated; and this departure of the fire is called cooling, and the coming together which follows upon it is termed congealment. Of all the kinds termed fusile, that which is the densest and is formed out of the finest and most uniform parts is that most precious possession called gold, which is hardened by filtration through rock; this is unique in kind, and has both a glittering and a yellow colour. A shoot of gold, which is so dense as to be very hard, and takes a black colour, is termed adamant. There is also another kind which has parts nearly like gold, and of which there are several species; it is denser than gold, and it contains a small and fine portion of earth, and is therefore harder, yet also lighter because of the great interstices which it has within itself; and this substance, which is one of the bright and denser kinds of water, when solidified is called copper. There is an alloy of earth mingled with it, which, when the two parts grow old and are disunited, shows itself separately and is called rust. The remaining phenomena of the same kind there will be no difficulty in reasoning out by the method of probabilities. A man may sometimes set aside meditations about eternal things, and for recreation turn to consider the truths of generation which are probable only; he will thus gain a pleasure not to be repented of, and secure for himself while he lives a wise and moderate pastime. Let us grant ourselves this indulgence, and go through the probabilities relating to the same subjects which follow next in order. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Water which is mingled with fire, so much as is fine and liquid (being so called by reason of its motion and the way in which it rolls along the ground), and soft, because its bases give way and are less stable than those of earth, when separated from fire and air and isolated, becomes more uniform, and by their retirement is compressed into itself; and if the condensation be very great, the water above the earth becomes hail, but on the earth, ice; and that which is congealed in a less degree and is only half solid, when above the earth is called snow, and when upon the earth, and condensed from dew, hoar-frost. Then, again, there are the numerous kinds of water which have been mingled with one another, and are distilled through plants which grow in the earth; and this whole class is called by the name of juices or saps. The unequal admixture of these fluids creates a variety of species; most of them are nameless, but four which are of a fiery nature are clearly distinguished and have names. First, there is wine, which warms the soul as well as the body: secondly, there is the oily nature, which is smooth and divides the visual ray, and for this reason is bright and shining and of a glistening appearance, including pitch, the juice of the castor berry, oil itself, and other things of a like kind: thirdly, there is the class of substances which expand the contracted parts of the mouth, until they return to their natural state, and by reason of this property create sweetness;&amp;amp;mdash;these are included under the general name of honey: and, lastly, there is a frothy nature, which differs from all juices, having a burning quality which dissolves the flesh; it is called opos (a vegetable acid). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; As to the kinds of earth, that which is filtered through water passes into stone in the following manner:&amp;amp;mdash;The water which mixes with the earth and is broken up in the process changes into air, and taking this form mounts into its own place. But as there is no surrounding vacuum it thrusts away the neighbouring air, and this being rendered heavy, and, when it is displaced, having been poured around the mass of earth, forcibly compresses it and drives it into the vacant space whence the new air had come up; and the earth when compressed by the air into an indissoluble union with water becomes rock. The fairer sort is that which is made up of equal and similar parts and is transparent; that which has the opposite qualities is inferior. But when all the watery part is suddenly drawn out by fire, a more brittle substance is formed, to which we give the name of pottery. Sometimes also moisture may remain, and the earth which has been fused by fire becomes, when cool, a certain stone of a black colour. A like separation of the water which had been copiously mingled with them may occur in two substances composed of finer particles of earth and of a briny nature; out of either of them a half-solid-body is then formed, soluble in water&amp;amp;mdash;the one, soda, which is used for purging away oil and earth, the other, salt, which harmonizes so well in combinations pleasing to the palate, and is, as the law testifies, a substance dear to the gods. The compounds of earth and water are not soluble by water, but by fire only, and for this reason:&amp;amp;mdash;Neither fire nor air melt masses of earth; for their particles, being smaller than the interstices in its structure, have plenty of room to move without forcing their way, and so they leave the earth unmelted and undissolved; but particles of water, which are larger, force a passage, and dissolve and melt the earth. Wherefore earth when not consolidated by force is dissolved by water only; when consolidated, by nothing but fire; for this is the only body which can find an entrance. The cohesion of water again, when very strong, is dissolved by fire only&amp;amp;mdash;when weaker, then either by air or fire&amp;amp;mdash;the former entering the interstices, and the latter penetrating even the triangles. But nothing can dissolve air, when strongly condensed, which does not reach the elements or triangles; or if not strongly condensed, then only fire can dissolve it. As to bodies composed of earth and water, while the water occupies the vacant interstices of the earth in them which are compressed by force, the particles of water which approach them from without, finding no entrance, flow around the entire mass and leave it undissolved; but the particles of fire, entering into the interstices of the water, do to the water what water does to earth and fire to air (The text seems to be corrupt.), and are the sole causes of the compound body of earth and water liquefying and becoming fluid. Now these bodies are of two kinds; some of them, such as glass and the fusible sort of stones, have less water than they have earth; on the other hand, substances of the nature of wax and incense have more of water entering into their composition. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I have thus shown the various classes of bodies as they are diversified by their forms and combinations and changes into one another, and now I must endeavour to set forth their affections and the causes of them. In the first place, the bodies which I have been describing are necessarily objects of sense. But we have not yet considered the origin of flesh, or what belongs to flesh, or of that part of the soul which is mortal. And these things cannot be adequately explained without also explaining the affections which are concerned with sensation, nor the latter without the former: and yet to explain them together is hardly possible; for which reason we must assume first one or the other and afterwards examine the nature of our hypothesis. In order, then, that the affections may follow regularly after the elements, let us presuppose the existence of body and soul. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; First, let us enquire what we mean by saying that fire is hot; and about this we may reason from the dividing or cutting power which it exercises on our bodies. We all of us feel that fire is sharp; and we may further consider the fineness of the sides, and the sharpness of the angles, and the smallness of the particles, and the swiftness of the motion&amp;amp;mdash;all this makes the action of fire violent and sharp, so that it cuts whatever it meets. And we must not forget that the original figure of fire (i.e. the pyramid), more than any other form, has a dividing power which cuts our bodies into small pieces (Kepmatizei), and thus naturally produces that affection which we call heat; and hence the origin of the name (thepmos, Kepma). Now, the opposite of this is sufficiently manifest; nevertheless we will not fail to describe it. For the larger particles of moisture which surround the body, entering in and driving out the lesser, but not being able to take their places, compress the moist principle in us; and this from being unequal and disturbed, is forced by them into a state of rest, which is due to equability and compression. But things which are contracted contrary to nature are by nature at war, and force themselves apart; and to this war and convulsion the name of shivering and trembling is given; and the whole affection and the cause of the affection are both termed cold. That is called hard to which our flesh yields, and soft which yields to our flesh; and things are also termed hard and soft relatively to one another. That which yields has a small base; but that which rests on quadrangular bases is firmly posed and belongs to the class which offers the greatest resistance; so too does that which is the most compact and therefore most repellent. The nature of the light and the heavy will be best understood when examined in connexion with our notions of above and below; for it is quite a mistake to suppose that the universe is parted into two regions, separate from and opposite to each other, the one a lower to which all things tend which have any bulk, and an upper to which things only ascend against their will. For as the universe is in the form of a sphere, all the extremities, being equidistant from the centre, are equally extremities, and the centre, which is equidistant from them, is equally to be regarded as the opposite of them all. Such being the nature of the world, when a person says that any of these points is above or below, may he not be justly charged with using an improper expression? For the centre of the world cannot be rightly called either above or below, but is the centre and nothing else; and the circumference is not the centre, and has in no one part of itself a different relation to the centre from what it has in any of the opposite parts. Indeed, when it is in every direction similar, how can one rightly give to it names which imply opposition? For if there were any solid body in equipoise at the centre of the universe, there would be nothing to draw it to this extreme rather than to that, for they are all perfectly similar; and if a person were to go round the world in a circle, he would often, when standing at the antipodes of his former position, speak of the same point as above and below; for, as I was saying just now, to speak of the whole which is in the form of a globe as having one part above and another below is not like a sensible man. The reason why these names are used, and the circumstances under which they are ordinarily applied by us to the division of the heavens, may be elucidated by the following supposition:&amp;amp;mdash;if a person were to stand in that part of the universe which is the appointed place of fire, and where there is the great mass of fire to which fiery bodies gather&amp;amp;mdash;if, I say, he were to ascend thither, and, having the power to do this, were to abstract particles of fire and put them in scales and weigh them, and then, raising the balance, were to draw the fire by force towards the uncongenial element of the air, it would be very evident that he could compel the smaller mass more readily than the larger; for when two things are simultaneously raised by one and the same power, the smaller body must necessarily yield to the superior power with less reluctance than the larger; and the larger body is called heavy and said to tend downwards, and the smaller body is called light and said to tend upwards. And we may detect ourselves who are upon the earth doing precisely the same thing. For we often separate earthy natures, and sometimes earth itself, and draw them into the uncongenial element of air by force and contrary to nature, both clinging to their kindred elements. But that which is smaller yields to the impulse given by us towards the dissimilar element more easily than the larger; and so we call the former light, and the place towards which it is impelled we call above, and the contrary state and place we call heavy and below respectively. Now the relations of these must necessarily vary, because the principal masses of the different elements hold opposite positions; for that which is light, heavy, below or above in one place will be found to be and become contrary and transverse and every way diverse in relation to that which is light, heavy, below or above in an opposite place. And about all of them this has to be considered:&amp;amp;mdash;that the tendency of each towards its kindred element makes the body which is moved heavy, and the place towards which the motion tends below, but things which have an opposite tendency we call by an opposite name. Such are the causes which we assign to these phenomena. As to the smooth and the rough, any one who sees them can explain the reason of them to another. For roughness is hardness mingled with irregularity, and smoothness is produced by the joint effect of uniformity and density. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The most important of the affections which concern the whole body remains to be considered&amp;amp;mdash;that is, the cause of pleasure and pain in the perceptions of which I have been speaking, and in all other things which are perceived by sense through the parts of the body, and have both pains and pleasures attendant on them. Let us imagine the causes of every affection, whether of sense or not, to be of the following nature, remembering that we have already distinguished between the nature which is easy and which is hard to move; for this is the direction in which we must hunt the prey which we mean to take. A body which is of a nature to be easily moved, on receiving an impression however slight, spreads abroad the motion in a circle, the parts communicating with each other, until at last, reaching the principle of mind, they announce the quality of the agent. But a body of the opposite kind, being immobile, and not extending to the surrounding region, merely receives the impression, and does not stir any of the neighbouring parts; and since the parts do not distribute the original impression to other parts, it has no effect of motion on the whole animal, and therefore produces no effect on the patient. This is true of the bones and hair and other more earthy parts of the human body; whereas what was said above relates mainly to sight and hearing, because they have in them the greatest amount of fire and air. Now we must conceive of pleasure and pain in this way. An impression produced in us contrary to nature and violent, if sudden, is painful; and, again, the sudden return to nature is pleasant; but a gentle and gradual return is imperceptible and vice versa. On the other hand the impression of sense which is most easily produced is most readily felt, but is not accompanied by pleasure or pain; such, for example, are the affections of the sight, which, as we said above, is a body naturally uniting with our body in the day-time; for cuttings and burnings and other affections which happen to the sight do not give pain, nor is there pleasure when the sight returns to its natural state; but the sensations are clearest and strongest according to the manner in which the eye is affected by the object, and itself strikes and touches it; there is no violence either in the contraction or dilation of the eye. But bodies formed of larger particles yield to the agent only with a struggle; and then they impart their motions to the whole and cause pleasure and pain&amp;amp;mdash;pain when alienated from their natural conditions, and pleasure when restored to them. Things which experience gradual withdrawings and emptyings of their nature, and great and sudden replenishments, fail to perceive the emptying, but are sensible of the replenishment; and so they occasion no pain, but the greatest pleasure, to the mortal part of the soul, as is manifest in the case of perfumes. But things which are changed all of a sudden, and only gradually and with difficulty return to their own nature, have effects in every way opposite to the former, as is evident in the case of burnings and cuttings of the body. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Thus have we discussed the general affections of the whole body, and the names of the agents which produce them. And now I will endeavour to speak of the affections of particular parts, and the causes and agents of them, as far as I am able. In the first place let us set forth what was omitted when we were speaking of juices, concerning the affections peculiar to the tongue. These too, like most of the other affections, appear to be caused by certain contractions and dilations, but they have besides more of roughness and smoothness than is found in other affections; for whenever earthy particles enter into the small veins which are the testing instruments of the tongue, reaching to the heart, and fall upon the moist, delicate portions of flesh&amp;amp;mdash;when, as they are dissolved, they contract and dry up the little veins, they are astringent if they are rougher, but if not so rough, then only harsh. Those of them which are of an abstergent nature, and purge the whole surface of the tongue, if they do it in excess, and so encroach as to consume some part of the flesh itself, like potash and soda, are all termed bitter. But the particles which are deficient in the alkaline quality, and which cleanse only moderately, are called salt, and having no bitterness or roughness, are regarded as rather agreeable than otherwise. Bodies which share in and are made smooth by the heat of the mouth, and which are inflamed, and again in turn inflame that which heats them, and which are so light that they are carried upwards to the sensations of the head, and cut all that comes in their way, by reason of these qualities in them, are all termed pungent. But when these same particles, refined by putrefaction, enter into the narrow veins, and are duly proportioned to the particles of earth and air which are there, they set them whirling about one another, and while they are in a whirl cause them to dash against and enter into one another, and so form hollows surrounding the particles that enter&amp;amp;mdash;which watery vessels of air (for a film of moisture, sometimes earthy, sometimes pure, is spread around the air) are hollow spheres of water; and those of them which are pure, are transparent, and are called bubbles, while those composed of the earthy liquid, which is in a state of general agitation and effervescence, are said to boil or ferment&amp;amp;mdash;of all these affections the cause is termed acid. And there is the opposite affection arising from an opposite cause, when the mass of entering particles, immersed in the moisture of the mouth, is congenial to the tongue, and smooths and oils over the roughness, and relaxes the parts which are unnaturally contracted, and contracts the parts which are relaxed, and disposes them all according to their nature;&amp;amp;mdash;that sort of remedy of violent affections is pleasant and agreeable to every man, and has the name sweet. But enough of this. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The faculty of smell does not admit of differences of kind; for all smells are of a half-formed nature, and no element is so proportioned as to have any smell. The veins about the nose are too narrow to admit earth and water, and too wide to detain fire and air; and for this reason no one ever perceives the smell of any of them; but smells always proceed from bodies that are damp, or putrefying, or liquefying, or evaporating, and are perceptible only in the intermediate state, when water is changing into air and air into water; and all of them are either vapour or mist. That which is passing out of air into water is mist, and that which is passing from water into air is vapour; and hence all smells are thinner than water and thicker than air. The proof of this is, that when there is any obstruction to the respiration, and a man draws in his breath by force, then no smell filters through, but the air without the smell alone penetrates. Wherefore the varieties of smell have no name, and they have not many, or definite and simple kinds; but they are distinguished only as painful and pleasant, the one sort irritating and disturbing the whole cavity which is situated between the head and the navel, the other having a soothing influence, and restoring this same region to an agreeable and natural condition. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In considering the third kind of sense, hearing, we must speak of the causes in which it originates. We may in general assume sound to be a blow which passes through the ears, and is transmitted by means of the air, the brain, and the blood, to the soul, and that hearing is the vibration of this blow, which begins in the head and ends in the region of the liver. The sound which moves swiftly is acute, and the sound which moves slowly is grave, and that which is regular is equable and smooth, and the reverse is harsh. A great body of sound is loud, and a small body of sound the reverse. Respecting the harmonies of sound I must hereafter speak. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There is a fourth class of sensible things, having many intricate varieties, which must now be distinguished. They are called by the general name of colours, and are a flame which emanates from every sort of body, and has particles corresponding to the sense of sight. I have spoken already, in what has preceded, of the causes which generate sight, and in this place it will be natural and suitable to give a rational theory of colours. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of the particles coming from other bodies which fall upon the sight, some are smaller and some are larger, and some are equal to the parts of the sight itself. Those which are equal are imperceptible, and we call them transparent. The larger produce contraction, the smaller dilation, in the sight, exercising a power akin to that of hot and cold bodies on the flesh, or of astringent bodies on the tongue, or of those heating bodies which we termed pungent. White and black are similar effects of contraction and dilation in another sphere, and for this reason have a different appearance. Wherefore, we ought to term white that which dilates the visual ray, and the opposite of this is black. There is also a swifter motion of a different sort of fire which strikes and dilates the ray of sight until it reaches the eyes, forcing a way through their passages and melting them, and eliciting from them a union of fire and water which we call tears, being itself an opposite fire which comes to them from an opposite direction&amp;amp;mdash;the inner fire flashes forth like lightning, and the outer finds a way in and is extinguished in the moisture, and all sorts of colours are generated by the mixture. This affection is termed dazzling, and the object which produces it is called bright and flashing. There is another sort of fire which is intermediate, and which reaches and mingles with the moisture of the eye without flashing; and in this, the fire mingling with the ray of the moisture, produces a colour like blood, to which we give the name of red. A bright hue mingled with red and white gives the colour called auburn (Greek). The law of proportion, however, according to which the several colours are formed, even if a man knew he would be foolish in telling, for he could not give any necessary reason, nor indeed any tolerable or probable explanation of them. Again, red, when mingled with black and white, becomes purple, but it becomes umber (Greek) when the colours are burnt as well as mingled and the black is more thoroughly mixed with them. Flame-colour (Greek) is produced by a union of auburn and dun (Greek), and dun by an admixture of black and white; pale yellow (Greek), by an admixture of white and auburn. White and bright meeting, and falling upon a full black, become dark blue (Greek), and when dark blue mingles with white, a light blue (Greek) colour is formed, as flame-colour with black makes leek green (Greek). There will be no difficulty in seeing how and by what mixtures the colours derived from these are made according to the rules of probability. He, however, who should attempt to verify all this by experiment, would forget the difference of the human and divine nature. For God only has the knowledge and also the power which are able to combine many things into one and again resolve the one into many. But no man either is or ever will be able to accomplish either the one or the other operation. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; These are the elements, thus of necessity then subsisting, which the creator of the fairest and best of created things associated with himself, when he made the self-sufficing and most perfect God, using the necessary causes as his ministers in the accomplishment of his work, but himself contriving the good in all his creations. Wherefore we may distinguish two sorts of causes, the one divine and the other necessary, and may seek for the divine in all things, as far as our nature admits, with a view to the blessed life; but the necessary kind only for the sake of the divine, considering that without them and when isolated from them, these higher things for which we look cannot be apprehended or received or in any way shared by us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Seeing, then, that we have now prepared for our use the various classes of causes which are the material out of which the remainder of our discourse must be woven, just as wood is the material of the carpenter, let us revert in a few words to the point at which we began, and then endeavour to add on a suitable ending to the beginning of our tale. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; As I said at first, when all things were in disorder God created in each thing in relation to itself, and in all things in relation to each other, all the measures and harmonies which they could possibly receive. For in those days nothing had any proportion except by accident; nor did any of the things which now have names deserve to be named at all&amp;amp;mdash;as, for example, fire, water, and the rest of the elements. All these the creator first set in order, and out of them he constructed the universe, which was a single animal comprehending in itself all other animals, mortal and immortal. Now of the divine, he himself was the creator, but the creation of the mortal he committed to his offspring. And they, imitating him, received from him the immortal principle of the soul; and around this they proceeded to fashion a mortal body, and made it to be the vehicle of the soul, and constructed within the body a soul of another nature which was mortal, subject to terrible and irresistible affections,&amp;amp;mdash;first of all, pleasure, the greatest incitement to evil; then, pain, which deters from good; also rashness and fear, two foolish counsellors, anger hard to be appeased, and hope easily led astray;&amp;amp;mdash;these they mingled with irrational sense and with all-daring love according to necessary laws, and so framed man. Wherefore, fearing to pollute the divine any more than was absolutely unavoidable, they gave to the mortal nature a separate habitation in another part of the body, placing the neck between them to be the isthmus and boundary, which they constructed between the head and breast, to keep them apart. And in the breast, and in what is termed the thorax, they encased the mortal soul; and as the one part of this was superior and the other inferior they divided the cavity of the thorax into two parts, as the women&amp;amp;rsquo;s and men&amp;amp;rsquo;s apartments are divided in houses, and placed the midriff to be a wall of partition between them. That part of the inferior soul which is endowed with courage and passion and loves contention they settled nearer the head, midway between the midriff and the neck, in order that it might be under the rule of reason and might join with it in controlling and restraining the desires when they are no longer willing of their own accord to obey the word of command issuing from the citadel. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The heart, the knot of the veins and the fountain of the blood which races through all the limbs, was set in the place of guard, that when the might of passion was roused by reason making proclamation of any wrong assailing them from without or being perpetrated by the desires within, quickly the whole power of feeling in the body, perceiving these commands and threats, might obey and follow through every turn and alley, and thus allow the principle of the best to have the command in all of them. But the gods, foreknowing that the palpitation of the heart in the expectation of danger and the swelling and excitement of passion was caused by fire, formed and implanted as a supporter to the heart the lung, which was, in the first place, soft and bloodless, and also had within hollows like the pores of a sponge, in order that by receiving the breath and the drink, it might give coolness and the power of respiration and alleviate the heat. Wherefore they cut the air-channels leading to the lung, and placed the lung about the heart as a soft spring, that, when passion was rife within, the heart, beating against a yielding body, might be cooled and suffer less, and might thus become more ready to join with passion in the service of reason. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The part of the soul which desires meats and drinks and the other things of which it has need by reason of the bodily nature, they placed between the midriff and the boundary of the navel, contriving in all this region a sort of manger for the food of the body; and there they bound it down like a wild animal which was chained up with man, and must be nourished if man was to exist. They appointed this lower creation his place here in order that he might be always feeding at the manger, and have his dwelling as far as might be from the council-chamber, making as little noise and disturbance as possible, and permitting the best part to advise quietly for the good of the whole. And knowing that this lower principle in man would not comprehend reason, and even if attaining to some degree of perception would never naturally care for rational notions, but that it would be led away by phantoms and visions night and day,&amp;amp;mdash;to be a remedy for this, God combined with it the liver, and placed it in the house of the lower nature, contriving that it should be solid and smooth, and bright and sweet, and should also have a bitter quality, in order that the power of thought, which proceeds from the mind, might be reflected as in a mirror which receives likenesses of objects and gives back images of them to the sight; and so might strike terror into the desires, when, making use of the bitter part of the liver, to which it is akin, it comes threatening and invading, and diffusing this bitter element swiftly through the whole liver produces colours like bile, and contracting every part makes it wrinkled and rough; and twisting out of its right place and contorting the lobe and closing and shutting up the vessels and gates, causes pain and loathing. And the converse happens when some gentle inspiration of the understanding pictures images of an opposite character, and allays the bile and bitterness by refusing to stir or touch the nature opposed to itself, but by making use of the natural sweetness of the liver, corrects all things and makes them to be right and smooth and free, and renders the portion of the soul which resides about the liver happy and joyful, enabling it to pass the night in peace, and to practise divination in sleep, inasmuch as it has no share in mind and reason. For the authors of our being, remembering the command of their father when he bade them create the human race as good as they could, that they might correct our inferior parts and make them to attain a measure of truth, placed in the liver the seat of divination. And herein is a proof that God has given the art of divination not to the wisdom, but to the foolishness of man. No man, when in his wits, attains prophetic truth and inspiration; but when he receives the inspired word, either his intelligence is enthralled in sleep, or he is demented by some distemper or possession. And he who would understand what he remembers to have been said, whether in a dream or when he was awake, by the prophetic and inspired nature, or would determine by reason the meaning of the apparitions which he has seen, and what indications they afford to this man or that, of past, present or future good and evil, must first recover his wits. But, while he continues demented, he cannot judge of the visions which he sees or the words which he utters; the ancient saying is very true, that &amp;amp;lsquo;only a man who has his wits can act or judge about himself and his own affairs.&amp;amp;rsquo; And for this reason it is customary to appoint interpreters to be judges of the true inspiration. Some persons call them prophets; they are quite unaware that they are only the expositors of dark sayings and visions, and are not to be called prophets at all, but only interpreters of prophecy. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Such is the nature of the liver, which is placed as we have described in order that it may give prophetic intimations. During the life of each individual these intimations are plainer, but after his death the liver becomes blind, and delivers oracles too obscure to be intelligible. The neighbouring organ (the spleen) is situated on the left-hand side, and is constructed with a view of keeping the liver bright and pure,&amp;amp;mdash;like a napkin, always ready prepared and at hand to clean the mirror. And hence, when any impurities arise in the region of the liver by reason of disorders of the body, the loose nature of the spleen, which is composed of a hollow and bloodless tissue, receives them all and clears them away, and when filled with the unclean matter, swells and festers, but, again, when the body is purged, settles down into the same place as before, and is humbled. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Concerning the soul, as to which part is mortal and which divine, and how and why they are separated, and where located, if God acknowledges that we have spoken the truth, then, and then only, can we be confident; still, we may venture to assert that what has been said by us is probable, and will be rendered more probable by investigation. Let us assume thus much. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The creation of the rest of the body follows next in order, and this we may investigate in a similar manner. And it appears to be very meet that the body should be framed on the following principles:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The authors of our race were aware that we should be intemperate in eating and drinking, and take a good deal more than was necessary or proper, by reason of gluttony. In order then that disease might not quickly destroy us, and lest our mortal race should perish without fulfilling its end&amp;amp;mdash;intending to provide against this, the gods made what is called the lower belly, to be a receptacle for the superfluous meat and drink, and formed the convolution of the bowels, so that the food might be prevented from passing quickly through and compelling the body to require more food, thus producing insatiable gluttony, and making the whole race an enemy to philosophy and music, and rebellious against the divinest element within us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The bones and flesh, and other similar parts of us, were made as follows. The first principle of all of them was the generation of the marrow. For the bonds of life which unite the soul with the body are made fast there, and they are the root and foundation of the human race. The marrow itself is created out of other materials: God took such of the primary triangles as were straight and smooth, and were adapted by their perfection to produce fire and water, and air and earth&amp;amp;mdash;these, I say, he separated from their kinds, and mingling them in due proportions with one another, made the marrow out of them to be a universal seed of the whole race of mankind; and in this seed he then planted and enclosed the souls, and in the original distribution gave to the marrow as many and various forms as the different kinds of souls were hereafter to receive. That which, like a field, was to receive the divine seed, he made round every way, and called that portion of the marrow, brain, intending that, when an animal was perfected, the vessel containing this substance should be the head; but that which was intended to contain the remaining and mortal part of the soul he distributed into figures at once round and elongated, and he called them all by the name &amp;amp;lsquo;marrow&amp;amp;rsquo;; and to these, as to anchors, fastening the bonds of the whole soul, he proceeded to fashion around them the entire framework of our body, constructing for the marrow, first of all a complete covering of bone. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Bone was composed by him in the following manner. Having sifted pure and smooth earth he kneaded it and wetted it with marrow, and after that he put it into fire and then into water, and once more into fire and again into water&amp;amp;mdash;in this way by frequent transfers from one to the other he made it insoluble by either. Out of this he fashioned, as in a lathe, a globe made of bone, which he placed around the brain, and in this he left a narrow opening; and around the marrow of the neck and back he formed vertebrae which he placed under one another like pivots, beginning at the head and extending through the whole of the trunk. Thus wishing to preserve the entire seed, he enclosed it in a stone-like casing, inserting joints, and using in the formation of them the power of the other or diverse as an intermediate nature, that they might have motion and flexure. Then again, considering that the bone would be too brittle and inflexible, and when heated and again cooled would soon mortify and destroy the seed within&amp;amp;mdash;having this in view, he contrived the sinews and the flesh, that so binding all the members together by the sinews, which admitted of being stretched and relaxed about the vertebrae, he might thus make the body capable of flexion and extension, while the flesh would serve as a protection against the summer heat and against the winter cold, and also against falls, softly and easily yielding to external bodies, like articles made of felt; and containing in itself a warm moisture which in summer exudes and makes the surface damp, would impart a natural coolness to the whole body; and again in winter by the help of this internal warmth would form a very tolerable defence against the frost which surrounds it and attacks it from without. He who modelled us, considering these things, mixed earth with fire and water and blended them; and making a ferment of acid and salt, he mingled it with them and formed soft and succulent flesh. As for the sinews, he made them of a mixture of bone and unfermented flesh, attempered so as to be in a mean, and gave them a yellow colour; wherefore the sinews have a firmer and more glutinous nature than flesh, but a softer and moister nature than the bones. With these God covered the bones and marrow, binding them together by sinews, and then enshrouded them all in an upper covering of flesh. The more living and sensitive of the bones he enclosed in the thinnest film of flesh, and those which had the least life within them in the thickest and most solid flesh. So again on the joints of the bones, where reason indicated that no more was required, he placed only a thin covering of flesh, that it might not interfere with the flexion of our bodies and make them unwieldy because difficult to move; and also that it might not, by being crowded and pressed and matted together, destroy sensation by reason of its hardness, and impair the memory and dull the edge of intelligence. Wherefore also the thighs and the shanks and the hips, and the bones of the arms and the forearms, and other parts which have no joints, and the inner bones, which on account of the rarity of the soul in the marrow are destitute of reason&amp;amp;mdash;all these are abundantly provided with flesh; but such as have mind in them are in general less fleshy, except where the creator has made some part solely of flesh in order to give sensation,&amp;amp;mdash;as, for example, the tongue. But commonly this is not the case. For the nature which comes into being and grows up in us by a law of necessity, does not admit of the combination of solid bone and much flesh with acute perceptions. More than any other part the framework of the head would have had them, if they could have co-existed, and the human race, having a strong and fleshy and sinewy head, would have had a life twice or many times as long as it now has, and also more healthy and free from pain. But our creators, considering whether they should make a longer-lived race which was worse, or a shorter-lived race which was better, came to the conclusion that every one ought to prefer a shorter span of life, which was better, to a longer one, which was worse; and therefore they covered the head with thin bone, but not with flesh and sinews, since it had no joints; and thus the head was added, having more wisdom and sensation than the rest of the body, but also being in every man far weaker. For these reasons and after this manner God placed the sinews at the extremity of the head, in a circle round the neck, and glued them together by the principle of likeness and fastened the extremities of the jawbones to them below the face, and the other sinews he dispersed throughout the body, fastening limb to limb. The framers of us framed the mouth, as now arranged, having teeth and tongue and lips, with a view to the necessary and the good contriving the way in for necessary purposes, the way out for the best purposes; for that is necessary which enters in and gives food to the body; but the river of speech, which flows out of a man and ministers to the intelligence, is the fairest and noblest of all streams. Still the head could neither be left a bare frame of bones, on account of the extremes of heat and cold in the different seasons, nor yet be allowed to be wholly covered, and so become dull and senseless by reason of an overgrowth of flesh. The fleshy nature was not therefore wholly dried up, but a large sort of peel was parted off and remained over, which is now called the skin. This met and grew by the help of the cerebral moisture, and became the circular envelopment of the head. And the moisture, rising up under the sutures, watered and closed in the skin upon the crown, forming a sort of knot. The diversity of the sutures was caused by the power of the courses of the soul and of the food, and the more these struggled against one another the more numerous they became, and fewer if the struggle were less violent. This skin the divine power pierced all round with fire, and out of the punctures which were thus made the moisture issued forth, and the liquid and heat which was pure came away, and a mixed part which was composed of the same material as the skin, and had a fineness equal to the punctures, was borne up by its own impulse and extended far outside the head, but being too slow to escape, was thrust back by the external air, and rolled up underneath the skin, where it took root. Thus the hair sprang up in the skin, being akin to it because it is like threads of leather, but rendered harder and closer through the pressure of the cold, by which each hair, while in process of separation from the skin, is compressed and cooled. Wherefore the creator formed the head hairy, making use of the causes which I have mentioned, and reflecting also that instead of flesh the brain needed the hair to be a light covering or guard, which would give shade in summer and shelter in winter, and at the same time would not impede our quickness of perception. From the combination of sinew, skin, and bone, in the structure of the finger, there arises a triple compound, which, when dried up, takes the form of one hard skin partaking of all three natures, and was fabricated by these second causes, but designed by mind which is the principal cause with an eye to the future. For our creators well knew that women and other animals would some day be framed out of men, and they further knew that many animals would require the use of nails for many purposes; wherefore they fashioned in men at their first creation the rudiments of nails. For this purpose and for these reasons they caused skin, hair, and nails to grow at the extremities of the limbs. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And now that all the parts and members of the mortal animal had come together, since its life of necessity consisted of fire and breath, and it therefore wasted away by dissolution and depletion, the gods contrived the following remedy: They mingled a nature akin to that of man with other forms and perceptions, and thus created another kind of animal. These are the trees and plants and seeds which have been improved by cultivation and are now domesticated among us; anciently there were only the wild kinds, which are older than the cultivated. For everything that partakes of life may be truly called a living being, and the animal of which we are now speaking partakes of the third kind of soul, which is said to be seated between the midriff and the navel, having no part in opinion or reason or mind, but only in feelings of pleasure and pain and the desires which accompany them. For this nature is always in a passive state, revolving in and about itself, repelling the motion from without and using its own, and accordingly is not endowed by nature with the power of observing or reflecting on its own concerns. Wherefore it lives and does not differ from a living being, but is fixed and rooted in the same spot, having no power of self-motion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Now after the superior powers had created all these natures to be food for us who are of the inferior nature, they cut various channels through the body as through a garden, that it might be watered as from a running stream. In the first place, they cut two hidden channels or veins down the back where the skin and the flesh join, which answered severally to the right and left side of the body. These they let down along the backbone, so as to have the marrow of generation between them, where it was most likely to flourish, and in order that the stream coming down from above might flow freely to the other parts, and equalize the irrigation. In the next place, they divided the veins about the head, and interlacing them, they sent them in opposite directions; those coming from the right side they sent to the left of the body, and those from the left they diverted towards the right, so that they and the skin might together form a bond which should fasten the head to the body, since the crown of the head was not encircled by sinews; and also in order that the sensations from both sides might be distributed over the whole body. And next, they ordered the water-courses of the body in a manner which I will describe, and which will be more easily understood if we begin by admitting that all things which have lesser parts retain the greater, but the greater cannot retain the lesser. Now of all natures fire has the smallest parts, and therefore penetrates through earth and water and air and their compounds, nor can anything hold it. And a similar principle applies to the human belly; for when meats and drinks enter it, it holds them, but it cannot hold air and fire, because the particles of which they consist are smaller than its own structure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; These elements, therefore, God employed for the sake of distributing moisture from the belly into the veins, weaving together a network of fire and air like a weel, having at the entrance two lesser weels; further he constructed one of these with two openings, and from the lesser weels he extended cords reaching all round to the extremities of the network. All the interior of the net he made of fire, but the lesser weels and their cavity, of air. The network he took and spread over the newly-formed animal in the following manner:&amp;amp;mdash;He let the lesser weels pass into the mouth; there were two of them, and one he let down by the air-pipes into the lungs, the other by the side of the air-pipes into the belly. The former he divided into two branches, both of which he made to meet at the channels of the nose, so that when the way through the mouth did not act, the streams of the mouth as well were replenished through the nose. With the other cavity (i.e. of the greater weel) he enveloped the hollow parts of the body, and at one time he made all this to flow into the lesser weels, quite gently, for they are composed of air, and at another time he caused the lesser weels to flow back again; and the net he made to find a way in and out through the pores of the body, and the rays of fire which are bound fast within followed the passage of the air either way, never at any time ceasing so long as the mortal being holds together. This process, as we affirm, the name-giver named inspiration and expiration. And all this movement, active as well as passive, takes place in order that the body, being watered and cooled, may receive nourishment and life; for when the respiration is going in and out, and the fire, which is fast bound within, follows it, and ever and anon moving to and fro, enters through the belly and reaches the meat and drink, it dissolves them, and dividing them into small portions and guiding them through the passages where it goes, pumps them as from a fountain into the channels of the veins, and makes the stream of the veins flow through the body as through a conduit. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Let us once more consider the phenomena of respiration, and enquire into the causes which have made it what it is. They are as follows:&amp;amp;mdash;Seeing that there is no such thing as a vacuum into which any of those things which are moved can enter, and the breath is carried from us into the external air, the next point is, as will be clear to every one, that it does not go into a vacant space, but pushes its neighbour out of its place, and that which is thrust out in turn drives out its neighbour; and in this way everything of necessity at last comes round to that place from whence the breath came forth, and enters in there, and following the breath, fills up the vacant space; and this goes on like the rotation of a wheel, because there can be no such thing as a vacuum. Wherefore also the breast and the lungs, when they emit the breath, are replenished by the air which surrounds the body and which enters in through the pores of the flesh and is driven round in a circle; and again, the air which is sent away and passes out through the body forces the breath inwards through the passage of the mouth and the nostrils. Now the origin of this movement may be supposed to be as follows. In the interior of every animal the hottest part is that which is around the blood and veins; it is in a manner an internal fountain of fire, which we compare to the network of a creel, being woven all of fire and extended through the centre of the body, while the outer parts are composed of air. Now we must admit that heat naturally proceeds outward to its own place and to its kindred element; and as there are two exits for the heat, the one out through the body, and the other through the mouth and nostrils, when it moves towards the one, it drives round the air at the other, and that which is driven round falls into the fire and becomes warm, and that which goes forth is cooled. But when the heat changes its place, and the particles at the other exit grow warmer, the hotter air inclining in that direction and carried towards its native element, fire, pushes round the air at the other; and this being affected in the same way and communicating the same impulse, a circular motion swaying to and fro is produced by the double process, which we call inspiration and expiration. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The phenomena of medical cupping-glasses and of the swallowing of drink and of the projection of bodies, whether discharged in the air or bowled along the ground, are to be investigated on a similar principle; and swift and slow sounds, which appear to be high and low, and are sometimes discordant on account of their inequality, and then again harmonical on account of the equality of the motion which they excite in us. For when the motions of the antecedent swifter sounds begin to pause and the two are equalized, the slower sounds overtake the swifter and then propel them. When they overtake them they do not intrude a new and discordant motion, but introduce the beginnings of a slower, which answers to the swifter as it dies away, thus producing a single mixed expression out of high and low, whence arises a pleasure which even the unwise feel, and which to the wise becomes a higher sort of delight, being an imitation of divine harmony in mortal motions. Moreover, as to the flowing of water, the fall of the thunderbolt, and the marvels that are observed about the attraction of amber and the Heraclean stones,&amp;amp;mdash;in none of these cases is there any attraction; but he who investigates rightly, will find that such wonderful phenomena are attributable to the combination of certain conditions&amp;amp;mdash;the non-existence of a vacuum, the fact that objects push one another round, and that they change places, passing severally into their proper positions as they are divided or combined. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Such as we have seen, is the nature and such are the causes of respiration,&amp;amp;mdash;the subject in which this discussion originated. For the fire cuts the food and following the breath surges up within, fire and breath rising together and filling the veins by drawing up out of the belly and pouring into them the cut portions of the food; and so the streams of food are kept flowing through the whole body in all animals. And fresh cuttings from kindred substances, whether the fruits of the earth or herb of the field, which God planted to be our daily food, acquire all sorts of colours by their inter-mixture; but red is the most pervading of them, being created by the cutting action of fire and by the impression which it makes on a moist substance; and hence the liquid which circulates in the body has a colour such as we have described. The liquid itself we call blood, which nourishes the flesh and the whole body, whence all parts are watered and empty places filled. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Now the process of repletion and evacuation is effected after the manner of the universal motion by which all kindred substances are drawn towards one another. For the external elements which surround us are always causing us to consume away, and distributing and sending off like to like; the particles of blood, too, which are divided and contained within the frame of the animal as in a sort of heaven, are compelled to imitate the motion of the universe. Each, therefore, of the divided parts within us, being carried to its kindred nature, replenishes the void. When more is taken away than flows in, then we decay, and when less, we grow and increase. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The frame of the entire creature when young has the triangles of each kind new, and may be compared to the keel of a vessel which is just off the stocks; they are locked firmly together and yet the whole mass is soft and delicate, being freshly formed of marrow and nurtured on milk. Now when the triangles out of which meats and drinks are composed come in from without, and are comprehended in the body, being older and weaker than the triangles already there, the frame of the body gets the better of them and its newer triangles cut them up, and so the animal grows great, being nourished by a multitude of similar particles. But when the roots of the triangles are loosened by having undergone many conflicts with many things in the course of time, they are no longer able to cut or assimilate the food which enters, but are themselves easily divided by the bodies which come in from without. In this way every animal is overcome and decays, and this affection is called old age. And at last, when the bonds by which the triangles of the marrow are united no longer hold, and are parted by the strain of existence, they in turn loosen the bonds of the soul, and she, obtaining a natural release, flies away with joy. For that which takes place according to nature is pleasant, but that which is contrary to nature is painful. And thus death, if caused by disease or produced by wounds, is painful and violent; but that sort of death which comes with old age and fulfils the debt of nature is the easiest of deaths, and is accompanied with pleasure rather than with pain. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Now every one can see whence diseases arise. There are four natures out of which the body is compacted, earth and fire and water and air, and the unnatural excess or defect of these, or the change of any of them from its own natural place into another, or&amp;amp;mdash;since there are more kinds than one of fire and of the other elements&amp;amp;mdash;the assumption by any of these of a wrong kind, or any similar irregularity, produces disorders and diseases; for when any of them is produced or changed in a manner contrary to nature, the parts which were previously cool grow warm, and those which were dry become moist, and the light become heavy, and the heavy light; all sorts of changes occur. For, as we affirm, a thing can only remain the same with itself, whole and sound, when the same is added to it, or subtracted from it, in the same respect and in the same manner and in due proportion; and whatever comes or goes away in violation of these laws causes all manner of changes and infinite diseases and corruptions. Now there is a second class of structures which are also natural, and this affords a second opportunity of observing diseases to him who would understand them. For whereas marrow and bone and flesh and sinews are composed of the four elements, and the blood, though after another manner, is likewise formed out of them, most diseases originate in the way which I have described; but the worst of all owe their severity to the fact that the generation of these substances proceeds in a wrong order; they are then destroyed. For the natural order is that the flesh and sinews should be made of blood, the sinews out of the fibres to which they are akin, and the flesh out of the clots which are formed when the fibres are separated. And the glutinous and rich matter which comes away from the sinews and the flesh, not only glues the flesh to the bones, but nourishes and imparts growth to the bone which surrounds the marrow; and by reason of the solidity of the bones, that which filters through consists of the purest and smoothest and oiliest sort of triangles, dropping like dew from the bones and watering the marrow. Now when each process takes place in this order, health commonly results; when in the opposite order, disease. For when the flesh becomes decomposed and sends back the wasting substance into the veins, then an over-supply of blood of diverse kinds, mingling with air in the veins, having variegated colours and bitter properties, as well as acid and saline qualities, contains all sorts of bile and serum and phlegm. For all things go the wrong way, and having become corrupted, first they taint the blood itself, and then ceasing to give nourishment to the body they are carried along the veins in all directions, no longer preserving the order of their natural courses, but at war with themselves, because they receive no good from one another, and are hostile to the abiding constitution of the body, which they corrupt and dissolve. The oldest part of the flesh which is corrupted, being hard to decompose, from long burning grows black, and from being everywhere corroded becomes bitter, and is injurious to every part of the body which is still uncorrupted. Sometimes, when the bitter element is refined away, the black part assumes an acidity which takes the place of the bitterness; at other times the bitterness being tinged with blood has a redder colour; and this, when mixed with black, takes the hue of grass; and again, an auburn colour mingles with the bitter matter when new flesh is decomposed by the fire which surrounds the internal flame;&amp;amp;mdash;to all which symptoms some physician perhaps, or rather some philosopher, who had the power of seeing in many dissimilar things one nature deserving of a name, has assigned the common name of bile. But the other kinds of bile are variously distinguished by their colours. As for serum, that sort which is the watery part of blood is innocent, but that which is a secretion of black and acid bile is malignant when mingled by the power of heat with any salt substance, and is then called acid phlegm. Again, the substance which is formed by the liquefaction of new and tender flesh when air is present, if inflated and encased in liquid so as to form bubbles, which separately are invisible owing to their small size, but when collected are of a bulk which is visible, and have a white colour arising out of the generation of foam&amp;amp;mdash;all this decomposition of tender flesh when intermingled with air is termed by us white phlegm. And the whey or sediment of newly-formed phlegm is sweat and tears, and includes the various daily discharges by which the body is purified. Now all these become causes of disease when the blood is not replenished in a natural manner by food and drink but gains bulk from opposite sources in violation of the laws of nature. When the several parts of the flesh are separated by disease, if the foundation remains, the power of the disorder is only half as great, and there is still a prospect of an easy recovery; but when that which binds the flesh to the bones is diseased, and no longer being separated from the muscles and sinews, ceases to give nourishment to the bone and to unite flesh and bone, and from being oily and smooth and glutinous becomes rough and salt and dry, owing to bad regimen, then all the substance thus corrupted crumbles away under the flesh and the sinews, and separates from the bone, and the fleshy parts fall away from their foundation and leave the sinews bare and full of brine, and the flesh again gets into the circulation of the blood and makes the previously-mentioned disorders still greater. And if these bodily affections be severe, still worse are the prior disorders; as when the bone itself, by reason of the density of the flesh, does not obtain sufficient air, but becomes mouldy and hot and gangrened and receives no nutriment, and the natural process is inverted, and the bone crumbling passes into the food, and the food into the flesh, and the flesh again falling into the blood makes all maladies that may occur more virulent than those already mentioned. But the worst case of all is when the marrow is diseased, either from excess or defect; and this is the cause of the very greatest and most fatal disorders, in which the whole course of the body is reversed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There is a third class of diseases which may be conceived of as arising in three ways; for they are produced sometimes by wind, and sometimes by phlegm, and sometimes by bile. When the lung, which is the dispenser of the air to the body, is obstructed by rheums and its passages are not free, some of them not acting, while through others too much air enters, then the parts which are unrefreshed by air corrode, while in other parts the excess of air forcing its way through the veins distorts them and decomposing the body is enclosed in the midst of it and occupies the midriff; thus numberless painful diseases are produced, accompanied by copious sweats. And oftentimes when the flesh is dissolved in the body, wind, generated within and unable to escape, is the source of quite as much pain as the air coming in from without; but the greatest pain is felt when the wind gets about the sinews and the veins of the shoulders, and swells them up, and so twists back the great tendons and the sinews which are connected with them. These disorders are called tetanus and opisthotonus, by reason of the tension which accompanies them. The cure of them is difficult; relief is in most cases given by fever supervening. The white phlegm, though dangerous when detained within by reason of the air-bubbles, yet if it can communicate with the outside air, is less severe, and only discolours the body, generating leprous eruptions and similar diseases. When it is mingled with black bile and dispersed about the courses of the head, which are the divinest part of us, the attack if coming on in sleep, is not so severe; but when assailing those who are awake it is hard to be got rid of, and being an affection of a sacred part, is most justly called sacred. An acid and salt phlegm, again, is the source of all those diseases which take the form of catarrh, but they have many names because the places into which they flow are manifold. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Inflammations of the body come from burnings and inflamings, and all of them originate in bile. When bile finds a means of discharge, it boils up and sends forth all sorts of tumours; but when imprisoned within, it generates many inflammatory diseases, above all when mingled with pure blood; since it then displaces the fibres which are scattered about in the blood and are designed to maintain the balance of rare and dense, in order that the blood may not be so liquefied by heat as to exude from the pores of the body, nor again become too dense and thus find a difficulty in circulating through the veins. The fibres are so constituted as to maintain this balance; and if any one brings them all together when the blood is dead and in process of cooling, then the blood which remains becomes fluid, but if they are left alone, they soon congeal by reason of the surrounding cold. The fibres having this power over the blood, bile, which is only stale blood, and which from being flesh is dissolved again into blood, at the first influx coming in little by little, hot and liquid, is congealed by the power of the fibres; and so congealing and made to cool, it produces internal cold and shuddering. When it enters with more of a flood and overcomes the fibres by its heat, and boiling up throws them into disorder, if it have power enough to maintain its supremacy, it penetrates the marrow and burns up what may be termed the cables of the soul, and sets her free; but when there is not so much of it, and the body though wasted still holds out, the bile is itself mastered, and is either utterly banished, or is thrust through the veins into the lower or upper belly, and is driven out of the body like an exile from a state in which there has been civil war; whence arise diarrhoeas and dysenteries, and all such disorders. When the constitution is disordered by excess of fire, continuous heat and fever are the result; when excess of air is the cause, then the fever is quotidian; when of water, which is a more sluggish element than either fire or air, then the fever is a tertian; when of earth, which is the most sluggish of the four, and is only purged away in a four-fold period, the result is a quartan fever, which can with difficulty be shaken off. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Such is the manner in which diseases of the body arise; the disorders of the soul, which depend upon the body, originate as follows. We must acknowledge disease of the mind to be a want of intelligence; and of this there are two kinds; to wit, madness and ignorance. In whatever state a man experiences either of them, that state may be called disease; and excessive pains and pleasures are justly to be regarded as the greatest diseases to which the soul is liable. For a man who is in great joy or in great pain, in his unreasonable eagerness to attain the one and to avoid the other, is not able to see or to hear anything rightly; but he is mad, and is at the time utterly incapable of any participation in reason. He who has the seed about the spinal marrow too plentiful and overflowing, like a tree overladen with fruit, has many throes, and also obtains many pleasures in his desires and their offspring, and is for the most part of his life deranged, because his pleasures and pains are so very great; his soul is rendered foolish and disordered by his body; yet he is regarded not as one diseased, but as one who is voluntarily bad, which is a mistake. The truth is that the intemperance of love is a disease of the soul due chiefly to the moisture and fluidity which is produced in one of the elements by the loose consistency of the bones. And in general, all that which is termed the incontinence of pleasure and is deemed a reproach under the idea that the wicked voluntarily do wrong is not justly a matter for reproach. For no man is voluntarily bad; but the bad become bad by reason of an ill disposition of the body and bad education, things which are hateful to every man and happen to him against his will. And in the case of pain too in like manner the soul suffers much evil from the body. For where the acid and briny phlegm and other bitter and bilious humours wander about in the body, and find no exit or escape, but are pent up within and mingle their own vapours with the motions of the soul, and are blended with them, they produce all sorts of diseases, more or fewer, and in every degree of intensity; and being carried to the three places of the soul, whichever they may severally assail, they create infinite varieties of ill-temper and melancholy, of rashness and cowardice, and also of forgetfulness and stupidity. Further, when to this evil constitution of body evil forms of government are added and evil discourses are uttered in private as well as in public, and no sort of instruction is given in youth to cure these evils, then all of us who are bad become bad from two causes which are entirely beyond our control. In such cases the planters are to blame rather than the plants, the educators rather than the educated. But however that may be, we should endeavour as far as we can by education, and studies, and learning, to avoid vice and attain virtue; this, however, is part of another subject. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There is a corresponding enquiry concerning the mode of treatment by which the mind and the body are to be preserved, about which it is meet and right that I should say a word in turn; for it is more our duty to speak of the good than of the evil. Everything that is good is fair, and the fair is not without proportion, and the animal which is to be fair must have due proportion. Now we perceive lesser symmetries or proportions and reason about them, but of the highest and greatest we take no heed; for there is no proportion or disproportion more productive of health and disease, and virtue and vice, than that between soul and body. This however we do not perceive, nor do we reflect that when a weak or small frame is the vehicle of a great and mighty soul, or conversely, when a little soul is encased in a large body, then the whole animal is not fair, for it lacks the most important of all symmetries; but the due proportion of mind and body is the fairest and loveliest of all sights to him who has the seeing eye. Just as a body which has a leg too long, or which is unsymmetrical in some other respect, is an unpleasant sight, and also, when doing its share of work, is much distressed and makes convulsive efforts, and often stumbles through awkwardness, and is the cause of infinite evil to its own self&amp;amp;mdash;in like manner we should conceive of the double nature which we call the living being; and when in this compound there is an impassioned soul more powerful than the body, that soul, I say, convulses and fills with disorders the whole inner nature of man; and when eager in the pursuit of some sort of learning or study, causes wasting; or again, when teaching or disputing in private or in public, and strifes and controversies arise, inflames and dissolves the composite frame of man and introduces rheums; and the nature of this phenomenon is not understood by most professors of medicine, who ascribe it to the opposite of the real cause. And once more, when a body large and too strong for the soul is united to a small and weak intelligence, then inasmuch as there are two desires natural to man,&amp;amp;mdash;one of food for the sake of the body, and one of wisdom for the sake of the diviner part of us&amp;amp;mdash;then, I say, the motions of the stronger, getting the better and increasing their own power, but making the soul dull, and stupid, and forgetful, engender ignorance, which is the greatest of diseases. There is one protection against both kinds of disproportion:&amp;amp;mdash;that we should not move the body without the soul or the soul without the body, and thus they will be on their guard against each other, and be healthy and well balanced. And therefore the mathematician or any one else whose thoughts are much absorbed in some intellectual pursuit, must allow his body also to have due exercise, and practise gymnastic; and he who is careful to fashion the body, should in turn impart to the soul its proper motions, and should cultivate music and all philosophy, if he would deserve to be called truly fair and truly good. And the separate parts should be treated in the same manner, in imitation of the pattern of the universe; for as the body is heated and also cooled within by the elements which enter into it, and is again dried up and moistened by external things, and experiences these and the like affections from both kinds of motions, the result is that the body if given up to motion when in a state of quiescence is overmastered and perishes; but if any one, in imitation of that which we call the foster-mother and nurse of the universe, will not allow the body ever to be inactive, but is always producing motions and agitations through its whole extent, which form the natural defence against other motions both internal and external, and by moderate exercise reduces to order according to their affinities the particles and affections which are wandering about the body, as we have already said when speaking of the universe, he will not allow enemy placed by the side of enemy to stir up wars and disorders in the body, but he will place friend by the side of friend, so as to create health. Now of all motions that is the best which is produced in a thing by itself, for it is most akin to the motion of thought and of the universe; but that motion which is caused by others is not so good, and worst of all is that which moves the body, when at rest, in parts only and by some external agency. Wherefore of all modes of purifying and re-uniting the body the best is gymnastic; the next best is a surging motion, as in sailing or any other mode of conveyance which is not fatiguing; the third sort of motion may be of use in a case of extreme necessity, but in any other will be adopted by no man of sense: I mean the purgative treatment of physicians; for diseases unless they are very dangerous should not be irritated by medicines, since every form of disease is in a manner akin to the living being, whose complex frame has an appointed term of life. For not the whole race only, but each individual&amp;amp;mdash;barring inevitable accidents&amp;amp;mdash;comes into the world having a fixed span, and the triangles in us are originally framed with power to last for a certain time, beyond which no man can prolong his life. And this holds also of the constitution of diseases; if any one regardless of the appointed time tries to subdue them by medicine, he only aggravates and multiplies them. Wherefore we ought always to manage them by regimen, as far as a man can spare the time, and not provoke a disagreeable enemy by medicines. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Enough of the composite animal, and of the body which is a part of him, and of the manner in which a man may train and be trained by himself so as to live most according to reason: and we must above and before all provide that the element which is to train him shall be the fairest and best adapted to that purpose. A minute discussion of this subject would be a serious task; but if, as before, I am to give only an outline, the subject may not unfitly be summed up as follows. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I have often remarked that there are three kinds of soul located within us, having each of them motions, and I must now repeat in the fewest words possible, that one part, if remaining inactive and ceasing from its natural motion, must necessarily become very weak, but that which is trained and exercised, very strong. Wherefore we should take care that the movements of the different parts of the soul should be in due proportion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And we should consider that God gave the sovereign part of the human soul to be the divinity of each one, being that part which, as we say, dwells at the top of the body, and inasmuch as we are a plant not of an earthly but of a heavenly growth, raises us from earth to our kindred who are in heaven. And in this we say truly; for the divine power suspended the head and root of us from that place where the generation of the soul first began, and thus made the whole body upright. When a man is always occupied with the cravings of desire and ambition, and is eagerly striving to satisfy them, all his thoughts must be mortal, and, as far as it is possible altogether to become such, he must be mortal every whit, because he has cherished his mortal part. But he who has been earnest in the love of knowledge and of true wisdom, and has exercised his intellect more than any other part of him, must have thoughts immortal and divine, if he attain truth, and in so far as human nature is capable of sharing in immortality, he must altogether be immortal; and since he is ever cherishing the divine power, and has the divinity within him in perfect order, he will be perfectly happy. Now there is only one way of taking care of things, and this is to give to each the food and motion which are natural to it. And the motions which are naturally akin to the divine principle within us are the thoughts and revolutions of the universe. These each man should follow, and correct the courses of the head which were corrupted at our birth, and by learning the harmonies and revolutions of the universe, should assimilate the thinking being to the thought, renewing his original nature, and having assimilated them should attain to that perfect life which the gods have set before mankind, both for the present and the future. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Thus our original design of discoursing about the universe down to the creation of man is nearly completed. A brief mention may be made of the generation of other animals, so far as the subject admits of brevity; in this manner our argument will best attain a due proportion. On the subject of animals, then, the following remarks may be offered. Of the men who came into the world, those who were cowards or led unrighteous lives may with reason be supposed to have changed into the nature of women in the second generation. And this was the reason why at that time the gods created in us the desire of sexual intercourse, contriving in man one animated substance, and in woman another, which they formed respectively in the following manner. The outlet for drink by which liquids pass through the lung under the kidneys and into the bladder, which receives and then by the pressure of the air emits them, was so fashioned by them as to penetrate also into the body of the marrow, which passes from the head along the neck and through the back, and which in the preceding discourse we have named the seed. And the seed having life, and becoming endowed with respiration, produces in that part in which it respires a lively desire of emission, and thus creates in us the love of procreation. Wherefore also in men the organ of generation becoming rebellious and masterful, like an animal disobedient to reason, and maddened with the sting of lust, seeks to gain absolute sway; and the same is the case with the so-called womb or matrix of women; the animal within them is desirous of procreating children, and when remaining unfruitful long beyond its proper time, gets discontented and angry, and wandering in every direction through the body, closes up the passages of the breath, and, by obstructing respiration, drives them to extremity, causing all varieties of disease, until at length the desire and love of the man and the woman, bringing them together and as it were plucking the fruit from the tree, sow in the womb, as in a field, animals unseen by reason of their smallness and without form; these again are separated and matured within; they are then finally brought out into the light, and thus the generation of animals is completed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Thus were created women and the female sex in general. But the race of birds was created out of innocent light-minded men, who, although their minds were directed toward heaven, imagined, in their simplicity, that the clearest demonstration of the things above was to be obtained by sight; these were remodelled and transformed into birds, and they grew feathers instead of hair. The race of wild pedestrian animals, again, came from those who had no philosophy in any of their thoughts, and never considered at all about the nature of the heavens, because they had ceased to use the courses of the head, but followed the guidance of those parts of the soul which are in the breast. In consequence of these habits of theirs they had their front-legs and their heads resting upon the earth to which they were drawn by natural affinity; and the crowns of their heads were elongated and of all sorts of shapes, into which the courses of the soul were crushed by reason of disuse. And this was the reason why they were created quadrupeds and polypods: God gave the more senseless of them the more support that they might be more attracted to the earth. And the most foolish of them, who trail their bodies entirely upon the ground and have no longer any need of feet, he made without feet to crawl upon the earth. The fourth class were the inhabitants of the water: these were made out of the most entirely senseless and ignorant of all, whom the transformers did not think any longer worthy of pure respiration, because they possessed a soul which was made impure by all sorts of transgression; and instead of the subtle and pure medium of air, they gave them the deep and muddy sea to be their element of respiration; and hence arose the race of fishes and oysters, and other aquatic animals, which have received the most remote habitations as a punishment of their outlandish ignorance. These are the laws by which animals pass into one another, now, as ever, changing as they lose or gain wisdom and folly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; We may now say that our discourse about the nature of the universe has an end. The world has received animals, mortal and immortal, and is fulfilled with them, and has become a visible animal containing the visible&amp;amp;mdash;the sensible God who is the image of the intellectual, the greatest, best, fairest, most perfect&amp;amp;mdash;the one only-begotten heaven. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:RobbieMcClintock/1992/Study_Design&amp;diff=2845</id>
		<title>Texts:RobbieMcClintock/1992/Study Design</title>
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		<updated>2025-12-26T19:45:21Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: Text replacement - &amp;quot;{{Top Texts}}&amp;quot; to &amp;quot;__NOTITLE__
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&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;cent&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;xh3&amp;gt;Toward a New Paradigm for Theory and Practice&amp;lt;/xh3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;xh1&amp;gt;From Instructional Design&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;to Study Design&amp;lt;/xh1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;xh3&amp;gt;by Robbie McClintock&amp;lt;/xh3&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
(1992)&amp;lt;ref&amp;gt;Included in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Cumulative Curriculum: Multi-media and the Making of a New Educational System — A Project Description&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (New York: Institute for Learning Technologies, 1961) pp. 193-7.&amp;lt;/ref&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Study is a key idea in developing a new paradigm that will make design more fruitful in education. However well it has worked for industrial and military training, instructional design has had minimal effect in the everyday work of schools and colleges. This paper will report on alternative design principles developing in a focused, well-funded effort to use information technology as a change agent in an established, progressive school.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;Theory&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Traditional instructional design is a paradigm built on the teacher-learner construct.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;At the most general level, ISO [Instructional Systems Design] is a process for determining what to teach and how to teach it. The assumption is made that there is a target population (somewhere) that should learn something. To determine what is to be learned, the designer analyzes a goal statement to identify subordinate skills, and formulates specific objectives and associated criterion-referenced assessments. How the information or skills will be taught is spelled out in an instructional strategy, which is the blueprint for the development of the instruction in a selected medium. The instruction is formatively evaluated with appropriate learners until the desired criterion level of performance is met. (Dick, 1993)&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This Paradigm Works where &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;the learner&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; adequately characterizes the recipient of instruction.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;Young people populating schools and colleges are called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;students&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; not &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;learners&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and their business is &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;to study&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, deriving from the Latin &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;studeo&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; — to be eager, zealous, earnest; to take pains about something; to strive after; to be busy with; to seek after or aim at.  Traditional instructional design postulates a direct causal connection from teacher to learner. Study is not a process causally controlled by the teacher, school, or curriculum. The teacher, the school, and the curriculum can invite and support study, they can command, control, and plead for it, but they cannot cause or control it. The student causes study, End the teacher-student construct is the crucial one for a new paradigm of design in education. (McClintock, 1971)&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the place of an instructional system, designer should create study support environment (SSE). study arises in the process of interpretation, when problematic particulars require the student to make sense of them by interpreting their origin and meaning. Educational relationships are not cause early rigorous if then Arrangements. Schools are not sites are predictable production processes work. Educational relationships are reciprocal couplings that make induced this way or that way. Hence the designer cannot directly caused students to study, but they can encourage them to do so and abet their efforts at study once the process has begun. Such design principles are thoroughly constructivist in orientation. (Spiro , et al. 1991; Harel and Papert, 1991)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;Practice&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;During the 1980s, The Institute for learning Technologies at Teachers College, Columbia University, end the new laboratory for teaching and learning at the Dalton School developed a collaborative effort to make schools a more effective place for study. In 1991, the Dalton school and academically selective, private k-dash 12 Day School in New York City, received a substantial gift to develop the first fruits of these efforts fully. The result is the Dalton technology plan. It aims to develop a digital knowledge-base and information infrastructure for all aspects of the educational experience, K-12, End to implement educational strategies designed to make use of this infrastructure, and handsome significantly and already excellent educational experience.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Essentially, we are designing a comprehensive project, on site, as we go along, following a fairly simple vision of how the technology and the educational program should interact. Networked multimedia will Greatly enlarge the range, Power, and quality of materials that participants in a school can access and use. The technological resources we are designing our a study support environment, one crafted to enhance the students power to study productively, whatever the student’s age and whatever the subject at hand. We are developing the Dalton Technology Plan, drawing on hermeneutic principles and advanced information technologies to conceptualize a theory of study design and implement a school-wide SSE. We do not seek to cause study. We aim to increase the probability that students will engage in study and to provide them with resources by which they can sustain and make their study productive. (Moretti, McClintock, Chou, and deZengotita, 1992)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;Seven Goals of Study Design&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As an interim report on the conjunction of our Theory and our practice, we think that a well-designed study support environment will help students to seven things. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
# &amp;lt;b&amp;gt;To Problematize&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;: The system should present students with particular cultural objects (events, writings, images, artifacts, statistics, scores, observations, equations, experiments, rules, what-have-you), in such a way that they experience the objects as problematic, obscure, perplexing, a challenge to the understanding.&lt;br /&gt;
# &amp;lt;b&amp;gt;To Contextualize&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;: The system should provide students with open-ended access to contextual materials that may help to clarify and interpret the cultural objects presented to them. Provide Pathways, spiraling through both the digital and the human environments, traversing out from the problem with ties to objects through a comprehensive assemblage of pertinent contextualizing materials. On the one hand, the context should be immediate to the problem, and on the other, it should be inclusive, with all that is possibly pertinent included within it.&lt;br /&gt;
# &amp;lt;b&amp;gt;To Enlarge&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;: The system should situate the perplexing problem and its pertinent contexts emotionally in ways that will encourage students to feel personally involved, so that they will grasp strong ownership of their ongoing effort to make interpretive sense of the problem and its contexts.&lt;br /&gt;
# &amp;lt;b&amp;gt;To Cooperate&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;: The system should invite students to collaborate in their quest for interpretive understanding, helping them learn to empathize with the interpretive actions of their peers.&lt;br /&gt;
# &amp;lt;b&amp;gt;To Expand&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;: The system should use cognitive apprenticeship to show students how to amplify the scope and power of the contextual materials that they bring to bear on interpreting the text, assisting them to move the interpretation toward the ideal condition in which all significant contextualizing materials have been taken into account. &lt;br /&gt;
# &amp;lt;b&amp;gt;To Abstract&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;: The system should draw students into identifying interpretatively powerful contexts that will be applicable to numerous, diverse particulars, and it should provoke then to apply these in interpreting multiple, different cultural objects, thus helping students develop the capacity to transfer their growing interpretive skills to making sense of novel problems. &lt;br /&gt;
# &amp;lt;b&amp;gt;To Diversify&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;: The system should Insight students to situate complex cultural objects in many different significant contexts, yielding and understanding, based on multiple perspectives, that has a comprehensive, aggregate value, through which students will develop the cognitive flexibility to understand things from many points of view. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;SSEs that seemed most suitable for helping students to problematize, contextualize, engage, cooperate, expand, abstract, and diversify our sustained simulations that model significant domains of intellectual inquiry, Professional Service, or productive activity. It will take sustained effort by diverse groups to build-up an educational repertoire of such Simulations adequate to sustain study by the Young from Early Childhood through early adulthood. But once such a repertoire has been built up, our progeny will enjoy educational opportunities many times more influential than those now available to our young.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;References:&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Dick, 1993	 &lt;br /&gt;
:Walter Dick. &amp;quot;Enhanced ISD: A Response to Changing Environments for Learning and Performance.&amp;quot; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Educational Technology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. XXXIII:2 (February 1993), 12-16.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Harel and Papert, 1991&lt;br /&gt;
:Idit Harel and Seymour Papert. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Constructionism: Research Reports and Essays, 1985-1990&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Norwood, NJ: Ablex Publishing Corp, 1991.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
McClintock, 1971&lt;br /&gt;
:Robert McClintock. “Toward a Place for Study in a World of Instruction.&amp;quot; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Teachers College Record&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. 73:2(December 1971), 161-205.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Moretti, McClintock, Chou, and deZengotita, 1992&lt;br /&gt;
:Frank Moretti, Robert McClintock, Luyen Chou, and Tom deZengotita. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Risk and Renewal: First Annual Report -1991-1992&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. New York: New Laboratory for Teaching and Learning, 1992.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Spiro, et al. 1991&lt;br /&gt;
:Rand J. Spiro, Paul J. Feltovich, Michael J. Jacobson and Richard L. Coulson. &amp;quot;Cognitive Flexibility, Constructivism, and Hypertext: Random Access Instruction for Advanced Knowledge Acquisition in Ill-Structured Domains.&amp;quot; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Educational Technology&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. XXXII:5(May 1991), 24-33.&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Plato/Phaedo&amp;diff=2844</id>
		<title>Texts:Plato/Phaedo</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Plato/Phaedo&amp;diff=2844"/>
		<updated>2025-12-26T19:45:17Z</updated>

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&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt; PHAEDO &amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; By Plato &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt; Translated by Benjamin Jowett &amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#link2H_4_0002&amp;quot;&amp;gt; PHAEDO &amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; INTRODUCTION. &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — After an interval of some months or years, and at Phlius, a town of Peloponnesus, the tale of the last hours of Socrates is narrated to Echecrates and other Phliasians by Phaedo the &#039;beloved disciple.&#039; The Dialogue necessarily takes the form of a narrative, because Socrates has to be described acting as well as speaking. The minutest particulars of the event are interesting to distant friends, and the narrator has an equal interest in them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — During the voyage of the sacred ship to and from Delos, which has occupied thirty days, the execution of Socrates has been deferred. (Compare Xen. Mem.) The time has been passed by him in conversation with a select company of disciples. But now the holy season is over, and the disciples meet earlier than usual in order that they may converse with Socrates for the last time. Those who were present, and those who might have been expected to be present, are mentioned by name. There are Simmias and Cebes (Crito), two disciples of Philolaus whom Socrates &#039;by his enchantments has attracted from Thebes&#039; (Mem.), Crito the aged friend, the attendant of the prison, who is as good as a friend&amp;amp;mdash;these take part in the conversation. There are present also, Hermogenes, from whom Xenophon derived his information about the trial of Socrates (Mem.), the &#039;madman&#039; Apollodorus (Symp.), Euclid and Terpsion from Megara (compare Theaet.), Ctesippus, Antisthenes, Menexenus, and some other less-known members of the Socratic circle, all of whom are silent auditors. Aristippus, Cleombrotus, and Plato are noted as absent. Almost as soon as the friends of Socrates enter the prison Xanthippe and her children are sent home in the care of one of Crito&#039;s servants. Socrates himself has just been released from chains, and is led by this circumstance to make the natural remark that &#039;pleasure follows pain.&#039; (Observe that Plato is preparing the way for his doctrine of the alternation of opposites.) &#039;Aesop would have represented them in a fable as a two-headed creature of the gods.&#039; The mention of Aesop reminds Cebes of a question which had been asked by Evenus the poet (compare Apol.): &#039;Why Socrates, who was not a poet, while in prison had been putting Aesop into verse?&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;Because several times in his life he had been warned in dreams that he should practise music; and as he was about to die and was not certain of what was meant, he wished to fulfil the admonition in the letter as well as in the spirit, by writing verses as well as by cultivating philosophy. Tell this to Evenus; and say that I would have him follow me in death.&#039; &#039;He is not at all the sort of man to comply with your request, Socrates.&#039; &#039;Why, is he not a philosopher?&#039; &#039;Yes.&#039; &#039;Then he will be willing to die, although he will not take his own life, for that is held to be unlawful.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Cebes asks why suicide is thought not to be right, if death is to be accounted a good? Well, (1) according to one explanation, because man is a prisoner, who must not open the door of his prison and run away&amp;amp;mdash;this is the truth in a &#039;mystery.&#039; Or (2) rather, because he is not his own property, but a possession of the gods, and has no right to make away with that which does not belong to him. But why, asks Cebes, if he is a possession of the gods, should he wish to die and leave them? For he is under their protection; and surely he cannot take better care of himself than they take of him. Simmias explains that Cebes is really referring to Socrates, whom they think too unmoved at the prospect of leaving the gods and his friends. Socrates answers that he is going to other gods who are wise and good, and perhaps to better friends; and he professes that he is ready to defend himself against the charge of Cebes. The company shall be his judges, and he hopes that he will be more successful in convincing them than he had been in convincing the court. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The philosopher desires death&amp;amp;mdash;which the wicked world will insinuate that he also deserves: and perhaps he does, but not in any sense which they are capable of understanding. Enough of them: the real question is, What is the nature of that death which he desires? Death is the separation of soul and body&amp;amp;mdash;and the philosopher desires such a separation. He would like to be freed from the dominion of bodily pleasures and of the senses, which are always perturbing his mental vision. He wants to get rid of eyes and ears, and with the light of the mind only to behold the light of truth. All the evils and impurities and necessities of men come from the body. And death separates him from these corruptions, which in life he cannot wholly lay aside. Why then should he repine when the hour of separation arrives? Why, if he is dead while he lives, should he fear that other death, through which alone he can behold wisdom in her purity? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Besides, the philosopher has notions of good and evil unlike those of other men. For they are courageous because they are afraid of greater dangers, and temperate because they desire greater pleasures. But he disdains this balancing of pleasures and pains, which is the exchange of commerce and not of virtue. All the virtues, including wisdom, are regarded by him only as purifications of the soul. And this was the meaning of the founders of the mysteries when they said, &#039;Many are the wand-bearers but few are the mystics.&#039; (Compare Matt. xxii.: &#039;Many are called but few are chosen.&#039;) And in the hope that he is one of these mystics, Socrates is now departing. This is his answer to any one who charges him with indifference at the prospect of leaving the gods and his friends. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Still, a fear is expressed that the soul upon leaving the body may vanish away like smoke or air. Socrates in answer appeals first of all to the old Orphic tradition that the souls of the dead are in the world below, and that the living come from them. This he attempts to found on a philosophical assumption that all opposites&amp;amp;mdash;e.g. less, greater; weaker, stronger; sleeping, waking; life, death&amp;amp;mdash;are generated out of each other. Nor can the process of generation be only a passage from living to dying, for then all would end in death. The perpetual sleeper (Endymion) would be no longer distinguished from the rest of mankind. The circle of nature is not complete unless the living come from the dead as well as pass to them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The Platonic doctrine of reminiscence is then adduced as a confirmation of the pre-existence of the soul. Some proofs of this doctrine are demanded. One proof given is the same as that of the Meno, and is derived from the latent knowledge of mathematics, which may be elicited from an unlearned person when a diagram is presented to him. Again, there is a power of association, which from seeing Simmias may remember Cebes, or from seeing a picture of Simmias may remember Simmias. The lyre may recall the player of the lyre, and equal pieces of wood or stone may be associated with the higher notion of absolute equality. But here observe that material equalities fall short of the conception of absolute equality with which they are compared, and which is the measure of them. And the measure or standard must be prior to that which is measured, the idea of equality prior to the visible equals. And if prior to them, then prior also to the perceptions of the senses which recall them, and therefore either given before birth or at birth. But all men have not this knowledge, nor have any without a process of reminiscence; which is a proof that it is not innate or given at birth, unless indeed it was given and taken away at the same instant. But if not given to men in birth, it must have been given before birth&amp;amp;mdash;this is the only alternative which remains. And if we had ideas in a former state, then our souls must have existed and must have had intelligence in a former state. The pre-existence of the soul stands or falls with the doctrine of ideas. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — It is objected by Simmias and Cebes that these arguments only prove a former and not a future existence. Socrates answers this objection by recalling the previous argument, in which he had shown that the living come from the dead. But the fear that the soul at departing may vanish into air (especially if there is a wind blowing at the time) has not yet been charmed away. He proceeds: When we fear that the soul will vanish away, let us ask ourselves what is that which we suppose to be liable to dissolution? Is it the simple or the compound, the unchanging or the changing, the invisible idea or the visible object of sense? Clearly the latter and not the former; and therefore not the soul, which in her own pure thought is unchangeable, and only when using the senses descends into the region of change. Again, the soul commands, the body serves: in this respect too the soul is akin to the divine, and the body to the mortal. And in every point of view the soul is the image of divinity and immortality, and the body of the human and mortal. And whereas the body is liable to speedy dissolution, the soul is almost if not quite indissoluble. (Compare Tim.) Yet even the body may be preserved for ages by the embalmer&#039;s art: how unlikely, then, that the soul will perish and be dissipated into air while on her way to the good and wise God! She has been gathered into herself, holding aloof from the body, and practising death all her life long, and she is now finally released from the errors and follies and passions of men, and for ever dwells in the company of the gods. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But the soul which is polluted and engrossed by the corporeal, and has no eye except that of the senses, and is weighed down by the bodily appetites, cannot attain to this abstraction. In her fear of the world below she lingers about the sepulchre, loath to leave the body which she loved, a ghostly apparition, saturated with sense, and therefore visible. At length entering into some animal of a nature congenial to her former life of sensuality or violence, she takes the form of an ass, a wolf or a kite. And of these earthly souls the happiest are those who have practised virtue without philosophy; they are allowed to pass into gentle and social natures, such as bees and ants. (Compare Republic, Meno.) But only the philosopher who departs pure is permitted to enter the company of the gods. (Compare Phaedrus.) This is the reason why he abstains from fleshly lusts, and not because he fears loss or disgrace, which is the motive of other men. He too has been a captive, and the willing agent of his own captivity. But philosophy has spoken to him, and he has heard her voice; she has gently entreated him, and brought him out of the &#039;miry clay,&#039; and purged away the mists of passion and the illusions of sense which envelope him; his soul has escaped from the influence of pleasures and pains, which are like nails fastening her to the body. To that prison-house she will not return; and therefore she abstains from bodily pleasures&amp;amp;mdash;not from a desire of having more or greater ones, but because she knows that only when calm and free from the dominion of the body can she behold the light of truth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Simmias and Cebes remain in doubt; but they are unwilling to raise objections at such a time. Socrates wonders at their reluctance. Let them regard him rather as the swan, who, having sung the praises of Apollo all his life long, sings at his death more lustily than ever. Simmias acknowledges that there is cowardice in not probing truth to the bottom. &#039;And if truth divine and inspired is not to be had, then let a man take the best of human notions, and upon this frail bark let him sail through life.&#039; He proceeds to state his difficulty: It has been argued that the soul is invisible and incorporeal, and therefore immortal, and prior to the body. But is not the soul acknowledged to be a harmony, and has she not the same relation to the body, as the harmony&amp;amp;mdash;which like her is invisible&amp;amp;mdash;has to the lyre? And yet the harmony does not survive the lyre. Cebes has also an objection, which like Simmias he expresses in a figure. He is willing to admit that the soul is more lasting than the body. But the more lasting nature of the soul does not prove her immortality; for after having worn out many bodies in a single life, and many more in successive births and deaths, she may at last perish, or, as Socrates afterwards restates the objection, the very act of birth may be the beginning of her death, and her last body may survive her, just as the coat of an old weaver is left behind him after he is dead, although a man is more lasting than his coat. And he who would prove the immortality of the soul, must prove not only that the soul outlives one or many bodies, but that she outlives them all. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The audience, like the chorus in a play, for a moment interpret the feelings of the actors; there is a temporary depression, and then the enquiry is resumed. It is a melancholy reflection that arguments, like men, are apt to be deceivers; and those who have been often deceived become distrustful both of arguments and of friends. But this unfortunate experience should not make us either haters of men or haters of arguments. The want of health and truth is not in the argument, but in ourselves. Socrates, who is about to die, is sensible of his own weakness; he desires to be impartial, but he cannot help feeling that he has too great an interest in the truth of the argument. And therefore he would have his friends examine and refute him, if they think that he is in error. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — At his request Simmias and Cebes repeat their objections. They do not go to the length of denying the pre-existence of ideas. Simmias is of opinion that the soul is a harmony of the body. But the admission of the pre-existence of ideas, and therefore of the soul, is at variance with this. (Compare a parallel difficulty in Theaet.) For a harmony is an effect, whereas the soul is not an effect, but a cause; a harmony follows, but the soul leads; a harmony admits of degrees, and the soul has no degrees. Again, upon the supposition that the soul is a harmony, why is one soul better than another? Are they more or less harmonized, or is there one harmony within another? But the soul does not admit of degrees, and cannot therefore be more or less harmonized. Further, the soul is often engaged in resisting the affections of the body, as Homer describes Odysseus &#039;rebuking his heart.&#039; Could he have written this under the idea that the soul is a harmony of the body? Nay rather, are we not contradicting Homer and ourselves in affirming anything of the sort? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The goddess Harmonia, as Socrates playfully terms the argument of Simmias, has been happily disposed of; and now an answer has to be given to the Theban Cadmus. Socrates recapitulates the argument of Cebes, which, as he remarks, involves the whole question of natural growth or causation; about this he proposes to narrate his own mental experience. When he was young he had puzzled himself with physics: he had enquired into the growth and decay of animals, and the origin of thought, until at last he began to doubt the self-evident fact that growth is the result of eating and drinking; and so he arrived at the conclusion that he was not meant for such enquiries. Nor was he less perplexed with notions of comparison and number. At first he had imagined himself to understand differences of greater and less, and to know that ten is two more than eight, and the like. But now those very notions appeared to him to contain a contradiction. For how can one be divided into two? Or two be compounded into one? These are difficulties which Socrates cannot answer. Of generation and destruction he knows nothing. But he has a confused notion of another method in which matters of this sort are to be investigated. (Compare Republic; Charm.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then he heard some one reading out of a book of Anaxagoras, that mind is the cause of all things. And he said to himself: If mind is the cause of all things, surely mind must dispose them all for the best. The new teacher will show me this &#039;order of the best&#039; in man and nature. How great had been his hopes and how great his disappointment! For he found that his new friend was anything but consistent in his use of mind as a cause, and that he soon introduced winds, waters, and other eccentric notions. (Compare Arist. Metaph.) It was as if a person had said that Socrates is sitting here because he is made up of bones and muscles, instead of telling the true reason&amp;amp;mdash;that he is here because the Athenians have thought good to sentence him to death, and he has thought good to await his sentence. Had his bones and muscles been left by him to their own ideas of right, they would long ago have taken themselves off. But surely there is a great confusion of the cause and condition in all this. And this confusion also leads people into all sorts of erroneous theories about the position and motions of the earth. None of them know how much stronger than any Atlas is the power of the best. But this &#039;best&#039; is still undiscovered; and in enquiring after the cause, we can only hope to attain the second best. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Now there is a danger in the contemplation of the nature of things, as there is a danger in looking at the sun during an eclipse, unless the precaution is taken of looking only at the image reflected in the water, or in a glass. (Compare Laws; Republic.) &#039;I was afraid,&#039; says Socrates, &#039;that I might injure the eye of the soul. I thought that I had better return to the old and safe method of ideas. Though I do not mean to say that he who contemplates existence through the medium of ideas sees only through a glass darkly, any more than he who contemplates actual effects.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — If the existence of ideas is granted to him, Socrates is of opinion that he will then have no difficulty in proving the immortality of the soul. He will only ask for a further admission:&amp;amp;mdash;that beauty is the cause of the beautiful, greatness the cause of the great, smallness of the small, and so on of other things. This is a safe and simple answer, which escapes the contradictions of greater and less (greater by reason of that which is smaller!), of addition and subtraction, and the other difficulties of relation. These subtleties he is for leaving to wiser heads than his own; he prefers to test ideas by the consistency of their consequences, and, if asked to give an account of them, goes back to some higher idea or hypothesis which appears to him to be the best, until at last he arrives at a resting-place. (Republic; Phil.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The doctrine of ideas, which has long ago received the assent of the Socratic circle, is now affirmed by the Phliasian auditor to command the assent of any man of sense. The narrative is continued; Socrates is desirous of explaining how opposite ideas may appear to co-exist but do not really co-exist in the same thing or person. For example, Simmias may be said to have greatness and also smallness, because he is greater than Socrates and less than Phaedo. And yet Simmias is not really great and also small, but only when compared to Phaedo and Socrates. I use the illustration, says Socrates, because I want to show you not only that ideal opposites exclude one another, but also the opposites in us. I, for example, having the attribute of smallness remain small, and cannot become great: the smallness which is in me drives out greatness. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — One of the company here remarked that this was inconsistent with the old assertion that opposites generated opposites. But that, replies Socrates, was affirmed, not of opposite ideas either in us or in nature, but of opposition in the concrete&amp;amp;mdash;not of life and death, but of individuals living and dying. When this objection has been removed, Socrates proceeds: This doctrine of the mutual exclusion of opposites is not only true of the opposites themselves, but of things which are inseparable from them. For example, cold and heat are opposed; and fire, which is inseparable from heat, cannot co-exist with cold, or snow, which is inseparable from cold, with heat. Again, the number three excludes the number four, because three is an odd number and four is an even number, and the odd is opposed to the even. Thus we are able to proceed a step beyond &#039;the safe and simple answer.&#039; We may say, not only that the odd excludes the even, but that the number three, which participates in oddness, excludes the even. And in like manner, not only does life exclude death, but the soul, of which life is the inseparable attribute, also excludes death. And that of which life is the inseparable attribute is by the force of the terms imperishable. If the odd principle were imperishable, then the number three would not perish but remove, on the approach of the even principle. But the immortal is imperishable; and therefore the soul on the approach of death does not perish but removes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Thus all objections appear to be finally silenced. And now the application has to be made: If the soul is immortal, &#039;what manner of persons ought we to be?&#039; having regard not only to time but to eternity. For death is not the end of all, and the wicked is not released from his evil by death; but every one carries with him into the world below that which he is or has become, and that only. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — For after death the soul is carried away to judgment, and when she has received her punishment returns to earth in the course of ages. The wise soul is conscious of her situation, and follows the attendant angel who guides her through the windings of the world below; but the impure soul wanders hither and thither without companion or guide, and is carried at last to her own place, as the pure soul is also carried away to hers. &#039;In order that you may understand this, I must first describe to you the nature and conformation of the earth.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Now the whole earth is a globe placed in the centre of the heavens, and is maintained there by the perfection of balance. That which we call the earth is only one of many small hollows, wherein collect the mists and waters and the thick lower air; but the true earth is above, and is in a finer and subtler element. And if, like birds, we could fly to the surface of the air, in the same manner that fishes come to the top of the sea, then we should behold the true earth and the true heaven and the true stars. Our earth is everywhere corrupted and corroded; and even the land which is fairer than the sea, for that is a mere chaos or waste of water and mud and sand, has nothing to show in comparison of the other world. But the heavenly earth is of divers colours, sparkling with jewels brighter than gold and whiter than any snow, having flowers and fruits innumerable. And the inhabitants dwell some on the shore of the sea of air, others in &#039;islets of the blest,&#039; and they hold converse with the gods, and behold the sun, moon and stars as they truly are, and their other blessedness is of a piece with this. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The hollows on the surface of the globe vary in size and shape from that which we inhabit: but all are connected by passages and perforations in the interior of the earth. And there is one huge chasm or opening called Tartarus, into which streams of fire and water and liquid mud are ever flowing; of these small portions find their way to the surface and form seas and rivers and volcanoes. There is a perpetual inhalation and exhalation of the air rising and falling as the waters pass into the depths of the earth and return again, in their course forming lakes and rivers, but never descending below the centre of the earth; for on either side the rivers flowing either way are stopped by a precipice. These rivers are many and mighty, and there are four principal ones, Oceanus, Acheron, Pyriphlegethon, and Cocytus. Oceanus is the river which encircles the earth; Acheron takes an opposite direction, and after flowing under the earth through desert places, at last reaches the Acherusian lake,&amp;amp;mdash;this is the river at which the souls of the dead await their return to earth. Pyriphlegethon is a stream of fire, which coils round the earth and flows into the depths of Tartarus. The fourth river, Cocytus, is that which is called by the poets the Stygian river, and passes into and forms the lake Styx, from the waters of which it gains new and strange powers. This river, too, falls into Tartarus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The dead are first of all judged according to their deeds, and those who are incurable are thrust into Tartarus, from which they never come out. Those who have only committed venial sins are first purified of them, and then rewarded for the good which they have done. Those who have committed crimes, great indeed, but not unpardonable, are thrust into Tartarus, but are cast forth at the end of a year by way of Pyriphlegethon or Cocytus, and these carry them as far as the Acherusian lake, where they call upon their victims to let them come out of the rivers into the lake. And if they prevail, then they are let out and their sufferings cease: if not, they are borne unceasingly into Tartarus and back again, until they at last obtain mercy. The pure souls also receive their reward, and have their abode in the upper earth, and a select few in still fairer &#039;mansions.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Socrates is not prepared to insist on the literal accuracy of this description, but he is confident that something of the kind is true. He who has sought after the pleasures of knowledge and rejected the pleasures of the body, has reason to be of good hope at the approach of death; whose voice is already speaking to him, and who will one day be heard calling all men. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The hour has come at which he must drink the poison, and not much remains to be done. How shall they bury him? That is a question which he refuses to entertain, for they are burying, not him, but his dead body. His friends had once been sureties that he would remain, and they shall now be sureties that he has run away. Yet he would not die without the customary ceremonies of washing and burial. Shall he make a libation of the poison? In the spirit he will, but not in the letter. One request he utters in the very act of death, which has been a puzzle to after ages. With a sort of irony he remembers that a trifling religious duty is still unfulfilled, just as above he desires before he departs to compose a few verses in order to satisfy a scruple about a dream&amp;amp;mdash;unless, indeed, we suppose him to mean, that he was now restored to health, and made the customary offering to Asclepius in token of his recovery. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 1. The doctrine of the immortality of the soul has sunk deep into the heart of the human race; and men are apt to rebel against any examination of the nature or grounds of their belief. They do not like to acknowledge that this, as well as the other &#039;eternal ideas; of man, has a history in time, which may be traced in Greek poetry or philosophy, and also in the Hebrew Scriptures. They convert feeling into reasoning, and throw a network of dialectics over that which is really a deeply-rooted instinct. In the same temper which Socrates reproves in himself they are disposed to think that even fallacies will do no harm, for they will die with them, and while they live they will gain by the delusion. And when they consider the numberless bad arguments which have been pressed into the service of theology, they say, like the companions of Socrates, &#039;What argument can we ever trust again?&#039; But there is a better and higher spirit to be gathered from the Phaedo, as well as from the other writings of Plato, which says that first principles should be most constantly reviewed (Phaedo and Crat.), and that the highest subjects demand of us the greatest accuracy (Republic); also that we must not become misologists because arguments are apt to be deceivers. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 2. In former ages there was a customary rather than a reasoned belief in the immortality of the soul. It was based on the authority of the Church, on the necessity of such a belief to morality and the order of society, on the evidence of an historical fact, and also on analogies and figures of speech which filled up the void or gave an expression in words to a cherished instinct. The mass of mankind went on their way busy with the affairs of this life, hardly stopping to think about another. But in our own day the question has been reopened, and it is doubtful whether the belief which in the first ages of Christianity was the strongest motive of action can survive the conflict with a scientific age in which the rules of evidence are stricter and the mind has become more sensitive to criticism. It has faded into the distance by a natural process as it was removed further and further from the historical fact on which it has been supposed to rest. Arguments derived from material things such as the seed and the ear of corn or transitions in the life of animals from one state of being to another (the chrysalis and the butterfly) are not &#039;in pari materia&#039; with arguments from the visible to the invisible, and are therefore felt to be no longer applicable. The evidence to the historical fact seems to be weaker than was once supposed: it is not consistent with itself, and is based upon documents which are of unknown origin. The immortality of man must be proved by other arguments than these if it is again to become a living belief. We must ask ourselves afresh why we still maintain it, and seek to discover a foundation for it in the nature of God and in the first principles of morality. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 3. At the outset of the discussion we may clear away a confusion. We certainly do not mean by the immortality of the soul the immortality of fame, which whether worth having or not can only be ascribed to a very select class of the whole race of mankind, and even the interest in these few is comparatively short-lived. To have been a benefactor to the world, whether in a higher or a lower sphere of life and thought, is a great thing: to have the reputation of being one, when men have passed out of the sphere of earthly praise or blame, is hardly worthy of consideration. The memory of a great man, so far from being immortal, is really limited to his own generation:&amp;amp;mdash;so long as his friends or his disciples are alive, so long as his books continue to be read, so long as his political or military successes fill a page in the history of his country. The praises which are bestowed upon him at his death hardly last longer than the flowers which are strewed upon his coffin or the &#039;immortelles&#039; which are laid upon his tomb. Literature makes the most of its heroes, but the true man is well aware that far from enjoying an immortality of fame, in a generation or two, or even in a much shorter time, he will be forgotten and the world will get on without him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 4. Modern philosophy is perplexed at this whole question, which is sometimes fairly given up and handed over to the realm of faith. The perplexity should not be forgotten by us when we attempt to submit the Phaedo of Plato to the requirements of logic. For what idea can we form of the soul when separated from the body? Or how can the soul be united with the body and still be independent? Is the soul related to the body as the ideal to the real, or as the whole to the parts, or as the subject to the object, or as the cause to the effect, or as the end to the means? Shall we say with Aristotle, that the soul is the entelechy or form of an organized living body? or with Plato, that she has a life of her own? Is the Pythagorean image of the harmony, or that of the monad, the truer expression? Is the soul related to the body as sight to the eye, or as the boatman to his boat? (Arist. de Anim.) And in another state of being is the soul to be conceived of as vanishing into infinity, hardly possessing an existence which she can call her own, as in the pantheistic system of Spinoza: or as an individual informing another body and entering into new relations, but retaining her own character? (Compare Gorgias.) Or is the opposition of soul and body a mere illusion, and the true self neither soul nor body, but the union of the two in the &#039;I&#039; which is above them? And is death the assertion of this individuality in the higher nature, and the falling away into nothingness of the lower? Or are we vainly attempting to pass the boundaries of human thought? The body and the soul seem to be inseparable, not only in fact, but in our conceptions of them; and any philosophy which too closely unites them, or too widely separates them, either in this life or in another, disturbs the balance of human nature. No thinker has perfectly adjusted them, or been entirely consistent with himself in describing their relation to one another. Nor can we wonder that Plato in the infancy of human thought should have confused mythology and philosophy, or have mistaken verbal arguments for real ones. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 5. Again, believing in the immortality of the soul, we must still ask the question of Socrates, &#039;What is that which we suppose to be immortal?&#039; Is it the personal and individual element in us, or the spiritual and universal? Is it the principle of knowledge or of goodness, or the union of the two? Is it the mere force of life which is determined to be, or the consciousness of self which cannot be got rid of, or the fire of genius which refuses to be extinguished? Or is there a hidden being which is allied to the Author of all existence, who is because he is perfect, and to whom our ideas of perfection give us a title to belong? Whatever answer is given by us to these questions, there still remains the necessity of allowing the permanence of evil, if not for ever, at any rate for a time, in order that the wicked &#039;may not have too good a bargain.&#039; For the annihilation of evil at death, or the eternal duration of it, seem to involve equal difficulties in the moral government of the universe. Sometimes we are led by our feelings, rather than by our reason, to think of the good and wise only as existing in another life. Why should the mean, the weak, the idiot, the infant, the herd of men who have never in any proper sense the use of reason, reappear with blinking eyes in the light of another world? But our second thought is that the hope of humanity is a common one, and that all or none will be partakers of immortality. Reason does not allow us to suppose that we have any greater claims than others, and experience may often reveal to us unexpected flashes of the higher nature in those whom we had despised. Why should the wicked suffer any more than ourselves? had we been placed in their circumstances should we have been any better than they? The worst of men are objects of pity rather than of anger to the philanthropist; must they not be equally such to divine benevolence? Even more than the good they have need of another life; not that they may be punished, but that they may be educated. These are a few of the reflections which arise in our minds when we attempt to assign any form to our conceptions of a future state. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There are some other questions which are disturbing to us because we have no answer to them. What is to become of the animals in a future state? Have we not seen dogs more faithful and intelligent than men, and men who are more stupid and brutal than any animals? Does their life cease at death, or is there some &#039;better thing reserved&#039; also for them? They may be said to have a shadow or imitation of morality, and imperfect moral claims upon the benevolence of man and upon the justice of God. We cannot think of the least or lowest of them, the insect, the bird, the inhabitants of the sea or the desert, as having any place in a future world, and if not all, why should those who are specially attached to man be deemed worthy of any exceptional privilege? When we reason about such a subject, almost at once we degenerate into nonsense. It is a passing thought which has no real hold on the mind. We may argue for the existence of animals in a future state from the attributes of God, or from texts of Scripture (&#039;Are not two sparrows sold for one farthing?&#039; etc.), but the truth is that we are only filling up the void of another world with our own fancies. Again, we often talk about the origin of evil, that great bugbear of theologians, by which they frighten us into believing any superstition. What answer can be made to the old commonplace, &#039;Is not God the author of evil, if he knowingly permitted, but could have prevented it?&#039; Even if we assume that the inequalities of this life are rectified by some transposition of human beings in another, still the existence of the very least evil if it could have been avoided, seems to be at variance with the love and justice of God. And so we arrive at the conclusion that we are carrying logic too far, and that the attempt to frame the world according to a rule of divine perfection is opposed to experience and had better be given up. The case of the animals is our own. We must admit that the Divine Being, although perfect himself, has placed us in a state of life in which we may work together with him for good, but we are very far from having attained to it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 6. Again, ideas must be given through something; and we are always prone to argue about the soul from analogies of outward things which may serve to embody our thoughts, but are also partly delusive. For we cannot reason from the natural to the spiritual, or from the outward to the inward. The progress of physiological science, without bringing us nearer to the great secret, has tended to remove some erroneous notions respecting the relations of body and mind, and in this we have the advantage of the ancients. But no one imagines that any seed of immortality is to be discerned in our mortal frames. Most people have been content to rest their belief in another life on the agreement of the more enlightened part of mankind, and on the inseparable connection of such a doctrine with the existence of a God&amp;amp;mdash;also in a less degree on the impossibility of doubting about the continued existence of those whom we love and reverence in this world. And after all has been said, the figure, the analogy, the argument, are felt to be only approximations in different forms to an expression of the common sentiment of the human heart. That we shall live again is far more certain than that we shall take any particular form of life. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 7. When we speak of the immortality of the soul, we must ask further what we mean by the word immortality. For of the duration of a living being in countless ages we can form no conception; far less than a three years&#039; old child of the whole of life. The naked eye might as well try to see the furthest star in the infinity of heaven. Whether time and space really exist when we take away the limits of them may be doubted; at any rate the thought of them when unlimited us so overwhelming to us as to lose all distinctness. Philosophers have spoken of them as forms of the human mind, but what is the mind without them? As then infinite time, or an existence out of time, which are the only possible explanations of eternal duration, are equally inconceivable to us, let us substitute for them a hundred or a thousand years after death, and ask not what will be our employment in eternity, but what will happen to us in that definite portion of time; or what is now happening to those who passed out of life a hundred or a thousand years ago. Do we imagine that the wicked are suffering torments, or that the good are singing the praises of God, during a period longer than that of a whole life, or of ten lives of men? Is the suffering physical or mental? And does the worship of God consist only of praise, or of many forms of service? Who are the wicked, and who are the good, whom we venture to divide by a hard and fast line; and in which of the two classes should we place ourselves and our friends? May we not suspect that we are making differences of kind, because we are unable to imagine differences of degree?&amp;amp;mdash;putting the whole human race into heaven or hell for the greater convenience of logical division? Are we not at the same time describing them both in superlatives, only that we may satisfy the demands of rhetoric? What is that pain which does not become deadened after a thousand years? or what is the nature of that pleasure or happiness which never wearies by monotony? Earthly pleasures and pains are short in proportion as they are keen; of any others which are both intense and lasting we have no experience, and can form no idea. The words or figures of speech which we use are not consistent with themselves. For are we not imagining Heaven under the similitude of a church, and Hell as a prison, or perhaps a madhouse or chamber of horrors? And yet to beings constituted as we are, the monotony of singing psalms would be as great an infliction as the pains of hell, and might be even pleasantly interrupted by them. Where are the actions worthy of rewards greater than those which are conferred on the greatest benefactors of mankind? And where are the crimes which according to Plato&#039;s merciful reckoning,&amp;amp;mdash;more merciful, at any rate, than the eternal damnation of so-called Christian teachers,&amp;amp;mdash;for every ten years in this life deserve a hundred of punishment in the life to come? We should be ready to die of pity if we could see the least of the sufferings which the writers of Infernos and Purgatorios have attributed to the damned. Yet these joys and terrors seem hardly to exercise an appreciable influence over the lives of men. The wicked man when old, is not, as Plato supposes (Republic), more agitated by the terrors of another world when he is nearer to them, nor the good in an ecstasy at the joys of which he is soon to be the partaker. Age numbs the sense of both worlds; and the habit of life is strongest in death. Even the dying mother is dreaming of her lost children as they were forty or fifty years before, &#039;pattering over the boards,&#039; not of reunion with them in another state of being. Most persons when the last hour comes are resigned to the order of nature and the will of God. They are not thinking of Dante&#039;s Inferno or Paradiso, or of the Pilgrim&#039;s Progress. Heaven and hell are not realities to them, but words or ideas; the outward symbols of some great mystery, they hardly know what. Many noble poems and pictures have been suggested by the traditional representations of them, which have been fixed in forms of art and can no longer be altered. Many sermons have been filled with descriptions of celestial or infernal mansions. But hardly even in childhood did the thought of heaven and hell supply the motives of our actions, or at any time seriously affect the substance of our belief. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 8. Another life must be described, if at all, in forms of thought and not of sense. To draw pictures of heaven and hell, whether in the language of Scripture or any other, adds nothing to our real knowledge, but may perhaps disguise our ignorance. The truest conception which we can form of a future life is a state of progress or education&amp;amp;mdash;a progress from evil to good, from ignorance to knowledge. To this we are led by the analogy of the present life, in which we see different races and nations of men, and different men and women of the same nation, in various states or stages of cultivation; some more and some less developed, and all of them capable of improvement under favourable circumstances. There are punishments too of children when they are growing up inflicted by their parents, of elder offenders which are imposed by the law of the land, of all men at all times of life, which are attached by the laws of nature to the performance of certain actions. All these punishments are really educational; that is to say, they are not intended to retaliate on the offender, but to teach him a lesson. Also there is an element of chance in them, which is another name for our ignorance of the laws of nature. There is evil too inseparable from good (compare Lysis); not always punished here, as good is not always rewarded. It is capable of being indefinitely diminished; and as knowledge increases, the element of chance may more and more disappear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — For we do not argue merely from the analogy of the present state of this world to another, but from the analogy of a probable future to which we are tending. The greatest changes of which we have had experience as yet are due to our increasing knowledge of history and of nature. They have been produced by a few minds appearing in three or four favoured nations, in a comparatively short period of time. May we be allowed to imagine the minds of men everywhere working together during many ages for the completion of our knowledge? May not the science of physiology transform the world? Again, the majority of mankind have really experienced some moral improvement; almost every one feels that he has tendencies to good, and is capable of becoming better. And these germs of good are often found to be developed by new circumstances, like stunted trees when transplanted to a better soil. The differences between the savage and the civilized man, or between the civilized man in old and new countries, may be indefinitely increased. The first difference is the effect of a few thousand, the second of a few hundred years. We congratulate ourselves that slavery has become industry; that law and constitutional government have superseded despotism and violence; that an ethical religion has taken the place of Fetichism. There may yet come a time when the many may be as well off as the few; when no one will be weighed down by excessive toil; when the necessity of providing for the body will not interfere with mental improvement; when the physical frame may be strengthened and developed; and the religion of all men may become a reasonable service. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Nothing therefore, either in the present state of man or in the tendencies of the future, as far as we can entertain conjecture of them, would lead us to suppose that God governs us vindictively in this world, and therefore we have no reason to infer that he will govern us vindictively in another. The true argument from analogy is not, &#039;This life is a mixed state of justice and injustice, of great waste, of sudden casualties, of disproportionate punishments, and therefore the like inconsistencies, irregularities, injustices are to be expected in another;&#039; but &#039;This life is subject to law, and is in a state of progress, and therefore law and progress may be believed to be the governing principles of another.&#039; All the analogies of this world would be against unmeaning punishments inflicted a hundred or a thousand years after an offence had been committed. Suffering there might be as a part of education, but not hopeless or protracted; as there might be a retrogression of individuals or of bodies of men, yet not such as to interfere with a plan for the improvement of the whole (compare Laws.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 9. But some one will say: That we cannot reason from the seen to the unseen, and that we are creating another world after the image of this, just as men in former ages have created gods in their own likeness. And we, like the companions of Socrates, may feel discouraged at hearing our favourite &#039;argument from analogy&#039; thus summarily disposed of. Like himself, too, we may adduce other arguments in which he seems to have anticipated us, though he expresses them in different language. For we feel that the soul partakes of the ideal and invisible; and can never fall into the error of confusing the external circumstances of man with his higher self; or his origin with his nature. It is as repugnant to us as it was to him to imagine that our moral ideas are to be attributed only to cerebral forces. The value of a human soul, like the value of a man&#039;s life to himself, is inestimable, and cannot be reckoned in earthly or material things. The human being alone has the consciousness of truth and justice and love, which is the consciousness of God. And the soul becoming more conscious of these, becomes more conscious of her own immortality. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 10. The last ground of our belief in immortality, and the strongest, is the perfection of the divine nature. The mere fact of the existence of God does not tend to show the continued existence of man. An evil God or an indifferent God might have had the power, but not the will, to preserve us. He might have regarded us as fitted to minister to his service by a succession of existences,&amp;amp;mdash;like the animals, without attributing to each soul an incomparable value. But if he is perfect, he must will that all rational beings should partake of that perfection which he himself is. In the words of the Timaeus, he is good, and therefore he desires that all other things should be as like himself as possible. And the manner in which he accomplishes this is by permitting evil, or rather degrees of good, which are otherwise called evil. For all progress is good relatively to the past, and yet may be comparatively evil when regarded in the light of the future. Good and evil are relative terms, and degrees of evil are merely the negative aspect of degrees of good. Of the absolute goodness of any finite nature we can form no conception; we are all of us in process of transition from one degree of good or evil to another. The difficulties which are urged about the origin or existence of evil are mere dialectical puzzles, standing in the same relation to Christian philosophy as the puzzles of the Cynics and Megarians to the philosophy of Plato. They arise out of the tendency of the human mind to regard good and evil both as relative and absolute; just as the riddles about motion are to be explained by the double conception of space or matter, which the human mind has the power of regarding either as continuous or discrete. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In speaking of divine perfection, we mean to say that God is just and true and loving, the author of order and not of disorder, of good and not of evil. Or rather, that he is justice, that he is truth, that he is love, that he is order, that he is the very progress of which we were speaking; and that wherever these qualities are present, whether in the human soul or in the order of nature, there is God. We might still see him everywhere, if we had not been mistakenly seeking for him apart from us, instead of in us; away from the laws of nature, instead of in them. And we become united to him not by mystical absorption, but by partaking, whether consciously or unconsciously, of that truth and justice and love which he himself is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Thus the belief in the immortality of the soul rests at last on the belief in God. If there is a good and wise God, then there is a progress of mankind towards perfection; and if there is no progress of men towards perfection, then there is no good and wise God. We cannot suppose that the moral government of God of which we see the beginnings in the world and in ourselves will cease when we pass out of life. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 11. Considering the &#039;feebleness of the human faculties and the uncertainty of the subject,&#039; we are inclined to believe that the fewer our words the better. At the approach of death there is not much said; good men are too honest to go out of the world professing more than they know. There is perhaps no important subject about which, at any time, even religious people speak so little to one another. In the fulness of life the thought of death is mostly awakened by the sight or recollection of the death of others rather than by the prospect of our own. We must also acknowledge that there are degrees of the belief in immortality, and many forms in which it presents itself to the mind. Some persons will say no more than that they trust in God, and that they leave all to Him. It is a great part of true religion not to pretend to know more than we do. Others when they quit this world are comforted with the hope &#039;That they will see and know their friends in heaven.&#039; But it is better to leave them in the hands of God and to be assured that &#039;no evil shall touch them.&#039; There are others again to whom the belief in a divine personality has ceased to have any longer a meaning; yet they are satisfied that the end of all is not here, but that something still remains to us, &#039;and some better thing for the good than for the evil.&#039; They are persuaded, in spite of their theological nihilism, that the ideas of justice and truth and holiness and love are realities. They cherish an enthusiastic devotion to the first principles of morality. Through these they see, or seem to see, darkly, and in a figure, that the soul is immortal. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But besides differences of theological opinion which must ever prevail about things unseen, the hope of immortality is weaker or stronger in men at one time of life than at another; it even varies from day to day. It comes and goes; the mind, like the sky, is apt to be overclouded. Other generations of men may have sometimes lived under an &#039;eclipse of faith,&#039; to us the total disappearance of it might be compared to the &#039;sun falling from heaven.&#039; And we may sometimes have to begin again and acquire the belief for ourselves; or to win it back again when it is lost. It is really weakest in the hour of death. For Nature, like a kind mother or nurse, lays us to sleep without frightening us; physicians, who are the witnesses of such scenes, say that under ordinary circumstances there is no fear of the future. Often, as Plato tells us, death is accompanied &#039;with pleasure.&#039; (Tim.) When the end is still uncertain, the cry of many a one has been, &#039;Pray, that I may be taken.&#039; The last thoughts even of the best men depend chiefly on the accidents of their bodily state. Pain soon overpowers the desire of life; old age, like the child, is laid to sleep almost in a moment. The long experience of life will often destroy the interest which mankind have in it. So various are the feelings with which different persons draw near to death; and still more various the forms in which imagination clothes it. For this alternation of feeling compare the Old Testament,&amp;amp;mdash;Psalm vi.; Isaiah; Eccles. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 12. When we think of God and of man in his relation to God; of the imperfection of our present state and yet of the progress which is observable in the history of the world and of the human mind; of the depth and power of our moral ideas which seem to partake of the very nature of God Himself; when we consider the contrast between the physical laws to which we are subject and the higher law which raises us above them and is yet a part of them; when we reflect on our capacity of becoming the &#039;spectators of all time and all existence,&#039; and of framing in our own minds the ideal of a perfect Being; when we see how the human mind in all the higher religions of the world, including Buddhism, notwithstanding some aberrations, has tended towards such a belief&amp;amp;mdash;we have reason to think that our destiny is different from that of animals; and though we cannot altogether shut out the childish fear that the soul upon leaving the body may &#039;vanish into thin air,&#039; we have still, so far as the nature of the subject admits, a hope of immortality with which we comfort ourselves on sufficient grounds. The denial of the belief takes the heart out of human life; it lowers men to the level of the material. As Goethe also says, &#039;He is dead even in this world who has no belief in another.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 13. It is well also that we should sometimes think of the forms of thought under which the idea of immortality is most naturally presented to us. It is clear that to our minds the risen soul can no longer be described, as in a picture, by the symbol of a creature half-bird, half-human, nor in any other form of sense. The multitude of angels, as in Milton, singing the Almighty&#039;s praises, are a noble image, and may furnish a theme for the poet or the painter, but they are no longer an adequate expression of the kingdom of God which is within us. Neither is there any mansion, in this world or another, in which the departed can be imagined to dwell and carry on their occupations. When this earthly tabernacle is dissolved, no other habitation or building can take them in: it is in the language of ideas only that we speak of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — First of all there is the thought of rest and freedom from pain; they have gone home, as the common saying is, and the cares of this world touch them no more. Secondly, we may imagine them as they were at their best and brightest, humbly fulfilling their daily round of duties&amp;amp;mdash;selfless, childlike, unaffected by the world; when the eye was single and the whole body seemed to be full of light; when the mind was clear and saw into the purposes of God. Thirdly, we may think of them as possessed by a great love of God and man, working out His will at a further stage in the heavenly pilgrimage. And yet we acknowledge that these are the things which eye hath not seen nor ear heard and therefore it hath not entered into the heart of man in any sensible manner to conceive them. Fourthly, there may have been some moments in our own lives when we have risen above ourselves, or been conscious of our truer selves, in which the will of God has superseded our wills, and we have entered into communion with Him, and been partakers for a brief season of the Divine truth and love, in which like Christ we have been inspired to utter the prayer, &#039;I in them, and thou in me, that we may be all made perfect in one.&#039; These precious moments, if we have ever known them, are the nearest approach which we can make to the idea of immortality. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 14. Returning now to the earlier stage of human thought which is represented by the writings of Plato, we find that many of the same questions have already arisen: there is the same tendency to materialism; the same inconsistency in the application of the idea of mind; the same doubt whether the soul is to be regarded as a cause or as an effect; the same falling back on moral convictions. In the Phaedo the soul is conscious of her divine nature, and the separation from the body which has been commenced in this life is perfected in another. Beginning in mystery, Socrates, in the intermediate part of the Dialogue, attempts to bring the doctrine of a future life into connection with his theory of knowledge. In proportion as he succeeds in this, the individual seems to disappear in a more general notion of the soul; the contemplation of ideas &#039;under the form of eternity&#039; takes the place of past and future states of existence. His language may be compared to that of some modern philosophers, who speak of eternity, not in the sense of perpetual duration of time, but as an ever-present quality of the soul. Yet at the conclusion of the Dialogue, having &#039;arrived at the end of the intellectual world&#039; (Republic), he replaces the veil of mythology, and describes the soul and her attendant genius in the language of the mysteries or of a disciple of Zoroaster. Nor can we fairly demand of Plato a consistency which is wanting among ourselves, who acknowledge that another world is beyond the range of human thought, and yet are always seeking to represent the mansions of heaven or hell in the colours of the painter, or in the descriptions of the poet or rhetorician. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 15. The doctrine of the immortality of the soul was not new to the Greeks in the age of Socrates, but, like the unity of God, had a foundation in the popular belief. The old Homeric notion of a gibbering ghost flitting away to Hades; or of a few illustrious heroes enjoying the isles of the blest; or of an existence divided between the two; or the Hesiodic, of righteous spirits, who become guardian angels,&amp;amp;mdash;had given place in the mysteries and the Orphic poets to representations, partly fanciful, of a future state of rewards and punishments. (Laws.) The reticence of the Greeks on public occasions and in some part of their literature respecting this &#039;underground&#039; religion, is not to be taken as a measure of the diffusion of such beliefs. If Pericles in the funeral oration is silent on the consolations of immortality, the poet Pindar and the tragedians on the other hand constantly assume the continued existence of the dead in an upper or under world. Darius and Laius are still alive; Antigone will be dear to her brethren after death; the way to the palace of Cronos is found by those who &#039;have thrice departed from evil.&#039; The tragedy of the Greeks is not &#039;rounded&#039; by this life, but is deeply set in decrees of fate and mysterious workings of powers beneath the earth. In the caricature of Aristophanes there is also a witness to the common sentiment. The Ionian and Pythagorean philosophies arose, and some new elements were added to the popular belief. The individual must find an expression as well as the world. Either the soul was supposed to exist in the form of a magnet, or of a particle of fire, or of light, or air, or water; or of a number or of a harmony of number; or to be or have, like the stars, a principle of motion (Arist. de Anim.). At length Anaxagoras, hardly distinguishing between life and mind, or between mind human and divine, attained the pure abstraction; and this, like the other abstractions of Greek philosophy, sank deep into the human intelligence. The opposition of the intelligible and the sensible, and of God to the world, supplied an analogy which assisted in the separation of soul and body. If ideas were separable from phenomena, mind was also separable from matter; if the ideas were eternal, the mind that conceived them was eternal too. As the unity of God was more distinctly acknowledged, the conception of the human soul became more developed. The succession, or alternation of life and death, had occurred to Heracleitus. The Eleatic Parmenides had stumbled upon the modern thesis, that &#039;thought and being are the same.&#039; The Eastern belief in transmigration defined the sense of individuality; and some, like Empedocles, fancied that the blood which they had shed in another state of being was crying against them, and that for thirty thousand years they were to be &#039;fugitives and vagabonds upon the earth.&#039; The desire of recognizing a lost mother or love or friend in the world below (Phaedo) was a natural feeling which, in that age as well as in every other, has given distinctness to the hope of immortality. Nor were ethical considerations wanting, partly derived from the necessity of punishing the greater sort of criminals, whom no avenging power of this world could reach. The voice of conscience, too, was heard reminding the good man that he was not altogether innocent. (Republic.) To these indistinct longings and fears an expression was given in the mysteries and Orphic poets: a &#039;heap of books&#039; (Republic), passing under the names of Musaeus and Orpheus in Plato&#039;s time, were filled with notions of an under-world. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 16. Yet after all the belief in the individuality of the soul after death had but a feeble hold on the Greek mind. Like the personality of God, the personality of man in a future state was not inseparably bound up with the reality of his existence. For the distinction between the personal and impersonal, and also between the divine and human, was far less marked to the Greek than to ourselves. And as Plato readily passes from the notion of the good to that of God, he also passes almost imperceptibly to himself and his reader from the future life of the individual soul to the eternal being of the absolute soul. There has been a clearer statement and a clearer denial of the belief in modern times than is found in early Greek philosophy, and hence the comparative silence on the whole subject which is often remarked in ancient writers, and particularly in Aristotle. For Plato and Aristotle are not further removed in their teaching about the immortality of the soul than they are in their theory of knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 17. Living in an age when logic was beginning to mould human thought, Plato naturally cast his belief in immortality into a logical form. And when we consider how much the doctrine of ideas was also one of words, it is not surprising that he should have fallen into verbal fallacies: early logic is always mistaking the truth of the form for the truth of the matter. It is easy to see that the alternation of opposites is not the same as the generation of them out of each other; and that the generation of them out of each other, which is the first argument in the Phaedo, is at variance with their mutual exclusion of each other, whether in themselves or in us, which is the last. For even if we admit the distinction which he draws between the opposites and the things which have the opposites, still individuals fall under the latter class; and we have to pass out of the region of human hopes and fears to a conception of an abstract soul which is the impersonation of the ideas. Such a conception, which in Plato himself is but half expressed, is unmeaning to us, and relative only to a particular stage in the history of thought. The doctrine of reminiscence is also a fragment of a former world, which has no place in the philosophy of modern times. But Plato had the wonders of psychology just opening to him, and he had not the explanation of them which is supplied by the analysis of language and the history of the human mind. The question, &#039;Whence come our abstract ideas?&#039; he could only answer by an imaginary hypothesis. Nor is it difficult to see that his crowning argument is purely verbal, and is but the expression of an instinctive confidence put into a logical form:&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;The soul is immortal because it contains a principle of imperishableness.&#039; Nor does he himself seem at all to be aware that nothing is added to human knowledge by his &#039;safe and simple answer,&#039; that beauty is the cause of the beautiful; and that he is merely reasserting the Eleatic being &#039;divided by the Pythagorean numbers,&#039; against the Heracleitean doctrine of perpetual generation. The answer to the &#039;very serious question&#039; of generation and destruction is really the denial of them. For this he would substitute, as in the Republic, a system of ideas, tested, not by experience, but by their consequences, and not explained by actual causes, but by a higher, that is, a more general notion. Consistency with themselves is the only test which is to be applied to them. (Republic, and Phaedo.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 18. To deal fairly with such arguments, they should be translated as far as possible into their modern equivalents. &#039;If the ideas of men are eternal, their souls are eternal, and if not the ideas, then not the souls.&#039; Such an argument stands nearly in the same relation to Plato and his age, as the argument from the existence of God to immortality among ourselves. &#039;If God exists, then the soul exists after death; and if there is no God, there is no existence of the soul after death.&#039; For the ideas are to his mind the reality, the truth, the principle of permanence, as well as of intelligence and order in the world. When Simmias and Cebes say that they are more strongly persuaded of the existence of ideas than they are of the immortality of the soul, they represent fairly enough the order of thought in Greek philosophy. And we might say in the same way that we are more certain of the existence of God than we are of the immortality of the soul, and are led by the belief in the one to a belief in the other. The parallel, as Socrates would say, is not perfect, but agrees in as far as the mind in either case is regarded as dependent on something above and beyond herself. The analogy may even be pressed a step further: &#039;We are more certain of our ideas of truth and right than we are of the existence of God, and are led on in the order of thought from one to the other.&#039; Or more correctly: &#039;The existence of right and truth is the existence of God, and can never for a moment be separated from Him.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 19. The main argument of the Phaedo is derived from the existence of eternal ideas of which the soul is a partaker; the other argument of the alternation of opposites is replaced by this. And there have not been wanting philosophers of the idealist school who have imagined that the doctrine of the immortality of the soul is a theory of knowledge, and that in what has preceded Plato is accommodating himself to the popular belief. Such a view can only be elicited from the Phaedo by what may be termed the transcendental method of interpretation, and is obviously inconsistent with the Gorgias and the Republic. Those who maintain it are immediately compelled to renounce the shadow which they have grasped, as a play of words only. But the truth is, that Plato in his argument for the immortality of the soul has collected many elements of proof or persuasion, ethical and mythological as well as dialectical, which are not easily to be reconciled with one another; and he is as much in earnest about his doctrine of retribution, which is repeated in all his more ethical writings, as about his theory of knowledge. And while we may fairly translate the dialectical into the language of Hegel, and the religious and mythological into the language of Dante or Bunyan, the ethical speaks to us still in the same voice, and appeals to a common feeling. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 20. Two arguments of this ethical character occur in the Phaedo. The first may be described as the aspiration of the soul after another state of being. Like the Oriental or Christian mystic, the philosopher is seeking to withdraw from impurities of sense, to leave the world and the things of the world, and to find his higher self. Plato recognizes in these aspirations the foretaste of immortality; as Butler and Addison in modern times have argued, the one from the moral tendencies of mankind, the other from the progress of the soul towards perfection. In using this argument Plato has certainly confused the soul which has left the body, with the soul of the good and wise. (Compare Republic.) Such a confusion was natural, and arose partly out of the antithesis of soul and body. The soul in her own essence, and the soul &#039;clothed upon&#039; with virtues and graces, were easily interchanged with one another, because on a subject which passes expression the distinctions of language can hardly be maintained. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 21. The ethical proof of the immortality of the soul is derived from the necessity of retribution. The wicked would be too well off if their evil deeds came to an end. It is not to be supposed that an Ardiaeus, an Archelaus, an Ismenias could ever have suffered the penalty of their crimes in this world. The manner in which this retribution is accomplished Plato represents under the figures of mythology. Doubtless he felt that it was easier to improve than to invent, and that in religion especially the traditional form was required in order to give verisimilitude to the myth. The myth too is far more probable to that age than to ours, and may fairly be regarded as &#039;one guess among many&#039; about the nature of the earth, which he cleverly supports by the indications of geology. Not that he insists on the absolute truth of his own particular notions: &#039;no man of sense will be confident in such matters; but he will be confident that something of the kind is true.&#039; As in other passages (Gorg., Tim., compare Crito), he wins belief for his fictions by the moderation of his statements; he does not, like Dante or Swedenborg, allow himself to be deceived by his own creations. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The Dialogue must be read in the light of the situation. And first of all we are struck by the calmness of the scene. Like the spectators at the time, we cannot pity Socrates; his mien and his language are so noble and fearless. He is the same that he ever was, but milder and gentler, and he has in no degree lost his interest in dialectics; he will not forego the delight of an argument in compliance with the jailer&#039;s intimation that he should not heat himself with talking. At such a time he naturally expresses the hope of his life, that he has been a true mystic and not a mere retainer or wand-bearer: and he refers to passages of his personal history. To his old enemies the Comic poets, and to the proceedings on the trial, he alludes playfully; but he vividly remembers the disappointment which he felt in reading the books of Anaxagoras. The return of Xanthippe and his children indicates that the philosopher is not &#039;made of oak or rock.&#039; Some other traits of his character may be noted; for example, the courteous manner in which he inclines his head to the last objector, or the ironical touch, &#039;Me already, as the tragic poet would say, the voice of fate calls;&#039; or the depreciation of the arguments with which &#039;he comforted himself and them;&#039; or his fear of &#039;misology;&#039; or his references to Homer; or the playful smile with which he &#039;talks like a book&#039; about greater and less; or the allusion to the possibility of finding another teacher among barbarous races (compare Polit.); or the mysterious reference to another science (mathematics?) of generation and destruction for which he is vainly feeling. There is no change in him; only now he is invested with a sort of sacred character, as the prophet or priest of Apollo the God of the festival, in whose honour he first of all composes a hymn, and then like the swan pours forth his dying lay. Perhaps the extreme elevation of Socrates above his own situation, and the ordinary interests of life (compare his jeu d&#039;esprit about his burial, in which for a moment he puts on the &#039;Silenus mask&#039;), create in the mind of the reader an impression stronger than could be derived from arguments that such a one has in him &#039;a principle which does not admit of death.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The other persons of the Dialogue may be considered under two heads: (1) private friends; (2) the respondents in the argument. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — First there is Crito, who has been already introduced to us in the Euthydemus and the Crito; he is the equal in years of Socrates, and stands in quite a different relation to him from his younger disciples. He is a man of the world who is rich and prosperous (compare the jest in the Euthydemus), the best friend of Socrates, who wants to know his commands, in whose presence he talks to his family, and who performs the last duty of closing his eyes. It is observable too that, as in the Euthydemus, Crito shows no aptitude for philosophical discussions. Nor among the friends of Socrates must the jailer be forgotten, who seems to have been introduced by Plato in order to show the impression made by the extraordinary man on the common. The gentle nature of the man is indicated by his weeping at the announcement of his errand and then turning away, and also by the words of Socrates to his disciples: &#039;How charming the man is! since I have been in prison he has been always coming to me, and is as good as could be to me.&#039; We are reminded too that he has retained this gentle nature amid scenes of death and violence by the contrasts which he draws between the behaviour of Socrates and of others when about to die. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Another person who takes no part in the philosophical discussion is the excitable Apollodorus, the same who, in the Symposium, of which he is the narrator, is called &#039;the madman,&#039; and who testifies his grief by the most violent emotions. Phaedo is also present, the &#039;beloved disciple&#039; as he may be termed, who is described, if not &#039;leaning on his bosom,&#039; as seated next to Socrates, who is playing with his hair. He too, like Apollodorus, takes no part in the discussion, but he loves above all things to hear and speak of Socrates after his death. The calmness of his behaviour, veiling his face when he can no longer restrain his tears, contrasts with the passionate outcries of the other. At a particular point the argument is described as falling before the attack of Simmias. A sort of despair is introduced in the minds of the company. The effect of this is heightened by the description of Phaedo, who has been the eye-witness of the scene, and by the sympathy of his Phliasian auditors who are beginning to think &#039;that they too can never trust an argument again.&#039; And the intense interest of the company is communicated not only to the first auditors, but to us who in a distant country read the narrative of their emotions after more than two thousand years have passed away. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The two principal interlocutors are Simmias and Cebes, the disciples of Philolaus the Pythagorean philosopher of Thebes. Simmias is described in the Phaedrus as fonder of an argument than any man living; and Cebes, although finally persuaded by Socrates, is said to be the most incredulous of human beings. It is Cebes who at the commencement of the Dialogue asks why &#039;suicide is held to be unlawful,&#039; and who first supplies the doctrine of recollection in confirmation of the pre-existence of the soul. It is Cebes who urges that the pre-existence does not necessarily involve the future existence of the soul, as is shown by the illustration of the weaver and his coat. Simmias, on the other hand, raises the question about harmony and the lyre, which is naturally put into the mouth of a Pythagorean disciple. It is Simmias, too, who first remarks on the uncertainty of human knowledge, and only at last concedes to the argument such a qualified approval as is consistent with the feebleness of the human faculties. Cebes is the deeper and more consecutive thinker, Simmias more superficial and rhetorical; they are distinguished in much the same manner as Adeimantus and Glaucon in the Republic. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Other persons, Menexenus, Ctesippus, Lysis, are old friends; Evenus has been already satirized in the Apology; Aeschines and Epigenes were present at the trial; Euclid and Terpsion will reappear in the Introduction to the Theaetetus, Hermogenes has already appeared in the Cratylus. No inference can fairly be drawn from the absence of Aristippus, nor from the omission of Xenophon, who at the time of Socrates&#039; death was in Asia. The mention of Plato&#039;s own absence seems like an expression of sorrow, and may, perhaps, be an indication that the report of the conversation is not to be taken literally. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The place of the Dialogue in the series is doubtful. The doctrine of ideas is certainly carried beyond the Socratic point of view; in no other of the writings of Plato is the theory of them so completely developed. Whether the belief in immortality can be attributed to Socrates or not is uncertain; the silence of the Memorabilia, and of the earlier Dialogues of Plato, is an argument to the contrary. Yet in the Cyropaedia Xenophon has put language into the mouth of the dying Cyrus which recalls the Phaedo, and may have been derived from the teaching of Socrates. It may be fairly urged that the greatest religious interest of mankind could not have been wholly ignored by one who passed his life in fulfilling the commands of an oracle, and who recognized a Divine plan in man and nature. (Xen. Mem.) And the language of the Apology and of the Crito confirms this view. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The Phaedo is not one of the Socratic Dialogues of Plato; nor, on the other hand, can it be assigned to that later stage of the Platonic writings at which the doctrine of ideas appears to be forgotten. It belongs rather to the intermediate period of the Platonic philosophy, which roughly corresponds to the Phaedrus, Gorgias, Republic, Theaetetus. Without pretending to determine the real time of their composition, the Symposium, Meno, Euthyphro, Apology, Phaedo may be conveniently read by us in this order as illustrative of the life of Socrates. Another chain may be formed of the Meno, Phaedrus, Phaedo, in which the immortality of the soul is connected with the doctrine of ideas. In the Meno the theory of ideas is based on the ancient belief in transmigration, which reappears again in the Phaedrus as well as in the Republic and Timaeus, and in all of them is connected with a doctrine of retribution. In the Phaedrus the immortality of the soul is supposed to rest on the conception of the soul as a principle of motion, whereas in the Republic the argument turns on the natural continuance of the soul, which, if not destroyed by her own proper evil, can hardly be destroyed by any other. The soul of man in the Timaeus is derived from the Supreme Creator, and either returns after death to her kindred star, or descends into the lower life of an animal. The Apology expresses the same view as the Phaedo, but with less confidence; there the probability of death being a long sleep is not excluded. The Theaetetus also describes, in a digression, the desire of the soul to fly away and be with God&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;and to fly to him is to be like him.&#039; The Symposium may be observed to resemble as well as to differ from the Phaedo. While the first notion of immortality is only in the way of natural procreation or of posthumous fame and glory, the higher revelation of beauty, like the good in the Republic, is the vision of the eternal idea. So deeply rooted in Plato&#039;s mind is the belief in immortality; so various are the forms of expression which he employs. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — As in several other Dialogues, there is more of system in the Phaedo than appears at first sight. The succession of arguments is based on previous philosophies; beginning with the mysteries and the Heracleitean alternation of opposites, and proceeding to the Pythagorean harmony and transmigration; making a step by the aid of Platonic reminiscence, and a further step by the help of the nous of Anaxagoras; until at last we rest in the conviction that the soul is inseparable from the ideas, and belongs to the world of the invisible and unknown. Then, as in the Gorgias or Republic, the curtain falls, and the veil of mythology descends upon the argument. After the confession of Socrates that he is an interested party, and the acknowledgment that no man of sense will think the details of his narrative true, but that something of the kind is true, we return from speculation to practice. He is himself more confident of immortality than he is of his own arguments; and the confidence which he expresses is less strong than that which his cheerfulness and composure in death inspire in us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Difficulties of two kinds occur in the Phaedo&amp;amp;mdash;one kind to be explained out of contemporary philosophy, the other not admitting of an entire solution. (1) The difficulty which Socrates says that he experienced in explaining generation and corruption; the assumption of hypotheses which proceed from the less general to the more general, and are tested by their consequences; the puzzle about greater and less; the resort to the method of ideas, which to us appear only abstract terms,&amp;amp;mdash;these are to be explained out of the position of Socrates and Plato in the history of philosophy. They were living in a twilight between the sensible and the intellectual world, and saw no way of connecting them. They could neither explain the relation of ideas to phenomena, nor their correlation to one another. The very idea of relation or comparison was embarrassing to them. Yet in this intellectual uncertainty they had a conception of a proof from results, and of a moral truth, which remained unshaken amid the questionings of philosophy. (2) The other is a difficulty which is touched upon in the Republic as well as in the Phaedo, and is common to modern and ancient philosophy. Plato is not altogether satisfied with his safe and simple method of ideas. He wants to have proved to him by facts that all things are for the best, and that there is one mind or design which pervades them all. But this &#039;power of the best&#039; he is unable to explain; and therefore takes refuge in universal ideas. And are not we at this day seeking to discover that which Socrates in a glass darkly foresaw? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Some resemblances to the Greek drama may be noted in all the Dialogues of Plato. The Phaedo is the tragedy of which Socrates is the protagonist and Simmias and Cebes the secondary performers, standing to them in the same relation as to Glaucon and Adeimantus in the Republic. No Dialogue has a greater unity of subject and feeling. Plato has certainly fulfilled the condition of Greek, or rather of all art, which requires that scenes of death and suffering should be clothed in beauty. The gathering of the friends at the commencement of the Dialogue, the dismissal of Xanthippe, whose presence would have been out of place at a philosophical discussion, but who returns again with her children to take a final farewell, the dejection of the audience at the temporary overthrow of the argument, the picture of Socrates playing with the hair of Phaedo, the final scene in which Socrates alone retains his composure&amp;amp;mdash;are masterpieces of art. And the chorus at the end might have interpreted the feeling of the play: &#039;There can no evil happen to a good man in life or death.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;The art of concealing art&#039; is nowhere more perfect than in those writings of Plato which describe the trial and death of Socrates. Their charm is their simplicity, which gives them verisimilitude; and yet they touch, as if incidentally, and because they were suitable to the occasion, on some of the deepest truths of philosophy. There is nothing in any tragedy, ancient or modern, nothing in poetry or history (with one exception), like the last hours of Socrates in Plato. The master could not be more fitly occupied at such a time than in discoursing of immortality; nor the disciples more divinely consoled. The arguments, taken in the spirit and not in the letter, are our arguments; and Socrates by anticipation may be even thought to refute some &#039;eccentric notions; current in our own age. For there are philosophers among ourselves who do not seem to understand how much stronger is the power of intelligence, or of the best, than of Atlas, or mechanical force. How far the words attributed to Socrates were actually uttered by him we forbear to ask; for no answer can be given to this question. And it is better to resign ourselves to the feeling of a great work, than to linger among critical uncertainties. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a name=&amp;quot;link2H_4_0002&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;link2H_4_0002&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &amp;lt;!--  H2 anchor --&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PERSONS OF THE DIALOGUE: &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Phaedo, who is the narrator of the dialogue to Echecrates of Phlius. Socrates, Apollodorus, Simmias, Cebes, Crito and an Attendant of the Prison. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SCENE: The Prison of Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PLACE OF THE NARRATION: Phlius. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ECHECRATES: Were you yourself, Phaedo, in the prison with Socrates on the day when he drank the poison? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDO: Yes, Echecrates, I was. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ECHECRATES: I should so like to hear about his death. What did he say in his last hours? We were informed that he died by taking poison, but no one knew anything more; for no Phliasian ever goes to Athens now, and it is a long time since any stranger from Athens has found his way hither; so that we had no clear account. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDO: Did you not hear of the proceedings at the trial? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ECHECRATES: Yes; some one told us about the trial, and we could not understand why, having been condemned, he should have been put to death, not at the time, but long afterwards. What was the reason of this? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDO: An accident, Echecrates: the stern of the ship which the Athenians send to Delos happened to have been crowned on the day before he was tried. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ECHECRATES: What is this ship? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDO: It is the ship in which, according to Athenian tradition, Theseus went to Crete when he took with him the fourteen youths, and was the saviour of them and of himself. And they were said to have vowed to Apollo at the time, that if they were saved they would send a yearly mission to Delos. Now this custom still continues, and the whole period of the voyage to and from Delos, beginning when the priest of Apollo crowns the stern of the ship, is a holy season, during which the city is not allowed to be polluted by public executions; and when the vessel is detained by contrary winds, the time spent in going and returning is very considerable. As I was saying, the ship was crowned on the day before the trial, and this was the reason why Socrates lay in prison and was not put to death until long after he was condemned. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ECHECRATES: What was the manner of his death, Phaedo? What was said or done? And which of his friends were with him? Or did the authorities forbid them to be present&amp;amp;mdash;so that he had no friends near him when he died? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDO: No; there were several of them with him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ECHECRATES: If you have nothing to do, I wish that you would tell me what passed, as exactly as you can. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDO: I have nothing at all to do, and will try to gratify your wish. To be reminded of Socrates is always the greatest delight to me, whether I speak myself or hear another speak of him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ECHECRATES: You will have listeners who are of the same mind with you, and I hope that you will be as exact as you can. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDO: I had a singular feeling at being in his company. For I could hardly believe that I was present at the death of a friend, and therefore I did not pity him, Echecrates; he died so fearlessly, and his words and bearing were so noble and gracious, that to me he appeared blessed. I thought that in going to the other world he could not be without a divine call, and that he would be happy, if any man ever was, when he arrived there, and therefore I did not pity him as might have seemed natural at such an hour. But I had not the pleasure which I usually feel in philosophical discourse (for philosophy was the theme of which we spoke). I was pleased, but in the pleasure there was also a strange admixture of pain; for I reflected that he was soon to die, and this double feeling was shared by us all; we were laughing and weeping by turns, especially the excitable Apollodorus&amp;amp;mdash;you know the sort of man? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ECHECRATES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDO: He was quite beside himself; and I and all of us were greatly moved. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ECHECRATES: Who were present? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDO: Of native Athenians there were, besides Apollodorus, Critobulus and his father Crito, Hermogenes, Epigenes, Aeschines, Antisthenes; likewise Ctesippus of the deme of Paeania, Menexenus, and some others; Plato, if I am not mistaken, was ill. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ECHECRATES: Were there any strangers? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDO: Yes, there were; Simmias the Theban, and Cebes, and Phaedondes; Euclid and Terpison, who came from Megara. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ECHECRATES: And was Aristippus there, and Cleombrotus? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDO: No, they were said to be in Aegina. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ECHECRATES: Any one else? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDO: I think that these were nearly all. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ECHECRATES: Well, and what did you talk about? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDO: I will begin at the beginning, and endeavour to repeat the entire conversation. On the previous days we had been in the habit of assembling early in the morning at the court in which the trial took place, and which is not far from the prison. There we used to wait talking with one another until the opening of the doors (for they were not opened very early); then we went in and generally passed the day with Socrates. On the last morning we assembled sooner than usual, having heard on the day before when we quitted the prison in the evening that the sacred ship had come from Delos, and so we arranged to meet very early at the accustomed place. On our arrival the jailer who answered the door, instead of admitting us, came out and told us to stay until he called us. &#039;For the Eleven,&#039; he said, &#039;are now with Socrates; they are taking off his chains, and giving orders that he is to die to-day.&#039; He soon returned and said that we might come in. On entering we found Socrates just released from chains, and Xanthippe, whom you know, sitting by him, and holding his child in her arms. When she saw us she uttered a cry and said, as women will: &#039;O Socrates, this is the last time that either you will converse with your friends, or they with you.&#039; Socrates turned to Crito and said: &#039;Crito, let some one take her home.&#039; Some of Crito&#039;s people accordingly led her away, crying out and beating herself. And when she was gone, Socrates, sitting up on the couch, bent and rubbed his leg, saying, as he was rubbing: How singular is the thing called pleasure, and how curiously related to pain, which might be thought to be the opposite of it; for they are never present to a man at the same instant, and yet he who pursues either is generally compelled to take the other; their bodies are two, but they are joined by a single head. And I cannot help thinking that if Aesop had remembered them, he would have made a fable about God trying to reconcile their strife, and how, when he could not, he fastened their heads together; and this is the reason why when one comes the other follows, as I know by my own experience now, when after the pain in my leg which was caused by the chain pleasure appears to succeed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Upon this Cebes said: I am glad, Socrates, that you have mentioned the name of Aesop. For it reminds me of a question which has been asked by many, and was asked of me only the day before yesterday by Evenus the poet&amp;amp;mdash;he will be sure to ask it again, and therefore if you would like me to have an answer ready for him, you may as well tell me what I should say to him:&amp;amp;mdash;he wanted to know why you, who never before wrote a line of poetry, now that you are in prison are turning Aesop&#039;s fables into verse, and also composing that hymn in honour of Apollo. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Tell him, Cebes, he replied, what is the truth&amp;amp;mdash;that I had no idea of rivalling him or his poems; to do so, as I knew, would be no easy task. But I wanted to see whether I could purge away a scruple which I felt about the meaning of certain dreams. In the course of my life I have often had intimations in dreams &#039;that I should compose music.&#039; The same dream came to me sometimes in one form, and sometimes in another, but always saying the same or nearly the same words: &#039;Cultivate and make music,&#039; said the dream. And hitherto I had imagined that this was only intended to exhort and encourage me in the study of philosophy, which has been the pursuit of my life, and is the noblest and best of music. The dream was bidding me do what I was already doing, in the same way that the competitor in a race is bidden by the spectators to run when he is already running. But I was not certain of this, for the dream might have meant music in the popular sense of the word, and being under sentence of death, and the festival giving me a respite, I thought that it would be safer for me to satisfy the scruple, and, in obedience to the dream, to compose a few verses before I departed. And first I made a hymn in honour of the god of the festival, and then considering that a poet, if he is really to be a poet, should not only put together words, but should invent stories, and that I have no invention, I took some fables of Aesop, which I had ready at hand and which I knew&amp;amp;mdash;they were the first I came upon&amp;amp;mdash;and turned them into verse. Tell this to Evenus, Cebes, and bid him be of good cheer; say that I would have him come after me if he be a wise man, and not tarry; and that to-day I am likely to be going, for the Athenians say that I must. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Simmias said: What a message for such a man! having been a frequent companion of his I should say that, as far as I know him, he will never take your advice unless he is obliged. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Why, said Socrates,&amp;amp;mdash;is not Evenus a philosopher? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I think that he is, said Simmias. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then he, or any man who has the spirit of philosophy, will be willing to die, but he will not take his own life, for that is held to be unlawful. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Here he changed his position, and put his legs off the couch on to the ground, and during the rest of the conversation he remained sitting. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Why do you say, enquired Cebes, that a man ought not to take his own life, but that the philosopher will be ready to follow the dying? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Socrates replied: And have you, Cebes and Simmias, who are the disciples of Philolaus, never heard him speak of this? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, but his language was obscure, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — My words, too, are only an echo; but there is no reason why I should not repeat what I have heard: and indeed, as I am going to another place, it is very meet for me to be thinking and talking of the nature of the pilgrimage which I am about to make. What can I do better in the interval between this and the setting of the sun? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then tell me, Socrates, why is suicide held to be unlawful? as I have certainly heard Philolaus, about whom you were just now asking, affirm when he was staying with us at Thebes: and there are others who say the same, although I have never understood what was meant by any of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Do not lose heart, replied Socrates, and the day may come when you will understand. I suppose that you wonder why, when other things which are evil may be good at certain times and to certain persons, death is to be the only exception, and why, when a man is better dead, he is not permitted to be his own benefactor, but must wait for the hand of another. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true, said Cebes, laughing gently and speaking in his native Boeotian. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I admit the appearance of inconsistency in what I am saying; but there may not be any real inconsistency after all. There is a doctrine whispered in secret that man is a prisoner who has no right to open the door and run away; this is a great mystery which I do not quite understand. Yet I too believe that the gods are our guardians, and that we are a possession of theirs. Do you not agree? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, I quite agree, said Cebes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And if one of your own possessions, an ox or an ass, for example, took the liberty of putting himself out of the way when you had given no intimation of your wish that he should die, would you not be angry with him, and would you not punish him if you could? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly, replied Cebes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then, if we look at the matter thus, there may be reason in saying that a man should wait, and not take his own life until God summons him, as he is now summoning me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, Socrates, said Cebes, there seems to be truth in what you say. And yet how can you reconcile this seemingly true belief that God is our guardian and we his possessions, with the willingness to die which we were just now attributing to the philosopher? That the wisest of men should be willing to leave a service in which they are ruled by the gods who are the best of rulers, is not reasonable; for surely no wise man thinks that when set at liberty he can take better care of himself than the gods take of him. A fool may perhaps think so&amp;amp;mdash;he may argue that he had better run away from his master, not considering that his duty is to remain to the end, and not to run away from the good, and that there would be no sense in his running away. The wise man will want to be ever with him who is better than himself. Now this, Socrates, is the reverse of what was just now said; for upon this view the wise man should sorrow and the fool rejoice at passing out of life. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The earnestness of Cebes seemed to please Socrates. Here, said he, turning to us, is a man who is always inquiring, and is not so easily convinced by the first thing which he hears. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And certainly, added Simmias, the objection which he is now making does appear to me to have some force. For what can be the meaning of a truly wise man wanting to fly away and lightly leave a master who is better than himself? And I rather imagine that Cebes is referring to you; he thinks that you are too ready to leave us, and too ready to leave the gods whom you acknowledge to be our good masters. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, replied Socrates; there is reason in what you say. And so you think that I ought to answer your indictment as if I were in a court? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — We should like you to do so, said Simmias. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then I must try to make a more successful defence before you than I did when before the judges. For I am quite ready to admit, Simmias and Cebes, that I ought to be grieved at death, if I were not persuaded in the first place that I am going to other gods who are wise and good (of which I am as certain as I can be of any such matters), and secondly (though I am not so sure of this last) to men departed, better than those whom I leave behind; and therefore I do not grieve as I might have done, for I have good hope that there is yet something remaining for the dead, and as has been said of old, some far better thing for the good than for the evil. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But do you mean to take away your thoughts with you, Socrates? said Simmias. Will you not impart them to us?&amp;amp;mdash;for they are a benefit in which we too are entitled to share. Moreover, if you succeed in convincing us, that will be an answer to the charge against yourself. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I will do my best, replied Socrates. But you must first let me hear what Crito wants; he has long been wishing to say something to me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Only this, Socrates, replied Crito:&amp;amp;mdash;the attendant who is to give you the poison has been telling me, and he wants me to tell you, that you are not to talk much, talking, he says, increases heat, and this is apt to interfere with the action of the poison; persons who excite themselves are sometimes obliged to take a second or even a third dose. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then, said Socrates, let him mind his business and be prepared to give the poison twice or even thrice if necessary; that is all. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I knew quite well what you would say, replied Crito; but I was obliged to satisfy him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Never mind him, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And now, O my judges, I desire to prove to you that the real philosopher has reason to be of good cheer when he is about to die, and that after death he may hope to obtain the greatest good in the other world. And how this may be, Simmias and Cebes, I will endeavour to explain. For I deem that the true votary of philosophy is likely to be misunderstood by other men; they do not perceive that he is always pursuing death and dying; and if this be so, and he has had the desire of death all his life long, why when his time comes should he repine at that which he has been always pursuing and desiring? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Simmias said laughingly: Though not in a laughing humour, you have made me laugh, Socrates; for I cannot help thinking that the many when they hear your words will say how truly you have described philosophers, and our people at home will likewise say that the life which philosophers desire is in reality death, and that they have found them out to be deserving of the death which they desire. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And they are right, Simmias, in thinking so, with the exception of the words &#039;they have found them out&#039;; for they have not found out either what is the nature of that death which the true philosopher deserves, or how he deserves or desires death. But enough of them:&amp;amp;mdash;let us discuss the matter among ourselves: Do we believe that there is such a thing as death? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — To be sure, replied Simmias. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Is it not the separation of soul and body? And to be dead is the completion of this; when the soul exists in herself, and is released from the body and the body is released from the soul, what is this but death? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Just so, he replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There is another question, which will probably throw light on our present inquiry if you and I can agree about it:&amp;amp;mdash;Ought the philosopher to care about the pleasures&amp;amp;mdash;if they are to be called pleasures&amp;amp;mdash;of eating and drinking? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly not, answered Simmias. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And what about the pleasures of love&amp;amp;mdash;should he care for them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — By no means. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And will he think much of the other ways of indulging the body, for example, the acquisition of costly raiment, or sandals, or other adornments of the body? Instead of caring about them, does he not rather despise anything more than nature needs? What do you say? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I should say that the true philosopher would despise them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Would you not say that he is entirely concerned with the soul and not with the body? He would like, as far as he can, to get away from the body and to turn to the soul. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In matters of this sort philosophers, above all other men, may be observed in every sort of way to dissever the soul from the communion of the body. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Whereas, Simmias, the rest of the world are of opinion that to him who has no sense of pleasure and no part in bodily pleasure, life is not worth having; and that he who is indifferent about them is as good as dead. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That is also true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — What again shall we say of the actual acquirement of knowledge?&amp;amp;mdash;is the body, if invited to share in the enquiry, a hinderer or a helper? I mean to say, have sight and hearing any truth in them? Are they not, as the poets are always telling us, inaccurate witnesses? and yet, if even they are inaccurate and indistinct, what is to be said of the other senses?&amp;amp;mdash;for you will allow that they are the best of them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly, he replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then when does the soul attain truth?&amp;amp;mdash;for in attempting to consider anything in company with the body she is obviously deceived. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then must not true existence be revealed to her in thought, if at all? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And thought is best when the mind is gathered into herself and none of these things trouble her&amp;amp;mdash;neither sounds nor sights nor pain nor any pleasure,&amp;amp;mdash;when she takes leave of the body, and has as little as possible to do with it, when she has no bodily sense or desire, but is aspiring after true being? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And in this the philosopher dishonours the body; his soul runs away from his body and desires to be alone and by herself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That is true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Well, but there is another thing, Simmias: Is there or is there not an absolute justice? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Assuredly there is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And an absolute beauty and absolute good? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But did you ever behold any of them with your eyes? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Or did you ever reach them with any other bodily sense?&amp;amp;mdash;and I speak not of these alone, but of absolute greatness, and health, and strength, and of the essence or true nature of everything. Has the reality of them ever been perceived by you through the bodily organs? or rather, is not the nearest approach to the knowledge of their several natures made by him who so orders his intellectual vision as to have the most exact conception of the essence of each thing which he considers? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And he attains to the purest knowledge of them who goes to each with the mind alone, not introducing or intruding in the act of thought sight or any other sense together with reason, but with the very light of the mind in her own clearness searches into the very truth of each; he who has got rid, as far as he can, of eyes and ears and, so to speak, of the whole body, these being in his opinion distracting elements which when they infect the soul hinder her from acquiring truth and knowledge&amp;amp;mdash;who, if not he, is likely to attain the knowledge of true being? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — What you say has a wonderful truth in it, Socrates, replied Simmias. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And when real philosophers consider all these things, will they not be led to make a reflection which they will express in words something like the following? &#039;Have we not found,&#039; they will say, &#039;a path of thought which seems to bring us and our argument to the conclusion, that while we are in the body, and while the soul is infected with the evils of the body, our desire will not be satisfied? and our desire is of the truth. For the body is a source of endless trouble to us by reason of the mere requirement of food; and is liable also to diseases which overtake and impede us in the search after true being: it fills us full of loves, and lusts, and fears, and fancies of all kinds, and endless foolery, and in fact, as men say, takes away from us the power of thinking at all. Whence come wars, and fightings, and factions? whence but from the body and the lusts of the body? wars are occasioned by the love of money, and money has to be acquired for the sake and in the service of the body; and by reason of all these impediments we have no time to give to philosophy; and, last and worst of all, even if we are at leisure and betake ourselves to some speculation, the body is always breaking in upon us, causing turmoil and confusion in our enquiries, and so amazing us that we are prevented from seeing the truth. It has been proved to us by experience that if we would have pure knowledge of anything we must be quit of the body&amp;amp;mdash;the soul in herself must behold things in themselves: and then we shall attain the wisdom which we desire, and of which we say that we are lovers, not while we live, but after death; for if while in company with the body, the soul cannot have pure knowledge, one of two things follows&amp;amp;mdash;either knowledge is not to be attained at all, or, if at all, after death. For then, and not till then, the soul will be parted from the body and exist in herself alone. In this present life, I reckon that we make the nearest approach to knowledge when we have the least possible intercourse or communion with the body, and are not surfeited with the bodily nature, but keep ourselves pure until the hour when God himself is pleased to release us. And thus having got rid of the foolishness of the body we shall be pure and hold converse with the pure, and know of ourselves the clear light everywhere, which is no other than the light of truth.&#039; For the impure are not permitted to approach the pure. These are the sort of words, Simmias, which the true lovers of knowledge cannot help saying to one another, and thinking. You would agree; would you not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Undoubtedly, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But, O my friend, if this is true, there is great reason to hope that, going whither I go, when I have come to the end of my journey, I shall attain that which has been the pursuit of my life. And therefore I go on my way rejoicing, and not I only, but every other man who believes that his mind has been made ready and that he is in a manner purified. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly, replied Simmias. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And what is purification but the separation of the soul from the body, as I was saying before; the habit of the soul gathering and collecting herself into herself from all sides out of the body; the dwelling in her own place alone, as in another life, so also in this, as far as she can;&amp;amp;mdash;the release of the soul from the chains of the body? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And this separation and release of the soul from the body is termed death? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — To be sure, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And the true philosophers, and they only, are ever seeking to release the soul. Is not the separation and release of the soul from the body their especial study? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That is true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And, as I was saying at first, there would be a ridiculous contradiction in men studying to live as nearly as they can in a state of death, and yet repining when it comes upon them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And the true philosophers, Simmias, are always occupied in the practice of dying, wherefore also to them least of all men is death terrible. Look at the matter thus:&amp;amp;mdash;if they have been in every way the enemies of the body, and are wanting to be alone with the soul, when this desire of theirs is granted, how inconsistent would they be if they trembled and repined, instead of rejoicing at their departure to that place where, when they arrive, they hope to gain that which in life they desired&amp;amp;mdash;and this was wisdom&amp;amp;mdash;and at the same time to be rid of the company of their enemy. Many a man has been willing to go to the world below animated by the hope of seeing there an earthly love, or wife, or son, and conversing with them. And will he who is a true lover of wisdom, and is strongly persuaded in like manner that only in the world below he can worthily enjoy her, still repine at death? Will he not depart with joy? Surely he will, O my friend, if he be a true philosopher. For he will have a firm conviction that there and there only, he can find wisdom in her purity. And if this be true, he would be very absurd, as I was saying, if he were afraid of death. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He would, indeed, replied Simmias. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And when you see a man who is repining at the approach of death, is not his reluctance a sufficient proof that he is not a lover of wisdom, but a lover of the body, and probably at the same time a lover of either money or power, or both? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Quite so, he replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And is not courage, Simmias, a quality which is specially characteristic of the philosopher? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There is temperance again, which even by the vulgar is supposed to consist in the control and regulation of the passions, and in the sense of superiority to them&amp;amp;mdash;is not temperance a virtue belonging to those only who despise the body, and who pass their lives in philosophy? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Most assuredly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — For the courage and temperance of other men, if you will consider them, are really a contradiction. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — How so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Well, he said, you are aware that death is regarded by men in general as a great evil. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And do not courageous men face death because they are afraid of yet greater evils? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That is quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then all but the philosophers are courageous only from fear, and because they are afraid; and yet that a man should be courageous from fear, and because he is a coward, is surely a strange thing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And are not the temperate exactly in the same case? They are temperate because they are intemperate&amp;amp;mdash;which might seem to be a contradiction, but is nevertheless the sort of thing which happens with this foolish temperance. For there are pleasures which they are afraid of losing; and in their desire to keep them, they abstain from some pleasures, because they are overcome by others; and although to be conquered by pleasure is called by men intemperance, to them the conquest of pleasure consists in being conquered by pleasure. And that is what I mean by saying that, in a sense, they are made temperate through intemperance. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Such appears to be the case. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yet the exchange of one fear or pleasure or pain for another fear or pleasure or pain, and of the greater for the less, as if they were coins, is not the exchange of virtue. O my blessed Simmias, is there not one true coin for which all things ought to be exchanged?&amp;amp;mdash;and that is wisdom; and only in exchange for this, and in company with this, is anything truly bought or sold, whether courage or temperance or justice. And is not all true virtue the companion of wisdom, no matter what fears or pleasures or other similar goods or evils may or may not attend her? But the virtue which is made up of these goods, when they are severed from wisdom and exchanged with one another, is a shadow of virtue only, nor is there any freedom or health or truth in her; but in the true exchange there is a purging away of all these things, and temperance, and justice, and courage, and wisdom herself are the purgation of them. The founders of the mysteries would appear to have had a real meaning, and were not talking nonsense when they intimated in a figure long ago that he who passes unsanctified and uninitiated into the world below will lie in a slough, but that he who arrives there after initiation and purification will dwell with the gods. For &#039;many,&#039; as they say in the mysteries, &#039;are the thyrsus-bearers, but few are the mystics,&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;meaning, as I interpret the words, &#039;the true philosophers.&#039; In the number of whom, during my whole life, I have been seeking, according to my ability, to find a place;&amp;amp;mdash;whether I have sought in a right way or not, and whether I have succeeded or not, I shall truly know in a little while, if God will, when I myself arrive in the other world&amp;amp;mdash;such is my belief. And therefore I maintain that I am right, Simmias and Cebes, in not grieving or repining at parting from you and my masters in this world, for I believe that I shall equally find good masters and friends in another world. But most men do not believe this saying; if then I succeed in convincing you by my defence better than I did the Athenian judges, it will be well. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Cebes answered: I agree, Socrates, in the greater part of what you say. But in what concerns the soul, men are apt to be incredulous; they fear that when she has left the body her place may be nowhere, and that on the very day of death she may perish and come to an end&amp;amp;mdash;immediately on her release from the body, issuing forth dispersed like smoke or air and in her flight vanishing away into nothingness. If she could only be collected into herself after she has obtained release from the evils of which you are speaking, there would be good reason to hope, Socrates, that what you say is true. But surely it requires a great deal of argument and many proofs to show that when the man is dead his soul yet exists, and has any force or intelligence. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — True, Cebes, said Socrates; and shall I suggest that we converse a little of the probabilities of these things? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I am sure, said Cebes, that I should greatly like to know your opinion about them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I reckon, said Socrates, that no one who heard me now, not even if he were one of my old enemies, the Comic poets, could accuse me of idle talking about matters in which I have no concern:&amp;amp;mdash;If you please, then, we will proceed with the inquiry. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Suppose we consider the question whether the souls of men after death are or are not in the world below. There comes into my mind an ancient doctrine which affirms that they go from hence into the other world, and returning hither, are born again from the dead. Now if it be true that the living come from the dead, then our souls must exist in the other world, for if not, how could they have been born again? And this would be conclusive, if there were any real evidence that the living are only born from the dead; but if this is not so, then other arguments will have to be adduced. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true, replied Cebes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then let us consider the whole question, not in relation to man only, but in relation to animals generally, and to plants, and to everything of which there is generation, and the proof will be easier. Are not all things which have opposites generated out of their opposites? I mean such things as good and evil, just and unjust&amp;amp;mdash;and there are innumerable other opposites which are generated out of opposites. And I want to show that in all opposites there is of necessity a similar alternation; I mean to say, for example, that anything which becomes greater must become greater after being less. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And that which becomes less must have been once greater and then have become less. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And the weaker is generated from the stronger, and the swifter from the slower. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And the worse is from the better, and the more just is from the more unjust. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And is this true of all opposites? and are we convinced that all of them are generated out of opposites? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And in this universal opposition of all things, are there not also two intermediate processes which are ever going on, from one to the other opposite, and back again; where there is a greater and a less there is also an intermediate process of increase and diminution, and that which grows is said to wax, and that which decays to wane? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And there are many other processes, such as division and composition, cooling and heating, which equally involve a passage into and out of one another. And this necessarily holds of all opposites, even though not always expressed in words&amp;amp;mdash;they are really generated out of one another, and there is a passing or process from one to the other of them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true, he replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Well, and is there not an opposite of life, as sleep is the opposite of waking? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — True, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And what is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Death, he answered. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And these, if they are opposites, are generated the one from the other, and have there their two intermediate processes also? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Now, said Socrates, I will analyze one of the two pairs of opposites which I have mentioned to you, and also its intermediate processes, and you shall analyze the other to me. One of them I term sleep, the other waking. The state of sleep is opposed to the state of waking, and out of sleeping waking is generated, and out of waking, sleeping; and the process of generation is in the one case falling asleep, and in the other waking up. Do you agree? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I entirely agree. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then, suppose that you analyze life and death to me in the same manner. Is not death opposed to life? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And they are generated one from the other? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — What is generated from the living? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The dead. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And what from the dead? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I can only say in answer&amp;amp;mdash;the living. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then the living, whether things or persons, Cebes, are generated from the dead? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That is clear, he replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then the inference is that our souls exist in the world below? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That is true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And one of the two processes or generations is visible&amp;amp;mdash;for surely the act of dying is visible? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Surely, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — What then is to be the result? Shall we exclude the opposite process? And shall we suppose nature to walk on one leg only? Must we not rather assign to death some corresponding process of generation? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly, he replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And what is that process? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Return to life. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And return to life, if there be such a thing, is the birth of the dead into the world of the living? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then here is a new way by which we arrive at the conclusion that the living come from the dead, just as the dead come from the living; and this, if true, affords a most certain proof that the souls of the dead exist in some place out of which they come again. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, Socrates, he said; the conclusion seems to flow necessarily out of our previous admissions. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And that these admissions were not unfair, Cebes, he said, may be shown, I think, as follows: If generation were in a straight line only, and there were no compensation or circle in nature, no turn or return of elements into their opposites, then you know that all things would at last have the same form and pass into the same state, and there would be no more generation of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — What do you mean? he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — A simple thing enough, which I will illustrate by the case of sleep, he replied. You know that if there were no alternation of sleeping and waking, the tale of the sleeping Endymion would in the end have no meaning, because all other things would be asleep, too, and he would not be distinguishable from the rest. Or if there were composition only, and no division of substances, then the chaos of Anaxagoras would come again. And in like manner, my dear Cebes, if all things which partook of life were to die, and after they were dead remained in the form of death, and did not come to life again, all would at last die, and nothing would be alive&amp;amp;mdash;what other result could there be? For if the living spring from any other things, and they too die, must not all things at last be swallowed up in death? (But compare Republic.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There is no escape, Socrates, said Cebes; and to me your argument seems to be absolutely true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, he said, Cebes, it is and must be so, in my opinion; and we have not been deluded in making these admissions; but I am confident that there truly is such a thing as living again, and that the living spring from the dead, and that the souls of the dead are in existence, and that the good souls have a better portion than the evil. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Cebes added: Your favorite doctrine, Socrates, that knowledge is simply recollection, if true, also necessarily implies a previous time in which we have learned that which we now recollect. But this would be impossible unless our soul had been in some place before existing in the form of man; here then is another proof of the soul&#039;s immortality. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But tell me, Cebes, said Simmias, interposing, what arguments are urged in favour of this doctrine of recollection. I am not very sure at the moment that I remember them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — One excellent proof, said Cebes, is afforded by questions. If you put a question to a person in a right way, he will give a true answer of himself, but how could he do this unless there were knowledge and right reason already in him? And this is most clearly shown when he is taken to a diagram or to anything of that sort. (Compare Meno.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But if, said Socrates, you are still incredulous, Simmias, I would ask you whether you may not agree with me when you look at the matter in another way;&amp;amp;mdash;I mean, if you are still incredulous as to whether knowledge is recollection. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Incredulous, I am not, said Simmias; but I want to have this doctrine of recollection brought to my own recollection, and, from what Cebes has said, I am beginning to recollect and be convinced; but I should still like to hear what you were going to say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — This is what I would say, he replied:&amp;amp;mdash;We should agree, if I am not mistaken, that what a man recollects he must have known at some previous time. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And what is the nature of this knowledge or recollection? I mean to ask, Whether a person who, having seen or heard or in any way perceived anything, knows not only that, but has a conception of something else which is the subject, not of the same but of some other kind of knowledge, may not be fairly said to recollect that of which he has the conception? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I mean what I may illustrate by the following instance:&amp;amp;mdash;The knowledge of a lyre is not the same as the knowledge of a man? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And yet what is the feeling of lovers when they recognize a lyre, or a garment, or anything else which the beloved has been in the habit of using? Do not they, from knowing the lyre, form in the mind&#039;s eye an image of the youth to whom the lyre belongs? And this is recollection. In like manner any one who sees Simmias may remember Cebes; and there are endless examples of the same thing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Endless, indeed, replied Simmias. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And recollection is most commonly a process of recovering that which has been already forgotten through time and inattention. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Well; and may you not also from seeing the picture of a horse or a lyre remember a man? and from the picture of Simmias, you may be led to remember Cebes? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Or you may also be led to the recollection of Simmias himself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Quite so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And in all these cases, the recollection may be derived from things either like or unlike? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — It may be. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And when the recollection is derived from like things, then another consideration is sure to arise, which is&amp;amp;mdash;whether the likeness in any degree falls short or not of that which is recollected? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And shall we proceed a step further, and affirm that there is such a thing as equality, not of one piece of wood or stone with another, but that, over and above this, there is absolute equality? Shall we say so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Say so, yes, replied Simmias, and swear to it, with all the confidence in life. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And do we know the nature of this absolute essence? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — To be sure, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And whence did we obtain our knowledge? Did we not see equalities of material things, such as pieces of wood and stones, and gather from them the idea of an equality which is different from them? For you will acknowledge that there is a difference. Or look at the matter in another way:&amp;amp;mdash;Do not the same pieces of wood or stone appear at one time equal, and at another time unequal? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That is certain. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But are real equals ever unequal? or is the idea of equality the same as of inequality? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Impossible, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then these (so-called) equals are not the same with the idea of equality? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I should say, clearly not, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And yet from these equals, although differing from the idea of equality, you conceived and attained that idea? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Which might be like, or might be unlike them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But that makes no difference; whenever from seeing one thing you conceived another, whether like or unlike, there must surely have been an act of recollection? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But what would you say of equal portions of wood and stone, or other material equals? and what is the impression produced by them? Are they equals in the same sense in which absolute equality is equal? or do they fall short of this perfect equality in a measure? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, he said, in a very great measure too. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And must we not allow, that when I or any one, looking at any object, observes that the thing which he sees aims at being some other thing, but falls short of, and cannot be, that other thing, but is inferior, he who makes this observation must have had a previous knowledge of that to which the other, although similar, was inferior? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And has not this been our own case in the matter of equals and of absolute equality? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Precisely. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then we must have known equality previously to the time when we first saw the material equals, and reflected that all these apparent equals strive to attain absolute equality, but fall short of it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And we recognize also that this absolute equality has only been known, and can only be known, through the medium of sight or touch, or of some other of the senses, which are all alike in this respect? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, Socrates, as far as the argument is concerned, one of them is the same as the other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — From the senses then is derived the knowledge that all sensible things aim at an absolute equality of which they fall short? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then before we began to see or hear or perceive in any way, we must have had a knowledge of absolute equality, or we could not have referred to that standard the equals which are derived from the senses?&amp;amp;mdash;for to that they all aspire, and of that they fall short. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — No other inference can be drawn from the previous statements. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And did we not see and hear and have the use of our other senses as soon as we were born? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then we must have acquired the knowledge of equality at some previous time? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That is to say, before we were born, I suppose? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And if we acquired this knowledge before we were born, and were born having the use of it, then we also knew before we were born and at the instant of birth not only the equal or the greater or the less, but all other ideas; for we are not speaking only of equality, but of beauty, goodness, justice, holiness, and of all which we stamp with the name of essence in the dialectical process, both when we ask and when we answer questions. Of all this we may certainly affirm that we acquired the knowledge before birth? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — We may. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But if, after having acquired, we have not forgotten what in each case we acquired, then we must always have come into life having knowledge, and shall always continue to know as long as life lasts&amp;amp;mdash;for knowing is the acquiring and retaining knowledge and not forgetting. Is not forgetting, Simmias, just the losing of knowledge? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Quite true, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But if the knowledge which we acquired before birth was lost by us at birth, and if afterwards by the use of the senses we recovered what we previously knew, will not the process which we call learning be a recovering of the knowledge which is natural to us, and may not this be rightly termed recollection? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — So much is clear&amp;amp;mdash;that when we perceive something, either by the help of sight, or hearing, or some other sense, from that perception we are able to obtain a notion of some other thing like or unlike which is associated with it but has been forgotten. Whence, as I was saying, one of two alternatives follows:&amp;amp;mdash;either we had this knowledge at birth, and continued to know through life; or, after birth, those who are said to learn only remember, and learning is simply recollection. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, that is quite true, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And which alternative, Simmias, do you prefer? Had we the knowledge at our birth, or did we recollect the things which we knew previously to our birth? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I cannot decide at the moment. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — At any rate you can decide whether he who has knowledge will or will not be able to render an account of his knowledge? What do you say? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly, he will. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But do you think that every man is able to give an account of these very matters about which we are speaking? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Would that they could, Socrates, but I rather fear that to-morrow, at this time, there will no longer be any one alive who is able to give an account of them such as ought to be given. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then you are not of opinion, Simmias, that all men know these things? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — They are in process of recollecting that which they learned before? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But when did our souls acquire this knowledge?&amp;amp;mdash;not since we were born as men? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And therefore, previously? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then, Simmias, our souls must also have existed without bodies before they were in the form of man, and must have had intelligence. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Unless indeed you suppose, Socrates, that these notions are given us at the very moment of birth; for this is the only time which remains. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, my friend, but if so, when do we lose them? for they are not in us when we are born&amp;amp;mdash;that is admitted. Do we lose them at the moment of receiving them, or if not at what other time? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — No, Socrates, I perceive that I was unconsciously talking nonsense. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then may we not say, Simmias, that if, as we are always repeating, there is an absolute beauty, and goodness, and an absolute essence of all things; and if to this, which is now discovered to have existed in our former state, we refer all our sensations, and with this compare them, finding these ideas to be pre-existent and our inborn possession&amp;amp;mdash;then our souls must have had a prior existence, but if not, there would be no force in the argument? There is the same proof that these ideas must have existed before we were born, as that our souls existed before we were born; and if not the ideas, then not the souls. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, Socrates; I am convinced that there is precisely the same necessity for the one as for the other; and the argument retreats successfully to the position that the existence of the soul before birth cannot be separated from the existence of the essence of which you speak. For there is nothing which to my mind is so patent as that beauty, goodness, and the other notions of which you were just now speaking, have a most real and absolute existence; and I am satisfied with the proof. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Well, but is Cebes equally satisfied? for I must convince him too. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I think, said Simmias, that Cebes is satisfied: although he is the most incredulous of mortals, yet I believe that he is sufficiently convinced of the existence of the soul before birth. But that after death the soul will continue to exist is not yet proven even to my own satisfaction. I cannot get rid of the feeling of the many to which Cebes was referring&amp;amp;mdash;the feeling that when the man dies the soul will be dispersed, and that this may be the extinction of her. For admitting that she may have been born elsewhere, and framed out of other elements, and was in existence before entering the human body, why after having entered in and gone out again may she not herself be destroyed and come to an end? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true, Simmias, said Cebes; about half of what was required has been proven; to wit, that our souls existed before we were born:&amp;amp;mdash;that the soul will exist after death as well as before birth is the other half of which the proof is still wanting, and has to be supplied; when that is given the demonstration will be complete. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But that proof, Simmias and Cebes, has been already given, said Socrates, if you put the two arguments together&amp;amp;mdash;I mean this and the former one, in which we admitted that everything living is born of the dead. For if the soul exists before birth, and in coming to life and being born can be born only from death and dying, must she not after death continue to exist, since she has to be born again?&amp;amp;mdash;Surely the proof which you desire has been already furnished. Still I suspect that you and Simmias would be glad to probe the argument further. Like children, you are haunted with a fear that when the soul leaves the body, the wind may really blow her away and scatter her; especially if a man should happen to die in a great storm and not when the sky is calm. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Cebes answered with a smile: Then, Socrates, you must argue us out of our fears&amp;amp;mdash;and yet, strictly speaking, they are not our fears, but there is a child within us to whom death is a sort of hobgoblin; him too we must persuade not to be afraid when he is alone in the dark. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Socrates said: Let the voice of the charmer be applied daily until you have charmed away the fear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And where shall we find a good charmer of our fears, Socrates, when you are gone? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Hellas, he replied, is a large place, Cebes, and has many good men, and there are barbarous races not a few: seek for him among them all, far and wide, sparing neither pains nor money; for there is no better way of spending your money. And you must seek among yourselves too; for you will not find others better able to make the search. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The search, replied Cebes, shall certainly be made. And now, if you please, let us return to the point of the argument at which we digressed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — By all means, replied Socrates; what else should I please? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Must we not, said Socrates, ask ourselves what that is which, as we imagine, is liable to be scattered, and about which we fear? and what again is that about which we have no fear? And then we may proceed further to enquire whether that which suffers dispersion is or is not of the nature of soul&amp;amp;mdash;our hopes and fears as to our own souls will turn upon the answers to these questions. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Now the compound or composite may be supposed to be naturally capable, as of being compounded, so also of being dissolved; but that which is uncompounded, and that only, must be, if anything is, indissoluble. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes; I should imagine so, said Cebes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And the uncompounded may be assumed to be the same and unchanging, whereas the compound is always changing and never the same. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I agree, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then now let us return to the previous discussion. Is that idea or essence, which in the dialectical process we define as essence or true existence&amp;amp;mdash;whether essence of equality, beauty, or anything else&amp;amp;mdash;are these essences, I say, liable at times to some degree of change? or are they each of them always what they are, having the same simple self-existent and unchanging forms, not admitting of variation at all, or in any way, or at any time? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — They must be always the same, Socrates, replied Cebes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And what would you say of the many beautiful&amp;amp;mdash;whether men or horses or garments or any other things which are named by the same names and may be called equal or beautiful,&amp;amp;mdash;are they all unchanging and the same always, or quite the reverse? May they not rather be described as almost always changing and hardly ever the same, either with themselves or with one another? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The latter, replied Cebes; they are always in a state of change. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And these you can touch and see and perceive with the senses, but the unchanging things you can only perceive with the mind&amp;amp;mdash;they are invisible and are not seen? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That is very true, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Well, then, added Socrates, let us suppose that there are two sorts of existences&amp;amp;mdash;one seen, the other unseen. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Let us suppose them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The seen is the changing, and the unseen is the unchanging? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That may be also supposed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And, further, is not one part of us body, another part soul? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — To be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And to which class is the body more alike and akin? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Clearly to the seen&amp;amp;mdash;no one can doubt that. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And is the soul seen or not seen? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Not by man, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And what we mean by &#039;seen&#039; and &#039;not seen&#039; is that which is or is not visible to the eye of man? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, to the eye of man. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And is the soul seen or not seen? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Not seen. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Unseen then? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then the soul is more like to the unseen, and the body to the seen? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That follows necessarily, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And were we not saying long ago that the soul when using the body as an instrument of perception, that is to say, when using the sense of sight or hearing or some other sense (for the meaning of perceiving through the body is perceiving through the senses)&amp;amp;mdash;were we not saying that the soul too is then dragged by the body into the region of the changeable, and wanders and is confused; the world spins round her, and she is like a drunkard, when she touches change? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But when returning into herself she reflects, then she passes into the other world, the region of purity, and eternity, and immortality, and unchangeableness, which are her kindred, and with them she ever lives, when she is by herself and is not let or hindered; then she ceases from her erring ways, and being in communion with the unchanging is unchanging. And this state of the soul is called wisdom? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That is well and truly said, Socrates, he replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And to which class is the soul more nearly alike and akin, as far as may be inferred from this argument, as well as from the preceding one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I think, Socrates, that, in the opinion of every one who follows the argument, the soul will be infinitely more like the unchangeable&amp;amp;mdash;even the most stupid person will not deny that. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And the body is more like the changing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yet once more consider the matter in another light: When the soul and the body are united, then nature orders the soul to rule and govern, and the body to obey and serve. Now which of these two functions is akin to the divine? and which to the mortal? Does not the divine appear to you to be that which naturally orders and rules, and the mortal to be that which is subject and servant? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And which does the soul resemble? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The soul resembles the divine, and the body the mortal&amp;amp;mdash;there can be no doubt of that, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then reflect, Cebes: of all which has been said is not this the conclusion?&amp;amp;mdash;that the soul is in the very likeness of the divine, and immortal, and intellectual, and uniform, and indissoluble, and unchangeable; and that the body is in the very likeness of the human, and mortal, and unintellectual, and multiform, and dissoluble, and changeable. Can this, my dear Cebes, be denied? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — It cannot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But if it be true, then is not the body liable to speedy dissolution? and is not the soul almost or altogether indissoluble? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And do you further observe, that after a man is dead, the body, or visible part of him, which is lying in the visible world, and is called a corpse, and would naturally be dissolved and decomposed and dissipated, is not dissolved or decomposed at once, but may remain for a for some time, nay even for a long time, if the constitution be sound at the time of death, and the season of the year favourable? For the body when shrunk and embalmed, as the manner is in Egypt, may remain almost entire through infinite ages; and even in decay, there are still some portions, such as the bones and ligaments, which are practically indestructible:&amp;amp;mdash;Do you agree? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And is it likely that the soul, which is invisible, in passing to the place of the true Hades, which like her is invisible, and pure, and noble, and on her way to the good and wise God, whither, if God will, my soul is also soon to go,&amp;amp;mdash;that the soul, I repeat, if this be her nature and origin, will be blown away and destroyed immediately on quitting the body, as the many say? That can never be, my dear Simmias and Cebes. The truth rather is, that the soul which is pure at departing and draws after her no bodily taint, having never voluntarily during life had connection with the body, which she is ever avoiding, herself gathered into herself;&amp;amp;mdash;and making such abstraction her perpetual study&amp;amp;mdash;which means that she has been a true disciple of philosophy; and therefore has in fact been always engaged in the practice of dying? For is not philosophy the practice of death?&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That soul, I say, herself invisible, departs to the invisible world&amp;amp;mdash;to the divine and immortal and rational: thither arriving, she is secure of bliss and is released from the error and folly of men, their fears and wild passions and all other human ills, and for ever dwells, as they say of the initiated, in company with the gods (compare Apol.). Is not this true, Cebes? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, said Cebes, beyond a doubt. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But the soul which has been polluted, and is impure at the time of her departure, and is the companion and servant of the body always, and is in love with and fascinated by the body and by the desires and pleasures of the body, until she is led to believe that the truth only exists in a bodily form, which a man may touch and see and taste, and use for the purposes of his lusts,&amp;amp;mdash;the soul, I mean, accustomed to hate and fear and avoid the intellectual principle, which to the bodily eye is dark and invisible, and can be attained only by philosophy;&amp;amp;mdash;do you suppose that such a soul will depart pure and unalloyed? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Impossible, he replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — She is held fast by the corporeal, which the continual association and constant care of the body have wrought into her nature. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And this corporeal element, my friend, is heavy and weighty and earthy, and is that element of sight by which a soul is depressed and dragged down again into the visible world, because she is afraid of the invisible and of the world below&amp;amp;mdash;prowling about tombs and sepulchres, near which, as they tell us, are seen certain ghostly apparitions of souls which have not departed pure, but are cloyed with sight and therefore visible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — (Compare Milton, Comus:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;pre xml:space=&amp;quot;preserve&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &#039;But when lust, By unchaste looks, loose gestures, and foul talk, But most by lewd and lavish act of sin, Lets in defilement to the inward parts, The soul grows clotted by contagion, Imbodies, and imbrutes, till she quite lose, The divine property of her first being. Such are those thick and gloomy shadows damp Oft seen in charnel vaults and sepulchres, Lingering, and sitting by a new made grave, As loath to leave the body that it lov&#039;d, And linked itself by carnal sensuality To a degenerate and degraded state.&#039;) &amp;lt;/pre&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That is very likely, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, that is very likely, Cebes; and these must be the souls, not of the good, but of the evil, which are compelled to wander about such places in payment of the penalty of their former evil way of life; and they continue to wander until through the craving after the corporeal which never leaves them, they are imprisoned finally in another body. And they may be supposed to find their prisons in the same natures which they have had in their former lives. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — What natures do you mean, Socrates? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — What I mean is that men who have followed after gluttony, and wantonness, and drunkenness, and have had no thought of avoiding them, would pass into asses and animals of that sort. What do you think? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I think such an opinion to be exceedingly probable. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And those who have chosen the portion of injustice, and tyranny, and violence, will pass into wolves, or into hawks and kites;&amp;amp;mdash;whither else can we suppose them to go? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, said Cebes; with such natures, beyond question. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And there is no difficulty, he said, in assigning to all of them places answering to their several natures and propensities? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There is not, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Some are happier than others; and the happiest both in themselves and in the place to which they go are those who have practised the civil and social virtues which are called temperance and justice, and are acquired by habit and attention without philosophy and mind. (Compare Republic.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Why are they the happiest? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Because they may be expected to pass into some gentle and social kind which is like their own, such as bees or wasps or ants, or back again into the form of man, and just and moderate men may be supposed to spring from them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very likely. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — No one who has not studied philosophy and who is not entirely pure at the time of his departure is allowed to enter the company of the Gods, but the lover of knowledge only. And this is the reason, Simmias and Cebes, why the true votaries of philosophy abstain from all fleshly lusts, and hold out against them and refuse to give themselves up to them,&amp;amp;mdash;not because they fear poverty or the ruin of their families, like the lovers of money, and the world in general; nor like the lovers of power and honour, because they dread the dishonour or disgrace of evil deeds. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — No, Socrates, that would not become them, said Cebes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — No indeed, he replied; and therefore they who have any care of their own souls, and do not merely live moulding and fashioning the body, say farewell to all this; they will not walk in the ways of the blind: and when philosophy offers them purification and release from evil, they feel that they ought not to resist her influence, and whither she leads they turn and follow. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — What do you mean, Socrates? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I will tell you, he said. The lovers of knowledge are conscious that the soul was simply fastened and glued to the body&amp;amp;mdash;until philosophy received her, she could only view real existence through the bars of a prison, not in and through herself; she was wallowing in the mire of every sort of ignorance; and by reason of lust had become the principal accomplice in her own captivity. This was her original state; and then, as I was saying, and as the lovers of knowledge are well aware, philosophy, seeing how terrible was her confinement, of which she was to herself the cause, received and gently comforted her and sought to release her, pointing out that the eye and the ear and the other senses are full of deception, and persuading her to retire from them, and abstain from all but the necessary use of them, and be gathered up and collected into herself, bidding her trust in herself and her own pure apprehension of pure existence, and to mistrust whatever comes to her through other channels and is subject to variation; for such things are visible and tangible, but what she sees in her own nature is intelligible and invisible. And the soul of the true philosopher thinks that she ought not to resist this deliverance, and therefore abstains from pleasures and desires and pains and fears, as far as she is able; reflecting that when a man has great joys or sorrows or fears or desires, he suffers from them, not merely the sort of evil which might be anticipated&amp;amp;mdash;as for example, the loss of his health or property which he has sacrificed to his lusts&amp;amp;mdash;but an evil greater far, which is the greatest and worst of all evils, and one of which he never thinks. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — What is it, Socrates? said Cebes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The evil is that when the feeling of pleasure or pain is most intense, every soul of man imagines the objects of this intense feeling to be then plainest and truest: but this is not so, they are really the things of sight. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And is not this the state in which the soul is most enthralled by the body? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — How so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Why, because each pleasure and pain is a sort of nail which nails and rivets the soul to the body, until she becomes like the body, and believes that to be true which the body affirms to be true; and from agreeing with the body and having the same delights she is obliged to have the same habits and haunts, and is not likely ever to be pure at her departure to the world below, but is always infected by the body; and so she sinks into another body and there germinates and grows, and has therefore no part in the communion of the divine and pure and simple. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Most true, Socrates, answered Cebes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And this, Cebes, is the reason why the true lovers of knowledge are temperate and brave; and not for the reason which the world gives. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly not! The soul of a philosopher will reason in quite another way; she will not ask philosophy to release her in order that when released she may deliver herself up again to the thraldom of pleasures and pains, doing a work only to be undone again, weaving instead of unweaving her Penelope&#039;s web. But she will calm passion, and follow reason, and dwell in the contemplation of her, beholding the true and divine (which is not matter of opinion), and thence deriving nourishment. Thus she seeks to live while she lives, and after death she hopes to go to her own kindred and to that which is like her, and to be freed from human ills. Never fear, Simmias and Cebes, that a soul which has been thus nurtured and has had these pursuits, will at her departure from the body be scattered and blown away by the winds and be nowhere and nothing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — When Socrates had done speaking, for a considerable time there was silence; he himself appeared to be meditating, as most of us were, on what had been said; only Cebes and Simmias spoke a few words to one another. And Socrates observing them asked what they thought of the argument, and whether there was anything wanting? For, said he, there are many points still open to suspicion and attack, if any one were disposed to sift the matter thoroughly. Should you be considering some other matter I say no more, but if you are still in doubt do not hesitate to say exactly what you think, and let us have anything better which you can suggest; and if you think that I can be of any use, allow me to help you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Simmias said: I must confess, Socrates, that doubts did arise in our minds, and each of us was urging and inciting the other to put the question which we wanted to have answered and which neither of us liked to ask, fearing that our importunity might be troublesome under present at such a time. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Socrates replied with a smile: O Simmias, what are you saying? I am not very likely to persuade other men that I do not regard my present situation as a misfortune, if I cannot even persuade you that I am no worse off now than at any other time in my life. Will you not allow that I have as much of the spirit of prophecy in me as the swans? For they, when they perceive that they must die, having sung all their life long, do then sing more lustily than ever, rejoicing in the thought that they are about to go away to the god whose ministers they are. But men, because they are themselves afraid of death, slanderously affirm of the swans that they sing a lament at the last, not considering that no bird sings when cold, or hungry, or in pain, not even the nightingale, nor the swallow, nor yet the hoopoe; which are said indeed to tune a lay of sorrow, although I do not believe this to be true of them any more than of the swans. But because they are sacred to Apollo, they have the gift of prophecy, and anticipate the good things of another world, wherefore they sing and rejoice in that day more than they ever did before. And I too, believing myself to be the consecrated servant of the same God, and the fellow-servant of the swans, and thinking that I have received from my master gifts of prophecy which are not inferior to theirs, would not go out of life less merrily than the swans. Never mind then, if this be your only objection, but speak and ask anything which you like, while the eleven magistrates of Athens allow. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very good, Socrates, said Simmias; then I will tell you my difficulty, and Cebes will tell you his. I feel myself, (and I daresay that you have the same feeling), how hard or rather impossible is the attainment of any certainty about questions such as these in the present life. And yet I should deem him a coward who did not prove what is said about them to the uttermost, or whose heart failed him before he had examined them on every side. For he should persevere until he has achieved one of two things: either he should discover, or be taught the truth about them; or, if this be impossible, I would have him take the best and most irrefragable of human theories, and let this be the raft upon which he sails through life&amp;amp;mdash;not without risk, as I admit, if he cannot find some word of God which will more surely and safely carry him. And now, as you bid me, I will venture to question you, and then I shall not have to reproach myself hereafter with not having said at the time what I think. For when I consider the matter, either alone or with Cebes, the argument does certainly appear to me, Socrates, to be not sufficient. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Socrates answered: I dare say, my friend, that you may be right, but I should like to know in what respect the argument is insufficient. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In this respect, replied Simmias:&amp;amp;mdash;Suppose a person to use the same argument about harmony and the lyre&amp;amp;mdash;might he not say that harmony is a thing invisible, incorporeal, perfect, divine, existing in the lyre which is harmonized, but that the lyre and the strings are matter and material, composite, earthy, and akin to mortality? And when some one breaks the lyre, or cuts and rends the strings, then he who takes this view would argue as you do, and on the same analogy, that the harmony survives and has not perished&amp;amp;mdash;you cannot imagine, he would say, that the lyre without the strings, and the broken strings themselves which are mortal remain, and yet that the harmony, which is of heavenly and immortal nature and kindred, has perished&amp;amp;mdash;perished before the mortal. The harmony must still be somewhere, and the wood and strings will decay before anything can happen to that. The thought, Socrates, must have occurred to your own mind that such is our conception of the soul; and that when the body is in a manner strung and held together by the elements of hot and cold, wet and dry, then the soul is the harmony or due proportionate admixture of them. But if so, whenever the strings of the body are unduly loosened or overstrained through disease or other injury, then the soul, though most divine, like other harmonies of music or of works of art, of course perishes at once, although the material remains of the body may last for a considerable time, until they are either decayed or burnt. And if any one maintains that the soul, being the harmony of the elements of the body, is first to perish in that which is called death, how shall we answer him? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Socrates looked fixedly at us as his manner was, and said with a smile: Simmias has reason on his side; and why does not some one of you who is better able than myself answer him? for there is force in his attack upon me. But perhaps, before we answer him, we had better also hear what Cebes has to say that we may gain time for reflection, and when they have both spoken, we may either assent to them, if there is truth in what they say, or if not, we will maintain our position. Please to tell me then, Cebes, he said, what was the difficulty which troubled you? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Cebes said: I will tell you. My feeling is that the argument is where it was, and open to the same objections which were urged before; for I am ready to admit that the existence of the soul before entering into the bodily form has been very ingeniously, and, if I may say so, quite sufficiently proven; but the existence of the soul after death is still, in my judgment, unproven. Now my objection is not the same as that of Simmias; for I am not disposed to deny that the soul is stronger and more lasting than the body, being of opinion that in all such respects the soul very far excels the body. Well, then, says the argument to me, why do you remain unconvinced?&amp;amp;mdash;When you see that the weaker continues in existence after the man is dead, will you not admit that the more lasting must also survive during the same period of time? Now I will ask you to consider whether the objection, which, like Simmias, I will express in a figure, is of any weight. The analogy which I will adduce is that of an old weaver, who dies, and after his death somebody says:&amp;amp;mdash;He is not dead, he must be alive;&amp;amp;mdash;see, there is the coat which he himself wove and wore, and which remains whole and undecayed. And then he proceeds to ask of some one who is incredulous, whether a man lasts longer, or the coat which is in use and wear; and when he is answered that a man lasts far longer, thinks that he has thus certainly demonstrated the survival of the man, who is the more lasting, because the less lasting remains. But that, Simmias, as I would beg you to remark, is a mistake; any one can see that he who talks thus is talking nonsense. For the truth is, that the weaver aforesaid, having woven and worn many such coats, outlived several of them, and was outlived by the last; but a man is not therefore proved to be slighter and weaker than a coat. Now the relation of the body to the soul may be expressed in a similar figure; and any one may very fairly say in like manner that the soul is lasting, and the body weak and shortlived in comparison. He may argue in like manner that every soul wears out many bodies, especially if a man live many years. While he is alive the body deliquesces and decays, and the soul always weaves another garment and repairs the waste. But of course, whenever the soul perishes, she must have on her last garment, and this will survive her; and then at length, when the soul is dead, the body will show its native weakness, and quickly decompose and pass away. I would therefore rather not rely on the argument from superior strength to prove the continued existence of the soul after death. For granting even more than you affirm to be possible, and acknowledging not only that the soul existed before birth, but also that the souls of some exist, and will continue to exist after death, and will be born and die again and again, and that there is a natural strength in the soul which will hold out and be born many times&amp;amp;mdash;nevertheless, we may be still inclined to think that she will weary in the labours of successive births, and may at last succumb in one of her deaths and utterly perish; and this death and dissolution of the body which brings destruction to the soul may be unknown to any of us, for no one of us can have had any experience of it: and if so, then I maintain that he who is confident about death has but a foolish confidence, unless he is able to prove that the soul is altogether immortal and imperishable. But if he cannot prove the soul&#039;s immortality, he who is about to die will always have reason to fear that when the body is disunited, the soul also may utterly perish. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — All of us, as we afterwards remarked to one another, had an unpleasant feeling at hearing what they said. When we had been so firmly convinced before, now to have our faith shaken seemed to introduce a confusion and uncertainty, not only into the previous argument, but into any future one; either we were incapable of forming a judgment, or there were no grounds of belief. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ECHECRATES: There I feel with you&amp;amp;mdash;by heaven I do, Phaedo, and when you were speaking, I was beginning to ask myself the same question: What argument can I ever trust again? For what could be more convincing than the argument of Socrates, which has now fallen into discredit? That the soul is a harmony is a doctrine which has always had a wonderful attraction for me, and, when mentioned, came back to me at once, as my own original conviction. And now I must begin again and find another argument which will assure me that when the man is dead the soul survives. Tell me, I implore you, how did Socrates proceed? Did he appear to share the unpleasant feeling which you mention? or did he calmly meet the attack? And did he answer forcibly or feebly? Narrate what passed as exactly as you can. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDO: Often, Echecrates, I have wondered at Socrates, but never more than on that occasion. That he should be able to answer was nothing, but what astonished me was, first, the gentle and pleasant and approving manner in which he received the words of the young men, and then his quick sense of the wound which had been inflicted by the argument, and the readiness with which he healed it. He might be compared to a general rallying his defeated and broken army, urging them to accompany him and return to the field of argument. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ECHECRATES: What followed? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDO: You shall hear, for I was close to him on his right hand, seated on a sort of stool, and he on a couch which was a good deal higher. He stroked my head, and pressed the hair upon my neck&amp;amp;mdash;he had a way of playing with my hair; and then he said: To-morrow, Phaedo, I suppose that these fair locks of yours will be severed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, Socrates, I suppose that they will, I replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Not so, if you will take my advice. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — What shall I do with them? I said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — To-day, he replied, and not to-morrow, if this argument dies and we cannot bring it to life again, you and I will both shave our locks; and if I were you, and the argument got away from me, and I could not hold my ground against Simmias and Cebes, I would myself take an oath, like the Argives, not to wear hair any more until I had renewed the conflict and defeated them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, I said, but Heracles himself is said not to be a match for two. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Summon me then, he said, and I will be your Iolaus until the sun goes down. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I summon you rather, I rejoined, not as Heracles summoning Iolaus, but as Iolaus might summon Heracles. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That will do as well, he said. But first let us take care that we avoid a danger. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Of what nature? I said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Lest we become misologists, he replied, no worse thing can happen to a man than this. For as there are misanthropists or haters of men, there are also misologists or haters of ideas, and both spring from the same cause, which is ignorance of the world. Misanthropy arises out of the too great confidence of inexperience;&amp;amp;mdash;you trust a man and think him altogether true and sound and faithful, and then in a little while he turns out to be false and knavish; and then another and another, and when this has happened several times to a man, especially when it happens among those whom he deems to be his own most trusted and familiar friends, and he has often quarreled with them, he at last hates all men, and believes that no one has any good in him at all. You must have observed this trait of character? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I have. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And is not the feeling discreditable? Is it not obvious that such an one having to deal with other men, was clearly without any experience of human nature; for experience would have taught him the true state of the case, that few are the good and few the evil, and that the great majority are in the interval between them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — What do you mean? I said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I mean, he replied, as you might say of the very large and very small, that nothing is more uncommon than a very large or very small man; and this applies generally to all extremes, whether of great and small, or swift and slow, or fair and foul, or black and white: and whether the instances you select be men or dogs or anything else, few are the extremes, but many are in the mean between them. Did you never observe this? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, I said, I have. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And do you not imagine, he said, that if there were a competition in evil, the worst would be found to be very few? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, that is very likely, I said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, that is very likely, he replied; although in this respect arguments are unlike men&amp;amp;mdash;there I was led on by you to say more than I had intended; but the point of comparison was, that when a simple man who has no skill in dialectics believes an argument to be true which he afterwards imagines to be false, whether really false or not, and then another and another, he has no longer any faith left, and great disputers, as you know, come to think at last that they have grown to be the wisest of mankind; for they alone perceive the utter unsoundness and instability of all arguments, or indeed, of all things, which, like the currents in the Euripus, are going up and down in never-ceasing ebb and flow. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That is quite true, I said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, Phaedo, he replied, and how melancholy, if there be such a thing as truth or certainty or possibility of knowledge&amp;amp;mdash;that a man should have lighted upon some argument or other which at first seemed true and then turned out to be false, and instead of blaming himself and his own want of wit, because he is annoyed, should at last be too glad to transfer the blame from himself to arguments in general: and for ever afterwards should hate and revile them, and lose truth and the knowledge of realities. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, indeed, I said; that is very melancholy. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Let us then, in the first place, he said, be careful of allowing or of admitting into our souls the notion that there is no health or soundness in any arguments at all. Rather say that we have not yet attained to soundness in ourselves, and that we must struggle manfully and do our best to gain health of mind&amp;amp;mdash;you and all other men having regard to the whole of your future life, and I myself in the prospect of death. For at this moment I am sensible that I have not the temper of a philosopher; like the vulgar, I am only a partisan. Now the partisan, when he is engaged in a dispute, cares nothing about the rights of the question, but is anxious only to convince his hearers of his own assertions. And the difference between him and me at the present moment is merely this&amp;amp;mdash;that whereas he seeks to convince his hearers that what he says is true, I am rather seeking to convince myself; to convince my hearers is a secondary matter with me. And do but see how much I gain by the argument. For if what I say is true, then I do well to be persuaded of the truth, but if there be nothing after death, still, during the short time that remains, I shall not distress my friends with lamentations, and my ignorance will not last, but will die with me, and therefore no harm will be done. This is the state of mind, Simmias and Cebes, in which I approach the argument. And I would ask you to be thinking of the truth and not of Socrates: agree with me, if I seem to you to be speaking the truth; or if not, withstand me might and main, that I may not deceive you as well as myself in my enthusiasm, and like the bee, leave my sting in you before I die. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And now let us proceed, he said. And first of all let me be sure that I have in my mind what you were saying. Simmias, if I remember rightly, has fears and misgivings whether the soul, although a fairer and diviner thing than the body, being as she is in the form of harmony, may not perish first. On the other hand, Cebes appeared to grant that the soul was more lasting than the body, but he said that no one could know whether the soul, after having worn out many bodies, might not perish herself and leave her last body behind her; and that this is death, which is the destruction not of the body but of the soul, for in the body the work of destruction is ever going on. Are not these, Simmias and Cebes, the points which we have to consider? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — They both agreed to this statement of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He proceeded: And did you deny the force of the whole preceding argument, or of a part only? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Of a part only, they replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And what did you think, he said, of that part of the argument in which we said that knowledge was recollection, and hence inferred that the soul must have previously existed somewhere else before she was enclosed in the body? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Cebes said that he had been wonderfully impressed by that part of the argument, and that his conviction remained absolutely unshaken. Simmias agreed, and added that he himself could hardly imagine the possibility of his ever thinking differently. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But, rejoined Socrates, you will have to think differently, my Theban friend, if you still maintain that harmony is a compound, and that the soul is a harmony which is made out of strings set in the frame of the body; for you will surely never allow yourself to say that a harmony is prior to the elements which compose it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Never, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But do you not see that this is what you imply when you say that the soul existed before she took the form and body of man, and was made up of elements which as yet had no existence? For harmony is not like the soul, as you suppose; but first the lyre, and the strings, and the sounds exist in a state of discord, and then harmony is made last of all, and perishes first. And how can such a notion of the soul as this agree with the other? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Not at all, replied Simmias. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And yet, he said, there surely ought to be harmony in a discourse of which harmony is the theme. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There ought, replied Simmias. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But there is no harmony, he said, in the two propositions that knowledge is recollection, and that the soul is a harmony. Which of them will you retain? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I think, he replied, that I have a much stronger faith, Socrates, in the first of the two, which has been fully demonstrated to me, than in the latter, which has not been demonstrated at all, but rests only on probable and plausible grounds; and is therefore believed by the many. I know too well that these arguments from probabilities are impostors, and unless great caution is observed in the use of them, they are apt to be deceptive&amp;amp;mdash;in geometry, and in other things too. But the doctrine of knowledge and recollection has been proven to me on trustworthy grounds; and the proof was that the soul must have existed before she came into the body, because to her belongs the essence of which the very name implies existence. Having, as I am convinced, rightly accepted this conclusion, and on sufficient grounds, I must, as I suppose, cease to argue or allow others to argue that the soul is a harmony. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Let me put the matter, Simmias, he said, in another point of view: Do you imagine that a harmony or any other composition can be in a state other than that of the elements, out of which it is compounded? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Or do or suffer anything other than they do or suffer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He agreed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then a harmony does not, properly speaking, lead the parts or elements which make up the harmony, but only follows them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He assented. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — For harmony cannot possibly have any motion, or sound, or other quality which is opposed to its parts. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That would be impossible, he replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And does not the nature of every harmony depend upon the manner in which the elements are harmonized? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I do not understand you, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I mean to say that a harmony admits of degrees, and is more of a harmony, and more completely a harmony, when more truly and fully harmonized, to any extent which is possible; and less of a harmony, and less completely a harmony, when less truly and fully harmonized. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But does the soul admit of degrees? or is one soul in the very least degree more or less, or more or less completely, a soul than another? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Not in the least. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yet surely of two souls, one is said to have intelligence and virtue, and to be good, and the other to have folly and vice, and to be an evil soul: and this is said truly? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, truly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But what will those who maintain the soul to be a harmony say of this presence of virtue and vice in the soul?&amp;amp;mdash;will they say that here is another harmony, and another discord, and that the virtuous soul is harmonized, and herself being a harmony has another harmony within her, and that the vicious soul is inharmonical and has no harmony within her? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I cannot tell, replied Simmias; but I suppose that something of the sort would be asserted by those who say that the soul is a harmony. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And we have already admitted that no soul is more a soul than another; which is equivalent to admitting that harmony is not more or less harmony, or more or less completely a harmony? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And that which is not more or less a harmony is not more or less harmonized? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And that which is not more or less harmonized cannot have more or less of harmony, but only an equal harmony? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, an equal harmony. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then one soul not being more or less absolutely a soul than another, is not more or less harmonized? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Exactly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And therefore has neither more nor less of discord, nor yet of harmony? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — She has not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And having neither more nor less of harmony or of discord, one soul has no more vice or virtue than another, if vice be discord and virtue harmony? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Not at all more. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Or speaking more correctly, Simmias, the soul, if she is a harmony, will never have any vice; because a harmony, being absolutely a harmony, has no part in the inharmonical. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And therefore a soul which is absolutely a soul has no vice? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — How can she have, if the previous argument holds? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then, if all souls are equally by their nature souls, all souls of all living creatures will be equally good? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I agree with you, Socrates, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And can all this be true, think you? he said; for these are the consequences which seem to follow from the assumption that the soul is a harmony? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — It cannot be true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Once more, he said, what ruler is there of the elements of human nature other than the soul, and especially the wise soul? Do you know of any? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Indeed, I do not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And is the soul in agreement with the affections of the body? or is she at variance with them? For example, when the body is hot and thirsty, does not the soul incline us against drinking? and when the body is hungry, against eating? And this is only one instance out of ten thousand of the opposition of the soul to the things of the body. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But we have already acknowledged that the soul, being a harmony, can never utter a note at variance with the tensions and relaxations and vibrations and other affections of the strings out of which she is composed; she can only follow, she cannot lead them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — It must be so, he replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And yet do we not now discover the soul to be doing the exact opposite&amp;amp;mdash;leading the elements of which she is believed to be composed; almost always opposing and coercing them in all sorts of ways throughout life, sometimes more violently with the pains of medicine and gymnastic; then again more gently; now threatening, now admonishing the desires, passions, fears, as if talking to a thing which is not herself, as Homer in the Odyssee represents Odysseus doing in the words&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;He beat his breast, and thus reproached his heart: Endure, my heart; far worse hast thou endured!&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Do you think that Homer wrote this under the idea that the soul is a harmony capable of being led by the affections of the body, and not rather of a nature which should lead and master them&amp;amp;mdash;herself a far diviner thing than any harmony? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, Socrates, I quite think so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then, my friend, we can never be right in saying that the soul is a harmony, for we should contradict the divine Homer, and contradict ourselves. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — True, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Thus much, said Socrates, of Harmonia, your Theban goddess, who has graciously yielded to us; but what shall I say, Cebes, to her husband Cadmus, and how shall I make peace with him? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I think that you will discover a way of propitiating him, said Cebes; I am sure that you have put the argument with Harmonia in a manner that I could never have expected. For when Simmias was mentioning his difficulty, I quite imagined that no answer could be given to him, and therefore I was surprised at finding that his argument could not sustain the first onset of yours, and not impossibly the other, whom you call Cadmus, may share a similar fate. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Nay, my good friend, said Socrates, let us not boast, lest some evil eye should put to flight the word which I am about to speak. That, however, may be left in the hands of those above, while I draw near in Homeric fashion, and try the mettle of your words. Here lies the point:&amp;amp;mdash;You want to have it proven to you that the soul is imperishable and immortal, and the philosopher who is confident in death appears to you to have but a vain and foolish confidence, if he believes that he will fare better in the world below than one who has led another sort of life, unless he can prove this; and you say that the demonstration of the strength and divinity of the soul, and of her existence prior to our becoming men, does not necessarily imply her immortality. Admitting the soul to be longlived, and to have known and done much in a former state, still she is not on that account immortal; and her entrance into the human form may be a sort of disease which is the beginning of dissolution, and may at last, after the toils of life are over, end in that which is called death. And whether the soul enters into the body once only or many times, does not, as you say, make any difference in the fears of individuals. For any man, who is not devoid of sense, must fear, if he has no knowledge and can give no account of the soul&#039;s immortality. This, or something like this, I suspect to be your notion, Cebes; and I designedly recur to it in order that nothing may escape us, and that you may, if you wish, add or subtract anything. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But, said Cebes, as far as I see at present, I have nothing to add or subtract: I mean what you say that I mean. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Socrates paused awhile, and seemed to be absorbed in reflection. At length he said: You are raising a tremendous question, Cebes, involving the whole nature of generation and corruption, about which, if you like, I will give you my own experience; and if anything which I say is likely to avail towards the solution of your difficulty you may make use of it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I should very much like, said Cebes, to hear what you have to say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then I will tell you, said Socrates. When I was young, Cebes, I had a prodigious desire to know that department of philosophy which is called the investigation of nature; to know the causes of things, and why a thing is and is created or destroyed appeared to me to be a lofty profession; and I was always agitating myself with the consideration of questions such as these:&amp;amp;mdash;Is the growth of animals the result of some decay which the hot and cold principle contracts, as some have said? Is the blood the element with which we think, or the air, or the fire? or perhaps nothing of the kind&amp;amp;mdash;but the brain may be the originating power of the perceptions of hearing and sight and smell, and memory and opinion may come from them, and science may be based on memory and opinion when they have attained fixity. And then I went on to examine the corruption of them, and then to the things of heaven and earth, and at last I concluded myself to be utterly and absolutely incapable of these enquiries, as I will satisfactorily prove to you. For I was fascinated by them to such a degree that my eyes grew blind to things which I had seemed to myself, and also to others, to know quite well; I forgot what I had before thought self-evident truths; e.g. such a fact as that the growth of man is the result of eating and drinking; for when by the digestion of food flesh is added to flesh and bone to bone, and whenever there is an aggregation of congenial elements, the lesser bulk becomes larger and the small man great. Was not that a reasonable notion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, said Cebes, I think so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Well; but let me tell you something more. There was a time when I thought that I understood the meaning of greater and less pretty well; and when I saw a great man standing by a little one, I fancied that one was taller than the other by a head; or one horse would appear to be greater than another horse: and still more clearly did I seem to perceive that ten is two more than eight, and that two cubits are more than one, because two is the double of one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And what is now your notion of such matters? said Cebes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I should be far enough from imagining, he replied, that I knew the cause of any of them, by heaven I should; for I cannot satisfy myself that, when one is added to one, the one to which the addition is made becomes two, or that the two units added together make two by reason of the addition. I cannot understand how, when separated from the other, each of them was one and not two, and now, when they are brought together, the mere juxtaposition or meeting of them should be the cause of their becoming two: neither can I understand how the division of one is the way to make two; for then a different cause would produce the same effect,&amp;amp;mdash;as in the former instance the addition and juxtaposition of one to one was the cause of two, in this the separation and subtraction of one from the other would be the cause. Nor am I any longer satisfied that I understand the reason why one or anything else is either generated or destroyed or is at all, but I have in my mind some confused notion of a new method, and can never admit the other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then I heard some one reading, as he said, from a book of Anaxagoras, that mind was the disposer and cause of all, and I was delighted at this notion, which appeared quite admirable, and I said to myself: If mind is the disposer, mind will dispose all for the best, and put each particular in the best place; and I argued that if any one desired to find out the cause of the generation or destruction or existence of anything, he must find out what state of being or doing or suffering was best for that thing, and therefore a man had only to consider the best for himself and others, and then he would also know the worse, since the same science comprehended both. And I rejoiced to think that I had found in Anaxagoras a teacher of the causes of existence such as I desired, and I imagined that he would tell me first whether the earth is flat or round; and whichever was true, he would proceed to explain the cause and the necessity of this being so, and then he would teach me the nature of the best and show that this was best; and if he said that the earth was in the centre, he would further explain that this position was the best, and I should be satisfied with the explanation given, and not want any other sort of cause. And I thought that I would then go on and ask him about the sun and moon and stars, and that he would explain to me their comparative swiftness, and their returnings and various states, active and passive, and how all of them were for the best. For I could not imagine that when he spoke of mind as the disposer of them, he would give any other account of their being as they are, except that this was best; and I thought that when he had explained to me in detail the cause of each and the cause of all, he would go on to explain to me what was best for each and what was good for all. These hopes I would not have sold for a large sum of money, and I seized the books and read them as fast as I could in my eagerness to know the better and the worse. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — What expectations I had formed, and how grievously was I disappointed! As I proceeded, I found my philosopher altogether forsaking mind or any other principle of order, but having recourse to air, and ether, and water, and other eccentricities. I might compare him to a person who began by maintaining generally that mind is the cause of the actions of Socrates, but who, when he endeavoured to explain the causes of my several actions in detail, went on to show that I sit here because my body is made up of bones and muscles; and the bones, as he would say, are hard and have joints which divide them, and the muscles are elastic, and they cover the bones, which have also a covering or environment of flesh and skin which contains them; and as the bones are lifted at their joints by the contraction or relaxation of the muscles, I am able to bend my limbs, and this is why I am sitting here in a curved posture&amp;amp;mdash;that is what he would say, and he would have a similar explanation of my talking to you, which he would attribute to sound, and air, and hearing, and he would assign ten thousand other causes of the same sort, forgetting to mention the true cause, which is, that the Athenians have thought fit to condemn me, and accordingly I have thought it better and more right to remain here and undergo my sentence; for I am inclined to think that these muscles and bones of mine would have gone off long ago to Megara or Boeotia&amp;amp;mdash;by the dog they would, if they had been moved only by their own idea of what was best, and if I had not chosen the better and nobler part, instead of playing truant and running away, of enduring any punishment which the state inflicts. There is surely a strange confusion of causes and conditions in all this. It may be said, indeed, that without bones and muscles and the other parts of the body I cannot execute my purposes. But to say that I do as I do because of them, and that this is the way in which mind acts, and not from the choice of the best, is a very careless and idle mode of speaking. I wonder that they cannot distinguish the cause from the condition, which the many, feeling about in the dark, are always mistaking and misnaming. And thus one man makes a vortex all round and steadies the earth by the heaven; another gives the air as a support to the earth, which is a sort of broad trough. Any power which in arranging them as they are arranges them for the best never enters into their minds; and instead of finding any superior strength in it, they rather expect to discover another Atlas of the world who is stronger and more everlasting and more containing than the good;&amp;amp;mdash;of the obligatory and containing power of the good they think nothing; and yet this is the principle which I would fain learn if any one would teach me. But as I have failed either to discover myself, or to learn of any one else, the nature of the best, I will exhibit to you, if you like, what I have found to be the second best mode of enquiring into the cause. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I should very much like to hear, he replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Socrates proceeded:&amp;amp;mdash;I thought that as I had failed in the contemplation of true existence, I ought to be careful that I did not lose the eye of my soul; as people may injure their bodily eye by observing and gazing on the sun during an eclipse, unless they take the precaution of only looking at the image reflected in the water, or in some similar medium. So in my own case, I was afraid that my soul might be blinded altogether if I looked at things with my eyes or tried to apprehend them by the help of the senses. And I thought that I had better have recourse to the world of mind and seek there the truth of existence. I dare say that the simile is not perfect&amp;amp;mdash;for I am very far from admitting that he who contemplates existences through the medium of thought, sees them only &#039;through a glass darkly,&#039; any more than he who considers them in action and operation. However, this was the method which I adopted: I first assumed some principle which I judged to be the strongest, and then I affirmed as true whatever seemed to agree with this, whether relating to the cause or to anything else; and that which disagreed I regarded as untrue. But I should like to explain my meaning more clearly, as I do not think that you as yet understand me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — No indeed, replied Cebes, not very well. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There is nothing new, he said, in what I am about to tell you; but only what I have been always and everywhere repeating in the previous discussion and on other occasions: I want to show you the nature of that cause which has occupied my thoughts. I shall have to go back to those familiar words which are in the mouth of every one, and first of all assume that there is an absolute beauty and goodness and greatness, and the like; grant me this, and I hope to be able to show you the nature of the cause, and to prove the immortality of the soul. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Cebes said: You may proceed at once with the proof, for I grant you this. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Well, he said, then I should like to know whether you agree with me in the next step; for I cannot help thinking, if there be anything beautiful other than absolute beauty should there be such, that it can be beautiful only in as far as it partakes of absolute beauty&amp;amp;mdash;and I should say the same of everything. Do you agree in this notion of the cause? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, he said, I agree. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He proceeded: I know nothing and can understand nothing of any other of those wise causes which are alleged; and if a person says to me that the bloom of colour, or form, or any such thing is a source of beauty, I leave all that, which is only confusing to me, and simply and singly, and perhaps foolishly, hold and am assured in my own mind that nothing makes a thing beautiful but the presence and participation of beauty in whatever way or manner obtained; for as to the manner I am uncertain, but I stoutly contend that by beauty all beautiful things become beautiful. This appears to me to be the safest answer which I can give, either to myself or to another, and to this I cling, in the persuasion that this principle will never be overthrown, and that to myself or to any one who asks the question, I may safely reply, That by beauty beautiful things become beautiful. Do you not agree with me? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I do. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And that by greatness only great things become great and greater greater, and by smallness the less become less? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then if a person were to remark that A is taller by a head than B, and B less by a head than A, you would refuse to admit his statement, and would stoutly contend that what you mean is only that the greater is greater by, and by reason of, greatness, and the less is less only by, and by reason of, smallness; and thus you would avoid the danger of saying that the greater is greater and the less less by the measure of the head, which is the same in both, and would also avoid the monstrous absurdity of supposing that the greater man is greater by reason of the head, which is small. You would be afraid to draw such an inference, would you not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Indeed, I should, said Cebes, laughing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In like manner you would be afraid to say that ten exceeded eight by, and by reason of, two; but would say by, and by reason of, number; or you would say that two cubits exceed one cubit not by a half, but by magnitude?-for there is the same liability to error in all these cases. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Again, would you not be cautious of affirming that the addition of one to one, or the division of one, is the cause of two? And you would loudly asseverate that you know of no way in which anything comes into existence except by participation in its own proper essence, and consequently, as far as you know, the only cause of two is the participation in duality&amp;amp;mdash;this is the way to make two, and the participation in one is the way to make one. You would say: I will let alone puzzles of division and addition&amp;amp;mdash;wiser heads than mine may answer them; inexperienced as I am, and ready to start, as the proverb says, at my own shadow, I cannot afford to give up the sure ground of a principle. And if any one assails you there, you would not mind him, or answer him, until you had seen whether the consequences which follow agree with one another or not, and when you are further required to give an explanation of this principle, you would go on to assume a higher principle, and a higher, until you found a resting-place in the best of the higher; but you would not confuse the principle and the consequences in your reasoning, like the Eristics&amp;amp;mdash;at least if you wanted to discover real existence. Not that this confusion signifies to them, who never care or think about the matter at all, for they have the wit to be well pleased with themselves however great may be the turmoil of their ideas. But you, if you are a philosopher, will certainly do as I say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — What you say is most true, said Simmias and Cebes, both speaking at once. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ECHECRATES: Yes, Phaedo; and I do not wonder at their assenting. Any one who has the least sense will acknowledge the wonderful clearness of Socrates&#039; reasoning. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDO: Certainly, Echecrates; and such was the feeling of the whole company at the time. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ECHECRATES: Yes, and equally of ourselves, who were not of the company, and are now listening to your recital. But what followed? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PHAEDO: After all this had been admitted, and they had that ideas exist, and that other things participate in them and derive their names from them, Socrates, if I remember rightly, said:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — This is your way of speaking; and yet when you say that Simmias is greater than Socrates and less than Phaedo, do you not predicate of Simmias both greatness and smallness? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, I do. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But still you allow that Simmias does not really exceed Socrates, as the words may seem to imply, because he is Simmias, but by reason of the size which he has; just as Simmias does not exceed Socrates because he is Simmias, any more than because Socrates is Socrates, but because he has smallness when compared with the greatness of Simmias? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And if Phaedo exceeds him in size, this is not because Phaedo is Phaedo, but because Phaedo has greatness relatively to Simmias, who is comparatively smaller? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That is true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And therefore Simmias is said to be great, and is also said to be small, because he is in a mean between them, exceeding the smallness of the one by his greatness, and allowing the greatness of the other to exceed his smallness. He added, laughing, I am speaking like a book, but I believe that what I am saying is true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Simmias assented. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I speak as I do because I want you to agree with me in thinking, not only that absolute greatness will never be great and also small, but that greatness in us or in the concrete will never admit the small or admit of being exceeded: instead of this, one of two things will happen, either the greater will fly or retire before the opposite, which is the less, or at the approach of the less has already ceased to exist; but will not, if allowing or admitting of smallness, be changed by that; even as I, having received and admitted smallness when compared with Simmias, remain just as I was, and am the same small person. And as the idea of greatness cannot condescend ever to be or become small, in like manner the smallness in us cannot be or become great; nor can any other opposite which remains the same ever be or become its own opposite, but either passes away or perishes in the change. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That, replied Cebes, is quite my notion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Hereupon one of the company, though I do not exactly remember which of them, said: In heaven&#039;s name, is not this the direct contrary of what was admitted before&amp;amp;mdash;that out of the greater came the less and out of the less the greater, and that opposites were simply generated from opposites; but now this principle seems to be utterly denied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Socrates inclined his head to the speaker and listened. I like your courage, he said, in reminding us of this. But you do not observe that there is a difference in the two cases. For then we were speaking of opposites in the concrete, and now of the essential opposite which, as is affirmed, neither in us nor in nature can ever be at variance with itself: then, my friend, we were speaking of things in which opposites are inherent and which are called after them, but now about the opposites which are inherent in them and which give their name to them; and these essential opposites will never, as we maintain, admit of generation into or out of one another. At the same time, turning to Cebes, he said: Are you at all disconcerted, Cebes, at our friend&#039;s objection? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — No, I do not feel so, said Cebes; and yet I cannot deny that I am often disturbed by objections. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then we are agreed after all, said Socrates, that the opposite will never in any case be opposed to itself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — To that we are quite agreed, he replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yet once more let me ask you to consider the question from another point of view, and see whether you agree with me:&amp;amp;mdash;There is a thing which you term heat, and another thing which you term cold? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But are they the same as fire and snow? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Most assuredly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Heat is a thing different from fire, and cold is not the same with snow? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And yet you will surely admit, that when snow, as was before said, is under the influence of heat, they will not remain snow and heat; but at the advance of the heat, the snow will either retire or perish? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true, he replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And the fire too at the advance of the cold will either retire or perish; and when the fire is under the influence of the cold, they will not remain as before, fire and cold. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That is true, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And in some cases the name of the idea is not only attached to the idea in an eternal connection, but anything else which, not being the idea, exists only in the form of the idea, may also lay claim to it. I will try to make this clearer by an example:&amp;amp;mdash;The odd number is always called by the name of odd? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But is this the only thing which is called odd? Are there not other things which have their own name, and yet are called odd, because, although not the same as oddness, they are never without oddness?&amp;amp;mdash;that is what I mean to ask&amp;amp;mdash;whether numbers such as the number three are not of the class of odd. And there are many other examples: would you not say, for example, that three may be called by its proper name, and also be called odd, which is not the same with three? and this may be said not only of three but also of five, and of every alternate number&amp;amp;mdash;each of them without being oddness is odd, and in the same way two and four, and the other series of alternate numbers, has every number even, without being evenness. Do you agree? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then now mark the point at which I am aiming:&amp;amp;mdash;not only do essential opposites exclude one another, but also concrete things, which, although not in themselves opposed, contain opposites; these, I say, likewise reject the idea which is opposed to that which is contained in them, and when it approaches them they either perish or withdraw. For example; Will not the number three endure annihilation or anything sooner than be converted into an even number, while remaining three? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true, said Cebes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And yet, he said, the number two is certainly not opposed to the number three? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — It is not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then not only do opposite ideas repel the advance of one another, but also there are other natures which repel the approach of opposites. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Suppose, he said, that we endeavour, if possible, to determine what these are. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — By all means. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Are they not, Cebes, such as compel the things of which they have possession, not only to take their own form, but also the form of some opposite? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I mean, as I was just now saying, and as I am sure that you know, that those things which are possessed by the number three must not only be three in number, but must also be odd. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And on this oddness, of which the number three has the impress, the opposite idea will never intrude? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And this impress was given by the odd principle? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And to the odd is opposed the even? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then the idea of the even number will never arrive at three? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then three has no part in the even? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — None. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then the triad or number three is uneven? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — To return then to my distinction of natures which are not opposed, and yet do not admit opposites&amp;amp;mdash;as, in the instance given, three, although not opposed to the even, does not any the more admit of the even, but always brings the opposite into play on the other side; or as two does not receive the odd, or fire the cold&amp;amp;mdash;from these examples (and there are many more of them) perhaps you may be able to arrive at the general conclusion, that not only opposites will not receive opposites, but also that nothing which brings the opposite will admit the opposite of that which it brings, in that to which it is brought. And here let me recapitulate&amp;amp;mdash;for there is no harm in repetition. The number five will not admit the nature of the even, any more than ten, which is the double of five, will admit the nature of the odd. The double has another opposite, and is not strictly opposed to the odd, but nevertheless rejects the odd altogether. Nor again will parts in the ratio 3:2, nor any fraction in which there is a half, nor again in which there is a third, admit the notion of the whole, although they are not opposed to the whole: You will agree? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, he said, I entirely agree and go along with you in that. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And now, he said, let us begin again; and do not you answer my question in the words in which I ask it: let me have not the old safe answer of which I spoke at first, but another equally safe, of which the truth will be inferred by you from what has been just said. I mean that if any one asks you &#039;what that is, of which the inherence makes the body hot,&#039; you will reply not heat (this is what I call the safe and stupid answer), but fire, a far superior answer, which we are now in a condition to give. Or if any one asks you &#039;why a body is diseased,&#039; you will not say from disease, but from fever; and instead of saying that oddness is the cause of odd numbers, you will say that the monad is the cause of them: and so of things in general, as I dare say that you will understand sufficiently without my adducing any further examples. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, he said, I quite understand you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Tell me, then, what is that of which the inherence will render the body alive? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The soul, he replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And is this always the case? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, he said, of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then whatever the soul possesses, to that she comes bearing life? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And is there any opposite to life? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There is, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And what is that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Death. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then the soul, as has been acknowledged, will never receive the opposite of what she brings. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Impossible, replied Cebes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And now, he said, what did we just now call that principle which repels the even? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The odd. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And that principle which repels the musical, or the just? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The unmusical, he said, and the unjust. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And what do we call the principle which does not admit of death? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The immortal, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And does the soul admit of death? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then the soul is immortal? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And may we say that this has been proven? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, abundantly proven, Socrates, he replied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Supposing that the odd were imperishable, must not three be imperishable? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And if that which is cold were imperishable, when the warm principle came attacking the snow, must not the snow have retired whole and unmelted&amp;amp;mdash;for it could never have perished, nor could it have remained and admitted the heat? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — True, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Again, if the uncooling or warm principle were imperishable, the fire when assailed by cold would not have perished or have been extinguished, but would have gone away unaffected? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Certainly, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And the same may be said of the immortal: if the immortal is also imperishable, the soul when attacked by death cannot perish; for the preceding argument shows that the soul will not admit of death, or ever be dead, any more than three or the odd number will admit of the even, or fire or the heat in the fire, of the cold. Yet a person may say: &#039;But although the odd will not become even at the approach of the even, why may not the odd perish and the even take the place of the odd?&#039; Now to him who makes this objection, we cannot answer that the odd principle is imperishable; for this has not been acknowledged, but if this had been acknowledged, there would have been no difficulty in contending that at the approach of the even the odd principle and the number three took their departure; and the same argument would have held good of fire and heat and any other thing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And the same may be said of the immortal: if the immortal is also imperishable, then the soul will be imperishable as well as immortal; but if not, some other proof of her imperishableness will have to be given. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — No other proof is needed, he said; for if the immortal, being eternal, is liable to perish, then nothing is imperishable. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, replied Socrates, and yet all men will agree that God, and the essential form of life, and the immortal in general, will never perish. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, all men, he said&amp;amp;mdash;that is true; and what is more, gods, if I am not mistaken, as well as men. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Seeing then that the immortal is indestructible, must not the soul, if she is immortal, be also imperishable? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Most certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then when death attacks a man, the mortal portion of him may be supposed to die, but the immortal retires at the approach of death and is preserved safe and sound? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then, Cebes, beyond question, the soul is immortal and imperishable, and our souls will truly exist in another world! &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I am convinced, Socrates, said Cebes, and have nothing more to object; but if my friend Simmias, or any one else, has any further objection to make, he had better speak out, and not keep silence, since I do not know to what other season he can defer the discussion, if there is anything which he wants to say or to have said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But I have nothing more to say, replied Simmias; nor can I see any reason for doubt after what has been said. But I still feel and cannot help feeling uncertain in my own mind, when I think of the greatness of the subject and the feebleness of man. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yes, Simmias, replied Socrates, that is well said: and I may add that first principles, even if they appear certain, should be carefully considered; and when they are satisfactorily ascertained, then, with a sort of hesitating confidence in human reason, you may, I think, follow the course of the argument; and if that be plain and clear, there will be no need for any further enquiry. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But then, O my friends, he said, if the soul is really immortal, what care should be taken of her, not only in respect of the portion of time which is called life, but of eternity! And the danger of neglecting her from this point of view does indeed appear to be awful. If death had only been the end of all, the wicked would have had a good bargain in dying, for they would have been happily quit not only of their body, but of their own evil together with their souls. But now, inasmuch as the soul is manifestly immortal, there is no release or salvation from evil except the attainment of the highest virtue and wisdom. For the soul when on her progress to the world below takes nothing with her but nurture and education; and these are said greatly to benefit or greatly to injure the departed, at the very beginning of his journey thither. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — For after death, as they say, the genius of each individual, to whom he belonged in life, leads him to a certain place in which the dead are gathered together, whence after judgment has been given they pass into the world below, following the guide, who is appointed to conduct them from this world to the other: and when they have there received their due and remained their time, another guide brings them back again after many revolutions of ages. Now this way to the other world is not, as Aeschylus says in the Telephus, a single and straight path&amp;amp;mdash;if that were so no guide would be needed, for no one could miss it; but there are many partings of the road, and windings, as I infer from the rites and sacrifices which are offered to the gods below in places where three ways meet on earth. The wise and orderly soul follows in the straight path and is conscious of her surroundings; but the soul which desires the body, and which, as I was relating before, has long been fluttering about the lifeless frame and the world of sight, is after many struggles and many sufferings hardly and with violence carried away by her attendant genius, and when she arrives at the place where the other souls are gathered, if she be impure and have done impure deeds, whether foul murders or other crimes which are the brothers of these, and the works of brothers in crime&amp;amp;mdash;from that soul every one flees and turns away; no one will be her companion, no one her guide, but alone she wanders in extremity of evil until certain times are fulfilled, and when they are fulfilled, she is borne irresistibly to her own fitting habitation; as every pure and just soul which has passed through life in the company and under the guidance of the gods has also her own proper home. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Now the earth has divers wonderful regions, and is indeed in nature and extent very unlike the notions of geographers, as I believe on the authority of one who shall be nameless. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — What do you mean, Socrates? said Simmias. I have myself heard many descriptions of the earth, but I do not know, and I should very much like to know, in which of these you put faith. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And I, Simmias, replied Socrates, if I had the art of Glaucus would tell you; although I know not that the art of Glaucus could prove the truth of my tale, which I myself should never be able to prove, and even if I could, I fear, Simmias, that my life would come to an end before the argument was completed. I may describe to you, however, the form and regions of the earth according to my conception of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That, said Simmias, will be enough. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Well, then, he said, my conviction is, that the earth is a round body in the centre of the heavens, and therefore has no need of air or any similar force to be a support, but is kept there and hindered from falling or inclining any way by the equability of the surrounding heaven and by her own equipoise. For that which, being in equipoise, is in the centre of that which is equably diffused, will not incline any way in any degree, but will always remain in the same state and not deviate. And this is my first notion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Which is surely a correct one, said Simmias. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Also I believe that the earth is very vast, and that we who dwell in the region extending from the river Phasis to the Pillars of Heracles inhabit a small portion only about the sea, like ants or frogs about a marsh, and that there are other inhabitants of many other like places; for everywhere on the face of the earth there are hollows of various forms and sizes, into which the water and the mist and the lower air collect. But the true earth is pure and situated in the pure heaven&amp;amp;mdash;there are the stars also; and it is the heaven which is commonly spoken of by us as the ether, and of which our own earth is the sediment gathering in the hollows beneath. But we who live in these hollows are deceived into the notion that we are dwelling above on the surface of the earth; which is just as if a creature who was at the bottom of the sea were to fancy that he was on the surface of the water, and that the sea was the heaven through which he saw the sun and the other stars, he having never come to the surface by reason of his feebleness and sluggishness, and having never lifted up his head and seen, nor ever heard from one who had seen, how much purer and fairer the world above is than his own. And such is exactly our case: for we are dwelling in a hollow of the earth, and fancy that we are on the surface; and the air we call the heaven, in which we imagine that the stars move. But the fact is, that owing to our feebleness and sluggishness we are prevented from reaching the surface of the air: for if any man could arrive at the exterior limit, or take the wings of a bird and come to the top, then like a fish who puts his head out of the water and sees this world, he would see a world beyond; and, if the nature of man could sustain the sight, he would acknowledge that this other world was the place of the true heaven and the true light and the true earth. For our earth, and the stones, and the entire region which surrounds us, are spoilt and corroded, as in the sea all things are corroded by the brine, neither is there any noble or perfect growth, but caverns only, and sand, and an endless slough of mud: and even the shore is not to be compared to the fairer sights of this world. And still less is this our world to be compared with the other. Of that upper earth which is under the heaven, I can tell you a charming tale, Simmias, which is well worth hearing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And we, Socrates, replied Simmias, shall be charmed to listen to you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The tale, my friend, he said, is as follows:&amp;amp;mdash;In the first place, the earth, when looked at from above, is in appearance streaked like one of those balls which have leather coverings in twelve pieces, and is decked with various colours, of which the colours used by painters on earth are in a manner samples. But there the whole earth is made up of them, and they are brighter far and clearer than ours; there is a purple of wonderful lustre, also the radiance of gold, and the white which is in the earth is whiter than any chalk or snow. Of these and other colours the earth is made up, and they are more in number and fairer than the eye of man has ever seen; the very hollows (of which I was speaking) filled with air and water have a colour of their own, and are seen like light gleaming amid the diversity of the other colours, so that the whole presents a single and continuous appearance of variety in unity. And in this fair region everything that grows&amp;amp;mdash;trees, and flowers, and fruits&amp;amp;mdash;are in a like degree fairer than any here; and there are hills, having stones in them in a like degree smoother, and more transparent, and fairer in colour than our highly-valued emeralds and sardonyxes and jaspers, and other gems, which are but minute fragments of them: for there all the stones are like our precious stones, and fairer still (compare Republic). The reason is, that they are pure, and not, like our precious stones, infected or corroded by the corrupt briny elements which coagulate among us, and which breed foulness and disease both in earth and stones, as well as in animals and plants. They are the jewels of the upper earth, which also shines with gold and silver and the like, and they are set in the light of day and are large and abundant and in all places, making the earth a sight to gladden the beholder&#039;s eye. And there are animals and men, some in a middle region, others dwelling about the air as we dwell about the sea; others in islands which the air flows round, near the continent: and in a word, the air is used by them as the water and the sea are by us, and the ether is to them what the air is to us. Moreover, the temperament of their seasons is such that they have no disease, and live much longer than we do, and have sight and hearing and smell, and all the other senses, in far greater perfection, in the same proportion that air is purer than water or the ether than air. Also they have temples and sacred places in which the gods really dwell, and they hear their voices and receive their answers, and are conscious of them and hold converse with them, and they see the sun, moon, and stars as they truly are, and their other blessedness is of a piece with this. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Such is the nature of the whole earth, and of the things which are around the earth; and there are divers regions in the hollows on the face of the globe everywhere, some of them deeper and more extended than that which we inhabit, others deeper but with a narrower opening than ours, and some are shallower and also wider. All have numerous perforations, and there are passages broad and narrow in the interior of the earth, connecting them with one another; and there flows out of and into them, as into basins, a vast tide of water, and huge subterranean streams of perennial rivers, and springs hot and cold, and a great fire, and great rivers of fire, and streams of liquid mud, thin or thick (like the rivers of mud in Sicily, and the lava streams which follow them), and the regions about which they happen to flow are filled up with them. And there is a swinging or see-saw in the interior of the earth which moves all this up and down, and is due to the following cause:&amp;amp;mdash;There is a chasm which is the vastest of them all, and pierces right through the whole earth; this is that chasm which Homer describes in the words,&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;pre xml:space=&amp;quot;preserve&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &#039;Far off, where is the inmost depth beneath the earth;&#039; &amp;lt;/pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — and which he in other places, and many other poets, have called Tartarus. And the see-saw is caused by the streams flowing into and out of this chasm, and they each have the nature of the soil through which they flow. And the reason why the streams are always flowing in and out, is that the watery element has no bed or bottom, but is swinging and surging up and down, and the surrounding wind and air do the same; they follow the water up and down, hither and thither, over the earth&amp;amp;mdash;just as in the act of respiration the air is always in process of inhalation and exhalation;&amp;amp;mdash;and the wind swinging with the water in and out produces fearful and irresistible blasts: when the waters retire with a rush into the lower parts of the earth, as they are called, they flow through the earth in those regions, and fill them up like water raised by a pump, and then when they leave those regions and rush back hither, they again fill the hollows here, and when these are filled, flow through subterranean channels and find their way to their several places, forming seas, and lakes, and rivers, and springs. Thence they again enter the earth, some of them making a long circuit into many lands, others going to a few places and not so distant; and again fall into Tartarus, some at a point a good deal lower than that at which they rose, and others not much lower, but all in some degree lower than the point from which they came. And some burst forth again on the opposite side, and some on the same side, and some wind round the earth with one or many folds like the coils of a serpent, and descend as far as they can, but always return and fall into the chasm. The rivers flowing in either direction can descend only to the centre and no further, for opposite to the rivers is a precipice. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Now these rivers are many, and mighty, and diverse, and there are four principal ones, of which the greatest and outermost is that called Oceanus, which flows round the earth in a circle; and in the opposite direction flows Acheron, which passes under the earth through desert places into the Acherusian lake: this is the lake to the shores of which the souls of the many go when they are dead, and after waiting an appointed time, which is to some a longer and to some a shorter time, they are sent back to be born again as animals. The third river passes out between the two, and near the place of outlet pours into a vast region of fire, and forms a lake larger than the Mediterranean Sea, boiling with water and mud; and proceeding muddy and turbid, and winding about the earth, comes, among other places, to the extremities of the Acherusian Lake, but mingles not with the waters of the lake, and after making many coils about the earth plunges into Tartarus at a deeper level. This is that Pyriphlegethon, as the stream is called, which throws up jets of fire in different parts of the earth. The fourth river goes out on the opposite side, and falls first of all into a wild and savage region, which is all of a dark-blue colour, like lapis lazuli; and this is that river which is called the Stygian river, and falls into and forms the Lake Styx, and after falling into the lake and receiving strange powers in the waters, passes under the earth, winding round in the opposite direction, and comes near the Acherusian lake from the opposite side to Pyriphlegethon. And the water of this river too mingles with no other, but flows round in a circle and falls into Tartarus over against Pyriphlegethon; and the name of the river, as the poets say, is Cocytus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Such is the nature of the other world; and when the dead arrive at the place to which the genius of each severally guides them, first of all, they have sentence passed upon them, as they have lived well and piously or not. And those who appear to have lived neither well nor ill, go to the river Acheron, and embarking in any vessels which they may find, are carried in them to the lake, and there they dwell and are purified of their evil deeds, and having suffered the penalty of the wrongs which they have done to others, they are absolved, and receive the rewards of their good deeds, each of them according to his deserts. But those who appear to be incurable by reason of the greatness of their crimes&amp;amp;mdash;who have committed many and terrible deeds of sacrilege, murders foul and violent, or the like&amp;amp;mdash;such are hurled into Tartarus which is their suitable destiny, and they never come out. Those again who have committed crimes, which, although great, are not irremediable&amp;amp;mdash;who in a moment of anger, for example, have done violence to a father or a mother, and have repented for the remainder of their lives, or, who have taken the life of another under the like extenuating circumstances&amp;amp;mdash;these are plunged into Tartarus, the pains of which they are compelled to undergo for a year, but at the end of the year the wave casts them forth&amp;amp;mdash;mere homicides by way of Cocytus, parricides and matricides by Pyriphlegethon&amp;amp;mdash;and they are borne to the Acherusian lake, and there they lift up their voices and call upon the victims whom they have slain or wronged, to have pity on them, and to be kind to them, and let them come out into the lake. And if they prevail, then they come forth and cease from their troubles; but if not, they are carried back again into Tartarus and from thence into the rivers unceasingly, until they obtain mercy from those whom they have wronged: for that is the sentence inflicted upon them by their judges. Those too who have been pre-eminent for holiness of life are released from this earthly prison, and go to their pure home which is above, and dwell in the purer earth; and of these, such as have duly purified themselves with philosophy live henceforth altogether without the body, in mansions fairer still which may not be described, and of which the time would fail me to tell. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Wherefore, Simmias, seeing all these things, what ought not we to do that we may obtain virtue and wisdom in this life? Fair is the prize, and the hope great! &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — A man of sense ought not to say, nor will I be very confident, that the description which I have given of the soul and her mansions is exactly true. But I do say that, inasmuch as the soul is shown to be immortal, he may venture to think, not improperly or unworthily, that something of the kind is true. The venture is a glorious one, and he ought to comfort himself with words like these, which is the reason why I lengthen out the tale. Wherefore, I say, let a man be of good cheer about his soul, who having cast away the pleasures and ornaments of the body as alien to him and working harm rather than good, has sought after the pleasures of knowledge; and has arrayed the soul, not in some foreign attire, but in her own proper jewels, temperance, and justice, and courage, and nobility, and truth&amp;amp;mdash;in these adorned she is ready to go on her journey to the world below, when her hour comes. You, Simmias and Cebes, and all other men, will depart at some time or other. Me already, as the tragic poet would say, the voice of fate calls. Soon I must drink the poison; and I think that I had better repair to the bath first, in order that the women may not have the trouble of washing my body after I am dead. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — When he had done speaking, Crito said: And have you any commands for us, Socrates&amp;amp;mdash;anything to say about your children, or any other matter in which we can serve you? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Nothing particular, Crito, he replied: only, as I have always told you, take care of yourselves; that is a service which you may be ever rendering to me and mine and to all of us, whether you promise to do so or not. But if you have no thought for yourselves, and care not to walk according to the rule which I have prescribed for you, not now for the first time, however much you may profess or promise at the moment, it will be of no avail. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — We will do our best, said Crito: And in what way shall we bury you? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In any way that you like; but you must get hold of me, and take care that I do not run away from you. Then he turned to us, and added with a smile:&amp;amp;mdash;I cannot make Crito believe that I am the same Socrates who have been talking and conducting the argument; he fancies that I am the other Socrates whom he will soon see, a dead body&amp;amp;mdash;and he asks, How shall he bury me? And though I have spoken many words in the endeavour to show that when I have drunk the poison I shall leave you and go to the joys of the blessed,&amp;amp;mdash;these words of mine, with which I was comforting you and myself, have had, as I perceive, no effect upon Crito. And therefore I want you to be surety for me to him now, as at the trial he was surety to the judges for me: but let the promise be of another sort; for he was surety for me to the judges that I would remain, and you must be my surety to him that I shall not remain, but go away and depart; and then he will suffer less at my death, and not be grieved when he sees my body being burned or buried. I would not have him sorrow at my hard lot, or say at the burial, Thus we lay out Socrates, or, Thus we follow him to the grave or bury him; for false words are not only evil in themselves, but they infect the soul with evil. Be of good cheer, then, my dear Crito, and say that you are burying my body only, and do with that whatever is usual, and what you think best. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — When he had spoken these words, he arose and went into a chamber to bathe; Crito followed him and told us to wait. So we remained behind, talking and thinking of the subject of discourse, and also of the greatness of our sorrow; he was like a father of whom we were being bereaved, and we were about to pass the rest of our lives as orphans. When he had taken the bath his children were brought to him&amp;amp;mdash;(he had two young sons and an elder one); and the women of his family also came, and he talked to them and gave them a few directions in the presence of Crito; then he dismissed them and returned to us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Now the hour of sunset was near, for a good deal of time had passed while he was within. When he came out, he sat down with us again after his bath, but not much was said. Soon the jailer, who was the servant of the Eleven, entered and stood by him, saying:&amp;amp;mdash;To you, Socrates, whom I know to be the noblest and gentlest and best of all who ever came to this place, I will not impute the angry feelings of other men, who rage and swear at me, when, in obedience to the authorities, I bid them drink the poison&amp;amp;mdash;indeed, I am sure that you will not be angry with me; for others, as you are aware, and not I, are to blame. And so fare you well, and try to bear lightly what must needs be&amp;amp;mdash;you know my errand. Then bursting into tears he turned away and went out. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Socrates looked at him and said: I return your good wishes, and will do as you bid. Then turning to us, he said, How charming the man is: since I have been in prison he has always been coming to see me, and at times he would talk to me, and was as good to me as could be, and now see how generously he sorrows on my account. We must do as he says, Crito; and therefore let the cup be brought, if the poison is prepared: if not, let the attendant prepare some. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yet, said Crito, the sun is still upon the hill-tops, and I know that many a one has taken the draught late, and after the announcement has been made to him, he has eaten and drunk, and enjoyed the society of his beloved; do not hurry&amp;amp;mdash;there is time enough. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Socrates said: Yes, Crito, and they of whom you speak are right in so acting, for they think that they will be gainers by the delay; but I am right in not following their example, for I do not think that I should gain anything by drinking the poison a little later; I should only be ridiculous in my own eyes for sparing and saving a life which is already forfeit. Please then to do as I say, and not to refuse me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Crito made a sign to the servant, who was standing by; and he went out, and having been absent for some time, returned with the jailer carrying the cup of poison. Socrates said: You, my good friend, who are experienced in these matters, shall give me directions how I am to proceed. The man answered: You have only to walk about until your legs are heavy, and then to lie down, and the poison will act. At the same time he handed the cup to Socrates, who in the easiest and gentlest manner, without the least fear or change of colour or feature, looking at the man with all his eyes, Echecrates, as his manner was, took the cup and said: What do you say about making a libation out of this cup to any god? May I, or not? The man answered: We only prepare, Socrates, just so much as we deem enough. I understand, he said: but I may and must ask the gods to prosper my journey from this to the other world&amp;amp;mdash;even so&amp;amp;mdash;and so be it according to my prayer. Then raising the cup to his lips, quite readily and cheerfully he drank off the poison. And hitherto most of us had been able to control our sorrow; but now when we saw him drinking, and saw too that he had finished the draught, we could no longer forbear, and in spite of myself my own tears were flowing fast; so that I covered my face and wept, not for him, but at the thought of my own calamity in having to part from such a friend. Nor was I the first; for Crito, when he found himself unable to restrain his tears, had got up, and I followed; and at that moment, Apollodorus, who had been weeping all the time, broke out in a loud and passionate cry which made cowards of us all. Socrates alone retained his calmness: What is this strange outcry? he said. I sent away the women mainly in order that they might not misbehave in this way, for I have been told that a man should die in peace. Be quiet, then, and have patience. When we heard his words we were ashamed, and refrained our tears; and he walked about until, as he said, his legs began to fail, and then he lay on his back, according to the directions, and the man who gave him the poison now and then looked at his feet and legs; and after a while he pressed his foot hard, and asked him if he could feel; and he said, No; and then his leg, and so upwards and upwards, and showed us that he was cold and stiff. And he felt them himself, and said: When the poison reaches the heart, that will be the end. He was beginning to grow cold about the groin, when he uncovered his face, for he had covered himself up, and said&amp;amp;mdash;they were his last words&amp;amp;mdash;he said: Crito, I owe a cock to Asclepius; will you remember to pay the debt? The debt shall be paid, said Crito; is there anything else? There was no answer to this question; but in a minute or two a movement was heard, and the attendants uncovered him; his eyes were set, and Crito closed his eyes and mouth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Such was the end, Echecrates, of our friend; concerning whom I may truly say, that of all the men of his time whom I have known, he was the wisest and justest and best. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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		<title>Texts:Plato/Meno</title>
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&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt; MENO &amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; by Plato &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt; Translated by Benjamin Jowett &amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; Contents &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;table summary=&amp;quot;&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &amp;lt;tr&amp;gt; &amp;lt;td&amp;gt; &amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#link2H_INTR&amp;quot;&amp;gt; INTRODUCTION. &amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#link2H_4_0002&amp;quot;&amp;gt; ON THE IDEAS OF PLATO. &amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/table&amp;gt; &amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a name=&amp;quot;link2H_INTR&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;link2H_INTR&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &amp;lt;!--  H2 anchor --&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — This Dialogue begins abruptly with a question of Meno, who asks, &#039;whether virtue can be taught.&#039; Socrates replies that he does not as yet know what virtue is, and has never known anyone who did. &#039;Then he cannot have met Gorgias when he was at Athens.&#039; Yes, Socrates had met him, but he has a bad memory, and has forgotten what Gorgias said. Will Meno tell him his own notion, which is probably not very different from that of Gorgias? &#039;O yes&amp;amp;mdash;nothing easier: there is the virtue of a man, of a woman, of an old man, and of a child; there is a virtue of every age and state of life, all of which may be easily described.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Socrates reminds Meno that this is only an enumeration of the virtues and not a definition of the notion which is common to them all. In a second attempt Meno defines virtue to be &#039;the power of command.&#039; But to this, again, exceptions are taken. For there must be a virtue of those who obey, as well as of those who command; and the power of command must be justly or not unjustly exercised. Meno is very ready to admit that justice is virtue: &#039;Would you say virtue or a virtue, for there are other virtues, such as courage, temperance, and the like; just as round is a figure, and black and white are colours, and yet there are other figures and other colours. Let Meno take the examples of figure and colour, and try to define them.&#039; Meno confesses his inability, and after a process of interrogation, in which Socrates explains to him the nature of a &#039;simile in multis,&#039; Socrates himself defines figure as &#039;the accompaniment of colour.&#039; But some one may object that he does not know the meaning of the word &#039;colour;&#039; and if he is a candid friend, and not a mere disputant, Socrates is willing to furnish him with a simpler and more philosophical definition, into which no disputed word is allowed to intrude: &#039;Figure is the limit of form.&#039; Meno imperiously insists that he must still have a definition of colour. Some raillery follows; and at length Socrates is induced to reply, &#039;that colour is the effluence of form, sensible, and in due proportion to the sight.&#039; This definition is exactly suited to the taste of Meno, who welcomes the familiar language of Gorgias and Empedocles. Socrates is of opinion that the more abstract or dialectical definition of figure is far better. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Now that Meno has been made to understand the nature of a general definition, he answers in the spirit of a Greek gentleman, and in the words of a poet, &#039;that virtue is to delight in things honourable, and to have the power of getting them.&#039; This is a nearer approximation than he has yet made to a complete definition, and, regarded as a piece of proverbial or popular morality, is not far from the truth. But the objection is urged, &#039;that the honourable is the good,&#039; and as every one equally desires the good, the point of the definition is contained in the words, &#039;the power of getting them.&#039; &#039;And they must be got justly or with justice.&#039; The definition will then stand thus: &#039;Virtue is the power of getting good with justice.&#039; But justice is a part of virtue, and therefore virtue is the getting of good with a part of virtue. The definition repeats the word defined. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Meno complains that the conversation of Socrates has the effect of a torpedo&#039;s shock upon him. When he talks with other persons he has plenty to say about virtue; in the presence of Socrates, his thoughts desert him. Socrates replies that he is only the cause of perplexity in others, because he is himself perplexed. He proposes to continue the enquiry. But how, asks Meno, can he enquire either into what he knows or into what he does not know? This is a sophistical puzzle, which, as Socrates remarks, saves a great deal of trouble to him who accepts it. But the puzzle has a real difficulty latent under it, to which Socrates will endeavour to find a reply. The difficulty is the origin of knowledge:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He has heard from priests and priestesses, and from the poet Pindar, of an immortal soul which is born again and again in successive periods of existence, returning into this world when she has paid the penalty of ancient crime, and, having wandered over all places of the upper and under world, and seen and known all things at one time or other, is by association out of one thing capable of recovering all. For nature is of one kindred; and every soul has a seed or germ which may be developed into all knowledge. The existence of this latent knowledge is further proved by the interrogation of one of Meno&#039;s slaves, who, in the skilful hands of Socrates, is made to acknowledge some elementary relations of geometrical figures. The theorem that the square of the diagonal is double the square of the side&amp;amp;mdash;that famous discovery of primitive mathematics, in honour of which the legendary Pythagoras is said to have sacrificed a hecatomb&amp;amp;mdash;is elicited from him. The first step in the process of teaching has made him conscious of his own ignorance. He has had the &#039;torpedo&#039;s shock&#039; given him, and is the better for the operation. But whence had the uneducated man this knowledge? He had never learnt geometry in this world; nor was it born with him; he must therefore have had it when he was not a man. And as he always either was or was not a man, he must have always had it. (Compare Phaedo.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — After Socrates has given this specimen of the true nature of teaching, the original question of the teachableness of virtue is renewed. Again he professes a desire to know &#039;what virtue is&#039; first. But he is willing to argue the question, as mathematicians say, under an hypothesis. He will assume that if virtue is knowledge, then virtue can be taught. (This was the stage of the argument at which the Protagoras concluded.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Socrates has no difficulty in showing that virtue is a good, and that goods, whether of body or mind, must be under the direction of knowledge. Upon the assumption just made, then, virtue is teachable. But where are the teachers? There are none to be found. This is extremely discouraging. Virtue is no sooner discovered to be teachable, than the discovery follows that it is not taught. Virtue, therefore, is and is not teachable. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In this dilemma an appeal is made to Anytus, a respectable and well-to-do citizen of the old school, and a family friend of Meno, who happens to be present. He is asked &#039;whether Meno shall go to the Sophists and be taught.&#039; The suggestion throws him into a rage. &#039;To whom, then, shall Meno go?&#039; asks Socrates. To any Athenian gentleman&amp;amp;mdash;to the great Athenian statesmen of past times. Socrates replies here, as elsewhere (Laches, Prot.), that Themistocles, Pericles, and other great men, had sons to whom they would surely, if they could have done so, have imparted their own political wisdom; but no one ever heard that these sons of theirs were remarkable for anything except riding and wrestling and similar accomplishments. Anytus is angry at the imputation which is cast on his favourite statesmen, and on a class to which he supposes himself to belong; he breaks off with a significant hint. The mention of another opportunity of talking with him, and the suggestion that Meno may do the Athenian people a service by pacifying him, are evident allusions to the trial of Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Socrates returns to the consideration of the question &#039;whether virtue is teachable,&#039; which was denied on the ground that there are no teachers of it: (for the Sophists are bad teachers, and the rest of the world do not profess to teach). But there is another point which we failed to observe, and in which Gorgias has never instructed Meno, nor Prodicus Socrates. This is the nature of right opinion. For virtue may be under the guidance of right opinion as well as of knowledge; and right opinion is for practical purposes as good as knowledge, but is incapable of being taught, and is also liable, like the images of Daedalus, to &#039;walk off,&#039; because not bound by the tie of the cause. This is the sort of instinct which is possessed by statesmen, who are not wise or knowing persons, but only inspired or divine. The higher virtue, which is identical with knowledge, is an ideal only. If the statesman had this knowledge, and could teach what he knew, he would be like Tiresias in the world below,&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;he alone has wisdom, but the rest flit like shadows.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — This Dialogue is an attempt to answer the question, Can virtue be taught? No one would either ask or answer such a question in modern times. But in the age of Socrates it was only by an effort that the mind could rise to a general notion of virtue as distinct from the particular virtues of courage, liberality, and the like. And when a hazy conception of this ideal was attained, it was only by a further effort that the question of the teachableness of virtue could be resolved. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The answer which is given by Plato is paradoxical enough, and seems rather intended to stimulate than to satisfy enquiry. Virtue is knowledge, and therefore virtue can be taught. But virtue is not taught, and therefore in this higher and ideal sense there is no virtue and no knowledge. The teaching of the Sophists is confessedly inadequate, and Meno, who is their pupil, is ignorant of the very nature of general terms. He can only produce out of their armoury the sophism, &#039;that you can neither enquire into what you know nor into what you do not know;&#039; to which Socrates replies by his theory of reminiscence. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — To the doctrine that virtue is knowledge, Plato has been constantly tending in the previous Dialogues. But the new truth is no sooner found than it vanishes away. &#039;If there is knowledge, there must be teachers; and where are the teachers?&#039; There is no knowledge in the higher sense of systematic, connected, reasoned knowledge, such as may one day be attained, and such as Plato himself seems to see in some far off vision of a single science. And there are no teachers in the higher sense of the word; that is to say, no real teachers who will arouse the spirit of enquiry in their pupils, and not merely instruct them in rhetoric or impart to them ready-made information for a fee of &#039;one&#039; or of &#039;fifty drachms.&#039; Plato is desirous of deepening the notion of education, and therefore he asserts the paradox that there are no educators. This paradox, though different in form, is not really different from the remark which is often made in modern times by those who would depreciate either the methods of education commonly employed, or the standard attained&amp;amp;mdash;that &#039;there is no true education among us.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There remains still a possibility which must not be overlooked. Even if there be no true knowledge, as is proved by &#039;the wretched state of education,&#039; there may be right opinion, which is a sort of guessing or divination resting on no knowledge of causes, and incommunicable to others. This is the gift which our statesmen have, as is proved by the circumstance that they are unable to impart their knowledge to their sons. Those who are possessed of it cannot be said to be men of science or philosophers, but they are inspired and divine. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There may be some trace of irony in this curious passage, which forms the concluding portion of the Dialogue. But Plato certainly does not mean to intimate that the supernatural or divine is the true basis of human life. To him knowledge, if only attainable in this world, is of all things the most divine. Yet, like other philosophers, he is willing to admit that &#039;probability is the guide of life (Butler&#039;s Analogy.);&#039; and he is at the same time desirous of contrasting the wisdom which governs the world with a higher wisdom. There are many instincts, judgments, and anticipations of the human mind which cannot be reduced to rule, and of which the grounds cannot always be given in words. A person may have some skill or latent experience which he is able to use himself and is yet unable to teach others, because he has no principles, and is incapable of collecting or arranging his ideas. He has practice, but not theory; art, but not science. This is a true fact of psychology, which is recognized by Plato in this passage. But he is far from saying, as some have imagined, that inspiration or divine grace is to be regarded as higher than knowledge. He would not have preferred the poet or man of action to the philosopher, or the virtue of custom to the virtue based upon ideas. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Also here, as in the Ion and Phaedrus, Plato appears to acknowledge an unreasoning element in the higher nature of man. The philosopher only has knowledge, and yet the statesman and the poet are inspired. There may be a sort of irony in regarding in this way the gifts of genius. But there is no reason to suppose that he is deriding them, any more than he is deriding the phenomena of love or of enthusiasm in the Symposium, or of oracles in the Apology, or of divine intimations when he is speaking of the daemonium of Socrates. He recognizes the lower form of right opinion, as well as the higher one of science, in the spirit of one who desires to include in his philosophy every aspect of human life; just as he recognizes the existence of popular opinion as a fact, and the Sophists as the expression of it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — This Dialogue contains the first intimation of the doctrine of reminiscence and of the immortality of the soul. The proof is very slight, even slighter than in the Phaedo and Republic. Because men had abstract ideas in a previous state, they must have always had them, and their souls therefore must have always existed. For they must always have been either men or not men. The fallacy of the latter words is transparent. And Socrates himself appears to be conscious of their weakness; for he adds immediately afterwards, &#039;I have said some things of which I am not altogether confident.&#039; (Compare Phaedo.) It may be observed, however, that the fanciful notion of pre-existence is combined with a true but partial view of the origin and unity of knowledge, and of the association of ideas. Knowledge is prior to any particular knowledge, and exists not in the previous state of the individual, but of the race. It is potential, not actual, and can only be appropriated by strenuous exertion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The idealism of Plato is here presented in a less developed form than in the Phaedo and Phaedrus. Nothing is said of the pre-existence of ideas of justice, temperance, and the like. Nor is Socrates positive of anything but the duty of enquiry. The doctrine of reminiscence too is explained more in accordance with fact and experience as arising out of the affinities of nature (ate tes thuseos oles suggenous ouses). Modern philosophy says that all things in nature are dependent on one another; the ancient philosopher had the same truth latent in his mind when he affirmed that out of one thing all the rest may be recovered. The subjective was converted by him into an objective; the mental phenomenon of the association of ideas (compare Phaedo) became a real chain of existences. The germs of two valuable principles of education may also be gathered from the &#039;words of priests and priestesses:&#039; (1) that true knowledge is a knowledge of causes (compare Aristotle&#039;s theory of episteme); and (2) that the process of learning consists not in what is brought to the learner, but in what is drawn out of him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Some lesser points of the dialogue may be noted, such as (1) the acute observation that Meno prefers the familiar definition, which is embellished with poetical language, to the better and truer one; or (2) the shrewd reflection, which may admit of an application to modern as well as to ancient teachers, that the Sophists having made large fortunes; this must surely be a criterion of their powers of teaching, for that no man could get a living by shoemaking who was not a good shoemaker; or (3) the remark conveyed, almost in a word, that the verbal sceptic is saved the labour of thought and enquiry (ouden dei to toiouto zeteseos). Characteristic also of the temper of the Socratic enquiry is, (4) the proposal to discuss the teachableness of virtue under an hypothesis, after the manner of the mathematicians; and (5) the repetition of the favourite doctrine which occurs so frequently in the earlier and more Socratic Dialogues, and gives a colour to all of them&amp;amp;mdash;that mankind only desire evil through ignorance; (6) the experiment of eliciting from the slave-boy the mathematical truth which is latent in him, and (7) the remark that he is all the better for knowing his ignorance. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The character of Meno, like that of Critias, has no relation to the actual circumstances of his life. Plato is silent about his treachery to the ten thousand Greeks, which Xenophon has recorded, as he is also silent about the crimes of Critias. He is a Thessalian Alcibiades, rich and luxurious&amp;amp;mdash;a spoilt child of fortune, and is described as the hereditary friend of the great king. Like Alcibiades he is inspired with an ardent desire of knowledge, and is equally willing to learn of Socrates and of the Sophists. He may be regarded as standing in the same relation to Gorgias as Hippocrates in the Protagoras to the other great Sophist. He is the sophisticated youth on whom Socrates tries his cross-examining powers, just as in the Charmides, the Lysis, and the Euthydemus, ingenuous boyhood is made the subject of a similar experiment. He is treated by Socrates in a half-playful manner suited to his character; at the same time he appears not quite to understand the process to which he is being subjected. For he is exhibited as ignorant of the very elements of dialectics, in which the Sophists have failed to instruct their disciple. His definition of virtue as &#039;the power and desire of attaining things honourable,&#039; like the first definition of justice in the Republic, is taken from a poet. His answers have a sophistical ring, and at the same time show the sophistical incapacity to grasp a general notion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Anytus is the type of the narrow-minded man of the world, who is indignant at innovation, and equally detests the popular teacher and the true philosopher. He seems, like Aristophanes, to regard the new opinions, whether of Socrates or the Sophists, as fatal to Athenian greatness. He is of the same class as Callicles in the Gorgias, but of a different variety; the immoral and sophistical doctrines of Callicles are not attributed to him. The moderation with which he is described is remarkable, if he be the accuser of Socrates, as is apparently indicated by his parting words. Perhaps Plato may have been desirous of showing that the accusation of Socrates was not to be attributed to badness or malevolence, but rather to a tendency in men&#039;s minds. Or he may have been regardless of the historical truth of the characters of his dialogue, as in the case of Meno and Critias. Like Chaerephon (Apol.) the real Anytus was a democrat, and had joined Thrasybulus in the conflict with the thirty. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The Protagoras arrived at a sort of hypothetical conclusion, that if &#039;virtue is knowledge, it can be taught.&#039; In the Euthydemus, Socrates himself offered an example of the manner in which the true teacher may draw out the mind of youth; this was in contrast to the quibbling follies of the Sophists. In the Meno the subject is more developed; the foundations of the enquiry are laid deeper, and the nature of knowledge is more distinctly explained. There is a progression by antagonism of two opposite aspects of philosophy. But at the moment when we approach nearest, the truth doubles upon us and passes out of our reach. We seem to find that the ideal of knowledge is irreconcilable with experience. In human life there is indeed the profession of knowledge, but right opinion is our actual guide. There is another sort of progress from the general notions of Socrates, who asked simply, &#039;what is friendship?&#039; &#039;what is temperance?&#039; &#039;what is courage?&#039; as in the Lysis, Charmides, Laches, to the transcendentalism of Plato, who, in the second stage of his philosophy, sought to find the nature of knowledge in a prior and future state of existence. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The difficulty in framing general notions which has appeared in this and in all the previous Dialogues recurs in the Gorgias and Theaetetus as well as in the Republic. In the Gorgias too the statesmen reappear, but in stronger opposition to the philosopher. They are no longer allowed to have a divine insight, but, though acknowledged to have been clever men and good speakers, are denounced as &#039;blind leaders of the blind.&#039; The doctrine of the immortality of the soul is also carried further, being made the foundation not only of a theory of knowledge, but of a doctrine of rewards and punishments. In the Republic the relation of knowledge to virtue is described in a manner more consistent with modern distinctions. The existence of the virtues without the possession of knowledge in the higher or philosophical sense is admitted to be possible. Right opinion is again introduced in the Theaetetus as an account of knowledge, but is rejected on the ground that it is irrational (as here, because it is not bound by the tie of the cause), and also because the conception of false opinion is given up as hopeless. The doctrines of Plato are necessarily different at different times of his life, as new distinctions are realized, or new stages of thought attained by him. We are not therefore justified, in order to take away the appearance of inconsistency, in attributing to him hidden meanings or remote allusions. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There are no external criteria by which we can determine the date of the Meno. There is no reason to suppose that any of the Dialogues of Plato were written before the death of Socrates; the Meno, which appears to be one of the earliest of them, is proved to have been of a later date by the allusion of Anytus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — We cannot argue that Plato was more likely to have written, as he has done, of Meno before than after his miserable death; for we have already seen, in the examples of Charmides and Critias, that the characters in Plato are very far from resembling the same characters in history. The repulsive picture which is given of him in the Anabasis of Xenophon, where he also appears as the friend of Aristippus &#039;and a fair youth having lovers,&#039; has no other trait of likeness to the Meno of Plato. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The place of the Meno in the series is doubtfully indicated by internal evidence. The main character of the Dialogue is Socrates; but to the &#039;general definitions&#039; of Socrates is added the Platonic doctrine of reminiscence. The problems of virtue and knowledge have been discussed in the Lysis, Laches, Charmides, and Protagoras; the puzzle about knowing and learning has already appeared in the Euthydemus. The doctrines of immortality and pre-existence are carried further in the Phaedrus and Phaedo; the distinction between opinion and knowledge is more fully developed in the Theaetetus. The lessons of Prodicus, whom he facetiously calls his master, are still running in the mind of Socrates. Unlike the later Platonic Dialogues, the Meno arrives at no conclusion. Hence we are led to place the Dialogue at some point of time later than the Protagoras, and earlier than the Phaedrus and Gorgias. The place which is assigned to it in this work is due mainly to the desire to bring together in a single volume all the Dialogues which contain allusions to the trial and death of Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Plato&#039;s doctrine of ideas has attained an imaginary clearness and definiteness which is not to be found in his own writings. The popular account of them is partly derived from one or two passages in his Dialogues interpreted without regard to their poetical environment. It is due also to the misunderstanding of him by the Aristotelian school; and the erroneous notion has been further narrowed and has become fixed by the realism of the schoolmen. This popular view of the Platonic ideas may be summed up in some such formula as the following: &#039;Truth consists not in particulars, but in universals, which have a place in the mind of God, or in some far-off heaven. These were revealed to men in a former state of existence, and are recovered by reminiscence (anamnesis) or association from sensible things. The sensible things are not realities, but shadows only, in relation to the truth.&#039; These unmeaning propositions are hardly suspected to be a caricature of a great theory of knowledge, which Plato in various ways and under many figures of speech is seeking to unfold. Poetry has been converted into dogma; and it is not remarked that the Platonic ideas are to be found only in about a third of Plato&#039;s writings and are not confined to him. The forms which they assume are numerous, and if taken literally, inconsistent with one another. At one time we are in the clouds of mythology, at another among the abstractions of mathematics or metaphysics; we pass imperceptibly from one to the other. Reason and fancy are mingled in the same passage. The ideas are sometimes described as many, coextensive with the universals of sense and also with the first principles of ethics; or again they are absorbed into the single idea of good, and subordinated to it. They are not more certain than facts, but they are equally certain (Phaedo). They are both personal and impersonal. They are abstract terms: they are also the causes of things; and they are even transformed into the demons or spirits by whose help God made the world. And the idea of good (Republic) may without violence be converted into the Supreme Being, who &#039;because He was good&#039; created all things (Tim.). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — It would be a mistake to try and reconcile these differing modes of thought. They are not to be regarded seriously as having a distinct meaning. They are parables, prophecies, myths, symbols, revelations, aspirations after an unknown world. They derive their origin from a deep religious and contemplative feeling, and also from an observation of curious mental phenomena. They gather up the elements of the previous philosophies, which they put together in a new form. Their great diversity shows the tentative character of early endeavours to think. They have not yet settled down into a single system. Plato uses them, though he also criticises them; he acknowledges that both he and others are always talking about them, especially about the Idea of Good; and that they are not peculiar to himself (Phaedo; Republic; Soph.). But in his later writings he seems to have laid aside the old forms of them. As he proceeds he makes for himself new modes of expression more akin to the Aristotelian logic. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yet amid all these varieties and incongruities, there is a common meaning or spirit which pervades his writings, both those in which he treats of the ideas and those in which he is silent about them. This is the spirit of idealism, which in the history of philosophy has had many names and taken many forms, and has in a measure influenced those who seemed to be most averse to it. It has often been charged with inconsistency and fancifulness, and yet has had an elevating effect on human nature, and has exercised a wonderful charm and interest over a few spirits who have been lost in the thought of it. It has been banished again and again, but has always returned. It has attempted to leave the earth and soar heavenwards, but soon has found that only in experience could any solid foundation of knowledge be laid. It has degenerated into pantheism, but has again emerged. No other knowledge has given an equal stimulus to the mind. It is the science of sciences, which are also ideas, and under either aspect require to be defined. They can only be thought of in due proportion when conceived in relation to one another. They are the glasses through which the kingdoms of science are seen, but at a distance. All the greatest minds, except when living in an age of reaction against them, have unconsciously fallen under their power. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The account of the Platonic ideas in the Meno is the simplest and clearest, and we shall best illustrate their nature by giving this first and then comparing the manner in which they are described elsewhere, e.g. in the Phaedrus, Phaedo, Republic; to which may be added the criticism of them in the Parmenides, the personal form which is attributed to them in the Timaeus, the logical character which they assume in the Sophist and Philebus, and the allusion to them in the Laws. In the Cratylus they dawn upon him with the freshness of a newly-discovered thought. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The Meno goes back to a former state of existence, in which men did and suffered good and evil, and received the reward or punishment of them until their sin was purged away and they were allowed to return to earth. This is a tradition of the olden time, to which priests and poets bear witness. The souls of men returning to earth bring back a latent memory of ideas, which were known to them in a former state. The recollection is awakened into life and consciousness by the sight of the things which resemble them on earth. The soul evidently possesses such innate ideas before she has had time to acquire them. This is proved by an experiment tried on one of Meno&#039;s slaves, from whom Socrates elicits truths of arithmetic and geometry, which he had never learned in this world. He must therefore have brought them with him from another. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The notion of a previous state of existence is found in the verses of Empedocles and in the fragments of Heracleitus. It was the natural answer to two questions, &#039;Whence came the soul? What is the origin of evil?&#039; and prevailed far and wide in the east. It found its way into Hellas probably through the medium of Orphic and Pythagorean rites and mysteries. It was easier to think of a former than of a future life, because such a life has really existed for the race though not for the individual, and all men come into the world, if not &#039;trailing clouds of glory,&#039; at any rate able to enter into the inheritance of the past. In the Phaedrus, as well as in the Meno, it is this former rather than a future life on which Plato is disposed to dwell. There the Gods, and men following in their train, go forth to contemplate the heavens, and are borne round in the revolutions of them. There they see the divine forms of justice, temperance, and the like, in their unchangeable beauty, but not without an effort more than human. The soul of man is likened to a charioteer and two steeds, one mortal, the other immortal. The charioteer and the mortal steed are in fierce conflict; at length the animal principle is finally overpowered, though not extinguished, by the combined energies of the passionate and rational elements. This is one of those passages in Plato which, partaking both of a philosophical and poetical character, is necessarily indistinct and inconsistent. The magnificent figure under which the nature of the soul is described has not much to do with the popular doctrine of the ideas. Yet there is one little trait in the description which shows that they are present to Plato&#039;s mind, namely, the remark that the soul, which had seen truths in the form of the universal, cannot again return to the nature of an animal. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In the Phaedo, as in the Meno, the origin of ideas is sought for in a previous state of existence. There was no time when they could have been acquired in this life, and therefore they must have been recovered from another. The process of recovery is no other than the ordinary law of association, by which in daily life the sight of one thing or person recalls another to our minds, and by which in scientific enquiry from any part of knowledge we may be led on to infer the whole. It is also argued that ideas, or rather ideals, must be derived from a previous state of existence because they are more perfect than the sensible forms of them which are given by experience. But in the Phaedo the doctrine of ideas is subordinate to the proof of the immortality of the soul. &#039;If the soul existed in a previous state, then it will exist in a future state, for a law of alternation pervades all things.&#039; And, &#039;If the ideas exist, then the soul exists; if not, not.&#039; It is to be observed, both in the Meno and the Phaedo, that Socrates expresses himself with diffidence. He speaks in the Phaedo of the words with which he has comforted himself and his friends, and will not be too confident that the description which he has given of the soul and her mansions is exactly true, but he &#039;ventures to think that something of the kind is true.&#039; And in the Meno, after dwelling upon the immortality of the soul, he adds, &#039;Of some things which I have said I am not altogether confident&#039; (compare Apology; Gorgias). From this class of uncertainties he exempts the difference between truth and appearance, of which he is absolutely convinced. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In the Republic the ideas are spoken of in two ways, which though not contradictory are different. In the tenth book they are represented as the genera or general ideas under which individuals having a common name are contained. For example, there is the bed which the carpenter makes, the picture of the bed which is drawn by the painter, the bed existing in nature of which God is the author. Of the latter all visible beds are only the shadows or reflections. This and similar illustrations or explanations are put forth, not for their own sake, or as an exposition of Plato&#039;s theory of ideas, but with a view of showing that poetry and the mimetic arts are concerned with an inferior part of the soul and a lower kind of knowledge. On the other hand, in the 6th and 7th books of the Republic we reach the highest and most perfect conception, which Plato is able to attain, of the nature of knowledge. The ideas are now finally seen to be one as well as many, causes as well as ideas, and to have a unity which is the idea of good and the cause of all the rest. They seem, however, to have lost their first aspect of universals under which individuals are contained, and to have been converted into forms of another kind, which are inconsistently regarded from the one side as images or ideals of justice, temperance, holiness and the like; from the other as hypotheses, or mathematical truths or principles. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In the Timaeus, which in the series of Plato&#039;s works immediately follows the Republic, though probably written some time afterwards, no mention occurs of the doctrine of ideas. Geometrical forms and arithmetical ratios furnish the laws according to which the world is created. But though the conception of the ideas as genera or species is forgotten or laid aside, the distinction of the visible and intellectual is as firmly maintained as ever. The IDEA of good likewise disappears and is superseded by the conception of a personal God, who works according to a final cause or principle of goodness which he himself is. No doubt is expressed by Plato, either in the Timaeus or in any other dialogue, of the truths which he conceives to be the first and highest. It is not the existence of God or the idea of good which he approaches in a tentative or hesitating manner, but the investigations of physiology. These he regards, not seriously, as a part of philosophy, but as an innocent recreation (Tim.). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Passing on to the Parmenides, we find in that dialogue not an exposition or defence of the doctrine of ideas, but an assault upon them, which is put into the mouth of the veteran Parmenides, and might be ascribed to Aristotle himself, or to one of his disciples. The doctrine which is assailed takes two or three forms, but fails in any of them to escape the dialectical difficulties which are urged against it. It is admitted that there are ideas of all things, but the manner in which individuals partake of them, whether of the whole or of the part, and in which they become like them, or how ideas can be either within or without the sphere of human knowledge, or how the human and divine can have any relation to each other, is held to be incapable of explanation. And yet, if there are no universal ideas, what becomes of philosophy? (Parmenides.) In the Sophist the theory of ideas is spoken of as a doctrine held not by Plato, but by another sect of philosophers, called &#039;the Friends of Ideas,&#039; probably the Megarians, who were very distinct from him, if not opposed to him (Sophist). Nor in what may be termed Plato&#039;s abridgement of the history of philosophy (Soph.), is any mention made such as we find in the first book of Aristotle&#039;s Metaphysics, of the derivation of such a theory or of any part of it from the Pythagoreans, the Eleatics, the Heracleiteans, or even from Socrates. In the Philebus, probably one of the latest of the Platonic Dialogues, the conception of a personal or semi-personal deity expressed under the figure of mind, the king of all, who is also the cause, is retained. The one and many of the Phaedrus and Theaetetus is still working in the mind of Plato, and the correlation of ideas, not of &#039;all with all,&#039; but of &#039;some with some,&#039; is asserted and explained. But they are spoken of in a different manner, and are not supposed to be recovered from a former state of existence. The metaphysical conception of truth passes into a psychological one, which is continued in the Laws, and is the final form of the Platonic philosophy, so far as can be gathered from his own writings (see especially Laws). In the Laws he harps once more on the old string, and returns to general notions:&amp;amp;mdash;these he acknowledges to be many, and yet he insists that they are also one. The guardian must be made to recognize the truth, for which he has contended long ago in the Protagoras, that the virtues are four, but they are also in some sense one (Laws; compare Protagoras). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — So various, and if regarded on the surface only, inconsistent, are the statements of Plato respecting the doctrine of ideas. If we attempted to harmonize or to combine them, we should make out of them, not a system, but the caricature of a system. They are the ever-varying expression of Plato&#039;s Idealism. The terms used in them are in their substance and general meaning the same, although they seem to be different. They pass from the subject to the object, from earth (diesseits) to heaven (jenseits) without regard to the gulf which later theology and philosophy have made between them. They are also intended to supplement or explain each other. They relate to a subject of which Plato himself would have said that &#039;he was not confident of the precise form of his own statements, but was strong in the belief that something of the kind was true.&#039; It is the spirit, not the letter, in which they agree&amp;amp;mdash;the spirit which places the divine above the human, the spiritual above the material, the one above the many, the mind before the body. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The stream of ancient philosophy in the Alexandrian and Roman times widens into a lake or sea, and then disappears underground to reappear after many ages in a distant land. It begins to flow again under new conditions, at first confined between high and narrow banks, but finally spreading over the continent of Europe. It is and is not the same with ancient philosophy. There is a great deal in modern philosophy which is inspired by ancient. There is much in ancient philosophy which was &#039;born out of due time; and before men were capable of understanding it. To the fathers of modern philosophy, their own thoughts appeared to be new and original, but they carried with them an echo or shadow of the past, coming back by recollection from an elder world. Of this the enquirers of the seventeenth century, who to themselves appeared to be working out independently the enquiry into all truth, were unconscious. They stood in a new relation to theology and natural philosophy, and for a time maintained towards both an attitude of reserve and separation. Yet the similarities between modern and ancient thought are greater far than the differences. All philosophy, even that part of it which is said to be based upon experience, is really ideal; and ideas are not only derived from facts, but they are also prior to them and extend far beyond them, just as the mind is prior to the senses. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Early Greek speculation culminates in the ideas of Plato, or rather in the single idea of good. His followers, and perhaps he himself, having arrived at this elevation, instead of going forwards went backwards from philosophy to psychology, from ideas to numbers. But what we perceive to be the real meaning of them, an explanation of the nature and origin of knowledge, will always continue to be one of the first problems of philosophy. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Plato also left behind him a most potent instrument, the forms of logic&amp;amp;mdash;arms ready for use, but not yet taken out of their armoury. They were the late birth of the early Greek philosophy, and were the only part of it which has had an uninterrupted hold on the mind of Europe. Philosophies come and go; but the detection of fallacies, the framing of definitions, the invention of methods still continue to be the main elements of the reasoning process. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Modern philosophy, like ancient, begins with very simple conceptions. It is almost wholly a reflection on self. It might be described as a quickening into life of old words and notions latent in the semi-barbarous Latin, and putting a new meaning into them. Unlike ancient philosophy, it has been unaffected by impressions derived from outward nature: it arose within the limits of the mind itself. From the time of Descartes to Hume and Kant it has had little or nothing to do with facts of science. On the other hand, the ancient and mediaeval logic retained a continuous influence over it, and a form like that of mathematics was easily impressed upon it; the principle of ancient philosophy which is most apparent in it is scepticism; we must doubt nearly every traditional or received notion, that we may hold fast one or two. The being of God in a personal or impersonal form was a mental necessity to the first thinkers of modern times: from this alone all other ideas could be deduced. There had been an obscure presentiment of &#039;cognito, ergo sum&#039; more than 2000 years previously. The Eleatic notion that being and thought were the same was revived in a new form by Descartes. But now it gave birth to consciousness and self-reflection: it awakened the &#039;ego&#039; in human nature. The mind naked and abstract has no other certainty but the conviction of its own existence. &#039;I think, therefore I am;&#039; and this thought is God thinking in me, who has also communicated to the reason of man his own attributes of thought and extension&amp;amp;mdash;these are truly imparted to him because God is true (compare Republic). It has been often remarked that Descartes, having begun by dismissing all presuppositions, introduces several: he passes almost at once from scepticism to dogmatism. It is more important for the illustration of Plato to observe that he, like Plato, insists that God is true and incapable of deception (Republic)&amp;amp;mdash;that he proceeds from general ideas, that many elements of mathematics may be found in him. A certain influence of mathematics both on the form and substance of their philosophy is discernible in both of them. After making the greatest opposition between thought and extension, Descartes, like Plato, supposes them to be reunited for a time, not in their own nature but by a special divine act (compare Phaedrus), and he also supposes all the parts of the human body to meet in the pineal gland, that alone affording a principle of unity in the material frame of man. It is characteristic of the first period of modern philosophy, that having begun (like the Presocratics) with a few general notions, Descartes first falls absolutely under their influence, and then quickly discards them. At the same time he is less able to observe facts, because they are too much magnified by the glasses through which they are seen. The common logic says &#039;the greater the extension, the less the comprehension,&#039; and we may put the same thought in another way and say of abstract or general ideas, that the greater the abstraction of them, the less are they capable of being applied to particular and concrete natures. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Not very different from Descartes in his relation to ancient philosophy is his successor Spinoza, who lived in the following generation. The system of Spinoza is less personal and also less dualistic than that of Descartes. In this respect the difference between them is like that between Xenophanes and Parmenides. The teaching of Spinoza might be described generally as the Jewish religion reduced to an abstraction and taking the form of the Eleatic philosophy. Like Parmenides, he is overpowered and intoxicated with the idea of Being or God. The greatness of both philosophies consists in the immensity of a thought which excludes all other thoughts; their weakness is the necessary separation of this thought from actual existence and from practical life. In neither of them is there any clear opposition between the inward and outward world. The substance of Spinoza has two attributes, which alone are cognizable by man, thought and extension; these are in extreme opposition to one another, and also in inseparable identity. They may be regarded as the two aspects or expressions under which God or substance is unfolded to man. Here a step is made beyond the limits of the Eleatic philosophy. The famous theorem of Spinoza, &#039;Omnis determinatio est negatio,&#039; is already contained in the &#039;negation is relation&#039; of Plato&#039;s Sophist. The grand description of the philosopher in Republic VI, as the spectator of all time and all existence, may be paralleled with another famous expression of Spinoza, &#039;Contemplatio rerum sub specie eternitatis.&#039; According to Spinoza finite objects are unreal, for they are conditioned by what is alien to them, and by one another. Human beings are included in the number of them. Hence there is no reality in human action and no place for right and wrong. Individuality is accident. The boasted freedom of the will is only a consciousness of necessity. Truth, he says, is the direction of the reason towards the infinite, in which all things repose; and herein lies the secret of man&#039;s well-being. In the exaltation of the reason or intellect, in the denial of the voluntariness of evil (Timaeus; Laws) Spinoza approaches nearer to Plato than in his conception of an infinite substance. As Socrates said that virtue is knowledge, so Spinoza would have maintained that knowledge alone is good, and what contributes to knowledge useful. Both are equally far from any real experience or observation of nature. And the same difficulty is found in both when we seek to apply their ideas to life and practice. There is a gulf fixed between the infinite substance and finite objects or individuals of Spinoza, just as there is between the ideas of Plato and the world of sense. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Removed from Spinoza by less than a generation is the philosopher Leibnitz, who after deepening and intensifying the opposition between mind and matter, reunites them by his preconcerted harmony (compare again Phaedrus). To him all the particles of matter are living beings which reflect on one another, and in the least of them the whole is contained. Here we catch a reminiscence both of the omoiomere, or similar particles of Anaxagoras, and of the world-animal of the Timaeus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In Bacon and Locke we have another development in which the mind of man is supposed to receive knowledge by a new method and to work by observation and experience. But we may remark that it is the idea of experience, rather than experience itself, with which the mind is filled. It is a symbol of knowledge rather than the reality which is vouchsafed to us. The Organon of Bacon is not much nearer to actual facts than the Organon of Aristotle or the Platonic idea of good. Many of the old rags and ribbons which defaced the garment of philosophy have been stripped off, but some of them still adhere. A crude conception of the ideas of Plato survives in the &#039;forms&#039; of Bacon. And on the other hand, there are many passages of Plato in which the importance of the investigation of facts is as much insisted upon as by Bacon. Both are almost equally superior to the illusions of language, and are constantly crying out against them, as against other idols. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Locke cannot be truly regarded as the author of sensationalism any more than of idealism. His system is based upon experience, but with him experience includes reflection as well as sense. His analysis and construction of ideas has no foundation in fact; it is only the dialectic of the mind &#039;talking to herself.&#039; The philosophy of Berkeley is but the transposition of two words. For objects of sense he would substitute sensations. He imagines himself to have changed the relation of the human mind towards God and nature; they remain the same as before, though he has drawn the imaginary line by which they are divided at a different point. He has annihilated the outward world, but it instantly reappears governed by the same laws and described under the same names. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — A like remark applies to David Hume, of whose philosophy the central principle is the denial of the relation of cause and effect. He would deprive men of a familiar term which they can ill afford to lose; but he seems not to have observed that this alteration is merely verbal and does not in any degree affect the nature of things. Still less did he remark that he was arguing from the necessary imperfection of language against the most certain facts. And here, again, we may find a parallel with the ancients. He goes beyond facts in his scepticism, as they did in their idealism. Like the ancient Sophists, he relegates the more important principles of ethics to custom and probability. But crude and unmeaning as this philosophy is, it exercised a great influence on his successors, not unlike that which Locke exercised upon Berkeley and Berkeley upon Hume himself. All three were both sceptical and ideal in almost equal degrees. Neither they nor their predecessors had any true conception of language or of the history of philosophy. Hume&#039;s paradox has been forgotten by the world, and did not any more than the scepticism of the ancients require to be seriously refuted. Like some other philosophical paradoxes, it would have been better left to die out. It certainly could not be refuted by a philosophy such as Kant&#039;s, in which, no less than in the previously mentioned systems, the history of the human mind and the nature of language are almost wholly ignored, and the certainty of objective knowledge is transferred to the subject; while absolute truth is reduced to a figment, more abstract and narrow than Plato&#039;s ideas, of &#039;thing in itself,&#039; to which, if we reason strictly, no predicate can be applied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The question which Plato has raised respecting the origin and nature of ideas belongs to the infancy of philosophy; in modern times it would no longer be asked. Their origin is only their history, so far as we know it; there can be no other. We may trace them in language, in philosophy, in mythology, in poetry, but we cannot argue a priori about them. We may attempt to shake them off, but they are always returning, and in every sphere of science and human action are tending to go beyond facts. They are thought to be innate, because they have been familiar to us all our lives, and we can no longer dismiss them from our mind. Many of them express relations of terms to which nothing exactly or nothing at all in rerum natura corresponds. We are not such free agents in the use of them as we sometimes imagine. Fixed ideas have taken the most complete possession of some thinkers who have been most determined to renounce them, and have been vehemently affirmed when they could be least explained and were incapable of proof. The world has often been led away by a word to which no distinct meaning could be attached. Abstractions such as &#039;authority,&#039; &#039;equality,&#039; &#039;utility,&#039; &#039;liberty,&#039; &#039;pleasure,&#039; &#039;experience,&#039; &#039;consciousness,&#039; &#039;chance,&#039; &#039;substance,&#039; &#039;matter,&#039; &#039;atom,&#039; and a heap of other metaphysical and theological terms, are the source of quite as much error and illusion and have as little relation to actual facts as the ideas of Plato. Few students of theology or philosophy have sufficiently reflected how quickly the bloom of a philosophy passes away; or how hard it is for one age to understand the writings of another; or how nice a judgment is required of those who are seeking to express the philosophy of one age in the terms of another. The &#039;eternal truths&#039; of which metaphysicians speak have hardly ever lasted more than a generation. In our own day schools or systems of philosophy which have once been famous have died before the founders of them. We are still, as in Plato&#039;s age, groping about for a new method more comprehensive than any of those which now prevail; and also more permanent. And we seem to see at a distance the promise of such a method, which can hardly be any other than the method of idealized experience, having roots which strike far down into the history of philosophy. It is a method which does not divorce the present from the past, or the part from the whole, or the abstract from the concrete, or theory from fact, or the divine from the human, or one science from another, but labours to connect them. Along such a road we have proceeded a few steps, sufficient, perhaps, to make us reflect on the want of method which prevails in our own day. In another age, all the branches of knowledge, whether relating to God or man or nature, will become the knowledge of &#039;the revelation of a single science&#039; (Symp.), and all things, like the stars in heaven, will shed their light upon one another. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a name=&amp;quot;link2H_4_0003&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;link2H_4_0003&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &amp;lt;!--  H2 anchor --&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;div style=&amp;quot;height: 4em;&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/div&amp;gt; &amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; MENO &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — PERSONS OF THE DIALOGUE: Meno, Socrates, A Slave of Meno (Boy), Anytus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Can you tell me, Socrates, whether virtue is acquired by teaching or by practice; or if neither by teaching nor by practice, then whether it comes to man by nature, or in what other way? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: O Meno, there was a time when the Thessalians were famous among the other Hellenes only for their riches and their riding; but now, if I am not mistaken, they are equally famous for their wisdom, especially at Larisa, which is the native city of your friend Aristippus. And this is Gorgias&#039; doing; for when he came there, the flower of the Aleuadae, among them your admirer Aristippus, and the other chiefs of the Thessalians, fell in love with his wisdom. And he has taught you the habit of answering questions in a grand and bold style, which becomes those who know, and is the style in which he himself answers all comers; and any Hellene who likes may ask him anything. How different is our lot! my dear Meno. Here at Athens there is a dearth of the commodity, and all wisdom seems to have emigrated from us to you. I am certain that if you were to ask any Athenian whether virtue was natural or acquired, he would laugh in your face, and say: &#039;Stranger, you have far too good an opinion of me, if you think that I can answer your question. For I literally do not know what virtue is, and much less whether it is acquired by teaching or not.&#039; And I myself, Meno, living as I do in this region of poverty, am as poor as the rest of the world; and I confess with shame that I know literally nothing about virtue; and when I do not know the &#039;quid&#039; of anything how can I know the &#039;quale&#039;? How, if I knew nothing at all of Meno, could I tell if he was fair, or the opposite of fair; rich and noble, or the reverse of rich and noble? Do you think that I could? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: No, indeed. But are you in earnest, Socrates, in saying that you do not know what virtue is? And am I to carry back this report of you to Thessaly? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Not only that, my dear boy, but you may say further that I have never known of any one else who did, in my judgment. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Then you have never met Gorgias when he was at Athens? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yes, I have. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: And did you not think that he knew? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I have not a good memory, Meno, and therefore I cannot now tell what I thought of him at the time. And I dare say that he did know, and that you know what he said: please, therefore, to remind me of what he said; or, if you would rather, tell me your own view; for I suspect that you and he think much alike. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then as he is not here, never mind him, and do you tell me: By the gods, Meno, be generous, and tell me what you say that virtue is; for I shall be truly delighted to find that I have been mistaken, and that you and Gorgias do really have this knowledge; although I have been just saying that I have never found anybody who had. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: There will be no difficulty, Socrates, in answering your question. Let us take first the virtue of a man&amp;amp;mdash;he should know how to administer the state, and in the administration of it to benefit his friends and harm his enemies; and he must also be careful not to suffer harm himself. A woman&#039;s virtue, if you wish to know about that, may also be easily described: her duty is to order her house, and keep what is indoors, and obey her husband. Every age, every condition of life, young or old, male or female, bond or free, has a different virtue: there are virtues numberless, and no lack of definitions of them; for virtue is relative to the actions and ages of each of us in all that we do. And the same may be said of vice, Socrates (Compare Arist. Pol.). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: How fortunate I am, Meno! When I ask you for one virtue, you present me with a swarm of them (Compare Theaet.), which are in your keeping. Suppose that I carry on the figure of the swarm, and ask of you, What is the nature of the bee? and you answer that there are many kinds of bees, and I reply: But do bees differ as bees, because there are many and different kinds of them; or are they not rather to be distinguished by some other quality, as for example beauty, size, or shape? How would you answer me? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I should answer that bees do not differ from one another, as bees. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if I went on to say: That is what I desire to know, Meno; tell me what is the quality in which they do not differ, but are all alike;&amp;amp;mdash;would you be able to answer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I should. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And so of the virtues, however many and different they may be, they have all a common nature which makes them virtues; and on this he who would answer the question, &#039;What is virtue?&#039; would do well to have his eye fixed: Do you understand? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I am beginning to understand; but I do not as yet take hold of the question as I could wish. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: When you say, Meno, that there is one virtue of a man, another of a woman, another of a child, and so on, does this apply only to virtue, or would you say the same of health, and size, and strength? Or is the nature of health always the same, whether in man or woman? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I should say that health is the same, both in man and woman. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And is not this true of size and strength? If a woman is strong, she will be strong by reason of the same form and of the same strength subsisting in her which there is in the man. I mean to say that strength, as strength, whether of man or woman, is the same. Is there any difference? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I think not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And will not virtue, as virtue, be the same, whether in a child or in a grown-up person, in a woman or in a man? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I cannot help feeling, Socrates, that this case is different from the others. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But why? Were you not saying that the virtue of a man was to order a state, and the virtue of a woman was to order a house? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I did say so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And can either house or state or anything be well ordered without temperance and without justice? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then they who order a state or a house temperately or justly order them with temperance and justice? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then both men and women, if they are to be good men and women, must have the same virtues of temperance and justice? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And can either a young man or an elder one be good, if they are intemperate and unjust? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: They cannot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: They must be temperate and just? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then all men are good in the same way, and by participation in the same virtues? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Such is the inference. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And they surely would not have been good in the same way, unless their virtue had been the same? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: They would not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then now that the sameness of all virtue has been proven, try and remember what you and Gorgias say that virtue is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Will you have one definition of them all? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: That is what I am seeking. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: If you want to have one definition of them all, I know not what to say, but that virtue is the power of governing mankind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And does this definition of virtue include all virtue? Is virtue the same in a child and in a slave, Meno? Can the child govern his father, or the slave his master; and would he who governed be any longer a slave? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I think not, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: No, indeed; there would be small reason in that. Yet once more, fair friend; according to you, virtue is &#039;the power of governing;&#039; but do you not add &#039;justly and not unjustly&#039;? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes, Socrates; I agree there; for justice is virtue. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Would you say &#039;virtue,&#039; Meno, or &#039;a virtue&#039;? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I mean as I might say about anything; that a round, for example, is &#039;a figure&#039; and not simply &#039;figure,&#039; and I should adopt this mode of speaking, because there are other figures. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Quite right; and that is just what I am saying about virtue&amp;amp;mdash;that there are other virtues as well as justice. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: What are they? tell me the names of them, as I would tell you the names of the other figures if you asked me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Courage and temperance and wisdom and magnanimity are virtues; and there are many others. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yes, Meno; and again we are in the same case: in searching after one virtue we have found many, though not in the same way as before; but we have been unable to find the common virtue which runs through them all. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Why, Socrates, even now I am not able to follow you in the attempt to get at one common notion of virtue as of other things. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: No wonder; but I will try to get nearer if I can, for you know that all things have a common notion. Suppose now that some one asked you the question which I asked before: Meno, he would say, what is figure? And if you answered &#039;roundness,&#039; he would reply to you, in my way of speaking, by asking whether you would say that roundness is &#039;figure&#039; or &#039;a figure;&#039; and you would answer &#039;a figure.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And for this reason&amp;amp;mdash;that there are other figures? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if he proceeded to ask, What other figures are there? you would have told him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I should. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if he similarly asked what colour is, and you answered whiteness, and the questioner rejoined, Would you say that whiteness is colour or a colour? you would reply, A colour, because there are other colours as well. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I should. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if he had said, Tell me what they are?&amp;amp;mdash;you would have told him of other colours which are colours just as much as whiteness. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And suppose that he were to pursue the matter in my way, he would say: Ever and anon we are landed in particulars, but this is not what I want; tell me then, since you call them by a common name, and say that they are all figures, even when opposed to one another, what is that common nature which you designate as figure&amp;amp;mdash;which contains straight as well as round, and is no more one than the other&amp;amp;mdash;that would be your mode of speaking? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And in speaking thus, you do not mean to say that the round is round any more than straight, or the straight any more straight than round? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: You only assert that the round figure is not more a figure than the straight, or the straight than the round? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: To what then do we give the name of figure? Try and answer. Suppose that when a person asked you this question either about figure or colour, you were to reply, Man, I do not understand what you want, or know what you are saying; he would look rather astonished and say: Do you not understand that I am looking for the &#039;simile in multis&#039;? And then he might put the question in another form: Meno, he might say, what is that &#039;simile in multis&#039; which you call figure, and which includes not only round and straight figures, but all? Could you not answer that question, Meno? I wish that you would try; the attempt will be good practice with a view to the answer about virtue. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I would rather that you should answer, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Shall I indulge you? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: By all means. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And then you will tell me about virtue? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I will. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then I must do my best, for there is a prize to be won. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Well, I will try and explain to you what figure is. What do you say to this answer?&amp;amp;mdash;Figure is the only thing which always follows colour. Will you be satisfied with it, as I am sure that I should be, if you would let me have a similar definition of virtue? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: But, Socrates, it is such a simple answer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Why simple? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Because, according to you, figure is that which always follows colour. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — (SOCRATES: Granted.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: But if a person were to say that he does not know what colour is, any more than what figure is&amp;amp;mdash;what sort of answer would you have given him? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I should have told him the truth. And if he were a philosopher of the eristic and antagonistic sort, I should say to him: You have my answer, and if I am wrong, your business is to take up the argument and refute me. But if we were friends, and were talking as you and I are now, I should reply in a milder strain and more in the dialectician&#039;s vein; that is to say, I should not only speak the truth, but I should make use of premises which the person interrogated would be willing to admit. And this is the way in which I shall endeavour to approach you. You will acknowledge, will you not, that there is such a thing as an end, or termination, or extremity?&amp;amp;mdash;all which words I use in the same sense, although I am aware that Prodicus might draw distinctions about them: but still you, I am sure, would speak of a thing as ended or terminated&amp;amp;mdash;that is all which I am saying&amp;amp;mdash;not anything very difficult. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes, I should; and I believe that I understand your meaning. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And you would speak of a surface and also of a solid, as for example in geometry. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Well then, you are now in a condition to understand my definition of figure. I define figure to be that in which the solid ends; or, more concisely, the limit of solid. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: And now, Socrates, what is colour? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: You are outrageous, Meno, in thus plaguing a poor old man to give you an answer, when you will not take the trouble of remembering what is Gorgias&#039; definition of virtue. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: When you have told me what I ask, I will tell you, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: A man who was blindfolded has only to hear you talking, and he would know that you are a fair creature and have still many lovers. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Why do you think so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Why, because you always speak in imperatives: like all beauties when they are in their prime, you are tyrannical; and also, as I suspect, you have found out that I have weakness for the fair, and therefore to humour you I must answer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Please do. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Would you like me to answer you after the manner of Gorgias, which is familiar to you? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I should like nothing better. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Do not he and you and Empedocles say that there are certain effluences of existence? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And passages into which and through which the effluences pass? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Exactly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And some of the effluences fit into the passages, and some of them are too small or too large? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And there is such a thing as sight? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And now, as Pindar says, &#039;read my meaning:&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;colour is an effluence of form, commensurate with sight, and palpable to sense. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: That, Socrates, appears to me to be an admirable answer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Why, yes, because it happens to be one which you have been in the habit of hearing: and your wit will have discovered, I suspect, that you may explain in the same way the nature of sound and smell, and of many other similar phenomena. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: The answer, Meno, was in the orthodox solemn vein, and therefore was more acceptable to you than the other answer about figure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And yet, O son of Alexidemus, I cannot help thinking that the other was the better; and I am sure that you would be of the same opinion, if you would only stay and be initiated, and were not compelled, as you said yesterday, to go away before the mysteries. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: But I will stay, Socrates, if you will give me many such answers. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Well then, for my own sake as well as for yours, I will do my very best; but I am afraid that I shall not be able to give you very many as good: and now, in your turn, you are to fulfil your promise, and tell me what virtue is in the universal; and do not make a singular into a plural, as the facetious say of those who break a thing, but deliver virtue to me whole and sound, and not broken into a number of pieces: I have given you the pattern. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Well then, Socrates, virtue, as I take it, is when he, who desires the honourable, is able to provide it for himself; so the poet says, and I say too&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;Virtue is the desire of things honourable and the power of attaining them.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And does he who desires the honourable also desire the good? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then are there some who desire the evil and others who desire the good? Do not all men, my dear sir, desire good? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I think not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: There are some who desire evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Do you mean that they think the evils which they desire, to be good; or do they know that they are evil and yet desire them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Both, I think. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And do you really imagine, Meno, that a man knows evils to be evils and desires them notwithstanding? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Certainly I do. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And desire is of possession? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes, of possession. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And does he think that the evils will do good to him who possesses them, or does he know that they will do him harm? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: There are some who think that the evils will do them good, and others who know that they will do them harm. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And, in your opinion, do those who think that they will do them good know that they are evils? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Is it not obvious that those who are ignorant of their nature do not desire them; but they desire what they suppose to be goods although they are really evils; and if they are mistaken and suppose the evils to be goods they really desire goods? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes, in that case. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Well, and do those who, as you say, desire evils, and think that evils are hurtful to the possessor of them, know that they will be hurt by them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: They must know it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And must they not suppose that those who are hurt are miserable in proportion to the hurt which is inflicted upon them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: How can it be otherwise? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But are not the miserable ill-fated? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes, indeed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And does any one desire to be miserable and ill-fated? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I should say not, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But if there is no one who desires to be miserable, there is no one, Meno, who desires evil; for what is misery but the desire and possession of evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: That appears to be the truth, Socrates, and I admit that nobody desires evil. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And yet, were you not saying just now that virtue is the desire and power of attaining good? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes, I did say so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But if this be affirmed, then the desire of good is common to all, and one man is no better than another in that respect? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if one man is not better than another in desiring good, he must be better in the power of attaining it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Exactly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then, according to your definition, virtue would appear to be the power of attaining good? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I entirely approve, Socrates, of the manner in which you now view this matter. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then let us see whether what you say is true from another point of view; for very likely you may be right:&amp;amp;mdash;You affirm virtue to be the power of attaining goods? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And the goods which you mean are such as health and wealth and the possession of gold and silver, and having office and honour in the state&amp;amp;mdash;those are what you would call goods? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes, I should include all those. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then, according to Meno, who is the hereditary friend of the great king, virtue is the power of getting silver and gold; and would you add that they must be gained piously, justly, or do you deem this to be of no consequence? And is any mode of acquisition, even if unjust and dishonest, equally to be deemed virtue? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Not virtue, Socrates, but vice. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then justice or temperance or holiness, or some other part of virtue, as would appear, must accompany the acquisition, and without them the mere acquisition of good will not be virtue. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Why, how can there be virtue without these? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And the non-acquisition of gold and silver in a dishonest manner for oneself or another, or in other words the want of them, may be equally virtue? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then the acquisition of such goods is no more virtue than the non-acquisition and want of them, but whatever is accompanied by justice or honesty is virtue, and whatever is devoid of justice is vice. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: It cannot be otherwise, in my judgment. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And were we not saying just now that justice, temperance, and the like, were each of them a part of virtue? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And so, Meno, this is the way in which you mock me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Why do you say that, Socrates? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Why, because I asked you to deliver virtue into my hands whole and unbroken, and I gave you a pattern according to which you were to frame your answer; and you have forgotten already, and tell me that virtue is the power of attaining good justly, or with justice; and justice you acknowledge to be a part of virtue. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then it follows from your own admissions, that virtue is doing what you do with a part of virtue; for justice and the like are said by you to be parts of virtue. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: What of that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: What of that! Why, did not I ask you to tell me the nature of virtue as a whole? And you are very far from telling me this; but declare every action to be virtue which is done with a part of virtue; as though you had told me and I must already know the whole of virtue, and this too when frittered away into little pieces. And, therefore, my dear Meno, I fear that I must begin again and repeat the same question: What is virtue? for otherwise, I can only say, that every action done with a part of virtue is virtue; what else is the meaning of saying that every action done with justice is virtue? Ought I not to ask the question over again; for can any one who does not know virtue know a part of virtue? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: No; I do not say that he can. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Do you remember how, in the example of figure, we rejected any answer given in terms which were as yet unexplained or unadmitted? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes, Socrates; and we were quite right in doing so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But then, my friend, do not suppose that we can explain to any one the nature of virtue as a whole through some unexplained portion of virtue, or anything at all in that fashion; we should only have to ask over again the old question, What is virtue? Am I not right? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I believe that you are. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then begin again, and answer me, What, according to you and your friend Gorgias, is the definition of virtue? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: O Socrates, I used to be told, before I knew you, that you were always doubting yourself and making others doubt; and now you are casting your spells over me, and I am simply getting bewitched and enchanted, and am at my wits&#039; end. And if I may venture to make a jest upon you, you seem to me both in your appearance and in your power over others to be very like the flat torpedo fish, who torpifies those who come near him and touch him, as you have now torpified me, I think. For my soul and my tongue are really torpid, and I do not know how to answer you; and though I have been delivered of an infinite variety of speeches about virtue before now, and to many persons&amp;amp;mdash;and very good ones they were, as I thought&amp;amp;mdash;at this moment I cannot even say what virtue is. And I think that you are very wise in not voyaging and going away from home, for if you did in other places as you do in Athens, you would be cast into prison as a magician. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: You are a rogue, Meno, and had all but caught me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: What do you mean, Socrates? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I can tell why you made a simile about me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Why? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: In order that I might make another simile about you. For I know that all pretty young gentlemen like to have pretty similes made about them&amp;amp;mdash;as well they may&amp;amp;mdash;but I shall not return the compliment. As to my being a torpedo, if the torpedo is torpid as well as the cause of torpidity in others, then indeed I am a torpedo, but not otherwise; for I perplex others, not because I am clear, but because I am utterly perplexed myself. And now I know not what virtue is, and you seem to be in the same case, although you did once perhaps know before you touched me. However, I have no objection to join with you in the enquiry. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: And how will you enquire, Socrates, into that which you do not know? What will you put forth as the subject of enquiry? And if you find what you want, how will you ever know that this is the thing which you did not know? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I know, Meno, what you mean; but just see what a tiresome dispute you are introducing. You argue that a man cannot enquire either about that which he knows, or about that which he does not know; for if he knows, he has no need to enquire; and if not, he cannot; for he does not know the very subject about which he is to enquire (Compare Aristot. Post. Anal.). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Well, Socrates, and is not the argument sound? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I think not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Why not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I will tell you why: I have heard from certain wise men and women who spoke of things divine that&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: What did they say? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: They spoke of a glorious truth, as I conceive. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: What was it? and who were they? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Some of them were priests and priestesses, who had studied how they might be able to give a reason of their profession: there have been poets also, who spoke of these things by inspiration, like Pindar, and many others who were inspired. And they say&amp;amp;mdash;mark, now, and see whether their words are true&amp;amp;mdash;they say that the soul of man is immortal, and at one time has an end, which is termed dying, and at another time is born again, but is never destroyed. And the moral is, that a man ought to live always in perfect holiness. &#039;For in the ninth year Persephone sends the souls of those from whom she has received the penalty of ancient crime back again from beneath into the light of the sun above, and these are they who become noble kings and mighty men and great in wisdom and are called saintly heroes in after ages.&#039; The soul, then, as being immortal, and having been born again many times, and having seen all things that exist, whether in this world or in the world below, has knowledge of them all; and it is no wonder that she should be able to call to remembrance all that she ever knew about virtue, and about everything; for as all nature is akin, and the soul has learned all things; there is no difficulty in her eliciting or as men say learning, out of a single recollection all the rest, if a man is strenuous and does not faint; for all enquiry and all learning is but recollection. And therefore we ought not to listen to this sophistical argument about the impossibility of enquiry: for it will make us idle; and is sweet only to the sluggard; but the other saying will make us active and inquisitive. In that confiding, I will gladly enquire with you into the nature of virtue. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes, Socrates; but what do you mean by saying that we do not learn, and that what we call learning is only a process of recollection? Can you teach me how this is? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I told you, Meno, just now that you were a rogue, and now you ask whether I can teach you, when I am saying that there is no teaching, but only recollection; and thus you imagine that you will involve me in a contradiction. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Indeed, Socrates, I protest that I had no such intention. I only asked the question from habit; but if you can prove to me that what you say is true, I wish that you would. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: It will be no easy matter, but I will try to please you to the utmost of my power. Suppose that you call one of your numerous attendants, that I may demonstrate on him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Certainly. Come hither, boy. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: He is Greek, and speaks Greek, does he not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes, indeed; he was born in the house. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Attend now to the questions which I ask him, and observe whether he learns of me or only remembers. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I will. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Tell me, boy, do you know that a figure like this is a square? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: I do. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And you know that a square figure has these four lines equal? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And these lines which I have drawn through the middle of the square are also equal? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: A square may be of any size? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if one side of the figure be of two feet, and the other side be of two feet, how much will the whole be? Let me explain: if in one direction the space was of two feet, and in the other direction of one foot, the whole would be of two feet taken once? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But since this side is also of two feet, there are twice two feet? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: There are. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then the square is of twice two feet? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And how many are twice two feet? count and tell me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Four, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And might there not be another square twice as large as this, and having like this the lines equal? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And of how many feet will that be? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Of eight feet. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And now try and tell me the length of the line which forms the side of that double square: this is two feet&amp;amp;mdash;what will that be? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Clearly, Socrates, it will be double. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Do you observe, Meno, that I am not teaching the boy anything, but only asking him questions; and now he fancies that he knows how long a line is necessary in order to produce a figure of eight square feet; does he not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And does he really know? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: He only guesses that because the square is double, the line is double. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Observe him while he recalls the steps in regular order. (To the Boy:) Tell me, boy, do you assert that a double space comes from a double line? Remember that I am not speaking of an oblong, but of a figure equal every way, and twice the size of this&amp;amp;mdash;that is to say of eight feet; and I want to know whether you still say that a double square comes from double line? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But does not this line become doubled if we add another such line here? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And four such lines will make a space containing eight feet? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Let us describe such a figure: Would you not say that this is the figure of eight feet? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And are there not these four divisions in the figure, each of which is equal to the figure of four feet? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And is not that four times four? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And four times is not double? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: No, indeed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But how much? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Four times as much. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Therefore the double line, boy, has given a space, not twice, but four times as much. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Four times four are sixteen&amp;amp;mdash;are they not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: What line would give you a space of eight feet, as this gives one of sixteen feet;&amp;amp;mdash;do you see? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And the space of four feet is made from this half line? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Good; and is not a space of eight feet twice the size of this, and half the size of the other? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Such a space, then, will be made out of a line greater than this one, and less than that one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Yes; I think so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Very good; I like to hear you say what you think. And now tell me, is not this a line of two feet and that of four? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then the line which forms the side of eight feet ought to be more than this line of two feet, and less than the other of four feet? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: It ought. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Try and see if you can tell me how much it will be. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Three feet. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then if we add a half to this line of two, that will be the line of three. Here are two and there is one; and on the other side, here are two also and there is one: and that makes the figure of which you speak? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But if there are three feet this way and three feet that way, the whole space will be three times three feet? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: That is evident. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And how much are three times three feet? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Nine. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And how much is the double of four? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Eight. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then the figure of eight is not made out of a line of three? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But from what line?&amp;amp;mdash;tell me exactly; and if you would rather not reckon, try and show me the line. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Indeed, Socrates, I do not know. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Do you see, Meno, what advances he has made in his power of recollection? He did not know at first, and he does not know now, what is the side of a figure of eight feet: but then he thought that he knew, and answered confidently as if he knew, and had no difficulty; now he has a difficulty, and neither knows nor fancies that he knows. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Is he not better off in knowing his ignorance? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I think that he is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: If we have made him doubt, and given him the &#039;torpedo&#039;s shock,&#039; have we done him any harm? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I think not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: We have certainly, as would seem, assisted him in some degree to the discovery of the truth; and now he will wish to remedy his ignorance, but then he would have been ready to tell all the world again and again that the double space should have a double side. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But do you suppose that he would ever have enquired into or learned what he fancied that he knew, though he was really ignorant of it, until he had fallen into perplexity under the idea that he did not know, and had desired to know? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I think not, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then he was the better for the torpedo&#039;s touch? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I think so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Mark now the farther development. I shall only ask him, and not teach him, and he shall share the enquiry with me: and do you watch and see if you find me telling or explaining anything to him, instead of eliciting his opinion. Tell me, boy, is not this a square of four feet which I have drawn? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And now I add another square equal to the former one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And a third, which is equal to either of them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Suppose that we fill up the vacant corner? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Here, then, there are four equal spaces? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And how many times larger is this space than this other? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Four times. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But it ought to have been twice only, as you will remember. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And does not this line, reaching from corner to corner, bisect each of these spaces? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And are there not here four equal lines which contain this space? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: There are. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Look and see how much this space is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: I do not understand. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Has not each interior line cut off half of the four spaces? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And how many spaces are there in this section? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Four. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And how many in this? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Two. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And four is how many times two? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Twice. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And this space is of how many feet? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Of eight feet. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And from what line do you get this figure? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: From this. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: That is, from the line which extends from corner to corner of the figure of four feet? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And that is the line which the learned call the diagonal. And if this is the proper name, then you, Meno&#039;s slave, are prepared to affirm that the double space is the square of the diagonal? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — BOY: Certainly, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: What do you say of him, Meno? Were not all these answers given out of his own head? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes, they were all his own. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And yet, as we were just now saying, he did not know? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But still he had in him those notions of his&amp;amp;mdash;had he not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then he who does not know may still have true notions of that which he does not know? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: He has. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And at present these notions have just been stirred up in him, as in a dream; but if he were frequently asked the same questions, in different forms, he would know as well as any one at last? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I dare say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Without any one teaching him he will recover his knowledge for himself, if he is only asked questions? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And this spontaneous recovery of knowledge in him is recollection? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And this knowledge which he now has must he not either have acquired or always possessed? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But if he always possessed this knowledge he would always have known; or if he has acquired the knowledge he could not have acquired it in this life, unless he has been taught geometry; for he may be made to do the same with all geometry and every other branch of knowledge. Now, has any one ever taught him all this? You must know about him, if, as you say, he was born and bred in your house. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: And I am certain that no one ever did teach him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And yet he has the knowledge? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: The fact, Socrates, is undeniable. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But if he did not acquire the knowledge in this life, then he must have had and learned it at some other time? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Clearly he must. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Which must have been the time when he was not a man? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if there have been always true thoughts in him, both at the time when he was and was not a man, which only need to be awakened into knowledge by putting questions to him, his soul must have always possessed this knowledge, for he always either was or was not a man? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Obviously. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if the truth of all things always existed in the soul, then the soul is immortal. Wherefore be of good cheer, and try to recollect what you do not know, or rather what you do not remember. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I feel, somehow, that I like what you are saying. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And I, Meno, like what I am saying. Some things I have said of which I am not altogether confident. But that we shall be better and braver and less helpless if we think that we ought to enquire, than we should have been if we indulged in the idle fancy that there was no knowing and no use in seeking to know what we do not know;&amp;amp;mdash;that is a theme upon which I am ready to fight, in word and deed, to the utmost of my power. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: There again, Socrates, your words seem to me excellent. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then, as we are agreed that a man should enquire about that which he does not know, shall you and I make an effort to enquire together into the nature of virtue? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: By all means, Socrates. And yet I would much rather return to my original question, Whether in seeking to acquire virtue we should regard it as a thing to be taught, or as a gift of nature, or as coming to men in some other way? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Had I the command of you as well as of myself, Meno, I would not have enquired whether virtue is given by instruction or not, until we had first ascertained &#039;what it is.&#039; But as you think only of controlling me who am your slave, and never of controlling yourself,&amp;amp;mdash;such being your notion of freedom, I must yield to you, for you are irresistible. And therefore I have now to enquire into the qualities of a thing of which I do not as yet know the nature. At any rate, will you condescend a little, and allow the question &#039;Whether virtue is given by instruction, or in any other way,&#039; to be argued upon hypothesis? As the geometrician, when he is asked whether a certain triangle is capable being inscribed in a certain circle (Or, whether a certain area is capable of being inscribed as a triangle in a certain circle.), will reply: &#039;I cannot tell you as yet; but I will offer a hypothesis which may assist us in forming a conclusion: If the figure be such that when you have produced a given side of it (Or, when you apply it to the given line, i.e. the diameter of the circle (autou).), the given area of the triangle falls short by an area corresponding to the part produced (Or, similar to the area so applied.), then one consequence follows, and if this is impossible then some other; and therefore I wish to assume a hypothesis before I tell you whether this triangle is capable of being inscribed in the circle&#039;:&amp;amp;mdash;that is a geometrical hypothesis. And we too, as we know not the nature and qualities of virtue, must ask, whether virtue is or is not taught, under a hypothesis: as thus, if virtue is of such a class of mental goods, will it be taught or not? Let the first hypothesis be that virtue is or is not knowledge,&amp;amp;mdash;in that case will it be taught or not? or, as we were just now saying, &#039;remembered&#039;? For there is no use in disputing about the name. But is virtue taught or not? or rather, does not every one see that knowledge alone is taught? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I agree. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then if virtue is knowledge, virtue will be taught? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then now we have made a quick end of this question: if virtue is of such a nature, it will be taught; and if not, not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: The next question is, whether virtue is knowledge or of another species? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes, that appears to be the question which comes next in order. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Do we not say that virtue is a good?&amp;amp;mdash;This is a hypothesis which is not set aside. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Now, if there be any sort of good which is distinct from knowledge, virtue may be that good; but if knowledge embraces all good, then we shall be right in thinking that virtue is knowledge? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And virtue makes us good? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if we are good, then we are profitable; for all good things are profitable? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then virtue is profitable? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: That is the only inference. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then now let us see what are the things which severally profit us. Health and strength, and beauty and wealth&amp;amp;mdash;these, and the like of these, we call profitable? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And yet these things may also sometimes do us harm: would you not think so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And what is the guiding principle which makes them profitable or the reverse? Are they not profitable when they are rightly used, and hurtful when they are not rightly used? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Next, let us consider the goods of the soul: they are temperance, justice, courage, quickness of apprehension, memory, magnanimity, and the like? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Surely. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And such of these as are not knowledge, but of another sort, are sometimes profitable and sometimes hurtful; as, for example, courage wanting prudence, which is only a sort of confidence? When a man has no sense he is harmed by courage, but when he has sense he is profited? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And the same may be said of temperance and quickness of apprehension; whatever things are learned or done with sense are profitable, but when done without sense they are hurtful? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And in general, all that the soul attempts or endures, when under the guidance of wisdom, ends in happiness; but when she is under the guidance of folly, in the opposite? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: That appears to be true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: If then virtue is a quality of the soul, and is admitted to be profitable, it must be wisdom or prudence, since none of the things of the soul are either profitable or hurtful in themselves, but they are all made profitable or hurtful by the addition of wisdom or of folly; and therefore if virtue is profitable, virtue must be a sort of wisdom or prudence? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I quite agree. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And the other goods, such as wealth and the like, of which we were just now saying that they are sometimes good and sometimes evil, do not they also become profitable or hurtful, accordingly as the soul guides and uses them rightly or wrongly; just as the things of the soul herself are benefited when under the guidance of wisdom and harmed by folly? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And the wise soul guides them rightly, and the foolish soul wrongly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And is not this universally true of human nature? All other things hang upon the soul, and the things of the soul herself hang upon wisdom, if they are to be good; and so wisdom is inferred to be that which profits&amp;amp;mdash;and virtue, as we say, is profitable? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And thus we arrive at the conclusion that virtue is either wholly or partly wisdom? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I think that what you are saying, Socrates, is very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But if this is true, then the good are not by nature good? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I think not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: If they had been, there would assuredly have been discerners of characters among us who would have known our future great men; and on their showing we should have adopted them, and when we had got them, we should have kept them in the citadel out of the way of harm, and set a stamp upon them far rather than upon a piece of gold, in order that no one might tamper with them; and when they grew up they would have been useful to the state? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes, Socrates, that would have been the right way. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But if the good are not by nature good, are they made good by instruction? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: There appears to be no other alternative, Socrates. On the supposition that virtue is knowledge, there can be no doubt that virtue is taught. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yes, indeed; but what if the supposition is erroneous? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I certainly thought just now that we were right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yes, Meno; but a principle which has any soundness should stand firm not only just now, but always. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Well; and why are you so slow of heart to believe that knowledge is virtue? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I will try and tell you why, Meno. I do not retract the assertion that if virtue is knowledge it may be taught; but I fear that I have some reason in doubting whether virtue is knowledge: for consider now and say whether virtue, and not only virtue but anything that is taught, must not have teachers and disciples? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Surely. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And conversely, may not the art of which neither teachers nor disciples exist be assumed to be incapable of being taught? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: True; but do you think that there are no teachers of virtue? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I have certainly often enquired whether there were any, and taken great pains to find them, and have never succeeded; and many have assisted me in the search, and they were the persons whom I thought the most likely to know. Here at the moment when he is wanted we fortunately have sitting by us Anytus, the very person of whom we should make enquiry; to him then let us repair. In the first place, he is the son of a wealthy and wise father, Anthemion, who acquired his wealth, not by accident or gift, like Ismenias the Theban (who has recently made himself as rich as Polycrates), but by his own skill and industry, and who is a well-conditioned, modest man, not insolent, or overbearing, or annoying; moreover, this son of his has received a good education, as the Athenian people certainly appear to think, for they choose him to fill the highest offices. And these are the sort of men from whom you are likely to learn whether there are any teachers of virtue, and who they are. Please, Anytus, to help me and your friend Meno in answering our question, Who are the teachers? Consider the matter thus: If we wanted Meno to be a good physician, to whom should we send him? Should we not send him to the physicians? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ANYTUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Or if we wanted him to be a good cobbler, should we not send him to the cobblers? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ANYTUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And so forth? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ANYTUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Let me trouble you with one more question. When we say that we should be right in sending him to the physicians if we wanted him to be a physician, do we mean that we should be right in sending him to those who profess the art, rather than to those who do not, and to those who demand payment for teaching the art, and profess to teach it to any one who will come and learn? And if these were our reasons, should we not be right in sending him? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ANYTUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And might not the same be said of flute-playing, and of the other arts? Would a man who wanted to make another a flute-player refuse to send him to those who profess to teach the art for money, and be plaguing other persons to give him instruction, who are not professed teachers and who never had a single disciple in that branch of knowledge which he wishes him to acquire&amp;amp;mdash;would not such conduct be the height of folly? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ANYTUS: Yes, by Zeus, and of ignorance too. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Very good. And now you are in a position to advise with me about my friend Meno. He has been telling me, Anytus, that he desires to attain that kind of wisdom and virtue by which men order the state or the house, and honour their parents, and know when to receive and when to send away citizens and strangers, as a good man should. Now, to whom should he go in order that he may learn this virtue? Does not the previous argument imply clearly that we should send him to those who profess and avouch that they are the common teachers of all Hellas, and are ready to impart instruction to any one who likes, at a fixed price? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ANYTUS: Whom do you mean, Socrates? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: You surely know, do you not, Anytus, that these are the people whom mankind call Sophists? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ANYTUS: By Heracles, Socrates, forbear! I only hope that no friend or kinsman or acquaintance of mine, whether citizen or stranger, will ever be so mad as to allow himself to be corrupted by them; for they are a manifest pest and corrupting influence to those who have to do with them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: What, Anytus? Of all the people who profess that they know how to do men good, do you mean to say that these are the only ones who not only do them no good, but positively corrupt those who are entrusted to them, and in return for this disservice have the face to demand money? Indeed, I cannot believe you; for I know of a single man, Protagoras, who made more out of his craft than the illustrious Pheidias, who created such noble works, or any ten other statuaries. How could that be? A mender of old shoes, or patcher up of clothes, who made the shoes or clothes worse than he received them, could not have remained thirty days undetected, and would very soon have starved; whereas during more than forty years, Protagoras was corrupting all Hellas, and sending his disciples from him worse than he received them, and he was never found out. For, if I am not mistaken, he was about seventy years old at his death, forty of which were spent in the practice of his profession; and during all that time he had a good reputation, which to this day he retains: and not only Protagoras, but many others are well spoken of; some who lived before him, and others who are still living. Now, when you say that they deceived and corrupted the youth, are they to be supposed to have corrupted them consciously or unconsciously? Can those who were deemed by many to be the wisest men of Hellas have been out of their minds? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ANYTUS: Out of their minds! No, Socrates; the young men who gave their money to them were out of their minds, and their relations and guardians who entrusted their youth to the care of these men were still more out of their minds, and most of all, the cities who allowed them to come in, and did not drive them out, citizen and stranger alike. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Has any of the Sophists wronged you, Anytus? What makes you so angry with them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ANYTUS: No, indeed, neither I nor any of my belongings has ever had, nor would I suffer them to have, anything to do with them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then you are entirely unacquainted with them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ANYTUS: And I have no wish to be acquainted. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then, my dear friend, how can you know whether a thing is good or bad of which you are wholly ignorant? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ANYTUS: Quite well; I am sure that I know what manner of men these are, whether I am acquainted with them or not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: You must be a diviner, Anytus, for I really cannot make out, judging from your own words, how, if you are not acquainted with them, you know about them. But I am not enquiring of you who are the teachers who will corrupt Meno (let them be, if you please, the Sophists); I only ask you to tell him who there is in this great city who will teach him how to become eminent in the virtues which I was just now describing. He is the friend of your family, and you will oblige him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ANYTUS: Why do you not tell him yourself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I have told him whom I supposed to be the teachers of these things; but I learn from you that I am utterly at fault, and I dare say that you are right. And now I wish that you, on your part, would tell me to whom among the Athenians he should go. Whom would you name? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ANYTUS: Why single out individuals? Any Athenian gentleman, taken at random, if he will mind him, will do far more good to him than the Sophists. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And did those gentlemen grow of themselves; and without having been taught by any one, were they nevertheless able to teach others that which they had never learned themselves? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ANYTUS: I imagine that they learned of the previous generation of gentlemen. Have there not been many good men in this city? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yes, certainly, Anytus; and many good statesmen also there always have been and there are still, in the city of Athens. But the question is whether they were also good teachers of their own virtue;&amp;amp;mdash;not whether there are, or have been, good men in this part of the world, but whether virtue can be taught, is the question which we have been discussing. Now, do we mean to say that the good men of our own and of other times knew how to impart to others that virtue which they had themselves; or is virtue a thing incapable of being communicated or imparted by one man to another? That is the question which I and Meno have been arguing. Look at the matter in your own way: Would you not admit that Themistocles was a good man? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ANYTUS: Certainly; no man better. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And must not he then have been a good teacher, if any man ever was a good teacher, of his own virtue? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ANYTUS: Yes certainly,&amp;amp;mdash;if he wanted to be so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But would he not have wanted? He would, at any rate, have desired to make his own son a good man and a gentleman; he could not have been jealous of him, or have intentionally abstained from imparting to him his own virtue. Did you never hear that he made his son Cleophantus a famous horseman; and had him taught to stand upright on horseback and hurl a javelin, and to do many other marvellous things; and in anything which could be learned from a master he was well trained? Have you not heard from our elders of him? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ANYTUS: I have. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then no one could say that his son showed any want of capacity? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ANYTUS: Very likely not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But did any one, old or young, ever say in your hearing that Cleophantus, son of Themistocles, was a wise or good man, as his father was? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ANYTUS: I have certainly never heard any one say so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if virtue could have been taught, would his father Themistocles have sought to train him in these minor accomplishments, and allowed him who, as you must remember, was his own son, to be no better than his neighbours in those qualities in which he himself excelled? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ANYTUS: Indeed, indeed, I think not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Here was a teacher of virtue whom you admit to be among the best men of the past. Let us take another,&amp;amp;mdash;Aristides, the son of Lysimachus: would you not acknowledge that he was a good man? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ANYTUS: To be sure I should. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And did not he train his son Lysimachus better than any other Athenian in all that could be done for him by the help of masters? But what has been the result? Is he a bit better than any other mortal? He is an acquaintance of yours, and you see what he is like. There is Pericles, again, magnificent in his wisdom; and he, as you are aware, had two sons, Paralus and Xanthippus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ANYTUS: I know. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And you know, also, that he taught them to be unrivalled horsemen, and had them trained in music and gymnastics and all sorts of arts&amp;amp;mdash;in these respects they were on a level with the best&amp;amp;mdash;and had he no wish to make good men of them? Nay, he must have wished it. But virtue, as I suspect, could not be taught. And that you may not suppose the incompetent teachers to be only the meaner sort of Athenians and few in number, remember again that Thucydides had two sons, Melesias and Stephanus, whom, besides giving them a good education in other things, he trained in wrestling, and they were the best wrestlers in Athens: one of them he committed to the care of Xanthias, and the other of Eudorus, who had the reputation of being the most celebrated wrestlers of that day. Do you remember them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ANYTUS: I have heard of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Now, can there be a doubt that Thucydides, whose children were taught things for which he had to spend money, would have taught them to be good men, which would have cost him nothing, if virtue could have been taught? Will you reply that he was a mean man, and had not many friends among the Athenians and allies? Nay, but he was of a great family, and a man of influence at Athens and in all Hellas, and, if virtue could have been taught, he would have found out some Athenian or foreigner who would have made good men of his sons, if he could not himself spare the time from cares of state. Once more, I suspect, friend Anytus, that virtue is not a thing which can be taught? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ANYTUS: Socrates, I think that you are too ready to speak evil of men: and, if you will take my advice, I would recommend you to be careful. Perhaps there is no city in which it is not easier to do men harm than to do them good, and this is certainly the case at Athens, as I believe that you know. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: O Meno, think that Anytus is in a rage. And he may well be in a rage, for he thinks, in the first place, that I am defaming these gentlemen; and in the second place, he is of opinion that he is one of them himself. But some day he will know what is the meaning of defamation, and if he ever does, he will forgive me. Meanwhile I will return to you, Meno; for I suppose that there are gentlemen in your region too? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Certainly there are. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And are they willing to teach the young? and do they profess to be teachers? and do they agree that virtue is taught? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: No indeed, Socrates, they are anything but agreed; you may hear them saying at one time that virtue can be taught, and then again the reverse. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Can we call those teachers who do not acknowledge the possibility of their own vocation? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I think not, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And what do you think of these Sophists, who are the only professors? Do they seem to you to be teachers of virtue? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I often wonder, Socrates, that Gorgias is never heard promising to teach virtue: and when he hears others promising he only laughs at them; but he thinks that men should be taught to speak. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then do you not think that the Sophists are teachers? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I cannot tell you, Socrates; like the rest of the world, I am in doubt, and sometimes I think that they are teachers and sometimes not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And are you aware that not you only and other politicians have doubts whether virtue can be taught or not, but that Theognis the poet says the very same thing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Where does he say so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: In these elegiac verses (Theog.): &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;Eat and drink and sit with the mighty, and make yourself agreeable to them; for from the good you will learn what is good, but if you mix with the bad you will lose the intelligence which you already have.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Do you observe that here he seems to imply that virtue can be taught? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But in some other verses he shifts about and says (Theog.): &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;If understanding could be created and put into a man, then they&#039; (who were able to perform this feat) &#039;would have obtained great rewards.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And again:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;Never would a bad son have sprung from a good sire, for he would have heard the voice of instruction; but not by teaching will you ever make a bad man into a good one.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And this, as you may remark, is a contradiction of the other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And is there anything else of which the professors are affirmed not only not to be teachers of others, but to be ignorant themselves, and bad at the knowledge of that which they are professing to teach? or is there anything about which even the acknowledged &#039;gentlemen&#039; are sometimes saying that &#039;this thing can be taught,&#039; and sometimes the opposite? Can you say that they are teachers in any true sense whose ideas are in such confusion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I should say, certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But if neither the Sophists nor the gentlemen are teachers, clearly there can be no other teachers? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if there are no teachers, neither are there disciples? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Agreed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And we have admitted that a thing cannot be taught of which there are neither teachers nor disciples? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: We have. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And there are no teachers of virtue to be found anywhere? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: There are not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if there are no teachers, neither are there scholars? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: That, I think, is true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then virtue cannot be taught? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Not if we are right in our view. But I cannot believe, Socrates, that there are no good men: And if there are, how did they come into existence? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I am afraid, Meno, that you and I are not good for much, and that Gorgias has been as poor an educator of you as Prodicus has been of me. Certainly we shall have to look to ourselves, and try to find some one who will help in some way or other to improve us. This I say, because I observe that in the previous discussion none of us remarked that right and good action is possible to man under other guidance than that of knowledge (episteme);&amp;amp;mdash;and indeed if this be denied, there is no seeing how there can be any good men at all. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: How do you mean, Socrates? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I mean that good men are necessarily useful or profitable. Were we not right in admitting this? It must be so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And in supposing that they will be useful only if they are true guides to us of action&amp;amp;mdash;there we were also right? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But when we said that a man cannot be a good guide unless he have knowledge (phrhonesis), this we were wrong. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: What do you mean by the word &#039;right&#039;? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I will explain. If a man knew the way to Larisa, or anywhere else, and went to the place and led others thither, would he not be a right and good guide? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And a person who had a right opinion about the way, but had never been and did not know, might be a good guide also, might he not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And while he has true opinion about that which the other knows, he will be just as good a guide if he thinks the truth, as he who knows the truth? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Exactly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then true opinion is as good a guide to correct action as knowledge; and that was the point which we omitted in our speculation about the nature of virtue, when we said that knowledge only is the guide of right action; whereas there is also right opinion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then right opinion is not less useful than knowledge? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: The difference, Socrates, is only that he who has knowledge will always be right; but he who has right opinion will sometimes be right, and sometimes not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: What do you mean? Can he be wrong who has right opinion, so long as he has right opinion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I admit the cogency of your argument, and therefore, Socrates, I wonder that knowledge should be preferred to right opinion&amp;amp;mdash;or why they should ever differ. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And shall I explain this wonder to you? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Do tell me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: You would not wonder if you had ever observed the images of Daedalus (Compare Euthyphro); but perhaps you have not got them in your country? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: What have they to do with the question? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Because they require to be fastened in order to keep them, and if they are not fastened they will play truant and run away. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Well, what of that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I mean to say that they are not very valuable possessions if they are at liberty, for they will walk off like runaway slaves; but when fastened, they are of great value, for they are really beautiful works of art. Now this is an illustration of the nature of true opinions: while they abide with us they are beautiful and fruitful, but they run away out of the human soul, and do not remain long, and therefore they are not of much value until they are fastened by the tie of the cause; and this fastening of them, friend Meno, is recollection, as you and I have agreed to call it. But when they are bound, in the first place, they have the nature of knowledge; and, in the second place, they are abiding. And this is why knowledge is more honourable and excellent than true opinion, because fastened by a chain. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: What you are saying, Socrates, seems to be very like the truth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I too speak rather in ignorance; I only conjecture. And yet that knowledge differs from true opinion is no matter of conjecture with me. There are not many things which I profess to know, but this is most certainly one of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes, Socrates; and you are quite right in saying so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And am I not also right in saying that true opinion leading the way perfects action quite as well as knowledge? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: There again, Socrates, I think you are right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then right opinion is not a whit inferior to knowledge, or less useful in action; nor is the man who has right opinion inferior to him who has knowledge? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And surely the good man has been acknowledged by us to be useful? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Seeing then that men become good and useful to states, not only because they have knowledge, but because they have right opinion, and that neither knowledge nor right opinion is given to man by nature or acquired by him&amp;amp;mdash;(do you imagine either of them to be given by nature? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Not I.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then if they are not given by nature, neither are the good by nature good? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And nature being excluded, then came the question whether virtue is acquired by teaching? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: If virtue was wisdom (or knowledge), then, as we thought, it was taught? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if it was taught it was wisdom? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if there were teachers, it might be taught; and if there were no teachers, not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But surely we acknowledged that there were no teachers of virtue? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then we acknowledged that it was not taught, and was not wisdom? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And yet we admitted that it was a good? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And the right guide is useful and good? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And the only right guides are knowledge and true opinion&amp;amp;mdash;these are the guides of man; for things which happen by chance are not under the guidance of man: but the guides of man are true opinion and knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I think so too. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But if virtue is not taught, neither is virtue knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Clearly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then of two good and useful things, one, which is knowledge, has been set aside, and cannot be supposed to be our guide in political life. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: I think not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And therefore not by any wisdom, and not because they were wise, did Themistocles and those others of whom Anytus spoke govern states. This was the reason why they were unable to make others like themselves&amp;amp;mdash;because their virtue was not grounded on knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: That is probably true, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But if not by knowledge, the only alternative which remains is that statesmen must have guided states by right opinion, which is in politics what divination is in religion; for diviners and also prophets say many things truly, but they know not what they say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: So I believe. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And may we not, Meno, truly call those men &#039;divine&#039; who, having no understanding, yet succeed in many a grand deed and word? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then we shall also be right in calling divine those whom we were just now speaking of as diviners and prophets, including the whole tribe of poets. Yes, and statesmen above all may be said to be divine and illumined, being inspired and possessed of God, in which condition they say many grand things, not knowing what they say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And the women too, Meno, call good men divine&amp;amp;mdash;do they not? and the Spartans, when they praise a good man, say &#039;that he is a divine man.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: And I think, Socrates, that they are right; although very likely our friend Anytus may take offence at the word. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I do not care; as for Anytus, there will be another opportunity of talking with him. To sum up our enquiry&amp;amp;mdash;the result seems to be, if we are at all right in our view, that virtue is neither natural nor acquired, but an instinct given by God to the virtuous. Nor is the instinct accompanied by reason, unless there may be supposed to be among statesmen some one who is capable of educating statesmen. And if there be such an one, he may be said to be among the living what Homer says that Tiresias was among the dead, &#039;he alone has understanding; but the rest are flitting shades&#039;; and he and his virtue in like manner will be a reality among shadows. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — MENO: That is excellent, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then, Meno, the conclusion is that virtue comes to the virtuous by the gift of God. But we shall never know the certain truth until, before asking how virtue is given, we enquire into the actual nature of virtue. I fear that I must go away, but do you, now that you are persuaded yourself, persuade our friend Anytus. And do not let him be so exasperated; if you can conciliate him, you will have done good service to the Athenian people. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
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		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Plato/Parmenides&amp;diff=2842</id>
		<title>Texts:Plato/Parmenides</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Plato/Parmenides&amp;diff=2842"/>
		<updated>2025-12-26T19:45:16Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: Text replacement - &amp;quot;{{Top Texts}}&amp;quot; to &amp;quot;__NOTITLE__
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&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt; PARMENIDES &amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; By Plato &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt; Translated by Benjamin Jowett &amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#link2H_4_0002&amp;quot;&amp;gt; PARMENIDES &amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; INTRODUCTION AND ANALYSIS. &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The awe with which Plato regarded the character of &#039;the great&#039; Parmenides has extended to the dialogue which he calls by his name. None of the writings of Plato have been more copiously illustrated, both in ancient and modern times, and in none of them have the interpreters been more at variance with one another. Nor is this surprising. For the Parmenides is more fragmentary and isolated than any other dialogue, and the design of the writer is not expressly stated. The date is uncertain; the relation to the other writings of Plato is also uncertain; the connexion between the two parts is at first sight extremely obscure; and in the latter of the two we are left in doubt as to whether Plato is speaking his own sentiments by the lips of Parmenides, and overthrowing him out of his own mouth, or whether he is propounding consequences which would have been admitted by Zeno and Parmenides themselves. The contradictions which follow from the hypotheses of the one and many have been regarded by some as transcendental mysteries; by others as a mere illustration, taken at random, of a new method. They seem to have been inspired by a sort of dialectical frenzy, such as may be supposed to have prevailed in the Megarian School (compare Cratylus, etc.). The criticism on his own doctrine of Ideas has also been considered, not as a real criticism, but as an exuberance of the metaphysical imagination which enabled Plato to go beyond himself. To the latter part of the dialogue we may certainly apply the words in which he himself describes the earlier philosophers in the Sophist: &#039;They went on their way rather regardless of whether we understood them or not.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The Parmenides in point of style is one of the best of the Platonic writings; the first portion of the dialogue is in no way defective in ease and grace and dramatic interest; nor in the second part, where there was no room for such qualities, is there any want of clearness or precision. The latter half is an exquisite mosaic, of which the small pieces are with the utmost fineness and regularity adapted to one another. Like the Protagoras, Phaedo, and others, the whole is a narrated dialogue, combining with the mere recital of the words spoken, the observations of the reciter on the effect produced by them. Thus we are informed by him that Zeno and Parmenides were not altogether pleased at the request of Socrates that they would examine into the nature of the one and many in the sphere of Ideas, although they received his suggestion with approving smiles. And we are glad to be told that Parmenides was &#039;aged but well-favoured,&#039; and that Zeno was &#039;very good-looking&#039;; also that Parmenides affected to decline the great argument, on which, as Zeno knew from experience, he was not unwilling to enter. The character of Antiphon, the half-brother of Plato, who had once been inclined to philosophy, but has now shown the hereditary disposition for horses, is very naturally described. He is the sole depositary of the famous dialogue; but, although he receives the strangers like a courteous gentleman, he is impatient of the trouble of reciting it. As they enter, he has been giving orders to a bridle-maker; by this slight touch Plato verifies the previous description of him. After a little persuasion he is induced to favour the Clazomenians, who come from a distance, with a rehearsal. Respecting the visit of Zeno and Parmenides to Athens, we may observe&amp;amp;mdash;first, that such a visit is consistent with dates, and may possibly have occurred; secondly, that Plato is very likely to have invented the meeting (&#039;You, Socrates, can easily invent Egyptian tales or anything else,&#039; Phaedrus); thirdly, that no reliance can be placed on the circumstance as determining the date of Parmenides and Zeno; fourthly, that the same occasion appears to be referred to by Plato in two other places (Theaet., Soph.). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Many interpreters have regarded the Parmenides as a &#039;reductio ad absurdum&#039; of the Eleatic philosophy. But would Plato have been likely to place this in the mouth of the great Parmenides himself, who appeared to him, in Homeric language, to be &#039;venerable and awful,&#039; and to have a &#039;glorious depth of mind&#039;? (Theaet.). It may be admitted that he has ascribed to an Eleatic stranger in the Sophist opinions which went beyond the doctrines of the Eleatics. But the Eleatic stranger expressly criticises the doctrines in which he had been brought up; he admits that he is going to &#039;lay hands on his father Parmenides.&#039; Nothing of this kind is said of Zeno and Parmenides. How then, without a word of explanation, could Plato assign to them the refutation of their own tenets? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The conclusion at which we must arrive is that the Parmenides is not a refutation of the Eleatic philosophy. Nor would such an explanation afford any satisfactory connexion of the first and second parts of the dialogue. And it is quite inconsistent with Plato&#039;s own relation to the Eleatics. For of all the pre-Socratic philosophers, he speaks of them with the greatest respect. But he could hardly have passed upon them a more unmeaning slight than to ascribe to their great master tenets the reverse of those which he actually held. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Two preliminary remarks may be made. First, that whatever latitude we may allow to Plato in bringing together by a &#039;tour de force,&#039; as in the Phaedrus, dissimilar themes, yet he always in some way seeks to find a connexion for them. Many threads join together in one the love and dialectic of the Phaedrus. We cannot conceive that the great artist would place in juxtaposition two absolutely divided and incoherent subjects. And hence we are led to make a second remark: viz. that no explanation of the Parmenides can be satisfactory which does not indicate the connexion of the first and second parts. To suppose that Plato would first go out of his way to make Parmenides attack the Platonic Ideas, and then proceed to a similar but more fatal assault on his own doctrine of Being, appears to be the height of absurdity. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Perhaps there is no passage in Plato showing greater metaphysical power than that in which he assails his own theory of Ideas. The arguments are nearly, if not quite, those of Aristotle; they are the objections which naturally occur to a modern student of philosophy. Many persons will be surprised to find Plato criticizing the very conceptions which have been supposed in after ages to be peculiarly characteristic of him. How can he have placed himself so completely without them? How can he have ever persisted in them after seeing the fatal objections which might be urged against them? The consideration of this difficulty has led a recent critic (Ueberweg), who in general accepts the authorised canon of the Platonic writings, to condemn the Parmenides as spurious. The accidental want of external evidence, at first sight, seems to favour this opinion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In answer, it might be sufficient to say, that no ancient writing of equal length and excellence is known to be spurious. Nor is the silence of Aristotle to be hastily assumed; there is at least a doubt whether his use of the same arguments does not involve the inference that he knew the work. And, if the Parmenides is spurious, like Ueberweg, we are led on further than we originally intended, to pass a similar condemnation on the Theaetetus and Sophist, and therefore on the Politicus (compare Theaet., Soph.). But the objection is in reality fanciful, and rests on the assumption that the doctrine of the Ideas was held by Plato throughout his life in the same form. For the truth is, that the Platonic Ideas were in constant process of growth and transmutation; sometimes veiled in poetry and mythology, then again emerging as fixed Ideas, in some passages regarded as absolute and eternal, and in others as relative to the human mind, existing in and derived from external objects as well as transcending them. The anamnesis of the Ideas is chiefly insisted upon in the mythical portions of the dialogues, and really occupies a very small space in the entire works of Plato. Their transcendental existence is not asserted, and is therefore implicitly denied in the Philebus; different forms are ascribed to them in the Republic, and they are mentioned in the Theaetetus, the Sophist, the Politicus, and the Laws, much as Universals would be spoken of in modern books. Indeed, there are very faint traces of the transcendental doctrine of Ideas, that is, of their existence apart from the mind, in any of Plato&#039;s writings, with the exception of the Meno, the Phaedrus, the Phaedo, and in portions of the Republic. The stereotyped form which Aristotle has given to them is not found in Plato (compare Essay on the Platonic Ideas in the Introduction to the Meno.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The full discussion of this subject involves a comprehensive survey of the philosophy of Plato, which would be out of place here. But, without digressing further from the immediate subject of the Parmenides, we may remark that Plato is quite serious in his objections to his own doctrines: nor does Socrates attempt to offer any answer to them. The perplexities which surround the one and many in the sphere of the Ideas are also alluded to in the Philebus, and no answer is given to them. Nor have they ever been answered, nor can they be answered by any one else who separates the phenomenal from the real. To suppose that Plato, at a later period of his life, reached a point of view from which he was able to answer them, is a groundless assumption. The real progress of Plato&#039;s own mind has been partly concealed from us by the dogmatic statements of Aristotle, and also by the degeneracy of his own followers, with whom a doctrine of numbers quickly superseded Ideas. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; As a preparation for answering some of the difficulties which have been suggested, we may begin by sketching the first portion of the dialogue:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Cephalus, of Clazomenae in Ionia, the birthplace of Anaxagoras, a citizen of no mean city in the history of philosophy, who is the narrator of the dialogue, describes himself as meeting Adeimantus and Glaucon in the Agora at Athens. &#039;Welcome, Cephalus: can we do anything for you in Athens?&#039; &#039;Why, yes: I came to ask a favour of you. First, tell me your half-brother&#039;s name, which I have forgotten&amp;amp;mdash;he was a mere child when I was last here;&amp;amp;mdash;I know his father&#039;s, which is Pyrilampes.&#039; &#039;Yes, and the name of our brother is Antiphon. But why do you ask?&#039; &#039;Let me introduce to you some countrymen of mine, who are lovers of philosophy; they have heard that Antiphon remembers a conversation of Socrates with Parmenides and Zeno, of which the report came to him from Pythodorus, Zeno&#039;s friend.&#039; &#039;That is quite true.&#039; &#039;And can they hear the dialogue?&#039; &#039;Nothing easier; in the days of his youth he made a careful study of the piece; at present, his thoughts have another direction: he takes after his grandfather, and has given up philosophy for horses.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;We went to look for him, and found him giving instructions to a worker in brass about a bridle. When he had done with him, and had learned from his brothers the purpose of our visit, he saluted me as an old acquaintance, and we asked him to repeat the dialogue. At first, he complained of the trouble, but he soon consented. He told us that Pythodorus had described to him the appearance of Parmenides and Zeno; they had come to Athens at the great Panathenaea, the former being at the time about sixty-five years old, aged but well-favoured&amp;amp;mdash;Zeno, who was said to have been beloved of Parmenides in the days of his youth, about forty, and very good-looking:&amp;amp;mdash;that they lodged with Pythodorus at the Ceramicus outside the wall, whither Socrates, then a very young man, came to see them: Zeno was reading one of his theses, which he had nearly finished, when Pythodorus entered with Parmenides and Aristoteles, who was afterwards one of the Thirty. When the recitation was completed, Socrates requested that the first thesis of the treatise might be read again.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;You mean, Zeno,&#039; said Socrates, &#039;to argue that being, if it is many, must be both like and unlike, which is a contradiction; and each division of your argument is intended to elicit a similar absurdity, which may be supposed to follow from the assumption that being is many.&#039; &#039;Such is my meaning.&#039; &#039;I see,&#039; said Socrates, turning to Parmenides, &#039;that Zeno is your second self in his writings too; you prove admirably that the all is one: he gives proofs no less convincing that the many are nought. To deceive the world by saying the same thing in entirely different forms, is a strain of art beyond most of us.&#039; &#039;Yes, Socrates,&#039; said Zeno; &#039;but though you are as keen as a Spartan hound, you do not quite catch the motive of the piece, which was only intended to protect Parmenides against ridicule by showing that the hypothesis of the existence of the many involved greater absurdities than the hypothesis of the one. The book was a youthful composition of mine, which was stolen from me, and therefore I had no choice about the publication.&#039; &#039;I quite believe you,&#039; said Socrates; &#039;but will you answer me a question? I should like to know, whether you would assume an idea of likeness in the abstract, which is the contradictory of unlikeness in the abstract, by participation in either or both of which things are like or unlike or partly both. For the same things may very well partake of like and unlike in the concrete, though like and unlike in the abstract are irreconcilable. Nor does there appear to me to be any absurdity in maintaining that the same things may partake of the one and many, though I should be indeed surprised to hear that the absolute one is also many. For example, I, being many, that is to say, having many parts or members, am yet also one, and partake of the one, being one of seven who are here present (compare Philebus). This is not an absurdity, but a truism. But I should be amazed if there were a similar entanglement in the nature of the ideas themselves, nor can I believe that one and many, like and unlike, rest and motion, in the abstract, are capable either of admixture or of separation.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Pythodorus said that in his opinion Parmenides and Zeno were not very well pleased at the questions which were raised; nevertheless, they looked at one another and smiled in seeming delight and admiration of Socrates. &#039;Tell me,&#039; said Parmenides, &#039;do you think that the abstract ideas of likeness, unity, and the rest, exist apart from individuals which partake of them? and is this your own distinction?&#039; &#039;I think that there are such ideas.&#039; &#039;And would you make abstract ideas of the just, the beautiful, the good?&#039; &#039;Yes,&#039; he said. &#039;And of human beings like ourselves, of water, fire, and the like?&#039; &#039;I am not certain.&#039; &#039;And would you be undecided also about ideas of which the mention will, perhaps, appear laughable: of hair, mud, filth, and other things which are base and vile?&#039; &#039;No, Parmenides; visible things like these are, as I believe, only what they appear to be: though I am sometimes disposed to imagine that there is nothing without an idea; but I repress any such notion, from a fear of falling into an abyss of nonsense.&#039; &#039;You are young, Socrates, and therefore naturally regard the opinions of men; the time will come when philosophy will have a firmer hold of you, and you will not despise even the meanest things. But tell me, is your meaning that things become like by partaking of likeness, great by partaking of greatness, just and beautiful by partaking of justice and beauty, and so of other ideas?&#039; &#039;Yes, that is my meaning.&#039; &#039;And do you suppose the individual to partake of the whole, or of the part?&#039; &#039;Why not of the whole?&#039; said Socrates. &#039;Because,&#039; said Parmenides, &#039;in that case the whole, which is one, will become many.&#039; &#039;Nay,&#039; said Socrates, &#039;the whole may be like the day, which is one and in many places: in this way the ideas may be one and also many.&#039; &#039;In the same sort of way,&#039; said Parmenides, &#039;as a sail, which is one, may be a cover to many&amp;amp;mdash;that is your meaning?&#039; &#039;Yes.&#039; &#039;And would you say that each man is covered by the whole sail, or by a part only?&#039; &#039;By a part.&#039; &#039;Then the ideas have parts, and the objects partake of a part of them only?&#039; &#039;That seems to follow.&#039; &#039;And would you like to say that the ideas are really divisible and yet remain one?&#039; &#039;Certainly not.&#039; &#039;Would you venture to affirm that great objects have a portion only of greatness transferred to them; or that small or equal objects are small or equal because they are only portions of smallness or equality?&#039; &#039;Impossible.&#039; &#039;But how can individuals participate in ideas, except in the ways which I have mentioned?&#039; &#039;That is not an easy question to answer.&#039; &#039;I should imagine the conception of ideas to arise as follows: you see great objects pervaded by a common form or idea of greatness, which you abstract.&#039; &#039;That is quite true.&#039; &#039;And supposing you embrace in one view the idea of greatness thus gained and the individuals which it comprises, a further idea of greatness arises, which makes both great; and this may go on to infinity.&#039; Socrates replies that the ideas may be thoughts in the mind only; in this case, the consequence would no longer follow. &#039;But must not the thought be of something which is the same in all and is the idea? And if the world partakes in the ideas, and the ideas are thoughts, must not all things think? Or can thought be without thought?&#039; &#039;I acknowledge the unmeaningness of this,&#039; says Socrates, &#039;and would rather have recourse to the explanation that the ideas are types in nature, and that other things partake of them by becoming like them.&#039; &#039;But to become like them is to be comprehended in the same idea; and the likeness of the idea and the individuals implies another idea of likeness, and another without end.&#039; &#039;Quite true.&#039; &#039;The theory, then, of participation by likeness has to be given up. You have hardly yet, Socrates, found out the real difficulty of maintaining abstract ideas.&#039; &#039;What difficulty?&#039; &#039;The greatest of all perhaps is this: an opponent will argue that the ideas are not within the range of human knowledge; and you cannot disprove the assertion without a long and laborious demonstration, which he may be unable or unwilling to follow. In the first place, neither you nor any one who maintains the existence of absolute ideas will affirm that they are subjective.&#039; &#039;That would be a contradiction.&#039; &#039;True; and therefore any relation in these ideas is a relation which concerns themselves only; and the objects which are named after them, are relative to one another only, and have nothing to do with the ideas themselves.&#039; &#039;How do you mean?&#039; said Socrates. &#039;I may illustrate my meaning in this way: one of us has a slave; and the idea of a slave in the abstract is relative to the idea of a master in the abstract; this correspondence of ideas, however, has nothing to do with the particular relation of our slave to us.&amp;amp;mdash;Do you see my meaning?&#039; &#039;Perfectly.&#039; &#039;And absolute knowledge in the same way corresponds to absolute truth and being, and particular knowledge to particular truth and being.&#039; Clearly.&#039; &#039;And there is a subjective knowledge which is of subjective truth, having many kinds, general and particular. But the ideas themselves are not subjective, and therefore are not within our ken.&#039; &#039;They are not.&#039; &#039;Then the beautiful and the good in their own nature are unknown to us?&#039; &#039;It would seem so.&#039; &#039;There is a worse consequence yet.&#039; &#039;What is that?&#039; &#039;I think we must admit that absolute knowledge is the most exact knowledge, which we must therefore attribute to God. But then see what follows: God, having this exact knowledge, can have no knowledge of human things, as we have divided the two spheres, and forbidden any passing from one to the other:&amp;amp;mdash;the gods have knowledge and authority in their world only, as we have in ours.&#039; &#039;Yet, surely, to deprive God of knowledge is monstrous.&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;These are some of the difficulties which are involved in the assumption of absolute ideas; the learner will find them nearly impossible to understand, and the teacher who has to impart them will require superhuman ability; there will always be a suspicion, either that they have no existence, or are beyond human knowledge.&#039; &#039;There I agree with you,&#039; said Socrates. &#039;Yet if these difficulties induce you to give up universal ideas, what becomes of the mind? and where are the reasoning and reflecting powers? philosophy is at an end.&#039; &#039;I certainly do not see my way.&#039; &#039;I think,&#039; said Parmenides, &#039;that this arises out of your attempting to define abstractions, such as the good and the beautiful and the just, before you have had sufficient previous training; I noticed your deficiency when you were talking with Aristoteles, the day before yesterday. Your enthusiasm is a wonderful gift; but I fear that unless you discipline yourself by dialectic while you are young, truth will elude your grasp.&#039; &#039;And what kind of discipline would you recommend?&#039; &#039;The training which you heard Zeno practising; at the same time, I admire your saying to him that you did not care to consider the difficulty in reference to visible objects, but only in relation to ideas.&#039; &#039;Yes; because I think that in visible objects you may easily show any number of inconsistent consequences.&#039; &#039;Yes; and you should consider, not only the consequences which follow from a given hypothesis, but the consequences also which follow from the denial of the hypothesis. For example, what follows from the assumption of the existence of the many, and the counter-argument of what follows from the denial of the existence of the many: and similarly of likeness and unlikeness, motion, rest, generation, corruption, being and not being. And the consequences must include consequences to the things supposed and to other things, in themselves and in relation to one another, to individuals whom you select, to the many, and to the all; these must be drawn out both on the affirmative and on the negative hypothesis,&amp;amp;mdash;that is, if you are to train yourself perfectly to the intelligence of the truth.&#039; &#039;What you are suggesting seems to be a tremendous process, and one of which I do not quite understand the nature,&#039; said Socrates; &#039;will you give me an example?&#039; &#039;You must not impose such a task on a man of my years,&#039; said Parmenides. &#039;Then will you, Zeno?&#039; &#039;Let us rather,&#039; said Zeno, with a smile, &#039;ask Parmenides, for the undertaking is a serious one, as he truly says; nor could I urge him to make the attempt, except in a select audience of persons who will understand him.&#039; The whole party joined in the request. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Here we have, first of all, an unmistakable attack made by the youthful Socrates on the paradoxes of Zeno. He perfectly understands their drift, and Zeno himself is supposed to admit this. But they appear to him, as he says in the Philebus also, to be rather truisms than paradoxes. For every one must acknowledge the obvious fact, that the body being one has many members, and that, in a thousand ways, the like partakes of the unlike, the many of the one. The real difficulty begins with the relations of ideas in themselves, whether of the one and many, or of any other ideas, to one another and to the mind. But this was a problem which the Eleatic philosophers had never considered; their thoughts had not gone beyond the contradictions of matter, motion, space, and the like. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It was no wonder that Parmenides and Zeno should hear the novel speculations of Socrates with mixed feelings of admiration and displeasure. He was going out of the received circle of disputation into a region in which they could hardly follow him. From the crude idea of Being in the abstract, he was about to proceed to universals or general notions. There is no contradiction in material things partaking of the ideas of one and many; neither is there any contradiction in the ideas of one and many, like and unlike, in themselves. But the contradiction arises when we attempt to conceive ideas in their connexion, or to ascertain their relation to phenomena. Still he affirms the existence of such ideas; and this is the position which is now in turn submitted to the criticisms of Parmenides. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; To appreciate truly the character of these criticisms, we must remember the place held by Parmenides in the history of Greek philosophy. He is the founder of idealism, and also of dialectic, or, in modern phraseology, of metaphysics and logic (Theaet., Soph.). Like Plato, he is struggling after something wider and deeper than satisfied the contemporary Pythagoreans. And Plato with a true instinct recognizes him as his spiritual father, whom he &#039;revered and honoured more than all other philosophers together.&#039; He may be supposed to have thought more than he said, or was able to express. And, although he could not, as a matter of fact, have criticized the ideas of Plato without an anachronism, the criticism is appropriately placed in the mouth of the founder of the ideal philosophy. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There was probably a time in the life of Plato when the ethical teaching of Socrates came into conflict with the metaphysical theories of the earlier philosophers, and he sought to supplement the one by the other. The older philosophers were great and awful; and they had the charm of antiquity. Something which found a response in his own mind seemed to have been lost as well as gained in the Socratic dialectic. He felt no incongruity in the veteran Parmenides correcting the youthful Socrates. Two points in his criticism are especially deserving of notice. First of all, Parmenides tries him by the test of consistency. Socrates is willing to assume ideas or principles of the just, the beautiful, the good, and to extend them to man (compare Phaedo); but he is reluctant to admit that there are general ideas of hair, mud, filth, etc. There is an ethical universal or idea, but is there also a universal of physics?&amp;amp;mdash;of the meanest things in the world as well as of the greatest? Parmenides rebukes this want of consistency in Socrates, which he attributes to his youth. As he grows older, philosophy will take a firmer hold of him, and then he will despise neither great things nor small, and he will think less of the opinions of mankind (compare Soph.). Here is lightly touched one of the most familiar principles of modern philosophy, that in the meanest operations of nature, as well as in the noblest, in mud and filth, as well as in the sun and stars, great truths are contained. At the same time, we may note also the transition in the mind of Plato, to which Aristotle alludes (Met.), when, as he says, he transferred the Socratic universal of ethics to the whole of nature. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The other criticism of Parmenides on Socrates attributes to him a want of practice in dialectic. He has observed this deficiency in him when talking to Aristoteles on a previous occasion. Plato seems to imply that there was something more in the dialectic of Zeno than in the mere interrogation of Socrates. Here, again, he may perhaps be describing the process which his own mind went through when he first became more intimately acquainted, whether at Megara or elsewhere, with the Eleatic and Megarian philosophers. Still, Parmenides does not deny to Socrates the credit of having gone beyond them in seeking to apply the paradoxes of Zeno to ideas; and this is the application which he himself makes of them in the latter part of the dialogue. He then proceeds to explain to him the sort of mental gymnastic which he should practise. He should consider not only what would follow from a given hypothesis, but what would follow from the denial of it, to that which is the subject of the hypothesis, and to all other things. There is no trace in the Memorabilia of Xenophon of any such method being attributed to Socrates; nor is the dialectic here spoken of that &#039;favourite method&#039; of proceeding by regular divisions, which is described in the Phaedrus and Philebus, and of which examples are given in the Politicus and in the Sophist. It is expressly spoken of as the method which Socrates had heard Zeno practise in the days of his youth (compare Soph.). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The discussion of Socrates with Parmenides is one of the most remarkable passages in Plato. Few writers have ever been able to anticipate &#039;the criticism of the morrow&#039; on their favourite notions. But Plato may here be said to anticipate the judgment not only of the morrow, but of all after-ages on the Platonic Ideas. For in some points he touches questions which have not yet received their solution in modern philosophy. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The first difficulty which Parmenides raises respecting the Platonic ideas relates to the manner in which individuals are connected with them. Do they participate in the ideas, or do they merely resemble them? Parmenides shows that objections may be urged against either of these modes of conceiving the connection. Things are little by partaking of littleness, great by partaking of greatness, and the like. But they cannot partake of a part of greatness, for that will not make them great, etc.; nor can each object monopolise the whole. The only answer to this is, that &#039;partaking&#039; is a figure of speech, really corresponding to the processes which a later logic designates by the terms &#039;abstraction&#039; and &#039;generalization.&#039; When we have described accurately the methods or forms which the mind employs, we cannot further criticize them; at least we can only criticize them with reference to their fitness as instruments of thought to express facts. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Socrates attempts to support his view of the ideas by the parallel of the day, which is one and in many places; but he is easily driven from his position by a counter illustration of Parmenides, who compares the idea of greatness to a sail. He truly explains to Socrates that he has attained the conception of ideas by a process of generalization. At the same time, he points out a difficulty, which appears to be involved&amp;amp;mdash;viz. that the process of generalization will go on to infinity. Socrates meets the supposed difficulty by a flash of light, which is indeed the true answer &#039;that the ideas are in our minds only.&#039; Neither realism is the truth, nor nominalism is the truth, but conceptualism; and conceptualism or any other psychological theory falls very far short of the infinite subtlety of language and thought. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But the realism of ancient philosophy will not admit of this answer, which is repelled by Parmenides with another truth or half-truth of later philosophy, &#039;Every subject or subjective must have an object.&#039; Here is the great though unconscious truth (shall we say?) or error, which underlay the early Greek philosophy. &#039;Ideas must have a real existence;&#039; they are not mere forms or opinions, which may be changed arbitrarily by individuals. But the early Greek philosopher never clearly saw that true ideas were only universal facts, and that there might be error in universals as well as in particulars. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Socrates makes one more attempt to defend the Platonic Ideas by representing them as paradigms; this is again answered by the &#039;argumentum ad infinitum.&#039; We may remark, in passing, that the process which is thus described has no real existence. The mind, after having obtained a general idea, does not really go on to form another which includes that, and all the individuals contained under it, and another and another without end. The difficulty belongs in fact to the Megarian age of philosophy, and is due to their illogical logic, and to the general ignorance of the ancients respecting the part played by language in the process of thought. No such perplexity could ever trouble a modern metaphysician, any more than the fallacy of &#039;calvus&#039; or &#039;acervus,&#039; or of &#039;Achilles and the tortoise.&#039; These &#039;surds&#039; of metaphysics ought to occasion no more difficulty in speculation than a perpetually recurring fraction in arithmetic. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It is otherwise with the objection which follows: How are we to bridge the chasm between human truth and absolute truth, between gods and men? This is the difficulty of philosophy in all ages: How can we get beyond the circle of our own ideas, or how, remaining within them, can we have any criterion of a truth beyond and independent of them? Parmenides draws out this difficulty with great clearness. According to him, there are not only one but two chasms: the first, between individuals and the ideas which have a common name; the second, between the ideas in us and the ideas absolute. The first of these two difficulties mankind, as we may say, a little parodying the language of the Philebus, have long agreed to treat as obsolete; the second remains a difficulty for us as well as for the Greeks of the fourth century before Christ, and is the stumbling-block of Kant&#039;s Kritik, and of the Hamiltonian adaptation of Kant, as well as of the Platonic ideas. It has been said that &#039;you cannot criticize Revelation.&#039; &#039;Then how do you know what is Revelation, or that there is one at all,&#039; is the immediate rejoinder&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;You know nothing of things in themselves.&#039; &#039;Then how do you know that there are things in themselves?&#039; In some respects, the difficulty pressed harder upon the Greek than upon ourselves. For conceiving of God more under the attribute of knowledge than we do, he was more under the necessity of separating the divine from the human, as two spheres which had no communication with one another. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It is remarkable that Plato, speaking by the mouth of Parmenides, does not treat even this second class of difficulties as hopeless or insoluble. He says only that they cannot be explained without a long and laborious demonstration: &#039;The teacher will require superhuman ability, and the learner will be hard of understanding.&#039; But an attempt must be made to find an answer to them; for, as Socrates and Parmenides both admit, the denial of abstract ideas is the destruction of the mind. We can easily imagine that among the Greek schools of philosophy in the fourth century before Christ a panic might arise from the denial of universals, similar to that which arose in the last century from Hume&#039;s denial of our ideas of cause and effect. Men do not at first recognize that thought, like digestion, will go on much the same, notwithstanding any theories which may be entertained respecting the nature of the process. Parmenides attributes the difficulties in which Socrates is involved to a want of comprehensiveness in his mode of reasoning; he should consider every question on the negative as well as the positive hypothesis, with reference to the consequences which flow from the denial as well as from the assertion of a given statement. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The argument which follows is the most singular in Plato. It appears to be an imitation, or parody, of the Zenonian dialectic, just as the speeches in the Phaedrus are an imitation of the style of Lysias, or as the derivations in the Cratylus or the fallacies of the Euthydemus are a parody of some contemporary Sophist. The interlocutor is not supposed, as in most of the other Platonic dialogues, to take a living part in the argument; he is only required to say &#039;Yes&#039; and &#039;No&#039; in the right places. A hint has been already given that the paradoxes of Zeno admitted of a higher application. This hint is the thread by which Plato connects the two parts of the dialogue. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The paradoxes of Parmenides seem trivial to us, because the words to which they relate have become trivial; their true nature as abstract terms is perfectly understood by us, and we are inclined to regard the treatment of them in Plato as a mere straw-splitting, or legerdemain of words. Yet there was a power in them which fascinated the Neoplatonists for centuries afterwards. Something that they found in them, or brought to them&amp;amp;mdash;some echo or anticipation of a great truth or error, exercised a wonderful influence over their minds. To do the Parmenides justice, we should imagine similar aporiai raised on themes as sacred to us, as the notions of One or Being were to an ancient Eleatic. &#039;If God is, what follows? If God is not, what follows?&#039; Or again: If God is or is not the world; or if God is or is not many, or has or has not parts, or is or is not in the world, or in time; or is or is not finite or infinite. Or if the world is or is not; or has or has not a beginning or end; or is or is not infinite, or infinitely divisible. Or again: if God is or is not identical with his laws; or if man is or is not identical with the laws of nature. We can easily see that here are many subjects for thought, and that from these and similar hypotheses questions of great interest might arise. And we also remark, that the conclusions derived from either of the two alternative propositions might be equally impossible and contradictory. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; When we ask what is the object of these paradoxes, some have answered that they are a mere logical puzzle, while others have seen in them an Hegelian propaedeutic of the doctrine of Ideas. The first of these views derives support from the manner in which Parmenides speaks of a similar method being applied to all Ideas. Yet it is hard to suppose that Plato would have furnished so elaborate an example, not of his own but of the Eleatic dialectic, had he intended only to give an illustration of method. The second view has been often overstated by those who, like Hegel himself, have tended to confuse ancient with modern philosophy. We need not deny that Plato, trained in the school of Cratylus and Heracleitus, may have seen that a contradiction in terms is sometimes the best expression of a truth higher than either (compare Soph.). But his ideal theory is not based on antinomies. The correlation of Ideas was the metaphysical difficulty of the age in which he lived; and the Megarian and Cynic philosophy was a &#039;reductio ad absurdum&#039; of their isolation. To restore them to their natural connexion and to detect the negative element in them is the aim of Plato in the Sophist. But his view of their connexion falls very far short of the Hegelian identity of Being and Not-being. The Being and Not-being of Plato never merge in each other, though he is aware that &#039;determination is only negation.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; After criticizing the hypotheses of others, it may appear presumptuous to add another guess to the many which have been already offered. May we say, in Platonic language, that we still seem to see vestiges of a track which has not yet been taken? It is quite possible that the obscurity of the Parmenides would not have existed to a contemporary student of philosophy, and, like the similar difficulty in the Philebus, is really due to our ignorance of the mind of the age. There is an obscure Megarian influence on Plato which cannot wholly be cleared up, and is not much illustrated by the doubtful tradition of his retirement to Megara after the death of Socrates. For Megara was within a walk of Athens (Phaedr.), and Plato might have learned the Megarian doctrines without settling there. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; We may begin by remarking that the theses of Parmenides are expressly said to follow the method of Zeno, and that the complex dilemma, though declared to be capable of universal application, is applied in this instance to Zeno&#039;s familiar question of the &#039;one and many.&#039; Here, then, is a double indication of the connexion of the Parmenides with the Eristic school. The old Eleatics had asserted the existence of Being, which they at first regarded as finite, then as infinite, then as neither finite nor infinite, to which some of them had given what Aristotle calls &#039;a form,&#039; others had ascribed a material nature only. The tendency of their philosophy was to deny to Being all predicates. The Megarians, who succeeded them, like the Cynics, affirmed that no predicate could be asserted of any subject; they also converted the idea of Being into an abstraction of Good, perhaps with the view of preserving a sort of neutrality or indifference between the mind and things. As if they had said, in the language of modern philosophy: &#039;Being is not only neither finite nor infinite, neither at rest nor in motion, but neither subjective nor objective.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; This is the track along which Plato is leading us. Zeno had attempted to prove the existence of the one by disproving the existence of the many, and Parmenides seems to aim at proving the existence of the subject by showing the contradictions which follow from the assertion of any predicates. Take the simplest of all notions, &#039;unity&#039;; you cannot even assert being or time of this without involving a contradiction. But is the contradiction also the final conclusion? Probably no more than of Zeno&#039;s denial of the many, or of Parmenides&#039; assault upon the Ideas; no more than of the earlier dialogues &#039;of search.&#039; To us there seems to be no residuum of this long piece of dialectics. But to the mind of Parmenides and Plato, &#039;Gott-betrunkene Menschen,&#039; there still remained the idea of &#039;being&#039; or &#039;good,&#039; which could not be conceived, defined, uttered, but could not be got rid of. Neither of them would have imagined that their disputation ever touched the Divine Being (compare Phil.). The same difficulties about Unity and Being are raised in the Sophist; but there only as preliminary to their final solution. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; If this view is correct, the real aim of the hypotheses of Parmenides is to criticize the earlier Eleatic philosophy from the point of view of Zeno or the Megarians. It is the same kind of criticism which Plato has extended to his own doctrine of Ideas. Nor is there any want of poetical consistency in attributing to the &#039;father Parmenides&#039; the last review of the Eleatic doctrines. The latest phases of all philosophies were fathered upon the founder of the school. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Other critics have regarded the final conclusion of the Parmenides either as sceptical or as Heracleitean. In the first case, they assume that Plato means to show the impossibility of any truth. But this is not the spirit of Plato, and could not with propriety be put into the mouth of Parmenides, who, in this very dialogue, is urging Socrates, not to doubt everything, but to discipline his mind with a view to the more precise attainment of truth. The same remark applies to the second of the two theories. Plato everywhere ridicules (perhaps unfairly) his Heracleitean contemporaries: and if he had intended to support an Heracleitean thesis, would hardly have chosen Parmenides, the condemner of the &#039;undiscerning tribe who say that things both are and are not,&#039; to be the speaker. Nor, thirdly, can we easily persuade ourselves with Zeller that by the &#039;one&#039; he means the Idea; and that he is seeking to prove indirectly the unity of the Idea in the multiplicity of phenomena. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; We may now endeavour to thread the mazes of the labyrinth which Parmenides knew so well, and trembled at the thought of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The argument has two divisions: There is the hypothesis that &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;pre xml:space=&amp;quot;preserve&amp;quot;&amp;gt; 1.  One is. 2.  One is not. If one is, it is nothing. If one is not, it is everything.&lt;br /&gt;
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But is and is not may be taken in two senses: Either one is one, Or, one has being,&lt;br /&gt;
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from which opposite consequences are deduced, 1.a.  If one is one, it is nothing. 1.b.  If one has being, it is all things.&lt;br /&gt;
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To which are appended two subordinate consequences: 1.aa.  If one has being, all other things are. 1.bb.  If one is one, all other things are not.&lt;br /&gt;
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The same distinction is then applied to the negative hypothesis: 2.a.  If one is not one, it is all things. 2.b.  If one has not being, it is nothing.&lt;br /&gt;
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Involving two parallel consequences respecting the other or remainder: 2.aa.  If one is not one, other things are all. 2.bb.  If one has not being, other things are not. &amp;lt;/pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; ..... &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;I cannot refuse,&#039; said Parmenides, &#039;since, as Zeno remarks, we are alone, though I may say with Ibycus, who in his old age fell in love, I, like the old racehorse, tremble at the prospect of the course which I am to run, and which I know so well. But as I must attempt this laborious game, what shall be the subject? Suppose I take my own hypothesis of the one.&#039; &#039;By all means,&#039; said Zeno. &#039;And who will answer me? Shall I propose the youngest? he will be the most likely to say what he thinks, and his answers will give me time to breathe.&#039; &#039;I am the youngest,&#039; said Aristoteles, &#039;and at your service; proceed with your questions.&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;The result may be summed up as follows:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 1.a. One is not many, and therefore has no parts, and therefore is not a whole, which is a sum of parts, and therefore has neither beginning, middle, nor end, and is therefore unlimited, and therefore formless, being neither round nor straight, for neither round nor straight can be defined without assuming that they have parts; and therefore is not in place, whether in another which would encircle and touch the one at many points; or in itself, because that which is self-containing is also contained, and therefore not one but two. This being premised, let us consider whether one is capable either of motion or rest. For motion is either change of substance, or motion on an axis, or from one place to another. But the one is incapable of change of substance, which implies that it ceases to be itself, or of motion on an axis, because there would be parts around the axis; and any other motion involves change of place. But existence in place has been already shown to be impossible; and yet more impossible is coming into being in place, which implies partial existence in two places at once, or entire existence neither within nor without the same; and how can this be? And more impossible still is the coming into being either as a whole or parts of that which is neither a whole nor parts. The one, then, is incapable of motion. But neither can the one be in anything, and therefore not in the same, whether itself or some other, and is therefore incapable of rest. Neither is one the same with itself or any other, or other than itself or any other. For if other than itself, then other than one, and therefore not one; and, if the same with other, it would be other, and other than one. Neither can one while remaining one be other than other; for other, and not one, is the other than other. But if not other by virtue of being one, not by virtue of itself; and if not by virtue of itself, not itself other, and if not itself other, not other than anything. Neither will one be the same with itself. For the nature of the same is not that of the one, but a thing which becomes the same with anything does not become one; for example, that which becomes the same with the many becomes many and not one. And therefore if the one is the same with itself, the one is not one with itself; and therefore one and not one. And therefore one is neither other than other, nor the same with itself. Neither will the one be like or unlike itself or other; for likeness is sameness of affections, and the one and the same are different. And one having any affection which is other than being one would be more than one. The one, then, cannot have the same affection with and therefore cannot be like itself or other; nor can the one have any other affection than its own, that is, be unlike itself or any other, for this would imply that it was more than one. The one, then, is neither like nor unlike itself or other. This being the case, neither can the one be equal or unequal to itself or other. For equality implies sameness of measure, as inequality implies a greater or less number of measures. But the one, not having sameness, cannot have sameness of measure; nor a greater or less number of measures, for that would imply parts and multitude. Once more, can one be older or younger than itself or other? or of the same age with itself or other? That would imply likeness and unlikeness, equality and inequality. Therefore one cannot be in time, because that which is in time is ever becoming older and younger than itself, (for older and younger are relative terms, and he who becomes older becomes younger,) and is also of the same age with itself. None of which, or any other expressions of time, whether past, future, or present, can be affirmed of one. One neither is, has been, nor will be, nor becomes, nor has, nor will become. And, as these are the only modes of being, one is not, and is not one. But to that which is not, there is no attribute or relative, neither name nor word nor idea nor science nor perception nor opinion appertaining. One, then, is neither named, nor uttered, nor known, nor perceived, nor imagined. But can all this be true? &#039;I think not.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 1.b. Let us, however, commence the inquiry again. We have to work out all the consequences which follow on the assumption that the one is. If one is, one partakes of being, which is not the same with one; the words &#039;being&#039; and &#039;one&#039; have different meanings. Observe the consequence: In the one of being or the being of one are two parts, being and one, which form one whole. And each of the two parts is also a whole, and involves the other, and may be further subdivided into one and being, and is therefore not one but two; and thus one is never one, and in this way the one, if it is, becomes many and infinite. Again, let us conceive of a one which by an effort of abstraction we separate from being: will this abstract one be one or many? You say one only; let us see. In the first place, the being of one is other than one; and one and being, if different, are so because they both partake of the nature of other, which is therefore neither one nor being; and whether we take being and other, or being and one, or one and other, in any case we have two things which separately are called either, and together both. And both are two and either of two is severally one, and if one be added to any of the pairs, the sum is three; and two is an even number, three an odd; and two units exist twice, and therefore there are twice two; and three units exist thrice, and therefore there are thrice three, and taken together they give twice three and thrice two: we have even numbers multiplied into even, and odd into even, and even into odd numbers. But if one is, and both odd and even numbers are implied in one, must not every number exist? And number is infinite, and therefore existence must be infinite, for all and every number partakes of being; therefore being has the greatest number of parts, and every part, however great or however small, is equally one. But can one be in many places and yet be a whole? If not a whole it must be divided into parts and represented by a number corresponding to the number of the parts. And if so, we were wrong in saying that being has the greatest number of parts; for being is coequal and coextensive with one, and has no more parts than one; and so the abstract one broken up into parts by being is many and infinite. But the parts are parts of a whole, and the whole is their containing limit, and the one is therefore limited as well as infinite in number; and that which is a whole has beginning, middle, and end, and a middle is equidistant from the extremes; and one is therefore of a certain figure, round or straight, or a combination of the two, and being a whole includes all the parts which are the whole, and is therefore self-contained. But then, again, the whole is not in the parts, whether all or some. Not in all, because, if in all, also in one; for, if wanting in any one, how in all?&amp;amp;mdash;not in some, because the greater would then be contained in the less. But if not in all, nor in any, nor in some, either nowhere or in other. And if nowhere, nothing; therefore in other. The one as a whole, then, is in another, but regarded as a sum of parts is in itself; and is, therefore, both in itself and in another. This being the case, the one is at once both at rest and in motion: at rest, because resting in itself; in motion, because it is ever in other. And if there is truth in what has preceded, one is the same and not the same with itself and other. For everything in relation to every other thing is either the same with it or other; or if neither the same nor other, then in the relation of part to a whole or whole to a part. But one cannot be a part or whole in relation to one, nor other than one; and is therefore the same with one. Yet this sameness is again contradicted by one being in another place from itself which is in the same place; this follows from one being in itself and in another; one, therefore, is other than itself. But if anything is other than anything, will it not be other than other? And the not one is other than the one, and the one than the not one; therefore one is other than all others. But the same and the other exclude one another, and therefore the other can never be in the same; nor can the other be in anything for ever so short a time, as for that time the other will be in the same. And the other, if never in the same, cannot be either in the one or in the not one. And one is not other than not one, either by reason of other or of itself; and therefore they are not other than one another at all. Neither can the not one partake or be part of one, for in that case it would be one; nor can the not one be number, for that also involves one. And therefore, not being other than the one or related to the one as a whole to parts or parts to a whole, not one is the same as one. Wherefore the one is the same and also not the same with the others and also with itself; and is therefore like and unlike itself and the others, and just as different from the others as they are from the one, neither more nor less. But if neither more nor less, equally different; and therefore the one and the others have the same relations. This may be illustrated by the case of names: when you repeat the same name twice over, you mean the same thing; and when you say that the other is other than the one, or the one other than the other, this very word other (eteron), which is attributed to both, implies sameness. One, then, as being other than others, and other as being other than one, are alike in that they have the relation of otherness; and likeness is similarity of relations. And everything as being other of everything is also like everything. Again, same and other, like and unlike, are opposites: and since in virtue of being other than the others the one is like them, in virtue of being the same it must be unlike. Again, one, as having the same relations, has no difference of relation, and is therefore not unlike, and therefore like; or, as having different relations, is different and unlike. Thus, one, as being the same and not the same with itself and others&amp;amp;mdash;for both these reasons and for either of them&amp;amp;mdash;is also like and unlike itself and the others. Again, how far can one touch itself and the others? As existing in others, it touches the others; and as existing in itself, touches only itself. But from another point of view, that which touches another must be next in order of place; one, therefore, must be next in order of place to itself, and would therefore be two, and in two places. But one cannot be two, and therefore cannot be in contact with itself. Nor again can one touch the other. Two objects are required to make one contact; three objects make two contacts; and all the objects in the world, if placed in a series, would have as many contacts as there are objects, less one. But if one only exists, and not two, there is no contact. And the others, being other than one, have no part in one, and therefore none in number, and therefore two has no existence, and therefore there is no contact. For all which reasons, one has and has not contact with itself and the others. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Once more, Is one equal and unequal to itself and the others? Suppose one and the others to be greater or less than each other or equal to one another, they will be greater or less or equal by reason of equality or greatness or smallness inhering in them in addition to their own proper nature. Let us begin by assuming smallness to be inherent in one: in this case the inherence is either in the whole or in a part. If the first, smallness is either coextensive with the whole one, or contains the whole, and, if coextensive with the one, is equal to the one, or if containing the one will be greater than the one. But smallness thus performs the function of equality or of greatness, which is impossible. Again, if the inherence be in a part, the same contradiction follows: smallness will be equal to the part or greater than the part; therefore smallness will not inhere in anything, and except the idea of smallness there will be nothing small. Neither will greatness; for greatness will have a greater;&amp;amp;mdash;and there will be no small in relation to which it is great. And there will be no great or small in objects, but greatness and smallness will be relative only to each other; therefore the others cannot be greater or less than the one; also the one can neither exceed nor be exceeded by the others, and they are therefore equal to one another. And this will be true also of the one in relation to itself: one will be equal to itself as well as to the others (talla). Yet one, being in itself, must also be about itself, containing and contained, and is therefore greater and less than itself. Further, there is nothing beside the one and the others; and as these must be in something, they must therefore be in one another; and as that in which a thing is is greater than the thing, the inference is that they are both greater and less than one another, because containing and contained in one another. Therefore the one is equal to and greater and less than itself or other, having also measures or parts or numbers equal to or greater or less than itself or other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But does one partake of time? This must be acknowledged, if the one partakes of being. For &#039;to be&#039; is the participation of being in present time, &#039;to have been&#039; in past, &#039;to be about to be&#039; in future time. And as time is ever moving forward, the one becomes older than itself; and therefore younger than itself; and is older and also younger when in the process of becoming it arrives at the present; and it is always older and younger, for at any moment the one is, and therefore it becomes and is not older and younger than itself but during an equal time with itself, and is therefore contemporary with itself. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And what are the relations of the one to the others? Is it or does it become older or younger than they? At any rate the others are more than one, and one, being the least of all numbers, must be prior in time to greater numbers. But on the other hand, one must come into being in a manner accordant with its own nature. Now one has parts or others, and has therefore a beginning, middle, and end, of which the beginning is first and the end last. And the parts come into existence first; last of all the whole, contemporaneously with the end, being therefore younger, while the parts or others are older than the one. But, again, the one comes into being in each of the parts as much as in the whole, and must be of the same age with them. Therefore one is at once older and younger than the parts or others, and also contemporaneous with them, for no part can be a part which is not one. Is this true of becoming as well as being? Thus much may be affirmed, that the same things which are older or younger cannot become older or younger in a greater degree than they were at first by the addition of equal times. But, on the other hand, the one, if older than others, has come into being a longer time than they have. And when equal time is added to a longer and shorter, the relative difference between them is diminished. In this way that which was older becomes younger, and that which was younger becomes older, that is to say, younger and older than at first; and they ever become and never have become, for then they would be. Thus the one and others always are and are becoming and not becoming younger and also older than one another. And one, partaking of time and also partaking of becoming older and younger, admits of all time, present, past, and future&amp;amp;mdash;was, is, shall be&amp;amp;mdash;was becoming, is becoming, will become. And there is science of the one, and opinion and name and expression, as is already implied in the fact of our inquiry. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yet once more, if one be one and many, and neither one nor many, and also participant of time, must there not be a time at which one as being one partakes of being, and a time when one as not being one is deprived of being? But these two contradictory states cannot be experienced by the one both together: there must be a time of transition. And the transition is a process of generation and destruction, into and from being and not-being, the one and the others. For the generation of the one is the destruction of the others, and the generation of the others is the destruction of the one. There is also separation and aggregation, assimilation and dissimilation, increase, diminution, equalization, a passage from motion to rest, and from rest to motion in the one and many. But when do all these changes take place? When does motion become rest, or rest motion? The answer to this question will throw a light upon all the others. Nothing can be in motion and at rest at the same time; and therefore the change takes place &#039;in a moment&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;which is a strange expression, and seems to mean change in no time. Which is true also of all the other changes, which likewise take place in no time. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 1.aa. But if one is, what happens to the others, which in the first place are not one, yet may partake of one in a certain way? The others are other than the one because they have parts, for if they had no parts they would be simply one, and parts imply a whole to which they belong; otherwise each part would be a part of many, and being itself one of them, of itself, and if a part of all, of each one of the other parts, which is absurd. For a part, if not a part of one, must be a part of all but this one, and if so not a part of each one; and if not a part of each one, not a part of any one of many, and so not of one; and if of none, how of all? Therefore a part is neither a part of many nor of all, but of an absolute and perfect whole or one. And if the others have parts, they must partake of the whole, and must be the whole of which they are the parts. And each part, as the word &#039;each&#039; implies, is also an absolute one. And both the whole and the parts partake of one, for the whole of which the parts are parts is one, and each part is one part of the whole; and whole and parts as participating in one are other than one, and as being other than one are many and infinite; and however small a fraction you separate from them is many and not one. Yet the fact of their being parts furnishes the others with a limit towards other parts and towards the whole; they are finite and also infinite: finite through participation in the one, infinite in their own nature. And as being finite, they are alike; and as being infinite, they are alike; but as being both finite and also infinite, they are in the highest degree unlike. And all other opposites might without difficulty be shown to unite in them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 1.bb. Once more, leaving all this: Is there not also an opposite series of consequences which is equally true of the others, and may be deduced from the existence of one? There is. One is distinct from the others, and the others from one; for one and the others are all things, and there is no third existence besides them. And the whole of one cannot be in others nor parts of it, for it is separated from others and has no parts, and therefore the others have no unity, nor plurality, nor duality, nor any other number, nor any opposition or distinction, such as likeness and unlikeness, some and other, generation and corruption, odd and even. For if they had these they would partake either of one opposite, and this would be a participation in one; or of two opposites, and this would be a participation in two. Thus if one exists, one is all things, and likewise nothing, in relation to one and to the others. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 2.a. But, again, assume the opposite hypothesis, that the one is not, and what is the consequence? In the first place, the proposition, that one is not, is clearly opposed to the proposition, that not one is not. The subject of any negative proposition implies at once knowledge and difference. Thus &#039;one&#039; in the proposition&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;The one is not,&#039; must be something known, or the words would be unintelligible; and again this &#039;one which is not&#039; is something different from other things. Moreover, this and that, some and other, may be all attributed or related to the one which is not, and which though non-existent may and must have plurality, if the one only is non-existent and nothing else; but if all is not-being there is nothing which can be spoken of. Also the one which is not differs, and is different in kind from the others, and therefore unlike them; and they being other than the one, are unlike the one, which is therefore unlike them. But one, being unlike other, must be like itself; for the unlikeness of one to itself is the destruction of the hypothesis; and one cannot be equal to the others; for that would suppose being in the one, and the others would be equal to one and like one; both which are impossible, if one does not exist. The one which is not, then, if not equal is unequal to the others, and in equality implies great and small, and equality lies between great and small, and therefore the one which is not partakes of equality. Further, the one which is not has being; for that which is true is, and it is true that the one is not. And so the one which is not, if remitting aught of the being of non-existence, would become existent. For not being implies the being of not-being, and being the not-being of not-being; or more truly being partakes of the being of being and not of the being of not-being, and not-being of the being of not-being and not of the not-being of not-being. And therefore the one which is not has being and also not-being. And the union of being and not-being involves change or motion. But how can not-being, which is nowhere, move or change, either from one place to another or in the same place? And whether it is or is not, it would cease to be one if experiencing a change of substance. The one which is not, then, is both in motion and at rest, is altered and unaltered, and becomes and is destroyed, and does not become and is not destroyed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 2.b. Once more, let us ask the question, If one is not, what happens in regard to one? The expression &#039;is not&#039; implies negation of being:&amp;amp;mdash;do we mean by this to say that a thing, which is not, in a certain sense is? or do we mean absolutely to deny being of it? The latter. Then the one which is not can neither be nor become nor perish nor experience change of substance or place. Neither can rest, or motion, or greatness, or smallness, or equality, or unlikeness, or likeness either to itself or other, or attribute or relation, or now or hereafter or formerly, or knowledge or opinion or perception or name or anything else be asserted of that which is not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 2.aa. Once more, if one is not, what becomes of the others? If we speak of them they must be, and their very name implies difference, and difference implies relation, not to the one, which is not, but to one another. And they are others of each other not as units but as infinities, the least of which is also infinity, and capable of infinitesimal division. And they will have no unity or number, but only a semblance of unity and number; and the least of them will appear large and manifold in comparison with the infinitesimal fractions into which it may be divided. Further, each particle will have the appearance of being equal with the fractions. For in passing from the greater to the less it must reach an intermediate point, which is equality. Moreover, each particle although having a limit in relation to itself and to other particles, yet it has neither beginning, middle, nor end; for there is always a beginning before the beginning, and a middle within the middle, and an end beyond the end, because the infinitesimal division is never arrested by the one. Thus all being is one at a distance, and broken up when near, and like at a distance and unlike when near; and also the particles which compose being seem to be like and unlike, in rest and motion, in generation and corruption, in contact and separation, if one is not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 2.bb. Once more, let us inquire, If the one is not, and the others of the one are, what follows? In the first place, the others will not be the one, nor the many, for in that case the one would be contained in them; neither will they appear to be one or many; because they have no communion or participation in that which is not, nor semblance of that which is not. If one is not, the others neither are, nor appear to be one or many, like or unlike, in contact or separation. In short, if one is not, nothing is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The result of all which is, that whether one is or is not, one and the others, in relation to themselves and to one another, are and are not, and appear to be and appear not to be, in all manner of ways. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I. On the first hypothesis we may remark: first, That one is one is an identical proposition, from which we might expect that no further consequences could be deduced. The train of consequences which follows, is inferred by altering the predicate into &#039;not many.&#039; Yet, perhaps, if a strict Eristic had been present, oios aner ei kai nun paren, he might have affirmed that the not many presented a different aspect of the conception from the one, and was therefore not identical with it. Such a subtlety would be very much in character with the Zenonian dialectic. Secondly, We may note, that the conclusion is really involved in the premises. For one is conceived as one, in a sense which excludes all predicates. When the meaning of one has been reduced to a point, there is no use in saying that it has neither parts nor magnitude. Thirdly, The conception of the same is, first of all, identified with the one; and then by a further analysis distinguished from, and even opposed to it. Fourthly, We may detect notions, which have reappeared in modern philosophy, e.g. the bare abstraction of undefined unity, answering to the Hegelian &#039;Seyn,&#039; or the identity of contradictions &#039;that which is older is also younger,&#039; etc., or the Kantian conception of an a priori synthetical proposition &#039;one is.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; II. In the first series of propositions the word &#039;is&#039; is really the copula; in the second, the verb of existence. As in the first series, the negative consequence followed from one being affirmed to be equivalent to the not many; so here the affirmative consequence is deduced from one being equivalent to the many. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In the former case, nothing could be predicated of the one, but now everything&amp;amp;mdash;multitude, relation, place, time, transition. One is regarded in all the aspects of one, and with a reference to all the consequences which flow, either from the combination or the separation of them. The notion of transition involves the singular extra-temporal conception of &#039;suddenness.&#039; This idea of &#039;suddenness&#039; is based upon the contradiction which is involved in supposing that anything can be in two places at once. It is a mere fiction; and we may observe that similar antinomies have led modern philosophers to deny the reality of time and space. It is not the infinitesimal of time, but the negative of time. By the help of this invention the conception of change, which sorely exercised the minds of early thinkers, seems to be, but is not really at all explained. The difficulty arises out of the imperfection of language, and should therefore be no longer regarded as a difficulty at all. The only way of meeting it, if it exists, is to acknowledge that this rather puzzling double conception is necessary to the expression of the phenomena of motion or change, and that this and similar double notions, instead of being anomalies, are among the higher and more potent instruments of human thought. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The processes by which Parmenides obtains his remarkable results may be summed up as follows: (1) Compound or correlative ideas which involve each other, such as, being and not-being, one and many, are conceived sometimes in a state of composition, and sometimes of division: (2) The division or distinction is sometimes heightened into total opposition, e.g. between one and same, one and other: or (3) The idea, which has been already divided, is regarded, like a number, as capable of further infinite subdivision: (4) The argument often proceeds &#039;a dicto secundum quid ad dictum simpliciter&#039; and conversely: (5) The analogy of opposites is misused by him; he argues indiscriminately sometimes from what is like, sometimes from what is unlike in them: (6) The idea of being or not-being is identified with existence or non-existence in place or time: (7) The same ideas are regarded sometimes as in process of transition, sometimes as alternatives or opposites: (8) There are no degrees or kinds of sameness, likeness, difference, nor any adequate conception of motion or change: (9) One, being, time, like space in Zeno&#039;s puzzle of Achilles and the tortoise, are regarded sometimes as continuous and sometimes as discrete: (10) In some parts of the argument the abstraction is so rarefied as to become not only fallacious, but almost unintelligible, e.g. in the contradiction which is elicited out of the relative terms older and younger: (11) The relation between two terms is regarded under contradictory aspects, as for example when the existence of the one and the non-existence of the one are equally assumed to involve the existence of the many: (12) Words are used through long chains of argument, sometimes loosely, sometimes with the precision of numbers or of geometrical figures. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The argument is a very curious piece of work, unique in literature. It seems to be an exposition or rather a &#039;reductio ad absurdum&#039; of the Megarian philosophy, but we are too imperfectly acquainted with this last to speak with confidence about it. It would be safer to say that it is an indication of the sceptical, hyperlogical fancies which prevailed among the contemporaries of Socrates. It throws an indistinct light upon Aristotle, and makes us aware of the debt which the world owes to him or his school. It also bears a resemblance to some modern speculations, in which an attempt is made to narrow language in such a manner that number and figure may be made a calculus of thought. It exaggerates one side of logic and forgets the rest. It has the appearance of a mathematical process; the inventor of it delights, as mathematicians do, in eliciting or discovering an unexpected result. It also helps to guard us against some fallacies by showing the consequences which flow from them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In the Parmenides we seem to breathe the spirit of the Megarian philosophy, though we cannot compare the two in detail. But Plato also goes beyond his Megarian contemporaries; he has split their straws over again, and admitted more than they would have desired. He is indulging the analytical tendencies of his age, which can divide but not combine. And he does not stop to inquire whether the distinctions which he makes are shadowy and fallacious, but &#039;whither the argument blows&#039; he follows. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; III. The negative series of propositions contains the first conception of the negation of a negation. Two minus signs in arithmetic or algebra make a plus. Two negatives destroy each other. This abstruse notion is the foundation of the Hegelian logic. The mind must not only admit that determination is negation, but must get through negation into affirmation. Whether this process is real, or in any way an assistance to thought, or, like some other logical forms, a mere figure of speech transferred from the sphere of mathematics, may be doubted. That Plato and the most subtle philosopher of the nineteenth century should have lighted upon the same notion, is a singular coincidence of ancient and modern thought. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; IV. The one and the many or others are reduced to their strictest arithmetical meaning. That one is three or three one, is a proposition which has, perhaps, given rise to more controversy in the world than any other. But no one has ever meant to say that three and one are to be taken in the same sense. Whereas the one and many of the Parmenides have precisely the same meaning; there is no notion of one personality or substance having many attributes or qualities. The truth seems to be rather the opposite of that which Socrates implies: There is no contradiction in the concrete, but in the abstract; and the more abstract the idea, the more palpable will be the contradiction. For just as nothing can persuade us that the number one is the number three, so neither can we be persuaded that any abstract idea is identical with its opposite, although they may both inhere together in some external object, or some more comprehensive conception. Ideas, persons, things may be one in one sense and many in another, and may have various degrees of unity and plurality. But in whatever sense and in whatever degree they are one they cease to be many; and in whatever degree or sense they are many they cease to be one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Two points remain to be considered: 1st, the connexion between the first and second parts of the dialogue; 2ndly, the relation of the Parmenides to the other dialogues. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I. In both divisions of the dialogue the principal speaker is the same, and the method pursued by him is also the same, being a criticism on received opinions: first, on the doctrine of Ideas; secondly, of Being. From the Platonic Ideas we naturally proceed to the Eleatic One or Being which is the foundation of them. They are the same philosophy in two forms, and the simpler form is the truer and deeper. For the Platonic Ideas are mere numerical differences, and the moment we attempt to distinguish between them, their transcendental character is lost; ideas of justice, temperance, and good, are really distinguishable only with reference to their application in the world. If we once ask how they are related to individuals or to the ideas of the divine mind, they are again merged in the aboriginal notion of Being. No one can answer the questions which Parmenides asks of Socrates. And yet these questions are asked with the express acknowledgment that the denial of ideas will be the destruction of the human mind. The true answer to the difficulty here thrown out is the establishment of a rational psychology; and this is a work which is commenced in the Sophist. Plato, in urging the difficulty of his own doctrine of Ideas, is far from denying that some doctrine of Ideas is necessary, and for this he is paving the way. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In a similar spirit he criticizes the Eleatic doctrine of Being, not intending to deny Ontology, but showing that the old Eleatic notion, and the very name &#039;Being,&#039; is unable to maintain itself against the subtleties of the Megarians. He did not mean to say that Being or Substance had no existence, but he is preparing for the development of his later view, that ideas were capable of relation. The fact that contradictory consequences follow from the existence or non-existence of one or many, does not prove that they have or have not existence, but rather that some different mode of conceiving them is required. Parmenides may still have thought that &#039;Being was,&#039; just as Kant would have asserted the existence of &#039;things in themselves,&#039; while denying the transcendental use of the Categories. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Several lesser links also connect the first and second parts of the dialogue: (1) The thesis is the same as that which Zeno has been already discussing: (2) Parmenides has intimated in the first part, that the method of Zeno should, as Socrates desired, be extended to Ideas: (3) The difficulty of participating in greatness, smallness, equality is urged against the Ideas as well as against the One. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; II. The Parmenides is not only a criticism of the Eleatic notion of Being, but also of the methods of reasoning then in existence, and in this point of view, as well as in the other, may be regarded as an introduction to the Sophist. Long ago, in the Euthydemus, the vulgar application of the &#039;both and neither&#039; Eristic had been subjected to a similar criticism, which there takes the form of banter and irony, here of illustration. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The attack upon the Ideas is resumed in the Philebus, and is followed by a return to a more rational philosophy. The perplexity of the One and Many is there confined to the region of Ideas, and replaced by a theory of classification; the Good arranged in classes is also contrasted with the barren abstraction of the Megarians. The war is carried on against the Eristics in all the later dialogues, sometimes with a playful irony, at other times with a sort of contempt. But there is no lengthened refutation of them. The Parmenides belongs to that stage of the dialogues of Plato in which he is partially under their influence, using them as a sort of &#039;critics or diviners&#039; of the truth of his own, and of the Eleatic theories. In the Theaetetus a similar negative dialectic is employed in the attempt to define science, which after every effort remains undefined still. The same question is revived from the objective side in the Sophist: Being and Not-being are no longer exhibited in opposition, but are now reconciled; and the true nature of Not-being is discovered and made the basis of the correlation of ideas. Some links are probably missing which might have been supplied if we had trustworthy accounts of Plato&#039;s oral teaching. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; To sum up: the Parmenides of Plato is a critique, first, of the Platonic Ideas, and secondly, of the Eleatic doctrine of Being. Neither are absolutely denied. But certain difficulties and consequences are shown in the assumption of either, which prove that the Platonic as well as the Eleatic doctrine must be remodelled. The negation and contradiction which are involved in the conception of the One and Many are preliminary to their final adjustment. The Platonic Ideas are tested by the interrogative method of Socrates; the Eleatic One or Being is tried by the severer and perhaps impossible method of hypothetical consequences, negative and affirmative. In the latter we have an example of the Zenonian or Megarian dialectic, which proceeded, not &#039;by assailing premises, but conclusions&#039;; this is worked out and improved by Plato. When primary abstractions are used in every conceivable sense, any or every conclusion may be deduced from them. The words &#039;one,&#039; &#039;other,&#039; &#039;being,&#039; &#039;like,&#039; &#039;same,&#039; &#039;whole,&#039; and their opposites, have slightly different meanings, as they are applied to objects of thought or objects of sense&amp;amp;mdash;to number, time, place, and to the higher ideas of the reason;&amp;amp;mdash;and out of their different meanings this &#039;feast&#039; of contradictions &#039;has been provided.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; ... &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The Parmenides of Plato belongs to a stage of philosophy which has passed away. At first we read it with a purely antiquarian or historical interest; and with difficulty throw ourselves back into a state of the human mind in which Unity and Being occupied the attention of philosophers. We admire the precision of the language, in which, as in some curious puzzle, each word is exactly fitted into every other, and long trains of argument are carried out with a sort of geometrical accuracy. We doubt whether any abstract notion could stand the searching cross-examination of Parmenides; and may at last perhaps arrive at the conclusion that Plato has been using an imaginary method to work out an unmeaning conclusion. But the truth is, that he is carrying on a process which is not either useless or unnecessary in any age of philosophy. We fail to understand him, because we do not realize that the questions which he is discussing could have had any value or importance. We suppose them to be like the speculations of some of the Schoolmen, which end in nothing. But in truth he is trying to get rid of the stumbling-blocks of thought which beset his contemporaries. Seeing that the Megarians and Cynics were making knowledge impossible, he takes their &#039;catch-words&#039; and analyzes them from every conceivable point of view. He is criticizing the simplest and most general of our ideas, in which, as they are the most comprehensive, the danger of error is the most serious; for, if they remain unexamined, as in a mathematical demonstration, all that flows from them is affected, and the error pervades knowledge far and wide. In the beginning of philosophy this correction of human ideas was even more necessary than in our own times, because they were more bound up with words; and words when once presented to the mind exercised a greater power over thought. There is a natural realism which says, &#039;Can there be a word devoid of meaning, or an idea which is an idea of nothing?&#039; In modern times mankind have often given too great importance to a word or idea. The philosophy of the ancients was still more in slavery to them, because they had not the experience of error, which would have placed them above the illusion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The method of the Parmenides may be compared with the process of purgation, which Bacon sought to introduce into philosophy. Plato is warning us against two sorts of &#039;Idols of the Den&#039;: first, his own Ideas, which he himself having created is unable to connect in any way with the external world; secondly, against two idols in particular, &#039;Unity&#039; and &#039;Being,&#039; which had grown up in the pre-Socratic philosophy, and were still standing in the way of all progress and development of thought. He does not say with Bacon, &#039;Let us make truth by experiment,&#039; or &#039;From these vague and inexact notions let us turn to facts.&#039; The time has not yet arrived for a purely inductive philosophy. The instruments of thought must first be forged, that they may be used hereafter by modern inquirers. How, while mankind were disputing about universals, could they classify phenomena? How could they investigate causes, when they had not as yet learned to distinguish between a cause and an end? How could they make any progress in the sciences without first arranging them? These are the deficiencies which Plato is seeking to supply in an age when knowledge was a shadow of a name only. In the earlier dialogues the Socratic conception of universals is illustrated by his genius; in the Phaedrus the nature of division is explained; in the Republic the law of contradiction and the unity of knowledge are asserted; in the later dialogues he is constantly engaged both with the theory and practice of classification. These were the &#039;new weapons,&#039; as he terms them in the Philebus, which he was preparing for the use of some who, in after ages, would be found ready enough to disown their obligations to the great master, or rather, perhaps, would be incapable of understanding them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Numberless fallacies, as we are often truly told, have originated in a confusion of the &#039;copula,&#039; and the &#039;verb of existence.&#039; Would not the distinction which Plato by the mouth of Parmenides makes between &#039;One is one&#039; and &#039;One has being&#039; have saved us from this and many similar confusions? We see again that a long period in the history of philosophy was a barren tract, not uncultivated, but unfruitful, because there was no inquiry into the relation of language and thought, and the metaphysical imagination was incapable of supplying the missing link between words and things. The famous dispute between Nominalists and Realists would never have been heard of, if, instead of transferring the Platonic Ideas into a crude Latin phraseology, the spirit of Plato had been truly understood and appreciated. Upon the term substance at least two celebrated theological controversies appear to hinge, which would not have existed, or at least not in their present form, if we had &#039;interrogated&#039; the word substance, as Plato has the notions of Unity and Being. These weeds of philosophy have struck their roots deep into the soil, and are always tending to reappear, sometimes in new-fangled forms; while similar words, such as development, evolution, law, and the like, are constantly put in the place of facts, even by writers who profess to base truth entirely upon fact. In an unmetaphysical age there is probably more metaphysics in the common sense (i.e. more a priori assumption) than in any other, because there is more complete unconsciousness that we are resting on our own ideas, while we please ourselves with the conviction that we are resting on facts. We do not consider how much metaphysics are required to place us above metaphysics, or how difficult it is to prevent the forms of expression which are ready made for our use from outrunning actual observation and experiment. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In the last century the educated world were astonished to find that the whole fabric of their ideas was falling to pieces, because Hume amused himself by analyzing the word &#039;cause&#039; into uniform sequence. Then arose a philosophy which, equally regardless of the history of the mind, sought to save mankind from scepticism by assigning to our notions of &#039;cause and effect,&#039; &#039;substance and accident,&#039; &#039;whole and part,&#039; a necessary place in human thought. Without them we could have no experience, and therefore they were supposed to be prior to experience&amp;amp;mdash;to be incrusted on the &#039;I&#039;; although in the phraseology of Kant there could be no transcendental use of them, or, in other words, they were only applicable within the range of our knowledge. But into the origin of these ideas, which he obtains partly by an analysis of the proposition, partly by development of the &#039;ego,&#039; he never inquires&amp;amp;mdash;they seem to him to have a necessary existence; nor does he attempt to analyse the various senses in which the word &#039;cause&#039; or &#039;substance&#039; may be employed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The philosophy of Berkeley could never have had any meaning, even to himself, if he had first analyzed from every point of view the conception of &#039;matter.&#039; This poor forgotten word (which was &#039;a very good word&#039; to describe the simplest generalization of external objects) is now superseded in the vocabulary of physical philosophers by &#039;force,&#039; which seems to be accepted without any rigid examination of its meaning, as if the general idea of &#039;force&#039; in our minds furnished an explanation of the infinite variety of forces which exist in the universe. A similar ambiguity occurs in the use of the favourite word &#039;law,&#039; which is sometimes regarded as a mere abstraction, and then elevated into a real power or entity, almost taking the place of God. Theology, again, is full of undefined terms which have distracted the human mind for ages. Mankind have reasoned from them, but not to them; they have drawn out the conclusions without proving the premises; they have asserted the premises without examining the terms. The passions of religious parties have been roused to the utmost about words of which they could have given no explanation, and which had really no distinct meaning. One sort of them, faith, grace, justification, have been the symbols of one class of disputes; as the words substance, nature, person, of another, revelation, inspiration, and the like, of a third. All of them have been the subject of endless reasonings and inferences; but a spell has hung over the minds of theologians or philosophers which has prevented them from examining the words themselves. Either the effort to rise above and beyond their own first ideas was too great for them, or there might, perhaps, have seemed to be an irreverence in doing so. About the Divine Being Himself, in whom all true theological ideas live and move, men have spoken and reasoned much, and have fancied that they instinctively know Him. But they hardly suspect that under the name of God even Christians have included two characters or natures as much opposed as the good and evil principle of the Persians. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; To have the true use of words we must compare them with things; in using them we acknowledge that they seldom give a perfect representation of our meaning. In like manner when we interrogate our ideas we find that we are not using them always in the sense which we supposed. And Plato, while he criticizes the inconsistency of his own doctrine of universals and draws out the endless consequences which flow from the assertion either that &#039;Being is&#039; or that &#039;Being is not,&#039; by no means intends to deny the existence of universals or the unity under which they are comprehended. There is nothing further from his thoughts than scepticism. But before proceeding he must examine the foundations which he and others have been laying; there is nothing true which is not from some point of view untrue, nothing absolute which is not also relative (compare Republic). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And so, in modern times, because we are called upon to analyze our ideas and to come to a distinct understanding about the meaning of words; because we know that the powers of language are very unequal to the subtlety of nature or of mind, we do not therefore renounce the use of them; but we replace them in their old connexion, having first tested their meaning and quality, and having corrected the error which is involved in them; or rather always remembering to make allowance for the adulteration or alloy which they contain. We cannot call a new metaphysical world into existence any more than we can frame a new universal language; in thought as in speech, we are dependent on the past. We know that the words &#039;cause&#039; and &#039;effect&#039; are very far from representing to us the continuity or the complexity of nature or the different modes or degrees in which phenomena are connected. Yet we accept them as the best expression which we have of the correlation of forces or objects. We see that the term &#039;law&#039; is a mere abstraction, under which laws of matter and of mind, the law of nature and the law of the land are included, and some of these uses of the word are confusing, because they introduce into one sphere of thought associations which belong to another; for example, order or sequence is apt to be confounded with external compulsion and the internal workings of the mind with their material antecedents. Yet none of them can be dispensed with; we can only be on our guard against the error or confusion which arises out of them. Thus in the use of the word &#039;substance&#039; we are far from supposing that there is any mysterious substratum apart from the objects which we see, and we acknowledge that the negative notion is very likely to become a positive one. Still we retain the word as a convenient generalization, though not without a double sense, substance, and essence, derived from the two-fold translation of the Greek ousia. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; So the human mind makes the reflection that God is not a person like ourselves&amp;amp;mdash;is not a cause like the material causes in nature, nor even an intelligent cause like a human agent&amp;amp;mdash;nor an individual, for He is universal; and that every possible conception which we can form of Him is limited by the human faculties. We cannot by any effort of thought or exertion of faith be in and out of our own minds at the same instant. How can we conceive Him under the forms of time and space, who is out of time and space? How get rid of such forms and see Him as He is? How can we imagine His relation to the world or to ourselves? Innumerable contradictions follow from either of the two alternatives, that God is or that He is not. Yet we are far from saying that we know nothing of Him, because all that we know is subject to the conditions of human thought. To the old belief in Him we return, but with corrections. He is a person, but not like ourselves; a mind, but not a human mind; a cause, but not a material cause, nor yet a maker or artificer. The words which we use are imperfect expressions of His true nature; but we do not therefore lose faith in what is best and highest in ourselves and in the world. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;A little philosophy takes us away from God; a great deal brings us back to Him.&#039; When we begin to reflect, our first thoughts respecting Him and ourselves are apt to be sceptical. For we can analyze our religious as well as our other ideas; we can trace their history; we can criticize their perversion; we see that they are relative to the human mind and to one another. But when we have carried our criticism to the furthest point, they still remain, a necessity of our moral nature, better known and understood by us, and less liable to be shaken, because we are more aware of their necessary imperfection. They come to us with &#039;better opinion, better confirmation,&#039; not merely as the inspirations either of ourselves or of another, but deeply rooted in history and in the human mind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PERSONS OF THE DIALOGUE: Cephalus, Adeimantus, Glaucon, Antiphon, Pythodorus, Socrates, Zeno, Parmenides, Aristoteles. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Cephalus rehearses a dialogue which is supposed to have been narrated in his presence by Antiphon, the half-brother of Adeimantus and Glaucon, to certain Clazomenians. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; We had come from our home at Clazomenae to Athens, and met Adeimantus and Glaucon in the Agora. Welcome, Cephalus, said Adeimantus, taking me by the hand; is there anything which we can do for you in Athens? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes; that is why I am here; I wish to ask a favour of you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; What may that be? he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I want you to tell me the name of your half brother, which I have forgotten; he was a mere child when I last came hither from Clazomenae, but that was a long time ago; his father&#039;s name, if I remember rightly, was Pyrilampes? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes, he said, and the name of our brother, Antiphon; but why do you ask? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Let me introduce some countrymen of mine, I said; they are lovers of philosophy, and have heard that Antiphon was intimate with a certain Pythodorus, a friend of Zeno, and remembers a conversation which took place between Socrates, Zeno, and Parmenides many years ago, Pythodorus having often recited it to him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And could we hear it? I asked. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Nothing easier, he replied; when he was a youth he made a careful study of the piece; at present his thoughts run in another direction; like his grandfather Antiphon he is devoted to horses. But, if that is what you want, let us go and look for him; he dwells at Melita, which is quite near, and he has only just left us to go home. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Accordingly we went to look for him; he was at home, and in the act of giving a bridle to a smith to be fitted. When he had done with the smith, his brothers told him the purpose of our visit; and he saluted me as an acquaintance whom he remembered from my former visit, and we asked him to repeat the dialogue. At first he was not very willing, and complained of the trouble, but at length he consented. He told us that Pythodorus had described to him the appearance of Parmenides and Zeno; they came to Athens, as he said, at the great Panathenaea; the former was, at the time of his visit, about 65 years old, very white with age, but well favoured. Zeno was nearly 40 years of age, tall and fair to look upon; in the days of his youth he was reported to have been beloved by Parmenides. He said that they lodged with Pythodorus in the Ceramicus, outside the wall, whither Socrates, then a very young man, came to see them, and many others with him; they wanted to hear the writings of Zeno, which had been brought to Athens for the first time on the occasion of their visit. These Zeno himself read to them in the absence of Parmenides, and had very nearly finished when Pythodorus entered, and with him Parmenides and Aristoteles who was afterwards one of the Thirty, and heard the little that remained of the dialogue. Pythodorus had heard Zeno repeat them before. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; When the recitation was completed, Socrates requested that the first thesis of the first argument might be read over again, and this having been done, he said: What is your meaning, Zeno? Do you maintain that if being is many, it must be both like and unlike, and that this is impossible, for neither can the like be unlike, nor the unlike like&amp;amp;mdash;is that your position? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Just so, said Zeno. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And if the unlike cannot be like, or the like unlike, then according to you, being could not be many; for this would involve an impossibility. In all that you say have you any other purpose except to disprove the being of the many? and is not each division of your treatise intended to furnish a separate proof of this, there being in all as many proofs of the not-being of the many as you have composed arguments? Is that your meaning, or have I misunderstood you? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; No, said Zeno; you have correctly understood my general purpose. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I see, Parmenides, said Socrates, that Zeno would like to be not only one with you in friendship but your second self in his writings too; he puts what you say in another way, and would fain make believe that he is telling us something which is new. For you, in your poems, say The All is one, and of this you adduce excellent proofs; and he on the other hand says There is no many; and on behalf of this he offers overwhelming evidence. You affirm unity, he denies plurality. And so you deceive the world into believing that you are saying different things when really you are saying much the same. This is a strain of art beyond the reach of most of us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes, Socrates, said Zeno. But although you are as keen as a Spartan hound in pursuing the track, you do not fully apprehend the true motive of the composition, which is not really such an artificial work as you imagine; for what you speak of was an accident; there was no pretence of a great purpose; nor any serious intention of deceiving the world. The truth is, that these writings of mine were meant to protect the arguments of Parmenides against those who make fun of him and seek to show the many ridiculous and contradictory results which they suppose to follow from the affirmation of the one. My answer is addressed to the partisans of the many, whose attack I return with interest by retorting upon them that their hypothesis of the being of many, if carried out, appears to be still more ridiculous than the hypothesis of the being of one. Zeal for my master led me to write the book in the days of my youth, but some one stole the copy; and therefore I had no choice whether it should be published or not; the motive, however, of writing, was not the ambition of an elder man, but the pugnacity of a young one. This you do not seem to see, Socrates; though in other respects, as I was saying, your notion is a very just one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I understand, said Socrates, and quite accept your account. But tell me, Zeno, do you not further think that there is an idea of likeness in itself, and another idea of unlikeness, which is the opposite of likeness, and that in these two, you and I and all other things to which we apply the term many, participate&amp;amp;mdash;things which participate in likeness become in that degree and manner like; and so far as they participate in unlikeness become in that degree unlike, or both like and unlike in the degree in which they participate in both? And may not all things partake of both opposites, and be both like and unlike, by reason of this participation?&amp;amp;mdash;Where is the wonder? Now if a person could prove the absolute like to become unlike, or the absolute unlike to become like, that, in my opinion, would indeed be a wonder; but there is nothing extraordinary, Zeno, in showing that the things which only partake of likeness and unlikeness experience both. Nor, again, if a person were to show that all is one by partaking of one, and at the same time many by partaking of many, would that be very astonishing. But if he were to show me that the absolute one was many, or the absolute many one, I should be truly amazed. And so of all the rest: I should be surprised to hear that the natures or ideas themselves had these opposite qualities; but not if a person wanted to prove of me that I was many and also one. When he wanted to show that I was many he would say that I have a right and a left side, and a front and a back, and an upper and a lower half, for I cannot deny that I partake of multitude; when, on the other hand, he wants to prove that I am one, he will say, that we who are here assembled are seven, and that I am one and partake of the one. In both instances he proves his case. So again, if a person shows that such things as wood, stones, and the like, being many are also one, we admit that he shows the coexistence of the one and many, but he does not show that the many are one or the one many; he is uttering not a paradox but a truism. If however, as I just now suggested, some one were to abstract simple notions of like, unlike, one, many, rest, motion, and similar ideas, and then to show that these admit of admixture and separation in themselves, I should be very much astonished. This part of the argument appears to be treated by you, Zeno, in a very spirited manner; but, as I was saying, I should be far more amazed if any one found in the ideas themselves which are apprehended by reason, the same puzzle and entanglement which you have shown to exist in visible objects. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; While Socrates was speaking, Pythodorus thought that Parmenides and Zeno were not altogether pleased at the successive steps of the argument; but still they gave the closest attention, and often looked at one another, and smiled as if in admiration of him. When he had finished, Parmenides expressed their feelings in the following words:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Socrates, he said, I admire the bent of your mind towards philosophy; tell me now, was this your own distinction between ideas in themselves and the things which partake of them? and do you think that there is an idea of likeness apart from the likeness which we possess, and of the one and many, and of the other things which Zeno mentioned? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I think that there are such ideas, said Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Parmenides proceeded: And would you also make absolute ideas of the just and the beautiful and the good, and of all that class? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes, he said, I should. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And would you make an idea of man apart from us and from all other human creatures, or of fire and water? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I am often undecided, Parmenides, as to whether I ought to include them or not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And would you feel equally undecided, Socrates, about things of which the mention may provoke a smile?&amp;amp;mdash;I mean such things as hair, mud, dirt, or anything else which is vile and paltry; would you suppose that each of these has an idea distinct from the actual objects with which we come into contact, or not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly not, said Socrates; visible things like these are such as they appear to us, and I am afraid that there would be an absurdity in assuming any idea of them, although I sometimes get disturbed, and begin to think that there is nothing without an idea; but then again, when I have taken up this position, I run away, because I am afraid that I may fall into a bottomless pit of nonsense, and perish; and so I return to the ideas of which I was just now speaking, and occupy myself with them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes, Socrates, said Parmenides; that is because you are still young; the time will come, if I am not mistaken, when philosophy will have a firmer grasp of you, and then you will not despise even the meanest things; at your age, you are too much disposed to regard the opinions of men. But I should like to know whether you mean that there are certain ideas of which all other things partake, and from which they derive their names; that similars, for example, become similar, because they partake of similarity; and great things become great, because they partake of greatness; and that just and beautiful things become just and beautiful, because they partake of justice and beauty? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes, certainly, said Socrates that is my meaning. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then each individual partakes either of the whole of the idea or else of a part of the idea? Can there be any other mode of participation? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There cannot be, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then do you think that the whole idea is one, and yet, being one, is in each one of the many? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Why not, Parmenides? said Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Because one and the same thing will exist as a whole at the same time in many separate individuals, and will therefore be in a state of separation from itself. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Nay, but the idea may be like the day which is one and the same in many places at once, and yet continuous with itself; in this way each idea may be one and the same in all at the same time. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I like your way, Socrates, of making one in many places at once. You mean to say, that if I were to spread out a sail and cover a number of men, there would be one whole including many&amp;amp;mdash;is not that your meaning? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I think so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And would you say that the whole sail includes each man, or a part of it only, and different parts different men? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The latter. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then, Socrates, the ideas themselves will be divisible, and things which participate in them will have a part of them only and not the whole idea existing in each of them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; That seems to follow. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then would you like to say, Socrates, that the one idea is really divisible and yet remains one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly not, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Suppose that you divide absolute greatness, and that of the many great things, each one is great in virtue of a portion of greatness less than absolute greatness&amp;amp;mdash;is that conceivable? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Or will each equal thing, if possessing some small portion of equality less than absolute equality, be equal to some other thing by virtue of that portion only? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Or suppose one of us to have a portion of smallness; this is but a part of the small, and therefore the absolutely small is greater; if the absolutely small be greater, that to which the part of the small is added will be smaller and not greater than before. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; How absurd! &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then in what way, Socrates, will all things participate in the ideas, if they are unable to participate in them either as parts or wholes? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Indeed, he said, you have asked a question which is not easily answered. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Well, said Parmenides, and what do you say of another question? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; What question? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I imagine that the way in which you are led to assume one idea of each kind is as follows:&amp;amp;mdash;You see a number of great objects, and when you look at them there seems to you to be one and the same idea (or nature) in them all; hence you conceive of greatness as one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Very true, said Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And if you go on and allow your mind in like manner to embrace in one view the idea of greatness and of great things which are not the idea, and to compare them, will not another greatness arise, which will appear to be the source of all these? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It would seem so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then another idea of greatness now comes into view over and above absolute greatness, and the individuals which partake of it; and then another, over and above all these, by virtue of which they will all be great, and so each idea instead of being one will be infinitely multiplied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But may not the ideas, asked Socrates, be thoughts only, and have no proper existence except in our minds, Parmenides? For in that case each idea may still be one, and not experience this infinite multiplication. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And can there be individual thoughts which are thoughts of nothing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Impossible, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The thought must be of something? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of something which is or which is not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of something which is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Must it not be of a single something, which the thought recognizes as attaching to all, being a single form or nature? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And will not the something which is apprehended as one and the same in all, be an idea? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; From that, again, there is no escape. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then, said Parmenides, if you say that everything else participates in the ideas, must you not say either that everything is made up of thoughts, and that all things think; or that they are thoughts but have no thought? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The latter view, Parmenides, is no more rational than the previous one. In my opinion, the ideas are, as it were, patterns fixed in nature, and other things are like them, and resemblances of them&amp;amp;mdash;what is meant by the participation of other things in the ideas, is really assimilation to them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But if, said he, the individual is like the idea, must not the idea also be like the individual, in so far as the individual is a resemblance of the idea? That which is like, cannot be conceived of as other than the like of like. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And when two things are alike, must they not partake of the same idea? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; They must. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And will not that of which the two partake, and which makes them alike, be the idea itself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the idea cannot be like the individual, or the individual like the idea; for if they are alike, some further idea of likeness will always be coming to light, and if that be like anything else, another; and new ideas will be always arising, if the idea resembles that which partakes of it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The theory, then, that other things participate in the ideas by resemblance, has to be given up, and some other mode of participation devised? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It would seem so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Do you see then, Socrates, how great is the difficulty of affirming the ideas to be absolute? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes, indeed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And, further, let me say that as yet you only understand a small part of the difficulty which is involved if you make of each thing a single idea, parting it off from other things. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; What difficulty? he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There are many, but the greatest of all is this:&amp;amp;mdash;If an opponent argues that these ideas, being such as we say they ought to be, must remain unknown, no one can prove to him that he is wrong, unless he who denies their existence be a man of great ability and knowledge, and is willing to follow a long and laborious demonstration; he will remain unconvinced, and still insist that they cannot be known. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; What do you mean, Parmenides? said Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In the first place, I think, Socrates, that you, or any one who maintains the existence of absolute essences, will admit that they cannot exist in us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; No, said Socrates; for then they would be no longer absolute. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True, he said; and therefore when ideas are what they are in relation to one another, their essence is determined by a relation among themselves, and has nothing to do with the resemblances, or whatever they are to be termed, which are in our sphere, and from which we receive this or that name when we partake of them. And the things which are within our sphere and have the same names with them, are likewise only relative to one another, and not to the ideas which have the same names with them, but belong to themselves and not to them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; What do you mean? said Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I may illustrate my meaning in this way, said Parmenides:&amp;amp;mdash;A master has a slave; now there is nothing absolute in the relation between them, which is simply a relation of one man to another. But there is also an idea of mastership in the abstract, which is relative to the idea of slavery in the abstract. These natures have nothing to do with us, nor we with them; they are concerned with themselves only, and we with ourselves. Do you see my meaning? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes, said Socrates, I quite see your meaning. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And will not knowledge&amp;amp;mdash;I mean absolute knowledge&amp;amp;mdash;answer to absolute truth? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And each kind of absolute knowledge will answer to each kind of absolute being? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But the knowledge which we have, will answer to the truth which we have; and again, each kind of knowledge which we have, will be a knowledge of each kind of being which we have? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But the ideas themselves, as you admit, we have not, and cannot have? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; No, we cannot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And the absolute natures or kinds are known severally by the absolute idea of knowledge? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And we have not got the idea of knowledge? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then none of the ideas are known to us, because we have no share in absolute knowledge? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I suppose not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the nature of the beautiful in itself, and of the good in itself, and all other ideas which we suppose to exist absolutely, are unknown to us? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It would seem so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I think that there is a stranger consequence still. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; What is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Would you, or would you not say, that absolute knowledge, if there is such a thing, must be a far more exact knowledge than our knowledge; and the same of beauty and of the rest? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And if there be such a thing as participation in absolute knowledge, no one is more likely than God to have this most exact knowledge? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But then, will God, having absolute knowledge, have a knowledge of human things? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Why not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Because, Socrates, said Parmenides, we have admitted that the ideas are not valid in relation to human things; nor human things in relation to them; the relations of either are limited to their respective spheres. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes, that has been admitted. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And if God has this perfect authority, and perfect knowledge, his authority cannot rule us, nor his knowledge know us, or any human thing; just as our authority does not extend to the gods, nor our knowledge know anything which is divine, so by parity of reason they, being gods, are not our masters, neither do they know the things of men. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yet, surely, said Socrates, to deprive God of knowledge is monstrous. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; These, Socrates, said Parmenides, are a few, and only a few of the difficulties in which we are involved if ideas really are and we determine each one of them to be an absolute unity. He who hears what may be said against them will deny the very existence of them&amp;amp;mdash;and even if they do exist, he will say that they must of necessity be unknown to man; and he will seem to have reason on his side, and as we were remarking just now, will be very difficult to convince; a man must be gifted with very considerable ability before he can learn that everything has a class and an absolute essence; and still more remarkable will he be who discovers all these things for himself, and having thoroughly investigated them is able to teach them to others. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I agree with you, Parmenides, said Socrates; and what you say is very much to my mind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And yet, Socrates, said Parmenides, if a man, fixing his attention on these and the like difficulties, does away with ideas of things and will not admit that every individual thing has its own determinate idea which is always one and the same, he will have nothing on which his mind can rest; and so he will utterly destroy the power of reasoning, as you seem to me to have particularly noted. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Very true, he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But, then, what is to become of philosophy? Whither shall we turn, if the ideas are unknown? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I certainly do not see my way at present. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes, said Parmenides; and I think that this arises, Socrates, out of your attempting to define the beautiful, the just, the good, and the ideas generally, without sufficient previous training. I noticed your deficiency, when I heard you talking here with your friend Aristoteles, the day before yesterday. The impulse that carries you towards philosophy is assuredly noble and divine; but there is an art which is called by the vulgar idle talking, and which is often imagined to be useless; in that you must train and exercise yourself, now that you are young, or truth will elude your grasp. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And what is the nature of this exercise, Parmenides, which you would recommend? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; That which you heard Zeno practising; at the same time, I give you credit for saying to him that you did not care to examine the perplexity in reference to visible things, or to consider the question that way; but only in reference to objects of thought, and to what may be called ideas. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Why, yes, he said, there appears to me to be no difficulty in showing by this method that visible things are like and unlike and may experience anything. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Quite true, said Parmenides; but I think that you should go a step further, and consider not only the consequences which flow from a given hypothesis, but also the consequences which flow from denying the hypothesis; and that will be still better training for you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; What do you mean? he said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I mean, for example, that in the case of this very hypothesis of Zeno&#039;s about the many, you should inquire not only what will be the consequences to the many in relation to themselves and to the one, and to the one in relation to itself and the many, on the hypothesis of the being of the many, but also what will be the consequences to the one and the many in their relation to themselves and to each other, on the opposite hypothesis. Or, again, if likeness is or is not, what will be the consequences in either of these cases to the subjects of the hypothesis, and to other things, in relation both to themselves and to one another, and so of unlikeness; and the same holds good of motion and rest, of generation and destruction, and even of being and not-being. In a word, when you suppose anything to be or not to be, or to be in any way affected, you must look at the consequences in relation to the thing itself, and to any other things which you choose,&amp;amp;mdash;to each of them singly, to more than one, and to all; and so of other things, you must look at them in relation to themselves and to anything else which you suppose either to be or not to be, if you would train yourself perfectly and see the real truth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; That, Parmenides, is a tremendous business of which you speak, and I do not quite understand you; will you take some hypothesis and go through the steps?&amp;amp;mdash;then I shall apprehend you better. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; That, Socrates, is a serious task to impose on a man of my years. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then will you, Zeno? said Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Zeno answered with a smile:&amp;amp;mdash;Let us make our petition to Parmenides himself, who is quite right in saying that you are hardly aware of the extent of the task which you are imposing on him; and if there were more of us I should not ask him, for these are not subjects which any one, especially at his age, can well speak of before a large audience; most people are not aware that this roundabout progress through all things is the only way in which the mind can attain truth and wisdom. And therefore, Parmenides, I join in the request of Socrates, that I may hear the process again which I have not heard for a long time. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; When Zeno had thus spoken, Pythodorus, according to Antiphon&#039;s report of him, said, that he himself and Aristoteles and the whole company entreated Parmenides to give an example of the process. I cannot refuse, said Parmenides; and yet I feel rather like Ibycus, who, when in his old age, against his will, he fell in love, compared himself to an old racehorse, who was about to run in a chariot race, shaking with fear at the course he knew so well&amp;amp;mdash;this was his simile of himself. And I also experience a trembling when I remember through what an ocean of words I have to wade at my time of life. But I must indulge you, as Zeno says that I ought, and we are alone. Where shall I begin? And what shall be our first hypothesis, if I am to attempt this laborious pastime? Shall I begin with myself, and take my own hypothesis the one? and consider the consequences which follow on the supposition either of the being or of the not-being of one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; By all means, said Zeno. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And who will answer me? he said. Shall I propose the youngest? He will not make difficulties and will be the most likely to say what he thinks; and his answers will give me time to breathe. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I am the one whom you mean, Parmenides, said Aristoteles; for I am the youngest and at your service. Ask, and I will answer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Parmenides proceeded: 1.a. If one is, he said, the one cannot be many? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one cannot have parts, and cannot be a whole? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Why not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Because every part is part of a whole; is it not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And what is a whole? would not that of which no part is wanting be a whole? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then, in either case, the one would be made up of parts; both as being a whole, and also as having parts? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; To be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And in either case, the one would be many, and not one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But, surely, it ought to be one and not many? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It ought. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then, if the one is to remain one, it will not be a whole, and will not have parts? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But if it has no parts, it will have neither beginning, middle, nor end; for these would of course be parts of it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But then, again, a beginning and an end are the limits of everything? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one, having neither beginning nor end, is unlimited? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes, unlimited. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And therefore formless; for it cannot partake either of round or straight. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But why? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Why, because the round is that of which all the extreme points are equidistant from the centre? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And the straight is that of which the centre intercepts the view of the extremes? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one would have parts and would be many, if it partook either of a straight or of a circular form? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Assuredly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But having no parts, it will be neither straight nor round? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And, being of such a nature, it cannot be in any place, for it cannot be either in another or in itself. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; How so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Because if it were in another, it would be encircled by that in which it was, and would touch it at many places and with many parts; but that which is one and indivisible, and does not partake of a circular nature, cannot be touched all round in many places. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But if, on the other hand, one were in itself, it would also be contained by nothing else but itself; that is to say, if it were really in itself; for nothing can be in anything which does not contain it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But then, that which contains must be other than that which is contained? for the same whole cannot do and suffer both at once; and if so, one will be no longer one, but two? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then one cannot be anywhere, either in itself or in another? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Further consider, whether that which is of such a nature can have either rest or motion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Why not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Why, because the one, if it were moved, would be either moved in place or changed in nature; for these are the only kinds of motion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And the one, when it changes and ceases to be itself, cannot be any longer one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It cannot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It cannot therefore experience the sort of motion which is change of nature? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Clearly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then can the motion of the one be in place? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Perhaps. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But if the one moved in place, must it not either move round and round in the same place, or from one place to another? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It must. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And that which moves in a circle must rest upon a centre; and that which goes round upon a centre must have parts which are different from the centre; but that which has no centre and no parts cannot possibly be carried round upon a centre? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But perhaps the motion of the one consists in change of place? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Perhaps so, if it moves at all. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And have we not already shown that it cannot be in anything? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then its coming into being in anything is still more impossible; is it not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I do not see why. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Why, because anything which comes into being in anything, can neither as yet be in that other thing while still coming into being, nor be altogether out of it, if already coming into being in it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And therefore whatever comes into being in another must have parts, and then one part may be in, and another part out of that other; but that which has no parts can never be at one and the same time neither wholly within nor wholly without anything. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And is there not a still greater impossibility in that which has no parts, and is not a whole, coming into being anywhere, since it cannot come into being either as a part or as a whole? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then it does not change place by revolving in the same spot, nor by going somewhere and coming into being in something; nor again, by change in itself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then in respect of any kind of motion the one is immoveable? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Immoveable. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But neither can the one be in anything, as we affirm? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes, we said so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then it is never in the same? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Why not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Because if it were in the same it would be in something. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And we said that it could not be in itself, and could not be in other? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then one is never in the same place? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It would seem not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But that which is never in the same place is never quiet or at rest? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Never. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; One then, as would seem, is neither at rest nor in motion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It certainly appears so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Neither will it be the same with itself or other; nor again, other than itself or other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; How is that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; If other than itself it would be other than one, and would not be one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And if the same with other, it would be that other, and not itself; so that upon this supposition too, it would not have the nature of one, but would be other than one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It would. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then it will not be the same with other, or other than itself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It will not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Neither will it be other than other, while it remains one; for not one, but only other, can be other than other, and nothing else. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then not by virtue of being one will it be other? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But if not by virtue of being one, not by virtue of itself; and if not by virtue of itself, not itself, and itself not being other at all, will not be other than anything? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Neither will one be the same with itself. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; How not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Surely the nature of the one is not the nature of the same. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Why not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It is not when anything becomes the same with anything that it becomes one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; What of that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Anything which becomes the same with the many, necessarily becomes many and not one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But, if there were no difference between the one and the same, when a thing became the same, it would always become one; and when it became one, the same? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And, therefore, if one be the same with itself, it is not one with itself, and will therefore be one and also not one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Surely that is impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And therefore the one can neither be other than other, nor the same with itself. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And thus the one can neither be the same, nor other, either in relation to itself or other? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Neither will the one be like anything or unlike itself or other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Why not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Because likeness is sameness of affections. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And sameness has been shown to be of a nature distinct from oneness? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; That has been shown. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But if the one had any other affection than that of being one, it would be affected in such a way as to be more than one; which is impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one can never be so affected as to be the same either with another or with itself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Clearly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then it cannot be like another, or like itself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Nor can it be affected so as to be other, for then it would be affected in such a way as to be more than one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It would. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; That which is affected otherwise than itself or another, will be unlike itself or another, for sameness of affections is likeness. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But the one, as appears, never being affected otherwise, is never unlike itself or other? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Never. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one will never be either like or unlike itself or other? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Plainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Again, being of this nature, it can neither be equal nor unequal either to itself or to other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; How is that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Why, because the one if equal must be of the same measures as that to which it is equal. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And if greater or less than things which are commensurable with it, the one will have more measures than that which is less, and fewer than that which is greater? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And so of things which are not commensurate with it, the one will have greater measures than that which is less and smaller than that which is greater. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But how can that which does not partake of sameness, have either the same measures or have anything else the same? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And not having the same measures, the one cannot be equal either with itself or with another? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It appears so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But again, whether it have fewer or more measures, it will have as many parts as it has measures; and thus again the one will be no longer one but will have as many parts as measures. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And if it were of one measure, it would be equal to that measure; yet it has been shown to be incapable of equality. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It has. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then it will neither partake of one measure, nor of many, nor of few, nor of the same at all, nor be equal to itself or another; nor be greater or less than itself, or other? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Well, and do we suppose that one can be older, or younger than anything, or of the same age with it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Why not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Why, because that which is of the same age with itself or other, must partake of equality or likeness of time; and we said that the one did not partake either of equality or of likeness? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; We did say so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And we also said, that it did not partake of inequality or unlikeness. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; How then can one, being of this nature, be either older or younger than anything, or have the same age with it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In no way. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then one cannot be older or younger, or of the same age, either with itself or with another? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Clearly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one, being of this nature, cannot be in time at all; for must not that which is in time, be always growing older than itself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And that which is older, must always be older than something which is younger? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then, that which becomes older than itself, also becomes at the same time younger than itself, if it is to have something to become older than. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I mean this:&amp;amp;mdash;A thing does not need to become different from another thing which is already different; it IS different, and if its different has become, it has become different; if its different will be, it will be different; but of that which is becoming different, there cannot have been, or be about to be, or yet be, a different&amp;amp;mdash;the only different possible is one which is becoming. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; That is inevitable. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But, surely, the elder is a difference relative to the younger, and to nothing else. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then that which becomes older than itself must also, at the same time, become younger than itself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But again, it is true that it cannot become for a longer or for a shorter time than itself, but it must become, and be, and have become, and be about to be, for the same time with itself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; That again is inevitable. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then things which are in time, and partake of time, must in every case, I suppose, be of the same age with themselves; and must also become at once older and younger than themselves? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But the one did not partake of those affections? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Not at all. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then it does not partake of time, and is not in any time? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; So the argument shows. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Well, but do not the expressions &#039;was,&#039; and &#039;has become,&#039; and &#039;was becoming,&#039; signify a participation of past time? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And do not &#039;will be,&#039; &#039;will become,&#039; &#039;will have become,&#039; signify a participation of future time? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And &#039;is,&#039; or &#039;becomes,&#039; signifies a participation of present time? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And if the one is absolutely without participation in time, it never had become, or was becoming, or was at any time, or is now become or is becoming, or is, or will become, or will have become, or will be, hereafter. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But are there any modes of partaking of being other than these? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There are none. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one cannot possibly partake of being? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; That is the inference. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one is not at all? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Clearly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one does not exist in such way as to be one; for if it were and partook of being, it would already be; but if the argument is to be trusted, the one neither is nor is one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But that which is not admits of no attribute or relation? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of course not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then there is no name, nor expression, nor perception, nor opinion, nor knowledge of it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Clearly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then it is neither named, nor expressed, nor opined, nor known, nor does anything that is perceive it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; So we must infer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But can all this be true about the one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I think not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 1.b. Suppose, now, that we return once more to the original hypothesis; let us see whether, on a further review, any new aspect of the question appears. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I shall be very happy to do so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; We say that we have to work out together all the consequences, whatever they may be, which follow, if the one is? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then we will begin at the beginning:&amp;amp;mdash;If one is, can one be, and not partake of being? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one will have being, but its being will not be the same with the one; for if the same, it would not be the being of the one; nor would the one have participated in being, for the proposition that one is would have been identical with the proposition that one is one; but our hypothesis is not if one is one, what will follow, but if one is:&amp;amp;mdash;am I not right? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Quite right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; We mean to say, that being has not the same significance as one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And when we put them together shortly, and say &#039;One is,&#039; that is equivalent to saying, &#039;partakes of being&#039;? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Once more then let us ask, if one is what will follow. Does not this hypothesis necessarily imply that one is of such a nature as to have parts? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; How so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In this way:&amp;amp;mdash;If being is predicated of the one, if the one is, and one of being, if being is one; and if being and one are not the same; and since the one, which we have assumed, is, must not the whole, if it is one, itself be, and have for its parts, one and being? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And is each of these parts&amp;amp;mdash;one and being&amp;amp;mdash;to be simply called a part, or must the word &#039;part&#039; be relative to the word &#039;whole&#039;? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The latter. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then that which is one is both a whole and has a part? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Again, of the parts of the one, if it is&amp;amp;mdash;I mean being and one&amp;amp;mdash;does either fail to imply the other? is the one wanting to being, or being to the one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Thus, each of the parts also has in turn both one and being, and is at the least made up of two parts; and the same principle goes on for ever, and every part whatever has always these two parts; for being always involves one, and one being; so that one is always disappearing, and becoming two. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And so the one, if it is, must be infinite in multiplicity? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Let us take another direction. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; What direction? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; We say that the one partakes of being and therefore it is? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And in this way, the one, if it has being, has turned out to be many? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But now, let us abstract the one which, as we say, partakes of being, and try to imagine it apart from that of which, as we say, it partakes&amp;amp;mdash;will this abstract one be one only or many? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; One, I think. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Let us see:&amp;amp;mdash;Must not the being of one be other than one? for the one is not being, but, considered as one, only partook of being? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; If being and the one be two different things, it is not because the one is one that it is other than being; nor because being is being that it is other than the one; but they differ from one another in virtue of otherness and difference. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; So that the other is not the same&amp;amp;mdash;either with the one or with being? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And therefore whether we take being and the other, or being and the one, or the one and the other, in every such case we take two things, which may be rightly called both. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; How so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In this way&amp;amp;mdash;you may speak of being? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And also of one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then now we have spoken of either of them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Well, and when I speak of being and one, I speak of them both? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And if I speak of being and the other, or of the one and the other,&amp;amp;mdash;in any such case do I not speak of both? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And must not that which is correctly called both, be also two? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Undoubtedly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And of two things how can either by any possibility not be one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It cannot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then, if the individuals of the pair are together two, they must be severally one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And if each of them is one, then by the addition of any one to any pair, the whole becomes three? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And three are odd, and two are even? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And if there are two there must also be twice, and if there are three there must be thrice; that is, if twice one makes two, and thrice one three? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There are two, and twice, and therefore there must be twice two; and there are three, and there is thrice, and therefore there must be thrice three? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; If there are three and twice, there is twice three; and if there are two and thrice, there is thrice two? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Undoubtedly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Here, then, we have even taken even times, and odd taken odd times, and even taken odd times, and odd taken even times. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And if this is so, does any number remain which has no necessity to be? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; None whatever. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then if one is, number must also be? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It must. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But if there is number, there must also be many, and infinite multiplicity of being; for number is infinite in multiplicity, and partakes also of being: am I not right? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And if all number participates in being, every part of number will also participate? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then being is distributed over the whole multitude of things, and nothing that is, however small or however great, is devoid of it? And, indeed, the very supposition of this is absurd, for how can that which is, be devoid of being? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In no way. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And it is divided into the greatest and into the smallest, and into being of all sizes, and is broken up more than all things; the divisions of it have no limit. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then it has the greatest number of parts? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes, the greatest number. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Is there any of these which is a part of being, and yet no part? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But if it is at all and so long as it is, it must be one, and cannot be none? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one attaches to every single part of being, and does not fail in any part, whether great or small, or whatever may be the size of it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But reflect:&amp;amp;mdash;Can one, in its entirety, be in many places at the same time? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; No; I see the impossibility of that. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And if not in its entirety, then it is divided; for it cannot be present with all the parts of being, unless divided. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And that which has parts will be as many as the parts are? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then we were wrong in saying just now, that being was distributed into the greatest number of parts. For it is not distributed into parts more than the one, into parts equal to the one; the one is never wanting to being, or being to the one, but being two they are co-equal and co-extensive. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly that is true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The one itself, then, having been broken up into parts by being, is many and infinite? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then not only the one which has being is many, but the one itself distributed by being, must also be many? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Further, inasmuch as the parts are parts of a whole, the one, as a whole, will be limited; for are not the parts contained by the whole? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And that which contains, is a limit? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one if it has being is one and many, whole and parts, having limits and yet unlimited in number? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And because having limits, also having extremes? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And if a whole, having beginning and middle and end. For can anything be a whole without these three? And if any one of them is wanting to anything, will that any longer be a whole? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one, as appears, will have beginning, middle, and end. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It will. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But, again, the middle will be equidistant from the extremes; or it would not be in the middle? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one will partake of figure, either rectilinear or round, or a union of the two? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And if this is the case, it will be both in itself and in another too. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; How? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Every part is in the whole, and none is outside the whole. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And all the parts are contained by the whole? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And the one is all its parts, and neither more nor less than all? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And the one is the whole? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But if all the parts are in the whole, and the one is all of them and the whole, and they are all contained by the whole, the one will be contained by the one; and thus the one will be in itself. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; That is true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But then, again, the whole is not in the parts&amp;amp;mdash;neither in all the parts, nor in some one of them. For if it is in all, it must be in one; for if there were any one in which it was not, it could not be in all the parts; for the part in which it is wanting is one of all, and if the whole is not in this, how can it be in them all? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It cannot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Nor can the whole be in some of the parts; for if the whole were in some of the parts, the greater would be in the less, which is impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes, impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But if the whole is neither in one, nor in more than one, nor in all of the parts, it must be in something else, or cease to be anywhere at all? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; If it were nowhere, it would be nothing; but being a whole, and not being in itself, it must be in another. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The one then, regarded as a whole, is in another, but regarded as being all its parts, is in itself; and therefore the one must be itself in itself and also in another. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The one then, being of this nature, is of necessity both at rest and in motion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; How? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The one is at rest since it is in itself, for being in one, and not passing out of this, it is in the same, which is itself. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And that which is ever in the same, must be ever at rest? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Well, and must not that, on the contrary, which is ever in other, never be in the same; and if never in the same, never at rest, and if not at rest, in motion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one being always itself in itself and other, must always be both at rest and in motion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And must be the same with itself, and other than itself; and also the same with the others, and other than the others; this follows from its previous affections. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; How so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Everything in relation to every other thing, is either the same or other; or if neither the same nor other, then in the relation of a part to a whole, or of a whole to a part. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And is the one a part of itself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Since it is not a part in relation to itself it cannot be related to itself as whole to part? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It cannot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But is the one other than one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And therefore not other than itself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; If then it be neither other, nor a whole, nor a part in relation to itself, must it not be the same with itself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But then, again, a thing which is in another place from &#039;itself,&#039; if this &#039;itself&#039; remains in the same place with itself, must be other than &#039;itself,&#039; for it will be in another place? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one has been shown to be at once in itself and in another? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Thus, then, as appears, the one will be other than itself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Well, then, if anything be other than anything, will it not be other than that which is other? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And will not all things that are not one, be other than the one, and the one other than the not-one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one will be other than the others? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But, consider:&amp;amp;mdash;Are not the absolute same, and the absolute other, opposites to one another? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then will the same ever be in the other, or the other in the same? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; They will not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; If then the other is never in the same, there is nothing in which the other is during any space of time; for during that space of time, however small, the other would be in the same. Is not that true? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And since the other is never in the same, it can never be in anything that is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the other will never be either in the not-one, or in the one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then not by reason of otherness is the one other than the not-one, or the not-one other than the one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Nor by reason of themselves will they be other than one another, if not partaking of the other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; How can they be? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But if they are not other, either by reason of themselves or of the other, will they not altogether escape being other than one another? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; They will. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Again, the not-one cannot partake of the one; otherwise it would not have been not-one, but would have been in some way one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Nor can the not-one be number; for having number, it would not have been not-one at all. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It would not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Again, is the not-one part of the one; or rather, would it not in that case partake of the one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It would. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; If then, in every point of view, the one and the not-one are distinct, then neither is the one part or whole of the not-one, nor is the not-one part or whole of the one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But we said that things which are neither parts nor wholes of one another, nor other than one another, will be the same with one another:&amp;amp;mdash;so we said? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then shall we say that the one, being in this relation to the not-one, is the same with it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Let us say so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then it is the same with itself and the others, and also other than itself and the others. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; That appears to be the inference. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And it will also be like and unlike itself and the others? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Perhaps. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Since the one was shown to be other than the others, the others will also be other than the one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And the one is other than the others in the same degree that the others are other than it, and neither more nor less? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And if neither more nor less, then in a like degree? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In virtue of the affection by which the one is other than others and others in like manner other than it, the one will be affected like the others and the others like the one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; How do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I may take as an illustration the case of names: You give a name to a thing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And you may say the name once or oftener? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And when you say it once, you mention that of which it is the name? and when more than once, is it something else which you mention? or must it always be the same thing of which you speak, whether you utter the name once or more than once? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of course it is the same. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And is not &#039;other&#039; a name given to a thing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Whenever, then, you use the word &#039;other,&#039; whether once or oftener, you name that of which it is the name, and to no other do you give the name? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then when we say that the others are other than the one, and the one other than the others, in repeating the word &#039;other&#039; we speak of that nature to which the name is applied, and of no other? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one which is other than others, and the other which is other than the one, in that the word &#039;other&#039; is applied to both, will be in the same condition; and that which is in the same condition is like? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then in virtue of the affection by which the one is other than the others, every thing will be like every thing, for every thing is other than every thing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Again, the like is opposed to the unlike? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And the other to the same? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True again. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And the one was also shown to be the same with the others? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And to be the same with the others is the opposite of being other than the others? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And in that it was other it was shown to be like? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But in that it was the same it will be unlike by virtue of the opposite affection to that which made it like; and this was the affection of otherness. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The same then will make it unlike; otherwise it will not be the opposite of the other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one will be both like and unlike the others; like in so far as it is other, and unlike in so far as it is the same. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes, that argument may be used. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And there is another argument. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; What? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In so far as it is affected in the same way it is not affected otherwise, and not being affected otherwise is not unlike, and not being unlike, is like; but in so far as it is affected by other it is otherwise, and being otherwise affected is unlike. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then because the one is the same with the others and other than the others, on either of these two grounds, or on both of them, it will be both like and unlike the others? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And in the same way as being other than itself and the same with itself, on either of these two grounds and on both of them, it will be like and unlike itself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Again, how far can the one touch or not touch itself and others?&amp;amp;mdash;consider. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I am considering. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The one was shown to be in itself which was a whole? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And also in other things? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In so far as it is in other things it would touch other things, but in so far as it is in itself it would be debarred from touching them, and would touch itself only. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the inference is that it would touch both? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It would. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But what do you say to a new point of view? Must not that which is to touch another be next to that which it is to touch, and occupy the place nearest to that in which what it touches is situated? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one, if it is to touch itself, ought to be situated next to itself, and occupy the place next to that in which itself is? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It ought. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And that would require that the one should be two, and be in two places at once, and this, while it is one, will never happen. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one cannot touch itself any more than it can be two? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It cannot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Neither can it touch others. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Why not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The reason is, that whatever is to touch another must be in separation from, and next to, that which it is to touch, and no third thing can be between them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Two things, then, at the least are necessary to make contact possible? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; They are. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And if to the two a third be added in due order, the number of terms will be three, and the contacts two? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And every additional term makes one additional contact, whence it follows that the contacts are one less in number than the terms; the first two terms exceeded the number of contacts by one, and the whole number of terms exceeds the whole number of contacts by one in like manner; and for every one which is afterwards added to the number of terms, one contact is added to the contacts. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Whatever is the whole number of things, the contacts will be always one less. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But if there be only one, and not two, there will be no contact? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; How can there be? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And do we not say that the others being other than the one are not one and have no part in the one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then they have no number, if they have no one in them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of course not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the others are neither one nor two, nor are they called by the name of any number? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; One, then, alone is one, and two do not exist? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Clearly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And if there are not two, there is no contact? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There is not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then neither does the one touch the others, nor the others the one, if there is no contact? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; For all which reasons the one touches and does not touch itself and the others? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Further&amp;amp;mdash;is the one equal and unequal to itself and others? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; How do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; If the one were greater or less than the others, or the others greater or less than the one, they would not be greater or less than each other in virtue of their being the one and the others; but, if in addition to their being what they are they had equality, they would be equal to one another, or if the one had smallness and the others greatness, or the one had greatness and the others smallness&amp;amp;mdash;whichever kind had greatness would be greater, and whichever had smallness would be smaller? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then there are two such ideas as greatness and smallness; for if they were not they could not be opposed to each other and be present in that which is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; How could they? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; If, then, smallness is present in the one it will be present either in the whole or in a part of the whole? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Suppose the first; it will be either co-equal and co-extensive with the whole one, or will contain the one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; If it be co-extensive with the one it will be co-equal with the one, or if containing the one it will be greater than the one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But can smallness be equal to anything or greater than anything, and have the functions of greatness and equality and not its own functions? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then smallness cannot be in the whole of one, but, if at all, in a part only? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And surely not in all of a part, for then the difficulty of the whole will recur; it will be equal to or greater than any part in which it is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then smallness will not be in anything, whether in a whole or in a part; nor will there be anything small but actual smallness. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Neither will greatness be in the one, for if greatness be in anything there will be something greater other and besides greatness itself, namely, that in which greatness is; and this too when the small itself is not there, which the one, if it is great, must exceed; this, however, is impossible, seeing that smallness is wholly absent. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But absolute greatness is only greater than absolute smallness, and smallness is only smaller than absolute greatness. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then other things not greater or less than the one, if they have neither greatness nor smallness; nor have greatness or smallness any power of exceeding or being exceeded in relation to the one, but only in relation to one another; nor will the one be greater or less than them or others, if it has neither greatness nor smallness. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Clearly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then if the one is neither greater nor less than the others, it cannot either exceed or be exceeded by them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And that which neither exceeds nor is exceeded, must be on an equality; and being on an equality, must be equal. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And this will be true also of the relation of the one to itself; having neither greatness nor smallness in itself, it will neither exceed nor be exceeded by itself, but will be on an equality with and equal to itself. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one will be equal both to itself and the others? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Clearly so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And yet the one, being itself in itself, will also surround and be without itself; and, as containing itself, will be greater than itself; and, as contained in itself, will be less; and will thus be greater and less than itself. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It will. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Now there cannot possibly be anything which is not included in the one and the others? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of course not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But, surely, that which is must always be somewhere? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But that which is in anything will be less, and that in which it is will be greater; in no other way can one thing be in another. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And since there is nothing other or besides the one and the others, and they must be in something, must they not be in one another, the one in the others and the others in the one, if they are to be anywhere? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; That is clear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But inasmuch as the one is in the others, the others will be greater than the one, because they contain the one, which will be less than the others, because it is contained in them; and inasmuch as the others are in the one, the one on the same principle will be greater than the others, and the others less than the one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The one, then, will be equal to and greater and less than itself and the others? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And if it be greater and less and equal, it will be of equal and more and less measures or divisions than itself and the others, and if of measures, also of parts? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And if of equal and more and less measures or divisions, it will be in number more or less than itself and the others, and likewise equal in number to itself and to the others? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; How is that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It will be of more measures than those things which it exceeds, and of as many parts as measures; and so with that to which it is equal, and that than which it is less. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And being greater and less than itself, and equal to itself, it will be of equal measures with itself and of more and fewer measures than itself; and if of measures then also of parts? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It will. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And being of equal parts with itself, it will be numerically equal to itself; and being of more parts, more, and being of less, less than itself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And the same will hold of its relation to other things; inasmuch as it is greater than them, it will be more in number than them; and inasmuch as it is smaller, it will be less in number; and inasmuch as it is equal in size to other things, it will be equal to them in number. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Once more, then, as would appear, the one will be in number both equal to and more and less than both itself and all other things. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It will. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Does the one also partake of time? And is it and does it become older and younger than itself and others, and again, neither younger nor older than itself and others, by virtue of participation in time? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; How do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; If one is, being must be predicated of it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But to be (einai) is only participation of being in present time, and to have been is the participation of being at a past time, and to be about to be is the participation of being at a future time? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one, since it partakes of being, partakes of time? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And is not time always moving forward? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one is always becoming older than itself, since it moves forward in time? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And do you remember that the older becomes older than that which becomes younger? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I remember. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then since the one becomes older than itself, it becomes younger at the same time? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Thus, then, the one becomes older as well as younger than itself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And it is older (is it not?) when in becoming, it gets to the point of time between &#039;was&#039; and &#039;will be,&#039; which is &#039;now&#039;: for surely in going from the past to the future, it cannot skip the present? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And when it arrives at the present it stops from becoming older, and no longer becomes, but is older, for if it went on it would never be reached by the present, for it is the nature of that which goes on, to touch both the present and the future, letting go the present and seizing the future, while in process of becoming between them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But that which is becoming cannot skip the present; when it reaches the present it ceases to become, and is then whatever it may happen to be becoming. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And so the one, when in becoming older it reaches the present, ceases to become, and is then older. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And it is older than that than which it was becoming older, and it was becoming older than itself. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And that which is older is older than that which is younger? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one is younger than itself, when in becoming older it reaches the present? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But the present is always present with the one during all its being; for whenever it is it is always now. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one always both is and becomes older and younger than itself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Truly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And is it or does it become a longer time than itself or an equal time with itself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; An equal time. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But if it becomes or is for an equal time with itself, it is of the same age with itself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And that which is of the same age, is neither older nor younger? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The one, then, becoming and being the same time with itself, neither is nor becomes older or younger than itself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I should say not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And what are its relations to other things? Is it or does it become older or younger than they? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I cannot tell you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; You can at least tell me that others than the one are more than the one&amp;amp;mdash;other would have been one, but the others have multitude, and are more than one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; They will have multitude. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And a multitude implies a number larger than one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And shall we say that the lesser or the greater is the first to come or to have come into existence? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The lesser. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the least is the first? And that is the one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one of all things that have number is the first to come into being; but all other things have also number, being plural and not singular. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; They have. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And since it came into being first it must be supposed to have come into being prior to the others, and the others later; and the things which came into being later, are younger than that which preceded them? And so the other things will be younger than the one, and the one older than other things? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; What would you say of another question? Can the one have come into being contrary to its own nature, or is that impossible? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And yet, surely, the one was shown to have parts; and if parts, then a beginning, middle and end? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And a beginning, both of the one itself and of all other things, comes into being first of all; and after the beginning, the others follow, until you reach the end? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And all these others we shall affirm to be parts of the whole and of the one, which, as soon as the end is reached, has become whole and one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes; that is what we shall say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But the end comes last, and the one is of such a nature as to come into being with the last; and, since the one cannot come into being except in accordance with its own nature, its nature will require that it should come into being after the others, simultaneously with the end. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one is younger than the others and the others older than the one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; That also is clear in my judgment. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Well, and must not a beginning or any other part of the one or of anything, if it be a part and not parts, being a part, be also of necessity one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And will not the one come into being together with each part&amp;amp;mdash;together with the first part when that comes into being, and together with the second part and with all the rest, and will not be wanting to any part, which is added to any other part until it has reached the last and become one whole; it will be wanting neither to the middle, nor to the first, nor to the last, nor to any of them, while the process of becoming is going on? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one is of the same age with all the others, so that if the one itself does not contradict its own nature, it will be neither prior nor posterior to the others, but simultaneous; and according to this argument the one will be neither older nor younger than the others, nor the others than the one, but according to the previous argument the one will be older and younger than the others and the others than the one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; After this manner then the one is and has become. But as to its becoming older and younger than the others, and the others than the one, and neither older nor younger, what shall we say? Shall we say as of being so also of becoming, or otherwise? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I cannot answer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But I can venture to say, that even if one thing were older or younger than another, it could not become older or younger in a greater degree than it was at first; for equals added to unequals, whether to periods of time or to anything else, leave the difference between them the same as at first. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then that which is, cannot become older or younger than that which is, since the difference of age is always the same; the one is and has become older and the other younger; but they are no longer becoming so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And the one which is does not therefore become either older or younger than the others which are. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But consider whether they may not become older and younger in another way. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In what way? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Just as the one was proven to be older than the others and the others than the one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And what of that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; If the one is older than the others, has come into being a longer time than the others. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But consider again; if we add equal time to a greater and a less time, will the greater differ from the less time by an equal or by a smaller portion than before? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; By a smaller portion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the difference between the age of the one and the age of the others will not be afterwards so great as at first, but if an equal time be added to both of them they will differ less and less in age? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And that which differs in age from some other less than formerly, from being older will become younger in relation to that other than which it was older? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes, younger. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And if the one becomes younger the others aforesaid will become older than they were before, in relation to the one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then that which had become younger becomes older relatively to that which previously had become and was older; it never really is older, but is always becoming, for the one is always growing on the side of youth and the other on the side of age. And in like manner the older is always in process of becoming younger than the younger; for as they are always going in opposite directions they become in ways the opposite to one another, the younger older than the older, and the older younger than the younger. They cannot, however, have become; for if they had already become they would be and not merely become. But that is impossible; for they are always becoming both older and younger than one another: the one becomes younger than the others because it was seen to be older and prior, and the others become older than the one because they came into being later; and in the same way the others are in the same relation to the one, because they were seen to be older, and prior to the one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; That is clear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Inasmuch then, one thing does not become older or younger than another, in that they always differ from each other by an equal number, the one cannot become older or younger than the others, nor the others than the one; but inasmuch as that which came into being earlier and that which came into being later must continually differ from each other by a different portion&amp;amp;mdash;in this point of view the others must become older and younger than the one, and the one than the others. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; For all these reasons, then, the one is and becomes older and younger than itself and the others, and neither is nor becomes older or younger than itself or the others. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But since the one partakes of time, and partakes of becoming older and younger, must it not also partake of the past, the present, and the future? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of course it must. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one was and is and will be, and was becoming and is becoming and will become? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And there is and was and will be something which is in relation to it and belongs to it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And since we have at this moment opinion and knowledge and perception of the one, there is opinion and knowledge and perception of it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Quite right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then there is name and expression for it, and it is named and expressed, and everything of this kind which appertains to other things appertains to the one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly, that is true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yet once more and for the third time, let us consider: If the one is both one and many, as we have described, and is neither one nor many, and participates in time, must it not, in as far as it is one, at times partake of being, and in as far as it is not one, at times not partake of being? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But can it partake of being when not partaking of being, or not partake of being when partaking of being? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one partakes and does not partake of being at different times, for that is the only way in which it can partake and not partake of the same. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And is there not also a time at which it assumes being and relinquishes being&amp;amp;mdash;for how can it have and not have the same thing unless it receives and also gives it up at some time? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And the assuming of being is what you would call becoming? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I should. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And the relinquishing of being you would call destruction? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I should. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The one then, as would appear, becomes and is destroyed by taking and giving up being. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And being one and many and in process of becoming and being destroyed, when it becomes one it ceases to be many, and when many, it ceases to be one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And as it becomes one and many, must it not inevitably experience separation and aggregation? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Inevitably. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And whenever it becomes like and unlike it must be assimilated and dissimilated? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And when it becomes greater or less or equal it must grow or diminish or be equalized? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And when being in motion it rests, and when being at rest it changes to motion, it can surely be in no time at all? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; How can it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But that a thing which is previously at rest should be afterwards in motion, or previously in motion and afterwards at rest, without experiencing change, is impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And surely there cannot be a time in which a thing can be at once neither in motion nor at rest? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There cannot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But neither can it change without changing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; When then does it change; for it cannot change either when at rest, or when in motion, or when in time? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It cannot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And does this strange thing in which it is at the time of changing really exist? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; What thing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The moment. For the moment seems to imply a something out of which change takes place into either of two states; for the change is not from the state of rest as such, nor from the state of motion as such; but there is this curious nature which we call the moment lying between rest and motion, not being in any time; and into this and out of this what is in motion changes into rest, and what is at rest into motion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; So it appears. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And the one then, since it is at rest and also in motion, will change to either, for only in this way can it be in both. And in changing it changes in a moment, and when it is changing it will be in no time, and will not then be either in motion or at rest. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It will not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And it will be in the same case in relation to the other changes, when it passes from being into cessation of being, or from not-being into becoming&amp;amp;mdash;then it passes between certain states of motion and rest, and neither is nor is not, nor becomes nor is destroyed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And on the same principle, in the passage from one to many and from many to one, the one is neither one nor many, neither separated nor aggregated; and in the passage from like to unlike, and from unlike to like, it is neither like nor unlike, neither in a state of assimilation nor of dissimilation; and in the passage from small to great and equal and back again, it will be neither small nor great, nor equal, nor in a state of increase, or diminution, or equalization. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; All these, then, are the affections of the one, if the one has being. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 1.aa. But if one is, what will happen to the others&amp;amp;mdash;is not that also to be considered? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Let us show then, if one is, what will be the affections of the others than the one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Let us do so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Inasmuch as there are things other than the one, the others are not the one; for if they were they could not be other than the one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Nor are the others altogether without the one, but in a certain way they participate in the one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In what way? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Because the others are other than the one inasmuch as they have parts; for if they had no parts they would be simply one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And parts, as we affirm, have relation to a whole? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; So we say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And a whole must necessarily be one made up of many; and the parts will be parts of the one, for each of the parts is not a part of many, but of a whole. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; How do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; If anything were a part of many, being itself one of them, it will surely be a part of itself, which is impossible, and it will be a part of each one of the other parts, if of all; for if not a part of some one, it will be a part of all the others but this one, and thus will not be a part of each one; and if not a part of each, one it will not be a part of any one of the many; and not being a part of any one, it cannot be a part or anything else of all those things of none of which it is anything. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Clearly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the part is not a part of the many, nor of all, but is of a certain single form, which we call a whole, being one perfect unity framed out of all&amp;amp;mdash;of this the part will be a part. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; If, then, the others have parts, they will participate in the whole and in the one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the others than the one must be one perfect whole, having parts. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And the same argument holds of each part, for the part must participate in the one; for if each of the parts is a part, this means, I suppose, that it is one separate from the rest and self-related; otherwise it is not each. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But when we speak of the part participating in the one, it must clearly be other than one; for if not, it would not merely have participated, but would have been one; whereas only the itself can be one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Both the whole and the part must participate in the one; for the whole will be one whole, of which the parts will be parts; and each part will be one part of the whole which is the whole of the part. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And will not the things which participate in the one, be other than it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And the things which are other than the one will be many; for if the things which are other than the one were neither one nor more than one, they would be nothing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But, seeing that the things which participate in the one as a part, and in the one as a whole, are more than one, must not those very things which participate in the one be infinite in number? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; How so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Let us look at the matter thus:&amp;amp;mdash;Is it not a fact that in partaking of the one they are not one, and do not partake of the one at the very time when they are partaking of it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; They do so then as multitudes in which the one is not present? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And if we were to abstract from them in idea the very smallest fraction, must not that least fraction, if it does not partake of the one, be a multitude and not one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It must. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And if we continue to look at the other side of their nature, regarded simply, and in itself, will not they, as far as we see them, be unlimited in number? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And yet, when each several part becomes a part, then the parts have a limit in relation to the whole and to each other, and the whole in relation to the parts. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Just so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The result to the others than the one is that the union of themselves and the one appears to create a new element in them which gives to them limitation in relation to one another; whereas in their own nature they have no limit. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; That is clear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the others than the one, both as whole and parts, are infinite, and also partake of limit. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then they are both like and unlike one another and themselves. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; How is that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Inasmuch as they are unlimited in their own nature, they are all affected in the same way. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And inasmuch as they all partake of limit, they are all affected in the same way. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But inasmuch as their state is both limited and unlimited, they are affected in opposite ways. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And opposites are the most unlike of things. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Considered, then, in regard to either one of their affections, they will be like themselves and one another; considered in reference to both of them together, most opposed and most unlike. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; That appears to be true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the others are both like and unlike themselves and one another? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And they are the same and also different from one another, and in motion and at rest, and experience every sort of opposite affection, as may be proved without difficulty of them, since they have been shown to have experienced the affections aforesaid? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 1.bb. Suppose, now, that we leave the further discussion of these matters as evident, and consider again upon the hypothesis that the one is, whether opposite of all this is or is not equally true of the others. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; By all means. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then let us begin again, and ask, If one is, what must be the affections of the others? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Let us ask that question. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Must not the one be distinct from the others, and the others from the one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Why so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Why, because there is nothing else beside them which is distinct from both of them; for the expression &#039;one and the others&#039; includes all things. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes, all things. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then we cannot suppose that there is anything different from them in which both the one and the others might exist? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There is nothing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one and the others are never in the same? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then they are separated from each other? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And we surely cannot say that what is truly one has parts? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one will not be in the others as a whole, nor as part, if it be separated from the others, and has no parts? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then there is no way in which the others can partake of the one, if they do not partake either in whole or in part? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It would seem not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then there is no way in which the others are one, or have in themselves any unity? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There is not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Nor are the others many; for if they were many, each part of them would be a part of the whole; but now the others, not partaking in any way of the one, are neither one nor many, nor whole, nor part. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the others neither are nor contain two or three, if entirely deprived of the one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the others are neither like nor unlike the one, nor is likeness and unlikeness in them; for if they were like and unlike, or had in them likeness and unlikeness, they would have two natures in them opposite to one another. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; That is clear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But for that which partakes of nothing to partake of two things was held by us to be impossible? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the others are neither like nor unlike nor both, for if they were like or unlike they would partake of one of those two natures, which would be one thing, and if they were both they would partake of opposites which would be two things, and this has been shown to be impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Therefore they are neither the same, nor other, nor in motion, nor at rest, nor in a state of becoming, nor of being destroyed, nor greater, nor less, nor equal, nor have they experienced anything else of the sort; for, if they are capable of experiencing any such affection, they will participate in one and two and three, and odd and even, and in these, as has been proved, they do not participate, seeing that they are altogether and in every way devoid of the one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Therefore if one is, the one is all things, and also nothing, both in relation to itself and to other things. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 2.a. Well, and ought we not to consider next what will be the consequence if the one is not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes; we ought. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; What is the meaning of the hypothesis&amp;amp;mdash;If the one is not; is there any difference between this and the hypothesis&amp;amp;mdash;If the not one is not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There is a difference, certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Is there a difference only, or rather are not the two expressions&amp;amp;mdash;if the one is not, and if the not one is not, entirely opposed? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; They are entirely opposed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And suppose a person to say:&amp;amp;mdash;If greatness is not, if smallness is not, or anything of that sort, does he not mean, whenever he uses such an expression, that &#039;what is not&#039; is other than other things? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; To be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And so when he says &#039;If one is not&#039; he clearly means, that what &#039;is not&#039; is other than all others; we know what he means&amp;amp;mdash;do we not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes, we do. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; When he says &#039;one,&#039; he says something which is known; and secondly something which is other than all other things; it makes no difference whether he predicate of one being or not-being, for that which is said &#039;not to be&#039; is known to be something all the same, and is distinguished from other things. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then I will begin again, and ask: If one is not, what are the consequences? In the first place, as would appear, there is a knowledge of it, or the very meaning of the words, &#039;if one is not,&#039; would not be known. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Secondly, the others differ from it, or it could not be described as different from the others? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Difference, then, belongs to it as well as knowledge; for in speaking of the one as different from the others, we do not speak of a difference in the others, but in the one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Clearly so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Moreover, the one that is not is something and partakes of relation to &#039;that,&#039; and &#039;this,&#039; and &#039;these,&#039; and the like, and is an attribute of &#039;this&#039;; for the one, or the others than the one, could not have been spoken of, nor could any attribute or relative of the one that is not have been or been spoken of, nor could it have been said to be anything, if it did not partake of &#039;some,&#039; or of the other relations just now mentioned. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Being, then, cannot be ascribed to the one, since it is not; but the one that is not may or rather must participate in many things, if it and nothing else is not; if, however, neither the one nor the one that is not is supposed not to be, and we are speaking of something of a different nature, we can predicate nothing of it. But supposing that the one that is not and nothing else is not, then it must participate in the predicate &#039;that,&#039; and in many others. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And it will have unlikeness in relation to the others, for the others being different from the one will be of a different kind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And are not things of a different kind also other in kind? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And are not things other in kind unlike? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; They are unlike. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And if they are unlike the one, that which they are unlike will clearly be unlike them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Clearly so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one will have unlikeness in respect of which the others are unlike it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; That would seem to be true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And if unlikeness to other things is attributed to it, it must have likeness to itself. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; How so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; If the one have unlikeness to one, something else must be meant; nor will the hypothesis relate to one; but it will relate to something other than one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Quite so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But that cannot be. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one must have likeness to itself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It must. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Again, it is not equal to the others; for if it were equal, then it would at once be and be like them in virtue of the equality; but if one has no being, then it can neither be nor be like? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It cannot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But since it is not equal to the others, neither can the others be equal to it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And things that are not equal are unequal? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And they are unequal to an unequal? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one partakes of inequality, and in respect of this the others are unequal to it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And inequality implies greatness and smallness? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one, if of such a nature, has greatness and smallness? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; That appears to be true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And greatness and smallness always stand apart? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then there is always something between them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And can you think of anything else which is between them other than equality? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; No, it is equality which lies between them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then that which has greatness and smallness also has equality, which lies between them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; That is clear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one, which is not, partakes, as would appear, of greatness and smallness and equality? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Further, it must surely in a sort partake of being? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; How so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It must be so, for if not, then we should not speak the truth in saying that the one is not. But if we speak the truth, clearly we must say what is. Am I not right? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And since we affirm that we speak truly, we must also affirm that we say what is? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then, as would appear, the one, when it is not, is; for if it were not to be when it is not, but (Or, &#039;to remit something of existence in relation to not-being.&#039;) were to relinquish something of being, so as to become not-being, it would at once be. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one which is not, if it is to maintain itself, must have the being of not-being as the bond of not-being, just as being must have as a bond the not-being of not-being in order to perfect its own being; for the truest assertion of the being of being and of the not-being of not-being is when being partakes of the being of being, and not of the being of not-being&amp;amp;mdash;that is, the perfection of being; and when not-being does not partake of the not-being of not-being but of the being of not-being&amp;amp;mdash;that is the perfection of not-being. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Since then what is partakes of not-being, and what is not of being, must not the one also partake of being in order not to be? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one, if it is not, clearly has being? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And has not-being also, if it is not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But can anything which is in a certain state not be in that state without changing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then everything which is and is not in a certain state, implies change? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And change is motion&amp;amp;mdash;we may say that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes, motion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And the one has been proved both to be and not to be? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And therefore is and is not in the same state? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Thus the one that is not has been shown to have motion also, because it changes from being to not-being? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; That appears to be true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But surely if it is nowhere among what is, as is the fact, since it is not, it cannot change from one place to another? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then it cannot move by changing place? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Nor can it turn on the same spot, for it nowhere touches the same, for the same is, and that which is not cannot be reckoned among things that are? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It cannot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one, if it is not, cannot turn in that in which it is not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Neither can the one, whether it is or is not, be altered into other than itself, for if it altered and became different from itself, then we could not be still speaking of the one, but of something else? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But if the one neither suffers alteration, nor turns round in the same place, nor changes place, can it still be capable of motion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Now that which is unmoved must surely be at rest, and that which is at rest must stand still? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one that is not, stands still, and is also in motion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; That seems to be true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But if it be in motion it must necessarily undergo alteration, for anything which is moved, in so far as it is moved, is no longer in the same state, but in another? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one, being moved, is altered? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And, further, if not moved in any way, it will not be altered in any way? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then, in so far as the one that is not is moved, it is altered, but in so far as it is not moved, it is not altered? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one that is not is altered and is not altered? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; That is clear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And must not that which is altered become other than it previously was, and lose its former state and be destroyed; but that which is not altered can neither come into being nor be destroyed? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And the one that is not, being altered, becomes and is destroyed; and not being altered, neither becomes nor is destroyed; and so the one that is not becomes and is destroyed, and neither becomes nor is destroyed? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 2.b. And now, let us go back once more to the beginning, and see whether these or some other consequences will follow. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Let us do as you say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; If one is not, we ask what will happen in respect of one? That is the question. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Do not the words &#039;is not&#039; signify absence of being in that to which we apply them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Just so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And when we say that a thing is not, do we mean that it is not in one way but is in another? or do we mean, absolutely, that what is not has in no sort or way or kind participation of being? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Quite absolutely. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then, that which is not cannot be, or in any way participate in being? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It cannot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And did we not mean by becoming, and being destroyed, the assumption of being and the loss of being? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Nothing else. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And can that which has no participation in being, either assume or lose being? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The one then, since it in no way is, cannot have or lose or assume being in any way? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one that is not, since it in no way partakes of being, neither perishes nor becomes? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then it is not altered at all; for if it were it would become and be destroyed? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But if it be not altered it cannot be moved? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Nor can we say that it stands, if it is nowhere; for that which stands must always be in one and the same spot? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then we must say that the one which is not never stands still and never moves? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Neither. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Nor is there any existing thing which can be attributed to it; for if there had been, it would partake of being? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; That is clear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And therefore neither smallness, nor greatness, nor equality, can be attributed to it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Nor yet likeness nor difference, either in relation to itself or to others? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Clearly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Well, and if nothing should be attributed to it, can other things be attributed to it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And therefore other things can neither be like or unlike, the same, or different in relation to it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; They cannot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Nor can what is not, be anything, or be this thing, or be related to or the attribute of this or that or other, or be past, present, or future. Nor can knowledge, or opinion, or perception, or expression, or name, or any other thing that is, have any concern with it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then the one that is not has no condition of any kind? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Such appears to be the conclusion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 2.aa. Yet once more; if one is not, what becomes of the others? Let us determine that. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes; let us determine that. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The others must surely be; for if they, like the one, were not, we could not be now speaking of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But to speak of the others implies difference&amp;amp;mdash;the terms &#039;other&#039; and &#039;different&#039; are synonymous? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Other means other than other, and different, different from the different? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then, if there are to be others, there is something than which they will be other? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And what can that be?&amp;amp;mdash;for if the one is not, they will not be other than the one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; They will not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then they will be other than each other; for the only remaining alternative is that they are other than nothing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And they are each other than one another, as being plural and not singular; for if one is not, they cannot be singular, but every particle of them is infinite in number; and even if a person takes that which appears to be the smallest fraction, this, which seemed one, in a moment evanesces into many, as in a dream, and from being the smallest becomes very great, in comparison with the fractions into which it is split up? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And in such particles the others will be other than one another, if others are, and the one is not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Exactly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And will there not be many particles, each appearing to be one, but not being one, if one is not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And it would seem that number can be predicated of them if each of them appears to be one, though it is really many? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It can. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And there will seem to be odd and even among them, which will also have no reality, if one is not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And there will appear to be a least among them; and even this will seem large and manifold in comparison with the many small fractions which are contained in it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And each particle will be imagined to be equal to the many and little; for it could not have appeared to pass from the greater to the less without having appeared to arrive at the middle; and thus would arise the appearance of equality. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And having neither beginning, middle, nor end, each separate particle yet appears to have a limit in relation to itself and other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; How so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Because, when a person conceives of any one of these as such, prior to the beginning another beginning appears, and there is another end, remaining after the end, and in the middle truer middles within but smaller, because no unity can be conceived of any of them, since the one is not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And so all being, whatever we think of, must be broken up into fractions, for a particle will have to be conceived of without unity? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And such being when seen indistinctly and at a distance, appears to be one; but when seen near and with keen intellect, every single thing appears to be infinite, since it is deprived of the one, which is not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Nothing more certain. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then each of the others must appear to be infinite and finite, and one and many, if others than the one exist and not the one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; They must. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then will they not appear to be like and unlike? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In what way? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Just as in a picture things appear to be all one to a person standing at a distance, and to be in the same state and alike? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But when you approach them, they appear to be many and different; and because of the appearance of the difference, different in kind from, and unlike, themselves? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And so must the particles appear to be like and unlike themselves and each other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And must they not be the same and yet different from one another, and in contact with themselves, although they are separated, and having every sort of motion, and every sort of rest, and becoming and being destroyed, and in neither state, and the like, all which things may be easily enumerated, if the one is not and the many are? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 2.bb. Once more, let us go back to the beginning, and ask if the one is not, and the others of the one are, what will follow. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Let us ask that question. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In the first place, the others will not be one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Nor will they be many; for if they were many one would be contained in them. But if no one of them is one, all of them are nought, and therefore they will not be many. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; If there be no one in the others, the others are neither many nor one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; They are not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Nor do they appear either as one or many. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Why not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Because the others have no sort or manner or way of communion with any sort of not-being, nor can anything which is not, be connected with any of the others; for that which is not has no parts. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Nor is there an opinion or any appearance of not-being in connexion with the others, nor is not-being ever in any way attributed to the others. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then if one is not, there is no conception of any of the others either as one or many; for you cannot conceive the many without the one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; You cannot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then if one is not, the others neither are, nor can be conceived to be either one or many? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It would seem not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Nor as like or unlike? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Nor as the same or different, nor in contact or separation, nor in any of those states which we enumerated as appearing to be;&amp;amp;mdash;the others neither are nor appear to be any of these, if one is not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Then may we not sum up the argument in a word and say truly: If one is not, then nothing is? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Let thus much be said; and further let us affirm what seems to be the truth, that, whether one is or is not, one and the others in relation to themselves and one another, all of them, in every way, are and are not, and appear to be and appear not to be. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
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		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Plato/Critias&amp;diff=2841</id>
		<title>Texts:Plato/Critias</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Plato/Critias&amp;diff=2841"/>
		<updated>2025-12-26T19:45:15Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: Text replacement - &amp;quot;{{Top Texts}}&amp;quot; to &amp;quot;__NOTITLE__
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&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt; CRITIAS &amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; by Plato &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt; Translated by Benjamin Jowett &amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; Contents &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#link2H_4_0002&amp;quot;&amp;gt; CRITIAS. &amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; INTRODUCTION AND ANALYSIS. &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The Critias is a fragment which breaks off in the middle of a sentence. It was designed to be the second part of a trilogy, which, like the other great Platonic trilogy of the Sophist, Statesman, Philosopher, was never completed. Timaeus had brought down the origin of the world to the creation of man, and the dawn of history was now to succeed the philosophy of nature. The Critias is also connected with the Republic. Plato, as he has already told us (Tim.), intended to represent the ideal state engaged in a patriotic conflict. This mythical conflict is prophetic or symbolical of the struggle of Athens and Persia, perhaps in some degree also of the wars of the Greeks and Carthaginians, in the same way that the Persian is prefigured by the Trojan war to the mind of Herodotus, or as the narrative of the first part of the Aeneid is intended by Virgil to foreshadow the wars of Carthage and Rome. The small number of the primitive Athenian citizens (20,000), &#039;which is about their present number&#039; (Crit.), is evidently designed to contrast with the myriads and barbaric array of the Atlantic hosts. The passing remark in the Timaeus that Athens was left alone in the struggle, in which she conquered and became the liberator of Greece, is also an allusion to the later history. Hence we may safely conclude that the entire narrative is due to the imagination of Plato, who has used the name of Solon and introduced the Egyptian priests to give verisimilitude to his story. To the Greek such a tale, like that of the earth-born men, would have seemed perfectly accordant with the character of his mythology, and not more marvellous than the wonders of the East narrated by Herodotus and others: he might have been deceived into believing it. But it appears strange that later ages should have been imposed upon by the fiction. As many attempts have been made to find the great island of Atlantis, as to discover the country of the lost tribes. Without regard to the description of Plato, and without a suspicion that the whole narrative is a fabrication, interpreters have looked for the spot in every part of the globe, America, Arabia Felix, Ceylon, Palestine, Sardinia, Sweden. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Timaeus concludes with a prayer that his words may be acceptable to the God whom he has revealed, and Critias, whose turn follows, begs that a larger measure of indulgence may be conceded to him, because he has to speak of men whom we know and not of gods whom we do not know. Socrates readily grants his request, and anticipating that Hermocrates will make a similar petition, extends by anticipation a like indulgence to him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Critias returns to his story, professing only to repeat what Solon was told by the priests. The war of which he was about to speak had occurred 9000 years ago. One of the combatants was the city of Athens, the other was the great island of Atlantis. Critias proposes to speak of these rival powers first of all, giving to Athens the precedence; the various tribes of Greeks and barbarians who took part in the war will be dealt with as they successively appear on the scene. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In the beginning the gods agreed to divide the earth by lot in a friendly manner, and when they had made the allotment they settled their several countries, and were the shepherds or rather the pilots of mankind, whom they guided by persuasion, and not by force. Hephaestus and Athena, brother and sister deities, in mind and art united, obtained as their lot the land of Attica, a land suited to the growth of virtue and wisdom; and there they settled a brave race of children of the soil, and taught them how to order the state. Some of their names, such as Cecrops, Erechtheus, Erichthonius, and Erysichthon, were preserved and adopted in later times, but the memory of their deeds has passed away; for there have since been many deluges, and the remnant who survived in the mountains were ignorant of the art of writing, and during many generations were wholly devoted to acquiring the means of life...And the armed image of the goddess which was dedicated by the ancient Athenians is an evidence to other ages that men and women had in those days, as they ought always to have, common virtues and pursuits. There were various classes of citizens, including handicraftsmen and husbandmen and a superior class of warriors who dwelt apart, and were educated, and had all things in common, like our guardians. Attica in those days extended southwards to the Isthmus, and inland to the heights of Parnes and Cithaeron, and between them and the sea included the district of Oropus. The country was then, as what remains of it still is, the most fertile in the world, and abounded in rich plains and pastures. But in the course of ages much of the soil was washed away and disappeared in the deep sea. And the inhabitants of this fair land were endowed with intelligence and the love of beauty. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The Acropolis of the ancient Athens extended to the Ilissus and Eridanus, and included the Pnyx, and the Lycabettus on the opposite side to the Pnyx, having a level surface and deep soil. The side of the hill was inhabited by craftsmen and husbandmen; and the warriors dwelt by themselves on the summit, around the temples of Hephaestus and Athene, in an enclosure which was like the garden of a single house. In winter they retired into houses on the north of the hill, in which they held their syssitia. These were modest dwellings, which they bequeathed unaltered to their children&#039;s children. In summer time the south side was inhabited by them, and then they left their gardens and dining-halls. In the midst of the Acropolis was a fountain, which gave an abundant supply of cool water in summer and warm in winter; of this there are still some traces. They were careful to preserve the number of fighting men and women at 20,000, which is equal to that of the present military force. And so they passed their lives as guardians of the citizens and leaders of the Hellenes. They were a just and famous race, celebrated for their beauty and virtue all over Europe and Asia. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And now I will speak to you of their adversaries, but first I ought to explain that the Greek names were given to Solon in an Egyptian form, and he enquired their meaning and translated them. His manuscript was left with my grandfather Dropides, and is now in my possession...In the division of the earth Poseidon obtained as his portion the island of Atlantis, and there he begat children whose mother was a mortal. Towards the sea and in the centre of the island there was a very fair and fertile plain, and near the centre, about fifty stadia from the plain, there was a low mountain in which dwelt a man named Evenor and his wife Leucippe, and their daughter Cleito, of whom Poseidon became enamoured. He to secure his love enclosed the mountain with rings or zones varying in size, two of land and three of sea, which his divine power readily enabled him to excavate and fashion, and, as there was no shipping in those days, no man could get into the place. To the interior island he conveyed under the earth springs of water hot and cold, and supplied the land with all things needed for the life of man. Here he begat a family consisting of five pairs of twin male children. The eldest was Atlas, and him he made king of the centre island, while to his twin brother, Eumelus, or Gadeirus, he assigned that part of the country which was nearest the Straits. The other brothers he made chiefs over the rest of the island. And their kingdom extended as far as Egypt and Tyrrhenia. Now Atlas had a fair posterity, and great treasures derived from mines&amp;amp;mdash;among them that precious metal orichalcum; and there was abundance of wood, and herds of elephants, and pastures for animals of all kinds, and fragrant herbs, and grasses, and trees bearing fruit. These they used, and employed themselves in constructing their temples, and palaces, and harbours, and docks, in the following manner:&amp;amp;mdash;First, they bridged over the zones of sea, and made a way to and from the royal palace which they built in the centre island. This ancient palace was ornamented by successive generations; and they dug a canal which passed through the zones of land from the island to the sea. The zones of earth were surrounded by walls made of stone of divers colours, black and white and red, which they sometimes intermingled for the sake of ornament; and as they quarried they hollowed out beneath the edges of the zones double docks having roofs of rock. The outermost of the walls was coated with brass, the second with tin, and the third, which was the wall of the citadel, flashed with the red light of orichalcum. In the interior of the citadel was a holy temple, dedicated to Cleito and Poseidon, and surrounded by an enclosure of gold, and there was Poseidon&#039;s own temple, which was covered with silver, and the pinnacles with gold. The roof was of ivory, adorned with gold and silver and orichalcum, and the rest of the interior was lined with orichalcum. Within was an image of the god standing in a chariot drawn by six winged horses, and touching the roof with his head; around him were a hundred Nereids, riding on dolphins. Outside the temple were placed golden statues of all the descendants of the ten kings and of their wives; there was an altar too, and there were palaces, corresponding to the greatness and glory both of the kingdom and of the temple. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Also there were fountains of hot and cold water, and suitable buildings surrounding them, and trees, and there were baths both of the kings and of private individuals, and separate baths for women, and also for cattle. The water from the baths was carried to the grove of Poseidon, and by aqueducts over the bridges to the outer circles. And there were temples in the zones, and in the larger of the two there was a racecourse for horses, which ran all round the island. The guards were distributed in the zones according to the trust reposed in them; the most trusted of them were stationed in the citadel. The docks were full of triremes and stores. The land between the harbour and the sea was surrounded by a wall, and was crowded with dwellings, and the harbour and canal resounded with the din of human voices. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The plain around the city was highly cultivated and sheltered from the north by mountains; it was oblong, and where falling out of the straight line followed the circular ditch, which was of an incredible depth. This depth received the streams which came down from the mountains, as well as the canals of the interior, and found a way to the sea. The entire country was divided into sixty thousand lots, each of which was a square of ten stadia; and the owner of a lot was bound to furnish the sixth part of a war-chariot, so as to make up ten thousand chariots, two horses and riders upon them, a pair of chariot-horses without a seat, and an attendant and charioteer, two hoplites, two archers, two slingers, three stone-shooters, three javelin-men, and four sailors to make up the complement of twelve hundred ships. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Each of the ten kings was absolute in his own city and kingdom. The relations of the different governments to one another were determined by the injunctions of Poseidon, which had been inscribed by the first kings on a column of orichalcum in the temple of Poseidon, at which the kings and princes gathered together and held a festival every fifth and every sixth year alternately. Around the temple ranged the bulls of Poseidon, one of which the ten kings caught and sacrificed, shedding the blood of the victim over the inscription, and vowing not to transgress the laws of their father Poseidon. When night came, they put on azure robes and gave judgment against offenders. The most important of their laws related to their dealings with one another. They were not to take up arms against one another, and were to come to the rescue if any of their brethren were attacked. They were to deliberate in common about war, and the king was not to have the power of life and death over his kinsmen, unless he had the assent of the majority. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; For many generations, as tradition tells, the people of Atlantis were obedient to the laws and to the gods, and practised gentleness and wisdom in their intercourse with one another. They knew that they could only have the true use of riches by not caring about them. But gradually the divine portion of their souls became diluted with too much of the mortal admixture, and they began to degenerate, though to the outward eye they appeared glorious as ever at the very time when they were filled with all iniquity. The all-seeing Zeus, wanting to punish them, held a council of the gods, and when he had called them together, he spoke as follows:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; No one knew better than Plato how to invent &#039;a noble lie.&#039; Observe (1) the innocent declaration of Socrates, that the truth of the story is a great advantage: (2) the manner in which traditional names and indications of geography are intermingled (&#039;Why, here be truths!&#039;): (3) the extreme minuteness with which the numbers are given, as in the Old Epic poetry: (4) the ingenious reason assigned for the Greek names occurring in the Egyptian tale: (5) the remark that the armed statue of Athena indicated the common warrior life of men and women: (6) the particularity with which the third deluge before that of Deucalion is affirmed to have been the great destruction: (7) the happy guess that great geological changes have been effected by water: (8) the indulgence of the prejudice against sailing beyond the Columns, and the popular belief of the shallowness of the ocean in that part: (9) the confession that the depth of the ditch in the Island of Atlantis was not to be believed, and &#039;yet he could only repeat what he had heard&#039;, compared with the statement made in an earlier passage that Poseidon, being a God, found no difficulty in contriving the water-supply of the centre island: (10) the mention of the old rivalry of Poseidon and Athene, and the creation of the first inhabitants out of the soil. Plato here, as elsewhere, ingeniously gives the impression that he is telling the truth which mythology had corrupted. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The world, like a child, has readily, and for the most part unhesitatingly, accepted the tale of the Island of Atlantis. In modern times we hardly seek for traces of the submerged continent; but even Mr. Grote is inclined to believe in the Egyptian poem of Solon of which there is no evidence in antiquity; while others, like Martin, discuss the Egyptian origin of the legend, or like M. de Humboldt, whom he quotes, are disposed to find in it a vestige of a widely-spread tradition. Others, adopting a different vein of reflection, regard the Island of Atlantis as the anticipation of a still greater island&amp;amp;mdash;the Continent of America. &#039;The tale,&#039; says M. Martin, &#039;rests upon the authority of the Egyptian priests; and the Egyptian priests took a pleasure in deceiving the Greeks.&#039; He never appears to suspect that there is a greater deceiver or magician than the Egyptian priests, that is to say, Plato himself, from the dominion of whose genius the critic and natural philosopher of modern times are not wholly emancipated. Although worthless in respect of any result which can be attained by them, discussions like those of M. Martin (Timee) have an interest of their own, and may be compared to the similar discussions regarding the Lost Tribes (2 Esdras), as showing how the chance word of some poet or philosopher has given birth to endless religious or historical enquiries. (See Introduction to the Timaeus.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In contrasting the small Greek city numbering about twenty thousand inhabitants with the barbaric greatness of the island of Atlantis, Plato probably intended to show that a state, such as the ideal Athens, was invincible, though matched against any number of opponents (cp. Rep.). Even in a great empire there might be a degree of virtue and justice, such as the Greeks believed to have existed under the sway of the first Persian kings. But all such empires were liable to degenerate, and soon incurred the anger of the gods. Their Oriental wealth, and splendour of gold and silver, and variety of colours, seemed also to be at variance with the simplicity of Greek notions. In the island of Atlantis, Plato is describing a sort of Babylonian or Egyptian city, to which he opposes the frugal life of the true Hellenic citizen. It is remarkable that in his brief sketch of them, he idealizes the husbandmen &#039;who are lovers of honour and true husbandmen,&#039; as well as the warriors who are his sole concern in the Republic; and that though he speaks of the common pursuits of men and women, he says nothing of the community of wives and children. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It is singular that Plato should have prefixed the most detested of Athenian names to this dialogue, and even more singular that he should have put into the mouth of Socrates a panegyric on him (Tim.). Yet we know that his character was accounted infamous by Xenophon, and that the mere acquaintance with him was made a subject of accusation against Socrates. We can only infer that in this, and perhaps in some other cases, Plato&#039;s characters have no reference to the actual facts. The desire to do honour to his own family, and the connection with Solon, may have suggested the introduction of his name. Why the Critias was never completed, whether from accident, or from advancing age, or from a sense of the artistic difficulty of the design, cannot be determined. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a name=&amp;quot;link2H_4_0002&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;link2H_4_0002&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &amp;lt;!--  H2 anchor --&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; TIMAEUS: How thankful I am, Socrates, that I have arrived at last, and, like a weary traveller after a long journey, may be at rest! And I pray the being who always was of old, and has now been by me revealed, to grant that my words may endure in so far as they have been spoken truly and acceptably to him; but if unintentionally I have said anything wrong, I pray that he will impose upon me a just retribution, and the just retribution of him who errs is that he should be set right. Wishing, then, to speak truly in future concerning the generation of the gods, I pray him to give me knowledge, which of all medicines is the most perfect and best. And now having offered my prayer I deliver up the argument to Critias, who is to speak next according to our agreement. (Tim.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; CRITIAS: And I, Timaeus, accept the trust, and as you at first said that you were going to speak of high matters, and begged that some forbearance might be shown to you, I too ask the same or greater forbearance for what I am about to say. And although I very well know that my request may appear to be somewhat ambitious and discourteous, I must make it nevertheless. For will any man of sense deny that you have spoken well? I can only attempt to show that I ought to have more indulgence than you, because my theme is more difficult; and I shall argue that to seem to speak well of the gods to men is far easier than to speak well of men to men: for the inexperience and utter ignorance of his hearers about any subject is a great assistance to him who has to speak of it, and we know how ignorant we are concerning the gods. But I should like to make my meaning clearer, if you will follow me. All that is said by any of us can only be imitation and representation. For if we consider the likenesses which painters make of bodies divine and heavenly, and the different degrees of gratification with which the eye of the spectator receives them, we shall see that we are satisfied with the artist who is able in any degree to imitate the earth and its mountains, and the rivers, and the woods, and the universe, and the things that are and move therein, and further, that knowing nothing precise about such matters, we do not examine or analyze the painting; all that is required is a sort of indistinct and deceptive mode of shadowing them forth. But when a person endeavours to paint the human form we are quick at finding out defects, and our familiar knowledge makes us severe judges of any one who does not render every point of similarity. And we may observe the same thing to happen in discourse; we are satisfied with a picture of divine and heavenly things which has very little likeness to them; but we are more precise in our criticism of mortal and human things. Wherefore if at the moment of speaking I cannot suitably express my meaning, you must excuse me, considering that to form approved likenesses of human things is the reverse of easy. This is what I want to suggest to you, and at the same time to beg, Socrates, that I may have not less, but more indulgence conceded to me in what I am about to say. Which favour, if I am right in asking, I hope that you will be ready to grant. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Certainly, Critias, we will grant your request, and we will grant the same by anticipation to Hermocrates, as well as to you and Timaeus; for I have no doubt that when his turn comes a little while hence, he will make the same request which you have made. In order, then, that he may provide himself with a fresh beginning, and not be compelled to say the same things over again, let him understand that the indulgence is already extended by anticipation to him. And now, friend Critias, I will announce to you the judgment of the theatre. They are of opinion that the last performer was wonderfully successful, and that you will need a great deal of indulgence before you will be able to take his place. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; HERMOCRATES: The warning, Socrates, which you have addressed to him, I must also take to myself. But remember, Critias, that faint heart never yet raised a trophy; and therefore you must go and attack the argument like a man. First invoke Apollo and the Muses, and then let us hear you sound the praises and show forth the virtues of your ancient citizens. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; CRITIAS: Friend Hermocrates, you, who are stationed last and have another in front of you, have not lost heart as yet; the gravity of the situation will soon be revealed to you; meanwhile I accept your exhortations and encouragements. But besides the gods and goddesses whom you have mentioned, I would specially invoke Mnemosyne; for all the important part of my discourse is dependent on her favour, and if I can recollect and recite enough of what was said by the priests and brought hither by Solon, I doubt not that I shall satisfy the requirements of this theatre. And now, making no more excuses, I will proceed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Let me begin by observing first of all, that nine thousand was the sum of years which had elapsed since the war which was said to have taken place between those who dwelt outside the pillars of Heracles and all who dwelt within them; this war I am going to describe. Of the combatants on the one side, the city of Athens was reported to have been the leader and to have fought out the war; the combatants on the other side were commanded by the kings of Atlantis, which, as I was saying, was an island greater in extent than Libya and Asia, and when afterwards sunk by an earthquake, became an impassable barrier of mud to voyagers sailing from hence to any part of the ocean. The progress of the history will unfold the various nations of barbarians and families of Hellenes which then existed, as they successively appear on the scene; but I must describe first of all the Athenians of that day, and their enemies who fought with them, and then the respective powers and governments of the two kingdoms. Let us give the precedence to Athens. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In the days of old, the gods had the whole earth distributed among them by allotment (Cp. Polit.) There was no quarrelling; for you cannot rightly suppose that the gods did not know what was proper for each of them to have, or, knowing this, that they would seek to procure for themselves by contention that which more properly belonged to others. They all of them by just apportionment obtained what they wanted, and peopled their own districts; and when they had peopled them they tended us, their nurselings and possessions, as shepherds tend their flocks, excepting only that they did not use blows or bodily force, as shepherds do, but governed us like pilots from the stern of the vessel, which is an easy way of guiding animals, holding our souls by the rudder of persuasion according to their own pleasure;&amp;amp;mdash;thus did they guide all mortal creatures. Now different gods had their allotments in different places which they set in order. Hephaestus and Athene, who were brother and sister, and sprang from the same father, having a common nature, and being united also in the love of philosophy and art, both obtained as their common portion this land, which was naturally adapted for wisdom and virtue; and there they implanted brave children of the soil, and put into their minds the order of government; their names are preserved, but their actions have disappeared by reason of the destruction of those who received the tradition, and the lapse of ages. For when there were any survivors, as I have already said, they were men who dwelt in the mountains; and they were ignorant of the art of writing, and had heard only the names of the chiefs of the land, but very little about their actions. The names they were willing enough to give to their children; but the virtues and the laws of their predecessors, they knew only by obscure traditions; and as they themselves and their children lacked for many generations the necessaries of life, they directed their attention to the supply of their wants, and of them they conversed, to the neglect of events that had happened in times long past; for mythology and the enquiry into antiquity are first introduced into cities when they begin to have leisure (Cp. Arist. Metaphys.), and when they see that the necessaries of life have already been provided, but not before. And this is the reason why the names of the ancients have been preserved to us and not their actions. This I infer because Solon said that the priests in their narrative of that war mentioned most of the names which are recorded prior to the time of Theseus, such as Cecrops, and Erechtheus, and Erichthonius, and Erysichthon, and the names of the women in like manner. Moreover, since military pursuits were then common to men and women, the men of those days in accordance with the custom of the time set up a figure and image of the goddess in full armour, to be a testimony that all animals which associate together, male as well as female, may, if they please, practise in common the virtue which belongs to them without distinction of sex. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Now the country was inhabited in those days by various classes of citizens;&amp;amp;mdash;there were artisans, and there were husbandmen, and there was also a warrior class originally set apart by divine men. The latter dwelt by themselves, and had all things suitable for nurture and education; neither had any of them anything of their own, but they regarded all that they had as common property; nor did they claim to receive of the other citizens anything more than their necessary food. And they practised all the pursuits which we yesterday described as those of our imaginary guardians. Concerning the country the Egyptian priests said what is not only probable but manifestly true, that the boundaries were in those days fixed by the Isthmus, and that in the direction of the continent they extended as far as the heights of Cithaeron and Parnes; the boundary line came down in the direction of the sea, having the district of Oropus on the right, and with the river Asopus as the limit on the left. The land was the best in the world, and was therefore able in those days to support a vast army, raised from the surrounding people. Even the remnant of Attica which now exists may compare with any region in the world for the variety and excellence of its fruits and the suitableness of its pastures to every sort of animal, which proves what I am saying; but in those days the country was fair as now and yielded far more abundant produce. How shall I establish my words? and what part of it can be truly called a remnant of the land that then was? The whole country is only a long promontory extending far into the sea away from the rest of the continent, while the surrounding basin of the sea is everywhere deep in the neighbourhood of the shore. Many great deluges have taken place during the nine thousand years, for that is the number of years which have elapsed since the time of which I am speaking; and during all this time and through so many changes, there has never been any considerable accumulation of the soil coming down from the mountains, as in other places, but the earth has fallen away all round and sunk out of sight. The consequence is, that in comparison of what then was, there are remaining only the bones of the wasted body, as they may be called, as in the case of small islands, all the richer and softer parts of the soil having fallen away, and the mere skeleton of the land being left. But in the primitive state of the country, its mountains were high hills covered with soil, and the plains, as they are termed by us, of Phelleus were full of rich earth, and there was abundance of wood in the mountains. Of this last the traces still remain, for although some of the mountains now only afford sustenance to bees, not so very long ago there were still to be seen roofs of timber cut from trees growing there, which were of a size sufficient to cover the largest houses; and there were many other high trees, cultivated by man and bearing abundance of food for cattle. Moreover, the land reaped the benefit of the annual rainfall, not as now losing the water which flows off the bare earth into the sea, but, having an abundant supply in all places, and receiving it into herself and treasuring it up in the close clay soil, it let off into the hollows the streams which it absorbed from the heights, providing everywhere abundant fountains and rivers, of which there may still be observed sacred memorials in places where fountains once existed; and this proves the truth of what I am saying. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Such was the natural state of the country, which was cultivated, as we may well believe, by true husbandmen, who made husbandry their business, and were lovers of honour, and of a noble nature, and had a soil the best in the world, and abundance of water, and in the heaven above an excellently attempered climate. Now the city in those days was arranged on this wise. In the first place the Acropolis was not as now. For the fact is that a single night of excessive rain washed away the earth and laid bare the rock; at the same time there were earthquakes, and then occurred the extraordinary inundation, which was the third before the great destruction of Deucalion. But in primitive times the hill of the Acropolis extended to the Eridanus and Ilissus, and included the Pnyx on one side, and the Lycabettus as a boundary on the opposite side to the Pnyx, and was all well covered with soil, and level at the top, except in one or two places. Outside the Acropolis and under the sides of the hill there dwelt artisans, and such of the husbandmen as were tilling the ground near; the warrior class dwelt by themselves around the temples of Athene and Hephaestus at the summit, which moreover they had enclosed with a single fence like the garden of a single house. On the north side they had dwellings in common and had erected halls for dining in winter, and had all the buildings which they needed for their common life, besides temples, but there was no adorning of them with gold and silver, for they made no use of these for any purpose; they took a middle course between meanness and ostentation, and built modest houses in which they and their children&#039;s children grew old, and they handed them down to others who were like themselves, always the same. But in summer-time they left their gardens and gymnasia and dining halls, and then the southern side of the hill was made use of by them for the same purpose. Where the Acropolis now is there was a fountain, which was choked by the earthquake, and has left only the few small streams which still exist in the vicinity, but in those days the fountain gave an abundant supply of water for all and of suitable temperature in summer and in winter. This is how they dwelt, being the guardians of their own citizens and the leaders of the Hellenes, who were their willing followers. And they took care to preserve the same number of men and women through all time, being so many as were required for warlike purposes, then as now&amp;amp;mdash;that is to say, about twenty thousand. Such were the ancient Athenians, and after this manner they righteously administered their own land and the rest of Hellas; they were renowned all over Europe and Asia for the beauty of their persons and for the many virtues of their souls, and of all men who lived in those days they were the most illustrious. And next, if I have not forgotten what I heard when I was a child, I will impart to you the character and origin of their adversaries. For friends should not keep their stories to themselves, but have them in common. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Yet, before proceeding further in the narrative, I ought to warn you, that you must not be surprised if you should perhaps hear Hellenic names given to foreigners. I will tell you the reason of this: Solon, who was intending to use the tale for his poem, enquired into the meaning of the names, and found that the early Egyptians in writing them down had translated them into their own language, and he recovered the meaning of the several names and when copying them out again translated them into our language. My great-grandfather, Dropides, had the original writing, which is still in my possession, and was carefully studied by me when I was a child. Therefore if you hear names such as are used in this country, you must not be surprised, for I have told how they came to be introduced. The tale, which was of great length, began as follows:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I have before remarked in speaking of the allotments of the gods, that they distributed the whole earth into portions differing in extent, and made for themselves temples and instituted sacrifices. And Poseidon, receiving for his lot the island of Atlantis, begat children by a mortal woman, and settled them in a part of the island, which I will describe. Looking towards the sea, but in the centre of the whole island, there was a plain which is said to have been the fairest of all plains and very fertile. Near the plain again, and also in the centre of the island at a distance of about fifty stadia, there was a mountain not very high on any side. In this mountain there dwelt one of the earth-born primeval men of that country, whose name was Evenor, and he had a wife named Leucippe, and they had an only daughter who was called Cleito. The maiden had already reached womanhood, when her father and mother died; Poseidon fell in love with her and had intercourse with her, and breaking the ground, inclosed the hill in which she dwelt all round, making alternate zones of sea and land larger and smaller, encircling one another; there were two of land and three of water, which he turned as with a lathe, each having its circumference equidistant every way from the centre, so that no man could get to the island, for ships and voyages were not as yet. He himself, being a god, found no difficulty in making special arrangements for the centre island, bringing up two springs of water from beneath the earth, one of warm water and the other of cold, and making every variety of food to spring up abundantly from the soil. He also begat and brought up five pairs of twin male children; and dividing the island of Atlantis into ten portions, he gave to the first-born of the eldest pair his mother&#039;s dwelling and the surrounding allotment, which was the largest and best, and made him king over the rest; the others he made princes, and gave them rule over many men, and a large territory. And he named them all; the eldest, who was the first king, he named Atlas, and after him the whole island and the ocean were called Atlantic. To his twin brother, who was born after him, and obtained as his lot the extremity of the island towards the pillars of Heracles, facing the country which is now called the region of Gades in that part of the world, he gave the name which in the Hellenic language is Eumelus, in the language of the country which is named after him, Gadeirus. Of the second pair of twins he called one Ampheres, and the other Evaemon. To the elder of the third pair of twins he gave the name Mneseus, and Autochthon to the one who followed him. Of the fourth pair of twins he called the elder Elasippus, and the younger Mestor. And of the fifth pair he gave to the elder the name of Azaes, and to the younger that of Diaprepes. All these and their descendants for many generations were the inhabitants and rulers of divers islands in the open sea; and also, as has been already said, they held sway in our direction over the country within the pillars as far as Egypt and Tyrrhenia. Now Atlas had a numerous and honourable family, and they retained the kingdom, the eldest son handing it on to his eldest for many generations; and they had such an amount of wealth as was never before possessed by kings and potentates, and is not likely ever to be again, and they were furnished with everything which they needed, both in the city and country. For because of the greatness of their empire many things were brought to them from foreign countries, and the island itself provided most of what was required by them for the uses of life. In the first place, they dug out of the earth whatever was to be found there, solid as well as fusile, and that which is now only a name and was then something more than a name, orichalcum, was dug out of the earth in many parts of the island, being more precious in those days than anything except gold. There was an abundance of wood for carpenter&#039;s work, and sufficient maintenance for tame and wild animals. Moreover, there were a great number of elephants in the island; for as there was provision for all other sorts of animals, both for those which live in lakes and marshes and rivers, and also for those which live in mountains and on plains, so there was for the animal which is the largest and most voracious of all. Also whatever fragrant things there now are in the earth, whether roots, or herbage, or woods, or essences which distil from fruit and flower, grew and thrived in that land; also the fruit which admits of cultivation, both the dry sort, which is given us for nourishment and any other which we use for food&amp;amp;mdash;we call them all by the common name of pulse, and the fruits having a hard rind, affording drinks and meats and ointments, and good store of chestnuts and the like, which furnish pleasure and amusement, and are fruits which spoil with keeping, and the pleasant kinds of dessert, with which we console ourselves after dinner, when we are tired of eating&amp;amp;mdash;all these that sacred island which then beheld the light of the sun, brought forth fair and wondrous and in infinite abundance. With such blessings the earth freely furnished them; meanwhile they went on constructing their temples and palaces and harbours and docks. And they arranged the whole country in the following manner:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; First of all they bridged over the zones of sea which surrounded the ancient metropolis, making a road to and from the royal palace. And at the very beginning they built the palace in the habitation of the god and of their ancestors, which they continued to ornament in successive generations, every king surpassing the one who went before him to the utmost of his power, until they made the building a marvel to behold for size and for beauty. And beginning from the sea they bored a canal of three hundred feet in width and one hundred feet in depth and fifty stadia in length, which they carried through to the outermost zone, making a passage from the sea up to this, which became a harbour, and leaving an opening sufficient to enable the largest vessels to find ingress. Moreover, they divided at the bridges the zones of land which parted the zones of sea, leaving room for a single trireme to pass out of one zone into another, and they covered over the channels so as to leave a way underneath for the ships; for the banks were raised considerably above the water. Now the largest of the zones into which a passage was cut from the sea was three stadia in breadth, and the zone of land which came next of equal breadth; but the next two zones, the one of water, the other of land, were two stadia, and the one which surrounded the central island was a stadium only in width. The island in which the palace was situated had a diameter of five stadia. All this including the zones and the bridge, which was the sixth part of a stadium in width, they surrounded by a stone wall on every side, placing towers and gates on the bridges where the sea passed in. The stone which was used in the work they quarried from underneath the centre island, and from underneath the zones, on the outer as well as the inner side. One kind was white, another black, and a third red, and as they quarried, they at the same time hollowed out double docks, having roofs formed out of the native rock. Some of their buildings were simple, but in others they put together different stones, varying the colour to please the eye, and to be a natural source of delight. The entire circuit of the wall, which went round the outermost zone, they covered with a coating of brass, and the circuit of the next wall they coated with tin, and the third, which encompassed the citadel, flashed with the red light of orichalcum. The palaces in the interior of the citadel were constructed on this wise:&amp;amp;mdash;In the centre was a holy temple dedicated to Cleito and Poseidon, which remained inaccessible, and was surrounded by an enclosure of gold; this was the spot where the family of the ten princes first saw the light, and thither the people annually brought the fruits of the earth in their season from all the ten portions, to be an offering to each of the ten. Here was Poseidon&#039;s own temple which was a stadium in length, and half a stadium in width, and of a proportionate height, having a strange barbaric appearance. All the outside of the temple, with the exception of the pinnacles, they covered with silver, and the pinnacles with gold. In the interior of the temple the roof was of ivory, curiously wrought everywhere with gold and silver and orichalcum; and all the other parts, the walls and pillars and floor, they coated with orichalcum. In the temple they placed statues of gold: there was the god himself standing in a chariot&amp;amp;mdash;the charioteer of six winged horses&amp;amp;mdash;and of such a size that he touched the roof of the building with his head; around him there were a hundred Nereids riding on dolphins, for such was thought to be the number of them by the men of those days. There were also in the interior of the temple other images which had been dedicated by private persons. And around the temple on the outside were placed statues of gold of all the descendants of the ten kings and of their wives, and there were many other great offerings of kings and of private persons, coming both from the city itself and from the foreign cities over which they held sway. There was an altar too, which in size and workmanship corresponded to this magnificence, and the palaces, in like manner, answered to the greatness of the kingdom and the glory of the temple. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; In the next place, they had fountains, one of cold and another of hot water, in gracious plenty flowing; and they were wonderfully adapted for use by reason of the pleasantness and excellence of their waters. They constructed buildings about them and planted suitable trees, also they made cisterns, some open to the heaven, others roofed over, to be used in winter as warm baths; there were the kings&#039; baths, and the baths of private persons, which were kept apart; and there were separate baths for women, and for horses and cattle, and to each of them they gave as much adornment as was suitable. Of the water which ran off they carried some to the grove of Poseidon, where were growing all manner of trees of wonderful height and beauty, owing to the excellence of the soil, while the remainder was conveyed by aqueducts along the bridges to the outer circles; and there were many temples built and dedicated to many gods; also gardens and places of exercise, some for men, and others for horses in both of the two islands formed by the zones; and in the centre of the larger of the two there was set apart a race-course of a stadium in width, and in length allowed to extend all round the island, for horses to race in. Also there were guard-houses at intervals for the guards, the more trusted of whom were appointed to keep watch in the lesser zone, which was nearer the Acropolis; while the most trusted of all had houses given them within the citadel, near the persons of the kings. The docks were full of triremes and naval stores, and all things were quite ready for use. Enough of the plan of the royal palace. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Leaving the palace and passing out across the three harbours, you came to a wall which began at the sea and went all round: this was everywhere distant fifty stadia from the largest zone or harbour, and enclosed the whole, the ends meeting at the mouth of the channel which led to the sea. The entire area was densely crowded with habitations; and the canal and the largest of the harbours were full of vessels and merchants coming from all parts, who, from their numbers, kept up a multitudinous sound of human voices, and din and clatter of all sorts night and day. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I have described the city and the environs of the ancient palace nearly in the words of Solon, and now I must endeavour to represent to you the nature and arrangement of the rest of the land. The whole country was said by him to be very lofty and precipitous on the side of the sea, but the country immediately about and surrounding the city was a level plain, itself surrounded by mountains which descended towards the sea; it was smooth and even, and of an oblong shape, extending in one direction three thousand stadia, but across the centre inland it was two thousand stadia. This part of the island looked towards the south, and was sheltered from the north. The surrounding mountains were celebrated for their number and size and beauty, far beyond any which still exist, having in them also many wealthy villages of country folk, and rivers, and lakes, and meadows supplying food enough for every animal, wild or tame, and much wood of various sorts, abundant for each and every kind of work. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I will now describe the plain, as it was fashioned by nature and by the labours of many generations of kings through long ages. It was for the most part rectangular and oblong, and where falling out of the straight line followed the circular ditch. The depth, and width, and length of this ditch were incredible, and gave the impression that a work of such extent, in addition to so many others, could never have been artificial. Nevertheless I must say what I was told. It was excavated to the depth of a hundred feet, and its breadth was a stadium everywhere; it was carried round the whole of the plain, and was ten thousand stadia in length. It received the streams which came down from the mountains, and winding round the plain and meeting at the city, was there let off into the sea. Further inland, likewise, straight canals of a hundred feet in width were cut from it through the plain, and again let off into the ditch leading to the sea: these canals were at intervals of a hundred stadia, and by them they brought down the wood from the mountains to the city, and conveyed the fruits of the earth in ships, cutting transverse passages from one canal into another, and to the city. Twice in the year they gathered the fruits of the earth&amp;amp;mdash;in winter having the benefit of the rains of heaven, and in summer the water which the land supplied by introducing streams from the canals. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; As to the population, each of the lots in the plain had to find a leader for the men who were fit for military service, and the size of a lot was a square of ten stadia each way, and the total number of all the lots was sixty thousand. And of the inhabitants of the mountains and of the rest of the country there was also a vast multitude, which was distributed among the lots and had leaders assigned to them according to their districts and villages. The leader was required to furnish for the war the sixth portion of a war-chariot, so as to make up a total of ten thousand chariots; also two horses and riders for them, and a pair of chariot-horses without a seat, accompanied by a horseman who could fight on foot carrying a small shield, and having a charioteer who stood behind the man-at-arms to guide the two horses; also, he was bound to furnish two heavy-armed soldiers, two archers, two slingers, three stone-shooters and three javelin-men, who were light-armed, and four sailors to make up the complement of twelve hundred ships. Such was the military order of the royal city&amp;amp;mdash;the order of the other nine governments varied, and it would be wearisome to recount their several differences. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; As to offices and honours, the following was the arrangement from the first. Each of the ten kings in his own division and in his own city had the absolute control of the citizens, and, in most cases, of the laws, punishing and slaying whomsoever he would. Now the order of precedence among them and their mutual relations were regulated by the commands of Poseidon which the law had handed down. These were inscribed by the first kings on a pillar of orichalcum, which was situated in the middle of the island, at the temple of Poseidon, whither the kings were gathered together every fifth and every sixth year alternately, thus giving equal honour to the odd and to the even number. And when they were gathered together they consulted about their common interests, and enquired if any one had transgressed in anything, and passed judgment, and before they passed judgment they gave their pledges to one another on this wise:&amp;amp;mdash;There were bulls who had the range of the temple of Poseidon; and the ten kings, being left alone in the temple, after they had offered prayers to the god that they might capture the victim which was acceptable to him, hunted the bulls, without weapons, but with staves and nooses; and the bull which they caught they led up to the pillar and cut its throat over the top of it so that the blood fell upon the sacred inscription. Now on the pillar, besides the laws, there was inscribed an oath invoking mighty curses on the disobedient. When therefore, after slaying the bull in the accustomed manner, they had burnt its limbs, they filled a bowl of wine and cast in a clot of blood for each of them; the rest of the victim they put in the fire, after having purified the column all round. Then they drew from the bowl in golden cups, and pouring a libation on the fire, they swore that they would judge according to the laws on the pillar, and would punish him who in any point had already transgressed them, and that for the future they would not, if they could help, offend against the writing on the pillar, and would neither command others, nor obey any ruler who commanded them, to act otherwise than according to the laws of their father Poseidon. This was the prayer which each of them offered up for himself and for his descendants, at the same time drinking and dedicating the cup out of which he drank in the temple of the god; and after they had supped and satisfied their needs, when darkness came on, and the fire about the sacrifice was cool, all of them put on most beautiful azure robes, and, sitting on the ground, at night, over the embers of the sacrifices by which they had sworn, and extinguishing all the fire about the temple, they received and gave judgment, if any of them had an accusation to bring against any one; and when they had given judgment, at daybreak they wrote down their sentences on a golden tablet, and dedicated it together with their robes to be a memorial. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There were many special laws affecting the several kings inscribed about the temples, but the most important was the following: They were not to take up arms against one another, and they were all to come to the rescue if any one in any of their cities attempted to overthrow the royal house; like their ancestors, they were to deliberate in common about war and other matters, giving the supremacy to the descendants of Atlas. And the king was not to have the power of life and death over any of his kinsmen unless he had the assent of the majority of the ten. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Such was the vast power which the god settled in the lost island of Atlantis; and this he afterwards directed against our land for the following reasons, as tradition tells: For many generations, as long as the divine nature lasted in them, they were obedient to the laws, and well-affectioned towards the god, whose seed they were; for they possessed true and in every way great spirits, uniting gentleness with wisdom in the various chances of life, and in their intercourse with one another. They despised everything but virtue, caring little for their present state of life, and thinking lightly of the possession of gold and other property, which seemed only a burden to them; neither were they intoxicated by luxury; nor did wealth deprive them of their self-control; but they were sober, and saw clearly that all these goods are increased by virtue and friendship with one another, whereas by too great regard and respect for them, they are lost and friendship with them. By such reflections and by the continuance in them of a divine nature, the qualities which we have described grew and increased among them; but when the divine portion began to fade away, and became diluted too often and too much with the mortal admixture, and the human nature got the upper hand, they then, being unable to bear their fortune, behaved unseemly, and to him who had an eye to see grew visibly debased, for they were losing the fairest of their precious gifts; but to those who had no eye to see the true happiness, they appeared glorious and blessed at the very time when they were full of avarice and unrighteous power. Zeus, the god of gods, who rules according to law, and is able to see into such things, perceiving that an honourable race was in a woeful plight, and wanting to inflict punishment on them, that they might be chastened and improve, collected all the gods into their most holy habitation, which, being placed in the centre of the world, beholds all created things. And when he had called them together, he spake as follows&amp;amp;mdash;[*] &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;pre xml:space=&amp;quot;preserve&amp;quot;&amp;gt; * The rest of the Dialogue of Critias has been lost. &amp;lt;/pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:RobbieMcClintock/1992/Power_and_Pedagogy&amp;diff=2840</id>
		<title>Texts:RobbieMcClintock/1992/Power and Pedagogy</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:RobbieMcClintock/1992/Power_and_Pedagogy&amp;diff=2840"/>
		<updated>2025-12-26T19:45:12Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: Text replacement - &amp;quot;{{Top Texts}}&amp;quot; to &amp;quot;__NOTITLE__
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&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;cent&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;xh1&amp;gt;Power and Pedagogy&amp;lt;/xh1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;xh3&amp;gt;Transforming Education through Information Technology&amp;lt;/xh3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;xh3&amp;gt;by Robbie McClintock&amp;lt;/xh3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;(Originally published: New York: Institute for Learning Technologies, 1992.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;dl&amp;gt;&amp;lt;dt&amp;gt;To Moira,&amp;lt;/dt&amp;gt;&amp;lt;dd&amp;gt;for the example of her growth and maturation, and&amp;lt;/dd&amp;gt;&amp;lt;dt&amp;gt;To Max,&amp;lt;/dt&amp;gt;&amp;lt;dd&amp;gt;who has read, encouraged, clarified, and cajoled, and best of all, who has inspired through her precept and example, the effort to pack compelling force into a trim form.&amp;lt;/dd&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/dl&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
__TOC__&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;s1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Preface&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Educators propound reforms, but schools remain the same. Without material agency, new methods fail. A scheme captures the educational imagination—spokespeople think it out, the daring to try it, researchers document its effects, and the committed demand its adoption. Thus, the idea diffuses from various centers—but then, sporadically, resistance builds, enthusiasm falters, influence weakens; ineluctably, distinctive practices gravitate back to the norm. Pedagogical weathering soon makes the new shingles indistinguishable from the old.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Without political vision, technological innovation leaves the quality of life unimproved. Anticipations of future technologies depict wondrous tools for living, but then culminate with &amp;quot;a day in the life,&amp;quot; usually a banal office routine with little at stake that was different from what would be at stake in the corporate office anywhere today. Such visions do not inspire people to solve human problems old and new, to join together with shared hopes and historic aspirations, enabled now to act on issues hitherto inaccessible to the common weal.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;We need to join pedagogy and power. Educators inspired by visions of human potentiality need instruments of action, substantial agents of change, with which to work. Technologists creating new means for bringing intelligence to bear upon the work of the world need a civic agenda, a vision of historic possibility, consciously espoused and responsibly defended. Without power, educators will continue cloaking their delivery of lame services in high-minded impotence. Without pedagogy, technologists, bleating complacent corporate compromise, will recreate the injustices of the contemporary world with the new-forged tools that might otherwise transcend it. Educators need power, not purity; technologists need vision, not predictability. Together educators and technologists have the historic opportunity to improve the civic prospect—that is the message of Power and Pedagogy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;s2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Chapter One - A Perspective on the Task&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Let&#039;s look ahead. In the twenty-second century, how might an historian of education sum up the major changes in pedagogical practice over the sweep of time? Imagine that we commission Elizabeth Ironstone, leading authority on the computer as an agent of change, to study these changes. She reports, not in the multimedia of her time, but in the prose of ours. This might be her executive summary, introducing Toward the Educative Polity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Through most of history, education was a loose system of apprenticeship and indentured service in households, the main location of productive activity. Those who wanted their children to become learned employed tutors to help them out. A few schools existed within specialized institutions, such as cathedral priories and monasteries, but these were not like the schools that eventually proliferated, for students were not divided into classes or grouped according to age.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Around 1500, a major pedagogical transition began as printing with moveable type made an unprecedented era of educational development possible. But the transition was not a quick and simple change: to bring it off, innovators had to develop a complex of different, yet interrelated, educational strategies, which together eventually made mass schooling for all a practical reality. Key steps in this process involved:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;numsoff li::before&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul class=&amp;quot;sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; Developing a characteristic place, a set of classrooms where children could be grouped by age, with the classes organized together into a school; and creating a standard unit of time, the fixed instructional period, which would allow for planned scheduling of the academic day and year and for organizing subject-matter into a sequence of measured lessons;&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; Discovering how to manipulate motivational energies, essentially engendering a many-sided competition at memorization and mimicking normative examples, displayed through diverse recitations and examinations;&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; Implementing a suitable presentation of the culture through specially designed textbooks and related resources, a presentation that stoked the competition and fit well within the educational time and place of the school classroom and schedule;&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; Working out instructional methods that capitalized on the student&#039;s possession of the textbook, helping students with timely explanation to learn by reading, and monitoring their progress efficiently with group recitation;&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; Instituting means of preparing adequately trained teachers who could manage the system and make it work; and&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; Developing public polices, centering on material progress, social improvement, and political cohesion, that moved parents and the public to devote sufficient resources to sustain the educative effort.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;These developments were tightly interrelated. The transition required the integration of complex factors into a functional system: the design of educational space and time; a chosen pattern of educational motivation; pedagogical materials suitable for use in such places with such motivations; methods of instruction suited to the organization of the cultural materials, teachers adept at using such tools and strategies; and arguments demonstrating that the substantial costs of it all were worthwhile—all were simultaneously essential to the historic transition to mass schooling.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Sixteenth-century educational reformers worked out integration of these six, interrelated matters. For five hundred years, educators perfected, expanded, and developed the basic components of the educational system introduced early in the era of print, in due course creating modern systems of universal, compulsory schooling. As the degree of elaboration and penetration of the system into society changed, the specifics justifying the effort evolved to stay synchronized with cultural transformations. The main features remained stable, however. The design of the classroom and the organization of the school day, the motivational strategies employed, the scope and sequence of textbooks, the definition of good teaching practice, and the rationales for public support remained very stable. The reason for the underlying stability was rather simple: throughout it all, the character and limitations of printed textbooks remained substantially fixed, the keystone of the system.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;We who inhabit the electronic ethos of the twenty-second century must remember that early in the twenty-first, the function of printed materials changed rapidly, becoming restricted to their current role of verifying and guaranteeing standard data sets when the electronic versions possibly could be altered. Before then, physically printed materials had a more central intellectual function. For five hundred years, books were the unmatched resources for making ideas, knowledge, and culture available to students, and so long as this role was unquestioned, educators paid little attention to how the characteristics of books shaped the whole instructional enterprise. But during the last half of the twentieth century, diverse innovations in communication and computation occurred, displacing books from their privileged educational position and creating our current, electronic means of access to cultural achievements.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;From our vantage point, we can see how the microcomputer, and all its attendant peripherals, quickly matured into powerful multimedia systems. They thereby created a significant historical dilemma for educators at the end of the twentieth century. How were educators to make use of these new resources? Did the existing educational system comprise permanent, necessary arrangements? Should schools remain forever a system of classrooms for twenty-five children, of similar age and talent, overseen by a single teacher, learning set subjects that had been divided into lessons, competing for grades and recognition? Were these arrangements historically relative accidents, sensible in one communication context, but perhaps vestigial survivals in a new context, with distorted functions? In planning computer-based educational efforts, what should educators take as givens that would remain stable, before and after the introduction of powerful information technologies?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;At first, this question was not clear to educators. Early users of computers in education simply assumed that most features of the given system would remain stable, only getting better through judicious use of the new technology—with a good deal of divergence, we might add, over what &amp;quot;better&amp;quot; might mean. There was an initial wave of enthusiasm, and a strong undertow of skepticism, and lots of ingenious, but encapsulated, efforts to incorporate computers into the educational system. Through such efforts to introduce computers into late-twentieth-century schooling, educators became increasingly aware that the then-existing practice was a complex technical system highly adapted over centuries to making use of books as the prime medium of cultural exchange. Encapsulated innovations repeatedly engendered inflated expectations and produced disappointment and disdain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Unfortunately, the old system had spawned a huge establishment of educational research, which functioned to optimize techniques and programs within the given system. Almost all its methods for measuring results were system-specific: they assumed that existing divisions of subject matter were the appropriate domains for testing, that standard grade-levels were fit bases for norming results, and that verbalized information was the prime indicator of learning. The bias of such research helped to protect the existing arrangements from systemic changes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To organize education to exploit the possibilities of electronic media for cultural exchange, possibilities far more powerful and flexible than the printed media, educators had to rethink the system as a whole. They needed to take none of it as a given that would necessarily persist, unchanged, from before to after the introduction of computers. Further, to assess a new system, relative to the old, they had to develop a whole new type of educational research, one that did not presume, in its standards of testing and measurement, that structural accidents of the old system were educational necessities of timeless applicability. The full, fundamental re-examination of educational options, and the methods for assessing them, began in the 1990s. It initiated the second historic transition in educational practice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Looking back from the twenty-second century, the results of this re-examination are clear. Educators began to explore new solutions to all aspects of the existing system. They stopped applying computers to the educational strategies that had been developed in the early era of print. Instead, they started to search for educational strategies that seemed sensible in an era of digital information technologies.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;numsoff li::before&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul class=&amp;quot;sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; At the end of the twentieth century, educational innovators scrapped well-worn assumptions about the physical location of education, keeping the school, largely for reasons of socialization, but discarding the traditional classroom, opening it physically to make many different groupings possible, from the very small to the very large. Likewise, they discarded assumptions about the periodicities of schoolwork—the school day and the school year. Instead, they adopted very flexible scheduling strategies, which were among the many possibilities the new technologies facilitated.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; Educators harnessed a much broader mix of motivational energies than had been possible with print-based schooling. As sustained work by small groups became more feasible, cooperative learning became even more important than traditional competitive learning. With that development, the educational system began to function less exclusively as a sorting mechanism and more effectively as a means to engender social integration and interpersonal solidarity.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; Simultaneously, curriculum reformers profoundly changed the organization of ideas and knowledge, reversing the tendency to break the whole up into discrete domains of subject matter. With the old system, there had been a separate text for each subject and each grade—the experience of study had been compartmentalized and sequential, with minimal access in any particular grade to the materials used in prior or coming years. The new organization substituted an encompassing organization of ideas and knowledge—comprehensive and integrated—for the sequence of graded texts. It also provided a variety of navigators, appropriate to different ages and interests, to help the student. The result was most important: the experience of moving through the curriculum ceased to be one of a sequential study of subjects, grade by grade, and became much more one of a cumulative mastering of the cultural landscape.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Also with respect to the organization of ideas and knowledge, innovators made the indices for accessing ideas broader, more flexible, and more effective. In the era of print, keywords and a substantial acquisition of verbal knowledge mediated access to stored ideas and information. Even to find a picture, or later a film, one had to be able to read one or another sort of verbal listing. The new technologies greatly extended the power of multiple-representation in the culture, and multiple-representation had its most significant effect, not on how people received ideas, but on how they found them, activated them, and then apprehended them. Pictures, icons, sounds, and gestures came to rival written expressions as means of accessing ideas. With that change, the resources routinely usable in the curriculum blossomed—pictures, films, performances, recitations, diagrams, graphs, animations, simulations, maps lost their merely &amp;quot;illustrative&amp;quot; character. People began to make arguments with them, to explain things through them, discovering how to give images apodictic, declarative, propositional power. We can now sum up all these changes: in our electronic culture, visualization enhances the verbalization that characterized the print culture.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;numsoff li::before&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul class=&amp;quot;sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; As educators reorganized the culture, so too they altered the pedagogy guiding its study. The project method now came into its own and ideas about instruction gave way to those about construction. Students, usually working together in groups, would receive an intellectual charge, a large intellectual task that would occupy them for sustained periods of time. The curriculum could no longer consist merely of a series of lessons in a set of subjects. It was rather a field of information, ideas, and sets of tools, disciplines, and methods, by which students could bring information and ideas to bear on the charge, the task at hand. Educational method required the design of sustained, productive assignments, situating them in fields of knowledge and availing in these fields powerful tools that students would find usable in pursuing the charge their teachers had put to them. Thus, learning has come to take place as students pursue various tasks, mobilizing fields of knowledge and intellectual tools, in the process learning by doing. In the old system, extrinsic contexts—physical location and the school calendar and routine—had done the real tracking of activity, but in the new, the curriculum had sufficient wherewithal built into it to keep track of precisely what parts of it each student had used at what times for what purposes. Well-informed in this way of their options, even young students were empowered to make decisions for themselves that teachers formerly had made for their pupils. The pedagogy became individualized and student centered to an extent never before possible. Educational strategies formerly associated with university-level work spread throughout the schools.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; Concomitantly, educators also re-conceived the work of teachers thanks to the same features of the computer-based curriculum that made the learning of students cumulative. In the old system, teaching had been a highly repetitive profession, with few challenges to sustained self-development in it, for the material in the syllabus and in the text, year after year, had remained static. But the integrated, multi-faceted computer-based curriculum comprised an inexhaustible resource that teachers could continue to explore with verve throughout their careers. As a result, in the twenty-first century, the profession gained significantly in stature.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; Soon, leaders in the profession and the public even developed important new policy justifications for the emerging computer-based system. Formerly, the public had typically supported classroom-based education because they had perceived it to be a needed means to some extrinsic end—religious salvation, political power, economic security. To be sure, the new computer-based system continued to be a useful means to such goals. But in addition, they developed two further elements in an important new civic agenda for education. First, they made computer-based education a significant means for addressing some deep-seated problems of equity. The new system worked well for a broader cross-section of the population because its resources were responsive to multiple forms of intelligence and learning styles. Second, as the culture became digitized, education became, in the eyes of most people, an end worth pursuing in itself. A strange split had long existed between entertainment—held to be fun and amusing, but idle and small-minded—and education—considered to be work and laborious, but constructive and enlarging. With the new educational system, this split quickly disappeared. The consequence has been fundamental: in the twenty-second century, most people generally rank educational opportunity, in preference to social security, national defense, or material progress, as the key benefit of civilization.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;These developments took shape in the decade preceding and following the year 2000. Educators gave up trying to introduce new technologies into the established system and they thought out an alternative system, which ineluctably displaced the old one. They came to call it the Cumulative Curriculum, and one of its pioneers, the educator Frank Moretti, described it this way:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;bq sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;We seek to replace the superficial traveler through the sequential school, who collects knowledge trinkets to memorialize each stop on the cultural itinerary, with the philosophical explorer, whose very search for knowledge is a search for self and community. The word cumulative points to the growing personhood of the child. As the Latin indicates, it is a &amp;quot;heaping up&amp;quot; within. Able to instantly access the totality of his work through time, the child has control of his intellectual history as a series of understandings rather than the usual cryptic external judgments symbolized by [grades]. Accordingly, a child need not see each year as a separate beginning but rather as a continuation of a substantially accumulated educational reality, which is his currency entering a new year. The challenge for the child is to understand his rich past and to plan a series of strategies for moving to the next stage. He chooses his educational future in the context of the world within him that he has already shaped and formed. In this context, adults have to give up the security that comes from pretending to know precisely what it is that children ought to learn, by year, by subject. . . . The child begins with his own rich world, which is the starting point of all inquiries. . . . He understands that the art he will master is that of the tentative hypothesis, the value of which is determined by the degree to which it has to the power to explain. What the student of the cumulative curriculum will perceive as &amp;quot;learned&amp;quot; are formulations whose parenthood is not in doubt. Clear about his ownership and authorship, he will perceive all that he knows as the immediate horizon of his all-too-human vision and will seek to extend it, to glimpse a new world and form new understandings that embrace the old.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Once tried, this effort to help students take possession of their own learning, to &amp;quot;heap it up from within,&amp;quot; succeeded rapidly. Old sequential school systems, which had seemed impervious to change, rapidly adopted the cumulative curriculum. Since its initiation at the turn of the twenty-first century, of course, the new system has evolved steadily, more and more thoroughly displacing the vestiges of the print-based educational system. The results have been liberating and profoundly progressive.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Democracy, which had been, for the most part, a predominantly political development through the twentieth century, has gained a substantial cultural import. The persistent tendency of print-based education to reproduce and accentuate differences of power, privilege, and wealth has been decisively reversed. The digitization of the culture has been thorough and with it participation in its full powers has been decisively broadened and tools that strongly amplify human powers of calculation and control have become accessible to nearly all. The great twentieth-century aspiration, verbalized by John Dewey through Democracy and Education, has become substantively fulfilled, although in an environment of pedagogical practice quite different from any he could then imagine.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Shortly before the year 2000, a long era of international tensions and war, in which national defense had been the prime function of the polity, ended. Peoples of the major nations turned their energies more fully to nurturing their human potentials. The relaxation of tensions coincided with the development of the new media of education. Liberal reformers regained a sense of their efficacy and people became increasingly confident that they could at last solve the long-standing human problems of industrial democracy. As the third millennium began, the idealistic conviction of some, that each person has a stake in the welfare and fulfillment of all, deepened into a general common sense. Material conditions and cultural convictions converged to provide the historical grounds for the worldwide educative polity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Our informant from the future depicts an alluring vision, one that we may be tempted to dismiss as too optimistic. But these are times of extraordinary potential and extraordinary change. Educators should not face them blindly, recapitulating past expectations and assumptions. However solid seeming, our educational structures are historical creations, which make them subject to thorough transformation through the subsequent dynamics of continuing historical change.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Our informant from the future draws our attention to the need to look at the whole educational system in considering how to introduce information technologies into it. A basic proposition provides the generating principle of this essay: in order to have substantial effect improving education, the digitization of our culture will need to elicit a full systemic innovation in education, one that changes not only the medium of cultural exchange, substituting digital code for print, but the entire educational context for working with that medium.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In the chapters that follow, I advance a case that systemic innovation in education is both desirable and possible. I do so by essaying answers to some large questions:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;numsoff li::before&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul class=&amp;quot;sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; What significance for cultural history do computers have?&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; What historic imperatives should educators recognize as fit measures for the worth of their work?&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; Would widespread adoption of information technologies enable educators to meet those imperatives more effectively than traditional schools have done?&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; How should educators, who want to develop the potentialities of technology in education, deal with the pedagogical environment, motivation and assessment, the organization of culture, pedagogy and educational method, and the role and preparation of teachers?&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; What civic agenda for education should guide efforts to achieve the pedagogical potentials of digital technologies?&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Each chapter successively addresses one of these questions. The chapters follow sequentially, but they reciprocally interact and hence their true sense inheres in the cumulative whole.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;s3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Chapter Two - The Computer as a System&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Computers are like wheeled vehicles: they come in many shapes and sizes, each serving a different purpose. Moreover, the computer has yet to mature. It is an emerging technology. Hence, to determine the potential of computers in education, we need to understand what the computer is. To start, consider two distinctions, one between transitional and mature technology and the other between artifacts and systems.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Complicated technologies take a long time to develop their potentialities. They also take capital. Developers cannot perfect their technology in endless years of laboratory work and then deliver it, refined and complete, to a grateful public. To underwrite the costs of perfecting a technology, developers must bring it to market long before it is mature. Profits from transitional implementations sustain the development work, providing resources and disclosing unexpected opportunities for use. Computers have exemplified this drawn-out development: computers have evolved through several distinct, quite profitable incarnations, yet neither the time-sharing mainframe nor the standalone micro indicate fully what the computer will be when the technology matures.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In common speech, we generally do not distinguish between typical technological products and the technical systems that make them usable. For instance, &amp;quot;television&amp;quot; can refer to the TV set, that ubiquitous appliance, or to the whole industry—the networks, their broadcasting installations, the news teams and production studios, advertisers, and all. Likewise, &amp;quot;automobile&amp;quot; can refer to the car in my driveway or to the vast infrastructure—the manufacturers here and abroad, with their suppliers, advertisers, and dealers; all the roads and bridges and the builders constructing and maintaining them; the service stations and oil producers, refiners, and marketers; and the myriad of designers, workers, police, and service people who make the system go. The car is both a separate artifact and a complex system.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Currently, &amp;quot;computer&amp;quot; usually calls to mind the artifact, the stand-alone personal computer, like the one on which I am now writing. Most of us do not think much about the complex system of which my PC is a transitory part. Computers as a system are important, however. The significance of computers for education will not be well understood by thinking simply of a lot of separate machines sprinkled through existing schools and colleges. Computers are an emergent infrastructure, a system, fully as complicated as that of the car. We need to think about what that system is and how that infrastructure will work. Computers as a system can be a powerful agent of change in education.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To grasp the computer as a system, particularly as it matures, let us concentrate, on neither hardware nor software, but on an underlying process, the digitization of information. The computer, as a system, introduces a new way of representing information in our culture, a new way of encoding ideas. When complete, it will constitute a deep transition in our history, one equal in importance to the introduction of printing, quite possibly to the development of writing itself. Essentially, the computer as a system will envelop all previous modes of representing information, preserving and empowering them by integrating once separate domains of communication into a unified, &amp;quot;multimedia&amp;quot; system.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h5 id=&amp;quot;s4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Information in Matter and Energy&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Think of the ways we commonly represent information—a scribbled note, a neatly printed page, a reflective sign, a painted picture, a ruler uniformly marked, a measuring cup, or the symbolic forms of church or court. With these, people have encoded ideas and information in material objects, in the ink upon the page or the shape of the sculpted stone. Put most generally, through traditional ways of encoding ideas, people expend energy to transform matter in ways that they will find meaningful, making enduring marks and forms in which ideas inhere. People locate the information in the material object. When they do this according to a defined convention and art, the tangible, palpable results are our major forms of traditional communication—documents, sculptures, pictures, monuments.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Starting with the telegraph and developing through the telephone, radio, television, and computer, people have begun to put their information into controlled pulses of energy itself. The material object, say the telephone, becomes a kind of transparent medium for an infinity of possible conversations encoded in different electrical waves that the phone will generate, transmit, and receive. Increasingly people are representing information in controlled states of energy, not in matter, as they did traditionally. The new practice requires various material tools, with which people apprehend on their human scale the information located in energy, but the information is not in the material, but in the energy. Thus the TV translates the information bearing energy into a material form that I can watch. The picture hanging on my wall is what it is because the information that it contains is in the material that makes it up. My TV, in contrast, can receive an infinity of images because the information it displays is not in the material of the set, but in the electromagnetic waves that it picks up and decodes for me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;This practice of locating information in energy states is not entirely new in our culture. One can take sound to be a form of energy, not a state of matter, and hold that through speech and song people have long encoded information in energy, using the ear as the naturally developed, material receiving apparatus. Other senses, too, especially sight, kinesthesia, and the ability to feel hot and cold, derive much information from energy states and forms of force. Some traditional tools of communication and control also provided readings of the information in energy states. The clock measures time by controlling the release of energy in uniform units. The compass provides a most informative reading of the orientation at any location of the earth&#039;s magnetic field. The governor on a steam engine directly translates a change in its energy state into a controlling action. Like the TV—but unlike the painting on the wall—clocks, compasses, and governors all inform their users through their changing readings, not through their static states. More strictly speaking, these instruments display information that is fortuitously located in states of energy, rather than encoding it in those states. Traditionally, only the voice and musical instruments went beyond display to encode.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Up until very recently, information encoded in energy has been, however useful and dynamic, troublesomely transient. Speech is the paradigmatic instance. It is powerful and nuanced, yet fleeting and unstable. For a time memory preserves its residue, and writing fixes a stiff representation of it in stable matter. But much is lost. This transience also characterizes many modern media that encode information in wave forms, substituting electricity for sound as the energy medium. Thus telephone, radio, and television have enabled people to encode sound and gesture in electromagnetic waves, amplifying these vastly, without making them much more enduring. Recording signals on tape and other media makes such material reproducible, and thus enduring. Yet this has been a recent, ancillary development. So far, the power of electromagnetic media has resulted from the breadth of their transient reach, not from the ease with which productions can be reproduced.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;This transience of electromagnetically encoded information fundamentally affected the usefulness of broadcast media for education. Entertainment results from encountering cultural experiences for their immediate, present value—they amuse, inspire, absorb, purge, distract, or release us now. Education involves us with cultural works of enduring importance—we acquire skills, ideas, beliefs, knowledge, information that will empower us over time in the conduct of life. The things at stake in education are the elements of the culture that are on-going, lasting resources. Consequently, the educationally important media are the ones that represent and make such enduring ideas and skills available to people. For the most part, these have been the media that locate information in material objects, particularly in printed texts and pictures.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Commentators complain that educators have done little with the major communications developments of the twentieth century. Despite high hopes, radio and television have not become important educational resources and some infer therefore that education is resistant to technological change. This inference is wrong. The photograph, which extends the pictorial capacity to locate information on film and paper, has been seamlessly incorporated into education. It improves the capacity to work with lasting ideas and information, and educators have quickly adopted photographs in the processes of research and instruction. As conservative a field as art history took without hesitation to 35mm color slides because they served the intellectual needs of the subject. So too, recorded music has become a natural part of music education, far more so than have broadcast performances, for the recordings are stable, enduring resources that different students at different times can study, each with unique purposes in mind. Recordings suit the needs of education because they are stable, easily stored and retrieved, while broadcasts suit the needs of entertainment, absorbing us in their immediate presence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Educators cannot resist new technologies, provided those technologies have characteristics suitable to educational purposes, foremost among those being a permanence in time. Stop for a moment to consider film, which encodes information in stable, material form yet has not come into robust use in education. Is it an exception to the rule here propounded? No. With respect to dissemination and retrieval, film is not as stable as it might seem. Film is bulky, hard to store, costly to project, and easily damaged. It can be best disseminated in a quasi-broadcast fashion with prints distributed to numerous theaters more or less at the same time, with the production playing as long as it can command a full audience and then disappearing into an archive, from which films are not easy to retrieve. These distribution constraints have made movies, until very recently, far more effective as media of entertainment than of education.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Computers as a system will change that, and much more. Broadly speaking, the communication innovations since the mid-nineteenth century have created a family of technologies for encoding diverse forms of information in energy. The computer is the most recent in this series of innovations, and it is likely, historically, to incorporate all those leading up to it into itself. What seem to us to be separate industries with separate technologies will become branches of a single comprehensive industry and technology, the computer as a system.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;One can now see large corporations jockeying to capitalize on this consolidation of technologies. For instance, the major Japanese electronics firms seem to be calculating that they can best shape this process by combining business communication with the entertainment industries, buying up major entertainment conglomerates while designing ever-more computing power into home entertainment devices. The emerging system, however, may in fact be far more robust if built on a combination of telecommunications and education. Digital technologies enhance the staying power of information in time, expanding its educative power relative to its currency as entertainment. We will be developing the thesis that the computer is rapidly incorporating the modern media in one comprehensive system, a system of knowledge and education.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h5 id=&amp;quot;s5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The Analog and the Digital&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;We distinguished between technologies that locate information in matter, for instance sculpting and printing, and those that locate it in states of energy, for instance radio and computers. Among the latter, we need to make important further distinctions, which have to do with the techniques people use to encode information in energy. To grasp the cultural import of the computer as a system incorporating all the media of communication, to appreciate its potential power, we need to reflect on the way that it encodes information in energy, seeing how that differs from other techniques.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Analog coding serves effectively for some specialized computational purposes, but almost all computers, from tiny palmtops to huge supercomputers, work with information stored in digital code. Such digital code differs profoundly from the analog codes used typically in radio and television. In the paragraphs that follow, we will reflect on how digital code differs from analog and then consider five matters that determine the value of information for human activity—production and reproduction, storage, transmission, selective retrieval, and intelligent processing. Through these considerations, we will form a sense of why the computer, as it matures, will be a very significant step in our history.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note at the outset that we could apply this distinction between analog and digital coding to the media that use matter to carry information. For instance, painting and sculpture are highly analog media, whereas alphabetic writing is interestingly ambiguous. It is analog insofar as it is phonetic and digital insofar as it is a prescriptive set of legible conventions. But it would take us afield to pursue these distinctions with respect to media that locate information in matter, for our concerns here are primarily with the media that carry information in energy. How does the digital coding of information in energy differ from the analog?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Analog systems encode information in energy by using the properties of continuous waves so that each successive change in the amplitude of the wave will be analogous to a change in sound or appearance in the human world. Lets construct an example. Take a dishtowel. Holding each corner of one end in each hand, flap it rhythmically in front of you, making it undulate up and down. It is not hard to control the beat of the flapping, making each flap identical in duration, perhaps slow and long or quick and short. That beat is like the frequency of an analog signal. Usually it does not carry the information, but when we are surrounded by many different signals, each with a different frequency, it allows us to find the one signal we want. Observe the flapping towel, however. From beat to beat, it will have all sorts of variations, curving this way then that, depending on subtle changes in the orientation of your hands to each other and the tension they put on the cloth. If you could control the flapping skillfully enough, you could make each change in the way the towel undulated match some other, analogous change in a completely different wave, say the ever changing sounds of a symphony or rock concert. At that point, you would have encoded the concert in the flapping towel rather like the way radio encodes a concert in an electromagnetic amplitude or frequency.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Like the sound itself, the flapping is transient. Analog encoding depends on making significant changes in the energy state of the wave, a most unstable phenomena. Digital encoding is much more stable. Put down the towel and flip the light switch on the wall. The switch has gone from &amp;quot;on&amp;quot; to &amp;quot;off;&amp;quot; it was stable in its former state and is stable in its latter. The light switch is a digital device, although one that does not accomplish much in the way of communication and control. To see simple signals controlling more complicated processes occurring around you, look at another digital switch, the stoplight at the corner. It has two basic states, red or green—amber is not really a state, but a cue that a change of state is about to happen. There are two unambiguous states, green-go, red-stop. These are easily standardized, stable, and remarkably effective in controlling complex flows of matter and energy. The stoplight is very much like the small charge in a transistor in that one state allows traffic to move and the other calls it to a halt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Our basic red-green stoplight is a binary digital system—binary because there are two alternatives and digital because those consist of discrete, unambiguously different states. The typical electric stove, with options on each burner running from warm to high, has a quinary digital control on its coils—quinary because there are five alternatives and digital because each of these is distinct from the others. Thus, digital systems can in principle have different numbers of basic alternatives, but computers almost always use a binary system, building many subtle variations from a multiplicity of either-ors.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A digital state is what it is, discrete, unambiguous, disjunctive. Digital code does not capture changes similar to other changes, it presents a set of values that are what they are. Digital coding follows a principle akin to encrypting—there is only one message, which, when encrypted, is put in a way that makes it look indecipherable. With the appropriate key, however, the cryptographer finds the message, not something like the original, but the original itself. For instance, the apparatus for recording music digitally measures sound frequencies at successive instances and records the numeric value of the frequencies. These are samples of the actual sound, not likenesses to it. Digital coding samples a phenomenon, registers the sample, and then reproduces the phenomenon from the sample. If the sampling technique and the technique of reproducing from the sample are very good, it can be extremely hard to distinguish the original from the reproduction. What is coded is an exact value, precisely what it is and nothing else.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;What is encoded digitally, therefore, is actually very different from what is encoded in an analog system. The digital system encodes a sample of the thing whereas the analog system encodes an analogy to it. Again, let us construct an example. Consider a full wheel of cheddar cheese. Describing the cheese by analogy can be difficult. I might say it is about the size and shape of an old-time hatbox and that it is heavy, as if the hatbox were filled with water. Its color is like custard and it tastes—this is the important, difficult part—somewhat like grapefruit, although its texture in the mouth is very different, a bit like a firm fudge that crumbles and then softens into a paste as one chews it. Describing the cheddar by a sample of it is much simpler. I cut you a little piece, perhaps several from different places in the wheel. The sample is the cheese and you can sniff it or taste it directly from the sample.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;When we digitally code the sample, we register what the sample is on an appropriate scale and we code that value, not some approximate likeness to it. Consider recording a singer&#039;s voice digitally. At numerous intervals the recording samples the exact sound frequency of the voice, registering in a matrix of precise values what, at each sampling instant, the frequency was. The digital recording carries no information about the voice during the intervals between the sampling instants, but it carries the exact frequency of it at those instants. If the sampling frequency is sufficiently rapid, the sound of the reproduced voice will be essentially identical to the original. Digital code allows the playback to reconstruct the voice. Thus, digital coding registers sampled values, not approximate similarities. That is its first point of difference with analog coding.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Secondly digital code differs from analog because it resists degradation far more effectively. Electrical systems, like everything else, are subject to entropy. Every circuit has in it random fluctuations. Computers are not wondrously free of such static. Minor fluxes are a big problem in analog coding because the locus of information is in tiny incremental differences in the amplitude of waves, which the random fluxes in circuits can easily affect. In the absolute, digital systems are equally subject to noise, but the locus of information is in the basic energy state, not in small changes of that state. When the significant point is simply whether a circuit is on or off, it allows for a huge threshold before an intrusive fluctuation will become significant, making a circuit that is &amp;quot;on&amp;quot; appear to be &amp;quot;off&amp;quot; or vice versa.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To construct an example, consider a binary test for whether or not it is raining: looking out my apartment window to see if the sidewalk is wet or dry. This test is subject to noise—perhaps in this case we should call it &amp;quot;splash.&amp;quot; During the summer window air-conditioners in the building adjacent condense water on hot, humid days, splotching the sidewalk. Also on the road on the other side there is a low spot where water collects from a leaky hydrant and occasionally passing cars splash it onto the sidewalk. Like the noise in the electrical system, extraneous wetness sometimes partially covers a dry pavement. This rarely confuses my binary test, however, because I establish a threshold—it is raining if the sidewalk is fully, uniformly wet and it is not raining if the sidewalk is dry, or partially splotched from random sources of water. Given the substantial threshold possible in a binary system, very, very rarely will electrical noise cause the misreading of a bit of information.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In sum, in comparison to analog coding, digital code registers values that are attributes of the thing being coded, not likenesses to it, and those values, once coded, will be remarkably resistant to error or degradation. These characteristics make digital code immensely useful in processes of communication and control.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h5 id=&amp;quot;s6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Digitization and Communication&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Digital code records samples of phenomena, not analogies to them, and it does so by techniques that are remarkably stable and accurate. By themselves, these characteristics may not seem so extraordinary. But put in context, the context of human use, they have very significant effects on the computer as a communication system. Whatever the medium, in order to communicate people need to be able to produce and reproduce information, to store it, to transmit it, to select among it, and to process it intelligently in the course of action. These five areas determine the relative historic value of different communication techniques. Reproduction, storage, transmission, selection, intelligent action: communication techniques that perform these functions well serve human needs well. Because digital coding registers samples of things and because it resists error and degradation, it has interesting effects in each of these five areas. These effects will determine how the computer as a system can contribute to our unfolding cultural history.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;We begin with the problem of producing and reproducing information. What sort of information can one produce with a typical analog medium, audio tape, for instance? The answer defines a wide range of matters—anything that can be recorded through an electromagnetic analog to sound within certain frequency ranges—an aria but not a painting, a speech but not a balance sheet. The analog techniques used in the audio system must be closely coupled to the phenomena they record so that the way they modulate electromagnetic waves is precisely analogous to the particular wave patterns they are recording. To use the audio system to record images or the financial transactions of a bank, complex and careful adjustments need to be made in it, radical adjustments that convert the audio system into something quite different. Here the constraints of the analog medium limit the sort of information the system can record. With the digital system, we can produce a much more flexible range of information. As a result, digital coding can absorb both the analog media for carrying information in energy and many of the more traditional media that carry information in matter. For instance, the most familiar digital application now is word processing, enabling people to manipulate electronically the material system of writing with far greater flexibility, precision, and ease that traditional means have availed. In due course, anything that we can represent with a symbolically coded sample, we can record in a digital system.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;It is not a trivial task to implement this potentiality. But it is inexorably happening. The first wave of computer uses involved diverse numerical applications. The microcomputer extended these and added extensive textual applications. Recently software designers have incorporated two-dimensional graphics into many programs for general use and three-dimensional imaging for special needs. Supercomputers have begun to record vast samplings of extremely complex phenomena that were simply beyond the ken of analog media—climate change and molecular structures, for instance. With compact discs, the audio industries have developed and marketed the digital recording of sound, which is fast being incorporated into computing systems. The television and computing industries together are rapidly generating digital systems for producing and recording moving images. Techniques for sampling nearly all the forms of information and capturing them in digital code are quickly developing. In its basic sense, the concept of &amp;quot;multimedia&amp;quot; is this practice of integrating in one system all forms of producible information. When we speak of the computer enveloping other media and incorporating them into itself, we mean the capacity, unique to digital coding, to produce and reproduce many different forms of recordable information. Multimedia implements this capacity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The difficulties in implementing multimedia are not primarily &amp;quot;technical,&amp;quot; in the layman&#039;s sense of the term. Ordinarily we think that the technical problem lies in designing an apparatus to accomplish a novel purpose. In many areas, making the apparatus is relatively simple, and it can be done in numerous different ways. What is difficult is setting a controlling standard that will establish agreement on which one of the possible ways to design the apparatus will be the one put into common use. This is in part a question of technical standards—for instance, what sampling rates will be standard for digitally encoded sound or what screen resolution will be standard for digital high-definition television (HDTV)? But the problems of controlling standards goes far beyond the domain of technical standards—long established branches of law and language are at stake as well.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Thus, the production and reproduction of information is not simply a technical process. It is a process controlled by law and driven by incentives. Digital coding of information will affect these domains as well. For instance, copyright makes sense in a system in which people locate information in material objects—copying consists in expending the energy to implant the information in matter, preeminently by putting ink on a page. Copying information that is located in matter is a laborious, error-prone process, subject to legal processes. Recording and reproducing information that is located in energy has very different characteristics. It becomes extremely inexpensive, with the result that it can be done ad hoc by anyone who possesses easily available, inexpensive tools. Already, spontaneous reproduction through analog means, such as photocopying and audio and video tape, has put considerable stress on laws pertaining to the right to copy. The broadcast industries have had to develop novel ways to realize economic benefit from cultural works, ways that turn less on the right to copy and more on the right to use a work.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;With digital coding the reproduction of material becomes even faster, cheaper, and vastly more accurate than it does with analog electronic media. Once something has been sampled and captured in digital code, the idea of a copy of that sample ceases to make much sense. The copy is not really a copy, but a second instance of the original. The computer radically changes the conditions bearing on the reproduction of information and ideas. Once the infrastructure is in place, the reproduction of materials has a negligible cost with respect to materials, work, or quality. In principle, in a digitally encoded culture, anyone can have instances of anything they wish without added cost to the system. It will require an elaborate process of technical, social, and legal development to achieve actualize such potentialities.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Digital coding will also transform the problem of storing information. Librarians concerned with the preservation of materials traditionally attend closely to the durability of paper and its possible substitutes. The key question they ask is: &amp;quot;How long will it last?&amp;quot; This makes a lot of sense as long as the information is located in matter. If the paper will quickly degrade, the cultural community will soon need to reprint its materials or reproduce them on some alternative material such as microfiche. The shelf-life of all this is important as each cycle of reproduction is very costly, as well as an occasion for material to be lost and errors in reproduction to creep in. With digitally coded materials, shelf-life remains limited, but the costs of reproduction and the likelihood of errors arising from reproduction drastically declines. Hence, the keepers of the heritage need to rethink the standard principles of storage and preservation. Continuous reproduction can make the quest for durability unnecessary. Since reproduction is very cheap and very accurate, the problem is not one of finding the most enduring materials and keeping them as stable as possible. Rather the problem becomes one of regularly refreshing the energy-states in which the information is located and making sure that it is scattered in enough separate instances that a catastrophic failure in one instance would not obliterate the heritage.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Other, more novel problems of storage also arise. With respect to information located in material objects, we naturally store materials in institutions adapted to the attributes of the objects. Thus we use libraries for books and museums for paintings and artifacts. Much intellectual specialization arises because people need specific skills to work effectively in these different collection of material resources. Insofar as we can record all these resources in digital code, we will store them in one, comprehensive system and we will thereby diminish in power many objective goads to intellectual specialization.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;As digital coding makes information easier to store with much diminished threat of loss, so too it improves our ability to transmit information. Transportation costs and limitations have long been a significant determinant of communication capacities. Through the twentieth century, techniques of coding information in energy have greatly reduced the costs and limits on its transmission. With the substitution of digital for analog coding, these developments are extending far further as we enter the twenty-first century. Analog systems using energy as the medium have developed two major principles: point-to-point circuit switching, as through the telephone, and the use of wide information channels in broadband transmissions, as through radio and television broadcasting. Digital systems are combining and unifying these two principles, allowing the links between point-to-point switched circuits to be wide information channels, creating a single transmission net of extraordinary flexibility and power.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;We are already everyday users of the basic principles essential to these changes. My mother is eighty-eight and legally blind, but she can use a push-button phone with confidence and has a good head for phone numbers and thus she keeps up familial and social connections all over, in Mexico, in Canada, and around the United States. Each time she dials someone&#039;s number, she instructs the phone system to establish connections within its circuits to link her phone with that of the person she is calling. Phones code and decode voices from a very simple electrical signal that can be easily transmitted through complex switching systems and has a narrow band for coding information, one just sufficient for the low-fidelity reproduction of ordinary speech. How much traffic the phone system can bear depends on how many separate circuits it can switch together at any time and on how many separate transmissions its trunk lines can aggregate together in simultaneous calls. You&#039;ll get a busy signal if the system runs out of switches or transmission room.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Radio and television use much wider bandwidths, and they code them more intensely, with the result that their signals can be much more complex than those of the telephone. Thus radio can reproduce sound with much greater quality that the telephone, and the amount of information transmitted via television far exceeds that used in a phone conversation. The wider bandwidth, however, makes point-to-point switching in such transmissions more complicated to do without introducing noise into the signal, and without overwhelming the capacity of connecting circuits when many parallel transmissions are traveling on them simultaneously. Various properties of digital coding facilitate the combination of circuit switching with the information intensive transmissions that characterize broadband systems.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Both analog and digital systems make use of what we will call micro-time, the actuality of incredibly brief instants. For instance, radio waves fluctuate several million times per second and each fluctuation produces some of the information we hear. The higher the frequency, the more information the signal can contain, provided we can keep the receiver tuned to the proper spot upon the spectrum and provided we can minimize interference between signals and other sources of noise. Because the information bearing medium is a continuous wave, however, we find it much easier to propagate the information onto the medium at the rate it occurs at, and at which it is to be received. In contrast, when the information has been captured in digital code, it becomes much easier to make use of micro-time in more flexible ways: capture, transmission, and delivery can be separated. The pace of capture depends on the pace of the phenomenon, what we call &amp;quot;real time.&amp;quot; Transmission of the binary units, the bits encoding the phenomenon, can take place in different time—it can squeeze into each tenth of a second, or less, the information needed for one second of conversation, giving the circuit to other conversations for the remaining nine-tenths, or more, of each second. By this technique, and others like code compression and error correction, the capacity of a circuit carrying digital data can be greatly expanded.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Further, the transmission of analog data depends very closely on the particular characteristics of the transmitting medium. With the transmission of digital data, it does not matter what the transmitting medium is, provided that medium has been adapted to transmit digital code. Thus all the different electromagnetic transmission media in common use now easily transmit digital data. More importantly, new media, useless for transmitting analog information, for instance, laser light in fiber optic cable, increasingly transmit digitized information with significant gains in speed and volume, at lowered cost, and with increased dependability. The frequencies of light waves are much higher than those of electromagnetic waves. Hence, we can pack information far more densely per unit of time into light for transmission over fiberoptic cables than we can with electricity over wires or electromagnetic signals in space. The usable bandwidth is much, much wider. The higher density allows much more intense timesharing of the circuit and the greater bandwidth means that in each instant a much larger load of information will be charging through the circuit. As a result, a system is emerging in which all forms of information—text, numerics, graphics, audio, video—can be transmitted, switched from point-to-point, as easily as we can with the phone.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Digital coding, thus, is making possible the use of one system to produce all forms of information, to reproduce anything in the system with low cost and little loss, to provide for its indefinite storage through this process of continuous reproduction, and to transmit any element of it to any user fast and cheaply. By themselves, these developments make oodles of good information easily accessible, threatening to overwhelm the user in a vast Babel of bits. These three characteristics are of a piece with each other, setting limits on what intellectual resources a culture can provide its members. But they do not, alone, make for a well developed system of communication.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Selective retrieval, enabling people to get precisely the information they want and when they need it, has always been a key problem of culture and communication. How can you get from the culture the ideas and information that you want and need? And even more perplexing, how can the culture intimate to you and everyone else what possibilities of interest it does and does not offer in the infinity of circumstances surrounding us? Retrieval is a fundamental problem of all cultures, and it is becoming an even more pressing problem with digitally coded information. It is the fourth determinant of communication effectiveness in history and the widespread digitization of information is transforming it as well.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Throughout history, major communication advances have brought with them new ways to retrieve information. The practice of citing books and articles by title and author, edition and page, rose to full significance in the era of print. The printed book, which could be distributed in many locations in identical versions, needed some logically effective technique of reference and recall, one that would work in many different places and many different times. Prior to that people referred far more vaguely to an author and an argument or thesis, and to retrieve the actual text a scholar needed to know where a specific instance was physically located, with diverse works bound together for convenience. Today, people often handle their personal libraries in this pre-print fashion, jumbling certain books together say by size, or just shelving them as they come, able to find any particular one, not by a sense of logical order, but by having a feel for where it is by some sense of spatial juxtaposition. That works for small libraries, but it spells chaos for large collections of printed books. For those, people needed to develop far more systematic techniques of reference and recall.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;With digitally coded information, the situation is much the same: people need to master new, more powerful retrieval routines to manage the cornucopia of information. These techniques relate to two different problems in the use of information—exchanging information and applying ideas. In both exchanging ideas and applying them to problems, people need to retrieve information selectively. Exchanging materials is somewhat similar to the phenomena of point-to-point switched circuits while applying them is related to finding a station or channel in broadcast communication. Exchange requires the precise identification of start and end points and application requires the substantive sifting through extensive materials to select out the precise components pertinent to the problem at hand. Since the problems and prospects in each domain are rather different, let us consider each briefly in turn.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Our means for managing the exchange of information have already been heavily influenced by characteristics of digital coding, at least insofar as digital coding involves discrete units, as distinct from continuous waves. For instance, integer numbers are a system of digital entities: each number is discrete, autonomous, separate from any other. So too is the alphabet, which is a more restricted set of discrete elements, most simplistically twenty-six, but preferably 256, if we take extended ASCII code as the norm. Long before computers, people became adept at using numbers and letters to assign precise locators to all sorts of objects, persons, phones, buildings, accounts, parts, and so on.83 Implementation of these coding principles in digital computers enhances our capacity to manage them greatly, extending the scope, precision, and speed of the process. In substance, the problem of addressing things so that information about them can be exchanged from point-to-point is less technical than sociopolitical: the problem of privacy, of censorship, of deciding what limits, if any, to place on the reach of possible exchange. Whenever the power to exchange information increases significantly, it brings such problems with it. The abuse of privacy thus seems to be a structural issue, occurring at the margins where new ways to manage exchange are developing. Historically, people seem to opt for accepting the benefits of new systems of information exchange, after instituting measures to ensure that they will not be used to subvert personal security and integrity. Unfortunately, this trade-off has not always been benign as the tragic abuses of totalitarian regimes of right and left repeatedly demonstrate. As computers make it possible to exchange information that was formerly &amp;quot;private,&amp;quot; easily kept to oneself, we will need to face up to difficult issues of defining limits and controlling abuses.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Retrieval that involves sifting, selecting, and applying ideas presents different problems and opportunities. Our existing techniques for doing this involve time-consuming secondary processing of materials—indexing books, abstracting articles, cataloguing things under key words and subject headings, adding captions to pictures and tables, annotating works with cross-references and footnotes. Digital coding makes these practices more effective in three significant ways. First it facilitates the processing by creating tools to help people to index, abstract, caption, and catalogue their culture. This presents us incremental gains. Second, it makes many traditional references, which had been unidirectional from one work to another, usefully bidirectional. Only where very special indexes have been laboriously developed can I go into a library and ask for a list of works that cite a passage that specially interests me. In a digital environment, the electronic reference that implements a note will point both ways, something that will make traditional references useful in powerful new ways. Third, traditional references implemented digitally will save users much time and energy, for following out a reference will be nearly instantaneous. Currently it is often hard to maintain a train of thought in following a reference as one needs to go off to the library or bookstore, perhaps having to wait weeks for a work to arrive from a distance. Digitally coded links will be fast and transparent. Together, these three changes will significantly enhance traditional resources for the reflective retrieval of ideas and the application of them to our controlling purposes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In addition, new retrieval resources are under development. These require no intelligent pre-processing of materials aside from the capture of them in digital code. Instead, the end-user of the material specifies criteria of interest, and the system matches materials in it against these criteria, showing the resultant possibilities and allowing the user to further winnow the results, should that be necessary. These principles have been most fully developed with respect to the retrieval of textual materials. Their novelty still engenders some confusion, and many people, among them even professional librarians, misuse the concept of &amp;quot;full-text retrieval.&amp;quot; Thus some think it simply means retrieving for an inquirer the full text of a document, rather than an abstract of it. More properly it means conducting the search for matches to an inquirer&#039;s criteria of interest against the full-text of everything in a collection, rather than against a list of keywords. Techniques for such full-text retrieval are becoming both sophisticated and fast, and users can apply them to both the flow of current information generated through correspondence, calls, and news, as well as to libraries of accumulated information.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Techniques of search and retrieval have historically developed far more fully with respect to text than with other forms of information. Up to now, we use text to catalogue most other forms—maps, pictures, numeric tables, films, recordings, and so on. Yet text processing is not the only form of intelligent recall and retrieval that we can do. We can often find our way to places with a visual-spatial memory that is much more effective that verbally forming a set of directions for ourselves. We associate both moods and ideas with various sounds and melodies and even colors and places. All this suggests that beyond full-text retrieval, there lies the domain of &amp;quot;non-text retrieval.&amp;quot; In non-text retrieval we might point to a geometric relationship and request the computer to search a graphic database for other instances of the similar relation or play a chord and have the system call up musical compositions in which it occurs. Non-text retrieval should in principle be possible with digitally coded information, but for the most part it is a possibility that awaits development.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;One area in which non-text retrieval has been underway for some time, however, gives an idea of its potential power—statistical processing. Statistics can be thought of as a numeric system for selecting and retrieving information that allows for judgments of significance and relevance that are very hard by textual means alone. Also, the ability to zoom-in and zoom-out to different levels of detail on graphical materials such as maps, diagrams, and photos provides substantial non-text retrieval capacities. In general, digital code enables us to capture and link different kinds of information pertinent to complex phenomena and to represent their interactions in ways that we can see or hear, using those senses to select directly between combinations. All sorts of complex controls work this way, especially in simulation systems and innumerable computer games.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;These variations on non-text retrieval really carry us into consideration of the fifth area in which digital coding is deeply influencing our culture—the intelligent processing of information. For the most part, up to the twentieth century, communication tools used external artifacts to extend the memory, while leaving the intelligent processing of ideas to take place almost exclusively inside the human body and brain. Through cultural history, people have accumulated vast stores of memory projected outside themselves into man-made objects. Despite all that externalization of memory, the possible agents for the key verbs describing intelligent operations on information and ideas are still almost exclusively human person—perceiving, sensing, thinking, correlating, inferring, deducing, concluding, and so on. With the computer, man-made objects are becoming useful in performing these intelligent operations.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Memory, to be meaningful, must ultimately return to a sentient human mind—a library unread is not a culture preserved. In externalizing memory into material objects, humans have not alienated memory from ourselves, but enhanced our capacity to remember by transferring parts of the task to objects that we make and manage. So too, in externalizing intellectual activity, we do not entirely alienate it from ourselves. Instead we compensate for limitations, strengthen capacities for demanding operations, and enhance attention, precision, finesse, or speed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To understand how the computer is accelerating the transfer of intelligence to external tools, it is important to realize that this is not a sudden novelty in our culture. We perceive the world with our senses and prepare it for thought: through most of history, people did this without the aid of instruments. That began to change some centuries ago. We can interpret the rise of modern science as the intellectual fruits of externalizing capacities for perception into instruments of observation. Clocks and chronometers permitted people to perceive time with ever greater precision. The telescope and microscope enhanced the human capacity to see distances and details. The thermometer lent accuracy to our capacity to perceive differences of hot and cold. Exact scales and rules and other measures, tuning forks, prisms, filters, balances, samples, gages, a wondrous panoply of instruments, allowed inquiring minds to develop the empirical base of observation upon which they built our stock of scientific understanding.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;By working with digitally coded information, instrument designers are extending the power of perception greatly. The unmanned space-probes reporting on the solar system have perhaps been the most dramatic of these extensions, with wondrous photographs and other readings radioed back as masses of digital code. Not since the invention of the telescope has our ability to perceive the universe around us so leaped forward. But digital read-outs are all around us with the computer creeping into all sorts of mundane tools, enhancing our capacity to track and control their use. For many decades car instrumentation, for instance, was very stable, consisting of a few analog gages that indicated the car&#039;s speed and possibly the RPM&#039;s of the engine, while additionally giving key hints about the state of the car&#039;s fuel, coolant, engine oil, and electrical system. That&#039;s fast changing now with digital sensors in new and old places giving a much more exact picture of the car&#039;s condition of operation, with an onboard computer relating readings to one another—&amp;quot;it&#039;s getting pretty close to empty&amp;quot; gives way to &amp;quot;range remaining fifteen miles.&amp;quot; The computer will greatly extend the reach and accuracy of instrumentation as people apply it with increasing effects to small matters and large.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;With the computer, people can externalize into their instruments more than their powers of perception. When Edison claimed that &amp;quot;genius is one percent inspiration and ninety-nine percent perspiration,&amp;quot; he probably thought that the human capacity for both inspiration and perspiration were basically fixed, and by perspiration he had in mind the laborious calculations needed to test speculative insight, separating good from bad. Digital systems do not do away with the need for perspiration, but they extend what we can accomplish with a given amount of it. Most forms of calculation, correlation, combination, and connection that people can make, computers can help them make better. They can expand our abilities to sort, order, rank, and select. Even this process of externalizing powers of calculation is not entirely new historically, as one who has worked with a slide rule will realize, but it is being vastly increased. The consequences are likely to be very great.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Many people think that numeric calculation is the peculiar domain for computers, but their reach goes far beyond numbers. The computer can operate on anything that in some meaningful way can be represented in digital code through an organized data structure. And any operation that can be accurately described within the compass of binary logic—AND, OR, NOT—the computer can perform. Let us leave as moot whether people can, or should, or ever will, externalize into tools that one percent of their genius—inspiration. They are externalizing in all sorts of ways that other ninety-nine percent, amplifying greatly their powers to calculate and control objects of their attention. Even if artificial intelligence, in the sense of the computer being an autonomous rational agent, is not soon coming to pass, if ever, AI, in the sense of amplified intelligence, is rapidly emerging all about us. We need to come to terms with its implications.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;This, then, is the computer. It is the representation of our culture in digital code and the development of all the cultural possibilities that result. The computer makes cultural work easier to produce and reproduce, to preserve, to transmit, potentially accelerating intellectual attainment and opening cultural access in unprecedented ways. The computer greatly augments human powers of selection, memory, perception, and calculation, potentially amplifying the intelligence that each and all can bring to bear upon the panoply of questions that life puts to them. We turn to the implications of this computer for the activity of education.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;s7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Chapter Three - The Educator&#039;s Mission&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Digitizing our culture will occasion significant historical change. It will not do so overnight, but in a matter of decades as we round one of history&#039;s majestic promontories. Should we go by adrift, blown this way, then that, in mindless disarray? Or should we sail confidently around the cape, adventuring hope and considering intent?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Only a catastrophe will stop us from rounding this historic point, driven by a powerful means of communication. This assertion does not propound a technological determinism, wrought as if technology were some suprahuman force, determining our lives apart from us. Technology is one human, all-too-human, means that people have always used to make their history. We, like they, will live with the consequences, and we need to take responsibility for how we shape our lives with our historic innovations, the computer among them. In saying that we are rounding an historic bend created by our inventing new communications technologies, we propound no determinism; we simply characterize the effect of human initiatives on the human destiny.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Thus Norbert Wiener, one of the key innovators in the development of automatic control systems, called his reflections on the social implications of cybernetics, The Human Use of Human Beings. One might think this title strange, if one thinks of the computer as something separate and apart from human beings. But it makes good sense, if one recognizes that the computer simply helps to enlarge our human abilities. The computer is extending human capacities to remember, to perceive, to think. It neither displaces these powers nor obviates our needs for them. Through technology, humanity augments itself, and humans are as responsible for their conduct with their powers augmented as they were without. As we extend our intellectual faculties with the computer, what human use of human beings should we fashion with them, particularly as educators?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h5 id=&amp;quot;s8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The Reciprocity of Equity and Excellence&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Equity and excellence: these aspirations have drawn Western culture into modernity, and for better and for worse they are pulling the other cultures of the world along. Both equity and excellence are many-sided aspirations and they have long stood in a creative tension with each other. Historically, educational effort has been one of the means for cultivating both equity and excellence in productive, potent ways.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Let us survey the historical significance of equity and excellence, the mission these qualities perform in life. In doing that, we do not intend to define them philosophically. We will neither argue normatively that here is the one correct conception of equity or excellence, nor pick analytically, exposing flaws in this or that version. Instead, we inquire why representatives of our tradition have taken equity and excellence seriously, seeing important matters to be at stake through them. What has been the use and disadvantage of equity and excellence in cultural experience?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Equity generates historical vigor. Where there is no equity, the favored become arrogant while the deprived become despairing. With an approximate equity, all persons and groups engage fully, from within, in the realization of their unique potentialities. Equity is to the polity what good conditioning is to the athlete.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Rarely has anyone argued that equity should produce universal sameness, entailing precise equality with everyone getting the same measure of goods, neither a jot more nor less, than anyone else. Human beings and their circumstances vary too much in real ways for mathematical identity to be the norm of equity. The norm of equity, however, cannot tolerate differences that are too extreme, so extreme that one person cannot recognize commonalty with another. Whether the cleavage be between rich or poor, townsfolk or peasant, minority or majority, domiciled or homeless, or any other distinguishing mark, it cannot be so great as to define separate orders of being that have no mutuality, one with the other. When that happens, equity disappears.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Equity involves respect for differences within a broad ambit of commonalty. This general principle links the main practical expressions of the drive to equity in our tradition—equality before the law; the guarantee of minority rights; and maintenance of equal opportunity. Without equality before the law, commonalty breaks down and the community shatters between those who bear the burden of onerous laws and those who enjoy exemption. Without the guarantee of minority rights, respect for differences evaporates, suppressed at one or another difficult juncture by a tyrannous majority. Without efforts to preserve equal opportunity, separations in status and differences in condition build until neither haves nor have-nots can preserve a pretense to commonalty with their counterparts. Equity is unity in diversity, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;e pluribus unum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;What good arises historically when equity pertains? Were humans and their conditions all identical, equity would simply describe a condition, not an achievement, wrought for a purpose. But people all differ, and we can all mutually benefit from our differences when we arrange them well. Civilization, community, and polity all serve to enable people to arrange their differences in constructive ways: equity is the governing principle of these arrangements. Thus the fruits of equity seem somewhat paradoxical—they arise, not from making everyone more alike, but in enabling people to share maximum benefit from their differences.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Plato began the Western discussion of justice by recognizing that human civilizations were complicated groupings of different people, each with different conditions, interests, and skills. Civilized people had a stake, he observed, in their not being all alike, but in their benefiting from their differences through a division of activity, with each person perfecting special interests and gifts. Justice was a peculiarly civilized problem, a problem of equity, one of harmonizing the fruitful differences among people so that the variety of capacities served the good of all. The virtue of each deserved nurture and respect. Equity allows each to realize unique potentials and to participate actively in the shared effort of civilization.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A society that does not maintain equity will include many who accommodate to misfortune through despair and passivity. They will not make the most of their possibilities and will drag as a weight on the resources of the whole. Others will experience their inequitable privilege as a dimension of their being, something not achieved but given in the apparent order of the world. They will fail to nurture acquired strengths, confusing such accomplishments with gifts of nature. Increasingly they will enjoy the forms of power, without its substance, lordly buffoons. Even between those extremes, where people would seem to enjoy a bracing modesty, they will deflect their energies in behaviors of avoidance and emulation, shunning the needy and aping empty privilege. Thus even the middle class can become at once anxious and overreaching.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Equity improves the chances that a people will achieve a collective vigor in the face of history. Rarely does a single group by itself ensure the greatness of the whole. For the quality of life to flourish, a wide range of people must have a sweep of skills, each exerting effort, doing well what each does best. Equity makes it possible for each to feel that he can become somebody of worth and that he can do it best by respecting his condition, skills, and interests, making the most of what these are. Equity makes diversity beneficial. It leavens the energies of a people. Equity energizes: that is its historic value to the conduct of life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;We have been reflecting on what equity, as a condition, does for people in history. This question differs from the problem of how a people can achieve or maintain a condition of equity in their history. What food does for me is not the same as what I do to get food—one has to do with nutrition, the other economics. How equity benefits civilization is not the same as how a civilization becomes equitable. Failure to note this distinction often confuses discussions of equity, especially as it relates to excellence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Historically, where life is equitable, people will display more cultural vigor. People maintain equity through their history, however, by treating it as a difficult balance that they need to maintain and keep, a dynamic tension between commonalty and difference, unity and plurality, identity and multiplicity. Recognizing this tension, people can then use opportunities for change to move first toward one pole and then toward the other, whichever is deficient, continually channeling effort toward the side of the balance that seems then insufficient. Achieving and maintaining equity is thus like riding a bicycle—the rider subtlety steers and sways against the direction of fall, turning away from a tumble, crossing the balance point, and then turning back the other way as the imbalance reverses. Should she lean exclusively to this side or to the other, the rider will flop to the ground. The rider keeps the bike upright, continually steering it away from the side to which it is falling, bringing it upright, then starting a fall in the other direction, all as a simple expression of her kinesthetic sense—she acts and does not find it easy to be consciously articulate about riding a bike. So too, people maintain equity, moving back and forth between commonalty and difference, as a simple expression of their sense of justice, sometimes nurturing distinctions and sometimes leveling differences in ways that they sense to be fit even though they may find them hard to plan or explain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;As movement enables the rider to steer the bike against the direction of fall, so historical development allows people to maintain equity by swaying between commonalty and difference. In a static society, people cannot shift their direction between solidarity and variation, and an imbalance toward one or the other cannot be righted. Perceiving this link between social rigidity and the loss of equity, ancient Greek historians argued that a breakdown in equity caused stasis, the paralysis of a society riven by excessive differences. They had cause and effect reversed, and Machiavelli in his Discourses explained most clearly that the problem really worked the other way around: when dynamic development petered out, people became frozen in their oppositions, unable to shift against their fall. Then their differences inexorably widened, equity decayed, and the creative components of society turned to internal strife, one with the other, leaving the culture in a prolonged, irreversible decadence. In contrast, in a continually developing society, dynamic circumstances enable groups to change their direction of movement with respect to difference and commonalty, shifting from leveling to differentiating and then in time back to leveling and on, thus permitting the preservation of equity over time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Expansion, change, dynamism: these enable people to sustain equity over time. One cannot balance the stationary bicycle. In the same way, a quiescent society, one that lacks historical movement, cannot maintain equity. Thus, looking at what equity does for people in history, we have observed that the condition of equity maintains the vigor of a society. But looking at what people must do in history to get and preserve equity, we find that their capacity to change, to develop, to move dynamically in history enables them to approximate and maintain equity over time by employing their sense of justice to shift between cultivating commonalty and then difference, difference and then commonalty, thus keeping the dynamic balance, riding the bicycle of time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;What drives this capacity to develop, to change? What pedals the historical bike? Here excellence enters the equations of history. Historic development flows from the ability to break through the molds of the moment. A person who excels at something penetrates beyond given levels of achievement. Historical dynamism arises from this drive to excel. Conservative excellence is an oxymoron, and its proponents confuse real excellence with conventional achievements. In actuality, equity is the much more conservative virtue, for it enables each, in a fit way, to contribute to the common enterprise. In contrast, excellence does not conserve; it forces change. To excel is to shatter molds, exceed norms, to better the existing standards. An ever flowing excellence preserves the dynamism, the historical movement, that permits people to maintain equity. Excellence drives change so that people can accentuate commonalty when differences begin to become extreme and they can nurture differences when commonalty begins to cloy and suffocate the spirit. Excellence, by breaking beyond the given, turns the wheels of change.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Many who write in praise of excellence attribute to it the fruits of equity. Excellence does not necessarily guarantee a high level of competence across all the walks that contribute to the common weal. General levels of competence are the work of equity: with equity, each person feels that she has a fair shake and will, therefore, live her life, integrally, to the hilt, proud and engaged. To attain a high level of general competence, each and all must exert themselves, and equity promotes such universal exertion. Historical change, however, does not come from diffused competence, but from localized, unexpected innovations that alter existing balances between groups and functions, unexpectedly forcing readjustments among all components of society. These innovations take place when someone, in one or another walk, comes to excel all expectations, to surpass existing norms and eclipse familiar patterns.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;An historic flow of excellence keeps a civilization in dynamic development, allowing it to maintain equity over time. Thus we can say that the historical function of excellence is to be the historical source of the condition of equity. What, however, is the historical source of excellence? If excellence produces equity, what produces excellence? To a certain extent, excellence is an indelible expression of the human spirit, what Nietzsche called the will to power, an aspiration to find and fulfill one&#039;s possibilities. In this sense, excellence happens anywhere, often under the least propitious circumstances. Thus change has eventually, surprisingly, welled up throughout all societies, even the most static and regressive. Yet however inexorable, excellence as a driving dynamism has been more prevalent in some societies than in others and it is for this source of relative prevalence that we search.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;With respect to the maintenance of equity, significant excellence can originate from any sector of society. In that sense, excellence is intrinsically egalitarian. What is important in excellence for keeping equity is not that excellence occur regularly at the leading edge, whatever that may be, but that it occur with sufficient dynamism that it forces readjustments among all the parts, allowing them to shift orientation, like the cyclist, between the poles of equity. Such excellence can sometimes occur in a society that arbitrarily channels all advantage to limited groups, but it does so very rarely as the indelible spirit rises up from within one or another dispossessed group. Thus redeeming religions arose from decadent cultures. But societies that provide all their participants with opportunities to develop, to generate a compelling excellence, will more continuously undergo the dynamic readjustment of their parts.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Increasingly in modern societies, people have been using the intrinsic egalitarianism of excellence to maximize the likelihood of its occurrence and to keep social relations in continual movement. Since excellence can occur unexpectedly in any and all walks of life, a society that approximates equity, and provides all walks with nurturing opportunities, will be the most dynamic, the one continually forced to undergo change and innovation. The frequency with which an energizing excellence wells up will be improved by ensuring that each and all have opportunities for self-development. Here is the wager of participatory polities: equity is the historical condition that increases the frequency that excellence will emerge in one or another sector, forcing realignment throughout the culture.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Excellence sustains equity; equity occasions excellence. Excellence drives historical development; equity spreads human competence. The two together foster progress, an improving quality of life for a growing number of persons. The great achievement of modernity—roughly the half millennium from 1500 to 2000—has been to harness equity and excellence together and to use them to transform both the material and cultural conditions of life, extending unprecedented opportunities to a multitude of peoples.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;During this period, technologies for the mechanical reproduction of information, particularly printing, greatly facilitated efforts to promote both equity and excellence. Printing expanded access to the defining documents of law and religion. It empowered vernacular cultures to address all the complexities of civilization and it evinced the creation of a community of scientific discourse. Printing altered numerous arenas of activity, giving people the opportunity to achieve unprecedented excellences in them. Printing also enhanced equity by nurturing both commonalty and diversity, helping to provide general access to cultural assets and to preserve the distinctive resources of numerous groups and specialists. Consciously and unconsciously, people made printing a powerful leaven in modern culture by discovering ways to use it as a means promoting both equity and excellence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;No less needs to be done with the computer as a system. We are rounding a bend of history that will express our culture in digital code. We should do so aware of the importance of equity and excellence for the enduring quality of historic life. During the rise of modernity, education has been a domain that helped to link equity and excellence constructively, making use of the pedagogical possibilities of print. The task before us now, as the era of print gives way to that of the computer, is to find ways to renew the pedagogical link between equity and excellence, which has been strained of late. Educators have a mission to nurture our historic capacity for equity and excellence. To do that, they need to use advanced technologies to create an education that will be both integral and liberal, both meaningful relative to each person and worthy of each person&#039;s autonomy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h5 id=&amp;quot;s9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Education, Liberal and Integral&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;It is one thing to say that education should promote equity and excellence. It is another to explain what kind of education can best do that. Links between educational activities and their results, both biographical and historical, are not direct. People believe that the extent and quality of education makes a difference in the experience of individuals and groups, but the results unfold slowly over time and many other contingencies affect the outcome.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Most tests of educational outcomes cravenly duck this difficulty. Evaluators assume that all results empirically evident at the conclusion of an educational activity will endure, relatively unchanged, for as long as they may be significant. Thus they measure the quality of education by the grades a person earned in a sequence of courses and they estimate the quality of schools, teachers, and programs by measuring how well children perform under their influence at one or another instant of time. It is a testament to our tolerance for absurdity that the educational research establishment allows such a methodology to stand.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Think of investment theories. With respect to education, researchers and the public obsessively look only at the rate of current return. Which method, they ask, yields the highest immediate gain? Economists long ago realized that this was a poor way to ascertain the value of an investment, for every investment has a useful life, which may be long or short, and a pattern of payoff across that life, which will vary, instance to instance. By measuring only the immediate current return, investment in growth industries would make little sense at their start, for at the start growth industries often lose money and usually require plowing back whatever profit they generate into development and expansion. Often the time to invest in growth industries is when they have negative current returns. In general, if people judged only by current returns, practices of deferred gratification would seem merely masochistic, yet these have been among the historically most productive economic strategies. Like economic investments, the benefits of education accrue over long periods and they accumulate in many forms. Our educational measures provide very weak resources for investigating these cumulative benefits and educators consequently have trouble making good sense of the relative value of the various means they might adopt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;If the computer as a system has fundamental significance in education, it will be as a long-term transformative agent. Experimental measures of how effective one technique is relative to another rarely measure long-term secular effects, showing how a systemic innovation, operating from kindergarten through graduate school, performs, across the full span of people&#039;s lives, relative to other system options. In education we have not yet invented the techniques of integration for calculating the full values of the whole education, leaving claims of measured worth partial and deceptive. Hence, little will be gained by culling the literature to show that a selected method, used in this subject through that grade, will accelerate performance by some fractional current return. We should legitimate experiments in a different way.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Let us try a different method; let us attend to intuited preferences, especially to those that recur frequently in different times and places, trying to reason out why those intuitions may have a vital truth to them. Over and over again, people in many times and many settings have had strong, intuited preferences for and against particular types of education. Neither they nor we can rigorously measure out quantitative grounds for these preferences, taking the full span of education from infancy through maturity into account, but we can thoughtfully understand them and perhaps see how they connect to the imperatives of equity and excellence. Such reasoning may help us understand how to use digital technologies as historically constructive agents in education. Here we will concentrate on two such recurrently intuited preferences, a persistent quest for an integral education and for a liberal education, which we will see, as our reflections unfold, link pedagogically to the more general aspirations of equity and excellence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Commentators often resort to the term &amp;quot;liberal&amp;quot; in discussing education. They rarely agree precisely on what it means. I will return to the topic and give a version of it. But first, let us consider the other recurring preference, that for an integral education. Commentators rarely use the term &amp;quot;integral&amp;quot; in discussing education. Yet they almost always agree about the matters that we can describe with this term. An integral education is one that the student integrates and makes her own. Educators analyze the functions that lead to an integral education when they study the processes of assimilation and stress the importance of intellectual synthesis. Likewise, they have often decried education that fails to be integral, objecting over and over to rote learning, empty mimicry, and taking on airs. If the term is a bit novel, the phenomenon is not—it simply has not been definitively named in educational discourse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Education should be integral, it should consist of things that a student integrates into a set of skills, understandings, preferences, and beliefs that comprise a whole, one that integrally characterizes the person. A person who has achieved an integral education would be likely to have what psychologists once called &amp;quot;an integrated personality,&amp;quot; and would be, in an even more traditional terminology, &amp;quot;a person of integrity.&amp;quot; Integral education need not lead to bland sameness in all; rather, as we will see, it should take into account the differences that characterize each. Cultures are collective human works of such complexity that no person can integrate into his character all that is of value in one of them. Were a culture so simple, or the human character so all encompassing, history would freeze in a repetitive classicism, which is probably why so many primitive cultures persist unchanging. In a single, complex, culture, many, many different integral educations are possible and desirable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;People do not easily achieve an integral education. The world of education has many stock nincompoops—pedants, bores, pettifoggers, humbugs, fakers, dreamers, incompetents, sticklers, marionettes, drones, bombasts, drudges, and charlatans. All exhibit a failure to integrate acquirements fully. In a more positive vein, the great studies of education in our tradition have put the problem of integral education central. Plato&#039;s Republic, turns on the question of how the person can integrate appetite, emotions, and reason in a harmonious unity in which each part, keeping to its proper business, contributes constructively in coping with the claims of experience. Rousseau&#039;s Emile, turns on the issue of how the wise educator can hearken to the unfolding readiness of the maturing child so that her development is neither forced nor stunted, keeping instead to a regimen of challenges that strengthen her as she rises to each. Dewey&#039;s Democracy and Education turns on the problem of situating the child&#039;s growth in his reflective experience, nurturing and sustaining it, from the world of play outwards into that of science, work, social bonding, and politics. Throughout these, and many other works of our educational tradition, the pedagogical problem centers on the importance of integrating the particulars of education into an integral whole for the person and the group.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;How does a person integrate cultural acquirements into his character? Consider some hypotheses responsive to this question, a question that is far too complicated ever to receive a conclusive answer. The generalizations that follow here have their roots, not primarily in psychology, but in history and other cultural studies, along with simple introspective reflection. We should entertain them, not as claims to achieved knowledge, but as design heuristics that may enable us to create more effective modes of practice. Too often, educational researchers adopt methods that exemplify the old saw, &amp;quot;penny wise, pound foolish.&amp;quot; Let us reach, as widely as we can, for knowledge tested in the crucible of controlled observation. But when, owing to the complexity of the activities at issue, we cannot subject the full spectrum of relevant variables to sound experimental study, let us not truncate our thinking about them to deal only with those few variables that we can grasp through controlled observation. Where the phenomena are many-sided, as in understanding how a person integrates cultural acquirements, we should turn to philosophy, anthropology, history, literature, to all the human studies, to advance our reflections.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In integrating learning, it does not suffice to learn to recognize something or even to repeat it on cue, or to know a lot about it. A person who thoroughly assimilates a language may know far less about it than someone who has been taught it extensively without integrating it into his living or his work. An integral education challenges a student with things that are new to him, but it also allows him to select, to incorporate, to synthesize the new into what he knows, thinks, and believes. Sometimes, something new will not simply integrate with what came before, but will force him to reintegrate many of his ideas, and he will call that a transformative educational experience. Traditionally, formative education, which accentuated the ardor of thoroughly assimilating one&#039;s learning into one&#039;s life and work, often called for long apprenticeships capped with production of a difficult, unexpected masterwork.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;An integral education will usually be a student-centered, active education. Teachers cannot integrate material for their students. This problem is quite evident for anyone who tries teaching skills that depend on a person&#039;s kinesthetic senses—just about any sport that turns on one&#039;s sense of balance and coordination. Take, for instance, water-skiing. You can explain to someone what to do over and over. He won&#039;t get it until he gets in the water and feels the pull of the boat, the resistance of the water on his skis, and then, quickly or laboriously as the case may be, he gets the knack of letting complex forces intersect through his legs, arms, and torso. At that point he has integrated instruction and experience, using his kinesthetic senses to get up on the skis, and a whole new discourse can start between teacher and student, a discourse based on a shared understanding of the essential experience. The same holds for cycling, dance, gymnastics, diving, the use of tools: &amp;quot;let me show you&amp;quot; can at best inspire the student to trials in which he gets the feel for it himself and then a new exchange can begin between two people, who both know how to do it, in which they exchange the fruits of their complementary experiences.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;As learning to manage one&#039;s body in complex ways requires that the student use her kinesthetic senses to integrate precept and example into her set of abilities, so too does integrating intellectual and emotional acquirements. Here the essential resource is the sense of judgment. Do not understand by &amp;quot;the sense of judgment&amp;quot; a quasi legal process of applying rules to instances, handing down a judgment about how a rule applies to a case. Rather the sense of judgment is a philosophic term for the process by which a person forms likes and dislikes, commitments, and rejections, in the full flux of experience. The sense of judgment generates selections. It is a biological, characterological, esthetic sensibility, and a teacher must appeal to a student&#039;s sense of judgment—her sense of the interlocked importance and significance of things in the world she experiences that she uses to make choices, to allocate attention, to discern differences, to perceive possibilities, to respect limits, to sense dangers, to define aspirations, to obey precepts, to form intentions, to act for herself in her world. —An educational system that does not effectively engage and make use of the sense of judgment that its students possess will be futile and dysfunctional.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Educators do not find it easy, however, to work with and through their students&#039; sense of judgment. —The system often functions as if students neither can nor should form likes and aversions according to their inner light, whatever that may be. &amp;quot;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Eppur si muove&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. But still it moves,&amp;quot; Galileo muttered, and so they do. Hence, the ineluctable working of each student&#039;s judgment, affirming this and rejecting that, makes it necessary that the design of formal education pay careful attention to the diversity of cultural and social conditions. Anyone can have transformative experiences, for better and for worse, and with only a few constructive (however painful) transformative encounters, the anonymous child of poverty and cultural marginality can rise to great achievements. But such metamorphoses will not occur without recognizing the child&#039;s sense of judgment as it stands, from the beginning. Hence, the refined preferences of bourgeois civility cannot be the presumed sense of judgment in an education for someone for whom street-smarts are a condition of survival. Instead, the starting points for integral education need to be numerous, diverse, and many-sided.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;What are the forms of integration in education? To develop a sense of their range, reflect briefly on three ideal-type constructs that we can generate intellectually to help organize the wealth of experiential particulars—combinatorial integration, self-reflective integration, and transformative integration. The first, integrating things by combining them together, seems to start early as the child draws connections wonderingly between different elements of experience. Combinatorial integration is relatively uncritical. It motivates all those childish questions—what? how? why? where? when? The integration happens by a kind of passive proximity—things need to stand just beyond the perimeter of the person&#039;s understanding so that he can encounter them and spontaneously make a connection between what he knows and these new matters. If he simply stays within his web of existing connections, no new combinations form, and if something is too distant from his current stock of integrated information and ideas, he will just let it pass without forming a lasting anchor in his realm of attention. Although it is most common in childhood, combinatorial integration continues through life and it is the normal way people incorporate new impressions and form new skills. Daily attention to the news probably has the function of exercising and keeping current a person&#039;s combinatorial integration of experience.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Self-reflective integration involves bringing to consciousness the unifying interests and capacities that constitute an assertion of unique personhood. Often, this form of integration seems to start in adolescence and to carry through early adulthood with the formation of a conscious vocation. For self-reflective integration to occur, a person needs a sense of multiple options. She exercises a projective imagination, seeing different possibilities unfolding in the foreseeable future. She discovers that her interests are many-sided and cannot all be reconciled together by simple combinatorial judgments. Choice becomes necessary, and with it arises the need for criteria and principles, a conscious sense of self, goals, purposes, tastes, and values. She must form these for herself and in modern Western cultures, at any rate, often she rails at the bland assumption of her elders that of course she will simply take on all the norms and expectations that they model for her. Yet forced into self-reliance in this self-reflective integration, she feels that the stakes are high—while rebelling against presumptive models, she looks about for inspiration and encouragement, and step-by-step she forms her controlling sense of self.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Transformative integration shatters a person&#039;s established sense of self and recombines the parts in a new combination and purposeful orientation. Such a reintegration can occur at any time of life, usually through powerful experiences not under the person&#039;s control—a trauma, disease, or upheaval in circumstances. Some significant challenge upsets a person&#039;s existing order of ideas, skills, and convictions, and he must reintegrate them in order to cope with the new circumstances. Sometimes in the course of formal education, one encounters a new perspective on things or new ideas or data that undercut the existing integration of a subject, forcing one to rethink it all. Increasingly, as the normal life span lengthens and people seek to maintain a sense of vital engagement with their circumstances, they subject themselves to transformative challenges, consciously through career changes and unconsciously through mid-life crises.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;An integral education will help the person use her judgment to mobilize the fullest range of knowledge and skills in defining and pursuing the vital itinerary of her life. Insofar as her education is not integral, it will consist of acquirements of no vital import for her, of skills that will decay unused, of things learned but soon forgotten, of masks and routines performed with hidden resentment to please the powers-that-be. Through an integral education, a student takes responsibility for being whom she is, for both those things she recognizes as fruits of her conscious will and for those things she knows to have been accidents, whether negative or positive, that befell her arbitrarily, yet befell her, and not someone else, some other onto whom she can pass responsibility.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Integral education involves not a sovereign, all-powerful self, but the ever-varied particularities of personhood. As we shall see, each person&#039;s achieving an integral education is a key to promoting equity in our culture, But for now, simply let Michel de Montaigne sum up the ideal of integration in education—&amp;quot;Bees pillage the flowers here and there, but they then make honey of them which is all their own; it is no longer thyme and marjoram; so the fragments borrowed from others [the student] will transform and blend together to make a work that shall be absolutely his own; that is to say, his judgment. His education, labor, and study aim only at forming that.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;As Montaigne perceived, through an integral education a student forms her judgment. In this sense, an integral education is closely allied to that other recurrent educational preference, namely for a liberal education. Let us reflect on the preference for a liberal education and then return to see how integral education and liberal education together help nurture equity and excellence in historical experience.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;One can find numerous different descriptions of liberal education. In part, this multiplicity of visions has arisen because commentators treat the term &amp;quot;liberal,&amp;quot; not as an adjective, but as part of the noun phrase, &amp;quot;a liberal education.&amp;quot; They busily describe the distinctive features of a liberal education and they of course differ about what these are. Let us ask instead, why did people start qualifying education with the adjective &amp;quot;liberal?&amp;quot; They started using this adjective because it meant &amp;quot;appropriate for a free person.&amp;quot; They did not mean by this that a certain kind of education would take slavish youths and magically make them free. The autonomy of the person was not the result of the education; the autonomy was the condition occasioning it. Some people were free, as distinct from dependent, and free persons would find a certain type of education particularly appropriate for themselves, which came to be called a liberal education—an education worthy of the autonomous, self-directing, responsible person.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;No studies mysteriously made people free; no subject had a liberating potency. The autonomy of the student, his moral freedom and responsibility, was not the consequence but the condition of a liberal education. Only on recognizing the student&#039;s inalienable autonomy did the choice of subjects traditionally represented by the liberal arts make sense. An unfree person lived and worked, bound by a determining status that laid down what skills and knowledge the person would need in order to function effectively within his allotted station. For the unfree, efficient education would impart those predetermined acquirements and nothing else. For the free person, the self-determining person, the problem of education was more complicated. What skills and knowledge the free person would need in the course of his autonomous conduct in the community could not be fully predetermined. Hence, an education worthy of a free person was one that would enable him to learn whatever skills and knowledge he needed as he conducted himself in open-ended self-governance. In order to do that without incurring a crucial dependence, exactly when autonomy was at stake, he needed to be able to learn his ever-changing skills and knowledge without dependence on paternalistic teachers and other authorities. Consequently the liberal arts were those disciplines the mastery of which would enable the free person to grasp any further concept or capacity as the need arose without dependence on teachers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note the phrasing, &amp;quot;without dependence on teachers.&amp;quot; This stricture does not suggest that the free person will be without teachers. Quite the contrary, the free person will be autonomous with respect to them, taking responsibility for attending to this one and ignoring that one, able to judge the worth of their teaching for herself. What does a youth, aware of her autonomy, want as preparation? She sees life as a continual development throughout which she will always be responsible to herself and others for certain particulars. Owing to these responsibilities, she seeks competence; but having a keen sense of her ever-changing possibilities, she cannot say honestly exactly what competencies she will desire as she unfolds her life, and she is loath to let her pursuit of competence hamper her prospective development. Consequently, she seeks an open preparation that will enable her, in the all-important school of life, to move forward independently into whatever matter she feels drawn. Hence, neither an introduction to the great books nor the beginning of a specialty, the liberal studies were simply a rigorous discipline in the intellectual tools with which one could gain access to any particular matter. Such access might involve intense engagement with teachers—be they persons, books, or situations. Having had an education worthy of a free person, she would proceed through those engagements without becoming dependent upon them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In ancient times this discipline in the tools of study came through grammar, rhetoric, logic, arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, and music. But these subjects were not the crux, making the education in them liberal. They empowered people to conduct themselves later in life in ways befitting their freedom. Hence, ancient commentators like Seneca derided people who took pride in being occupied with the liberal studies; he held that one should work instead to be done with them, for no good came of them themselves; rather, they served simply as a preparation for the truly serious matter of self-formation. Can someone, after a suitable preparatory discipline and engagement, acquire new knowledge, skills, and understandings on their own without dependence on teachers and formal instruction? If one can answer in the affirmative, that person has a liberal education, an education worthy of an autonomous person, one who can proceed to acquire needed knowledge without reliance on others.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;With the liberal assumption of the student&#039;s autonomy, the teacher accepted an important but highly circumscribed function: the self-effacing work of making himself unnecessary. Most pre-modern pedagogy is incomprehensible without realizing that its aim was not to make the teacher more effective, but to make him progressively less important. Traditionally, teachers had the self abnegating responsibility to make their assistance unnecessary by helping students build up their capacities to learn on their own. This is a goal common to most professions. The doctor who healed in such a way that he promoted the permanent dependency of his patient on his prescriptions would be called a pusher, not a physician. The healing arts aim to bring the patient to full strength and vigor, where she is no longer dependent on medical care. So too, the teacher should build up a student&#039;s capacity to learn on her own, independent of the teacher&#039;s care.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Traditionally, this effort to educate to independence was a controlling goal of educational practice. Formal pedagogy was to help the student arrive as quickly as possible at a point at which he no longer needed instruction in order to continue developing apace. For instance, the medieval scholastic, John of Salisbury, observed, when asked why some arts were called liberal, that &amp;quot;those to whom the system of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Trivium&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; have unveiled the significance of all words, or the rules of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Quadrivium&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; have unveiled the secrets of nature, do not need the help of a teacher in order to understand the meaning of books and to find the solutions of questions.&amp;quot; This same desire to end one&#039;s dependence on one&#039;s teachers was implicit in the way the Renaissance educator, Batista Guarino, recommended his course of studies: &amp;quot;a master who should carry his scholars through the curriculum which I have now laid down may have confidence that he has given them a training which will enable them, not only to carry forward their own reading without assistance, but also to act efficiently as teachers in their turn.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Consider again the question of equity and excellence. We can hypothesize that a liberal education, the capacity to acquire further mastery independently, helps a person to achieve excellence. To excel is to transcend the limits of attained achievement, to pass precisely into those regions where teachers cannot lead. Excellence is a free assertion, a gratuitous quality, something achieved but not mechanistically caused. An education worthy of free persons enables a person to excel, not because it makes her excellent, but because it helps her make herself excel. Educators cannot guarantee that someone in their tutelage will come to excel in a particular walk of life. Such eventualities are beyond the educator&#039;s reach and depend on the student&#039;s ability to sustain her drive later into the realm of unprecedented achievement. What the educator can do is help the student develop abilities to learn self-sufficiently whatever she later feels she needs. Having become able to learn what she will, without dependence on help from others, the person pursuing excellence can better navigate the realm where she is setting new standards. As an education that enables a person to learn ever more without dependence on teachers and authorities, a liberal education supports people in their drive to excel.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In a similar way, we can hypothesize that an integral education supports the quest for equity. Equity in education entails in large part, that each person, despite differing from others, should attain an integral education. The problem with equity is to respect differences while maintaining commonalty. This problem of equity is most acute, not with respect to &amp;quot;other people,&amp;quot; but with respect to &amp;quot;each person.&amp;quot; How can one, regardless of one&#039;s race, religion, creed, condition, and country of origin, come to respect one&#039;s own identifying differences while affirming one&#039;s solidarity with all others, recognizing each in his turn as equally unique yet essential to the whole? Through an integral education, a person integrates his acquirements, taking possession of them as his defining qualities within the whole community. If all can achieve an integral education, the grounds of equity will be secure.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Unfortunately, the balance between difference and commonalty is hard to keep in education, particularly when we attend to the education that each person experiences. Education too often suppresses differences and promotes a superficial sameness, something different from genuine commonalty and something that impedes the attainment of an integral education. Diversity is not a sign that education has faltered, however; diversity is the cultural genius of the human species. If people were all exactly alike, educators could offer the same education to all, expecting each to integrate it equally well. But people are different. If they get identical educations, some will find it much more difficult to integrate what is in them. What &amp;quot;each person&amp;quot; learns at that point, when she encounters the common pedagogical program from the specific ground of her unique cultural heritage, can strain equity severely. Then the common program savagely insinuates its biases: &amp;quot;they are advantaged and you are impaired; don&#039;t ever forget it.&amp;quot; Recognition of such adversity may goad a few to redouble their efforts, but it prompts many to withdraw.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Educators have long understood this problem and have long thought it important to individualize instruction so that different students all have relatively equal opportunities to achieve an integral education. To do so is not easy. Consider for instance the problem of teaching reading in an inner city barrio. Many children will have difficulty integrating this skill into their daily lives. Those around them will not spend much time reading, and reading materials will not be casually at hand. If they are, they may be in a language different from that of the school. Thus it will be more difficult for such a child to integrate reading skills into his sense of what is important. And the difficulty then gets doubled—the content of formal instruction often then turns out to have less objective value for the child of the barrio than it might for someone else, or it may powerfully appear to be of less objective worth. Under such circumstances, a student will find it both harder to integrate the skill into his set of acquirements and then harder to integrate that set of acquirements into a sustained set of accomplishments. This is not to say that reading is unimportant for the children of the barrio; rather it is to observe that equitable access to integral education is not easily attained.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;If the education of each is integral, consisting of challenges that push each to realize his full potentials, delivered in such a way that he has been able to integrate all the resulting acquirements into a stable, unified, self-directing sense of purpose, then equity will have been pedagogically furthered. If that education is also liberal, culminating in a set of capacities that enable each to learn thereafter whatever skills and ideas he may need, without reliance of the fortuitous availability of suitable teachers, then the conditions for excellence will have been educationally maximized. Can the computer as a system extend the opportunity of each person to acquire an education that is both integral and liberal? If we can answer this question in the affirmative, we can be confident that the digitization of our culture will enhance the educator&#039;s mission.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;s10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Chapter Four - The Span of Pedagogical Possibility&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;No one yet had printed books, the preceptor alone had a printed Terence. What one read must first be dictated, then defined, then construed, and then only could he explain it....&amp;quot; Thus a Swiss educational reformer, Thomas Platter, recalled his experience in a school around 1515. Through a long life as printed books became common resources for preceptors and pupils, Platter&#039;s own educational experience showed how the spans of pedagogical possibility can change.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Platter&#039;s family were peasants from a small village, high in the Swiss Alps. His father died when Thomas was two. At five, Thomas started the school of life, herding goats in the mountains, and by eight, accidents had nearly killed him several times. By luck and quirk, his guardians decided that he would do better to take a long shot and try to gain learning and become a priest.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Essentially two ways then led to this goal, one religious and the other secular, and Thomas tried both. For the religious, he had a brief, disastrous stint at a nearby song-school, a place where a priest trained boys to sing the liturgy and chant the mass, but not to read or to write. If this went well, it might have led to a cathedral or monastic school, but in Thomas&#039;s case the song-school went badly—the priest had frequent bouts of drunken rage, and suffering from child abuse, Thomas withdrew. Then his elders tried the secular route, sending Thomas on the road. They put him, about nine, in the service of a distant cousin, a youth of about sixteen, who was a wandering scholar, a bacchante, going from town to town in middle Europe in search of the elements of learning. As was the custom, Thomas supported the pair, begging for their bed and board, sometimes stealing, rarely studying. After nine years tramping hither and yon across middle Europe, stopping at many schools for short or long, depending on the quality of the begging, Thomas finally settled in Zurich, an unkempt eighteen-year-old, still seeking the rudiments of Latin.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Such was the typical saga of a poor student prior to the era of the printed textbook. The whole system was part of a barter economy: if the schools were good, word got around and too many students would gather, making the begging miserable, and if the schools were bad there would be few students and good begging, leaving learning problematic. When it went well, the idea was to learn how, using Latin, to transcribe spoken text accurately in writing. The basic pedagogy, elementary and advanced, worked like dictation exercises in a foreign language sometimes still do: a teacher would read a passage aloud and students would try to write it on wax tablets and then the teacher or assistants would correct the transcriptions with each student, explaining their errors of grammar, spelling, and the like. Advanced instruction consisted largely of public readings of important texts, which students who had become skilled in transcription could take down for further study, provided they had the means to buy ink and parchment. Thomas Platter did not make it to this level by these means, however.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Until his return to Zurich, Thomas had participated in the pre-modern world of education. Prior to about 1500, educators had to assume that students did not possess a text pertaining to the subject at hand. Since mastery of key texts by priests and scribes was nevertheless culturally important, the basic technical rationale of pre-modern schooling was to find a way to enable a student to make the texts he needed. Thus much of instruction, regardless of level, consisted in dictation, reading a text aloud so that students could write it down, making at least a rough copy of it for themselves. The task of the teacher was to correct the student&#039;s efforts at transcription, ensuring that the sense said had been accurately written. Only very late in a student&#039;s educational experience did attention turn to questions of the meaning of the material.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In pre-modern education, where the student did not possess the text, learning to read and write, especially in the languages of scholarship, was a big hurdle. How do you enable someone who neither reads nor writes to make the elementary texts and grammars with which he can then learn to read and write? And all this had to be done, not in the mother tongue, but in Latin, the special language of religion and scholarship. Thomas never solved that problem. In Zurich, just on the eve of the Protestant reformation, Thomas encountered a teacher who simply provided him with printed copies of the texts. The problem of education ceased to be one of learning to write down the spoken text and became one of learning to read the printed text.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Thomas&#039;s studies then prospered, although they carried him naturally into the Protestant camp and to his family&#039;s consternation he took vows of marriage, not the priesthood. He moved to Basel and became a skilled artisan, printer, real estate entrepreneur, and finally a respected, influential schoolmaster. His school was not for wandering scholars, but for the children of the town burghers, securely part of a growing money economy. He negotiated with the city fathers a substantial salary for himself and decent pay for his assistants, one for each class. His students learned from printed textbooks and they moved, in age cohorts, through a graded curriculum. It began by inculcating the skills of reading good Latin, and it ended with the substantive interpretation of significant Latin works and study of elementary Greek. It was a typical, early-modern Gymnasium, designed to take advantage of printed texts.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h5 id=&amp;quot;s11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The School and the Printed Book&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Platter&#039;s life spanned a period of great educational innovation. He and other reformers worked out the basic technology of modern schooling. The most influential among them—Erasmus, Luther, Melancthon, Sir Thomas Elyot, Comenius, and more—were great textbook pioneers and prophets of the importance of reflective reading as a source of knowledge and conviction. Others, scarcely less influential—Loyola, Sturm, Ramus, Ascham, Mulcaster, Rathke, and many more—worked out the design of the print-based school, developing strategies of competitive motivation, age grouping correlated to curricular sequence, manageable divisions of subject matter, and standards for the training and selection of teachers. Between 1500 and 1650, the key features in the technology of modern schooling were invented and implemented.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Since the start of this technology of schooling, it has developed into an extraordinarily successful system. Contemplate the very big picture—the world-wide system of schooling that now exists. In the 1985-86 school year, over half a billion children, world-wide, attended primary schools, over a quarter billion went to secondary schools, and nearly sixty million pursued higher education. Humanity spent more than three-quarters of a trillion dollars that year to school its young, an annual amount that has risen to over a trillion by the inertia of inflation alone. Nearly all that effort conforms broadly to the plan of Platter and his peers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;At the few outermost reaches of this system, we would find it hard to recognize the schools as such, textbooks being very scarce and the principle of age-grouping hard to apply. But throughout almost all its world-wide scope, across great differences of national culture, wealth, and political ideology, the schools employ a remarkably common set of fundamental strategies. School systems group children primarily by age, secondarily by ability; they divide the curriculum into subjects, package these into annual installments, and map them onto the sequence of grades, a kind of educational ladder that children climb up as they mature from 5 or 6 to 17 or 18. The whole effort inducts the young, to varying degrees of mastery, into the resources of the printed culture. All of us have been through it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;People like Platter invented this system in the sixteenth century. His childhood education would be very strange to most anyone brought up in the twentieth century. But his school in Basel would be, discounting the choice of subjects, quite familiar. The educational technology of schooling derived from the sixteenth century. In this sense, the strategies of schooling are one of the most mature, fully developed of modern institutions, having evolved over a longer period than the other institutions of industrial democracy. To some commentators, the system of schooling superficially seems newer than it is, for the print-based schools have proliferated remarkably during the last hundred years. But significant changes in the design of these schools did not cause their recent proliferation. Transformations in the social context did, enabling societies to implement the visions of universal, compulsory schooling originated by sixteenth century reformers. Let us reflect briefly on these recent developments so that we can see clearly how old the established technology of schooling is.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Although the print-based schools developed in the sixteenth century, powerful limitations restricted the spread of them until the approach of the twentieth. From the start, these schools were a bourgeois institution, in the original sense of the term—inhabiting the towns, the burgs. Early-modern schools like Platter&#039;s served primarily the children of the towns, and secondarily the children of the elites, in surrogate towns, in the form of boarding institutions. From roughly 1500 to 1850, two limitations effectively restricted the school to the towns, and those limitations both changed significantly in the late nineteenth century, making the recent spread of schools to all segments of the population in almost all parts of the world both possible and necessary.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;First, the demographic profile of the over-all population in Western societies, and elsewhere even now, limited the spread of schools. Traditionally, populations had large numbers of children and relatively few adults, a demographic condition that put a premium on apprenticeship and other education strategies that made children economically productive at very early ages. In order to extend schooling to all, not only would children have to stay out of the work force, weakening the productive capacity, but so too, a very large percentage of the adults would need to withdraw from primary production to become teachers. If, for every hundred people, fifty are children and fifty are adults, recruiting sufficient teachers to educate all through schools would be a greater burden on primary production that it would be were there only twenty children and eighty adults. Until recently, only the bourgeois groups in towns could afford and profit from the systematic use of schooling, for they early on developed the demographic strategy of limiting family size, keeping the number of adults relative to the number of children high. The industrial revolution generalized middle class urban demographics and made their schools a more feasible institution for all.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Second, part and parcel with the demographic changes, during the past hundred years transportation changes greatly widened feasible access to the schools. The general movement of population from rural to urban areas helped provide concentrations of a sufficiently large number of families in a small enough area to support nearby schools, but areas of relatively sparse population density remain and here good transportation has been essential to make schooling effectively available. Even outside of rural areas, as many towns grew into cities and many villages into towns, children needed transportation to and from schools. As a result, mass transit, the private car, and school bus systems have had more to do, technologically, with the recent spread of schooling than innovation in pedagogical design or classroom practice. The key pedagogical innovations, the basic instructional design of the modern school, derived from the sixteenth century as educators realized that their students would be able to work from a printed text, whatever the subject, whatever the level.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Printing gave rise to the technical strategy employed in modern schools: to use inexpensive printed texts as effectively as possible as a foundation for educational efforts, redefining the task of education. Formerly the task was to prepare scribes to write text accurately as they heard it spoken or read aloud. In modern schools, the task was to enable a wider group to acquire knowledge and skill by reading printed texts on a wide range of subjects. This task defines the technical strategy of modern schools, which have developed and matured over the past five hundred years, as educators have used the printing press, with the textbook performing a key function in the operation of the whole. The main features of the world-wide system of schooling arise from the way printed materials have determined the educational provisions designed to employ them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To grasp this point, we might more fully trace out historically the way printing conditioned the invention of the modern school. Instead, for the sake of brevity, consider simply, as a thought experiment, how the physical attributes of books necessarily influence the way educators organize schools, particularly where the controlling intention will be to have students master broad substantive components of the culture. Think simply of books as objects that have a physical reality in contexts of use. It takes a year or so for an adept author to compose a book of ordinary scale and several periods of sustained concentration for a proficient reader to absorb it. Novice readers will need help in absorbing the books they encounter and the function of the print-based school will be to provide students with books and to help them master the printed contents. Certain controlling limits and determinations immediately begin to arise.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Roughly speaking, a competent, disciplined youth, age say of fourteen, can master the contents of five densely printed books, each say 750 pages, eight by ten inches, weighing three to four pounds, by concentrating on them for the better part of the day over the better part of a year, with effective help from others to clarify difficulties and to maintain the regimen. Fifteen to twenty pounds of books is a heavy load for this student, literally and figuratively. To expect a fourteen year-old to handle a heavier load would be unrealistic and for younger students the load would of necessity be lighter. Let us exempt the first five grades from our calculations, for the problem there is less learning from the printed culture than getting ready to do so. Assume that starting at age eleven students can work with fifteen pounds of books per year, five substantial volumes, doing so until they graduate seven years later. Under these assumptions, the intellectual content of schooling would need to fit into about 120 pounds of books, or roughly thirty-five volumes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;These material conditions bring many more characteristics and limitations with them. We have implicitly determined a sequential progression year by year, with the volumes for the child of eleven being set aside in favor of new ones when the child becomes twelve. But mastering all thirty-five volumes will take place over seven years. Can that be one straight march down the shelf of books or does some redundancy need to be included in the volumes? As there have to be gradations in weight, so there have to be gradations in difficulty and some cycling over the years through the full scope of studies will need to occur. Consequently, the scope of the material included in the set of volumes needs to be deflated by a redundancy factor. I do not know precisely what this factor typically is, but guessing low I would put it at one-seventh, meaning that our thirty-five volumes really contain only thirty volumes of discrete material.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Should a student devote herself to one volume only during any particular day, making as much headway in it as she can, or should she work during the day from several volumes, each in turn, for an allotted period? Quite early in the development of schooling, common sense or experience definitively answered: during the day the student should attend successively to several different texts. But that raises the question of how the contents of these several volumes should be organized. What separates one volume from another? This question leads to ever increasing divisions of intellectual culture into distinct subject matters. Periods and days are the material realities of school time—subjects and lessons are the induced units for presenting the culture through print within the constraints of those divisions of time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Should students work in unison, each fitting the same lesson into the same time, or should they work along divergent paths—Julia doing her Latin volume while Henri does his algebra and Simon his geography? Were the latter course taken, the teacher would be continually juggling back and forth from one volume to another, workable perhaps with three tutees, but not a room of twenty-five pupils. Educators quickly developed the practice of having groups of students work in unison, all from the same volume. Recitation from the text entailed grouping students to work, not only from the same text, but also at roughly the same pace, which meant getting students together according to similarities of chronological and intellectual development. When people find themselves together, each doing the same task at the same time as the others nearby, comparisons of each to the others come naturally, and with that a kind of competition to perform the prescribed duties spontaneously arises, and policy quickly capitalizes on it. Such comparative performances become the natural measures of achievement, rather than the teacher noticing how well Julia, setting her Latin aside for a moment, could help Henri get through the difficulties he encounters with his algebra.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Should the thirty volumes that are roughly the maximum that any student can master through the print-based school be the same thirty volumes for all, or should each master a unique selection of thirty volumes? For a variety of reasons the system tends to have all students study the same set of materials. In part, economies of scale in publishing favor this solution and it greatly simplifies the logistics of the school. In part, it results from the decision to have all the students in a classroom working largely in unison. It helps to make units of pedagogical time and effort interchangeable from one class to another and from one school to another. The practice leads to important cultural distortions, however. It amplifies the cultural salience of the things included in the volumes that all will study, and it puts the many things left out in a kind of cultural deficit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Rather than continue this thought experiment to show in more and more detail how the material constraints of printed books shape the features of the world-wide system of schooling, let us summarize the essential point. Many critics complain that textbooks are too central in the process of schooling. —Their complaints miss the mark. Schools as they exist were invented to take advantage of the possibility, arising with the spread of printing, that both students and teachers could always have an appropriate text for any educational encounter. The centrality of the text determines the entire design of the system. Schools designed to use printed texts systematically have been an immensely productive development in the history of education. These achievements have been justly celebrated. Let us, without denigrating those achievements, try to fathom further the limiting constraints on educational achievement inherent in this print-based system.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h5 id=&amp;quot;s12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Implementation Constraints of Print&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Big-time basketball players must stoop to go through most doors. Left-handed people find it hard to crank can openers or pencil sharpeners, which usually convenience right-handed people. The width and number of the road lanes and the average size of cars define thresholds for traffic density above which drivers will slow up significantly, causing delays and jams. All such problems exemplify implementation constraints, limitations of effectiveness and the ease of use that arise from choices that must be made in order to implement a technical system.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Any technical system imposes implementation constraints on the functions it helps perform. When a new technical system displaces an old one, it does not necessarily bring with it the same set of implementation constraints as the old had. In the days of horse-drawn transport, towns needed to be close together, no more than twenty miles or so apart, and limitations on manure disposal, along with plodding speeds, would keep contiguous urban concentration from becoming very great. Trains and cars changed those constraints, reducing the need for provincial towns and facilitating the concentration of population in metropolitan centers and associated suburbs. Big cities got bigger and small towns smaller because the implementation constraints of the old transportation system were not carried over into the new.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Implementation constraints are features built into a system in order to make it work effectively. These features do not reflect characteristics that are necessarily desirable, in and of themselves, nor are they always disadvantageous. They are tolerable components of a workable solution, enabling people to make good use of the feasible technology, but in doing that they also set limits on the performance of the system. Significant implementation constraints can last, unchallenged, for centuries over great areas, and then suddenly disappear when new technologies free from those constraints displace the old.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Consider, for instance, architecture. Until recently, in every culture in every part of the world, implementation constraints made it very rare to build a structure more than five stories high. Occasionally that would be done for reasons of monumental ceremony as with various pyramids, or of communicational reach when the muezzin calls people to prayer from the minaret or the cathedral bells toll across the town from high in the belfry. With pre-mechanical architecture, implementation constraints almost always worked to keep buildings low: tall structures were expensive to build and people found them a chore to use, having to run up and down many flights of stairs. Hence it was a natural practice to limit ordinary buildings to a height of five floors or less. In the late nineteenth century, the implementation constraints limiting the height of buildings vanished as new materials, new principles of design, and new resources such as elevators, electric lighting, and central heating and ventilation, all made structures built to an unprecedented scale rapidly feasible. Now in urban areas round the world buildings scaled to the old constraints are exceptions to a completely different rule.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In retrospect, it is usually easy to see implementation constraints for what they are, limiting characteristics of dominant technologies. But from within, while a dominant technology is still hegemonic, it is often difficult to see its implementation constraints as such. Instead, they can appear to be part of the natural order, artifacts, not of the technology, but of the natural laws and necessary conditions on which the technology rests. Thus, it was an implementation constraint of human transportation that no one traveled much faster than the speed of a galloping horse until the early 1800s. When trains started to puff along at speeds that left horses wheezing behind, commentators argued that the unprecedented speed was unnatural and dangerous to the humans who subjected themselves to it, not because the train might crash, but because the speed itself menaced the human constitution. From the perspective of the experience then available, evidence derived from the effects of tornadoes and hurricanes seemed to make the warnings plausible. Of course, there proved to be easy ways to shield riders from the winds of speed and the argument that speed itself was harmful proved absurdly false. Yet it illustrates how difficult it can be, from within a technical hegemony, to see its implementation constraints for what they are, mere accidents.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In an educational system designed to take advantage of printed resources, implementation constraints make educational experience simultaneously fragmented and limited. These implementation constraints will seem to many to be natural necessities, but they are not. Schooling becomes a scattered intellectual experience because of the way the culture must be fragmented into many subjects, with these sequenced for study year by year, in order to implement the use of textbooks in education. It becomes limited because the total selection of the culture that can be included in the official texts is very restricted. Thirty volumes is not much relative to the total range of possibilities. These implementation constraints have dire effects on the nature of curriculum politics and they confront many students with very difficult tasks of integration. They make educational effort less liberal and less integral than it could be.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Through an integral education, a student forms her judgment by integrating her engagement with the culture, forming convictions, preferences, valuations, explanations, understandings that she uses to define herself and her world. To achieve an integral education, a student should construct connections, but our system of schooling produces partitions. As we have seen, to use textbooks, an annual packaging of separate subjects is a necessity. Occasionally students in a subject will spend two or more years on a single text; sometimes they study several shorter texts in one subject in one year. But the norm is one text per subject per year, and this norm exists, for reasons of neither developmental psychology nor cultural coherence. It exists to make textbooks usable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Imagine students having at hand one gigantic, comprehensive set of texts, covering all subjects from kindergarten through high school, The Complete Compendium: Everything You Can and Should Learn In School. No student could handle the whole set, day by day, and its volumes would not fit in his desk or locker. The material constraints of using books requires segmenting the student&#039;s intellectual experience into annual increments. As a result, at best, the student passes through the curriculum, visiting each unit productively in turn. He cannot easily go back to material he studied a couple years before but did not quite get down pat, and he cannot easily reach forward in the sequence, suddenly alert to something slated for use two years hence. Educators often complain of this tendency to lockstep progression, but it is hard to avoid at least in part because it is rooted in the material constraints of texts.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A complex culture can sustain innumerable paths of inquiry in and through it, each with its logic and integrity, where one thing leads to another because a specific rejoinder to a student&#039;s particular question leads to further wondering, and then to ensuing responses, new doubts, more solutions, and so on. Individualized learning develops from the inside out in this way, as a student integrates responses to her questions into an understanding that she recognizes to be her own, full responsibility for which she asserts. Historically, the way printing amplified the availability of different texts, enhancing too their quality and dependability, greatly accelerated the individuation of learning, enabling inquiring minds to follow powerful questions to productive answers to a degree that human cultures never approached before. But this great advance had limits, and we can now feel these chafing our pedagogical aspirations. The very accomplishments of the book lead us to want to go beyond the span of pedagogical possibility inherent in it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Individualized learning is a long sought, imperfectly achieved, educational ideal. The sequence of annual curricular increments greatly complicates the individualization of learning, for it imposes on everyone a single, arbitrary, over-all order. Jenny is fourteen, entering ninth grade, and she will therefore start algebra, do biology, and learn about the Greeks and Romans, because those are things her school covers in the ninth grade. If she does biology this year, it will be chemistry or physics next, not the other way around. Are biology, chemistry, and physics really separate subjects? Well, yes and no. There are surely separate textbooks for each, and universities organize specialists in each in separate departments. They work in different labs and use different instruments, and they read different journals and attend different conventions. But the practicing biologist will draw continually on knowledge of chemistry and physics and it is hard, given any real question within a discipline, to confine the discourse pertinent to it strictly within the bounds of that discipline alone. At the least, it would be helpful to do biology with the chemistry and physics texts close at hand, along with the one for biology, and much else as well. That rarely happens for the ordinary student.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Thus textbooks reinforce tendencies to fragmentation in the intellectual experience of the culture—this today, that tomorrow. To package the culture for presentation through texts, we cut the life of the mind into pieces, put defining covers around each, and dole them out one by one. This piecemeal pedagogy makes it hard for a student to integrate her studies. The day is riven into periods: the bell rings for English, fifty minutes for As You Like It, whether or not you do, then the bell again, signaling the sudden end of English and the abrupt start of Math. Such a way of organizing work objectifies arbitrary distinctions and makes it hard for a student to take full possession of her learning. It is a tribute to the formative, integrating powers of the human mind that schooling leads as often as it does, despite its false segmentations, to well integrated achievements by its students.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In addition to systematically dissipating a student&#039;s intellectual focus, the implementation constraints of printed texts put severe limits on a student&#039;s curiosity and concern. This weakens the student&#039;s integrative capacities. Only a small part of any subject can be included in the text. —What is not included does not count, even though it might break Billy&#039;s boredom. As they move beyond the first few years and become acculturated to competing for grades, students themselves often collaborate in their boredom, for they know the system in which they labor. When an enterprising teacher introduces an unexpected and provoking topic, one that they sense probably is not included in the official epitome on which they will be examined, the murmur rises—&amp;quot;Gee, this is kinda interesting, but are we responsible for it?&amp;quot; The retort should resound—&amp;quot;Yes! You&#039;re responsible for this and the whole of your lives and your world, for everything, and you must judge what things you encounter will prove of worth to you in it.&amp;quot; Instead, the honest teacher, also knowing the system, answers with a apologetic nay—&amp;quot;Well, no, but I thought it might interest some . . . .&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Bored students do not integrate their learning well. They instead miss the point and soon forget whatever they sponged up because it would shortly be required of them. The world system of schooling has everywhere a curriculum made up of desiccated fragments that lack sufficient depth and variety to engage a student&#039;s curiosity fully, not because such a bland curriculum is a natural necessity, like pabulum for babes, but because the implementation constraints of print-based instruction permitted nothing else. These implementation constraints make it difficult for students to achieve an integral education. Likewise, they divert effort from liberal education.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Through a liberal education, a student develops the capacity to acquire further knowledge, skill, and understanding without dependency on others. Such responsible self-direction is the mark of the autonomous person. A liberally educated person, confronted with a new challenge, knows how to find resources, has sufficient intellectual self-confidence to sense what he needs to know in order to proceed, can judge what is relevant, can comprehend new material, and work through the difficulties he encounters without depending on external authority for guidance. A liberally educated person has learned to learn, and can respond, a free, self-directing person, to the challenges life puts.186 Significant implementation constraints of print-based schooling discourage attainment of a liberal education. Too often educators seem to propound the fiction that to master any subject, one must learn its official epitome, and the teacher&#039;s role is to carry the student systematically through the epitome and to certify his mastery of it. At each step, one might expect interest in having students demonstrate their ability to reach out and grasp new issues and ideas, but testing is often habitually retrospective in orientation, designed to make sure that the student knows what he is supposed to know, where knowing consists in reciting back what has been taught. When this system of testing is decadent, progress through it is entirely passive, simply a function of the student&#039;s aging, year by year. When it still has some vitality, progress through it depends on demonstrating command of the given increment, good marks all along, capped by passing the &amp;quot;final exam,&amp;quot; an oxymoron if there ever was one, for the final exam recurs term by term, year by year, subject by subject. Incessantly testing whether the student knows what has been taught does not cultivate the idea of a liberal education. Instead, it insinuates the slavish belief that only external authority can validate one&#039;s learning.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Of course, within this world numerous teachers work interstitially with interested students to develop powers of self-directed inquiry. But such teachers are often on the defensive. Apologists of the status quo claim that at least their way has the virtue of accountability, whereas practitioners of liberal education spout high-minded platitudes the attainment of which can never be measured. In principle, it would be easy to test whether a student&#039;s education is liberal, for all one needs to do is pose new challenges to her and see whether she can independently acquire the intellectual resources needed to meet them, finding suitable materials, advice, and explanations. In practice, such a test has been hard to implement because the intellectual resources manageable in schooling have been so restricted. Problem-solving does not lend itself to textbook presentations. Testing in the print-based system does not even map the full range of what a student has learned; it probes instead how completely the student has learned those materials that authority deems essential, required. Such testing encourages servile, not liberal, education.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Information about how ready a student is to tackle different sorts of problems independently would better benefit the clients of schooling—colleges, corporations, parents and students themselves, the public at large. Critics and commentators insist that problem-solving should be the focus of the schools, the purpose of which is to help students learn to learn. These strictures signify the importance of liberal education, which can have, not only significant spiritual meaning, but also a real cash-value in a fast-changing world of pragmatic action. The implementation constraints of the current system, however, are fundamentally inimical to these goals. Problems exist as open-ended challenges and one cannot engage in solving them where the scope of relevant material is radically circumscribed and the sequence of its presentation choreographed step by step. Yet we pretend that each student should learn the same thing as any other student as they march year by year through the school curriculum. Why do we do this? That is all that print-based schools can manage. People may have seen it as a natural necessity of sound education, like never moving faster than fifteen miles-per-hour. But really it is a simple implementation constraint that comes with basing the process on a predetermined text. Can it now be done some other way, one that will discard these well-worn implementation constraints?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h5 id=&amp;quot;s13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Navigating Networked, Intelligent Multimedia&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Technology is not now entering education for the first time. The schools embody a mature educational technology based on printing. To develop the uses of digital information technology in education, the established technology of schooling will need to be displaced. That can now happen.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Imagine a thoroughly computer-based curriculum. It will reside in a system of networked multimedia. Each student will link to it with a notebook computer. Additionally, small-group workstations will be ubiquitously available, on average one for every four students, and one per teacher. These will be high-powered systems capable of delivering quality multimedia presentations while multi-tasking complex programs in the background. The networking will be very high speed, sufficiently powerful to provide each workstation with its own stream of digitized, interactive, full-screen video and good audio. The library of materials available through the system will be extensive, consisting of a full cross-section of the culture in all its branches and varieties and effective tools to aid its study. These materials will reside primarily on an advanced server system for the school on the premises, with integrated, high-speed links to other servers, near and distant, so that members of study-groups can call for most any material they want and receive it with insignificant delay. In addition to the small-group workstations, all spaces will have appropriately scaled projection monitors or large, flat wall-displays for showing material to larger groups.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For our purposes, the particulars of this system are less important than the order of capacity that they indicate. In a fully digitized culture, the educational resources of the school will be ubiquitously available and they will be far more extensive and powerful than those currently available. With this order of capacity, we can indicate quite precisely how this environment will differ pedagogically from that experienced in print-based schools. Two features of it will be most important.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;numsoff li::before&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul class=&amp;quot;sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; First, all the materials pertaining to the curriculum will be accessible to any student or teacher at any time. The curriculum will cease to be a sequence of compartmentalized units.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; Second, the scope of the materials included in the curriculum, while not boundless, will be much greater than the thirty stout volumes that it currently can comprise. The curriculum will provide multiple paths to the highest levels of achievement in all domains of the contributing cultures. These two features—a transformation of scope and a transcending of set sequence—will profoundly alter the implementation constraints of the current system, radically changing its pedagogy.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;With all the school&#039;s intellectual resources accessible to all students and all teachers at all times, the curriculum will change profoundly. Currently, the place where all the school&#039;s materials might be found is in the school library, which students can use, for practical purposes, only on a limited, exceptional basis. When all the school&#039;s materials reside in a multimedia electronic library, accessible interactively over a high-speed network form any place in the school, the library, not the textbook, defines the scope of all the subjects. In effect the student, from his desk, can reach instantaneously into any part of the library, which defines suddenly the universe of knowledge and ideas that a student might study and learn.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;This change will have a profound effect on everyday pedagogy, for teaching and testing with reference to a text is very different from what teaching and testing with reference to an electronic library will be. With a textbook, learning means coming to know its content; with a library learning means grasping how to find, retrieve, and understand materials in it that one judges relevant. With a textbook, people generally presume that good students should master all that is in them, although teachers generally decide to leave parts out and to change the weighting of emphasis. And with the practice of &amp;quot;curriculum alignment,&amp;quot; the expectation is even spreading that textbooks should include only those items likely to appear on major tests. The rest is a distraction! Currently, teachers plan the sequence of lessons to ensure that students cover the subject, with each mastering as much of the totality included as possible. Of course, the &amp;quot;subject&amp;quot; here is not really the subject, but the sanctioned epitome of it that the syllabus and its associated texts comprise. In reality, the subject includes much, much more than that, which would be found in principle, not in the appropriate textbook, but in the relevant part of the library or in university departments and labs.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A student who finds his subject in a library does not work in the same way as he works with a textbook. A decent library should have many more resources in it than any individual or group can exhaust. If a student can master everything on a subject in a library, we must conclude both that the student is superhumanly able and the library abysmally poor. Learning to work productively in a library entails working in an open-ended realm where the student must make continual judgments about what to do and what not to do. He looks things up, browses, navigates through the many contributions to a subject, seeking materials that will contribute to his understanding of the issues at hand. The pedagogy appropriate in this context will differ from that used when the &amp;quot;good&amp;quot; student is to master everything in the assigned text.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In a computer-based educational system, all intellectual contents and pedagogical resources will be available to all students and teachers at all times, and those materials will be much more extensive and complex than they currently are. Together, these two changes will shatter the implementation constraints of the print-based system. As these constraints disappear, the span of pedagogical possibility will change. What people will be able to learn, what they will need to learn, and how they learn it will shift significantly. Let us reflect on how these changes may soon happen.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;s14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Chapter Five - Making a New Educational System&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Big changes in key institutions are hard to launch, but irresistible once underway. They are tough to start because they need to be many-sided. Existing arrangements are a puzzle of many interlocking pieces. One cannot, for instance, simply replace textbooks with computer programs that do the same thing, only slightly better, for all sorts of other things will have to start changing as well—classroom layout, teacher training, curriculum organization, the interaction of children in class, relations between home and school, possibly even the professed purposes of the school.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;So far, innovators have scaled applications of the new technologies to education almost entirely to the conventions of current practice. It is as if architects had tested the potentials of I-beam frames, elevators, curtain walls, plate glass, and the like only in the construction of single-family homes and five-story brownstones. In tests scaled to prior conventions, the advantages would appear marginal. Interesting possibilities might emerge, but the full potentialities of the new architecture would be far from evident. Historically, architects built the case for new materials, not by improving familiar structures with them, but by putting up new structures that were previously impracticable, a wondrous Eiffel Tower, changing the span of architectural possibility.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;High-rise cities have their beauty and sophistication, as well as their despair and discontents. If we use new technologies to create a new educational system, we receive no guarantee that in the most profound sense it will be better than the old, effectively generating a higher humanity. Changes in conditions and contexts are important, not because they compel the stakes of life to culminate in any necessary outcome, be it good or bad. They are important because they alter the dynamics of interaction, allowing the stakes of life to play out in a myriad of ways, some new, some old, some good, some bad. They refresh the game—some losers become winners, some winners, losers; some visions that practical people could once dismiss with a snort become the realistic grounds for effective action. Changes in conditions shake the kaleidoscope of history, allowing new generations to struggle, again yet anew, with the great issues of meaning and value.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Educators are stuck, world around, with a big, mature system that is nowhere prepossessing in the way it functions. Cross-national comparisons of educational performance, pointing up significant differences in result, are an increasing obsession in professional and public discussions of education. They should not, however, obscure from view the fundamental structural similarities that make the comparisons possible and interesting. Any group of long-distance runners will spread out along a spectrum of performance, but their times will be comparable precisely because they are similar competitors running the same race. The task of technology in education is not to move an also-ran to the head of the pack; the task is to substitute a new, distinctly superior spectrum of performance for the old. That will refresh the game, allowing us to return to the issues of human worth and purpose.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Let us to break away from the structural limitations of the current world-wide system of schooling. Like architecture a century ago, we can make this break because we have new resources with which to work, suspending traditional implementation constraints. We aim to make a new system of education, one different from the system of print-based schooling that has dominated educational effort for the past five centuries. To make such a departure, five components essential in the construction of the given system need to be redesigned with full awareness of the potentialities of information technologies in mind.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;numsoff li::before&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul class=&amp;quot;sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; How should we organize educative activity in space and time to make full use of information technology? What should its location and schedule be?&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; What well-springs of human emotion and activity should it tap for its driving energies?&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; How should we manage the works and knowledge of our culture so that presentation of them through advanced information technologies will best support the educative effort?&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; What pedagogical resources will best enable students to explore, select, and appropriate the skills and ideas that the culture proffers to them?&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; How can we structure the activities of teaching so that they attract highly talented people and provide them with self-renewing and self-developing conditions of work?&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;These questions will lead us into considering a complex system in which multiple sets of arrangements function in reciprocal interaction. We will survey this complexity by attending to five distinct topics—environment, motivation, culture, educational method, and staffing. The constraints of discourse require that we do this in an order, first one then another. Despite this apparent sequence, these topics are, of course, simultaneous facets of a single system. Our isolation of them, one from another, occurs through abstraction in discourse, not in fact. After discussing them in an arbitrary order, we will need to remind ourselves that they coexist in complex interaction.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h5 id=&amp;quot;s15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Educational Design of Learning Environments&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;We need a starting point: look first at the environment, the organization of educational space and time, not because it is necessarily fundamental, but because it is perhaps the most visible. The basic unit of school space is the classroom, world around. It is scaled for one teacher and an appropriate number of students, about twenty-five, plus or minus 50 percent. The basic unit of school time is the period, which aggregates into the school day, which in turn aggregates into the school year. The period is essentially an hour, including transition time between periods, plus or minus 25 percent, with occasional use of double periods. How can information technologies help alter these basic units?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Taking the problem of time and space first, we cannot be as conclusive about it as we might like without anticipating other matters such as motivation, cultural content, and educational method. In this section, we will consider only how new technologies can open options with respect to the organization of the school. Three concepts will be key in the discussion: asynchronous space and time, responsive environments, and virtual reconstruction. By asynchronous space and time, we mean the ability of people, who are not synchronized in the same place at the same time, to communicate easily with each other in a variety of responsive ways. By responsive environments, we mean the ability to endow spaces and periods with an electronic responsiveness to the particular people in them, with the spaces and periods adapting what is in them and how they are organized to the needs of their particular users. By virtual reconstruction, we mean the ability to use interactive multimedia components to redesign and reconfigure the human experience of existing physical spaces without having to make physical, structural changes in buildings. Asynchronous space and time, responsive environments, and virtual reconstruction can powerfully transform the way schools work.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Existing schools can be viewed as a means for synchronizing diverse activities in space and time. That is what scheduling is all about, and within a particular class, a teacher needs diverse arts for synchronizing effort on the subject at hand. Schooling at its best centers on developing students&#039; skills and sensibilities. In settings controlled by this purpose, the interaction between teacher and students will involve open-ended questions, discussion, and attention to the processes by which students work—individually and in groups. The class, when conducted by an adept teacher, will have a powerful rhythm and flow, with different students taking different parts at different times, the whole being an intensely choreographed experience, with all taking part, but some taking a more central part than others. Here coverage, in the sense of each student getting a full opportunity to try all the steps in the program, will be at risk, and such coverage is the very thing that school space and time traditionally work to guarantee.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Consequently, the system gravitates to a different, more ponderous synchronization. During the typical period, in middle or upper grades, with attention to coverage increasingly controlling, the interaction between teacher and students will consist largely of recitation, a process in which the teacher incites students to display their command of material and evaluates their performances, good, bad, or indifferent, relative to each other. Recitation may be preceded by explanation in the form of lectures or demonstrations, or it may be based on homework on assigned materials. Recitation may be in the form of verbal answers to questions, with students called randomly or vying for the teacher&#039;s attention, or it may be in the form of written quizzes and tests. Whatever the form, the opportunity arises for recitation because a teacher has assigned a unit of material to his students, for mastery of which they are responsible, and the function of recitation is to probe and reinforce that mastery. The underlying idea of synchronization here is that all are doing the same thing at the same time, with the students and teacher marching briskly through the material all in step with one another.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Educational computers can provide asynchronous supports for both forms of synchronized classroom interaction, recitation and discussion. Drill and practice systems allow students to get the benefits of systematic recitation without having to be synchronized in space and time with their teachers or their peers. These programs allow each student to pursue them at his own pace and, in a properly networked environment, at a time and place of his choosing; he does not need to suffer ridicule should he bumble or incur impatience should he be slow; nor need he linger in glazed boredom should he have it down pat while others wrestle laboriously with the items to be covered. Drill and practice programs may have a significant liberating influence in education if they help open the existing organization of space and time, making it unnecessary to group students for recitation in order to guarantee them suitable coverage.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In like manner, computer networks can support a great deal of complicated, inter-personal activity, discussion, that is asynchronous in space and time. Networked multimedia systems will increasingly allow any person, anyplace, to enter into face-to-face exchange with anyone else with remarkable flexibility in time. Currently, electronic mail gives an indication of what will emerge, for it significantly alters the temporal and spatial frame within which consultations between students and teachers can take place. Like the telephone, e-mail allows people to interact independent of place, but unlike the telephone, which requires both parties to be synchronized in time, e-mail does not. Digital-video-mail will gain much of the immediacy of face-to-face interaction, while allowing the parties to be most any place and with a very flexible linkage in time. An intensive, many-cycled give-and-take can occur without the parties needing to be synchronous either in time or space.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;By complementing synchronized interactions with a full capacity for asynchronized ones, the physical constraints impeding one-to-one consultation between a teacher and a student can be greatly lowered, and all sorts of new pedagogical groupings may become both feasible and effective. For instance, team teaching is likely to take on more powerful, central significance, with perhaps four teachers—specialists in language and literature, social studies, science, and the arts—working the whole day, each day, throughout the year, with a class of eighty to one hundred students, who in small groups would be cooperatively pursuing several long-term projects. Their activity might be spread across several rooms, with everyone moving back and forth between synchronous and asynchronous interactions concerning their tasks at hand—a face-to-face question leading to a computer consultation and the posting of three e-mail queries, with the answer to one resulting a few hours later in a new subgrouping, and so on. Such an educational space would be much more like an atelier, a design studio, or an architectural office, than the present-day school. Whatever it comes to be like, or unlike, one of the major tasks for educators will be to discover how to adapt the asynchronous powers of computer communications to their pedagogical purposes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Responsive environments will be a second major means for using information technology to reorganize educational time and space. What is in a name? Each student has one. A teacher fails to be responsive by not learning his students&#039; names and being unable to recognize who each is, what interests them, what their hopes and fears may be. Kindergarten and elementary classrooms, home rooms, develop a marvelous clutter of things here and there and all over the walls, things of meaning to teacher and pupil alike, things responsive to their interests and activities. In middle and upper grades, as students and teachers increasingly move from room to room according to the dictates of the schedule, the environment becomes less personal, an anonymous space occupied for an arbitrary time. Information technologies can do much to make these surroundings more meaningful, more responsive to the people at work within them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Even with the current state of the art, people who work regularly with a particular computer will customize the electronic microworld that it presents to them. Someone adept with her computer will have her selection of software on it, not just any selection, and over time she will have configured that software to reflect her preferences. She will arrange it on disks the way she likes it and associate programs with icons so that she can manage them without breaking her train of thought. She will build up a complicated sense of electronic space filled with all sorts of objects and functions that she cannot see, but that she has a sense nevertheless of how they orient to each other, and to her, rather, perhaps, like the sense of familiar rooms that a person who is blind builds up. With a few strokes, she can run little programs that reconfigure her working space from one project to another, much like she does when she moves from one room to another. The electronic environment need be neither anonymous nor arbitrary.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Such personalization of the electronic environment can carry over from the personal computer to a network. When the user logs onto the network, he activates configuration programs that set the environment to his style and need, regardless of where in physical space the workstation may be. Portable computers also give an experience of this movable amenity—pop, in a distant city the familiar electronic work space is right there. These intimations of the possibilities are merely snapshots taken at the base of an ascending curve of innovation. Current networks are slow and awkward; portables are cramped and self-conscious. In due course, before the first-grader is into secondary school, computers of diverse sorts will be all about, hanging on the wall like pictures, encased in a slim writing pad, slipped in a shirt pocket, standing there as a powerful workstation. As we take up Hamlet, the workstation at my place senses who I am, greets me, remembers where I left off two days before, and, along with the rest of the computers in the room, reconfigures itself to reflect the topic and the participants, the wallboards cycling silently through heuristic images, each person&#039;s notepad retrieving his jottings, and the workstation nearest the newcomer to the discussion running a quick recap for her.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Pedagogical environments can be made responsive in all sorts of significant ways, large and small. These do not require any great advance towards artificial intelligence. On the contrary, most of it simply involves keeping track of who is who and who needs what, where and when. Essentially, in a well networked system everything is physically in only one place, and it can appear logically, virtually, wherever we wish whenever we wish. Think of all the excuses—&amp;quot;I lost my homework instructions. . . . My dog ate my paper. . . . I left my book at Jimmy&#039;s and Mom wouldn&#039;t let me go back for it. . . . Its in my locker. . . . I went to the library but it was checked out. . . . Oh, I thought we were to do page 153, not 143. . . . I missed last class and no one told me. . . .&amp;quot; With a well-networked computer, students should be able to avoid these plights because the educational environment will be more responsive to them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;These forms of responsiveness will become possible because networked multimedia will provide each student access to all the school&#039;s educational resources at all times. Another form of responsiveness will become possible because the scope of those educational resources will be much greater than it can be in print-based schools. Philosophy begins in wonder, the ancients said. But it is hard to nurture adequately the wondering of many different students. Informed teachers, school libraries, trips and travel, all help feed the collective curiosity of the student body. But they are hard pressed, under stocked, and infrequent. As a place experienced and as time spent, the school is too often not the locus of wonder in our young. The regimen of the school is historically old; its effects predictable; its ethos all too often fails to command attention and engagement.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To what degree does any given school pulsate as a source of information and stimulation about the world in its full complexity? Many alternative activities—television and films, after-school work, hanging out in the mall, radio and a ride around to a concert and back—may actually provide more stimulus to amazement and respect than does the program of the school. Relative to the world of the twenty-first century, existing schools are narrow and simplistic. Television news casually girds the globe and reports historic events from every different culture and commerce brings every manner of product from every manner of place into supermarkets, malls, and mail order catalogues. If these are the cultural wastelands, what are the schools? To transmit the culture, schools must drive the culture, energizing and advancing it, celebrating its ideas and energies more vigorously than other institutions. A robust school that offers access to the whole culture, in all its complexity and richness, through networked, interactive multimedia may regain a lost luster as the main means by which the young can assuage their collective curiosity. To be a fully responsive environment, the school should be the place with the aura of wonder and excitement for the young and the school&#039;s time should be the time of anticipation and fervor: the school needs to throb with knowledge and inquiry, with a confident mastery, acknowledged as the locus of creative innovation crafting the common future. Then, indeed, it will be a responsive environment.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Virtual reconstruction will be a third means for using the computer as a system to remake the time and space of schools. In order for innovations to have a substantial, transformative effect on education writ large, they need to be introduced on a wide scale in a concentrated, short period. In a significant transition, there may be a long initial period of gestation, and a long, concluding period where new arrangements reach saturation. But between, when the innovation genuinely takes hold of the world of practice, it needs to spread rapidly, being introduced coherently in many different places over five to ten years. Educators have great difficulty sustaining such a process. Developed societies have huge capital investments in school buildings. These are real structures with corridors and classrooms; electrical systems, plumbing, ventilation; labs and offices and music rooms and a m—lange of acquired stuff, all designed to function efficiently according to established pedagogical practices, built to last, usually to institutional standards, financed through bond issues and mortgages with long pay-out periods. Over-all the capital replacement cycle in education is fifty years plus or minus and it is hard to focus innovative energies within it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Reforms that propose alternative designs of time and space, curiously, find no dearth of pioneers. School construction is always going on and many communities prove eager to dress the process up in ideas of reform and renewal. The problem arises when the innovation, to sustain its own dynamism, needs to spread more rapidly than the capital replacement cycle will allow. At first the proposition is easy: &amp;quot;we need a new lower school; let&#039;s design it according to the British infant school model.&amp;quot; Soon the proposition elsewhere becomes more difficult: &amp;quot;It was just finished! If it means major renovations to the lower school to adopt the British infant school model, we&#039;re going to wait until the evidence is more conclusive than it seems to me to be.&amp;quot; The capital replacement cycle probably has a great deal to do with the tendency of educators to wax enthusiastic about potential innovations and then a few years later to wane in disillusion with them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;With respect to the capital replacement cycle, the computer as a system has very interesting characteristics. While it is easier to build information technologies into new construction that it is to retrofit existing buildings with them, the difference is not that great. Ocean-going steamships long carried a full complement of sails, and it may not be unwise for electronic schools to be able to function, when appropriate, in a traditional print-based style. If educators can redesign educational space and time with electronic technologies, leaving the existing physical spaces of the school intact, functional if not optimal, then they will have disengaged the innovation cycle from the capital replacement cycle. That will greatly enhance prospects for success.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In doing this, the concept of the virtual is very important. Computer specialists often distinguish between physical devices and logical or virtual devices. In this sense, computer environments are profoundly relativistic. Physical devices are the manufactured, material components of the system. Logical or virtual devices depend on the way those physical components have been configured to appear to the user. There may be one physical storage device, for example a high capacity fixed disk drive on a computer, but it may be configured to appear as several different logical devices, drives C:\&amp;amp;gt; and D:\&amp;amp;gt;, to the user. Conversely, several physical devices may be configured to appear as one virtual device without the user needing to know where those physical devices are and how information he saves is divvied up between them. Very shortly, the virtual reconstruction of spaces will become widely feasible, with physically distinct spaces being joined into virtual rooms where people in different locations can interact as if they were together face-to-face. Schools are likely locations for these developments.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Networks provide the first set of possibilities for virtual reconstruction. Imagine that a school district&#039;s science faculty decides to try a multi-grade project involving students from the third, seventh, and eleventh grades. Let&#039;s postulate that this is not a little side project where a couple high school students and a few from the intermediate school go to the elementary school for a few hours each week. Instead, it is to be a big deal involving all the students in each grade, each day, buttressed by theories that young children can learn well from older children and that older children can learn well by trying to teach younger ones and that they will form a stronger sense of responsibility and purpose in the process. With each grade in separate buildings, such a plan is nearly unthinkable in traditional contexts unless one were to contemplate the complete redesign of the district&#039;s school buildings. With intensive networking and good video conferencing, such an experiment would not be impossibly difficult to configure and there would be relatively little need to restructure the existing school plants. This would be an instance of virtual reconstruction.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;All sorts of ways to reconfigure time and space electronically will rapidly arise. For instance, the cost of large flat panel displays that can hang on a wall are decreasing and these can be used to join spaces that stand adjacent, or even half way round the world, in very responsive ways, where glances at one another across the virtual room can meet in a smile and a blush, a nudge and a giggle, or small groups, half here and half there, can converse in a virtual corner. It would be, thus, a strategic mistake of the first order to think that we need to physically reconstruct all the spaces of education in order to adapt them to the use of electronic technology. Rather, we need to use the electronic technology as fully as possible as new architectural elements to create new virtual spaces within the confines of existing physical structures. In this way, the innovation cycle can be set free from the capital replacement cycle and the transformation of education can follow apace.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Multimedia information technologies with powerful networking, tracking, and scheduling capacities can make the very flexible use of space and time possible. For a new system of education to emerge, educators, working closely with established and emergent schools, will need to experiment with such flexibilities, learning to use asynchronous space and time, responsive environments, and virtual reconstruction to further the deepest educational purposes. From the present vantage, we cannot predict the precise features of the innovations that will prove successful, but, one way or another, as educators act on the intuition that new technologies will enable them to reshape pedagogical space and time, they will develop a more effective environment. We are dealing with innovations that invalidate the common sense that held under prior conditions; our task will be to develop a new common sense, suitable for the new conditions. With the old common sense, educational environments were standardized and predictable; with the new, they will be flexible, diverse—a challenge to the imagination. The same will prevail with the strategies of motivation at work in these new environments.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h5 id=&amp;quot;s16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Motivational Sources of Education&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Think of a fifth-grade classroom. Imagine the class dealing with virtually any subject. The teacher has just provided an explanation of a key point summarized in the text. She asks a question—some pupils raise their hands and wave eagerly, confidant that they know the answer. Some sit in a studious effort to avoid attracting the teacher&#039;s attention, knowing that they do not know and not wanting that fact to be registered in the public knowledge of the teacher or the class. Others seem neither eager nor reluctant, they fidget, raise and lower a hand in ambivalence, thinking they know the answer but not being sure, wanting to earn the teacher&#039;s commendation, but fearing that, if wrong, they risk rejection or rebuke. These are the signs of instructional competition at work. From the early grades through the highest levels, the existing system motivates children by engaging them in a competitive effort to shine in recitation and examination, in which each tries to show that he or she has mastered better than others the information sanctioned to be fit for his or her level and to be correct in the view of academic authority. As a result of this reliance on competition, the educational system functions as a powerful sorting mechanism, and when it becomes clear to many that however they may try, they have lost the competition, they drop out. —&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;It is remarkable how thoroughly existing educational systems, around the world, have been adapted to harness competitive motivations. It is very hard to find arrangements in schools that have been designed to encourage children to act from other motivational sources. Undoubtedly the reasons for this reliance are complex, and certainly one among them is the important fact that competition is a very powerful, effective motivator. But there are other powerful motivators, among them cooperation and it is remarkable how few educational arrangements have been designed to motivate children to learn through cooperation. The reason for this imbalance between competition and cooperation may have had much to do with the logistics of working with printed information.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Think of a ninth-grade teacher, preparing a unit on feudalism, lamenting—I can&#039;t have them do group projects. There just aren&#039;t enough worthwhile materials reasonably available to them. New York City has all sorts of resources, but it doesn&#039;t really help—those who would need to go to the Cloisters wouldn&#039;t be able to get there without all sorts of complications. The school library is good but inadequate and they can&#039;t just simply use the high-school annex to the New York Public Library—we either stay in the school or arrange, all together, to take a trip. How do I get some to the Met, others to the Morgan, and a couple into the stacks at Butler Library? How can projects be done at a high academic level in a routine way?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;If it is hard to do group projects at a high academic level in a routine way in New York City, it is far harder, most other places. Sadly, serious information management problems discourage inquiry and cooperative learning, problems that must be solved if these alternatives to competitive learning are to become practical, everyday alternatives in mass education. Competitive motivation arises when a group of students start from an appropriately equivalent basis, usually as measured by age, and each is then asked to master a limited, standardized body of material, with goods—praise, grades, promotion, and acceptance by the college of choice—being distributed in proportion to how well, in comparison to others, each performs. From the point of view of information management, this practice is very efficient; it is essential in establishing the comparison that all work with the same body of subject matter. This creates a large market for inexpensive, well-chosen, clearly-presented selections, which textbook publishers compete to provide.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Cooperative learning does not make sense in situations where each student starts with the same content with the goal of mastering more of it than anyone else. Cooperation aims at having participants do different things and then coordinating their accomplishments in a common achievement that exceeds what each would manage alone. In educational situations this puts far greater strain on the information resources available to the cooperating participants. Ideally, for robust cooperative learning, students should face an expansive horizon of questions, armed with extensive resources to pursue their inquiries in many directions to considerable depth. If the questions and resources available are limited, their cooperative effort will not make much sense and different members of the group will find themselves working at cross-purposes with each other, repeating each others&#039; efforts, and vying with one another to do the most with the few resources on which all converge.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For centuries, educational reformers have contended that cooperative learning would be a good thing, and occasional examples of learning by working together to solve real problems keep the ideal alive. It has been very hard, however, to provide the intellectual resources to sustain good cooperative learning in most educational settings. The practice has worked best with the very young, where relatively limited materials will sustain the effort, or at the most elite levels of education where bountiful laboratories and libraries sustain the extensive specialization of inquiry that cooperative learning generates. For the age between these extremes, cooperative learning has been very difficult to implement. What materials will be needed to have twenty fifteen-year-olds do a two-week unit on feudalism according to the principles of competitive motivation? Each will need a copy of a well-written text and regular attendance to a teacher who can provide supplemental explanations, moderate exploratory discussions, and then manage recitations and a test. What materials will be needed to have those students spend two weeks cooperatively exploring the history of feudalism, drawing together at the end a presentation of their results? The range of possibly pertinent materials is nearly limitless and the possible roles a teacher might take in the effort are almost boundless. Consequently, the information logistics of cooperative learning strain the print-based system.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Electronic information management technologies will significantly diminish the logistical constraints on cooperative learning. One of the simplest examples of such change involves the problem of movement. Traditionally, inquiry meant that children had to leave the classroom to go to the library or other locations of specialized resources. This usually was not efficient, introducing confusion about who was where and wasting time in excess movement. With inquiry in a well-networked electronic environment, the children can access specialized resources, almost instantaneously, with very little waste of time or effort. Such changes in logistics can have profound effects on the experience of working together. Traditionally a simple decision—&amp;quot;I&#039;ll get this and you get that&amp;quot;—would draw a cooperating pair apart, often to quite different locations, perhaps with one getting stymied on the way, but unable to tell her partner of the problem until long after either could do anything about it. In an electronic environment of information management, the two can allocate their effort while remaining in close proximity, physically and intellectually, often checking on the implications of what each is finding for the other.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Questions of motivation link profoundly with those of assessment. As the logistics of cooperation often impede cooperative motivation in education, so the character of assessment discourages it. To be blunt, cooperative behavior in competitive testing amounts to cheating. And many believe that the way schools sift talent through competitive testing is one of the main social functions performed by the educational system. Let us examine the case.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Credentialing through education may, in fact, be a poor way to distinguish who can best do what work. Credentialing may not be a function performed by education; rather it may be a function performed for education. Numerous important domains develop effective distinctions about who can do what without much recourse to educational credentials. Exclude the educational drop-outs from the computer industry and you would exclude a great portion of its talent. Businesses, which have a high stake in promoting people according to their capacities, do not usually do so by recourse to competitive tests. Rather, they observe how employees perform under diverse conditions, often in situations where each must cooperate with others to get a job done. Far from existing in order to credential capacities through competition, schools and society may engage in such credentialing for a quite different reason.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Consider the following hypothesis. Effective schooling is important to the smooth functioning of an industrial, bureaucratic system. Compulsory education laws reflect the importance of such schooling and they are difficult laws to enforce. Schooling as it exists is not intrinsically engaging to many students and they need extrinsic reasons to bear with the drudgery of getting an education. Police power is not a very effective way to enforce compulsory schooling laws and most societies try to advance other, more positive incentives and rationales for conforming to educational expectations. One way to develop such incentives is to attach educational credentials as preconditions for many types of employment. It is not that such and such education necessarily determines who can do the associated work, but often the reverse: qualifying for an inside track to various forms of work provides the incentive for students, urging them to buckle down and reach such and such an educational level.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;If education were more intrinsically engaging, and credentialing through competitive testing were not needed as an incentive, what might assessment then accomplish? Its first function would be diagnostic. Assessment currently inhibits good educational diagnosis: in the face of relatively predictable tests, students avoid taking risks and work systematically to gloss over their deficiencies. Would medicine have developed if people had strong incentives to hide their symptoms? Were education to be, like health, an unequivocal intrinsic good for people, they would want pedagogical assessments that were diagnostically effective, revealing their weaknesses in ways that would help them to take measures to improve. A second function of assessment, were education more inherently involving, would be demonstrative. Here competition might play a significant role, but it would be more sportive—&amp;quot;Yo! Look! Here is what we can do!&amp;quot; When doing something meaningful for themselves, people like to show their accomplishments off to others in the hope of recognition from those who can appreciate the art and effort of the work. Here, the opportunity for assessment will lead a student to create a portfolio, presenting those accomplishments that best represent her skills and values. A computer-based system of education will need to provide students and teachers with good diagnostic tools and with ample opportunities for creating meaningful work, along with resources for preserving and presenting it to interested audiences.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Issues of motivation and assessment are deeply human issues. In making a new educational system with the resources of digital technologies, we risk paying too much attention to passing details of the technology. What is at stake with the introduction of computers in education is the human use of human beings, and the key issues are not technical. They are instead issues of political and cultural interaction, emotional fulfillment, and cultural achievement. Educators are passing through a portal of opportunity. Once they have defined the form of the technology, it will sternly reinforce the theory of motivation they have built into it. But for now, educational technology still has a protean motivational character. In giving shape to it, we should attend to the deep and difficult questions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;numsoff li::before&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul class=&amp;quot;sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; How should we implement systems to support cooperative inquiry?&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; What size and structure for cooperative groups will work best for different ages and activities?&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; How should students, teachers, and the public assess performance in cooperative settings?&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; How should curriculum designers organize knowledge and tools of inquiry and expression in order to support learning by the members of study groups?&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;These, and many similar questions, need serious examination in order to broaden the motivational energies effectively harnessed in a technology-intensive educational system. The same primacy of the human issues over the technological will be evident as we consider how educators should organize the resources of the culture for use in a computer-based system of education.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h5 id=&amp;quot;s17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Organizing Culture and Knowledge&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In making a new educational system, the most difficult task will be reorganizing the culture to adapt it to the use of digital technologies. This assertion can be easily misunderstood. It does not mean that the computer as a system should suddenly become the controlling reference point in making cultural choices. But it does mean that the computer needs to be taken into account in the process. It should not determine what the curriculum comprises, but it will shape how educators organize the materials of the curriculum, and the effects on that may be sufficient to alter weightings, making some current concerns insignificant and other matters, now trivial, quite prominent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A similar assertion with respect to another domain can clarify what is at stake—in making a system of automobile transportation, the most difficult task was redeveloping the road system and transportation support industries to adapt them to the use of cars. Where roads went still depended on where people were and where they wanted to go. But the design and engineering of roads had to change substantially—surfaces well adapted to horses hooves were not suitable for cars and the livery stable had to give way to the gas station and the multinational companies that provide their products. To work well with computers, educators will need to redesign the curriculum through and through, still ensuring that it serves humane purposes, but transforming many of its characteristics, ignoring hooves, as it were, and attending to tires.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Consider one other point at the outset. Curriculum issues are presently controversial, with different visions of how educators should select elements of the culture for presentation to students at the heart of the controversy. To construct a curriculum, one must evaluate and select from the sum of human acquirements, narrowing the infinite range of possibilities to a finite field, one that nevertheless exceeds the power of acquisition of any individual by a wide margin. Debate about such selection now splits between proponents of &amp;quot;cultural literacy,&amp;quot; who seek a fairly narrow, canonical selection, and advocates of &amp;quot;multicultural&amp;quot; approaches, who call for a broader, more inclusive selection. In thinking about making a new educational system through the material agency of digital technologies, our purpose should not be to advance one or the other side of this debate. The positions within it do not stand above the implementation constraints of the current system. The terms of the debate between cultural literacy and multicultural education will be reshaped substantially by the development of a new system of education that uses information technologies with full effect.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Within the current curriculum, we squeeze WASP culture as if it were in a cider press and then we sprinkle in cloves and cinnamon from here and there, casting Hispanic and other great literatures aside to rot unused. If very serious constraints on the scope of the curriculum did not exist, few critics would call for a canon nearly as narrow as that being now propounded. The real canon of worthwhile books by dead, white males who wrote in European languages greatly exceeds the capacity of any single student to master, but it does not exceed the capacity of the collective student body. So too for dead white females, or for blacks, or Asians, Indians—whatever the adjectives. To put material into the traditional curriculum, one had to limit every field drastically, excluding most of what was valuable in it. To do that, one had to generate ludicrous arguments—something to the effect that Dickens, or some other author, one among many peers, is the nineteenth-century English novelist that all our juniors must read, in one or another selected text.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;If one can give students access to all the canons, each in their full scope, accentuating the works of greatest formative power in each, then students will have much better resources from which to choose. Where all the canons, in their full complexity, can be included among the working resources of the school, it is hard to fault the multicultural argument, that each student should be able to start her ascent through the resources of her culture at a point that recognizes and celebrates the ethos of her origins. We can accept the schema theory that proponents of cultural literacy advance, the idea that people need complex frames of reference, filled with suggestive particulars, in order to apprehend complex ideas actively. But it is only in the context of a culturally impoverished school that anyone need consider the proposition that a robust culture, engaging millions in its participant creation, need be founded on a single schema shared by all. The school should vibrate with variety. The electronic school will support numerous cultural literacies, between languages and within languages. With new technologies we can fill the school with a wealth of materials on a scale hitherto not contemplated, providing each student with resources for finding her unique way, in the light of her animating interests, through the wonder of possibilities. This is the promise of networked, intelligent, multimedia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;We can create a new system of education by redesigning schools to take advantage of networked, intelligent, multimedia. Each of these terms signifies technical developments that will have significant effects on the cultural selection of the curriculum. That everything is networked will radically change, for practical purposes, the cultural resources available on the student&#039;s desktop, displacing the sequential curriculum with a cumulative one. That &amp;quot;intelligence,&amp;quot; the ability to calculate all manner of expressions, resides in those resources will alter the allocation of effort that traditionally educators have devoted to inculcating such skills, de-emphasizing formal acquirements in favor of intentional achievements. That the system makes it easy to store and retrieve multimedia, as easy as it traditionally has been to store and retrieve printed works, will broaden the forms of representation used in education, reducing the reliance on verbal skills, expanding multi-modal study. These three changes will aggregate into a change of major significance in the cultural politics of curriculum design—through the era of print, the tight confines of the curriculum have entailed a politics of exclusion, which will now give way to a more expansive, creative politics of inclusion. Let us look at these developments in turn, remembering that in actuality they coexist and function in reciprocal interaction.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Let us begin by noting the effects of networking, which will displace the sequential curriculum with one that is cumulative in character. As we have seen, the logistics of working with printed texts have imposed the sequential property of the existing curriculum. Developmental psychologies delineated the sequences of major stages in the child&#039;s growth. But educators should not exaggerate the degree to which psychological development determines their curricular sequences. That world history should be a tenth-grade subject and American history a eleventh-grade one, or that biology should precede, or follow, physics or geology has little to do with the developmental characteristics of children. It is largely a conventional solution, one among many, arising from the need to divide the curriculum up into discrete subjects that can be presented in some sequence, according to the school calendar. The need for sequence is inherent largely in the constraints of print, not those of psychology. And whether it should be this sequence or that sequence is comparatively an inconsequential question.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;What does it mean to move from fifth to sixth grade? A child who does so usually changes teachers and rooms, sometimes even a building, but these are not the essential changes—the child could move from fifth to sixth grade while staying with the same teacher in the same room. What changes from one grade to the next is the curriculum, and most importantly the set of textbooks the pupils use. Sixth-grade texts differ from fifth-grade texts and so on and as the child progresses through school she does not cumulatively carry the texts from prior grades around. Students in any particular grade find it hard to regain access to the materials studied in prior grades, without somehow going backwards, and they find it even harder to anticipate access to materials slotted for grades higher up. Unable to move easily, back and forth, pupils experience the curriculum as a set of sequential studies. The costs are high. If a pupil did not get one part of the sequence, the omission can be portentous, not because the sequence is the only way things could be reasonably mastered, but because, once missed, the opportunity to make it up may be very hard to regain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Students will have a very different relation to a computer-based curriculum, assuming that the whole body of culture and knowledge relevant in education has been integrated into a comprehensive system, any element of which they can access at any time from any place in the school. With continuous and ubiquitous availability, the sequence of grades would loose much of its meaning and students would experience study as a cumulative effort. If we think of learning as a causal problem of production, a metaphor of linear sequence, in which one thing leads to another, will seem natural. In this context it is easy to believe that what frequently comes early in the sequence must come there. If we think of learning, however, as an interpretative problem of comprehension, we will generate a different metaphor, one of extended envelopment, with the inquiring mind moving on a broad front, an advance here and another there, until it has confidently occupied the whole field. The sequences by which people come to understand a subject through continuous envelopment are infinite in number and unique to each person.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A smart, computer-based curriculum should be able to sustain an infinite number of paths through it, and it should be able to provide each student with clear reports about what she has so far covered, regardless of the path and sequence she has taken. This learning should not simply produce knowledge, but further elicit comprehension. Educators will develop such a cumulative curriculum as they ask questions such as these:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;numsoff li::before&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul class=&amp;quot;sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
   &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; What technological resources will best make all the knowledge, skills, and ideas in the curriculum continuously available to all students at all times?&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
   &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; If the subjects of the curriculum become more cumulative, will the mix of activities that are useful to students change, and if so, how?&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
   &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; Will there be a set of essentials, that must be mastered in a mandatory sequence, with the new system, and if so, how will this component of the curriculum relate to less sequential, less mandatory parts?&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
   &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; What will happen to distinctions between subject-matter areas if all components of the curriculum are accessible to all students at all times?&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
   &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; What tools of access, orientation, and expression will be needed by students to sustain their work with such a comprehensive curriculum?&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
 &amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In addition to the shift from a sequential to a cumulative experience of the curriculum, a computer-base for education will shift emphasis from formal elements to intentional contents. &amp;quot;Formal elements&amp;quot; refers to the myriad tasks in which students are required to learn to do things the &amp;quot;right way.&amp;quot; Insofar as intelligence can be build into computers, it is this kind of intelligence. They are good at formal operations. They multiply accurately and fast, and they can spell unerringly although they are not good at discerning whether the word they have spelled is indeed the one that conveys the sense the author intended. Computers thus are generally correct but dumb, pedagogically very desirable characteristics, for that can free students to concentrate on being approximate but smart. If students can learn to combine the best of each, they will become both correct and smart, and for this purpose, stress on the intentional contents of the culture will become educationally very important.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Take the example we just introduced, proofreading. Skills of good proofreading with word processors have been radically changing. Not long ago, good technique encouraged proofreaders to disengage entirely from the sense of what they were correcting. One had to look separately at each word and punctuation mark, ideally with one person reading the master copy aloud with the corrector verifying that each word and mark that had been read was correct upon the proof. With a word processor, the allocation of effort becomes significantly different. The computer is an attentive demon at picking up typos and outright errors, but it is a complete boob when it comes to situations where the wrong word appears, a &amp;quot;wither&amp;quot; in place of &amp;quot;either,&amp;quot; a &amp;quot;structure&amp;quot; in place of &amp;quot;stricture.&amp;quot; To pick up this sort of error the proofreader needs to attend closely to the sense of the text, to treat it as an intentional work the meaning of which should make sense.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;As intelligent tools become ubiquitously available to people, the traditional stress in schooling on learning how to perform correct calculations will diminish in importance. But in its place, a premium will attach to the ability to perceive when something that is formally correct is nevertheless wrong because someone made a mistake in entering one or another element in the calculation. To do this, one needs to be, like the new style proofreader, alert to the intentions associated with the matter in question, able to see that the result generated is absurd relative to its controlling purposes. The rising demand that educators concentrate less on inculcating low-level skills and attend more to higher-order thinking skills reflects the importance of this shift, and a good deal of experiment will be needed to discover how to effect it well in the process of making a new educational system.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A third shift will be a function of the use of multimedia, replacing the dominant verbalization of our culture with modes of thought and expression that are more fully multi-modal. For five centuries, written materials have been the main channels of access to culturally significant knowledge. This dominance of written communication arose because printed texts afforded a level of accessibility radically greater than did other modes of cultural expression. Access to printed materials could be general, efficient, and enduring. Access to other forms of cultural embodiment was comparatively restricted, troublesome, and transient.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To grasp this point, consider the theater, the drama, and its place in education. Selecting the drama reminds us that multimedia are not new. Their significance pedagogically may simply be growing of late, however. One often encounters the text of Shakespeare&#039;s Hamlet and other great plays as works taught within the curriculum. Producing one or another drama may be a significant extracurricular activity, and teachers will often encourage students to see a professional staging of plays, should such performances be accessible. Nevertheless, the performance, whether produced by students or professionals, has been generally less important educationally than the text of the drama because access to the performance has been highly idiosyncratic and temporary, whereas access to the text has been general and enduring.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In the era of print, written materials have dominated educational effort from the most elementary to the most advanced levels because these have been the materials to which access has been general, efficient, and enduring. Engravings, woodcuts, and other forms of printed images might seem to be a partial exception to this assertion, except that accessing them required one to manipulate the written language, not pictorial images. Thus, to retrieve pictures of Chartres Cathedral, one uses written catalogues and indexes. A radical departure is afoot because now electronic information technologies can provide general, efficient, and enduring access to a much broader range of culturally significant materials: recorded performances of a play can be as easily retrieved as its text, and the retrieval process need not be mediated by words. Explore for a bit why the educational consequences of this development will be vast.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Networked, multimedia systems will provide general, efficient, and enduring access to cultural works of nearly every form conceivable. In the era of print, written works had a cultural usefulness superior to other resources. People could distribute, store, cite, retrieve, and use printed resources far more effectively than they could work with other forms of cultural expression. Essentially, printed materials have long been subject to logical retrieval, whereas other materials have still entailed physical retrieval. A printed work would be distributed in many different locations, and one could refer people to it without knowing the particular physical location of the particular instance of the material that they would consult. Thus one cited editions—Plato, The Republic, Book IX, 592b—the numerous instances of which are scattered at many places. One could not reference paintings, plays, sculptures, and buildings, in contrast, in this generalized way—they exist in unique locations and access to them can require taxing trips, even a pilgrimage. Owing to this superior accessibility, printed materials, usually written materials, have more and more mediated the production and communication of knowledge in modern culture.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Let us sum up this development: in the era of print, verbalization increasingly dominated education. &amp;quot;Verbalization&amp;quot; here refers not only to the spoken word, but even more essentially to the written word and even conceptualizations communicated through the symbolic notations of mathematics and the like. In its most comprehensive form, the basic proposition of verbalization is that higher-order thinking consists in manipulating symbolic notations that have been written down and reproduced through printing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Slowly through the twentieth century, and building rapidly at its end, other modes of exchanging information, ideas, and knowledge between people are gaining cultural power relative to printed text. For centuries, texts have been available &amp;quot;at any place at any time&amp;quot;—that has been their power. With the rise of the broadcast media, first speech through radio and then the moving image through television gained part of the power of print, becoming available &amp;quot;at any place,&amp;quot; provided one tuned in at the right time. The recording industry gave music full accessibility, independent of particular place and time. Video tape is giving the same accessibility to the moving image, enabling one to view a film at any place at any time, and very soon, with fully interactive multimedia systems, the superior accessibility of text compared to other forms of expression will completely disappear.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;When people speak about interactive, multimedia systems, they are speaking about a process by which the full gamut of human expression will integrate into one complex system, with all components, regardless of form, being generally, efficiently, and enduringly accessible. This integration, enhancing the accessibility of all forms of expression, we will call multi-modal, as distinct from verbal. As &amp;quot;verbalization&amp;quot; describes far reaching assumptions about the relation between words and symbolic notations to higher-order thinking, so we here use &amp;quot;multi-modal&amp;quot; expansively to situate reflective thinking in pre-linguistic forms of perception and awareness, which may then be expressed through words and symbolic notations, or through images, sounds and all manner of associations and actions. In this sense, the multi-modal is not a mere opposition to the verbal, not a simple alternative to it, but a Hegelian Aufhebung of it, the upheaval of it into something else in which the original form remains nevertheless included and preserved in the new. The multi-modal in this extended sense thus includes the verbal as one among a number of different forms of reflective thinking: it challenges people to integrate all those forms into a comprehensive and many-sided culture and education. A discernible trend toward multi-modal education is already beginning to take hold with the spreading use of videotapes in schools. This trend will accelerate with computer programs that provide for the multiple representation of important concepts and then with the full-fledged introduction of networked, intelligent, multimedia. Its historic effect will be to broaden effective participation in the culture greatly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;These three shifts—from the sequential to the cumulative, from the formal to the intentional, and from the verbal to the multi-modal—will combine to reshape the cultural politics of the curriculum most profoundly. One of the least attractive implementation constraints of the print-based curriculum has been the cultural politics associated with it. The narrow scope of the curriculum has structured this politics, which has been, from the sixteenth century on, highly exclusionist. When the core contents of the curriculum narrow down to a restricted set of materials, dominant groups will use their power to exclude exemplars of competing visions. Humanist schools quickly became pervasively humanist, insisting that all materials in the curriculum pass muster according to standards of good Ciceronian usage. Protestant schools became pervasively Protestant; Catholic schools self-consciously Catholic. And the process continues.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Even as principles of political and cultural toleration have spread, exclusion has remained the controlling principle of curriculum politics. Dissenters have not rallied for inclusion; rather they created their own separate academies. Thus we now have schools representing the interests of many minorities, each with a tight curriculum reflecting the sponsor&#039;s parochial preferences. Where minorities have addressed the dominant curriculum, they generally have tried to exclude material they found offensive, keeping pejorative references to themselves out of textbooks or condemning the teaching of threatening ideas. One might expect minority groups to follow a more positive course, to seek inclusion in the curriculum of the most powerfully educative resources associated with their experience and vision, but that rarely happens, for the logistics of the print-based curriculum are simply too constrained. In truth, the print-based curriculum cannot comprise a full, comprehensive selection of the best that has been thought and said, but only an arbitrary subset of it, one defined by a nationality, a religion, a class, a race, or a gender.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For centuries, the necessary narrowness of the curriculum has distorted discussion of the educational value of the cultural tradition. In assessing the worth of its myriad elements, educators must make ludicrous claims that a particular work stands above all others. It is like our great art museums that stash away in vaults vast numbers of important paintings because they have space to hang only a small part of their collections. The case for showing this and storing that is marginal, yet its significance for what the public sees is absolute. The most copious anthologies leave out much more of substantial educative worth than they include. A good sequential curriculum will reflect clear choices and present to students a coherent, authoritative selection because the print-based education functions that way. A new educational system will, however, develop a different way.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A curriculum based on networked, intelligent multimedia will encourage a different cultural politics. It will be greatly more inclusive in scope. Gone will be the finite body of subject matter, which the system holds to be teachable in its entirety and which it therefore authoritatively holds students responsible for learning. The idea that good learning consists in mastering precisely what has been taught will no longer hold. With multi-faceted curricular resources, which can sustain many valid paths of inquiry within them without any inquirer exhausting all their contents and permutations, one cannot specify precisely what has been taught. The computer-based curriculum will comprise far more material, all of it educationally worthwhile, than any individual will master. The process of education will be one in which each student develops his unique selection of it all and the task of his educators will not be to determine exactly what he selects, but to help him extract the fullest education from those elements that he does choose.269 In such a curricular environment, the thrust of cultural politics will be inclusive. Groups will find it hard to compel the exclusion of things they dislike. Instead, their task will be to ensure that the curriculum includes their visions in the most effectively educative form possible. In order to grasp what this task may entail, we need to turn our attention from the question of curriculum contents to the pedagogy that may guide their study. In making a new educational system, the processes of learning may themselves change.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h5 id=&amp;quot;s18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Toward Computer-Based Educational Methods&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;With the print-based system, education has consisted primarily in imparting an authoritative selection of material to students who are responsible for learning it. True, the print-based school in fact presents to each student much more than he can learn, and the better the school, the more this is the case. Yet the controlling idea of the good student is not that of the wily navigator on the open sea of information and ideas. Rather the controlling idea is that of the student who masters, fully and efficiently, the materials sanctioned by the syllabus, the text, and the test.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;With the electronic system, the scope of the authoritative selection of material will jump significantly and the student will no longer be responsible for simply learning it in full. Instead the student becomes responsible for intelligently exploring it and taking from it a unique but sound and useful sampling. Formal learning thus becomes much closer to experiential learning. The student needs to become a skilled explorer, not a docile learner; the teacher becomes, not the master, but the native guide, like Vergil to Dante, interpreting, elucidating, cautioning, exhorting. Good teachers have always worked this way, but they often find themselves in tension with the system when they do. That tension will diminish with the full development of computer-based education. A different pedagogy will be at work.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Working pedagogies are like mutts on the loose—both gravitate to a mongrel type, mixing traits in a rough and ready way, adapted to its milieu. The pedagogical prescriptions of educational research are like the pedigreed breeds of show dog, strains carefully selected and maintained with extreme vigilance, but quite incapable of self-preservation when loosed at large. To change the mongrel type, it avails little to pursue selective breeding; one must significantly change the milieu. The computer as a system will so change the milieu.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In the current milieu, the pedagogical task starts from an authoritative, finite selection of material that each student is supposed to master. The working pedagogy divides the material into lessons, each with its controlling objectives. The teacher presents the material, trying to engage the students&#039; interest; she explains it, encourages students to practice their mastery of it, and finally tests that mastery through recitation or other means. A computer-based milieu will differ significantly in that it will present to students far more material than they will or can learn, separately or collectively. In that milieu, the current working pedagogies are not particularly useful.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;When students confront more material than they can learn, the concept of lesson looses its pertinence. The alternative to the lesson is familiar in the pedagogical literature of this century—the project. Progressive educators prematurely introduced the project method in a milieu in which it could not thrive. They propounded it for reasons of theoretical preference in an educational milieu that was still unchanged and conducive to a textbook pedagogy. The project method required more extensive intellectual resources than the average school or teacher could command. As soon as the project method went much beyond the laboratory schools, it reverted to the mongrel type. Networked, intelligent multimedia will bring to schools the conditions conducive to the project method. A new system of education will surround each student with extensive intellectual resources, whereupon the project method will come into its own, not as the pedigreed breed of educational researchers, but as the hearty mongrel of the new environment.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Where more is presented than can be learned, the project method will thrive. What are the key features of a project, particularly one that takes place in an unbounded cultural environment? To begin with, a project has a defining task, an energizing challenge, a structuring assignment. This starting point presents certain givens that define the nature and scope of the project. These givens are the ground from which the participants project their activity, forming a plan of work, extending their attention to potential resources, directing their effort outward. All of these matters, to which people tender their exertion, constitute the materials of the project. The materials surround the givens, so to speak, and move out from immediate matters of obvious relevance to items of more and more distant background significance, which, for one or another reason, a participant chooses to include in the field of attention. In addition to these materials, the givens also define relevant tools and resources, processing strategies, characteristic questions, standards controlling inquiry, heuristics for generating hypotheses and interpretative concepts. In a project, the set of relevant tools, while not rigidly fixed, is relatively stable, and participants use these repeatedly upon different materials. The materials, in contrast, are more extensive, bounded really only by the time and effort available and the law of diminishing returns.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Project pedagogy has thus three main components: the charge, the field, and the tools. The charge sets forth what the task will be, and it should do so in a way that is concrete, explicit, unambiguous, and energizing. It also determines who will pursue the project, whether it is an individual or group project, and when it will start and end. The charge also indicates what field will be pertinent and what tools will be relevant, not by circumscribing these but by providing entry ways into them. The field consists of the information and ideas that may be mobilized in carrying out the charge. When we say that the curriculum of the new system will include more materials than students will learn, we indicate that the field of resources relevant to any charge will always comprise more possibilities than a working group can usefully exhaust. The tools consist of intellectual strategies for bringing information and ideas to bear upon a charge. —Each discipline consists of materials and techniques and the former constitutes its field and the latter its tools. As much as possible in the new system, the tools of every discipline should be ready at hand for use: mastering the discipline will consist not in learning how to make its tools but in putting them to constructive use.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Consider some examples of charges that might be put to students. Since the curriculum resources to support such inquiry are not yet in place, we do not have working instances to study, but we can imagine possible projects in different fields. Soon, when we can put them to the test of practice, some will prove more effective than others, but for now, their function is not to stand as a list of perfected, or preferred, exemplars, but to exemplify a type with a set of hypothetical instances, some of which may stand the test of practice, others of which will not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;numsoff li::before&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul class=&amp;quot;sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; Students in the upper school Spanish group have as an on-going project developing a multimedia usage guide to contemporary Spanish. They have access to an extensive collection of Spanish and Latin American movies and television programs, recordings by literary figures and interviews with contemporaries describing school life in Buenos Aires, Mexico City, Bogot—, and Toledo. They have on-line grammars and dictionaries, as well as video and audio editing tools. Some students have been working on the project for three years and they manage the whole team. Essentially the team divides itself up to study new material, checking the existing version of the Guide to uncover examples of new usage, or variant usage, and when they find either, the y log them into the Guide, providing examples and relevant geographical and cultural background material. Via the International SchoolNet, students at many other schools make use of the Guide and frequently send in queries, comments, and suggestions. Students working on the project develop a subtle understanding of Spanish usage and a wide appreciation of the cultural contexts of the language.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; Students, aged ten to twelve, work in teams excavating the Timbuktu site, a hypothetical, but carefully designed, computer simulation of ruins from the Ghana, Mali, and Songhai civilizations in West Africa from the eighth to the sixteenth century. The students use a program called Archaeotype, to excavate, describe, record, and interpret several hundred significant objects that they slowly fit together like a puzzle to reveal long-lost civilizations. The site is somewhat oblong, divided into seven sectors, four running west to east on the northern tier and three on the southern. A team of three works on each sector, with one student specializing in dating and chronology, another in tracing cultural influences and patterns, and a third in reconstructing the human ecology and economy. Sometimes all seven teams meet together to discuss the emerging over-all picture of the site, and sometimes the specialists from each team meet to correlate their findings and to discuss explanatory hypotheses. In addition to containing the site and the tools for its excavation, the program they are using provides them with powerful links to the archaeological and historical sources that can help them make sense of what they find. Increasingly as the project goes on, participants realize that they need to develop an extensive historical horizon in order to make sense of the cultural influences of Islam over many centuries that they are finding evidenced and to understand the remarkably far flung trade relations evident in the artifacts.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; Computers will get the word right, but people will need to know that it is the right word, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;le mot juste&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. In mathematics, the computational prowess of the computer will devalue human abilities to calculate precisely, but precision is not tantamount to perfection: numbers can be rung up wrong and blundering formulas entered. Sensing that, in various instances, even though the computer gets the answer right, it is not the right answer will be an increasingly important skill. Estimation techniques will become the stuff of ordinary mathematics. As a result, one can imagine among the many ways that skill at estimation might find its way into the curriculum, development in various sectors of the popular culture of the Reckoning Race, a community contest replacing the old-time Spelling Bee. An extra-curricular group would recruit the school&#039;s reckoning racers, the best numerical estimators in each age category. The competition might have three events. First, in the Fast Appraisals, students estimate approximate answers, under intense time constraints, to a sequence of calculations of various types. Second, in the Error Identifications, they track a series of machine calculations, trying to identify which ones, although formally correct, are nevertheless contextually wrong owing to some sort of input error. Third, in the Bug Hunt, they diagnose for a panel of judges the probable cause of the wrong calculations, suggesting steps that might prevent or correct them, and the judges rate the astuteness of their diagnoses. In the emerging computer-assisted culture, reckoning will be a skill all need, and reckoning racers could develop some peer prestige.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; The Poetry Club has become something more than a club. Participants regularly contribute video readings of works composed by them and by their favorite poets. Their friends, and supervising teachers, critique these readings with voice mail, linked to the appropriate places in the video. The Poetry Corner, a conference on the network has a full collection of videos, recordings, and texts on the major poets of the world, living and dead and one afternoon a week a group meets in an assembly room to watch, listen, and discuss. As their graduating presentation, six students work together studying major productions of popular culture from 1950 to 1980, trying to test the hypothesis that during that period composers of music, poetry, and film shifted away from techniques of composition conditioned by the processes of writing, reverting to those associated with oral-epic performance. In three months they will present to the school a booming multimedia documentary on their findings and they are asking a Public Broadcasting Corporation scout to come, hoping she will want it for their national cable list.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; A group of middle and upper school science students have as a project, conducted with several teachers specializing in different aspects of science, an inquiry into the relationship between observation and theory in the development of science. How do scientific instruments shape scientific knowledge? In the historical development of the sciences, how have limitations on the capacity to take and record observations of different kinds of phenomena influenced theoretical explanations of those phenomena? The project team works with simulated instruments and communication resources characteristic of different historical settings in the development of science. They assemble typical observations pertinent to a problem and research the historical theories explaining solutions to it. They brainstorm about alternative theories that might be based on the observations they can assemble and write up these theories in scientific papers that they submit via network to the Academy of Simulated Science, which includes interested adults and other such groups at other schools. They criticize the contributions, usually showing that the proposed theories would not really have been possible given the state of observation and understanding that then prevailed, but occasionally an alternative stands up to the criticism, revealing a possible path of theoretical development in the history of science and technology that might have been taken but was not. Students engaged in this project develop a keen appreciation of the difficulties in carrying out scientific inquiry, as well as extensive knowledge about key scientific problems and the strategies used to solve them.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; Students eight to twelve years-old take part in the Children in World Art Project. The younger ones start by picking several periods and cultures and browsing through the included images of children, working on a presentation explaining their sense of what childhood would have been like in those times and places. Doing this, they begin to research the geographical and historical contexts and start to learn how to empathize with their subjects and to use contextual information to check and test their understandings. The older children help the younger and evaluate the set of images for redundancy and gaps, developing an acquisition search list that they can circulate to curators of museums and collections that may have the sorts of images they want. The project participants use the International SchoolNet to find historical documents that help inform an understanding of the experience depicted in the images. In addition to extracting the representational information about childhood that the images contain, the children will need to respond aesthetically and emotionally to the images, interpreting with them something about the subjective, qualitative experiences that they reveal.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; As satellite based telescopes become more numerous, powerful, and diverse, a tremendous problem of logging all the information sent back will develop. As a solution to that, scientists initiate the National School Space Mapping Project. Each school recruits several teams of three students each to receive and assess data. The scientists overseeing the project assign to each team a small, specific quadrant of the surrounding universe. As data comes back from its diverse sources into various repositories, the International SchoolNet routes all data pertaining to a quadrant to the team that handles it. Each team collects and monitors the data it receives and maintains a full descriptive and explanatory catalogue of what appears in the observations in its quadrant. To do this the teams need to understand the various sorts of telescopic observation techniques and how to apply standard astronomical and astrophysical theory to the astral population of their quadrant. Should a team receive new observations that do not fit within the standard theories, the team will need immediately to alert its supervising scientist. The participating students will learn a great deal about the content and practice of astronomy and they will help absorb into it the wealth of new data that is beginning to flood back to earth.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;With such projects, the teacher&#039;s role will be to oversee, to manage, and to facilitate inquiry. To start, she will need to mobilize the resources of the profession to set the charge and put it to her students. Defining the mandate for her students will be much like planning a course, although the particulars will differ somewhat. It will begin by selecting a set of particulars that will put a significant intellectual problem to students. This intellectual problem should be such that students will acquire knowledge, skill, and understanding by working to solve it. The problem needs to be put in such a way that students can grasp it and work on it productively. For that to happen, the teacher must ensure that the field within which she has situated the charge has in it a genuinely open-ended range of resources that students can use effectively to fulfill the charge. Likewise, the tools at hand for working on the problem need to be appropriate, usable, and effective. A fascinating charge situated in a rich field without good tools will not lead to an effective project, for students will find themselves unable to exploit the materials before them. Similarly, a good charge and powerful tools deployed in a deficient field will not sustain interest or development. Finally, despite a well-stocked field and first-class intellectual tools, students given a weak charge, one that does not put an energizing, orienting problem to them, will not do much with either the field or their tools.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Some may object that a computer-based project method such as this seems more like the methods used at advanced university levels than something appropriate for elementary and secondary school. The observation would be correct; the inference that this shift would be ill advised may nevertheless be unsound. In many ways, basing education on advanced information technologies will move strategies of college and graduate education down to lower levels. The intellectual context of advanced instruction is not the textbook, but the library and the laboratory, which in the era of print have cost a great deal to assemble and to avail to students. The basic pedagogy challenges advanced students to inquire into the sources of information and ideas through study and experiment and then express their results to a public of peers. Learning occurs in three key activities—putting the question that generates the inquiry, selecting and evaluating materials potentially relevant to it, and expressing results in ways that others will find clear. Young children can perform these activities. Project methods at their best will transfer this pedagogy for use with less advanced students working on more foundational areas of inquiry.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Why has a project pedagogy been primarily restricted to advanced students? Again, the answer to this question lies, not in the nature of learning, but in the implementation constraints of the print-based system. Does the long selective ascent to graduate school winnow from the many those few who can uniquely learn from open-ended inquiry in a well-stocked library? Well-stocked libraries and well-equipped labs are very costly, and they have low carrying capacities in the sense that only a few can use them at any time lest their usefulness be destroyed. While one person uses a text or lab instrument, others cannot. If, for instance, the scholar working in an academic library too often finds that the text he needs now is in use by someone else, he will find his inquiry slowed significantly and will quickly declare the collection unfit for serious use. Academics restrict access to advanced intellectual tools, not to ensure that someone does not waste his time trying to use tools he cannot productively employ, but rather to ensure that the tools will be in a productive state for those few granted access to them. We very reasonably do not fill the stacks of research libraries with hordes of fifth graders, not because the fifth graders could not learn in the process, but because a rare resource of advanced scholarship would lose its usefulness for that purpose.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Access to information and ideas encoded in digital form will have different constraints from that of print. Provided the networks leading to them have sufficient carrying capacity—and they soon will—open access to source collections will not diminish their usefulness for serious scholars. Whoever uses an electronic text uses an ad hoc copy, and it does not matter how many ad hoc copies are in use. All sorts of materials can go to all sorts of users without devaluing the intellectual effectiveness of the work. Climate readings from stations round the world will go simultaneously to the Lamont Geophysical Laboratory and Miss Jones&#039; fourth grade class at PS92 in Harlem and wherever else someone curious about the readings may be. Project pedagogy often failed in the past because students did not have access to the resources needed to inquire effectively into the questions posed to them. That is one of the great limiting factors on human inquiry, whether conducted by the young in their efforts to appropriate their culture or by the expert in their attempts to advance it. Ptolemy got it all wrong, not because he was dumb, but because the observations he could study were too few and too imprecise. Access to information and ideas is opening astoundingly and educators at every level will need to adapt their strategies to the project method to make use of it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A second reason the project method often failed was that younger students lacked suitable means of expression to carry their inquiry through to some conclusion. The cartoon stereotype of naked children wiggling around the progressive schoolroom, imitating sperm in search of the ovum, reduced the problem to an absurdity. Without adequate tools of expression, inquiry-based learning culminates in an inarticulate collapse. The digitization of our culture, however, provides greater access, not only to information and ideas, but to tools of expression as well. This process is evident with what young children can do with word processors and desktop publishing systems, but that is simply the leading edge of what is in store. Design tools, graphics tools, video production and post-production tools, analytical tools of the most sophisticated sorts, all will be ordinary resources of ordinary schools. Educators will need to adapt their strategies to make use of these as well.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Furthermore, a significant shift of advanced pedagogies to more elementary levels is not unprecedented in historical experience. In the educational transformation of the sixteenth century, the pedagogical activity of the universities shifted downward to the schools much in the way here envisioned. Prior to print, studying subjects for their meaning and significance was the work of the university. Having learned through an arduous preparation to make a dependable written text on hearing it read aloud, the advanced student could then turn to reading and absorbing its significance. The work leading up to that ensured that a student could, hearing complex ideas read aloud in Latin, transcribe them accurately. With that skill acquired, the student could then hear Aristotle, make the text, and discuss its interpretation with others. With print, Aristotle and many other authorities became available in inexpensive editions. Making the text ceased to be the aim of preparatory education; as a result, reading and interpreting the text became a major activity much earlier in the educational process than it had previously been. That, precisely, was the agenda of the newly invented Gymnasium.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Of course, in the sixteenth century, many reasonable people doubted that the substantive study of authority could be done by younger students, for experience had shown that it was the proper concern only of advanced students. For instance, the University of Basel took offense at the curriculum of Thomas Platter&#039;s school, because it included the interpretation of texts usually reserved to the university. Over several years the academic authorities maneuvered to require Platter to bring his students to the University for public examination, expecting to prove that his students did not understand the subtleties of the texts he recklessly assigned. When the examinations took place, Platter&#039;s students showed a robust comprehension and the University had to accept the idea that younger students could usefully study substantive content. In like manner, as a new system of education emerges, pedagogical concerns hitherto associated with advanced study will become increasingly important throughout earlier stages. This will have deep implications for the profession of teaching.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h5 id=&amp;quot;s19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Improving the Conditions of Teaching&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Teaching in the print-based system has required skilled professionals. The earliest Protestant theorists of schooling pointed to the importance of well-trained teachers, if the system were to be effective. And the need has been constant since then. Nevertheless, the conditions of educational work within the print-based system have had significant deficiencies. Teaching a set curriculum with set texts tends to be highly repetitive, year to year, and teachers often find their work routinized. They cannot do much beyond the text and after a few times through, the text becomes a familiar locale that ceases to challenge their imaginations. This is the basic process of routinization, too often evident in the career of teaching.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Allied to routinization is deskilling, which is a kind of routinization that happens, not as a by-product, but as the purposeful result of policy. When work requires higher levels of skill than the average worker may possess, managers have often tried to simplify the job, believing simplification to be a more economical way to match job with skill than it would be to improve the skills of the worker. Complex tasks once performed somewhat unpredictably by high-paid skilled artisans were analyzed into component steps that anyone, following instructions, could passably perform. Unskilled workers replaced the artisans with the process tightly managed according to the principles of Frederick Winslow Taylor, and the output became predictable and the production costs minimal. Curriculum developers have sometimes used these techniques to seek a &amp;quot;teacher-proof&amp;quot; curriculum, hoping thereby to better guarantee results and to get by with lower pay for less-skilled teachers. In many industrial walks, such processes have reduced numerous artisans to mere machine-tenders, mindlessly repeating dumb tasks as products wend toward completion along the line.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;An industrial system that achieves production efficiencies by steadily lowering the skill requirements in many forms of work over several generations can find itself in trouble should the skill requirements of work suddenly increase. Advanced technologies in the work place have caused precisely this shift in recent decades. In factory and office, deskilling jobs had made much work diseducative. And educational preparation for work in such jobs put a premium on rote learning and routinized teaching in the &amp;quot;factory school&amp;quot; where students were primarily acculturated through drill and practice to follow instructions with uncomprehending accuracy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Increasingly, high technology reverses the polarity on the skill needs of labor in the industrial and service sectors. Machine-tending jobs, performing a single task according to a prescribed manner in a complex division of labor, are growing scarcer. Process-managing work, controlling a complex system by monitoring information about the condition of its parts, has become more prevalent. In them, a mindless mistake can prove most costly. This shift in polarity carries all the way through the educational enterprise. Learning to learn and critical thinking are fast becoming important educational results, not only for the most successful, but for all who go through the system. In such a situation, the demand arises for more highly skilled, fully engaged teachers. Hence it is becoming socially important, not to simplify instruction so that any teacher, no matter how unskilled, can make it work provided he follows instructions, but to structure it so that the teacher will continually develop his skills, growing more and more adept with more and more experience.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;As heuristic guides, nurturing the work of inquiry groups, using powerful intellectual tools in complex fields of information, the challenges on teachers will be great. It is tempting to object that the ordinary teachers will not be well-prepared to perform this role. The span of pedagogical possibility is not fixed forever for teachers, any more than it is for students. How a teacher develops over the course of her career, managing teams of students working with advanced tools of scholarship in open-ended fields of inquiry, may be very different from the way she develops instructing five classes of eighth-graders, year after year, in a set survey of ancient history. The pedagogical shift making advanced methods appropriate at earlier levels will affect teachers as well, making the content of their work more like that of the college professor. Not only will the educative effects of the work itself be different, but with that change, people attracted by the work to the career may alter in ways currently difficult to predict. For better or for worse, work shapes the worker far more than the worker shapes the work. If a new system of education becomes structurally possible, teachers will adapt to its conditions, which, fortuitously, seem expansive and humane.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Changes in these areas—in the organization of time and space, in motivational strategies, in the presentation of the culture, in the pedagogies guiding its study, and in the character of the teaching profession—will arise, not as a causal sequence, but as a set of reciprocal interactions. The secret of historical initiative, of voluntary action, lies in this reciprocity—we can initiate change anywhere within it and once started the changes will propagate interactively around the system. Nevertheless, one needs some sort of starting point, a way to begin. What might be a good way to initiate changes that can reciprocally reinforce themselves and spread through the system, transforming it all around?298 Consider as a possibility the potentials of computer networking. Networks are essential components of the computer as a system. They are developing rapidly in power; they are proliferating, squirming wires quickly wrapping the globe in a pulsing mesh of messages. Telephones, television, and computers are fusing together in ways that can pervade the schools and provoke key changes in them. Advanced networks can trigger changes in the environment, motivation, cultural organization, educational method, and the teaching profession in ways that will reciprocally propagate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Let&#039;s look briefly at how networks can influence each of these areas. No one domain will come first; rather they will all come at once, each reinforcing the others.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;numsoff li::before&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul class=&amp;quot;sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; If the entire school plant of the nation had to be rebuilt in order to accommodate alternative groupings in time and space, thorough-going change would be impossible. But networks will make possible the &amp;quot;virtual rebuilding&amp;quot; of everyday schools. Networks will enable computer-based work groups to function well without being together in space and time. Sub-groups in different classrooms will link together electronically and function as a unit. E-mail, voice-mail, and video-mail will give a measure of interpersonal immediacy to the collaboration. Current structures that seem to rigidly impose set routines will become sites of great flexibility, if effectively networked.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; Networks will greatly facilitate collaborative activities among students working on projects. Asynchronous communication improves the ability of people to work together without loosing their autonomy. Networks further ease the sharing and managing of common information and ideas. Students can manage the logistics of cooperation more effectively and networks will help them work together to interpret mutual results.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; Networking is, of course, fundamental in achieving the curricular condition where all cultural contents and pedagogical resources are accessible to all students and all teachers all the time. Networking, however, is not only a necessary condition for bringing this condition about; it may more interestingly be a sufficient condition—in a well-networked school, all academic resources will be available to all at all times unless authorities impose access restrictions to prevent it. Thus, should powerful networks proliferate into schools, very probably the information base for the cumulative curriculum will be in place, whether or not the managers of those schools intended to construct it.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; Intensive networking of schools will encourage a shift in educational strategy towards the project method. One can imagine using a network as an infrastructure for group recitation, and there will surely be times when such uses of it will be important and valuable. But networks are switching systems that do not particularly conduce to actions in unison, but rather facilitate branching out and linking by people who are doing different things while working together on a shared project. Powerful networks that give lots of people access to lots of resources will sprout projects spontaneously—interest groups on this and that—and educators will scamper to capitalize on these spontaneous energies by shifting instructional emphasis more and more to a project method.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; Networking, in and between schools, will also shift the professional ethos in teaching away from routinization. Teaching is now rarely a highly collegial profession because the structure of the curriculum and the classroom tend to seal teachers off from intensive interaction with their peers. Networks will help teachers collaborate with each other, within the on-going flow of daily activity, much more than they do now, to pool classes, to share problems and techniques, to develop special competencies and interests, and to refer students with specific needs and concerns to each other for help. Networks will allow teachers to work together through the walls of their separate classrooms and across the periods of their schedule.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In these ways, introducing powerful networks, and all the associated computing resources that might come with them, can forcefully prod the system to change. But can the polity rouse itself to initiate such investments? To what degree would the public sustain the costs of such efforts? We turn, thus, to our concluding question, what civic agenda for education will best actualize the pedagogical potentials of digital technologies?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;s20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Chapter Six - Education and the Civic Agenda&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Computer-based schools and the cumulative curriculum will cost money. In order to construct a technology-based educational system, the level and structure of educational expenditures must change. Let us estimate some numbers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Currently, kindergarten through twelfth grade, spending for instructional materials per pupil amounts to a small fraction of the total. Most goes instead for salaries of teachers and staff. With a heavy infusion of technology, educational costs for salaries, plant, and the like will probably not decline. Assume that technology makes it possible to have fewer teachers, a questionable assumption: the level of the teachers&#039; average salary would likely rise proportionately, keeping labor-related costs even. Hence to implement a technology-based educational system, we should expect total per-pupil costs to increase significantly, with a big rise in spending for instructional materials and equipment. &amp;quot;Other expenditures for instruction,&amp;quot; a mix of many things, now amount to a bit over 9 percent of expenditures per pupil, and of these, about 2.5 percent, on average less than $100 per pupil per year, go for instructional supplies such as textbooks, library books, and instructional resources.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Assume that special investments saturate the schools with technology. This saturation will require a computer notepad for each student with wireless network link; a high-function workstation for every four students; a substantial infrastructure of servers, networking, teacher&#039;s workstations, and special displays; and a significant complement of software and digitized contents. We cannot predict exactly what these will cost as the technology matures. Costs of $2,000 in each of the four categories, amounting to a per-pupil technology investment of $8,000, would probably be high. Costs of $750 in each, a total of $3,000, would probably be low. Accountants will treat this investment as property with a five-year useful life. For parts of the investment, the actual life might be shorter, owing both to intensity of use and rapidity of obsolescence. The upshot is an annual, per-pupil technology cost between $600 and $2,500, most likely, let us guess, around $1,250, which, when added to current expenditures, would increase per pupil costs about one-quarter over current levels. This increase is sufficiently large to require a compelling public justification.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Having to develop powerful justifications for substantial increases in educational expenditures is not a novel challenge. Universal, compulsory school systems evolved as nations found reason to devote increasing percentages of their GNP&#039;s to such costly instructional efforts. Over the past five hundred years, educating the person and the public has never become more efficient, providing equivalent or increased output for substantially less input. Rather it has become more important, more valued, with parents and polities deciding that increased educational results are worth increased costs. Great educational activists like Horace Mann and Henry Barnard proceeded by developing a civic consensus to increase the level of educational expenditure and effort. In precisely this way, policy justifications for a computer-based educational system will need to convince the public that the increased costs bring benefits that justify the added expenditures.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To justify increased educational effort we need to arouse passion and commitment; we need a will to believe. Prissy pundits find it easy, retrospectively, to disclose the interplay of self-interest within transforming movements, but prissy pundits rarely work change in their own world. To build the existing educational system, many people had to act counter to their narrowest self-interests. Educational reformers needed both stratagems to rationalize participation along with visions to inspire it. In building a new educational system, we cannot demand purity of purpose, but we must call for greatness of vision, for the changes needed will entail far more than simple readjustments of existing efforts. To institute a new system of education, educators will need to marshal large arguments of broad public purpose. To do that, leaders will need to excite pedagogical passion, to articulate an educational vision, to risk failure for the sake of a novel, untested, yet moving future, for an educative polity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To change the pedagogical world, educators need both material agency and humane vision, both power and pedagogy. To change the world, people need reasons to take risks, to incur resistance and hazard failure. They need forceful agencies with which to stake success, to grasp the opportunities for action that their vision avails them. New agencies will be at hand with the development of computer-based education. To what degree can we provide ourselves with the historic vision that will enable us to put this power to worthwhile use? What reasons do we have for taking the educational risks inherent in the pursuit of fundamental change? As Poor Richard said, &amp;quot;would you persuade, speak of interest, not of reason.&amp;quot; In looking for these reasons, let us speak first to interests, then we can turn second to established civic goals and third to novel aspirations.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In diverse ways increased educational expenditures can bring substantial offsetting benefits. Broadly speaking these benefits are of two kinds. One consists of improvements in well-being that result from educational success. Throughout the population, a better education translates, to some degree, into increased productivity and a greater ability, personal and public, to capitalize on opportunities for bettering the quality of life. The other kind of benefit consists of savings accrued by reducing the mounting costs, public and private, that result from educational failure. Costs of crime, unemployment, even aspects of health may be considered, to some degree, as costs incurred because the educations many receive are insufficient to prepare them to deal with the world they inhabit. Less educational failure would lower the cost of coping with calamities. Let us look at the costs of failure more closely, and then return to the improvements that educational success can bring.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Resist at the outset the parsimonious effort to put the whole burden of social policy on educational reform. Much educational failure is not a failure of education. Many problems in schools are not problems of schools. Hungry children, the tired, the sick, the brutalized, the frightened, the homeless: they will not succeed, on average, in any school. Despairing, disillusioned youths, whether rich or poor, will see no reason to develop their abilities. Without real leadership and without social policies that address the extracurricular causes of educational failure, large-scale educational reform can be a cruel hoax for the disadvantaged. The schools fail them, first, for reasons that are extrinsic to education and improving the educational efforts, without addressing the extrinsic problems, will benefit the disadvantaged little. In effect, educational reform without strong social policies will improve institutions that work best for the children of the middle and upper classes, while leaving in place a system of causalities that make the schools work poorly for the poor.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Resist likewise, however, the short-sighted effort to put the whole burden of educational reform on social policy. Much educational failure is a failure of education, and many problems in schools are indeed problems of schools. Intensive use of educational technology can make schools more effective for all and more effective especially for those currently floundering in our print-based educational system. If we are serious about social betterment through education, we will not finance educational reform by diverting into education expenditures needed for other social services.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Assuming decent policies in those other social services and effective school reform, however, reducing the failure and insufficiency of education could eventually lead to significant cost savings to society. Jail is expensive. Welfare dependency costs a substantial amount and it withdraws talent and energy from the work place. Long-term joblessness keeps the economy in a state of under-employment and may slacken incentives to innovation. If, over decades, the frequency of failure and under-achievement in the educational system can be diminished significantly, then it would be reasonable to expect these large social costs to be substantially less than they would otherwise be.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Likewise, positive benefits from improved education would arise over the long-term as better performance affects relative national advantage and fundamental economic prospects. In the late 1950s the pursuit of relative national advantage through education resulted in the National Defense Education Act. Now the quest for military preparedness is giving way to the problems of remaining competitive in a global economy. A fully developed computer-based educational system can have three types of significant effect on the over-all competitiveness of the American productive enterprise.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;numsoff li::before&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul class=&amp;quot;sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; First, insofar as the computer-based system is substantially more effective than the print-based system, the general level of American preparation for productive effort within a knowledge-based economy will rise.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; Second, insofar as the economy itself is increasingly a computer-based system, a computer-based educational experience would align more effectively with the skills needed in the job market than a print-based experience would, even if the absolute level of attainments through the former were not significantly better than they are through the latter. At least the student would be acculturated to the significant tools needed in the work place.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;li&amp;gt; Third, insofar as the organization of work in advanced sectors of the economy places a greater premium on persons&#039; abilities to function cooperatively in groups, a computer-based educational system that substantially extended opportunities for cooperative learning would better prepare students for working together in ways that the economy needed than the competition-prone print-based system would. We can hypothesize that all these benefits would develop with a shift to an intensive use of information technologies in education. Their aggregate effects could be considerable on the economic well-being of persons and the public.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;It would be premature, however, to estimate from current experience how the educational transformation would increase production and save on social costs, or to attach precise dollar benefits to them. Large-scale structural changes in education will take ten to twenty years to develop and introduce. Their benefits will accrue over the ensuing decades, becoming fully evident only in the mid-twenty-first century. It is like planting oak trees—our children and their children will be the beneficiaries. Is it worthwhile to take expensive initiatives, when their outcome will long be uncertain?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Consider the wager. If substantial improvements in education can be wrought, their long-term future benefits will be great. If they cannot be achieved, the long-term future consequences may be serious, driving a wedge of inequality deeper and deeper into society, separating those that the educational system benefits further and further from those that it fails. The opportunity to improve education through investment in digital technology is quite new. Conditions are ripe for reaping a high payoff. Since no society presently spends much for educational technology, added investment in it is unlikely to encounter the law of diminishing returns for a significant time. Hence, spending on educational technology would seem to be the reasonable bet for substantially improving education, but to take the risk out of the calculation, to convert the bet into a certain benefit, would require that we claim more than we can presently justify.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;When all is said and done, rational calculations of advantage associated with major innovations are wagers, fraught with unknowns. Retrospectively, the highly successful innovations seem to have been sure things, but prospectively they were not. Entrepreneurial and technological vision consists in acting wisely yet decisively in the face of uncertainty. Why take the risk? In this case, the risk may be worth taking for multiple reasons. Chances are good that indeed the practical consequences of the effort will be highly beneficial. Additionally, the social and human effects of the changes may be both significant and desirable. We turn to the second set of reasons justifying the risks of innovation: intensive use of technology in education may lead toward fulfillment of established civic goals.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Although the agenda of freedom has taken great strides in recent history, that of equality has not. Each year during the 1980s the percentage of Americans living below the poverty level was higher than in any year during the 1970s. Significant portions of the population are addicted, nearly unemployable. Uncounted families cling to survival—homeless people hawking Street News, begging, and scamming, and groveling through the refuse of the middle class for cans and bottles redeemable for a nickel each. Many, prideful on having made it, blame social failure on the failings of those who suffer the failure, and espouse social policies designed primarily to help those already adept at helping themselves. In our willingness to bail out bankers who mismanaged the savings of the middle class while we cut back on programs to serve those most in need, we poorly represent the centuries of humanitarian progressivism that has animated our traditions. Pascal put it well: &amp;quot;we do not display greatness by going to one extreme, but in touching both at once, and filling all the intervening space.&amp;quot; Freedom without equality does not sum to greatness: the agenda of equality requires renewed civic effort.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Educationally the agenda of equality appear in the prevalence of drugs, dropping-out, and the difficulty of making schools work in areas of chronic urban and rural poverty. These are big problems and they will require complex solutions. Substantial issues of distributive justice complicate these problems, but they do not inhere simply in the unjust allocation of resources. Pedagogically, the problem is one of recognition, a feeling of control over one&#039;s own education. Regardless of race, class, gender, religion, or ethnicity, each child should have an equal opportunity to participate in a school that he perceives as an institution that has been designed specifically for him, that serves him, that is his own. If the school appears as a hostile power to the youth, he will see it, not as a resource, but as a threat to be neutralized. School choice may help diminish the prevalence of this situation, but choice between schools may not be as significant as engaging options within schools. Those who feel school now to be alien influences may simply use school choice as a new opportunity to neutralize the threat.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Unfortunately, the current system of schooling is part of the cycle of causality, not a means of breaking it. Interpreters of the education system tend to be people who have done well within it. They experienced schooling as a happy system for self-development and self-advancement. Interpreters often therefore have difficulty seeing how the experience of the less successful was fundamentally different: for many others, the same system functions as a powerful social sorting mechanism, frustrating their self-development and reinforcing their disempowered status. They experience schooling as a system by which the society at large, even they themselves, legitimate their impoverished prospects. Choosing the &amp;quot;wrong&amp;quot; school will continue to work this way. To counter the causalities of inequality, choice is essential in education, but within schools, not between them. A computer-based system of education may help break the cycles holding the truly disempowered in thrall by creating three forms of significant choice within schools, which they and everyone else, can use to good advantage.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;First, the way the current system handles subject-matter is invidious. Size constraints on textbooks require that a very limited selection of ideas and information be packaged together. The materials chosen become, ipso facto, sanctioned by inclusion in the standard texts and tests. The result will harmonize with the experience of some children and be at odds with that of others; some will find more with which they can identify emotionally, and others less. Interest groups realize that what the selection includes and excludes has import, good and bad, for their interests. However, since textbooks have a seriously limited scope, the politics of text development has been a contest to exclude any particulars that may offend some articulate sensibility. Increasingly, such efforts to exclude all possible cultural bias tend simply to render the curriculum pedagogically impotent for all.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In contrast, computer-based curricula can be comprehensive and inclusive. The politics of a computer-based system has the possibility of opening the narrow confines of the standard curriculum to genuine multicultural possibilities. With the new system, the politics of curricular development will cease to be exclusionary, becoming instead a many-sided effort to ensure that what may empower this or that interest finds its place within the spacious system. In a computer-based system, diverse racial and ethnic groups should join to develop multicultural curricula through which high levels of disciplinary mastery can be achieved along numerous paths of interest and inspiration.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Second, reliance on printed sources in the current educational system provides a narrow access-path to the power of knowledge. Those who experience the existing system as disabling do not do well with book learning. To be sure, in theory the system offers them vocational tracks, which put greater stress on learning to make productive use of hand and body. But these tracks have a stigma associated with them because everyone knows that in a print-based culture the only real access to knowledge is through verbal facility: no matter how manually skilled one becomes without high levels of verbal knowledge one will be held mentally second-rate. Insofar as a computer-based system can complement the verbalization of print media with the multi-modal powers of electronic media, multiple access paths for acquiring and manifesting mental excellence will open. This will not do away with distinctions between people with respect to intelligence and intellect, but it can broaden the existing structure of intellectual opportunity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Third, the way the existing system motivates educational effort through pervasive competition creates a sorting mechanism that deprives disempowered groups of their more able members. Those who succeed in the competitive assent often assimilate to the dominant elites. Imagine an educational system that did a better job at fully developing the potentialities of each person while less effectively grouping and sorting the members of age-cohorts according to their performance on a narrow set of mandarin acquirements. Such a system would be a very different response to the Jeffersonian idea that talents distribute randomly through a population. Rather than co-opting those talents to the service of power and privilege, it would preserve those talents in their random distribution, leavening the whole through a multiplicity of communal excellences. By putting a premium on cooperative learning and by offering a multicultural curriculum with many paths to mastery within it, a computer-based educational system can function in this more genuinely Jeffersonian manner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Here, we should shift attention from established civic goals to the third set of reasons for incurring educational risks, those concerning novel aspirations. Truly significant change in education may have the potential to redefine the polity itself. If the computer as a system constitutes a fundamental shift in cultural communication, then we should expect concomitantly a significant re-definition of controlling purposes. Values have an historical relativity, without becoming arbitrary and meaningless, without being &amp;quot;relativistic&amp;quot; in the pejorative sense. At any time and place, the given historic context is mandatory, and it entails the importance and validity of some values and the irrelevance and wrongness of others. But across time and place, the given historic contexts change, and with those changes there follow changes in the values that compel allegiance. Politics in a digitized culture may differ in significant ways from the politics in a print culture. As Aristotle observed, &amp;quot;the end of the state is not mere life; it is, rather, a good quality of life.&amp;quot; As the contexts change and we come to inhabit a fully digitized culture, we may find ourselves obliged to define &amp;quot;a good quality of life&amp;quot; differently than we did before.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Soon the ethos of &amp;quot;More!&amp;quot; must give way to an ethic of &amp;quot;Enough.&amp;quot; As that happens, problems of public purpose will remain, but they will undergo revaluations. In the era of print, those justifying the support of education have contended that schooling is a useful, efficient means for achieving publicly sanctioned ends. For the past few centuries, those publicly sanctioned ends have often been variations on &amp;quot;More!&amp;quot;—more power, more wealth, more influence, more adherents, more law and order, more consumption, more garbage too. What good did the print-based system serve as it mobilized competitive energies, distributed broadly a level of literate skills through the population, and sorted the young effectively according to the quality of their performance within the system? It served best as a means in the pursuit of &amp;quot;More!&amp;quot; It energized expansion and legitimated the allocation of less to those who fared poorly in the schools. Would the print-based system serve well in support of an ethic of &amp;quot;Enough&amp;quot;? A system that relied on cooperative learning, one that could attract participation in educational self-development, not as a means but as an end itself, one that enhanced a student&#039;s quality of life, her bonds with others, her shared experiences of personal meaning, would be an education well adapted to the ethic of &amp;quot;Enough.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A competitive ethos of &amp;quot;More!&amp;quot; can take hold among people when they feel they can safely compete for possession of finite, limited goods. Where the competitors become aware that the competition is fundamentally unsafe and unstable they withdraw from the unbridled continuation of it. In the late twentieth century, the age-long competitions for national advantage, pursued through the pursuit of more population, more armaments, more material output, has become increasingly unsafe and unstable as armaments become too destructive to use, populations too large to feed and nurture, and material output exhausts natural resources and threatens to destabilize world climates and ecologies. A thoroughly cooperative education can lead to a thoroughly cooperative society in which people realize that a good quality of life depends, not on standing higher in the hierarchy of advantages, but on all joining together to realize their common potentials. It leads to an ethos, not of comparative advantage, but of mutual support.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Unlike the various forms of advantage, which are finite and relative, education is not a limited good. More education for one need not mean less for another. This unlimited quality will especially characterize education in a computer-based system, for the dynamics of digitization allow unlimited instances of works and resources without diminishing the originals. In such a situation, education can be a public purpose, one pursued by each and all, without provoking a limiting competition, without one person being pitted against the other. Taken as a means to relative advantage, people have an interest in acquiring learning and withholding it from others. But taken as an end in itself, a controlling definition of &amp;quot;a good quality of life,&amp;quot; education gives people an unbound mutual interest—the educational attainments of others enrich the educational possibilities that I enjoy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;An educative polity will be a polity adapted to a world of finite material resources. An educative polity will be one with infinite spiritual resources, one in which the unlimited potentialities of the human spirit provide the endless frontier. As Heraclitus said long ago, &amp;quot;You could not in your going find the ends of the soul, though you traveled the whole way; so deep is its Logos!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A computer-based educational system is not the only possible basis for an educative polity, but insofar as it can supplant competitive educational motivations with cooperative ones, and insofar as it can genuinely broaden educational opportunity by opening multiple channels to knowledge, it will facilitate the emergence of one. The computer as a system will make all educative resources available to all people at all times, and it will greatly expand the scope and substance of those materials. In those conditions, education ceases to be mere a means to extrinsic ends and becomes an end itself. With those conditions, power and pedagogy may join to redefine political purpose, making education its central aim, the object of the good life. The stakes are worth the risk.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;s21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Appendix - Device Independent Referencing&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Interactivity is the ballyhoo of hypertext. Its theorists decry the linearity of the printed book. They do so thoughtlessly, and thereby miss both the problem and the opportunity. Books are highly interactive tools. Moreover, as interactive tools they are even very efficient. Despite this interactive characteristic of books, many printed texts are &amp;quot;linear,&amp;quot; meaning they have a beginning, middle, and end. This sequentiality, which writers carefully compose and readers usually follow in a full reading, is an attribute of the text, not the book. The reason many texts are linear has nothing to do with the technology of print.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A book as a technological artifact is highly interactive and non-linear. Grab one and you can flop it open in the middle, skip around, and thumb through its pages forwards or backwards. You can consult it in all sorts of odd sequences and quite often you do. With the index, a 500 year-old tool, you can hop around from topic to topic, nearly instantaneously. Publishers have long designed dictionaries, directories, and encyclopedias specifically for nonlinear access, and reference books work well. Our fingers quite naturally apply enhanced binary-search algorithms on such volumes as we look an entry up. Books have little in their structure that is inherently linear.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Why then do we decry, with a seeming plausibility, the linearity of books? The answer is simple—the text in most books is linear because writers and readers have chosen linear presentation, over the years, despite technical freedom to do otherwise. Proponents of hypertext should pay close attention to this fact. Encyclopedias are interactive documents. Writers craft entries for them assuming no continuity with what lies before and after. They include numerous cross references, links in the jargon of hypermedia. They are most useful works, but rarely do they hold us spell-bound by the suspense of the tale or the force of the argument. Good writing of many types is linear, not by technological necessity, but by the nature of the discourse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Interactivity is not the special purview of text on-line. Linearity is not the curse of printed text. All books, as such, are interactive; some texts are interactive, when people specially design them for that purpose. Technological constraints do not determine the interactivity of such texts. No book is inherently linear, unless one were to trace the book back to its predecessor the scroll, and readers could even work scrolls interactively, back and forth. Many texts are linear because writers make them so, linking each paragraph to its predecessor with lineaments of artful diction, logic, and narrative tension. Thus, as with interactive texts, technological limitations do not cause texts to be linear. Quite the contrary, their linearity is a triumph of linguistic artifice over technologic artifact.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Such reflections suggest that we should rethink the hype about hypertext. If text on-line is to develop and flourish, it will probably recapitulate many virtues of printed text, especially those that writers and readers have imbued in text despite technological invitations to shape the work differently. One of those virtues is intelligible sequence, narrative form, compelling argument.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;This virtue pertains, not only to text, but to other media as well. Most examples of video-oriented hypermedia seem sophomoric for they consist of brief, flashy clips, designed apart to stand alone. The emotional power of media lies largely in their cumulative effects, built sequentially over time. To randomize the shots of a great film dissolves it into meaningless sights, just as randomizing the notes of a symphony would turn it into cacophonous sounds. Those who are interested in using computers to communicate culture and ideas need to develop command, not only of interactivity, but also sequentiality and form.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;As theorists of hypertext over-emphasize interactivity, so too they exaggerate the divide between text in-print and on-line. Few can any longer participate actively in contemporary culture without using digital information technologies, and fewer still can do so with recourse exclusively to those tools. For several generations, printed text will co-exist with electronic text. The crucial question is not when the latter will displace the former, but how the two can work most effectively together.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Readers will work with text both in print and on-line for many years to come. Currently they do so with a strange gulf between the two forms of presentation. Electronic information technology has had little effect on the conventions of print presentation. A well-designed book often has the same appearance it did several centuries ago. Readers of printed materials still use the conventions developed long before electronic technology. The few recent innovations in conventions, for instance APA citations, predate digital technologies. As we will argue, this situation should change, but for now computers have had no influence on the presentation of text in print.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Since printed text has not changed, users of on-line text face an annoying situation. To work with text on-line, they must either import the old conventions of print awkwardly into the new medium or they must struggle with new conventions of hypertext that are too often unpredictable and ineffective. Hypertext conventions simply do not intersect well with print conventions. The information that can lead a reader to a passage in print may not help get her to the same passage on-line, even if it exists in that form. Likewise, encountering a text on-line often leaves the reader with scant clues about how to find it in print. We need to change this situation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Print conventions harbor anomalies that were trivial as long as print was the sole medium of presentation. With print, presentation pertains partly to text and partly to the paper page. As the conventions of print developed, for the most part they soundly integrated text and page layout. Things pertaining to text received appropriate textual conventions—chapter and section breaks, paragraphing, sentence punctuation, spacing to visually separate words, footnoting and the like. Things pertaining to the page received page conventions—page margins, running heads, text justification, and so on. A few things got confused, with textual concerns met through page conventions, the most significant of which involves pagination.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Page numbers are attributes of book layout that have nothing integral to do with the text. Yet, since the early conventions of printing, readers and writers habitually use them to indicate locations in a text. As scholars increasingly work with text both in print and on-line, this anomaly becomes more and more problematic.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Quite apart from electronics, any serious user of printed texts has at one time or another encountered the basic problem. In the critical essay you are reading, the author cites something interesting; you have the book on your shelf; oops, your edition is not the one the author cited. The page references do not work and you are left thumbing in frustrated hope that you can chance upon the cited text. The problem is simple: page references do not really address locations in a text, even though we habitually use them for that purpose. That is the basic confusion and its consequences are substantial.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Pages, and page numbers, are attributes of books, not the texts presented in books. Page numbers in texts are a major inconvenience in an environment in which readers will work with text both in print and on-line. Citations and quotations rely for the most part on elements of the text—author, title, chapter divisions, the words of the text itself. A crucial part of the citation—the actual location of the material cited—depends on the edition, not the text, for we use page numbers to address locations in the text. With a few great works of religion, literature, and thought, standard page references have become established—Plato, Republic, 492b, will take one to a key passage for understanding its educational theory regardless of edition. But the great majority of citations are edition dependent because we use pagination, unique to each edition, to specify the location in a text.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A simple alternative will assign each paragraph in a text a sequential number. —Unlike the page number, the paragraph number is an attribute of the text and it will be thoroughly device and edition independent. With such numbering, a citation need give only author, title, and paragraph number. The citation should work for all versions of the text, whether it is in print or on-line, a first edition or an excerpted reprint. The technique is simple: a sequential number becomes an attribute of each paragraph and pagination drops from use. &amp;quot;Paragraph,&amp;quot; of course, can broaden its base significance beyond written text here, referring, in addition to a distinct unit of thought in writing, to an image or composition in graphics, a sequence in animation, a shot in video, and a phrase in music. Creators should number their &amp;quot;paragraphs,&amp;quot; whatever the medium. Power and Pedagogy prototypes these techniques.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Device independent referencing will benefit readers, whether they use printed or electronic texts. Most serious readers now have access to a computer and a good printer. With these tools, the dichotomy between printed and electronic media should breakdown. We talk about &amp;quot;printed books,&amp;quot; but really what we mean by printed books are &amp;quot;pre-printed books.&amp;quot; Before they are read, before they are sold, before they are even published and distributed, books get printed in quantity, usually with the full press run bound as well. This consumes much paper and labor, requiring substantial capital, and it creates bulk, costly to inventory and to ship, and then to shelve in bookstores and libraries. A significant portion of the cost of books arises from the practice of pre-printing them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;par1 sl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;With device independent referencing, publishers can distribute books electronically via networks and disks, and readers can print those books and parts of books that they want to have in hard copy, in a form that suits their needs—large type for one, big margins for another, even a synthesized audio reading for a third. With device independent referencing, each can cite the text in a way that works easily and accurately for all. Best of all, for those willing to work with electronic text, device independent referencing will enable readers to execute hyperlinks across complex networks without needing to know much about the location or format of the work they seek.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;!-- #EndLibraryItem --&amp;gt;&amp;lt;!-- InstanceEndEditable --&amp;gt;&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Plato/Gorgias&amp;diff=2839</id>
		<title>Texts:Plato/Gorgias</title>
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		<updated>2025-12-26T19:45:10Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: Text replacement - &amp;quot;{{Top Texts}}&amp;quot; to &amp;quot;__NOTITLE__
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&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt; GORGIAS &amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; by Plato &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt; Translated by Benjamin Jowett &amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt; Contents &amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#link2H_4_0002&amp;quot;&amp;gt; GORGIAS &amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; INTRODUCTION. &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In several of the dialogues of Plato, doubts have arisen among his interpreters as to which of the various subjects discussed in them is the main thesis. The speakers have the freedom of conversation; no severe rules of art restrict them, and sometimes we are inclined to think, with one of the dramatis personae in the Theaetetus, that the digressions have the greater interest. Yet in the most irregular of the dialogues there is also a certain natural growth or unity; the beginning is not forgotten at the end, and numerous allusions and references are interspersed, which form the loose connecting links of the whole. We must not neglect this unity, but neither must we attempt to confine the Platonic dialogue on the Procrustean bed of a single idea. (Compare Introduction to the Phaedrus.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Two tendencies seem to have beset the interpreters of Plato in this matter. First, they have endeavoured to hang the dialogues upon one another by the slightest threads; and have thus been led to opposite and contradictory assertions respecting their order and sequence. The mantle of Schleiermacher has descended upon his successors, who have applied his method with the most various results. The value and use of the method has been hardly, if at all, examined either by him or them. Secondly, they have extended almost indefinitely the scope of each separate dialogue; in this way they think that they have escaped all difficulties, not seeing that what they have gained in generality they have lost in truth and distinctness. Metaphysical conceptions easily pass into one another; and the simpler notions of antiquity, which we can only realize by an effort, imperceptibly blend with the more familiar theories of modern philosophers. An eye for proportion is needed (his own art of measuring) in the study of Plato, as well as of other great artists. We may hardly admit that the moral antithesis of good and pleasure, or the intellectual antithesis of knowledge and opinion, being and appearance, are never far off in a Platonic discussion. But because they are in the background, we should not bring them into the foreground, or expect to discern them equally in all the dialogues. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There may be some advantage in drawing out a little the main outlines of the building; but the use of this is limited, and may be easily exaggerated. We may give Plato too much system, and alter the natural form and connection of his thoughts. Under the idea that his dialogues are finished works of art, we may find a reason for everything, and lose the highest characteristic of art, which is simplicity. Most great works receive a new light from a new and original mind. But whether these new lights are true or only suggestive, will depend on their agreement with the spirit of Plato, and the amount of direct evidence which can be urged in support of them. When a theory is running away with us, criticism does a friendly office in counselling moderation, and recalling us to the indications of the text. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Like the Phaedrus, the Gorgias has puzzled students of Plato by the appearance of two or more subjects. Under the cover of rhetoric higher themes are introduced; the argument expands into a general view of the good and evil of man. After making an ineffectual attempt to obtain a sound definition of his art from Gorgias, Socrates assumes the existence of a universal art of flattery or simulation having several branches:&amp;amp;mdash;this is the genus of which rhetoric is only one, and not the highest species. To flattery is opposed the true and noble art of life which he who possesses seeks always to impart to others, and which at last triumphs, if not here, at any rate in another world. These two aspects of life and knowledge appear to be the two leading ideas of the dialogue. The true and the false in individuals and states, in the treatment of the soul as well as of the body, are conceived under the forms of true and false art. In the development of this opposition there arise various other questions, such as the two famous paradoxes of Socrates (paradoxes as they are to the world in general, ideals as they may be more worthily called): (1) that to do is worse than to suffer evil; and (2) that when a man has done evil he had better be punished than unpunished; to which may be added (3) a third Socratic paradox or ideal, that bad men do what they think best, but not what they desire, for the desire of all is towards the good. That pleasure is to be distinguished from good is proved by the simultaneousness of pleasure and pain, and by the possibility of the bad having in certain cases pleasures as great as those of the good, or even greater. Not merely rhetoricians, but poets, musicians, and other artists, the whole tribe of statesmen, past as well as present, are included in the class of flatterers. The true and false finally appear before the judgment-seat of the gods below. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The dialogue naturally falls into three divisions, to which the three characters of Gorgias, Polus, and Callicles respectively correspond; and the form and manner change with the stages of the argument. Socrates is deferential towards Gorgias, playful and yet cutting in dealing with the youthful Polus, ironical and sarcastic in his encounter with Callicles. In the first division the question is asked&amp;amp;mdash;What is rhetoric? To this there is no answer given, for Gorgias is soon made to contradict himself by Socrates, and the argument is transferred to the hands of his disciple Polus, who rushes to the defence of his master. The answer has at last to be given by Socrates himself, but before he can even explain his meaning to Polus, he must enlighten him upon the great subject of shams or flatteries. When Polus finds his favourite art reduced to the level of cookery, he replies that at any rate rhetoricians, like despots, have great power. Socrates denies that they have any real power, and hence arise the three paradoxes already mentioned. Although they are strange to him, Polus is at last convinced of their truth; at least, they seem to him to follow legitimately from the premises. Thus the second act of the dialogue closes. Then Callicles appears on the scene, at first maintaining that pleasure is good, and that might is right, and that law is nothing but the combination of the many weak against the few strong. When he is confuted he withdraws from the argument, and leaves Socrates to arrive at the conclusion by himself. The conclusion is that there are two kinds of statesmanship, a higher and a lower&amp;amp;mdash;that which makes the people better, and that which only flatters them, and he exhorts Callicles to choose the higher. The dialogue terminates with a mythus of a final judgment, in which there will be no more flattery or disguise, and no further use for the teaching of rhetoric. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The characters of the three interlocutors also correspond to the parts which are assigned to them. Gorgias is the great rhetorician, now advanced in years, who goes from city to city displaying his talents, and is celebrated throughout Greece. Like all the Sophists in the dialogues of Plato, he is vain and boastful, yet he has also a certain dignity, and is treated by Socrates with considerable respect. But he is no match for him in dialectics. Although he has been teaching rhetoric all his life, he is still incapable of defining his own art. When his ideas begin to clear up, he is unwilling to admit that rhetoric can be wholly separated from justice and injustice, and this lingering sentiment of morality, or regard for public opinion, enables Socrates to detect him in a contradiction. Like Protagoras, he is described as of a generous nature; he expresses his approbation of Socrates&#039; manner of approaching a question; he is quite &#039;one of Socrates&#039; sort, ready to be refuted as well as to refute,&#039; and very eager that Callicles and Socrates should have the game out. He knows by experience that rhetoric exercises great influence over other men, but he is unable to explain the puzzle how rhetoric can teach everything and know nothing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Polus is an impetuous youth, a runaway &#039;colt,&#039; as Socrates describes him, who wanted originally to have taken the place of Gorgias under the pretext that the old man was tired, and now avails himself of the earliest opportunity to enter the lists. He is said to be the author of a work on rhetoric, and is again mentioned in the Phaedrus, as the inventor of balanced or double forms of speech (compare Gorg.; Symp.). At first he is violent and ill-mannered, and is angry at seeing his master overthrown. But in the judicious hands of Socrates he is soon restored to good-humour, and compelled to assent to the required conclusion. Like Gorgias, he is overthrown because he compromises; he is unwilling to say that to do is fairer or more honourable than to suffer injustice. Though he is fascinated by the power of rhetoric, and dazzled by the splendour of success, he is not insensible to higher arguments. Plato may have felt that there would be an incongruity in a youth maintaining the cause of injustice against the world. He has never heard the other side of the question, and he listens to the paradoxes, as they appear to him, of Socrates with evident astonishment. He can hardly understand the meaning of Archelaus being miserable, or of rhetoric being only useful in self-accusation. When the argument with him has fairly run out. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Callicles, in whose house they are assembled, is introduced on the stage: he is with difficulty convinced that Socrates is in earnest; for if these things are true, then, as he says with real emotion, the foundations of society are upside down. In him another type of character is represented; he is neither sophist nor philosopher, but man of the world, and an accomplished Athenian gentleman. He might be described in modern language as a cynic or materialist, a lover of power and also of pleasure, and unscrupulous in his means of attaining both. There is no desire on his part to offer any compromise in the interests of morality; nor is any concession made by him. Like Thrasymachus in the Republic, though he is not of the same weak and vulgar class, he consistently maintains that might is right. His great motive of action is political ambition; in this he is characteristically Greek. Like Anytus in the Meno, he is the enemy of the Sophists; but favours the new art of rhetoric, which he regards as an excellent weapon of attack and defence. He is a despiser of mankind as he is of philosophy, and sees in the laws of the state only a violation of the order of nature, which intended that the stronger should govern the weaker (compare Republic). Like other men of the world who are of a speculative turn of mind, he generalizes the bad side of human nature, and has easily brought down his principles to his practice. Philosophy and poetry alike supply him with distinctions suited to his view of human life. He has a good will to Socrates, whose talents he evidently admires, while he censures the puerile use which he makes of them. He expresses a keen intellectual interest in the argument. Like Anytus, again, he has a sympathy with other men of the world; the Athenian statesmen of a former generation, who showed no weakness and made no mistakes, such as Miltiades, Themistocles, Pericles, are his favourites. His ideal of human character is a man of great passions and great powers, which he has developed to the utmost, and which he uses in his own enjoyment and in the government of others. Had Critias been the name instead of Callicles, about whom we know nothing from other sources, the opinions of the man would have seemed to reflect the history of his life. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And now the combat deepens. In Callicles, far more than in any sophist or rhetorician, is concentrated the spirit of evil against which Socrates is contending, the spirit of the world, the spirit of the many contending against the one wise man, of which the Sophists, as he describes them in the Republic, are the imitators rather than the authors, being themselves carried away by the great tide of public opinion. Socrates approaches his antagonist warily from a distance, with a sort of irony which touches with a light hand both his personal vices (probably in allusion to some scandal of the day) and his servility to the populace. At the same time, he is in most profound earnest, as Chaerephon remarks. Callicles soon loses his temper, but the more he is irritated, the more provoking and matter of fact does Socrates become. A repartee of his which appears to have been really made to the &#039;omniscient&#039; Hippias, according to the testimony of Xenophon (Mem.), is introduced. He is called by Callicles a popular declaimer, and certainly shows that he has the power, in the words of Gorgias, of being &#039;as long as he pleases,&#039; or &#039;as short as he pleases&#039; (compare Protag.). Callicles exhibits great ability in defending himself and attacking Socrates, whom he accuses of trifling and word-splitting; he is scandalized that the legitimate consequences of his own argument should be stated in plain terms; after the manner of men of the world, he wishes to preserve the decencies of life. But he cannot consistently maintain the bad sense of words; and getting confused between the abstract notions of better, superior, stronger, he is easily turned round by Socrates, and only induced to continue the argument by the authority of Gorgias. Once, when Socrates is describing the manner in which the ambitious citizen has to identify himself with the people, he partially recognizes the truth of his words. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The Socrates of the Gorgias may be compared with the Socrates of the Protagoras and Meno. As in other dialogues, he is the enemy of the Sophists and rhetoricians; and also of the statesmen, whom he regards as another variety of the same species. His behaviour is governed by that of his opponents; the least forwardness or egotism on their part is met by a corresponding irony on the part of Socrates. He must speak, for philosophy will not allow him to be silent. He is indeed more ironical and provoking than in any other of Plato&#039;s writings: for he is &#039;fooled to the top of his bent&#039; by the worldliness of Callicles. But he is also more deeply in earnest. He rises higher than even in the Phaedo and Crito: at first enveloping his moral convictions in a cloud of dust and dialectics, he ends by losing his method, his life, himself, in them. As in the Protagoras and Phaedrus, throwing aside the veil of irony, he makes a speech, but, true to his character, not until his adversary has refused to answer any more questions. The presentiment of his own fate is hanging over him. He is aware that Socrates, the single real teacher of politics, as he ventures to call himself, cannot safely go to war with the whole world, and that in the courts of earth he will be condemned. But he will be justified in the world below. Then the position of Socrates and Callicles will be reversed; all those things &#039;unfit for ears polite&#039; which Callicles has prophesied as likely to happen to him in this life, the insulting language, the box on the ears, will recoil upon his assailant. (Compare Republic, and the similar reversal of the position of the lawyer and the philosopher in the Theaetetus). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There is an interesting allusion to his own behaviour at the trial of the generals after the battle of Arginusae, which he ironically attributes to his ignorance of the manner in which a vote of the assembly should be taken. This is said to have happened &#039;last year&#039; (B.C. 406), and therefore the assumed date of the dialogue has been fixed at 405 B.C., when Socrates would already have been an old man. The date is clearly marked, but is scarcely reconcilable with another indication of time, viz. the &#039;recent&#039; usurpation of Archelaus, which occurred in the year 413; and still less with the &#039;recent&#039; death of Pericles, who really died twenty-four years previously (429 B.C.) and is afterwards reckoned among the statesmen of a past age; or with the mention of Nicias, who died in 413, and is nevertheless spoken of as a living witness. But we shall hereafter have reason to observe, that although there is a general consistency of times and persons in the Dialogues of Plato, a precise dramatic date is an invention of his commentators (Preface to Republic). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The conclusion of the Dialogue is remarkable, (1) for the truly characteristic declaration of Socrates that he is ignorant of the true nature and bearing of these things, while he affirms at the same time that no one can maintain any other view without being ridiculous. The profession of ignorance reminds us of the earlier and more exclusively Socratic Dialogues. But neither in them, nor in the Apology, nor in the Memorabilia of Xenophon, does Socrates express any doubt of the fundamental truths of morality. He evidently regards this &#039;among the multitude of questions&#039; which agitate human life &#039;as the principle which alone remains unshaken.&#039; He does not insist here, any more than in the Phaedo, on the literal truth of the myth, but only on the soundness of the doctrine which is contained in it, that doing wrong is worse than suffering, and that a man should be rather than seem; for the next best thing to a man&#039;s being just is that he should be corrected and become just; also that he should avoid all flattery, whether of himself or of others; and that rhetoric should be employed for the maintenance of the right only. The revelation of another life is a recapitulation of the argument in a figure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — (2) Socrates makes the singular remark, that he is himself the only true politician of his age. In other passages, especially in the Apology, he disclaims being a politician at all. There he is convinced that he or any other good man who attempted to resist the popular will would be put to death before he had done any good to himself or others. Here he anticipates such a fate for himself, from the fact that he is &#039;the only man of the present day who performs his public duties at all.&#039; The two points of view are not really inconsistent, but the difference between them is worth noticing: Socrates is and is not a public man. Not in the ordinary sense, like Alcibiades or Pericles, but in a higher one; and this will sooner or later entail the same consequences on him. He cannot be a private man if he would; neither can he separate morals from politics. Nor is he unwilling to be a politician, although he foresees the dangers which await him; but he must first become a better and wiser man, for he as well as Callicles is in a state of perplexity and uncertainty. And yet there is an inconsistency: for should not Socrates too have taught the citizens better than to put him to death? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And now, as he himself says, we will &#039;resume the argument from the beginning.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Socrates, who is attended by his inseparable disciple, Chaerephon, meets Callicles in the streets of Athens. He is informed that he has just missed an exhibition of Gorgias, which he regrets, because he was desirous, not of hearing Gorgias display his rhetoric, but of interrogating him concerning the nature of his art. Callicles proposes that they shall go with him to his own house, where Gorgias is staying. There they find the great rhetorician and his younger friend and disciple Polus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Put the question to him, Chaerephon. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CHAEREPHON: What question? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Who is he?&amp;amp;mdash;such a question as would elicit from a man the answer, &#039;I am a cobbler.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Polus suggests that Gorgias may be tired, and desires to answer for him. &#039;Who is Gorgias?&#039; asks Chaerephon, imitating the manner of his master Socrates. &#039;One of the best of men, and a proficient in the best and noblest of experimental arts,&#039; etc., replies Polus, in rhetorical and balanced phrases. Socrates is dissatisfied at the length and unmeaningness of the answer; he tells the disconcerted volunteer that he has mistaken the quality for the nature of the art, and remarks to Gorgias, that Polus has learnt how to make a speech, but not how to answer a question. He wishes that Gorgias would answer him. Gorgias is willing enough, and replies to the question asked by Chaerephon,&amp;amp;mdash;that he is a rhetorician, and in Homeric language, &#039;boasts himself to be a good one.&#039; At the request of Socrates he promises to be brief; for &#039;he can be as long as he pleases, and as short as he pleases.&#039; Socrates would have him bestow his length on others, and proceeds to ask him a number of questions, which are answered by him to his own great satisfaction, and with a brevity which excites the admiration of Socrates. The result of the discussion may be summed up as follows:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Rhetoric treats of discourse; but music and medicine, and other particular arts, are also concerned with discourse; in what way then does rhetoric differ from them? Gorgias draws a distinction between the arts which deal with words, and the arts which have to do with external actions. Socrates extends this distinction further, and divides all productive arts into two classes: (1) arts which may be carried on in silence; and (2) arts which have to do with words, or in which words are coextensive with action, such as arithmetic, geometry, rhetoric. But still Gorgias could hardly have meant to say that arithmetic was the same as rhetoric. Even in the arts which are concerned with words there are differences. What then distinguishes rhetoric from the other arts which have to do with words? &#039;The words which rhetoric uses relate to the best and greatest of human things.&#039; But tell me, Gorgias, what are the best? &#039;Health first, beauty next, wealth third,&#039; in the words of the old song, or how would you rank them? The arts will come to you in a body, each claiming precedence and saying that her own good is superior to that of the rest&amp;amp;mdash;How will you choose between them? &#039;I should say, Socrates, that the art of persuasion, which gives freedom to all men, and to individuals power in the state, is the greatest good.&#039; But what is the exact nature of this persuasion?&amp;amp;mdash;is the persevering retort: You could not describe Zeuxis as a painter, or even as a painter of figures, if there were other painters of figures; neither can you define rhetoric simply as an art of persuasion, because there are other arts which persuade, such as arithmetic, which is an art of persuasion about odd and even numbers. Gorgias is made to see the necessity of a further limitation, and he now defines rhetoric as the art of persuading in the law courts, and in the assembly, about the just and unjust. But still there are two sorts of persuasion: one which gives knowledge, and another which gives belief without knowledge; and knowledge is always true, but belief may be either true or false,&amp;amp;mdash;there is therefore a further question: which of the two sorts of persuasion does rhetoric effect in courts of law and assemblies? Plainly that which gives belief and not that which gives knowledge; for no one can impart a real knowledge of such matters to a crowd of persons in a few minutes. And there is another point to be considered:&amp;amp;mdash;when the assembly meets to advise about walls or docks or military expeditions, the rhetorician is not taken into counsel, but the architect, or the general. How would Gorgias explain this phenomenon? All who intend to become disciples, of whom there are several in the company, and not Socrates only, are eagerly asking:&amp;amp;mdash;About what then will rhetoric teach us to persuade or advise the state? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Gorgias illustrates the nature of rhetoric by adducing the example of Themistocles, who persuaded the Athenians to build their docks and walls, and of Pericles, whom Socrates himself has heard speaking about the middle wall of the Piraeus. He adds that he has exercised a similar power over the patients of his brother Herodicus. He could be chosen a physician by the assembly if he pleased, for no physician could compete with a rhetorician in popularity and influence. He could persuade the multitude of anything by the power of his rhetoric; not that the rhetorician ought to abuse this power any more than a boxer should abuse the art of self-defence. Rhetoric is a good thing, but, like all good things, may be unlawfully used. Neither is the teacher of the art to be deemed unjust because his pupils are unjust and make a bad use of the lessons which they have learned from him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Socrates would like to know before he replies, whether Gorgias will quarrel with him if he points out a slight inconsistency into which he has fallen, or whether he, like himself, is one who loves to be refuted. Gorgias declares that he is quite one of his sort, but fears that the argument may be tedious to the company. The company cheer, and Chaerephon and Callicles exhort them to proceed. Socrates gently points out the supposed inconsistency into which Gorgias appears to have fallen, and which he is inclined to think may arise out of a misapprehension of his own. The rhetorician has been declared by Gorgias to be more persuasive to the ignorant than the physician, or any other expert. And he is said to be ignorant, and this ignorance of his is regarded by Gorgias as a happy condition, for he has escaped the trouble of learning. But is he as ignorant of just and unjust as he is of medicine or building? Gorgias is compelled to admit that if he did not know them previously he must learn them from his teacher as a part of the art of rhetoric. But he who has learned carpentry is a carpenter, and he who has learned music is a musician, and he who has learned justice is just. The rhetorician then must be a just man, and rhetoric is a just thing. But Gorgias has already admitted the opposite of this, viz. that rhetoric may be abused, and that the rhetorician may act unjustly. How is the inconsistency to be explained? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The fallacy of this argument is twofold; for in the first place, a man may know justice and not be just&amp;amp;mdash;here is the old confusion of the arts and the virtues;&amp;amp;mdash;nor can any teacher be expected to counteract wholly the bent of natural character; and secondly, a man may have a degree of justice, but not sufficient to prevent him from ever doing wrong. Polus is naturally exasperated at the sophism, which he is unable to detect; of course, he says, the rhetorician, like every one else, will admit that he knows justice (how can he do otherwise when pressed by the interrogations of Socrates?), but he thinks that great want of manners is shown in bringing the argument to such a pass. Socrates ironically replies, that when old men trip, the young set them on their legs again; and he is quite willing to retract, if he can be shown to be in error, but upon one condition, which is that Polus studies brevity. Polus is in great indignation at not being allowed to use as many words as he pleases in the free state of Athens. Socrates retorts, that yet harder will be his own case, if he is compelled to stay and listen to them. After some altercation they agree (compare Protag.), that Polus shall ask and Socrates answer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;What is the art of Rhetoric?&#039; says Polus. Not an art at all, replies Socrates, but a thing which in your book you affirm to have created art. Polus asks, &#039;What thing?&#039; and Socrates answers, An experience or routine of making a sort of delight or gratification. &#039;But is not rhetoric a fine thing?&#039; I have not yet told you what rhetoric is. Will you ask me another question&amp;amp;mdash;What is cookery? &#039;What is cookery?&#039; An experience or routine of making a sort of delight or gratification. Then they are the same, or rather fall under the same class, and rhetoric has still to be distinguished from cookery. &#039;What is rhetoric?&#039; asks Polus once more. A part of a not very creditable whole, which may be termed flattery, is the reply. &#039;But what part?&#039; A shadow of a part of politics. This, as might be expected, is wholly unintelligible, both to Gorgias and Polus; and, in order to explain his meaning to them, Socrates draws a distinction between shadows or appearances and realities; e.g. there is real health of body or soul, and the appearance of them; real arts and sciences, and the simulations of them. Now the soul and body have two arts waiting upon them, first the art of politics, which attends on the soul, having a legislative part and a judicial part; and another art attending on the body, which has no generic name, but may also be described as having two divisions, one of which is medicine and the other gymnastic. Corresponding with these four arts or sciences there are four shams or simulations of them, mere experiences, as they may be termed, because they give no reason of their own existence. The art of dressing up is the sham or simulation of gymnastic, the art of cookery, of medicine; rhetoric is the simulation of justice, and sophistic of legislation. They may be summed up in an arithmetical formula:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Tiring: gymnastic:: cookery: medicine:: sophistic: legislation. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And, &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Cookery: medicine:: rhetoric: the art of justice. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And this is the true scheme of them, but when measured only by the gratification which they procure, they become jumbled together and return to their aboriginal chaos. Socrates apologizes for the length of his speech, which was necessary to the explanation of the subject, and begs Polus not unnecessarily to retaliate on him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;Do you mean to say that the rhetoricians are esteemed flatterers?&#039; They are not esteemed at all. &#039;Why, have they not great power, and can they not do whatever they desire?&#039; They have no power, and they only do what they think best, and never what they desire; for they never attain the true object of desire, which is the good. &#039;As if you, Socrates, would not envy the possessor of despotic power, who can imprison, exile, kill any one whom he pleases.&#039; But Socrates replies that he has no wish to put any one to death; he who kills another, even justly, is not to be envied, and he who kills him unjustly is to be pitied; it is better to suffer than to do injustice. He does not consider that going about with a dagger and putting men out of the way, or setting a house on fire, is real power. To this Polus assents, on the ground that such acts would be punished, but he is still of opinion that evil-doers, if they are unpunished, may be happy enough. He instances Archelaus, son of Perdiccas, the usurper of Macedonia. Does not Socrates think him happy?&amp;amp;mdash;Socrates would like to know more about him; he cannot pronounce even the great king to be happy, unless he knows his mental and moral condition. Polus explains that Archelaus was a slave, being the son of a woman who was the slave of Alcetas, brother of Perdiccas king of Macedon&amp;amp;mdash;and he, by every species of crime, first murdering his uncle and then his cousin and half-brother, obtained the kingdom. This was very wicked, and yet all the world, including Socrates, would like to have his place. Socrates dismisses the appeal to numbers; Polus, if he will, may summon all the rich men of Athens, Nicias and his brothers, Aristocrates, the house of Pericles, or any other great family&amp;amp;mdash;this is the kind of evidence which is adduced in courts of justice, where truth depends upon numbers. But Socrates employs proof of another sort; his appeal is to one witness only,&amp;amp;mdash;that is to say, the person with whom he is speaking; him he will convict out of his own mouth. And he is prepared to show, after his manner, that Archelaus cannot be a wicked man and yet happy. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The evil-doer is deemed happy if he escapes, and miserable if he suffers punishment; but Socrates thinks him less miserable if he suffers than if he escapes. Polus is of opinion that such a paradox as this hardly deserves refutation, and is at any rate sufficiently refuted by the fact. Socrates has only to compare the lot of the successful tyrant who is the envy of the world, and of the wretch who, having been detected in a criminal attempt against the state, is crucified or burnt to death. Socrates replies, that if they are both criminal they are both miserable, but that the unpunished is the more miserable of the two. At this Polus laughs outright, which leads Socrates to remark that laughter is a new species of refutation. Polus replies, that he is already refuted; for if he will take the votes of the company, he will find that no one agrees with him. To this Socrates rejoins, that he is not a public man, and (referring to his own conduct at the trial of the generals after the battle of Arginusae) is unable to take the suffrages of any company, as he had shown on a recent occasion; he can only deal with one witness at a time, and that is the person with whom he is arguing. But he is certain that in the opinion of any man to do is worse than to suffer evil. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Polus, though he will not admit this, is ready to acknowledge that to do evil is considered the more foul or dishonourable of the two. But what is fair and what is foul; whether the terms are applied to bodies, colours, figures, laws, habits, studies, must they not be defined with reference to pleasure and utility? Polus assents to this latter doctrine, and is easily persuaded that the fouler of two things must exceed either in pain or in hurt. But the doing cannot exceed the suffering of evil in pain, and therefore must exceed in hurt. Thus doing is proved by the testimony of Polus himself to be worse or more hurtful than suffering. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There remains the other question: Is a guilty man better off when he is punished or when he is unpunished? Socrates replies, that what is done justly is suffered justly: if the act is just, the effect is just; if to punish is just, to be punished is just, and therefore fair, and therefore beneficent; and the benefit is that the soul is improved. There are three evils from which a man may suffer, and which affect him in estate, body, and soul;&amp;amp;mdash;these are, poverty, disease, injustice; and the foulest of these is injustice, the evil of the soul, because that brings the greatest hurt. And there are three arts which heal these evils&amp;amp;mdash;trading, medicine, justice&amp;amp;mdash;and the fairest of these is justice. Happy is he who has never committed injustice, and happy in the second degree he who has been healed by punishment. And therefore the criminal should himself go to the judge as he would to the physician, and purge away his crime. Rhetoric will enable him to display his guilt in proper colours, and to sustain himself and others in enduring the necessary penalty. And similarly if a man has an enemy, he will desire not to punish him, but that he shall go unpunished and become worse and worse, taking care only that he does no injury to himself. These are at least conceivable uses of the art, and no others have been discovered by us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Here Callicles, who has been listening in silent amazement, asks Chaerephon whether Socrates is in earnest, and on receiving the assurance that he is, proceeds to ask the same question of Socrates himself. For if such doctrines are true, life must have been turned upside down, and all of us are doing the opposite of what we ought to be doing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Socrates replies in a style of playful irony, that before men can understand one another they must have some common feeling. And such a community of feeling exists between himself and Callicles, for both of them are lovers, and they have both a pair of loves; the beloved of Callicles are the Athenian Demos and Demos the son of Pyrilampes; the beloved of Socrates are Alcibiades and philosophy. The peculiarity of Callicles is that he can never contradict his loves; he changes as his Demos changes in all his opinions; he watches the countenance of both his loves, and repeats their sentiments, and if any one is surprised at his sayings and doings, the explanation of them is, that he is not a free agent, but must always be imitating his two loves. And this is the explanation of Socrates&#039; peculiarities also. He is always repeating what his mistress, Philosophy, is saying to him, who unlike his other love, Alcibiades, is ever the same, ever true. Callicles must refute her, or he will never be at unity with himself; and discord in life is far worse than the discord of musical sounds. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Callicles answers, that Gorgias was overthrown because, as Polus said, in compliance with popular prejudice he had admitted that if his pupil did not know justice the rhetorician must teach him; and Polus has been similarly entangled, because his modesty led him to admit that to suffer is more honourable than to do injustice. By custom &#039;yes,&#039; but not by nature, says Callicles. And Socrates is always playing between the two points of view, and putting one in the place of the other. In this very argument, what Polus only meant in a conventional sense has been affirmed by him to be a law of nature. For convention says that &#039;injustice is dishonourable,&#039; but nature says that &#039;might is right.&#039; And we are always taming down the nobler spirits among us to the conventional level. But sometimes a great man will rise up and reassert his original rights, trampling under foot all our formularies, and then the light of natural justice shines forth. Pindar says, &#039;Law, the king of all, does violence with high hand;&#039; as is indeed proved by the example of Heracles, who drove off the oxen of Geryon and never paid for them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — This is the truth, Socrates, as you will be convinced, if you leave philosophy and pass on to the real business of life. A little philosophy is an excellent thing; too much is the ruin of a man. He who has not &#039;passed his metaphysics&#039; before he has grown up to manhood will never know the world. Philosophers are ridiculous when they take to politics, and I dare say that politicians are equally ridiculous when they take to philosophy: &#039;Every man,&#039; as Euripides says, &#039;is fondest of that in which he is best.&#039; Philosophy is graceful in youth, like the lisp of infancy, and should be cultivated as a part of education; but when a grown-up man lisps or studies philosophy, I should like to beat him. None of those over-refined natures ever come to any good; they avoid the busy haunts of men, and skulk in corners, whispering to a few admiring youths, and never giving utterance to any noble sentiments. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — For you, Socrates, I have a regard, and therefore I say to you, as Zethus says to Amphion in the play, that you have &#039;a noble soul disguised in a puerile exterior.&#039; And I would have you consider the danger which you and other philosophers incur. For you would not know how to defend yourself if any one accused you in a law-court,&amp;amp;mdash;there you would stand, with gaping mouth and dizzy brain, and might be murdered, robbed, boxed on the ears with impunity. Take my advice, then, and get a little common sense; leave to others these frivolities; walk in the ways of the wealthy and be wise. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Socrates professes to have found in Callicles the philosopher&#039;s touchstone; and he is certain that any opinion in which they both agree must be the very truth. Callicles has all the three qualities which are needed in a critic&amp;amp;mdash;knowledge, good-will, frankness; Gorgias and Polus, although learned men, were too modest, and their modesty made them contradict themselves. But Callicles is well-educated; and he is not too modest to speak out (of this he has already given proof), and his good-will is shown both by his own profession and by his giving the same caution against philosophy to Socrates, which Socrates remembers hearing him give long ago to his own clique of friends. He will pledge himself to retract any error into which he may have fallen, and which Callicles may point out. But he would like to know first of all what he and Pindar mean by natural justice. Do they suppose that the rule of justice is the rule of the stronger or of the better?&#039; &#039;There is no difference.&#039; Then are not the many superior to the one, and the opinions of the many better? And their opinion is that justice is equality, and that to do is more dishonourable than to suffer wrong. And as they are the superior or stronger, this opinion of theirs must be in accordance with natural as well as conventional justice. &#039;Why will you continue splitting words? Have I not told you that the superior is the better?&#039; But what do you mean by the better? Tell me that, and please to be a little milder in your language, if you do not wish to drive me away. &#039;I mean the worthier, the wiser.&#039; You mean to say that one man of sense ought to rule over ten thousand fools? &#039;Yes, that is my meaning.&#039; Ought the physician then to have a larger share of meats and drinks? or the weaver to have more coats, or the cobbler larger shoes, or the farmer more seed? &#039;You are always saying the same things, Socrates.&#039; Yes, and on the same subjects too; but you are never saying the same things. For, first, you defined the superior to be the stronger, and then the wiser, and now something else;&amp;amp;mdash;what DO you mean? &#039;I mean men of political ability, who ought to govern and to have more than the governed.&#039; Than themselves? &#039;What do you mean?&#039; I mean to say that every man is his own governor. &#039;I see that you mean those dolts, the temperate. But my doctrine is, that a man should let his desires grow, and take the means of satisfying them. To the many this is impossible, and therefore they combine to prevent him. But if he is a king, and has power, how base would he be in submitting to them! To invite the common herd to be lord over him, when he might have the enjoyment of all things! For the truth is, Socrates, that luxury and self-indulgence are virtue and happiness; all the rest is mere talk.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Socrates compliments Callicles on his frankness in saying what other men only think. According to his view, those who want nothing are not happy. &#039;Why,&#039; says Callicles, &#039;if they were, stones and the dead would be happy.&#039; Socrates in reply is led into a half-serious, half-comic vein of reflection. &#039;Who knows,&#039; as Euripides says, &#039;whether life may not be death, and death life?&#039; Nay, there are philosophers who maintain that even in life we are dead, and that the body (soma) is the tomb (sema) of the soul. And some ingenious Sicilian has made an allegory, in which he represents fools as the uninitiated, who are supposed to be carrying water to a vessel, which is full of holes, in a similarly holey sieve, and this sieve is their own soul. The idea is fanciful, but nevertheless is a figure of a truth which I want to make you acknowledge, viz. that the life of contentment is better than the life of indulgence. Are you disposed to admit that? &#039;Far otherwise.&#039; Then hear another parable. The life of self-contentment and self-indulgence may be represented respectively by two men, who are filling jars with streams of wine, honey, milk,&amp;amp;mdash;the jars of the one are sound, and the jars of the other leaky; the first fils his jars, and has no more trouble with them; the second is always filling them, and would suffer extreme misery if he desisted. Are you of the same opinion still? &#039;Yes, Socrates, and the figure expresses what I mean. For true pleasure is a perpetual stream, flowing in and flowing out. To be hungry and always eating, to be thirsty and always drinking, and to have all the other desires and to satisfy them, that, as I admit, is my idea of happiness.&#039; And to be itching and always scratching? &#039;I do not deny that there may be happiness even in that.&#039; And to indulge unnatural desires, if they are abundantly satisfied? Callicles is indignant at the introduction of such topics. But he is reminded by Socrates that they are introduced, not by him, but by the maintainer of the identity of pleasure and good. Will Callicles still maintain this? &#039;Yes, for the sake of consistency, he will.&#039; The answer does not satisfy Socrates, who fears that he is losing his touchstone. A profession of seriousness on the part of Callicles reassures him, and they proceed with the argument. Pleasure and good are the same, but knowledge and courage are not the same either with pleasure or good, or with one another. Socrates disproves the first of these statements by showing that two opposites cannot coexist, but must alternate with one another&amp;amp;mdash;to be well and ill together is impossible. But pleasure and pain are simultaneous, and the cessation of them is simultaneous; e.g. in the case of drinking and thirsting, whereas good and evil are not simultaneous, and do not cease simultaneously, and therefore pleasure cannot be the same as good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Callicles has already lost his temper, and can only be persuaded to go on by the interposition of Gorgias. Socrates, having already guarded against objections by distinguishing courage and knowledge from pleasure and good, proceeds:&amp;amp;mdash;The good are good by the presence of good, and the bad are bad by the presence of evil. And the brave and wise are good, and the cowardly and foolish are bad. And he who feels pleasure is good, and he who feels pain is bad, and both feel pleasure and pain in nearly the same degree, and sometimes the bad man or coward in a greater degree. Therefore the bad man or coward is as good as the brave or may be even better. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Callicles endeavours now to avert the inevitable absurdity by affirming that he and all mankind admitted some pleasures to be good and others bad. The good are the beneficial, and the bad are the hurtful, and we should choose the one and avoid the other. But this, as Socrates observes, is a return to the old doctrine of himself and Polus, that all things should be done for the sake of the good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Callicles assents to this, and Socrates, finding that they are agreed in distinguishing pleasure from good, returns to his old division of empirical habits, or shams, or flatteries, which study pleasure only, and the arts which are concerned with the higher interests of soul and body. Does Callicles agree to this division? Callicles will agree to anything, in order that he may get through the argument. Which of the arts then are flatteries? Flute-playing, harp-playing, choral exhibitions, the dithyrambics of Cinesias are all equally condemned on the ground that they give pleasure only; and Meles the harp-player, who was the father of Cinesias, failed even in that. The stately muse of Tragedy is bent upon pleasure, and not upon improvement. Poetry in general is only a rhetorical address to a mixed audience of men, women, and children. And the orators are very far from speaking with a view to what is best; their way is to humour the assembly as if they were children. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Callicles replies, that this is only true of some of them; others have a real regard for their fellow-citizens. Granted; then there are two species of oratory; the one a flattery, another which has a real regard for the citizens. But where are the orators among whom you find the latter? Callicles admits that there are none remaining, but there were such in the days when Themistocles, Cimon, Miltiades, and the great Pericles were still alive. Socrates replies that none of these were true artists, setting before themselves the duty of bringing order out of disorder. The good man and true orator has a settled design, running through his life, to which he conforms all his words and actions; he desires to implant justice and eradicate injustice, to implant all virtue and eradicate all vice in the minds of his citizens. He is the physician who will not allow the sick man to indulge his appetites with a variety of meats and drinks, but insists on his exercising self-restraint. And this is good for the soul, and better than the unrestrained indulgence which Callicles was recently approving. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Here Callicles, who had been with difficulty brought to this point, turns restive, and suggests that Socrates shall answer his own questions. &#039;Then,&#039; says Socrates, &#039;one man must do for two;&#039; and though he had hoped to have given Callicles an &#039;Amphion&#039; in return for his &#039;Zethus,&#039; he is willing to proceed; at the same time, he hopes that Callicles will correct him, if he falls into error. He recapitulates the advantages which he has already won:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The pleasant is not the same as the good&amp;amp;mdash;Callicles and I are agreed about that,&amp;amp;mdash;but pleasure is to be pursued for the sake of the good, and the good is that of which the presence makes us good; we and all things good have acquired some virtue or other. And virtue, whether of body or soul, of things or persons, is not attained by accident, but is due to order and harmonious arrangement. And the soul which has order is better than the soul which is without order, and is therefore temperate and is therefore good, and the intemperate is bad. And he who is temperate is also just and brave and pious, and has attained the perfection of goodness and therefore of happiness, and the intemperate whom you approve is the opposite of all this and is wretched. He therefore who would be happy must pursue temperance and avoid intemperance, and if possible escape the necessity of punishment, but if he have done wrong he must endure punishment. In this way states and individuals should seek to attain harmony, which, as the wise tell us, is the bond of heaven and earth, of gods and men. Callicles has never discovered the power of geometrical proportion in both worlds; he would have men aim at disproportion and excess. But if he be wrong in this, and if self-control is the true secret of happiness, then the paradox is true that the only use of rhetoric is in self-accusation, and Polus was right in saying that to do wrong is worse than to suffer wrong, and Gorgias was right in saying that the rhetorician must be a just man. And you were wrong in taunting me with my defenceless condition, and in saying that I might be accused or put to death or boxed on the ears with impunity. For I may repeat once more, that to strike is worse than to be stricken&amp;amp;mdash;to do than to suffer. What I said then is now made fast in adamantine bonds. I myself know not the true nature of these things, but I know that no one can deny my words and not be ridiculous. To do wrong is the greatest of evils, and to suffer wrong is the next greatest evil. He who would avoid the last must be a ruler, or the friend of a ruler; and to be the friend he must be the equal of the ruler, and must also resemble him. Under his protection he will suffer no evil, but will he also do no evil? Nay, will he not rather do all the evil which he can and escape? And in this way the greatest of all evils will befall him. &#039;But this imitator of the tyrant,&#039; rejoins Callicles, &#039;will kill any one who does not similarly imitate him.&#039; Socrates replies that he is not deaf, and that he has heard that repeated many times, and can only reply, that a bad man will kill a good one. &#039;Yes, and that is the provoking thing.&#039; Not provoking to a man of sense who is not studying the arts which will preserve him from danger; and this, as you say, is the use of rhetoric in courts of justice. But how many other arts are there which also save men from death, and are yet quite humble in their pretensions&amp;amp;mdash;such as the art of swimming, or the art of the pilot? Does not the pilot do men at least as much service as the rhetorician, and yet for the voyage from Aegina to Athens he does not charge more than two obols, and when he disembarks is quite unassuming in his demeanour? The reason is that he is not certain whether he has done his passengers any good in saving them from death, if one of them is diseased in body, and still more if he is diseased in mind&amp;amp;mdash;who can say? The engineer too will often save whole cities, and yet you despise him, and would not allow your son to marry his daughter, or his son to marry yours. But what reason is there in this? For if virtue only means the saving of life, whether your own or another&#039;s, you have no right to despise him or any practiser of saving arts. But is not virtue something different from saving and being saved? I would have you rather consider whether you ought not to disregard length of life, and think only how you can live best, leaving all besides to the will of Heaven. For you must not expect to have influence either with the Athenian Demos or with Demos the son of Pyrilampes, unless you become like them. What do you say to this? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;There is some truth in what you are saying, but I do not entirely believe you.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That is because you are in love with Demos. But let us have a little more conversation. You remember the two processes&amp;amp;mdash;one which was directed to pleasure, the other which was directed to making men as good as possible. And those who have the care of the city should make the citizens as good as possible. But who would undertake a public building, if he had never had a teacher of the art of building, and had never constructed a building before? or who would undertake the duty of state-physician, if he had never cured either himself or any one else? Should we not examine him before we entrusted him with the office? And as Callicles is about to enter public life, should we not examine him? Whom has he made better? For we have already admitted that this is the statesman&#039;s proper business. And we must ask the same question about Pericles, and Cimon, and Miltiades, and Themistocles. Whom did they make better? Nay, did not Pericles make the citizens worse? For he gave them pay, and at first he was very popular with them, but at last they condemned him to death. Yet surely he would be a bad tamer of animals who, having received them gentle, taught them to kick and butt, and man is an animal; and Pericles who had the charge of man only made him wilder, and more savage and unjust, and therefore he could not have been a good statesman. The same tale might be repeated about Cimon, Themistocles, Miltiades. But the charioteer who keeps his seat at first is not thrown out when he gains greater experience and skill. The inference is, that the statesman of a past age were no better than those of our own. They may have been cleverer constructors of docks and harbours, but they did not improve the character of the citizens. I have told you again and again (and I purposely use the same images) that the soul, like the body, may be treated in two ways&amp;amp;mdash;there is the meaner and the higher art. You seemed to understand what I said at the time, but when I ask you who were the really good statesmen, you answer&amp;amp;mdash;as if I asked you who were the good trainers, and you answered, Thearion, the baker, Mithoecus, the author of the Sicilian cookery-book, Sarambus, the vintner. And you would be affronted if I told you that these are a parcel of cooks who make men fat only to make them thin. And those whom they have fattened applaud them, instead of finding fault with them, and lay the blame of their subsequent disorders on their physicians. In this respect, Callicles, you are like them; you applaud the statesmen of old, who pandered to the vices of the citizens, and filled the city with docks and harbours, but neglected virtue and justice. And when the fit of illness comes, the citizens who in like manner applauded Themistocles, Pericles, and others, will lay hold of you and my friend Alcibiades, and you will suffer for the misdeeds of your predecessors. The old story is always being repeated&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;after all his services, the ungrateful city banished him, or condemned him to death.&#039; As if the statesman should not have taught the city better! He surely cannot blame the state for having unjustly used him, any more than the sophist or teacher can find fault with his pupils if they cheat him. And the sophist and orator are in the same case; although you admire rhetoric and despise sophistic, whereas sophistic is really the higher of the two. The teacher of the arts takes money, but the teacher of virtue or politics takes no money, because this is the only kind of service which makes the disciple desirous of requiting his teacher. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Socrates concludes by finally asking, to which of the two modes of serving the state Callicles invites him:&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;to the inferior and ministerial one,&#039; is the ingenuous reply. That is the only way of avoiding death, replies Socrates; and he has heard often enough, and would rather not hear again, that the bad man will kill the good. But he thinks that such a fate is very likely reserved for him, because he remarks that he is the only person who teaches the true art of politics. And very probably, as in the case which he described to Polus, he may be the physician who is tried by a jury of children. He cannot say that he has procured the citizens any pleasure, and if any one charges him with perplexing them, or with reviling their elders, he will not be able to make them understand that he has only been actuated by a desire for their good. And therefore there is no saying what his fate may be. &#039;And do you think that a man who is unable to help himself is in a good condition?&#039; Yes, Callicles, if he have the true self-help, which is never to have said or done any wrong to himself or others. If I had not this kind of self-help, I should be ashamed; but if I die for want of your flattering rhetoric, I shall die in peace. For death is no evil, but to go to the world below laden with offences is the worst of evils. In proof of which I will tell you a tale:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Under the rule of Cronos, men were judged on the day of their death, and when judgment had been given upon them they departed&amp;amp;mdash;the good to the islands of the blest, the bad to the house of vengeance. But as they were still living, and had their clothes on at the time when they were being judged, there was favouritism, and Zeus, when he came to the throne, was obliged to alter the mode of procedure, and try them after death, having first sent down Prometheus to take away from them the foreknowledge of death. Minos, Rhadamanthus, and Aeacus were appointed to be the judges; Rhadamanthus for Asia, Aeacus for Europe, and Minos was to hold the court of appeal. Now death is the separation of soul and body, but after death soul and body alike retain their characteristics; the fat man, the dandy, the branded slave, are all distinguishable. Some prince or potentate, perhaps even the great king himself, appears before Rhadamanthus, and he instantly detects him, though he knows not who he is; he sees the scars of perjury and iniquity, and sends him away to the house of torment. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — For there are two classes of souls who undergo punishment&amp;amp;mdash;the curable and the incurable. The curable are those who are benefited by their punishment; the incurable are such as Archelaus, who benefit others by becoming a warning to them. The latter class are generally kings and potentates; meaner persons, happily for themselves, have not the same power of doing injustice. Sisyphus and Tityus, not Thersites, are supposed by Homer to be undergoing everlasting punishment. Not that there is anything to prevent a great man from being a good one, as is shown by the famous example of Aristeides, the son of Lysimachus. But to Rhadamanthus the souls are only known as good or bad; they are stripped of their dignities and preferments; he despatches the bad to Tartarus, labelled either as curable or incurable, and looks with love and admiration on the soul of some just one, whom he sends to the islands of the blest. Similar is the practice of Aeacus; and Minos overlooks them, holding a golden sceptre, as Odysseus in Homer saw him &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;pre xml:space=&amp;quot;preserve&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &#039;Wielding a sceptre of gold, and giving laws to the dead.&#039; &amp;lt;/pre&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — My wish for myself and my fellow-men is, that we may present our souls undefiled to the judge in that day; my desire in life is to be able to meet death. And I exhort you, and retort upon you the reproach which you cast upon me,&amp;amp;mdash;that you will stand before the judge, gaping, and with dizzy brain, and any one may box you on the ear, and do you all manner of evil. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Perhaps you think that this is an old wives&#039; fable. But you, who are the three wisest men in Hellas, have nothing better to say, and no one will ever show that to do is better than to suffer evil. A man should study to be, and not merely to seem. If he is bad, he should become good, and avoid all flattery, whether of the many or of the few. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Follow me, then; and if you are looked down upon, that will do you no harm. And when we have practised virtue, we will betake ourselves to politics, but not until we are delivered from the shameful state of ignorance and uncertainty in which we are at present. Let us follow in the way of virtue and justice, and not in the way to which you, Callicles, invite us; for that way is nothing worth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — We will now consider in order some of the principal points of the dialogue. Having regard (1) to the age of Plato and the ironical character of his writings, we may compare him with himself, and with other great teachers, and we may note in passing the objections of his critics. And then (2) casting one eye upon him, we may cast another upon ourselves, and endeavour to draw out the great lessons which he teaches for all time, stripped of the accidental form in which they are enveloped. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — (1) In the Gorgias, as in nearly all the other dialogues of Plato, we are made aware that formal logic has as yet no existence. The old difficulty of framing a definition recurs. The illusive analogy of the arts and the virtues also continues. The ambiguity of several words, such as nature, custom, the honourable, the good, is not cleared up. The Sophists are still floundering about the distinction of the real and seeming. Figures of speech are made the basis of arguments. The possibility of conceiving a universal art or science, which admits of application to a particular subject-matter, is a difficulty which remains unsolved, and has not altogether ceased to haunt the world at the present day (compare Charmides). The defect of clearness is also apparent in Socrates himself, unless we suppose him to be practising on the simplicity of his opponent, or rather perhaps trying an experiment in dialectics. Nothing can be more fallacious than the contradiction which he pretends to have discovered in the answers of Gorgias (see above). The advantages which he gains over Polus are also due to a false antithesis of pleasure and good, and to an erroneous assertion that an agent and a patient may be described by similar predicates;&amp;amp;mdash;a mistake which Aristotle partly shares and partly corrects in the Nicomachean Ethics. Traces of a &#039;robust sophistry&#039; are likewise discernible in his argument with Callicles. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — (2) Although Socrates professes to be convinced by reason only, yet the argument is often a sort of dialectical fiction, by which he conducts himself and others to his own ideal of life and action. And we may sometimes wish that we could have suggested answers to his antagonists, or pointed out to them the rocks which lay concealed under the ambiguous terms good, pleasure, and the like. But it would be as useless to examine his arguments by the requirements of modern logic, as to criticise this ideal from a merely utilitarian point of view. If we say that the ideal is generally regarded as unattainable, and that mankind will by no means agree in thinking that the criminal is happier when punished than when unpunished, any more than they would agree to the stoical paradox that a man may be happy on the rack, Plato has already admitted that the world is against him. Neither does he mean to say that Archelaus is tormented by the stings of conscience; or that the sensations of the impaled criminal are more agreeable than those of the tyrant drowned in luxurious enjoyment. Neither is he speaking, as in the Protagoras, of virtue as a calculation of pleasure, an opinion which he afterwards repudiates in the Phaedo. What then is his meaning? His meaning we shall be able to illustrate best by parallel notions, which, whether justifiable by logic or not, have always existed among mankind. We must remind the reader that Socrates himself implies that he will be understood or appreciated by very few. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He is speaking not of the consciousness of happiness, but of the idea of happiness. When a martyr dies in a good cause, when a soldier falls in battle, we do not suppose that death or wounds are without pain, or that their physical suffering is always compensated by a mental satisfaction. Still we regard them as happy, and we would a thousand times rather have their death than a shameful life. Nor is this only because we believe that they will obtain an immortality of fame, or that they will have crowns of glory in another world, when their enemies and persecutors will be proportionably tormented. Men are found in a few instances to do what is right, without reference to public opinion or to consequences. And we regard them as happy on this ground only, much as Socrates&#039; friends in the opening of the Phaedo are described as regarding him; or as was said of another, &#039;they looked upon his face as upon the face of an angel.&#039; We are not concerned to justify this idealism by the standard of utility or public opinion, but merely to point out the existence of such a sentiment in the better part of human nature. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The idealism of Plato is founded upon this sentiment. He would maintain that in some sense or other truth and right are alone to be sought, and that all other goods are only desirable as means towards these. He is thought to have erred in &#039;considering the agent only, and making no reference to the happiness of others, as affected by him.&#039; But the happiness of others or of mankind, if regarded as an end, is really quite as ideal and almost as paradoxical to the common understanding as Plato&#039;s conception of happiness. For the greatest happiness of the greatest number may mean also the greatest pain of the individual which will procure the greatest pleasure of the greatest number. Ideas of utility, like those of duty and right, may be pushed to unpleasant consequences. Nor can Plato in the Gorgias be deemed purely self-regarding, considering that Socrates expressly mentions the duty of imparting the truth when discovered to others. Nor must we forget that the side of ethics which regards others is by the ancients merged in politics. Both in Plato and Aristotle, as well as in the Stoics, the social principle, though taking another form, is really far more prominent than in most modern treatises on ethics. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The idealizing of suffering is one of the conceptions which have exercised the greatest influence on mankind. Into the theological import of this, or into the consideration of the errors to which the idea may have given rise, we need not now enter. All will agree that the ideal of the Divine Sufferer, whose words the world would not receive, the man of sorrows of whom the Hebrew prophets spoke, has sunk deep into the heart of the human race. It is a similar picture of suffering goodness which Plato desires to pourtray, not without an allusion to the fate of his master Socrates. He is convinced that, somehow or other, such an one must be happy in life or after death. In the Republic, he endeavours to show that his happiness would be assured here in a well-ordered state. But in the actual condition of human things the wise and good are weak and miserable; such an one is like a man fallen among wild beasts, exposed to every sort of wrong and obloquy. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Plato, like other philosophers, is thus led on to the conclusion, that if &#039;the ways of God&#039; to man are to be &#039;justified,&#039; the hopes of another life must be included. If the question could have been put to him, whether a man dying in torments was happy still, even if, as he suggests in the Apology, &#039;death be only a long sleep,&#039; we can hardly tell what would have been his answer. There have been a few, who, quite independently of rewards and punishments or of posthumous reputation, or any other influence of public opinion, have been willing to sacrifice their lives for the good of others. It is difficult to say how far in such cases an unconscious hope of a future life, or a general faith in the victory of good in the world, may have supported the sufferers. But this extreme idealism is not in accordance with the spirit of Plato. He supposes a day of retribution, in which the good are to be rewarded and the wicked punished. Though, as he says in the Phaedo, no man of sense will maintain that the details of the stories about another world are true, he will insist that something of the kind is true, and will frame his life with a view to this unknown future. Even in the Republic he introduces a future life as an afterthought, when the superior happiness of the just has been established on what is thought to be an immutable foundation. At the same time he makes a point of determining his main thesis independently of remoter consequences. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — (3) Plato&#039;s theory of punishment is partly vindictive, partly corrective. In the Gorgias, as well as in the Phaedo and Republic, a few great criminals, chiefly tyrants, are reserved as examples. But most men have never had the opportunity of attaining this pre-eminence of evil. They are not incurable, and their punishment is intended for their improvement. They are to suffer because they have sinned; like sick men, they must go to the physician and be healed. On this representation of Plato&#039;s the criticism has been made, that the analogy of disease and injustice is partial only, and that suffering, instead of improving men, may have just the opposite effect. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Like the general analogy of the arts and the virtues, the analogy of disease and injustice, or of medicine and justice, is certainly imperfect. But ideas must be given through something; the nature of the mind which is unseen can only be represented under figures derived from visible objects. If these figures are suggestive of some new aspect under which the mind may be considered, we cannot find fault with them for not exactly coinciding with the ideas represented. They partake of the imperfect nature of language, and must not be construed in too strict a manner. That Plato sometimes reasons from them as if they were not figures but realities, is due to the defective logical analysis of his age. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Nor does he distinguish between the suffering which improves and the suffering which only punishes and deters. He applies to the sphere of ethics a conception of punishment which is really derived from criminal law. He does not see that such punishment is only negative, and supplies no principle of moral growth or development. He is not far off the higher notion of an education of man to be begun in this world, and to be continued in other stages of existence, which is further developed in the Republic. And Christian thinkers, who have ventured out of the beaten track in their meditations on the &#039;last things,&#039; have found a ray of light in his writings. But he has not explained how or in what way punishment is to contribute to the improvement of mankind. He has not followed out the principle which he affirms in the Republic, that &#039;God is the author of evil only with a view to good,&#039; and that &#039;they were the better for being punished.&#039; Still his doctrine of a future state of rewards and punishments may be compared favourably with that perversion of Christian doctrine which makes the everlasting punishment of human beings depend on a brief moment of time, or even on the accident of an accident. And he has escaped the difficulty which has often beset divines, respecting the future destiny of the meaner sort of men (Thersites and the like), who are neither very good nor very bad, by not counting them worthy of eternal damnation. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — We do Plato violence in pressing his figures of speech or chains of argument; and not less so in asking questions which were beyond the horizon of his vision, or did not come within the scope of his design. The main purpose of the Gorgias is not to answer questions about a future world, but to place in antagonism the true and false life, and to contrast the judgments and opinions of men with judgment according to the truth. Plato may be accused of representing a superhuman or transcendental virtue in the description of the just man in the Gorgias, or in the companion portrait of the philosopher in the Theaetetus; and at the same time may be thought to be condemning a state of the world which always has existed and always will exist among men. But such ideals act powerfully on the imagination of mankind. And such condemnations are not mere paradoxes of philosophers, but the natural rebellion of the higher sense of right in man against the ordinary conditions of human life. The greatest statesmen have fallen very far short of the political ideal, and are therefore justly involved in the general condemnation. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Subordinate to the main purpose of the dialogue are some other questions, which may be briefly considered:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — a. The antithesis of good and pleasure, which as in other dialogues is supposed to consist in the permanent nature of the one compared with the transient and relative nature of the other. Good and pleasure, knowledge and sense, truth and opinion, essence and generation, virtue and pleasure, the real and the apparent, the infinite and finite, harmony or beauty and discord, dialectic and rhetoric or poetry, are so many pairs of opposites, which in Plato easily pass into one another, and are seldom kept perfectly distinct. And we must not forget that Plato&#039;s conception of pleasure is the Heracleitean flux transferred to the sphere of human conduct. There is some degree of unfairness in opposing the principle of good, which is objective, to the principle of pleasure, which is subjective. For the assertion of the permanence of good is only based on the assumption of its objective character. Had Plato fixed his mind, not on the ideal nature of good, but on the subjective consciousness of happiness, that would have been found to be as transient and precarious as pleasure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — b. The arts or sciences, when pursued without any view to truth, or the improvement of human life, are called flatteries. They are all alike dependent upon the opinion of mankind, from which they are derived. To Plato the whole world appears to be sunk in error, based on self-interest. To this is opposed the one wise man hardly professing to have found truth, yet strong in the conviction that a virtuous life is the only good, whether regarded with reference to this world or to another. Statesmen, Sophists, rhetoricians, poets, are alike brought up for judgment. They are the parodies of wise men, and their arts are the parodies of true arts and sciences. All that they call science is merely the result of that study of the tempers of the Great Beast, which he describes in the Republic. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — c. Various other points of contact naturally suggest themselves between the Gorgias and other dialogues, especially the Republic, the Philebus, and the Protagoras. There are closer resemblances both of spirit and language in the Republic than in any other dialogue, the verbal similarity tending to show that they were written at the same period of Plato&#039;s life. For the Republic supplies that education and training of which the Gorgias suggests the necessity. The theory of the many weak combining against the few strong in the formation of society (which is indeed a partial truth), is similar in both of them, and is expressed in nearly the same language. The sufferings and fate of the just man, the powerlessness of evil, and the reversal of the situation in another life, are also points of similarity. The poets, like the rhetoricians, are condemned because they aim at pleasure only, as in the Republic they are expelled the State, because they are imitators, and minister to the weaker side of human nature. That poetry is akin to rhetoric may be compared with the analogous notion, which occurs in the Protagoras, that the ancient poets were the Sophists of their day. In some other respects the Protagoras rather offers a contrast than a parallel. The character of Protagoras may be compared with that of Gorgias, but the conception of happiness is different in the two dialogues; being described in the former, according to the old Socratic notion, as deferred or accumulated pleasure, while in the Gorgias, and in the Phaedo, pleasure and good are distinctly opposed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — This opposition is carried out from a speculative point of view in the Philebus. There neither pleasure nor wisdom are allowed to be the chief good, but pleasure and good are not so completely opposed as in the Gorgias. For innocent pleasures, and such as have no antecedent pains, are allowed to rank in the class of goods. The allusion to Gorgias&#039; definition of rhetoric (Philebus; compare Gorg.), as the art of persuasion, of all arts the best, for to it all things submit, not by compulsion, but of their own free will&amp;amp;mdash;marks a close and perhaps designed connection between the two dialogues. In both the ideas of measure, order, harmony, are the connecting links between the beautiful and the good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In general spirit and character, that is, in irony and antagonism to public opinion, the Gorgias most nearly resembles the Apology, Crito, and portions of the Republic, and like the Philebus, though from another point of view, may be thought to stand in the same relation to Plato&#039;s theory of morals which the Theaetetus bears to his theory of knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — d. A few minor points still remain to be summed up: (1) The extravagant irony in the reason which is assigned for the pilot&#039;s modest charge; and in the proposed use of rhetoric as an instrument of self-condemnation; and in the mighty power of geometrical equality in both worlds. (2) The reference of the mythus to the previous discussion should not be overlooked: the fate reserved for incurable criminals such as Archelaus; the retaliation of the box on the ears; the nakedness of the souls and of the judges who are stript of the clothes or disguises which rhetoric and public opinion have hitherto provided for them (compare Swift&#039;s notion that the universe is a suit of clothes, Tale of a Tub). The fiction seems to have involved Plato in the necessity of supposing that the soul retained a sort of corporeal likeness after death. (3) The appeal of the authority of Homer, who says that Odysseus saw Minos in his court &#039;holding a golden sceptre,&#039; which gives verisimilitude to the tale. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — It is scarcely necessary to repeat that Plato is playing &#039;both sides of the game,&#039; and that in criticising the characters of Gorgias and Polus, we are not passing any judgment on historical individuals, but only attempting to analyze the &#039;dramatis personae&#039; as they were conceived by him. Neither is it necessary to enlarge upon the obvious fact that Plato is a dramatic writer, whose real opinions cannot always be assumed to be those which he puts into the mouth of Socrates, or any other speaker who appears to have the best of the argument; or to repeat the observation that he is a poet as well as a philosopher; or to remark that he is not to be tried by a modern standard, but interpreted with reference to his place in the history of thought and the opinion of his time. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — It has been said that the most characteristic feature of the Gorgias is the assertion of the right of dissent, or private judgment. But this mode of stating the question is really opposed both to the spirit of Plato and of ancient philosophy generally. For Plato is not asserting any abstract right or duty of toleration, or advantage to be derived from freedom of thought; indeed, in some other parts of his writings (e.g. Laws), he has fairly laid himself open to the charge of intolerance. No speculations had as yet arisen respecting the &#039;liberty of prophesying;&#039; and Plato is not affirming any abstract right of this nature: but he is asserting the duty and right of the one wise and true man to dissent from the folly and falsehood of the many. At the same time he acknowledges the natural result, which he hardly seeks to avert, that he who speaks the truth to a multitude, regardless of consequences, will probably share the fate of Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The irony of Plato sometimes veils from us the height of idealism to which he soars. When declaring truths which the many will not receive, he puts on an armour which cannot be pierced by them. The weapons of ridicule are taken out of their hands and the laugh is turned against themselves. The disguises which Socrates assumes are like the parables of the New Testament, or the oracles of the Delphian God; they half conceal, half reveal, his meaning. The more he is in earnest, the more ironical he becomes; and he is never more in earnest or more ironical than in the Gorgias. He hardly troubles himself to answer seriously the objections of Gorgias and Polus, and therefore he sometimes appears to be careless of the ordinary requirements of logic. Yet in the highest sense he is always logical and consistent with himself. The form of the argument may be paradoxical; the substance is an appeal to the higher reason. He is uttering truths before they can be understood, as in all ages the words of philosophers, when they are first uttered, have found the world unprepared for them. A further misunderstanding arises out of the wildness of his humour; he is supposed not only by Callicles, but by the rest of mankind, to be jesting when he is profoundly serious. At length he makes even Polus in earnest. Finally, he drops the argument, and heedless any longer of the forms of dialectic, he loses himself in a sort of triumph, while at the same time he retaliates upon his adversaries. From this confusion of jest and earnest, we may now return to the ideal truth, and draw out in a simple form the main theses of the dialogue. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — First Thesis:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — It is a greater evil to do than to suffer injustice. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Compare the New Testament&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;It is better to suffer for well doing than for evil doing.&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;1 Pet. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And the Sermon on the Mount&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;Blessed are they that are persecuted for righteousness&#039; sake.&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;Matt. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The words of Socrates are more abstract than the words of Christ, but they equally imply that the only real evil is moral evil. The righteous may suffer or die, but they have their reward; and even if they had no reward, would be happier than the wicked. The world, represented by Polus, is ready, when they are asked, to acknowledge that injustice is dishonourable, and for their own sakes men are willing to punish the offender (compare Republic). But they are not equally willing to acknowledge that injustice, even if successful, is essentially evil, and has the nature of disease and death. Especially when crimes are committed on the great scale&amp;amp;mdash;the crimes of tyrants, ancient or modern&amp;amp;mdash;after a while, seeing that they cannot be undone, and have become a part of history, mankind are disposed to forgive them, not from any magnanimity or charity, but because their feelings are blunted by time, and &#039;to forgive is convenient to them.&#039; The tangle of good and evil can no longer be unravelled; and although they know that the end cannot justify the means, they feel also that good has often come out of evil. But Socrates would have us pass the same judgment on the tyrant now and always; though he is surrounded by his satellites, and has the applauses of Europe and Asia ringing in his ears; though he is the civilizer or liberator of half a continent, he is, and always will be, the most miserable of men. The greatest consequences for good or for evil cannot alter a hair&#039;s breadth the morality of actions which are right or wrong in themselves. This is the standard which Socrates holds up to us. Because politics, and perhaps human life generally, are of a mixed nature we must not allow our principles to sink to the level of our practice. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And so of private individuals&amp;amp;mdash;to them, too, the world occasionally speaks of the consequences of their actions:&amp;amp;mdash;if they are lovers of pleasure, they will ruin their health; if they are false or dishonest, they will lose their character. But Socrates would speak to them, not of what will be, but of what is&amp;amp;mdash;of the present consequence of lowering and degrading the soul. And all higher natures, or perhaps all men everywhere, if they were not tempted by interest or passion, would agree with him&amp;amp;mdash;they would rather be the victims than the perpetrators of an act of treachery or of tyranny. Reason tells them that death comes sooner or later to all, and is not so great an evil as an unworthy life, or rather, if rightly regarded, not an evil at all, but to a good man the greatest good. For in all of us there are slumbering ideals of truth and right, which may at any time awaken and develop a new life in us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Second Thesis:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — It is better to suffer for wrong doing than not to suffer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There might have been a condition of human life in which the penalty followed at once, and was proportioned to the offence. Moral evil would then be scarcely distinguishable from physical; mankind would avoid vice as they avoid pain or death. But nature, with a view of deepening and enlarging our characters, has for the most part hidden from us the consequences of our actions, and we can only foresee them by an effort of reflection. To awaken in us this habit of reflection is the business of early education, which is continued in maturer years by observation and experience. The spoilt child is in later life said to be unfortunate&amp;amp;mdash;he had better have suffered when he was young, and been saved from suffering afterwards. But is not the sovereign equally unfortunate whose education and manner of life are always concealing from him the consequences of his own actions, until at length they are revealed to him in some terrible downfall, which may, perhaps, have been caused not by his own fault? Another illustration is afforded by the pauper and criminal classes, who scarcely reflect at all, except on the means by which they can compass their immediate ends. We pity them, and make allowances for them; but we do not consider that the same principle applies to human actions generally. Not to have been found out in some dishonesty or folly, regarded from a moral or religious point of view, is the greatest of misfortunes. The success of our evil doings is a proof that the gods have ceased to strive with us, and have given us over to ourselves. There is nothing to remind us of our sins, and therefore nothing to correct them. Like our sorrows, they are healed by time; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;pre xml:space=&amp;quot;preserve&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &#039;While rank corruption, mining all within, Infects unseen.&#039; &amp;lt;/pre&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The &#039;accustomed irony&#039; of Socrates adds a corollary to the argument:&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;Would you punish your enemy, you should allow him to escape unpunished&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;this is the true retaliation. (Compare the obscure verse of Proverbs, &#039;Therefore if thine enemy hunger, feed him,&#039; etc., quoted in Romans.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Men are not in the habit of dwelling upon the dark side of their own lives: they do not easily see themselves as others see them. They are very kind and very blind to their own faults; the rhetoric of self-love is always pleading with them on their own behalf. Adopting a similar figure of speech, Socrates would have them use rhetoric, not in defence but in accusation of themselves. As they are guided by feeling rather than by reason, to their feelings the appeal must be made. They must speak to themselves; they must argue with themselves; they must paint in eloquent words the character of their own evil deeds. To any suffering which they have deserved, they must persuade themselves to submit. Under the figure there lurks a real thought, which, expressed in another form, admits of an easy application to ourselves. For do not we too accuse as well as excuse ourselves? And we call to our aid the rhetoric of prayer and preaching, which the mind silently employs while the struggle between the better and the worse is going on within us. And sometimes we are too hard upon ourselves, because we want to restore the balance which self-love has overthrown or disturbed; and then again we may hear a voice as of a parent consoling us. In religious diaries a sort of drama is often enacted by the consciences of men &#039;accusing or else excusing them.&#039; For all our life long we are talking with ourselves:&amp;amp;mdash;What is thought but speech? What is feeling but rhetoric? And if rhetoric is used on one side only we shall be always in danger of being deceived. And so the words of Socrates, which at first sounded paradoxical, come home to the experience of all of us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Third Thesis:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — We do not what we will, but what we wish. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Socrates would teach us a lesson which we are slow to learn&amp;amp;mdash;that good intentions, and even benevolent actions, when they are not prompted by wisdom, are of no value. We believe something to be for our good which we afterwards find out not to be for our good. The consequences may be inevitable, for they may follow an invariable law, yet they may often be the very opposite of what is expected by us. When we increase pauperism by almsgiving; when we tie up property without regard to changes of circumstances; when we say hastily what we deliberately disapprove; when we do in a moment of passion what upon reflection we regret; when from any want of self-control we give another an advantage over us&amp;amp;mdash;we are doing not what we will, but what we wish. All actions of which the consequences are not weighed and foreseen, are of this impotent and paralytic sort; and the author of them has &#039;the least possible power&#039; while seeming to have the greatest. For he is actually bringing about the reverse of what he intended. And yet the book of nature is open to him, in which he who runs may read if he will exercise ordinary attention; every day offers him experiences of his own and of other men&#039;s characters, and he passes them unheeded by. The contemplation of the consequences of actions, and the ignorance of men in regard to them, seems to have led Socrates to his famous thesis:&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;Virtue is knowledge;&#039; which is not so much an error or paradox as a half truth, seen first in the twilight of ethical philosophy, but also the half of the truth which is especially needed in the present age. For as the world has grown older men have been too apt to imagine a right and wrong apart from consequences; while a few, on the other hand, have sought to resolve them wholly into their consequences. But Socrates, or Plato for him, neither divides nor identifies them; though the time has not yet arrived either for utilitarian or transcendental systems of moral philosophy, he recognizes the two elements which seem to lie at the basis of morality. (Compare the following: &#039;Now, and for us, it is a time to Hellenize and to praise knowing; for we have Hebraized too much and have overvalued doing. But the habits and discipline received from Hebraism remain for our race an eternal possession. And as humanity is constituted, one must never assign the second rank to-day without being ready to restore them to the first to-morrow.&#039; Sir William W. Hunter, Preface to Orissa.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Fourth Thesis:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — To be and not to seem is the end of life. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The Greek in the age of Plato admitted praise to be one of the chief incentives to moral virtue, and to most men the opinion of their fellows is a leading principle of action. Hence a certain element of seeming enters into all things; all or almost all desire to appear better than they are, that they may win the esteem or admiration of others. A man of ability can easily feign the language of piety or virtue; and there is an unconscious as well as a conscious hypocrisy which, according to Socrates, is the worst of the two. Again, there is the sophistry of classes and professions. There are the different opinions about themselves and one another which prevail in different ranks of society. There is the bias given to the mind by the study of one department of human knowledge to the exclusion of the rest; and stronger far the prejudice engendered by a pecuniary or party interest in certain tenets. There is the sophistry of law, the sophistry of medicine, the sophistry of politics, the sophistry of theology. All of these disguises wear the appearance of the truth; some of them are very ancient, and we do not easily disengage ourselves from them; for we have inherited them, and they have become a part of us. The sophistry of an ancient Greek sophist is nothing compared with the sophistry of a religious order, or of a church in which during many ages falsehood has been accumulating, and everything has been said on one side, and nothing on the other. The conventions and customs which we observe in conversation, and the opposition of our interests when we have dealings with one another (&#039;the buyer saith, it is nought&amp;amp;mdash;it is nought,&#039; etc.), are always obscuring our sense of truth and right. The sophistry of human nature is far more subtle than the deceit of any one man. Few persons speak freely from their own natures, and scarcely any one dares to think for himself: most of us imperceptibly fall into the opinions of those around us, which we partly help to make. A man who would shake himself loose from them, requires great force of mind; he hardly knows where to begin in the search after truth. On every side he is met by the world, which is not an abstraction of theologians, but the most real of all things, being another name for ourselves when regarded collectively and subjected to the influences of society. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then comes Socrates, impressed as no other man ever was, with the unreality and untruthfulness of popular opinion, and tells mankind that they must be and not seem. How are they to be? At any rate they must have the spirit and desire to be. If they are ignorant, they must acknowledge their ignorance to themselves; if they are conscious of doing evil, they must learn to do well; if they are weak, and have nothing in them which they can call themselves, they must acquire firmness and consistency; if they are indifferent, they must begin to take an interest in the great questions which surround them. They must try to be what they would fain appear in the eyes of their fellow-men. A single individual cannot easily change public opinion; but he can be true and innocent, simple and independent; he can know what he does, and what he does not know; and though not without an effort, he can form a judgment of his own, at least in common matters. In his most secret actions he can show the same high principle (compare Republic) which he shows when supported and watched by public opinion. And on some fitting occasion, on some question of humanity or truth or right, even an ordinary man, from the natural rectitude of his disposition, may be found to take up arms against a whole tribe of politicians and lawyers, and be too much for them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Who is the true and who the false statesman?&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The true statesman is he who brings order out of disorder; who first organizes and then administers the government of his own country; and having made a nation, seeks to reconcile the national interests with those of Europe and of mankind. He is not a mere theorist, nor yet a dealer in expedients; the whole and the parts grow together in his mind; while the head is conceiving, the hand is executing. Although obliged to descend to the world, he is not of the world. His thoughts are fixed not on power or riches or extension of territory, but on an ideal state, in which all the citizens have an equal chance of health and life, and the highest education is within the reach of all, and the moral and intellectual qualities of every individual are freely developed, and &#039;the idea of good&#039; is the animating principle of the whole. Not the attainment of freedom alone, or of order alone, but how to unite freedom with order is the problem which he has to solve. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The statesman who places before himself these lofty aims has undertaken a task which will call forth all his powers. He must control himself before he can control others; he must know mankind before he can manage them. He has no private likes or dislikes; he does not conceal personal enmity under the disguise of moral or political principle: such meannesses, into which men too often fall unintentionally, are absorbed in the consciousness of his mission, and in his love for his country and for mankind. He will sometimes ask himself what the next generation will say of him; not because he is careful of posthumous fame, but because he knows that the result of his life as a whole will then be more fairly judged. He will take time for the execution of his plans; not hurrying them on when the mind of a nation is unprepared for them; but like the Ruler of the Universe Himself, working in the appointed time, for he knows that human life, &#039;if not long in comparison with eternity&#039; (Republic), is sufficient for the fulfilment of many great purposes. He knows, too, that the work will be still going on when he is no longer here; and he will sometimes, especially when his powers are failing, think of that other &#039;city of which the pattern is in heaven&#039; (Republic). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The false politician is the serving-man of the state. In order to govern men he becomes like them; their &#039;minds are married in conjunction;&#039; they &#039;bear themselves&#039; like vulgar and tyrannical masters, and he is their obedient servant. The true politician, if he would rule men, must make them like himself; he must &#039;educate his party&#039; until they cease to be a party; he must breathe into them the spirit which will hereafter give form to their institutions. Politics with him are not a mechanism for seeming what he is not, or for carrying out the will of the majority. Himself a representative man, he is the representative not of the lower but of the higher elements of the nation. There is a better (as well as a worse) public opinion of which he seeks to lay hold; as there is also a deeper current of human affairs in which he is borne up when the waves nearer the shore are threatening him. He acknowledges that he cannot take the world by force&amp;amp;mdash;two or three moves on the political chess board are all that he can fore see&amp;amp;mdash;two or three weeks moves on the political chessboard are all that he can foresee&amp;amp;mdash;two or three weeks or months are granted to him in which he can provide against a coming struggle. But he knows also that there are permanent principles of politics which are always tending to the well-being of states&amp;amp;mdash;better administration, better education, the reconciliation of conflicting elements, increased security against external enemies. These are not &#039;of to-day or yesterday,&#039; but are the same in all times, and under all forms of government. Then when the storm descends and the winds blow, though he knows not beforehand the hour of danger, the pilot, not like Plato&#039;s captain in the Republic, half-blind and deaf, but with penetrating eye and quick ear, is ready to take command of the ship and guide her into port. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The false politician asks not what is true, but what is the opinion of the world&amp;amp;mdash;not what is right, but what is expedient. The only measures of which he approves are the measures which will pass. He has no intention of fighting an uphill battle; he keeps the roadway of politics. He is unwilling to incur the persecution and enmity which political convictions would entail upon him. He begins with popularity, and in fair weather sails gallantly along. But unpopularity soon follows him. For men expect their leaders to be better and wiser than themselves: to be their guides in danger, their saviours in extremity; they do not really desire them to obey all the ignorant impulses of the popular mind; and if they fail them in a crisis they are disappointed. Then, as Socrates says, the cry of ingratitude is heard, which is most unreasonable; for the people, who have been taught no better, have done what might be expected of them, and their statesmen have received justice at their hands. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The true statesman is aware that he must adapt himself to times and circumstances. He must have allies if he is to fight against the world; he must enlighten public opinion; he must accustom his followers to act together. Although he is not the mere executor of the will of the majority, he must win over the majority to himself. He is their leader and not their follower, but in order to lead he must also follow. He will neither exaggerate nor undervalue the power of a statesman, neither adopting the &#039;laissez faire&#039; nor the &#039;paternal government&#039; principle; but he will, whether he is dealing with children in politics, or with full-grown men, seek to do for the people what the government can do for them, and what, from imperfect education or deficient powers of combination, they cannot do for themselves. He knows that if he does too much for them they will do nothing; and that if he does nothing for them they will in some states of society be utterly helpless. For the many cannot exist without the few, if the material force of a country is from below, wisdom and experience are from above. It is not a small part of human evils which kings and governments make or cure. The statesman is well aware that a great purpose carried out consistently during many years will at last be executed. He is playing for a stake which may be partly determined by some accident, and therefore he will allow largely for the unknown element of politics. But the game being one in which chance and skill are combined, if he plays long enough he is certain of victory. He will not be always consistent, for the world is changing; and though he depends upon the support of a party, he will remember that he is the minister of the whole. He lives not for the present, but for the future, and he is not at all sure that he will be appreciated either now or then. For he may have the existing order of society against him, and may not be remembered by a distant posterity. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There are always discontented idealists in politics who, like Socrates in the Gorgias, find fault with all statesmen past as well as present, not excepting the greatest names of history. Mankind have an uneasy feeling that they ought to be better governed than they are. Just as the actual philosopher falls short of the one wise man, so does the actual statesman fall short of the ideal. And so partly from vanity and egotism, but partly also from a true sense of the faults of eminent men, a temper of dissatisfaction and criticism springs up among those who are ready enough to acknowledge the inferiority of their own powers. No matter whether a statesman makes high professions or none at all&amp;amp;mdash;they are reduced sooner or later to the same level. And sometimes the more unscrupulous man is better esteemed than the more conscientious, because he has not equally deceived expectations. Such sentiments may be unjust, but they are widely spread; we constantly find them recurring in reviews and newspapers, and still oftener in private conversation. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — We may further observe that the art of government, while in some respects tending to improve, has in others a tendency to degenerate, as institutions become more popular. Governing for the people cannot easily be combined with governing by the people: the interests of classes are too strong for the ideas of the statesman who takes a comprehensive view of the whole. According to Socrates the true governor will find ruin or death staring him in the face, and will only be induced to govern from the fear of being governed by a worse man than himself (Republic). And in modern times, though the world has grown milder, and the terrible consequences which Plato foretells no longer await an English statesman, any one who is not actuated by a blind ambition will only undertake from a sense of duty a work in which he is most likely to fail; and even if he succeed, will rarely be rewarded by the gratitude of his own generation. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Socrates, who is not a politician at all, tells us that he is the only real politician of his time. Let us illustrate the meaning of his words by applying them to the history of our own country. He would have said that not Pitt or Fox, or Canning or Sir R. Peel, are the real politicians of their time, but Locke, Hume, Adam Smith, Bentham, Ricardo. These during the greater part of their lives occupied an inconsiderable space in the eyes of the public. They were private persons; nevertheless they sowed in the minds of men seeds which in the next generation have become an irresistible power. &#039;Herein is that saying true, One soweth and another reapeth.&#039; We may imagine with Plato an ideal statesman in whom practice and speculation are perfectly harmonized; for there is no necessary opposition between them. But experience shows that they are commonly divorced&amp;amp;mdash;the ordinary politician is the interpreter or executor of the thoughts of others, and hardly ever brings to the birth a new political conception. One or two only in modern times, like the Italian statesman Cavour, have created the world in which they moved. The philosopher is naturally unfitted for political life; his great ideas are not understood by the many; he is a thousand miles away from the questions of the day. Yet perhaps the lives of thinkers, as they are stiller and deeper, are also happier than the lives of those who are more in the public eye. They have the promise of the future, though they are regarded as dreamers and visionaries by their own contemporaries. And when they are no longer here, those who would have been ashamed of them during their lives claim kindred with them, and are proud to be called by their names. (Compare Thucyd.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Who is the true poet? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Plato expels the poets from his Republic because they are allied to sense; because they stimulate the emotions; because they are thrice removed from the ideal truth. And in a similar spirit he declares in the Gorgias that the stately muse of tragedy is a votary of pleasure and not of truth. In modern times we almost ridicule the idea of poetry admitting of a moral. The poet and the prophet, or preacher, in primitive antiquity are one and the same; but in later ages they seem to fall apart. The great art of novel writing, that peculiar creation of our own and the last century, which, together with the sister art of review writing, threatens to absorb all literature, has even less of seriousness in her composition. Do we not often hear the novel writer censured for attempting to convey a lesson to the minds of his readers? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yet the true office of a poet or writer of fiction is not merely to give amusement, or to be the expression of the feelings of mankind, good or bad, or even to increase our knowledge of human nature. There have been poets in modern times, such as Goethe or Wordsworth, who have not forgotten their high vocation of teachers; and the two greatest of the Greek dramatists owe their sublimity to their ethical character. The noblest truths, sung of in the purest and sweetest language, are still the proper material of poetry. The poet clothes them with beauty, and has a power of making them enter into the hearts and memories of men. He has not only to speak of themes above the level of ordinary life, but to speak of them in a deeper and tenderer way than they are ordinarily felt, so as to awaken the feeling of them in others. The old he makes young again; the familiar principle he invests with a new dignity; he finds a noble expression for the common-places of morality and politics. He uses the things of sense so as to indicate what is beyond; he raises us through earth to heaven. He expresses what the better part of us would fain say, and the half-conscious feeling is strengthened by the expression. He is his own critic, for the spirit of poetry and of criticism are not divided in him. His mission is not to disguise men from themselves, but to reveal to them their own nature, and make them better acquainted with the world around them. True poetry is the remembrance of youth, of love, the embodiment in words of the happiest and holiest moments of life, of the noblest thoughts of man, of the greatest deeds of the past. The poet of the future may return to his greater calling of the prophet or teacher; indeed, we hardly know what may not be effected for the human race by a better use of the poetical and imaginative faculty. The reconciliation of poetry, as of religion, with truth, may still be possible. Neither is the element of pleasure to be excluded. For when we substitute a higher pleasure for a lower we raise men in the scale of existence. Might not the novelist, too, make an ideal, or rather many ideals of social life, better than a thousand sermons? Plato, like the Puritans, is too much afraid of poetic and artistic influences. But he is not without a true sense of the noble purposes to which art may be applied (Republic). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Modern poetry is often a sort of plaything, or, in Plato&#039;s language, a flattery, a sophistry, or sham, in which, without any serious purpose, the poet lends wings to his fancy and exhibits his gifts of language and metre. Such an one seeks to gratify the taste of his readers; he has the &#039;savoir faire,&#039; or trick of writing, but he has not the higher spirit of poetry. He has no conception that true art should bring order out of disorder; that it should make provision for the soul&#039;s highest interest; that it should be pursued only with a view to &#039;the improvement of the citizens.&#039; He ministers to the weaker side of human nature (Republic); he idealizes the sensual; he sings the strain of love in the latest fashion; instead of raising men above themselves he brings them back to the &#039;tyranny of the many masters,&#039; from which all his life long a good man has been praying to be delivered. And often, forgetful of measure and order, he will express not that which is truest, but that which is strongest. Instead of a great and nobly-executed subject, perfect in every part, some fancy of a heated brain is worked out with the strangest incongruity. He is not the master of his words, but his words&amp;amp;mdash;perhaps borrowed from another&amp;amp;mdash;the faded reflection of some French or German or Italian writer, have the better of him. Though we are not going to banish the poets, how can we suppose that such utterances have any healing or life-giving influence on the minds of men? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;Let us hear the conclusion of the whole matter:&#039; Art then must be true, and politics must be true, and the life of man must be true and not a seeming or sham. In all of them order has to be brought out of disorder, truth out of error and falsehood. This is what we mean by the greatest improvement of man. And so, having considered in what way &#039;we can best spend the appointed time, we leave the result with God.&#039; Plato does not say that God will order all things for the best (compare Phaedo), but he indirectly implies that the evils of this life will be corrected in another. And as we are very far from the best imaginable world at present, Plato here, as in the Phaedo and Republic, supposes a purgatory or place of education for mankind in general, and for a very few a Tartarus or hell. The myth which terminates the dialogue is not the revelation, but rather, like all similar descriptions, whether in the Bible or Plato, the veil of another life. For no visible thing can reveal the invisible. Of this Plato, unlike some commentators on Scripture, is fully aware. Neither will he dogmatize about the manner in which we are &#039;born again&#039; (Republic). Only he is prepared to maintain the ultimate triumph of truth and right, and declares that no one, not even the wisest of the Greeks, can affirm any other doctrine without being ridiculous. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There is a further paradox of ethics, in which pleasure and pain are held to be indifferent, and virtue at the time of action and without regard to consequences is happiness. From this elevation or exaggeration of feeling Plato seems to shrink: he leaves it to the Stoics in a later generation to maintain that when impaled or on the rack the philosopher may be happy (compare Republic). It is observable that in the Republic he raises this question, but it is not really discussed; the veil of the ideal state, the shadow of another life, are allowed to descend upon it and it passes out of sight. The martyr or sufferer in the cause of right or truth is often supposed to die in raptures, having his eye fixed on a city which is in heaven. But if there were no future, might he not still be happy in the performance of an action which was attended only by a painful death? He himself may be ready to thank God that he was thought worthy to do Him the least service, without looking for a reward; the joys of another life may not have been present to his mind at all. Do we suppose that the mediaeval saint, St. Bernard, St. Francis, St. Catharine of Sienna, or the Catholic priest who lately devoted himself to death by a lingering disease that he might solace and help others, was thinking of the &#039;sweets&#039; of heaven? No; the work was already heaven to him and enough. Much less will the dying patriot be dreaming of the praises of man or of an immortality of fame: the sense of duty, of right, and trust in God will be sufficient, and as far as the mind can reach, in that hour. If he were certain that there were no life to come, he would not have wished to speak or act otherwise than he did in the cause of truth or of humanity. Neither, on the other hand, will he suppose that God has forsaken him or that the future is to be a mere blank to him. The greatest act of faith, the only faith which cannot pass away, is his who has not known, but yet has believed. A very few among the sons of men have made themselves independent of circumstances, past, present, or to come. He who has attained to such a temper of mind has already present with him eternal life; he needs no arguments to convince him of immortality; he has in him already a principle stronger than death. He who serves man without the thought of reward is deemed to be a more faithful servant than he who works for hire. May not the service of God, which is the more disinterested, be in like manner the higher? And although only a very few in the course of the world&#039;s history&amp;amp;mdash;Christ himself being one of them&amp;amp;mdash;have attained to such a noble conception of God and of the human soul, yet the ideal of them may be present to us, and the remembrance of them be an example to us, and their lives may shed a light on many dark places both of philosophy and theology. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — THE MYTHS OF PLATO. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The myths of Plato are a phenomenon unique in literature. There are four longer ones: these occur in the Phaedrus, Phaedo, Gorgias, and Republic. That in the Republic is the most elaborate and finished of them. Three of these greater myths, namely those contained in the Phaedo, the Gorgias and the Republic, relate to the destiny of human souls in a future life. The magnificent myth in the Phaedrus treats of the immortality, or rather the eternity of the soul, in which is included a former as well as a future state of existence. To these may be added, (1) the myth, or rather fable, occurring in the Statesman, in which the life of innocence is contrasted with the ordinary life of man and the consciousness of evil: (2) the legend of the Island of Atlantis, an imaginary history, which is a fragment only, commenced in the Timaeus and continued in the Critias: (3) the much less artistic fiction of the foundation of the Cretan colony which is introduced in the preface to the Laws, but soon falls into the background: (4) the beautiful but rather artificial tale of Prometheus and Epimetheus narrated in his rhetorical manner by Protagoras in the dialogue called after him: (5) the speech at the beginning of the Phaedrus, which is a parody of the orator Lysias; the rival speech of Socrates and the recantation of it. To these may be added (6) the tale of the grasshoppers, and (7) the tale of Thamus and of Theuth, both in the Phaedrus: (8) the parable of the Cave (Republic), in which the previous argument is recapitulated, and the nature and degrees of knowledge having been previously set forth in the abstract are represented in a picture: (9) the fiction of the earth-born men (Republic; compare Laws), in which by the adaptation of an old tradition Plato makes a new beginning for his society: (10) the myth of Aristophanes respecting the division of the sexes, Sym.: (11) the parable of the noble captain, the pilot, and the mutinous sailors (Republic), in which is represented the relation of the better part of the world, and of the philosopher, to the mob of politicians: (12) the ironical tale of the pilot who plies between Athens and Aegina charging only a small payment for saving men from death, the reason being that he is uncertain whether to live or die is better for them (Gor.): (13) the treatment of freemen and citizens by physicians and of slaves by their apprentices,&amp;amp;mdash;a somewhat laboured figure of speech intended to illustrate the two different ways in which the laws speak to men (Laws). There also occur in Plato continuous images; some of them extend over several pages, appearing and reappearing at intervals: such as the bees stinging and stingless (paupers and thieves) in the Eighth Book of the Republic, who are generated in the transition from timocracy to oligarchy: the sun, which is to the visible world what the idea of good is to the intellectual, in the Sixth Book of the Republic: the composite animal, having the form of a man, but containing under a human skin a lion and a many-headed monster (Republic): the great beast, i.e. the populace: and the wild beast within us, meaning the passions which are always liable to break out: the animated comparisons of the degradation of philosophy by the arts to the dishonoured maiden, and of the tyrant to the parricide, who &#039;beats his father, having first taken away his arms&#039;: the dog, who is your only philosopher: the grotesque and rather paltry image of the argument wandering about without a head (Laws), which is repeated, not improved, from the Gorgias: the argument personified as veiling her face (Republic), as engaged in a chase, as breaking upon us in a first, second and third wave:&amp;amp;mdash;on these figures of speech the changes are rung many times over. It is observable that nearly all these parables or continuous images are found in the Republic; that which occurs in the Theaetetus, of the midwifery of Socrates, is perhaps the only exception. To make the list complete, the mathematical figure of the number of the state (Republic), or the numerical interval which separates king from tyrant, should not be forgotten. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The myth in the Gorgias is one of those descriptions of another life which, like the Sixth Aeneid of Virgil, appear to contain reminiscences of the mysteries. It is a vision of the rewards and punishments which await good and bad men after death. It supposes the body to continue and to be in another world what it has become in this. It includes a Paradiso, Purgatorio, and Inferno, like the sister myths of the Phaedo and the Republic. The Inferno is reserved for great criminals only. The argument of the dialogue is frequently referred to, and the meaning breaks through so as rather to destroy the liveliness and consistency of the picture. The structure of the fiction is very slight, the chief point or moral being that in the judgments of another world there is no possibility of concealment: Zeus has taken from men the power of foreseeing death, and brings together the souls both of them and their judges naked and undisguised at the judgment-seat. Both are exposed to view, stripped of the veils and clothes which might prevent them from seeing into or being seen by one another. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The myth of the Phaedo is of the same type, but it is more cosmological, and also more poetical. The beautiful and ingenious fancy occurs to Plato that the upper atmosphere is an earth and heaven in one, a glorified earth, fairer and purer than that in which we dwell. As the fishes live in the ocean, mankind are living in a lower sphere, out of which they put their heads for a moment or two and behold a world beyond. The earth which we inhabit is a sediment of the coarser particles which drop from the world above, and is to that heavenly earth what the desert and the shores of the ocean are to us. A part of the myth consists of description of the interior of the earth, which gives the opportunity of introducing several mythological names and of providing places of torment for the wicked. There is no clear distinction of soul and body; the spirits beneath the earth are spoken of as souls only, yet they retain a sort of shadowy form when they cry for mercy on the shores of the lake; and the philosopher alone is said to have got rid of the body. All the three myths in Plato which relate to the world below have a place for repentant sinners, as well as other homes or places for the very good and very bad. It is a natural reflection which is made by Plato elsewhere, that the two extremes of human character are rarely met with, and that the generality of mankind are between them. Hence a place must be found for them. In the myth of the Phaedo they are carried down the river Acheron to the Acherusian lake, where they dwell, and are purified of their evil deeds, and receive the rewards of their good. There are also incurable sinners, who are cast into Tartarus, there to remain as the penalty of atrocious crimes; these suffer everlastingly. And there is another class of hardly-curable sinners who are allowed from time to time to approach the shores of the Acherusian lake, where they cry to their victims for mercy; which if they obtain they come out into the lake and cease from their torments. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Neither this, nor any of the three greater myths of Plato, nor perhaps any allegory or parable relating to the unseen world, is consistent with itself. The language of philosophy mingles with that of mythology; abstract ideas are transformed into persons, figures of speech into realities. These myths may be compared with the Pilgrim&#039;s Progress of Bunyan, in which discussions of theology are mixed up with the incidents of travel, and mythological personages are associated with human beings: they are also garnished with names and phrases taken out of Homer, and with other fragments of Greek tradition. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The myth of the Republic is more subtle and also more consistent than either of the two others. It has a greater verisimilitude than they have, and is full of touches which recall the experiences of human life. It will be noticed by an attentive reader that the twelve days during which Er lay in a trance after he was slain coincide with the time passed by the spirits in their pilgrimage. It is a curious observation, not often made, that good men who have lived in a well-governed city (shall we say in a religious and respectable society?) are more likely to make mistakes in their choice of life than those who have had more experience of the world and of evil. It is a more familiar remark that we constantly blame others when we have only ourselves to blame; and the philosopher must acknowledge, however reluctantly, that there is an element of chance in human life with which it is sometimes impossible for man to cope. That men drink more of the waters of forgetfulness than is good for them is a poetical description of a familiar truth. We have many of us known men who, like Odysseus, have wearied of ambition and have only desired rest. We should like to know what became of the infants &#039;dying almost as soon as they were born,&#039; but Plato only raises, without satisfying, our curiosity. The two companies of souls, ascending and descending at either chasm of heaven and earth, and conversing when they come out into the meadow, the majestic figures of the judges sitting in heaven, the voice heard by Ardiaeus, are features of the great allegory which have an indescribable grandeur and power. The remark already made respecting the inconsistency of the two other myths must be extended also to this: it is at once an orrery, or model of the heavens, and a picture of the Day of Judgment. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The three myths are unlike anything else in Plato. There is an Oriental, or rather an Egyptian element in them, and they have an affinity to the mysteries and to the Orphic modes of worship. To a certain extent they are un-Greek; at any rate there is hardly anything like them in other Greek writings which have a serious purpose; in spirit they are mediaeval. They are akin to what may be termed the underground religion in all ages and countries. They are presented in the most lively and graphic manner, but they are never insisted on as true; it is only affirmed that nothing better can be said about a future life. Plato seems to make use of them when he has reached the limits of human knowledge; or, to borrow an expression of his own, when he is standing on the outside of the intellectual world. They are very simple in style; a few touches bring the picture home to the mind, and make it present to us. They have also a kind of authority gained by the employment of sacred and familiar names, just as mere fragments of the words of Scripture, put together in any form and applied to any subject, have a power of their own. They are a substitute for poetry and mythology; and they are also a reform of mythology. The moral of them may be summed up in a word or two: After death the Judgment; and &#039;there is some better thing remaining for the good than for the evil.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — All literature gathers into itself many elements of the past: for example, the tale of the earth-born men in the Republic appears at first sight to be an extravagant fancy, but it is restored to propriety when we remember that it is based on a legendary belief. The art of making stories of ghosts and apparitions credible is said to consist in the manner of telling them. The effect is gained by many literary and conversational devices, such as the previous raising of curiosity, the mention of little circumstances, simplicity, picturesqueness, the naturalness of the occasion, and the like. This art is possessed by Plato in a degree which has never been equalled. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The myth in the Phaedrus is even greater than the myths which have been already described, but is of a different character. It treats of a former rather than of a future life. It represents the conflict of reason aided by passion or righteous indignation on the one hand, and of the animal lusts and instincts on the other. The soul of man has followed the company of some god, and seen truth in the form of the universal before it was born in this world. Our present life is the result of the struggle which was then carried on. This world is relative to a former world, as it is often projected into a future. We ask the question, Where were men before birth? As we likewise enquire, What will become of them after death? The first question is unfamiliar to us, and therefore seems to be unnatural; but if we survey the whole human race, it has been as influential and as widely spread as the other. In the Phaedrus it is really a figure of speech in which the &#039;spiritual combat&#039; of this life is represented. The majesty and power of the whole passage&amp;amp;mdash;especially of what may be called the theme or proem (beginning &#039;The mind through all her being is immortal&#039;)&amp;amp;mdash;can only be rendered very inadequately in another language. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The myth in the Statesman relates to a former cycle of existence, in which men were born of the earth, and by the reversal of the earth&#039;s motion had their lives reversed and were restored to youth and beauty: the dead came to life, the old grew middle-aged, and the middle-aged young; the youth became a child, the child an infant, the infant vanished into the earth. The connection between the reversal of the earth&#039;s motion and the reversal of human life is of course verbal only, yet Plato, like theologians in other ages, argues from the consistency of the tale to its truth. The new order of the world was immediately under the government of God; it was a state of innocence in which men had neither wants nor cares, in which the earth brought forth all things spontaneously, and God was to man what man now is to the animals. There were no great estates, or families, or private possessions, nor any traditions of the past, because men were all born out of the earth. This is what Plato calls the &#039;reign of Cronos;&#039; and in like manner he connects the reversal of the earth&#039;s motion with some legend of which he himself was probably the inventor. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The question is then asked, under which of these two cycles of existence was man the happier,&amp;amp;mdash;under that of Cronos, which was a state of innocence, or that of Zeus, which is our ordinary life? For a while Plato balances the two sides of the serious controversy, which he has suggested in a figure. The answer depends on another question: What use did the children of Cronos make of their time? They had boundless leisure and the faculty of discoursing, not only with one another, but with the animals. Did they employ these advantages with a view to philosophy, gathering from every nature some addition to their store of knowledge? or, Did they pass their time in eating and drinking and telling stories to one another and to the beasts?&amp;amp;mdash;in either case there would be no difficulty in answering. But then, as Plato rather mischievously adds, &#039;Nobody knows what they did,&#039; and therefore the doubt must remain undetermined. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — To the first there succeeds a second epoch. After another natural convulsion, in which the order of the world and of human life is once more reversed, God withdraws his guiding hand, and man is left to the government of himself. The world begins again, and arts and laws are slowly and painfully invented. A secular age succeeds to a theocratical. In this fanciful tale Plato has dropped, or almost dropped, the garb of mythology. He suggests several curious and important thoughts, such as the possibility of a state of innocence, the existence of a world without traditions, and the difference between human and divine government. He has also carried a step further his speculations concerning the abolition of the family and of property, which he supposes to have no place among the children of Cronos any more than in the ideal state. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — It is characteristic of Plato and of his age to pass from the abstract to the concrete, from poetry to reality. Language is the expression of the seen, and also of the unseen, and moves in a region between them. A great writer knows how to strike both these chords, sometimes remaining within the sphere of the visible, and then again comprehending a wider range and soaring to the abstract and universal. Even in the same sentence he may employ both modes of speech not improperly or inharmoniously. It is useless to criticise the broken metaphors of Plato, if the effect of the whole is to create a picture not such as can be painted on canvas, but which is full of life and meaning to the reader. A poem may be contained in a word or two, which may call up not one but many latent images; or half reveal to us by a sudden flash the thoughts of many hearts. Often the rapid transition from one image to another is pleasing to us: on the other hand, any single figure of speech if too often repeated, or worked out too much at length, becomes prosy and monotonous. In theology and philosophy we necessarily include both &#039;the moral law within and the starry heaven above,&#039; and pass from one to the other (compare for examples Psalms xviii. and xix.). Whether such a use of language is puerile or noble depends upon the genius of the writer or speaker, and the familiarity of the associations employed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In the myths and parables of Plato the ease and grace of conversation is not forgotten: they are spoken, not written words, stories which are told to a living audience, and so well told that we are more than half-inclined to believe them (compare Phaedrus). As in conversation too, the striking image or figure of speech is not forgotten, but is quickly caught up, and alluded to again and again; as it would still be in our own day in a genial and sympathetic society. The descriptions of Plato have a greater life and reality than is to be found in any modern writing. This is due to their homeliness and simplicity. Plato can do with words just as he pleases; to him they are indeed &#039;more plastic than wax&#039; (Republic). We are in the habit of opposing speech and writing, poetry and prose. But he has discovered a use of language in which they are united; which gives a fitting expression to the highest truths; and in which the trifles of courtesy and the familiarities of daily life are not overlooked. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a name=&amp;quot;link2H_4_0002&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;link2H_4_0002&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &amp;lt;!--  H2 anchor --&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt; By Plato &amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Translated by Benjamin Jowett &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PERSONS OF THE DIALOGUE: Callicles, Socrates, Chaerephon, Gorgias, Polus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SCENE: The house of Callicles. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: The wise man, as the proverb says, is late for a fray, but not for a feast. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And are we late for a feast? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes, and a delightful feast; for Gorgias has just been exhibiting to us many fine things. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: It is not my fault, Callicles; our friend Chaerephon is to blame; for he would keep us loitering in the Agora. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CHAEREPHON: Never mind, Socrates; the misfortune of which I have been the cause I will also repair; for Gorgias is a friend of mine, and I will make him give the exhibition again either now, or, if you prefer, at some other time. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: What is the matter, Chaerephon&amp;amp;mdash;does Socrates want to hear Gorgias? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CHAEREPHON: Yes, that was our intention in coming. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Come into my house, then; for Gorgias is staying with me, and he shall exhibit to you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Very good, Callicles; but will he answer our questions? for I want to hear from him what is the nature of his art, and what it is which he professes and teaches; he may, as you (Chaerephon) suggest, defer the exhibition to some other time. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: There is nothing like asking him, Socrates; and indeed to answer questions is a part of his exhibition, for he was saying only just now, that any one in my house might put any question to him, and that he would answer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: How fortunate! will you ask him, Chaerephon&amp;amp;mdash;? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CHAEREPHON: What shall I ask him? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Ask him who he is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CHAEREPHON: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I mean such a question as would elicit from him, if he had been a maker of shoes, the answer that he is a cobbler. Do you understand? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CHAEREPHON: I understand, and will ask him: Tell me, Gorgias, is our friend Callicles right in saying that you undertake to answer any questions which you are asked? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Quite right, Chaerephon: I was saying as much only just now; and I may add, that many years have elapsed since any one has asked me a new one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CHAEREPHON: Then you must be very ready, Gorgias. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Of that, Chaerephon, you can make trial. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes, indeed, and if you like, Chaerephon, you may make trial of me too, for I think that Gorgias, who has been talking a long time, is tired. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CHAEREPHON: And do you, Polus, think that you can answer better than Gorgias? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: What does that matter if I answer well enough for you? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CHAEREPHON: Not at all:&amp;amp;mdash;and you shall answer if you like. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Ask:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CHAEREPHON: My question is this: If Gorgias had the skill of his brother Herodicus, what ought we to call him? Ought he not to have the name which is given to his brother? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CHAEREPHON: Then we should be right in calling him a physician? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CHAEREPHON: And if he had the skill of Aristophon the son of Aglaophon, or of his brother Polygnotus, what ought we to call him? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Clearly, a painter. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CHAEREPHON: But now what shall we call him&amp;amp;mdash;what is the art in which he is skilled. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: O Chaerephon, there are many arts among mankind which are experimental, and have their origin in experience, for experience makes the days of men to proceed according to art, and inexperience according to chance, and different persons in different ways are proficient in different arts, and the best persons in the best arts. And our friend Gorgias is one of the best, and the art in which he is a proficient is the noblest. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Polus has been taught how to make a capital speech, Gorgias; but he is not fulfilling the promise which he made to Chaerephon. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: What do you mean, Socrates? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I mean that he has not exactly answered the question which he was asked. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Then why not ask him yourself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But I would much rather ask you, if you are disposed to answer: for I see, from the few words which Polus has uttered, that he has attended more to the art which is called rhetoric than to dialectic. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: What makes you say so, Socrates? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Because, Polus, when Chaerephon asked you what was the art which Gorgias knows, you praised it as if you were answering some one who found fault with it, but you never said what the art was. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Why, did I not say that it was the noblest of arts? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yes, indeed, but that was no answer to the question: nobody asked what was the quality, but what was the nature, of the art, and by what name we were to describe Gorgias. And I would still beg you briefly and clearly, as you answered Chaerephon when he asked you at first, to say what this art is, and what we ought to call Gorgias: Or rather, Gorgias, let me turn to you, and ask the same question,&amp;amp;mdash;what are we to call you, and what is the art which you profess? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Rhetoric, Socrates, is my art. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then I am to call you a rhetorician? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Yes, Socrates, and a good one too, if you would call me that which, in Homeric language, &#039;I boast myself to be.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I should wish to do so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Then pray do. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And are we to say that you are able to make other men rhetoricians? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Yes, that is exactly what I profess to make them, not only at Athens, but in all places. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And will you continue to ask and answer questions, Gorgias, as we are at present doing, and reserve for another occasion the longer mode of speech which Polus was attempting? Will you keep your promise, and answer shortly the questions which are asked of you? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Some answers, Socrates, are of necessity longer; but I will do my best to make them as short as possible; for a part of my profession is that I can be as short as any one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: That is what is wanted, Gorgias; exhibit the shorter method now, and the longer one at some other time. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Well, I will; and you will certainly say, that you never heard a man use fewer words. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Very good then; as you profess to be a rhetorician, and a maker of rhetoricians, let me ask you, with what is rhetoric concerned: I might ask with what is weaving concerned, and you would reply (would you not?), with the making of garments? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And music is concerned with the composition of melodies? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: It is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: By Here, Gorgias, I admire the surpassing brevity of your answers. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Yes, Socrates, I do think myself good at that. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I am glad to hear it; answer me in like manner about rhetoric: with what is rhetoric concerned? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: With discourse. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: What sort of discourse, Gorgias?&amp;amp;mdash;such discourse as would teach the sick under what treatment they might get well? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then rhetoric does not treat of all kinds of discourse? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And yet rhetoric makes men able to speak? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And to understand that about which they speak? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But does not the art of medicine, which we were just now mentioning, also make men able to understand and speak about the sick? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then medicine also treats of discourse? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Of discourse concerning diseases? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Just so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And does not gymnastic also treat of discourse concerning the good or evil condition of the body? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And the same, Gorgias, is true of the other arts:&amp;amp;mdash;all of them treat of discourse concerning the subjects with which they severally have to do. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then why, if you call rhetoric the art which treats of discourse, and all the other arts treat of discourse, do you not call them arts of rhetoric? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Because, Socrates, the knowledge of the other arts has only to do with some sort of external action, as of the hand; but there is no such action of the hand in rhetoric which works and takes effect only through the medium of discourse. And therefore I am justified in saying that rhetoric treats of discourse. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I am not sure whether I entirely understand you, but I dare say I shall soon know better; please to answer me a question:&amp;amp;mdash;you would allow that there are arts? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: As to the arts generally, they are for the most part concerned with doing, and require little or no speaking; in painting, and statuary, and many other arts, the work may proceed in silence; and of such arts I suppose you would say that they do not come within the province of rhetoric. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: You perfectly conceive my meaning, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But there are other arts which work wholly through the medium of language, and require either no action or very little, as, for example, the arts of arithmetic, of calculation, of geometry, and of playing draughts; in some of these speech is pretty nearly co-extensive with action, but in most of them the verbal element is greater&amp;amp;mdash;they depend wholly on words for their efficacy and power: and I take your meaning to be that rhetoric is an art of this latter sort? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Exactly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And yet I do not believe that you really mean to call any of these arts rhetoric; although the precise expression which you used was, that rhetoric is an art which works and takes effect only through the medium of discourse; and an adversary who wished to be captious might say, &#039;And so, Gorgias, you call arithmetic rhetoric.&#039; But I do not think that you really call arithmetic rhetoric any more than geometry would be so called by you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: You are quite right, Socrates, in your apprehension of my meaning. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Well, then, let me now have the rest of my answer:&amp;amp;mdash;seeing that rhetoric is one of those arts which works mainly by the use of words, and there are other arts which also use words, tell me what is that quality in words with which rhetoric is concerned:&amp;amp;mdash;Suppose that a person asks me about some of the arts which I was mentioning just now; he might say, &#039;Socrates, what is arithmetic?&#039; and I should reply to him, as you replied to me, that arithmetic is one of those arts which take effect through words. And then he would proceed to ask: &#039;Words about what?&#039; and I should reply, Words about odd and even numbers, and how many there are of each. And if he asked again: &#039;What is the art of calculation?&#039; I should say, That also is one of the arts which is concerned wholly with words. And if he further said, &#039;Concerned with what?&#039; I should say, like the clerks in the assembly, &#039;as aforesaid&#039; of arithmetic, but with a difference, the difference being that the art of calculation considers not only the quantities of odd and even numbers, but also their numerical relations to themselves and to one another. And suppose, again, I were to say that astronomy is only words&amp;amp;mdash;he would ask, &#039;Words about what, Socrates?&#039; and I should answer, that astronomy tells us about the motions of the stars and sun and moon, and their relative swiftness. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: You would be quite right, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And now let us have from you, Gorgias, the truth about rhetoric: which you would admit (would you not?) to be one of those arts which act always and fulfil all their ends through the medium of words? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Words which do what? I should ask. To what class of things do the words which rhetoric uses relate? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: To the greatest, Socrates, and the best of human things. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: That again, Gorgias is ambiguous; I am still in the dark: for which are the greatest and best of human things? I dare say that you have heard men singing at feasts the old drinking song, in which the singers enumerate the goods of life, first health, beauty next, thirdly, as the writer of the song says, wealth honestly obtained. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Yes, I know the song; but what is your drift? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I mean to say, that the producers of those things which the author of the song praises, that is to say, the physician, the trainer, the money-maker, will at once come to you, and first the physician will say: &#039;O Socrates, Gorgias is deceiving you, for my art is concerned with the greatest good of men and not his.&#039; And when I ask, Who are you? he will reply, &#039;I am a physician.&#039; What do you mean? I shall say. Do you mean that your art produces the greatest good? &#039;Certainly,&#039; he will answer, &#039;for is not health the greatest good? What greater good can men have, Socrates?&#039; And after him the trainer will come and say, &#039;I too, Socrates, shall be greatly surprised if Gorgias can show more good of his art than I can show of mine.&#039; To him again I shall say, Who are you, honest friend, and what is your business? &#039;I am a trainer,&#039; he will reply, &#039;and my business is to make men beautiful and strong in body.&#039; When I have done with the trainer, there arrives the money-maker, and he, as I expect, will utterly despise them all. &#039;Consider Socrates,&#039; he will say, &#039;whether Gorgias or any one else can produce any greater good than wealth.&#039; Well, you and I say to him, and are you a creator of wealth? &#039;Yes,&#039; he replies. And who are you? &#039;A money-maker.&#039; And do you consider wealth to be the greatest good of man? &#039;Of course,&#039; will be his reply. And we shall rejoin: Yes; but our friend Gorgias contends that his art produces a greater good than yours. And then he will be sure to go on and ask, &#039;What good? Let Gorgias answer.&#039; Now I want you, Gorgias, to imagine that this question is asked of you by them and by me; What is that which, as you say, is the greatest good of man, and of which you are the creator? Answer us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: That good, Socrates, which is truly the greatest, being that which gives to men freedom in their own persons, and to individuals the power of ruling over others in their several states. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And what would you consider this to be? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: What is there greater than the word which persuades the judges in the courts, or the senators in the council, or the citizens in the assembly, or at any other political meeting?&amp;amp;mdash;if you have the power of uttering this word, you will have the physician your slave, and the trainer your slave, and the money-maker of whom you talk will be found to gather treasures, not for himself, but for you who are able to speak and to persuade the multitude. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Now I think, Gorgias, that you have very accurately explained what you conceive to be the art of rhetoric; and you mean to say, if I am not mistaken, that rhetoric is the artificer of persuasion, having this and no other business, and that this is her crown and end. Do you know any other effect of rhetoric over and above that of producing persuasion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: No: the definition seems to me very fair, Socrates; for persuasion is the chief end of rhetoric. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then hear me, Gorgias, for I am quite sure that if there ever was a man who entered on the discussion of a matter from a pure love of knowing the truth, I am such a one, and I should say the same of you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: What is coming, Socrates? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I will tell you: I am very well aware that I do not know what, according to you, is the exact nature, or what are the topics of that persuasion of which you speak, and which is given by rhetoric; although I have a suspicion about both the one and the other. And I am going to ask&amp;amp;mdash;what is this power of persuasion which is given by rhetoric, and about what? But why, if I have a suspicion, do I ask instead of telling you? Not for your sake, but in order that the argument may proceed in such a manner as is most likely to set forth the truth. And I would have you observe, that I am right in asking this further question: If I asked, &#039;What sort of a painter is Zeuxis?&#039; and you said, &#039;The painter of figures,&#039; should I not be right in asking, &#039;What kind of figures, and where do you find them?&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And the reason for asking this second question would be, that there are other painters besides, who paint many other figures? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But if there had been no one but Zeuxis who painted them, then you would have answered very well? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Quite so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Now I want to know about rhetoric in the same way;&amp;amp;mdash;is rhetoric the only art which brings persuasion, or do other arts have the same effect? I mean to say&amp;amp;mdash;Does he who teaches anything persuade men of that which he teaches or not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: He persuades, Socrates,&amp;amp;mdash;there can be no mistake about that. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Again, if we take the arts of which we were just now speaking:&amp;amp;mdash;do not arithmetic and the arithmeticians teach us the properties of number? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And therefore persuade us of them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then arithmetic as well as rhetoric is an artificer of persuasion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if any one asks us what sort of persuasion, and about what,&amp;amp;mdash;we shall answer, persuasion which teaches the quantity of odd and even; and we shall be able to show that all the other arts of which we were just now speaking are artificers of persuasion, and of what sort, and about what. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then rhetoric is not the only artificer of persuasion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Seeing, then, that not only rhetoric works by persuasion, but that other arts do the same, as in the case of the painter, a question has arisen which is a very fair one: Of what persuasion is rhetoric the artificer, and about what?&amp;amp;mdash;is not that a fair way of putting the question? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: I think so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then, if you approve the question, Gorgias, what is the answer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: I answer, Socrates, that rhetoric is the art of persuasion in courts of law and other assemblies, as I was just now saying, and about the just and unjust. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And that, Gorgias, was what I was suspecting to be your notion; yet I would not have you wonder if by-and-by I am found repeating a seemingly plain question; for I ask not in order to confute you, but as I was saying that the argument may proceed consecutively, and that we may not get the habit of anticipating and suspecting the meaning of one another&#039;s words; I would have you develope your own views in your own way, whatever may be your hypothesis. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: I think that you are quite right, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then let me raise another question; there is such a thing as &#039;having learned&#039;? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And there is also &#039;having believed&#039;? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And is the &#039;having learned&#039; the same as &#039;having believed,&#039; and are learning and belief the same things? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: In my judgment, Socrates, they are not the same. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And your judgment is right, as you may ascertain in this way:&amp;amp;mdash;If a person were to say to you, &#039;Is there, Gorgias, a false belief as well as a true?&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;you would reply, if I am not mistaken, that there is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Well, but is there a false knowledge as well as a true? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: No, indeed; and this again proves that knowledge and belief differ. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And yet those who have learned as well as those who have believed are persuaded? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Just so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Shall we then assume two sorts of persuasion,&amp;amp;mdash;one which is the source of belief without knowledge, as the other is of knowledge? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: By all means. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And which sort of persuasion does rhetoric create in courts of law and other assemblies about the just and unjust, the sort of persuasion which gives belief without knowledge, or that which gives knowledge? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Clearly, Socrates, that which only gives belief. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then rhetoric, as would appear, is the artificer of a persuasion which creates belief about the just and unjust, but gives no instruction about them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And the rhetorician does not instruct the courts of law or other assemblies about things just and unjust, but he creates belief about them; for no one can be supposed to instruct such a vast multitude about such high matters in a short time? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Come, then, and let us see what we really mean about rhetoric; for I do not know what my own meaning is as yet. When the assembly meets to elect a physician or a shipwright or any other craftsman, will the rhetorician be taken into counsel? Surely not. For at every election he ought to be chosen who is most skilled; and, again, when walls have to be built or harbours or docks to be constructed, not the rhetorician but the master workman will advise; or when generals have to be chosen and an order of battle arranged, or a position taken, then the military will advise and not the rhetoricians: what do you say, Gorgias? Since you profess to be a rhetorician and a maker of rhetoricians, I cannot do better than learn the nature of your art from you. And here let me assure you that I have your interest in view as well as my own. For likely enough some one or other of the young men present might desire to become your pupil, and in fact I see some, and a good many too, who have this wish, but they would be too modest to question you. And therefore when you are interrogated by me, I would have you imagine that you are interrogated by them. &#039;What is the use of coming to you, Gorgias?&#039; they will say&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;about what will you teach us to advise the state?&amp;amp;mdash;about the just and unjust only, or about those other things also which Socrates has just mentioned?&#039; How will you answer them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: I like your way of leading us on, Socrates, and I will endeavour to reveal to you the whole nature of rhetoric. You must have heard, I think, that the docks and the walls of the Athenians and the plan of the harbour were devised in accordance with the counsels, partly of Themistocles, and partly of Pericles, and not at the suggestion of the builders. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Such is the tradition, Gorgias, about Themistocles; and I myself heard the speech of Pericles when he advised us about the middle wall. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: And you will observe, Socrates, that when a decision has to be given in such matters the rhetoricians are the advisers; they are the men who win their point. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I had that in my admiring mind, Gorgias, when I asked what is the nature of rhetoric, which always appears to me, when I look at the matter in this way, to be a marvel of greatness. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: A marvel, indeed, Socrates, if you only knew how rhetoric comprehends and holds under her sway all the inferior arts. Let me offer you a striking example of this. On several occasions I have been with my brother Herodicus or some other physician to see one of his patients, who would not allow the physician to give him medicine, or apply the knife or hot iron to him; and I have persuaded him to do for me what he would not do for the physician just by the use of rhetoric. And I say that if a rhetorician and a physician were to go to any city, and had there to argue in the Ecclesia or any other assembly as to which of them should be elected state-physician, the physician would have no chance; but he who could speak would be chosen if he wished; and in a contest with a man of any other profession the rhetorician more than any one would have the power of getting himself chosen, for he can speak more persuasively to the multitude than any of them, and on any subject. Such is the nature and power of the art of rhetoric! And yet, Socrates, rhetoric should be used like any other competitive art, not against everybody,&amp;amp;mdash;the rhetorician ought not to abuse his strength any more than a pugilist or pancratiast or other master of fence;&amp;amp;mdash;because he has powers which are more than a match either for friend or enemy, he ought not therefore to strike, stab, or slay his friends. Suppose a man to have been trained in the palestra and to be a skilful boxer,&amp;amp;mdash;he in the fulness of his strength goes and strikes his father or mother or one of his familiars or friends; but that is no reason why the trainers or fencing-masters should be held in detestation or banished from the city;&amp;amp;mdash;surely not. For they taught their art for a good purpose, to be used against enemies and evil-doers, in self-defence not in aggression, and others have perverted their instructions, and turned to a bad use their own strength and skill. But not on this account are the teachers bad, neither is the art in fault, or bad in itself; I should rather say that those who make a bad use of the art are to blame. And the same argument holds good of rhetoric; for the rhetorician can speak against all men and upon any subject,&amp;amp;mdash;in short, he can persuade the multitude better than any other man of anything which he pleases, but he should not therefore seek to defraud the physician or any other artist of his reputation merely because he has the power; he ought to use rhetoric fairly, as he would also use his athletic powers. And if after having become a rhetorician he makes a bad use of his strength and skill, his instructor surely ought not on that account to be held in detestation or banished. For he was intended by his teacher to make a good use of his instructions, but he abuses them. And therefore he is the person who ought to be held in detestation, banished, and put to death, and not his instructor. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: You, Gorgias, like myself, have had great experience of disputations, and you must have observed, I think, that they do not always terminate in mutual edification, or in the definition by either party of the subjects which they are discussing; but disagreements are apt to arise&amp;amp;mdash;somebody says that another has not spoken truly or clearly; and then they get into a passion and begin to quarrel, both parties conceiving that their opponents are arguing from personal feeling only and jealousy of themselves, not from any interest in the question at issue. And sometimes they will go on abusing one another until the company at last are quite vexed at themselves for ever listening to such fellows. Why do I say this? Why, because I cannot help feeling that you are now saying what is not quite consistent or accordant with what you were saying at first about rhetoric. And I am afraid to point this out to you, lest you should think that I have some animosity against you, and that I speak, not for the sake of discovering the truth, but from jealousy of you. Now if you are one of my sort, I should like to cross-examine you, but if not I will let you alone. And what is my sort? you will ask. I am one of those who are very willing to be refuted if I say anything which is not true, and very willing to refute any one else who says what is not true, and quite as ready to be refuted as to refute; for I hold that this is the greater gain of the two, just as the gain is greater of being cured of a very great evil than of curing another. For I imagine that there is no evil which a man can endure so great as an erroneous opinion about the matters of which we are speaking; and if you claim to be one of my sort, let us have the discussion out, but if you would rather have done, no matter;&amp;amp;mdash;let us make an end of it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: I should say, Socrates, that I am quite the man whom you indicate; but, perhaps, we ought to consider the audience, for, before you came, I had already given a long exhibition, and if we proceed the argument may run on to a great length. And therefore I think that we should consider whether we may not be detaining some part of the company when they are wanting to do something else. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CHAEREPHON: You hear the audience cheering, Gorgias and Socrates, which shows their desire to listen to you; and for myself, Heaven forbid that I should have any business on hand which would take me away from a discussion so interesting and so ably maintained. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: By the gods, Chaerephon, although I have been present at many discussions, I doubt whether I was ever so much delighted before, and therefore if you go on discoursing all day I shall be the better pleased. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I may truly say, Callicles, that I am willing, if Gorgias is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: After all this, Socrates, I should be disgraced if I refused, especially as I have promised to answer all comers; in accordance with the wishes of the company, then, do you begin, and ask of me any question which you like. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Let me tell you then, Gorgias, what surprises me in your words; though I dare say that you may be right, and I may have misunderstood your meaning. You say that you can make any man, who will learn of you, a rhetorician? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Do you mean that you will teach him to gain the ears of the multitude on any subject, and this not by instruction but by persuasion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Quite so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: You were saying, in fact, that the rhetorician will have greater powers of persuasion than the physician even in a matter of health? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Yes, with the multitude,&amp;amp;mdash;that is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: You mean to say, with the ignorant; for with those who know he cannot be supposed to have greater powers of persuasion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But if he is to have more power of persuasion than the physician, he will have greater power than he who knows? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Although he is not a physician:&amp;amp;mdash;is he? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And he who is not a physician must, obviously, be ignorant of what the physician knows. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then, when the rhetorician is more persuasive than the physician, the ignorant is more persuasive with the ignorant than he who has knowledge?&amp;amp;mdash;is not that the inference? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: In the case supposed:&amp;amp;mdash;yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And the same holds of the relation of rhetoric to all the other arts; the rhetorician need not know the truth about things; he has only to discover some way of persuading the ignorant that he has more knowledge than those who know? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Yes, Socrates, and is not this a great comfort?&amp;amp;mdash;not to have learned the other arts, but the art of rhetoric only, and yet to be in no way inferior to the professors of them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Whether the rhetorician is or not inferior on this account is a question which we will hereafter examine if the enquiry is likely to be of any service to us; but I would rather begin by asking, whether he is or is not as ignorant of the just and unjust, base and honourable, good and evil, as he is of medicine and the other arts; I mean to say, does he really know anything of what is good and evil, base or honourable, just or unjust in them; or has he only a way with the ignorant of persuading them that he not knowing is to be esteemed to know more about these things than some one else who knows? Or must the pupil know these things and come to you knowing them before he can acquire the art of rhetoric? If he is ignorant, you who are the teacher of rhetoric will not teach him&amp;amp;mdash;it is not your business; but you will make him seem to the multitude to know them, when he does not know them; and seem to be a good man, when he is not. Or will you be unable to teach him rhetoric at all, unless he knows the truth of these things first? What is to be said about all this? By heavens, Gorgias, I wish that you would reveal to me the power of rhetoric, as you were saying that you would. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Well, Socrates, I suppose that if the pupil does chance not to know them, he will have to learn of me these things as well. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Say no more, for there you are right; and so he whom you make a rhetorician must either know the nature of the just and unjust already, or he must be taught by you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Well, and is not he who has learned carpentering a carpenter? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And he who has learned music a musician? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And he who has learned medicine is a physician, in like manner? He who has learned anything whatever is that which his knowledge makes him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And in the same way, he who has learned what is just is just? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: To be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And he who is just may be supposed to do what is just? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And must not the just man always desire to do what is just? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: That is clearly the inference. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Surely, then, the just man will never consent to do injustice? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And according to the argument the rhetorician must be a just man? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And will therefore never be willing to do injustice? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Clearly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But do you remember saying just now that the trainer is not to be accused or banished if the pugilist makes a wrong use of his pugilistic art; and in like manner, if the rhetorician makes a bad and unjust use of his rhetoric, that is not to be laid to the charge of his teacher, who is not to be banished, but the wrong-doer himself who made a bad use of his rhetoric&amp;amp;mdash;he is to be banished&amp;amp;mdash;was not that said? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Yes, it was. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But now we are affirming that the aforesaid rhetorician will never have done injustice at all? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And at the very outset, Gorgias, it was said that rhetoric treated of discourse, not (like arithmetic) about odd and even, but about just and unjust? Was not this said? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I was thinking at the time, when I heard you saying so, that rhetoric, which is always discoursing about justice, could not possibly be an unjust thing. But when you added, shortly afterwards, that the rhetorician might make a bad use of rhetoric I noted with surprise the inconsistency into which you had fallen; and I said, that if you thought, as I did, that there was a gain in being refuted, there would be an advantage in going on with the question, but if not, I would leave off. And in the course of our investigations, as you will see yourself, the rhetorician has been acknowledged to be incapable of making an unjust use of rhetoric, or of willingness to do injustice. By the dog, Gorgias, there will be a great deal of discussion, before we get at the truth of all this. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: And do even you, Socrates, seriously believe what you are now saying about rhetoric? What! because Gorgias was ashamed to deny that the rhetorician knew the just and the honourable and the good, and admitted that to any one who came to him ignorant of them he could teach them, and then out of this admission there arose a contradiction&amp;amp;mdash;the thing which you dearly love, and to which not he, but you, brought the argument by your captious questions&amp;amp;mdash;(do you seriously believe that there is any truth in all this?) For will any one ever acknowledge that he does not know, or cannot teach, the nature of justice? The truth is, that there is great want of manners in bringing the argument to such a pass. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Illustrious Polus, the reason why we provide ourselves with friends and children is, that when we get old and stumble, a younger generation may be at hand to set us on our legs again in our words and in our actions: and now, if I and Gorgias are stumbling, here are you who should raise us up; and I for my part engage to retract any error into which you may think that I have fallen-upon one condition: &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: What condition? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: That you contract, Polus, the prolixity of speech in which you indulged at first. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: What! do you mean that I may not use as many words as I please? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Only to think, my friend, that having come on a visit to Athens, which is the most free-spoken state in Hellas, you when you got there, and you alone, should be deprived of the power of speech&amp;amp;mdash;that would be hard indeed. But then consider my case:&amp;amp;mdash;shall not I be very hardly used, if, when you are making a long oration, and refusing to answer what you are asked, I am compelled to stay and listen to you, and may not go away? I say rather, if you have a real interest in the argument, or, to repeat my former expression, have any desire to set it on its legs, take back any statement which you please; and in your turn ask and answer, like myself and Gorgias&amp;amp;mdash;refute and be refuted: for I suppose that you would claim to know what Gorgias knows&amp;amp;mdash;would you not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And you, like him, invite any one to ask you about anything which he pleases, and you will know how to answer him? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: To be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And now, which will you do, ask or answer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: I will ask; and do you answer me, Socrates, the same question which Gorgias, as you suppose, is unable to answer: What is rhetoric? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Do you mean what sort of an art? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: To say the truth, Polus, it is not an art at all, in my opinion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Then what, in your opinion, is rhetoric? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: A thing which, as I was lately reading in a book of yours, you say that you have made an art. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: What thing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I should say a sort of experience. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Does rhetoric seem to you to be an experience? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: That is my view, but you may be of another mind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: An experience in what? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: An experience in producing a sort of delight and gratification. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: And if able to gratify others, must not rhetoric be a fine thing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: What are you saying, Polus? Why do you ask me whether rhetoric is a fine thing or not, when I have not as yet told you what rhetoric is? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Did I not hear you say that rhetoric was a sort of experience? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Will you, who are so desirous to gratify others, afford a slight gratification to me? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: I will. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Will you ask me, what sort of an art is cookery? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: What sort of an art is cookery? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Not an art at all, Polus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: What then? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I should say an experience. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: In what? I wish that you would explain to me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: An experience in producing a sort of delight and gratification, Polus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Then are cookery and rhetoric the same? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: No, they are only different parts of the same profession. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Of what profession? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I am afraid that the truth may seem discourteous; and I hesitate to answer, lest Gorgias should imagine that I am making fun of his own profession. For whether or no this is that art of rhetoric which Gorgias practises I really cannot tell:&amp;amp;mdash;from what he was just now saying, nothing appeared of what he thought of his art, but the rhetoric which I mean is a part of a not very creditable whole. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: A part of what, Socrates? Say what you mean, and never mind me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: In my opinion then, Gorgias, the whole of which rhetoric is a part is not an art at all, but the habit of a bold and ready wit, which knows how to manage mankind: this habit I sum up under the word &#039;flattery&#039;; and it appears to me to have many other parts, one of which is cookery, which may seem to be an art, but, as I maintain, is only an experience or routine and not an art:&amp;amp;mdash;another part is rhetoric, and the art of attiring and sophistry are two others: thus there are four branches, and four different things answering to them. And Polus may ask, if he likes, for he has not as yet been informed, what part of flattery is rhetoric: he did not see that I had not yet answered him when he proceeded to ask a further question: Whether I do not think rhetoric a fine thing? But I shall not tell him whether rhetoric is a fine thing or not, until I have first answered, &#039;What is rhetoric?&#039; For that would not be right, Polus; but I shall be happy to answer, if you will ask me, What part of flattery is rhetoric? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: I will ask and do you answer? What part of flattery is rhetoric? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Will you understand my answer? Rhetoric, according to my view, is the ghost or counterfeit of a part of politics. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: And noble or ignoble? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Ignoble, I should say, if I am compelled to answer, for I call what is bad ignoble: though I doubt whether you understand what I was saying before. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Indeed, Socrates, I cannot say that I understand myself. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I do not wonder, Gorgias; for I have not as yet explained myself, and our friend Polus, colt by name and colt by nature, is apt to run away. (This is an untranslatable play on the name &#039;Polus,&#039; which means &#039;a colt.&#039;) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Never mind him, but explain to me what you mean by saying that rhetoric is the counterfeit of a part of politics. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I will try, then, to explain my notion of rhetoric, and if I am mistaken, my friend Polus shall refute me. We may assume the existence of bodies and of souls? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: You would further admit that there is a good condition of either of them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Which condition may not be really good, but good only in appearance? I mean to say, that there are many persons who appear to be in good health, and whom only a physician or trainer will discern at first sight not to be in good health. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And this applies not only to the body, but also to the soul: in either there may be that which gives the appearance of health and not the reality? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Yes, certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And now I will endeavour to explain to you more clearly what I mean: The soul and body being two, have two arts corresponding to them: there is the art of politics attending on the soul; and another art attending on the body, of which I know no single name, but which may be described as having two divisions, one of them gymnastic, and the other medicine. And in politics there is a legislative part, which answers to gymnastic, as justice does to medicine; and the two parts run into one another, justice having to do with the same subject as legislation, and medicine with the same subject as gymnastic, but with a difference. Now, seeing that there are these four arts, two attending on the body and two on the soul for their highest good; flattery knowing, or rather guessing their natures, has distributed herself into four shams or simulations of them; she puts on the likeness of some one or other of them, and pretends to be that which she simulates, and having no regard for men&#039;s highest interests, is ever making pleasure the bait of the unwary, and deceiving them into the belief that she is of the highest value to them. Cookery simulates the disguise of medicine, and pretends to know what food is the best for the body; and if the physician and the cook had to enter into a competition in which children were the judges, or men who had no more sense than children, as to which of them best understands the goodness or badness of food, the physician would be starved to death. A flattery I deem this to be and of an ignoble sort, Polus, for to you I am now addressing myself, because it aims at pleasure without any thought of the best. An art I do not call it, but only an experience, because it is unable to explain or to give a reason of the nature of its own applications. And I do not call any irrational thing an art; but if you dispute my words, I am prepared to argue in defence of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Cookery, then, I maintain to be a flattery which takes the form of medicine; and tiring, in like manner, is a flattery which takes the form of gymnastic, and is knavish, false, ignoble, illiberal, working deceitfully by the help of lines, and colours, and enamels, and garments, and making men affect a spurious beauty to the neglect of the true beauty which is given by gymnastic. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I would rather not be tedious, and therefore I will only say, after the manner of the geometricians (for I think that by this time you will be able to follow) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — as tiring: gymnastic:: cookery: medicine; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — or rather, &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — as tiring: gymnastic:: sophistry: legislation; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — and &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — as cookery: medicine:: rhetoric: justice. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And this, I say, is the natural difference between the rhetorician and the sophist, but by reason of their near connection, they are apt to be jumbled up together; neither do they know what to make of themselves, nor do other men know what to make of them. For if the body presided over itself, and were not under the guidance of the soul, and the soul did not discern and discriminate between cookery and medicine, but the body was made the judge of them, and the rule of judgment was the bodily delight which was given by them, then the word of Anaxagoras, that word with which you, friend Polus, are so well acquainted, would prevail far and wide: &#039;Chaos&#039; would come again, and cookery, health, and medicine would mingle in an indiscriminate mass. And now I have told you my notion of rhetoric, which is, in relation to the soul, what cookery is to the body. I may have been inconsistent in making a long speech, when I would not allow you to discourse at length. But I think that I may be excused, because you did not understand me, and could make no use of my answer when I spoke shortly, and therefore I had to enter into an explanation. And if I show an equal inability to make use of yours, I hope that you will speak at equal length; but if I am able to understand you, let me have the benefit of your brevity, as is only fair: And now you may do what you please with my answer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: What do you mean? do you think that rhetoric is flattery? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Nay, I said a part of flattery; if at your age, Polus, you cannot remember, what will you do by-and-by, when you get older? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: And are the good rhetoricians meanly regarded in states, under the idea that they are flatterers? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Is that a question or the beginning of a speech? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: I am asking a question. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then my answer is, that they are not regarded at all. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: How not regarded? Have they not very great power in states? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Not if you mean to say that power is a good to the possessor. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: And that is what I do mean to say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then, if so, I think that they have the least power of all the citizens. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: What! are they not like tyrants? They kill and despoil and exile any one whom they please. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: By the dog, Polus, I cannot make out at each deliverance of yours, whether you are giving an opinion of your own, or asking a question of me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: I am asking a question of you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yes, my friend, but you ask two questions at once. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: How two questions? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Why, did you not say just now that the rhetoricians are like tyrants, and that they kill and despoil or exile any one whom they please? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: I did. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Well then, I say to you that here are two questions in one, and I will answer both of them. And I tell you, Polus, that rhetoricians and tyrants have the least possible power in states, as I was just now saying; for they do literally nothing which they will, but only what they think best. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: And is not that a great power? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Polus has already said the reverse. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Said the reverse! nay, that is what I assert. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: No, by the great&amp;amp;mdash;what do you call him?&amp;amp;mdash;not you, for you say that power is a good to him who has the power. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: I do. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And would you maintain that if a fool does what he thinks best, this is a good, and would you call this great power? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: I should not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then you must prove that the rhetorician is not a fool, and that rhetoric is an art and not a flattery&amp;amp;mdash;and so you will have refuted me; but if you leave me unrefuted, why, the rhetoricians who do what they think best in states, and the tyrants, will have nothing upon which to congratulate themselves, if as you say, power be indeed a good, admitting at the same time that what is done without sense is an evil. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes; I admit that. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: How then can the rhetoricians or the tyrants have great power in states, unless Polus can refute Socrates, and prove to him that they do as they will? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: This fellow&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I say that they do not do as they will;&amp;amp;mdash;now refute me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Why, have you not already said that they do as they think best? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And I say so still. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Then surely they do as they will? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I deny it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: But they do what they think best? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Aye. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: That, Socrates, is monstrous and absurd. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Good words, good Polus, as I may say in your own peculiar style; but if you have any questions to ask of me, either prove that I am in error or give the answer yourself. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Very well, I am willing to answer that I may know what you mean. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Do men appear to you to will that which they do, or to will that further end for the sake of which they do a thing? when they take medicine, for example, at the bidding of a physician, do they will the drinking of the medicine which is painful, or the health for the sake of which they drink? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Clearly, the health. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And when men go on a voyage or engage in business, they do not will that which they are doing at the time; for who would desire to take the risk of a voyage or the trouble of business?&amp;amp;mdash;But they will, to have the wealth for the sake of which they go on a voyage. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And is not this universally true? If a man does something for the sake of something else, he wills not that which he does, but that for the sake of which he does it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And are not all things either good or evil, or intermediate and indifferent? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: To be sure, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Wisdom and health and wealth and the like you would call goods, and their opposites evils? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: I should. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And the things which are neither good nor evil, and which partake sometimes of the nature of good and at other times of evil, or of neither, are such as sitting, walking, running, sailing; or, again, wood, stones, and the like:&amp;amp;mdash;these are the things which you call neither good nor evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Exactly so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Are these indifferent things done for the sake of the good, or the good for the sake of the indifferent? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Clearly, the indifferent for the sake of the good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: When we walk we walk for the sake of the good, and under the idea that it is better to walk, and when we stand we stand equally for the sake of the good? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And when we kill a man we kill him or exile him or despoil him of his goods, because, as we think, it will conduce to our good? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Men who do any of these things do them for the sake of the good? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And did we not admit that in doing something for the sake of something else, we do not will those things which we do, but that other thing for the sake of which we do them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then we do not will simply to kill a man or to exile him or to despoil him of his goods, but we will to do that which conduces to our good, and if the act is not conducive to our good we do not will it; for we will, as you say, that which is our good, but that which is neither good nor evil, or simply evil, we do not will. Why are you silent, Polus? Am I not right? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: You are right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Hence we may infer, that if any one, whether he be a tyrant or a rhetorician, kills another or exiles another or deprives him of his property, under the idea that the act is for his own interests when really not for his own interests, he may be said to do what seems best to him? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But does he do what he wills if he does what is evil? Why do you not answer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Well, I suppose not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then if great power is a good as you allow, will such a one have great power in a state? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: He will not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then I was right in saying that a man may do what seems good to him in a state, and not have great power, and not do what he wills? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: As though you, Socrates, would not like to have the power of doing what seemed good to you in the state, rather than not; you would not be jealous when you saw any one killing or despoiling or imprisoning whom he pleased, Oh, no! &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Justly or unjustly, do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: In either case is he not equally to be envied? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Forbear, Polus! &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Why &#039;forbear&#039;? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Because you ought not to envy wretches who are not to be envied, but only to pity them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: And are those of whom I spoke wretches? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yes, certainly they are. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: And so you think that he who slays any one whom he pleases, and justly slays him, is pitiable and wretched? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: No, I do not say that of him: but neither do I think that he is to be envied. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Were you not saying just now that he is wretched? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yes, my friend, if he killed another unjustly, in which case he is also to be pitied; and he is not to be envied if he killed him justly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: At any rate you will allow that he who is unjustly put to death is wretched, and to be pitied? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Not so much, Polus, as he who kills him, and not so much as he who is justly killed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: How can that be, Socrates? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: That may very well be, inasmuch as doing injustice is the greatest of evils. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: But is it the greatest? Is not suffering injustice a greater evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Then would you rather suffer than do injustice? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I should not like either, but if I must choose between them, I would rather suffer than do. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Then you would not wish to be a tyrant? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Not if you mean by tyranny what I mean. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: I mean, as I said before, the power of doing whatever seems good to you in a state, killing, banishing, doing in all things as you like. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Well then, illustrious friend, when I have said my say, do you reply to me. Suppose that I go into a crowded Agora, and take a dagger under my arm. Polus, I say to you, I have just acquired rare power, and become a tyrant; for if I think that any of these men whom you see ought to be put to death, the man whom I have a mind to kill is as good as dead; and if I am disposed to break his head or tear his garment, he will have his head broken or his garment torn in an instant. Such is my great power in this city. And if you do not believe me, and I show you the dagger, you would probably reply: Socrates, in that sort of way any one may have great power&amp;amp;mdash;he may burn any house which he pleases, and the docks and triremes of the Athenians, and all their other vessels, whether public or private&amp;amp;mdash;but can you believe that this mere doing as you think best is great power? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Certainly not such doing as this. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But can you tell me why you disapprove of such a power? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: I can. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Why then? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Why, because he who did as you say would be certain to be punished. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And punishment is an evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And you would admit once more, my good sir, that great power is a benefit to a man if his actions turn out to his advantage, and that this is the meaning of great power; and if not, then his power is an evil and is no power. But let us look at the matter in another way:&amp;amp;mdash;do we not acknowledge that the things of which we were speaking, the infliction of death, and exile, and the deprivation of property are sometimes a good and sometimes not a good? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: About that you and I may be supposed to agree? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Tell me, then, when do you say that they are good and when that they are evil&amp;amp;mdash;what principle do you lay down? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: I would rather, Socrates, that you should answer as well as ask that question. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Well, Polus, since you would rather have the answer from me, I say that they are good when they are just, and evil when they are unjust. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: You are hard of refutation, Socrates, but might not a child refute that statement? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then I shall be very grateful to the child, and equally grateful to you if you will refute me and deliver me from my foolishness. And I hope that refute me you will, and not weary of doing good to a friend. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes, Socrates, and I need not go far or appeal to antiquity; events which happened only a few days ago are enough to refute you, and to prove that many men who do wrong are happy. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: What events? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: You see, I presume, that Archelaus the son of Perdiccas is now the ruler of Macedonia? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: At any rate I hear that he is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: And do you think that he is happy or miserable? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I cannot say, Polus, for I have never had any acquaintance with him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: And cannot you tell at once, and without having an acquaintance with him, whether a man is happy? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Most certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Then clearly, Socrates, you would say that you did not even know whether the great king was a happy man? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And I should speak the truth; for I do not know how he stands in the matter of education and justice. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: What! and does all happiness consist in this? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yes, indeed, Polus, that is my doctrine; the men and women who are gentle and good are also happy, as I maintain, and the unjust and evil are miserable. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Then, according to your doctrine, the said Archelaus is miserable? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yes, my friend, if he is wicked. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: That he is wicked I cannot deny; for he had no title at all to the throne which he now occupies, he being only the son of a woman who was the slave of Alcetas the brother of Perdiccas; he himself therefore in strict right was the slave of Alcetas; and if he had meant to do rightly he would have remained his slave, and then, according to your doctrine, he would have been happy. But now he is unspeakably miserable, for he has been guilty of the greatest crimes: in the first place he invited his uncle and master, Alcetas, to come to him, under the pretence that he would restore to him the throne which Perdiccas has usurped, and after entertaining him and his son Alexander, who was his own cousin, and nearly of an age with him, and making them drunk, he threw them into a waggon and carried them off by night, and slew them, and got both of them out of the way; and when he had done all this wickedness he never discovered that he was the most miserable of all men, and was very far from repenting: shall I tell you how he showed his remorse? he had a younger brother, a child of seven years old, who was the legitimate son of Perdiccas, and to him of right the kingdom belonged; Archelaus, however, had no mind to bring him up as he ought and restore the kingdom to him; that was not his notion of happiness; but not long afterwards he threw him into a well and drowned him, and declared to his mother Cleopatra that he had fallen in while running after a goose, and had been killed. And now as he is the greatest criminal of all the Macedonians, he may be supposed to be the most miserable and not the happiest of them, and I dare say that there are many Athenians, and you would be at the head of them, who would rather be any other Macedonian than Archelaus! &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I praised you at first, Polus, for being a rhetorician rather than a reasoner. And this, as I suppose, is the sort of argument with which you fancy that a child might refute me, and by which I stand refuted when I say that the unjust man is not happy. But, my good friend, where is the refutation? I cannot admit a word which you have been saying. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: That is because you will not; for you surely must think as I do. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Not so, my simple friend, but because you will refute me after the manner which rhetoricians practise in courts of law. For there the one party think that they refute the other when they bring forward a number of witnesses of good repute in proof of their allegations, and their adversary has only a single one or none at all. But this kind of proof is of no value where truth is the aim; a man may often be sworn down by a multitude of false witnesses who have a great air of respectability. And in this argument nearly every one, Athenian and stranger alike, would be on your side, if you should bring witnesses in disproof of my statement;&amp;amp;mdash;you may, if you will, summon Nicias the son of Niceratus, and let his brothers, who gave the row of tripods which stand in the precincts of Dionysus, come with him; or you may summon Aristocrates, the son of Scellius, who is the giver of that famous offering which is at Delphi; summon, if you will, the whole house of Pericles, or any other great Athenian family whom you choose;&amp;amp;mdash;they will all agree with you: I only am left alone and cannot agree, for you do not convince me; although you produce many false witnesses against me, in the hope of depriving me of my inheritance, which is the truth. But I consider that nothing worth speaking of will have been effected by me unless I make you the one witness of my words; nor by you, unless you make me the one witness of yours; no matter about the rest of the world. For there are two ways of refutation, one which is yours and that of the world in general; but mine is of another sort&amp;amp;mdash;let us compare them, and see in what they differ. For, indeed, we are at issue about matters which to know is honourable and not to know disgraceful; to know or not to know happiness and misery&amp;amp;mdash;that is the chief of them. And what knowledge can be nobler? or what ignorance more disgraceful than this? And therefore I will begin by asking you whether you do not think that a man who is unjust and doing injustice can be happy, seeing that you think Archelaus unjust, and yet happy? May I assume this to be your opinion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But I say that this is an impossibility&amp;amp;mdash;here is one point about which we are at issue:&amp;amp;mdash;very good. And do you mean to say also that if he meets with retribution and punishment he will still be happy? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Certainly not; in that case he will be most miserable. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: On the other hand, if the unjust be not punished, then, according to you, he will be happy? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But in my opinion, Polus, the unjust or doer of unjust actions is miserable in any case,&amp;amp;mdash;more miserable, however, if he be not punished and does not meet with retribution, and less miserable if he be punished and meets with retribution at the hands of gods and men. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: You are maintaining a strange doctrine, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I shall try to make you agree with me, O my friend, for as a friend I regard you. Then these are the points at issue between us&amp;amp;mdash;are they not? I was saying that to do is worse than to suffer injustice? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Exactly so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And you said the opposite? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I said also that the wicked are miserable, and you refuted me? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: By Zeus, I did. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: In your own opinion, Polus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes, and I rather suspect that I was in the right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: You further said that the wrong-doer is happy if he be unpunished? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And I affirm that he is most miserable, and that those who are punished are less miserable&amp;amp;mdash;are you going to refute this proposition also? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: A proposition which is harder of refutation than the other, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Say rather, Polus, impossible; for who can refute the truth? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: What do you mean? If a man is detected in an unjust attempt to make himself a tyrant, and when detected is racked, mutilated, has his eyes burned out, and after having had all sorts of great injuries inflicted on him, and having seen his wife and children suffer the like, is at last impaled or tarred and burned alive, will he be happier than if he escape and become a tyrant, and continue all through life doing what he likes and holding the reins of government, the envy and admiration both of citizens and strangers? Is that the paradox which, as you say, cannot be refuted? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: There again, noble Polus, you are raising hobgoblins instead of refuting me; just now you were calling witnesses against me. But please to refresh my memory a little; did you say&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;in an unjust attempt to make himself a tyrant&#039;? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes, I did. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then I say that neither of them will be happier than the other,&amp;amp;mdash;neither he who unjustly acquires a tyranny, nor he who suffers in the attempt, for of two miserables one cannot be the happier, but that he who escapes and becomes a tyrant is the more miserable of the two. Do you laugh, Polus? Well, this is a new kind of refutation,&amp;amp;mdash;when any one says anything, instead of refuting him to laugh at him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: But do you not think, Socrates, that you have been sufficiently refuted, when you say that which no human being will allow? Ask the company. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: O Polus, I am not a public man, and only last year, when my tribe were serving as Prytanes, and it became my duty as their president to take the votes, there was a laugh at me, because I was unable to take them. And as I failed then, you must not ask me to count the suffrages of the company now; but if, as I was saying, you have no better argument than numbers, let me have a turn, and do you make trial of the sort of proof which, as I think, is required; for I shall produce one witness only of the truth of my words, and he is the person with whom I am arguing; his suffrage I know how to take; but with the many I have nothing to do, and do not even address myself to them. May I ask then whether you will answer in turn and have your words put to the proof? For I certainly think that I and you and every man do really believe, that to do is a greater evil than to suffer injustice: and not to be punished than to be punished. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: And I should say neither I, nor any man: would you yourself, for example, suffer rather than do injustice? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yes, and you, too; I or any man would. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Quite the reverse; neither you, nor I, nor any man. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But will you answer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: To be sure, I will; for I am curious to hear what you can have to say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Tell me, then, and you will know, and let us suppose that I am beginning at the beginning: which of the two, Polus, in your opinion, is the worst?&amp;amp;mdash;to do injustice or to suffer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: I should say that suffering was worst. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And which is the greater disgrace?&amp;amp;mdash;Answer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: To do. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And the greater disgrace is the greater evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I understand you to say, if I am not mistaken, that the honourable is not the same as the good, or the disgraceful as the evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Let me ask a question of you: When you speak of beautiful things, such as bodies, colours, figures, sounds, institutions, do you not call them beautiful in reference to some standard: bodies, for example, are beautiful in proportion as they are useful, or as the sight of them gives pleasure to the spectators; can you give any other account of personal beauty? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: I cannot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And you would say of figures or colours generally that they were beautiful, either by reason of the pleasure which they give, or of their use, or of both? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes, I should. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And you would call sounds and music beautiful for the same reason? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: I should. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Laws and institutions also have no beauty in them except in so far as they are useful or pleasant or both? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: I think not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And may not the same be said of the beauty of knowledge? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: To be sure, Socrates; and I very much approve of your measuring beauty by the standard of pleasure and utility. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And deformity or disgrace may be equally measured by the opposite standard of pain and evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then when of two beautiful things one exceeds in beauty, the measure of the excess is to be taken in one or both of these; that is to say, in pleasure or utility or both? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And of two deformed things, that which exceeds in deformity or disgrace, exceeds either in pain or evil&amp;amp;mdash;must it not be so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But then again, what was the observation which you just now made, about doing and suffering wrong? Did you not say, that suffering wrong was more evil, and doing wrong more disgraceful? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: I did. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then, if doing wrong is more disgraceful than suffering, the more disgraceful must be more painful and must exceed in pain or in evil or both: does not that also follow? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: First, then, let us consider whether the doing of injustice exceeds the suffering in the consequent pain: Do the injurers suffer more than the injured? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: No, Socrates; certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then they do not exceed in pain? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But if not in pain, then not in both? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then they can only exceed in the other? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: That is to say, in evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then doing injustice will have an excess of evil, and will therefore be a greater evil than suffering injustice? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But have not you and the world already agreed that to do injustice is more disgraceful than to suffer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And that is now discovered to be more evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And would you prefer a greater evil or a greater dishonour to a less one? Answer, Polus, and fear not; for you will come to no harm if you nobly resign yourself into the healing hand of the argument as to a physician without shrinking, and either say &#039;Yes&#039; or &#039;No&#039; to me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: I should say &#039;No.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Would any other man prefer a greater to a less evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: No, not according to this way of putting the case, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then I said truly, Polus, that neither you, nor I, nor any man, would rather do than suffer injustice; for to do injustice is the greater evil of the two. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: That is the conclusion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: You see, Polus, when you compare the two kinds of refutations, how unlike they are. All men, with the exception of myself, are of your way of thinking; but your single assent and witness are enough for me,&amp;amp;mdash;I have no need of any other, I take your suffrage, and am regardless of the rest. Enough of this, and now let us proceed to the next question; which is, Whether the greatest of evils to a guilty man is to suffer punishment, as you supposed, or whether to escape punishment is not a greater evil, as I supposed. Consider:&amp;amp;mdash;You would say that to suffer punishment is another name for being justly corrected when you do wrong? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: I should. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And would you not allow that all just things are honourable in so far as they are just? Please to reflect, and tell me your opinion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes, Socrates, I think that they are. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Consider again:&amp;amp;mdash;Where there is an agent, must there not also be a patient? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: I should say so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And will not the patient suffer that which the agent does, and will not the suffering have the quality of the action? I mean, for example, that if a man strikes, there must be something which is stricken? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if the striker strikes violently or quickly, that which is struck will be struck violently or quickly? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And the suffering to him who is stricken is of the same nature as the act of him who strikes? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if a man burns, there is something which is burned? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if he burns in excess or so as to cause pain, the thing burned will be burned in the same way? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Truly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if he cuts, the same argument holds&amp;amp;mdash;there will be something cut? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if the cutting be great or deep or such as will cause pain, the cut will be of the same nature? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: That is evident. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then you would agree generally to the universal proposition which I was just now asserting: that the affection of the patient answers to the affection of the agent? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: I agree. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then, as this is admitted, let me ask whether being punished is suffering or acting? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Suffering, Socrates; there can be no doubt of that. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And suffering implies an agent? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Certainly, Socrates; and he is the punisher. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And he who punishes rightly, punishes justly? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And therefore he acts justly? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Justly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then he who is punished and suffers retribution, suffers justly? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: That is evident. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And that which is just has been admitted to be honourable? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then the punisher does what is honourable, and the punished suffers what is honourable? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if what is honourable, then what is good, for the honourable is either pleasant or useful? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then he who is punished suffers what is good? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: That is true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then he is benefited? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Do I understand you to mean what I mean by the term &#039;benefited&#039;? I mean, that if he be justly punished his soul is improved. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Surely. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then he who is punished is delivered from the evil of his soul? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And is he not then delivered from the greatest evil? Look at the matter in this way:&amp;amp;mdash;In respect of a man&#039;s estate, do you see any greater evil than poverty? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: There is no greater evil. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Again, in a man&#039;s bodily frame, you would say that the evil is weakness and disease and deformity? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: I should. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And do you not imagine that the soul likewise has some evil of her own? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And this you would call injustice and ignorance and cowardice, and the like? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: So then, in mind, body, and estate, which are three, you have pointed out three corresponding evils&amp;amp;mdash;injustice, disease, poverty? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And which of the evils is the most disgraceful?&amp;amp;mdash;Is not the most disgraceful of them injustice, and in general the evil of the soul? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: By far the most. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if the most disgraceful, then also the worst? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: What do you mean, Socrates? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I mean to say, that is most disgraceful has been already admitted to be most painful or hurtful, or both. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And now injustice and all evil in the soul has been admitted by us to be most disgraceful? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: It has been admitted. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And most disgraceful either because most painful and causing excessive pain, or most hurtful, or both? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And therefore to be unjust and intemperate, and cowardly and ignorant, is more painful than to be poor and sick? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Nay, Socrates; the painfulness does not appear to me to follow from your premises. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then, if, as you would argue, not more painful, the evil of the soul is of all evils the most disgraceful; and the excess of disgrace must be caused by some preternatural greatness, or extraordinary hurtfulness of the evil. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And that which exceeds most in hurtfulness will be the greatest of evils? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then injustice and intemperance, and in general the depravity of the soul, are the greatest of evils? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: That is evident. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Now, what art is there which delivers us from poverty? Does not the art of making money? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And what art frees us from disease? Does not the art of medicine? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And what from vice and injustice? If you are not able to answer at once, ask yourself whither we go with the sick, and to whom we take them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: To the physicians, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And to whom do we go with the unjust and intemperate? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: To the judges, you mean. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: &amp;amp;mdash;Who are to punish them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And do not those who rightly punish others, punish them in accordance with a certain rule of justice? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then the art of money-making frees a man from poverty; medicine from disease; and justice from intemperance and injustice? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: That is evident. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Which, then, is the best of these three? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Will you enumerate them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Money-making, medicine, and justice. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Justice, Socrates, far excels the two others. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And justice, if the best, gives the greatest pleasure or advantage or both? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But is the being healed a pleasant thing, and are those who are being healed pleased? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: I think not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: A useful thing, then? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yes, because the patient is delivered from a great evil; and this is the advantage of enduring the pain&amp;amp;mdash;that you get well? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And would he be the happier man in his bodily condition, who is healed, or who never was out of health? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Clearly he who was never out of health. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yes; for happiness surely does not consist in being delivered from evils, but in never having had them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And suppose the case of two persons who have some evil in their bodies, and that one of them is healed and delivered from evil, and another is not healed, but retains the evil&amp;amp;mdash;which of them is the most miserable? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Clearly he who is not healed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And was not punishment said by us to be a deliverance from the greatest of evils, which is vice? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And justice punishes us, and makes us more just, and is the medicine of our vice? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: He, then, has the first place in the scale of happiness who has never had vice in his soul; for this has been shown to be the greatest of evils. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And he has the second place, who is delivered from vice? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: That is to say, he who receives admonition and rebuke and punishment? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then he lives worst, who, having been unjust, has no deliverance from injustice? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: That is, he lives worst who commits the greatest crimes, and who, being the most unjust of men, succeeds in escaping rebuke or correction or punishment; and this, as you say, has been accomplished by Archelaus and other tyrants and rhetoricians and potentates? (Compare Republic.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: May not their way of proceeding, my friend, be compared to the conduct of a person who is afflicted with the worst of diseases and yet contrives not to pay the penalty to the physician for his sins against his constitution, and will not be cured, because, like a child, he is afraid of the pain of being burned or cut:&amp;amp;mdash;Is not that a parallel case? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes, truly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: He would seem as if he did not know the nature of health and bodily vigour; and if we are right, Polus, in our previous conclusions, they are in a like case who strive to evade justice, which they see to be painful, but are blind to the advantage which ensues from it, not knowing how far more miserable a companion a diseased soul is than a diseased body; a soul, I say, which is corrupt and unrighteous and unholy. And hence they do all that they can to avoid punishment and to avoid being released from the greatest of evils; they provide themselves with money and friends, and cultivate to the utmost their powers of persuasion. But if we, Polus, are right, do you see what follows, or shall we draw out the consequences in form? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: If you please. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Is it not a fact that injustice, and the doing of injustice, is the greatest of evils? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: That is quite clear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And further, that to suffer punishment is the way to be released from this evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And not to suffer, is to perpetuate the evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: To do wrong, then, is second only in the scale of evils; but to do wrong and not to be punished, is first and greatest of all? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: That is true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Well, and was not this the point in dispute, my friend? You deemed Archelaus happy, because he was a very great criminal and unpunished: I, on the other hand, maintained that he or any other who like him has done wrong and has not been punished, is, and ought to be, the most miserable of all men; and that the doer of injustice is more miserable than the sufferer; and he who escapes punishment, more miserable than he who suffers.&amp;amp;mdash;Was not that what I said? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And it has been proved to be true? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Well, Polus, but if this is true, where is the great use of rhetoric? If we admit what has been just now said, every man ought in every way to guard himself against doing wrong, for he will thereby suffer great evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if he, or any one about whom he cares, does wrong, he ought of his own accord to go where he will be immediately punished; he will run to the judge, as he would to the physician, in order that the disease of injustice may not be rendered chronic and become the incurable cancer of the soul; must we not allow this consequence, Polus, if our former admissions are to stand:&amp;amp;mdash;is any other inference consistent with them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: To that, Socrates, there can be but one answer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then rhetoric is of no use to us, Polus, in helping a man to excuse his own injustice, that of his parents or friends, or children or country; but may be of use to any one who holds that instead of excusing he ought to accuse&amp;amp;mdash;himself above all, and in the next degree his family or any of his friends who may be doing wrong; he should bring to light the iniquity and not conceal it, that so the wrong-doer may suffer and be made whole; and he should even force himself and others not to shrink, but with closed eyes like brave men to let the physician operate with knife or searing iron, not regarding the pain, in the hope of attaining the good and the honourable; let him who has done things worthy of stripes, allow himself to be scourged, if of bonds, to be bound, if of a fine, to be fined, if of exile, to be exiled, if of death, to die, himself being the first to accuse himself and his own relations, and using rhetoric to this end, that his and their unjust actions may be made manifest, and that they themselves may be delivered from injustice, which is the greatest evil. Then, Polus, rhetoric would indeed be useful. Do you say &#039;Yes&#039; or &#039;No&#039; to that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: To me, Socrates, what you are saying appears very strange, though probably in agreement with your premises. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Is not this the conclusion, if the premises are not disproven? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — POLUS: Yes; it certainly is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And from the opposite point of view, if indeed it be our duty to harm another, whether an enemy or not&amp;amp;mdash;I except the case of self-defence&amp;amp;mdash;then I have to be upon my guard&amp;amp;mdash;but if my enemy injures a third person, then in every sort of way, by word as well as deed, I should try to prevent his being punished, or appearing before the judge; and if he appears, I should contrive that he should escape, and not suffer punishment: if he has stolen a sum of money, let him keep what he has stolen and spend it on him and his, regardless of religion and justice; and if he have done things worthy of death, let him not die, but rather be immortal in his wickedness; or, if this is not possible, let him at any rate be allowed to live as long as he can. For such purposes, Polus, rhetoric may be useful, but is of small if of any use to him who is not intending to commit injustice; at least, there was no such use discovered by us in the previous discussion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Tell me, Chaerephon, is Socrates in earnest, or is he joking? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CHAEREPHON: I should say, Callicles, that he is in most profound earnest; but you may well ask him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: By the gods, and I will. Tell me, Socrates, are you in earnest, or only in jest? For if you are in earnest, and what you say is true, is not the whole of human life turned upside down; and are we not doing, as would appear, in everything the opposite of what we ought to be doing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: O Callicles, if there were not some community of feelings among mankind, however varying in different persons&amp;amp;mdash;I mean to say, if every man&#039;s feelings were peculiar to himself and were not shared by the rest of his species&amp;amp;mdash;I do not see how we could ever communicate our impressions to one another. I make this remark because I perceive that you and I have a common feeling. For we are lovers both, and both of us have two loves apiece:&amp;amp;mdash;I am the lover of Alcibiades, the son of Cleinias, and of philosophy; and you of the Athenian Demus, and of Demus the son of Pyrilampes. Now, I observe that you, with all your cleverness, do not venture to contradict your favourite in any word or opinion of his; but as he changes you change, backwards and forwards. When the Athenian Demus denies anything that you are saying in the assembly, you go over to his opinion; and you do the same with Demus, the fair young son of Pyrilampes. For you have not the power to resist the words and ideas of your loves; and if a person were to express surprise at the strangeness of what you say from time to time when under their influence, you would probably reply to him, if you were honest, that you cannot help saying what your loves say unless they are prevented; and that you can only be silent when they are. Now you must understand that my words are an echo too, and therefore you need not wonder at me; but if you want to silence me, silence philosophy, who is my love, for she is always telling me what I am now telling you, my friend; neither is she capricious like my other love, for the son of Cleinias says one thing to-day and another thing to-morrow, but philosophy is always true. She is the teacher at whose words you are now wondering, and you have heard her yourself. Her you must refute, and either show, as I was saying, that to do injustice and to escape punishment is not the worst of all evils; or, if you leave her word unrefuted, by the dog the god of Egypt, I declare, O Callicles, that Callicles will never be at one with himself, but that his whole life will be a discord. And yet, my friend, I would rather that my lyre should be inharmonious, and that there should be no music in the chorus which I provided; aye, or that the whole world should be at odds with me, and oppose me, rather than that I myself should be at odds with myself, and contradict myself. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: O Socrates, you are a regular declaimer, and seem to be running riot in the argument. And now you are declaiming in this way because Polus has fallen into the same error himself of which he accused Gorgias:&amp;amp;mdash;for he said that when Gorgias was asked by you, whether, if some one came to him who wanted to learn rhetoric, and did not know justice, he would teach him justice, Gorgias in his modesty replied that he would, because he thought that mankind in general would be displeased if he answered &#039;No&#039;; and then in consequence of this admission, Gorgias was compelled to contradict himself, that being just the sort of thing in which you delight. Whereupon Polus laughed at you deservedly, as I think; but now he has himself fallen into the same trap. I cannot say very much for his wit when he conceded to you that to do is more dishonourable than to suffer injustice, for this was the admission which led to his being entangled by you; and because he was too modest to say what he thought, he had his mouth stopped. For the truth is, Socrates, that you, who pretend to be engaged in the pursuit of truth, are appealing now to the popular and vulgar notions of right, which are not natural, but only conventional. Convention and nature are generally at variance with one another: and hence, if a person is too modest to say what he thinks, he is compelled to contradict himself; and you, in your ingenuity perceiving the advantage to be thereby gained, slyly ask of him who is arguing conventionally a question which is to be determined by the rule of nature; and if he is talking of the rule of nature, you slip away to custom: as, for instance, you did in this very discussion about doing and suffering injustice. When Polus was speaking of the conventionally dishonourable, you assailed him from the point of view of nature; for by the rule of nature, to suffer injustice is the greater disgrace because the greater evil; but conventionally, to do evil is the more disgraceful. For the suffering of injustice is not the part of a man, but of a slave, who indeed had better die than live; since when he is wronged and trampled upon, he is unable to help himself, or any other about whom he cares. The reason, as I conceive, is that the makers of laws are the majority who are weak; and they make laws and distribute praises and censures with a view to themselves and to their own interests; and they terrify the stronger sort of men, and those who are able to get the better of them, in order that they may not get the better of them; and they say, that dishonesty is shameful and unjust; meaning, by the word injustice, the desire of a man to have more than his neighbours; for knowing their own inferiority, I suspect that they are too glad of equality. And therefore the endeavour to have more than the many, is conventionally said to be shameful and unjust, and is called injustice (compare Republic), whereas nature herself intimates that it is just for the better to have more than the worse, the more powerful than the weaker; and in many ways she shows, among men as well as among animals, and indeed among whole cities and races, that justice consists in the superior ruling over and having more than the inferior. For on what principle of justice did Xerxes invade Hellas, or his father the Scythians? (not to speak of numberless other examples). Nay, but these are the men who act according to nature; yes, by Heaven, and according to the law of nature: not, perhaps, according to that artificial law, which we invent and impose upon our fellows, of whom we take the best and strongest from their youth upwards, and tame them like young lions,&amp;amp;mdash;charming them with the sound of the voice, and saying to them, that with equality they must be content, and that the equal is the honourable and the just. But if there were a man who had sufficient force, he would shake off and break through, and escape from all this; he would trample under foot all our formulas and spells and charms, and all our laws which are against nature: the slave would rise in rebellion and be lord over us, and the light of natural justice would shine forth. And this I take to be the sentiment of Pindar, when he says in his poem, that &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;Law is the king of all, of mortals as well as of immortals;&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — this, as he says, &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;Makes might to be right, doing violence with highest hand; as I infer from the deeds of Heracles, for without buying them&amp;amp;mdash;&#039; (Fragm. Incert. 151 (Bockh).) &amp;amp;mdash;I do not remember the exact words, but the meaning is, that without buying them, and without their being given to him, he carried off the oxen of Geryon, according to the law of natural right, and that the oxen and other possessions of the weaker and inferior properly belong to the stronger and superior. And this is true, as you may ascertain, if you will leave philosophy and go on to higher things: for philosophy, Socrates, if pursued in moderation and at the proper age, is an elegant accomplishment, but too much philosophy is the ruin of human life. Even if a man has good parts, still, if he carries philosophy into later life, he is necessarily ignorant of all those things which a gentleman and a person of honour ought to know; he is inexperienced in the laws of the State, and in the language which ought to be used in the dealings of man with man, whether private or public, and utterly ignorant of the pleasures and desires of mankind and of human character in general. And people of this sort, when they betake themselves to politics or business, are as ridiculous as I imagine the politicians to be, when they make their appearance in the arena of philosophy. For, as Euripides says, &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;Every man shines in that and pursues that, and devotes the greatest portion of the day to that in which he most excels,&#039; (Antiope, fragm. 20 (Dindorf).) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — but anything in which he is inferior, he avoids and depreciates, and praises the opposite from partiality to himself, and because he thinks that he will thus praise himself. The true principle is to unite them. Philosophy, as a part of education, is an excellent thing, and there is no disgrace to a man while he is young in pursuing such a study; but when he is more advanced in years, the thing becomes ridiculous, and I feel towards philosophers as I do towards those who lisp and imitate children. For I love to see a little child, who is not of an age to speak plainly, lisping at his play; there is an appearance of grace and freedom in his utterance, which is natural to his childish years. But when I hear some small creature carefully articulating its words, I am offended; the sound is disagreeable, and has to my ears the twang of slavery. So when I hear a man lisping, or see him playing like a child, his behaviour appears to me ridiculous and unmanly and worthy of stripes. And I have the same feeling about students of philosophy; when I see a youth thus engaged,&amp;amp;mdash;the study appears to me to be in character, and becoming a man of liberal education, and him who neglects philosophy I regard as an inferior man, who will never aspire to anything great or noble. But if I see him continuing the study in later life, and not leaving off, I should like to beat him, Socrates; for, as I was saying, such a one, even though he have good natural parts, becomes effeminate. He flies from the busy centre and the market-place, in which, as the poet says, men become distinguished; he creeps into a corner for the rest of his life, and talks in a whisper with three or four admiring youths, but never speaks out like a freeman in a satisfactory manner. Now I, Socrates, am very well inclined towards you, and my feeling may be compared with that of Zethus towards Amphion, in the play of Euripides, whom I was mentioning just now: for I am disposed to say to you much what Zethus said to his brother, that you, Socrates, are careless about the things of which you ought to be careful; and that you &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;Who have a soul so noble, are remarkable for a puerile exterior; Neither in a court of justice could you state a case, or give any reason or proof, Or offer valiant counsel on another&#039;s behalf.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And you must not be offended, my dear Socrates, for I am speaking out of good-will towards you, if I ask whether you are not ashamed of being thus defenceless; which I affirm to be the condition not of you only but of all those who will carry the study of philosophy too far. For suppose that some one were to take you, or any one of your sort, off to prison, declaring that you had done wrong when you had done no wrong, you must allow that you would not know what to do:&amp;amp;mdash;there you would stand giddy and gaping, and not having a word to say; and when you went up before the Court, even if the accuser were a poor creature and not good for much, you would die if he were disposed to claim the penalty of death. And yet, Socrates, what is the value of&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;pre xml:space=&amp;quot;preserve&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &#039;An art which converts a man of sense into a fool,&#039; &amp;lt;/pre&amp;gt; &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;who is helpless, and has no power to save either himself or others, when he is in the greatest danger and is going to be despoiled by his enemies of all his goods, and has to live, simply deprived of his rights of citizenship?&amp;amp;mdash;he being a man who, if I may use the expression, may be boxed on the ears with impunity. Then, my good friend, take my advice, and refute no more: &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;Learn the philosophy of business, and acquire the reputation of wisdom. But leave to others these niceties,&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — whether they are to be described as follies or absurdities: &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;For they will only Give you poverty for the inmate of your dwelling.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Cease, then, emulating these paltry splitters of words, and emulate only the man of substance and honour, who is well to do. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: If my soul, Callicles, were made of gold, should I not rejoice to discover one of those stones with which they test gold, and the very best possible one to which I might bring my soul; and if the stone and I agreed in approving of her training, then I should know that I was in a satisfactory state, and that no other test was needed by me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: What is your meaning, Socrates? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I will tell you; I think that I have found in you the desired touchstone. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Why? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Because I am sure that if you agree with me in any of the opinions which my soul forms, I have at last found the truth indeed. For I consider that if a man is to make a complete trial of the good or evil of the soul, he ought to have three qualities&amp;amp;mdash;knowledge, good-will, outspokenness, which are all possessed by you. Many whom I meet are unable to make trial of me, because they are not wise as you are; others are wise, but they will not tell me the truth, because they have not the same interest in me which you have; and these two strangers, Gorgias and Polus, are undoubtedly wise men and my very good friends, but they are not outspoken enough, and they are too modest. Why, their modesty is so great that they are driven to contradict themselves, first one and then the other of them, in the face of a large company, on matters of the highest moment. But you have all the qualities in which these others are deficient, having received an excellent education; to this many Athenians can testify. And you are my friend. Shall I tell you why I think so? I know that you, Callicles, and Tisander of Aphidnae, and Andron the son of Androtion, and Nausicydes of the deme of Cholarges, studied together: there were four of you, and I once heard you advising with one another as to the extent to which the pursuit of philosophy should be carried, and, as I know, you came to the conclusion that the study should not be pushed too much into detail. You were cautioning one another not to be overwise; you were afraid that too much wisdom might unconsciously to yourselves be the ruin of you. And now when I hear you giving the same advice to me which you then gave to your most intimate friends, I have a sufficient evidence of your real good-will to me. And of the frankness of your nature and freedom from modesty I am assured by yourself, and the assurance is confirmed by your last speech. Well then, the inference in the present case clearly is, that if you agree with me in an argument about any point, that point will have been sufficiently tested by us, and will not require to be submitted to any further test. For you could not have agreed with me, either from lack of knowledge or from superfluity of modesty, nor yet from a desire to deceive me, for you are my friend, as you tell me yourself. And therefore when you and I are agreed, the result will be the attainment of perfect truth. Now there is no nobler enquiry, Callicles, than that which you censure me for making,&amp;amp;mdash;What ought the character of a man to be, and what his pursuits, and how far is he to go, both in maturer years and in youth? For be assured that if I err in my own conduct I do not err intentionally, but from ignorance. Do not then desist from advising me, now that you have begun, until I have learned clearly what this is which I am to practise, and how I may acquire it. And if you find me assenting to your words, and hereafter not doing that to which I assented, call me &#039;dolt,&#039; and deem me unworthy of receiving further instruction. Once more, then, tell me what you and Pindar mean by natural justice: Do you not mean that the superior should take the property of the inferior by force; that the better should rule the worse, the noble have more than the mean? Am I not right in my recollection? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes; that is what I was saying, and so I still aver. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And do you mean by the better the same as the superior? for I could not make out what you were saying at the time&amp;amp;mdash;whether you meant by the superior the stronger, and that the weaker must obey the stronger, as you seemed to imply when you said that great cities attack small ones in accordance with natural right, because they are superior and stronger, as though the superior and stronger and better were the same; or whether the better may be also the inferior and weaker, and the superior the worse, or whether better is to be defined in the same way as superior:&amp;amp;mdash;this is the point which I want to have cleared up. Are the superior and better and stronger the same or different? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I say unequivocally that they are the same. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then the many are by nature superior to the one, against whom, as you were saying, they make the laws? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then the laws of the many are the laws of the superior? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then they are the laws of the better; for the superior class are far better, as you were saying? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And since they are superior, the laws which are made by them are by nature good? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And are not the many of opinion, as you were lately saying, that justice is equality, and that to do is more disgraceful than to suffer injustice?&amp;amp;mdash;is that so or not? Answer, Callicles, and let no modesty be found to come in the way; do the many think, or do they not think thus?&amp;amp;mdash;I must beg of you to answer, in order that if you agree with me I may fortify myself by the assent of so competent an authority. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes; the opinion of the many is what you say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then not only custom but nature also affirms that to do is more disgraceful than to suffer injustice, and that justice is equality; so that you seem to have been wrong in your former assertion, when accusing me you said that nature and custom are opposed, and that I, knowing this, was dishonestly playing between them, appealing to custom when the argument is about nature, and to nature when the argument is about custom? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: This man will never cease talking nonsense. At your age, Socrates, are you not ashamed to be catching at words and chuckling over some verbal slip? do you not see&amp;amp;mdash;have I not told you already, that by superior I mean better: do you imagine me to say, that if a rabble of slaves and nondescripts, who are of no use except perhaps for their physical strength, get together, their ipsissima verba are laws? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Ho! my philosopher, is that your line? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I was thinking, Callicles, that something of the kind must have been in your mind, and that is why I repeated the question,&amp;amp;mdash;What is the superior? I wanted to know clearly what you meant; for you surely do not think that two men are better than one, or that your slaves are better than you because they are stronger? Then please to begin again, and tell me who the better are, if they are not the stronger; and I will ask you, great Sir, to be a little milder in your instructions, or I shall have to run away from you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: You are ironical. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: No, by the hero Zethus, Callicles, by whose aid you were just now saying many ironical things against me, I am not:&amp;amp;mdash;tell me, then, whom you mean, by the better? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I mean the more excellent. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Do you not see that you are yourself using words which have no meaning and that you are explaining nothing?&amp;amp;mdash;will you tell me whether you mean by the better and superior the wiser, or if not, whom? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Most assuredly, I do mean the wiser. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then according to you, one wise man may often be superior to ten thousand fools, and he ought to rule them, and they ought to be his subjects, and he ought to have more than they should. This is what I believe that you mean (and you must not suppose that I am word-catching), if you allow that the one is superior to the ten thousand? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes; that is what I mean, and that is what I conceive to be natural justice&amp;amp;mdash;that the better and wiser should rule and have more than the inferior. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Stop there, and let me ask you what you would say in this case: Let us suppose that we are all together as we are now; there are several of us, and we have a large common store of meats and drinks, and there are all sorts of persons in our company having various degrees of strength and weakness, and one of us, being a physician, is wiser in the matter of food than all the rest, and he is probably stronger than some and not so strong as others of us&amp;amp;mdash;will he not, being wiser, be also better than we are, and our superior in this matter of food? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Either, then, he will have a larger share of the meats and drinks, because he is better, or he will have the distribution of all of them by reason of his authority, but he will not expend or make use of a larger share of them on his own person, or if he does, he will be punished;&amp;amp;mdash;his share will exceed that of some, and be less than that of others, and if he be the weakest of all, he being the best of all will have the smallest share of all, Callicles:&amp;amp;mdash;am I not right, my friend? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: You talk about meats and drinks and physicians and other nonsense; I am not speaking of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Well, but do you admit that the wiser is the better? Answer &#039;Yes&#039; or &#039;No.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And ought not the better to have a larger share? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Not of meats and drinks. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I understand: then, perhaps, of coats&amp;amp;mdash;the skilfullest weaver ought to have the largest coat, and the greatest number of them, and go about clothed in the best and finest of them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Fudge about coats! &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then the skilfullest and best in making shoes ought to have the advantage in shoes; the shoemaker, clearly, should walk about in the largest shoes, and have the greatest number of them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Fudge about shoes! What nonsense are you talking? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Or, if this is not your meaning, perhaps you would say that the wise and good and true husbandman should actually have a larger share of seeds, and have as much seed as possible for his own land? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: How you go on, always talking in the same way, Socrates! &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yes, Callicles, and also about the same things. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes, by the Gods, you are literally always talking of cobblers and fullers and cooks and doctors, as if this had to do with our argument. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But why will you not tell me in what a man must be superior and wiser in order to claim a larger share; will you neither accept a suggestion, nor offer one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I have already told you. In the first place, I mean by superiors not cobblers or cooks, but wise politicians who understand the administration of a state, and who are not only wise, but also valiant and able to carry out their designs, and not the men to faint from want of soul. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: See now, most excellent Callicles, how different my charge against you is from that which you bring against me, for you reproach me with always saying the same; but I reproach you with never saying the same about the same things, for at one time you were defining the better and the superior to be the stronger, then again as the wiser, and now you bring forward a new notion; the superior and the better are now declared by you to be the more courageous: I wish, my good friend, that you would tell me, once for all, whom you affirm to be the better and superior, and in what they are better? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I have already told you that I mean those who are wise and courageous in the administration of a state&amp;amp;mdash;they ought to be the rulers of their states, and justice consists in their having more than their subjects. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But whether rulers or subjects will they or will they not have more than themselves, my friend? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I mean that every man is his own ruler; but perhaps you think that there is no necessity for him to rule himself; he is only required to rule others? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: What do you mean by his &#039;ruling over himself&#039;? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: A simple thing enough; just what is commonly said, that a man should be temperate and master of himself, and ruler of his own pleasures and passions. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: What innocence! you mean those fools,&amp;amp;mdash;the temperate? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Certainly:&amp;amp;mdash;any one may know that to be my meaning. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Quite so, Socrates; and they are really fools, for how can a man be happy who is the servant of anything? On the contrary, I plainly assert, that he who would truly live ought to allow his desires to wax to the uttermost, and not to chastise them; but when they have grown to their greatest he should have courage and intelligence to minister to them and to satisfy all his longings. And this I affirm to be natural justice and nobility. To this however the many cannot attain; and they blame the strong man because they are ashamed of their own weakness, which they desire to conceal, and hence they say that intemperance is base. As I have remarked already, they enslave the nobler natures, and being unable to satisfy their pleasures, they praise temperance and justice out of their own cowardice. For if a man had been originally the son of a king, or had a nature capable of acquiring an empire or a tyranny or sovereignty, what could be more truly base or evil than temperance&amp;amp;mdash;to a man like him, I say, who might freely be enjoying every good, and has no one to stand in his way, and yet has admitted custom and reason and the opinion of other men to be lords over him?&amp;amp;mdash;must not he be in a miserable plight whom the reputation of justice and temperance hinders from giving more to his friends than to his enemies, even though he be a ruler in his city? Nay, Socrates, for you profess to be a votary of the truth, and the truth is this:&amp;amp;mdash;that luxury and intemperance and licence, if they be provided with means, are virtue and happiness&amp;amp;mdash;all the rest is a mere bauble, agreements contrary to nature, foolish talk of men, nothing worth. (Compare Republic.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: There is a noble freedom, Callicles, in your way of approaching the argument; for what you say is what the rest of the world think, but do not like to say. And I must beg of you to persevere, that the true rule of human life may become manifest. Tell me, then:&amp;amp;mdash;you say, do you not, that in the rightly-developed man the passions ought not to be controlled, but that we should let them grow to the utmost and somehow or other satisfy them, and that this is virtue? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes; I do. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then those who want nothing are not truly said to be happy? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: No indeed, for then stones and dead men would be the happiest of all. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But surely life according to your view is an awful thing; and indeed I think that Euripides may have been right in saying, &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;Who knows if life be not death and death life;&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — and that we are very likely dead; I have heard a philosopher say that at this moment we are actually dead, and that the body (soma) is our tomb (sema (compare Phaedr.)), and that the part of the soul which is the seat of the desires is liable to be tossed about by words and blown up and down; and some ingenious person, probably a Sicilian or an Italian, playing with the word, invented a tale in which he called the soul&amp;amp;mdash;because of its believing and make-believe nature&amp;amp;mdash;a vessel (An untranslatable pun,&amp;amp;mdash;dia to pithanon te kai pistikon onomase pithon.), and the ignorant he called the uninitiated or leaky, and the place in the souls of the uninitiated in which the desires are seated, being the intemperate and incontinent part, he compared to a vessel full of holes, because it can never be satisfied. He is not of your way of thinking, Callicles, for he declares, that of all the souls in Hades, meaning the invisible world (aeides), these uninitiated or leaky persons are the most miserable, and that they pour water into a vessel which is full of holes out of a colander which is similarly perforated. The colander, as my informer assures me, is the soul, and the soul which he compares to a colander is the soul of the ignorant, which is likewise full of holes, and therefore incontinent, owing to a bad memory and want of faith. These notions are strange enough, but they show the principle which, if I can, I would fain prove to you; that you should change your mind, and, instead of the intemperate and insatiate life, choose that which is orderly and sufficient and has a due provision for daily needs. Do I make any impression on you, and are you coming over to the opinion that the orderly are happier than the intemperate? Or do I fail to persuade you, and, however many tales I rehearse to you, do you continue of the same opinion still? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: The latter, Socrates, is more like the truth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Well, I will tell you another image, which comes out of the same school:&amp;amp;mdash;Let me request you to consider how far you would accept this as an account of the two lives of the temperate and intemperate in a figure:&amp;amp;mdash;There are two men, both of whom have a number of casks; the one man has his casks sound and full, one of wine, another of honey, and a third of milk, besides others filled with other liquids, and the streams which fill them are few and scanty, and he can only obtain them with a great deal of toil and difficulty; but when his casks are once filled he has no need to feed them any more, and has no further trouble with them or care about them. The other, in like manner, can procure streams, though not without difficulty; but his vessels are leaky and unsound, and night and day he is compelled to be filling them, and if he pauses for a moment, he is in an agony of pain. Such are their respective lives:&amp;amp;mdash;And now would you say that the life of the intemperate is happier than that of the temperate? Do I not convince you that the opposite is the truth? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: You do not convince me, Socrates, for the one who has filled himself has no longer any pleasure left; and this, as I was just now saying, is the life of a stone: he has neither joy nor sorrow after he is once filled; but the pleasure depends on the superabundance of the influx. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But the more you pour in, the greater the waste; and the holes must be large for the liquid to escape. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: The life which you are now depicting is not that of a dead man, or of a stone, but of a cormorant; you mean that he is to be hungering and eating? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And he is to be thirsting and drinking? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes, that is what I mean; he is to have all his desires about him, and to be able to live happily in the gratification of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Capital, excellent; go on as you have begun, and have no shame; I, too, must disencumber myself of shame: and first, will you tell me whether you include itching and scratching, provided you have enough of them and pass your life in scratching, in your notion of happiness? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: What a strange being you are, Socrates! a regular mob-orator. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: That was the reason, Callicles, why I scared Polus and Gorgias, until they were too modest to say what they thought; but you will not be too modest and will not be scared, for you are a brave man. And now, answer my question. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I answer, that even the scratcher would live pleasantly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if pleasantly, then also happily? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: To be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But what if the itching is not confined to the head? Shall I pursue the question? And here, Callicles, I would have you consider how you would reply if consequences are pressed upon you, especially if in the last resort you are asked, whether the life of a catamite is not terrible, foul, miserable? Or would you venture to say, that they too are happy, if they only get enough of what they want? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Are you not ashamed, Socrates, of introducing such topics into the argument? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Well, my fine friend, but am I the introducer of these topics, or he who says without any qualification that all who feel pleasure in whatever manner are happy, and who admits of no distinction between good and bad pleasures? And I would still ask, whether you say that pleasure and good are the same, or whether there is some pleasure which is not a good? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Well, then, for the sake of consistency, I will say that they are the same. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: You are breaking the original agreement, Callicles, and will no longer be a satisfactory companion in the search after truth, if you say what is contrary to your real opinion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Why, that is what you are doing too, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then we are both doing wrong. Still, my dear friend, I would ask you to consider whether pleasure, from whatever source derived, is the good; for, if this be true, then the disagreeable consequences which have been darkly intimated must follow, and many others. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: That, Socrates, is only your opinion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And do you, Callicles, seriously maintain what you are saying? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Indeed I do. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then, as you are in earnest, shall we proceed with the argument? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: By all means. (Or, &#039;I am in profound earnest.&#039;) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Well, if you are willing to proceed, determine this question for me:&amp;amp;mdash;There is something, I presume, which you would call knowledge? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: There is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And were you not saying just now, that some courage implied knowledge? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I was. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And you were speaking of courage and knowledge as two things different from one another? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Certainly I was. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And would you say that pleasure and knowledge are the same, or not the same? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Not the same, O man of wisdom. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And would you say that courage differed from pleasure? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Well, then, let us remember that Callicles, the Acharnian, says that pleasure and good are the same; but that knowledge and courage are not the same, either with one another, or with the good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: And what does our friend Socrates, of Foxton, say&amp;amp;mdash;does he assent to this, or not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: He does not assent; neither will Callicles, when he sees himself truly. You will admit, I suppose, that good and evil fortune are opposed to each other? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if they are opposed to each other, then, like health and disease, they exclude one another; a man cannot have them both, or be without them both, at the same time? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Take the case of any bodily affection:&amp;amp;mdash;a man may have the complaint in his eyes which is called ophthalmia? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: To be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But he surely cannot have the same eyes well and sound at the same time? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And when he has got rid of his ophthalmia, has he got rid of the health of his eyes too? Is the final result, that he gets rid of them both together? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: That would surely be marvellous and absurd? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Very. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I suppose that he is affected by them, and gets rid of them in turns? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And he may have strength and weakness in the same way, by fits? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Or swiftness and slowness? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And does he have and not have good and happiness, and their opposites, evil and misery, in a similar alternation? (Compare Republic.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Certainly he has. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: If then there be anything which a man has and has not at the same time, clearly that cannot be good and evil&amp;amp;mdash;do we agree? Please not to answer without consideration. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I entirely agree. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Go back now to our former admissions.&amp;amp;mdash;Did you say that to hunger, I mean the mere state of hunger, was pleasant or painful? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I said painful, but that to eat when you are hungry is pleasant. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I know; but still the actual hunger is painful: am I not right? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And thirst, too, is painful? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes, very. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Need I adduce any more instances, or would you agree that all wants or desires are painful? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I agree, and therefore you need not adduce any more instances. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Very good. And you would admit that to drink, when you are thirsty, is pleasant? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And in the sentence which you have just uttered, the word &#039;thirsty&#039; implies pain? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And the word &#039;drinking&#039; is expressive of pleasure, and of the satisfaction of the want? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: There is pleasure in drinking? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: When you are thirsty? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And in pain? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Do you see the inference:&amp;amp;mdash;that pleasure and pain are simultaneous, when you say that being thirsty, you drink? For are they not simultaneous, and do they not affect at the same time the same part, whether of the soul or the body?&amp;amp;mdash;which of them is affected cannot be supposed to be of any consequence: Is not this true? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: It is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: You said also, that no man could have good and evil fortune at the same time? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes, I did. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But you admitted, that when in pain a man might also have pleasure? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then pleasure is not the same as good fortune, or pain the same as evil fortune, and therefore the good is not the same as the pleasant? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I wish I knew, Socrates, what your quibbling means. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: You know, Callicles, but you affect not to know. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Well, get on, and don&#039;t keep fooling: then you will know what a wiseacre you are in your admonition of me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Does not a man cease from his thirst and from his pleasure in drinking at the same time? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I do not understand what you are saying. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: Nay, Callicles, answer, if only for our sakes;&amp;amp;mdash;we should like to hear the argument out. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes, Gorgias, but I must complain of the habitual trifling of Socrates; he is always arguing about little and unworthy questions. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: What matter? Your reputation, Callicles, is not at stake. Let Socrates argue in his own fashion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Well, then, Socrates, you shall ask these little peddling questions, since Gorgias wishes to have them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I envy you, Callicles, for having been initiated into the great mysteries before you were initiated into the lesser. I thought that this was not allowable. But to return to our argument:&amp;amp;mdash;Does not a man cease from thirsting and from the pleasure of drinking at the same moment? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if he is hungry, or has any other desire, does he not cease from the desire and the pleasure at the same moment? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then he ceases from pain and pleasure at the same moment? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But he does not cease from good and evil at the same moment, as you have admitted: do you still adhere to what you said? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes, I do; but what is the inference? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Why, my friend, the inference is that the good is not the same as the pleasant, or the evil the same as the painful; there is a cessation of pleasure and pain at the same moment; but not of good and evil, for they are different. How then can pleasure be the same as good, or pain as evil? And I would have you look at the matter in another light, which could hardly, I think, have been considered by you when you identified them: Are not the good good because they have good present with them, as the beautiful are those who have beauty present with them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And do you call the fools and cowards good men? For you were saying just now that the courageous and the wise are the good&amp;amp;mdash;would you not say so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And did you never see a foolish child rejoicing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes, I have. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And a foolish man too? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes, certainly; but what is your drift? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Nothing particular, if you will only answer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes, I have. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And did you ever see a sensible man rejoicing or sorrowing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Which rejoice and sorrow most&amp;amp;mdash;the wise or the foolish? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: They are much upon a par, I think, in that respect. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Enough: And did you ever see a coward in battle? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: To be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And which rejoiced most at the departure of the enemy, the coward or the brave? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I should say &#039;most&#039; of both; or at any rate, they rejoiced about equally. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: No matter; then the cowards, and not only the brave, rejoice? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Greatly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And the foolish; so it would seem? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And are only the cowards pained at the approach of their enemies, or are the brave also pained? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Both are pained. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And are they equally pained? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I should imagine that the cowards are more pained. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And are they not better pleased at the enemy&#039;s departure? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I dare say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then are the foolish and the wise and the cowards and the brave all pleased and pained, as you were saying, in nearly equal degree; but are the cowards more pleased and pained than the brave? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But surely the wise and brave are the good, and the foolish and the cowardly are the bad? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then the good and the bad are pleased and pained in a nearly equal degree? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then are the good and bad good and bad in a nearly equal degree, or have the bad the advantage both in good and evil? (i.e. in having more pleasure and more pain.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I really do not know what you mean. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Why, do you not remember saying that the good were good because good was present with them, and the evil because evil; and that pleasures were goods and pains evils? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes, I remember. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And are not these pleasures or goods present to those who rejoice&amp;amp;mdash;if they do rejoice? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then those who rejoice are good when goods are present with them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And those who are in pain have evil or sorrow present with them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And would you still say that the evil are evil by reason of the presence of evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I should. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then those who rejoice are good, and those who are in pain evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: The degrees of good and evil vary with the degrees of pleasure and of pain? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Have the wise man and the fool, the brave and the coward, joy and pain in nearly equal degrees? or would you say that the coward has more? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I should say that he has. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Help me then to draw out the conclusion which follows from our admissions; for it is good to repeat and review what is good twice and thrice over, as they say. Both the wise man and the brave man we allow to be good? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And the foolish man and the coward to be evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And he who has joy is good? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And he who is in pain is evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: The good and evil both have joy and pain, but, perhaps, the evil has more of them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then must we not infer, that the bad man is as good and bad as the good, or, perhaps, even better?&amp;amp;mdash;is not this a further inference which follows equally with the preceding from the assertion that the good and the pleasant are the same:&amp;amp;mdash;can this be denied, Callicles? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I have been listening and making admissions to you, Socrates; and I remark that if a person grants you anything in play, you, like a child, want to keep hold and will not give it back. But do you really suppose that I or any other human being denies that some pleasures are good and others bad? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Alas, Callicles, how unfair you are! you certainly treat me as if I were a child, sometimes saying one thing, and then another, as if you were meaning to deceive me. And yet I thought at first that you were my friend, and would not have deceived me if you could have helped. But I see that I was mistaken; and now I suppose that I must make the best of a bad business, as they said of old, and take what I can get out of you.&amp;amp;mdash;Well, then, as I understand you to say, I may assume that some pleasures are good and others evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: The beneficial are good, and the hurtful are evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: To be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And the beneficial are those which do some good, and the hurtful are those which do some evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Take, for example, the bodily pleasures of eating and drinking, which we were just now mentioning&amp;amp;mdash;you mean to say that those which promote health, or any other bodily excellence, are good, and their opposites evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And in the same way there are good pains and there are evil pains? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: To be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And ought we not to choose and use the good pleasures and pains? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But not the evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Because, if you remember, Polus and I have agreed that all our actions are to be done for the sake of the good;&amp;amp;mdash;and will you agree with us in saying, that the good is the end of all our actions, and that all our actions are to be done for the sake of the good, and not the good for the sake of them?&amp;amp;mdash;will you add a third vote to our two? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I will. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then pleasure, like everything else, is to be sought for the sake of that which is good, and not that which is good for the sake of pleasure? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: To be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But can every man choose what pleasures are good and what are evil, or must he have art or knowledge of them in detail? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: He must have art. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Let me now remind you of what I was saying to Gorgias and Polus; I was saying, as you will not have forgotten, that there were some processes which aim only at pleasure, and know nothing of a better and worse, and there are other processes which know good and evil. And I considered that cookery, which I do not call an art, but only an experience, was of the former class, which is concerned with pleasure, and that the art of medicine was of the class which is concerned with the good. And now, by the god of friendship, I must beg you, Callicles, not to jest, or to imagine that I am jesting with you; do not answer at random and contrary to your real opinion&amp;amp;mdash;for you will observe that we are arguing about the way of human life; and to a man who has any sense at all, what question can be more serious than this?&amp;amp;mdash;whether he should follow after that way of life to which you exhort me, and act what you call the manly part of speaking in the assembly, and cultivating rhetoric, and engaging in public affairs, according to the principles now in vogue; or whether he should pursue the life of philosophy;&amp;amp;mdash;and in what the latter way differs from the former. But perhaps we had better first try to distinguish them, as I did before, and when we have come to an agreement that they are distinct, we may proceed to consider in what they differ from one another, and which of them we should choose. Perhaps, however, you do not even now understand what I mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: No, I do not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then I will explain myself more clearly: seeing that you and I have agreed that there is such a thing as good, and that there is such a thing as pleasure, and that pleasure is not the same as good, and that the pursuit and process of acquisition of the one, that is pleasure, is different from the pursuit and process of acquisition of the other, which is good&amp;amp;mdash;I wish that you would tell me whether you agree with me thus far or not&amp;amp;mdash;do you agree? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I do. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then I will proceed, and ask whether you also agree with me, and whether you think that I spoke the truth when I further said to Gorgias and Polus that cookery in my opinion is only an experience, and not an art at all; and that whereas medicine is an art, and attends to the nature and constitution of the patient, and has principles of action and reason in each case, cookery in attending upon pleasure never regards either the nature or reason of that pleasure to which she devotes herself, but goes straight to her end, nor ever considers or calculates anything, but works by experience and routine, and just preserves the recollection of what she has usually done when producing pleasure. And first, I would have you consider whether I have proved what I was saying, and then whether there are not other similar processes which have to do with the soul&amp;amp;mdash;some of them processes of art, making a provision for the soul&#039;s highest interest&amp;amp;mdash;others despising the interest, and, as in the previous case, considering only the pleasure of the soul, and how this may be acquired, but not considering what pleasures are good or bad, and having no other aim but to afford gratification, whether good or bad. In my opinion, Callicles, there are such processes, and this is the sort of thing which I term flattery, whether concerned with the body or the soul, or whenever employed with a view to pleasure and without any consideration of good and evil. And now I wish that you would tell me whether you agree with us in this notion, or whether you differ. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I do not differ; on the contrary, I agree; for in that way I shall soonest bring the argument to an end, and shall oblige my friend Gorgias. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And is this notion true of one soul, or of two or more? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Equally true of two or more. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then a man may delight a whole assembly, and yet have no regard for their true interests? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Can you tell me the pursuits which delight mankind&amp;amp;mdash;or rather, if you would prefer, let me ask, and do you answer, which of them belong to the pleasurable class, and which of them not? In the first place, what say you of flute-playing? Does not that appear to be an art which seeks only pleasure, Callicles, and thinks of nothing else? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I assent. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And is not the same true of all similar arts, as, for example, the art of playing the lyre at festivals? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And what do you say of the choral art and of dithyrambic poetry?&amp;amp;mdash;are not they of the same nature? Do you imagine that Cinesias the son of Meles cares about what will tend to the moral improvement of his hearers, or about what will give pleasure to the multitude? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: There can be no mistake about Cinesias, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And what do you say of his father, Meles the harp-player? Did he perform with any view to the good of his hearers? Could he be said to regard even their pleasure? For his singing was an infliction to his audience. And of harp-playing and dithyrambic poetry in general, what would you say? Have they not been invented wholly for the sake of pleasure? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: That is my notion of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And as for the Muse of Tragedy, that solemn and august personage&amp;amp;mdash;what are her aspirations? Is all her aim and desire only to give pleasure to the spectators, or does she fight against them and refuse to speak of their pleasant vices, and willingly proclaim in word and song truths welcome and unwelcome?&amp;amp;mdash;which in your judgment is her character? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: There can be no doubt, Socrates, that Tragedy has her face turned towards pleasure and the gratification of the audience. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And is not that the sort of thing, Callicles, which we were just now describing as flattery? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Well now, suppose that we strip all poetry of song and rhythm and metre, there will remain speech? (Compare Republic.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: To be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And this speech is addressed to a crowd of people? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then poetry is a sort of rhetoric? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And do not the poets in the theatres seem to you to be rhetoricians? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then now we have discovered a sort of rhetoric which is addressed to a crowd of men, women, and children, freemen and slaves. And this is not much to our taste, for we have described it as having the nature of flattery. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Very good. And what do you say of that other rhetoric which addresses the Athenian assembly and the assemblies of freemen in other states? Do the rhetoricians appear to you always to aim at what is best, and do they seek to improve the citizens by their speeches, or are they too, like the rest of mankind, bent upon giving them pleasure, forgetting the public good in the thought of their own interest, playing with the people as with children, and trying to amuse them, but never considering whether they are better or worse for this? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I must distinguish. There are some who have a real care of the public in what they say, while others are such as you describe. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I am contented with the admission that rhetoric is of two sorts; one, which is mere flattery and disgraceful declamation; the other, which is noble and aims at the training and improvement of the souls of the citizens, and strives to say what is best, whether welcome or unwelcome, to the audience; but have you ever known such a rhetoric; or if you have, and can point out any rhetorician who is of this stamp, who is he? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: But, indeed, I am afraid that I cannot tell you of any such among the orators who are at present living. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Well, then, can you mention any one of a former generation, who may be said to have improved the Athenians, who found them worse and made them better, from the day that he began to make speeches? for, indeed, I do not know of such a man. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: What! did you never hear that Themistocles was a good man, and Cimon and Miltiades and Pericles, who is just lately dead, and whom you heard yourself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yes, Callicles, they were good men, if, as you said at first, true virtue consists only in the satisfaction of our own desires and those of others; but if not, and if, as we were afterwards compelled to acknowledge, the satisfaction of some desires makes us better, and of others, worse, and we ought to gratify the one and not the other, and there is an art in distinguishing them,&amp;amp;mdash;can you tell me of any of these statesmen who did distinguish them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: No, indeed, I cannot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yet, surely, Callicles, if you look you will find such a one. Suppose that we just calmly consider whether any of these was such as I have described. Will not the good man, who says whatever he says with a view to the best, speak with a reference to some standard and not at random; just as all other artists, whether the painter, the builder, the shipwright, or any other look all of them to their own work, and do not select and apply at random what they apply, but strive to give a definite form to it? The artist disposes all things in order, and compels the one part to harmonize and accord with the other part, until he has constructed a regular and systematic whole; and this is true of all artists, and in the same way the trainers and physicians, of whom we spoke before, give order and regularity to the body: do you deny this? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: No; I am ready to admit it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then the house in which order and regularity prevail is good; that in which there is disorder, evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And the same is true of a ship? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And the same may be said of the human body? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And what would you say of the soul? Will the good soul be that in which disorder is prevalent, or that in which there is harmony and order? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: The latter follows from our previous admissions. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: What is the name which is given to the effect of harmony and order in the body? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I suppose that you mean health and strength? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yes, I do; and what is the name which you would give to the effect of harmony and order in the soul? Try and discover a name for this as well as for the other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Why not give the name yourself, Socrates? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Well, if you had rather that I should, I will; and you shall say whether you agree with me, and if not, you shall refute and answer me. &#039;Healthy,&#039; as I conceive, is the name which is given to the regular order of the body, whence comes health and every other bodily excellence: is that true or not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And &#039;lawful&#039; and &#039;law&#039; are the names which are given to the regular order and action of the soul, and these make men lawful and orderly:&amp;amp;mdash;and so we have temperance and justice: have we not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Granted. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And will not the true rhetorician who is honest and understands his art have his eye fixed upon these, in all the words which he addresses to the souls of men, and in all his actions, both in what he gives and in what he takes away? Will not his aim be to implant justice in the souls of his citizens and take away injustice, to implant temperance and take away intemperance, to implant every virtue and take away every vice? Do you not agree? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I agree. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: For what use is there, Callicles, in giving to the body of a sick man who is in a bad state of health a quantity of the most delightful food or drink or any other pleasant thing, which may be really as bad for him as if you gave him nothing, or even worse if rightly estimated. Is not that true? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I will not say No to it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: For in my opinion there is no profit in a man&#039;s life if his body is in an evil plight&amp;amp;mdash;in that case his life also is evil: am I not right? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: When a man is in health the physicians will generally allow him to eat when he is hungry and drink when he is thirsty, and to satisfy his desires as he likes, but when he is sick they hardly suffer him to satisfy his desires at all: even you will admit that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And does not the same argument hold of the soul, my good sir? While she is in a bad state and is senseless and intemperate and unjust and unholy, her desires ought to be controlled, and she ought to be prevented from doing anything which does not tend to her own improvement. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Such treatment will be better for the soul herself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: To be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And to restrain her from her appetites is to chastise her? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then restraint or chastisement is better for the soul than intemperance or the absence of control, which you were just now preferring? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I do not understand you, Socrates, and I wish that you would ask some one who does. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Here is a gentleman who cannot endure to be improved or to subject himself to that very chastisement of which the argument speaks! &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I do not heed a word of what you are saying, and have only answered hitherto out of civility to Gorgias. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: What are we to do, then? Shall we break off in the middle? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: You shall judge for yourself. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Well, but people say that &#039;a tale should have a head and not break off in the middle,&#039; and I should not like to have the argument going about without a head (compare Laws); please then to go on a little longer, and put the head on. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: How tyrannical you are, Socrates! I wish that you and your argument would rest, or that you would get some one else to argue with you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But who else is willing?&amp;amp;mdash;I want to finish the argument. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Cannot you finish without my help, either talking straight on, or questioning and answering yourself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Must I then say with Epicharmus, &#039;Two men spoke before, but now one shall be enough&#039;? I suppose that there is absolutely no help. And if I am to carry on the enquiry by myself, I will first of all remark that not only I but all of us should have an ambition to know what is true and what is false in this matter, for the discovery of the truth is a common good. And now I will proceed to argue according to my own notion. But if any of you think that I arrive at conclusions which are untrue you must interpose and refute me, for I do not speak from any knowledge of what I am saying; I am an enquirer like yourselves, and therefore, if my opponent says anything which is of force, I shall be the first to agree with him. I am speaking on the supposition that the argument ought to be completed; but if you think otherwise let us leave off and go our ways. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — GORGIAS: I think, Socrates, that we should not go our ways until you have completed the argument; and this appears to me to be the wish of the rest of the company; I myself should very much like to hear what more you have to say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I too, Gorgias, should have liked to continue the argument with Callicles, and then I might have given him an &#039;Amphion&#039; in return for his &#039;Zethus&#039;; but since you, Callicles, are unwilling to continue, I hope that you will listen, and interrupt me if I seem to you to be in error. And if you refute me, I shall not be angry with you as you are with me, but I shall inscribe you as the greatest of benefactors on the tablets of my soul. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: My good fellow, never mind me, but get on. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Listen to me, then, while I recapitulate the argument:&amp;amp;mdash;Is the pleasant the same as the good? Not the same. Callicles and I are agreed about that. And is the pleasant to be pursued for the sake of the good? or the good for the sake of the pleasant? The pleasant is to be pursued for the sake of the good. And that is pleasant at the presence of which we are pleased, and that is good at the presence of which we are good? To be sure. And we are good, and all good things whatever are good when some virtue is present in us or them? That, Callicles, is my conviction. But the virtue of each thing, whether body or soul, instrument or creature, when given to them in the best way comes to them not by chance but as the result of the order and truth and art which are imparted to them: Am I not right? I maintain that I am. And is not the virtue of each thing dependent on order or arrangement? Yes, I say. And that which makes a thing good is the proper order inhering in each thing? Such is my view. And is not the soul which has an order of her own better than that which has no order? Certainly. And the soul which has order is orderly? Of course. And that which is orderly is temperate? Assuredly. And the temperate soul is good? No other answer can I give, Callicles dear; have you any? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Go on, my good fellow. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then I shall proceed to add, that if the temperate soul is the good soul, the soul which is in the opposite condition, that is, the foolish and intemperate, is the bad soul. Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And will not the temperate man do what is proper, both in relation to the gods and to men;&amp;amp;mdash;for he would not be temperate if he did not? Certainly he will do what is proper. In his relation to other men he will do what is just; and in his relation to the gods he will do what is holy; and he who does what is just and holy must be just and holy? Very true. And must he not be courageous? for the duty of a temperate man is not to follow or to avoid what he ought not, but what he ought, whether things or men or pleasures or pains, and patiently to endure when he ought; and therefore, Callicles, the temperate man, being, as we have described, also just and courageous and holy, cannot be other than a perfectly good man, nor can the good man do otherwise than well and perfectly whatever he does; and he who does well must of necessity be happy and blessed, and the evil man who does evil, miserable: now this latter is he whom you were applauding&amp;amp;mdash;the intemperate who is the opposite of the temperate. Such is my position, and these things I affirm to be true. And if they are true, then I further affirm that he who desires to be happy must pursue and practise temperance and run away from intemperance as fast as his legs will carry him: he had better order his life so as not to need punishment; but if either he or any of his friends, whether private individual or city, are in need of punishment, then justice must be done and he must suffer punishment, if he would be happy. This appears to me to be the aim which a man ought to have, and towards which he ought to direct all the energies both of himself and of the state, acting so that he may have temperance and justice present with him and be happy, not suffering his lusts to be unrestrained, and in the never-ending desire satisfy them leading a robber&#039;s life. Such a one is the friend neither of God nor man, for he is incapable of communion, and he who is incapable of communion is also incapable of friendship. And philosophers tell us, Callicles, that communion and friendship and orderliness and temperance and justice bind together heaven and earth and gods and men, and that this universe is therefore called Cosmos or order, not disorder or misrule, my friend. But although you are a philosopher you seem to me never to have observed that geometrical equality is mighty, both among gods and men; you think that you ought to cultivate inequality or excess, and do not care about geometry.&amp;amp;mdash;Well, then, either the principle that the happy are made happy by the possession of justice and temperance, and the miserable miserable by the possession of vice, must be refuted, or, if it is granted, what will be the consequences? All the consequences which I drew before, Callicles, and about which you asked me whether I was in earnest when I said that a man ought to accuse himself and his son and his friend if he did anything wrong, and that to this end he should use his rhetoric&amp;amp;mdash;all those consequences are true. And that which you thought that Polus was led to admit out of modesty is true, viz., that, to do injustice, if more disgraceful than to suffer, is in that degree worse; and the other position, which, according to Polus, Gorgias admitted out of modesty, that he who would truly be a rhetorician ought to be just and have a knowledge of justice, has also turned out to be true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And now, these things being as we have said, let us proceed in the next place to consider whether you are right in throwing in my teeth that I am unable to help myself or any of my friends or kinsmen, or to save them in the extremity of danger, and that I am in the power of another like an outlaw to whom any one may do what he likes,&amp;amp;mdash;he may box my ears, which was a brave saying of yours; or take away my goods or banish me, or even do his worst and kill me; a condition which, as you say, is the height of disgrace. My answer to you is one which has been already often repeated, but may as well be repeated once more. I tell you, Callicles, that to be boxed on the ears wrongfully is not the worst evil which can befall a man, nor to have my purse or my body cut open, but that to smite and slay me and mine wrongfully is far more disgraceful and more evil; aye, and to despoil and enslave and pillage, or in any way at all to wrong me and mine, is far more disgraceful and evil to the doer of the wrong than to me who am the sufferer. These truths, which have been already set forth as I state them in the previous discussion, would seem now to have been fixed and riveted by us, if I may use an expression which is certainly bold, in words which are like bonds of iron and adamant; and unless you or some other still more enterprising hero shall break them, there is no possibility of denying what I say. For my position has always been, that I myself am ignorant how these things are, but that I have never met any one who could say otherwise, any more than you can, and not appear ridiculous. This is my position still, and if what I am saying is true, and injustice is the greatest of evils to the doer of injustice, and yet there is if possible a greater than this greatest of evils (compare Republic), in an unjust man not suffering retribution, what is that defence of which the want will make a man truly ridiculous? Must not the defence be one which will avert the greatest of human evils? And will not the worst of all defences be that with which a man is unable to defend himself or his family or his friends?&amp;amp;mdash;and next will come that which is unable to avert the next greatest evil; thirdly that which is unable to avert the third greatest evil; and so of other evils. As is the greatness of evil so is the honour of being able to avert them in their several degrees, and the disgrace of not being able to avert them. Am I not right Callicles? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes, quite right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Seeing then that there are these two evils, the doing injustice and the suffering injustice&amp;amp;mdash;and we affirm that to do injustice is a greater, and to suffer injustice a lesser evil&amp;amp;mdash;by what devices can a man succeed in obtaining the two advantages, the one of not doing and the other of not suffering injustice? must he have the power, or only the will to obtain them? I mean to ask whether a man will escape injustice if he has only the will to escape, or must he have provided himself with the power? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: He must have provided himself with the power; that is clear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And what do you say of doing injustice? Is the will only sufficient, and will that prevent him from doing injustice, or must he have provided himself with power and art; and if he have not studied and practised, will he be unjust still? Surely you might say, Callicles, whether you think that Polus and I were right in admitting the conclusion that no one does wrong voluntarily, but that all do wrong against their will? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Granted, Socrates, if you will only have done. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then, as would appear, power and art have to be provided in order that we may do no injustice? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And what art will protect us from suffering injustice, if not wholly, yet as far as possible? I want to know whether you agree with me; for I think that such an art is the art of one who is either a ruler or even tyrant himself, or the equal and companion of the ruling power. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Well said, Socrates; and please to observe how ready I am to praise you when you talk sense. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Think and tell me whether you would approve of another view of mine: To me every man appears to be most the friend of him who is most like to him&amp;amp;mdash;like to like, as ancient sages say: Would you not agree to this? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I should. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But when the tyrant is rude and uneducated, he may be expected to fear any one who is his superior in virtue, and will never be able to be perfectly friendly with him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: That is true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Neither will he be the friend of any one who is greatly his inferior, for the tyrant will despise him, and will never seriously regard him as a friend. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: That again is true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then the only friend worth mentioning, whom the tyrant can have, will be one who is of the same character, and has the same likes and dislikes, and is at the same time willing to be subject and subservient to him; he is the man who will have power in the state, and no one will injure him with impunity:&amp;amp;mdash;is not that so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if a young man begins to ask how he may become great and formidable, this would seem to be the way&amp;amp;mdash;he will accustom himself, from his youth upward, to feel sorrow and joy on the same occasions as his master, and will contrive to be as like him as possible? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And in this way he will have accomplished, as you and your friends would say, the end of becoming a great man and not suffering injury? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But will he also escape from doing injury? Must not the very opposite be true,&amp;amp;mdash;if he is to be like the tyrant in his injustice, and to have influence with him? Will he not rather contrive to do as much wrong as possible, and not be punished? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And by the imitation of his master and by the power which he thus acquires will not his soul become bad and corrupted, and will not this be the greatest evil to him? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: You always contrive somehow or other, Socrates, to invert everything: do you not know that he who imitates the tyrant will, if he has a mind, kill him who does not imitate him and take away his goods? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Excellent Callicles, I am not deaf, and I have heard that a great many times from you and from Polus and from nearly every man in the city, but I wish that you would hear me too. I dare say that he will kill him if he has a mind&amp;amp;mdash;the bad man will kill the good and true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: And is not that just the provoking thing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Nay, not to a man of sense, as the argument shows: do you think that all our cares should be directed to prolonging life to the uttermost, and to the study of those arts which secure us from danger always; like that art of rhetoric which saves men in courts of law, and which you advise me to cultivate? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes, truly, and very good advice too. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Well, my friend, but what do you think of swimming; is that an art of any great pretensions? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: No, indeed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And yet surely swimming saves a man from death, and there are occasions on which he must know how to swim. And if you despise the swimmers, I will tell you of another and greater art, the art of the pilot, who not only saves the souls of men, but also their bodies and properties from the extremity of danger, just like rhetoric. Yet his art is modest and unpresuming: it has no airs or pretences of doing anything extraordinary, and, in return for the same salvation which is given by the pleader, demands only two obols, if he brings us from Aegina to Athens, or for the longer voyage from Pontus or Egypt, at the utmost two drachmae, when he has saved, as I was just now saying, the passenger and his wife and children and goods, and safely disembarked them at the Piraeus,&amp;amp;mdash;this is the payment which he asks in return for so great a boon; and he who is the master of the art, and has done all this, gets out and walks about on the sea-shore by his ship in an unassuming way. For he is able to reflect and is aware that he cannot tell which of his fellow-passengers he has benefited, and which of them he has injured in not allowing them to be drowned. He knows that they are just the same when he has disembarked them as when they embarked, and not a whit better either in their bodies or in their souls; and he considers that if a man who is afflicted by great and incurable bodily diseases is only to be pitied for having escaped, and is in no way benefited by him in having been saved from drowning, much less he who has great and incurable diseases, not of the body, but of the soul, which is the more valuable part of him; neither is life worth having nor of any profit to the bad man, whether he be delivered from the sea, or the law-courts, or any other devourer;&amp;amp;mdash;and so he reflects that such a one had better not live, for he cannot live well. (Compare Republic.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And this is the reason why the pilot, although he is our saviour, is not usually conceited, any more than the engineer, who is not at all behind either the general, or the pilot, or any one else, in his saving power, for he sometimes saves whole cities. Is there any comparison between him and the pleader? And if he were to talk, Callicles, in your grandiose style, he would bury you under a mountain of words, declaring and insisting that we ought all of us to be engine-makers, and that no other profession is worth thinking about; he would have plenty to say. Nevertheless you despise him and his art, and sneeringly call him an engine-maker, and you will not allow your daughters to marry his son, or marry your son to his daughters. And yet, on your principle, what justice or reason is there in your refusal? What right have you to despise the engine-maker, and the others whom I was just now mentioning? I know that you will say, &#039;I am better, and better born.&#039; But if the better is not what I say, and virtue consists only in a man saving himself and his, whatever may be his character, then your censure of the engine-maker, and of the physician, and of the other arts of salvation, is ridiculous. O my friend! I want you to see that the noble and the good may possibly be something different from saving and being saved:&amp;amp;mdash;May not he who is truly a man cease to care about living a certain time?&amp;amp;mdash;he knows, as women say, that no man can escape fate, and therefore he is not fond of life; he leaves all that with God, and considers in what way he can best spend his appointed term;&amp;amp;mdash;whether by assimilating himself to the constitution under which he lives, as you at this moment have to consider how you may become as like as possible to the Athenian people, if you mean to be in their good graces, and to have power in the state; whereas I want you to think and see whether this is for the interest of either of us;&amp;amp;mdash;I would not have us risk that which is dearest on the acquisition of this power, like the Thessalian enchantresses, who, as they say, bring down the moon from heaven at the risk of their own perdition. But if you suppose that any man will show you the art of becoming great in the city, and yet not conforming yourself to the ways of the city, whether for better or worse, then I can only say that you are mistaken, Callides; for he who would deserve to be the true natural friend of the Athenian Demus, aye, or of Pyrilampes&#039; darling who is called after them, must be by nature like them, and not an imitator only. He, then, who will make you most like them, will make you as you desire, a statesman and orator: for every man is pleased when he is spoken to in his own language and spirit, and dislikes any other. But perhaps you, sweet Callicles, may be of another mind. What do you say? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Somehow or other your words, Socrates, always appear to me to be good words; and yet, like the rest of the world, I am not quite convinced by them. (Compare Symp.: 1 Alcib.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: The reason is, Callicles, that the love of Demus which abides in your soul is an adversary to me; but I dare say that if we recur to these same matters, and consider them more thoroughly, you may be convinced for all that. Please, then, to remember that there are two processes of training all things, including body and soul; in the one, as we said, we treat them with a view to pleasure, and in the other with a view to the highest good, and then we do not indulge but resist them: was not that the distinction which we drew? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And the one which had pleasure in view was just a vulgar flattery:&amp;amp;mdash;was not that another of our conclusions? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Be it so, if you will have it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And the other had in view the greatest improvement of that which was ministered to, whether body or soul? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And must we not have the same end in view in the treatment of our city and citizens? Must we not try and make them as good as possible? For we have already discovered that there is no use in imparting to them any other good, unless the mind of those who are to have the good, whether money, or office, or any other sort of power, be gentle and good. Shall we say that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes, certainly, if you like. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Well, then, if you and I, Callicles, were intending to set about some public business, and were advising one another to undertake buildings, such as walls, docks or temples of the largest size, ought we not to examine ourselves, first, as to whether we know or do not know the art of building, and who taught us?&amp;amp;mdash;would not that be necessary, Callicles? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: In the second place, we should have to consider whether we had ever constructed any private house, either of our own or for our friends, and whether this building of ours was a success or not; and if upon consideration we found that we had had good and eminent masters, and had been successful in constructing many fine buildings, not only with their assistance, but without them, by our own unaided skill&amp;amp;mdash;in that case prudence would not dissuade us from proceeding to the construction of public works. But if we had no master to show, and only a number of worthless buildings or none at all, then, surely, it would be ridiculous in us to attempt public works, or to advise one another to undertake them. Is not this true? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And does not the same hold in all other cases? If you and I were physicians, and were advising one another that we were competent to practise as state-physicians, should I not ask about you, and would you not ask about me, Well, but how about Socrates himself, has he good health? and was any one else ever known to be cured by him, whether slave or freeman? And I should make the same enquiries about you. And if we arrived at the conclusion that no one, whether citizen or stranger, man or woman, had ever been any the better for the medical skill of either of us, then, by Heaven, Callicles, what an absurdity to think that we or any human being should be so silly as to set up as state-physicians and advise others like ourselves to do the same, without having first practised in private, whether successfully or not, and acquired experience of the art! Is not this, as they say, to begin with the big jar when you are learning the potter&#039;s art; which is a foolish thing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And now, my friend, as you are already beginning to be a public character, and are admonishing and reproaching me for not being one, suppose that we ask a few questions of one another. Tell me, then, Callicles, how about making any of the citizens better? Was there ever a man who was once vicious, or unjust, or intemperate, or foolish, and became by the help of Callicles good and noble? Was there ever such a man, whether citizen or stranger, slave or freeman? Tell me, Callicles, if a person were to ask these questions of you, what would you answer? Whom would you say that you had improved by your conversation? There may have been good deeds of this sort which were done by you as a private person, before you came forward in public. Why will you not answer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: You are contentious, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Nay, I ask you, not from a love of contention, but because I really want to know in what way you think that affairs should be administered among us&amp;amp;mdash;whether, when you come to the administration of them, you have any other aim but the improvement of the citizens? Have we not already admitted many times over that such is the duty of a public man? Nay, we have surely said so; for if you will not answer for yourself I must answer for you. But if this is what the good man ought to effect for the benefit of his own state, allow me to recall to you the names of those whom you were just now mentioning, Pericles, and Cimon, and Miltiades, and Themistocles, and ask whether you still think that they were good citizens. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I do. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But if they were good, then clearly each of them must have made the citizens better instead of worse? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And, therefore, when Pericles first began to speak in the assembly, the Athenians were not so good as when he spoke last? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Very likely. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Nay, my friend, &#039;likely&#039; is not the word; for if he was a good citizen, the inference is certain. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: And what difference does that make? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: None; only I should like further to know whether the Athenians are supposed to have been made better by Pericles, or, on the contrary, to have been corrupted by him; for I hear that he was the first who gave the people pay, and made them idle and cowardly, and encouraged them in the love of talk and money. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: You heard that, Socrates, from the laconising set who bruise their ears. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But what I am going to tell you now is not mere hearsay, but well known both to you and me: that at first, Pericles was glorious and his character unimpeached by any verdict of the Athenians&amp;amp;mdash;this was during the time when they were not so good&amp;amp;mdash;yet afterwards, when they had been made good and gentle by him, at the very end of his life they convicted him of theft, and almost put him to death, clearly under the notion that he was a malefactor. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Well, but how does that prove Pericles&#039; badness? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Why, surely you would say that he was a bad manager of asses or horses or oxen, who had received them originally neither kicking nor butting nor biting him, and implanted in them all these savage tricks? Would he not be a bad manager of any animals who received them gentle, and made them fiercer than they were when he received them? What do you say? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I will do you the favour of saying &#039;yes.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And will you also do me the favour of saying whether man is an animal? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Certainly he is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And was not Pericles a shepherd of men? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if he was a good political shepherd, ought not the animals who were his subjects, as we were just now acknowledging, to have become more just, and not more unjust? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And are not just men gentle, as Homer says?&amp;amp;mdash;or are you of another mind? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I agree. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And yet he really did make them more savage than he received them, and their savageness was shown towards himself; which he must have been very far from desiring. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Do you want me to agree with you? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yes, if I seem to you to speak the truth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Granted then. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And if they were more savage, must they not have been more unjust and inferior? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Granted again. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then upon this view, Pericles was not a good statesman? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: That is, upon your view. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Nay, the view is yours, after what you have admitted. Take the case of Cimon again. Did not the very persons whom he was serving ostracize him, in order that they might not hear his voice for ten years? and they did just the same to Themistocles, adding the penalty of exile; and they voted that Miltiades, the hero of Marathon, should be thrown into the pit of death, and he was only saved by the Prytanis. And yet, if they had been really good men, as you say, these things would never have happened to them. For the good charioteers are not those who at first keep their place, and then, when they have broken-in their horses, and themselves become better charioteers, are thrown out&amp;amp;mdash;that is not the way either in charioteering or in any profession.&amp;amp;mdash;What do you think? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I should think not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Well, but if so, the truth is as I have said already, that in the Athenian State no one has ever shown himself to be a good statesman&amp;amp;mdash;you admitted that this was true of our present statesmen, but not true of former ones, and you preferred them to the others; yet they have turned out to be no better than our present ones; and therefore, if they were rhetoricians, they did not use the true art of rhetoric or of flattery, or they would not have fallen out of favour. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: But surely, Socrates, no living man ever came near any one of them in his performances. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: O, my dear friend, I say nothing against them regarded as the serving-men of the State; and I do think that they were certainly more serviceable than those who are living now, and better able to gratify the wishes of the State; but as to transforming those desires and not allowing them to have their way, and using the powers which they had, whether of persuasion or of force, in the improvement of their fellow citizens, which is the prime object of the truly good citizen, I do not see that in these respects they were a whit superior to our present statesmen, although I do admit that they were more clever at providing ships and walls and docks, and all that. You and I have a ridiculous way, for during the whole time that we are arguing, we are always going round and round to the same point, and constantly misunderstanding one another. If I am not mistaken, you have admitted and acknowledged more than once, that there are two kinds of operations which have to do with the body, and two which have to do with the soul: one of the two is ministerial, and if our bodies are hungry provides food for them, and if they are thirsty gives them drink, or if they are cold supplies them with garments, blankets, shoes, and all that they crave. I use the same images as before intentionally, in order that you may understand me the better. The purveyor of the articles may provide them either wholesale or retail, or he may be the maker of any of them,&amp;amp;mdash;the baker, or the cook, or the weaver, or the shoemaker, or the currier; and in so doing, being such as he is, he is naturally supposed by himself and every one to minister to the body. For none of them know that there is another art&amp;amp;mdash;an art of gymnastic and medicine which is the true minister of the body, and ought to be the mistress of all the rest, and to use their results according to the knowledge which she has and they have not, of the real good or bad effects of meats and drinks on the body. All other arts which have to do with the body are servile and menial and illiberal; and gymnastic and medicine are, as they ought to be, their mistresses. Now, when I say that all this is equally true of the soul, you seem at first to know and understand and assent to my words, and then a little while afterwards you come repeating, Has not the State had good and noble citizens? and when I ask you who they are, you reply, seemingly quite in earnest, as if I had asked, Who are or have been good trainers?&amp;amp;mdash;and you had replied, Thearion, the baker, Mithoecus, who wrote the Sicilian cookery-book, Sarambus, the vintner: these are ministers of the body, first-rate in their art; for the first makes admirable loaves, the second excellent dishes, and the third capital wine;&amp;amp;mdash;to me these appear to be the exact parallel of the statesmen whom you mention. Now you would not be altogether pleased if I said to you, My friend, you know nothing of gymnastics; those of whom you are speaking to me are only the ministers and purveyors of luxury, who have no good or noble notions of their art, and may very likely be filling and fattening men&#039;s bodies and gaining their approval, although the result is that they lose their original flesh in the long run, and become thinner than they were before; and yet they, in their simplicity, will not attribute their diseases and loss of flesh to their entertainers; but when in after years the unhealthy surfeit brings the attendant penalty of disease, he who happens to be near them at the time, and offers them advice, is accused and blamed by them, and if they could they would do him some harm; while they proceed to eulogize the men who have been the real authors of the mischief. And that, Callicles, is just what you are now doing. You praise the men who feasted the citizens and satisfied their desires, and people say that they have made the city great, not seeing that the swollen and ulcerated condition of the State is to be attributed to these elder statesmen; for they have filled the city full of harbours and docks and walls and revenues and all that, and have left no room for justice and temperance. And when the crisis of the disorder comes, the people will blame the advisers of the hour, and applaud Themistocles and Cimon and Pericles, who are the real authors of their calamities; and if you are not careful they may assail you and my friend Alcibiades, when they are losing not only their new acquisitions, but also their original possessions; not that you are the authors of these misfortunes of theirs, although you may perhaps be accessories to them. A great piece of work is always being made, as I see and am told, now as of old; about our statesmen. When the State treats any of them as malefactors, I observe that there is a great uproar and indignation at the supposed wrong which is done to them; &#039;after all their many services to the State, that they should unjustly perish,&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;so the tale runs. But the cry is all a lie; for no statesman ever could be unjustly put to death by the city of which he is the head. The case of the professed statesman is, I believe, very much like that of the professed sophist; for the sophists, although they are wise men, are nevertheless guilty of a strange piece of folly; professing to be teachers of virtue, they will often accuse their disciples of wronging them, and defrauding them of their pay, and showing no gratitude for their services. Yet what can be more absurd than that men who have become just and good, and whose injustice has been taken away from them, and who have had justice implanted in them by their teachers, should act unjustly by reason of the injustice which is not in them? Can anything be more irrational, my friends, than this? You, Callicles, compel me to be a mob-orator, because you will not answer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: And you are the man who cannot speak unless there is some one to answer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I suppose that I can; just now, at any rate, the speeches which I am making are long enough because you refuse to answer me. But I adjure you by the god of friendship, my good sir, do tell me whether there does not appear to you to be a great inconsistency in saying that you have made a man good, and then blaming him for being bad? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes, it appears so to me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Do you never hear our professors of education speaking in this inconsistent manner? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes, but why talk of men who are good for nothing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I would rather say, why talk of men who profess to be rulers, and declare that they are devoted to the improvement of the city, and nevertheless upon occasion declaim against the utter vileness of the city:&amp;amp;mdash;do you think that there is any difference between one and the other? My good friend, the sophist and the rhetorician, as I was saying to Polus, are the same, or nearly the same; but you ignorantly fancy that rhetoric is a perfect thing, and sophistry a thing to be despised; whereas the truth is, that sophistry is as much superior to rhetoric as legislation is to the practice of law, or gymnastic to medicine. The orators and sophists, as I am inclined to think, are the only class who cannot complain of the mischief ensuing to themselves from that which they teach others, without in the same breath accusing themselves of having done no good to those whom they profess to benefit. Is not this a fact? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Certainly it is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: If they were right in saying that they make men better, then they are the only class who can afford to leave their remuneration to those who have been benefited by them. Whereas if a man has been benefited in any other way, if, for example, he has been taught to run by a trainer, he might possibly defraud him of his pay, if the trainer left the matter to him, and made no agreement with him that he should receive money as soon as he had given him the utmost speed; for not because of any deficiency of speed do men act unjustly, but by reason of injustice. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And he who removes injustice can be in no danger of being treated unjustly: he alone can safely leave the honorarium to his pupils, if he be really able to make them good&amp;amp;mdash;am I not right? (Compare Protag.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then we have found the reason why there is no dishonour in a man receiving pay who is called in to advise about building or any other art? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Yes, we have found the reason. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: But when the point is, how a man may become best himself, and best govern his family and state, then to say that you will give no advice gratis is held to be dishonourable? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And why? Because only such benefits call forth a desire to requite them, and there is evidence that a benefit has been conferred when the benefactor receives a return; otherwise not. Is this true? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: It is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then to which service of the State do you invite me? determine for me. Am I to be the physician of the State who will strive and struggle to make the Athenians as good as possible; or am I to be the servant and flatterer of the State? Speak out, my good friend, freely and fairly as you did at first and ought to do again, and tell me your entire mind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I say then that you should be the servant of the State. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: The flatterer? well, sir, that is a noble invitation. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: The Mysian, Socrates, or what you please. For if you refuse, the consequences will be&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Do not repeat the old story&amp;amp;mdash;that he who likes will kill me and get my money; for then I shall have to repeat the old answer, that he will be a bad man and will kill the good, and that the money will be of no use to him, but that he will wrongly use that which he wrongly took, and if wrongly, basely, and if basely, hurtfully. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: How confident you are, Socrates, that you will never come to harm! you seem to think that you are living in another country, and can never be brought into a court of justice, as you very likely may be brought by some miserable and mean person. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Then I must indeed be a fool, Callicles, if I do not know that in the Athenian State any man may suffer anything. And if I am brought to trial and incur the dangers of which you speak, he will be a villain who brings me to trial&amp;amp;mdash;of that I am very sure, for no good man would accuse the innocent. Nor shall I be surprised if I am put to death. Shall I tell you why I anticipate this? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: By all means. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: I think that I am the only or almost the only Athenian living who practises the true art of politics; I am the only politician of my time. Now, seeing that when I speak my words are not uttered with any view of gaining favour, and that I look to what is best and not to what is most pleasant, having no mind to use those arts and graces which you recommend, I shall have nothing to say in the justice court. And you might argue with me, as I was arguing with Polus:&amp;amp;mdash;I shall be tried just as a physician would be tried in a court of little boys at the indictment of the cook. What would he reply under such circumstances, if some one were to accuse him, saying, &#039;O my boys, many evil things has this man done to you: he is the death of you, especially of the younger ones among you, cutting and burning and starving and suffocating you, until you know not what to do; he gives you the bitterest potions, and compels you to hunger and thirst. How unlike the variety of meats and sweets on which I feasted you!&#039; What do you suppose that the physician would be able to reply when he found himself in such a predicament? If he told the truth he could only say, &#039;All these evil things, my boys, I did for your health,&#039; and then would there not just be a clamour among a jury like that? How they would cry out! &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: I dare say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Would he not be utterly at a loss for a reply? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: He certainly would. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: And I too shall be treated in the same way, as I well know, if I am brought before the court. For I shall not be able to rehearse to the people the pleasures which I have procured for them, and which, although I am not disposed to envy either the procurers or enjoyers of them, are deemed by them to be benefits and advantages. And if any one says that I corrupt young men, and perplex their minds, or that I speak evil of old men, and use bitter words towards them, whether in private or public, it is useless for me to reply, as I truly might:&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;All this I do for the sake of justice, and with a view to your interest, my judges, and to nothing else.&#039; And therefore there is no saying what may happen to me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: And do you think, Socrates, that a man who is thus defenceless is in a good position? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Yes, Callicles, if he have that defence, which as you have often acknowledged he should have&amp;amp;mdash;if he be his own defence, and have never said or done anything wrong, either in respect of gods or men; and this has been repeatedly acknowledged by us to be the best sort of defence. And if any one could convict me of inability to defend myself or others after this sort, I should blush for shame, whether I was convicted before many, or before a few, or by myself alone; and if I died from want of ability to do so, that would indeed grieve me. But if I died because I have no powers of flattery or rhetoric, I am very sure that you would not find me repining at death. For no man who is not an utter fool and coward is afraid of death itself, but he is afraid of doing wrong. For to go to the world below having one&#039;s soul full of injustice is the last and worst of all evils. And in proof of what I say, if you have no objection, I should like to tell you a story. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — CALLICLES: Very well, proceed; and then we shall have done. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — SOCRATES: Listen, then, as story-tellers say, to a very pretty tale, which I dare say that you may be disposed to regard as a fable only, but which, as I believe, is a true tale, for I mean to speak the truth. Homer tells us (Il.), how Zeus and Poseidon and Pluto divided the empire which they inherited from their father. Now in the days of Cronos there existed a law respecting the destiny of man, which has always been, and still continues to be in Heaven,&amp;amp;mdash;that he who has lived all his life in justice and holiness shall go, when he is dead, to the Islands of the Blessed, and dwell there in perfect happiness out of the reach of evil; but that he who has lived unjustly and impiously shall go to the house of vengeance and punishment, which is called Tartarus. And in the time of Cronos, and even quite lately in the reign of Zeus, the judgment was given on the very day on which the men were to die; the judges were alive, and the men were alive; and the consequence was that the judgments were not well given. Then Pluto and the authorities from the Islands of the Blessed came to Zeus, and said that the souls found their way to the wrong places. Zeus said: &#039;I shall put a stop to this; the judgments are not well given, because the persons who are judged have their clothes on, for they are alive; and there are many who, having evil souls, are apparelled in fair bodies, or encased in wealth or rank, and, when the day of judgment arrives, numerous witnesses come forward and testify on their behalf that they have lived righteously. The judges are awed by them, and they themselves too have their clothes on when judging; their eyes and ears and their whole bodies are interposed as a veil before their own souls. All this is a hindrance to them; there are the clothes of the judges and the clothes of the judged.&amp;amp;mdash;What is to be done? I will tell you:&amp;amp;mdash;In the first place, I will deprive men of the foreknowledge of death, which they possess at present: this power which they have Prometheus has already received my orders to take from them: in the second place, they shall be entirely stripped before they are judged, for they shall be judged when they are dead; and the judge too shall be naked, that is to say, dead&amp;amp;mdash;he with his naked soul shall pierce into the other naked souls; and they shall die suddenly and be deprived of all their kindred, and leave their brave attire strewn upon the earth&amp;amp;mdash;conducted in this manner, the judgment will be just. I knew all about the matter before any of you, and therefore I have made my sons judges; two from Asia, Minos and Rhadamanthus, and one from Europe, Aeacus. And these, when they are dead, shall give judgment in the meadow at the parting of the ways, whence the two roads lead, one to the Islands of the Blessed, and the other to Tartarus. Rhadamanthus shall judge those who come from Asia, and Aeacus those who come from Europe. And to Minos I shall give the primacy, and he shall hold a court of appeal, in case either of the two others are in any doubt:&amp;amp;mdash;then the judgment respecting the last journey of men will be as just as possible.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — From this tale, Callicles, which I have heard and believe, I draw the following inferences:&amp;amp;mdash;Death, if I am right, is in the first place the separation from one another of two things, soul and body; nothing else. And after they are separated they retain their several natures, as in life; the body keeps the same habit, and the results of treatment or accident are distinctly visible in it: for example, he who by nature or training or both, was a tall man while he was alive, will remain as he was, after he is dead; and the fat man will remain fat; and so on; and the dead man, who in life had a fancy to have flowing hair, will have flowing hair. And if he was marked with the whip and had the prints of the scourge, or of wounds in him when he was alive, you might see the same in the dead body; and if his limbs were broken or misshapen when he was alive, the same appearance would be visible in the dead. And in a word, whatever was the habit of the body during life would be distinguishable after death, either perfectly, or in a great measure and for a certain time. And I should imagine that this is equally true of the soul, Callicles; when a man is stripped of the body, all the natural or acquired affections of the soul are laid open to view.&amp;amp;mdash;And when they come to the judge, as those from Asia come to Rhadamanthus, he places them near him and inspects them quite impartially, not knowing whose the soul is: perhaps he may lay hands on the soul of the great king, or of some other king or potentate, who has no soundness in him, but his soul is marked with the whip, and is full of the prints and scars of perjuries and crimes with which each action has stained him, and he is all crooked with falsehood and imposture, and has no straightness, because he has lived without truth. Him Rhadamanthus beholds, full of all deformity and disproportion, which is caused by licence and luxury and insolence and incontinence, and despatches him ignominiously to his prison, and there he undergoes the punishment which he deserves. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Now the proper office of punishment is twofold: he who is rightly punished ought either to become better and profit by it, or he ought to be made an example to his fellows, that they may see what he suffers, and fear and become better. Those who are improved when they are punished by gods and men, are those whose sins are curable; and they are improved, as in this world so also in another, by pain and suffering; for there is no other way in which they can be delivered from their evil. But they who have been guilty of the worst crimes, and are incurable by reason of their crimes, are made examples; for, as they are incurable, the time has passed at which they can receive any benefit. They get no good themselves, but others get good when they behold them enduring for ever the most terrible and painful and fearful sufferings as the penalty of their sins&amp;amp;mdash;there they are, hanging up as examples, in the prison-house of the world below, a spectacle and a warning to all unrighteous men who come thither. And among them, as I confidently affirm, will be found Archelaus, if Polus truly reports of him, and any other tyrant who is like him. Of these fearful examples, most, as I believe, are taken from the class of tyrants and kings and potentates and public men, for they are the authors of the greatest and most impious crimes, because they have the power. And Homer witnesses to the truth of this; for they are always kings and potentates whom he has described as suffering everlasting punishment in the world below: such were Tantalus and Sisyphus and Tityus. But no one ever described Thersites, or any private person who was a villain, as suffering everlasting punishment, or as incurable. For to commit the worst crimes, as I am inclined to think, was not in his power, and he was happier than those who had the power. No, Callicles, the very bad men come from the class of those who have power (compare Republic). And yet in that very class there may arise good men, and worthy of all admiration they are, for where there is great power to do wrong, to live and to die justly is a hard thing, and greatly to be praised, and few there are who attain to this. Such good and true men, however, there have been, and will be again, at Athens and in other states, who have fulfilled their trust righteously; and there is one who is quite famous all over Hellas, Aristeides, the son of Lysimachus. But, in general, great men are also bad, my friend. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — As I was saying, Rhadamanthus, when he gets a soul of the bad kind, knows nothing about him, neither who he is, nor who his parents are; he knows only that he has got hold of a villain; and seeing this, he stamps him as curable or incurable, and sends him away to Tartarus, whither he goes and receives his proper recompense. Or, again, he looks with admiration on the soul of some just one who has lived in holiness and truth; he may have been a private man or not; and I should say, Callicles, that he is most likely to have been a philosopher who has done his own work, and not troubled himself with the doings of other men in his lifetime; him Rhadamanthus sends to the Islands of the Blessed. Aeacus does the same; and they both have sceptres, and judge; but Minos alone has a golden sceptre and is seated looking on, as Odysseus in Homer declares that he saw him: &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &#039;Holding a sceptre of gold, and giving laws to the dead.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Now I, Callicles, am persuaded of the truth of these things, and I consider how I shall present my soul whole and undefiled before the judge in that day. Renouncing the honours at which the world aims, I desire only to know the truth, and to live as well as I can, and, when I die, to die as well as I can. And, to the utmost of my power, I exhort all other men to do the same. And, in return for your exhortation of me, I exhort you also to take part in the great combat, which is the combat of life, and greater than every other earthly conflict. And I retort your reproach of me, and say, that you will not be able to help yourself when the day of trial and judgment, of which I was speaking, comes upon you; you will go before the judge, the son of Aegina, and, when he has got you in his grip and is carrying you off, you will gape and your head will swim round, just as mine would in the courts of this world, and very likely some one will shamefully box you on the ears, and put upon you any sort of insult. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Perhaps this may appear to you to be only an old wife&#039;s tale, which you will contemn. And there might be reason in your contemning such tales, if by searching we could find out anything better or truer: but now you see that you and Polus and Gorgias, who are the three wisest of the Greeks of our day, are not able to show that we ought to live any life which does not profit in another world as well as in this. And of all that has been said, nothing remains unshaken but the saying, that to do injustice is more to be avoided than to suffer injustice, and that the reality and not the appearance of virtue is to be followed above all things, as well in public as in private life; and that when any one has been wrong in anything, he is to be chastised, and that the next best thing to a man being just is that he should become just, and be chastised and punished; also that he should avoid all flattery of himself as well as of others, of the few or of the many: and rhetoric and any other art should be used by him, and all his actions should be done always, with a view to justice. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Follow me then, and I will lead you where you will be happy in life and after death, as the argument shows. And never mind if some one despises you as a fool, and insults you, if he has a mind; let him strike you, by Zeus, and do you be of good cheer, and do not mind the insulting blow, for you will never come to any harm in the practice of virtue, if you are a really good and true man. When we have practised virtue together, we will apply ourselves to politics, if that seems desirable, or we will advise about whatever else may seem good to us, for we shall be better able to judge then. In our present condition we ought not to give ourselves airs, for even on the most important subjects we are always changing our minds; so utterly stupid are we! Let us, then, take the argument as our guide, which has revealed to us that the best way of life is to practise justice and every virtue in life and death. This way let us go; and in this exhort all men to follow, not in the way to which you trust and in which you exhort me to follow you; for that way, Callicles, is nothing worth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Aubrey/Lives1&amp;diff=2859</id>
		<title>Texts:Aubrey/Lives1</title>
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		<updated>2025-12-26T19:45:09Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: Text replacement - &amp;quot;{{Top Texts}}&amp;quot; to &amp;quot;__NOTITLE__
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&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;tnotes covernote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;ph1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;AUBREY&#039;S &#039;BRIEF LIVES&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ANDREW CLARK&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VOL. I.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;HENRY FROWDE, M.A.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;figcenter c1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;img src=&amp;quot;images/i_f002.png&amp;quot; width=&amp;quot;321&amp;quot; height=&amp;quot;347&amp;quot; alt=&amp;quot;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LONDON, EDINBURGH, AND NEW YORK&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_i&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg i]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_ii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg ii]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;figcenter c2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;caption&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;JOHN AUBREY: AETAT. 40&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;From a pen-and-ink drawing in the Bodleian&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;titlepage&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h1 class=&amp;quot;c3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Brief Lives,&#039; chiefly of Contemporaries,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
set down by John Aubrey, between&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;xlarge&amp;quot;&amp;gt;the Years 1669 &amp;amp;amp; 1696&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;EDITED FROM THE AUTHOR&#039;S MSS.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;small&amp;quot;&amp;gt;BY&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;xlarge&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ANDREW CLARK&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;small&amp;quot;&amp;gt;M.A., LINCOLN COLLEGE, OXFORD; M.A. AND LL.D., ST. ANDREWS&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;WITH FACSIMILES&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;VOLUME I. (A-H)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Oxford&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;large&amp;quot;&amp;gt;AT THE CLARENDON PRESS&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1898&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_iv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg iv]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Oxford&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
BY HORACE HART, M.A.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_v&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg v]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;PREFACE&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The rules laid down for this edition have been fully stated in the Introduction. It need only be said here that these have been scrupulously followed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I may take this opportunity of saying that the text gives Aubrey&#039;s quotations, English and Latin alike, in the form in which they are found in his MSS. They are plainly cited from memory, not from book: they frequently do not scan, and at times do not even construe. A few are incorrect cementings of odd half lines.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The necessary excisions have not been numerous. They suggest two reflections. The turbulence attributed to Sir Walter Raleigh seems to have made his name in the next age the centre of aggregation of quite a number of coarse stories. In the same way, Aubrey is generally nasty when he mentions the noble house of Herbert, earl of Pembroke, and the allied family of Sydney. There may be personal pique in this, for Aubrey thinks he had a narrow&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_vi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg vi]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; escape from assassination by a Herbert (i. 48); perhaps also there may be the after-glow of a Wiltshire &#039;feud&#039; (i. 316).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Index gives all references to persons mentioned in the text, except to a few found only in pedigrees, or otherwise quite insignificant; also to all places of which anything distinctive is said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Andrew Clark.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;January 4, 1898.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;CONTENTS&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;th colspan=&amp;quot;0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;VOLUME I&amp;lt;/th&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;td colspan=&amp;quot;2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Frontispiece: John Aubrey, aetat. 40.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;td colspan=&amp;quot;2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Synopsis of the Lives&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;td colspan=&amp;quot;2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Introduction&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-23&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Lives&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;:—&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Abbot&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;to&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Hyde&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;th colspan=&amp;quot;0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;VOLUME II&amp;lt;/th&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td colspan=&amp;quot;2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Frontispiece: Aubrey&#039;s book-plate.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td colspan=&amp;quot;2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Lives&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;:—&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Ingelbert&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;TO&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;b&amp;gt;York&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;tdr&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-316&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td colspan=&amp;quot;2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Appendix&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I:—&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Aubrey&#039;s Notes of Antiquities&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;tdr&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_317&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;317&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-332&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td colspan=&amp;quot;2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Appendix&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; II:—&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Aubrey&#039;s Comedy&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Countrey Revell&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;tdr&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_333&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;333&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-339&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td colspan=&amp;quot;2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Index&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;tdr&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_341&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;341&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-370&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td colspan=&amp;quot;2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Facsimiles&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;tdr c6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;At end.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td&amp;gt;Castle Mound, Oxford. Riding at the Quintin.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td&amp;gt;Verulam House.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td&amp;gt;Horoscope and cottage of Thomas Hobbes.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td&amp;gt;Plans of Malmsbury and district.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td&amp;gt;Horoscope and arms of Sir William Petty.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td&amp;gt;Wolsey&#039;s Chapel at Christ Church.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tbody&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/table&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_viii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg viii]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_ix&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg ix]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;SYNOPSIS OF THE &#039;LIVES&#039;&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the text the Lives have been given in alphabetical order of the names. This was necessary, not only on account of their number—more than 400—but because Aubrey, in compiling them, followed more than one principle of selection, writing, first, lives of authors, then, lives of mathematicians, but bringing in also lives of statesmen, soldiers, people of fashion, and personal friends.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The following synopsis of the lives may serve to show (i) the heads under which they naturally fall, (ii) their chronological sequence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The mark † indicates the year or approximate year of death; ‡ denotes a life which Aubrey said he would write, but which has not been found; § is attached to the few names of foreigners.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;BEFORE HENRY VIII.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Writers.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Poets.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Geoffrey Chaucer (†1400).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Gower (†1408).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Prose.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir John Mandeville (†1372).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Mathematics.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Holywood (†1256).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Roger Bacon (†1294).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Ashindon (†13..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Alchemy.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;George Ripley (†1490).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Church and State.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;S. Dunstan (†988).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;S. Edmund Rich (†1240).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Owen Glendower (†1415).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Canynges (†1474).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Morton (†1500).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;HENRY VIII—MARY (†1558).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Writers.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Thomas More (†1535).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;§Desiderius Erasmus (†1536).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Mathematics.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Richard Benese (†1546).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Robert Record (†1558).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Church and State.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Colet (†1519).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Wolsey (†1530).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Innocent (†1545).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Thomas Pope (†1559).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Edmund Bonner (†1569).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;tb&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Erasmus Dryden (†1632).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_x&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg x]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;ELIZABETH (†1603).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Writers.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Poets.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Tusser (†1580).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Edmund Spenser (†1599).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Edward Dyer (†1607).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Shakespear (†1616).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Prose.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;§‡ Petrus Ramus (†1572).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Twyne (†1581).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Philip Sydney (†1586).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Foxe (†1587).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Robert Glover (†1588).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Cooper (†1594).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Stapleton (†1598).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas North (†1601).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Watson (†1603).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Stowe (†1605).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Brightman (†1607).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John David Rhese (†1609).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Nicholas Hill (†1610).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Mathematics.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;James Peele (†15..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Leonard Digges (†1571).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Digges (†1595).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Securis (†...).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Evans Lloyd (†...).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cyprian Lucar (†...).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Hoode (†...).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;‡ Thomas Blundeville (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Henry Billingsley (†1606).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;§ Ludolph van Keulen (†1610).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Blagrave (†1611).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Edward Wright (†1615).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Hariot (†1621).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Henry Savile (†1622).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Chemistry.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Adrian Gilbert (†...).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Zoology.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Mouffet (†1604).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Alchemy and Astrology.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Charnocke (†1581).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Dee (†1608).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arthur Dee (†1651).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;State.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Herbert, 1st earl of Pembroke (†1570).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Cecil, lord Burghley (†1598).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Robert Devereux, earl of Essex (†1601).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Charles Danvers (†1601).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;George Clifford, earl of Cumberland (†1605).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Sackville, earl of Dorset (†1608).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;? Sir Thomas Penruddock (†...).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Law.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir William Fleetwood (†1594).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Aubrey (†1595).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir John Popham (†1607).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Commerce, etc.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Thomas Gresham (†1579).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Davys, capt. (†1605).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Richard Staper (†1608).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Society.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;? ... Robartes (†...).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Elizabeth Danvers (†...).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir John Danvers (†1594).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Richard Herbert (†1596).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Edward de Vere, 17th earl of Oxford (†1604).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Henry Lee (†1611).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Silvanus Scory (†1617).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Mary Herbert, countess of Pembroke (†1621).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;JAMES I (†1625).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Writers.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Poets.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Francis Beaumont (†1616).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Fletcher (†1625).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arthur Gorges (†1625).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Mathematics.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Edward Brerewood (†1613).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Norden (†1625).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Edmund Gunter (†1626).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Allen (†1632).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Robert Hues (†1632).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Speidell (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;‡Thomas Fale (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;‡Thomas Lydiat (†1646).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Astrology.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Dr. Richard Napier (†1634).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Church.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Richard Bancroft (†1610).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Overall (†1619).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Lancelot Andrewes (†1626).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;George Abbot (†1633).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Davenant (†1641).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;State.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Everard Digby (†1606).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Overbury (†1613).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;‡James I (†1625).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Herbert, 3rd earl of Pembroke (†1630).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Law.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Thomas Egerton, lord Ellesmere (†1617).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Richard Martin (†1618).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Medicine.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;... Jaquinto (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Butler (†1618).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Francis Anthony (†1623).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Commerce, etc.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Sutton (†1611).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Guy (†1628).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Whitson (†1629).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Hugh Middleton (†1631).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William de Visscher (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Edward Davenant (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Inventors.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Lee (†1610).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;... Gregory (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;... Ingelbert (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;... Robson (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Seamen.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Walter Raleigh (†1617).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;‡Thomas Stump (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Roger North (†1652).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Schoolmasters.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alexander Gill (†1635).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Martin Billingsley (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Miscellaneous.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Charles Hoskyns (†1609).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Richard Sackville, 3rd earl of Dorset (†1624).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Henry Lee (†1631).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Simon Furbisher (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Fulk Greville, lord Brooke (†1628).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Michael Drayton (†1631).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;George Chapman (†1634).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ben Jonson (†1637).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;George Feriby (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;‡Benjamin Ruddyer (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Prose.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Henry Lyte (†1607).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Richard Knolles (†1610).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;‡Richard White (†1612).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Twyne (†1613).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Coryat (†1617).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Walter Raleigh (†1618).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Barclay (†1621).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Camden (†1623).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Nicholas Fuller (†1624).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Florio (†1625).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Francis Bacon (†1626).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Speed (†1629).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Archer (†1630).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Rider (†1632).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Isaac Wake (†1632).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Sutton (†1632).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Philemon Holland (†1637).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Willis (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_xii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg xii]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHARLES I (†1649).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Writers.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Poets.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Hugh Holland (†1633).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;George Herbert (†1633).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Richard Corbet (†1635).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Randolph (†1635).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Sherburne (†1635).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Robert Aiton (†1638).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Hoskyns (†1638).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Philip Massinger (†1640).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Charles Aleyn (†1640).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir John Suckling (†1641).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Cartwright (†1643).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Henry Clifford, earl of Cumberland (†1643).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;George Sandys (†1644).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Francis Quarles (†1644).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Browne (†1645).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Goodwyn (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Habington (†1654).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Taylor (†1654).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Robert Harley (†1656).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Richard Lovelace (†1658).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Cleveland (†1658).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Gideon de Laune (†1659).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;James Shirley (†1666).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Prose.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Gervase Markham (†1637).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Robert Burton (†1640).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Henry Spelman (†1641).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;W. Chillingworth (†1644).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Rob. Stafford (†1644).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Twisse (†1646).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Degory Wheare (†1647).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Edward, lord Herbert of Chirbury (†1648).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;§Joh. Ger. Vossius (†1649).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Abraham Wheloc (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Theoph. Wodenote, sen. (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;§René des Cartes (†1651).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;... Gerard (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;‡Samuel Collins (†1651).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;§Jean L. de Balzac (†1655).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Hales (†1656).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;James Usher (†1656).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Joseph Hall (†1656).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Harvey (†1657).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Robert Sanderson (†1663).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Kenelm Digby (†1665).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Mathematics.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Henry Briggs (†1631).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Bedwell (†1632).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Nathaniel Torporley (†1632).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Henry Gellibrand (†1637).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Walter Warner (†1640).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Gascoigne (†1644).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Charles Cavendish (†1652).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Henry Isaacson (†1654).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Edmund Wingate (†1656).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Oughtred (†1660).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Franciscus Linus (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Tap (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Wells (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Church.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Richard Neile (†1640).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;George Webb (†1641).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;State.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;George Villiers, duke of Buckingham (†1628).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Edward Coke (†1633).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Noy (†1634).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Richard Boyle, 1st earl of Cork (†1643).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Lucius Cary, earl of Falkland (†1643).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Henry Danvers, earl of Danby (†1644).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Robert Dalzell, earl of Carnwarth (†1654).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Law.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Henry Martin (†1641).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;David Jenkins (†1663).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Medicine.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Matthew Lister (†1656).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Art.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Inigo Jones (†1652).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Soldiers.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Charles Cavendish (†1643).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir James Long (†1659).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Robert Harley (†1673).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir William Neale (†1691).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;School and College.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alexander Gill (†1642).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ralph Kettell (†1643).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Hannibal Potter (†1664).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Batchcroft (†1670).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Society.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Elizabeth Broughton (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Venetia Digby (†1633).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Miscellaneous.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Elize Hele (†1633).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Clavell (†1642).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;? ... Cradock (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_xiii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg xiii]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;COMMONWEALTH.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Writers.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Poets.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas May (†1650).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Katherine Philips (†1664).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;George Withers (†1667).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Milton (†1674).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Andrew Marvell (†1678).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Prose.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Clement Walker (†1651).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Selden (†1654).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Walter Rumsey (†1660).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Fuller (†1661).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Prynne (†1669).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Mathematics.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Richard Billingsley (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Samuel Foster (†1652).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Lawrence Rooke (†1662).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Science.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Wilkins (†1672).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Astrology.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Nicholas Fiske (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;State.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir John Danvers (†1655).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Chaloner (†1661).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir William Platers (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;James Harrington (†1677).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Henry Martin (†1680).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Henry Blount (†1682).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Soldiers and Sailors.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Robert Grevill, lord Brooke (†1643).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Robert Blake (†1657).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;George Monk (†1671).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas, lord Fairfax (†1671).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Law.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Henry Rolle (†1656).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Medicine.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Jonathan Goddard (†1675).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;School.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Triplett (†1670).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;CHARLES II (†1685) &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;and&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; JAMES II.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Writers.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Poets.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Alexander Brome (†1666).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Abraham Cowley (†1667).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir William Davenant (†1668).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir John Denham (†1669).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Samuel Butler (†1680).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Wilmot, earl of Rochester (†1680).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Lacy (†1681).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Martin Lluelyn (†1682).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Edmund Waller (†1687).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Flatman (†1688).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;‡Sir George Etherege (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Henry Vaughan (†1695).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Dryden (†1700).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Prose.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Peter Heylyn (†1662).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;James Heath (†1664).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Robert Poyntz (†1665).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Vaughan (†1667).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;George Bate (†1668).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Davenport (†1670).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Vavasor Powell (†1670).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Samuel Hartlib (†1670).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Edward Bagshawe (†1671).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Edward Hyde, earl of Clarendon (†1674).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir William Saunderson (†1676).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Ogilby (†1676).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Tombes (†1676).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Whyte (†1676).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Silas Taylor (†1678).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Stanley (†1678).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Cecil, 4th earl of Exeter (†1678).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Hobbes (†1679).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;... Barrow (†168.).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;... Munday (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Joseph Glanville (†1680).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Jones (†1682).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Stafford (†1684).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Edward Lane (†1685).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Pigot (†1686).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Richard Head (†1686?).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir William Dugdale (†1686).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Isaac Vossius (†1688).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Robert Barclay (†1690).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Rushworth (†1690).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Fabian Philips (†1690).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Samuel Pordage (†1691).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Elias Ashmole (†1692).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anthony Wood (†1695).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Henry Birkhead (†1696).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Aubrey (†1697).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Holder (†1698).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Richard Blackburne (†17..?).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Gale (†1702).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;‡Sir Edward Sherburne (†1702).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Evelyn (†1706).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Philips (†1706).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Hawles (†1716).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Penn (†1718).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Mathematics.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Christopher Brookes (†1665).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Neile (†1670).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Lancelot Morehouse (†1672).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Richard Norwood (†1675).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Isaac Barrow (†1677).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Newton (†1678).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Francis Potter (†1678).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Jonas Moore (†1679).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;‡Richard Alcorne (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;‡Henry Bond (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Michael Dary (†1679).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William, lord Brereton (†1680).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Edward Davenant (†1680).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Richard Stokes (†1681).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir George Wharton (†1681).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Merry (†1682).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Collins (†1683).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William, lord Brouncker (†1684).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Pell (†1685).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Nicholas Mercator (†1687).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Street (†1689).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Seth Ward (†1689).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Kersey (†1690).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Wallis (†1703).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;‡John Flamsted (†1719).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;‡Isaac Newton (†1727).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Edmund Halley (†1742).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Science.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Willis (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Graunt (†1674).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Robert Boyle (†1691).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Edward Harley (†1700).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Robert Hooke (†1703).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir John Hoskyns (†1705).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Astrology.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Heydon (†166.).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Booker (†1667).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Lilly (†1681).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Henry Coley (†1695).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Charles Snell (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Gadbury (†1704).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Partridge (†1715).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Church.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Herbert Thorndyke (†1672).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Outram (†1679).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Peter Gunning (†1684).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Pittis (†1687).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;State.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Robert Moray (†1673).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Edmund Bury Godfrey (†1678).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Thomas Morgan (†1679).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Birkenhead (†1679).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Harcourt (†1679).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Robert Pugh (†1679).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;§Jean Baptiste Colbert (†1683).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anthony Cooper, earl of Shaftesbury (†1683).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Leoline Jenkins (†1685).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;‡James, duke of Monmouth (†1685).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir William Petty (†1687).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Osborne, earl of Danby (†1712).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Law.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Matthew Hale (†1676).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;George Johnson (†1683).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Medicine.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Willis (†1675).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Baldwin Hamey (†1676).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Richard Napier (†1676).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Henry Stubbe (†1676).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Shirley (†1678).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Edward Greaves (†1680).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Robert Talbot (†1681).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Croone (†1684).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Daniel Whistler (†1684).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Christopher Merret (†1695).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Walter Charleton (†1707).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Art.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Samuel Cooper (†1672).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Wenceslaus Hollar (†1677).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Christopher Wren (†1723).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;School.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;... Webb (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Stephens (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Arthur Brett (†1677).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ezerel Tonge (†1680).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Commerce, etc.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Edward Ford (†1670).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Bushell (†1674).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Marshall (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Robert Murray (†1725).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;James Bovey (†....).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Society, etc.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Lucy Walters (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Walter Raleigh (†1663).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Eleanor Ratcliffe, countess of Sussex (†1666).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;... Berkeley (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;... Curtin (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Dorothy Selby (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anne, duchess of York (†1671).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Cecil Calvert, lord Baltimore (†1675).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Thomas Billingsley (†167.).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Richard Sackville, 5th earl of Dorset (†1677).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Charles Pamphlin (†1678).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Francis Stuart (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;‡... Aldsworth (†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Robert Henley (†1680).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Thomas Badd (†1683).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;... Ralphson (†1684).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Charles Howard (†17..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Willoughby Bertie (†1760).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_xiv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg xiv]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_xv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg xv]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;AUBREY&#039;S PERSONAL FRIENDS.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;I. Of the Old School.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Isaac Lyte (1577-†1660).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Tyndale (1588-†1671/2).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;James Whitney (1593-†166.).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Beeston (....-†1682).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Deborah Aubrey (1610-†1685/6).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Edmund Wyld (1616-†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;II. Contemporaries.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Anthony Ettrick (1622-†1703).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Morgan (1622-†....).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ralph Sheldon (1623-†1684).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;William Radford (1623-†1673).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Theophilus Wodenoth (1625-....).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;George Ent (....-†1679).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;John Sloper (....-†....).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Richard Kitson (....-†....).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir John Dunstable (....-†....).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Gore (1632-†1684).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Jane Smyth (1639-†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Thomas Deere (1639-†16..).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;... Gwyn (....-†....).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;... Yarrington (....-†1684).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_xvi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg xvi]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 1]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;ph1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;AUBREY&#039;S &#039;BRIEF LIVES&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;INTRODUCTION&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;I. Origin of the &#039;Lives.&#039;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Aubrey sought and obtained an introduction to Anthony Wood in August 1667. He was keenly interested in antiquarian studies, and had the warmest love for Oxford; he had been a contemporary in Trinity College with Wood&#039;s brother, Edward; and so was drawn to Wood on hearing that he was busy with researches into the History of the University of Oxford.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Aubrey was one of those eminently good-natured men, who are very slothful in their own affairs, but spare no pains to work for a friend. He offered his help to Wood; and, when it was decided to include in Wood&#039;s book short notices of writers connected with Oxford, that help proved most valuable. Aubrey, through his family and family-connexions, and by reason of his restless goings-to-and-fro, had a wide circle of acquaintance among squires and parsons, lawyers and doctors, merchants and politicians, men of letters and persons of quality, both in town and country. He had been, until his estate was squandered, an extensive and curious buyer of books and MSS. And above all, being a good gossip, he had used to the utmost those opportunities of inquiry about men and things which had been afforded him by societies grave,&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 2]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; like the Royal Society, and frivolous, as coffee-house gatherings and tavern clubs. The scanty excerpts, given in these volumes, from letters written by him between 1668 and 1673, supply a hint of how deeply Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Historia et Antiquitates Universitatis Oxoniensis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, published in 1674, was indebted to the multifarious memory and unwearying inquiries of the enthusiastic Aubrey.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Dean Fell&#039;s request that Wood should notice Oxford writers and bishops in his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Historia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; had suggested to Wood the plan of, and set him to work upon, the larger and happier scheme of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Athenae Oxonienses&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, an &#039;exact history of all the writers and bishops that have had their education in ... Oxford&#039; since 1500. He engaged his friend Aubrey to help him in his undertaking, by committing to writing in a more systematic way, for Wood&#039;s benefit, his multitudinous recollections of men and books. He was dexterous enough to supply the additional motive, that, after serving his friend&#039;s turn, Aubrey&#039;s collections might be gathered together, preserved for a while in some safe and secret place, and, when personal feelings were saved by lapse of time, be published and secure their writer a niche in the Temple of Fame.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It was now by no means easy for Aubrey to undertake any extensive, and especially any connected work. Being by this time bankrupt, and a hanger-on at the tables of kindred and acquaintances, he had to fall in with his patrons&#039; habits, at the houses where he visited; to sit with them till they wearied of their carousings in the small hours of the morning; and to do his writing next forenoon, before they had slept off their wine.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Still, his interest in the subject, and his desire to help his friend prevailed; and we soon find him thanking Wood for setting him to work. March 27, 1680&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_324&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_324&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;:—&#039;&#039;Twill be a pretty thing, and I am glad you putt me on it. I doe it playingly. This morning being up by 10, I writt two &amp;amp;lt;lives&amp;amp;gt;: one was Sir John Suckling&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_325&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_325&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[2]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, of whom I wrote &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 3]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;a leafe and ½ in folio.&#039; May 22, 1680&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_326&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_326&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[3]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;:—&#039;My memoires of lives&#039; &amp;amp;lt;is now&amp;amp;gt; &#039;a booke of 2 quires, close written: and after I had began it, I had such an impulse on my spirit that I could not be at quiet till I had donne it.&#039; Sept. 8, 1680&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_327&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_327&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[4]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;:—&#039;My booke of lives ... they will be in all about six-score, and I beleeve never any in England were delivered so faithfully and with so good authority.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Aubrey, therefore, began these lives&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_328&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_328&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[5]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; on the suggestion of, and with a desire to help Anthony Wood.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Among the lives so written were several of mathematicians and men of science. And another friend of Aubrey&#039;s, Dr. Richard Blackburne, advised him to collect these by themselves, and add others to them, with a view to a biographical history of mathematical studies in England. To this suggestion Aubrey was predisposed through his pride at being &#039;Fellow of the Royal Society,&#039; and for some time he busied himself in that direction&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_329&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_329&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[6]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the same way, although the bulky life of Thomas Hobbes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_330&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_330&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[7]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was partly undertaken in fulfilment of a promise to Hobbes himself, an old personal friend, the motive which induced Aubrey to go on with it was a desire to supply Dr. Blackburne with material for a Latin biography, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Vitae Hobbianae Auctarium&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, published in 1681.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These matters will be found more fully explained in the notices which Aubrey has prefixed to the several MSS. of his biographical collections, as described below.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;II. Condition of the Text of the &#039;Lives.&#039;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Few of the &#039;Lives&#039; are found in a fair copy&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_331&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_331&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[8]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. Again and again, in his letters to Anthony Wood, Aubrey makes confession of the deficiencies of his copy, but puts off the heavy task of reducing it to shape.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 4]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His method of composition was as follows. He had a folio MS. book, and wrote at the top of a page here and there the name of a poet, or statesman, or the like, whose life he thought of committing to paper. Then, selecting a page and a name, he wrote down hastily, without notes or books, his recollections of the man, his personal appearance, his friendships, his actions or his books. If a date, a name, a title of a book, did not occur to him on the spur of the moment, he just left a blank, or put a mark of omission (generally, ... or——), and went on. If the matter which came to him was too much for the page, he made an effort to get it in somehow, in the margins (top, bottom, or sides), between the paragraphs, or on the opposite page.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When he read over what he had written in the first glow of composition, he erased, wrote alternatives to words and phrases, marked words, sentences, and paragraphs for transposition, inserted queries: unsettled everything.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;If later on, from books or persons, he got further information, he was reckless as to how he put in the new matter: sometimes he put it in the margin, sometimes at a wrong place in the text, or on a wrong leaf, or in the middle even of another life, and often, of course, in a different volume.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And there, as has been said, the copy was left. Very seldom was a revised copy made.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To the confusions unavoidable in composing after this fashion, must be added the unsteadiness consequent on writing in the midst of morning sickness after a night&#039;s debauch. One passage, in which he describes his difficulties in composing, explains, in a way nothing else could, the frequent erasures, repetitions, half-made or inconsistent corrections, and dropping of letters, syllables, and words, which abound in his MSS. March 19, 1680/1&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_332&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_332&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[9]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; &#039;if I had but either one to come to me in a morning with a good scourge, or did not sitt-up till one or two with Mr. &amp;amp;lt;Edmund&amp;amp;gt; Wyld, I could doe a great deal of businesse.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 5]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;III. Aim of this Edition.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In presenting a text of Aubrey&#039;s &#039;Lives,&#039; an editor, on more than one important point, has to decide between alternatives.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1. Shall all, or some only, of the lives be given?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It is plain, from a glance over the MSS., that many of the lives are of little interest; in some cases, because they contain more marks of omission than statements of fact; in other cases, because they give mainly excerpts from prefaces of books; and so on. A much more interesting, as well as handier, book would be produced, if the editor were to reject all lives in which Aubrey has nothing of intrinsic value to show.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;2. In the lives selected, shall the whole, or parts only, of what Aubrey has written be given?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Many sentences occur, which declare only Aubrey&#039;s ignorance of a date, or a place, or the title of a book. In other cases, dull and imperfect catalogues of writings are given. The omission of these would be a service to the whole, like the cutting of dead branches out of a shrub.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;3. In constituting the text, how much, or how little, notice is to be taken of the imperfections of Aubrey&#039;s copy?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The simplest, and, from some points of view, the most effective, course would be to treat Aubrey&#039;s rough draft as if it were one&#039;s own, rejecting (without comment) one or other of two alternatives, supplying (without mark) a missing word or date, omitting a second version (though having some minor peculiarities) of a statement, and so on. In this way, with a minimum of trouble to the editor, a smooth text would be produced, which would spare the reader much irritation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;4. How far is the text to be annotated, the editor supplying Aubrey&#039;s abundant omissions, and correcting his many mistakes?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 6]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In respect of all these questions, the aim of the present edition, and the reasons for the decision taken in each case, can be stated very briefly and decidedly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1, and 2. This edition seeks to give in full all that Aubrey has written in his four chief MSS. of biographies, MSS. Aubrey 6, 7, 8, and 9.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The entire contents of these MSS. will thus be placed beyond that risk of perishing, to which they must have remained liable so long as they were found only in MS., and they will, for what they are worth, henceforth be accessible to all.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Some things in Aubrey&#039;s writing offend not merely against our present canons of good taste, but against good morals. The conversation of the people among whom Aubrey moved, although they were gentry both in position and in education, was often vulgar, and occasionally foul, as judged by us. I have dealt with these lives as historical documents, leaving them, with a very few excisions, to bear, unchecked, their testimony as to the manners and morals of Restoration England.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;3. This edition seeks to present faithfully Aubrey&#039;s text as he wrote it, neglecting only absolute minutiae.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;(&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;a&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) A plain text is given of what Aubrey wrote, taking, as seemed most convenient, sometimes his first version of a sentence or a word, sometimes his alternative version. The rejected alternatives are given in the textual notes, as &#039;duplicate with&#039;; and occasionally the erasures, as &#039;substituted for.&#039; Many of these notes are very trivial; but their presence, which after all gives little trouble, provides a complete view of the MS. text. I believe also that in this way I have preserved for the collector of words some quaint forms and expressions for which he will thank me, and provided the student of English style with some apt instances of the way in which terse native words have been replaced in our written language by feebler Latinisms.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;(&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;b&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) I have been careful to give, in every case, Aubrey&#039;s own spelling, with or without final or medial &#039;e,&#039; with single&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 7]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; or double letters, &#039;ie&#039; or other diphthong where we write &#039;ei,&#039; and the like. The English of Aubrey&#039;s age is so like our own that it is not unimportant to mark even its minor differences.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;All merely artificial tricks of writing (w&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;ch&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; for which, and the like) have been neglected.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;(&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;c&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) Where a date, a word, or a name has been inserted, the insertion is enclosed in angular brackets &amp;amp;lt; &amp;amp;gt;. Where it seemed requisite to mark that a word or phrase was added at a later date, or by another hand, square brackets have been used []. The use of these symbols, borrowed from Vahlen&#039;s edition of Aristotle&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Poetics&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, has been censured as pedantic, but I know of no clearer or shorter way of making plain in a printed text just what is, and what is not, in the MS. text.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;(&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;d&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) Punctuation is generally absent in Aubrey&#039;s text, as might be expected, and where it is found, it is often misleading. The points and marks in this edition are therefore such as seemed to make the meaning clear to myself, and therefore, I hope, to others.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;(&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;e&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) As regards the order of the paragraphs, Aubrey&#039;s text has been given, where convenient, sentence by sentence, and page by page. But I have taken full liberty to bring into their proper place &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;marginalia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, interlinear notes, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;addenda&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; on opposite pages, &amp;amp;amp;c. In some cases, indeed, to give in print the MS. text sentence by sentence is to do it injustice. In the MS., the difference of inks between earlier and later notes, the difference of pen-strokes (on one day with a firm pen, on another with a scratchy quill), and similar nuances, impress the eye with a sequence of paragraphs which in print can be shown only by redistribution. For example, I claim that the life of Milton, in this edition, is, from its bolder treatment, truer to the MS., than the servile version in the old edition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;4. As regards notes and explanations. Aubrey&#039;s lives supply an inviting field for comment, correction, and addition. But, even so treated, they will never be a&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 8]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; biographical dictionary. Their value lies not in statement of bibliographical or other facts, but in their remarkably vivid personal touches, in what Aubrey had seen himself and what his friends had told him. The notes therefore seek to supply no more than indications of outstanding features of the text, identifications of Aubrey&#039;s informants, or necessary parallels from his letters.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;IV. Description of the MSS.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;MS. Aubr. 6&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;: a volume chiefly of folio leaves; written mostly in February 1679/80; now marked as containing 122 leaves (some pages blank), but having also a few unfoliated slips. Aubrey&#039;s own short title to it was:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Σχεδιάσματα. Brief Lives, part i.,&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and, in his pagination, it contained eighty-six leaves. A rough index of its contents, by him, is found as foll. 8-10: and there he gives the names of several persons whose lives he intended to write, but has not included in this volume. Some of these are found elsewhere, especially in MS. Aubrey 8; but a few&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_333&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_333&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[10]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; are not discoverable in any MS. of his biographical collections—e.g., Richard Alcorne; &amp;amp;lt;Samuel&amp;amp;gt; Collins, D.D.; Richard Blackbourne, M.D.; &amp;amp;lt;John&amp;amp;gt; Flamsted&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_334&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_334&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[11]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Sir John Hoskins; James Rex; James, duke of Monmouth&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_335&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_335&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[12]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Peter Ramus; Benjamin Ruddier; captain &amp;amp;lt;Edward&amp;amp;gt; Sherburne; captaine Thomas Stump&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_336&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_336&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[13]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Richard White. Possibly Aubrey never wrote the missing lives; but it must be remembered (1) that he cut some leaves out of his MS. himself (see in a note to the life of Richard Boyle, earl of Cork); (2) that Anthony Wood cut out of MS. Aubr. 7 forty pages at least, containing matters &#039;to cut Aubrey&#039;s throat,&#039; i.e. reflections on politics, where the lives of James R. and Monmouth may well have been.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 9]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;One point about this MS. which deserves mention is that, in these lives, Aubrey, in his hope to supply data for crucial instances in astrology, is careful to give the exact nativity wherever he can. His rule is thus laid down by himself in MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 12&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, in a note attached to the nativity of his friend Sir William Petty:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Italian proverb—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;E astrologia, ma non é Astrologo,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;i.e. we have not that science yet perfect; &#039;tis one of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;desiderata&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. The way to make it perfect is to gett a supellex of true genitures; in order wherunto I have with much care collected these ensuing&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_337&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_337&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[14]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, which the astrologers may rely on, for I have sett doune none on randome, or doubtfull, information, but &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;from their owne mouthes&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: quod N. B.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Another point is, that Aubrey very frequently gives the coat of arms, in trick or colour. In some cases, no doubt, he did this from having seen the arms actually borne in some way by the person he is writing about; but in other cases he merely looked up the name in a &#039;Dictionary of Arms,&#039; and took the coat from thence, thus nullifying his testimony as to the actual pretensions to arms of those he writes about. All coats he mentions have, however, been given in the text or notes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Prefixed to the volume&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_338&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_338&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[15]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; are two notes in which Aubrey explains its origin and destination.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;(A)—MS. Aubr. 6, fol.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_339&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_339&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[16]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; 2:—&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Tanquam tabulata naufragii&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Sum Johannis Aubrii, R.S.S.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Febr. 24, 1679/80.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;My will and humble desire is that these minutes, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 10]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;which I have hastily and scriblingly here sett downe, be delivered carefully to my deare and honoured friend Mr. Anthony à Wood, antiquary, of Oxford.—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Ita obnixe obtestor,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Jo. Aubrey&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Ascenscione Domini,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;correptus lipothymiâ, circiter 3 &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1680.&#039;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;(B)—MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 12:—&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;To my worthy friend Mr. ANTHONIE à WOOD,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Antiquarie of Oxford.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Sir!&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have, according to your desire, putt in writing these minutes of lives tumultuarily, as they occurr&#039;d to my thoughts or as occasionally I had information of them. They may easily be reduced into order at your leisure by numbring them with red figures, according to time and place, &amp;amp;amp;c. &#039;Tis a taske that I never thought to have undertaken till you imposed it upon me, sayeing that I was fitt for it by reason of my generall acquaintance, having now not only lived above halfe a centurie of yeares in the world, but have also been much tumbled up and downe in it which hath made me much&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_340&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_340&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[17]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; knowne; besides the moderne advantage of coffee-howses in this great citie, before which men knew not how to be acquainted, but with their owne relations, or societies. I might add that I come of a longaevous race, by which meanes I have imped some feathers of the wings of time, for severall generations; which does reach high. When I first began, I did not thinke I could have drawne it out to so long a thread.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I here lay-downe to you (out of the conjunct friend&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 11]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;ship&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_341&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_341&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[18]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; between us) the trueth, and, as neer as I can and that religiously as a poenitent to his confessor, nothing but the trueth: the naked and plaine trueth, which is here exposed so bare that the very &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;pudenda&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; are not covered&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_342&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_342&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[19]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and affords many passages that would raise a blush in a young virgin&#039;s&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_343&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_343&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[20]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; cheeke. So that after your perusall, I must desire you to make a castration (as Raderus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_344&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_344&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[21]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to Martial) and to sowe-on some figge-leaves—i.e., to be my &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Index expurgatorius&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What uncertainty doe we find in printed histories? they either treading too neer on the heeles of trueth that they dare not speake plaine, or els for want of intelligence (things being antiquated) become too obscure and darke! I doe not here repeat any thing already published (to the best of my remembrance) and I fancy my selfe all along discourseing with you; alledgeing those of my relations and acquaintance (as either you knew or have heerd of) &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ad faciendam fidem&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: so that you make me to renew my acquaintance with my old and deceased friends, and to &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;rejuvenescere&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (as it were) which is the pleasure of old men. &#039;Tis pitty that such minutes had not been taken 100 yeares since or more: for want wherof many worthy men&#039;s names and notions&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_345&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_345&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[22]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; are swallowd-up in oblivion; as much of these also would [have&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_346&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_346&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[23]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; been], had it not been through your instigation: and perhaps this is one of the usefullest pieces&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_347&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_347&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[24]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that I have scribbeld.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I remember one sayeing of generall Lambert&#039;s, that &amp;quot;the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 12]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;best of men are but men at the best&amp;quot;: of this, you will meet with divers examples in this rude and hastie collection. Now these &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;arcana&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; are not fitt to lett flie abroad, till about 30 yeares hence; for the author and the persons (like medlars) ought to be first rotten. But in whose hands must they be deposited in the mean time? advise me, who am,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Sir,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Your very affectionate friend&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;to serve you,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;John Aubrey&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
London,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
June 15,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1680.&#039;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;MS. Aubr. 7&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;: a folio volume of twenty-one leaves (several pages blank), of which two&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_348&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_348&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[25]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; only belong to the original MS.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The original title may be conjectured to have been:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Σχεδιάσματα. Brief Lives, part ii.,&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and it possibly contained some letters, like those in the preceding volume, which made Wood think it was given to him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On fol. 1, is a note describing the make-up of the volume:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Aubrey&#039;s Lives: fragments of part ii.—These scattered fragments collected and arranged by E. M. Sep. 1792.&#039; A note (in Dr. Philip Bliss&#039;s hand?) says that E. M. is Edmund Malone.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In this, as in the other Aubrey MSS., Dr. Bliss has made several slight notes, both in pencil and ink, with a view to his edition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The mutilation of the MS. was the crime of Anthony Wood, to whom it had been sent. Two conjectures may be hazarded—either that Wood did this in order to paste the cuttings into his rough copy of his projected &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Athenae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and so save transcription; or, more probably, that he was&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 13]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; so thoroughly alarmed by the threat of Lord Clarendon&#039;s prosecution of himself (Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iv. 1-46), that he destroyed the papers containing Aubrey&#039;s sharp reflections on various prominent personages&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_349&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_349&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[26]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. But whatever the pretext, Aubrey was, naturally, very grieved at his unjustifiable conduct. In a letter to Wood, dated Sept. 2, 1694 (MS. Ballard 14, fol. 155), he writes:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;You have cutt out a matter of 40 pages out of one of my volumnes, as also the index. Was ever any body so unkind?—And I remember you told me comeing from Hedington that there were some things in it that &amp;quot;would cutt my throat.&amp;quot; I thought you so deare a friend that I might have entrusted my life in your hands and now your unkindnes doth almost break my heart.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When Aubrey had the volume back in his own hands, he wrote in it&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_350&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_350&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[27]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the following censure:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Ingratitude! This &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;part the second&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Mr. Wood haz gelded from page &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to page &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_44&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;44&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and other pages&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_351&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_351&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[28]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; too are wanting wherein are contained trueths, but such as I entrusted nobody with the sight of but himselfe (whom I thought I might have entrusted with my life). There are severall papers that may cutt my throate. I find too late &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Memento diffidere&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; was a saying worthy one of the sages. He hath also embezill&#039;d the index of it—quod N. B. It was stitch&#039;t up when I sent it to him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Novemb. 29, 1692.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;MS. Aubr. 8&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;: a folio volume, containing 105 leaves: it contains two distinct MSS., bound together.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The first part of the MS. (foll. 1-68 in the present marking) might have been entitled:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Σχεδιάσματα. Brief Lives, part iii.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 14]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On fol. 1 and fol. 3, the short title actually written by Aubrey is:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ʻ♄&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Pars iii&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;tia&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1681&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;figcenter c18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;img src=&amp;quot;images/i_aj.png&amp;quot; height=&amp;quot;15&amp;quot; alt=&amp;quot;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;caption&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;ᴊᴬʼ&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;i.e. the symbol for Saturn, the patron of antiquarian studies, and Aubrey&#039;s monogram. On fol. 4 Aubrey has a very elaborate title, showing the destination of the MS.:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Auctarium vitarum a &amp;lt;img src=&amp;quot;images/i_aj.png&amp;quot; height=&amp;quot;15&amp;quot; alt=&amp;quot;&amp;quot;&amp;gt; collectarum, anno Domini 1681.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Tanquam tabulata naufragii.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;John Aubrey, R.S.S.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Le mal est que la vive voix meurt en naissant et ne laisse rien qui reste apres elle, ni formant point de corps qui subsiste en l&#039;air. Les paroles ont des aisles; vous scavez l&#039;epithete&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_352&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_352&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[29]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; qu&#039;Homère leur donne, et un poëte Syrien en a fait un espece parmy les oiseaux; de sorte que, si on n&#039;arreste pas ces fugitives par l&#039;ecriture, elles eschappent fort vistement à la memoire.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Les Oeuvres diverses du sieur de Balzac&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, page 43.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Ornari res ipsa nolit contenta doceri.—&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Horat&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For Mr. Anthony Wood&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
at&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Oxford.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A slip by Anthony Wood, pasted here, shows that Aubrey recalled the MS., probably to make additions to it:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Mr. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Aubrey&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I beseech you as you have been civill in giving this book to me at Oxon in Sept. 1681, so I hope when you have done with it you&#039;l returne every part of it againe to your servant,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Ant. Wood.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&#039;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As originally made up, this &#039;Auctarium&#039; contained&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 15]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; four leaves at the beginning (for an index&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_353&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_353&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[30]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), and leaves foliated 1-38 (of which 12 and 13 are now&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_354&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_354&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[31]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; missing).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The second part&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_355&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_355&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[32]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of the MS. extends over foll. 69-103 in the present marking.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Aubrey, on fol. 69, writes the title:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;An Apparatus for the lives&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
of our English mathematical writers&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
by&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Mr. John Aubrey, R.S.S.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
March 25, 1690.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As originally made up, this treatise consisted of one leaf (for an index&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_356&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_356&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[33]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) and pages marked &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-46 (of which pp. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_31&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;31&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-38 are now missing).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The history of this treatise is fully set out by Aubrey in some notes in it and in the other MSS.:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1. It was suggested by Richard Blackburne.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 8&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;:—&#039;Dr. &amp;amp;lt;Richard&amp;amp;gt; Blackbourn would have me putt out in print the lives of our English mathematicians together.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;2. It had been partly anticipated by Selden and Sherburne.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 70:—&#039;My purpose is, if God give me life, to make an &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;apparatus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, for&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_357&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_357&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[34]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the lives of our English Mathematicians; which when I have ended, I would then desire Mr. Anthony Wood to find out one that is master &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 16]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of a good Latin stile, and to adde what is&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_358&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_358&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[35]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; already in his printed booke&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_359&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_359&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[36]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to these following&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_360&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_360&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[37]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; minutes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;I will not meddle with our own writers&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_361&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_361&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[38]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in the mathematicks before the reigne of king Henry VIII, but prefix those excellent verses of Mr. John Selden (with a learned commentary to them) which are printed before a booke intituled &amp;amp;lt;Arthur&amp;amp;gt; Hopton&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Concordance of yeares&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_362&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_362&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[39]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; scilicet:—&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;tb&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 69:—&#039;Sir Edward Shirbourn, somewhere in his translation and notes upon Manilius, has enumerated our English mathematicians, and hath given short touches of their lives—which see.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;3. The first step towards it would be to pick out the mathematicians from the lives already written by Aubrey.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 51&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;:—&#039;I would have the lives of John Dee, Sir Henry Billingsley, the two Digges (father and sonne), Mr. Thomas Hariot, Mr. &amp;amp;lt;Walter&amp;amp;gt; Warner, Mr. &amp;amp;lt;Henry&amp;amp;gt; Brigges, and Dr. &amp;amp;lt;John&amp;amp;gt; Pell&#039;s, to be putt together.—As to the account of Mr. Hariot, Mr. Warner, and Mr. Brigges, I recieved it from Dr. Pell.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;MS. Aubr. 9&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;: a folio, containing fifty-five leaves, and in addition several printed papers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The title is found on fol. 28 (as now marked) of the MS.:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Supplementum vitae Thomae Hobbes,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Malmesburiensis,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
1679/80&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;tb&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Hobbi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_363&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_363&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[40]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; jucunda senectus,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Cujus erant mores qualis facundia, mite&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Ingenium.—&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Juvenal&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sat.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; v. 81.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Extinctus amabitur.—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Horat.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Epist.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; lib. 2.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;I. A.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I. A. = Aubrey&#039;s initials.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 17]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The reason for this title was that Aubrey intended his Collections to be a sort of commentary on Hobbes&#039; short Latin autobiography, which was in the press in Febr. 1679/80, and was published in Nov. 1680 (Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 480, 500).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But Anthony Wood (MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 28) objected:—&#039;What need you say Supplimentum?&#039; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;sic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; &#039;pray say the life of Thomas Hobbs.&#039; And Aubrey, in obedience to this, changed the short title on fol. 30 (see the beginning of the life); and on the parchment cover of the MS. (now fol. 1) wrote:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;The life of&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Mr. Thomas Hobbes,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
of Malmsbury,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
by&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Mr. John Aubrey,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Fellow of the Royall Societie,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
1679/80.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Aubrey set about this Life of Hobbes immediately after Hobbes&#039; death, partly as a tribute of respect to his friend&#039;s memory, but apparently also in fulfilment of a promise to the deceased. The preface&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_364&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_364&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[41]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; is as follows:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Lectori.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Tis religion to performe the will of the dead; which I here&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_365&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_365&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[42]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; dischardge, with my promise (1667) to my old friend Mr. T&amp;amp;lt;homas&amp;amp;gt; H&amp;amp;lt;obbes&amp;amp;gt;, in publishing&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_366&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_366&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[43]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; his life and performing the last office to my old&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_367&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_367&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[44]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; friend Mr. Thomas Hobbes, whom I have had the honour to know &amp;amp;lt;from&amp;amp;gt; my child-hood&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_368&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_368&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[45]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, being his countreyman and borne in Malmesbury hundred and taught my grammar by his schoolmaster&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_369&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_369&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[46]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Since nobody knew so many particulars of his life as &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 18]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;myselfe, he was willing&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_370&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_370&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[47]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that if I survived him, it should be handed to posterity by my hands, which I declare and avow to do ingenuously and impartially, to prevent misreports and undecieve those who are scandalized by....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;One sayes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_371&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_371&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[48]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that when a learned man dyes, a great deal of learning dyes with him. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;He&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; was &#039;flumen ingenii,&#039; never dry. The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;recrementa&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_372&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_372&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[49]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of so learned a person are&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_373&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_373&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[50]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; valueable&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[I.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. Amongst innumerable observables of him which had deserved to be sett downe, these few (that have not scap&#039;t&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_374&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_374&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[51]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; my memory) I humbly offer&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_375&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_375&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[52]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to the present age and posterity, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;tanquam tabulam naufragii&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[II.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and as plankes and lighter things swimme, and are preserved, where the more weighty sinke and are lost. And&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_376&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_376&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[53]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; as with the light after sun-sett—at which time, clear&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_377&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_377&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[54]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; by and by&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_378&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_378&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[55]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, comes the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;crepusculum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; then, totall darkenes—in like manner is it with matters of antiquitie. Men thinke, because every body remembers a memorable accident shortly after &#039;tis donne, &#039;twill never be forgotten, which for want of registring&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_379&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_379&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[56]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, at last is drowned in oblivion. Which&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_380&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_380&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[57]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; reflection haz been a hint, that by my meanes many antiquities have been reskued&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_381&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_381&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[58]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and preserved (I myselfe now inclining&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_382&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_382&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[59]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to be ancient&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_383&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_383&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[60]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;)—or els utterly lost and forgotten.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[I.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; We read that an earthen lamp of a philosopher (quaere nomen) hath been sold for....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[II.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Vide Erasmi &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Adagia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and quaere Dr. &amp;amp;lt;Richard&amp;amp;gt; Bl&amp;amp;lt;ackburne&amp;amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For that I am so minute, I declare I never intended it, but setting downe in my first&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_384&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_384&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[61]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; draught every particular&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_385&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_385&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[62]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, (with purpose, upon review, to retrench&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_386&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_386&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[63]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; what was super&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 19]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;fluous and triviall), I shewed it to some friends of mine (who also were of Mr. Hobbes&#039;s acquaintance) whose judgments I much value, who gave their opinion: and &#039;twas clearly their judgement&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_387&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_387&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[64]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, to let &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;all&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; stand; for though to soome at present it might appeare too triviall; yet hereafter &#039;twould not be scorned&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_388&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_388&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[65]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but passe&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_389&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_389&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[66]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for antiquity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And besides I have precedents of reverend writers to plead, who have in some lives&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[III.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; recited things as triviall&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_390&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_390&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[67]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, nay, the sayings and actions of good woemen.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[III.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dean Fell hath recorded his mother&#039;s jejune sayings and actions and triviall remarques of Dr. Hammond in his life, written by him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I am also to beg pardon of the reader for two long digressions, viz. Malmesbury and Gorambery; but this also was advised, as the only way to preserve them, and which I have donne for the sake of the lovers of antiquity. I hope its novelty and pleasantness will make compensation for its length.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Yours&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_391&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_391&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[68]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c22&amp;quot;&amp;gt;I. A.&#039;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 28&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; are two letters by Aubrey, asking advice in connexion with this life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;i. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Aubrey to Anthony Wood.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;To his honoured friend Mr. Anthony à Wood, Master of Arts, at Merton College in Oxon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Deare friend!&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have hastily writt this third draught, which I hope is legible: I have not time to read it over. Pray peruse it as soon as you can, for time drawes on. Dr. Blackburne and I will be diligent in it and will doe &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;you&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; all the right&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_392&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_392&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[69]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; your heart can wish. I thought together with this to have sent you the transcript of Mr. Hobbes&#039; life revised by himselfe but am prevented by hast, and &#039;tis the last day of the terme. I will send it suddenly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 20]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;My service to Mr. Pigot. I am, Sir, your affectionate friend and servant,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Jo. Aubrey&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
London Feb. 12,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1679/80.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Why might not his two sheetes &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Of heresie&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; be bound up with this to preserve it and propagate trueth?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I know here be severall tautologies; but I putt them downe thus here, that upon reviewe I should judge where such or such a thing would most aptly stand.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Why should not Dr. Blackbourne in the life of Mr. H. written by him selfe quote that of A. Wood in the margent for a blindation, because there are in great part the very same words?&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;ii. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Aubrey to Richard Blackburne.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Dr. Blackbourne!&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Pray advise me whether &#039;twould not shew handsomest to begin with a description of Malmesbury, and then to place Mr. H. pedigre?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But, with all, should not&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Thomas Hobbes was borne at Malmesbury, Apr. ... 1588&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_393&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_393&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[70]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;be the initiall and, as it were, textuall, line?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Shall I in the first place putt Mr. H. life donne by himselfe? (If so, whether in Latin, or English, or both?) Or else, shall I intersperse it with these animadversions?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I could begin with a pleasant description of Malmesbury, etc., (all new and untoucht) 14 leaves in 8vo, which his verses will lead me to, and which Ant. Wood seemes to desire.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Pray be my Aristarchus, and correct and marke what you thinke fitt. First draughts&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_394&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_394&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[71]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ought to be rude as those of paynters, for he that in his first essay will be curious in refining will certainly be unhappy in inventing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Doctor, I am your affectionate and humble servant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c23&amp;quot;&amp;gt;J. A.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 21]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I will speake to Fleetwood Shepherd to engage the earl of Dorset to write in the old gentleman&#039;s praise.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Should mine be in Latin or English or both? (And by whome the Latin, if so?) Is my English style well enough&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_395&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_395&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[72]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;?&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Other MSS.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; A few additional lives, and portions of lives, of persons mentioned in these four biographical volumes, have been brought in from letters by Aubrey in MS. Ballard 14 and in MS. Wood F 39 and F 49.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Three lives, in fair copy, by Aubrey, are found in MS. Rawlinson D. 727, foll. 93-96, and have been given here. They were formerly in Anthony Wood&#039;s hands: see Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iv. 192, note.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;MS. Aubr. 21, a volume made up in the Ashmolean library from siftings out of Aubrey MSS. and papers; MS. Aubr. 22, a collection of grammatical tracts, brought together by Aubrey with a view to a treatise on education; MS. Aubr. 23, a volume of 125 leaves, dated on fol. 8 as &#039;Collectio geniturarum, made London May 29, 1674,&#039; but on the title as &#039;1677: for the &amp;amp;lt;Ashmolean&amp;amp;gt; Musaeum&#039;; MS. Aubr. 26,&#039;Faber fortunae,&#039; i.e. projects for retrieving Aubrey&#039;s fortunes——have yielded additional matter.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;V. The Old Edition.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The pith of these lives was extracted by Anthony Wood, and incorporated in his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Athenae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, vol. i. in 1691, vol. ii. in 1692, and the &#039;appendix&#039; left in MS. at his death (published in the second edition of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Athenae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in 1721).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The MSS. of Aubrey&#039;s &#039;Lives&#039; were placed in the library of the Ashmolean Museum, in the personal custody of the Keeper, Edward Lhwyd, in 1693. Aubrey, writing&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_396&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_396&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[73]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to Thomas Tanner, intimates that his MSS. will show how greatly Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Athenae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; was indebted to his help, and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_22&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 22]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;makes a special request that Wood shall not know that they have been placed in the Museum.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Beginning&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_397&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_397&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[74]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; on Sept. 16, 1792, Edmund Malone made a transcript of 174 lives from the three MSS. (MS. Aubr. 6, 7, 8), with notes, with a view to publication. The first volume of this contained folios 1-152, forty-four lives of poets and sixty-eight of prose writers. It is now in the Bodleian, by the gift of C. E. Doble, Esq.; but mutilated, folios 126-152 having been torn off from the end of the volume. The second volume, containing folios 153-385, sixty-two lives, was MS. 9405 in Sir Thomas Phillipps&#039; library, was mentioned in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Notes and Queries&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (8 S. vii. 375), and has recently been bought by the Bodleian.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Some years later, James Caulfield, of London, publisher, arranged for the issue of a select number of biographies from Aubrey&#039;s MSS., illustrated by engravings from originals in the Ashmolean and elsewhere. They were to appear under the title of &#039;The Oxford Cabinet&#039;; and one part, 32 pp., a very pretty book, was published at London in 1797. This part contains the lives of William Aubrey, Francis Bacon, John Barclay, and Francis Beaumont, with engravings (inter alia) of Aubrey&#039;s drawings of Verulam House, and Bacon&#039;s fishponds. At this point the Keeper of the Ashmolean, at Malone&#039;s instance, withdrew the permission which had been granted to Curtis to transcribe for Caulfield. The reason given was that Curtis had taken away papers and title-pages from Oxford libraries, and was not to be trusted in the Ashmolean—see Macray&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Annals of the Bodleian&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 273.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The dates, however, suggest that Malone&#039;s action may have been in part inspired by a wish to keep the course clear for his own project. The transcription made for Caulfield, although not always accurate in point of spelling, is by no means badly done: certainly it is much better than that which was made for the later issue.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In 1813 appeared &#039;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Letters written by Eminent Persons ... and Lives of Eminent Men by John Aubrey, Esq. ...&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_23&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 23]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; from the originals in the Bodleian Library and Ashmolean Museum: in two volumes.&#039; The editors are said to have been Dr. Philip Bliss and the Rev. John Walker, Fellow of New College.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Lives&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Aubrey occupy pp. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_197&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;197&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-637 of Volume II.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Dr. Bliss&#039;s interests were bibliographical, and he was not careful&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_398&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_398&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[75]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to collate with original MSS. either the printed text of earlier editions or transcripts made for himself. As a result, that issue of Aubrey&#039;s Lives, although making accessible the greater portion of what is interesting in the originals, is marred by many grave blunders and arbitrary omissions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A comparison of a few pages of Dr. Bliss&#039;s edition with Aubrey&#039;s MS. copy suggests a troublesome question in English textual criticism. If two eminent Oxford scholars in the beginning of the nineteenth century could thus pervert their author&#039;s meaning, can we have trust in the earlier redaction of greater texts, such as Shakespeare?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 24]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;THE &#039;LIVES&#039;&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;George Abbot&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1562-1633).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_399&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_399&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[76]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Archbishop Abbot was borne in the howse of old Flemish building, timber and brick, now an alehouse, the signe &#039;Three Mariners,&#039; by the river&#039;s side by the bridge on the north side of the street in St. Nicholas parish on the right hand as you goe out of the towne northwards.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_400&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_400&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[77]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Old Nightingale was his servant, and weepes when he talkes of him. Every one that knew, loved him. He was sometimes cholerique.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was borne the first howse over the bridge on the right hand in St. Nicholas parish &amp;amp;lt;Guildford&amp;amp;gt;. He was the sonne of a sherman&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_401&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_401&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[78]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. His mother, with child of him, longed for a jack, and dream&#039;t that if shee could eate a jack, her son should be a great man. The next morning, goeing to the river, which runs by the howse (which is by the bridge), with her payle, to take up some water, a good jack came into her payle. Which shee eat up, all, her selfe. This is generally recieved for a trueth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His godfather and godmothers sent him to the University, his father not being able.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 25]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Sir Robert Aiton&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1570-1638).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[A]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sir Robert Aiton&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_402&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_402&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[79]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, knight;—he lies buried in the south aisle of the choire of Westminster abbey, where there is erected to his memory an elegant marble and copper monument and inscription—viz.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;This long inscription is in copper:—&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;M. S.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Clarissimi, omnigenaque virtute et eruditione (presertim poesi) ornatissimi equitis, Domini Roberti Aitoni, ex antiqua et illustri gente Aitona ad Castrum Kinnadinum apud Scotos oriundi: qui a serenissimo rege Jacobo in cubicula interiora admissus; in Germaniam ad imperatorem imperiique principes, cum libello regio regiae authoritatis vindice, legatus; ac primum Annae, demum Mariae, serenissimis Britanniarum reginis, ab epistolis, consiliis, et libellis supplicibus; necnon Xenodochio S&#039;&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;ae&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; Catharinae praefectus; anima Creatori reddita, hic, depositis mortalibus exuviis, secundum redemptoris adventum expectat.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Carolum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; linquens, repetit &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Parentem&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Et valedicens &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mariae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, revisit&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Annam&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; et &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Aulaei&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; decus alto &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Olympi&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i37&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Mutat honore.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Obiit coelebs in Regiâ Albaulâ, non sine maximo bonorum omnium luctu et moerore:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Aetat. suae LXVIII, Salut. humanae MDCXXXVIII.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Hoc devoti gratique animi testimonium optimo patruo, Jo. Aitonus, M.L.P.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;In white marble at the bottome of the monument:—&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Musarum decus hîc, patriaeque, aulaeque, domique&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Et foris exemplar, sed non imitabile, honesti.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His bust is of copper, curiously cast, with a laurell held over it by two figures of white marble.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That Sir Robert was one of the best poets of his time—Mr. John Dreyden sayes he has seen verses of his, some of the best of that age, printed with some other verses—quaere.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was acquainted with all the witts of his time in England. He was a great acquaintance of Mr. Thomas Hobbes of Malmesbury, whom Mr. Hobbes told me he made use of (together with Ben Johnson) for an Aris&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_26&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 26]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;tarchus, when he made his Epistle Dedicatory to his translation of Thucydides. I have been told (I think by Sir John himself) that he was eldest brother to Sir John Ayton, Master of the Black Rod, who was also an excellent scholar.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[A]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey gives in trick the coat:—&#039;..., on a cross engrailed between 4 crescents a rose,&#039; with the motto&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Et decerpta dabunt odorem.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He encircles the coat of arms with a laurel wreath, as is his custom when it is a poet whose life he is writing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 class=&amp;quot;c25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Aldsworth.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_403&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_403&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[80]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;... Aldsworth, mathematical boyes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_404&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_404&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[81]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Memorandum:—the patent for the mathematicall blew-coate boyes at Christ Church in London was dated &#039;19th August in the 25th yeare of the reigne of king Charles the second&#039; &amp;amp;lt;1673&amp;amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Thomas Allen&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1542-1632).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_405&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_405&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[82]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Thomas Allen, Trin. Coll. Oxon.—Elias Ashmole, esqr., &amp;amp;lt;has&amp;amp;gt; the MSS. of Thomas Allen&#039;s commentary on the second and third bookes of Ptolomey&#039;s Quadripartite&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_406&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_406&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[83]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_407&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_407&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[84]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Thomas Allen—vide Anthony Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;Hist. et&amp;amp;gt; Antiq. &amp;amp;lt;Univ.&amp;amp;gt; Oxon.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. Thomas Allen&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_8&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[B]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was borne in Staffordshire.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. Theodore Haak, a German, Regiae Societatis Socius, was of Glocester Hall, 1626, and knew this learned worthy old gentleman, whom he takes to have been about ninety-six yeares old when he dyed, which was about 1630 (vide).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The learned &amp;amp;lt;Edmund&amp;amp;gt; Reynolds, who was turned Catholique&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[IV.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; by his brother the learned Dr. &amp;amp;lt;John&amp;amp;gt; Reynolds, President of Corpus Xti Colledge, was of Glocester Hall then too. They were both neer of an age, and they dyed both within 12 monethes one of th&#039;other&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[C]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. He was at both &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_27&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 27]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;their funeralls. Mr. Allen came into the hall to commons, but Mr. Reynolds had his brought to his chamber.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[IV.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Memorandum the Latin verses made on their mutual conversions—which insert.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Bella inter ... plusquam civilia fratres.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He sayes that Mr. Allen was a very cheerfull, facetious man, and that every body loved his company, and every howse on their &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Gaudie-dayes&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; were wont to invite him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His picture was drawne at the request of Dr. Ralph Kettle, and hangs in the dining roome of the President of Trin. Coll. Oxon. (of which house he first was, and had his education there) by which it appeares that he was a handsome sanguine man, and of an excellent habit of bodie.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There is mention of him in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Leicester&#039;s Commonwealth&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_408&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_408&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[85]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that the great Dudley, earle of Leicester, made use of him for casting nativities, for he was the best astrologer of his time. He hath written a large and learned commentary, in folio, on the Quadripartite of Ptolemie, which Elias Ashmole hath in MS. fairly written, and I hope will one day be printed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In those darke times astrologer, mathematician, and conjurer, were accounted the same things; and the vulgar did verily beleeve him to be a conjurer. He had a great many mathematicall instruments and glasses in his chamber, which did also confirme the ignorant in their opinion, and his servitor (to impose on freshmen and simple people) would tell them that sometimes he should meet the spirits comeing up his staires like bees. One&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_6&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[V.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of our parish&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_7&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[VI.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was of Glocester Hall about 70 yeares and more since, and told me this from his servitor. Now there is to some men a great lechery in lying, and imposing on the understandings of beleeving people, and he thought it for his credit to serve such a master.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_6&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[V.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; J. Power&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_10&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[D]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_7&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[VI.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Kington &amp;amp;lt;S. Michael, Wilts&amp;amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was generally acquainted, and every long vacation, he rode into the countrey to visitt his old acquaintance and patrones, to whom his great learning, mixt with much sweetnes of humour, rendred him very welcome. One time being at Hom Lacy&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_409&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_409&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[86]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in Herefordshire, at Mr. John &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_28&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 28]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Scudamore&#039;s (grandfather to the lord Scudamor), he happened to leave&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_410&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_410&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[87]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; his watch in the chamber windowe—(watches were then rarities)—The maydes came in to make the bed, and hearing a thing in a case cry &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Tick, Tick, Tick&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, presently concluded that that was his Devill, and tooke it by the string with the tongues&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_411&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_411&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[88]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and threw it out of the windowe into the mote (to&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_412&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_412&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[89]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; drowne the Devill.) It so happened that the string hung on a sprig of an elder that grew out of the mote, and this confirmed them that &#039;twas the Devill. So the good old gentleman gott his watch again.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Sir Kenelm Digby loved him much (vide Sir K. Digby&#039;s Life &amp;amp;lt;p.&amp;amp;gt; 69&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_413&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_413&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[90]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), and bought his excellent library of him, which he gave to the University. I have a Stifelius&#039; Arithmetique that was his, which I find he had much perused, and no doubt mastered. He was interred in Trinity College Chapell, (quaere where: as I take it, the outer Chapell.) George Bathurst&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[E]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; B.D. made his funerall oration in Latin, which was printed. &#039;Tis pitty there had not been his name on a&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_414&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_414&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[91]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; stone over him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_415&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_415&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[92]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Thomas Allen ... left the house&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_416&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_416&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[93]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; because he would not take orders.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Queen Elizabeth sent for him to have his advice about the new star that appeared in the Swan or Cassiopeia (but I think the Swan), to which he gave his judgment very learnedly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was great-uncle to Mr. &amp;amp;lt;Henry&amp;amp;gt; Dudley, the minister of Broadhinton in Wilts &amp;amp;lt;1665&amp;amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_8&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[B]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thomas Allen, of Staffordshire, aged 17, was elected Scholar of Trinity, June 4, 1561, and Fellow, June 19, 1564. His retirement to Gloucester Hall was no doubt to avoid the Oath of Supremacy imposed by Elizabeth on members on the foundation of the Colleges. Edmund Reynolds, in the same way, retired to Gloucester Hall, vacating his fellowship in Corpus Christi College.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[C]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Edmund Reynolds died Nov. 21, 1630; Thomas Allen died Sept. 30, 1632.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_10&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[D]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This will serve to show how imperfectly the names in the Matriculation-register represent those who actually studied in Oxford. The Matric. register gives &#039;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Zachary Power&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, e com. Wilts.,&#039; as matriculating at Gloucester Hall, Nov. 3, 1609: but omits his elder brother John Power (mentioned in MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 48, as being 40 in 1624, when Zachary was 32).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[E]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; George Bathurst, of Ga&amp;amp;lt;r&amp;amp;gt;sington, Oxon, aged 16, was elected Scholar of Trinity June 6, 1626, and Fellow June 8, 1631; B. D. 1640. His &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Oratio funebris&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; on Allen was publ. London 1632.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_29&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 29]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Charles Alleyn&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (obiit 1640?).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_417&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_417&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[94]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Charles Alleyn, who wrote the Battailes of Agencourt, Poitiers, and Crescy, was usher to Mr. Thomas Farnaby.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Lancelot Andrewes&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1555-1626).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_418&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_418&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[95]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Lancelot Andrewes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[F]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, lord bishop of Winton, was borne in London; went to schoole at Merchant Taylors schoole. Mr. Mulcaster&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[G]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was his schoolemaster, whose picture he hung in his studie (as Mr. Thomas Fuller, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Holy State&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Old Mr. Sutton, a very learned man of those dayes, of Blandford St. Maries, Dorset, was his school fellowe, and sayd that Lancelot Andrewes was a great long boy of 18 yeares old at least before he went to the university.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a fellowe&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_419&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_419&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[96]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Pembroke-hall, in Cambridge (called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Collegium Episcoporum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, for that, at one time, in those dayes, there were of that house ... bishops).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Puritan faction did begin to increase in those dayes, and especially at Emanuel College. That party had a great mind to drawe in this learned young man, whom if they could make theirs, they knew would be a great honour to them. They carried themselves outwardly with great sanctity and strictnesse, so that &#039;twas very hard matter to——as to their lives. They preached up very strict keeping and observing the Lord&#039;s day; made, upon the matter, damnation to breake it, and that &#039;twas lesse sin to kill a man then.... Yet these hypocrites did bowle in a private green at their colledge every Sunday after &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_30&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 30]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;sermon; and one of the colledge (a loving friend to Mr. L. Andrewes) to satisfie him one time lent him the key of a private back dore to the bowling green, on a Sunday evening, which he opening, discovered these zealous preachers, with their gownes off, earnest at play. But they were strangely surprized to see the entrey of one that was not of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;the brotherhood&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There was then at Cambridge a good fatt alderman that was wont to sleep at church, which the alderman endeavoured to prevent but could not. Well! this was preached against as a signe of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;reprobation&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. The good man was exceedingly troubled at it, and went to Andrewes his chamber to be satisfied in point of conscience. Mr. Andrewes told him that &amp;amp;lt;it&amp;amp;gt; was an ill habit of body not of mind, and that it was against his will; advised him on Sundays to make a more sparing meale and to mend it at supper. The alderman did so, but sleepe comes upon &amp;amp;lt;him&amp;amp;gt; again for all that, and was preached at. &amp;amp;lt;He&amp;amp;gt; comes againe to be resolved, with tears in his eies; Andrewes then told him he would have him make a good heartie meale as he was wont to doe, and presently take out his full sleep. He did so&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_420&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_420&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[97]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; came to St. Marie&#039;s&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_421&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_421&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[98]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, where the preacher was prepared with a sermon to damne all who slept at sermon, a certaine signe of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;reprobation&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. The good alderman having taken his full nap before, lookes on the preacher all sermon time, and spoyled the designe.—But I should have sayd that Andrewes was most extremely spoken against and preached against for offering to assoile or excuse a sleeper in sermon time. But he had learning and witt enough to&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_422&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_422&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[99]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; defend himselfe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His great learning quickly made him known in the university, and also to King James, who much valued him for it, and advanced him, and at last&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_423&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_423&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[100]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; made him bishop of Winchester, which bishoprick he ordered with great prudence as to government of the parsons, pre&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_31&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 31]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;ferring of ingeniose persons that were staked to poore livings and did &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;delitescere&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. He made it his enquiry to find out such men. Amongst severall others (whose names have escaped my memorie) Nicholas Fuller (he wrote &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Critica Sacra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;), minister of Allington neer Amesbury in Wilts, was one. The bishop sent for him, and the poor man was afrayd and knew not what hurt he had donne. &amp;amp;lt;He&amp;amp;gt; makes him sitt downe to dinner; and, after the desert, was brought in in a dish his institution and induction, or the donation, of a prebend: which was his way. He chose out alwayes able men to his chaplaines, whom he advanced. Among others, &amp;amp;lt;Christopher&amp;amp;gt; Wren, of St. John&#039;s in Oxon, was his chaplaine, a good generall scholar and good orator, afterwards deane of Winsore, from whom (by his son in lawe, Dr. William Holder) I have taken this exact account of that excellent prelate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His Life is before his Sermons, and also his epitaph, which see. He dyed at Winchester house, in Southwark, and lies buried in a chapell at St. Mary Overies, where his executors ... Salmon M. D. and Mr. John Saintlowe, merchant of London, have erected (but I beleeve according to his lordship&#039;s will, els they would not have layed out 1000 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) a sumptuose monument for him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had not that smooth way of oratory as now. It was a shrewd and severe animadversion of a Scotish lord, who, when king James asked him how he liked bp. A.&#039;s sermon, sayd that he was learned, but he did play with his text, as a Jack-an-apes does, who takes up a thing and tosses and playes with it, and then he takes up another, and playes a little with it. Here&#039;s a pretty thing, and there&#039;s a pretty thing!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_424&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_424&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[101]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Bishop Andrews: vide the inscription before his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sermons&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[F]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey gives the coat:—&#039;See of Winchester; impaling ..., 3 mullets on a bend engrailed and cottised ...,&#039; ensigned with a mitre or, and encircled by the Garter motto.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[G]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Richard Mulcaster, Head Master of Merchant Taylors&#039; School, 1561-1586.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_32&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 32]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Francis Anthony&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1550-1623).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_425&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_425&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[102]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Dr. [Francis&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_426&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_426&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[103]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;] Anthony, the chymist, Londinensis, natus 16 Aprilis, 1550, 1&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, Virgo 0° 3´ ascend.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quaere A&amp;amp;lt;nthony&amp;amp;gt; W&amp;amp;lt;ood&amp;amp;gt; if of Oxon or Cambridge&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_427&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_427&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[104]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Scripsit 2 libros, viz.:—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Aurum potabile&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Defense&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; against Dr. &amp;amp;lt;Matthew&amp;amp;gt; Gwyn (who wrote a booke called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Aurum non Aurum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;). This is all that Mr. Littlebury, bookeseller, remembers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He lived in St. Bartholomew&#039;s close, London, where he dyed, and is, I suppose, buried there, about 30 yeares since&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_14&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[H]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, scil. 1652.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Vide his nativity in Catalogue&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[I]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had a sonne who wrote something, I thinke (quaere Mr. Littlebury); and a daughter maried to ... Montague, a bookeseller in Duck-lane, who in Oliver&#039;s time was a soldier in Scotland.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_14&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[H]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Wood notes here &#039;so that by this reckoning,&#039; i.e. if born in 1550 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ut supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &#039;he was 102.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[I]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e., I suppose, in MS. Aubrey 23 (Aubrey&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Collectio Geniturarum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;), where at fol. 121, among nativities from Dr. Richard Napier&#039;s papers, is:—&#039;Dr. Anthony, Londinensis, who made &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;aurum potabile&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; at London, natus 16 April, 1550, 1&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Thomas Archer&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1554-1630?).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_428&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_428&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[105]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Archer, rector of Houghton Conquest, was a good scholar in King James&#039;s (the 1st) dayes, and one &amp;amp;lt;of&amp;amp;gt; his majestie&#039;s chaplains.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had two thick 4to MSS. of his own collection; one, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;joci&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and tales etc., and discourses at dinners; the other, of the weather. I have desired parson Poynter&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_429&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_429&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[106]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, his successor, to enquire after them, but I find him slow in it. No doubt there are delicate things to be found there.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_33&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 33]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;John Ashindon&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (obiit 13—?).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_430&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_430&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[107]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Johannes Escuidus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_431&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_431&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[108]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, Merton College:—Elias Ashmole, esq., hath the corrected booke by the originall MSS. of Merton College library, now lost, which is mentioned in Mr. William Lilly&#039;s almanack 1674, a folio.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Amongst many other rarities he haz a thin folio MS. of Alkindus in Latin.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_432&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_432&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[109]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Johannes Escuidus:—Summa astrologiae judicialis, in folio, Venetiis, 1489.—It is miserably printed, he sayes there; and that he was a student of Merton College Oxford.—Mr. Elias Ashmole has the booke.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Elias Ashmole&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1617-1692).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_433&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_433&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[110]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Memorandum—the lives of John Dee, Dr. &amp;amp;lt;Richard&amp;amp;gt; Nepier, Sir William Dugdale, William Lilly, Elias Ashmole&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_434&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_434&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[111]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, esq.,—Mr. Ashmole haz and will doe those himselfe: as&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_435&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_435&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[112]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he told me formerly but nowe he seemes to faile.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Deborah Aubrey&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1609/10-1685/6).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_436&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_436&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[113]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mris. Deborah Aubrey, my honoured mother, was borne at Yatton-Kaynes, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;vulgo&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; West-Yatton, in the parish of Yatton-Keynel in com. Wilts., January 29&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;th&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 1609&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_437&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_437&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[114]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, mane.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In a letter from my mother, dated Febru. 3&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;d&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, 1679/80, she tells me she was seaventie yeares old the last Thursday [29 Januarii]—quod N. B.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Her accidents.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;My mother was maried at 15 yeares old.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She fell sick of a burning feaver at Langford, Somerset.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_34&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 34]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She was taken on the 6&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;th&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; June 1675; feaver there againe in July 1675.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She was borne Jan. 29&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;th&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, morning, scil. the day before the anniversary-day of the king&#039;s decollation. She was 15 yeares old and as much as from January to June when she was maried.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She fell from her horse and brake her ... arme the last day of Aprill (1649 or 50) when I was a suitor to Mris Jane Codrington.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Lettre, Aug. 8, 1681:—she was lately ill three weekes and now her eies are a little sore.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum: 6 Januarie 1682/3, my mother writes to me that she is 73 yeares of age.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She died at Chalk in Jan. 1685/6, and was buried at Kingston S. Michael; so in a letter by Aubrey to Anthony Wood, May 11, 1686, in MS. Ballard 14, fol. 139.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;John Aubrey&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1626-1697).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;These autobiographical jottings are found in MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 3-5. They have been printed, with a few slips and slight omissions, in John Britton&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Memoir of J. Aubrey&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, London, 1845, pp. 12-17. Aubrey (fol. 3) directs that the paper is &#039;to be interposed as a sheet of wast paper only in the binding of a booke&#039;; and appends to this direction the motto:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;I presse not to the choire&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_438&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_438&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[115]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ...&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Thus devout penitents of old were wont,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Some without dore, and some beneath the font.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. Thomas Carew.&#039;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Aubrey gives (fol. 3) an (incomplete) drawing of his own horoscope, on the scheme:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;&amp;lt;img src=&amp;quot;images/i_aj.png&amp;quot; height=&amp;quot;15&amp;quot; alt=&amp;quot;&amp;quot;&amp;gt; natus 1625/6, March 11th, 17&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 14´ 44˝ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; ...&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_439&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_439&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[116]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (tempus verum), sub latitudine 51° 30´.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In MS. Aubr. 21, fol. 110, is Charles Snell&#039;s calculation of Aubrey&#039;s nativity, on the scheme&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Sunday, 12 Martii 1626, 5&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 13´ 40˝ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, natus Johannes Aubreius, armiger, sub polo 51° 06´. The astrologers of the time used sometimes the English, and sometimes the Italian, enumeration of the hours.&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_35&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 35]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_440&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_440&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[117]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;I. A&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_441&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_441&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[118]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His life&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_442&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_442&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[119]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; is more remarqueable in an astrologicall respect&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_18&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[J]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; then for any advancement of learning&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_19&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[K]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, having&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_443&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_443&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[120]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; from his birth (till of late yeares) been labouring under a crowd of ill directions: for his escapes of many dangers&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[L]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, in journeys both by land and water, 40 yeares.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was borne (longaevous, healthy kindred&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_21&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[M]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) at Easton Pierse&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_22&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_22&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[N]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, a hamlet in the parish of Kington Saint Michael in the hundred of Malmesbury in the countie of Wilts, his mother&#039;s&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_23&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_23&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[O]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (daughter and heir of Mr. Isaac Lyte) inheritance, March the 12 (St. Gregorie&#039;s day&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_24&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[P]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.D.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 1625&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_444&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_444&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[121]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, about sun-riseing, being very weake and like to dye that he was christned before morning prayer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I gott not strength till I was 11 or 12 yeares old; but had sicknesse&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_445&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_445&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[122]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of vomiting&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Q]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, for 12 houres every fortnight for ... yeares, then about monethly, then quarterly, and at last once in halfe a yeare. About 12 it ceased.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When a boy, bred at Eston, an&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_446&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_446&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[123]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; eremiticall solitude. Was&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_447&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_447&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[124]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; very curious; his greatest delight to be continually with the artificers that came there (e.g. joyners, carpenters, coupers, masons), and understood their trades.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1634&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_448&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_448&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[125]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, was entred in his Latin grammar by Mr. R&amp;amp;lt;obert&amp;amp;gt; Latimer&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_26&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_26&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[R]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, rector of Leigh de-la-mere, a mile&#039;s fine walke, who had an easie way of teaching: and every time we askt leave to &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;goe forth&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, we had a Latin word from him which at our returne we were&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_449&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_449&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[126]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to tell him again—which in a little while amounted to a good number of words. &#039;Twas my unhappinesse in half a yeare to loose this good enformer by his death, and afterwards was under severall dull ignorant rest&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_450&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_450&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[127]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-in127&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_127&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[127]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-house teachers&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_27&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[S]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; till 1638 (12&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_451&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_451&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[128]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), at &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_36&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 36]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;which time I was sent to Blandford schole in Dorset (William Sutton&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_452&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_452&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[129]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, B.D., who was ill-natured).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Here I recovered my health, and gott my Latin and Greeke, best of any of my contemporaries. The&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_453&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_453&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[130]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; usher&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_454&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_454&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[131]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; had (by chance) a Cowper&#039;s Dictionary, which I had never seen before. I was then in Terence. Percieving his method, I read all in the booke where Terence was, and then Cicero—which was the way&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_455&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_455&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[132]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; by which I gott my Latin. &#039;Twas a wonderfull helpe to my phansie, my reading of Ovid&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Metamorphy&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in English by Sandys, which made me understand the Latin the better. Also, I mett accidentally a booke of my mother&#039;s, Lord Bacon&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Essaies&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which first opened my understanding as to moralls (for Tullie&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Offices&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; was too crabbed for my young yeares) and the excellence&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_456&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_456&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[133]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of the style, or hints and transitions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_457&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_457&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[134]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was alwayes enquiring&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_28&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_28&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[T]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of my grandfather&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_458&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_458&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[135]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of the old time, the rood-loft, etc., ceremonies, of the priory, etc. At 8, I was a kind of engineer; and I fell then to drawing, beginning first with plaine outlines, e.g. in draughts of curtaines. Then at 9 (crossed herein by father and schoolmaster), to colours, having no body to instruct me&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_459&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_459&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[136]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; copied pictures in the parlour in a table booke——like&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_29&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_29&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[U]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Blandfordiae, horis vacuis, I drew and painted Bates&#039;s ... (quaere nomen libri&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_30&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_30&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[V]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I was wont (I remember) much to lament with my selfe that I lived not in a city, e.g. Bristoll, where I might have accesse to watchmakers, locksmiths, etc. &amp;amp;lt;I did&amp;amp;gt; not very much care for grammar. &amp;amp;lt;I had&amp;amp;gt; apprehension enough, but my memorie not tenacious. So that then&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_460&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_460&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[137]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was a promising morne enough of an inventive and philosophicall head. &amp;amp;lt;I had a&amp;amp;gt; musicall head, inventive, &amp;amp;lt;wrote&amp;amp;gt; blanke verse, &amp;amp;lt;had&amp;amp;gt; a strong and early impulse to anti&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_37&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 37]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;quitie (strong impulse to ♄&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_461&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_461&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[138]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). &amp;amp;lt;My&amp;amp;gt; witt was alwaies working, but not adroict for verse. &amp;amp;lt;I was&amp;amp;gt; ex&amp;amp;lt;ceeding&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_462&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_462&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[139]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt; mild of spirit; migh&amp;amp;lt;tily&amp;amp;gt; susceptible of fascination.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_463&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_463&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[140]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; My idea very cleer&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_464&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_464&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[141]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; phansie like&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_465&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_465&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[142]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a mirrour, pure chrystal water which the least wind does disorder and unsmooth—so noise or etc. would&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_466&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_466&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[143]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_467&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_467&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[144]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;My uncle Anthony Browne&#039;s bay nag threw me dangerously the Monday after Easter&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_468&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_468&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[145]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, 1639. Just before it I had an impulse of the briar under which I rode, which tickled him, at the gap at the upper end of Berylane. Deo gratias!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_469&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_469&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[146]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;1642, May 2&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;d&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, I went&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_31&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_31&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[W]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to Oxford.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Peace&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_470&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_470&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[147]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Lookt through Logique and some Ethiques.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1642, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Religio Medici&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; printed, which first opened my understanding, which I carryed to Eston, with Sir K. D.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_471&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_471&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[148]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But now&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_472&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_472&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[149]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Bellona thundered, and as a cleare skie is sometimes suddenly overstretch&amp;amp;lt;ed&amp;amp;gt; with a dismall&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_473&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_473&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[150]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; cloud and thunder, so was this serene peace&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_474&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_474&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[151]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; by the civill warres through the factions of those times; vide Homer&#039;s Odyssey.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In August&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_475&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_475&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[152]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; following my father sent for me home, for feare.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In February ... following, with much adoe&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_476&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_476&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[153]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I gott my father to lett me to beloved Oxon againe, then a garrison pro rege.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_38&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 38]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I gott Mr. Hesketh, Mr. Dobson&#039;s man, a priest, to drawe the ruines of Osney 2 or 3 wayes before &#039;twas pulld downe&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_32&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_32&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[X]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. Now the very foundation is digged-up.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In Aprill I fell sick of the small pox at Trinity College; and when I recovered, after Trinity weeke&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_477&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_477&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[154]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, my father sent for me into the country again: where I conversed&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_478&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_478&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[155]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with none but servants and rustiques and soldiers quartred, to my great griefe (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Odi prophanum vulgus et arceo&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;), for in those dayes fathers were not acquainted with their children. It was a most sad life to me, then in the prime of my youth, not to have the benefitt of an ingeniose conversation and scarce any good bookes—almost a consumption. This sad life I did lead in the country till 1646, at which time I gott (with much adoe) leave of my father to lett me goe to the Middle Temple, April the 6&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;th&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 1646; admitted....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;24 June following, Oxon was surrendred, and then came to London many of the king&#039;s party, with whom I&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_479&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_479&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[156]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; grew acquainted (many of them I knew before). I loved not debauches&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_480&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_480&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[157]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, but their martiall conversation was not so fitt for the muses.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Novemb. 6, I returned to Trinity College in Oxon again to my great joy; was much made of by the fellowes; had their learned conversation, lookt on bookes, musique. Here and at Middle Temple (off and on) I (for the most part) enjoyd the greatest felicity of my life (ingeniose youths, as&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_481&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_481&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[158]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; rosebudds, imbibe the morning dew&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_482&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_482&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[159]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) till Dec. 1648 (Christmas Eve&#039;s eve) I was sent for from Oxon home again to my sick father, who never recovered. Where I was engaged to looke after his country businesse and solicite a lawe-suite.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno 165-, Octob. ..., my father dyed, leaving me debts 1800 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and bro&amp;amp;lt;thers&#039;&amp;amp;gt; portions 1000 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_39&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 39]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quid digni feci, hîc process. viam? Truly nothing; only umbrages, sc. Osney abbey ruines, etc., antiquities. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, a wheatstone, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;exors ipse secandi&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, e.g. &amp;amp;lt;my&amp;amp;gt; universall character&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_483&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_483&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[160]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;amp;lt;: that&amp;amp;gt; which was neglected and quite forgott and had sunk had not I engaged&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_484&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_484&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[161]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in the worke, to carry on the worke—name them&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_485&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_485&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[162]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He began to enter into pocket memorandum bookes philosophicall and antiquarian remarques, Anno Domini 1654, at Llantrithid.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno 16—I began my lawe-suite on the entaile in Brecon&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_33&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_33&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Y]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, which lasted till ..., and it cost me 1200 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno —— I was to have maried Mris K. Ryves, who died when to be maried, 2000 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; +&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_486&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_486&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[163]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, besides counting care of her brother, 1000 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno —— I made my will&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_34&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_34&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Z]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and settled my estate on trustees, intending to have seen the antiquities of Rome and Italy for ... &amp;amp;lt;years&amp;amp;gt;, and then to have returned and maried, but—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Diis aliter visum est superis,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;my mother, to my inexpressible griefe and ruine, hindred this&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_487&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_487&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[164]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; designe, which was&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_488&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_488&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[165]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; my ruine.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_489&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_489&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[166]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;My estate (was of) value 100 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li. fere&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; + Brecon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then debts and lawe-suites, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;opus et usus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, borrowing of money and perpetuall riding. To my prayse, &amp;amp;lt;I had&amp;amp;gt; wonderfull credit in the countrey for money. Anno ... sold manor of Bushelton in Herefordshire to Dr. T&amp;amp;lt;homas&amp;amp;gt; Willis. Anno ... sold the manor of Stratford in the same county to Herbert &amp;amp;lt;Croft&amp;amp;gt; lord bishop of Hereford.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then anno 1664, June 11, went into France. Oct. ... returned. Then Joan Sumner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_40&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 40]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_490&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_490&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[167]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Memorandum. J. Aubrey in the yeare 1666, wayting then upon Joane Sumner to her brother at Seen in Wilts, there made a discovery of a chalybiate waters and those more impregnated than any waters yet heard of in England. I sent some bottles to the Royal Society in June 1667, which were tryed with galles before a great assembly there. It turnes so black that you may write legibly with it, and did there, after so long a carriage, turne as deepe as a deepe claret. The physitians were wonderfully surprized at it, and spake to me to recommend it to the doctors of the Bath (from whence it is but about 10 miles) for that in some cases &#039;tis best to begin with such waters and end with the Bath, and in some &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;vice versâ&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. I wrote severall times, but to no purpose, for at last I found that, though they were satisfied of the excellency of the waters and what the London doctors sayd was true, they did not care to have company goe from the Bath. So I inserted it last yeare in Mr. Lilly&#039;s almanac, and towards the later end of summer there came so much company that the village could not containe them, and they are now preparing for building of houses against the next summer. Jo&amp;amp;lt;hn&amp;amp;gt; Sumner sayth (whose well is the best) that it will be worth to him 200 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum. Dr. &amp;amp;lt;Nehemiah&amp;amp;gt; Grew in his History of the Repository of the Royal Society mentions this discovery, as also of the iron oare there not taken notice of before——&#039;tis in part iii, cap. 2, pag. 331.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_491&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_491&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[168]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Then lawe-suite with her&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_492&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_492&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[169]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. Then sold Easton-Peirse&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_35&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_35&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AA]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and the farme at Broad Chalke. Lost 500 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (Fr. H.) + 200 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; + goods + timber. Absconded as a banishd man.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In monte Dei videbitur&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_493&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_493&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[170]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I was in as much affliction as a mortall could bee, and never quiet till all was gone, &amp;amp;lt;and I&amp;amp;gt; wholly&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_494&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_494&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[171]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; cast myselfe on God&#039;s providence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_41&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 41]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Monastery&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_495&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_495&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[172]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I wished monastrys had not been putt downe, that the reformers would have been more moderate as to that point. Nay, the Turkes have monasteries. Why should our reformers be so severe? Convenience of religious houses—Sir Christopher Wren—fitt there should be receptacles and provision for contemplative men; if of 500, but one or two&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_496&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_496&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[173]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. &#039;Tis compensated&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_497&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_497&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[174]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. What a pleasure &#039;twould have been to have travelled from monastery to monastery. The reformers in the Lutheran countrys were more prudent then to destroy them (e.g. in Holsatia, etc.); &amp;amp;lt;they&amp;amp;gt; only altered the religion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But notwithstanding all these embarasments I did &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;pian piano&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (as they occur&#039;d) take&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_498&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_498&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[175]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; notes of antiquity; and having a quick draught, have drawne landskips on horseback symbolically, e.g. &amp;amp;lt;on my&amp;amp;gt; journey to Ireland in July, Anno Domini 166-.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;The&amp;amp;gt; earl of Thanet&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_499&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_499&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[176]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;amp;lt;gave me&amp;amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;otium&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; at Hethefield.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;I&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_500&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_500&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[177]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; had&amp;amp;gt; never quiett, nor anything of happinesse till&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_501&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_501&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[178]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; divested of all, 1670, 1671&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_36&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_36&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AB]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;: at what time providence raysed me (unexpectedly) good friends—the right honourable Nicholas, earl of Thanet, with whom I was delitescent at Hethfield in Kent&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_37&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_37&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AC]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; neer a yeare, and then was invited ...; anno ..., Sarney; Sir Christopher Wren; Mr. Ogilby; then Edmund Wyld, esq., R&amp;amp;lt;egiae&amp;amp;gt; S&amp;amp;lt;ocietatis&amp;amp;gt; S&amp;amp;lt;ocius&amp;amp;gt;, of Glasely-hall, Salop (sed in margine), tooke me into his armes, with whom I most commonly take my diet and sweet &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;otium&#039;s&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno 1671, having sold all and disappointed as afore&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_42&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 42]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;said of moneys I received, I had so strong&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_502&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_502&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[179]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; an impulse&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_503&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_503&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[180]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to (in good part) finish my&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_504&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_504&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[181]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Description of Wilts&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, two volumes in folio, that I could not be quiet till I had donne it, and that with danger enough, tanquam canis e Nilo, for feare of the crocodiles, i.e. catchpolls.——And indeed all that I have donne and that little that I have studied have been just after that fashion, so that had I not lived long my want of leisure would have afforded but a slender harvest of....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A man&#039;s spirit rises and falls with his&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_505&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_505&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[182]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ⦻: makes me lethargique.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_506&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_506&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[183]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;My&amp;amp;gt; stomach &amp;amp;lt;was&amp;amp;gt; so tender that I could not drinke claret without sugar, nor white wine, but would disgorge. &amp;amp;lt;It was&amp;amp;gt; not well ordered till 1670.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;☞ A strange fate that I have laboured under never&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_507&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_507&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[184]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in my life to enjoy one entire monethe&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[VII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; or 6 weekes &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;otium&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; for contemplation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[VII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Once at Chalke in my absconding Oct. anno ...; at Weston&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_508&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_508&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[185]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; anno....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;My studies (geometry) were on horse back&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_17&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[VIII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and &amp;amp;lt;in&amp;amp;gt; the house of office: (my father discouraged me). My head was alwaies working; never idle, and even travelling (which from 1649 till 1670 was never off my horsback) did gleane som observations, of which I have a collection in folio of 2 quiers of paper + a dust basket, some wherof are to be valued.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_17&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[VIII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So I got my Algebra, Oughtred in my pocket, with some&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_509&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_509&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[186]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; information from Edward Davenant, D.D., of Gillingham, Dorset.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_510&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_510&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[187]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; chiefe vertue, gratitude.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Tacit. lib. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;IV&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; § xx:—Cneus Lentulus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_511&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_511&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[188]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, outre l&#039; honneur du consulat et le triumphes de Getules, avoit la gloire d&#039;avoir vescu sans reproche dans sa pauverté, et sans &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_43&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 43]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;orgueil dans son opulence où il estoit parvenu de puis par de voyes legitimes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;I was&amp;amp;gt; never riotous or prodigall; but (as Sir E. Leech said) sloath and carelesnesse&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_512&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_512&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[189]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;amp;lt;are&amp;amp;gt; equivalent to all other vices.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;My fancy lay most to geometrie. If ever I had been good for anything, &#039;twould have been a painter, I could fancy a thing so strongly and had so cleare an idaea of it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When a boy, he did ever love to converse with old men, as living histories. He cared not for play, but on play-dayes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_513&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_513&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[190]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he gave himselfe to drawing and painting. At 9, a pourtraiter&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_514&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_514&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[191]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; and soon was....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Reall character, &amp;amp;lt;things&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_515&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_515&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[192]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that&amp;amp;gt; lay dead, I caused to revive by engaging 6 or 7 ... &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;fungor vice cotis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, etc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wheras very sickly in youth; Deo gratias, healthy from 16.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Amici.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;A&amp;amp;lt;nthony&amp;amp;gt; Ettrick, Trin. Coll.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;M. T.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_516&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_516&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[193]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;—John Lydall.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Fr&amp;amp;lt;ancis&amp;amp;gt; Potter, of 666&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_517&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_517&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[194]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, C lettres&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_518&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_518&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[195]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir J&amp;amp;lt;ohn&amp;amp;gt; Hoskyns, baronet.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Ed&amp;amp;lt;mund&amp;amp;gt; Wyld, esq. of Glasley Hall, quem summae gratitudinis ergo nomino.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Mr. Robert Hooke, Gresham College.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Mr. &amp;amp;lt;Thomas&amp;amp;gt; Hobbes, 165-.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;A&amp;amp;lt;nthony&amp;amp;gt; Wood, 1665.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;☞ Sir William Petty, my singular friend.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir James Long, baronet, of Draycot, χρονογραφία etc.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Mr. Ch&amp;amp;lt;arles&amp;amp;gt; Seymour, father&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_519&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_519&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[196]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of the d&amp;amp;lt;uke&amp;amp;gt; of S&amp;amp;lt;omerset&amp;amp;gt;. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_44&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 44]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Sir Jo&amp;amp;lt;hn&amp;amp;gt; Stawell, M. T.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_520&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_520&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[197]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Bishop of Sarum &amp;amp;lt;Seth Ward&amp;amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Dr. W&amp;amp;lt;illiam&amp;amp;gt; Holder.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Scripsit&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_521&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_521&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[198]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;&#039;The&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_522&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_522&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[199]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Naturall History of Wiltshire.&#039;&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;These &#039;Lives&#039; (pro &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;ligature&amp;quot;&amp;gt;AW&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_523&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_523&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[200]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, 1679/80).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;&#039;Idea&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_524&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_524&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[201]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of education of the noblesse,&#039; in Mr. Ashmole&#039;s hands.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;item&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &#039;Remaynders of Gentilisme,&#039; being observations on Ovid&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Fastorum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;memorandum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &#039;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Villare Anglicanum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; interpreted.&#039;&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;item, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Faber Fortunae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (for his own private use).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I. A. lived most at Broad-chalke in com. Wilts; sometimes at Easton Piers; at London every terme. Much of his time spent in journeying to South Wales (entaile&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_525&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_525&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[202]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) and Hereff&amp;amp;lt;ordshire&amp;amp;gt;. I now indulge my genius with my friends and pray for the young &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;angels&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Rest at Mris More&#039;s neer Gresham College (Mrs More&#039;s in Hammond Alley in Bishopgate Street farthest house&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_526&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_526&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[203]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;☍ old Jairer (?) taverne).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;I&amp;amp;gt; expect preferment &amp;amp;lt;through&amp;amp;gt; Sir Ll. Jenkins&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_527&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_527&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[204]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_528&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_528&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[205]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;It was I. A. that did putt Mr. Hobbes upon writing his treatise &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Legibus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which is bound up with his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Rhetorique&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; that one cannot find it but by chance; no mention of it in the first title.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_529&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_529&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[206]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;I have writt &#039;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;an Idea of the education of the Noblesse&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; from the age of 10 (or 11) till 18&#039;: left with Elias Ashmole, esquire.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_530&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_530&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[207]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;1673&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_531&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_531&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[208]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, die Jovis&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_532&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_532&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[209]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, 5&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;to&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; Martii, 9&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 15´ + &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; J. A. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_45&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 45]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;arrested &amp;amp;lt;by&amp;amp;gt; ... Gardiner, serjeant, a lusty faire-haired solar fellow, prowd, insolent, et omnia id genus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_533&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_533&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[210]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;March 25, 1675, my nose bled at the left nostrill about 4&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I doe not remember any event&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_38&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_38&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AD]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_534&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_534&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[211]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;July 31, 1677, I sold my bokes to Mr. Littlebury, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;scilicet&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; when my impostume in my heade did breake.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;About 50 annos &amp;amp;lt;aetatis&amp;amp;gt; &amp;amp;lt;I had&amp;amp;gt; impostume in capite.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_535&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_535&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[212]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Captain ... Poyntz (for service that I did him to the earle of Pembroke and the earl of Abingdon&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_39&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_39&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AE]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) did very kindly make me a grant of a thousand acres of land in the island of Tobago, anno Domini 1685/6, Febr. 2&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;d&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;. He advised me to send over people to plant&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_40&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_40&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AF]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and to gett subscribers to come in for a share of these 1000 acres, for 200 acres he sayes would be enough for me. In this delicate island is &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;lac lunae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (the mother of silver).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;William Penn, Lord Proprietor of Pennsylvania, did, ex mero motu et ex gratia speciali, give me, (16—) a graunt, under his seale, of six hundred acres in Pennsylvania&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_41&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_41&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AG]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, without my seeking or dreaming of it. He adviseth me to plant it with French protestants for seaven yeares &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;gratis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and afterwards &amp;amp;lt;they are&amp;amp;gt; to pay such a rent. Also he tells me, for 200 acres ten pounds per annum rent for ever, after three yeares.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_536&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_536&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[213]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;John Aubrey&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_42&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_42&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AH]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, March 20, 1692/3, about 11 at night robbed and 15 wounds in my head.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;January 5&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;th&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, 1693/4, an apoplectick fitt, circiter 4&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_537&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_537&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[214]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Accidents of John Aubrey&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_43&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_43&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AI]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Borne at Easton-Piers, March 12, 1625/6, about sun-rising: very weake and like to dye, and therfore Christned that morning before Prayer. I thinke I have heard my mother say I had an ague shortly after I was borne.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1629: about 3 or 4 yeares old, I had a grievous ague.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_46&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 46]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I can remember it. I gott not health till 11, or 12: but had sicknesse of vomiting for 12 howres every fortnight for ... yeares; then, it came monethly for ...; then, quarterly; and then, halfe-yearly; the last was in June 1642. This sicknesse nipt my strength in the bud.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1633: 8 yeares old, I had an issue (naturall) in the coronall suture of my head, which continued running till 21.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1634: October&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_538&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_538&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[215]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;: I had a violent fever that was like to have carried me off. &#039;Twas the most dangerous sicknesse that ever I had.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;About 1639 (or 1640) I had the measills, but that was nothing: I was hardly sick.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1639: Monday after Easter weeke my uncle&#039;s nag ranne away with me, and gave a very dangerous fall.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1642: May 3, entred at Trinity College, Oxon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1643: April and May, the small-pox at Oxon; and shortly after, left that ingeniouse place; and for three yeares led a sad life in the countrey.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1646: April ——, admitted of the Middle Temple. But my father&#039;s sicknesse, and businesse, never permitted me to make any settlement to my studie.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1651: about the 16 or 18 of April, I sawe that incomparable good conditioned gentlewoman, Mris M. Wiseman, with whom at first sight I was in love—haeret lateri&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_539&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_539&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[216]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1652: October 21: my father died.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1655: (I thinke) June 14, I had a fall at Epsam, and brake one of my ribbes and was afrayd it might cause an apostumation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1656: September 1655, or rather (I thinke) 1656, I began my chargeable and taedious lawe-suite about the entaile in Brecknockshire and Monmouthshire.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This yeare, and the last, was a strange year to me, and&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_540&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_540&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[217]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of contradictions;—scilicet love M. W.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_541&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_541&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[218]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and lawe-suites.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1656: December: Veneris morbus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_47&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 47]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_542&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_542&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[219]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;1657: Novemb. 27, obiit domina Katherina Ryves, with whom I was to marry; to my great losse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1658: ...&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_543&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_543&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[220]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1659: March or Aprill, like to breake my neck in Ely minster, and the next day, riding a gallop there, my horse tumbled over and over, and yet (I thanke God) no hurt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1660: July, August, I accompanied A. Ettrick into Ireland for a moneth; and returning were like to be ship-wrackt at Holy-head, but no hurt donne.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1661, 1662, 1663: about these yeares I sold my estate in Herefordshire.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;...&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_544&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_544&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[221]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;: Janu., had the honour to be elected fellow of the Royal Society.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1664: June 11, landed at Calais. In August following, had a terrible fit of the spleen, and piles, at Orleans. I returned in October.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1664, or 1665: Munday after Christmas, was in danger to be spoiled by my horse, and the same day received laesio in testiculo which was like to have been fatall. Quaere R. Wiseman quando—I beleeve 1664.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1665: November 1; I made my first addresse (in an ill howre) to Joane Sumner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1666: this yeare all my businesses and affaires ran kim kam. Nothing tooke effect, as if I had been under an ill tongue. Treacheries and enmities in abundance against me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1667: December —: arrested in Chancery lane, at Mrs. Sumner&#039;s suite.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;1667/8&amp;amp;gt;: Febr. 24, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; about 8 or 9, triall with her at Sarum. Victory and 600 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; dammage, though divelish opposition against me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1668: July 6, was arrested by Peter Gale&#039;s malicious contrivance, the day before I was to goe to Winton for my second triall, but it did not retain me above two howres; but did not then goe to triall.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1669&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_545&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_545&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[222]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;: March 5, was my triall at Winton, from 8 to 9, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_48&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 48]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the judge being exceedingly made against me, by my lady Hungerford. But 4 of the Venue (?) appearing, and with much adoe, gott the moëity of Sarum, verdict viz. 300 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1669 and 1670: I sold all my estate in Wilts.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;From 1670, to this very day (I thanke God), I have enjoyed a happy delitescency.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1671: danger of arrests.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1677: later end of June, an imposthume brake in my head.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Laus Deo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_546&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_546&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[223]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Memorandum:—St. John&#039;s night, 1673, in danger of being run through with a sword by a young ...&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_547&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_547&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[224]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at Mr. Burges&#039; chamber in the Middle Temple.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quaere the yeare&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_548&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_548&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[225]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that I lay at Mris Neve&#039;s; for that time I was in great danger of being killed by a drunkard in the street opposite Grayes-Inne gate—a gentleman whom I never sawe before, but (Deo gratias) one of his companions hindred his thrust. (Memorandum: horoscope....&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_549&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_549&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[226]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Danger of being killed by William, earl of Pembroke, then lord Herbert, at the election of Sir William Salkeld for New Sarum.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I see Mars in ...226&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_226&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[226]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; threatnes danger to me from falls.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have been twice in danger of drowning.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_18&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[J]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This beginning of Aubrey&#039;s autobiography is explained by Henry Coley&#039;s judgment on his nativity, found in MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 104, on the scheme &#039;J. A. natus 1625/6, March 11th, 17&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 14´ 44˝ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, sub latitudine 51° 30´.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;The nativity,&#039; Coley says, &#039;is a most remarkable opposition, and &#039;tis much pitty the starres were not more favourable to the native.&#039; Coley goes on to state that the stars &#039;threaten ruin to land and estate; give superlative vexations in matters relating to marriag, and wondrous contests in law-suits—of all which vexations I suppose the native hath had a greater portion than ever was desired.&#039; Aubrey must have been only too glad to have authority for attributing his failure in life to the stars, and not to his own ill-conduct.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_19&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[K]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 3, in jottings at the side of his horoscope, Aubrey suggests that his failure in this respect was due to defects of his upbringing, not of natural ability.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Ἐὰν ᾖς φιλομαθής, ἔσῃ πολυμαθής. By &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;pian piano&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; I might have &amp;amp;lt;attained to learning&amp;amp;gt;; though &amp;amp;lt;my&amp;amp;gt; memory &amp;amp;lt;was&amp;amp;gt; not tenacious, &amp;amp;lt;yet I had&amp;amp;gt; zeale to learning, and ...&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_550&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_550&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[227]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; extraordinary, ... ...&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_551&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_551&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[228]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; &amp;amp;lt;but I was&amp;amp;gt; bred ignorant at Eston.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[L]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Henry Coley, in his &#039;Observations upon the geniture&#039; of Aubrey, MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 105&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, finds that the stars show that he &#039;will be in great danger between the years of 40 and 50.&#039;—On this Aubrey remarks:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Much about that time the native was several times in danger of expiration, as,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;first, by the e&amp;amp;lt;arl&amp;amp;gt; of P&amp;amp;lt;embroke&amp;amp;gt;;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;2, a bruise of the left side;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;3, a narrow escape of falling downe stayres; and,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;lastly, as dangerous a fall from a horse;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;besides the accident of sowneing, cum multis aliis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1668: the native was in no small trouble, at least received disparagement, by an arrest, and other untoward transactions.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_21&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[M]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 62 sqq., is a notice of Aubrey&#039;s family and of Kington St. Michael.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The pedigree is:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
   William Aubrey, LL.D.&lt;br /&gt;
            |&lt;br /&gt;
            |&lt;br /&gt;
   John Aubrey (3rd son)&lt;br /&gt;
            |&lt;br /&gt;
            |&lt;br /&gt;
      Richard Aubrey &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Deborah,&lt;br /&gt;
        (only son)   |   daughter of&lt;br /&gt;
                     |   Isaac Lyte&lt;br /&gt;
                     |&lt;br /&gt;
       +-------------+-------------+&lt;br /&gt;
       |             |             |&lt;br /&gt;
       |             |             |&lt;br /&gt;
      John        William       Thomas&lt;br /&gt;
  (our author)&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;See in &#039;Wiltshire: the Topographical Collections of John Aubrey, corrected and enlarged by John Edward Jackson,&#039; Devizes, 1862.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In MS. Aubr. 23, on a slip at fol. 47, Aubrey notes his father&#039;s christening:—&#039;Richard Aubrey, July 26, St. Anne&#039;s day, christened &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.D.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 1603.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 83, notices Aubrey&#039;s brother William:—&#039;My brother William Aubrey&#039;s scheme by Henry Coley.—Natus Mr. W. A. March 20, 1642/3, at 11&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 30´ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 119&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, is the back of an envelope (seal, a pelican feeding her young) addressed to Aubrey&#039;s third brother:—&#039;to his very loving freind Mr. Thomas Awbrey at Broad Chalke give these.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_22&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_22&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[N]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 8, Aubrey notes:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;John Aubrey &amp;amp;lt;was&amp;amp;gt; borne in the chamber where are on the chimney painted the armes of Isaac Lyte and Israel Browne.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;MS. Aubr. 17 contains several of Aubrey&#039;s drawings, in pencil and water-colours, of the house and grounds at Easton-Piers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In MS. Aubr. 3 (his &#039;Hypomnemata Antiquaria&#039;), fol. 55 sqq., is Aubrey&#039;s description of Easton-Piers. It is printed in J. E. Jackson&#039;s Aubrey&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Wiltshire Collections&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (Devizes, 1862), pp. 235 sqq.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_23&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_23&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[O]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 8, Aubrey notes:—&#039;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ex registro Kington St. Michael in com. Wilts&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: June 15, Richard Aubrey and Debora Lyght maried, 1625.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_24&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[P]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey in a marginal note seeks to bring his birth-day into connexion with the Roman Quinquatria (March 19). The note is: &#039;Quinquatria: feast dedicated to Minerva&#039; &amp;amp;lt;dupl. with &#039;Pallas&#039;&amp;amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Q]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In MS. Aubr. 23 (his &#039;Collectio geniturarum&#039;), fol. 116, 117, are letters from Charles Snell about Aubrey&#039;s nativity and accidents. Snell there enumerates Aubrey&#039;s:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Sicknesse att birth; ague and vomittings aboute 5 or 6 yeares old; issue in his head; small-pox; amours with madam Wiseman&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_552&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_552&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[229]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; selling away the mannor of Stratford, etc.; haesitating in his speech.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Snell gives this advice:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;If the haesitation in your speech doth hinder, gett a parsonage of 4 or 500 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum, and give a curat 100 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum to officiate for you.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The letter is dated from &#039;Fordingbridge; 12 August, 1676.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Aubrey, in his letters to Anthony Wood, several times touches on the idea of his taking Orders. MS. Ballard 14, fol. 98:—&#039;I am like to be spirited away to Jamaica by my lord &amp;amp;lt;John&amp;amp;gt; Vaughan, who is newly made governor there, and mighty earnest to have me goe with him and will looke out some employment worthy a gentleman for me. Fough! the cassock stinkes: it would be ridiculous.&#039;—April 9, 1674. MS. Ballard 14, fol. 119:—&#039;I am stormed by my chiefest friends afresh, viz. Baron Bertie&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_553&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_553&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[230]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, Sir William Petty, Sir John Hoskyns, bishop of Sarum&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_554&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_554&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[231]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, etc., to turne ecclesiastique; &amp;quot;but the king of France growes stronger and stronger, and what if the Roman religion should come-in againe?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Why then!&amp;quot; say they, &amp;quot;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;cannot you turne too?&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;quot; You, I say, know well that I am no puritan, nor an enimy to the old gentleman on the other side of the Alpes. Truly, if I had a good parsonage of 2 or 300 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum, (as you told me) it would be a shrewd temptation.&#039;—Aug. 29, 1676.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_26&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_26&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[R]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey notes in the margin, (1) &#039;T. H.&#039; (in a monogram), i.e. that this Latimer had been schoolmaster to Thomas Hobbes, and (2), &#039;delicate little horse,&#039; to indicate that he did not walk the mile to Leigh-de-la-mere like a poor boy, but rode his pony there like a fine gentleman. John Britton has mis-read the note, and made it a description of Mr. Latimer&#039;s appearance, &#039;delicate little &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;person&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 109, Aubrey gives this inscription as on a stone &#039;under the communion-table&#039; in the church of Leigh-de-la-mere:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Here lieth Mr. Robert Latymer, sometime rector and pastor of this church, who deceased this life the second day of November, anno domini 1634.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And then Aubrey notes:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;This Mr. Latimer was schoolmaster at Malmsbury&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_555&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_555&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[232]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to Mr. Thomas Hobbes. He afterwards taught children here&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_556&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_556&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[233]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. He entred me into my accedence. Before Mr. Latimer, one Mr. Taverner was rector here, who was the parson that maried my grand-father and grandmother Lyte.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_27&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[S]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In a marginal note (MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 3), Aubrey excuses his father&#039;s neglect of his education on the plea that he himself grew up illiterate. The note is:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;My grandfather A&amp;amp;lt;ubrey&amp;amp;gt; dyed, leaving my father, who was not educated to learning, but to hawking.&#039; See in the life of Alderman John Whitson.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_28&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_28&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[T]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In the margin Aubrey notes:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;♄: strong impulse to ♄.&#039; This means I suppose that the position of Saturn at his nativity gave him a bias to the study of antiquities.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_29&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_29&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[U]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This means, I suppose, that the copies he made sufficiently resembled the pictures on the parlour wall. A note in MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 6&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, perhaps refers to his own skill in drawing, &#039;As Mr. Walter Waller&#039;s picture drawne after his death; è contra, I have done severall by the life.&#039; Walter Waller was vicar of Chalk, where Aubrey lived: see in the life of Edmund Waller.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_30&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_30&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[V]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Possibly &amp;quot;The mysteries of nature and art, viz.... drawing, colouring ...,&amp;quot; by J[ohn] B[ate], Lond. 1634, 4to.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_31&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_31&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[W]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Here (fol. 3&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;) in the margin is written:—&#039;Vide Pond,&#039; referring perhaps to a pocket almanac, in which Aubrey had marked the date of his going up to Oxford. See Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 11, 12. In a letter from Aubrey to Anthony Wood, of date Feb. 21, 1679/80, in MS. Ballard 14, fol. 127, is this interesting note:—&#039;At Trinity College we writt our names in the Buttery-booke, when we were entred.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Aubrey cites in the margin (MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 3&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;):—&#039;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Horat.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Epist.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 2&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;d&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&#039; &amp;amp;lt;i.e. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Epist.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 2. 45&amp;amp;gt;:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Atque inter sylvas Academi quaerere verum.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Dura sed emovere loco me tempora grato.&#039;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_32&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_32&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[X]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 183, Aubrey, writing on Oct. 19, 1672, tells Anthony Wood, &#039;you must not forgett that I have 3 other faces or prospects of Osney abbey, as good as that now in the Monasticon. They are in my trunke yet at Easton Piers.&#039; Ibid., fol. 190&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, on Oct. 22, 1672, he says, &#039;I will bring you about March my two other draughts of Osney ruines, one by Mr. Dobson himselfe, the other by his man, one Mr. Hesketh, but was a priest.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Note that in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 200, is a drawing (from memory) by Aubrey of the stone-work which crowned the great earth-mound of Oxford Castle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_33&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_33&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Y]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In a slip at the end of MS. Aubr. 26 (Aubrey&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Faber Fortunae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, in which he entered schemes by which he hoped to &#039;make his fortune&#039;), is this note:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;I have the deed of entaile of the lands in South Wales, Brecon, and Monmouthshire, by my grandfather, William Aubrey LL.D., which lands now of right belong to me. Memorandum:—Mr. David Powell, who liveth at ... (neer Llanverarbrin neer Llandvery, as I remember), can helpe me to the counterpart of this deed of entaile in Wales—quod N. B.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_34&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_34&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Z]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In MS. Aubr. 21, at fol. 75 is part of a draft of a will by Aubrey, probably the one mentioned here (Ralph Bathurst became &#039;Dr.&#039; in 1654):—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Item, my will is that my executors buy for Trinity Colledge in Oxon a colledge pott of the value of ten pounds, with my armes theron inscribed; and ten pounds which I shall desire my honoured friends Mr. Ralph Bathurst of Trinity College and Mr. John Lydall to lay out upon mathematicall and philosophicall books.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Item, I give to the library of Jesus Colledge in Oxon my Greeke &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Crysostomus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Bede&#039;s 2 tomes, and all the rest of my bookes that are fitt for a library, as Mr. Anthony Ettrick&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_557&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_557&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[234]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; or Mr. John Lydall shall think fitt, excepting those bookes that were my father&#039;s which I bequeath to my heire.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Item, I bequeath to John Davenant of the Middle Temple, esq., a ring of the value of 50&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;s.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, with a stone in it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Item, to Mr. William Hawes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_558&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_558&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[235]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Trinity College aforsaid a ring of the like value.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Item, to Mr. John Lydall&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_559&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_559&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[236]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of the Colledge aforesaid a ring of the like value.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Item, to Mr. Ralf Bathurst&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_560&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_560&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[237]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Trinity College aforesaid a ring of the like value.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Item, to Mris Mary Wiseman of Westminster, my best diamond ring.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_35&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_35&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AA]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On a slip at fol. 101 of MS. Aubr. 23 is the jotting:—&#039;Eston-pierse: possession given, 25 March, 1671, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_36&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_36&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AB]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In his retirement during this year at Chalk, Aubrey tried his hand at play-making. Writing to Anthony Wood on Oct. 26, 1671, MS. Wood, F. 39, fol. 141&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, he says:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;I am writing a comedy for Thomas Shadwell, which I have now almost finished since I came here, et quorum pars magna fui. And I shall fit him with another, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Countrey Revell&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, both humours untoucht, but of this, mum! for &#039;tis very satyricall against some of my mischievous enemies which I in my tumbling up and downe have collected.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of the first of these comedies, the autobiographical one, I have found no trace: of the second, satirizing the men and manners of Wiltshire, a very rude draft is found in MS. Aubr. 21.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_37&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_37&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AC]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 113 is a note (dated 1672/3) from Henry Coley, addressed:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;For his much honoured friend Mr. John Aubrey, at the right honourable the earle of Thanet&#039;s house at Hethfield in Kent, these present.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The letter states that the writer has forwarded letters to and from Aubrey; and concludes: &#039;you are much wanted at London, and dayly expected, and therefore I hope you will not be long absent. Interest calls for your appearance.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_38&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_38&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AD]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. which followed after this bleeding. Bleeding at the nose was thought ominous: see Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 289, note 1.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_39&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_39&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AE]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In MS. Aubr. 26, p. 17 is this note:—&#039;The earle of Abington to buy of Captain Poyntz the propriety of the island of Tobago, now regnante Gulielmo III.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_40&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_40&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AF]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey before this time had planned to retrieve his ruined fortunes by colonial schemes: e.g., MS. Aubr. 26, p. 46:—&#039;1676: from Sir William Petty—&amp;amp;lt;in&amp;amp;gt; Jamaica 500 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; gives 100 per annum: take a chymist with me, for brandy, suger, etc., and goe halfe with him.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_41&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_41&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AG]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In consequence of this grant, Aubrey seriously thought of emigrating. MS. Aubr. 26, p. 14:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Mr. Robert Welsted, goldsmith and banquier, saies that Mr. John Evelyn&#039;s bookes are the most proper for a plantation. Also Markham&#039;s husbandry and huswifry, etc. This is in order for Mr. W. Penn and myselfe.—Also let him carry with him Mr. Haines booke of Cydar Royall, which method will likewise serve for other fruites—it is by distillation. Quaere of Mr. Tyndale&#039;s at Bunhill, who makes severall sorts of English wines and cydars. Memorandum the great knack and criticism is to know when it comes to its sowrenesse; it must not be vinegar for then nothing will come—quod N. B.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_42&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_42&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AH]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is noticed on a slip (fragment of a letter, &#039;8 March, 1692/3&#039; from Edward Harley) at fol. 113 of MS. Aubr. 23:—&#039;J. A. vulneratus die 20 Martii inter 10 et 11 horas Londini. Deo gratias.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_43&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_43&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AI]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This paper was acquired by Rawlinson in July ... 1746 (ibid. fol. 31&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;). There is an inaccurate copy of it in MS. Ballard 14, foll. 158, 159, which has the note:—&#039;1754, June 11, transcribed from a MS. in Mr. Aubrey&#039;s own writing in the possession of Dr. Richard Rawlinson.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_49&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 49]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_50&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 50]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_51&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 51]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_52&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 52]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_53&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 53]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;William Aubrey&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1529-1595).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_561&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_561&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[238]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;William Aubrey&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_47&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_47&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AJ]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, Doctor of Lawes:—extracted from a MS.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_48&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_48&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AK]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of funeralls, and other good notes, in the hands of Sir Henry St. George, ...&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_562&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_562&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[239]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, marked thus ♡. I guesse it to be the hand-writing of Sir Daniel Dun, knight, LL. Dr., who maried Joane, third daughter of Dr. William Aubrey:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;William Aubrey (the second son of Thomas Aubrey, the 4th son of Hopkin Aubrey, of Abercunvrig in the countie of Brecon, esqre) in the 66th yeare of his age or thereabouts, and on the 25th of June, in the yeare of our Lord 1595, departed this life, and was buried in the Cathedrall-church of St. Paul in London, on the north side of the chancell, over against the tombe of Sir John Mason, knight, at the base or foot of a great pillar standing upon the highest step of certain degrees or &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_54&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 54]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;staires rising into the quire eastward from the same pillar towards the tombe of the right honble the lord William, earle of Pembroke, and his funeralls were performed the 23d of July, 1595. This gentleman in his tender yeares learned the first grounds of grammar in the College of Brecon, in Brecknock towne, and from thence about his age of fourteen yeares he was sent by his parents to the University of Oxford, where, under the tuition and instruction of one Mr. Morgan, a great learned man, in a few yeares he so much profited in humanity and other recommendable knowledge, especially in Rhetorique and Histories, as that he was found to be fitt for the studie of the Civill Law, and thereupon was also elected into the fellowship&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_563&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_563&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[240]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of All-soules Colledge in Oxford (where the same Lawe&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_564&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_564&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[241]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; hath alwayes much flourished). In which Colledge he ernestly studied and diligently applied himselfe to the lectures and exercise of the house, as that he there attained the degree of a Doctor of the Law Civill at his age of 25 yeares, and immediately after, he had bestowed on him the Queen&#039;s Publique Lecture of Law in the university, the which he read with so great a commendation as that his fame for learning and knowledge was spred far abroad and he also esteemed worthy to be called to action in the commonwealth. Wherefor, shortly after, he was made Judge Marshall of the Queen&#039;s armies at St. Quintins in France. Which warrs finished, he returned into England, and determining with himselfe, in more peaceable manner and according to his former education, to passe on the course of his life in the exercise of law, he became an advocate of the Arches, and so rested many yeares, but with such fame and credit as well for his rare skill and science in the&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_565&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_565&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[242]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; law, as also for his sound judgment and good experience therein, as that, of men of best judgment, he was generally accounted peerlesse in that facultie.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_55&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 55]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wherupon, as occasion fell out for imployment of a civilian, his service was often used as well within the realme as in forrein countries. In which imployments, he alwaies used such care and diligence and good circumspection, as that his valour and vertues dayly more appearing ministred means to his further advancement. In soe much that he was preferred to be one of the Councell of the Marches of Wales, and shortly after placed Master of the Chancery, and the appointed Judge of the Audience, and constituted Vicar Generall to the Lord Archbishop of &amp;amp;lt;Canterbury&amp;amp;gt; through the whole province, and last, by the especiall grace of the queene&#039;s most excellent majestie, queen Elizabeth, he was taken to her highnesse nearer service and made one of the Masters of Request in ordinarie. All which titles and offices (the Mastership of Chancery, which seemed not competible with the office of Master of Requestes, only excepted) he by her princely favour possessed and enjoyed untill the time of his death. Besides the great learning and wisdome that this gentleman was plentifully endowed withall, Nature had also framed him so courteous of disposition and affable of speech, so sweet of conversation and amiable behaviour, that there was never any in his place better beloved all his life, nor he himselfe more especially favoured of her majestie and the greatest personages in the realme in any part of his life then he was when he drew nearest his death. He was of stature not taull, nor yet over-low, not grosse in bodie, and yet of good habit; somewhat inclining to fatnesse of visage in his youth; round, well favoured, well coloured and lovely; and albeit in his latter yeares sicknesse had much&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_566&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_566&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[243]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; impaired his strength and the freshnesse of his hew, yet there remained there still to the last in his countenance such comely and decent gravity, as that the change rather added unto them then ought diminished his former dignitie. He left behind him when he died, by a vertuouse gentlewoman Wilgiford his wife (the first daughter of Mr. John Williams of Tainton in the countie of Oxford, whom he&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_56&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 56]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; maried very young a maiden, and enjoyed to his death, that both having lived together in great love and kindnesse by the space of 40 yeares) three sons and six daughters, all of them maried, and having issue, as followeth&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_44&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_44&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[IX.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_44&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_44&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[IX.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Vide pedegre.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His eldest son Edward, maried unto Joane, daughter and one of the heires of William Havard, in the countie of Brecon, esqre.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His second son Thomas maried Mary the daughter and heire of Anthony Maunsell of Llantrithed, in the com. of Glamorgan, esqre.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His 3d son John,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_45&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_45&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[X.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; being then of the age of 18 yeares (or much thereabouts), was maried to Rachel, one of the daughters of Richard Danvers of Tockenham, in com. Wilts, esqre.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_45&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_45&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[X.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; John Whitgift, archbishop of Canterbury, was his guardian, and the doctor&#039;s great friend. I have heard my grandmother say that her husband told her that his grace kept a noble house, and that with admirable order and oeconomie; and that there was not one woman in the family.—Vide the archbishop of Canterbury&#039;s case in Sir Edward Cooke&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Reportes&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; where he is mentioned.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His eldest daughter Elizabeth, maried to Thomas Norton of Norwood in the countie of Kent, esqre.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His 2d daughter Mary maried William Herbert of Krickhowell, in the countie of Brecknock, esqre.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His 3d daughter Joane maried with Sir Daniel Dun, knight, and Doctor of the Civill Lawe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His 4th daughter Wilgiford maried to Rise Kemis of Llanvay, in the county of Monmouth, esqre.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His 5th daughter Lucie maried to Hugh Powell, gent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His 6th and youngest daughter Anne, maried to John Partridge, of Wishanger, in the countie of Glocester, esqre.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of every of the which since his death there hath proceeded a plentifull issue.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Additions by Aubrey.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum:—he was one of the delegates (together with Dr. Dale, &amp;amp;amp;c.) for the tryall of Mary, queen of Scots, and was a great stickler for the saving of her life, which kindnesse was remembred by King James att his comeing-in to England, who asked after&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_567&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_567&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[244]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; him, and probably&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_568&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_568&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[245]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; would &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_57&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 57]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;have made him Lord Keeper, but he dyed, as appeares, a little&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_569&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_569&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[246]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; before that good opportunity happened. His majestie sent for his sonnes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_570&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_570&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[247]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and knighted the two eldest, and invited them to court, which they modestly and perhaps prudently, declined. They preferred a country life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You may find him mentioned in the History of Mary, queen of Scotts, 8vo, written, I thinke, by &amp;amp;lt;John&amp;amp;gt; Hayward; as also in Thuanus&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Annales&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which be pleased to see&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_49&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_49&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AL]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and insert his words here in honour to the Doctor&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Manes&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Dr. ... Zouch mentions him with respect in his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Jure Faeciali&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, pag....; and as I remember, he is quoted by Sir Edward Coke, Lord Chief Justice of the King&#039;s Bench, in his Reports, about the legitimacy of the earle of Hertford.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_46&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_46&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XI.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Quaere if it was Edward the father&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_50&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_50&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AM]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, or els his son William, about the mariage with the ladie Arbella Stuart?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_46&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_46&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XI.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Memorandum: Mr. Shuter, the proctor, told me that the Doctor appealed to Rome about the earle of Hartford&#039;s suite, tempore reginae Elizabethae.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_571&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_571&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[248]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;[Johannes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_572&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_572&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[249]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; David Rhesus M.D. makes an honourable mention of him in his Welsh grammar in folio, pag....; as also in his preface.]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_573&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_573&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[250]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;[&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Linguae Cymraecae institutiones accuratae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, J. David Rhoesus, folio, London, 1592, pag. 182 (quaere if he is not mentioned in the Welsh preface):—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Caeterum nunc et propter eorum authoritatem et quod huic loco inter alia maxime quadrent, non pigebit antiquissima Taliessini&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_51&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_51&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AN]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cambrobrytannica carmina subjungere, furtim (quae mea est audacia) et eo nesciente, a me surrepta, et clanculum calamo commissa, ex ore, vesperi fortuitò juxta proprium ignem pro solito in sua cathedra considentis, et haec una cum aliis carminibus memoriter, et non sine delectatione quadam decora, proferentis, ornatissimi et doctissimi viri domini Gulielmi Aubraei, Cambrobrytanni ab illustrissima Aubraeorum familia oriundi, linguae Cambrobrytannicae peritissimi eximiique patriae suae decoris et ornamenti, Juris utriusque Doctoris celeberrimi, ac regiae majestati à Supplicum Libellis constituti Domini, et amici &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_58&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 58]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;optimi perpetuoque colendi, nobisque amicis jam strenuas et auxiliatrices manus porrigentis, qua citius et magis prospere elucubrationes hae ad nostratium et aliorum utilitatem proelo committebantur.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Carmina vero sunt hujusmodi.]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_574&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_574&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[251]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Memorandum:—old Judge Atkins&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_575&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_575&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[252]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (the father) told me that the Portugall ambassador was tryed for his life for killing Mr. Greenway in the New Exchange (Oliver&#039;s time), upon the precedent of the bishop of Rosse (Scotch) by Dr. W. Aubrey&#039;s advice. Memorandum:—Dr. Cruzo&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_576&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_576&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[253]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Doctors Commons hath the MSS. of this bishop&#039;s tryall.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_577&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_577&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[254]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De legati deliquentis judice competente dissertatio&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, autore Richardo Zoucheo, Juris Civilis professore Oxoniae, Oxon 1657, 12&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;mo&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, pag. 89:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quarto, quod cum episcopus Rossensis, legatus reginae Scotorum, multa turbulenter in Anglia fecisset ad rebellionem excitandam et ad Anglos in Belgio profugos ad Angliam invadendam inducendos, Davidi Lewiso, Valentino Dalo, Gulielmo Drurio, Gulielmo Awbreio, et Henrico Jones, Juris Caesarei consultissimis, quaestio proposita fuit &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;An legatus, qui rebellionem contra principem ad quem legatus est concitat, legati privilegiis gaudeat&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; et &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;An, ut hostis, poenae subjaceat&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, eidem responderunt, ejusmodi legatum, jure gentium et civili Romanorum, omnibus legati privilegiis excidisse et poenae subjiciendum.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_578&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_578&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[255]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;He was a good statesman; and queen Elizabeth loved him and was wont to call him &#039;her little Doctor.&#039; Sir Joseph Williamson, Principall Secretary of Estate (first, under-Secretary), haz told me that in the Letter-office are a great many letters of his to the queen and councell&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_579&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_579&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[256]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He sate many times as Lord Keeper, durante bene placito, and made&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_580&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_580&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[257]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; many decrees, which Mr. Shuter, etc., told me they had seen.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Vide Anthony Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist. et Antiq.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: he was principal of New Inne.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum:—the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Penkenol&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i.e. chiefe of the family, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_59&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 59]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;is my cosen Aubrey of Llannelly in Brecknockshire, of about 60 or 80 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum inheritance; and the Doctor should have given a distinction; for want of which in a badge on one of his servants&#039; blew-coates, his cosen William Aubrey&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_581&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_581&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[258]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, also LL. Dr., who was the chiefe, plucked it off.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The learned John Dee was his great friend and kinsman, as I find by letters between them in the custody of Elias Ashmole, esqre, viz., John Dee wrote a booke &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Soveraignty of the Sea&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, dedicated to queen Elizabeth, which was printed, in folio. Mr. Ashmole hath it, and also the originall copie of John Dee&#039;s hand writing, and annexed to it is a lettre of his cosen Dr. William Aubrey&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_582&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_582&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[259]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, whose advise he desired in his writing on that subject.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He purchased Abercunvrig (the ancient seate of the family) of his cosen Aubrey. He built the great house at Brecknock, his studie lookes on the river Uske. He could ride nine miles together in his owne land in Breconshire. In Wales and England he left 2500 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum wherof there is now none left in the family. He made one Hugh George (his chiefe clark) his executor, who ran away into Ireland and cosened all the legatees, and among others my grandfather (his youngest son) for the addition of whose estate he had contracted with.... for Pembridge castle in the com. of Hereford, which appeares by his will, and for which his executor was to have payed. He made a deed of entaile (36 Eliz., 15&amp;amp;lt;94&amp;amp;gt;) which is also mentioned in his will, wherby he entailes the Brecon estate on the issue male of his eldest son, and in defailer, to skip the 2d son (for whom he had well provided, and had maried a great fortune) and to come to the third. Edward the eldest had seaven sonnes; and his eldest son, Sir William, had also seaven sonnes; and so I am heire, being the 18th man in remainder, which putts me in mind of Dr. Donne,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For what doeth it availe&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To be the twentieth man in an entaile?&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_60&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 60]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Old Judge Sir &amp;amp;lt;Edward&amp;amp;gt; Atkins remembred Dr. A. when he was a boy; he lay at his father&#039;s house in Glocestershire: he kept his coach, which was rare in those dayes. The Judge told me they then (vulgarly) called it a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Quitch&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. I have his originall picture. He had a delicate, quick, lively and piercing black eie, fresh complexion, and a severe eie browe. The figure in his monument at St. Paules is not like him, it is too big.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Heroum filii noxae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: he engrossed all the witt of the family, so that none descended from him can pretend to any. &#039;Twas pitty that Dr. Fuller had not mentioned him amongst his Worthys in that countie.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When he lay dyeing, he desired them to send for a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;goodman&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; they thought he meant Dr. Goodman, deane of St. Paules, but he meant a priest, as I have heard my cosen John Madock say. Capt. Pugh was wont to say that civilians (as most learned an&amp;amp;lt;d&amp;amp;gt; gent.) naturally incline to the church of Rome; and the common lawyers, as more ignorant and clownish, to the church of Geneva.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wilgiford, his relict, maried ... Browne, of Willey, in com. Surrey.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The inscription on his monument in St. Paul&#039;s church:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Gulielmo Aubreo clara familia in Breconia orto, LL. in Oxonia Doctori, ac Regio Professori, Archiepiscopi Cantuariensis causarum Auditori et Vicario in spiritualibus Generali, Exercitus Regii ad St. Quentin Supremo Juridico, in Limitaneum Walliae Consilium adscito, Cancellariae Magistro, et Reginae Elizabethae à supplicum libellis: Viro exquisita eruditione, singulari prudentia, et moribus suavissimis qui (tribus filiis, et sex filiabus e Wilgiforda uxore susceptis), aeternam in Christo vitam expectans, animam Deo xxiii Julii 1595, aetatis suae 66, placidè reddidit;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Optimo patri Edvardus et Thomas, milites, ac Johannes, armiger, filii moestissimi, posuerunt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_583&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_583&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[260]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;This Dr. W. Aubrey was related to the first William, earl of Pembroke, two wayes (as appeares by comparing the old pedegre at Wilton with that of the Aubreys); by Melin and Philip ap Elider (the Welsh men are all kinne);&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_61&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 61]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and it is exceeding probable that the earle was instrumentall in his rise. When the earl of Pembroke was generall at St. Quintins in France, Dr. Aubrey was his judge advocat. In the Doctor&#039;s will is mention of a great piece of silver plate, the bequest of the right hon&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;ble&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; the earle of Pembroke.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;... Stephens, the clarke of St. Benets, Paules Wharfe, tells me that Dr. W. Aubrey gave xx&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;s.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum for ever to that parish.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_584&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_584&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[261]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Vide the register of St. Benet&#039;s, Paule&#039;s Wharfe—quaere. Stephens, the clark, sayeth that he gave xx&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;s.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum to the parish of St. Benet&#039;s, Paule&#039;s wharfe, for ever: quaere.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_585&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_585&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[262]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir Andrew Joyner of Bigods in Much Dunmow parish in Essex hath two folios, stitcht, of manuscript letters of state, wherin are two letters of Dr. William Aubrey&#039;s to secretary Walsingham, and also lettres of queen Elizabeth&#039;s owne handwriting to Cecill; also &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Liber St&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;ae&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; Mariae de Reding&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, a MS.; and other MSS.,—a long shelfe of them—one of them writt tempore Henr. IV. This I had from Mr. Andrew Paschal, rector of Chedzoy, Somerset.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Letter by Dr. W. Aubrey: supra, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_59&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;59&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_586&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_586&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[263]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;My good coosen&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have sente unto you again my yonge coosen&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_587&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_587&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[264]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; inclosede in a bagge, as my wyffe cariethe yet one of myne; trustinge in God, that shortly both, in theyr severall kyndes, shall come to lyght and live long, and your&#039;s having &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;genium&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, for ever. I knowe not, for lack of sufficiencie of witte and learninge, how to judge of it at all. But in that shadowe of judgemente that I have, truste me beinge vearie farre from meanynge to yelde any thyng, to your owne eares, of yourselfe. The matter dothe so strive with the manner of the handlinge that I am in dowpte whyther I shall preferre the matter for the sub&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_62&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 62]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;stance, weyght, and pythines of the multitude of argumentes and reasones, or the manner for the methode, order, perspicuitie, and elocution, in that height and loftynesse that I did nott beleve our tonge (I meane the Englyshe) to be capable of. Marie, our Brittishe, for the riches of the tonge, in my affectionate opinion, is more copious and more advawntageable to utter any thinge by a skillfull artificer. This navie which you aptlie, accordinge to the nature and meaninge of your platt, call pettie, is so sette furthe by you, thos principall and royall navies of the Grecianes and Trojanes described by Homer and Vergill are no more bownde to them, then it is to you.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You argue or rather thoondre so thicke and so strong for the necessitie and commoditie of your navie, that you leade or rather drawe me &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;obtorto collo&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; to be of opinion with you, the benefitte therofe to be suche as it wilbe a brydle and restreynte for conspiracies of foreyne nationes, and of owre owne a salfegarde to merchants from infestationes of pyrates; a readie meane to breed and augmente noombers of skillfull marryners and sowldiers for the sea, a mayntynawnce in proces of tyme for multitudes of woorthie men that otherwise wolde be ydle. Who can denie, as you handle the matter, and as it is in trothe, but that it will be a terror to all princes for attemptinge of any soodeyne invasions,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_588&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_588&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[265]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and hable readilie to withstande any attempte foreyne or domesticall by sea? And where this noble realme hath ben long defamede for suffringe of pyrates disturbers of the common traffyke upon these seas, yt will, as you trulye prove, utterlie extingwishe the incorrigible, and occupie the reformed in that honourable service.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The indignitie that this realme hath long borne in the fyshinge rownde aboute yt, with the intolerable injuries that owre nation hath indurede and doe still, at strangers handes, besides the greatnes of the commoditie that they take owte of our mowthes, hath ben, and is suche, that the same almoste alone were cause sufficiente to furnishe your&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_63&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 63]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; navie if it may have that successe and consideration that it deserveth, it will be a better wache for the securitie of the state than all the intelligencers or becones that may be devisede: and a stronger wall and bulwarke than either Calleys was, or a brase of such townes placed in the most convenient parte of any continente of France, or the Lowe-countrey. As her majestie of right is &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;totius orbis Britannici domina, et lex maris&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, whiche is given in the reste of the worlde by Labro in our learning to Antoninus the Emperor, so she showlde have the execution and effect therof in our worlde, yf your navie were as well setled as you have plottede it. But what doe I by this bare recitall deface your reasones so eloquentlie garnishede by you with the furniture of so much and so sundrie lernynge? I will of purpose omitt howe fully and howe substantially you confute the stronge objectiones and argumentes that you inforce and presse againste your selfe. I wolde God all men wolde as willinglie beare the light burdynes that you lay upon them for the supportation of the chardges as you have wiselie and reasonablie devisede the same. And so the dearthe and scarsitie that curiouse or covetouse men may pretende to&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_589&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_589&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[266]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; feare, you so sowndlie satisfie, that it is harde with any probabilitie to replie. As for the sincere handlinge and govermente it is not to be disperede yf the charge shall be with good ordinawnces and instructiones placede carefullie in chosen persones of good credite and integritie. See howe boldlie upon one soodeyne readinge I powre my opinion to your bosome of this your notable and strange discowrse. And yet I will make bold to censure it also as he dyd in the poore slipper when he was nott able to fynd any faulte in any one parte of the workemanship of the noble picture of that goddes. I pray you, Sir, seyinge you meane that your navie shall contynewe in time of peace furnishede with your noombre of men, what provision or ordre make you, howe they shall occupie and exercise themselves all the while? Assure your selfe those whelpes of yours neyther can nor will be&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_64&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 64]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; ydle, and excepte it may please you to prescribe unto them some good occupation and exercise, they will occupie themselves in occupationes of their owne choice, wherof few shall be to your lykinge or meanynge. Peradventure you meane of purpose to reserve that to the consideration of the state. And where you in vearie good proportion, lawierlike, share goodes taken by pyrates amonge sundrie persones of your navie, and some portion to itselfe, reservinge the moytie to the prince, you are to remembre that the same are challenged holly to belong to her highnesse by prerogative. Let me be also bold to offer to your consideration whether it be expedient for you so freely to deale with the carryinge of ordinawnces out of the realme beinge a matter lately pecuted&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_590&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_590&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[267]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; by the knowledge &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;et convenientia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of, etc. You doe, to veary great purpose inserte the two orationes of Georgius Gemistus Plethon, the one to Emanuel by fragments, and the other to his sonne Theodore &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ad verbum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, for the worthynes and varietye of many wise and sownd advises given by him to those princes in a hard tyme, when they were in feare of that Turkish conquest, that did after followe to the ruine of that empire of Constantinople. However well doeth he handle the differences and rates of customes and tributes, the moderate and sober use of apparell &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;in ipsis principibus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;! How wisely doethe&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_591&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_591&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[268]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he condemne the takeinge up of all the newe attires and apparell of strange nations, as though he had written to us at this tyme, who doe offende as deepely therein as the Greekes then dyd! How franke is he to his prince in useinge the comparisone between the Eagle that hath no varietie of colours of feathers, and yet of a princelie nature and estimation, and the Peocock, a bird of no regall propertie nor credit yet glisteringe angelically with varietie of feathers of all lively colours. There is one sentence in the later oration which I have thought to note because in apparence it dothe oppugne in a maner your treatise. The wordes &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_65&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 65]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;are these, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Prestat longè terrestribus copiis ac militum et ducum virtute, quàm nautarum et similium hominum vilium arte, fiduciam ponere&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Good coosen, pardon my boldnes. I doe this bicause you may understande that I have roone over it. And yet was I abrode all the fowle day yesterday. I pray you pardon me agayne for nott sendinge of it to you accordinge to promisse. And for that your man is come, and for that I have spente all my paper, I will no longer trowble you at this tyme, savinge with my right heartie commendations to your selfe and to my coosen your good mother from me and from my woman. From Kewe this Soonday in the morninge, the 28 of July.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c26&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Yours assuredlie at commawndement,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;W. Aubrey&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
To his verie lovinge coosen and assured&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;freende Mr. John Dee, at Mortelake.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_47&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_47&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AJ]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey gives in trick the coat:—&#039;in the 1 and 6, gules&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_592&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_592&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[269]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, a chevron between 3 eagles heads erased or [Aubrey]; in the 2, ..., a lion rampant ...; in the 3, ..., a chevron between 3 (lions&#039;?) paws ...; in the 4, ..., three cocks gules; and in the 5, parted per pale ... and ..., 3 fleur-de-lys counter-changed.&#039; The crest is &#039;an eagle&#039;s head erased or [Aubrey].&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_48&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_48&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AK]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 7, is the memorandum:—&#039;Insert ♡ to Liber B.&#039;—&#039;Liber B.&#039; was a volume of antiquarian notes, collected by Aubrey, now lost (Macray&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Annals of the Bodleian&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 367). Aubrey wanted to copy into it something from this MS. ♡. Two other memoranda in the same place are:—(&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;a&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) &#039;William Aubrey, LL.D.: extract out of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De jure feciali&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De legati deliquentis judice competente&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, by Dr. Zouch,&#039; as is done &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_58&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;58&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;b&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) &#039;Memorandum the xx &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;s.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum bread at St. Benet&#039;s, Paul&#039;s wharf&#039;; see &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_61&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;61&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Aubrey, in MS. Ballard 14, fol. 119, writing to Anthony Wood on Aug. 29, 1676, says:—&#039;This day accidentally Mr. St. George shewed me my grandfather, Dr. William Aubrey&#039;s, life in their office&#039; &amp;amp;lt;i.e. the College of Arms&amp;amp;gt;, &#039;written, I suppose, by Sir Daniel Dun, his son-in-lawe. He came to Oxon at 14, and was LL. Dr. at 25.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_49&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_49&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AL]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey was very enthusiastic about these notices of his grandfather. Writing to Anthony Wood, on May 19, 1668 (MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 118), he says:—&#039;My grandfather Dr. William Aubrey—Thuanus in his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Annales&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; makes an honourable mention of him, and also it is set downe in the life of Mary, queen of Scotts (he being one of the commissioners) that he was very jealous of her being putt to death—which the chroniclers mention too I&#039;me sure, and Stow. If you would be pleased to turne to Thuanus and the life aforesaid you &amp;amp;lt;would&amp;amp;gt; very much oblige me, and you shall have a payre of gloves, for his sake.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_50&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_50&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AM]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Edward Seymour, created earl of Hertford in 1559, had in 1553 married secretly Katherine, daughter of Henry Grey, duke of Suffolk. In 1561 Elizabeth sent them prisoners to the Tower, and the marriage was disputed in the law-courts. William Seymour, his grandson, who succeeded as 2nd earl in 1621, married in 1610 Arabella Stuart. She was sent prisoner to the Tower by James I: but Dr. W. Aubrey had died in 1595.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_51&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_51&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AN]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey, in MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 6&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, has a note:—&#039;Meredith Lloyd respondet that Telesinus (Teliessen) was a British priest to whom Gildas writes.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_66&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 66]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Francis Bacon&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1561-1626).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;His coat of arms.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_593&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_593&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[270]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Quarterly, on the 1 and 4, gules on a chief argent two mullets sable [Bacon], on the 2 and 3, barry of six or and azure, over all a bend gules [ ...], a crescent on the fesse point for difference; impaling, sable, a cross engrailed between 4 crescents argent, a crescent sable on the fesse point [Barnham].&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Miscellaneous Notes.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_594&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_594&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[271]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Chancellor Bacon:—The learned and great cardinal Richelieu was a great admirer of the lord Bacon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;So was Monsieur Balzac: e.g. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;les Oeuvres diverses&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, dissertation sur un tragedie, à Monsieur Huygens de Zuylichen, p. 158—&#039;Croyons, pour l&#039;amour du chancilier Bacon, que toutes les folies des anciens sont sages et tous leur songes mysteries.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quaere if I have inserted&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_595&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_595&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[272]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; his irrigation in the spring showres.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Vide &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Court of King James&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Sir Anthony Welden, where is an account of his being viceroy here when the king was in Scotland, and gave audience to ambassadors in the banquetting-house.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_596&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_596&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[273]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Lord Chancellor Bacon:—Memorandum, this Oct. 1681, it rang over all St. Albans that Sir Harbottle Grimston, Master of the Rolles, had removed the coffin of this most renowned Lord Chancellour to make roome for his owne to lye-in in the vault there at St. Michael&#039;s church.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_597&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_597&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[274]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir Francis Bacon, knight, baron of Verulam and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_67&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 67]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;viscount of St. Albans, and Lord High Chancellor of England:—vide his life writt by Dr. William Rawley before &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Baconi Resuscitatio&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, in folio.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;His admirers and acquaintances.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It appeares by this following inscription that Mr. Jeremiah Betenham of Graye&#039;s Inne was his lordship&#039;s intimate and dearely beloved friend. This inscription is on the freeze of the summer house on the mount in the upper garden of Grayes Inne, built by the Lord Chancellor Bacon. The north side of the inscription is now perished&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_598&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_598&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[275]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. The fane was a Cupid drawing his bowe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Franciscus Bacon, Regis Solicitator Generalis, executor testamenti Jeremie Betenham nuper lectoris hujus hospitii, viri innocentis et abstinentis et contemplativi, hanc sedem in memoriam ejusdem Jeremie extruxit, anno Domini, 1609.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In his lordship&#039;s prosperity Sir Fulke Grevil, lord Brookes, was his great friend and acquaintance; but when he was in disgrace and want, he was so unworthy as to forbid his butler to let him have any more small beer, which he had often sent for, his stomach being nice, and the small beere of Grayes Inne not liking his pallet. This has donne his memorie more dishonour then Sir Philip Sydney&#039;s friendship engraven on his monument hath donne him honour. Vide ... History, and (I thinke) Sir Anthony Weldon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;... Faucet, of Marybon in the county of Middlesex, esqr., was his friend and acquaintance, as appeares by this letter which I copied from his owne handwriting (an elegant Roman hand). &#039;Tis in the hands of Walter Charlton, M.D., who begged it not long since of Mr. Faucet&#039;s grandsonne.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;tb&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_599&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_599&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[276]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_600&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_600&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[277]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Richard&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_601&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_601&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[278]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, earle of Dorset, was a great admirer and friend of the lord chancellor Bacon, and was wont to have Sir Thomas Billingsley&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_602&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_602&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[279]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; along with him to remember and to putt-down in writing my lord&#039;s sayings at table.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_68&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 68]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Edward, lord Herbert of Cherbery.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;John Dun&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_603&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_603&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[280]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, dean of Paul&#039;s.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;George Herbert.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. Ben: Johnson was one of his friends and acquaintance, as doeth appeare by his excellent verses on his lordship&#039;s birth-day in his second volume, and in his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Underwoods&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, where he gives him a character and concludes that &#039;about his time, and within his view were borne all the witts that could honour a nation or help studie.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_604&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_604&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[281]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Lord Bacon&#039;s birth-day: &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Underwoods&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 222.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Haile, happy genius of this ancient pile,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;How comes it all things so about thee smile?&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The fire, the wine, the men! and in the midst&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Thou stand&#039;st as if some mysterie thou didst!&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Pardon, I read it in thy face, the day,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For whose returnes, and many, all these pray:&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And so doe I. This is the sixtieth yeare&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Since Bacon, and my lord, was borne, and here,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Sonne to the grave wise Keeper of the Seale,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Fame and foundation of the English weale.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;What then his father was, that since is he,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Now with a title more to the degree,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;England&#039;s High Chancellour, the destin&#039;d heir&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In his soft cradle of his father&#039;s chaire,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Whose even thred the Fates spinne round and full&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Out of their choysest and their whitest wooll.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Tis a brave cause of joy; let it be knowne,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For &#039;twere a narrow gladnesse, kept thine owne.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Give me a deep-crown&#039;d bowle, that I may sing&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In raysing him the wisdome of my king.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Discoveries&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 101.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yet there happened in my time one noble speaker&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_52&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_52&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was full of gravity in his speaking. His language (where he could spare or passe-by a jest) was nobly censorious. No man ever&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_605&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_605&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[282]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; spake more neatly, more pres&amp;amp;lt;ent&amp;amp;gt;ly, more weightily, or suffered lesse emptinesse, lesse idlenesse, in what he utter&#039;d. No member of his speech but consisted of the owne graces: his hearers could not cough, or looke aside from him, without losse. He commanded where he spoke; and had his judges angry, and pleased, at his devotion. No &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_69&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 69]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;man had their affections more in his power. The feare of every man that heard him was lest he should make an end.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_52&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_52&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dominus Verulanus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Cicero is sayd to be the only wit that the people of Rome had, equall&#039;d to their empire, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ingenium par imperio&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. We had many, and in their severall ages (to take in but the former &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;seculum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) Sir Thomas Moore, the elder Wiat, Henry, earle of Surrey, Chaloner, Smith, Eliot, bishop Gardiner, were for their times admirable; Sir Nicholas Bacon was singular and almost alone in the beginning of queen Elizabeth&#039;s times; Sir Philip Sydney and Mr. Hooker (in different matter) grew great masters of wit and language and in whom all vigour of invention and strength of judgment met; the earle of Essex, noble and high; and Sir Walter Rawleigh, not to be contemn&#039;d either for judgement or stile; Sir Henry Savile, grave and truly letter&#039;d; Sir Edwin Sandys, excellent in both; lord Egerton, the Chancellour, a grave and great orator, and best when he was provoked; but his learned and able (though unfortunate) successor is he who hath fill&#039;d up all numbers, and performed that in our tongue which may be compar&#039;d or preferr&#039;d either to insolent Greece or haughty Rome. In short, within his view, and about his times, were all the wits borne that could honour a language or helpe study. Now things dayly fall, wits grow downeward and eloquence growes backward, so that he may be nam&#039;d and stand as the marke and ἀκμή of our language.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have ever observ&#039;d it to have been the office of a wise patriot among the greatest affaires of the state to take care of the commonwealth of learning&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_606&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_606&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[283]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, for schooles they are the seminaries of state and nothing is worthier the study of a statesman then that part of the republick which wee call the advancement of letters. Witnesse the care of Julius Caesar, who in the heate of the civill warre writ his bookes of analogie and dedicated them to Tully. This made the lord St. Albans entitle his worke &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Novum Organum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which though by the most of superficiall men who cannot gett beyond the title of nominalls, it is not penetrated nor understood, it really openeth all defects of learning whatsoever, and is a booke&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Qui longum noto scriptori porriget aevum&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_607&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_607&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[284]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;My conceit of his person was never increased towards him by his place or honour, but I have and doe reverence him for the greatnesse that was only proper to himselfe in that he seem&#039;d to me ever by his worke one of the greatest men and most worthy of admiration that have been in many ages. In his adversity I ever prayed that God would give him strength; for greatnes he could not want. Neither could I condole in a word or syllable for him, as knowing no accident could doe harme to vertue but rather helpe to make it manifest.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_70&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 70]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_608&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_608&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[285]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;He came often to Sir John Danvers at Chelsey. Sir John told me that when his lordship had wrote the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;History of Henry 7&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, he sent the manuscript copie to him to desire his opinion of it before &#039;twas printed. Qd. Sir John &#039;Your lordship knowes that I am no scholar.&#039; &#039;&#039;Tis no matter,&#039; said my lord, &#039;I know what a schollar can say; I would know what &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;you&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; can&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_609&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_609&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[286]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; say.&#039; Sir John read it, and gave his opinion what he misliked which Tacitus did not omitt (which I am sorry I have forgott) which my lord acknowledged to be true, and mended it: &#039;Why,&#039; said he, &#039;a scholar would never have told me this.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. Thomas Hobbes (Malmesburiensis) was beloved by his lordship, who was wont to have him walke with him in his delicate groves where he did meditate: and when a notion darted into his mind, Mr. Hobbs was presently to write it downe, and his lordship was wont to say that he did it better then any one els about him; for that many times, when he read their notes he scarce understood what they writt, because they understood it not clearly themselves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In short, all that were &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;great and good&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; loved and honoured him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Sir Edward Coke, Lord Chiefe Justice, alwayes envyed him, and would be undervalueing his lawe, as you may find in my lord&#039;s lettres, and I knew old lawyers that remembred it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Personal characteristics.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was Lord Protector during King James&#039;s progresse into Scotland, and gave audience in great state to ambassadors in the banquetting-house at Whitehall.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His lordship would many times have musique in the next roome where he meditated.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The aviary at Yorke-house was built by his lordship; it did cost 300&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At every meale, according to the season of the yeare, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_71&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 71]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;he had his table strewed with sweet herbes and flowers, which he sayd did refresh his spirits and memorie.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When his lordship was at his country house at Gorhambery, St. Albans seemed as if the court were&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_610&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_610&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[287]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; there, so nobly did he live. His servants had liveries with his crest (a boare ...); his watermen were more imployed by gentlemen then any other, even the king&#039;s.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;King James sent a buck to him, and he gave the keeper fifty pounds.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was wont to say to his servant Hunt, (who was a notable thrifty man, and loved this world, and the only servant he had that he could never gett to become bound for him) &#039;The world was made for man, Hunt; and not man for the world.&#039; Hunt left an estate of 1000&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum in Somerset.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;None of his servants durst appeare before him without Spanish leather bootes: for he would smell the neates-leather, which offended him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The East India merchants presented his lordship with a cabinet of jewells, which his page, Mr. Cockaine, recieved, and decieved his lord.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Three of his lordship&#039;s servants&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_53&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_53&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XIII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; kept their coaches, and some kept race-horses—vide Sir Anthony Welden&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Court of King James&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_53&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_53&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XIII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sir Thomas Meautys, Mr. &amp;amp;lt;Thomas&amp;amp;gt; Bushell, Mr. ... Idney.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_611&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_611&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[288]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;He was&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_612&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_612&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[289]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a παιδεραστής. His Ganimeds and favourites tooke bribes; but his lordship alwayes gave judgement &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;secundum aequum et bonum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. His decrees in Chancery stand firme, i.e. there are fewer of his decrees reverst then of any other Chancellor.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His dowager&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_613&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_613&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[290]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; maried her gentleman-usher, Sir (Thomas, I thinke) Underhill, whom she made deafe and blind with too much of Venus. ☞ She was living since the beheading of the late King.—Quaere where and when she died.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_72&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 72]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had a delicate&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_614&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_614&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[291]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, lively hazel eie; Dr. Harvey told me it was like the eie of a viper.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have now forgott what Mr. Bushell sayd, whether his lordship enjoyed his Muse best at night, or in the morning.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;His poems.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His lordship was a good poet, but conceal&#039;d, as appeares by his letters. See excellent verses of his lordship&#039;s which Mr. Farnaby translated into Greeke, and printed both&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_615&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_615&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[292]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in his Ἀνθολογία, scil.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The world&#039;s a bubble, and the life of man&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Less then a span, etc.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_616&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_616&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[293]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Ἀνθολογία: Florilegium epigrammatum selectorum; Thomas Farnaby, London, 1629, pag. 8.—&#039;Huc elegantem viri clarissimi domini Verulamii *παρῳδίαν adjicere adlubuit&#039;—opposit to it on the other page—&#039;quam παρῳδίαν e nostrati bona nos Graecam qualemcunque sic fecimus, et rhythmice.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The world&#039;s a bubble, and the life of man&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Lesse then a span;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In his conception wretched, from the wombe&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;So to the tombe;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Curst from his cradle, and brought up to yeares&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;With cares and feares.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Who then to fraile mortality shall trust&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But limmes in water or but writes in dust.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Yet since with sorrow here we live opprest,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;What life is best?&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Courts are but onely superficiall scholes&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To dandle fooles;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The rurall parts are turn&#039;d into a den&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Of savage men;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And wher&#039;s a city from all vice so free,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But may be term&#039;d the worst of all the three?&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_73&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 73]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Domestick cares afflict the husband&#039;s bed&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Or paines his hed;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Those that live single take it for a curse,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Or doe things&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_617&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_617&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[294]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; worse;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Some would have children; those that have them mone,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Or wish them gone.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;What is it then to have, or have no wife,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But single thraldome or a double strife?&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Our owne affections still at home to please&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Is a disease;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To crosse the sea to any foreine soyle,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Perills and toyle;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Warres with their noise affright us; when they cease&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;W&#039;are worse in peace.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;What then remaines? but that we still should cry&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Not to be borne, or, being borne, to dye.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;His writings.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_618&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_618&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[295]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;His reading of Treason.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His reading of Usurie.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Decrees in Chancery.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Cogitata et Visa: printed in Holland by Sir William Boswell, Resident there: who also there printed Dr. Gilbert&#039;s Magnetique Philosophie.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Speech in Parliament of naturalization of the Scottish nation: printed 1641.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His apothegmes, 8vo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c27&amp;quot;&amp;gt;{ . . . . .&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Essaies { . . . . .&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c27&amp;quot;&amp;gt;{ . . . . .&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Advancement of learning.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;History of King Henry the 7th.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Novum Organon.—At the end of his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Novum Organon&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Hugh Holland wrote these verses:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Hic liber est qualis potuit non scribere Stultus,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Nec voluit Sapiens: sic &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;cogitavit&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Hugo.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_74&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 74]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Naturall Historie.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of ambassadors: published by Francis Thynne out of Sir Robert Cotton&#039;s library, 1650.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Speech touching duells, in the Starre-chamber: in the Bodleian library at Oxford. Reprint it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;All the rest of his lordship&#039;s workes you will find in Dr. William Rawley&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Resuscitatio&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A piece of philosophy halfe as thick as the grammar set forth by Dr. Rawley, 1660.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;. . . . .&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;. . . . , 167—.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_619&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_619&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[296]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Apothegmata.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His lordship being in Yorke-house garden lookeing on fishers as they were throwing their nett, asked them what they would take for their draught; they answered &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;so much&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: his lordship would offer them no more but &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;so much&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. They drew-up their nett, and &amp;amp;lt;in&amp;amp;gt; it were only 2 or 3 little fishes: his lordship then told them it had been better for them to have taken his offer. They replied, they hoped to have had a better draught; &#039;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;but&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,&#039; sayd his lordship, &#039;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hope is a good breakfast, but an ill supper&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When his lordship was in dis-favour, his neighbours hearing how much he was indebted, came to him with a motion to buy Oake-wood of him. His lordship told them, &#039;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;He would not sell his feathers&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The earle of Manchester being removed from his place of Lord Chiefe Justice of the Common Pleas&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_620&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_620&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[297]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to be Lord President of the Councell, told my lord (upon his fall) that he was sorry to see him made such an example. Lord Bacon replied &#039;It did not trouble him since &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;he&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; was made &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;a President&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The bishop of London did cutt-downe a noble clowd of trees at Fulham. The Lord Chancellor told him that he was &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;a good expounder of darke places&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Upon his being in dis-favour his servants suddenly went &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_75&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 75]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;away; he compared them to the flying of the vermin when the howse was falling.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;One told his Lordship it was now time to looke about him. He replyed, &#039;I doe not looke &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;about&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; me, I looke &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;above&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; me.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Sir Julius Cæsar (Master of the Rolles) sent to his lordship in his necessity a hundred pounds for a present&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_54&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_54&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XIV.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; quaere + de hoc of Michael Malet.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_54&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_54&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XIV.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Most of these enformations I have from Sir John Danvers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His Lordship would often drinke a good draught of strong beer (March beer) to-bedwards, to lay his working fancy asleep: which otherwise would keepe him from sleeping great part of the night.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I remember Sir John Danvers told me, that his lordship much delighted in his curious&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_621&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_621&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[298]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; garden at Chelsey, and as he was walking there one time, he fell downe in a dead-sowne. My lady Danvers rubbed his face, temples, etc. and gave him cordiall water: as soon as he came to himselfe, sayd he, &#039;Madam, I am no good &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;footman&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;His death and burial.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_622&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_622&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[299]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Hobbs told me that the cause of his lordship&#039;s death was trying an experiment: viz., as he was taking the aire in a coach with Dr. Witherborne (a Scotchman, Physitian to the King) towards High-gate, snow lay on the ground, and it came into my lord&#039;s thoughts, why flesh might not be preserved in snow, as in salt. They were resolved they would try the experiment presently. They&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_623&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_623&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[300]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; alighted out of the coach, and went into a poore woman&#039;s howse at the bottome of Highgate hill, and bought a hen, and made the woman exenterate it, and then stuffed the bodie with snow, and my lord did help to doe it himselfe. The snow so chilled him, that he immediately fell so extremely ill, that he could not returne to his lodgings (I suppose then at Graye&#039;s Inne), but went to the earle of Arundell&#039;s house at High-gate, where they putt him into a good bed warmed with a panne, but &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_76&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 76]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;it was a damp bed that had not been layn-in in about a yeare before, which gave him such a cold that in 2 or 3 dayes, as I remember he&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_624&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_624&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[301]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; told me, he dyed of suffocation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. George Herbert, Orator of the University of Cambridge, haz made excellent verses on this great man. So haz Mr. Abraham Cowley in his Pindariques. Mr. Thomas Randolph of Trin. Coll. in Cambr. haz in his poems verses on him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_625&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_625&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[302]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;In the north side of the chancell of St. Michael&#039;s church (which, as I remember, is within the walles of Verulam) is the Lord Chancellor Bacon&#039;s monument in white marble in a niech, as big as the life, sitting in his chaire in his gowne and hatt cock&#039;t, leaning his head on his right hand. Underneath is this inscription which they say was made by his friend Sir Henry Wotton.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Franciscus Bacon, Baro de Verulam,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Sti Albani Vicecomes, seu, notioribus titulis,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Scientiarum Lumen, Facundiae Lex,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
sic sedebat.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Qui postquam omnia Naturalis sapientiae&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
et Civilis arcana evolvisset,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Naturae decretum explevit&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&#039;Composita solvantur,&#039;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Anno Domini MDCXXVI&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
aetatis LXVI.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Tanti viri&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
mem.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Thomas Meautys&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_55&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_55&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XV.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
superstitis cultor,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
defuncti admirator,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
H. P.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_55&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_55&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XV.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; His lordship&#039;s secretarie, who maried a kinswoman (&amp;amp;lt;Anne&amp;amp;gt; Bacon), who is now the wife of Sir Harbottle Grimston, Master of the Rolles.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;His relatives.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_626&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_626&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[303]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;He had a uterine&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_56&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_56&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XVI.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; brother &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Anthony Bacon&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, who was a very great statesman and much beyond his brother Francis for the politiques, a lame man, he was a pensioner to, and lived with ... earle of Essex. And to him he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_77&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 77]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;dedicates the first edition of his Essayes, a little booke no bigger then a primer, which I have seen in the Bodlyan Library.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_56&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_56&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XVI.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; His mother was &amp;amp;lt;Anne&amp;amp;gt; Cooke, sister of ... Cooke of Giddy-hall in Essex, 2nd wife to Sir Nicholas Bacon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His sisters were ingeniose and well-bred; they well understood the use of the globes, as you may find in the preface of Mr. Blundevill of the Sphaere: see if it is not dedicated to them. One of them was maried to Sir John Cunstable of Yorkshire. To this brother in lawe he dedicates his second edition of his Essayes, in 8vo; his last, in 4to, to the duke of Bucks.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_627&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_627&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[304]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Blundevill&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Exercises&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, preface:—&#039;I began this arithmetique more then seven yeares since for that vertuous gentlewoman Mris Elizabeth Bacon, the daughter of Sir Nicholas Bacon, knight (a man of most excellent witt and of a most deep judgement and sometimes Lord Keeper of the great seale of England), and lately the loving and faithfull wife of my worshipfull friend Mr. Justice Windham, who for his integrity of life and for his wisdome and justice dayly shewed in government and also for his good hospitalitie deserved great commendation; and though at her request I had made this arithmetique so plaine and easie as was possible (as to my seeming) yet her continuall sicknesse would not suffer her to exercise herself therin.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;His residences.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_628&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_628&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[305]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;I will write something of Verulam, and his house at Gorhambery.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At Verulam is to be seen, in some few places, some remaines of the wall of this citie&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_57&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_57&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XVII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; which was in compass about ... miles. This magnanimous Lord Chancellor had a great mind to have made it a citie again: and he had designed it, to be built with great uniformity: but Fortune denyed it him, though she proved kinder &amp;amp;lt;to&amp;amp;gt; the great Cardinal Richelieu, who lived both to designe and finish that specious towne of Richelieu, where he was borne; before, an obscure and small vilage. (The ichnographie, etc., of this towne and palais is nobly engraved).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_57&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_57&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XVII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Verolamium, Virolamium, Cassivelani oppidum.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Within the bounds of the walls of this old citie of Verulam (his lordship&#039;s Baronry) was Verulam howse, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_78&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 78]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;about ½ a mile from St. Albans; which his Lordship built, the most ingeniosely contrived little pile&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_58&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_58&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XVIII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, that ever I sawe. No question but his lordship was the chiefest architect; but he had for his assistant a favourite of his (a St. Albans man) Mr. ... Dobson (who was his lordship&#039;s right hand) a very ingeniose person (Master of the Alienation Office); but he spending his estate upon woemen&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_629&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_629&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[306]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, necessity forced his son William Dobson to be the most excellent painter that England hath yet bred, qui obiit Oct. 1648; sepult. S. Martin&#039;s in the fields&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_630&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_630&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[307]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_58&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_58&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XVIII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I am sorry I measured not the front and breadth; but I little suspected it would be pulled downe for the sale of the materialls.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_631&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_631&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[308]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;The view of this howse from the entrance into the gate by the high-way is thus. The parallel&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_632&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_632&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[309]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; sides answer one another. I doe not well remember if on the east side were bay windowes, which his lordship much affected, as may be seen in his essay &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Of Building&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Quaere whether the number of windowes on the east side were 5 or 7: to my best remembrance but 5. This model I drew by memorie, 1656.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Verulam Howse&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_633&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_633&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[310]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This howse did cost nine or ten thousand the building, and was sold about 1665 or 1666 by Sir Harbottle Grimston, baronet, (now Master of the Rolles) to two carpenters for fower hundred poundes; of which they made eight hundred poundes. Memorandum:—there were good chimney-pieces; the roomes very loftie, and all were very well wainscotted. Memorandum:—there were two bathing-roomes or stuffes, whither his Lordship retired afternoons as he sawe cause. All the tunnells of the chimneys were carried into the middle of the howse, as in this draught; and round about them were seates. The top of the howse was well leaded. From the leads was a lovely prospect to the ponds, which were opposite to the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_79&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 79]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;east side of the howse, and were on the other side of the stately walke of trees that leades to Gorhambery-howse: and also over that long walke of trees, whose topps afford a most pleasant&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_634&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_634&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[311]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; variegated verdure, resembling the workes in Irish-stitch. The kitchin, larder, cellars, &amp;amp;amp;c., are under ground. In the middle of this howse was a delicate staire-case of wood, which was curiously carved, and on the posts of every interstice was some prettie figure, as of a grave divine with his booke and spectacles, a mendicant friar, &amp;amp;amp;c.—(not one thing twice). Memorandum:—on the dores of the upper storie on the outside (which were painted darke umber) were the figures of the gods of the Gentiles (viz. on the south dore, 2d storie, was Apollo; on another, Jupiter with his thunderbolt, etc.) bigger then the life, and donne by an excellent hand; the heightnings were of hatchings of gold, which when the sun shone on them made a most glorious shew.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum:—the upper part of the uppermost dore, on the east side, had inserted into it a large looking-glasse, with which the stranger was very gratefully decieved, for (after he had been entertained a pretty while, with the prospects of the ponds, walks, and countrey, which this dore faced) when you were about to returne into the roome&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_635&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_635&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[312]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, one would have sworn &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;primo intuitu&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, that he had beheld another prospect through the howse: for, as soon as the stranger was landed on the balconie, the conserge&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_636&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_636&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[313]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that shewed the howse would shutt the dore to putt this fallacy on him with the looking-glasse. This was his lordship&#039;s summer-howse: for he sayes (in his essay) one should have seates for summer and winter as well as cloathes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;From hence to Gorhambery is about a little mile, the way easily ascending, hardly so acclive as a deske.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;From hence to Gorambury in a straite line leade three parallell walkes: in the middlemost three coaches may passe abreast: in the wing-walkes two may. They consist &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_80&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 80]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of severall stately trees of the like groweth and heighth, viz. elme, chesnut, beach, hornebeame, Spanish-ash, cervice-tree, &amp;amp;amp;c., whose topps (as aforesaid) doe afford from the walke on the howse the finest shew that I have seen, and I sawe it about Michaelmas, at which time of the yeare the colour of leaves are most varied. The manner of the walke is thus:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;table border=&amp;quot;0&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;tdc&amp;quot; width=&amp;quot;80%&amp;quot; cellpadding=&amp;quot;4&amp;quot; cellspacing=&amp;quot;0&amp;quot; summary=&amp;quot;manner of the walke&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_637&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_637&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[314]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;The figures of the ponds were thus: they were pitched at the bottomes with pebbles of severall colours, which were work&#039;t in to severall figures, as of fishes, &amp;amp;amp;c. which in his lordship&#039;s time were plainly to be seen through the cleare water, now over-grown with flagges and rushe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;If a poor bodie had brought his lordship halfe a dozen pebbles of a curious colour, he would give them a shilling, so curious was he in perfecting his fish-ponds, which I guesse doe containe four acres. In the middle of the&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_81&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 81]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; middlemost pond, in the island, is a curious banquetting-house of Roman architecture, paved with black and white marble; covered with Cornish slatt, and neatly wainscotted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;(&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;a&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) = cutt hedge about the island.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;(&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;b&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) = walke between the hedge and banquetting-howse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;figcenter c28&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;img src=&amp;quot;images/i_p081.jpg&amp;quot; width=&amp;quot;489&amp;quot; height=&amp;quot;422&amp;quot; alt=&amp;quot;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum:—about the mid-way from Verolam-house to Gorambery, on the right hand, on the side of a hill which faces the passer-by, are sett in artificiall manner the afore-named trees, whose diversity of greens on the side of the hill are exceeding pleasant. These delicate walkes and prospects entertaine the eie to Gorambery-howse, which is a large, well-built Gothique howse, built (I thinke) by Sir Nicholas Bacon, Lord Keeper, father to this Lord Chancellor, to whom it descended by the death of Anthony Bacon, his middle brother, who died sans issue.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_638&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_638&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[315]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;The Lord Chancellor made an addition of&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_82&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 82]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; a noble portico, which fronts the garden to the south: opposite to every arch of this portico, and as big as the arch, are drawen, by an excellent hand (but the mischief of it is, in water-colours), curious pictures, all emblematicall, with mottos under each: for example, one I remember is a ship tossed in a storme, the motto, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Alter erit tum Tiphys&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Enquire for the rest.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Over this portico is a stately gallerie, whose glasse-windowes are all painted; and every pane with severall figures of beast, bird, or flower: perhaps his lordship might use them as topiques for locall memory. The windowes looke into the garden, the side opposite to them no window, but that side is hung all with pictures at length, as of King James, his lordship, and severall illustrious persons of his time. At the end you enter is no windowe, but there is a very large picture, thus:—in the middle on a rock in the sea stands King James in armour, with his regall ornaments; on his right hand stands (but whither or no on a rock I have forgott), King Henry 4 of France, in armour; and on his left hand, the King of Spaine, in like manner. These figures are (at least) as big as the life, they are donne only with umbre and shell gold: all the heightning and illuminated part being burnisht gold, and the shadowed umbre, as in the pictures of the gods on the dores of Verolam-house. The roofe of this gallerie is semi-cylindrique, and painted by the same hand and same manner, with heads and busts of Greek and Roman emperours and heroes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the hall (which is of the auncient building) is a large storie very well painted of the feastes of the gods, where Mars is caught in a nett by Vulcan. On the wall, over the chimney, is painted an oake with akornes falling from it; the word, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Nisi quid potius&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. And on the wall, over the table, is painted Ceres teaching the soweing of corne; the word, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Moniti meliora&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The garden is large, which was (no doubt) rarely planted and kept in his lordship&#039;s time: vide vitam Peireskii de domino Bacon. Here is a handsome dore, which opens&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_83&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 83]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; into Oake-wood; over this dore in golden letters on blew are these six verses&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_639&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_639&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[316]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_640&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_640&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[317]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;The oakes of this wood are very great and shadie. His lordship much delighted himselfe here: under every tree he planted some fine flower, or flowers, some wherof are there still (1656), viz. paeonies, tulips,....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;From this wood a dore opens into ..., a place as big as an ordinary parke, the west part wherof is coppice-wood, where are walkes cutt-out as straight as a line, and broade enoug for a coach, a quarter of a mile long or better.—Here his lordship much&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_641&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_641&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[318]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; meditated, his servant Mr. Bushell attending him with his pen and inke horne to sett downe his present notions.—Mr. Thomas Hobbes told me, that his lordship would employ him often in this service whilest he was there, and was better pleased with his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;minutes&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, or notes sett downe by him, then by others who did not well understand his lordship. He told me that he was employed in translating part of the Essayes, viz. three of them, one wherof was that of the Greatnesse of Cities, the other two I have now forgott.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The east of this parquet (which extends to Veralam-howse) was heretofore, in his lordship&#039;s prosperitie, a paradise; now is a large ploughed field. This eastern division consisted of severall parts; some thicketts of plumme-trees with delicate walkes; some of rasberies. Here was all manner of fruit-trees that would grow in England; and a great number of choice forest-trees; as the whitti-tree, sorbe-, cervice-, etc., eugh&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_642&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_642&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[319]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. The walke&amp;amp;lt;s&amp;amp;gt;, both in the coppices and other boscages, were most ingeniosely designed: at severall good viewes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_643&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_643&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[320]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, were erected elegant sommer-howses well built of Roman architecture, well wainscotted and cieled; yet standing, but defaced, so that one would have thought the Barbarians had made a conquest here. This place in his lordship&#039;s time was &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_84&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 84]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;a sanctuary for phesants, partridges, etc. birds of severall kinds and countries, as white, speckled etc., partridges. In April, and the springtime, his lordship would, when it rayned, take his coach (open) to recieve the benefit of irrigation, which he was wont to say was very wholsome because of the nitre in the aire and the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;universall spirit of the world&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His lordship was wont to say, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;I will lay my mannor of Gorambery on&#039;t&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, to which Judge ... made a spightfull reply, saying he would not hold a wager against that, but against &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;any other&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; mannour of his lordship&#039;s he would. Now this illustrious Lord Chancellor had only this mannor of Gorambery.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Roger Bacon&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1214-1294).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_644&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_644&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[321]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Roger Bacon, friar ordinis &amp;amp;lt;S. Francisci&amp;amp;gt;:—Memorandum, in Mr. Selden&#039;s learned verses before Hopton&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Concordance of yeares&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, he speakes of friar Bacon, and sayes that he was a Dorsetshire gentleman. There are yet of that name in that countie, and some of pretty good estate. I find by ... (which booke I have) that he understood the making of optique glasses; where he also gives a perfect account of the making of gunpowder, vide pag ... ejusdem libri.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_645&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_645&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[322]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Friar Roger Bacon:—Dr. Gerard Langbain had a Catalogue&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_59&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_59&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AO]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of all his workes, which Catalogue Dr. &amp;amp;lt;Thomas&amp;amp;gt; Gale, schoolmaster of Paule&#039;s, haz now.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_59&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_59&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AO]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The reference is probably to a list of pieces by Roger Bacon which were found among Thomas Allen&#039;s MSS. Langbaine&#039;s draft of it is found in MS. Langbaine 7, p. 393: see Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iv. 253.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Thomas Badd&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1607-1683).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_646&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_646&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[323]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;The ... happinesse a shoemaker haz in drawing on a fair lady&#039;s shoe.... I know one that it was the hight of his ambition to be prentice to his mris&amp;amp;lt;&#039;s&amp;amp;gt; shoemaker upon that condicion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_85&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 85]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Sir Thomas Bad&#039;s&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_647&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_647&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[324]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; father, a shoemaker, married the brewer&#039;s widow of Portsmouth, worth 20,000 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Edward Bagshaw&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1629-1671).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_648&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_648&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[325]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Edward Bagshaw was borne at Broughton in Northamptonshire; 42 when he dyed—from his widowe&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_60&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_60&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AP]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_649&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_649&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[326]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;My old acquaintance, Mr. Edward Bagshawe, B.D., 3rd son of Edward Bagshawe, esq., a bencher of the Middle Temple, was borne (the day nor moneth certaine to be knowne) November or December at Broughton in Northamptonshire, where Mr. Boldon&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_650&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_650&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[327]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, quondam Coll. Aeneinas., was parson.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a king&#039;s scholar at Westminster schole, then student of Christ Church. Scripsit severall treatises.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Obiit on St. Innocents day, 28 Dec., 1671, in Tuttle street, Westminster, a prisoner to Newgate 22 weekes for running into a praemunire for refusing to take the oath of allegiance (he boggled at the word &#039;willingly&#039; in the oath): aetatis 42. Sepult., Newyeares day, in the fanatique burying-place by the Artillery-ground in Moorfields, where his sorrowfull widdowe will place his epitaph.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1500 or 2000 people were at his funerall.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_651&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_651&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[328]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&#039;Here&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_652&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_652&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[329]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; lyes interred | the body of | Mr. Edward Bagshaw | minister of the Gospell | who recieved from God | faith to embrace it | courage to defend it | and patience to suffer for it | when by most despised and by many persecuted | esteeming the advantages of birth, education, and learning | as things of worth to be accounted losse for the knowledge | of Christ. | From the reproaches of pretended friends | and persecutions of professed adversaries | he | took sanctuary | by the will of God | in eternall rest.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_86&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 86]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_60&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_60&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AP]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 27:—&#039;A review and conclusion of the Antidote against Mr. Baxter&#039;s palliated cure of Church Divisions,&#039; by Edward Bagshaw, Lond. 1671, has the note &#039;donum Margaretae, viduae autoris: Jan. 27, 1671 &amp;amp;lt;i.e. [*½]&amp;amp;gt;, Jo. Awbrey.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Jean Louis Guez de Balzac&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1594-1655).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_653&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_653&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[330]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Monsieur de Balzac ended his dayes in a Cappucine&#039;s cell, and was munificent to them: vide &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Entretiens de monsieur de Balzac&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, printed above 20 yeares since.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Richard Bancroft&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1544-1610).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 119&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, is this jotting:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Dr. Mat. Skinner. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Resp.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; &#039;tis archbishop Bancroft&#039;s picture—quod N.B., and inscribe.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This is probably to be interpreted as meaning—&#039;Enquire whether the portrait,&#039; in a certain place, &#039;is that of Dr. Matthew Skinner.&#039; Finding that it is the portrait of Richard Bancroft, &#039;see that the name is inscribed on it,&#039; for future identification.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;John Barclay&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1582-1621).&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Robert Barclay&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1648-1690).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_654&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_654&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[331]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Johannes Barclaius, Scoto-Britannus:—from Sam. Butler—was in England some time tempore regis Jacobi. He was then an old man, white beard; and wore a hatt and a feather, which gave some severe people offence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Dr. John Pell tells me, that his last employment was Library-Keeper of the Vatican, and that he was there poysoned.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum:—this John Barclay haz a sonne&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_655&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_655&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[332]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, now (1688) an old man, and a learned quaker, who wrote a Systeme of the Quakers&#039; Doctrine in Latine&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_656&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_656&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[333]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, dedicated to King Charles II, now &amp;amp;lt;to&amp;amp;gt; King James II; now translated by him into English, in.... The Quakers mightily value him. The booke is common.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_87&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 87]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Isaac Barrow&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1630-1677).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_657&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_657&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[334]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Isaac Barrow, D.D.—from his father, (who was borne Aprill 22, 1600, ½ a yeare older then King Charles 1st), May 17, 1682.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His father, Thomas Barrow, was the second son of Isaac Barrow of Spinney Abbey in the countie of Cambridge, esq., who was a Justice of the Peace there above fourtie yeares. The father of Thomas never designed him for a tradesman, but he was so severe to him &amp;amp;lt;that&amp;amp;gt; he could not endure to live with him and so came to London and was apprentice to a linnen-draper. He kept shop at the signe of the White-horse in Forster lane near St. Forster&#039;s church in St. Leonard&#039;s parish; and &amp;amp;lt;his son&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_658&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_658&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[335]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt; was christened at St. John Zacharie&#039;s in Forster lane, for at that time St. Leonard&#039;s church was pulled downe to be re-edified. He was borne anno Dni 1630 in October&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_659&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_659&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[336]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; after King Charles II&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;nd&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;. Dr. Isaac Barrow had the exact day and hower of his father, which may be found amongst his papers. His father sett it downe in his English bible, a faire one, which they used at the king&#039;s chapell when he was in France and he could not get it again. His father travelled with the King, Charles 2&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;nd&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, where ever he went; he was sealer to the Lord Chancellor beyond sea, and so when he came into England. Amongst Dr. Barrowe&#039;s papers it may be found. Dr. Tillotson has all his papers—quaere for it, and for the names of all writings both in print and MSS.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He went to schoole, first to Mr. Brookes at Charterhouse two yeares. His father gave to Mr. Brookes 4 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum, wheras his pay was but 2 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, to be carefull of him; but Mr. Brokes was negligent of him, which the captain of the school acquainted his father (his kinsman) and sayd that he would not have him stay there any longer than he&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_660&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_660&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[337]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; did, for that he337&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_337&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[337]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; instructed him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Afterwards to one Mr. Holbitch, about fower years, at &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_88&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 88]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Felton&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_661&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_661&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[338]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in Essex; from whence he was admitted of Peterhouse College in Cambridge first, and went to schoole a yeare after. Then he was admitted of Trinity College in Cambridge at 13 yeares old.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quaere whose daughter his mother was.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His mother was Anne, daughter of William Buggin of North Cray in Kent, esq. She died when her sonne Isaac was about fower yeares old.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno Domini ... he travelled, and returned, anno Domini....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He wrote.... What MSS.?—quaere Dr. Tillotson, and quaere Mr. Brabazon Aylmer, bookseller, nere Exchange Alley.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His humour when a boy and after:—merry and cheerfull and beloved where ever he came. His grandfather kept him till he was 7 years old: his father was faine to force him away, for there he would have been good for nothing there.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A good poet, English and Latin. He spake 8 severall languages.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_662&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_662&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[339]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;His father dealt in his trade to Ireland where he had a great losse, neer 1000 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; upon which he wrote to Mr. Holbitch, a Puritan, to be pleased to take a little paines more than ordinary with him, because the times growing so bad, and such a losse then received, that he did not knowe how he might be able to provide for him, and so Mr. Holbitch tooke him away from the howse where he was boarded to his owne howse, and made him tutor to my lord viscount Fairfax, ward to the lord viscount Say and Seale, where he continued so long as my lord continued.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This viscount Fairfax&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_663&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_663&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[340]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; died a young man. This viscount Fairfax, being a schooleboy, maried a gentleman&#039;s daughter &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_89&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 89]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;in the towne there, who had but a thousand pounds. So leaving the schoole, would needs have Mr. Isaac Barrow with him, and told him he would maintaine him. But the lord Say was so cruel to him that he would not allow anything that &#039;tis thought he dyed for want. The 1000 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; could not serve him long.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;During this time old Mr. Thomas Barrow was shutt-up at Oxford and could not heare of his sonne. But young Isaac&#039;s master, Holbitch, found him out in London and courted him to come to his schoole and that he would make him his heire. But he did not care to goe to schoole again.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When my lord Fairfax faild and that he sawe he grew heavy upon him, he went to see one of his schoolfellowes, one Mr. Walpole, a Norfolke gent., who asked him &#039;What he would doe?&#039; He replyed he &#039;knew not what to doe; he could not goe to his father at Oxford.&#039; Mr. Walpole then told him &#039;I am goeing to Cambridge to Trinity College and I will maintaine you there&#039;; and so he did for halfe a yeare till the surrender of Oxford; and then his father enquired after him and found him at Cambridge. And the very next day after old Mr. Barrow came to Cambridge, Mr. Walpole was leaving the University and (hearing nothing of Isaac&#039;s father) resolved to take Isaac along with him to his howse. His father then asked him what profession he would be of, a merchant or etc.? He begd of his father to lett him continue in the University. His father then asked what would maintain him. He told him 20 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum: &#039;I warrant you,&#039; sayd he, &#039;I will maintaine myselfe with it.&#039; His father replyed &#039;I&#039;le make a shift to allow you that.&#039; So his father then went to his tutor and acquainted him of, etc. His tutor, Dr. Duport, told him that he would take nothing for his reading to him, for that he was likely to make a brave scholar, and he would helpe him to halfe a chamber for nothing. And the next newes his father heard of him was that he was chosen in to the howse.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_664&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_664&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[341]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Dr. Hill&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_665&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_665&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[342]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was then master of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_90&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 90]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the college. He mett Isaac&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_666&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_666&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[343]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; one day and layd his hand upon his head and sayd &#039;thou art a good boy; &#039;tis pitty that thou art a cavalier.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a strong and a stowt man and feared not any man. He would fight with the butchers&#039; boyes in St. Nicholas&#039; shambles, and be hard enough for any of them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He went to travell 3 or 4 yeares after the king was beheaded, upon the colledge account&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_667&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_667&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[344]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. He was a candidate for the Greeke professor&#039;s place, and had the consent of the University but Oliver Cromwell putt in Dr. Widrington&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_668&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_668&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[345]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; and then he travelled.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was abroad 5 yeares&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_669&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_669&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[346]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, viz. in Italie, France, Germany, Constantinople.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As he went to Constantinople, two men of warre (Turkish shippes) attacqued the vessell wherin he was. In which engagement he shewed much valour in defending the vessell; which the men that were in that engagement often testifye, for he never told his father of it himselfe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Upon his returne, he came in &amp;amp;lt;a&amp;amp;gt; ship to Venice, which was stowed with cotton-wooll, and as soon as ever they came on shore the ship fell on fire, and was utterly consumed, and not a man lost, but not any goods saved—a wonderfull preservation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His personall valour—At Constantinople, being in company with the English merchants, there was a Rhadamontade that would fight with any man and bragged of his valour, and dared any man there to try him. So no man accepting his challenge, said Isaac (not then a divine), &#039;Why, if none els will try you I will&#039;; and fell upon him and chastised him handsomely that he vaunted no more amongst them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After he had been 3 years beyond sea, his correspondent dyed, so that he had no more supply; yet he was so well beloved that he never wanted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At Constantinople he wayted on the consul Sir Thomas Bendish, who made him stay with him and kept him there a yeare and a halfe, whether he would or no.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_91&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 91]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At Constantinople, Mr. Dawes (afterwards Sir Jonathan Dawes, who dyed sherif of London), a Turkey merchant, desired Mr. Barrow to stay but such a time and he would returne with him, but when that time came he could not goe, some businesse stayd him. Mr. Barrow could stay no longer; so Mr. Dawes would have had Mr. Barrow have C&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_670&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_670&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[347]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; pistolles. &#039;No,&#039; said Mr. Barrow, &#039;I know not whether I shall be able to pay you.&#039; &#039;&#039;Tis no matter,&#039; said Mr. Dawes. To be short, forced him to take fifty pistolls, which at his returne he payd him again.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_671&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_671&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[348]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Memorandum, his pill (an opiate, possibly Matthews his pil), which he was wont to take in Turkey, which was wont to doe him good, but he tooke it preposterously at Mr. Wilson&#039;s, the sadler&#039;s, neer Suffolke-house, where he was wont to lye and where he dyed, and &#039;twas the cause of his death—quaere + de hoc there.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As he lay expiring&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_672&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_672&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[349]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in the agonie of death, the standers-by could heare him say softly &#039;I have seen the glories of the world&#039;—&amp;amp;lt;from&amp;amp;gt; Mr. Wilson.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have heard Mr. Wilson say that when he was at study, was so intent at it that when the bed was made, or so, he heeded it not nor perceived it, was so &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;totus in hoc&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; and would sometimes be goeing out without his hatt on.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was by no meanes a spruce man&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_673&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_673&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[350]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, but most negligent in his dresse. As he was walking one day in St. James&#039;s parke, looking ..., his hatt up, his cloake halfe on and halfe off, a gent. came behind him and clapt him on the shoulder and sayd &#039;Well, goe thy wayes for the veriest scholar that ever I&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_674&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_674&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[351]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; mett with.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a strong man but pale as the candle he studyed by.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His stature was....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The first booke he printed was Euclid&#039;s Elements in Latin, printed at Cambridge, impensis Gulielmi Nealand, bibliopolae, Anno Domini MDCLV.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_92&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 92]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Euclidis data succincte demonstrata, printed at Cambridge ex officina Joannis Field, impensis Gulielmi Nealand, bibliopolae, anno Domini 1657.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Euclid&#039;s Elements in English.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Euclid&#039;s Elements in Latin—in the last impressions of this is an appendix about the sphaere itselfe, it&#039;s segments and their surfaces, most admirably derived and demonstrated by the doctrine of infinite arithmetique and indivisibles.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_675&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_675&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[352]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Lectiones XVIII Cantabrigiae in scholis publicis habitae in quibus opticorum phaenomenωn genuinae rationes investigantur ac exponuntur. Annexae sunt lectiones aliquot geometricae. Londini, prostant venales apud Johannem Dunmore et Octavianum Pulleyn. MDCLXIX.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Archimedes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Apollonius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Theodosius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Now printing, 22 initiating lectures about mathematics&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_676&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_676&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[353]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, to which will be subjoined some lectures that he read about Archimedes, proving that he was an algebraist, and giving his owne thoughts by what method Archimedes came to fall on his theoremes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Bookes writ by the learned Dr. Isaac Barrow and printed for Brabazon Aylmer at the Three Pidgeons over against the Royall Exchange in Cornhill:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;12 Sermons preached upon severall occasions; in 8vo, being the first volume.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;10 Sermons against evil speaking; in 8vo, being the second volume.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;8 Sermons of the love of God and our neighbour; in 8vo, being the third volume.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The duty and reward of bounty to the poor, in a sermon, much enlarged, preached at the Spittall upon Wednesday in Easter weeke anno Domini 1671, in 8vo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A sermon upon the Passion of our blessed Saviour preached at Guildhall chapell on Good Fryday the 13th day of April 1677, in 8vo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_93&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 93]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A learned treatise of the Pope&#039;s supremacy, to which is added a discourse concerning the unity of the church; in 4to.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The sayd discourse concerning the Unity of the Church is also printed alone in 8vo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;An exposition of the Lord&#039;s Prayer, of the Ten Commandments, of the doctrine of the Sacraments; in 8vo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;All the sayd books of the learned Dr. Isaac Barrow (except the sermon of bounty to the poor) are since the author&#039;s death published by Dr. Tillotson, deane of Canterbury.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;The true and lively effigies of Dr. Isaac Barrow&#039; in a large print, ingraven from the life by the excellent artist D. Loggan; price, without frame, 6&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;d.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_677&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_677&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[354]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Thomas Barrow, (father of Isaac, S.T.D.) was brother to Isaac Barrow late lord bishop of St. Asaph, and sonne of Isaac Barrow of Spiney Abbey, who was sonne of Philip Barrow&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_678&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_678&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[355]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, who hath in print a method of Physick, and he had a brother Isaac Barrow, a Dr. of Physick, who was a benefactor to Trinity Colledge in Cambridge, and was there tutor to Robert Cecill that was earle of Salisbury and Lord Treasurer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_679&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_679&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[356]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Isaac Barrow, D.D., (&amp;amp;lt;a&amp;amp;gt; Cambridge &amp;amp;lt;man&amp;amp;gt;, borne in Essex), is buried in the south crosse aisle of Westminster Abbey with this inscription&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_680&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_680&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[357]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Isaacus Barrow&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;S.T.P. Regi Carolo IIº a sacris&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Vir prope divinus et vere magnus si quid magna habent&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Pietas, probitas, fides, summa eruditio, par modestia,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Mores sanctissimi undiquaque et suavissimi.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Geometriae professor Londini Greshamensis,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Graecae linguae et Matheseos apud Cantabrigienses suos,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Cathedras omnes, ecclesiam, gentem ornavit.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Collegium SS. Trinitatis praeses illustravit,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Jactis bibliothecae vere regiae fundamentis auxit.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Opes, honores, et universum vitae ambitum,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_94&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 94]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Ad majora natus, non contempsit sed reliquit seculo.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Deum quem a teneris coluit cum primis imitatus est,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Paucissimis egendo, beneficiendo quam plurimis,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Etiam posteris quibus vel mortuus concionari non desinit.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Caetera et poene majora ex scriptis peti possunt.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Abi lector et aemulare.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Obiit IVto die Maii anno Domini MDCLXXVII&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;aetatis suae XLVII.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Monumentum hoc Amici posuere.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This epitaph was contrived by Dr. John Mapletoft and perfected by Dr. &amp;amp;lt;Thomas&amp;amp;gt; Gale.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was the ... son of ... Barrow, &amp;amp;lt;who&amp;amp;gt; was a brewer at Lambith; a King&#039;s Scholar at Westminster.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno 1655 he printed at Cambridge Euclidis Elementorum libri XV breviter demonstrati.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno ..., he travelled; was at Constantinople; sawe part of Graece, Italie, France.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a good poet, of great modestie and humanity, careles of his dresse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;... Barrow&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (16..-168.).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_681&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_681&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[358]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Dr. ... Barrow, M.D., secretary to the lord generall Monke in Scotland, and who wrote the life or history of the generall, was cosen-german to Thomas (father of Isaac, D.D.). He was a very good-humoured man. He much resembled and spake like Dr. Ezerel Tong. Obiit 2 yeares since: quaere ubi.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Thomas Batchcroft&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (15..-1670).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_682&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_682&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[359]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Memorandum: in Sir Charles Scarborough&#039;s time (he was of Caius College) Dr. ... (the head of that house) would visit the boyes&#039; chambers, and see what they were studying; and Charles Scarborough&#039;s genius let him to the mathematics, and he was wont to be reading of Clavius upon Euclid. The old Dr. had found in the title &#039;... ..., &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;e Societate Jesu&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,&#039; and was much scandalized &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_95&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 95]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;at it. Sayd he, &#039;By all meanes leave-off this author, and read Protestant mathematicall bookes.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;One sent this Doctor a pidgeon-pye from New-market or thereabout, and he askt the bearer whither &#039;twas hott, or cold? He did out-doe Dr. Kettle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;George Bate&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1608-1668).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_683&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_683&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[360]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Kingston super Thames; north aisle chap&amp;amp;lt;el&amp;amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Spe resurrectionis felicis&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
heic juxta sita est&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Elizabetha&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
conjux lectissima&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Georgii Bate, M.D.,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Car. 2 medici primarii,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Qui cineres suos adjacere curavit&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
ut qui unanimes convixerant&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
quasi unicorpores condormientes&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
una resurgant.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Mortem obiit 17 Apr., 1667, aet. 46&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
ex hydro-pulmon.,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
funesta Londini conflagratione&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
acceleratam.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Obiit ille 19 Apr., 1668&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
aetatis suae 60.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Francis Beaumont&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1584-1616).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_684&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_684&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[361]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Francis Beaumont was the son of Judge Beaumont&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_685&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_685&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[362]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. There was a wonderfull consimility of phansey&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_61&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_61&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XIX.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; between him and Mr. John Fletcher, which caused that dearnesse of frendship between them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_61&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_61&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XIX.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Utrumque nostrum&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_686&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_686&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[363]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; incredibili modo&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Consentit astrum.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c29&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Horace&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, lib. 2, ode 17.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I thinke they were both of Queen&#039;s College in Cambridge.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have heard Dr. John Earles (since bishop of Sarum), &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_96&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 96]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;who knew them, say that his maine businesse was to correct the overflowings&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_687&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_687&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[364]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Mr. Fletcher&#039;s witt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They lived together on the Banke side, not far from the Play-house, both batchelors; lay together—from Sir James Hales, etc.; had one wench in the house between them, which they did so admire; the same cloathes and cloake, &amp;amp;amp;c., betweene them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He writt (amongst many other) an admirable elegie on the countesse of Rutland, which is printed with verses before Sir Thomas Overburie&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Characters&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. John Earles, in his verses on him, speaking of them,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;A monument that will then lasting bee,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;When all her marble is more dust then shee.&#039;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Ex registro:—he was buryed at the entrance of St. Benedict&#039;s chapell where &amp;amp;lt;is&amp;amp;gt; the earl of Middlesex&#039; monument, in Westminster Abbey, March 9, 1615/6&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_62&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_62&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XX.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_62&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_62&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XX.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Memorandum:—Isaac Casaubon was buryed at the entrance of the same chapell. He dyed July 8, 1614.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I searched, severall yeares since, in the Register-booke of St. Mary Overies, for the obiit of Mr. John Fletcher, which I sent to Mr. Anthony à Wood.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He hath a very good prefatory letter before Mr. Speght&#039;s edition of Sir Geofrey Chaucer&#039;s Workes printed by Adam Islip, 1602, London, where he haz judicious observations of his writing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;William Bedwell&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (15..-1632).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_688&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_688&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[365]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;... Bedwell, professor of ... at Gresham College, translated into English Pitisci &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Trigonometria&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Published &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The turnament of Totnam&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. He was an Essex man—from his grand-niece.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;William Beeston&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (16..-1682).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_689&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_689&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[366]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Did I tell you that I have mett with old Mr ...&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_690&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_690&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[367]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who knew all the old English poets, whose lives I am &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_97&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 97]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;taking from him: his father was master of the ... play-house.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_691&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_691&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[368]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;The more to be admired, quaere—he was not a company keeper; lived in Shorditch; would not be debauched; and if invited to court, was in paine.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;W. Shakespeare&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—quaere Mr. Beeston, who knowes most of him from Mr. Lacy. He lives in Shoreditch at Hoglane within 6 dores north of Folgate. Quaere etiam for &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ben Jonson&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_692&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_692&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[369]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Old Mr. Beeston, whom Mr. &amp;amp;lt;John&amp;amp;gt; Dreyden calles &#039;the chronicle of the stage,&#039; died at his house in Bishopsgate street without, about Bartholomew-tyde, 1682. Mr. Shipey in Somerset-house hath his papers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Richard Benese&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (14..-1546).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_693&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_693&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[370]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;I did see, many yeares since, in a countrey-man&#039;s house, a little booke in 8vo in English, called&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Arsmetrie, or the Art of numbring:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;printed in an old black letter about Henry VIII. The author&#039;s name I doe not remember—quaere in Duck lane.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;tb&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The next old mathematicall booke in English that I have seen hath this title, viz:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This booke sheweth the manner of measuring of all manner of land, as well of woodland as of lande in the felde, and comptinge the true nombre of acres of the same.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;✠&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Newlye invented and compiled by Syr Rycharde Benese, chanon of Marton Abbay besyde London.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶ Printed in Southwarke in Saint Thomas hospital by me James Nicolson.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Tis a quarto.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_98&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 98]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_694&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_694&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[371]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;This Sir Richard Benese was also author of a little booke, in 8vo, called....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;: quaere Absolom Leech for it—&#039;tis about physick.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 class=&amp;quot;c25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Berkeley.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_695&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_695&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[372]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mris ... Barckley, sister of the late lord Fitz-Harding&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_696&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_696&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[373]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, was cosen german to Mr. Sydney Godolphin, and also his mistresse. He loved her exceedingly. After Mr. Godolphin&#039;s death she maried one Mr. Davys who I thinke is now&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_697&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_697&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[374]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; dead, and she lives at Twicknam—from Philip Packer, esq.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Willoughby Bertie&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;, 3rd earl of Abingdon (1692-1760).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_698&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_698&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[375]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;Willoughby&amp;amp;gt; Bertie, filius primus Jacobi Bertie, 2&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;ndi&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; filii Jacobi, comitis de Abington, natus Westmonast. 28 die Novembris, 2&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 1692.—The child is yet living, notwithstanding the 8&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;th&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; house&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_699&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_699&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[376]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;: mend the figure, but the time is right.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_700&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_700&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[377]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;I know not how to retreive the fashion or shape of the old engine of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;battering-ramme&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, but from the coate of the Bertyes, which is &#039;or, 3 battering rammes barrewise,&#039; as in the margent, the timber is proper, the head azure, the hornes and ironworke gilded.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;figcenter c30&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;img src=&amp;quot;images/i_p098.png&amp;quot; width=&amp;quot;700&amp;quot; height=&amp;quot;307&amp;quot; alt=&amp;quot;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;figright c31&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;img src=&amp;quot;images/i_p099.png&amp;quot; width=&amp;quot;208&amp;quot; height=&amp;quot;152&amp;quot; alt=&amp;quot;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_701&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_701&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[378]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Memorandum:—the battering ramme, the armes of Bertie, hung in equilibrio in an engine they call the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_99&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 99]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;triangles—from Mr. Nicolas Mercator: vide Bertie&#039;s coate in primo volumine&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_702&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_702&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[379]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. See&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_703&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_703&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[380]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the old glasse windowes in Aldersgate street—from Mr. &amp;amp;lt;Edward&amp;amp;gt; Bagshawe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Henry Billingsley&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (15..-1606).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_704&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_704&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[381]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir Henry Billingsley&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_63&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_63&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AQ]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, knight.—On the north side of the chancell of St. Katharine Coleman church London at the upper end is this inscription, viz:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Here lieth buried the body of Elizabeth, late the wife of Henry Billingsley, one of the Queene&#039;s majestie&#039;s customers of her port of London, who dyed the 29th day of July in the yeare of our Lord God 1577.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;In obitum ejus.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Stat sua cuique dies atque ultima funeris hora&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Cum Deus hinc et mors invidiosa vocant;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Nec tibi nec pietas tua vel forma, Elizabetha,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Praesidium leto&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_705&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_705&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[382]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ne trahereris erat.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Occidis exactis ternis cum conjuge lustris,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;At septem vitae lustra fuere tuae.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Fecerat et proles jam te numerosa parentem,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Filiolae trinae, caetera turba mares.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Undecimo partu cum mors accessit et una&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Matrem te et partum sustulit undecimum—&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Scilicet ex mundo, terrena ex fece, malisque,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Sustulit; at superis reddidit atque Deo.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Est testis sincera fides, testis tua virtus,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Grata viro virtus, grata fidesque Deo.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;      *       *       *       *       *       *       *&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Quem posuit tumulum tibi conjux charus, eodem&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In tumulo condi mortuus ipse petit.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;Vide&amp;amp;gt; the Register book &amp;amp;lt;of the church&amp;amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum:—Billingsley (a village) is in the countie of Salop. &#039;Tis a Shropshire familie; but the village now is one Mr. Norton&#039;s.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This Sir Henry Billingsley was one of the learnedst &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_100&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 100]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;citizens that London has bred. This was he that putt forth all Euclid&#039;s Elements in English with learned notes and preface of Mr. John Dee, and learned men say &#039;tis the best Euclid. He had been sheriff and Lord Mayor of the city of London. His howse was the faire howse in Fenchurch street where now Jacob Luce lives, a merchant, of of whom quaere +. Vide in Fuller&#039;s Worthies and Stowe&#039;s Survey. His Euclid was printed at London by John Day, 1570.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;The Translator to the Reader—Wherfore considering the want and lack of such good authors hitherto in our English tongue, lamenting also the negligence and lacke of zeale to their countrey in those of our nation to whom God hath given both knowledge and also abilitie to translate into our tongue and to publish abroad such good authors and bookes: Seeing moreover that many good witts, both of gentlemen and others of all degrees, much desirous and studious of these artes,—I have for their sakes with some chardge and great travaile faithfully translated into our vulgar tounge and set abroad in print this booke of Euclid wherunto I have added plaine declarations and examples, manifold additions, scholies, annotations, and inventions which I have gathered.&#039;—He promises (here) some more translations and sayes that in religion he hath alreadie don, quaere.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum P. Ramus in his Scholia&#039;s sayes that the reason why mathematiques did most flourish in Germanie was that the best authors were rendred into their mother tongue, and that publique lectures of it were also read in their owne tongue—quod nota bene.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum when I was a boy, one Sir ... Billingsley had a very pleasant seate with a faire&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_706&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_706&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[383]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; oake-wood adjoyning to it, about a mile ½&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_707&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_707&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[384]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; east of Bristoll—quaere if&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_708&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_708&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[385]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, etc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Vide de Sir Thomas Billingsley, pag. &amp;amp;lt;44b&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_709&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_709&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[386]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; who was gentleman of the horse to Richard, earl of Dorset. He &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_101&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 101]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;managed the great horse best of any man in England. He taught the Prince Elector and brothers to ride. Quaere if descended hence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In those dayes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_710&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_710&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[387]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; merchants travelled much abroad into Italie, Spaine, etc. Quaere Mr. Abraham Hill of what company he was. Probably good memorialls may be there found of his generous and publique spirit. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Respondet&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;:—He was of the Goldsmiths&#039; Company, where is a good picture of him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;R. B., i.e. Robert&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_711&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_711&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[388]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Billingsley, teaches Arithmetique and Mathematiques at ... in.... He hath printed a very pretty little booke of arithmetique and algebra, London (scilicet, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;The&amp;amp;gt; Idea of Arithmetic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;): was Sir Henry&#039;s great grandson—from Mr. Abraham Hill, Regiae Societatis Socius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_712&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_712&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[389]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;In the table of benefactors in the church of St. Catherine Colman, viz.—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;1603 {Dame Elizabeth} Billingsley did will to the poor 1&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;s.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c32&amp;quot;&amp;gt;{Sir Henry            }&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;weeke for ever and 200&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; which their heires etc. have not payd&#039;—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The minister here, Mr. Dodson, sayes that it was not payd because the parish did not find-out in due time land to make a purchase of.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Many yeares since Mr. Abraham Hill, Regiae Societatis Socius, citizen, told me that Sir Henry Billingsley was of the Goldsmiths&#039; Company, and that his picture was in Goldsmiths&#039; Hall, which I went lately to see. No picture of him, and besides the clarke of the Company told me that he is sure &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;he&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; was never of that Company. But Mr. Hill tells me since that in Stowe&#039;s Survey you may see of what Company all the Lord Mayers were, which see&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_713&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_713&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[390]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and tell me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_714&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_714&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[391]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir H. Billingsley—Mr. Leeke, mathematician, saith that he was of the company of goldsmiths, quaere. Quaere &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_102&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 102]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the clarke of the company: vide register booke. Vide Heralds&#039; Office (Salop, and neer Bristowe). Vide Fuller&#039;s Worthyes where he mentions the Lord Mayers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_715&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_715&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[392]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ex registro&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; &amp;amp;lt;of St. Catherine Coleman&amp;amp;gt;:—Sir Henry Billingsley, knight, buried in the vault under his pewe in the church of St. Catherine Coleman, London, December the 18th, 1606. I find by the register that he had two more wives besides Elizabeth mentioned in the inscription; his second was the lady Trapps; third,....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum his house (which is a very faire one), which is neer the church, is still remayning untoucht by the fire. In the parlour windowe are scutchions of his family, which gett. There now lives Mr. Lucy&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_716&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_716&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[393]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, a great merchant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was sheriff of the citie of London anno Domini &amp;amp;lt;1584&amp;amp;gt;, reginae Elizabethae 26; he was Lord Mayor of the city of London anno Domini &amp;amp;lt;1596&amp;amp;gt;, reginae Elizabethae 38—Sir Thomas Skinner served one part and Sir Henry Billingsley the other:—Baker&#039;s Chronicle, reigne queen Elizabeth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_717&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_717&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[394]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Out of the visitation in the great booke&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_718&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_718&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[395]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Wilts, Dorset, and Somerset:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
               Sir Henry Billingsley, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;maried&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ...&lt;br /&gt;
                     Lord Mayer          |&lt;br /&gt;
                                         |&lt;br /&gt;
              +--------------------------+----------------------------+&lt;br /&gt;
              |                          |                            |&lt;br /&gt;
  1. Sir Henry Billingsley,    2. William Billingsley, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ...   3. Thomas&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_719&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_719&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[396]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
     of Sysam in                                       |&lt;br /&gt;
     Glocestershire,                                   |&lt;br /&gt;
     filius et haeres.                  +--------------+--------------+&lt;br /&gt;
                                        |                             |&lt;br /&gt;
                              1. Henry Billingsley,  &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ...      2. Thomas&lt;br /&gt;
                                 of Graye&#039;s Inne     |&lt;br /&gt;
                                                     |&lt;br /&gt;
                                             +-------+-------+&lt;br /&gt;
                                             |               |&lt;br /&gt;
                                         1. Blanch     2. Elizabeth&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_103&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 103]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_720&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_720&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[397]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir Henry Billingsley&amp;amp;lt;&#039;s life is&amp;amp;gt; already donne&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_721&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_721&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[398]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. Friar Whitehead&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_64&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_64&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AR]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, of Austin Friars (now Wadham College), did instruct him. He kept him at his house and there I thinke he dyed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_63&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_63&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AQ]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey gives in colour this very elaborate coat:—&#039;quarterly in the 1 and 4, gules, a fleur-de-lys or, a canton of the second; in the 2, ..., on a cross between four lions rampant 5 mullets ...; in the 3, per saltire or and azure two birds (? martlets); &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;impaling&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, quarterly, in the 1 and 4, azure 2 lions passant in pale or; in the 2, or, a fess sable, 2 mullets in chief gules; in the 3, barry of six argent and gules a bend sable and a canton gules.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_64&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_64&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AR]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;City of Oxford&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 454, 471. It is suggested that Billingsley in his Euclid published Whitehead&#039;s papers as his own.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 class=&amp;quot;c25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Martin Billingsley.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_722&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_722&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[399]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Martin Billingsley (captain &amp;amp;lt;Edward&amp;amp;gt; Shirburne knew him) was a writing master in London. He printed an excellent copie-booke (quaere if he descended from this&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_723&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_723&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[400]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;): vide his scutcheon&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_724&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_724&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[401]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; above his picture before his booke.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_725&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_725&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[402]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Martin Billingsley, who made the copie booke, 1623, port.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_726&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_726&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[403]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ut in margine, &#039;..., a cross between 4 lions rampant ..., 5 mullets ... on the cross.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 class=&amp;quot;c25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Richard Billingsley.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_727&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_727&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[404]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Richard Billingsley&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_728&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_728&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[405]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; scripsit:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;An Idea of Arithmetick, at first designed for the use of the free-schoole at Thurlow in Suffolk, by R. B. schoolmaster there&#039;: stitch&#039;t 8vo, 3 sheetes, London, &#039;printed by J. Flesher, and are to be sold by W. Morden booke-seller in Cambridge, 1655.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Thomas Billingsley&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (obiit 167..).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_729&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_729&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[406]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir Thomas Billingsley was the best horseman in England, and out of England no man exceeded him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_104&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 104]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He taught this&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_730&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_730&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[407]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; earle &amp;amp;lt;of Dorset&amp;amp;gt; and his 30 gentlemen to ride the great horse. He taught this&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_731&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_731&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[408]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Prince Elector Palatine of the Rhine and his brothers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He ended his dayes at the countesse of Thanet&#039;s (daughter and co-heire of Richard, earl of Dorset) ... 167-; dyed praying on his knees.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;John Birkenhead&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1615-1679).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_732&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_732&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[409]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir John Birkenhead, knight, was borne at Nantwych&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_733&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_733&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[410]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in Cheshire. His father was a sadler there, and he had a brother a sadler, a trooper in Sir Thomas Ashton&#039;s regiment, who was quartered at my father&#039;s, who told me so.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He went to Oxford university at ... old, and was first a servitor of Oriall colledge: vide &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Antiq. Oxon.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_734&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_734&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[411]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Mr. Gwin&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_735&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_735&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[412]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, minister of Wilton, was his contemporary there, who told me he wrote an excellent hand, and, in 163[7 or 8] when William Laud, archbishop of Canterbury, was last there, he had occasion to have some things well transcribed, and this Birkenhead was recommended to him, who performed&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_736&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_736&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[413]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; his businesse so well, that the archbishop recommended him to All Soules&#039; college to be a fellow, and he was accordingly elected&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_737&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_737&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[414]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. He was scholar enough, and a poet.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After Edgehill fight, when King Charles I first had his court at Oxford, he was pitched upon as one fitt to write the Newes, which Oxford Newes was called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mercurius Aulicus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which he writt wittily enough, till the surrender of the towne (which was June 24, 1646). He left a collection of all his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mercurius Aulicus&#039;s&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and all his other pamphletts, which his executors (Sir Richard Mason and Sir Muddiford Bramston) were ordered by the king to give to the Archbishop of Canterbury&#039;s library.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_105&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 105]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After the surrender of Oxford, he was putt out of his fellowship by the Visitors, and was faine to shift for himselfe as well as he could. Most part of his time he spent at London, where he mett with severall persons of quality that loved his company, and made much of him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He went over into France, where he stayed some time, I thinke not long. He received grace there from the dutches of Newcastle, I remember he tolde me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He gott many a fourty shillings (I beleeve) by pamphletts, such as that of &#039;Col. Pride,&#039; and &#039;The Last Will and Testament of Philip earle of Pembroke,&#039; &amp;amp;amp;c.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At the restauration of his majestie he was made Master of the Facultees, and afterwards one of the Masters of Requests. He was exceedingly confident&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_738&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_738&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[415]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, witty, not very gratefull to his benefactors, would lye damnably. He was of midling stature, great goggli eies, not of a sweet aspect.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was chosen a burghes of Parliament at Wilton in Wiltshire, anno Domini 166&amp;amp;lt;1&amp;amp;gt;, i.e. of the King&#039;s long parliament. Anno 167&amp;amp;lt;9&amp;amp;gt; upon the choosing of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;this&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Parliament&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_739&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_739&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[416]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, he went downe to be elected, and at Salisbury heard&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_740&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_740&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[417]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; how he was scorned and mocked at Wilton (whither he was goeing) and called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pensioner&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, etc.—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Vendidit hic auro patriam, dominumque potentem&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Imposuit; leges fixit pretio atque refixit.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Virg.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Aeneid&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, lib. vi. 621.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;—This was Curio: vide Servium de hoc]—he went not to the borough where he intended to stand; but returned to London, and tooke it so to heart that he insensibly decayed and pined away; and so, December ...&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_65&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_65&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXI.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, 1679, dyed at his lodgeings in Whitehall, and was buried Saturday, December 6, in St. Martyn&#039;s churchyard&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_66&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_66&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in-the-Fields, neer the church, according to his will and testament. His executors intend to sett up an inscription for him against the church wall.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_106&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 106]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_65&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_65&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXI.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; quaere Anthony Wood to whom I writt the day of his death, which as I remember was the same day that Mr. Hobbes died.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_66&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_66&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; His reason&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_741&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_741&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[418]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was because he sayd they removed the bodies out of the church.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had the art of locall memory; and his topiques were the chambers, &amp;amp;amp;c., in All Soules colledge (about 100), so that for 100 errands, &amp;amp;amp;c., he would easily remember.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_742&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_742&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[419]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;He was created Dr. of LL.; had been with the king&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_743&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_743&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[420]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. His library was sold to Sir Robert Atkins for 200 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; His MSS. (chiefly copies of records) for 900 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Henry Birkhead&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1617-1696).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_744&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_744&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[421]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;My old acquaintance, Dr. Henry Birkhed, formerly fellow of your college&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_745&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_745&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[422]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (but first was commoner of Trinity College Oxon) was an universally &amp;amp;lt;belove&amp;amp;gt;d man.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had his schoole education under Mr. Farnary&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_746&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_746&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[423]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and &amp;amp;lt;was his&amp;amp;gt; beloved disciple.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He died at the Bird-cage (at his sister&#039;s, Mris Knight, the famous singer) in St. James&#039;s parke, &amp;amp;lt;on&amp;amp;gt; Michaelmas-eve 1696, aged about 80.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was borne in London &amp;amp;lt;at the&amp;amp;gt; Paul-head tavern (which his father kept) in Paule&#039;s chaine &amp;amp;lt;in&amp;amp;gt; St. Paul&#039;s church-yard anno 1617, baptized the 25 of September. John Gadbury haz his nativity from him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I will aske his sister (Mris Knight) for a very ingeniose diatribe that he wrote on Martialis epigram. lib. &amp;amp;lt;xi. 94. 8&amp;amp;gt;,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;jura, verpe, per Anchialum,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;which he haz cleared beyond his master Farnaby, Scaliger, or any other. &#039;Scaliger,&#039; he sayd, &#039;speakes the truth, but not the whole truth.&#039; &#039;Tis pity it should be lost, and I would reposit it in the Museum.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I gave my Holyoke&#039;s dictionary to the Museum. Pray looke on the blank leaves at the end of it, and you will find a thundering copie of verses that he gave me, in the praise of this king&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_747&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_747&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[424]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of France. Now he is dead, it may be look&#039;t-upon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_107&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 107]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Richard Blackbourne&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1652-17..?).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_748&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_748&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[425]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Richard Blackburne, Londinensis, was of Trinity College, Cambridge, M.A. Tooke his M.D. degree at Leyden about 5 or 6 yeares since. He practises but little; studies much. A generall scholar, prodigious memorie, sound judgment; but 30 yeares old now.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;John Blagrave&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1550-1611).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In MS. Aubr. 8 (Aubrey&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Lives of English Mathematicians&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;), fol. 76, &#039;Mr. John Blagrave of Reding&#039; is noted as a life to be written, and the coat is given in trick &#039;or, on a bend sable, 3 greaves argent.&#039; In the Index (fol. 8) at the beginning of the same volume he is noted:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;John Blagrave of Reding, vide his will, quaere Mr. Morden.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Robert Blake&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1599-1657).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_749&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_749&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[426]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;... Blake, admirall, was borne at ... in com. Somerset; was&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_750&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_750&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[427]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Albon-hall, in Oxford. He was there a young man of strong body, and good parts. He was an early riser and studyed well, but also tooke his robust pleasures of fishing, fowling, &amp;amp;amp;c. He would steale swannes—from H. Norborne, B.D., his contemporary there&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_751&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_751&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[428]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He served in the House of Commons for....&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_752&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_752&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[429]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anno Domini &amp;amp;lt;1649&amp;amp;gt; he was made admirall. He did the greatest actions at sea that ever were done, viz.,....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;... Blake obiit anno Domini &amp;amp;lt;1657&amp;amp;gt; and was buried in King Henry 7th&#039;s chapell; but upon the returne of the king, his body was taken up again and removed by Mr. Wells&#039; occasion, and where it is now, I know not. Quaere Mr. Wells of Bridgewater.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Vide Diurnalls, and Rushworth&#039;s History; vide Anthony Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist. &amp;amp;lt;et Antiq. Oxon.&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_108&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 108]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Sir Henry Blount&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1602-1682).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_753&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_753&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[430]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir Henry Blount, Tittinghanger, natus Dec. 15, 1602, 9&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_754&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_754&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[431]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir Henry Blount obiit 9th Oct. last&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_755&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_755&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[432]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in the morning.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_756&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_756&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[433]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir Henry Blount&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_68&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_68&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AS]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, knight:—he was borne (I presume) at Tittinghanger in the countie of Hertford. It was heretofore the summer seate of the Lord Abbot of St. Alban&#039;s.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was of Trinity College in Oxford&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_757&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_757&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[434]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, where was a great acquaintance&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_758&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_758&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[435]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; between him and Mr. Francis Potter. He stayed there about &amp;amp;lt;four&amp;amp;gt; yeares. From thence he went to Grayes Inne, where he stayd ... and then sold his chamber there to Mr. Thomas Bonham&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_69&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_69&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AT]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (the poet) and travelled—voyage into the Levant. May 7, 1634, he embarqued at Venice for Constantinople: vide his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Voyage into the Levant&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, printed London 16—, in 4to. He returned....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was pretty wild when young, especially addicted to common wenches. He was a 2d brother.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a gentleman pensioner to King Charles I, on whom he wayted (as it was his turne) to Yorke (when the King deserted the Parliament); was with him at Edge-hill fight; came with him to Oxford; and so returned to London; walkt&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_759&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_759&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[436]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; into Westminster hall with his sword by his side; the Parliamentarians all stared upon him as a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cavaleer&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, knowing that he had been with the King: was called before the House of Commons, where he remonstrated to them he did but his duty, and so they acquitted him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In these dayes he dined most commonly at the Heycock&#039;s&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_760&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_760&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[437]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ordinary, neer the Pallzgrave-head taverne, in the Strand, which was much frequented by Parliament-men and gallants. One time colonel Betridge being there &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_109&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 109]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;(one&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_761&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_761&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[438]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of the handsomest men about the towne) and bragged much how the woemen loved him; Sir H. Blount did lay a wager of ... with him that let them two goe together to a bordello; he only (without money) with his handsome person, and Sir Henry with a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;XX&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;s.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; piece on his bald crowne, that the wenches should choose Sir Henry before Betridge; and Sir H. won the wager. E&amp;amp;lt;dmund&amp;amp;gt; W&amp;amp;lt;yld&amp;amp;gt;, esq., was one of the witnesses.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum:—there was about 164.. a pamphlet (writt by Henry Nevill, esq., ἀνονυμῶς) called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Parliament of Ladies&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 3 or 4 sheets in 4to, wherin Sir Henry Blount was first to be called to the barre for spreading abroad that abominable and dangerous doctrine that it was far cheaper and safer to lye with common wenches&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_762&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_762&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[439]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; then with ladies of quality&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_763&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_763&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[440]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;☞ His estate left him by his father was 500 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum, which he sold to ... (quaere) for an annuitie of 1000 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum in anno Domini 16..; and since his elder brother dyed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno Domini 165&amp;amp;lt;[*½]&amp;amp;gt; he was made one of the comittee for regulating the lawes. He was severe against tythes, and for the abolishing them, and that every minister should have 100 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum and no more.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Since he was ... year old he dranke nothing but water or coffee. 1647 or therabout, he maryed to Mris [Hester[d]] Wase, [daughter of Christopher Wase&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_764&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_764&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[441]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;], who dyed 1679; by whom he haz two sonnes, ingeniose young gentlemen. Charles Blount (his second son) hath writt &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Anima Mundi&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 8vo, 167&amp;amp;lt;9&amp;amp;gt; (burnt by order of the bishop of London) and of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sacrifices&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 8vo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I remember twenty yeares since he inveighed much against sending youths to the universities—quaere if his sons there—because they learnt there to be debaucht; and that the learning that they learned there&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_765&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_765&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[442]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; they were to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_110&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 110]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;unlearne againe, as a man that is buttond or laced too hard, must unbutton before he can be at his ease. Drunkennesse he much exclaimed against, but he allowed wenching. When coffee first came-in he was a great upholder of it, and hath ever since been a constant frequenter of coffee houses, especially Mr. ... Farre at the Rainbowe by Inner Temple Gate, and lately John&#039;s coffee house in Fuller&#039;s rents.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;☞ The first coffee house in London&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_67&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_67&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXIII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was in St. Michael&#039;s Alley in Cornehill, opposite to the Church; which was sett up by one ... Bowman (coachman to Mr. Hodges, a Turkey merchant, who putt him upon it) in or about the yeare 1652. &#039;Twas about 4 yeares before any other was sett up, and that was by Mr. Far. Jonathan Paynter, opposite to St. Michael&#039;s Church, was the first apprentice to the trade, viz. to Bowman. Memorandum:—the Bagneo, in Newgate Street, was built and first opened in Decemb. 1679: built by ... (Turkish merchants).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_67&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_67&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXIII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; And the next was Mr. Farr&#039;s a barber, which was set up in anno....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He is a gentleman of a very clear judgement, great experience, much contemplation, not of very much reading, of great foresight into government. His conversation is admirable. When he was young, he was a great collector of bookes, as his sonne is now.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was heretofore a great &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;shammer&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i.e. one that tells falsities not to doe any body any injury, but to impose on their understanding:—e.g. at Mr. Farre&#039;s; that at an inne (nameing the signe) in St. Alban&#039;s, the inkeeper had made a hogs-trough of a free-stone coffin; but the pigges, after that, grew leane, dancing and skipping, and would run up on the topps of the houses like goates. Two young gentlemen that heard Sir H. tell this &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;sham&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; so gravely, rode the next day to St. Alban&#039;s to enquire: comeing there, nobody had heard of any such thing, &#039;twas altogether false. The next night as soon as the&amp;amp;lt;y&amp;amp;gt; allighted, they came to the Rainbowe and found Sir H., looked louringly on him, and told him they wonderd he was not ashamed to tell such storys as, &amp;amp;amp;c., &#039;Why, gentlemen,&#039; (sayd Sir H.) &#039;have you been there to make&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_111&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 111]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; enquiry?&#039; &#039;Yea,&#039; sayd they. &#039;Why truly, gentlemen,&#039; sayd Sir H. &#039;I heard you tell strange things that I knew to be false. I would not have gonne over the threshold of the dore to have found you in a lye:&#039; at which all the company laught at the two young gentlemen.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was wont to say that he did not care to have his servants goe to church, for there servants infected one another to goe to the alehouse and learne debauchery; but he did bid them goe to see the executions at Tyburne, which worke more upon them then all the oratory in the sermons.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His motto over his printed picture is that which I have many yeares ago heard him speake of, viz.:—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Loquendum est cum vulgo, sentiendum cum sapientibus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He is now (1680) neer or altogether 80 yeares, his intellectualls good still, and body pretty strong.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This last weeke&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_766&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_766&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[443]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Sept. 1682, he was taken very ill at London, and his feet swelled; and removed to Tittinghanger.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_68&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_68&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AS]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey gives in colours the coats:—&#039;or, 2 bars nebulé sable [Blount]&#039;; and &#039;or, 2 bars nebulé sable [Blount]; impaling, barry of six or and gules [Wase].&#039; Also the references (a) &#039;vide Anthony Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;Hist. et&amp;amp;gt; Antiq. Oxon.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&#039;; (b) &#039;vide Heralds&#039; Office.&#039; Aubrey, in MS. Wood F. 39, writing on April 7, 1673, says of Blount, &#039;His father was Sir Thomas Pope Blount, and his grandmother (as I remember I have heard Dr. Hannibal Potter say) was our founder&#039;s daughter.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_69&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_69&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AT]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey, in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 199, speaks of him as &#039;Tom Bonham, of Essex, that haz made many a good song and epitaph—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When the shrill scirocco blowes.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Edmund Bonner&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1495-1569).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_767&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_767&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[444]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Steevens&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_768&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_768&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[445]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, ... whom I mett lately accidentally, informed me thus:—that bishop Bonner was of Broadgates hall; that he came thither a poor boy, and was at first a skullion boy in the kitchin, afterwards became a servitor, and so by his industry raysed to what he was.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_112&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 112]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When he came to his greatnes, in acknowledgement from whence he had his rise, he gave&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_769&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_769&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[446]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to the kitchin there a great brasse-pott, called Bonner&#039;s pott, which was taken away in the parliament time. He has shewed the pott to me, I remember. It was the biggest, perhaps, in Oxford: quaere the old cooke how much it contayned.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;John Booker&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1601/2-1667).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_770&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_770&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[447]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;John Booker, astrologer, natus Manchester, March 23, 1601, 20&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 10´ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;James Bovey&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1622-16..).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_771&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_771&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[448]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;James Bovey&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_70&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_70&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AU]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; borne at London May 7th, 1622, 6 a clock in the morning&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_772&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_772&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[449]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;James Bovey, esq., was the youngest son of Andrew Bovey, merchant, cash-keeper to Sir Peter Vanore, in London.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was borne in the middle of Mincing Lane, in the parish of Saint Dunstan&#039;s in the East, London, anno 1622, May 7th, at six a clock in the morning. Went to schoole at Mercers Chapell, under Mr. Augur. At 9 sent into the Lowe Countreys; then returned, and perfected himselfe in the Latin and Greeke. &amp;amp;lt;At&amp;amp;gt; 14, travelled into France and Italie, Switzerland, Germany, and the Lowe Countreys. Returned into England at 19; then lived with one Hoste, a banquier, 8 yeares, was his cashier 8 or 9 yeares. Then traded for himselfe (27) till he was 31; then maried the only daughter of William de Vischer, a merchant; lived 18 yeares with her, then continued single. Left off trade at 32, and retired to a countrey life, by reason of his indisposition, the ayre of the citie not agreing with him. Then in these retirements he wrote &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Active&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_773&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_773&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[450]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Philosophy&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, (a thing not donne before) wherin are enumerated all the Arts and Tricks practised in Negotiation, and how they were to be ballanced by counter-prudentiall rules.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_113&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 113]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Whilest he lived with Mr. Hoste, he kept the cash of the ambassadors of Spaine that were here; and of the farmers, called by them &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Assentistes&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, that did furnish the Spanish and Imperiall armies of the Low-Countreys and Germany; and also many other great cashes, as of Sir Theodore Mayern, etc.; his dealing being altogether in money-matters: by which meanes he became acquainted with the ministers of state both here and abroad.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When he was abroad, his chiefe employment was to observe the affaires of state and their judicatures, and to take the politique surveys in the countreys he travelled thorough, more especially in relation to trade. He speakes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_774&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_774&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[451]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the Low-Dutch, High-Dutch, French, Italian, Spanish and Lingua Franco, and Latin, besides his owne.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When he retired from businesse he studied the Lawe-Merchant, and admitted himselfe of the Inner Temple, London, about 1660. His judgment haz been taken in most of the great causes of his time in points concerning the Lawe-Merchant. As to his person he is about 5 foot high, slender&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_775&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_775&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[452]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, strait, haire exceeding black and curling at the end, a dark hazell&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_776&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_776&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[453]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; eie, of a midling size, but the most sprightly that I have beheld. Browes and beard of the colour as his haire. A person of great temperance, and deepe thoughts, and a working head, never idle. From&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_777&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_777&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[454]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; 14 he had a candle burning by him all night, with pen, inke, and paper, to write downe thoughts as they came into his head; that so he might not loose a thought. Was ever a great lover of Naturall Philosophie. His whole life has been perplex&#039;t in lawe-suites, (which haz made him expert in humane affaires), in which he alwaies over-came. He had many lawe-suites with powerfull adversaries; one lasted 18 yeares. Red-haired men never had any kindnesse for him. He used to say:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In rufa pelle non est animus sine felle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In all his travells he was never robbed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_114&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 114]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He has one son, and one daughter who resembles him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;From 14 he began to take notice of all prudentiall rules as came in his way, and wrote them downe, and so continued till this day, Sept. 28, 1680, being now in his 59th yeare.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For his health he never had it very well, but indifferently, alwaies a weake stomach, which proceeded from the agitation of the braine. His dyet was alwayes fine diet: much chicken&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_778&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_778&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[455]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He wrote a Table of all the Exchanges in Europe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_779&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_779&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[456]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;He hath writt (which is in his custodie, and which I have seen, and many of them read) these treatises, viz.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1. The Characters, or Index Rerum &amp;amp;lt;etc.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_780&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_780&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[457]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_781&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_781&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[458]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;A Catalogue of the treatises written of Active Philosophy by James Bovey, of the Inner Temple, esquire, 1677.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ol&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The Characters, or Index Rerum: in 4 tomes.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The Introduction to Active Philosophy.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The Art of Building a Man: or Education.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The Art of Conversation.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The Art of Complyance.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The Art of Governing the Tongue.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The Art of Governing the Penn.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The Government of Action.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The Government of Resolution.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The Government of Reputation.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The Government of Power: in 2 tomes.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The Government of Servients.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The Government of Subserviency.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The Government of Friendshipp.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The Government of Enmities.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The Government of Law-suites.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The Art of Gaining Wealth. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_115&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 115]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The Art of Buying and Selling&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_782&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_782&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[459]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The Art of Preserving Wealth.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The Art of Expending Wealth.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The Government of Secresy.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The Government of Amor Conjugalis: in 2 tomes.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Of Amor Concupiscentiae.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The Government of Felicity.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The Lives of Atticus, Sejanus, Augustus.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The Causes of the Diseases of the Mind.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The Cures of the Mind, viz&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;t&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;. Passions, Diseases, Vices, Errours, Defects.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The Art of Discerning of Men.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The Art of Discerning a Man&#039;s selfe.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;Religion from Reason: in 3 tomes.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The Life of Cum-fu-zu, soe farr wrote by J. B.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;The Life of Mahomett, wrot by Sir Walter Raleigh&#039;s papers, with some small addition for methodizing the same.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ol&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_783&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_783&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[460]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;I have desired him to give these MSS. to the library of the Royal Society.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He made it his businesse&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_784&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_784&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[461]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to advance the trade of England, and many men have printed his conceptions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_70&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_70&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AU]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey gives in trick the coat:—&#039;ermine, on a bend sable cottised gules, five besants, between 2 eagles proper;&#039; and an impression of Bovey&#039;s seal with the same coat.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Richard Boyle&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;, earl of Cork (1566-1643).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_785&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_785&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[462]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Earl of Corke:—vide countesse of Warwick&#039;s funerall sermon, 2 or 3 shops&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_786&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_786&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[463]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; within Paul&#039;s churchyard.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_787&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_787&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[464]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Earl of Corke&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_76&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_76&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AV]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;—Thomas, earl of Strafford made him disgorge 1500 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum, which he restored to the church—&amp;amp;lt;from&amp;amp;gt; Mr. ... Anderson.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Earl of Corke bought of captaine Horsey &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;fourtie plough&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_116&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 116]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;lands&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in Ireland for fourtie pounds. (A. Ettrick assures me, &#039;I say againe fourtie ploughlands.&#039;)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The queen gave Lismore to Sir Walter Raleigh, and ... to Sir John Anderson, etc. to etc., eâ intentione to plant them, which they did not; and were not planted till since the last rebellion—quaere Mr. Anderson, who sayes that Ireland could not be secure till it was enough peopled with English.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;My lady Petty sayes he had a wife or two before, and that he maried Mris. Fenton&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_77&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_77&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AW]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; without her father&#039;s consent—(quaere Secretary Fenton&#039;s Christian name&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_78&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_78&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AX]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_788&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_788&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[465]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;... Boyle, the first earle of Corke:—the countesse of Thanet, his great-grand-daughter, daughter to this earle of Corke and Burlington, haz told me that her father has a booke in folio—thick—of her grandfather&#039;s writing, &amp;amp;lt;giving&amp;amp;gt; the place, day, and hour of birth, and by what steps, wayes, and degrees he came to his greatnes. Which she will doe her endeavour to gett me an extract of it, but it is in Ireland and (I thinke) must be kept there, and is an heir-loome to the family.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Excerpts from Anthony Walker&#039;s Sermon.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_789&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_789&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[466]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Of Richard Boyle, first earl of Corke, and his seventh daughter, Mary, countess of Warwick.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The Virtuous Woman found&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;: Being a Sermon preached at Felsted, in Essex, at the Funerall of the most excellent and religious lady, the Right honourable MARY Countesse Dowager of Warwick. By Anthony Walker, D.D. rector of Fyfield, in the sayd countie. The 2d Edition corrected. Printed at London, for Nath. Ranew, at the King&#039;s Arms, in St. Paul&#039;s Church-yard, 1680.&#039; (The Epistle dedicatory is dated May 27, 1678.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Pag. 44.—&#039;She was truly excellent and great in all respects: great in the honour of her birth, being born a lady and a virtuosa both; seventh daughter of that eminently honourable, Richard, the first earle of Cork; who being born a private gentleman, and younger brother of a younger &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_117&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 117]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;brother, to no other heritage than is expressed in the device and motto, which his humble gratitude inscribed on all the palaces he built,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;God&#039;s Providence, mine Inheritance&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;by that Providence, and his diligent and wise industry, raised such an honour and estate, and left such a familie, as never any subject of these three kingdomes did, and that with so unspotted a reputation of integrity that the most invidious scrutiny could find no blott, though it winnowed all the methods of his rising most severely, which our good lady hath often told me with great content and satisfaction.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This noble lord, by his prudent and pious consort, no lesse an ornament and honour to their descendants than himself, was blessed with five sonnes, (of which he lived to see four lords and peeres of the kingdome of Ireland,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_790&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_790&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[467]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and a fifth, more than these titles speak, a soveraigne and peerlesse in a larger province,—that of universall nature, subdued and made obsequious to his inquisitive mind), and eight daughters. And that you may remark how all things were extraordinary in this great personage, it will, I hope, be neither unpleasant, nor impertinent, to add a short story I had from our lady&#039;s own mouth:—Master Boyl, after earle of Cork (who was then a widdower), came one morning to waite on Sir Jeofry Fenton, at that time a great officer&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_71&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_71&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXIV.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of state in that kingdome of Ireland, who being ingaged in business, and not knowing who it was who desired to speake with him, a while delayed him access; which time he spent pleasantly with his young daughter in her nurse&#039;s arms. But when Sir Jeoffry came, and saw whom he had made stay somewhat too long, he civilly excused it. But master Boyl replied, he had been very well entertayned; and spent his time much to his satisfaction, in courting his daughter, if he might obtaine the honour to be accepted for his son-in-lawe. At which Sir Jeoffry, smiling (to hear one who had been formerly married, move for a wife carried in arms, and under two years old,) asked him if he would stay for her? To which he frankly answered him he would, and Sir Jeoffry as generously promised him he should then have his consent. And they both kept their words honourably. And by this virtuous lady he had thirteen children, ten of which he lived to see honourably married, and died a grandfather by the youngest of them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_71&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_71&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXIV.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Secretary of Estate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nor did she derive less honour from the collateral, than the descending line, being sister by soul and genius, as well as bloud, to these great personages, whose illustrious, unspotted, and resplendent honour and virtue, and whose usefull learning and accurate pens, may attone and&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_791&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_791&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[468]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;expiate, as well as shame, the scandalous blemishes of a debauched, and the many impertinencies of a scribling, age:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_118&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 118]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;(1), Richard, the truly right honourable, loyal, wise, and virtuous, earl of Burlington and Cork, whose life is his fairest and most laudable character;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;(2), the right honourable Roger earle of Orery, that great poet, great statesman, great soldier, and great every-thing which merits the name of great or good;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;(3), Francis lord Shannon, whose &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pocket Pistol&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, as he stiles his book, may make as wide breaches in the walls of the Capitol, as many canons;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;(4), and that honourable and well known name Robert Boyl, esquier, that profound philosopher, accomplished humanist, and excellent divine, I had almost sayd lay-bishop, as one hath stiled Sir Henry Savil; whose works alone may make a librarie&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_72&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_72&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXV.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_72&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_72&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXV.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Why does he not mention ... lord Killimeke&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_79&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_79&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AY]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; who was slain at the great battell of Liskarrill, in Ireland?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The female branches also (if it be lawfull so to call them whose virtues were so masculine, souls knowing no difference of sex) by their honours and graces (by mutuall reflections) gave, and received lustre, to, and from, her:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;the eldest of which, the lady Alice, was married to the lord Baramore;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;the second, the lady Sarah, to the lord Digby, of Ireland;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;the third, the lady Laetitia, to the eldest son of the lord Goring, who died earle of Norwich;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;the fourth, the lady Joan, to the earle of Kildare, not only primier earle of Ireland, but the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ancientest house&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in Christendome of that degree, the present earle being the six and twentieth, or the seaven and twentieth, of lineal descent: and, as I have heard, it was that great antiquary King Charles the First his observation, that the three ancientest families of Europe for nobility, were the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Veres&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in England, earls of Oxford, and the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Fitz-Geralds&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in Ireland, earls of Kildare, and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Momorancy&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in France: &#039;tis observable&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_792&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_792&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[469]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;that the present earle of Kildare is a mixture of blood of Fitz-Geralds and Veres;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;the fifth, the lady Katharine, who was married to the lord viscount Ranelaugh&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_73&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_73&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXVI.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and mother to the present generous earle of Ranelaugh, of which family I could have added an eminent remark, I meet with in Fuller&#039;s &amp;quot;Worthies;&amp;quot; this lady&#039;s character is so signalized by her known merit among all persons of honour, that as I need not, so I dare not, attempt beyond this one word—she was our lady&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Friend-Sister&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_73&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_73&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXVI.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;amp;lt;Arthur&amp;amp;gt; Jones.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;the sixth, the lady Dorothy Loftus;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;the seaventh, (the number of perfection) which shutt-up and crown&#039;d this noble train (for the eighth, the lady Margaret, died unmaried), was our excellent lady Mary, married to Charles, earle of Warwick; of whom, if I should use the language of my text, I should neither &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_119&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 119]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;despair their pardon, nor fear the reproach of rudeness—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Many daughters&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, all his daughters, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;did virtuously but thou&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Prov.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; xxxi. 29, 30, 31.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;----But shee&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_74&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_74&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXVII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; needed neither borrowed shades, nor reflexive lights, to set her off, being personally great in all naturall endowments and accomplishments of soul and body, wisdome, beautie, favour, and virtue;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_74&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_74&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXVII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Mary, countess of Warwick.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;great by her tongue, for never woman used one better, speaking so gracefully, promptly, discreetly, pertinently, holily, that I have often admired the edifying words that proceeded from her mouth;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;great by her pen, as you may (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ex pede Herculem&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) discover by that little&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_75&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_75&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXVIII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; tast of it the world hath been happy in, the hasty fruit of one or two interrupted houres after supper, which she professed to me, with a little regret, when she was surprised with it&#039;s sliding into the world without her knowledge, or allowance, and wholly beside her expectation;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_75&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_75&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXVIII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Her ladyship&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pious Meditations&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;great by being the greatest mistresse and promotress, not to say the foundress and inventress, of a new science—the art of obliging; in which she attain&#039;d that sovereign perfection, that she reigned over all their hearts with whom she did converse;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;great in her nobleness of living and hospitality;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;great in the unparallelld sincerity of constant, faithfull, condescending friendship, and for that law of kindness which dwelt in her lips and heart;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;great in her dexterity of management;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;great in her quick apprehension of the difficulties of her affaires, and where the stress and pinch lay, to untie the knot, and loose and ease them;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;great in the conquest of herselfe;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;great in a thousand things beside, which the world admires as such: but she despised them all, and counted them but loss and dung in comparison of the feare of God, and the excellency of the knowledge of Christ Jesus.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_76&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_76&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AV]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey gives in trick the coat:—&#039;per bend crenellée argent and gules [Boyle]; impaling, ..., a cross vert between 4 fleur de lys ... [Fenton],&#039; surmounted by an earl&#039;s coronet.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A leaf containing an earlier draft of this life (as shown by the coat tricked in the inner margin) has been cut out between fol. 14 and fol. 15 of MS. Aubr. 6. The excision was made by Aubrey himself, a line being drawn by him across the excision from fol. 14&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; to fol. 15, to mark the transposition of a passage. The reason for the cutting out of this leaf is suggested in a letter of Aubrey to Anthony Wood (MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 360, July 14, 1681), where he says his &#039;Lives&#039; contain &#039;severe touches on the earl of Corke, Dr. Wallis, etc.&#039; In the margin of the excised leaf a note, given on the authority of &#039;Mr. A. E.&#039; i.e. Anthony Ettrick, seems to speak of amours and bastards of the earl.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_77&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_77&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AW]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Catherine Fenton, daughter of Sir Geoffrey Fenton, Secretary of State for Ireland 1581-1603.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_78&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_78&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AX]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood, in answer to this query, suggests:—&#039;Jeffrey, quaere.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_79&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_79&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AY]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Lewis Boyle, second son of Richard, first earl of Cork, created viscount Boyle of Kynalmeaky, 1627/8.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_120&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 120]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Robert Boyle&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1626/7-1691).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_793&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_793&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[470]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Robert Boyle;—vide Oliver Hill&#039;s ..., where he is accused of grosse plagiarisme. Dr. &amp;amp;lt;Robert&amp;amp;gt; Wood went to schoole with him at Eaton Colledge.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_794&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_794&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[471]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. R. Boyle, when a boy at Eaton &amp;amp;lt;was&amp;amp;gt; verie sickly and pale—from Dr. &amp;amp;lt;Robert&amp;amp;gt; Wood, who was his schoole-fellow.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_795&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_795&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[472]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;The honourable Robert Boyle&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_81&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_81&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AZ]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; esq., the &amp;amp;lt;fifth&amp;amp;gt; son of Richard Boyle, the first earle of Corke, was borne at Lismor&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_80&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_80&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXIX.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in the county of Corke, the &amp;amp;lt;25&amp;amp;gt; day of &amp;amp;lt;January&amp;amp;gt; anno &amp;amp;lt;1626/7&amp;amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_80&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_80&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXIX.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It was anciently an University, and a great towne or city. It had twenty churches. &#039;Twas the seate of king John.—From Elizabeth, countesse of Thanet.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was nursed by an Irish nurse, after the Irish manner, wher they putt the child into a pendulous satchell (insted of a cradle), with a slitt for the child&#039;s head to peepe out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He learn&#039;t his Latin.... Went to the university of Leyden. Travelled France, Italy, Switzerland. I have oftentimes heard him say that after he had seen the antiquities and architecture of Rome, he esteemed none&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_796&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_796&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[473]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; any where els.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He speakes Latin very well, and very readily, as most men I have mett with. I have heard him say that when he was young, he read over Cowper&#039;s dictionary: wherin I thinke he did very well, and I beleeve he is much beholding to him for his mastership of that language.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His father in his will, when he comes to the settlement and provision for his son Robert, thus,—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Item, to my son Robert, whom I beseech God to blesse with a particular blessing, I bequeath, &amp;amp;amp;c.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. R. H.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_797&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_797&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[474]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, who has seen the rentall, sayes it was 3000 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_121&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 121]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;per annum: the greatst part is in Ireland. His father left him the mannor of Stalbridge in com. Dorset, where is a great freestone house; it was forfeited by the earle of Castlehaven.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He is very tall (about six foot high) and streight, very temperate, and vertuouse, and frugall: a batcheler; keepes a coach; sojournes with his sister, the lady Ranulagh. His greatest delight is chymistrey. He haz at his sister&#039;s a noble laboratory, and severall servants (prentices to him) to looke to it. He is charitable to ingeniose men that are in want, and foreigne chymists have had large proofe of his bountie, for he will not spare for cost to gett any rare secret. At his owne costs and chardges he gott translated and printed the New Testament in Arabique&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_82&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_82&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BA]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, to send into the Mahometan countreys. He has not only a high renowne in England, but abroad; and when foreigners come to hither, &#039;tis one of their curiosities to make him a visit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_81&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_81&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[AZ]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey gives in colours the Boyle coat (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_119&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;119&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), with a mullet gules for difference. Anthony Wood adds the reference:—&#039;see in the first sheet of the second part,&#039; i.e. of MS. Aubr. 7, viz. the excerpts &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; from Anthony Walker&#039;s sermon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_82&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_82&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BA]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Gospels and Acts in Malay (in Arabic character), Oxford, 1677.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;William Brereton&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;, 3rd baron, (1631-1680).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_798&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_798&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[475]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;William, lord Brereton, obiit March 17, 1680&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_799&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_799&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[476]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; buried at St. Martin&#039;s-in-the-fields: scripsit &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Origines Moriens&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in Latin verse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_800&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_800&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[477]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;William, lord Brereton&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_83&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_83&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BB]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of &amp;amp;lt;Leighlin&amp;amp;gt;:—this vertuous and learned lord (who was my most honoured and obligeing friend) was educated at Breda, by John Pell, D.D., then Math. Professor there of the Prince of Orange&#039;s &#039;ilustrious schoole.&#039; Sir George Goring, earl of Norwich (who was my lord&#039;s grandfather), did send for him over, where the &amp;amp;lt;Doctor&amp;amp;gt; (then Mr. John Pell) tooke great care of him, and made him a very good Algebrist.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_122&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 122]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He hath wrote a poem called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Origines Moriens&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, a MS.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Obiit March 17, 1679/80, London, and is buried at St Martin&#039;s church in the fields.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was an excellent musitian, and also a good composer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_83&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_83&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BB]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood adds the reference &#039;quaere in Coll. Exon.&#039; Wood seems to have thought that Sir William Brereton of Honford in Cheshire (an officer in the Parliamentary army, mentioned in the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Athenae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) might be found among the Exeter College matriculations and might be connected with this peer&#039;s family.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Edward Brerewood&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1565-1613).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_801&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_801&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[478]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Edward Brerewood&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_84&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_84&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BC]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was borne....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was of Brasen-nose College in Oxon. My old cosen Whitney&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_85&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_85&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BD]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, fellow there long since, told me, as I remember, that his father was a citizen of W&amp;amp;lt;est&amp;amp;gt; Chester; that (I have now forgot on what occasion, whether he had outrun the exhibition from his father, or what), but he was for some time in straightes in the College; that he went not out of the College gates in a good while, nor (I thinke) out of his chamber, but was in slip-shoes, and wore out his gowne and cloathes on the bord and benches of his chamber, but profited in knowledge wonderfully.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He writ his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Logica&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and ..., &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;de meteoris&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;de ponderibus et nummis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (which he dedicates to his countryman, Lord Chancellor Egerton, who was no doubt his patron).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was astronomie professor at Gresham College, London, where he died anno 1613, and was buried in Great Saint Helen&#039;s chancell: so &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist. and Antiq. of Oxon.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, lib. 2. pag. 219 b.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Tis pity I can pick-up no more of him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_84&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_84&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BC]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood added the reference &#039;vide A. W.&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;Hist. et&amp;amp;gt; Antiq.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&#039;; but scored it out, finding himself anticipated in the text of the notice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_85&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_85&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BD]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; James Whitney, matric. April 19, 1611 at St. Mary Hall, but took his degrees from Brasenose (Clark&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Reg. Univ. Oxon.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; II. iii. 334).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_123&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 123]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Arthur Brett&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (16..-1677).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;In MS. Aubr. 22 (Aubrey&#039;s Collection of Grammars) is a tract of 6 pp.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;A demonstration how the Latine tonge may be learn&#039;t&#039;; Lond. 1669; &#039;by Arthur Bret, M.A. of Ch. Ch. in Oxford and of Westminster Schoole.&#039;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Henry Briggs&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1556-1630/1).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_802&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_802&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[479]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Henry Briggs was borne at ... (vide Anthony Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Oxon. Antiquit.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: quaere his nephew who is beadle to Stationers&#039; Hall; quaere &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Vaticinium Carolinum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, an English poem).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was first of St. John&#039;s College in Cambridge. Sir Henry Savill sent for him and made him his geometrie professor. He lived at Merton College in Oxon, where he made the dialls at the buttresses of the east end of the chapell with a bullet for the axis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He travelled into Scotland to comune with the honourable ... lord Nepier&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_86&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_86&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BE]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Marcheston about making the logarithmicall tables.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;☞ Looking one time on the mappe of England he observed that the&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_803&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_803&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[480]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; two rivers, the Thames and that Avon which runnes to Bathe and so to Bristowe, were not far distant, scilicet, about 3 miles—vide the mappe. He sees &#039;twas but about 25 miles from Oxford; getts a horse and viewes it and found it to be a levell ground and&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_804&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_804&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[481]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; easie to be digged. Then he considered the chardge of cutting between them and the convenience of making a mariage between those rivers which would be of great consequence for cheape and safe carrying of goods between London and Bristow, and though the boates&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_805&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_805&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[482]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; goe slowly and with meanders, yet considering they goe day and night they would be at their journey&#039;s end almost as soon as the waggons, which often are overthrowne and liquours spilt and other goods broken. Not long after this he dyed and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_124&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 124]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the civill warres brake-out. It happened by good luck that one Mr. Matthewes of Dorset had some acquaintance with this Mr.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_806&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_806&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[483]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Briggs and had heard him discourse of it. He was an honest simple man, and had runne out of his estate and this project did much run in his head. He would revive it (or els it had been lost and forgott) and went into the country to make an ill survey of it (which he printed) about anno ..., but with no great encouragement of the countrey or others. Upon the restauration of King Charles II he renewed his designe and applyed himselfe to the king and counsell. His majestie espoused it more (he told me) then any one els. In short, for want of management and his non-ability, it came to nothing, and he is now dead of old age. But Sir Jonas Moore ( ☞ an expert mathematician and a practicall man), being sent to survey the mannor of Dantesey in Wilts (which was forfeited to the crowne by Sir John Danvers his foolery), went to see these streames and distances. He told me the streames were too small unlesse in winter; but if some prince or the Parliament would rayse money to cutt through the hill by Wotton-Basset which is not very high, then there would be water enough and streames big enough. He computed the chardge, which I have forgott, but I thinke it was about 200,000 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Insert his letter to Dr. John Pell &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;de logarithmis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; written anno Dni 1628.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. William Oughtred calls him the English Archimedes in....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;An epitaph on H. Briggs among H. Burched&#039;s poems&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_87&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_87&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BF]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_807&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_807&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[484]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Briggs—vide and quaere Dr. Whitchcot, behind St. Lawrence Church; he knew him.——Respondet quod non.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_808&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_808&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[485]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Norwood to the reader, before his Trigonometrie:—&#039;of the construction and divers applications of Logarithmes Mr. Brigs hath written a booke called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Arithmetica Logarithmica&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and since again began another &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_125&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 125]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;excellent worke of like nature entituled &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Trigonometria Britannica&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. I have onely seen (in the hands of a friend of his) a printed copie of so much as he had done, namely the tables: but whilest he was in hand with the rest, he departed this life. It was writ in Latin.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_86&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_86&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BE]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; John Napier, of Merchiston, born 1550, died 1617. His son Alexander was created baron Napier in 1627.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_87&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_87&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BF]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 48 is two leaves, pp. 49-52, sign. I, of a printed book, a miscellany of Greek and Latin verses. The first piece on p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_49&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;49&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; is six Greek lines &#039;Epitaphium D. Henrici Briggi ob mathesin et pietatem famigerati, denati 1631. Januar. ult.&#039; The second piece is 32 Latin verses &#039;in bibliothecam Oxoniensem tertio amplificatam MDCXXXVI.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Thomas Brightman&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1562-1607).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;A Letter from Edward Gibson about Thomas Brightman&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_88&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_88&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BG]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c33&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_809&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_809&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[486]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Hawnes, Dec. 21, &amp;amp;lt;16&amp;amp;gt;81.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Sir,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Since you have desired and have been put into an expectation of receiving some information concerning Mr. Brightman, tho I have litle or nothing to serve you and your freind with, I send this to let you know that I find nothing of his arms; that upon the stone is engraven&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Here lyeth the body of Thomas Brightman, deceased, minister of this parish, who dyed Aug. 24, 1607.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Over his head are these sad rimes (I hope they are Oxford, tho not much for the honour of it).—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Christ cals his churches candlestiks of old,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Altho the candlesticks but the candles hold.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The lights on them hee calleth angels pure,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Not barely candles, for those must endure.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Candles when burn&#039;t out are soon forgott,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But ministers, as angels, must not rot.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Sith God doth ministers so eternize,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_126&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 126]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Let not us mortals give them lower prize.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And specially to Brightman&#039;s recommendacion&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And bee entomed a light to th&#039; revelation&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Wee must, wee ought, to make such saints last&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In whom wee know the times to come and past.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c34&amp;quot;&amp;gt;I am, Sir, Yours to serve you,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c35&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Edw. Gibson.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Dr. Fuller, amongst his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Worthies&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, hath something of Mr. Brightman.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_810&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_810&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[487]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;For Mr. John Aubrey: leave this at Mr. Hooke&#039;s lodging in Gresham College.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_88&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_88&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BG]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 3, Anthony Wood has jotted down &#039;quaere Mr. Aubrey of Thomas Brightman, Dr. &amp;amp;lt;William&amp;amp;gt; Butler, Henry Billingsley, Sir George Wharton&#039;—Aubrey&#039;s notes, so far, about these four having been scanty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 48&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, opposite Gibson&#039;s letter Wood notes an odd omission in it:—&#039;Quaere &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;in what church&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Mr. Thomas Brightman was buried?&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Alexander Brome&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1620-1666).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_811&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_811&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[488]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;H. Brome assured me that his brother Alexander was in his accedence at 4 yeares old and a quarter&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_89&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_89&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BH]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_89&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_89&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BH]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is a marginal note opposite the life of Katherine Philips, and is intended to be a parallel instance of precocious reading, the boy being taken, first, through the Psalter, and then through the Bible, before beginning his &#039;accidence&#039; (i.e. Latin Grammar): cp. the course of Anthony Wood&#039;s education, Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 46, 47, 48. Henry Brome was a London bookseller.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Christopher Brookes&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (16..-1665).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_812&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_812&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[489]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Christopher Brookes, of Oxford, a mathematical instrument maker. He was sometime manciple of Wadham College: his widowe lived over against the Theatre.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This C. B. printed&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_813&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_813&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[490]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; 1649 an 8vo of about 2 sheetes, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_127&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 127]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;scil. &#039;A new quadrant of more natural easie and manifold performance than any other heretofore extant&#039;: but it was his father-in-lawe&#039;s&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_814&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_814&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[491]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; invention. I had it from his widow about 1665.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 class=&amp;quot;c25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Elizabeth Broughton.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_815&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_815&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[492]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;In the Heralds&#039; Office—Heref&amp;amp;lt;ordshire&amp;amp;gt;—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  Edward Broughton,   &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;  Isabell, daughter of&lt;br /&gt;
  of Kington, eldest  |   Rafe Beeston, of&lt;br /&gt;
  son, 1634           |   Warwickshire.&lt;br /&gt;
                      |&lt;br /&gt;
                  Elizabeth.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;Arms&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_816&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_816&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[493]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;:—&amp;amp;gt; &#039;argent, 2 bars gules, on a canton of the second a cross of the field, a martlet or for difference.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mris. Elizabeth Broughton was daughter of ... Broughton of ... in Herefordshire, an ancient family. Her father lived at the mannour-house at Canon-Peon. Whether she was borne there or no, I know not: but there she lost her mayden-head to a poor young fellow, then I beleeve handsome, but, in 1660, a pittifull poor old weaver, clarke of the parish. He had fine curled haire, but gray. Her father at length discoverd her inclinations and locked her up in the turret of the house, but she (like a ...) getts downe by a rope; and away she gott to London, and did sett-up for her selfe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She was a most exquisite beautie, as finely shaped as nature could frame; and had a delicate witt. She was soon taken notice of at London, and her price was very deare—a second Thais. Richard, earle of Dorset, kept her (whether before or after Venetia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_817&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_817&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[494]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, I know not, but I guesse before). At last she grew common and infamous and gott&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_818&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_818&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[495]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the pox, of which she died.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I remember thus much of an old song of those dayes, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_128&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 128]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;which I have seen in a collection—&#039;twas by way of litanie—viz.:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;From the watch at twelve a clock,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And from Bess Broughton&#039;s buttond&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_819&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_819&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[496]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; smock,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Libera nos, Domine&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In Ben Johnson&#039;s execrations against Vulcan, he concludes thus:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Pox take thee, Vulcan! May Pandora&#039;s pox&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And all the ills that flew out of her box&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Light on thee. And if those plagues will not doe&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Thy wive&#039;s pox take thee, and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bess Broughton&#039;s&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; too.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;—In the first edition in 8vo her name is thus at length.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I see that there have been famous woemen before our times.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Vixêre fortes ante Agamemnona&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Multi, etc.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c36&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Horace&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, lib. 4, ode 9.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I doe remember her father (1646), neer 80, the handsomest shaped man that ever my eies beheld, a very wise man and of an admirable elocution. He was a committee-man in Herefordshire and Glocestershire. He was commissary to colonel Massey. He was of the Puritan party heretofore; had a great guift in praying, etc. His wife (I have heard my grandmother say, who was her neighbor) had as great parts as he. He was the first that used the improvement of land by soape-ashes when he lived at Bristowe, where they then threw it away.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;William Brouncker&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;, 2nd viscount (1620-1684).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_820&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_820&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[497]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;William, lord viscount Brouncker of Lions in Ireland: he lived in Oxford when &#039;twas a garrison for the King: but he was of no university, he told me. He addicted &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_129&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 129]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;himselfe only to the study of the mathematicks, and was a very great artist in that learning.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His mother was an extraordinary great gamester, and playd all, gold play; she kept the box herselfe. Mr. ... Arundall (brother of the lord Wardour) made a song in characters of the nobility. Among others, I remember this,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Here&#039;s a health to my lady Brouncker and the best card in her hand,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And a health to my lord her husband, with ne&#039;re a foot of land.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was president of the Royall Society about 15 yeares&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_90&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_90&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BI]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was ... of the Navy office&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_91&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_91&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BJ]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He dyed April the 5th, 1684; buried the 14th following in the vault which he caused to be made (8 foot long, 4 foot broad, and about 4 foot high) in the middle of the quire of Saint Katharine&#039;s, neer the Tower, of which convent he was governour. He gave a fine organ to this church a little before his death; and whereas it was a noble and large choire, he divided &amp;amp;lt;it&amp;amp;gt; in the middle with a good skreen (at his owne chardge), which haz spoiled &amp;amp;lt;it&amp;amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;A note written by him&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_92&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_92&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BK]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_821&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_821&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[498]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These are to give notice that on Friday next the thirtieth day of this instant November, 1677, being St. Andrew&#039;s day, the council and officers of the Royal Society are to be elected for the year ensuing. At which election your presence is expected in Gresham Colledge at nine of the clock in the forenoon precisely.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;(For John Aubrey, esq.)&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Brouncker, P. R. S.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_90&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_90&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BI]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was President, 1663, from the incorporation of the Royal Society, to 1677.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_91&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_91&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BJ]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was a Lord of the Admiralty in 1680, and again in 1682.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_92&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_92&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BK]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The signature is in long sloping letters, like the children&#039;s puzzles of thirty years&#039; back, which could be read only when the paper was held edgeways. It has beaten Anthony Wood, who notes at the side:—&#039;What this name is I know not.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_130&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 130]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;William Browne&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1591-1645).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_822&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_822&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[499]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;The earle of Carnarvon does not remember Mr. Brown&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_93&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_93&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BL]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and I ask&#039;t his lordship lately again if any of his servants doe: he assures me &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;no&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_93&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_93&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BL]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The inquiry was made of Charles Dormer, second earl of Carnarvon. William Browne, author of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Britannia&#039;s Pastorals&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, had been tutor in 1624 to Robert Dormer (created earl of Carnarvon in 1628) in Exeter College.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Robert Burton&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1576/7-1639/40).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_823&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_823&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[500]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Memorandum. Mr. Robert Hooke of Gresham College told me that he lay in the chamber in Christ Church that was Mr. Burton&#039;s, of whom &#039;tis whispered that, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;non obstante&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; all his astrologie and his booke of Melancholie, he ended his dayes in that chamber by hanging him selfe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Thomas Bushell&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1594-1674).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_824&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_824&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[501]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Thomas Bushell was an ... shire man, borne ...: quaere Thomas Mariet, esq. [He&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_825&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_825&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[502]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was borne at Marston in ... shire, neer him.]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was one of the gentlemen that wayted on the Lord Chancellour Bacon. &#039;Twas the fashion in those dayes for gentlemen to have their suites of clothes garnished with buttons. My Lord Bacon was then in disgrace, and his man Bushell having more buttons then usuall on his cloake, etc., they sayd that his lord&#039;s breech made buttons and Bushell wore them—from whence he was called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;buttond Bushell&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was only an English scholar, but had a good witt and a working and contemplative head. His lord much loved him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_131&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 131]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His genius lay most towards naturall philosophy, and particularly towards the discovery, drayning, and improvement of the silver mines in Cardiganshire&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_826&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_826&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[503]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, etc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had the strangest bewitching way to drawe-in people (yea, discreet and wary men) into his projects that ever I heard of. His tongue was a chaine and drewe in so many to be bound for him and to be ingaged in his designes that he ruined a number. Mr. Goodyere of ... in Oxfordshire was undon by him among others; see&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_827&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_827&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[504]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; part iii. pag. 6 b.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was master of the art of running in debt, and lived so long that his depts were forgott, so that they were the great-grandchildren of the creditors.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He wrote a stich&#039;t treatise of mines and improving of the adits to them and bellowes to drive-in wind, which Sir John Danvers, his acquaintance, had, and nayled it&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_96&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_96&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BM]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to his parlor-wall at Chelsey, with some scheme, and I beleeve is there yet: I sawe it there about 10 yeares since.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;During the time of the civill warres, he lived in Lundy island.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno 1647 or 8, he came over into England; and when he landed at Chester, and had but one Spanish threepence (this I had then from ... of Great Tew, to whom he told it), and, sayd he, &#039;I&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_828&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_828&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[505]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; could have been contented to have begged a penny, like a poor man.&#039; At that time he sayd he owed, I forgett whether it was 50 or sixty thousand pounds: but he was like Sir Kenelm Digby, if he had not 4&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;d.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, wherever he came he would find respect and credit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;☞ Memorandum, after his master the lord chancellor dyed, he maried ..., and lived at Enston, Oxon; where having some land lyeing on the hanging of a hill faceing the south, at the foot wherof runnes a fine cleare stream which petrifies, and where is a pleasant solitude, he spake to his servant &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_132&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 132]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Jack&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_94&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_94&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXX.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sydenham to gett a labourer to cleare some boscage which grew on the side of the hill, and also to dig&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_829&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_829&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[506]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a cavity in the hill to sitt, and read or contemplate. The workman had not workt an hower before he discovers not only a rock, but a rock of an unusuall figure with pendants like icecles as at Wokey hole (Somerset), which was the occasion of making that delicate grotto and those fine walkes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_94&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_94&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXX.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;amp;lt;Jack Sydenham&amp;amp;gt; lived before with Sir Charles Snell at Kington St. Michaell. He was wont to carry me in his armes: a gracefull servant. He gave me this account.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Here in fine weather he would walke all night. Jack Sydenham sang rarely: so did his other servant, Mr. Batty. They went very gent. in cloathes, and he loved them as his children.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He did not encumber him selfe with his wife, but here enjoyed himselfe thus in this paradise till the war brake out, and then retired to Lundy isle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had donne something (I have forgott what) that made him obnoxious to the Parliament or Oliver Cromwell, about 1650; would have been hangd if taken; printed severall letters to the Parliament, etc., dated from beyond sea, and all that time lay privately in his howse in Lambeth marsh where the&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_830&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_830&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[507]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; pointed pyramis is. In the garret there, is a long gallery, which he hung all with&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_831&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_831&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[508]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; black, and had some death&#039;s heads and bones painted. At the end where his couch was, was in an old Gothique nich (like an old monument) painted a skeleton incumbent&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_832&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_832&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[509]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; on a matt. At the other end where was his pallet-bed was an emaciated dead man stretched out. Here he had severall mortifying and divine motto&#039;s (he imitated his lord&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_833&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_833&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[510]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; as much as he could), and out of his windowes a very pleasant prospect. At night he walkt in the garden and orchard. Only Mr. Sydenham, and an old trusty woman, was privy to his being in England.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He dyed about 1676 or 1677—quaere where—he was 80 yeares of age. [He&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_834&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_834&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[511]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; dyed in Scotland yard neer &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_133&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 133]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Whitehall about 1675 or 1677; Mr. Beach the quaker can tell me exactly.]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His entertainment to Queen Henrietta Marie at Enston was in anno 163&amp;amp;lt;6, 23 August&amp;amp;gt;. Insert, i.e. sowe&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_835&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_835&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[512]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; my book (which J. S.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_836&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_836&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[513]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; gave my grandfather Isaac Lyte) in this place ... Goodall&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_97&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_97&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BN]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, of Ch. Ch. Oxon, composed&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_837&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_837&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[514]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the musique; I remember the student of Ch. Ch. which sang the songs (&amp;amp;lt;I&amp;amp;gt; now forgett his name).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_838&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_838&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[515]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Bushell had a daughter maried to a merchant ... in Bristowe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a handsome proper gentleman when I sawe him at his house aforesayd at Lambith. He was about 70 but I should have not guessed him hardly 60. He had a perfect healthy constitution; fresh, ruddy face; hawke-nosed, and was temperate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As he had the art of running in dept, so sometimes he was attacqued and throwen into prison; but he would extricate him selfe again straingely.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_839&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_839&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[516]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; died about 3 yeares since (&amp;amp;lt;from&amp;amp;gt; Sir William Dugdale), i.e. about 1677; and was buried at....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum:—in the time of the civill warres his&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_840&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_840&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[517]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; hermitage over the rocks at Enston were hung with black-bayes; his bed had black curtaines, etc., but it had no bed-postes but hung by 4 cordes (covered with black-bayes) instead of bed postes. When the queen-mother came to Oxon to the king, she either brought (as I thinke) or somebody gave her an entire mummie from Egypt, a great raritie, which her majestie gave to Mr. Bushell, but I beleeve long ere this time the dampnesse of the place haz spoyled it with mouldinesse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum:—the grotto&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_841&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_841&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[518]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; belowe lookes just south; so that when it artificially raineth, upon the turning of a cock, you are enterteined with a rainebowe. In a very &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_134&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 134]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;little pond (no bigger then a basin) opposite to the rock, and hard by, stood (1643, Aug. 8) a Neptune, neatly cutt in wood, holding his trident in his hand, and ayming with it at a duck which perpetually turned round with him, and a spanniel swimming after her—which was very pretty, but long since spoyled. I heare that ... earl of Rochester, in whose possession it now is, doeth keepe it very well in order.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_842&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_842&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[519]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Bushell was the greatest arts-master to runne in dept (perhaps) in the world. He died one hundred and twenty thousand pounds in dept. He had so delicate a way of making his projects alluring and feazible, profitable, that he drewe to his baites not only rich men of no designe, but also the craftiest knaves in the countrey, such who had cosened and undon others: e.g. Mr. Goodyeere, who undid Mr. Nicholas Mees&#039;s father, etc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Vide &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Plea for Irish cattle&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Vide&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_843&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_843&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[520]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; φ p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_148&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;148&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, Bushell&#039;s rocks.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quaere his servant John Sydenham for the collection of remarques of severall partes of England, by the said Mr. Bushell.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_844&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_844&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[521]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Memorandum:—his ingeniose invention of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;aditus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; with bellowes to bring fresh aire into the mines: quaere Mr. Beech (quaker) if he hath his printed booke or where it may be had. He gave one to Sir John Danvers, which was nayled in the parlour to the wainscot: &#039;twas but about 8 sheetes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quaere Dr. Plott (&amp;amp;lt;author of&amp;amp;gt; Antiquities of Oxonshire) of the booke I gave him some yeares since of the songs and entertainment of Mr. Bushell to queen Henrietta Marie at his rocks. If he had it not, perhaps Anthony Wood had it. Mr. E&amp;amp;lt;dmund&amp;amp;gt; W&amp;amp;lt;yld&amp;amp;gt; sayes that he tap&#039;t the mountaine of Snowdon in ... in Wales, which was like to have drowned all the countrey; and they were like to knock him and his men in the head.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_135&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 135]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. Thomas Bushell lay some time (perhaps yeares) at Capt. Norton&#039;s, in the gate at Scotland-yard, where he dyed seven yeares since (now, 1684), about 80 aetat. Buried in the little cloysters at Westminster Abbey: vide the Register. Somebody putt&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_845&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_845&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[522]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; B. B. upon the stone&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_95&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_95&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXXI.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.—From Mr. Beech the quaker.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_95&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_95&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXXI.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now, 1687, gon: all new paved.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_96&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_96&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BM]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Nailed,&#039; I suppose, after the fashion of nailing counterfeit coins to the counter, or vermin to the stable door. Sir John Danvers had probably lost money in the &#039;scheme.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_97&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_97&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BN]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Stephen Goodall, chaplain of Ch. Ch., died in Oxford, in Sept. 1637.—Griffiths&#039; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Index to Wills ... at Oxford&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 24.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anthony Wood says the music was composed by Samuel Ives. Aubrey&#039;s copy of these poems is now among Anthony Wood&#039;s books in the Bodleian.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Samuel Butler&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1612/3-1680).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_846&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_846&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[523]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Samuel Butler was&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_847&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_847&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[524]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; borne&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_98&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_98&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXXII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at Pershore in Worcestershire, as we suppose: his brother lives there.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_98&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_98&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXXII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was born in Worcestershire, hard by Barbon-bridge, ½ a mile from Worcester, in the parish of St. John, Mr. Hill thinkes, who went to schoole with him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He went to schoole at Worcester—from Mr. Hill.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His father &amp;amp;lt;was&amp;amp;gt; a man but of slender fortune, and to breed him at schoole was as much education as he was able to reach to. When&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_848&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_848&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[525]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but a boy he would make observations and reflections on every thing one sayd or did, and censure it to be either well or ill. He never was at the university, for the reason alledged.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He came when a young man to be a servant to the countesse of Kent, whom he served severall yeares. Here, besides his study, he employed his time much in painting and drawing, and also in musique. He was thinking once to have made painting his profession—from Dr. Duke. His love to and skill in painting made a great friendship &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_136&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 136]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;between him and Mr. Samuel Cowper (the prince of limners of this age).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He then studyed the Common Lawes of England, but did not practise. He maried a good jointuresse, the relict of ... Morgan, by which meanes he lives comfortably.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After the restauration of his majestie when the court at Ludlowe was againe sett-up, he was then the king&#039;s steward at the castle there.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He printed a witty Poeme called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hudibras&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, the first part anno 166.. which tooke extremely&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_849&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_849&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[526]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; so that the king and Lord Chancellor Hyde&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_99&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_99&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXXIII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; would have him sent for, and accordingly he was sent for. They both promised him great matters, but to this day he haz got &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;no&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; employment, only the king gave him ... &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_99&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_99&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXXIII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Lord Chancellor Hyde haz his picture in his library over the chimney.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He is of a middle stature, strong sett, high coloured, a head of sorrell haire, a severe and sound judgement: a good fellowe. He haz often sayd that way (e.g. Mr. Edmund Waller&#039;s) of quibling with sence will hereafter growe as much out of fashion and be as ridicule as quibling with words—quod N.B. He haz been much troubled with the gowt, and particularly 1679, he stirred not out of his chamber from October till Easter.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Obiit Anno {Domini 1680}.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c37&amp;quot;&amp;gt;{circiter 70.     }&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He dyed of a consumption September 25; and buried 27, according to his appointment&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_850&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_850&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[527]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, in the churchyard of Convent Garden; scil. in the north part next the church at the east end. His feet touch the wall. His grave, 2 yards distant from the pillaster of the dore, (by his desire) 6 foot deepe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;About 25 of his old acquaintance at his funerall. I myself being one [of&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_851&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_851&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[528]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the eldest, helped to carry&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_852&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_852&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[529]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the pall with Tom Shadwell, at the foot, Sir Robert Thomas &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_137&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 137]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and Mr. Saunders, esq., at the head; Dr. Cole and Dr. Davenant, middle]. His coffin covered with black bayes;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;S. B. 1680&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_853&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_853&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[530]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_854&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_854&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[531]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Insert in vita Sam. Butler his verses of the Jesuites, not printed, which I gave to you&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_855&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_855&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[532]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; about 12 or 14.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_856&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_856&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[533]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hudibras unprinted.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;No Jesuite ever took in hand,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To plant a church in barren land;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Or ever thought it worth his while&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A Swede or Russe to reconcile;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For where there is not store of wealth,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Souls are not worth the charge of health&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_857&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_857&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[534]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Spaine and[d] America had two designes&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To sell their&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_858&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_858&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[535]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ghospell for their mines;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For had the Mexicans been poore,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;No Spaniard twice had landed on their shore.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Twas gold the Catholick Religion planted,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Which, had they wanted gold, they still had wanted.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had made very sharp reflexions upon the court in his last part&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_859&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_859&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[536]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Did not the learned Glynne and Maynard&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To prove true subjects traytors straine hard?&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_860&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_860&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[537]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Saunders (the countesse of Kent&#039;s kinsman) sayd that Mr. John Selden much esteemed him for his partes, and would sometimes employ him to write letters for him beyond sea, and to translate for him. He was secretarie to the duke of Bucks, when he was Chancellor of Cambridge. He might have had preferments at first; but he would not accept any but very good ones, so at last he had none at all, and dyed in want.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_138&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 138]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He painted well and made it (sometime) his profession.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He wayted some yeares on the countess of Kent: she gave her gentlemen 20&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum a-piece. Mr. John Selden tooke notice of his partes and would many times make him write or translate for him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Obiit sine prole.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_861&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_861&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[538]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Samuel Butler writt my lord [John&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_862&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_862&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[539]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;] Rosse&#039;s Answer to [Robert&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_863&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_863&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[540]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;] the marquesse of Dorchester.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum:—satyricall witts disoblige whom they converse with, etc.; and consequently make to themselves many enemies and few friends; and this was his manner and case. He was of a leonine-coloured haire, sanguino-cholerique, middle sized, strong.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;William Butler&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1535-1617/8).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_864&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_864&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[541]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;...&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_865&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_865&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[542]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Butler, physitian; he was of Clare-hall in Cambridge, never tooke the degree of Doctor, though he was the greatest physitian of his time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The occasion of his being first taken notice of was thus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_100&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_100&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXXIV.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;:—About the comeing-in of&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_866&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_866&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[543]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; king James, there was a minister of ... (a few miles from Cambridge), that was to preach before his majestie at New-market. The parson heard that the king was a great scholar, and studyed so excessively that he could not sleep, so somebody gave him some opium, which had made him sleep his last, had not Dr. Butler&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_867&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_867&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[544]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; used this following remedy. He was sent for by the parson&#039;s wife. When he came and sawe the parson, and asked what they had donne, he told her that she was in danger to be hanged for killing her husband, and so in great choler left her. It was at that time when the cowes came into the backside to be &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_139&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 139]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;milk&#039;t. He turnes back, and asked whose cowes those were. She sayd &amp;amp;lt;her&amp;amp;gt; husband&#039;s&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_868&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_868&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[545]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. Sayd he, &#039;will you give one of these cowes to fetch your husband to life again?&#039; That she would, with all her heart. He then causes one presently to be killed and opened, and the parson&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_101&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_101&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXXV.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to be taken out of his bed and putt into the cowes warme belly, which after some time brought him to life, or els he had infallibly dyed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_100&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_100&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXXIV.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; From Edmund Waller, esqre.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_101&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_101&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXXV.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Quaere&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_869&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_869&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[546]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; E. W. or Gale, who?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum:—there is a parallell storie to this in Machiavell&#039;s Florentiac History, where &#039;tis sayd that one of the Cosmo&#039;s being poysoned was putt into a mule&#039;s belly, sowed up, with a place only for his head to come out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a humorist&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_870&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_870&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[547]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. One time king James sent for him to New-market, and when he was gon halfe way &amp;amp;lt;he&amp;amp;gt; left the messenger and turned back; so then the messenger made him ride before him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I thinke he was never maried. He lived in an apothecary&#039;s shop, in Cambridge, &amp;amp;lt;John&amp;amp;gt; Crane, to whom he left his estate; and he in gratitude erected the monument&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_871&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_871&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[548]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for him, at his owne chardge, in the fashion&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_872&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_872&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[549]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he used. He was not greedy of money, except choice pieces of gold or rarities.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He would many times (I have heard say) sitt among the boyes at St. Maries church in Cambridge ( ☞ and just so would the famous attorney-generall Noy, in Lincoln&#039;s Inne, who had many such froliques and humours).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I remember Mr. Wodenoth, of King&#039;s College, told me, that being sent for to ... ... he told him that his disease was not to be found in Galen or Hippocrates, but in Tullie&#039;s Epistles, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cum non sis ubi fueris, non est cur velis vivere&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I thinke he left his estate to the apothecarie. He gave to the chapell of Clare-hall, a bowle&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_873&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_873&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[550]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, for the communion, of gold (cost, I thinke, 2 or 300 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;), on which is engraved &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_140&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 140]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;a pelican feeding her young with the bloud from her breast (an embleme of the passion of Christ), no motto, for the embleme explained it selfe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He lies buried in the south side of St. Marie&#039;s chancell, in Cambridge, wher is a decent monument, with his body halfe way, and an inscription, which gett.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was much addicted to his humours, and would suffer persons of quality to wayte sometimes some houres at his dore, with coaches, before he would recieve them. Once, on the rode from Cambridge to London, he tooke a fancy to a chamberlayn or tapster in his inne, and tooke him with him, and made him his favourite, by whom only accession was to be had to him, and thus enriched him. Dr. Gale&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_102&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_102&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BO]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, of Paul&#039;s schoole, assures me that a French man came one time from London to Cambridge, purposely to see him, whom he made stay two howres for him in his gallery, and then he came out to him in an old blew gowne; the French gentleman makes him 2 or 3 very lowe bowes downe to the ground; Dr. Butler whippes his legge over his head, and away goes into his chamber, and did not speake with him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He kept an old mayd whose name was Nell. Dr. Butler would many times goe to the taverne, but drinke by himselfe. About 9 or 10 at night old Nell comes for him with a candle and lanthorne, and sayes &#039;Come you home, you drunken beast.&#039; By and by Nell would stumble; then her master calls her &#039;drunken beast&#039;; and so they did &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;drunken beast&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; one another all the way till they came home.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_874&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_874&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[551]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;A serving man brought his master&#039;s water to doctor Butler, being then in his studie (with turn&#039;d barres) but would not bee spoken with. After much fruitlesse importunity, the man told the doctor he was resolved he should see his master&#039;s water; he would not be turned away—threw it on the Dr&#039;s. head. This humour pleased the Dr. and he went to the gent. and cured him—&amp;amp;lt;from&amp;amp;gt; Mr. R. Hooke.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_141&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 141]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A gent. lying a-dyeing, sent his servant with a horse for the doctor. The horse being exceeding dry, ducks downe his head strongly into the water, and plucks downe the Dr. over his head, who was plunged in the water over head and eares. The Dr. was madded, and would returne home. The man swore he should not; drew his sword, and gave him ever and anon (when he would returne) a little prick, and so drove him before him—&amp;amp;lt;from&amp;amp;gt; Mr. ... Godfrey.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_875&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_875&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[552]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Some instances of Dr. Butler&#039;s cures:—from Mr. James Bovey.—The Dr. lyeing at the Savoy in London, next the water side, where was a balcony look&#039;t into the Thames, a patient came to him that was grievously tormented with an ague. The Dr. orders a boate to be in readinesse under his windowe, and discoursed with the patient (a gentleman) in the balcony, when on a signall given, 2 or 3 lusty fellowes came behind the gentleman and threw him a matter of 20 feete into the Thames. This surprize absolutely cured him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A gentleman with a red, ugly, pumpled face came to him for a cure. Said the Dr., &#039;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;I must hang you&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&#039; So presently he had a device made ready to hang him from a beame in the roome; and when he was e&#039;en almost dead, he cutts the veines that fed these pumples, and lett-out the black ugly bloud, and cured him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Another time one came to him for the cure of a cancer (or ulcer) in the bowells. Said the Dr., &#039;can ye——?&#039; &#039;Yes,&#039; said the patient. So the Dr. ordered a bason for him to——, and when he had so donne the Dr. commanded him to eate it up. This did the cure.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_876&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_876&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[553]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Inscription on his monument&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_877&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_877&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[554]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This inscription was sent to me by my learned and honoured friend, Dr. Henry More, of Cambridge.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_142&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 142]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;figcenter c38&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;img src=&amp;quot;images/i_p142.png&amp;quot; width=&amp;quot;200&amp;quot; height=&amp;quot;70&amp;quot; alt=&amp;quot;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;caption&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nunc positis novus exuviis&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Gulielmus Butlerus, Clarensis Aulae&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;quondam Socius, Medicorum omnium&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;quos praesens aetas vidit facile princeps,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;hoc sub marmore secundum Christi adventum&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;expectat, et monumentum hoc&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;privata pietas statuit, quod debuit&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;publica. Abi, viator, et ad tuos reversus,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;narra te vidisse locum in quo salus&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i27&amp;quot;&amp;gt;jacet.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;figleft c39&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;img src=&amp;quot;images/i_p142l.png&amp;quot; width=&amp;quot;22&amp;quot; height=&amp;quot;81&amp;quot; alt=&amp;quot;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;caption&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;LABOR&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;figright c39&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;img src=&amp;quot;images/i_p142q.png&amp;quot; width=&amp;quot;22&amp;quot; height=&amp;quot;70&amp;quot; alt=&amp;quot;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;caption&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;QUIES&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Nil proh! marmor agis, Butlerum dum tegis, ullum&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Si splendore tuo nomen habere putas.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Ille tibi monumentum est, tu diceris ab illo:&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Butleri vivis munere, marmor iners.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Sic homines vivus, mira sic mortuus arte,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Phoebo chare senex, vivere saxa facis.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Butlero Herôum hoc posuere dolorque fidesque.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Hei! quid agam, exclamas et palles, Lector? At unum&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Quod miseris superesse potest, locus hic monet: ora.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Obiit &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;CIƆIƆCXVII&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;. Janua. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;XXIX&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Aeta. suae &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LXXXIII&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_878&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_878&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[555]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;A scholar made this drolling epitaph:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Here lies Mr. Butler who never was Doctor,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Who dyed in the yeare that the Devill was Proctor&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_103&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_103&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BP]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum:—There is now in use&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_879&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_879&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[556]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in London a sort of ale called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Dr. Butler&#039;s ale&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_880&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_880&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[557]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Dr. Butler:—This inscription I recieved from Dr. Henry Moore of ... Cambridge. Quaere if his coat of arms is not there, and what? Quaere his coat of arms&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_881&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_881&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[558]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;From Dr. H. More:—More&#039;s father was a very strong bodyed man. &#039;Twas forty stooles he gave his father; he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_143&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 143]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;had almost killed him. Told him he would be the better for&#039;t as long as he lived.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That he was chymical I know by this token that his mayd came running-in to him one time, like a slutt and a furie, with her haire about her eares, and cries&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_882&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_882&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[559]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &#039;Butler! come and looke to your Devills yourselfe, and you will: the stills are all blowne up!&#039; She tended them, and it seemes gave too great a heate. Old Dr. Ridgely&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_104&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_104&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BQ]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; knew him, and I thinke was at that time&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_883&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_883&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[560]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with him.—From this Dr. Ridgely his sonne.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_884&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_884&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[561]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Dr. Butler of Cambridge:—&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Arms&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;:—&amp;amp;gt; &#039;azure, three lozenges in fess between 3 covered cups or.—This is the coate of armes on his monument. By reason of time and the ill colours I cannot &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;positively&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; say whether the field is azure or vert, but I beleeve &#039;tis the former.&#039;—This information I had from Mr. Vere Philips, fellow of King&#039;s College, Cambridge.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_102&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_102&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BO]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thomas Gale, Head Master of St. Paul&#039;s School 1672-1697, D.D. Trin. Coll. Cambr. 1675.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_103&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_103&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BP]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey does not explain this &#039;drollery.&#039; I can see nothing Satanic in the names of the Cambridge proctors for 1617-18, John Smithson and Alexander Read.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_104&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_104&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BQ]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thomas Ridgley (Rugeley), M.D., St. John&#039;s, Cambr. 1608; his son Luke Ridgely, M.D., Christ&#039;s, Cambr.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Cecil Calvert&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;, 2nd baron Baltimore (1606-1675).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_885&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_885&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[562]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Cecil Calvert, lord Baltemore, absolute lord and proprietary of Maryland and Avalon in America, son to &amp;amp;lt;George&amp;amp;gt; Calvert (secretary of estate to king James), was gentleman-commoner of Trinity College, Oxon, contemporary with Mr. Francis Potter, B.D.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_886&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_886&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[563]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Now if I would be rich, I could be a prince. I could goe into Maryland, which is one of the finest countrys of the world; same climate with France; between Virginia and New England. I can have all the favour of my lord &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_144&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 144]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Baltemore I could wish.—His brother is his lieutenant there; and a very good natured gentleman.—Plenty of all things: ground there is 2000 miles westwards.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I could be able I believe to carry a colony of rogues; another, of ingeniose artificers; and I doubt not one might make a shift to have 5 or 6 ingeniose companions, which is enough.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;William Camden&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1551-1623).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_887&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_887&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[564]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. William Camden, Clarencieux—vide Fuller&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Holy State&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; where is something of his life and birth, etc.: vide &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;England&#039;s Worthies&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: quaere at the Heralds&#039; Office when he was made Clarencieux.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. Edward Bagshawe (who had been second schoole-master of Westminster schoole) haz told me that Mr. Camden had first his place and his lodgeings (which is the gate-house by the Queen&#039;s Scholars&#039; chamber in Deanes-yard), and was after made the head schoole-master of that schoole, where he writt and taught &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Institutio Græcae Grammatices Compendiaria: in usum Regiae Scholae Westmonasteriensis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which is now the common Greeke grammar of England, but his name is not sett to it. Before, they learned the prolix Greeke Grammar of Cleonard.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He writt his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Britannia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; first in a large 8º.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Annales reg. Elizabethae.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There is a little booke in 16mo. of his printed, viz.: A Collection of all the Inscriptions then on the Tombes in Westminster Abbey.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Tis reported, that he had bad eies&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_888&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_888&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[565]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (I guesse lippitude) which was a great inconvenience to an antiquary.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. Nicholas Mercator has Stadius&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ephemerides&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which had been one of Mr. Camden&#039;s; his name is there (I knowe his hand) and there are some notes by which I find he was astrologically given.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_145&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 145]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Britannia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; he haz a remarkable astrologicall observation, that when Saturn is in Capricornus a great plague is certainly in London. He had observed it all his time, and setts downe the like made by others before his time. Saturn was so posited in the great plague 1625, and also in the last great plague 1665. He likewise delivers that when an eclipse happens in ... that &#039;tis fatall to the towne of Shrewsbury, for....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was basted by a courtier of the queene&#039;s in the cloysters at Westminster for ... queen Elizabeth in his history—from Dr. John Earle, dean of Westminster.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;My honoured and learned friend, Thomas Fludd, esq., a Kentish gentleman, (&amp;amp;lt;aged&amp;amp;gt; 75, 1680) was neighbour and an acquaintance to Sir Robert Filmore, in Kent, who was very intimately acquainted with Mr. Camden, who told Sir Robert that he was not suffered to print many things in his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Elizabetha&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which he sent over to his acquaintance and correspondent Thuanus, who printed it all faithfully in his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Annalls&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; without altering a word—quod N. B.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He lies buried in the South cross-aisle of Westminster Abbey, his effigies ½ on an altar, with this inscription:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Qui fide antiqua et opera assidua&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Britannicam antiquitatem indagavit&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Simplicitatem innatam&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
honestis studiis excoluit&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Animi solertiam candore illustravit&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Gulielmus Camdenius&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
ab Elizabetha regina ad regis armorum&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
(Clarentii titulo) dignitatem evocatus&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Hic&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Spe certa resurgendi in Christo&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
S.E.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Qui obiit anno Domini 1623, 9 Novembris,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Aetatis suae 74:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;in his hand a booke, on the leaves wherof is writt BRITANNIA.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. Camden much studied the Welsh language, and&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_146&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 146]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; kept a Welsh servant to improve him &amp;amp;lt;in&amp;amp;gt; that language, for the better understanding of our antiquities.—From Mr. Samuel Butler.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_889&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_889&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[566]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir William Dugdale tells me that he haz minutes of King James&#039;s life to a moneth and a day, written by Mr. William Camden; as also his owne life, according to yeares and daye, which is very briefe, but 2 sheetes, Mr. Camden&#039;s owne hand writing. Sir William Dugdale had it from &amp;amp;lt;John&amp;amp;gt; Hacket&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_105&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_105&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXXVI.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, who did filch it from Mr. Camden as he lay a dyeing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_105&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_105&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXXVI.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ☞ Quaere Sir William Dugdale. Vide how bishop Hacket came by it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_890&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_890&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[567]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Quaere Mr. Ashmole to retrive and looke out Mr. Camden&#039;s minutes (memorandums) of King James I from his entrance into England, which Dr. Thorndyke&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_106&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_106&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXXVII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; filched from him as he lay a dyeing. &#039;Tis not above 6 or 8 sheetes of paper, as I remember. Those memoires were continued within a fortnight of his death.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_106&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_106&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXXVII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He (Dr. Th.) told Sir Wiliam Dugdale so, who told me of it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_891&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_891&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[568]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Quaere Dr. Buzby if Mr. Camden ever resigned the schoolmaster&#039;s place&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_892&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_892&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[569]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;? And if he did not dye at Westminster at the schoole house—vide bishop Hackett&#039;s life, which is printed before his sermons.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_893&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_893&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[570]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Memorandum:—Mr. Camden&#039;s nativity is in his Memoires of King James, which gett.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_894&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_894&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[571]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;William Camden: quaere Sir William Dugdale who haz his papers?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anthony Wood&#039;s lettre sayth that some of them are in Sir Henry St. George&#039;s hands&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_895&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_895&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[572]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &#039;written and tricked with Mr. Camden&#039;s owne hand&#039;: ergo quaere ibidem.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_896&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_896&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[573]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;When my grandfather&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_897&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_897&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[574]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; went to schoole at Yatton-Keynell (neer Easton-Piers) Mr. Camden came to see the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_147&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 147]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;church, and particularly tooke notice of a little painted-glasse-windowe in the chancell, which (ever since my remembrance) haz been walled-up, to save the parson the chardge of glazing it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;William Canynges&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1399-1474).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_898&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_898&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[575]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;The antiquities of the city of Bristowe doe very well deserve some antiquarie&#039;s paines (and the like for Gloucester). Here were a great many religious houses. The collegiate church (priorie of Augustines) is very good building, especially the gate-house. The best built churches of any city in England, before these new ones at London since the conflagration. Severall monuments and inscriptions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Ratliff church (which was intended&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_899&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_899&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[576]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for a chapel) is an admirable piece of architecture of about Henry VII&#039;s time. It was built by alderman ... Canning, who had fifteen shippes of his owne (or 16). He gott his estate chiefly by carrying of pilgrims to St. Jago of Compostella. He had a fair house in Ratliff Street that lookes towards the water side, ancient Gothique building, a large house that, 1656, was converted to a glasse-house. See the annotations on Norton&#039;s Ordinall in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Theatrum Chemicum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, where &#039;tis sayd that Thomas Norton of Bristow got the secret of the philosopher&#039;s stone from alderman Canning&#039;s widow.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This alderman Canning did also build and well endow the religious house at Westbury or Henbury (vide Speede&#039;s mappe and chronicle); &#039;tis about two or three miles from Bristowe in the rode to Aust-passage.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In his old age he retired to this house and entred into that order. He built his owne monument at his church at Ratcliff where is an inscription, which gett&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_107&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_107&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BR]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; ☞ but he was not interred there but at Westbury.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_107&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_107&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BR]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See J. Britton&#039;s Historical and Architectural essay relating to Redcliffe Church, Bristol, with plans, views, account of its monuments, &amp;amp;amp;c. 1813.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_148&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 148]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;William Cartwright&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1611-1643).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_900&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_900&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[577]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;William Cartwright, M.A., Aedis Christi, Oxon., natus juxta Teuxbury in com. Glocestriae, September, 1611; baptizatus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_901&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_901&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[578]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; 26 Sept.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_902&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_902&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[579]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Glocestershire is famous for the birth of William Cartwright at a place called Northway neer Tewksbury. Were he alive now he would be sixty-one.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He writt a treatise of metaphysique—quaere Dr. &amp;amp;lt;Thomas&amp;amp;gt; Barlowe, etc., de hoc: as also of his sermons, particularly the sermon that by the king&#039;s command he preached at his returne from Edge-hill fight.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Tis not to be forgott that king Charles 1st dropt a teare at the newes of his death.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;William Cartwright was buried in the south aisle in Christ Church, Oxon. Pitty &#039;tis so famous a bard should lye without an inscription.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_903&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_903&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[580]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;William Cartwright was borne at Northway neer Tewksbury, Gloucestershire—this I have from his brother, who lives not far from me&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_904&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_904&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[581]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and from his sisters whom I called upon in Glocestershire at Leckhamton. His sister Howes was 57 yeares old the 10 March last: her brother William was 4 yeares older.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His father was a gentleman of 300 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum. He kept his inne at Cirencester, but a year or therabout, where he declined and lost by it too. He had by his wife 100 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum, in Wiltshire, an impropriation, which his son has now (but having many children, lives not handsomely and haz lost his learning: he was by the second wife, whose estate this was). Old Mr. Cartwright lived sometime at Leckhampton, Gloc., wher his daughters now live.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_149&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 149]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Lucius Cary&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;, viscount Falkland (1610-1643).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_905&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_905&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[582]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Lucius Carey&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_110&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_110&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BS]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, second lord Falkland, was the eldest son of Sir Henry Carey, Lord Lievetenant of Ireland, the first viscount Falkland.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His mother was daughter and heir of Sir &amp;amp;lt;Laurence&amp;amp;gt; Tanfield, Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer, by whom he had Great Tue, in Oxfordshire (formerly the Rainesfords), and the Priory of Burford, in Oxfordshire, which he sold to &amp;amp;lt;William&amp;amp;gt; Lenthall, the Speaker of the Long Parliament.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was borne ... (quaere); had his University education at the University of Dublin, in Ireland. He travelled, and had one Mr. ... (a very discreet gentleman) to be his governor&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_111&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_111&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BT]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, whom he respected to his dyeing day.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He maried Letice, the daughter of Sir &amp;amp;lt;Richard&amp;amp;gt; Morison, by whom he had two sonnes: the eldest lived to be a man, died &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;sine prole&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; the second was father to this lord Falkland now living.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This lady Letice was a good and pious lady, as you may see by her life writt about 1649, or 50, by ... Duncomb, D.D. But I will tell you a pretty story from William Hawes, of Trin. Coll., who was well acquainted with the governor aforesaid, who told him that my lady was (after the manner of woemen) much governed by, and indulgent to, the nursery; when she had a mind to beg any thing of my lord for one of her woemen&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_906&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_906&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[583]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (nurses, or &amp;amp;amp;c.); she would not doe it by herselfe (if she could helpe it), but putt this gentleman upon it, to move it to my lord. My lord had but a small estate for his title; and the old gentleman would say, &#039;Madam, this is so unreasonable a motion to propose to my lord, that I am certaine he will never graunt it&#039;;—e.g. one time to lett a farme&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_907&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_907&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[584]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; twenty pound per annum under value. At length, when she could not prevaile on him, she would say that, &#039;I warrant you, for all this, I will obtaine it of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_150&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 150]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;my lord; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;it will cost me but the expence of a few teares&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&#039; Now she would make her words good; and this great witt, the greatest master of reason and judgement of his time, at the long runne, being storm&#039;d by her &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;teares&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (I presume there were kisses and secret embraces that were also ingredients), would this pious lady obtain her unreasonable desires of her poor lord.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Haec verba, me hercule, una falsa lacrumula,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Quam, oculos terendo misere, vix vi expresserit,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Restinguet.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Terent.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Eunuch.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Act 1, Scene 1.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;N.B.:—my lord in his youth was very wild, and also mischievous, as being apt to stabbe and doe bloudy mischiefs; but &#039;twas not long before he tooke-up to be serious, and then grew to be an extraordinary hard student. I have heard Dr. Ralph Bathurst&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_108&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_108&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXXVIII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; say that, when he was a boy, my lord lived at Coventrey (where he had then a house), and that he would sett up very late at nights at his study, and many times came to the library at the schoole&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_109&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_109&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXXIX.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; there.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_108&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_108&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXXVIII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A mayd that lived with my lord lived with his father&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_112&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_112&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BU]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_109&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_109&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XXXIX.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; There is Euclid&#039;s Harmoniques written with Philemon Holland&#039;s owne hand, in a curious Greeke character; he was schoolmaster here.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The studies in fashion in those dayes (in England) were poetry, and controversie with the church of Rome. My lord&#039;s mother was a zealous papist, who being very earnest to have her son of her religion, and her son upon that occasion, labouring hard to find the&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_908&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_908&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[585]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;trueth, was so far at last from setling on the Romish church, that he setled and rested in the Polish (I meane Socinianisme). He was the first Socinian in England; and Dr. &amp;amp;lt;Hugh&amp;amp;gt; Crescy, of Merton Coll. (dean of &amp;amp;lt;Leighlin&amp;amp;gt; in Ireland, afterwards a Benedictin monke), a great acquaintance of my lord&#039;s in those dayes (anno ...), told me, at Samuel Cowper&#039;s (1669), that he himselfe was the first that brought Socinus&#039;s bookes (anno ...); shortly after, my lord comeing to him, and casting his eie on them, would needs presently borrow&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_151&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 151]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; them, to peruse; and was so extremely taken and satisfied with them, that from that time was his conversion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;My lord much lived at Tue, which is a pleasant seat, and about 12 miles from Oxford; his lordship was acquainted with the best witts of that University, and his house was like a Colledge, full of learned men&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_909&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_909&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[586]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. Mr. William Chillingworth, of Trinity College in Oxford (afterwards D.D.), was his most intimate and beloved favourite, and was most commonly with my lord; next I may reckon (if not equall) Mr. John Earles, of Merton College (who wrote the Characters); Dr. &amp;amp;lt;George&amp;amp;gt; Eglionby, of Ch. Ch., was also much in esteem with his lordship. His chaplaine, Charles Gataker, (filius &amp;amp;lt;Thomae&amp;amp;gt; Gataker of Redriff, a writer), was an ingeniose young gentleman, but no writer&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_910&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_910&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[587]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. For learned gentlemen of the country, his acquaintance was Sir H. Rainesford, of ... neer Stratford-upon-Avon, now ... (quaere Tom Mariet); Sir Francis Wenman&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_911&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_911&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[588]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, of Caswell, in Witney parish; Mr. ... Sandys, the traveller and translator (who was uncle to my lady Wenman); Ben. Johnson (vide Johnsonus Virbius, where he haz verses, and &#039;twas his lordship, Charles Gattaker told me, that gave the name to it); Edmund Waller, esq.; Mr. Thomas Hobbes, and all the excellent&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_912&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_912&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[589]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of that peaceable time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the civill warres he adhered to King Charles I, who after Edge-hill fight made him Principall Secretary of Estate (with Sir Edward Nicholas), which he dischardged with a great deale of witt and prudence, only his advice was very unlucky to his Majestie, in perswading him (after the victory&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_913&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_913&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[590]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at Rowndway-downe, and the taking of Bristowe), to sitt-downe before Glocester, which was so bravely defended by that incomparably vigilant governor coll.... Massey, and the diligent and careful soldiers, and citizens (men and woemen), that it so broke and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_152&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 152]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;weakned the king&#039;s army, that &#039;twas the procatractique cause of his ruine: vide Mr. Hobbes. After this, all the King&#039;s matters went worse and worse. Anno domini 164&amp;amp;lt;3&amp;amp;gt; at the ... fight (quaere which) at Newbery, my lord Falkland being there, and having nothing to doe to chardge; as the 2 armies were engageing, rode in like a mad-man (as he was) between them, and was (as he needs must be) shott. Some that&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_914&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_914&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[591]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; were your superfine discoursing politicians and fine gentlemen, would needs have the reason of this mad action of throwing away his life so, to be his discontent for the unfortunate advice given to his master as aforesaid; but, I have been well enformed, by those that best knew him, and&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_915&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_915&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[592]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; knew the intrigues behind the curtaine (as they say), that it was the griefe of the death of Mris ... Moray, a handsome lady at court, who was his mistresse, and whom he loved above all creatures, was the true cause of his being so madly guilty of his own death, as afore mentioned: (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;nullum magnum ingenium sine mixtura dementiae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The next day, when they went to bury the dead, they could not find his lordship&#039;s body, it was stript, trod-upon, and mangled; so there was one that had wayted on him in his chamber would undertake to know it from all other bodyes, by a certaine mole his lordship had in his neck, and by that marke did find it. He lies interred in the ... at Great Tue aforesaid, but, I thinke, yet without any monument; quaere if any inscription.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the dining roome there is a picture of his at length, and like him (&#039;twas donne by Jacob de Valke, who taught me to paint). He was but a little man, and of no great strength of body; he had blackish haire, something flaggy, and I thinke his eies black. Dr. Earles would not allow him to be a good poet, though a great witt; he writt not a smoth verse, but a greate deal of sense. He hath writt....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_153&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 153]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had an estate in Hertfordshire, at ..., which came by Morrison (as I take it); sold not long before the late civill warres.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_110&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_110&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BS]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey gives in trick the coat &#039;argent, on a bend sable, 3 roses of the field [Cary],&#039; surmounted with a viscount&#039;s coronet and wreathed with laurel for a poet.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_111&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_111&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BT]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A pencil note in the margin says: &#039;quaere Baron Berty&#039;; perhaps Vere Bertie, Puisne Baron of the Exchequer, 1675. The query would be for the name of the tutor on the foreign tour.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_112&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_112&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BU]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. a maid, formerly in Lucius, lord Falkland&#039;s service, came into service with Dr. Bathurst&#039;s father, and told of his lordship&#039;s late studies.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Sir Charles Cavendish&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (16..-1652?).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_916&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_916&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[593]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;(From Mr. John Collins, mathematician:—) Sir Charles Cavendish&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_113&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_113&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BV]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was borne at ..., the younger brother to William, duke of Newcastle. He was a little, weake, crooked man, and nature having not adapted him for the court nor campe, he betooke himselfe to the study of the mathematiques, wherin he became a great master. His father left him a good estate, the revenue wherof he expended on bookes and on learned men.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had collected in Italie, France, &amp;amp;amp;c., with no small chardge, as many manuscript mathematicall bookes as filled a hoggeshead, which he intended to have printed; which if he had live&amp;amp;lt;d&amp;amp;gt; to have donne, the growth of mathematicall learning had been 30 yeares or more forwarder then &#039;tis. But he died of the scurvey, contracted by hard study, about 1652 (quaere), and left one Mr. ..., an attorney of Clifford&#039;s Inne, his executor, who shortly after died, and left his wife executrix, who sold this incomparable collection aforesaid by weight to the past-board makers for wast paper. ☞ A good caution for those that have good MSS. to take care to see them printed in their life-times.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He dyed ... and was buried in the vault of the family of the duke of Newcastle, at Bolsover, in the countie of &amp;amp;lt;Derby&amp;amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_154&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 154]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He is mentioned by Mersennus. Dr. John Pell (who knew him, and made him one of his &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;XII&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; jurymen contra Longomontanum) tells me that he writt severall things in mathematiques for his owne pleasure.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_113&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_113&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BV]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey gives in trick the coat:—&#039;sable, 3 bucks&#039; heads caboshed argent [Cavendish]; quartering, argent, a fess between 3 crescents gules [Ogle], a crescent on the fess point for difference,&#039; with the motto &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cavendo tutus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Charles Cavendish&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;, Colonel, (1620-1643).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_917&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_917&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[594]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Charles Cavendish, colonel, was second son to the right honourable &amp;amp;lt;William, 2nd&amp;amp;gt; earle of Devonshire, brother to this present earle, William.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was borne at ... anno.... He was well educated, and then travelled into France, Italie, &amp;amp;amp;c.; but was so extremely delighted in travelling, that he went into Greece, all over; and that would not serve his turne but he would goe to Babylon, and then his governour would not adventure to goe any further with him; but to see Babylon he was to march in the Turks&#039; armie. This account I had many yeares since, scilicet 1642, from my cosen Edmund Lyte, who was then gentleman usher to his mother the countesse dowager.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. Thomas Hobbes told me that this Mr. Cavendish told him that the Greekes doe sing their Greeke.—In Herefordshire they have a touch of this singing; our old divines had. Our old vicar of Kington St. Michael, Mr. Hynd, did sing his sermons rather then reade them. You may find in Erasmus that the monkes used this fashion, who mocks them, that sometimes they would be very lowe, and by and by they would be mighty high, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;quando nihil opus est&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.—Anno 1660 comeing one morning to Mr. Hobbes, his Greeke Xenophon lay open on the board: sayd he, &#039;Had you come but a little sooner you had found a Greeke here that came to see me, who understands the old Greeke; I spake to him to read here in this booke, and he sang&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_155&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 155]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; it; which putt me in mind of what Mr. Charles Cavendish told me&#039; (as before); &#039;the first word is Ἔννοια, he pronounced it &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;e̓́nnia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&#039; The better way to explaine it is by prick-song,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;figcenter c30&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;img src=&amp;quot;images/i_p155.png&amp;quot; width=&amp;quot;700&amp;quot; height=&amp;quot;101&amp;quot; alt=&amp;quot;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;caption&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Μῆνιν ἄειδε θεὰ Πηληϊάδεω Ἀχιλῆος · ἄνθρωπος.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_918&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_918&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[595]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Upon his returne into England the civill warres brake-out, and he tooke a comission of a colonel in his majestie&#039;s cause, wherin he did his majestie great service, and gave signall proofes of his valour;—e.g. out of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mercurii Aulici&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Grantham, in Lincolnshire, taken by col. Cavendish for the king, 23 March, 1642/3, and after demolished.—Young Hotham routed at Ancaster by col. Cavendish, 11 Apr. 1643.—Parliament forces routed or defeated at Dunnington by col. Cavendish, 13 June, 1643.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mercurius Aulicus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Tuesday, Aug. 1, 1643; &#039;It was advertised from Newarke that his majestie&#039;s forces having planted themselves at the siege of Gainsborough in com. Linc., were sett upon by the united powers of Cromwell, Nottingham, and Lincolne, the garrisons of these townes being almost totally drawn-out to make-up this army, which consisted of 24 troupes of horse and dragoons. Against this force, col. Cavendish having the command of 30 troupes of horse and dragoons, drawes out 16 only, and leaving all the rest for a reserve, advanced towards them, and engaged himselfe with this small partie against all their strength. Which being observed by the rebells, they gott between him and his reserve, routed his 16 troupes, being forespent with often watches, killed lievetenant-colonel Markam, most valiantly fighting in defence of his king and countrey. The most noble and gallant colonel himselfe, whilest he omitted no part of a brave commander, being cutt most dangerously in the head, was struck-off his horse, and so unfortunately shott with a brace of bullets after he was on the ground, whose life was most pretious to all noble and valiant gentlemen. Wherupon the reserve coming, routed and cutt downe the partie.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This was donne either the 28 or 29 of July, 1643, for upon this terrible rout, the lord Willoughby of Parham&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_156&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 156]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; forthwith yealded Gainsborough to the king&#039;s partie, July 30; the earle of Newcastle being then generall of that partie.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His body was first buried at ...,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_114&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_114&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XL.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but by order of his mother&#039;s will, when she was buried at Darby (where she has erected a noble monument for herselfe and lord) she ordered her sonne&#039;s body to be removed, and both to be layd in the vault there together, which was Feb. 18, 1674.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_114&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_114&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XL.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Quaere if at Gainsborough or Newark? as I remember &#039;twas Newarke.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Funerall Sermon, by William Naylour, her chaplain, preached at Darby, Feb. 18, 1674. Lond. for Henry Broome. Texte, 2 Sam. iii. 38th verse.—page 16:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;He was the souldiers&#039; mignion, and his majestie&#039;s darling, designed by him generall of the northern horse (and his commission was given him), a great marke of honour for one of about five and twenty: &amp;quot;thus shall it be donne to the man whom the king delights to honour.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Col. Cavendish was a princely person, and all his actions were agreable to that character: he had in an eminent degree that which the Greekes call εἶδος ἄξιον τυραννίδος, the semblance and appearance of a man made to governe. Methinkes he gave cleare this indication, the king&#039;s cause lived with him, the king&#039;s cause died with him—when Cromwell heard that he was slaine, he cried upon it &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;We have donne our businesse&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;And yet two things (I must confess) this commander knew not, pardon his ignorance,—he knew not to flie away—he knew not how to aske quarter—though an older did, I meane ... Henderson; for when this bold person entred Grantham on the one side, that wary gentleman, who should have attaqued it, fled away on the other. If Cato thought it usurpation in Caesar to give him his life, Cavendish thought it a greater for traytors and rebells of a common size to give him his. This brave hero might be opprest, (as he was at last by numbers) but he could not be conquered; the dying words of Epaminondas will fitt him, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Satis vixi, invictus etiam morior&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_919&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_919&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[596]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&#039;What wonders might have been expected from a commander so vigilant, so loyall, so constant, had he not dropt downe in his blooming age? But though he fell in his green yeares, he&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_920&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_920&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[597]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; fell a prince, and a great one too, in this respect greater then Abner; for &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_157&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 157]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Abner, that son of Mars, deserved his father&#039;s epithite, ἀλλοπρόσαλλος, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;one of both sides&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, first he setts-up Isbosheth, and then deserts him. Whereas Cavendish merited such a statue as the Roman senate decreed L. Vitellius, and the same inscription, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pietatis immobilis erga Principem&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, one whose loyaltie to his great master nothing could shake.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Secondly, consider the noble Charles Cavendish in his extraction, and so he is a branch of that family, of which some descended that are kings of Scotland: this the word &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Fuimus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; joyned to his maternall&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_115&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_115&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XLI.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; coate does plainly point at—not to urge at this time his descent by the father&#039;s side from one of the noblest families in England. An high extraction to some persons is like the dropsie, the greatnesse of the man is his disease, and renders him unweildie; but here is a person of great extract free from the swelling of greatness, as brisk and active as the lightest horseman that fought under him. In some parts of India, they tell us, that a nobleman accounts himselfe polluted if a plebeian touch him; but here is a person of that rank who used the same familiaritie&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_116&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_116&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XLII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and frankness amongst the meanest of his souldiers, the poorest miner, and amongst his equalls; and by stooping so low, he rose the higher in the common account, and was valued accordingly as a prince&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_921&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_921&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[598]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and a great one; thus Abner and Cavendish run parallell in their titles and appellations.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_115&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_115&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XLI.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; His mother was daughter to the lord Bruce, whose ancestors had been kings of Scotland.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_116&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_116&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XLII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sir Robert Harley (son), an ingeniose gent. and expert soldier, haz often sayd, that (generally) the commanders of the king&#039;s army would never be acquainted with their soldiers, which was an extraordinary prejudice to the kings cause. A captaine&#039;s good look, or good word (some times), does infinitely winne them, and oblige them; and he would say &#039;twas to admiration how souldiers will venture their lives for an obligeing officer.—quod N. B.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Consider Abner in the manner of his fall, that was by a treacherous hand, and so fell Cavendish. II Sam. iii. 27, &amp;quot;and when Abner was returned to Hebron, Joab tooke him aside in the gate to speake with him quietly, and smote him there under the fifth rib, that he died, for the bloud of Asahel&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_922&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_922&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[599]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; his brother.&amp;quot; Thus fell Abner; and thus Cavendish,—the colonell&#039;s horse being mired in a bog at the fight before Gainsborough, 1643, the rebels surround him, and take him prisoner; and after he was so, a base raskall comes behind him, and runs him through. Thus fell two great men by treacherous handes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Thirdly and lastly, the place of his fall, that was in Israel.... Here Abner fell in his, and Cavendish fell in our Israel—the Church of England.... In this Church brave Cavendish fell, and what is more then that, in this Churches quarrel....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Thus I have compared colonel Cavendish with Abner, a fighting and a famous man in Israel; you see how he does equal, how he does exceed him.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_158&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 158]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;John Cecil&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;, 4th earl of Exeter (1628-1678).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_923&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_923&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[600]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;... Cecil, earl of Exeter (quaere my lord chief baron Montagu&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_924&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_924&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[601]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; de nomine Christiano&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_925&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_925&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[602]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), earle of Exeter, translated monsieur Balsac&#039;s letters, as appeares by his epistle to my lord in the first volumne, lib. V, lettre V, and Vol. 2&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;d&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, lib. V, lettre VI—&#039;et je suis sans doute beaucoup plus honneste homme en Angleterre qu&#039;en France, puisque j&#039;y parle par vostre bouche.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;William Cecil&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;, lord Burghley (1520-1598).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_926&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_926&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[603]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Cecil, lord Burleigh:—Memorandum, the true name is &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sitsilt&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and is an ancient Monmouthshire family, but now come to be about the size&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_927&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_927&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[604]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of yeomanry. In the church at Monmouth, I remember in a south windowe an ancient scutcheon of the family, the same that this family beares. &#039;Tis strange that they should be so vaine to leave off an old British name for a Romancy one, which I beleeve Mr. Verstegan did putt into their heads, telling his lordship, in his booke, that they were derived from the ancient Roman &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cecilii&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The first lord Burley (who was Secretary of Estate) was at first but &amp;amp;lt;a&amp;amp;gt; country-schoole-master, and (I thinke Dr. Thomas Fuller sayes, vide &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Holy State&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) borne in Wales.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I remember (when I was a schooleboy at Blandford) Mr. Basket, a reverend divine, who was wont to beg us play-dayes, would alwayes be&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_928&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_928&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[605]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; uncovered, and sayd that &#039;&#039;twas the lord Burleigh&#039;s custome, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;for&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (said he) &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;here is my Lord Chanceller, my Lord Treasurer, my Lord Chief Justice, &amp;amp;amp;c., predestinated&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;He made Cicero&#039;s Epistles his glasse, his rule, his oracle, and ordinarie pocket-booke&#039; (Dr. J. Web in preface of his translation of Cicero&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Familiar Epistles&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_159&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 159]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Thomas Chaloner&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1595-1661).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_929&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_929&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[606]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Thomas Chaloner&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_118&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_118&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BW]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, esq., [bred&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_930&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_930&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[607]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; up in Oxon], was the &amp;amp;lt;third&amp;amp;gt; son of Dr &amp;amp;lt;Thomas&amp;amp;gt; Chaloner, who was tutor (i.e. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;informator&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_931&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_931&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[608]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) to prince Henry (or prince Charles—vide bishop Hall&#039;s Letters de hoc).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a well-bred gentleman, and of very good naturall parts, and of an agreable humour. He had the accomplishments of studies at home, and travells in France, Italie, and Germanie.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;About anno ... (quaere John Collins) riding a hunting in Yorkeshire (where the allum workes now are), on a common, he&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_119&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_119&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BX]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; tooke notice of the soyle and herbage, and tasted the water, and found it to be like that where he had seen the allum workes in Germanie. Wherupon he gott a patent of the king (Charles I) for an allum worke (which was the first that ever was in England), which was worth to him two thousand pounds per annum, or better: but tempore Caroli I&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;mi&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; some courtiers did thinke the profitt too much for him, and prevailed so with the king, that, notwithstanding the patent aforesayd, he graunted a moeitie, or more, to another (a courtier), which was the reason that made Mr. Chaloner so interest himselfe for the Parliament-cause, and, in revenge, to be one of the king&#039;s judges.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was as far from a puritan as the East from the West. He was of the naturall religion, and of Henry Martyn&#039;s gang, and one who loved to enjoy the pleasures of this life. He was (they say) a good scholar, but he wrote nothing that I heare of, onely an anonymous pamphlett, 8vo, scil. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;An account of the Discovery of Moyses&#039;s Tombe&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; which was written very wittily. It was about 1652. It did sett the witts of all the Rabbis of the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_160&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 160]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Assembly then to worke, and &#039;twas a pretty while before the shamme was detected, which was by ——.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had a trick sometimes to goe into Westminster hall in a morning in Terme time, and tell some strange story&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_932&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_932&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[609]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (sham), and would come thither again about 11 or 12 to have the pleasure to heare how it spred; and sometimes it would be altered, with additions, he could scarce knowe it to be his owne. He was neither proud nor covetous, nor a hypocrite: not apt to doe injustice, but apt to revenge.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After the restauration of King Charles the Second, he&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_120&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_120&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BY]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; kept the castle at the Isle of Man&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_117&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_117&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XLIII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, where he had a prettie wench that was his concubine;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_933&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_933&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[610]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; where when newes was brought him that there were some come to the castle to demaund it for his majestie, he spake to his girle to make him a posset, into which he putt, out of a paper he had, some poyson, which did, in a very short time, make him fall a vomiting exceedingly; and after some time vomited nothing but bloud. His retchings were so violent that the standers by were much grieved to behold it. Within three howres he dyed. The demandants of the castle came and sawe him dead; he was swoln so extremely that they could not see any eie he had, and no more of his nose then the tip of it, which shewed like a wart, and his coddes were swoln as big as one&#039;s head. This account I had from George Estcourt, D.D., whose brother-in-lawe, ... Hotham, was one of those that sawe him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_117&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_117&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XLIII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is a mistake. E&amp;amp;lt;dmund&amp;amp;gt; W&amp;amp;lt;yld&amp;amp;gt; esq. assures me that &#039;twas &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;James Chaloner&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; that dyed in the Isle of Man: and that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Thomas Chaloner&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; dyed or went beyond the sea; but which of them was the eldest brother he knowes not, but he ghesses &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;James&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; to be the elder, because he had 1500 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum (circiter), which &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Thomas&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; had not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_118&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_118&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BW]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey gives in trick the coat &#039;azure, 3 cherubs&#039; heads or.&#039; In MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 6&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, is a note:—&#039;Is Chaloner&#039;s shield cum vel sine chevron. Resp.—cum chevron, prout per seale.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_119&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_119&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BX]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood assigns the discovery, and first working, of the alum-mine to Thomas Chaloner the father, towards the end of Elizabeth&#039;s reign.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_120&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_120&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BY]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood says that James Chaloner, brother of Thomas, poisoned himself in 1660 at Peel Castle. Thomas died in 1661 at Middleburg in Zeeland.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_161&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 161]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;George Chapman&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1557-1634).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_934&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_934&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[611]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;On the south side of St. Giles church in the churchyard by the wall, one entire Portland stone&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_121&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_121&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BZ]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, a yard and ½ high &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;fere&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, thickness half a yard.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D. O. M.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Georgius Chapmannus&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Poeta Homericus Philosophus&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
. . . . . . o (etsi Christianus&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
. . . . . . otus) per quam celeriter&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
. . . V: LXXVII fatis concessit&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
. . . die Maii anno Salutis&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Humanae M D C XXXIV&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
H. S. E.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Ignatius Jones architectus&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
regius ob honorem bonarum&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
literarum familiari suo&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
hoc monumentum&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
D. S. P. F. C.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_121&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_121&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[BZ]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 61&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, Aubrey gives a rough drawing of the monument. The lower part is an oblong block, &#039;thicknes ½ yard: one entire Portland stone&#039; with the inscription on the front. Above is a laurel wreath carved in stone. Behind is what seems to be a mural tablet.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 6&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, Aubrey asks, &#039;quaere if ... Chapman is in the first part?&#039; i.e. in MS. Aubr. 6 (Lives, Part i.): but no life of Chapman is found in that volume.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Walter Charleton&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1619/20-1707).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_935&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_935&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[612]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Walter Charleton, M.D., borne at Shepton-Malet&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_936&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_936&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[613]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in com. Somerset, Feb. 2&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;d&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, 1619, about 6 h. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, his mother being then at supper.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_937&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_937&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[614]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&#039;Dom. G. Charleton, D. M.: nascitur die Mercurii&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_938&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_938&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[615]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; 2/12 Febr., aerae Christi 1619/20, hor. 12, mom. 18 &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&#039;—this&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_939&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_939&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[616]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; is my lord William Brounckar&#039;s doeing and is his owne handwriting.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_162&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 162]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Thomas Charnock&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1526-1581).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_940&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_940&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[617]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. &amp;amp;lt;Andrew&amp;amp;gt; Paschal, rector of Chedzoy, hath the originall scroll of Mr. Charnock, scilicet, of the philosopher&#039;s stone.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_941&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_941&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[618]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Charnock, the chymist, mentioned in &amp;amp;lt;Ashmole&#039;s&amp;amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Theatrum Chymicum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, was buryed in Otterhampton neer Bridgewater, anno 1581&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_942&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_942&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[619]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, April 21, aged 55 yeares—&amp;amp;lt;from&amp;amp;gt; Mr. Paschal: vide Mr. Paschal&#039;s lettre, here inserted&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_943&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_943&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[620]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; before &amp;amp;lt;the life of&amp;amp;gt; Nicholas Mercator, p. 32.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_944&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_944&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[621]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Concerning Mr. Charnocke.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Sir,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. Wells of Bridgewater performed his promise. He writes that the house was lately pulled down, and is new built from the ground, all except the wall at the east end. He could make nothing of what was only left over the chimney; but he found the little dore that led out of the lodging-chamber into the little &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Athanor&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; roome. Of that you have an account in the enclosed draught.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The two roses I take to be the white and red, termes common with Charnocke for the two magisteries. The two animals over them I suppose are wolves, denoting the&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_945&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_945&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[622]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ♁; abounding with a volatile&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_946&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_946&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[623]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ☉ and used for preparing and purifying one of the principal ingredients into the worke. Out of it growes (if those authors may be credited) most precious fruits.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I obliged a painter to goe over soon after I had been there and take all he could find exactly. He was there, but I could never get anything from him: an ingeniose man, but egregiously carelesse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Looking back I find this noted by me—June 22, 1681; the place in the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Athanor&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; roome in which he kept his &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_163&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 163]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;lampe was stone-work about 15 inches deep and so much square in the clear from side to side. Over it a wooden collar with a rabit&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_947&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_947&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[624]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; as to lett-in a cover close. No place to come into the square but by the collar, contrived probably after the accident of burning his tabernacle mentioned in his printed pieces.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I find this added:—&#039;Twas painted about the chimney thus:—on the left side of the chimney proceeded from a red stalk streaked with white, first, a paire of red branches, then a paire of white, then of red, then one of white to the top; something like a rabbit&#039;s head painted looking from the chimney to the foot of the sayd stalk.—The next picture separated as by a pillar on the chimney:—from one stalke, two white branches, of either side one; then two red, above; then two white; then at the top this &amp;lt;img src=&amp;quot;images/i_p163.png&amp;quot; width=&amp;quot;36&amp;quot; height=&amp;quot;64&amp;quot; alt=&amp;quot;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;, the balls of a dusky yellow.—The next picture is also distinguished by a pillar on the chimney to the right side: this &amp;amp;lt;is&amp;amp;gt; quite obscured by smoake.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the left corner of the roome another picture described, with double branches, white, then red, then white, then one on the top red.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This is all I can say of that place, of which I wish I were capable of sending a better account.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The other side of Mr. Wells&#039;s paper gives you one of the schemes in the middle of the roll, which is now by me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The transcription of the thing, said to be Ripley&#039;s, should cost Mr. Ashmole nothing, were I not under an obligation not to impart it to any. It may be greatly to his losse who did communicate it to me, if the owner should know I have it. If I can contrive a way to send it with leave I shall be ambitious to gratify that worthy person.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;your etc.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c40&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And. Paschall.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_164&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 164]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_948&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_948&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[625]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;To his much honoured friend John Aubrey, esqre., these present, at Mr. Hooke&#039;s lodgeings in Gresham College, London.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_949&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_949&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[626]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I received and returne thankes for yours.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Since my last I got leave to transcribe what Mr. Charnocke wrote on the backside of the rolle, which I heer send you. I kept as neare as I could to the very errours of his pen, by which it may in part be seen that he was, as he professes, an &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;unlettered&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; scholar. The inside of the rolle (which is all in Latine, and perhaps the same with the scrowle mentioned in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Theatrum Chemicum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 375) was composed by a great master in the Hermetic philosophy and written by a master of his pen. Some notes written in void spaces of it by Mr. Charnocke&#039;s hand shew he did not (at least throughly) understand it. But it seemes to me that this rolle was a kind of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Vade mecum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; or manuall that the students in that wisdome carryed about with them. I presume &#039;twas drawn out of Raymund Lully, of which I shall be able to gaine fuller satisfaction when I have his workes come down.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I was also, since my last, at Mr. Charnocke&#039;s house in Comag, where the rolle was found; and saw the place where &#039;twas hid. I saw the litle roome and contrivance he had for keeping his worke, and found it ingeniosely ordered so as to prevent a like accident to that which befell him New Yeare&#039;s day, 1555; and this pretty place joining as a closet to his chamber was to make a servant needlesse and the worke of giving attendance more easy to himselfe. I have also a litle iron instrument found there which he made use of about his fire. I sawe on the doore of his little &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Athanor&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;-room, if I may so call it, drawn by his own hand, with course colours and work, but ingeniously, an embleme of his worke, at which I gave some guesses, and so about the walls of his chamber. I thinke &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_165&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 165]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;there was in all 5 panes of this worke, all somewhat differing from each other, some very obscure and almost worne out. They told me that people had been unwilling to dwell in that house, because reputed troublesome,—I presume from some traditionall storyes of this person, who was looked on by his neighbours as no better than a conjurer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As I was taking horse to come home from this pleasant entertainment, I see a pretty ancient man come forth of the next doore. I asked him how long he had lived there. Finding that it was the place of his birth, I inquired if he had ever heard anything of that Mr. Charnocke. He told me he had heard his mother (who dyed about 12 or 14 yeares since and was 80 yeares of age at her decease) often speake of him; that he kept a fire in, divers yeares; that his daughter lived with him; that once he was gone forth, and by her neglect (whome he trusted it with in his absence) the fire went out and so all his worke was lost; the brazen head was very neare comeing to speake, but so was he disappointed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I suppose the pleasant-humoured man—for that he was so appeares by his breviary—alludeing to Frier Bacon&#039;s story, did so put off the inquisitivenes of his simple neighbours, and thence it is come down there by tradition till now.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Indeed it appeares by the inclosed lines that when he wrote the rolle he had attained but to the white stone, which is perhaps not half the way to the red,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;(&#039;Put me to my sister Mercury, I congeale into silver&#039;); and, if the old woman&#039;s tale were true, he might afterwards be going on and be come neare to the red and then that vexing accident might befall him; and this might be, notwithstanding what is sayd in the fragment, referred to the yeare 1574, for (being so neare the red as the traditionall story sayes he was) he might see in that 50th yeare of his age that the white was ferment to the red.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You may observe my calculation differs in one thing from Mr. Ashmole&#039;s in his notes upon &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Theatrum Chemicum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_166&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 166]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; p. 478: for he makes &#039;the presse&#039; to have been (out of Stowe) 1558, but I (out of Dr. Burnet&#039;s History) 1557; and consequently he supposes the presse to have been after the finishing of the Breviary, but I presume he set on the Breviary after he was pressed. So indeed he himselfe plainly averres in the 4 last lines of chapter 4 of his Breviary (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Theatrum Chemicum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 296). I mention this to give a reason for my dissenting from your worthy friend, to whome I must intreat you to communicate these informations that I have had opportunity to gather, and also present my humble service.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Sir,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I thought when I set pen to paper to have given you an account of some conversation I have had with a person who is a zealous friend and admirer of this sort of knowledge, but I see I have already gone beyound bounds. I shal onely say he hath almost convinced me that it is not so hidden and obscure, so difficult and unaccountable, as men commonly seeme to beleeve. I am in hopes to receive, by Mr. Hooke&#039;s and Mr. Lodwick&#039;s favour, the lamp for which he was pleased to give directions some time since.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have not yet seen my miller and his invention, though he promised to bring it to me; I presume &#039;tis not yet ready. I expect him dayly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Pray give my humble service to our worthy friend, and to Mr. Pigott.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I am sure I now need the&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_950&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_950&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[627]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_951&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_951&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[628]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;I shall be glad to heare of a new edition of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Theatrum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_952&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_952&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[629]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and that you will speed the printing of your MS. of Raymund Lullye&#039;s. If it doe not goe soon to the presse, how joyfull should I be to have the perusall of it! &#039;Tis the onely grievous thing I suffer in this solitude that I may not see good bookes and good men, but I must be content.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_167&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 167]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_953&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_953&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[630]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;The first thing written on the back side&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_954&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_954&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[631]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; is as followes:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At Stockeland, Bristowe, iiii myles from Brigewater, 1566.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The principall rules of naturall philosophy figuratively set fourth to the obtayning of the philosopher&#039;s stone, collectyd out of xl auctors by the unletteryd scholer Thomas Charnocke, studient in the sciencis off astronomie, physick, and naturall philosophie, the same year that he dedicatyd a booke off the science to queene Elizabeth of Englande which was Anno Domini 1566, and the viii yere off her raigne.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;tb&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 56&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, gives the rest of the writing on the back of the roll; but the outer edge of the leaf is torn off, and the writing consequently imperfect&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_955&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_955&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[632]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. . . . . . . . his pose&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;. . . . . on the white and red rose&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;. . . . black appere sartayne&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;. . . xx or it wax bright&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;. . . lx after to black againe&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;. . . xx or it be perfet&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_956&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_956&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[633]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; white&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;. . . it or all quick things be dedd&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;. . . . . or this rose be redd&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Thomas Charnocke [in&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_957&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_957&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[634]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; red letters]&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1572.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;This is the philosopher&#039;s dragon which eateth upp his one tayle&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Beinge famisshed in a doungen of glas and all for my prevayle&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;Ma&amp;amp;gt;ny yeres I keapt this dragon in pryson strounge.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;Bef&amp;amp;gt;ore I coulde mortiffy him I thought it lounge&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;But&amp;amp;gt; at the lenght by God&#039;s grace yff ye beleve my worde&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;I&amp;amp;gt; vanquished him wythe a fyrie sword.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[Then&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_958&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_958&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[635]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; followes the picture of a dragon with a black stone under his foot, with a white stone neare his breast, with a red stone over his head: his tayle is turned to his gapeing mouth.]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The dragon speketh:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;. . . . souldiers in armoure bright&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;. . . &amp;amp;lt;n&amp;amp;gt;ot have kylled me in fyelde in fighte&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;. . . &amp;amp;lt;Cha&amp;amp;gt;rnock nother for all his philosophie&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;. . . &amp;amp;lt;pr&amp;amp;gt;yson and famyne he had not famysshed me&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;Guy of W&amp;amp;gt;arwicke nor Bevys of Southehampton&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_168&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 168]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;. . . . such a venomous dragon&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;. . . . fowght with Hidra the serpent&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;. . . . . e cowlde not have his intent&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;. . . . n the wyse inclose too in a toonne off brasse&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;. . . . d shutt up in a doungeon of glasse&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;. . . . lyffe was so quick and my poyson so strounge&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;. . . . e cowlde kyll me it was full lounge&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;. . . . he hyld me in prison day and nyght&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;. . &amp;amp;lt;k&amp;amp;gt;eapt me from sustenance to mynishe me myght&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;. . . When I saw none other remedye&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;. . . very hunger I eate myne one bodye&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;. . . . . by corruption I became black and dedd&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;Th&amp;amp;gt;at precious stone which is in my hedd&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;. . . be worth a M&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;li&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; to him that hath skyll&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;F&amp;amp;gt;or that stone&#039;s sake he wysely dyd me kyll&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;In d&amp;amp;gt;eath I dyd hym forgyve even at the very hower&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;Se&amp;amp;gt;inge that he wylbe beneficiall unto the poore&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;When I was alyve I was but stronge poyson&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Profitable for few things in conclusion&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;Now th&amp;amp;gt;at I ame now dying in myne owne blood&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;N&amp;amp;gt;ow I do excell all other wordeley good&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;A&amp;amp;gt; new name is given me of those that be wysse&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;No&amp;amp;gt;w I ame named the elixer off great price&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;If y&amp;amp;gt;ou wyll make prouff, put to me my sister mercury&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;I will co&amp;amp;gt;ngoyle hir into sylver in the twinkling off an eye&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;. . . . . . qualites I have many mo&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;. . . &amp;amp;lt;foo&amp;amp;gt;lyshe and ingenorant shall never kno&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Few prelates and Masters of art within this reame&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Do knowe aryght what I do meane&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;My great grawnt-father was killyd by Ravnde Lulli, knight of Spayne&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And my g&amp;amp;lt;r&amp;amp;gt;awnt-father by Syr Gorge Rippley, a chanon of Yenglande sartayne&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And my father by a chanon of Lechefelde was kylled truly&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Who gave hym to his man Thomas Davton when he dyd dye&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And my mother by Mr. Thomas Norton off Bristow slayn was&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And each of these were able to make&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_959&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_959&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[636]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;☉ or ☽ in a glasse&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And now I ame made the great and riche elixer allso&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;That my master shall never lack whether he ryde or go&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But he and all other must have great feare and aye&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;As secrettely as they can to exchaunge my increase awaye.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;      *       *       *       *       *       *       *&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Here Charnock changeth to a better cheere&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For the sorrow that he hath sufferyd many a yere&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Or that he could accomplish the regiment of his fyre&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_169&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 169]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;. . . . . . . . .&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_960&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_960&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[637]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; or he saw his desier&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Wherefore in thy hartt now prease God allway&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And do good deeds with it whatsoever thou may&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Therefore thy god gave this science unto thee&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To be his stuarde and refresh the poore and needie.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;hangindent&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno D. 1526—Thomas Charnocke borne at Feversham in Kent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He travailed all England over to gain his knowledge.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;hangindent&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1554/5—He attained the secret from his master of Salisbury close, who dying left his worke with him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He lost it by fireing his tabernacle on a New Yeare&#039;s day.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;About this time being 28 yeares of age, he learned the secret againe of the prior of Bathe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He began anew with a servant, and againe by himselfe alone without a servant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He continued it nine monthes; was within a month of his reckoning; the crowe&#039;s head began to appear black.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;hangindent&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1557—He, pressed on a warre proclaimed against the French (Burnet&#039;s History, part 2, p. 355), broke and cast all away. January 1, he began; July 20, he ended, his Breviary.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1562—He marryed Agnes Norden at Stockland, Bristoll.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1563—He buryed Absolon his son.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1566—He dedicated a booke to Queen Elizabeth 9 yeares after the Breviary was penned.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He dated the rolle at Stockland.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;hangindent&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1572—He wrote the posy on the rolle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He wrote his aenigma ad Alchimiam&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_961&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_961&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[638]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and de Alchimia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_962&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_962&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[639]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;hangindent&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1573—the fragment&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_963&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_963&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[640]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of &#039;knocke the child on the head.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1574—that he never saw the white ferment to the red till that 50th yeare of his age.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_170&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 170]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;hangindent&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1576—the difficulty of the philosophick number in the roll.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1581—Buryed at Otterhampton neare Stockland out of his house at Comage where he kept his worke.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1587—Bridget Charnock (probably his daughter that kept his house when his fire was sayd to go out), marryed to one ... Thatcher in Stockland.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Collected out of the Roll, the register, and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Theatrum Chemicum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Geoffrey Chaucer&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1328-1400).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_964&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_964&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[641]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir Geffrey Chaucer: memorandum—Sir Hamond L&#039;Estrange, of ..., in ... had his Workes in MS., a most curious piece, most rarely writt and illumined, which he valued at 100 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; His grandson and heire still haz it.—From Mr. Roger L&#039;Estrange.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He taught his sonne the use of &amp;amp;lt;the&amp;amp;gt; astrolabe at 10; prout per his treatise of the Astrolabe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Dunnington Castle, neer Newbury, was his; a noble seate and strong castle, which was held by the King (Charles I&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;st&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;) (who governour?) but since dismanteled.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum:—neer this castle was an oake, under which Sir Jeofrey was wont to sitt, called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Chaucer&#039;s-oake&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which was cutt downe by ... ... tempore Caroli I&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;mi&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;; and so it was, that ... ... was called into the starre chamber, and was fined for it.... Judge Richardson&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_965&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_965&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[642]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; harangued against him long, and like an orator, had topiques from the Druides, etc. This information I had from ... an able attorney that was at the hearing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His picture is at his old howse at Woodstock (neer the parke-gate), a foot high, halfe way: has passed from proprietor to proprietor.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_966&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_966&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[643]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;One Mr. Goresuch of Woodstock dined with us at Rumney marsh, who told me that at the old Gothique-built howse neer the parke-gate at Woodstock, which was the howse of Sir Jeffrey Chaucer, that there is his picture, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_171&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 171]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;which goes with the howse from one to another—which see.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;William Chillingworth&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1602-1643/4).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_967&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_967&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[644]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;William Chillingworth&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_124&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_124&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CA]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, D. D.,—vide Anthony Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Antiq. Oxon.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in Trinity College—was borne in Oxford. His father was a brewer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;About anno ... he was acquainted with one ... who drew him and some other scholars over to Doway, where he was not so well entertained as he thought he merited for his great disputative witt. They made him the porter (which was to trye his temper, and exercise his obedience): so he stole over and came to Trinity College againe, where he was fellowe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;William Laud, A. B. C.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_968&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_968&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[645]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, was his godfather and great friend. He sent his grace weekly intelligence of what passed in the university&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_125&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_125&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CB]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. Sir William Davenant (poet laureat) told me that notwithstanding this doctor&#039;s great reason, he was guiltie of the detestable crime of treachery. Dr. Gill&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_126&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_126&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CC]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, filius D&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;ris&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; Gill (schoolmaster of Paules schoole), and Chillingworth held weekely intelligence one with another for some yeares, wherein they used to nibble at states-matters. Dr. Gill in one of his letters calles King James and his sonne, the old foole and the young one, which letter Chillingworth communicates to W. Laud, A. B. Cant. The poore young Dr. Gill was seised, and a terrible storme pointed towards him, which, by the eloquent intercession and advocation of Edward, earle of Dorset, together with the teares of the poore old Doctor his father, and supplication on his knees to his majestie, were blowne-over. I am sorry so great a witt should have such a naeve.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Absentem qui rodit amicum,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Qui non defendit alio culpante, solutos&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Qui captat risus hominum famamque dicacis,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Fingere qui non visa potest, commissa tacere&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Qui nequit: hic niger est; hunc tu, Romane, caveto.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c29&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Horat.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; lib. I, sat. iv.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_172&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 172]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a little man, blackish haire, of a saturnine complexion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The lord Falkland (vide &amp;amp;lt;life of&amp;amp;gt; lord Falkland) and he had such extraordinary clear reasons, that they were wont to say at Oxon that if the great Turke were to be converted by naturall reason, these two were the persons to convert him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He lies buried in the south side of the cloysters at Chichester, where he dyed of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;morbus castrensis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; after the taking of Arundel castle by the parliament: wherin he was very much blamed by the king&#039;s soldiers for his advice in military affaires there, and they curst &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;that little priest&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and imputed the losse of the castle to his advice. In his sicknesse he was inhumanely treated by Dr. Cheynell&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_127&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_127&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CD]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, who, when he was to be buryed, threw his booke into the grave with him, saying, &#039;Rott with the rotten; let the dead bury the dead.&#039; Vide a pamphlet of about 6 sheets writt by Dr. Cheynell (maliciously enough) where he gives an account of his life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This following inscription was made and set-up by Mr. Oliver Whitby&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_128&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_128&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CE]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, his fellowe-collegiate at Trinity College and now one of the prebendarys of this church:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Virtuti sacrum.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Spe certissimae resurrectionis&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Hic reducem expectat animam&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Gulielmvs Chillingworth&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
S. T. P.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Oxonii natus et educatus,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Collegii S&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;tae&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; Trinitatis olim&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Socius, Decus et Gloria.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Omni Literarum genere celeberrimus,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Ecclesiae Anglicanae adversus Romano-Catholicam&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Propugnator invictissimus,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Ecclesiae Sarisburiensis Praecentor&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_122&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_122&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XLIV.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; dignissimus;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Sine Exequiis,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Furentis cujusdam Theologastri,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Doctoris Cheynell&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_123&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_123&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XLV.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Diris et maledictione sepultus:&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Honoris et Amicitiae ergo,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Ab &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Olivero Whitby&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;,&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_173&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 173]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Brevi hoc monimento,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Posterorum memoriae consecratus,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Anno Salutis,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
1672.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_969&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_969&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[646]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_122&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_122&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XLIV.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is a mistake; he was not Chantor of the Church, but Chancellor of the Church of Sarum, whose office was antiently to read a lecture in Latin, quarterly, in the pulpit in the library, either in Theologie or the Canon Lawe. Since the Reformation &#039;twas commuted into preaching on the Holy-dayes. He never swore to all the points of the Church of England.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_123&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_123&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XLV.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Minister of Petworth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;My tutor, W. Browne&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_129&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_129&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CF]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, haz told me, that Dr. Chillingworth studied not much, but when he did, he did much in a little time. He much delighted in Sextus Empeiricus. He did walke much in the College grove, and there contemplate, and meet with some &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;cod&#039;s-head&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; or other, and dispute with him and baffle him. He thus prepared himselfe before-hand. He would alwayes be disputing; so would my tutor. I thinke it was an epidemick evill of that time, which I think now is growne out of fashion, as unmannerly and boyish. He was the readiest and nimblest disputant of his time in the university, perhaps none haz equalled him since.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have heard Mr. Thomas Hobbes, Malmesb. (who knew him), say, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;that he was like a lusty fighting fellow that did drive his enimies before him, but would often give his owne party smart&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_970&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_970&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[647]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; back-blowes&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When Doctor Kettle, (the president of Trin. Coll. Oxon.) dyed&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_130&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_130&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CG]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, which was in anno &amp;amp;lt;1643&amp;amp;gt; Dr. Chillingworth was competitor for the presidentship, with Dr. Hannibal Potter and Dr. Roberts. Dr. Han. Potter had been formerly chaplain to the bishop of Winton, who was so much Dr. Potter&#039;s friend, that though (as Will Hawes haz told me) Dr. Potter was not lawfully elected, upon referring themselves to their visitor (bishop of Winton), the bishop (Curle) ordered Dr. Potter possession; and let the fellowes gett him out if they could. This was shortly after the lord Falkland was slaine, who had he lived, Dr. Chillingworth assured Will Hawes, no man should have carried it against him: and that he was so extremely discomposed and wept bitterly for the losse of his deare friend, yet notwithstanding he doubted not to have an astergance&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_131&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_131&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CH]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_174&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 174]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_124&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_124&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CA]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; William Chillingworth was elected Scholar of Trinity June 2, 1618 (then of St. Martin&#039;s parish, Oxon, aged 19), and Fellow, June 10, 1628.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_125&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_125&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CB]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For another instance of reports sent to Laud (who was Chancellor of Oxford 1630-41) about Oxford matters, see Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 238.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_126&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_126&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CC]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Alexander Gill matr. at Trinity College, June 26, 1612, was Clerk at Wadham College, April 20, 1613, but rejoined Trinity and from thence took his D.D., March 9, 1636/7. He was usher to his father in St. Paul&#039;s School 1621-28, being removed for the offence here related.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_127&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_127&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CD]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Francis Cheynell, a native of Oxford (like Chillingworth), Fellow of Merton 1629, D.D. July 24, 1649.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_128&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_128&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CE]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Oliver Whitby, matr. at Trinity, Oct. 15, 1619; Archdeacon of Chichester, Dec. 23, 1672.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_129&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_129&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CF]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; William Browne, of Blandford St. Mary, Dorset, aged 16, elected Scholar of Trinity May 28, 1635, M.A. March 18, 1641/2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_130&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_130&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CG]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood, in a marginal note, objects—&#039;This cannot be: Dr. Kettle died after Chillingworth.&#039; But Wood is wrong. Kettell died in July 1643; Chillingworth in January, 1643/4; Potter was admitted President August 8, 1643.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_131&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_131&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CH]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Astergance,&#039; apparently an Aubrey form for &#039;abstergence,&#039; i.e. consolation. The meaning perhaps is:—although Chillingworth was grieved for Falkland&#039;s (or Kettell&#039;s) death, he had looked for the consolation of being promoted to the Presidentship of his College.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;John Clavell&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1601-1642).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_971&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_971&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[648]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;John Clavell, the famous thiefe, borne May 11, 1601, 11&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 30´ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;John Cleveland&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1613-1658).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_972&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_972&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[649]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;John Cleveland was borne at ... (quaere Mr. Nayler) in Warwickshire. He was a fellow of St. John&#039;s Colledge in Cambridge, where he was more taken notice of for his being an eminent disputant, then a good poet. Being turned out of his fellowship for a malignant he came to Oxford, where the king&#039;s army was, and was much caressed by them. He went thence to the garrison at Newark upon Trent, where upon some occasion of drawing of articles, or some writing, he would needs add a short conclusion, viz. &#039;and hereunto we annex our lives, as a labell to our trust.&#039; After the king was beaten out of the field, he came to London, and retired in Grayes &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_175&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 175]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Inne. He, and Sam. Butler, &amp;amp;amp;c. of Grayes Inne, had&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_973&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_973&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[650]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a clubb every night. He was a comely plump man, good curled haire, darke browne. Dyed of the scurvy, and lies buried in St. Andrew&#039;s church, in Holborne, anno Domini 165. (quaere Mr. Nayler&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_974&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_974&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[651]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, of ...).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;George Clifford&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;, earl of Cumberland (1558-1605).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
     &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_975&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_975&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[652]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Henry&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, earl of   &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Anne, daughter of William,&lt;br /&gt;
     Cumberland; obiit   |  lord Dacres of Gillesland.&lt;br /&gt;
     12 Eliz. &amp;amp;lt;1570&amp;amp;gt;.    |&lt;br /&gt;
      +------------------+--------------------+&lt;br /&gt;
      |                                       |&lt;br /&gt;
   &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;George&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, earl of  &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Marg&amp;amp;lt;aret&amp;amp;gt;      &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Francis&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, earl    &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Grisold,&lt;br /&gt;
   Cumberland;     |  daughter &amp;amp;lt;of    of Cumberland,  |  daughter of&lt;br /&gt;
   obiit 3 Jacobi  |  Francis, earl   obiit 1641.     |  Thomas Hughes&lt;br /&gt;
   &amp;amp;lt;1605&amp;amp;gt;.         |  of Bedford&amp;amp;gt;.                    |  of Uxbridge,&lt;br /&gt;
                   |                                  |  esq.&lt;br /&gt;
                   |                                  |&lt;br /&gt;
  (1) Richard,  &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Anne&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (2) Philip, earl        &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Henry&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, earl    &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;  Frances,&lt;br /&gt;
  earl of       |  daughter    of Pembroke and     of Cumberland, |   daughter&lt;br /&gt;
  Dorset        |  and heir.   Montgomery.         obiit 1643.    |   of Robert&lt;br /&gt;
                |                                  Henry, earl of |   Cecill,&lt;br /&gt;
                |                     Cumberland, was a poet. His |   earl of&lt;br /&gt;
                |                     daughter (the countesse of  |   Sarum.&lt;br /&gt;
                |                     Corke and Burlington) hath  |&lt;br /&gt;
                |                     severall&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_976&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_976&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[653]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; copies of his  |&lt;br /&gt;
      +---------+------------+        making.       +-------------+&lt;br /&gt;
      |                      |                      |&lt;br /&gt;
    &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Margaret&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; John,      &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Isabell&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; James,      &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Elizabeth&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Richard &amp;amp;lt;Boyle&amp;amp;gt;,&lt;br /&gt;
             |  earl of             earl of              |  earl of Cork and&lt;br /&gt;
             |  Thanet.             Northampton.         |  Burlington.&lt;br /&gt;
      +------+-------------------------+--------+    +---+---+&lt;br /&gt;
      |                                |        |    |       |&lt;br /&gt;
  Nicholas, earl  &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Elizabeth,     John,  Richard,&lt;br /&gt;
  of Thanet, my      daughter of    obiit  now&lt;br /&gt;
  honoured lord;     Richard, earl  sine   earle.&lt;br /&gt;
  obiit November     of Corke and   prole.&lt;br /&gt;
  27, 1679, sans     Burlington.&lt;br /&gt;
  issue.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_132&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_132&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XLVI.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;This George, earl of Cumberland, built the greatest fleet of shipping that ever any subject did. He had a vast estate, and could then ride in his owne lands from Yorkeshire to Westmorland. He had ... castles.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_132&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_132&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XLVI.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;From Elizabeth, countesse of Thanet.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The best account of his expedition with his fleet to America is to be found in Purchas&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pilgrim&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. He tooke from the Spaniards to the value of seaven or 8 hundred thousand poundes. When he returned with this riche &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_176&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 176]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;cargo (the richest without doubt that ever subject brought), the queene&#039;s councell (where he had some that envyed him—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Virtutis comes Invidia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;layed their heads together and concluded &#039;twas too much for a subject to have, and confiscated it all to the queen, even shippes and all, and to make restauration to the Spaniard, that he was forced to sell fifteene thousand pounds per annum. My lady Thanet told me she sawe the accounts in writing. The armada of the Argonautes was but a trifle to this.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As I take it, Sir Walter Ralegh went this brave voyage with his lordship; and Mr. Edmund Wright, the excellent navigator; and, not unlikely, Mr. Harriot too.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This was the breaking of that ancient and noble family; but Robert, earl of Salisbury (who was the chiefest enemie) afterwards maried his daughter, as above, as he might well be touch&#039;t in conscience, to make some recompence after he had donne so much mischiefe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That he was an acquaintance of Sir Walter Raleigh, I remember by this token, that Sir James Long told me that one time he came to Draycot with Sir Walter Raleigh from Bathe, and, hunting a buck in the parke there, his horse made a false step in a conie-borough and threw him and brake the kennell-bone of his shoulder.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Henry Clifford&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;, earl of Cumberland (1591-1643).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_977&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_977&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[654]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;From the pedigree of the earles of Cumberland&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_134&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_134&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CI]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in the hands of Elizabeth, countesse of Thanet, daughter of the earle of Burlington and Corke.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;George, &amp;amp;lt;third&amp;amp;gt; earl of Cumberland, had seaven&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_133&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_133&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XLVII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; castles in the north. He was buryed with his ancestors at Skippon Castle. Obiit about the beginning of King James&#039;s raigne.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_133&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_133&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XLVII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Quaere quot castella&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_978&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_978&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[655]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Vide epistle to George, earl of Cumberland, before the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;History of the Massacre&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_177&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 177]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Henry, &amp;amp;lt;fifth&amp;amp;gt; earl of Cumberland, was a poet; the countesse of Corke and Burlington haz still his verses. He was of Christ Church, Oxon&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_135&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_135&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CJ]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. Nicholas, earl of Thanet, was wont to say that the mare of Fountaines-abbey did dash, meaning that since they gott that estate (given to the church) they did never thrive but still declined.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
      &amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Henry, lord Clifford&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;, first earl of Cumberland,&lt;br /&gt;
      obiit 34 Henry VIII &amp;amp;lt;1542&amp;amp;gt;; sepult. in ecclesia&lt;br /&gt;
      Skippon. Knight of the Garter.&lt;br /&gt;
                    |&lt;br /&gt;
  Henry, lord Clifford, second earle   &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;  Anne, daughter of William, lord&lt;br /&gt;
  of Cumberland, obiit 12 Eliz., 8     |   Dacres of Gillesland, his second&lt;br /&gt;
  Januarii 1570 &amp;amp;lt;i.e. 69/70&amp;amp;gt;. He       |   wife. She died in Skipton Castle&lt;br /&gt;
  was knight of the most noble order   |   in July 1581, and was buryed in&lt;br /&gt;
  of the Garter, and lord of           |   the vault of that Church.&lt;br /&gt;
  Westmorland and Vesse. Buried in     |&lt;br /&gt;
  Skippon Church.                      |&lt;br /&gt;
       +-------------------------------+-----+&lt;br /&gt;
       |                                     |&lt;br /&gt;
  1. George, third    &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;  Margaret,    2. Francis,  &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;  Mris Grizell Hughes&lt;br /&gt;
  earl of Cumberland, |   daughter     erearl of    |   of Uxbridge, widow&lt;br /&gt;
  knight of the       |   of Francis,  Cumberland.  |   to Thomas&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_979&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_979&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[656]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  Garter, that made   |   earl of                   |   Nevill, lord&lt;br /&gt;
  the famous          |   Bedford.                  |   Abergavenny.&lt;br /&gt;
  expedition to       |                             |&lt;br /&gt;
  America. Obiit      |                      +------+&lt;br /&gt;
  1605 in the Savoy   |                      |&lt;br /&gt;
  at London. Sepult.  |                      |&lt;br /&gt;
  in Skippon Church.  |                      |&lt;br /&gt;
                      |                      |&lt;br /&gt;
  Richard,   &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;  Lady Anne  &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;  Philip,    Henry, lord   &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;  Frances Cecill,&lt;br /&gt;
  earle of   |   Clifford       earl of    Clifford;     |   only daughter of&lt;br /&gt;
  Dorset.    |   (quaere        Pembroke,  last earl of  |   Robert, earl of&lt;br /&gt;
  Obiit at   |   obiit).        etc.       Cumberland    |   Salisbury, Lord&lt;br /&gt;
  Dorset     |                             of that line. |   High Treasurer.&lt;br /&gt;
  house,     |                             Obiit in      |   Obiit 14 Feb.&lt;br /&gt;
  28 March,  |                             Yorke, 1643.  |   1643.&lt;br /&gt;
  1624.      |                                           |&lt;br /&gt;
             |                                       +---+&lt;br /&gt;
             |                                       |&lt;br /&gt;
           had issue only                        Elizabeth &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;maried&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Richard&lt;br /&gt;
           two daughters.                        Clifford,  (1635)  Boyle,&lt;br /&gt;
                                                 borne in           earle of&lt;br /&gt;
                                                 Skipton            Corke and&lt;br /&gt;
                                                 Castle. 1613.      Burlington.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_980&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_980&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[657]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Henry, the last earle of Cumberland, was an ingeniose gentleman for those times and a great acquaintance of the Lord Chancellor Bacon&#039;s; and often writt to one another, which lettres the countesse of Corke and Burlington, my lady Thanet&#039;s mother, daughter and heir of that family, keepes as reliques; and a poeme in English that her father wrott upon the Psalmes and many other subjects, and very well, but the language being now something out of fashion, like Sir Philip Sydney&#039;s, they will not print it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_134&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_134&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CI]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey gives in trick the coat:—&#039;checquy or and azure, a fess gules [Clifford],&#039; surmounted by an earl&#039;s coronet. Anthony Wood has a note here:—&#039;George, earl of Cumberland, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 1592: A.B. Aed. Christi, 1608, quaere&#039;—this latter degree belongs to Henry, fifth earl.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_135&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_135&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CJ]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Matric. Jan. 30, 1606/7: took B.A. Feb. 16, 1608/9.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_178&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 178]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Sir Edward Coke&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1551/2-1633).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_981&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_981&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[658]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Vide his life by ...: quaere his nephew or sonne&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_982&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_982&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[659]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Roger Coke. Sir Edward Coke&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_137&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_137&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CK]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, knight, Lord Chiefe Justice of the King&#039;s Bench, was borne at ... in Norfolke. I heard an old lawyer ( ... Dunstable) of the Middle Temple, 1646, who was his country-man, say that he was borne to 300 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; land per annum&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_138&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_138&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CL]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and I have heard some of his country say again that he was borne but to 40 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum. What shall one beleeve?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quaere Roger Coke of what house he was in Cambridge, or if ever at the University.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Old John Tussell (that was my attorney) haz told me that he gott a hundred thousand pounds in one yeare, viz. 1º Jacobi, being then attorney-generall. His advice was that every man of estate (right or wrong) should sue-out his pardon, which cost 5 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; which&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_983&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_983&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[660]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was his fee.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He left an estate of eleaven thousand pounds per annum. Sir John Danvers&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_139&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_139&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CM]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, who knew him, told me that when one told him his sonnes would spend the estate faster then he gott it, he replyed &#039;they cannot take more delight in spending of it then I did in the getting of it.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was chamber-fellow to the Lord Chiefe Baron Wyld&#039;s father (Serjeant Wyld&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_140&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_140&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CN]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). He built the black buildings at the Inner Temple (now burn&#039;t) which were above the walke toward the west end, called then &#039;Coke&#039;s buildings.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After he was putt out of his place of Lord Chief Justice of the King&#039;s Bench&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_984&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_984&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[661]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, to spite him, they made him sheriff of Buckinghamshire, anno Dni ...; at which time he caused the sheriff&#039;s oath to be altered, which till that time was, amongst other things, to enquire after and apprehend all Lollards. He was also chosen, after he was displaced, a burghesse to sitt in Parliament.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_136&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_136&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XLVIII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;He was of wonderfull painstaking, as appeares by his writings. He was short-sighted but never used spectacles to his dyeing day, being then 83 &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_179&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 179]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;yeares of age. He was a very handsome proper man and of a curious complexion, as appeares by his picture at the Inner Temple, which his grandson gave them about 1668, at length, in his atturney-generall&#039;s fusted gowne, which the house haz turned into judge&#039;s robes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_136&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_136&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XLVIII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; From Roger Coke.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He maried, his second wife, ..., the relickt of Sir ... Hatton, who was with child when he maried her&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_985&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_985&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[662]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.—&amp;amp;lt;from&amp;amp;gt; &amp;amp;lt;Elizabeth&amp;amp;gt; lady Purbec; vide B. Johnson&#039;s masque of the Gipsies.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He dyed at Stoke-poges in com. Bucks ... 1638&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_986&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_986&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[663]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (quaere), but is buryed at ... in Norfolk.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For his moralls, see &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sir W. Raleigh&#039;s Tryall&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He shewed himselfe too clownish and bitter in his carriage to Sir Walter Ralegh at his triall, where he sayes &#039;Thou traytor,&#039; at every word, and &#039;thou lyest like a traytor.&#039; See it in Sir Walter Ralegh&#039;s life, Lond. 1678, 8vo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His rule:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Sex horas somno, totidem des legibus aequis,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Quatuor orabis, des epulisque duas,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Quod reliquum est tempus sacris largire Camenis.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He playes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_987&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_987&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[664]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with his case as a cat would with a mouse, and be so fulsomely pedantique that a school boy would nauseate it. But when he comes to matter of lawe, all acknowledge him to be admirable. When Mr. Cuff&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_988&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_988&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[665]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, secretary to the earle of Essex, was arraigned, he would dispute with him in syllogismes, till at last one of his brethern said, &#039;Prithee, brother, leave off: thou doest dispute scurvily.&#039; Cuff was a smart man and a great scholar and baffeld him. Said Cooke&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Dominum cognoscite vestrum&#039;;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Cuff replied,&#039;My lord, you leave out the former part of the verse&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_989&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_989&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[666]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, which you should have repeated,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Acteon&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ego sum&#039;—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;reflecting on his being a cuckold.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_180&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 180]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_990&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_990&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[667]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;The world expected from him a commentary on Littleton&#039;s Tenures; and he left them his Common-place book, which is now so much made use of.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Sir Edward Coke did envie&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_991&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_991&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[668]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sir Francis Bacon, and was wont to undervalue his lawe: vide de hoc in the lord Bacon&#039;s lettres, where he expostulates this thing with Sir Edward Coke, and tells him that he may grow when that others doe stand at a stay.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum:—he was of Clifford&#039;s Inne before he was of the Inner Temple, as the fashion then was first to be of an Inne of Chancery.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum:—when the play called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ignoramus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (made by one Ruggle of Clare-hall) was acted with great applause before King James, they dressed Sir Ignoramus like Chief Justice Coke and cutt his beard like him and feigned his voyce. Mr. Peyton, our vicar of Chalke, was then a scholar at Kings College and sawe it. This drollery did ducere in seria mala: it sett all the lawyers against the clergie, and shortly upon this Mr. Selden wrote of Tythes not jure divino.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_137&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_137&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CK]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey gives in trick the coat:—--&#039;..., 3 eagles displayed ...&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_138&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_138&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CL]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 97&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, Aubrey has this note:—&#039;Sir Edward Coke, Lord Chief Justice—when I was first of the Middle Temple, I heard an old (80 &amp;amp;lt;years old&amp;amp;gt;) Norfolke gentleman of the &amp;amp;lt;name of&amp;amp;gt; Dunstable affirme that Sir Edward Coke was borne but to 300 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; a yeare land.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_139&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_139&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CM]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This story is repeated at the foot of the leaf:—&#039;Sir John Danvers told me that he had heard one say to him, reflecting on his great scraping of wealth, that his sonnes would spend his estate faster then he gott it. He replied, they cannot take more delight in the spending of it then I did in the getting of it.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_140&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_140&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CN]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; George Wilde, Serjeant at Law, 1614; father of Sir John Wilde, Chief Baron of the Exchequer, 1648.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Jean Baptiste Colbert&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1619-1683).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_992&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_992&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[669]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Monsieur ... Colbert was a merchant and an excellent accomptant, i.e. for Debtor and Creditor. He is of Scotish extraction and that obscure enough, his grandfather being a Scotish bag-piper to the Scotch regiment.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_181&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 181]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Cardinal Mezarin found that his stables were very chardgeable to him, and was imposed upon in accompts. He hearing of this merchant Colbert to be a great master in this art, sends for him and desires him to make inspection into his accounts and putt him into a better method to avoyd being abused. Which he did, and that so well that he imployed him in ordering the accounts of all his estate and found him so usefull that he also made use of him to methodize and settle the accompts of the king. This was his rise.—From Dr. John Pell.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;John Colet&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1466-1519).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_993&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_993&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[670]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;John Colet, D.D., deane of St. Paule&#039;s, London—vide Sir William Dugdale&#039;s Historie of Paule&#039;s church. After the conflagration his monument being broken, his coffin, which was lead, was full of a liquour which conserved the body. Mr. Wyld and Ralph Greatorex tasted it and &#039;twas of a kind of insipid tast, something of an ironish tast. The body felt, to the probe of a stick which they thrust into a chinke, like brawne. The coffin was of lead and layd in the wall about 2 foot ½ above the surface of the floore.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Henry Coley&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1633-1695?).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_994&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_994&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[671]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;My friend Mr. Henry Coley was borne in Magdalen parish in the city of Oxon, Octob. 18, 1633. His father was a joyner over against the Theater.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He is a tayler in Graies Inne lane.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He hath published an ingeniose discourse called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Clavis Astrologiae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, in English, 1669.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He is a man of admirable parts, and more to be expected from him every day: and as good a natured man as can be. And comes by his learning meerly by the strong impulse of his genius. He understands Latin and French: yet never learned out his grammar.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_995&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_995&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[672]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Henry Coley&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_141&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_141&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CO]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; natus Oxon, neer Kettle-hall, Octob. 18, horâ 2. 15´ 4˝ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;—his father a joyner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_182&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 182]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a woman&#039;s tayler: tooke to the love of astrologie, in which he grew in a short time a good proficient; and in Mr. W. Lilly&#039;s later time, when his sight grew dimme, was his amanuensis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He hath great practise in astrologie, and teacheth mathematiques. He hath published &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Clavis Astrologiae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 1675, a thick octavo, the second edition, wherein he has compiled clearly the whole science out of the best authors.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_141&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_141&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CO]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey gives &#039;ab Astronomiâ Britannicâ,&#039; Coley&#039;s nativity and the &#039;latitudo planetarum&#039; at his birth, on the scheme&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Henry Coley, astrologer, born at Oxon, 1633, October 18, 2&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 15´ 4˝ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, latit. 51° 42´.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;John Collins&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1624/5-1683).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_996&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_996&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[673]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;John Collins, accomptant, was borne at Wood-eaton neer Oxford, March the 5th, 1624/5, about half an houre after 5 at night (Saturday night): this I had from himselfe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_997&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_997&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[674]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;John Collins obiit London, November 10, 1683.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_998&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_998&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[675]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;John Collins:—adde his sheet &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Of interest&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Plea for Irish cattle&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: all the rest are set downe, but not when printed. And also his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Historie of salt and fisherie&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_999&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_999&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[676]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, 1682, printed by A. Godbid, 4to.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1000&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1000&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[677]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;John Collins, a learned mathematician, fellow of the Royal Society: scripsit plurima: he was not an University man, but was first prentice to &amp;amp;lt;Thomas&amp;amp;gt; Allam the booke-binder.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Anthony Cooper&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;, earl of Shaftesbury (1621-1682/3).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1001&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1001&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[678]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Anthony, earl of Shaftesbury:—Memoires relating the principall passages of his life, in folio, stitcht, printed by Samuel Lee, 1681.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Samuel Cooper&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1609-1672).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1002&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1002&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[679]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Samuel Cowper, his majestie&#039;s alluminer and my honord friend, obiit May ..., 1672: sepultus in Pancrace &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_183&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 183]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;chancell, next grave to father ... Symonds, e societate Jesu—their coffins touch. Aetat. circiter 6—.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Thomas Cooper&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1517?-1594).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1003&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1003&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[680]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Thomas Cooper, Magdalenensis—vide Anthony Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Antiq. Oxon.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: quaere if he was not schoolmaster at Winchester Colledge?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Dr. Edward Davenant told me that this learned man had a shrew to his wife, who was irreconcileably angrie with him for sitting-up late at night so, compileing&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1004&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1004&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[681]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; his Dictionarie, (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Thesaurus linguae Romanae et Britannicae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Londini, 1584; dedicated to Robert Dudley, earl of Leicester, and Chancellor of Oxford). When he had halfe-donne it, she had the opportunity to gett into his studie, tooke all his paines out in her lap, and threw it into the fire, and burnt it. Well, for all that, that good man had so great a zeale for the advancement of learning, that he began it again, and went through with it to that perfection that he hath left it to us, a most usefull worke. He was afterwards made bishop of Winton.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He dyed &amp;amp;lt;29 Apr. 1594&amp;amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;In Thesaurum Thomae Cooper, Magdalenensis, hexasticon Richardi Stephani.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Vilescat rutila dives Pactolus arena,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Hermus, et auriferi nobilis unda Tagi,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Vilescant Croesi gemmae Midaeque talenta,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Major apud Britones&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_142&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_142&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XLIX.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; eruta gaza patet:&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Hoc, Wainflete, tuo gens Anglica debet alumno,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Qui vigili nobis tanta labore dedit.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_142&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_142&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XLIX.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Verstegan deservedly blames him for that expression.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1005&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1005&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[682]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Pulleyn&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1006&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1006&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[683]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; tells me that Cowper who wrot the Dictionary was not bishop of Winton but of Lincoln: vide and mend it&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1007&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1007&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[684]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Richard Corbet&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1583-1635).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1008&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1008&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[685]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Epitaph on master Vincent Corbet, gardiner, father of the bishop: B. J&amp;amp;lt;onson&#039;s&amp;amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Underwoods&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 177.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_184&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 184]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1009&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1009&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[686]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Richard Corbet, episcopus (ex last edition of his poemes, in preface sc. p. 16) was made deane of Christ Church, 1620; bishop of Oxon, 1628; bishop of Norwich, 1632. Vide Anthony Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Antiq. Oxon.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1010&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1010&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[687]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Richard Corbet&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_144&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_144&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CP]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, D.D., was the son of Vincent Corbet—vide his poem—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;better&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1011&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1011&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[688]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; known&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;By Poynter&#039;s name then by his owne&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Here lies engaged till the day&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Of raysing bones and quickning clay:&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;No wonder, reader, that he hath&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Two sirnames in one epitaph,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For this one doth comprehend&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;All that both families could lend—&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;who was a gardner at Twicknam, as I have heard my old cosen Whitney say. Vide in B. Johnson&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Underwoods&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; an epitaph on this Vincent Corbet, where he speakes of his nurseries etc., p. 177.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a Westminster scholar; old parson Bussey, of Alscott in Warwickshire, went to schoole with him—he would say that he was a very handsome man, but something apt to abuse, and a coward.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a student (vide Anthony Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Antiq. Oxon.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) of Christ-church in Oxford. He was very facetious, and a good fellowe. One time he and some of his acquaintance being merry at Fryar Bacon&#039;s study (where was good liquor sold), they were drinking on the leads of the house, and one of the scholars was asleepe, and had a paire of good silke stockings on. Dr. Corbet (then M.A., if not B.D.) gott a paire of cizers and cutt them full of little holes, but when the other awaked, and percieved how and by whom he was abused, he did chastise him, and made him pay for them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After he was D. of Divinity, he sang ballads at the Crosse at Abingdon on a market-day. He and some of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_185&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 185]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;his camerades were at the taverne by the crosse,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_143&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_143&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[L.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (which by the way was then the finest of England; I remember it when I was a freshman: it was admirable curious Gothique architecture, and fine figures in the niches: &#039;twas one of those built by king ... for his queen: vide Chronicle). The ballad singer complaynd, he had no custome, he could not putt-off his ballades. The jolly Doctor putts-off his gowne, and putts-on the ballad singer&#039;s leathern jacket, and being a handsome man, and had a rare full voice, he presently vended a great many, and had a great audience.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_143&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_143&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[L.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Twas after the fashion of the crosse in High-street in Bristowe, but more curious worke. Quaere if not marble?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After the death of Dr. &amp;amp;lt;William Goodwyn&amp;amp;gt;, he was made deane of Christ-church (quaere if ever canon); vide&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1012&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1012&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[689]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; part iii, pag. 7b.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had a good interest with great men, as you may find in his poems, and with the then great favourite, the duke of Bucks; his excellent witt was lettres of recommendation to him. I have forgott the story, but at the same time that Dr. &amp;amp;lt;Samuel&amp;amp;gt; Fell thought to have carried it, Dr. Corbet putt a pretty trick on &amp;amp;lt;him&amp;amp;gt; to lett him take a journey on purpose to London for it, when he had already the graunt of it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He preacht a sermon before the king at Woodstock (I suppose king James, quaere) and no doubt with a very good grace; but it happened that he was out, on which occasion there were made these verses:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A reverend deane,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;With his band&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1013&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1013&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[690]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; starch&#039;t cleane,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Did preach before the King;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In his band string was spied&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A ring that was tied&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_145&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_145&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CQ]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Was not that a pretty thing?&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;If then without doubt,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In his text he was out&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;. . . . . . next,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The ring without doubt&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_186&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 186]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Was the thing putt him out,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For all that were there,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;On my conscience, dare sweare,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;That he handled it more than his text:—&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;vide the verses.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1014&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1014&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[691]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;His conversation&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1015&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1015&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[692]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was extreme pleasant. Dr. Stubbins&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_146&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_146&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CR]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was one of his cronies; he was a jolly fatt Dr. and a very good house-keeper; parson of &amp;amp;lt;Ambrosden&amp;amp;gt; in Oxfordshire. As Dr. Corbet and he were riding in Lob-lane, in wett weather, (&#039;tis an extraordinary deepe dirty lane) the coach fell; and Dr. Corbet sayd that Dr. Stubbins was up to the elbowes in mud, he was up to the elbowes in Stubbins.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno Domini &amp;amp;lt;1628&amp;amp;gt; he was made bishop of Oxford, and I have heard that he had an admirable, grave, and venerable aspect.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;One time, as he was confirming, the country people pressing in to see&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1016&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1016&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[693]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the ceremonie, sayd he, &#039;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Beare-off there, or I&#039;le confirme yee with my staffe&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&#039; Another time being to lay his hand on the head of a man very bald, he turns to his chaplaine (Lushington) and sayd, &#039;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Some dust, Lushington&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,&#039; (to keepe his hand from slipping). There was a man with a great venerable beard; sayd the bishop, &#039;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;You, behind the beard&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His chaplain, Dr. Lushington&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_147&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_147&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CS]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, was a very learned and ingeniose man, and they loved one another. The bishop sometimes would take the key of the wine-cellar, and he and his chaplaine would goe and lock themselves in and be merry. Then first he layes downe his episcopall hat,—&#039;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;There lyes the Dr.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&#039; Then he putts of his gowne,—&#039;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;There lyes the Bishop&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&#039; Then &#039;twas,—&#039;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Here&#039;s to thee, Corbet&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,&#039; and &#039;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Here&#039;s to thee, Lushington&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&#039;—From Josias Howe, B.D., Trin. Coll. Oxon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_187&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 187]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He built a pretty house (quaere) neer the cawsey beyond Friar Bacon&#039;s studie.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He married&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_148&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_148&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CT]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ..., whom &#039;twas sayd he begott. She was a very beautifull woman, and so was her mother. He had a son (I think Vincent) that went to schoole at Westminster, with Ned Bagshawe; a very handsome youth, but he is run out of all, and goes begging up and downe to gentlemen.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was made bishop of Norwich, Anno Domini &amp;amp;lt;1632&amp;amp;gt;. He dyed &amp;amp;lt;28 July, 1635&amp;amp;gt;. The last words he sayd were, &#039;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Good night, Lushington&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&#039; He lyes buried in the upper end of the choire at Norwich, [on the south side of the monument of bishop Herbert, the founder, under a faire gravestone of free-stone, from whence the inscription&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_149&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_149&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CU]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and scutcheon of brasse are stollen&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1017&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1017&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[694]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;].&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His poems are pure naturall witt, delightfull and easie.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quaere what he hath writt besides his poems: vide part iii, p.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1018&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1018&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[695]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; 7b.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It appeares by his verses to Master Ailesbury&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_150&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_150&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CV]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, Dec. 9, 1618, that he had knowledge of analyticall learning, being so well acquainted with him and the learned Mr. Thomas Harriot.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1019&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1019&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[696]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;I have not seen the date of his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Iter Boreale&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; but it ends thus:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;We return&#039;d, but just with so much ore,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;As Rauleigh from his voyage, and no more.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1020&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1020&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[697]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Memorandum:—his antagonist Dr. &amp;amp;lt;Daniel&amp;amp;gt; Price, the anniversarist, was made deane of the church at Hereford. Dr. &amp;amp;lt;William&amp;amp;gt; Watts, canon of that church, told me, 1656, that this deane was a mighty pontificall proud man, and that one time when they went in procession about the cathedrall church, he would not doe it the usually way in his surplice, hood, etc., on foot, but rode on a mare, thus habited, with the Common-Prayer booke in his hand, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_188&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 188]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;reading. A stone-horse happend to breake loose&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1021&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1021&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[698]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ... he would never ride in procession afterwards.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1022&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1022&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[699]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;In the cathedral church of Norwich, upper end of the choeur, towards the steppes to the altar, in the middle is a little altar-tombe of bishop Herbert the founder; south of which tombe is a faire freestone gravestone of bishop Corbet, the inscription and shield of brasse are stollen. Vide A. Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Antiq. Oxon.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; &amp;amp;lt;His&amp;amp;gt; son &amp;amp;lt;is a&amp;amp;gt; fainiant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_144&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_144&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CP]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey gives in colours the coat, &#039;or, a raven sable [Corbet],&#039; wreathed with laurel.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_145&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_145&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CQ]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; An alternative reading is given:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;A ring he espyed&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In his band-string tyed.&#039;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_146&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_146&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CR]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; John Stubbinge, D.D., Ch. Ch., 1630: vicar of Ambrosden, co. Oxon., 1635.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_147&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_147&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CS]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thomas Lushington, D.D., Pembr., June 22, 1632, obiit Dec. 22, 1661. Notes of his life are found in Wood MS. F. 39, fol. 203&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, 204, 259.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_148&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_148&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CT]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Alice, daughter of Leonard Hutton, sometime Student of Christ Church, Canon of St. Paul&#039;s 1609-1632.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_149&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_149&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CU]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 9, Aubrey has a note, &#039;bishop Richard Corbet: vide memorandum 1671 in libro B pro reliquiis inscriptionis.&#039; A copy of what was still legible of the inscription is found in a letter from Aubrey to Wood in Wood MS. F. 39.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_150&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_150&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CV]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sir Thomas Aylesbury, 1576-1657, Master of the Requests. He had been of Christ Church, Oxford.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Tom Coryat&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1577-1617).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1023&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1023&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[700]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Old major Cosh was quartered (Sept. 18, 1642) at his mother&#039;s house at Shirburne in Dorsetshire; her name was Gertrude.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This was when Sherburne castle was besieged, and when the fight was at Babell hills, between Sherburn and Yeovill: the first fight in the civill warres that was considerable. But the first &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;brush&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; was between the earle of Northampton (father to Henry, the lord bishop of London) and the lord Brooke, neer Banbury: which was the later end of July, or the beginning of August, 1642. I&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1024&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1024&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[701]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was sent for into the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_189&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 189]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;countrey to my great griefe, and departed the 9th of Aug. &#039;Twas before I went away, I beleeve in Aug. Quaere de hoc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But to returne to T. Coryat: had he lived to returne into England, his travells had been most estimable, for though he was not a wise man, he wrote faithfully matter of fact.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Abraham Cowley&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1618-1667).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1025&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1025&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[702]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Abraham Cowley&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_152&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_152&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CW]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;: he was borne in Fleet-street, London, neer Chancery-lane; his father a grocer, at the signe of....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was secretarie to the earle of St. Alban&#039;s (then lord Jermyn) at Paris. When his majestie returned, the duke of Buckingham hearing that at Chertsey was a good farme of about ... &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum, belonging to the queene-mother, goes to the earl of St. Alban&#039;s and the commissioners to&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1026&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1026&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[703]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; take a lease of it. They answered that &#039;twas beneath his grace to take a lease of them. That was all one, he would have it, payd for it, and had it, and freely and generously gave it to his deare and ingeniose friend, Mr. Abraham Cowley, for whom purposely he bought it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He lies interred at Westminster Abbey, next to Sir Jeffrey Chaucer, N., where the duke of Bucks has putt a neate monument of white marble, viz. a faire pedestall, wheron the inscription:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Abrahamus Couleius,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Anglorum Pindarus, Flaccus, Maro,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Deliciae, Decus, Desiderium aevi sui,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Hic juxta situs est.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Aurea dum volitant latè tua scripta per orbem,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Et famâ aeternùm vivis, divine Poeta,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Hic placidâ jaceas requie; custodiat urnam&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Cana Fides, vigilentque perenni lampade Musae;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Sit sacer iste locus. Nec quis temerarius ausit&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Sacrilegâ turbare manu venerabile bustum.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Intacti maneant, maneant per secula, dulcis&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Coulei cineres serventque immobile saxum.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_190&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 190]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Sic vovet,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Votumque suum apud posteros sacratum esse voluit, qui viro incomparabili posuit sepulcrale marmor, GEORGIUS dux BUCKINGHAMIAE.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Abraham Cowley excessit e vitâ anno aetatis suae 49; et, honorificâ pompâ elatus ex Aedibus Buckinghamianis, viris&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_151&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_151&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LI.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; illustribus omnium ordinum exequias celebrantibus, sepultus est die 3 mensis Augusti anno Domini 1667.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_151&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_151&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LI.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; His grace the duke of Bucks held a tassell of the pall.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Above that a very faire urne, with a kind of ghirland of ivy about it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The inscription was made by Dr. &amp;amp;lt;Thomas&amp;amp;gt; Spratt, his grace&#039;s chapellane: the Latin verses were made, or mended, by Dr. &amp;amp;lt;Thomas&amp;amp;gt; Gale.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On his very noble gravestone, his scutcheon, and&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Abrahamus Couleius&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
H. S. E.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
1667.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum:—this George, duke of Bucks, came to the earl of St. Albans and told him he would buy such a lease in Chertsey belonging to the queen mother. Said the earle to him, &#039;that is beneath your grace, to take a lease.&#039; &#039;That is all one,&#039; qd. he, &#039;I desire to have the favour to buy it for my money.&#039; He bought it, and then freely bestowed it on his beloved Cowley: which ought not to be forgotten.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By Sir J. Denham:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Had Cowley ne&#039;re spoke, nor Th.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1027&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1027&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[704]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Killigrew writt,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;They&#039;d both have made a &amp;amp;lt;very&amp;amp;gt; good witt.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;—A. C. discoursed very ill and with hesitation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He writ when a boy at Westminster ... poems and a comedy called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Love&#039;s Riddle&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, dedicated to Sir Kenelme Digby; printed, London, ..., 8vo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1028&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1028&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[705]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Abraham Cowley:—vide his will, scilicet, for his true and lasting charity, that is, he settles his estate in such a manner that every yeare so much is to be payd for the enlarging of poor prisoners cast into gaole by cruel creditors for some debt. This I had from Mr. Dunning of London, a scrivener, who is an acquaintance of Dr. Cowley&#039;s &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_191&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 191]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;brother. I doe thinke this memorable benefaction is not mentioned in his life in print before his workes; and it is certainly the best method of charity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_152&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_152&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CW]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey notes that he was of &#039;Cambridge,&#039; and gives in trick the coat:—--&#039;..., a lion rampant ..., within a bordure engrailed ...,&#039; wreathed in laurel.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 class=&amp;quot;c25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;... Cradock.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1029&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1029&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[706]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Memorandum:—Mris Smyth&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1030&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1030&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[707]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; told me of one ... Cradock in the west (where Mris Smyth&#039;s relations or birth) from a cratch dyed worth 10,000 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—Quaere de hoc, e.g. &amp;amp;lt;at&amp;amp;gt; Taunton or Warminster.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;William Croone&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1633-1684).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1031&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1031&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[708]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;... Croun, M.D., obiit Sunday Oct. 12, 1684, London; buried at St. Mildred&#039;s in the Poultry. His funerall sermon is printed. He was fellow of the Physitians&#039; College and also Regiae Societatis Socius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 class=&amp;quot;c25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;... Curtin.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1032&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1032&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[709]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Madam Curtin, a good fortune of 3000 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, daughter to Sir William Curtin, the great merchant, lately married her footman, who, not long after marriage, beates her, getts her money, and ran away.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Robert Dalzell&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;, earl of Carnwarth (15..-1654).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1033&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1033&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[710]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&#039;Twas the lord Kenwurth that sayd to the earl of Salisbury &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ken you an ape, sir&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,—from Elizabeth, countesse of Thanet.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Rev. H. E. D. Blakiston, of Trinity College, suggested to me the transliteration of &#039;Kenwurth&#039; to &#039;Carnwarth.&#039; Robert Dalzell succeeded as second earl of Carnwath in 1639, died 1654. He might be in conflict about Scotch matters with William Cecil, second earl of Salisbury, commissioner to treat with the Scots at Ripon, in 1640.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_192&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 192]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Sir Charles Danvers&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1568-1600/1).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1034&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1034&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[711]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir Charles Danvers was beheaded on Tower-hill with Robert, earle of Essex, February the 6th, 1600&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1035&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1035&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[712]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. I find in the register of the Tower chapell only the sepulture of Robert, earl of Essex, that yeare; wherfore I am induced to beleeve that his body was carryed to Dantesey&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_153&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_153&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CX]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in Wilts to lye with his ancestors. Vide Stowe&#039;s Chronicle, where is a full account of his and the earle&#039;s deportment at their death on the scaffold.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;With all their faylings, Wilts cannot shew two such&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1036&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1036&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[713]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; brothers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His familiar acquaintance were ...&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1037&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1037&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[714]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, earl of Oxon; Sir Francis and Sir Horace Vere; Sir Walter Ralegh, etc.—the heroes of those times.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quaere my lady viscountesse Purbec and also the lord Norris for an account of the behaviour and advice of Sir Charles Danvers in the businesse of the earl of Essex, which advice had the earle followed he had saved his life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1038&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1038&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[715]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Of Sir Charles Danvers, from my lady viscountesse Purbec:—Sir Charles Danvers advised the earle of Essex, either to treat with the queen—hostages ..., whom Sir Ferdinando Gorges did let goe; or to make his way through the gate at Essex house, and then to hast away to Highgate, and so to Northumberland (the earl of Northumberland maried his mother&#039;s sister), and from thence to the king of Scots, and there they might make their peace; if not, the queen was old and could not live long. But the earle followed not his advice, and so they both lost their heads on Tower-hill.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_153&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_153&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CX]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 46, Aubrey writes, in reference to burials at Dantesey, &#039;quaere, if Sir Charles Danvers that was beheaded?—He was buryed in the Tower chapell.&#039; Aubrey&#039;s description of the burial-place of the Danvers family (MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 46), with the inscriptions, is printed in J. E. Jackson&#039;s Aubrey&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Wiltshire Collections&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, pp. 223-225; the pedigree of Danvers is there given at p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_216&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;216&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_193&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 193]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 class=&amp;quot;c25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Elizabeth Danvers.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1039&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1039&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[716]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;His&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_154&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_154&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CY]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; mother, an Italian, prodigious parts for a woman. I have heard my father&#039;s mother say that she had Chaucer at her fingers&#039; ends.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A great politician; great witt and spirit, but revengefull&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1040&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1040&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[717]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Knew how to manage her estate as well as any man; understood jewells as well as any jeweller.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very beautifull, but only short-sighted. To obtain pardons for her sonnes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1041&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1041&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[718]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; she maryed Sir Edmund Carey, cosen-german to queen Elizabeth, but kept him to hard meate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Smyth of Smythcotes—Naboth&#039;s vineyard—digitus Dei&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_155&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_155&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CZ]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;arcanum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—&#039;traditio lampadis&#039; in the family of Latimer&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_156&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_156&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DA]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of poysoning king Henry 8—from my lady Purbec.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_154&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_154&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CY]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. Henry, earl of Danby&#039;s. She was Elizabeth, daughter of John Nevill, the last lord Latimer. &#039;An Italian&#039; may mean that she knew that language, among her other accomplishments. I can make nothing of a note added by Aubrey here, which seems to read &#039;... Cowley, crop-ear&#039;d.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_155&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_155&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CZ]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I do not know to what circumstance, in the history of the Danvers family, Aubrey here applies 1 Kings xxi. 19.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_156&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_156&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DA]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Catherine Parr, last consort of Henry VIII, was widow of John, 3rd lord Latimer; and step-mother of John, 4th lord Latimer, the father of this Elizabeth Danvers, whose grand-daughter (&#039;viscountess Purbeck&#039;) was Aubrey&#039;s informant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Henry Danvers&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;, earl of Danby (1573-1644).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1042&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1042&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[719]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Henry Danvers&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_157&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_157&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DB]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, earl of Danby; vide his christning and epitaph in libro&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_158&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_158&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DC]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A. in Dantesey church: vide &amp;amp;lt;David&amp;amp;gt; Lloyd&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;State-worthies&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 8vo, 1679.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quaere my brother William, and J. Stokes, for the examination order of the murther&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_159&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_159&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DD]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at Cosham in North Wilts. Old L. Shippon, Oxon,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;From Turke and Pope,&#039; etc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;R. Wisdome was then lecturer and preacht that day, and Henry Long expired&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1043&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1043&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[720]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in his armes. My great-grandfather, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_194&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 194]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;R. Danvers, was in some trouble about it, his horses and men being in that action. His servants were hanged and so ... Long of Linets. Vide Degory Wheare&#039;s Epistles and John Owen&#039;s Epigrams.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Physick Garden &amp;amp;lt;at Oxford&amp;amp;gt;: inscriptions there; inscription at Dantesey.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;He&amp;amp;gt; gave to Sir Thomas Overbury &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;cloath&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;He&amp;amp;gt; perfected his Latin when a man by parson Oldham of Dodmerton. &amp;amp;lt;He was a&amp;amp;gt; perfect master of the French; a historian; tall and spare; temperate; sedate and solid; a very great favorite of prince Henry; lived most at Cornbury; a great improver of his estate, to 11000 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum at the least; sold the 7 Downes, and turned the&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1044&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1044&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[721]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ⓐ into lease; afterwards bought fee-simple neer Cirencester.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1045&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1045&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[722]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Henry, earl of Danby, &amp;amp;lt;was a&amp;amp;gt; great oeconomist. All his servants &amp;amp;lt;were&amp;amp;gt; sober and wise&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1046&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1046&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[723]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in their respective places. &amp;amp;lt;He&amp;amp;gt; kept ... gentlemen: &amp;amp;lt;among them&amp;amp;gt; colonel Legge&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1047&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1047&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[724]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (governor of Portsmouth); and his brother; Mr. Arthur Drake (brother of Sir ... Drake, baronet).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1048&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1048&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[725]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Earl of Danby—he was page to Sir Philip Sydney—from my cozen Elizabeth Villers: quaere +.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1049&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1049&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[726]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Memorandum:—anno Domini, 16—, regno regis Caroli primi, Henry, earle of Danby, built an almeshowse in this parish &amp;amp;lt;Dantesey, co. Wilts&amp;amp;gt; for &amp;amp;lt;six&amp;amp;gt; poore people and&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1050&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1050&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[727]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a schoole—quaere the salary&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_160&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_160&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DE]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of both.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_157&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_157&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DB]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey gives in trick the coat:—&#039;&amp;amp;lt;gules&amp;amp;gt;, a chevron between 3 mullets &amp;amp;lt;or&amp;amp;gt; [Danby]; quartering, &amp;amp;lt;gules&amp;amp;gt;, a saltire engrailed &amp;amp;lt;argent&amp;amp;gt;, an annulet for difference [Nevill, lord Latimer],&#039; surmounted by an earl&#039;s coronet.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_158&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_158&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DC]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. in MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 46: see &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_192&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;192&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. The epitaph contains English verses by George Herbert.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_159&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_159&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DD]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Henry, brother of Sir Robert, Long was killed, possibly in fair fight, by Sir Charles, brother of this Henry, Danvers: see the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Archaeological Magazine&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 306. In consequence, the Danvers brothers had to seek safety in France. In MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 44&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, Aubrey notes &#039;Sommerford magna—the assassination of Harry Long was contrived in the parlour of the parsonage here. Mr. Atwood was then parson; he was drown&#039;d comeing home.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Richard Atwood, M.A. Oxon, 1576: another instance of &#039;Digitus Dei.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_160&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_160&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DE]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Jackson&#039;s Aubrey&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Wiltshire Collections&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 228.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_195&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 195]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Sir John Danvers&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (15..-1594).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1051&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1051&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[728]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir John Danvers, the father, &amp;amp;lt;was&amp;amp;gt; a most beautifull and good and even-tempered person. His picture &amp;amp;lt;is&amp;amp;gt; yet extant—my cosen John Danvers (his son&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1052&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1052&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[729]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) haz it at ... Memorandum, George Herbert&#039;s verses on the curtaine.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was of a mild and peaceable nature, and his sonnes&#039; sad accident&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1053&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1053&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[730]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; brake his heart.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1054&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1054&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[731]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;By the same&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1055&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1055&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[732]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (orator of the University of Cambridge), pinned on the curtaine of the picture of old Sir John Danvers, who was both a handsome and a good man:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Passe not by: search and you may&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Find a treasure worth your stay.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;What makes a Danvers would you find?&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In a faire bodie, a faire mind.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Sir John Danvers&#039; earthly part&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Here is copyed out by art:&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But his heavenly and divine&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In his progenie doth shine.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Had he only brought them forth,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Know that much had been his worth.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Ther&#039;s no monument to a sonne:&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Reade him there&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1056&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1056&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[733]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and I have donne.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Sir John Danvers&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1588?-1655).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1057&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1057&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[734]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir John Danvers:—His first wife was the lady &amp;amp;lt;Magdalen&amp;amp;gt; Herbert, a widowe, mother of the lord Edward &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_196&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 196]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Herbert of Cherbery and George Herbert, orator. By her he had no issue; she was old enough to have been his mother. He maried her for love of her witt. The earl of Danby&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1058&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1058&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[735]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was greatly displeased with him for this dis-agreable match.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1059&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1059&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[736]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir John, his sonne, was then&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1060&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1060&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[737]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a child about six. An ingeniose person, e.g. Chelsey house and garden, and Lavington garden&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1061&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1061&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[738]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. A great friend of the king&#039;s partie and a patron to distressed and cashiered cavaliers, e.g. captain Gunter, he served; Christopher Gibbons (organist); captain Peters, etc.—Lord Bacon&#039;s friend. But to revenge himselfe of his sister, the l&amp;amp;lt;ady&amp;amp;gt; Garg&amp;amp;lt;rave&amp;amp;gt; to&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1062&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1062&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[739]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ingratiate himself more with the P&amp;amp;lt;rotector&amp;amp;gt; to null his brother, earl of Danby&#039;s, will, he, contrary to his owne naturall inclination, did sitt in the high court of justice at the king&#039;s triall.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Dantesey (2500 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum), not entailed, &amp;amp;lt;was&amp;amp;gt; forfeited and given to the duke of Yorke.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His son, John, by his last wife (&amp;amp;lt;Grace&amp;amp;gt; Hughes), has 500 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum (old land) in Oxonshire, which was part of judge&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1063&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1063&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[740]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Danvers&#039; estate tempore Edwardi IV, one of the judges with Litleton.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Henry, the eldest son of Sir John Danvers, dyed before his father, and left his two sisters co-heires, viz. Elizabeth&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1064&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1064&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[741]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;amp;lt;who&amp;amp;gt; married Robert Viliers (only son of viscount Purbec), and Anne, married to Sir &amp;amp;lt;Henry&amp;amp;gt; Lee of Ditchley.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 class=&amp;quot;c25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The Danvers-Villiers family.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;MS. Aubr. 21, fol. 97, gives &#039;eight coelestiall schemes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_161&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_161&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DF]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, being the nativities of Robert Danvers, esq. (that is, Robert Villers, son of the viscount Purbec&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_162&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_162&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DG]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), the lady Elizabeth his wife, and their six children, vid&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;t&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;. foure daughters and two sonnes, diligently calculated &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_197&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 197]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;according to art by the Tables of Regiomontanus by W. C.&#039; This paper supplies the following dates:—&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1065&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1065&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[742]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Robert Danvers&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_163&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_163&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DH]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, esq., &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; the lady Danvers&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1066&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1066&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[743]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, born&lt;br /&gt;
      born 19 Oct., 1624,      |  Tuesday, 7 Aprill, 1629,&lt;br /&gt;
      11&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 48´ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;             |  5&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 26´ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mris Frances Danvers, born Friday 12 July 1650, 0&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 16´ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mris Elizabeth Danvers, born Monday 10 November 1651, 10&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 21´ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mris Ann Danvers, born Sunday 23 October 1653, 5&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 10´ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mris Mary Danvers, born Saturday 10 November 1655, 7&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 28´ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. Robert Danvers, born Saturday 14 Martii 1656/7, 5&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 30´ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. Edward Danvers, born Thursday 28 Martii 1661, 4&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 9´ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1067&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1067&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[744]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Memorandum, 1676, July 19, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, about 6&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, my lord viscount (Robert) Purbec, filius, was hurt in the neck by Mr. Fielding&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_164&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_164&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DI]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in Fleet Street.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;Ask Elizabeth, viscountess Purbec&amp;amp;gt; the year and day when her son, the lord Purbec, was killed in a duel at Liege? Respondet: he was killed in a duell at Liege about a year before the death of King Charles II&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;d&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;—I thinke in the month of Aprill.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_161&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_161&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DF]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In MS. Aubr. 21, fol. 97&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, is a note:—&#039;These,&#039; I suppose the schemes given on the recto of the leaf, &#039;were done when he,&#039; Robert Danvers, &#039;was in Caersbrooke Castle, prisoner, in the Isle of Wight.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_162&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_162&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DG]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In MS. Aubr. 23, on a slip at fol. 121&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, is the note:—&#039;Lord ... Purbec,&#039; i.e. John Villiers, created viscount Purbeck in 1619, &#039;natus at Godbee, Sept. 6, 12&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, 1591: melancholy. His mother saith he was borne Sept. 6, Monday, 12&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, 1591. Mris Toman writeth that it was 2&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 30´ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_163&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_163&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DH]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Robert Wright (took the name of Danvers), son of Frances (daughter of Sir Edward Coke; wife of John Villiers, of note 2) who eloped in 1621 with Sir Robert Howard. He styled himself &#039;viscount Purbeck&#039;; died 1675.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_164&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_164&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DI]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Robert Fielding (&#039;Beau&#039; Fielding) afterwards married his widow, Margaret, daughter of Ulick Burke, marquis of Clanricarde.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_198&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 198]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Michael Dary&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (16..-1679).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1068&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1068&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[745]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Michaell Dary, mathematician, and a gunner of the Tower (by profession, a tobacco-cutter), an admirable algebrician, was buryed in the churchyard neer Bethlem on May-day 1679. With writing in the frostie weather&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1069&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1069&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[746]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; his fingers rotted and gangraened. He was an old man; I guesse about 66 +.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Edward Davenant&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;, merchant (15..-16..).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1070&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1070&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[747]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Edward Davenant, merchant: he lies buried behind the bishop&#039;s stall at Sarum with this inscription&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1071&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1071&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[748]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Literas, lyceo, rerumque usus, emporio, etc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1072&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1072&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[749]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Memorandum:—Mr. &amp;amp;lt;Edward&amp;amp;gt; Davenant, merchant in London, eldest brother of John Davenant, bishop of Sarum, broke (the seas being crosse to him); but being a person of great estimation with the merchants, they favoured him, and he went into Ireland. He did set up the trade of pilchard fishing at Wythy Island&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1073&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1073&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[750]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; there, where he was a Justice of Peace, and in 20 yeares he gott there about ten thousand pounds, payd his debts, and left his family well. This account I had from my worthy and intimate friend, Mr. John Davenant, grandsonne to him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Edward Davenant&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;, D.D. (16..-1679/80).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1074&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1074&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[751]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Edward Davenant&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_165&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_165&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DJ]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, S. Theol. Dr., was the eldest son of &amp;amp;lt;Edward&amp;amp;gt; Davenant, merchant of London, who was elder brother to the right reverend father in God, the learned John Davenant, bishop of Sarum.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I will first speake of the father, for he was a rare&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1075&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1075&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[752]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; man in his time, and deserves to be remembred. He was of a healthy complexion&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1076&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1076&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[753]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, rose at 4 or 5 in the morning, so &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_199&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 199]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;that he followed his studies till 6 or 7, the time that other merchants goe about their businesse; so that, stealing so much and so quiet time in the morning, he studied as much as most men. He understood Greeke and Latin perfectly, and was a better Grecian then the bishop. He writt a rare Greeke character as ever I sawe. He was a great mathematician, and understood as much of it as was knowen in his time. Dr. Davenant, his son, hath excellent notes of his father&#039;s, in mathematiques, as also in Greeke, and &#039;twas no small advantage &amp;amp;lt;to&amp;amp;gt; him to have such a learned father to imbue arithmeticall knowledge into him when a boy, night times when he came from schoole (Merchant Taylors&#039;). He understood trade very well, was a sober and good menager, but the winds and seas cross&#039;d him. He had so great losses that he broke, but his creditors knowing it was no fault of his, and also that he was a person of great vertue and justice, used not extremity towards him; but I thinke gave him more credit, so that he went into Ireland, and did sett up a fishery for pilchards at Wythy Island, in Ireland, where in ... yeares he gott 10000 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; satisfied and payd his creditors; and over and above left a good estate to his son. His picture bespeakes him to be a man of judgement, and parts, and gravity extraordinary. There is written &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Expecto&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. He slipt comeing downe the stone stayres at the palace at Sarum, which bruise caused his death. He lyes buried in the south aissle of the choire in Sarum Cathedral behind the bishop&#039;s stall. His son, Dr. Davenant, sett up and made this inscription for him, which I will remember as well as I can:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Literas, lyceo, rerumque usus, emporio,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Nostris edoctus, ingentis hinc prudentiae&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Extulit merces insulas ad Hibernicas;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Ubi annos viginti custos pacis publicae&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Populum ditavit inopem, emollivit ferum,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Gratus et charus Anglis et Hibernicis.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Musis dilectus Latiis, nec minus Atticis,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Studiisque fratrem, hujus ecclesiae praesulem,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_200&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 200]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Sequebatur aemulus. Omnes in illius pectore&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Fulserunt Gratiae, sed praenituit Pietas,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Quae in egenos tantum non fuit prodiga.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Post varios casus, in vitae actu ultimo&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Cum luctu&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1077&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1077&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[754]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; bonorum, plausu omnium, exiit.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Quid multis? Scias hoc, lector: vivus memoria&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Pollebat mirâ, mortuus redolet suavi.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Obiit anno { Aetatis suae ...&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;{ Aerae Christianae ...&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1078&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1078&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[755]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Dr. Edward Davenant was borne at his father&#039;s howse at Croydon in Surrey (the farthest handsome great howse on the left hand as you ride to Bansted Downes) anno Domini ... (vide register). I have heard him say, he thankt God his father did not know the houre of his birth; for that it would have tempted him to have studyed astrologie, for which he had no esteeme at all.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He went to school at Merchant Taylors&#039; school, from thence to Queen&#039;s Colledge in Cambridge, of which house his uncle, John Davenant, (afterwards bishop of Sarum), was head, where&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1079&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1079&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[756]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he was fellowe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When his uncle was preferred to the church of Sarum, he made his nephew treasurer of the church, which is the best dignity, and gave him the vicaridge of Gillingham in com. Dorset, and then Paulsholt parsonage, neer the Devises, which last in the late troubles he resigned to his wive&#039;s brother &amp;amp;lt;William&amp;amp;gt; Grove.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was to his dyeing day of great diligence in study, well versed in all kinds of learning, but his genius did most strongly encline him to the mathematiques, wherin he has written (in a hand as legible as print) MSS. in 4to a foot high at least. I have often heard him say (jestingly) that he would have a man knockt in the head that should write any thing in mathematiques that had been written of before. I have heard Sir Christopher Wren say that he does beleeve he was the best mathematician in the world about 30 or 35 + yeares agoe. But being a divine he was &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_201&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 201]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;unwilling to print, because the world should not know how he had spent the greatest part of his time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He very rarely went any farther then the church, which is hard by his house. His wife was a very discreet and excellent huswife, that he troubled himselfe about no mundane affaires, and &#039;tis a private place, that he was but little diverted with visitts.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have writt to his executor, that we may have the honour and favour to conserve his MSS. in the Library of the Royal Societie, and to print what is fitt. I hope I shall obtaine my desire. And the bishop of Exon (&amp;amp;lt;Thomas&amp;amp;gt; Lamplugh) maried the Dr&#039;s second daughter Katherine, and he was tutor to Sir Joseph Williamson, our President. He had a noble library, which was the aggregate of his father&#039;s, the bishop&#039;s, and his owne.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was of middling stature, something spare; and weake, feeble leggs; he had sometimes the goute; was of great temperance, he alwayes dranke his beer at meales with a toast, winter and summer, and sayd it made the beer the better.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was not only a man of vast learning, but of great goodnes and charity; the parish and all his friends will have a great losse in him. He tooke no use for money upon bond. He was my singular good friend, and to whom I have been more beholding then to any one beside; for I borrowed five hundred pounds of him for a yeare and a halfe, and I could not fasten any interest on him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was very ready to teach and instruct. He did&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1080&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1080&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[757]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; me the favour to informe me first in Algebra. His daughters were Algebrists.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His most familiar learned acquaintance was Lancelot Morehouse, parson of Pertwood. I remember when I was a young Oxford scholar, that he could not endure to heare of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;New&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (Cartesian, or &amp;amp;amp;c.) &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Philosophy&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; &#039;for,&#039; sayd he, &#039;if a new philosophy is brought-in, a new divinity will shortly follow&#039; (or &#039;come next&#039;); and he was right.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He dyed at his house at Gillingham aforesaid, where he&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_202&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 202]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and his predecessor, Dr. &amp;amp;lt;John&amp;amp;gt; Jessop, had been vicars one hundred and ... yeares, and lyes buryed in the chancell there. Obiit March 9th, 1679/80, and was buried the 31 of the same month.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was heire to his uncle, John Davenant, bishop of Sarum. Memorandum:—when bishop Coldwell&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_166&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_166&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DK]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; came to this bishoprick, he did lett long leases, which were but newly expired when bishop Davenant came to this sea; so that there tumbled into his coffers vast summes. His predecessor, Dr. Tounson, maried his sister, continued in the see but a little while, and left severall children unprovided for, so the king or rather duke of Bucks gave bishop Davenant the bishoprick out of pure charity&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_167&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_167&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DL]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. Sir Anthony Weldon sayes (in his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Court of King James&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;), &#039;twas the only bishoprick that he disposed of without symony, all others being made merchandise of for the advancement of his kindred. Bishop Davenant being invested, maried all his nieces to clergie-men, so he was at no expence for their preferment. He granted to his nephew (this Dr.) the lease of the great mannour of Poterne, worth about 1000 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum; made him threasurer of the church of Sarum, of which the corps is the parsonage of Calne, which was esteemed to be of the like value. He made severall purchases, all which he left him; insomuch as the churchmen of Sarum say, that he gained more by this church then ever any man did by the church since the Reformation, and take it very unkindly that, at his death, he left nothing (or but 50 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) to that church which was the source of his estate. How it happened I know not, or how he might be workt-on in his old age, but I have heard severall yeares since, he had sett downe 500 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in will for the Cathedral Church of Sarum.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had 6 sonnes and 4 daughters. There was a good schoole at Gillingham: at winter nights he taught his sonnes Arithmetic and Geometric; his 2 eldest daughters, especially Mris Ettrick, was a notable Algebrist.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;☞ &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Memoria.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; He had an excellent way of improving&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_203&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 203]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; his children&#039;s memories, which was thus: he would make one of them read a chapter or &amp;amp;amp;c., and then they were (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;sur le champ&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) to repeate what they remembred, which did exceedingly profitt them; and so for sermons, he did not let them write notes (which jaded their memorie), but gave an account &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;vivâ voce&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. When his eldest son, John, came to Winton-schoole (where the boyes were enjoyned to write sermon notes) he had not wrote; the master askt him for his notes—he had none, but sayd, &#039;If I doe not give you as good an account of it as they that doe, I am much mistaken.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1081&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1081&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[758]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Edward Davenant, D.D., obiit 12 of March 1679/80, and is seated in the north side of the east end of the chancell at Gillingham, Dorset.—From Anthony Ettrick, esq.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1082&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1082&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[759]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;By Dr. Edward Davenant, S.T.P., &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Versus mnemonici ad computationes cossicas&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Memorandum:—Dr. Davenant hath excellent explanations of these verses, which transcribe: his son James&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_168&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_168&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DM]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, at Oriel College Oxon, hath them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_165&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_165&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DJ]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey gives in trick the coat:—&#039;gules, between 9 cross-crosslets fitchée or, 3 escallops ermine [Davenant].&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_166&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_166&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DK]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; John Coldwell was consecrated Dec. 26, 1591, and died Oct. 14, 1596.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_167&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_167&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DL]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Robert Tounson, consecrated July 9, 1620, died May 15, 1621, leaving a widow and fifteen children. The congé d&#039;élire on behalf of Davenant was issued May 29, 1621.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_168&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_168&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DM]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; James Davenant, matric. at Oriel, July 23, 1656.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;John Davenant&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1576-1641).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1083&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1083&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[760]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;John Davenant, episcopus Sarum: his epitaph made by bishop Pierson&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1084&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1084&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[761]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He bought the advowson of Newton-tony, Wilts, which he gave to Queene&#039;s College&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1085&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1085&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[762]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, Cambridge—quaere if not others.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He hung the choire of Sarum with purple velvet, which was plundered in the sacrilegious times.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_204&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 204]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Sir William Davenant&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1605/6-1668).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1086&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1086&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[763]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir William Davenant&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_173&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_173&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DN]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, knight, Poet Laureate, was borne [about&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1087&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1087&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[764]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the end of February—vide A. Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Antiq. Oxon.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—baptized 3 of March &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.D.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 1605/6], in ... street in the city of Oxford at the Crowne taverne.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His father was John Davenant, a vintner there, a very grave and discreet citizen: his mother was a very beautifull woman, and of a very good witt, and of conversation extremely agreable. They had three sons, viz. 1, Robert&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_169&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_169&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, 2, William&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1088&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1088&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[765]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; and 3, Nicholas (an attorney): and two handsome daughters, one married to Gabriel Bridges (B.D., fellow of C. C. Coll., beneficed in the Vale of White Horse), another to Dr. &amp;amp;lt;William&amp;amp;gt; Sherburne (minister of Pembridge in Hereford, and a canon of that church).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_169&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_169&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Robert&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1089&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1089&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[766]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was a fellow of St. John&#039;s College in Oxon: then preferred to the parsonage of West Kington by bishop Davenant, whose chaplaine he was.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. William Shakespeare was wont to goe into Warwickshire once a yeare, and did commonly in his journey lye at this house in Oxon. where he was exceedingly respected. [I&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1090&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1090&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[767]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; have heard parson Robert &amp;amp;lt;Davenant&amp;amp;gt; say that Mr. W. Shakespeare haz given him a hundred kisses.] Now Sir William would sometimes, when he was pleasant over a glasse of wine with his most intimate friends—e.g. Sam. Butler (author of Hudibras), &amp;amp;amp;c.—say, that it seemed to him that he writt with the very spirit that Shakespeare, and seemd&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1091&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1091&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[768]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; contented&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1092&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1092&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[769]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; enough to be thought his son. [He&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1093&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1093&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[770]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; would tell them the story as above, in which way his mother had a very light report&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1094&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1094&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[771]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He went to schoole at Oxon to Mr. Sylvester (Charles Whear, filius Degorii W., was his schoolefellowe), but I feare he was drawne from schoole before he was ripe enough.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_205&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 205]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was preferred to the first dutches of Richmond to wayte on her as a page. I remember he told me, she sent him to a famous apothecary for some Unicornes-horne, which he was resolved to try with a spider which he incircled&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1095&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1095&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[772]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in it, but without the expected successe; the spider would goe over, and thorough and thorough, unconcerned.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was next a servant (as I remember, a page also) to Sir Fulke Grevil&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1096&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1096&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[773]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; lord Brookes, with whom he lived to his death, which was that a servant of his (that had long wayted on him and his lordship had often told him that he would doe something for him, but did not but still putt him off with delayes) as he was trussing up his lord&#039;s pointes comeinge from stoole (for then their breeches were fastned to the doubletts with points—then came in hookes and eies—which not to have fastened was in my boy-hood a great crime) stabbed him. This was at the same time that the duke of Buckingham was stabbed by Felton, and the great noise and report of the duke&#039;s, Sir William told me, quite drowned this of his lord&#039;s, that &#039;twas scarce taken notice of. This Sir Fulke G. was a good witt, and had been a good poet&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1097&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1097&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[774]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in his youth. He wrote a poeme in folio which he printed not till he was old, and then, (as Sir W. said) with too much judgment and refining, spoyld it, which was at first a delicate thing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He writt a play or playes, and verses, which he did with so much sweetnesse and grace, that by it he got the love and friendship of his two Mecaenasses, Mr. Endymion Porter, and Mr. Henry Jermyn (since earl of St. Albans), to whom he has dedicated his poem called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Madegascar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Sir John Suckling also was his great and intimate friend.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After the death of Ben Johnson he was made in his place Poet Laureat.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He gott a terrible clap of a black handsome wench that lay in Axe-yard, Westminster, whom he thought on when &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_206&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 206]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;he speakes of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Dalga&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Gondibert&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which cost him his nose, with which unlucky mischance many witts were to&amp;amp;lt;o&amp;amp;gt; cruelly bold: e.g. Sir John Menis, Sir John Denham, &amp;amp;amp;c.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1098&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1098&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[775]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;In 1641, when the troubles began, he was faine to fly into France, and at Canterbury he was seised on by the mayor—vide Sir John Menis&#039; verses—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;For Will had in his face the flawes&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And markes recieved in countrey&#039;s cause:&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;They flew on him like lyons passant,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And tore his nose as much as was on&#039;t,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And call&#039;d him superstitious groome,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And Popish Dog, and Cur of Rome.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;. . . . . &#039;Twas surely the first time&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;That Will&#039;s religion was a crime.&#039;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the civill warres in England he was in the army of William, marquess of Newcastle (since duke), where he was generall of the ordinance. I have heard his brother Robert say, for that service there was owing to him by King Charles the First 10000 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; During that warre, &#039;twas his hap to have two aldermen of Yorke his prisoners, who were something stubborne, and would not give the ransome ordered by the councell of warr. Sir William used them civilly, and treated them in his tent, and sate them at the upper end of his table à la mode de France, and having donne so a good while to his chardge, told them (privately and friendly) that he was not able to keepe so chargeable guests, and bad them take an opportunity to escape, which they did; but having been gon a little way they considered with themselves that in gratitude they ought to goe back and give Sir William their thankes; which they did, but it was like to have been to their great danger of being taken by the soldiers; but they happened to gett safe to Yorke.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The King&#039;s party being overcome, Sir William Davenant (who received the honour of knighthood from the duke of Newcastle by commision) went into France; resided&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_207&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 207]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; chiefly in Paris where the Prince of Wales then was. He then began to write his romance in verse, called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Gondibert&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and had not writt above the first booke, but being very fond of it, prints it (before a quarter finished), with an epistle of his to Mr. Thomas Hobbes and Mr. Hobbes&#039; excellent epistle to him printed before it. The courtiers with the Prince of Wales could never be at quiet about this piece, which was the occasion of a very witty but satericall little booke of verses in 8vo. about 4 sheetes, writt by George, duke of Buckes, Sir John Denham, etc.—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;That thou forsak&#039;st thy sleepe, thy diet,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And which is more then that, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;our quiet&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&#039;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This last word Mr. Hobs told me was the occasion of their writing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Here he layd an ingeniose designe to carry a considerable number of artificers (chiefly weavers) from hence to Virginia; and by Mary the queen-mother&#039;s meanes, he got favour from the king of France to goe into the prisons and pick and choose. So when the poor dammed wretches understood what the designe was, the&amp;amp;lt;y&amp;amp;gt; cryed &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;uno ore&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—&#039;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Tout tisseran!&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&#039; i.e. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;We are all weavers!&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Will. &amp;amp;lt;took&amp;amp;gt; 36, as I remember, if not&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1099&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1099&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[776]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;more, and shipped them; and&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1100&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1100&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[777]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; as he was in his voyage towards Virginia, he and his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;tisseran&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; were all taken by the shippes then belonging to the Parliament of England. The slaves I suppose they sold, but Sir William was brought prisoner to England. Whither he was first a prisoner at Caresbroke-castle in the Isle of Wight, or at the Tower of London, I have forgott: he was a prisoner at both. His &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Gondibert&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 4to, was finished at Caresbroke-castle. He expected no mercy from the Parliament, and had no hopes of escaping &amp;amp;lt;with&amp;amp;gt; his life. It pleased God that the two aldermen of Yorke aforesayd hearing that he was taken and brought to London to be tryed for his life, which they understood was in extreme danger, they were touch&amp;amp;lt;ed&amp;amp;gt; with so much generosity and goodnes, as, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_208&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 208]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;upon their owne accounts and meer motion, to try what they could to save Sir William&#039;s life who had been so civill to them and a meanes to save theirs, to come to London: and acquainting the Parliament with it, upon their petition, etc., Sir William&#039;s life was saved&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_170&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_170&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LIII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_170&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_170&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LIII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Twas Harry Martyn that saved Sir William Davenant&#039;s life in the Howse.—When they were talking of sacrificing one, then said Henry that &#039;in sacrifices they always offered pure and without blemish: now yee talke of making a sacrifice of an old rotten rascall.&#039; Vide H. Martyn&#039;s Life, where by &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;this very jest&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, then&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1101&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1101&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[778]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; forgot, the lord Falkland saved H. Martyn&#039;s Life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Being freed from imprisonment, (because playes, scil. Tragedies and Comoedies, were in those Presbyterian times scandalous) he contrives to set-up an Opera &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;stylo recitativo&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, wherein serjeant Maynard and severall citizens were engagers. It began at Rutland-house, in Charter-house-yard; next, (scil. anno ...) at the Cock-pitt in Drury-lane, where were acted very well &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;stylo recitativo&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sir Francis Drake&#039;s ...&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;the Siege of Rhodes&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (1st and 2d part). It did affect the eie and eare extremely. This first brought scenes in fashion in England; before, at playes, was only a hanging.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno Domini 1660 was the happy restauration of his majestie Charles II. Then was Sir Wm. made ...; and the Tennis court in Little Lincolnes-Inne fielde was turn&#039;d into a play-house for the duke of Yorke&#039;s players, where Sir William had lodgeings, and where he dyed, April the &amp;amp;lt;7th&amp;amp;gt; 166&amp;amp;lt;8&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_171&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_171&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LIV.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_171&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_171&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LIV.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It is now a Tennis court again, upon the building of the duke&#039;s house in Dorset garden.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I was at his funerall. He had a coffin of walnutt-tree; Sir&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1102&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1102&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[779]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; John Denham sayd &#039;twas the finest coffin that ever he sawe.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1103&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1103&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[780]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;His body was carried in a herse from the play-house to Westminster-Abbey, where, at the great west dore, he was recieved by the sing&amp;amp;lt;ing&amp;amp;gt; men and choristers, who sang the service of the church (&#039;I am the Resurrection, &amp;amp;amp;c.&#039;) to his&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_172&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_172&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LV.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; grave, which is in the south crosse aisle, on which, on a paving stone of marble, is writt, in imitation of that on Ben Johnson, &#039;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;O rare Sir Will. Davenant&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_172&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_172&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LV.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Which is neer to the monument of Dr. Isaac Barrow.—Memorandum:—my honoured friend Sir Robert Moray lies by him; but &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;sans&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; inscription.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His first lady was Dr. ...&#039;s daughter, physitian,&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_209&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 209]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; ... by whom he had a very beautifull and ingeniose son that dyed above 20 yeares since. His 2d lady was the daughter of ... by whom he had severall children: I sawe some very young ones at the funerall. His eldest is Charles Davenant, LL.Dr., who inherits his father&#039;s beauty and phancy&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1104&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1104&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[781]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. He practises at Doctors Commons. He writt a play called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Circe&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which haz taken very well.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Sir William hath writt about 25 (quaere) playes; the romance called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Gondibert&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; and a little poeme called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Madagascar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His private opinion was that Religion at last,—e.g. a hundred yeares hence,—would come to settlement, and that in a kind of ingeniose Quakerisme.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1105&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1105&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[782]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;That sweet swan of Isis, Sir William Davenant, dyed the seaventh day of April last, and lyes buried amongst the poets in Westminster abbey&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1106&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1106&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[783]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, by his antagonist, Mr. Thomas May, whose inscription of whose marble was taken away by order since the king came in.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Sir William was Poet Laureat; and Mr. John Dryden hath his place. But me thought it had been proper that a laurell should have been sett on his coffin—which was not donne.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He hath writt above 20 playes; besides his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Gondibert&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Madagascar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_173&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_173&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DN]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey gives in trick the Davenant coat, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ut supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_203&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;203&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, but wreathed in laurel: see the facsimile at the end of vol. iv. of Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;John Davenport&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1597-1669/70).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1107&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1107&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[784]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir John Dugdale told me that he would enquire about Mr. John Davenport, and send to you.—This was halfe a yeare since, at least.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1108&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1108&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[785]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir John Dugdale saith that John Davenport was a nonconformist; and he hath enquired of his relations, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_210&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 210]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;who know nothing of him, if dead or alive, but they believe he is dead. He went over sea—he thinkes to the Barbadoes, or some of these plantations&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1109&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1109&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[786]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, or to Holland.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;John Davys&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1550-1605).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1110&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1110&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[787]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Memorandum:—Mr. Browne, the mathematicall instrument maker of the Minories, told me that the sea-quadrant was invented by Captaine Davy ... yeares since,—he that found out the streights called Davys&#039;s Streights.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Arthur Dee&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1579-1651).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1111&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1111&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[788]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&#039;Arthur Dee,&#039; (sonne of John Dee), a physitian at Norwych, &#039;was born 13 Julii 1579, manè, horâ 4. 30´ fere (vel potius, 25 min.) in ipso ortu solis, ut existimo&#039;—Thus I find it in his father&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ephemerides&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Obiit Norwychi about 1650.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1112&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1112&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[789]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;Arthur Dee told Dr. Bathurst and Dr. Wharton&amp;amp;gt; &#039;that (being but a boy) he used&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_174&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_174&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LVI.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to play at quoits with the plates of gold made by projection in the garret of Dr. Dee&#039;s lodgings in Prague.... When he was 9 yeares of age and at Trebona in Germany with his father, he was design&#039;d to succede Kelly as his father&#039;s speculator.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_174&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_174&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LVI.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Mrs. Dee, wife to his son Mr. Rowland Dee, told me the other day that Dr. Arthur Dee hath often told her the same.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1113&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1113&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[790]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;Arthur Dee&amp;amp;gt; &#039;has often told Mr. Whitefoot, of Norwich, who buried him, that he had more than once seen the philosopher&#039;s stone, and he thinks that he has written some peice on that subject. He was a man of a very pleasant conversation and had good practice in Norwich: a great acquaintance of Dr. &amp;amp;lt;Thomas&amp;amp;gt; Browne&#039;s.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;John Dee&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1527-1608).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1114&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1114&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[791]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;John Dee:—Mr. Ashmole hath his nativitie. Resp.—&#039;tis in his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Theatrum Chemicum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Hee had a very &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_211&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 211]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;faire cleare rosie complexion: so had the earl of Rochester, exceeding.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1115&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1115&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[792]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&#039;Johannes Dee, natus Londini, 1527, Julii 13, 4&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 2´ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&#039;—this nativity&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_178&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_178&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DO]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I copied out of the learned John Dee&#039;s papers in the hands of Elias Ashmole, esq.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1116&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1116&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[793]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;From Elias Ashmole—the father of this John Dee was a vintner in ... London.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1117&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1117&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[794]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;John Dee—from Meredith Lloyd:—Talbot, marying an inheritresse of the prince of South Wales (who was descended from Howel Da, i.e. Howelus bonus: the same family from whom John Dee was descended).—Dr. Troutbec hath Raymund Lully&#039;s ... (a chymical tract) with John Dee&#039;s marginall notes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1118&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1118&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[795]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;I left about 1674, with Mr. Elias Ashmole, 3 pages in folio concerning him&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_179&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_179&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DP]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum:—Mr. Meredith Lloyd tells me that his father was Roland Dee&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_180&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_180&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DQ]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, a Radnorshire gentleman&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_175&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_175&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LVII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and that he hath his pedegree, which he hath promised to lend to me. He was descended from Rees, prince of South Wales.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_175&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_175&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LVII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; J. Dee&#039;s father was a vintner in London at the signe of ... in ...: from Elias Ashmole, esqre, who had it from his grandsonne (sonne of Arthur).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;My great-grandfather, William Aubrey (LL.Dr.), and he were cosins, and intimate acquaintance. Mr. Ashmole hath letters between them, under their owne hands, viz. one of Dr. W. A. to him&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1119&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1119&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[796]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (ingeniosely and learnedly written) touching the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sovraignty of the Sea&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, of which J. D. writt a booke which he dedicated to queen Elizabeth and desired my great grandfather&#039;s advice upon it. Dr. A.&#039;s countrey-house was at Kew, and J. Dee lived at Mortlack, not a mile distant. I have heard my grandmother say they were often together.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Arthur Dee, M.D., his son, lived and practised at Norwich, an intimate friend of Sir Thomas Browne, M.D., who told me that Sir William Boswell, the Dutch ambassador, had all John Dee&#039;s MSS.: quaere his executors for his papers. He&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1120&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1120&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[797]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; lived then somewhere in Kent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_212&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 212]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum:—Sir William Boswell&#039;s widowe lives at Bradburne, neer Swynoke, in Kent. Memorandum:—Mr. Hake, of the Physitians&#039; Colledge, hath a MS. of Mr. John Dee&#039;s, which see or gett.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quaere A. Wood for the MSS. in the Bodlean library of Doctor Gwyn, wherein&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1121&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1121&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[798]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; are severall letters between him and John Dee, and Doctor Davies, of chymistrey and of magicall secrets, which my worthy friend Mr. Meredith Lloyd hath seen and read: and he tells me that he haz been told that Dr. Barlowe gave it to the Prince of Tuscany&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1122&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1122&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[799]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Meredith Lloyd sayes that John Dee&#039;s printed booke of Spirits, is not above the third part of what was writt, which were in Sir Robert Cotton&#039;s library; many whereof were much perished by being buryed, and Sir Robert Cotton bought the field to digge after it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum:—he told me of John Dee, etc., conjuring at a poole&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_176&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_176&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LVIII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in Brecknockshire, and that they found a wedge of gold; and that they were troubled and indicted as conjurers at the assizes; that a mighty storme and tempest was raysed in harvest time, the countrey people had not knowen the like.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_176&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_176&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LVIII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Vide Almanac, about the poole in Brecon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His picture in a wooden cutt is at the end of Billingsley&#039;s Euclid, but Mr. Elias Ashmole hath a very good painted copie of him from his sonne Arthur. He had a very fair, clear&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1123&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1123&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[800]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; complexione (as Sir Henry Savile); a long beard as white as milke. A very handsome man.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Investigatio cinerum △&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Old goodwife Faldo&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_181&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_181&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DR]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (a natif of Mortlak in Surrey), 80+ aetatis (1672&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1124&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1124&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[801]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), did know Dr. Dee, and told me he dyed at his howse in Mortlack, next to the howse where the tapistry hangings are made, viz. west of that howse; and that he dyed about 60+, 8 or 9 yeares since (January, 1672), and lies buried in the chancell, and had a stone &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_213&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 213]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;(marble) upon him. Her mother tended him in his sicknesse. She told me that he did entertain the Polonian ambassador at his howse in Mortlak, and dyed not long after; and that he shewed the eclipse with a darke roome to the said ambassador&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_177&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_177&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LIX.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. She beleeves that he was eightie years old when he dyed. She sayd, he kept a great many stilles goeing. That he layd the storme Sir Everard Digby. That the children dreaded him because he was accounted a conjurer. He recovered the basket of cloathes stollen, when she and his daughter (both girles) were negligent: she knew this.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_177&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_177&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LIX.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A Brief History of Muscovia, by Mr. John Milton, Lond. 1682, pag. 100, scil. 1588. &#039;Dr. Giles Fletcher went ambassador from the Queen to Pheodor then emperour; whose relations, being judicious and exact, are best read entirely by themselves. This emperour, upon report of the great learning &amp;amp;lt;of&amp;amp;gt; the mathematician, invited him to Mosco, with offer of two thousand pound a-yeare, and from Prince Boris one thousand markes; to have his provision from the emperor&#039;s table, to be honourably recieved, and accounted as one of the chief men in the land. All which Dee accepted not.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He is buried (upon the matter) in the middest of the chancell, a little towards the south side. She sayd, he lies buried in the chancell between Mr. Holt and Mr. Miles, both servants to queen Elizabeth, and both have brasse inscriptions on their marble, and that there was on him a marble, but without any inscription, which marble is removed; on which old marble is signe of two or three brasse pinnes. A daughter of his (I thinke, Sarah) maried to a flax-dresser, in Southwarke: quaere nomen.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He dyed within a yeare, if not shortly, after the king of Denmark was here: vide Sir Richard Baker&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Chronicle&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and Capt. Wharton&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Almanac&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1125&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1125&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[802]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;He built the gallery in the church at Mortlak. Goody Faldo&#039;s father was the carpenter that work&#039;t it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A stone was on his grave, which is since removed. At the upper end of the chancell then were steppes, which in Oliver&#039;s dayes were layd plaine by the minister, and then &#039;twas removed. The children when they played in the church would runne to Dr. Dee&#039;s grave-stone. She told me that he forewarned Q. Elizabeth of Dr. Lopez attempt against her (the Dr. bewrayed, —— himselfe).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He used to distill egge-shells, and &#039;twas from hence&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_214&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 214]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; that Ben Johnson had his hint of the alkimist, whom he meant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a great peace-maker; if any of the neighbours fell out, he would never lett them alone till he had made them friends.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was tall and slender. He wore a gowne like an artist&#039;s gowne, with hanging sleeves, and a slitt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A mighty good man he was.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was sent ambassador for Queen Elizabeth (shee thinkes) into Poland.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum:—his regayning of the plate for ...&#039;s butler, who comeing from London by water with a basket of plate, mistooke another basket that was like his. Mr. J. Dee bid them goe by water such a day, and looke about, and he should see the man that had his basket, and he did so; but he would not gett the lost horses, though he was offered severall angells. He told a woman (his neighbour) that she laboured under the evill tongue of an ill neighbour (another woman), which came to her howse, who he sayd was a witch.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In J. David Rhesus&#039; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;British Grammar&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 60:—&#039;Juxta Crucis amnem (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Nant y groes&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;), in agro &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Maessyuetiano&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, apud Cambro-brytannos, erat olim illustris quaedam &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Nigrorum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; familia, unde &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Joan Du&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, id est, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Johannes&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ille cognomento &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Niger&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Londinensis, sui generis ortum traxit: vir certe ornatissimus et doctissimus, et omnium hac nostra aetate tum Philosophorum tum Mathematicorum facile princeps: monadis illius Hieroglyphicae et Propaedeumatum aphoristicorum de praestantioribus quibusdam Naturae virtutibus, aliorumque non paucorum operum insignium autor eximius. Vir praeterea ob tam multam experientiam frequenti sua in tot transmarinas regiones peregrinatione comparatam, rerum quamplurimarum et abditarum peritissimus.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_178&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_178&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DO]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 36, Aubrey gives the horoscope, with astrological notes, e.g. that there is &#039;a reception between Saturn and Luna,&#039; that &#039;Jupiter is in his exaltation and lord of the ascendant,&#039; etc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_179&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_179&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DP]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 6, Aubrey notes:—&#039;vide the new additions in John Dee&#039;s life.&#039; This perhaps refers to MS. Aubr. 6, foll. 36-38, as being additional to the paper which he here says he left with Ashmole.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_180&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_180&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DQ]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 37, Aubrey gives in colours the coat, &#039;gules, a lion rampant within a bordure indented or,&#039; adding the note:—&#039;Memorandum in the scutcheon at the beginning of his preface the bordure is engrailed: I believe that is the truest, for &#039;twas donne with care—sed quaere.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 36&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, he gives in trick the coat for Dee&#039;s match &#039;1578, Febr. 5,&#039; with Jane Fromundz, viz.:—&#039;in the 1 and 6, gules, a lion rampant within a bordure engrailed or [Dee]; in the 2, or, a lion rampant gules [...]; in the 3, ..., a lion rampant crowned sable [ ...]; in the 4, azure, a lion rampant ... [Dun]; in the 5, argent, on 2 bends gules 6 cross crosslets or [ ...],&#039; as the coat of John Dee; impaling &#039;per chevron ermines and gules, a chevron between 3 fleur de lys or&#039; [Fromundz], for Jane Fromundz. The motto is &#039;A Domino factum est istud.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_181&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_181&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DR]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey&#039;s conversation with &#039;goodwife Faldo,&#039; written down at the time (Oct. 22, 1672), is found in a letter to Anthony Wood, in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 192.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_215&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 215]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Thomas Deere&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1639/40-16..).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1126&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1126&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[803]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Thomas Deere, natus March 15º, 1639, 15&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 7´ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, at New Sarum—John Gadbury&#039;s advice, 1 April, 1676.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1127&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1127&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[804]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Thomas Deare&#039;s letter:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;From Stackton in parochia de Fordingbridge, die Jovis&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1128&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1128&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[805]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, 9 Martii, 1675/6, 2&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 30´ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The Accydents of the native, etc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In November 1655, aged 15 yeare 8 moneths, went to London, to a master, a clerke in the Kinge&#039;s Bench.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In November followinge, aged 16 yeare 8 moneths, had the small pox.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In February and March 1658, an ague and feavor.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At the same tyme an uncle (the mother&#039;s brother) dyed, which gave the native a good legacy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In 1661, purchased an estate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In August 1662, hee marryed, which was one of the worst acts that etc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In July 1663, hee had a sonn born, etc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In June 1667, another sone.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the same yeare in September, his father dyed etc., aged 70 etc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In 1666, a very great feavor; in &amp;amp;lt;16&amp;amp;gt;67, another; in &#039;68, a surfeite which caused another &amp;amp;lt;fever&amp;amp;gt;, etc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In May &#039;71, another sunn which lived but a fortnight, etc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Many other accidents there are and remarkeable, but &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_216&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 216]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;I suppose 3 or 4 or but 2 of these may doe well enough&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1129&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1129&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[806]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; etc. Yet as to preferrment, etc.—In Aug. 1667, I was courted by the old earle of Pembrook&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1130&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1130&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[807]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to be his chiefe steward; but, hee always vexed with false informations against me, I left his ymployment.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1131&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1131&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[808]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Memorandum:—Mr. Th. Deer is now (Jan. 1677/8) in prison at Fisherton-Anger.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Gideon de Laune&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1565?-1659).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1132&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1132&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[809]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;... De Laune:—he was apothecary to Mary the queen mother: came into England....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a very wise man, and as a signe&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1133&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1133&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[810]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of it left an estate of 80,000 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Sir William Davenant was his great acquaintance and told me of him, and that after his returne into England he went to visit him, being then octogenary, and very decrepit with the gowt, but had his sight and understanding. He had a place made for him in the kitchen chimney; and, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;non obstante&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; he was master of such an estate, Sir William sawe him slighted not only by his daughter-in-lawe, but by the cooke-mayd, which much affected him—misery of old age.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He wrote a booke of prudentiall advice, in quadrans, 8vo, in English verse, which I have seen, and there are good things in it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Sir John Denham&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1615-1668/9).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1134&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1134&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[811]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir John Denham was unpolished with the small-pox: otherwise a fine complexion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1135&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1135&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[812]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;From Anthony Wood:—in the Matriculation booke he finds it thus written—&#039;Johannes Denham, Essex, filius Johannis Denham de Horseley parva in com. praed., militis, aetat. 16, 1631.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1136&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1136&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[813]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir John Denham&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_187&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_187&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DS]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, Knight of the Bath, was borne at Dublin in Ireland, anno Domini....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_217&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 217]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quaere Dr. Buzby if he was a Westminster schollar—I have forgot. Anno ... he was admitted of Trinity Colledge in Oxford, where he stayed.... His tutor there was.... I have heard Mr. Josias Howe say that he was the dreamingst young fellow; he never expected such things from him as he haz left the world. When he was there he would game extremely; when he had played away all his money he would play away his father&#039;s wrought rich gold cappes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His father was Sir John Denham, one of the Barons of the Exchequer. He had been one of the Lords Justices in Ireland: he maried Ellenor&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_182&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_182&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LX.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, one of the daughters of Sir Garret Moore, knight, lord baron of Mellifont, in the kingdome of Ireland, whom he maried during his service in Ireland in the place of Chief Justice there.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_182&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_182&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LX.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; She was a beautifull woman, as appeares by her monument at Egham. Sir John, they say, did much resemble his father.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;From Trinity Colledge he went to Lincolnes-Inne, where (as judge Wadham Windham&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1137&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1137&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[814]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, who was his contemporary, told me) he was as good a student as any in the house. Was not suspected to be a witt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At last, viz. 1640, his play of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Sophy&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; came out, which did take extremely: Mr. Edmund Waller sayd then of him, that he &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;broke-out like the Irish Rebellion&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_183&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_183&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXI.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;—threescore thousand strong&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, before any body was aware&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1138&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1138&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[815]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_183&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_183&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXI.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; His play came out at that time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was much rooked by gamesters, and fell acquainted with that unsanctified crew, to his ruine. His father had some suspition of it, and chid him severely, wherupon his son John (only child) wrot a little essay in 8vo, printed ..., &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Against&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_184&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_184&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; gameing and to shew the vanities and inconveniences of it&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which he presented to his father to let him know his detestation of it&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_188&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_188&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DT]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. But shortly after his father&#039;s death&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_185&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_185&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXIII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (who left 2,000 or &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_218&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 218]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;1,500 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in ready money, 2 houses well furnished, and much plate) the money was played away first, and next the plate was sold. I remember about 1646 he lost 200 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; one night at New-cutt. Anno ... (I ghesse 1642) he was high-sheriff of the countie of Surrey.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_184&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_184&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Vide Justus Turcaeus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1139&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1139&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[816]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;de lusu aleae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, where he proves &#039;tis a disease and that it proceeds from pride, and that the Spaniards (the proudest nation) are most&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1140&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1140&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[817]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; addicted to it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_185&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_185&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXIII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; January 6, 1638&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1141&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1141&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[818]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, sepult. at Egham in Surrey.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At the beginning of the civill warre he was made governor of Farnham-castle for the king, but he was but a young soldier, and did not keepe it. In 1642/3, after Edghill fight, his poeme called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cowper&#039;s Hill&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; was printed at Oxford, in a sort of browne paper, for then they could gett no better.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1646/7 (quaere) he conveyed, or stole away, the two dukes of Yorke and Glocester from St. James&#039;s (from the tuition of the earle of Northumberland), and conveyed them into France to the Prince of Wales and Queen-mother. King Charles II sent him and the lord Culpepper envoyes to the king of Poland,....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno 1652, he returned into England, and being in some straights was kindly entertayned by the earle of Pembroke at Wilton, where I had the honour to contract an acquaintance with him. Here he translated the ... booke of Vergil&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Æneis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and also burlesqu&#039;t it&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_186&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_186&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXIV.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;: quaere Mr. Christopher Wase who was then there, tutor to William&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1142&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1142&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[819]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, lord Herbert. He was, as I remember, a yeare with my lord of Pembroke at Wilton and London; he had then sold all the lands his father had left him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_186&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_186&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXIV.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He burlesqued Virgil, and burnt it, sayeing that &#039;twas not fitt that the best poet should be so abused.—From Mr. Christopher Wase.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His first wife was the daughter and heire of ... Cotton, of ... in Glocestershire, by whom he had 500 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum, one son and two daughters.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1143&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1143&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[820]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;His son did not &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;patrem sapere&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. He was of Wadham College&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1144&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1144&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[821]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in Dr. Wilkins&#039;s time: he dyed &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;sine prole&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, I thinke, there.—One of his daughters is maried to ... Morley, of Sussex, esq.; the other....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was much beloved by King Charles the First, who much valued him for his ingenuity. He graunted him the reversion of the surveyor of his majestie&#039;s buildings, after &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_219&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 219]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the decease of Mr. Inigo Jones; which place, after the restauration of King Charles II he enjoyed to his death, and gott seaven thousand pounds, as Sir Christopher Wren told me of, to his owne knowledge. Sir Christopher Wren was his deputie.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno Domini 166.. he maried his 2d wife, &amp;amp;lt;Margaret&amp;amp;gt; Brookes, a very beautifull young lady; Sir John was ancient and limping. The duke of Yorke fell deepely in love with her, though (I have been morally assured) he never had carnall knowledge of her. This occasioned Sir John&#039;s distemper of madnesse in 166.., which first appeared when he went from London to see the famous free-stone quarries at Portland in Dorset, and when he came within a mile of it, turned back to London again, and did&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1145&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1145&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[822]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; not see it. He went to Hownslowe, and demanded rents of lands he had sold many yeares before; went to the king, and told him he was the Holy Ghost. But it pleased God that he was cured of this distemper, and writt excellent verses (particularly on the death of Mr. Abraham Cowley) afterwards. His 2d lady had no child; was poysoned by the hands of Co. of Roc.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1146&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1146&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[823]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with chocolatte.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At the coronation of King Charles II he was made Knight of the Bath.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He dyed (vide A. Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Antiq. Oxon.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) at the house of his office (which he built, as also the brick-buildings next the street in Scotland-yard), and was buried, anno Domini 1668/9, March the 23, in the south crosse aisle of Westminster Abbey, neer Sir Jeffrey Chaucer&#039;s monument, but hitherto (1680) without any memoriall for him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum:—the parsonage-house at Egham (vulgarly called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Place&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) was built by baron Denham; a house very convenient, not great, but pretty, and pleasantly scituated, and in which his son, Sir John, (though he had better seates), did take most delight in. He sold it to John Thynne, esq. In this parish is a place called Cammomill-hill, from the cammomill that growes there &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_220&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 220]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;naturally; as also west of it is Prune-well-hill (formerly part of Sir John&#039;s possessions), where was a fine tuft of trees, a clear spring, and a pleasant prospect to the east, over the levell of Middlesex and Surrey. Sir John tooke great delight in this place, and was wont to say (before the troubles) that he would build there a retiring-place to entertaine his muses; but the warres forced him to sell that as well as the rest. He sold it to Mr. ... Anstey. In this parish W. and by N. (above &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Runney Meade&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) is &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cowper&#039;s Hill&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, from whence is a noble prospect, which is incomparably well described by that sweet swan, Sir John Denham; printed first at Oxon shortly after Edghill fight, 1642/3.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum:—he delighted much in bowles, and did bowle very well.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was of the tallest, but a little incurvetting at his shoulders, not very robust. His haire was but thin and flaxen, with a moist curle. His gate was slow, and was rather a stalking (he had long legges), which was wont to putt me in mind of Horace, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Arte Poetica&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Hic, dum sublimes versus ructatur, et errat&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Si veluti merulis intentus decidit auceps&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In puteum foveamve:&#039;——&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His eie was a kind of light goose-gray, not big; but it had a strange piercingness, not as to shining and glory, but (like a Momus) when he conversed with you he look&#039;t into your very thoughts.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was generally temperate as to drinking; but one time when he was a student of Lincolne&#039;s-Inne, having been merry at the taverne with his camerades, late at night, a frolick came into his head, to gett a playsterer&#039;s brush and a pott of inke, and blott out all the signes between Temple-barre and Charing-crosse, which made a strange confusion the next day, and &#039;twas in Terme time. But it happened that they were discovered, and it cost him and them some moneys. This I had from R. Estcott&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1147&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1147&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[824]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, esq., that carried the inke-pott.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_221&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 221]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the time of the civill warres, George Withers, the poet, begged Sir John Denham&#039;s estate at Egham of the Parliament, in whose cause he was a captaine of horse. It &amp;amp;lt;happened&amp;amp;gt; that G. W. was taken prisoner, and was in danger of his life, having written severely against the king, &amp;amp;amp;c. Sir John Denham went to the king, and desired his majestie not to hang him, for that whilest G. W. lived he should not be the worst poet in England.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Scripsit &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;the Sophy&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cowper&#039;s Hill&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Essay against Gameing&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: Poems, 8vo, printed anno Domini ...; Cato Major sive De Senectute, translated into English verse, London, printed by H. Heringman, in the New Exchange, 1669.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum:—in the verses against Gondibert, most of them are Sir John&#039;s. He was satyricall when he had a mind to it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_187&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_187&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DS]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey gives in colours the coat: &#039;gules, 3 lozenges ermine [Denham],&#039; surrounded by laurels. He adds the note:—&#039;this coate is in stone and thus coloured, on the roofe or vaulting of the cathedral church at Winchester: Sir John told me his family was originally westerne.&#039; He adds the reference &#039;vide A. Wood&#039;s Hist. Oxon.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_188&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_188&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DT]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey, in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 193, writing Oct. 22, 1672, says:—&#039;Sir John Denham wrott an essay against gameing, to shew his detestation of it to his father, printed by N. Brookes, at the Angel in Cornhill. I have it, about 3 or 4 sheetes, 8vo. His name is not to it, but I know &#039;twas his; and a kinsman of his, that was one of his father&#039;s clarkes, gave the copy to Brookes: and Sir John Denham owned it to me.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;René Descartes&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1596-1650/1).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1148&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1148&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[825]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Monsieur Renatus Des Cartes,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;nobilis Gallus, Perroni dominus, summus mathematicus et philosophus; natus Hagae Turonum pridie Calendas Apriles, 1596; denatus Holmiae Calendis Februarii, 1650&#039;—this inscription I find under his picture graved by C. V. Dalen.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How he spent his time in his youth, and by what method he became so knowing, he tells the world in his treatise entituled Of Method. The Societie of Jesus glorie in that theyr order had the educating of him. He lived severall&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_222&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 222]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; yeares at Egmont (neer the Hague), from whence he dated severall of his bookes. He was too wise a man to encomber himselfe with a wife; but as he was a man, he had the desires and appetites of a man; he therefore kept a good conditioned hansome woman that he liked, and by whom he had some children (I thinke 2 or 3). &#039;Tis pity but comeing from the braine&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1149&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1149&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[826]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of such a father, they should be well cultivated. He was so eminently learned that all learned men made visits to him, and many of them would desire him to shew them his ... of instruments (in those dayes mathematicall learning lay much in the knowledge of instruments, and, as Sir H. S.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1150&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1150&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[827]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; sayd, in doeing of tricks), he would drawe out a little drawer under his table, and shew them a paire of compasses with one of the legges broken; and then, for his ruler, he used a sheet of paper folded double. This from Alexander Cowper (brother of Samuel), limner to Christina, queen of Sweden, who was familiarly acquainted there with Des Cartes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1151&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1151&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[828]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Hobbes was wont to say that had Des Cartes kept himselfe wholy to geometrie that he had been the best geometer in the world. He did very much admire him, but sayd that he could not pardon him for writing in the defence of transubstantiation which he knew to bee absolutely against his judgment&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1152&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1152&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[829]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;—quod N. B.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Robert Devereux&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;, earl of Essex (1567-1600/1).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1153&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1153&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[830]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Ex registro capellae Turris London, scil. 1600&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1154&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1154&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[831]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &#039;Robert, earle of Essex, beheaded, Febr. 6th.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;From my lady Elizabeth, viscountesse Purbec, repeated by her:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1. There is none, oh none but you,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Who from me estrange your sight,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Whom mine eyes affect to view&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And chained eares heare with delight.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_223&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 223]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2. Others&#039; beauties others move,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In you I all graces find:&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Such are the effects of love&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To make them happy that are kind.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3. Woemen in fraile beauty trust,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Only seeme you kind to me,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Still be truly kind and just&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For that can&#039;t dissembled bee.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4. Deare, afford me then your sight,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;That surveighing all your lookes&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Endlesse volumnes I may write&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And fill the world with envyed bookes.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5. Which when after ages view&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;All shall wonder and despayre,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Women, to find a man so true,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And men, a woeman halfe so faire—&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;made by Robert, earl of Essex, that was beheaded.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1155&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1155&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[832]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;The tradition is that the bell of Lincoln&#039;s-Inne was brought from Cales (Cadiz), tempore reginae Elizabethae, plundered in the expedition&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1156&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1156&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[833]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; under &amp;amp;lt;Robert Devereux&amp;amp;gt;, earl of Essex.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Sir Everard Digby&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1578-1605/6).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1157&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1157&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[834]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir Everard Digby (father of Sir Kenelme) scripsit libellum Latinè cui titulus:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Everardi Dygbei de duplici methodo—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;in 8vo, in dialogues.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have heard Mr. John Digby say (his grandsonne) that he was the handsomest man (accounted) in England.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1158&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1158&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[835]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir Everard Digby was a most gallant gentleman and one of the handsomest men of his time. He writt something in Latin &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;de methodo&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which I did light upon 23 yeares ago at a country man&#039;s howse in Herefordshire; and Mr. Francis Potter told me he writt &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;de arte natandi&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Twas his ill fate to suffer in the powder-plott. When &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_224&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 224]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;his heart was pluct out by the executioner (who, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;secundum formam&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, cryed &#039;Here is the heart of a traytor!&#039;), it is credibly reported, he replied, &#039;Thou liest!&#039; This my lord Bacon speakes of, but not mentioning his name, in his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Historia vitae et mortis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Sir Kenelm Digby&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1603-1665).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1159&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1159&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[836]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir Kenelm Digby&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_192&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_192&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DU]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, knight: he was borne at &amp;amp;lt;Gotehurst, Bucks&amp;amp;gt; on the eleventh of June&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_193&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_193&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DV]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;: see Ben: Johnson, 2d volumne:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Witnesse thy actions done at Scanderoon&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Upon &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;thy&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; birthday, the eleaventh of June.&#039;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[Memorandum:—in the first impression in 8vo it is thus; but in the folio &#039;tis &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;my&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, instead of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;thy&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. Elias Ashmole assures me, from two or three nativities by Dr. &amp;amp;lt;Richard&amp;amp;gt; Nepier, that Ben: Johnson was mistaken and did it for the ryme-sake.—In Dr. Napier&#039;s papers of nativities, with Mr. Ashmole, I find:—&#039;Sir Kenelme Digby natus July 11, 5&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 40´ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 1603, 14 Leo ascending,&#039; and another scheme gives it at &#039;4&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, 26 Cancer ascending&#039;; and there are two others of Cancer and Leo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was the eldest son of Sir Everard Digby, who was accounted the handsomest gentleman in England. Sir Everard sufferd as a traytor in the gunpowder-treason; but king James restored his estate to his son and heire. Mr. Francis Potter told me that Sir Everard wrote a booke &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Arte Natandi&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. I have a Latin booke of his writing in 8vo:—Everardi&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1160&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1160&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[837]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dygbei &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De duplici methodo libri duo&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, in dialogues &#039;inter Aristotelicum et Ramistam,&#039; in 8vo: the title page is torne out.—His second son was Sir John Digby, as valiant a gentleman and as good a swordman as was in England, who dyed (or was killed&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_189&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_189&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXV.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) in the king&#039;s cause at Bridgewater, about 1644.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_189&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_189&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXV.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I can easily learne, if you desire it&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1161&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1161&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[838]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It happened in 1647 that a grave was opened next to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_225&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 225]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Sir John Digby&#039;s (who was buried in summer time, it seemes), and the flowers on his coffin were found fresh, as I heard Mr. Harcourt (that was executed) attest that very yeare. Sir John died a batchelour.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Sir Kenelme Digby was held to be the most accomplished cavalier of his time. He went to Glocester hall in Oxon, anno &amp;amp;lt;1618&amp;amp;gt; (vide A. Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Antiq. Oxon.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;). The learned Mr. Thomas Allen (then of that house) was wont to say that he was the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mirandula&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of his age. He did not weare a gowne there&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1162&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1162&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[839]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, as I have heard my cosen Whitney say.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There was a great friendship between him and Mr. Thomas Allen; whether he was his scholar I know not. Mr. Allen was one of the learnedest men of this nation in his time, and a great collector of good bookes, which collection Sir Kenelme bought (Mr. Allen enjoyeing the use of them for his life) to give to the Bodlean Library, after Mr. Allen&#039;s decease, where they&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1163&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1163&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[840]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; now are.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a great traveller, and understood 10 or 12 languages. He was not only master of a good and gracefull judicious stile, but he also wrote a delicate hand, both fast-hand and Roman. I have seen lettres of his writing to the father&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1164&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1164&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[841]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of this earle of Pembroke, who much respected&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1165&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1165&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[842]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was such a goodly handsome person, gigantique and great voice, and had so gracefull elocution and noble addresse, etc., that had he been drop&#039;t out of the clowdes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1166&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1166&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[843]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in any part of the world, he would have made himselfe respected. But the Jesuites spake spitefully, and sayd &#039;twas true, but then he must not stay there above six weekes. He was envoyé from Henrietta Maria (then Queen-mother) to Pope &amp;amp;lt;Innocent X&amp;amp;gt; where at first he was mightily admired; but after some time he grew high, and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_226&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 226]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;hectored with his holinesse, and gave him the lye. The pope sayd he was mad.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was well versed in all kinds of learning. And he had also this vertue&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1167&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1167&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[844]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, that no man &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;knew better how to abound, and to be abased&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and either was indifferent to him. No man became grandeur better&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1168&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1168&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[845]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; sometimes again he would live only with a lackey, and horse with a foote-cloath.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was very generous, and liberall to deserving persons. When Abraham Cowley was but 13 yeares old, he dedicated to him a comedy&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1169&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1169&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[846]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Love&#039;s Riddle&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and concludes in his epistle&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1170&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1170&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[847]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;—&#039;The Birch that whip&#039;t him then would prove a Bay.&#039; Sir K. was very kind to him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When he was at Rome one time, (I thinke he was envoyé from Mary the Queen-mother to Pope &amp;amp;lt;Innocent X&amp;amp;gt;) he contrasted&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1171&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1171&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[848]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with his holinesse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno ... (quaere the countesse of Thanet) much against his mother&#039;s, etc., consent, he maried that celebrated beautie and courtezane, Mrs. Venetia Stanley, whom Richard earle of Dorset kept as his concubine, had children by her, and setled on her an annuity of 500 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum; which after Sir K. D. maried was unpayd by the earle; and for which annuity Sir Kenelme sued the earle, after mariage, and recovered it. He would say that a handsome lusty man that was discreet might make a vertuose wife out of a brothell-house. This lady carried herselfe blamelessly, yet (they say) he was jealous of her&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_190&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_190&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXVI.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. She dyed suddenly, and hard-hearted woemen&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1172&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1172&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[849]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; would censure him severely.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_190&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_190&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXVI.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Richard earle of Dorset invited her and her husband once a yeare, when, with much desire and passion he beheld her, and only kissed her hand; Sir Kenelme being still by.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After her death, to avoyd envy and scandall, he retired in to Gresham Colledge at London, where he diverted himselfe with his chymistry, and the professors&#039; good conversation. He wore there a long mourning cloake, a high crowned hatt, his beard unshorne, look&#039;t like a hermite, as signes of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_227&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 227]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;sorrowe for his beloved wife, to whose memory he erected a sumptuouse monument, now quite destroyed by the great conflagration. He stayed at the colledge&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1173&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1173&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[850]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; two or 3 yeares.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The faire howses in Holbourne, between King&#039;s street and Southampton street, (which brake-off the continuance of them) were, about 1633, built by Sir Kenelme; where he lived before the civill warres. Since the restauration of Charles II he lived in the last faire house westward in the north portico of Convent garden, where my lord Denzill Hollis lived since. He had a laboratory there. I thinke he dyed in this house—sed quaere.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was, 164.., prisoner for the king (Charles I) at Winchester-house, where he practised chymistry&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1174&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1174&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[851]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and wrote his booke of&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1175&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1175&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[852]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Bodies and Soule, which he dedicated to his eldest son, Kenelme, who was slaine (as I take it) in the earle of Holland&#039;s riseing&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1176&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1176&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[853]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno 163 ... tempore Caroli I&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;mi&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; he received the sacrament in the chapell at Whitehall, and professed the Protestant religion, which gave great scandal to the Roman Catholiques; but afterwards he &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;looked back&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a person of very extraordinary strength. I remember one at&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1177&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1177&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[854]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Shirburne (relating to the earl of Bristoll) protested to us, that as he, being a midling man, being sett in &amp;amp;lt;a&amp;amp;gt; chaire, Sir Kenelme tooke up him, chaire and all, with one arme.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was of an undaunted courage, yet not apt in the least to give offence. His conversation was both ingeniose and innocent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. Thomas White, who wrote &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;de Mundo&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 1641&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1178&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1178&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[855]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and Mr. ... Hall of Leige, e societate Jesu, were two of his great friends.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As for that great action of his at Scanderoon, see the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_228&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 228]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Turkish Historie. Sir &amp;amp;lt;Edward&amp;amp;gt; Stradling, of Glamorganshire, was then his vice-admirall, at whose house is an excellent picture of his, as he was at that time: by him is drawen an armillary sphaere broken, and undernethe is writt IMPAVIDUM FERIENT (Horace). See excellent verses of Ben: Johnson (to whome he was a great patrone) in his 2d volumne.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There is in print in French, and also in English (translated by Mr. James Howell), a speech that he made at a philosophicall assembly at Montpelier, 165.. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Of the sympathetique powder&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—see it&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1179&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1179&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[856]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. He made a speech at the beginning of the meeting of the Royall Society &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Of the vegetation of plants&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was borne to three thousand pounds per annum. His ancient seat (I thinke) is Gote-herst in Buckinghamshire. He had a fair estate also in Rutlandshire. What by reason of the civil warres, and his generous mind, he contracted great debts, and I know not how (there being a great falling out between him and his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;then&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; only son, John&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_191&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_191&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXVII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) he settled his estate upon ... Cornwalleys, a subtile sollicitor&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1180&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1180&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[857]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and also a member of the House of Commons, who did putt Mr. John Digby to much charge in lawe: quaere what became of it?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_191&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_191&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXVII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He married ... sister to this present Henry, duke of Norfolke, no child living by her. His 2d wife ... Fortescue, by whom he haz ... Quaere the issue?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. J. D. had a good estate of his owne, and lived handsomely then at what time I went to him two or 3 times in order to your &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Oxon. Antiqu.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; and he then brought me a great book, as big as the biggest Church Bible that ever I sawe, and the richliest bound, bossed with silver, engraven with scutchions and crest (an ostrich); it was a curious velame&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1181&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1181&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[858]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. It was the history of the family of the Digbyes, which Sir Kenelme either did, or ordered to be donne. There was inserted all that was to be found any where relating to them, out of records of the Tower, rolles, &amp;amp;amp;c. All ancient church monuments were most exquisitely &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_229&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 229]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;limmed by some rare artist. He told me that the compileing of it did cost his father a thousand pound. Sir Jo. Fortescue sayd he did beleeve &#039;twas more. When Mr. John Digby did me the favour to shew me this rare MS., &#039;This booke,&#039; sayd he, &#039;is all that I have left me of all the estate that was my father&#039;s!&#039; He was almost as tall and as big as his father: he had something&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1182&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1182&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[859]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of the sweetnesse of his mother&#039;s face. He was bred by the Jesuites, and was a good scholar. He dyed at....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Vide in ... Lives when Sir Kenelme dyed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Sir John Hoskyns enformes me that Sir Kenelme Digby did translate Petronius Arbiter into English.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_192&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_192&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DU]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey gives in trick the coat:—&#039;azure, a fleur de lys argent [Digby]; impaling, argent on a bend azure 3 bucks&#039; heads caboshed or [Stanley]&#039;; and adds the reference &#039;vide his life in ...&#039; some book, presumably, whose title he had forgot.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_193&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_193&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DV]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;June&#039; was written; but Aubrey noted in the margin &#039;Quaere Mr. Ashmole pro nativitate by Dr. &amp;amp;lt;Richard&amp;amp;gt; Nepier.&#039; The answer to this query is found in MS. Aubr. 23, a slip at fol. 121&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, &#039;Sir Kenelm Digby natus July 11, 5&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 40´ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 1603; another scheme gives it at 4&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&#039; Having got this information, Aubrey then struck out &#039;June&#039; in the text, and substituted &#039;July&#039;; and added the paragraph which follows.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Venetia Digby&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1600-1633).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1183&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1183&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[860]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Venetia Stanley&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_198&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_198&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DW]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was daughter of Sir ... Stanley.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She was a most beautifull desireable creature; and being &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;matura viro&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; was left by her father to live with a tenant and servants at Enston-abbey&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_194&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_194&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXVIII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (his land, or the earl of Derby&#039;s) in Oxfordshire; but as private as that place was, it seemes her beautie could not lye hid. The young eagles had espied her, and she was sanguine and tractable, and of much suavity (which to abuse was greate pittie).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_194&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_194&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXVIII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; At the west end of the church here&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_199&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_199&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DX]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; were two towers as at Welles or Westminster Abbey, which were standing till about 1656. The romes of the abbey were richly wainscotted, both sides and roofe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In those dayes Richard, earle of Dorset (eldest son&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1184&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1184&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[861]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and heire to the Lord Treasurer, vide pedegree) &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_230&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 230]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;lived in the greatest splendor of any nobleman of England. Among other pleasures that he enjoyed, Venus was not the least. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_195&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_195&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXIX.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;This pretty creature&#039;s fame quickly came to his Lordship&#039;s eares, who made no delay to catch at such an opportunity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_195&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_195&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXIX.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sam. Daniel:—Cheekes of Roses, locks of amber | To b&#039;emprisond in a chamber | etc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have now forgott who first brought her to towne, but I have heard my uncle Danvers&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1185&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1185&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[862]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; say (who was her contemporary) that she was so commonly courted, and that by grandees, that &#039;twas written over her lodging one night &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;in literis uncialibus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;PRAY COME NOT NEER,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
FOR DAME VENETIA STANLEY LODGETH HERE.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The earle of Dorset, aforesayd, was her greatest gallant, who was extremely enamoured of her, and had&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1186&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1186&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[863]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; one if not more children by her. He setled on her an annuity of 500 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Among other young sparkes of that time, Sir Kenelme Digby grew acquainted with her, and fell so much in love with her that he married her, much against the good will of his mother; but he would say that &#039;a wise man, and lusty, could make an honest woman out of a brothell-house.&#039; Sir Edmund Wyld had her picture&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_196&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_196&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXX.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (and you may imagine was very familiar with her), which picture is now (vide) at Droitwytch, in Worcestershire, at an inne, where now the towne keepe their meetings. Also at Mr. Rose&#039;s, a jeweller in Henrietta-street in Convent garden, is an excellent piece of hers, drawne after she was newly dead.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_196&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_196&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXX.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Venetia Stanley:—her picture is at the earl of Rutland&#039;s at Belvoir.—From my cosen Montague.—MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 25.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She had a most lovely and sweet-turn&#039;d face, delicate darke-browne haire. She had a perfect healthy constitution; strong; good skin; well proportioned; much enclining to a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bona Roba&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (near altogether). Her face, a short ovall; darke-browne eie-browe, about which much sweetness, as also in the opening of her eie-lidds. The colour of her &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_231&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 231]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;cheekes was just that of the damaske rose, which is neither too hott nor too pale. She was of a just&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1187&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1187&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[864]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; stature, not very tall.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Sir Kenelme had severall pictures of her by Vandyke, &amp;amp;amp;c.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_197&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_197&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXI.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He had her hands cast in playster, and her feet, and her face. See Ben: Johnson&#039;s 2d volumne, where he hath made her live in poetrey, in his drawing of her both body and mind:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_197&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_197&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXI.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Her picture by Vandyke is now at Abermarleys, in Carmarthenshire, at Mr. Cornwalleys&#039; sonne&#039;s widowe&#039;s (the lady Cornwalleys&#039;s) howse, who was the daughter and heire of ... Jones, of Abermarles.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Sitting, and ready to be drawne,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;What makes these tiffany, silkes, and lawne,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Embroideries, feathers, fringes, lace,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;When every limbe takes like a face!&#039;—&amp;amp;amp;c.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1188&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1188&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[865]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;When these verses were made she had three children by Sir Kenelme, who are there mentioned, viz. Kenelme, George, and John.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She dyed in her bed suddenly. Some suspected that she was poysoned. When her head&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1189&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1189&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[866]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was opened there was found but little braine, which her husband imputed to her drinking of viper-wine; but spitefull woemen would say &#039;twas a viper-husband who was jealous of her that she would steale a leape. I have heard some say,—e.g. my cosen Elizabeth Falkner,—that after her mariage she redeemed her honour by her strick&#039;t living. Once a yeare the earle of Dorset invited her and Sir Kenelme to dinner, where the earle would behold her with much passion, and only kisse her hand.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;figright c30&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;img src=&amp;quot;images/i_p231.png&amp;quot; width=&amp;quot;700&amp;quot; height=&amp;quot;432&amp;quot; alt=&amp;quot;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Sir Kenelme erected to her memorie a sumptuouse and stately monument&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1190&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1190&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[867]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at ... Fryars&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1191&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1191&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[868]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (neer Newgate-street) in the east end of the south aisle, where her bodie lyes in a vault of brick-worke, over which are &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_232&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 232]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;three steps&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1192&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1192&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[869]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of black marble, on which was a stately altar of black marble with 4 inscriptions in copper gilt affixed to it: upon this altar her bust of copper gilt, all which (unlesse the vault, which was onely opened a little by the fall) is utterly destroyed by the great conflagration. Among the monuments in the booke mentioned in Sir Kenelm Digby&#039;s life, is to be seen a curious draught of this monument, with copies of the severall inscriptions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;About 1676 or 5, as I was walking through Newgate-street, I sawe Dame Venetia&#039;s bust standing at a stall at the Golden Crosse, a brasier&#039;s shop. I perfectly remembred it, but the fire had gott-off the guilding: but taking notice of it to one that was with me, I could never see it afterwards exposed to the street. They melted it downe. How these curiosities would be quite forgott, did not such idle fellowes as I am putt them downe!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum:—at Goathurst, in Bucks&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1193&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1193&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[870]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, is a rare originall picture of Sir Kenelme Digby and his lady Venetia, in one piece, by the hand of Sir Anthony van Dyke. In Ben. Johnson&#039;s 2d volumne is a poeme called &#039;Eupheme&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_200&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_200&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DY]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, left to posteritie, of the noble lady, the ladie Venetia Digby, late wife of Sir Kenelme Digby, knight, a gentleman absolute in all numbers: consisting of these ten pieces, viz. Dedication of her Cradle; Song of her Descent; Picture of her Bodie; Picture of her Mind; Her being chose a Muse; Her faire Offices; Her happy Match; Her hopefull Issue; Her ἈΠΟΘΕΩΣΙΣ, or Relation to the Saints; Her Inscription, or Crowne.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Her picture drawn by Sir Anthony Vandyke hangs in the queene&#039;s draweing-roome, at Windsor-castle, over the chimney.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Venetia Stanley was (first) a miss to Sir Edmund Wyld; who had her picture, which after his death, serjeant Wyld (his executor) had; and since the serjeant&#039;s death hangs now in an entertayning-roome at Droitwich in Worcestershire. The serjeant lived at Droitwich.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_233&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 233]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_198&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_198&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DW]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey gives in trick the coat:—&#039;argent on a bend azure 3 bucks&#039; heads caboshed or [Stanley, earl of Derby].&#039; Another hand has enlarged this first sentence to &#039;daughter of Sir Edward Stanley of Eynstonn in com. Oxon, son of Sir Thomas Stanley, knight, younger son to Edward, earl of Derby.&#039; A note by &#039;E. M.&#039; (? Edmund Malone) says, &#039;This is Anthony Wood&#039;s handwriting.&#039; It is certainly not; but it very probably is Sir William Dugdale&#039;s, which is sometimes mistaken for Wood&#039;s.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_199&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_199&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DX]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Einsham abbey is the place meant. See the facsimile in Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 228.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_200&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_200&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DY]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 70&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; also, this is quoted, but there scored out, as &#039;Eupheme, being a poem left to posterity,&#039; &amp;amp;amp;c. There, for &#039;a Muse,&#039; Aubrey reads &#039;his Muse.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Leonard Digges&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (15..-1571?).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
          &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1194&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1194&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[871]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Jacobus Digges&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_201&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_201&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DZ]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;,  &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;  Philippa, filia Johannis Engeham&lt;br /&gt;
              de Berham, armig.   |   de Chart, uxor 2&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;da&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&lt;br /&gt;
                                  |&lt;br /&gt;
                  Leonard Diggs,  &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;  Sara, filia &amp;amp;lt;Thomae&amp;amp;gt; Wilford, de&lt;br /&gt;
                  de Wotton.      |   Hartridge in parochia de Cranbroke.&lt;br /&gt;
                                  |&lt;br /&gt;
    +-------------+---------------+---------------+-------------+&lt;br /&gt;
    |             |                               |             |&lt;br /&gt;
  Maria,     Thomas Digges,   &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;  Anna, filia   Anna, uxor   Sara, uxor&lt;br /&gt;
  uxor ...   filius et haeres |   Warhami       Willelmi     ... Martyn.&lt;br /&gt;
  Barber.    Leonardi.        |   St. Leger,    Digges de&lt;br /&gt;
                              |   militis.      Newington.&lt;br /&gt;
      +---------------+-------+---------+&lt;br /&gt;
      |               |                 |&lt;br /&gt;
  Jacobus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1195&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1195&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[872]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;     Leonardus  Dudlius Digges, de   &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;  Maria, minima&lt;br /&gt;
  Digges, de      Digges,    Chilham, miles: modo |   filia et cohaeres&lt;br /&gt;
  Bech, Armiger.  filius     (1619) superstes,    |   Thomae Kemp de&lt;br /&gt;
                  secundus.  legatus ad           |   Olney, militis.&lt;br /&gt;
                             Imperatorem Russiae. |&lt;br /&gt;
     +-----------------------+-------------+------+---------+----------+&lt;br /&gt;
     |                       |             |                |          |&lt;br /&gt;
  Thomas Diggs, primus   Johannes,      Dudlius, filius   Anna.   Elizabetha.&lt;br /&gt;
  filius, armiger.       filius 2dus.   3tius.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1196&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1196&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[873]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Memorandum this visitation&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1197&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1197&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[874]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was in anno 1619 by John Philpot.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1198&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1198&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[875]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; were, for severall generations, of Barham in Kent. John, the sonne of Roger Digges of Mildenhall (which Roger is the first in this genealogie), vixit tempore Henrici III; and writt then Dig.—Memorandum here are 14 generations or descents to the last line: quod N. B.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;tb&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. Leonard Digges translated Claudian &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;de raptu Proserpinae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; into English, 4to, 1617 and 1628.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_234&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 234]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1199&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1199&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[876]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Leonard Digges, esquire, of Wotton&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_202&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_202&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EA]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in Kent—he wrote a thin folio called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pantometria&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, printed 15.. At the end he discourses of regular solids, and I have heard the learned Dr. John Pell say it is donne admirably well. In the preface he speakes of cutting glasses in such a particular manner that he could discerne pieces of money a mile off; and this he saies he setts downe the rather because severall are yet living that have seen him doe it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;... Prognostication&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_203&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_203&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EB]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; everlasting, 4to, &amp;amp;lt;Lond.&amp;amp;gt; 15&amp;amp;lt;64&amp;amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;(A 4to) &#039;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Tectonicon&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, briefly shewing the exact measuring and speedy reckoning all manner of land, squares, timber, stone, steeples, pillars, globes, etc., for declaring the perfect making and large use of the carpenter&#039;s ruler, containing a quadrant geometricall, comprehending also the rare use of the square, and in the end a little treatise opening the composition and appliancie of an instrument called The Profitable Staffe, with other things pleasant and necessarie, most condusible for surveyors, landmeaters, joyners, carpenters, and masons: published by Leonard Digges, gentleman, 1556.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;L. D. to the Reader—Although many have put forth sufficient and certain rules to measure all manner of superficies, etc., yet in that the art of numbring hath been required, yea, chiefly those rules hid and as it were locked up in strange tongues, they doe profit or have furthered very little, for the most part, yea, nothing at all, the landmeater, carpenter, mason, wanting the aforesayd. For their sakes I am here provoked not to hide but to open the talent I have recieved, yea, to publish in this our tongue very shortly if God give life a volumne containing the flowers of the sciences mathematicall largely applied to our outward practise profitably pleasant to all manner men. Here mine advice shall be to those artificers, that will profit in this or any of my bookes ☞ now published, or that hereafter shall be, first confusedly to read them through, then with more judgement, read at the third reading wittily to practise. So, few things shall be&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_235&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 235]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; unknowne. Note, oft diligent reading joyned with ingenious practise causeth profitable labour. Thus most hartely farewell, loving reader, to whom I wish myselfe present to further thy desire and practise in these.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The method that carpenters etc. used before this booke was published was very erronious, as he declares.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1200&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1200&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[877]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;☞ See in the beginning of &amp;amp;lt;Thomas&amp;amp;gt; Digges&#039; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stratio&amp;amp;lt;ti&amp;amp;gt;cos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and also towards the later end, concerning him and his father. I remember the sonne sayes there that he was muster-master to the States of Holland: and see more concerning his father (who was an esquire of Chilham Castle in Kent) in the preface to his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pantometria&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.—It is an ancient family in Kent. Vide his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ala seu scala Mathematices&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; etc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1201&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1201&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[878]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;A prognostication everlasting, once again published by Leonard Digges, gentleman, in the yeare of our Lord 1564;—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;in 4to, dedicated to Sir Edward Fines, knight of the garter, lord Clinton and Saye, etc. His first impression was in 1553—&#039;not onely your lordship&#039;s tasck move&amp;amp;lt;d&amp;amp;gt; of a prognostication seemed then to make that argument fittest, but also the manifest imperfections and manifold errors yearly committed did crave the ayd of some that were both willing and able to performe the truthe in like matters.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_201&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_201&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[DZ]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 73&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, Aubrey gives in trick the coat:—&#039;gules, on a cross argent five eagles displayed sable [Digges]&#039;; on fol. 72&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, 75&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, he gives the same coat, with the motto&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;IN ARDUA VIRTUS;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;on fol. 11, he gives the coat and motto, but adds that there is a crescent &#039;in medio scuti.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_202&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_202&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EA]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Wotton&#039; is substituted for &#039;... Castle,&#039; to which a marginal note was added, &#039;I think &#039;tis Chilham Castle.&#039; In MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 11, Aubrey wrote:—--&#039;... Digges, esq., of Chilham Castle, Kent—vide prefaces of his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pantometrie&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ala seu Scala Mathematices&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, etc. His son makes mention of his life in his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stratioticos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_203&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_203&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EB]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A pencil note on fol. 73 gives the title, with the press mark in the 1674 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Catal. libr. impress. Bibl. Bodl.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, viz.—&#039;A perpetual prognostication for weather: C. 2. 13. Art.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_236&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 236]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Thomas Digges&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (15..-1595).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1202&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1202&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[879]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Thomas Digges:—he wrote a booke in 4to, entituled—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stratioticos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, compendiously teaching the science of nombres as well in fractions as integers, and so much of the rules and aequations algebraicall and art of nombers cossicall as are requisite for the profession of a soldier; together with the modern militarie discipline, offices, lawes and orders in every well-governed camp and armie inviolably to be observed.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;First published by him, 1579, and dedicated &#039;unto the right honourable Robert, earle of Leicester.&#039; The second edition, 1590.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was muster-master generall of all her majestie&#039;s forces in the Low Countries, as appeares in page &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_237&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;237&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At the end of this booke (the last paragraph) speaking of &#039;engins and inventions not usual to be thought on and had in readinesse.&#039;—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Of these and many mo important mattars militare, I shall have occasion at large to dilate in my treatise of great artillerie and pyrotechnie, ☞ whose publication I have for divers due respects hitherto differred.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was the onely sonne of the learned Leonard Digges, esqr, of whom he speakes in the preface to his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stratioticos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Pliny, Nat. Hist. lib. vii. cap. 51;—&#039;Una familia Curionum in qua tres continua serie Oratores extiterunt.&#039; In &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;this&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; family have been four learned men in an uninterrupted descent—scilicet, two eminent mathematicians (Leonard and Thomas), Sir Dudley Digges, Master of the Rolles, and his sonne Dudley, fellow of Allsoules College, Oxon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1203&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1203&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[880]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Alae seu scalae mathematicae, quibus visibilium remotissima coelorum theatra conscendi et planetarum &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_237&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 237]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;omnium itinera novis et inauditis methodis explorari, tum hujus portentosi syderis (in Cassiopea) in mundi boreali plaga insolito fulgore coruscantis distantia et magnitudo immensa situsque protinus tremendus indagari Deique stupendum ostentum terricolis expositum cognosci liquidissime possit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thoma Diggesio, Cantiensi, stemmatis generosi, autore, Lond. 1573.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Dedicated&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Ad Guliel. Cecilium, praeclariss. ordinis equitem auratum, baronem Burghleium, summumque Angliae Thesaurarium,&#039; etc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;—luce clarius deprehendi longè supra lunam ipsam esse. Tum demum antiquorum et recentiorum omnium astronomorum modos cometarum et corporum coelestium distantias et magnitudines metiendi quos unquam legeram in animum sevocare coeperam, nec quenquam reperire poteram qui viam huic subtilissimae parallaxi examinandae convenientem demonstravit. Solus igitur, omnium astronomorum antiquorum et recentiorum ope orbatus, (in fluctuanti dubitationum plurimarum pelago jactatus) ad meipsum redii: brevissimoque spatio (foelicibus mathematicis spirantibus auris) portum optatum assequendi varios cursus expeditissimos hactenus a nemine exploratos atque ab omni erroris scopulo tutissimos inveni. Quos in exigui libelli formam redactos honori tuo exhibere decrevi, mei officii testimonium (nisi me fallit Philautia) haud vulgari genio conscriptum, neque brevi temporum curriculo periturum—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1204&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1204&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[881]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Praefatio Authoris.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Sed plura de hujus stellae historia scribere non decrevi quia eximius vir Johannes Dee (quum in reliqua philosophia admirandus, tum harum scientiarum peritissimus, quem tanquam mihi parentem alterum mathematicum veneror, quippe qui in tenerrimâ meâ aetate plurima harum suavissimarum scientiarum semina menti meae inseruerit, alia a patre meo prius sata amicissime fidelissimeque&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_238&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 238]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; nutriverit atque auxerit) hanc sibi tractandam assumpserit materiam quam.... Conatus igitur sum et assequutus variis problematibus demonstrative et practice exactissime parallaxin hujus phaenomeni et cujusvis etiam alterius concludere, licet Saturni Jovis et Martis parallaxeis adeo sint exiguae ut sensuum imbecillitate vix discerni possint. Si tamen ulla arte vere animadverti queant (hoc ausim dicere) aut his nostris sequentibus problematibus aut nullis penitus praeceptis geometricis inveniri posse—Si aequi bonique consuleris, majora (annuenti potentissimo) in posterum promitto, quibus (non probabilibus solummodo argumentis sed firmissimis apodixibus) demonstrabitur verissimam esse Copernici hactenus explosum de terrae motu paradoxum—1573.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To these &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Alae seu Scalae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Mr. Digges hath annexed&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Parallaticae commentationis praxeos nucleus quidam, Jo. Day—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;writ by John Dee, a small treatise, Lond. 1573; and hath writ thus&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Lectori Benevolo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;—Me autem isti meo opusculo annectere et in lucem simul emittere variae impulere causae—&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;I&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;ma&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; ne charissimus mihi illius author debita suae inventionis privaretur laude: cum nonnulli fortassis si postea ederetur suspicari possint a meis methodis derivatum fuisse. Fateor equidem adeo late mea sese extendere fundamina ut tum istiusmodi tum plurimi etiam alii nuclei inde excerpi possint, etc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1205&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1205&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[882]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pantometria&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, containing longimetria, planimetria, stereometria—was writ by Leonard Digges, esq., but published by his sonne Thomas Digges esqr. and dedicated to Sir Nicholas Bacon, knight, Lord Keeper, lately reviewed and augmented by the author, printed at London, 1591.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the preface, thus:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;But to leave things doone of antiquity long ago, my father, by his continuall painfull practises, assisted with&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_239&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 239]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; demonstrations mathematicall, was able, and sundry times hath, by proportionall glasses duely situate in convenient angles, not onely discovered things farre off, read letters, numbred peeces of money with the very coyne and superscription thereof cast by some of his freends on purpose upon downes in open fields but also seven miles off declared what hath been doone at that instant in private places; he hath also at sundry times by the sunne fired powder and discharged ordinance halfe a mile and more distant—which things I am the bolder to report for that there are yet living diverse of these his doeings &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;oculati testes&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and many other matters far more strange and rare which I omit as impertinent to this place. But for invention of these conclusions I have heard him say nothing ever helped him so much as the exquisite knowledge he had, by continuall practise, attained in geometricall mensurations.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Michael Drayton&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1563-1631).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1206&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1206&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[883]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Michael Drayton, esq., natus in Warwickshire at Atherston upon Stower (quaere Thomas Mariett).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a butcher&#039;s sonne. Was a squire; viz. one of the esquires to Sir Walter Aston, Knight of the Bath, to whom he dedicated his Poeme. Sir J. Brawne of ... was a great patron of his.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He lived at the bay-windowe house next the east end of St. Dunstan&#039;s Church in Fleet-street. Sepult. in north + of Westminster Abbey. The countesse of Dorset&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1207&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1207&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[884]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (Clifford) gave his monument: this Mr. Marshall (the stone-cutter), who made it, told me so.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Sir Edward Bissh, Clarencieux, told me he asked Mr. Selden once (jestingly) whether he wrote the commentary to his &#039;Polyolbion&#039; and &#039;Epistles,&#039; or Mr. Drayton made those verses to his notes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Vide his inscription given by the countess of Dorset.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_240&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 240]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;In Westminster Abbey, neer Spencer.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Michael Drayton, Esquier,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A MERCURIE&#039;S CAP IN THE SUN&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1208&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1208&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[885]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A PEGASUS885&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_885&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[885]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A memorable Poet of this age, exchanged his Laurel for&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;a Crowne of Glorie, Anno 1631.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Doe, pious marble, let thy readers knowe&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;What they, and what their children owe&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Drayton&#039;s&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; name, whose sacred dust&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;We recommend unto thy trust.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Protecte his mem&#039;ry, and preserve his storie,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Remaine a lasting monument of his glorye.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And when thy ruines shall disclame&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To be the treas&#039;rer of his name,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;His name, that cannot fade, shall bee&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;An everlasting monument to thee.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Here is his bust in alablaster. The inscription is on black marble.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. Marshall, the stone-cutter, of Fetter-lane, also told me, that these verses were made by Mr. Francis Quarles, who was his great friend, and whose head he wrought curiously in playster, and valued for his sake. &#039;Tis pitty it should be lost. Mr. Quarles was a very good man.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Sir Erasmus Dryden&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1553-1632).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1209&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1209&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[886]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir Erasmus Dryden, of &amp;amp;lt;Canons Ashby&amp;amp;gt; in Northamptonshire:—John Dreyden, esq., Poet Laureat, tells me that there was a great friendship between his great grandfather&#039;s father&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1210&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1210&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[887]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Erasmus Roterodamus, and Erasmus was god-father to one of his sonnes, and the Christian name &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_241&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 241]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of Erasmus hath been kept in the family ever since. The poet&#039;s second sonne is Erasmus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And at ..., the seate of the family, is a chamber called &#039;Erasmus&#039;s chamber.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I ghesse that this coate&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1211&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1211&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[888]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;—&#039;azure, a lion rampant and in chief a sphere between 2 estoiles or&#039;—was graunted in Henry 8th&#039;s time by the odnesse of the charge.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;John Dryden&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1631-1700).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1212&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1212&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[889]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;John Dreyden, esq., Poet Laureate. He will write it&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1213&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1213&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[890]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for me himselfe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1214&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1214&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[891]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;John Dryden, poeta, &amp;amp;lt;born&amp;amp;gt; 19 Aug. 1631, 5&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 33´ 16˝ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1215&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1215&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[892]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&#039;Natus insignis poeta&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
1631&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Aug. 9°, 5&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 53´ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Latit. 52° North.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This is the nativity of Mr. John Dreyden, poet laureat, by Mr. John Gadbury, from whom I had it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Sir William Dugdale&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1605-1685/6).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1216&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1216&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[893]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir William Dugdale, Garter, &amp;amp;lt;born&amp;amp;gt; 12 Sept. 1605, 3&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 15´ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1217&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1217&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[894]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&#039;Sir&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_204&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_204&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EC]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; William Dugdale avow&#039;d to mee &amp;amp;lt;that&amp;amp;gt; at the time of his birth (10 September, as I thinke, which was the birth day of Francis the first) a swarme of bees came and settled under the window where hee was borne, September 18. Johan. Gybbon.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum that Sir William Dugdale did not tell his son or Mr. Gibbons de Edward the Confessor and he laught at it—quod N. B.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Sir&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_205&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_205&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[ED]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; William Dugdale was borne September 12, 1605&#039;—from Mr. Gibbons, Blewmantle. That afternoon a swarme &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_242&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 242]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of bees pitch&#039;t under his mother&#039;s chamber window, as it were an omen of his laborious collections.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_204&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_204&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EC]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is a note in the handwriting of John Gibbon (&#039;Blue Mantle&#039; pursuivant, 1668); followed by a memorandum by Aubrey.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_205&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_205&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[ED]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A note by Gibbon, correcting the previous one: followed by a memorandum by Aubrey.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 class=&amp;quot;c25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Sir John Dunstable.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1218&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1218&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[895]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir John Dunstable:—the cellar he calls his library.—Parliament men prepare themselves for the businesse of the nation with ale in the morning. Some justices doe sleepe on the bench every assizes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1219&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1219&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[896]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;At Chippenham the Deputye Lieutenants mett to see the order of the militia, but quales D: Lieutenants tales officiarii. After a taedious setting (at dinner, and drinking after dinner) the drummes beate and the soldiers to march before the windowe to be seen by the Deputy Lieutenants. Justice Wagstaffe&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_206&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_206&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EE]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (colonell) had not marcht before &#039;em many yardes but downe a falls all along in the dirt. His myrmidons, multâ vi, heav&#039;d him up, and then a cryd out &#039;Some drinke, ho!&#039; and so there was an end of that businesse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_206&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_206&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EE]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The hero of the anecdote is no doubt Sir John Dunstable. In the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Dramatis personae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; for Aubrey&#039;s projected comedy, one of the characters is &#039;Justice Wagstaffe&#039; (MS. Aubr. 21, p. 2), over which name Aubrey has written &#039;Sir J. Dunstable,&#039; apparently as the name of the person he meant to copy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Saint Dunstan&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (925-988).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1220&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1220&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[897]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;I find in Mr. Selden&#039;s verses before Hopton&#039;s &#039;Concordance of Yeares,&#039; that he was a Somersetshire gentleman. He was a great chymist.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The storie of his pulling the devill by the nose with his tongues as he was in his laboratorie&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1221&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1221&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[898]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, was&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1222&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1222&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[899]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; famous in church-windowes. Vide ... Gazaei &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pia Hilaria&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;amp;lt;where it is&amp;amp;gt; delicately described.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_243&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 243]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a Benedictine monke at Glastonbury, where he was afterwards abbot, and after that was made archbishop of Canterbury. He preached the coronation sermon at Kingston, and crowned king &amp;amp;lt;Edwy&amp;amp;gt;. In his sermon he prophesyed, which the Chronicle mentions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. Meredith Lloyd tells me that there is a booke in print of his de lapide philosophorum; quaere nomen.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Edwardus Generosus gives a good account of him in a manuscript which Mr. Ashmole haz.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Meredith Lloyd had, about the beginning of the civill warres, a MS. of this Saint&#039;s concerning chymistrey, and sayes that there are severall MSS. of his up and downe in England: quaere Mr. Ashmole.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Edwardus Generosus mentions that he could make a fire out of gold, with which he could sett any combustible matter on fire at a great distance. Memorandum:—in Westminster library is an old printed booke, in folio, of the lives of the old English Saints: vide.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Meredith Lloyd tells me that, three or 400 yeares ago, chymistry was in a greater perfection, much, then now; their proces was then more seraphique and universall: now they looke only after medicines.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Severall churches are dedicated to him: two at London: quaere if one at Glastonbury.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Sir Edward Dyer&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (15..-1607).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1223&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1223&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[900]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir Edward Dyer, of Somersetshire (Sharpham Parke, etc.), was a great witt, poet, and acquaintance of Mary, countesse of Pembroke, and Sir Philip Sydney. He is mentioned in the preface of the &#039;Arcadia.&#039; He had four thousand pounds per annum, and was left fourscore thousand pounds in money; he wasted it almost all. This I had from captaine Dyer, his great grandsonne, or brother&#039;s great grandson. I thought he had been the sonne of the Lord Chiefe Justice Dyer, as I have inserted in one of these papers, but that was a mistake. The judge was of the same family, the captain tells me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_244&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 244]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;St. Edmund&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1170?-1240).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1224&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1224&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[901]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Seth, lord bishop of Sarum, tells me that he finds Saint Edmund was borne at Abington. He was archbishop of Canterbury. He built the college at Sarum, by St. Edmund&#039;s Church: it is now Judge Wyndham&#039;s sonne&#039;s howse. He resigned his archbishoprick, and came and retired hither. In St. Edmund&#039;s church here&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1225&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1225&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[902]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, were windowes of great value. Gundamore&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1226&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1226&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[903]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; offered a good summe for them; I have forgott &amp;amp;lt;what&amp;amp;gt;. In one of them was the picture of God the Father, like an old man (as the fashion was), which much offended Mr. Shervill, the recorder, who in zeale (but without knowledge) clambered up on the pewes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1227&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1227&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[904]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to breake the windowe, and fell downe and brake his legg (about 1629); but that did not excuse him for being question&#039;d in the Starre-chamber for it. Mr. Attorney Noy was his great friend, and shewed his friendship there. But what Mr. Shervill left undonne, the soldiers since have gonne through with, that there is not a piece of glass-painting left.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Edmundus, Cant.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1228&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1228&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[905]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A.B., primus legit Elementa Euclidis, Oxoniæ, 1290&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1229&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1229&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[906]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Mr. Hugo perlegit librum Aristotelis Analytic. Oxon.; Rogerus Bacon vixit &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.D.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 1292.&#039;—This out of an old booke in the library of University College, Oxon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Thomas Egerton&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;, lord Ellesmere (1540-1616/7).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1230&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1230&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[907]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir Thomas Egerton&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_208&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_208&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EF]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, Lord Chancellor, was the naturall sonne of Sir Richard Egerton of &amp;amp;lt;Ridley&amp;amp;gt; in Cheshire.—This information I had 30 yeares since from Sir John Egerton of Egerton in Cheshire, baronet, the chiefe of that family.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was of Lincoln&#039;s-Inne, and I have heard Sir John &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_245&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 245]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Danvers say that he was so hard a student, that in three or 4 yeares time he was not out of the howse. He had good parts, and early came into good practise.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;My old father, Colonel Sharington Talbot&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_207&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_207&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, told me that (Gilbert, I thinke), earle of Shrewesbury, desired him to buy that noble mannour of Ellesmer for him, and delivered him the money. Egerton liked the bargain and the seate so well, that truly he e&#039;en kept it for himselfe, and afterwards made it his baronry, but the money he restored to the earl of Shrewsbury again&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1231&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1231&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[908]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_207&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_207&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He had, I believe, 200 adopted sonnes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Dyed ..., and was buried....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a great patron to Ben Johnson, as appeares by severall epistles to him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His son and heire, since earle of Bridgewater, was an indefatigable ringer—vide the ballad.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1232&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1232&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[909]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Chancellor Egerton haz a monument in the south wall of St. Martin&#039;s-in-the-fields chancell; but the upper part (greatest) is covered with a pue or gallerie.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Tuta&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1233&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1233&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[910]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; frequensque via est, per amici fallere nomen;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Tuta frequensque licet sit via, crimen habet.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Ovid&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;amp;lt;Ars Amat. i. 585&amp;amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Translated by Theophilus Wodinoth:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A safe and common way it is by friendship to decieve,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But safe and common though it be, &#039;tis knavery, by your leave.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_208&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_208&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EF]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey gives in colours the coat:—&#039;argent, a lion rampant gules between 3 pheons sable [Egerton].&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;George Ent&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (16..-1679).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1234&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1234&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[911]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;G. Ent&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1235&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1235&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[912]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; obiit Septemb. 2, 1679. Buried in the north of the rotundo at the Temple Church. Motto of his ring:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Quam totus homuncio nil est&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1236&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1236&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[913]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_246&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 246]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In August, 1674, this George Ent came to Oxford, to live there. He brought with him a letter of introduction from Aubrey to Anthony Wood, which is now in MS. Ballard 14. Wood and he did not get on, and Aubrey several times makes excuses for his friend; e.g. Aug. 26, 1674 (MS. Ballard 14, fol. 110), &#039;he is a very honest gentleman and his rhodomontades you will easily pardon.&#039; The quarrels, however, became fiercer. Aubrey to Wood, March 9, 1674/5, (MS. Ballard 14, fol. 115):—&#039;I am exceeding sorry for Mr. Ent&#039;s strangenesse to you; but &#039;tis confess&#039;t his friends must beare with him. I did not shew him your letter; but, expostulating with him, and he being cholerique, etc., I read only that paragraph where he &amp;quot;introduced into your company two boy-bachelors and upbrayded you with dotage&amp;quot;—.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Desiderius Erasmus&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1467-1536).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1237&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1237&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[914]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&#039;Nascitur Erasmus Roterodamus anno 1467, Octob. die 27, horâ 16, 30´: poli elevatio 54° 0´&#039;—&amp;amp;lt;from&amp;amp;gt; David Origanus, p. 603.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Mercurius, Venus, Luna et Leo conjuncti, praesertim in ascendente, faciunt oratores doctissimos. Talis ex parte fuit constitutio Erasmi Roterodami, cujus judicium gravissimum, ingenium acutissimum, et oratio copiosissima, ex scriptis editis eruditissimis, omnibus nota est. Habuit enim Mercurium cum Venere in horoscopo, in signo aereo Libram, et Jovem trigono radio Mercurium et Venerem intuentem&#039;—&amp;amp;lt;from ibid.&amp;amp;gt; pag. 601.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Obiit anno Domini MDXXXVI, mense Julii—vide praefationem de obitu Erasmi ante Epistolas, impressas Antverpiae MDXLV.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1238&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1238&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[915]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Erasmus Roterodamus was like to have been a bishop—vide Epistolas.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1239&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1239&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[916]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Desiderius Erasmus, Roterodamus:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His name was &#039;Gerard Gerard,&#039; which he translated into &#039;Desiderius Erasmus.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;begot&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (as they say) &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;behind dores&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—vide an Italian booke in 8vo. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;de famosi Bastardi&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: vide Anton. Possevini &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Apparatus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. His father (as he says in his life, writt by himselfe) was the tenth and youngest son of his grandfather: who was therfore designed to be dedicated to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_247&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 247]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;God.—&#039;Pater Gerardus cum Margareta (medici cujusdam Petri filia), spe conjugii (et sunt qui intercessisse verba dicunt), vixit.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His father tooke great care to send him to an excellent schoole, which was at Dusseldorf, in Cleveland. He was a tender chitt, and his mother would not entruste him at board&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1240&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1240&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[917]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, but tooke a house there, and made him cordialls, etc.—from John Pell, D.D.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He loved not fish, though borne in a fish towne—from Sir George Ent, M.D.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;From&amp;amp;gt; Dr. John Pell:—he was of the order of ..., whose habit was the same that the pest-house master at ... (I thinke, Pisa: quaere Dr. John Pell) in Italie wore; and walking in that towne, people beckoned him to goe out of the way, taking him to be the master of the pest-house; and he not understanding the meaning, and keeping on his way, was there by one well basted. He made his complaint when he came to Rome, and had a dispensation for his habit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He studied sometime in Queens Colledge in Cambridge: his chamber was over the water. Quaere Mr. Paschal more particularly; and if a fellowe: he&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1241&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1241&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[918]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; had his study when a young scholar here.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;The staires which rise up to his studie at Queens Colledge in Cambridge doe bring first into two of the fairest chambers in the ancient building; in one of them, which lookes into the hall and chiefe court, the Vice-President kept in my time; in that adjoyning, it was my fortune to be, when fellow. The chambers over are good lodgeing roomes; and to one of them is a square turret adjoyning, in the upper part of which is that study of Erasmus; and over it leades. To that belongs the best prospect about the colledge, viz. upon the river, into the corne-fields, and countrey adjoyning, etc.; ☞ so that it might very well consist with the civility of the House to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_248&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 248]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;that great man (who was no fellow, and I think stayed not long there) to let him have that study. His keeping roome might be either the Vice-President&#039;s, or, to be neer to him, the next; the room for his servitor that above, over it, and through it he might goe to that studie, which for the height, and neatnesse, and prospect, might easily take his phancy.&#039; This from Mr. Andrew Paschal, Rector of Chedzoy in Somerset, June 15, 1680.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He mentions his being there in one of his Epistles, and blames the beere there. One, long since, wrote, in the margent of the booke in &amp;amp;lt;the&amp;amp;gt; College library in which that is sayd, &#039;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sicut erat in principio&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, etc.&#039;; and all Mr. Paschall&#039;s time they found fault with the brewer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had the parsonage (quaere value) of Aldington in Kent, which is about 3 degrees perhaps a healthier place then Dr. Pell&#039;s parsonage in Essex. I wonder they could not find for him&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1242&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1242&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[919]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; better preferment; but I see that the Sun and Aries being in the second house&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1243&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1243&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[920]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, he was not borne to be a rich man.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He built a schoole at Roterdam, and endowed it, and ordered the institution&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1244&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1244&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[921]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. Sir George Ent was educated there. A statue in brasse is erected to his memory on the bridge in Roterdam.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;The last five bookes of Livy nowe extant, found by Symon Grinaeus in the library of a monastery over against the citie of Wormbs, are dedicated by Erasmus Roterodamus unto Charles the son of William lord Montjoy in the reigne of Henry the eight of famous memory, king of England, etc.&#039;—Philemon Holland&#039;s translation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Sir Charles Blount, of Maple-Durham, in com. Oxon. (neer Reding), was his scholar (in his Epistles there are some to him), and desired Erasmus to doe him the favour&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1245&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1245&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[922]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to sitt for his picture, and he did so, and it is an excellent piece: which picture my cosen John Danvers, of Baynton (Wilts), haz: his wive&#039;s grandmother was Sir Charles Blount&#039;s daughter or grand-daughter. &#039;Twas pitty such a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_249&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 249]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;rarity should have been aliend from the family, but the issue male is lately extinct. I will sometime or other endeavour to gett it for Oxford Library.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They were wont to say that Erasmus was interpendent between Heaven and Hell, till, about the year 1655 (quaere Dr. Pell), the Conclave at Rome damned him for a heretique, after he had been dead ... yeares.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Vita Erasmi, Erasmo autore, is before his Colloquia, printed at Amstelodam. MDCXLIV. But there is a good account of his life, and also of his death, scil. at Basil, and where buried, before his Colloquies printed at London.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His deepest divinity is where a man would least expect it: viz. in his Colloquies in a Dialogue between a Butcher and a Fishmonger, Ἰχθυοφαγία.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Scripsit.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Colloquia: dedicated &#039;optimae spei puero Johanni Erasmio Frobenio.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Liber utilissimus de conscribendis epistolis: dedicated &#039;ad Nicolaum Beraldum.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Liber Adagiorum.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Verborum Copia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Epistolae.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Exhortatio ad pacem ecclesiasticam.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Paraphrasis in quatuor Evangelistas.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Matth.—dedicated Carolo, Imperatori.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Joan.—dedicated Ferdinando, Catholico.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Lucas—to Henr. 8, Rex Angl.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Marcus—to Francisc. I, Gall. Rex.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Novum Testamentum transtulit: memorandum—Henry Standish, bishop of St. Asaph, wrote a booke against his Translation on the New Testament; vide Sir Richard Baker&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Chronicle&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (Henry VIII).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;If my memorie failes me not, I have read in the first edition of Sir Richard Baker&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Chronicle&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (quaere) that the Syntaxis in our English Grammar was writt by Erasmus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum:—Julius Scaliger contested with Erasmus, but gott nothing by it, for, as Fuller sayth, he was like&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_250&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 250]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; a badger, that never bitt but he made his teeth meet. He was the Πρόδρομος of our knowledge, and the man that made the rough and untrodden wayes smooth and passable&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1246&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1246&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[923]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Anthony Ettrick&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1622-1703).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1247&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1247&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[924]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Anthony Ettrick, esq., borne at Berford in the parish of Wimburne-Minster com. Dorset, November the 15th (viz. the same day that Queen Katherine), &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.D.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 1622—quaere horam—on a Sunday. His mother would say he was a Sundaye&#039;s bird.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His eldest son, Mr. William Ettrick, was borne also on the 15 of November, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.D.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 1651.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Maried Aug. 1651.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Reader at the Middle Temple 167-.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;John Evelyn&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1620-1706).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1248&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1248&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[925]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;John Evelyn, esq., Regiae Societatis Socius, drew his first breath at Wotton in the county of Surrey&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_209&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_209&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EG]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.D.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 1620, 31 October, 1&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;ma&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; hora mane.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_209&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_209&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EG]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In MS. Wood F. 49, fol. 39, is the cover of Aubrey&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Surrey Collections&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;:—&#039;An essay towards the description of the county of Surrey, by Mr. John Aubrey, Fellow of the Royall Societie.&#039; On the back of this, fol. 39&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, Aubrey has the note:—&#039;Note that the annotations marked J. E. are of John Evelyn, esq., R.S.S.&#039; These Surrey collections are now MS. Aubr. 4.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Thomas Fairfax&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;, 3rd baron (1611-1671).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1249&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1249&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[926]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Thomas, lord Fairfax of Cameron, Lord Generall of the Parliament armie:—Memorandum, when Oxford was surrendred&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1250&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1250&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[927]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (24º Junii 1646), the first thing generall Fairfax did was to sett a good guard of soldiers to preserve the Bodleian Library. &#039;Tis said there was more hurt donne by the cavaliers (during their garrison) by way of embezilling and cutting-off chaines of bookes, then there &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_251&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 251]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;was since. He was a lover of learning, and had he not taken this speciall care, that noble library had been utterly destroyed—quod N. B.; for there were ignorant senators enough who would have been contented to have had it so. This I doe assure you from an ocular witnesse, E. W. esq.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1251&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1251&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[928]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He haz a copie of verses before ... in folio.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;George Feriby&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1573-16..).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1252&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1252&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[929]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;In tempore Jacobi one Mr. George Ferraby was parson of Bishops Cannings in Wilts: an excellent musitian, and no ill poet. When queen Anne came to Bathe, her way lay to traverse the famous Wensdyke, which runnes through his parish. He made severall of his neighbours good musitians, to play with him in consort, and to sing. Against her majestie&#039;s comeing, he made a pleasant pastorall, and gave her an entertaynment with his fellow songsters in shepherds&#039; weeds and bagpipes, he himself like an old bard. After that wind musique was over, they sang their pastorall eglogues (which I have, to insert in to liber B.).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was one of the king&#039;s chaplaines. &#039;Twas he caused the 8 bells to be cast there, being a very good ringer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He hath only one sermon in print that I know of, at the funerall of Mr. &amp;amp;lt;John&amp;amp;gt; Drew of the Devises, called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life&#039;s Farwell&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was demy, if not fellow, of Magdalen College, Oxon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1253&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1253&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[930]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Thomas&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1254&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1254&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[931]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ferraby, formerly a demy or fellow of Magdalen College, Oxon, minister of Bishops Cannings, Wilts, was an ingeniose man and a good musitian and composer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He treated queen Anne at Wednsdytch in his parish with a pastorall of his owne writing and composing and sung by his neighbours clad in shepherds&#039; weeds, whom he brought-up to musique.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He gave another entertayment in Cote-field to king &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_252&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 252]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;James, with carters singing, with whipps in their hands; and afterwards, a footeball play.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This parish would have challenged all England for musique, ringing, and footeball play.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was one of his Majestie&#039;s chaplaines. One sermon is among my grandfather Lyte&#039;s old bookes in the country, at the funerall of &amp;amp;lt;John&amp;amp;gt; Drew, esquire, called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life&#039;s farewell&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, printed....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Nicholas Fiske&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (15..-166..).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1255&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1255&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[932]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Dr. ... Fisk&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1256&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1256&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[933]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, a physitian, practised physick and astrologie, and had good practise in both, in Convent Garden, London. Mr. Gadbury acknowledges in print to have had his greatest helpes in astrologicall knowledge from him, and sayes that he was an able artist.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He wrote&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1257&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1257&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[934]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and printed a treatise of the conjunction of Saturne and Jupiter.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Obiit about 20 yeares since and buryed in Convent Garden.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Thomas Flatman&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (16..-1688).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1258&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1258&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[935]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Thomas Flatman, quondam Novi Collegii socius, then a barrister of the Inner Temple, an excellent painter and poet. The next terme his poems will be in print.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1259&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1259&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[936]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Thomas Flatman&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_210&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_210&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EH]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; died at his house in Fleet street on Thursday December &amp;amp;lt;6th&amp;amp;gt;, buried the 9th of that moneth, at St. Bride&#039;s, neer the railes of the communion table, in the grave with his sonne, on whom he layd a fair marble gravestone with an inscription and verses. His father is living yet, at least 80, a clarke of the Chancery.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1260&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1260&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[937]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Thomas Flatman, filius, natus 1673, Oct. 4, hora 18 &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; This native dyed of the small pox about Christmas (December) 1682.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_253&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 253]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_210&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_210&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EH]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood detects an oversight:—&#039;Why do you not set downe the yeare?&#039; Aubrey, in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 386&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, says, &#039;Thomas Flatman dyed in 1688, before Christmas.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thomas Flattman, of Red Cross street, Aldersgate, London, at Winchester school from Michaelmas 1648, was admitted probationer of New College (to an Arts fellowship) 11 Sept. 1654, and fellow in 1656; but resigned in 1657, betaking himself to the study of Law.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Sir William Fleetwood&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1535-1594).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1261&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1261&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[938]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir Miles&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1262&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1262&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[939]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Fleetwood, Recorder of London, was of the Middle Temple; was Recorder of London, when King James came into England; made his harangue to the City of London (ἀντανάκλασις), &#039;When I consider your wealth I doe admire your wisdome, and when I consider your wisdome I doe admire your wealth.&#039; It was a two-handed rhetorication, but the citizens tooke &amp;amp;lt;it&amp;amp;gt; in the best sense.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a very severe&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1263&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1263&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[940]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; hanger of highwaymen, so that the fraternity were resolved to make an example of him&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1264&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1264&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[941]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;: which they executed in this manner: They lay in wayte for him not far from Tyburne, as he was to come from his house at ... in Bucks; had a halter in readinesse; brought him under the gallowes, fastned the rope about his neck and on the tree, his hands tied behind him (and servants bound), and then left him to the mercy of his horse, which he called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ball&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. So he cryed &#039;Ho, Ball! Ho, Ball!&#039; and it pleased God that his horse stood still, till somebody came along, which was halfe a quarter of an hour or +. He ordered that this horse should be kept as long as he would live, and it was so—he lived till 1646:—from Mr. Thomas Bigge, of Wicham&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1265&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1265&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[942]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;One day goeing on foote to Yield-hall, with his clarke behind him, he was surprised in Cheapside with a sudden and violent looseness neer the Standard. He&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1266&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1266&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[943]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ... bade his man hide his face943&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_943&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[943]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_254&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 254]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His seate was at Missenden in the county of Bucks, where his descendents still remaine.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He is buried at ... in com. Bucks.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;John Fletcher&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1579-1625).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1267&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1267&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[944]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;John Fletcher, invited to goe with a knight into Norfolke or Suffolke in the plague-time 1625, stayd but to make himselfe a suite of cloathes; fell sick of the plague, and dyed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1268&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1268&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[945]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. John Fletcher, poet: in the great plague, 1625, a knight of Norfolk (or Suffolke) invited him into the countrey. He stayed but to make himselfe a suite of cloathes, and while it was makeing, fell sick of the plague and dyed&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1269&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1269&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[946]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. This I had (1668) from his tayler, who is now a very old man, and clarke of St. Mary Overy&#039;s.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;John Florio&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1545?-1625).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1270&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1270&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[947]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;John Florio was borne in London in the beginning of king Edward VI, his father and mother flying from the Valtolin (&#039;tis about Piedmont or Savoy) to London for religion: Waldenses.——The family is originally of Siena, where the name is to this day.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;King Edward dying, upon the persecution of queen Mary, they fled back again into their owne countrey, where he was educated.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Afterwards he came into England, and was by king James made &#039;informator&#039; to prince Henry for the Italian and French tongues, and clarke to the closet to queen Anne.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Scripsit:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;First and second fruits, being two books of the instruction to learne the Italian tongue:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Dictionary;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and translated Montagne&#039;s Essayes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He dyed of the great plague at Fulham anno 1625.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_255&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 255]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Sir Edward Ford&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1605-1670).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1271&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1271&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[948]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Edward Ford&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1272&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1272&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[949]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, esquire, printed 5 or 6 sheetes in 4to—Mr. Edmund Wyld haz it—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;A designe for bringing a river from Rickmansworth in Hartfordshire to St. Gyles in the fields, the benefits of it declared and the objections against it answered, by Edward Ford of Harting in Sussex, esq., London, printed for John Clarke, 1641.&#039; Memorandum that now (1681/2) London is growne so populous and big that the new river of Middleton can serve the pipes to private houses but twice a weeke, quod N. B.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I beleeve this was afterwards Sir Edward Ford, quondam a gentleman commoner of Trinity College, Oxon: de quo vide in prima parte A. W.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Vide in my trunke of papers a printed sheet of his of....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[&#039;Twas&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1273&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1273&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[950]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he built the high water-house over against Somerset howse, pulled downe since the restauration because a nusance.]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1274&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1274&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[951]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&#039;Experimental proposalls how the king may have money to pay and maintaine his fleetes with ease to the people, London may be re-built and all proprietors satisfied, money be lent at 6 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per cent on pawnes, and the fishing trade sett-up; and all without strayning or thwarting any of our lawes or customes,&#039; by Sir Edward Forde, London, printed by W. Godbid, 1666—a 4to pamphlet.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1275&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1275&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[952]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir Edward Ford&#039;s body was brought over into England, and buried at Harting Church in Sussex with his ancestors—obiit Sept. 3.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_256&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 256]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His brother tells me that this August he is 65 years old and that Sir Edward was borne in Aprill and one yeare and a half older then he.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Sir Edward Ford first proposed his invention, the way of farthings for this nation, and was opposed. He could not gett a patent here: prince Rupert would have it, if he could. So then he went into Ireland and dyed fortnight before he had effected the getting of his patent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1276&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1276&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[953]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir Edward Ford writt no books, but two or three pamphletts of a sheet or so, which I have some where, and have informed you of. One was an ingeniose proposall of a publique banke, as I remember, for the easy raysing of money and to avoyd the griping usurers and to promote trade.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Samuel Foster&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (15..-1652).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1277&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1277&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[954]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;From Mr. Bayes, the watchmaker, his nephew:—Mr. Samuel Foster was borne at Coventry (as I take it); he was sometime usher of the schoole there. Was professor of ... at Gresham Colledge, London, ... yeares; where, in his lodgeing, on the wall in his chamber, is, of his owne hand draweing, the best diall I doe verily beleeve in the whole world. Inter etc. it shewes you what a clock &#039;tis at Jerusalem, Gran Cairo, etc. It is drawen very artificially. He dyed ... July 1652, buryed at St. Peter&#039;s the Poor, in Broad-street, London. A neighbour of Mr. Paschall&#039;s, neer Bridgewater, in Somerset, hath all his MSS.: which I have seen, I thinke ½ foot thick in 4to.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;John Foxe&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1517-1587).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1278&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1278&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[955]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Adjoyning&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1279&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1279&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[956]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; is this inscription&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1280&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1280&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[957]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of John Fox.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Christo S. S.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Johanni Foxo, ecclesiae Anglicanae martyrologo fidelissimo, antiquitatis historicae indagatori sagacissimo, Evangelicae veritatis propugnatori acerrimo, thaumaturgo admirabili qui martyres Marianos &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_257&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 257]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;tanquam Phoenices ex cineribus redivivos praestitit, patri suo omni pietatis officio in primis colendo, Samuel Foxus, illius primogenitus, hoc monumentum posuit, non sine lachrymis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Obiit die xviii mensis April.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Anno Salutis 1587, jam&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Septuagenarius.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Vita vitae mortalis est spes&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
vitae immortalis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Nicholas Fuller&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1557-1623/4).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1281&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1281&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[958]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;The 13th of February, 1623, Mr. Nicholas Fuller&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1282&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1282&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[959]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, rector of Allington, was buried—ex registro.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Thomas Fuller&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1608-1661).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1283&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1283&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[960]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Thomas Fuller, D.D., borne at Orwincle&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_211&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_211&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXIII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in Northamptonshire. His father was minister there, and maried ..., one of the sisters of John Davenant, bishop of Sarum.—From Dr. Edward Davenant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_211&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_211&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXIII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; J. Dreyden, poete, was borne here.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a boy of a pregnant witt, and when the bishop and his father were discoursing, he would be by and hearken, and now and then putt in, and sometimes beyond expectation, or his yeares.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was of a middle stature; strong sett&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1284&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1284&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[961]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; curled haire; a very working head, in so much that, walking and meditating before dinner, he would eate-up a penny loafe, not knowing that he did it. His naturall memorie was very great, to which he had added the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;art of memorie&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: he would repeate to you forwards and backwards all the signes from Ludgate to Charing-crosse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was fellow of Sydney College in Cambridge, where he wrote his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Divine Poemes&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. He was first minister of Broad Windsor in Dorset, and prebendary of the church of Sarum. He was sequestred, being a royalist, and was afterwards minister of Waltham Abbey, and preacher of the Savoy, where he died, and is buryed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_258&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 258]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a pleasant facetious person, and a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;bonus socius&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Scripsit &#039;Holy Warre&#039;; &#039;Holy State&#039;; &#039;Pisgah Sight&#039;; &#039;England&#039;s Worthies&#039;; severall Sermons, among others, a funerall sermon on Henry Danvers, esq., the eldest son of Sir John Danvers, (and only &amp;amp;lt;son&amp;amp;gt; by his second wife Dantesey), brother to Henry earl of Danby, preached at Lavington in Wilts 1654: obiit 19º Novembr.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was minister of Waltham Crosse in Essex, and also of the Savoy in the Strand, where he dyed (and lies buryed) not long after the restauracion of his majestie.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Simon Furbisher&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1585-16..).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1285&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1285&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[962]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Symon Furbisher, the famous jugler, natus 30 May, 1585, 9&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 30´ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;John Gadbury&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1627-1704).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1286&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1286&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[963]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Gadbury the astrologer&#039;s father, a taylor, takes the measure of a young lady for a gowne and clappes up a match.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anthony Wood in the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ath. Oxon.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; gives a more correct version of this story. William Gadbury, a farmer, of Wheatley, co. Oxon, made a stolen marriage with a daughter of Sir John Curson of Waterperry. Their son, John Gadbury, was apprentice to an Oxford tailor, before he set up as an astrologer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The correspondence between Aubrey and Wood in MS. Wood F. 51, shows that the publication of this story in Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Athenae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; was, very naturally, resented by Gadbury. Aubrey to Wood, Aug. 20, 1692, Gadbury is &#039;extremely incens&#039;t against you: ... he sayes that you have printed lyes concerning him.&#039; Aubrey to Wood, Oct. 21, 1693, &#039;I shewed your letter to Mr. Gadbury, wherin you tell him that what he desires should be amended as to himselfe shall be donne in the Appendix,&#039; i.e. the third volume of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Athenae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, on which Wood was then at work, &#039;to be printed: but he huft and pish&#039;t, saying that your copies are flown abroad and the scandalls are irrevocable and that he will have a fling at you in print to vindicate himselfe.&#039; Wood was blind to the indiscretion he had committed: Wood to Aubrey, Nov. 1692, MS. Ballard 14, fol. 153:—&#039;I wonder at nothing more then that Mr. Gadbury should take it amiss of those things that I say of him: for whereas the generality of scholars did formerly take him to have been bred an academian, because he was borne at Oxon, and so, consequently, not to be much admird, now their eyes being opend and knowing that his education hath been mechanical they esteem him a prodigie of parts and therfore are much desirous that his picture may hang in the public gallery at the schooles.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_259&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 259]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Thomas Gale&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1636-1702).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;MS. Aubr. 6, foll. 3, 4. This catalogue is not in Aubrey&#039;s hand: perhaps it is Gale&#039;s autograph, sent to Aubrey in answer to a request for a list of his books.&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Libri editi curâ et operâ Tho. Gale.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Psalterium juxta exemplar Alexandrinum bibliothecae regiae: Graecè, 8vo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Scriptores mythologici; Palaephatus, Cornutus, etc.: Graecè, 8vo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Historiae poeticae scriptores; Apollodorus, Eratosthenes, etc.; Graecè, 8vo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Rhetores antiqui; Demetrius, Phalereus, Tiberius, etc.: Graecè, 8vo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Iamblichus Chalcidensis de mysteriis Aegyptiorum, etc.: Graecè, folio.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Johannes Eriugenan, cum notis: Lat., fol.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;S. Maximi expositiones in S. Gregorium Nazianzenum: Graecè, fol.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Historiae Britannicae, Anglo-Saxonicae, Anglo-Danicae, etc., scriptores XX nunquam prius editi, 2&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;bus&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; voluminibus, ffol.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Libri Graeci et Latini praelo parati.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Pentateuchus juxta exemplar Alexandrinum bibliothecae regiae, cum notis, etc.: Graecè, fol.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Liber prophetae Isaiae juxta exemplar Alexandrinum: Graecè, cum commentario, folio.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Basilii, Chrysostomi, Andreae Cretensis, aliorumque Graecorum patrum Homiliae, nondum editae magno numero, Graecè, fol.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Iamblichus de vita Pythagorae et ejusdem ad philosophiam protreptici, ex codicibus MSS. emendatus et nova versione donatus: 8vo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Iamblichus de mathematica secundum Pythagoricos nunc primum ex MSS. Codd. editus, cum versione Latina: 8vo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_260&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 260]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Leonis imperatoris et Basilii cubicularii de re navali Graecorum opuscula, nunc primum ex codd. Graecis eruta cum versione Latina: accedit his Appendix eorum omnium locorum quae apud Graecos et Latinos scriptores extant de re navali: 8vo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Tertium et ultimum volumen Historicorum gentis Angliae ab Henrico IIIº usque ad Henricum VII&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;u&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;m nunquam hactenus editorum: fol.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Antonini Itinerarium per Britanniam, cum commentario in quo multa ad chorographiam Britanniae explicandam adducuntur: 8vo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Venerabilis Bedae Historia ecclesiastica, ad antiquissimos codices emaculata et multis locis restituta: fol.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Matthaei Paris Historia, ad codices antiquos emendata et multis repurgata erroribus, una cum copiosis notis et monumentis coaevis: fol.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Codex legum antiquarum gentis Anglicanae ab Ethelberto rege Cantii ad Edvardum primum: in hac collectione continentur quam plurimae leges Saxonicae et aliae nondum editae praeter eas quas Lambertus edidit: fol.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The History of Edward the 2d and of the troubles which happen&#039;d in his reigne, extracted out of the rolls of the Tower, together with those rolls and other authentick evidences at large: ffol.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Baronage of England in III parts: 1&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;st&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, of its original; 2&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;d&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, of its continuance and alteration; 3&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;d&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, of its rights and privilidges.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;William Gascoigne&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1612?-1644).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1287&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1287&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[964]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;There was a most gallant gentleman and excellent mathematician that dyed&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1288&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1288&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[965]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in the late warres, one Mr. Gascoigne, of good estate in Yorkshire; to whom Sir Jonas Moore acknowledged to have received most of his knowledge. He was bred up by the Jesuites. I thought to have taken memoires of him; but deferring it, death &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_261&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 261]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;took away Sir Jonas. But I will sett downe what I remember.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1289&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1289&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[966]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;... Gascoigne, esq., of Middleton, neer Leeds, Yorkshire, was killed at the battaile of Marston-moore, about the age of 24 or 25 at most.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. &amp;amp;lt;Richard&amp;amp;gt; Towneley, of Towneley, in Lancashire, esq., haz his papers.—From Mr. Edmund Flamsted, who sayes he found out the way of improveing telescopes before Des Cartes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. Edmund Flamsted tells me, Sept. 1682, that &#039;twas at Yorke fight he was slaine.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Henry Gellibrand&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1597-1637).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1290&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1290&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[967]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Henry Gellibrand was borne in London. He was of Trinity Colledge in Oxon (vide Anthony Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Antiq. Oxon.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;). Dr. Potter and Dr. &amp;amp;lt;William&amp;amp;gt; Hobbes knew him. Dr. Hannibal Potter was his tutor, and preached his funeral sermon in London. They told me that he was good for little a great while, till at last it happened accidentally, that he heard a Geometrie&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1291&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1291&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[968]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; lecture. He was so taken with it, that immediately he fell to studying it, and quickly made great progresse in it. The fine diall over the Colledge Library is of his owne doeing. Construxit Logarithmos Henrici Briggs, jussu Autoris τοῦ μακαρίτου, 1631. He was Astronomy Professor in Collegio Greshamensi, Lond. Scripsit Trigonometriam. He being one time in the country, shewed the tricks of drawing&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1292&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1292&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[969]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; what card you touched, which was by combination with his confederate, who had a string that was tyed to his leg, and the leg of the other, by which his confederate gave him notice by the touch; but by this trick, he was reported to be a conjuror.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Vide &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Canterbury&#039;s Doome&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1293&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1293&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[970]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; about Protestant martyrs, &amp;amp;lt;inserted in&amp;amp;gt; the Almanac; &amp;amp;lt;and&amp;amp;gt; that he kept conventicles in Gresham College.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_262&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 262]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 class=&amp;quot;c25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;... Gerard.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1294&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1294&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[971]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;One Mr. Gerard, of Castle Carey in Somerset, collected the antiquities of that county, Dorset, and that of Devon: which I cannot for my life retrive. His executor had them, whose estate was seized for debt; and &amp;amp;lt;they&amp;amp;gt; utterly lost.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Adrian Gilbert&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (—— - ——).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1295&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1295&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[972]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;... Ralegh &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;  Katherine Champernon  &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ... Gilbert&lt;br /&gt;
                 |                         |&lt;br /&gt;
       Sir Walter Ralegh             Adrian Gilbert,&lt;br /&gt;
                                     chymist; sine prole.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This Adrian Gilbert was an excellent chymist, and a great favourite of Mary, countesse of Pembroke, with whom he lived and was her operator. He was a man of great parts, but the greatest buffoon in England; cared not what he said to man or woman of what quality soever. Some curious ladies of our country have rare receipts of his. &#039;Twas he that made the curious wall about Rollington parke at Wilton.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1296&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1296&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[973]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Elias Ashmole sayes that amongst his papers of John Dee or Dr. &amp;amp;lt;Richard&amp;amp;gt; Napier he finds that one of them held great correspondence with Adrian Gilbert. Quaere of him de hoc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Alexander Gill&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1567-1635).&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Alexander Gill&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1597-1642).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1297&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1297&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[974]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Dr. Gill, the father, was a very ingeniose person, as may appeare by his writings. Notwithstanding he had moodes and humours, as particularly his whipping-fitts:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;As Paedants out of the schoole-boies breeches&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;doe clawe and curry their owne itches&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c41&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hudibras&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, part ... canto ...&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_263&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 263]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This Dr. Gill whipped ... Duncomb, who was not long after a colonel of dragoons at Edgehill-fight, taken pissing against the wall. He had his sword by his side, but the boyes surprized him: somebody had throwen a stone in at the windowe; and they seised on the first man they lighted on.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1298&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1298&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[975]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;I thinke his name was &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sir John D&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. (Sir John Denham told me the storie), and he would have cutt the doctor, but he never went abroad but to church, and then his army went with him. He complained to the councill, but it became ridicule, and so his revenge sank.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Dr. Triplet came to give his master a visit, and he whip&#039;t him. The Dr. gott ... Pitcher, of Oxford, who had a strong&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1299&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1299&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[976]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and a sweet base, to sing this song under the schoole windowes, and gott a good guard to secure him with swords, etc., and he was preserved from the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;examen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of the little myrmidons which issued-out to attach him; but he was so frighted that he bes ... him selfe most fearfully.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In Paul&#039;s church-yard in London&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;There dwells a noble firker;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Take heed you that pass&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Lest you tast of his lash&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;      *       *       *       *       *       *       *&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Still doth he cry&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Take him up, take him up, Sir,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Untrusse with expedition.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Oh the birchen tool&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;That he winds i&#039; th&#039; school&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Frights worse than an inquisition.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;If that you chance to passe there,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;As doth the man of blacking;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;He insults like a puttock&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;O&#039;re the prey of the buttock&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;With a whip&#039;t a ... sends him packing.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Still doth he cry, etc.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_264&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 264]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For when this well truss&#039;t trounser&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Into the school doth enter&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;With his napkin at his nose&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And his orange stuft with cloves&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;On any ... he&#039;l venter.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Still doth, etc.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A French-man voyd of English&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Enquiring for Paul&#039;s steeple&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;His &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pardonnez-moy&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;He counted a toy,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For he whip&#039;t him before all people.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Still doth he cry, etc.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A Welsh-man once was whip&#039;t there&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Untill he did bes... him&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;His &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cuds-pluttera-nail&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Could not prevail&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For he whip&#039;t the Cambro-Britan.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Still doth he cry, etc.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1300&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1300&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[977]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;A captain of the train&#039;d-band;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Yclept&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1301&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1301&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[978]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cornelius Wallis;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;He whip&#039;t him so sore&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Both behind and before&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;He notch&#039;t his .... like tallyes.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Still doth he cry, etc.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For a piece of beef and turnip,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Neglected, with a cabbage,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;He took up the pillion&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Of his bouncing mayd Jillian;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And sowc&#039;t her like a baggage.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Still doth he cry, etc.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A porter came in rudely&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And disturb&#039;d the humming concord,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;He took-up his frock&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And he payd his nock&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And sawc&#039;t him with his owne cord.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Still doth he cry, etc.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_265&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 265]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;Gill upon Gill&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1302&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1302&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[979]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, or Gill&#039;s ... uncas&#039;d, unstript, unbound.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Sir,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Did &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;you&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; me this epistle send,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Which is so vile and lewdly pen&#039;d,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In which no line I can espie&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Of sense or true orthographie?&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;So slovenly it goes,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In verse and prose,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For which I must pull down your hose.&#039;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;O good sir!&#039; then cry&#039;d he,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;In private let it be,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And doe not sawce me openly.&#039;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Yes, sir, I&#039;le sawce you openly&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Before Sound&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1303&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1303&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[980]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and the company;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And that none of thee may take heart&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Though thou art a batchelour of Art,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Though thou hast payd thy fees&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For thy degrees:&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Yet I will make thy ... to sneeze.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And now I doe begin&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To thresh it on thy skin&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For now my hand is in, is in.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;First, for the themes which thou me sent&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Wherin much nonsense thou didst vent,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And for that barbarous piece of Greek&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For which in Gartheus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1304&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1304&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[981]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; thou didst seeke.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And for thy faults not few,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In tongue Hebrew,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For which a grove of birch is due.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Therfore me not beseech&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To pardon now thy breech&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For I will be thy ...-leech, ...-leech.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Next for the offense that thou didst give&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;When as in Trinity thou didst live,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And hadst thy ... in Wadham College mult&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_266&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 266]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For bidding sing &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Quicunque vult&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1305&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1305&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[982]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And for thy blanketting&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1306&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1306&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[983]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And many such a thing&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For which thy name in towne doth ring&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And none deserves so ill&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To heare as bad as Gill—&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Thy name it is a proverb still,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Thou vented&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1307&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1307&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[984]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; hast such rascall geer.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Next thou a preacher were.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For which the French-men all cry Fie!&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To heare such pulpitt-ribauldrie&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1308&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1308&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[985]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And sorry were to see&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;So worthy a degree&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;So ill bestowed on thee.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But glad am I to say&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The Masters made the&amp;amp;lt;e&amp;amp;gt; stay&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Till thou in quarto&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1309&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1309&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[986]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; didst them pray.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But now remaines the vilest thing,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The alehouse barking &#039;gainst the king&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And all his brave and noble peeres;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For which thou ventredst for thy eares.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And if thou hadst thy right,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Cutt off they had been quite&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And thou hadst been a rogue in sight.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But though thou mercy find&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Yet I&#039;le not be so kind&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But I&#039;le jerke thee behind, behind.&#039;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Joseph Glanville&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1636-1680).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1310&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1310&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[987]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Joseph Glanville, D.D.:—vide his funerall sermon&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1311&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1311&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[988]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in St. Paul&#039;s church-yard at the signe of....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_267&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 267]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1312&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1312&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[989]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Dr. Joseph Glanville, minister of Bathe, was taken ill at Bridgewater, and returned home and dyed, Tuesday, November 9, 1680, and lies interred in ... at Bath abbey.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was author of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The zealous and impartiall Protestant&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 4to, stitch&#039;t, printed by Henry Brome, London, 16&amp;amp;lt;81&amp;amp;gt;: his name is not to it. Had he lived the Parliament would have questioned him for it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Owen Glendower&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1359(?)-1415).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1313&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1313&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[990]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Quaere if you can find of what howse the famous Owen Glendower was. He was of Lincolns Inne, and dyed obscurely (I know where) in this county &amp;amp;lt;Herefordshire&amp;amp;gt;, keeping of sheepe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;... Skydmore of Kenchurch married his sister, and ... Vaughan of Hergest was his kinsman; and these two mayntayned him secretly in the ebbe of his fortune.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Robert Glover&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1544-1588).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1314&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1314&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[991]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;The learned herald, Mr. ... Glover, was borne at ... in Somersetshire; vide Fuller&#039;s &#039;Worthies&#039; de hoc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have heard Sir Wm. Dugdale say, that though Mr. Camden had the name, yet Mr. Glover was the best herald that did ever belong to the office. He tooke a great deale of paines in searching the antiquities of severall counties. He wrote a most delicate hand, and pourtrayed finely.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There is (or late was) at a coffee-house at the upper end of Bell-yard (or Shier-lane), under his owne hand, a Visitation of Cheshire, a most curious piece, which Sir Wm. Dugdale wish&#039;t me to see; and he told me that at York, at some ordinary house (I thinke a house of entertainment) he sawe such an elaborate piece of Yorkshire. But severall counties he surveyd, and that with &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_268&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 268]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;great exactnes, but after his death they were all scattered abroad, and fell into ignorant hands.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He lies interred neer Mr. Foxe&#039;s monument (who wrote the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Martyrologie&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) in St. Giles&#039; Cripplegate Chancell, but I could not find any inscription concerning him. ☞ Quaere the register when he was buried. &#039;Twas Mr. John Gibbons&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1315&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1315&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[992]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, Blewmantle, told me he was buried here. I thinke Mr. Glover was Blewmantle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Jonathan Goddard&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1617-1674/5).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1316&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1316&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[993]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Jonathan Godard, M.D., borne at Greenwich (or Rochester, where his father commonly lived; but, to my best remembrance, he told me at the former). His father was a ship-carpenter.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was of Magdalen hall, Oxon. He was one of the College of Physitians, in London; Warden of Merton College, Oxon, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;durante perduellione&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; physitian to Oliver Cromwell, Protector; went with him into Ireland. Quaere if not also sent to him into Scotland, when he was so dangerously ill there of a kind of calenture or high fever, which made him mad that he pistolled one or two of his commanders that came to visit him in his delirious rage.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Collegii Greshamensis Praelector&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1317&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1317&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[994]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; medicinae; where he lived, and had his laboratory&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1318&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1318&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[995]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for Chymistrie. He was an admirable Chymist.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had three or fower medicines wherwith he did all his cures: a great ingredient was &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Radix Serpentaria&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.—From Mr. Mich. Weekes, who looked to his stills.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He intended to have left his library and papers to the Royall Societie, had he made his will, and had not dyed so suddainly&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1319&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1319&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[996]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. So that his bookes (a good collection) are fallen into the hands of&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1320&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1320&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[997]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a sister&#039;s son, a scholar in Caius Coll. Camb. But his papers are in the hands of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_269&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 269]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Sir John Bankes, Reg. Soc. Socius. There were his lectures at Chirurgions&#039; hall; and two manuscripts in 4to, thicke volumnes, readie for the presse, one was a kind of Pharmacopœaia (his nephew has this). &#039;Tis possible his rare universall medicines aforesayd might be retrived amongst his papers. My Lord Brounker has the recipe but will not impart it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was fellowe of the Royall Societie, and a zealous member for the improvement of naturall knowledge amongst them. They made him their drudge, for when any curious experiment was to be donne they would lay&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1321&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1321&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[998]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the taske on him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He loved wine and was most curious in his wines, was hospitable, but dranke not to excesse, but it happened that comeing from his club at the Crowne taverne in Bloomesbery, a foote, 11 at night, he fell downe dead of an apoplexie in Cheapside, at Wood-street end, March 24, Anno Domini 1674/5, aetat. 56. Sepult. in the church of Great St. Helen, Londini.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Sir Edmund Bury Godfrey&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1621-1678).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1322&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1322&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[999]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir Edmund-Bury Godfrey was of Christ&#039;s Church in Oxon, and chamber-fellowe to my cosen W&amp;amp;lt;illiam&amp;amp;gt; Morgan of Wells, in Peckwater, in north-east angle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was afterwards of Grayes Inne, and chamber-fellow to my counsell, Thomas Corbet, esq. I thinke Mr. Corbet told me he was called to the barre. But by match, or &amp;amp;amp;c. he concieved he should gaine more by turning &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;woodmonger&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The rest of his life and death is &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;lippis et tonsoribus notum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[Knighted&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1323&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1323&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1000]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for his great service done in London fire, 1666.]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 class=&amp;quot;c25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Thomas Goodwyn.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1324&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1324&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1001]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;... Goodwyn: he was borne in Norfolke: of the University of, I beleeve, Cambridge.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_270&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 270]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was ... of the court of Ludlowe (in which place Jack Butts was his successor).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He maried first Barbara ... daughter of Sir W. Long, of Draycot-Cerne, in Wilts: 2d, ... Brabazon, of ... Hereffordshire; obiit sine prole.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a generall scolar, and had a delicate witt; was a great historian, and an excellent poet. He wrote, among other things, ..., a Pastorall, acted at Ludlowe about 1637, an exquisite piece. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Journey into France&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, crept in bishop Corbet&#039;s poems, was made by him, by the same token it made him misse of the preferment of ... at court, Mary the queen-mother remembring how he had abused her brother, the king of France; which made him to accept of the place at Ludlowe, out of the view of the world.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When he sat in court there, he was wont to have Thuanus, or Tacitus, or etc. before him. He was as fine a gentleman as any in England, though now forgott. Obiit, at or about Ludlowe, circiter ... (quaere Sir J. H. and Sir James Long).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Journey into France&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; was made by Mr. Thomas Goodwyn, of Ludlowe, ...; certaine.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Thomas Gore&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1631/2-1684).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1325&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1325&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1002]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Genesis Thomae Gore armigeri by Charles Snell, esq.:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Tuesday, 20&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;mo&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; Martii 1631/2, 11&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 00´ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; tempus aestimatum geneseos Thomae Gore, de Alderton &amp;amp;lt;Wilts&amp;amp;gt;, armigeri.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This Thomas Gore, a writer on heraldry, was a correspondent of Anthony Wood: see Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 140, iv. 229. Aubrey habitually, in his letters to Wood, refers contemptuously to him as &#039;the cuckold of Alderton.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Sir Arthur Gorges&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (15..-1625).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1326&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1326&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1003]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&#039;Sir Arthur Gorges&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1327&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1327&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1004]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was buried August the 22&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;th&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 1661&#039;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ex registro Chelsey&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_271&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 271]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;In obitum illustrissimi viri D&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;i&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;. Arthuri Gorges, equitis aurati, epicedium.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Te deflent nati, natae, celeberrima conjux;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Te dolet argutae magna caterva scholae.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;At Lucanus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_212&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_212&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXIV.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ait se vivo non moriturum&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Arthurum Gorges: transtulit ipse decus.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Aethereas cupiens Arthurus adire per auras&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Et nonus ex ejus nomine natus adest.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_212&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_212&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXIV.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; transtulit Lucanum.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the aisle of the Gorges, viz. south side of the church of Chelsey on an altar monument made for his father or grandfather—&#039;D&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;s&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;. Arthur Gorge, eq. aur., filius ejus natu maximus.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;John Gower&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1327?-1408).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1328&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1328&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1005]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;John Gower, esq., poet, has a very worshipfull monument in the north side of the church of St. Saviour&#039;s Southwarke; an incumbent figure: about his head is a chaplet of gold—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;meriti, etc.—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and a silver collar of SSS about his neck.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Vide iterum, and also his booke.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;John Graunt&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1620-1674).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1329&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1329&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1006]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Captaine John Graunt (afterwards, major) was borne (ex MS&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;to&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; patris sui) 24º die Aprilis, ½ an houre before eight a clock on a Munday morning, the signe being in the 9 degree of Gemini that day at 12 a clock, Anno Domini 1620.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was the sonne of Henry Graunt, who was borne 18 January 1592&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1330&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1330&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1007]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, being Tuesday, at night; et obiit 21 March, 1661/2, being Fryday, between one and two in the morning; buryed in the vault in the new vestrie in St. Michaels church in Cornhill. He was borne in ..., Hantshire.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His son John was borne at the 7 Starres in Burchin Lane, London, in the parish of St. Michael&#039;s Cornhill.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_272&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 272]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He wrote &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Observations on the bills of mortality&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; very ingeniosely (but I beleeve, and partly know, that he had his hint from his intimate and familiar friend Sir William Petty), to which he made some &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Additions&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, since printed. And he intended, had he lived, to have writt more on the subject.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He writt also some &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Observations on the advance of excise&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, not printed: quaere his widowe for them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To give him his due prayse, he was a very ingeniose and studious person, and generally beloved, and rose early in the morning to his study before shop-time. He understood Latin and French. He was a pleasant facetious companion, and very hospitable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was bred-up (as the fashion then was) in the Puritan way; wrote short-hand dextrously; and after many yeares constant hearing and writing sermon-notes, he fell to buying and reading of the best Socinian bookes, and for severall yeares continued of that opinion. At last, about ..., he turned a Roman Catholique, of which religion he dyed a great zealot.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was free of the drapers&#039; company, and by profession was a haberdasher of small-wares. He had gone through all the offices&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1331&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1331&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1008]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of the city so far as common-councell-man. Captain of the trayned-bands severall yeares; major, 2 or 3 yeares.—He was a common councell man 2 yeares, and then putt out (as also of his military employment in the trayned band) for his religion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was admitted a fellowe of the Royall Societie, anno 16.. (about 1663).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He broke&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1332&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1332&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1009]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.... He dyed on Easter eve&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1333&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1333&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1010]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; 1674; buryed on the Wednesday in Easter-weeke in St. Dunstan&#039;s church in Fleet Strete under the gallery about the middle (or more west) north side, anno aetatis suae 54.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had one son, a man, who dyed in Persia; one daughter, a nunne at ... (I thinke, Gaunt). His widowe yet alive.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_273&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 273]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1334&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1334&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1011]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Major John Graunt dyed on Easter-eve 1674, and was buryed the Wednesday followeing in St. Dunstan&#039;s church in Fleet street in the body of the said church under the piewes towards the gallery on the north side, i.e., under the piewes (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;alias&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; hoggsties) of the north side of the middle aisle (what pitty &#039;tis so great an ornament of the citty should be buryed so obscurely!), aetatis anno 54º.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Was borne in Burchin lane, at the 7 Starres, in St. Michael&#039;s Cornhill parish, at which place he continued his trade till about 2 yeares since.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c41&amp;quot;&amp;gt;{1.   Political}&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
His &#039;Observations on the bills of mortality {2.   . . . . .     }&#039;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c41&amp;quot;&amp;gt;{3.   . . . . .     }&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;hath been printed more then once; and now very scarce.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He wrott some &#039;Observations on the advance of the excise,&#039; not printed; and intended to have writt more of the bills of mortality; and also intended to have written something of religion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was by trade a haberdasher of small wares, but was free of the drapers&#039; company. A man generally beloved; a faythfull friend. Often chosen for his prudence and justnes to be an arbitrator; and he was a great peace-maker. He had an excellent working head, and was very facetious and fluent in his conversation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1335&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1335&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1012]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;He had gonne thorough all the offices of the city so far as common councill man. He was common councill man two yeares. Captaine of the trayned band, severall yeares: major of it, two or three yeares, and then layd downe trade and all other publique employment for his religion, being a Roman Catholique.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Ex MSS. patris ejus:—&#039;My son, John Graunt, was borne 24th day of April halfe an howre before 8 a clock on a Monday morning anno Domini 1620.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was my honoured and worthy friend—cujus animae propitietur Deus, Amen.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His death is lamented by all good men that had the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_274&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 274]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;happinesse to knowe him; and a great number of ingeniose persons attended him to his grave. Among others, with teares, was that ingeniose great virtuoso, Sir William Petty, his old and intimate acquaintance, who was sometime a student at Brase-nose College.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Edward Greaves&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1608-1680).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1336&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1336&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1013]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir Edward Greaves, M.D., obiit Thursday November 11, 1680 in Convent Garden; buried in the church there.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Scripsit &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Morbus epidemicus, or the new desease&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 4to, stitch&#039;t, printed at Oxford about 1643.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Port&amp;amp;lt;avit&amp;amp;gt; &#039;gules, an eagle displayed or, crowned argent.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 class=&amp;quot;c25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;... Gregory.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1337&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1337&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1014]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;... Gregorie, famous peruq-maker, buryed at St. Clement Danes church dore west. Quaere inscription in rythme from baron&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1338&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1338&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1015]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Gregory, baron of the exchequer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Vide Cotgrave&#039;s french dictionary ubi peruqes are called Gregorians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1339&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1339&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1016]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Peruques not commonly worne till 1660. Memorandum there was one Gregorie in the Strand that was the first famous periwig-maker; and they were then called Gregorians (mentioned in Cotgrave&#039;s Dictionarie &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;in verbo&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; perruque). He lies buried by the west church-dore of St. Clements Danes, where he had an inscription which mentioned it. &#039;Twas in verse and Sir William Gregorie (one of the Barons of the Exchequer) read and told it me. Quaere of him + de hoc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Sir Thomas Gresham&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1519-1579).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1340&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1340&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1017]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Memorandum&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_213&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_213&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EI]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;:—Mr. Shirman, the attorney, at Inneholders-hall, hath a copie of Sir Thomas Gresham&#039;s will&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_214&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_214&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EJ]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, which procure.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_213&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_213&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EI]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey in MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 8, gives in trick the coats:—(&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;a&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;), &#039;argent, a chevron ermine between 3 mullets pierced sable: crest, a grasshopper: motto, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Fortun amy&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; [Sir Thomas Gresham, 1601]&#039;: and (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;b&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;), &#039;or, on a bend vert 3 bucks&#039; heads caboshed argent.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_214&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_214&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EJ]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Twice alluded to in MS. Aubr. 8, viz., (fol. 8) &#039;Copie out Sir Thomas Gresham&#039;s will from Mr. Shirman&#039;; (fol. 12) &#039;Sir Thomas Gresham, knight: quaere copie of his will from Mr. Shirman, attornie.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_275&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 275]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Fulke Greville&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;, lord Brooke (1554-1628).&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Robert Greville&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;, lord Brooke (1607-1642/3).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1341&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1341&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1018]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir Fulke Greville, lord Brokes, adopted a parke-keeper&#039;s sonne his heire, who (I thinke) had but one eie: vide de hoc in Dr. Heylen&#039;s Historie of the church of England ... Vide Sir William Davenant&#039;s life&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1342&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1342&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1019]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in part 1&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;st&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; &amp;amp;lt;i.e. in MS. Aubr. 6&amp;amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Poems, in folio, London, printed....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;The life&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1343&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1343&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1020]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of the renowned Sir Philip Sidney, with the true Interest of England, as it then stood in relation to all Forrain Princes: And particularly for suppressing the power of Spain, stated by him. Written by Sir Fulke Grevil, knight, lord Brook, a servant to Queen Elisabeth, and his companion and friend. London, printed for H. Seile, over against St. Dunstan&#039;s church, in Fleet-street, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;M.DC.LII.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Vide in Sir William Dugdale&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Warwickshire&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; his noble castle&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1344&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1344&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1021]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and monument with this inscription: &#039;Here lies the body of Sir Fulke Grevile knight servant to Q. Eliz., counsellor to King James, and friend to Sir Philip Sidney.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;Robert Greville, second&amp;amp;gt; lord Brookes, was maried to &amp;amp;lt;Catherine Russell&amp;amp;gt; daughter of the earle of Bedford. He was killed at the siege of Lichfield, March the 2d (St. Chad&#039;s day, to whom the Church is dedicated) &amp;amp;lt;1642/3&amp;amp;gt; by a minister&#039;s sonne, borne deafe and dumbe, out of the church. He was armed &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;cap à pied&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; only his bever was open. I was then at Trinity College in Oxon. and doe perfectly remember the story.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The lord Brookes, that was killed at Lichfield, printed a booke about Religion, a little before the civill warres, by &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_276&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 276]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the same token that in&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1345&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1345&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1022]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;amp;lt;a&amp;amp;gt; song on the Lords then, his &amp;amp;lt;character&amp;amp;gt; was:—&#039;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Brook is a foole in print&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Peter Gunning&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1614-1684).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1346&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1346&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1023]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;... Gunning, episcopus Eliensis;—his father was a minister in the Wild of Kent; and &#039;tis thought he was borne there, scil. at Brenchley.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Edmund Gunter&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1581-1626).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1347&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1347&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1024]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Edmund Gunter&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_215&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_215&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EK]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;:—for his birth, etc., see in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Antiq. Oxon.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; &amp;amp;lt;by&amp;amp;gt; A. Wood.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Captain Ralph Gretorex, mathematical instrument maker in London, sayd that he was the first that brought mathematicall instruments to perfection. His booke of the quadrant, sector, and crosse-staffe did open men&#039;s understandings and made young men in love with that studie. Before, the mathematical sciences were lock&#039;t up in the Greeke and Latin tongues and so&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1348&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1348&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1025]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; lay untoucht, kept safe in some libraries. After Mr. Gunter published his booke, these sciences sprang up amain, more and more to that height it is at now (1690).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When he was a student at Christ Church, it fell to his lott to preach the Passion sermon, which some old divines that I knew did heare, but they sayd that &#039;twas sayd of him then in the University that our Saviour never suffered so much since his passion as in that sermon, it was such a lamentable one—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Non omnia possumus omnes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The world is much beholding to him for what he hath donne well.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Gunter is originally a Brecknockshire family, of Tregunter. They came thither under the conduct of Sir Bernard Newmarch when he made the conquest of that county (Camden).—&#039;Aubrey, Gunter, Waldbeof, Havard, Pichard&#039; (which is falsely express&#039;d in all Mr. Camden&#039;s bookes, scil. Prichard, which is non-sense).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_277&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 277]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_215&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_215&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EK]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey gives in trick the coat:—&#039;sable, 3 gauntletts argent&#039;; and adds &#039;quaere if these gauntletts are dextre or sinistre?&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;John Guy&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (15..-1628).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1349&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1349&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1026]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Memorandum:—... Guy, alderman of Bristoll, was the wisest man of his time in that city. He was as their oracle and they chose him for one of their representatives to sitt in Parliament.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Twas he that brought in the &amp;amp;lt;bill&amp;amp;gt; for lowering of interest from ten in the hundred to eight per centum.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 class=&amp;quot;c25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;... Gwyn.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1350&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1350&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1027]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Surlinesse and inurbanitie too common in England: chastise these very severely&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1351&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1351&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1028]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A better instance of a squeamish and disobligeing, slighting, insolent, proud, fellow&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1352&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1352&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1029]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, perhaps cant be found then in ... Gwin, the earl of Oxford&#039;s&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1353&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1353&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1030]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; secretary. No reason satisfies him, but he overweenes, and cutts some sower faces that would turne the milke in a faire ladie&#039;s breast.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;William Habington&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1605-1645).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1354&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1354&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1031]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;William Habington, of Hindlip in Worcestershire, esq., maried Luce, daughter of William &amp;amp;lt;Herbert&amp;amp;gt;, lord Powes, 1634, as by the Worcestershire Visitation it appeares.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a very learned gentleman, author of a poem called Castara. He wrote a live of one of the kings of England.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Aubrey gives in trick the coat:—&#039;argent, on a bend gules 3 eagles displayed, or; impaling, party per pale argent and gules 3 lions rampant counterchanged, within a bordure gobony, or and ..., a crescent for difference.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_278&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 278]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Sir Matthew Hale&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1609-1676).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1355&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1355&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1032]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Judge Hale&#039;s accidents.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1609, natus, November 1&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;st&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, in the evening, his father then being at his prayers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1612, death of his mother, April 23.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1614, his father dyed, moneth not known.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1625, went to Oxon to Magdalen Hall; vide A. Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;History of Oxon&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; when matriculated.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1628, admitted of the society of Lincolne&#039;s Inne, November 8.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1636, this yeare called to the barre, quaere in what terme.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1640, maried the first time. He was a great cuckold.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1656, his second mariage to his servant mayd, Mary.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1660, made Lord Chief Baron.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1671, Lord Chiefe Justice of England, 18 May.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1676, Christmas day, he dyed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1356&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1356&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1033]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir Matthew Hales, Lord Chief Justice of the King&#039;s Bench, was borne at Alderley in com. Glouc., November 1&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;st&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, 1609; christned the 5&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;th&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;. Quaere Mr. Edward Stephens horam, for he has it exactly. When his mother fell in labour, his father was offering up his evening sacrifice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1357&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1357&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1034]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;That incomparable man for goodnes and universality of learning, Sir Matthew Hales, Lord Chief Justice of England, hath writt the description of Gloucestershire, an elaborate piece, and ready for the presse. The transcripts of the Tower for it cost him 40 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;John Hales&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1584-1656).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1358&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1358&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1035]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. John Hales, ...&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1359&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1359&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1036]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, was borne at Wells, I thinke I have heard Mr. John Sloper say (vicar of Chalke; his mother was Mr. Hales&#039;s sister, and he bred him at Eaton).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_279&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 279]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His father was a steward to the family of the Horners:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Hopton, Horner, Smyth, and Thynne,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;When abbots went out, they came in&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1360&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1360&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1037]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Went to school, at Bath (as I take it). Fellow of Merton Colledge. Assisted Sir Henry Savill in his edition of Chrysostome (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;cum aliis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;). Afterwards fellow of Eaton College.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Went chaplain to Sir Dudley Carlton (ambassador to ...). I thinke was at the Synod of Dort.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When the Court was at Windsor, the learned courtiers much delighted &amp;amp;lt;in&amp;amp;gt; his company, and were wont to grace him with their company.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have heard his nephew, Mr. Sloper, say, that he much loved to read ... Stephanus, who was a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;familist&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, I thinke that first wrote of that sect of the Familie of Love: he was mightily taken with it, and was wont to say that sometime or other those fine notions would take in the world. He was one of the first Socinians in England, I thinke the first.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a generall scolar, and I beleeve a good poet: for Sir John Suckling brings him into the Session of the Poets:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Little Hales all the time did nothing but smile,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To see them, about nothing, keepe such a coile.&#039;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had a noble librarie of bookes, and those judicially chosen, which cost him ... &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (quaere Mr. Sloper); and which he sold to Cornelius Bee, bookeseller, in Little Britaine, (as I take it, for 1000 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) which was his maintenance after he was ejected out of his fellowship at Eaton College. He had then only reserved some few for his private use, to wind-up his last dayes withall.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The ladie Salter (neer Eaton) was very kind to him after the sequestration; he was very welcome to her ladyship, and spent much of his time there. At Eaton he lodged (after his sequestration) at the next house &amp;amp;lt;to&amp;amp;gt; the Christopher (inne), where I sawe him, a prettie little man,&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_280&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 280]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; sanguine, of a cheerfull countenance, very gentile, and courteous; I was recieved by him with much humanity: he was in a kind of violet-colourd cloath gowne, with buttons and loopes (he wore not a black gowne), and was reading Thomas à Kempis; it was within a yeare before he deceased. He loved Canarie; but moderately, to refresh his spirits.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had a bountifull mind. I remember in 1647, a little after the Visitation&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1361&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1361&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1038]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, when Thomas Mariett, esq., Mr. William Radford, and Mr. Edward Wood (all of Trinity College) had a frolique from Oxon to London, on foot, having never been there before, they happened to take Windsore in their way, made their addresse to this good gentleman, being then fellow. Mr. Edward Wood was the spookes-man, remonstrated that they were Oxon scholars: he treated them well, and putt into Mr. Wood&#039;s hands ten shillings.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He lies buried in the church yard at Eaton, under an altar monument of black marble, erected at the sole chardge of Mr. ... Curwyn, with a too long epitaph. He was no kiff or kin to him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1362&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1362&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1039]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. John Hales dyed at Mris Powney&#039;s house, a widow-woman, in Eaton, opposite to the churchyard, adjoyning to the Christopher Inne southwards. &#039;Tis the howse where I sawe him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She is a very good woman and of a gratefull spirit. She told me that when she was maried, Mr. Hales was very bountifull to them in helping them&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1363&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1363&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1040]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to live in the world. She was very gratefull to him and respectfull to him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She told me that Mr. Hales was the common godfather there, and &#039;twas pretty to see, as he walked to Windsor, how his godchildren asked him blessing&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1364&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1364&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1041]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. When he was bursar, he still gave away all his groates for the acquittances to his godchildren; and by that time he came to Windsor bridge, he would have never a groate left.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This Mris Powney assures me that the poor were more &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_281&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 281]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;relieveable, that is to say, that he recieved more kindnesse from them than from the rich. That that I putt downe of my lady Salter (sister to Brian Duppa, bishop of Sarum), from his nephew &amp;amp;lt;John&amp;amp;gt; Sloper, vicar of Chalke, is false&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1365&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1365&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1042]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. She had him to her house indeed, but &#039;twas to teach her sonne, who was such a blockhead he could not read well.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Cornelius Bee bought his library for 700 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which cost him not lesse then 2,500 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Mris Powney told me that she was much against the sale of &#039;em, because she knew it was his life and joy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He might have been restored to his fellowship again, but he would not accept the offer. He was not at all covetous, and desired only to leave x &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; to bury him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He bred-up our vicar, [Sloper&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1366&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1366&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1043]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;], who, she told me, never sent him a token; and he is angry with her, thinks he left her too much.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She is a woman primitively good, and deserves to be remembred. I wish I had her Christian name. Her husband has an inscription on a gravestone in Eaton College chapel towards the south wall.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She has a handsome darke old-fashioned howse. The hall, after the old fashion, above the wainscot, painted cloath, with godly sentences out of the Psalmes, etc., according to the pious custome of old times; a convenient garden and orchard. She has been handsome: a good understanding, and cleanlie.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Joseph Hall&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1574-1656).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1367&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1367&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1044]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Joseph Hall, bishop of Exon, etc.: he was a keeper&#039;s son in Norfolke (I thinke, neer Norwich).—From old Mr. Theophilus Woodenoth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He wrote most of his fine discourses at Worcester, when he was deane there.—From Mr. Francis Potter, who went to schole there.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_282&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 282]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Monsieur Balzac exceedingly admired him and often quotes him: vide Balzac&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Apologie&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Edmund Halley&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1656-1741/2).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1368&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1368&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1045]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Edmund Hally, astronomer, born October 29, 1656, London—this nativity I had from Mr. Hally himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1369&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1369&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1046]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Edmund Halley&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1370&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1370&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1047]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, Artium Magister, the eldest son of &amp;amp;lt;Edmund&amp;amp;gt; Halley, a soape-boyler, a wealthy citizen of the city of London; of the Halleys, of Derbyshire, a good family.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was born in Shoreditch parish, at a place called Haggerston, the backside of Hogsdon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At 9 yeares old, his father&#039;s apprentice taught him to write, and arithmetique. He went to Paule&#039;s schoole to Dr. Gale: while he was there he was very perfect in the Caelestiall Globes insomuch that I heard Mr. Moxon (the globe-maker) say that if a star were misplaced in the globe, he would presently find it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At ... he studyed Geometry, and at 16 could make a dyall, and then, he said, thought himselfe a brave fellow.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At &amp;amp;lt;16&amp;amp;gt; went to Queen&#039;s Colledge in Oxon, well versed in Latin, Greeke, and Hebrew: where, at the age of nineteen, he solved this useful probleme in astronomie, never donne before, ☞ viz. &#039;from 3 distances given from the sun, and angles between, to find the orbe&#039; (mentioned in the Philosophicall Transactions, Aug. or Sept. 1676, No. 115), for which his name will be ever famous.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno Domini ... tooke his degree of Bacc. Art.; Anno Domini ... tooke his degree of Master of Arts&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1371&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1371&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1048]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno ... left Oxon, and lived at London with his father till &amp;amp;lt;1676&amp;amp;gt;; at which time he gott leave, and a viaticum of his father, to goe to the Island of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sancta&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_283&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 283]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hellena&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, purely upon the account of advancement in Astronomy, to make the globe of the Southerne Hemisphere right, which before was very erroneous, as being donne only after the observations of ignorant seamen. There he stayed ... moneths. There went over with him (amongst others) a woman ... yeares old, and her husband ... old, who had no child in ... yeares; before he came from the island, she was brought to bed of a child. At his returne, he presented his Planisphere, with a short description, to his majesty who was very well pleased with it; but received nothing but prayse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have often heard him say that if his majestie would be but only at the chardge of sending out a ship, he would take the longitude and latitude, right ascensions and declinations of ... southern fixed starres.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno 1678, he added a spectacle-glasse to the shadowe-vane of the lesser arch of the sea-quadrant (or back-staffe); which is of great use, for that that spott of light will be manifest when you cannot see any shadowe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He went to Dantzick to visit Hevelius, Anno 167-.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;December 1&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;st&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, 1680, went to Paris.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1372&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1372&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1049]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Edmund Haley:—cardinall d&#039;Estrée caressed him and sent him to his brother the admirall with a lettre of recommendation.—He hath contracted an acquaintance and friendship with all the eminentst mathematicians of France and Italie, and holds a correspondence with them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He returned into England, Januarii 24º, 1681/2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quaere Mr. Partridge of his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Directio mortis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, scilicet about 35 aetatis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1373&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1373&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1050]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;Quaere&amp;amp;gt; Edmund Halley who cutts his schemes in wood? they are well.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;David&amp;amp;gt; Loggan informes me that one ... Edwards, the manciple of ... College Oxon, doth cut in wood very well.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the earl of Macclesfield&#039;s library at Shirburne Castle, Oxon., are several MSS. by Halley; among them a common-place book.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_284&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 284]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Baldwin Hamey&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1600-1676).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1374&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1374&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1051]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;In the midd aisle (or nave) of Chelsey church, a faire flat marble grave-stone:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The return of Baldwin Hamey, Dr. of Physick, on the 14 of May being Whitsunday in the yeare of our Lord 1676 and in the 76th yeare of his age.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Psalm 146, vers. 4.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His breath goeth, etc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;William Harcourt&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1610-1679).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1375&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1375&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1052]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Father Harcourt—he told me that he was of the familie of Stanton Harcourt, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.D.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 1650. He was confessor, and afterwards co-executor, to the lady Inglefield.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1376&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1376&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1053]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Petrification of a kidney.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; When father Harcourt suffered&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1377&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1377&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1054]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at Tyburne, and his bowells, etc. throwne into the fire, a butcher&#039;s boy standing by was resolved to have a piece of his kidney which was broyling in the fire. He burn&#039;t his fingers much, but he got it; and one ... Roydon, a brewer in Southwark, bought it, a kind of Presbyterian. The wonder is, &#039;tis now absolutely petrified: I have seen it. He much values it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1378&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1378&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1055]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Roydon, brewer in Southwarke (opposite the Temple), haz the piece of Father Harcourt&#039;s kidney which was snatcht out of the fire, and now petrified and very hard. But &#039;twas not so hard when he first had it. It being alwayes carried in the pocket hardened by degrees better then by the fire—like an agate polished.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Thomas Hariot&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1560-1621).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1379&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1379&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1056]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Thomas Hariot&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_217&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_217&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EL]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;—from Dr. John Pell, March 31, 1680. Dr. Pell knowes not what countreyman&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1380&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1380&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1057]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he was (but an Englishman he was)—[There&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1381&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1381&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1058]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; is a place in Kent &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_285&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 285]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;called Harriot&#039;s-ham, now my lord Wotton&#039;s&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_218&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_218&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EM]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; and in Wostershire in the parish of Droytwich is a fine seat called Harriots, late the seate of Chiefe Baron Wyld.]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He thinkes he dyed about the time he (Dr. Pell) went to Cambridge. He sayes my lord John Vaughan can enforme me, and haz a copie of his will: which vide.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1382&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1382&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1059]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Thomas Hariot—Mr. Elias Ashmole thinkes he was a Lancashire man: Mr. &amp;amp;lt;John&amp;amp;gt; Flamsted promised me to enquire of Mr. Townley.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1383&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1383&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1060]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;☞ I very much desire to find his buriall: he was not buryed in the Tower chapelle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1384&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1384&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1061]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Thomas Harriot&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1385&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1385&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1062]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;:—Memorandum:—Sir Robert Moray (from Francis Stuart&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1386&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1386&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1063]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), declared at the Royal Society—&#039;twas when the comet&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1387&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1387&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1064]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; appeared before the Dutch warre—that Sir Francis had heard Mr. Harriot say that he had seen nine cometes, and had predicted seaven of them, but did not tell them how. &#039;Tis very strange: excogitent astronomi.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1388&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1388&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1065]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Hariot went with Sir Walter Ralegh into Virginia, and haz writt the Description of Virginia, which is printed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Dr. Pell tells me that he finds amongst his papers (which are now, 1684, in Dr. Busby&#039;s hands), an alphabet that he had contrived for the American language, like Devills&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1389&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1389&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1066]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He wrote a Description of Virginia, which is since printed in Mr. Purchas&#039;s Pilgrims.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Vide Mr. Glanvill&#039;s Moderne Improvement of Usefull Knowledge, where he makes mention of Mr. Thomas Harriot, pag. 33.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When &amp;amp;lt;Henry Percy, ninth&amp;amp;gt; earle of Northumberland, and Sir Walter Ralegh were both prisoners in the Tower, they grew acquainted, and Sir Walter Raleigh recommended &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_286&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 286]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Mr. Hariot to him, and the earle setled an annuity of two hundred pounds a yeare on him for his life, which he enjoyed. But to&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1390&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1390&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1067]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Hues&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_216&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_216&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXV.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (who wrote &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Usu Globorum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) and to Mr. Warner he gave an annuity but of sixty pounds per annum. These 3 were usually called the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;earle of Northumberland&#039;s three Magi&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. They had a table at the earle&#039;s chardge, and the earle himselfe had them to converse with, singly or together.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_216&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_216&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXV.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Robert Hues was buried in Xt. Ch. Oxon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a great acquaintance of Master ... Ailesbury, to whom Dr. Corbet sent a letter in verse, Dec. 9, 1618, when the great blazing starre appeared,—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Now for the peace of God&amp;amp;lt;s&amp;amp;gt; and men advise,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;(Thou that hast wherwithall to make us wise),&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Thine owne rich studies and deepe Harriot&#039;s mine,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In which there is no drosse but all refine.&#039;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;Vide&amp;amp;gt; Dr. Corbet&#039;s poems.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The bishop of Sarum (Seth Ward) told me that one Mr. Haggar (a countryman of his), a gentleman and good mathematician, was well acquainted with Mr. Thomas Hariot, and was wont to say, that he did not like (or valued not) the old storie of the Creation of the World. He could not beleeve the old position; he would say &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ex nihilo nihil fit&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. But sayd Mr. Haggar, a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;nihilum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; killed him at last: for in the top of his nose came a little red speck (exceeding small), which grew bigger and bigger, and at last killed him. I suppose it was that which the chirurgians call a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;noli me tangere&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1391&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1391&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1068]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Hariot dyed of an ulcer in his lippe or tongue—vide Dr. Read&#039;s Chirurgery, where he mentions him as his patient, in the treatise of ulcers (or cancers).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Workes of Dr. Alexander Reade, printed, London, 1650; in the treatise of Ulcers, p. 248. &#039;Cancrous ulcers (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ozana&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) also seise on this part. This griefe hastened the end of that famous mathematician Mr. Hariot with whom I was acquainted but short time before his death; whom &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_287&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 287]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;at one time, together with Mr. Hughes (who wrote of the globes), Mr. Warner, and Mr. Torporley, the noble earle of Northumberland, the favourer of all good learning and Maecenas of learned men, maintained while he was in the Tower, for their worth and various literature.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He made a philosophicall theologie, wherin he castoff the Old Testament, and then the New one would (consequently) have no foundation. He was a Deist. His doctrine he taught to Sir Walter Raleigh, Henry, earle of Northumberland, and some others. The divines of those times look&#039;t on his manner of death as a judgement upon him for nullifying the Scripture.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Ex Catalogo librorum impressorum bibl. Bodleianae in Academia Oxoniensi, Oxon., &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;MDCLXXIV&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Thomas Hariot&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;:—Historia Virginiae, cum iconibus, Lat. per C. C. A. edita per Th. de Bry, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Franc.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 1590 (A. 8. 7. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Art&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;—Same in English, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Lond.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 1588 (E. 1. 25. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Art. Seld.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Thomas Hariotus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;:—Artis analyticae praxis ad aequationes Algebraicas resolvendas, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Lond.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 1631 (F. 2. 12. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Art. Seld.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_217&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_217&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EL]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey gives the coat:—&#039;per pale, ermine and ermines, 3 crescents counterchanged [Hariot].&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_218&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_218&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EM]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Charles Henry Kirckhoven, created baron Wotton, Aug. 31, 1650; created earl of Bellomont, Feb. 11, 1679/80.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Sir Edward Harley&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1624-1700).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1392&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1392&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1069]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir Edward Harley, knight of the Bath, was borne at his castle of Brampton Bryan in Herefordshire. He was of Magdalen Hall, Oxon; was governor of Dunkirke for his majestie king Charles 2&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;d&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, where he then sounded that sea from Graveling to Newport—which notes he haz by him—of great use to seamen because of the shelves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Sir Robert Harley&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1580-1656).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1393&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1393&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1070]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Old Sir Robert Harley translated all the Psalmes very well. He was of Oriell College.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_288&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 288]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Sir Robert Harley&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1626-1673).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1394&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1394&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1071]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir Robert Harley&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1395&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1395&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1072]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, second sonne of Sir Robert Harley of Brampton-Bryan, told me that he was borne the morning that my Lord Chancellour Bacon dyed (9º Aprilis); sed quaere, et vide his picture if &#039;twas not the 6&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;th&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He maried....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He dyed at Brampton-Brian 16 Nov. Sunday, 6&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, anno Domini 1673.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;James Harrington&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1611/2-1677).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1396&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1396&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1073]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;James Harrington, esq.—he was borne the first Fryday&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1397&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1397&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1074]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in January Anno Domini 1611, near Northampton. Quaere Mr. Marvell&#039;s epitaph on him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1398&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1398&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1075]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;James Harrington&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_222&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_222&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EN]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, esq., borne the first Fryday in January 1611, neer Northampton; the son of [Sir&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1399&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1399&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1076]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sapcote] Harrington of ... in the countie of ..., by&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;..., daughter of Sir ... Samuel&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1400&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1400&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1077]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, was borne at [Upton&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1401&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1401&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1078]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
(Sir ... Samuel&#039;s house in Northamptonshire) anno....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a &amp;amp;lt;gentleman&amp;amp;gt; commoner of Trinity Colledge in Oxford. He travelled France, Italie, and the Netherlands. His genius lay chiefly towards the politiques and democraticall goverment.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was much respected by the queen of Bohemia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_223&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_223&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EO]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, who was bred up by the lord Harrington&#039;s lady, and she owned the kindnes of the family.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno 1647, if not 6, he was by order of Parliament made one of his Majestie&#039;s Bedchamber, at Holmeby, &amp;amp;amp;c. The king loved his company; only he would not endure to heare of a Commonwealth: and Mr. Harington passionately loved his majestie. Mr. Harrington and the king often disputed about goverment. He was on the scaffold &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_289&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 289]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;with the king when he was beheaded; and I have at these meetings&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1402&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1402&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1079]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; oftentimes heard him speake of king Charles I with the greatest zeale and passion imaginable, and that his death gave him so great griefe that he contracted a disease by it; that never any thing did goe so neer to him. Memorandum:—Mr. &amp;amp;lt;Thomas&amp;amp;gt; Herbert, the traveller, was th&#039; other of his Bedchamber by order of Parliament, and was also on the scaffold. He gave them both there some watches: vide Speech.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He made severall essayes in Poetry, viz. love-verses, &amp;amp;amp;c., and translated ... booke of Virgill&#039;s Æn.; but his muse was rough, and Mr. Henry Nevill, an ingeniose and well-bred gentleman, a member of the House of Commons, and an excellent (but concealed) poet, was his great familiar and confident friend, and disswaded him from tampering in poetrie which he did &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;invitâ Minervâ&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and to improve his proper talent, viz. Politicall Reflections.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Whereupon he writ his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Oceana&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, printed London &amp;amp;lt;1656&amp;amp;gt;. Mr. T. Hobbes was wont to say that Henry Nevill had a finger in that pye; and &#039;tis like enough. That ingeniose tractat, together with his and H. Nevill&#039;s smart discourses and inculcations, dayly at coffee-houses, made many proselytes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;figleft c42&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;img src=&amp;quot;images/i_p289.png&amp;quot; width=&amp;quot;326&amp;quot; height=&amp;quot;147&amp;quot; alt=&amp;quot;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In so much that, anno 1659, the beginning of Michaelmas-terme, he had every night a meeting at the (then) Turke&#039;s head, in the New Pallace-yard, where they take water, the next house to the staires, at one Miles&#039;s, where was made purposely a large ovall-table, with a passage in the middle for Miles to deliver his Coffee. About it sate his disciples, and the virtuosi. The discourses in this kind were the most ingeniose, and smart, that ever I heard, or expect to heare, and ban&amp;amp;lt;i&amp;amp;gt;ed with great eagernesse: the arguments in the Parliament howse were but flatt to it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He now printed a little pamphlet (4to) called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Divers modells of Popular Government&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, printed by Daniel Jakeman; and then his partie desired him to print another little pamphlet called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Rota&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 4to.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_290&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 290]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Here&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1403&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1403&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1080]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; we had (very formally) a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ballotting-box&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and balloted how things should be caried, by way of tentamens. The room was every evening&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1404&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1404&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1081]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; full as it could be cramm&#039;d. I cannot now recount the whole number:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. Cyriack Skinner, an ingeniose young gentleman, scholar to John Milton, was chaire-man. There was Mr. Henry Nevill; major John Wildman; Mr. &amp;amp;lt;Charles&amp;amp;gt; Woo&amp;amp;lt;l&amp;amp;gt;seley, of ..., Staffordshire; Mr. &amp;amp;lt;Roger&amp;amp;gt; Coke, grandson of Sir Edward; Sir&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1405&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1405&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1082]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; William Poultney (chaireman); [Sir1082&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1082&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1082]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; John Hoskins; J&amp;amp;lt;ames&amp;amp;gt; Arderne&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1406&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1406&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1083]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;;] Mr. Maximilian Petty, a very able man in these matters, and who had more then once turn&#039;d the councill-board of Oliver Cromwell, his kinsman; Mr. Michael Malett; Mr. &amp;amp;lt;Philip&amp;amp;gt; Carteret, of Garnesey; &amp;amp;lt;Francis&amp;amp;gt; Cradoc, a merchant; Mr. Henry Ford; major ... Venner; Mr. Edward Bagshaw; [Thomas Mariet, esq.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1407&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1407&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1084]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;;] &amp;amp;lt;William&amp;amp;gt; Croon, M.D.; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;cum multis aliis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; now slipt out of my memorie&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_219&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_219&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXVI.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_219&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_219&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXVI.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dr. Robert Wood&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_224&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_224&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EP]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Rota&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.—MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 11.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;Besides&amp;amp;gt; which&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1408&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1408&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1085]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; were, as auditors&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1409&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1409&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1086]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, severall, e.g. the earle&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1410&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1410&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1087]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Tirconnel; Sir John Penruddock; etc.; Mr. John Birkenhead; as myselfe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;... Stafford, esq., as antagonists&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1411&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1411&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1088]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Several officers&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1412&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1412&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1089]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We many times adjourned to the Rhenish-wine howse. One time Mr. Stafford and his gang came in, in drink, from the taverne&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1413&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1413&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1090]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and affronted the Junto (Mr. Stafford tore their orders and minutes). The soldiers offerd to kick them downe stayres, but Mr. Harrington&#039;s moderation and persuasion hindred it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The doctrine was very taking, and the more because, as to human foresight, there was no possibility of the king&#039;s &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_291&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 291]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;returne. But the greatest part of the Parliament-men perfectly hated this designe of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;rotation by ballotting&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; for they were cursed tyrants, and in love with their power, and &#039;twas death to them, except 8 or 10, to admitt of this way, for H. Nevill proposed it in the Howse, and made it out to them, that except they embraced that modell of goverment they would be ruind—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;sed quos perdere vult Jupiter&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; etc., &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;hos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;amp;amp;c.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Pride of senators for life is insufferable; and they were able to grind any one they owed ill will to to powder; they were hated by the armie and their countrey they represented, and their name and memorie stinkes—&#039;twas worse then tyranny. Now this modell upon rotation was:—that the third part of the Senate&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1414&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1414&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1091]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; should rote out by ballot every yeare, so that every ninth yeare the Howse would be wholly alterd; no magistrate to continue above 3 yeares, and all to be chosen by ballot, then which manner of choice, nothing can be invented more faire and impartiall.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Well: this meeting continued Novemb., Dec., Jan., till Febr. 20 or 21; and then, upon the unexpected turne upon generall Monke&#039;s comeing-in, all these aierie modells vanished. Then &#039;twas not fitt, nay treason, to have donne such; but I well remember, he&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1415&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1415&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1092]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; severall times (at the breaking-up) sayd, &#039;Well, the king will come in. Let him come-in, and call a Parliament of the greatest Cavaliers in England, so they be men of estates, and let them sett but 7 yeares, and they will all turn Common-wealthe&#039;s men.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was wont to find fault with the constitution of our goverment, that &#039;twas &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;by jumps&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and told a story of a cavaliero he sawe at the Carnival in Italie, who rode on an excellent managed horse that with a touch of his toe would jumpe quite round. One side of his habit was Spanish, the other French; which sudden alteration of the same person pleasantly surprized the spectators. &#039;Just so,&#039; said he, &#039;&#039;tis with us. When no Parliament, then absolute monarchie; when a Parliament, then it runnes to Commonwealth.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_292&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 292]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1416&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1416&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1093]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Anno Domini 1660, he was committed&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1417&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1417&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1094]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; prisoner to the Tower, where he was kept ...; then to Portsey castle. His durance in these prisons (he being a gentleman of a high spirit and hot head) was the procatractique cause of his deliration or madnesse; which was not outragious, for he would discourse rationally enough and be very facetious company, but he grew to have a phancy that&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1418&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1418&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1095]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; his perspiration turned to flies, and sometimes to bees—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ad cætera sobrius&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; and he had a timber &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;versatile&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; built&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1419&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1419&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1096]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in Mr. Hart&#039;s garden (opposite to St. James&#039;s parke) to try the experiment. He would turne it to the sun, and sitt towards it; then he had his fox-tayles there to chase away and massacre all the flies and bees that were to be found there, and then shutt his chassees&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1420&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1420&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1097]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. Now this experiment was only to be tryed in warme weather, and some flies would lye so close in the cranies and the cloath (with which it was hung) that they would not presently shew themselves. A quarter of an hower after perhaps, a fly or two, or more, might be drawen-out of the lurking holes by the warmeth; and then he would crye out, &#039;Doe not you see it apparently that these come from me?&#039; &#039;Twas the strangest sort of madnes that ever I found in any one: talke of any thing els, his discourse would be very ingeniose and pleasant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno ... he married to his old sweet-heart Mris ... Dayrell&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_220&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_220&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXVII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, of ..., a comely and discreete ladie. The motto to his seale, which was party per pale baron et femme Harrington and Dayrell was.... It happening so, from some private reasons, that he could not enjoy his deare in the flower and heate of his youth, he would never lye with her, but loved and admired her dearly: for she was &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;vergentibus annis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; when he maried her, and had lost her sweetenesse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_220&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_220&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXVII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; His wife was&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;... Dayrell.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Round about his seale, which was party per pale baron and femme&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1421&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1421&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1098]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, were these words, scil. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;In longum coiere faces&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_293&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 293]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was of a middling stature, well-trussed man, strong and thick, well-sett, sanguine, quick-hott-fiery hazell eie, thick moyst curled haire, as you may see by his picture. In his conversation very friendly, and facetious, and hospitable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For above twenty yeares before he died (except his imprisonment) he lived in the Little-Ambry (a faire house on the left hand), which lookes into the Deane&#039;s-yard in Westminster. In the upper story he had a pretty gallery, which looked into the yard (over ... court) where he commonly dined, and meditated, and tooke his tobacco.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;amici&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; were:—Henry Nevill, esq., who never forsooke him to his dyeing day. Though&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1422&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1422&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1099]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a whole yeare before he died, his memorie and discourse were taken away by a disease (&#039;twas a&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1423&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1423&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1100]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;sad sight to see such a sample of mortality, in one whom I lately knew, a brisque, lively cavaliero), this gentleman, whom I must never forget for his constant friendship, payd his visits as duly and respectfully as when his friend (J. H.) was in the prime of his understanding—a true friend.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;----&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_221&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_221&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXVIII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Andrew Marvell, who made an epitaph for him, which quaere.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_221&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_221&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXVIII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Mr. Andrew Marvell made a good epitaph for him, but &amp;amp;lt;it&amp;amp;gt; would have given offence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;—His uncle, ... Samuel, esq.;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;—his son, Mr. ... Samuel, an excellent architect, that has built severall delicate howses (Sir Robert Henley&#039;s, Sir Thomas Grosvenor&#039;s in Cheshire);&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;—Sir Thomas Dolman;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;—Mr. Roger L&#039;Estrange;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;—Dr. John Pell;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;—J. A.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1424&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1424&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1101]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was wont to say that &#039;Right reason in contemplation is vertue in action, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;et vice versa&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Vivere secundum naturam&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; is to live vertuously, the Divines will not have it so&#039;; and that &#039;when the Divines would have us be an inch above vertue, we fall an ell belowe it.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_294&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 294]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These verses he made, about anno ..., ....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1425&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1425&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1102]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;[&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Upon&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1426&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1426&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1103]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the state of nature.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The state of nature never was so raw,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But oakes bore acornes and ther was a law&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;By which the spider and the silkeworme span;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Each creature had her birthright, and must man&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Be illegitimate! have no child&#039;s parte!&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;If reason had no wit, how came in arte?&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ingenium i.e. quoddam ingenitum.]&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By Mr. James Harrington, esq., autor &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Oceanae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, whose handwriting this is.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1427&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1427&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1104]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Hic jacet | Jacobus Harrington, armiger | filius maximus natu | Sapcotis Harrington de Rand | in comitatu Lincolniae, equitis aurati | et Janae (matris ejus) filiae | Gulielmi Samuel de Upton in | comitatu Northampton, militis | qui | obiit septimo die Septembris | aetatis suae sexagesimo sexto | anno Domini 1677. | Nec virtutis nec animi dotes | arrha licet aeterni in animam amoris Dei | corruptione eximere queant corpus | Gen. iii. 19 | Pulveris enim es et reverteris | in pulverem |:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;author of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Oceana&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—he lyes buried in the chancell of St. Margarite&#039;s Church at Westminster, the next grave to the illustrious Sir Walter Raleigh, under the south side of the altar where the priest stands.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1428&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1428&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1105]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;☞ Pray remember to looke upon Mr. James Harrington&#039;s life: upon my alterations there. It was a philosophicall or politicall club, where gentlemen came at night to divert themselves with political discourse, and to see the way of balloting. It began at Miles&#039;s coffee-house about the middle of Michaelmas-terme, and was given over upon general Monke&#039;s comeing-in.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Sir John Hoskyns, etc., deane Arderne&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1429&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1429&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1106]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, etc., would not like to have their names seen.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_222&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_222&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EN]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 98&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, Aubrey gives the reference &#039;vide Anthony Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist. et Antiq. Oxon.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,&#039; and the coat &#039;..., a fret ...&#039;. In MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 29&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, he gives the coat for Harrington&#039;s marriage, viz.:—--&#039;..., a fret ... [Harrington]; impaling, ..., a lion rampant crown&#039;d ... [D&#039;ayrell].&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_223&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_223&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EO]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The princess Elizabeth, daughter of James I. Sir John Harington, her tutor, was created (July 21, 1603) baron Harington of Exton. He married Anne Kelway, and was grand-uncle to the author of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Oceana&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_224&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_224&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EP]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Robert Wood, M.A. (Mert.) 1649, appointed Fellow of Linc. Coll. by the Parliamentary Visitors, Sept. 19, and admitted Oct. 23, 1650; ejected by the King&#039;s Commissioners, Aug. 18, 1660.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_295&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 295]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Samuel Hartlib&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (16..-1670).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In MS. Aubr. 22 (Aubrey&#039;s collection of Grammars) is a tract:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;The true and ready way to learne the Latine tongue,&#039; by Samuel Hartlib, esq., Lond. 1654, with the inscription &#039;Jo. Aubrey, dedit S. Hartlib, 1654.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;William Harvey&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1578-1657).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1430&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1430&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1107]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;William Harvey&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_227&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_227&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EQ]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, M.D., natus at Folkestone in Kent:&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1431&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1431&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1108]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; borne at the house which is now the post-house, a faire stone-built house, which he gave to Caius College in Cambridge, with some lands there: vide his will. His brother Eliab would have given any money or exchange for it, because &#039;twas his father&#039;s, and they all borne there; but the Doctor (truly) thought his memory would better be preserved this way, for his brother has left noble seates, and about 3000 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum, at least.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1432&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1432&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1109]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Hemsted in Essex towards Audeley End: ibi sepultus Dr. Harvey.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1433&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1433&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1110]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Quaere Mr. &amp;amp;lt;William&amp;amp;gt; Marshall, the stone-cutter, for the inscription in the church there.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1434&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1434&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1111]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Quaere Mr. Marshall in Fetterlane for the copie of the inscription on his monument in Essex.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1435&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1435&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1112]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Dr. W. Harvey: &amp;amp;lt;ask his&amp;amp;gt; epitaph &amp;amp;lt;from&amp;amp;gt; Mr. Marshall.—Quaere Anthony Wood if there is a MS. in bibl. Bodleiana that speakes of the circulation of the bloud: Dr. &amp;amp;lt;Luke&amp;amp;gt; Ridgeley and Dr. Trowtbec can enforme me from Meredith Lloyd.—Memorandum, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_296&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 296]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Mr. Parker tells me that Mr. &amp;amp;lt;John&amp;amp;gt; Oliver, the City surveyor, had his father Marshall&#039;s inscriptions and papers; ergo vide there for the Doctor&#039;s inscription and also for the inscription of Inigo Jones.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1436&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1436&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1113]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Dr. William Harvey—ex libro&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_228&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_228&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[ER]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; meo B.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Over Dr. Harvey&#039;s picture in the great parlour under the library at the Physitians&#039; College at Amen-corner (burnt):—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Gul. Harveus, an. aetat. 10, in Schola Cantuar. primis doctrinae rudimentis imbutus; 14, Col. Gonvil. et Caii alumnus; 19, peragravit Galliam et Italiam; 23, Patavii praeceptores habuit Eust. Rudium, Tho. Minad., H. Fab. ab Aquapend., Consul Anglor. 16 fit; 24, Doctor Med. et Chirurg. Reversus Lond. praxin exercuit, et uxorem&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_225&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_225&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXIX.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; duxit; 25, Coll. Med. Socius; 37, Anatom. et Chirurg. Professor; 54, Medicus Regius factus. Scripsit de Motu Sanguinis, et de Gen. Animal. Obiit 30 Jun. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;MDCLVII&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;. Aetat. 80.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_225&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_225&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXIX.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ... Smyth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;—(But I well remember that Dr. Alsop, at his funerall, sayd that he was 80, wanting one; and that he was the eldest of 9 brethren.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He lies buried in a vault at Hempsted in Essex, which his brother Eliab Harvey built; he is lapt in lead, and on his brest in great letters&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Dr. William Harvey.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I was at his funerall, and helpt to carry him into the vault.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the library at the Physitians&#039; Colledge was the following inscription above his statue (which was in his doctorall robes):—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Gul. Harveus&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, natus &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.D.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 1578, Apr. 2. Folkston, in Com. Cantii, primogenitus Thomae Harvei et Joannae Halk: fratres germani, Tho. Jo. Dan. Eliab. Mich. Mat.: sorores, Sarah, Amey.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Under his white marble statue, on the pedestall, thus,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Gulielmo Harveo&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Viro&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Monumentis suis immortali,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Hoc insuper&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Coll. Med. Lond.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Posuit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_297&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 297]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Qui enim &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Sanguin. Motum&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
(ut et &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Animal. Ortum&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) dedit&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
meruit esse&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Stator&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Perpetuus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1437&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1437&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1114]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Dr. Harvey added (or was very bountifull in contributing to) a noble building of Roman architecture (of rustique worke, with Corinthian pillasters) at the Physitians&#039; College aforesaid, viz. a great parlour&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1438&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1438&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1115]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for the Fellowes to meet in, belowe; and a library, above. On the outside on the freeze, in letters 3 inches long, is this inscription:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Suasu et Cura Fran. Prujeani, Præsidis, et Edmundi Smith, Elect., inchoata et perfecta est hæc fabrica. An. MIƆDCLIII.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;All these remembrances and building was destroyed by the generall fire.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was alwayes very contemplative, and the first that I heare of that was curious in anatomie in England. He had made dissections of frogges, toades, and a number of other animals, and had curious observations on them, which papers, together with his goods, in his lodgings at Whitehall, were plundered at the beginning of the Rebellion, he being for the king, and with him at Oxon; but he often sayd, that of all the losses he sustained, no greife was so crucifying to him as the losse of these papers, which for love or money he could never retrive or obtaine. When Charles I&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1439&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1439&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1116]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; by reason of the tumults left London, he attended him, and was at the fight of Edge-hill with him; and during the fight, the Prince and duke of Yorke were committed to his care: he told me that he withdrew with them under a hedge, and tooke out of his pockett a booke and read; but he had not read very long before a bullet of a great gun grazed on the ground neare him, which made him remove his station. He told me that Sir Adrian Scrope&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1440&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1440&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1117]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was dangerously wounded there, and left for &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_298&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 298]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;dead amongst the dead men, stript; which happened to be the saving of his life. It was cold, cleer weather, and a frost that night; which staunched his bleeding, and about midnight, or some houres after his hurt, he awaked, and was faine to drawe a dead body upon him for warmeth-sake.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After Oxford was surrendred, which was 24 July&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1441&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1441&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1118]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; 1646, he came to London, and lived with his brother Eliab a rich&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1442&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1442&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1119]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; merchant in London, on ... hill, opposite to St. Lawrence (Poultry) church&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1443&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1443&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1120]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, where was then a high leaden steeple (there were but two, viz. this and St. Dunstan&#039;s in the East) and at his brother&#039;s country house at Roe-hampton.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His brother Eliab bought, about 1654, Cockaine-house, now&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1444&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1444&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1121]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;(1680) the Excise-Office, a noble house, where the Doctor was wont to contemplate on the leads of the house, and had his severall stations, in regard of the sun, or wind.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He did delight to be in the darke, and told me he could then best contemplate. He had a house heretofore at Combe, in Surrey, a good aire and prospect, where he had caves made in the earth, in which in summer time he delighted to meditate.—He was pretty well versed in the Mathematiques, and had made himselfe master of Mr. Oughtred&#039;s Clavis Math. in his old age; and I have seen him perusing it, and working problems, not long before he dyed, and that booke was alwayes in his meditating apartment.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His chamber was that roome that is now the office of Elias Ashmole, esq.; where he dyed, being taken with the dead palsye, which tooke away his speech. As soone as he sawe he was attaqued, he presently sent for his brother, and nephews, and gave one a watch, another another thing, etc., as remembrances of him. He dyed worth 20,000 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; which he left to his brother Eliab. In his will he left &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_299&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 299]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;his old friend Mr. Thomas Hobbes 10 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; as a token of his love.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;His sayings.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—He was wont to say that man was but a great mischievous baboon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He would say, that we Europaeans knew not how to order or governe our woemen, and that the Turkes were the only people used them wisely.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was far from bigotry.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had been physitian to the Lord Chancellor Bacon, whom he esteemed much for his witt and style, but would not allow him to be a great philosopher. &#039;He writes philosophy like a Lord Chancelor,&#039; said he to me, speaking in derision; &#039;I have cured him.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;About 1649 he travelled again into Italy, Dr. George (now Sir George) Ent, then accompanying him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At Oxford, he grew acquainted with Dr. Charles Scarborough, then a young physitian (since by king Charles II knighted), in whose conversation he much delighted; and wheras before, he&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1445&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1445&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1122]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;marched up and downe with the army, he tooke him to him and made him ly in his chamber, and said to him, &#039;Prithee leave off thy gunning, and stay here; I will bring thee into practice.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I remember he kept a pretty young wench to wayte on him, which I guesse he made use of for warmeth-sake as king David did, and tooke care of her in his will, as also of his man servant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For 20 yeares before he dyed he tooke no manner of care about his worldly concernes, but his brother Eliab, who was a very wise and prudent menager, ordered all not only faithfully, but better then he could have donne himselfe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was, as all the rest of the brothers, very cholerique; and in his young days wore a dagger (as the fashion then was, nay I remember my old schoolemaster, old Mr. Latimer, at 70, wore a dudgeon, with a knife, and bodkin, as also my old grandfather Lyte, and alderman Whitson of Bristowe, which I suppose was the common fashion in&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_300&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 300]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; their young dayes), but this Dr. would be to&amp;amp;lt;o&amp;amp;gt; apt to draw-out his dagger upon every slight occasion&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1446&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1446&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1123]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was not tall; but of the lowest stature, round faced, olivaster&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1447&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1447&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1124]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; complexion; little eie, round, very black, full of spirit; his haire was black as a raven, but quite white 20 yeares before he dyed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I first sawe him at Oxford, 1642, after Edgehill fight, but was then too young to be acquainted with so great a Doctor. I remember he came severall times to Trin.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1448&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1448&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1125]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Coll. to George Bathurst, B.D., who had a hen to hatch egges in his chamber, which they dayly opened to discerne&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1449&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1449&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1126]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the progres and way of generation. I had not the honour to be acquainted &amp;amp;lt;with&amp;amp;gt; him&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1450&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1450&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1127]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; till 1651, being my she cosen Montague&#039;s physitian and friend. I was at that time bound for Italy (but to my great griefe disswaded by my mother&#039;s importunity). He was very communicative, and willing to instruct any that were modest and respectfull to him. And in order to my journey, gave me, i.e. dictated to me, what to see, what company to keepe, what bookes to read&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_229&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_229&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[ES]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, how to manage my studies: in short, he bid me goe to the fountain head, and read Aristotle, Cicero, Avicenna, and did&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1451&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1451&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1128]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; call the neoteriques shitt-breeches. He wrote a very bad hand&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_230&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_230&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[ET]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, which (with use) I could pretty well read.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have heard him say, that after his booke of the Circulation of the Blood&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1452&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1452&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1129]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;came-out, that he fell mightily in his practize, and that &#039;twas beleeved by the vulgar that he was crack-brained; and all the physitians were against his opinion, and envyed him; many wrote against him, as Dr. Primige, Paracisanus, etc. (vide Sir George Ent&#039;s booke). With much adoe at last, in about 20 or 30 yeares time, it was recieved in all the Universities in the world; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_301&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 301]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and, as Mr. Hobbes sayes in his book &#039;De Corpore,&#039; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;he is the only man, perhaps, that ever lived to see his owne doctrine established in his life time&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He understood Greek and Latin pretty well, but was no critique, and he wrote very bad Latin. The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Circuitus Sanguinis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; was, as I take it, donne into Latin by Sir George Ent (quaere), as also his booke &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;de Generatione Animalium&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, but a little book in 12&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;mo&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; against Riolani (I thinke), wherein he makes-out his doctrine clearer, was writt by himselfe, and that, as I take it, at Oxford.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His majestie king Charles I gave him the Wardenship of Merton Colledge in Oxford, as a reward for his service, but the times suffered him not to recieve or injoy any benefitt by it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was physitian, and a great favorite of the Lord High Marshall of England, Thomas&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1453&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1453&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1130]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Howard, earle of Arundel and Surrey, with whom he travelled as his physitian in his ambassade to the Emperor ... at Vienna, Anno Domini 163-. Mr. W. Hollar (who was then one of his excellencie&#039;s gentlemen) told me that, in his voyage, he would still be making of excursions into the woods, makeing observations of strange trees, and plants, earths, etc., naturalls, and sometimes like to be lost, so that my Lord Ambassador would be really angry with him, for there was not only danger of thieves, but also of wild beasts.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was much and often troubled with the gowte, and his way of cure was thus; he would then sitt with his legges bare, if it were frost, on the leads of Cockaine house, putt them into a payle of water, till he was almost dead with cold, and betake himselfe to his stove, and so &#039;twas gonne.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was hott-headed, and his thoughts working would many times keepe him from sleepinge; he told me that then his way was to rise out of his bed and walke about his chamber in his shirt till he was pretty coole, i.e. till he began to have a horror, and then returne to bed, and sleepe very comfortably.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I remember he was wont to drinke coffee; which he and&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_302&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 302]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; his brother Eliab did, before Coffee-houses were in fashion in London.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1454&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1454&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1131]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;All his profession would allowe him to be an excellent anatomist, but I never heard of any that admired his therapeutique way. I knew severall practisers in London&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1455&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1455&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1132]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that would not have given 3&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;d.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; for one of his bills; and that a man could hardly tell by one of his bills&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1456&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1456&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1133]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; what he did aime at.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He did not care for chymistrey, and was wont to speake against them with an undervalue.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It is now fitt, and but just, that I should endeavour to undecieve the world in a scandall that I find strongly runnes of him, which I have mett amongst some learned young men: viz. that he made himselfe a way to putt himselfe out of his paine, by opium; not but that, had he laboured under great paines, he had been readie enough to have donne it; I doe not deny that it was not according to his principles upon certain occasions to ...: but the manner of his dyeing was really, and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;bonâ fide&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, thus, viz. the morning of his death about 10 a clock, he went to speake, and found he had the dead palsey in his tongue; then he sawe what was to become of him, he knew there was then no hopes of his recovery, so presently sends for his young nephewes to come-up to him, to whom he gives one his watch (&#039;twas a minute watch with which he made his experiments); to another, another remembrance, etc.; made signe to ... Sambroke, his apothecary (in Black-Fryars), to lett him blood in the tongue, which did little or no good; and so he ended his dayes. His practise was not very great towards his later end; he declined it, unlesse to a speciall friend,—e.g. my lady Howland, who had a cancer in her breast, which he did cutt-off and seared, but at last she dyed of it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He rode on horseback with a foot-cloath to visitt his patients&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_226&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_226&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXX.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, his man following on foote, as the fashion then was, which was very decent, now &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_303&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 303]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;quite discontinued. The judges rode also with their foote-cloathes to Westminster-hall, which ended at the death of Sir Robert Hyde, Lord Chief Justice. Anthony earl of Shafton&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1457&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1457&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1134]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, would have revived, but severall of the judges being old and ill horsemen would not agree to it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_226&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_226&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXX.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I have seen him ride in 1654 or 5.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Lettres on naturalls: &amp;amp;lt;quaere&amp;amp;gt; Mr. Samb&amp;amp;lt;roke&amp;amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The scandall aforesaid is from Sir Charles Scarborough&#039;s saying that he had, towards his latter end, a preparation of opium and I know not what, which he kept in his study to take, if occasion should serve, to putt him out of his paine, and which Sir Charles promised to give him; this I beleeve to be true; but doe not at all beleeve that he really did give it him. The palsey did give him an easie passe-port.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I remember I have heard him say he wrote a booke &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De insectis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which he had been many yeares about, and had made curious researches and anatomicall observations on them. This booke was lost when his lodgings at Whitehall were plundered in the time of the rebellion. He could never for love nor money retrive them or heare what became of them and sayd &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;&#039;twas the greatest crucifying to him that ever he had in all his life&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1458&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1458&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1135]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Dr. Harvy&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_231&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_231&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EU]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; told me, and any one if he examines himself will find it to be true, that a man could not fancy—truthfully—that he is imperfect in any part that he has, verbi gratiâ, teeth, eie, tongue, spina dorsi, etc. Natura tends to perfection, and in matters of generation we ought to consult more with our sense and instinct, then our reason, and prudence, fashion of the country, and interest. We see what contemptible&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1459&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1459&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1136]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; products are of the prudent politiques&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1460&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1460&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1137]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, weake, fooles, and ricketty children, scandalls to nature and their country. The heralds are fooles&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1461&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1461&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1138]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;tota errant via&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. A blessing goes with a marriage for love upon a strong impulse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_304&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 304]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1462&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1462&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1139]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sowgelder.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; To see, Sir John, how much you are mistaken; he that marries a widdowe makes himself cuckold. Exempli gratia, to speake experimentally and in my trade, if a good bitch is first warded with a curre, let her ever after be warded with a dog of a good straine and yet she will bring curres as at first, her wombe being first infected with a curre. So, the children will be like the first husband (like raysing up children to your brother). So, the adulterer, though a crime in law, the children are like the husband.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sir John.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Thou dost talke, me thinks, more understandingly of these matters then any one I have mett with.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sowgelder.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Ah! my old friend Dr. Harvey—I knew him right well—he made me sitt by him 2 or 3 hours together discoursing. Why! had he been stiffe, starcht&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1463&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1463&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1140]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and retired, as other formall doctors are, he had known no more then they. From the meanest person, in some way, or other, the learnedst man may learn something. Pride has been one of the greatest stoppers&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1464&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1464&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1141]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of the advancement of learning.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_227&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_227&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EQ]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey gives (MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 64) in trick the coat:—&#039;or, on a chief indented sable 3 crescents argent [Harvey]; quartering ..., 2 bars wavy ..., on a chief ... a lozenge charged with a Maltese cross....&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_228&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_228&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[ER]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. the inscriptions given here are extracted from the lost volume B. of Aubrey&#039;s antiquarian collections. July 2, 1674, Aubrey to Wood, in MS. Ballard 14, fol. 103:—&#039;My brother William hath my liber B, wherin is the epitaph etc. of Dr. William Harvey&#039;s life.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_229&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_229&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[ES]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 61, the blank address-side of Francis Potter&#039;s letter (of date Dec. 7, 1652) to Aubrey are found Aubrey&#039;s jottings of this conversation:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Vesalius&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c43&amp;quot;&amp;gt;{ Bantinus&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c43&amp;quot;&amp;gt;{ Anthocologia&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c44&amp;quot;&amp;gt;J. Riolani.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;tb&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c45&amp;quot;&amp;gt;de oculo&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;tb&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c26&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Julius Placentinus: &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;de oculo et&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c46&amp;quot;&amp;gt;auditu&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c47&amp;quot;&amp;gt;de oculo et visione&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c48&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Fabricius Aquapendente.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Ad legendos hosce bonos autores cohortatus sum a doctore Gulielmo Harveo.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_230&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_230&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[ET]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey has preserved two specimens of this bad hand. MS. Aubr. 21, fol. 77, he marks as &#039;Dr. Harvey&#039;s bill for my purge, Nov. 19, 1655,&#039; and notes &#039;The recipe is Dr. Harvey&#039;s own handwriting.&#039; MS. Aubr. 21, fol. 107, is a prescription addressed for &#039;Mr. Aubrey, Apr. 23, 1653,&#039; on which Aubrey notes &#039;This is Dr. William Harvey&#039;s owne writing.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_231&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_231&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EU]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This passage, and the next, are taken from Aubrey&#039;s projected comedy, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Country Revel&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. In all likelihood they are a reminiscence of Harvey&#039;s familiar conversation: see p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_300&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;300&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_305&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 305]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;John Hawles&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1645-1716).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1465&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1465&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1142]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&#039;Remarks upon the Tryalls of Edward Fitzharris, Stephen Colledge, count Coningsmark, the lord Russell, col. Sydney, Henry Cornish, and Charles Bateman; as also of Shaftsbury&#039;s Grand Jury, Wilmore&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Homine replegiando&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and the award of execution against Sir Thomas Armstrong&#039;: by John Hawles, barrister, of Lincoln&#039;s Inne: London, 1689.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was the sonne of Thomas Hawles, esq., and borne at his father&#039;s house in the close in Salisbury. He went to school at Winton College, and was a gentleman commoner of Queen&#039;s College, Oxon. He is an exceeding ingeniose young gentleman.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Richard Head&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1637?-1686?).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1466&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1466&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1143]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;From Mr. Bovey:—... Meriton—his true name was Head (Mr. Bovey knew him). Borne ...; was a bookeseller in Little Britaine.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had been amongst the gipsies. He looked like a knave with his gogling eies. He could transforme&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1467&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1467&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1144]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; himselfe into &amp;amp;lt;any&amp;amp;gt; shape. Brake 2 or 3 times. Was at last a bookeseller, or towards his later end. He maintained himselfe by scribling. He &amp;amp;lt;got&amp;amp;gt; 20&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;s.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per sheet. He wrote severall pieces, viz. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The English Rogue&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_232&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_232&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EV]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Art of Wheadling&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, etc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was drowned goeing to Plymouth by long sea about 1676, being about 50 yeares of age.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_232&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_232&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EV]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 1&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, Anthony Wood notes &#039;Meriton Latrone in &amp;quot;the English Rogue&amp;quot;; I have it &amp;amp;lt;i.e. the book&amp;amp;gt; in my other study.&#039;—&#039;The English Rogue described in the life of Meriton Latrone,&#039; Lond. 1666.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_306&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 306]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;James Heath&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1629-1664).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1468&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1468&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1145]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Quaere of Sir ... Heath in Pumpe Court; quaere capt. Sherburne and J. Davys de hoc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Ex registro St. Bartholomew the lesse, London, Anno Dom. 1664. &#039;James Heath, gent., dyed the 16th, and was buryed the 19th of August, consumption and dropsey, in the church neere the skreene dore.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The clarke here told me that once he had a pretty good estate, but in his later time maintained him selfe much by writing bookes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_233&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_233&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EW]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. He was hardly 40 yeares old when he dyed. He left 4 or 5 children on the parish, now all or most maried. Two were bound apprentices to weavers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_233&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_233&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EW]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; James Heath, ejected by the Parliamentary Visitors (1648) from his Studentship in Christ Church, wrote histories of portions of the Civil War.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Elize Hele&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (15..-1635).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1469&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1469&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1146]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Lady Hele&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1470&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1470&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1147]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in Devon, 800 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum—Sir John Maynard.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The lady Hele of Devon gave by her will 800 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum to be layd out for charitable uses and by the advice and prudence of serjeant Maynard&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1471&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1471&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1148]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. He did order it&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1472&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1472&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1149]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; according to the best of his understanding, and yet he sayd that he haz lived to see every one of these benefactions abused—quod N. B.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1473&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1473&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1150]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Sir Robert Henley&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (16..-1680?).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Sir Robert Henley, of Bramswell, Hants, baronet, decubuit&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1474&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1474&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1151]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, Thursday, about 3&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, Feb. 14, Valentine&#039;s &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_307&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 307]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;day. He was taken ill a hunting about noon, I think the Tuesday before. The yeare when, quaere? 1673.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Edward Herbert&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;, baron Herbert of Chirbury (1583-1648).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1475&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1475&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1152]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Edward&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_235&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_235&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EX]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, lord Herbert of Cherbery—vide memorandum&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1476&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1476&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1153]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, 1672. Vide 8vo booke by ..., ubi his life, and description of a noble monument designed by him. Vide&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1477&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1477&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1154]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; lib. B, Montgomery, p. 126.—Severall whispering places in Wales, one here at Montgomery:—&amp;amp;lt;so I am told by&amp;amp;gt; Meredith Lloyd.—Prophetick&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1478&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1478&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1155]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, America—vide lib. B, Montgomery.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;James&amp;amp;gt; Usher, Lord Primate of Ireland, was sent for by him, when in his death-bed, and he would have received the sacrament. He sayd indifferently of it that &#039;if there was good in any-thing &#039;twas in that,&#039; or &#039;if it did no good &#039;twould doe no hurt.&#039; The primate refused it, for which many blamed him. He dyed at his house in Queen street, very serenely; asked what was a clock, answer so ...: &#039;then,&#039; sayd he, &#039;an houre hence I shall depart.&#039; He then turned his head to the other side and expired. In his will he gave speciall order to have his white stone-horse (which he loved) to be well fed and carefully looked after as long as he lived. He had two libraries, one at London, the other at Montgomery; one&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_236&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_236&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EY]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; wherof he gave to Jesus College, Oxon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Vide his mother&#039;s, the&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1479&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1479&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1156]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ..., funerall sermon, preached at Chelsey by Dr. Donne, wherunto are annexed Latin and Greeke verses by her sonne, George Herbert.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Verses. Poemes.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Vide more of this lord in Lloyd&#039;s State-Worthies, 8vo. 1679.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Amici&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;:—John Donne, D.D.; Sir John Danvers, etc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_308&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 308]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1480&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1480&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1157]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;(August, 1648)—St. Giles-in-the-fields: &#039;August 5th, buried Edward, lord Herbert, baron of Cherbery.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. &amp;amp;lt;Thomas&amp;amp;gt; Fludd tells me he had constantly prayers twice a day in his howse, and Sundayes would have his chaplayne read one of Smyth&#039;s sermons. Vide Mr. Davys, attorney.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1481&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1481&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1158]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir Edward Herbert, afterward lord Cherbery, etc., dyed at his house, in Queen street, in the parish of St. Giles in the fields, London, and lies interred in the chancell, under the lord Stanhope&#039;s inscription.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On a black marble grave-stone thus:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Heic inhumatur corpus&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Edvardi Herbert, Equitis&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Balnei, Baronis de Cherbury&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
et Castle-Island. Auctoris Libri&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
cui titulus est &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Veritate&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Reddor ut herbae,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Vicessimo die Augusti,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Anno Domini 1648.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have seem him severall times with Sir John Danvers: he was a black man.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum:—the castle of Montgomery was a most romancy seate. It stood upon a high promontory, the north side 30+ feete high. From hence is a most delightsome prospect, 4 severall wayes. Southwards, without the castle, is &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Prim-rose hill&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: vide Donne&#039;s Poems, p. 53.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1482&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1482&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1159]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Upon this Prim-rose hill&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_234&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_234&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXXI.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Where, if Heaven would distill&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A showre of raine, each severall drop might goe&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To his owne prim-rose, and grow manna so;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And where their forme and their infinitie&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Make a terrestriall galaxie,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;As the small starres doe in the skie;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;I walke to find a true-love, and I see&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;That &#039;tis not a meer woman that is shee,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But most, or more, or lesse than woman be, etc.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_234&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_234&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXXI.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In the parke.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_309&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 309]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In this pleasant solitude did this noble lord enjoy his muse. Here he wrote his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Veritate&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Dr. Coote (a Cambridge scholar and a learned) was one of his chaplains. Mr. Thomas Masters, of New College, Oxon, lived with him till 1642.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This stately castle was demolished since the late warres at the chardge of the countrey.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_235&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_235&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EX]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 95, Aubrey gives in trick the coat:—&#039;Party per pale, azure and gules, 3 lions rampant argent&#039; [Herbert of Chirbury]: surmounted by a baron&#039;s coronet.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_236&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_236&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EY]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It was his London library that he gave to Jesus College: so Aubrey, 2 Sept. 1671, in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 138.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;George Herbert&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1593-1633).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1483&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1483&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1160]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. George Herbert was kinsman (remote) and chapelaine to Philip, earl of Pembroke and Montgomery, and Lord Chamberlayn. His lordship gave him a benefice&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1484&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1484&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1161]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at Bemmarton&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_237&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_237&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXXII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (between Wilton and Salisbury), a pittifull little chappell of ease to Foughelston. The old house was very ruinous. Here he built a very handsome howse for the minister, of brick, and made a good garden and walkes. He lyes in the chancell, under no large, nor yet very good, marble grave-stone, without any inscription.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_237&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_237&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXXII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In the records of the Tower it is writt Bymerton.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Scripsit:—Sacred Poems, called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Church&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, printed, Cambridge, 1633; a booke entituled &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Country Parson&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, not printed till about 1650, 8vo. He also writt a folio in Latin, which because the parson&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_238&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_238&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXXIII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Hineham could not read, his widowe (then wife to Sir Robert Cooke) condemned to the uses of good houswifry.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_238&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_238&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXXIII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This account I had from Mr. Arnold Cooke, one of Sir Robert Cooke&#039;s sonnes, whom I desired to aske his mother-in-lawe&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1485&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1485&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1162]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for Mr. G. Herbert&#039;s MSS.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was buryed (according to his owne desire) with the singing service for the buriall of dead, by the singing men of Sarum. Fr&amp;amp;lt;ancis&amp;amp;gt; Sambroke (attorney) then assisted as a chorister boy; my uncle, Thomas &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_310&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 310]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Danvers, was at the funerall. Vide in the Register booke at the office when he dyed, for the parish register is lost.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum:—in the chancell are many apt sentences of the Scripture. At his wive&#039;s seate, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;My life is hid with Christ in God&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Coloss. iii. 3 (he hath verses on this text in his poëms). Above, in a little windowe blinded, within a veile (ill painted), &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Thou art my hideing place&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Psalm xxxii. 7.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He maried Jane, the third daughter of Charles Danvers, of Bayntun, in com. Wilts, esq. but had no issue by her. He was a very fine complexion and consumptive. His mariage, I suppose, hastened his death. My kinswoman was a handsome &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;bona roba&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and ingeniose.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When he was first maried he lived a yeare or better at Dantesey house. H. Allen, of Dantesey, was well acquainted with him, who has told me that he had a very good hand on the lute, and that he sett his own lyricks or sacred poems. &#039;Tis an honour to the place, to have had the heavenly and ingeniose contemplation of this good man, who was pious even to prophesie;—e.g.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Religion now on tip-toe stands,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Ready to goe to the American strands.&#039;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1486&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1486&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1163]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;George Herbert:—&amp;amp;lt;ask&amp;amp;gt; cozen Nan Garnet pro &amp;amp;lt;his&amp;amp;gt; picture; if not, her aunt ... Cooke.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Mary Herbert&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;, countess of Pembroke (1555-1621).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1487&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1487&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1164]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mary&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_241&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_241&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EZ]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, countesse of Pembroke, was sister to Sir Philip Sydney; maried to Henry, the eldest son of William, earle of Pembroke aforesayd; but this subtile old earle did foresee that his faire and witty daughter-in-lawe would horne his sonne and told him so and advised him to keepe her in the countrey and not to let her frequent the court.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She was a beautifull ladie and had an excellent witt, and had the best breeding that that age could afford. Shee &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_311&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 311]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;had a pritty sharpe-ovall face. Her haire was of a reddish yellowe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She was very salacious, and she had a contrivance that in the spring of the yeare&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1488&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1488&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1165]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ... the stallions ... were to be brought before such a part of the house, where she had a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;vidette&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; to look on them.... One of her great gallants was crooke-back&#039;t Cecill, earl of Salisbury.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In her time Wilton house was like a College, there were so many learned and ingeniose persons. She was the greatest patronesse of witt and learning of any lady in her time. She was a great chymist and spent yearly a great deale in that study. She kept for her laborator&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1489&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1489&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1166]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in the house Adrian Gilbert (vulgarly called Dr. Gilbert), halfe brother to Sir Walter Ralegh, who was a great chymist in those dayes. &#039;Twas he that made the curious wall about Rowlington-parke, which is the parke that adjoyns to the house at Wilton. Mr. Henry Sanford was the earle&#039;s secretary, a good scholar and poet, and who did penne part of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Arcadia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; dedicated to her (as appeares by the preface). He haz a preface before it with the two letters of his name. &#039;Tis he that haz verses before Bond&#039;s Horace. She also gave an honourable yearly pension to Dr. &amp;amp;lt;Thomas&amp;amp;gt; Mouffett,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1490&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1490&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1167]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;who hath writt a booke &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De insectis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Also one ... Boston, a good chymist, a Salisbury man borne, who&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1491&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1491&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1168]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; did undoe himselfe by studying the philosopher&#039;s stone, and she would have kept him but he would have all the gold to him selfe and so dyed I thinke in a goale.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At Wilton is a good library which Mr. Christopher Wase can give you the best account of of any one; which was collected in this learned ladie&#039;s time. There is a manuscript very elegantly written, viz. all the Psalmes of David translated by Sir Philip Sydney, curiously bound in crimson velvet. There is a MS. writt by Dame Marian&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1492&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1492&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1169]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of hunting &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_312&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 312]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and hawking, in English verse, written in King Henry the 8&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;th&#039;s&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; time (quaere Mr. Christopher Wase farther). There is the legier book of Wilton, one page Saxon and the other Latin, which Mr. Dugdale perused.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This curious seate of Wilton and the adjacent countrey is an Arcadian place and a paradise. Sir Philip Sydney was much here, and there was&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1493&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1493&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1170]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ... great love between him and his faire sister ... I have heard old gentlemen (old Sir Walter Long of Dracot and old Mr. Tyndale) say ... The first Philip, earle of Pembroke, ... inherited not the witt of either the brother or sister.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This countesse, after her lord&#039;s death, maried&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_239&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_239&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXXIV.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to Sir Matthew Lister&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_240&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_240&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXXV.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, knight, one of the Colledge of Physitians, London. He was (they say) a learned and a handsome gentleman. She built then a curious house in Bedfordshire called Houghton Lodge neer Ampthill. The architects were sent for from Italie. It is built according to the description of Basilius&#039;s house in the first booke of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Arcadia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (which is dedicated to her). It is most pleasantly situated and hath fower visto&#039;s, each prospect 25 or 30 miles. This was sold to the earle of Elgin for ... &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; The house did cost 10,000 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; the building.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_239&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_239&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXXIV.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Jack Markham saies they were not &amp;amp;lt;married&amp;amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_240&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_240&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXXV.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He dyed 1644 or 1645.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I thinke she was buryed in the vault in the choire at Salisbury, by Henry, earl of Pembroke, her first husband: but there is no memoriall of her, nor of any of the rest, except some penons and scutcheons.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1494&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1494&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1171]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;An epitaph on the lady Mary, countesse of Pembroke (in print somewhere), by William Browne, who wrote the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pastoralls&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, whom William, earle of Pembroke, preferr&#039;d to be tutor to the first earle of Carnarvon (&amp;amp;lt;Robert&amp;amp;gt; Dormer), which was worth to him 5 or 6000 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i.e. he bought 300 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum land—from old Jack Markham—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Underneath this sable hearse&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Lies the subject of all verse:&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Sydney&#039;s sister, Pembroke&#039;s mother.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_313&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 313]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Death! er&#039;st thou shalt kill&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1495&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1495&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1172]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; such another&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Fair and good and learn&#039;d as shee,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Time will throw a&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1496&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1496&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1173]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; dart at thee.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_241&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_241&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[EZ]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey gives in trick the coat:—&#039;parted per pale azure and gules, 3 lions rampant argent [Herbert]; impaling, &amp;amp;lt;or&amp;amp;gt;, a pheon &amp;amp;lt;azure&amp;amp;gt; [Sydney].&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Richard Herbert&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (15..-1596).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1497&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1497&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1174]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;(Ex libro B, p. 126):—In a buriall-place in the church at Montgomery (belonging to the castle) is a great out-started monument of Richard Herbert, esq. (father to the learned lord Herbert of Cherbery, and Mr. George Herbert, who wrote the sacred poëms), where are the effigies of him and Magdalene his wife, who afterwards was maried to Sir John Danvers of Wilts, and lies interred at Chelsey church but without any monument. Dr. Donne, dean of St. Paul&#039;s, preached her funerall sermon, to which are annexed severall verses, Latin and Greeke, by Mr. George Herbert, in memorie of her. She was buryed, as appeares by the sermon, July 1, 1627.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In Sepulchrum Richardi Herberti, armigeri, et Magdalenae uxoris&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ejus, hendecasyllaba.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Quid virtus, pietas, amorve recti,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Tunc cum vita fugit, juvare possunt?&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In coelo relevent perenne nomen,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Hoc saxum doceat, duos recludens&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Quos uno thalamo fideque junctos&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Heic unus tumulus lapisve signat.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Jam longum sape, Lector, et valeto,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Aeternum venerans ubique nomen.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1498&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1498&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1175]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;In Brecknockshire, about 3 miles from Brecknock, is a village called Penkelly (Anglicè &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hasel-wood&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;), where is a little castle. It is an ancient seate of the Herberts. Mr. Herbert, of this place, came, by the mother&#039;s side, of Ŵgan. The lord Cherbery&#039;s ancestor came by the second &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_314&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 314]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;venter, who was a miller&#039;s daughter. The greatest part of the estate was settled on the issue by the 2d venter, viz. Montgomery castle, and Aberystwith. Upon this match with the miller&#039;s daughter are to this day recited, or sung, by the Welsh, these verses: viz.:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Ô gway vinney (dhyw) râg wilidh&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Vôd vinhad yn velinidh&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A&#039; vôd vy mam yn velinidhes&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A&#039; môd inney yn arglwydhes.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To this sence&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_242&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_242&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FA]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;hangindent&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;O God! Woe is me miserable, my father was a miller, and my mother a milleresse, and I am now a ladie.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_242&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_242&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FA]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A more exact rendering is:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;O woe is me (God) for shame,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;That my father is a miller&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And that my mother is a miller&#039;s wife,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And that &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;I&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; am a peeress.&#039;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;William Herbert&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;, 1st earl of Pembroke (1507-1570).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1499&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1499&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1176]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;William&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_245&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_245&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FB]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, earle of Pembroke, the first earle of that family, was borne (I thinke I have heard my cosen Whitney say) in ... in Monmouthshire. Herbert, of Colbrooke in Monmouthshire, is of that family.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was (as I take it) a younger brother, a mad fighting young fellow. &#039;Tis certaine he was a servant to the house of Worcester, and wore their blew-coate and badge. My cosen Whitney&#039;s great aunt gave him a golden angell&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1500&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1500&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1177]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; when he went to London. One time being at Bristowe, he was arrested, and killed one of the sheriffes of the city. He made his escape through Back-street, through the (then great) gate, into the Marsh, and gott into France.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum:—upon this action of killing the sheriffe, the city ordered the gate to be walled-up, and only a little posterne gate or dore, with a turnestile for a foot-passenger, which continued so till Bristowe was a garrison for the king, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_315&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 315]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and the great gate was then opened, in 1644, or 1645. When I was a boy there, living with my father&#039;s mother, who was maried to alderman John Whitson&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_243&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_243&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXXVI.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (who was my god-father), the story was as fresh as but of yesterday. He was called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;black Will Herbert&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_243&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_243&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXXVI.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was the greatest benefactor to the city that haz been since the Reformacion. He gave 500 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum at least to the city to maintain ... blew-coates, boies and maydes. He dyed about 1629; vide register.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In France he betooke himself into the army, where he shewd so much courage, and readinesse of witt in conduct, that in short time he became eminent, and was favoured by &amp;amp;lt;Francis I&amp;amp;gt; the king, who afterwards recommended him to Henry the VIII of England, who much valued him, and heaped favours and honours upon him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Upon the dissolution of the abbeys, he gave him the abbey of Wilton, and a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;country&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of lands and mannours thereabout belonging to it. He gave him also the abbey of Remesbury in Wilts, with much lands belonging to it. He gave him Cardiff-Castle in Glamorganshire, with the ancient crowne-lands belonging to it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Almost all the country held of this castle. It was built by Sir Robert Fitzhamond the Norman, who lies buried at Tewkesbury abbey with a memorial: and he built the abbey of Glocester. It afterwards came to Jasper, duke of Bedford, etc.; so to the crowne. I have seen severall writings of Sir John Aubrey&#039;s at Llantrithid in Glamorganshire, which beginne&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1501&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1501&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1178]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; thus:—&#039;Ego Jaspar, frater regum et patruus, dux Bedfordiae, comes Pembrochiae, et dominus de Glamorgan et Morgannog, omnibus ad quos hoc presens scriptum pervenerit, salutem, etc.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He maried &amp;amp;lt;Anne&amp;amp;gt; Par, sister of queen Katharine Par, daughter and co-heire of &amp;amp;lt;Thomas&amp;amp;gt; Par (I thinke&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_246&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_246&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FC]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, marquisse of Northampton), by whom he had 2 sonnes, Henry, earle of Pembroke, and &amp;amp;lt;Edward&amp;amp;gt; the ancestor of the lord Powys.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was made Privy Councellor and conservator of King Henry the Eight&#039;s&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1502&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1502&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1179]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;will. He could neither write nor &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_316&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 316]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;read, but had a stamp for his name. He was of good naturall parts; but very cholerique. He was strong sett but bony, reddish-favoured, of a sharp eie&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1503&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1503&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1180]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, sterne looke.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In queen Mary&#039;s time, upon the returne of the Catholique religion, the nunnes came again to Wilton abbey, and this William, earl of Pembroke, came to the gate (which lookes towards the court by the street, but now is walled-up) with his cappe in hand, and fell upon his knee to the lady abbesse&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_244&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_244&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXXVII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and the nunnes, crying peccavi. Upon queen Mary&#039;s death, the earle came to Wilton (like a tygre) and turnd them out, crying, &#039;Out ye whores, to worke, to worke, ye whores, goe spinne.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_244&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_244&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXXVII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The last lady abbesse here was ... Gawen, of Norrington, belonging to Chalke, where that family haz been 400 yeares (sold about 1665 to Judge Wadham Windham).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He being a stranger in our country, and an upstart, was much envyed. And in those dayes (of sword and buckler), noblemen (and also great knights, as the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Longs&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;), when they went to the assizes or sessions at Salisbury, etc., had a great number of retainers following them; and there were (you have heard), in those dayes, feudes (i.e. quarrells and animosities) between great neighbours. Particularly this new earle was much envyed by the then lord Sturton of Sturton&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_247&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_247&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FD]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, who would, when he went or returned from Sarum (by Wilton was his rode), sound his trumpetts, and give reproachfull challenging words; &#039;twas a relique of knighthood errantry.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;From my great-uncles, the Brownes of Broad Chalke:—in queen Elizabeth&#039;s time, some bishop (I have forgot who) that had been his chaplain, was sent to him from the queen and council, to take interrogatories of him. So he takes out his pen and inke, examines and writes. When he had writt a good deale, sayd the earle, &#039;Now lett me see it.&#039; &#039;Why,&#039; q&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;d&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; the bishop, &#039;your lordship cannot read it?&#039; &#039;That&#039;s all one: I&#039;le see it,&#039; q&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;d&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; he, and takes it and teares it to pieces: &#039;Zounds, you rascall,&#039; q&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;d&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; he, &#039;d&#039;ee thinke I will have my throate cutt with a penknife?&#039; It seemes they had a mind to have pick&#039;t a hole in his coate, and to have gott his estate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_317&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 317]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Tis reported that he caused himself to be lett bloud, and bled so much that it was his death, and that he should say as he was expiring, &#039;They would have Wilton—they would have Wilton,&#039; and so gave up the ghost.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum:—this William (the founder of this family) had a little cur-dog which loved him, and the earl loved the dog. When the earle dyed the dog would not goe from his master&#039;s dead body, but pined away, and dyed under the hearse; the picture of which dog is under his picture, in the Gallery at Wilton. Which putts me in&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1504&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1504&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1181]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;mind of a parallell storie in Appian (Syrian Warr):—Lysimachus being slaine, a dog that loved him stayed a long time by the body and defended it from birds and beasts till such time as Thorax, king of Pharsalia, finding it out gave it buriall. And I thinke there is such another story in Pliny: vide.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was buried in ... of St. Paule&#039;s, London, where he had a magnificent monument, which is described, with the epitaph, by Sir William Dugdale, which vide.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1505&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1505&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1182]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;This present earl of Pembroke (1680) has at Wilton 52 mastives and 30 grey-hounds, some beares, and a lyon, and a matter of 60 fellowes more bestiall than they.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_245&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_245&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FB]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey gives in trick the coat:—&#039;party per pale azure and gules, 3 lions rampant argent [Herbert]; impaling, argent, 2 bars azure within a bordure engrailed sable [Parre],&#039; surmounted by an earl&#039;s coronet.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_246&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_246&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FC]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In error. It was Sir Thomas Parre&#039;s son William (brother of this Anne, countess of Pembroke) who was created marquess of Northampton in 1546/7.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_247&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_247&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FD]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Charles Stourton, succeeded as 7th baron in 1548; executed for murder in 1557.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;William Herbert&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;, 3rd earl of Pembroke (1580-1630).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1506&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1506&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1183]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;William, earl of Pembroke, Chancellor of the University of Oxford, natus anno MDLXXX, viii Apr.; obiit anno MDCXXX, x Calend. Apr.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1507&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1507&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1184]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;—His death fell out according to prediction. He dyed a bed of an apoplexie.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1508&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1508&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1185]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Wilhelmus, comes Pembrochiae, Cancellarius Univ.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_318&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 318]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Oxon., natus anno MDLXXX, viii Apr.; obiit anno MDCXXX, x Calend. Apr.—His nativity was calculated by old Mr. Thomas Allen: his death was foretold, which happened true at the time foretold. Being well in health, he made a feast; ate and dranke plentifully; went to bed; and found dead in the morning.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1509&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1509&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1186]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;William, earle of Pembroke, Lord Chamberlain, and Chancellor of the University of Oxford:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Natus Anno MDLXXX, viii Apr.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Obiit Anno MDCXXX, x Calend. Apr.&#039;—&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I find this under his engraved picture.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;tb&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He dyed of an apoplexy, and it fell-out right according to prediction, because of which he made a great supper, and went to his bed well, but dyed in his sleep.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a most magnificent and brave peer, and loved learned men. He was a poet. There is a little booke in 12mo or 16mo which containes his wife&#039;s and Sir Benjamin Rudyer&#039;s who was his friend and contemporary.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;John Heydon&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1629-166..).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1510&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1510&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1187]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;From Elias Ashmole, esq&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;re&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, scilicet that he&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1511&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1511&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1188]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; had the booke called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The way to blisse&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; from his adoptive father Backhowse&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1512&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1512&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1189]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at Swallowfield in com. Berks., a MSS. writt in queen Elizabeth&#039;s time, hand and stile ἀνονυμῶς.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. ... Heyden maried Nicholas Culpepper&#039;s widdowe, and lights there&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1513&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1513&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1190]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; on the aforesayd MSS., and prints a booke with a great deale of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The way to blisse&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; word for word and verses that are printed in the commendation of other bookes; and instead of such and such old philosophers&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1514&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1514&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1191]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; putts downe John Bowker and William Lilly which they never heard of: and is so impudent in one of his bookes since as to say Mr. Ashmole borrowed of him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_319&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 319]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Peter Heylyn&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1599-1662).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1515&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1515&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1192]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Dr. Heylin was buried in the choire neer his own [subdean&#039;s&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1516&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1516&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1193]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;] stall, May the 10th 1662&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1517&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1517&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1194]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, but his inscription is on the wall of the north aisle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1518&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1518&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1195]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;Aubrey gives a copy of the inscription, noting, on the line &#039;posuit hoc illi moestissima conjux&#039;:—&amp;amp;gt; who, about a year after, fell in love with a lifeguardman that I know, whom she had maried (aetat. 23), had not cruel death quench&#039;t that amorous flame.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Il port &#039;sable, 3 horse-heads erased argent.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Nicholas Hill&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1570?-1610).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1519&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1519&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1196]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Nicholas Hill:—This Nicholas Hill was one of the most learned men of his time: a great mathematician and philosopher and traveller, and a poet&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1520&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1520&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1197]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. His writings had the usuall fate of those not printed in the author&#039;s life-time. He was so eminent for knowledge, that he was the favourite of ...&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_248&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_248&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXXVIII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the great earle of Oxford, who had him to accompanie him in his travells (he was his steward), which were so splendid and sumptuous, that he kept at Florence a greater court then the Great Duke. This earle spent in that ... of travelling, the inheritance of ten or twelve thousand pounds per annum.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_248&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_248&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXXVIII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Twas that earle of Oxford that lett the f— before queen Elizabeth: wherupon he travelled. Vide Stowe de hoc, in Elizabeth about the end.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Old Serjeant Hoskins (the poet, grandfather to this Sir John Hoskins, baronet, my hon&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;d&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; friend) knew him (was&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1521&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1521&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1198]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; well acquainted with him), by which meanes I have this tradicion which otherwise had been lost; as also his very name, but only for these verses&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_250&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_250&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FE]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in Ben Johnson&#039;s 2d volumine, viz.:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;tb&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;tb&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_320&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 320]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I fancy that his picture, i.e. head, is at the end of the Long Gallery of Pictures at Wilton&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_249&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_249&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXXIX.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, which is the most philosophicall aspect that I have seen, very much of Mr. T. Hobbes of Malmesbury, but rather &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;more antique&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. &#039;Tis pitty that in noblemen&#039;s galleries, the names are not writt on, or behind, the pictures.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_249&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_249&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[LXXXIX.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Philip, earl of Montgomery, Lord Chamberleyn, maried &amp;amp;lt;Susan&amp;amp;gt; the daughter of &amp;amp;lt;Edward Vere, 17th&amp;amp;gt; earle of Oxford, by whom he had his issue.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He writt &#039;Philosophia Epicureo-Democritiana, simpliciter proposita, non edocta&#039;: printed at Colen, in 8vo or 12mo: Sir John Hoskins hath it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thomas Henshawe, of Kensington, esq., R. Soc. Soc., hath a treatise of his in manuscript, which he will not print, viz. &#039;Of the Essence of God, &amp;amp;amp;c. Light.&#039; It is mighty paradoxicall:—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;That there is a God&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; What he is, in 10 or 12 articles: &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Of the Immortality of the Soule&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which he does demonstrate παντουσία and ὀντουσία.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[Fabian Philips, the cursiter, remembers him&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1522&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1522&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1199]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was, as appeares by A. Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Historie&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, of St. John&#039;s Colledge in Oxford, where he mentions him to be a great Lullianist.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In his travells with his lord, (I forget whither Italy or Germany, but I thinke the former) a poor man begged him to give him &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;a penny&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. &#039;A penny!&#039; said Mr. Hill, &#039;what dost say to ten pound?&#039; &#039;Ah! ten pound!&#039; (said the beggar) &#039;that would make a man happy.&#039; N. Hill gave him immediately 10 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and putt it downe upon account,—&#039;Item, to a beggar ten pounds, to make him happy.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1523&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1523&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1200]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;He printed &#039;Philosophia Epicurea Democritiana,&#039; dedicated &#039;filiolo Laurentio.&#039;—There was one Laurence Hill that did belong to the queen&#039;s court, that was hangd with&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1524&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1524&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1201]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Green and Berry about Sir Edmund-Berry Godfrey. According to age, it might be this man, but we cannot be certain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1525&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1525&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1202]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Thomas Henshaw bought of Nicholas Hill&#039;s &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_321&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 321]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;widow, in Bow lane, some of his bookes; among which is a manuscript &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;de infinitate et aeternitate mundi&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. He finds by his writings that he was (or leaning) a Roman Catholique. Mr. Henshaw believes he dyed about 1610: he dyed an old man. He flourished in queen Elizabeth&#039;s time. I will search the register of Bowe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1526&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1526&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1203]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;I have searched the register of Bow, ubi non inventus Nicolas Hill.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1527&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1527&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1204]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Vide tom. 1 of Ben: Johnson&#039;s workes, pag. 48, epigram &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;CXXXIV&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, title &#039;The famous voyage&#039;....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Here sev&#039;rall ghosts did flitt,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;About the shore, of ..., but late departed;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;White, black, blew, greene; and in more formes out-started&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Than all those &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Atomi&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ridiculous&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Wherof old Democrite and Hill Nicholas,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;One sayd, the other swore, the world consists.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_250&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_250&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FE]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey was most anxious to have these verses inserted, three times directing Anthony Wood to do so. MS. Aubr. 8, a slip at fol. 4:—&#039;Past on Nicholas Hill, in his proper place in part 1st&#039; &amp;amp;lt;i.e. MS. Aubr. 6&amp;amp;gt;, but no copy of the verses is there given. MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 7:—&#039;Insert B. Johnson&#039;s verses of Nicholas Hill.&#039; MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 351&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;: 13 Jan. 1680/1:—&#039;B. Johnson speakes of N. Hill in his &amp;quot;Voyage to Holbourne from Puddle-dock in a ferry boate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A dock there is ... called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Avernus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;. . . . . . . . . . . . . . concern us.&amp;quot;&#039;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Thomas Hobbes&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1588-1679).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;This, the most elaborate of these &#039;Brief Lives,&#039; occupies by itself MS. Aubr. 9. For the letters introductory to it, see &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, pp. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_17&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;17&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-20.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The various papers of which the MS. is composed are bound up confusedly, and the separate notes are in some cases entered on a page, or a page and its opposite, in no order. Considerable re-arrangement has therefore been necessary; but the exact MS. references have been given throughout. Some few notes relating to Hobbes, found in other Aubrey MSS., have here been brought into their natural place.&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_322&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 322]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1528&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1528&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1205]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;The Life of Mr. Thomas Hobbes, of Malmesburie&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1529&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1529&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1206]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Introduction.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The writers&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1530&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1530&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1207]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of the lives of the ancient philosophers used to, in the first place, to speake of their lineage&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1531&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1531&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1208]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; and they tell us that in processe of time severall great&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1532&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1532&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1209]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; families accounted it their glory to be branched&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1533&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1533&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1210]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; from such or such a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sapiens&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Why now should that method be omitted in this &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Historiola&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of our Malmesbury philosopher? Who though but&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1534&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1534&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1211]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of plebeian descent&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1535&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1535&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1212]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, his renowne haz and will give brightnesse to his name and familie, which hereafter may arise glorious and flourish in riches and may justly take it an honour to be of kin to this worthy person, so famous, for his learning&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1536&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1536&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1213]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, both at home and abroad.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pedigree.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
 &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1537&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1537&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1214]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;... Hobbes, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ...&lt;br /&gt;
                  |&lt;br /&gt;
        +---------+----------+&lt;br /&gt;
        |                    |&lt;br /&gt;
  1. Francis Hobbes,   2. Thomas Hobbes,   &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;  ... Middleton, of Brokenborough&lt;br /&gt;
  obiit sine prole.    vicar of Westport.  |   (vide Camden&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1538&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1538&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1215]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;).&lt;br /&gt;
                                           |&lt;br /&gt;
        +----------------------------+-----+--------------------+&lt;br /&gt;
        |                            |                          |&lt;br /&gt;
  1. Edmund Hobbes,  &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ...    2. Thomas Hobbes,      ..., a daughter, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ...&lt;br /&gt;
                     |         philosophus, obiit&lt;br /&gt;
                     |         coelebs Dec. 4, 1679.&lt;br /&gt;
                     |&lt;br /&gt;
      +--------------+--------------+------------------------+&lt;br /&gt;
      |                             |                        |&lt;br /&gt;
  1. Mary, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ... Tirell.   2. Eleanor, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ... Harding.   Francis  &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ...&lt;br /&gt;
           |                            |                 Hobbes,  |&lt;br /&gt;
                                                                   |&lt;br /&gt;
               +------------------------+-----------------------+--+---+------+&lt;br /&gt;
               |                        |                       |      |      |&lt;br /&gt;
         1. Thomas, a clothier,   2. &amp;amp;lt;Edmund&amp;amp;gt;. When a child&lt;br /&gt;
         about 23, 1679.          his genius lyes to drawing.&lt;br /&gt;
                                  He can engrave and something&lt;br /&gt;
                                  resembles the philosopher.&lt;br /&gt;
                                  I have a lyon of his&lt;br /&gt;
                                  engraving.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This heraldique way of expressing a genealogie is most intelligible and makes the best impresse in the memory or &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_323&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 323]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;fancy; but&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1539&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1539&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1216]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; will it not be thought here to&amp;amp;lt;o&amp;amp;gt; pompous and affected by his enemies and the nation of critiques? &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Prescribe Trebate.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;My brother&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1540&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1540&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1217]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; W. A. will set all this right&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_290&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_290&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FF]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;His father.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1541&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1541&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1218]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Thomas Hobbes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_291&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_291&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FG]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, then, whose life I write, was second son of Mr. Thomas Hobbes, vicar of Westport juxta Malmesbury, who maried ... Middleton of Brokinborough (a yeomanly family).&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1542&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1542&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1219]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;He was also vicar of Charlton (a mile hence): they are annexed, and are both worth 60 or 80&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum.—&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1543&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1543&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1220]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Memorandum, Brokenborough also is appendant to Charlton vicaridge—160&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum—from Philip Laurence, whose father-in-law was vicar. [&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1544&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1544&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1221]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;The vicaridge of Malmesbury is but &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;XX&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; nobles per annum = 6&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 13&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;s.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 4&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;d.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; but Coston and Radbourne belongs to it, which addition is equal to 50 or 60&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum.]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1545&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1545&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1222]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Thomas, the father&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1546&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1546&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1223]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, was one of the ignorant &#039;Sir Johns&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1547&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1547&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1224]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&#039; of queen Elizabeth&#039;s time; could&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1548&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1548&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1225]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; only read the prayers of the church and the homilies; and disesteemed&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1549&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1549&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1226]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; learning (his son Edmund told me so), as not knowing the sweetnes of it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1550&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1550&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1227]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;As to his father&#039;s ignorance and clownery, &#039;twas as good metall in the oare which wants excoriating and refineing. A witt requires much cultivation, much paines, and art and good conversation to perfect a man.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;His father&#039;s brother.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1551&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1551&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1228]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;He&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1552&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1552&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1229]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; had an elder brother&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_292&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_292&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FH]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; whose name was &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_324&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 324]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Francis, a wealthy man, and had been alderman&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_251&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_251&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XC.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of the borough; by profession a glover&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_252&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_252&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XCI.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, which is a great trade here&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_253&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_253&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XCII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and in times past much greater. Having no&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1553&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1553&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1230]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;child, he contributed much to, or rather altogether maintained, his nephew Thomas at Magdalen hall in Oxon; and when he dyed gave him an &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;agellum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (a moweing-ground&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1554&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1554&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1231]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) called the Gasten-ground, lyeing neer to the horse-faire, worth 16 or 18 poundes per annum; the rest of his landes he gave to his nephew Edmund.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_251&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_251&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XC.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Alderman&#039; is the title of the chiefe magistrate here. Alderman and&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;...; vide;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
quaere Sir J&amp;amp;lt;ames&amp;amp;gt; Long.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_252&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_252&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XCI.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Shall I expresse or conceale this (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;glover&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;)? The philosopher would acknowledge it.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 29&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_253&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_253&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XCII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Malmesbury famous for good gloves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1555&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1555&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1232]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;At Sherston about 3 miles hence (vide map) are groundes likewise called the Gasten-grounds—perhaps &#039;tis Garston grounds. At Sherston was heretofore a castle, and perhaps (and quaere) if these grounds are not where the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;vallum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; or bulwarkes might be drawne. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Gaer&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Britannicè, signifies some such thing, vide Dr. Davys&#039; British Dictionary.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In Hexham&#039;s Dutch dictionary &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Gast&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; signifies &#039;a guest&#039;; so that &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Gasten-ground&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; will be &#039;the ground for the guests&#039;; probably to putt the horses of the guests (that came to lye at the abbey) to grasse. They speake broad in our countrey, and do pronounce guest, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;gast&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, etc. Monasterys had their guest-halls; and it should seeme they had likewise their guest-grounds for the strangers&#039; horses: as here.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;His brother and sister.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1556&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1556&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1233]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Thomas, the vicar of Westport, maried ... Middleton&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_293&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_293&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FI]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Brokenborough&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_254&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_254&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XCIII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (of a yeomanly family), by whom he had two sonnes and one daughter (quaere my brother William Aubrey)—Edmund, his eldest (was bred-up to&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1557&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1557&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1234]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; his uncle&#039;s profession of a glover); and Thomas (philosopher), second son, whose &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_325&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 325]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;life I now write. Edmund was neer&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1558&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1558&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1235]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; two yeares elder then his brother Thomas, and something resembled him in aspect&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1559&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1559&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1236]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, not so tall, but fell much short of him in his intellect, though he was a good plain understanding countrey-man&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1560&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1560&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1237]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. He had been bred at schoole with his brother; could have made theme, and verse, and understood a little Greek to his dyeing day. He dyed (quaere William Aubrey) about 13 yeares since, aetat. circiter 80.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_254&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_254&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XCIII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Brokenbrig: vide Camden.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 30&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;His nephews and nieces.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This Edmund had only one son named Francis, and two daughters maried to countreymen (renters) in the neighborhood. This Francis pretty well resembled his uncle Thomas, especially about the eie; and probably had he had good education might have been ingeniose; but he drowned his witt&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1561&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1561&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1238]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in ale&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_255&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_255&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XCIV.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. He was left by his father and uncle Thomas, 80 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (quaere W. A.) or better per annum, but he was an ill husband. He dyed about two yeares after his father, and left five children.—His eldest son is Thomas, a clothier, now about 23, living at&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_256&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_256&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XCV.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ... (quaere W. A.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1562&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1562&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1239]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). The second, &amp;amp;lt;Edmund&amp;amp;gt;, lives at ...&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_257&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_257&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XCVI.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and has some lines of Thomas the philosopher. When he was a child&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1563&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1563&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1240]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, his genius inclined him to (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1564&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1564&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1241]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;quaere W. A.) draweing&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1565&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1565&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1242]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and engraving in copper. He is now about 21.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_255&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_255&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XCIV.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This part much given to drunkennes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_256&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_256&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XCV.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He did live at Tedbury.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_257&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_257&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XCVI.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Did live at Chippenham.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Description of Malmsbury.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;As may be seen from his intended preface (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_19&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;19&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) Aubrey thought of beginning the life of Hobbes with an account of Malmsbury.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For this purpose in MS. Aubr. 9 he has drawn three plans&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1566&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1566&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1243]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;(a) plan of environs of Malmsbury (a slip at fol. 31&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_326&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 326]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;(b) plan of Malmsbury (fol. 31&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;(c) a drawing of the house in which Hobbes was born (fol. 31&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;). These are reproduced in facsimile at the end of this edition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He gives there (fol. 31&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;) these dimensions of the town:—&#039;From St. John&#039;s Bridge &amp;amp;lt;south limit of the town&amp;amp;gt; to the abbey &amp;amp;lt;north&amp;amp;gt; is about a quarter of a mile; and from the same bridge to Westport church &amp;amp;lt;west limit&amp;amp;gt; is neer about a mile. Height of the borough from the levill belowe is about 100 foot high.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The references on the plan of Malmsbury (see the facsimile) are:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;&#039;α = the house of his birth.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;ω = Westport church.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;W = the West port (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;olim&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;β = the smyth&#039;s shop.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;δ = the private house where Mr. Latimer taught him.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;ξ = Three Tunnes (as I take it), opposite to the smyth&#039;s shop.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;img src=&amp;quot;images/i_p326t.png&amp;quot; width=&amp;quot;12&amp;quot; height=&amp;quot;16&amp;quot; alt=&amp;quot;&amp;quot;&amp;gt; = the religious &amp;amp;lt;house&amp;amp;gt; dedicated to Our Lady: the chapell is yet standing.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;H = &amp;amp;lt;Hobbes&#039;s&amp;amp;gt; house at the upper &amp;amp;lt;end&amp;amp;gt; faces the Horse fayre.&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;img src=&amp;quot;images/i_p326q.png&amp;quot; width=&amp;quot;9&amp;quot; height=&amp;quot;16&amp;quot; alt=&amp;quot;&amp;quot;&amp;gt; = quaere if not a chapell here?&#039;&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On fol. 31&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; of MS. Aubr. 9, Aubrey has these remarks about these plans, etc.:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;If these notes are not now inserted, probably they will be lost: or should it not be a marginall commentary?&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;I have drawne this rude sketch meerly for your clearer understanding, not that I think it worth while to grave it for &#039;tis at randome. I intended if it had pleased God that I had prospered in the world to have had taken an exact map&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1567&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1567&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1244]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Malmesbury.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Whitechurch, about a mile ferè off:—quaere ubi stat?&#039; &#039;Vide Speed&#039;s mappe in Wiltshire.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Burnevall, quasi Bournevall.&#039;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Description of Westport.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1568&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1568&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1245]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Westport&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_294&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_294&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FJ]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; is the parish without the west-gate (which is now demolished), which gate stood on the neck of land that joines Malmesbury (vide verses&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_295&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_295&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FK]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) to Westport. Here&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_296&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_296&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FL]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was, before the late warres, a very pretty church, consisting of 3 aisles, or rather a nave and two aisles (which tooke up the whole area&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1569&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1569&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1246]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), dedicated to St. Mary; and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_327&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 327]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;a fair spire-steeple, with five tuneable bells, which, when the towne was taken (about 1644; quaere William Aubrey) by Sir W. Waller, were converted&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1570&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1570&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1247]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; into ordinance, and the church pulled-downe to the ground, that the enemie might not shelter themselves against the garrison. The steeple was higher then that now standing in the borough, which much added to&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1571&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1571&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1248]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the prospect. The windowes were well painted, and in them were inscriptions that declared much antiquitie; now is here rebuilt a church like a stable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Place and date of his birth.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thomas Hobbes, Malmesburiensis, Philosophus, was borne at his father&#039;s house in Westport, being that extreme howse that pointes into, or&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1572&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1572&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1249]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; faces, the Horse-fayre; the farthest howse on the left hand as you goe to Tedbury, leaving the church on your right. To prevent mistakes, and that hereafter may rise no doubt&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1573&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1573&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1250]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; what house was famous for this famous man&#039;s birth; I doe here testifie that in April, 1659, his brother Edmond went with me into this house, and into the chamber where he was borne. Now things begin to be antiquated, and I have heard some guesse it might be at the howse where his brother Edmund lived and dyed. But this is so, as I here&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1574&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1574&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1251]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; deliver it. This house was given by Thomas, the vicar, to his daughter&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_258&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_258&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XCVII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ... whose daughter or granddaughter possessed&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1575&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1575&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1252]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; it, when I was there.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1576&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1576&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1253]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;It is a firme house, stone-built and tiled, of one roome (besides&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1577&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1577&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1254]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a buttery, or the like, within) below, and two chambers above. &#039;Twas in the innermost where he first drew breath.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_258&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_258&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XCVII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Quaere William Aubrey if ... Potluck&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1578&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1578&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1255]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The day of his birth was April the fifth, Anno Domini 1588, on a Fryday morning, which that yeare was Good Fryday. His mother fell in labour with him upon the fright of the invasion of the Spaniards—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_328&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 328]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1579&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1579&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1256]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Fama&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1580&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1580&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1257]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ferebat enim, sparsitque per oppida nostra&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Extremum genti classe venire diem;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Atque metum tantum concepit tunc mea mater&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Ut pareret geminos meque metumque simul.]&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;—&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1581&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1581&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1258]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;he told me himself between the houres of four and six: but by rectification his nativity is found to be at ...&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_259&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_259&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XCVIII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_259&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_259&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XCVIII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See my collection of genitures&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_297&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_297&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FM]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, where I have it more exact from his owne mouth, viz. 5 h. 2´ mane.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His horoscope&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_298&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_298&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FN]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; is Taurus, having in it a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;satellitium&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of 5 of the 7 planets. It is a maxime in astrologie—vide Ptol. Centil.—that a native that hath a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;satellitium&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in his ascendent becomes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1582&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1582&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1259]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; more eminent in his life then ordinary&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1583&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1583&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1260]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, e.g. divers which see in Origanus, etc., and Oliver Cromwell had so, etc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;His school and college life.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At four yeares old&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_299&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_299&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FO]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he went to schoole in Westport church, till eight; by that time&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1584&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1584&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1261]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he could read well, and number four figures. Afterwards he went to schoole to Malmesbury, to Mr. Evans, the minister of the towne; and afterwards to Mr. Robert Latimer, a young man of about nineteen or twenty, newly come from the University, who then kept a private schoole in Westport, where the broad place (quaere nomen) is, next dore north from the smyth&#039;s shop, opposite to the Three Cuppes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1585&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1585&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1262]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (as I take it). He was a batchelour and delighted in his scholar, T. H.&#039;s company, and used to instruct him, and two or three ingeniose youths more, in the evening till nine a clock. Here T. H. so well profited in his learning, that at fourteen yeares of age, he went away a good schoole-scholar to Magdalen-hall, in Oxford. It is not to be forgotten, that before he went to the University, he had turned Euripidis &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_329&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 329]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Medea&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1586&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1586&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1263]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; out of Greeke into Latin Iambiques, which he presented to his master. Mr. H. told me that he would faine have had them, to have seen how he did grow in.... Twenty odde&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1587&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1587&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1264]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; yeares agoe I searcht all old Mr. Latimer&#039;s papers, but could not find them; the&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1588&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1588&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1265]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; good huswives had sacrificed them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have heard his brother Edmund and Mr. Wayte (his schoolefellowe) say that when he was a boy he was playsome enough, but withall he had even then a contemplative melancholinesse; he would gett him into a corner, and learne his lesson by heart presently. His haire was black, and his schoolfellows&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1589&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1589&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1266]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; were wont to call him &#039;Crowe.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This Mr. Latimer was a good Graecian, and the first that came into our parts hereabout since the Reformation. He was afterwards minister of Malmesbury, and from thence preferred to a better living of 100 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum, or +, at Leigh-de-la-mere within this hundred.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At Oxford Mr. T. H. used, in the summer time especially, to rise very early in the morning, and would tye the leaden-counters (which they used in those dayes at Christmas, at post and payre) with pacthreds&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1590&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1590&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1267]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, which he did besmere with&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1591&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1591&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1268]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; birdlime, and bayte them with parings of cheese, and the jack-dawes would spye them a vast distance up in the aire&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_260&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_260&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XCIX.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and as far as Osney-abbey, and strike at the bayte, and so be harled in the string, which the wayte of the counter would make cling about ther wings. He did not much care for logick, yet he learnd it, and thought himselfe a good disputant. He tooke great delight there to goe to the&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1592&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1592&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1269]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; booke-binders&#039; shops, and lye gaping on mappes, of which he takes notice in his life written by himselfe in verse:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_260&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_260&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[XCIX.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This story he happened to tell me, discoursing of the Optiques, to instance such sharpnes of sight in so little an eie.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_330&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 330]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Ergo ad amoena magis me verto, librosque revolvo,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Quos prius edoctus, non bene doctus eram.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1593&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1593&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1270]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Pascebamque animum chartis imitantibus orbem,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Telluris faciem, et sydera picta videns,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Gaudebam soli comes ire, et cernere cunctis&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Terricolis justos qua facit arte dies; etc.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1594&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1594&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1271]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Quaere A&amp;amp;lt;nthony&amp;amp;gt; W&amp;amp;lt;ood&amp;amp;gt; what moneth and day he was matriculated?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[He&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1595&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1595&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1272]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; came&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1596&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1596&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1273]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to Magdalen hall in the beginning of an. 1603, at what time, Dr. James Hussee, LL.D., was principall. This James Hussee was afterwards knighted by king James and was made Chancellour of Sarum. This Dr. Hussee was a great encourager of towardly youths. But he resigning his principallity about 1605, Mr. John Wilkinson succeeded him: so that Mr. Hobs was under the government of two principalls.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_301&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_301&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FP]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;—Thomas Hobs was admitted to the reading of any book of logic (&#039;ad&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1597&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1597&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1274]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; lectionem cujuslibet libri logices&#039;), that is, he was admitted to the degree of Bachelaur of Arts, 5 Feb., 1607&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1598&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1598&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1275]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and in the Lent that then began did determine&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1599&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1599&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1276]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, that is, did his exercise for the completion of that degree. Vide &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist. &amp;amp;lt;et Antiq. Univ.&amp;amp;gt; Oxon.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, lib. 2, pag. 376 a.]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Enters the earl of Devonshire&#039;s service.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1600&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1600&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1277]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;After he had taken his batchelor of Arts degree (quaere A. Wood de hoc), the than principall of Magdalen-hall (Sir James Hussey&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1601&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1601&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1278]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) recommended him to his yong lord when he left Oxon, who had a conceit&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1602&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1602&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1279]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that he should profitt more in his learning if he had a scholar of his owne age to wayte on him then if he had the information of a grave doctor. He was his lordship&#039;s page, and rode &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_331&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 331]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;a hunting and hawking with him, and kept his privy-purse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By this way of life he had almost forgott his Latin; vide Latin verses. He therefore&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1603&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1603&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1280]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; bought him bookes of an Amsterdam print that he might carry in his pocket (particularly Caesar&#039;s Commentarys), which he did read in the lobbey, or ante-chamber, whilest his lord was making his visits.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Is servant to Francis Bacon.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Lord Chancellour Bacon loved to converse&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_261&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_261&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[C.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with him. He assisted his lordship in translating severall of his Essayes into Latin, one, I well remember, is&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1604&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1604&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1281]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Of the Greatnes of Cities&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: the rest I have forgott. His lordship was a very contemplative person, and was wont to contemplate in his delicious walkes at Gorambery&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_302&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_302&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FQ]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and dictate to Mr. Thomas Bushell, or some other of his gentlemen, that attended him with inke and paper ready to sett downe presently his thoughts. His lordship would often say that he better liked Mr. Hobbes&#039;s taking his thoughts&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1605&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1605&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1282]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, then any of the other, because he understood what he wrote, which the others not understanding, my Lord&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1606&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1606&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1283]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; would many times have a hard taske to make sense of what they writt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_261&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_261&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[C.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This, I beleeve, was after his first lord&#039;s death&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1607&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1607&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1284]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It is to be remembred that about these times, Mr. T. H. was much addicted to musique, and practised on the base-violl.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Visits his native county, Wiltshire.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1634: this summer—I remember &#039;twas in venison season&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1608&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1608&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1285]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (July or August)—Mr. T. H. came into his native country&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1609&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1609&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1286]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to visitt his friends, and amongst others he came &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_332&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 332]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;then to see his old school-master, Mr. Robert Latimer&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_262&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_262&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CI.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, at Leigh-de-la-mer, where I was then at schoole&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_263&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_263&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in the church&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1610&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1610&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1287]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, newly entred into my grammar by him. Here was the first place and time that ever I had the honour to see this worthy, learned man, who was then pleased to take notice of me, and the next day visited&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1611&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1611&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1288]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; my relations&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1612&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1612&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1289]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. He was then a proper man, briske, and in very good habit&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1613&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1613&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1290]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. His hayre was then quite black&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1614&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1614&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1291]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. He stayed at Malmsbury and in the neighborhood a weeke or better. &#039;Twas the last time that ever he was in Wiltshire.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_262&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_262&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CI.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Robert Latimer obiit November 2, 1634; sed hoc nihil ad rhombum.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 35&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_263&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_263&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I had then a fine little horse and commonly rode—(but this is impertinent)—i.e. I was not a vulgar boy and carried not a satchell at my back.—Sed hoc inter nos.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 31.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1615&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1615&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1292]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;His conversation about those times was much about Ben: Jonson, Mr. Ayton, etc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;His mathematical studies.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1616&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1616&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1293]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;He was (vide his life) 40 yeares&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1617&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1617&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1294]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; old before he looked on geometry; which happened accidentally. Being in a gentleman&#039;s library in ..., Euclid&#039;s Elements lay open, and &#039;twas the 47 El.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1618&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1618&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1295]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; libri I. He read the proposition. By&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_264&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_264&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CIII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; G—,&#039; sayd he, &#039;this is impossible!&#039; So he reads the demonstration of it, which referred him back to such a proposition; which proposition he read. That referred him back to another, which he also read. Et sic deinceps, that at last he was demonstratively convinced of that trueth. This made him in love with geometry.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_264&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_264&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CIII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He would now and then sweare, by way of emphasis&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1619&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1619&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1296]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have heard Sir Jonas Moore (and others&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_303&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_303&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FR]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) say that &#039;twas a great pity he had not began the study of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_333&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 333]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the mathematics sooner, for such a working head&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1620&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1620&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1297]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; would have made great advancement in it. So had he donne&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1621&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1621&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1298]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, he would not have layn so open to his learned mathematicall antagonists&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1622&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1622&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1299]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. But one may say of him, as one (quaere who) sayes of Jos. Scaliger, that where he erres, he erres so ingeniosely, that one had rather erre with him then hitt the mark&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1623&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1623&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1300]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with Clavius. I have heard Mr. Hobbes say&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1624&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1624&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1301]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that he was wont to draw lines&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1625&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1625&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1302]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; on his thigh and on the sheetes, abed, and&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1626&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1626&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1303]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; also multiply and divide. He would often complain that algebra&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_265&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_265&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CIV.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (though of great use) was too much admired, and so followed after, that it made men not contemplate and consider so much the nature and power of lines, which was a great hinderance to the groweth of geometrie; for that though algebra did rarely well and quickly, and easily in right lines, yet &#039;twould not &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;bite&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;solid&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (I thinke) geometrie. Quod N.B.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_265&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_265&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CIV.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Vide de hoc in his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De corpore&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and also in his 5 Dialogue. Quaere Dr. Blackburne:—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 36.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1627&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1627&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1304]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Memorandum—After he began to reflect on&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1628&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1628&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1305]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the interest of the king of England as touching his affaires between him and the parliament, for ten yeares together his thoughts were much, or almost altogether, unhinged from the mathematiques; but chiefly intent on his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Cive&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and after that on his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Leviathan&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: which was a great putt-back to his mathematicall improvement&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1629&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1629&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1306]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;—quod N.B.—for in ten yeares&#039; (or better) discontinuance of that study (especially) one&#039;s mathematiques will become very rusty&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1630&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1630&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1307]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Champions the king&#039;s cause against the parliament.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1631&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1631&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1308]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Vide &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mr. Hobbes considered&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;: printed London 1662 (since reprinted, 1680, by William Crooke):—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1640: &#039;when the parliament sate that began in April 1640 and was dissolved in May following, and in which &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_334&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 334]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;many pointes of the regall power, which were necessary for the peace of the kingdome and safety of his majestye&#039;s person, were disputed&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1632&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1632&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1309]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and denyed, Mr. Hobbes wrote a little treatise in English, wherin he did sett-forth and demonstrate, that the sayd power and rights were inseperably annexed to the soveraignty, which soveraignty they did not then deny to be in the king; but it seemes understood not, or would not understand, that inseperability. Of this treatise, though not printed, many gentlemen had copies, which occasioned much talke of the author; and had not his majestie dissolved the parliament, it had brought him in danger of his life.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1633&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1633&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1310]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Vide &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mr. Hobbes considered&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, if more may not be inserted, scilicet as to the politiques. Sed cave—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Incedis per ignes&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Suppositos cineri doloso.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c49&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Horatius&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ad Asin. Pollionem&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ode 1, lib. 2.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum the parliament was then sitting and runne violently against the king&#039;s prerogative.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1634&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1634&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1311]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Memorandum he told me that bp. Manwaring&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1635&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1635&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1312]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (of St. David&#039;s) preach&#039;d &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;his doctrine&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; for which, among others, he was sent prisoner to the Tower. Then thought Mr. Hobbes, &#039;tis time now for me to shift for my selfe, and so withdrew&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1636&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1636&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1313]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; into France, and resided&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1637&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1637&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1314]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at Paris. As I remember, there were others&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1638&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1638&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1315]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; likewise did preach his doctrine. This little MS. treatise grew to be&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1639&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1639&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1316]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; his book &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Cive&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1640&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1640&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1317]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and at last grew there to be the so formidable and ... &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Leviathan&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;; the manner of writing of which booke (he told me) was thus. He walked much and contemplated, and he had in the head of his staffe&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1641&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1641&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1318]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a pen and inke-horne, carried alwayes a note-booke in his pocket, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_335&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 335]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and as soon as a thought&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1642&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1642&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1319]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; darted, he presently entred it into his booke, or otherwise he might&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1643&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1643&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1320]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; perhaps have lost it. He had drawne the designe of the booke into chapters, etc. so he knew whereabout it would come in. Thus that booke was made.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;He wrote and published the Leviathan far from the intention either of disadvantage to his majestie, or to flatter Oliver (who was not made Protector till three or four yeares after) on purpose to facilitate his returne; for there is scarce a page in it that he does not upbraid him.&#039;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mr. Hobbes considered&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_8&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1644&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1644&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1321]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&#039;&#039;Twas written in the behalfe of the faithfull subjects of his majestie, that had taken his part in the war, or otherwise donne their utmost endeavour to defend his majestie&#039;s right and person against the rebells: wherby, having no other meanes of protection, nor (for the most part) of subsistence, were forced to compound with your masters, and to promise obedience for the saving of their lives and fortunes, which, in his booke he hath affirmed, they might lawfully doe, and consequently not bear arms against the victors. They had done their utmost endeavour to performe their obligation to the king, had done all they could be obliged unto; and were consequently at liberty to seeke the safety of their lives and livelihood wheresoever, and without treachery.&#039;—&amp;amp;lt;ibid.&amp;amp;gt; p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;20&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;His majestie was displeased with him&#039; (at Paris) &#039;for a while, but not very long, by means of some&#039;s complayning of and misconstruing his writing. But his majestie had a good opinion of him, and sayd openly that he thought Mr. Hobbes never meant him hurt.&#039;—p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_28&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;28&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Before his booke &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Homine&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; came forth, nothing of the optiques writt intelligibly. As for the Optiques of Vitellio&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1645&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1645&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1322]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and several others, he accounts them rather geometry than optiques.&#039;—p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_54&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;54&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. [Will not this p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_54&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;54&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; more aptly come in in another place?]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;So also of all other arts; not every one that brings &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_336&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 336]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;from beyond seas a new gin, or other janty devise, is therfore a philosopher. For if you reckon that way, not only apothecaries and gardiners, but many other sorts of workmen will put-in for, and get the prize—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Then,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1646&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1646&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1323]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; when I see the gentlemen of Gresham Colledge apply themselves to the doctrine of motion (as Mr. Hobbes has done, and will be ready to helpe them in it, if they please, and so long as they use him civilly), I will looke to know some causes of naturall events from them, and their register, and not before; for nature does nothing but by motion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;The reason given by him, why the drop of glasse so much wondred at shivers into so many pieces by breaking only one small part of it, is approved for probable by the Royall Societie and registred in their colledge:&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_266&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_266&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CV.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but he has no reason to take it for a favour, because hereafter the invention may be taken, by that means, not for his, but theirs.&#039;—p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_55&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;55&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_266&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_266&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CV.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This clause I leave to your judgment, if not fitt to be left out.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 38&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;As for his selfe-prayse&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_267&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_267&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CVI.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, they can have very little skill in morality, that cannot see the justice of commending a man&#039;s selfe, as well as of any thing else, in his own defence.&#039;—p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_57&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;57&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_267&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_267&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CVI.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Should these excerpts of his moralls come in here, or rather be cast-after to another place?—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 38&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Then for his morosity and peevishnesse, with which some asperse him, all that know him familiarly, know the contrary. &#039;Tis true that when vain and ignorant young scholars, unknowne to him before, come to him on purpose to argue with him, and fall into undiscreet and uncivill expressions, and he then appeare not well contented, &#039;twas not his morosity, but their vanity, which should be blamed.&#039;—&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mr. Hobbes considered&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt; p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_59&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;59&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Residence in Paris.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1647&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1647&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1324]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;During his stay at Paris he went through a course of chymistry with Dr. ... Davison; and he there also studied Vesalius&#039;s Anatomie. This I am sure was before 1648; for that Sir William Petty (then Dr. Petty, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_337&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 337]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;physitian) studyed and dissected with him. Vide pag. 18b. A. W.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1648&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1648&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1325]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Return to England.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1649&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1649&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1326]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Anno 165-&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_268&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_268&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CVII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, he returned into England, and lived most part&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_269&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_269&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CVIII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in London, in Fetter lane, where he writt, or finished, his booke &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Corpore&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ...&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1650&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1650&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1327]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, in Latin and then in English; and writt his lessons against the two Savillian professors at Oxon&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1651&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1651&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1328]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, etc.; vide the anno Domini when printed. (Puto 1655 or 56.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_268&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_268&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CVII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Quaere de hoc: vide his life.—&#039;Twas 1650 or 1651.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 38&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_269&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_269&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CVIII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Quaere etiam de hoc. I thinke true as I remember.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 38&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Kindness to his nephew.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1652&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1652&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1329]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;1655 or 1656: about this time he setled the piece of land (aforesayd), given to him by his uncle, upon his nephew Francis&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_270&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_270&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CIX.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for life, the remaynder to his nephew&#039;s eldest son, Thomas Hobbes. He also not long after&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1653&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1653&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1330]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; dischardged a mortgage (to my knowledge&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_271&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_271&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CX.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, to Richard Thorne, an attorney) of two hundred pounds, besides the interest thereof, with which his nephew Francis (a careles&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1654&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1654&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1331]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; husband) had incumbred his estate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_270&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_270&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CIX.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Or brother: I have now forgott. But surely &#039;twas to his nephewe&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1655&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1655&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1332]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 30&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_271&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_271&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CX.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I doe not insert this to be published, but only my familiar way of writing to you and to give to you the greater testimonie.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 39&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Residence in London.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was much in London till the restauration of his majesty, having here convenience not only of bookes, but of learned conversation, as Mr. John Selden, Dr. William Harvey, John Vaughan, etc., wherof anon in the catalogue of his acquaintance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have heard him say, that at his lord&#039;s house in the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_338&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 338]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;countrey&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1656&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1656&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1333]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; there was a good library, and bookes enough for him, and that his lordship stored the library with what bookes he thought fitt to be bought; but he sayd, the want of learned&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1657&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1657&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1334]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; conversation&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_272&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_272&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXI.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was a very great inconvenience&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1658&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1658&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1335]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and that though he conceived&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1659&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1659&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1336]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he could order his thinking as well perhaps as another man, yet he found a great defect&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1660&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1660&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1337]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_272&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_272&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXI.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Methinkes in the country, in long time, for want of good conservation, one&#039;s understanding (witt, invention) growes mouldy.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 39&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Acquaintance and studies.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Amongst other of his acquaintance I must not forget our common friend, Mr. Samuel Cowper, the prince of limners of this last age, who drew his picture&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_273&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_273&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; as like as art could afford, and one of the best pieces that ever he did: which his majesty, at his returne, bought of him, and conserves as one of his great rarities in his closet at Whitehall.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_273&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_273&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This picture I intend&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1661&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1661&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1338]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to be borrowed of his majesty, for Mr. &amp;amp;lt;David&amp;amp;gt; Loggan to engrave an accurate piece by, which will sell well both at home and abroad. Mr. Loggan is well acquainted.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 39&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1662&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1662&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1339]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;1659. In 1659 his lord was—and some yeares before—at Little Salisbury-house (now turned to the Middle-Exchange), where he wrot, among other things, a poeme, in Latin hexameter and pentameter, of the encroachment of the clergie (both Roman and reformed) on the civil power&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_304&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_304&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FS]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. I remember I saw then 500 + verses, for he numbred every tenth as he wrote. I remember he did read Cluverius&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Historia Universalis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and made-up his poeme from thence. His amanuensis remembers this poeme, for he wrote them out, but knows &amp;amp;lt;not what became of it&amp;amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His place of meditation was then in the portico in the garden.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;His manner&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1663&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1663&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1340]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of thinking&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;:—he sayd that he sometimes &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_339&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 339]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;would sett his thoughts upon researching&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1664&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1664&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1341]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and contemplating, always with this rule&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1665&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1665&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1342]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that he very much and deeply considered one thing at a time (scilicet, a weeke or sometimes a fortnight).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There was a report&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_274&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_274&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXIII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (and surely true) that in parliament, not long after the king was setled, some of the bishops made a motion to have the good old gentleman burn&#039;t for a heretique. Which he hearing, feared that his papers might be search&#039;t by their order, and he told me he had burn&#039;t part of them.—I have received word&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1666&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1666&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1343]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; from his amanuensis and executor that he &#039;remembers there were such verses&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1667&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1667&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1344]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for he wrote them out, but knowes not what became of them, unlesse he presented them to Judge Vaughan&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1668&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1668&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1345]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, or burned them as I did seeme to intimate.&#039; ☞ But I understand since by W. Crooke, that he can retrive a good&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1669&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1669&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1346]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; many of them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_274&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_274&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXIII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Quaere&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1670&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1670&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1347]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the bishop of Sarum de hoc, i.e. pro tempore.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 41&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Secures the protection of Charles II.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1671&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1671&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1348]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;1660. The&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1672&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1672&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1349]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; winter-time of 1659 he spent in Derbyshire. In&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_306&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_306&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FT]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;March following was the dawning of the coming in of our gracious soveraigne, and in April the Aurora.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1673&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1673&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1350]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;I then sent a letter to him in the countrey to advertise him of the Advent&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1674&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1674&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1351]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of his master the king and desired him by all meanes to be in London before his arrivall; and knowing&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1675&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1675&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1352]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; his majestie was a great lover of good painting I must needs presume he could not but suddenly see &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_340&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 340]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Mr. Cowper&#039;s curious pieces, of whose fame he had so much heard abroad and seene some of his worke, and likewise that he would sitt to him for his picture, at which place and time he would have the best convenience&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1676&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1676&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1353]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of renewing his majestie&#039;s graces to him.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1677&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1677&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1354]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;He returned me thankes for my friendly intimation and came to London in May following.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It happened, about two or three dayes after his majestie&#039;s happy returne, that, as he was passing in his coach through the Strand, Mr. Hobbes was standing at Little Salisbury-house gate (where his lord then lived). The king espied him, putt of his hatt very kindly to him, and asked him how he did. About a weeke after he had&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1678&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1678&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1355]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; orall conference with his majesty at&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1679&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1679&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1356]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Mr. S. Cowper&#039;s, where, as he sate for his picture, he was diverted&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1680&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1680&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1357]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; by Mr. Hobbes&#039;s pleasant discourse&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1681&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1681&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1358]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. Here his majestie&#039;s favours were redintegrated to him, and order was given that he should have free accesse to his majesty, who was always much delighted in his witt and smart repartees.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The witts at Court were wont to bayte him. But he feared none of them&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1682&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1682&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1359]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and would make his part good. The king would call him &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;the beare&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_275&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_275&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXIV.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;: &#039;Here comes the beare to be bayted!&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_275&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_275&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXIV.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;too low&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; witt to be published.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 40&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Repartees.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; He was marvellous happy and ready in his replies, and that without rancor (except provoked)—but now&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1683&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1683&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1360]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I speake of his readinesse in replies as to witt and drollery. He would say that he did not care to give, neither was he adroit&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1684&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1684&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1361]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at, a present answer to a serious quaere: he had as lieve they should have expected an&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1685&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1685&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1362]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; extemporary solution to an arithmeticall probleme, for he turned and winded and compounded in philosophy, politiques, etc., as if he had &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_341&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 341]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;been at analyticall&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1686&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1686&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1363]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; worke. He alwayes avoided, as much as he could, to conclude hastily (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Humane Nature&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 2). Vide&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1687&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1687&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1364]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; p. 15 b.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Re-enters the household of the earl of Devonshire.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1688&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1688&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1365]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Memorandum—from 1660 till the time&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_276&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_276&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXV.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1689&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1689&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1366]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; last went into Derbyshire, he spent most of his time in London at his lord&#039;s (viz. at Little Salisbury-howse; then, Queen Street; lastly, Newport-house), following his contemplation and study. ☞ He contemplated and invented (set downe a hint with a pencill or so) in the morning, but compiled&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1690&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1690&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1367]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in the afternoon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_276&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_276&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXV.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Quaere when. Quaere W. Crooke de hoc. [You&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1691&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1691&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1368]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; say somewhere&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1692&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1692&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1369]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that he went into Derbyshire, 1675. Here, while he was at London, he was much sought after and courted: taught and directed those that sought after him.]—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 41&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;His treatise De Legibus.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1664. In&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1693&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1693&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1370]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; 1664 I sayd to him &#039;Me thinkes &#039;tis pitty that you that have such a cleare reason and working&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1694&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1694&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1371]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; head did never take into consideration the learning of the lawes&#039;; and I endeavoured to perswade him to it. But he answered that&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1695&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1695&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1372]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he was not like to have life enough left to goe through with such a long and difficult taske. I then presented him the lord chancellor Bacon&#039;s Elements of the Lawe (a thin quarto), in order therunto and to drawe him on; which he was pleased to accept, and perused; and the next time I came to him he shewed me therin two cleare paralogismes in the 2nd page (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;one&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, I well remember, was in page &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), which I am heartily sory are now out of my remembrance.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1696&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1696&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1373]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I desponded, for his reasons, that he should make any &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;tentamen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1697&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1697&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1374]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; towards this designe; but afterwards, it seemes, in the countrey he writt his treatise &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Legibus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_307&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_307&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FU]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (unprinted) &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_342&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 342]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of which Sir John Vaughan, Lord Chiefe Justice of the Common Pleas, had a transcript, and I doe affirme that he much admired it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1698&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1698&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1375]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Insert here part of his lettre to me about it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Tis thus, viz., in a letter to me&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1699&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1699&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1376]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, dated Aug. 18, 1679, among severall other things, he writes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1700&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1700&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1377]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;I have been told that my booke of the Civill Warr is come abroad and am heartily sorry for it, especially because I could not get his majestie to license it, not because it is ill printed or hath a foolish title set to it, for I beleeve that any ingeniose man may understand the wickednes of that time, notwithstanding the errors of the presse&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_277&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_277&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXVI.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_277&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_277&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXVI.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Quaere is it best to let the letter stand whole&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1701&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1701&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1378]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; or to let that part, of the Civill Warr, be referred to the catalogue of bookes?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;The treatise &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Legibus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (at the end of it) is imperfect. I desire Mr. Horne&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1702&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1702&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1379]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to pardon me that I cannot consent to his motion; nor shall Mr. Crooke himselfe get my consent to print it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;I pray you present my humble thankes to Mr. Sam. Butler.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;The privilege of stationers is, in my opinion, a very great hinderance to the advancement of all humane learning&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1703&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1703&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1380]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c50&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;I am, sir, your very humble servant,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c51&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Th. Hobbes.&#039;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Proposed foundation at Malmsbury.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1704&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1704&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1381]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;1665. This yeare he told me that he was willing to doe some good to the towne where he was borne; that his majestie loved him well, and if I could find out something in our countrey that was in his guift, he did beleeve he could beg it of his majestie, and seeing&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1705&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1705&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1382]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he was bred a scholar, he thought it most proper to endowe&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1706&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1706&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1383]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a free-schoole there; which is wanting &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;now&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_278&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_278&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXVII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (for, before the reformation, all monasteries had great &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_343&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 343]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;schooles appendant to them; e.g. Magdalen schoole and New College schoole). After&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1707&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1707&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1384]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; enquiry I found out a piece of land in Bradon-forest (of about 25 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum value) that was in his majesties guift&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1708&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1708&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1385]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, which he designed&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1709&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1709&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1386]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to have obtained of his majestie for a salary for a schoolmaster; but&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_279&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_279&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXVIII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the queen&#039;s priests&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1710&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1710&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1387]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; smelling-out the designe and being&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1711&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1711&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1388]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; his enemies, hindred&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1712&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1712&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1389]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; this publique and charitable intention.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_278&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_278&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXVII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The burghesses give a schoolmaster X &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum out of their....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_279&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_279&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXVIII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey queries—&#039;Will not this give offence?&#039;—Anthony Wood replies—&#039;Perhaps no.&#039;—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 42&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Controversy with Dr. John Fell.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[1674&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1713&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1713&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1390]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. Anno&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1714&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1714&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1391]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Domini 1674 Mr. Anthony à Wood sett forth an elaborate worke of eleven&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1715&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1715&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1392]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; yeares study, intituled &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;the History and Antiquities of the University of Oxford&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, wherin, in every respective Colledge and Hall, he mentions the writers there educated and what bookes they wrote. The deane of Christ Church having plenipotentiary&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1716&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1716&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1393]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; power of the presse there], perused every sheet before &#039;twas to be sent to the presse&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1717&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1717&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1394]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; and maugre the author and to his&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1718&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1718&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1395]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; sore displeasure did expunge and inserted what he pleased. Among other authors&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_280&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_280&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXIX.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, he made divers alterations in Mr. Wood&#039;s copie in the account he gives of Mr. T. Hobbes of Malmesbury&#039;s life, in pag. 444, 445&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1719&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1719&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1396]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, Lib. II—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_280&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_280&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXIX.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Memorandum—bishop John Fell did not only expunge and insert what he pleased in Mr. Hobbes&#039; life; but also in the lives of other very learned men, to their disparagement, particularly of Dr. John Prideaux, afterwards bishop of Worcester, and in the life of Dr. &amp;amp;lt;William&amp;amp;gt; Twiss.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 48&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_344&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 344]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Vir sane de quo (inter tot prosperae et adversae famae qui de eo sparguntur hominum sermones) hoc verissime pronuntiare fas est, animum ipsi obtigisse, uti omnis scientiae capacissimum et infertum, ita divitiarum, saeculi, et invidiae negligentissimum; erga cognatos et alios pium et beneficum; inter eos quibuscum vixit, hilarem et apertum, et sermone libero; apud exteros in summa semper veneratione habitum,&#039; &amp;amp;amp;c.; this and much more was quite dashed out of the author&#039;s copie by the sayd deane.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1720&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1720&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1397]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;These&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_281&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_281&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXX.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; additions and expunctions being made by the sayd deane of Christ Church, without&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1721&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1721&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1398]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the knowledge or advice of the authour and quite contrary to his mind, he told him it was fitt Mr. Hobbes should know it&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1722&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1722&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1399]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, because that his name being set to the booke and all people knowing it to be his, he should be liable to an answer, and so consequently be in perpetuall controversie. To this the deane replied, &#039;Yea, in God&#039;s name; and great reason it was that he should know what he had done, and what he had donne he would answer for,&#039; etc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_281&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_281&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXX.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Me thinkes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1723&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1723&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1400]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; page &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; might be something extracted and abridged; but doe you consider of it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1674. Hereupon&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1724&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1724&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1401]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, the author acquaints&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1725&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1725&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1402]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;J. A., Mr. Hobbes&#039;s correspondent, with all that had passed; J. A. acquaints Mr. Hobbes. Mr. Hobbes takeing it ill, was resolved to vindicate himselfe in an Epistle to the Author. Accordingly an epistle, dated Apr. 20, 1674, was sent to the author in MS., with an intention to publish it when the History of Oxford was to be published. Upon the reciept of Mr. Hobbes&#039;s Epistle by Anthony à Wood, he forthwith repaired, very honestly and without any guile, to the dean of Christ Church to communicate it to him&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1726&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1726&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1403]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. The deane read it over carelesly, and not without scorne, and when &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_345&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 345]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;he had donne, bid Mr. Wood tell Mr. Hobbes, &#039;that he was an old man, had one foote in the grave, that he should mind his latter end, and not trouble the world any more with his papers,&#039; etc., or to that effect.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the meane time Mr. Hobbes meetes with the king in the Pall-mall, in St. James&#039;s parke; tells him how he had been served by the deane of Christ Church, in a booke then in the presse (scilicet the &#039;History&#039; aforesayd), intituled the History and Antiquities of the Universitie of Oxon, and withall desires his majestie to be pleased to give him leave to vindicate himselfe. The king seeming to be troubled at the dealing of the deane, gave Mr. Hobbes leave, conditionally that he touch no-body but him who had abused him, neither that he should reflect upon the Universitie.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. Hobbes understanding that this History would be published at the common Act at Oxon, about 11 July, the said yeare 1674, prints his Epistle&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1727&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1727&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1404]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at London, and sends downe divers copies to Oxon, which being dispersed at coffee-houses and stationers&#039; shops, a copie forthwith came to the deane&#039;s hands, who upon the reading of it fretted and fumed&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1728&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1728&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1405]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, sent&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1729&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1729&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1406]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for the author of the History and chid him, telling withall that he had corresponded with his enemie (Hobbes). The author replied that surely he had forgot what he had donne, for he had communicated to him before what Mr. Hobbes had sayd and written; wherupon the deane recollecting himselfe, told him that Hobbes should suddenly heare more of him&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1730&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1730&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1407]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; so that the last sheete&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1731&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1731&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1408]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of paper being then in the presse and one leafe thereof being left vacant, the deane supplied it &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_346&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 346]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;with this answer. Both the epistle and answer I here exhibite.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1732&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1732&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1409]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Here insert the Epistle&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1733&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1733&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1410]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and Answer&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1734&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1734&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1411]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To this angry&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1735&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1735&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1412]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; answer the old gentleman never&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1736&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1736&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1413]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; made any reply, but slighted&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1737&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1737&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1414]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the Dr&#039;s passion and forgave it. But &#039;tis supposed it might be the cause why Mr. Hobbes was not afterwards so indulgent, or spared the lesse to speake his opinion, concerning the Universities and how much their doctrine and method had contributed to the late troubles [e.g. in his History of the Civill Warre].&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Withdraws to Derbyshire.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1675, mense ..., he left London &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;cum animo nunquam revertendi&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and spent the remaynder of his dayes in Derbyshire with the earl of Devonshire at Chatsworth and Hardwyck, in contemplation and study. He wrote there&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1738&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1738&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1415]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ... (vide vitam).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;His death and burial.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1739&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1739&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1416]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Then&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1740&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1740&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1417]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;amp;lt;insert an account of&amp;amp;gt; his sicknesse, death, buriall and place, and epitaph, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;which send for&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1741&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1741&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1418]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1742&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1742&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1419]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Extracted out of the executor&#039;s lettre (January 16, 1679) to me:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;To his highly honoured friend, Jo. Aubrey, esq., these.&#039;—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;(His sicknesse) &#039;Worthy sir—he fell sick about the middle of October last,&#039; etc.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1743&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1743&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1420]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1744&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1744&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1421]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;☞ &#039;He dyed worth neer 1000 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which (considering his charity) was more then I expected: vide his verses&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1745&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1745&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1422]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in the last page.—From W. Crooke, from Mr. Jackson who had 500 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of his in his hands.—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_347&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 347]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Personal characteristics.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1746&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1746&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1423]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Describe face, eyes, forehead, nose, mouth, eyebrows, figure of the face, complexion; stature of body; shape (slender, large, neat, or otherwise); figure of head and magnitude of head; shoulders (large, round, etc.); arms, legs, how?—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1747&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1747&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1424]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Hobbes&#039;s person, etc.:—hazel, quick eie, which continued to his last. He was a tall man, higher then I am by about halfe a head (scil.... feet), i.e. I could putt my hand between my head and his hatt.—When young he loved musique and practised on the lute. In his old age he used to sing prick-song every night (when all were gonne and sure nobody could heare him) for his health, which he did beleeve would make him live two or three yeares longer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1748&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1748&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1425]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;In his youth unhealthy; of an ill yellowish complexion: wett in his feet, and trod both his shoes the same way.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1749&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1749&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1426]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;His complexion.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; In his youth he was unhealthy, and of an ill complexion (yellowish).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_282&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_282&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXXI.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; lord, who was a waster, sent him up and downe to borrow money, and to gett gentlemen to be bound for him, being ashamed to speake him selfe: he tooke colds, being wett in his feet (then were no hackney coaches to stand in the streetes), and trod both his shoes aside the same way. Notwithstanding he was well-beloved: they lov&#039;d his company for his pleasant facetiousnes and good-nature&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1750&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1750&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1427]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_282&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_282&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXXI.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This only &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;inter nos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 45&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;From forty, or better, he grew healthier, and then he had a fresh, ruddy, complexion. He was &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;sanguineo-melancholicus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; which the physiologers say is the most ingeniose complexion. He would say that &#039;there might be good witts of all complexions; but good-natured, impossible.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Head.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; In his old age he was very bald&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1751&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1751&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1428]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (which claymed a veneration); yet within dore, he used to study, and sitt, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_348&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 348]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;bare-headed, and sayd he never tooke cold in his head, but that the greatest trouble was to keepe-off the flies from pitching on the baldnes. His head was ... inches in compasse (I have the measure), and of a mallet-forme (approved by the physiologers).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1752&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1752&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1429]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Skin.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; His skin was soft and of that kind which my Lord Chancellor Bacon in his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;History of Life and Death&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; calles a goose-skin, i.e. of a wide texture:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Crassa cutis, crassum cerebrum, crassum ingenium.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Face&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; not very great; ample forehead; whiskers yellowish-redish, which naturally turned up—which is a signe of a brisque witt, e.g. James Howell, Henry Jacob of Merton College.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Beard.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt; Belowe he was shaved close, except a little tip under his lip. Not but that nature&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1753&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1753&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1430]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; could have afforded a venerable beard (Sapientem pascere barbam—Horat. Satyr. lib. 2), but being naturally of a cheerfull and pleasant humour&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1754&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1754&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1431]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, he affected not at all austerity and gravity and to looke severe. [Vide&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1755&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1755&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1432]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; page &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_47&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;47&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mr. Hobbes considered&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—&#039;Gravity and heavinesse of countenance are not so good marks of assurance of God&#039;s favour, as a chearfull, charitable, and upright behaviour, which are better signes of religion than the zealous maintaining of controverted doctrines.&#039;] He desired not&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1756&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1756&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1433]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the reputation of his wisdome to be taken&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1757&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1757&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1434]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; from the cutt of his beard, but from his reason—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Barba non facit philosophum. &#039;Il consiste tout en la pointe de sa barbe et en ses deux moustaches; et, par consequence, pour le diffaire il ne faut que trois coups de ciseau.&#039;—Balzac, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Lettres&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, tom. 2, p. 242.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1758&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1758&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1435]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Eie.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; He had a good eie, and that of a hazell colour, which was full of life and spirit, even to the last. When he was earnest in discourse, there shone (as it were) &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_349&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 349]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;a bright live-coale within it.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1759&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1759&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1436]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;He had two kind of looks:—when he laugh&#039;t, was witty, and in a merry humour, one could scarce see his eies; by and by, when he was serious and positive&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1760&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1760&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1437]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, he open&#039;d his eies round (i.e. his eie-lids). He had midling eies, not very big, nor very little (from Sir W&amp;amp;lt;illiam&amp;amp;gt; P&amp;amp;lt;etty&amp;amp;gt;).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1761&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1761&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1438]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Stature.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; He was six foote high, and something better (quaere James Wh&amp;amp;lt;eldon&amp;amp;gt;), and went indifferently erect, or rather, considering his great age, very erect.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sight; witt.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; His sight and witt continued to the last. He had a curious sharp sight, as he had a sharpe witt, which was also so sure and steady (and contrary to that men call &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;bro&amp;amp;lt;a&amp;amp;gt;dwittednes&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) that I have heard him oftentimes say that in&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1762&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1762&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1439]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;multiplying and dividing he&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1763&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1763&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1440]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; never mistooke a figure: and so in other things.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Habits of body and mind.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He thought much and with excellent method and stedinesse, which made him seldome make a false step.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;His bookes&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, vide page&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1764&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1764&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1441]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; 22. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1765&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1765&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1442]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;☞ He had very few bookes. I never sawe (nor Sir William Petty) above halfe a dozen about him in his chamber. Homer and Virgil were commonly on his table; sometimes Xenophon, or some probable historie, and Greek Testament, or so.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1766&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1766&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1443]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Reading.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; He had read much, if one considers his long life; but&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1767&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1767&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1444]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; his contemplation was much more then his reading. He was wont to say that if he had read as much as other men, he&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1768&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1768&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1445]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; should have knowne no more then other men.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1769&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1769&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1446]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;His physique.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; He seldome used any physique (quaere Sir W&amp;amp;lt;illiam&amp;amp;gt; P&amp;amp;lt;etty&amp;amp;gt;). What &#039;twas I have forgot, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_350&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 350]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;but will enquire of Mr. Shelbrooke his apothecary at the Black Spread-eagle in the Strand.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum—Mr. Hobbes was very sick and like to dye at Bristoll-house in Queen Street, about 1668.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1770&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1770&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1447]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;He had a sicknes, anno....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was wont to say that he had rather have the advice, or take physique from an experienced old woman, that had been at many sick people&#039;s bed-sides, then from the learnedst but unexperienced physitian.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1771&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1771&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1448]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&#039;Tis&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1772&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1772&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1449]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; not consistent with an harmonicall soule to be a woman-hater, neither had he an abhorrescence to good wine but ...—this only &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;inter nos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1773&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1773&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1450]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Temperance and diet.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; He was, even in his youth, (generally) temperate, both as to wine and women, (et tamen haec omnia mediocriter)—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Homo sum, humani nihil a me alienum puto.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have heard him say that he did beleeve he had been in excesse&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1774&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1774&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1451]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in his life, a hundred times; which, considering his great&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1775&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1775&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1452]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; age, did not amount to above once a yeare. When he did drinke, he would drinke to excesse to have the benefitt of vomiting, which he did easily; by which benefit neither his witt was disturbt longer then he was spuing nor his stomach oppressed; but he never was, nor could not endure to be, habitually a good fellow, i.e. to drinke every day wine with company, which, though not to drunkennesse, spoiles the braine.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For his last 30+ yeares, his dyet, etc., was very moderate and regular. After sixty he dranke no wine, his stomach grew weak, and he did eate most fish, especially whitings, for he sayd he digested fish better then flesh. He rose about seaven, had&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1776&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1776&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1453]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; his breakefast of bread and butter; and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_351&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 351]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;tooke his walke, meditating till ten; then he did putt downe the minutes of his thoughts, which he penned in the afternoon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1777&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1777&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1454]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;He had an inch thick board about 16 inches square, whereon paper was pasted. On this board he drew his lines (schemes). When a line came into his head, he would, as he was walking, take a rude memorandum of it, to preserve it in his memory till he came to his chamber. ☞ He was never idle; his thoughts were always working.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1778&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1778&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1455]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;His dinner was provided for him exactly by eleaven, for he could not now stay till his lord&#039;s howre—scil. about two: that his stomach could not beare.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After dinner he tooke a pipe of tobacco, and then threw himselfe immediately on his bed, with his band off, and slept (tooke a nap of about halfe an howre).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the afternoon he penned his morning thoughts.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Exercises.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Besides his dayly walking, he did twice or thrice a yeare play at tennis&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_283&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_283&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXXII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (at about 75 he did it); then went to bed there and was well rubbed&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_284&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_284&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXXIII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. This he did believe would make him live two or three yeares the longer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_283&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_283&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXXII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Quaere James Wheldon &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;de hoc&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—how often, and to what age?—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 46&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_284&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_284&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXXIII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Memorandum there was no bagnio in his time. That in Newgate Street was built about the time of his death.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 46&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1779&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1779&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1456]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;In the countrey, for want of a tennis-court, he would walke up-hill and downe-hill in the parke, till he was in a great sweat, and then give the servant some money to rubbe him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1780&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1780&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1457]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Prudence.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; He gave to his amanuensis, James Wheldon (the earle of Devon&#039;s baker; who writes a delicate hand), his pention at Leicester, yearly, to wayte on him, and take a care of him, which he did performe to him living and dying, with great respect and diligence: for which consideration he made him his executor.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Habit.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; In cold weather he commonly wore a black velvet coate, lined with furre; if not, some other coate so lined. But all the yeare he wore a kind of bootes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1781&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1781&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1458]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_352&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 352]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Spanish leather, laced or tyed along the sides with black ribons.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Singing.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; He had alwayes bookes of prick-song lyeing on his table:—e.g. of H. Lawes&#039; etc. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Songs&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—which at night, when he was abed, and the dores made fast, and was sure nobody heard him, he sang aloud (not that he had a very good voice) but&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1782&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1782&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1459]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for his health&#039;s sake: he did beleeve it did his lunges good, and conduced much to prolong his life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1783&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1783&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1460]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Shaking palsey.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; He had the shaking palsey in his handes; which began in France before the yeare 1650, and haz growne upon him by degrees, ever since, so that he haz not been able to write very legibly since 1665 or 1666, as I find by some of his letters&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1784&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1784&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1461]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;His readiness to help with advice and money.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1785&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1785&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1462]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;His goodnes of nature and willingnes to instruct any one that was willing to be informed and modestly desired it, which I am a witnesse of as to my owne part and also to others.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1786&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1786&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1463]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Charity.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; His brotherly love to his kinred hath already been spoken of. He was very charitable (pro suo modulo) to those that were true objects of his bounty&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1787&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1787&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1464]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. One time, I remember, goeing in the Strand, a poor and infirme old man craved&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1788&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1788&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1465]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; his almes. He, beholding him with eies of pitty and compassion, putt his hand in his pocket, and gave him 6&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;d.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Sayd&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1789&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1789&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1466]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a divine (scil. Dr. Jaspar Mayne) that stood by—&#039;Would you have donne this, if it had not been Christ&#039;s command?&#039;—&#039;Yea,&#039; sayd he.—&#039;Why?&#039; quoth the other.—&#039;Because,&#039; sayd he, &#039;I was in paine to consider&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1790&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1790&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1467]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; the miserable condition of the old man; and now my almes, giving him some reliefe, doth also ease me.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_353&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 353]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Slanders concerning him.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Aspersions and envy.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; His work was attended with envy, which threw severall aspersions and false reports on him. For instance, one (common) was that he was afrayd to lye alone at night in his chamber, [I have often heard him say that he was not afrayd of of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;sprights&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, but afrayd of being knockt on the head&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1791&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1791&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1468]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for five or ten pounds, which rogues might thinke he had&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1792&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1792&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1469]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in his chamber]; and severall other tales, as untrue.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have heard some positively affirme that he had a yearly pension from the king of France,—possibly for having asserted such a monarchie as the king of France exercises, but for what other grounds I know not, unles it be for that the present&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1793&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1793&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1470]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; king of France is reputed an encourager of choice and able men in all faculties who can contribute to his greatnes. I never heard him speake of any such thing; and, since his death, I have inquired of his most intimate friends in Derbyshire, who write to me they never heard of any such thing. Had it been so, he, nor they, ought to have been ashamed of it, and it had been becoming the munificence of so great a prince to have donne it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Atheisme&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1794&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1794&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1471]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Testimonie&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1795&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1795&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1472]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. For his being branded with atheisme, his writings and vertuous life testifie&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1796&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1796&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1473]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; against it. No man hath written better of ..., perhaps not so well. To prevent such false and malicious reports, I thought fit to insert and affirme as abovesayd.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1797&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1797&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1474]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;And that he was a Christian &#039;tis cleare, for he recieved the sacrament of Dr. &amp;amp;lt;John&amp;amp;gt; Pierson, and in his confession to Dr. John Cosins, at ..., on his (as he thought) death-bed, declared that he liked the religion of the church of England best of all other.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_354&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 354]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He would have the worship of God performed with musique (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ad me&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1798&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1798&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1475]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Addenda.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1799&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1799&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1476]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Though he left his native countrey&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1800&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1800&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1477]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at 14, and lived so long, yet sometimes one might find a little touch of our pronunciation.—Old Sir Thomas Malette&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1801&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1801&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1478]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, one of the judges of the King&#039;s Bench, knew Sir Walter Ralegh, and sayd that, notwithstanding his great travells, conversation, learning, etc., yet he spake broade Devonshire to his dyeing day.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1802&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1802&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1479]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Memorandum—&#039;twas he (as he him selfe haz told me) that &amp;amp;lt;invented&amp;amp;gt; the method of the oeconomie of the earle of Devon&#039;s family and way of stating or keeping of the accounts.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Portraits of Hobbes.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;i.&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1803&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1803&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1480]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Desire Sir Christopher Wren or Mr. Thomas Henshawe to speake to the king for his picture&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1804&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1804&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1481]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Mr. Hobbes for Mr. &amp;amp;lt;David&amp;amp;gt; Loggan to engrave it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;ii.&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1805&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1805&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1482]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;He did, anno 16.. (vide the date&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1806&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1806&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1483]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, which is on the backside) doe me the honour to sitt for his picture to Jo. Baptist Caspars, an excellent painter, and &#039;tis a good piece, which I presented to the &amp;amp;lt;Royall&amp;amp;gt; Societie 12 yeares since (but will it not be improper for me to mention my owne guift?).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1807&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1807&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1484]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Hanc&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Thomae Hobbes&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Malmesburiensis effigiem&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
ad vivum depictam (1663)&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Regiae Societati&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Londinensi&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_355&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 355]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; D.D.D.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Johannes Aubrey&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
de Easton-Piers&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
ejusdem Soc.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
S.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
1670.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Gett a brasse wyer to hang it&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1808&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1808&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1485]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; by.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;iii.&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1809&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1809&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1486]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Hobbes&#039;s motto upon his owne picture at Sir Charles Scarborough&#039;s:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Si quaeris de me Mores inquire: sed Ille&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Qui quaerit de me, forsitan alter erit.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;(Sir Charles Scarborough confessed to me that he made this distich.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;iv.&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1810&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1810&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1487]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Memorandum—there was a good painter at the earl of Devonshire&#039;s in Derbyshire not long before Mr. Hobbes dyed, who drew him with the great decayes of old age. Mr. William Ball hath a good copie of it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;v.&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1811&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1811&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1488]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;His motto about his picture:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;En quam modicè habitat philosophia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;His seal.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1812&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1812&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1489]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;This—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;..., a bend engrailed between 6 martletts ..., was the seale&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_308&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_308&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FV]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he commonly sealed his letters with, but &#039;twas not his coate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quare whose coate it may be—if &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hobbes&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quaere James Wheldon the executor if this be &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;his&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; coate of armes—for &#039;tis some seale—and what the colours are.—Respondet that the heralds did offer him a coat of armes but he refused it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;He was &#039;plebeius homo.&#039;&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1813&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1813&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1490]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir William Dugdale (Clarenceux), and Sir Edward Bisshe, the heralds, had an esteeme and respect for him, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_356&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 356]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;in so much that they would have graunted him a coate of armes; but he refused it—which methinkes he neede&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1814&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1814&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1491]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; not have donne.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Vide Alexander Broome&#039;s poemes:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;He that weares a brave soule and dares honestly doe&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Is a herault to himselfe and a godfather too.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1815&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1815&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1492]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Vide Ben Jonson&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Underwoods&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—that &#039;the most worthy men have been rock&#039;t in meane cradles.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;His sayings.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1816&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1816&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1493]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&#039;Tis of custome in the lives of wise men to putt downe their sayings. Now if trueth (uncommon) delivered clearly and wittily may goe&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1817&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1817&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1494]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for a saying, his common discourse was full of them, and which for the most part were sharpe and significant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Here insert the two printed papers of his sayings.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1818&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1818&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1495]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Quaere Mr. Ben. Tuke at the Ship in Paule&#039;s Church-yard for the paper of his sayings, which Dr. Francis Bernard and his brother Charles, etc.—a club—made.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1819&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1819&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1496]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;The sheet&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1820&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1820&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1497]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of old Mr. Hobbes sayings was not published by his executor, as is there printed. &#039;Twas (indeed) donne by Mr. ... Blunt, Sir Henry Blunt&#039;s sonne, and &#039;tis well donne.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1821&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1821&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1498]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;I sayd, somewhere before, that (though he was ready and happy in repartying &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;in drollery&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) he did not care&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1822&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1822&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1499]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to give a present answer &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;to a question&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, unless he had thoroughly considered it before: for he was against &#039;too hasty concluding,&#039; which he did endeavour as much as he could to avoid.—This is in p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1823&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1823&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1500]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_357&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 357]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1824&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1824&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1501]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Thomas Hobbs &amp;amp;lt;said&amp;amp;gt; that if it were not for the gallowes, some men are of so cruell a nature as to take a delight&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1825&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1825&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1502]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in killing men&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_309&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_309&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FW]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; more than I should to kill a bird.—Entred&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1826&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1826&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1503]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in idea.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1827&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1827&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1504]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;When Spinoza&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Tractatus Theologico-Politicus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; first came out &amp;amp;lt;1670&amp;amp;gt;, Mr. Edmund Waller sent it to my lord of Devonshire and desired him to send him word what Mr. Hobbes said of it. Mr. H. told his lordship:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Ne judicate ne judicemini&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1828&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1828&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1505]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He told me he had cut thorough him a barre&#039;s length, for he durst not write so boldly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1829&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1829&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1506]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;I have heard him inveigh much against the crueltie of Moyses for putting so many thousands to the sword for bowing to&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1830&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1830&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1507]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ... vide text.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have heard him say that Aristotle was the worst teacher that ever was, the worst polititian and ethick—a countrey-fellow that could live in the world &amp;amp;lt;would be&amp;amp;gt; as good: but his rhetorique and discourse of animals was rare.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1831&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1831&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1508]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;T. H.&#039;s saying:—rather use an old woman&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1832&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1832&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1509]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; that had many yeares been at sick people&#039;s bedsides, then the learnedst young unpractised physitian.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1833&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1833&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1510]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;☞ I remember he was wont to say that &#039;old men were drowned inwardly, by their owne moysture; e.g. first, the feet swell; then, the legges; then, the belly; etc.&#039;—This saying may be brought in, perhaps, as to the paragraph of his sicknesse and death.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;From&amp;amp;gt; Elizabeth, viscountesse Purbec. When Mr. T. Hobbes was sick in France, the divines came to him, and tormented him (both Roman Catholic, Church of England, and Geneva). Sayd he to them &#039;Let me alone, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_358&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 358]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;or els I will detect all your cheates from Aaron to yourselves.&#039; I thinke I have heard him speake something to this purpose.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. Edmund Waller sayd to me, when I desired him to write some verses in praise of him, that he was afrayd of the churchmen: he quoted Horace—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Incedo per ignes&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Suppositos cineri doloso:&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;that, what was chiefly to be taken notice of in his elogie was that he, being but &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;one&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and a private person, pulled-downe all the churches, dispelled the mists of ignorance, and layd-open their priest-craft.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;His writings.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;Aubrey several times notes his intention of drawing up a list of Hobbes&#039; writings. In MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 53&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, is a memorandum &#039;An exact Catalogue of all the bookes he wrote,&#039; with a mark showing that it was to be brought in before the notice of Hobbes&#039;s death, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_346&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;346&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 22, is headed &#039;Catalogus librorum ab autore scriptorum,&#039; and is left blank for their insertion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 18&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, is James Wheldon&#039;s answer to the inquiry suggested (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ut supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) on fol. 53&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;:—viz.&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1834&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1834&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1511]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;A Catalogue of his bookes.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His Latine poem &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;of the wonders of the Peake&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His translation of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Thucidides&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; out of Greek into English.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Humane nature&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De corpore politico&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in English.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Leviathan&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in English.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c52&amp;quot;&amp;gt;{&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De corpore&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; }&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
His philosophy in three parts {&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De homine&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; } in Latine.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c52&amp;quot;&amp;gt;{&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De cive&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;        }&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His dialogue &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;of the Civill Warr&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, in English, printed lately against his will.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of his disputations with Dr. Wallis and what he has written in philosophy and mathematicks Mr. &amp;amp;lt;William&amp;amp;gt; Crook can best give you the titles with the order and times of their edition, some Latine, some English; as also of&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His translation of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;the Odysses and Iliads of Homer&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_359&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 359]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There is also a small peece in English called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;A Breefe of Aristotle&#039;s Rhetorick&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; printed by Andrew Crooke, which was his, though his name be not to it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There is a little booke called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mr. Hobbes considered&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, wherein there is some passages relating to his life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;In MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 54&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, Aubrey notes the omission of a list of Hobbes&#039;s writings, and on fol. 55 he adds a transcript (with some notes of his own) of a list by William Crooke, Hobbes&#039; publisher, supplementary to that given in Anthony Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist. et Antiq. Univ. Oxon.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 377.&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1835&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1835&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1512]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;I have no time now (in this transcript) to write the catalogue of his bookes, and I thought to have sent your paper&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1836&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1836&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1513]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (which I keepe safe) but Dr. Blackburne desires the perusall of it.—This catalogue here I received last night from William Crooke.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1837&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1837&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1514]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;A supplement to Mr. A.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1838&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1838&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1515]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Wood&#039;s catalogue (in his &#039;History&#039;) of Mr. Hobbes his workes: viz.—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The travells of Ulysses, being the translation of the 9, 10, and 11 bookes of Homer&#039;s Odysses into English; London, printed 1674.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Epistola ad D. Ant. à Wood, Latin, 1675&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1839&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1839&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1516]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A translation of the 24 bookes of Homer&#039;s Iliads and the 24 bookes of his Odysses.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Also, his preface about the vertues of heroique poesie, in English, printed 1675, and 1677.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A letter to the duke of Newcastle about liberty and necessity, printed 1676, and 1677. [I have this somewhere among my bookes, printed about 30 yeares since. It was edited first by John Davys of Kidwelly; and there is a preface to it with S. W., i.e. Seth Ward, who then had a high esteeme of him.]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_360&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 360]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;De Mirabilibus Pecci&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1840&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1840&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1517]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;—English and Latin, 1678—a New-year&#039;s guift to his lord, who gave him 5 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, about 1627.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Decameron Physiologicum, or ten dialogues of naturall philosophy, to which is added the proportion of straight line to halfe the arc of quadrant, English, 1678&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1841&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1841&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1518]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Considerations upon the reputation, loyalty, manners, and religion of Thomas Hobbes, written by himselfe, printed 1680, with part of severall of his letters to W. Crooke.—[This&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1842&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1842&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1519]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; was first printed by Andrew Crooke 1662, ἀνονυμῶς.]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Vita Thomae Hobbes, 4to, printed 1680; in Latin verse; quarto.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Idem, in English, translated by ...; 1680, folio.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;An historicall narration concerning heresie and the punishment thereof, English, 1680.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[Where&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1843&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1843&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1520]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; is the book against Dr. Wallis in 4to that came out in Jan. 1679/80?].&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1844&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1844&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1521]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;He haz omitted here Aristotel&#039;s Rhetorique, printed long since by Andrew Crooke, but without his name; but Dr. Blackburne, W. Crooke, and I will lay our heads together and sett these things right.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;☞ It ought not to be forgotten that there is before Sir William Davenant&#039;s heroique poem called Gondibert, a learned epistle of Mr. Hobbes&#039;s concerning poetrie, in answer to Sir William&#039;s.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And there is also a shorter letter of Mr. Hobbes&#039;s, which the Honourable ... Howard has printed before his heroique poem, 8vo, called I thinke Bonduca, about 1668 or 9.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. Hobbes wrote a letter to ... (a colonell, as I remember) concerning Dr. Scargill&#039;s recantation sermon, preached at Cambridge, about 1670, which he putt into Sir John Birkenhead&#039;s hands to be licensed, which he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_361&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 361]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;refused (to collogue and flatter the bishops), and would not returne it nor give a copie. Mr. Hobbes kept no copie, for which he was sorry. He told me he liked it well himselfe.—&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1845&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1845&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1522]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Dr.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1846&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1846&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1523]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Birket, my old acquaintance, hath the ordering of Sir John Birkenhead&#039;s bookes and papers. He hath not found it yet but hath found a letter of Mr. Hobbes to him about it, and hath promised me if he finds it to let me have it. ☞ Memorandum—Sir Charles Scarborough told me that he haz a copie of it, but I could not obtaine it of him; but I will try again, if Dr. Birket cannot find it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Notes about his writings.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;There are several scattered notes about Hobbes&#039; writings dispersed throughout MS. Aubr. 9, which may be most conveniently brought together here.&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His Latin &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Leviathan&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; is altered in many particulars, e.g. the doctrine of the Trinity, etc., and enlarged with many considerable particulars.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 42&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Leviathan&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; is translated into Dutch.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 7&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quaere Ph. Laurence what volume the Dutch &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Leviathan&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; printed and what volumine.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 7.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Humane Nature&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, London, by Thomas Newcombe, 1650, 12mo.—Anno 1684/5 is printed by Mr. Crooke &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Humane Nature&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Libertie and Necessity&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, in 8vo, which they call his &#039;Tripos.&#039;—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 7&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Before Thucydides, he spent two yeares in reading romances and playes, which he haz often repented and sayd that these two yeares were lost of him—wherin perhaps he was mistaken too. For it might furnish him with copie of words.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 42&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thucydides, London, imprinted for Richard Mynne in Little Brittain at the signe of St. Paul, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;MDCXXXIV&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 7&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_362&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 362]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. Henry Birchit of the Middle Temple promised to gett for me Mr. Hobbes&#039; letter to ... of Mr. Scargill&#039;s recantation, which he left with Sir John Birkenhead.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 54&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;T. Hobbes—quaere Mr. H. Birchet de letter of Scargill&#039;s recantation which Sir John Birkenhead would not licence.—MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 8.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;In MS. Aubr. 9 at the end are some of the printed tracts issued by Hobbes in his controversy with Dr. John Wallis, viz.:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;(1) A folio sheet&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1847&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1847&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1524]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, headed&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;To the right honorable and others the learned members of the Royal Society for the Advancement of the Sciences, presenteth to your consideration your most humble servant Thomas Hobbes (who hath spent much time upon the same subject) two propositions, whereof the one is lately published by Dr. Wallis, a member of your society....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Dr. Wallis: &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;de motu&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, cap. 5. prop. 1. | Thomas Hobbes, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Roset.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; prop. 5.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;(2) A quarto sheet&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1848&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1848&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1525]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, headed:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;To the right honourable and others the learned members of the Royal Society for the Advancement of the Sciences, presenteth to your consideration your most humble servant Thomas Hobbes a confutation of a theoreme which hath a long time passed for truth.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;(3) A quarto tract&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1849&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1849&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1526]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (the &#039;Propositions&#039; occupy 3 pages, the &#039;Considerations,&#039; 4 pages), entitled:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Three papers presented to the Royal Society against Dr. Wallis, together with considerations on Dr. Wallis his answers to them, by Thomas Hobbes of Malmsbury; London, printed for the author and are to be had at the Green Dragon without Temple Bar: 1671.&#039;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;With Mr. Hobbes&#039;s small tracts inscribed to the Royal Society came a letter offering that some of the small pieces of his might be published in the Transactions; which was &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_363&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 363]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;not donne, through Mr. Oldenburgh&#039;s default.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 47&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;At the end of MS. Aubr. 9 is a quarto tract of 14 pages, entitled:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Thomae Hobbesii Malmesburiensis vita, authore seipso&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1850&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1850&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1527]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, Londini, typis, anno &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;MDCLXXIX&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The last two lines of it are:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Octoginta annos complevi jam quatuorque&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Et prope stans dictat Mors mihi, Ne metue.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On these Aubrey notes (MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 68&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;)—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;These two last verses Dr. Blackburne altered (because of qu[=a] in quatuor, long) in the copie printed with Mr. Hobbes&#039;s life in Latine, and some other alterations he made, but me thinkes the sense is not so brisque.&#039;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What did he write since he left London? Quaere &amp;amp;lt;his&amp;amp;gt; executor.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 22&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His executor acquaints William Crooke (the author&#039;s printer&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1851&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1851&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1528]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) and me, in a lettre&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1852&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1852&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1529]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; under his hand January 16, 1679, that neither Mr. Halleley (Mr. Hobbes&#039;s intimate friend and confident) nor him selfe have any thing in either of their hands of Mr. Hobbes&#039;s, the very little of that kind that he left behind him being disposed of &#039;according to his own order&#039; before he removed from Chatsworth. Quaere what was that order?—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 22&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. Thomas Hobbes &amp;amp;lt;has left&amp;amp;gt; in MSS.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;----A dialogue concerning the common lawes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;----An epitome of the Civil Warres of England from 1640 to 1660.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;----Answer to &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Catching of the Leviathan&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by Dr. Bramhall.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;----A historical narration concerning heresy and the punishment thereof.—MS. Aubr. 9, a slip at fol. 27&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Translation of 1, 9, 10, 11 and 1&amp;amp;lt;2&amp;amp;gt; bookes of Homer&#039;s Odysses in English verse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_364&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 364]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Ecclesiastica Historia in Latin verse, Amsterdam.—MS. Aubr. 9, a slip pasted on to fol. 27&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quaere Dr. Blackbourn and Mr. Crooke to know where lies or what is become of Mr. Hobbes&#039; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Historia Ecclesiastica Romana&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;? Resp.—Dr. Blackbourne haz it; gett copie of it.—MS. Aubr. 7, a slip at fol. 8&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In May 1688, his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ecclesiastica Historia carmine elegiaco conscripta&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, in Latin verse, was printed at Augusta Trinobantum, scil. London. The preface was writt by Mr. Thomas Rymer, of Graie&#039;s Inne, but ἀνονυμῶς.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 54&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum.—Mr. Hobbes told me he would write, in three columnes, his doctrine, the objections, and his answers, and deposit&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1853&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1853&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1530]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; it in the earle of Devon&#039;s library at ... in Derbyshire. Dr. &amp;amp;lt;Thomas&amp;amp;gt; Bayly, principall of New-Innhall in Oxon, tells me he hath seen it there.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;MS. Aubr. 28 is a copy of the tract (63 pages).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Mr. Hobbes considered in his loyalty, religion, reputation, and manners, by way of letter to Dr. Wallis&#039;; London, printed for Andrew Crooke, 1662.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On the title-page Aubrey has the note:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;This letter was writt (indeed) by Mr. Thomas Hobbes himselfe—Jo. Aubrey de Easton-Pierse&#039;:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and at the end&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;The second impression&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1854&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1854&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1531]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of this booke was from this very booke of mine.—&#039;Twas not to be bought.&#039;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Verses by him.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1855&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1855&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1532]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Insert the love verses he made not long before his death:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1856&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1856&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1533]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;1.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Tho&#039; I am now past ninety, and too old&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;T&#039; expect preferment in the court of Cupid,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And many winters made mee ev&#039;n so cold&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;I am become almost all over stupid,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_365&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 365]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Yet I can love and have a mistresse too,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;As fair as can be and as wise as fair;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And yet not, proud, nor anything will doe&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To make me of her favour to despair.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To tell you who she is were very bold;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But if i&#039; th&#039; character your selfe you find&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Thinke not the man a fool thô he be old&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Who loves in body fair a fairer mind.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1857&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1857&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1534]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Catalogue&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1858&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1858&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1535]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of his learned familiar friends and acquaintances&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, besides those already mentioned, that I remember him to have spoken of.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mr. Benjamin Johnson&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Poet-Laureat, was his loving and familiar friend and acquaintance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;Sir Robert&amp;amp;gt; Aiton&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Scoto-Britannus, a good poet and critique and good scholar. He was neerly related to his lord&#039;s lady (Bruce). And he desired Ben: Johnson, and this gentleman, to give their judgement on his style of his translation of Thucydides.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1859&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1859&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1536]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;He lyes buryd in Westminster Abbey, and hath there an elegant monument and inscription&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1860&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1860&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1537]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, which I will insert here or so much as may be pertinent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Memorandum next after ... Ayton should in order be named &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sydney Godolphin&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, esq., who left him, in his will, a legacy of an hundred poundes: and Mr. Hobbes hath left him an eternall&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1861&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1861&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1538]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; monument in lib.... pag.... of his Leviathan.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Lucius Carey, lord Falkland&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; was his great friend and admirer, and so was &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sir William Petty&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; both which I have here enrolled amongst those friends I have heard him &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_366&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 366]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;speake of, but Dr. Blackburne left &#039;em both out&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1862&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1862&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1539]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (to my admiration). I askt him why he had donne so? He answered because they were both ignote to foreigners.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mr. Henry Gellibrand&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Astronomy professor at Gresham Colledge.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1863&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1863&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1540]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;James Harrington&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, esq., who wrote against him in his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Oceana&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Henry Stubbes&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1864&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1864&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1541]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mr. Charles Cavendish&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1865&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1865&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1542]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, brother to the duke of Newcastle, a learned gentleman and great mathematician.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mr. Laurence Rooke&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Geometry and Astronomy professor.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mr. ... Hallely&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, his intimate friend, an old gent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1866&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1866&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1543]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;When he was at Florence (16..; vide vitam) he contracted a friendship with the famous &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Galileo Galileo&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ...&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1867&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1867&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1544]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, whom he extremely venerated and magnified; and not only as he was a prodigious witt, but for his sweetnes of nature and manners. They&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1868&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1868&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1545]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; pretty well resembled one another as to their countenances, as by their pictures doeth&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1869&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1869&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1546]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; appeare; were both cheerfull and melancholique-sanguine; and had both a consimilitie of fate, to be hated and persecuted by the ecclesiastiques.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;16..&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1870&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1870&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1547]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Petrus Gassendus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1871&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1871&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1548]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, S. Th. Doctor et Regius Professor Parisiis,—vide his titles—whom he never mentions but with great honour and respect&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_285&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_285&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXXIV.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &#039;doctissimus, humanissimus&#039;; and they loved each other entirely.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_285&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_285&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXXIV.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I have heard Mr. Edmund Waller say that (William) the lord marquisse of Newcastle was a great patron to Dr. Gassendi, and M. Des Cartes, as well as Mr. Hobbes, and that he hath dined with them all three at the marquiss&#039;s table at Paris.—MS. Aubr. 9. fol. 50.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As also the like love and friendship was betwixt him and&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Marinus ... Mersennus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Monsr. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Renatus Des Cartes&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1872&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1872&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1549]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_367&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 367]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;as also—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;Johan. Franc.&amp;amp;gt; Niceron&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Samuel Sorbier&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, M. D.—vide his epistle and Gassendus&#039;s before his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Cive&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;... Verdusius&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, to whom he dedicates his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;... Dialogi&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1873&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1873&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1550]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;vide my &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Dialogi&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; for his Christian name—&#039;tis dedicated to him).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1874&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1874&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1551]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;T. H. would say that &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Gassendus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; was the sweetest-natured man in the world.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Des Cartes&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and he were acquainted and mutually respected one another. He would say that had he kept himself to Geometry he had been the best geometer in the world but that his head did not lye for philosophy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1875&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1875&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1552]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Hobbes was wont to say that had M&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;ieur&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; Des Cartes (for whom he had a high respect) kept himselfe to geometrie, he had been the best geometer in the world; but he could not pardon him for his writing in defence of transubstantiation, which he knew was absolutely against his opinion&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1876&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1876&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1553]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and donne meerly to putt a compliment&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1877&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1877&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1554]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;amp;lt;on&amp;amp;gt; the Jesuites.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1878&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1878&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1555]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;I have heard Mr. Oates say that the Jesuites doe much glorie that he &amp;amp;lt;Des Cartes&amp;amp;gt; had his education under&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1879&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1879&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1556]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; them. &#039;Tis not unlikely that the Jesuites putt him upon that treatise.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Edmund Waller&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1880&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1880&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1557]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, esq., poet.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1881&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1881&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1558]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sir Kenelm Digby&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, amicus T. H.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1882&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1882&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1559]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;(1648 or 49&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1883&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1883&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1560]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, at Paris.) &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sir William Petty&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (of Ireland&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1884&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1884&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1561]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), Regiae Societatis Socius, a person&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1885&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1885&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1562]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of a stupendous invention&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1886&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1886&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1563]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and of as great prudence and humanity, had an &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_368&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 368]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;high&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1887&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1887&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1564]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; esteeme of him. His acquaintance began at Paris, 1648 or 1649, at which time Mr. Hobbes studied Vesalius&#039; Anatomy, and Sir William with him. He then assisted Mr. Hobbes in draweing his schemes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1888&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1888&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1565]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;for his booke of optiques, for he had a very fine hand in those dayes for draweing&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1889&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1889&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1566]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, which draughts Mr. Hobbes did&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1890&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1890&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1567]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; much commend. His facultie&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1891&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1891&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1568]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in this kind conciliated them the sooner to the familiarity&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1892&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1892&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1569]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of our common friend.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mr. S. Cowper&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; aforesayd&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1893&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1893&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1570]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, at whose house they often mett.—He drew his picture twice: the first the king haz, the other is yet in the custody of his widowe; but he gave it, indeed, to me (and I promised I would give it to the archives at Oxon,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1894&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1894&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1571]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with a short inscription on the back side, as a monument of his friendship to me and ours to Mr. Hobbes—sed haec omnia inter nos)&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1895&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1895&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1572]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;but I, like a foole, did not take possession of it, for something of the garment was not quite finished, and he dyed, I being then in the countrey—sed hoc non ad rem.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1896&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1896&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1573]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sir William Petty.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt; I have a very fine letter from Mr. Hobbes to me where he gives him thanks and for his booke of Duplicate Proportion I sent him, which letter I will insert (so much as concerns it). Sir William Petty would keepe the originall &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;honoris ergo&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and gave me a copie of it, which I have not leisure to looke out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1897&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1897&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1574]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;(At Paris.) &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mr. Abraham Cowley&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, the poet, who hath bestowed on him an immortal pindarique ode, which is in his poems.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;(1651 or 52.) &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;William Harvey&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Dr. of Physique and Chirurgery, inventor of the circulation of the bloud, who left him in his will ten poundes, as his brother told me at his funerall. Obiit anno 1657, aetat. 80, sepult. at Hempsted in Essex, in their&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1898&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1898&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1575]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; vault.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_369&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 369]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mr. Edmund Waller&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of Beconsfield was his great friend, and acquainted at Paris—I believe before.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When his Leviathan came out, he sent by his stationer&#039;s (Andrew Crooke) man a copie of it, well-bound, to &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mr. John Selden&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in Aedibus Carmeliticis. Mr. Selden told the servant, he did not know Mr. Hobbes, but had heard much of his worth, and that he should be very glad to be acquainted with him. Wherupon Mr. Hobbes wayted on him. From which time there was a strict friendship between &amp;amp;lt;them&amp;amp;gt; to his dyeing day. He left by his will to Mr. Hobbes a legacy of ten poundes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sir John Vaughan&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Lord Chiefe Justice of the Common Pleas, was his great acquaintance, to whom he made visitts three times or more in a weeke—out of terme in the morning; in terme-time, in the afternoon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sir Charles Scarborough&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, M.D. (physitian to his royal highnesse the duke of Yorke), who hath a very good and like picture (drawne about 1655)&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1899&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1899&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1576]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;of him, under which is this distich (they say of Mr. Hobbes&#039;s making&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_286&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_286&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXXV.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;),&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_286&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_286&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXXV.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was made by Sir Charles Scarborough, M.D.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Si quaeris de me, Mores inquire, sed Ille&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Qui quaerit de me, forsitan alter erit;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and much loved his conversation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sir Jonas Moore&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, mathematicus, surveyor of his majestie&#039;s ordinance, who had a great veneration for Mr. Hobbes, and was wont much to lament&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_287&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_287&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXXVI.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he fell to the study of the mathematiques so late.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_287&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_287&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXXVI.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Does this lamenting come in aptest here, or pag.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1900&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1900&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1577]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; 7?—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 52&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mr. Richard White&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, who writt Hemispherium Dissectum.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1901&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1901&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1578]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I have heard Mr. Thomas Hobbes commend Richard White for a solid mathematician and preferred him much before his brother &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Thomas de Albiis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1902&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1902&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1579]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_370&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 370]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sir Charles Cavendish&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1903&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1903&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1580]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Edward, lord Herbert of Cherbery&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and Castle Island.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sir William Davenant&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Poet Laureat after B. Johnson, and generall of the ordinance to the duke of Newcastle—at Paris&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1904&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1904&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1581]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (e.g. epistle); perhaps before.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;William Chillingworth&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, D.D.—he would commend this doctor for a very great witt; &#039;But by G——&#039; said he, &#039;he is like some lusty fighters that will give a damnable back-blow now and then on their owne party.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;George Eglionby&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, D.D. and deane of Canterbury, was also his great acquaintance. He died at Oxford&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1905&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1905&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1582]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, 1643, of the epidemique disease then rageing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1906&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1906&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1583]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Jasper Mayne&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Doctor of Divinity (chaplain to William, marquesse of Newcastle), an old acquaintance of his.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mr. Francis Osburne&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, author of &#039;Advice&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1907&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1907&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1584]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to a son&#039; and severall other treatises, was his great acquaintance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;John Pell&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Dr. of Divinity, mathematicus, quondam professor ...&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1908&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1908&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1585]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at Breda, who quotes him in his ... contra Longomontanum &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;de Quadratura circuli&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, for one of his jury (of 12).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sir George Ent&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, M.D.—In a letter to Mr. J&amp;amp;lt;ohn&amp;amp;gt; A&amp;amp;lt;ubrey&amp;amp;gt; from Mr. Thomas Hobbes:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Worthy Sir,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have receaved from Mr. Crooke the booke of Sir George Ent of the Use of Respiration. It is a very learned and ingeniose booke full of true and deepe philosophy. I pray you to present unto him my most humble service. Though I recieved it but three dayes since, yet, drawen-on by the easinesse of the style and elegancy of the language, I have read it all over, and I give you most &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_371&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 371]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;humble thankes for sending it to me. I pray you present my service to Mr. Hooke&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1909&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1909&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1586]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;I am,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Sir, your most obliged and humble servant,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Tho: Hobbes&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Chatsworth,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c53&amp;quot;&amp;gt;March 25,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c54&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1679.&#039;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ralph Bathurst&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, S.T.D., now deane of Welles, who hath writt verses before his booke of Humane Nature&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1910&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1910&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1587]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mr. Henry Stubbes&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, physitian, whom he much esteemed for his great learning and parts, but at latter end Mr. Hobbs differ&#039;d with him for that he wrote against the lord chancellor Bacon, and the Royall Societie. He wrote in Mr. Hobbes&#039; defence—vide librum&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1911&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1911&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1588]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Walter Charleton&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, M.D., physitian to his majestie, and one of the Colledge of Physitians in London, a high admirer of him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mr. Samuel Butler&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, the author of Hudibras.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In his ... Dialogi (vide librum) he haz a noble elogie of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sir Christopher Wren&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, then a young scholar in Oxon, which quote; but I thinke they were not acquainted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mr. &amp;amp;lt;Robert&amp;amp;gt; Hooke&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; loved him, but was never but once in his company.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sidney Godolphin&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1912&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1912&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1589]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1913&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1913&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1590]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;To conclude, he had a high esteeme for the Royall &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_372&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 372]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Societie, having sayd (vide Behemoth pag. 242, part ...) that &#039;Naturall Philosophy was removed from the Universities to Gresham Colledge,&#039; meaning the Royall Societie that meetes there; and the Royall Societie (generally) had the like for him: and he would long since have been ascribed a member there, but for the sake of one&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_288&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_288&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXXVII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; or two persons, whom he tooke to be his enemies. In their meeting at Gresham Colledge is his picture, drawen by the life, 166-(quaere date&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1914&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1914&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1591]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), by a good hand, which they much esteeme, and severall copies have been taken of it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_288&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_288&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXXVII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dr. Wallis (surely their Mercuries&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1915&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1915&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1592]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; are in opposition), and Mr. Boyle. I might add Sir Paul Neile, who disobliges everybody.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 53&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1916&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1916&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1593]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Memorandum:—Dr. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Isaac Barrow&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; hath mentioned Mr. T. Hobbes in his mathematicall lectures, printed and unprinted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1917&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1917&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1594]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Edmund Waller, esq., of Beconsfield:—&#039;but what he was most to &amp;amp;lt;be&amp;amp;gt; commended for was that he being a private person threw downe the strongholds (ὀχυρώματα) of the Church, and lett in light.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Robert Stevens&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, serjeant at Lawe, was wont to say of him, and that truly, that &#039;no man had so much, so deeply, seriously, and profoundly&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1918&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1918&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1595]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; considered humane nature as he.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1919&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1919&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1596]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. John Dreyden, Poet Laureat, is his great admirer, and oftentimes makes use of his doctrine in his playes—from Mr. Dreyden himselfe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1920&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1920&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1597]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Memorandum he hath no countryman living hath knowne him so long (1633&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1921&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1921&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1598]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) as myselfe, or &amp;amp;lt;any&amp;amp;gt; of his friends, &amp;amp;amp;c. &amp;amp;lt;who&amp;amp;gt; doth know so much &amp;amp;lt;about him.&amp;amp;gt; When he had printed his translation of Thucydides &amp;amp;lt;1676: edit. 2&amp;amp;gt;, his life is writt by him selfe (at my request) in the third person, a copie wherof I have by me, [to&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1922&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1922&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1599]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; publish after his death if it please God I survive him.]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_373&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 373]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Opponents and critics.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1923&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1923&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1600]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Now as he had these ingeniose and learned friends, and many more (no question) that I know not or now escape my memory; so he had many enemies (though undeserved; for he would not provoke, but if provoked, he was sharp and bitter): and as a prophet is not esteemed in his owne countrey, so he was more esteemed by foreigners then by his countreymen.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His chiefe antagonists were&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;—[&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Dr.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1924&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1924&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1601]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; John&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;] &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bramhall&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, bishop of [Londonderry], afterwards [archbishop of Armagh and] primate of Ireland.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Seth Ward&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, D.D., now bishop of Sarum, who wrote against him in his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Vindiciae Academiarum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1925&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1925&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1602]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ἀνονυμῶς, and in.... With whom though formerly he had some contest, for which he was sorry, yet Mr. Hobbes had a great veneration for his&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1926&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1926&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1603]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; worth, learning and goodnes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;John Wallis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, D.D., a great mathematician, and that hath deserved exceedingly of the commonwealth of learning for the great paines etc...., was his great antagonist in the Mathematiques. &#039;Twas pitty, as is said before, that Mr. Hobbs began so late, els he would &amp;amp;lt;not&amp;amp;gt; have layn so open.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Theophilus Pike&#039; (&amp;amp;lt;i.e.&amp;amp;gt; [&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;William&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1927&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1927&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1604]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;] &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Lucy&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, bishop of St. David&#039;s) who wrote [&#039;Observations, censures, and confutations of notorious errours&#039; in his Leviathan, 1664; they are but weak ones.]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mr.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; [&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Richard&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;] &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Baxter&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, who wrote....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Edward&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1928&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1928&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1605]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Hyde, earl of Clarendon&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, who wrot against the politicall part of his Leviathan: I have mentioned this in some letter, but you have forgot it.]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_374&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 374]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1929&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1929&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1606]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Samuelis Siremesii; Praxiologia apodictica, seu Philosophia moralis demonstrativa, pythanologiae Hobbianae opposita: Francofurti, 1677, 4to.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1930&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1930&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1607]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;(In 16mo)—Liberty and Necessity asserted by Thomas Hobbes and opposed by &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Philip Tandy&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, register-accomptant, formerly minister and now established so again, Lond. 1656.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Apologists and supporters.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;A few scattered notes in MS. Aubr. 9 may be conveniently brought together here.&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1931&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1931&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1608]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Meditationes Politicae iisdem continuandis et illustrandis addita Politica parallela &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;XXV&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; dissertationibus Academicis antehac exposuit Johannes Christopherus &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Becmanus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, LL.D., editio 3ª, Francofurti &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;MDCLXXIX&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, vide pag. 417 ubi magnopere laudat T. Hobbium—which transcribe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1932&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1932&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1609]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;In 8vo:—Meditationes Politicae iisdemque continuandis et illustrandis addita Politica Parallela &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;XXIV&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; dissertationibus academicis antehac exposuit &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Johannes Christopherus Becmanus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, D. et Hist. prof. publ. ord. in Acad. Francofurtanâ; additae sunt dissertationes de lege regia et de quarta monarchia: editio tertia: Francofurti ad Oderam, anno &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;MDCLXXIX&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;:—pag. 417, 418:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;In Hobbesii libris eorum quae de cive et civitate agunt (nam reliqua nobis neutiquam curatio est) &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;scopus generalis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; est e primis principiis naturae rationalis ac vitae socialis res politicas eruere (quo quidem nomine prae caeteris laudandus est cum nemo politicorum ante illum id ausus fuerit), &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;specialis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; est dirigere principia sua ad monarchiam (qui si genium gentis spectes in qua vixit non minori laude dignus est, licebitque aliis eadem principia ad statum aristocraticum et democraticum applicare, modo sciat istos potius quam monarchiam reipublicae suae congruere).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In aliis scriptis quae publicavit itidem eo nomine laudandus est quod e primis principiis moralibus, licet haud perinde vulgò notis, res suas eruere conetur: sed rursus etiam culpandus quod sacra ad &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_375&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 375]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;conceptus suos trahat cum hos ad sacra pertrahere indeque perficere debuisset. Profani tamen qui videntur apud eum occurrere loquendi modi non possunt plenum &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;atheismum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; inferre, nunquam enim qui rebus moralibus mediocriter incumbit atheus esse potest, tanto minus Hobbesius qui ad prima usque principia moralium progredi conatur. Quod vero maxime sapere videtur, id vel &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;securitatem&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; dixeris vel &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;neutralismum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; quendam, ut Deum quidem colat sed modum colendi a sacro codice derivandum esse non necessarium agnoscat; esseque hunc animum ejus ex eo patet quod superius diximus, ipsum sacra ad conceptus suos morales trahere cum e contrario moralia quae habemus aut invenire etiam possumus e sacris peti debeant quippe quae clarius semper rem exprimunt quam sine eis exprimi potest. Acciditque hic&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1933&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1933&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1610]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ipsi quod chymicorum multis aliisque rerum naturalium scrutatoribus qui, dum in causis secundis indagandis nimii sunt, eis ita alligantur ut ulterius eoque ad Deum usque pergere non opus esse judicent, unde similiter in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;neutralismum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; incidunt. Brevius—Hobbesius principia vitae socialis vere explicat sed male applicat; unde omnis illa in doctrina ejus perversitas quam tamen Christiano vitandam esse merito cum piis probisque omnibus pronunciamus. Concludimus cum judicio autoris Gallici in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Itiner. Angl.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_289&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_289&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXXVIII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; pag. (edit. Germ.) 411, 412:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_289&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_289&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXXVIII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is in High-dutch, which I desire Mr. Th. Haack to render into English.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1934&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1934&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1611]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Es&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_310&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_310&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FX]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; werden sehr wenig gefunden welche die Sachen genauer durchsehen denn Er und die der Natürlichen Wissen-schafft eine so lange Erfahrung beygebracht hätten. Ja Er ist ein überbliebenes von dem Bacon, unter welchem Er in seiner Jugend geschrieben und an allem was ich von Ihm gehöret und was ich in seiner Art zu sc&amp;amp;lt;h&amp;amp;gt;reiben mercke sehe ich wol, dasz Er viel davon behalten. Er hat durch das Studieren seine Weise die Dinge zu wenden und greiffet gerne in die Gleichnüssen. Aber Er hat natürlich viele von seiner schönen und guten Eigenschafft ja auch von seiner feinen Leibes Gestalt. Er hat der Priester-schafft seines Landes, den Mathematisten zu Oxfurt und ihren Anhänge&amp;amp;lt;r&amp;amp;gt;n eine Furcht eingejaget, darumb Ihre Majestät mir Ihn einem Bähren&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1935&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1935&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1612]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ver&amp;amp;lt;g&amp;amp;gt;l&amp;amp;lt;e&amp;amp;gt;ichen, wider welche Er die doggen, umb sie zu üben anreitzet; sonder Zweiffel hat Er die gekrönte Häupter in den Gründen seiner Welt Klugheit höchlich verbunden, und wenn Er die Lehren der Religionen nicht berühret, oder sich begnüget hätte d&amp;amp;lt;i&amp;amp;gt;e Presbyterianer und genannte Bischöffe seines Landes anzugreiffen, find ich nichts darin zu tadeln.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1936&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1936&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1613]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Casparis Zeigleri de juribus majestatis tractatus Academicus; Wittenbergae, 1681. Vide pag. 112 § IV &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_376&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 376]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;ubi honoris gratiâ citat Hobbium de differentiis inter pactum et legem ex element. philosoph. de Cive, cap. 14.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1937&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1937&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1614]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;(In 12mo)—Epistolica dissertatio de principiis justi et decori continens Apologiam pro tractatu clarissimi Hobbaei de Cive ἀνονυμῶς Amstelodami apud Ludovicum Elzevirium, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;MDCLI&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;James Harrington, esquire: &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Oceana&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, vide.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1938&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1938&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1615]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;... Zeigler, a German jurisconsultus, quotes him with great respect, as also some other German civilians, of which enquire farther.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1939&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1939&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1616]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Samuelis Pufendorf&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: Elementa Jurisprudentiae Universalis&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1940&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1940&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1617]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, 1672: in praefatione—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Nec parum debere nos profitemur Thomae Hobbes, cujus hypothesis in libro &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;de Cive&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, etsi quid profani sapiat, pleraque tamen caetera satis arguta ac sana.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quos heic velut in universum allegasse voluimus, in ipso autem opere quoties eorundem expressa fuit sententia ipsos numerare supersedimus, quia, praeter taedia crebrae citationis, rationes eorum potius quam autoritatem secuti sumus. Nam quando ab iisdem atque aliis veritatis studium dissentire nos subegit, nomina eorundem ideo dissimulavimus ne magnorum virorum naevos vellicando gloriolam captare velle videremur. Et stultum semper judicavimus, cum ipse te hominem noris ab erroribus haudquidquam immunem, aspera in alios censura reliquos ad paria tibi reponenda irritare.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1941&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1941&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1618]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Samuel Pufendorfius&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, professor in jure naturae apud regem Sueciae: in praefatione sui libri De Jure Naturae et Gentium, Amstelodam, 1688:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Sic et Thomas Hobbius in operibus suis ad civilem scientiam spectantibus plurima habet quantivis pretii et nemo cui rerum ejusmodi est intellectus negaverit tam profunde ipsum societatis humanae et civilis compagem rimatum fuisse ut pauci priorum cum ipso heic comparari queant. Et qua a vero aberrat, occasionem tamen ad talia meditanda suggerit quae fortasse aliàs nemini in mentem venissent. Sed quod et hic in religione peculiaria sibi et horrida dogmata finxerit, hoc ipso apud multos non citra rationem sui &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_377&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 377]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;aversationem excitavit. Quanquam et illud non raro contingere videas ut ab illis maximo cum supercilio condemnetur abs quibus minime lectus fuit aut intellectus.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Conclusion.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1942&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1942&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1619]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;I would have, just before FINIS,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Pascitur in vivis Livor: post fata quiescit;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Tunc suus ex merito quemque tuetur honos.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c55&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Ovid. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Eleg.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1943&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1943&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1620]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1944&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1944&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1621]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Last of all insert the pindarique ode on Mr. Hobbes made by Mr. Abraham Cowley; and after that, in the next page, the verses made by Dr. Ralph Bathurst of Trinity College in Oxon, which are before Mr. Hobbes&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Humane Nature&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Copies of letters by, or about, Thomas Hobbes.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;i. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Thomas Hobbes to Josias Pullen.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1945&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1945&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1622]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;For my much honored friend Mr. Josias Pullen, Vice-principall of Magdalen Hall in Oxon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Honour&#039;d Sir,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I understand by a letter from Mr. Aubry that you desire to have the bookes I have published to put them into the library of Magdalen Hall. I have here sent them you, and very willingly, as being glad of the occasion, for I assure you that I owe so much honour and respect to that society that I would have sent them, and desired to have them accepted, long agoe, if I could have donne it as decently as now that you have assured me that your selfe and some others of your house have a good opinion of them so that though the house refuse them they are not lost. You know how much they have been decryed by Dr. Wallis and others of the greatest sway in the University, and therfore to offer them to any Colledge or Hall had been a greater signe of humility than I have yet attained to.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_378&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 378]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For your owne civility in approving them, I give you many thanks; and remain&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Sir,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Your most humble servant,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Tho. Hobbes&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
1672&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1946&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1946&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1623]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, London,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Febr. 1&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;st&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;ii. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Thomas Hobbes to John Aubrey.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1947&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1947&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1624]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Noble Sir,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I am very glad to hear you are well and continue your favours towards me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Tis a long time since I have been able to write my selfe, and am now so weake that it is a paine to me to dictate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But yet I cannot choose but thanke you for this letter of Jan. 25&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;th&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; which I receaved not till the last of ffebruary. I was assured a good while since that Dr. Wallis his learning is no where esteemed but in the Universities by such as have engaged themselves in the defence of his geometry and are now ashamed to recant it. And I wonder not if Dr. Wallis, or any other, that have studyed mathematicks onely to gaine preferment, when his ignorance is discovered, convert his study to jugling and to the gaining of a reputation of conjuring, decyphering, and such arts&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1948&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1948&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1625]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; as are in the booke&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1949&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1949&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1626]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; you sent me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As for the matter it selfe, I meane the teaching of a man borne deafe and dumbe to speake, I thinke it impossible. But I doe not count him deafe and indocible that can heare a word spoken as loud as is possible at the very entrance to his eare, for of this I am assured that a man borne absolutely deafe must of necessity be made to heare before he can be made to speake, much lesse to understand. And he that could make him heare (being a great and common good) would well deserve both to be honoured &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_379&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 379]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and to be enriched. He that could make him speake a few words onely deserved nothing. But he that brags of this and cannot doe it, deserves to be whipt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c48&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Sir, I am most heartily&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c56&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Your most faithfull and most humble servant,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c55&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Thomas Hobbes&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Hardwick,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
March the 5&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;th&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, 1677&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1950&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1950&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1627]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1951&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1951&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1628]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;To my most honored frend Mr. John Awbry, esqre, to be left for him at Mr. Crooke&#039;s, a bookseller, at the Green Dragon without Temple barre, London.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;iii. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Thomas Hobbes to William Crooke&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, with an enclosure to John Aubrey.&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;Hobbes&#039; letter to Crooke is found as fol. 11 of MS. Aubr. 9: the enclosure to Aubrey, as foll. 12, 13. Both are in James Wheldon&#039;s handwriting.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It appears by the post-stamps on the backs of these letters that the charge for a letter was 3&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;d.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, with 3&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;d.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; for each enclosure. Thus the letters of Aug. 18, 1679, March 5, 1679/80, Sept. 7, 1680, are all marked as costing 3&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;d.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; postage (MS. Aubr. 9, foll. 15&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, 10&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, 21&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;); while this letter to Crooke, with its enclosure, cost 6&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;d.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ibid.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, fol. 11&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;); and the letter of Jan. 16, 1679/80, with its two enclosures, cost 9&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;d.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ibid.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; fol. 17&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;).&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1952&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1952&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1629]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have receaved Sir George Ent&#039;s booke and Mr. Aubrey&#039;s letter, to which I have written an answer, but I cannot tell how to send it to him without your helpe, and therefore I have sent it to you here inclosed, for I believe he comes now and then to your shop, and I pray you doe me the favour to deliver it to him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;I rest, your humble servant&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Tho. Hobbes&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Chatsworth,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
March the 25&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;th&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 1679.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1953&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1953&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1630]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;For Mr. William Crooke,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Bookeseller,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
At the Green Dragon without Temple barr&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c52&amp;quot;&amp;gt;London.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;tb&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_380&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 380]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1954&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1954&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1631]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Worthy Sir,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have receaved from Will: Crooke the booke of Sir George Ent of the use of respiration. It is a very learned and ingenious booke, full of true and deepe philosophy, and I pray you to present unto him my most humble service. Though I receaved it but three days since, yet drawn on by the easinesse of the style and elegance of the language I have read it all over. And I give you most hearty thankes for sending of it to me, and to Mr. Ent&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1955&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1955&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1632]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; who was pleased to bestow it upon me, and I am very glad to hear that Sir George him selfe is alive and in good health, though I believe he is very near as old as I am.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I knew not how to addresse my letter to you, but at all adventure I sent it inclosed in a letter to Mr. Crooke at whose shop I suppose you sometimes looke in as you passe the street.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I pray you present my service to Mr. Hooke and thanke him for the honour of his salutation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;I am, Sir, your most obliged and humble servant,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c55&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Thomas Hobbes&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Chatsworth,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
March the 25&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;th&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, 1679.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1956&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1956&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1633]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;To my most honoured frend,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c53&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Mr. John Aubrey.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;iv. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Thomas Hobbes to John Aubrey.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1957&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1957&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1634]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Honored Sir,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I thanke you for your letter of Aug. 2&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;d&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, and I pray you present my humble thanks to Sir George Ent that he accepteth of my judgment upon his booke. I fear it is rather his good nature then my merit. I am sorry for the news you write of his son.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have been told that my booke of the Civill Warr is come abroad, and am sorry for it, especially because I could &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_381&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 381]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;not get his majestye to license it, not because it is ill printed or has a foolish title set to it, for I believe that any ingenious man may understand the wickednesse of that time, notwithstanding the errors of the presse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The treatise &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Legibus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, at the end of it, is imperfect. I desire Mr. Horne to pardon me that I consent not to his motion, nor shall Mr. Crooke himselfe get my consent to print it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I pray you present my humble service to Mr. Butler&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1958&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1958&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1635]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The priviledge of stationers is (in my opinion) a very great hinderance to the advancement of all humane learning.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c57&amp;quot;&amp;gt;I am, Sir, your very humble servant,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Tho. Hobbes&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Chatsworth,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Aug. the 18&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;th&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, 1679.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1959&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1959&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1636]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;To my much honoured frend Mr. John Aubrey, at Mr. Hooke&#039;s lodging in Gresham College, London.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;v. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;James Wheldon to William Crooke&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, with enclosure to John Aubrey, and a copy of Hobbes&#039; will.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;Wheldon&#039;s letter to Crooke is found as foll. 16 and 17 of MS. Aubr. 9; the enclosure to Aubrey, as foll. 18, 19.&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c43&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1960&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1960&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1637]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Hardwick, January the 16&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;th&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, 1679&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1961&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1961&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1638]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Sir,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Three days since I receaved your letter of the 9&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;th&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; instant together with one from Mr. Aubrey, and because they containe both the same particulars I thinke it unnecessary to repeat to you what I have written back to that gentleman.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;All that I can add is onely this, that neither Mr. Halleley nor I have anything in either of our hands of Mr. Hobbes&#039;s writing, the very little of that kind that he left behind him being disposed of according to his own order before he removed from Chatsworth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;According to Mr. Aubrey&#039;s direction I have here inclosed &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_382&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 382]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;my letter to him, which I pray you present to him with my humble service as soon as you shall see him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;I am, Sir, your most humble servant,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c55&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;James Wheldon&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1962&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1962&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1639]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;To my much respected frend&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Mr. William Crooke&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;at the Green Dragon without Templebarr&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c54&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In London&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1963&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1963&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1640]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;tb&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c43&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1964&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1964&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1641]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Hardwick, January the 16&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;th&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, 1679&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1965&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1965&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1642]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Worthy Sir,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Having been abroad about businesse for some days, I receaved, at my coming home, your letter of the third of this month, which evidences the great esteeme you have for Mr. Hobbes, for which I returne you my humble thanks, and particularly for the paines you have been pleased to take in the large account of what you your selfe, Mr. Anthony a Wood, and Sir George Ent designe for Mr. Hobbes his honour.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I am glad Mr. Crooke has receaved his Life in Prose, which was the onely thing Mr. Halleley got possession of, and sent it to him&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1966&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1966&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1643]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; by my hand. Mr. Halleley tells me now, that Mr. Hobbes (in the time of his sicknesse) told him he had promised it to Mr. Crooke, but said he was unwilling it should ever be published as written by himselfe; and I beleeve it was some such motive, which made him burne those Latine verses Mr. Crooke sent him about that time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For those Latine verses you mention about Ecclesiasticall Power, I remember them, for I writ them out, but know not what became of them, unlesse he presented them to judge Vaughan, or burned them, as you seem to intimate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He fell sick about the middle&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1967&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1967&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1644]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; October last. His disease was the strangury, and the physitians judged it &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_383&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 383]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;incurable by reason of his great age and naturall decay. About the 20&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;th&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; of November, my Lord being to remove from Chatsworth to Hardwick, Mr. Hobbes would not be left behind; and therefore with a fether bed laid into the coach, upon which he lay warme clad, he was conveyed safely, and was in appearance as well after that little journey as before it. But seven or eight days after, his whole right side was taken with the dead palsy, and at the same time he was made speechlesse. He lived after this seven days, taking very little nourishment, slept well, and by intervalls endeavoured to speake, but could not. In the whole time of his sicknesse he was free from fever. He seemed therefore to dye rather for want of the fuell of life (which was spent in him) and meer weaknesse and decay, then by the power of his disease, which was thought to be onely an effect of his age and weaknesse. He was born the 5th of Aprill, in the year 1588, and died the 4th of December, 1679. He was put into a woollen shroud and coffin, which was covered with a white sheet, and upon that a black herse cloth, and so carryed upon men&#039;s shoulders, a little mile to&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1968&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1968&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1645]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; church. The company, consisting of the family and neighbours that came to his funerall, and attended him to his grave, were very handsomely entertained with wine, burned and raw, cake, biscuit, etc. He was buried in the parish church of Hault Hucknall, close adjoining to the raile of the monument of the grandmother of the present earle of Devonshire, with the service of the Church of England by the minister of the parish. It is intended to cover his grave with a stone of black marble as soon as it can be got ready, with a plain inscription of his name, the place of his birth, and the time of that and of his death.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As to his will, it is sent up to London to be proved there, and by the copy of it, which I here send you, I beleeve you will judge it fitt to make no mention of it in&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1969&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1969&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1646]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;what you designe to get written by way of Commentary on his life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As for the palsey in his hands, it began in ffrance, before the year 1650, and has grown upon him by degrees ever &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_384&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 384]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;since; but Mr. Halleley remembers not how long it has disabled him to write legibly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. Halleley never heard of a pension from the ffrench king and beleeves there was no such thing ever intended. He desires you to accept of his thanks for your favourable remembrance of him, and of the returne of his respects to you by me. And if hereafter you should want any thing which we know, that might contribute&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1970&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1970&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1647]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to the honour of Mr. Hobbes&#039;s memory, upon the least notice, shall readily be imparted to you.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the mean time, with much respect, I rest,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Sir, your much obliged and humble servant,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c55&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;James Wheldon&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1971&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1971&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1648]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;To my highly honoured frend, John Aubrey, esq., this humbly present.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;tb&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1972&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1972&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1649]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;A true copy of Mr. Hobbes&#039;s will.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The 25th day of September in the 29th year of the raigne of our Soveraigne Lord, King Charles the Second, and in the yeare of our Lord God, 1677.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I, Thomas Hobbes, of Malmesbury, in the county of Wilts, gent. make this my last Will and Testament.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;First, I bequeath to Mary Tirell, daughter of my deceased brother, Edmund Hobbes, forty pounds. Item, I bequeath to Elenor Harding, daughter also of my deceased brother, Edmund Hobbes, forty pounds. Item, I bequeath to Elizabeth Alaby, the daughter of Thomas Alaby, two hundred pounds, and because she is an orphan, and committed by me to the tuition of my executor, my will is, that she should be maintained decently by my executor, till she be 16 yeares of age, and that then the said two hundred pounds be delivered into her hands, being intended for her furtherance in marriage, but let her dispose of it as she please; and if it happen that the said Elizabeth Alaby die before she come to the age of 16 yeares, then my will is, that the said 200 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_385&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 385]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;be divided equally between the said Mary Tirell and Elenor Harding.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Item, whereas it hath pleased my good lord, the earle of Devonshire, to bid me oftentimes heretofore, and now at the making of this my last will, to dispose therein of one hundred pounds, to be paid by his lordship, for which I give him most humble thanks; I doe give and dispose of the same in this manner: There be five grand-children of my brother, Edmund Hobbes, to the eldest whereof, whose name is Thomas Hobbes, I have heretofore given a peece of land, which may and doth, I think, content him, and therefore to the other four that are younger, I dispose of the same 100 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; the gift of my lord of Devonshire, to be divided equally amongst them, as a furtherance to bind them apprentices.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And I make and ordaine James Wheldon, servant to the earle of Devonshire, my executor, to whom I give the residue of my money and goods whatsoever; and because I would have him in some sort contented for the great service he hath done me, I would pray his majestie to what I left him to add the arreare of my pension, or as much of it as it pleases his majestie.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;(His name and seale.)&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Sealed, signed and published&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c54&amp;quot;&amp;gt;in the presence of&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c58&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;John Ashton&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c58&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Will&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;m&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;. Barker&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Item I give unto Mary Dell the sum of ten pounds.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;tb&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I pray&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1973&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1973&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1650]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; you keep his will private to your selfe and Mr. Hobbes&#039;s frends onely.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;vi. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;James Wheldon to John Aubrey.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c57&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1974&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1974&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1651]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Chatsworth, Sept. the 7th, 1680.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Honoured Sir,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Although for these three weekes, since I receaved your letter, I have made all the enquiry I can, yet all &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_386&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 386]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;that I hear of the death and buriall of Sir Charles Cavendish is that he was interred at Bolsover in the vault belonging to the family of the duke of Newcastle about the year 1652 or 1653. I will continue to make further inquiry, and if I can learne the day and the month of his death or buriall will give you notice of it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have sent you underwritten Mr. Hobbes&#039;s epitaph written by himselfe, which is but lately come to my hand from a person that copyed it from the originall.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c34&amp;quot;&amp;gt;With much respect, I rest, Sir,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c59&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Your most humble and obliged servant,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c60&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;James Wheldon&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;My lord of Devonshire has paid the hundred pounds to Mr. Hobbes&#039;s kinred, which he bid Mr. Hobbes dispose of in his will.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Condita hic sunt ossa&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Thomae Hobbes&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Qui per multos annos servivit&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
duobus comitibus Devoniae&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
(patri et filio).&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Vir probus, et fama eruditionis.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Domi forisque bene cognitus&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Obiit Anno Domini 1679, mensis Dec&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;is&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; die 4º,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Aetatis suae 91.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1975&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1975&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1652]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;To my much honoured frend John Aubrey, esq.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1976&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1976&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1653]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; be left at Mr. William Crooke&#039;s at the Green Dragon without Temple barr, London.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;vii. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;William Aubrey to John Aubrey.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c33&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1977&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1977&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1654]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Kington, June 5th, 1680.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Deare brother,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I sopose I shall be here more then a week longer as ... I know not whether Mr. John Stokes or Sir John Knight have the key of the study.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_387&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 387]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Jo. Tay ... buried 16 of July 1580.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nicholas Fauckener, vicar, buried 20 July 1612.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Richard Hine&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1978&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1978&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1655]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I shall e&amp;amp;lt;n&amp;amp;gt;devour to set the family of the Powers to rights. It was honest parson P&amp;amp;lt;ower&#039;s&amp;amp;gt; grandmoth&amp;amp;lt;er I&amp;amp;gt; think and Jonath. Deekes grandmother was Thomas Lyte&#039;s sisters. Alderman Lyte&#039;s grandm. was a P&amp;amp;lt;ower&amp;amp;gt; of Stanton ..., which James Power, Mr. J. G. nephew might purchase againe with a wife, with 1500 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, but which formerly was worth 360 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum, but he&#039;s goeing to creep into one of Jon. Deeks&#039; woolpacks, viz. his daughter.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I was at Malmesbury but did see &amp;amp;lt;neither&amp;amp;gt; the church nor register but desired Mr. Binnion the parson to doe against I come againe; but Francis Hobbes&#039; widow&#039;s good memory did give me much satisfaction. The register at Westport is not 80 yeares old (not more): the paving&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1979&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1979&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1656]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; is all new&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1980&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1980&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1657]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The old vicar Hobs was a good fellow and had been at cards all Saturday night, and at church in his sleep he cries out &#039;Trafells is troumps&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1981&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1981&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1658]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&#039; (viz. clubs). Then quoth the clark, &#039;Then, master, he tha&amp;amp;lt;t&amp;amp;gt; have ace doe rub.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He &amp;amp;lt;was&amp;amp;gt; a collirice&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1982&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1982&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1659]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; man, and a parson (which I thinke succeeded him at Westport) provoked him (a purpose) at the church doore, soe Hobs stroke him and was forcd to fly for it and ... in obscurity beyound London; died there, was about 80 yeares since.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. William Hobs, a great clothier (old Graye&#039;s predisessor in the same house). He had at Cleverton 60 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; or 80 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum, and was first or 2 cousin to the philosipher. But his line is extinct. He was parson Stump&#039;s godfather, and brake in his trade. He had 1000 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; left and was 1000 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in debt; and at London challenged one to throw with him one throw on the dye for 1000 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and wonn, payd his debt, and afterwards flourished in his trade, and if there &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_388&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 388]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;be any inscriptions of H&amp;amp;lt;obbes&amp;amp;gt;, it must be for him, in the abbye.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1983&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1983&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1660]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. William Gale of Chipnam was buried yesterday. I was at Dracot, Wensday last; Sir J. and his lady was writing to you. They are in mourning for the earl of Marleborow. He died to-morrow will be three week&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1984&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1984&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1661]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. Sir J&amp;amp;lt;ames&amp;amp;gt; L&amp;amp;lt;ong&amp;amp;gt; is quartring his coat of arms.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To be left at Mr. Hooks lodgings&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c53&amp;quot;&amp;gt;in Gresham Colledge&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
in Bishopsgate Street, London&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1985&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1985&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1662]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;The lower part of this letter gave the following pedigree, but a piece has been torn off and is now MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 2.&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h6&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pedigree of Hobbes.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h6&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
                          &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;... Hobbes&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
                               |&lt;br /&gt;
        +----------------------+----------------------+&lt;br /&gt;
        |                                             |&lt;br /&gt;
  1. Francis Hobbes &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;  Katherine, daughter    2. Thomas &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ... Midleton.&lt;br /&gt;
  (This Francis lived   of ... Phillips, a     Hobbes,   |&lt;br /&gt;
  in Burnevall at       phisition at           vicar.    |&lt;br /&gt;
  Malmsbury, and        Malmsbury. She                   |&lt;br /&gt;
  died about 40 yeares  afterwards maried Mr.            |&lt;br /&gt;
  since, sine prole).   Potluck of Cirencester.          |&lt;br /&gt;
        +---------------------------------+--------------+&lt;br /&gt;
        |                                 |              |&lt;br /&gt;
  1. Edmund &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Frances Ludlow,    2. Thomas,         Anne Hobs &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Thomas&lt;br /&gt;
  Hobbes    |  of Shipton, com.   &#039;of Malmsbury.&#039;  (see &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;).   Laurence.&lt;br /&gt;
            |  Glocester.&lt;br /&gt;
      +-----+-------------+---------------------------+&lt;br /&gt;
      |                   |                           |&lt;br /&gt;
  1. Mary &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Roger    Elinor &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; John Harding,  Francis Hobs &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Sarah&lt;br /&gt;
  Hobbes  |  Tirell,  Hobbes |  of Sadlewood   (see &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;).    Alexander.&lt;br /&gt;
          |  of Westport.    |  in Glouster.&lt;br /&gt;
          |                  +--------------------------------+&lt;br /&gt;
       +--+------+----------+------------+---------+          |&lt;br /&gt;
       |         |          |            |         |          |&lt;br /&gt;
  1. Roger.  2. Isaac   1. Alce&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1986&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1986&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1663]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.  2. Sarah.  3. Mary.    |&lt;br /&gt;
             (25 years                              +---------+-+--------+&lt;br /&gt;
             old).                                  |           |        |&lt;br /&gt;
                                               1. Roger,   2. James,   Mary.&lt;br /&gt;
                                               aged 28,    23.&lt;br /&gt;
                                               Aprill last.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
                Anne Hobs (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: the   &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;  Thomas Laurence.&lt;br /&gt;
                philosopher&#039;s sister)   |&lt;br /&gt;
       +------------+--------+-------+--+-------+-----------+-----------+&lt;br /&gt;
       |            |        |       |          |           |           |&lt;br /&gt;
  1. Thomas,  2. William.  Henry,  John.  1. Frances,   2. Mary     3. Anne&lt;br /&gt;
  sine prole.       |      sine      |    &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Richard    &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;maried&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;      Laurence&lt;br /&gt;
                    |      prole.    |    Dicks, a      William     &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;maried&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
             +------+------+         |    souldier of   Povey, of   Richard Gay&lt;br /&gt;
             |      |      |         |    the garison,  Malmsbury.  of Kington.&lt;br /&gt;
       1. William.  |      |         |    and now not       |            |&lt;br /&gt;
              2. Thomas.   |         |    heard off.        |            |&lt;br /&gt;
                     3. Francis.   Thomas.           (One daughter.)     |&lt;br /&gt;
                                           +----------+----------+-------+--+&lt;br /&gt;
                                           |          |          |          |&lt;br /&gt;
                                     1. Thomas. 2. Robert, 3. Richard. 4. John.&lt;br /&gt;
                                                (R. Wiseman&#039;s&lt;br /&gt;
                                                godson).&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_389&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 389]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
           Francis Hobs (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: the     &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Sarah Alexander, of&lt;br /&gt;
           philosopher&#039;s nephew). Obiit |  Malmsbury.&lt;br /&gt;
           May 6, 12 yeares agoe: his   |&lt;br /&gt;
           estate 80 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per annum,     |&lt;br /&gt;
           and more.                    |&lt;br /&gt;
        +--------------------------+----+-------+-----------+-----------+&lt;br /&gt;
        |                          |            |           |           |&lt;br /&gt;
  1. Thomas      &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Anne      2. Edmund,  3. William.  1. Sarah,   2. Francis&lt;br /&gt;
  Hobbes, a      |  Player,   aetat. 19,               &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;m.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; James    &amp;amp;lt;i.e.&lt;br /&gt;
  tanner at      |  of        Nov. last.               Tyley, Nan  Frances&amp;amp;gt;.&lt;br /&gt;
  Malmsbury,     |  Malmsbury.                         Exon&amp;amp;lt;&#039;s&amp;amp;gt; son&lt;br /&gt;
  aetat. 27,     |                                     of the Priory&lt;br /&gt;
  December last. |                                     of Kington.&lt;br /&gt;
  His estate, 30 |&lt;br /&gt;
  &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; per        |&lt;br /&gt;
  annum.         |&lt;br /&gt;
      +----------+----------+&lt;br /&gt;
      |                     |&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
  \--------------------------------------------------/&lt;br /&gt;
     These are the only heires males of the Hobbes.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It is uncertaine whether Anne Gay have any brother or sister living, but it is pitty the poor woman should have somthing if it be but 5 shillings. If you know the executor speak for her.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I was saying to Francis Hobbes&#039;s widow (who remembers her service to you) that her son should get one of Mr. Thomas Hobbes&#039;s printed pictures.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In hast,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c36&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Your very affectionat brother,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c61&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;William Aubrey&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Keep a copie of Rogers&#039; pedegree&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1987&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1987&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1664]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1988&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1988&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1665]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
These to my honoured freind,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c58&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Mr. John Awbrey&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c26&amp;quot;&amp;gt;present.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;viii. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hon. Charles Hatton to William Crooke.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 26. The letter is written by a secretary, the signature C. Hatton being in a different hand. Crooke has endorsed it (fol. 27&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;) &#039;Mr. Hatton&#039;s letter about Mr. Hobs&#039;: to which Aubrey has added &#039;scil. the lord Hatton&#039;s son.&#039; On fol. 27 is a note, probably by Crooke, of the &#039;tracts&#039; referred to, viz. &#039;Life&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1989&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1989&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1666]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, Rheto&amp;amp;lt;ric&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1990&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1990&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1667]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, Considerations&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1991&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1991&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1668]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, Natural Philosophy&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1992&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1992&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1669]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&#039;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1993&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1993&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1670]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Crooke,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I thanke you for the perusall of Mr. Hobbs his tracts which wase a civility I did not expect or desire, for &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_390&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 390]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;I wou&#039;d not have you at any time deliver any booke to any person who comes in my name unless he then payes you for it. I did desire only to know exactly the particular price of each tract bound apart in marble&#039;d leather, guilt on the backe and ribbed, which pray send me by the bearer by whom I returne you your booke.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have cursorily looked over Mr. Hobbs his life in Latine which I beleeve will be a very vendible booke both here and beyond sea, for ther is noe lover of learning but will have the curiosity to be particularly informed of the life of soe eminent a person. And truly the reading of it wase very satisfactory to me, for in my apprehension it is very well writ, but I cou&#039;d have wish&#039;d the author had more dilated upon some particulars; and because you intimate a designe to publish it in English I shall hint to you that the author of the life in Latine hath either not taken notice of at all, or too slightingly, some things very remarkeable relating to the temper of Mr. Hobbs his mind or to the infirmity of his body, as his extraordinary timorousnes which he himself in his Latine poem doth very ingeniously confess and attributes it to the influence of his mother&#039;s dread of the Spanish invasion in 88, she being then with child of him. And I have been informed, I think by your self, that Mr. Hobbs wase for severall yeares before he died soe paralyticall that he wase scarce able to write his name, and that in the absence of his amanuensis not being able to write anything he made scrawls on a piece of paper to remind him of the conceptions of his mind he design&#039;d to have committed to writing. But the author&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1994&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1994&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1671]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of his life in Latine only sa&amp;amp;lt;i&amp;amp;gt;th that about 60 yeares of age he wase taken with a trembling in his hands, the forerunner of the palsy; which in my apprehension deserves to be enlarg&#039;d upon, for it is very prodigious that neither the timorousness of his nature from his infancy, nor the decay of his vital heat in the extremity of old age, accompagnied with the palsy to that violence, shou&#039;d not have chill&#039;d the briske fervour and vigour of his mind, which did wonder&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_391&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 391]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;fully continue to him to his last; which is a subject fit to be discours&#039;d on by a genious equally philosophicall with Mr. Hobbs, wase that now to be hoped for. It is soe considerable to me that I cou&#039;d not refrayne acquainting you that in my apprehension it wase convenient you tooke notice therof in his life you are setting forth in English.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c33&amp;quot;&amp;gt;I am, your assured freind,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C. Hatton&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1995&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1995&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1672]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Crooke, at the Green Dragon,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c37&amp;quot;&amp;gt;nere Temple-bar.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_290&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_290&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FF]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (P. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_323&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;323&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.) On fol. 29&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; of MS. Aubr. 9, Anthony Wood notes:—&#039;Send to Malmsburie to take out of the register the Christian name of Mr. Hobs&#039; father, when Mr. Hobbs was borne, or when his said father was buried.&#039; [On this Aubrey notes:—&#039;As I remember he dyed at Thistleworth; vide the register booke at Thistleworth, where Mr. Hobbes his father lived in obscurity a reader, and there dyed about 1630.&#039;] Wood goes on:—&#039;I remember when I was there&#039; &amp;amp;lt;in 1676, Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 410, 411&amp;amp;gt; &#039;there were two inscriptions of the Hobs on brass plates; one dyed 1606, quaere. Take out the names of all the Hobs in the register.&#039; Obedient to this advice, Aubrey sent his brother William to Malmesbury: &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_387&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;387&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_291&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_291&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FG]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (P. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_323&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;323&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.) In MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 26, Aubrey puts the substance of this paragraph in a neater form:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Mr. Hobbes&#039; father was minister of Westport, to which Brokenborough and Charlton doe belong as chapells of ease, but all not worth above.... He was one of the clergie of Queen Elizabeth&#039;s time—a little learning went a great way with him and many other Sir Johns in those days—he read homilies.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_292&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_292&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FH]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (P. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_323&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;323&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.) On fol. 30 of MS. Aubr. 9 is another draft of this paragraph:—&#039;He had an elder brother, Francis Hobbes, a wealthy man, and had been alderman of the borough&#039; (dupl. with &#039;towne&#039;); &#039;by profession a glover, which is a great trade here and was heretofore greater. He was &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;orbus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. He contributed much, or altogether maintained his nephew Thomas at Magdalen Hall in Oxon; and when he dyed gave him an &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;agellum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (vocat. &amp;quot;the Gasten&amp;quot;), which lyes neer the horse faire: valet per annum 16 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; vel 18 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_293&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_293&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FI]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (P. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_324&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;324&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.) Anthony Wood notes:—&#039;Quaere in the register of Brakenborough when they were maried and their you&#039;l find her Christian name.&#039;—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 30&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_294&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_294&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FJ]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (P. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_326&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;326&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.) In MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 31&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, Anthony Wood suggests the following paragraph for the transition from the account of Malmsbury to the life of Hobbes:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;As Malmsbury was famous in this respect that it gave death and buriall to that famous philosopher of his time Johannes Scotus &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;alias&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Erigina who was stabd to death with penknives by his scholars, where there was a statue set up in memory of him (ut in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist. et Antiq. Oxon.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; lib. 1, pag. 16 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;b&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;), so much more famous in later times for the birth of that great philosopher T. H.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 28, Aubrey begins his sketch of Hobbes&#039; life thus:—&#039;Westport juxta Malmesbury:—This place is for nothing so famous as for the birth of my honoured and learned friend and countryman, Mr. Thomas Hobbes, author of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;de Corpore&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;de Homine&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;de Cive&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, etc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was borne the 5th day of Aprill 1588 at his father&#039;s howse, which is the farthest on the left hand as you goe in the way or street called ..., leaving the church on the right hand.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_295&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_295&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FK]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (P. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_326&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;326&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.) The verses alluded to are in Hobbes&#039;s metrical life of himself (MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 28—&#039;he writt his life last yeare, viz. 1673, in Latin verse&#039;). Aubrey cites these lines, MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 31&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;T.H. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Vita&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in verse&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Oppidulum parvum est; habuit sed multa relatu&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Digna, sed imprimis Coenobium celebre,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Et castrum (melius nisi sint dua castra vocanda)&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Colle sita, et bino flumine cincta fere.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Vide mapp&#039; &amp;amp;lt;perhaps Speed&#039;s map of Wiltshire: but on a slip at fol. 31&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, Aubrey gives a &#039;map&#039; of Malmesbury: see &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, pp. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_325&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;325&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, 326&amp;amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On this Anthony Wood comments: &#039;See 1 vol. of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Monast. Anglican.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; concerning the monastery.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_296&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_296&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FL]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (P. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_326&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;326&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.) The matter of this paragraph is put a little more clearly in MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 28: &#039;Westport juxta Malmesbury:—The church was dedicated to St. Mary. Here were three aisles&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1996&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1996&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1673]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which tooke up the whole area. And &amp;amp;lt;the church was&amp;amp;gt; reported to be more ancient then the abbey. In the windowes (which were very good) were inscriptions which declared so much. Quaere, if Madulph the Scottsman taught here—unde origo monasterii? Vide Camdenum de hoc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Before the late warres here was a prettie church, where were very good windowes and a faire steeple, higher than the other, which much adorned the towne of Malmesbury. In it were five tuneable bells, which Sir William Waller or his army melted into ordinance, or rather sold. The church was pulled downe that the enimie might not shelter themselves against the garrison of Malmesbury.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_297&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_297&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FM]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (P. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_328&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;328&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.) Aubrey&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Collection of Genitures&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; is now MS. Aubr. 23. The place Aubrey here refers to is fol. 52&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; in that MS., viz.:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Mr. Thomas Hobbes of Malmesbury borne at Westport juxta Malmesbury 1588, April 5, being Good Fryday, 5&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 2´ mane, horâ solis&#039; &amp;amp;lt;i.e. at sunrise&amp;amp;gt;. &#039;I had the yeare, and day, and houre from his owne mouth.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Aubrey in several places recurs to this point, e.g. in MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 28:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Mr. Thomas Hobbes told me that he was borne Apr. 5&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;th&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 1588 on Good Fryday, in the morning between 4 and six.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_298&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_298&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FN]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (P. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_328&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;328&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.) Aubrey took great interest in this as an example in astrology, in which &#039;art&#039; he thoroughly believed. He alludes to Hobbes&#039;s horoscope in several places, e.g. note on fol. 32&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; in MS. Aubr. 9:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Dr. &amp;amp;lt;Francis&amp;amp;gt; Bernard, physitian, will write a discourse on his nativity. Mr. John Gadbury hath calculated this nativity from my time given, and will print it. Why should not I insert&#039; &amp;amp;lt;dupl. with &#039;print&#039;&amp;amp;gt; &#039;the scheme and give a summary of his judgement? It would be gratefull to those that love that art.&#039; Whereon Anthony Wood notes—&#039;You should never ask these questions but do them out of hand forthwith—you have time enough, and if it be done by Easter terme &#039;tis well.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 28:—&#039;&amp;amp;lt;Send&amp;amp;gt; to Mr. J. Gadbury and Dr. Bernard &amp;amp;lt;T. H.&#039;s&amp;amp;gt; accidents.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 8:—&#039;T. Hobbes—Quaere Dr. Bernard pro his nativity: vide my Collection of Genitures ubi from his owne mouth more correct then formerly, viz. 5&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 2´ mane.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This horoscope is given in MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 82, and is reproduced in facsimile at the end of this edition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Pasted on to fol. 1&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; of MS. Aubr. 9 is the scheme with this note:—&#039;This scheme was erected according to the aestimate time by Mr. Henry Coley, astrologer.—Thomas Hobbes, Malmesburiensis, borne at Westport juxta Malmesbury, 1588, April 5, being Good Fryday, 5&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 2´ mane, hora solis&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1997&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1997&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1674]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. I had the yeare and day and houre from his owne mouth.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_299&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_299&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FO]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (P. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_328&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;328&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.) In MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 26, thus:—&#039;At fower yeer old Mr. Thomas Hobbes went to schoole in Westport church till 8—then[1675] the church was painted. At 8 he could read well and number a matter of four or five figures.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After, he went to Malmesbury to parson Evans.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After him, he had for his schoolemaster, Mr. Robert Latimer&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_300&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_300&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXXIX.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, a good Graecian; by whom he so well profited that at 14 yeares old he went a good scholler to Magdalen Hall in Oxford.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_300&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_300&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXXIX.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Who being a bachelor (not above 19) taught him and two or three more ingeniose laddes after supper till 9.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_301&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_301&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FP]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (P. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_330&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;330&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.) As seen in the next paragraph, there was some doubt as to which &#039;Principal of Magdalen Hall&#039; recommended Hobbes to the earl of Devonshire&#039;s service. In MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 29, is the note:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Take notice of Dr. Blackburne&#039;s altering some times and dates,&#039; &amp;amp;lt;in Hobbes&#039; prose Latin life of himself, prefixed to the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Auctarium vitae Hobbianae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt; &#039;differing from this originall, e.g. of Mr. Hobbes being admitted at Magdalen Hall when Sir James Hussey was principall, which he would doe against my consent because he sayd it &amp;quot;would make a better picture,&amp;quot; wheras by the matriculation-booke it appeares that Dr. Wilkinson was then the principall.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_302&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_302&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FQ]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (P. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_331&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;331&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.) On fol. 34&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; of MS. Aubr. 9, Aubrey has the following account of Gorhambury:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Memorandum in my Liber B&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1998&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1998&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1675]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. I have sett downe an exact description of this delicious parquet&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1999&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1999&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1676]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, now (1656) plowed up and spoil&#039;d. The east part of it which extends towards Verulam-house (pulled downe, and the materialls sold by Sir H&amp;amp;lt;arbottle&amp;amp;gt; Grimston, about ten yeares since) consisted of severall parts, viz. some thickets of plumme-trees, with fine walkes between; some of rasberies. Here were planted most fruit-trees which would grow in our climate; and also severall choice forest-trees. The walkes both of boscages and fruit-trees; and in severall places where were the best prospects, were built elegant summerhouses&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2000&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2000&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1677]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Roman architecture, then standing (1656) well&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2001&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2001&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1678]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; wainscotted, but the paving gonne. One would have thought the most barbarous nation had made a conquest here. This place was, in his lordship&#039;s time, a sanctuary for phesants, partridges, and those of severall kinds and nations, as Spanish, &amp;amp;amp;c. speckled, white, etc. I have, in this lib. B., four leves in fol. close written of the two houses, gardens, woods, &amp;amp;amp;c. and of his lordship&#039;s manner of living and grandarie, which perhaps would doe well in a description of Hartfordshire, or, perhaps&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2002&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2002&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1679]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, in his lordship&#039;s life.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_303&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_303&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FR]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (P. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_332&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;332&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.) In MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 1&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, is this note:—&#039;Dr. &amp;amp;lt;John&amp;amp;gt; Pell says that for a man to begin to study mathematics at 40 yeares old, &#039;tis as if one should at that age learne to play on the lute—applicable to Mr. Thomas Hobbes. Vide vitam Jonae Moore.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_304&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_304&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FS]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (P. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_338&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;338&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.) In MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 26, thus:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Memorandum:—about the time of the King&#039;s returne&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_305&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_305&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXXX.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, he was makeing of a very good poëme in Latin hexameters. It was the history of the encroachment of the clergie (both Roman and Reformed) on the civill power. I sawe at least 300 verses (they were mark&#039;t). At what time there was a report the bishops would have him burn&#039;t for a heretique. So he then feared the search of his papers and burned the greatest part of these verses.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_305&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_305&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXXX.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Quaere in what yeares his bookes were writ.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_306&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_306&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FT]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (P. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_339&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;339&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.) The first draft of this passage stood as follows, MS. Aubr. 9, foll. 40, 41:—&#039;In April following was the dawning of the coming in of our gracious soveraigne, who being a great lover of curious painting I knew could not but sett for his picture to my ever honoured friend Mr. S. Cowper, who&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2003&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2003&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1680]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; besides his art was an ingeniose person and of great humanity. In April I wrott a letter to Mr. Hobbes in Derbyshire, by all meanes desiring him to come-up and make use of the opportunity of renewing his majestie&#039;s graces to him at our friend&#039;s howse. He thanked me for&#039;—etc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_307&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_307&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FU]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (P. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_341&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;341&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.) Aubrey, writing to Wood, on Feb. 3, 1672/3, enlarges on this treatise: Wood MS. F. 39, fol. 196&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;The old gent. (T. Hobbes) is strangely vigorous, for his understanding, still; and every morning walkes abroad to meditate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;He haz writt a treatise concerning lawe, which 8 or 9 yeares since I much importuned him to doe, and, in order to it, gave him the Lord Chancellor Bacon&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Maximes of the Lawe&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Now every one will doe him the right to acknowledge he is rare for definitions, and the lawyers building on old-fashiond maximes (some right, some wrong) must need fall into severall paralogismes. Upon this consideration I was earnest with him to consider these things. To which he was unwilling, telling me he doubted he should not have dayes enough left to doe it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;He drives on, in this, the king&#039;s prerogative high. Judge &amp;amp;lt;Sir Matthew&amp;amp;gt; Hales, who is no great courtier, has read it and much mislikes it, and is his enemy. Judge Vaughan has read it and much commends it.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_308&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_308&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FV]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (P. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_355&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;355&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.) Note, however, that on some of the letters from Hobbes in MS. Aubr. 9, viz., those of date March 25, 1679 (fol. 11&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, fol. 13&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;), and that of date Aug. 18, 1679 (fol. 15&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;), the seal shows a gate or portcullis, with an R turned backwards, i.e. Я, on the left side of it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;James Wheldon&#039;s letter of Jan. 16, 1679/80 (fol. 17&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;), has a seal bearing a man&#039;s bust, with helmet and cuirass.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_309&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_309&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FW]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (P. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_357&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;357&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.) In MS. Aubr. 21, p. 19, Aubrey, in his projected comedy, makes use of this verdict on the innate cruelty of some dispositions. He puts into the mouth of his country-justice this speech:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;If ye talke of skinnes, the best judgment to be made of the fineness of skinnes is at the whipping-post by the stripes. Ah! &#039;tis the best lechery to see &#039;em suffer correction. Your London aldermen take great lechery to see the poor wretches whipt at the court at Bridewell.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On which Aubrey goes on to comment: &#039;Old Justice Hooke gave ... per lash to wenches; as also my old friend George Pott, esq. Vide Animadversions Philosophicall on that ugly kind of pleasure and of crueltie—were it not for the law there were no living; some would take delight in killing of men.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_310&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_310&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FX]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (P. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_375&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;375&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.) The substance is:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Hobbes brought to the investigation of facts an acute intellect and long experience, and carried on, into the next generation, the Baconian spirit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;He had been Bacon&#039;s secretary, and owed much to his master, from whom, in particular, he borrowed his comparative, i.e. inductive, methods. But he had also fine natural gifts.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;He excited the fears, and therefore the hostility, of the clerical party in England, and of the Oxford mathematicians and their supporters. For this reason, Charles II compared him to a bear, worried by mastiffs.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;In his political system, he insisted on the necessity of wisdom in sovereigns. In not meddling with the Creeds of the Churches and in assailing the Presbyterians and the Bishops of England, he is not to be blamed.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_392&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 392]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_393&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 393]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_394&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 394]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_395&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 395]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;tb&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Note that, on fol. 42&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; of MS. Aubr. 9, is a note &#039;to the earl of Devon, then in Great Queen Street,&#039; with a mark referring it to the opposite page. The then opposite page is, in the present foliation, fol. 48, but has now nothing to which the note can be attached. There are traces, however, which show that a slip has been torn off it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c62&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Thomas Hobbes&#039; life, by himself.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Aubrey&#039;s preface.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2004&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2004&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1681]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;This was the draught that Mr. Hobbs first did leave in my hands, which he sent for about two yeares before he died, and wrote that which is printed in his Life in Latin by Dr. Richard Blackburn which I lent to him and he was carelesse and not remaunded it from the printer and so &#039;twas made wast paper of.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h5&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hobbes&#039; autobiography.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h5&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2005&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2005&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1682]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Thomas Hobbes, natus Apr. 5, 1588, Malmesburiae agri Wiltoniensis, literis Latinis et Graecis initiatus, annum agens decimum quartum missus est Oxonium: ubi per &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_396&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 396]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;quinquennium mansit, operam impendens studio Logicae et Physicae Aristotelicae.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Cum annum ageret vicesimum commendatus ab amicis, Oxonio relicto, recepit se in domum domini Gulielmi Cavendish, baronis de Hardwick et (paulo post) comitis Devoniae: ubi filio ejus primogenito, adolescenti sibi fere coaetaneo, servivit, placuitque tum filio tum patri, temperans, sedulus, hilaris.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno sequente cum domino suo in urbe perpetuo fere degens, quod didicerat linguae Graecae et Latinae magna ex parte amiserat.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Deinde per Italiam et Galliam peregrinantem dominum sequutus, gentium illarum linguas eousque didicit ut intelligere eas mediocriter potuerit. Interea Graecam et Latinam paulatim perire sibi sentiens, Philosophiam autem Logicamque (in quibus praeclare profecisse se arbitrabatur) viris prudentibus derisui esse videns, abjecta Logica et Philosophia illa vana, quantum temporis habebat vacui impendere decrevit linguis Graecae et Latinae.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Itaque cum in Angliam reversus esset, Historias et Poetas (adhibitis grammaticorum celebrium commentariis) versavit diligenter, non ut floride sed ut Latine posset scribere, et vim verborum cogitatis congruentem invenire, itaque verba disponere ut lectio perspicua et facilis esset. Inter Historias Graecas, Thucididem prae caeteris dilexit et vacuis horis in sermonem Anglicum paulatim conversum cum nonnullâ laude circa annum Christi 1628 in publicum edidit, eo fine ut ineptiae democraticorum Atheniensium concivibus suis patefierent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Eo anno comes Devoniae, cui jam servierat viginti annos, diem obiit, patre ejus biennio ante defuncto.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno sequente, qui erat Christi 1629, cum attigisset annum quadragesimum, rogatus a nobilissimo viro domino Gervasio Clinton ut vellet filium adolescentem suum comitari in Galliam, accepit conditionem. In peregrinatione illa inspicere coepit in elementa Euclidis; et delectatus methodo illius non tam ob theoremata illa quam ob artem rationandi diligentissime perlegit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_397&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 397]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno Christi 1631 revocatus est in familiam comitissae Devoniae ut filium suum comitem Devoniae, natum annos 13, in literis instrueret; quem etiam circiter triennium post comitatus est in Galliam et Italiam, studiorum ejus et itinerum rector.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Dum moraretur Parisiis, principia scientiae naturalis investigare coepit. Quae cum in natura et varietate motuum contineri sciret, quaesivit inprimis qualis motus is esse posset qui efficit sensionem, intellectum, phantasmata, aliasque proprietates animalium, cogitatis suis cum reverendo patre Marino Mersenno, ordinis Minimorum, in omni genere philosophiae versatissimo viroque optimo, quotidie communicatis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno Christi 1637 cum patrono suo in Angliam rediit et apud illum mansit; unde de rebus naturalibus commercia cum Mersenno per literas continuavit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Interea Scoti, depulsis episcopis, sumpserunt arma contra regem, faventibus etiam ministris Anglis illis qui vocari solent Presbyteriani. Itaque convocatum est in Anglia Parlamentum illud notissimum quod inceptum est Nov. 3, 1640. Ex iis quae in illo Parlamento tribus quatuorve diebus primis consulta viderat, Bellum Civile ingruere et tantum non adesse sentiens, retulit se rursus in Galliam, scientiarum studio Parisiis tutius vacaturus cum Mersenno, Gassendo, aliisque viris propter eruditionem et vim in rationando celeberrimis—non enim dico philosophis, quia nomen illud, a plurimis nebulonibus jamdiu gestatum, tritum, inquinatum, nunc infame est.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Cum jam Parisiis ageret, libellum scripsit &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Cive&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, quem edidit anno 1646, quo tempore, praevalentibus Parlamentariis, multi eorum qui partes regis sequuti erant, et in illis princeps Walliae (qui nunc est rex Angliae), Parisiis confluxerunt. Statuerat circa idem tempus,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2006&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2006&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1683]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;hortatu amici cujusdam nobilis Languedociani, migrare in Languedociam, et praemiserat jam quae sibi necessaria erant, sed commendatus principi ut elementa Mathematicae illi praelegeret, substit&amp;amp;lt;it&amp;amp;gt; Parisiis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_398&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 398]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quod ab hoc munere temporis habuit vacui consumpsit in scribendo librum qui nunc non solum in Anglia sed in vicinis gentibus notissimus est, nomine &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Leviathan&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; quem etiam in Anglia edendum curavit, ipse manens adhuc Parisiis, anno 1651, annum agens 63&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;m&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;. In eo opere jus regium tum spirituale tum temporale ita demonstravit tum rationibus tum authoritate scripturae sacrae, ut perspicuum fecerit pacem in orbe Christiano nusquam diuturnam esse posse nisi vel doctrina illa sua recepta fuerit vel satis magnus exercitus cives ad concordiam compulerit: opus ut ille sperabat concivibus suis, praesertim vero illis qui ab episcopis steterant, non ingratum. Quanquam enim unicuique, illo tempore, scribere et edere theologica quae vellet liberum erat, quia regimen ecclesiae (potestate declarandi quae doctrinae essent haereses, ipsius regis authoritate sublata, episcopis exutis, rege ipso trucidato) tum nullum erat, diligenter tamen cavit ne quid scriberet non modo contra sensum scripturae sacrae sed etiam contra doctrinam ecclesiae Anglicanae qualis ante bellum ortum authoritate regia constituta fuerat. Nam et ipse regimen ecclesiae per episcopos prae caeteris formis omnibus semper approbaverat, atque hoc duobus signis manifestum fecit. Primo, cum in oppido Sti. Germani prope Parisios morbo gravissimo lecto affixus esset, venit ad eum Mersennus, rogatus a quodam amico communi ne amicum suum extra ecclesiam Romanam mori pateretur. Is lecto assidens (post exordium consolatorium) de potestate ecclesiae Romanae peccata remittendi aliquantisper disseruit, cui ille &#039;Mi pater,&#039; inquit. &#039;haec omnia jamdudum mecum disputavi, eadem disputare nunc molestum erit: habes quod dicas amoeniora,—quando vidisti Gassendum?&#039; Quibus auditis, Mersennus sermonem ad alia transtulit. Paucis post diebus accessit ad illum Dr. Johannes Cosenus, episcopus (post) Dunelmensis, obtulitque se illi comprecatorem ad Deum. Cui ille cum gratias reddidisset, &#039;Ita,&#039; inquit, &#039;si precibus praeiveris juxta ritum ecclesiae nostrae.&#039; Magnum hoc erga disciplinam episcopalem signum erat reverentiae.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno 1651 exemplaria aliquot illius libri, Londini recens&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_399&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 399]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; editi, in Galliam transmissa sunt, ubi theologi quidam Angli doctrinas quasdam in illo libro contentas, tum ut haereticas tum ut partibus regiis adversas, criminati sunt; et valuere quidem aliquamdiu calumniae illae in tantum ut domo regia prohibitus fuerit. Quo factum est ut, protectione regia destitutus, metuensque ne a clericis Romanis, quos praecipue laeserat, male tractaretur, in Angliam conatus sit refugere.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Rediens in Angliam concionantes quidem invenit in ecclesiis sed seditiosos; etiam preces extemporarias, et illas audaces et nonnunquam blasphemas; symbolum autem fidei nullum, decalogum nullum; adeo ut per tres primos menses non invenerit quibuscum in sacris communicare potuerit. Tandem ab amico ductus ad ecclesiam a suo hospitio&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2007&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2007&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1684]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; plusquam mille passus distantem ubi pastor erat vir bonus et doctus, qui et coenam Domini ritu ecclesiastico administravit, cum illo in sacris communicavit. Alterum hoc signum erat non modo hominis partium episcopalium sed etiam Christiani sinceri; nam illo tempore ad ecclesiam quamcunque legibus aut metu cogebatur nemo. Quae igitur episcopo cuiquam cum illo causa irae esse potuit, nisi ei qui neminem a se dissentire pati per superbiam posset?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Interea doctrinam ejus academici et ecclesiastici condemnabant fere omnes; laudabant nobiles, et viri docti, ex laicis. Refellebat nemo: conati refellere, confirmabant. Scripsit enim non ex auditione et lectione ut scholaris, sed ex judicio proprio cognita et pensitata omnia, sermone puro et perspicuo, non rhetorico. Stantem inter amicos et inimicos quasi in aequilibrio, fecerunt illi ne ob doctrinam opprimeretur, hi, ne augeretur. Itaque fortuna tenui, fama doctrinae ingenti, in patroni sui, comitis Devoniae, hospitio per caeterum vitae tempus perpetuo delituit, studio vacans geometriae et philosophiae naturalis; ediditque jam senex librum quendam quem inscripsit &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Corpore&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, continentem Logicae, Geometriae, Physicae (tum sublunaris, tum coelestis) fundamenta, deducens Logicam quidem a significatione&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_400&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 400]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; nominum, Geometriam autem et Physicam ex figurarum et effectuum naturalium generationibus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Hominis ergo neque genere neque opibus neque negotiis belli aut pacis assueti vitam scribo et in publicum emitto, sed in omni genere scientiae excellentis et fere singularis. Cujus ingenium ut cognoscerent, partim etiam ut sua ostentarent, convenerunt &amp;amp;lt;ad&amp;amp;gt; eum viri innumeri tum nostrates tum exteri, et inter illos nonnulli legati principum aliique viri nobilissimi; adeo ut conjectura inde facta de voluntate hominum eruditorum qui posthac erunt, non ingratum fore posteritati existimavi si quem vidisse voluerunt illius vitam literis posteritati tradiderim, praecipue quidem ut quae scientiis ille primus addidit, deinde etiam caetera vitae ejus quae a lectoribus desiderari posse videbuntur cognoscerent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quae scripsit de jure naturali, de constitutione civitatum, de jure eorum qui summam habent potestatem, et de officiis civium, in libris &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Leviathan&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; et &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Cive&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (quia domi forisque nota et maxime celebrata sunt) praetereunda censeo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In Physicis causam sensuum, praecipue visus, una cum doctrina omni optica et natura lucis, refractionis reflectionisque causas naturales, ignotas ante, primus demonstravit, in libro &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Homine&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Item causas qualitatum sensibilium nimirum colorum, soni, caloris, et frigoris. Somnia autem et phantasmata quae antea pro spiritibus et mortuorum animis habebantur et rudi vulgo terriculamenta erant, omnia profligavit. Causam autem aestuum marinorum et descensionis gravium, a motu quodam telluris praecipue derivavit. Nam phaenomena illa omnia ad motum refert, non ad rerum ipsarum potentias intrinsecas neque ad qualitates occultas, ut ante illum omnes physici. De motu autem in libro &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Corpore&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; satis fuse scripsit et profundissime. In Ethicis ante illum nihil scriptum est praeter sententias vulgares. At ille mores hominum ab humana natura, virtutes et vitia a lege naturali, et bonitatem&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2008&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2008&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1685]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; maliciamque actionum a legibus civitatum, derivavit. In Mathematicis principia geometriae nonnulla correxit;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_401&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 401]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; problemata aliquot difficillima, a summis geometris (ab ipsis geometriae incunabulis) summo studio frustra quaesita, invenit, nimirum haec—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;1º. arcui circuli lineam rectam, areae circuli quadratum aequale, exhibere, idque variis methodis—in diversis libris.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;2º. datum angulum dividere in data ratione;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;3º. cubi ad sphaeram rationem invenire—in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Problematibus Geometricis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;4º. inter duas rectas datas medias continue proportionales invenire quotcunque—in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Problematibus Geometricis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;5º. polygonum regulare describere quotcunque laterum—in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Roseto&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;6º. centrum gravitatis invenire quadrantis circuli et bilinei quod continetur arcu quadrantis et subtenta ejus—in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Roseto&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;7º. centra gravitatis invenire paraboli-formium omnium, in libra &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De Corpore&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Haec omnia primus construxit et demonstravit, et praeterea alia multa quae (quia legentibus occurrent et minoris sunt) praetereo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Facient opinor haec ut vita ejus non indigna videatur quae tum ad exteros tum ad posteros scientiarum studiosos transmittatur, praesertim hoc tempore, cum scribuntur vulgo vitae obscurorum hominum nulla virtute insignium, desiderante nemine.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Scripsit praeterea, circa annum aetatis suae octagesimum, historiam belli civilis Anglicani inter regem Carolum primum et parlamentum ejus, anno ...; item ortum et incrementa potestatis pontificiae, carmine Latino, versuum duûm millium, sed non sinebant tempora ut publicarentur.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Silentibus tandem adversariis, annum agens octagesimum, &amp;amp;lt;pri&amp;amp;gt;mum, Homeri Odyssea edidit a se conversum in versus Anglicanos, ...; deinde, proximo, etiam Iliada; denique Cyclometriam, annum agens &amp;amp;lt;...&amp;amp;gt;gessimum primum, integram nondum editam.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quod ad formam attinet, vultu erat non specioso sed cum&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_402&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 402]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; loqueretur non ingrato. Effigies ejus ad vivum a pictore excellente descripta, qualis erat anno aetatis suae septuagesimo, in conclavi regis Caroli secundi conservatur. Extant etiam ejusdem imagines ab aliis pictoribus diversis temporibus factae rogatu amicorum in Anglia non paucae et in Gallia aliquot.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Natura sua et primis annis ferebatur ad lectionem historiarum et poetarum; et ipse quoque carmen tentavit, nec (ut plurimi judicabant) infoeliciter. Postea autem cum in congressu quodam virorum doctorum, mentione facta de causa sensionis, quaerentem unum quasi per contemptum &#039;quid esset sensus?&#039; nec quemquam audivisset respondentem, mirabatur quî fieri potuerit ut qui sapientiae titulo homines caeteros tanto fastu despicerent suos ipsorum sensus quid essent ignorarent. Ex eo tempore de causa sentiendi saepe cogitanti, forte fortunâ mentem subiit quod si res corporeae et earum partes omnes conquiescerent aut motu simili semper moverentur&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2009&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2009&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1686]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;sublatum iri omnium rerum discrimen et (per consequens) omnem sentionem, et propterea causam omnium rerum quaerendam esse in diversitate motuum: atque hoc principio usus est primo. Deinde, ut cognosceret varietates et rationes motuum, ad geometriam cogebatur, et a principiis suis ingenio suo theoremata illa quae supra commemoravi foeliciter demonstravit. Tantum interest inter illos qui proprio genio et illos qui in archivis veterum aut ad quaestum docentium scientiarum veritatem quaerunt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In colloquiis familiaribus jucundus erat, praeterquam illorum qui ad illum venerant disputandi causa contra ea quae jam ediderat (nec revocari poterant) de jure summarum potestatum civili aut ecclesiastico; nam cum his vehementius aliquando disputabat quam erat necessarium.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Naturaliter apertus erat, et inter adversarios qui multi potentesque erant innocentia magis quam consilio tutus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Justiciae erat cum scientissimus, tum tenacissimus. Nec mirum, cum esset pecuniae neglegentissimus, et pro tenui&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_403&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 403]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;tate fortunarum suarum ultra modum beneficus. Sed beneficio patronorum suorum et regis optimi dulcissimique Caroli secundi satis copiose senex vixit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;William Holder&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1616-1697/8).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2010&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2010&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1687]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;William Holder&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_311&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_311&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FY]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, D.D., the ...d son&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2011&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2011&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1688]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of ... Holder; his mother&#039;s mayden name was Brudenell. He was borne the ... in Nottinghamshire; went to schoole at ...; went to Pembroke-hall&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2012&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2012&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1689]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in Cambridge, where he had a Greeke-scholar&#039;s place. Anno &amp;amp;lt;1636/7&amp;amp;gt;, Artium Baccalaureus; anno &amp;amp;lt;1640&amp;amp;gt; Artium Magister.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;About 1640, he maried ... the ... daughter of &amp;amp;lt;Christopher&amp;amp;gt; Wren, deane of Windsore and rector of Knowyll in Wiltshire.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno Domini 1642, had his institution and induction for the rectorie of Bletchington in com. Oxon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the troublesome times he was with his father-in-lawe Wren at the garrison of Bristowe. After the surrender of it to the Parliament, he lived ... year at Knowyll with him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno about 1646&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2013&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2013&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1690]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, he went to Bletchington to his parsonage, where his hospitality and learning, mixt with great courtesie, easily conciliated the love of all his neighbours to him. The deane came with him thither, and dyed and is buryed there.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was very helpfull in the education of his brother-in-law, Mr. Christopher Wren (now knighted), a youth of a prodigious inventive witt, and of whom he was as tender as if he had been his owne child, who&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2014&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2014&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1691]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; gave him his first instructions in geometrie and arithmetique, and when he was a young scholar at the University of Oxford, was a very necessary and kind friend.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The parsonage-house at Bletchington was Mr. Christopher Wren&#039;s home, and retiring-place; here he contemplated, and studied, and found-out a great many curious things &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_404&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 404]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;in mathematiques. About this house&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2015&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2015&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1692]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he made severall curious dialls, with his owne handes, which are still there to be seen. ☞ Which see, as well worthy to be seen.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But to returne to this honest worthy gentleman—he is a good poet. I have some very good verses (about 100) in Latin on St. Vincent&#039;s-rocks and the hott-well, neere Bristowe. He is very musicall, both theorically and practically, and he had a sweet voyce. He hath writt an excellent treatise of musique, in English, which is writt both &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;doctis et indoctis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and readie for the presse. He is extremely well qualified for his&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2016&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2016&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1693]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;place, of Sub-Deane of the King&#039;s Chapell, to which he was preferred&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2017&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2017&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1694]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; anno 167&amp;amp;lt;4&amp;amp;gt;, as likewise of the Sub-Almoner, being a person abhorring covetousnes, and full of pitty&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2018&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2018&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1695]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno 16—(vide his ...) ... Popham (the only son of ... Popham, admirall for the Parliament), being borne deafe and dumbe&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2019&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2019&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1696]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, was sent to him to learne to speake, which he taught him to doe: by what method, and how soon, you may see in the Appendix concerning it to his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Elements of Speech&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 8vo, London, printed &amp;amp;lt;1669&amp;amp;gt;. It is a most ingeniose and curious discourse, and untouched by any other; he was beholding to no author; did only consult with nature. This booke I sent to Mr. Anthony Lucas, at Liege, who very much admires it and I have desired him to translate it into French. Dr. John Wallis unjustly arrogates the glory of teaching the sayd young gentleman to speake, in the Philosophical Transactions, and in Dr. Robert Plott&#039;s History of Oxfordshire; which occasioned Dr. Holder to write a ... against him, a pamphlet in 4to, 167-.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He has good judgement in painting and drawing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In anno &amp;amp;lt;1652&amp;amp;gt; he was made a prebendary of Ely. Anno &amp;amp;lt;1663&amp;amp;gt; had the parsonage of &amp;amp;lt;Northwold&amp;amp;gt; in Norfolk.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He is a handsome, gracefull person, and of a delicate &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_405&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 405]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;constitution, and of an even and smooth temper; so that, if one would goe about to describe a perfect good man, would drawe this Doctor&#039;s character. Of a just stature; grey eie; tall and well-sett; sanguine; thin skin; roundish face; gracefull elocution; his discourse so gent. and obligeing; cleer reason.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They say that &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;morum similitudo conci&amp;amp;lt;li&amp;amp;gt;at amicitiam&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; then it will not be found strange that there should be such a conjunct friendship between this worthy gentleman and the right reverend father in God, Seth Ward, lord bishop of Sarum, his coetanean in Cambridge.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It ought not to be forgott the great and exemplary love between this Doctor and his vertuose wife, who is not lesse to be admired, in her sex and station, then her brother Sir Christopher; and (which is rare to be found in a woman) her excellences doe not inflate her. Amongst many other guifts she haz a strange sagacity as to curing of wounds, which she does not doe so much by presedents and reciept bookes, as by her owne excogitancy, considering the causes, effects, and circumstances. His majestie king Charles II, 167-, had hurt his ... hand, which he intrusted his chirurgians to make well; but they ordered him so that they made it much worse, so that it swoll, and pained him up to his shoulder; and pained him so extremely that he could not sleep, and began to be feaverish. ... told the king what a rare shee-surgeon he had in his house; she was presently sent for at eleven clock at night. She presently made ready a pultisse, and applyed it, and gave his majestie sudden ease, and he slept well; next day she dressed him, and in ... perfectly cured him, to the great griefe of all the surgeons, who envy and hate her.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Non Illo melior quisquam, nec amantior aequi&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Vir fuit: aut Illâ reverentior ulla Deorum.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c63&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Ovid.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Metam.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; lib. i.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_311&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_311&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FY]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey gives the coat, &#039;sable, a chevron between 3 anchors argent.&#039; Anthony Wood adds the reference &#039;vide pag. 65 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;a&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,&#039; i.e. fol. 95, of MS. Aubr. 6, in the life of John Wallis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_406&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 406]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Hugh Holland&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (15— -1633).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2020&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2020&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1697]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;From Sir John Penrudock:—Hugh Holland, poeta: he was descended of the family of the earles of Kent, etc., and was a Roman Catholique. The lady Elizabeth Hatton (mother to the lady Purb&amp;amp;lt;ec&amp;amp;gt;) was his great patronesse (vide B. Jonson&#039;s masque of the Gipsies for these two beauties).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Sir J&amp;amp;lt;ohn&amp;amp;gt; P&amp;amp;lt;enrudock&amp;amp;gt; asked him his advice as he was dyeing, (or he then gave it) that, the best rule for him to governe his life was to reade St. Hierome&#039;s Epistles.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was buried in Westminster Abbey&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2021&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2021&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1698]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, in the south crosse aisle neer the dore of St. Benet&#039;s Chapell, i.e. where the earl of Middlesex monument is, but there is no monument or inscription for him. He was buryed July 23, 1633.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was of a Lancashire family.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Tho. Holland, earl of Kent (his sonnes, dukes of Surrey), tempore Rich. 2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Philemon Holland&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1551-1637).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2022&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2022&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1699]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Philêmon Holland was schoole-master of the free-schoole at Coventrey, and that for many yeares. He made a great many good scholars. He translated T. Livius, anno 15—, with one and the same pen, which the lady ... (vide at the end of his translation of Suetonius) embellished with silver, and kept amongst her rare κειμηλια&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2023&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2023&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1700]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. He wrote a good hand, but a rare Greeke character; witnesse the MS. of Euclid&#039;s Harmoniques in the library belonging to the schoole. He translated severall Latin authors,—e.g. Tit. Livius, Plinii Hist. Natur., Suetonius Tranquillus: quaere +.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;One made this epigram on him:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Philêmon with &#039;s translations doeth so fill us, He will not let &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Suetonius&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; be &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Tranquillus&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_407&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 407]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Wenceslaus Hollar&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1607-1677).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2024&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2024&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1701]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Winceslaus Hollar, natus Pragae 23 Julii, st&amp;amp;lt;ilo&amp;amp;gt; v&amp;amp;lt;etere&amp;amp;gt;, 1607, about 8 &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2025&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2025&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1702]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Winceslaus Hollar, Bohemus, was borne at Prague.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His father was a Knight of the Empire: which is by lettres patent under the imperiall seale (as our baronets). I have seen it&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2026&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2026&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1703]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;: the seale is bigger then the broad seale of England: in the middle is the imperiall coate; and round about it are the coates of the Princes Electors. His father was a Protestant, and either for keeping a conventicle, or being taken at one, forfeited his estate, and was ruined by the Roman Catholiques.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He told me that when he was a schoole-boy he tooke a delight in draweing of mapps; which draughts he kept, and they were pretty. He was designed by his father to have been a lawyer, and was putt to that profession&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2027&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2027&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1704]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, when his father&#039;s troubles, together with the warres, forced him to leave his countrey. So that what he did for his delight and recreation only when a boy, proved to be his livelyhood when a man.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I thinke he stayd sometime in Lowe Germany, then he came into England, wher he was very kindly entertained by that great patron of painters and draughts-men &amp;amp;lt;Thomas Howard&amp;amp;gt; Lord High Marshall, earl of Arundell and Surrey, where he spent his time in draweing and copying rarities, which he did etch (i.e. eate with aqua fortis in copper plates). When the Lord Marshall went ambassador to the Emperor of Germany to Vienna, he travelld with much grandeur; and among others, Mr. Hollar went with him (very well clad) to take viewes, landskapes, buildings, etc. remarqueable in their journey, which wee see now at the print shopps.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He hath donne the most in that way that ever any one did, insomuch that I have heard Mr. John Evelyn, R.S.S., &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_408&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 408]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;say that at sixpence a print his labour would come to ... &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (quaere J&amp;amp;lt;ohn&amp;amp;gt; E&amp;amp;lt;velyn&amp;amp;gt;). He was very short-sighted (μυοψ&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2028&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2028&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1705]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), and did worke so curiously that the curiosity of his worke is not to be judged without a magnifying-glasse. When he tooke his landskaps, he, then, had a glasse to helpe his sight.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At Arundel-house he maried with my ladle&#039;s wayting woman, Mrs. ... Tracy, by whom he haz a daughter, that was one of the greatest beauties I have seen; his son by her dyed in the plague, an ingeniose youth, drew delicately.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When the civil warres brake-out, the Lord Marshall had leave to goe beyond sea&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_312&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_312&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXXXI.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. Mr. Hollar went into the Lowe-Countries, where he stayed till about 1649.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_312&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_312&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXXXI.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Italie&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2029&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2029&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1706]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I remember he told me that when he first came into England, (which was a serene time of peace) that the people, both poore and rich, did looke cheerfully, but at his returne, he found the countenances of the people all changed, melancholy, spightfull, as if bewitched.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have sayd before that his father was ruined upon the account of the Protestant religion. Winceslaus dyed a Catholique, of which religion, I suppose, he might be ever since he came to Arundel-howse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a very friendly good-natured man as could be, but shiftlesse as to the world, and dyed not rich&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2030&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2030&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1707]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. He maried a second wife, 1665, by whom he has severall children. He dyed on our Ladie-day (25 Martii), 1677, and is buried in St. Margaret&#039;s church-yard at Westminster neer the north west corner of the tower. Had he lived till the 13th of July following, he had been just 70 yeares old.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;John Holywood&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (11— -1256).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2031&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2031&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1708]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Jo. de Sacro Bosco:—Dr. &amp;amp;lt;John&amp;amp;gt; Pell is positive that his name was Holybushe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_409&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 409]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 class=&amp;quot;c25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Thomas Hoode.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2032&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2032&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1709]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;... Hood, M.D.—he practised Physick at Worcester, and printed a booke in 4to called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Geodeticall Staffe&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2033&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2033&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1710]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Robert Hooke&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1635-1703).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2034&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2034&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1711]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Robert Hooke, curator of the Royall Societie at London, was borne at Freshwater in the Isle of Wight, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.D.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;amp;lt;1635&amp;amp;gt;; his father was minister there, and of the family of the Hookes of Hooke in Hants.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2035&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2035&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1712]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;July 19&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;th&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, 1635, baptized Robert Hooke, the son of Mr. John Hooke.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2036&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2036&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1713]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Robert Hooke&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_315&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_315&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FZ]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, M.A.:—his father, Mr. John Hooke,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2037&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2037&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1714]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;had two or three brothers all ministers: quaere Dr. &amp;amp;lt;William&amp;amp;gt; Holder. He was of the family of Hooke of Hooke in Hampshire, in the road from London to Saram, a very ancient family and in that place for many (3 or more) hundred yeares.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2038&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2038&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1715]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;His father was minister of Freshwater in the Isle of Wight. He maried ... ..., by whom he had two sonnes, viz. ... of Newport, grocer (quaere capt. Lee) and had been mayer there, and Robert, second son, who was borne&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2039&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2039&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1716]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; at Freshwater aforesayd the nineteenth day of July, Anno Domini 1635—vide register, et obiit patris.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At ... yeares old, John Hoskyns, the painter, being at Freshwater, to drawe pictures for ... esqre, Mr. Hooke observed what he did, and, thought he, &#039;why cannot I doe so too?&#039; So he getts him chalke, and ruddle, and coale, and grinds them, and putts them on a trencher, gott a pencill, and to worke he went, and made a picture: then he copied&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2040&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2040&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1717]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (as they hung up in the parlour) the pictures there, which he made like. Also, being a boy there, at &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_410&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 410]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Freshwater, he made an ... diall on a round trencher; never having had any instruction. His father was not mathematicall at all.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When his father dyed, his son Robert was but ... old, to whom he left one hundred pounds, which was sent up to London with him, with an intention to have bound him apprentice to Mr. Lilly&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2041&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2041&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1718]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, the paynter, with whom he was a little while upon tryall; who liked him very well, but Mr. Hooke quickly perceived&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2042&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2042&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1719]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; what was to be donne, so, thought he, &#039;why cannot I doe this by my selfe and keepe my hundred pounds?&#039; He also had some instruction in draweing from Mr. Samuel Cowper (prince of limners of this age); but whether from him before or after Mr. Lilly quaere?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;☞ Quaere when he went to Mr. Busby&#039;s, the schoolemaster of Westminster, at whose howse he was; and he made very much of him. With him he lodged his C &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2043&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2043&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1720]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; There he learnd to&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2044&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2044&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1721]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; play 20 lessons on the organ. He there in one weeke&#039;s time made himselfe master of the first &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;VI&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; bookes of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Euclid&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, to the admiration of Mr. Busby (now S.T.D.), who introduced him. At schoole here he was very mechanicall, and (amongst other things) he invented thirty severall wayes of flying, which I have not only heard him say, but Dr. Wilkins (at Wadham College at that time), who gave him his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mathematicall Magique&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; which did him a great kindnes. He was never a King&#039;s Scholar, and I have heard Sir Richard Knight (who was his school-fellow) say that he seldome sawe him in the schoole.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno Domini &amp;amp;lt;1658&amp;amp;gt; (vide A. Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Antiq. Oxon.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) he was sent to Christ Church in Oxford, where he had a chorister&#039;s place (in those dayes when the church musique was putt-downe&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2045&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2045&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1722]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), which was a pretty good maintenance. He was there assistant to Dr. Thomas Willis in his chymistry; who afterwards recommended him to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_411&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 411]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the hon&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;ble&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; Robert Boyle, esqre, to be usefull to him in his chymicall operations. Mr. Hooke then read to him (R. B., esqre) Euclid&#039;s Elements, and made him understand&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2046&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2046&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1723]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Des Cartes&#039; Philosophy. He was Master of Arts anno Domini....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno Domini 166&amp;amp;lt;2&amp;amp;gt; Mr. Robert Boyle recommended Mr. Robert Hooke to be Curator of the Experiments of the Royall Society, wherin he did an admirable good worke to the Common-wealth of Learning, in recommending the fittest person in the world to them. Anno &amp;amp;lt;1664&amp;amp;gt; he was chosen Geometry&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2047&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2047&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1724]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Professour at Gresham College&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_316&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_316&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[GA]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. Anno Domini 166- Sir John Cutler, knight, gave a Mechanicall lecture, ... pounds per annum, which he read.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anno Domini 166&amp;amp;lt;6&amp;amp;gt; the great conflagration of London happened, and then he was chosen one of the two surveyors&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_313&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_313&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXXXII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of the citie of London; by which he hath gott a great estate. He built Bedlam, the Physitians&#039; College, Montague-house, the Piller on Fish-street-hill, and Theatre there; and he is much made use of in designing buildings.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_313&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_313&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXXXII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;amp;lt;John&amp;amp;gt; Oliver, the glasse-painter, was the other.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He is but of midling stature, something crooked, pale faced, and his face but little belowe, but his head is lardge; his eie full and popping, and not quick; a grey eie. He haz a delicate head of haire, browne, and of an excellent moist curle. He is and ever was very temperate, and moderate in dyet, etc.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As he is of prodigious inventive head, so is a person of great vertue and goodnes. Now when I have sayd his inventive faculty is so great, you cannot imagine his memory to be excellent, for they are like two bucketts, as one goes up, the other goes downe. He is certainly the greatest mechanick this day in the world. His head lies much more to Geometry then to Arithmetique. He is (1680) a batchelour, and, I beleeve, will never marie. His elder brother left one faire daughter&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_317&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_317&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[GB]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, which is his heire. In fine (which crownes all) he is a person of great suavity and goodnesse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_412&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 412]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Scripsit.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;...&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
...&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;Twas Mr. Robert Hooke that invented the Pendulum-Watches, so much more usefull than the other watches.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He hath invented an engine for the speedie working of division, etc., or for the speedie and immediate finding out the divisor.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;An instrument for the Emperor of Germany, 1692/3.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2048&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2048&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1725]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;The first thing he published was—An attempt for the explication of the phaenomena observeable in the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;XXXV&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; experiment of the honourable Robert Boyle, esq., touching the aire: printed for Sam. Thomson at the Bishop&#039;s head in Paule&#039;s churchyard, 1661, 8vo: not now to be bought, and, though no bigger then an almanack, is a most ingeniose piece.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The next moneth he published another little 4to pamphlet,—Discourse of a new instrument he haz invented to make more accurate observations in astronomy then ever was&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2049&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2049&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1726]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; yet made, or could be made by any instruments hitherto invented, and this instrument (10 or 12 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;li.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; price) performes more, and more exact, then all the chargeable apparatus of the noble Tycho Brache or the present Hevelius of Dantzick.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;blockquot&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;In MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 30, 31, is this letter from Aubrey to Anthony Wood, enclosing a communication from Hooke.&amp;amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;September 15, 1689.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Mr. Wood!&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. Robert Hooke, R.S.S. did in anno 1670, write a discourse, called, &#039;An Attempt to prove the motion of the Earth,&#039; which he then read to the Royal Society; but printed it in the beginning of the yeare 1674, a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;strena&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2050&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2050&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1727]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; to Sir John Cutler to whom it is dedicated, wherein he haz delivered the theorie of explaining the coelestial motions mechanically; his words are these, pag. 27, 28. viz.:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_413&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 413]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[&#039;In&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2051&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2051&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1728]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Attempt to prove the motion of the earth&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, etc., printed 1674, but read to the Royall Society, 1671: pag. 27, line 31—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;I shall only for the present hint that I have in some of my foregoing observations discovered some new motions even in the Earth it self, which perhaps were not dreamt of before, which I shall hereafter more at large describe, when further tryalls have more fully confirmed and compleated these beginnings. At which time also I shall explaine a systeme of the world, differing in many particulars from any yet known, answering in all things to the common rules of mechanicall motions. This depends upon 3 suppositions; first, that all coelestiall bodys whatsoever have an attractive or gravitating power towards their own centers, whereby they attract not only their own parts, and keep them from flying from them, as we may observe the Earth to doe, but that they doe also attract all the other coelestial bodys that are within the sphere of their activity, and consequently that not only the Sun and the Moon have an influence upon the body and motion of the Earth, and the Earth upon them, but that Mercury also, Venus, Mars, Saturne, and Jupiter, by their attractive powers have a considerable influence upon its motion, as, in the same manner, the corresponding attractive power of the Earth hath a considerable influence upon every one of their motions also. The second supposition is this, that all bodys whatsoever, that are putt into direct and simple motion will soe continue to move forwards in a straight line, till they are by some other effectuall powers deflected and bent into a motion describing a circle, ellipsis, or some other uncompounded curve line. The third supposition is, that these attractive powers are soe much the more powerfull in operating, by how much nearer the body wrought upon is to their own centers. Now what these severall degrees are, I have not yet experimentally verified.&#039;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;But these degrees and proportions of the power of attraction in the celestiall bodys and motions, were com&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_414&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 414]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;municated to Mr. Newton by R. Hooke, in the yeare 1678, by letters, as will plainely appear both by the coppys of the said letters, and the letters of Mr. Newton in answer to them, which are both in the custody of the said R. H., both which also were read before the Royall Society at their publique meeting, as appears by the Journall book of the said Society.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;—&#039;But it is a notion which if fully prosecuted, as it ought to be, will mightily assist the astronomer to reduce all the coelestiall motions to a certaine rule, which I doubt will never be done true without it. He that understands the natures of the circular pendulum and circular motion, will easily understand the whole ground of this principle, and will know where to find direction in nature for the true stating thereof. This I only hint at present to such as have ability and opportunity of prosecuting this inquiry, and are not wanting of industry for observing and calculating, wishing heartily such may be found, having my self many other things in hand, which I will first compleat, and therefore cannot soe well attend (to) it. But this I durst promise the undertaker; that he will find all the great motions of the world to be influenced by this principle, and that the true understanding thereof will be the true perfection of Astronomy.&#039;]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;About 9 or 10 years ago, Mr. Hooke writt to Mr. Isaac Newton, of Trinity College, Cambridge, to make&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_314&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_314&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXXXIII.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a demonstration of this theory, not telling him, at first, the proportion of the gravity to the distance, nor what was the curv&#039;d line that was thereby made. Mr. Newton, in his answer to the letter, did expresse that he had not known&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2052&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2052&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1729]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of it; and in his first attempt about it, he calculated the curve by supposing the attraction to be the same at all distances: upon which, Mr. Hooke sent, in his next letter, the whole of his hypothesis, scil. that the gravitation was reciprocall to the square of the distance,&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_415&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 415]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; [&#039;which&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2053&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2053&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1730]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; would make the motion in an ellipsis, in one of whose foci the sun being placed, the aphelion and perihelion of the planet would be opposite to each other in the same line, which is the whole coelestiall theory, concerning which Mr. Newton hath a demonstration,&#039;] not at all owning he receiv&#039;d the first intimation of it from Mr. Hooke. Likewise Mr. Newton haz in the same booke printed some other theories and experiments of Mr. Hooke&#039;s, as that about the oval figure of the earth and sea: without acknowledgeing from whom he had them, [&#039;though1730&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1730&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1730]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; he had not sent it up with the other parts of his booke till near a month after the theory was read to the Society by Mr. Hooke, when it served to help to answer Dr. Wallis his arguments produced in the Royal Society against it.&#039;]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_314&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_314&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXXXIII.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; To&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2054&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2054&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1731]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; make a demonstration of it, telling him the proportion of the gravity to the distance and the curv&#039;d line that was thereby made, to witt that it was an ellipsis in one of the foci of which was the sun and that that gravitation would make the aphelion and perihelion opposite to each other in the same diameter which is the whole celestiall theorie of which Mr. Newton haz made a demonstration.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mr. Wood! This is the greatest discovery in nature that ever was since the world&#039;s creation. It never was so much as hinted by any man before. I know you will doe him right. I hope you may read his hand. I wish he had writt plainer, and afforded a little more paper.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c55&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Tuus,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;J. Aubrey&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Before I leave this towne, I will gett of him a catalogue of what he hath wrote; and as much of his inventions as I can. But they are many hundreds; he believes not fewer than a thousand. &#039;Tis such a hard matter to get people to doe themselves right.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_315&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_315&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[FZ]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey gives in trick the coat: &#039;quarterly, argent and sable a cross between 4 escallops all counterchanged [Hooke].&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_316&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_316&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[GA]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey used Hooke&#039;s rooms in Gresham College as the place to which he had his letters addressed. E.g. MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 55, is an envelope addressed:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;To his much honoured friend John Awbrey, esqre, these present, at Mr. Hooke&#039;s lodgeings in Gresham College, London.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 48, is an envelope addressed—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;For Mr. John Aubrey: leave these at Mr. Hooke&#039;s lodging in Gresham College.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_317&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_317&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[GB]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Mris. Grace Hooke, borne at Newport in the Isle of Wight 2&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;do&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; Maii, at 8&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;; she is 15 next May, scil. 1676.... Her father died by suspending him selfe, anno ...&#039;: MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 56&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_416&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 416]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Charles Hoskyns&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1584-1609).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2055&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2055&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1732]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Charles Hoskyns was brother to the Serjeant and the Doctor; a very ingeniose man, who would not have been inferior to either but killed himself with hard study.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Charles Hoskins, of &#039;Lenwarne&#039; parish, Hereford, was admitted probationer July 26, 1604, and fellow of New College in 1606; took B.A. April 13, 1608; and died in 1609.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;John Hoskyns&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1566-1638).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2056&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2056&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1733]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;John Hoskyns&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_319&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_319&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[GC]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, serjeant-at-lawe, was borne at Mounckton in the parish of &amp;amp;lt;Llanwarne&amp;amp;gt; in the com. of Hereford, Aº D&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;ni&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; &amp;amp;lt;1566&amp;amp;gt; [on&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2057&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2057&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1734]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; St. Mark&#039;s day].&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mounckton belonged to the priory of Llantony juxta Glocester, where his ancestors had the office of cupbearer (or &#039;pocillator&#039;) to the prior. I have heard there was a windowe given by one Hoskyns there, as by the inscription did appeare.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Whither the serjeant were the eldest brother&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2058&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2058&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1735]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; or no, I have forgott; but he had a brother, John&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_320&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_320&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[GD]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, D.D., a learned man, rector of Ledbury and canon of Hereford, who, I thinke, was eldest, who was designed to be a scholar, but this John (the serjeant) would not be quiet, but he must be a scholar too. In those dayes boyes were seldome taught to read that were not to be of some learned profession. So, upon his instant importunity, being then ten yeares of age, he learned to reade, and, at the yeare&#039;s end, entred into his Greeke grammar. This I have heard his sonne, Sir Benet Hoskyns, knight and baronett, severall times say.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was of a strong constitution, and had a prodigious &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_417&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 417]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;memorie. At ... yeares old, he went to Winton schole, where he was the flower of his time. I remember I have heard that one time he had not made his exercise (verse) and spake to one of his forme to shew him his, which he sawe. The schoolmaster presently calles for the exercises, and Hoskyns told him that he had writ it out but lost it, but he could repeate it, and repeated the other boye&#039;s exercise (I think 12 or 16 verses) only at once reading over. When the boy who really had made them shewed the master the same, and could not repeate them, he was whipped for stealing Hoskyns&#039; exercise. I thinke John Owen&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_321&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_321&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[GE]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and he were schoole-fellowes. There were many pretty stories of him when a schooleboy, which I have forgott. I have heard his son say that he was a yeare at Westminster; and not speeding there, he was sent to Winton.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Latin verses in the quadrangle at Winton Colledge&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_322&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_322&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[GF]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, at the cocks where the boyes wash their hands, were of his making, where there is the picture&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2059&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2059&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1736]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of a good servant, with hind&#039;s feet, ... head, a padlock on his lippes, ... The Latin verses describe the properties of a good servant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When he came to New College, he was &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Terrae filius&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; but he was so bitterly satyricall that he was expelled and putt to his shifts.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He went into Somersetshire and taught a schole for about a yeare at Ilchester. He compiled there a Greeke lexicon as far as M, which I have seen. He maried (neer there) a rich widowe, [of Mr. Bourne]; she was a Moyle of Kent; by whome he had only one sonne and one daughter.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[After&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2060&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2060&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1737]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; his mariage] he admitted himselfe at the Middle Temple, London. He wore good cloathes, and kept good company. His excellent witt gave him letters of commendacion to all ingeniose persons. At his&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2061&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2061&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1738]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;first comeing to London he gott acquainted with the under-secretaries at court, where he was often usefull to them in writing their Latin letters.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His great witt quickly made him be taken notice of.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_418&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 418]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Ben: Johnson called him &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;father&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Sir Benet (bishop Benet&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2062&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2062&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1739]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Hereford was his godfather) told me that one time desiring Mr. Johnson to adopt him for his sonne, &#039;No,&#039; said he, &#039;I dare not; &#039;tis honour enough for me to be your brother: I was your father&#039;s sonne, and &#039;twas he that polished me.&#039; In shorte, his acquaintance were all the witts then about the towne; e.g. Sir Walter Raleigh, who was his fellow-prisoner in the Tower, where he was Sir Walter&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Aristarchus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; to reviewe and polish Sir Walter&#039;s stile; John Donne, D.D.; John Owen, (vide Epigr. 1—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Hic liber est mundus; homines sunt, Hoskine, versus:&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Invenies paucos hîc ut in orbe bonos;)&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;Richard&amp;amp;gt; Martyn, recorder of London; Sir Benjamin Ruddyer, with whom it was once his fortune to have a quarrell and fought a duell with him and hurt him in the knee, but they were afterwards friends again; Sir Henry Wotton, provost of Eaton College; cum multis aliis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His conversation was exceedingly pleasant, and on the roade he would make any one good company to him. He was a great master of the Latin and Greke languages; a great divine. He understood the lawe well, but worst at that.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was admitted at the Middle Temple anno ...; called to be a serjeant at lawe anno &amp;amp;lt;1623&amp;amp;gt; (vide &amp;amp;lt;Sir William Dugdale&#039;s&amp;amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Origines Juridiciales&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His verses on the fart in the Parliament house are printed in some of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Drolleries&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. He had a booke of poemes, neatly written by one of his clerkes, bigger then Dr. Donne&#039;s poemes, which his sonn Benet lent to he knowes not who, about 1653, and could never heare of it since. Mr. Thomas Henshawe haz an excellent Latin copie in rhythme in the prayse of ale of his.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a very strong man and active. He did the pomado in the saddle of the third horse in his armour (which Sir John Hoskins haz still) before William, earle of Pembroke. He was about my heighth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_419&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 419]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He had a very readie witt, and would make verses on the roade, where he was the best company in the world. In Sir H. Wotton&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Remaynes&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; are verses (dialogue) made on the roade by him and Sir Henry. He made an antheme (gett it) in English to be sung at Hereford Minster at the assizes; but Sir Robert Harley (a great Puritan) was much offended at it. He made the epitaph on &amp;amp;lt;Peter&amp;amp;gt; Woodgate in New College cloysters. He made the best Latin epitaphs of his time; amongst many others an excellent one on &amp;amp;lt;Sir Moyle&amp;amp;gt; Finch, this earl of Winchelsey&#039;s grandfather, who haz a noble monument at Eastwell in Kent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I will now describe his seate at Morhampton (Hereff.), which he bought of....&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2063&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2063&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1740]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;At the gate-house is the picture of the old fellowe that made the fires, with a block on his back, boytle and wedges and hatchet. By him, this distich:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Gratus ades quisquis descendis, amicus et hospes:&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Non decet hos humiles mensa superba Lares.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By the porch of the howse, on the wall, is the picture in the margent:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;figcenter c64&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;img src=&amp;quot;images/i_p419.png&amp;quot; width=&amp;quot;433&amp;quot; height=&amp;quot;489&amp;quot; alt=&amp;quot;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;caption&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Noverint universi&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;et douch et gallante&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;ꝑroviso semꝓ&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;hec est finalis concordia&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Above it are these verses:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Stat coelum, fateor, Copernice; terra movetur;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Et mutant dominos tecta rotata suos.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_420&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 420]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the chapelle, over the altar, are these two Hebrewe words&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2064&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2064&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1741]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, viz.:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;וְשָֽׁמַעְתָּ֖ וְסָלָֽחְתָּ&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and underneath this distich (1 Reg. 8. 30):—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Hac quicunque orat supplex exoret in aede,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Nec pereant servis irrita vota tuis.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Here is an organ that was queen Elizabeth&#039;s.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the gallery &amp;amp;lt;is&amp;amp;gt; the picture of his brother (&amp;amp;lt;the&amp;amp;gt; Doctor) in the pulpit, &amp;amp;lt;of the&amp;amp;gt; serjeant in his robes, the howse, parke, etc.; and underneath are these verses:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Est casa, sunt colles, lateres&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2065&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2065&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1742]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, vivaria&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2066&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2066&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1743]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, lymphae,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Pascua, sylva, Ceres&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2067&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2067&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1744]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;: si placet, adde preces&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2068&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2068&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1745]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the garden, the picture of the gardiner, on the wall of the howse, with his rake, spade, and water-pott in his left hand. By it, this distich:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Pascitur et pascit locus hic, ornatur et ornat:&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Istud opus nondum lapsus amaret Adam.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the first leafe of his fee-booke he drew the picture of a purse as in the margent, and wrote&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;figcenter c2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;img src=&amp;quot;images/i_p420b.png&amp;quot; width=&amp;quot;560&amp;quot; height=&amp;quot;400&amp;quot; alt=&amp;quot;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;caption&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;καὶ δῶμεν ὁσκινδω.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;underneath, out of Theocritus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_421&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 421]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On his picture in the low gallery are writt on his deske these verses, viz.:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Undecies senos exegi strenuus annos,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Jam veniet nullo mors inopina die;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Quae dixi, scripsi, gessive negotia, lusus,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Obruat aeterno pax taciturna sinu.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Si quid jure petunt homines, respondeat haeres,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Dissipet ut cineres nulla querela meos.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2069&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2069&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1746]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Quodque Deo, decoctor iniquus, debeo, solve,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Quaeso, Fidejussor, {sanguine}, Christe, {tuo}.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;{ nomine }                 {meo}&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These verses with a little alteration are sett on his monument.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Under severall venerable and shady oakes in the parke, he had seates made; and where was a fine purling spring, he did curbe it with stone.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This putts me in mind of Fr. Petrarch&#039;s villa in Italie, which is not long since printed, where were such devises—vide Tomasini &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Petrarcha redivivus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Lat., Amsterdam, 12mo.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Besides his excellent naturall memorie, he acquired the artificiall way of memorie.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He wrote his owne life (which his grandsonne Sir John Hoskyns, knight and baronet, haz), which was to shew that wheras Plutarch, ..., ..., etc., had wrote the lives of many generalles, etc., grandees, that he, or an active man might, from a private fortune by his witt and industrie attained to the dignity of a serjeant-at-lawe—but he should have said that they must have parts like his too.—This life I cannot borrowe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He wrote severall treatises. Amongst others:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;a booke of style;&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;li&amp;gt;a method of the lawe (imperfect).&amp;lt;/li&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/ul&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His familiar letters were admirable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a close prisoner in the Tower, tempore regis Jacobi, for speaking too boldly in the Parliament house of the king&#039;s profuse liberality to the Scotts. He made a comparison of a conduit, whereinto water came, and&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_422&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 422]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; ran-out afarre-off. &#039;Now,&#039; said he, &#039;this pipe reaches as far as Edinborough.&#039; He was kept a &#039;close prisoner&#039; there, i.e., his windowes were boarded up. Through a small chinke he sawe once a crowe, and another time, a kite; the sight whereof, he sayd, was a great pleasure to him. He, with much adoe, obtained at length the favour to have his little son Bennet to be with him; and he then made this distich, viz.:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Parvule dum puer es, nee scis incommoda linguae,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Vincula da linguae, vel tibi vincla dabit.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thus Englished by him:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;My little Ben, whil&#039;st thou art young,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And know&#039;st not how to rule thy tongue,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Make it thy slave whil&#039;st thou art free,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Least it, as mine, imprison thee.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2070&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2070&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1747]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;I have heard that when he came out of the Tower, his crest (before expressed) was graunted him, viz., &#039;a lyon&#039;s head couped or, breathing fire.&#039; The serjeant would say jocosely that it was the only lyon&#039;s head in England that tooke tobacco.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Not many moneths before his death (being at the assises or sessions at Hereford) a massive countrey fellowe trod on his toe, which caused a gangrene which was the cause of his death. One Mr. Dighton&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_318&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_318&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXXXIV.]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of Glocester (an experienced chirurgian who had formerly been chirurgian in the warres in Ireland) was sent for to cure him; but his skill and care could not save him. His toes were first cutt-off. The minister of his parish had a clubbe-foote or feete (I think his name was Hugh). Said he, &#039;Sir Hugh&#039;—after his toes were cutt off—&#039;I must be acquainted with your shoemaker.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_318&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_318&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[CXXXIV.]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Mr. Dighton would oftentimes say that he generally observ&#039;d in the Irish warres that those men that went to their wenches the day before the battayle either did dye upon the spott or came under his handes. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Digitus Dei!&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Sir Robert Pye, attorney of the court of wardes, was his neighbour, but there was no great goodwill between them—Sir Robert was haughty. He happened to dye on Christmas day: the newes being brought to the serjeant, said he &#039;The devill haz a Christmas pye.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_423&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 423]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was a very strong man, and valiant, and an early riser in the morning (scil., at four in the morning). He was black-eyed and had black hayre.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He lies buried under an altar monument on the north side of the choire of Dowr abbey in Herefordshire.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;(In this abbey church of Dowre are two &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;frustum&#039;s&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; or remaynders of mayled and crosse-legged monuments, one sayd to be of a lord Chandois, th&#039; other, the lord of Ewyas-lacy. A little before I sawe them a mower had taken one of the armes to whett his syth.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On his monument is this inscription:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Hoc tegitur tumulo totus quem non tegit orbis,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Hoskinus, humani prodigium ingenii,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Usque adeo excoluit duo pugnacissima rerum&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Et quae non subeunt numina&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2071&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2071&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1748]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; pectus idem,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Pieridum Legumque potens, jucundus honesto&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Mixtus, Liticulans Musa, forense melos,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Orando causas pariter pariterque canendo,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Captavit merito clarus utrumque sophos.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Sic dum jura tenens Solymorum et gentis Idumae,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Narratur cytharâ percrepuisse David;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2072&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2072&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1749]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Talem Thebanas&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2073&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2073&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1750]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; struxisse Amphiona turres,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Sic indefessa personuisse chely,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Sic populos traxisse truces et agrestibus antris&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Exutos homines consociasse lyrâ;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Sic magni pectus divinum arsisse Platonis,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Tum, cum deplorans Astera, jura daret;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Talem credibile est vixisse Solona poëtam&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Et queiscunque datum est et sapere et furere&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2074&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2074&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1751]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Sed tu, magne, peris, dum lis certatur utrinque,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Te Astraea suum vultque Thalia suum.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Haec habitat coelis, sed et haec terrestribus oris,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Ipse tui judex poneris ante Deos;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Scilicet in partes se dividit Hoskinus ambo,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Haec coelo potitur particula, illa solo.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;{ Canoro cineri jurisprudentissimi&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;{ Parentis pii, memoriae ergo,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Obiit Aug. 27 { hunc posuit cippum conscriptum marmoreum&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1638 { flens Benettus, sequiturque Patrem&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;{ non passibus aequis.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_424&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 424]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This epitaph was made by Thomas Bonham, of Essex, esquier.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The serjeant&#039;s epitaph on his wife at Bowe church, Heriff.:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Hic Benedicta jacet, de qua maledicere nemo&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Cui genus aut virtus vel pia lingua potest:&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Bournii et Hoskinii conjux et prolis utrique&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Mater erat, Moyli filia, serva Dei.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On Mr. Bourne, his sonne-in-lawe&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2075&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2075&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1752]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, by him:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Nobilis innocuos transegit Bournius annos&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Multa legens, callens plurima, pauca loquens.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Juridicus causis neque se ditavit&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2076&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2076&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1753]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; agendis&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Non in habendo locans sed moriendo lucrum.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2077&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2077&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1754]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Serjeant Hoskins&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;:—Serviens ad legem; quaere, if &amp;amp;lt;he was&amp;amp;gt; a knight. His crest (I believe) granted for his bold spirit, and (I suppose) contrived by himselfe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Amici&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; &amp;amp;lt;included&amp;amp;gt; Egremund Thynne.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Hic jacet Egremundus Rarus,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Tuendis paradoxis clarus.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Mortuus est, ut hic apparet:&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;At si loqui posset, hoc negaret.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Was wont to say that all those that came to London were either carrion or crowes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2078&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2078&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1755]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;amp;lt;Memorandum&amp;amp;gt;:—Hoskyns—to collect his nonsense discourse, which is very good.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Notes.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_319&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_319&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[GC]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey gives in trick the coat:—&#039;parted per pale gules and azure, a chevron between 3 lions rampant or [Hoskyns]: the crest is a lion&#039;s head crowned or, vomiting flames.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_320&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_320&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[GD]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; John Hoskins, of &#039;Mownton&#039; (Monnington on the Wye) in &#039;Lanwarne&#039; parish, Hereford, was admitted probationer of New College June 22, 1584, and Fellow 1586. He was expelled in 1591 &#039;propter dicteria maledica sub persona Terrae filii.&#039; This was the Serjeant-at-Law.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;John Hoskins, of &#039;Mownton in Lanwarne parish,&#039; Hereford, was admitted probationer of New College, Aug. 24, 1599, and fellow Aug. 24, 1601, and resigned his fellowship in 1613. He took D.C.L. in 1613. He died in 1631 (buried at Ledbury, on August 9). This was &#039;the Doctor.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_321&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_321&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[GE]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; John Owen (the &#039;epigrammatist&#039;), of Armon in Carnarvonshire, was admitted probationer of New College Oct. 20, 1582, and Fellow March 31, 1584. He resigned his fellowship in 1591.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_322&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_322&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[GF]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey, writing Oct. 27, 1671, in Wood MS. F. 39, fol. 142, says:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;At Winton College is the picture of a servant with asses eares and hind&#039;s feet, a lock on mouth, etc., very good hi&amp;amp;lt;er&amp;amp;gt;oglyphick, with a hexastique in Latin underneath.... It was done by the serjeant when he went to school there; but now finely painted. It is at the fountain where the boyes wash their hands.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_425&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 425]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Sir John Hoskyns&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1634-1705).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2079&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2079&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1756]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Sir John Hoskyns, knight, one of the Masters of the Chancery, borne at Morehampton in the countie of Hereford, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.D....&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Aug. 3rd, 1671, the native maryed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Aug. 20, 1667, the native broke his thigh; Oct. 1671, the native had another fall which was no lesse dangerous then the former.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Sir John Hoskyns&#039; eldest son John&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_323&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_323&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[GG]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, borne at ..., 14 die Novembr. 1673, 4&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 48´ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Obiit ... 1684.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Mris Jane Hoskyns, daughter of Sir John Hoskyns of Morhamton, Hereff., borne at Harwood in com. praedict. March the 2nd, about 6 a clock in the morning, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.D.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 1677/8.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2080&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2080&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1757]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Gazette de Londres:—Jean Hoskins, esq., honoré du titre de chevalerie et l&#039;un de maîtres ordinaires de la cancellerie 30 Janvier 1675.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;c24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Note.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_323&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_323&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[GG]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 63, is a letter to Aubrey from Sir John Hoskyns, dated Nov. 15, 1673, announcing the birth of this son on Nov. 14, 4&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; 48´ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A.M.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, and asking him to send to H. C., i.e. Henry Coley the astrologer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Charles Howard&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (16— -16—).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2081&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2081&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1758]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Charles Howard, eldest son of the honourable Charles Howard of Norfolke, borne 1664 (old style) on a Thursday between 3 and 4 of the clocke in the morning, the last day of March, London. Obiit May 5th 1677, of the small pox.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Henry Howard, second son, borne 1668, between 8 and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_426&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 426]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;9 in the morning, being Sunday 18 of Oct., St. Luke&#039;s day.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thomas Howard, 3rd son, born 12 of July, between one and 2 in the morning, 1670, being Thursday. Obiit, All Saints (day), twelvemonth after his birth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Elizabeth Teresa Howard borne the 6 of April, being Easter Eve, 22 minutes after 9 of the clock in the evening. Obiit August 12-moneth after her birth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Robert Hues&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; (1553-1632).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2082&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2082&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1759]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;My cosen Whitney, a parson, quondam Aeneinas., told me that Hues &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;de Globis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; was of that house&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2083&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2083&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1760]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; which I put downe in the margent of the Oxford book&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2084&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2084&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1761]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2085&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2085&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1762]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Mr. Ashmole thinkes that Robert Hues was of Christ Church. Perhaps he might be of St. Mary Hall too—for so my old cosin Whitney told me by tradition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2086&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2086&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1763]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Hues &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;de Globis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;:—I have heard my old cosen parson Whitney say—an old fellow of Brasennose (dyed 12 yeares since, aetat. 78 or 9)—(that) he was of St. Mary Hall.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;Edward Hyde&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;, earl of Clarendon (1608/9-1674).&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2087&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2087&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1764]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Edward Hyde, earl of Clarendon, Lord Chancellor of England, was borne at Dinton in com. Wilts., anno Domini 1608, Febr. 16, as this&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2088&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2088&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1765]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; earle thinkes. He told me he has his father&#039;s life written by himselfe, but &#039;tis not fitt so soon to publish it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2089&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2089&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1766]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;I thinke I told you that this earl of Clarendon told me his father was writing the history of our late times. He beginns with king Charles 1st and brought it to the restauration of king Charles II, when, as he was writing, the penne fell out of his hand: he took it up &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_427&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 427]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;again to write: it fell out again. So then he percieved he was attacqued by death, scilicet, the dead palsey.—They say &#039;tis very well donne: but his sonne will not print it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2090&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2090&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1767]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;I advertised you, in my last, of a booke printed newly by ... Royston, viz. &#039;A vindication of Dr. Stillingfleet against Dr. Cressy, writt by &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;a person of honour&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&#039; Mr. Royston assures me the earl of Clarendon is the author.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2091&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2091&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1768]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;The place of the Lord Chancellor Hyde&#039;s birth is Dinton, four miles from Chalke.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Laurence Hyde&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
  of Hatch (a hamlet), Wilts.; came out of Cheshire; the third son&lt;br /&gt;
      of Robert Hyde, prout per inscription at Tisbury Church.&lt;br /&gt;
                                  |&lt;br /&gt;
    +--------------+--------------+--+-------------------------+&lt;br /&gt;
    |              |                 |                         |&lt;br /&gt;
  ... Hyde,  Sir Laurence  3. Sir Nicholas   4. ... (I thinke, Robert) Hyde of&lt;br /&gt;
  of Hatch.  Hyde, of      Hyde, Lord Chief  Purton neer Highworth: he &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;then&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
    |        Hele, Wilts.  Justice of the    rented this estate at Dinton of&lt;br /&gt;
   ...             |       King&#039;s Bench.     his brother Sir Laurence.&lt;br /&gt;
    |              |                                          |&lt;br /&gt;
  Edward.          |                                   Lord Chancellor Hyde.&lt;br /&gt;
    |              |&lt;br /&gt;
    |      +-------+--+-------------+-------------+---------+-----------+&lt;br /&gt;
    |      |          |             |             |         |           |&lt;br /&gt;
    |  1. ...;  2. Sir Robert  3. &amp;amp;lt;Alexander  4. ...,   5. ...,    6. &amp;amp;lt;James&lt;br /&gt;
    |  sine     Hyde, Lord     Hyde&amp;amp;gt;,         LL. Dr.;  consul;    Hyde&amp;amp;gt;, M.D.,&lt;br /&gt;
    |  prole.   Chief Justice  bishop of      sine      beheaded;  principal of&lt;br /&gt;
    |           of the King&#039;s  Sarum.         prole.    sine       Magdalen&lt;br /&gt;
  No sonn:      Bench; sine         |                   prole.     Hall.&lt;br /&gt;
  a daughter    prole.           Robert.                                |&lt;br /&gt;
  and heire.                        |                               +---+---+&lt;br /&gt;
                             No child living.                       |       |&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Page_428&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[Pg 428]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;FOOTNOTES:&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_324&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_324&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Letter of Aubrey to Wood: MS. Ballard 14, fol. 131.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_325&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_325&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[2]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 110, 110&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_326&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_326&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[3]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey to Wood, in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 340.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_327&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_327&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[4]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ibid. fol. 347.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_328&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_328&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[5]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Composing MSS. Aubr. 6, 7, and 8 (part i.).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_329&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_329&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[6]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Writing MS. Aubr. 8 (part ii.).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_330&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_330&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[7]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_331&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_331&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[8]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The lives of Isaac Barrow, and of (Serjeant-at-Law) John Hoskyns, may serve as specimens of a fair copy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_332&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_332&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[9]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey to Wood, MS. Ballard 14, fol. 129&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_333&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_333&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[10]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In this edition, some notes about some of them have been brought in from Aubrey&#039;s letters, and his &#039;Collectio Geniturarum.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_334&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_334&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[11]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey notes &#039;Mr. &amp;amp;lt;Edmund&amp;amp;gt; Halley&#039; as the person to ask about Flamsted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_335&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_335&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[12]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey adds the reference &#039;vide libr. B.&#039;: see Macray&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Bodleian&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. 366.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_336&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_336&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[13]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The adventures of Captain Thomas Stump in Guiana are recorded in Aubrey&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Natural History of Wilts.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_337&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_337&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[14]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. the schemes of nativity given at the beginning of many of the lives in MS. Aubr. 6. MS. Aubr. 23, &#039;Collectio genituraram,&#039; drawn up by Aubrey in 1674 to be deposited in the Ashmolean Museum, is an earlier contribution to the &#039;supellex.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_338&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_338&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[15]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In fol. 11&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; Aubrey&#039;s book-plate is pasted on.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_339&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_339&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[16]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In the top left corner, &#039;1&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;s.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 4&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;d.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&#039; is written. Possibly the price of the original paper-book.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_340&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_340&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[17]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Much&#039; substituted for &#039;so well.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_341&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_341&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[18]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey cites in the margin:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Utrumque nostrum admirabili modo&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Consentit astrum.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c36&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Horat.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; lib. 2, ode 17:&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nescio quod certe est, quod me tibi temperet, astrum.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c43&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Pers.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sat.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; v. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;v.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 50&#039;;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and adds the date in the margin &#039;1665&#039;; but according to Wood, 1667 was the date of their first acquaintance (Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 116).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_342&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_342&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[19]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;hid.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_343&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_343&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[20]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;girle&#039;s.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_344&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_344&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[21]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Matth. Raderi &#039;novi commentt.&#039; were published in 1602, and later editions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_345&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_345&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[22]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;inventions.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_346&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_346&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[23]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Have been&#039; is scored out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_347&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_347&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[24]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;things.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_348&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_348&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[25]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Foll. 47, 48, in the original (foll. 10, 11, as now foliated). The rest are scraps: fol. 8 is a paper, bearing date &#039;London, March 12, 1688/9.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_349&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_349&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[26]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See, e.g. in the life of David Jenkins, from a letter of Aubrey&#039;s, the expressions which brought Wood into court and expelled him from the University.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_350&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_350&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[27]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Fol. 2, in the present marking.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_351&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_351&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[28]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I have little doubt that the substance of all the missing pages is incorporated into the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Athenae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: cf., e.g. William Penn&#039;s life here by Aubrey, and the notice of Penn in Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Athenae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_352&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_352&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[29]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey quotes in the margin:—ἔπεα πτερόεντα.—&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Hom.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_353&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_353&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[30]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dated &#039;July 1&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;mo&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, 1681&#039;—MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 5. In this index the names of some persons occur for notice, of whom no account is found here or elsewhere:—e.g. &#039;... Aldsworth; Richard Blackbourne, M.D.; Sir George Etheridge; Isaac Newton.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_354&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_354&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[31]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; There are now several inserted papers and slips. The two last leaves of the MS. as now made up (foll. 104, 105), belong to neither section of it, but have been brought in from elsewhere, possibly from loose Rawlinson papers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_355&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_355&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[32]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood has marked it as &#039;G. 10&#039; of his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Athenae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Collections (see Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iv. 232), thus showing that he looked on it as his own property.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_356&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_356&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[33]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In this index or on blank pages in the treatise, some are mentioned for their lives to be written, of whom no account is found here or elsewhere in the biographical collections:—e.g. Mr. &amp;amp;lt;Thomas&amp;amp;gt; Blundeville; &amp;amp;lt;Henry&amp;amp;gt; Bond; Mr. Robert Hues; Mr. &amp;amp;lt;Thomas&amp;amp;gt; Lidyate; Mr. ... Phale &amp;amp;lt;i.e. Thomas Fale&amp;amp;gt;; Edmund Wingate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_357&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_357&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[34]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;For&#039; subst. for &#039;in order to the writing.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_358&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_358&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[35]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Is&#039; subst. for &#039;Mr. Wood haz.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_359&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_359&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[36]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist. et Antiq. Univ. Oxon.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 1674.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_360&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_360&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[37]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;These following&#039; subst. for &#039;my.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_361&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_361&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[38]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey queries &#039;Is John Escuidus mentioned among them?&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_362&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_362&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[39]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Lond. 1616.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_363&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_363&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[40]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Written at first &#039;Venit et Hobbi.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_364&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_364&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[41]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 29. Aubrey notes in the margin:—&#039;The ὕλη of the preface to the life written by Mr. H. him selfe in &amp;amp;lt;the&amp;amp;gt; third person&#039;; intending I suppose to consult it in remodelling his own draft preface.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_365&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_365&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[42]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;now.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_366&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_366&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[43]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;setting forth.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_367&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_367&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[44]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;honoured.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_368&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_368&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[45]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;pueritia mea.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_369&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_369&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[46]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;having both the same schoolmaster.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_370&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_370&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[47]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;desired.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_371&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_371&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[48]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See in the life of Selden.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_372&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_372&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[49]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In a marginal note Aubrey remarks &#039;meliorate this word.&#039; Another note is &#039;Quaere of the preface of this Supplement,&#039; i.e., I suppose, ask some one&#039;s opinion whether it will do or not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_373&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_373&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[50]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;will &amp;amp;lt;be&amp;amp;gt;.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_374&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_374&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[51]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;slipt.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_375&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_375&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[52]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;đđ&#039; i.e. dedicate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_376&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_376&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[53]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;But for that the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;recrementa&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of such a person are valueable. It is with matters of antiquity as with the sett....&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_377&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_377&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[54]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;good light.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_378&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_378&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[55]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;so many degrees, etc.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_379&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_379&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[56]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;entring.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_380&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_380&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[57]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;This.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_381&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_381&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[58]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;From oblivion&#039; followed; scored out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_382&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_382&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[59]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;growing.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_383&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_383&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[60]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;senescens&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_384&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_384&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[61]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;rude.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_385&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_385&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[62]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;thing.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_386&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_386&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[63]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;cutt off.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_387&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_387&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[64]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;sense,&#039; &#039;opinion.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_388&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_388&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[65]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;slighted.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_389&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_389&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[66]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;goe.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_390&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_390&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[67]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;meane.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_391&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_391&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[68]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Tuus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_392&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_392&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[69]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In connexion with the controversy originated by Dr. Fell&#039;s excisions in Wood&#039;s notice of Hobbes in his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist. et Antiq. Univ. Oxon.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 1674, see Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 291.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_393&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_393&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[70]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. has &#039;1688,&#039; by a slip.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_394&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_394&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[71]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;sketches.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_395&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_395&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[72]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood has jotted here &#039;&#039;Tis well.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_396&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_396&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[73]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey&#039;s letter, dated June 1, 1693, is found in MS. Tanner 25, fol. 59.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_397&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_397&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[74]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Malone&#039;s note in Mr. Doble&#039;s MS.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_398&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_398&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[75]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; I have shown this as regards the text of Anthony Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; and I hope some day to show it in the much more important matter of the text of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Athenae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_399&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_399&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[76]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey, in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 223; Sept. 16, 1673.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_400&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_400&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[77]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Idem, ibid., fol. 221; Aug. 10, 1673.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_401&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_401&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[78]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, substituted for &#039;cloth-worker.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_402&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_402&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[79]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 116.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_403&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_403&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[80]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 5: in the index, as a life to be written.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_404&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_404&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[81]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 6.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_405&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_405&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[82]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 14&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_406&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_406&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[83]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Ashmole, 388.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_407&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_407&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[84]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 95&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_408&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_408&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[85]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; By Robert Parsons, S.J.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_409&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_409&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[86]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. Holm Lacy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_410&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_410&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[87]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;forgett.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_411&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_411&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[88]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. tongs.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_412&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_412&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[89]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;to have drowned.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_413&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_413&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[90]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. fol. 99, of MS. Aubr. 6.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_414&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_414&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[91]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;the.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_415&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_415&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[92]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 142&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;: Oct. 27, 1671.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_416&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_416&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[93]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Trinity College.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_417&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_417&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[94]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 42&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_418&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_418&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[95]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 27.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_419&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_419&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[96]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Elected Fellow in 1576.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_420&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_420&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[97]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;he followed his advice.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_421&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_421&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[98]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;To St. Marie&#039;s&#039; subst. for &#039;to church.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_422&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_422&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[99]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 27&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_423&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_423&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[100]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In 1618/9.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_424&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_424&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[101]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 9.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_425&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_425&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[102]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 21&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_426&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_426&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[103]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Added by Anthony Wood.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_427&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_427&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[104]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He was M.A., Cambridge, 1574.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_428&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_428&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[105]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 1&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_429&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_429&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[106]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thomas Poynter, rector of Houghton Conquest, Beds., 1676-1700.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_430&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_430&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[107]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 14&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_431&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_431&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[108]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; John Ashindon (or Eastwood): see Brodrick&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Memorials of Merton College&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (O. H. S.), p. 200.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_432&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_432&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[109]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey, in MS. Wood, F. 39, fol. 229: Sept. 22, 1673.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_433&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_433&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[110]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 10&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_434&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_434&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[111]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In MS. Ballard 14, fol. 19, 20 is an autobiography dictated by Ashmole to Robert Plot, to be sent to Anthony Wood, Dec. 29, 1683.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_435&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_435&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[112]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Added later by Aubrey to his note.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_436&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_436&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[113]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 81&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, 82.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_437&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_437&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[114]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; 1609/10.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_438&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_438&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[115]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Nor dare I&#039; followed, scored out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_439&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_439&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[116]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Astronomical symbols omitted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_440&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_440&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[117]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 3.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_441&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_441&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[118]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey&#039;s favourite way of writing his initials. &amp;lt;img src=&amp;quot;images/i_aj.png&amp;quot; height=&amp;quot;15&amp;quot; alt=&amp;quot;&amp;quot;&amp;gt; is his favourite monogram.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_442&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_442&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[119]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;This person&#039;s life.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_443&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_443&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[120]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;being.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_444&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_444&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[121]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. 1625/6.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_445&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_445&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[122]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Explained in the margin as being &#039;the belly-ake: paine in the side.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_446&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_446&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[123]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;a place for solitude like an....&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_447&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_447&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[124]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The notes slide from 1st to 3rd person.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_448&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_448&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[125]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;at 9,&#039; scil. years of age.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_449&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_449&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[126]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;must re&amp;amp;lt;peat&amp;amp;gt;.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_450&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_450&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[127]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Reading doubtful, blurred.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_451&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_451&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[128]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. at 12 years of age.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_452&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_452&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[129]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_29&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;29&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_453&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_453&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[130]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;our.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_454&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_454&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[131]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thomas Stephens: see &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;sub nomine&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_455&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_455&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[132]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;meanes.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_456&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_456&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[133]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;clearnesse.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_457&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_457&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[134]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;At 8 y&amp;amp;lt;ears of age&amp;amp;gt; I,&#039; but the first words are scored out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_458&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_458&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[135]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Isaac Lyte.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_459&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_459&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[136]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;being only my owne instructor.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_460&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_460&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[137]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;&amp;amp;lt;when&amp;amp;gt; a boy.&#039; For &#039;was&#039; he began to write &#039;I &amp;amp;lt;had&amp;amp;gt;&#039; but struck it out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_461&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_461&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[138]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. to Saturn, patron of antiquities.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_462&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_462&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[139]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Margin frayed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_463&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_463&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[140]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 3&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_464&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_464&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[141]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In the margin Aubrey writes &#039;Tacitus and Juvenal,&#039; perhaps meaning that he read these authors now, before going up to Oxford.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_465&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_465&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[142]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The sentence stood at first:—&#039;Phansie like a pure christall mirrour.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_466&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_466&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[143]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Scil. &#039;disorder my phansy.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_467&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_467&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[144]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_468&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_468&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[145]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. Monday, April 15.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_469&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_469&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[146]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 3&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_470&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_470&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[147]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey intended to write a fine sentence, parallel to what follows, describing the quiet of Oxford before the outbreak of the great war.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_471&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_471&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[148]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sir Kenelm Digby&#039;s &#039;Observations on &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Religio Medici&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,&#039; publ. in 1643.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_472&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_472&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[149]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;now did Bellona....&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_473&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_473&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[150]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;black.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_474&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_474&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[151]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;one.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_475&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_475&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[152]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. begun, but scored through &#039;J.&#039; i.e. July.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_476&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_476&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[153]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;importunity.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_477&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_477&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[154]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Trinity Sunday, 1643, was June 4.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_478&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_478&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[155]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;was faine&#039; &amp;amp;lt;to converse&amp;amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_479&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_479&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[156]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;renewed&#039; &amp;amp;lt;acquaintance&amp;amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_480&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_480&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[157]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. though my friends were not debauchees, yet their conversation was not improving. For the low tone which grew up among Oxford scholars from contact with the garrison, see Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 129.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_481&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_481&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[158]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst for &#039;like.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_482&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_482&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[159]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Dew&#039; is subst. for &#039;and sp&amp;amp;lt;irit&amp;amp;gt;.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_483&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_483&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[160]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. my character throughout my life was that I discharged the function of a whetstone.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_484&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_484&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[161]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Perhaps scil. &#039;others.&#039; He set other people to work to record matters and so rescued them from oblivion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_485&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_485&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[162]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The people he set to work.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_486&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_486&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[163]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. her portion was to be more than £2000, and her husband was to be guardian of her brother&#039;s estate (during minority?) which was worth £1000 a year.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_487&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_487&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[164]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;my.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_488&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_488&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[165]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;was procatractique cause&#039; &amp;amp;lt;of my ruine&amp;amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_489&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_489&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[166]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 4.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_490&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_490&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[167]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 5&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_491&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_491&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[168]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 4.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_492&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_492&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[169]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Joan Sumner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_493&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_493&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[170]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Gen. xxii. 14.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_494&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_494&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[171]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;submitted myselfe to God&#039;s will.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_495&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_495&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[172]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. Aubrey then wished he could have withdrawn into a monastery.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_496&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_496&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[173]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. had been left.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_497&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_497&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[174]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;? i.e. the advantages of the Reformation in England have drawbacks in the disadvantages of losing monasteries.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_498&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_498&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[175]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;tooke&#039; in MS.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_499&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_499&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[176]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Nicholas Tufton, 3rd earl. In MS. Ballard 14, fol. 99, April 23, 1674, Aubrey mentions a project for his advantage:—&#039;The earl of Thanet would have me goe to his estate in the Bermudas.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_500&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_500&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[177]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The paragraphs following repeat, with some enlargement, the statements already made.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_501&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_501&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[178]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;till all was sold.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_502&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_502&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[179]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;great.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_503&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_503&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[180]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey adds a reference:—&#039;vide Camden&#039;s divinum instr.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_504&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_504&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[181]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; One volume is now MS. Aubr. 3; the second is lost.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_505&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_505&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[182]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey&#039;s symbol for &#039;fortune&#039; or &#039;wealth.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_506&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_506&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[183]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 4&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_507&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_507&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[184]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The marginal note names two exceptions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_508&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_508&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[185]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. Ralph Sheldon&#039;s (Anthony Wood&#039;s friend): Aubrey was there in 1678, Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 420.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_509&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_509&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[186]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;a little.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_510&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_510&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[187]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In these paragraphs Aubrey jots down his opinions as to his own character.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_511&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_511&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[188]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Tac.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ann.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; iv. 44.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_512&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_512&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[189]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;negligence (lachesse).&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_513&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_513&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[190]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. school holidays.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_514&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_514&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[191]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;drawer.&#039; See &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_36&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;36&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_515&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_515&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[192]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_39&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;39&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_516&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_516&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[193]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;? acquaintance begun at the Middle Temple.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_517&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_517&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[194]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. who discovered (in his own opinion) &#039;the number of the beast.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_518&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_518&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[195]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. Aubrey had a hundred letters of his.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_519&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_519&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[196]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Father&#039; is written, as frequently in Aubrey, in a symbol, viz.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;figcenter c65&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;img src=&amp;quot;images/i_p043.png&amp;quot; width=&amp;quot;104&amp;quot; height=&amp;quot;75&amp;quot; alt=&amp;quot;&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;caption&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ᖤͧ&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_520&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_520&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[197]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See note on p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_43&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;43&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_521&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_521&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[198]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iv. 191.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_522&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_522&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[199]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now MS. Aubr. 1 and 2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_523&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_523&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[200]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The monogram of Anthony Wood.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_524&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_524&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[201]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is now MS. Aubr. 10.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_525&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_525&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[202]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. on business of the suit concerning the entail: &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_39&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;39&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_526&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_526&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[203]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This symbol is for &#039;opposite to.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_527&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_527&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[204]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sir Llewelyn (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;or&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Leoline, from the Latin form) Jenkins, Secretary of State 1680-1684.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_528&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_528&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[205]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 5.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_529&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_529&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[206]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 5&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_530&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_530&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[207]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 97&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_531&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_531&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[208]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; 1673/4.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_532&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_532&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[209]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. Thursday.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_533&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_533&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[210]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_534&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_534&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[211]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, a slip at fol. 103&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_535&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_535&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[212]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr, 26, pp. 9, 10.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_536&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_536&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[213]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 103&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_537&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_537&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[214]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey in MS. Rawl. J. fol. 6 (No. 15041 in Summary Catal. of Bodl. MSS.), fol. 30.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_538&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_538&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[215]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;Mich:&#039;&amp;amp;lt;aelmastide&amp;amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_539&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_539&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[216]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Letalis arundo: &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Verg.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Aen.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; iv. 73.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_540&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_540&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[217]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. a year.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_541&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_541&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[218]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. Wiseman, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ut supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_542&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_542&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[219]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ibid., fol. 30&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_543&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_543&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[220]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Two initials obliterated.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_544&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_544&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[221]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;? 1663/4.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_545&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_545&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[222]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. 1669/70.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_546&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_546&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[223]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ibid., fol. 31.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_547&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_547&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[224]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ⌗; a symbol I have not found elsewhere in Aubrey, as indicating a person.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_548&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_548&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[225]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey adds: &#039;vide Almanac: &#039;twas that yeare I went to Hethfield.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_549&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_549&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[226]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Some astrological symbols follow.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_550&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_550&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[227]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; One word I cannot decipher.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_551&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_551&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[228]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Two words I cannot decipher.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_552&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_552&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[229]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_52&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;52&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_553&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_553&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[230]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Vere Bertie, Baron of the Exchequer, 1675-78.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_554&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_554&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[231]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Seth Ward.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_555&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_555&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[232]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;At Malmsbury&#039; is scored out, and the following substituted:—&#039;In a private schoole at Westport, next to the smyth&#039;s shop as is (now, 1666) opposite to the ... (an inne).&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_556&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_556&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[233]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. at Leigh-de-la-mere.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_557&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_557&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[234]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Ettrick, &#039;of Berford, co. Dorset&#039;: matric. at Trinity College in 1640, and was afterwards called at the Middle Temple.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_558&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_558&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[235]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; William Hawes, of Byssam, Berks, aged 16, was elected Scholar of Trinity College, Oxford, June 5, (Trinity Monday) 1640; President in 1658.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_559&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_559&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[236]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Of Uxmore, Oxon, aged 15, elected Scholar of Trinity, June 4, 1640.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_560&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_560&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[237]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Of Hoothorpe, Northants., elected Scholar of Trinity, June 5, 1637; Fellow, June 4, 1640; President, 1664.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_561&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_561&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[238]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 19&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_562&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_562&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[239]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The blank is left for his official title, viz. Clarencieux King of Arms.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_563&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_563&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[240]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; William Aubré was elected into a Law Fellowship at All Souls in 1547.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_564&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_564&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[241]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. a number of the All Souls Fellowships were set aside for &#039;legists,&#039; i.e. students of Civil Law.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_565&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_565&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[242]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 20.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_566&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_566&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[243]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 20&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_567&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_567&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[244]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;for.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_568&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_568&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[245]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;some thought.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_569&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_569&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[246]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He died more than seven years before James&#039;s accession.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_570&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_570&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[247]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;2 eldest&#039; is written over as a correction.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_571&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_571&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[248]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 21.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_572&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_572&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[249]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This sentence is scored out on fol. 21; perhaps that the following paragraph, on fol. 21&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, may be inserted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_573&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_573&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[250]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 21&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_574&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_574&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[251]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 20&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_575&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_575&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[252]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sir Edward Atkins, Puisne Justice of the Common Pleas, 1649.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_576&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_576&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[253]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; John Cruso, LL.D., Caius Coll., Cambr. 1652.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_577&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_577&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[254]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 22.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_578&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_578&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[255]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 21.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_579&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_579&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[256]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Here followed, &#039;which Mr. Shuter etc. told me they had seen&#039;: scored out, as belonging &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_580&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_580&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[257]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;gave.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_581&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_581&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[258]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; William Aubrey, Student of Ch. Ch. in 1580; D.C.L. 1597.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_582&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_582&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[259]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_61&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;61&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_583&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_583&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[260]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 21&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_584&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_584&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[261]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 19&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_585&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_585&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[262]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 1&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_586&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_586&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[263]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 23.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_587&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_587&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[264]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. John Dee&#039;s book, the &#039;child of his invention.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_588&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_588&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[265]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 23&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_589&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_589&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[266]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 24.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_590&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_590&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[267]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood has put dots under this word, and noted in the margin &#039;sic.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_591&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_591&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[268]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 24&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_592&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_592&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[269]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It should be &#039;azure.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_593&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_593&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[270]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 67.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_594&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_594&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[271]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 15&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_595&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_595&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[272]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. in the life in MS. Aubr. 6; see &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_84&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;84&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_596&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_596&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[273]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 16&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_597&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_597&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[274]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 67.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_598&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_598&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[275]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;lost.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_599&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_599&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[276]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Part of the page left blank for insertion of the letter.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_600&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_600&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[277]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 67&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_601&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_601&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[278]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Richard Sackville, 3rd earl, ob. 1624.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_602&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_602&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[279]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, sub nomine.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_603&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_603&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[280]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Donne.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_604&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_604&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[281]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 69.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_605&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_605&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[282]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 69&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_606&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_606&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[283]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 70.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_607&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_607&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[284]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Horat.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ars Poet.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; 346.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_608&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_608&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[285]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 67&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_609&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_609&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[286]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;will.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_610&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_610&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[287]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;had been.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_611&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_611&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[288]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 68.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_612&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_612&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[289]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; His brother-in-law, Mervyn Touchet, second earl of Castlehaven, was executed on this charge, May 14, 1631.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_613&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_613&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[290]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Alice, daughter and co-heir of Bennet Barnham.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_614&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_614&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[291]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Over &#039;delicate,&#039; Aubrey has written &#039;T. Hobbes,&#039; either as his authority for the statement, or comparing Bacon&#039;s eyes with Hobbes&#039;, which were &#039;hazell&#039; and &#039;ful of life.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_615&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_615&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[292]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. the original, and the Greek version.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_616&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_616&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[293]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 71&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_617&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_617&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[294]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;doe things&#039; subst. for &#039;live much.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_618&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_618&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[295]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 74.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_619&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_619&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[296]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 68.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_620&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_620&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[297]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Rectius&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, of the King&#039;s Bench.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_621&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_621&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[298]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;pretty.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_622&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_622&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[299]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 68.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_623&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_623&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[300]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 68&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_624&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_624&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[301]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. Hobbes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_625&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_625&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[302]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 71.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_626&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_626&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[303]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 68&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_627&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_627&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[304]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 70&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_628&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_628&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[305]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 68&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_629&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_629&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[306]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;luxuriously.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_630&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_630&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[307]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Explicit MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 68&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_631&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_631&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[308]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 72.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_632&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_632&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[309]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;respective.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_633&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_633&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[310]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey&#039;s drawing will be found among the facsimiles at the end of this volume.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_634&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_634&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[311]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 72&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_635&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_635&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[312]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Here followed &#039;the servant would shutt the dore&#039;: scored out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_636&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_636&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[313]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; French &#039;concierge.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_637&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_637&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[314]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 73.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_638&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_638&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[315]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 73&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_639&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_639&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[316]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A blank space is left in the MS. for their insertion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_640&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_640&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[317]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 74.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_641&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_641&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[318]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;was wont&#039; &amp;amp;lt;to meditate&amp;amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_642&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_642&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[319]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. yew.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_643&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_643&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[320]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Belvideri&#039; is written over &#039;good viewes,&#039; as an alternative.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_644&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_644&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[321]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 6&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_645&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_645&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[322]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 9&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_646&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_646&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[323]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 21, p. 11.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_647&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_647&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[324]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sir Thomas Badd, of Cames Oysells, created a baronet in 1642.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_648&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_648&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[325]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey, in MS. Wood, F. 39, fol. 319&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_649&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_649&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[326]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Idem, ibid., fol. 163&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;: Jan. 27, 1671/2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_650&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_650&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[327]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Robert Bolton, obiit 1631.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_651&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_651&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[328]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cited by Aubrey, in MS. Wood, F. 39, fol. 175&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_652&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_652&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[329]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood notes &#039;made, they say, by Dr. &amp;amp;lt;John&amp;amp;gt; Owen,&#039; Puritan dean of Christ Church, Oxford.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_653&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_653&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[330]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_654&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_654&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[331]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 53&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_655&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_655&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[332]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Robert Barclay was &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;not&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; son of John Barclay; see the dates &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_656&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_656&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[333]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Theologiae verae Christianae apologia, Amstel. 1676. The English version appeared in 1678.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_657&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_657&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[334]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 99.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_658&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_658&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[335]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Isaac Barrow.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_659&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_659&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[336]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;November.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_660&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_660&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[337]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. this &#039;captain of the school.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_661&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_661&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[338]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;sic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, for Felsted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_662&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_662&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[339]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 99&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_663&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_663&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[340]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; William Fairfax, born June 6, 1630, succeeded as 3rd viscount Fairfax of Emley, Sept. 1641, married Elizabeth, daughter of Alexander Smith of Stulton co. Suffolk, and died 1648. His son Thomas, 4th viscount, died 1650/1.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_664&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_664&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[341]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 100.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_665&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_665&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[342]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thomas Hill, intruded Master by the Parliamentary Visitors, 1645-1653.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_666&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_666&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[343]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;the boy.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_667&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_667&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[344]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ? i.e. receiving his fellowship.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_668&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_668&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[345]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ralph Widdrington, Reg. Prof. Greek, 1654-1660.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_669&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_669&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[346]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; 1655-59.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_670&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_670&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[347]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. 100.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_671&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_671&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[348]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 100&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_672&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_672&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[349]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;unravelling.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_673&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_673&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[350]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;he was not a Dr. Smirke&#039;—in Andrew Marvell&#039;s satire.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_674&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_674&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[351]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;I sawe.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_675&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_675&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[352]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 101.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_676&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_676&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[353]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;In geometrie&#039; is written over &#039;about mathematics&#039; in explanation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_677&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_677&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[354]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol, 101&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_678&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_678&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[355]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Cooper&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Athenae Cant.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 96.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_679&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_679&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[356]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6. fol. 51. Aubrey gives in trick the coat:—&#039;sable, two swords in saltire between four fleur-de-lys....&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_680&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_680&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[357]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood notes:—&#039;This was made for Dr. Barrow, Vicechancellor of Cambridge, vide part iii,&#039; i.e. MS. Aubr. 8, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ut supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_681&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_681&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[358]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 100&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_682&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_682&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[359]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 60&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;. Thomas Batchcroft was Master of Gonville and Caius College, 1625-49, 1660-1670.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_683&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_683&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[360]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Note in pencil (partly inked over) by Aubrey at end of MS. Rawl. 766. The slip is addressed (not by Aubrey) &#039;To Mr. Thomas Awbrey at Broad Chalke—, to be left at the Lambe in Katherine Streete in Salisbury.&#039; The seal is &#039;party per chevron, ... and or (?), in chief 2 eagles (or falcons) rising, a mullet for difference,&#039; a coat for Stephens. Aubrey gives in trick, as on the monument, &#039;sable, a fesse engrailed argent, between 3 dexter hands couped bendways or.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_684&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_684&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[361]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 116&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_685&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_685&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[362]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Francis Beaumont, Justice of the Common Pleas, 1593.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_686&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_686&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[363]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;illorum.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_687&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_687&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[364]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Super&#039; is written above &#039;over.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_688&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_688&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[365]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 6.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_689&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_689&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[366]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey, in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 357: written Sept. 1, 1681.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_690&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_690&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[367]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Blank in MS., Aubrey forgetting the name at the moment.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_691&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_691&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[368]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 45&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;. The first part of the note seems to be a character of Beeston; the second part is a note of questions to be put to him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_692&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_692&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[369]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 6.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_693&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_693&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[370]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 71.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_694&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_694&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[371]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 70&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_695&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_695&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[372]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 6.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_696&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_696&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[373]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Charles Berkeley, created viscount Fitz-hardinge 1663, killed in the sea-fight, June 3, 1665.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_697&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_697&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[374]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7 (fol. 5) is dated &#039;January 1684/5.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_698&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_698&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[375]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 90.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_699&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_699&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[376]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. in the scheme of the nativity, which portended immediate death.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_700&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_700&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[377]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 11.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_701&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_701&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[378]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 5.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_702&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_702&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[379]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. in MS. Aubr. 6, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ut supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_703&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_703&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[380]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This sentence possibly refers to some other topic than the preceding.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_704&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_704&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[381]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 35&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_705&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_705&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[382]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. &#039;laeto.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_706&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_706&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[383]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;faire&#039; is scored out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_707&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_707&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[384]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. 1½ mile.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_708&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_708&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[385]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. if descended from Alderman Henry Billingsley.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_709&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_709&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[386]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 67&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;—in Francis Bacon&#039;s life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_710&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_710&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[387]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. Henry Billingsley&#039;s, to whom in this paragraph Aubrey harks back.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_711&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_711&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[388]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Richard,&#039; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_103&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;103&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_712&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_712&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[389]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 9.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_713&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_713&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[390]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This injunction was addressed to Anthony Wood.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_714&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_714&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[391]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 18.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_715&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_715&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[392]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 90.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_716&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_716&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[393]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood notes &#039;Luce, in vol. i, p....&#039; i.e. MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 35&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ut supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_100&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;100&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_717&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_717&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[394]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 89&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_718&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_718&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[395]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In the library of the College of Arms.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_719&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_719&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[396]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey notes here:—&#039;Quaere if this Thomas was not Sir Thomas Billingsley, the famous horseman?&#039;: see &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_100&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;100&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_720&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_720&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[397]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8 (Aubrey&#039;s volume of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Lives of the English Mathematicians&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;), fol. 76.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_721&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_721&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[398]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. written; viz. in MS. Aubr. 6, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ut supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_722&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_722&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[399]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 35&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_723&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_723&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[400]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. from Sir Henry Billingsley.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_724&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_724&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[401]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As given in next paragraph.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_725&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_725&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[402]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 18.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_726&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_726&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[403]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Portavit,&#039; bore to his arms.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_727&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_727&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[404]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 18.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_728&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_728&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[405]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Called &#039;Robert,&#039; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_101&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;101&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_729&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_729&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[406]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 67&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_730&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_730&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[407]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. Richard Sackville, 5th earl; obiit 1677.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_731&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_731&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[408]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. Charles Louis, Elector Palatine 1648-80; his brothers were Prince Rupert and Prince Maurice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_732&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_732&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[409]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 85.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_733&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_733&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[410]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood corrects this to &#039;Northwich.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_734&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_734&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[411]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. Anthony Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist. et Antiq. Univ. Oxon.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 1674. Birkenhead became servitor at Oriel in 1632, aged 15.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_735&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_735&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[412]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Philip Gwyn, matr. at Oriel in 1634.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_736&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_736&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[413]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;dischardged.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_737&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_737&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[414]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In 1639.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_738&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_738&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[415]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;bold&#039;: Aubrey writes here κυνώπης, in explanation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_739&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_739&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[416]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6 was written in Feb. 1679/80.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_740&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_740&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[417]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 85&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_741&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_741&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[418]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For choosing a grave in the churchyard, and not, as was usual with persons of substance, in the church.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_742&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_742&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[419]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 85.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_743&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_743&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[420]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; These words, added (? by Wood) in pencil, probably give the reason assigned in the royal mandate recommending him for D.C.L.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_744&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_744&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[421]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey in MS. Tanner 24, fol. 159: Nov. 21, 1696.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_745&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_745&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[422]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. All Souls: the letter is written to Thomas Tanner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_746&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_746&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[423]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thomas Farnaby, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ut infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_747&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_747&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[424]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Louis XIV.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_748&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_748&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[425]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey in MS. Wood, F. 39, fol. 354&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;: June 21, 1681.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_749&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_749&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[426]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 33.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_750&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_750&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[427]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Matric. at St. Alban Hall Jan. 26, 1614/5, aged 17; took B.A. from Wadham Feb. 10, 1617/8.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_751&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_751&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[428]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; At St. Alban Hall. Norborne matric. in Oct. 1620; and took B.D. in 1637/8.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_752&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_752&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[429]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Bridgewater, 1640.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_753&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_753&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[430]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 121.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_754&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_754&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[431]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, a slip at fol. 103&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_755&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_755&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[432]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. Oct. 1682.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_756&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_756&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[433]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 102.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_757&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_757&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[434]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Matric. June 30, 1615; B.A. June 18, 1618.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_758&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_758&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[435]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;friendship.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_759&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_759&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[436]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;came.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_760&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_760&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[437]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;combe-makers.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_761&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_761&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[438]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;who was an extraordinary handsome man.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_762&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_762&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[439]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;whores.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_763&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_763&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[440]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;honour.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_764&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_764&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[441]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The words in square brackets are insertions by Anthony Wood.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_765&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_765&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[442]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 102&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_766&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_766&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[443]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A note added after the preceding life had been written.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_767&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_767&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[444]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey in MS. Wood, F. 39, fol. 273&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;: May 30, 1674.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_768&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_768&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[445]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;sub nomine&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, Thomas Stephens.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_769&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_769&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[446]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood notes here,&#039;false&#039;; i.e. having inquired at Pembroke (in 1674), he found no trace of this tradition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_770&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_770&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[447]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 121.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_771&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_771&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[448]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 12.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_772&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_772&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[449]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The horoscope is left blank.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_773&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_773&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[450]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Negotiative&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_774&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_774&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[451]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;understands.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_775&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_775&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[452]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;spare body.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_776&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_776&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[453]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;a very black eie.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_777&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_777&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[454]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;From his youth he.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_778&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_778&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[455]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;fowle.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_779&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_779&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[456]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 12&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_780&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_780&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[457]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey, on fol. 12&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, gives the full list of 32 titles copied (with some slight changes of spelling, etc.) from Bovey&#039;s own list, given &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_781&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_781&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[458]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 13&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, Bovey&#039;s autograph.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_782&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_782&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[459]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; No. 18 is no. 19 in Aubrey&#039;s copy; no. 19 is no. 18 in Aubrey&#039;s copy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_783&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_783&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[460]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 12&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_784&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_784&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[461]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;From a child&#039; followed: scored out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_785&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_785&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[462]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 11&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_786&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_786&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[463]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. Aubrey remembered seeing the sermon in a shop there. He went and found it, and has excerpts &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_116&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;116&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_787&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_787&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[464]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8 fol. 12.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_788&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_788&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[465]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Ballard 14, fol. 127, a letter from Aubrey to Anthony Wood of date Feb. 21, 1679/80.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_789&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_789&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[466]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7. fol. 10.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_790&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_790&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[467]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 10&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_791&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_791&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[468]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 11.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_792&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_792&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[469]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 11&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_793&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_793&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[470]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 12&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_794&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_794&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[471]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 6&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_795&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_795&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[472]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 16&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_796&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_796&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[473]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;cared not for.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_797&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_797&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[474]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Probably Robert Hooke.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_798&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_798&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[475]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 5.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_799&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_799&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[476]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; 1679/80, in this case.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_800&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_800&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[477]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 33.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_801&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_801&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[478]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 33&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_802&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_802&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[479]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 47&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_803&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_803&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[480]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;that the beginnings of the Thames and Avon.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_804&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_804&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[481]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;and sappable.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_805&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_805&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[482]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;the Bylanders.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_806&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_806&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[483]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 49.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_807&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_807&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[484]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 8.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_808&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_808&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[485]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 79.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_809&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_809&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[486]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 49.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_810&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_810&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[487]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 48.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_811&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_811&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[488]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 38&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_812&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_812&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[489]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, a slip at fol. 8&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_813&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_813&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[490]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 237.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_814&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_814&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[491]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; William Oughtred.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_815&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_815&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[492]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 101&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_816&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_816&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[493]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Given by Aubrey in colours in a lozenge.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_817&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_817&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[494]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Venetia Stanley.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_818&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_818&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[495]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;had.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_819&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_819&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[496]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey notes in the margin:—&#039;Barbara C.C. &amp;amp;lt;i.e. countess of Castlemaine&amp;amp;gt; had such a one: nay sempstresse helped to worke it.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_820&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_820&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[497]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 18.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_821&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_821&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[498]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 26.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_822&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_822&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[499]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 9.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_823&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_823&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[500]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 29, a note appended to &#039;the scheme of the nativity of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Democritus junior&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; on his monument at Christ Church in Oxon: he writt the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Melancholy&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_824&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_824&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[501]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 97&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_825&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_825&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[502]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The words in square brackets are the answer to the inquiry, added later.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_826&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_826&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[503]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;Wales.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_827&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_827&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[504]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The reference is to MS. Aubr. 8, (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Lives&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, part iii.): see &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_134&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;134&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_828&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_828&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[505]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;I could have contentedly begged, like a poor man.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_829&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_829&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[506]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;make.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_830&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_830&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[507]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;the turret.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_831&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_831&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[508]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;painted with.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_832&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_832&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[509]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;stretched.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_833&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_833&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[510]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Bacon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_834&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_834&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[511]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Added later.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_835&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_835&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[512]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. sew in.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_836&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_836&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[513]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Jack Sydenham, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_132&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;132&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_837&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_837&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[514]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;did sett.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_838&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_838&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[515]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 98.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_839&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_839&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[516]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;whether he lived to see the king&#039;s restauration I cannot now perfectly remember; but he did, or neer it: and (I thinke) dyed in London. Quaere Mr. Watts the taylor.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_840&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_840&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[517]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;his pretty house at the.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_841&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_841&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[518]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;rock.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_842&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_842&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[519]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 12&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_843&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_843&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[520]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The MS. with this symbol I have not identified. Anthony Wood also quotes a MS. with this symbol.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_844&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_844&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[521]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, slips at fol. 13.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_845&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_845&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[522]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in MS.: either a slip of the stone-cutter for T. B., or a heartless recalling of his nick-name (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_130&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;130&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_846&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_846&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[523]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 114&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_847&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_847&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[524]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;was borne at Powyk, neer Worcester (where he went to schoole).&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_848&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_848&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[525]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;when he was a boy.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_849&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_849&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[526]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;which tooke, nothing so much!&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_850&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_850&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[527]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;desire.&#039; Persons of position were usually buried in church.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_851&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_851&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[528]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The words in square brackets are struck out, apparently only because Aubrey thought they went too much into detail.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_852&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_852&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[529]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;beare.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_853&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_853&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[530]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The inscription on the coffin.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_854&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_854&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[531]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 5&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_855&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_855&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[532]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood, in obedience to this injunction, inserted the leaf which is now fol. 115 of MS. Aubr. 6.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_856&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_856&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[533]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 115.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_857&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_857&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[534]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;the charges of their health.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_858&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_858&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[535]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Read, perhaps, &#039;on,&#039; &#039;her.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_859&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_859&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[536]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 186, note 2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_860&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_860&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[537]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 114&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_861&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_861&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[538]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 7.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_862&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_862&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[539]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Inserted by Anthony Wood.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_863&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_863&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[540]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Inserted by Wood, who wrote &#039;Henry&#039; and then changed it to &#039;Robert.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_864&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_864&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[541]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 26&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_865&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_865&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[542]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood inserts the Christian name &#039;William.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_866&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_866&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[543]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;Upon the first of King James.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_867&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_867&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[544]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;this physitian.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_868&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_868&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[545]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Husband&#039;s&#039; subst. for &#039;hers.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_869&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_869&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[546]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; No doubt Edmund Waller, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; and Thomas Gale, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_870&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_870&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[547]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;a man of great moodes.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_871&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_871&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[548]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_142&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;142&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_872&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_872&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[549]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;habit.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_873&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_873&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[550]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;plate.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_874&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_874&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[551]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 22.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_875&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_875&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[552]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 24.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_876&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_876&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[553]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 23. The inscription is Henry More&#039;s autograph.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_877&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_877&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[554]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood queries &#039;Where is this monument?&#039; having forgotten MS. Aubr. 6: &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_140&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;140&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_878&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_878&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[555]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 26&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_879&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_879&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[556]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;fashion.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_880&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_880&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[557]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 25.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_881&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_881&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[558]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For the answer to this query, see &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_882&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_882&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[559]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;said.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_883&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_883&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[560]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;then.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_884&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_884&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[561]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 22.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_885&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_885&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[562]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 138: Sept. 2, 1671.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_886&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_886&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[563]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ibid., fol. 141&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;: Oct. 27, 1671.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_887&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_887&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[564]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 119. Aubrey gives in trick the coat:—&#039;or, a fess engrailed between 6 cross crosslets fitchée sable.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_888&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_888&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[565]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;was short-&amp;amp;lt;sighted&amp;amp;gt;.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_889&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_889&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[566]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 119&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_890&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_890&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[567]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, a slip pasted on to fol. 119.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_891&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_891&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[568]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 119&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_892&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_892&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[569]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Non&#039; is added by Anthony Wood in red ink, in answer to this inquiry.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_893&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_893&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[570]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 119.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_894&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_894&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[571]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 18.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_895&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_895&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[572]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 268.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_896&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_896&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[573]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Ballard 14, fol. 133; a letter from Aubrey to Anthony Wood, dated July 15, 1681.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_897&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_897&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[574]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Isaac Lyte.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_898&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_898&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[575]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 105.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_899&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_899&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[576]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;built.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_900&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_900&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[577]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 4&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_901&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_901&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[578]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;At Northway&#039;: so his baptismal certificate in MS. Wood F. 49, fol. 25.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_902&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_902&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[579]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey, in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 138&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;: Sept. 2, 1671.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_903&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_903&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[580]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 141: Oct. 27, 1671.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_904&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_904&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[581]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey, at this date, was in hiding at Broad Chalk.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_905&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_905&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[582]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 93.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_906&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_906&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[583]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;mayds.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_907&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_907&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[584]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;bargaine.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_908&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_908&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[585]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 93&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_909&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_909&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[586]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood notes in the margin &#039;Jo&amp;amp;lt;hn&amp;amp;gt; Triplett.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_910&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_910&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[587]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Charles Gataker was author of several pamphlets.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_911&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_911&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[588]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;Wayneman.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_912&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_912&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[589]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;excellent&#039; written over &#039;witts,&#039; as an alternative.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_913&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_913&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[590]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;victory by the Devizes.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_914&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_914&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[591]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;Some now that.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_915&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_915&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[592]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 94.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_916&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_916&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[593]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 29.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_917&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_917&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[594]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 29: Aubrey repeats the coat given &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_918&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_918&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[595]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 29&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_919&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_919&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[596]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 39.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_920&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_920&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[597]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood notes &#039;col. Charles Cavendish.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_921&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_921&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[598]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 39&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_922&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_922&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[599]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Abner&#039; in MS. by a slip.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_923&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_923&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[600]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 59&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_924&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_924&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[601]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sir William Montagu, Chief Baron of the Exchequer 1676-1686.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_925&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_925&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[602]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; John Cecil, succeeded as fourth earl in 1643.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_926&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_926&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[603]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 60.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_927&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_927&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[604]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;degree.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_928&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_928&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[605]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;keepe.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_929&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_929&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[606]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 19.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_930&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_930&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[607]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The words in square brackets are added by Anthony Wood. Chaloner matriculated at Exeter College, June 7, 1611.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_931&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_931&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[608]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. &#039;tutor,&#039; in the sense of instructor (not, of comptroller of the household).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_932&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_932&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[609]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;false,&#039; i.e. falsehood.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_933&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_933&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[610]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 19&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_934&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_934&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[611]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 61. Aubrey has been unable to make out the whole inscription.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_935&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_935&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[612]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 53&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, and a slip at fol. 100&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_936&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_936&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[613]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;His father was minister there&#039;: Aubrey in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 144.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_937&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_937&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[614]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 54.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_938&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_938&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[615]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Wednesday.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_939&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_939&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[616]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. the horoscope which Aubrey has there.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_940&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_940&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[617]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 21, fol. 77.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_941&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_941&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[618]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 9&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_942&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_942&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[619]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood noted here &#039;rather 1680; if you meane Stephen Charnock, the divine&#039;: but saw his error and erased the note.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_943&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_943&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[620]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. as fol. 56-58 of MS. Aubr. 8.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_944&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_944&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[621]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 58&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;; the heading is by Aubrey; the letter is the original.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_945&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_945&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[622]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Earth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_946&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_946&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[623]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Salt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_947&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_947&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[624]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Rabbet = &#039;a groove cut along the edge of a board ... to receive a corresponding projection cut on the edge of another board, required to fit it.&#039;—&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Century Dictionary.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_948&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_948&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[625]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Address, on MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 53. Postage is marked as &#039;6&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;d.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_949&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_949&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[626]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 57. The letter is the original.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_950&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_950&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[627]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Line frayed off.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_951&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_951&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[628]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 56&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_952&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_952&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[629]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Elias Ashmole&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Theatrum Chemicum Britannicum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 1652.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_953&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_953&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[630]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 56.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_954&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_954&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[631]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. of the roll mentioned, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_164&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;164&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_955&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_955&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[632]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 56&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_956&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_956&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[633]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Perfet&#039; is scored through.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_957&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_957&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[634]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A note added in the text by Paschall.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_958&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_958&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[635]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A description by Paschall of a drawing on the roll, after the above verses.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_959&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_959&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[636]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The symbols for sun and moon = gold and silver.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_960&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_960&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[637]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Half a line which Paschall could not read.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_961&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_961&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[638]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Printed in Ashmole&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Theatrum Chemicum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_962&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_962&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[639]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Printed ibid.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_963&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_963&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[640]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Printed ibid.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_964&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_964&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[641]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 27.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_965&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_965&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[642]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sir Thomas Richardson, Chief Justice of the King&#039;s Bench, 1631.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_966&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_966&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[643]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey, in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 200: April 7, 1673.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_967&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_967&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[644]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 121&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_968&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_968&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[645]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. Arch Bishop of Canterbury.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_969&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_969&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[646]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; 1642, in MS.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_970&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_970&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[647]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;terrible.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_971&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_971&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[648]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 121&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_972&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_972&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[649]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6. fol. 6&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_973&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_973&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[650]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. has &#039;did had,&#039; i.e., Aubrey at first thought of writing &#039;did have.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_974&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_974&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[651]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Perhaps John Nayler, fellow of St. John&#039;s College, Cambridge.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_975&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_975&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[652]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey, in MS. Rawl. D. 727, fol. 96&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_976&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_976&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[653]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;a great many.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_977&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_977&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[654]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 28.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_978&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_978&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[655]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The number was doubtful, see &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_175&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;175&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_979&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_979&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[656]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Thomas,&#039; is in error for Edward.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_980&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_980&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[657]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey, in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 208: May 17, 1673.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_981&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_981&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[658]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 28.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_982&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_982&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[659]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Or sonne&#039; is scored out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_983&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_983&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[660]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;which belonged to him.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_984&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_984&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[661]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Nov. 15, 1616.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_985&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_985&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[662]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Three lines of the text are suppressed here.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_986&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_986&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[663]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sept. 3, 1633.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_987&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_987&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[664]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;will play.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_988&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_988&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[665]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Henry Cuff: Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 424.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_989&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_989&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[666]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Ovid&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Metam.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; iii. 230.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_990&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_990&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[667]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 27&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_991&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_991&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[668]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;envyed.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_992&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_992&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[669]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 5. Aubrey gives in trick the coat &#039;..., a serpent in pale vert.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_993&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_993&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[670]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 60&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_994&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_994&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[671]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 131: June 14, 1671.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_995&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_995&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[672]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 86.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_996&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_996&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[673]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 28.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_997&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_997&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[674]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 5.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_998&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_998&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[675]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 25.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_999&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_999&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[676]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iii. 24.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1000&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1000&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[677]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 316: April 9, 1679.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1001&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1001&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[678]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 16&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1002&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1002&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[679]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1003&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1003&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[680]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 91&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1004&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1004&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[681]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;about.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1005&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1005&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[682]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, a slip at fol. 4.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1006&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1006&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[683]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Josias Pullen, Vice-Principal of Magdalen Hall.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1007&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1007&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[684]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood notes:—&#039;afterwards of Winton.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1008&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1008&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[685]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 69.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1009&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1009&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[686]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 15&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1010&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1010&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[687]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 106.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1011&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1011&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[688]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;farther.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1012&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1012&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[689]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 15&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ut supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. He was never Canon of Ch. Ch.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1013&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1013&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[690]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;ruffe.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1014&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1014&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[691]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 106&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1015&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1015&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[692]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;company.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1016&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1016&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[693]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;pressing upon the.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1017&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1017&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[694]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The words in square brackets are substituted for &#039;with this inscription ... (vide).&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1018&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1018&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[695]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 15&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ut infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1019&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1019&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[696]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 106.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1020&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1020&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[697]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 106&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1021&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1021&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[698]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Three lines of the text are here suppressed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1022&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1022&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[699]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 15&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1023&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1023&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[700]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 6&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1024&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1024&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[701]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;I left Oxford&#039;: see &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_37&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;37&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1025&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1025&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[702]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 113&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1026&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1026&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[703]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;to buy it.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1027&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1027&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[704]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. Tom.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1028&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1028&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[705]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, a slip at fol. 113&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1029&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1029&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[706]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 36.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1030&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1030&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[707]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Jane Smyth, see &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;sub nomine&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1031&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1031&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[708]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 5&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1032&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1032&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[709]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 21, p. 11.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1033&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1033&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[710]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 6&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1034&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1034&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[711]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 25&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1035&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1035&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[712]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. 1600/1.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1036&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1036&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[713]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;shew the like two brothers,&#039; scil. as Sir Charles Danvers and his brother Henry, earl of Danby.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1037&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1037&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[714]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Edward Vere, seventeenth earl of Oxford.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1038&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1038&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[715]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 26&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1039&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1039&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[716]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 25.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1040&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1040&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[717]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey, in the margin, notes &#039;Anne Bulleyn.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1041&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1041&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[718]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For the murder of Henry Long.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1042&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1042&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[719]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 25.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1043&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1043&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[720]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;dyed.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1044&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1044&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[721]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This symbol I cannot explain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1045&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1045&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[722]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 25&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1046&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1046&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[723]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;discreet.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1047&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1047&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[724]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; George Legge, created (1682) lord Dartmouth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1048&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1048&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[725]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 46.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1049&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1049&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[726]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 44&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1050&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1050&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[727]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Over the almshouse: ibid. fol. 45.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1051&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1051&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[728]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 25&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1052&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1052&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[729]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Grandson.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1053&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1053&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[730]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Their flight, after the murder of Henry Long.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1054&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1054&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[731]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 46.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1055&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1055&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[732]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; George Herbert. This note follows Herbert&#039;s verses on the gravestone of Henry Danvers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1056&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1056&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[733]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. in his son, Henry, earl of Danby.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1057&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1057&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[734]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 18&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1058&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1058&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[735]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; His elder brother.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1059&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1059&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[736]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 25&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1060&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1060&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[737]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. at the time of his father&#039;s death, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_195&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;195&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1061&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1061&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[738]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. the arrangement of these gardens proved his good taste.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1062&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1062&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[739]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;to collogue with the P.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1063&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1063&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[740]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sir Robert Danvers, justice of the Common Pleas, 1450; Sir Thomas Littelton (the jurist), justice of the Common Pleas, 1466.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1064&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1064&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[741]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This is the &#039;Elizabeth, viscountess Purbeck,&#039; who so frequently appears in these biographies as an informant of Aubrey.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1065&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1065&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[742]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 21, fol. 97.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1066&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1066&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[743]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Elizabeth, daughter of Henry Danvers, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ut supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1067&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1067&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[744]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 21, fol. 97&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1068&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1068&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[745]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 1&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1069&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1069&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[746]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The winter of 1678-79 was a severe one: Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 426, 432, 439.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1070&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1070&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[747]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 45.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1071&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1071&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[748]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Omitted here, because given, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_199&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;199&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, from fol. 43.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1072&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1072&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[749]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 26, p. 16.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1073&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1073&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[750]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Whiddy Island, in Bantry Bay.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1074&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1074&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[751]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 43.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1075&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1075&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[752]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;an incomparable.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1076&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1076&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[753]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; There followed &#039;(except the gout),&#039; scored out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1077&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1077&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[754]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Luctu&#039; in the copy on fol. 43; &#039;dolore,&#039; in the copy on fol. 45.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1078&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1078&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[755]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 43&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1079&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1079&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[756]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;where he profited very well.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1080&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1080&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[757]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 44.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1081&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1081&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[758]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 8&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1082&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1082&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[759]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 10, fol. 31.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1083&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1083&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[760]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 44&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1084&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1084&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[761]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; John Pearson, bishop of Chester 1672-86.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1085&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1085&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[762]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Of which he had been President.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1086&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1086&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[763]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 46.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1087&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1087&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[764]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The words here put in square brackets are a later insertion: the first clause is scored out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1088&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1088&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[765]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey adds &#039;vide p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_79&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;79&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; (Suckling)&#039;; i.e. fol. 110 of this MS. Aubr. 6, in the life of Sir John Suckling &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1089&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1089&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[766]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;Robert was vicar of West Kington, chaplain to bishop Davenant.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1090&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1090&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[767]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The words in square brackets are scored out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1091&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1091&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[768]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;was.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1092&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1092&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[769]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Contentended&#039; in MS.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1093&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1093&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[770]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The words in square brackets are scored out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1094&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1094&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[771]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;whereby she was called a whore&#039;: also scored out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1095&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1095&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[772]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;empaled.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1096&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1096&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[773]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood notes in the margin &#039;Grevill, lord Brookes.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1097&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1097&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[774]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Wood notes in the margin, &#039;Sir Fulk Grevill, poet.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1098&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1098&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[775]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 46&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1099&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1099&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[776]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 47.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1100&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1100&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[777]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;and went with them.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1101&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1101&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[778]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;then almost forgot.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1102&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1102&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[779]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;the best coffin they sayd that.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1103&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1103&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[780]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 47&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1104&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1104&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[781]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;spirit.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1105&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1105&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[782]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Letter from Aubrey to Anthony Wood, of date May 19, 1668; MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 118.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1106&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1106&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[783]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Wood queries:—&#039;in S. Bennet chapel, quaere.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1107&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1107&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[784]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 9&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;: a memo. intended for Anthony Wood.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1108&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1108&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[785]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 390: July 15, 1689.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1109&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1109&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[786]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Davenport was pastor at Newhaven in New England.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1110&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1110&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[787]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 18&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1111&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1111&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[788]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 37: also &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;verbatim&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; from the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ephemerides Stadii&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, in MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 77.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1112&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1112&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[789]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In a letter from Elias Ashmole to Anthony Wood: MS. Ballard 14, fol. 13.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1113&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1113&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[790]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In a letter from Dr. John Conant to Anthony Wood, 1683: MS. Wood F. 49, fol. 101.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1114&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1114&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[791]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 6&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1115&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1115&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[792]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 78.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1116&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1116&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[793]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 77&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1117&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1117&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[794]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 9&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1118&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1118&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[795]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 37.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1119&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1119&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[796]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, pp. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_61&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;61&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-65.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1120&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1120&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[797]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sir William Boswell.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1121&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1121&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[798]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood notes, &#039;false.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1122&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1122&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[799]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 158.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1123&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1123&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[800]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;sanguine.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1124&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1124&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[801]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;1672&#039; is added in pencil.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1125&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1125&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[802]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 38.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1126&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1126&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[803]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 21, fol. 96.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1127&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1127&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[804]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 7.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1128&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1128&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[805]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. Thursday.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1129&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1129&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[806]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For purposes of testing the astrological scheme.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1130&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1130&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[807]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Philip Herbert, fifth earl, succeeded 1655, died 1669.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1131&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1131&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[808]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 7&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1132&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1132&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[809]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 7&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1133&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1133&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[810]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;proofe.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1134&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1134&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[811]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol 6&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1135&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1135&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[812]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 84.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1136&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1136&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[813]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 105.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1137&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1137&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[814]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Judge of the King&#039;s Bench, 1660.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1138&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1138&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[815]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;when noboby suspected it.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1139&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1139&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[816]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;Paschalius.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1140&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1140&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[817]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;most guilty of it.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1141&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1141&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[818]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. 1638/9.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1142&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1142&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[819]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;William, lord,&#039; subst. for &#039;the lord.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1143&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1143&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[820]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 105&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1144&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1144&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[821]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; John Denham, fellow-commoner of Wadham, in July 1654.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1145&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1145&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[822]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;and then would not.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1146&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1146&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[823]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Elizabeth Mallet, wife of John Wilmot, second earl of Rochester.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1147&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1147&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[824]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Richard Escott matr. at Exeter, July 3, 1612; afterwards of Lincoln&#039;s Inn.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1148&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1148&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[825]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 33&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1149&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1149&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[826]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;loines.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1150&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1150&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[827]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sir Henry Savile.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1151&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1151&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[828]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 8&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1152&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1152&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[829]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;opinion,&#039; or &#039;conscience.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1153&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1153&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[830]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 31.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1154&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1154&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[831]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. 1600/1.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1155&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1155&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[832]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 1&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1156&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1156&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[833]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In 1596.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1157&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1157&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[834]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 10.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1158&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1158&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[835]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey, in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 178: July 6, 1672.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1159&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1159&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[836]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 99.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1160&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1160&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[837]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This title is substituted in the margin. The text had &#039;de fallaciis,&#039; scored out, and &#039;vide margent&#039; written over.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1161&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1161&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[838]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. if Anthony Wood wants to know which of the suggestions is correct, Aubrey can find out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1162&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1162&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[839]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. although in Glocester Hall, he did not matriculate in the University. This was by no means infrequent all through the seventeenth century, and was especially common with students of Roman Catholic families.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1163&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1163&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[840]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;they remain.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1164&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1164&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[841]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. to Philip Herbert, fifth earl of Pembroke, obiit 1669; father of William, sixth earl, obiit 1674, and Philip, seventh earl, obiit 1683. MS. Aubr. 6 was written in 1680.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1165&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1165&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[842]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;loved.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1166&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1166&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[843]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 99&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1167&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1167&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[844]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;excellency.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1168&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1168&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[845]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;more.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1169&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1169&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[846]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;play.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1170&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1170&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[847]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;dedication.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1171&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1171&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[848]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A pen-slip for &#039;contested&#039;: see &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1172&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1172&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[849]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;people.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1173&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1173&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[850]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;he was here two.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1174&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1174&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[851]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;studyed chymistry&#039;: &#039;made artificiall stones&#039; is written over as an alternative.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1175&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1175&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[852]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;de Corpore.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1176&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1176&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[853]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; July 1648.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1177&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1177&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[854]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 100.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1178&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1178&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[855]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;2&#039; is written over the &#039;1,&#039; perhaps as a correction.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1179&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1179&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[856]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Afterwards Aubrey added &#039;I have seen.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1180&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1180&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[857]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;a lawyer.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1181&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1181&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[858]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. vellum.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1182&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1182&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[859]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;much.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1183&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1183&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[860]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 101&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1184&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1184&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[861]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Grandson; his father Robert, second earl, died in 1609, a year after his father, Thomas Sackville, first earl.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1185&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1185&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[862]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; John Danvers, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_196&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;196&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1186&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1186&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[863]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;had some children.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1187&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1187&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[864]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;good.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1188&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1188&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[865]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 101.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1189&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1189&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[866]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;braine.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1190&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1190&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[867]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey gives (MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 101) a drawing of this monument here given in facsimile.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1191&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1191&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[868]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;... Fryars&#039; is written over &#039;Christ Church,&#039; as an alternative.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1192&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1192&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[869]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;degrees.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1193&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1193&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[870]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Or Bedfordshire&#039; followed, scored out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1194&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1194&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[871]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 73.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1195&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1195&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[872]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This entry is scored out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1196&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1196&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[873]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 73&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1197&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1197&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[874]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. from which Aubrey excerpted the genealogy above: probably a MS. in the Heralds&#039; Office.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1198&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1198&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[875]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The family of Digges.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1199&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1199&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[876]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 72&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1200&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1200&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[877]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 51&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1201&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1201&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[878]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 75.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1202&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1202&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[879]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 75&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1203&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1203&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[880]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 74. This folio is a slip on which Aubrey has written a long note about the book he mentioned on fol. 75 as &#039;Ala seu scala mathematices, 4to, printed at London.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1204&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1204&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[881]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol 74&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1205&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1205&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[882]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 75.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1206&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1206&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[883]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 8&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1207&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1207&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[884]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;The countess of Dorset, that was governes to prince Charles, now our King, was at the cost of erecting his monument&#039;: Aubrey, in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 208: May 17, 1673.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1208&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1208&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[885]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. at the side of the inscription this is carved; Aubrey gives a rough sketch of the figures, a sun in his glory charged with a mercury&#039;s cap, on a wreath; a shield gouttée, with a Pegasus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1209&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1209&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[886]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 102&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1210&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1210&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[887]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Erasmus was in England 1497 and 1510. The Dryden pedigree is:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
       David Dryden&lt;br /&gt;
            |&lt;br /&gt;
  John Dryden, obiit 1584&lt;br /&gt;
            |&lt;br /&gt;
  Sir Erasmus, obiit 1632&lt;br /&gt;
            |&lt;br /&gt;
       +----+----+&lt;br /&gt;
       |         |&lt;br /&gt;
     John     Erasmus (3rd son)&lt;br /&gt;
                 |&lt;br /&gt;
               John (the poet)&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1211&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1211&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[888]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Given in trick by Aubrey.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1212&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1212&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[889]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 108&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1213&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1213&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[890]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. his life. The page has been left blank for the fulfilment of this promise: cf. Milton, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1214&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1214&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[891]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 121: out of Dr. Richard Napier&#039;s papers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1215&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1215&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[892]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 87.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1216&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1216&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[893]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 121: out of Dr. Richard Napier&#039;s papers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1217&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1217&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[894]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, a slip at fol. 8&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1218&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1218&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[895]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 21, p. 19.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1219&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1219&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[896]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 21, p. 2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1220&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1220&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[897]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 31&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1221&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1221&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[898]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;athanor&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; roome.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1222&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1222&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[899]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;is famous in picture and poetrie.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1223&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1223&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[900]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 1&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1224&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1224&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[901]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 32.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1225&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1225&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[902]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; At Salisbury.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1226&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1226&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[903]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Gondomar, ambassador of Spain to James I, 1617-23.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1227&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1227&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[904]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;seates.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1228&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1228&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[905]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. &#039;Cantuar. archiepiscopus,&#039; Aubrey using his contraction for arch-bishop (A. B.) instead of the Latin.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1229&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1229&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[906]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, in Aubrey&#039;s MS., but in error: perhaps 1210 was intended.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1230&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1230&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[907]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 83&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1231&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1231&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[908]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Here followed, scored out as being in error, &#039;he was created earle of Bridgwater.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1232&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1232&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[909]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 9.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1233&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1233&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[910]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A quotation jotted down as applicable to the Shrewsbury story, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1234&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1234&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[911]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 29.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1235&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1235&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[912]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Eldest son of Sir George: see in the life of Thomas Triplett.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1236&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1236&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[913]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Petron. Satir. cap. 34 (Bücheler).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1237&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1237&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[914]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 5&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1238&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1238&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[915]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 7.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1239&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1239&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[916]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 5&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1240&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1240&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[917]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;would not adventure him at the boarding schoole.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1241&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1241&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[918]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. Andrew Paschal (B.D. 1661) had lived in the rooms formerly occupied by Erasmus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1242&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1242&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[919]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;find out.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1243&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1243&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[920]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In his horoscope.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1244&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1244&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[921]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. fixed the course of study.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1245&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1245&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[922]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 6.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1246&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1246&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[923]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;easie.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1247&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1247&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[924]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 37&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1248&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1248&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[925]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 94.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1249&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1249&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[926]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 60.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1250&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1250&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[927]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Wood 514, no. 19*, is a pass granted at the time of the siege, with Sir Thomas Fairfax&#039;s signature and seal.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1251&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1251&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[928]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Edmund Wyld (?).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1252&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1252&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[929]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 136: Aug. 9, 1671.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1253&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1253&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[930]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 369: Aug. 15, 1682.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1254&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1254&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[931]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In error for &#039;George.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1255&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1255&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[932]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 10.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1256&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1256&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[933]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Fisk, M.D., or so called&#039;: Aubrey&#039;s note in MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 5.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1257&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1257&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[934]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;An astrological discourse&#039; by N. F., 1650, 12mo, is in the Brit. Mus. Libr.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1258&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1258&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[935]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey, in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 135&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;: Aug. 9, 1671.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1259&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1259&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[936]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 8&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1260&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1260&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[937]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 58.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1261&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1261&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[938]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 16.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1262&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1262&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[939]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In error for &#039;William.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1263&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1263&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[940]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;a great.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1264&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1264&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[941]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey hesitated about his correct title, noting between the lines, &#039;his Worship; quaere, if Honour.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1265&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1265&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[942]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. Wycombe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1266&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1266&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[943]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A line of text is suppressed here.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1267&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1267&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[944]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 45&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1268&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1268&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[945]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 54.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1269&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1269&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[946]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;And was buryed August 29th, 1625&#039;: Aubrey, in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 253: Jan. 31, 1673/4.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1270&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1270&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[947]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey, in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 133: June 10, 1671. Ibid., fol. 131, Aubrey says the information was from Florio&#039;s grandson, &#039;Mr. Molins.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1271&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1271&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[948]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 60&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;. Aubrey gives in trick the coat:—&#039;azure, a chevron wavy between 3 griffins segreant or.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1272&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1272&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[949]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; An erased note, ibid., says: &#039;He proposed to a parliament, tempore regis Jacobi, a way of bringing water to London from Richmondsworth, and printed a little booke of it, which Mr. Edmund Wyld has, and is exceeding scarce: see it, and take the title.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1273&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1273&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[950]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This sentence is scored out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1274&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1274&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[951]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey, in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 273: May 30, 1674.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1275&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1275&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[952]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey, in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 135&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;: Aug. 9, 1671.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1276&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1276&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[953]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey, in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 192&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;: Jan. 18, 1672/3.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1277&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1277&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[954]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 14&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1278&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1278&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[955]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 17.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1279&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1279&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[956]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; To the monument of John Speed in the chancel of St. Giles Cripplegate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1280&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1280&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[957]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Printed also in Stowe&#039;s Survey&#039;: Anthony Wood&#039;s note.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1281&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1281&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[958]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey in Wood MS. F. 39, fol. 171: May 10, 1672.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1282&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1282&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[959]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_31&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;31&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1283&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1283&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[960]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 18&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1284&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1284&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[961]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;strong made.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1285&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1285&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[962]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23. fol. 121.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1286&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1286&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[963]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 21, p. 11.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1287&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1287&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[964]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Ballard 14, fol. 129: a letter from Aubrey to Anthony Wood, of date March 19, 1680/1.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1288&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1288&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[965]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;killed.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1289&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1289&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[966]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 31.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1290&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1290&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[967]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 49.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1291&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1291&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[968]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;mathematicall.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1292&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1292&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[969]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;telling.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1293&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1293&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[970]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; By William Prynne.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1294&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1294&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[971]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 128, a letter from Aubrey to Anthony Wood, of date Nov. 17, 1670.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1295&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1295&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[972]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 74&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1296&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1296&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[973]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 79&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1297&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1297&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[974]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 51&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1298&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1298&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[975]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 52.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1299&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1299&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[976]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;loud.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1300&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1300&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[977]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 52&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1301&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1301&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[978]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;sirnam&#039;d.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1302&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1302&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[979]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dialogue-wise between Alexander Gill, father, and Alexander Gill, son.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1303&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1303&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[980]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Interlinear note:—&#039;The usher.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1304&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1304&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[981]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Interlinear note:—&#039;Rowland.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1305&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1305&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[982]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Marginal note:—&#039;When he was clark of Wadham College and being by his place to begin a Psalme, he flung out of church, bidding the people sing to the praise and glory of God &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;quicunque vult&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1306&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1306&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[983]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Marginal note:—&#039;he was tossed in a blanket.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1307&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1307&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[984]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. has &#039;ventest.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1308&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1308&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[985]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Marginal note:—&#039;A knave&#039;s tongue and a whore&#039;s tayle who can rule?&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1309&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1309&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[986]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Marginal note:—&#039;He did sitt 4 times for his degree.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1310&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1310&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[987]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 9&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1311&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1311&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[988]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. Aubrey remembered having seen the sermon in a bookseller&#039;s shop; cf. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_115&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;115&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. The sermon was by Joseph Pleydell.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1312&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1312&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[989]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1313&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1313&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[990]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey, in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 138&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;: Sept. 2, 1671.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1314&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1314&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[991]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 98.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1315&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1315&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[992]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey in MS. Tanner 25, fol. 50, says &#039;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Day-Fatality&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; was writt by Mr. ... Gibbons, Blewmantle, but I have added severall notes to it.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1316&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1316&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[993]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 21&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1317&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1317&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[994]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. has &#039;praelectoris,&#039; by a slip.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1318&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1318&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[995]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;stills.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1319&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1319&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[996]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;untimely.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1320&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1320&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[997]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;of a niece of his who maried a tradesman.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1321&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1321&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[998]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;impose.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1322&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1322&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[999]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 59&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1323&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1323&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1000]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Note added by Anthony Wood.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1324&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1324&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1001]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 15&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1325&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1325&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1002]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 51: also in MS. Aubr. 8, a slip at fol. 102.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1326&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1326&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1003]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 16&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1327&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1327&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1004]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Eldest son of the translator.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1328&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1328&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1005]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 53&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1329&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1329&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1006]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 97. Aubrey gives in trick the coat:—&#039;ermine, on a chevron gules 5 besants.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1330&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1330&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1007]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; 1591/2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1331&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1331&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1008]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;degrees.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1332&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1332&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1009]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. became bankrupt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1333&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1333&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1010]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Died April 18, buried April 22, 1674.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1334&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1334&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1011]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey, in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 270: May 26, 1674.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1335&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1335&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1012]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ibid., fol. 270&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1336&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1336&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1013]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1337&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1337&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1014]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 7.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1338&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1338&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1015]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;the judge.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1339&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1339&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1016]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 28.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1340&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1340&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1017]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1341&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1341&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1018]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 4&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1342&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1342&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1019]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_205&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;205&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1343&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1343&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1020]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey notes of this book &#039;I have it.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1344&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1344&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1021]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;seat.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1345&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1345&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1022]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;that in libelling characters of the Lords then, his was.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1346&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1346&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1023]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 14&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1347&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1347&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1024]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 78&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1348&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1348&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1025]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;there.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1349&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1349&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1026]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1350&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1350&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1027]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 21, p. 11; and repeated almost &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;verbatim&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ibid. fol. 24&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;. Aubrey&#039;s character &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sir Fastidious Overween&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in his projected comedy &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The Country Revel&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; was to be copied from this Gwyn.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1351&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1351&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1028]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In his projected comedy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1352&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1352&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1029]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Coxcome&#039; on fol. 24&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1353&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1353&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1030]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey de Vere, succeeded as 20th earl in 1632, died 1702, the last of that house.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1354&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1354&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1031]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 7.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1355&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1355&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1032]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 3.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1356&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1356&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1033]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 20&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1357&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1357&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1034]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey, in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 144: Oct. 27, 1671.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1358&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1358&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1035]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 119&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1359&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1359&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1036]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Space left for his degree: M.A. (Merton, 20 June, 1609).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1360&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1360&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1037]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Substituted for:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&#039;Hopton, Horner, Knocknaile and Thynne,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i0&amp;quot;&amp;gt;When abbots went downe, then they came in.&#039;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1361&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1361&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1038]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Scil. of Oxford University by the Parliamentary Commission.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1362&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1362&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1039]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey, in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 368: &#039;St. Anne&#039;s day,&#039; July 26, 1682.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1363&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1363&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1040]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;in setting them up to.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1364&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1364&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1041]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;fell on their knees.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1365&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1365&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1042]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;a mistake.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1366&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1366&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1043]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Inserted by Anthony Wood.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1367&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1367&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1044]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 60.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1368&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1368&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1045]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 28&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1369&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1369&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1046]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 50.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1370&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1370&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1047]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey gives in colours the coat: &#039;sable, a fret and a canton argent&#039;; also Halley&#039;s horoscope.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1371&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1371&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1048]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Halley did not graduate in the ordinary course, but was made M.A. by diploma in 1678.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1372&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1372&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1049]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 10.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1373&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1373&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1050]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey, in MS. Wood F. 49, fol. 39&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1374&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1374&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1051]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 16&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;. Hamey was M.D., Leyden; incorporated at Oxford, Feb. 4, 1629/30.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1375&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1375&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1052]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 5&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1376&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1376&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1053]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 10&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1377&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1377&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1054]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In June, 1679: Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 453.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1378&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1378&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1055]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 68&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1379&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1379&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1056]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 35.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1380&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1380&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1057]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Country,&#039; with Aubrey, = county.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1381&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1381&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1058]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Added as a suggestion that Hariot&#039;s family may be looked for in those counties.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1382&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1382&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1059]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 12.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1383&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1383&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1060]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 91.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1384&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1384&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1061]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 12.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1385&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1385&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1062]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey writes in the margin the reference &#039;vide pag. 40,&#039; i.e. fol. 9&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ut infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1386&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1386&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1063]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;Steward.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1387&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1387&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1064]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 24, 25, 33, 53.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1388&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1388&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1065]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 35.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1389&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1389&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1066]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Perhaps because the letters ended in tridents; see Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 498, and the facsimile.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1390&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1390&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1067]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood writes &#039;R. Hues&#039; in the margin.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1391&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1391&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1068]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 91.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1392&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1392&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1069]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey, in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 138: Sept. 2, 1671.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1393&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1393&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1070]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey, in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 141: Oct. 27, 1671.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1394&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1394&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1071]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 72.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1395&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1395&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1072]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_157&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;157&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1396&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1396&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1073]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 11.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1397&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1397&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1074]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. Friday, Jan. 3, 1611/2. The date is noted also in MS. Aubr. 21, fol. 103.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1398&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1398&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1075]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 98.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1399&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1399&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1076]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Written in pencil only, being a later insertion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1400&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1400&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1077]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Jane, daughter of Sir William Samwell of Upton, co. Northts.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1401&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1401&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1078]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Written in pencil only, being a later addition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1402&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1402&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1079]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Scil. of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Rota&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; club, described &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1403&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1403&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1080]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. at the meetings at Miles&#039;s.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1404&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1404&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1081]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;night.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1405&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1405&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1082]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;Mr.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1406&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1406&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1083]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; These two names are struck out, as is Mariet &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1407&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1407&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1084]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Struck out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1408&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1408&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1085]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;Also, as.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1409&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1409&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1086]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. as listeners only. Those above were of Harrington&#039;s &#039;party.&#039; The &#039;antagonists,&#039; who wished to break up the meetings, follow.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1410&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1410&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1087]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;lord.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1411&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1411&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1088]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;opponents.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1412&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1412&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1089]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Officers&#039; dupl. with &#039;soldiers.&#039; These, like Aubrey, were &#039;auditors&#039; only.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1413&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1413&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1090]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;came in drunke.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1414&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1414&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1091]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;Howse.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1415&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1415&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1092]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Harrington.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1416&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1416&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1093]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, a slip at fol. 98&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1417&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1417&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1094]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;sent.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1418&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1418&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1095]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;grew conceited that.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1419&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1419&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1096]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;a versatile timber house built.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1420&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1420&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1097]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. window frames; French &#039;châsse.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1421&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1421&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1098]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. the coat given in note 1 from MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 29&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1422&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1422&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1099]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;though neer &amp;amp;lt;i.e. near&amp;amp;gt; a.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1423&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1423&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1100]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Verso of the slip at fol. 98&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; of MS. Aubr. 6.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1424&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1424&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1101]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. John Aubrey.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1425&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1425&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1102]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 21, fol. 3.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1426&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1426&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1103]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The passage in square brackets is Harrington&#039;s autograph.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1427&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1427&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1104]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey, in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 308: June 6, 1678.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1428&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1428&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1105]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A slip pasted to a slip inserted at fol. 98&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; of MS. Aubr. 6, a direction to Anthony Wood.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1429&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1429&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1106]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_290&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;290&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1430&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1430&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1107]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 121&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1431&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1431&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1108]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 64.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1432&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1432&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1109]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 108&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1433&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1433&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1110]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 64.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1434&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1434&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1111]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 66&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1435&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1435&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1112]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 18.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1436&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1436&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1113]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 64.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1437&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1437&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1114]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 64&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1438&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1438&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1115]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;a kind of Convocation-house.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1439&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1439&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1116]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;the king.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1440&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1440&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1117]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood writes &#039;Adrian Scrope&#039; in the margin, to mark this place for use in his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Athenae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1441&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1441&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1118]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Rectius&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; June: Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 128.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1442&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1442&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1119]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;great.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1443&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1443&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1120]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;St. Dunstan&#039;s church in the....&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1444&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1444&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1121]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 65.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1445&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1445&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1122]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 65&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1446&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1446&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1123]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The records of the Steward&#039;s court of the University of Oxford show several cases of homicide, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, from the hasty drawing of daggers worn as part of the ordinary dress. See also &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_150&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;150&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1447&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1447&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1124]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;complexion like wainscott.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1448&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1448&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1125]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl with &#039;our.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1449&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1449&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1126]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;see.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1450&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1450&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1127]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;to know him.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1451&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1451&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1128]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;would.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1452&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1452&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1129]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 66.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1453&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1453&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1130]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;William.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1454&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1454&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1131]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 66&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1455&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1455&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1132]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl with &#039;this towne.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1456&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1456&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1133]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. prescriptions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1457&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1457&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1134]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. Shaftesbury; Lord High Chancellor, 1672.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1458&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1458&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1135]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 21, fol. 12.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1459&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1459&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1136]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;despicable.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1460&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1460&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1137]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. of those who have married for policy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1461&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1461&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1138]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. in inducing gentlemen to marry into noble families in order to impale a distinguished coat.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1462&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1462&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1139]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 21, fol. 15. The sowgelder, in Aubrey&#039;s comedy, is dissuading Sir John Fitz-ale from marrying a widow.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1463&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1463&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1140]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;proud.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1464&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1464&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1141]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;retarders.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1465&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1465&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1142]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 9.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1466&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1466&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1143]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 15&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1467&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1467&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1144]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;transmographie.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1468&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1468&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1145]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 21.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1469&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1469&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1146]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, a jotting on a slip at fol. 86, explained by the next paragraph, which is found on the back of the slip.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1470&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1470&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1147]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Mr. Elize Hele&#039;: see the details of the endowment in Lysons&#039; Britannia (Devonshire), pp. 405, 609.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1471&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1471&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1148]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; John Maynard (1602-1690): Serjeant at Law 1654.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1472&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1472&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1149]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;did ordered&#039; in MS., by a slip for &#039;did order it.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1473&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1473&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1150]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 96&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1474&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1474&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1151]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. took to his bed. The astrologer then took his &#039;decumbiture,&#039; i.e. position of the stars at the time of his being laid up.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1475&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1475&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1152]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 28.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1476&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1476&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1153]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e., I suppose, in Aubrey&#039;s pocket Almanac for 1672: see pp. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_39&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;39&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_51&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;51&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1477&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1477&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1154]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;lib. B&#039; is a lost volume of Aubrey&#039;s own antiquarian notes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1478&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1478&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1155]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See, for the explanation of this jotting, in George Herbert&#039;s life, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_310&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;310&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1479&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1479&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1156]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The blank is perhaps for &#039;wife of Sir John Danvers.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1480&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1480&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1157]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, a slip at fol. 95.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1481&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1481&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1158]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 95.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1482&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1482&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1159]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 95&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1483&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1483&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1160]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 96.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1484&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1484&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1161]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;the parsonage of Bemmarton.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1485&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1485&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1162]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. step-mother.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1486&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1486&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1163]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 5&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1487&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1487&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1164]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 18.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1488&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1488&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1165]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Some portions of the text, three lines in all, are suppressed here.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1489&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1489&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1166]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;elaborator.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1490&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1490&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1167]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 81&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1491&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1491&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1168]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;but he.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1492&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1492&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1169]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood corrects this to &#039;Juliana,&#039; i.e. Berners.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1493&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1493&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1170]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Some expressions in the text, two lines in all, are suppressed here.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1494&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1494&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1171]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, a slip at fol. 81.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1495&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1495&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1172]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;kill&#039;st.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1496&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1496&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1173]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;his.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1497&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1497&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1174]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 95.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1498&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1498&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1175]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 95&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1499&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1499&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1176]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 80.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1500&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1500&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1177]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;one time&#039; followed, scored out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1501&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1501&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1178]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;runne.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1502&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1502&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1179]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 80&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1503&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1503&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1180]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;face.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1504&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1504&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1181]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 81.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1505&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1505&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1182]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, a note on fol. 80&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1506&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1506&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1183]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 21, fol. 106&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1507&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1507&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1184]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; 23 March.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1508&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1508&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1185]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 55&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1509&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1509&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1186]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, a slip at fol. 81.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1510&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1510&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1187]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 4&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1511&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1511&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1188]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. Ashmole.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1512&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1512&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1189]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood notes here:—&#039;Sir William Backhouse, quaere.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1513&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1513&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1190]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. among N. Culpepper&#039;s papers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1514&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1514&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1191]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. cited in the MS. he was exploiting.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1515&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1515&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1192]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey in Wood MS. F. 39, fol. 160&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;: 16 Jan. 1671/2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1516&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1516&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1193]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Inserted by Anthony Wood.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1517&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1517&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1194]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Wrongly changed by Wood to 1663.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1518&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1518&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1195]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ibid., fol. 156: 30 Dec. 1671.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1519&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1519&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1196]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 38&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1520&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1520&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1197]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The words follow, scored out, &#039;but no writer that ever I heard of, or if he was,&#039; [his writings].&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1521&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1521&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1198]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;or remembered him.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1522&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1522&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1199]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The statement in square brackets is scored out, and the comment added &#039;negat.&#039; Aubrey had enquired of Philips.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1523&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1523&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1200]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 389: 15 July 1689.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1524&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1524&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1201]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Wood notes &#039;false.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1525&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1525&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1202]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ibid., fol. 389&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1526&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1526&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1203]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 389.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1527&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1527&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1204]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ibid., fol. 354: 21 June 1681.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1528&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1528&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1205]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 30.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1529&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1529&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1206]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This title is subst. for &#039;Supplementum vitae Thomae Hobbes, Malmsburiensis&#039;: see p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_17&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;17&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1530&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1530&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1207]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; There are two other drafts of the opening sentence:—&#039;The ancients, when they writt the lives&#039;; &#039;It was usuall with the writers of the lives of the ancient philosophers, in the&#039;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1531&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1531&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1208]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;stock.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1532&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1532&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1209]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;rich&#039; or &#039;illustrious.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1533&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1533&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1210]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;derived.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1534&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1534&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1211]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;though of no illustrious family.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1535&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1535&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1212]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;extraction.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1536&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1536&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1213]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;great parts.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1537&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1537&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1214]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 29&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1538&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1538&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1215]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. for the etymology; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_324&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;324&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1539&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1539&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1216]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey&#039;s MS. is only a rough draft for Anthony Wood&#039;s perusal. Hence these queries.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1540&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1540&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1217]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; For the pedigree supplied by William Aubrey, see &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_388&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;388&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1541&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1541&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1218]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 30.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1542&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1542&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1219]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 29&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1543&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1543&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1220]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 7&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1544&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1544&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1221]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 29&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1545&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1545&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1222]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 30.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1546&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1546&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1223]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;vicar.&#039; Anthony Wood wrote in the margin &#039;vicar of Malmsbury,&#039; but scored it out, as in error.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1547&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1547&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1224]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Wood wished to add &#039;or Sir Rogers.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1548&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1548&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1225]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;did.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1549&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1549&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1226]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;valued not.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1550&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1550&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1227]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 29&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1551&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1551&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1228]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 30.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1552&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1552&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1229]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. Thomas, the father.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1553&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1553&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1230]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 31.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1554&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1554&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1231]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;pasture.&#039; In MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 28, Aubrey calls it &#039;a good moweing ground, called Gaston, not far from the house he &amp;amp;lt;T. H.&amp;amp;gt; was borne in.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1555&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1555&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1232]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 30&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1556&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1556&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1233]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 31.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1557&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1557&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1234]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;with,&#039; i.e. with his uncle, as well as to his trade.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1558&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1558&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1235]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;about.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1559&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1559&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1236]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;face.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1560&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1560&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1237]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 28, Aubrey says, &#039;He &amp;amp;lt;T.H.&amp;amp;gt; had an elder brother, named Edmund Hobbes, more then once alderman of Malmesbury&#039;: but this is probably an error, from confusing him with the uncle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1561&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1561&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1238]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;parts.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1562&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1562&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1239]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. William Aubrey.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1563&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1563&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1240]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;boy&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1564&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1564&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1241]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 32.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1565&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1565&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1242]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;pourtraying.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1566&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1566&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1243]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Other drawings of Malmsbury by Aubrey are in MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 35 and 39.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1567&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1567&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1244]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On this Anthony Wood comments:—&#039;I think &#039;tis fit it should be drawne and represented, for the abbey sake. &#039;Tis cheap to have cut in box.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1568&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1568&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1245]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 32.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1569&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1569&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1246]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; scil. of the &#039;neck of land.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1570&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1570&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1247]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;melted.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1571&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1571&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1248]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;adorned.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1572&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1572&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1249]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;and.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1573&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1573&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1250]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood notes here &#039;as it was concerning Homer.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1574&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1574&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1251]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;as I say.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1575&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1575&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1252]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;enjoyed.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1576&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1576&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1253]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 33.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1577&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1577&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1254]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;with.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1578&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1578&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1255]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_388&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;388&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1579&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1579&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1256]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 32&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1580&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1580&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1257]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Quoted from Hobbes&#039; metrical life of himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1581&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1581&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1258]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 33.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1582&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1582&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1259]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;proves.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1583&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1583&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1260]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey notes opposite this sentence:—&#039;This is good.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1584&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1584&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1261]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;and then.&#039; Subst. for &#039;at eight yeares of age he could.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1585&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1585&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1262]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Written at first &#039;Three Tunnes (quaere William Aubrey)&#039;: and then changed when W. A. answered the query.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1586&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1586&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1263]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 34.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1587&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1587&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1264]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;25 +.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1588&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1588&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1265]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;the oven&#039; &amp;amp;lt;dupl. with &#039;pies&#039;&amp;amp;gt; &#039;had devoured them.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1589&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1589&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1266]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;the boyes.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1590&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1590&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1267]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;strings.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1591&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1591&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1268]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;draw through.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1592&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1592&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1269]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood corrects to &#039;the stationers&#039; shops.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1593&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1593&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1270]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 35.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1594&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1594&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1271]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 34&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1595&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1595&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1272]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This paragraph is an insertion by Anthony Wood in answer to Aubrey&#039;s query.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1596&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1596&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1273]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; His name is not entered in the University matriculation-register.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1597&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1597&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1274]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Part of the formula of admission: Clark&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Reg. Univ. Oxon.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; II. i. 48.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1598&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1598&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1275]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; 1607/8; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ibid.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; II. iii. 278.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1599&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1599&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1276]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ibid.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; II. i. 50.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1600&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1600&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1277]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 35.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1601&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1601&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1278]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;Mr. John Wilkinson.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1602&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1602&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1279]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;did believe.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1603&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1603&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1280]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;then.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1604&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1604&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1281]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;was.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1605&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1605&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1282]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;notions.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1606&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1606&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1283]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 36.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1607&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1607&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1284]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The chronology is here difficult. William Cavendish, second earl of Devonshire, died 20 June, 1628; and it is he whom Hobbes regarded as his &#039;first&#039; lord (see his inscription, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_386&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;386&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), not his father William, first earl, who died 3 March, 1625/6. Bacon died 9 Apr. 1626.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1608&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1608&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1285]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;time.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1609&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1609&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1286]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In the first attempt at this paragraph Aubrey wrote, &#039;T. H. came into his native country. I was then a little youth and went to schoole to Mr. Robert Latimer at Leigh-de-la-mere in the church about a mile from my father&#039;s house (Easton Pierse).&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1610&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1610&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1287]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In a second attempt it stood &#039;... at Leigh-de-la-mere. I was then a little youth newly entred into my grammar by him, and we went to schoole in the church.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1611&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1611&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1288]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;came to.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1612&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1612&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1289]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;friends.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1613&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1613&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1290]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;equipage.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1614&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1614&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1291]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Here followed &#039;and moist-curled,&#039; dupl. with &#039;and with moist curles&#039;; but both struck out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1615&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1615&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1292]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 35&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1616&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1616&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1293]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 36.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1617&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1617&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1294]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood writes here &#039;do not you mean 40?&#039; Aubrey had written &#039;4&#039; by a pen-slip; afterwards he corrected it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1618&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1618&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1295]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Element&#039; used for &#039;proposition.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1619&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1619&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1296]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;He would now and then use an emphaticall oath.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1620&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1620&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1297]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;curious witt.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1621&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1621&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1298]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Began it early&#039; is written over, in explanation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1622&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1622&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1299]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;to the witts.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1623&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1623&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1300]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;then doe well.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1624&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1624&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1301]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 37.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1625&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1625&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1302]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;In his bed&#039; followed, scored out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1626&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1626&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1303]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;as.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1627&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1627&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1304]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 36&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1628&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1628&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1305]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;study.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1629&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1629&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1306]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;knowledge.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1630&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1630&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1307]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;rubiginous.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1631&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1631&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1308]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 37.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1632&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1632&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1309]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;discussed.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1633&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1633&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1310]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 38&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1634&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1634&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1311]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 37.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1635&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1635&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1312]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood notes &#039;Roger Manneringe.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1636&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1636&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1313]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;went.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1637&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1637&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1314]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Mostly&#039; followed: scored out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1638&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1638&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1315]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood notes &#039;Robert Sibthorpe, vicar of Brackley.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1639&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1639&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1316]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;became.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1640&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1640&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1317]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;At Paris&#039; followed: scored out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1641&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1641&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1318]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;cane.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1642&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1642&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1319]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;notion.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1643&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1643&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1320]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;or els he should.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1644&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1644&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1321]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 38.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1645&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1645&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1322]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;of Euclid and Vitellio.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1646&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1646&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1323]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 39.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1647&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1647&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1324]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 37&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1648&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1648&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1325]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. fol. 50&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; of the MS., where is a note by Anthony Wood, as given &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_367&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;367&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1649&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1649&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1326]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 39.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1650&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1650&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1327]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;which came out anno ...&#039; Anthony Wood notes, &#039;Vide catalogue of &amp;amp;lt;Hobbes&#039;s&amp;amp;gt; books in &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist. &amp;amp;lt;et Antiq. Univ.&amp;amp;gt; Oxon.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and vide transcript thence.&#039;—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 38&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1651&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1651&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1328]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Dialogi&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&#039; followed: scored out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1652&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1652&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1329]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 40.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1653&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1653&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1330]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;a yeare +&#039; followed: scored out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1654&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1654&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1331]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;an ill.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1655&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1655&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1332]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 28, Aubrey says that Thomas Hobbes gave it to &#039;his elder brother, named Edmund Hobbes.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1656&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1656&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1333]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;in Derbyshire.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1657&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1657&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1334]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;good.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1658&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1658&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1335]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;want.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1659&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1659&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1336]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;thought.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1660&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1660&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1337]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey notes opposite this: &#039;better this expression.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1661&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1661&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1338]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;designe.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1662&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1662&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1339]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 42. On fol. 41&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; Aubrey makes this apology for its coming there out of due order of time:—&#039;Give notice how things are to be right placed, for all things comes not into my memory chronologically and this seemes almost necessary to be forced.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1663&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1663&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1340]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;way.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1664&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1664&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1341]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;researching and contemplating one thing, then of another; but he had a method for it.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1665&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1665&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1342]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;proviso&#039; or &#039;observation.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1666&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1666&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1343]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_382&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;382&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1667&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1667&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1344]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;such a poeme.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1668&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1668&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1345]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sir John Vaughan, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, 1668-1674.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1669&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1669&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1346]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;great.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1670&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1670&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1347]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 7—&#039;quaere bishop Sarum when he was motioned to be burnt.&#039; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Ibid.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, fol. 7&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, &#039;Quaere bp. Sarum &amp;amp;lt;Seth Ward&amp;amp;gt; who and when (annum) the motion in parliament was to have Mr. Hobbes burnt.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1671&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1671&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1348]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 40.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1672&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1672&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1349]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;1660. The winter before (of 1659) he spent his time in Derbyshire.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1673&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1673&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1350]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 39&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1674&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1674&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1351]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;good newes.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1675&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1675&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1352]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;hearing.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1676&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1676&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1353]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;opportunity.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1677&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1677&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1354]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 41.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1678&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1678&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1355]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey writes opposite on fol. 40&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;:—&#039;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;embouche&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, such word in English?&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1679&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1679&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1356]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. has &#039;and,&#039; by a slip for &#039;at.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1680&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1680&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1357]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;enterteyned.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1681&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1681&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1358]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;facetiae.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1682&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1682&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1359]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;the witts.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1683&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1683&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1360]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey wishes to limit the readiness in reply to cases of light badinage: in serious subjects Hobbes was slow and deliberate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1684&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1684&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1361]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;good.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1685&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1685&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1362]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;a present answer.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1686&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1686&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1363]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;mathematicall.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1687&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1687&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1364]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. see further about this on fol. 45&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; of the MS., the note found &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_356&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;356&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1688&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1688&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1365]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 42.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1689&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1689&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1366]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;he last left London, he was often in London at his lord&#039;s.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1690&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1690&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1367]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;penned&#039;: see &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_351&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;351&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1691&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1691&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1368]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The two sentences in square brackets are added by Anthony Wood.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1692&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1692&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1369]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_346&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;346&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1693&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1693&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1370]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;about.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1694&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1694&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1371]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;inventive.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1695&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1695&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1372]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;that &#039;twas a long, taedious, and difficult taske.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1696&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1696&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1373]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 43.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1697&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1697&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1374]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;attempt.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1698&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1698&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1375]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 42&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1699&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1699&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1376]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;I. A.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1700&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1700&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1377]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;sayes.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1701&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1701&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1378]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;together.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1702&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1702&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1379]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A London bookseller, who had offered to publish an authorized copy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1703&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1703&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1380]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;knowledge.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1704&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1704&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1381]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 43.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1705&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1705&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1382]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;since.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1706&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1706&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1383]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;found&#039;: and subst. for &#039;erect.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1707&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1707&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1384]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;Upon.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1708&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1708&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1385]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;power&#039; or &#039;possession.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1709&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1709&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1386]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;hoped.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1710&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1710&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1387]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;but queen Katharine.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1711&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1711&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1388]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;hating him.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1712&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1712&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1389]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;prevented.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1713&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1713&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1390]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;1674&#039; is struck out and 1669/1670 substituted for it—this latter being the date of Wood&#039;s altercations with Dr. Fell. 1674 was the date of publication: see &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1714&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1714&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1391]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood struck out the passage enclosed in square brackets, and sent Aubrey a more elaborate account (now fol. 48, 48&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; of MS. Aubr. 9) to take its place. This is printed in Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 291, 292; and is perhaps the paper which Wood blames Aubrey for having kept, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ibid.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ii. 475, 476.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1715&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1715&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1392]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey added, in the margin, the correction &#039;A. W. sayes but ten.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1716&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1716&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1393]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;the absolute.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1717&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1717&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1394]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Wood adds &#039;and after.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1718&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1718&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1395]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;his great griefe, expunged and inserted what he thought fitt.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1719&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1719&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1396]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Corrected by Wood to &#039;376, 377.&#039; The mistake is made in Hobbes&#039;s printed epistle, and Aubrey copied it thence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1720&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1720&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1397]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 45.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1721&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1721&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1398]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Corrected by Wood to &#039;without the advice and quite contrary to the mind of the author.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1722&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1722&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1399]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Corrected by Wood to &#039;know what he had done.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1723&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1723&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1400]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Note on fol. 43&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; of MS. Aubr. 9. &#039;Page 15&#039; in Aubrey&#039;s numbering is now fol. 45 of the MS.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1724&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1724&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1401]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Wood adds &#039;in the beginning of 1674.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1725&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1725&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1402]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. John Aubrey.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1726&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1726&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1403]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Wood adds &#039;and to let him see that he would do nothing underhand against him.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1727&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1727&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1404]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Wood adds &#039;that he had sent to Mr. Wood.&#039; See Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 288.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1728&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1728&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1405]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Wood adds &#039;at it as a most famous libell.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1729&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1729&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1406]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Corrected by Wood to &#039;and, soon after, meeting with the author.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1730&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1730&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1407]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Wood adds &#039;and that he would have the printer called to account for printing such a notorious libell.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1731&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1731&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1408]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The advance-copies of Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist. et Antiq. Univ. Oxon.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; were issued July 17, 1674 (Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 289); the ordinary issue took place on July 27 (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ibid.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 290), being perhaps delayed for the insertion of the rejoinder to Hobbes; Hobbes&#039;s epistle had been circulated on July 11 (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ibid.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_288&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;288&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1732&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1732&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1409]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 46.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1733&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1733&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1410]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey inserts a copy as fol. 44 of MS. Aubr. 9.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1734&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1734&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1411]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See it in Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hist. et Antiq.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; at the end.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1735&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1735&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1412]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;scurrilous.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1736&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1736&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1413]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;never replied.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1737&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1737&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1414]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;neglected.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1738&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1738&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1415]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_363&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;363&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1739&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1739&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1416]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 53&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1740&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1740&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1417]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey proposed bringing this in after the Catalogue of his writings: but it is better here.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1741&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1741&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1418]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the answers to these enquiries in the letters appended to this life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1742&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1742&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1419]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 22&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1743&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1743&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1420]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As in the letter &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_382&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;382&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1744&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1744&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1421]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 53&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1745&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1745&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1422]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. the metrical autobiography, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_363&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;363&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1746&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1746&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1423]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 7.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1747&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1747&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1424]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 27&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1748&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1748&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1425]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 28.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1749&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1749&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1426]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 46.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1750&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1750&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1427]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;suavitas.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1751&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1751&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1428]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;recalvus.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1752&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1752&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1429]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 45&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1753&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1753&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1430]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;he.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1754&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1754&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1431]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;nature.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1755&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1755&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1432]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This quotation is subst. for &#039;He would say that cheerfulnes of countenance was a signe of God&#039;s grace.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1756&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1756&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1433]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;depended not on.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1757&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1757&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1434]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;esteemed&#039; or &#039;measured.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1758&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1758&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1435]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 46.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1759&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1759&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1436]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 45&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1760&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1760&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1437]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;earnest.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1761&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1761&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1438]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 46.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1762&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1762&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1439]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 47.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1763&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1763&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1440]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;he was never out.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1764&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1764&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1441]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. fol. 54, as given here. Opposite it, on fol. 53&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, is the direction &#039;Let this be brought in to it&#039;s proper place: referre this to p. 17&#039; (i.e. fol. 47).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1765&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1765&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1442]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 54.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1766&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1766&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1443]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 47.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1767&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1767&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1444]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;but &#039;twas but little in respect of his contemplation (thinking).&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1768&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1768&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1445]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;he should have continued still as ignorant as other men.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1769&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1769&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1446]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 46&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1770&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1770&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1447]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol 45&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1771&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1771&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1448]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 46&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1772&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1772&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1449]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; As an alternative Aubrey suggests:—&#039;As he had an harmonicall soule, so consequently he was no woman-hater (misogynist).&#039; But he adds the criticism that this sentence is &#039;perhaps too affected.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1773&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1773&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1450]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 47.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1774&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1774&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1451]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;that he haz been drunke in his life.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1775&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1775&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1452]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;long.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1776&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1776&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1453]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;did eate.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1777&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1777&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1454]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 45&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1778&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1778&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1455]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 47.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1779&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1779&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1456]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 46&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1780&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1780&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1457]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 47.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1781&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1781&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1458]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;buskins.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1782&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1782&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1459]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;but to cleare his pipes.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1783&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1783&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1460]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 50.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1784&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1784&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1461]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;letters he hath honoured me withall.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1785&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1785&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1462]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 46&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1786&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1786&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1463]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 50.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1787&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1787&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1464]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;charity.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1788&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1788&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1465]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;begged.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1789&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1789&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1466]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;sayd one that stood by.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1790&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1790&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1467]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;apprehend.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1791&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1791&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1468]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;by rogues&#039; followed, scored out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1792&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1792&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1469]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;had about him.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1793&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1793&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1470]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Louis XIV.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1794&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1794&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1471]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood notes, on fol. 47&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, &#039;he used to take the sacrament, and acknowledge a supreeme being.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1795&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1795&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1472]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Here Aubrey intended (see &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) to cite evidence as to Hobbes&#039;s religious opinions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1796&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1796&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1473]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;give it the lye.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1797&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1797&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1474]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 47&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1798&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1798&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1475]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. it was to Aubrey himself that Hobbes expressed this opinion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1799&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1799&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1476]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 45&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1800&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1800&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1477]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;Though he went from Malmesbury.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1801&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1801&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1478]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Puisne Judge of the King&#039;s Bench, 1641-45 and 1660-63.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1802&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1802&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1479]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 42&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1803&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1803&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1480]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 28.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1804&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1804&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1481]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; By Samuel Cowper, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_338&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;338&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1805&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1805&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1482]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 54&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1806&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1806&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1483]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dr. Philip Bliss has written a note here, &#039;1663: see loose paper—Aubrey&#039;s inscription,&#039; referring to MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 7&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, as given below.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1807&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1807&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1484]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 7&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1808&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1808&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1485]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. either to attach this inscription to the picture, or to hang the picture by.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1809&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1809&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1486]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 49.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1810&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1810&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1487]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 55.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1811&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1811&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1488]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 42&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1812&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1812&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1489]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 28. Aubrey gives the coat in trick.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1813&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1813&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1490]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 53&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1814&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1814&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1491]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;might.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1815&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1815&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1492]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 29. In MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 1&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, Aubrey cites the same passages from Brome and Jonson, and also:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&#039;J. Gadbury: &amp;quot;the heavens are the best heraulds.&amp;quot;&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1816&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1816&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1493]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 46.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1817&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1817&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1494]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;goes.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1818&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1818&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1495]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 55.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1819&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1819&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1496]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 50.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1820&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1820&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1497]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood has a note (MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 47&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;) about these:—&#039;If you think that those sayings are true, pray publish them: for they being printed in one sheet, will be quickly lost.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1821&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1821&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1498]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 45&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1822&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1822&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1499]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;love.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1823&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1823&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1500]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. fol. 41 of MS. Aubr. 9; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_340&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;340&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1824&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1824&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1501]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, a slip at fol. 3.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1825&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1825&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1502]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;sport.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1826&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1826&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1503]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. elsewhere in this life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1827&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1827&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1504]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 7.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1828&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1828&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1505]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; St. Matt. vii. 1.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1829&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1829&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1506]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 47&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1830&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1830&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1507]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The golden calf: Exod. xxxii. 26-28.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1831&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1831&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1508]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, a slip pasted to fol. 5.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1832&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1832&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1509]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;an old tender,&#039; i.e. attendant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1833&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1833&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1510]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 54&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1834&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1834&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1511]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 18&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, in the handwriting of James Wheldon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1835&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1835&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1512]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 54&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1836&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1836&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1513]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Possibly a paper by Anthony Wood containing an account of Hobbes, in preparation for the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Athenae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;: cp. Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 480.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1837&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1837&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1514]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 55.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1838&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1838&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1515]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Wood changes this to &#039;A. à:&#039; see Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 22.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1839&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1839&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1516]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Corrected to &#039;1674&#039;: with a marginal note:—&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2092&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2092&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1769]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;I believe a mistake for 1674.&#039; For this letter, see Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, ii. 288.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1840&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1840&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1517]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood notes in margin: &#039;This is in Wood&#039;s Catalogue&#039;: i.e. Wood, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;l. c.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, mentions the 1666 (second) edition of the piece (in Latin only).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1841&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1841&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1518]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Marginal query:—&#039;When was the first copie printed? Vide Bibl. Bodlei.&#039; The printed edition is not in the 1674 &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Catal. impress. libb. Bibl. Bodl.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1842&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1842&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1519]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Added opposite, on fol. 54&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1843&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1843&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1520]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This query is inserted by Anthony Wood.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1844&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1844&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1521]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 54&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1845&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1845&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1522]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 55.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1846&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1846&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1523]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Henry Birkhead is meant, &#039;Birket&#039; representing the slurred pronunciation of the name. Anthony Wood has scored through the &#039;Dr.&#039; and added a note:—&#039;Birket is not a Dr.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1847&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1847&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1524]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Marked MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 56.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1848&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1848&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1525]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 57.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1849&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1849&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1526]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 59.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1850&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1850&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1527]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 28:—&#039;He writt his life last yeare (viz. 1673) in Latin verse.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1851&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1851&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1528]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;bookeseller.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1852&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1852&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1529]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 16: see p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_381&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;381&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1853&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1853&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1530]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl, with &#039;leave.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1854&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1854&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1531]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Publ. in 1680; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_333&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;333&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1855&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1855&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1532]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 42&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1856&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1856&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1533]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 49.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1857&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1857&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1534]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 50.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1858&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1858&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1535]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood objects, on fol. 47&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;: &#039;You say p. 11&#039; (i.e. fol. 40) &#039;that he was acquainted with Mr. Selden and Dr. Harvey. Why do you not set them downe here?&#039; But, as Wood might have remembered, they have been &#039;already mentioned.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1859&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1859&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1536]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 47&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1860&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1860&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1537]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey has a memorandum, MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 7, &#039;take ... Ayton&#039;s inscription.&#039; See &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;25&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1861&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1861&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1538]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;perpetuall&#039; or &#039;lasting.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1862&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1862&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1539]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Auctarium Vitae Hobbianae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, 1681.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1863&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1863&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1540]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 50&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1864&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1864&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1541]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_371&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;371&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1865&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1865&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1542]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On fol. 52&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, Aubrey repeats this name, &#039;Sir Charles Cavendish.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1866&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1866&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1543]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 51.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1867&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1867&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1544]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey leaves a space for his title or profession, adding the reminder—&#039;Expresse his quality.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1868&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1868&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1545]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;They were not much unlike in their countenances.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1869&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1869&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1546]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;may.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1870&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1870&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1547]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A memorandum for the date when they first met each other.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1871&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1871&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1548]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1872&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1872&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1549]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_367&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;367&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1873&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1873&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1550]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 50&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1874&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1874&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1551]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 7.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1875&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1875&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1552]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 50&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1876&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1876&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1553]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;conscience.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1877&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1877&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1554]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;flatter.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1878&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1878&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1555]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 51.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1879&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1879&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1556]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;from.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1880&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1880&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1557]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Scored out here; inserted &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_369&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;369&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1881&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1881&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1558]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 7.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1882&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1882&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1559]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 51.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1883&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1883&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1560]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Suggested by Aubrey as the date of the beginning of the intimacy between Hobbes and Petty. Anthony Wood objects in a note on fol. 50&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;:—&#039;Dr. Petty was resident in Oxford 1648-49, and left it (if I am not mistaken) 1652.&#039; Aubrey notes:—&#039;Entred, vide p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_8&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;b&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;&#039; (i.e. fol. 37&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_336&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;336&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1884&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1884&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1561]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey notes:—&#039;Quaere the name of his principall seate in Ireland.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1885&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1885&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1562]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey notes (fol. 50&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;):—&#039;Quaere Sir John Hoskyns and Dr. Blackbourne to word this well.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1886&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1886&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1563]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;witt.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1887&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1887&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1564]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;particular.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1888&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1888&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1565]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 52.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1889&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1889&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1566]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;graphia.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1890&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1890&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1567]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;liked.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1891&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1891&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1568]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;excellency.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1892&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1892&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1569]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;acquaintance.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1893&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1893&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1570]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_338&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;338&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1894&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1894&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1571]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 51&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1895&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1895&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1572]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 52.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1896&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1896&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1573]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 50&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1897&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1897&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1574]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 52.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1898&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1898&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1575]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. the Harvey family.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1899&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1899&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1576]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 53.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1900&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1900&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1577]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Page &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_7&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;7&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;,&#039; i.e. fol. 36&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_333&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;333&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1901&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1901&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1578]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 52&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1902&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1902&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1579]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood queries (fol. 53): &#039;Was not Thomas de Albiis of his acquaintance?&#039; Aubrey answers: &#039;I beleeve he was.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1903&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1903&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1580]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See note, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_366&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;366&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1904&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1904&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1581]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. their acquaintance began during Hobbes&#039;s abode there.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1905&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1905&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1582]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 104.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1906&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1906&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1583]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 53.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1907&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1907&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1584]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 257.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1908&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1908&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1585]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey notes in the margin, &#039;v. librum&#039;; i.e. look up the title of the book Pell then published to discover the subject he was professor of.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1909&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1909&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1586]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey notes: &#039;of Gresham Colledge.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1910&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1910&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1587]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This entry is scored out by Aubrey, in consequence of the following note by Anthony Wood on MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 52&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;:—&#039;Dr. Bathurst was never acquainted with him. Those verses were written at the desire of Mr. Bowman, stationer of Oxford, as I have heard the Dr. say.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1911&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1911&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1588]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; On fol. 52&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; Wood has the note:—&#039;Stubs wrot in his defence against Wallis in a book intituled &amp;quot;A severe enquirie into the late &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Oneirocritica&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, or an exact account of the grammaticall part of the controversy between Mr. Thomas Hobbes and John Wallis, D.D.&amp;quot; Lond. 1657, 4to.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1912&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1912&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1589]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood on fol. 52&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; has a note:—&#039;Sydney Godolphin was his acquaintance. Why mention you not him?&#039; Aubrey answers:—&#039;Mr. T. Hobbs told me he gave him an hundred pounds in his will, which he recieved: I thought I had entred him&#039;; and later adds, &#039;Tis entred&#039;; viz. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_365&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;365&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1913&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1913&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1590]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 54.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1914&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1914&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1591]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; 1663: see &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_354&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;354&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1915&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1915&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1592]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey uses the astronomical symbol for the planet.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1916&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1916&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1593]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 54&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1917&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1917&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1594]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 34&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1918&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1918&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1595]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;truly.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1919&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1919&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1596]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 46&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1920&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1920&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1597]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 28.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1921&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1921&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1598]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Changed by Aubrey, when revising, to 1634, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_331&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;331&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1922&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1922&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1599]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Scored out. A marginal note, &#039;This Mr. Blackburn printed&#039; (see &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_395&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;395&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), is also scored out. As also is, &#039;all his works in ... volumes.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1923&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1923&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1600]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 54.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1924&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1924&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1601]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The words in square brackets are insertions by Anthony Wood.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1925&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1925&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1602]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 296.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1926&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1926&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1603]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;for this bishop&#039;s worth.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1927&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1927&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1604]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The words in square brackets are insertions by Anthony Wood.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1928&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1928&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1605]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Added by Anthony Wood: who afterwards added the title of the treatise, opposite (on fol. 53&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;), viz.:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;[&#039;Edward, earl of Clarendon: A survey of the dangerous and pernicious errours to church and state in Mr. Hobs book intit. Leviathan; Oxford, 1676, 4to.&#039;]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1929&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1929&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1606]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 52&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1930&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1930&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1607]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 53&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1931&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1931&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1608]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 52&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1932&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1932&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1609]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 5.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1933&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1933&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1610]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Sic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in MS.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1934&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1934&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1611]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 4.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1935&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1935&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1612]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_340&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;340&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1936&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1936&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1613]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9. fol. 52&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1937&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1937&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1614]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 53&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1938&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1938&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1615]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 41&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1939&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1939&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1616]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 5&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1940&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1940&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1617]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Elementorum Jur. Univ. lib. II,&#039; in a partial citation in MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 28.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1941&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1941&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1618]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 6&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1942&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1942&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1619]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 54.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1943&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1943&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1620]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ovid. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Amor.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; i. 15. 39.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1944&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1944&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1621]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 55.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1945&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1945&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1622]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 8; not the original, but a transcript by Aubrey.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1946&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1946&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1623]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; 1672/3.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1947&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1947&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1624]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 9: the original, in James Wheldon&#039;s print-like writing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1948&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1948&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1625]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;jugleries.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1949&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1949&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1626]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Probably Dr. William Holder&#039;s &#039;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;A Supplement to the Philosophical Transactions for July, 1670&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,&#039; London, 1678, accusing Dr. Wallis of robbing him of the credit of teaching a deaf-mute. See Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 309.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1950&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1950&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1627]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. 1677/8.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1951&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1951&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1628]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 10&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1952&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1952&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1629]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9. fol. 11.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1953&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1953&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1630]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 11&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1954&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1954&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1631]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 12.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1955&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1955&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1632]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Sir George Ent&#039;s son: &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_245&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;245&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1956&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1956&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1633]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The address: MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 13&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1957&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1957&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1634]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 14: the original, in James Wheldon&#039;s handwriting.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1958&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1958&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1635]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Author of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hudibras&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1959&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1959&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1636]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 15&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1960&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1960&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1637]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 16.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1961&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1961&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1638]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; 1679/80.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1962&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1962&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1639]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 17&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1963&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1963&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1640]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Readdressed in another (? William Crooke&#039;s) hand:—&#039;at Mr. Moore, in Hammond Alley&#039;; see p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_44&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;44&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1964&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1964&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1641]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 18.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1965&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1965&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1642]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; 1679/80.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1966&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1966&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1643]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;Mr. Crooke.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1967&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1967&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1644]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;beginning.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1968&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1968&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1645]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;to the parish church.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1969&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1969&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1646]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 18&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1970&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1970&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1647]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Anything&#039; followed: scored out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1971&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1971&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1648]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 19&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1972&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1972&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1649]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 19.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1973&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1973&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1650]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Request added by Wheldon, at the end of the transcript of the will.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1974&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1974&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1651]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 20.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1975&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1975&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1652]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 21&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1976&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1976&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1653]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This part of the address is scored out, and there is substituted, &#039;for Dr. Blackborn at Jonathan&#039;s Coffee.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1977&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1977&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1654]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 3. The letter is sealed with the Aubrey coat:—&#039;a chevron between 3 eagles&#039; heads erased,&#039; an annulet (?) for difference; and marked &#039;post payd 3&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;d.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&#039; The letter is mutilated.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1978&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1978&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1655]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Or Hynd: p. 154.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1979&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1979&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1656]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Of the church at Westport.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1980&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1980&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1657]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; So that if there were any old gravestones in the church, they have been destroyed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1981&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1981&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1658]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Broad Wiltshire for &#039;trumps&#039;; see &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_324&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;324&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1982&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1982&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1659]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Choleric.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1983&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1983&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1660]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 3&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1984&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1984&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1661]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Admon. of William Ley, last earl of Marlborough of that family, was granted 9 June, 1680.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1985&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1985&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1662]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A jotting on the back of the letter is:—&#039;Malmesbury:—where the steeple is was a church dedicated to St. Paul.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1986&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1986&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1663]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Then a common spelling for &#039;Alice.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1987&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1987&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1664]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This pedigree of Rogers in William Aubrey&#039;s hand is found in MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 123.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1988&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1988&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1665]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The address on MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 2&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1989&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1989&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1666]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Published 1681.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1990&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1990&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1667]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Republished 1682.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1991&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1991&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1668]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Republ. 1680.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1992&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1992&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1669]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Publ. 1682.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1993&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1993&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1670]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 26. The date of the letter is circ. 1681-2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1994&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1994&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1671]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 26&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1995&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1995&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1672]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The address: on MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 27&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1996&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1996&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1673]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Or &#039;a nave and two aisles&#039;: &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_326&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;326&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1997&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1997&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1674]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. at sunrise.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1998&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1998&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1675]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Now lost: Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, iv. 192: see &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_65&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;65&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1999&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1999&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1676]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;parke.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2000&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2000&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1677]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;banquetting-houses.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2001&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2001&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1678]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;good.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2002&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2002&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1679]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood, in a note here, approves of this suggestion to add the account of Gorhambury to Aubrey&#039;s life of Bacon (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_77&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;77&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;):—&#039;&#039;Tis fit you should speak of this, because not mentioned by Dr. &amp;amp;lt;William&amp;amp;gt; Rawley in his life.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2003&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2003&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1680]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey notes, fol. 40&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, &#039;Bring this in elswhere.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2004&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2004&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1681]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 25&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2005&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2005&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1682]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 23.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2006&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2006&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1683]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 23&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2007&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2007&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1684]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 24.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2008&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2008&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1685]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 24&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2009&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2009&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1686]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 25.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2010&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2010&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1687]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 87&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2011&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2011&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1688]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. 2nd (or 3rd) son.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2012&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2012&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1689]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;hall,&#039; subst. for &#039;Colledge.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2013&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2013&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1690]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;1647.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2014&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2014&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1691]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;whom he instructed first in.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2015&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2015&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1692]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;Here.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2016&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2016&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1693]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 88.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2017&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2017&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1694]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Anthony Wood notes here—&#039;upon ... Jones his death.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2018&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2018&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1695]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;bowells.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2019&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2019&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1696]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Page_378&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;378&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2020&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2020&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1697]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 10. Aubrey gives the coat, &#039;azure, semée of fleur-de-lys, a lion rampant argent [Holland].&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2021&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2021&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1698]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The words followed &#039;I thinke; quaere de hoc of A. Wood&#039;; scored out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2022&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2022&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1699]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 20&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2023&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2023&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1700]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; κειμελια in MS.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2024&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2024&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1701]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 121&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2025&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2025&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1702]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 26.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2026&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2026&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1703]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. Hollar&#039;s father&#039;s patent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2027&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2027&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1704]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;was bred up to it.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2028&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2028&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1705]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for μύωψ.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2029&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2029&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1706]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Thomas Howard, earl of Arundel, Surrey, and Norfolk, died at Padua, 1646.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2030&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2030&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1707]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;dyed but poor.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2031&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2031&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1708]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 5&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2032&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2032&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1709]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 77&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2033&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2033&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1710]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;The use of the Jacob&#039;s Staffe.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; Lond. 1590.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2034&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2034&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1711]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 56&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;: as also in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 270&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2035&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2035&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1712]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, a slip at fol. 99.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2036&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2036&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1713]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 32.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2037&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2037&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1714]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 29&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2038&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2038&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1715]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 32.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2039&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2039&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1716]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Corrected by Anthony Wood to &#039;baptized.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2040&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2040&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1717]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;drew.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2041&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2041&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1718]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ? Sir Peter Lely.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2042&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2042&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1719]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;learnd.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2043&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2043&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1720]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. £100.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2044&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2044&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1721]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Probably &#039;to play, &amp;amp;lt;in&amp;amp;gt; 20 lessons, on.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2045&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2045&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1722]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See Clark&#039;s Wood&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life and Times&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 162, 163.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2046&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2046&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1723]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;and taught him.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2047&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2047&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1724]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 32&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2048&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2048&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1725]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey, in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 270&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;: May 26, 1674.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2049&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2049&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1726]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ibid., fol. 271.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2050&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2050&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1727]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. New Year&#039;s gift.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2051&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2051&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1728]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The paragraph enclosed in square brackets is Hooke&#039;s autograph.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2052&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2052&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1729]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;thought.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2053&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2053&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1730]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The words in square brackets are Hooke&#039;s autograph, added at the time he made the corrections above.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2054&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2054&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1731]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The text embodies Hooke&#039;s corrections of Aubrey&#039;s draft. The original draft is given in the margin.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2055&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2055&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1732]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 142: Oct. 27, 1671.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2056&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2056&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1733]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey in MS. Rawl. D. 727, fol. 93.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2057&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2057&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1734]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Added by Anthony Wood, from a letter of Aubrey&#039;s (MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 135&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2058&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2058&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1735]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;He was the eldest,&#039; is added by Anthony Wood.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2059&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2059&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1736]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dupl. with &#039;emblem.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2060&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2060&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1737]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Scored out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2061&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2061&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1738]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Rawl. D. 727, fol. 93&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2062&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2062&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1739]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Robert Bennet, bishop of Hereford 1602-1617.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2063&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2063&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1740]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Rawl. D. 727, fol. 94.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2064&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2064&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1741]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;And when thou hearest, forgive.&#039; 1 Kings viii. 30.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2065&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2065&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1742]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey adds the interpretation:—&#039;quarries.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2066&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2066&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1743]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Parke.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2067&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2067&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1744]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Harvest.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2068&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2068&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1745]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Chapelle.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2069&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2069&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1746]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Rawl. D. 727, fol. 94&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2070&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2070&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1747]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Rawl. D. 727, fol. 95.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2071&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2071&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1748]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;nomina&#039; in MS.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2072&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2072&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1749]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Rawl. D. 727, fol. 95&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2073&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2073&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1750]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;Thebanos&#039; in MS.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2074&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2074&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1751]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Subst. for &#039;vivere.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2075&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2075&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1752]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; His step-son, more correctly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2076&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2076&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1753]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &#039;dicavit&#039; in MS.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2077&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2077&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1754]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 15&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2078&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2078&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1755]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 21, p. 15.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2079&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2079&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1756]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, notes in foll. 65, 65&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, 67, 67&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2080&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2080&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1757]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 102.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2081&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2081&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1758]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 23, slips at fol. 100&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2082&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2082&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1759]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 234: Nov. 15, 1673.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2083&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2083&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1760]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Wood notes here, &#039;quaere&#039;: see the corrections in the next paragraphs.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2084&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2084&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1761]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. the Oxford 1663 edition of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;De globis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2085&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2085&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1762]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 237: Nov. 30, 1673.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2086&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2086&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1763]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ibid., fol. 343&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;: Aug. 7, 1680.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2087&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2087&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1764]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2088&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2088&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1765]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Henry, 2nd earl.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2089&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2089&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1766]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Aubrey in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 366: June 24, 1682.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2090&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2090&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1767]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ibid., fol. 250: Jan. 1, 1673/4.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2091&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2091&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1768]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ibid., fol. 365: June 24, 1682.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2092&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2092&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1769]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; i.e. at that time the old stained windows were still extant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OXFORD&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;BY HORACE HART, M.A.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;transnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;chapter&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;chap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;Transcriber&#039;s Notes:&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Simple spelling, grammar, and typographical errors were silently corrected.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anachronistic and non-standard spellings retained as printed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Latin capital letter AW ligature is denoted by &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;ligature&amp;quot;&amp;gt;AW&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Latin small letter e with combining comma and acute above is denoted as é̓.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Sidenotes with anchors were moved to paragraph footnotes and renumbered with Roman numeral designators, e.g. [XLII.]&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Numeric footnotes at chapter ends were redesignated with consecutive alphabetic letters, e.g. [AP], and moved to the ends of the chapters if they weren&#039;t already there.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;All other footnotes were denoted with Arabic numerals, e.g. [42], and moved to end notes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
{{flat-where}}&lt;br /&gt;
{{close}}&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Plato/Philebus&amp;diff=2838</id>
		<title>Texts:Plato/Philebus</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Plato/Philebus&amp;diff=2838"/>
		<updated>2025-12-26T19:45:08Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: Text replacement - &amp;quot;{{Top Texts}}&amp;quot; to &amp;quot;__NOTITLE__
{{Setup|tick=Where}}&amp;quot;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;__NOTITLE__&lt;br /&gt;
{{Setup|tick=Where}}&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt; PHILEBUS &amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; By Plato &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt; Translated by Benjamin Jowett &amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt; Contents &amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;table summary=&amp;quot;&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &amp;lt;tr&amp;gt; &amp;lt;td&amp;gt; &amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#link2H_INTR&amp;quot;&amp;gt; INTRODUCTION AND ANALYSIS. &amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#link2H_4_0002&amp;quot;&amp;gt; PHILEBUS &amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/table&amp;gt; &amp;lt;hr /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; INTRODUCTION AND ANALYSIS. &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The Philebus appears to be one of the later writings of Plato, in which the style has begun to alter, and the dramatic and poetical element has become subordinate to the speculative and philosophical. In the development of abstract thought great advances have been made on the Protagoras or the Phaedrus, and even on the Republic. But there is a corresponding diminution of artistic skill, a want of character in the persons, a laboured march in the dialogue, and a degree of confusion and incompleteness in the general design. As in the speeches of Thucydides, the multiplication of ideas seems to interfere with the power of expression. Instead of the equally diffused grace and ease of the earlier dialogues there occur two or three highly-wrought passages; instead of the ever-flowing play of humour, now appearing, now concealed, but always present, are inserted a good many bad jests, as we may venture to term them. We may observe an attempt at artificial ornament, and far-fetched modes of expression; also clamorous demands on the part of his companions, that Socrates shall answer his own questions, as well as other defects of style, which remind us of the Laws. The connection is often abrupt and inharmonious, and far from clear. Many points require further explanation; e.g. the reference of pleasure to the indefinite class, compared with the assertion which almost immediately follows, that pleasure and pain naturally have their seat in the third or mixed class: these two statements are unreconciled. In like manner, the table of goods does not distinguish between the two heads of measure and symmetry; and though a hint is given that the divine mind has the first place, nothing is said of this in the final summing up. The relation of the goods to the sciences does not appear; though dialectic may be thought to correspond to the highest good, the sciences and arts and true opinions are enumerated in the fourth class. We seem to have an intimation of a further discussion, in which some topics lightly passed over were to receive a fuller consideration. The various uses of the word &#039;mixed,&#039; for the mixed life, the mixed class of elements, the mixture of pleasures, or of pleasure and pain, are a further source of perplexity. Our ignorance of the opinions which Plato is attacking is also an element of obscurity. Many things in a controversy might seem relevant, if we knew to what they were intended to refer. But no conjecture will enable us to supply what Plato has not told us; or to explain, from our fragmentary knowledge of them, the relation in which his doctrine stood to the Eleatic Being or the Megarian good, or to the theories of Aristippus or Antisthenes respecting pleasure. Nor are we able to say how far Plato in the Philebus conceives the finite and infinite (which occur both in the fragments of Philolaus and in the Pythagorean table of opposites) in the same manner as contemporary Pythagoreans. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There is little in the characters which is worthy of remark. The Socrates of the Philebus is devoid of any touch of Socratic irony, though here, as in the Phaedrus, he twice attributes the flow of his ideas to a sudden inspiration. The interlocutor Protarchus, the son of Callias, who has been a hearer of Gorgias, is supposed to begin as a disciple of the partisans of pleasure, but is drawn over to the opposite side by the arguments of Socrates. The instincts of ingenuous youth are easily induced to take the better part. Philebus, who has withdrawn from the argument, is several times brought back again, that he may support pleasure, of which he remains to the end the uncompromising advocate. On the other hand, the youthful group of listeners by whom he is surrounded, &#039;Philebus&#039; boys&#039; as they are termed, whose presence is several times intimated, are described as all of them at last convinced by the arguments of Socrates. They bear a very faded resemblance to the interested audiences of the Charmides, Lysis, or Protagoras. Other signs of relation to external life in the dialogue, or references to contemporary things and persons, with the single exception of the allusions to the anonymous enemies of pleasure, and the teachers of the flux, there are none. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The omission of the doctrine of recollection, derived from a previous state of existence, is a note of progress in the philosophy of Plato. The transcendental theory of pre-existent ideas, which is chiefly discussed by him in the Meno, the Phaedo, and the Phaedrus, has given way to a psychological one. The omission is rendered more significant by his having occasion to speak of memory as the basis of desire. Of the ideas he treats in the same sceptical spirit which appears in his criticism of them in the Parmenides. He touches on the same difficulties and he gives no answer to them. His mode of speaking of the analytical and synthetical processes may be compared with his discussion of the same subject in the Phaedrus; here he dwells on the importance of dividing the genera into all the species, while in the Phaedrus he conveys the same truth in a figure, when he speaks of carving the whole, which is described under the image of a victim, into parts or members, &#039;according to their natural articulation, without breaking any of them.&#039; There is also a difference, which may be noted, between the two dialogues. For whereas in the Phaedrus, and also in the Symposium, the dialectician is described as a sort of enthusiast or lover, in the Philebus, as in all the later writings of Plato, the element of love is wanting; the topic is only introduced, as in the Republic, by way of illustration. On other subjects of which they treat in common, such as the nature and kinds of pleasure, true and false opinion, the nature of the good, the order and relation of the sciences, the Republic is less advanced than the Philebus, which contains, perhaps, more metaphysical truth more obscurely expressed than any other Platonic dialogue. Here, as Plato expressly tells us, he is &#039;forging weapons of another make,&#039; i.e. new categories and modes of conception, though &#039;some of the old ones might do again.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But if superior in thought and dialectical power, the Philebus falls very far short of the Republic in fancy and feeling. The development of the reason undisturbed by the emotions seems to be the ideal at which Plato aims in his later dialogues. There is no mystic enthusiasm or rapturous contemplation of ideas. Whether we attribute this change to the greater feebleness of age, or to the development of the quarrel between philosophy and poetry in Plato&#039;s own mind, or perhaps, in some degree, to a carelessness about artistic effect, when he was absorbed in abstract ideas, we can hardly be wrong in assuming, amid such a variety of indications, derived from style as well as subject, that the Philebus belongs to the later period of his life and authorship. But in this, as in all the later writings of Plato, there are not wanting thoughts and expressions in which he rises to his highest level. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The plan is complicated, or rather, perhaps, the want of plan renders the progress of the dialogue difficult to follow. A few leading ideas seem to emerge: the relation of the one and many, the four original elements, the kinds of pleasure, the kinds of knowledge, the scale of goods. These are only partially connected with one another. The dialogue is not rightly entitled &#039;Concerning pleasure&#039; or &#039;Concerning good,&#039; but should rather be described as treating of the relations of pleasure and knowledge, after they have been duly analyzed, to the good. (1) The question is asked, whether pleasure or wisdom is the chief good, or some nature higher than either; and if the latter, how pleasure and wisdom are related to this higher good. (2) Before we can reply with exactness, we must know the kinds of pleasure and the kinds of knowledge. (3) But still we may affirm generally, that the combined life of pleasure and wisdom or knowledge has more of the character of the good than either of them when isolated. (4) to determine which of them partakes most of the higher nature, we must know under which of the four unities or elements they respectively fall. These are, first, the infinite; secondly, the finite; thirdly, the union of the two; fourthly, the cause of the union. Pleasure is of the first, wisdom or knowledge of the third class, while reason or mind is akin to the fourth or highest. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; (5) Pleasures are of two kinds, the mixed and unmixed. Of mixed pleasures there are three classes&amp;amp;mdash;(a) those in which both the pleasures and pains are corporeal, as in eating and hunger; (b) those in which there is a pain of the body and pleasure of the mind, as when you are hungry and are looking forward to a feast; (c) those in which the pleasure and pain are both mental. Of unmixed pleasures there are four kinds: those of sight, hearing, smell, knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; (6) The sciences are likewise divided into two classes, theoretical and productive: of the latter, one part is pure, the other impure. The pure part consists of arithmetic, mensuration, and weighing. Arts like carpentering, which have an exact measure, are to be regarded as higher than music, which for the most part is mere guess-work. But there is also a higher arithmetic, and a higher mensuration, which is exclusively theoretical; and a dialectical science, which is higher still and the truest and purest knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; (7) We are now able to determine the composition of the perfect life. First, we admit the pure pleasures and the pure sciences; secondly, the impure sciences, but not the impure pleasures. We have next to discover what element of goodness is contained in this mixture. There are three criteria of goodness&amp;amp;mdash;beauty, symmetry, truth. These are clearly more akin to reason than to pleasure, and will enable us to fix the places of both of them in the scale of good. First in the scale is measure; the second place is assigned to symmetry; the third, to reason and wisdom; the fourth, to knowledge and true opinion; the fifth, to pure pleasures; and here the Muse says &#039;Enough.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;Bidding farewell to Philebus and Socrates,&#039; we may now consider the metaphysical conceptions which are presented to us. These are (I) the paradox of unity and plurality; (II) the table of categories or elements; (III) the kinds of pleasure; (IV) the kinds of knowledge; (V) the conception of the good. We may then proceed to examine (VI) the relation of the Philebus to the Republic, and to other dialogues. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; I. The paradox of the one and many originated in the restless dialectic of Zeno, who sought to prove the absolute existence of the one by showing the contradictions that are involved in admitting the existence of the many (compare Parm.). Zeno illustrated the contradiction by well-known examples taken from outward objects. But Socrates seems to intimate that the time had arrived for discarding these hackneyed illustrations; such difficulties had long been solved by common sense (&#039;solvitur ambulando&#039;); the fact of the co-existence of opposites was a sufficient answer to them. He will leave them to Cynics and Eristics; the youth of Athens may discourse of them to their parents. To no rational man could the circumstance that the body is one, but has many members, be any longer a stumbling-block. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Plato&#039;s difficulty seems to begin in the region of ideas. He cannot understand how an absolute unity, such as the Eleatic Being, can be broken up into a number of individuals, or be in and out of them at once. Philosophy had so deepened or intensified the nature of one or Being, by the thoughts of successive generations, that the mind could no longer imagine &#039;Being&#039; as in a state of change or division. To say that the verb of existence is the copula, or that unity is a mere unit, is to us easy; but to the Greek in a particular stage of thought such an analysis involved the same kind of difficulty as the conception of God existing both in and out of the world would to ourselves. Nor was he assisted by the analogy of sensible objects. The sphere of mind was dark and mysterious to him; but instead of being illustrated by sense, the greatest light appeared to be thrown on the nature of ideas when they were contrasted with sense. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Both here and in the Parmenides, where similar difficulties are raised, Plato seems prepared to desert his ancient ground. He cannot tell the relation in which abstract ideas stand to one another, and therefore he transfers the one and many out of his transcendental world, and proceeds to lay down practical rules for their application to different branches of knowledge. As in the Republic he supposes the philosopher to proceed by regular steps, until he arrives at the idea of good; as in the Sophist and Politicus he insists that in dividing the whole into its parts we should bisect in the middle in the hope of finding species; as in the Phaedrus (see above) he would have &#039;no limb broken&#039; of the organism of knowledge;&amp;amp;mdash;so in the Philebus he urges the necessity of filling up all the intermediate links which occur (compare Bacon&#039;s &#039;media axiomata&#039;) in the passage from unity to infinity. With him the idea of science may be said to anticipate science; at a time when the sciences were not yet divided, he wants to impress upon us the importance of classification; neither neglecting the many individuals, nor attempting to count them all, but finding the genera and species under which they naturally fall. Here, then, and in the parallel passages of the Phaedrus and of the Sophist, is found the germ of the most fruitful notion of modern science. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Plato describes with ludicrous exaggeration the influence exerted by the one and many on the minds of young men in their first fervour of metaphysical enthusiasm (compare Republic). But they are none the less an everlasting quality of reason or reasoning which never grows old in us. At first we have but a confused conception of them, analogous to the eyes blinking at the light in the Republic. To this Plato opposes the revelation from Heaven of the real relations of them, which some Prometheus, who gave the true fire from heaven, is supposed to have imparted to us. Plato is speaking of two things&amp;amp;mdash;(1) the crude notion of the one and many, which powerfully affects the ordinary mind when first beginning to think; (2) the same notion when cleared up by the help of dialectic. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; To us the problem of the one and many has lost its chief interest and perplexity. We readily acknowledge that a whole has many parts, that the continuous is also the divisible, that in all objects of sense there is a one and many, and that a like principle may be applied to analogy to purely intellectual conceptions. If we attend to the meaning of the words, we are compelled to admit that two contradictory statements are true. But the antinomy is so familiar as to be scarcely observed by us. Our sense of the contradiction, like Plato&#039;s, only begins in a higher sphere, when we speak of necessity and free-will, of mind and body, of Three Persons and One Substance, and the like. The world of knowledge is always dividing more and more; every truth is at first the enemy of every other truth. Yet without this division there can be no truth; nor any complete truth without the reunion of the parts into a whole. And hence the coexistence of opposites in the unity of the idea is regarded by Hegel as the supreme principle of philosophy; and the law of contradiction, which is affirmed by logicians to be an ultimate principle of the human mind, is displaced by another law, which asserts the coexistence of contradictories as imperfect and divided elements of the truth. Without entering further into the depths of Hegelianism, we may remark that this and all similar attempts to reconcile antinomies have their origin in the old Platonic problem of the &#039;One and Many.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; II. 1. The first of Plato&#039;s categories or elements is the infinite. This is the negative of measure or limit; the unthinkable, the unknowable; of which nothing can be affirmed; the mixture or chaos which preceded distinct kinds in the creation of the world; the first vague impression of sense; the more or less which refuses to be reduced to rule, having certain affinities with evil, with pleasure, with ignorance, and which in the scale of being is farthest removed from the beautiful and good. To a Greek of the age of Plato, the idea of an infinite mind would have been an absurdity. He would have insisted that &#039;the good is of the nature of the finite,&#039; and that the infinite is a mere negative, which is on the level of sensation, and not of thought. He was aware that there was a distinction between the infinitely great and the infinitely small, but he would have equally denied the claim of either to true existence. Of that positive infinity, or infinite reality, which we attribute to God, he had no conception. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The Greek conception of the infinite would be more truly described, in our way of speaking, as the indefinite. To us, the notion of infinity is subsequent rather than prior to the finite, expressing not absolute vacancy or negation, but only the removal of limit or restraint, which we suppose to exist not before but after we have already set bounds to thought and matter, and divided them after their kinds. From different points of view, either the finite or infinite may be looked upon respectively both as positive and negative (compare &#039;Omnis determinatio est negatio&#039;)&#039; and the conception of the one determines that of the other. The Greeks and the moderns seem to be nearly at the opposite poles in their manner of regarding them. And both are surprised when they make the discovery, as Plato has done in the Sophist, how large an element negation forms in the framework of their thoughts. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 2, 3. The finite element which mingles with and regulates the infinite is best expressed to us by the word &#039;law.&#039; It is that which measures all things and assigns to them their limit; which preserves them in their natural state, and brings them within the sphere of human cognition. This is described by the terms harmony, health, order, perfection, and the like. All things, in as far as they are good, even pleasures, which are for the most part indefinite, partake of this element. We should be wrong in attributing to Plato the conception of laws of nature derived from observation and experiment. And yet he has as intense a conviction as any modern philosopher that nature does not proceed by chance. But observing that the wonderful construction of number and figure, which he had within himself, and which seemed to be prior to himself, explained a part of the phenomena of the external world, he extended their principles to the whole, finding in them the true type both of human life and of the order of nature. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Two other points may be noticed respecting the third class. First, that Plato seems to be unconscious of any interval or chasm which separates the finite from the infinite. The one is in various ways and degrees working in the other. Hence he has implicitly answered the difficulty with which he started, of how the one could remain one and yet be divided among many individuals, or &#039;how ideas could be in and out of themselves,&#039; and the like. Secondly, that in this mixed class we find the idea of beauty. Good, when exhibited under the aspect of measure or symmetry, becomes beauty. And if we translate his language into corresponding modern terms, we shall not be far wrong in saying that here, as well as in the Republic, Plato conceives beauty under the idea of proportion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 4. Last and highest in the list of principles or elements is the cause of the union of the finite and infinite, to which Plato ascribes the order of the world. Reasoning from man to the universe, he argues that as there is a mind in the one, there must be a mind in the other, which he identifies with the royal mind of Zeus. This is the first cause of which &#039;our ancestors spoke,&#039; as he says, appealing to tradition, in the Philebus as well as in the Timaeus. The &#039;one and many&#039; is also supposed to have been revealed by tradition. For the mythical element has not altogether disappeared. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Some characteristic differences may here be noted, which distinguish the ancient from the modern mode of conceiving God. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; a. To Plato, the idea of God or mind is both personal and impersonal. Nor in ascribing, as appears to us, both these attributes to him, and in speaking of God both in the masculine and neuter gender, did he seem to himself inconsistent. For the difference between the personal and impersonal was not marked to him as to ourselves. We make a fundamental distinction between a thing and a person, while to Plato, by the help of various intermediate abstractions, such as end, good, cause, they appear almost to meet in one, or to be two aspects of the same. Hence, without any reconciliation or even remark, in the Republic he speaks at one time of God or Gods, and at another time of the Good. So in the Phaedrus he seems to pass unconsciously from the concrete to the abstract conception of the Ideas in the same dialogue. Nor in the Philebus is he careful to show in what relation the idea of the divine mind stands to the supreme principle of measure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; b. Again, to us there is a strongly-marked distinction between a first cause and a final cause. And we should commonly identify a first cause with God, and the final cause with the world, which is His work. But Plato, though not a Pantheist, and very far from confounding God with the world, tends to identify the first with the final cause. The cause of the union of the finite and infinite might be described as a higher law; the final measure which is the highest expression of the good may also be described as the supreme law. Both these conceptions are realized chiefly by the help of the material world; and therefore when we pass into the sphere of ideas can hardly be distinguished. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The four principles are required for the determination of the relative places of pleasure and wisdom. Plato has been saying that we should proceed by regular steps from the one to the many. Accordingly, before assigning the precedence either to good or pleasure, he must first find out and arrange in order the general principles of things. Mind is ascertained to be akin to the nature of the cause, while pleasure is found in the infinite or indefinite class. We may now proceed to divide pleasure and knowledge after their kinds. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; III. 1. Plato speaks of pleasure as indefinite, as relative, as a generation, and in all these points of view as in a category distinct from good. For again we must repeat, that to the Greek &#039;the good is of the nature of the finite,&#039; and, like virtue, either is, or is nearly allied to, knowledge. The modern philosopher would remark that the indefinite is equally real with the definite. Health and mental qualities are in the concrete undefined; they are nevertheless real goods, and Plato rightly regards them as falling under the finite class. Again, we are able to define objects or ideas, not in so far as they are in the mind, but in so far as they are manifested externally, and can therefore be reduced to rule and measure. And if we adopt the test of definiteness, the pleasures of the body are more capable of being defined than any other pleasures. As in art and knowledge generally, we proceed from without inwards, beginning with facts of sense, and passing to the more ideal conceptions of mental pleasure, happiness, and the like. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 2. Pleasure is depreciated as relative, while good is exalted as absolute. But this distinction seems to arise from an unfair mode of regarding them; the abstract idea of the one is compared with the concrete experience of the other. For all pleasure and all knowledge may be viewed either abstracted from the mind, or in relation to the mind (compare Aristot. Nic. Ethics). The first is an idea only, which may be conceived as absolute and unchangeable, and then the abstract idea of pleasure will be equally unchangeable with that of knowledge. But when we come to view either as phenomena of consciousness, the same defects are for the most part incident to both of them. Our hold upon them is equally transient and uncertain; the mind cannot be always in a state of intellectual tension, any more than capable of feeling pleasure always. The knowledge which is at one time clear and distinct, at another seems to fade away, just as the pleasure of health after sickness, or of eating after hunger, soon passes into a neutral state of unconsciousness and indifference. Change and alternation are necessary for the mind as well as for the body; and in this is to be acknowledged, not an element of evil, but rather a law of nature. The chief difference between subjective pleasure and subjective knowledge in respect of permanence is that the latter, when our feeble faculties are able to grasp it, still conveys to us an idea of unchangeableness which cannot be got rid of. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 3. In the language of ancient philosophy, the relative character of pleasure is described as becoming or generation. This is relative to Being or Essence, and from one point of view may be regarded as the Heraclitean flux in contrast with the Eleatic Being; from another, as the transient enjoyment of eating and drinking compared with the supposed permanence of intellectual pleasures. But to us the distinction is unmeaning, and belongs to a stage of philosophy which has passed away. Plato himself seems to have suspected that the continuance or life of things is quite as much to be attributed to a principle of rest as of motion (compare Charm. Cratyl.). A later view of pleasure is found in Aristotle, who agrees with Plato in many points, e.g. in his view of pleasure as a restoration to nature, in his distinction between bodily and mental, between necessary and non-necessary pleasures. But he is also in advance of Plato; for he affirms that pleasure is not in the body at all; and hence not even the bodily pleasures are to be spoken of as generations, but only as accompanied by generation (Nic. Eth.). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 4. Plato attempts to identify vicious pleasures with some form of error, and insists that the term false may be applied to them: in this he appears to be carrying out in a confused manner the Socratic doctrine, that virtue is knowledge, vice ignorance. He will allow of no distinction between the pleasures and the erroneous opinions on which they are founded, whether arising out of the illusion of distance or not. But to this we naturally reply with Protarchus, that the pleasure is what it is, although the calculation may be false, or the after-effects painful. It is difficult to acquit Plato, to use his own language, of being a &#039;tyro in dialectics,&#039; when he overlooks such a distinction. Yet, on the other hand, we are hardly fair judges of confusions of thought in those who view things differently from ourselves. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 5. There appears also to be an incorrectness in the notion which occurs both here and in the Gorgias, of the simultaneousness of merely bodily pleasures and pains. We may, perhaps, admit, though even this is not free from doubt, that the feeling of pleasureable hope or recollection is, or rather may be, simultaneous with acute bodily suffering. But there is no such coexistence of the pain of thirst with the pleasures of drinking; they are not really simultaneous, for the one expels the other. Nor does Plato seem to have considered that the bodily pleasures, except in certain extreme cases, are unattended with pain. Few philosophers will deny that a degree of pleasure attends eating and drinking; and yet surely we might as well speak of the pains of digestion which follow, as of the pains of hunger and thirst which precede them. Plato&#039;s conception is derived partly from the extreme case of a man suffering pain from hunger or thirst, partly from the image of a full and empty vessel. But the truth is rather, that while the gratification of our bodily desires constantly affords some degree of pleasure, the antecedent pains are scarcely perceived by us, being almost done away with by use and regularity. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 6. The desire to classify pleasures as accompanied or not accompanied by antecedent pains, has led Plato to place under one head the pleasures of smell and sight, as well as those derived from sounds of music and from knowledge. He would have done better to make a separate class of the pleasures of smell, having no association of mind, or perhaps to have divided them into natural and artificial. The pleasures of sight and sound might then have been regarded as being the expression of ideas. But this higher and truer point of view never appears to have occurred to Plato. Nor has he any distinction between the fine arts and the mechanical; and, neither here nor anywhere, an adequate conception of the beautiful in external things. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; 7. Plato agrees partially with certain &#039;surly or fastidious&#039; philosophers, as he terms them, who defined pleasure to be the absence of pain. They are also described as eminent in physics. There is unfortunately no school of Greek philosophy known to us which combined these two characteristics. Antisthenes, who was an enemy of pleasure, was not a physical philosopher; the atomists, who were physical philosophers, were not enemies of pleasure. Yet such a combination of opinions is far from being impossible. Plato&#039;s omission to mention them by name has created the same uncertainty respecting them which also occurs respecting the &#039;friends of the ideas&#039; and the &#039;materialists&#039; in the Sophist. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; On the whole, this discussion is one of the least satisfactory in the dialogues of Plato. While the ethical nature of pleasure is scarcely considered, and the merely physical phenomenon imperfectly analysed, too much weight is given to ideas of measure and number, as the sole principle of good. The comparison of pleasure and knowledge is really a comparison of two elements, which have no common measure, and which cannot be excluded from each other. Feeling is not opposed to knowledge, and in all consciousness there is an element of both. The most abstract kinds of knowledge are inseparable from some pleasure or pain, which accompanies the acquisition or possession of them: the student is liable to grow weary of them, and soon discovers that continuous mental energy is not granted to men. The most sensual pleasure, on the other hand, is inseparable from the consciousness of pleasure; no man can be happy who, to borrow Plato&#039;s illustration, is leading the life of an oyster. Hence (by his own confession) the main thesis is not worth determining; the real interest lies in the incidental discussion. We can no more separate pleasure from knowledge in the Philebus than we can separate justice from happiness in the Republic. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; IV. An interesting account is given in the Philebus of the rank and order of the sciences or arts, which agrees generally with the scheme of knowledge in the Sixth Book of the Republic. The chief difference is, that the position of the arts is more exactly defined. They are divided into an empirical part and a scientific part, of which the first is mere guess-work, the second is determined by rule and measure. Of the more empirical arts, music is given as an example; this, although affirmed to be necessary to human life, is depreciated. Music is regarded from a point of view entirely opposite to that of the Republic, not as a sublime science, coordinate with astronomy, but as full of doubt and conjecture. According to the standard of accuracy which is here adopted, it is rightly placed lower in the scale than carpentering, because the latter is more capable of being reduced to measure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The theoretical element of the arts may also become a purely abstract science, when separated from matter, and is then said to be pure and unmixed. The distinction which Plato here makes seems to be the same as that between pure and applied mathematics, and may be expressed in the modern formula&amp;amp;mdash;science is art theoretical, art is science practical. In the reason which he gives for the superiority of the pure science of number over the mixed or applied, we can only agree with him in part. He says that the numbers which the philosopher employs are always the same, whereas the numbers which are used in practice represent different sizes or quantities. He does not see that this power of expressing different quantities by the same symbol is the characteristic and not the defect of numbers, and is due to their abstract nature;&amp;amp;mdash;although we admit of course what Plato seems to feel in his distinctions between pure and impure knowledge, that the imperfection of matter enters into the applications of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Above the other sciences, as in the Republic, towers dialectic, which is the science of eternal Being, apprehended by the purest mind and reason. The lower sciences, including the mathematical, are akin to opinion rather than to reason, and are placed together in the fourth class of goods. The relation in which they stand to dialectic is obscure in the Republic, and is not cleared up in the Philebus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; V. Thus far we have only attained to the vestibule or ante-chamber of the good; for there is a good exceeding knowledge, exceeding essence, which, like Glaucon in the Republic, we find a difficulty in apprehending. This good is now to be exhibited to us under various aspects and gradations. The relative dignity of pleasure and knowledge has been determined; but they have not yet received their exact position in the scale of goods. Some difficulties occur to us in the enumeration: First, how are we to distinguish the first from the second class of goods, or the second from the third? Secondly, why is there no mention of the supreme mind? Thirdly, the nature of the fourth class. Fourthly, the meaning of the allusion to a sixth class, which is not further investigated. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; (I) Plato seems to proceed in his table of goods, from the more abstract to the less abstract; from the subjective to the objective; until at the lower end of the scale we fairly descend into the region of human action and feeling. To him, the greater the abstraction the greater the truth, and he is always tending to see abstractions within abstractions; which, like the ideas in the Parmenides, are always appearing one behind another. Hence we find a difficulty in following him into the sphere of thought which he is seeking to attain. First in his scale of goods he places measure, in which he finds the eternal nature: this would be more naturally expressed in modern language as eternal law, and seems to be akin both to the finite and to the mind or cause, which were two of the elements in the former table. Like the supreme nature in the Timaeus, like the ideal beauty in the Symposium or the Phaedrus, or like the ideal good in the Republic, this is the absolute and unapproachable being. But this being is manifested in symmetry and beauty everywhere, in the order of nature and of mind, in the relations of men to one another. For the word &#039;measure&#039; he now substitutes the word &#039;symmetry,&#039; as if intending to express measure conceived as relation. He then proceeds to regard the good no longer in an objective form, but as the human reason seeking to attain truth by the aid of dialectic; such at least we naturally infer to be his meaning, when we consider that both here and in the Republic the sphere of nous or mind is assigned to dialectic. (2) It is remarkable (see above) that this personal conception of mind is confined to the human mind, and not extended to the divine. (3) If we may be allowed to interpret one dialogue of Plato by another, the sciences of figure and number are probably classed with the arts and true opinions, because they proceed from hypotheses (compare Republic). (4) The sixth class, if a sixth class is to be added, is playfully set aside by a quotation from Orpheus: Plato means to say that a sixth class, if there be such a class, is not worth considering, because pleasure, having only gained the fifth place in the scale of goods, is already out of the running. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; VI. We may now endeavour to ascertain the relation of the Philebus to the other dialogues. Here Plato shows the same indifference to his own doctrine of Ideas which he has already manifested in the Parmenides and the Sophist. The principle of the one and many of which he here speaks, is illustrated by examples in the Sophist and Statesman. Notwithstanding the differences of style, many resemblances may be noticed between the Philebus and Gorgias. The theory of the simultaneousness of pleasure and pain is common to both of them (Phil. Gorg.); there is also a common tendency in them to take up arms against pleasure, although the view of the Philebus, which is probably the later of the two dialogues, is the more moderate. There seems to be an allusion to the passage in the Gorgias, in which Socrates dilates on the pleasures of itching and scratching. Nor is there any real discrepancy in the manner in which Gorgias and his art are spoken of in the two dialogues. For Socrates is far from implying that the art of rhetoric has a real sphere of practical usefulness: he only means that the refutation of the claims of Gorgias is not necessary for his present purpose. He is saying in effect: &#039;Admit, if you please, that rhetoric is the greatest and usefullest of sciences:&amp;amp;mdash;this does not prove that dialectic is not the purest and most exact.&#039; From the Sophist and Statesman we know that his hostility towards the sophists and rhetoricians was not mitigated in later life; although both in the Statesman and Laws he admits of a higher use of rhetoric. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Reasons have been already given for assigning a late date to the Philebus. That the date is probably later than that of the Republic, may be further argued on the following grounds:&amp;amp;mdash;1. The general resemblance to the later dialogues and to the Laws: 2. The more complete account of the nature of good and pleasure: 3. The distinction between perception, memory, recollection, and opinion which indicates a great progress in psychology; also between understanding and imagination, which is described under the figure of the scribe and the painter. A superficial notion may arise that Plato probably wrote shorter dialogues, such as the Philebus, the Sophist, and the Statesman, as studies or preparations for longer ones. This view may be natural; but on further reflection is seen to be fallacious, because these three dialogues are found to make an advance upon the metaphysical conceptions of the Republic. And we can more easily suppose that Plato composed shorter writings after longer ones, than suppose that he lost hold of further points of view which he had once attained. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It is more easy to find traces of the Pythagoreans, Eleatics, Megarians, Cynics, Cyrenaics and of the ideas of Anaxagoras, in the Philebus, than to say how much is due to each of them. Had we fuller records of those old philosophers, we should probably find Plato in the midst of the fray attempting to combine Eleatic and Pythagorean doctrines, and seeking to find a truth beyond either Being or number; setting up his own concrete conception of good against the abstract practical good of the Cynics, or the abstract intellectual good of the Megarians, and his own idea of classification against the denial of plurality in unity which is also attributed to them; warring against the Eristics as destructive of truth, as he had formerly fought against the Sophists; taking up a middle position between the Cynics and Cyrenaics in his doctrine of pleasure; asserting with more consistency than Anaxagoras the existence of an intelligent mind and cause. Of the Heracliteans, whom he is said by Aristotle to have cultivated in his youth, he speaks in the Philebus, as in the Theaetetus and Cratylus, with irony and contempt. But we have not the knowledge which would enable us to pursue further the line of reflection here indicated; nor can we expect to find perfect clearness or order in the first efforts of mankind to understand the working of their own minds. The ideas which they are attempting to analyse, they are also in process of creating; the abstract universals of which they are seeking to adjust the relations have been already excluded by them from the category of relation. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; ... &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The Philebus, like the Cratylus, is supposed to be the continuation of a previous discussion. An argument respecting the comparative claims of pleasure and wisdom to rank as the chief good has been already carried on between Philebus and Socrates. The argument is now transferred to Protarchus, the son of Callias, a noble Athenian youth, sprung from a family which had spent &#039;a world of money&#039; on the Sophists (compare Apol.; Crat.; Protag.). Philebus, who appears to be the teacher, or elder friend, and perhaps the lover, of Protarchus, takes no further part in the discussion beyond asserting in the strongest manner his adherence, under all circumstances, to the cause of pleasure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Socrates suggests that they shall have a first and second palm of victory. For there may be a good higher than either pleasure or wisdom, and then neither of them will gain the first prize, but whichever of the two is more akin to this higher good will have a right to the second. They agree, and Socrates opens the game by enlarging on the diversity and opposition which exists among pleasures. For there are pleasures of all kinds, good and bad, wise and foolish&amp;amp;mdash;pleasures of the temperate as well as of the intemperate. Protarchus replies that although pleasures may be opposed in so far as they spring from opposite sources, nevertheless as pleasures they are alike. Yes, retorts Socrates, pleasure is like pleasure, as figure is like figure and colour like colour; yet we all know that there is great variety among figures and colours. Protarchus does not see the drift of this remark; and Socrates proceeds to ask how he can have a right to attribute a new predicate (i.e. &#039;good&#039;) to pleasures in general, when he cannot deny that they are different? What common property in all of them does he mean to indicate by the term &#039;good&#039;? If he continues to assert that there is some trivial sense in which pleasure is one, Socrates may retort by saying that knowledge is one, but the result will be that such merely verbal and trivial conceptions, whether of knowledge or pleasure, will spoil the discussion, and will prove the incapacity of the two disputants. In order to avoid this danger, he proposes that they shall beat a retreat, and, before they proceed, come to an understanding about the &#039;high argument&#039; of the one and the many. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Protarchus agrees to the proposal, but he is under the impression that Socrates means to discuss the common question&amp;amp;mdash;how a sensible object can be one, and yet have opposite attributes, such as &#039;great&#039; and &#039;small,&#039; &#039;light&#039; and &#039;heavy,&#039; or how there can be many members in one body, and the like wonders. Socrates has long ceased to see any wonder in these phenomena; his difficulties begin with the application of number to abstract unities (e.g.&#039;man,&#039; &#039;good&#039;) and with the attempt to divide them. For have these unities of idea any real existence? How, if imperishable, can they enter into the world of generation? How, as units, can they be divided and dispersed among different objects? Or do they exist in their entirety in each object? These difficulties are but imperfectly answered by Socrates in what follows. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; We speak of a one and many, which is ever flowing in and out of all things, concerning which a young man often runs wild in his first metaphysical enthusiasm, talking about analysis and synthesis to his father and mother and the neighbours, hardly sparing even his dog. This &#039;one in many&#039; is a revelation of the order of the world, which some Prometheus first made known to our ancestors; and they, who were better men and nearer the gods than we are, have handed it down to us. To know how to proceed by regular steps from one to many, and from many to one, is just what makes the difference between eristic and dialectic. And the right way of proceeding is to look for one idea or class in all things, and when you have found one to look for more than one, and for all that there are, and when you have found them all and regularly divided a particular field of knowledge into classes, you may leave the further consideration of individuals. But you must not pass at once either from unity to infinity, or from infinity to unity. In music, for example, you may begin with the most general notion, but this alone will not make you a musician: you must know also the number and nature of the intervals, and the systems which are framed out of them, and the rhythms of the dance which correspond to them. And when you have a similar knowledge of any other subject, you may be said to know that subject. In speech again there are infinite varieties of sound, and some one who was a wise man, or more than man, comprehended them all in the classes of mutes, vowels, and semivowels, and gave to each of them a name, and assigned them to the art of grammar. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;But whither, Socrates, are you going? And what has this to do with the comparative eligibility of pleasure and wisdom:&#039; Socrates replies, that before we can adjust their respective claims, we want to know the number and kinds of both of them. What are they? He is requested to answer the question himself. That he will, if he may be allowed to make one or two preliminary remarks. In the first place he has a dreamy recollection of hearing that neither pleasure nor knowledge is the highest good, for the good should be perfect and sufficient. But is the life of pleasure perfect and sufficient, when deprived of memory, consciousness, anticipation? Is not this the life of an oyster? Or is the life of mind sufficient, if devoid of any particle of pleasure? Must not the union of the two be higher and more eligible than either separately? And is not the element which makes this mixed life eligible more akin to mind than to pleasure? Thus pleasure is rejected and mind is rejected. And yet there may be a life of mind, not human but divine, which conquers still. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But, if we are to pursue this argument further, we shall require some new weapons; and by this, I mean a new classification of existence. (1) There is a finite element of existence, and (2) an infinite, and (3) the union of the two, and (4) the cause of the union. More may be added if they are wanted, but at present we can do without them. And first of the infinite or indefinite:&amp;amp;mdash;That is the class which is denoted by the terms more or less, and is always in a state of comparison. All words or ideas to which the words &#039;gently,&#039; &#039;extremely,&#039; and other comparative expressions are applied, fall under this class. The infinite would be no longer infinite, if limited or reduced to measure by number and quantity. The opposite class is the limited or finite, and includes all things which have number and quantity. And there is a third class of generation into essence by the union of the finite and infinite, in which the finite gives law to the infinite;&amp;amp;mdash;under this are comprehended health, strength, temperate seasons, harmony, beauty, and the like. The goddess of beauty saw the universal wantonness of all things, and gave law and order to be the salvation of the soul. But no effect can be generated without a cause, and therefore there must be a fourth class, which is the cause of generation; for the cause or agent is not the same as the patient or effect. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And now, having obtained our classes, we may determine in which our conqueror life is to be placed: Clearly in the third or mixed class, in which the finite gives law to the infinite. And in which is pleasure to find a place? As clearly in the infinite or indefinite, which alone, as Protarchus thinks (who seems to confuse the infinite with the superlative), gives to pleasure the character of the absolute good. Yes, retorts Socrates, and also to pain the character of absolute evil. And therefore the infinite cannot be that which imparts to pleasure the nature of the good. But where shall we place mind? That is a very serious and awful question, which may be prefaced by another. Is mind or chance the lord of the universe? All philosophers will say the first, and yet, perhaps, they may be only magnifying themselves. And for this reason I should like to consider the matter a little more deeply, even though some lovers of disorder in the world should ridicule my attempt. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Now the elements earth, air, fire, water, exist in us, and they exist in the cosmos; but they are purer and fairer in the cosmos than they are in us, and they come to us from thence. And as we have a soul as well as a body, in like manner the elements of the finite, the infinite, the union of the two, and the cause, are found to exist in us. And if they, like the elements, exist in us, and the three first exist in the world, must not the fourth or cause which is the noblest of them, exist in the world? And this cause is wisdom or mind, the royal mind of Zeus, who is the king of all, as there are other gods who have other noble attributes. Observe how well this agrees with the testimony of men of old, who affirmed mind to be the ruler of the universe. And remember that mind belongs to the class which we term the cause, and pleasure to the infinite or indefinite class. We will examine the place and origin of both. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; What is the origin of pleasure? Her natural seat is the mixed class, in which health and harmony were placed. Pain is the violation, and pleasure the restoration of limit. There is a natural union of finite and infinite, which in hunger, thirst, heat, cold, is impaired&amp;amp;mdash;this is painful, but the return to nature, in which the elements are restored to their normal proportions, is pleasant. Here is our first class of pleasures. And another class of pleasures and pains are hopes and fears; these are in the mind only. And inasmuch as the pleasures are unalloyed by pains and the pains by pleasures, the examination of them may show us whether all pleasure is to be desired, or whether this entire desirableness is not rather the attribute of another class. But if pleasures and pains consist in the violation and restoration of limit, may there not be a neutral state, in which there is neither dissolution nor restoration? That is a further question, and admitting, as we must, the possibility of such a state, there seems to be no reason why the life of wisdom should not exist in this neutral state, which is, moreover, the state of the gods, who cannot, without indecency, be supposed to feel either joy or sorrow. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The second class of pleasures involves memory. There are affections which are extinguished before they reach the soul, and of these there is no consciousness, and therefore no memory. And there are affections which the body and soul feel together, and this feeling is termed consciousness. And memory is the preservation of consciousness, and reminiscence is the recovery of consciousness. Now the memory of pleasure, when a man is in pain, is the memory of the opposite of his actual bodily state, and is therefore not in the body, but in the mind. And there may be an intermediate state, in which a person is balanced between pleasure and pain; in his body there is want which is a cause of pain, but in his mind a sure hope of replenishment, which is pleasant. (But if the hope be converted into despair, he has two pains and not a balance of pain and pleasure.) Another question is raised: May not pleasures, like opinions, be true and false? In the sense of being real, both must be admitted to be true: nor can we deny that to both of them qualities may be attributed; for pleasures as well as opinions may be described as good or bad. And though we do not all of us allow that there are true and false pleasures, we all acknowledge that there are some pleasures associated with right opinion, and others with falsehood and ignorance. Let us endeavour to analyze the nature of this association. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Opinion is based on perception, which may be correct or mistaken. You may see a figure at a distance, and say first of all, &#039;This is a man,&#039; and then say, &#039;No, this is an image made by the shepherds.&#039; And you may affirm this in a proposition to your companion, or make the remark mentally to yourself. Whether the words are actually spoken or not, on such occasions there is a scribe within who registers them, and a painter who paints the images of the things which the scribe has written down in the soul,&amp;amp;mdash;at least that is my own notion of the process; and the words and images which are inscribed by them may be either true or false; and they may represent either past, present, or future. And, representing the future, they must also represent the pleasures and pains of anticipation&amp;amp;mdash;the visions of gold and other fancies which are never wanting in the mind of man. Now these hopes, as they are termed, are propositions, which are sometimes true, and sometimes false; for the good, who are the friends of the gods, see true pictures of the future, and the bad false ones. And as there may be opinion about things which are not, were not, and will not be, which is opinion still, so there may be pleasure about things which are not, were not, and will not be, which is pleasure still,&amp;amp;mdash;that is to say, false pleasure; and only when false, can pleasure, like opinion, be vicious. Against this conclusion Protarchus reclaims. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Leaving his denial for the present, Socrates proceeds to show that some pleasures are false from another point of view. In desire, as we admitted, the body is divided from the soul, and hence pleasures and pains are often simultaneous. And we further admitted that both of them belonged to the infinite class. How, then, can we compare them? Are we not liable, or rather certain, as in the case of sight, to be deceived by distance and relation? In this case the pleasures and pains are not false because based upon false opinion, but are themselves false. And there is another illusion: pain has often been said by us to arise out of the derangement&amp;amp;mdash;pleasure out of the restoration&amp;amp;mdash;of our nature. But in passing from one to the other, do we not experience neutral states, which although they appear pleasureable or painful are really neither? For even if we admit, with the wise man whom Protarchus loves (and only a wise man could have ever entertained such a notion), that all things are in a perpetual flux, still these changes are often unconscious, and devoid either of pleasure or pain. We assume, then, that there are three states&amp;amp;mdash;pleasureable, painful, neutral; we may embellish a little by calling them gold, silver, and that which is neither. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But there are certain natural philosophers who will not admit a third state. Their instinctive dislike to pleasure leads them to affirm that pleasure is only the absence of pain. They are noble fellows, and, although we do not agree with them, we may use them as diviners who will indicate to us the right track. They will say, that the nature of anything is best known from the examination of extreme cases, e.g. the nature of hardness from the examination of the hardest things; and that the nature of pleasure will be best understood from an examination of the most intense pleasures. Now these are the pleasures of the body, not of the mind; the pleasures of disease and not of health, the pleasures of the intemperate and not of the temperate. I am speaking, not of the frequency or continuance, but only of the intensity of such pleasures, and this is given them by contrast with the pain or sickness of body which precedes them. Their morbid nature is illustrated by the lesser instances of itching and scratching, respecting which I swear that I cannot tell whether they are a pleasure or a pain. (1) Some of these arise out of a transition from one state of the body to another, as from cold to hot; (2) others are caused by the contrast of an internal pain and an external pleasure in the body: sometimes the feeling of pain predominates, as in itching and tingling, when they are relieved by scratching; sometimes the feeling of pleasure: or the pleasure which they give may be quite overpowering, and is then accompanied by all sorts of unutterable feelings which have a death of delights in them. But there are also mixed pleasures which are in the mind only. For are not love and sorrow as well as anger &#039;sweeter than honey,&#039; and also full of pain? Is there not a mixture of feelings in the spectator of tragedy? and of comedy also? &#039;I do not understand that last.&#039; Well, then, with the view of lighting up the obscurity of these mixed feelings, let me ask whether envy is painful. &#039;Yes.&#039; And yet the envious man finds something pleasing in the misfortunes of others? &#039;True.&#039; And ignorance is a misfortune? &#039;Certainly.&#039; And one form of ignorance is self-conceit&amp;amp;mdash;a man may fancy himself richer, fairer, better, wiser than he is? &#039;Yes.&#039; And he who thus deceives himself may be strong or weak? &#039;He may.&#039; And if he is strong we fear him, and if he is weak we laugh at him, which is a pleasure, and yet we envy him, which is a pain? These mixed feelings are the rationale of tragedy and comedy, and equally the rationale of the greater drama of human life. (There appears to be some confusion in this passage. There is no difficulty in seeing that in comedy, as in tragedy, the spectator may view the performance with mixed feelings of pain as well as of pleasure; nor is there any difficulty in understanding that envy is a mixed feeling, which rejoices not without pain at the misfortunes of others, and laughs at their ignorance of themselves. But Plato seems to think further that he has explained the feeling of the spectator in comedy sufficiently by a theory which only applies to comedy in so far as in comedy we laugh at the conceit or weakness of others. He has certainly given a very partial explanation of the ridiculous.) Having shown how sorrow, anger, envy are feelings of a mixed nature, I will reserve the consideration of the remainder for another occasion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Next follow the unmixed pleasures; which, unlike the philosophers of whom I was speaking, I believe to be real. These unmixed pleasures are: (1) The pleasures derived from beauty of form, colour, sound, smell, which are absolutely pure; and in general those which are unalloyed with pain: (2) The pleasures derived from the acquisition of knowledge, which in themselves are pure, but may be attended by an accidental pain of forgetting; this, however, arises from a subsequent act of reflection, of which we need take no account. At the same time, we admit that the latter pleasures are the property of a very few. To these pure and unmixed pleasures we ascribe measure, whereas all others belong to the class of the infinite, and are liable to every species of excess. And here several questions arise for consideration:&amp;amp;mdash;What is the meaning of pure and impure, of moderate and immoderate? We may answer the question by an illustration: Purity of white paint consists in the clearness or quality of the white, and this is distinct from the quantity or amount of white paint; a little pure white is fairer than a great deal which is impure. But there is another question:&amp;amp;mdash;Pleasure is affirmed by ingenious philosophers to be a generation; they say that there are two natures&amp;amp;mdash;one self-existent, the other dependent; the one noble and majestic, the other failing in both these qualities. &#039;I do not understand.&#039; There are lovers and there are loves. &#039;Yes, I know, but what is the application?&#039; The argument is in play, and desires to intimate that there are relatives and there are absolutes, and that the relative is for the sake of the absolute; and generation is for the sake of essence. Under relatives I class all things done with a view to generation; and essence is of the class of good. But if essence is of the class of good, generation must be of some other class; and our friends, who affirm that pleasure is a generation, would laugh at the notion that pleasure is a good; and at that other notion, that pleasure is produced by generation, which is only the alternative of destruction. Who would prefer such an alternation to the equable life of pure thought? Here is one absurdity, and not the only one, to which the friends of pleasure are reduced. For is there not also an absurdity in affirming that good is of the soul only; or in declaring that the best of men, if he be in pain, is bad? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And now, from the consideration of pleasure, we pass to that of knowledge. Let us reflect that there are two kinds of knowledge&amp;amp;mdash;the one creative or productive, and the other educational and philosophical. Of the creative arts, there is one part purer or more akin to knowledge than the other. There is an element of guess-work and an element of number and measure in them. In music, for example, especially in flute-playing, the conjectural element prevails; while in carpentering there is more application of rule and measure. Of the creative arts, then, we may make two classes&amp;amp;mdash;the less exact and the more exact. And the exacter part of all of them is really arithmetic and mensuration. But arithmetic and mensuration again may be subdivided with reference either to their use in the concrete, or to their nature in the abstract&amp;amp;mdash;as they are regarded popularly in building and binding, or theoretically by philosophers. And, borrowing the analogy of pleasure, we may say that the philosophical use of them is purer than the other. Thus we have two arts of arithmetic, and two of mensuration. And truest of all in the estimation of every rational man is dialectic, or the science of being, which will forget and disown us, if we forget and disown her. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;But, Socrates, I have heard Gorgias say that rhetoric is the greatest and usefullest of arts; and I should not like to quarrel either with him or you.&#039; Neither is there any inconsistency, Protarchus, with his statement in what I am now saying; for I am not maintaining that dialectic is the greatest or usefullest, but only that she is the truest of arts; my remark is not quantitative but qualitative, and refers not to the advantage or repetition of either, but to the degree of truth which they attain&amp;amp;mdash;here Gorgias will not care to compete; this is what we affirm to be possessed in the highest degree by dialectic. And do not let us appeal to Gorgias or Philebus or Socrates, but ask, on behalf of the argument, what are the highest truths which the soul has the power of attaining. And is not this the science which has a firmer grasp of them than any other? For the arts generally are only occupied with matters of opinion, and with the production and action and passion of this sensible world. But the highest truth is that which is eternal and unchangeable. And reason and wisdom are concerned with the eternal; and these are the very claimants, if not for the first, at least for the second place, whom I propose as rivals to pleasure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And now, having the materials, we may proceed to mix them&amp;amp;mdash;first recapitulating the question at issue. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Philebus affirmed pleasure to be the good, and assumed them to be one nature; I affirmed that they were two natures, and declared that knowledge was more akin to the good than pleasure. I said that the two together were more eligible than either taken singly; and to this we adhere. Reason intimates, as at first, that we should seek the good not in the unmixed life, but in the mixed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The cup is ready, waiting to be mingled, and here are two fountains, one of honey, the other of pure water, out of which to make the fairest possible mixture. There are pure and impure pleasures&amp;amp;mdash;pure and impure sciences. Let us consider the sections of each which have the most of purity and truth; to admit them all indiscriminately would be dangerous. First we will take the pure sciences; but shall we mingle the impure&amp;amp;mdash;the art which uses the false rule and the false measure? That we must, if we are any of us to find our way home; man cannot live upon pure mathematics alone. And must I include music, which is admitted to be guess-work? &#039;Yes, you must, if human life is to have any humanity.&#039; Well, then, I will open the door and let them all in; they shall mingle in an Homeric &#039;meeting of the waters.&#039; And now we turn to the pleasures; shall I admit them? &#039;Admit first of all the pure pleasures; secondly, the necessary.&#039; And what shall we say about the rest? First, ask the pleasures&amp;amp;mdash;they will be too happy to dwell with wisdom. Secondly, ask the arts and sciences&amp;amp;mdash;they reply that the excesses of intemperance are the ruin of them; and that they would rather only have the pleasures of health and temperance, which are the handmaidens of virtue. But still we want truth? That is now added; and so the argument is complete, and may be compared to an incorporeal law, which is to hold fair rule over a living body. And now we are at the vestibule of the good, in which there are three chief elements&amp;amp;mdash;truth, symmetry, and beauty. These will be the criterion of the comparative claims of pleasure and wisdom. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Which has the greater share of truth? Surely wisdom; for pleasure is the veriest impostor in the world, and the perjuries of lovers have passed into a proverb. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Which of symmetry? Wisdom again; for nothing is more immoderate than pleasure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Which of beauty? Once more, wisdom; for pleasure is often unseemly, and the greatest pleasures are put out of sight. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Not pleasure, then, ranks first in the scale of good, but measure, and eternal harmony. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Second comes the symmetrical and beautiful and perfect. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Third, mind and wisdom. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Fourth, sciences and arts and true opinions. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Fifth, painless pleasures. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Of a sixth class, I have no more to say. Thus, pleasure and mind may both renounce the claim to the first place. But mind is ten thousand times nearer to the chief good than pleasure. Pleasure ranks fifth and not first, even though all the animals in the world assert the contrary. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; ... &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; From the days of Aristippus and Epicurus to our own times the nature of pleasure has occupied the attention of philosophers. &#039;Is pleasure an evil? a good? the only good?&#039; are the simple forms which the enquiry assumed among the Socratic schools. But at an early stage of the controversy another question was asked: &#039;Do pleasures differ in kind? and are some bad, some good, and some neither bad nor good?&#039; There are bodily and there are mental pleasures, which were at first confused but afterwards distinguished. A distinction was also made between necessary and unnecessary pleasures; and again between pleasures which had or had not corresponding pains. The ancient philosophers were fond of asking, in the language of their age, &#039;Is pleasure a &amp;quot;becoming&amp;quot; only, and therefore transient and relative, or do some pleasures partake of truth and Being?&#039; To these ancient speculations the moderns have added a further question:&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;Whose pleasure? The pleasure of yourself, or of your neighbour,&amp;amp;mdash;of the individual, or of the world?&#039; This little addition has changed the whole aspect of the discussion: the same word is now supposed to include two principles as widely different as benevolence and self-love. Some modern writers have also distinguished between pleasure the test, and pleasure the motive of actions. For the universal test of right actions (how I know them) may not always be the highest or best motive of them (why I do them). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Socrates, as we learn from the Memorabilia of Xenophon, first drew attention to the consequences of actions. Mankind were said by him to act rightly when they knew what they were doing, or, in the language of the Gorgias, &#039;did what they would.&#039; He seems to have been the first who maintained that the good was the useful (Mem.). In his eagerness for generalization, seeking, as Aristotle says, for the universal in Ethics (Metaph.), he took the most obvious intellectual aspect of human action which occurred to him. He meant to emphasize, not pleasure, but the calculation of pleasure; neither is he arguing that pleasure is the chief good, but that we should have a principle of choice. He did not intend to oppose &#039;the useful&#039; to some higher conception, such as the Platonic ideal, but to chance and caprice. The Platonic Socrates pursues the same vein of thought in the Protagoras, where he argues against the so-called sophist that pleasure and pain are the final standards and motives of good and evil, and that the salvation of human life depends upon a right estimate of pleasures greater or less when seen near and at a distance. The testimony of Xenophon is thus confirmed by that of Plato, and we are therefore justified in calling Socrates the first utilitarian; as indeed there is no side or aspect of philosophy which may not with reason be ascribed to him&amp;amp;mdash;he is Cynic and Cyrenaic, Platonist and Aristotelian in one. But in the Phaedo the Socratic has already passed into a more ideal point of view; and he, or rather Plato speaking in his person, expressly repudiates the notion that the exchange of a less pleasure for a greater can be an exchange of virtue. Such virtue is the virtue of ordinary men who live in the world of appearance; they are temperate only that they may enjoy the pleasures of intemperance, and courageous from fear of danger. Whereas the philosopher is seeking after wisdom and not after pleasure, whether near or distant: he is the mystic, the initiated, who has learnt to despise the body and is yearning all his life long for a truth which will hereafter be revealed to him. In the Republic the pleasures of knowledge are affirmed to be superior to other pleasures, because the philosopher so estimates them; and he alone has had experience of both kinds. (Compare a similar argument urged by one of the latest defenders of Utilitarianism, Mill&#039;s Utilitarianism). In the Philebus, Plato, although he regards the enemies of pleasure with complacency, still further modifies the transcendentalism of the Phaedo. For he is compelled to confess, rather reluctantly, perhaps, that some pleasures, i.e. those which have no antecedent pains, claim a place in the scale of goods. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There have been many reasons why not only Plato but mankind in general have been unwilling to acknowledge that &#039;pleasure is the chief good.&#039; Either they have heard a voice calling to them out of another world; or the life and example of some great teacher has cast their thoughts of right and wrong in another mould; or the word &#039;pleasure&#039; has been associated in their mind with merely animal enjoyment. They could not believe that what they were always striving to overcome, and the power or principle in them which overcame, were of the same nature. The pleasure of doing good to others and of bodily self-indulgence, the pleasures of intellect and the pleasures of sense, are so different:&amp;amp;mdash;Why then should they be called by a common name? Or, if the equivocal or metaphorical use of the word is justified by custom (like the use of other words which at first referred only to the body, and then by a figure have been transferred to the mind), still, why should we make an ambiguous word the corner-stone of moral philosophy? To the higher thinker the Utilitarian or hedonist mode of speaking has been at variance with religion and with any higher conception both of politics and of morals. It has not satisfied their imagination; it has offended their taste. To elevate pleasure, &#039;the most fleeting of all things,&#039; into a general idea seems to such men a contradiction. They do not desire to bring down their theory to the level of their practice. The simplicity of the &#039;greatest happiness&#039; principle has been acceptable to philosophers, but the better part of the world has been slow to receive it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Before proceeding, we may make a few admissions which will narrow the field of dispute; and we may as well leave behind a few prejudices, which intelligent opponents of Utilitarianism have by this time &#039;agreed to discard&#039;. We admit that Utility is coextensive with right, and that no action can be right which does not tend to the happiness of mankind; we acknowledge that a large class of actions are made right or wrong by their consequences only; we say further that mankind are not too mindful, but that they are far too regardless of consequences, and that they need to have the doctrine of utility habitually inculcated on them. We recognize the value of a principle which can supply a connecting link between Ethics and Politics, and under which all human actions are or may be included. The desire to promote happiness is no mean preference of expediency to right, but one of the highest and noblest motives by which human nature can be animated. Neither in referring actions to the test of utility have we to make a laborious calculation, any more than in trying them by other standards of morals. For long ago they have been classified sufficiently for all practical purposes by the thinker, by the legislator, by the opinion of the world. Whatever may be the hypothesis on which they are explained, or which in doubtful cases may be applied to the regulation of them, we are very rarely, if ever, called upon at the moment of performing them to determine their effect upon the happiness of mankind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There is a theory which has been contrasted with Utility by Paley and others&amp;amp;mdash;the theory of a moral sense: Are our ideas of right and wrong innate or derived from experience? This, perhaps, is another of those speculations which intelligent men might &#039;agree to discard.&#039; For it has been worn threadbare; and either alternative is equally consistent with a transcendental or with an eudaemonistic system of ethics, with a greatest happiness principle or with Kant&#039;s law of duty. Yet to avoid misconception, what appears to be the truth about the origin of our moral ideas may be shortly summed up as follows:&amp;amp;mdash;To each of us individually our moral ideas come first of all in childhood through the medium of education, from parents and teachers, assisted by the unconscious influence of language; they are impressed upon a mind which at first is like a waxen tablet, adapted to receive them; but they soon become fixed or set, and in after life are strengthened, or perhaps weakened by the force of public opinion. They may be corrected and enlarged by experience, they may be reasoned about, they may be brought home to us by the circumstances of our lives, they may be intensified by imagination, by reflection, by a course of action likely to confirm them. Under the influence of religious feeling or by an effort of thought, any one beginning with the ordinary rules of morality may create out of them for himself ideals of holiness and virtue. They slumber in the minds of most men, yet in all of us there remains some tincture of affection, some desire of good, some sense of truth, some fear of the law. Of some such state or process each individual is conscious in himself, and if he compares his own experience with that of others he will find the witness of their consciences to coincide with that of his own. All of us have entered into an inheritance which we have the power of appropriating and making use of. No great effort of mind is required on our part; we learn morals, as we learn to talk, instinctively, from conversing with others, in an enlightened age, in a civilized country, in a good home. A well-educated child of ten years old already knows the essentials of morals: &#039;Thou shalt not steal,&#039; &#039;thou shalt speak the truth,&#039; &#039;thou shalt love thy parents,&#039; &#039;thou shalt fear God.&#039; What more does he want? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But whence comes this common inheritance or stock of moral ideas? Their beginning, like all other beginnings of human things, is obscure, and is the least important part of them. Imagine, if you will, that Society originated in the herding of brutes, in their parental instincts, in their rude attempts at self-preservation:&amp;amp;mdash;Man is not man in that he resembles, but in that he differs from them. We must pass into another cycle of existence, before we can discover in him by any evidence accessible to us even the germs of our moral ideas. In the history of the world, which viewed from within is the history of the human mind, they have been slowly created by religion, by poetry, by law, having their foundation in the natural affections and in the necessity of some degree of truth and justice in a social state; they have been deepened and enlarged by the efforts of great thinkers who have idealized and connected them&amp;amp;mdash;by the lives of saints and prophets who have taught and exemplified them. The schools of ancient philosophy which seem so far from us&amp;amp;mdash;Socrates, Plato, Aristotle, the Stoics, the Epicureans, and a few modern teachers, such as Kant and Bentham, have each of them supplied &#039;moments&#039; of thought to the world. The life of Christ has embodied a divine love, wisdom, patience, reasonableness. For his image, however imperfectly handed down to us, the modern world has received a standard more perfect in idea than the societies of ancient times, but also further removed from practice. For there is certainly a greater interval between the theory and practice of Christians than between the theory and practice of the Greeks and Romans; the ideal is more above us, and the aspiration after good has often lent a strange power to evil. And sometimes, as at the Reformation, or French Revolution, when the upper classes of a so-called Christian country have become corrupted by priestcraft, by casuistry, by licentiousness, by despotism, the lower have risen up and re-asserted the natural sense of religion and right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; We may further remark that our moral ideas, as the world grows older, perhaps as we grow older ourselves, unless they have been undermined in us by false philosophy or the practice of mental analysis, or infected by the corruption of society or by some moral disorder in the individual, are constantly assuming a more natural and necessary character. The habit of the mind, the opinion of the world, familiarizes them to us; and they take more and more the form of immediate intuition. The moral sense comes last and not first in the order of their development, and is the instinct which we have inherited or acquired, not the nobler effort of reflection which created them and which keeps them alive. We do not stop to reason about common honesty. Whenever we are not blinded by self-deceit, as for example in judging the actions of others, we have no hesitation in determining what is right and wrong. The principles of morality, when not at variance with some desire or worldly interest of our own, or with the opinion of the public, are hardly perceived by us; but in the conflict of reason and passion they assert their authority and are not overcome without remorse. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Such is a brief outline of the history of our moral ideas. We have to distinguish, first of all, the manner in which they have grown up in the world from the manner in which they have been communicated to each of us. We may represent them to ourselves as flowing out of the boundless ocean of language and thought in little rills, which convey them to the heart and brain of each individual. But neither must we confound the theories or aspects of morality with the origin of our moral ideas. These are not the roots or &#039;origines&#039; of morals, but the latest efforts of reflection, the lights in which the whole moral world has been regarded by different thinkers and successive generations of men. If we ask: Which of these many theories is the true one? we may answer: All of them&amp;amp;mdash;moral sense, innate ideas, a priori, a posteriori notions, the philosophy of experience, the philosophy of intuition&amp;amp;mdash;all of them have added something to our conception of Ethics; no one of them is the whole truth. But to decide how far our ideas of morality are derived from one source or another; to determine what history, what philosophy has contributed to them; to distinguish the original, simple elements from the manifold and complex applications of them, would be a long enquiry too far removed from the question which we are now pursuing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Bearing in mind the distinction which we have been seeking to establish between our earliest and our most mature ideas of morality, we may now proceed to state the theory of Utility, not exactly in the words, but in the spirit of one of its ablest and most moderate supporters (Mill&#039;s Utilitarianism):&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;That which alone makes actions either right or desirable is their utility, or tendency to promote the happiness of mankind, or, in other words, to increase the sum of pleasure in the world. But all pleasures are not the same: they differ in quality as well as in quantity, and the pleasure which is superior in quality is incommensurable with the inferior. Neither is the pleasure or happiness, which we seek, our own pleasure, but that of others,&amp;amp;mdash;of our family, of our country, of mankind. The desire of this, and even the sacrifice of our own interest to that of other men, may become a passion to a rightly educated nature. The Utilitarian finds a place in his system for this virtue and for every other.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Good or happiness or pleasure is thus regarded as the true and only end of human life. To this all our desires will be found to tend, and in accordance with this all the virtues, including justice, may be explained. Admitting that men rest for a time in inferior ends, and do not cast their eyes beyond them, these ends are really dependent on the greater end of happiness, and would not be pursued, unless in general they had been found to lead to it. The existence of such an end is proved, as in Aristotle&#039;s time, so in our own, by the universal fact that men desire it. The obligation to promote it is based upon the social nature of man; this sense of duty is shared by all of us in some degree, and is capable of being greatly fostered and strengthened. So far from being inconsistent with religion, the greatest happiness principle is in the highest degree agreeable to it. For what can be more reasonable than that God should will the happiness of all his creatures? and in working out their happiness we may be said to be &#039;working together with him.&#039; Nor is it inconceivable that a new enthusiasm of the future, far stronger than any old religion, may be based upon such a conception. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But then for the familiar phrase of the &#039;greatest happiness principle,&#039; it seems as if we ought now to read &#039;the noblest happiness principle,&#039; &#039;the happiness of others principle&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;the principle not of the greatest, but of the highest pleasure, pursued with no more regard to our own immediate interest than is required by the law of self-preservation. Transfer the thought of happiness to another life, dropping the external circumstances which form so large a part of our idea of happiness in this, and the meaning of the word becomes indistinguishable from holiness, harmony, wisdom, love. By the slight addition &#039;of others,&#039; all the associations of the word are altered; we seem to have passed over from one theory of morals to the opposite. For allowing that the happiness of others is reflected on ourselves, and also that every man must live before he can do good to others, still the last limitation is a very trifling exception, and the happiness of another is very far from compensating for the loss of our own. According to Mr. Mill, he would best carry out the principle of utility who sacrificed his own pleasure most to that of his fellow-men. But if so, Hobbes and Butler, Shaftesbury and Hume, are not so far apart as they and their followers imagine. The thought of self and the thought of others are alike superseded in the more general notion of the happiness of mankind at large. But in this composite good, until society becomes perfected, the friend of man himself has generally the least share, and may be a great sufferer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And now what objection have we to urge against a system of moral philosophy so beneficent, so enlightened, so ideal, and at the same time so practical,&amp;amp;mdash;so Christian, as we may say without exaggeration,&amp;amp;mdash;and which has the further advantage of resting morality on a principle intelligible to all capacities? Have we not found that which Socrates and Plato &#039;grew old in seeking&#039;? Are we not desirous of happiness, at any rate for ourselves and our friends, if not for all mankind? If, as is natural, we begin by thinking of ourselves first, we are easily led on to think of others; for we cannot help acknowledging that what is right for us is the right and inheritance of others. We feel the advantage of an abstract principle wide enough and strong enough to override all the particularisms of mankind; which acknowledges a universal good, truth, right; which is capable of inspiring men like a passion, and is the symbol of a cause for which they are ready to contend to their life&#039;s end. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And if we test this principle by the lives of its professors, it would certainly appear inferior to none as a rule of action. From the days of Eudoxus (Arist. Ethics) and Epicurus to our own, the votaries of pleasure have gained belief for their principles by their practice. Two of the noblest and most disinterested men who have lived in this century, Bentham and J. S. Mill, whose lives were a long devotion to the service of their fellows, have been among the most enthusiastic supporters of utility; while among their contemporaries, some who were of a more mystical turn of mind, have ended rather in aspiration than in action, and have been found unequal to the duties of life. Looking back on them now that they are removed from the scene, we feel that mankind has been the better for them. The world was against them while they lived; but this is rather a reason for admiring than for depreciating them. Nor can any one doubt that the influence of their philosophy on politics&amp;amp;mdash;especially on foreign politics, on law, on social life, has been upon the whole beneficial. Nevertheless, they will never have justice done to them, for they do not agree either with the better feeling of the multitude or with the idealism of more refined thinkers. Without Bentham, a great word in the history of philosophy would have remained unspoken. Yet to this day it is rare to hear his name received with any mark of respect such as would be freely granted to the ambiguous memory of some father of the Church. The odium which attached to him when alive has not been removed by his death. For he shocked his contemporaries by egotism and want of taste; and this generation which has reaped the benefit of his labours has inherited the feeling of the last. He was before his own age, and is hardly remembered in this. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; While acknowledging the benefits which the greatest happiness principle has conferred upon mankind, the time appears to have arrived, not for denying its claims, but for criticizing them and comparing them with other principles which equally claim to lie at the foundation of ethics. Any one who adds a general principle to knowledge has been a benefactor to the world. But there is a danger that, in his first enthusiasm, he may not recognize the proportions or limitations to which his truth is subjected; he does not see how far he has given birth to a truism, or how that which is a truth to him is a truism to the rest of the world; or may degenerate in the next generation. He believes that to be the whole which is only a part,&amp;amp;mdash;to be the necessary foundation which is really only a valuable aspect of the truth. The systems of all philosophers require the criticism of &#039;the morrow,&#039; when the heat of imagination which forged them has cooled, and they are seen in the temperate light of day. All of them have contributed to enrich the mind of the civilized world; none of them occupy that supreme or exclusive place which their authors would have assigned to them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; We may preface the criticism with a few preliminary remarks:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Mr. Mill, Mr. Austin, and others, in their eagerness to maintain the doctrine of utility, are fond of repeating that we are in a lamentable state of uncertainty about morals. While other branches of knowledge have made extraordinary progress, in moral philosophy we are supposed by them to be no better than children, and with few exceptions&amp;amp;mdash;that is to say, Bentham and his followers&amp;amp;mdash;to be no further advanced than men were in the age of Socrates and Plato, who, in their turn, are deemed to be as backward in ethics as they necessarily were in physics. But this, though often asserted, is recanted almost in a breath by the same writers who speak thus depreciatingly of our modern ethical philosophy. For they are the first to acknowledge that we have not now to begin classifying actions under the head of utility; they would not deny that about the general conceptions of morals there is a practical agreement. There is no more doubt that falsehood is wrong than that a stone falls to the ground, although the first does not admit of the same ocular proof as the second. There is no greater uncertainty about the duty of obedience to parents and to the law of the land than about the properties of triangles. Unless we are looking for a new moral world which has no marrying and giving in marriage, there is no greater disagreement in theory about the right relations of the sexes than about the composition of water. These and a few other simple principles, as they have endless applications in practice, so also may be developed in theory into counsels of perfection. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; To what then is to be attributed this opinion which has been often entertained about the uncertainty of morals? Chiefly to this,&amp;amp;mdash;that philosophers have not always distinguished the theoretical and the casuistical uncertainty of morals from the practical certainty. There is an uncertainty about details,&amp;amp;mdash;whether, for example, under given circumstances such and such a moral principle is to be enforced, or whether in some cases there may not be a conflict of duties: these are the exceptions to the ordinary rules of morality, important, indeed, but not extending to the one thousandth or one ten-thousandth part of human actions. This is the domain of casuistry. Secondly, the aspects under which the most general principles of morals may be presented to us are many and various. The mind of man has been more than usually active in thinking about man. The conceptions of harmony, happiness, right, freedom, benevolence, self-love, have all of them seemed to some philosopher or other the truest and most comprehensive expression of morality. There is no difference, or at any rate no great difference, of opinion about the right and wrong of actions, but only about the general notion which furnishes the best explanation or gives the most comprehensive view of them. This, in the language of Kant, is the sphere of the metaphysic of ethics. But these two uncertainties at either end, en tois malista katholou and en tois kath ekasta, leave space enough for an intermediate principle which is practically certain. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The rule of human life is not dependent on the theories of philosophers: we know what our duties are for the most part before we speculate about them. And the use of speculation is not to teach us what we already know, but to inspire in our minds an interest about morals in general, to strengthen our conception of the virtues by showing that they confirm one another, to prove to us, as Socrates would have said, that they are not many, but one. There is the same kind of pleasure and use in reducing morals, as in reducing physics, to a few very simple truths. And not unfrequently the more general principle may correct prejudices and misconceptions, and enable us to regard our fellow-men in a larger and more generous spirit. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The two qualities which seem to be most required in first principles of ethics are, (1) that they should afford a real explanation of the facts, (2) that they should inspire the mind,&amp;amp;mdash;should harmonize, strengthen, settle us. We can hardly estimate the influence which a simple principle such as &#039;Act so as to promote the happiness of mankind,&#039; or &#039;Act so that the rule on which thou actest may be adopted as a law by all rational beings,&#039; may exercise on the mind of an individual. They will often seem to open a new world to him, like the religious conceptions of faith or the spirit of God. The difficulties of ethics disappear when we do not suffer ourselves to be distracted between different points of view. But to maintain their hold on us, the general principles must also be psychologically true&amp;amp;mdash;they must agree with our experience, they must accord with the habits of our minds. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; When we are told that actions are right or wrong only in so far as they tend towards happiness, we naturally ask what is meant by &#039;happiness.&#039; For the term in the common use of language is only to a certain extent commensurate with moral good and evil. We should hardly say that a good man could be utterly miserable (Arist. Ethics), or place a bad man in the first rank of happiness. But yet, from various circumstances, the measure of a man&#039;s happiness may be out of all proportion to his desert. And if we insist on calling the good man alone happy, we shall be using the term in some new and transcendental sense, as synonymous with well-being. We have already seen that happiness includes the happiness of others as well as our own; we must now comprehend unconscious as well as conscious happiness under the same word. There is no harm in this extension of the meaning, but a word which admits of such an extension can hardly be made the basis of a philosophical system. The exactness which is required in philosophy will not allow us to comprehend under the same term two ideas so different as the subjective feeling of pleasure or happiness and the objective reality of a state which receives our moral approval. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Like Protarchus in the Philebus, we can give no answer to the question, &#039;What is that common quality which in all states of human life we call happiness? which includes the lower and the higher kind of happiness, and is the aim of the noblest, as well as of the meanest of mankind?&#039; If we say &#039;Not pleasure, not virtue, not wisdom, nor yet any quality which we can abstract from these&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;what then? After seeming to hover for a time on the verge of a great truth, we have gained only a truism. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Let us ask the question in another form. What is that which constitutes happiness, over and above the several ingredients of health, wealth, pleasure, virtue, knowledge, which are included under it? Perhaps we answer, &#039;The subjective feeling of them.&#039; But this is very far from being coextensive with right. Or we may reply that happiness is the whole of which the above-mentioned are the parts. Still the question recurs, &#039;In what does the whole differ from all the parts?&#039; And if we are unable to distinguish them, happiness will be the mere aggregate of the goods of life. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Again, while admitting that in all right action there is an element of happiness, we cannot help seeing that the utilitarian theory supplies a much easier explanation of some virtues than of others. Of many patriotic or benevolent actions we can give a straightforward account by their tendency to promote happiness. For the explanation of justice, on the other hand, we have to go a long way round. No man is indignant with a thief because he has not promoted the greatest happiness of the greatest number, but because he has done him a wrong. There is an immeasurable interval between a crime against property or life, and the omission of an act of charity or benevolence. Yet of this interval the utilitarian theory takes no cognizance. The greatest happiness principle strengthens our sense of positive duties towards others, but weakens our recognition of their rights. To promote in every way possible the happiness of others may be a counsel of perfection, but hardly seems to offer any ground for a theory of obligation. For admitting that our ideas of obligation are partly derived from religion and custom, yet they seem also to contain other essential elements which cannot be explained by the tendency of actions to promote happiness. Whence comes the necessity of them? Why are some actions rather than others which equally tend to the happiness of mankind imposed upon us with the authority of law? &#039;You ought&#039; and &#039;you had better&#039; are fundamental distinctions in human thought; and having such distinctions, why should we seek to efface and unsettle them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Bentham and Mr. Mill are earnest in maintaining that happiness includes the happiness of others as well as of ourselves. But what two notions can be more opposed in many cases than these? Granting that in a perfect state of the world my own happiness and that of all other men would coincide, in the imperfect state they often diverge, and I cannot truly bridge over the difficulty by saying that men will always find pleasure in sacrificing themselves or in suffering for others. Upon the greatest happiness principle it is admitted that I am to have a share, and in consistency I should pursue my own happiness as impartially as that of my neighbour. But who can decide what proportion should be mine and what his, except on the principle that I am most likely to be deceived in my own favour, and had therefore better give the larger share, if not all, to him? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Further, it is admitted that utility and right coincide, not in particular instances, but in classes of actions. But is it not distracting to the conscience of a man to be told that in the particular case they are opposed? Happiness is said to be the ground of moral obligation, yet he must not do what clearly conduces to his own happiness if it is at variance with the good of the whole. Nay, further, he will be taught that when utility and right are in apparent conflict any amount of utility does not alter by a hair&#039;s-breadth the morality of actions, which cannot be allowed to deviate from established law or usage; and that the non-detection of an immoral act, say of telling a lie, which may often make the greatest difference in the consequences, not only to himself, but to all the world, makes none whatever in the act itself. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Again, if we are concerned not with particular actions but with classes of actions, is the tendency of actions to happiness a principle upon which we can classify them? There is a universal law which imperatively declares certain acts to be right or wrong:&amp;amp;mdash;can there be any universality in the law which measures actions by their tendencies towards happiness? For an act which is the cause of happiness to one person may be the cause of unhappiness to another; or an act which if performed by one person may increase the happiness of mankind may have the opposite effect if performed by another. Right can never be wrong, or wrong right, that there are no actions which tend to the happiness of mankind which may not under other circumstances tend to their unhappiness. Unless we say not only that all right actions tend to happiness, but that they tend to happiness in the same degree in which they are right (and in that case the word &#039;right&#039; is plainer), we weaken the absoluteness of our moral standard; we reduce differences in kind to differences in degree; we obliterate the stamp which the authority of ages has set upon vice and crime. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Once more: turning from theory to practice we feel the importance of retaining the received distinctions of morality. Words such as truth, justice, honesty, virtue, love, have a simple meaning; they have become sacred to us,&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;the word of God&#039; written on the human heart: to no other words can the same associations be attached. We cannot explain them adequately on principles of utility; in attempting to do so we rob them of their true character. We give them a meaning often paradoxical and distorted, and generally weaker than their signification in common language. And as words influence men&#039;s thoughts, we fear that the hold of morality may also be weakened, and the sense of duty impaired, if virtue and vice are explained only as the qualities which do or do not contribute to the pleasure of the world. In that very expression we seem to detect a false ring, for pleasure is individual not universal; we speak of eternal and immutable justice, but not of eternal and immutable pleasure; nor by any refinement can we avoid some taint of bodily sense adhering to the meaning of the word. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Again: the higher the view which men take of life, the more they lose sight of their own pleasure or interest. True religion is not working for a reward only, but is ready to work equally without a reward. It is not &#039;doing the will of God for the sake of eternal happiness,&#039; but doing the will of God because it is best, whether rewarded or unrewarded. And this applies to others as well as to ourselves. For he who sacrifices himself for the good of others, does not sacrifice himself that they may be saved from the persecution which he endures for their sakes, but rather that they in their turn may be able to undergo similar sufferings, and like him stand fast in the truth. To promote their happiness is not his first object, but to elevate their moral nature. Both in his own case and that of others there may be happiness in the distance, but if there were no happiness he would equally act as he does. We are speaking of the highest and noblest natures; and a passing thought naturally arises in our minds, &#039;Whether that can be the first principle of morals which is hardly regarded in their own case by the greatest benefactors of mankind?&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The admissions that pleasures differ in kind, and that actions are already classified; the acknowledgment that happiness includes the happiness of others, as well as of ourselves; the confusion (not made by Aristotle) between conscious and unconscious happiness, or between happiness the energy and happiness the result of the energy, introduce uncertainty and inconsistency into the whole enquiry. We reason readily and cheerfully from a greatest happiness principle. But we find that utilitarians do not agree among themselves about the meaning of the word. Still less can they impart to others a common conception or conviction of the nature of happiness. The meaning of the word is always insensibly slipping away from us, into pleasure, out of pleasure, now appearing as the motive, now as the test of actions, and sometimes varying in successive sentences. And as in a mathematical demonstration an error in the original number disturbs the whole calculation which follows, this fundamental uncertainty about the word vitiates all the applications of it. Must we not admit that a notion so uncertain in meaning, so void of content, so at variance with common language and opinion, does not comply adequately with either of our two requirements? It can neither strike the imaginative faculty, nor give an explanation of phenomena which is in accordance with our individual experience. It is indefinite; it supplies only a partial account of human actions: it is one among many theories of philosophers. It may be compared with other notions, such as the chief good of Plato, which may be best expressed to us under the form of a harmony, or with Kant&#039;s obedience to law, which may be summed up under the word &#039;duty,&#039; or with the Stoical &#039;Follow nature,&#039; and seems to have no advantage over them. All of these present a certain aspect of moral truth. None of them are, or indeed profess to be, the only principle of morals. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And this brings us to speak of the most serious objection to the utilitarian system&amp;amp;mdash;its exclusiveness. There is no place for Kant or Hegel, for Plato and Aristotle alongside of it. They do not reject the greatest happiness principle, but it rejects them. Now the phenomena of moral action differ, and some are best explained upon one principle and some upon another: the virtue of justice seems to be naturally connected with one theory of morals, the virtues of temperance and benevolence with another. The characters of men also differ; and some are more attracted by one aspect of the truth, some by another. The firm stoical nature will conceive virtue under the conception of law, the philanthropist under that of doing good, the quietist under that of resignation, the enthusiast under that of faith or love. The upright man of the world will desire above all things that morality should be plain and fixed, and should use language in its ordinary sense. Persons of an imaginative temperament will generally be dissatisfied with the words &#039;utility&#039; or &#039;pleasure&#039;: their principle of right is of a far higher character&amp;amp;mdash;what or where to be found they cannot always distinctly tell;&amp;amp;mdash;deduced from the laws of human nature, says one; resting on the will of God, says another; based upon some transcendental idea which animates more worlds than one, says a third: &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;pre xml:space=&amp;quot;preserve&amp;quot;&amp;gt; on nomoi prokeintai upsipodes, ouranian di aithera teknothentes. &amp;lt;/pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; To satisfy an imaginative nature in any degree, the doctrine of utility must be so transfigured that it becomes altogether different and loses all simplicity. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But why, since there are different characters among men, should we not allow them to envisage morality accordingly, and be thankful to the great men who have provided for all of us modes and instruments of thought? Would the world have been better if there had been no Stoics or Kantists, no Platonists or Cartesians? No more than if the other pole of moral philosophy had been excluded. All men have principles which are above their practice; they admit premises which, if carried to their conclusions, are a sufficient basis of morals. In asserting liberty of speculation we are not encouraging individuals to make right or wrong for themselves, but only conceding that they may choose the form under which they prefer to contemplate them. Nor do we say that one of these aspects is as true and good as another; but that they all of them, if they are not mere sophisms and illusions, define and bring into relief some part of the truth which would have been obscure without their light. Why should we endeavour to bind all men within the limits of a single metaphysical conception? The necessary imperfection of language seems to require that we should view the same truth under more than one aspect. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; We are living in the second age of utilitarianism, when the charm of novelty and the fervour of the first disciples has passed away. The doctrine is no longer stated in the forcible paradoxical manner of Bentham, but has to be adapted to meet objections; its corners are rubbed off, and the meaning of its most characteristic expressions is softened. The array of the enemy melts away when we approach him. The greatest happiness of the greatest number was a great original idea when enunciated by Bentham, which leavened a generation and has left its mark on thought and civilization in all succeeding times. His grasp of it had the intensity of genius. In the spirit of an ancient philosopher he would have denied that pleasures differed in kind, or that by happiness he meant anything but pleasure. He would perhaps have revolted us by his thoroughness. The &#039;guardianship of his doctrine&#039; has passed into other hands; and now we seem to see its weak points, its ambiguities, its want of exactness while assuming the highest exactness, its one-sidedness, its paradoxical explanation of several of the virtues. No philosophy has ever stood this criticism of the next generation, though the founders of all of them have imagined that they were built upon a rock. And the utilitarian system, like others, has yielded to the inevitable analysis. Even in the opinion of &#039;her admirers she has been terribly damaged&#039; (Phil.), and is no longer the only moral philosophy, but one among many which have contributed in various degrees to the intellectual progress of mankind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But because the utilitarian philosophy can no longer claim &#039;the prize,&#039; we must not refuse to acknowledge the great benefits conferred by it on the world. All philosophies are refuted in their turn, says the sceptic, and he looks forward to all future systems sharing the fate of the past. All philosophies remain, says the thinker; they have done a great work in their own day, and they supply posterity with aspects of the truth and with instruments of thought. Though they may be shorn of their glory, they retain their place in the organism of knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And still there remain many rules of morals which are better explained and more forcibly inculcated on the principle of utility than on any other. The question Will such and such an action promote the happiness of myself, my family, my country, the world? may check the rising feeling of pride or honour which would cause a quarrel, an estrangement, a war. &#039;How can I contribute to the greatest happiness of others?&#039; is another form of the question which will be more attractive to the minds of many than a deduction of the duty of benevolence from a priori principles. In politics especially hardly any other argument can be allowed to have weight except the happiness of a people. All parties alike profess to aim at this, which though often used only as the disguise of self-interest has a great and real influence on the minds of statesmen. In religion, again, nothing can more tend to mitigate superstition than the belief that the good of man is also the will of God. This is an easy test to which the prejudices and superstitions of men may be brought:&amp;amp;mdash;whatever does not tend to the good of men is not of God. And the ideal of the greatest happiness of mankind, especially if believed to be the will of God, when compared with the actual fact, will be one of the strongest motives to do good to others. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; On the other hand, when the temptation is to speak falsely, to be dishonest or unjust, or in any way to interfere with the rights of others, the argument that these actions regarded as a class will not conduce to the happiness of mankind, though true enough, seems to have less force than the feeling which is already implanted in the mind by conscience and authority. To resolve this feeling into the greatest happiness principle takes away from its sacred and authoritative character. The martyr will not go to the stake in order that he may promote the happiness of mankind, but for the sake of the truth: neither will the soldier advance to the cannon&#039;s mouth merely because he believes military discipline to be for the good of mankind. It is better for him to know that he will be shot, that he will be disgraced, if he runs away&amp;amp;mdash;he has no need to look beyond military honour, patriotism, &#039;England expects every man to do his duty.&#039; These are stronger motives than the greatest happiness of the greatest number, which is the thesis of a philosopher, not the watchword of an army. For in human actions men do not always require broad principles; duties often come home to us more when they are limited and defined, and sanctioned by custom and public opinion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Lastly, if we turn to the history of ethics, we shall find that our moral ideas have originated not in utility but in religion, in law, in conceptions of nature, of an ideal good, and the like. And many may be inclined to think that this conclusively disproves the claim of utility to be the basis of morals. But the utilitarian will fairly reply (see above) that we must distinguish the origin of ethics from the principles of them&amp;amp;mdash;the historical germ from the later growth of reflection. And he may also truly add that for two thousand years and more, utility, if not the originating, has been the great corrective principle in law, in politics, in religion, leading men to ask how evil may be diminished and good increased&amp;amp;mdash;by what course of policy the public interest may be promoted, and to understand that God wills the happiness, not of some of his creatures and in this world only, but of all of them and in every stage of their existence. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;What is the place of happiness or utility in a system of moral philosophy?&#039; is analogous to the question asked in the Philebus, &#039;What rank does pleasure hold in the scale of goods?&#039; Admitting the greatest happiness principle to be true and valuable, and the necessary foundation of that part of morals which relates to the consequences of actions, we still have to consider whether this or some other general notion is the highest principle of human life. We may try them in this comparison by three tests&amp;amp;mdash;definiteness, comprehensiveness, and motive power. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There are three subjective principles of morals,&amp;amp;mdash;sympathy, benevolence, self-love. But sympathy seems to rest morality on feelings which differ widely even in good men; benevolence and self-love torture one half of our virtuous actions into the likeness of the other. The greatest happiness principle, which includes both, has the advantage over all these in comprehensiveness, but the advantage is purchased at the expense of definiteness. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Again, there are the legal and political principles of morals&amp;amp;mdash;freedom, equality, rights of persons; &#039;Every man to count for one and no man for more than one,&#039; &#039;Every man equal in the eye of the law and of the legislator.&#039; There is also the other sort of political morality, which if not beginning with &#039;Might is right,&#039; at any rate seeks to deduce our ideas of justice from the necessities of the state and of society. According to this view the greatest good of men is obedience to law: the best human government is a rational despotism, and the best idea which we can form of a divine being is that of a despot acting not wholly without regard to law and order. To such a view the present mixed state of the world, not wholly evil or wholly good, is supposed to be a witness. More we might desire to have, but are not permitted. Though a human tyrant would be intolerable, a divine tyrant is a very tolerable governor of the universe. This is the doctrine of Thrasymachus adapted to the public opinion of modern times. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There is yet a third view which combines the two:&amp;amp;mdash;freedom is obedience to the law, and the greatest order is also the greatest freedom; &#039;Act so that thy action may be the law of every intelligent being.&#039; This view is noble and elevating; but it seems to err, like other transcendental principles of ethics, in being too abstract. For there is the same difficulty in connecting the idea of duty with particular duties as in bridging the gulf between phainomena and onta; and when, as in the system of Kant, this universal idea or law is held to be independent of space and time, such a mataion eidos becomes almost unmeaning. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Once more there are the religious principles of morals:&amp;amp;mdash;the will of God revealed in Scripture and in nature. No philosophy has supplied a sanction equal in authority to this, or a motive equal in strength to the belief in another life. Yet about these too we must ask What will of God? how revealed to us, and by what proofs? Religion, like happiness, is a word which has great influence apart from any consideration of its content: it may be for great good or for great evil. But true religion is the synthesis of religion and morality, beginning with divine perfection in which all human perfection is embodied. It moves among ideas of holiness, justice, love, wisdom, truth; these are to God, in whom they are personified, what the Platonic ideas are to the idea of good. It is the consciousness of the will of God that all men should be as he is. It lives in this world and is known to us only through the phenomena of this world, but it extends to worlds beyond. Ordinary religion which is alloyed with motives of this world may easily be in excess, may be fanatical, may be interested, may be the mask of ambition, may be perverted in a thousand ways. But of that religion which combines the will of God with our highest ideas of truth and right there can never be too much. This impossibility of excess is the note of divine moderation. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; So then, having briefly passed in review the various principles of moral philosophy, we may now arrange our goods in order, though, like the reader of the Philebus, we have a difficulty in distinguishing the different aspects of them from one another, or defining the point at which the human passes into the divine. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; First, the eternal will of God in this world and in another,&amp;amp;mdash;justice, holiness, wisdom, love, without succession of acts (ouch e genesis prosestin), which is known to us in part only, and reverenced by us as divine perfection. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Secondly, human perfection, or the fulfilment of the will of God in this world, and co-operation with his laws revealed to us by reason and experience, in nature, history, and in our own minds. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Thirdly, the elements of human perfection,&amp;amp;mdash;virtue, knowledge, and right opinion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Fourthly, the external conditions of perfection,&amp;amp;mdash;health and the goods of life. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Fifthly, beauty and happiness,&amp;amp;mdash;the inward enjoyment of that which is best and fairest in this world and in the human soul. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; ... &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The Philebus is probably the latest in time of the writings of Plato with the exception of the Laws. We have in it therefore the last development of his philosophy. The extreme and one-sided doctrines of the Cynics and Cyrenaics are included in a larger whole; the relations of pleasure and knowledge to each other and to the good are authoritatively determined; the Eleatic Being and the Heraclitean Flux no longer divide the empire of thought; the Mind of Anaxagoras has become the Mind of God and of the World. The great distinction between pure and applied science for the first time has a place in philosophy; the natural claim of dialectic to be the Queen of the Sciences is once more affirmed. This latter is the bond of union which pervades the whole or nearly the whole of the Platonic writings. And here as in several other dialogues (Phaedrus, Republic, etc.) it is presented to us in a manner playful yet also serious, and sometimes as if the thought of it were too great for human utterance and came down from heaven direct. It is the organization of knowledge wonderful to think of at a time when knowledge itself could hardly be said to exist. It is this more than any other element which distinguishes Plato, not only from the presocratic philosophers, but from Socrates himself. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; We have not yet reached the confines of Aristotle, but we make a somewhat nearer approach to him in the Philebus than in the earlier Platonic writings. The germs of logic are beginning to appear, but they are not collected into a whole, or made a separate science or system. Many thinkers of many different schools have to be interposed between the Parmenides or Philebus of Plato, and the Physics or Metaphysics of Aristotle. It is this interval upon which we have to fix our minds if we would rightly understand the character of the transition from one to the other. Plato and Aristotle do not dovetail into one another; nor does the one begin where the other ends; there is a gulf between them not to be measured by time, which in the fragmentary state of our knowledge it is impossible to bridge over. It follows that the one cannot be interpreted by the other. At any rate, it is not Plato who is to be interpreted by Aristotle, but Aristotle by Plato. Of all philosophy and of all art the true understanding is to be sought not in the afterthoughts of posterity, but in the elements out of which they have arisen. For the previous stage is a tendency towards the ideal at which they are aiming; the later is a declination or deviation from them, or even a perversion of them. No man&#039;s thoughts were ever so well expressed by his disciples as by himself. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; But although Plato in the Philebus does not come into any close connexion with Aristotle, he is now a long way from himself and from the beginnings of his own philosophy. At the time of his death he left his system still incomplete; or he may be more truly said to have had no system, but to have lived in the successive stages or moments of metaphysical thought which presented themselves from time to time. The earlier discussions about universal ideas and definitions seem to have died away; the correlation of ideas has taken their place. The flowers of rhetoric and poetry have lost their freshness and charm; and a technical language has begun to supersede and overgrow them. But the power of thinking tends to increase with age, and the experience of life to widen and deepen. The good is summed up under categories which are not summa genera, but heads or gradations of thought. The question of pleasure and the relation of bodily pleasures to mental, which is hardly treated of elsewhere in Plato, is here analysed with great subtlety. The mean or measure is now made the first principle of good. Some of these questions reappear in Aristotle, as does also the distinction between metaphysics and mathematics. But there are many things in Plato which have been lost in Aristotle; and many things in Aristotle not to be found in Plato. The most remarkable deficiency in Aristotle is the disappearance of the Platonic dialectic, which in the Aristotelian school is only used in a comparatively unimportant and trivial sense. The most remarkable additions are the invention of the Syllogism, the conception of happiness as the foundation of morals, the reference of human actions to the standard of the better mind of the world, or of the one &#039;sensible man&#039; or &#039;superior person.&#039; His conception of ousia, or essence, is not an advance upon Plato, but a return to the poor and meagre abstractions of the Eleatic philosophy. The dry attempt to reduce the presocratic philosophy by his own rather arbitrary standard of the four causes, contrasts unfavourably with Plato&#039;s general discussion of the same subject (Sophist). To attempt further to sum up the differences between the two great philosophers would be out of place here. Any real discussion of their relation to one another must be preceded by an examination into the nature and character of the Aristotelian writings and the form in which they have come down to us. This enquiry is not really separable from an investigation of Theophrastus as well as Aristotle and of the remains of other schools of philosophy as well as of the Peripatetics. But, without entering on this wide field, even a superficial consideration of the logical and metaphysical works which pass under the name of Aristotle, whether we suppose them to have come directly from his hand or to be the tradition of his school, is sufficient to show how great was the mental activity which prevailed in the latter half of the fourth century B.C.; what eddies and whirlpools of controversies were surging in the chaos of thought, what transformations of the old philosophies were taking place everywhere, what eclecticisms and syncretisms and realisms and nominalisms were affecting the mind of Hellas. The decline of philosophy during this period is no less remarkable than the loss of freedom; and the two are not unconnected with each other. But of the multitudinous sea of opinions which were current in the age of Aristotle we have no exact account. We know of them from allusions only. And we cannot with advantage fill up the void of our knowledge by conjecture: we can only make allowance for our ignorance. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There are several passages in the Philebus which are very characteristic of Plato, and which we shall do well to consider not only in their connexion, but apart from their connexion as inspired sayings or oracles which receive their full interpretation only from the history of philosophy in later ages. The more serious attacks on traditional beliefs which are often veiled under an unusual simplicity or irony are of this kind. Such, for example, is the excessive and more than human awe which Socrates expresses about the names of the gods, which may be not unaptly compared with the importance attached by mankind to theological terms in other ages; for this also may be comprehended under the satire of Socrates. Let us observe the religious and intellectual enthusiasm which shines forth in the following, &#039;The power and faculty of loving the truth, and of doing all things for the sake of the truth&#039;: or, again, the singular acknowledgment which may be regarded as the anticipation of a new logic, that &#039;In going to war for mind I must have weapons of a different make from those which I used before, although some of the old ones may do again.&#039; Let us pause awhile to reflect on a sentence which is full of meaning to reformers of religion or to the original thinker of all ages: &#039;Shall we then agree with them of old time, and merely reassert the notions of others without risk to ourselves; or shall we venture also to share in the risk and bear the reproach which will await us&#039;: i.e. if we assert mind to be the author of nature. Let us note the remarkable words, &#039;That in the divine nature of Zeus there is the soul and mind of a King, because there is in him the power of the cause,&#039; a saying in which theology and philosophy are blended and reconciled; not omitting to observe the deep insight into human nature which is shown by the repetition of the same thought &#039;All philosophers are agreed that mind is the king of heaven and earth&#039; with the ironical addition, &#039;in this way truly they magnify themselves.&#039; Nor let us pass unheeded the indignation felt by the generous youth at the &#039;blasphemy&#039; of those who say that Chaos and Chance Medley created the world; or the significance of the words &#039;those who said of old time that mind rules the universe&#039;; or the pregnant observation that &#039;we are not always conscious of what we are doing or of what happens to us,&#039; a chance expression to which if philosophers had attended they would have escaped many errors in psychology. We may contrast the contempt which is poured upon the verbal difficulty of the one and many, and the seriousness with the unity of opposites is regarded from the higher point of view of abstract ideas: or compare the simple manner in which the question of cause and effect and their mutual dependence is regarded by Plato (to which modern science has returned in Mill and Bacon), and the cumbrous fourfold division of causes in the Physics and Metaphysics of Aristotle, for which it has puzzled the world to find a use in so many centuries. When we consider the backwardness of knowledge in the age of Plato, the boldness with which he looks forward into the distance, the many questions of modern philosophy which are anticipated in his writings, may we not truly describe him in his own words as a &#039;spectator of all time and of all existence&#039;? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PERSONS OF THE DIALOGUE: Socrates, Protarchus, Philebus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Observe, Protarchus, the nature of the position which you are now going to take from Philebus, and what the other position is which I maintain, and which, if you do not approve of it, is to be controverted by you. Shall you and I sum up the two sides? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: By all means. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Philebus was saying that enjoyment and pleasure and delight, and the class of feelings akin to them, are a good to every living being, whereas I contend, that not these, but wisdom and intelligence and memory, and their kindred, right opinion and true reasoning, are better and more desirable than pleasure for all who are able to partake of them, and that to all such who are or ever will be they are the most advantageous of all things. Have I not given, Philebus, a fair statement of the two sides of the argument? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PHILEBUS: Nothing could be fairer, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And do you, Protarchus, accept the position which is assigned to you? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I cannot do otherwise, since our excellent Philebus has left the field. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Surely the truth about these matters ought, by all means, to be ascertained. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Shall we further agree&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: To what? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: That you and I must now try to indicate some state and disposition of the soul, which has the property of making all men happy. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes, by all means. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And you say that pleasure, and I say that wisdom, is such a state? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And what if there be a third state, which is better than either? Then both of us are vanquished&amp;amp;mdash;are we not? But if this life, which really has the power of making men happy, turn out to be more akin to pleasure than to wisdom, the life of pleasure may still have the advantage over the life of wisdom. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Or suppose that the better life is more nearly allied to wisdom, then wisdom conquers, and pleasure is defeated;&amp;amp;mdash;do you agree? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And what do you say, Philebus? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PHILEBUS: I say, and shall always say, that pleasure is easily the conqueror; but you must decide for yourself, Protarchus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: You, Philebus, have handed over the argument to me, and have no longer a voice in the matter? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PHILEBUS: True enough. Nevertheless I would clear myself and deliver my soul of you; and I call the goddess herself to witness that I now do so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: You may appeal to us; we too will be the witnesses of your words. And now, Socrates, whether Philebus is pleased or displeased, we will proceed with the argument. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then let us begin with the goddess herself, of whom Philebus says that she is called Aphrodite, but that her real name is Pleasure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The awe which I always feel, Protarchus, about the names of the gods is more than human&amp;amp;mdash;it exceeds all other fears. And now I would not sin against Aphrodite by naming her amiss; let her be called what she pleases. But Pleasure I know to be manifold, and with her, as I was just now saying, we must begin, and consider what her nature is. She has one name, and therefore you would imagine that she is one; and yet surely she takes the most varied and even unlike forms. For do we not say that the intemperate has pleasure, and that the temperate has pleasure in his very temperance,&amp;amp;mdash;that the fool is pleased when he is full of foolish fancies and hopes, and that the wise man has pleasure in his wisdom? and how foolish would any one be who affirmed that all these opposite pleasures are severally alike! &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Why, Socrates, they are opposed in so far as they spring from opposite sources, but they are not in themselves opposite. For must not pleasure be of all things most absolutely like pleasure,&amp;amp;mdash;that is, like itself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Yes, my good friend, just as colour is like colour;&amp;amp;mdash;in so far as colours are colours, there is no difference between them; and yet we all know that black is not only unlike, but even absolutely opposed to white: or again, as figure is like figure, for all figures are comprehended under one class; and yet particular figures may be absolutely opposed to one another, and there is an infinite diversity of them. And we might find similar examples in many other things; therefore do not rely upon this argument, which would go to prove the unity of the most extreme opposites. And I suspect that we shall find a similar opposition among pleasures. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very likely; but how will this invalidate the argument? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Why, I shall reply, that dissimilar as they are, you apply to them a new predicate, for you say that all pleasant things are good; now although no one can argue that pleasure is not pleasure, he may argue, as we are doing, that pleasures are oftener bad than good; but you call them all good, and at the same time are compelled, if you are pressed, to acknowledge that they are unlike. And so you must tell us what is the identical quality existing alike in good and bad pleasures, which makes you designate all of them as good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What do you mean, Socrates? Do you think that any one who asserts pleasure to be the good, will tolerate the notion that some pleasures are good and others bad? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And yet you will acknowledge that they are different from one another, and sometimes opposed? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Not in so far as they are pleasures. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: That is a return to the old position, Protarchus, and so we are to say (are we?) that there is no difference in pleasures, but that they are all alike; and the examples which have just been cited do not pierce our dull minds, but we go on arguing all the same, like the weakest and most inexperienced reasoners? (Probably corrupt.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Why, I mean to say, that in self-defence I may, if I like, follow your example, and assert boldly that the two things most unlike are most absolutely alike; and the result will be that you and I will prove ourselves to be very tyros in the art of disputing; and the argument will be blown away and lost. Suppose that we put back, and return to the old position; then perhaps we may come to an understanding with one another. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: How do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Shall I, Protarchus, have my own question asked of me by you? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What question? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Ask me whether wisdom and science and mind, and those other qualities which I, when asked by you at first what is the nature of the good, affirmed to be good, are not in the same case with the pleasures of which you spoke. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The sciences are a numerous class, and will be found to present great differences. But even admitting that, like the pleasures, they are opposite as well as different, should I be worthy of the name of dialectician if, in order to avoid this difficulty, I were to say (as you are saying of pleasure) that there is no difference between one science and another;&amp;amp;mdash;would not the argument founder and disappear like an idle tale, although we might ourselves escape drowning by clinging to a fallacy? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: May none of this befal us, except the deliverance! Yet I like the even-handed justice which is applied to both our arguments. Let us assume, then, that there are many and diverse pleasures, and many and different sciences. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And let us have no concealment, Protarchus, of the differences between my good and yours; but let us bring them to the light in the hope that, in the process of testing them, they may show whether pleasure is to be called the good, or wisdom, or some third quality; for surely we are not now simply contending in order that my view or that yours may prevail, but I presume that we ought both of us to be fighting for the truth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly we ought. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then let us have a more definite understanding and establish the principle on which the argument rests. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What principle? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: A principle about which all men are always in a difficulty, and some men sometimes against their will. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Speak plainer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The principle which has just turned up, which is a marvel of nature; for that one should be many or many one, are wonderful propositions; and he who affirms either is very open to attack. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Do you mean, when a person says that I, Protarchus, am by nature one and also many, dividing the single &#039;me&#039; into many &#039;me&#039;s,&#039; and even opposing them as great and small, light and heavy, and in ten thousand other ways? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Those, Protarchus, are the common and acknowledged paradoxes about the one and many, which I may say that everybody has by this time agreed to dismiss as childish and obvious and detrimental to the true course of thought; and no more favour is shown to that other puzzle, in which a person proves the members and parts of anything to be divided, and then confessing that they are all one, says laughingly in disproof of his own words: Why, here is a miracle, the one is many and infinite, and the many are only one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: But what, Socrates, are those other marvels connected with this subject which, as you imply, have not yet become common and acknowledged? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: When, my boy, the one does not belong to the class of things that are born and perish, as in the instances which we were giving, for in those cases, and when unity is of this concrete nature, there is, as I was saying, a universal consent that no refutation is needed; but when the assertion is made that man is one, or ox is one, or beauty one, or the good one, then the interest which attaches to these and similar unities and the attempt which is made to divide them gives birth to a controversy. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Of what nature? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: In the first place, as to whether these unities have a real existence; and then how each individual unity, being always the same, and incapable either of generation or of destruction, but retaining a permanent individuality, can be conceived either as dispersed and multiplied in the infinity of the world of generation, or as still entire and yet divided from itself, which latter would seem to be the greatest impossibility of all, for how can one and the same thing be at the same time in one and in many things? These, Protarchus, are the real difficulties, and this is the one and many to which they relate; they are the source of great perplexity if ill decided, and the right determination of them is very helpful. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Then, Socrates, let us begin by clearing up these questions. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: That is what I should wish. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: And I am sure that all my other friends will be glad to hear them discussed; Philebus, fortunately for us, is not disposed to move, and we had better not stir him up with questions. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Good; and where shall we begin this great and multifarious battle, in which such various points are at issue? Shall we begin thus? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: How? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: We say that the one and many become identified by thought, and that now, as in time past, they run about together, in and out of every word which is uttered, and that this union of them will never cease, and is not now beginning, but is, as I believe, an everlasting quality of thought itself, which never grows old. Any young man, when he first tastes these subtleties, is delighted, and fancies that he has found a treasure of wisdom; in the first enthusiasm of his joy he leaves no stone, or rather no thought unturned, now rolling up the many into the one, and kneading them together, now unfolding and dividing them; he puzzles himself first and above all, and then he proceeds to puzzle his neighbours, whether they are older or younger, or of his own age&amp;amp;mdash;that makes no difference; neither father nor mother does he spare; no human being who has ears is safe from him, hardly even his dog, and a barbarian would have no chance of escaping him, if an interpreter could only be found. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Considering, Socrates, how many we are, and that all of us are young men, is there not a danger that we and Philebus may all set upon you, if you abuse us? We understand what you mean; but is there no charm by which we may dispel all this confusion, no more excellent way of arriving at the truth? If there is, we hope that you will guide us into that way, and we will do our best to follow, for the enquiry in which we are engaged, Socrates, is not unimportant. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The reverse of unimportant, my boys, as Philebus calls you, and there neither is nor ever will be a better than my own favourite way, which has nevertheless already often deserted me and left me helpless in the hour of need. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Tell us what that is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: One which may be easily pointed out, but is by no means easy of application; it is the parent of all the discoveries in the arts. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Tell us what it is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: A gift of heaven, which, as I conceive, the gods tossed among men by the hands of a new Prometheus, and therewith a blaze of light; and the ancients, who were our betters and nearer the gods than we are, handed down the tradition, that whatever things are said to be are composed of one and many, and have the finite and infinite implanted in them: seeing, then, that such is the order of the world, we too ought in every enquiry to begin by laying down one idea of that which is the subject of enquiry; this unity we shall find in everything. Having found it, we may next proceed to look for two, if there be two, or, if not, then for three or some other number, subdividing each of these units, until at last the unity with which we began is seen not only to be one and many and infinite, but also a definite number; the infinite must not be suffered to approach the many until the entire number of the species intermediate between unity and infinity has been discovered,&amp;amp;mdash;then, and not till then, we may rest from division, and without further troubling ourselves about the endless individuals may allow them to drop into infinity. This, as I was saying, is the way of considering and learning and teaching one another, which the gods have handed down to us. But the wise men of our time are either too quick or too slow in conceiving plurality in unity. Having no method, they make their one and many anyhow, and from unity pass at once to infinity; the intermediate steps never occur to them. And this, I repeat, is what makes the difference between the mere art of disputation and true dialectic. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I think that I partly understand you Socrates, but I should like to have a clearer notion of what you are saying. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I may illustrate my meaning by the letters of the alphabet, Protarchus, which you were made to learn as a child. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: How do they afford an illustration? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The sound which passes through the lips whether of an individual or of all men is one and yet infinite. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And yet not by knowing either that sound is one or that sound is infinite are we perfect in the art of speech, but the knowledge of the number and nature of sounds is what makes a man a grammarian. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And the knowledge which makes a man a musician is of the same kind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: How so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Sound is one in music as well as in grammar? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And there is a higher note and a lower note, and a note of equal pitch:&amp;amp;mdash;may we affirm so much? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But you would not be a real musician if this was all that you knew; though if you did not know this you would know almost nothing of music. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Nothing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But when you have learned what sounds are high and what low, and the number and nature of the intervals and their limits or proportions, and the systems compounded out of them, which our fathers discovered, and have handed down to us who are their descendants under the name of harmonies; and the affections corresponding to them in the movements of the human body, which when measured by numbers ought, as they say, to be called rhythms and measures; and they tell us that the same principle should be applied to every one and many;&amp;amp;mdash;when, I say, you have learned all this, then, my dear friend, you are perfect; and you may be said to understand any other subject, when you have a similar grasp of it. But the infinity of kinds and the infinity of individuals which there is in each of them, when not classified, creates in every one of us a state of infinite ignorance; and he who never looks for number in anything, will not himself be looked for in the number of famous men. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I think that what Socrates is now saying is excellent, Philebus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PHILEBUS: I think so too, but how do his words bear upon us and upon the argument? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Philebus is right in asking that question of us, Protarchus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Indeed he is, and you must answer him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I will; but you must let me make one little remark first about these matters; I was saying, that he who begins with any individual unity, should proceed from that, not to infinity, but to a definite number, and now I say conversely, that he who has to begin with infinity should not jump to unity, but he should look about for some number representing a certain quantity, and thus out of all end in one. And now let us return for an illustration of our principle to the case of letters. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Some god or divine man, who in the Egyptian legend is said to have been Theuth, observing that the human voice was infinite, first distinguished in this infinity a certain number of vowels, and then other letters which had sound, but were not pure vowels (i.e., the semivowels); these too exist in a definite number; and lastly, he distinguished a third class of letters which we now call mutes, without voice and without sound, and divided these, and likewise the two other classes of vowels and semivowels, into the individual sounds, and told the number of them, and gave to each and all of them the name of letters; and observing that none of us could learn any one of them and not learn them all, and in consideration of this common bond which in a manner united them, he assigned to them all a single art, and this he called the art of grammar or letters. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PHILEBUS: The illustration, Protarchus, has assisted me in understanding the original statement, but I still feel the defect of which I just now complained. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Are you going to ask, Philebus, what this has to do with the argument? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PHILEBUS: Yes, that is a question which Protarchus and I have been long asking. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Assuredly you have already arrived at the answer to the question which, as you say, you have been so long asking? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PHILEBUS: How so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Did we not begin by enquiring into the comparative eligibility of pleasure and wisdom? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PHILEBUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And we maintain that they are each of them one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PHILEBUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And the precise question to which the previous discussion desires an answer is, how they are one and also many (i.e., how they have one genus and many species), and are not at once infinite, and what number of species is to be assigned to either of them before they pass into infinity (i.e. into the infinite number of individuals). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: That is a very serious question, Philebus, to which Socrates has ingeniously brought us round, and please to consider which of us shall answer him; there may be something ridiculous in my being unable to answer, and therefore imposing the task upon you, when I have undertaken the whole charge of the argument, but if neither of us were able to answer, the result methinks would be still more ridiculous. Let us consider, then, what we are to do:&amp;amp;mdash;Socrates, if I understood him rightly, is asking whether there are not kinds of pleasure, and what is the number and nature of them, and the same of wisdom. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Most true, O son of Callias; and the previous argument showed that if we are not able to tell the kinds of everything that has unity, likeness, sameness, or their opposites, none of us will be of the smallest use in any enquiry. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: That seems to be very near the truth, Socrates. Happy would the wise man be if he knew all things, and the next best thing for him is that he should know himself. Why do I say so at this moment? I will tell you. You, Socrates, have granted us this opportunity of conversing with you, and are ready to assist us in determining what is the best of human goods. For when Philebus said that pleasure and delight and enjoyment and the like were the chief good, you answered&amp;amp;mdash;No, not those, but another class of goods; and we are constantly reminding ourselves of what you said, and very properly, in order that we may not forget to examine and compare the two. And these goods, which in your opinion are to be designated as superior to pleasure, and are the true objects of pursuit, are mind and knowledge and understanding and art, and the like. There was a dispute about which were the best, and we playfully threatened that you should not be allowed to go home until the question was settled; and you agreed, and placed yourself at our disposal. And now, as children say, what has been fairly given cannot be taken back; cease then to fight against us in this way. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: In what way? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PHILEBUS: Do not perplex us, and keep asking questions of us to which we have not as yet any sufficient answer to give; let us not imagine that a general puzzling of us all is to be the end of our discussion, but if we are unable to answer, do you answer, as you have promised. Consider, then, whether you will divide pleasure and knowledge according to their kinds; or you may let the matter drop, if you are able and willing to find some other mode of clearing up our controversy. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: If you say that, I have nothing to apprehend, for the words &#039;if you are willing&#039; dispel all my fear; and, moreover, a god seems to have recalled something to my mind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PHILEBUS: What is that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I remember to have heard long ago certain discussions about pleasure and wisdom, whether awake or in a dream I cannot tell; they were to the effect that neither the one nor the other of them was the good, but some third thing, which was different from them, and better than either. If this be clearly established, then pleasure will lose the victory, for the good will cease to be identified with her:&amp;amp;mdash;Am I not right? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And there will cease to be any need of distinguishing the kinds of pleasures, as I am inclined to think, but this will appear more clearly as we proceed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Capital, Socrates; pray go on as you propose. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But, let us first agree on some little points. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What are they? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Is the good perfect or imperfect? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: The most perfect, Socrates, of all things. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And is the good sufficient? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes, certainly, and in a degree surpassing all other things. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And no one can deny that all percipient beings desire and hunt after good, and are eager to catch and have the good about them, and care not for the attainment of anything which is not accompanied by good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: That is undeniable. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Now let us part off the life of pleasure from the life of wisdom, and pass them in review. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: How do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Let there be no wisdom in the life of pleasure, nor any pleasure in the life of wisdom, for if either of them is the chief good, it cannot be supposed to want anything, but if either is shown to want anything, then it cannot really be the chief good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And will you help us to test these two lives? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then answer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Ask. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Would you choose, Protarchus, to live all your life long in the enjoyment of the greatest pleasures? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly I should. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Would you consider that there was still anything wanting to you if you had perfect pleasure? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Reflect; would you not want wisdom and intelligence and forethought, and similar qualities? would you not at any rate want sight? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Why should I? Having pleasure I should have all things. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Living thus, you would always throughout your life enjoy the greatest pleasures? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I should. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But if you had neither mind, nor memory, nor knowledge, nor true opinion, you would in the first place be utterly ignorant of whether you were pleased or not, because you would be entirely devoid of intelligence. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And similarly, if you had no memory you would not recollect that you had ever been pleased, nor would the slightest recollection of the pleasure which you feel at any moment remain with you; and if you had no true opinion you would not think that you were pleased when you were; and if you had no power of calculation you would not be able to calculate on future pleasure, and your life would be the life, not of a man, but of an oyster or &#039;pulmo marinus.&#039; Could this be otherwise? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: No. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But is such a life eligible? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I cannot answer you, Socrates; the argument has taken away from me the power of speech. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: We must keep up our spirits;&amp;amp;mdash;let us now take the life of mind and examine it in turn. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: And what is this life of mind? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I want to know whether any one of us would consent to live, having wisdom and mind and knowledge and memory of all things, but having no sense of pleasure or pain, and wholly unaffected by these and the like feelings? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Neither life, Socrates, appears eligible to me, nor is likely, as I should imagine, to be chosen by any one else. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: What would you say, Protarchus, to both of these in one, or to one that was made out of the union of the two? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Out of the union, that is, of pleasure with mind and wisdom? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Yes, that is the life which I mean. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: There can be no difference of opinion; not some but all would surely choose this third rather than either of the other two, and in addition to them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But do you see the consequence? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: To be sure I do. The consequence is, that two out of the three lives which have been proposed are neither sufficient nor eligible for man or for animal. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then now there can be no doubt that neither of them has the good, for the one which had would certainly have been sufficient and perfect and eligible for every living creature or thing that was able to live such a life; and if any of us had chosen any other, he would have chosen contrary to the nature of the truly eligible, and not of his own free will, but either through ignorance or from some unhappy necessity. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly that seems to be true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And now have I not sufficiently shown that Philebus&#039; goddess is not to be regarded as identical with the good? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PHILEBUS: Neither is your &#039;mind&#039; the good, Socrates, for that will be open to the same objections. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Perhaps, Philebus, you may be right in saying so of my &#039;mind&#039;; but of the true, which is also the divine mind, far otherwise. However, I will not at present claim the first place for mind as against the mixed life; but we must come to some understanding about the second place. For you might affirm pleasure and I mind to be the cause of the mixed life; and in that case although neither of them would be the good, one of them might be imagined to be the cause of the good. And I might proceed further to argue in opposition to Philebus, that the element which makes this mixed life eligible and good, is more akin and more similar to mind than to pleasure. And if this is true, pleasure cannot be truly said to share either in the first or second place, and does not, if I may trust my own mind, attain even to the third. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Truly, Socrates, pleasure appears to me to have had a fall; in fighting for the palm, she has been smitten by the argument, and is laid low. I must say that mind would have fallen too, and may therefore be thought to show discretion in not putting forward a similar claim. And if pleasure were deprived not only of the first but of the second place, she would be terribly damaged in the eyes of her admirers, for not even to them would she still appear as fair as before. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well, but had we not better leave her now, and not pain her by applying the crucial test, and finally detecting her? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Nonsense, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Why? because I said that we had better not pain pleasure, which is an impossibility? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes, and more than that, because you do not seem to be aware that none of us will let you go home until you have finished the argument. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Heavens! Protarchus, that will be a tedious business, and just at present not at all an easy one. For in going to war in the cause of mind, who is aspiring to the second prize, I ought to have weapons of another make from those which I used before; some, however, of the old ones may do again. And must I then finish the argument? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Of course you must. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Let us be very careful in laying the foundation. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Let us divide all existing things into two, or rather, if you do not object, into three classes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Upon what principle would you make the division? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Let us take some of our newly-found notions. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Which of them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Were we not saying that God revealed a finite element of existence, and also an infinite? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Let us assume these two principles, and also a third, which is compounded out of them; but I fear that I am ridiculously clumsy at these processes of division and enumeration. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What do you mean, my good friend? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I say that a fourth class is still wanted. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What will that be? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Find the cause of the third or compound, and add this as a fourth class to the three others. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: And would you like to have a fifth class or cause of resolution as well as a cause of composition? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Not, I think, at present; but if I want a fifth at some future time you shall allow me to have it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Let us begin with the first three; and as we find two out of the three greatly divided and dispersed, let us endeavour to reunite them, and see how in each of them there is a one and many. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: If you would explain to me a little more about them, perhaps I might be able to follow you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well, the two classes are the same which I mentioned before, one the finite, and the other the infinite; I will first show that the infinite is in a certain sense many, and the finite may be hereafter discussed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I agree. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And now consider well; for the question to which I invite your attention is difficult and controverted. When you speak of hotter and colder, can you conceive any limit in those qualities? Does not the more and less, which dwells in their very nature, prevent their having any end? for if they had an end, the more and less would themselves have an end. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: That is most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Ever, as we say, into the hotter and the colder there enters a more and a less. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then, says the argument, there is never any end of them, and being endless they must also be infinite. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes, Socrates, that is exceedingly true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Yes, my dear Protarchus, and your answer reminds me that such an expression as &#039;exceedingly,&#039; which you have just uttered, and also the term &#039;gently,&#039; have the same significance as more or less; for whenever they occur they do not allow of the existence of quantity&amp;amp;mdash;they are always introducing degrees into actions, instituting a comparison of a more or a less excessive or a more or a less gentle, and at each creation of more or less, quantity disappears. For, as I was just now saying, if quantity and measure did not disappear, but were allowed to intrude in the sphere of more and less and the other comparatives, these last would be driven out of their own domain. When definite quantity is once admitted, there can be no longer a &#039;hotter&#039; or a &#039;colder&#039; (for these are always progressing, and are never in one stay); but definite quantity is at rest, and has ceased to progress. Which proves that comparatives, such as the hotter and the colder, are to be ranked in the class of the infinite. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Your remark certainly has the look of truth, Socrates; but these subjects, as you were saying, are difficult to follow at first. I think however, that if I could hear the argument repeated by you once or twice, there would be a substantial agreement between us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Yes, and I will try to meet your wish; but, as I would rather not waste time in the enumeration of endless particulars, let me know whether I may not assume as a note of the infinite&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I want to know whether such things as appear to us to admit of more or less, or are denoted by the words &#039;exceedingly,&#039; &#039;gently,&#039; &#039;extremely,&#039; and the like, may not be referred to the class of the infinite, which is their unity, for, as was asserted in the previous argument, all things that were divided and dispersed should be brought together, and have the mark or seal of some one nature, if possible, set upon them&amp;amp;mdash;do you remember? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And all things which do not admit of more or less, but admit their opposites, that is to say, first of all, equality, and the equal, or again, the double, or any other ratio of number and measure&amp;amp;mdash;all these may, I think, be rightly reckoned by us in the class of the limited or finite; what do you say? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Excellent, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And now what nature shall we ascribe to the third or compound kind? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: You, I think, will have to tell me that. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Rather God will tell you, if there be any God who will listen to my prayers. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Offer up a prayer, then, and think. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I am thinking, Protarchus, and I believe that some God has befriended us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What do you mean, and what proof have you to offer of what you are saying? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I will tell you, and do you listen to my words. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Proceed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Were we not speaking just now of hotter and colder? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Add to them drier, wetter, more, less, swifter, slower, greater, smaller, and all that in the preceding argument we placed under the unity of more and less. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: In the class of the infinite, you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Yes; and now mingle this with the other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What is the other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The class of the finite which we ought to have brought together as we did the infinite; but, perhaps, it will come to the same thing if we do so now;&amp;amp;mdash;when the two are combined, a third will appear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What do you mean by the class of the finite? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The class of the equal and the double, and any class which puts an end to difference and opposition, and by introducing number creates harmony and proportion among the different elements. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I understand; you seem to me to mean that the various opposites, when you mingle with them the class of the finite, takes certain forms. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Yes, that is my meaning. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Proceed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Does not the right participation in the finite give health&amp;amp;mdash;in disease, for instance? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And whereas the high and low, the swift and the slow are infinite or unlimited, does not the addition of the principles aforesaid introduce a limit, and perfect the whole frame of music? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes, certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Or, again, when cold and heat prevail, does not the introduction of them take away excess and indefiniteness, and infuse moderation and harmony? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And from a like admixture of the finite and infinite come the seasons, and all the delights of life? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I omit ten thousand other things, such as beauty and health and strength, and the many beauties and high perfections of the soul: O my beautiful Philebus, the goddess, methinks, seeing the universal wantonness and wickedness of all things, and that there was in them no limit to pleasures and self-indulgence, devised the limit of law and order, whereby, as you say, Philebus, she torments, or as I maintain, delivers the soul.&amp;amp;mdash;What think you, Protarchus? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Her ways are much to my mind, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: You will observe that I have spoken of three classes? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes, I think that I understand you: you mean to say that the infinite is one class, and that the finite is a second class of existences; but what you would make the third I am not so certain. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: That is because the amazing variety of the third class is too much for you, my dear friend; but there was not this difficulty with the infinite, which also comprehended many classes, for all of them were sealed with the note of more and less, and therefore appeared one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And the finite or limit had not many divisions, and we readily acknowledged it to be by nature one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Yes, indeed; and when I speak of the third class, understand me to mean any offspring of these, being a birth into true being, effected by the measure which the limit introduces. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I understand. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Still there was, as we said, a fourth class to be investigated, and you must assist in the investigation; for does not everything which comes into being, of necessity come into being through a cause? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes, certainly; for how can there be anything which has no cause? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And is not the agent the same as the cause in all except name; the agent and the cause may be rightly called one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And the same may be said of the patient, or effect; we shall find that they too differ, as I was saying, only in name&amp;amp;mdash;shall we not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: We shall. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The agent or cause always naturally leads, and the patient or effect naturally follows it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then the cause and what is subordinate to it in generation are not the same, but different? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Did not the things which were generated, and the things out of which they were generated, furnish all the three classes? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And the creator or cause of them has been satisfactorily proven to be distinct from them,&amp;amp;mdash;and may therefore be called a fourth principle? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: So let us call it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Quite right; but now, having distinguished the four, I think that we had better refresh our memories by recapitulating each of them in order. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: By all means. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then the first I will call the infinite or unlimited, and the second the finite or limited; then follows the third, an essence compound and generated; and I do not think that I shall be far wrong in speaking of the cause of mixture and generation as the fourth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And now what is the next question, and how came we hither? Were we not enquiring whether the second place belonged to pleasure or wisdom? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: We were. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And now, having determined these points, shall we not be better able to decide about the first and second place, which was the original subject of dispute? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I dare say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: We said, if you remember, that the mixed life of pleasure and wisdom was the conqueror&amp;amp;mdash;did we not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And we see what is the place and nature of this life and to what class it is to be assigned? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Beyond a doubt. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: This is evidently comprehended in the third or mixed class; which is not composed of any two particular ingredients, but of all the elements of infinity, bound down by the finite, and may therefore be truly said to comprehend the conqueror life. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And what shall we say, Philebus, of your life which is all sweetness; and in which of the aforesaid classes is that to be placed? Perhaps you will allow me to ask you a question before you answer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PHILEBUS: Let me hear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Have pleasure and pain a limit, or do they belong to the class which admits of more and less? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PHILEBUS: They belong to the class which admits of more, Socrates; for pleasure would not be perfectly good if she were not infinite in quantity and degree. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Nor would pain, Philebus, be perfectly evil. And therefore the infinite cannot be that element which imparts to pleasure some degree of good. But now&amp;amp;mdash;admitting, if you like, that pleasure is of the nature of the infinite&amp;amp;mdash;in which of the aforesaid classes, O Protarchus and Philebus, can we without irreverence place wisdom and knowledge and mind? And let us be careful, for I think that the danger will be very serious if we err on this point. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PHILEBUS: You magnify, Socrates, the importance of your favourite god. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And you, my friend, are also magnifying your favourite goddess; but still I must beg you to answer the question. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Socrates is quite right, Philebus, and we must submit to him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PHILEBUS: And did not you, Protarchus, propose to answer in my place? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly I did; but I am now in a great strait, and I must entreat you, Socrates, to be our spokesman, and then we shall not say anything wrong or disrespectful of your favourite. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I must obey you, Protarchus; nor is the task which you impose a difficult one; but did I really, as Philebus implies, disconcert you with my playful solemnity, when I asked the question to what class mind and knowledge belong? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: You did, indeed, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Yet the answer is easy, since all philosophers assert with one voice that mind is the king of heaven and earth&amp;amp;mdash;in reality they are magnifying themselves. And perhaps they are right. But still I should like to consider the class of mind, if you do not object, a little more fully. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PHILEBUS: Take your own course, Socrates, and never mind length; we shall not tire of you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Very good; let us begin then, Protarchus, by asking a question. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What question? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Whether all this which they call the universe is left to the guidance of unreason and chance medley, or, on the contrary, as our fathers have declared, ordered and governed by a marvellous intelligence and wisdom. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Wide asunder are the two assertions, illustrious Socrates, for that which you were just now saying to me appears to be blasphemy; but the other assertion, that mind orders all things, is worthy of the aspect of the world, and of the sun, and of the moon, and of the stars and of the whole circle of the heavens; and never will I say or think otherwise. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Shall we then agree with them of old time in maintaining this doctrine,&amp;amp;mdash;not merely reasserting the notions of others, without risk to ourselves,&amp;amp;mdash;but shall we share in the danger, and take our part of the reproach which will await us, when an ingenious individual declares that all is disorder? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: That would certainly be my wish. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then now please to consider the next stage of the argument. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Let me hear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: We see that the elements which enter into the nature of the bodies of all animals, fire, water, air, and, as the storm-tossed sailor cries, &#039;land&#039; (i.e., earth), reappear in the constitution of the world. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: The proverb may be applied to us; for truly the storm gathers over us, and we are at our wit&#039;s end. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: There is something to be remarked about each of these elements. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Only a small fraction of any one of them exists in us, and that of a mean sort, and not in any way pure, or having any power worthy of its nature. One instance will prove this of all of them; there is fire within us, and in the universe. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And is not our fire small and weak and mean? But the fire in the universe is wonderful in quantity and beauty, and in every power that fire has. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And is the fire in the universe nourished and generated and ruled by the fire in us, or is the fire in you and me, and in other animals, dependent on the universal fire? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: That is a question which does not deserve an answer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Right; and you would say the same, if I am not mistaken, of the earth which is in animals and the earth which is in the universe, and you would give a similar reply about all the other elements? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Why, how could any man who gave any other be deemed in his senses? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I do not think that he could&amp;amp;mdash;but now go on to the next step. When we saw those elements of which we have been speaking gathered up in one, did we not call them a body? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: We did. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And the same may be said of the cosmos, which for the same reason may be considered to be a body, because made up of the same elements. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But is our body nourished wholly by this body, or is this body nourished by our body, thence deriving and having the qualities of which we were just now speaking? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: That again, Socrates, is a question which does not deserve to be asked. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well, tell me, is this question worth asking? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What question? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: May our body be said to have a soul? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And whence comes that soul, my dear Protarchus, unless the body of the universe, which contains elements like those in our bodies but in every way fairer, had also a soul? Can there be another source? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Clearly, Socrates, that is the only source. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Why, yes, Protarchus; for surely we cannot imagine that of the four classes, the finite, the infinite, the composition of the two, and the cause, the fourth, which enters into all things, giving to our bodies souls, and the art of self-management, and of healing disease, and operating in other ways to heal and organize, having too all the attributes of wisdom;&amp;amp;mdash;we cannot, I say, imagine that whereas the self-same elements exist, both in the entire heaven and in great provinces of the heaven, only fairer and purer, this last should not also in that higher sphere have designed the noblest and fairest things? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Such a supposition is quite unreasonable. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then if this be denied, should we not be wise in adopting the other view and maintaining that there is in the universe a mighty infinite and an adequate limit, of which we have often spoken, as well as a presiding cause of no mean power, which orders and arranges years and seasons and months, and may be justly called wisdom and mind? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Most justly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And wisdom and mind cannot exist without soul? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And in the divine nature of Zeus would you not say that there is the soul and mind of a king, because there is in him the power of the cause? And other gods have other attributes, by which they are pleased to be called. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Do not then suppose that these words are rashly spoken by us, O Protarchus, for they are in harmony with the testimony of those who said of old time that mind rules the universe. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And they furnish an answer to my enquiry; for they imply that mind is the parent of that class of the four which we called the cause of all; and I think that you now have my answer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I have indeed, and yet I did not observe that you had answered. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: A jest is sometimes refreshing, Protarchus, when it interrupts earnest. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I think, friend, that we have now pretty clearly set forth the class to which mind belongs and what is the power of mind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And the class to which pleasure belongs has also been long ago discovered? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And let us remember, too, of both of them, (1) that mind was akin to the cause and of this family; and (2) that pleasure is infinite and belongs to the class which neither has, nor ever will have in itself, a beginning, middle, or end of its own. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I shall be sure to remember. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: We must next examine what is their place and under what conditions they are generated. And we will begin with pleasure, since her class was first examined; and yet pleasure cannot be rightly tested apart from pain. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: If this is the road, let us take it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I wonder whether you would agree with me about the origin of pleasure and pain. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I mean to say that their natural seat is in the mixed class. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: And would you tell me again, sweet Socrates, which of the aforesaid classes is the mixed one? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I will, my fine fellow, to the best of my ability. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Let us then understand the mixed class to be that which we placed third in the list of four. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: That which followed the infinite and the finite; and in which you ranked health, and, if I am not mistaken, harmony. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Capital; and now will you please to give me your best attention? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Proceed; I am attending. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I say that when the harmony in animals is dissolved, there is also a dissolution of nature and a generation of pain. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: That is very probable. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And the restoration of harmony and return to nature is the source of pleasure, if I may be allowed to speak in the fewest and shortest words about matters of the greatest moment. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I believe that you are right, Socrates; but will you try to be a little plainer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Do not obvious and every-day phenomena furnish the simplest illustration? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What phenomena do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Hunger, for example, is a dissolution and a pain. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Whereas eating is a replenishment and a pleasure? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Thirst again is a destruction and a pain, but the effect of moisture replenishing the dry place is a pleasure: once more, the unnatural separation and dissolution caused by heat is painful, and the natural restoration and refrigeration is pleasant. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And the unnatural freezing of the moisture in an animal is pain, and the natural process of resolution and return of the elements to their original state is pleasure. And would not the general proposition seem to you to hold, that the destroying of the natural union of the finite and infinite, which, as I was observing before, make up the class of living beings, is pain, and that the process of return of all things to their own nature is pleasure? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Granted; what you say has a general truth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Here then is one kind of pleasures and pains originating severally in the two processes which we have described? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Let us next assume that in the soul herself there is an antecedent hope of pleasure which is sweet and refreshing, and an expectation of pain, fearful and anxious. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes; this is another class of pleasures and pains, which is of the soul only, apart from the body, and is produced by expectation. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Right; for in the analysis of these, pure, as I suppose them to be, the pleasures being unalloyed with pain and the pains with pleasure, methinks that we shall see clearly whether the whole class of pleasure is to be desired, or whether this quality of entire desirableness is not rather to be attributed to another of the classes which have been mentioned; and whether pleasure and pain, like heat and cold, and other things of the same kind, are not sometimes to be desired and sometimes not to be desired, as being not in themselves good, but only sometimes and in some instances admitting of the nature of good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: You say most truly that this is the track which the investigation should pursue. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well, then, assuming that pain ensues on the dissolution, and pleasure on the restoration of the harmony, let us now ask what will be the condition of animated beings who are neither in process of restoration nor of dissolution. And mind what you say: I ask whether any animal who is in that condition can possibly have any feeling of pleasure or pain, great or small? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then here we have a third state, over and above that of pleasure and of pain? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And do not forget that there is such a state; it will make a great difference in our judgment of pleasure, whether we remember this or not. And I should like to say a few words about it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What have you to say? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Why, you know that if a man chooses the life of wisdom, there is no reason why he should not live in this neutral state. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: You mean that he may live neither rejoicing nor sorrowing? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Yes; and if I remember rightly, when the lives were compared, no degree of pleasure, whether great or small, was thought to be necessary to him who chose the life of thought and wisdom. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes, certainly, we said so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then he will live without pleasure; and who knows whether this may not be the most divine of all lives? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: If so, the gods, at any rate, cannot be supposed to have either joy or sorrow. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Certainly not&amp;amp;mdash;there would be a great impropriety in the assumption of either alternative. But whether the gods are or are not indifferent to pleasure is a point which may be considered hereafter if in any way relevant to the argument, and whatever is the conclusion we will place it to the account of mind in her contest for the second place, should she have to resign the first. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Just so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The other class of pleasures, which as we were saying is purely mental, is entirely derived from memory. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I must first of all analyze memory, or rather perception which is prior to memory, if the subject of our discussion is ever to be properly cleared up. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: How will you proceed? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Let us imagine affections of the body which are extinguished before they reach the soul, and leave her unaffected; and again, other affections which vibrate through both soul and body, and impart a shock to both and to each of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Granted. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And the soul may be truly said to be oblivious of the first but not of the second? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: When I say oblivious, do not suppose that I mean forgetfulness in a literal sense; for forgetfulness is the exit of memory, which in this case has not yet entered; and to speak of the loss of that which is not yet in existence, and never has been, is a contradiction; do you see? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then just be so good as to change the terms. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: How shall I change them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Instead of the oblivion of the soul, when you are describing the state in which she is unaffected by the shocks of the body, say unconsciousness. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I see. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And the union or communion of soul and body in one feeling and motion would be properly called consciousness? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then now we know the meaning of the word? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And memory may, I think, be rightly described as the preservation of consciousness? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But do we not distinguish memory from recollection? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I think so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And do we not mean by recollection the power which the soul has of recovering, when by herself, some feeling which she experienced when in company with the body? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And when she recovers of herself the lost recollection of some consciousness or knowledge, the recovery is termed recollection and reminiscence? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: There is a reason why I say all this. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I want to attain the plainest possible notion of pleasure and desire, as they exist in the mind only, apart from the body; and the previous analysis helps to show the nature of both. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Then now, Socrates, let us proceed to the next point. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: There are certainly many things to be considered in discussing the generation and whole complexion of pleasure. At the outset we must determine the nature and seat of desire. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Ay; let us enquire into that, for we shall lose nothing. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Nay, Protarchus, we shall surely lose the puzzle if we find the answer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: A fair retort; but let us proceed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Did we not place hunger, thirst, and the like, in the class of desires? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And yet they are very different; what common nature have we in view when we call them by a single name? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: By heavens, Socrates, that is a question which is not easily answered; but it must be answered. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then let us go back to our examples. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Where shall we begin? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Do we mean anything when we say &#039;a man thirsts&#039;? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: We mean to say that he &#039;is empty&#039;? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And is not thirst desire? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes, of drink. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Would you say of drink, or of replenishment with drink? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I should say, of replenishment with drink. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then he who is empty desires, as would appear, the opposite of what he experiences; for he is empty and desires to be full? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Clearly so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But how can a man who is empty for the first time, attain either by perception or memory to any apprehension of replenishment, of which he has no present or past experience? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And yet he who desires, surely desires something? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: He does not desire that which he experiences, for he experiences thirst, and thirst is emptiness; but he desires replenishment? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then there must be something in the thirsty man which in some way apprehends replenishment? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: There must. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And that cannot be the body, for the body is supposed to be emptied? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The only remaining alternative is that the soul apprehends the replenishment by the help of memory; as is obvious, for what other way can there be? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I cannot imagine any other. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But do you see the consequence? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: That there is no such thing as desire of the body. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Why so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Why, because the argument shows that the endeavour of every animal is to the reverse of his bodily state. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And the impulse which leads him to the opposite of what he is experiencing proves that he has a memory of the opposite state. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And the argument, having proved that memory attracts us towards the objects of desire, proves also that the impulses and the desires and the moving principle in every living being have their origin in the soul. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The argument will not allow that our body either hungers or thirsts or has any similar experience. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Quite right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Let me make a further observation; the argument appears to me to imply that there is a kind of life which consists in these affections. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Of what affections, and of what kind of life, are you speaking? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I am speaking of being emptied and replenished, and of all that relates to the preservation and destruction of living beings, as well as of the pain which is felt in one of these states and of the pleasure which succeeds to it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And what would you say of the intermediate state? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What do you mean by &#039;intermediate&#039;? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I mean when a person is in actual suffering and yet remembers past pleasures which, if they would only return, would relieve him; but as yet he has them not. May we not say of him, that he is in an intermediate state? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Would you say that he was wholly pained or wholly pleased? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Nay, I should say that he has two pains; in his body there is the actual experience of pain, and in his soul longing and expectation. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: What do you mean, Protarchus, by the two pains? May not a man who is empty have at one time a sure hope of being filled, and at other times be quite in despair? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And has he not the pleasure of memory when he is hoping to be filled, and yet in that he is empty is he not at the same time in pain? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then man and the other animals have at the same time both pleasure and pain? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I suppose so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But when a man is empty and has no hope of being filled, there will be the double experience of pain. You observed this and inferred that the double experience was the single case possible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Quite true, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Shall the enquiry into these states of feeling be made the occasion of raising a question? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What question? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Whether we ought to say that the pleasures and pains of which we are speaking are true or false? or some true and some false? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: But how, Socrates, can there be false pleasures and pains? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And how, Protarchus, can there be true and false fears, or true and false expectations, or true and false opinions? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I grant that opinions may be true or false, but not pleasures. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: What do you mean? I am afraid that we are raising a very serious enquiry. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: There I agree. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And yet, my boy, for you are one of Philebus&#039; boys, the point to be considered, is, whether the enquiry is relevant to the argument. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Surely. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: No tedious and irrelevant discussion can be allowed; what is said should be pertinent. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I am always wondering at the question which has now been raised. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: How so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Do you deny that some pleasures are false, and others true? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: To be sure I do. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Would you say that no one ever seemed to rejoice and yet did not rejoice, or seemed to feel pain and yet did not feel pain, sleeping or waking, mad or lunatic? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: So we have always held, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But were you right? Shall we enquire into the truth of your opinion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I think that we should. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Let us then put into more precise terms the question which has arisen about pleasure and opinion. Is there such a thing as opinion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And such a thing as pleasure? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And an opinion must be of something? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And a man must be pleased by something? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Quite correct. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And whether the opinion be right or wrong, makes no difference; it will still be an opinion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And he who is pleased, whether he is rightly pleased or not, will always have a real feeling of pleasure? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes; that is also quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then, how can opinion be both true and false, and pleasure true only, although pleasure and opinion are both equally real? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes; that is the question. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: You mean that opinion admits of truth and falsehood, and hence becomes not merely opinion, but opinion of a certain quality; and this is what you think should be examined? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And further, even if we admit the existence of qualities in other objects, may not pleasure and pain be simple and devoid of quality? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But there is no difficulty in seeing that pleasure and pain as well as opinion have qualities, for they are great or small, and have various degrees of intensity; as was indeed said long ago by us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And if badness attaches to any of them, Protarchus, then we should speak of a bad opinion or of a bad pleasure? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Quite true, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And if rightness attaches to any of them, should we not speak of a right opinion or right pleasure; and in like manner of the reverse of rightness? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And if the thing opined be erroneous, might we not say that the opinion, being erroneous, is not right or rightly opined? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And if we see a pleasure or pain which errs in respect of its object, shall we call that right or good, or by any honourable name? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Not if the pleasure is mistaken; how could we? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And surely pleasure often appears to accompany an opinion which is not true, but false? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly it does; and in that case, Socrates, as we were saying, the opinion is false, but no one could call the actual pleasure false. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: How eagerly, Protarchus, do you rush to the defence of pleasure! &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Nay, Socrates, I only repeat what I hear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And is there no difference, my friend, between that pleasure which is associated with right opinion and knowledge, and that which is often found in all of us associated with falsehood and ignorance? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: There must be a very great difference, between them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then, now let us proceed to contemplate this difference. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Lead, and I will follow. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well, then, my view is&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: We agree&amp;amp;mdash;do we not?&amp;amp;mdash;that there is such a thing as false, and also such a thing as true opinion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And pleasure and pain, as I was just now saying, are often consequent upon these&amp;amp;mdash;upon true and false opinion, I mean. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And do not opinion and the endeavour to form an opinion always spring from memory and perception? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Might we imagine the process to be something of this nature? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Of what nature? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: An object may be often seen at a distance not very clearly, and the seer may want to determine what it is which he sees. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very likely. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Soon he begins to interrogate himself. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: In what manner? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: He asks himself&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;What is that which appears to be standing by the rock under the tree?&#039; This is the question which he may be supposed to put to himself when he sees such an appearance. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: To which he may guess the right answer, saying as if in a whisper to himself&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;It is a man.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Or again, he may be misled, and then he will say&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;No, it is a figure made by the shepherds.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And if he has a companion, he repeats his thought to him in articulate sounds, and what was before an opinion, has now become a proposition. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But if he be walking alone when these thoughts occur to him, he may not unfrequently keep them in his mind for a considerable time. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well, now, I wonder whether you would agree in my explanation of this phenomenon. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What is your explanation? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I think that the soul at such times is like a book. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: How so? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Memory and perception meet, and they and their attendant feelings seem to almost to write down words in the soul, and when the inscribing feeling writes truly, then true opinion and true propositions which are the expressions of opinion come into our souls&amp;amp;mdash;but when the scribe within us writes falsely, the result is false. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I quite assent and agree to your statement. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I must bespeak your favour also for another artist, who is busy at the same time in the chambers of the soul. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Who is he? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The painter, who, after the scribe has done his work, draws images in the soul of the things which he has described. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: But when and how does he do this? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: When a man, besides receiving from sight or some other sense certain opinions or statements, sees in his mind the images of the subjects of them;&amp;amp;mdash;is not this a very common mental phenomenon? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And the images answering to true opinions and words are true, and to false opinions and words false; are they not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: They are. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: If we are right so far, there arises a further question. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Whether we experience the feeling of which I am speaking only in relation to the present and the past, or in relation to the future also? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I should say in relation to all times alike. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Have not purely mental pleasures and pains been described already as in some cases anticipations of the bodily ones; from which we may infer that anticipatory pleasures and pains have to do with the future? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And do all those writings and paintings which, as we were saying a little while ago, are produced in us, relate to the past and present only, and not to the future? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: To the future, very much. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: When you say, &#039;Very much,&#039; you mean to imply that all these representations are hopes about the future, and that mankind are filled with hopes in every stage of existence? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Exactly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Answer me another question. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What question? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: A just and pious and good man is the friend of the gods; is he not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly he is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And the unjust and utterly bad man is the reverse? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And all men, as we were saying just now, are always filled with hopes? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And these hopes, as they are termed, are propositions which exist in the minds of each of us? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And the fancies of hope are also pictured in us; a man may often have a vision of a heap of gold, and pleasures ensuing, and in the picture there may be a likeness of himself mightily rejoicing over his good fortune. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And may we not say that the good, being friends of the gods, have generally true pictures presented to them, and the bad false pictures? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The bad, too, have pleasures painted in their fancy as well as the good; but I presume that they are false pleasures. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: They are. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The bad then commonly delight in false pleasures, and the good in true pleasures? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Doubtless. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then upon this view there are false pleasures in the souls of men which are a ludicrous imitation of the true, and there are pains of a similar character? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: There are. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And did we not allow that a man who had an opinion at all had a real opinion, but often about things which had no existence either in the past, present, or future? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And this was the source of false opinion and opining; am I not right? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And must we not attribute to pleasure and pain a similar real but illusory character? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: How do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I mean to say that a man must be admitted to have real pleasure who is pleased with anything or anyhow; and he may be pleased about things which neither have nor have ever had any real existence, and, more often than not, are never likely to exist. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes, Socrates, that again is undeniable. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And may not the same be said about fear and anger and the like; are they not often false? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Quite so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And can opinions be good or bad except in as far as they are true or false? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: In no other way. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Nor can pleasures be conceived to be bad except in so far as they are false. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Nay, Socrates, that is the very opposite of truth; for no one would call pleasures and pains bad because they are false, but by reason of some other great corruption to which they are liable. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well, of pleasures which are corrupt and caused by corruption we will hereafter speak, if we care to continue the enquiry; for the present I would rather show by another argument that there are many false pleasures existing or coming into existence in us, because this may assist our final decision. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very true; that is to say, if there are such pleasures. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I think that there are, Protarchus; but this is an opinion which should be well assured, and not rest upon a mere assertion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then now, like wrestlers, let us approach and grasp this new argument. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Proceed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: We were maintaining a little while since, that when desires, as they are termed, exist in us, then the body has separate feelings apart from the soul&amp;amp;mdash;do you remember? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes, I remember that you said so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And the soul was supposed to desire the opposite of the bodily state, while the body was the source of any pleasure or pain which was experienced. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then now you may infer what happens in such cases. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What am I to infer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: That in such cases pleasures and pains come simultaneously; and there is a juxtaposition of the opposite sensations which correspond to them, as has been already shown. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Clearly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And there is another point to which we have agreed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: That pleasure and pain both admit of more and less, and that they are of the class of infinites. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly, we said so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But how can we rightly judge of them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: How can we? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Is it our intention to judge of their comparative importance and intensity, measuring pleasure against pain, and pain against pain, and pleasure against pleasure? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes, such is our intention, and we shall judge of them accordingly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well, take the case of sight. Does not the nearness or distance of magnitudes obscure their true proportions, and make us opine falsely; and do we not find the same illusion happening in the case of pleasures and pains? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes, Socrates, and in a degree far greater. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then what we are now saying is the opposite of what we were saying before. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What was that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then the opinions were true and false, and infected the pleasures and pains with their own falsity. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But now it is the pleasures which are said to be true and false because they are seen at various distances, and subjected to comparison; the pleasures appear to be greater and more vehement when placed side by side with the pains, and the pains when placed side by side with the pleasures. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly, and for the reason which you mention. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And suppose you part off from pleasures and pains the element which makes them appear to be greater or less than they really are: you will acknowledge that this element is illusory, and you will never say that the corresponding excess or defect of pleasure or pain is real or true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Next let us see whether in another direction we may not find pleasures and pains existing and appearing in living beings, which are still more false than these. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What are they, and how shall we find them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: If I am not mistaken, I have often repeated that pains and aches and suffering and uneasiness of all sorts arise out of a corruption of nature caused by concretions, and dissolutions, and repletions, and evacuations, and also by growth and decay? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes, that has been often said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And we have also agreed that the restoration of the natural state is pleasure? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But now let us suppose an interval of time at which the body experiences none of these changes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: When can that be, Socrates? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Your question, Protarchus, does not help the argument. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Why not, Socrates? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Because it does not prevent me from repeating mine. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: And what was that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Why, Protarchus, admitting that there is no such interval, I may ask what would be the necessary consequence if there were? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: You mean, what would happen if the body were not changed either for good or bad? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Why then, Socrates, I should suppose that there would be neither pleasure nor pain. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Very good; but still, if I am not mistaken, you do assert that we must always be experiencing one of them; that is what the wise tell us; for, say they, all things are ever flowing up and down. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes, and their words are of no mean authority. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Of course, for they are no mean authorities themselves; and I should like to avoid the brunt of their argument. Shall I tell you how I mean to escape from them? And you shall be the partner of my flight. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: How? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: To them we will say: &#039;Good; but are we, or living things in general, always conscious of what happens to us&amp;amp;mdash;for example, of our growth, or the like? Are we not, on the contrary, almost wholly unconscious of this and similar phenomena?&#039; You must answer for them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: The latter alternative is the true one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then we were not right in saying, just now, that motions going up and down cause pleasures and pains? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: A better and more unexceptionable way of speaking will be&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: If we say that the great changes produce pleasures and pains, but that the moderate and lesser ones do neither. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: That, Socrates, is the more correct mode of speaking. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But if this be true, the life to which I was just now referring again appears. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What life? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The life which we affirmed to be devoid either of pain or of joy. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: We may assume then that there are three lives, one pleasant, one painful, and the third which is neither; what say you? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I should say as you do that there are three of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But if so, the negation of pain will not be the same with pleasure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then when you hear a person saying, that always to live without pain is the pleasantest of all things, what would you understand him to mean by that statement? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I think that by pleasure he must mean the negative of pain. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Let us take any three things; or suppose that we embellish a little and call the first gold, the second silver, and there shall be a third which is neither. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Now, can that which is neither be either gold or silver? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: No more can that neutral or middle life be rightly or reasonably spoken or thought of as pleasant or painful. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And yet, my friend, there are, as we know, persons who say and think so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And do they think that they have pleasure when they are free from pain? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: They say so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And they must think or they would not say that they have pleasure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I suppose not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And yet if pleasure and the negation of pain are of distinct natures, they are wrong. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: But they are undoubtedly of distinct natures. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then shall we take the view that they are three, as we were just now saying, or that they are two only&amp;amp;mdash;the one being a state of pain, which is an evil, and the other a cessation of pain, which is of itself a good, and is called pleasant? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: But why, Socrates, do we ask the question at all? I do not see the reason. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: You, Protarchus, have clearly never heard of certain enemies of our friend Philebus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: And who may they be? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Certain persons who are reputed to be masters in natural philosophy, who deny the very existence of pleasure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Indeed! &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: They say that what the school of Philebus calls pleasures are all of them only avoidances of pain. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: And would you, Socrates, have us agree with them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Why, no, I would rather use them as a sort of diviners, who divine the truth, not by rules of art, but by an instinctive repugnance and extreme detestation which a noble nature has of the power of pleasure, in which they think that there is nothing sound, and her seductive influence is declared by them to be witchcraft, and not pleasure. This is the use which you may make of them. And when you have considered the various grounds of their dislike, you shall hear from me what I deem to be true pleasures. Having thus examined the nature of pleasure from both points of view, we will bring her up for judgment. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Well said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then let us enter into an alliance with these philosophers and follow in the track of their dislike. I imagine that they would say something of this sort; they would begin at the beginning, and ask whether, if we wanted to know the nature of any quality, such as hardness, we should be more likely to discover it by looking at the hardest things, rather than at the least hard? You, Protarchus, shall answer these severe gentlemen as you answer me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: By all means, and I reply to them, that you should look at the greatest instances. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then if we want to see the true nature of pleasures as a class, we should not look at the most diluted pleasures, but at the most extreme and most vehement? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: In that every one will agree. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And the obvious instances of the greatest pleasures, as we have often said, are the pleasures of the body? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And are they felt by us to be or become greater, when we are sick or when we are in health? And here we must be careful in our answer, or we shall come to grief. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: How will that be? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Why, because we might be tempted to answer, &#039;When we are in health.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes, that is the natural answer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well, but are not those pleasures the greatest of which mankind have the greatest desires? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And do not people who are in a fever, or any similar illness, feel cold or thirst or other bodily affections more intensely? Am I not right in saying that they have a deeper want and greater pleasure in the satisfaction of their want? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: That is obvious as soon as it is said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well, then, shall we not be right in saying, that if a person would wish to see the greatest pleasures he ought to go and look, not at health, but at disease? And here you must distinguish:&amp;amp;mdash;do not imagine that I mean to ask whether those who are very ill have more pleasures than those who are well, but understand that I am speaking of the magnitude of pleasure; I want to know where pleasures are found to be most intense. For, as I say, we have to discover what is pleasure, and what they mean by pleasure who deny her very existence. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I think I follow you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: You will soon have a better opportunity of showing whether you do or not, Protarchus. Answer now, and tell me whether you see, I will not say more, but more intense and excessive pleasures in wantonness than in temperance? Reflect before you speak. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I understand you, and see that there is a great difference between them; the temperate are restrained by the wise man&#039;s aphorism of &#039;Never too much,&#039; which is their rule, but excess of pleasure possessing the minds of fools and wantons becomes madness and makes them shout with delight. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Very good, and if this be true, then the greatest pleasures and pains will clearly be found in some vicious state of soul and body, and not in a virtuous state. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And ought we not to select some of these for examination, and see what makes them the greatest? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: To be sure we ought. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Take the case of the pleasures which arise out of certain disorders. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What disorders? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The pleasures of unseemly disorders, which our severe friends utterly detest. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What pleasures? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Such, for example, as the relief of itching and other ailments by scratching, which is the only remedy required. For what in Heaven&#039;s name is the feeling to be called which is thus produced in us?&amp;amp;mdash;Pleasure or pain? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: A villainous mixture of some kind, Socrates, I should say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I did not introduce the argument, O Protarchus, with any personal reference to Philebus, but because, without the consideration of these and similar pleasures, we shall not be able to determine the point at issue. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Then we had better proceed to analyze this family of pleasures. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: You mean the pleasures which are mingled with pain? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Exactly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: There are some mixtures which are of the body, and only in the body, and others which are of the soul, and only in the soul; while there are other mixtures of pleasures with pains, common both to soul and body, which in their composite state are called sometimes pleasures and sometimes pains. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: How is that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Whenever, in the restoration or in the derangement of nature, a man experiences two opposite feelings; for example, when he is cold and is growing warm, or again, when he is hot and is becoming cool, and he wants to have the one and be rid of the other;&amp;amp;mdash;the sweet has a bitter, as the common saying is, and both together fasten upon him and create irritation and in time drive him to distraction. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: That description is very true to nature. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And in these sorts of mixtures the pleasures and pains are sometimes equal, and sometimes one or other of them predominates? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Of cases in which the pain exceeds the pleasure, an example is afforded by itching, of which we were just now speaking, and by the tingling which we feel when the boiling and fiery element is within, and the rubbing and motion only relieves the surface, and does not reach the parts affected; then if you put them to the fire, and as a last resort apply cold to them, you may often produce the most intense pleasure or pain in the inner parts, which contrasts and mingles with the pain or pleasure, as the case may be, of the outer parts; and this is due to the forcible separation of what is united, or to the union of what is separated, and to the juxtaposition of pleasure and pain. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Quite so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Sometimes the element of pleasure prevails in a man, and the slight undercurrent of pain makes him tingle, and causes a gentle irritation; or again, the excessive infusion of pleasure creates an excitement in him,&amp;amp;mdash;he even leaps for joy, he assumes all sorts of attitudes, he changes all manner of colours, he gasps for breath, and is quite amazed, and utters the most irrational exclamations. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes, indeed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: He will say of himself, and others will say of him, that he is dying with these delights; and the more dissipated and good-for-nothing he is, the more vehemently he pursues them in every way; of all pleasures he declares them to be the greatest; and he reckons him who lives in the most constant enjoyment of them to be the happiest of mankind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: That, Socrates, is a very true description of the opinions of the majority about pleasures. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Yes, Protarchus, quite true of the mixed pleasures, which arise out of the communion of external and internal sensations in the body; there are also cases in which the mind contributes an opposite element to the body, whether of pleasure or pain, and the two unite and form one mixture. Concerning these I have already remarked, that when a man is empty he desires to be full, and has pleasure in hope and pain in vacuity. But now I must further add what I omitted before, that in all these and similar emotions in which body and mind are opposed (and they are innumerable), pleasure and pain coalesce in one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I believe that to be quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: There still remains one other sort of admixture of pleasures and pains. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What is that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The union which, as we were saying, the mind often experiences of purely mental feelings. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Why, do we not speak of anger, fear, desire, sorrow, love, emulation, envy, and the like, as pains which belong to the soul only? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And shall we not find them also full of the most wonderful pleasures? need I remind you of the anger &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;Which stirs even a wise man to violence, And is sweeter than honey and the honeycomb?&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And you remember how pleasures mingle with pains in lamentation and bereavement? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes, there is a natural connexion between them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And you remember also how at the sight of tragedies the spectators smile through their tears? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly I do. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And are you aware that even at a comedy the soul experiences a mixed feeling of pain and pleasure? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I do not quite understand you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I admit, Protarchus, that there is some difficulty in recognizing this mixture of feelings at a comedy. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: There is, I think. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And the greater the obscurity of the case the more desirable is the examination of it, because the difficulty in detecting other cases of mixed pleasures and pains will be less. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Proceed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I have just mentioned envy; would you not call that a pain of the soul? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And yet the envious man finds something in the misfortunes of his neighbours at which he is pleased? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And ignorance, and what is termed clownishness, are surely an evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: To be sure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: From these considerations learn to know the nature of the ridiculous. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Explain. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The ridiculous is in short the specific name which is used to describe the vicious form of a certain habit; and of vice in general it is that kind which is most at variance with the inscription at Delphi. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: You mean, Socrates, &#039;Know thyself.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I do; and the opposite would be, &#039;Know not thyself.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And now, O Protarchus, try to divide this into three. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Indeed I am afraid that I cannot. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Do you mean to say that I must make the division for you? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes, and what is more, I beg that you will. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Are there not three ways in which ignorance of self may be shown? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What are they? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: In the first place, about money; the ignorant may fancy himself richer than he is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes, that is a very common error. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And still more often he will fancy that he is taller or fairer than he is, or that he has some other advantage of person which he really has not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Of course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And yet surely by far the greatest number err about the goods of the mind; they imagine themselves to be much better men than they are. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes, that is by far the commonest delusion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And of all the virtues, is not wisdom the one which the mass of mankind are always claiming, and which most arouses in them a spirit of contention and lying conceit of wisdom? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And may not all this be truly called an evil condition? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very evil. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But we must pursue the division a step further, Protarchus, if we would see in envy of the childish sort a singular mixture of pleasure and pain. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: How can we make the further division which you suggest? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: All who are silly enough to entertain this lying conceit of themselves may of course be divided, like the rest of mankind, into two classes&amp;amp;mdash;one having power and might; and the other the reverse. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Let this, then, be the principle of division; those of them who are weak and unable to revenge themselves, when they are laughed at, may be truly called ridiculous, but those who can defend themselves may be more truly described as strong and formidable; for ignorance in the powerful is hateful and horrible, because hurtful to others both in reality and in fiction, but powerless ignorance may be reckoned, and in truth is, ridiculous. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: That is very true, but I do not as yet see where is the admixture of pleasures and pains. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well, then, let us examine the nature of envy. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Proceed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Is not envy an unrighteous pleasure, and also an unrighteous pain? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: There is nothing envious or wrong in rejoicing at the misfortunes of enemies? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But to feel joy instead of sorrow at the sight of our friends&#039; misfortunes&amp;amp;mdash;is not that wrong? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Undoubtedly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Did we not say that ignorance was always an evil? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And the three kinds of vain conceit in our friends which we enumerated&amp;amp;mdash;the vain conceit of beauty, of wisdom, and of wealth, are ridiculous if they are weak, and detestable when they are powerful: May we not say, as I was saying before, that our friends who are in this state of mind, when harmless to others, are simply ridiculous? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: They are ridiculous. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And do we not acknowledge this ignorance of theirs to be a misfortune? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And do we feel pain or pleasure in laughing at it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Clearly we feel pleasure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And was not envy the source of this pleasure which we feel at the misfortunes of friends? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then the argument shows that when we laugh at the folly of our friends, pleasure, in mingling with envy, mingles with pain, for envy has been acknowledged by us to be mental pain, and laughter is pleasant; and so we envy and laugh at the same instant. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And the argument implies that there are combinations of pleasure and pain in lamentations, and in tragedy and comedy, not only on the stage, but on the greater stage of human life; and so in endless other cases. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I do not see how any one can deny what you say, Socrates, however eager he may be to assert the opposite opinion. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I mentioned anger, desire, sorrow, fear, love, emulation, envy, and similar emotions, as examples in which we should find a mixture of the two elements so often named; did I not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: We may observe that our conclusions hitherto have had reference only to sorrow and envy and anger. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I see. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then many other cases still remain? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And why do you suppose me to have pointed out to you the admixture which takes place in comedy? Why but to convince you that there was no difficulty in showing the mixed nature of fear and love and similar affections; and I thought that when I had given you the illustration, you would have let me off, and have acknowledged as a general truth that the body without the soul, and the soul without the body, as well as the two united, are susceptible of all sorts of admixtures of pleasures and pains; and so further discussion would have been unnecessary. And now I want to know whether I may depart; or will you keep me here until midnight? I fancy that I may obtain my release without many words;&amp;amp;mdash;if I promise that to-morrow I will give you an account of all these cases. But at present I would rather sail in another direction, and go to other matters which remain to be settled, before the judgment can be given which Philebus demands. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very good, Socrates; in what remains take your own course. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then after the mixed pleasures the unmixed should have their turn; this is the natural and necessary order. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Excellent. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: These, in turn, then, I will now endeavour to indicate; for with the maintainers of the opinion that all pleasures are a cessation of pain, I do not agree, but, as I was saying, I use them as witnesses, that there are pleasures which seem only and are not, and there are others again which have great power and appear in many forms, yet are intermingled with pains, and are partly alleviations of agony and distress, both of body and mind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Then what pleasures, Socrates, should we be right in conceiving to be true? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: True pleasures are those which are given by beauty of colour and form, and most of those which arise from smells; those of sound, again, and in general those of which the want is painless and unconscious, and of which the fruition is palpable to sense and pleasant and unalloyed with pain. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Once more, Socrates, I must ask what you mean. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: My meaning is certainly not obvious, and I will endeavour to be plainer. I do not mean by beauty of form such beauty as that of animals or pictures, which the many would suppose to be my meaning; but, says the argument, understand me to mean straight lines and circles, and the plane or solid figures which are formed out of them by turning-lathes and rulers and measurers of angles; for these I affirm to be not only relatively beautiful, like other things, but they are eternally and absolutely beautiful, and they have peculiar pleasures, quite unlike the pleasures of scratching. And there are colours which are of the same character, and have similar pleasures; now do you understand my meaning? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I am trying to understand, Socrates, and I hope that you will try to make your meaning clearer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: When sounds are smooth and clear, and have a single pure tone, then I mean to say that they are not relatively but absolutely beautiful, and have natural pleasures associated with them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes, there are such pleasures. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The pleasures of smell are of a less ethereal sort, but they have no necessary admixture of pain; and all pleasures, however and wherever experienced, which are unattended by pains, I assign to an analogous class. Here then are two kinds of pleasures. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I understand. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: To these may be added the pleasures of knowledge, if no hunger of knowledge and no pain caused by such hunger precede them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: And this is the case. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well, but if a man who is full of knowledge loses his knowledge, are there not pains of forgetting? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Not necessarily, but there may be times of reflection, when he feels grief at the loss of his knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Yes, my friend, but at present we are enumerating only the natural perceptions, and have nothing to do with reflection. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: In that case you are right in saying that the loss of knowledge is not attended with pain. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: These pleasures of knowledge, then, are unmixed with pain; and they are not the pleasures of the many but of a very few. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And now, having fairly separated the pure pleasures and those which may be rightly termed impure, let us further add to our description of them, that the pleasures which are in excess have no measure, but that those which are not in excess have measure; the great, the excessive, whether more or less frequent, we shall be right in referring to the class of the infinite, and of the more and less, which pours through body and soul alike; and the others we shall refer to the class which has measure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Quite right, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Still there is something more to be considered about pleasures. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: When you speak of purity and clearness, or of excess, abundance, greatness and sufficiency, in what relation do these terms stand to truth? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Why do you ask, Socrates? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Because, Protarchus, I should wish to test pleasure and knowledge in every possible way, in order that if there be a pure and impure element in either of them, I may present the pure element for judgment, and then they will be more easily judged of by you and by me and by all of us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Let us investigate all the pure kinds; first selecting for consideration a single instance. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What instance shall we select? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Suppose that we first of all take whiteness. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: How can there be purity in whiteness, and what purity? Is that purest which is greatest or most in quantity, or that which is most unadulterated and freest from any admixture of other colours? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Clearly that which is most unadulterated. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: True, Protarchus; and so the purest white, and not the greatest or largest in quantity, is to be deemed truest and most beautiful? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And we shall be quite right in saying that a little pure white is whiter and fairer and truer than a great deal that is mixed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Perfectly right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: There is no need of adducing many similar examples in illustration of the argument about pleasure; one such is sufficient to prove to us that a small pleasure or a small amount of pleasure, if pure or unalloyed with pain, is always pleasanter and truer and fairer than a great pleasure or a great amount of pleasure of another kind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Assuredly; and the instance you have given is quite sufficient. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But what do you say of another question:&amp;amp;mdash;have we not heard that pleasure is always a generation, and has no true being? Do not certain ingenious philosophers teach this doctrine, and ought not we to be grateful to them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What do they mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I will explain to you, my dear Protarchus, what they mean, by putting a question. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Ask, and I will answer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I assume that there are two natures, one self-existent, and the other ever in want of something. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What manner of natures are they? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The one majestic ever, the other inferior. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: You speak riddles. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: You have seen loves good and fair, and also brave lovers of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I should think so. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Search the universe for two terms which are like these two and are present everywhere. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yet a third time I must say, Be a little plainer, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: There is no difficulty, Protarchus; the argument is only in play, and insinuates that some things are for the sake of something else (relatives), and that other things are the ends to which the former class subserve (absolutes). &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Your many repetitions make me slow to understand. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: As the argument proceeds, my boy, I dare say that the meaning will become clearer. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very likely. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Here are two new principles. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What are they? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: One is the generation of all things, and the other is essence. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I readily accept from you both generation and essence. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Very right; and would you say that generation is for the sake of essence, or essence for the sake of generation? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: You want to know whether that which is called essence is, properly speaking, for the sake of generation? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: By the gods, I wish that you would repeat your question. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I mean, O my Protarchus, to ask whether you would tell me that ship-building is for the sake of ships, or ships for the sake of ship-building? and in all similar cases I should ask the same question. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Why do you not answer yourself, Socrates? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I have no objection, but you must take your part. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: My answer is, that all things instrumental, remedial, material, are given to us with a view to generation, and that each generation is relative to, or for the sake of, some being or essence, and that the whole of generation is relative to the whole of essence. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Assuredly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then pleasure, being a generation, must surely be for the sake of some essence? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And that for the sake of which something else is done must be placed in the class of good, and that which is done for the sake of something else, in some other class, my good friend. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Most certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then pleasure, being a generation, will be rightly placed in some other class than that of good? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Quite right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then, as I said at first, we ought to be very grateful to him who first pointed out that pleasure was a generation only, and had no true being at all; for he is clearly one who laughs at the notion of pleasure being a good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Assuredly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And he would surely laugh also at those who make generation their highest end. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Of whom are you speaking, and what do they mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I am speaking of those who when they are cured of hunger or thirst or any other defect by some process of generation are delighted at the process as if it were pleasure; and they say that they would not wish to live without these and other feelings of a like kind which might be mentioned. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: That is certainly what they appear to think. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And is not destruction universally admitted to be the opposite of generation? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then he who chooses thus, would choose generation and destruction rather than that third sort of life, in which, as we were saying, was neither pleasure nor pain, but only the purest possible thought. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: He who would make us believe pleasure to be a good is involved in great absurdities, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Great, indeed; and there is yet another of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Is there not an absurdity in arguing that there is nothing good or noble in the body, or in anything else, but that good is in the soul only, and that the only good of the soul is pleasure; and that courage or temperance or understanding, or any other good of the soul, is not really a good?&amp;amp;mdash;and is there not yet a further absurdity in our being compelled to say that he who has a feeling of pain and not of pleasure is bad at the time when he is suffering pain, even though he be the best of men; and again, that he who has a feeling of pleasure, in so far as he is pleased at the time when he is pleased, in that degree excels in virtue? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Nothing, Socrates, can be more irrational than all this. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And now, having subjected pleasure to every sort of test, let us not appear to be too sparing of mind and knowledge: let us ring their metal bravely, and see if there be unsoundness in any part, until we have found out what in them is of the purest nature; and then the truest elements both of pleasure and knowledge may be brought up for judgment. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Knowledge has two parts,&amp;amp;mdash;the one productive, and the other educational? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And in the productive or handicraft arts, is not one part more akin to knowledge, and the other less; and may not the one part be regarded as the pure, and the other as the impure? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Let us separate the superior or dominant elements in each of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What are they, and how do you separate them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I mean to say, that if arithmetic, mensuration, and weighing be taken away from any art, that which remains will not be much. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Not much, certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The rest will be only conjecture, and the better use of the senses which is given by experience and practice, in addition to a certain power of guessing, which is commonly called art, and is perfected by attention and pains. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Nothing more, assuredly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Music, for instance, is full of this empiricism; for sounds are harmonized, not by measure, but by skilful conjecture; the music of the flute is always trying to guess the pitch of each vibrating note, and is therefore mixed up with much that is doubtful and has little which is certain. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And the same will be found to hold good of medicine and husbandry and piloting and generalship. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The art of the builder, on the other hand, which uses a number of measures and instruments, attains by their help to a greater degree of accuracy than the other arts. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: How is that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: In ship-building and house-building, and in other branches of the art of carpentering, the builder has his rule, lathe, compass, line, and a most ingenious machine for straightening wood. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very true, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then now let us divide the arts of which we were speaking into two kinds,&amp;amp;mdash;the arts which, like music, are less exact in their results, and those which, like carpentering, are more exact. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Let us make that division. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Of the latter class, the most exact of all are those which we just now spoke of as primary. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I see that you mean arithmetic, and the kindred arts of weighing and measuring. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Certainly, Protarchus; but are not these also distinguishable into two kinds? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What are the two kinds? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: In the first place, arithmetic is of two kinds, one of which is popular, and the other philosophical. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: How would you distinguish them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: There is a wide difference between them, Protarchus; some arithmeticians reckon unequal units; as for example, two armies, two oxen, two very large things or two very small things. The party who are opposed to them insist that every unit in ten thousand must be the same as every other unit. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Undoubtedly there is, as you say, a great difference among the votaries of the science; and there may be reasonably supposed to be two sorts of arithmetic. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And when we compare the art of mensuration which is used in building with philosophical geometry, or the art of computation which is used in trading with exact calculation, shall we say of either of the pairs that it is one or two? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: On the analogy of what has preceded, I should be of opinion that they were severally two. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Right; but do you understand why I have discussed the subject? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I think so, but I should like to be told by you. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The argument has all along been seeking a parallel to pleasure, and true to that original design, has gone on to ask whether one sort of knowledge is purer than another, as one pleasure is purer than another. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Clearly; that was the intention. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And has not the argument in what has preceded, already shown that the arts have different provinces, and vary in their degrees of certainty? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And just now did not the argument first designate a particular art by a common term, thus making us believe in the unity of that art; and then again, as if speaking of two different things, proceed to enquire whether the art as pursed by philosophers, or as pursued by non-philosophers, has more of certainty and purity? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: That is the very question which the argument is asking. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And how, Protarchus, shall we answer the enquiry? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: O Socrates, we have reached a point at which the difference of clearness in different kinds of knowledge is enormous. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then the answer will be the easier. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly; and let us say in reply, that those arts into which arithmetic and mensuration enter, far surpass all others; and that of these the arts or sciences which are animated by the pure philosophic impulse are infinitely superior in accuracy and truth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then this is your judgment; and this is the answer which, upon your authority, we will give to all masters of the art of misinterpretation? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What answer? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: That there are two arts of arithmetic, and two of mensuration; and also several other arts which in like manner have this double nature, and yet only one name. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Let us boldly return this answer to the masters of whom you speak, Socrates, and hope for good luck. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: We have explained what we term the most exact arts or sciences. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And yet, Protarchus, dialectic will refuse to acknowledge us, if we do not award to her the first place. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: And pray, what is dialectic? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Clearly the science which has to do with all that knowledge of which we are now speaking; for I am sure that all men who have a grain of intelligence will admit that the knowledge which has to do with being and reality, and sameness and unchangeableness, is by far the truest of all. But how would you decide this question, Protarchus? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I have often heard Gorgias maintain, Socrates, that the art of persuasion far surpassed every other; this, as he says, is by far the best of them all, for to it all things submit, not by compulsion, but of their own free will. Now, I should not like to quarrel either with you or with him. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: You mean to say that you would like to desert, if you were not ashamed? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: As you please. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: May I not have led you into a misapprehension? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: How? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Dear Protarchus, I never asked which was the greatest or best or usefullest of arts or sciences, but which had clearness and accuracy, and the greatest amount of truth, however humble and little useful an art. And as for Gorgias, if you do not deny that his art has the advantage in usefulness to mankind, he will not quarrel with you for saying that the study of which I am speaking is superior in this particular of essential truth; as in the comparison of white colours, a little whiteness, if that little be only pure, was said to be superior in truth to a great mass which is impure. And now let us give our best attention and consider well, not the comparative use or reputation of the sciences, but the power or faculty, if there be such, which the soul has of loving the truth, and of doing all things for the sake of it; let us search into the pure element of mind and intelligence, and then we shall be able to say whether the science of which I have been speaking is most likely to possess the faculty, or whether there be some other which has higher claims. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Well, I have been considering, and I can hardly think that any other science or art has a firmer grasp of the truth than this. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Do you say so because you observe that the arts in general and those engaged in them make use of opinion, and are resolutely engaged in the investigation of matters of opinion? Even he who supposes himself to be occupied with nature is really occupied with the things of this world, how created, how acting or acted upon. Is not this the sort of enquiry in which his life is spent? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: He is labouring, not after eternal being, but about things which are becoming, or which will or have become. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And can we say that any of these things which neither are nor have been nor will be unchangeable, when judged by the strict rule of truth ever become certain? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: How can anything fixed be concerned with that which has no fixedness? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: How indeed? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then mind and science when employed about such changing things do not attain the highest truth? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I should imagine not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And now let us bid farewell, a long farewell, to you or me or Philebus or Gorgias, and urge on behalf of the argument a single point. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What point? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Let us say that the stable and pure and true and unalloyed has to do with the things which are eternal and unchangeable and unmixed, or if not, at any rate what is most akin to them has; and that all other things are to be placed in a second or inferior class. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And of the names expressing cognition, ought not the fairest to be given to the fairest things? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: That is natural. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And are not mind and wisdom the names which are to be honoured most? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And these names may be said to have their truest and most exact application when the mind is engaged in the contemplation of true being? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And these were the names which I adduced of the rivals of pleasure? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very true, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: In the next place, as to the mixture, here are the ingredients, pleasure and wisdom, and we may be compared to artists who have their materials ready to their hands. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And now we must begin to mix them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: By all means. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But had we not better have a preliminary word and refresh our memories? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Of what? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Of that which I have already mentioned. Well says the proverb, that we ought to repeat twice and even thrice that which is good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well then, by Zeus, let us proceed, and I will make what I believe to be a fair summary of the argument. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Let me hear. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Philebus says that pleasure is the true end of all living beings, at which all ought to aim, and moreover that it is the chief good of all, and that the two names &#039;good&#039; and &#039;pleasant&#039; are correctly given to one thing and one nature; Socrates, on the other hand, begins by denying this, and further says, that in nature as in name they are two, and that wisdom partakes more than pleasure of the good. Is not and was not this what we were saying, Protarchus? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And is there not and was there not a further point which was conceded between us? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What was it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: That the good differs from all other things. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: In what respect? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: In that the being who possesses good always everywhere and in all things has the most perfect sufficiency, and is never in need of anything else. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Exactly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And did we not endeavour to make an imaginary separation of wisdom and pleasure, assigning to each a distinct life, so that pleasure was wholly excluded from wisdom, and wisdom in like manner had no part whatever in pleasure? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: We did. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And did we think that either of them alone would be sufficient? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly not. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And if we erred in any point, then let any one who will, take up the enquiry again and set us right; and assuming memory and wisdom and knowledge and true opinion to belong to the same class, let him consider whether he would desire to possess or acquire,&amp;amp;mdash;I will not say pleasure, however abundant or intense, if he has no real perception that he is pleased, nor any consciousness of what he feels, nor any recollection, however momentary, of the feeling,&amp;amp;mdash;but would he desire to have anything at all, if these faculties were wanting to him? And about wisdom I ask the same question; can you conceive that any one would choose to have all wisdom absolutely devoid of pleasure, rather than with a certain degree of pleasure, or all pleasure devoid of wisdom, rather than with a certain degree of wisdom? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly not, Socrates; but why repeat such questions any more? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then the perfect and universally eligible and entirely good cannot possibly be either of them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then now we must ascertain the nature of the good more or less accurately, in order, as we were saying, that the second place may be duly assigned. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Have we not found a road which leads towards the good? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What road? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Supposing that a man had to be found, and you could discover in what house he lived, would not that be a great step towards the discovery of the man himself? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And now reason intimates to us, as at our first beginning, that we should seek the good, not in the unmixed life but in the mixed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: There is greater hope of finding that which we are seeking in the life which is well mixed than in that which is not? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Far greater. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then now let us mingle, Protarchus, at the same time offering up a prayer to Dionysus or Hephaestus, or whoever is the god who presides over the ceremony of mingling. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: By all means. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Are not we the cup-bearers? and here are two fountains which are flowing at our side: one, which is pleasure, may be likened to a fountain of honey; the other, wisdom, a sober draught in which no wine mingles, is of water unpleasant but healthful; out of these we must seek to make the fairest of all possible mixtures. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Tell me first;&amp;amp;mdash;should we be most likely to succeed if we mingled every sort of pleasure with every sort of wisdom? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Perhaps we might. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But I should be afraid of the risk, and I think that I can show a safer plan. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What is it? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: One pleasure was supposed by us to be truer than another, and one art to be more exact than another. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: There was also supposed to be a difference in sciences; some of them regarding only the transient and perishing, and others the permanent and imperishable and everlasting and immutable; and when judged by the standard of truth, the latter, as we thought, were truer than the former. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very good and right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: If, then, we were to begin by mingling the sections of each class which have the most of truth, will not the union suffice to give us the loveliest of lives, or shall we still want some elements of another kind? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I think that we ought to do what you suggest. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Let us suppose a man who understands justice, and has reason as well as understanding about the true nature of this and of all other things. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: We will suppose such a man. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Will he have enough of knowledge if he is acquainted only with the divine circle and sphere, and knows nothing of our human spheres and circles, but uses only divine circles and measures in the building of a house? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: The knowledge which is only superhuman, Socrates, is ridiculous in man. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: What do you mean? Do you mean that you are to throw into the cup and mingle the impure and uncertain art which uses the false measure and the false circle? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes, we must, if any of us is ever to find his way home. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And am I to include music, which, as I was saying just now, is full of guesswork and imitation, and is wanting in purity? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes, I think that you must, if human life is to be a life at all. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well, then, suppose that I give way, and, like a doorkeeper who is pushed and overborne by the mob, I open the door wide, and let knowledge of every sort stream in, and the pure mingle with the impure? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I do not know, Socrates, that any great harm would come of having them all, if only you have the first sort. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well, then, shall I let them all flow into what Homer poetically terms &#039;a meeting of the waters&#039;? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: By all means. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: There&amp;amp;mdash;I have let them in, and now I must return to the fountain of pleasure. For we were not permitted to begin by mingling in a single stream the true portions of both according to our original intention; but the love of all knowledge constrained us to let all the sciences flow in together before the pleasures. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Quite true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And now the time has come for us to consider about the pleasures also, whether we shall in like manner let them go all at once, or at first only the true ones. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: It will be by far the safer course to let flow the true ones first. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Let them flow, then; and now, if there are any necessary pleasures, as there were arts and sciences necessary, must we not mingle them? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes; the necessary pleasures should certainly be allowed to mingle. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The knowledge of the arts has been admitted to be innocent and useful always; and if we say of pleasures in like manner that all of them are good and innocent for all of us at all times, we must let them all mingle? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What shall we say about them, and what course shall we take? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Do not ask me, Protarchus; but ask the daughters of pleasure and wisdom to answer for themselves. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: How? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Tell us, O beloved&amp;amp;mdash;shall we call you pleasures or by some other name?&amp;amp;mdash;would you rather live with or without wisdom? I am of opinion that they would certainly answer as follows: &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: How? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: They would answer, as we said before, that for any single class to be left by itself pure and isolated is not good, nor altogether possible; and that if we are to make comparisons of one class with another and choose, there is no better companion than knowledge of things in general, and likewise the perfect knowledge, if that may be, of ourselves in every respect. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: And our answer will be:&amp;amp;mdash;In that ye have spoken well. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Very true. And now let us go back and interrogate wisdom and mind: Would you like to have any pleasures in the mixture? And they will reply:&amp;amp;mdash;&#039;What pleasures do you mean?&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Likely enough. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And we shall take up our parable and say: Do you wish to have the greatest and most vehement pleasures for your companions in addition to the true ones? &#039;Why, Socrates,&#039; they will say, &#039;how can we? seeing that they are the source of ten thousand hindrances to us; they trouble the souls of men, which are our habitation, with their madness; they prevent us from coming to the birth, and are commonly the ruin of the children which are born to us, causing them to be forgotten and unheeded; but the true and pure pleasures, of which you spoke, know to be of our family, and also those pleasures which accompany health and temperance, and which every Virtue, like a goddess, has in her train to follow her about wherever she goes,&amp;amp;mdash;mingle these and not the others; there would be great want of sense in any one who desires to see a fair and perfect mixture, and to find in it what is the highest good in man and in the universe, and to divine what is the true form of good&amp;amp;mdash;there would be great want of sense in his allowing the pleasures, which are always in the company of folly and vice, to mingle with mind in the cup.&#039;&amp;amp;mdash;Is not this a very rational and suitable reply, which mind has made, both on her own behalf, as well as on the behalf of memory and true opinion? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Most certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And still there must be something more added, which is a necessary ingredient in every mixture. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What is that? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Unless truth enter into the composition, nothing can truly be created or subsist. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Impossible. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Quite impossible; and now you and Philebus must tell me whether anything is still wanting in the mixture, for to my way of thinking the argument is now completed, and may be compared to an incorporeal law, which is going to hold fair rule over a living body. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I agree with you, Socrates. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And may we not say with reason that we are now at the vestibule of the habitation of the good? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I think that we are. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: What, then, is there in the mixture which is most precious, and which is the principal cause why such a state is universally beloved by all? When we have discovered it, we will proceed to ask whether this omnipresent nature is more akin to pleasure or to mind. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Quite right; in that way we shall be better able to judge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And there is no difficulty in seeing the cause which renders any mixture either of the highest value or of none at all. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What do you mean? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Every man knows it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: What? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: He knows that any want of measure and symmetry in any mixture whatever must always of necessity be fatal, both to the elements and to the mixture, which is then not a mixture, but only a confused medley which brings confusion on the possessor of it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And now the power of the good has retired into the region of the beautiful; for measure and symmetry are beauty and virtue all the world over. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Also we said that truth was to form an element in the mixture. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then, if we are not able to hunt the good with one idea only, with three we may catch our prey; Beauty, Symmetry, Truth are the three, and these taken together we may regard as the single cause of the mixture, and the mixture as being good by reason of the infusion of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Quite right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And now, Protarchus, any man could decide well enough whether pleasure or wisdom is more akin to the highest good, and more honourable among gods and men. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Clearly, and yet perhaps the argument had better be pursued to the end. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: We must take each of them separately in their relation to pleasure and mind, and pronounce upon them; for we ought to see to which of the two they are severally most akin. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: You are speaking of beauty, truth, and measure? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Yes, Protarchus, take truth first, and, after passing in review mind, truth, pleasure, pause awhile and make answer to yourself&amp;amp;mdash;as to whether pleasure or mind is more akin to truth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: There is no need to pause, for the difference between them is palpable; pleasure is the veriest impostor in the world; and it is said that in the pleasures of love, which appear to be the greatest, perjury is excused by the gods; for pleasures, like children, have not the least particle of reason in them; whereas mind is either the same as truth, or the most like truth, and the truest. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Shall we next consider measure, in like manner, and ask whether pleasure has more of this than wisdom, or wisdom than pleasure? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Here is another question which may be easily answered; for I imagine that nothing can ever be more immoderate than the transports of pleasure, or more in conformity with measure than mind and knowledge. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Very good; but there still remains the third test: Has mind a greater share of beauty than pleasure, and is mind or pleasure the fairer of the two? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: No one, Socrates, either awake or dreaming, ever saw or imagined mind or wisdom to be in aught unseemly, at any time, past, present, or future. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Right. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: But when we see some one indulging in pleasures, perhaps in the greatest of pleasures, the ridiculous or disgraceful nature of the action makes us ashamed; and so we put them out of sight, and consign them to darkness, under the idea that they ought not to meet the eye of day. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then, Protarchus, you will proclaim everywhere, by word of mouth to this company, and by messengers bearing the tidings far and wide, that pleasure is not the first of possessions, nor yet the second, but that in measure, and the mean, and the suitable, and the like, the eternal nature has been found. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Yes, that seems to be the result of what has been now said. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: In the second class is contained the symmetrical and beautiful and perfect or sufficient, and all which are of that family. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And if you reckon in the third class mind and wisdom, you will not be far wrong, if I divine aright. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I dare say. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And would you not put in the fourth class the goods which we were affirming to appertain specially to the soul&amp;amp;mdash;sciences and arts and true opinions as we called them? These come after the third class, and form the fourth, as they are certainly more akin to good than pleasure is. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Surely. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The fifth class are the pleasures which were defined by us as painless, being the pure pleasures of the soul herself, as we termed them, which accompany, some the sciences, and some the senses. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Perhaps. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And now, as Orpheus says, &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;pre xml:space=&amp;quot;preserve&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &#039;With the sixth generation cease the glory of my song.&#039; &amp;lt;/pre&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Here, at the sixth award, let us make an end; all that remains is to set the crown on our discourse. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then let us sum up and reassert what has been said, thus offering the third libation to the saviour Zeus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: How? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Philebus affirmed that pleasure was always and absolutely the good. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: I understand; this third libation, Socrates, of which you spoke, meant a recapitulation. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Yes, but listen to the sequel; convinced of what I have just been saying, and feeling indignant at the doctrine, which is maintained, not by Philebus only, but by thousands of others, I affirmed that mind was far better and far more excellent, as an element of human life, than pleasure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But, suspecting that there were other things which were also better, I went on to say that if there was anything better than either, then I would claim the second place for mind over pleasure, and pleasure would lose the second place as well as the first. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: You did. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Nothing could be more satisfactorily shown than the unsatisfactory nature of both of them. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Very true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: The claims both of pleasure and mind to be the absolute good have been entirely disproven in this argument, because they are both wanting in self-sufficiency and also in adequacy and perfection. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Most true. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But, though they must both resign in favour of another, mind is ten thousand times nearer and more akin to the nature of the conqueror than pleasure. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: Certainly. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And, according to the judgment which has now been given, pleasure will rank fifth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: True. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But not first; no, not even if all the oxen and horses and animals in the world by their pursuit of enjoyment proclaim her to be so;&amp;amp;mdash;although the many trusting in them, as diviners trust in birds, determine that pleasures make up the good of life, and deem the lusts of animals to be better witnesses than the inspirations of divine philosophy. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: And now, Socrates, we tell you that the truth of what you have been saying is approved by the judgment of all of us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And will you let me go? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; PROTARCHUS: There is a little which yet remains, and I will remind you of it, for I am sure that you will not be the first to go away from an argument. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
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	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Bible/King_james&amp;diff=2837</id>
		<title>Texts:Bible/King james</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Bible/King_james&amp;diff=2837"/>
		<updated>2025-12-26T19:45:07Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: Text replacement - &amp;quot;{{Top Texts}}&amp;quot; to &amp;quot;__NOTITLE__
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* King James version of the Bible&lt;br /&gt;
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** [[Texts:Bible/King james b]]&lt;br /&gt;
** [[Texts:Bible/King james c]]&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
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	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Plato/Menexenus&amp;diff=2834</id>
		<title>Texts:Plato/Menexenus</title>
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		<updated>2025-12-26T19:45:05Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: Text replacement - &amp;quot;{{Top Texts}}&amp;quot; to &amp;quot;__NOTITLE__
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&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt; MENEXENUS &amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; by Plato &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt; (see Appendix I) &amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt; Translated by Benjamin Jowett &amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt; Contents &amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;table summary=&amp;quot;&amp;quot; style=&amp;quot;margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &amp;lt;tr&amp;gt; &amp;lt;td&amp;gt; &amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#link2H_APPE&amp;quot;&amp;gt; APPENDIX I. &amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#link2H_4_0002&amp;quot;&amp;gt; MENEXENUS &amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#link2H_INTR&amp;quot;&amp;gt; INTRODUCTION. &amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#link2H_4_0004&amp;quot;&amp;gt; PERSONS OF THE DIALOGUE: Socrates and Menexenus. &amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/table&amp;gt; &amp;lt;hr /&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; APPENDIX I. &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; It seems impossible to separate by any exact line the genuine writings of Plato from the spurious. The only external evidence to them which is of much value is that of Aristotle; for the Alexandrian catalogues of a century later include manifest forgeries. Even the value of the Aristotelian authority is a good deal impaired by the uncertainty concerning the date and authorship of the writings which are ascribed to him. And several of the citations of Aristotle omit the name of Plato, and some of them omit the name of the dialogue from which they are taken. Prior, however, to the enquiry about the writings of a particular author, general considerations which equally affect all evidence to the genuineness of ancient writings are the following: Shorter works are more likely to have been forged, or to have received an erroneous designation, than longer ones; and some kinds of composition, such as epistles or panegyrical orations, are more liable to suspicion than others; those, again, which have a taste of sophistry in them, or the ring of a later age, or the slighter character of a rhetorical exercise, or in which a motive or some affinity to spurious writings can be detected, or which seem to have originated in a name or statement really occurring in some classical author, are also of doubtful credit; while there is no instance of any ancient writing proved to be a forgery, which combines excellence with length. A really great and original writer would have no object in fathering his works on Plato; and to the forger or imitator, the &#039;literary hack&#039; of Alexandria and Athens, the Gods did not grant originality or genius. Further, in attempting to balance the evidence for and against a Platonic dialogue, we must not forget that the form of the Platonic writing was common to several of his contemporaries. Aeschines, Euclid, Phaedo, Antisthenes, and in the next generation Aristotle, are all said to have composed dialogues; and mistakes of names are very likely to have occurred. Greek literature in the third century before Christ was almost as voluminous as our own, and without the safeguards of regular publication, or printing, or binding, or even of distinct titles. An unknown writing was naturally attributed to a known writer whose works bore the same character; and the name once appended easily obtained authority. A tendency may also be observed to blend the works and opinions of the master with those of his scholars. To a later Platonist, the difference between Plato and his imitators was not so perceptible as to ourselves. The Memorabilia of Xenophon and the Dialogues of Plato are but a part of a considerable Socratic literature which has passed away. And we must consider how we should regard the question of the genuineness of a particular writing, if this lost literature had been preserved to us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; These considerations lead us to adopt the following criteria of genuineness: (1) That is most certainly Plato&#039;s which Aristotle attributes to him by name, which (2) is of considerable length, of (3) great excellence, and also (4) in harmony with the general spirit of the Platonic writings. But the testimony of Aristotle cannot always be distinguished from that of a later age (see above); and has various degrees of importance. Those writings which he cites without mentioning Plato, under their own names, e.g. the Hippias, the Funeral Oration, the Phaedo, etc., have an inferior degree of evidence in their favour. They may have been supposed by him to be the writings of another, although in the case of really great works, e.g. the Phaedo, this is not credible; those again which are quoted but not named, are still more defective in their external credentials. There may be also a possibility that Aristotle was mistaken, or may have confused the master and his scholars in the case of a short writing; but this is inconceivable about a more important work, e.g. the Laws, especially when we remember that he was living at Athens, and a frequenter of the groves of the Academy, during the last twenty years of Plato&#039;s life. Nor must we forget that in all his numerous citations from the Platonic writings he never attributes any passage found in the extant dialogues to any one but Plato. And lastly, we may remark that one or two great writings, such as the Parmenides and the Politicus, which are wholly devoid of Aristotelian (1) credentials may be fairly attributed to Plato, on the ground of (2) length, (3) excellence, and (4) accordance with the general spirit of his writings. Indeed the greater part of the evidence for the genuineness of ancient Greek authors may be summed up under two heads only: (1) excellence; and (2) uniformity of tradition&amp;amp;mdash;a kind of evidence, which though in many cases sufficient, is of inferior value. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Proceeding upon these principles we appear to arrive at the conclusion that nineteen-twentieths of all the writings which have ever been ascribed to Plato, are undoubtedly genuine. There is another portion of them, including the Epistles, the Epinomis, the dialogues rejected by the ancients themselves, namely, the Axiochus, De justo, De virtute, Demodocus, Sisyphus, Eryxias, which on grounds, both of internal and external evidence, we are able with equal certainty to reject. But there still remains a small portion of which we are unable to affirm either that they are genuine or spurious. They may have been written in youth, or possibly like the works of some painters, may be partly or wholly the compositions of pupils; or they may have been the writings of some contemporary transferred by accident to the more celebrated name of Plato, or of some Platonist in the next generation who aspired to imitate his master. Not that on grounds either of language or philosophy we should lightly reject them. Some difference of style, or inferiority of execution, or inconsistency of thought, can hardly be considered decisive of their spurious character. For who always does justice to himself, or who writes with equal care at all times? Certainly not Plato, who exhibits the greatest differences in dramatic power, in the formation of sentences, and in the use of words, if his earlier writings are compared with his later ones, say the Protagoras or Phaedrus with the Laws. Or who can be expected to think in the same manner during a period of authorship extending over above fifty years, in an age of great intellectual activity, as well as of political and literary transition? Certainly not Plato, whose earlier writings are separated from his later ones by as wide an interval of philosophical speculation as that which separates his later writings from Aristotle. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The dialogues which have been translated in the first Appendix, and which appear to have the next claim to genuineness among the Platonic writings, are the Lesser Hippias, the Menexenus or Funeral Oration, the First Alcibiades. Of these, the Lesser Hippias and the Funeral Oration are cited by Aristotle; the first in the Metaphysics, the latter in the Rhetoric. Neither of them are expressly attributed to Plato, but in his citation of both of them he seems to be referring to passages in the extant dialogues. From the mention of &#039;Hippias&#039; in the singular by Aristotle, we may perhaps infer that he was unacquainted with a second dialogue bearing the same name. Moreover, the mere existence of a Greater and Lesser Hippias, and of a First and Second Alcibiades, does to a certain extent throw a doubt upon both of them. Though a very clever and ingenious work, the Lesser Hippias does not appear to contain anything beyond the power of an imitator, who was also a careful student of the earlier Platonic writings, to invent. The motive or leading thought of the dialogue may be detected in Xen. Mem., and there is no similar instance of a &#039;motive&#039; which is taken from Xenophon in an undoubted dialogue of Plato. On the other hand, the upholders of the genuineness of the dialogue will find in the Hippias a true Socratic spirit; they will compare the Ion as being akin both in subject and treatment; they will urge the authority of Aristotle; and they will detect in the treatment of the Sophist, in the satirical reasoning upon Homer, in the reductio ad absurdum of the doctrine that vice is ignorance, traces of a Platonic authorship. In reference to the last point we are doubtful, as in some of the other dialogues, whether the author is asserting or overthrowing the paradox of Socrates, or merely following the argument &#039;whither the wind blows.&#039; That no conclusion is arrived at is also in accordance with the character of the earlier dialogues. The resemblances or imitations of the Gorgias, Protagoras, and Euthydemus, which have been observed in the Hippias, cannot with certainty be adduced on either side of the argument. On the whole, more may be said in favour of the genuineness of the Hippias than against it. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The Menexenus or Funeral Oration is cited by Aristotle, and is interesting as supplying an example of the manner in which the orators praised &#039;the Athenians among the Athenians,&#039; falsifying persons and dates, and casting a veil over the gloomier events of Athenian history. It exhibits an acquaintance with the funeral oration of Thucydides, and was, perhaps, intended to rival that great work. If genuine, the proper place of the Menexenus would be at the end of the Phaedrus. The satirical opening and the concluding words bear a great resemblance to the earlier dialogues; the oration itself is professedly a mimetic work, like the speeches in the Phaedrus, and cannot therefore be tested by a comparison of the other writings of Plato. The funeral oration of Pericles is expressly mentioned in the Phaedrus, and this may have suggested the subject, in the same manner that the Cleitophon appears to be suggested by the slight mention of Cleitophon and his attachment to Thrasymachus in the Republic; and the Theages by the mention of Theages in the Apology and Republic; or as the Second Alcibiades seems to be founded upon the text of Xenophon, Mem. A similar taste for parody appears not only in the Phaedrus, but in the Protagoras, in the Symposium, and to a certain extent in the Parmenides. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; To these two doubtful writings of Plato I have added the First Alcibiades, which, of all the disputed dialogues of Plato, has the greatest merit, and is somewhat longer than any of them, though not verified by the testimony of Aristotle, and in many respects at variance with the Symposium in the description of the relations of Socrates and Alcibiades. Like the Lesser Hippias and the Menexenus, it is to be compared to the earlier writings of Plato. The motive of the piece may, perhaps, be found in that passage of the Symposium in which Alcibiades describes himself as self-convicted by the words of Socrates. For the disparaging manner in which Schleiermacher has spoken of this dialogue there seems to be no sufficient foundation. At the same time, the lesson imparted is simple, and the irony more transparent than in the undoubted dialogues of Plato. We know, too, that Alcibiades was a favourite thesis, and that at least five or six dialogues bearing this name passed current in antiquity, and are attributed to contemporaries of Socrates and Plato. (1) In the entire absence of real external evidence (for the catalogues of the Alexandrian librarians cannot be regarded as trustworthy); and (2) in the absence of the highest marks either of poetical or philosophical excellence; and (3) considering that we have express testimony to the existence of contemporary writings bearing the name of Alcibiades, we are compelled to suspend our judgment on the genuineness of the extant dialogue. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Neither at this point, nor at any other, do we propose to draw an absolute line of demarcation between genuine and spurious writings of Plato. They fade off imperceptibly from one class to another. There may have been degrees of genuineness in the dialogues themselves, as there are certainly degrees of evidence by which they are supported. The traditions of the oral discourses both of Socrates and Plato may have formed the basis of semi-Platonic writings; some of them may be of the same mixed character which is apparent in Aristotle and Hippocrates, although the form of them is different. But the writings of Plato, unlike the writings of Aristotle, seem never to have been confused with the writings of his disciples: this was probably due to their definite form, and to their inimitable excellence. The three dialogues which we have offered in the Appendix to the criticism of the reader may be partly spurious and partly genuine; they may be altogether spurious;&amp;amp;mdash;that is an alternative which must be frankly admitted. Nor can we maintain of some other dialogues, such as the Parmenides, and the Sophist, and Politicus, that no considerable objection can be urged against them, though greatly overbalanced by the weight (chiefly) of internal evidence in their favour. Nor, on the other hand, can we exclude a bare possibility that some dialogues which are usually rejected, such as the Greater Hippias and the Cleitophon, may be genuine. The nature and object of these semi-Platonic writings require more careful study and more comparison of them with one another, and with forged writings in general, than they have yet received, before we can finally decide on their character. We do not consider them all as genuine until they can be proved to be spurious, as is often maintained and still more often implied in this and similar discussions; but should say of some of them, that their genuineness is neither proven nor disproven until further evidence about them can be adduced. And we are as confident that the Epistles are spurious, as that the Republic, the Timaeus, and the Laws are genuine. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; On the whole, not a twentieth part of the writings which pass under the name of Plato, if we exclude the works rejected by the ancients themselves and two or three other plausible inventions, can be fairly doubted by those who are willing to allow that a considerable change and growth may have taken place in his philosophy (see above). That twentieth debatable portion scarcely in any degree affects our judgment of Plato, either as a thinker or a writer, and though suggesting some interesting questions to the scholar and critic, is of little importance to the general reader. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a name=&amp;quot;link2H_INTR&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;link2H_INTR&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &amp;lt;!--  H2 anchor --&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The Menexenus has more the character of a rhetorical exercise than any other of the Platonic works. The writer seems to have wished to emulate Thucydides, and the far slighter work of Lysias. In his rivalry with the latter, to whom in the Phaedrus Plato shows a strong antipathy, he is entirely successful, but he is not equal to Thucydides. The Menexenus, though not without real Hellenic interest, falls very far short of the rugged grandeur and political insight of the great historian. The fiction of the speech having been invented by Aspasia is well sustained, and is in the manner of Plato, notwithstanding the anachronism which puts into her mouth an allusion to the peace of Antalcidas, an event occurring forty years after the date of the supposed oration. But Plato, like Shakespeare, is careless of such anachronisms, which are not supposed to strike the mind of the reader. The effect produced by these grandiloquent orations on Socrates, who does not recover after having heard one of them for three days and more, is truly Platonic. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Such discourses, if we may form a judgment from the three which are extant (for the so-called Funeral Oration of Demosthenes is a bad and spurious imitation of Thucydides and Lysias), conformed to a regular type. They began with Gods and ancestors, and the legendary history of Athens, to which succeeded an almost equally fictitious account of later times. The Persian war usually formed the centre of the narrative; in the age of Isocrates and Demosthenes the Athenians were still living on the glories of Marathon and Salamis. The Menexenus veils in panegyric the weak places of Athenian history. The war of Athens and Boeotia is a war of liberation; the Athenians gave back the Spartans taken at Sphacteria out of kindness&amp;amp;mdash;indeed, the only fault of the city was too great kindness to their enemies, who were more honoured than the friends of others (compare Thucyd., which seems to contain the germ of the idea); we democrats are the aristocracy of virtue, and the like. These are the platitudes and falsehoods in which history is disguised. The taking of Athens is hardly mentioned. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The author of the Menexenus, whether Plato or not, is evidently intending to ridicule the practice, and at the same time to show that he can beat the rhetoricians in their own line, as in the Phaedrus he may be supposed to offer an example of what Lysias might have said, and of how much better he might have written in his own style. The orators had recourse to their favourite loci communes, one of which, as we find in Lysias, was the shortness of the time allowed them for preparation. But Socrates points out that they had them always ready for delivery, and that there was no difficulty in improvising any number of such orations. To praise the Athenians among the Athenians was easy,&amp;amp;mdash;to praise them among the Lacedaemonians would have been a much more difficult task. Socrates himself has turned rhetorician, having learned of a woman, Aspasia, the mistress of Pericles; and any one whose teachers had been far inferior to his own&amp;amp;mdash;say, one who had learned from Antiphon the Rhamnusian&amp;amp;mdash;would be quite equal to the task of praising men to themselves. When we remember that Antiphon is described by Thucydides as the best pleader of his day, the satire on him and on the whole tribe of rhetoricians is transparent. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The ironical assumption of Socrates, that he must be a good orator because he had learnt of Aspasia, is not coarse, as Schleiermacher supposes, but is rather to be regarded as fanciful. Nor can we say that the offer of Socrates to dance naked out of love for Menexenus, is any more un-Platonic than the threat of physical force which Phaedrus uses towards Socrates. Nor is there any real vulgarity in the fear which Socrates expresses that he will get a beating from his mistress, Aspasia: this is the natural exaggeration of what might be expected from an imperious woman. Socrates is not to be taken seriously in all that he says, and Plato, both in the Symposium and elsewhere, is not slow to admit a sort of Aristophanic humour. How a great original genius like Plato might or might not have written, what was his conception of humour, or what limits he would have prescribed to himself, if any, in drawing the picture of the Silenus Socrates, are problems which no critical instinct can determine. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; On the other hand, the dialogue has several Platonic traits, whether original or imitated may be uncertain. Socrates, when he departs from his character of a &#039;know nothing&#039; and delivers a speech, generally pretends that what he is speaking is not his own composition. Thus in the Cratylus he is run away with; in the Phaedrus he has heard somebody say something&amp;amp;mdash;is inspired by the genius loci; in the Symposium he derives his wisdom from Diotima of Mantinea, and the like. But he does not impose on Menexenus by his dissimulation. Without violating the character of Socrates, Plato, who knows so well how to give a hint, or some one writing in his name, intimates clearly enough that the speech in the Menexenus like that in the Phaedrus is to be attributed to Socrates. The address of the dead to the living at the end of the oration may also be compared to the numerous addresses of the same kind which occur in Plato, in whom the dramatic element is always tending to prevail over the rhetorical. The remark has been often made, that in the Funeral Oration of Thucydides there is no allusion to the existence of the dead. But in the Menexenus a future state is clearly, although not strongly, asserted. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Whether the Menexenus is a genuine writing of Plato, or an imitation only, remains uncertain. In either case, the thoughts are partly borrowed from the Funeral Oration of Thucydides; and the fact that they are so, is not in favour of the genuineness of the work. Internal evidence seems to leave the question of authorship in doubt. There are merits and there are defects which might lead to either conclusion. The form of the greater part of the work makes the enquiry difficult; the introduction and the finale certainly wear the look either of Plato or of an extremely skilful imitator. The excellence of the forgery may be fairly adduced as an argument that it is not a forgery at all. In this uncertainty the express testimony of Aristotle, who quotes, in the Rhetoric, the well-known words, &#039;It is easy to praise the Athenians among the Athenians,&#039; from the Funeral Oration, may perhaps turn the balance in its favour. It must be remembered also that the work was famous in antiquity, and is included in the Alexandrian catalogues of Platonic writings. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a name=&amp;quot;link2H_4_0004&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;link2H_4_0004&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &amp;lt;!--  H2 anchor --&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;div style=&amp;quot;height: 4em;&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br /&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/div&amp;gt; &amp;lt;h2&amp;gt; PERSONS OF THE DIALOGUE: Socrates and Menexenus. &amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Whence come you, Menexenus? Are you from the Agora? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; MENEXENUS: Yes, Socrates; I have been at the Council. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: And what might you be doing at the Council? And yet I need hardly ask, for I see that you, believing yourself to have arrived at the end of education and of philosophy, and to have had enough of them, are mounting upwards to things higher still, and, though rather young for the post, are intending to govern us elder men, like the rest of your family, which has always provided some one who kindly took care of us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; MENEXENUS: Yes, Socrates, I shall be ready to hold office, if you allow and advise that I should, but not if you think otherwise. I went to the council chamber because I heard that the Council was about to choose some one who was to speak over the dead. For you know that there is to be a public funeral? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Yes, I know. And whom did they choose? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; MENEXENUS: No one; they delayed the election until tomorrow, but I believe that either Archinus or Dion will be chosen. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: O Menexenus! Death in battle is certainly in many respects a noble thing. The dead man gets a fine and costly funeral, although he may have been poor, and an elaborate speech is made over him by a wise man who has long ago prepared what he has to say, although he who is praised may not have been good for much. The speakers praise him for what he has done and for what he has not done&amp;amp;mdash;that is the beauty of them&amp;amp;mdash;and they steal away our souls with their embellished words; in every conceivable form they praise the city; and they praise those who died in war, and all our ancestors who went before us; and they praise ourselves also who are still alive, until I feel quite elevated by their laudations, and I stand listening to their words, Menexenus, and become enchanted by them, and all in a moment I imagine myself to have become a greater and nobler and finer man than I was before. And if, as often happens, there are any foreigners who accompany me to the speech, I become suddenly conscious of having a sort of triumph over them, and they seem to experience a corresponding feeling of admiration at me, and at the greatness of the city, which appears to them, when they are under the influence of the speaker, more wonderful than ever. This consciousness of dignity lasts me more than three days, and not until the fourth or fifth day do I come to my senses and know where I am; in the meantime I have been living in the Islands of the Blest. Such is the art of our rhetoricians, and in such manner does the sound of their words keep ringing in my ears. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; MENEXENUS: You are always making fun of the rhetoricians, Socrates; this time, however, I am inclined to think that the speaker who is chosen will not have much to say, for he has been called upon to speak at a moment&#039;s notice, and he will be compelled almost to improvise. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But why, my friend, should he not have plenty to say? Every rhetorician has speeches ready made; nor is there any difficulty in improvising that sort of stuff. Had the orator to praise Athenians among Peloponnesians, or Peloponnesians among Athenians, he must be a good rhetorician who could succeed and gain credit. But there is no difficulty in a man&#039;s winning applause when he is contending for fame among the persons whom he is praising. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; MENEXENUS: Do you think not, Socrates? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Certainly &#039;not.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; MENEXENUS: Do you think that you could speak yourself if there should be a necessity, and if the Council were to choose you? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: That I should be able to speak is no great wonder, Menexenus, considering that I have an excellent mistress in the art of rhetoric,&amp;amp;mdash;she who has made so many good speakers, and one who was the best among all the Hellenes&amp;amp;mdash;Pericles, the son of Xanthippus. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; MENEXENUS: And who is she? I suppose that you mean Aspasia. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Yes, I do; and besides her I had Connus, the son of Metrobius, as a master, and he was my master in music, as she was in rhetoric. No wonder that a man who has received such an education should be a finished speaker; even the pupil of very inferior masters, say, for example, one who had learned music of Lamprus, and rhetoric of Antiphon the Rhamnusian, might make a figure if he were to praise the Athenians among the Athenians. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; MENEXENUS: And what would you be able to say if you had to speak? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Of my own wit, most likely nothing; but yesterday I heard Aspasia composing a funeral oration about these very dead. For she had been told, as you were saying, that the Athenians were going to choose a speaker, and she repeated to me the sort of speech which he should deliver, partly improvising and partly from previous thought, putting together fragments of the funeral oration which Pericles spoke, but which, as I believe, she composed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; MENEXENUS: And can you remember what Aspasia said? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: I ought to be able, for she taught me, and she was ready to strike me because I was always forgetting. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; MENEXENUS: Then why will you not rehearse what she said? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Because I am afraid that my mistress may be angry with me if I publish her speech. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; MENEXENUS: Nay, Socrates, let us have the speech, whether Aspasia&#039;s or any one else&#039;s, no matter. I hope that you will oblige me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: But I am afraid that you will laugh at me if I continue the games of youth in old age. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; MENEXENUS: Far otherwise, Socrates; let us by all means have the speech. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Truly I have such a disposition to oblige you, that if you bid me dance naked I should not like to refuse, since we are alone. Listen then: If I remember rightly, she began as follows, with the mention of the dead:&amp;amp;mdash;(Thucyd.) &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; There is a tribute of deeds and of words. The departed have already had the first, when going forth on their destined journey they were attended on their way by the state and by their friends; the tribute of words remains to be given to them, as is meet and by law ordained. For noble words are a memorial and a crown of noble actions, which are given to the doers of them by the hearers. A word is needed which will duly praise the dead and gently admonish the living, exhorting the brethren and descendants of the departed to imitate their virtue, and consoling their fathers and mothers and the survivors, if any, who may chance to be alive of the previous generation. What sort of a word will this be, and how shall we rightly begin the praises of these brave men? In their life they rejoiced their own friends with their valour, and their death they gave in exchange for the salvation of the living. And I think that we should praise them in the order in which nature made them good, for they were good because they were sprung from good fathers. Wherefore let us first of all praise the goodness of their birth; secondly, their nurture and education; and then let us set forth how noble their actions were, and how worthy of the education which they had received. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And first as to their birth. Their ancestors were not strangers, nor are these their descendants sojourners only, whose fathers have come from another country; but they are the children of the soil, dwelling and living in their own land. And the country which brought them up is not like other countries, a stepmother to her children, but their own true mother; she bore them and nourished them and received them, and in her bosom they now repose. It is meet and right, therefore, that we should begin by praising the land which is their mother, and that will be a way of praising their noble birth. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; The country is worthy to be praised, not only by us, but by all mankind; first, and above all, as being dear to the Gods. This is proved by the strife and contention of the Gods respecting her. And ought not the country which the Gods praise to be praised by all mankind? The second praise which may be fairly claimed by her, is that at the time when the whole earth was sending forth and creating diverse animals, tame and wild, she our mother was free and pure from savage monsters, and out of all animals selected and brought forth man, who is superior to the rest in understanding, and alone has justice and religion. And a great proof that she brought forth the common ancestors of us and of the departed, is that she provided the means of support for her offspring. For as a woman proves her motherhood by giving milk to her young ones (and she who has no fountain of milk is not a mother), so did this our land prove that she was the mother of men, for in those days she alone and first of all brought forth wheat and barley for human food, which is the best and noblest sustenance for man, whom she regarded as her true offspring. And these are truer proofs of motherhood in a country than in a woman, for the woman in her conception and generation is but the imitation of the earth, and not the earth of the woman. And of the fruit of the earth she gave a plenteous supply, not only to her own, but to others also; and afterwards she made the olive to spring up to be a boon to her children, and to help them in their toils. And when she had herself nursed them and brought them up to manhood, she gave them Gods to be their rulers and teachers, whose names are well known, and need not now be repeated. They are the Gods who first ordered our lives, and instructed us in the arts for the supply of our daily needs, and taught us the acquisition and use of arms for the defence of the country. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Thus born into the world and thus educated, the ancestors of the departed lived and made themselves a government, which I ought briefly to commemorate. For government is the nurture of man, and the government of good men is good, and of bad men bad. And I must show that our ancestors were trained under a good government, and for this reason they were good, and our contemporaries are also good, among whom our departed friends are to be reckoned. Then as now, and indeed always, from that time to this, speaking generally, our government was an aristocracy&amp;amp;mdash;a form of government which receives various names, according to the fancies of men, and is sometimes called democracy, but is really an aristocracy or government of the best which has the approval of the many. For kings we have always had, first hereditary and then elected, and authority is mostly in the hands of the people, who dispense offices and power to those who appear to be most deserving of them. Neither is a man rejected from weakness or poverty or obscurity of origin, nor honoured by reason of the opposite, as in other states, but there is one principle&amp;amp;mdash;he who appears to be wise and good is a governor and ruler. The basis of this our government is equality of birth; for other states are made up of all sorts and unequal conditions of men, and therefore their governments are unequal; there are tyrannies and there are oligarchies, in which the one party are slaves and the others masters. But we and our citizens are brethren, the children all of one mother, and we do not think it right to be one another&#039;s masters or servants; but the natural equality of birth compels us to seek for legal equality, and to recognize no superiority except in the reputation of virtue and wisdom. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And so their and our fathers, and these, too, our brethren, being nobly born and having been brought up in all freedom, did both in their public and private capacity many noble deeds famous over the whole world. They were the deeds of men who thought that they ought to fight both against Hellenes for the sake of Hellenes on behalf of freedom, and against barbarians in the common interest of Hellas. Time would fail me to tell of their defence of their country against the invasion of Eumolpus and the Amazons, or of their defence of the Argives against the Cadmeians, or of the Heracleids against the Argives; besides, the poets have already declared in song to all mankind their glory, and therefore any commemoration of their deeds in prose which we might attempt would hold a second place. They already have their reward, and I say no more of them; but there are other worthy deeds of which no poet has worthily sung, and which are still wooing the poet&#039;s muse. Of these I am bound to make honourable mention, and shall invoke others to sing of them also in lyric and other strains, in a manner becoming the actors. And first I will tell how the Persians, lords of Asia, were enslaving Europe, and how the children of this land, who were our fathers, held them back. Of these I will speak first, and praise their valour, as is meet and fitting. He who would rightly estimate them should place himself in thought at that time, when the whole of Asia was subject to the third king of Persia. The first king, Cyrus, by his valour freed the Persians, who were his countrymen, and subjected the Medes, who were their lords, and he ruled over the rest of Asia, as far as Egypt; and after him came his son, who ruled all the accessible part of Egypt and Libya; the third king was Darius, who extended the land boundaries of the empire to Scythia, and with his fleet held the sea and the islands. None presumed to be his equal; the minds of all men were enthralled by him&amp;amp;mdash;so many and mighty and warlike nations had the power of Persia subdued. Now Darius had a quarrel against us and the Eretrians, because, as he said, we had conspired against Sardis, and he sent 500,000 men in transports and vessels of war, and 300 ships, and Datis as commander, telling him to bring the Eretrians and Athenians to the king, if he wished to keep his head on his shoulders. He sailed against the Eretrians, who were reputed to be amongst the noblest and most warlike of the Hellenes of that day, and they were numerous, but he conquered them all in three days; and when he had conquered them, in order that no one might escape, he searched the whole country after this manner: his soldiers, coming to the borders of Eretria and spreading from sea to sea, joined hands and passed through the whole country, in order that they might be able to tell the king that no one had escaped them. And from Eretria they went to Marathon with a like intention, expecting to bind the Athenians in the same yoke of necessity in which they had bound the Eretrians. Having effected one-half of their purpose, they were in the act of attempting the other, and none of the Hellenes dared to assist either the Eretrians or the Athenians, except the Lacedaemonians, and they arrived a day too late for the battle; but the rest were panic-stricken and kept quiet, too happy in having escaped for a time. He who has present to his mind that conflict will know what manner of men they were who received the onset of the barbarians at Marathon, and chastened the pride of the whole of Asia, and by the victory which they gained over the barbarians first taught other men that the power of the Persians was not invincible, but that hosts of men and the multitude of riches alike yield to valour. And I assert that those men are the fathers not only of ourselves, but of our liberties and of the liberties of all who are on the continent, for that was the action to which the Hellenes looked back when they ventured to fight for their own safety in the battles which ensued: they became disciples of the men of Marathon. To them, therefore, I assign in my speech the first place, and the second to those who fought and conquered in the sea fights at Salamis and Artemisium; for of them, too, one might have many things to say&amp;amp;mdash;of the assaults which they endured by sea and land, and how they repelled them. I will mention only that act of theirs which appears to me to be the noblest, and which followed that of Marathon and came nearest to it; for the men of Marathon only showed the Hellenes that it was possible to ward off the barbarians by land, the many by the few; but there was no proof that they could be defeated by ships, and at sea the Persians retained the reputation of being invincible in numbers and wealth and skill and strength. This is the glory of the men who fought at sea, that they dispelled the second terror which had hitherto possessed the Hellenes, and so made the fear of numbers, whether of ships or men, to cease among them. And so the soldiers of Marathon and the sailors of Salamis became the schoolmasters of Hellas; the one teaching and habituating the Hellenes not to fear the barbarians at sea, and the others not to fear them by land. Third in order, for the number and valour of the combatants, and third in the salvation of Hellas, I place the battle of Plataea. And now the Lacedaemonians as well as the Athenians took part in the struggle; they were all united in this greatest and most terrible conflict of all; wherefore their virtues will be celebrated in times to come, as they are now celebrated by us. But at a later period many Hellenic tribes were still on the side of the barbarians, and there was a report that the great king was going to make a new attempt upon the Hellenes, and therefore justice requires that we should also make mention of those who crowned the previous work of our salvation, and drove and purged away all barbarians from the sea. These were the men who fought by sea at the river Eurymedon, and who went on the expedition to Cyprus, and who sailed to Egypt and divers other places; and they should be gratefully remembered by us, because they compelled the king in fear for himself to look to his own safety instead of plotting the destruction of Hellas. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And so the war against the barbarians was fought out to the end by the whole city on their own behalf, and on behalf of their countrymen. There was peace, and our city was held in honour; and then, as prosperity makes men jealous, there succeeded a jealousy of her, and jealousy begat envy, and so she became engaged against her will in a war with the Hellenes. On the breaking out of war, our citizens met the Lacedaemonians at Tanagra, and fought for the freedom of the Boeotians; the issue was doubtful, and was decided by the engagement which followed. For when the Lacedaemonians had gone on their way, leaving the Boeotians, whom they were aiding, on the third day after the battle of Tanagra, our countrymen conquered at Oenophyta, and righteously restored those who had been unrighteously exiled. And they were the first after the Persian war who fought on behalf of liberty in aid of Hellenes against Hellenes; they were brave men, and freed those whom they aided, and were the first too who were honourably interred in this sepulchre by the state. Afterwards there was a mighty war, in which all the Hellenes joined, and devastated our country, which was very ungrateful of them; and our countrymen, after defeating them in a naval engagement and taking their leaders, the Spartans, at Sphagia, when they might have destroyed them, spared their lives, and gave them back, and made peace, considering that they should war with the fellow-countrymen only until they gained a victory over them, and not because of the private anger of the state destroy the common interest of Hellas; but that with barbarians they should war to the death. Worthy of praise are they also who waged this war, and are here interred; for they proved, if any one doubted the superior prowess of the Athenians in the former war with the barbarians, that their doubts had no foundation&amp;amp;mdash;showing by their victory in the civil war with Hellas, in which they subdued the other chief state of the Hellenes, that they could conquer single-handed those with whom they had been allied in the war against the barbarians. After the peace there followed a third war, which was of a terrible and desperate nature, and in this many brave men who are here interred lost their lives&amp;amp;mdash;many of them had won victories in Sicily, whither they had gone over the seas to fight for the liberties of the Leontines, to whom they were bound by oaths; but, owing to the distance, the city was unable to help them, and they lost heart and came to misfortune, their very enemies and opponents winning more renown for valour and temperance than the friends of others. Many also fell in naval engagements at the Hellespont, after having in one day taken all the ships of the enemy, and defeated them in other naval engagements. And what I call the terrible and desperate nature of the war, is that the other Hellenes, in their extreme animosity towards the city, should have entered into negotiations with their bitterest enemy, the king of Persia, whom they, together with us, had expelled;&amp;amp;mdash;him, without us, they again brought back, barbarian against Hellenes, and all the hosts, both of Hellenes and barbarians, were united against Athens. And then shone forth the power and valour of our city. Her enemies had supposed that she was exhausted by the war, and our ships were blockaded at Mitylene. But the citizens themselves embarked, and came to the rescue with sixty other ships, and their valour was confessed of all men, for they conquered their enemies and delivered their friends. And yet by some evil fortune they were left to perish at sea, and therefore are not interred here. Ever to be remembered and honoured are they, for by their valour not only that sea-fight was won for us, but the entire war was decided by them, and through them the city gained the reputation of being invincible, even though attacked by all mankind. And that reputation was a true one, for the defeat which came upon us was our own doing. We were never conquered by others, and to this day we are still unconquered by them; but we were our own conquerors, and received defeat at our own hands. Afterwards there was quiet and peace abroad, but there sprang up war at home; and, if men are destined to have civil war, no one could have desired that his city should take the disorder in a milder form. How joyful and natural was the reconciliation of those who came from the Piraeus and those who came from the city; with what moderation did they order the war against the tyrants in Eleusis, and in a manner how unlike what the other Hellenes expected! And the reason of this gentleness was the veritable tie of blood, which created among them a friendship as of kinsmen, faithful not in word only, but in deed. And we ought also to remember those who then fell by one another&#039;s hands, and on such occasions as these to reconcile them with sacrifices and prayers, praying to those who have power over them, that they may be reconciled even as we are reconciled. For they did not attack one another out of malice or enmity, but they were unfortunate. And that such was the fact we ourselves are witnesses, who are of the same race with them, and have mutually received and granted forgiveness of what we have done and suffered. After this there was perfect peace, and the city had rest; and her feeling was that she forgave the barbarians, who had severely suffered at her hands and severely retaliated, but that she was indignant at the ingratitude of the Hellenes, when she remembered how they had received good from her and returned evil, having made common cause with the barbarians, depriving her of the ships which had once been their salvation, and dismantling our walls, which had preserved their own from falling. She thought that she would no longer defend the Hellenes, when enslaved either by one another or by the barbarians, and did accordingly. This was our feeling, while the Lacedaemonians were thinking that we who were the champions of liberty had fallen, and that their business was to subject the remaining Hellenes. And why should I say more? for the events of which I am speaking happened not long ago and we can all of us remember how the chief peoples of Hellas, Argives and Boeotians and Corinthians, came to feel the need of us, and, what is the greatest miracle of all, the Persian king himself was driven to such extremity as to come round to the opinion, that from this city, of which he was the destroyer, and from no other, his salvation would proceed. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; And if a person desired to bring a deserved accusation against our city, he would find only one charge which he could justly urge&amp;amp;mdash;that she was too compassionate and too favourable to the weaker side. And in this instance she was not able to hold out or keep her resolution of refusing aid to her injurers when they were being enslaved, but she was softened, and did in fact send out aid, and delivered the Hellenes from slavery, and they were free until they afterwards enslaved themselves. Whereas, to the great king she refused to give the assistance of the state, for she could not forget the trophies of Marathon and Salamis and Plataea; but she allowed exiles and volunteers to assist him, and they were his salvation. And she herself, when she was compelled, entered into the war, and built walls and ships, and fought with the Lacedaemonians on behalf of the Parians. Now the king fearing this city and wanting to stand aloof, when he saw the Lacedaemonians growing weary of the war at sea, asked of us, as the price of his alliance with us and the other allies, to give up the Hellenes in Asia, whom the Lacedaemonians had previously handed over to him, he thinking that we should refuse, and that then he might have a pretence for withdrawing from us. About the other allies he was mistaken, for the Corinthians and Argives and Boeotians, and the other states, were quite willing to let them go, and swore and covenanted, that, if he would pay them money, they would make over to him the Hellenes of the continent, and we alone refused to give them up and swear. Such was the natural nobility of this city, so sound and healthy was the spirit of freedom among us, and the instinctive dislike of the barbarian, because we are pure Hellenes, having no admixture of barbarism in us. For we are not like many others, descendants of Pelops or Cadmus or Egyptus or Danaus, who are by nature barbarians, and yet pass for Hellenes, and dwell in the midst of us; but we are pure Hellenes, uncontaminated by any foreign element, and therefore the hatred of the foreigner has passed unadulterated into the life-blood of the city. And so, notwithstanding our noble sentiments, we were again isolated, because we were unwilling to be guilty of the base and unholy act of giving up Hellenes to barbarians. And we were in the same case as when we were subdued before; but, by the favour of Heaven, we managed better, for we ended the war without the loss of our ships or walls or colonies; the enemy was only too glad to be quit of us. Yet in this war we lost many brave men, such as were those who fell owing to the ruggedness of the ground at the battle of Corinth, or by treason at Lechaeum. Brave men, too, were those who delivered the Persian king, and drove the Lacedaemonians from the sea. I remind you of them, and you must celebrate them together with me, and do honour to their memories. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; Such were the actions of the men who are here interred, and of others who have died on behalf of their country; many and glorious things I have spoken of them, and there are yet many more and more glorious things remaining to be told&amp;amp;mdash;many days and nights would not suffice to tell of them. Let them not be forgotten, and let every man remind their descendants that they also are soldiers who must not desert the ranks of their ancestors, or from cowardice fall behind. Even as I exhort you this day, and in all future time, whenever I meet with any of you, shall continue to remind and exhort you, O ye sons of heroes, that you strive to be the bravest of men. And I think that I ought now to repeat what your fathers desired to have said to you who are their survivors, when they went out to battle, in case anything happened to them. I will tell you what I heard them say, and what, if they had only speech, they would fain be saying, judging from what they then said. And you must imagine that you hear them saying what I now repeat to you:&amp;amp;mdash; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;Sons, the event proves that your fathers were brave men; for we might have lived dishonourably, but have preferred to die honourably rather than bring you and your children into disgrace, and rather than dishonour our own fathers and forefathers; considering that life is not life to one who is a dishonour to his race, and that to such a one neither men nor Gods are friendly, either while he is on the earth or after death in the world below. Remember our words, then, and whatever is your aim let virtue be the condition of the attainment of your aim, and know that without this all possessions and pursuits are dishonourable and evil. For neither does wealth bring honour to the owner, if he be a coward; of such a one the wealth belongs to another, and not to himself. Nor does beauty and strength of body, when dwelling in a base and cowardly man, appear comely, but the reverse of comely, making the possessor more conspicuous, and manifesting forth his cowardice. And all knowledge, when separated from justice and virtue, is seen to be cunning and not wisdom; wherefore make this your first and last and constant and all-absorbing aim, to exceed, if possible, not only us but all your ancestors in virtue; and know that to excel you in virtue only brings us shame, but that to be excelled by you is a source of happiness to us. And we shall most likely be defeated, and you will most likely be victors in the contest, if you learn so to order your lives as not to abuse or waste the reputation of your ancestors, knowing that to a man who has any self-respect, nothing is more dishonourable than to be honoured, not for his own sake, but on account of the reputation of his ancestors. The honour of parents is a fair and noble treasure to their posterity, but to have the use of a treasure of wealth and honour, and to leave none to your successors, because you have neither money nor reputation of your own, is alike base and dishonourable. And if you follow our precepts you will be received by us as friends, when the hour of destiny brings you hither; but if you neglect our words and are disgraced in your lives, no one will welcome or receive you. This is the message which is to be delivered to our children. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;Some of us have fathers and mothers still living, and we would urge them, if, as is likely, we shall die, to bear the calamity as lightly as possible, and not to condole with one another; for they have sorrows enough, and will not need any one to stir them up. While we gently heal their wounds, let us remind them that the Gods have heard the chief part of their prayers; for they prayed, not that their children might live for ever, but that they might be brave and renowned. And this, which is the greatest good, they have attained. A mortal man cannot expect to have everything in his own life turning out according to his will; and they, if they bear their misfortunes bravely, will be truly deemed brave fathers of the brave. But if they give way to their sorrows, either they will be suspected of not being our parents, or we of not being such as our panegyrists declare. Let not either of the two alternatives happen, but rather let them be our chief and true panegyrists, who show in their lives that they are true men, and had men for their sons. Of old the saying, &amp;quot;Nothing too much,&amp;quot; appeared to be, and really was, well said. For he whose happiness rests with himself, if possible, wholly, and if not, as far as is possible,&amp;amp;mdash;who is not hanging in suspense on other men, or changing with the vicissitude of their fortune,&amp;amp;mdash;has his life ordered for the best. He is the temperate and valiant and wise; and when his riches come and go, when his children are given and taken away, he will remember the proverb&amp;amp;mdash;&amp;quot;Neither rejoicing overmuch nor grieving overmuch,&amp;quot; for he relies upon himself. And such we would have our parents to be&amp;amp;mdash;that is our word and wish, and as such we now offer ourselves, neither lamenting overmuch, nor fearing overmuch, if we are to die at this time. And we entreat our fathers and mothers to retain these feelings throughout their future life, and to be assured that they will not please us by sorrowing and lamenting over us. But, if the dead have any knowledge of the living, they will displease us most by making themselves miserable and by taking their misfortunes too much to heart, and they will please us best if they bear their loss lightly and temperately. For our life will have the noblest end which is vouchsafed to man, and should be glorified rather than lamented. And if they will direct their minds to the care and nurture of our wives and children, they will soonest forget their misfortunes, and live in a better and nobler way, and be dearer to us. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &#039;This is all that we have to say to our families: and to the state we would say&amp;amp;mdash;Take care of our parents and of our sons: let her worthily cherish the old age of our parents, and bring up our sons in the right way. But we know that she will of her own accord take care of them, and does not need any exhortation of ours.&#039; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; This, O ye children and parents of the dead, is the message which they bid us deliver to you, and which I do deliver with the utmost seriousness. And in their name I beseech you, the children, to imitate your fathers, and you, parents, to be of good cheer about yourselves; for we will nourish your age, and take care of you both publicly and privately in any place in which one of us may meet one of you who are the parents of the dead. And the care of you which the city shows, you know yourselves; for she has made provision by law concerning the parents and children of those who die in war; the highest authority is specially entrusted with the duty of watching over them above all other citizens, and they will see that your fathers and mothers have no wrong done to them. The city herself shares in the education of the children, desiring as far as it is possible that their orphanhood may not be felt by them; while they are children she is a parent to them, and when they have arrived at man&#039;s estate she sends them to their several duties, in full armour clad; and bringing freshly to their minds the ways of their fathers, she places in their hands the instruments of their fathers&#039; virtues; for the sake of the omen, she would have them from the first begin to rule over their own houses arrayed in the strength and arms of their fathers. And as for the dead, she never ceases honouring them, celebrating in common for all rites which become the property of each; and in addition to this, holding gymnastic and equestrian contests, and musical festivals of every sort. She is to the dead in the place of a son and heir, and to their sons in the place of a father, and to their parents and elder kindred in the place of a guardian&amp;amp;mdash;ever and always caring for them. Considering this, you ought to bear your calamity the more gently; for thus you will be most endeared to the dead and to the living, and your sorrows will heal and be healed. And now do you and all, having lamented the dead in common according to the law, go your ways. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; You have heard, Menexenus, the oration of Aspasia the Milesian. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; MENEXENUS: Truly, Socrates, I marvel that Aspasia, who is only a woman, should be able to compose such a speech; she must be a rare one. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well, if you are incredulous, you may come with me and hear her. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; MENEXENUS: I have often met Aspasia, Socrates, and know what she is like. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Well, and do you not admire her, and are you not grateful for her speech? &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; MENEXENUS: Yes, Socrates, I am very grateful to her or to him who told you, and still more to you who have told me. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Very good. But you must take care not to tell of me, and then at some future time I will repeat to you many other excellent political speeches of hers. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; MENEXENUS: Fear not, only let me hear them, and I will keep the secret. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; SOCRATES: Then I will keep my promise. &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Plutarch/Lives1&amp;diff=2835</id>
		<title>Texts:Plutarch/Lives1</title>
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		<updated>2025-12-26T19:45:03Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: Text replacement - &amp;quot;{{Top Texts}}&amp;quot; to &amp;quot;__NOTITLE__
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&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt;PLUTARCH&#039;S LIVES.&amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 class=&amp;quot;c1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Translated from the Greek.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 class=&amp;quot;c1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;WITH&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 class=&amp;quot;c1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;NOTES AND A LIFE OF PLUTARCH&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;BY&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;AUBREY STEWART, M.A.,&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;c2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 class=&amp;quot;c1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;AND THE LATE&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2 class=&amp;quot;c3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;GEORGE LONG, M.A.,&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;c2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Formerly Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;c2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;c2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IN FOUR VOLUMES.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;c2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2 class=&amp;quot;c3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;VOL. I.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;c2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;c2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LONDON:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;c2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;GEORGE BELL &amp;amp;amp; SONS, YORK ST., COVENT GARDEN, AND NEW YORK.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;c2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1894.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;c2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;c2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LONDON:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;c2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;REPRINTED FROM STEREOTYPE PLATES BY WM. CLOWES &amp;amp;amp; SONS, LTD., STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;outbox wide&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;inbox cent&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;b1 noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt; &amp;lt;big&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;CONTENTS&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/big&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#PREFACE&amp;quot;&amp;gt;PREFACE.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#PREFACE_TO_THE_CIVIL_WARS_OF_ROME&amp;quot;&amp;gt;PREFACE TO THE CIVIL WARS OF ROME.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#LIFE_OF_PLUTARCH&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LIFE OF PLUTARCH.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#LIFE_OF_THESEUS&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LIFE OF THESEUS.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#LIFE_OF_ROMULUS&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LIFE OF ROMULUS.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#COMPARISON_THESEUS_ROMULUS&amp;quot;&amp;gt;COMPARISON OF THESEUS AND ROMULUS.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#LIFE_OF_LYKURGUS&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LIFE OF LYKURGUS.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#LIFE_OF_NUMA&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LIFE OF NUMA.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#COMPARISON_OF_NUMA_WITH_LYKURGUS&amp;quot;&amp;gt;COMPARISON OF NUMA WITH LYKURGUS.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#LIFE_OF_SOLON&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LIFE OF SOLON.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#LIFE_OF_POPLICOLA&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LIFE OF POPLICOLA.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#COMPARISON_OF_SOLON_AND_POPLICOLA&amp;quot;&amp;gt;COMPARISON OF SOLON AND POPLICOLA.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#LIFE_OF_THEMISTOKLES&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LIFE OF THEMISTOKLES.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#LIFE_OF_CAMILLUS&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LIFE OF CAMILLUS.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#LIFE_OF_PERIKLES&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LIFE OF PERIKLES.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#LIFE_OF_FABIUS_MAXIMUS&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LIFE OF FABIUS MAXIMUS.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#COMPARISON_OF_PERIKLES_AND_FABIUS_MAXIMUS&amp;quot;&amp;gt;COMPARISON OF PERIKLES AND FABIUS MAXIMUS.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#LIFE_OF_ALKIBIADES&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LIFE OF ALKIBIADES.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#LIFE_OF_CAIUS_MARCIUS_CORIOLANUS&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LIFE OF CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#COMPARISON_OF_ALKIBIADES_AND_CORIOLANUS&amp;quot;&amp;gt;COMPARISON OF ALKIBIADES AND CORIOLANUS.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#LIFE_OF_TIMOLEON&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LIFE OF TIMOLEON.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#LIFE_OF_AEMILIUS&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LIFE OF AEMILIUS.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#COMPARISON_OF_PAULUS_AEMILIUS_AND_TIMOLEON&amp;quot;&amp;gt;COMPARISON OF PAULUS AEMILIUS AND TIMOLEON.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;PREFACE&amp;quot;&amp;gt;PREFACE.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No apologies are needed for a new edition of so favourite an author as Plutarch. From the period of the revival of classical literature in Europe down to our own times, his writings have done more than those of any other single author to familiarise us with the greatest men and the greatest events of the ancient world.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The great Duke of Marlborough, it is said, confessed that his only knowledge of English history was derived from Shakespeare&#039;s historical plays, and it would not be too much to say that a very large proportion of educated men, in our own as well as in Marlborough&#039;s times, have owed much of their knowledge of classical antiquity to the study of Plutarch&#039;s Lives. Other writers may be read with profit, with admiration, and with interest; but few, like Plutarch, can gossip pleasantly while instructing solidly; can breathe life into the dry skeleton of history, and show that the life of a Greek or Roman worthy, when rightly dealt with, can prove as entertaining as a modern novel. No one is so well able as Plutarch to dispel the doubt which all schoolboys feel as to whether the names about which they read ever belonged to men who were really alive; his characters are so intensely human and lifelike in their faults and failings as well as in their virtues, that we begin to think of them as of people whom we have ourselves personally known.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His biographies are numerous and short. By this, he avoids one of the greatest faults of modern biographers, that namely of identifying himself with some one particular personage, and endeavouring to prove that all his actions were equally laudable. Light and shade are as necessary to a character as to a picture, but a man who devotes his energies for years to the study of any single person&#039;s life, is insensibly led into palliating or explaining away his faults and exaggerating his excellencies until at last he represents him as an impossible monster of virtue. Another advantage which we obtain by his method is that we are not given a complete chronicle of each person&#039;s life, but only of the remarkable events in it, and such incidents as will enable us to judge of his character. This also avoids what is the dreariest part of all modern biographies, those chapters I mean which describe the slow decay of their hero&#039;s powers, his last illness, and finally his death. This subject, which so many writers of our own time seem to linger lovingly upon, is dismissed by Plutarch in a few lines, unless any circumstance of note attended the death of the person described.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Without denying that Plutarch is often inaccurate and often diffuse; that his anecdotes are sometimes absurd, and his metaphysical speculations not unfrequently ridiculous, he is nevertheless generally admitted to be one of the most readable authors of antiquity, while all agree that his morality is of the purest and loftiest type.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The first edition of the Greek text of Plutarch&#039;s Lives appeared at Florence in the year 1517, and two years afterwards it was republished by Aldus. Before this, however, about the year 1470, a magnificent Latin version by various hands appeared at Rome. From this, from the Greek text, and also from certain MSS. to which he had access, Amyot in the year 1559 composed his excellent translation, of which it has been well said: &amp;quot;Quoique en vieux Gaulois, elle a un air de fraicheur qui la fait rejeunir de jour en jour.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Amyot&#039;s spirited French version was no less spiritedly translated by Sir Thomas North. His translation was much read and admired in its day; a modern reviewer even goes so far as to say that it is &amp;quot;still beyond comparison the best version of Parallel Lives which the English tongue affords.&amp;quot; Be this as it may, the world will ever be deeply indebted to North&#039;s translation, for it is to Shakespeare&#039;s perusal of that work that we owe &#039;Coriolanus,&#039; &#039;Antony and Cleopatra,&#039; and &#039;Julius Caesar.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;North&#039;s translation was followed by that known as Dryden&#039;s. This work, performed by many different hands, is of unequal merit. Some Lives are rendered into a racy and idiomatic, although somewhat archaic English, while others fall far short of the standard of Sir Thomas North&#039;s work. Dryden&#039;s version has during the last few years been re-edited by A.H. Clough, Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The translation by which Plutarch is best known at the present day is that of the Langhornes. Their style is certainly dull and commonplace, and is in many instances deserving of the harsh epithets which have been lavished upon it. We must remember, however, before unsparingly condemning their translation, that the taste of the age for which they wrote differed materially from that of our own, and that people who could read the &#039;Letters of Theodosius and Constantia&#039; with interest, would certainly prefer Plutarch in the translation of the Langhornes to the simpler phrases of North&#039;s or Dryden&#039;s version. All events, comic or tragic, important or commonplace, are described with the same inflated monotony which was mistaken by them for the dignity of History. Yet their work is in many cases far more correct as a translation, and the author&#039;s meaning is sometimes much more clearly expressed, than in Dryden&#039;s earlier version. Langhorne&#039;s Plutarch was re-edited by Archdeacon Wrangham in the year 1819.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In 1844, thirteen Lives were translated by that eminent scholar the late Mr. George Long; and it is by way of complement to these Lives that the present version was undertaken with his consent and his approval.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Those translated by Mr. Long were selected by him as illustrating a period of Roman history in which he was especially interested, and will therefore be found to be more fully annotated than the others. It has seemed to me unnecessary to give information in the notes which can at the present day be obtained in a more convenient form in Dr. Smith&#039;s Classical Dictionary and Dictionary of Antiquities, many of the articles in which are written by Mr. Long himself. The student of classical literature will naturally prefer the exhaustive essays to be found in these works to any notes appended to Plutarch&#039;s text, while to those who read merely &amp;quot;for the story,&amp;quot; the notes prove both troublesome and useless.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In deciding on the spelling of the Greek proper names, I have felt great hesitation. To make a Greek speak of Juno or Minerva seems as absurd as to make a Roman swear by Herakles or Ares. Yet both Greek and Roman divinities are constantly mentioned. The only course that seemed to avoid absolute absurdity appeared to me to be that which I have adopted, namely to speak of the Greek divinities by their Greek, and the Latin ones by their Latin names. In substituting a k for the more usual c, I have followed the example of Grote, who in his History spells all Greek names exactly as they are written, with the exception of those with which we are so familiar in their Latin form as to render this practically impossible; as for instance in the case of Cyprus or Corinth, or of a name like Thucydides, where a return to the Greek k would be both pedantic and unmeaning.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The text, which I have followed throughout, is that of C. Sintenis, Leipsic, 1873.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;c6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;AUBREY STEWART.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;PREFACE_TO_THE_CIVIL_WARS_OF_ROME&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; PREFACE TO THE CIVIL WARS OF ROME.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_1_1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_1_1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Among the extant Lives of Plutarch there are thirteen Lives of Romans which belong to the most eventful period of Roman history. They are the lives of the brothers Tiberius and Caius Sempronius Gracchus, of Caius Marius, Lucius Cornelius Sulla, Quintus Sertorius, Marcus Licinius Crassus, Cneius Pompeius Magnus, Marcus Porcius Cato the Younger, Marcus Tullius Cicero, Lucius Licinius Lucullus, Caius Julius Caesar, Marcus Junius Brutus, and Marcus Antonius. From the year of the death of Tiberius Gracchus, B.C. 133, to the death of Marcus Antonius, B.C. 30, a period of about one hundred years, the Roman State was convulsed by revolutions which grew out of the contest between the People and the Nobility, or rather, out of the contests between the leaders of these two bodies. This period is the subject of Appian&#039;s History of the Civil Wars of the Romans, in Five Books. Appian begins with the Tribunate and legislation of Tiberius Gracchus, from which he proceeds to the Dictatorship of Sulla, and then to the quarrels between Pompeius and Caesar, and Caesar&#039;s Dictatorship and assassination. He then proceeds to the history of the Triumvirate formed after Caesar&#039;s death by his great nephew Caius Julius Caesar Octavianus, Marcus Antonius, and Lepidus, the quarrels of the Triumviri, the downfall of Lepidus, who was reduced to the condition of a private person, and the death of Sextus Pompeius, the last support of the party in whose cause his father, Cneius Pompeius, lost his life. The remainder of this History, which is lost, carried the narration down to the quarrels of Octavianus and Marcus Antonius, which ended in the defeat of Antonius in the battle of Actium, B.C. 31, and his death in Egypt, B.C. 30. The victory over Antonius placed all the power in the hands of Octavianus, who, in the year B.C. 27, received from the Roman Senate the title of Augustus, or the Sacred, by which name he is commonly known as the first of the long series of Roman Emperors. &amp;quot;He made himself,&amp;quot; says Appian (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Civil Wars&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, i. 5), &amp;quot;like Caius Julius Caesar, and still more than Caesar, governor of his country and of all the nations under it, without needing either election or the popular votes, or any show of such things. After his government had subsisted for a long time, and been maintained with vigour, fortunate in all his measures, and feared, he left behind him descendants and successors who kept the power that he transmitted to them. In this way, after various civil commotions, the Roman State was restored to tranquillity, and the government became a Monarchy. And how this came about I have explained, and brought together all the events, which are well worth the study of those who wish to become acquainted with ambition of men unbounded, love of power excessive, endurance unwearied, and forms of suffering infinite.&amp;quot; Thus, the historian&#039;s object was to trace the establishment of the Imperial power in Rome back to its origin, to show that the contests of the rival heads of parties involved the State in endless calamities, which resulted in a dissolution of all the bonds that held society together, and rendered the assumption of supreme power by one man a healing and a necessary event.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As already observed, it happens that thirteen of Plutarch&#039;s extant Lives are the lives of the most distinguished of the Romans who lived during this eventful period; and though Plutarch&#039;s Lives severally are not histories of the times to which they respectively refer, nor collectively form a History of any given time, yet they are valuable as portraits of illustrious men, and help us to form a better judgment of those who make so conspicuous a figure in History.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Plutarch was a native of the town of Chaeroneia, in Boeotia; the times of his birth and death are not exactly known, but we learn from his own works that he was a young student at Delphi, in the thirteenth year of the reign of the Emperor Nero, A.D. 66. He visited both Italy and Rome, and probably resided at Rome for some time. He wrote his Life of Demosthenes, at least after his return to Chaeroneia: he says (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Life of Demosthenes&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, c. 2), that he had not time to exercise himself in the Latin Language during his residence at Rome, being much occupied with public business, and giving lessons in philosophy. Accordingly it was late before he began to read the Latin writers; and we may infer from his own words that he never acquired a very exact knowledge of the language. He observes that it happened in his case, that in his study of the Latin writers he did not so much learn and understand the facts from the words, as acquire the meaning of the words from the facts, of which he had already some knowledge. We may perhaps conclude from this, that Plutarch wrote all his Roman lives in Chaeroneia, after he had returned there from Rome. The statement that Plutarch was the preceptor of the Emperor Trajan, and was raised to the consular rank by him, is not supported by sufficient evidence. Plutarch addressed to Trajan his Book of Apophthegms, or Sayings of Kings and Commanders; but this is all that is satisfactorily ascertained as to the connection between the Emperor and Philosopher. Trajan died A.D. 117.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The plan of Plutarch&#039;s Biographies is briefly explained by himself in the introduction to the Life of Alexander the Great, where he makes an apology for the brevity with which he is compelled to treat of the numerous events in the Lives of Alexander and Caesar. &#039;For,&#039; he says, &#039;I do not write Histories, but Lives; nor do the most conspicuous acts of necessity exhibit a man&#039;s virtue or his vice, but oftentimes some slight circumstance, a word, or a jest, shows a man&#039;s character better than battles with the slaughter of tens of thousands, and the greatest arrays of armies and sieges of cities. Now, as painters produce a likeness by a representation of the countenance and the expression of the eyes, without troubling themselves about the other parts of the body, so I must be allowed to look rather into the signs of a man&#039;s character, and thus give a portrait of his life, leaving others to describe great events and battles.&#039; The object then of Plutarch in his Biographies was a moral end, and the exhibition of the principal events in a man&#039;s life was subordinate to this his main design; and though he may not always have adhered to the principle which he laid down, it cannot be denied that his view of what biography should be, is much more exact than that of most persons who have attempted this style of composition. The life of a statesman or of a general, when written with a view of giving a complete history of all the public events in which he was engaged, is not biography, but history. This extract from Plutarch will also in some measure be an apology for the want of historical order observable in many of his Lives. Though altogether deficient in that critical sagacity which discerns truth from falsehood, and distinguishes the intricacies of confused and conflicting statements, Plutarch has preserved in his Lives a vast number of facts which would otherwise have been unknown to us. He was a great reader, and must have had access to large libraries. It is said that he quotes two hundred and fifty writers, a great part of whose works are now entirely lost.&amp;quot; (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Penny Cyclopaedia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, art. &amp;quot;Plutarch,&amp;quot; by the writer of this Preface.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The lively portraitures of men drawn in Plutarch&#039;s Lives have made them favourite reading in all ages. Whether Plutarch has succeeded in drawing the portraits true, we cannot always determine, because the materials for such a judgment are sometimes wanting. But when we can compare his Lives with other extant authorities, we must admit, that though he is by no means free from error as to his facts, he has generally selected those events in a man&#039;s life which most clearly show his temper, and that on the whole, if we judge of a man by Plutarch&#039;s measure, we shall form a just estimate of him. He generally wrote without any predilections or any prejudices. He tells us of a man&#039;s good and bad acts, of his good and bad qualities; he makes no attempt to conceal the one or the other; he both praises and blames as the occasion may arise; and the reader leaves off with a mixed opinion about Plutarch&#039;s Greeks and Romans, though the favourable or the unfavourable side always predominates. The benevolent disposition of Plutarch, and his noble and elevated character, have stamped themselves on all that he has written. A man cannot read these Lives without being the better for it: his detestation of all that is mean and disingenuous will be increased; his admiration of whatever is truthful and generous will be strengthened and exalted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The translation of these Lives is difficult. Plutarch&#039;s text is occasionally corrupted; and where it is not corrupted, his meaning is sometimes obscure. Many of the sentences are long and ill-constructed; the metaphors often extravagant; and the just connection of the parts is sometimes difficult to discover. Many single words which are or ought to be pertinent in Plutarch, and which go towards a description of character in general or of some particular act, can hardly be rendered by any English equivalent; and a translator often searches in vain for something which shall convey to the reader the exact notion of the original. Yet Plutarch&#039;s narrative is lively and animated; his anecdotes are appropriately introduced and well told; and if his taste is sometimes not the purest, which in his age we could not expect it to be, he makes amends for this by the fulness and vigour of his expression. He is fond of poetical words, and they are often used with striking effect. His moral reflections, which are numerous, have the merit of not being unmeaning and tiresome, because he is always in earnest and has got something to say, and does not deal in commonplaces. When the reflection is not very profound, it is at least true; and some of his remarks show a deep insight into men&#039;s character.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have attempted to give Plutarch&#039;s meaning in plain language; to give all his meaning, and neither more nor less. If I have failed in any case, it is because I could do no better. But, though I have not always succeeded in expressing exactly what I conceive to be the meaning of the original, I have not intentionally added to it or detracted from it. It may be that there are passages in which I have mistaken the original; and those who have made the experiment of rendering from one language into another, know that this will sometimes happen even in an easy passage. A difficult passage attracts more than usual of a translator&#039;s attention, and if he fails there, it is either because the difficulty cannot be overcome, or because he cannot overcome it. Mere inadvertence or sleepiness may sometimes cause a translator to blunder, when he would not have blundered if any friend had been by to keep him awake.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The best thing that a man can do to avoid these and other errors is to compare his translation, when he has finished it, with some other. The translation which I have compared with mine is the German translation of Kaltwasser, Magdeburg, 1799, which is generally correct. Kaltwasser in his Preface speaks of the way in which he used the German translations of two of his predecessors, J. Christopher Kind, Leipzig, 1745-1754, and H. v. Schirach, 1776-1780, and some others. He says, &amp;quot;These two translations, with the French translations above mentioned, I have duly used, for it is the duty of a translator to compare himself with his predecessors; but I lay my labour before the eyes of the public, without fearing that I shall be accused of copying or of close imitation. First of all, I carefully studied the text of my author and translated him as well as I could: then, and not before, I compared the labour of my predecessors, and where I found a more suitable expression or a happier turn, I made use of it without hesitation. In this way, every fault, every deviation of the old translators must be apparent; the most striking of them I have remarked on in the notes, but I have more frequently amended such things silently, as a comparison will show the reader.&amp;quot; The translator has not compared his version with any English version. The translation of North, which has great merit in point of expression, is a version of Amyot&#039;s French version, from which, however, it differs in some passages, where it is decidedly wrong and Amyot&#039;s version is right. Indeed, it is surprising to find how correct this old French translation generally is. The translation of &#039;Plutarch&#039;s Lives from the Greek by several hands,&#039; was published at London in 1683-86. It was dedicated by Dryden to James Butler, the first Duke of Ormond, in a fulsome panegyric. It is said that forty-one translators laboured at the work. Dryden did not translate any of the Lives; but he wrote the Life of Plutarch which is prefixed to this translation. The advertisement prefixed to the translation passes under the name and character of the bookseller (Jacob Tonson), but, as Malone observes, it may from internal evidence be safely attributed to Dryden. The bookseller says, &amp;quot;You have here the first volume of Plutarch&#039;s Lives turned from the Greek into English; and give me leave to say, the first attempt of doing it from the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;originals&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;quot; This is aimed at North&#039;s version, of which Dryden remarks in his Life of Plutarch: &amp;quot;As that translation was only from the French, so it suffered this double disadvantage; first, that it was but a copy of a copy, and that too but lamely taken from the Greek original; secondly, that the English language was then unpolished, and far from the perfection which it has since attained; so that the first version is not only ungrammatical and ungraceful, but in many places almost unintelligible.&amp;quot; There is another English version, by the Langhornes, which has often been reprinted; there is an edition of it with notes by Wrangham. I have compared my translation carefully with the German of Kaltwasser, and sometimes with the French of Amyot, and I have thus avoided some errors into which I should have fallen. There are errors both in the versions of Amyot and Kaltwasser which I have avoided; but I may have fallen into others.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The translation of Kaltwasser contains some useful notes. Those which I have added to this translation are intended to explain so much as needs explanation to a person who is not much acquainted with Roman history and Roman usages; but they will also be useful to others. The notes of Kaltwasser have often reminded me of the passages where some note would be useful, and have occasionally furnished materials also. But as I have always referred to the original authorities, I do not consider it necessary to make more than this general acknowledgment. The notes added to this translation are all my own, and contain my own opinions and observations.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This translation has been made from the edition of C. Sintenis, Leipzig, 1839, and I have compared the text of Sintenis with that of G.H. Schaefer, Leipzig, 1826, which has been severely criticized: this edition contains, however, some useful notes. I have very seldom made any remarks on the Greek text, as such kind of remark would not have suited the plan and design of this version, which is not intended for verbal critics.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I shall explain by two brief extracts what is my main design in this version and in the notes, which must be my apology for not affecting a learned commentary, and my excuse to those who shall not find here the kind of remarks that are suitable to a critical edition of an ancient author. I have had another object than to discuss the niceties of words and the forms of phrases, a labour which is well in its place, if it be done well, but is not what needs to be done to such an author as Plutarch to render him useful. A man who was a great reader of Plutarch, a just and solid thinker above the measure of his age, and not surpassed in his way by any writer in our own, Montaigne, observes in his &#039;Essay of the Education of Children&#039;—&amp;quot;Let him enquire into the manners, revenues, and alliances of princes, things in themselves very pleasant to learn, and very useful to know. In this conversing with men, I mean, and principally those who only live in the records of history, he shall by reading those books, converse with those great and heroic souls of former and better ages. &#039;Tis an idle and vain study, I confess, to those who make it so, by doing it after a negligent manner, but to those who do it with care and observation, &#039;tis a study of inestimable fruit and value; and the only one, as Plato reports, the Lacedaemonians reserved to themselves. What profit shall he not reap as to the business of men, by reading the Lives of Plutarch? But withal, let my governor remember to what end his instructions are principally directed, and that he do not so much imprint in his pupil&#039;s memory the date of the ruin of Carthage, as the manners of Hannibal and Scipio; not so much where Marcellus died, as why it was unworthy of his duty that he died there. That he do not teach him so much the narrative part, as the business of history. The reading of which, in my opinion, is a thing that of all others we apply ourselves unto with the most differing and uncertain measures.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_2_2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_2_2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[2]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; North, in his address to the Reader, says: &amp;quot;The profit of stories, and the praise of the Author, are sufficiently declared by Amiot, in his Epistle to the Reader: so that I shall not need to make many words thereof. And indeed if you will supply the defects of this translation, with your own diligence and good understanding: you shall not need to trust him, you may prove yourselves, that there is no prophane study better than Plutarch. All other learning is private, fitter for Universities than Cities, fuller of contemplation than experience, more commendable in students themselves, than profitable unto others. Whereas stories are fit for every place, reach to all persons, serve for all times, teach the living, revive the dead, so far excelling all other books, as it is better to see learning in Noblemen&#039;s lives, than to read it in Philosophers&#039; writings.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;c6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;GEORGE LONG.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;LIFE_OF_PLUTARCH&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LIFE OF PLUTARCH.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Plutarch was born probably between A.D. 45 and A.D. 50, at the little town of Chaeronea in Boeotia. His family appears to have been long established in this place, the scene of the final destruction of the liberties of Greece, when Philip defeated the Athenians and Boeotian forces there in 338 B.C. It was here also that Sulla defeated Mithridates, and in the great civil wars of Rome we again hear, this time from Plutarch himself, of the sufferings of the citizens of Chaeronea. Nikarchus, Plutarch&#039;s great-grandfather, was, with all the other citizens, without any exception, ordered by a lieutenant of Marcus Antonius to transport a quantity of corn from Chaeronea to the coast opposite the island of Antikyra. They were compelled to carry the corn on their shoulders, like slaves, and were threatened with the lash if they were remiss. After they had performed one journey, and were preparing their burdens for a second, the welcome news arrived that Marcus Antonius had lost the battle of Actium, whereupon both the officers and soldiers of his party stationed in Chaeronea at once fled for their own safety, and the provisions thus collected were divided among the inhabitants of the city.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When Plutarch was born, however, no such warlike scenes as these were to be expected. Nothing more than the traditions of war remained on the shores of the Mediterranean. Occasionally some faint echo of strife would make itself heard from the wild tribes on the Danube, or in the far Syrian deserts, but over nearly all the world known to the ancients was established the Pax Romana. Battles were indeed fought, and troops were marched upon Rome, but this was merely to decide who was to be the nominal head of the vast system of the Empire, and what had once been independent cities, countries, and nations submitted unhesitatingly to whoever represented that irresistible power. It might be imagined that a political system which destroyed all national individuality, and rendered patriotism in its highest sense scarcely possible, would have reacted unfavourably on the literary character of the age. Yet nothing of the kind can be urged against the times which produced Epictetus, Dio Chrysostom and Arrian; while at Rome, Pliny the Younger, Tacitus, Martial, and Juvenal were reviving the memories of the Augustan age.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;From several passages in Plutarch&#039;s writings we gather that he studied under a master named Ammonius, at Athens. For instance, at the end of his Life of Themistokles, he mentions a descendant of that great man who was his fellow-student at the house of Ammonius the philosopher. Again, he tells us that once Ammonius, observing at his afternoon lecture that some of his class had indulged too freely in the pleasures of the table, ordered his own son to be flogged, &amp;quot;because,&amp;quot; he said, &amp;quot;the young gentleman cannot eat his dinner without pickles,&amp;quot; casting his eye at the same time upon the other offenders so as to make them sensible that the reproof applied to them also.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By way of completing his education he proceeded to visit Egypt. The &amp;quot;wisdom of the Egyptians&amp;quot; always seems to have had a fascination for the Greeks, and at this period Alexandria, with its famous library and its memories of the Ptolemies, of Kallimachus and of Theokritus, was an important centre of Greek intellectual activity. Plutarch&#039;s treatise on Isis and Osiris is generally supposed to be a juvenile work suggested by his Egyptian travels. In all the Graeco-Egyptian lore he certainly became well skilled, although we have no evidence as to how long he remained in Egypt. He makes mention indeed of a feast given in his honour by some of his relatives on the occasion of his return home from Alexandria, but we can gather nothing from the passage as to his age at that time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;One anecdote of his early life is as follows:—&amp;quot;I remember,&amp;quot; he says, &amp;quot;that when I was still a young man, I was sent with another person on a deputation to the Proconsul; my colleague, as it happened, was unable to proceed, and I saw the Proconsul and performed the commission alone. When I returned I was about to lay down my office and to give a public account of how I had discharged it, when my father rose in the public assembly and enjoined me not to say &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;I&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; went, but &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;we&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; went, nor to say that &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;I&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; said, but &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;we&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; said, throughout my story, giving my colleague his share.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The most important event in the whole of Plutarch&#039;s pious and peaceful life is undoubtedly his journey to Italy and to Rome; but here again we know little more than that he knew but little Latin when he went thither, and was too busy when there to acquire much knowledge of that tongue. His occupation at Rome, besides antiquarian researches which were afterwards worked up into his Roman Lives, was the delivery of lectures on philosophical and other subjects, a common practice among the learned Greeks of his day. Many of these lectures, it is conjectured, were afterwards recast by him into the numerous short treatises on various subjects now included under the general name of Moralia. Plutarch&#039;s visit to Rome and business there is admirably explained in the following passage of North&#039;s &#039;Life of Plutarch&#039;:—&amp;quot;For my part, I think Plutarch was drawn to Rome by meanes of some friends he had there, especially by Sossius Senecio, that had been a Consull, who was of great estimation at that time, and namely under the Empire of Trajan. And that which maketh me think so, is because of Plutarch&#039;s own words, who saith in the beginning of his first book of his discourse at the table, that he gathered together all his reasons and discourses made here and there, as well in Rome with Senecio, as in Greece with Plutarch and others. Not being likely that he would have taken the pains to have made so long a voyage, and to have come to such a city where he understood not their vulgar tongue, if he had not been drawn thither by Senecio, and such other men; as also in acknowledgement of the good turnes and honour he had received by such men, he dedicated diverse of his bookes unto them, and among others, the Lives unto Senecio, and the nine volumes of his discourse at the table, with the treaty, How a man may know that he profiteth in vertue. Now for the time, considering what he saith in the end of his book against curiosity, I suppose that he taught in Rome in the time of Titus and of Domitian: for touching this point, he maketh mention of a nobleman called Rusticus, who being one day at his lecture, would not open a letter which was brought him from the Emperor, nor interrupt Plutarch, but attended to the end of his declamation, and until all the hearers were gone away; and addeth also, that Rusticus was afterwards put to death by the commandment of Domitian. Furthermore, about the beginning of the Life of Demosthenes, Plutarch saith, that whilst he remained in Italy and at Rome, he had no leizure to study the Latine tongue; as well for that he was busied at that time with matters he had in hand, as also to satisfie those that were his followers to learne philosophie of him.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_3_3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_3_3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[3]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A list of all Plutarch&#039;s writings would be a very long one. Besides the Lives, which is the work on which his fame chiefly rests, he wrote a book of &#039;Table Talk,&#039; which may have suggested to Athenaeus the plan of his &#039;Symposium.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The most remarkable of his minor works is that &#039;On the Malignity of Herodotus.&#039; Grote takes this treatise as being intended seriously as an attack upon the historian, and speaks of the &amp;quot;honourable frankness which Plutarch calls his malignity.&amp;quot; But it is probably merely a rhetorical exercise, in which Plutarch has endeavoured to see what could be said against so favourite and well-known a writer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was probably known as an author before he went to Rome. Large capitals have always had a natural attraction for literary genius, as it is in them alone that it can hope to be appreciated. And if this be the case at the present day, how much more must it have been so before the invention of printing, at a time when it was more usual to listen to books read aloud than to read them oneself? Plutarch journeyed to Rome just as Herodotus went to Athens, or as he is said to have gone to the Olympian festival, in search of an intelligent audience of educated men. Whether his object was merely praise, or whether he was influenced by ideas of gain, we cannot say. No doubt his lectures were not delivered gratis, and that they were well attended seems evident from Plutarch&#039;s own notices of them, and from the names which have been preserved of the eminent men who used to frequent them. Moreover, strange though it may appear to us, the demand for books seems to have been very brisk even though they were entirely written by hand.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The epigrams of Martial inform us of the existence of a class of slaves whose occupation was copying books, and innumerable allusions in Horace, Martial, &amp;amp;amp;c., to the Sosii and others prove that the trade of a bookseller at Rome was both extensive and profitable. Towards the end of the Republic it became the fashion for Roman nobles to encourage literature by forming a library, and this taste was given immense encouragement by Augustus, who established a public library in the Temple of Apollo on the Mount Palatine, in imitation of that previously founded by Asinius Pollio. There were other libraries besides these, the most famous of which was the Ulpian library, founded by Trajan, who called it so from his own name, Ulpius. Now Trajan was a contemporary of our author, and this act of his clearly proves that there must have been during Plutarch&#039;s lifetime a considerable reading public, and consequent demand for books at Rome.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of Plutarch&#039;s travels in Italy we know next to nothing. He mentions incidentally that he had seen the bust or statue of Marius at Ravenna, but never gives us another hint of how far he explored the country about which he wrote so much. No doubt his ignorance of the Latin language must not be taken as a literal statement, and probably means that he was not skilled in it as a spoken tongue, for we can scarcely imagine that he was without some acquaintance with it when he first went to Rome, and he certainly afterwards became well read in the literature of Rome. In some cases he has followed Livy&#039;s narrative with a closeness which proves that he must have been acquainted with that author either in the original or in a translation, and the latter alternative is, of the two, the more improbable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It seems to be now generally thought that his stay at Rome was a short one. Clough, in his excellent Preface, says on this subject, &amp;quot;The fault which runs through all the earlier biographies, from that of Rualdus downwards, is the assumption, wholly untenable, that Plutarch passed many years, as many perhaps as forty, at Rome. The entire character of his life is of course altered by such an impression.&amp;quot; He then goes on to say that in consequence of this mistaken idea, it is not worth while for him to quote Dryden&#039;s &#039;Life of Plutarch,&#039; which was originally prefixed to the translations re-edited by himself. Yet I trust I may be excused if I again quote North&#039;s &#039;Life of Plutarch,&#039; as the following passage seems to set vividly before us the quiet literary occupation of his later days.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;For Plutarch, though he tarried a long while in Italy, and in Rome, yet that tooke not away the remembrance of the sweet aire of Greece, and of the little towne where he was borne; but being touched from time to time with a sentence of an ancient poet, who saith that,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;&#039;In whatsoever countrey men are bred&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;(I know not by what sweetnesse of it led),&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;They nourish in their minds a glad desire,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Unto their native homes for to retire,&#039;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;he resolved to go back into Greece againe, there to end the rest of his daies in rest and honour among his citizens, of whom he was honourably welcomed home. Some judge that he left Rome after the death of Trajan, being then of great yeares, to leade a more quiet life. So being then at rest, he earnestly took in hand that which he had long thought of before, to wit, the Lives, and tooke great pains with it until he had brought his worke to perfection, as we have done at this present; although that some Lives, as those of Scipio African, of Metellus Numidicus, and some other are not to be found. Now himselfe confesseth in some place, that when he began this worke, at the first it was but to profit others; but that afterwards it was to profit himselfe, looking upon those histories, as if he had looked in a glasse, and seeking to reform his life in some sort, and to forme it in the mould of the vertues of these great men; taking this fashion of searching their manners, and writing the Lives of these noble men, to be a familiar haunting and frequenting of them. Also he thought, [said he himselfe] that he lodged these men one after another in his house, entering into consideration of their qualities, and that which was great in either of them, choosing and principally taking that which was to be noted, and most worthy to be knowne in their sayings and deeds.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_4_4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_4_4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[4]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of Plutarch in his domestic relations we gather much information from his own writings. The name of his father has not been preserved, but it was probably Nikarchus, from the common habit of Greek families to repeat a name in alternate generations. His brothers Timon and Lamprias are frequently mentioned in his essays and dialogues, where Timon is spoken of in the most affectionate terms. Rualdus has ingeniously recovered the name of his wife, Timoxena, from internal evidence afforded by his writings. A touching letter is still extant, addressed by Plutarch to his wife, bidding her not give way to excessive grief at the death of their only daughter, who was named Timoxena after her mother. The number of his sons we cannot exactly state. Autobulus and Plutarch are especially spoken of as his sons, since the treatise on the Timaeus of Plato is dedicated to them, and the marriage of his son Autobulus is the occasion of one of the dinner-parties recorded in the &#039;Table Talk.&#039; Another person, one Soklarus, is spoken of in terms which seem to imply that he was Plutarch&#039;s son, but this is nowhere definitely stated. His treatise also on Marriage Questions, addressed to Eurydike and Pollianus, seems to speak of her as having been recently an inmate of his house, but without enabling us to form an opinion whether she was his daughter or not. A modern writer well describes his maturer years by the words: &amp;quot;Plutarch was well born, well taught, well conditioned; a self-respecting amiable man, who knew how to better a good education by travels, by devotion to affairs private and public; a master of ancient culture, he read books with a just criticism: eminently social, he was a king in his own house, surrounded himself with select friends, and knew the high value of good conversation; and declares in a letter written to his wife that &#039;he finds scarcely an erasure, as in a book well written, in the happiness of his life.&#039;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was an active member of the little community of Chaeronea, being archon of that town. Whether this dignity was annual or for life we do not know, but it was probably the former, and very likely he served it more than once. He speaks of his devotion to the duties of his office as causing him to incur the ridicule of some of his fellow-citizens, when they saw him engaged in the humblest duties. &amp;quot;But,&amp;quot; he says, in Clough&#039;s version, &amp;quot;the story told about Antisthenes comes to my assistance. When some one expressed surprise at his carrying home some pickled fish from market in his own hands, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;It is&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, he answered, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;for myself&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Conversely, when I am reproached with standing by and watching while tiles are measured out, and stone and mortar brought up, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;This service&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, I say, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;is not for myself&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, it is for my country.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Plutarch was for many years a priest of Apollo at Delphi. The scene of some of his &#039;Table Talk&#039; is laid there, when he in his priestly capacity gives a dinner party in honour of the victor in the poetic contest at the Pythian games. Probably this office was a source of considerable income, and as the journey from Chaeronea to Delphi, across Mount Parnassus, is a very short one, it interfered but little with his literary and municipal business. In his essay on &amp;quot;Whether an old man should continue to take part in public life,&amp;quot; he says, &amp;quot;You know, Euphanes, that I have for many Pythiads (that is, periods of four years elapsing between the Pythian festivals), exercised the office of Priest of Apollo: yet I think you would not say to me,&#039;Plutarch, you have sacrificed enough; you have led processions and dances enough; it is time, now that you are old, to lay aside the garland from your head, and to retire as superannuated from the oracle.&#039;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thus respected and loved by all, Plutarch&#039;s old age passed peacefully away. &amp;quot;Notwithstanding,&amp;quot; as North says, &amp;quot;that he was very old, yet he made an end of the Lives.... Furthermore, Plutarch, having lived alwaies honourably even to old age, he died quietly among his children and friends in the city of Chaeronea, leaving his writings, an immortal savour of his name, unto posterity. Besides the honour his citizens did him, there was a statue set up for him by ordinance of the people of Rome, in memory of his virtues. Now furthermore, though time hath devoured some part of the writings of this great man, and minished some other: neverthelesse those which remaine, being a great number, have excellent use to this day among us.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;PLUTARCHS_LIVES&amp;quot;&amp;gt;PLUTARCH&#039;S LIVES.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;LIFE_OF_THESEUS&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LIFE OF THESEUS.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As in books on geography, Sossius Senecio, the writers crowd the countries of which they know nothing into the furthest margins of their maps, and write upon them legends such as, &amp;quot;In this direction lie waterless deserts full of wild beasts;&amp;quot; or, &amp;quot;Unexplored morasses;&amp;quot; or, &amp;quot;Here it is as cold as Scythia;&amp;quot; or, &amp;quot;A frozen sea;&amp;quot; so I, in my writings on Parallel Lives, go through that period of time where history rests on the firm basis of facts, and may truly say, &amp;quot;All beyond this is portentous and fabulous, inhabited by poets and mythologers, and there is nothing true or certain.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When I had written the lives of Lykurgus the lawgiver and Numa the king, it appeared to me natural to go back to Romulus also, as I was engaged on the history of times so close to his. So when I was reflecting, in the words of Aeschylus,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Against this chieftain, who can best contend?&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Whom shall I match in fight, what trusty friend?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;it occurred to me to compare the founder of the fair and famous city of Athens with him, and to contrast Theseus with the father of unconquered glorious Rome. Putting aside, then, the mythological element, let us examine his story, and wherever it obstinately defies probability, and cannot be explained by natural agency, let us beg the indulgence of our readers, who will kindly make allowance for tales of antiquity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Theseus appears to have several points of resemblance to Romulus. Both were unacknowledged illegitimate children, and were reputed to descend from the Gods.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Both warriors, well we all do know,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and both were wise as well as powerful. The one founded Rome, while the other was the joint founder of Athens; and these are two of the most famous of cities. Both carried off women by violence, and neither of them escaped domestic misfortune and retribution, but towards the end of their lives both were at variance with their countrymen, if we may put any trust in the least extravagant writings upon the subject.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Theseus traced his descent on the father&#039;s side from Erechtheus and the original Autochthones,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_5_5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_5_5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[5]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; while on the mother&#039;s side he was descended from Pelops. For Pelops surpassed all the other princes of the Peloponnesus in the number of his children as well as in wealth; and of these he gave many of his daughters in marriage to the chief men of the country, and established many of his sons as rulers in various cities. One of these, Pittheus, the grandfather of Theseus, founded Troezen, which is indeed but a little state, though he had a greater reputation than any man of his time for eloquence and wisdom. The nature of this wisdom of his seems to have been much of the same kind as that which made the reputation of Hesiod, in the collection of maxims known as the &#039;Works and Days.&#039; One of these maxims is indeed ascribed to Pittheus:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Let promised pay be truly paid to friends.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At any rate, this is what Aristotle the philosopher has recorded; and also Euripides, when he speaks of Hippolytus as &amp;quot;child of holy Pittheus,&amp;quot; shows the prevailing opinion about Pittheus. Now Aegeus desired to have children, and the Oracle at Delphi is said to have given him the well-known response, forbidding him to have intercourse with any woman before he reached Athens, but not appearing to explain this clearly. Consequently, on his way home, he went to Troezen, and asked the advice of Pittheus about the response of the God, which ran thus:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Great chief, the wine-skin&#039;s foot must closed remain,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Till thou to Athens art returned again.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Pittheus clearly perceived what the oracle must mean, and persuaded or cheated Aegeus into an intrigue with Aethra. Afterwards, when he discovered that he had conversed with the daughter of Pittheus, as he imagined that she might prove with child, he left behind him his sword and sandals hidden under a great stone, which had a hollow inside it exactly fitting them. This he told to Aethra alone, and charged her if a son of his should be born, and on growing to man&#039;s estate should be able to lift the stone and take from under it the deposit, that she should send him at once with these things to himself, in all secrecy, and as far as possible concealing his journey from observation. For he greatly feared the sons of Pallas, who plotted against him, and despised him on account of his childlessness, they themselves being fifty brothers, all the sons of Pallas.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Aethra&#039;s child was born, some writers say that he was at once named Theseus, from the tokens placed under the stone; others say that he was afterwards so named at Athens, when Aegeus acknowledged him as his son. He was brought up by his grandfather Pittheus, and had a master and tutor, Konnidas, to whom even to the present day, the Athenians sacrifice a ram on the day before the feast of Theseus, a mark of respect which is much more justly due to him, than those which they pay to Silanion and Parrhasius, who have only made pictures and statues of Theseus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As it was at that period still the custom for those who were coming to man&#039;s estate to go to Delphi and offer to the god the first-fruits of their hair (which was then cut for the first time),&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_6_6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_6_6&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[6]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Theseus went to Delphi, and they say that a place there is even to this day named after him. But he only cut the front part of his hair, as Homer tells us the Abantes did, and this fashion of cutting the hair was called Theseus&#039;s fashion because of him. The Abantes first began to cut their hair in this manner, not having, as some say, been taught to do so by the Arabians, nor yet from any wish to imitate the Mysians, but because they were a warlike race, and met their foes in close combat, and studied above all to come to a hand-to-hand fight with their enemy, as Archilochus bears witness in his verses:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;They use no slings nor bows,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Euboea&#039;s martial lords,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;But hand to hand they close&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And conquer with their swords.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;So they cut their hair short in front, that their enemies might not grasp it. And they say that Alexander of Macedon for the same reason ordered his generals to have the beards of the Macedonians shaved, because they were a convenient handle for the enemy to grasp.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now while he was yet a child, Aethra concealed the real parentage of Theseus, and a story was circulated by Pittheus that his father was Poseidon. For the people of Troezen have an especial reverence for Poseidon; he is their tutelar deity; to him they offer first-fruits of their harvest, and they stamp their money with the trident as their badge. But when he was grown into a youth, and proved both strong in body and of good sound sense, then Aethra led him to the stone, told him the truth about his father, and bade him take the tokens from beneath it and sail to Athens with them. He easily lifted the stone, but determined not to go to Athens by sea, though the voyage was a safe and easy one, and though his mother and his grandfather implored him to go that way. By land it was a difficult matter to reach Athens, as the whole way was infested with robbers and bandits. That time, it seems, produced men of great and unwearied strength and swiftness, who made no good use of these powers, but treated all men with overbearing insolence, taking advantage of their strength to overpower and slay all who fell into their hands, and disregarding justice and right and kindly feeling, which they said were only approved of by those who dared not do injury to others, or feared to be injured themselves, while men who could get the upper hand by force might disregard them. Of these ruffians, Herakles in his wanderings cut off a good many, but others had escaped him by concealing themselves, or had been contemptuously spared by him on account of their insignificance. But Herakles had the misfortune to kill Iphitus, and thereupon sailed to Lydia and was for a long time a slave in that country under Omphale, which condition he had imposed upon himself as a penance for the murder of his friend. During this period the country of Lydia enjoyed peace and repose; but in Greece the old plague of brigandage broke out afresh, as there was now no one to put it down. So that the journey overland to Athens from Peloponnesus was full of peril; and Pittheus, by relating to Theseus who each of these evildoers was, and how they treated strangers, tried to prevail upon him to go by sea. But it appears that Theseus had for a long time in his heart been excited by the renown of Herakles for courage: he thought more of him than of any one else, and loved above all to listen to those who talked of him, especially if they had seen and spoken to him. Now he could no longer conceal that he was in the same condition as Themistokles in later times, when he said that the trophy of Miltiades would not let him sleep. Just so did the admiration which Theseus conceived for Herakles make him dream by night of his great exploits, and by day determine to equal them by similar achievements of his own.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As it happened, they were connected, being second cousins; for Aethra was the daughter of Pittheus, and Alkmena the daughter of Lysidike, and Lysidike and Pittheus were brother and sister, being the children of Pelops and Hippodameia. So Theseus thought that it would be a great and unbearable disgrace to him that his cousin should go everywhere and clear the sea and land of the brigands who infested them, and he should refuse to undertake the adventures that came in his way; throwing discredit upon his reputed father by a pusillanimous flight by sea, and upon his real father by bringing him only the sandals and an unfleshed sword, and not proving his noble birth by the evidence of some brave deed accomplished by him. In this spirit he set out on his journey, with the intention of doing wrong to no one, but of avenging himself on any one who offered wrong to him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; And first in Epidaurus he slew Periphetes, who used a club as his weapon, and on this account was called the club-bearer, because he laid hands upon him and forbade him to proceed farther on his way. The club took his fancy, and he adopted it as a weapon, and always used it, just as Herakles used his lion&#039;s skin; for the skin was a proof of how huge a beast the wearer had overcome, while the club, invincible in the hands of Theseus, had yet been worsted when used against him. At the Isthmus he destroyed Sinis the Pine-bender by the very device by which he had slain so many people, and that too without having ever practised the art, proving that true valour is better than practice and training. Sinis had a daughter, a tall and beautiful girl, named Perigoune. When her father fell she ran and hid herself. Theseus sought her everywhere, but she fled into a place where wild asparagus grew thick, and with a simple child-like faith besought the plants to conceal her, as if they could understand her words, promising that if they did so she never would destroy or burn them. However, when Theseus called to her, pledging himself to take care of her and do her no hurt, she came out, and afterwards bore Theseus a son, named Melanippus. She afterwards was given by Theseus in marriage to Deïoneus, the son of Eurytus of Oechalia. Ioxus, a son of Melanippus, and Theseus&#039;s grandchild, took part in Ornytus&#039;s settlement in Caria; and for this reason the descendants of Ioxus have a family custom not to burn the asparagus plant, but to reverence and worship it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now the wild sow of Krommyon, whom they called Phaia, was no ordinary beast, but a fierce creature and hard to conquer. This animal he turned out of his way to destroy, that it might not be thought that he performed his exploits of necessity. Besides, he said, a brave man need only punish wicked men when they came in his way, but that in the case of wild beasts he must himself seek them out and attack them. Some say that Phaia was a murderous and licentious woman who carried on brigandage at Krommyon, and was called a sow from her life and habits, and that Theseus put her to death.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Before coming to Megara he slew Skeiron by flinging him down a precipice into the sea, so the story runs, because he was a robber, but some say that from arrogance he used to hold out his feet to strangers and bid them wash them, and that then he kicked the washers into the sea. But Megarian writers, in opposition to common tradition, and, as Simonides says, &amp;quot;warring with all antiquity,&amp;quot; say that Skeiron was not an arrogant brigand, but repressed brigandage, loved those who were good and just, and was related to them. For, they point out, Aeakus is thought to have been the most righteous of all the Greeks, and Kychreus of Salamis was worshipped as a god, and the virtue of Peleus and Telamon is known to all. Yet Skeiron was the son-in-law of Kychreus, and father-in-law of Aeakus, and grandfather of Peleus and Telamon, who were both of them sons of Endeis, the daughter of Skeiron and his wife Chariklo. It is not then reasonable to suppose that these, the noblest men of their time, would make alliances with a malefactor, and give and receive from him what they prized most dearly. But they say that Theseus slew Skeiron, not when he first went to Athens, but that afterwards he took the town of Eleusis which belonged to the Megarians, by dealing treacherously with Diokles, who was the chief magistrate there, and that on that occasion he killed Skeiron. This is what tradition says on both sides.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; At Eleusis Theseus overcame Kerkyon of Arcadia in wrestling and killed him, and after journeying a little farther he killed Damastes, who was surnamed Prokroustes, by compelling him to fit his own body to his bed, just as he used to fit the bodies of strangers to it. This he did in imitation of Herakles; for he used to retort upon his aggressors the same treatment which they intended for him. Thus Herakles offered up Busiris as a sacrifice, and overcame Antaeus in wrestling, and Kyknus in single combat, and killed Termerus by breaking his skull. This is, they say, the origin of the proverb, &amp;quot;A Termerian mischief,&amp;quot; for Termerus, it seems, struck passers-by with his head, and so killed them. So also did Theseus sally forth and chastise evildoers, making them undergo the same cruelties which they practised on others, thus justly punishing them for their crimes in their own wicked fashion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As he proceeded on his way, and reached the river Kephisus, men of the Phytalid race were the first to meet and greet him. He demanded to be purified from the guilt of bloodshed, and they purified him, made propitiatory offerings, and also entertained him in their houses, being the first persons from whom he had received any kindness on his journey. It is said to have been on the eighth day of the month Kronion, which is now called Hekatombeion, that he came to his own city. On entering it he found public affairs disturbed by factions, and the house of Aegeus in great disorder; for Medea, who had been banished from Corinth, was living with Aegeus, and had engaged by her drugs to enable Aegeus to have children. She was the first to discover who Theseus was, while Aegeus, who was an old man, and feared every one because of the disturbed state of society, did not recognise him. Consequently she advised Aegeus to invite him to a feast, that she might poison him. Theseus accordingly came to Aegeus&#039;s table. He did not wish to be the first to tell his name, but, to give his father an opportunity of recognising him, he drew his sword, as if he meant to cut some of the meat with it, and showed it to Aegeus. Aegeus at once recognised it, overset the cup of poison, looked closely at his son and embraced him. He then called a public meeting and made Theseus known as his son to the citizens, with whom he was already very popular because of his bravery. It is said that when the cup was overset the poison was spilt in the place where now there is the enclosure in the Delphinium, for there Aegeus dwelt; and the Hermes to the east of the temple there they call the one who is &amp;quot;at the door of Aegeus.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; But the sons of Pallas, who had previously to this expected that they would inherit the kingdom on the death of Aegeus without issue, now that Theseus was declared the heir, were much enraged, first that Aegeus should be king, a man who was merely an adopted child of Pandion, and had no blood relationship to Erechtheus, and next that Theseus, a stranger and a foreigner, should inherit the kingdom. They consequently declared war. Dividing themselves into two bodies, the one proceeded to march openly upon the city from Sphettus, under the command of Pallas their father, while the other lay in ambush at Gargettus, in order that they might fall upon their opponents on two sides at once. But there was a herald among them named Leos, of the township of Agnus, who betrayed the plans of the sons of Pallas to Theseus. He suddenly attacked those who were in ambush, and killed them all, hearing which the other body under Pallas dispersed. From this time forth they say that the township of Pallene has never intermarried with that of Agnus, and that it is not customary amongst them for heralds to begin a proclamation with the words &amp;quot;Acouete Leo,&amp;quot; (Oyez) for they hate the name of Leo&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_7_7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_7_7&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[7]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; because of the treachery of that man.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now Theseus, who wished for employment and also to make himself popular with the people, went to attack the bull of Marathon, who had caused no little trouble to the inhabitants of Tetrapolis. He overcame the beast, and drove it alive through the city for all men to see, and then sacrificed it to Apollo of Delphi. Hekale, too, and the legend of her having entertained Theseus, does not seem altogether without foundation in fact; for the people of the neighbouring townships used to assemble and perform what was called the Hekalesian sacrifice to Zeus Hekalus, and they also used to honour Hekale, calling her by the affectionate diminutive Hekaline, because she also, when feasting Theseus, who was very young, embraced him in a motherly way, and used such like endearing diminutives. She also made a vow on Theseus&#039;s behalf, when he was going forth to battle, that if he returned safe she would sacrifice to Zeus; but as she died before he returned, she had the above-mentioned honours instituted by command of Theseus, as a grateful return for her hospitality. This is the legend as told by Philochorus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Shortly after this the ship from Crete arrived for the third time to collect the customary tribute. Most writers agree that the origin of this was, that on the death of Androgeus, in Attica, which was ascribed to treachery, his father Minos went to war, and wrought much evil to the country, which at the same time was afflicted by scourges from Heaven (for the land did not bear fruit, and there was a great pestilence and the rivers sank into the earth). So that as the oracle told the Athenians that, if they propitiated Minos and came to terms with him, the anger of Heaven would cease and they should have a respite from their sufferings, they sent an embassy to Minos and prevailed on him to make peace, on the condition that every nine years they should send him a tribute of seven youths and seven maidens. The most tragic of the legends states these poor children when they reached Crete were thrown into the Labyrinth, and there either were devoured by the Minotaur or else perished with hunger, being unable to find the way out. The Minotaur, as Euripides tells us, was&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;A form commingled, and a monstrous birth,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Half man, half bull, in twofold shape combined.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Philochorus says that the Cretans do not recognise this story, but say that the Labyrinth was merely a prison, like any other, from which escape was impossible, and that Minos instituted gymnastic games in honour of Androgeus, in which the prizes for the victors were these children, who till then were kept in the Labyrinth. Also they say that the victor in the first contest was a man of great power in the state, a general of the name of Taurus, who was of harsh and savage temper, and ill-treated the Athenian children. And Aristotle himself, in his treatise on the constitution of the Bottiaeans, evidently does not believe that the children were put to death by Minos, but that they lived in Crete as slaves, until extreme old age; and that one day the Cretans, in performance of an ancient vow, sent first-fruits of their population to Delphi. Among those who were thus sent were the descendants of the Athenians, and, as they could not maintain themselves there, they first passed over to Italy, and there settled near Iapygium, and from thence again removed to Thrace, and took the name of Bottiaeans. For this reason, the Bottiaean maidens when performing a certain sacrifice sing &amp;quot;Let us go to Athens.&amp;quot; Thus it seems to be a terrible thing to incur the hatred of a city powerful in speech and song; for on the Attic stage Minos is always vilified and traduced, and though he was called &amp;quot;Most Kingly&amp;quot; by Hesiod, and &amp;quot;Friend of Zeus&amp;quot; by Homer, it gained him no credit, but the playwrights overwhelmed him with abuse, styling him cruel and violent. And yet Minos is said to have been a king and a lawgiver, and Rhadamanthus to have been a judge under him, carrying out his decrees.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; So when the time of the third payment of the tribute arrived, and those fathers who had sons not yet grown up had to submit to draw lots, the unhappy people began to revile Aegeus, complaining that he, although the author of this calamity, yet took no share in their affliction, but endured to see them left childless, robbed of their own legitimate offspring, while he made a foreigner and a bastard the heir to his kingdom. This vexed Theseus, and determining not to hold aloof, but to share the fortunes of the people, he came forward and offered himself without being drawn by lot. The people all admired his courage and patriotism, and Aegeus finding that his prayers and entreaties had no effect on his unalterable resolution, proceeded to choose the rest by lot. Hellanikus says that the city did not select the youths and maidens by lot, but that Minos himself came thither and chose them, and that he picked out Theseus first of all, upon the usual conditions, which were that the Athenians should furnish a ship, and that the youths should embark in it and sail with him, not carrying with them any weapon of war; and that when the Minotaur was slain, the tribute should cease. Formerly, no one had any hope of safety; so they used to send out the ship with a black sail, as if it were going to a certain doom; but now Theseus so encouraged his father, and boasted that he would overcome the Minotaur, that he gave a second sail, a white one, to the steersman, and charged him on his return, if Theseus were safe, to hoist the white one, if not, the black one as a sign of mourning. But Simonides says that it was not a white sail which was given by Aegeus, but &amp;quot;a scarlet sail embrued in holm oak&#039;s juice,&amp;quot; and that this was agreed on by him as the signal of safety. The ship was steered by Phereklus the son of Amarsyas, according to Simonides.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But Philochorus says that Theseus had one Nausithous sent him from Skirus of Salamis, to steer the ship, and Phaeax to act as look-out, as the Athenians had not yet turned their attention to the sea.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;One of the youths chosen by lot was Menestheos the son of Skirus&#039;s daughter. The truth of this account is attested by the shrines of Nausithous and Phaeax, which Theseus built at Phalerum, and by the feast called the Kybernesia or pilot&#039;s festival, which is held in their honour.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When the lots were drawn Theseus brought the chosen youths from the Prytaneum, and proceeding to the temple of the Delphian Apollo, offered the suppliants&#039; bough to Apollo on their behalf. This was a bough of the sacred olive-tree bound with fillets of white wool. And after praying he went to sea on the sixth day of the month Munychion, on which day even now they send maidens as suppliants to the temple of the Delphian Apollo. And there is a legend that the Delphian oracle told him that Aphrodite would be his guide and fellow-traveller, and that when he was sacrificing a she-goat to her by the seaside, it became a he-goat; wherefore the goddess is called Epitragia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When they reached Crete, according to most historians and poets, Ariadne fell in love with him, and from her he received the clue of string, and was taught how to thread the mazes of the Labyrinth. He slew the Minotaur, and, taking with him Ariadne and the youths, sailed away. Pherekydes also says that Theseus also knocked out the bottoms of the Cretan ships, to prevent pursuit. But Demon says that Taurus, Minos&#039;s general, was slain in a sea-fight in the harbour, when Theseus sailed away. But according to Philochorus, when Minos instituted his games, Taurus was expected to win every prize, and was grudged this honour; for his great influence and his unpopular manners made him disliked, and scandal said, that he was too intimate with Pasiphae. On this account, when Theseus offered to contend with him, Minos agreed. And, as it was the custom in Crete for women as well as men to be spectators of the games, Ariadne was present, and was struck with the appearance of Theseus, and his strength, as he conquered all competitors. Minos was especially pleased, in the wrestling match, at Taurus&#039;s defeat and shame, and, restoring the children to Theseus, remitted the tribute for the future. Kleidemus tells the story in his own fashion and at unnecessary length, beginning much farther back. There was, he says, a decree passed by all the Greeks, that no ship should sail from any post with more than five hands on board, but Jason alone, the master of the great ship Argo, should cruise about, and keep the sea free of pirates. Now when Daedalus fled to Athens, Minos, contrary to the decree, pursued him in long war galleys, and being driven to Sicily by a storm, died there. When his son Deukalion sent a warlike message to the Athenians, bidding them give up Daedalus to him, or else threatening that he would put to death the children whom Minos had taken as hostages, Theseus returned him a gentle answer, begging for the life of Daedalus, who was his own cousin and blood relation, being the son of Merope, the daughter of Erechtheus. But he busied himself with building a fleet, some of it in Attica, in the country of the Thymaitadae, far from any place of resort of strangers, and some in Troezen, under the management of Pittheus, as he did not wish his preparations to be known. But when the ships were ready to set sail, having with him as pilots, Daedalus himself and some Cretan exiles, as no one knew that he was coming, and the Cretans thought that it was a friendly fleet that was advancing, he seized the harbour, and marched at once to Knossus before his arrival was known. Then he fought a battle at the gates of the Labyrinth, and slew Deukalion and his body-guard. As Ariadne now succeeded to the throne, he made peace with her, took back the youths, and formed an alliance between the Cretans and the Athenians, in which each nation swore that it would not begin a war against the other.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; There are many more stories about these events, and about Ariadne, none of which agree in any particulars. Some say that she hanged herself when deserted by Theseus, and some, that she was taken to Naxos by his sailors, and there dwelt with Oenarus, the priest of Dionysus, having been deserted by Theseus, who was in love with another.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;For Aegle&#039;s love disturbed his breast.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This line, we are told by Hereas of Megara, was struck out of Hesiod&#039;s poems by Peisistratus; and again he says that he inserted into Homer&#039;s description of the Shades,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Peirithous and Theseus, born of gods,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;to please the Athenians. Some writers say that Theseus had by Ariadne two sons, Staphylus and Oenopion, whom Ion of Chios follows when he speaks of his own native city as that&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Which erst Oenopion stablished, Theseus&#039; son.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The pleasantest of these legends are in nearly every one&#039;s mouth. But Paeon of Amathus gives an account peculiar to himself, that Theseus was driven by a storm to Cyprus, and that Ariadne, who was pregnant, suffered much from the motion of the ship, and became so ill, that she was set on shore, but Theseus had to return to take charge of the ship, and was blown off to sea. The women of the country took care of Ariadne, and comforted her in her bereavement, even bringing forged letters to her as if from Theseus, and rendering her assistance during her confinement; and when she died in childbirth, they buried her. Theseus, on his return, grieved much, and left money to the people of the country, bidding them sacrifice to Ariadne; he also set up two little statues, one of silver, and the other of brass. And at this sacrifice, which takes place on the second day of the month Gorpiaeus, one of the young men lies down on the ground, and imitates the cries of a woman in travail; and the people of Amathus call that the grove of Ariadne Aphrodite, in which they show her tomb.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But some writers of Naxos tell a different story, peculiar to themselves, that there were two Minoses and two Ariadnes, of whom one, they say, was married to Dionysus in Naxos, and was the mother of Staphylus and his brother, while the younger was carried off by Theseus, and came to Naxos after he deserted her; and a nurse called Korkyne came with her, whose tomb they point out. Then Naxians also says that this Ariadne died there, and is honoured, but not so much as the elder; for at the feast in honour of the elder, there are merriment and revelry, but at that of the younger gloomy rites are mingled with mirth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Theseus, when he sailed away from Crete, touched at Delos; here he sacrificed to the god and offered up the statue of Aphrodite, which Ariadne had given him; and besides this, he and the youths with him danced a measure which they say is still practised by the people of Delos to this day, being an imitation of the turnings and windings of the Labyrinth expressed by complicated evolutions performed in regular order. This kind of dance is called by the Delians &amp;quot;the crane dance,&amp;quot; according to Dikaearchus. It was danced round the altar of the Horns, which is all formed of horns from the left side. They also say that he instituted games at Delos, and that then for the first time a palm was given by him to the victor.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As he approached Attica, both he and his steersman in their delight forgot to hoist the sail which was to be a signal of their safety to Aegeus; and he in his despair flung himself down the cliffs and perished. Theseus, as soon as he reached the harbour, performed at Phalerum the sacrifices which he had vowed to the gods if he returned safe, and sent off a herald to the city with the news of his safe return. This man met with many who were lamenting the death of the king, and, as was natural, with others who were delighted at the news of their safety, and who congratulated him and wished to crown him with garlands. These he received, but placed them on his herald&#039;s staff, and when he came back to the seashore, finding that Theseus had not completed his libation, he waited outside the temple, not wishing to disturb the sacrifice. When the libation was finished he announced the death of Aegeus, and then they all hurried up to the city with loud lamentations: wherefore to this day, at the Oschophoria, they say that it is not the herald that is crowned, but his staff, and that at the libations the bystanders cry out, &amp;quot;Eleleu, Iou, Iou;&amp;quot; of which cries the first is used by men in haste, or raising the paean for battle, while the second is used by persons in surprise and trouble.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Theseus, after burying his father, paid his vow to Apollo, on the seventh day of the month Pyanepsion; for on this day it was that the rescued youths went up into the city. The boiling of pulse, which is customary on this anniversary, is said to be done because the rescued youths put what remained of their pulse together into one pot, boiled it all, and merrily feasted on it together. And on this day also, the Athenians carry about the Eiresione, a bough of the olive tree garlanded with wool, just as Theseus had before carried the suppliants&#039; bough, and covered with first-fruits of all sorts of produce, because the barrenness of the land ceased on that day; and they sing,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Eiresione, bring us figs&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And wheaten loaves, and oil,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;And wine to quaff, that we may all&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Host merrily from toil.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;However, some say that these ceremonies are performed in memory of the Herakleidae, who were thus entertained by the Athenians; but most writers tell the tale as I have told it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now the thirty-oared ship, in which Theseus sailed with the youths, and came back safe, was kept by the Athenians up to the time of Demetrius Phalereus. They constantly removed the decayed part of her timbers, and renewed them with sound wood, so that the ship became an illustration to philosophers of the doctrine of growth and change, as some argued that it remained the same, and others, that it did not remain the same. The feast of the Oschophoria, or of carrying boughs, which to this day the Athenians celebrate, was instituted by Theseus. For he did not take with him all the maidens who were drawn by lot, but he chose two youths, his intimate friends, who were feminine and fair to look upon, but of manly spirit; these by warm baths and avoiding the heat of the sun and careful tending of their hair and skin he completely metamorphosed, teaching them to imitate the voice and carriage and walk of maidens. These two were then substituted in the place of two of the girls, and deceived every one; and when they returned, he and these two youths walked in procession, dressed as now those who carry boughs at the Oschophoria are dressed. They carry them in honour of Dionysus and Ariadne, because of the legend, or rather because they returned home when the harvest was being gathered in. And the women called supper-carriers join in carrying them and partake of the sacrifice, in imitation of the mothers of those who were drawn by lot; for they used continually to bring their children food. Also, old tales are told, because these women used to tell their children such ones, to encourage and amuse them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These things are related by the historian Demus. Moreover, a sacred enclosure was dedicated to Theseus, and those families out of whom the tribute of the children had been gathered were bidden to contribute to sacrifices to him. These sacrifices were presided over by the Phytalidae, which post Theseus bestowed upon them as a recompense for their hospitality towards him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After the death of Aegeus, Theseus conceived a great and important design. He gathered together all the inhabitants of Attica and made them citizens of one city, whereas before they had lived dispersed, so as to be hard to assemble together for the common weal, and at times even fighting with one another.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He visited all the villages and tribes, and won their consent; the poor and lower classes gladly accepting his proposals, while he gained over the more powerful by promising that the new constitution should not include a king, but that it should be a pure commonwealth, with himself merely acting as general of its army and guardian of its laws, while in other respects it would allow perfect freedom and equality to every one. By these arguments he convinced some of them, and the rest knowing his power and courage chose rather to be persuaded than forced into compliance. He therefore destroyed the prytaneia, the senate house, and the magistracy of each individual township, built one common prytaneum and senate house for them all on the site of the present acropolis, called the city Athens, and instituted the Panathenaic festival common to all of them. He also instituted a festival for the resident aliens, on the sixteenth of the month, Hekatombeion, which is still kept up. And having, according to his promise, laid down his sovereign power, he arranged the new constitution under the auspices of the gods; for he made inquiry at Delphi as to how he should deal with the city, and received the following answer:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Thou son of Aegeus and of Pittheus&#039; maid,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;My father hath within thy city laid&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;The bounds of many cities; weigh not down&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Thy soul with thought; the bladder cannot drown.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The same thing they say was afterwards prophesied by the Sibyl concerning the city, in these words:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The bladder may be dipped, but cannot drown.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Wishing still further to increase the number of his citizens, he invited all strangers to come and share equal privileges, and they say that the words now used, &amp;quot;Come hither all ye peoples,&amp;quot; was the proclamation then used by Theseus, establishing as it were a commonwealth of all nations. But he did not permit his state to fall into the disorder which this influx of all kinds of people would probably have produced, but divided the people into three classes, of Eupatridae or nobles, Geomori or farmers, Demiurgi or artisans. To the Eupatridae he assigned the care of religious rites, the supply of magistrates for the city, and the interpretation of the laws and customs sacred or profane, yet he placed them on an equality with the other citizens, thinking that the nobles would always excel in dignity, the farmers in usefulness, and the artisans in numbers. Aristotle tells us that he was the first who inclined to democracy, and gave up the title of king; and Homer seems to confirm this view by speaking of the people of the Athenians alone of all the states mentioned in his catalogue of ships. Theseus also struck money with the figure of a bull, either alluding to the bull of Marathon, or Taurus, Minos&#039; general, or else to encourage farming among the citizens. Hence they say came the words, &amp;quot;worth ten,&amp;quot; or &amp;quot;worth a hundred oxen.&amp;quot; He permanently annexed Megara to Attica, and set up the famous pillar on the Isthmus, on which he wrote the distinction between the countries in two trimeter lines, of which the one looking east says,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;This is not Peloponnesus, but Ionia,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and the one looking west says,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;This is Peloponnesus, not Ionia.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And also he instituted games there, in emulation of Herakles; that, just as Herakles had ordained that the Greeks should celebrate the Olympic games in honour of Zeus, so by Theseus&#039;s appointment they should celebrate the Isthmian games in honour of Poseidon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The festival which was previously established there in honour of Melikerta used to be celebrated by night, and to be more like a religious mystery than a great spectacle and gathering. Some writers assert that the Isthmian games were established in honour of Skeiron, and that Theseus wished to make them an atonement for the murder of his kinsman; for Skeiron was the son of Kanethus and of Henioche the daughter of Pittheus. Others say that this festival was established in honour of Sinis, not of Skeiron. Be this as it may, Theseus established it, and stipulated with the Corinthians that visitors from Athens who came to the games should have a seat of honour in as large a space as could be covered by a sail of the public ship which carried them, when stretched out on the ground. This we are told by Hellanikus and Andron of Halikarnassus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Besides this, according to Philochorus and other writers, he sailed with Herakles to the Euxine, took part in the campaign against the Amazons, and received Antiope as the reward for his valour; but most historians, among whom are Pherekydes, Hellanikus, and Herodorus, say that Theseus made an expedition of his own later than that of Herakles, and that he took the Amazon captive, which is a more reasonable story. For no one of his companions is said to have captured an Amazon; while Bion relates that he caught this one by treachery and carried her off; for the Amazons, he says, were not averse to men, and did not avoid Theseus when he touched at their coast, but even offered him presents. He invited the bearer of these on board his ship; and when she had embarked he set sail. But one, Menekrates, who has written a history of the town of Nikaea in Bithynia, states that Theseus spent a long time in that country with Antiope, and that there were three young Athenians, brothers, who were his companions in arms, by name Euneon, Thoas, and Soloeis. Soloeis fell in love with Antiope, and, without telling his brothers, confided his passion to one of his comrades. This man laid the matter before Antiope, who firmly rejected his pretensions, but treated him quietly and discreetly, telling Theseus nothing about it. Soloeis, in despair at his rejection, leaped into a river and perished; and Theseus then at length learned the cause of the young man&#039;s death. In his sorrow he remembered and applied to himself an oracle he had received from Delphi. It had been enjoined upon him by the Pythia that whenever he should be struck down with special sorrow in a foreign land, he should found a city in that place and leave some of his companions there as its chiefs. In consequence of this the city which he founded was called Pythopolis, in honour of the Pythian Apollo, and the neighbouring river was called Soloeis, after the youth who died in it. He left there the brothers of Soloeis as the chiefs and lawgivers of the new city, and together, with them one Hermus, an Athenian Eupatrid. In consequence of this, the people of Pythopolis call a certain place in their city the house of Hermes, by a mistaken accentuation transferring the honour due to their founder, to their god Hermes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; This was the origin of the war with the Amazons; and it seems to have been carried on in no feeble or womanish spirit, for they never could have encamped in the city nor have fought a battle close to the Pnyx and the Museum unless they had conquered the rest of the country, so as to be able to approach the city safely. It is hard to believe, as Hellanikus relates, that they crossed the Cimmerian Bosphorus on the ice; but that they encamped almost in the city is borne witness to by the local names, and by the tombs of the fallen. For a long time both parties held aloof, unwilling to engage; but at last Theseus, after sacrificing to Phobos (Fear), attacked them. The battle took place in the month Boedromion, on the day on which the Athenians celebrate the feast Boedromia. Kleidemus gives us accurate details, stating that the left wing of the Amazons stood at the place now called the Amazoneum, while the right reached up to the Pnyx, at the place where the gilded figure of Victory now stands. The Athenians attacked them on this side, issuing from the Museum, and the tombs of the fallen are to be seen along the street which leads to the gate near the shrine of the hero Chalkodus, which is called the Peiraeic gate. On this side the women forced them back as far as the temple of the Eumenides, but on the other side those who assailed them from the temple of Pallas, Ardettus, and the Lyceum, drove their right wing in confusion back to their camp with great slaughter. In the fourth month of the war a peace was brought about by Hippolyte; for this writer names the wife of Theseus Hippolyte, not Antiope. Some relate that she was slain fighting by the side of Theseus by a javelin hurled by one Molpadia, and that the column which stands beside the temple of Olympian Earth is sacred to her memory. It is not to be wondered at that history should be at fault when dealing with such ancient events as these, for there is another story at variance with this, to the effect that Antiope caused the wounded Amazons to be secretly transported to Chalkis, where they were taken care of, and some of them were buried there, at what is now called the Amazoneum. However, it is a proof of the war having ended in a treaty of peace, that the place near the temple of Theseus where they swore to observe it, is still called Horeomosium, and that the sacrifice to the Amazons always has taken place before the festival of Theseus. The people of Megara also show a burying-place of the Amazons, as one goes from the market-place to what they call Rhus, where the lozenge-shaped building stands. It is said that some others died at Chaeronea, and were buried by the little stream which it seems was anciently called Thermodon, but now is called Haemon, about which we have treated in the life of Demosthenes. It would appear that the Amazons did not even get across Thessaly without trouble, for graves of them are shown to this day at Skotussa and Kynoskephalae.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The above is all that is worthy of mention about the Amazons; for, as to the story which the author of the &#039;Theseid&#039; relates about this attack of the Amazons being brought about by Antiope to revenge herself upon Theseus for his marriage with Phaedra, and how she and her Amazons fought, and how Herakles slew them, all this is clearly fabulous. After the death of Antiope, Theseus married Phaedra, having a son by Antiope named Hippolytus, or Demophoon, according to Pindar. As for his misfortunes with this wife and son, as the account given by historians does not differ from that which appears in the plays of the tragic poets, we must believe them to have happened as all these writers say.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; However, there are certain other legends about Theseus&#039; marriage which have never appeared on the stage, which have neither a creditable beginning nor a prosperous termination: for it is said that he carried off one Anaxo, a Troezenian girl, and after slaying Sinis and Kerkyon he forced their daughters, and that he married Periboea the mother of Ajax and also Phereboea and Iope the daughter of Iphikles: and, as has been told already, it was on account of his love for Aegle the daughter of Panopeus that he deserted Ariadne, which was a shameful and discreditable action. And in addition to all this he is charged with carrying off Helen, which brought war upon Attica, and exile and destruction on himself; about which we shall speak presently. But, though many adventures were undertaken by the heroes of those times, Herodorus is of opinion that Theseus took no part in any of them, except with the Lapithae in their fight with the Centaurs; though other writers say that he went to Kolchis with Jason and took part with Meleager in the hunt of the Kalydonian boar.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;From these legends arises the proverb, &amp;quot;Not without Theseus;&amp;quot; also he by himself without any comrades performed many glorious deeds, from which the saying came into vogue, &amp;quot;This is another Herakles.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Theseus, together with Adrastus, effected the recovery of the bodies of those who fell under the walls of the Cadmea at Thebes, not after conquering the Thebans, as Euripides puts it in his play, but by a truce and convention, according to most writers. Philochorus even states that this was the first occasion on which a truce was made for the recovery of those slain in battle. But we have shown in our &#039;Life of Herakles&#039; that he was the first to restore the corpses of the slain to the enemy. The tombs of the rank and file are to be seen at Eleutherae, but those of the chiefs at Eleusis, by favour of Theseus to Adrastus. Euripides&#039;s play of the &#039;Suppliants&#039; is contradicted by that of Aeschylus, the &#039;Eleusinians,&#039; in which Theseus is introduced giving orders for this to be done.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; His friendship for Peirithous is said to have arisen in the following manner: He had a great reputation for strength and courage; Peirithous, wishing to make trial of these, drove his cattle away from the plain of Marathon, and when he learned that Theseus was pursuing them, armed, he did not retire, but turned and faced him. Each man then admiring the beauty and courage of his opponent, refrained from battle, and first Peirithous holding out his hand bade Theseus himself assess the damages of his raid upon the cattle, saying that he himself would willingly submit to whatever penalty the other might inflict. Theseus thought no more of their quarrel, and invited him to become his friend and comrade; and they ratified their compact of friendship by an oath. Hereupon, Peirithous, who was about to marry Deidameia, begged Theseus to come and visit his country and meet the Lapithae. He also had invited the Centaurs to the banquet; and as they in their drunken insolence laid hands upon the women, the Lapithae attacked them. Some of them they slew, and the rest they overcame, and afterwards, with the assistance of Theseus, banished from their country. Herodorus, however, says that this is not how these events took place, but that the war was going on, and that Theseus went to help the Lapithae and while on his way thither first beheld Herakles, whom he made a point of visiting at Trachis, where he was resting after his labours and wanderings; and that they met with many compliments and much good feeling on both sides. But one would more incline to those writers who tell us that they often met, and that Herakles was initiated by Theseus&#039;s desire, and was also purified before initiation at his instance, which ceremony was necessary because of some reckless action.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Theseus was fifty years old, according to Hellanikus, when he carried off Helen, who was a mere child. For this reason some who wish to clear him of this, the heaviest of all the charges against him, say that it was not he who carried off Helen, but that Idas and Lynkeus carried her off and deposited her in his keeping. Afterwards the Twin Brethren came and demanded her back, but he would not give her up; or even it is said that Tyndareus himself handed her over to him, because he feared that Enarsphorus the son of Hippocoon would take her by force, she being only a child at the time. But the most probable story and that which most writers agree in is the following: The two friends, Theseus and Peirithous, came to Sparta, seized the maiden, who was dancing in the temple of Artemis Orthia, and carried her off. As the pursuers followed no farther than Tegea, they felt no alarm, but leisurely travelled through Peloponnesus, and made a compact that whichever of them should win Helen by lot was to have her to wife, but must help the other to a marriage. They cast lots on this understanding, and Theseus won. As the maiden was not yet ripe for marriage he took her with him to Aphidnae, and there placing his mother with her gave her into the charge of his friend Aphidnus, bidding him watch over her and keep her presence secret. He himself in order to repay his obligation to Peirithous went on a journey with him to Epirus to obtain the daughter of Aidoneus the king of the Molossians, who called his wife Persephone, his daughter Kore, and his dog Cerberus. All the suitors of his daughter were bidden by him to fight this dog, and the victor was to receive her hand. However, as he learned that Peirithous and his friend were come, not as wooers, but as ravishers, he cast them into prison. He put an end to Peirithous at once, by means of his dog, but only guarded Theseus strictly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now at this period Mnestheus, the son of Peteus, who was the son of Orneus, who was the son of Erechtheus, first of all mankind they say took to the arts of a demagogue, and to currying favour with the people. This man formed a league of the nobles, who had long borne Theseus a grudge for having destroyed the local jurisdiction and privileges of each of the Eupatrids by collecting them all together into the capital, where they were no more than his subjects and slaves; and he also excited the common people by telling them that although they were enjoying a fancied freedom they really had been deprived of their ancestral privileges and sacred rites, and made to endure the rule of one foreign despot, instead of that of many good kings of their own blood.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;While he was thus busily employed, the invasion of Attica by the sons of Tyndareus greatly assisted his revolutionary scheme; so that some say that it was he who invited them to come. At first they abstained from violence, and confined themselves to asking that their sister Helen should be given up to them; but when they were told by the citizens that she was not in their hands, and that they knew not where she was, they proceeded to warlike measures. Akademus, who had by some means discovered that she was concealed at Aphidnae, now told them where she was; for which cause he was honoured by the sons of Tyndareus during his life, and also the Lacedaemonians, though they often invaded the country and ravaged it unsparingly, yet never touched the place called the Akademeia, for Akademus&#039;s sake. Dikaearchus says that Echemus and Marathus, two Arcadians, took part in that war with the sons of Tyndareus; and that from the first the place now called Akademeia was then named Echedemia, and that from the second the township of Marathon takes its names, because he in accordance with some oracle voluntarily offered himself as a sacrifice there in the sight of the whole army.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;However, the sons of Tyndareus came to Aphidnae, and took the place after a battle, in which it is said that Alykus fell, the son of Skeiron, who then was fighting on the side of the Dioskuri. In memory of this man it is said that the place in the territory of Megara where his remains lie is called Alykus. But Hereas writes that Alykus was slain by Theseus at Aphidnae, and as evidence he quotes this verse about Alykus,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Him whom Theseus slew in the spacious streets of Aphidnae,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Fighting for fair-haired Helen.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But it is not likely that if Theseus had been there, his mother and the town of Aphidnae would have been taken.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After the fall of Aphidnae, the people of Athens became terrified, and were persuaded by Mnestheus to admit the sons of Tyndareus to the city, and to treat them as friends, because, he said, they were only at war with Theseus, who had been the first to use violence, and were the saviours and benefactors of the rest of mankind. These words of his were confirmed by their behaviour, for, victorious as they were, they yet demanded nothing except initiation into the mysteries, as they were, no less than Herakles, connected with the city. This was permitted them, and they were adopted by Aphidnus, as Herakles had been by Pylius. They received divine honours, being addressed as &amp;quot;Anakes,&amp;quot; either because of the cessation of the war, or from the care they took, when they had such a large army within the walls of Athens, that no one should be wronged; for those who take care of or guard anything are said to do it &amp;quot;anakos,&amp;quot; and perhaps for this reason kings are called &amp;quot;Anaktes.&amp;quot; Some say that they were called Anakas because of the appearance of their stars in the heavens above, for the Attics called &amp;quot;above&amp;quot; &amp;quot;anekas.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; It is said that Aethra, the mother of Theseus, was carried off as a captive to Lacedaemon, and thence to Troy with Helen, and Homer supports this view, when he says that there followed Helen,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Aithra the daughter of Pittheus and large-eyed Klymene.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Others reject this verse, and the legend about Mounychus, who is said to have been the bastard son of Laodike, by Demophoon, and to have been brought up in Troy by Aithra. But Istrus, in his thirteenth book of his &#039;History of Attica,&#039; tells quite a different and peculiar story about Aithra, that he had heard that Paris was conquered by Achilles and Patroklus near the river Spercheius, in Thessaly, and that Hector took the city of Troezen by storm, and amongst the plunder carried off Aithra, who had been left there. But this seems impossible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now Aidoneus the Molossian king chanced to be entertaining Herakles, and related to him the story of Theseus and Peirithous, what they had intended to do, and how they had been caught in the act and punished. Herakles was much grieved at hearing how one had perished ingloriously, and the other was like to perish. He thought that nothing would be gained by reproaching the king for his conduct to Peirithous, but he begged for the life of Theseus, and pointed out that the release of his friend was a favour which he deserved. Aidoneus agreed, and Theseus, when set free, returned to Athens, where he found that his party was not yet overpowered. Whatever consecrated grounds had been set apart for him by the city, he dedicated to Herakles, and called Heraklea instead of Thesea, except four, according to Philochorus. But, as he at once wished to preside and manage the state as before, he was met by factious opposition, for he found that those who had been his enemies before, had now learned not to fear him, while the common people had become corrupted, and now required to be specially flattered instead of doing their duty in silence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He endeavoured to establish his government by force, but was overpowered by faction; and at last, despairing of success, he secretly sent his children to Euboea, to Elephenor, the son of Chalkodous; and he himself, after solemnly uttering curses on the Athenians at Gargettus, where now is the place called Araterion, or the place of curses, set sail for Skyros, where he was, he imagined, on friendly terms with the inhabitants, and possessed a paternal estate in the island. At that time Lykomedes was king of Skyros; so he proceeded to demand from him his lands, in order to live there, though some say that he asked him to assist him against the Athenians. Lykomedes, either in fear of the great reputation of Theseus, or else to gain the favour of Mnestheus, led him up to the highest mountain top in the country, on the pretext of showing him his estate from thence, and pushed him over a precipice. Some say that he stumbled and fell of himself, as he was walking after supper, according to his custom. As soon as he was dead, no one thought any more of him, but Mnestheus reigned over the Athenians, while Theseus&#039;s children were brought up as private citizens by Elephenor, and followed him to Ilium. When Mnestheus died at Ilium, they returned home and resumed their rightful sovereignty. In subsequent times, among many other things which led the Athenians to honour Theseus as a hero or demi-god, most remarkable was his appearance at the battle of Marathon, where his spirit was seen by many, clad in armour, leading the charge against the barbarians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After the Persian war, in the archonship of Phaedo, the Athenians were told by the Delphian Oracle to take home the bones of Theseus and keep them with the greatest care and honour. There was great difficulty in obtaining them and in discovering his tomb, on account of the wild and savage habits of the natives of the island. However, Kimon took the island, as is written in my history of his Life, and making it a point of honour to discover his tomb, he chanced to behold an eagle pecking with its beak and scratching with its talons at a small rising ground. Here he dug, imagining that the spot had been pointed out by a miracle. There was found the coffin of a man of great stature, and lying beside it a brazen lance-head and a sword. These relics were brought to Athens by Kimon, on board of his trireme, and the delighted Athenians received them with splendid processions and sacrifices, just as if the hero himself were come to the city. He is buried in the midst of the city, near where the Gymnasium now stands, and his tomb is a place of sanctuary for slaves, and all that are poor and oppressed, because Theseus, during his life, was the champion and avenger of the poor, and always kindly hearkened to their prayers. Their greatest sacrifice in his honour takes place on the eighth of the month of Pyanepsion, upon which day he and the youths came back from Crete. But besides this they hold a service in his honour on the eighth of all the other months, either because it was on the eighth day of Hekatombeion that he first arrived in Athens from Troezen, as is related by Diodorus the topographer, or else thinking that number to be especially his own, because he is said to have been the son of Poseidon, and Poseidon is honoured on the eighth day of every month. For the number eight is the first cube of an even number, and is double the first square, and therefore peculiarly represents the immovable abiding power of that god whom we address as &amp;quot;the steadfast,&amp;quot; and the &amp;quot;earth upholder.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;LIFE_OF_ROMULUS&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LIFE OF ROMULUS.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Historians are not agreed upon the origin and meaning of the famous name of Rome, which is so celebrated through all the world. Some relate that the Pelasgi, after wandering over the greater part of the world, and conquering most nations, settled there, and gave the city its name from their own strength in battle.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_8_8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_8_8&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[8]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Others tell us that after the capture of Troy some fugitives obtained ships, were carried by the winds to the Tyrrhenian or Tuscan coast, and cast anchor in the Tiber. There the women, who had suffered much from the sea voyage, were advised by one who was accounted chief among them for wisdom and noble birth, Roma by name, to burn the ships. At first the men were angry at this, but afterwards, being compelled to settle round about the Palatine Hill, they fared better than they expected, as they found the country fertile and the neighbours hospitable; so they paid great honour to Roma, and called the city after her name. From this circumstance, they say, arose the present habit of women kissing their male relatives and connections; because those women, after they had burned the ships, thus embraced and caressed the men, trying to pacify their rage.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Some say that Roma, who gave the name to the city, was the daughter of Italus and Leucaria, or of Telephus the son of Hercules, and the wife of Aeneas, while others say that she was the daughter of Ascanius the son of Aeneas. Others relate that Romanus, the son of Odysseus and Circe, founded the city, or that it was Romus, the son of Hemathion, who was sent from Troy by Diomedes; or Romis the despot of the Latins, who drove out of his kingdom the Tyrrhenians, who, starting from Thessaly, had made their way to Lydia, and thence to Italy. And even those who follow the most reasonable of these legends, and admit that it was Romulus who founded the city after his own name, do not agree about his birth; for some say that he was the son of Aeneas and Dexithea the daughter of Phorbas, and with his brother Romus was brought to Italy when a child, and that as the river was in flood, all the other boats were swamped, but that in which the children were was carried to a soft bank and miraculously preserved, from which the name of Rome was given to the place. Others say that Roma, the daughter of that Trojan lady, married Latinus the son of Telemachus and bore a son, Romulus; while others say that his mother was Aemilia the daughter of Aeneas and Lavinia, by an intrigue with Mars; while others give a completely legendary account of his birth, as follows:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the house of Tarchetius, the king of the Albani, a cruel and lawless man, a miracle took place. A male figure arose from the hearth, and remained there for many days. Now there was in Etruria an oracle of Tethys, which told Tarchetius that a virgin must be offered to the figure; for there should be born of her a son surpassing all mankind in strength, valour, and good fortune. Tarchetius hereupon explained the oracle to one of his daughters, and ordered her to give herself up to the figure; but she, not liking to do so, sent her servant-maid instead. Tarchetius, when he learned this, was greatly incensed, and cast them both into prison, meaning to put them to death. However, in a dream, Vesta appeared to him, forbidding him to slay them. In consequence of this he locked them up with a loom, telling them that when they had woven the piece of work upon it they should be married. So they wove all day, and during the night other maidens sent by Tarchetius undid their work again. Now when the servant-maid was delivered of twins, Tarchetius gave them to one Teratius, and bade him destroy them. He laid them down near the river; and there they were suckled by a she-wolf, while all sorts of birds brought them morsels of food, until one day a cowherd saw them. Filled with wonder he ventured to come up to the children and bear them off. Saved from death in this manner they grew up, and then attacked and slew Tarchetius. This is the legend given by one Promathion, the compiler of a history of Italy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; But the most credible story, and that has most vouchers for its truth, is that which was first published in Greece by Diokles of Peparethos, a writer whom Fabius Pictor has followed in most points. There are variations in this legend also; but, generally speaking, it runs as follows:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The dynasty established by Aeneas at Alba Longa, came down to two brothers, Numitor and Amulius. Amulius offered his brother the choice between the sovereign power and the royal treasure, including the gold brought from Troy. Numitor chose the sovereign power. But Amulius, possessing all the treasure, and thereby having more power than his brother, easily dethroned him, and, as he feared his brother&#039;s daughter might have children who would avenge him, he made her a priestess of Vesta, sworn to celibacy for ever. This lady is named by some Ilia, by others Rhea or Silvia. After no long time she was found to be with child, against the law of the Vestals. Her life was saved by the entreaties of Antho, the king&#039;s daughter, but she was closely imprisoned, that she might not be delivered without Amulius&#039;s knowledge. She bore two children of remarkable beauty and size, and Amulius, all the more alarmed at this, bade an attendant take them and expose them. Some say that this man&#039;s name was Faustulus, while others say that this was not his name, but that of their rescuer. However, he placed the infants in a cradle, and went down to the river with the intention of throwing them into it, but seeing it running strong and turbulently, he feared to approach it, laid down the cradle near the bank and went away. The river, which was in flood, rose, and gently floated off the cradle, and carried it down to a soft place which is now called Cermalus, but anciently, it seems, was called Germanus, because brothers are called germani.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Near this place was a fig-tree, which they called Ruminalius, either from Romulus, as most persons imagine, or because cattle came to ruminate in its shade, or, more probably, because of the suckling of the children there, for the ancients called the nipple &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;rouma&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Moreover, they call the goddess who appears to have watched over the children Roumilia, and to her they sacrifice offerings without wine, and pour milk as a libation upon her altar.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It is said that while the infants were lying in this place, the she-wolf suckled them, and that a woodpecker came and helped to feed and watch over them. Now these animals are sacred to the god Mars; and the Latins have a peculiar reverence and worship for the woodpecker. These circumstances, therefore, did not a little to confirm the tale of the mother of the children, that their father was Mars, though some say that she was deceived by Amulius himself, who, after condemning her to a life of virginity, appeared before her dressed in armour, and ravished her. Others say that the twofold meaning of the name of their nurse gave rise to this legend, for the Latins use the word &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;lupa&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; for she-wolves, and also for unchaste women, as was the wife of Faustulus, who brought up the children, Acca Laurentia by name. To her also the Romans offer sacrifice, and in the month of April the priest of Mars brings libations to her, and the feast is called Laurentia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The Romans also worship another Laurentia, for this reason: The priest of Hercules, weary with idleness, proposed to the god to cast the dice on the condition that, if he won, he should receive something good from the god, while if he lost, he undertook to provide the god with a bountiful feast and a fair woman to take his pleasure with. Upon these conditions he cast the dice, first for the god, and then for himself, and was beaten. Wishing to settle his wager properly, and making a point of keeping his word, he prepared a feast for the god, and hired Laurentia, then in the pride of her beauty, though not yet famous. He feasted her in the temple, where he had prepared a couch, and after supper he locked her in, that the god might possess her. And, indeed, the god is said to have appeared to the lady, and to have bidden her go early in the morning into the market-place, and to embrace the first man she met, and make him her friend. There met her a citizen far advanced in years, possessing a fair income, childless, and unmarried. His name was Tarrutius. He took Laurentia to himself, and loved her, and upon his death left her heiress to a large and valuable property, the greater part of which she left by will to the city. It is related of her, that after she had become famous, and was thought to enjoy the favour of Heaven, she vanished near the very same spot where the other Laurentia lay buried. This place is now called Velabrum, because during the frequent overflowings of the river, people used there to be ferried over to the market-place; now they call ferrying &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;velatura&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Some say that the road from the market-place to the circus, starting from this point, used to be covered with sails or awnings by those who treated the people to a spectacle; and in the Latin tongue a sail is called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;velum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. This is why the second Laurentia is honoured by the Romans.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now Faustulus, the swineherd of Amulius, kept the children concealed from every one, though some say that Numitor knew of it, and shared the expense of their education. They were sent to Gabii to learn their letters, and everything else that well-born children should know; and they were called Romulus and Remus, because they were first seen sucking the wolf. Their noble birth showed itself while they were yet children, in their size and beauty; and when they grew up they were manly and high-spirited, of invincible courage and daring. Romulus, however, was thought the wiser and more politic of the two, and in his discussions with the neighbours about pasture and hunting, gave them opportunities of noting that his disposition was one which led him to command rather than to obey. On account of these qualities they were beloved by their equals and the poor, but they despised the king&#039;s officers and bailiffs as being no braver than themselves, and cared neither for their anger nor their threats. They led the lives and followed the pursuits of nobly born men, not valuing sloth and idleness, but exercise and hunting, defending the land against brigands, capturing plunderers, and avenging those who had suffered wrong. And thus they became famous.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now a quarrel arose between the herdsmen of Numitor and those of Amulius, and cattle were driven off by the former. Amulius&#039;s men, enraged at this, fought and routed the others, and recovered a great part of the booty. They cared nothing for Numitor&#039;s anger, but collected together many needy persons and slaves, and filled them with a rebellious spirit. While Romulus was absent at a sacrifice (for he was much addicted to sacrifices and divination), the herdsmen of Numitor fell in with Remus, accompanied by a small band, and fought with him. After many wounds had been received on both sides, Numitor&#039;s men conquered and took Remus alive. Remus was brought before Numitor, who did not punish him, as he feared his brother&#039;s temper, but went to his brother and begged for justice, saying that he had suffered wrong at the hands of the king his brother&#039;s servants. As all the people of Alba sympathised with Remus, and feared that he would be unjustly put to death, or worse, Amulius, alarmed at them, handed over Remus to his brother Numitor, to deal with as he pleased. Numitor took him, and as soon as he reached home, after admiring the bodily strength and stature of the youth, which surpassed all the rest, perceiving in his looks his courageous and fiery spirit, undismayed by his present circumstances, and having heard that his deeds corresponded to his appearance, and above all, as seems probable, some god being with him and watching over the first beginnings of great events, he was struck by the idea of asking him to tell the truth as to who he was, and how he was born, giving him confidence and encouragement by his kindly voice and looks. The young man boldly said, &amp;quot;I will conceal nothing from you, for you seem more like a king than Amulius. You hear and judge before you punish, but he gives men up to be punished without a trial. Formerly we (for we are twins) understood that we were the sons of Faustulus and Laurentia, the king&#039;s servants; but now that we are brought before you as culprits, and are falsely accused and in danger of our lives, we have heard great things about ourselves. Whether they be true or not, we must now put to the test. Our birth is said to be a secret, and our nursing and bringing up is yet stranger, for we were cast out to the beasts and the birds, and were fed by them, suckled by a she-wolf, and fed with morsels of food by a woodpecker as we lay in our cradle beside the great river. Our cradle still exists, carefully preserved, bound with brazen bands, on which is an indistinct inscription, which hereafter will serve as a means by which we may be recognised by our parents, but to no purpose if we are dead.&amp;quot; Numitor, considering the young man&#039;s story, and reckoning up the time from his apparent age, willingly embraced the hope which was dawning on his mind, and considered how he might obtain a secret interview with his daughter and tell her of all this; for she was still kept a close prisoner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Faustulus, when he heard of Remus being captured and delivered up to Numitor, called upon Romulus to help him, and told him plainly all about his birth; although previously he had hinted so much, that any one who paid attention to his words might have known nearly all about it; and he himself with the cradle ran to Numitor full of hopes and fears, now that matters had come to a critical point. He was viewed with suspicion by the guards at the king&#039;s gate, and while they were treating him contemptuously, and confusing him by questions, they espied the cradle under his cloak. Now it chanced that one of them had been one of those who had taken the children to cast them away, and had been present when they were abandoned. This man, seeing the cradle and recognising it by its make and the inscription on it, suspected the truth, and at once told the king and brought the man in to be examined. Faustulus, in those dire straits, did not altogether remain unshaken, and yet did not quite allow his secret to be wrung from him. He admitted that the boys were alive, but said that they were living far away from Alba, and that he himself was bringing the cradle to Ilia, who had often longed to see and touch it to confirm her belief in the life of her children. Now Amulius did what men generally do when excited by fear or rage. He sent in a great hurry one who was a good man and a friend of Numitor, bidding him ask Numitor whether he had heard anything about the survival of the children. This man on arrival, finding Numitor all but embracing Remus, confirmed his belief that he was his grandson, and bade him take his measures quickly, remaining by him himself to offer assistance. Even had they wished it, there was no time for delay; for Romulus was already near, and no small number of the citizens, through hatred and fear of Amulius, were going out to join him. He himself brought no small force, arrayed in companies of a hundred each. Each of these was led by a man who carried a bundle of sticks and straw upon a pole. The Latins called these &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;manipla&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; and from this these companies are even at the present day called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;maniples&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in the Roman army. Now as Remus raised a revolt within, while Romulus assailed the palace without, the despot was captured and put to death without having been able to do anything, or take any measures for his own safety.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The greater part of the above story is told by Fabius Pictor and Diokles of Peparethos, who seem to have been the first historians of the foundation of Rome. The story is doubted by many on account of its theatrical and artificial form, yet we ought not to disbelieve it when we consider what wondrous works are wrought by chance, and when, too, we reflect on the Roman Empire, which, had it not had a divine origin, never could have arrived at its present extent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After the death of Amulius, and the reorganisation of the kingdom, the twins, who would not live in Alba as subjects, and did not wish to reign there during the life of their grandfather, gave up the sovereign power to him, and, having made a suitable provision for their mother, determined to dwell by themselves, and to found a city in the parts in which they themselves had been reared; at least, this is the most probable of the various reasons which are given. It may also have been necessary, as many slaves and fugitives had gathered round them, either that they should disperse these men and so lose their entire power, or else go and dwell alone amongst them. It is clear, from the rape of the Sabine women, that the citizens of Alba would not admit these outcasts into their own body, since that deed was caused, not by wanton insolence, but by necessity, as they could not obtain wives by fair means; for after carrying the women off they treated them with the greatest respect. Afterwards, when the city was once founded, they made it a sanctuary for people in distress to take refuge in, saying that it belonged to the god Asylus; and they received in it all sorts of persons, not giving up slaves to their masters, debtors to their creditors, or murderers to their judges, but saying that, in accordance with a Pythian oracle, the sanctuary was free to all; so that the city soon became full of men, for they say that at first it contained no less than a thousand hearths. Of this more hereafter. When they were proceeding to found the city, they at once quarrelled about its site. Romulus fixed upon what is now called Roma Quadrata, a square piece of ground, and wished the city to be built in that place; but Remus preferred a strong position on Mount Aventino, which, in memory of him, was called the Remonium, and now is called Rignarium.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They agreed to decide their dispute by watching the flight of birds, and having taken their seats apart, it is said that six vultures appeared to Remus, and afterwards twice as many to Romulus. Some say that Remus really saw his vultures, but that Romulus only pretended to have seen them, and when Remus came to him, then the twelve appeared to Romulus; for which reason the Romans at the present day draw their auguries especially from vultures. Herodorus of Pontus says that Hercules delighted in the sight of a vulture, when about to do any great action. It is the most harmless of all creatures, for it injures neither crops, fruit, nor cattle, and lives entirely upon dead corpses. It does not kill or injure anything that has life, and even abstains from dead birds from its relationship to them. Now eagles, and owls, and falcons, peck and kill other birds, in spite of Aeschylus&#039;s line,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Bird-eating bird polluted e&#039;er must be.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Moreover, the other birds are, so to speak, ever before our eyes, and continually remind us of their presence; but the vulture is seldom seen, and it is difficult to meet with its young, which has suggested to some persons the strange idea that vultures come from some other world to pay us their rare visits, which are like those occurrences which, according to the soothsayers, do not happen naturally or spontaneously, but by the interposition of Heaven.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Remus discovered the deceit he was very angry, and, while Romulus was digging a trench round where the city wall was to be built, he jeered at the works, and hindered them. At last, as he jumped over it, he was struck dead either by Romulus himself, or by Celer, one of his companions. In this fight, Faustulus was slain, and also Pleistinus, who is said to have been Faustulus&#039;s brother and to have helped him in rearing Romulus and his brother. Celer retired into Tyrrhenia, and from him the Romans call quick sharp men &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Celeres&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; Quintus Metellus, who, when his father died, in a very few days exhibited a show of gladiators, was surnamed Celer by the Romans in their wonder at the short time he had spent in his preparations.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Romulus, after burying Remus and his foster-parents in the Remurium, consecrated his city, having fetched men from Etruria, who taught him how to perform it according to sacred rites and ceremonies, as though they were celebrating holy mysteries. A trench was dug in a circle round what is now the Comitium, and into it were flung first-fruits of all those things which are honourable and necessary for men. Finally each man brought a little of the earth of the country from which he came, and flung it into one heap and mixed it all together. They call this pit by the same name as the heavens, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mundus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Next, they drew the outline of the city in the form of a circle, with this place as its centre. And then the founder, having fitted a plough with a brazen ploughshare, and yoked to it a bull and a cow, himself ploughs a deep furrow round the boundaries. It is the duty of his attendants to throw the clods inwards, which the plough turns up, and to let none of them fall outwards. By this line they define the extent of the fortifications, and it is called by contraction, Pomoerium, which means behind the walls or beyond the walls (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;post moenia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;). Wherever they intend to place a gate they take off the ploughshare, and carry the plough over, leaving a space. After this ceremony they consider the entire wall sacred, except the gates; but if they were sacred also, they could not without scruple bring in and out necessaries and unclean things through them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; It is agreed that the foundation of the city took place on the eleventh day before the Kalends of May (the 21st of April). And on this day the Romans keep a festival which they call the birthday of the city. At this feast, originally, we are told, they sacrificed nothing that has life, but thought it right to keep the anniversary of the birth of the city pure and unpolluted by blood. However, before the foundation of the city, they used to keep a pastoral feast called Palilia. The Roman months at the present day do not in any way correspond to those of Greece; yet they (the Greeks) distinctly affirm that the day upon which Romulus founded the city was the 30th of the month. The Greeks likewise tell us that on that day an eclipse of the sun took place, which they think was that observed by Antimachus of Teos, the epic poet, which occurred in the third year of the sixth Olympiad. In the time of Varro the philosopher, who of all the Romans was most deeply versed in Roman history, there was one Taroutius, a companion of his, a philosopher and mathematician, who had especially devoted himself to the art of casting nativities, and was thought to have attained great skill therein. To this man Varro proposed the task of finding the day and hour of Romulus&#039;s birth, basing his calculations on the influence which the stars were said to have had upon his life, just as geometricians solve their problems by the analytic method; for it belongs, he argued, to the same science to predict the life of a man from the time of his birth, and to find the date of a man&#039;s birth if the incidents of his life are given. Taroutius performed his task, and after considering the things done and suffered by Romulus, the length of his life, the manner of his death, and all such like matters, he confidently and boldly asserted that Romulus was conceived by his mother in the first year of the second Olympiad, at the third hour of the twenty-third day of the month which is called in the Egyptian calendar &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Choiac&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, at which time there was a total eclipse of the sun. He stated that he was born on the twenty-first day of the month &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Thouth&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, about sunrise. Rome was founded by him on the ninth day of the month &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Pharmouthi&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, between the second and third hour; for it is supposed that the fortunes of cities, as well as those of men, have their certain periods which can be discovered by the position of the stars at their nativities. The quaint subtlety of these speculations may perhaps amuse the reader more than their legendary character will weary him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When the city was founded, Romulus first divided all the able-bodied males into regiments, each consisting of three thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry. These were named legions, because they consisted of men of military age selected from the population. The rest of the people were now organised. They were called Populus, and a hundred of the noblest were chosen from among them and formed into a council. These he called Patricians, and their assembly the Senate. This word Senate clearly means assembly of old men; and the members of it were named Patricians, according to some, because they were the fathers of legitimate offspring; according to others, because they were able to give an account of who their own fathers were, which few of the first colonists were able to do. Others say that it was from their &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Patrocinium&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, as they then called, and do at the present day call, their patronage of their clients. There is a legend that this word arose from one Patron, a companion of Evander, who was kind and helpful to his inferiors. But it is most reasonable to suppose that Romulus called them by this name because he intended the most powerful men to show kindness to their inferiors, and to show the poorer classes that they ought not to fear the great nor grudge them their honours, but be on friendly terms with them, thinking of them and addressing them as fathers (Patres). For, up to the present day, foreigners address the senators as Lords, but the Romans call them Conscript Fathers, using the most honourable and least offensive of their titles. Originally they were merely called the Fathers, but afterwards, as more were enrolled, they were called Conscript Fathers. By this more dignified title Romulus distinguished the Senate from the People; and he introduced another distinction between the powerful and the common people by naming the former patrons, which means defenders, and the latter clients, which means dependants. By this means he implanted in them a mutual good feeling which was the source of great benefits, for the patrons acted as advocates for their clients in law suits, and in all cases became their advisers and friends, while the clients not only respected their patrons but even assisted them, when they were poor, to portion their daughters or pay their creditors. No law or magistrate could compel a patron to bear witness against his client, nor a client against his patron. Moreover, in later times, although all their other rights remained unimpaired, it was thought disgraceful for a patron to receive money from a client. So much for these matters.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In the fourth month after the city was founded, we are told by Fabius, the reckless deed of carrying off the women took place. Some say that Romulus himself naturally loved war, and, being persuaded by some prophecies that Rome was fated to grow by wars and so reach the greatest prosperity, attacked the Sabines without provocation; for he did not carry off many maidens, but only thirty, as though it was war that he desired more than wives for his followers. This is not probable: Romulus saw that his city was newly-filled with colonists, few of whom had wives, while most of them were a mixed multitude of poor or unknown origin, who were despised by the neighouring states, and expected by them shortly to fall to pieces. He intended his violence to lead to an alliance with the Sabines, as soon as the damsels became reconciled to their lot, and set about it as follows: First he circulated a rumour that the altar of some god had been discovered, hidden in the earth. This god was called Census, either because he was the god of counsel (for the Romans to this day call their assembly &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Concilium&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and their chief magistrates &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;consuls&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, as it were those who take counsel on behalf of the people), or else it was the equestrian Neptune. The altar stands in the greater hippodrome, and is kept concealed except during the horse-races, when it is uncovered. Some say that, as the whole plot was dark and mysterious, it was natural that the god&#039;s altar should be underground. When it was brought out, he proclaimed a splendid sacrifice in its honour, and games and shows open to all men. Many people assembled to see them, and Romulus sat among his nobles, dressed in a purple robe. The signal for the assault was that he should rise, unfold his cloak, and then again wrap it around him. Many men armed with swords stood round him, and at the signal they drew their swords, rushed forward with a shout, and snatched up the daughters of the Sabines, but allowed the others to escape unharmed. Some say that only thirty were carried off, from whom the thirty tribes were named, but Valerius of Antium says five hundred and twenty-seven, and Juba six hundred and eighty-three, all maidens. This is the best apology for Romulus; for they only carried off one married woman, Hersilia, which proved that it was not through insolence or wickedness that they carried them off, but with the intention of forcibly effecting a union between the two races. Some say that Hersilia married Hostilius, one of the noblest Romans, others that she married Romulus himself, and that he had children by her; one daughter, called Prima from her being the first-born, and one son, whom his father originally named Aollius, because of the assembling of the citizens, but whom they afterwards named Avillius. This is the story as told by Zenodotus of Troezen, but many contradict it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Among the ravishers they say there were some men of low condition who had seized a remarkably tall and beautiful maiden. When any of the nobles met them and endeavoured to take her away from them, they cried out that they were taking her to Talasius, a young man of good family and reputation. Hearing this, all agreed and applauded, and some even turned and accompanied them, crying out the name of Talasius through their friendship for him. From this circumstance the Romans up to the present day call upon Talasius in their marriage-songs, as the Greeks do upon Hymen; for Talasius is said to have been fortunate in his wife. Sextius Sulla of Carthage, a man neither deficient in learning or taste, told me that this word was given by Romulus as the signal for the rape, and so that all those who carried off maidens cried &amp;quot;Talasio.&amp;quot; But most authors, among whom is Juba, think that it is used to encourage brides to industry and spinning wool (talasia), as at that time Greek words had not been overpowered by Latin ones. But if this be true, and the Romans at that time really used this word &amp;quot;talasia&amp;quot; for wool-spinning, as we do, we might make another more plausible conjecture about it. When the treaty of peace was arranged between the Romans and the Sabines, a special provision was made about the women, that they were to do no work for the men except wool-spinning. And thus the custom remained for the friends of those who were married afterwards to call upon Talasius in jest, meaning to testify that the bride was to do no other work than spinning. To the present day the custom remains in force that the bride must not step over the threshold into her house, but be lifted over it and carried in, because the Sabine maidens were carried in forcibly, and did not walk in.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Some add that the parting of the bride&#039;s hair with the point of a spear is done in memory of the first Roman marriage having been effected by war and battle; on which subject we have enlarged further in our treatise on Causes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The rape of the Sabines took place upon the eighteenth day of the month Sextilis, which is now called August, on which day the feast of the Consualia is kept.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The Sabines were a numerous and warlike tribe, dwelling in unwalled villages, as though it was their birthright as a Lacedaemonian colony to be brave and fearless. Yet when they found themselves bound by such hostages to keep the peace, and in fear for their daughters, they sent an embassy to propose equitable and moderate terms, that Romulus should give back their daughters to them, and disavow the violence which had been used, and that afterwards the two nations should live together in amity and concord. But when Romulus refused to deliver up the maidens, but invited the Sabines to accept his alliance, while the other tribes were hesitating and considering what was to be done, Acron, the king of the Ceninetes, a man of spirit and renown in the wars, who had viewed Romulus first proceeding in founding a city with suspicion, now, after what he had done in carrying off the women, declared that he was becoming dangerous, and would not be endurable unless he were chastised. He at once began the war, and marched with a great force; and Romulus marched to meet him. When they came in sight of each other they each challenged the other to fight, the soldiers on both sides looking on. Romulus made a vow that if he should overcome and kill his enemy he would himself carry his spoils to the temple of Jupiter and offer them to him. He overcame his adversary, and slew him, routed his army and captured his city. He did not harm the inhabitants, except that he ordered them to demolish their houses and follow him to Rome, to become citizens on equal terms with the rest. This is the policy by which Rome grew so great, namely that of absorbing conquered nations into herself on terms of equality.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Romulus, in order to make the fulfilment of his vow as pleasing to Jupiter, and as fine a spectacle for the citizens as he could, cut down a tall oak-tree at his camp, and fashioned it into a trophy,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_9_9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_9_9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[9]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; upon which he hung or fastened all the arms of Acron, each in its proper place. Then he girded on his own clothes, placed a crown of laurel upon his long hair, and, placing the trophy upright on his right shoulder, marched along in his armour, singing a paean of victory, with all the army following him. At Rome the citizens received him with admiration and delight; and this procession was the origin of all the subsequent triumphs and the model which they imitated. The trophy itself was called an offering to Jupiter Feretrius; for the Romans call to strike, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ferire&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and Romulus prayed that he might strike down his enemy. The spoils were called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;spolia opima&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, according to Varro, because &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;opim&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; means excellence. A more plausible interpretation would be from the deed itself, for work is called in Latin &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;opus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. This dedication of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;spolia opima&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; is reserved as a privilege for a general who has slain the opposing general with his own hand. It has only been enjoyed by three Roman generals, first by Romulus, who slew Acron, king of the Ceninetes, second by Cornelius Cossus, who slew the Tyrrhenian Tolumnius, and, above all, by Claudius Marcellus, who killed Britomart, the king of the Gauls. Now Cossus and Marcellus drove into the city in chariots and four, carrying the trophies in their own hands; but Dionysius is in error when he says that Romulus used a chariot and four, for the historians tell us that Tarquinius, the son of Demaratus, was the first of the kings who introduced this pomp into his triumphs. Others say that Poplicola was the first to triumph in a chariot. However, the statues of Romulus bearing the trophy, which are to be seen in Rome, are all on foot.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After the capture of the Ceninete tribe, while the rest of the Sabines were still engaged in preparation for war, the inhabitants of Fidenae and Crustumerium and Antemna attacked the Romans. A battle took place in which they were all alike worsted, after which they permitted Romulus to take their cities, divide their lands, and incorporate them as citizens. Romulus divided all the lands among the citizens, except that which was held by the fathers of any of the maidens who had been carried off, which he allowed them to retain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The remainder of the Sabines, angry at these successes, chose Tatius as their general and marched against Rome. The city was hard to attack, as the Capitol stood as an advanced fort to defend it. Here was placed a garrison, and Tarpeius was its commander, not the maiden Tarpeia, as some write, who make out Romulus a fool; but it was this Tarpeia, the daughter of the captain of the garrison, who betrayed the capital to the Sabines, for the sake of the golden bracelets which she saw them wearing. She asked as the price of her treachery that they should give her what they wore on their left arms. After making an agreement with Tatius, she opened a gate at night and let in the Sabines. Now it appears that Antigonus was not singular when he said that he loved men when they were betraying, but hated them after they had betrayed; as also Caesar said, in the case of Rhymitalkes the Thracian, that he loved the treachery but hated the traitor; but this seems a common reflection about bad men by those who have need of them, just as we need the poison of certain venomous beasts; for they appreciate their value while they are making use of them, and loathe their wickedness when they have done with them. And that was how Tarpeia was treated by Tatius. He ordered the Sabines to remember their agreement, and not to grudge her what was on their left arms. He himself first of all took off his gold armlet, and with it flung his great oblong shield. As all the rest did the like, she perished, being pelted with the gold bracelets and crushed by the number and weight of the shields. Tarpeius also was convicted of treachery by Romulus, according to Juba&#039;s version of the history of Sulpicius Galba. The other legends about Tarpeia are improbable; amongst them that which is told by Antigonus, that she was the daughter of Tatius the Sabine leader, abducted by Romulus, and treated by her father as is related above. Simylus the poet talks utter nonsense when he says that it was not the Sabines but the Gauls to whom Tarpeia betrayed the Capitol, because she was in love with their king. His verses run as follows:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And near Tarpeia, by the Capitol&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;That dwelt, betrayer of the walls of Rome.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;She loved the chieftain of the Gauls too well,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To guard from treachery her father&#039;s home.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And a little afterwards he speaks of her death.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Her did the Boians and the Celtic tribes&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Bury, but not beside the stream of Po;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;From off their warlike arms their shields they flung,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And what the damsel longed for laid her low.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; However, as Tarpeia was buried there, the hill was called the Tarpeian hill until King Tarquinius, when he dedicated the place to Jupiter, removed her remains and abolished the name of Tarpeia. But even to this day they call the rock in the Capitol the Tarpeian Rock, down which malefactors used to be flung. When the Sabines held the citadel, Romulus in fury challenged them to come down and fight. Tatius accepted his challenge with confidence, as he saw that if overpowered his men would have a strong place of refuge to retreat to. All the intermediate space, in which they were about to engage, was surrounded by hills, and so seemed to make a desperate battle necessary, as there were but narrow outlets for flight or pursuit. It chanced, also, that the river had been in flood a few days before, and had left a deep muddy pool of water upon the level ground where the Forum now stands; so that men&#039;s footing was not certain, but difficult and treacherous. Here a piece of good fortune befell the Sabines as they heedlessly pressed forward. Curtius, one of their chiefs, a man with a reputation for dashing courage, rode on horseback far before the rest. His horse plunged into this morass, and he, after trying to extricate him, at last finding it impossible, left him there and saved himself. This place, in memory of him, is still called the Gulf of Curtius. Warned of their danger, the Sabines fought a stout and indecisive battle, in which many fell, amongst them Hostilius. He is said to have been the husband of Hersilia and the grandfather of Hostilius, who became king after the reign of Numa. Many combats took place in that narrow space, as we may suppose; and especial mention is made of one, which proved the last, in which Romulus was struck on the head by a stone and like to fall, and unable to fight longer. The Romans now gave way to the Sabines, and fled to the Palatine hill, abandoning the level ground. Romulus, now recovered from the blow, endeavoured to stay the fugitives, and with loud shouts called upon them to stand firm and fight. But as the stream of fugitives poured on, and no one had the courage to face round, he lifted his hands to heaven and prayed to Jupiter to stay the army and not to allow the tottering state of Rome to fall, but to help it. After his prayer many were held back from flight by reverence for the king, and the fugitives suddenly resumed their confidence. They made their first stand where now is the temple of Jupiter Stator, which one may translate &amp;quot;He who makes to stand firm;&amp;quot; and then forming their ranks once more they drove back the Sabines as far as what is now called the Palace, and the Temple of Vesta.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; While they were preparing to fight as though the battle was only now just begun, they were restrained by a strange spectacle, beyond the power of words to express. The daughters of the Sabines who had been carried off were seen rushing from all quarters, with loud shrieks and wailings, through the ranks and among the dead bodies, as though possessed by some god. Some of them carried infant children in their arms, and others wore their hair loose and dishevelled. All of them kept addressing the Romans and the Sabines alternately by the most endearing names. The hearts of both armies were melted, and they fell back so as to leave a space for the women between them. A murmur of sorrow ran through all the ranks, and a strong feeling of pity was excited by the sight of the women, and by their words, which began with arguments and upbraidings, but ended in entreaties and tears. &amp;quot;What wrong have we done to you,&amp;quot; said they, &amp;quot;that we should have suffered and should even now suffer such cruel treatment at your hands? We were violently and wrongfully torn away from our friends, and after we had been carried off we were neglected by our brothers, fathers, and relatives for so long a time, that now, bound by the closest of ties to our enemies, we tremble for our ravishers and wrongers when they fight, and weep when they fall. Ye would not come and tear us from our ravishers while we were yet maidens, but now ye would separate wives from their husbands, and mothers from their children, a worse piece of service to us than your former neglect. Even if it was not about us that you began to fight, you ought to cease now that you have become fathers-in-law, and grandfathers, and relatives one of another. But if the war is about us, then carry us off with your sons-in-law and our children, and give us our fathers and relatives, but do not take our husbands and children from us. We beseech you not to allow us to be carried off captive a second time.&amp;quot; Hersilia spoke at length in this fashion, and as the other women added their entreaties to hers, a truce was agreed upon, and the chiefs met in conference. Hereupon the women made their husbands and children known to their fathers and brothers, fetched food and drink for such as needed it, and took the wounded into their own houses to be attended to there. Thus they let their friends see that they were mistresses of their own houses, and that their husbands attended to their wishes and treated them with every respect.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the conference it was accordingly determined that such women as chose to do so should continue to live with their husbands, free, as we have already related, from all work and duties except that of spinning wool (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;talasia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;); that the Romans and the Sabines should dwell together in the city, and that the city should be called Rome, after Romulus, but the Romans be called Quirites after the native city of Tatius; and that they should both reign and command the army together. The place where this compact was made is even to this day called the Comitium, for the Romans call meeting &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;coire&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now that the city was doubled in numbers, a hundred more senators were elected from among the Sabines, and the legions were composed of six thousand infantry and six hundred cavalry. They also established three tribes, of which they named one Rhamnenses, from Romulus, another Titienses from Tatius, and the third Lucerenses, after the name of a grove to which many had fled for refuge, requiring asylum, and had been admitted as citizens. They call a grove &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;lucus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. The very name of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;tribe&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and tribune show that there were three tribes. Each tribe was divided into ten &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;centuries&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which some say were named after the women who were carried off; but this seems to be untrue, as many of them are named after places. However, many privileges were conferred upon the women, amongst which were that men should make way for them when they walked out, to say nothing disgraceful in their presence, or appear naked before them, on pain of being tried before the criminal court; and also that their children should wear the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;bulla&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which is so called from its shape, which is like a bubble, and was worn round the neck, and also the broad purple border of their robe (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;praetexta&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The kings did not conduct their deliberations together, but each first took counsel with his own hundred senators, and then they all met together. Tatius dwelt where now is the temple of Juno Moneta, and Romulus by the steps of the Fair Shore, as it is called, which are at the descent from the Palatine hill into the great Circus. Here they say the sacred cornel-tree grew, the legend being that Romulus, to try his strength, threw a spear, with cornel-wood shaft, from Mount Aventine, and when the spear-head sunk into the ground, though many tried, no one was able to pull it out. The soil, which was fertile, suited the wood, and it budded, and became the stem of a good-sized cornel-tree. After the death of Romulus this was preserved and reverenced as one of the holiest objects in the city. A wall was built round it, and whenever any one thought that it looked inclined to droop and wither he at once raised a shout to tell the bystanders, and they, just as if they were assisting to put out a fire, called for water, and came from all quarters carrying pots of water to the place. It is said that when Gaius Caesar repaired the steps, and the workmen were digging near it, they unintentionally damaged the roots, and the tree died.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The Sabines adopted the Roman system of months, and all that is remarkable about them will be found in the &#039;Life of Numa.&#039; But Romulus adopted the large oblong Sabine shield, and gave up the round Argolic shields which he and the Romans had formerly carried. The two nations shared each other&#039;s festivals, not abolishing any which either had been wont to celebrate, but introducing several new ones, among which are the Matronalia, instituted in honour of the women at the end of the war, and that of the Carmentalia. It is thought by some that Carmenta is the ruling destiny which presides over a man&#039;s birth, wherefore she is worshipped by mothers. Others say that she was the wife of Evander the Arcadian, a prophetess who used to chant oracles in verse, and hence surnamed Carmenta (for the Romans call verses &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;carmina&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;); whereas it is generally admitted that her right name was Nicostrate. Some explain the name of Carmenta more plausibly as meaning that during her prophetic frenzy she was bereft of intellect; for the Romans call to lack, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;carcre&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; and mind, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;mentem&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We have spoken before of the feast of the Palilia. That of the Lupercalia would seem, from the time of its celebration, to be a ceremony of purification; for it is held during the ominous days of February, a month whose name one might translate by Purification; and that particular day was originally called Febraté. The name of this feast in Greek signifies that of wolves, and it is thought, on this account, to be very ancient, and derived from the Arcadians who came to Italy with Evander. Still this is an open question, for the name may have arisen from the she-wolf, as we see that the Luperci start to run their course from the place where Romulus is said to have been exposed. The circumstances of the ritual are such as to make it hard to conjecture their meaning. They slaughter goats, and then two youths of good family are brought to them. Then some with a bloody knife mark the foreheads of the youths, and others at once wipe the blood away with wool dipped in milk. The youths are expected to laugh when it is wiped away. After this they cut the skins of the goats into strips and run about naked, except a girdle round the middle, striking with the thongs all whom they meet. Women in the prime of life do not avoid being struck, as they believe that it assists them in childbirth and promotes fertility. It is also a peculiarity of this festival that the Luperci sacrifice a dog. One Bontes, who wrote an elegiac poem on the origin of the Roman myths, says that when Romulus and his party had killed Amulius, they ran back in their joy to the place where the she-wolf suckled them when little, and that the feast is typical of this, and that the young nobles run,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;As, smiting all they met, that day&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;From Alba Romulus and Remus ran.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The bloody sword is placed upon their foreheads in token of the danger and slaughter of that day, and the wiping with the milk is in remembrance of their nurse. Caius Acilius tells us that, before the foundation of Rome, the cattle of Romulus and Remus were missing, and they, after invoking Faunus, ran out to search for them, naked, that they might not be inconvenienced by sweat; and that this is the reason that the Luperci ran about naked. As for the dog, one would say that if the sacrifice is purificatory, it is sacrificed on behalf of those who use it. The Greeks, in their purificatory rites, sacrifice dogs, and often make use of what is called Periskylakismos. But if this feast be in honour of the she-wolf, in gratitude for her suckling and preserving of Romulus, then it is very natural to sacrifice a dog, for it is an enemy of wolves; unless, indeed, the beast is put to death to punish it for hindering the Luperci when they ran their course.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; It is said also that Romulus instituted the service of the sacred fire of Vestae, and the holy virgins who keep it up, called Vestals. Others attribute this to Numa, though they say that Romulus was a very religious prince, and learned in divination, for which purpose he used to carry the crooked staff called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;lituus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, with which to divide the heavens into spaces for the observation of the flight of birds. This, which is preserved in the Palatium, was lost when the city was taken by the Gauls; but afterwards, when the barbarians had been repulsed, it was found unharmed in a deep bed of ashes, where everything else had been burned or spoiled. He also enacted some laws, the most arbitrary of which is that a wife cannot obtain a divorce from her husband, but that a husband may put away his wife for poisoning her children, counterfeiting keys, or adultery. If any one put away his wife on other grounds than these, he enacted that half his property should go to his wife, and half to the temple of Ceres. A man who divorced his wife was to make an offering to the Chthonian gods.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_10_10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_10_10&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[10]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A peculiarity of his legislation is that, while he laid down no course of procedure in case of parricide, he speaks of all murder by the name of parricide, as though the one were an abominable, but the other an impossible crime. And for many years it appeared that he had rightly judged, for no one attempted anything of the kind at Rome for nearly six hundred years; but it is said that the first parricide was that of Lucius Hostilius, which he committed after the war with Hannibal. Enough has now been said upon these subjects.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In the fifth year of the reign of Tatius, some of his relatives fell in with ambassadors from Laurentum, on their way to Rome, and endeavoured to rob them. As the ambassadors would not submit to this, but defended themselves, they slew them. Romulus at once gave it as his opinion that the authors of this great and audacious crime ought to be punished, but Tatius hushed the matter up, and enabled them to escape. This is said to have been the only occasion upon which they were openly at variance, for in all other matters they acted with the greatest possible unanimity. The relatives, however, of the murdered men, as they were hindered by Tatius from receiving any satisfaction, fell upon him when he and Romulus were offering sacrifice at Lavinium, and slew him, but respected Romulus, and praised him as a just man. He brought home the body of Tatius, and buried it honourably. It lies near what is called the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Armilustrium&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, on Mount Aventine.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But Romulus neglected altogether to exact any satisfaction for the murder. Some writers say that the city of Lavinium, in its terror, delivered up the murderers of Tatius, but that Romulus allowed them to depart, saying that blood had been atoned for by blood. This speech of his gave rise to some suspicion that he was not displeased at being rid of his colleague. However, it caused no disturbance in the state, and did not move the Sabines to revolt, but partly out of regard for Romulus, and fear of his power, and belief in his divine mission, they continued to live under his rule with cheerfulness and respect. Many foreign tribes also respected Romulus, and the more ancient Latin races sent him ambassadors, and made treaties of friendship and alliance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He took Fidenae, a city close to Rome, according to some authorities, by sending his cavalry thither on a sudden, and ordering them to cut the pivots of the city gates, and then unexpectedly appearing in person. Others say that the people of Fidenae first invaded the Roman territory, drove off plunder from it, and insulted the neighbourhood of the city itself, and that Romulus laid an ambush for them, slew many, and took their city. He did not destroy it, but made it a Roman colony, and sent two thousand five hundred Romans thither as colonists on the Ides of April.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this a pestilence fell upon Rome, which slew men suddenly without previous sickness, and afflicted the crops and cattle with barrenness. A shower of blood also fell in the city, so that religious terror was added to the people&#039;s sufferings. As a similar visitation befell the citizens of Laurentum, it became evident that the wrath of the gods was visiting these cities because of the unavenged murders of Tatius and of the ambassadors. The guilty parties were delivered up on both sides, and duly punished, after which the plague was sensibly mitigated. Romulus also purified the city with lustrations, which, they say, are even now practised at the Ferentine gate. But before the plague ceased, the people of Camerium attacked the Romans, supposing that they would be unable to defend themselves on account of their misfortune, and overran their country. Nevertheless, Romulus instantly marched against them, slew six hundred of them in battle, and took their city. Half the survivors he transplanted to Rome, and settled twice as many Romans as the remainder at Camerium, on the Kalends of Sextilis. So many citizens had he to spare after he had only inhabited Rome for about sixteen years. Among the other spoils, he carried off a brazen four-horse chariot from Camerium; this he dedicated in the temple of Vulcan, having placed in it a figure of himself being crowned by Victory.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As the city was now so flourishing, the weaker of the neighbouring states made submission, and were glad to receive assurance that they would be unharmed; but the more powerful, fearing and envying Romulus, considered that they ought not to remain quiet, but ought to check the growth of Rome. First the Etruscans of Veii, a people possessed of wide lands and a large city, began the war by demanding the surrender to them of Fidenae, which they claimed as belonging to them. This demand was not only unjust, but absurd, seeing that they had not assisted the people of Fidenae when they were fighting and in danger, but permitted them to be destroyed, and then demanded their houses and lands, when they were in the possession of others. Receiving a haughty answer from Romulus, they divided themselves into two bodies, with one of which they attacked Fidenae, and with the other went to meet Romulus. At Fidenae they conquered the Romans, and slew two thousand; but they were defeated by Romulus, with a loss of eight thousand men. A second battle now took place at Fidenae, in which all agree that Romulus took the most important part, showing the greatest skill and courage, and a strength and swiftness more than mortal. But some accounts are altogether fabulous, such as that fourteen hundred were slain, more than half of whom Romulus slew with his own hand. The Messenians appear to use equally inflated language about Aristomenes, when they tell us that he thrice offered sacrifice for having slain a hundred Lacedaemonians. After the victory, Romulus did not pursue the beaten army, but marched straight to the city of Veii. The citizens, after so great a disaster, made no resistance, but at their own request were granted a treaty and alliance for a hundred years, giving up a large portion of their territory, called the Septem Pagi, or seven districts, and their saltworks by the river, and handing over fifty of their leading men as hostages.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For his success at Veii, Romulus enjoyed another triumph, on the Ides of October, when he led in his train many captives, amongst whom was the Veientine general, an old man, who was thought to have mismanaged matters foolishly and like a boy. On this account to this day, when a sacrifice is made for victory, they lead an old man through the Forum and up to the Capitol, dressed in a boy&#039;s robe with wide purple border, and with a child&#039;s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;bulla&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; hung round his neck; and the herald calls out &amp;quot;Sardinians for sale.&amp;quot; For the Tyrrhenians or Tuscans are said to be of Sardinian origin, and Veii is a Tyrrhenian city.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; This was Romulus&#039;s last war. After it, he, like nearly all those who have risen to power and fame by a great and unexpected series of successes, became filled with self-confidence and arrogance, and, in place of his former popular manners, assumed the offensive style of a despot. He wore a purple tunic, and a toga with a purple border, and did business reclining instead of sitting on a throne; and was always attended by the band of youths called Celeres, from their quickness in service. Others walked before him with staves to keep off the crowd, and were girt with thongs, with which to bind any one whom he might order into custody. The Latins used formerly to call to bind &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ligare&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and now call it &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;alligare&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; wherefore the staff-bearers are called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;lictors&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and their staves are called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;bacula&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_11_11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_11_11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[11]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; from the rods which they then carried. It is probable that these officers now called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;lictors&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by the insertion of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;c&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, were originally called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;litors&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, that is, in Greek, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;leitourgoi&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (public officials). For to this day the Greeks call a town-hall &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;leitus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and the people &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;laos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Romulus&#039; grandfather Numitor died in Alba, although he was evidently his heir, yet through a desire for popularity he left his claim unsettled, and contented himself with appointing a chief magistrate for the people of Alba every year; thus teaching the Roman nobles to desire a freer constitution, which should not be so much encroached upon by the king. For at Rome now even the so-called Fathers took no part in public affairs, but had merely their name and dignity, and were called into the Senate House more for form&#039;s sake than to express their opinions. When there, they listened in silence to Romulus&#039;s orders, and the only advantage which they possessed over the commons was that they knew the king&#039;s mind sooner than they. Worst of all was, that he of his own authority divided the land which was obtained in war amongst the soldiers, and restored the hostages to the Veientines, against the will of the Senate and without consulting it, by which he seemed purposely to insult it. On this account the Senate was suspected, when shortly after this he miraculously disappeared. His disappearance took place on the Nones of the month now called July, but then Quintilis, leaving nothing certain or agreed on about his end except the date. Even now things happen in the same fashion as then; and we need not wonder at the uncertainty about the death of Romulus, when that of Scipio Africanus, in his own house after supper, proved so inexplicable, some saying that it arose from an evil habit of body, some that he had poisoned himself, some that his enemies had suffocated him during the night. And yet the corpse of Scipio lay openly exposed for all to see, and gave all who saw it some ground for their conjectures; whereas Romulus suddenly disappeared, and no morsel of his body or shred of his garments were ever seen again. Some supposed that the Senators fell upon him in the Temple of Vulcan, and, after killing him cut his body in pieces and each of them carried off one in the folds of his robe. Others think that his disappearance took place neither in the Temple of Vulcan, nor yet in the presence of the Senators alone, but say that Romulus was holding an assembly without the city, near a place called the Goat&#039;s Marsh, when suddenly strange and wonderful things took place in the heavens, and marvellous changes; for the sun&#039;s light was extinguished, and night fell, not calm and quiet, but with terrible thunderings, gusts of wind, and driving spray from all quarters. Hereupon the people took to flight in confusion, but the nobles collected together by themselves. When the storm was over, and the light returned, the people returned to the place again, and searched in vain for Romulus, but were told by the nobles not to trouble themselves to look for him, but to pray to Romulus and reverence him, for he had been caught up into heaven, and now would be a propitious god for them instead of a good king.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The people believed this story, and went their way rejoicing, and praying to him with good hope; but there were some who discussed the whole question in a harsh and unfriendly spirit, and blamed the nobles for encouraging the people to such acts of folly when they themselves were the murderers of the king.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now Julius Proculus, one of the noblest patricians, and of good reputation, being one of the original colonists from Alba, and a friend and companion of Romulus, came into the Forum, and there upon his oath, and touching the most sacred things, stated before all men that as he was walking along the road Romulus appeared, meeting him, more beautiful and taller than he had ever appeared before, with bright and glittering arms. Astonished at the vision he had spoken thus: &amp;quot;O king, for what reason or with what object have you left us exposed to an unjust and hateful suspicion, and left the whole city desolate and plunged in the deepest grief?&amp;quot; He answered, &amp;quot;It pleased the gods, Proculus, that I should spend thus much time among mankind, and after founding a city of the greatest power and glory should return to heaven whence I came. Fare thee well; and tell the Romans that by courage and self-control they will attain to the highest pitch of human power. I will ever be for you the kindly deity Quirinus.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This tale was believed by the Romans from the manner of Proculus in relating it and from his oath: indeed a religious feeling almost amounting to ecstasy seems to have taken hold of all present; for no one contradicted him, but all dismissed their suspicions entirely from their minds and prayed to Quirinus, worshipping him as a god.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This account resembles the Greek legends of Aristeas of Proconnesus, and that of Kleomedes of Astypalaea. The story goes that Aristeas died in a fuller&#039;s shop, and that when his friends came to fetch his body it had disappeared; then some persons who had just returned from travel said that they had met Aristeas walking along the road to Kroton. Kleomedes, we are told, was a man of unusual size and strength, but stupid and half-crazy, who did many deeds of violence, and at last in a boy&#039;s school struck and broke in two the column that supported the roof, and brought it down. As the boys were killed, Kleomedes, pursued by the people, got into a wooden chest, and shut down the lid, holding in inside so that many men together were not able to force it open. They broke open the chest, and found no man in it, dead or alive. Astonished at this, they sent an embassy to the oracle at Delphi, to whom the Pythia answered,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Last of the heroes is Kleomedes of Astypalaea.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And it also related that the corpse of Alkmena when it was being carried out for burial, disappeared, and a stone was found lying on the bier in its place. And many such stories are told, in which, contrary to reason, the earthly parts of our bodies are described as being deified together with the spiritual parts. It is wicked and base to deny that virtue is a spiritual quality, but again it is foolish to mix earthly with heavenly things.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We must admit, speaking with due caution, that, as Pindar has it, the bodies of all men follow overpowering Death, but there remains a living spirit, the image of eternity, for it alone comes from heaven. Thence it comes, and thither it returns again, not accompanied by the body, but only when it is most thoroughly separated and cleansed from it, and become pure and incorporeal. This is the pure spirit which Herakleitus calls the best, which darts through the body like lightning through a cloud, whereas that which is clogged by the body is like a dull, cloudy exhalation, hard to loose and free from the bonds of the body. There is no reason, therefore, for supposing that the bodies of good men rise up into heaven, which is contrary to nature; but we must believe that men&#039;s virtues and their spirits most certainly, naturally and rightly proceed from mankind to the heroes, and from them to the genii, and from thence, if they be raised above and purified from all mortal and earthly taint, even as is done in the holy mysteries, then, not by any empty vote of the senate, but in very truth and likelihood they are received among the gods, and meet with the most blessed and glorious end.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Some say that the name Quirinus, which Romulus received, means Mars; others that it was because his people were called Quirites. Others, again, say that the spear-head or spear was called by the ancients &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Quiris&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and that the statue of Juno leaning on a spear is called Juno Quirites, and that the dart which is placed in the Regia is addressed as Mars, and that it is customary to present with a spear those who have distinguished themselves in war, and therefore that it was as a warrior, or god of war, that Romulus was called Quirinus. A temple dedicated to him is built on the Quirinal Hill which bears his name, and the day of his translation is called the People&#039;s Flight, and the Nonae Caprotinae, because they go out of the city to the Goat&#039;s Marsh on that day to sacrifice, for in Latin a goat is called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Capra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. And as they go to the sacrifice they call out many of the names of the country, as Marcus, Lucius, Caius, with loud shouts, in imitation of their panic on that occasion, and their calling to each other in fear and confusion. But some say that this is not an imitation of terror, but of eagerness, and that this is the reason of it: after the Gauls had captured Rome and been driven out by Camillus, and the city through weakness did not easily recover itself, an army of Latins, under one Livius Postumius, marched upon it. He halted his army not far from Rome, and sent a herald to say that the Latins were willing to renew their old domestic ties, which had fallen into disuse, and to unite the races by new intermarriage. If, therefore, the Romans would send out to them all their maidens and unmarried women, they would live with them on terms of peace and friendship, as the Romans had long before done with the Sabines. The Romans, when they heard this, were afraid of going to war, yet thought that the surrender of their women was no better than captivity. While they were in perplexity, a female slave named Philotis, or according to some Tutola, advised them to do neither, but by a stratagem to avoid both war and surrender of the women. This stratagem was that they should dress Philotis and the best looking of the other female slaves like free women, and send them to the enemy; then at night Philotis said she would raise a torch, and the Romans should come under arms and fall upon the sleeping enemy. This was done, and terms were made with the Latins. Philotis raised the torch upon a certain fig-tree with leaves which spread all round and behind, in such a manner that the light could not be seen by the enemy, but was clearly seen by the Romans. When they saw it, they immediately rushed out, calling frequently for each other at the various gates in their eagerness. As they fell unexpectedly upon the enemy, they routed them, and keep the day as a feast. Therefore the Nones are called Caprotinae because of the fig-tree, which the Romans call &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;caprificus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and the women are feasted out of doors, under the shade of fig-tree boughs. And the female slaves assemble and play, and afterwards beat and throw stones at each other, as they did then, when they helped the Romans to fight. These accounts are admitted by but few historians, and indeed the calling out one another&#039;s names in the daytime, and walking down to the Goats&#039; Marsh seems more applicable to the former story, unless, indeed, both of these events happened on the same day.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Romulus is said to have been fifty-four years old, and to be in the thirty-eighth year of his reign when he disappeared from the world.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;COMPARISON_THESEUS_ROMULUS&amp;quot;&amp;gt;COMPARISON OF THESEUS AND ROMULUS.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The above are all the noteworthy particulars which we have been able to collect about Theseus and Romulus. It seems, in the first place, that Theseus of his own free will, and without any compulsion, when he might have reigned peacefully in Troezen, where he was heir to the kingdom, no mean one, longed to accomplish heroic deeds: whereas Romulus was an exile, and in the position of a slave; the fear of death was hanging over him if unsuccessful, and so, as Plato says, he was made brave by sheer terror, and through fear of suffering death and torture was forced into doing great exploits. Moreover, Romulus&#039;s greatest achievement was the slaying of one man, the despot of Alba, whereas Skeiron, Sinis, Prokrustes, and Korynetes were merely the accompaniments and prelude to the greater actions of Theseus, and by slaying them he freed Greece from terrible scourges, before those whom he saved even knew who he was. He also might have sailed peacefully over the sea to Athens, and had no trouble with those brigands, whereas Romulus could not be free from trouble while Amulius lived. And it is a great argument in favour of Theseus that he attacked those wicked men for the sake of others, having himself suffered no wrong at their hands; whereas the twins were unconcerned at Amulius&#039;s tyranny so long as it did not affect themselves. And although it may have been a great exploit to receive a wound in fighting the Sabines, and to slay Acron, and to kill many enemies in battle, yet we may compare with these, on Theseus&#039;s behalf, his battle with the Centaurs and his campaign against the Amazons. As for the courage which Theseus showed in the matter of the Cretan tribute, when he voluntarily sailed to Crete with the youths and maidens, whether the penalty was to be given to the Minotaur to eat, or be sacrificed at the tomb of Androgeus, or even to be cast into dishonoured slavery under an insolent enemy, which is the least miserable fate mentioned by any writer, what a strength of mind, what public spirit and love of fame it shows! In this instance it seems to me that philosophers have truly defined love as a &amp;quot;service designed by the gods for the care and preservation of the young.&amp;quot; For the love of Ariadne seems to have been specially intended by Heaven to save Theseus; nor need we blame her for her passion, but rather wonder that all men and women did not share it. If she alone felt it, then I say she deserved the love of a god, because of her zeal for all that is best and noblest.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Both were born statesmen, yet neither behaved himself as a king should do, but, from similar motives, the one erred on the side of democracy, the other on that of despotism. The first duty of a king is to preserve his crown; and this can be effected as well by refraining from improperly extending his rights as by too great eagerness to keep them. For he who either gives up or overstrains his prerogative ceases to be a king or constitutional ruler, but becomes either a despot or demagogue; and in the one case is feared, in the other despised by his subjects. Still the one is the result of kindliness of disposition, and the other that of selfishness and ferocity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; If we are not to attribute their misfortunes to chance, but to peculiarities of disposition, then we cannot acquit Romulus of blame in his treatment of his brother, nor Theseus in that of his son; but the greatest excuse must be made for the one who acted under the greatest provocation. One would not have thought that Romulus would have flown into such a passion during a grave deliberation on matters of state; while Theseus was misled, in his treatment of his son, by love and jealousy and a woman&#039;s slander, influences which few men are able to withstand. And what is more, Romulus&#039;s fury resulted in actual deeds of unfortunate result; whereas the anger of Theseus spent itself in words and an old man&#039;s curses, and the youth seems to have owed the rest of his suffering to chance; so here, at any rate, one would give one&#039;s vote for Theseus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Romulus, however, has the credit of having started with the most slender resources, and yet of having succeeded. The twins were called slaves and the sons of a swineherd before they achieved their liberty; yet they freed nearly all the Latin race, and at one and the same time gained those titles which are the most glorious among men, of slayers of their enemies, preservers of their own house, kings of their own nation, and founders of a new city, not by transferring the population of old ones, as Theseus did, when he brought together many towns into one, and destroyed many cities that bore the names of kings and heroes of old. Romulus did this afterwards, when he compelled his conquered enemies to cast down and obliterate their own dwellings, and become fellow-citizens with their conquerors; yet at first he did not change the site of his city nor increase it, but starting with nothing to help him, he obtained for himself territory, patrimony, sovereignty, family, marriage, and relatives, and he killed no one, but conferred great benefits on those who, instead of homeless vagrants, wished to become a people and inhabitants of a city. He slew no brigands or robbers, but he conquered kingdoms, took cities, and triumphed over kings and princes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As for the misfortune of Remus, it seems doubtful whether Romulus slew him with his own hand, as most writers attribute the act to others. He certainly rescued his mother from death, and gloriously replaced his grandfather, whom he found in an ignoble and servile position, on the throne of Aeneas. He did him many kindnesses, and never harmed him even against his will. But I can scarcely imagine that Theseus&#039;s forgetfulness and carelessness in hoisting the black sail can, by any excuses or before the mildest judges, come much short of parricide: indeed, an Athenian, seeing how hard it is even for his admirers to exculpate him, has made up a story that Aegeus, when the ship was approaching, hurriedly ran up to the acropolis to view it, and fell down, as though he were unattended, or would hurry along the road to the shore without servants.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The crimes of Theseus in carrying off women are without any decent excuse; first, because he did it so often, for he carried off Ariadne and Antiope and Anaxo of Troezen, and above all when he was an old man he carried off Helen, when she was not yet grown up, and a mere child, though he was past the age for even legitimate marriage. Besides, there was no reason for it, for these Troezenian, Laconian, and Amazonian maidens, besides their not being betrothed to him, were no worthier mothers for his children than the Athenian daughters of Erechtheus and Kekrops would have been, so we must suspect that these acts were done out of mere riotous wantonness.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Now Romulus, though he carried off nearly eight hundred women, yet kept only one, Hersilia, for himself, and distributed the others among the unmarried citizens; and afterwards, by the respect, love, and justice with which he treated them, proved that his wrongful violence was the most admirable and politic contrivance for effecting the union of the two nations. By means of it he welded them into one, and made it the starting-point of harmony at home and strength abroad. The dignity, love, and permanence with which he invested the institution of marriage is proved by the fact that during two hundred and thirty years no man separated from his wife or woman from her husband; but, just as in Greece, very exact persons can mention the first instance of parricide or matricide, so all the Romans know that Spurius Carvilius was the first who put away his wife, upon a charge of barrenness. Events also testify to the superior wisdom of Romulus, for, in consequence of that intermarriage, the two kings and the two races shared the empire, whereas, from the marriage of Theseus, the Athenians obtained no alliance or intercourse with any nation, but only hatreds and wars and deaths of citizens and at last the destruction of Aphidnae, and they themselves escaped from the fate which Paris brought upon Troy, only by the mercy of their enemies and their own entreaties and supplications. The mother of Theseus, not nearly but quite, suffered the fate of Hekuba, who was abandoned and given up by her son, unless the story of her captivity is false, as I hope it is, together with much of the rest.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Also the religious part of their histories makes a great distinction between them. For Romulus&#039;s success was due to the great favour of Heaven, whereas the oracle given to Aegeus, to refrain from all women in foreign parts, seems to argue that the birth of Theseus took place contrary to the will of the gods.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;LIFE_OF_LYKURGUS&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LIFE OF LYKURGUS.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; With regard to Lykurgus the lawgiver there is nothing whatever that is undisputed; as his birth, his travels, his death, and, besides all this, his legislation, have all been related in various ways; and also the dates of his birth do not in any way accord. Some say that he was contemporary with Iphitus, and with him settled the conditions of the Olympic truce; and among these is Aristotle the philosopher, who adduces as a proof of it the quoit which is at Olympia, on which the name of Lykurgus is still preserved. Others, among them Eratosthenes and Apollodorus, by computing the reigns of the kings of Sparta,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_12_12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_12_12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[12]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; prove that he must have lived many years before the first Olympiad. Timaeus conjectures that there were two men of the name of Lykurgus in Sparta at different times, and that the deeds of both are attributed to one of them, on account of his celebrity. The elder, he thinks, must have lived not far off the time of Homer; indeed some say that he came into the presence of Homer. Xenophon gives an idea of his antiquity when he speaks of him as living in the time of the Herakleidae. By descent of course the last kings of Sparta are Herakleidae, but he appears to mean by Herakleidae the earliest of all, who were next to Herakles himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;However, in spite of these discrepancies, we will endeavour, by following the least inconsistent accounts and the best known authorities, to write the history of his life. Simonides the poet tells us that the father of Lykurgus was not Eunomus, but Prytanis. But most writers do not deduce his genealogy thus, but say that Soüs was the son of Prokles, and grandson of Aristodemus, and that Soüs begat Euripus; Euripus, Prytanis, and Prytanis, Eunomus. Eunomus had two sons, Polydektes by his first wife, and Lykurgus by his second wife Dionassa, which makes him, according to Dieutychides, sixth in descent from Prokles, and eleventh from Herakles.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The most remarkable of his ancestors was Soüs, in whose reign the Spartans enslaved the Helots, and annexed a large portion of Arcadia. It is said that Soüs once was besieged by the Kleitorians, in a fort where there was no water, and was compelled to conclude a treaty to restore the territory in dispute, if he and his men were permitted to drink at the nearest spring. After this had been agreed upon, he called his men together, and offered his kingdom to any one who could refrain from drinking. But as no one could do this, but all drank, last of all he himself came down to the spring, and in the presence of the enemy merely sprinkled his face with the water, and marched off, refusing to restore the disputed territory, on the ground that all did not drink. But though he gained great fame by this, yet it was not he but his son Eurypon who gave the name of Eurypontidae to the family, because Eurypon was the first to relax the despotic traditions of his family and render his government more popular with the people. But as a consequence of this the people were encouraged to demand more freedom, and great confusion and lawlessness prevailed in Sparta for a long time, because some of the kings opposed the people and so became odious, while others were found to yield to them, either to preserve their popularity, or from sheer weakness of character. It was during this period of disorder that the father of Lykurgus lost his life. He was endeavouring to part two men who were quarrelling, and was killed by a blow from a cook&#039;s chopper, leaving the kingdom to his elder son Polydektes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; He also died after a short time, and, as all thought, Lykurgus ought to have been the next king. And he did indeed reign until his brother&#039;s wife was found to be pregnant; but as soon as he heard this, he surrendered the crown to the child, if it should be a boy, and merely administered the kingdom as guardian for the child. The Lacedaemonian name for the guardian of a royal orphan is &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;prodikus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Now the queen made a secret proposal to him, that she should destroy her infant and that they should live together as king and queen. Though disgusted at her wickedness, he did not reject the proposal, but pretended to approve of it. He said that she must not risk her life and injure her health by procuring abortion, but that he would undertake to do away with the child. Thus he deluded her until her confinement, at which time he sent officials and guards into her chamber with orders to hand the child over to the women if it was a girl, and to bring it to him, whatever he might be doing, if it was a boy. He happened to be dining with the archons when a male child was born, and the servants brought it to him. He is said to have taken the child and said to those present, &amp;quot;A king is born to you, O Spartans,&amp;quot; and to have laid him down in the royal seat and named him Charilaus, because all men were full of joy admiring his spirit and justice. He was king for eight months in all; and was much looked up to by the citizens, who rendered a willing obedience to him, rather because of his eminent virtues than because he was regent with royal powers. There was, nevertheless, a faction which grudged him his elevation, and tried to oppose him, as he was a young man.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They consisted chiefly of the relatives and friends of the queen-mother, who considered that she had been insultingly treated, and her brother Leonidas once went so far in his abusive language as to hint to Lykurgus that he knew that he meant to be king, throwing the suspicion upon Lykurgus, if anything should happen to the child, that he would be supposed to have managed it. This sort of language was used by the queen-mother also, and he, grieved and alarmed, decided to avoid all suspicion by leaving the country and travelling until his nephew should be grown up and have an heir born to succeed him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; With this intention he set sail, and first came to Crete, where he studied the constitution and mixed with the leading statesmen. Some part of their laws he approved and made himself master of, with the intention of adopting them on his return home, while with others he was dissatisfied. One of the men who had a reputation there for learning and state-craft he made his friend, and induced him to go to Sparta. This was Thales, who was thought to be merely a lyric poet, and who used this art to conceal his graver acquirements, being in reality deeply versed in legislation. His poems were exhortations to unity and concord in verse, breathing a spirit of calm and order, which insensibly civilised their hearers and by urging them to the pursuit of honourable objects led them to lay aside the feelings of party strife so prevalent in Sparta; so that he may be said in some degree to have educated the people and prepared them to receive the reforms of Lykurgus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;From Crete Lykurgus sailed to Asia Minor, wishing, it is said, to contrast the thrifty and austere mode of life of the Cretans with the extravagance and luxury of the Ionians, as a physician compares healthy and diseased bodies, and to note the points of difference in the two states. There, it seems, he first met with the poems of Homer, which were preserved by the descendants of Kreophylus, and observing that they were no less useful for politics and education than for relaxation and pleasure, he eagerly copied and compiled them, with the intention of bringing them home with him. There was already some dim idea of the existence of these poems among the Greeks, but few possessed any portions of them, as they were scattered in fragments, but Lykurgus first made them known. The Egyptians suppose that Lykurgus visited them also, and that he especially admired their institution of a separate caste of warriors. This he transferred to Sparta, and, by excluding working men and the lower classes from the government, made the city a city indeed, pure from all admixture. Some Greek writers corroborate the Egyptians in this, but as to Lykurgus having visited Libya and Iberia, or his journey to India and meeting with the Gymnosophists, or naked philosophers, there, no one that we know of tells this except the Spartan Aristokrates, the son of Hipparchus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; During Lykurgus&#039;s absence the Lacedaemonians regretted him and sent many embassies to ask him to return, telling him that their kings had indeed the royal name and state, but nothing else to distinguish them from the common people, and that he alone had the spirit of a ruler and the power to influence men&#039;s minds. Even the kings desired his presence, as they hoped that he would assist in establishing their authority and would render the masses less insolent. Returning to a people in this condition, he at once began alterations and reforms on a sweeping scale, considering that it was useless and unprofitable to do such work by halves, but that, as in the case of a diseased body, the original cause of the disorder must be burned out or purged away, and the patient begin an entirely new life. After reflecting on this, he made a journey to Delphi. Here he sacrificed to the god, and, on consulting the oracle, received that celebrated answer in which the Pythia speaks of him as beloved by the gods, and a god rather than a man, and when he asked for a good system of laws, answered that the god gives him what will prove by far the best of all constitutions. Elated by this he collected the leading men and begged them to help him, first by talking privately to his own friends, and thus little by little obtaining a hold over more men and banding them together for the work. When the time was ripe for the attempt, he bade thirty of the nobles go into the market-place early in the morning completely armed, in order to overawe the opposition. The names of twenty of the most distinguished of these men have been preserved by Hermippus, but the man who took the greatest part in all Lykurgus&#039;s works, and who helped him in establishing his laws, was Arthmiades. At first King Charilaus was terrified at the confusion, imagining that a revolt had broken out against himself, and fled for refuge to the temple of Minerva of the Brazen House; but, afterward reassured and having received solemn pledges for his safety, returned and took part in their proceedings. He was of a gentle nature, as is proved by the words of his colleague, King Archelaus, who, when some were praising the youth, said, &amp;quot;How can Charilaus be a good man, if he is not harsh even to wicked men?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of Lykurgus&#039;s many reforms, the first and most important was the establishment of the Council of Elders, which Plato says by its admixture cooled the high fever of royalty, and, having an equal vote with the kings on vital points, gave caution and sobriety to their deliberations. For the state, which had hitherto been wildly oscillating between despotism on the one hand and democracy on the other, now, by the establishment of the Council of the Elders, found a firm footing between these extremes, and was able to preserve a most equable balance, as the eight-and-twenty elders would lend the kings their support in the suppression of democracy, but would use the people to suppress any tendency to despotism. Twenty-eight is the number of Elders mentioned by Aristotle, because of the thirty leading men who took the part of Lykurgus two deserted their post through fear. But Sphairus says that those who shared his opinions were twenty-eight originally. A reason may be found in twenty-eight being a mystic number, formed by seven multiplied by four, and being the first perfect number after six, for like that, it is equal to all its parts.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_13_13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_13_13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[13]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; But I think that he probably made this number of elders, in order that with the two kings the council might consist of thirty members in all.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Lykurgus was so much interested in this council as to obtain from Delphi an oracle about it, called the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;rhetra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which runs as follows: &amp;quot;After you have built a temple to Zeus of Greece and Athene of Greece, and have divided the people into &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;tribes&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;obes&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, you shall found a council of thirty, including the chiefs, and shall from season to season &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;apellazein&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; the people between Babyka and Knakion, and there propound measures and divide upon them, and the people shall have the casting vote and final decision.&amp;quot; In these words tribes and obes are divisions into which the people were to be divided; the chiefs mean the kings; &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;apellazein&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; means to call an assembly, in allusion to Apollo, to whom the whole scheme of the constitution is referred. Babyka and Knakion they now call Oinous; but Aristotle says that Knakion is a river and Babyka a bridge. Between these they held their assemblies, without any roof or building of any kind; for Lykurgus did not consider that deliberations were assisted by architecture, but rather hindered, as men&#039;s heads were thereby filled with vain unprofitable fancies, when they assemble for debate in places where they can see statues and paintings, or the proscenium of a theatre, or the richly ornamented roof of a council chamber. When the people were assembled, he permitted no one to express an opinion; but the people was empowered to decide upon motions brought forward by the kings and elders. But in later times, as the people made additions and omissions, and so altered the sense of the motions before them, the kings, Polydorus and Theopompus, added these words to the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;rhetra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;quot;and if the people shall decide crookedly, the chiefs and elders shall set it right.&amp;quot; That is, they made the people no longer supreme, but practically excluded them from any voice in public affairs, on the ground that they judged wrongly. However these kings persuaded the city that this also was ordained by the god. This is mentioned by Tyrtaeus in the following verses:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;They heard the god, and brought from Delphi home,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Apollo&#039;s oracle, which thus did say:&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;That over all within fair Sparta&#039;s realm&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The royal chiefs in council should bear sway,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;The elders next to them, the people last;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;If they the holy &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;rhetra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; would obey.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Though Lykurgus had thus mixed the several powers of the state, yet his successors, seeing that the powers of the oligarchy were unimpaired, and that it was, as Plato calls it, full of life and vigour, placed as a curb to it the power of the Ephors. The first Ephors, of whom Elatus was one, were elected about a hundred and thirty years after Lykurgus, in the reign of Theopompus. This king is said to have been blamed by his wife because he would transmit to his children a less valuable crown than he had received, to which he answered: &amp;quot;Nay, more valuable, because more lasting.&amp;quot; In truth, by losing the odium of absolute power, the King of Sparta escaped all danger of being dethroned, as those of Argos and Messene were by their subjects, because they would abate nothing of their despotic power. The wisdom of Lykurgus became clearly manifest to those who witnessed the revolutions and miseries of the Argives and Messenians, who were neighbouring states and of the same race as the Spartans, who, originally starting on equal terms with them, and indeed seeming in the allotment of their territories to have some advantage, yet did not long live happily, but the insolent pride of the kings and the unruly temper of the people together resulted in a revolution, which clearly proved that the checked and balanced constitution established among the Spartans was a divine blessing for them. But of this more hereafter.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The second and the boldest of Lykurgus&#039;s reforms was the redistribution of the land. Great inequalities existed, many poor and needy people had become a burden to the state, while wealth had got into a very few hands. Lykurgus abolished all the mass of pride, envy, crime, and luxury which flowed from those old and more terrible evils of riches and poverty, by inducing all land-owners to offer their estates for redistribution, and prevailing upon them to live on equal terms one with another, and with equal incomes, striving only to surpass each other in courage and virtue, there being henceforth no social inequalities among them except such as praise or blame can create.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Putting his proposals immediately into practice, he divided the outlying lands of the state among the Perioeki, in thirty thousand lots, and that immediately adjoining the metropolis among the native Spartans, in nine thousand lots, for to that number they then amounted. Some say that Lykurgus made six thousand lots, and that Polydorus added three thousand afterwards; others that he added half the nine thousand, and that only half was allotted by Lykurgus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Each man&#039;s lot was of such a size as to supply a man with seventy medimni of barley, and his wife with twelve, and oil and wine in proportion; for thus much he thought ought to suffice them, as the food was enough to maintain them in health, and they wanted nothing more. It is said that, some years afterwards, as he was returning from a journey through the country at harvest-time, when he saw the sheaves of corn lying in equal parallel rows, he smiled, and said to his companions that all Laconia seemed as if it had just been divided among so many brothers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; He desired to distribute furniture also, in order completely to do away with inequality; but, seeing that actually to take away these things would be a most unpopular measure, he managed by a different method to put an end to all ostentation in these matters. First of all he abolished the use of gold and silver money, and made iron money alone legal; and this he made of great size and weight, and small value, so that the equivalent for ten minae required a great room for its stowage, and a yoke of oxen to draw it. As soon as this was established, many sorts of crime became unknown in Lacedaemon. For who would steal or take as a bribe or deny that he possessed or take by force a mass of iron which he could not conceal, which no one envied him for possessing, which he could not even break up and so make use of; for the iron when hot was, it is said, quenched in vinegar, so as to make it useless, by rendering it brittle and hard to work?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After this, he ordered a general expulsion of the workers in useless trades. Indeed, without this, most of them must have left the country when the ordinary currency came to an end, as they would not be able to sell their wares: for the iron money was not current among other Greeks, and had no value, being regarded as ridiculous; so that it could not be used for the purchase of foreign trumpery, and no cargo was shipped for a Laconian port, and there came into the country no sophists, no vagabond soothsayers, no panders, no goldsmiths or workers in silver plate, because there was no money to pay them with. Luxury, thus cut off from all encouragement, gradually became extinct; and the rich were on the same footing with other people, as they could find no means of display, but were forced to keep their money idle at home. For this reason such things as are useful and necessary, like couches and tables and chairs, were made there better than anywhere else, and the Laconian cup, we are told by Kritias, was especially valued for its use in the field. Its colour prevented the drinker being disgusted by the look of the dirty water which it is sometimes necessary to drink, and it was contrived that the dirt was deposited inside the cup and stuck to the bottom, so as to make the drink cleaner than it would otherwise have been. These things were due to the lawgiver; for the workmen, who were not allowed to make useless things, devoted their best workmanship to useful ones.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Wishing still further to put down luxury and take away the desire for riches, he introduced the third and the most admirable of his reforms, that of the common dining-table. At this the people were to meet and dine together upon a fixed allowance of food, and not to live in their own homes, lolling on expensive couches at rich tables, fattened like beasts in private by the hands of servants and cooks, and undermining their health by indulgence to excess in every bodily desire, long sleep, warm baths, and much repose, so that they required a sort of daily nursing like sick people. This was a great advantage, but it was a greater to render wealth valueless, and, as Theophrastus says, to neutralise it by their common dining-table and the simplicity of their habits. Wealth could not be used, nor enjoyed, nor indeed displayed at all in costly apparatus, when the poor man dined at the same table with the rich; so that the well-known saying, that &amp;quot;wealth is blind and lies like a senseless log,&amp;quot; was seen to be true in Sparta alone of all cities under heaven. Men were not even allowed to dine previously at home, and then come to the public table, but the others, watching him who did not eat or drink with them, would reproach him as a sensual person, too effeminate to eat the rough common fare.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For these reasons it is said that the rich were bitterly opposed to Lykurgus on this question, and that they caused a tumult and attacked him with shouts of rage. Pelted with stones from many hands, he was forced to run out of the market-place, and take sanctuary in a temple. He outstripped all his pursuers except one, a hot-tempered and spirited youth named Alkander, who came up with him, and striking him with a club as he turned round, knocked out his eye. Lykurgus paid no heed to the pain, but stood facing the citizens and showed them his face streaming with blood, and his eye destroyed. All who saw him were filled with shame and remorse. They gave up Alkander to his mercy, and conducted him in procession to his own house, to show their sympathy. Lykurgus thanked them and dismissed them, but took Alkander home with him. He did him no harm and used no reproachful words, but sent away all his servants and bade him serve him. Alkander, being of a generous nature, did as he was ordered, and, dwelling as he did with Lykurgus, watching his kind unruffled temper, his severe simplicity of life, and his unwearied labours, he became enthusiastic in his admiration of him, and used to tell his friends and acquaintances that Lykurgus, far from being harsh or overbearing, was the kindest and gentlest of men. Thus was Alkander tamed and subdued, so that he who had been a wicked and insolent youth was made into a modest and prudent man.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As a memorial of his misfortune, Lykurgus built the temple of Athene, whom he called Optilitis, for the Dorians in that country call the eyes &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;optiloi&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Some writers, however, among whom is Dioskorides, who wrote an &#039;Account of the Spartan Constitution,&#039; say that Lykurgus was struck upon the eye, but not blinded, and that he built this temple as a thank-offering to the goddess for his recovery.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At any rate, it was in consequence of his mishap that the Spartans discontinued the habit of carrying staffs when they met in council.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The Cretans call this institution of taking meals in common &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;andreia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which means &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;men&#039;s&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; repast; but the Lacedaemonians call it &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;phiditia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which can either be explained as another form of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;philia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, friendship, putting a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;d&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; for an &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;l&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, from the friendly feelings which prevailed at them, or else because it accustomed them to frugality, which is called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;pheido&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Possibly the first letter was an addition, and the word may have originally been &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;editia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, from &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;edodé&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, food.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They formed themselves into messes of fifteen, more or less. Each member contributed per month a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;medimnus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of barley, eight measures of wine, five minas&#039; weight of cheese, and half as much of figs; and in addition to this a very small sum of money to buy fish and other luxuries for a relish to the bread. This was all, except when a man had offered a sacrifice, or been hunting, and sent a portion to the public table. For persons were allowed to dine at home whenever they were late for dinner in consequence of a sacrifice or a hunting expedition, but the rest of the company had to be present. This custom of eating in common lasted for very many years. When King Agis returned from his victorious campaign against the Athenians, and wished to dine at home with his wife, he sent for his share of the public dinner, and the polemarchs refused to let him have it. As next day, through anger, he did not offer the customary sacrifice, they fined him. Boys were taken to the public tables, as though they were schools of good manners; and there they listened to discourses on politics, and saw models of gentlemanly behaviour, and learned how to jest with one another, joking without vulgarity, and being made the subjects of jokes without losing their temper. Indeed, it was considered peculiarly Laconian to be able to take a joke; however, if the victim could not, he was entitled to ask that it should go no farther. As they came in, the eldest present said to each man, pointing to the door, &amp;quot;Through this no tale passes.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It is said that they voted for a new member of a mess in this manner. Each man took a piece of bread crumb and threw it in silence into a vessel, which a servant carried on his head. Those who voted for the new member threw in their bread as it was, those who voted against, crushed it flat in their hands. If even one of these crushed pieces be found, they rejected the candidate, as they wished all members of the society to be friendly. The candidate was said to be rejected by the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;kaddichus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which is their name for the bowl into which the bread is thrown.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The &amp;quot;black broth&amp;quot; was the most esteemed of their luxuries, insomuch that the elder men did not care for any meat, but always handed it over to the young, and regaled themselves on this broth. It is related that, in consequence of the celebrity of this broth, one of the kings of Pontus obtained a Laconian cook, but when he tasted it he did not like it. His cook thereupon said, &amp;quot;O king, those who eat this broth must first bathe in the Eurotas.&amp;quot; After drinking wine in moderation the guests separate, without any torches; for it is not permitted to walk with a light on this or any other occasion, in order that they may accustom themselves to walk fearlessly and safely in the dark. This then is the way in which the common dining-tables are managed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Lykurgus did not establish any written laws; indeed, this is distinctly forbidden by one of the so-called Rhetras.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He thought that the principles of most importance for the prosperity and honour of the state would remain most securely fixed if implanted in the citizens by habit and training, as they would then be followed from choice rather than necessity; for his method of education made each of them into a lawgiver like himself. The trifling conventions of everyday life were best left undefined by hard-and-fast laws, so that they might from time to time receive corrections or additions from men educated in the spirit of the Lacedaemonian system. On this education the whole scheme of Lykurgus&#039;s laws depended. One &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;rhetra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, as we have seen, forbade the use of written laws. Another was directed against expenditure, and ordered that the roof of every house should consist of beams worked with the axe, and that the doors should be worked with the saw alone, and with no other tools. Lykurgus was the first to perceive the truth which Epameinondas is said in later times to have uttered about his own table, when he said that &amp;quot;such a dinner has no room for treachery.&amp;quot; He saw that such a house as that has no place for luxury and expense, and that there is no man so silly and tasteless as to bring couches with silver feet, purple hangings, or golden goblets into a simple peasant&#039;s house, but that he would be forced to make his furniture match the house, and his clothes match his furniture, and so on. In consequence of this it is said that the elder Leotychides when dining in Corinth, after looking at a costly panelled ceiling, asked his host whether the trees grew square in that country. A third &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;rhetra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of Lykurgus is mentioned, which forbids the Spartans to make war frequently with the same people, lest by constant practice they too should become warlike. And this especial accusation was subsequently brought against King Agesilaus in later times, that, by his frequent and long-continued invasions of Boeotia, he made the Thebans a match for the Lacedaemonians; for which cause Antalkidas, when he saw him wounded, said, &amp;quot;The Thebans pay you well for having taught them to fight, which they were neither willing nor able to do before.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Maxims of this sort they call &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;rhetras&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which are supposed to have a divine origin and sanction.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Considering education to be the most important and the noblest work of a lawgiver, he began at the very beginning, and regulated marriages and the birth of children. It is not true that, as Aristotle says, he endeavoured to regulate the lives of the women, and failed, being foiled by the liberty and habits of command which they had acquired by the long absences of their husbands on military expeditions, during which they were necessarily left in sole charge at home, wherefore their husbands looked up to them more than was fitting, calling them Mistresses; but he made what regulations were necessary for them also. He strengthened the bodies of the girls by exercise in running, wrestling, and hurling quoits or javelins, in order that their children might spring from a healthy source and so grow up strong, and that they themselves might have strength, so as easily to endure the pains of childbirth. He did away with all affectation of seclusion and retirement among the women, and ordained that the girls, no less than the boys, should go naked in processions, and dance and sing at festivals in the presence of the young men. The jokes which they made upon each man were sometimes of great value as reproofs for ill-conduct; while, on the other hand, by reciting verses written in praise of the deserving, they kindled a wonderful emulation and thirst for distinction in the young men: for he who had been praised by the maidens for his valour went away congratulated by his friends; while, on the other hand, the raillery which they used in sport and jest had as keen an edge as a serious reproof; because the kings and elders were present at these festivals as well as all the other citizens. This nakedness of the maidens had in it nothing disgraceful, as it was done modestly, not licentiously, producing simplicity, and teaching the women to value good health, and to love honour and courage no less than the men. This it was that made them speak and think as we are told Gorgo, the wife of Leonidas, did. Some foreign lady, it seems, said to her, &amp;quot;You Laconian women are the only ones that rule men.&amp;quot; She answered, &amp;quot;Yes; for we alone bring forth men.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; These were also incentives to marriage, I mean these processions, and strippings, and exercises of the maidens in the sight of the young men, who, as Plato says, are more swayed by amorous than by mathematical considerations; moreover, he imposed certain penalties on the unmarried men. They were excluded from the festival of the Gymnopaedia, in honour of Athene; and the magistrates ordered them during winter to walk naked round the market-place, and while doing so to sing a song written against themselves, which said that they were rightly served for their disobedience to the laws; and also they were deprived of the respect and observance paid by the young to the elders.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thus it happened that no one blamed the young man for not rising before Derkyllidas, famous general as he was. This youth kept his seat, saying, &amp;quot;You have not begotten a son to rise before me.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Their marriage custom was for the husband to carry off his bride by force. They did not carry off little immature girls, but grown up women, who were ripe for marriage. After the bride had been carried off the bridesmaid received her, cut her hair close to her head, dressed her in a man&#039;s cloak and shoes, and placed her upon a couch in a dark chamber alone. The bridegroom, without any feasting and revelry, but as sober as usual, after dining at his mess, comes into the room, looses her virgin zone, and, after passing a short time with her, retires to pass the night where he was wont, with the other young men. And thus he continued, passing his days with his companions, and visiting his wife by stealth, feeling ashamed and afraid that any one in the house should hear him, she on her part plotting and contriving occasions for meeting unobserved. This went on for a long time, so that some even had children born to them before they ever saw their wives by daylight. These connections not only exercised their powers of self-restraint, but also brought them together with their bodies in full vigour and their passions unblunted by unchecked intercourse with each other, so that their passion and love for each other&#039;s society remained unextinguished.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Having thus honoured and dignified the married state, he destroyed the vain womanish passion of jealousy, for, while carefully avoiding any disorder or licentiousness, he nevertheless permitted men to associate worthy persons with them in the task of begetting children, and taught them to ridicule those who insisted on the exclusive possession of their wives, and who were ready to fight and kill people to maintain their right. It was permitted to an elderly husband, with a young wife, to associate with himself any well-born youth whom he might fancy, and to adopt the offspring as his own.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And again, it was allowable for a respectable man, if he felt any admiration for a virtuous mother of children, married to some one else, to induce her husband to permit him to have access to her, that he might as it were sow seed in a fertile field, and obtain a fine son from a healthy stock. Lykurgus did not view children as belonging to their parents, but above all to the state; and therefore he wished his citizens to be born of the best possible parents; besides the inconsistency and folly which he noticed in the customs of the rest of mankind, who are willing to pay money, or use their influence with the owners of well-bred stock, to obtain a good breed of horses or dogs, while they lock up their women in seclusion and permit them to have children by none but themselves, even though they be mad, decrepit, or diseased; just as if the good or bad qualities of children did not depend entirely upon their parents, and did not affect their parents more than any one else.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But although men lent their wives in order to produce healthy and useful citizens, yet this was so far from the licence which was said to prevail in later times with respect to women, that adultery was regarded amongst them as an impossible crime. A story is told of one Geradas, a very old Spartan, who, when asked by a stranger what was done to adulterers among them, answered, &amp;quot;Stranger, there are no adulterers with us.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;And if there were one?&amp;quot; asked the stranger. &amp;quot;Then,&amp;quot; said Geradas, &amp;quot;he would have to pay as compensation a bull big enough to stand on Mount Täygetus and drink from the river Eurotas.&amp;quot; The stranger, astonished, asked &amp;quot;Where can you find so big a bull?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Where can you find an adulterer in Sparta?&amp;quot; answered Geradas. This is what is said about their marriage ceremonies.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; A father had not the right of bringing up his offspring, but had to carry it to a certain place called Lesché, where the elders of the tribe sat in judgment upon the child. If they thought it well-built and strong, they ordered the father to bring it up, and assigned one of the nine thousand plots of land to it; but if it was mean-looking or misshapen, they sent it away to the place called the Exposure, a glen upon the side of Mount Täygetus; for they considered that if a child did not start in possession of health and strength, it was better both for itself and for the state that he should not live at all. Wherefore the women used to wash their newborn infants with wine, not with water, to make trial of their constitution. It was thought that epileptic or diseased children shrank from the wine and fell into convulsions, while healthy ones were hardened and strengthened by it. A certain supervision was exercised over the nurses, making them bring up the children without swaddling clothes, so as to make their movements free and unconfined, and also to make them easily satisfied, not nice as to food, not afraid in the dark, not frightened at being alone, not peevish and fretful. For this reason, many foreigners used to obtain Lacedaemonian nurses for their children, and it is said that Amykla, the nurse of Alkibiades, was a Lacedaemonian. But Plato tells us that Perikles put him under the care of one Zopyrus, who was no better than the other slaves; whereas Lykurgus would not intrust the Spartan boys to any bought or hired servants, nor was each man allowed to bring up and educate his son as he chose, but as soon as they were seven years of age he himself received them from their parents, and enrolled them in companies. Here they lived and messed in common, and were associated for play and for work. However, a superintendent of the boys was appointed, one of the best born and bravest men of the state, and they themselves in their troops chose as leader him who was wisest, and fiercest in fight. They looked to him for orders, obeyed his commands, and endured his punishments, so that even in childhood they learned to obey. The elder men watched them at their play, and by instituting fights and trials of strength, carefully learned which was the bravest and most enduring. They learned their letters, because they are necessary, but all the rest of their education was meant to teach them to obey with cheerfulness, to endure labours, and to win battles. As they grew older their training became more severe; they were closely shorn, and taught to walk unshod and to play naked. They wore no tunic after their twelfth year, but received one garment for all the year round. They were necessarily dirty, as they had no warm baths and ointments, except on certain days, as a luxury. They slept all together in troops and companies, on beds of rushes which they themselves had picked on the banks of the Eurotas with their hands, for they were not allowed to use a knife. In winter they mixed the herb called lycophon with the rushes, as it is thought to possess some warmth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; At this age the elder men took even greater interest in them, frequenting the gymnasia where they were, and listening to their repartees with each other, and that not in a languid careless manner, but just as if each thought himself the father, instructor, and captain of them all.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thus no time was left unemployed, and no place was left without some one to give good advice and punish wrong-doing; although a regular superintendent of the boys was appointed from the leading men of the city, and they had their own chiefs, who were the wisest and bravest of the Eirenes. This is a name given to those who have begun their second year after ceasing to be children, and the eldest of the children are called Melleirenes. This Eiren, who is twenty years old, commands his company in their battles, and in the house uses them as his servants to prepare dinner. He orders the bigger boys to carry logs of wood, and the little ones to gather pot herbs. They also bring him what they steal, which they do, some from the gardens, and some from the men&#039;s dining-tables, where they rush in very cleverly and cautiously; for if one be taken, he is severely scourged for stealing carelessly and clumsily. They also steal what victuals they can, learning to take them from those who are asleep or off their guard. Whoever is caught is punished by stripes and starvation. Their meals are purposely made scanty, in order that they may exercise their ingenuity and daring in obtaining additions to them. This is the main object of their short commons, but an incidental advantage is the growth of their bodies, for they shoot up in height when not weighed down and made wide and broad by excess of nutriment. This also is thought to produce beauty of figure; for lean and slender frames develop vigour in the limbs, whereas those which are bloated and over-fed cannot attain this, from their weight. This we see in the case of women who take purgatives during pregnancy, whose children are thin, but well-shaped and slender, because from their slight build they receive more distinctly the impress of their mother&#039;s form. However, it may be that the cause of this phenomenon is yet to be discovered.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The boys steal with such earnestness that there is a story of one who had taken a fox&#039;s cub and hidden it under his cloak, and, though his entrails were being torn out by the claws and teeth of the beast, persevered in concealing it until he died. This may be believed from what the young men in Lacedaemon do now, for at the present day I have seen many of them perish under the scourge at the altar of Diana Orthias.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After dinner the Eiren would recline, and bid one of the boys sing, and ask another some questions which demand a thoughtful answer, such as &amp;quot;Who is the best among men?&amp;quot; or &amp;quot;How is such a thing done?&amp;quot; By this teaching they began even in infancy to be able to judge what is right, and to be interested in politics; for not to be able to answer the questions, &amp;quot;Who is a good citizen?&amp;quot; or &amp;quot;Who is a man of bad repute?&amp;quot; was thought to be the sign of a stupid and unaspiring mind. The boy&#039;s answer was required to be well reasoned, and put into a small compass; he who answered wrongly was punished by having his thumb bitten by the Eiren. Often when elders and magistrates were present the Eiren would punish the boys; if only he showed that it was done deservedly and with method, he never was checked while punishing, but when the boys were gone, he was called to account if he had done so either too cruelly or too remissly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The lovers of the boys also shared their honour or disgrace; it is said that once when a boy in a fight let fall an unmanly word, his lover was fined by the magistrates. Thus was love understood among them; for even fair and honourable matrons loved young maidens, but none expected their feelings to be returned. Rather did those who loved the same person make it a reason for friendship with each other, and vie with one another in trying to improve in every way the object of their love.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The boys were taught to use a sarcastic yet graceful style of speaking, and to compress much thought into few words; for Lykurgus made the iron money have little value for its great size, but on the other hand he made their speech short and compact, but full of meaning, teaching the young, by long periods of silent listening, to speak sententiously and to the point. For those who allow themselves much licence in speech seldom say anything memorable. When some Athenian jeered at the small Laconian swords, and said that jugglers on the stage could easily swallow them, King Agis answered, &amp;quot;And yet with these little daggers we can generally reach our enemies.&amp;quot; I think that the Laconian speech, though it seems so short, yet shows a great grasp of the subject and has great power over the listeners. Lykurgus himself seems to have been short and sententious, to judge from what has been preserved of his sayings; as, for instance, that remark to one who proposed to establish a democracy in the state, &amp;quot;First establish a democracy in your own household.&amp;quot; And when he was asked why he ordained the sacrifices to be so small and cheap, he answered, &amp;quot;It is in order that we may never be forced to omit them.&amp;quot; So too in gymnastic exercises, he discouraged all those which are not performed with the hand closed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The same class of answers are said to have been made by him to his fellow-countrymen in his letters. When they asked how they should keep off their enemies, he answered, &amp;quot;By remaining poor, and not each trying to be a greater man than the other.&amp;quot; Again, about walls, he said, &amp;quot;that cannot be called an open town which has courage, instead of brick walls to defend it.&amp;quot; As to the authenticity of these letters, it is hard to give an opinion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;—The following anecdotes show their dislike of long speeches. When some one was discoursing about matters useful in themselves at an unfitting time, King Leonidas said, &amp;quot;Stranger, you speak of what is wanted when it is not wanted.&amp;quot; Charilaus the cousin of Lykurgus, when asked why they had so few laws answered, that men of few words required few laws. And Archidamidas, when some blamed Hekataeus the Sophist for having said nothing during dinner, answered, &amp;quot;He who knows how to speak knows when to speak also.&amp;quot; The following are some of those sarcastic sayings which I before said are not ungrateful. Demaratus, when some worthless fellow pestered him with unreasonable queries, and several times inquired, &amp;quot;Who is the best man in Sparta?&amp;quot; answered, &amp;quot;He who is least like you.&amp;quot; When some were praising the magnificence and justice with which the Eleans conducted the Olympian games, Agis said, &amp;quot;What is there so very remarkable in the people of Elis acting justly on one day in every five years?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A stranger was vaunting his admiration of them, and was saying that in his own city he was called a lover of Sparta. Theopompus observed, &amp;quot;It would be more to your credit to be called a lover of your own city.&amp;quot; Pleistoanax the son of Pausanias, when an Athenian orator reproached the Lacedaemonians for ignorance, observed, &amp;quot;What you say is quite true, for we are the only Greeks who have not learned some mischief from you.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When a stranger asked Archidamidas how many Spartans there were, he answered, &amp;quot;Enough to keep off bad men.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;One may also discover their peculiarities in their jokes; for they are taught never to talk at random, nor to utter a syllable that does not contain some thought. As, when one of them was invited to hear a man imitate the nightingale, he answered, &amp;quot;I have heard the original;&amp;quot; and the man who read this epigram—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;These men, to quench a tyrant&#039;s pride,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Before Selinus fought and died.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;These men,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;deserved to die; for, instead of quenching it, they should have let it burn itself out.&amp;quot; When a young man was promised a present of cocks that would fight till they died, he said, &amp;quot;I had rather have some that will fight and kill their foes.&amp;quot; This was the style of their talk; so that some have well said that philosophy is more truly Laconian than gymnastic exercises.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;—Their education in poetry and music was no less carefully watched over than their cleverness and purity of speech, but their songs were such as rouse men&#039;s blood and stir them to deeds of prowess, written in plain unaffected language, upon noble and edifying subjects. For the most part they consisted of panegyrics upon those who had been happy enough to die for their country, reproaches of cowards for living a miserable life, and encouragement to bravery suitable to those of all ages. A good instance of this is that on festivals when there are three choruses, that of the old men first sang—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;We once were lusty youths and tall.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then that of the young men sang—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;We still are stout; come, try a fall,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and the third, that of the children, rejoined—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;But we&#039;ll be stronger than you all.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Indeed, if one pays any attention to such Laconian poetry as is still extant, and to the march music which was played on the flutes when they were going to meet their enemies, it becomes clear that Terpander and Pindar were right in connecting poetry with bravery. The former speaks thus of the Lacedaemonians:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Where the youths are bold with the spear,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;And the voice of the muse is clear,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;And justice to all is dear.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And Pindar says of them—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Where the old are wise in council,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And the young are brave in fight;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Where song and dance are honoured&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;On many a festal night.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For they represent them as being most warlike and at the same time most poetical.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The sword with song full well combines,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;as the Laconian poet says. Even in their battles the king first sacrificed to the Muses, to remind them, it would appear, of their education and their former contests, that they may be bold in danger, and do deeds worthy of record in the fight.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;—In time of war, too, they relaxed their strict rules and allowed their young men to dress their hair and ornament their shields and costumes, taking a pride in them such as one does in high-mettled horses. For this reason, although they all let their hair grow long after the age of puberty, yet it was especially in time of danger that they took pains to have it smooth and evenly parted, remembering a saying of Lykurgus about the hair, that it made a well-looking man look handsomer, and an ugly man look more ferocious.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;During a campaign they made the young men perform less severe gymnastic exercises, and allowed them to live a freer life in other respects, so that, for them alone of all mankind, war was felt as a relief from preparation for war. When their array was formed and the enemy were in sight, the king used to sacrifice a kid, and bid them all put on garlands, and the pipers to play the hymn to Kastor; then he himself began to sing the paean for the charge, so that it was a magnificent and terrible spectacle to see the men marching in time to the flutes, making no gap in their lines, with no thought of fear, but quietly and steadily moving to the sound of the music against the enemy. Such men were not likely to be either panic-stricken or over-confident, but had a cool and cheerful confidence, believing that the gods were with them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;With the king used to march into battle a Spartan who had won a crown in the public games of Greece. It is said that one of them was offered a mighty bribe at Olympia, but refused to take it, and with great trouble threw his adversary in the wrestling-match. Some one then asked him, &amp;quot;Laconian, what have you gained by your victory?&amp;quot; The man, smiling with delight, answered, &amp;quot;I shall fight in front of the king in the wars.&amp;quot; After they had routed their enemy and gained the victory, they were wont to pursue so far as to render their success secure, and then to draw off, as they did not think it manly or befitting a Greek to cut down and butcher those who could fight no longer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This was not merely magnanimous, but very useful to them, for their enemies, knowing that they slew those who resisted, but spared those who gave way, often judged it better for themselves to flee than to stand their ground.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The sophist Hippias states that Lykurgus himself was a great warrior and took part in many campaigns; and Philostephanus even attributed to Lykurgus the division of the cavalry into the troops called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;oulamos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. This, according to him, consisted of a troop of fifty horsemen drawn up in a square. Demetrius Phalereus, on the other hand, says that he had no experience in war, and arranged the whole constitution in time of peace. Moreover the institution of the Olympic truce seems to be the idea of a man of gentle and peaceful temperament, some however say, according to Hermippus, that Lykurgus had at first no communication with Iphitus, but happened to be present in the crowd; that he then heard a voice as it were of a man behind him blaming him and wondering why he did not encourage his fellow-citizens to take part in the festival. As, when he turned round, there was no one who could have said so, he concluded that it was a divine warning, and, at once joining Iphitus and assisting him in regulating the festival, he rendered it both more splendid and more lasting.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The training of the Spartan youth continued till their manhood. No one was permitted to live according to his own pleasure, but they lived in the city as if in a camp, with a fixed diet and fixed public duties, thinking themselves to belong, not to themselves, but to their country. Those who had nothing else to do, either looked after the young, and taught them what was useful, or themselves learned such things from the old. For ample leisure was one of the blessings with which Lykurgus provided his countrymen, seeing that they were utterly forbidden to practise any mechanical art, while money-making and business were unnecessary, because wealth was disregarded and despised. The Helots tilled the ground, and produced the regular crops for them. Indeed, a Spartan who was at Athens while the courts were sitting, and who learned that some man had been fined for idleness, and was leaving the court in sorrow accompanied by his grieving friends, asked to be shown the man who had been punished for gentlemanly behaviour. So slavish did they deem it to labour at trade and business. In Sparta, as was natural, lawsuits became extinct, together with money, as the people had neither excess nor deficiency, but all were equally well off, and enjoyed abundant leisure by reason of their simple habits. All their time was spent in dances, feasting, hunting or gymnastic exercises and conversation, when they were not engaged in war.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Those who were less than thirty years old never came into the market-place at all, but made their necessary purchases through their friends and relations. And it was thought discreditable to the older men to be seen there much, and not to spend the greater part of the day in the gymnasium and the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;lesches&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; or places for conversation. In these they used to collect together and pass their leisure time, making no allusions to business or the affairs of commerce, but their chief study being to praise what was honourable, and contemn what was base in a light satiric vein of talk which was instructive and edifying to the hearers. Nor was Lykurgus himself a man of unmixed austerity: indeed, he is said by Sosibius to have set up the little statue of the god of laughter, and introduced merriment at proper times to enliven their wine-parties and other gatherings. In a word, he trained his countrymen neither to wish nor to understand how to live as private men, but, like bees, to be parts of the commonwealth, and gather round their chief, forgetting themselves in their enthusiastic patriotism, and utterly devoted to their country. This temper of theirs we can discern in many of their sayings. Paidaretus, when not elected into the three hundred, went away rejoicing that the city possessed three hundred better men than himself. Polykratidas, when he went with some others on a mission to the generals of the great king, was asked by them, if he and his party came as private persons or as ambassadors? He answered, &amp;quot;As ambassadors, if we succeed; as private men, if we fail.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And when some citizens of Amphipolis came to Lacedaemon, and went to see the mother of Brasidas, Argileonis, she asked them whether Brasidas died bravely and worthily of Sparta. When they praised him to excess, and said that he had not left his like behind, she said, &amp;quot;Say not so, strangers; Brasidas was a noble and a gallant man, but Sparta has many better than he.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Lykurgus himself composed his senate, as we have seen, of the persons who took part in his plot; and in future be ordained that vacancies should be filled up by those men, upwards of sixty years of age, who were adjudged to be the most worthy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This seemed the greatest prize in the world, and also the most difficult to obtain; for it was not merely that a man should be adjudged swiftest of the swift, or strongest of the strong, but he had to be chosen as the best and wisest of all good and wise men, and, as a prize, was to obtain power to regulate the morals of the state, as he was intrusted with powers of life and death, and disfranchisement, and with all the highest penalties.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The elections took place as follows: The citizens were all assembled, and certain men were placed in a building close by, where they could neither see nor be seen, but merely hear the shouts of the general assembly. They decided these, as indeed they did other contests, by shouts of approval, not of all at once, but lots were cast, and each candidate in the order denoted by his lot came forward and silently walked through the assembly. The men locked up in the building had writing materials, and noted down who was cheered most loudly, not knowing who each man was, beyond that he was first, second, third, and so on, of the candidates. They then told the number of the man for whom there had been most voices, and he crowned himself with a garland and offered sacrifice to the gods, followed by many of the young men, who congratulated him, and by many women, who sang songs praising his virtues and his felicity. As he went from one temple to another, each of his relatives used to offer him food, saying, &amp;quot;The state honours you with this banquet.&amp;quot; But he would pass by them all, and go to his usual mess-table. Here nothing uncommon took place, except that he was given a second ration, which he took away with him; and after dinner, the women of his own family being at the doors of the mess-room, he would call for the one whom he wished to honour, and give her his portion, saying that he had received it as a prize, and gave it to her as such. This caused her to be greatly envied by the other women.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;—Moreover, he made excellent regulations about funerals. In the first place, he abolished all silly superstition, and raised no objections to burial in the city, and to placing tombs near the temples, in order to accustom the young to such sights from their infancy, so that they might not feel any horror of death, or have any notion about being defiled by touching a dead body, or walking among tombs. Next, he permitted nothing to be buried with the dead, but they placed the body in the grave, wrapped in a purple cloth and covered with olive-leaves. It was not permitted to inscribe the name of the deceased upon his tomb, except in the case of men who had fallen in war, or of women who had been priestesses. A short time was fixed for mourning, eleven days; on the twelfth they were to sacrifice to Demeter (Ceres) and cease from their grief. For, in Sparta, nothing was left without regulation, but, with all the necessary acts of life, Lykurgus mingled some ceremony which might enkindle virtue or discourage vice; indeed he filled his city with examples of this kind, by which the citizens were insensibly moulded and impelled towards honourable pursuits. For this reason he would not allow citizens to leave the country at pleasure, and to wander in foreign lands, where they would contract outlandish habits, and learn to imitate the untrained lives and ill-regulated institutions to be found abroad. Also, he banished from Lacedaemon all strangers who were there for no useful purpose; not, as Thucydides says, because he feared they might imitate his constitution, and learn something serviceable for the improvement of their own countries, but rather for fear that they might teach the people some mischief. Strangers introduce strange ideas; and these lead to discussions of an unsuitable character, and political views which would jar with the established constitution, like a discord in music. Wherefore he thought that it was more important to keep out evil habits than even to keep the plague from coming into the city.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In all these acts of Lykurgus, we cannot find any traces of the injustice and unfairness which some complain of in his laws, which they say are excellent to produce courage, but less so for justice. And the institution called Krypteia, if indeed it is one of the laws of Lykurgus, as Aristotle tells us, would agree with the idea which Plato conceived about him and his system. The Krypteia was this: the leaders of the young men used at intervals to send the most discreet of them into different parts of the country, equipped with daggers and necessary food; in the daytime these men used to conceal themselves in unfrequented spots, and take their rest, but at night they would come down into the roads and murder any Helots they found. And often they would range about the fields, and make away with the strongest and bravest Helots they could find. Also, as Thucydides mentions in his History of the Peloponnesian War, those Helots who were especially honoured by the Spartans for their valour were crowned as free men, and taken to the temples with rejoicings; but in a short time they all disappeared, to the number of more than two thousand, and in such a way that no man, either then or afterwards, could tell how they perished. Aristotle says that the Ephors, when they first take office, declare war against the Helots, in order that it may be lawful to destroy them. And much other harsh treatment used to be inflicted upon them; and they were compelled to drink much unmixed wine, and then were brought into the public dining-halls, to show the young what drunkenness is.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They were also forced to sing low songs, and to dance low dances, and not to meddle with those of a higher character. It is said that when the Thebans made their celebrated campaign in Lacedaemon, they ordered the Helots whom they captured to sing them the songs of Terpander, and Alkman, and Spendon the Laconian; but they begged to be excused, for, they said, &amp;quot;the masters do not like it.&amp;quot; So it seems to have been well said that in Lacedaemon, the free man was more free, and the slave more a slave than anywhere else. This harsh treatment, I imagine, began in later times, especially after the great earthquake, when they relate that the Helots joined the Messenians, ravaged the country, and almost conquered it. I cannot impute this wicked act of the Krypteia to Lykurgus, when I consider the gentleness and justice of his general behaviour, which also we know was inspired by Heaven.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When the leading men of the city were thoroughly imbued with the spirit of his institutions, and the newly constituted state was able to walk by itself without leading-strings, and bear its own weight alone, then, as Plato says of God, that he was pleased with the world that he had created, when it first began to live and move, so was it with Lykurgus. He admired the spectacle of his laws in operation, and, as far as was possible by human prudence, he desired to leave it eternal and unchangeable. He assembled all the citizens, and told them that the city was now fairly well provided with materials for happiness and virtue, but that he would not bestow upon them the most valuable gift of all, until he had taken counsel with Heaven. It was therefore their duty to abide by the already established laws, and to change and alter nothing till he returned from Delphi; on his return, he would do whatever the god commanded. They all assented, and bade him depart, and he, after making first the kings and elders, and then the rest of the citizens, swear that they would keep their existing constitution till Lykurgus came back, set out for Delphi. Upon reaching the temple he sacrificed to the god, and inquired whether his laws were good, and sufficient for the prosperity and happiness of his country. Receiving answer from the oracle that his laws were indeed good, and that the city would become famous if it kept the constitution of Lykurgus, he wrote down this prophecy and sent it to Sparta. But he himself, after offering a second sacrifice to the god, and having embraced his friends and his son, determined not to release his countrymen from their oath, but to put an end to his own life, being at an age when, though life was still pleasant, it seemed time to go to his rest, after having excellently arranged all his people&#039;s affairs. He departed by starvation, as he thought that a true statesman ought to make even his death of service to the state, and not like that of a private person, the useless end of an idle life. His death came in the fulness of time, after he had done an excellent work, and it was left as the guardian of all the good that he had done, because the citizens had sworn that they would abide by his constitution until he returned to them. Nor was he deceived in his expectations; for the state was by far the most celebrated in Greece, for good government at home and renown abroad, during a period of five hundred years, under his constitution, which was kept unaltered by fourteen kings, counting from himself down to Agis the son of Archidamus. For the institution of Ephors was not a relaxation, but a strengthening of the original scheme, and while it seemed popular it really confirmed the power of the oligarchy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; But in the reign of Agis money found its way into Sparta, and, after money, selfishness and greed for gain came in, on account of Lysander, who, though himself incorruptible, yet filled his country with luxury and love of gold, as he brought back gold and silver from the wars, and disregarded the laws of Lykurgus. Before this, when those laws were in force, Sparta was like a wise and practised warrior more than a city, or rather, she with her simple staff and cloak, like Herakles with his lion-skin and club, ruled over a willing Greece, deposed bad kings or factions, decided wars, and crushed revolutions; and that, too, often without moving a single soldier, but merely by sending a commissioner, who was at once obeyed, even as bees collect and rank themselves in order when their queen appears. Sparta then had so much order and justice as to be able to supply her neighbours; and I &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;p97&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cannot understand those who say that the Lacedaemonians &amp;quot;knew how to obey, but not how to rule;&amp;quot; nor that story of some one who said to king Theopompus that the safety of Sparta lay in her kings knowing how to rule. &amp;quot;Rather,&amp;quot; he answered, &amp;quot;in her citizens knowing how to obey.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They would not brook an incapable commander: their very obedience is a lesson in the art of command; for a good leader makes good followers, and just as it is the object of the horse-breaker to turn out a gentle and tractable horse, so it is the object of rulers to implant in men the spirit of obedience. But the Lacedaemonians produced a desire in other states to be ruled by them and to obey them; for they used to send embassies and ask not for ships or money or troops, but for one Spartan for a leader; and when they obtained him, they respected him and feared him, as, for instance, the Sicilians had Gylippus as a general, the people of Chalkidike had Brasidas, while Lysander and Kallikratidas and Agesilaus were made use of by all the Greeks in Asia Minor. These men were called Regulators and Pacificators in each several state, and the whole city of Sparta was regarded as a school and example of orderly public life and of settled political institutions. This was alluded to by Stratonikus when he said in jest that the Athenians ought to conduct mysteries and shows, the Eleans to be stewards at the games, and the Lacedaemonians to be beaten if the others did not do right. This was not spoken seriously; but Antisthenes, the Sokratic philosopher, was serious when he said of the Thebans, who were in high spirits after their victory at Leuktra, that they were as pleased as schoolboys who had beaten their master.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Not that this was Lykurgus&#039;s main object, that his country should dominate over as many other states as possible; but seeing that, in states as in individuals, happiness is derived from virtue and single-mindedness, he directed all his efforts to implant in his countrymen feelings of honour, self-reliance, and self-control. These were also taken as the basis of their constitution by Plato, Diogenes, Zeno, and all who have written with any success upon this subject. But they have left mere dissertations; Lykurgus produced an inimitable constitution, confuted those who complained of the unreality of the &#039;Essay on the True Philosopher,&#039; by showing them the spectacle of an entire city acting like philosophers, and thereby obtained for himself a greater reputation than that of any other Greek legislator at any period. For this reason Aristotle says that he has less honour in Lacedaemon than he deserves, although his memory is greatly respected; for he has a temple, and they sacrifice to him every year as if he was a god. It is also said that after his remains were carried home, his tomb was struck by lightning. This distinction befell scarcely any other man of note except Euripides, who died long after him, and was buried at Arethusa in Macedonia. It was considered a great proof and token of his fame by the admirers of Euripides, that this should happen to him after his death which happened before to the especial favourite of Heaven. Some say that Lykurgus died at Kirrha, but Apollothemis says that he was taken to Elis and died there, and Timaeus and Aristoxenus say that he ended his days in Crete. Aristoxenus even says that the Cretans show his tomb in what is called the Strangers&#039; Road in Pergamia. He is said to have left one son, Antiorus, who died childless, and so ended the family. His companions and relatives and their descendants kept up the practice of meeting together for a long period; and the days when they met were called Lykurgids. Aristokrates the son of Hipparchus says that when Lykurgus died in Crete, his friends burned his body and threw the ashes into the sea, at his own request, as he feared that if any remains of him should be brought back to Lacedaemon, they would think themselves absolved from their oath, and change the constitution. This is the story of Lykurgus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;LIFE_OF_NUMA&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LIFE OF NUMA.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; There is a considerable conflict of opinion about the time of King Numa&#039;s reign, although several pedigrees seem to be accurately traced to him. One Clodius, in a book on the verification of dates, insists that all these old records were destroyed during the Gaulish troubles, and that those which are now extant were composed by interested persons, by whose means men who had no right to such honours claimed descent from the noblest families. Though Numa is said to have been a friend of Pythagoras, yet some deny that he had any tincture of Greek learning, arguing that either he was born with a natural capacity for sound learning, or that he was taught by some barbarian.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_14_14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_14_14&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[14]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Others say that Pythagoras was born much later, some five generations after the times of Numa, but that Pythagoras the Spartan, who won the Stadium race at Olympia on the thirteenth Olympiad, wandered into Italy, and there meeting Numa, assisted him in the establishment of his constitution; and that from this cause, the Roman constitution in many points resembles the Laconian. The Olympic games were instituted in the third year of Numa&#039;s reign. Another story is that Numa was a Sabine by birth, and the Sabines consider themselves to be of Lacedaemonian origin. It is hard to reconcile the dates, especially those which refer to Olympiads, the table of which is said to have been made out by Hippias of Elis, on no trustworthy basis. However, what things I have heard about Numa that are worthy of mention I shall proceed to relate, beginning from a starting-point of my own.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Rome had been founded, and Romulus had reigned, for thirty-seven years, when upon the fifth day of the month of July, which day is now called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;nonae caprotinae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, he was performing a public sacrifice outside the gates, at a place called the Goat&#039;s Marsh, in the presence of the Senate and most of the people. Suddenly a great commotion began in the air, thick clouds covered the earth, with violent gusts and showers. The people fled in terror, and Romulus disappeared. His body could never be found, but suspicion fell upon the patricians, and a report was current among the populace that they had long been jealous of his power as king, and had determined to get it into their own hands. Indeed, he had dealt with them very harshly and tyrannically. Fearing this suspicion, they gave out that he was not dead, but had been caught up into heaven; and Proclus, a man of mark, swore that he saw Romulus ascend into heaven in his armour as he was, and that he heard a voice ordering that he should be called Quirinus. Another disturbance took place in Rome about the election of the next king, because the new citizens were not yet thoroughly amalgamated with the old ones, the people were unquiet, and the patricians suspicious of one another. Nevertheless they all determined that they would have a king, but they disagreed not merely about who, but of what race he should be.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Romulus&#039;s original colonists thought it a monstrous thing that the Sabines, because they had been admitted to a share of the city and the country, should propose to rule over it; while the Sabines not unreasonably urged that because, after the death of Tatius, they had acquiesced in Romulus reigning alone, now in their turn they ought to furnish a king of their own nation. They had not, they said, been adopted by a more powerful race than themselves, but had, by their combination with the Romans, greatly raised the power and renown of their city.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The two races were at issue on these points. The patricians, fearing that confusion might arise if the state were left without a head, made one of their own number every day assume the insignia of royalty, perform the usual sacrifices to the gods, and transact business for six hours by day, and six by night. This equal division of their periods of rule was not only just for those in office, but prevented any jealousy of them being felt by the populace, each day and night, because they saw one who had been a king become a private person. This form of government the Romans call an interregnum.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; But, although they appeared to manage things so smoothly, suspicions and threatenings of disturbance arose, for men said that they meditated altering the form of government to an oligarchy, in order to keep all political power in their own hands, and would not therefore elect a king. Hereupon the two factions agreed that one should select a king from the ranks of the other. This, they thought, would both put an end to their quarrels for the present, and also ensure the candidate who should be chosen being impartial, because he would be friendly to the one party because it had chosen him, and to the other because he belonged to it by birth. The Sabines gave the Romans their choice which they would do; and they decided that it would be better to choose a Sabine king themselves, than to be ruled by a Roman chosen by the Sabines. After deliberation amongst themselves, they chose Numa Pompilius, a man who was not one of those Sabines who had settled in Rome, but whose excellence was so well-known to all, that the Sabines, as soon as they heard his name, were even more eager for him than the Romans who had chosen him. When they had informed the people of their decision, they sent an embassy to Numa, composed of the leading men of both parties, to beg of him to come to Rome and assume the crown.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Numa belonged to a celebrated Sabine city, Cures, from which the united Romans and Sabines called themselves Quirites. He was the son of Pomponius, an honourable citizen, and was the youngest of four brothers. By a miraculous coincidence he was born on the very day on which Romulus founded Rome; that is, the tenth day before the Calends of May. His naturally good disposition had been so educated by sorrow and philosophic pursuits, that he rose superior not merely to commonplace vices, but even to the worship of brute force, so common among barbarians, and considered true courage to consist in the conquest of his own passions. Accordingly he banished all luxury and extravagance from his house, and was known as a trusty friend and counsellor, both by his countrymen and by strangers. When at leisure, he disregarded sensual enjoyments and money-getting, but devoted himself to the service of the gods and to speculations about their nature and power, so that he obtained great celebrity. Indeed Tatius, when he was acting as joint-king with Romulus, chose him for the husband of his only daughter Tatia. But Numa was not elated by his marriage, and did not remove to the town where his father-in-law was king, but stayed where he was in Cures, among the Sabines, tending his aged father; while Tatia also preferred the quiet of a private citizen&#039;s life to the pomp which she might have enjoyed in Rome. She is said to have died in the thirteenth year after her marriage.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now Numa was in the habit of leaving the city and passing much of his time in the country, wandering alone in the sacred groves and dwelling in desert places. Hence the story first arose that it was not from any derangement of intellect that he shunned human society, but because he held converse with higher beings, and had been admitted to marriage with the gods, and that, by passing his time in converse with the nymph Egeria, who loved him, he became blessed, and learned heavenly wisdom. It is evident that this is the same as many ancient myths; such as that told by the Phrygians about Attis, that of the Bithynians about Herodotus, that of the Arcadians about Endymion, and many others. Yet it seems probable that a god, who loves man better than bird or beast, should take pleasure in conversing with those men who are remarkable for goodness, and not despise nor disdain to hold communion with the wise and righteous. But it is hard to believe that a god or deity could feel the passion of love for a human form; although the Egyptians not unreasonably say, that a woman may be impregnated by the spirit of a god, but that a man can have no material union with a god. However it is very right to believe that a god can feel friendship for a man, and from this may spring a love which watches over him and guides him in the path of virtue. There is truth in the myths of Phorbas, of Hyacinthus, and of Admetus, who were all loved by Apollo, as was also Hippolytus of Sicyon. It is said that whenever he set sail from Sikyon to Kirrha on the opposite coast, the Pythia would recite the verse,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Now goes our dear Hippolytus to sea,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;as if the god knew that he was coming and rejoiced at it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There is also a legend that Pan loved Pindar and his verses; and for the Muse&#039;s sake, Hesiod and Archilochus were honoured after their deaths; while Sophokles during his life is said, by a legend which remains current at the present day, to have become the friend of Aesculapius, and on his death to have had the rites of burial supplied by the care of another god.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;If, then, we believe the legends which are told about these persons, why should we doubt that Zaleukus, Minos, Zoroaster, Numa, and Lykurgus were inspired by Heaven, when they governed their kingdoms and gave them laws? We may suppose that the gods, when in an earnest mood, would hold converse with such men as these, the best of their kind, to talk with and encourage them, just as they visit the poets, if they do at all, when inclined for pleasure. However, if any one thinks differently, as Bacchylides says, &amp;quot;The way is broad.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The other view, which some take about Lykurgus and Numa and such men, seems very plausible, that they, having to deal with an obstinate and unmanageable people when introducing great political changes, invented the idea of their own divine mission as a means of safety for themselves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; It was in Numa&#039;s fortieth year that the envoys came from Rome to ask him to be king. Their spokesmen were Proculus and Velesius, one of whom had very nearly been elected king, for the Romulus people inclined much to Proculus, and those of Tatius were equally in favour of Velesius. These men made a short speech, imagining that Numa would be delighted with his fortune; but it appears that it took much hard pleading to induce a man who had lived all his life in peace to take the command of a city which owed its origin and its increase alike to war. He said, in the presence of his father and of Marcius, one of his relations, &amp;quot;Every change in a man&#039;s life is dangerous; and when a man is not in want of anything needful, and has no cause for being dissatisfied with his lot, it is sheer madness for him to change his habits and way of life; for these, at any rate, have the advantage of security, while in the new state all is uncertain. Not even uncertain are the perils of royalty, judging from Romulus himself, who was suspected of having plotted against his partner Tatius, and whose peers were suspected of having assassinated him. Yet these men call Romulus the child of the gods, and tell how he had a divinely sent nurse, and was preserved by a miracle while yet a child; while I was born of mortal parents, and brought up by people whom you all know: even the points which you praise in my character are far from those which make a good king, being love of leisure and of unprofitable speculation, and also a great fondness for peace and unwarlike matters, and for men who meet together for the glory of the gods or for cheerful converse with one another, and who at other times plough their fields and feed their cattle at home. But you Romans have very likely many wars left upon your hands by Romulus, for the conduct of which the state requires a vigorous warrior in the prime of life. The people too, from their successes, are accustomed to and eager for war, and are known to be longing for fresh conquests and possessions; so that they would ridicule me when I told them to honour the gods and act justly, and if I tried to instil a hatred of wars and of brute force into a city which wants a general more than a king.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As he refused the offered crown in such terms, the Romans used every kind of entreaty to induce him to accept it, begging him not to plunge the state again into civil war, because there was no other man whom the two parties would agree to receive as their king. In their absence, his father and Marcius begged him not to refuse so great and marvellous an offer. &amp;quot;If,&amp;quot; they said, &amp;quot;you do not desire wealth, because of your simple life, and do not care for the glory of royalty, because you derive more glory from your own virtue, yet think that to be king is to serve God, who gives you this office and will not allow your righteousness to lie idle, useful only to yourself. Do not therefore shrink from assuming this office, which gives you an opportunity to conduct the solemn ceremonials of religion with due pomp, and to civilise the people and turn their hearts, which can be effected more easily by a king than by any one else. This people loved Tatius, though he was a foreigner, and they respect the memory of Romulus as if he was a god. And who knows, if the people, although victorious, may not have had enough of wars, and, sated with triumphs and spoils, may not be desirous of a gentle and just ruler under whom they may enjoy rest and peace. If, however, they are madly bent upon war, is it not better that you should hold the reins, and direct their fury elsewhere, becoming yourself a bond of union and friendship between the Sabine nation and this powerful and flourishing city?&amp;quot; Besides these arguments, it is said that the omens were favourable, and that the people of the city, as soon as they heard of the embassy, came and besought him to go and become king, and thus unite and combine the two races.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When he had made up his mind, he sacrificed to the gods, and started for Rome. The Senate and people met him and showed great affection for him; the matrons also greeted him, and there were sacrifices in the temples, and every one was as joyous as if he had received a kingdom instead of a king. When they came into the Forum, the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;interrex&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; or temporary king, Spurius Vettius, put it to the vote, and all the people voted for Numa. When they offered him the insignia of royalty, he bade them stop, saying that he wished to have his crown confirmed to him by God as well as by man. Taking the prophets and priests he ascended the Capitol, which the Romans at that time called the Tarpeian Hill. There the chief of the prophets made him turn towards the south, covered his head, and then standing behind him with his hand laid upon his head, he prayed, and looked for a sign or omen sent from the gods in every quarter of the heavens. A strange silence prevailed among the people in the Forum, as they watched him eagerly, until a prosperous omen was observed. Then Numa received the royal robes and came down from the hill among the people. They received him with cheers and congratulations, as the most pious of men, and as beloved of Heaven. When he became king, his first act was to disband the body-guard of three hundred men, whom Romulus always had kept about his person, who were called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Celeres&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, that is, swift; for Numa would not distrust a loyal people nor reign over a disloyal one. Next he instituted a third high priest, in addition to the existing priests of Jupiter and Mars, whom, in honour of Romulus, he called the Flamen Quirinalis. The elder priests are called Flamens from the skull-caps which they wear, and the word is derived from the Greek word for felt; for at that time Greek words were mingled with Latin ones more than now. For instance, the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;laena&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; worn by the priests is said by Juba to be the Greek &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;chlaina&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and the boy, whose parents must be both alive, who is servant to the priest of Jupiter, is called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Camillus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, just as the Greeks sometimes call Hermes (Mercury) &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Cadmilus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, from his being the servant of the gods.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Numa, after confirming his popularity by these measures, proceeded at once to attempt to convert the city from the practice of war and the strong hand, to that of right and justice, just as a man tries to soften and mould a mass of iron. The city at that time was indeed what Plato calls &amp;quot;inflamed and angry,&amp;quot; for it owed its very existence to the reckless daring by which it had thrust aside the most warlike races of the country, and had recruited its strength by many campaigns and ceaseless war, and, as carpentry becomes more fixed in its place by blows, so the city seemed to gain fresh power from its dangers. Thinking that it would be a very difficult task to change the habits of this excited and savage people, and to teach them the arts of peace, he looked to the gods for help, and by sacrifices, processions, and choral dances, which he himself organised and arranged, he awed, interested, and softened the manners of the Romans, artfully beguiling them out of their warlike ferocity. Sometimes he spoke of supernatural terrors, evil omens, and unpropitious voices, so as to influence them by means of superstition. These measures proved his wisdom, and showed him a true disciple of Pythagoras, for the worship of the gods was an important part of his state policy, as it is of Pythagoras&#039;s system of philosophy. His love of outward show and stratagem was also said to be derived from Pythagoras, for as the latter tamed an eagle and made it alight upon him, and when walking through the crowd at Olympia showed his golden thigh, and did all the other surprising devices which made Timon of Phlius write the epigram—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Pythagoras by magic arts,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;And mystic talk deludes men&#039;s hearts,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;so did Numa invent the story of his amour with a wood-nymph and his secret converse with her, and of his enjoying the society of the Muses. He referred most of his prophetic utterances to the Muses, and taught the Romans to worship one of them especially, whom he called Tacita, which means silent or dumb. This seems to have been done in imitation of Pythagoras, who especially revered silence. His legislation about images was also connected with the Pythagorean doctrine, which says that first principles cannot be touched or seen, but are invisible spiritual essences; for Numa forbade the Romans to worship any likenesses of men or of beasts. Among them there was no image of a god, either carved or moulded, in the early times. For a hundred and seventy years they built temples, and placed shrines in them, but made no image of any living thing, considering that it was wrong to make the worse like the better, and that God cannot be comprehended otherwise than by thought. Their sacrifices also were connected with the Pythagorean doctrine; they were for the most part bloodless, and performed with flour, libations of wine, and all the commonest things. But besides these, there are other distinct proofs of the connection of these two men with one another. One of these is that the Romans enrolled Pythagoras as a citizen, as we are told by Epicharmus the comic poet, in a letter which he wrote to Antenor. He was a man who lived in old times and underwent the Pythagorean training. Another proof is that of his four sons, King Numa named one Mamercus after the son of Pythagoras; from whom sprung the ancient patrician house of the Aemilii. This name was originally given him in sport by the king, who used to call him &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;aimulos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; or wily. I myself have heard many Romans narrate that an oracle once bade the Romans establish the wisest and the bravest of the Greeks in their own city, and that in consequence of it they set up two brazen statues in the Forum, one of Alkibiades and one of Pythagoras. But all this can be so easily disputed that it is not worth while to pursue it farther or to put any trust in it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; To Numa also is referred the institution of the Pontifices, or high priests; and he himself is said to have been one of the first. The Pontifices are so called, according to some authorities, because they worship the gods, who are powerful and almighty; for powerful in Latin is &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;potens&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Others say that it refers to an exception made in favour of possibilities, meaning that the legislator ordered the priests to perform what services lay in their power, and did not deny that there are some which they cannot. But the most usually received and most absurd derivation is that the word means nothing more than bridge builders, and that they were so named from the sacrifices which are offered upon the sacred bridge, which are of great sanctity and antiquity. The Latins call a bridge &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;pontem&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. This bridge is intrusted to the care of the priests, like any other immovable holy relic; for the Romans think that the removal of the wooden bridge would call down the wrath of Heaven. It is said to be entirely composed of wood, in accordance with some oracle, without any iron whatever.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The stone bridge was built many years afterwards, when Aemilius was Quaestor. However, it is said that the wooden bridge itself does not date from the time of Numa, but that it was finished by Marcius, the grandson of Numa, when he was king.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The chief priest, or Pontifex Maximus, is an interpreter and prophet or rather expounder of the will of Heaven. He not only sees that the public sacrifices are properly conducted, but even watches those who offer private sacrifices, opposes all departure from established custom, and points out to each man how to honour the gods and how to pray to them. He also presides over the holy maidens called vestals.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The consecration of the vestal virgins, and the worship and watching of the eternal flame by them, are entirely attributed to Numa, and explained either by the pure and uncorruptible essence of fire being intrusted to the keeping of those who are stainless and undefiled, or by that which is barren and without fruit being associated with maidens.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Indeed, in Greece, wherever an eternal fire is kept up, as at Delphi and Athens, it is not maidens, but widows, past the age to wed, that tend it. When any of these fires chance to go out, as, for instance, the sacred lamp went out at Athens when Aristion was despot, and the fire went out at Delphi when the temple was burned by the Persians, and at Rome in the revolutions during the time of the wars with King Mithridates the fire, and even the altar upon which it burned, was swept away; then they say that it must not be lighted from another fire, but that an entirely new fire must be made, lighted by a pure and undefiled ray from the sun. They usually light it with mirrors made by hollowing the surface of an isosceles right-angled triangle, which conducts all the rays of light into one point. Now when it is placed opposite to the sun, so that all the rays coming from all quarters are collected together into that point, the ray thus formed passes through the thin air, and at once lights the dryest and lightest of the objects against which it strikes, for that ray has the strength and force of fire itself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Some say that the only duty of the vestal virgins is to watch that eternal fire, but others say they perform certain secret rites, about which we have written as much as it is lawful to divulge, in the Life of Camillus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The first maidens who were consecrated by Numa were named Gegania and Verenia; and afterwards Canuleia and Tarpeia were added. Servius subsequently added two more to their number, which has remained six ever since his reign. Numa ordained that the maidens should observe celibacy for thirty years, during the first ten years of which they were to learn their duties, during the next perform them, and during the last to teach others. After this period any of them who wished might marry and cease to be priestesses; but it is said that very few availed themselves of this privilege, and that those few were not happy, but, by their regrets and sorrow for the life they had left, made the others scruple to leave it, prefer to remain virgins till their death. They had great privileges, such as that of disposing of their property by will when their fathers were still alive, like women who have borne three children. When they walk abroad they are escorted by lictors with the fasces; and if they happen to meet any criminal who is being taken to execution, he is not put to death; but the vestal must swear that she met him accidentally, and not on purpose. When they use a litter, no one may pass under it on pain of death. The vestals are corrected by stripes for any faults which they commit, sometimes by the Pontifex Maximus, who flogs the culprit without her clothes, but with a curtain drawn before her. She that breaks her vow of celibacy is buried alive at the Colline Gate, at which there is a mound of earth which stretches some way inside the city wall. In it they construct an underground chamber, of small size, which is entered from above. In it is a bed with bedding, and a lamp burning; and also some small means of supporting life, such as bread, a little water in a vessel, milk, and oil, as though they wished to avoid the pollution of one who had been consecrated with such holy ceremonies dying of hunger. The guilty one is placed in a litter, covered in, and gagged with thongs so that she cannot utter a sound. Then they carry her through the Forum. All make way in silence, and accompany her passage with downcast looks, without speaking. There is no more fearful sight than this, nor any day when the city is plunged into deeper mourning. When the litter reaches the appointed spot, the servants loose her bonds, and the chief priest, after private prayer and lifting his hands to Heaven before his dreadful duty, leads her out, closely veiled, places her upon a ladder which leads down into the subterranean chamber. After this he turns away with the other priests; the ladder is drawn up after she has descended, and the site of the chamber is obliterated by masses of earth which are piled upon it, so that the place looks like any other part of the mound. Thus are the vestals punished who lose their chastity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Numa is said to have built the Temple of Vesta, which was to contain the sacred fire, in a circular form, imitating thereby not the shape of the earth, but that of the entire universe, in the midst of which the Pythagoreans place the element of fire, which they call Vesta and the Unit. The earth they say is not motionless, and not in the centre of its orbit, but revolves round the central fire, occupying by no means the first or the most honourable place in the system of the universe. These ideas are said to have been entertained by Plato also in his old age; for he too thought that the earth was in a subordinate position, and that the centre of the universe was occupied by some nobler body.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The Pontifices also explain, to those who inquire of them, the proper ceremonies at funerals. For Numa taught them not to think that there was any pollution in death, but that we must pay due honours to the gods below, because they will receive all that is noblest on earth. Especially he taught them to honour the goddess Libitina, the goddess who presides over funeral rites, whether she be Proserpine, or rather Venus, as the most learned Romans imagine, not unnaturally referring our birth and our death to the same divinity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He also defined the periods of mourning, according to the age of the deceased. He allowed none for a child under three years of age, and for one older the mourning was only to last as many months as he lived years, provided those were not more than ten. The longest mourning was not to continue above ten months, after which space widows were permitted to marry again; but she that took another husband before that term was out was obliged by his decree to sacrifice a cow with calf.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of Numa&#039;s many other institutions I shall only mention two, that of the Salii and of the Feciales, which especially show his love of justice. The Feciales are, as it were, guardians of peace, and in my opinion obtain their name from their office; for they were to act as mediators, and not to permit an appeal to arms before all hope of obtaining justice by fair means had been lost. The Greeks call it peace when two states settle their differences by negotiation and not by arms; and the Roman Feciales frequently went to states that had done wrong and begged them to think better of what they had done. If they rejected their offers, then the Feciales called the gods to witness, invoked dreadful curses upon themselves and their country, if they were about to fight in an unjust cause, and so declared war. Against the will of the Feciales, or without their approval, no Roman, whether king or common soldier, was allowed to take up arms, but the general was obliged first to have it certified to him by the Feciales that the right was on his side, and then to take his measures for a campaign. It is said that the great disaster with the Gauls befell the city in consequence of this ceremony having been neglected. The barbarians were besieging Clusium; Fabius Ambustus was sent as an ambassador to their camp to make terms on behalf of the besieged. His proposals met with a harsh reply, and he, thinking that his mission was at an end, had the audacity to appear before the ranks of the men of Clusium in arms, and to challenge the bravest of the barbarians to single combat. He won the fight, slew his opponent and stripped his body; but the Gauls recognised him, and sent a herald to Rome, complaining that Fabius had broken faith and not kept his word, and had waged war against them without its being previously declared. Hereupon the Feciales urged the Senate to deliver the man up to the Gauls, but he appealed to the people, and by their favour escaped his just doom. Soon after the Gauls came and sacked Rome, except the Capitol. But this is treated of more at length in the &#039;Life of Camillus.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The priests called Salii are said to owe their origin to the following circumstances: In the eighth year of Numa&#039;s reign an epidemic raged throughout Italy, and afflicted the city of Rome. Now amidst the general distress it is related that a brazen shield fell from heaven into the hands of Numa. Upon this the king made an inspired speech, which he had learned from Egeria and the Muses. The shield, he said, came for the salvation of the city, and they must guard it, and make eleven more like it, so that no thief could steal the one that fell from heaven, because he could not tell which it was. Moreover the place and the meadows round about it, where he was wont to converse with the Muses, must be consecrated to them, and the well by which it was watered must be pointed out as holy water to the vestal virgins, that they might daily take some thence to purify and sprinkle their temple. The truth of this is said to have been proved by the immediate cessation of the plague. He bade workmen compete in imitating the shield, and, when all others refused to attempt it, Veturius Mamurius, one of the best workmen of the time, produced so admirable an imitation, and made all the shields so exactly alike, that even Numa himself could not tell which was the original. He next appointed the Salii to guard and keep them. These priests were called Salii, not, as some say, after a man of Samothrace or of Mantinea named Salius, who first taught the art of dancing under arms, but rather from the springing dance itself, which they dance through the city when they carry out the shields in the month of March, dressed in scarlet tunics, girt with brazen girdles, with brazen helmets on their heads and little daggers with which they strike the shields. The rest of their dance is done with their feet; they move gracefully, whirling round, swiftly and airily counter-changing their positions with light and vigorous motions according to rhythm and measure. The shields are called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ancilia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, because of their shape; for they are not round, nor with a perfect circumference, but are cut out of a wavy line, and curl in at the thickest part towards each other; or they may be called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ancilia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; after the name of the elbow, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ankon&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, on which they are carried; at least so Juba conjectures in his endeavours to find a Greek derivation for the word. The name may be connected with the fall of the shield &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;from above&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;anekathen&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;), or with the healing (&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;akesis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;) of the plague, and the cessation of that terrible calamity, if we must refer the word to a Greek root.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It is related that, to reward Mamurius for his workmanship, his name is mentioned in the song which the Salii sing while they dance their Pyrrhic dance; others, however, say that it is not Veturium Mamurium that they say, but &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Veterem Memoriam&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which means ancient memory.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After he had arranged all religious ceremonies, he built, near the temple of Vesta, the Regia, as a kind of royal palace; and there he spent most of his time, engaged in religious duties, instructing the priests, or awaiting some divine colloquy. He had also another house on the hill of Quirinus, the site of which is even now pointed out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In all religious processions through the city the heralds went first to bid the people cease their work, and attend to the ceremony; for just as the Pythagoreans are said to forbid the worship of the gods in a cursory manner, and to insist that men shall set out from their homes with this purpose and none other in their minds, so Numa thought it wrong that the citizens should see or hear any religious ceremony in a careless, half-hearted manner, and made them cease from all worldly cares and attend with all their hearts to the most important of all duties, religion; so he cleared the streets of all the hammering, and cries, and noises which attend the practice of ordinary trades and handicrafts, before any holy ceremony. Some trace of this custom still survives in the practice of crying out &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hoc age&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; when the consul is taking the auspices or making a sacrifice. These words mean &amp;quot;Do this thing,&amp;quot; and are used to make the bystanders orderly and attentive. Many of his other precepts are like those of the Pythagoreans; for just as they forbid men to sit upon a quart measure, or to stir the fire with a sword, or to turn back when they set out upon a journey, and bid them sacrifice an odd number to the gods above, and an even one to those below, all of which things had a mystical meaning, which was hidden from the common mass of mankind, so also some of Numa&#039;s rites can only be explained by reference to some secret legend, such as his forbidding men to make a libation to the gods with wine made from an unpruned vine, and his ordering that no sacrifice should be made without flour, and that men should turn round while worshipping and sit after they had worshipped. The first two of these seem to point to cultivation of the fruits of the earth, as a part of righteousness; the turning round of the worshippers is said to be in imitation of the revolution of the globe, but it seems more probable that, as all temples look towards the east, the worshipper who enters with his back to the sun turns round towards this god also, and begs of them both, as he makes his circuit, to fulfil his prayer. Unless indeed there is an allusion to the symbolical wheel of the Egyptians, and the change of posture means that nothing human is constant, and that, however God may turn about our lives, it is our duty to be content. The act of sitting after prayer was said to portend that such as were good would obtain a solid and lasting fulfilment of their prayers. Or again, this attitude of rest marks the division between different periods of prayer; so that after the end of one prayer they seat themselves in the presence of the gods, in order that under their auspices they may begin the next. This fully agrees with what has been said above, and shows that the lawgiver intended to accustom his countrymen not to offer their prayers in a hurry, or in the intervals of doing something else, but when they were at leisure and not pressed for time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; By this religious training the city became so easily managed by Numa, and so impressed by his power, as to believe stories of the wildest character about him, and to think nothing incredible or impossible if he wished to do it. For instance, it is related that once he invited many of the citizens to dine with him, and placed before them common vessels and poor fare; but, as they were about to begin dinner, he suddenly said that his familiar goddess was about to visit him, and at once displayed abundance of golden cups and tables covered with costly delicacies. The strangest story of all is that of his conversation with Jupiter. The legend runs that Mount Aventine was not at this time enclosed within the city, but was full of fountains and shady glens, and haunted by two divinities, Picus and Faunus, who may be compared to Satyrs or to Pan, and who, in knowledge of herbs and magic, seem equal to what the Greeks call the Daktyli of Mount Ida. These creatures roamed about Italy playing their tricks, but Numa caught them by filling the spring at which they drank with wine and honey. They turned into all kinds of shapes, and assumed strange and terrible forms, but when they found that they were unable to escape, they told Numa much of the future, and showed him how to make a charm against thunder-bolts, which is used to this day, and is made of onions and hair and sprats. Some say that it was not these deities who told him the charm, but that they by magic arts brought down Jupiter from heaven, and he, in a rage, ordered Numa to make the charm of &amp;quot;Heads&amp;quot;; and when Numa added, &amp;quot;Of onions,&amp;quot; he said &amp;quot;Of men&#039;s&amp;quot;—&amp;quot;Hair,&amp;quot; said Numa, again taking away the terrible part of the imprecation. When then Jupiter said &amp;quot;With living&amp;quot;—&amp;quot;Sprats,&amp;quot; said Numa, answering as Egeria had taught him. The god went away appeased, and the place was in consequence called Ilicius. This was how the charm was discovered.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These ridiculous legends show the way in which the people had become accustomed to regard the gods. Indeed Numa is said to have placed all his hopes in religion, to such an extent that even when a message was brought him, saying, &amp;quot;The enemy are approaching,&amp;quot; he smiled and said, &amp;quot;And I am sacrificing.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The first temples that he founded are said to have been those of Fides or Faith, and Terminus. Fides is said to have revealed to the Romans the greatest of all oaths, which they even now make use of; while Terminus is the god of boundaries, to whom they sacrifice publicly, and also privately at the divisions of men&#039;s estates; at the present time with living victims, but in old days this was a bloodless sacrifice, for Numa argued that the god of boundaries must be a lover of peace, and a witness of righteousness, and therefore averse to bloodshed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Indeed Numa was the first king who defined the boundaries of the country, since Romulus was unwilling, by measuring what was really his own, to show how much he had taken from other states: for boundaries, if preserved, are barriers against violence; if disregarded, they become standing proofs of lawless injustice. The city had originally but a small territory of its own, and Romulus gained the greater part of its possessions by the sword. All this Numa distributed among the needy citizens, thereby removing the want which urged them to deeds of violence, and, by turning the people&#039;s thoughts to husbandry, he made them grow more civilised as their land grew more cultivated. No profession makes men such passionate lovers of peace as that of a man who farms his own land; for he retains enough of the warlike spirit to fight fiercely in defence of his own property, but has lost all desire to despoil and wrong his neighbours. It was for this reason that Numa encouraged agriculture among the Romans, as a spell to charm away war, and loved the art more because of its influence on men&#039;s minds than because of the wealth which it produced. He divided the whole country into districts, which he called pagi, and appointed a head man for each, and a patrol to guard it. And sometimes he himself would inspect them, and, forming an opinion of each man&#039;s character from the condition of his farm, would raise some to honours and offices of trust, and blaming others for their remissness, would lead them to do better in future.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Of his other political measures, that which is most admired is his division of the populace according to their trades. For whereas the city, as has been said, originally consisted of two races, which stood aloof one from the other and would not combine into one, which led to endless quarrels and rivalries, Numa, reflecting that substances which are hard and difficult to combine together, can nevertheless be mixed and formed into one mass if they are broken up into small pieces, because then they more easily fit into each other, determined to divide the whole mass of the people of Rome into many classes, and thus, by creating numerous petty rivalries, to obliterate their original and greatest cause of variance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His division was according to their trades, and consisted of the musicians, the goldsmiths, the builders, the dyers, the shoemakers, the carriers, the coppersmiths, and the potters. All the other trades he united into one guild. He assigned to each trade its special privileges, common to all the members, and arranged that each should have its own times of meeting, and worship its own special patron god, and by this means he did away with that habit, which hitherto had prevailed among the citizens, of some calling themselves Sabines, and some Romans; one boasting that they were Tatius&#039;s men, and other Romulus&#039;s. So this division produced a complete fusion and unity. Moreover he has been much praised for another of his measures, that, namely, of correcting the old law which allows fathers to sell their sons for slaves. He abolished this power in the case of married men, who had married with their father&#039;s consent; for he thought it a monstrous injustice that a woman, who had married a free man, should be compelled to be the wife of a slave.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; He also dealt with astronomical matters, not with perfect accuracy, and yet not altogether without knowledge. During the reign of Romulus the months had been in a state of great disorder, some not containing twenty days, some five-and-thirty, and some even more, because the Romans could not reconcile the discrepancies which arise from reckoning by the sun and the moon, and only insisted upon one thing, that the year should consist of three hundred and sixty days.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Numa reckoned the variation to consist of eleven days, as the lunar year contains three hundred and fifty-four days, and the solar year three hundred and sixty-five. He doubled these eleven days and introduced them every other year, after February, as an intercalary month, twenty-two days in duration, which was called by the Romans Mercedinus. This was a remedy for the irregularities of the calendar which itself required more extensive remedies.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He also altered the order of the months, putting March, which used to be the first month, third, and making January the first, which in the time of Romulus had been the eleventh, and February the second, which then had been the twelfth. There are many writers who say that these months, January and February, were added to the calendar by Numa, and that originally there had only been ten months in the year, just as some barbarians have three, and in Greece the Arcadians have four, and the Acarnanians six. The Egyptians originally had but one month in their year, and afterwards are said to have divided it into four mouths; wherefore, though they live in the newest of all countries, they appear to be the most ancient of all nations, and in their genealogies reckon an incredible number of years, because they count their months as years.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; One proof that the Romans used to reckon ten months and not twelve in the year is the name of the last month; for up to the present day it is called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;December&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, the tenth, and the order of the months shows that March was the first, for the fifth month from it they called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Quintilis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, the fifth; and the sixth month Sextilis, and so on for the others, although, by their putting January and February before March, it resulted that the month which they number fifth is really seventh in order. Moreover, there is a legend that the month of March, being the first, was dedicated by Romulus to Mars, and the second, April, to Aphrodité (Venus); in which month they sacrifice to this goddess, and the women bathe on the first day of it crowned with myrtle. Some, however, say that April is not named after Aphrodité, because the word April does not contain the letter &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;h&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and that it comes from the Latin word &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;aperio&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and means the month in which the spring-time opens the buds of plants; for that is what the word signifies. Of the following months, May is named after Maia, the mother of Hermes or Mercury, for it is dedicated to her, and June from Juno. Some say that these names signify old age and youth, for old men are called by the Latins majores, and young men juniores. The remaining months they named, from the order in which they came, the fifth, sixth, seventh, eighth, ninth, tenth: Quintilis, Sextilis, September, October, November, December. Then Quintilis was called Julius after Julius Caesar, who conquered Pompeius; and Sextilis was called Augustus, after the second of the Roman Emperors. The next two months Domitian altered to his own titles, but not for any long time, as after his death they resumed their old names of September and October. The last two alone have preserved their original names without change. Of the months, added or altered by Numa, Februarius means the month of purification, for that is as nearly as possible the meaning of the word, and during it they sacrifice to the dead, and hold the festival of the Lupercalia, which resembles a ceremony of purification. The first month, Januarius, is named after Janus. My opinion is, that Numa moved the month named after Mars from its precedence, wishing the art of good government to be honoured before that of war. For Janus in very ancient times was either a deity or a king, who established a social polity, and made men cease from a savage life like that of wild beasts. And for this reason his statues are made with a double face, because he turned men&#039;s way of life from one form to another.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; There is a temple to him in Rome, which has two doors, and which they call the gate of war. It is the custom to open the temple in time of war, and to close it during peace. This scarcely ever took place, as the empire was almost always at war with some state, being by its very greatness continually brought into collision with the neighbouring tribes. Only in the time of Caesar Augustus, after he had conquered Antonius, it was closed; and before that, during the consulship of Marcus Atilius and Titus Manlius, for a short time, and then was almost immediately reopened, as a new war broke out. But during Numa&#039;s reign no one saw it open for a single day, and it remained closed for forty-three years continuously, so utterly had he made wars to cease on all sides. Not only was the spirit of the Romans subdued and pacified by the gentle and just character of their king, but even the neighbouring cities, as if some soothing healthful air was breathed over them from Rome, altered their habits and longed to live quiet and well-governed, cultivating the earth, bringing up their families in peace, and worshipping the gods. And gay festivals and entertainments, during which the people of the various states fearlessly mixed with one another, prevailed throughout Italy, for Numa&#039;s knowledge of all that was good and noble was shed abroad like water from a fountain, and the atmosphere of holy calm by which he was surrounded spread over all men. The very poets when they wrote of that peaceful time were unable to find adequate expressions for it, as one writes—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Across the shields are cobwebs laid,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Rust eats the lance and keen edged blade;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;No more we hear the trumpets bray.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;And from our eyes no more is slumber chased away.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No war, revolution, or political disturbance of any kind is recorded during Numa&#039;s reign, neither was there any envy or hatred of him or any attempt by others to obtain the crown; but either fear of the gods who visibly protected him, or reverence for his virtues, or the special grace of Heaven, made men&#039;s lives innocent and untainted with evil, and formed a striking proof of the truth of what Plato said many years afterwards, that the only escape from misery for men is when by Divine Providence philosophy is combined with royal power, and used to exalt virtue over vice. Blessed indeed is the truly wise man, and blessed are they who hear the words of his mouth. Indeed his people require no restraints or punishments, but seeing a plain example of virtue in the life of their chief, they themselves of their own accord reform their lives, and model them upon that gentle and blessed rule of love and just dealing one with another which it is the noblest work of politicians to establish. He is most truly a king who can teach such lessons as these to his subjects, and Numa beyond all others seems to have clearly discerned this truth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Historians differ in their accounts of his wives and children. Some say that he married Tatia alone, and was the father of one daughter only, named Pompilia; but others, besides her, assign to him four sons, named Pompo, Pinus, Calpus, and Mamercus, from whom descended the four noble families of the Pomponii, Pinarii, Calphurnii, and Mamerci, which for this reason took the title of Rex, that is, king. Others again say that these pedigrees were invented to flatter these families, and state that the Pompilian family descends not from Tatia, but from Lucretia, whom he married after he became king. All, however, agree that Pompilia married Marcius, the son of that Marcius who encouraged Numa to accept the crown. This man accompanied Numa to Rome, was made a member of the Senate, and after Numa&#039;s death laid claim to the crown, but was worsted by Tullus Hostilius and made away with himself. His son Marcius, who married Pompilia, remained in Rome, and became the father of Ancus Marcius, who was king after Tullus Hostilius, and who was only five years old when Numa died.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We are told by Piso that Numa died, not by a sudden death, but by slow decay from sheer old age, having lived a little more than eighty years.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; He was enviable even in death, for all the friendly and allied nations assembled at his funeral with national offerings. The senators bore his bier, which was attended by the chief priests, while the crowd of men, women and children who were present, followed with such weeping and wailing, that one would have thought that, instead of an aged king, each man was about to bury his own dearest friend, who had died in the prime of life. At his own wish, it is said, the body was not burned, but placed in two stone coffins and buried on the Janiculum Hill. One of these contained his body, and the other the sacred books which he himself had written, as Greek legislators write their laws upon tablets. During his life he had taught the priests the contents of these books, and their meaning and spirit, and ordered them to be buried with his corpse, because it was right that holy mysteries should be contained, not in soulless writings, but in the minds of living men. For the same reason they say that the Pythagoreans never reduced their maxims to writing, but implanted them in the memories of worthy men; and when some of their difficult processes in geometry were divulged to some unworthy men, they said that Heaven would mark its sense of the wickedness which had been committed by some great public calamity; so that, as Numa&#039;s system so greatly resembled that of Pythagoras, we can easily pardon those who endeavour to establish a connection between them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Valerius of Antium says that twelve sacred books and twelve books of Greek philosophy were placed in the coffin. Four hundred years afterwards, when Publius Cornelius and Marcus Baebius were consuls, a great fall of rain took place, and the torrent washed away the earth and exposed the coffins. When the lids were removed, one of the coffins was seen by all men to be empty, and without any trace of a corpse in it; the other contained the books, which were read by Petilius the praetor, who reported to the Senate that in his opinion it was not right that their contents should be made known to the people, and they were therefore carried to the Comitium and burned there.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;All good and just men receive most praise after their death, because their unpopularity dies with them or even before them; but Numa&#039;s glory was enhanced by the unhappy reigns of his successors. Of five kings who succeeded him, the last was expelled and died an exile, and of the other four, not one died a natural death, but three were murdered by conspirators, and Tullus Hostilius, who was king next after Numa, and who derided and insulted his wise ordinances, especially those connected with religion, as lazy and effeminate, and who urged the people to take up arms, was cut down in the midst of his boastings by a terrible disease, and became subject to superstitious fears in no way resembling Numa&#039;s piety. His subjects were led to share these terrors, more especially by the manner of his death, which is said to have been by the stroke of a thunderbolt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;COMPARISON_OF_NUMA_WITH_LYKURGUS&amp;quot;&amp;gt;COMPARISON OF NUMA WITH LYKURGUS.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now that we have gone through the lives of Numa and Lykurgus, we must attempt, without being daunted by difficulties, to reconcile the points in which they appear to differ from each other. Much they appear to have had in common, as, for example, their self-control, their piety, and their political and educational ability; and while the peculiar glory of Numa is his acceptance of the throne, that of Lykurgus is his abdication. Numa received it without having asked for it; Lykurgus when in full possession gave it up. Numa, though a private man and not even a Roman, was chosen by the Romans as their king; but Lykurgus from being a king reduced himself to a private station. It is honourable to obtain a crown by righteousness, but it is also honourable to prefer righteousness to a crown. Numa&#039;s virtue made him so celebrated that he was judged worthy to be king, Lykurgus&#039; made him so great that he did not care to be king.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Again, like those who tune the strings of a lyre, Lykurgus drew tighter the relaxed and licentious Sparta, while Numa merely slackened the highly strung and warlike Rome, so that here Lykurgus had the more difficult task. He had to persuade his countrymen, not to take off their armour and lay aside their swords, but to leave off using gold and silver, and to lay aside costly hangings and furniture; he had not to make them exchange wars for sacrifices and gay festivals, but to cease from feasts and drinking-parties, and work hard both in the field and in the palaestra to train themselves for war.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For this reason, Numa was able to effect his purpose without difficulty, and without any loss of popularity and respect; while Lykurgus was struck and pelted, and in danger of his life, and even so could scarcely carry out his reforms. Yet the genius of Numa was kindly and gentle, and so softened and changed the reckless fiery Romans that they became peaceful, law-abiding citizens; and if we must reckon Lykurgus&#039; treatment of the Helots as part of his system, it cannot be denied that Numa was a far more civilised lawgiver, seeing that he allowed even to actual slaves some taste of liberty, by his institution of feasting them together with their masters at the festival of Saturn.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For this custom of allowing the labourers to share in the harvest-feast is traced to Numa. Some say that this is in remembrance of the equality which existed in the time of Saturn, when there was neither master nor slave, but all were kinsmen and had equal rights.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Both evidently encouraged the spirit of independence and self-control among their people, while of other virtues, Lykurgus loved bravery, and Numa loved justice best; unless indeed we should say that, from the very different temper and habits of the two states, they required to be treated in a different manner. It was not from cowardice, but because he scorned to do an injustice, that Numa did not make war; while Lykurgus made his countrymen warlike, not in order that they might do wrong, but that they might not be wronged. Each found that the existing system required very important alterations to check its excesses and supply its defects. Numa&#039;s reforms were all in favour of the people, whom he classified into a mixed and motley multitude of goldsmiths and musicians and cobblers; while the constitution introduced by Lykurgus was severely aristocratic, driving all handicrafts into the hands of slaves and foreigners, and confining the citizens to the use of the spear and shield, as men whose trade was war alone, and who knew nothing but how to obey their leaders and to conquer their enemies. In Sparta a free man was not permitted to make money in business, in order that he might be truly free.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Each thing connected with the business of making money, like that of preparing food for dinner, was left in the hands of slaves and helots. Numa made no regulations of this kind, but, while he put an end to military plundering, raised no objection to other methods of making money, nor did he try to reduce inequalities of fortune, but allowed wealth to increase unchecked, and disregarded the influx of poor men into the city and the increase of poverty there, whereas he ought at the very outset, like Lykurgus, while men&#039;s fortunes were still tolerably equal, to have raised some barrier against the encroachments of wealth, and to have restrained the terrible evils which take their rise and origin in it. As for the division of the land among the citizens, in my opinion, Lykurgus cannot be blamed for doing it, nor yet can Numa for not doing it. The equality thus produced was the very foundation and corner-stone of the Lacedaemonian constitution, while Numa had no motive for disturbing the Roman lands, which had only been recently distributed among the citizens, or to alter the arrangements made by Romulus, which we may suppose were still in force throughout the country.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; With regard to a community of wives and children, each took a wise and statesman-like course to prevent jealousy, although the means employed by each were different. A Roman who possessed a sufficient family of his own might be prevailed upon by a friend who had no children to transfer his wife to him, being fully empowered to give her away, by divorce, for this purpose; but a Lacedaemonian was accustomed to lend his wife for intercourse with a friend, while she remained living in his house, and without the marriage being thereby dissolved. Many, we are told, even invited those who, they thought, would beget fine and noble children, to converse with their wives. The distinction between the two customs seems to be this: the Spartans affected an unconcern and insensibility about a matter which excites most men to violent rage and jealousy; the Romans modestly veiled it by a legal contract which seems to admit how hard it is for a man to give up his wife to another. Moreover Numa&#039;s regulations about young girls were of a much more feminine and orderly nature, while those of Lykurgus were so highflown and unbecoming to women, as to have been the subject of notice by the poets, who call them &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Phainomerides&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, that is with bare thighs, as Ibykus says; and they accuse them of lust, as Euripides says—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;They stay not, as befits a maid, at home,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;But with young men in shameless dresses roam.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For in truth the sides of the maiden&#039;s tunic were not fastened together at the skirt, and so flew open and exposed the thigh as they walked, which is most clearly alluded to in the lines of Sophokles—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;She that wanders nigh,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;With scanty skirt that shows the thigh,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;A Spartan maiden fair and free,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Hermione.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On this account they are said to have become bolder than they should be, and to have first shown this spirit towards their husbands, ruling uncontrolled over their households, and afterwards in public matters, where they freely expressed their opinions upon the most important subjects. On the other hand, Numa preserved that respect and honour due from men to matrons which they had met with under Romulus, who paid them these honours to atone for having carried them off by force, but he implanted in them habits of modesty, sobriety, and silence, forbidding them even to touch wine, or to speak even when necessary except in their husbands&#039; presence. It is stated that once, because a woman pleaded her own cause in the Forum, the Senate sent to ask the oracle what this strange event might portend for the state.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A great proof of the obedience and modesty of the most part of them is the way in which the names of those who did any wrong is remembered. For, just as in Greece, historians record the names of those who first made war against their own kindred or murdered their parents, so the Romans tell us that the first man who put away his wife was Spurius Carvilius, nothing of the kind having happened in Rome for two hundred and thirty years from its foundation; and that the wife of Pinarius, Thalaea by name, was the first to quarrel with her mother-in-law Gegania in the reign of Tarquinius Superbus—so well and orderly were marriages arranged by this lawgiver.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The rest of their laws for the training and marriage of maidens agree with one another, although Lykurgus put off the time of marriage till they were full-grown, in order that their intercourse, demanded as it was by nature, might produce love and friendship in the married pair rather than the dislike often experienced by an immature child towards her husband, and also that their bodies might be better able to support the trials of child-bearing, which he regarded as the sole object of marriage; whereas the Romans gave their daughters in marriage at the age of twelve years or even younger, thinking thus to hand over a girl to her husband pure and uncorrupt both in body and mind. It is clear that the former system is best for the mere production of children, and the latter for moulding consorts for life. But by his superintendence of the young, his collecting them into companies, his training and drill, with the table and exercises common to all, Lykurgus showed that he was immensely superior to Numa, who, like any commonplace lawgiver, left the whole training of the young in the hands of their fathers, regulated only by their caprice or needs; so that whoever chose might bring up his son as a shipwright, a coppersmith, or a musician, as though the citizens ought not from the very outset to direct their attention to one object, but were like people who have embarked in the same ship for various causes, who only in time of danger act together for the common advantage of all, and at other times pursue each his own private ends. Allowance must be made for ordinary lawgivers, who fail through want of power or of knowledge in establishing such a system; but no such excuse can be made for Numa, who was a wise man, and who was made king of a newly-created state which would not have opposed any of his designs. What could be of greater importance than to regulate the education of the young and so to train them that they might all become alike in their lives and all bear the same impress of virtue? It was to this that Lykurgus owed the permanence of his laws; for he could not have trusted to the oaths which he made them take, if he had not by education and training so steeped the minds of the young in the spirit of his laws, and by his method of bringing them up implanted in them such a love for the state, that the most important of his enactments remained in force for more than five hundred years; for the lives of all Spartans seem to have been coloured by these laws. That which was the aim and end of Numa&#039;s policy, that Rome should be at peace and friendly with her neighbours, ceased immediately upon his death; at once the double-gated temple, which he kept closed as if he really kept war locked up in it, had both its gates thrown open and filled Italy with slaughter. His excellent and righteous policy did not last for a moment, for the people were not educated to support it, and therefore it could not be lasting. But, it may be asked, did not Rome flourish by her wars? It is hard to answer such a question, in an age which values wealth, luxury, and dominion more than a gentle peaceful life that wrongs no one and suffices for itself. Yet this fact seems to tell for Lykurgus, that the Romans gained such an enormous increase of power by departing from Numa&#039;s policy, while the Lacedaemonians, as soon as they fell away from the discipline of Lykurgus, having been the haughtiest became the most contemptible of Greeks, and not only lost their supremacy, but had even to struggle for their bare existence. On the other hand, it was truly glorious for Numa that he was a stranger and sent for by the Romans to be their king; that he effected all his reforms without violence, and ruled a city composed of discordant elements without any armed force such as Lykurgus had to assist him, winning over all men and reducing them to order by his wisdom and justice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;LIFE_OF_SOLON&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LIFE OF SOLON.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Didymus the grammarian, in the book about Solon&#039;s laws which he wrote in answer to Asklepiades, quotes a saying of one Philokles, that Solon was the son of Euphorion, which is quite at variance with the testimony of all other writers who have mentioned Solon: for they all say that he was the son of Exekestides, a man whose fortune and power were only moderate, but whose family was of the noblest in Athens; for he was descended from Kodrus the last Athenian king. Herakleides of Pontus relates that the mother of Solon was first cousin to the mother of Peisistratus. The two boys, we are told, were friends when young, and when in after years they differed in politics they still never entertained harsh or angry feelings towards one another, but kept alive the sacred flame of their former intimate friendship. Peisistratus is even said to have dedicated the statue of Love in the Academy where those who are going to run in the sacred torch-race light their torches.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; According to Hermippus, Solon, finding that his father had by his generosity diminished his fortune, and feeling ashamed to be dependent upon others, when he himself was come of a house more accustomed to give than to receive, embarked in trade, although his friends were eager to supply him with all that he could wish for. Some, however, say that Solon travelled more with a view to gaining experience and learning than to making money. He was indeed eager to learn, as he wrote when an old man,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Old to grow, but ever learning,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;but disregarded wealth, for he wrote that he regarded as equally rich the man who owned&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Gold and broad acres, corn and wine;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;And he that hath but clothes and food,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;A wife, and youthful strength divine.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yet elsewhere he has written, but&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I long for wealth, not by fraud obtained,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;For curses wait on riches basely gained.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There is no reason for an upright statesman either to be over anxious for luxuries or to despise necessaries. At that period, as Hesiod tells us, &amp;quot;Work was no disgrace,&amp;quot; nor did trade carry any reproach, while the profession of travelling merchant was even honourable, as it civilised barbarous tribes, and gained the friendship of kings, and learned much in many lands. Some merchants founded great cities, as, for example, Protis, who was beloved by the Gauls living near the Rhone, founded Marseilles. It is also said that Thales the sage, and Hippocrates the mathematician, travelled as merchants, and that Plato defrayed the expenses of his journey to Egypt by the oil which he disposed of in that country.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Solon&#039;s extravagance and luxurious mode of life, and his poems, which treat of pleasure more from a worldly than a philosophic point of view, are attributed to his mercantile training; for the great perils of a merchant&#039;s life require to be paid in corresponding pleasures. Yet it is clear that he considered himself as belonging to the class of the poor, rather than that of the rich, from the following verses:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The base are rich, the good are poor; and yet&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Our virtue for their gold we would not change;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;For that at least is ours for evermore,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;While wealth we see from hand to hand doth range.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His poetry was originally written merely for his own amusement in his leisure hours; but afterwards he introduced into it philosophic sentiments, and interwove political events with his poems, not in order to record them historically, but in some cases to explain his own conduct, and in others to instruct, encourage, or rebuke the Athenians. Some say that he endeavoured to throw his laws into an epic form, and tell us that the poem began—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;To Jove I pray, great Saturn&#039;s son divine,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;To grant his favour to these laws of mine.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of ethical philosophy, he, like most of the sages of antiquity, was most interested in that branch which deals with political obligations. As to natural science, his views are very crude and antiquated, as we see from the following verses:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;From clouds the snow and hail descend,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;And thunderbolts the lightnings send;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;The waves run high when gales do blow,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Without the wind they&#039;re still enow.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Indeed, of all the sages of that time, Thales alone seems to have known more of physics than was necessary to supply man&#039;s every-day needs; all the others having gained their reputation for political wisdom.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; These wise men are said to have met at Delphi, and again at Corinth, where they were entertained by the despot Periander. Their reputation was greatly increased by the tripod which was sent to all of them and refused by all with a gracious rivalry. The story goes that some men of Cos were casting a net, and some strangers from Miletus bought the haul of them before it reached the surface.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The net brought up a golden tripod, the same which, it is said, Helen threw into the sea at that spot, in accordance with some ancient oracle, when she was sailing away from Troy. A dispute arose at first between the strangers and the fishermen; afterwards it was taken up by their respective cities, who even came to blows about it. Finally they consulted the oracle at Delphi, which ordered it to be given to the wisest. Now it was first sent to Miletus, to Thales, as the men of Cos willingly gave it to that one man, although they had fought with all the Milesians together about it. Thales said that Bias was wiser than himself, and sent it to him; and by him it was again sent to another man, as being wiser yet. So it went on, being sent from one to another until it came to Thales a second time, and at last was sent from Miletus to Thebes and consecrated to Apollo Ismenius. As Theophrastus tells the story, the tripod was first sent to Bias at Priéne, and secondly to Thales at Miletus, and so on through all of the wise men until it again reached Bias, and was finally offered at Delphi. This is the more common version of the story, although some say that it was not a tripod but a bowl sent by Croesus, others that it was a drinking-cup left behind by one Bathykles.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Anacharsis is said to have met Solon, and afterwards Thales in private, and to have conversed with them. The story goes that Anacharsis came to Athens, went to Solon&#039;s door, and knocked, saying that he was a stranger and had come to enter into friendship with him. When Solon answered that friendships were best made at home, Anacharsis said, &amp;quot;Well then, do you, who are at home, enter into friendship with me.&amp;quot; Solon, admiring the man&#039;s cleverness, received him kindly, and kept him for some time in his house. He was at this time engaged in politics, and was composing his laws. Anacharsis, when he discovered this, laughed at Solon&#039;s undertaking, if he thought to restrain the crimes and greed of the citizens by written laws, which he said were just like spiders&#039; webs; for, like them, they caught the weaker criminals, but were broken through by the stronger and more important.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To this Solon answered, that men keep covenants, because it is to the advantage of neither party to break them; and that he so suited his laws to his countrymen, that it was to the advantage of every one to abide by them rather than to break them. Nevertheless, things turned out more as Anacharsis thought than as Solon wished. Anacharsis said too, when present at an assembly of the people, that he was surprised to see that in Greece wise men spoke upon public affairs, and ignorant men decided them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Solon went to Thales at Miletus, he expressed his wonder at his having never married and had a family. Thales made no answer at the time, but a few days afterwards arranged that a man should come to him and say that he left Athens ten days before. When Solon inquired of him, whether anything new had happened at Athens, the man answered, as Thales had instructed him, that &amp;quot;there was no news, except the death of a young man who had been escorted to his grave by the whole city. He was the son, they told him, of a leading citizen of great repute for his goodness, but the father was not present, for they said he had been travelling abroad for some years.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Unhappy man,&amp;quot; said Solon, &amp;quot;what was his name?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;I heard his name,&amp;quot; answered the man, &amp;quot;but I cannot remember it; beyond that there was much talk of his wisdom and justice.&amp;quot; Thus by each of his answers he increased Solon&#039;s alarm, until he at last in his excitement asked the stranger whether it were not Solon&#039;s son that was dead. The stranger said that it was. Solon was proceeding to beat his head and show all the other marks of grief, when Thales stopped him, saying with a smile, &amp;quot;This, Solon, which has the power to strike down so strong a man as you, has ever prevented my marrying and having children. But be of good courage, for this tale which you have been told is untrue.&amp;quot; This story is said by Hermippus to have been told by Pataikos, he who said that he had inherited the soul of Aesop.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; It is a strange and unworthy feeling that prompts a man not to claim that to which he has a right, for fear that he may one day lose it; for by the same reasoning he might refuse wealth, reputation, or wisdom, for fear of losing them hereafter. We see even virtue, the greatest and most dear of all possessions, can be destroyed by disease or evil drugs; and Thales by avoiding marriage still had just as much to fear, unless indeed he ceased to love his friends, his kinsmen, and his native land. But even he adopted his sister&#039;s son Kybisthus; for the soul has a spring of affection within it, and is formed not only to perceive, to reflect, and to remember, but also to love. If it finds nothing to love at home, it will find something abroad; and when affection, like a desert spot, has no legitimate possessors, it is usurped by bastard children or even servants, who when they have obtained our love, make us fear for them and be anxious about them. So that one may often see men, in a cynical temper, inveighing against marriage and children, who themselves shortly afterwards will be plunged into unmanly excesses of grief, at the loss of their child by some slave or concubine. Some have even shown terrible grief at the death of dogs and horses; whereas others, who have lost noble sons, made no unusual or unseemly exhibition of sorrow, but passed the remainder of their lives calmly and composedly. Indeed it is weakness, not affection, which produces such endless misery and dread to those who have not learned to take a rational view of the uncertainty of life, and who cannot enjoy the presence of their loved ones because of their constant agony for fear of losing them. We should not make ourselves poor for fear of losing our property, nor should we guard ourselves against a possible loss of friends by making none; still less ought we to avoid having children for fear that our child might die. But we have already dwelt too much upon this subject.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After a long and harassing war with the Megarians about the possession of the Island of Salamis, the Athenians finally gave up in sheer weariness, and passed a law forbidding any one for the future, either to speak or to write in favour of the Athenian claim to Salamis, upon pain of death. Solon, grieved at this dishonour, and observing that many of the younger men were eager for an excuse to fight, but dared not propose to do so because of this law, pretended to have lost his reason. His family gave out that he was insane, but he meanwhile composed a poem, and when he had learned it by heart, rushed out into the market-place wearing a small felt cap, and having assembled a crowd, mounted the herald&#039;s stone and recited the poem which begins with the lines—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;A herald I from Salamis am come,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;My verse will tell you what should there be done.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The name of this poem is Salamis; it consists of a hundred beautifully written lines. After he had sung it, his friends began to commend it, and Peisistratus made a speech to the people, which caused such enthusiasm that they abrogated the law and renewed the war, with Solon as their leader. The common version of the story runs thus: Solon sailed with Peisistratus to Kolias, where he found all the women of the city performing the customary sacrifice to Demeter (Ceres). At the same time, he sent a trusty man to Salamis, who represented himself as a deserter, and bade the Megarians follow him at once to Kolias, if they wished to capture all the women of the first Athenian families. The Megarians were duped, and sent off a force in a ship. As soon as Solon saw this ship sail away from the island, he ordered the women out of the way, dressed up those young men who were still beardless in their clothes, headdresses, and shoes, gave them daggers, and ordered them to dance and disport themselves near the seashore until the enemy landed, and their ship was certain to be captured. So the Megarians, imagining them to be women, fell upon them, struggling which should first seize them, but they were cut off to a man by the Athenians, who at once sailed to Salamis and captured it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Others say that the island was not taken in this way, but that first of all Solon received the following oracular response from Apollo at Delphi:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Appease the land&#039;s true lords, the heroes blest,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Who near Asopia&#039;s fair margin rest,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;And from their tombs still look towards the West.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After this, Solon is said to have sailed by night, unnoticed by the Megarians, and to have sacrificed to the heroes Periphemus and Kychreus. His next act was to raise five hundred Athenian volunteers, who by a public decree were to be absolute masters of the island if they could conquer it. With these he set sail in a number of fishing-boats, with a triaconter or ship of war of thirty oars, sailing in company, and anchored off a certain cape which stretches towards Euboea. The Megarians in Euboea heard an indistinct rumour of this, and at once ran to arms, and sent a ship to reconnoitre the enemy. This ship, when it came near Solon&#039;s fleet, was captured and its crew taken prisoners. On board of it Solon placed some picked men, and ordered them to make sail for the city of Salamis, and to conceal themselves as far as they could. Meanwhile he with the remaining Athenians attacked the Megarian forces by land; and while the battle was at its hottest, the men in the ship succeeded in surprising the city.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This story appears to be borne out by the proceedings which were instituted in memory of the capture. In this ceremony an Athenian ship used to sail to Salamis, at first in silence, and then as they neared the shore with warlike shouts. Then a man completely armed used to leap out and run, shouting as he went, up to the top of the hill called Skiradion, where he met those who came by land. Close by this place stands the temple of Ares, which Solon built; for he conquered the Megarians in the battle, and sent away the survivors with a flag of truce.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; However, as the Megarians still continued the war, to the great misery of both sides, they agreed to make the Lacedaemonians arbitrators and judges between them. Most writers say that Solon brought the great authority of Homer&#039;s &#039;Iliad&#039; to his aid, by interpolating in the catologue of ships the two verses—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Ajax from Salamis twelve vessels good&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Brought, and he placed them where the Athenians stood,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;which he had read as evidence before the court.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Athenians, however, say that all this is nonsense, but that Solon proved to the arbitrators that Philaeus and Eurysakes, the sons of Ajax, when they were enrolled as Athenian citizens, made over the island to Athens, and dwelt, one at Brauron, in Attica, and the other at Melité; moreover, there is an Athenian tribe which claims descent from Philaeus, to which Peisistratus belonged. Wishing, however, yet more thoroughly to prove his case against the Megarians, he based an argument on the tombs in the island, in which the corpses were buried, not in the Megarian, but in the Athenian manner. For the Megarians bury their dead looking towards the east, and the Athenians towards the west. But Hereas of Megara denies this, and says that the Megarians also bury their dead looking towards the west, and moreover, that each Athenian had a coffin to himself, while the Megarians place two or three bodies in one coffin. However, Solon supported his case by quoting certain oracles from Delphi, in which the god addresses Salamis as Ionian. The Spartan arbitrators were five in number, their names being Kritolaidas, Amompharetus, Hypsichidas, Anaxilos, and Kleomenes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Solon&#039;s reputation and power were greatly increased by this, but he became much more celebrated and well-known in Greece by his speeches on behalf of the temple at Delphi, in which he urged the necessity of checking the insolent conduct of the people of Kirrha towards the temple, and of rallying in defence of the god. The Amphiktyons, prevailed upon by his eloquence, declared war, as we learn from Aristotle, among other writers, in his book about the winners of the prize at the Pythian games, in which he attributes this decision to Solon. However, he was not made general in that war, as Hermippus relates, quoting from Evanthes of Samos; for Aeschines the orator does not mention him, and, in the records of Delphi, Alkmaeon, not Solon, is mentioned as general of the Athenians on that occasion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Athens had long been suffering from the anger of the gods, which it had incurred by the treatment of Kylon&#039;s party. These conspirators took sanctuary in Athene&#039;s temple, but were induced by Megakles the archon to quit it and stand their trial. They fastened a thread to the shrine of the goddess, and kept hold of it so as still to be under her protection. But as they were coming down from the Acropolis, just beside the temple of the Furies, the string broke, and Megakles and the other archons, thinking that the goddess rejected their appeal, seized them. Some of them were stoned to death outside the temple, and some who had fled for sanctuary to the altars were slain there. Only those who fell as suppliants at the feet of the archons&#039; wives were spared. After this the archons were called accursed, and were viewed with horror; moreover, the survivors of Kylon&#039;s party regained strength, and continued their intrigues against Megakles and the archons. At the time of which we are speaking these dissensions had reached their height, and the city was divided into two factions, when Solon, who was already a man of great reputation, came forward with some of the noblest Athenians, and by his entreaties and arguments prevailed upon those magistrates who were called accursed, to stand trial and be judged by a jury of three hundred citizens selected from the best families. Myron of Phlya prosecuted, and the archons were found guilty, and forced to leave the country. The bodies of such of them as had died were dug up, and cast out beyond the borders of Attica.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;During these disorders the Athenians were again attacked by the Megarians, and lost Nisaea, and were again driven out of Salamis. The city was also a prey to superstitious terrors, and apparitions were seen, so that the prophets, after inspecting their victims, said that the city was polluted and under a curse, and that it required purification. Upon this they sent for Epimenides the Phaestian, of Crete, who is reckoned among the seven wise men of Greece, by some of those who do not admit Periander into their number. He was thought to enjoy the favour of Heaven, and was skilled in all the lore of the sacred mysteries, and in the sources of divine inspiration; wherefore he was commonly reported to be the child of the nymph Balte, and to be one of the old Curetes of Crete revived. He came to Athens and was a friend to Solon, assisting him greatly in his legislation. He remodelled their religious rites, and made their mourning more moderate, introducing certain sacrifices shortly after the funeral, and abolishing the harsh and barbarous treatment which women were for the most part subject to before in times of mourning. Above all, by purifications and atoning sacrifices, and the erection of new temples, he so sanctified and hallowed the city as to make the minds of the people obedient to the laws, and easily guided into unity and concord. It is said that he saw Munychia, and viewed it carefully for some time in silence. Then he said to the bystanders, &amp;quot;How blind is man to the future. The Athenians would eat this place up with their teeth if they knew what misfortunes it will bring upon them?&amp;quot; A prophetic saying of the same kind is attributed to Thales. He bade his friends bury him in a low and neglected quarter of Miletus, telling them that one day it would be the market-place of the city. Epimenides was greatly honoured by the Athenians, and was offered large sums of money by them, and great privileges, but he refused them all, and only asked for a branch of the sacred olive-tree, which he received and went his way.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When the troubles about Kylon were over, and the accursed men cast out of the country, the Athenians relapsed into their old dispute about the constitution. The state was divided into as many factions as there were parts of the country, for the Diakrii, or mountaineers, favoured democracy; the Pedioei, oligarchy; while those who dwelt along the seashore, called Parali, preferred a constitution midway between these two forms, and thus prevented either of the other parties from carrying their point. Moreover, the state was on the verge of revolution, because of the excessive poverty of some citizens, and the enormous wealth of others, and it appeared that the only means of putting an end to these disorders was by establishing an absolute despotism. The whole people were in debt to a few wealthy men; they either cultivated their farms, in which case they were obliged to pay one-sixth of the profit to their creditors, and were called Hektemori, or servants, or else they had raised loans upon personal security, and had become the slaves of their creditors, who either employed them at home, or sold them to foreigners. Many were even compelled to sell their own children, which was not illegal, and to leave the country because of the harshness of their creditors.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The greater part, and those of most spirit, combined together, and encouraged one another not to suffer such oppression any longer, but to choose some trustworthy person to protect their interests, to set free all enslaved debtors, redistribute the land, and, in a word, entirely remodel the constitution.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In this position of affairs, the most sensible men in Athens perceived that Solon was a person who shared the vices of neither faction, as he took no part in the oppressive conduct of the wealthy, and yet had sufficient fortune to save him from the straits to which the poor were reduced. In consequence of this, they begged him to come forward and end their disputes. But Phanias of Lesbos says that Solon deceived both parties, in order to save the state, promising the poor a redistribution of lands, and the rich a confirmation of their securities. However, Solon himself tells us that it was with reluctance that he interfered, as he was threatened by the avarice of the one party, and the desperation of the other. He was chosen archon next after Philombrotus, to act as an arbitrator and lawgiver at once, because the rich had confidence in him as a man of easy fortune, and the poor trusted him as a good man. It is said also that a saying which he had let fall some time before, that &amp;quot;equality does not breed strife,&amp;quot; was much circulated at the time, and pleased both parties, because the rich thought it meant that property should be distributed according to merit and desert, while the poor thought it meant according to rule and measure. Both parties were now elate with hope, and their leaders urged Solon to seize the supreme power in the state, of which he was practically possessed, and make himself king. Many even of the more moderate class of politicians, who saw how weary and difficult a task it would be to reform the state by debates and legislative measures, were quite willing that so wise and honest a man should undertake the sole management of affairs. It is even said that Solon received an oracle as follows:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Take thou the helm, the vessel guide,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Athens will rally to thy side.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His intimate friends were loudest in their reproaches, pointing out that it was merely the name of despot from which he shrunk, and that in his case his virtues would lead men to regard him as a legitimate hereditary sovereign; instancing also Tunnondas, who in former times had been chosen by the Euboeans, and, at the present time, Pittakus, who had been chosen king of Mitylene. But nothing could shake Solon&#039;s determination. He told his friends that monarchy is indeed a pleasant place, but there is no way out of it; and he inserted the following verses in answer to Phokus, in one of his poems:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;But if I spared&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;My country, and with dread tyrannic sway,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Forbore to stain and to pollute my glory;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;I feel no shame at this; nay rather thus,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;I think that I excel mankind.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;From which it is clear that he possessed a great reputation even before he became the lawgiver of Athens.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In answer to the reproaches of many of his friends at his refusal to make himself despot, he wrote as follows:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Not a clever man was Solon, not a calculating mind,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;For he would not take the kingdom, which the gods to him inclined,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;In his net he caught the prey, but would not draw it forth to land,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Overpowered by his terrors, feeble both of heart and hand;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;For a man of greater spirit would have occupied the throne,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Proud to be the Lord of Athens, though &#039;twere for a day alone,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Though the next day he and his into oblivion were thrown.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; This is the way in which he says the masses, and low-minded men, spoke of him. He, however, firmly rejecting the throne, proceeded quietly to administer public affairs, in laying down his laws without any weak yielding to the powerful, or any attempt to court popularity. Such as were good, he did not meddle with, fearing that if he&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Disturbed and overset the state,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;he might not have sufficient power to&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Reconstitute and organise again,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;in the best way. He carried out his measures by persuasion, and, where he thought he could succeed, by force; in his own words,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Combining Force and Justice both together.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Being afterwards asked whether he had composed the best possible laws for the Athenians, he answered, &amp;quot;The best that they would endure.&amp;quot; And the habit of Athenians of later times, who soften down harsh words by using politer equivalents, calling harlots &amp;quot;mistresses,&amp;quot; taxes &amp;quot;contributions,&amp;quot; garrisons of cities &amp;quot;protectors,&amp;quot; and the common prison &amp;quot;the house,&amp;quot; was, it seems, first invented by Solon, who devised the name of &amp;quot;relief from burdens&amp;quot; for his measure to abolish all debts.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This was his first measure; namely, to put an end to all existing debts and obligations, and to forbid any one in future to lend money upon security of the person of the debtor. Some writers, among whom is Androtion, say that he benefited the poor, not by the absolute extinction of debt, but by establishing a lower rate of interest; and that this measure was called &amp;quot;Relief from burdens,&amp;quot; and together with it the two other measures for the enlargement of measures and of the value of money, which were passed about the same time. For he ordered a mina, which was before constituted of seventy three drachmas, to contain a hundred, so that, though they paid the same amount, yet the value was less; thus those who had much to pay were benefited, and still their creditors were not cheated. But most writers say that the &amp;quot;Relief from burdens&amp;quot; meant the extinction of all securities whatever, and this agrees best with what we read in his poems. For Solon prides himself in these upon having&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Taken off the mortgages, which on the land were laid,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;And made the country free, which was formerly enslaved.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;While he speaks of bringing back Athenian citizens who had been sold into slavery abroad,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;In distant lands who roam,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Their native tongue forgot,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Or here endure at home&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A slave&#039;s disgraceful lot,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and of making them free men again.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It is said that in consequence of this measure he met with the greatest trouble of his life. As he was meditating how he might put an end to debt, and what words and preambles were best for the introduction of this law, he took counsel with his most intimate friends, such as Konon and Kleinias and Hipponikus, informing them that he had no intention of interfering with the tenure of land, but that he intended to abolishing all existing securities. They instantly took time by the forelock, borrowed large sums from the wealthy, and bought up a great extent of land. Presently the decree came forth, and they remained in enjoyment of these estates, but did not repay their loan to their creditors. This brought Solon into great discredit, for the people believed that he had been their accomplice. But he soon proved that this must be false, by remitting a debt of five talents which he himself had lent; and some state the sum at fifteen talents, amongst whom is Polyzelus of Rhodes. However, his friends were for ever afterwards called &amp;quot;The Swindlers.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; By this measure he pleased neither party, but the rich were dissatisfied at the loss of their securities, and the poor were still more so because the land was not divided afresh, as they hoped it would be, and because he had not, like Lykurgus, established absolute equality.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But Lykurgus was eleventh in direct descent from Herakles, and had reigned in Lacedaemon for many years, and had his own great reputation, friends, and interest to assist him in carrying out his reforms: and although he chose to effect his purpose by violence, so that his eye was actually knocked out, yet he succeeded in carrying that measure, so valuable for the safety and concord of the state, by which it was rendered impossible for any citizen to be either rich or poor. Solon&#039;s power could not reach this height, as he was only a commoner and a moderate man; yet he did all that was in his power, relying solely upon the confidence and goodwill of his countrymen.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It is clear that they were disappointed, and expected more from his legislation, from his own verses—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Once they speculated gaily, what good luck should them befall,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Now they look upon me coldly, as a traitor to them all.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yet he says, if any one else had been in his position,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;He ne&#039;er would have desisted from unsettling the laws,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Till he himself got all the cream.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;However, not long afterwards, they perceived the public benefits which he had conferred upon them, forgot their private grievances, and made a public sacrifice in honour of the Seisachtheia, or &amp;quot;Relief from burdens.&amp;quot; Moreover, they constituted Solon supreme reformer and lawgiver, not over some departments only, but placing everything alike in his hands; magistracies, public assemblies, senate, and law-courts. He had full powers to confirm or abolish any of these, and to fix the proper qualifications for members of them, and their numbers and times of meeting.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; First of all, then, he repealed all the laws of Drakon, except those relating to murder, because of their harshness and the excessive punishments which they awarded. For death was the punishment for almost every offence, so that even men convicted of idleness were executed, and those who stole pot-herbs or fruits suffered just like sacrilegious robbers and murderers. So that Demades afterwards made the joke that Drakon&#039;s laws were not written with ink, but with blood. It is said that Drakon himself, when asked why he had fixed the punishment of death for most offences, answered that he considered these lesser crimes to deserve it, and he had no greater punishment for more important ones.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In the next place, Solon, who wished to leave all magistracies as he found them, in the hands of the wealthy classes, but to give the people a share in the rest of the constitution, from which they were then excluded, took a census of the wealth of the citizens, and made a first class of those who had an annual income of not less than five hundred medimni of dry or liquid produce; these he called Pentakosiomedimni. The next class were the Hippeis, or knights, consisting of those who were able to keep a horse, or who had an income of three hundred medimni. The third class were the Zeugitae, whose property qualification was two hundred medimni of dry or liquid produce; and the last class were the Thetes, whom Solon did not permit to be magistrates, but whose only political privilege was the right of attending the public assemblies and sitting as jurymen in the law courts. This privilege was at first insignificant, but afterwards became of infinite importance, because most disputes were settled before a jury. Even in those cases which he allowed the magistrates to settle, he provided a final appeal to the people.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Solon moreover is said to have purposely worded his laws vaguely and with several interpretations, in order to increase the powers of these juries, because persons who could not settle their disputes by the letter of the law were obliged to have recourse to juries of the people, and to refer all disputes to them, as being to a certain extent above the laws. He himself notices this in the following verses:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I gave the people all the strength they needed,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Yet kept the power of the nobles strong;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Thus each from other&#039;s violence I shielded,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Not letting either do the other wrong.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thinking that the weakness of the populace required still further protection, he permitted any man to prosecute on behalf of any other who might be ill-treated. Thus if a man were struck or injured, any one else who was able and willing might prosecute on his behalf, and the lawgiver by this means endeavoured to make the whole body of citizens act together and feel as one. A saying of his is recorded which quite agrees with the spirit of this law. Being asked, what he thought was the best managed city? &amp;quot;That,&amp;quot; he answered, &amp;quot;in which those who are not wronged espouse the cause of those who are, and punish their oppressors.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; He established the senate of the Areopagus of those who had held the yearly office of archon, and himself became a member of it because he had been archon. But in addition to this, observing that the people were becoming turbulent and unruly, in consequence of their relief from debt, he formed a second senate, consisting of a hundred men selected from each of the four tribes, to deliberate on measures in the first instance, and he permitted no measures to be proposed before the general assembly, which had not been previously discussed in this senate. The upper senate he intended to exercise a general supervision, and to maintain the laws, and he thought that with these two senates as her anchors, the ship of the state would ride more securely, and that the people would be less inclined to disorder. Most writers say that Solon constituted the senate of the Areopagus, as is related above; and this view is supported by the fact that Drakon nowhere mentions or names the Areopagites, but in all cases of murder refers to the Ephetai. However, the eighth law on the thirteenth table of the laws of Solon runs thus:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;All citizens who were disfranchised before the magistracy of Solon shall resume their rights, except those who have been condemned by the Areopagus, or by the Ephetai, or by the king—archons, in the prytaneum, for murder or manslaughter, or attempts to overthrow the government and who were in exile when this law was made.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This again proves that the senate of the Areopagus existed before the time of Solon; for who could those persons be who were condemned by the court of the Areopagus, if Solon was the first who gave the senate of the Areopagus a criminal jurisdiction; though perhaps some words have been left out, or indistinctly written, and the law means &amp;quot;all those who had been condemned on the charges which now are judged by the court of the Areopagus, the Ephetai, or the Prytanies, when this law was made, must remain disfranchised, though the others become enfranchised?&amp;quot; Of these explanations the reader himself must consider which he prefers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The strangest of his remaining laws is that which declared disfranchised a citizen who in a party conflict took neither side; apparently his object was to prevent any one regarding home politics in a listless, uninterested fashion, securing his own personal property, and priding himself upon exemption from the misfortunes of his country, and to encourage men boldly to attach themselves to the right party and to share all its dangers, rather than in safety to watch and see which side would be successful. That also is a strange and even ludicrous provision in one of his laws, which permits an heiress, whose husband proves impotent, to avail herself of the services of the next of kin to obtain an heir to her estate. Some, however, say that this law rightly serves men who know themselves to be unfit for marriage, and who nevertheless marry heiresses for their money, and try to make the laws override nature; for, when they see their wife having intercourse with whom she pleases, they will either break off the marriage, or live in constant shame, and so pay the penalty of their avarice and wrong-doing. It is a good provision also, that the heiress may not converse with any one, but only with him whom she may choose from among her husband&#039;s relations, so that her offspring may be all in the family. This is pointed at by his ordinance that the bride and bridegroom should be shut in the same room and eat a quince together, and that the husband of an heiress should approach her at least thrice in each month. For even if no children are born, still this is a mark of respect to a good wife, and puts an end to many misunderstandings, preventing their leading to an actual quarrel.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In other marriages he suppressed dowries, and ordered the bride to bring to her husband three dresses and a few articles of furniture of no great value; for he did not wish marriages to be treated as money bargains or means of gain, but that men and women should enter into marriage for love and happiness and procreation of children. Dionysius, the despot of Syracuse, when his mother wished to be married to a young citizen, told her that he had indeed broken the laws of the state when he seized the throne, but that he could not disregard the laws of nature so far as to countenance such a monstrous union. These disproportioned matches ought not to be permitted in any state, nor should men be allowed to form unequal loveless alliances, which are in no sense true marriages. A magistrate or lawgiver might well address an old man who marries a young girl in the words of Sophokles: &amp;quot;Poor wretch, a hopeful bridegroom you will be;&amp;quot; and if he found a young man fattening like a partridge in the house of a rich old woman, he ought to transfer him to some young maiden who is without a husband. So much for this subject.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Besides these, Solon&#039;s law which forbids men to speak evil of the dead is much praised. It is good to think of the departed as sacred, and it is only just to refrain from attacking the absent, while it is politic, also, to prevent hatred from being eternal. He also forbade people to speak evil of the living in temples, courts of justice, public buildings, or during the national games; and imposed a fine of three drachmas to the person offended, and two to the state. His reason for this was that it shows a violent and uncultivated nature not to be able to restrain one&#039;s passion in certain places and at certain times, although it is hard to do so always, and to some persons impossible; and a legislator should frame his laws with a view to what he can reasonably hope to effect, and rather correct a few persons usefully than punish a number to no purpose.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He gained credit also by his law about wills. Before his time these were not permitted at Athens, but the money and lands of a deceased person were inherited by his family in all cases. Solon, however, permitted any one who had no children to leave his property to whom he would, honouring friendship more than nearness of kin, and giving a man absolute power to dispose of his inheritance. Yet, on the other hand, he did not permit legacies to be given without any restrictions, but disallowed all that were obtained by the effects of disease or by administration of drugs to the testator, or by imprisonment and violence, or by the solicitations of his wife, as he rightly considered that to be persuaded by one&#039;s wife against one&#039;s better judgment is the same as to submit to force. For Solon held that a man&#039;s reason was perverted by deceit as much as by violence, and by pleasure no less than by pain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He regulated, moreover, the journeys of the women, and their mournings and festivals. A woman was not allowed to travel with more than three dresses, nor with more than an obolus&#039; worth of food or drink, nor a basket more than a cubit in length; nor was she to travel at night, except in a waggon with a light carried in front of it. He abolished the habits of tearing themselves at funerals, and of reciting set forms of dirges, and of hiring mourners. He also forbade them to sacrifice an ox for the funeral feast, and to bury more than three garments with the body, and to visit other persons&#039; graves. Most of these things are forbidden by our own laws also; with the addition, that by our laws those who offend thus are fined by the gynaeconomi, or regulators of the women, for giving way to unmanly and womanish sorrow.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Observing that the city was filled with men who came from all countries to take refuge in Attica, that the country was for the most part poor and unproductive, and that merchants also are unwilling to despatch cargoes to a country which has nothing to export, he encouraged his countrymen to embark in trade, and made a law that a son was not obliged to support his father, if his father had not taught him a trade. As for Lykurgus, whose city was clear of strangers, and whose land was &amp;quot;unstinted, and with room for twice the number,&amp;quot; as Euripides says, and who above all had all the Helots, throughout Lacedaemon, who were best kept employed, in order to break their spirit by labour and hardship, it was very well that his citizens should disdain laborious handicrafts and devote their whole attention to the art of war.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But Solon had not the power to change the whole life of his countrymen by his laws, but rather was forced to suit his laws to existing circumstances, and, as he saw that the soil was so poor that it could only suffice for the farmers, and was unable to feed a mass of idle people as well, he gave great honour to trade, and gave powers to the senate of the Areopagus to inquire what each man&#039;s source of income might be, and to punish the idle. A harsher measure was that of which we are told by Herakleides of Pontus, his making it unnecessary for illegitimate children to maintain their father. Yet if a man abstains from an honourable marriage, and lives with a woman more for his own pleasure in her society than with a view to producing a family, he is rightly served, and cannot upbraid his children with neglecting him, because he has made their birth their reproach.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Altogether Solon&#039;s laws concerning women are very strange. He permitted a husband to kill an adulterer taken in the act; but if any one carried off a free woman and forced her, he assessed the penalty at one hundred drachmas. If he obtained her favours by persuasion, he was to pay twenty drachmas, except in the case of those who openly ply for hire, alluding to harlots; for they come to those who offer them money without any concealment. Moreover, he forbade men to sell their sisters and daughters, except in the case of unchastity. Now to punish the same offence at one time with unrelenting severity, and at another in a light and trifling manner, by imposing so slight a fine, is unreasonable, unless the scarcity of specie in the city at that period made fines which were paid in money more valuable than they would now be; indeed, in the valuation of things for sacrifice, a sheep and a drachma were reckoned as each equal to a medimnus of corn. To the victor at the Isthmian games he appointed a reward of a hundred drachmas, and to the victor in the Olympian, five hundred. He gave five drachmas for every wolf that was killed, and one drachma for every wolf&#039;s whelp; and we are told by Demetrius of Phalerum that the first of these sums was the price of an ox, and the second that of a sheep. The prices of choice victims, which he settled in his sixteenth tablet of laws, would naturally be higher than those of ordinary beasts, but even thus they are cheap compared with prices at the present day. It was an ancient practice among the Athenians to destroy the wolves, because their country was better fitted for pasture than for growing crops. Some say that the Athenian tribes derive their names, not from the sons of Ion, but from the different professions in which men were then divided: thus the fighting men were named Hoplites, and the tradesmen Ergadeis; the two remaining ones being the Geleontes, or farmers, and the Aigikoreis, or goat-herds and graziers. With regard to water, as the country is not supplied with either rivers or lakes, but the people depend chiefly upon artificial wells, he made a law, that wherever there was a public well within four furlongs, people should use it, but if it were farther off, then they must dig a private well for themselves; but if a man dug a depth of sixty feet on his own estate without finding water, then he was to have the right of filling a six-gallon pitcher twice a day at his neighbour&#039;s well; for Solon thought it right to help the distressed, and yet not to encourage laziness. He also made very judicious regulations about planting trees, ordering that they should not be planted within five feet of a neighbour&#039;s property, except in the case of olives and fig-trees, which were not to be planted within nine feet; for these trees spread out their roots farther than others, and spoil the growth of any others by taking away their nourishment and by giving off hurtful juices. Trenches and pits he ordered to be dug as far away from another man&#039;s property as they were deep; and no hive of bees was to be placed within three hundred feet of those already established by another man.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Oil was the only product of the country which he allowed to be exported, everything else being forbidden; and he ordered that if any one broke this law the archon was to solemnly curse him, unless he paid a hundred drachmas into the public treasury. This law is written on the first of his tablets. From this we see that the old story is not altogether incredible, that the export of figs was forbidden, and that the men who informed against those who had done so were therefore called sycophants. He also made laws about damage received from animals, one of which was that a dog who had bitten a man should be delivered up to him tied to a stick three cubits long, an ingenious device for safety.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;One is astounded at his law of adopting foreigners into the state, which permits no one to become a full citizen in Athens unless he be either exiled for life from his native city, or transfers himself with his whole family to Athens to practise his trade there. It is said that his object in this was not so much to exclude other classes of people from the city, as to assure these of a safe refuge there; and these he thought would be good and faithful citizens, because the former had been banished from their own country, and the latter had abandoned it of their own freewill. Another peculiarity of Solon&#039;s laws was the public dining-table in the prytaneum. Here he did not allow the same person to dine often, while he punished the man who was invited and would not come, because the one seemed gluttonous, and the other contemptuous.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; He ordered that all his laws should remain in force for a hundred years, and he wrote them upon triangular wooden tablets, which revolved upon an axis in oblong recesses, some small remains of which have been preserved in the prytaneum down to the present day. These, we are told by Aristotle, were called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Kurbeis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. The comic poet Kratinus also says,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;By Solon and by Draco, mighty legislators once,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Whose tablets light the fire now to warm a dish of pulse.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Some say that the term &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Kurbeis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; is only applied to those on which are written the laws which regulate religious matters.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The senate swore by a collective oath that it would enforce Solon&#039;s laws; and each of the Thesmothetae took an oath to the same effect at the altar in the market-place, protesting that, if he transgressed any of the laws, he would offer a golden statue as big as himself to the temple at Delphi.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Observing the irregularity of the months, and that the motions of the moon did not accord either with the rising or setting of the sun, but that frequently she in the same day overtakes and passes by him, he ordered that day to be called &amp;quot;the old and the new,&amp;quot; and that the part of it before their conjunction should belong to the old month, while the rest of the day after it belonged to the new one, being, it seems, the first to rightly interpret the verse of Homer—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The old month ended and the new began.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He called the next day that of the new moon. After the twentieth, he no longer reckoned forwards, but backwards, as the moon decreased, until the thirtieth of the month.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When Solon had passed all his laws, as people came to him every day to praise or blame, or advise him to add or take away from what he had written, while innumerable people wanted to ask questions, and discuss points, and kept bidding him explain what was the object of this or that regulation, he, feeling that he could not do all this, and that, if he did not, his motives would be misunderstood; wishing, moreover, to escape from troubles and the criticism and fault-finding of his countrymen [for, as he himself writes, it is &amp;quot;Hard in great measures every one to please&amp;quot;], made his private commercial business an excuse for leaving the country, and set sail after having obtained from the Athenians leave of absence for ten years. In this time he thought they would become used to his laws.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; He first went to Egypt, where he spent some time, as he himself says,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;At Nilus&#039; outlets, by Canopus&#039; strand.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And he also discussed points of philosophy with Psenophis of Heliopolis, and with Sonchis of Sais, the most distinguished of the Egyptian priests. From them he heard the tale of the island Atlantis, as we are told by Plato, and endeavoured to translate it into a poetical form for the enjoyment of his countrymen. He next sailed to Cyprus, where he was warmly received by Philocyprus, one of the local sovereigns, who ruled over a small city founded by Demophon, the son of Theseus, near the river Klarius, in a position which was easily defended, but inconvenient.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As a fair plain lay below, Solon persuaded him to remove the city to a pleasanter and less contracted site, and himself personally superintended the building of the new city, which he arranged so well both for convenience and safety, that many new settlers joined Philocyprus, and he was envied by the neighbouring kings. For this reason, in honour of Solon, he named the new city Soloi, the name of the old one having been Aipeia. Solon himself mentions this event, in one of his elegiac poems, in which he addresses Philocyprus, saying—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Long may&#039;st thou reign,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Ruling thy race from Soloi&#039;s throne with glory,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;But me may Venus of the violet crown&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Send safe away from Cyprus famed in story.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;May Heaven to these new walls propitious prove,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;And bear me safely to the land I love.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Some writers argue, on chronological grounds, that Solon&#039;s meeting with Croesus must have been an invention. But I cannot think that so famous a story, which is confirmed by so many writers, and, moreover, which so truly exhibits Solon&#039;s greatness of mind and wisdom, ought to be given up because of the so-called rules of chronology, which have been discussed by innumerable persons, up to the present day, without their being ever able to make their dates agree. The story goes that Solon at Croesus&#039;s desire came to Sardis, and there felt much like a continental when he goes down to the seaside for the first time; for he thinks each river he comes to must be the sea, and so Solon, as he walked through the court and saw many of the courtiers richly attired and each of them swaggering about with a train of attendants and body-guards, thought that each one must be the king, until he was brought before the king himself, who, as far as precious stones, richly dyed clothes, and cunningly worked gold could adorn him, was splendid and admirable, indeed a grand and gorgeous spectacle to behold. When Solon was brought into his presence, he showed none of the feelings and made none of the remarks about the sight, which Croesus expected, but evidently despised such vulgar ostentation. Croesus then ordered his treasures to be exhibited to him, and all the rest of his possessions and valuables; not that Solon needed this, for the sight of Croesus himself was enough to show him what sort of man he was. When, after having seen all this, he was again brought before the king, Croesus asked him whether he knew any man more happy than himself. Solon at once answered that one Tellus, a fellow countryman of his own, was more happy. He explained that Tellus was a good man, and left a family of good sons; that he passed his life beyond the reach of want, and died gloriously in battle for his country. At this, Croesus began to think that Solon must be a cross-grained churlish fellow, if he did not measure happiness by silver and gold, but preferred the life and death of some private man of low degree to such power and empire as his. However, he asked him a second time, whether he knew any one more happy than himself, next to Tellus. Solon answered that he knew two men, Kleobis and Biton, remarkable for their love for each other and for their mother, who, as the oxen that drew their mother travelled slowly, put themselves under the yoke and drew the carriage with her in it to the temple of Here. She was congratulated by all the citizens, and was very proud of them; and they offered sacrifice, drank some wine, and then passed away by a painless death after so much glory.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Then,&amp;quot; asked Croesus angrily, &amp;quot;do you not reckon me at all among happy men?&amp;quot; Solon, who did not wish to flatter him, nor yet to exasperate him farther, answered, &amp;quot;O King of the Lydians, we Greeks have been endowed with moderate gifts, by Heaven, and our wisdom is of a cautious and homely cast, not of a royal and magnificent character; so, being moderate itself, and seeing the manifold chances to which life is exposed, it does not permit us to take a pride in our present possessions, nor to admire the good fortune of any man when it is liable to change. Strange things await every man in the unknown future; and we think that man alone happy whose life has been brought to a fortunate termination. To congratulate a man who is yet alive and exposed to the caprice of fortune is like proclaiming and crowning as victor one who has not yet run his race, for his good fortune is uncertain and liable to reversal.&amp;quot; After speaking thus, Solon took his leave, having enraged Croesus, who could not take his good advice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Aesop, the writer of the fables, who had been sent for to Sardis by Croesus and enjoyed his favour, was vexed at the king&#039;s ungracious reception of Solon, and advised him thus: &amp;quot;Solon,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;one ought either to say very little to kings or else say what they wish most to hear.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Not so,&amp;quot; said Solon; &amp;quot;one should either say very little to them, or else say what is best for them to hear.&amp;quot; So at that time Croesus despised Solon; but after he had been defeated by Cyrus, his city taken, and he himself was about to be burned alive upon a pyre erected in the presence of all the Persians and of Cyrus himself, then he thrice cried out, &amp;quot;Solon,&amp;quot; as loud as he could. Cyrus, surprised at this, sent to ask what man or god Solon might be, who was invoked by a man in such extremity. Croesus, without any concealment said, &amp;quot;He is one of the wise men of Greece, whom I sent for, not because I wished to listen to him and learn what I was ignorant of, but in order that he might see and tell of my wealth, which I find it is a greater misfortune to lose than it was a blessing to possess. For, while I possessed it, all I enjoyed was opinion and empty talk; whereas, now the loss of it has brought me in very deed into terrible and irreparable misfortunes and sufferings. Now this man, who foresaw what might befall me, bade me look to the end of my life, and not be arrogant on the strength of a fleeting prosperity.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When this was reported to Cyrus, he being a wiser man than Croesus, and finding Solon&#039;s words strongly borne out by the example before him, not only released Croesus, but treated him with favour for the rest of his life; so that Solon had the glory of having by the same words saved one king&#039;s life and given instruction to another.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; During Solon&#039;s absence the strife of the factions at Athens was renewed; Lykurgus was the chief of the party of the Pediaei, Megakles, the son of Alkmaeon, led the Parali, and Peisistratus, the Diakrii, who were joined by the mass of the poorer classes who hated the rich. Thus the city still obeyed Solon&#039;s laws, but was longing for change, and all men hoped for a new revolution, in which they trusted to get not only their rights, but something more, and to triumph over the opposite faction. In this state of affairs Solon landed at Athens, and was received with respect by all the citizens. Although, on account of his age, he was no longer able to engage in politics as keenly as before, still he met the leaders of the various factions privately and endeavoured to arrange their differences and reconcile them to one another. Peisistratus appeared to pay more attention to him than the others, for he was crafty and pleasant of speech, a protector of the poor, and a man of moderation even in his quarrels. The qualities which he had not, he affected to possess, giving himself out to be a cautious and law-abiding man, who loved even-handed justice and was enraged at any revolutionary proceedings. Thus he deceived the people; but Solon soon saw through him, and detected his plans before any one else. He was not shocked, but endeavoured to turn him from his purpose by advice, saying to him and to others that if his desire to be first and his wish to make himself master could be removed, there would be no more excellent and virtuous citizen than Peisistratus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At this time Thespis was beginning to introduce the drama, and the novelty of his exhibition attracted many people, although the regular contests were not yet introduced. Solon, who was fond of seeing sights and gaining knowledge, and whose old age was spent in leisure and amusements and good fellowship, went to see Thespis, who acted in his own play, as the ancient custom was. After the play was over, he asked him if he was not ashamed to tell so many lies before so many people. When Thespis answered that there was no harm in saying and doing these things in jest, Solon violently struck the ground with his stick, saying, &amp;quot;If we praise and approve of such jests as these, we shall soon find people jesting with our business.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Peisistratus wounded himself and was driven into the market-place in a cart to excite the people, whom he told that he had been so treated by his enemies because he defended the constitution, and while he was surrounded by a noisy crowd of sympathisers, Solon came near him and said, &amp;quot;Son of Hippokrates, you are dishonourably imitating Homer&#039;s Ulysses. You are doing this to deceive your fellow citizens, while he mutilated himself to deceive the enemy.&amp;quot; Upon this, as the people were willing to take up arms on behalf of Peisistratus, they assembled at the Pnyx, where Ariston proposed that a body-guard of fifty club-bearers should be assigned to Peisistratus. Solon opposed this, urging many arguments, like what we read in his poems:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You hang upon a crafty speaker&#039;s words;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and again,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Each alone a fox in cunning,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;You grow stupid when you meet.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But as he saw that the poor were eager to serve Peisistratus, while the rich held back from cowardice, he went away, after saying that he was wiser than the one class, and braver than the other; wiser, namely, than those who did not understand what was going on, and braver than those who did understand, but did not dare to oppose the despotism with which they were threatened.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The people carried the proposal, and would not be so mean as to make any stipulation with Peisistratus about the number of his body-guard, but permitted him to keep as many as he pleased until he seized the Acropolis. When this took place, the city was convulsed; Megakles and the other descendants of Alkmaeon fled, but Solon, although he was now very old and had no one to stand by him, nevertheless came into the market-place and addressed the citizens, reproaching them for their folly and remissness, and urging them to make a final effort to retain their freedom. It was then that he made the memorable remark that, in former days it would have been easier for them to have prevented despotism from appearing amongst them, but that now it would be more glorious to cut it down, when it had arrived at its full growth. However, as no one listened to him, because of the general terror, he went home, armed himself, and took his post in the street outside his door, saying, &amp;quot;I have done all I could for my country and her laws.&amp;quot; After this he remained quiet, though his friends urged him to leave Athens. He, however, wrote poems reproaching the Athenians—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Through your own cowardice you suffered wrong,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Blame then yourselves and not the gods for this;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&#039;Twas you yourselves that made the tyrant strong,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And rightly do you now your freedom miss.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; At this many of his friends told him that the despot would surely put him to death, and when they asked him what he trusted to, that he performed such mad freaks, he answered, &amp;quot;To my age.&amp;quot; But Peisistratus, after he became established as sovereign, showed such marked favour to Solon that he even was advised by him, and received his approval in several cases. For he enforced most of Solon&#039;s laws, both observing them himself and obliging his friends to do so. Indeed, when accused of murder before the court of the Areopagus, he appeared in due form to stand his trial, but his accuser let the case fall through. He also made other laws himself, one of which is that those who are maimed in war shall be kept at the public expense. Herakleides says that this was done in imitation of Solon, who had already proposed it in the case of Thersippus. But Theophrastus tells us that it was not Solon, but Peisistratus, who made the law about idleness, by means of which he rendered the city more quiet, and the country better cultivated.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Solon also attempted to write a great poem about the fable of &#039;Atlantis,&#039; which he had learned from the chroniclers of Sais particularly concerned the Athenians, but he did not finish it, not, as Plato says, for want of leisure, but rather because of his advanced age, which made him fear that the task was too great for him. His own words tell us that he had abundance of leisure—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Old I grow, but ever learning,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Venus and Bacchus are all my care,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;And the Muses, that charm the hearts of men.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Plato eagerly took in hand the scheme of the &#039;Atlantis,&#039; as though it were a fine site for a palace, which had come to be his by inheritance, still unbuilt on. He placed in the beginning of it such splendid entrance-halls and vestibules as we find in no other tale or legend or poem, but, as he began the work too late, he died before he was able to finish it; so that the more we enjoy what he has written, the more we grieve over what is lost. As the temple of Olympic Zeus among the temples of Athens, so the &#039;Atlantis&#039; is the only one among Plato&#039;s many noble writings that is unfinished.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Solon lived on into the reign of Peisistratus for a long time, according to Herakleides of Pontus, but less than two years, according to Phanias of Eresus. For Peisistratus became despot in the archonship of Komius, and Phanias tells us that Solon died during the archonship of Hegesistratus, Komias&#039; successor. The story that his ashes were scattered round the island of Salamis is legendary and improbable, yet it is confirmed by many trustworthy writers, amongst whom is the philosopher Aristotle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;LIFE_OF_POPLICOLA&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LIFE OF POPLICOLA.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As a parallel to Solon we shall take Poplicola, who was honoured with this name by the Romans, his original name having been Publius Valerius, a supposed descendant of that Valerius who in ancient times was especially instrumental in making the Romans and Sabines cease to be enemies and become one people; for it was he who persuaded the two kings to meet and make terms of peace. Valerius, a descendant of this hero, was a man of eminence in Rome, which was then ruled by the kings, because of his eloquence and wealth. He always spoke boldly on the side of justice, and assisted the poor and needy with such kindness that it was clear that, in case of a revolution, he would become the first man in the state.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Tarquinius Superbus, the king, had not come to his throne justly, but by wicked and lawless violence, and as he reigned tyrannically and insolently, the people hated him, and seized the opportunity of the death of Lucretia, after her dishonour, to drive him out. Lucius Brutus, who was determined to change the form of government, applied to Valerius first of all, and with his vigorous assistance drove out the king. After these events Valerius kept quiet, as long as it seemed likely that the people would choose a single general to replace their king, because he thought that it was Brutus&#039;s right to be elected, as he had been the leader of the revolution. However the people, disgusted with the idea of monarchy, and thinking that they could more easily endure to be ruled by two men, proposed that two consuls should be chosen. Valerius now became a candidate, hoping that he and Brutus would be elected; but he was not chosen. Brutus, instead of Valerius, whom he would have preferred, had as a colleague Tarquinius Collatinus, the husband of Lucretia, who was not a better man than Valerius, but was elected because the men in power at Rome, seeing what intrigues the exiled king was setting on foot to secure his return, wished to have for their general a man who was his sworn personal enemy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Valerius, disgusted at the idea that he was not trusted to fight for his country because he had not suffered any personal wrong at the hands of the king, left the senate, refused to attend public meetings, and ceased to take any part whatever in public affairs, so that people began to fear that in his rage he might go over to the king&#039;s party and destroy the tottering edifice of Roman liberty. Brutus suspected some others besides him, and proposed on a certain day to hold a solemn sacrifice and bind the senate by an oath. Valerius, however, came cheerfully into the Forum, and was the first to swear that he would never yield anything to the Tarquins, but would fight for liberty to the death, by which he greatly delighted the senate and encouraged the leading men of the state. His acts too, immediately confirmed his words, for ambassadors came from Tarquin with specious and seductive proposals, such as he thought would win over the people, coming from a king who seemed to have laid aside his insolence and only to wish for his just rights. The consuls thought it right that these proposals should be laid before the people, but Valerius would not permit it, not wishing that the poorer citizens, to whom the war was a greater burden than the monarchy had been, should have any excuse for revolt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this came other ambassadors, announcing that Tarquin would give up his throne, put an end to the war, and only ask for his own property and that of his relatives and friends, upon which to live in exile. Many were inclined to agree to this, and amongst them Collatinus, when Brutus, an inflexible and harsh-tempered man, rushed into the Forum, calling out that his colleague was a traitor, who wished to furnish the tyrant with the means of continuing the war and recovering his throne, when he ought rather to grudge him food to keep him from starving. The citizens assembled, and Caius Minucius, a private citizen, was the first man who addressed them, encouraging Brutus, and pointing out to the Romans how much better it was that the money should be used to help them than to help their enemies. In spite of this, however, the Romans decided that, as they now possessed the liberty for which they had fought, they would not lose the additional blessing of peace for the sake of this property, but would cast it from them after the tyrant to which it belonged.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Tarquin really cared little for the property, and the demand was merely made in order to sound the people and arrange a plot for the betrayal of the state, which was managed by the ambassadors whom he had nominally sent to look after his property. These men were selling some part of it, keeping some safe, and sending some of it away, and meanwhile intrigued so successfully that they won over two of the best families in Rome, that of the Aquillii, in which were three senators, and that of the Vitellii, among whom were two. All these men were, on the mother&#039;s side, nephews of the consul Collatinus, and the Vitellii were also related to Brutus, for he had married their sister, and by her had a large family. The Vitellii, being relatives and intimate friends of the two elder sons of Brutus, induced them to take part in the conspiracy, holding out to them the hope that they might ally themselves to the great house of Tarquin, soon to be restored to the throne, and would rid themselves of their father&#039;s stupidity and harshness. By harshness, they alluded to his inexorable punishment of bad men, and the stupidity was that which he himself affected for a long time, in order to conceal his real character from the tyrant, which was made matter of reproach to him afterwards.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; So, after they had persuaded these young men, they conferred again with the Aquillii, and determined that all the conspirators should swear a great and terrible oath, in which a man is killed, and each person then pours a libation of his blood, and touches his entrails. The room in which they meant to do this was, as may be supposed, a dark and half-ruined one. Now a servant of the name of Vindicius happened to conceal himself in it; not that he had any designs or any knowledge of what was going on, but chancing to be in the room when the conspirators solemnly entered, he was afraid of being detected there, and so hid himself behind a chest, where he could see what was done and hear what was said by them. They agreed to assassinate both consuls, and wrote a letter to Tarquin acquainting him with their determination, which they gave to the ambassadors, who were lodging in the house of the Aquillii as their guests, and were present at this scene. After this they dispersed, and Vindicius came out from his hiding-place. He was at a loss what use to make of the discovery which Fortune had thrown in his way, for he thought it a shocking thing, as indeed it was, for him to make such a fearful revelation to Brutus about his sons, or to Collatinus about his nephews, and he would not trust any private citizen with a secret of such importance. Tormented by his secret, and unable to remain quiet, he addressed himself to Valerius, chiefly moved to do so by his affable kindly temper; for his house was open all day to those who wished to speak with him, and he never refused an interview or rejected a poor man&#039;s petition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When, then, Vindicius came before him and told him all that he knew in the presence only of his wife and his brother Marcus, Valerius was astounded and horrified. He would not let the man go, but locked him up, set his wife to guard the door, and bade his brother to surround the king&#039;s quarters, to seize the letter, if possible, keeping a strict watch over all the servants there. He himself, with a large train of clients, friends and servants, went to the house of the Aquillii, who were not within. As no one expected him, he pushed into the house and found the letter lying in the ambassadors&#039; apartments.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;While he was thus employed, the Aquillii returned in haste, and assembling a force at the door endeavoured to take away the letter from him. His own party came to his assistance, and with their gowns twisted round their necks with much buffeting made their way to the Forum. The same thing happened at the king&#039;s quarters, where Marcus laid hold of another letter which was being taken thither concealed among some baggage, and brought as many of the king&#039;s party as he could into the Forum.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When the consuls had put a stop to the confusion, Vindicius, at Valerius&#039;s command, was brought out of his prison, and a court was held. The letters were recognised, and the culprits had nothing to say for themselves. All were silent and downcast, and a few, thinking to please Brutus, hinted at banishment as the penalty of their crime. Collatinus by his tears, and Valerius by his silence gave them hopes of mercy. But Brutus, addressing each of his sons by name, said, &amp;quot;Come, Titus, come Tiberius, why do you make no answer to the charges against you?&amp;quot; As, after being asked thrice, they made no answer, he, turning his face to the lictors, said, &amp;quot;I have done my work, do yours.&amp;quot; They immediately seized upon the young men, tore off their clothes, tied their hands behind their backs, and scourged them. Although the people had not the heart to look at so dreadful a sight, yet it is said that Brutus never turned away his head, and showed no pity on his stern countenance, but sat savagely looking on at the execution of his sons until at last they were laid on the ground and their heads severed with an axe. Then he handed over the rest of the culprits to be dealt with by his colleague, rose, and left the Forum. His conduct cannot be praised, and yet it is above censure. Either virtue in his mind overpowered every other feeling, or his sorrow was so great as to produce insensibility. In neither case was there anything unworthy, or even human in his conduct, but it was either that of a god or a brute beast. It is better, however, that we should speak in praise of so great a man rather than allow our weakness to distrust his virtue. Indeed the Romans think that even the foundation of the city by Romulus was not so great an event as the confirmation of its constitution by Brutus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When he left the Forum all men were silent for a long while, shuddering at what had been done. The Aquillii took heart at the mildness of Collatinus, and asked for time to prepare their defence. They also begged that Vindicius might be given up to them, because he was their servant, and ought not to be on the side of their accusers. Collatinus was willing to allow this, but Valerius said that he was not able to give the man up, because he was surrounded by so large a crowd, and called upon the people not to disperse without punishing the traitors. At last he laid his hands upon the two corpses, called for Brutus, and reproached Collatinus for making his colleague act against nature by condemning his own sons to death, and then thinking to please the wives of these traitors and public enemies by saving their lives. The consul, vexed at this, ordered the lictors to seize Vindicius. They forced their way through the crowd, tried to lay hold of him, and struck those who defended him, but the friends of Valerius stood in front of him and beat them off, and the people raised a shout for Brutus. He returned, and when silence was restored said that he had, as a father, full power to condemn his sons to death, but that as for the other culprits, their fate should be decided by the free vote of the citizens, and that any one might come forward and address the people. The people, however, would listen to no speeches, but voted unanimously for their death, and they were all beheaded.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Collatinus, it seems, had been viewed with suspicion before because of his connection with the royal family, and his second name, Tarquinius, was odious to the people. After these events, having utterly failed as consul, he voluntarily laid down that office, and left the city. So now there was another election, and Valerius received the due reward of his patriotism and was gloriously made consul. Thinking that Vindicius ought to receive something for his services, he made him a freedman, the first ever made in Rome, and allowed him to vote in whatever tribe he chose to be enrolled. The other freedmen were not allowed the suffrage till, long after, it was given them by Appius to obtain popularity among them. The whole ceremony is up to the present day called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;vindicta&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, after Vindicius, we are told.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this they allowed the king&#039;s property to be plundered, and destroyed the palace. Tarquinius had obtained the pleasantest part of the Field of Mars, and had consecrated it to that god. This field had just been cut, and the corn lay on the ground, for the people thought that they must not thresh it or make any use of it, because of the ground being consecrated, so they took the sheaves and threw them into the river. In the same way they cut down the trees and threw them in, leaving the whole place for the god, but uncultivated and unfruitful. As there were many things of different sorts all floating together in the river, the current did not carry them far, but when the first masses settled on a shallow place, the rest which were carried down upon them could not get past, but became heaped up there, and the stream compacted them securely by the mud which it deposited upon them, not only increasing the size of the whole mass, but firmly cementing it together. The waves did not shake it, but gently beat it into a solid consistency. Now, from its size, it began to receive additions, as most of what the river brought down settled upon it. It is now a sacred island close by the city, with temples and walks, and in the Latin tongue it has a name which means &amp;quot;between two bridges.&amp;quot; Some state that this did not happen when Tarquinia&#039;s field was consecrated, but in later times when Tarquinia gave up another field next to that one, for the public use. This Tarquinia was a priestess, one of the Vestal virgins, and she was greatly honoured for having done so, and was allowed to appear as a witness in court, which no other woman could do; she also was permitted to marry, by a decree of the senate, but did not avail herself of it. These are the legends which they tell about this island.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Tarquin now gave up all hopes of recovering his throne by intrigue, and appealed to the Etruscans, who willingly espoused his cause and endeavoured to restore him with a great army. The consuls led out the Romans to fight against them, posting them in holy places one of which is called the Arsian grove, and another the Aesuvian meadow. When they were about to join battle, Aruns, the son of Tarquin, and Brutus, the Roman consul, attacked one another, not by chance, but with fell hatred and rage, the one urging his horse against the tyrant and enemy of his country, the other against the man who drove him into exile. Falling upon one another with more fury than judgment, they made no attempt to defend themselves, but only to strike, and both perished. The struggle, so terribly begun, was continued with equal ferocity on both sides, until the armies, after great losses, were separated by a tempest. Valerius was in great straits, not knowing how the battle had gone, and observing that his soldiers were despondent when they looked at the corpses of their comrades, and elated when they saw those of the enemy, so equal and undecided had been the slaughter. Yet each side, when it viewed its own dead close by, was more inclined to own itself defeated, than to claim the victory because of the supposed losses of the enemy. Night came on, and it was spent as may be imagined by men who had fought so hard. When all was quiet in both camps, we are told that the grove was shaken, and that from it proceeded a loud voice which declared that the Etruscans had lost one man more than the Romans. Apparently it was the voice of a god; for immediately the Romans raised a bold and joyous shout, and the Etruscans, panic-stricken, ran out of their camp and dispersed. The Romans attacked the camp, took prisoners all that were left in it, something less than five thousand, and plundered it. The dead, when counted, proved to be eleven thousand three hundred of the enemy, and of the Romans the same number save one. This battle is said to have been fought on the Calends of March. Valerius triumphed after it in a four-horse chariot, being the first consul that ever did so. And it was a magnificent sight, and did not, as some say, offend the spectators; for, if so, the habit of doing it would not have been so carefully kept up for so many years. The people were also pleased with the honours which Valerius paid to his colleague in arranging a splendid funeral for him; he also pronounced a funeral oration over him, which was so much approved of by the Romans that from that day forth it became the custom for all good and great men at their deaths to have an oration made over them by the leading men of the time. This is said to have been older even than the Greek funeral orations, unless, as Anaximenes tells us, Solon introduced this custom.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; But the people were vexed and angry, because though Brutus, whom they thought the author of their liberty, would not be consul alone, but had one colleague after another, yet &amp;quot;Valerius,&amp;quot; they said, &amp;quot;has got all power into his own hands, and is not so much the heir of the consulship of Brutus as of the tyranny of Tarquin. And what use is it for him to praise Brutus while he imitates Tarquin in his deeds, swaggering down into the Forum with all the rods and axes before him, from a house larger than the king&#039;s palace used to be.&amp;quot; Indeed, Valerius lived in rather too splendid a house on the Velian Hill, looking down into the Forum, and difficult to climb up to, so that when he walked down from it he did indeed look like a tragedy king leaving his palace. But now he proved how valuable a thing it is for a statesman engaged in important matters to keep his ears open to the truth, and shut against flattery. Hearing from his friends what the people thought of him, he did not argue or grieve at it, but suddenly assembled a number of workmen and during the night destroyed his entire house down to the very foundations, so that on the next day the Romans collected in crowds to see it, admiring the magnanimity of the man, but sorrowing at the destruction of so great and noble a house, which, like many a man, had been put to death undeservedly, and expressing their concern for their consul, who had no house to live in. Valerius, indeed, had to be entertained by his friends, until the people gave him a site and built him a house upon it, of more moderate proportions than the other, in the place where at the present day stands the temple of Vica Pota. Wishing to make not only himself but his office cease to be an object of terror to his countrymen, he removed the axes from the bundles of rods carried by the lictors, and when he entered the assembly of the people he ordered his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;fasces&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; to be bowed and lowered before them, to show respect to the majesty of the people. This custom the consuls observe to this day. By these acts he did not really humble himself as he appeared to the Romans to be doing, but he so completely destroyed any illwill which had been felt against him that by giving up the semblance of power he really gained the reality, as the people were eager to serve him and obey him. For this reason they surnamed him &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Poplicola&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which means &amp;quot;lover of the people,&amp;quot; and this name so took the place of his former one that we shall use it during the remainder of this account of his life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; He permitted any one to become a candidate for the consulship; and while he was sole consul he used his power to effect the greatest of his reforms, because he did not know who his new colleague might be, and whether he would not thwart him through ignorance or illwill. First of all he brought up the senate to its proper number, for many senators had perished, some at Tarquin&#039;s hands in former years, and some in the late battle. It is said that he elected no less than a hundred and sixty-four new senators. After this, he enacted laws which greatly added to the power of the people, the first one of which gave accused persons a power of appeal from the decision of the consuls to the people. The second appointed the penalty of death to those who entered upon any public office without the consent of the people. The third was to assist the poor, as it relieved them from taxes and enabled them all to apply themselves with greater assiduity to trade. The law, too, which he enacted about disobedience to the consuls is no less popular in its spirit, and favours the people more than the great nobles. He assessed the fine for disobedience at the price of five oxen and two sheep. Now the value of a sheep was ten obols, and that of an ox a hundred, for at this period the Romans did not make much use of coined money, but possessed abundance of cattle. For this reason at this day they call property &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;peculia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, from &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;pecus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, a sheep, and on their oldest coins they marked the figure of an ox, a sheep, or a pig. Their children, too, were distinguished by the names of Suillii, Bubulci, Caprarii and Porcii, for &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;capra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; means a goat, and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;porcus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; a pig.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Though Poplicola favoured the people so much in these laws, and showed such great moderation, yet in one instance he appointed a terrible penalty. One of his laws enacted that any citizen was at liberty to put to death anyone who tried to make himself king, without any form of trial. No penalty was to be enforced, if the man could bring forward proofs of the other&#039;s intention. His reason for this was that it was impossible for any one to attempt to make himself king, unperceived by some of his countrymen, but quite possible for him, although detected, to become too powerful to be brought to trial. So, before he made his attempt on the crown, any one was at liberty to exact from him that penalty, which he would be unable to do after his success.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His law about the treasury was also much approved. It being necessary that the citizens should contribute taxes to carry on the war, as he did not wish to touch the revenue himself or to allow his friends to do so, and was even unwilling that the public money should be brought into a private man&#039;s house, he appointed the Temple of Saturn to be used as a treasury, which it is to this day, and he appointed also two of the younger citizens as quaestors, to manage the accounts. The first quaestors were Publius Venturius and Marcus Minucius, and a large sum of money was collected, for a hundred and thirty thousand persons were taxed, although orphans and widows were exempted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When he had settled all these matters, he nominated Lucretius, the father of Lucretia, as his colleague, and gave up the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;fasces&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; to him as a mark of respect, because he was the elder man. This custom, that the elder of the two consuls has the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;fasces&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; carried before him, remains to this day. As Lucretius died shortly afterwards, a new election took place, and Marcus Horatius was elected, and acted as Poplicola&#039;s colleague for the remainder of his year of office.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As Tarquin was stirring up the Etruscans to a second war with Rome, a great portent is said to have taken place. While he was yet king, and had all but finished the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, he, either in accordance with some prophecy or otherwise, ordered certain Etruscan workmen at Veii to make an earthenware four-horse chariot to be placed on the top of the temple. Shortly afterwards he was driven from the throne, and the chariot, which had been modelled in clay, was placed in the furnace. Here it did not, as clay generally does, shrink and become smaller in the fire, as the wet dries out of it, but swelled to so great a size, and became so hard and strong that it could only be got out of the furnace by taking off the roof and sides. As this was decided by the prophets to be a sign from Heaven that those who possessed the chariot would be prosperous and fortunate, the Veientines determined not to give it up to the Romans, arguing that it belonged to Tarquin, not to those who had cast him out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A few days afterwards there were horse-races there; everything proceeded as usual, but as the driver of the winning chariot, after receiving his crown as victor, was driving slowly out of the circus, the horses suddenly became excited for no apparent cause, and, either guided by Heaven or by chance, rushed towards Rome, their driver with them, for he finding it impossible to stop them was forced to let them whirl him along until they reached the Capitol, where they threw him down near what is called the Ratumenan Gate. The Veientines, struck with fear and wonder at this event, permitted the workmen to deliver up the earthenware chariot to the Romans.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Tarquinius the son of Demaratus, when at war with the Sabines, vowed that he would build the temple of Jupiter Olympius, but it was built by Tarquinius Superbus, the son or grandson of him who made the vow. He had not time to dedicate it, but was dethroned just before its completion. Now when it was finished and thoroughly decorated, Poplicola was eager to have the glory of dedicating it. Many of the nobles, however, grudged him this, and were more incensed at this than at all the glory which he had won as a general and as a legislator; for &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;that&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, they said, was his vocation, but &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;this&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; was not. They stirred up Horatius to oppose him and urged him to claim the right to dedicate the temple. So when Poplicola was of necessity absent on military service, the senate decreed that Horatius should dedicate it, and brought him up into the Capitol to do so, a thing which they never could have done had Poplicola been present. Some say that the two consuls casts lots, and that the one, sorely against his will, drew the lot to command the army in the field, and the other that to dedicate the temple. But we may conjecture how this was, from the events which took place at the dedication. On the Ides of September, which corresponds with the full moon in our month Metageitnion, all the people assembled in the Capitol, and Horatius, after silence had been enjoined upon all, performed the ceremony of dedication. When, as is customary, he was about to take hold of the doors of the temple and say the prayer of dedication, Marcus, Poplicola&#039;s brother, who had long been standing near the doors watching his opportunity, said to him, &amp;quot;Consul, your son has just died of sickness in the camp.&amp;quot; All who heard this were grieved, but Horatius, undisturbed, merely said, &amp;quot;Fling his corpse where you please, for I cannot grieve for him,&amp;quot; and completed the dedication service. The story was false, invented by Marcus to confuse Horatius. His conduct is a remarkable instance of presence of mind, whether it be that he at once saw through the trick, or believed the story and was not disturbed by it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The same fortune seems to have attended the second temple also. The first, as we have related, was built by Tarquin, and dedicated by Horatius. This was destroyed by fire in the civil wars. The second was built by Sulla, but the name of Catulus appears as its dedicator, for Sulla died before it was completed. This again was burned during the civil tumults in the time of Vitellius, and Vespasian built a third, which had nearly the same fortune as the others, except that he saw it completed, and did not see it shortly afterwards destroyed, being thus more fortunate than Tarquin in seeing the completion, and than Sulla in seeing the dedication of his work. When Vespasian died the Capitol was burned. The fourth and present temple was built and dedicated by Domitian. It is said that Tarquin spent forty thousand pounds of silver in building the foundations; but there is no private citizen in Rome at the present day who could bear the expense of gilding the existing temple, which cost more than twelve thousand talents. Its columns are of Pentelic marble, exquisitely proportioned, which I myself saw at Athens; but at Rome they were again cut and polished, by which process they did not gain so much in gloss as they lost in symmetry, for they now appear too slender. However, if any one who wonders at the expense of the temple in the Capitol were to see the splendour of any one portico, hall, or chamber in the house of Domitian, he would certainly be led to parody that line of Epicharmus upon an extravagant fellow,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Not good-natured, but possessed with the disease of giving,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and would say that Domitian was not pious or admirable, but possessed with the disease of building, and turned everything into bricks and mortar, just as it is said Midas turned things into gold. So much for this.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Tarquin, after the great battle in which his son was slain by Brutus, took refuge at Clusium and begged Lars Porsena, the most powerful king in Italy, to assist him. He was thought to be an honourable and ambitious man, and promised his aid. First he sent an embassy to Rome, ordering them to receive Tarquin; and when the Romans refused to obey, he declared war against them, and telling them at what place and time he would attack them, marched against them with a great army. At Rome, Poplicola, though absent, was chosen consul for the second time, and with him, Titus Lucretius. He returned to Rome, and by way of putting a slight upon Porsena, went and founded the city of Sigliuria, while his army was close at hand. He built the walls of this place at a vast expense, and sent away seven hundred colonists to it, as if the war with which he was menaced was a very unimportant matter. But, nevertheless, Porsena made a sharp assault upon the walls of Rome, drove away the garrison, and very nearly entered the town. Poplicola forestalled him by sallying from one of the gates, and fought by the banks of the Tiber against overwhelming numbers until he was severely wounded and had to be carried out of the battle. As the same fate befell his colleague Lucretius, the Romans lost heart and endeavoured to save themselves by flight into the town. As the enemy also began to push across the wooden bridge, Rome was in danger of being taken. But Horatius, surnamed Cocles, and with him two of the noblest citizens, named Herminius and Lartius, held the wooden bridge against them. This Horatius was surnamed Cocles because he had lost an eye in the wars, or as some say because of the flatness of his nose, which made his eyes and eyebrows seem to meet, having nothing to separate them, and therefore the people meaning to call him Cyclops, by a mistake of pronunciation, named him Cocles. This man stood at the end of the bridge and kept off the enemy until his friends behind had cut down the bridge. Then he plunged into the river in his armour and swam to the other bank, though wounded by an Etruscan spear in the thigh. Poplicola, in admiration of his valour, at once proposed and passed a decree that every Roman should give him the price of one day&#039;s provisions. Moreover, he gave him as much land as he could plough in one day. And a brazen statue of him was placed in the temple of Vulcan, by which honourable allusion was made to the lameness caused by his wound.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As Porsena pressed the siege, the Romans suffered from famine, and another separate army of Etruscans invaded their territory. But Poplicola, who was now consul for the third time, though he thought it his chief duty to remain stedfast and hold out the city against Porsena, did nevertheless sally out and attack these men, routing them with a loss of five thousand. Now as to the legend of Mucius, it is told in many different ways, but I will relate it as it seems most probable that it happened. He was a man of great courage, and very daring in war, who, meaning to assassinate Porsena, stole into the camp in an Etruscan dress and speaking the Etruscan language. When he arrived at the raised platform on which the king was sitting, he did not exactly know which was he, and being afraid to ask, he drew his sword and killed the man who of all the party looked most as if he were the king. Hereupon, he was seized and questioned. A fire was burning close by in a brazier which had been brought for Porsena to offer sacrifice. Mucius held his right hand over this, and while the flesh was being consumed looked at Porsena cheerfully and calmly, until he in astonishment acquitted him and restored him his sword, which Mucius took with his left hand. On account of this he is said to have been named &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Scaevola&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which means left-handed. He then said that though he did not fear Porsena, he was conquered by his generosity, and out of kindness would tell him what torture would have failed to extort: &amp;quot;Three hundred young Romans like-minded with myself are at present concealed in your camp. I was chosen by lot to make the first attempt, and am not grieved that I failed to kill a man of honour, who ought to be a friend rather than an enemy to the Romans.&amp;quot; Porsena, hearing this, believed it to be true, and became much more inclined to make peace, not, I imagine, so much for fear of the three hundred, as out of admiration for the spirit and valour of the Romans. This Mucius is called Scaevola by all writers, but Athenodorus, the son of Sandon, in his book which is dedicated to Octavia, the sister of Caesar Augustus, says that he was also named Posthumus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Poplicola, who did not think Porsena so terrible as an enemy as he would be valuable as a friend and ally, was willing that he should decide the quarrel between the Romans and Tarquin, and often proposed that he should do so, feeling sure that he would discover him to be a wretch who had been most deservedly dethroned. But Tarquin roughly answered that he would submit his claims to no judge, and least of all to Porsena, who had been his ally and now seemed inclined to desert him. Porsena was angered at this, and, as his son Aruns also pleaded hard for the Romans, put an end to the war upon condition that they should give up the portion of Etruscan territory which they had seized, restore their prisoners, and receive back their deserters. Upon this, ten youths of the noblest families were given as hostages, and as many maidens, among whom was Valeria, the daughter of Poplicola.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; While these negotiations were going on, and Porsena, through his confidence in the good faith of the Romans, had relaxed the discipline of his camp, these Roman maidens came down to bathe in the river at a place where a bank, in the form of a crescent, makes the water smooth and undisturbed. As they saw no guards, nor any one passing except in boats, they determined to swim across, although the stream was strong and deep. Some say that one of them, by name Cloelia, rode on a horse across the river, encouraging the others as they swam. When they had got safe across they went to Poplicola, but he was displeased with them because it made him seem more faithless than Porsena, and he feared lest this daring feat of the maidens might be suspected of being a preconcerted plot of the Romans. For these reasons he sent them back to Porsena. Now Tarquin and his party, foreseeing that this would be done, laid an ambush on the further bank and attacked those who were escorting the girls with superior numbers. Still they made a stout defence, and meanwhile Valeria, the daughter of Poplicola, made her way through the combatants and escaped, and three slaves who also got away took care of her. The others were mixed up with the fight, and were in considerable danger, when Aruns, Porsena&#039;s son, came to the rescue, put the enemy to the rout, and saved the Romans. When the girls were brought before Porsena, he asked which it was that had conceived the attempt to escape and encouraged the others. Being told that it was Cloelia, he smiled kindly upon her, and presented her with one of his own horses, splendidly caparisoned. This is relied upon by those who say that it was Cloelia alone who rode on horseback over the river, as proving their case. Others say that it was not because she used a horse, but to honour her manly spirit that the Etruscan king made her this present. A statue of her, on horseback, stands in the Sacred Way as you go up to the Palatine Hill, which by some is said not to be a statue of Cloelia, but of Valeria.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Porsena, after making peace with the Romans, among many other instances of generosity, ordered his army to carry back nothing but their arms when they retired, leaving the entrenched camp full of food and property of every kind for the Romans. For this reason, at the present day, whenever there is a sale of any public property, especially that which is taken in war, proclamation is always made, &amp;quot;Porsena&#039;s goods for sale,&amp;quot; so that the Romans have never forgotten the kindness which they received from him. A brazen statue of him used to stand near the senate house, of plain and oldfashioned workmanship.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this the Sabines invaded the country. Marcus Valerius, Poplicola&#039;s brother, and Posthumius Tubertus were then consuls, and Marcus, acting by the advice of Poplicola, who was present, won two great battles, in the second of which he slew thirteen thousand of the enemy without the Romans losing a man. He was rewarded for this, in addition to his triumph, by having a house built for him upon the Palatine Hill at the public expense. And whereas all other street doors open inwards, the doors of that house were made to open outwards, as a perpetual memorial of the honour paid him by the people, who thus made way for him. It is said that all the doors in Greece used once to open this way, arguing from the comedies, in which those who are coming out of a house always knock at the door, to warn those who are passing or standing near not to be struck by the leaves of the door, as they open.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Next year Poplicola was consul for the fourth time. There was an expectation of a war against the Latins and Sabines combined.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Moreover the city seemed to have displeased the gods; for all the pregnant women were delivered prematurely, and of imperfectly formed children. Poplicola, after appeasing the gods below according to the injunctions of the Sibylline books, re-established certain games in accordance with an oracle, brought the city into a more hopeful state of mind, and began to consider what he had to fear from earthly foes, for the enemy&#039;s army was large and formidable. There was one Appius Clausus, a Sabine, of great wealth and remarkable personal strength, and a virtuous and eloquent man, who, like all great men, was the object of envy and ill-will to many. He was accused by his enemies of having put an end to the war, because he wished to increase the power of Rome, in order to enable him the more easily to triumph over the liberties of his own country, and make himself king of it. Perceiving that the populace eagerly listened to these tales, and that he was an object of dislike to the war party and the army, he began to fear impeachment: so, having numerous followers, besides his personal friends and relatives, he was able to divide the state into two parties. This caused great delay in the Sabines&#039; preparations for attacking the Romans, and Poplicola, feeling it to be his duty not merely to watch but to assist Clausus, sent envoys, who spoke to him as follows: &amp;quot;Poplicola feels that you are a man of honour, who would be unwilling to take vengeance upon your countrymen, although you have been shamefully treated by them. But if you choose to put yourself in safety by leaving your country and a people that hates you, he will receive you, both in his public and his private capacity, in a manner worthy of your own high character and of the dignity of Rome.&amp;quot; After much deliberation, Clausus decided that he could not do better than accept this offer, and assembled all his friends. They in their turn influenced many others, so that he was able to transplant to Rome five thousand of the most peaceful and respectable families of the Sabine nation. Poplicola, who had notice of their arrival, welcomed them kindly and graciously. He made them all citizens of Rome, and gave each of them two acres of land along the river Anio. He gave Clausus twenty-five acres, and enrolled him among the Senators. Clausus afterwards became one of the first men in Rome for wisdom and power, and his descendants, the Claudian family, was one of the most illustrious in history.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Though the disputes of the Sabines were settled by this migration, yet their popular orators would not let them rest, but vehemently urged that they ought not to let Appius, a deserter and an enemy, prevail upon them to let the Romans go unpunished—a thing which he could not persuade them to do when he was present among them. They proceeded to Fidenae with a great army and encamped there, and laid two thousand men in ambush before Rome, in wooded and broken ground, meaning in the morning to send out a few horsemen to plunder ostentatiously. These men were ordered to ride up close to Rome, and then to retire till their pursuers were drawn into the snare. Poplicola heard of this plan the same day from deserters, and quickly made all necessary arrangements. At evening he sent Postumius Balbus, his son-in-law, with three thousand men to occupy the tops of the hills under which the Sabine ambush was placed. His colleague, Lucretius, was ordered to take the swiftest-footed and noblest youth of the city, and pursue the plundering horsemen, while he himself with the rest of the forces made a circuitous march and outflanked the enemy. It chanced that a thick mist came on about dawn, in the midst of which Postumius charged down from the hills upon the men in ambush with a loud shout, while Lucretius sent his men to attack the cavalry, and Poplicola fell upon the enemy&#039;s camp. The Sabines were routed in every quarter, and even when fighting no longer were cut down by the Romans, their rash confidence proving ruinous to them. Each party thought that the others must be safe, and did not care to stay and fight where they were, but those who were in the camp ran to those in the ambush, and those in the ambush towards the camp, each of them meeting those with whom they hoped to take refuge, and finding that those who they had hoped would help them needed help themselves. The Sabines would have been all put to the sword, had not the neighbouring city of Fidenae afforded them a refuge, especially for the men from the camp. Such as could not reach Fidenae were either put to death or taken prisoners.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The Romans, accustomed as they are to refer all great success to the intervention of Heaven, thought that the whole glory of this achievement was due to the general. The first thing heard was the victorious soldiers declaring that Poplicola had delivered up the enemy to them blind and lame, and all but in chains, for them to slaughter at their ease. The people were enriched by the plunder and the sale of the prisoners for slaves. Poplicola enjoyed a triumph, and previously delivering over the administration of the city to the two succeeding consuls, died shortly afterwards, having attained to the highest pitch of glory that man can reach. The people, as if they had done nothing during his life to honour him as he deserved, and were now for the first time to show their gratitude, decreed him a public funeral, and moreover that every person should contribute the coin called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;quadrans&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, to show him respect. The women also made a common agreement to wear mourning for him for a whole year. He was buried by a decree of the people within the city near the place called Velia, and all his family were given the privilege of burial there. At the present day not one of the family is actually buried there, but the corpse is carried thither, and laid down, while some one places a lighted torch under it for a moment, after which it is carried away. By this ceremony they claim the right, although they forego it, and bury the corpse outside the city.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; It is a point peculiar to this comparison, and which does not occur in any of the other Lives which I have written, that in turn one imitates and the other bears witness to his fellow&#039;s deeds. Observe, for instance, Solon&#039;s definition of happiness before Croesus, how much better it suits Poplicola than Tellus. He says that Tellus was fortunate because of his good luck, his virtue, and his noble children; but yet he makes no mention of him or of his children in his poetry, and he never was a man of any renown, or held any high office.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Now Poplicola&#039;s virtues made him the most powerful and glorious of the Romans during his life, and six hundred years after his death the very noblest families of Rome, those named Publicola and Messala and Valerius, are proud to trace their descent from him, even at the present day. Tellus, it is true, died like a brave man fighting in the ranks, but Poplicola slew his enemies, which is much better than being killed oneself, and made his country victorious by skill as a general and a statesman, and, after triumphing and enjoying honours of every kind, died the death which Solon thought so enviable. Besides, Solon, in his answer to Mimnermus about the time of life, has written the verses:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;To me may favouring Heaven send,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;That all my friends may mourn my end,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;in which he bears witness to the good fortune of Poplicola; for he, when he died, was mourned not only by all his friends and relations but by the whole city, in which thousands wept for him, while all the women wore mourning for him as if he were a son or father of them all that they had lost.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Solon says in his poems,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I long for wealth, but not procured&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;By means unholy.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Now Poplicola not only possessed wealth honourably acquired, but also was able to spend it, much to his credit, in relieving the needy. Thus if Solon was the wisest, Poplicola was certainly the most fortunate of men; for what Solon prayed for as the greatest blessing, Poplicola possessed and enjoyed to the end of his days.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Thus has Solon done honour to Poplicola; and he again honoured Solon by regarding him as the best model a man could follow in establishing a free constitution: for he took away the excessive power and dignity of the consuls and made them inoffensive to the people, and indeed made use of many of Solon&#039;s own laws; as he empowered the people to elect their own consuls, and gave defendants a right of appeal to the people from other courts, just as Solon had done. He did not, like Solon, make two senates, but he increased the existing one to nearly double its number. His grounds for the appointment of quaestors was to give the consul leisure for more important matters, if he was an honest man; and if he was a bad man, to remove the opportunity of fraud which he would have had if he were supreme over the state and the treasury at once. In hatred of tyrants Poplicola exceeded Solon, for he fixed the penalty for a man who might be proved to be attempting to make himself king, whereas the Roman allowed any one to kill him without trial. And while Solon justly prided himself upon his having been offered the opportunity to make himself despot, with the full consent of his fellow-countrymen, and yet having refused it, Poplicola deserves even greater credit for having been placed in an office of almost despotic power, and having made it more popular, not using the privileges with which he was entrusted. Indeed Solon seems to have been the first to perceive that a people&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Obeys its rulers best,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;When not too free, yet not too much opprest.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The relief of debtors was a device peculiar to Solon, which, more than anything else confirmed the liberty of the citizens. For laws to establish equality are of no use if poor men are prevented from enjoying it because of their debts; and in the states which appear to be the most free, men become mere slaves to the rich, and conduct the whole business of the state at their dictation. It should be especially noted that although an abolition of debt would naturally produce a civil war, yet this measure of Solon&#039;s, like an unusual but powerful dose of medicine, actually put an end to the existing condition of internal strife; for the well-known probity of Solon&#039;s character outweighed the discredit of the means to which he resorted. In fact Solon began his public life with greater glory than Poplicola, for he was the leading spirit, and followed no man, but entirely single handed effected the most important reforms; while Poplicola was more enviable and fortunate at the close of his career.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Solon himself saw his own constitution overthrown, while that of Poplicola preserved order in the city down to the time of the civil wars; and the reason was that Solon, as soon as he had enacted his laws, went on his travels, leaving them written on wooden tablets, defenceless against all assailants; whereas Poplicola remained at home, acted as consul, and by his statesmanship ensured the success and permanence of the new constitution. Moreover, Solon could not stop Peisistratus, although he perceived his designs, but was forced to see a despotism established; while Poplicola destroyed a monarchy which had existed for many years, showing equal virtue with Solon, but greater good fortune and power to enable him to carry out his intentions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; With regard to warlike achievements, Daimachus of Plataea will not even admit that Solon made the campaign against the Megarians, which we have related; but Poplicola both by strategy and personal valour won many great battles. As a statesman, Solon seems to have acted somewhat childishly in pretending that he was mad, in order to make his speech about Salamis, while Poplicola ran the very greatest risks in driving out the tyrant and crushing the conspiracy. He was especially responsible for the chief criminals being put to death, and thus not only drove the Tarquins out of the city, but cut off and destroyed their hopes of return. And while he showed such vigour in enterprises that required spirit and courage, he was equally admirable in peaceful negotiations and the arts of persuasion; for he skilfully won over the formidable Porsena to be the friend instead of the enemy of Rome.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Still we may be reminded that Solon stirred up the Athenians to capture Salamis, which they had given up to the Megarians, while Poplicola withdrew the Romans from a country which they had conquered. We must, however, consider the circumstances under which these events took place. A subtle politician deals with every thing so as to turn it to the greatest advantage, and will often lose a part in order to save the whole, and by sacrificing some small advantage gain another more important one, as did Poplicola on that occasion; for he, by withdrawing from a foreign country, preserved his own, gained the enemy&#039;s camp for the Romans, who before were only too glad to save their city from ruin, and at last, by converting his enemy into an arbitrator and winning his cause, obtained all the fruits of victory: for Porsena put an end to the war, and left behind him all his war material to show his respect for the noble character of the consul.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;LIFE_OF_THEMISTOKLES&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LIFE OF THEMISTOKLES&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Themistokles came of a family too obscure to entitle him to distinction. His father, Neokles, was a middle-class Athenian citizen, of the township of Phrearri and the tribe Leontis. He was base born on his mother&#039;s side, as the epigram tells us:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;My name&#039;s Abrotonon from Thrace,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;I boast not old Athenian race;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Yet, humble though my lineage be,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Themistokles was born of me.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Phanias, however, says that the mother of Themistokles was a Carian, not a Thracian, and that her name was not Abrotonon but Euterpe. Manthes even tells us that she came from the city of Halikarnassus in Caria. All base-born Athenians were made to assemble at Kynosarges, a gymnasium outside the walls sacred to Herakles, who was regarded as base born among the gods because his mother was a mortal; and Themistokles induced several youths of noble birth to come to Kynosarges with him and join in the wrestling there, an ingenious device for destroying the exclusive privileges of birth. But, for all that, he evidently was of the blood of Lykomedes; for when the barbarians burned down the temple of the Initiation at Phlya, which belonged to the whole race of the descendants of Lykomedes, it was restored by Themistokles, as we are told by Simonides.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; He is agreed by all to have been a child of vigorous impulses, naturally clever, and inclined to take an interest in important affairs and questions of statesmanship. During his holidays and times of leisure he did not play and trifle as other children do, but was always found arranging some speech by himself and thinking it over. The speech was always an attack on, or a defence of, some one of his playfellows. His schoolmaster was wont to say, &amp;quot;You will be nothing petty, my boy; you will be either a very good or a very bad man.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In his learning, he cared nothing for the exercises intended to form the character, and mere showy accomplishments and graces, but eagerly applied himself to all real knowledge, trusting to his natural gifts to enable him to master what was thought to be too abstruse for his time of life. In consequence of this, when in society he was ridiculed by those who thought themselves well mannered and well educated, he was obliged to make the somewhat vulgar retort that he could not tune a lute or play upon the harp, but he could make a small and obscure state great and glorious.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In spite of all this, Stesimbrotus says that Themistokles was a pupil of Anaxagoras, and attended the lectures of Melissus the physicist; but here he is wrong as to dates. Melissus was the general who was opposed to Perikles, a much younger man than Themistokles, when he was besieging Samos, and Anaxagoras was one of Perikles&#039;s friends. One is more inclined to believe those who tell us that Themistokles was a follower and admirer of Mnesiphilus of Phrearri, who was neither an orator nor a natural philosopher, but a man who had deeply studied what went by the name of wisdom, but was really political sharp practice and expedients of statesmanship, which he had, as it were, inherited as a legacy from Solon. Those who in later times mixed up this science with forensic devices, and used it, not to deal with the facts of politics, but the abstract ideas of speculative philosophy, were named Sophists. Themistokles used to converse with this man when he had already begun his political career. In his childhood he was capricious and unsteady, his genius, as yet untempered by reason and experience, showing great capacities both for good and evil, and after breaking out into vice, as he himself used afterwards to admit, saying that the colts which are the hardest to break in usually make the most valuable horses when properly taught. But as for the stories which some have fabricated out of this, about his being disinherited by his father, and about his mother committing suicide through grief at her son&#039;s disgrace, they seem to be untrue. On the other hand, some writers tell us that his father, wishing to dissuade him from taking part in politics, pointed out to him the old triremes lying abandoned on the beach, and told him that politicians, when the people had no farther use for them, were cast aside in like manner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Very early in life Themistokles took a vigorous part in public affairs, possessed by vehement ambition. Determined from the very outset that he would become the leading man in the state, he eagerly entered into all the schemes for displacing those who where then at the head of affairs, especially attacking Aristeides, the son of Lysimachus, whose policy he opposed on every occasion. Yet his enmity with this man seems to have had a very boyish commencement; for they both entertained a passion for the beautiful Stesilaus, who, we are told by Ariston the philosopher, was descended from a family residing in the island of Keos. After this difference they espoused different parties in the state, and their different temper and habits widened the breach between them. Aristeides was of a mild and honourable nature, and as a statesman cared nothing for popularity or personal glory, but did what he thought right with great caution and strict rectitude. He was thus often brought into collision with Themistokles, who was trying to engage the people in many new schemes, and to introduce startling reforms, by which he would himself have gained credit, and which Aristeides steadily opposed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He is said to have been so recklessly ambitious and so frenziedly eager to take part in great events, that though he was very young at the time of the battle of Marathon, when the country rang with the praises of the generalship of Miltiades, he was often to be seen buried in thought, passing sleepless nights and refusing invitations to wine-parties, and that he answered those who asked him the cause of his change of habits, that the trophies of Miltiades would not let him sleep. Other men thought that the victory of Marathon had put an end to the war, but Themistokles saw that it was but the prelude to a greater contest, in which he prepared himself to stand forth as the champion of Greece, and, foreseeing long before what was to come, endeavoured to make the city of Athens ready to meet it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; First of all, he had the courage to propose that the Athenians, instead of dividing amongst themselves the revenues derived from the silver mines at Laurium, should construct ships out of this fund for the war with Aegina. This was then at its height, and the Aeginetans, who had a large navy, were masters of the sea. By this means Themistokles was more easily enabled to carry his point, not trying to terrify the people by alluding to Darius and the Persians, who lived a long way off, and whom few feared would ever come to attack them, but by cleverly appealing to their feelings of patriotism against the Aeginetans, to make them consent to the outlay.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;With that money a hundred triremes were built, which were subsequently used to fight against Xerxes. After this he kept gradually turning the thoughts of the Athenians in the direction of the sea, because their land force was unable even to hold its own against the neighbouring states, while with a powerful fleet they could both beat off the barbarians and make themselves masters of the whole of Greece. Thus, as Plato says, instead of stationary soldiers as they were, he made them roving sailors, and gave rise to the contemptuous remark that Themistokles took away from the citizens of Athens the shield and the spear, and reduced them to the oar and the rower&#039;s bench. This, we are told by Stesimbrotus, he effected after quelling the opposition of Miltiades, who spoke on the other side. Whether his proceedings at this time were strictly constitutional or no I shall leave to others to determine; but that the only safety of Greece lay in its fleet, and that those triremes were the salvation of the Athenians after their city was taken, can be proved by the testimony, among others, of Xerxes himself; for although his land force was unbroken, he fled after his naval defeat, as though no longer able to contend with the Greeks, and he left Mardonius behind more to prevent pursuit, in my opinion, than with any hopes of conquest.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Some writers tell us that he was a keen man of business, and explain that his grand style of living made this necessary; for he made costly sacrifices, and entertained foreigners in a splendid manner, all of which required a large expenditure; but some accuse him of meanness and avarice, and even say that he sold presents which were sent for his table. When Philides the horse-dealer refused to sell him a colt, he threatened that he would soon make a wooden horse of the man&#039;s house; meaning that he would stir up lawsuits and claims against him from some of his relations.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In ambition he surpassed every one. When yet a young and unknown man he prevailed upon Epikles of Hermione, the admired performer on the harp, to practise his art in his house, hoping thereby to bring many people to it to listen. And he displeased the Greeks when he went to the Olympian games by vying with Kimon in the luxury of his table, his tents, and his other furniture. It was thought very proper for Kimon, a young man of noble birth, to do so; but for a man who had not yet made himself a reputation, and had not means to support the expense, such extravagance seemed mere vulgar ostentation. In the dramatic contest, which even then excited great interest and rivalry, the play whose expenses he paid for won the prize. He put up a tablet in memory of his success bearing the words: Themistokles of Phrearri was choragus, Phrynichus wrote the play, Adeimantus was archon. Yet he was popular, for he knew every one of the citizens by name, and gave impartial judgment in all cases referred to him as arbitrator. Once, when Simonides of Keos asked him to strain a point in his favour, Themistokles, who was a general at the time, answered that Simonides would be a bad poet if he sang out of tune; and he would be a bad magistrate if he favoured men against the law. At another time he rallied Simonides on his folly in abusing the Corinthians, who inhabited so fine a city, and in having his own statue carved, though he was so ugly. He continued to increase in popularity by judiciously courting the favour of the people, and was at length able to secure the triumph of his own party, and the banishment of his rival Aristeides.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As the Persians were now about to invade Greece, the Athenians deliberated as to who should be their leader. It is said that most men refused the post of General through fear, but that Epikydes, the son of Euphemides, a clever mob-orator, but cowardly and accessible to bribes, desired to be appointed, and seemed very likely to be elected. Themistokles, fearing that the state would be utterly ruined if its affairs fell into such hands, bribed him into forgetting his ambitious designs, and withdrawing his candidature.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was much admired for his conduct when envoys came from the Persian king to demand earth and water, in token of submission. He seized the interpreter, and by a decree of the people had him put to death, because he had dared to translate the commands of a barbarian into the language of free Greeks. He acted in the same way to Arthmias of Zelea. This man, at the instance of Themistokles, was declared infamous, he and his children and his descendants for ever, because he brought Persian gold among the Greeks. His greatest achievement of all, however, was, that he put an end to all the internal wars in Greece, and reconciled the states with one another, inducing them to defer the settlement of their feuds until after the Persian war. In this he is said to have been greatly assisted by Chileon the Arcadian.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; On his appointment as General, he at once endeavoured to prevail upon his countrymen to man their fleet, leave their city, and go to meet the enemy by sea as far from Greece as possible. As this met with great opposition, he, together with the Lacedaemonians, led a large force as far as the Vale of Tempe, which they intended to make their first line of defence, as Thessaly had not at that time declared for the Persians. When, however, the armies were forced to retire from thence, and all Greece, up to Boeotia, declared for the Persians, the Athenians became more willing to listen to Themistokles about fighting by sea, and he was sent with a fleet to guard the straits at Artemisium. Here the Greeks chose the Lacedaemonians, and their general, Eurybiades, to take the command; but the Athenians refused to submit to any other state, because they alone furnished more ships than all the rest. Themistokles, at this crisis perceiving the danger, gave up his claims to Eurybiades, and soothed the wounded pride of the Athenians, telling them that if they proved themselves brave men in the war, they would find that all the other states in Greece would cheerfully recognise their supremacy. On this account he seems more than any one else to deserve the credit of having saved Greece, and to have covered the Athenians with glory by teaching them to surpass their enemies in bravery, and their allies in good sense. When the Persian fleet reached Aphetai, Eurybiades was terrified at the number of ships at the mouth of the Straits, and, learning that two hundred sail more were gone round the outside of Euboea to take him in the rear, he at once wished to retire further into Greece, and support the fleet by the land army in Peloponnesus, for he regarded the Persian king&#039;s fleet as utterly irresistible at sea. Upon this the Euboeans, who feared to be deserted by the Greeks, sent one Pelagon with a large sum of money, to make secret proposals to Themistokles. He took the money, Herodotus tells us, and gave it to Eurybiades and his party. One of those who most vehemently opposed him was Architeles, the captain of the Sacred Trireme, who had not sufficient money to pay his crew, and therefore wished to sail back to Athens. Themistokles stirred up the anger of his men to such a pitch that they rushed upon him and took away his supper. At this, Architeles was much vexed, but Themistokles sent him a basket containing bread and meat, with a talent of silver hidden underneath it, with a message bidding him eat his supper and pay his men the next day, but that, if he did not, Themistokles would denounce him to his countrymen as having received bribes from the enemy. This we are told by Phanias of Lesbos.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The battles which took place in the Straits with the Persian ships, were indeed indecisive, but the experience gained in them was of the greatest value to the Greeks, as they were taught by their result that multitudes of ships and splendid ensigns, and the boastful war-cries of barbarians, avail nothing against men who dare to fight hand to hand, and that they must disregard all these and boldly grapple with their enemies. Pindar seems to have understood this when he says, about the battle at Artemisium, that there&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The sons of Athena laid&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Their freedom&#039;s grand foundation.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;for indeed confidence leads to victory. This Artemisium is a promontory of the island of Euboea, stretching northwards beyond Hestiaea; and opposite to it is Olizon, which was once part of the dominions of Philoktetes. There is upon it a small temple of Artemis (Diana), which is called the &amp;quot;Temple towards the East.&amp;quot; Round it stand trees and a circle of pillars of white stone. This stone, when rubbed in the hand, has the colour and smell of saffron. On one of these pillars were written the following verses:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The sons of Athens once o&#039;ercame in fight&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;All Asia&#039;s tribes, on yonder sea;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;They raised these pillars round Diana&#039;s shrine,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To thank her for their victory.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Even now a place is pointed out on the beach where, under a great heap of sand, there is a deep bed of black ashes where it is thought the wrecks and dead bodies were burned.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; But when the news of Thermopylae was brought to the Greeks at Artemisium, that Leonidas had fallen, and Xerxes was in possession of the passes, they retired further into Greece, the Athenians protecting the rear on account of their bravery, and full of pride at their achievements. At all the harbours and landing-places along the coast, Themistokles, as he passed by, cut conspicuous inscriptions on stones, some of which he found on the spot, and others which he himself set up at all the watering-places and convenient stations for ships. In these inscriptions he besought the Ionians, if possible, to come over to the Athenians, who were their fathers, and who were fighting for their liberty; and if they could not do this, to throw the barbarian army into confusion during battle. He hoped that these writings would either bring the Ionians over to the side of the Greeks, or make them suspected of treason by the Persians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Meanwhile Xerxes invaded Greece through Doris, and came into Phokis, where he burned the city of the Phokaeans. The Greeks made no resistance, although the Athenians begged them to make a stand in Boeotia, and cover Attica, urging that they had fought in defence of the whole of Greece at Artemisium. However, as no one would listen to them, but all the rest of the Greeks determined to defend the Peloponnesus, and were collecting all their forces within it, and building a wall across the Isthmus from sea to sea, the Athenians were enraged at their treachery, and disheartened at being thus abandoned to their fate. They had no thoughts of resisting so enormous an army; and the only thing they could do under the circumstances, to abandon their city and trust to their ships, was distasteful to the people, who saw nothing to be gained by victory, and no advantage in life, if they had to desert the temples of their gods and the monuments of their fathers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; At this crisis, Themistokles, despairing of influencing the populace by human reasoning, just as a dramatist has recourse to supernatural machinery, produced signs and wonders and oracles. He argued that it was a portent that the sacred snake during those days deserted his usual haunt. The priests, who found their daily offerings to him of the first fruits of the sacrifices left untouched, told the people, at the instigation of Themistokles, that the goddess Athena (Minerva) had left the city, and was leading them to the sea. He also swayed the popular mind by the oracle, in which he argued that by &amp;quot;wooden walls&amp;quot; ships were alluded to; and that Apollo spoke of Salamis as &amp;quot;divine,&amp;quot; not terrible or sad, because Salamis would be the cause of great good fortune to the Greeks. Having thus gained his point, he proposed a decree, that the city be left to the care of the tutelary goddess of the Athenians, that all able-bodied men should embark in the ships of war, and that each man should take the best measures in his power to save the women and children and slaves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When this decree was passed, most of the Athenians sent their aged folks and women over to Troezen, where they were hospitably received by the Troezenians, who decreed that they should be maintained at the public expense, receiving each two obols a day, that the children should be allowed to pick the fruit from any man&#039;s tree, and even that their school expenses should be paid. This decree was proposed by Nikagoras.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Athenians at this time had no public funds, yet Aristotle tells us that the Senate of the Areopagus, by supplying each fighting man with eight drachmas, did good service in manning the fleet; and Kleidemus tells us that this money was obtained by an artifice of Themistokles. When the Athenians were going down to the Peiraeus, he gave out that the Gorgon&#039;s head had been lost from the statue of the goddess. Themistokles, under pretext of seeking for it, searched every man, and found great stores of money hidden in their luggage, which he confiscated, and thus was able to supply the crews of the ships with abundance of necessaries. When the whole city put to sea, the sight affected some to pity, while others admired their courage in sending their families out of the way that they might not be disturbed by weeping and wailing as they went over to Salamis. Yet many of the aged citizens who were left behind at Athens afforded a piteous sight; and even the domestic animals, as they ran howling to the sea-shore, accompanying their masters, touched men&#039;s hearts. It is said that the dog of Xanthippus, the father of Perikles, could not endure to be separated from him, and jumping into the sea swam alongside of his trireme, reached Salamis, and then at once died. His tomb is even now to be seen at the place called Kynossema.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Besides these great achievements, Themistokles, perceiving that his countrymen longed to have Aristeides back again, and fearing that he might ally himself with the Persian, and work ruin to Greece out of anger against his own country (for Aristeides had been banished from Athens before the war when Themistokles came into power), proposed a decree, that any citizen who had been banished for a term of years, might return and do his best by word and deed to serve his country together with the other citizens.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Eurybiades, on account of the prestige of Sparta, held the chief command of the fleet, but was unwilling to risk a battle, preferring to weigh anchor and sail to the Isthmus where the land army of the Peloponnesians was assembled. This project was opposed by Themistokles; and it was on this occasion that he made use of the following well-known saying: When Eurybiades said to him, &amp;quot;Themistokles, in the public games they whip those who rise before their turn.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;True,&amp;quot; said Themistokles, &amp;quot;but they do not crown those who lag behind.&amp;quot; And when Eurybiades raised his staff as if he would strike him, Themistokles said, &amp;quot;Strike, but hear me.&amp;quot; When Eurybiades, in wonder at his gentle temper, bade him speak, he again urged Eurybiades to remain at Salamis. Some one then said, that a man without a city had no right to tell those who still possessed one to abandon it, but Themistokles turning upon him, answered, &amp;quot;Wretch, we Athenians have indeed abandoned our walls and houses, because we scorn to be slaves for the sake of mere buildings, but we have the greatest city of all Greece, our two hundred ships of war, which now are ready to help you if you choose to be saved by their means; but, if you betray us and leave us, some of the Greeks will soon learn to their cost that the Athenians have obtained a free city and a territory no worse than that which they left behind.&amp;quot; When Eurybiades heard Themistokles use this language, he began to fear that the Athenians might really sail away and leave him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When Eretrieus tried to say something to Themistokles, he answered, &amp;quot;Do you too dare to say anything about war, you, who like a cuttle-fish, have a sword but no heart.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; It is said by some writers that while Themistokles was talking about these matters upon the deck of his ship, an owl was seen to fly from the right-hand side of the fleet, and to perch upon his mast; which omen encouraged all the Athenians to fight. But when the Persian host poured down to Phalerum, covering the whole sea-shore, and the king himself was seen with all his forces, coming down to the beach with the infantry, the Greeks forgot the words of Themistokles, and began to cast eager glances towards the Isthmus and to be angry with any one who proposed to do anything else than withdraw. They determined to retire by night, and the steersmen were given orders to prepare for a voyage. Themistokles, enraged at the idea of the Greek fleet dispersing, and losing the advantage of the narrow waters, planned the affair of Sikinnus. This Sikinnus was a Persian who had been taken prisoner, and who was fond of Themistokles and took charge of his children. He sent this man secretly to Xerxes, ordering him to say that Themistokles, the general of the Athenians, has determined to come over to the king of the Persians, and is the first to tell him that the Greeks are about to retreat. He bids him not to allow them to fly, but to attack them while they are disheartened at not being supported by a land force, and destroy their fleet.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Xerxes, who imagined this to be said for his advantage, was delighted, and at once gave orders to the commanders of his ships to make ready for battle at their leisure, all but two hundred, whom he ordered to put to sea at once, surround the whole strait, and close up the passages through the islands, so that no one of the enemy could escape. While this was being done, Aristeides, the son of Lysimachus, who was the first to perceive it, came to the tent of Themistokles, although the latter was his enemy, and had driven him into exile. When Themistokles came to meet him, he told him they were surrounded; knowing the frank and noble character of Aristeides, Themistokles told him the whole plot, and begged him as a man in whom the Greeks could trust, to encourage them to fight a battle in the straits. Aristeides praised Themistokles for what he had done, and went round to the other generals and captains of ships, inciting them to fight. Yet they were inclined to doubt even the word of Aristeides, when a trireme from the island of Tenos, under the command of Panaitios, came in, having deserted from the enemy, and brought the news that the Greeks were really surrounded. Then, in a spirit of anger and despair, they prepared for the struggle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; At daybreak Xerxes took his seat on a high cliff overlooking all his host, just above the Temple of Herakles, we are told by Phanodemus, where the strait between Salamis and Attica is narrowest, but according to Akestodorus, close to the Megarian frontier, upon the mountains called Horns. Here he sat upon the golden throne, with many scribes standing near, whose duty it was to write down the events of the battle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;While Themistokles was sacrificing on the beach, beside the admiral&#039;s ship, three most beautiful captive boys were brought to him, splendidly adorned with gold and fine clothes. They were said to be the children of Sandauke, the sister of Xerxes, and Artäuktes. When Euphrantides the prophet saw them, there shone at once from the victims on the altar a great and brilliant flame, and at the same time some one was heard to sneeze on the right hand, which is a good omen. Euphrantides now besought Themistokles to sacrifice these young men as victims to Dionysus, to whom human beings are sacrificed; so should the Greeks obtain safety and victory. Themistokles was struck with horror at this terrible proposal; but the multitude, who, as is natural with people in great danger, hoped to be saved by miraculous rather than by ordinary means, called upon the God with one voice, and leading the captives up to the altar, compelled him to offer them up as the prophet bade him. This story rests on the authority of Phanias of Lesbos, who was a man of education, and well read in history.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As for the numbers of the Persian fleet, the poet Aeschylus, as though he knew it clearly, writes as follows in his tragedy of the Persae:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And well I know a thousand sail&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;That day did Xerxes meet,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;And seven and two hundred more,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The fastest of his fleet.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Athenian ships, a hundred and eighty in number, had each eighteen men on deck, four of whom were archers, and the rest heavy-armed soldiers. Themistokles now chose the time for the battle as judiciously as he had chosen the place, and would not bring his triremes into line of battle before the fresh wind off the sea, as is usual in the morning, raised a heavy swell in the straits. This did not damage the low flat ships of the Greeks, but it caught the high-sterned Persian ships, over-weighted as they were with lofty decks, and presented their broadsides to the Greeks, who eagerly attacked them, watching Themistokles because he was their best example, and also because Ariamenes, Xerxes&#039;s admiral, and the bravest and best of the king&#039;s brothers, attacked him in a huge ship, from which, as if from a castle, he poured darts and arrows upon him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But Ameinias of Dekeleia and Sokles of Pedia, who were both sailing in the same vessel, met him stem to stem. Each ship crashed into the other with its iron beak, and was torn open. Ariamenes attempted to board the Greek ship, but these two men set upon him with their spears, and drove him into the sea. His body was noticed by Queen Artemisia floating amongst the other wreckage, and was by her brought to Xerxes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; At this period of the battle it is said that a great light was seen to shine from Eleusis, and that a great noise was heard upon the Thriasian plain near the sea, as though multitudes of men were escorting the mystic Iacchus in procession. From the place where these sounds were heard a mist seemed to spread over the sea and envelop the ships. Others thought that they saw spirit-forms of armed men come from Aegina, and hold their hands before the ships of the Greeks. These it was supposed were the Aeakid heroes, to whom prayers for help had been offered just before the battle. The first man to capture a ship was Lykomedes, an Athenian captain, who cut off its ensign and dedicated it to Apollo with the laurel crown at the Temple at Phlyae.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the narrow straits the Persians were unable to bring more than a part of their fleet into action, and their ships got into each other&#039;s way, so that the Greeks could meet them on equal terms, and, although they resisted until evening, completely routed them, winning, as Simonides calls it, that &amp;quot;glorious and famous victory,&amp;quot; the greatest exploit ever achieved at sea, which owed its success to the bravery of the sailors and the genius of Themistokles.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this naval defeat, Xerxes, enraged at his failure, endeavoured to fill up the strait with earth, and so to make a passage for his land forces to Salamis, to attack the Greeks there. Now Themistokles, in order to try the temper of Aristeides, proposed that the fleet should sail to the Hellespont, and break the bridge of boats there, &amp;quot;in order,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;that we may conquer Asia in Europe.&amp;quot; But Aristeides disapproved of this measure, saying, &amp;quot;Hitherto we have fought against the Persian king, while he has been at his ease; but if we shut him up in Greece, and drive the chief of so large an army to despair, he will no longer sit quietly under a golden umbrella to look on at his battles, but will strain every nerve and superintend every operation in person, and so will easily retrieve his losses and form better plans for the future.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Instead of breaking down the existing bridge for him, Themistokles,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;we ought rather, if possible, at once to build another, and send the man out of Europe as quickly as possible.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Well then,&amp;quot; answered Themistokles, &amp;quot;if you think that our interest lies in that direction, we ought all to consider and contrive to send him out of Greece as fast as we can.&amp;quot; When this resolution was adopted, Themistokles sent one of the king&#039;s eunuchs, whom he had found among the prisoners, bidding him warn Xerxes that &amp;quot;the Greeks had determined after their victory to sail to the Hellespont and break the bridge, but that Themistokles, out of his regard for the king, advises him to proceed as fast as he can to his own sea, and cross over it, while he (Themistokles) gained time for him by delaying the allied fleet.&amp;quot; Xerxes, hearing thus, was much alarmed and retired in all haste. And indeed the battle with Mardonius at Plataea shows us which of the two was right; for the Greeks there could scarcely deal with a small part of the Persian army, and what therefore could they have done with the whole?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Herodotus tells us that, of Greek States, Aegina received the prize of valour, and that, of the generals, it was awarded to Themistokles, though against the will of the voters. When the armies retired to the Isthmus all the generals laid their votes on the altar there, and each man declared himself to deserve the first prize for valour, and Themistokles to deserve the second. However, the Lacedaemonians brought him home with them to Sparta, and gave Eurybiades the first prize for valour, but Themistokles that for wisdom, a crown of olive-leaves. They also gave him the best chariot in their city, and sent three hundred of their young men to escort him out of the country. It is also related that at the next Olympian games, when Themistokles appeared upon the race-course, all the spectators took no further interest in the contests, but passed the whole day in admiring and applauding him, and in pointing him out to such as were strangers; so that he was delighted, and said to his friends that he had now received his reward for all his labours on behalf of Greece.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; He was by nature excessively fond of admiration, as we may judge from the stories about him which have been preserved. Once, when he was made admiral of the Athenian fleet, he put off all the necessary business of his office until the day appointed for sailing, in order that he might have a great many dealings with various people all at once, and so appear to be a person of great influence and importance. And when he saw the corpses floating in the sea with gold bracelets and necklaces, he himself passed them by, but pointed them out to a friend who was following, saying, &amp;quot;Do you pick them up and keep them; for you are not Themistokles.&amp;quot; A beautiful youth, named Antiphates, regarded him coolly at first, but eventually became submissive to him because of his immense reputation. &amp;quot;Young man,&amp;quot; said Themistokles, &amp;quot;it has taken some time, but we have at length both regained our right minds.&amp;quot; He used to say that the Athenians neither admired nor respected him, but used him like a plane-tree under which they took shelter in storm, but which in fair weather they lopped and stripped of its leaves. Once when a citizen of Seriphos said to him that he owed his glory, not to himself but to his city, he answered, &amp;quot;Very true; I should not have become a great man if I had been a Seriphian, nor would you if you had been an Athenian.&amp;quot; When one of his fellow-generals, who thought that he had done the state good service, was taking a haughty tone, and comparing his exploits with those of Themistokles, he said, &amp;quot;The day after a feast, once upon a time, boasted that it was better than the feast-day itself, because on that day all men are full of anxiety and trouble, while upon the next day every one enjoys what has been prepared at his leisure. But the feast-day answered, &#039;Very true, only but for me you never would have been at all.&#039; So now,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;if I had not come first, where would you all have been now?&amp;quot; His son, who was spoiled by his mother, and by himself to please her, he said was the most powerful person in Greece; for the Athenians ruled the Greeks, he ruled the Athenians, his wife ruled him, and his son ruled his wife. Wishing to be singular in all things, when he put up a plot of ground for sale, he ordered the crier to announce that there were good neighbours next to it. When two men paid their addresses to his daughter, he chose the more agreeable instead of the richer of the two, saying that he preferred a man without money to money without a man. Such was his character, as shown in his talk.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Immediately after the great war, he began to rebuild and fortify the city. In order to succeed in this, Theopompus says that he bribed the Spartan ephors into laying aside opposition, but most writers say that he outwitted them by proceeding to Sparta nominally on an embassy. Then when the Spartans complained to him that Athens was being fortified, and when Poliarchus came expressly from Aegina to charge him with it, he denied it, and bade them send commissioners to Athens to see whether it was true, wishing both to obtain time for the fortifications to be built, and also to place these commissioners in the hands of the Athenians, as hostages for his own safety. His expectations were realised; for the Lacedaemonians, on discovering the truth, did him no harm, but dissembled their anger and sent him away. After this he built Peiraeus, as he perceived the excellence of its harbours, and was desirous to turn the whole attention of the Athenians to naval pursuits. In this he pursued a policy exactly the opposite to that of the ancient kings of Attica; for they are said to have endeavoured to keep their subjects away from the sea, and to accustom them to till the ground instead of going on board ships, quoting the legend that Athene and Poseidon had a contest for the possession of the land, and that she gained a decision in her favour by the production of the sacred olive. Themistokles, on the other hand, did not so much &amp;quot;stick Peiraeus on to Athens,&amp;quot; as Aristophanes the comic poet said, as make the city dependent upon Peiraeus, and the land dependent on the sea. By this means he transferred power from the nobles to the people, because sailors and pilots became the real strength of the State. For this reason the thirty tyrants destroyed the bema, or tribune on the place of public assembly, which was built looking towards the sea, and built another which looked inland, because they thought that the naval supremacy of Athens had been the origin of its democratic constitution, and that an oligarchy had less to fear from men who cultivated the land.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Themistokles had even more extended views than these about making the Athenians supreme at sea. When Xerxes was gone, the whole Greek fleet was drawn up on shore for the winter at Pagasae. Themistokles then publicly told the Athenians that he had a plan which would save and benefit them all, but which must not be divulged. The Athenians bade him tell Aristeides only, and to execute his designs if he approved.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Themistokles then told Aristeides that his design was to burn the whole Greek fleet as they lay on the beach. But Aristeides came forward and told the people that no proposal could be more advantageous or more villainous; so that the Athenians forbade Themistokles to proceed with it. On another occasion the Lacedaemonians proposed, in a meeting of the Amphiktyonic council, that all States that had taken no part in the Persian war should be excluded from that council; Themistokles, fearing that if the Lacedaemonians should exclude Thessaly, Argos, and Thebes, they would have complete control over the votes, and be able to carry what measures they pleased, made representations to the various States, and influenced the votes of their deputies at the meeting, pointing out to them that there were only thirty-one States which took any part in the war, and that most of these were very small ones, so that it would be unreasonable for one or two powerful States to pronounce the rest of Greece outlawed, and be supreme in the council. After this he generally opposed the Lacedaemonians; wherefore they paid special court to Kimon, in order to establish him as a political rival to Themistokles.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Moreover, he made himself odious to the allies by sailing about the islands and wringing money from them. A case in point is the conversation which Herodotus tells us he held with the people of Andros, when trying to get money from them. He said that he was come, bringing with him two gods, Persuasion and Necessity; but they replied that they also possessed two equally powerful ones, Poverty and Helplessness, by whom they were prevented from supplying him with money. The poet, Timokreon of Rhodes, in one of his songs, writes bitterly of Themistokles, saying that he was prevailed upon by the bribes which he received from exiles to restore them to their native country, but abandoned himself, who was his guest and friend. The song runs as follows:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Though ye may sing Pausanias or Xanthippus in your lays,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Or Leotychides, &#039;tis Aristeides whom I praise,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;The best of men as yet produced by holy Athens&#039; State,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Since thus upon Themistokles has fall&#039;n Latona&#039;s hate:&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;That liar and that traitor base, who for a bribe unclean,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Refused to reinstate a man who his own guest had been.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;His friend too, in his native Ialysus, but who took&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Three silver talents with him, and his friend forsook.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Bad luck go with the fellow, who unjustly some restores&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;From exile, while some others he had banished from our shores,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;And some he puts to death; and sits among us gorged with pelf.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;He kept an ample table at the Isthmian games himself,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;And gave to every guest that came full plenty of cold meat,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;The which they with a prayer did each and every of them eat,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;But their prayer was &#039;Next year be there no Themistokles to meet.&#039;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And after the exile and condemnation of Themistokles, Timokreon wrote much more abusively about him in a song which begins,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Muse, far away,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Sound this my lay,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;For it both meet and right is.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It is said that Timokreon was exiled from home for having dealings with the Persians, and that Themistokles confirmed his sentence. When, then, Themistokles was charged with intriguing with the Persians, Timokreon wrote upon him,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Timokreon is not the only Greek&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;That turned a traitor, Persian gold to seek;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;I&#039;m not the only fox without a tail,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;But others put their honour up for sale.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As the Athenians, through his unpopularity, eagerly listened to any story to his discredit, he was obliged to weary them by constantly repeating the tale of his own exploits to them. In answer to those who were angry with him, he would ask, &amp;quot;Are you weary of always receiving benefits from the same hand?&amp;quot; He also vexed the people by building the Temple of Artemis of Good Counsel, as he called her, hinting that he had taken good counsel for the Greeks. This temple he placed close to his own house in Melite, at the place where at the present day the public executioner casts out the bodies of executed criminals, and the clothes and ropes of men who have hanged themselves. Even in our own times a small statue of Themistokles used to stand in the Temple of Artemis of Good Counsel; and he seems to have been a hero not only in mind, but in appearance. The Athenians made use of ostracism to banish him, in order to reduce his extravagant pretensions, as they always were wont to do in the case of men whom they thought over powerful and unfit for living in the equality of a democracy. For ostracism implied no censure, but was intended as a vent for envious feelings, which were satisfied by seeing the object of their hatred thus humbled.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Themistokles was banished from Athens, he lived in Argos, during which time the proceedings of Pausanias gave a great opportunity to his enemies. He was impeached on a charge of treason by Leobotes, the son of Alkmaeon of Agraulai, and the Spartans joined in the impeachment. Pausanias, indeed, at first concealed his treacherous designs from Themistokles, although he was his friend; but when he saw that Themistokles was banished, and chafing at the treatment he had received, he was encouraged to ask him to share his treason, and showed him the letters which he had received from the Persian king, at the same time inflaming his resentment against the Greeks, whom he spoke of as ungrateful wretches. Themistokles refused utterly to join Pausanias, but nevertheless told no one of his treasonable practices, either because he hoped that he would desist, or that his visionary and impossible projects would be disclosed by other means. And thus it was that when Pausanias was put to death, certain letters and writings on this subject were found, which threw suspicion upon Themistokles. The Lacedaemonians loudly condemned him, and many of his own countrymen, because of the enmity they bore him, brought charges against him. He did not appear in person at first, but answered these attacks by letters. In these he told his accusers that he had always sought to rule, and was not born to obey; so that he never would sell himself and Greece to be a slave to the Persians. But in spite of these arguments, his enemies prevailed upon the Athenians to send men with orders to seize him, and bring him to be tried by Greece.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; He was apprised of this in time to take refuge in Korkyra, a State which was under obligations to him. For once, when Korkyra was at variance with Corinth, he had been chosen to arbitrate between them, and had reconciled them, giving as his award that the Corinthians were to pay down twenty talents, and each State to have an equal share in the city and island of Leucas, as being a colony from both of them. From thence he fled to Epirus; but, being still pursued by the Athenians and Lacedaemonians, he adopted a desperate resolution. Admetus, the king of the Molossians, had once made some request to the Athenians, which Themistokles, who was then in the height of his power, insultingly refused to grant. Admetus was deeply incensed, and eager for vengeance; but now Themistokles feared the fresh fury of his countrymen more than this old grudge of the king&#039;s, put himself at his mercy, and became a suppliant to Admetus in a novel and strange fashion; for he lay down at the hearth of Admetus, holding that prince&#039;s infant son, which is considered among the Molossians to be the most solemn manner of becoming a suppliant, and one which cannot be refused. Some say that Phthia, the king&#039;s wife, suggested this posture to Themistokles, and placed her infant on the hearth with him; while others say that Admetus, in order to be able to allege religious reasons for his refusal to give up Themistokles to his pursuers, himself arranged the scene with him. After this, Epikrates, of the township of Acharnai, managed to convey his wife and children out of Athens to join him, for which, we are told by Stesimbrotus, Kimon subsequently had him condemned and executed. But, singularly enough, afterwards Stesimbrotus either forgets his wife and children, or makes Themistokles forget them, when he says that he sailed to Sicily and demanded the daughter of the despot Hiero in marriage, promising that he would make all Greece obey him. As Hiero rejected his proposals, he then went to Asia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now it is not probable that this ever took place. Theophrastus, in his treatise on monarchy, relates that when Hiero sent race-horses to Olympia and pitched a costly tent there, Themistokles said to the assembled Greeks that they ought to destroy the despot&#039;s tent, and not permit his horses to run. Thucydides too informs us that he crossed to the Aegean sea, and set sail from Pydna, none of his fellow-travellers knowing who he was until the ship was driven by contrary winds to Naxos, which was then being besieged by the Athenians. Then he became alarmed, and told the captain and the pilot who he was, and, partly by entreaties, partly by threats that he would denounce them to the Athenians, and say that they well knew who he was, but were carrying him out of the country for a bribe, he prevailed on them to hold on their course to the coast of Asia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of his property, much was concealed by his friends and sent over to him in Asia; but what was confiscated to the public treasury amounted, according to Theopompus, to a hundred talents, and according to Theophrastus to eighty, albeit Themistokles, before his entrance into political life, did not possess property worth three talents.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When he sailed to Kyme, he found that many of the inhabitants of the Ionic coast were watching for an opportunity to capture him, especially Ergoteles and Pythodorus (for indeed, to men who cared not how they made their money, he would have been a rich prize, as the Persian king had offered a reward of two hundred talents for him), he fled to Aegae, a little Aeolian city, where he was known by no one except his friend Nikogenes, the richest of all the Aeolians, who was well known to the Persians of the interior. In this man&#039;s house he lay concealed for some days. Here, after the feast which followed a sacrifice, Olbius, who took charge of Nikogenes&#039;s children, fell into a kind of inspired frenzy, and spoke the following verse:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Night shall speak and give thee counsel, night shall give thee victory.&amp;quot; After this Themistokles dreamed a dream. He thought that a snake was coiling itself upon his belly and crawling up towards his throat. As soon as it reached his throat, it became an eagle and flapped its wings, lifted him up, and carried him a long distance, until he saw a golden herald&#039;s staff. The eagle set him down upon this securely, and he felt free from all terror and anxiety. After this he was sent away by Nikogenes, who made use of the following device. Most barbarian nations, and the Persians especially, are violently jealous in their treatment of women. They guard not only their wives, but their purchased slaves and concubines, with the greatest care, not permitting them to be seen by any one out of doors, but when they are at home they lock them up, and when they are on a journey they place them in waggons with curtains all round them. Such a waggon was prepared for Themistokles, and he travelled in it, his escort telling all whom they met that they were conveying a Greek lady from Ionia to one of the king&#039;s courtiers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Thucydides and Charon of Lampsakus relate that Xerxes was now dead, and that Themistokles gave himself up to his son; but Ephorus, Deinon, Kleitarchus, Herakleides, and many others, say that it was to Xerxes himself that he came. But the narrative of Thucydides agrees better with the dates, although they are not thoroughly settled.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At this perilous crisis Themistokles first applied to Artabanus, a chiliarch, or officer in command of a regiment of a thousand men, whom he told that he was a Greek, and that he wished to have an interview with the king about matters of the utmost importance, and in which the king was especially interested. He replied, &amp;quot;Stranger, the customs of different races are different, and each has its own standard of right and wrong; yet among all men it is thought right to honour, admire, and to defend one&#039;s own customs. Now we are told that you chiefly prize freedom and equality; we on the other hand think it the best of all our laws to honour the king, and to worship him as we should worship the statue of a god that preserves us all. Wherefore if you are come with the intention of adopting our customs, and of prostrating yourself before the king, you may be permitted to see the king, and speak with him; but if not, you must use some other person to communicate with him; for it is not the custom for the king to converse with any one who does not prostrate himself before him.&amp;quot; Themistokles, hearing this, said to him, &amp;quot;Artabanus, I am come to increase the glory and power of the king, and will both myself adopt your customs, since the god that has exalted the Persians will have it so, and will also increase the number of those who prostrate themselves before the king. So let this be no impediment to the interview with him which I desire.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Whom of the Greeks,&amp;quot; asked Artabanus, &amp;quot;are we to tell him is come? for you do not seem to have the manners of a man of humble station.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;No one,&amp;quot; answered Themistokles, &amp;quot;must learn my name before the king himself.&amp;quot; This is the story which we are told by Phanias. But Eratosthenes, in his treatise on wealth, tells us also that Themistokles was introduced to Artabanus by an Eretrian lady with whom the latter lived.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When he was brought into the king&#039;s presence he prostrated himself, and stood silent. The king then told his interpreter to ask him who he was; and when the interpreter had asked this question, he told him to answer, &amp;quot;I am, O King, Themistokles the Athenian, an exile, a man who has wrought much evil to the Persians, but more good than evil, in that I stopped the pursuit when Greece was safe, and I was able to do you a kindness as all was well at home. In my present fallen fortunes I am prepared to be grateful for any mark of favour you may show me, or to deprecate your anger, should you bear a grudge against me. You may see, from the violence of my own countrymen against me, how great were the benefits which I conferred upon the Persians; so now use me rather as a means of proving your magnanimity than of glutting your wrath. Wherefore save me, your suppliant, and do not destroy one who has become the enemy of Greece.&amp;quot; Themistokles also introduced a supernatural element into his speech by relating the vision which he saw at the house of Nikogenes, and also a prophecy which he received at the shrine of Jupiter of Dodona, which bade him &amp;quot;go to the namesake of the god,&amp;quot; from which he concluded that the god sent him to the king, because they were both great, and called kings. To this speech the Persian king made no answer, although he was astonished at his bold spirit; but in conversation with his friends he spoke as though this were the greatest possible piece of good fortune, and in his prayers begged Arimanios to make his enemies ever continue to banish their ablest men. He is said to have offered a sacrifice to the gods and to have drunk wine at once, and during the night in his soundest sleep he thrice cried out, &amp;quot;I have got Themistokles the Athenian.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; At daybreak he called together his friends and sent for Themistokles, who augured nothing pleasant from the insults and abuse which he received from the people at the palace gates, when they heard his name. Moreover Roxanes the chiliarch, as Themistokles passed by him in silence into the king&#039;s presence, whispered, &amp;quot;Thou subtle serpent of Greece, the king&#039;s good genius has led thee hither.&amp;quot; But when he was come before the king and had prostrated himself a second time, the king embraced him, and said in a friendly tone that he already owed him two hundred talents: for as he had brought himself he was clearly entitled to the reward which was offered to any one else who would do so. He also promised him much more than this, and encouraged him to speak at length upon the affairs of Greece. To this Themistokles answered, that human speech was like embroidered tapestry, because when spread out it shows all its figures, but when wrapped up it both conceals and spoils them, wherefore he asked for time. The king was pleased with his simile, and bade him take what time he chose. He asked for a year, during which he learned the Persian language sufficiently to talk to the king without an interpreter. This led the people to imagine that he discoursed about the affairs of Greece; but many changes were made at that time in the great officers of the court, and the nobles disliked Themistokles, imagining that he dared to speak about them to the king. Indeed, he was honoured as no other foreigner ever was, and went hunting with the king and lived in his family circle, so that he came into the presence of the king&#039;s mother, and became her intimate friend, and at the king&#039;s command was instructed in the mysteries of the Magi.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When Demaratus the Spartan was bidden to ask for a boon, he asked to be allowed to drive through Sardis wearing his tiara upright like that of the king. Mithropaustes, the king&#039;s cousin, took hold of Demaratus by his tiara, saying, &amp;quot;You have no brains for the king&#039;s tiara to cover; do you think you would become Zeus if you were given his thunderbolt to wield?&amp;quot; The king was very angry with Demaratus because of this request, but Themistokles by his entreaties restored him to favour. It is also said that the later Persian kings, whose politics were more mixed up with those of Greece, used to promise any Greek whom they wished to desert to them that they would treat him better than Themistokles. We are told that Themistokles himself, after he became a great man and was courted by many, was seated one day at a magnificent banquet, and said to his children, &amp;quot;My sons, we should have been ruined if it had not been for our ruin.&amp;quot; Most writers agree that three cities, Magnesia, Lampsakus, and Myous, were allotted to him for bread, wine, and meat. To these Neanthes of Kyzikus and Phanias add two more, Perkote and Palaiskepsis, which were to supply bedding and clothing respectively.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; On one occasion, when he went down to the seaside on some business connected with Greece, a Persian named Epixyes, Satrap of Upper Phrygia, plotted his assassination. He had long kept some Pisidians who were to kill him when he passed the night in the town of Leontokophalos, which means &#039;Lion&#039;s Head.&#039; It is said that the mother of the gods appeared to him while he was sleeping at noon and said, &amp;quot;Themistokles, be late at Lion&#039;s Head, lest you fall in with a lion. As a recompense for this warning, I demand Mnesiptolema for my handmaid.&amp;quot; Themistokles, disturbed at this, after praying to the goddess, left the highway and made a circuit by another road, avoiding that place; when it was night he encamped in the open country. As one of the sumpter cattle that carried his tent had fallen into a river, Themistokles&#039;s servants hung up the rich hangings, which were dripping with wet, in order to dry them. The Pisidians meanwhile came up to the camp with drawn swords, and, not clearly distinguishing in the moonlight the things hung out to dry, thought that they must be the tent of Themistokles, and that they would find him asleep within it. When they came close to it and raised the hangings, the servants who were on the watch fell upon them and seized them. Having thus escaped from danger, he built a temple to Dindymene at Magnesia to commemorate the appearance of the goddess, and appointed his daughter Mnesiptolema to be its priestess.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When he came to Sardis, he leisurely examined the temples and the offerings which they contained, and in the temple of the mother of the gods, he found a bronze female figure called the Water-carrier, about two cubits high, which he himself, when overseer of the water supply of Athens, had made out of the fines imposed upon those who took water illegally.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Either feeling touched at the statue being a captive, or else willing to show the Athenians how much power he possessed in Persia, he proposed to the Satrap of Lydia to send it back to Athens. This man became angry at his demand, and said that he should write to the king, and tell him of it. Themistokles in terror applied himself to the harem of the Satrap, and by bribing the ladies there induced them to pacify him, while he himself took care to be more cautious in future, as he saw that he had to fear the enmity of the native Persians. For this reason, Theopompus tells us, he ceased to wander about Asia, but resided at Magnesia, where, receiving rich presents and honoured equally with the greatest Persian nobles, he lived for a long time in tranquillity; for the king&#039;s attention was so entirely directed to the affairs of the provinces of the interior that he had no leisure for operations against Greece. But when Egypt revolted, and the Athenians assisted it, and Greek triremes sailed as far as Cyprus and Cilicia, and Kimon was master of the sea, then the king determined to attack the Greeks, and prevent their development at his expense. Armies were put in motion, generals were appointed, and frequent messages were sent to Themistokles from the king, bidding him attack Greece and fulfil his promises. Themistokles, unmoved by resentment against his countrymen, and uninfluenced by the thought of the splendid position which he might occupy as commander-in-chief, possibly too, thinking that his task was an impossible one, as Greece possessed many great generals, especially Kimon, who had a most brilliant reputation, but chiefly because he would not soil his glory and disgrace the trophies which he had won, determined, as indeed was his best course, to bring his life to a fitting close. He offered sacrifice to the gods, called his friends together, and, having taken leave of them, drank bull&#039;s blood, according to the most common tradition, but according to others, some quickly-operating poison, and died at Magnesia in the sixty-fifth year of a life almost entirely spent in great political and military employments.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The King of Persia, when he heard of the manner of his death and his reasons for dying, admired him more than ever, and continued to treat his family and friends with kindness.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Themistokles left five children, Neokles, Diokles, Archeptolis, Polyeuktus, Kleophantus, by his first wife Archippe, who was the daughter of Lysander, of the township of Alopekai. Of these Kleophantus is mentioned by Plato the philosopher as being an excellent horseman, but otherwise worthless. Of the elder ones, Neokles was bitten by a horse and died while still a child, and Diokles was adopted by his grandfather Lysander. He also had several daughters by his second wife, of whom Mnesiptolema married Archeptolis, her father&#039;s half-brother; Italia married Panthoides of the island of Chios, and Sybaris married Nikomedes, an Athenian. After Themistokles&#039;s death, his nephew Phrasikles sailed to Magnesia, and with her brother&#039;s consent married Nicomache, and also took charge of the youngest child, who was named Asia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The people of Magnesia show a splendid tomb of Themistokles in their market-place; but with regard to the fate of his remains we must pay no attention to Andokides, who in his address to his friends, tells us that the Athenians stole them and tore them to pieces, because he would tell any falsehood to excite the hatred of the nobles against the people. Phylarchus, too, writes his history in such dramatic form that he all but resorts to the actual machinery of the stage, bringing forward one Neokles, and Demopolis as the children of Themistokles to make a touching scene, which anyone can see is untrue. Diodorus the topographer, in his treatise &#039;On Tombs&#039; says, more as a conjecture than as knowing it for a fact, that in the great harbour of Peiraeus a kind of elbow juts out from the promontory of Alkimus, and that when one sails past this, going inwards, where the sea is most sheltered, there is a large foundation, and upon it the tomb of Themistokles, shaped like an altar. It is thought that the comic poet Plato alludes to this in the following verses:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;By the sea&#039;s margin, by the watery strand,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Thy monument, Themistokles, shall stand;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;By this directed to thy native shore&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;The merchant shall convey his freighted store;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;And when our fleets are summoned to the fight,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Athens shall conquer with thy tomb in sight.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The descendants of Themistokles are given certain privileges at Magnesia even to the present day, for I know that Themistokles, an Athenian, my friend and fellow-student in the school of Ammonias the philosopher, enjoyed them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;LIFE_OF_CAMILLUS&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LIFE OF CAMILLUS.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The strangest fact in the life of Furius Camillus is that, although he was a most successful general and won great victories, though he was five times appointed dictator, triumphed four times, and was called the second founder of Rome, yet he never once was consul. The reason of this is to be found in the political condition of Rome at that time; for the people, being at variance with the senate, refused to elect consuls, and chose military tribunes instead, who, although they had full consular powers, yet on account of their number were less offensive to the people than consuls. To have affairs managed by six men instead of two appears to have been a consolation to those who had suffered from the arbitrary rule of a few. It was during this period that Camillus reached the height of power and glory, and yet he would not become consul against the will of the people, although several occasions occurred when he might have been elected, but in his various appointments he always contrived, even when he had sole command, to share his power with others, while even when he had colleagues he kept all the glory for himself. His moderation prevented any one from grudging him power, while his successes were due to his genius, in which he confessedly surpassed all his countrymen.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The family of the Furii was not a very illustrious one before Camillus gained glory in the great battle with the Aequi and Volsci, where he served under the dictator Postumius Tubertus. Riding out before the rest of the army, he was struck in the thigh by a dart, but tore it out, assailed the bravest of the enemy, and put them to flight. After this, amongst other honours he was appointed censor, an office of great dignity at that time. One admirable measure is recorded of his censorship, that by arguments and threatening them with fines he persuaded the unmarried citizens to marry the widow women, whose number was very great on account of the wars. Another measure to which he was forced was that of taxing orphans, who had hitherto been exempt from taxation. This was rendered necessary by the constant campaigns which were carried on at a great expense, and more especially by the siege of Veii. Some call the inhabitants of this city Veientani. It was the bulwark of Etruria, possessing as many fighting men as Rome itself; the citizens were rich, luxurious, and extravagant in their habits, and fought bravely many times for honour and for power against the Romans. At this period, having been defeated in several great battles, the people of Veii had given up any schemes of conquest, but had built strong and high walls, filled their city with arms and provisions, and all kinds of material of war, and fearlessly endured a siege, which was long, no doubt, but which became no less irksome and difficult to the besiegers. Accustomed as the Romans had been to make short campaigns in summer weather, and to spend their winters at home, they were now for the first time compelled by their tribunes to establish forts and entrench their camp, and pass both summer and winter in the enemy&#039;s country for seven years in succession. The generals were complained of, and as they seemed to be carrying on the siege remissly, they were removed, and others appointed, among them Camillus, who was then tribune for the second time. But he effected nothing in the siege at that time, because he was sent to fight the Faliscans and Capenates, who had insulted the Roman territory throughout the war with Veii, when the Roman army was engaged elsewhere, but were now driven by Camillus with great loss to the shelter of their city walls.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this, while the war was at its height, much alarm was caused by the strange phenomenon seen at the Alban lake, which could not be accounted for on ordinary physical principles. The season was autumn, and the summer had not been remarkable for rain or for moist winds, so that many of the streams and marshes in Italy were quite dried up, and others held out with difficulty, while the rivers, as is usual in summer, were very low and deeply sunk in their bed. But the Alban lake, which is self-contained, lying as it does surrounded by fertile hills, began for no reason, except it may be the will of Heaven, to increase in volume and to encroach upon the hillsides near it, until it reached their very tops, rising quietly and without disturbance. At first the portent only amazed the shepherds and herdsmen of the neighbourhood; but when the lake by the weight of its waters broke through the thin isthmus of land which restrained it, and poured down in a mighty stream through the fertile plains below to the sea, then not only the Romans, but all the people of Italy, thought it a portent of the gravest character. Much talk about it took place in the camp before Veii, so that the besieged also learned what was happening at the lake.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As always happens during a long siege, where there are frequent opportunities of intercourse between the two parties, one of the Romans had become intimate with a citizen of Veii, who was learned in legendary lore, and was even thought to have supernatural sources of information. When this man heard of the overflowing of the lake, his Roman friend observed that he was overjoyed, and laughed at the idea of the siege being successful. The Roman told him that these were not the only portents which troubled the Romans at the present time, but that there were others stranger than this, about which he should like to consult him, and, if possible, save himself in the common ruin of his country. The man eagerly attended to his discourse, imagining that he was about to hear some great secrets. The Roman thus decoyed him away farther and farther from the city gate, when he suddenly seized him and lifted him from the ground. Being the stronger man, and being assisted by several soldiers from the camp, he overpowered him, and brought him before the generals. Here the man, seeing that there was no escape, and that no one can resist his destiny, told them of the ancient oracles about his city, how it could not be taken until its enemies drove back the waters of the Alban lake, and prevented its joining the sea. When the senate heard this they were at a loss what to do, and determined to send an embassy to Delphi to enquire of the God. The embassy consisted of men of mark and importance, being Licinius Cossus, Valerius Potitus, and Fabius Ambustus. After a prosperous journey they returned with a response from Apollo, pointing out certain ceremonies which had been neglected in the feast of the Latin games, and bidding them, if possible, force the waters of the Alban lake away from the sea into its ancient course, or, if this could not be done, to divide the stream by canals and watercourses, and so to expend it in the plain. When the answer was brought back, the priests took the necessary steps about the sacrifices, while the people turned their attention to the diversion of the water.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In the tenth year of the war, the Senate recalled all the rest of the generals, and made Camillus Dictator. He chose Cornelius Scipio to be his Master of the Knights, and made a vow to the gods, that, if he succeeded in bringing the war to a glorious close, he would celebrate a great festival, and build a shrine to the goddess whom the Romans call &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Mater Matuta&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. This goddess, from the rites with which she is worshipped, one would imagine to be the same as the Greek Leukothea. For they bring a slave girl into the temple and beat her, and then drive her out; they take their brothers&#039; children in their arms in preference to their own, and generally their ceremonies seem to allude to the nursing of Bacchus, and to the misfortunes which befell Ino because of her husband&#039;s concubine. After this, Camillus invaded the Faliscan territory, and in a great battle overthrew that people, and the Capenates who came to their assistance. Next, he turned his attention to the siege of Veii, and, perceiving that it would be a difficult matter to take the city by assault, he ordered mines to be dug, as the ground near the walls was easily worked, and the mines could be sunk to a sufficient depth to escape the notice of the besieged. As this work succeeded to his wish, he made a demonstration above ground to call the enemy to the walls and distract their attention, while others made their way unperceived through the mine to the Temple of Juno in the citadel, the largest and most sacred edifice in the city. Here, it is said, was the King of the Veientines, engaged in sacrificing. The soothsayer inspected the entrails, and cried with a loud voice, that the goddess would give the victory to whoever offered that victim. The Romans in the mine, hearing these words, quickly tore up the floor, and burst through it with shouts and rattling arms. The enemy fled in terror, and they seized the victims and carried them to Camillus. However, this story sounds rather fabulous.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The city was stormed, and the Romans carried off an enormous mass of plunder. Camillus, who viewed them from the citadel, at first stood weeping, but when, congratulated by the bystanders, raised his hands to heaven and said, &amp;quot;Great Jupiter, and all ye other gods, that see all good and evil deeds alike, ye know that it is not in unrighteous conquest, but in self-defence, that the Romans have taken this city of their lawless enemies. If,&amp;quot; he continued, &amp;quot;there awaits us any reverse of fortune to counterbalance this good luck, I pray that it may fall, not upon the city or army of Rome, but, as lightly as may be, upon my own head.&amp;quot; After these words he turned round to the right, as is the Roman habit after prayer, and while turning, stumbled and fell. All those present were terrified at the omen, but he recovered himself, saying that, as he had prayed, he had received a slight hurt to temper his great good fortune.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When the city was sacked, he determined to send the statue of Juno to Rome, according to his vow. When workmen were assembled for this purpose, he offered sacrifice, and prayed to the goddess to look kindly on his efforts, and to graciously take up her abode among the gods of Rome. It is said that the statue answered that it wished to do so, and approved of his proceedings. But Livy tells us that Camillus offered his prayers while touching the statue, and that some of the bystanders said, &amp;quot;She consents, and is willing to come.&amp;quot; However, those who insist on the supernatural form of the story have one great argument in their favour, in the marvellous fortune of Rome, which never could from such small beginnings have reached, such a pitch of glory and power without many direct manifestations of the favour of Heaven. Moreover, other appearances of the same kind are to be compared with it, such as that statues have often been known to sweat, have been heard to groan, and have even turned away and shut their eyes, as has been related by many historians before our own time. And I have heard of many miraculous occurrences even at the present day, resting on evidence which cannot be lightly impugned. However, the weakness of human nature makes it equally dangerous to put too much faith in such matters or to entirely disbelieve them, as the one leads to superstition and folly, and the other to neglect and contempt of the gods. Our best course is caution, and the &amp;quot;golden mean.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Camillus, either because he was elated by the magnificence of his exploit in having taken a city as large as Rome after a ten years&#039; siege, or else because he had been so flattered by his admirers that his pride overcame his sober judgment, conducted his triumph with great ostentation, especially in driving through Rome in a chariot, drawn by four white horses, which never was done by any general before or since, for this carriage is thought to be sacred to Jupiter, the king and father of the gods. The citizens, unaccustomed to splendour, were displeased with him for this, and their dislike was increased by his opposition to the law for a redistribution of the people. The tribunes proposed that the Senate and people should be divided into two parts, one of which should stay at Rome and the other remove to the captured city, because they would be more powerful if they possessed two great cities, instead of one, and held the land in common, still remaining one nation. The lower classes, which were numerous and poor, eagerly took up the scheme, and continually clamoured round the speakers at the rostra, demanding to have it put to the vote. But the Senate and the nobles thought that it was not a redistribution, but the absolute destruction of Rome which the tribunes were demanding, and in their anger rallied round Camillus. He, fearing to have a contest on the matter, kept putting off the people and inventing reasons for delay, so as to prevent the law being brought forward to be voted upon. This increased his unpopularity; but the greatest and most obvious reason for the dislike which the people bore him arose from his demand for the tenth part of the spoils; very naturally, though perhaps he scarcely deserved it. On his way to Veii it seems he had made a vow, that if he took the city he would dedicate the tenth part of the spoil to Apollo. But when the city was taken and plundered, he either was unwilling to interfere with his countrymen, or else forgot his vow, and allowed them to enrich themselves with the booty. Afterwards, when he had laid down his dictatorship, he brought the matter before the Senate, and the soothsayers declared that the victims for sacrifice showed, when inspected, that the gods were angry and must be propitiated.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The Senate decreed, not that the plunder should be given up, for that would have been scarcely possible to carry out, but that those who had taken any should be put on their oath, and contribute a tenth part of its value. This measure bore very hardly upon the soldiers, poor hard-working men, who were now compelled to repay so large a proportion of what they had earned and spent. Camillus was clamorously assailed by them, and, having no better excuse to put forward, made the extraordinary statement that he had forgotten his vow when the city was plundered. The people angrily said that he had vowed to offer up a tithe of the enemy&#039;s property, but that he really was taking a tithe from the citizens instead. However, all the contributions were made, and it was determined that with them a golden bowl should be made and sent to Apollo at Delphi. There was a scarcity of gold in the city, and while the government were deliberating how it was to be obtained, the matrons held a meeting among themselves, and offered their golden ornaments to make the offering, which came to eight talents&#039; weight of gold. The Senate rewarded them by permitting them to have a funeral oration pronounced over their graves the same as men; for hitherto it had not been customary at Rome to make any speeches at the funerals of women. They also chose three of the noblest citizens to travel with the offering, and sent them in a well-manned ship of war, splendidly equipped. Both storms and calms at sea are said to be dangerous, and they chanced on this occasion to come very near destruction, and miraculously escaped, for in a calm off the Aeolian Islands they were assailed by Liparian triremes, who took them for pirates. At their earnest entreaty these people forbore to run down their vessel, but took it in tow and brought it into their harbour, where they treated it as a piratical craft, and put up the crew and the property on board for sale by public auction. With great difficulty, by the goodness and influence of one man, Timesitheos, a general, they obtained their release, and were allowed to proceed. Timesitheos even launched some ships of his own, with which he escorted them to Delphi, where he also took part in the ceremony of consecration. In return for his services, as was only just, he received special honours at Rome.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The tribunes of the people again began to agitate about the redistribution of land and occupation of Veii, but a war with the Faliscans gave the leading men a seasonable opportunity to elect magistrates after their own hearts for the coming year. Camillus was appointed military tribune, with five others, as it was thought that the State required a general of tried experience. At the decree of the Senate, Camillus raised a force and invaded the Faliscan territory. He now besieged Falerii, a strong city well provided with all munitions of war, which he considered it would be a work of no small time and labour to take; but he was desirous of employing the people in a long siege, to prevent their having leisure for factious proceedings at home. This was ever the policy of the Romans, to work off the elements of internal strife in attacks on their neighbours.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The Faliscans thought so little of the siege, from the strength of their defences, that, except when on duty on the walls, they used to walk about their city in their ordinary dress, and their children were sent regularly to school, and used to be taken by their master to walk and take exercise outside the walls. For the Faliscans, like the Greeks, had one common school, as they wished all their children to be brought up together. The schoolmaster determined to betray these boys to the enemy, and led them outside the walls for exercise every day, and then led them back again. By this means he gradually accustomed them to going out as if there was no danger, until finally he took all the boys and handed them over to the Roman pickets, bidding them bring him to Camillus. When he was brought before him he said that he was a schoolmaster, that he preferred the favour of Camillus to his duty, and that he came to hand over to him the city of Falerii in the persons of these boys.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Camillus was very much shocked. He said that war is indeed harsh, and is carried on by savage and unrighteous means, but yet there are laws of war which are observed by good men, and one ought not so much to strive for victory, as to forego advantages gained by wicked and villainous means: thus a truly great general ought to succeed by his own warlike virtues, not by the baseness of others.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Having spoken thus, he ordered his slaves to tear the schoolmaster&#039;s clothes, tie his hands behind his back, and give the boys sticks and scourges with which to drive him back to the city. The Faliscans had just discovered the treachery of their schoolmaster, and, as may be expected, the whole city was filled with mourning at such a calamity, men and women together running in confusion to the gates and walls of the city, when the boys drove in their schoolmaster with blows and insults, calling Camillus their saviour, their father, and their god. Not only those who were parents, but all the citizens were struck with admiration at the goodness of Camillus. They at once assembled, and despatched ambassadors, putting themselves unreservedly in his hands. These men Camillus sent on to Rome, where they stated before the Senate, that the Romans, by preferring justice to conquest, had taught them to prefer submission to freedom, although they did not think that they fell short of the Romans in strength so much as in virtue. The Senate referred the ambassadors to Camillus for their first answer; and he, after receiving a contribution in money, and having made a treaty of alliance with the Faliscans, drew off his forces.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; But the soldiers, who had been looking forward to plundering Falerii, when they returned to Rome empty handed, abused Camillus to the other citizens, saying that he was a hater of the people, and grudged poor men a chance of enriching themselves. When the tribunes reintroduced the proposal of redistribution of the land, and removing half the city to Veii, Camillus openly, without caring how unpopular he became, opposed the measure. The people, sorely against their will, gave up the measure, but hated Camillus so fiercely that even his domestic afflictions (for he had just lost one of his two sons by sickness) could not move them to pity. Being of a kind and loving nature, he was dreadfully cast down at this misfortune, and spent all his time within doors mourning with the women of his family, while his enemies were preparing an impeachment against him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; His accuser was Lucius Apuleius, and the charge brought against him was embezzlement of the spoils of Etruria. He was even said to have in his possession some brazen gates which were taken in that country. The people were much excited against him, and it was clear that, whatever the charge against him might be, they would condemn him. Consequently he assembled his friends and comrades, who were a great number in all, and begged them not to permit him to be ruined by false accusations, and made a laughing-stock to his enemies. But when his friends, after consulting together, answered that they did not think that they could prevent his being condemned, but that they would assist him to pay any fine that might be imposed, he, unable to bear such treatment, determined in a rage to leave Rome and go into exile. He embraced his wife and son, and walked from his house silently as far as the gate of the city. There he turned back, and, stretching out his hands towards the Capitol, prayed to the gods that, if he was driven out of Rome unjustly by the insolence and hatred of the people, the Romans might soon repent of their conduct to him, and appear before the world begging him to return, and longing for their Camillus back again.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Like Achilles, he thus cursed his countrymen and left them. His cause was undefended, and in his absence he was condemned to pay a fine of fifteen thousand &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ases&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, which in Greek money is fifteen hundred &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;drachmas&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, for the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;as&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; was the Roman coin at that time, and consequently ten copper &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ases&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; were called a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;denarius&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Every Roman believes that the prayers of Camillus were quickly heard by Justice, and that a terrible retribution was exacted for his wrongs, which filled all men&#039;s mouths at that time; so terrible a fate befell Rome, with such destruction, danger, and disgrace, whether it arose from mere chance, or whether it be the office of some god to punish those who requite virtue with ingratitude.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The first omen of impending evil was the death of Julius the Censor; for the Romans reverence the office of censor, and account it sacred. Another omen was that, a short time before Camillus went into exile, one Marcus Caedicius, a man of no particular note, and not even a senator, but a thoroughly respectable man, communicated a matter of some importance to the tribunes of the people. He said that the night before he had been walking along what is called the New Road, when some one called him by name. He turned round and could see no one, but heard a voice louder than man&#039;s say, &amp;quot;Go, Marcus Caedicius, tell the government early in the morning that in a short time they may expect the Gauls.&amp;quot; When the tribunes of the people heard this they laughed him to scorn, and shortly afterwards Camillus left the city.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The Gauls are a people of the Celtic race, and are said to have become too numerous for their own country, and consequently to have left it to search for some other land to dwell in. As they consisted of a large multitude of young warriors, they started in two bodies, one of which, went towards the northern ocean, and, passing the Rhipaean mountains, settled in the most distant part of Europe. The other body established themselves between the Pyrenees and the Alps, and for a long time dwelt near the Senones and Celtorii. At last they tasted wine, which was then for the first time brought thither out of Italy. In an ecstasy of delight at the drink they wildly snatched up their arms, took their families with them, and rushed to the Alps in search of the country which produced such fruits as this, considering all other countries to be savage and uncultivated. The man who first introduced wine among them and encouraged them to proceed to Italy was said to be one Aruns, an Etruscan of some note, who, though a well-meaning man, had met with the following misfortune. He had been left guardian to an orphan named Lucumo, one of the richest and handsomest of his countrymen. This boy lived in the house of Aruns from his childhood, and when he grew up he would not leave it, but pretended to delight in his society. It was long before Aruns discovered that Lucumo had debauched his wife, and that their passion was mutual; but at length they were unable any longer to conceal their intrigue, and the youth openly attempted to carry off the woman from her husband. He went to law, but was unable to contend with the numerous friends and great wealth of Lucumo, and so left the country. Hearing about the Gauls, he went to them and incited them to invade Italy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; They immediately made themselves masters of the country, which reaches from the Alps down to the sea on both sides of Italy, which in ancient times belonged to the Etruscans, as we see by the names, for the upper sea is called the Adriatic from Adria, an Etruscan city, and the lower is called the Etruscan Sea. It is a thickly wooded country, with plenty of pasturage, and well watered. At that period it contained eighteen fair and large cities, with a thriving commercial population. The Gauls took these cities, drove out their inhabitants, and occupied them themselves. This, however, took place some time previously to our story.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The Gauls at this time marched against the Etruscan city of Clusium and besieged it. The inhabitants appealed to the Romans to send ambassadors and letters to the barbarians, and they sent three of the Fabian family, men of the first importance in Rome. They were well received, because of the name of Rome, by the Gauls, who desisted from their siege and held a conference with them. The Romans inquired what wrong the Gauls had suffered from the people of Clusium that they should attack their city. To this Brennus, the king of the Gauls, answered with a laugh, &amp;quot;The people of Clusium wrong us by holding a large territory, although they can only inhabit and cultivate a small one, while they will not give a share of it to us, who are numerous and poor. You Romans were wronged in just the same way in old times by the people of Alba, and Fidenae, and Ardea, and at the present day by the Veientines and Capenates, and by many of the Faliscans and Volscians. You make campaigns against these people if they will not share their good things with you, you sell them for slaves and plunder their territory, and destroy their cities; and in this you do nothing wrong, but merely obey the most ancient of all laws, that the property of the weak belongs to the strong, a law which prevails among the gods on the one hand, and even among wild beasts, amongst whom the stronger always encroach upon the weaker ones. So now cease to pity the besieged men of Clusium, for fear you should teach the Gauls to become good-natured and pitiful towards the nations that have been wronged by the Romans.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This speech showed the Romans that Brennus had no thought of coming to terms, and they in consequence went into Clusium and encouraged the inhabitants to attack the barbarians under their guidance, either because they wished to make trial of the valour of the Gauls, or to make a display of their own. The people of Clusium made a sally, and a battle took place near their wall. In this one of the Fabii, Quintus Ambustus by name, was on horseback, and rode to attack a fine powerful Gaul who was riding far in advance of the rest. At first the Roman was not recognised because the fight was sharp, and the flashing of his arms prevented his face being clearly seen. But when he slew his antagonist and jumped down from his horse to strip his body of its spoils, Brennus recognised him, and called the gods to witness his violation of the common law of all nations, in coming to them as an ambassador and fighting against them as an enemy. He immediately put a stop to the battle and took no further heed of the people of Clusium, but directed his army against Rome. However, as he did not wish it to be thought that the bad conduct of the Romans pleased the Gauls, who only wanted a pretext for hostilities, he sent and demanded that Fabius should be delivered up to him to be punished, and at the same time led his army slowly forwards.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; At Rome the Senate was called together, and many blamed Fabius, while those priests who are called Feciales urged the Senate in the name of religion to throw the whole blame of what had happened upon one guilty head, and, by delivering him up, to clear the rest of the city from sharing his guilt. These Feciales were instituted by the mildest and justest of the kings of Rome, Numa Pompilius, to be guardians of peace, and examiners of the reasons which justify a nation in going to war. However the Senate referred the matter to the people, and when the priests repeated their charges against Fabius before them, the people so despised and slighted religion as to appoint Fabius and his brothers military tribunes. The Gauls, when they heard this, were enraged, and hurried on, disregarding everything but speed. The nations through which they passed, terrified at their glancing arms and their strength and courage, thought that their land was indeed lost and that their cities would at once be taken, but to their wonder and delight the Gauls did them no hurt, and took nothing from their fields, but marched close by their cities, calling out that they were marching against Rome, and were at war with the Romans only, and held all other men to be their friends. To meet this impetuous rush, the military tribunes led out the Romans, who, in numbers indeed were quite a match for the Gauls, for they amounted to no less than forty thousand heavy-armed men, but for the most part untrained and serving for the first time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Besides this disadvantage, they neglected the duties of religion, for they neither made the usual sacrifices nor consulted the soothsayers. Confusion also was produced by the number of commanders, though frequently before this, in much less important campaigns, they had chosen single generals, whom they called dictators, as they knew that nothing is so important at a dangerous crisis as that all should unanimously and in good order obey the commands of one irresponsible chief. And the unfair treatment which Camillus had received now bore disastrous fruits, for no man dared to use authority except to flatter and gain the favour of the people.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They proceeded about eleven miles from the city, and halted for the night on the banks of the river Allia, which joins the Tiber not far from where their camp was pitched. Here the barbarians appeared, and, after an unskilfully managed battle, the want of discipline of the Romans caused their ruin. The Gauls drove the left wing into the river and destroyed it, but the right of the army, which took refuge in the hills to avoid the enemy&#039;s charge on level ground, suffered less, and most of them reached the city safely. The rest, who survived after the enemy were weary of slaughter, took refuge at Veii, imagining that all was over with Rome.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; This battle took place about the summer solstice at the time of full moon, on the very day on which in former times the great disaster befel the Fabii, when three hundred of that race were slain by the Etruscans. But this defeat wiped out the memory of the former one, and the day was always afterwards called that of the Allia, from the river of that name.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It is a vexed question whether we ought to consider some days unlucky, or whether Herakleitus was right in rebuking Hesiod for calling some days good and some bad, because he knew not that the nature of all days is the same. However the mention of a few remarkable instances is germane to the matter of which we are treating. It happened that on the fifth day of the Boeotian month Hippodromios, which the Athenians call Hekatombeion,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_15_15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_15_15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[15]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; two signal victories were won by the Boeotians, both of which restored liberty to Greece; one, when they conquered the Spartans at Leuktra, and the other, when, more than two hundred years before this, they conquered the Thessalians under Lattamyas at Kerêssus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Again, the Persians were beaten by the Greeks on the sixth of Boedromion at Marathon, and on the third they were beaten both at Plataea and at Mykale, and at Arbela on the twenty-fifth of the same month. The Athenians too won their naval victory under Chabrias at Naxos on the full moon of Boedromion, and that of Salamis on the twentieth of that month, as I have explained in my treatise &#039;On Days.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The month of Thargelion evidently brings misfortune to the barbarians, for Alexander defeated the Persian king&#039;s generals on the Granicus in Thargelion, and the Carthaginians were defeated by Timoleon in Sicily on the twenty-seventh of Thargelion, at which same time Troy is believed to have been taken, according to Ephorus, Kallisthenes, Damastes and Phylarchus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On the other hand, the month Metageitnion, which the Boeotians call Panemos, is unfavourable to the Greeks, for on the seventh of that month they were defeated by Antipater at Kranon and utterly ruined; and before that, were defeated during that month by Philip at Chaeronea. And on that same day and month and year Archidamus and his troops, who had crossed over into Italy, were cut to pieces by the natives. The twenty-first day of that month is also observed by the Carthaginians as that which has always brought the heaviest misfortunes upon them. And I am well aware that at the time of the celebration of the mysteries Thebes was destroyed for the second time by Alexander, and that after this Athens was garrisoned by Macedonian soldiers on the twentieth of Boedromion, on which day they bring out the mystic Iacchus in procession. And similarly the Romans, under the command of Caepio, on that same day lost their camp to the Gauls, and afterwards, under Lucullus, defeated Tigranes and the Armenians. King Attalus and Pompeius the Great died on their own birthdays. And I could mention many others, who have had both good and evil fortune on the same anniversaries. But the Romans regard that day as especially unlucky, and on account of it, two other days in every month are thought so, as superstitious feeling is increased by misfortune. This subject I have treated at greater length in my treatise on &#039;Roman Questions.&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; If, after the battle, the Gauls had at once followed up the fugitives, nothing could have prevented their taking Rome and destroying every one who was left in it; such terror did the beaten troops produce when they reached home, and such panic fear seized upon every one. However the barbarians scarcely believed in the completeness of their victory, and betook themselves to making merry over their success and to dividing the spoils taken in the Roman camp, so that they afforded those who left the city time to effect their escape, and those who remained in it time to recover their courage and make preparations for standing a siege. They abandoned all but the Capitol to the enemy, and fortified it with additional ramparts and stores of missiles. One of their first acts was to convey most of their holy things into the Capitol, while the Vestal virgins took the sacred fire and their other sacred objects and fled with them from the city. Some indeed say that nothing is entrusted to them except the eternal fire, which King Numa appointed to be worshiped as the origin of all things. For fire has the liveliest motion of anything in nature; and everything is produced by motion or with some kind of motion. All other parts of matter when heat is absent lie useless and apparently dead, requiring the power of fire as the breath of life, to call them into existence and make them capable of action.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Numa therefore, being a learned man and commonly supposed on account of his wisdom to hold communion with the Muses, consecrated fire, and ordered it to be kept unquenched for ever as an emblem of the eternal power that orders all things. Others say that, as among the Greeks, a purificatory fire burns before the temple, but that within are other holy things which no man may see, except only the virgins, who are named Vestals; and a very wide-spread notion is, that the famous Trojan Palladium, which was brought to Italy by Aeneas, is kept there. Others say that the Samothracian gods are there, whom Dardanus brought to Troy after he had founded it, and caused to be worshipped there, which, after the fall of Troy, Aeneas carried off and kept until he settled in Italy. But those who pretend to know most about such matters say that there are two jars of no great size in the temple, one open and empty, and the other full and sealed, and that these may be seen only by the holy virgins. Others think that this is a mistake, arising from the fact that, at the time of which we are treating, the Vestal virgins placed most of their sacred things in two jars and concealed them in the earth under the Temple of Quirinus, which place even to the present day is called the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Doliola&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, or place of the jars.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; However this may be, the Vestals took the most important of their holy things and betook themselves to flight along the Tiber. Here Lucius Albinus, a plebian, was journeying among the fugitives, with his wife and infant children and their few necessaries in a waggon. When he saw the Vestal virgins, without any attendants, journeying on foot and in distress, carrying in their bosoms the sacred images of the gods, he at once removed his wife, children, and property from the waggon and handed it over to them, to escape into one of the Greek cities in Italy. The piety of Albinus and his care for the duties of religion at so terrible a crisis deserve to be recorded.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The rest of the priests and the old men who had been consuls, and been honoured with triumphs, could not bear to leave the city. At the instance of Fabius, the Pontifex Maximus, they put on their sacred vestments and robes of state, and after offering prayer to the gods, as if they were consecrating themselves as victims to be offered on behalf of their country, they sat down in their ivory chairs in the Forum in full senatorial costume, and waited what fortune might befal them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; On the third day after the battle Brennus appeared, leading his army to attack the city. At first, seeing the gates open and no guards on the walls, he feared some ambuscade, as he could not believe that the Romans had so utterly despaired of themselves. When he discovered the truth, he marched through the Colline Gate, and captured Rome, a little more than three hundred and sixty years after its foundation, if we can believe that any accurate record has been kept of those periods whose confusion has produced such difficulties in the chronology of later times. However, an indistinct rumour of the fall of Rome seems at once to have reached Greece: for Herakleides of Pontus, who lived about that time, speaks in his book &#039;On the Spirit,&#039; of a rumour from the west that an army had come from the Hyperboreans and had sacked a Greek colony called Rome, which stood somewhere in that direction, near the great ocean. Now, as Herakleides was fond of strange legends, I should not be surprised if he adorned the original true tale of the capture of the city with these accessories of &amp;quot;the Hyperboreans&amp;quot; and &amp;quot;the great ocean.&amp;quot; Aristotle, the philosopher, had evidently heard quite accurately that the city was taken by the Gauls, but he says that it was saved by one Lucius: now Camillus&#039;s name was Marcus, not Lucius. All this, however, was pure conjecture.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Brennus, after taking possession of Rome, posted a force to watch the Capitol, and himself went down to the Forum, and wondered at the men who sat there silent, with all their ornaments, how they neither rose from their seats at the approach of the enemy, nor changed colour, but sat leaning on their staffs with fearless confidence, quietly looking at one another. The Gauls were astonished at so strange a sight, and for a long time they forbore to approach and touch them, as if they were superior beings. But when one of them ventured to draw near to Marcus Papirius and gently stroke his long beard, Papirius struck him on the head with his staff, at which the barbarian drew his sword and slew him. Upon this they fell upon the rest and killed them, with any other Romans whom they found, and spent many days in plundering the houses, after which they burned them and pulled them down in their rage at the men in the Capitol, because they would not surrender, but drove them back when they assaulted it. For this reason they wreaked their vengeance on the city, and put to death all their captives, men and women, old and young alike.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As the siege was a long one, the Gauls began to want for provisions. They divided themselves into two bodies, one of which remained with the king and carried on the siege, while the others scoured the country, plundering and destroying the villages, not going all together in a body, but scattered in small detachments in various directions, as their elation at their success caused them to have no fear about separating their forces. Their largest and best disciplined body marched towards Ardea, where Camillus, since his banishment, had lived as a private person. All his thoughts, however, were bent not upon avoiding or fleeing from the Gauls, but upon defeating them if possible. And so, seeing that the people of Ardea were sufficient in numbers, but wanting in confidence because of the want of experience and remissness of their leaders, he first began to tell the younger men that they ought not to ascribe the misfortunes of the Romans to the bravery of the Gauls, for the misconduct of the former had given them a triumph which they did not deserve. It would, he urged, be a glorious thing, even at the risk of some danger, to drive away a tribe of savage barbarians, who if they were victorious always exterminated the vanquished: while, if they only showed bravery and confidence, he could, by watching his opportunity, lead them to certain victory. As the younger men eagerly listened to these words, Camillus proceeded to confer with the chief magistrates of the Ardeates. After obtaining their consent also, he armed all those who were capable of service, but kept them within the walls, as he wished to conceal their presence from the enemy who were now close at hand. But when the Gauls after scouring the country returned laden with plunder and carelessly encamped in the plain, and when at night by the influence of wine and sleep all was quiet in their camp, Camillus, who had learned the state of the case from spies, led out the men of Ardea, and marching over the intervening ground in silence, about midnight attacked their entrenched camp with loud shouts and blasts of his trumpet, which threw the Gauls, half-drunk and heavy with sleep as they were, into great confusion. Few recovered their senses so far as to attempt to resist Camillus, and those few fell where they stood; but most of them were slain as they lay helpless with wine and sleep. Such as escaped from the camp and wandered about the fields were despatched by cavalry the next day.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The fame of this action, when noised among the neighbouring cities, called many men to arms, especially those Romans who had escaped to Veii after the battle of the Allia. These men lamented their fate, saying, &amp;quot;What a general has Providence removed from Rome in Camillus, whose successes now bring glory to Ardea, while the city that produced and brought up so great a man has utterly perished. And now we, for want of a general to lead us, are sitting still inside the walls of a city not our own, and giving up Italy to the enemy. Come, let us send to the men of Ardea, and beg their general of them, or else ourselves take up our arms and march to him. He is no longer an exile, nor are we any longer his countrymen, for our country is ours no more, but is in the hands of the enemy.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This was agreed, and they sent to beg Camillus to become their general. But he refused, saying that he would not do so without a decree from the citizens in the Capitol; for they as long as they survived, represented the city of Rome, and therefore although he would gladly obey their commands, he would not be so officious as to interfere against their will. The soldiers admired the honourable scruples of Camillus, but there was a great difficulty in representing them to the garrison of the Capitol; indeed, it seemed altogether impossible for a messenger to reach the citadel while the city was in the possession of the enemy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; One of the younger Romans, Pontius Cominius, of the middle class of citizens, but with an honourable ambition to distinguish himself, undertook the adventure. He would not take any writing to the garrison, for fear that if he were taken the enemy might discover Camillus&#039;s plans. He dressed himself in poor clothes, with corks concealed under them, and performed most of the journey fearlessly by daylight, but when he came near the city he went by night. As it was impossible to cross the river by the bridge, which was held by the Gauls, he wrapped what few clothes he had round his head, and trusted to his corks to float him over to the city. After he had landed, he walked round, observing by the lights and the noise where the Gauls were most wakeful, until he reached the Carmentan Gate, where all was quiet. At this place the Capitolian Hill forms a steep and precipitous crag, up which he climbed by a hollow in the cliff, and joined the garrison. After greeting them and making known his name, he proceeded to an interview with the leading men. A meeting of the Senate was called, at which he recounted Camillus&#039;s victory, which they had not heard of, and explained the determination of the soldiers. He then begged them to confirm Camillus&#039;s appointment as general, because the citizens without the walls would obey no other.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When the Senate heard this, they deliberated, and finally appointed Camillus dictator, and sent back Pontius by the same way that he came, which he was able to accomplish as fortunately as before. He eluded the Gauls, and brought the decree of the senate to the Romans outside the walls.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; They heard the news with enthusiasm, so that Camillus when he came, found that they already numbered twenty thousand, while he drew many additional troops from the neighbouring friendly cities. Thus was Camillus a second time appointed dictator, and, proceeding to Veii, joined the soldiers there, to whom he added many others from the allies, and prepared to attack the enemy. But meanwhile at Rome, some of the Gauls happening to pass by the place where Pontius climbed up the Capitol, noticed in many places the marks of where he had clutched at the rock with his hands and feet, torn off the plants which grew upon it, and thrown down the mould. They brought the news to the king, who came and viewed the place. He said nothing at the time, but in the evening he called together those Gauls who were lightest and most accustomed to climb mountains, and thus addressed them: &amp;quot;The road up the rock, which we by ourselves could not discover, has been proved by our enemies not to be impassable to men, and it would be disgraceful for us after having begun so well to leave our enterprise incomplete, and to give up the place as impregnable after the enemy themselves have shown us how it may be taken. Where it is easy for one man to climb, it cannot be hard for many to climb one by one, as their numbers will give them confidence and mutual support. Suitable honours and presents will be given to those who distinguish themselves.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this speech of their king, the Gauls eagerly volunteered for the assault, and about midnight many of them climbed silently up the rock, which although rough and precipitous was easier of ascent than they had imagined, so that the first of them reached the top, and were on the point of preparing to attack the rampart and its sleeping garrison, for neither men nor dogs noticed them. But there were sacred geese kept in the temple of Juno, which in other times were fed without stint, but which then, as there was scarcely food enough for the men, were somewhat neglected. These birds are naturally quick of hearing and timid, and now being rendered wakeful and wild by hunger, quickly perceived the Gauls climbing up, and rushing noisily to the place woke the garrison, while the Gauls feeling that they were discovered no longer preserved silence, but violently assaulted the place. The Romans, snatching up whatever arms came first to hand, ran to repulse them: and first of all Manlius, a man of consular rank, strong of body and full of courage, fell in with two of the enemy. As one of them lifted up his battleaxe, Manlius cut off his right hand with his sword, while he dashed his shield into the other&#039;s face, and threw him backwards down the cliff. After this he stood upon the wall, and with the help of those who assembled round him, beat off the rest, for not many had reached the top, or effected anything commensurate with the boldness of the attempt. Having thus escaped the danger, the Romans threw their sentinel down the rock; while on Manlius they conferred by vote a reward for his bravery, intended more for honour than advantage; for each man gave him a day&#039;s rations, which consisted of half a Roman pound of meal, and the fourth part of a Greek cotyle of wine.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; This affair disheartened the Gauls, who were also in want of provisions, for they could not forage as before for fear of Camillus, while disease also crept in among them, encamped as they were in the ruins of Rome among heaps of dead bodies, while the deep layer of ashes became blown by the wind into the air, making it dry and harsh, and the vapours of the conflagrations were injurious to breathe. They were especially distressed by the change from a cloudy country where there are plenty of shady retreats, to the flat burning plains of Rome in autumn, and their siege of the Capitol became wearisome, for they had now beleaguered it for seven months; so that there was much sickness in their camp, and so many died that they no longer buried the dead. Yet for all this the besieged fared no better. Hunger pressed them, and their ignorance of what Camillus was doing disheartened them; for no one could reach them with news, because the city was strictly watched by Gauls. As both parties were in these straits, proposals for a capitulation took place; at first among the outposts on both sides; afterwards the chief men on each side. Brennus, the Gaulish king, and Sulpicius the Roman tribune, met, and it was agreed that the Romans should pay a thousand pounds of gold, and that the Gauls should, on receiving it, at once leave the country. Both parties swore to observe these conditions, but when the gold was being weighed, the Gauls at first tampered with the scales unperceived, and then openly pulled the beam, so that the Romans became angry. But at this Brennus insolently took off his sword and belt, and flung them into the scale; and when Sulpicius asked, &amp;quot;What is this?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;What should it be,&amp;quot; replied the Gaul; &amp;quot;but woe to the vanquished!&amp;quot; At this some of the Romans were angry and thought that they ought to take back their gold into the Capitol, and again endure the siege; while others said that they must put up with insults, provided they were not too outrageous, and not think that there was any additional disgrace in paying more than they had agreed, because in paying any ransom at all, they were acting from sheer necessity rather than feelings of honour.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; While the Romans were thus disputing with the Gauls, and with one another, Camillus with his army was at the gates. Learning what was being done, he ordered the mass of his soldiers to follow him quietly and in good order, and himself pushed on with the picked troops to join the Romans, who all made way for him, and received him as dictator with silence and respect. He then took the gold from the scales and gave it to his victors, and ordered the Gauls to take the scales and the beam, and depart, &amp;quot;for,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;it is the custom of the Romans to defend their country not with gold but with iron.&amp;quot; At this Brennus became angry, and said that he was being wronged by the treaty being broken; and Camillus answered that the negotiations were illegal, because when they began he was already dictator, and therefore, as no one else had any authority, the treaty had been made by the Gauls with persons who were not authorized to treat. But now, if they wished, they might make fresh proposals, for he was come with full legal powers to pardon such as made their submission, and to punish unrepentant evil-doers. Enraged at this, Brennus began to skirmish, and the two parties, mixed up as they were, in houses and lands where no military formation was possible, did go so far as to draw their swords and push one another about; but Brennus soon recovered his temper, and drew off the Gauls, with but little loss, in their camp.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;During the night he got them all under arms, left the city, and, after a march of about eight miles, encamped by the side of the Gabinian Road. But at daybreak, Camillus was upon him, in glittering armour, leading on the Romans who had now recovered their courage. After a long and fiercely contested battle they routed the Gauls and took their camp. Some of the fugitives were at once pursued and slain, but most of them straggled about the country, and were put to death by the people of the neighbouring towns and villages who sallied out upon them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Thus was Rome strangely taken, and yet more strangely preserved, after having been for seven months in the possession of the Gauls, for they entered it a few days after the Ides of Quintilis, and left it about the Ides of February. Camillus, as we may easily imagine, entered the city in a triumph, as the saviour of his lost country, and the restorer of Rome to itself; for as he drove into the city he was accompanied by those who had before left it, with their wives and children, while those who had been besieged in the Capitol, and all but starved there, came out to meet him embracing one another, weeping, and scarcely believing in their present happiness. The priests and servants of the gods also appeared with such of the sacred things as they had saved, either by burying them on the spot, or by carrying them away, and now displayed these images, which had not been seen for so long a time, to the citizens, who greeted them with joy, as if the gods themselves were again returning to Rome. Camillus performed a sacrifice to the gods, and purified the city in the manner recommended by experts, and then proceeded to restore all the previously existing temples, while he himself added another to &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Aius Loquutius&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, or Rumour, having carefully sought out the place at which the voice in the night miraculously foretold the coming of the Gaulish host to Marcus Caedicius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; With great difficulty the sites of the temples were cleared of rubbish by the zeal of Camillus and the labour of the priests; but as the city was utterly destroyed, and required to be entirely rebuilt, the people became disheartened at so great an undertaking. Men who had lost their all were inclined to wait, and indeed required rest after their misfortunes, rather than labours and toils, which neither their bodies nor their purses were able to endure. And thus it came to pass that they turned their thoughts a second time towards Veii, a city which stood quite ready to be inhabited. This gave opportunities to their mob orators to make speeches, as usual, which they knew would be pleasing to the people, in which Camillus was disrespectfully spoken of as depriving them of a city which stood ready to receive them, for his own prviate ambition, and was said to be compelling them to live encamped in the midst of ruins, and re-erect their houses in that vast heap of ashes, all in order that he might be called, not merely the leader and general of Rome, but might usurp the place of Romulus and be called her founder. Fearing disturbances, the Senate would not permit Camillus to lay down his dictatorship for a year, although he wished to do so, and although no dictator before this had ever remained in office for more than six months. In the meantime the senators themselves encouraged and consoled the people by personal appeals, pointing to the tombs and monuments of their ancestors, and recalling to their minds the temples and holy places which Romulus and Numa and the other kings had consecrated and left in charge to them. More especially they dwelt upon the omen of the newly severed head which had been found when the foundations of the Capitol were dug, by which it was proved that that spot was fated to become the head of Italy, and the fire of Vesta which the virgins had relighted after the war, and which it would be a disgrace for them to extinguish, and to abandon the city, whether they were to see it inhabited by foreigners or turned into fields for cattle to feed in. While persistently urging these considerations both in public speeches and in private interviews with the people, they were much affected by the lamentations of the poor over their helpless condition. The people begged that, as they had, like people after a shipwreck, saved their lives and nothing else, they might not, in addition to this misfortune, be compelled to put together the ruins of a city which had been utterly destroyed, while another was standing ready to receive them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Under these circumstances, Camillus determined to debate the question publicly. He himself made a long appeal on behalf of his native place, and many other speeches were delivered. Finally he rose, and bade Lucius Lucretius, whose privilege it was, to vote first, and then after him the rest in order. Silence was enforced, and Lucretius was just on the point of voting when a centurion in command of a detachment of the guard of the day marched by, and in a loud voice called to the standard-bearer: &amp;quot;Pitch the standard here: here it is best for us to stay.&amp;quot; When these words were heard so opportunely in the midst of their deliberations about the future, Lucretius reverently said that he accepted the omen, and gave his vote in accordance with it, and his example was followed by all the rest. The people now showed a strange revulsion of feeling, for they encouraged one another to begin the work of rebuilding, not on any regular plan, but just as each man happened to find a convenient place for his work. Consequently they quickly rebuilt the city, for within a year it is said that both the city walls and the private houses were completed; but it was full of intricate, narrow lanes and inconveniently placed houses.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The priests, who had been ordered by Camillus to mark out the boundaries where the temples had stood among the general wreck, when in their circuit of the Palatine Hill they came upon the chapel of Mars, found it, like every other building, destroyed and levelled to the ground by the Gauls, but while thoroughly examining the place they found the augur&#039;s staff of Romulus hidden under a deep heap of ashes. This staff is curved at one end, and is called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;lituus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. They use it to divide the heavens into squares when taking the auspices, just as Romulus himself did, as he was deeply skilled in divination. When he vanished from among mankind, the priests kept his staff just like any other sacred object. That at such a time, when all the other holy things perished, this should have been preserved, gave them good hopes of Rome, which that omen seemed to presage would be eternal.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Before they had finished rebuilding the city they became involved in a war, for the Aequians, Volscians, and Latins combined their forces and invaded the country, while the Etruscans besieged Sutrium, a city in alliance with Rome. The tribunes in command of the Roman forces encamped near the Marcian heights, and were there besieged by the Latins and in danger of having their camp taken. They sent to Rome for assistance, and the Romans appointed Camillus dictator for the third time. About this war there are two different accounts, of which I will mention the legendary one first:—It is said that the Latins, either merely as a pretext, or really wishing to amalgamate the two races as before, sent a demand to Rome for free unmarried women to be delivered up for them to marry. As the Romans were at their wits&#039; ends what to do, because they feared to go to war, being scarcely recovered from their late mishap, while they suspected that the women would be used as hostages if they gave them up, and that the proposal of intermarriage was merely a feint, a slave girl named Tutula, or, as some say, Philotis, advised the magistrates to send her and the best-looking of the female slaves, dressed like brides of noble birth, and that she would manage the rest. The magistrates approved of her proposal, chose such girls as she thought suitable, and having dressed them in fine clothes and jewellery, handed them over to the Latins, who were encamped at no great distance from the city. At night the girls stole the daggers of the enemies, and Tutula or Philotis climbed up a wild fig-tree, stretched out her cloak behind her, and raised a torch as a signal, which had been agreed upon between her and the magistrates, though no other citizen knew of it. Wherefore, the soldiers rushed out of the gates with a great clamour and disturbance, calling to one another and scarcely able to keep their ranks as their chiefs hurried them along. When they reached the enemy&#039;s camp, they found them asleep and not expecting an attack, so that they took their camp and slew most of them. This took place on the nones of the month Quintilis, now called July, and the festival which then takes place is in memory of the events of that day. First they march out of the gates in a mass, calling out the common names of the country, such as Caius, Marcus, or Lucius, in imitation of their hurried calling for each other on that occasion. Next, female slaves splendidly dressed walk round laughing and romping with all whom they meet. These girls also perform a sort of fight among themselves, like those who on that day took their share in the fight with the Latins: and afterwards they sit down to a feast, under the shade of fig-tree boughs. They call this day the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;nonae caprotinae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, probably from the wild fig-tree from which the slave girl waved the torch; for in Latin a wild fig-tree is called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;caprificus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Others say that most of these things were said and done when Romulus disappeared, for on this very day he was snatched away, outside the city gates, in a sudden storm and darkness, or as some think during an eclipse of the sun: and they say that the day is called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;nonae caprotiae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; from the place, because Romulus was carried off while holding a meeting of the entire people at the place called the Goat&#039;s Marsh, as is written in his life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The other story is approved by most writers, who relate it as follows:—Camillus, after being appointed dictator for the third time, and learning that the army under the command of the military tribunes was being besieged by the Latins and Volscians, was compelled to arm even those citizens who were past the age for service in the field. He marched by a long circuit to the Marcian heights unnoticed by the enemy, and established his army behind them. By lighting fires he announced his arrival to the Romans in the camp, who took courage, and began to meditate sallying out of their camp and attacking the enemy. But the Latins and Volscians kept close within the rampart of their camp, which they fortified with many additional palisades, on all sides, for they now were between two hostile armies, and intended to await succour from home, while they also expected a force from Etruria to come to their aid. Camillus, perceiving this, and fearing that he might be surrounded in his turn, vigorously used his opportunity. The rampart of the allies was formed of wood, and as a strong wind blew down from the mountains at daybreak, he prepared combustibles, and early in the morning got his forces under arms. One division he sent to attack the enemy&#039;s camp with darts, and missile weapons, and loud shouts, while he himself, with those who were in charge of the fire, waited for his opportunity on that side towards which the wind usually blew. When the other troops were engaged with the enemy, the sun rose, and a strong wind got up. At this Camillus gave the signal for attack, and at once enveloped the palisades with lighted missiles. As the flames quickly spread in the thick wooden palisades, the Latins, finding their camp girt with flames, were driven into a small compass, and finally obliged to sally out of their entrenchments, outside of which the Romans stood ready to receive them. Few of those who broke out escaped, while all who remained in the camp perished in the flames, until the Romans extinguished them and began to plunder.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this exploit, Camillus left his son Lucius in charge of the camp, to guard the prisoners and the booty, and himself invaded the enemy&#039;s country. He took the capital of the Aequi, reduced the Volsci to subjection, and marched at once upon Sutrium to relieve that city, whose inhabitants had not heard of his successes, but were still besieged by the Etruscans. The Sutrians had just surrendered, and had been turned out of their city by the enemy with nothing but the clothes they had on. Camillus met them on the road with their wives and children, weeping over their misfortune. He was greatly moved at so piteous a sight, and, perceiving that the Romans were touched by the despairing entreaties of the people of Sutrium, who clung to them with tears in their eyes, determined that he would at once avenge their wrongs, and march upon Sutrium that very day, arguing that men who were merry with success, having just captured a wealthy city, with no enemy either left within its walls or expected from without, would be found in careless disorder. In this conjecture he was right; for he not only marched through the country, but even obtained possession of the walls and gates unperceived by the enemy, who had posted no guards, but were carousing in the various private houses. Indeed when they learned that the Romans were in possession of the town, they were in such a condition of intoxication that most of them could not even attempt to escape, but shamefully waited in the houses where they were until they were either killed or taken prisoners. Thus was the city of Sutrium twice taken in one day, and thus did the victors lose their prize, and the dispossessed inhabitants regain their homes by Camillus&#039;s means.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The triumph which he enjoyed after these campaigns added to his popularity and glory as much as either of the former; for even those who disliked him most, and who had insisted that all his successes were due to good fortune more than to skill, were now forced to admit the brilliancy of his generalship, and to give his genius its due. The chief of his enemies and detractors was Marcus Manlius, he who had been the first man to fling the Gauls down the cliff in the night attack on the Capitol, and who in remembrance of this was surnamed Capitolinus. This man, endeavouring to make himself the first man in Rome, and not being able to surpass the fame of Camillus by fair means, made the accusation against him usual in such cases, that he was intending to make himself king. This falsehood he repeated in his addresses to the people, with whom he was making himself popular, especially with those who were in debt; some of whom he defended, and assisted in coming to terms with their creditors, while others he forcibly rescued from the officers of the law, so that many needy persons were attracted to him, and became the terror of all respectable citizens by their riotous disturbances in the Forum. To put an end to these disorders, Quintus Capitolinus was created dictator, and he put Manlius in prison; but the people upon this went into mourning, a thing only done on the occasion of some great public disaster, and the Senate, terrified at this, ordered Manlius to be acquitted. Manlius was not improved by his captivity, but was more turbulent and disorderly in his conduct than he had been before. Camillus was now again elected military tribune, and Manlius was impeached: but the place in which he was tried told greatly against his accusers. For the very spot on the Capitol on which Manlius fought with the Gauls on that night was visible from the Forum, and the sight of it raised a strong feeling in his favour; while he himself pointed to it, and, with tears in his eyes, reminded them of how he had fought for them, so that his judges were at their wits&#039; end, and often adjourned the trial, for they could not acquit him of a crime which was clearly proved against him, and yet they could not bring themselves to let the law take its course, when the scene before them reminded them constantly of his great exploit. Camillus, perceiving this, removed the court to the Petelian Grove outside the city gates, where, as the Capitol was not visible, the prosecutor was able to press home his charges against Manlius, while the judges were not prevented from punishing him for his recent crimes by their remembrance of what he had done in former times. He was convicted, led to the Capitol, and thrown down the cliff, which thus witnessed both the most glorious deed of his life, and his miserable end. The Romans destroyed his house, on the site of which they built the Temple of Juno Moneta, and decreed that for the future no patrician might dwell upon the Capitol.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Camillus, when appointed military tribune for the sixth time, begged to be excused, as he was growing old, and perhaps feared that such unbroken success and glory would call down upon him the wrath of the gods.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_16_16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_16_16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[16]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; His most obvious reason for declining the appointment was the state of his health, for at this time he was sick. However, the people would not permit him to retire, but loudly urged that they did not want him to ride on horseback or fight in the ranks, but merely to advise and superintend. Thus they compelled him to accept the office, and with one of his colleagues, Lucius Furius, at once to lead an army against the enemy. He left the city and encamped near the enemy, where he wished to remain inactive, in order that, if a battle should be necessary, he might recover his health sufficiently to take part in it. But as his colleague Lucius, who longed to distinguish himself, was so eager for action that he could not be restrained, and excited the subordinate officers, Camillus, fearing that it might be supposed that he grudged younger men an opportunity of gaining laurels, agreed, sorely against his will, to allow his colleague to lead out the army and offer battle, while he with a few troops remained behind in the camp. But when he heard that Lucius had rashly engaged and that the Romans were defeated, he could not restrain himself, but leaping from his couch met them with his followers at the gate of the camp. Here he forced his way through the fugitives and attacked the pursuing force, so that those Romans whom he had passed at once turned and followed him, while those who were still outside the camp rallied round him, calling upon one another not to desert their general. The enemy&#039;s pursuit was thus checked, and on the following day Camillus marched out with his entire force, entirely defeated them, and entering their camp together with the fugitives, put most of them to the sword. After this, hearing that Satria had been captured by the Etruscans, and all the Roman colonists there put to death, he sent the greater part of his force back to Rome, reserving only the youngest and most vigorous of the soldiers, with whom he assaulted the Etruscans who held the city, and conquered them, killing many, and putting the rest to flight.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; By his return to Rome with great spoils, he proved that those men were right who had not feared that weakness or old age would impair the faculties of a general of daring and experience, but who had chosen him, ill and unwilling to act as he was, rather than men in the prime of life, who were eager to hold military commands. For this reason, when the people of Tusculum were reported to be in insurrection, they bade Camillus take one of the other five tribunes as his colleague, and march against them. Camillus, in spite of all that the rest of the tribunes could urge, for they all wished to be taken, chose Lucius Furius, whom no one could have supposed he would have chosen; for he it was who had been so eager to fight, against the better judgment of Camillus, and so had brought about the defeat in the late war; however, Camillus chose him rather than any other, wishing, it would appear, to conceal his misfortune and wipe out his disgrace.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The people of Tusculum cleverly repaired their fault. When Camillus marched to attack them they filled the country with men working in the fields and tending cattle just as in time of peace; the city gates were open, the boys at school, the lower classes plying various trades, and the richer citizens walking in the market-place in peaceful dress. The magistrates bustled about the city, pointing out where the Romans were to be quartered, as if the thought of treachery had never entered their minds. Camillus, though this conduct did not shake his belief in their guilt, was moved to pity by their repentance. He ordered them to go to Rome and beg the Senate to pardon them; and when they appeared, he himself used his influence to procure their forgiveness, and the admission of Tusculum to the Roman franchise. These were the most remarkable events of his sixth tribuneship.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this, Licinius Stolo put himself at the head of the plebeians in their great quarrel with the Senate. They demanded that consuls should be re-established, one of whom should always be a plebeian, and that they should never both be patricians. Tribunes of the people were appointed, but the people would not suffer any election of consuls to be held. As this want of chief magistrates seemed likely to lead to still greater disorders, the Senate, much against the will of the people, appointed Camillus dictator for the fourth time. He himself did not wish for the post, for he was loth to oppose men who had been his comrades in many hard-fought campaigns, as indeed he had spent much more of his life in the camp with his soldiers than with the patrician party in political intrigues, by one of which he was now appointed, as that party hoped that if successful he would crush the power of the plebeians, while in case of failure he would be ruined. However, he made an effort to deal with the present difficulty. Knowing the day on which the tribunes intended to bring forward their law, he published a muster-roll of men for military service, and charged the people to leave the Forum and meet him on the Field of Mars, threatening those who disobeyed with a heavy fine. But when the tribunes answered his threats by vowing that they would fine him fifty thousand &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;drachmas&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; unless he ceased his interference with the people&#039;s right of voting, he retired to his own house, and after a few days laid down his office on pretence of sickness. This he did, either because he feared a second condemnation and banishment, which would be a disgrace to an old man and one who had done such great deeds, or else because he saw that the people were too strong to be overpowered, and he did not wish to make the attempt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Senate appointed another dictator, but he made that very Licinius Stolo, the leader of the popular party, his master of the horse, and thus enabled him to pass a law which was especially distasteful to the patricians, for it forbade any one to possess more than five hundred &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;jugera&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of land. Stolo, after this success, became an important personage; but, a short time afterwards, he was convicted of possessing more land than his own law permitted, and was punished according to its provisions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XL.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; There still remained the difficulty about the consular elections, the most important point at issue between the two parties, and the Senate was greatly disturbed at it, when news arrived that the Gauls, starting from the Adriatic Sea, were a second time marching in great force upon Rome. At the same time evident traces of their approach could be seen, as the country was being plundered, and such of the inhabitants as could not easily reach Rome were taking refuge in the mountains.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This terrible tidings put an end to all internal disputes. The Senate and people formed themselves into one assembly, and with one voice appointed Camillus dictator for the fifth time. He was now a very old man, being near his eightieth year; but at this pressing crisis he made none of his former excuses, but at once took the chief command and levied an army for the war. As he knew that the chief power of the Gauls lay in their swords, with which they dealt heavy blows on the heads and shoulders of their enemy, without any skill in fence, he prepared for most of his soldiers helmets made entirely of smooth iron, so that the swords would either break or glance off them, while he also had brass rims fitted to their shields, because the wood by itself could not endure a blow. He also instructed the soldiers to use long pikes, and to thrust them forward to receive the sword-cuts of the enemy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When the Gauls were encamped on the banks of the Anio, near the city, loaded with masses of plunder, Camillus led out his troops and posted them in a glen from which many valleys branched out, so that the greater part of the force was concealed, and that which was seen appeared to be clinging in terror to the hilly ground. Camillus, wishing to confirm the enemy in this idea, would not move to prevent the country being plundered before his eyes, but palisaded his camp and remained quiet within it, until he saw that the foraging parties of the Gauls straggled in careless disorder, while those in the camp did nothing but eat and drink. Then, sending forward his light troops before daybreak to be ready to harass the Gauls and prevent their forming their ranks properly as they came out of their camp, he marched the heavy-armed men down into the plain at sunrise, a numerous and confident body, and not, as the Gauls fancied, a few disheartened men.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The very fact of his commencing the attack dashed the courage of the Gauls; next, the attacks of the light troops, before they had got into their wonted array and divided themselves into regiments, produced disorder. When at last Camillus led on the heavy-armed troops, the Gauls ran to meet them brandishing their swords, but the Romans with their pikes advanced and met them, receiving their sword-cuts on their armour, which soon made the Gaulish swords bend double, as they were made of soft iron hammered out thin, while the shields of the Gauls were pierced and weighed down by the pikes that stuck in them. They therefore dropped their own arms, and endeavoured to seize the pikes and turn them against their enemies. But the Romans, seeing them now defenceless, began to use their swords, and slew many of the first ranks, while the rest took to flight all over the flat country; for Camillus had taken care to guard the hills and rough ground, while the Gauls knew that they, in their over-confidence, had been at no pains to fortify their camp, and that the Romans could easily take it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This battle is said to have been fought thirteen years after the capture of Rome, and in consequence of it the Romans conceived a contempt for these barbarians, whom they had before greatly dreaded, and even believed that their former victories over the Gauls were due to their being weakened by pestilence, and to fortunate circumstances, rather than to their own valour. This raised so great a terror of them, that a law was passed which relieved the priests from military service except in case of a Gaulish invasion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; This was the last of Camillus&#039;s military exploits, though during this campaign he took the city of Velitrae, which yielded to him without a battle. But his greatest political struggle was yet to come, for it was harder to deal with the people now that they were elated with victory. They insisted that the existing constitution should be annulled, and that one of the two consuls should be chosen from among them. They were opposed by the Senate, which would not permit Camillus to lay down his office, as the patricians imagined that with the help of his great power they could more easily defend their privileges. One day, however, as Camillus was sitting publicly doing business in the Forum, a viator or servant sent by the tribunes of the people bade him follow him, and even laid his hand upon him as if to arrest him. At this such a disturbance arose as had never been known before, as Camillus&#039;s party endeavoured to push the officer down from the tribunal, while the people clamoured to him to drag the dictator from his seat. Camillus himself, not knowing what to do, would not lay down his office, but called the Senate to meet. Before entering the Senate house, he turned round to the Capitol and prayed that the gods would bring affairs to a happy termination, vowing that when the present disorders were at an end he would build a Temple of Concord. After a violent debate, the Senate agreed to adopt the milder course of yielding to the popular demand, and permitting one of the two consuls to be chosen from the people. When the dictator announced this decision of the Senate to the people, they at once, as was natural, were delighted with the Senate, and escorted Camillus home with applause and shouts. On the next day they met and decreed that the Temple of Concord which Camillus had vowed should be erected on a spot facing the Forum, where these events had taken place; moreover, that the Latin games should continue for four days instead of three, and that all citizens of Rome should at once offer sacrifice and crown themselves with garlands.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the assembly for the election of consuls, over which Camillus presided there were elected Marcus Aemilius, a patrician, and Lucius Sextius, the first plebeian ever elected consul. This was the result of Camillus&#039;s administration.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XLIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In the following year a pestilence broke out in Rome which destroyed enormous numbers of people, and among them most of the leading men. And in this year died Camillus, at a ripe old age, full of years and honours, more regretted by the Romans than all those who died of the plague.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;LIFE_OF_PERIKLES&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LIFE OF PERIKLES.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; One day in Rome, Caesar, seeing some rich foreigners nursing and petting young lapdogs and monkeys, enquired whether in their parts of the world the women bore no children: a truly imperial reproof to those who waste on animals the affection which they ought to bestow upon mankind. May we not equally blame those who waste the curiosity and love of knowledge which belongs to human nature, by directing it to worthless, not to useful objects? It is indeed unavoidable that external objects, whether good or bad, should produce some effect upon our senses; but every man is able, if he chooses, to concentrate his mind upon any subject he may please. For this reason we ought to seek virtue, not merely in order to contemplate it, but that we may ourselves derive some benefit from so doing. Just as those colours whose blooming and pleasant hues refresh our sight are grateful to the eyes, so we ought by our studies to delight in that which is useful for our own lives; and this is to be found in the acts of good men, which when narrated incite us to imitate them. The effect does not take place in other cases, for we frequently admire what we do not wish to produce; indeed we often are charmed with the work, but despise the workman, as in the case of dyes and perfumery which we take pleasure in, although we regard dyers and perfumers as vulgar artizans. That was a clever saying of Antisthenes, who answered, when he heard that Ismenias was a capital flute-player, &amp;quot;But he must be a worthless man, for if he were not, he would not be such a capital flute-player!&amp;quot; and King Philip of Macedon, when his son played brilliantly and agreeably on the harp at an entertainment, said to him, &amp;quot;Are you not ashamed, to play so well?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It is enough for a king, if he sometimes employs his leisure in listening to musicians, and it is quite a sufficient tribute from him to the Muses, if he is present at the performances of other persons.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; If a man devotes himself to these trifling arts, the time which he wastes upon them proves that he is incapable of higher things. No well nurtured youth, on seeing the statue of Jupiter Olympius at Pisa, wishes that he were a Pheidias, or that he were a Polykleitus on seeing the statue of Juno at Argos, nor yet while he takes pleasure in poetry, does he wish that he were an Anakreon, a Philetas, or an Archilochus; for it does not necessarily follow that we esteem the workman because we are pleased with the work. For this reason men are not benefited by any spectacle which does not encourage them to imitation, and where reflection upon what they have observed does not make them also wish to do likewise; whereas we both admire the deeds to which virtue incites, and long to emulate the doers of them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We enjoy the good things which we owe to fortune, but we admire virtuous actions; and while we wish to receive the former, we wish ourselves to benefit others by the latter. That which is in itself admirable kindles in us a desire of emulation, whether we see noble deeds presented before us, or read of them in history. It was with this purpose that I have engaged in writing biography, and have arranged this tenth book to contain the lives of Perikles and of Fabius Maximus, who fought against Hannibal, men who especially resembled one another in the gentleness and justice of their disposition, and who were both of the greatest service to their native countries, because they were able to endure with patience the follies of their governments and colleagues. Of my success, the reader of the following pages will be able to judge for themself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Perikles was of the tribe Akamantis, and of the township of Cholargos, and was descended from the noblest families in Athens, on both his father&#039;s and mother&#039;s side. His father, Xanthippus, defeated the Persian generals at Mykalé, while his mother, Agariste, was a descendant of Kleisthenes, who drove the sons of Peisistratus out of Athens, put an end to their despotic rule, and established a new constitution admirably calculated to reconcile all parties and save the country. She dreamed that she had brought forth a lion, and a few days afterwards was delivered of Perikles. His body was symmetrical, but his head was long out of all proportion; for which reason in nearly all his statues he is represented wearing a helmet, as the sculptors did not wish, I suppose, to reproach him with this blemish. The Attic poets called him squill-head, and the comic poet, Kratinus, in his play &#039;Cheirones,&#039; says,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;From Kronos old and faction,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Is sprung a tyrant dread,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;And all Olympus calls him,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The man-compelling head.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And again in the play of &#039;Nemesis&#039;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Come, hospitable Zeus, with lofty head.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Telekleides, too, speaks of him as sitting&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Bowed down&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;With a dreadful frown,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Because matters of state have gone wrong,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Until at last,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;From his head so vast,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;His ideas burst forth in a throng.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And Eupolis, in his play of &#039;Demoi,&#039; asking questions about each of the great orators as they come up from the other world one after the other, when at last Perikles ascends, says,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The great headpiece of those below.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Most writers tell us that his tutor in music was Damon, whose name they say should be pronounced with the first syllable short. Aristotle, however, says that he studied under Pythokleides. This Damon, it seems, was a sophist of the highest order, who used the name of music to conceal this accomplishment from the world, but who really trained Perikles for his political contests just as a trainer prepares an athlete for the games. However, Damon&#039;s use of music as a pretext did not impose upon the Athenians, who banished him by ostracism, as a busybody and lover of despotism. He was ridiculed by the comic poets; thus Plato represents some one as addressing him,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Answer me this, I humbly do beseech,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;For thou, like Cheiron, Perikles did&#039;st teach.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Perikles also attended the lectures of Zeno, of Elea, on natural philosophy, in which that philosopher followed the method of Parmenides. Zeno moreover had made an especial study of how to reduce any man to silence who questioned him, and how to enclose him between the horns of a dilemma, which is alluded to by Timon of Phlius in the following verses:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Nor weak the strength of him of two-edged tongue,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Zeno that carps at all.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But it was Anaxagoras of Klazomenae who had most to do with forming Perikles&#039;s style, teaching him an elevation and sublimity of expression beyond that of ordinary popular speakers, and altogether purifying and ennobling his mind. This Anaxagoras was called Nous, or Intelligence, by the men of that day, either because they admired his own intellect, or because he taught that an abstract intelligence is to be traced in all the concrete forms of matter, and that to this, and not to chance, the universe owes its origin.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Perikles greatly admired Anaxagoras, and became deeply interested in these grand speculations, which gave him a haughty spirit and a lofty style of oratory far removed from vulgarity and low buffoonery, and also an imperturbable gravity of countenance, and a calmness of demeanour and appearance which no incident could disturb as he was speaking, while the tone of his voice never showed that he heeded any interruption. These advantages greatly impressed the people. Once he sat quietly all day in the market-place despatching some pressing business, reviled in the foulest terms all the while by some low worthless fellow. Towards evening he walked home, the man following him and heaping abuse upon him. When about to enter his own door, as it was dark, he ordered one of his servants to take a torch and light the man home. The poet Ion, however, says that Perikles was overbearing and insolent in conversation, and that his pride had in it a great deal of contempt for others; while he praises Kimon&#039;s civil, sensible, and polished address. But we may disregard Ion, as a mere dramatic poet who always sees in great men something upon which to exercise his satiric vein; whereas Zeno used to invite those who called the haughtiness of Perikles a mere courting of popularity and affectation of grandeur, to court popularity themselves in the same fashion, since the acting of such a part might insensibly mould their dispositions until they resembled that of their model.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; These were not the only advantages which Perikles gained from his intimacy with Anaxagoras, but he seems to have learned to despise those superstitious fears which the common phenomena of the heavens produce in those who, ignorant of their cause, and knowing nothing about them, refer them all to the immediate action of the gods. Knowledge of physical science, while it puts an end to superstitious terrors, replaces them by a sound basis of piety. It is said that once a ram with one horn was sent from the country as a present to Perikles, and that Lampon the prophet, as soon as he saw this strong horn growing out of the middle of the creature&#039;s forehead, said that as there were two parties in the state, that of Thucydides and that of Perikles, he who possessed this mystic animal would unite the two into one. Anaxagoras cut open the beast&#039;s skull, and pointed out that its brain did not fill the whole space, but was sunken into the shape of an egg, and all collected at that part from which the horn grew. At the time all men looked with admiration on Anaxagoras, but afterwards, when Thucydides had fallen, and all the state had become united under Perikles, they admired Lampon equally.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There is, I imagine, no reason why both the prophet and the natural philosopher should not have been right, the one discovering the cause, and the other the meaning. The one considered why the horn grew so, and for what reason; the other declared what it &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;meant&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by growing so, and for what &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;end&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; it took place. Those who say that when the cause of a portent is found out the portent is explained away, do not reflect that the same reasoning which explains away heavenly portents would also put an end to the meaning of the conventional signals used by mankind. The ringing of bells, the blaze of beacon fires, and the shadows on a dial are all of them produced by natural causes, but have a further meaning. But perhaps all this belongs to another subject.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Perikles when young greatly feared the people. He had a certain personal likeness to the despot Peisistratus; and as his own voice was sweet, and he was ready and fluent in speech, old men who had known Peisistratus were struck by his resemblance to him. He was also rich, of noble birth, and had powerful friends, so that he feared he might be banished by ostracism, and consequently held aloof from politics, but proved himself a brave and daring soldier in the wars. But when Aristeides was dead, Themistokles banished, and Kimon generally absent on distant campaigns, Perikles engaged in public affairs, taking the popular side, that of the poor and many against that of the rich and few, quite contrary to his own feelings, which were entirely aristocratic. He feared, it seems, that he might be suspected of a design to make himself despot, and seeing that Kimon took the side of the nobility, and was much beloved by them, he betook himself to the people, as a means of obtaining safety for himself, and a strong party to combat that of Kimon. He immediately altered his mode of life; was never seen in any street except that which led to the market-place and the national assembly, and declined all invitations to dinner and such like social gatherings, so utterly that during the whole of his long political life he never dined with one of his friends, except when his first cousin, Euryptolemus, was married. On this occasion he sat at table till the libations were poured, upon which he at once got up and went away. For solemnity is wont to unbend at festive gatherings, and a majestic demeanour is hard to keep up when one is in familiar intercourse with others. True virtue, indeed, appears more glorious the more it is seen, and a really good man&#039;s life is never so much admired by the outside world as by his own intimate friends. But Perikles feared to make himself too common even with the people, and only addressed them after long intervals—not speaking upon every subject, and, not constantly addressing them, but, as Kritolaus says, keeping himself like the Salaminian trireme for great crises, and allowing his friends and the other orators to manage matters of less moment. One of these friends is said to have been Ephialtes, who destroyed the power of the Council of the Areopagus, &amp;quot;pouring out,&amp;quot; as Plato, the comic poet, said, &amp;quot;a full and unmixed draught of liberty for the citizens,&amp;quot; under the influence of which the poets of the time said that the Athenian people&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Nibbled at Euboea, like a horse that spurns the rein,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;And wantonly would leap upon the islands in the main.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Wishing to adopt a style of speaking consonant with his haughty manner and lofty spirit, Perikles made free use of the instrument which Anaxagoras as it were put into his hand, and often tinged his oratory with natural philosophy. He far surpassed all others by using this &amp;quot;lofty intelligence and power of universal consummation,&amp;quot; as the divine Plato calls it;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_17_17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_17_17&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[17]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in addition to his natural advantages, adorning his oratory with apt illustrations drawn from physical science.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For this reason some think that he was nicknamed the Olympian; though some refer this to his improvement of the city by new and beautiful buildings, and others from his power both as a politician and a general. It is not by any means unlikely that these causes all combined to produce the name. Yet the comedies of that time, when they allude to him, either in jest or earnest, always appear to think that this name was given him because of his manner of speaking, as they speak of him as &amp;quot;thundering and lightening,&amp;quot; and &amp;quot;rolling fateful thunders from his tongue.&amp;quot; A saying of Thucydides, the son of Melesias, has been preserved, which jestingly testifies to the power of Perikles&#039;s eloquence. Thucydides was the leader of the conservative party, and for a long time struggled to hold his own against Perikles in debate. One day Archidamus, the King of Sparta, asked him whether he or Perikles was the best wrestler. &amp;quot;When I throw him in wrestling,&amp;quot; Thucydides answered, &amp;quot;he beats me by proving that he never was down, and making the spectators believe him.&amp;quot; For all this Perikles was very cautious about his words, and whenever he ascended the tribune to speak, used first to pray to the gods that nothing unfitted for the present occasion might fall from his lips. He left no writings, except the measures which he brought forward, and very few of his sayings are recorded. One of these was, that he called Aegina &amp;quot;the eyesore of the Peiraeus,&amp;quot; and that &amp;quot;he saw war coming upon Athens from Peloponnesus.&amp;quot; Stesimbrotus tells us that when he was pronouncing a public funeral oration over those who fell in Samos, he said that they had become immortal, even as the gods: for we do not see the gods, but we conceive them to be immortal by the respect which we pay them, and the blessings which we receive from them; and the same is the case with those who die for their country.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Thucydides represents the constitution under Perikles as a democracy in name, but really an aristocracy, because the government was all in the hands of one leading citizen. But as many other writers tell us that during his administration the people received grants of land abroad, and were indulged with dramatic entertainments, and payments for their services, in consequence of which they fell into bad habits, and became extravagant and licentious, instead of sober hard-working people as they had been before, let us consider the history of this change, viewing it by the light of the facts themselves. First of all, as we have already said, Perikles had to measure himself with Kimon, and to transfer the affections of the people from Kimon to himself. As he was not so rich a man as Kimon, who used from his own ample means to give a dinner daily to any poor Athenian who required it, clothe aged persons, and take away the fences round his property, so that any one might gather the fruit, Perikles, unable to vie with him in this, turned his attention to a distribution of the public funds among the people, at the suggestion, we are told by Aristotle, of Damonides of Oia. By the money paid for public spectacles, for citizens acting as jurymen and other paid offices, and largesses, he soon won over the people to his side, so that he was able to use them in his attack upon the Senate of the Areopagus, of which he himself was not a member, never having been chosen Archon, or Thesmothete, or King Archon, or Polemarch. These offices had from ancient times been obtained by lot, and it was only through them that those who had approved themselves in the discharge of them were advanced to the Areopagus. For this reason it was that Perikles, when he gained strength with the populace, destroyed this Senate, making Ephialtes bring forward a bill which restricted its judicial powers, while he himself succeeded in getting Kimon banished by ostracism, as a friend of Sparta and a hater of the people, although he was second to no Athenian in birth or fortune, had won most brilliant victories over the Persians, and had filled Athens with plunder and spoils of war, as will be found related in his life. So great was the power of Perikles with the common people.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; One of the provisions of ostracism was that the person banished should remain in exile for ten years. But during this period the Lacedaemonians with a great force invaded the territory of Tanagra, and, as the Athenians at once marched out to attack them, Kimon came back from exile, took his place in full armour among the ranks of his own tribe, and hoped by distinguishing himself in the battle amongst his fellow citizens to prove the falsehood of the Laconian sympathies with which he had been charged. However, the friends of Perikles drove him away, as an exile. On the other hand, Perikles fought more bravely in that battle than he had ever fought before, and surpassed every one in reckless daring. The friends of Kimon also, whom Perikles had accused of Laconian leanings, fell, all together, in their ranks; and the Athenians felt great sorrow for their treatment of Kimon, and a great longing for his restoration, now that they had lost a great battle on the frontier, and expected to be hard pressed during the summer by the Lacedaemonians. Perikles, perceiving this, lost no time in gratifying the popular wish, but himself proposed the decree for his recall; and Kimon on his return reconciled the two States, for he was on familiar terms with the Spartans, who were hated by Perikles and the other leaders of the common people. Some say that, before Kimon&#039;s recall by Perikles, a secret compact was made with him by Elpinike, Kimon&#039;s sister, that Kimon was to proceed on foreign service against the Persians with a fleet of two hundred ships, while Perikles was to retain his power in the city. It is also said that, when Kimon was being tried for his life, Elpinike softened the resentment of Perikles, who was one of those appointed to impeach him. When Elpinike came to beg her brother&#039;s life of him, he answered with a smile, &amp;quot;Elpinike, you are too old to meddle in affairs of this sort.&amp;quot; But, for all that, he spoke only once, for form&#039;s sake, and pressed Kimon less than any of his other prosecutors. How, then, can one put any faith in Idomeneus, when he accuses Perikles of procuring the assassination of his friend and colleague Ephialtes, because he was jealous of his reputation? This seems an ignoble calumny, which Idomeneus has drawn from some obscure source to fling at a man who, no doubt, was not faultless, but of a generous spirit and noble mind, incapable of entertaining so savage and brutal a design. Ephialtes was disliked and feared by the nobles, and was inexorable in punishing those who wronged the people; wherefore his enemies had him assassinated by means of Aristodikus of Tanagra. This we are told by Aristotle. Kimon died in Cyprus, while in command of the Athenian forces.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The nobles now perceived that Perikles was the most important man in the State, and far more powerful than any other citizen; wherefore, as they still hoped to check his authority, and not allow him to be omnipotent, they set up Thucydides, of the township of Alopekae, as his rival, a man of good sense, and a relative of Kimon, but less of a warrior and more of a politician, who, by watching his opportunities, and opposing Perikles in debate, soon brought about a balance of power. He did not allow the nobles to mix themselves up with the people in the public assembly, as they had been wont to do, so that their dignity was lost among the masses; but he collected them into a separate body, and by thus concentrating their strength was able to use it to counterbalance that of the other party. From the beginning these two factions had been but imperfectly welded together, because their tendencies were different; but now the struggle for power between Perikles and Thucydides drew a sharp line of demarcation between them, and one was called the party of the Many, the other that of the Few. Perikles now courted the people in every way, constantly arranging public spectacles, festivals, and processions in the city, by which he educated the Athenians to take pleasure in refined amusements; and also he sent out sixty triremes to cruise every year, in which many of the people served for hire for eight months, learning and practising seamanship. Besides this he sent a thousand settlers to the Chersonese, five hundred to Naxos, half as many to Andros, a thousand to dwell among the Thracian tribe of the Bisaltae, and others to the new colony in Italy founded by the city of Sybaris, which was named Thurii. By this means he relieved the state of numerous idle agitators, assisted the necessitous, and overawed the allies of Athens by placing his colonists near them to watch their behaviour.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The building of the temples, by which Athens was adorned, the people delighted, and the rest of the world astonished, and which now alone prove that the tales of the ancient power and glory of Greece are no fables, was what particularly excited the spleen of the opposite faction, who inveighed against him in the public assembly, declaring that the Athenians had disgraced themselves by transferring the common treasury of the Greeks from the island of Delos to their own custody. &amp;quot;Perikles himself,&amp;quot; they urged, &amp;quot;has taken away the only possible excuse for such an act—the fear that it might be exposed to the attacks of the Persians when at Delos, whereas it would be safe at Athens. Greece has been outraged, and feels itself openly tyrannised over, when it sees us using the funds which we extorted from it for the war against the Persians, for gilding and beautifying our city, as if it were a vain woman, and adorning it with precious marbles, and statues, and temples, worth a thousand talents.&amp;quot; To this Perikles replied, that the allies had no right to consider how their money was spent, so long as Athens defended them from the Persians; while they supplied neither horses, ships, nor men, but merely money, which the Athenians had a right to spend as they pleased, provided they afforded them that security which it purchased. It was right, he argued, that, after the city had provided all that was necessary for war, it should devote its surplus money to the erection of buildings which would be a glory to it for all ages, while these works would create plenty by leaving no man unemployed, and encouraging all sorts of handicraft, so that nearly the whole city would earn wages, and thus derive both its beauty and its profit from itself. For those who were in the flower of their age, military service offered a means of earning money from the common stock; while, as he did not wish the mechanics and lower classes to be without their share, nor yet to see them receive it without doing work for it, he had laid the foundations of great edifices which would require industries of every kind to complete them; and he had done this in the interests of the lower classes, who thus, although they remained at home, would have just as good a claim to their share of the public funds as those who were serving at sea, in garrison, or in the field. The different materials used, such as stone, brass, ivory, gold, ebony, cypress-wood, and so forth, would require special artizans for each, such as carpenters, modellers, smiths, stone masons, dyers, melters and moulders of gold, and ivory painters, embroiderers, workers in relief; and also men to bring them to the city, such as sailors and captains of ships and pilots for such as came by sea; and, for those who came by land, carriage builders, horse breeders, drivers, rope makers, linen manufacturers, shoemakers, road menders, and miners. Each trade, moreover, employed a number of unskilled labourers, so that, in a word, there would be work for persons of every age and every class, and general prosperity would be the result.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; These buildings were of immense size, and unequalled in beauty and grace, as the workmen endeavoured to make the execution surpass the design in beauty; but what was most remarkable was the speed with which they were built. All these edifices, each of which one would have thought, it would have taken many generations to complete, were all finished during the most brilliant period of one man&#039;s administration. We are told that Zeuxis, hearing Agatharchus, the painter, boasting how easily and rapidly he could produce a picture, said, &amp;quot;I paint very slowly.&amp;quot; Ease, and speed of execution, seldom produces work of any permanent value or delicacy. It is the time which is spent in laborious production for which we are repaid by the durable character of the result. And this makes Perikles&#039;s work all the more wonderful, because it was built in a short time, and yet has lasted for ages. In beauty each of them at once appeared venerable as soon as it was built; but even at the present day the work looks as fresh as ever, for they bloom with an eternal freshness which defies time, and seems to make the work instinct with an unfading spirit of youth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The overseer and manager of the whole was Pheidias, although there were other excellent architects and workmen, such as Kallikrates and Iktinus, who built the Parthenon on the site of the old Hekatompedon, which had been destroyed by the Persians, and Koroebus, who began to build the Temple of Initiation at Eleusis, but who only lived to see the columns erected and the architraves placed upon them. On his death, Metagenes, of Xypete, added the frieze and the upper row of columns, and Xenokles, of Cholargos, crowned it with the domed roof over the shrine. As to the long wall, about which Sokrates says that he heard Perikles bring forward a motion, Kallikrates undertook to build it. Kratinus satirises the work for being slowly accomplished, saying&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;He builds in speeches, but he does no work.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Odeum, which internally consisted of many rows of seats and many columns, and externally of a roof sloping on all sides from a central point, was said to have been built in imitation of the king of Persia&#039;s tent, and was built under Perikles&#039;s direction. For this reason Kratinus alludes to him in his play of the &#039;Thracian Woman&#039;—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Our Jove with lofty skull appears;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;The Odeum on his head he bears,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Because he fears the oyster-shell no more.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Perikles at that period used his influence to pass a decree for establishing a musical competition at the Panathenaic festival; and, being himself chosen judge, he laid down rules as to how the candidates were to sing, and play the flute or the harp. At that period, and ever afterwards, all musical contests took place in the Odeum.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Propylaea, before the Acropolis, were finished in five years, by Mnesikles the architect; and a miraculous incident during the work seemed to show that the goddess did not disapprove, but rather encouraged and assisted the building. The most energetic and active of the workmen fell from a great height, and lay in a dangerous condition, given over by his doctors. Perikles grieved much for him; but the goddess appeared to him in a dream, and suggested a course of treatment by which Perikles quickly healed the workman. In consequence of this, he set up the brazen statue of Athene the Healer, near the old altar in the Acropolis. The golden statue of the goddess was made by Pheidias, and his name appears upon the basement in the inscription. Almost everything was in his hands, and he gave his orders to all the workmen—as we have said before—because of his friendship with Perikles. This led to their both being envied and belied; for it was said that Perikles, with the connivance of Pheidias, carried on intrigues with Athenian ladies, who came ostensibly to see the works. This accusation was taken up by the comic poets, who charged him with great profligacy, hinting that he had an improper passion for the wife of Menippus, his friend, and a lieutenant-general in the army. Even the bird-fancying of Pyrilampes, because he was a friend of Perikles, was misrepresented, and he was said to give peacocks to the ladies who granted their favours to Perikles. But, indeed, how can we wonder at satirists bringing foul accusations against their betters, and offering them up as victims to the spite of the populace, when we find Stesimbrotus, of Thasos, actually inventing that unnatural and abominable falsehood of Perikles&#039;s intrigue with his own daughter-in-law. So hard is it to discover the truth, because the history of past ages is rendered difficult by the lapse of time; while in contemporary history the truth is always obscured, either by private spite and hatred, or by a desire to curry favour with the chief men of the time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When the speakers of Thucydides&#039;s party complained that Perikles had wasted the public money, and destroyed the revenue, he asked the people in the assembly whether they thought he had spent much. When they answered &amp;quot;Very much indeed,&amp;quot; he said in reply, &amp;quot;Do not, then, put it down to the public account, but to mine; and I will inscribe my name upon all the public buildings.&amp;quot; When Perikles said this, the people, either in admiration of his magnificence of manner, or being eager to bear their share in the glory of the new buildings, shouted to him with one accord to take what money he pleased from the treasury, and spend it as he pleased, without stint. And finally, he underwent the trial of ostracism with Thucydides, and not only succeeded in driving him into exile, but broke up his party.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As now there was no opposition to encounter in the city, and all parties had been blended into one, Perikles undertook the sole administration of the home and foreign affairs of Athens, dealing with the public revenue, the army, the navy, the islands and maritime affairs, and the great sources of strength which Athens derived from her alliances, as well with Greek as with foreign princes and states. Henceforth he became quite a different man: he no longer gave way to the people, and ceased to watch the breath of popular favour; but he changed the loose and licentious democracy, which had hitherto existed, into a stricter aristocratic, or rather monarchical, form of government. This he used honourably and unswervingly for the public benefit, finding the people, as a rule, willing to second the measures which he explained to them to be necessary, and to which he asked their consent, but occasionally having to use violence, and to force them, much against their will, to do what was expedient; like a physician dealing with some complicated disorder, who at one time allows his patient innocent recreation, and at another inflicts upon him sharp pains and bitter, though salutary, draughts. Every possible kind of disorder was to be found among a people possessing so great an empire as the Athenians; and he alone was able to bring them into harmony, by playing alternately upon their hopes and fears, checking them when over-confident, and raising their spirits when they were cast down and disheartened. Thus, as Plato says, he was able to prove that oratory is the art of influencing men&#039;s minds, and to use it in its highest application, when it deals with men&#039;s passions and characters, which, like certain strings of a musical instrument, require a skilful and delicate touch. The secret of his power is to be found, however, as Thucydides says, not so much in his mere oratory, as in his pure and blameless life, because he was so well known to be incorruptible, and indifferent to money; for though he made the city, which was a great one, into the greatest and richest city of Greece, and though he himself became more powerful than many independent sovereigns, who were able to leave their kingdoms to their sons, yet Perikles did not increase by one single drachma the estate which he received from his father.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; This is the clear account of his power which is given by Thucydides the historian; though the comic poets misrepresent him atrociously, calling his immediate followers the New Peisistratidae, and calling upon him to swear that he never would make himself despot, as though his pre-eminence was not to be borne in a free state. And Telekleides says, that the Athenians delivered up into his hands&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The tribute from the towns, the towns themselves,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;The city walls, to build or to destroy,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;The right of making either peace or war,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;And all the wealth and produce of the land.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And all this was not on any special occasion, or when his administration was especially popular, but for forty years he held the first place among such men as Ephialtes, Leokrates, Myronides, Kimon, Tolmides, and Thucydides; and, after the fall and banishment of Thucydides by ostracism, he united in himself for five-and-twenty years all the various offices of state, which were supposed to last only for one year; and yet during the whole of that period proved himself incorruptible by bribes. As to his paternal estate, he was loth to lose it, and still more to be troubled with the management of it; consequently, he adopted what seemed to him the simplest and most exact method of dealing with it. Every year&#039;s produce was sold all together, and with the money thus obtained, he would buy what was necessary for his household in the market, and thus regulate his expenditure. This did not make him popular with his sons when they grew up; nor yet did the women of his family think him a liberal manager, but blamed his exact regulation of his daily expenses, which allowed none of the superfluities common in great and wealthy households, but which made the debit and credit exactly balance each other. One servant, Euangelos, kept all his accounts, as no one else had either capacity or education enough to be able to do so. These proceedings differed greatly from those of Anaxagoras the philosopher, who left his house, and let his estate go to ruin, while he pursued his lofty speculations. I conceive, however, that the life of a philosopher and that of a practical politician are not the same, as the one directs his thoughts to abstract ideas, while the other devotes his genius to supplying the real wants of mankind, and in some cases finds wealth not only necessary, but most valuable to him, as indeed it was to Perikles, who assisted many of the poorer citizens. It is said that, as Perikles was engaged in public affairs, Anaxagoras, who was now an old man and in want, covered his head with his robe, and determined to starve himself to death; but when Perikles heard of this, he at once ran to him, and besought him to live, lamenting, not Anaxagoras&#039;s fate, but his own, if he should lose so valuable a political adviser. Then Anaxagoras uncovered his head, and said to him, &amp;quot;Perikles, those who want to use a lamp supply it with oil.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As the Lacedaemonians began to be jealous of the prosperity of the Athenians, Perikles, wishing to raise the spirit of the people and to make them feel capable of immense operations, passed a decree, inviting all the Greeks, whether inhabiting Europe or Asia, whether living in large cities or small ones, to send representatives to a meeting at Athens to deliberate about the restoration of the Greek temples which had been burned by the barbarians, about the sacrifices which were due in consequence of the vows which they had made to the gods on behalf of Greece before joining battle, and about the sea, that all men might be able to sail upon it in peace and without fear. To carry out this decree twenty men, selected from the citizens over fifty years of age, were sent out, five of whom invited the Ionian and Dorian Greeks in Asia and the islands as far as Lesbos and Rhodes, five went to the inhabitants of the Hellespont and Thrace as far as Byzantium, and five more proceeded to Boeotia, Phokis, and Peloponnesus, passing from thence through Lokris to the neighbouring continent as far as Akarnania and Ambrakia; while the remainder journeyed through Euboea to the Oetaeans and the Malian gulf, and to the Achaeans of Phthia and the Thessalians, urging them to join the assembly and take part in the deliberations concerning the peace and well-being of Greece. However, nothing was effected, and the cities never assembled, in consequence it is said of the covert hostility of the Lacedaemonians, and because the attempt was first made in Peloponnesus and failed there: yet I have inserted an account of it in order to show the lofty spirit and the magnificent designs of Perikles.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In his campaigns he was chiefly remarkable for caution, for he would not, if he could help it, begin a battle of which the issue was doubtful; nor did he wish to emulate those generals who have won themselves a great reputation by running risks, and trusting to good luck. But he ever used to say to his countrymen, that none of them should come by their deaths through any act of his. Observing that Tolmides, the son of Tolmaeus, elated by previous successes and by the credit which he had gained as a general, was about to invade Boeotia in a reckless manner, and had persuaded a thousand young men to follow him without any support whatever, he endeavoured to stop him, and made that memorable saying in the public assembly, that if Tolmides would not take the advice of Perikles, he would at any rate do well to consult that best of advisers, Time. This speech had but little success at the time; but when, a few days afterwards, the news came that Tolmides had fallen in action at Koronea, and many noble citizens with him, Perikles was greatly respected and admired as a wise and patriotic man.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; His most successful campaign was that in the Chersonesus, which proved the salvation of the Greeks residing there: for he not only settled a thousand colonists there, and thus increased the available force of the cities, but built a continuous line of fortifications reaching across the isthmus from one sea to the other, by which he shut off the Thracians, who had previously ravaged the peninsula, and put an end to a constant and harassing border warfare to which the settlers were exposed, as they had for neighbours tribes of wild plundering barbarians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But that by which he obtained most glory and renown was when he started from Pegae, in the Megarian territory, and sailed round the Peloponnesus with a fleet of a hundred triremes; for he not only laid waste much of the country near the coast, as Tolmides had previously done, but he proceeded far inland, away from his ships, leading the troops who were on board, and terrified the inhabitants so much that they shut themselves up in their strongholds. The men of Sikyon alone ventured to meet him at Nemea, and them he overthrew in a pitched battle, and erected a trophy. Next he took on board troops from the friendly district of Achaia, and, crossing over to the opposite side of the Corinthian Gulf, coasted along past the mouth of the river Achelous, overran Akarnania, drove the people of Oeneadae to the shelter of their city walls, and after ravaging the country returned home, having made himself a terror to his enemies, and done good service to Athens; for not the least casualty, even by accident, befel the troops under his command.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When he sailed into the Black Sea with a great and splendidly equipped fleet, he assisted the Greek cities there, and treated them with consideration; and showed the neighbouring savage tribes and their chiefs the greatness of his force, and his confidence in his power, by sailing where he pleased, and taking complete control over that sea. He left at Sinope thirteen ships, and a land force under the command of Lamachus, to act against Timesileon, who had made himself despot of that city. When he and his party were driven out, Perikles passed a decree that six hundred Athenian volunteers should sail to Sinope, and become citizens there, receiving the houses and lands which had formerly been in the possession of the despot and his party. But in other cases he would not agree to the impulsive proposals of the Athenians, and he opposed them when, elated by their power and good fortune, they talked of recovering Egypt and attacking the seaboard of the Persian empire. Many, too, were inflamed with that ill-starred notion of an attempt on Sicily, which was afterwards blown into a flame by Alkibiades and other orators. Some even dreamed of the conquest of Etruria and Carthage, in consequence of the greatness which the Athenian empire had already reached, and the full tide of success which seemed to attend it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Perikles, however, restrained these outbursts, and would not allow the people to meddle with foreign states, but used the power of Athens chiefly to preserve and guard her already existing empire, thinking it to be of paramount importance to oppose the Lacedaemonians, a task to which he bent all his energies, as is proved by many of his acts, especially in connection with the Sacred War. In this war the Lacedaemonians sent a force to Delphi, and made the Phokaeans, who held it, give it up to the people of Delphi: but as soon as they were gone Perikles made an expedition into the country, and restored the temple to the Phokaeans; and as the Lacedaemonians had scratched the oracle which the Delphians had given them, on the forehead of the brazen wolf there, Perikles got a response from the oracle for the Athenians, and carved it on the right side of the same wolf.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Events proved that Perikles was right in confining the Athenian empire to Greece. First of all Euboea revolted, and he was obliged to lead an army to subdue that island. Shortly after this, news came that the Megarians had become hostile, and that an army, under the command of Pleistoanax, king of the Lacedaemonians, was menacing the frontier of Attica. Perikles now in all haste withdrew his troops from Euboea, to meet the invader. He did not venture on an engagement with the numerous and warlike forces of the enemy, although repeatedly invited by them to fight: but, observing that Pleistoanax was a very young man, and entirely under the influence of Kleandrides, whom the Ephors had sent to act as his tutor and counsellor because of his tender years, he opened secret negotiations with the latter, who at once, for a bribe, agreed to withdraw the Peloponnesians from Attica. When their army returned and dispersed, the Lacedaemonians were so incensed that they imposed a fine on their king, and condemned Kleandrides, who fled the country, to be put to death. This Kleandrides was the father of Gylippus, who caused the ruin of the Athenian expedition in Sicily. Avarice seems to have been hereditary in the family, for Gylippus himself, after brilliant exploits in war, was convicted of taking bribes, and banished from Sparta in disgrace. This is more fully set forth in the Life of Lysander.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Perikles submitted the accounts of the campaign to the people, there was an item of ten talents, &amp;quot;for a necessary purpose,&amp;quot; which the people passed without any questioning, or any curiosity to learn the secret. Some historians, amongst whom is Theophrastus the philosopher, say that Perikles sent ten talents annually to Sparta, by means of which he bribed the chief magistrates to defer the war, thus not buying peace, but time to make preparations for a better defence. He immediately turned his attention to the insurgents in Euboea, and proceeding thither with a fleet of fifty sail, and five thousand heavy armed troops, he reduced their cities to submission. He banished from Chalkis the &amp;quot;equestrian order,&amp;quot; as it was called, consisting of men of wealth and station; and he drove all the inhabitants of Hestiaea out of their country, replacing them by Athenian settlers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He treated these people with this pitiless severity, because they had captured an Athenian ship, and put its crew to the sword.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this, as the Athenians and Lacedaemonians made a truce for thirty years, Perikles decreed the expedition against Samos, on the pretext that they had disregarded the commands of the Athenians, to cease from their war with the Milesians. It was thought that he began this war with the Samians to please Aspasia, and this is, therefore, a good opportunity to discuss that person&#039;s character, and how she possessed so great influence and ability that the leading politicians of the day were at her feet, while philosophers discussed and admired her discourse. It is agreed that she was of Milesian origin, and that her father&#039;s name was Axiochus; and she is said to have reserved her favours for the most powerful personages in Greece, in imitation of Thargelia, an Ionian lady of ancient times, of great beauty, ability, and attractions, who had many lovers among the Greeks, and brought them all over to the Persian interest, by which means the seeds of the Persian faction were sown in many cities of Greece, as they were all men of great influence and position.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Now some writers say that Perikles valued Aspasia only for her wisdom and political ability. Indeed Sokrates and his friends used to frequent her society; and those who listened to her discourse used to bring their wives with them, that they too might profit by it, although her profession was far from being honourable or decent, for she kept courtesans in her house. Aeschines says that Lysikles, the sheep dealer, a low-born and low-minded man, became one of the first men in Athens, because he lived with Aspasia after Perikles&#039;s death. In Plato&#039;s dialogue too, called &#039;Menexenus,&#039; though the first part is written in a humorous style, yet there is in it thus much of serious truth, that she was thought to discuss questions of rhetoric with many Athenians. But Perikles seems to have been more enamoured of Aspasia&#039;s person than her intellect. He was married to a woman who was nearly related to him, who had previously been the wife of Hipponikus, by whom she became the mother of Kallias the rich. By her Perikles had two sons, Xanthippus and Paralus; but afterwards, as they could not live comfortably together, he, at his wife&#039;s wish, handed her over to another husband, and himself lived with Aspasia, of whom he was passionately fond. It is said that he never went in or out of his house during the day without kissing her. In the comedies of the time, she is spoken of as the new Omphale and as Deianeira, and sometimes as Hera (Juno). Kratinus plainly speaks of her as a harlot in the following lines:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;To him Vice bore a Juno new,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Aspasia, shameless harlot.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He is thought to have had a bastard son by her, who is mentioned by Eupolis in his play of &#039;The Townships,&#039; where Perikles is introduced, asking, &amp;quot;Lives then my son?&amp;quot; to which Myronides answers:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;He lives, and long had claimed a manly name,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;But that he feared his harlot mother&#039;s shame.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It is said that Aspasia became so illustrious and well known that the Cyrus who fought with his brother for the empire of Persia, called his favourite concubine Aspasia, though she had before been named Milto. She was a Phokaean by birth, the daughter of Hermotimus. After the death of Cyrus in battle, she was taken into the king&#039;s harem, and acquired great influence with him. These particulars about Aspasia occurred to my memory, and I thought that perhaps I might please my readers by relating them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Perikles is accused of going to war with Samos to save the Milesians, at the request of Aspasia. These States were at war about the possession of the city of Priéne, and the Samians, who were victorious, would not lay down their arms and allow the Athenians to settle the matter by arbitration, as they ordered them to do. For this reason Perikles proceeded to Samos, put an end to the oligarchical form of government there, and sent fifty hostages and as many children to Lemnos, to ensure the good behaviour of the leading men. It is said that each of these hostages offered him a talent for his own freedom, and that much more was offered by that party which was loth to see a democracy established in the city. Besides all this, Pissuthnes the Persian, who had a liking for the Samians, sent and offered him ten thousand pieces of gold if he would spare the city. Perikles, however, took none of these bribes, but dealt with Samos as he had previously determined, and returned to Athens. The Samians now at once revolted, as Pissuthnes managed to get them back their hostages, and furnished them with the means of carrying on the war. Perikles now made a second expedition against them, and found them in no mind to submit quietly, but determined to dispute the empire of the seas with the Athenians. Perikles gained a signal victory over them in a sea-fight off the Goats&#039; Island, beating a fleet of seventy ships with only forty-four, twenty of which were transports.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Simultaneously with his victory and the flight of the enemy he obtained command of the harbour of Samos, and besieged the Samians in their city. They, in spite of their defeat, still possessed courage enough to sally out and fight a battle under the walls; but soon a larger force arrived from Athens, and the Samians were completely blockaded.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Perikles now with sixty ships sailed out of the Archipelago into the Mediterranean, according to the most current report intending to meet the Phoenician fleet which was coming to help the Samians, but, according to Stesimbrotus, with the intention of attacking Cyprus, which seems improbable. Whatever his intention may have been, his expedition was a failure, for Melissus, the son of Ithagenes, a man of culture, who was then in command of the Samian forces, conceiving a contempt for the small force of the Athenians and the want of experience of their leaders after Perikles&#039;s departure, persuaded his countrymen to attack them. In the battle the Samians proved victorious, taking many Athenians prisoners, and destroying many of their ships. By this victory they obtained command of the sea, and were able to supply themselves with more warlike stores than they had possessed before. Aristotle even says that Perikles himself was before this beaten by Melissus in a sea-fight. The Samians branded the figure of an owl on the foreheads of their Athenian prisoners, to revenge themselves for the branding of their own prisoners by the Athenians with the figure of a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;samaina&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. This is a ship having a beak turned up like a swine&#039;s snout, but with a roomy hull, so as both to carry a large cargo and sail fast. This class of vessel is called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;samaina&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; because it was first built at Samos by Polykrates, the despot of that island. It is said that the verse of Aristophanes,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The Samians are a deeply lettered race,&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;alludes to this branding.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Perikles heard of the disaster which had befallen his army, he returned in all haste to assist them. He beat Melissus, who came out to meet him, and, after putting the enemy to rout, at once built a wall round their city, preferring to reduce it by blockade to risking the lives of his countrymen in an assault. As time went on the Athenians became impatient and eager to fight, and it was hard to restrain their ardour. Perikles divided the whole force into eight divisions, and made them all draw lots. The division which drew the white bean he permitted to feast and take their ease, while the rest did their duty. For this reason those who are enjoying themselves call it a &amp;quot;white day,&amp;quot; in allusion to the white bean. Ephorus tells us that Perikles made use of battering engines in this siege, being attracted by their novelty, and that Artemon the mechanician was present, who was surnamed Periphoretus because he was lame, and carried in a litter to see such of the works as required his superintendence. This story is proved to be false by Herakleides of Pontus, he quoting Anakreon&#039;s poems, in which Artemon Periphoretus is mentioned many generations before the revolt and siege of Samos. He tells us that Artemon was an effeminate coward who spent most of his time indoors, with two slaves holding a brazen shield over his head for fear that anything should fall upon it, and if he was obliged to go out, used to be carried in a hammock slung so low as almost to touch the ground, from which he received the name of Periphoretus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In the ninth month of the siege the Samians surrendered. Perikles demolished their walls, confiscated their fleet, and imposed a heavy fine upon them, some part of which was paid at once by the Samians, who gave hostages for the payment of the remainder at fixed periods. Douris, of Samos, makes a lamentable story of this, accusing Perikles and the Athenians of great cruelty, no mention of which is to be found in Thucydides, Ephorus, or Aristotle. He obviously does not tell the truth when he says that Perikles took the captains and marine soldiers of each ship to the market-place at Miletus, bound them to planks, and after they had been so for ten days and were in a miserable state, knocked them on the head with clubs and cast out their bodies without burial. But Douris, even in cases where he has no personal bias, prefers writing an exciting story to keeping to the exact truth, and in this instance probably exaggerated the sufferings of his countrymen in order to gratify his dislike of the Athenians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Perikles, after the reduction of Samos, returned to Athens, where he buried those who had fallen in the war in a magnificent manner, and was much admired for the funeral oration which, as is customary, was spoken by him over the graves of his countrymen. When he descended from the rostrum the women greeted him, crowning him with garlands and ribbons like a victorious athlete, and Elpinike drawing near to him said, &amp;quot;A fine exploit, truly, Perikles, and well worthy of a crown, to lose many of our brave fellow-citizens, not fighting with Persians or Phoenicians, as my brother Kimon did, but in ruining a city of men of our own blood and our own allies.&amp;quot; At these words of Elpinike, Perikles merely smiled and repeated the verse of Archilochus—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Too old thou art for rich perfumes.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Ion says that his victory over the Samians wonderfully flattered his vanity. Agamemnon, he was wont to say, took ten years to take a barbarian city, but he in nine months had made himself master of the first and most powerful city in Ionia. And the comparison was not an unjust one, for truly the war was a very great undertaking, and its issue quite uncertain, since, as Thucydides tells us, the Samians came very near to wresting the empire of the sea from the Athenians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After these events, as the clouds were gathering for the Peloponnesian war, Perikles persuaded the Athenians to send assistance to the people of Korkyra, who were at war with the Corinthians, and thus to attach to their own side an island with a powerful naval force, at a moment when the Peloponnesians had all but declared war against them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When the people passed this decree, Perikles sent only ten ships under the command of Lacedaemonius, the son of Kimon, as if he designed a deliberate insult; for the house of Kimon was on peculiarly friendly terms with the Lacedaemonians. His design in sending Lacedaemonius out, against his will, and with so few ships, was that if he performed nothing brilliant he might be accused, even more than he was already, of leaning to the side of the Spartans. Indeed, by all means in his power, he always threw obstacles in the way of the advancement of Kimon&#039;s family, representing that by their very names they were aliens, one son being named Lacedaemonius, another Thessalus, another Eleius. Moreover, the mother of all three was an Arcadian.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Now Perikles was much reproached for sending these ten ships, which were of little value to the Korkyreans, and gave a great handle to his enemies to use against him, and in consequence sent a larger force after them to Korkyra, which arrived there after the battle. The Corinthians, enraged at this, complained in the congress of Sparta of the conduct of the Athenians, as did also the Megarians, who said that they were excluded from every market and every harbour which was in Athenian hands, contrary to the ancient rights and common privileges of the Hellenic race. The people of Aegina also considered themselves to be oppressed and ill-treated, and secretly bemoaned their grievances in the ears of the Spartans, for they dared not openly bring any charges against the Athenians. At this time, too, Potidaea, a city subject to Athens, but a colony of Corinth, revolted, and its siege materially hastened the outbreak of the war. Archidamus, indeed, the king of the Lacedaemonians, sent ambassadors to Athens, was willing to submit all disputed points to arbitration, and endeavoured to moderate the excitement of his allies, so that war probably would not have broken out if the Athenians could have been persuaded to rescind their decree of exclusion against the Megarians, and to come to terms with them. And, for this reason, Perikles, who was particularly opposed to this, and urged the people not to give way to the Megarians, alone bore the blame of having begun the war.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; It is said, that when an embassy arrived at Athens from Lacedaemon to treat upon these matters, Perikles argued that there was a law which forbade the tablet, on which the decree against the Megarians was written, to be taken down. &amp;quot;Then,&amp;quot; said Polyalkes, one of the ambassadors, &amp;quot;do not take it down, but turn it with its face to the wall; for there is no law against that!&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Clever as this retort was, it had no effect on Perikles. He had, it seems, some private spite at the Megarians, though the ground of quarrel which he put publicly forward was that the Megarians had applied to their own use some of the sacred ground; and he passed a decree for a herald to be sent to the Megarians, and then to go on to the Lacedaemonians to complain of their conduct. This decree of Perikles is worded in a candid and reasonable manner; but the herald, Anthemokritus, was thought to have met his death at the hands of the Megarians, and Charinus passed a decree to the effect that Athens should wage war against them to the death, without truce or armistice; that any Megarian found in Attica should be punished with death, and that the generals, when taking the usual oath for each year, should swear in addition that they would invade the Megarian territory twice every year; and that Anthemokritus should be buried near the city gate leading into the Thriasian plain, which is now called the Double Gate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Now, the Megarians say that they were not to blame for the murder of Anthemokritus, and lay it upon Perikles and Aspasia, quoting the hackneyed rhymes from the &#039;Acharnians,&#039; of Aristophanes:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Some young Athenians in their drunken play,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;From Megara Simaetha stole away,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;The men of Megara next, with angered soul,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Two of Aspasia&#039;s choicest harlots stole.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; How the dispute originated it is hard to say, but all writers agree in throwing on Perikles the blame of refusing to reverse the decree. Some attribute his firmness to a wise calculation, saying that the demand was merely made in order to try him, and that any concessions would have been regarded as a sign of weakness; while others say that he treated the Lacedaemonians so cavalierly through pride and a desire to show his own strength. But the worst motive of all, and that to which most men attribute his conduct, was as follows: Pheidias, the sculptor, was, as we have related, entrusted with the task of producing the statue of the tutelary goddess of Athens. His intimacy with Perikles, with whom he had great influence, gained for him many enemies, who, wishing to experiment on the temper of the people towards Perikles himself, bribed Menon, one of Pheidias&#039;s fellow-workmen, to seat himself in the market-place as a suppliant who begged that he might receive protection while he denounced and prosecuted Pheidias. The people took this man under its protection, and Pheidias was prosecuted before the Senate. The alleged charges of theft were not proved, for Pheidias, by the advice of Perikles, had originally fashioned the golden part of the statue in such a manner that it could all be taken off and weighed, and this Perikles bade the prosecutor do on this occasion. But the glory which Pheidias obtained by the reality of his work made him an object of envy and hatred, especially when in his sculpture of the battle with the Amazons on the shield of the goddess he introduced his own portrait as a bald-headed old man lifting a great stone with both hands, and also a very fine representation of Perikles, fighting with an Amazon. The position of the hand, which was holding a spear before the face of Perikles, was ingeniously devised as if to conceal the portrait, which, nevertheless, could plainly be seen on either side of it. For this, Pheidias was imprisoned, and there fell sick and died, though some say that his enemies poisoned him in order to cast suspicion upon Perikles. At the instance of Glykon, the people voted to Menon, the informer, an immunity from public burdens, and ordered the generals of the State to provide for the wretch&#039;s safety.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; About the same time Aspasia was prosecuted for impiety, at the suit of Hermippus, the comic playwright, who moreover accused her of harbouring free-born Athenian ladies, with whom Perikles carried on intrigues. Also Diopeithes proposed a decree, that prosecutions should be instituted against all persons who disbelieved in religion, and held theories of their own about heavenly phenomena. This was aimed at Perikles through the philosopher Anaxagoras. As the people adopted this decree, and eagerly listened to these slanderous accusations, another decree was carried by Drakontides, that Perikles should lay the accounts of his dealings with the public revenue before the Prytanes, and that the judges should carry their suffrage from the altar in the Acropolis, and go and determine the cause in the city. At the motion of Hagnon this part of the decree was reversed, but he succeeded in having the action conducted before fifteen hundred judges, in a form of trial which one might call either one for theft, or taking of bribes, or for public wrong-doing. Aspasia was acquitted, quite contrary to justice, according to Aeschines, because Perikles shed tears and made a personal appeal to the judges on her behalf. He feared that Anaxagoras would be convicted, and sent him out of the city before his trial commenced. And now, as he had become unpopular by means of Pheidias, he at once blew the war into a flame, hoping to put an end to these prosecutions, and to restore his own personal ascendancy by involving the State in important and dangerous crises, in which it would have to rely for guidance upon himself alone.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These are the causes which are assigned for his refusal to permit the Athenians to make any concession to the Lacedaemonians, but the real history of the transaction will never be known.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now, as the Lacedaemonians knew that if he could be removed from power they would find the Athenians much more easy to deal with, they bade them, &amp;quot;drive forth the accursed thing,&amp;quot; alluding to Perikles&#039;s descent from the Alkmaeonidae by his mother&#039;s side, as we are told by Thucydides the historian. But this attempt had just the contrary effect to that which they intended; for, instead of suspicion and dislike, Perikles met with much greater honour and respect from his countrymen than before, because they saw that he was an object of especial dislike to the enemy. For this reason, before the Peloponnesians, under Archidamus, invaded Attica, he warned the Athenians that if Archidamus, when he laid waste everything else, spared his own private estate because of the friendly private relations existing between them, or in order to give his personal enemies a ground for impeaching him, that he should give both the land and the farm buildings upon it to the State.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Lacedaemonians invaded Attica with a great host of their own troops and those of their allies, led by Archidamus, their king. They proceeded, ravaging the country as they went, as far as Acharnae (close to Athens), where they encamped, imagining that the Athenians would never endure to see them there, but would be driven by pride and shame to come out and fight them. However, Perikles thought that it would be a very serious matter to fight for the very existence of Athens against sixty thousand Peloponnesian and Boeotian&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_18_18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_18_18&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[18]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; heavy-armed troops, and so he pacified those who were dissatisfied at his inactivity by pointing out that trees when cut down quickly grow again, but that when the men of a State are lost, it is hard to raise up others to take their place. He would not call an assembly of the people, because he feared that they would force him to act against his better judgment, but, just as the captain of a ship, when a storm comes on at sea, places everything in the best trim to meet it, and trusting to his own skill and seamanship, disregarding the tears and entreaties of the sea-sick and terrified passengers; so did Perikles shut the gates of Athens, place sufficient forces to ensure the safety of the city at all points, and calmly carry out his own policy, taking little heed of the noisy grumblings of the discontented. Many of his friends besought him to attack, many of his enemies threatened him and abused him, and many songs and offensive jests were written about him, speaking of him as a coward, and one who was betraying the city to its enemies. Kleon too attacked him, using the anger which the citizens felt against him to advance his own personal popularity, as we see from the following lines of Hermippus:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;King of Satyrs, wherefore fear you&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Spear to wield, and only dare to&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Talk in swelling phrase, while yet you&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Cower, Teles like,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;And when goaded on, past bearing,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;By our Kleon&#039;s tongue so daring,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Only gnash your teeth despairing,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Still afraid to strike.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Perikles was unmoved by any of these attacks, but quietly endured all this storm of obloquy. He sent a fleet of a hundred ships to attack Peloponnesus, but did not sail with it himself, remaining at home to keep a tight hand over Athens until the Peloponnesians drew off their forces. He regained his popularity with the common people, who suffered much from the war, by giving them allowances of money from the public revenue, and grants of land; for he drove out the entire population of the island of Aegina, and divided the land by lot among the Athenians. A certain amount of relief also was experienced by reflecting upon the injuries which they were inflicting on the enemy; for the fleet as it sailed round Peloponnesus destroyed many small villages and cities, and ravaged a great extent of country, while Perikles himself led an expedition into the territory of Megara and laid it all waste. By this it is clear that the allies, although they did much damage to the Athenians, yet suffered equally themselves, and never could have protracted the war for such a length of time as it really lasted, but, as Perikles foretold, must soon have desisted had not Providence interfered and confounded human counsels. For now the pestilence fell among the Athenians, and cut off the flower of their youth. Suffering both in body and mind they raved against Perikles, just as people when delirious with disease attack their fathers or their physicians. They endeavoured to ruin him, urged on by his personal enemies, who assured them that he was the author of the plague, because he had brought all the country people into the city, where they were compelled to live during the heat of summer, crowded together in small rooms and stifling tents, living an idle life too, and breathing foul air instead of the pure country breezes to which they were accustomed. The cause of this, they said, was the man who, when the war began, admitted the masses of the country people into the city, and then made no use of them, but allowed them to be penned up together like cattle, and transmit the contagion from one to another, without devising any remedy or alleviation of their sufferings.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Hoping to relieve them somewhat, and also to annoy the enemy, Perikles manned a hundred and fifty ships, placed on board, besides the sailors, many brave infantry and cavalry soldiers, and was about to put to sea. The Athenians conceived great hopes, and the enemy no less terror from so large an armament. When all was ready, and Perikles himself had just embarked in his own trireme, an eclipse of the sun took place, producing total darkness, and all men were terrified at so great a portent. Perikles, observing that his helmsman was alarmed and knew not what to do, held his cloak over the man&#039;s eyes and asked him if he thought that a terrible portent. As he answered that he did not, Perikles said: &amp;quot;What is the difference, then, between it and an eclipse of the sun, except that the eclipse is caused by something larger than my cloak?&amp;quot; This subject is discussed by the philosophers in their schools.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Perikles sailed with the fleet, but did nothing worthy of so great a force. He besieged the sacred city of Epidaurus, but, although he had great hopes of taking it, he failed on account of the plague, which destroyed not only his own men, but every one who came in contact with them. After this he again endeavoured to encourage the Athenians, to whom he had become an object of dislike. However, he did not succeed in pacifying them, but they condemned him by a public vote to be general no more, and to pay a fine which is stated at the lowest estimate to have been fifteen talents, and at the highest fifty. This was carried, according to Idomeneus, by Kleon, but according to Theophrastus by Simmias; whilst Herakleides of Pontus says that it was effected by Lakrateides.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; He soon regained his public position, for the people&#039;s outburst of anger was quenched by the blow they had dealt him, just as a bee leaves its sting in the wound; but his private affairs were in great distress and disorder, as he had lost many of his relatives during the plague, while others were estranged from him on political grounds. Xanthippus too, the eldest of his legitimate sons, who was a spendthrift by nature and married to a woman of expensive habits, a daughter of Tisander, the son of Epilykus, could not bear with his father&#039;s stingy ways and the small amount of money which he allowed him. He consequently sent to one of his friends and borrowed money from him as if Perikles had authorised him to do so. When the friend asked for his money back again, Perikles prosecuted him, at which proceeding young Xanthippus was enraged and abused his father, sneering at his way of life and his discussions with the sophists. When some athlete accidentally killed Epitimus of Pharsalus with a javelin, he said that Perikles spent the whole day arguing with Protagoras whether in strict accuracy the javelin, or the man who threw it, or the stewards of the games, ought to be considered the authors of the mishap. And, besides this, Stesimbrotus tells us that Xanthippus put about that scandal about his father and his own wife, so that the father and son remained irreconcilable enemies until Xanthippus&#039;s death, which happened during the plague, by an attack of that disorder. At the same time Perikles lost his sister and most of his relations, especially those who supported his policy. Yet he would not yield, nor abate his firmness and constancy of spirit because of these afflictions, but was not observed to weep or mourn, or attend the funeral of any of his relations, until he lost Paralus, the last of his legitimate offspring. Crushed by this blow, he tried in vain to keep up his grand air of indifference, and when carrying a garland to lay upon the corpse he was overpowered by his feelings, so as to burst into a passion of tears and sobs, which he had never done before in his whole life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Athens made trial of her other generals and public men to conduct her affairs, but none appeared to be of sufficient weight or reputation to have such a charge entrusted to him. The city longed for Perikles, and invited him again to lead its counsels and direct its armies; and he, although dejected in spirits and living in seclusion in his own house, was yet persuaded by Alkibiades and his other friends to resume the direction of affairs. The people apologised for their ungrateful treatment of him, and when he was again in office and elected as general, he begged of them to be released from the operations of the law of bastardy, which he himself had originally introduced, in order that his name and race might not altogether become extinct for want of an heir. The provisions of the law were as follows:—Perikles many years before, when he was at the height of his power and had children born to him, as we have related, of legitimate birth, proposed a law that only those born of an Athenian father and mother should be reckoned Athenian citizens. But when the king of Egypt sent a present of forty thousand &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;medimni&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of wheat to be divided among the citizens, many lawsuits arose about the citizenship of men whose birth had never been questioned before that law came into force, and many vexatious informations were laid. Nearly five thousand men were convicted of illegitimacy of birth and sold for slaves, while those who retained their citizenship and proved themselves to be genuine Athenians amounted to fourteen thousand and forty. It was indeed an unreasonable request that a law which had been enforced in so many instances should now be broken in the person of its own author, but Perikles&#039;s domestic misfortunes, in which he seemed to have paid the penalty for his former haughtiness and pride, touched the hearts of the Athenians so much that they thought his sorrows deserving of their pity, and his request such as he was entitled to make and they to grant in common charity, and they consented to his illegitimate son being enrolled in his own tribe and bearing his own name. This man was subsequently put to death by the people, together with all his colleagues, for their conduct after the sea-fight at Arginusae.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this it appears that Perikles was attacked by the plague, not acutely or continuously, as in most cases, but in a slow wasting fashion, exhibiting many varieties of symptoms, and gradually undermining his strength. Theophrastus, in his treatise on Ethics, discusses whether a man&#039;s character can be changed by disease, and whether virtue depends upon bodily health. As an example, he quotes a story that Perikles, when one of his friends came to visit him during his sickness, showed him a charm hung round his neck, as a proof that he must be indeed ill to submit to such a piece of folly. As he was now on his deathbed, the most distinguished of the citizens and his surviving friends collected round him and spoke admiringly of his nobleness and immense power, enumerating also the number of his exploits, and the trophies which he had set up for victories gained; for while in chief command he had won no less than nine victories for Athens. They were talking thus to one another in his presence, imagining that he could no longer understand them, but had lost his power of attending to them. He, however, was following all that they said, and suddenly broke silence, saying that he was surprised at their remembering and praising him for the exploits which depended entirely upon fortune for their success, and which many other generals had done as well as himself, while they did not mention his greatest and most glorious title to fame. &amp;quot;No Athenian,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;ever wore black because of me.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Perikles was to be admired, not only for his gentleness and mildness of spirit, which he preserved through the most violent political crises and outbreaks of personal hatred to himself, but also for his lofty disposition. He himself accounted it his greatest virtue that he never gave way to feelings of envy or hatred, but from his own exalted pinnacle of greatness never regarded any man as so much his enemy that he could never be his friend. This alone, in my opinion, justifies that outrageous nickname of his, and gives it a certain propriety; for so serene and impartial a man, utterly uncorrupt though possessed of great power, might naturally be called Olympian. Thus it is that we believe that the gods, who are the authors of all good and of no evil to men, rule over us and over all created things, not as the poets describe them in their bewildering fashion, which their own poems prove to be untrue. The poets describe the abode of the gods as a safe and untroubled place where no wind or clouds are, always enjoying a mild air and clear light, thinking such a place to be fittest for a life of immortal blessedness; while they represent the gods themselves as full of disorder and anger and spite and other passions, which are not becoming even to mortal men of common sense. Those reflections, however, perhaps belong to another subject.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Events soon made the loss of Perikles felt and regretted by the Athenians. Those who during his lifetime had complained that his power completely threw them into the shade, when after his death they had made trial of other orators and statesmen, were obliged to confess that with all his arrogance no man ever was really more moderate, and that his real mildness in dealing with men was as remarkable as his apparent pride and assumption. His power, which had been so grudged and envied, and called monarchy and despotism, now was proved to have been the saving of the State; such an amount of corrupt dealing and wickedness suddenly broke out in public affairs, which he before had crushed and forced to hide itself, and so prevented its becoming incurable through impunity and licence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;LIFE_OF_FABIUS_MAXIMUS&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LIFE OF FABIUS MAXIMUS.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Such a man did Perikles show himself to be in his most memorable acts, as far as they are extant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Let us now turn our attention to Fabius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The first of the family is said to descend from one of the nymphs, according to some writers, according to others from an Italian lady who became the mother of Fabius by Hercules near the river Tiber. From him descended the family of the Fabii, one of the largest and most renowned in Rome. Some say that the men of this race were the first to use pitfalls in hunting, and were anciently named Fodii in consequence; for up to the present day ditches are called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;fossae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and to dig is called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;fodere&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; in Latin: and thus in time the two sounds became confused, and they obtained the name of Fabii. The family produced many distinguished men, the greatest of whom was Rullus, who was for that reason named Maximus by the Romans. From him Fabius Maximus, of whom I am now writing, was fourth in descent. His own personal nickname was Verrucosus, because he had a little wart growing on his upper lip. The name of Ovicula, signifying sheep, was also given him while yet a child, because of his slow and gentle disposition. He was quiet and silent, very cautious in taking part in children&#039;s games, and learned his lessons slowly and with difficulty, which, combined with his easy obliging ways with his comrades, made those who did not know him think that he was dull and stupid. Few there were who could discern, hidden in the depths of his soul, his glorious and lion-like character. Soon, however, as time went on, and he began to take part in public affairs, he proved that his apparent want of energy was really due to serenity of intellect, that he was cautious because he weighed matters well beforehand, and that while he was never eager or easily moved, yet he was always steady and trustworthy. Observing the immense extent of the empire, and the numerous wars in which it was engaged, he exercised his body in warlike exercises, regarding it as his natural means of defence, while he also studied oratory as the means by which to influence the people, in a style suited to his own life and character. In his speeches there were no flowery passages, no empty graces of style, but there was a plain common sense peculiar to himself, and a depth of sententious maxims which is said to have resembled Thucydides. One of his speeches is extant, a funeral oration which he made in public over his son who died after he had been consul.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; He was consul five times, and in his first consulship obtained a triumph over the Ligurians. They were defeated by him and driven with great loss to take refuge in the Alps, and thus were prevented from ravaging the neighbouring parts of Italy as they had been wont to do. When Hannibal invaded Italy, won his first battle at the Trebia, and marched through Etruria, laying everything waste as he went, the Romans were terribly disheartened and cast down, and terrible prodigies took place, some of the usual kind, that is, by lightning, and others of an entirely new and strange character. It was said that shields of their own accord became drenched with blood: that at Antium standing corn bled when it was cut by the reapers; that red-hot stones fell from heaven, and that the sky above Falerii was seen to open and tablets to fall, on one of which was written the words &amp;quot;Mars is shaking his arms.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;None of these omens had any effect upon Caius Flaminius, the consul, for, besides his naturally spirited and ambitious nature, he was excited by the successes which he had previously won, contrary to all reasonable probability. Once, against the express command of the Senate, and in spite of the opposition of his colleague, he engaged with the Gauls and won a victory over them. Fabius also was but little disturbed by the omens, because of their strange and unintelligible character, though many were alarmed at them. Knowing how few the enemy were in numbers, and their great want of money and supplies, he advised the Romans not to offer battle to a man who had at his disposal an army trained by many previous encounters to a rare pitch of perfection, but rather to send reinforcements to their allies, keep a tight hand over their subject cities, and allow Hannibal&#039;s brilliant little force to die away like a lamp which flares up brightly with but little oil to sustain it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; This reasoning had no effect upon Flaminius, who said that he would not endure to see an enemy marching upon Rome, and would not, like Camillus of old, fight in the streets of Rome herself. He ordered the military tribunes to put the army in motion, and himself leaped upon his horse&#039;s back. The horse for no visible reason shied in violent terror, and Flaminius was thrown headlong to the ground. He did not, however, alter his determination, but marched to meet Hannibal, and drew up his forces for battle near the lake Thrasymenus, in Etruria. When the armies met, an earthquake took place which destroyed cities, changed the courses of rivers, and cast down the crests of precipices; but in spite of its violence, no one of the combatants perceived it. Flaminius himself, after many feats of strength and courage, fell dead, and around him lay the bravest Romans. The rest fled, and the slaughter was so great that fifteen thousand were killed, and as many more taken prisoners. Hannibal generously desired to bury the body of Flaminius with military honours, to show his esteem for the consul&#039;s bravery; but it could not be found among the slain, and no one knew how it disappeared.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The defeat at the Trebia had not been clearly explained either by the general who wrote the despatch, or by the messenger who carried it, as they falsely represented it to have been a drawn battle; but as soon as the praetor Pomponius heard the news of this second misfortune, he assembled the people in the Forum, and said, without any roundabout apologies whatever, &amp;quot;Romans, we have lost a great battle, the army is destroyed, and the consul Flaminius has fallen. Now, therefore, take counsel for your own safety.&amp;quot; These words produced the same impression on the people that a gust of wind does upon the sea. No one could calmly reflect after such a sudden downfall of their hopes. All, however, agreed that the State required one irresponsible ruler, which the Romans call a dictatorship, and a man who would fulfil this office with fearless energy. Such a man, they felt, was Fabius Maximus, who was sufficiently qualified for the office by his abilities and the respect which his countrymen bore him, and was moreover at that time of life when the strength of the body is fully capable of carrying out the ideas of the mind, but when courage is somewhat tempered by discretion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As soon as the people had passed their decree, Fabius was appointed dictator,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_19_19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_19_19&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[19]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and appointed Marcus Minucius his master of the horse. First, however, he begged of the Senate to allow him the use of a horse during his campaigns. There was an ancient law forbidding this practice, either because the main strength of the army was thought to lie in the columns of infantry, and for that reason the dictator ought to remain always with them, or else because, while in all other respects the dictator&#039;s power is equal to that of a king, it was thought well that in this one point he should have to ask leave of the people. Next, however, Fabius, wishing at once to show the greatness and splendour of his office, and so make the citizens more ready to obey him, appeared in public with all his twenty-four lictors at once; and when the surviving consul met him, he sent an officer to bid him dismiss his lictors, lay aside his insignia of office, and come before him as a mere private citizen. After this he began in the best possible way, that is, by a religious ceremony, and assured the people that it was in consequence of the impiety and carelessness of their late general, not by any fault of the army, that they had been defeated. Thus he encouraged them not to fear their enemies, but to respect the gods and render them propitious, not that he implanted any superstitious observances among them, but he confirmed their valour by piety, and took away from them all fear of the enemy by the hopes which he held out to them of divine protection. At this time many of the holy and mysterious books, which contain secrets of great value to the State, were inspected. These are called the Sibylline books. One of the sentences preserved in these was said to have an evident bearing on contemporary events; what it was can only be guessed at by what was done. The dictator appeared before the people and publicly vowed to the gods a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;ver sacrum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, that is, all the young which the next spring should produce, from the goats, the sheep, and the kine on every mountain, and plain, and river, and pasture within the bounds of Italy. All these he swore that he would sacrifice, and moreover that he would exhibit musical and dramatic shows, and expend upon them the sum of three hundred and thirty-three &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;sestertia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and three hundred and thirty-three &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;denarii&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and one-third of a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;denarius&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. The sum total of this in our Greek money is eighty-three thousand five hundred and eighty-three drachmas and two obols. What the particular virtue of this exact number may be it is hard to determine, unless it be on account of the value of the number three, which is by nature perfect, and the first of odd numbers, the first also of plurals, and containing within itself all the elements of the qualities of number.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Fabius, by teaching the people to rest their hopes on religion, made them view the future with a more cheerful heart. For his own part, he trusted entirely to himself to win the victory, believing that Heaven grants men success according to the valour and conduct which they display. He marched against Hannibal, not with any design of fighting him, but of wearing out his army by long delays, until he could, by his superior numbers and resources, deal with him easily. With this object in view he always took care to secure himself from Hannibal&#039;s cavalry, by occupying the mountains overhanging the Carthaginian camp, where he remained quiet as long as the enemy did, but when they moved he used to accompany them, showing himself at intervals upon the heights at such a distance as not to be forced to fight against his will, and yet, from the very slowness of his movements, making the enemy fear that at every moment he was about to attack. By these dilatory manoeuvres he incurred general contempt, and was looked upon with disgust by his own soldiers, while the enemy, with the exception of one man, thought him utterly without warlike enterprise. That man was Hannibal himself. He alone perceived Fabius&#039;s true generalship and thorough comprehension of the war, and saw that either he must by some means be brought to fight a battle, or else the Carthaginians were lost, if they could not make use of their superiority in arms, but were to be worn away and reduced in number and resources, in which they were already deficient. He put in force every conceivable military stratagem and device, like a skilful wrestler when he tries to lay hold of his antagonist, and kept attacking Fabius, skirmishing round him, and drawing him from place to place, in his endeavours to make him quit his policy of caution. But Fabius was convinced that he was right, and steadily declined battle. His master of the horse, Minucius, who longed for action, gave him much trouble. This man made unseemly boasts, and harangued the army, filling it with wild excitement and self-confidence. The soldiers in derision used to call Fabius Hannibal&#039;s lacquey, because he followed him wherever he went, and thought Minucius a really great general, and worthy of the name of Roman. Minucius, encouraged in his arrogant vauntings, began to ridicule the habit of encamping on the mountain-tops, saying that the dictator always took care to provide them with good seats from which to behold the spectacle of the burning and plundering of Italy, and used to ask the friends of Fabius whether he took his army up so near the sky because he had ceased to take any interest in what went on on the earth below, or whether it was in order to conceal it from the enemy among the clouds and mists. When Fabius was informed of these insults by his friends, who begged him to wipe away this disgrace by risking a battle, he answered, &amp;quot;If I did so, I should be more cowardly than I am now thought to be, in abandoning the policy which I have determined on because of men&#039;s slanders and sneers. It is no shame to fear for one&#039;s country, but to regard the opinions and spiteful criticisms of the people would be unworthy of the high office which I hold, and would show me the slave of those whom I ought to govern and restrain when they would fain do wrong.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this, Hannibal made a blunder. Wishing to move his army further from that of Fabius, and to gain an open part of the country where he could obtain forage, he ordered his guides one night after supper to lead the way at once to Casinatum. They, misunderstanding him because of his foreign pronunciation, led his forces to the borders of Campania, near the city of Casilinum, through the midst of which flows the river Lothronus, which the Romans call Vulturnus. This country is full of mountains, except one valley that runs towards the sea-coast, where the river at the end of its course overflows into extensive marshes, with deep beds of sand. The beach itself is rough and impracticable for shipping.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When Hannibal was marching down this valley, Fabius, by his superior knowledge of the country, came up with him, placed four thousand men to guard the narrow outlet, established the main body in a safe position in the mountains, and with the light-armed troops fell upon and harassed the rear of Hannibal&#039;s army, throwing it all into disorder, and killing about eight hundred men. Upon this, Hannibal determined to retrace his steps. Perceiving the mistake which he had made, and the danger he was in, he crucified his guides, but still could not tell how to force his way out through the Roman army which was in possession of the mountain passes. While all were terrified and disheartened, believing themselves to be beset on all sides by dangers from which there was no escape, Hannibal decided on extricating himself by stratagem. Taking about two thousand captured oxen, he ordered his soldiers to bind a torch or faggot of dry wood to their horns, and at night at a given signal to set them on fire, and drive the animals towards the narrow outlet near the enemy&#039;s camp. While this was being done, he got the remainder of the troops under arms and led them slowly forward. The cattle, while the flame was moderate, and burned only the wood, walked steadily forward towards the mountain side, astonishing the shepherds on the mountain, who thought that it must be an army, marching in one great column, carrying torches. But when their horns were burned to the quick, causing them considerable pain, the beasts, now scorched by the fire from one another as they shook their heads, set off in wild career over the mountains, with their foreheads and tails blazing, setting fire to a great part of the wood through which they passed. The Romans watching the pass were terribly scared at the sight; for the flames looked like torches carried by men running, and they fell into great confusion and alarm, thinking that they were surrounded, and about to be attacked on all sides by the enemy. They dared not remain at their post, but abandoned the pass, and made for the main body. At that moment Hannibal&#039;s light troops took possession of the heights commanding the outlet, and the main army marched safely through, loaded with plunder.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; It happened that while it was yet night Fabius perceived the trick; for some of the oxen in their flight had fallen into the hands of the Romans; but, fearing to fall into an ambuscade in the darkness, he kept his men quiet under arms. When day broke he pursued and attacked the rearguard, which led to many confused skirmishes in the rough ground, and produced great confusion, till Hannibal sent back his practised Spanish mountaineers from the head of his column. These men, being light and active, attacked the heavily-armed Roman infantry and beat off Fabius&#039; attack with very considerable loss. Now Fabius&#039;s unpopularity reached its highest pitch, and he was regarded with scorn and contempt. He had, they said, determined to refrain from a pitched battle, meaning to overcome Hannibal by superior generalship, and he had been defeated in that too. And Hannibal himself, wishing to increase the dislike which the Romans felt for him, though he burned and ravaged every other part of Italy, forbade his men to touch Fabius&#039;s own estates, and even placed a guard to see that no damage was done to them. This was reported at Rome, greatly to his discredit; and the tribunes of the people brought all kinds of false accusations against him in public harangues, instigated chiefly by Metilius, who was not Fabius&#039;s personal enemy, but being a relative of Minucius, the Master of the Horse, thought that he was pressing the interests of the latter by giving currency to all these scandalous reports about Fabius. He was also disliked by the Senate because of the terms which he had arranged with Hannibal about the exchange of prisoners. The two commanders agreed that the prisoners should be exchanged man for man, and that if either party had more than the other, he should redeem for two hundred and fifty drachmas per man. When, then, this exchange took place, two hundred and forty Romans were found remaining in Hannibal&#039;s hands. The Senate determined not to send these men&#039;s ransom, and blamed Fabius for having acted improperly and against the interests of the State in taking back men whose cowardice had made them fall into the hands of the enemy. Fabius, on hearing this, was not moved at the discontent of the citizens, but having no money, as he could not bear to deceive Hannibal and give up his countrymen, sent his son to Rome with orders to sell part of his estate, and bring him the money at once to the camp. The young man soon sold the land, and quickly returned. Fabius now sent the ransom to Hannibal and recovered the prisoners, many of whom afterwards offered to repay him; but he would take nothing, and forgave their debt to them all.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this the priests recalled him to Rome to perform certain sacrifices. He now transferred the command to Minucius, and not merely ordered him as dictator not to fight or entangle himself with the enemy, but even gave him much advice and besought him not to do so, all of which Minucius set at nought, and at once attacked the enemy. Once he observed that Hannibal had sent the greater part of his army out to forage for provisions, and, attacking the remaining troops, he drove them into their intrenched camp, slew many, and terrified the rest, who feared that he might carry the camp by assault. When Hannibal&#039;s forces collected again, Minucius effected his retreat with safety, having excited both himself and the army with his success, and filled them with a spirit of reckless daring. Soon an inflated report of the action reached Rome. Fabius, when he heard of it, said that with Minucius he feared success more than failure; but the populace were delighted, and joyfully collected in the Forum, where Metilius the tribune ascended the rostra, and made a speech glorifying Minucius, and accusing Fabius not merely of remissness or cowardice, but of actual treachery, accusing also the other leading men of the city of having brought on the war from the very beginning in order to destroy the constitution; and he also charged them with having placed the city in the hands of one man as dictator, who by his dilatory proceedings would give Hannibal time to establish himself firmly and to obtain reinforcements from Africa to enable him to conquer Italy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Fabius addressed the people, he did not deign to make any defence against the accusations of the tribune, but said that he should accomplish his sacrifices and sacred duties as quickly as possible, in order to return to the army and punish Minucius for having fought a battle against his orders. At this a great clamour was raised by the people, who feared for their favourite Minucius, for a dictator has power to imprison any man, and even to put him to death; and they thought that Fabius, a mild-tempered man now at last stirred up to wrath, would be harsh and inexorable. All refrained from speaking, but Metilius, having nothing to fear because of the privileges of his office of tribune (for that is the only office which does not lose its prerogatives on the election of a dictator, but remains untouched though all the rest are annulled), made a violent appeal to the people, begging them not to give up Minucius, nor allow him to be treated as Manlius Torquatus treated his son, who had him beheaded, although he had fought most bravely and gained a crown of laurel for his victory. He asked them to remove Fabius from his dictatorship, and to bestow it upon one who was able and willing to save the country. Excited as they were by these words, they yet did not venture upon removing Fabius from his post, in spite of their feeling against him, but they decreed that Minucius should conduct the war, having equal powers with the dictator, a thing never before done in Rome, but which occurred shortly afterwards, after the disaster at Cannae, when Marcus Junius was dictator in the camp, and, as many members of the Senate had perished in the battle, they chose another dictator, Fabius Buteo. However, he, after enrolling the new senators, on the same day dismissed his lictors, got rid of the crowd which escorted him, and mixed with the people in the Forum, transacting some business of his own as a private man.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now the people, by placing Minucius on the same footing with the dictator, thought to humble Fabius, but they formed a very false estimate of his character. He did not reckon their ignorance to be his misfortune, but as Diogenes the philosopher, when some one said &amp;quot;They are deriding you,&amp;quot; answered &amp;quot;But I am not derided,&amp;quot; thinking that those alone are derided who are affected and disturbed by it, so Fabius quietly and unconcernedly endured all that was done, hereby affording an example of the truth of that philosophic maxim that a good and honest man can suffer no disgrace. Yet he grieved over the folly of the people on public grounds, because they had given a man of reckless ambition an opportunity for indulging his desire for battle; and, fearing that Minucius would be altogether beside himself with pride and vain glory, and would soon do some irreparable mischief, he left Rome unperceived by any one. On reaching the camp, he found Minucius no longer endurable, but insolent and overbearing, and demanding to have the sole command every other day. To this Fabius would not agree, but divided his forces with him, thinking it better to command a part than partly to command the whole of the army. He took the first and fourth legion, and left the second and third to Minucius, dividing the auxiliary troops equally with him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As Minucius gave himself great airs, and was gratified at the thought that the greatest officer in the State had been humbled and brought low by his means, Fabius reminded him that if he judged aright, he would regard Hannibal, not Fabius, as his enemy; but that if he persisted in his rivalry with his colleagues, he must beware lest he, the honoured victor, should appear more careless of the safety and success of his countrymen, than he who had been overcome and ill-treated by them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Minucius thought all this to be merely the expression of the old man&#039;s jealousy. He took his allotted troops, and encamped apart from him. Hannibal was not ignorant of what was passing, and watched all their movements narrowly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There was a hill between the two armies, which it was not difficult to take, which when taken would afford an army a safe position, and one well supplied with necessaries. The plain by which it was surrounded appeared to be perfectly smooth, but was nevertheless intersected with ditches and other hollow depressions. On this account Hannibal would not take the hill, although he could easily have done so, but preferred to leave it untouched, in order to draw the enemy into fighting for its possession. But as soon as he saw Fabius separated from Minucius, he placed during the night some troops in the depressions and hollows which we have mentioned, and at daybreak sent a few men to take the hill, in order to draw Minucius into fighting for it, in which he succeeded. Minucius first sent out his light troops, then his cavalry, and finally, seeing that Hannibal was reinforcing the troops on the hill, he came down with his entire force. He fought stoutly, and held his own against the soldiers on the hill, who shot their missiles at him; when Hannibal, seeing him thoroughly deceived, and offering an unprotected flank to the troops in the ambush, gave them the signal to charge. Upon this they attacked the Romans from all sides, rushing upon them with loud shouts, cutting off the rearmost men, and throwing the whole army into confusion and panic. Minucius himself lost heart and kept glancing first at one and then at another of his officers, none of whom ventured to stand their ground, but betook themselves in a confused mass to running away, a proceeding which brought them no safety, for the Numidian horsemen, as the day was now theirs, scoured the plain, encompassing the fugitives, and cut off all stragglers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Fabius had carefully watched the Romans, and saw in what danger they were. Conscious, it would seem, of what was going to happen, he had kept his troops under arms, and gained his information of what was going on, not from the reports of scouts, but from his own eyesight, from a convenient height outside of his camp. As soon as he saw the army surrounded and panic-stricken, and heard the cries of the Romans, who no longer fought, but were overcome by terror, and betaking themselves to flight, he smote his thigh and with a deep sigh, said to his friends, &amp;quot;By Hercules, now Minucius has ruined himself, quicker than I expected, and yet slower than his manoeuvres warranted.&amp;quot; Having given orders to carry out the standards as quickly as possible, and for the whole army to follow, he said aloud, &amp;quot;My men, hurry on your march: think of Marcus Minucius; he is a brave man and loves his country. If he has made any mistake in his haste to drive out the enemy, we will blame him for that at another time.&amp;quot; The appearance of Fabius scared and drove back the Numidians, who were slaughtering the fugitives in the plain; next he bore against those who were attacking the Roman rear, slaying all he met, though most of them, before they were cut off and treated as they had treated the Romans, betook themselves to flight. Hannibal seeing that the fortune of the battle was changed, and how Fabius himself, with a strength beyond his years, was forcing his way through the thickest battle up the hill to reach Minucius, withdrew his troops, and, sounding a retreat, led them back into his entrenched camp, affording a most seasonable relief to the Romans. It is said that Hannibal as he retired, spoke jokingly about Fabius to his friends in the words, &amp;quot;Did I not often warn you that the dark cloud which has so long brooded on the mountain tops, would at last break upon us with blasts of hail and storm?&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After the battle Fabius collected the spoils of such of the enemy as were slain, and drew off his forces without letting fall a single boastful or offensive expression about his colleague. But Minucius assembled his own troops, and thus addressed them, &amp;quot;My fellow-soldiers, it is beyond human skill to make no mistakes in matters of importance, but it is the part of a man of courage and sense to use his mistakes as warnings for the future. I myself confess that I have little fault to find with Fortune, and great reason to thank her; for in the space of one day I have learned what I never knew in all my previous life: that is, that I am not able to command others, but myself require a commander, and I have no ambition to conquer a man by whom it is more glorious to be defeated. The dictator is your leader in everything except in this, that I will lead you to express your thankfulness to him, by being the first to offer myself to him as an example of obedience and willingness to carry out his orders.&amp;quot; After these words he ordered the eagles to be raised aloft and all the soldiers to follow them to the camp of Fabius. On entering it, he proceeded to the General&#039;s tent, to the surprise and wonderment of all. When Fabius was come out, he placed his standards in the ground before him, and himself addressed him as father in a loud voice, while his soldiers greeted those of Fabius by the name of their Patrons, which is the name by which freed men address those who have set them free. Silence being enforced, Minucius said: &amp;quot;Dictator, you have won two victories to-day, for you have conquered Hannibal by your bravery, and your colleague by your kindness and your generalship. By the one you have saved our lives, and by the other you have taught us our duty, for we have been disgracefully defeated by Hannibal, but beneficially and honourably by you. I call you my excellent father, having no more honourable appellation to bestow, since I owe a greater debt of gratitude to you than to him who begot me. To him I merely owe my single life, but to you I owe not only that but the lives of all my men.&amp;quot; After these words he embraced Fabius, and the soldiers followed his example, embracing and kissing one another, so that the camp was full of joy and of most blessed tears.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this, Fabius laid down his office, and consuls were again elected. Those who were first elected followed the defensive policy of Fabius, avoiding pitched battles with Hannibal, but reinforcing the allies and preventing defections. But when Terentius Varro was made consul, a man of low birth, but notorious for his rash temper and his popularity with the people, he made no secret, in his inexperience and self-confidence, of his intention of risking everything on one cast. He was always reiterating in his public speeches that under such generals as Fabius the war made no progress, whereas he would conquer the enemy the first day he saw him. By means of these boastful speeches he enrolled as soldiers such a multitude as the Romans had never before had at their disposal in any war, for there collected for the battle eighty-eight thousand men. This caused great disquietude to Fabius and other sensible Romans, who feared that if so many of the youth of Rome were cut off, the city would never recover from the blow. They addressed themselves therefore to the other consul, Paulus Aemilius, a man of great experience in war, but disagreeable to the people and afraid of them because he had once been fined by them. Fabius encouraged him to attempt to hold the other consul&#039;s rashness in check, pointing out that he would have to fight for his country&#039;s safety with Terentius Varro no less than with Hannibal. Varro, he said, will hasten to engage because he does not know his own strength, and Hannibal will do so because he knows his own weakness. &amp;quot;I myself, Paulus,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;am more to be believed than Varro as to the condition of Hannibal&#039;s affairs, and I am sure that if no battle takes place with him for a year, he will either perish in this country or be compelled to quit it; because even now, when he seems to be victorious and carrying all before him, not one of his enemies have come over to his side, while scarcely a third of the force which he brought from home is now surviving.&amp;quot; It is said that Paulus answered as follows: &amp;quot;For my own part, Fabius, it is better for me to fall by the spears of the enemy than be again condemned by the votes of my own countrymen; but if public affairs are indeed in this critical situation, I will endeavour rather to approve myself a good general to you than to all those who are urging me to the opposite course.&amp;quot; With this determination Paulus began the campaign.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Varro induced his colleague to adopt the system of each consul holding the chief command on alternate days. He proceeded to encamp near Hannibal on the banks of the river Aufidus, close to the village of Cannae. At daybreak he showed the signal of battle (a red tunic displayed over the General&#039;s tent), so that the Carthaginians were at first disheartened at the daring of the consul and the great number of his troops, more than twice that of their own army. Hannibal ordered his soldiers to get under arms, and himself rode with a few others to a rising ground, from which he viewed the enemy, who were already forming their ranks. When one Gisco, a man of his own rank, said to him that the numbers of the enemy were wonderful, Hannibal with a serious air replied, &amp;quot;Another circumstance much more wonderful than this has escaped your notice, Gisco.&amp;quot; When Gisco asked what it might be, Hannibal answered, &amp;quot;It is, that among all those men before you there is not one named Gisco.&amp;quot; At this unexpected answer they all began to laugh, and as they came down the hill they kept telling this joke to all whom they met, so that the laugh became universal, and Hannibal&#039;s staff was quite overpowered with merriment. The Carthaginian soldiers seeing this took courage, thinking that their General must be in a position to despise his enemy if he could thus laugh and jest in the presence of danger.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In the battle Hannibal employed several stratagems: first, in securing the advantage of position, by getting the wind at his back, for it blew a hurricane, raising a harsh dust from the sandy plains, which rose over the Carthaginians and blew in the faces of the Romans, throwing them into confusion. Secondly, in his disposition of his forces he showed great skill. The best troops were placed on the wings, and the centre, which was composed of the worst, was made to project far beyond the rest of the line. The troops on each wing were told that when the Romans had driven in this part of the line and were so become partly enclosed, that each wing must turn inwards, and attack them in the flank and rear and endeavour to surround them. This was the cause of the greatest slaughter; for when the centre gave way, and made room for the pursuing Romans, Hannibal&#039;s line assumed a crescent form, and the commanders of the select battalions charging from the right and left of the Romans attacked them in flank, destroying every man except such as escaped being surrounded. It is related that a similar disaster befel the Roman cavalry. The horse of Paulus was wounded, and threw its rider, upon which man after man of his staff dismounted and came to help the consul on foot. The cavalry, seeing this, took it for a general order to dismount, and at once attacked the enemy on foot. Hannibal, seeing this, said, &amp;quot;I am better pleased at this than if he had handed them over to me bound hand and foot.&amp;quot; This anecdote is found in those writers who have described the incidents of the battle in detail. Of the consuls, Varro escaped with a few followers to Venusia. Paulus, in the whirling eddies of the rout, covered with darts which still stuck in his wounds, and overwhelmed with sorrow at the defeat, sat down on a stone to await his death at the hands of the enemy. The blood with which his face and head were covered made it hard for any one to recognise him; but even his own friends and servants passed him by, taking no heed of him. Only Cornelius Lentulus, a young patrician, saw and recognised him. Dismounting from his horse and leading it up to him he begged him to take it and preserve his life, at a time when the State especially needed a wise ruler. But he refused, and forced the youth, in spite of his tears, to remount his horse. He then took him by the hand, saying, &amp;quot;Lentulus, tell Fabius Maximus, and bear witness yourself, that Paulus Aemilius followed his instructions to the last, and departed from nothing of what was agreed upon between us; but he was vanquished first by Varro, and secondly by Hannibal.&amp;quot; Having given Lentulus these instructions he sent him away, and flinging himself on to the enemy&#039;s swords perished. In that battle it is reckoned that fifty thousand Romans fell, and four thousand were taken prisoners, besides not less than ten thousand who were taken after the battle in the camps of the two consuls.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this immense success, Hannibal was urged by his friends to follow up his victory and enter Rome with the fugitives, promising that five days thereafter he should sup in the Capitol. It is not easy to say what reasons could have deterred him from doing so, and it seems rather as if some divinity prevented his march, and inspired him with the dilatory and timid policy which he followed. It is said that the Carthaginian, Barca, said to him, &amp;quot;You know how to win a victory, but do not know how to use one.&amp;quot; Yet so great a change was effected by this victory that he, who before it had not possessed a single city, market, or harbour in Italy, and had to obtain his provisions with the utmost difficulty by plunder, having no regular base of operations, but merely wandering about with his army as though carrying on brigandage on a large scale, now saw nearly the whole of Italy at his feet. Some of the largest and most powerful States came over to him of their own accord, and he attacked and took Capua, the most important city next to Rome itself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It would appear that the saying of Euripides, that &amp;quot;adversity tries our friends,&amp;quot; applies also to good generals. That which before this battle was called Fabius&#039;s cowardice and remissness, was now regarded as more than human sagacity, and a foresight so wonderful as to be beyond belief. Rome at once centred her last hopes upon Fabius, taking refuge in his wisdom as men take sanctuary at an altar, believing his discretion to be the chief cause of her surviving this present crisis, even as in the old Gaulish troubles. For though he had been so cautious and backward at a time when there seemed to be no imminent danger, yet now when every one was giving way to useless grief and lamentation, he alone walked through the streets at a calm pace, with a composed countenance and kindly voice, stopped all womanish wailings and assemblies in public to lament their losses, persuaded the Senate to meet, and gave fresh courage to the magistrates, being really himself the moving spirit and strength of the State, which looked to him alone to command it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; He placed guards at the gates to prevent the mob from quitting the city, and regulated the period of mourning, bidding every man mourn for thirty days in his own house, after which all signs of mourning were to be put away. As the feast of Ceres fell during those days, it was thought better to omit both the sacrifices and the processions than to have them marred by the consciousness of their misfortune, which would be painfully evident in the small number of worshippers and their downcast looks. However, everything that the soothsayers commanded to appease the anger of the gods and to expiate prodigies was carried out. Fabius Pictor, a relative of the great Fabius, was sent to Delphi, and of two of the Vestal virgins who were found to have been seduced, one was buried alive, as is the usual custom, while the other died by her own hand. Especially admirable was the spirit and the calm composure of the city when the consul Varro returned after his flight. He came humbled to the dust, as a man would who had been the cause of a terrible disaster, but at the gate the Senate and all the people went out to greet him. The chief men and the magistrates, amongst whom was Fabius, having obtained silence, spoke in praise of him &amp;quot;because he had not despaired of the State after such a calamity, but had come back to undertake the conduct of affairs and do what he could for his countrymen as one who thought they might yet be saved.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When they learned that Hannibal after the battle had turned away from Rome to other parts of Italy, the Romans again took courage and sent out armies and generals. Of those the most remarkable were Fabius Maximus and Claudius Marcellus, both equally admirable, but from an entirely different point of view. Marcellus, as has been related in his Life, was a man of activity and high spirit, rejoicing in a hand-to-hand fight, and just like the lordly warriors of Homer. With a truly venturesome audacity, he in his first battles outdid in boldness even the bold Hannibal himself; while Fabius, on the other hand, was convinced that his former reasoning was true, and believed that without any one fighting or even meddling with Hannibal, his army would wear itself out and consume away, just as the body of an athlete when overstrained and exerted soon loses its fine condition. For this reason Poseidonius calls Fabius the shield, and Marcellus the sword of Rome, because the steadiness of Fabius, combined with the warlike ardour of Marcellus, proved the saving of the state. Hannibal, frequently meeting Marcellus, who was like a raging torrent, had his forces shaken and weakened; while Fabius, like a deep quiet river kept constantly undermining them and wasting them away unperceived. Hannibal was at length reduced to such extremities that he was weary of fighting Marcellus, and feared Fabius even though he did not fight: for these were the persons whom he generally had to deal with, as praetors, consuls, or pro-consuls, for each of them was five times consul. He drew Marcellus, when consul for the fifth time, into an ambuscade; but although he tried every art and stratagem upon Fabius he could effect nothing, except once, when he very nearly succeeded in ruining him. He forged letters from the leading citizens of Metapontum, and then sent them to Fabius. These letters were to the effect that the city would surrender if he appeared before it, and that the conspirators were only waiting for his approach. Fabius was so much moved by these letters as to take a part of his army and commence a night march thither; but meeting with unfavourable omens on the way he turned back, and soon afterwards learned that the letters were a stratagem of Hannibal&#039;s, who was waiting for him under the city walls. This escape one may attribute to the favour of Heaven.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In the case of revolts and insurrections among the subject cities and allies, Fabius thought it best to restrain them and discountenance their proceedings in a gentle manner, not treating every suspected person with harshness, or inquiring too strictly into every case of suspected disloyalty. It is said that a Marsian soldier, one of the chief men of the allies for bravery and nobility of birth, was discovered by Fabius to be engaged in organizing a revolt. Fabius showed no sign of anger, but admitted that he had not been treated with the distinction he deserved, and said that in the present instance he should blame his officers for distributing rewards more by favour than by merit; but that in future he should be vexed with him if he did not apply directly to himself when he had any request to make. Saying this, he presented him with a war horse and other marks of honour, so that thenceforth the man always served him with the utmost zeal and fidelity. He thought it a shame that trainers of horses and dogs should be able to tame the savage spirit of those animals by careful attention and education rather than by whips and clogs, and yet that a commander of men should not rely chiefly on mild and conciliatory measures, but treat them more harshly than gardeners treat the wild fig-trees, wild pears, and wild olives, which they by careful cultivation turn into trees bearing good fruit. His captains informed him that a certain soldier, a Lucanian by birth, was irregular and often absent from his duty. He made inquiries as to what his general conduct was. All agreed that it would be difficult to find a better soldier, and related some of his exploits. Fabius at length discovered that the cause of his absence was that he was in love with a certain girl, and that he continually ran the risk of making long journeys from the camp to meet her. Without the knowledge of the soldier, he sent and apprehended this girl, whom he concealed in his own tent. Then he invited the Lucanian to a private interview, and addressed him as follows:—&amp;quot;You have been observed frequently to pass the night outside of the camp, contrary to the ancient practice and discipline of the Roman army: but also, you have been observed to be a brave man. Your crime is atoned for by your valiant deeds, but for the future I shall commit you to the custody of another person.&amp;quot; Then, to the astonishment of the soldier, he led the girl forward, joined their hands, and said: &amp;quot;This lady pledges her word that you will remain in the camp with us. You must prove by your conduct that it was not from any unworthy motive, for which she was the pretext, but solely through love for her that you used to desert your post.&amp;quot; This is the story which is related about him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Fabius obtained possession of Tarentum by treachery in the following manner. In his army was a young man of Tarentum whose sister was devotedly attached to him. Her lover was a Bruttian, and one of the officers of Hannibal&#039;s garrison there. This gave the Tarentine hopes of effecting his purpose, and with the consent of Fabius he went into the city, being commonly supposed to have run away to see his sister. For the first few days the Bruttian remained in his quarters, as she wished her amour with him not to be known to her brother. He then, however, said: &amp;quot;There was a rumour in the army that you were intimate with one of the chiefs of the garrison. Who is he? for if he is as they say, a man of courage and distinction—war, which throws everything into confusion, will care little what countryman he may be. Nothing is disgraceful which we cannot avoid; but it is a blessing, at a time when justice has no power, that we should yield to a not disagreeable necessity.&amp;quot; Upon this the lady sent for her Bruttian admirer and introduced him to her brother. He, by encouraging the stranger in his passion, and assuring him that he would induce his sister to look favourably on it, had no difficulty in inducing the man, who was a mercenary soldier, to break his faith in expectation of the great rewards which he was promised by Fabius. This is the account given of the transaction by most writers, though some say that the lady by whose means the Bruttian was seduced from his allegiance was not a Tarentine, but a Bruttian by race, who was on intimate terms with Fabius; and that as soon as she discovered that a fellow-countryman and acquaintance of hers was in command of the Bruttian garrison, told Fabius of it, and by interviews which she had with the officer outside the walls gradually won him over to the Roman interests.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; While these negotiations were in progress, Fabius, wishing to contrive something to draw Hannibal away, sent orders to the troops at Rhegium to ravage the Bruttian country and take Caulonia by storm. The troops at Rhegium were a body of eight thousand men, mostly deserters: and the most worthless of those disgraced soldiers whom Marcellus brought from Sicily, so that their loss would not cause any sorrow or harm to Rome; while he hoped that by throwing them out as a bait to Hannibal he might draw him away from Tarentum, as indeed he did. Hannibal at once started with his army to attack them, and meanwhile, on the sixth day after Fabius arrived before Tarentum, the young man having previously concerted measures with the Bruttian and his sister, came to him by night and told him that all was ready; knowing accurately and having well inspected the place where the Bruttian would be ready to open the gate and let in the besiegers. Fabius would not depend entirely upon the chance of treachery; but though he himself went quietly to the appointed place, the rest of the army attacked the town both by sea and land, with great clamour and disturbance, until, when most of the Tarentines had run to repel the assault, the Bruttian gave the word to Fabius, and, mounting his scaling ladders, he took the place. On this occasion Fabius seems to have acted unworthily of his reputation, for he ordered the chief Bruttian officers to be put to the sword, that it might not be said that he gained the place by treachery. However, he did not obtain this glory, and gained a reputation for faithlessness and cruelty. Many of the Tarentines were put to death, thirty thousand were sold for slaves, and the city was sacked by the soldiers. Three thousand talents were brought into the public treasury.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;While everything else was being carried off, it is said that the clerk who was taking the inventory asked Fabius what his pleasure was with regard to the gods, meaning the statues and pictures. Fabius replied, &amp;quot;Let us leave the Tarentines their angry gods.&amp;quot; However, he took the statue of Hercules from Tarentum and placed it in the Capitol, and near to it he placed a brazen statue of himself on horseback, acting in this respect much worse than Marcellus, or rather proving that Marcellus was a man of extraordinary mildness and generosity of temper, as is shown in his Life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Hannibal is said to have been hastening to relieve Tarentum, and to have been within five miles of it when it was taken. He said aloud: &amp;quot;So then, the Romans also have a Hannibal; we have lost Tarentum just as we gained it.&amp;quot; Moreover in private he acknowledged to his friends that he had long seen that it was very difficult, and now thought it impossible for them to conquer Italy under existing circumstances.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Fabius enjoyed a second triumph for this success, which was more glorious than his first. He had contended with Hannibal and easily baffled all his attempts just as a good wrestler disengages himself with ease from the clutches of an antagonist whose strength is beginning to fail him; for Hannibal&#039;s army was no longer what it had been, being partly corrupted by luxury and plunder, and partly also worn out by unremitting toils and battles.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;One Marcus Livius had been in command of Tarentum when Hannibal obtained possession of it. In spite of this, he held the citadel, from which he could not be dislodged, until Tarentum was recaptured by the Romans. This man was vexed at the honours paid to Fabius, and once, in a transport of envy and vain glory, he said before the Senate that he, not Fabius, was the real author of the recapture of the town. Fabius with a smile answered: &amp;quot;Very true; for if you had not lost the place, I could never have recaptured it.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The Romans, among many other marks of respect for Fabius, elected his son consul. When he had entered on this office and was making some arrangements for the conduct of the war, his father, either because of his age and infirmities or else intending to try his son, mounted on horseback and rode towards him through the crowd of bystanders. The young man seeing him at a distance would not endure this slight, but sent a lictor to bid his father dismount and come on foot, if he wanted anything of the consul. Those present were vexed at this order, and looked on Fabius in silence, as if they thought that he was unworthily treated, considering his great reputation: but he himself instantly alighted, ran to his son, and embracing him, said: &amp;quot;You both think and act rightly, my son; for you know whom you command, and how great an office you hold. Thus it was that we and our ancestors made Rome great, by thinking less of our parents and of our children than of the glory of our country.&amp;quot; It is even said to be true that the great grandfather of Fabius, although he had been consul five times, had finished several campaigns with splendid triumphs, and was one of the most illustrious men in Rome, yet acted as lieutenant to his son when consul in the field, and that in the subsequent triumph the son drove into Rome in a chariot and four, while he with the other officers followed him on horseback, glorying in the fact that although he was his son&#039;s master, and although he was and was accounted the first citizen in Rome, yet he submitted himself to the laws and the chief magistrate. Nor did he deserve admiration for this alone.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Fabius had the misfortune to lose his son, and this he bore with fortitude, as became a man of sense and an excellent parent. He himself pronounced the funeral oration which is always spoken by some relative on the deaths of illustrious men, and afterwards he wrote a copy of his speech and distributed it to his friends.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Cornelius Scipio meanwhile had been sent to Spain, where he had defeated the Carthaginians in many battles and driven them out of the country, and had also overcome many tribes, taken many cities, and done glorious deeds for Rome. On his return he was received with great honour and respect, and, feeling that the people expected some extraordinary exploit from him, he decided that it was too tame a proceeding to fight Hannibal in Italy, and determined to pour troops into Africa, attack Carthage, and transfer the theatre of war from Italy to that country. He bent all his energies to persuade the people to approve of this project, but was violently opposed by Fabius, who spread great alarm through the city, pointing out that it was being exposed to great danger by a reckless young man, and endeavouring by every means in his power to prevent the Romans from adopting Scipio&#039;s plan. He carried his point with the Senate, but the people believed that he was envious of Scipio&#039;s prosperity and desired to check him, because he feared that if he did gain some signal success, and either put an end to the war altogether or remove it from Italy, he himself might be thought a feeble and dilatory general for not having finished the war in so many campaigns.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It appears that at first Fabius opposed him on grounds of prudence and caution, really fearing the dangers of his project, but that the contest gradually became a personal one, and he was moved by feelings of jealousy to hinder the rise of Scipio; for he tried to induce Crassus, Scipio&#039;s colleague, not to give up the province of Africa to Scipio, but if the expedition were determined on, to go thither himself, and he prevented his being supplied with funds for the campaign. Scipio being thus compelled to raise funds himself, obtained them from the cities in Etruria which were devoted to his interests. Crassus likewise was not inclined to quarrel with him, and was also obliged to remain in Italy by his office of Pontifex Maximus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Fabius now tried another method to oppose Scipio. He dissuaded the youth of the city from taking service with him by continually vociferating in all public meetings that Scipio not only was himself running away from Hannibal, but also was about to take all the remaining forces of Italy out of the country with him, deluding the young men with vain hopes, and so persuading them to leave their parents and wives, and their city too, while a victorious and invincible enemy was at its very gates. By these representations he alarmed the Romans, who decreed that Scipio should only use the troops in Sicily, and three hundred of the best men of his Spanish army. In this transaction Fabius seems to have acted according to the dictates of his own cautious disposition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;However, when Scipio crossed over into Africa, news came to Rome at once of great and glorious exploits performed and great battles won. As substantial proof of these there came many trophies of war, and the king of Numidia as a captive. Two camps were burned and destroyed, with great slaughter of men, and loss of horses and war material in the flames. Embassies also were sent to Hannibal from Carthage, begging him in piteous terms to abandon his fruitless hopes in Italy and come home to help them, while in Rome the name of Scipio was in every man&#039;s mouth because of his successes. At this period Fabius proposed that a successor to Scipio should be sent out, without having any reason to allege for it except the old proverb that it is dangerous to entrust such important operations to the luck of one man, because it is hard for the same man always to be lucky. This proposal of his offended most of his countrymen, who thought him a peevish and malignant old man, or else that he was timid and spiritless from old age, and excessively terrified at Hannibal; for, even when Hannibal quitted Italy and withdrew his forces, Fabius would not permit the joy of his countrymen to be unmixed with alarm, as he informed them that now the fortunes of Rome were in a more critical situation than ever, because Hannibal would be much more to be dreaded in Africa under the walls of Carthage itself, where he would lead an army, yet reeking with the blood of many Roman dictators, consuls and generals, to attack Scipio. By these words the city was again filled with terror, and although the war had been removed to Africa yet its alarms seemed to have come nearer to Rome.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; However Scipio, after no long time, defeated Hannibal in a pitched battle and crushed the pride of Carthage under foot. He gave the Romans the enjoyment of a success beyond their hopes, and truly&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Restored the city, shaken by the storm.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Fabius Maximus did not survive till the end of the war, nor did he live to hear of Hannibal&#039;s defeat, or see the glorious and lasting prosperity of his country, for about the time when Hannibal left Italy he fell sick and died.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Thebans, we are told, buried Epameinondas at the public expense, because he died so poor that they say nothing was found in his house except an iron spit. Fabius was not honoured by the Romans with a funeral at the public expense, yet every citizen contributed the smallest Roman coin towards the expenses, not that he needed the money, but because they buried him as the father of the people, so that in his death he received the honourable respect which he had deserved in his life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;COMPARISON_OF_PERIKLES_AND_FABIUS_MAXIMUS&amp;quot;&amp;gt;COMPARISON OF PERIKLES AND FABIUS MAXIMUS.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Such is the story of these men&#039;s lives. As they both gave many proofs of ability in war and politics, let us first turn our attention to their warlike exploits. And here we must notice that Perikles found the Athenian people at the height of their power and prosperity, so that from the flourishing condition of the State it could scarcely meet with any great disaster, whereas Fabius performed his great services to Rome when it was in the last extremity of danger, and did not merely, like Perikles, confirm the prosperity of his country, but greatly improved it, having found it in a lamentable condition. Moreover, the successes of Kimon, the victories of Myronides and Leokrates, and the many achievements of Tolmides rather gave Perikles when in chief command an occasion for public rejoicing and festivity, than any opportunity for either conquests abroad or defensive wars at home. Fabius, on the other hand, had before his eyes the spectacle of many defeats and routs of Roman armies, of many consuls and generals fallen in battle, of lakes, plains and forests filled with the bodies of the slain, and of rivers running with blood. Yet with his mature and unbending intellect he undertook to extricate Rome from these dangers, and as it were by his own strength alone supported the State, so that it was not utterly overwhelmed by these terrible disasters. Nevertheless it would appear not to be so hard a task to manage a State in adversity, when it is humble and is compelled by its misfortunes to obey wise counsellors, as it is to check and bridle a people excited and arrogant with good fortune, which was especially the case with Perikles and the Athenians. On the other hand, considering the terrible nature of the blows which had fallen on the Romans, Fabius must have been a great and strong-minded man not to be disconcerted by them, but still to be able to carry out the policy upon which he had determined.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; We may set the capture of Samos by Perikles against the retaking of Tarentum by Fabius, and also the conquest of Euboea by the one against that of the Campanian cities by the other, though Capua itself was recovered by the consuls, Fulvius and Appius. Fabius seems never to have fought a pitched battle, except that one which gained him his first triumph, while Perikles set up nine trophies for victories by sea and land. But again, there is no action of Perikles which can be compared to that of Fabius when he snatched away Minucius from the grasp of Hannibal, and saved an entire Roman army from destruction. That was an exploit glorious for the courage, generalship, and kindness of heart displayed by Fabius; but, on the other hand Perikles, made no such blunder as did Fabius, when out-generalled by Hannibal with the cattle. Here, although Fabius caught his enemy in a defile which he had entered by chance, yet he let him escape by night, and next day found his tardy movements outstripped, and himself defeated by the man whom he had just before so completely cut off. If it be the part of a good general, not merely to deal with the present, but to make conjectures about the future, we may remark that the Peloponnesian war ended just as Perikles had foretold, for the Athenians frittered away their strength; whereas the Romans, contrary to the expectation of Fabius, by sending Scipio to attack Carthage gained a complete victory, not by chance, but by the skill of their general and the courage of their troops, who overthrew the enemy in a pitched battle. Thus the one was proved to be right by the misfortunes of his country, and the other proved to be wrong by its success, indeed it is just as much a fault in a general to receive a check from want of foresight as to let slip an opportunity through diffidence; and both these failings, excess of confidence and want of confidence, are common to all except the most consummate generals. Thus much for their military talents.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In political matters, the Peloponnesian war is a great blot upon the fame of Perikles; for it is said to have been caused by his refusal to yield the least point to the Lacedaemonians. I do not imagine, however, that Fabius Maximus would have yielded anything to the Carthaginians, but would have bravely risked any danger in defence of the Roman Empire. The kind treatment of Minucius by Fabius and his mildness of character contrast very favourably with the bitter party feud of Perikles with Kimon and Thucydides, who were men of good birth, and belonging to the conservative party, and whom Perikles drove into exile by the ostracism. Then, too, the power of Perikles was much greater than that of Fabius. Perikles would not permit the State to suffer disaster because of the bad management of her generals. One of them alone, Tolmides, succeeded in having his own way, against the wishes of Perikles, and perished in an attack on the Boeotians, while all the rest, because of his immense influence and power, submitted themselves to his authority and regulated their proceedings by his ideas. Whereas Fabius, although he could avoid any error in managing his own army, was thwarted by his being powerless to control the movements of other generals.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For the Romans would not have suffered so many defeats if Fabius had enjoyed the same power that Perikles did in Athens. As to their generosity with regard to money, the one was remarkable for never receiving bribes, while the other spent much on ransoming prisoners at his own expense; although this was not much above six talents, while it is hard for any one to tell the amount of money which Perikles might have taken from foreign princes and Greek allied states, all of which he refused and kept his hands clean. As to the great public works, the construction of the temples, and of the public buildings with which Perikles adorned Athens, the whole of the edifices in Rome together, before the time of the emperors, are not worthy to be compared to them, for they far surpassed them both in largeness of scale and in beauty of design.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;LIFE_OF_ALKIBIADES&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LIFE OF ALKIBIADES.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The pedigree of Alkibiades is said to begin with Eurysakes the son of Ajax, while on the mother&#039;s side he descended from Alkmaeon, being the son of Deinomache, the daughter of Megakles. His father Kleinias fought bravely at Artemisium in a trireme fitted out at his own expense, and subsequently fell fighting the Boeotians, in the battle of Koronea. Alkibiades after this was entrusted to Perikles and Ariphron, the two sons of Xanthippus, who acted as his guardians because they were the next of kin. It has been well remarked that the friendship of Sokrates for him did not a little to increase his fame, seeing that Nikias, Demosthenes, Lamakus, Phormio, Thrasybulus, and Theramenes, were all men of mark in his lifetime, and yet we do not know the name of the mother of any one of them, while we know the name even of the nurse of Alkibiades, who was a Laconian, named Amykla, and that of Zopyrus, his &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;paedagogus&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, one of which pieces of information we owe to Antisthenes, and the other to Plato. As to the beauty of Alkibiades, it is not necessary to say anything except that it was equally fascinating when he was a boy, a youth, and a man. The saying of Euripides, that all beauties have a beautiful autumn of their charms, is not universally true, but it was so in the case of Alkibiades and of a few other persons because of the symmetry and vigour of their frames. Even his lisp is said to have added a charm to his speech, and to have made his talk more persuasive. His lisp is mentioned by Aristophanes in the verses in which he satirises Theorus, in which Alkibiades calls him Theolus, for he pronounced the letter &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;r&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; like &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;l&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. Archippus also gives a sneering account of the son of Alkibiades, who, he said, swaggered in his walk, trailing his cloak, that he might look as like his father as possible, and&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Bends his affected neck, and lisping speaks.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; His character, in the course of his varied and brilliant career, developed many strange inconsistencies and contradictions. Emulation and love of distinction were the most prominent of his many violent passions, as is clear from the anecdotes of his childhood. Once when hard pressed in wrestling, rather than fall, he began to bite his opponent&#039;s hands. The other let go his hold, and said, &amp;quot;You bite, Alkibiades, like a woman.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;No,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;like a lion.&amp;quot; While yet a child, he was playing at knucklebones with other boys in a narrow street, and when his turn came to throw, a loaded waggon was passing. He at first ordered the driver to stop his team because his throw was to take place directly in the path of the waggon. Then as the boor who was driving would not stop, the other children made way; but Alkibiades flung himself down on his face directly in front of the horses, and bade him drive on at his peril. The man, in alarm, now stopped his horses, and the others were terrified and ran up to him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In learning he was fairly obedient to all his teachers, except in playing the flute, which he refused to do, declaring that it was unfit for a gentleman. He said that playing on the harp or lyre did not disfigure the face, but that when a man was blowing at a flute, his own friends could scarcely recognise him. Besides, the lyre accompanies the voice of the performer, while the flute takes all the breath of the player and prevents him even from speaking. &amp;quot;Let the children of the Thebans,&amp;quot; he used to say, &amp;quot;learn to play the flute, for they know not how to speak; but we Athenians according to tradition have the goddess Athene (Minerva) for our patroness, and Apollo for our tutelary divinity; and of these the first threw away the flute in disgust, and the other actually flayed the flute player Marsyas.&amp;quot; With such talk as this, between jest and earnest, Alkibiades gave up flute-playing himself, and induced his friends to do so, for all the youth of Athens soon heard and approved of Alkibiades&#039;s derision of the flute and those who learned it. In consequence of this the flute went entirely out of fashion, and was regarded with contempt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In Antiphon&#039;s scandalous chronicle, we read that Alkibiades once ran away from home to the house of one of his admirers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Ariphron, his other guardian, proposed to have him cried; but Perikles forbade it, saying that, if he was dead, he would only be found one day sooner because of it, while if he was safe, he would be disgraced for life. Antiphon also tells us that he killed one of his servants by striking him with a club, at the gymnasium of Sibyrtus. But perhaps we ought not to believe these stories, which were written by an enemy with the avowed purpose of defaming his character.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; His youthful beauty soon caused him to be surrounded with noble admirers, but the regard of Sokrates for him is a great proof of his natural goodness of disposition, which that philosopher could discern in him, but which he feared would wither away like a faded flower before the temptations of wealth and position, and the mass of sycophants by whom he was soon beset. For no one ever was so enclosed and enveloped in the good things of this life as Alkibiades, so that no breath of criticism or free speech could ever reach him. Yet, with all these flatterers about him, trying to prevent his ever hearing a word of wholesome advice or reproof, he was led by his own goodness of heart to pay special attention to Sokrates, to whom he attached himself in preference to all his rich and fashionable admirers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He soon became intimate with Sokrates, and when he discovered that this man did not wish to caress and admire him, but to expose his ignorance, search out his faults, and bring down his vain unreasoning conceit, he then&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Let fall his feathers like a craven cock.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He considered that the conversation of Sokrates was really a divine instrument for the discipline and education of youth; and thus learning to despise himself, and to admire his friend, charmed with his good nature, and full of reverence for his virtues, he became insensibly in love with him, though not as the world loveth; so that all men were astonished to see him dining with Sokrates, wrestling with him, and sharing his tent, while he treated all his other admirers with harshness and some even with insolence, as in the case of Anytus the son of Anthemion. This man, who was an admirer of Alkibiades, was entertaining a party of friends, and asked him to come. Alkibiades refused the invitation, but got drunk that night at a riotous party at his own house, in which state he proceeded in a disorderly procession to Anytus. Here he looked into the room where the guests were, and seeing the tables covered with gold and silver drinking-cups, ordered his slaves to carry away half of them, and then, without deigning to enter the room, went home again. Anytus&#039; guests were vexed at this, and complained of his being so arrogantly and outrageously treated. &amp;quot;Say rather, considerately,&amp;quot; answered Anytus, &amp;quot;for although he might have taken them all, yet he has left us the half of them.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In this same way he used to treat his other admirers, with the exception, it is said, of one of the resident aliens,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_20_20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_20_20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[20]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; a man of small means who sold all that he had and carried the money, amounting to about a hundred &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;staters&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, to Alkibiades, begging him to accept it. Alkibiades laughed at him, and invited him to dinner. After dinner he gave him back his money, and ordered him next day to go and overbid those who were about to bid for the office of farmer of the taxes. The poor man begged to be excused, because the price was several talents, but Alkibiades threatened to have him beaten if he did not do so, for he had some private grudge of his own against the farmers of the taxes. Accordingly the alien went next morning early into the market-place and bid a talent. The tax farmers now clustered round him angrily, bidding him name some one as security, imagining that he would not be able to find one. The poor man was now in great trouble and was about to steal away, when Alkibiades, who was at some distance, called out to the presiding magistrates, &amp;quot;Write down my name. I am his friend, and I will be surety for him.&amp;quot; On hearing this, the tax farmers were greatly embarrassed, for their habit was to pay the rent of each year with the proceeds of the next, and they saw no way of doing so in this instance. Consequently they begged the man to desist from bidding, and offered him money. Alkibiades would not permit him to take less than a talent, and when this was given him he let him go. This was the way in which he did him a kindness.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The love of Sokrates, though he had many rivals, yet overpowered them all, for his words touched the heart of Alkibiades and moved him to tears. Sometimes his flatterers would bribe him by the offer of some pleasure, to which he would yield and slip away from Sokrates, but he was then pursued like a fugitive slave by the latter, of whom he stood in awe, though he treated every one else with insolence and contempt. Kleanthes used to say that Sokrates&#039;s only hold upon him was through his ears, while he scorned to meddle with the rest of his body. And indeed Alkibiades was very prone to pleasure, as one would gather from what Thucydides says on the subject. Those too who played on his vanity and love of distinction induced him to embark on vast projects before he was ripe for them, assuring him that as soon as he began to take a leading part in politics, he would not only eclipse all the rest of the generals and orators, but would even surpass Perikles in power and renown. But just as iron which has been softened in the fire is again hardened by cold, and under its influence contracts its expanded particles, so did Sokrates, when he found Alkibiades puffed up by vain and empty conceit, bring him down to his proper level by his conversation, rendering him humble minded by pointing out to him his many deficiencies.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After he had finished his education, he went into a school, and asked the master for a volume of Homer. When the master said that he possessed none of Homer&#039;s writings, he struck him with his fist, and left him. Another schoolmaster told him that he had a copy of Homer corrected by himself. &amp;quot;Do you,&amp;quot; asked he, &amp;quot;you who are able to correct Homer, teach boys to read! One would think that you could instruct men.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;One day he wished to speak to Perikles, and came to his house. Hearing that he was not at leisure, but was engaged in considering how he was to give in his accounts to the Athenians, Alkibiades, as he went away, said, &amp;quot;It would be better if he considered how to avoid giving in any accounts at all to the Athenians.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;While yet a lad he served in the campaign of Potidaea, where he shared the tent of Sokrates, and took his place next him in the ranks. In an obstinate engagement they both showed great courage, and when Alkibiades was wounded and fell to the ground, Sokrates stood in front of him, defending him, and so saved his life and arms from the enemy. Properly, therefore, the prize for valour belonged to Sokrates; but when the generals appeared anxious to bestow it upon Alkibiades because of his great reputation, Sokrates, who wished to encourage his love for glory, was the first to give his testimony in his favour, and to call upon them to crown him as victor and to give him the suit of armour which was the prize. And also at the battle of Delium, when the Athenians were routed, Alkibiades, who was on horseback, when he saw Sokrates retreating on foot with a few others, would not ride on, but stayed by him and defended him, though the enemy were pressing them and cutting off many of them. These things, however, happened afterwards.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; He once struck Hipponikus, the father of Kallias, a man of great wealth and noble birth, a blow with his fist, not being moved to it by anger, or any dispute, but having agreed previously with his friends to do so for a joke. When every one in the city cried out at his indecent and arrogant conduct, Alkibiades next morning at daybreak came to the house of Hipponikus, knocked, and came to him. Here he threw off his cloak, and offered him his body, bidding him flog him and punish him for what he had done. Hipponikus, however, pardoned him, and they became friends, so much so that Hipponikus chose him for the husband of his daughter Hipparete. Some writers say that not Hipponikus but Kallias his son gave Hipparete to Alkibiades to wife, with a dowry of ten talents, and that when her first child was born Alkibiades demanded and received ten more talents, as if he had made a previous agreement to that effect. Upon this Kallias, fearing that Alkibiades might plot against his life, gave public notice in the assembly that if he died childless, he would leave his house and all his property to the State.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Hipparete was a quiet and loving wife, but was so constantly insulted by her husband&#039;s amours with foreign and Athenian courtesans, that she at length left his house and went to her brother&#039;s. Alkibiades took no heed of this, but continued in his debauchery.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It was necessary for her to deliver her petition for separation to the magistrate with her own hand, and when she came to do so, Alkibiades laid hold of her, and took her home with him through the market-place, no one daring to oppose him and take her from him. She lived with him until her death, which took place not long after Alkibiades sailed for Ephesus. In this instance his violence does not seem to have been altogether lawless or without excuse, for the object of the law in making a wife appear in person in public seems to be that she may have an opportunity of meeting her husband and making up her quarrel with him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; He had a dog of remarkable size and beauty, for which he had paid seventy minae. It had a very fine tail, which he cut off. When his friends blamed him, and said that every one was sorry for the dog and angry with him for what he had done, he laughed and said, &amp;quot;Then I have succeeded; for I wish the Athenians to gossip about this, for fear they should say something worse about me.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; It is said that his first public act was on the occasion of a voluntary subscription for the State. He did not intend doing anything of the sort, but as he was passing he heard a great noise, and finding that voluntary subscriptions were being made, went and subscribed. The people cheered and applauded him, at which he was so much delighted as to forget a quail which he had in his cloak. When it escaped and ran about bewildered, the Athenians applauded all the more, and many rose and chased it. It was caught by the pilot Antiochus, who restored it, and became one of Alkibiades&#039;s greatest friends. Starting with great advantages from his noble birth, his wealth, his recognised bravery in battle, and his many friends and relatives, he relied upon nothing so much as on his eloquence for making himself popular and influential. His rhetorical powers are borne witness to by the comic dramatists; and the greatest of orators, Demosthenes, in his speech against Meidias, speaks of Alkibiades as being most eloquent, besides his other charms. If we are to believe Theophrastus, who has inquired more diligently into these various tales than any one else, Alkibiades excelled all men of his time in readiness of invention and resource. However, as he wished not merely to speak to the purpose, but also to clothe his thoughts in the most appropriate language, he did not always succeed in combining the two, and often hesitated and stopped, seeking for the right word, and not continuing his speech until it occurred to him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; He was renowned for his stud, and for the number of his racing chariots. No other person, king or commoner, ever entered seven four-horse chariots for the race at Olympia except Alkibiades. His winning the first, second, and fourth prizes with these, as Thucydides tells us, though Euripides says that he won the third also, excels in glory any other successes by other persons in these races. The poem of Euripides runs as follows:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Son of Kleinias, thee I sing,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;In truth it is a noble thing,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;First, second, and third place&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;To win in chariot race,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;To hear the herald thrice thy name proclaim,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;And thrice to bear away the olive crown of fame.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; His success was rendered all the more conspicuous by the manner in which the various States vied with one another in showing him honour. Ephesus pitched a magnificent tent for his accommodation, Chios furnished his horses with provender, and himself with animals for sacrifice; and Lesbos supplied him with wine, and every thing else necessary for giving great entertainments. Yet even at this brilliant period of his life he incurred discredit, either by his own fault or through the spite of his enemies. The story is that an Athenian named Diomedes, a respectable man and a friend of Alkibiades, was desirous of winning a victory at Olympia. Hearing that there was a chariot and four which belonged to the city of Argos, and knowing that Alkibiades had great influence and many friends in that place, he persuaded him to buy the chariot for him. Alkibiades, however, bought the chariot and entered it for the race as his own, leaving Diomedes to call upon heaven and earth to witness his ill-treatment. It appears that a trial took place about this matter, and Isokrates wrote a speech about this chariot in defence of the son of Alkibiades, in which Tisias, not Diomedes, is mentioned as the prosecutor.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When, as a mere boy, Alkibiades plunged into political life, he at once surpassed most of the statesmen of the age. His chief rivals were Phaeax, the son of Erasistratus, and Nikias, the son of Nikeratus, the latter a man advanced in life, and bearing the reputation of being an excellent general, while the former, like Alkibiades himself, was a young man of good family, just rising into notice, but inferior to him in many respects, particularly in oratory. Though affable and persuasive in private circles, he could not speak equally well in public, for he was, as Eupolis says,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;At conversation best of men, at public speaking worst.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In a certain attack on Alkibiades and Phaeax, we find, among other charges, Alkibiades accused of using the gold and silver plate of the city of Athens as his own for his daily use.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There was at Athens one Hyperbolus, of the township of Peirithois, whom Thucydides mentions as a worthless man, and one who was constantly ridiculed by the comic dramatists. From his utter disregard of what was said of him, and his carelessness for his honour, which, though it was mere shameless impudence and apathy, was thought by some to show firmness and true courage, he was pleasing to no party, but frequently made use of by the people when they wished to have a scurrilous attack made upon those in power. At this time he was about to resort to the proceeding called ostracism, by which from time to time the Athenians force into exile those citizens who are remarkable for influence and power, rather because they envy them than because they fear them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But as it was clear that one of the three, Nikias, Phaeax, and Alkibiades, would be ostracised, Alkibiades combined their several parties, arranged matters with Nikias, and turned the ostracism against Hyperbolus himself. Some say that it was not Nikias but Phaeax with whom Alkibiades joined interest, and that with the assistance of his political party he managed to expel Hyperbolus, who never expected any such treatment; for before that time this punishment had never been extended to low persons of no reputation, as Plato, the comic dramatist, says in the lines where he mentions Hyperbolus:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Full worthy to be punished though he be,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Yet ostracism&#039;s not for such as he.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We have elsewhere given a fuller account of this affair.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Alkibiades was dissatisfied at the respect shown for Nikias, both by enemies of the State and by the citizens of Athens. Alkibiades was the proxenus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_21_21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_21_21&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[21]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; of the Lacedaemonians at Athens, and paid especial court to those Spartans who had been captured at Pylos; yet, when the Lacedaemonians discovered that it was chiefly by Nikias&#039;s means that they obtained peace, and recovered their prisoners, they were lavish of their attentions to him. The common phrase among the Greeks of that time was that Perikles had begun the war, and Nikias had finished it; and the peace was usually called the peace of Nikias. Alkibiades, irritated beyond measure at his rival&#039;s success, began to meditate how he could destroy the existing treaty. He perceived that the Argives, hating and fearing Sparta, wished to break off from it, and he encouraged them by secret assurances of an Athenian alliance, and also both by his agents and in person he urged the leading men not to give way to the Lacedaemonians, or yield any points to them, but to turn to Athens, and await their co-operation, for the Athenians, he said, already began to regret that they had made peace at all, and would soon break it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When the Lacedaemonians made an alliance with the Boeotians, and delivered up Panaktus to the Athenians in a dismantled condition, not with its walls standing, as they ought to have done, Alkibiades exasperated the rage of the Athenians by his speeches, and raised a clamour against Nikias by the plausible accusation that he, when general, had hung back from capturing the enemy&#039;s forces which were cut off in the island of Sphakteria, and that when they had been captured by another, he had released them and restored them to their homes, in order to gain the favour of the Lacedaemonians. And for all that, although he was such a friend of the Lacedaemonians, he had not dissuaded them from forming alliances with Corinth and with the Boeotians, while he prevented the Athenians from becoming allies of any Greek State which might wish it, if the step did not happen to please the Lacedaemonians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Upon this, while Nikias was smarting under these accusations, ambassadors arrived from Lacedaemon with instructions to propose reasonable terms, and announcing that they came with full powers to conclude the negotiations for peace on an equitable basis. The Senate received them willingly, and next day they were to appear before the people. Fearing that they would succeed, Alkibiades contrived to obtain a private interview with them, in which he addressed them as follows: &amp;quot;What is this that you do, men of Sparta! Do you not know that the Senate always treats those who appear before it in a kindly and reasonable manner, but the people are always full of pride and ambition? If you say that you have plenary powers, they will bewilder you by their violence and force great concessions from you. So come, cease this folly, if you wish to negotiate with the Athenians in a moderate way, and not to be forced into conceding points against your will. Discuss all the points at issue, but do not say that you have full power to decide them. I will do my best to assist you, as a friend to Lacedaemon.&amp;quot; After these words he confirmed his promise by an oath, and thus completely detached them from Nikias and left them trusting him only, and admiring him as a man of remarkable sense and intelligence. On the following day the people assembled, and the ambassadors appeared before them. When they were politely asked by Alkibiades in what capacity they came, they said that they were not plenipotentiaries. Immediately upon this Alkibiades assailed them with furious invective, as though they, not he, were in the wrong, calling them faithless equivocators, who had not come either to speak or to do anything honest. The Senate was vexed at its treatment, and the people were excessively enraged, while Nikias, who knew nothing of the trick, was astounded and covered with confusion at the conduct of the ambassadors.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The Lacedaemonian alliance being put an end to by this means, Alkibiades, who was now elected one of the generals of Athens, at once formed an alliance with Argos, Elis and Mantinea. No one approved of the way in which he effected this, but still the result was very important, as it agitated all the States in Peloponnesus, and set them against one another, brought so many men into line to fight the Lacedaemonians at the battle of Mantinea, and removed the scene of conflict so far from Athens, that the Lacedaemonians could gain no great advantage by victory, whereas if they failed, they would have to struggle for their very existence. After this battle the select regiment at Argos, called the &amp;quot;Thousand,&amp;quot; endeavoured to overthrow the government and establish themselves as masters of the city; and with the assistance of the Lacedaemonians they destroyed the constitution. But the people took up arms again, and defeated the usurpers; and Alkibiades coming to their aid, made the victory of the popular side more complete. He persuaded the citizens to build long walls down to the sea, and to trust entirely to the Athenian naval forces for support. He even sent them carpenters and stonemasons from Athens, and showed great zeal on their behalf, which tended to increase his personal interest and power no less than that of his country. He advised the people of Patrae also to join their city to the sea by long walls; and when some one said to the people of Patrae, that the Athenians would swallow them up, he answered, &amp;quot;Perhaps they may, but it will be by degrees and beginning with the feet, whereas the Lacedaemonians will seize them by the head and do it at once.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;However, Alkibiades ever pressed the Athenians to establish their empire by land as well as by sea, reminding them of the oath which the young men take in the Temple of Agraulos, and which it was their duty to confirm by their deeds. This oath is, that they will regard wheat, barley, vines and olives as the boundaries of Attica, by which it is hinted that they ought to make all cultivated and fruitful lands their own.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In the midst of all this display of political ability, eloquence, and statesmanlike prudence, he lived a life of great luxury, debauchery, and profuse expenditure, swaggering through the market-place with his long effeminate mantle trailing on the ground. He had the deck of his trireme cut away, that he might sleep more comfortably, having his bed slung on girths instead of resting on the planks; and he carried a shield not emblazoned with the ancestral bearings of his family, but with a Cupid wielding a thunderbolt. The leading men of Athens viewed his conduct with disgust and apprehension, fearing his scornful and overbearing manner, as being nearly allied to the demeanour of a despot, while Aristophanes has expressed the feeling of the people towards him in the line,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;They love, they hate, they cannot live without him.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And again he alludes to him in a bitterer spirit in the verse:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;A lion&#039;s cub &#039;tis best you should not rear,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;For if you do, your master he&#039;ll appear.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;His voluntary contributions of money to the State, his public exhibitions and services, and displays of munificence, which could not be equalled in splendour, his noble birth, his persuasive speech, his strength, beauty, and bravery, and all his other shining qualities, combined to make the Athenians endure him, and always give his errors the mildest names, calling them youthful escapades and honourable emulation. For example, he locked up Agatharchus the painter, and when he had painted his house let him go with a present. He boxed Taurea&#039;s ears because he was exhibiting shows in rivalry with him, and contending with him for the prize. And he even took one of the captive Melian women for his mistress, and brought up a child which he had by her. This was thought to show his good nature; but this term cannot be applied to the slaughter of all the males above puberty in the island of Melos, which was done in accordance with a decree promoted by Alkibiades.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When Aristophon painted the courtesan Nemea embracing Alkibiades, all men eagerly crowded to see it; but older men were vexed at these things too, thinking them only fit for despots, and considering them to be open violations of the laws. Indeed Archestratus spoke very much to the purpose when he said that Greece could not bear more than one Alkibiades. Once, when Alkibiades had made a successful speech in the public assembly, and was being conducted home in triumph by his friends, Timon the misanthrope met him, and did not get out of his way, as he did to every one else, but came up to him and took him by the hand, saying, &amp;quot;Go on, my boy, increase in glory; for your increase will bring ruin to all this crowd.&amp;quot; Some laughed, some cursed him, but others took his words to heart. So various were the opinions formed about Alkibiades, because of the inconsistency of his character.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Even during the lifetime of Perikles, the Athenians had a hankering after Sicily, and after his death they endeavoured to obtain possession of it, by sending troops to the assistance of those cities which were oppressed by the Syracusans, and thus paving the way for a greater armament. It was, however, Alkibiades who fanned their desires into a flame, and who persuaded them to abandon these half-hearted attempts, to proceed with a great force to the island, and to endeavour to subdue it. He raised great expectations among the people, but his own aspirations were far more entensive; for he regarded the conquest of Sicily not merely as an end, but as a stepping-stone to greater things. While Nikias was dissuading the people from the attempt, on the ground that it would be a difficult matter to capture the city of Syracuse, Alkibiades was dreaming of Carthage and Libya; and after these were gained, he meditated the conquest of Italy and of Peloponnesus, regarding Sicily as little more than a convenient magazine and place of arms. He greatly excited the younger Athenians by his vast designs, and they listened eagerly to the marvellous stories of the old who had served in that country; so that many of them would spend their time sitting in the gymnasia and public seats, drawing sketches of the shape of the island of Sicily, and of the position of Libya and Carthage. It is said that Sokrates the philosopher, and Meton the astronomer, did not expect that the state would gain any advantage from this expedition; the former probably receiving a presentiment of disaster, as was his wont, from his familiar spirit. Meton either made calculations which led him to fear what was about to happen, or else gathered it from the art of prophecy. He feigned madness, and seizing a torch, attempted to set his house on fire. Some say that Meton made no pretence of madness, but that he burned down his house one night, and next morning came and besought the Athenians, after such a misfortune, to exempt his son from serving with the expedition. Thus he deceived his fellow citizens and carried his point.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Nikias, much against his will, was chosen to lead the expedition. His unwillingness was in a great measure due to the fact that Alkibiades was to act as his colleague; for the Athenians thought that the war would be conducted better if the rashness of Alkibiades was tempered by the prudence of Nikias, because the third general, Lamachus, although advanced in years, yet had the reputation of being no less daring and reckless a soldier than Alkibiades himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When the public assembly were debating about the number of the troops and the preparation for the armament, Nikias made another attempt to oppose the whole measure and to put a stop to the war. Alkibiades, however, took the other side and carried all before him. The orator Demostratus moved, that the generals should be empowered to demand whatever stores and war material they pleased, and have absolute power to carry on the war at their own discretion. This was agreed to by the people, and all was ready for setting sail, when unlucky omens occurred. The festival of Adonis took place at that very time, and during it the women carry about in many parts of the city figures dressed like corpses going to be buried, and imitate the ceremony of a funeral by tearing their hair and singing dirges. And besides this, the mutilation of the Hermae in one night, when all of them had their faces disfigured, disturbed many even of those who, as a rule, despised such things. A story was put about that the Corinthians, of whom the Syracusans were a colony, had done it, hoping that such an evil omen might make the Athenians either postpone or give up their expedition. But the people paid no heed to this insinuation, and still less to those who argued that there was no omen in the matter at all, but that it was the work of extravagant young men after their wine. They regarded the incident with feelings of rage and fear, imagining that it proved the existence of an organised plot aimed at greater matters. Both the Senate and the General Assembly met several times during the next few days, and inquired sharply into every thing that could throw any light upon it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; During this time, Androkles, a popular speaker, brought forward several slaves and resident aliens, who charged Alkibiades and his friends with mutilating certain other statues, and with parodying the ceremonies of initiation to the sacred mysteries when in their cups. They said that the part of the Herald was taken by Theodorus, that of the Torch-bearer by Polytion, and that of Hierophant by Alkibiades himself, while the rest of the company were present and were initiated, and were addressed by them as Mysts, which means persons who have been initiated into the mysteries. These are the charges which we find specified in the indictment drawn against Alkibiades by Thessalus the son of Kimon, in which he accuses Alkibiades of sacrilege against the two goddesses, Demeter (Ceres) and Proserpine. The people now became very much enraged with Alkibiades, and were still more exasperated by his personal enemy Androkles. Alkibiades was at first alarmed, but soon perceived that all the sailors of the fleet about to sail to Sicily were on his side, as were also the soldiers. A body of a thousand Argives and Mantineans also were heard to say that they were going to cross the seas and fight in a distant land all for the sake of Alkibiades, and that if he did not meet with fair play, they would at once desert. Encouraged by this, he appeared at the appointed time to defend himself, which disconcerted and disheartened his enemies, who feared that the people might deal leniently with him because they required his services. Matters being in this posture, they prevailed upon some of the orators who were not known to be enemies to Alkibiades, but who hated him nevertheless, to move before the people that it was an absurd proceeding for the irresponsible general of so great a force of Athenians and their allies to waste his time while the court was drawing lots for the jury, and filling water-clocks with water. &amp;quot;Let him sail, and may good luck attend him, and when the war is finished let him return and speak in his defence, for the laws will be the same then as now.&amp;quot; Alkibiades saw clearly their malicious object in postponing his trial, and said publicly that it was very hard to leave such accusations and slanders behind him, and to be sent out in command of a great expedition with such a terrible fate hanging over him. If he could not prove his innocence, he ought to be put to death; and if he could clear himself of these charges, it was only just that he should be enabled to attack the enemy with a light heart, without having to fear false accusers at home.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; He did not, however, succeed in this, but was ordered to sail, and put to sea with his colleagues, having under their orders a fleet of nearly one hundred and forty triremes, five thousand one hundred heavy-armed troops, archers, slingers, and light-armed troops to the number of about thirteen hundred, and all other stores and provisions in proportion. After reaching Italy and capturing Rhegium, he gave his opinion as to the manner in which the war ought to be conducted; but as Nikias opposed him and was joined by Lamachus, he sailed over to Sicily and induced the city of Catana to join them, but did nothing further, because he was sent for at once to return and stand his trial at Athens. At first, as we have stated, Alkibiades was only vaguely suspected, and only the testimony of slaves and resident aliens could be obtained against him; but afterwards, during his absence, his enemies had worked hard to get up a case against him, and connected his sacrilegious conduct about the mysteries with the mutilation of the Hermae, which they argued were all the work of one body of conspirators, bent upon revolution and the destruction of the existing form of government. All those who were in any degree implicated were cast into prison without a trial, and they were much vexed they had not immediately brought Alkibiades to trial and obtained judgment against him on such grave charges as these. Any of his friends, relations, or acquaintances who fell into their hands received very harsh treatment.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thucydides has omitted the names of those who impeached him, but others give their names as Diokleides and Teukrus, among whom is Phrynichus the comic dramatist, who writes as follows:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;And, dearest Hermes, do not fall&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;And break your head; and, worst of all,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;To some new Diokleides show the way,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;By slander base to swear men&#039;s lives away.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And again Hermes says:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I will not fall. I will not for my pains&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Let Teukrus fatten on informers&#039; gains.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Though really the informers brought no decided evidence forward for any important charge, one of them, when asked how he recognised the faces of the statue-breakers, answered that he saw them by the light of the moon: a signal falsehood, because it was done on the night of the new moon. This answer made the more thoughtful citizens unwilling to press the charge, but had no effect whatever on the people, who were as eager as ever, and continued to cast into prison any man who might be informed against.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; One of those who was imprisoned was the orator Andokides, whom Hellanikus, the historian, reckons as a descendant of Odysseus (Ulysses). Andokides was thought to be a man of aristocratic and antipopular sentiments, and what made him particularly suspected of having taken part in the statue-breaking, was that the large statue of Hermes, near his house, the gift of the tribe Aegeis, was one of the very few which remained unbroken. Wherefore even at the present day it is called the Hermes of Andokides, and everyone speaks of it by that name in spite of the inscription on it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It happened that Andokides, while in custody, formed an acquaintance and friendship for one of the other persons who were imprisoned on the same charge, a man of the name of Timaeus, of inferior birth and position to himself, but much cleverer and more courageous. This man persuaded Andokides to inform against himself and some few others, because, by a decree of the people, any one who acted as informer was to be given a free pardon, whereas no one could count upon the results of a trial, which the more prominent citizens had especial reasons for dreading. He pointed out that it was better to save his life by a lie than to be put to death with infamy as if he was really guilty; moreover, looking at the whole affair, it was best to sacrifice a few persons of doubtful character to the fury of the people, and thereby to save many good men from becoming its victims. Andokides was convinced by these arguments of Timaeus, and by informing against himself and some others obtained a pardon for himself, while all those whose names he mentioned were put to death, except such as had fled the country.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To procure greater credit to his information, Andokides even accused his own servants. However, the people did not abate their rage, but, ceasing to take any further interest in the statue-breakers, they turned savagely against Alkibiades. Finally, they despatched the Salaminian trireme after him, ingeniously ordering its officers not to use any personal violence, but to speak him fair and bid him return to stand his trial and set himself right with the people.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They were afraid of an outbreak, or even of a mutiny in the army in Sicily, which Alkibiades could have raised with the greatest ease, if he had wished to do so. Indeed, the soldiers became disheartened when he left them, and looked forward to long delays and periods of dull inaction under Nikias&#039;s command, now that he who used to spur matters on was gone. Lamachus, indeed, was a brave and skilful soldier, but his poverty prevented his opinions from carrying their due weight.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Alkibiades the moment he sailed away lost Messina for the Athenians. There was a party in that city ready to deliver it up, which he knew well, and by disclosing their intentions to the Syracusan party he effectually ruined the plot. At Thurii he landed, and concealed himself so that he could not be found. When one of his friends said to him, &amp;quot;Alkibiades, do you not trust your native country?&amp;quot; He answered, &amp;quot;Yes, in other matters; but when my life is at stake I would not trust my own mother, for fear that she might mistake a black bean for a white one.&amp;quot; Afterwards hearing that the Athenians had condemned him to death, he said, &amp;quot;I will show them that I am still alive.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The indictment against him is framed thus:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Thessalus, the son of Kimon, of the township of Lakia, accuses Alkibiades, the son of Kleinias, of the township of the Skambonidae, of sacrilege against the two goddesses, Demeter and Kora, by parodying the sacred mysteries and giving a representation of them in his own house, wearing himself such a robe as the Hierophant does when he shows the holy things, and calling himself the Hierophant, Poulytion, the Torch-bearer, Theodorus, of the township of Phegaea, the Herald, and addressing the rest of the company as Mysts and Epopts (Initiates and Novices), contrary to the rules and ceremonies established by the Eumolpidae, and Kerykes, and the priests of Eleusis.&amp;quot; As he did not appear, they condemned him, forfeited his goods, and even caused all the priests and priestesses to curse him publicly. It is said that Theano, the daughter of Menon, the priestess of the temple of Agraulos, was the only one who refused to carry out this decree, alleging that it was to pray and not to curse that she had become a priestess.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; While these terrible decrees and sentences were being passed against Alkibiades, he was living at Argos; for as soon as he left Thurii, he fled to the Peloponnesus, where, terrified at the violence of his enemies, he determined to abandon his country, and sent to Sparta demanding a safe asylum, on the strength of a promise that he would do the Spartans more good than he had in time past done them harm. The Spartans agreed to his request, and invited him to come. On his arrival, he at once effected one important matter, by stirring up the dilatory Spartans to send Gylippus at once to Syracuse with reinforcements for that city, to destroy the Athenian army in Sicily. Next, he brought them to declare war against the Athenians themselves; while his third and most terrible blow to Athens was his causing the Lacedaemonians to seize and fortify Dekeleia, which did more to ruin Athens than any other measure throughout the war. With his great public reputation, Alkibiades was no less popular in private life, and he deluded the people by pretending to adopt the Laconian habits. When they saw him closely shaved, bathing in cold water, eating dry bread and black broth, they wondered, and began to doubt whether this man ever had kept a professed cook, used perfumes, or endured to wear a Milesian mantle. For Alkibiades, among his other extraordinary qualities, had this especial art of captivating men by assimilating his own manners and habits to theirs, being able to change, more quickly than the chameleon, from one mode of life to another. The chameleon, indeed, cannot turn itself white; but Alkibiades never found anything, good or bad, which he could not imitate to the life. Thus at Sparta he was fond of exercise, frugal and severe; in Ionia, luxurious, frivolous, and lazy; in Thrace, he drank deep; in Thessaly he proved himself a good horseman; while, when he was consorting with the satrap Tissaphernes, he outdid even the Persian splendour and pomp. It was not his real character that he so often and so easily changed, but as he knew that if he appeared in his true colours, he would be universally disliked, he concealed his real self under an apparent adoption of the ways and fashions of whatever place he was in. In Lacedaemon you would say, looking at his appearance,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;&#039;Tis not Achilles&#039; son, &#039;tis he himself.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He was just such a man as Lykurgus himself would have trained; but if you examined his habits and actions more closely, you would say:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;&#039;Tis the same woman still.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For while King Agis was away in the wars, Alkibiades seduced his wife Timaea, so that she became pregnant by him, and did not even deny the fact. When her child was born it was called Leotychides in public, but in her own house she whispered to her friends and attendants that his name was Alkibiades, so greatly was she enamoured of him. He himself used to say in jest that he had not acted thus out of wanton passion, but in order that his race might one day rule in Lacedaemon. King Agis heard of all this from many informants, but was most convinced of its truth by a computation of the time before the birth of the child. Terrified at an earthquake, he had once quitted his wife&#039;s chamber, and for ten months afterwards had never conversed with her. As it was at the end of this period that Leotychides was born, he declared that the child was not his; and for this reason he never succeeded to the throne.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After the Athenian disaster in Sicily, ambassadors came to Sparta from Chios, Lesbos, and Kyzikus. The claims of the Lesbians were favoured by the Boeotians, and those of the people of Kyzikus by Pharnabazus; but, at the recommendation of Alkibiades, the Lacedaemonians decided to give the preference to the Chians. He himself sailed to that island, caused nearly the whole of the cities of Ionia to revolt from Athens, and injured the Athenian cause much by constantly assisting the Lacedaemonian generals. King Agis, however, was already his personal enemy, because of Alkibiades&#039;s intrigue with his wife, and now was enraged at his successes; for it was said that scarcely anything was done without Alkibiades. The other leading men in Sparta also hated Alkibiades, because he had thrown them into the shade; and they had sufficient influence with the home government to obtain an order for his execution, to be sent to the generals in Ionia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Alkibiades received warning of this in good time. Alarmed at the news, he still continued to co-operate with the Lacedaemonians, but utterly refused to trust his person among them. To ensure his safety, he betook himself to Tissaphernes, the satrap or viceroy for the king of Persia in that province, and at once became the most important personage amongst his followers. The barbarian being himself a lover of deceit and of crooked ways, admired his cleverness and versatility; while no man&#039;s nature could resist the fascinations and charms of the society of Alkibiades, which Tissaphernes now enjoyed daily. Although he hated the Greeks as much as any Persian, yet he was so overpowered by the flatteries of Alkibiades, that he in his turn repaid him with compliments even more excessive. He decreed that the pleasantest of his parks, a place charmingly wooded and watered, with delightful walks and summer-houses, should be called &amp;quot;the Alkibiades;&amp;quot; and all men from that time forth spoke of it by that name.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now that Alkibiades had determined that the Spartans were not to be trusted, and that he was in fear of Agis, their king, he began to speak evil of them to Tissaphernes, withholding him from assisting them thoroughly, and enabling them to conquer the Athenians, but advising him rather to starve the Lacedaemonians forces by insufficient supplies, so as to play one side off against the other, and thus encourage them to wear each other out, in order that in the end both might be so weakened as to fall an easy prey to the Persians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Tissaphernes at once adopted this policy, and made no secret of his regard and admiration for Alkibiades, who was now looked up to by the Greeks on both sides, while the Athenians repented of their decrees against him. He also began to fear that if their city were to be utterly destroyed he would necessarily fall into the hands of his enemies, the Lacedaemonians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The most important post in the Athenian empire at this time was the island of Samos. Here lay the greater part of their fleet, and it was from this headquarters that they sent out expeditions to recover the revolted cities of Ionia, and guarded those which they still retained, as, in spite of their great losses, they still possessed a fleet capable of holding its own against the Lacedaemonians. They were in great fear of Tissaphernes and the Phoenician fleet of a hundred and fifty sail of triremes, which was said to be on the point of arriving, because if it really came all would be over with Athens. Alkibiades, knowing this, sent a secret message to the Athenian leaders at Samos, holding out hopes of bringing Tissaphernes over to the Athenian side. He would not, he said, do this to please the populace of Athens, because he could not trust them, but he would effect it if the nobility would, like brave gentlemen, put an end to the insolent behaviour of the lower orders, and would themselves undertake to save the city and empire of Athens.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;All were eager to adopt the proposal of Alkibiades, except Phrynichus of the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;demos&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; or township of Deirades, who suspected the real truth, that Alkibiades cared nothing about the form of government which might be established at Athens, but was seeking for some excuse for being restored to his native country, and thought, by his harsh language about the people, to ingratiate himself with the nobles. He was, however, overruled; and, being now clearly marked as the personal enemy of Alkibiades, sent a secret message to Astyochus, the admiral of the Lacedaemonian fleet, bidding him beware of Alkibiades, who was playing a double game. However, he met his match in perfidy. Astyochus, desirous of gaining the favour of Tissaphernes, and seeing that Alkibiades had great influence with him, betrayed Phrynichus&#039;s letter to them. Alkibiades upon this at once sent persons to Samos to charge Phrynichus with this act of treason, and he, seeing that all men were shocked at what he had done, and were indignant with him, and being at his wit&#039;s end, endeavoured to heal one mischief by another. He sent a second letter to Astyochus, reproaching him for his betrayal of confidence, and promising that he would enable him to capture the fleet and camp of the Athenians. However, the treachery of Phrynichus did no harm to the Athenians, because of the counter treachery of Astyochus, who communicated this letter also to Alkibiades. Now Phrynichus, expecting a second charge of treason from Alkibiades, was beforehand with him, in announcing to the Athenians that the enemy were about to attack them, and advising them to keep near their ships, and to fortify their camp.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_22_22&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_22_22&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[22]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This they proceeded to do, when there came a second letter from Alkibiades, warning them against Phrynichus, who meditated betraying the harbour to the enemy. This letter was not believed at the time, for men imagined that Alkibiades, who knew perfectly well all the movements and intentions of the enemy, was making use of that knowledge to destroy his personal enemy Phrynichus, by exciting an undeserved suspicion against him. Yet, when afterwards Hermon, one of the Athenian horse-patrol, stabbed Phrynichus with his dagger in the market-place, the Athenians, after trying the case, decided that the deceased was guilty of treason, and crowned Hermon and his comrades with garlands.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The friends of Alkibiades being in a majority at Samos, now despatched Peisander to Athens to attempt the subversion of the republic, and to encourage the nobles to seize the government, and put an end to the democratic constitution. If this was done, they conceived that Alkibiades would make Tissaphernes their friend and ally, and this was the pretext and excuse put forward by those who established the oligarchy. When, however, the so-called Five Thousand, who really were the Four Hundred, were at the head of affairs, they paid but little attention to Alkibiades, and were very remiss in carrying on the war, partly because they distrusted the citizens, who were not yet accustomed to the new constitution, and partly because they thought that the Lacedaemonians, who were always favourable to oligarchical governments, would deal more tenderly with them on that account. The Athenian populace remained quiet, though sorely against its will, because of the terror inspired by the oligarchs, for no small number of citizens who had opposed the Four Hundred had been put to death; but the men of Samos, as soon as they heard the news, were indignant, and wished at once to sail to Peiraeus. They sent at once for Alkibiades, elected him their general, and bade him lead them on to crush this new despotism. Alkibiades on this occasion acted like a really great commander, and not at all as one would expect of a man who had suddenly been raised to power by popular favour.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He refused to curry favour with the soldiery by carrying out their wishes, regardless of their having found him a homeless exile, and having made him the commander of so many ships and so many men; but he resisted their impulse, and by preventing their committing so great an error, without doubt saved the Athenian empire. For if the fleet had left Samos, the enemy could without a battle have made themselves masters of the whole of Ionia, the Hellespont, and the islands in the Aegean while Athenians would have fought with Athenians in their own city. All this was prevented by Alkibiades alone, who not only persuaded the populace, and pointed out the folly of such proceedings in public speeches, but even entreated and commanded each individual man to remain at Samos. He was assisted in this by Thrasybulus, of the township of Steiria, who was present, and spoke in his loud voice, which was said to be the loudest of any Athenian of his time. This was a noble achievement of Alkibiades, and so, too, was his undertaking that the Phoenician fleet, which the Lacedaemonians expected would be sent by the Persian king to help them, should either be won over to the Athenian side, or at any rate prevented from joining the Lacedaemonians. In order to effect this, he sailed away in great haste, and, although the Phoenician fleet was at Aspendus, yet Tissaphernes brought it no further, and deceived the Lacedaemonians. Both parties gave Alkibiades the credit of having detained it, and more especially the Lacedaemonians, who imagined that he was teaching the Persians to allow the Greeks to destroy one another, for it was perfectly clear that such a force, if added to either of the contending parties, must have made them complete masters of the sea.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this the government of the Four Hundred was dissolved, as the friends of Alkibiades eagerly took the side of the popular party. Although the Athenians now wished and even commanded Alkibiades to return to his native city, yet he felt that he ought not to come home emptyhanded, and owing his restoration to the good nature of the people, but rather to return after some glorious achievement. With this intention he at first left Samos with a few ships and cruised in the seas near Knidus and Kôs; then, hearing that Mindarus, the Spartan admiral, had gone to the Hellespont with all his fleet, and that the Athenian fleet had followed him, he hurried to the assistance of the Athenian commanders.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Sailing northwards with eighteen triremes he chanced to arrive towards evening, at the end of a sea-fight off Abydos, in which neither party had won any decided advantage. The appearance of his squadron caused very different feelings among the combatants, for the Athenians were alarmed, and the enemy encouraged. However, he soon hoisted an Athenian flag, and bore down upon that part of the Peloponnesian fleet which had been hitherto victorious. He put them to flight, compelled them to run their ships ashore, and then attacking them, disabled their ships, and broke them to pieces, forcing the crews to swim ashore, where Pharnabazus the satrap led a force to the water&#039;s edge to fight for the preservation of the vessels. In the end the Athenians took thirty ships, recovered those of their own which had been captured, and erected a trophy, as victors.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Alkibiades gained great glory by this splendid piece of good fortune, and at once went off with rich presents and a gorgeous military retinue, to display his fresh laurels to Tissaphernes. He met, however, with a very different reception to that which he expected, for Tissaphernes, whose mind had been poisoned against him by the Lacedaemonians, and who feared that the king might be displeased with his own dealings with Alkibiades, considered that he had arrived at a very opportune moment, and at once seized him and imprisoned him at Sardis; thinking that this arbitrary act would prove to the world that the other suspicions of an understanding between them were unfounded.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Thirty days afterwards, Alkibiades by some means obtained a horse, eluded his guards, and fled for refuge to Klazomenae. He gave out that he had been privately released by Tissaphernes himself, in order to disgrace that satrap, and at once sailed to the Athenian fleet in the Hellespont. Learning that Mindarus and Pharnabazus were both in the city of Kyzikus, he encouraged his soldiers by a speech, in which he told them that they would have to fight at sea, on land, and against the town walls too, for that if they were not completely victorious they could get no pay. He manned his ships and proceeded to Prokonessus, ordering all small vessels which they met to be seized and detained in the interior of the fleet, in order that the enemy might not learn his movements. It happened also that a heavy thunderstorm with rain and darkness assisted his design, as he not only was unseen by the enemy, but was never suspected of any intention of attack by the Athenians themselves, who had given up any idea of going to sea when he ordered them on board. Little by little the clouds cleared away, and disclosed the Peloponnesian fleet cruising off the harbour of Kyzikus. Alkibiades, fearing that if the enemy saw how numerous his own fleet was, they would take refuge on shore, ordered the other commanders to remain behind under easy sail, and himself with forty ships went on ahead to entice them to an engagement. The Peloponnesians, deceived by this manoeuvre, at once attacked these few ships, despising their small numbers. But the little squadron engaged them until the rest came up, when they fled ashore in terror. Alkibiades with twenty of the fastest sailing ships broke through the enemy&#039;s line, ran his ships ashore, landed their crews, and attacked the fugitives from the enemy&#039;s fleet with terrible slaughter. Mindarus and Pharnabazus now came to the rescue, but they were beaten back; Mindarus died fighting bravely, and Pharnabazus only saved himself by flight. By this battle the Athenians obtained possession of many dead bodies of their enemies,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_23_23&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_23_23&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[23]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; many stand of arms, the whole of the hostile fleet, and the town of Kyzikus, which they took by storm, putting its Peloponnesian garrison to the sword, as soon as Pharnabazus withdrew his troops. They now not merely obtained a firm hold on the Hellespont, but were able to drive the Lacedaemonians from the sea in all quarters. A despatch was captured, written in the Laconian fashion, informing the Ephors of the disaster. &amp;quot;Our ships are gone; Mindarus is slain; the men are starving; we know not what to do.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The men who had served under Alkibiades were so elated by this victory that they disdained to mix with the rest of the army, alleging that the others had often been defeated, and that they were invincible. Indeed, not long before, Thrasyllus had received a defeat near Ephesus, upon which the Ephesians erected the brazen trophy to the disgrace of the Athenians; so that the soldiers of Alkibiades reproached those of Thrasyllus with this, glorifying themselves and their commander, and refusing to allow the others to make use of their places of exercise or their quarters in camp. However, when Pharnabazus with a large force of infantry and calvary attacked them while they were invading the territory of Abydos, Alkibiades led them out to fight him, defeated him, and, together with Thrasyllus, pursued him till nightfall. After this the soldiers fraternised with each other and returned to their camp rejoicing together. On the following day Alkibiades erected a trophy and ravaged the country of Pharnabazus, no one daring to oppose him. He even took priests and priestesses prisoners, but released them without ransom.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The city of Chalkedon had revolted from Athens, and received a Lacedaemonian harmost&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_24_24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_24_24&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[24]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and garrison. Alkibiades was eager to attack them, but, hearing that they had collected all the property&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_25_25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_25_25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[25]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in their country and placed it in the hands of the Bithynians, a friendly tribe, he led his whole army to the Bithynian frontier and sent a herald to that people reproaching them for what they had done. In terror, the Bithynians gave up the property to him, and entered into an alliance with him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; He now completely invested Chalkedon, by building a wall reaching from sea to sea. Pharnabazus came down to raise the siege, and Hippokrates, the harmost of the city, led out his forces and attacked the Athenians at the same time. Alkibiades arranged his army so as to be able to fight them both at once, forced Pharnabazus to retreat with disgrace, killed Hippokrates, and put his force to flight with severe loss. He now took a cruise round the Hellespont, to raise contributions from the towns on the coast, during which he took Selymbria, where he, very unnecessarily, was exposed to great personal risk. The party who intended to betray the city had arranged to show a torch as a signal at midnight, but were compelled to do so before the appointed time, fearing one of the conspirators, who suddenly changed his mind. When then the torch was raised, the army was not ready for the assault, but Alkibiades, taking some thirty men with him, ran at full speed up to the walls, giving orders to the rest to follow. The city gate was opened for him, and, twenty peltasts&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_26_26&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_26_26&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[26]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; having joined his thirty soldiers, he entered, when he perceived the men of Selymbria under arms marching down the street to meet him. To await their onset would have been ruin, while pride forbade a hitherto invincible general to retire. Ordering his trumpet to sound, he bade one of those present proclaim aloud that the Selymbrians ought not to appear in arms against the Athenians. This speech made some of the townspeople less eager to fight, as they imagined that their enemies were all within the walls, while it encouraged others who hoped to arrange matters peaceably. While they were standing opposite to one another and parleying, Alkibiades&#039;s army came up, and he, truly conjecturing that the Selymbrians were really disposed to be friendly, began to fear that his Thracian troops might sack the city; for many of these barbarians were serving in his army as volunteers, from a particular attachment they had to his person. He therefore sent them all out of the city, and did not permit the terrified people of Selymbria to suffer any violence, but, having exacted a contribution of money and placed a garrison in the town, he sailed away.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Meanwhile the generals who were besieging Chalkedon made an agreement with Pharnabazus, on these conditions. They were to receive a sum of money; the people of Chalkedon were to become subjects of Athens as before; Pharnabazus was not to lay waste the province; and he was to provide an escort and a safe-conduct for an Athenian embassy to the Persian king. On the return of Alkibiades, Pharnabazus desired him to swear to observe these conditions, but Alkibiades refused to do so unless Pharnabazus swore first. After this capitulation he proceeded to Byzantium, which had revolted from Athens, and built a wall round that city. Anaxilaus and Lykurgus, with some others, now offered to betray the city if the lives and property of the inhabitants were spared. Upon this Alkibiades put about a report that his presence was urgently required on the Ionian coast, and sailed away by daylight with all his fleet. The same night he landed with all his soldiers, and marched up to the walls in silence, while the fleet, with a great clamour and disturbance, forced its way into the harbour. The suddenness of this assault, entirely unexpected as it was, terrified the people of Byzantium, and gave those of them who inclined to the Athenian side an opportunity of admitting Alkibiades quietly, while the attention of every one was directed to the ships in the harbour. The town did not, however, surrender altogether without fighting; for the Peloponnesians, Megarians, and Boeotians who were in it drove the Athenians back into their ships with loss, and when they heard that the land forces had entered the town they formed in line and engaged them. A severe battle took place, but Alkibiades on the right wing, and Theramenes on the left, were at length victorious, and took prisoners the survivors, some three hundred in number. After this battle no citizen of Byzantium was either put to death or banished, those being the terms on which the conspirators had delivered up the city, namely, that they should suffer no loss of life or property.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anaxilaus was afterwards tried at Sparta for having betrayed the city, and justified what he had done, saying that he was not a Lacedaemonian, but a Byzantine, and that he saw Byzantium, not Sparta, in danger, as the city was surrounded by the enemy&#039;s siege works, no provisions being brought in to it, and what there was in it being consumed by the Peloponnesians and Boeotians, while the people of Byzantium with their wives and children were starving. He did not, he said, betray the city to the enemy, but relieved it from the miseries of war, imitating therein the noblest Lacedaemonians, whose only idea of what was noble and just was what would serve their own country. The Lacedaemonians, on hearing this speech, were ashamed to press the charge, and acquitted him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now, at length, Alkibiades began to wish to see his native country again, and still more to be seen and admired by his countrymen after his splendid series of victories. He proceeded home with the Athenian fleet, which was magnificently adorned with shields and trophies, and had many prizes in tow, and the flags of many more which he had captured and destroyed—all of them together amounting to not less than two hundred. But we cannot believe the additions which Douris the Samian, who says that he is a descendant of Alkibiades, makes to this story, to the effect that Chrysogonus, the victor at the Pythian games, played on the flute to mark the time for the rowers, while Kallipides the tragedian, attired in his buskins, purple robe, and other theatrical properties, gave them orders, and that the admiral&#039;s ship came into harbour with purple sails, as if returning from a party of pleasure. Neither Theopompus, nor Ephorus, nor Xenophon mentions these circumstances, nor was it likely that he should present himself before the Athenians in such a swaggering fashion, when he was returning home from exile, after having suffered such a variety of misfortunes. The truth is, he sailed to Athens with considerable misgivings, and on his arrival would not leave his ship until from her deck he saw Euryptolemus his cousin, with many of his friends and relatives, assembled to welcome him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When he landed, the people seemed to have no eyes for the other generals, but all rushed towards him, and escorted him on his way, cheering him, embracing him, and crowning him with flowers. Those who could not get near him gazed upon him from a distance, and the older men pointed him out to the younger ones. Yet the joy of the citizens was mingled with tears in the midst of their rejoicings, when they thought of their past disasters, for they reflected that they would not have failed in Sicily, or met with any of their other terrible disappointments, if they had not parted with Alkibiades when in the full tide of prosperity. He had found Athens barely able to hold her own at sea, by land mistress of little more than the ground on which the city stood, and torn by internal strife; from which miserable and forlorn condition he had restored her so completely, that she was again not only omnipotent at sea, but also victorious everywhere on land.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Before his return a decree had been passed authorising him to do so, at the instance of Kritias, the son of Kallaeschrus, who himself alludes to it in his poems, mentioning the service which he performed for Alkibiades in the following verse:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;I moved your restoration by decree,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;And that you&#039;re home again you owe to me.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Immediately on the return of Alkibiades, the people assembled in the Pnyx, where he addressed them. He spoke with tears of his misfortunes, for which he partly reproached his countrymen, though he attributed them chiefly to his own unlucky fortune, and he greatly raised their hopes by speaking encouragingly about their probable successes in the future. He was honoured with golden crowns, and elected sole general with absolute power both by sea and land. A decree was also passed by which his property was restored to him, and the Eumolpidae and Kerykes were ordered to retract the curses which they had invoked upon him at the instance of the people. When all the rest obeyed, Theodorus the hierophant excused himself, saying, If he has done the State no wrong, I never cursed him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; While Alkibiades was in this glorious career of prosperity, some persons in spite of his success foreboded evil from the day which he had chosen for his return home; for on the day on which he sailed into the harbour the statue of Athene on the Acropolis is stripped of its garments and ornaments, which are cleaned, while it in the meanwhile is covered up to conceal it from human eyes. This ceremony takes place on the 25th of the month Thargelion, which day is considered by the Athenians to be the unluckiest of all. Moreover, the goddess did not appear to receive Alkibiades with a kindly welcome, but to turn away her face from him and drive him from her presence. Be this as it may, all went well and just as Alkibiades wished. A fleet of a hundred triremes was manned, and placed at his disposal, but he with creditable pride refused to set sail until after the celebration of the Eleusinian mysteries. Since the permanent occupation of Dekeleia and of the passes commanding the road to Eleusis by the enemy, the procession had been necessarily shorn of many of its distinctive features, as it had to be sent by sea. All the customary sacrifices, dances, and other rites which used to be practised on the road, when Iacchus is carried along in solemn procession, were of necessity omitted. It seemed therefore to Alkibiades that it would both honour the gods and increase his own reputation among men, if he restored the ancient form of this ceremony, escorting the procession with his troops and protecting it from the enemy; for he argued that Agis would lose prestige if he did not attack, but allowed the procession to pass unmolested, whereas if he did attack, Alkibiades would be able to fight in a holy cause, in defence of the most sacred institutions of his country, with all his countrymen present as witnesses of his own valour. When he determined to do this, after concerting measures with the Eumolpidae and Kerykes, he placed vedettes on the mountains and sent an advanced guard off at day-break, following with the priests, novices, and initiators marching in the midst of his army, in great good order and perfect silence. It was an august and solemn procession, and all who did not envy him said that he had performed the office of a high priest in addition of that of a general. The enemy made no attack, and he led his troops safely back to Athens, full of pride himself, and making his army proud to think itself invincible while under his command. He had so won the affections of the poor and the lower orders, that they were strangely desirous of living under his rule. Many even besought him to put down the malignity of his personal enemies, sweep away laws, decrees, and other pernicious nonsense, and carry on the government without fear of a factious opposition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; What his own views about making himself despot of Athens may have been we cannot tell; but the leading citizens took alarm at this, and hurried him away as quickly as possible to sea, voting whatever measures he pleased, and allowing him to choose his own colleagues. He set sail with his hundred ships, reached Andros, and defeated the inhabitants of that island, and the Lacedaemonian garrison there. He did not, however, capture the city, and this afterwards became one of the points urged against him by his enemies. Indeed, if there ever was a man destroyed by his reputation, it was Alkibiades. Being supposed to be such a prodigy of daring and subtlety, his failures were regarded with suspicion, as if he could have succeeded had he been in earnest; for his countrymen would not believe that he could really fail in anything which he seriously attempted. They expected to hear of the capture of Chios, and of the whole Ionian coast, and were vexed at not at once receiving the news of a complete success. They did not take into account the want of money which Alkibiades felt, while warring against men who had the king of Persia for their paymaster, and which made frequent absences from his camp necessary to provide subsistence for his troops. It was one of these expeditions, indeed, which exposed him to the last and most important of the many charges brought against him. Lysander had been sent by the Lacedaemonians to take the command of their fleet. On his arrival, by means of the money paid by Cyrus, he raised the pay of his sailors from three obols a day to four. Alkibiades, who could with difficulty pay his men even three obols, went to Caria to levy contributions, leaving in command of the fleet one Antiochus, a good seaman, but a thoughtless and silly man. He had distinct orders from Alkibiades not to fight even if the enemy attacked him, but such was his insolent disregard of these instructions that he manned his own trireme and one other, sailed to Ephesus, and there passed along the line of the enemy&#039;s ships, as they lay on the beach, using the most scurrilous and insulting language and gestures. At first Lysander put to sea with a few ships to pursue him, but as the Athenians came out to assist him, the action became general. The entire fleets engaged and Lysander was victorious. He killed Antiochus, captured many ships and men, and set up a trophy. When Alkibiades on his return to Samos heard of this, he put to sea with all his ships, and offered battle to Lysander; but he was satisfied with his previous victory, and refused the offer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Thrasybulus, the son of Thrason, a bitter personal enemy of Alkibiades, now set sail for Athens to accuse him, and to exasperate his enemies in the city against him. He made a speech to the people, representing that Alkibiades had ruined their affairs and lost their ships by insolently abusing his authority and entrusting the command, during his own absence, to men who owed their influence with him to deep drinking and cracking seamen&#039;s jokes, and that he securely traversed the provinces to raise money, indulging in drunken debauches with Ionian courtezans, while the enemy&#039;s fleet was riding close to his own. He was also blamed for the construction of certain forts in Thrace, near Bisanthe, which he destined as a place of refuge for himself, as if he could not or would not live in his native city.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Athenians were so wrought upon by these charges against Alkibiades, that they elected other generals to supersede him, thus showing their anger and dislike for him. Alkibiades, on learning this, left the Athenian camp altogether, got together a force of foreign troops, and made war on the irregular Thracian tribes on his own account, thus obtaining much plunder and freeing the neighbouring Greek cities from the dread of the barbarians. Now when the generals Tydeus, Menander, and Adeimantus came with the entire Athenian fleet to Aegospotamoi, they used early every morning to go to Lampsakus to challenge the fleet of Lysander, which lay there, to a sea-fight. After this ceremony they would return and spend the whole day in careless indolence, as if despising their enemy. Alkibiades, who lived close by, did not disregard their danger, but even rode over on horseback and pointed out to the generals that they were very badly quartered in a place where there was no harbour and no city, having to obtain all their provisions from Sestos, and, when the ships were once hauled up on shore, allowing the men to leave them unguarded and straggle where they pleased, although they were in the presence of a fleet which was trained to act in silence and good order at the command of one man.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Though Alkibiades gave this advice, and urged the generals to remove to Sestos, they would not listen to him. Tydeus indeed rudely bade him begone, for they, not he, were now generals. Alkibiades, too, suspected that there was some treachery in the case, and retired, telling his personal friends, who escorted him out of the camp, that if he had not been so outrageously insulted by the generals, he could in a few days have compelled the Lacedaemonians either to fight a battle at sea against their will, or abandon their ships. To some this seemed mere boasting, while others thought that he could very possibly effect it by bringing many Thracian light-armed troops and cavalry to assault the camp on the land side. However, the result soon proved that he had rightly seen the fault of the Athenian position. Lysander suddenly and unexpectedly assailed it, and except eight triremes which escaped under Konon, took all the rest, nearly two hundred in number. Lysander also put three thousand prisoners to the sword. He shortly afterwards captured Athens, burned her ships, and pulled down her Long Walls. Alkibiades, terrified at seeing the Lacedaemonians omnipotent by sea and land, shifted his quarters to Bithynia, sending thither a great amount of treasure, and taking much with him, but leaving much more in his Thracian fortresses. In Bithynia, however, he suffered much loss at the hands of the natives, and determined to proceed to the court of Artaxerxes, thinking that the Persian king, if he would make trial of him, would find that he was not inferior to Themistokles in ability, while he sought him in a much more honourable way; for it was not to revenge himself on his fellow-citizens, as Themistokles did, but to assist his own country against its enemy that he meant to solicit the king&#039;s aid. Imagining that Pharnabazus would be able to grant him a safe passage to the Persian court, he went into Phrygia to meet him, and remained there for some time, paying his court to the satrap, and receiving from him marks of respect.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The Athenians were terribly cast down at the loss of their empire; but when Lysander robbed them of their liberty as well, by establishing the government of the Thirty Tyrants, they began to entertain thoughts which never had occurred to them before, while it was yet possible that the State might be saved from ruin. They bewailed their past blunders and mistakes, and of these they considered their second fit of passion with Alkibiades to have been the greatest. They had cast him off for no fault of his own, but merely because they were angry with his follower for having lost a few ships disgracefully; they had much more disgraced themselves by losing the services of the ablest and bravest general whom they possessed. Even in their present abasement a vague hope prevailed among them that Athens could not be utterly lost while Alkibiades was alive; for he had not during his former exile been satisfied with a quiet life, and surely now, however prosperous his private circumstances might be, he would not endure to see the triumph of the Lacedaemonians, and the arrogant tyranny of the Thirty. Indeed this was proved to be no vain dream by the care which the Thirty took to watch all the motions of Alkibiades. At last, Kritias informed Lysander, that while Athens was governed by a democracy, the Lacedaemonian empire in Greece could never be safe; and if the Athenians were ever so much inclined to an oligarchical form of government, Alkibiades, if he lived, would not long suffer them to submit to it. However, Lysander was not prevailed upon by these arguments until a despatch came from Sparta bidding him make away with Alkibiades, either because the home government feared his ability and enterprise, or because they wished to please his enemy, King Agis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Lysander now sent orders for his death to Pharnabazus, who entrusted their execution to his brother Magaeus and his uncle Susamithres. Alkibiades was at this time dwelling in a village in Phrygia, with Timandra the courtezan, and one night he dreamed that he was dressed in his mistress&#039;s clothes, and that she, holding his head in her arms, was painting his face and adorning him like a woman. Others say that he saw Magaeus in his dream cutting off his head, and his body all in flames. All, however, agree that the dream took place shortly before his death. His murderers did not dare to enter the house, but stood round it in a circle and set it on fire. Alkibiades, on discovering them, flung most of the bedding and clothes on to the fire, wrapped his cloak round his left arm, and with his dagger in his right dashed through the flames unhurt, not giving his clothes time to catch fire. None of the barbarians dared to await his onset, but as soon as they saw him they scattered, and from a distance shot at him with darts and arrows. After he had fallen and the barbarians were gone, Timandra took up his corpse, covered it with her own clothes, and, as far as was in her power, showed it every mark of honour and respect.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This Timandra is said to have been the mother of Lais, commonly called the Corinthian, who really was brought as a captive from Hykkara, a small town in Sicily. Some writers, although they agree in their account of the manner of his death, differ as to its cause, alleging that it was neither due to Pharnabazus nor to Lysander nor the Lacedaemonians, but that Alkibiades had debauched a girl of noble birth and was living with her, and that her relatives, enraged at this insult, during the night set fire to the house in which Alkibiades was living, and, as has been related, shot him as he leaped out through the flames.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;LIFE_OF_CAIUS_MARCIUS_CORIOLANUS&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LIFE OF CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The patrician family of the Marcii at Rome produced many illustrious men, amongst whom was Ancus Marcius, the grandson of Numa, who became king after the death of Tullus Hostilius. To this family also belonged Publius and Quintus Marcius, who supplied Rome with abundance of excellent water, and Censorinus, twice appointed censor by the Roman people, who afterwards passed a law that no one should hold that office twice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Caius Marcius, the subject of this memoir, was an orphan, and brought up by a widowed mother. He proved that, hard though the lot of an orphan may be, yet it does not prevent a man&#039;s becoming great and distinguished, and that the bad alone allege it as an excuse for an intemperate life. He also proves to us that a naturally noble nature, if it be not properly disciplined, will produce many good and bad qualities together, just as a rich field, if not properly tilled, will produce both weeds and good fruit. The immense energy and courage of his mind used to urge him to attempt and to perform great exploits, but his harsh and ambitious temper made it difficult for him to live on friendly terms with his companions. They used to admire his indifference to pleasure and pain, and his contempt for bribes, but in politics they were angered by his morose and haughty manner, too proud for a citizen of a republic. Indeed there is no advantage to be gained from a liberal education so great as that of softening and disciplining the natural ferocity of our disposition, by teaching it moderation, and how to avoid all extremes. However, at that period warlike virtues were valued above all others at Rome, which is proved by the Romans possessing only one word for virtue and for bravery, so that virtue, a general term, is applied by them to the particular form, courage.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Marcius, having an especial passion for war, was familiar from childhood with the use of arms. Reflecting that artificial weapons are of little use without a body capable of wielding them, he so trained himself for all possible emergencies that he was both able to run swiftly and also to grapple with his foe so strongly that few could escape from him. Those who entered into any contest with him, when beaten, used to ascribe their defeat to his immense bodily strength, which no exertions could tire out.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; He served his first campaign while yet a youth, when Tarquin, the exiled King of Rome, after many battles and defeats, staked all upon one last throw, and assembled an army to attack Rome. His force consisted chiefly of Latins, but many other Italian states took his part in the war, not from any attachment to his person, but through fear and dislike of the growing power of Rome. In the battle which ensued, in which various turns of fortune took place, Marcius, while fighting bravely under the eye of the dictator himself, saw a Roman fallen and helpless near him. He at once made for this man, stood in front of him, and killed his assailant. After the victory, Marcius was among the first who received the oak-leaf crown. This crown is given to him who has saved the life of a citizen in battle, and is composed of oak-leaves, either out of compliment to the Arcadians, whom the oracle calls &#039;acorn eaters,&#039; or because in any campaign in any country it is easy to obtain oak-boughs, or it may be that the oak, sacred to Jupiter the protector of cities, forms a suitable crown for one who has saved the life of a citizen. The oak is the most beautiful of all wild trees, and the strongest of those which are artificially cultivated. It afforded men in early times both food and drink, by its acorns and the honey found in it, while by the bird-lime which it produces, it enables them to catch most kinds of birds and other creatures, as additional dainties.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This was the battle in which they say that the Dioscuri, Castor and Pollux, appeared, and immediately after the battle were soon in the Forum at Rome announcing the victory, with their horses dripping with sweat, at the spot where now there is a temple built in their honour beside the fountain. In memory of this, the day of the victory, the 15th of July, is kept sacred to the Dioscuri.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; To win distinction early in life is said to quench and satisfy the eagerness of some men whose desire for glory is not keen; but for those with whom it is the ruling passion of their lives, the gaining of honours only urges them on, as a ship is urged by a gale, to fresh achievements. They do not regard themselves as having received a reward, but as having given a pledge for the future, and they feel it their duty not to disgrace the reputation which they have acquired, but to eclipse their former fame by some new deed of prowess. Marcius, feeling this, was ever trying to surpass himself in valour, and gained such prizes and trophies that the later generals under whom he served were always striving to outdo the former ones in their expressions of esteem for him, and their testimony to his merits. Many as were the wars in which Rome was then engaged, Marcius never returned from any without a prize for valour or some especial mark of distinction. Other men were brave in order to win glory, but Marcius won glory in order to please his mother. That she should hear him praised, see him crowned, and embrace him weeping for joy, was the greatest honour and happiness of his life. Epameinondas is said to have had the same feelings, and to have considered it to be his greatest good-fortune that his father and mother were both alive to witness his triumphant success at the battle of Leuktra. He, however, enjoyed the sympathy and applause of both parents, but Marcius, being fatherless, lavished on his mother all that affection which should have belonged to his father, besides her own share. So boundless was his love for Volumnia that at her earnest desire he even married a wife, but still continued to live in the house of his mother.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; At this time, when his reputation and influence were very considerable because of his prowess, there was a party-quarrel going on in Rome between the patricians, who wished to defend the privileges of men of property, and the people, who were suffering terrible ill-treatment at the hands of their creditors. Those who possessed a small property were forced either to pledge or to sell it, while those who were absolutely destitute were carried off and imprisoned, though they might be scarred and enfeebled from the wars in which they had served in defence of their country. The last campaign was that against the Sabines, after which their rich creditors promised to treat them with less harshness. In pursuance of a decree of the Senate, Marcus Valerius the consul was the guarantee of this promise. But when, after serving manfully in this campaign and conquering the enemy, they met with no better treatment from their creditors, and the Senate seemed unmindful of its engagements, allowing them to be imprisoned and distresses to be levied upon their property as before, there were violent outbreaks and riots in the city. This disturbed condition of the commonwealth was taken advantage of by the enemy, who invaded the country and plundered it. When the consuls called all men of military age to arms, no one obeyed, and then at last the patricians hesitated. Some thought that they ought to yield to the lower classes, and make some concessions instead of enforcing the strict letter of the law against them; while others, among whom was Marcius, opposed this idea, not because he thought the money of great consequence, but because he considered this to be the beginning of an outburst of democratic insolence which a wise government would take timely measures to suppress before it gathered strength.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As the Senate, although it frequently met, came to no decision on this matter, the plebeians suddenly assembled in a body, left the city, and established themselves on what was afterwards called the Mons Sacer, or Sacred Hill, near the river Anio. They abstained from all factious proceedings, and merely stated that they had been driven from the city by the wealthy classes. Air and water and a place in which to be buried, they said, could be obtained anywhere in Italy, and they could get nothing more than this in Rome, except the privilege of being wounded or slain in fighting battles on behalf of the rich. At this demonstration, the Senate became alarmed, and sent the most moderate and popular of its members to treat with the people. The spokesman of this embassy was Menenius Agrippa, who, after begging the plebeians to come to terms, and pleading the cause of the Senate with them, wound up his speech by the following fable: Once upon a time, said he, all the members revolted against the belly, reproaching it with lying idle in the body, and making all the other members work in order to provide it with food; but the belly laughed them to scorn, saying that it was quite true that it took all the food which the body obtained, but that it afterwards distributed it among all the members. &amp;quot;This,&amp;quot; he said, &amp;quot;is the part played by the Senate in the body politic. It digests and arranges all the affairs of the State, and provides all of you with wholesome and useful measures.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Upon this they came to terms, after stipulating that five men should be chosen to defend the cause of the people, who are now known as tribunes of the people. They chose for the first tribunes the leaders of the revolt, the chief of whom were Junius Brutus and Sicinius Vellutus. As soon as the State was one again, the people assembled under arms, and zealously offered their services for war to their rulers. Marcius, though but little pleased with these concessions which the plebeians had wrung from the patricians, yet, noticing that many patricians were of his mind, called upon them not to be outdone in patriotism by the plebeians, but to prove themselves their superiors in valour rather than in political strength.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Corioli was the most important city of the Volscian nation, with which Rome then was at war. The consul Cominius was besieging it, and the Volscians, fearing it might be taken, gathered from all quarters, meaning to fight a battle under the city walls, and so place the Romans between two fires. Cominius divided his army, and led one part of it to fight the relieving force, leaving Titus Lartius, a man of the noblest birth in Rome, to continue the siege with the rest of his troops. The garrison of Corioli, despising the small numbers of their besiegers, attacked them and forced them to take shelter within their camp. But there Marcius with a few followers checked their onset, slew the foremost, and with a loud voice called on the Romans to rally. He was, as Cato said a soldier should be, not merely able to deal weighty blows, but struck terror into his enemies by the loud tones of his voice and his martial appearance, so that few dared to stand their ground before him. Many soldiers rallied round him and forced the enemy to retreat; but he, not satisfied with this, followed them close and drove them in headlong flight back to the city. On arriving there, although he saw that the Romans were slackening their pursuit as many missiles were aimed at them from the city walls, and none of them thought of daring to enter together with the fugitives into a city full of armed men, yet he stood and cheered them on, loudly telling them that fortune had opened the city gates as much to the pursuers as to the pursued. Few cared to follow him, but he, forcing his way through the crowd of fugitives, entered the city with them, none daring at first to withstand him. Soon, when the enemy saw how few of the Romans were within the gates, they rallied and attacked them. Marcius, in the confused mass of friends and foes, fought with incredible strength, swiftness, and courage, overthrowing all whom he attacked, driving some to the further parts of the town, and forcing others to lay down their arms, so that Lartius was able to march the rest of the Roman army into the gates unmolested.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When the city was taken, the greater part of the soldiers fell to plundering it, which greatly vexed Marcius. He loudly exclaimed that it was a disgraceful thing, when the consul was on the point of engaging with the enemy, that they should be plundering, or, on the pretext of plunder, keeping themselves safe out of harm&#039;s way. Few paid any attention to him, but with those few he marched on the track of the main body, frequently encouraging his followers to greater speed, and not to give way to fatigue, and frequently praying to Heaven that he might not come too late for the battle, but arrive in time to share the labours and perils of his countrymen. There was at that time a custom among the Romans, when they were drawn up in order of battle, ready to take their shields in their hands, and to gird themselves with the trabea, to make their will verbally, naming their heir in the presence of three or four witnesses. The Roman army was found by Marcius in the act of performing this ceremony. At first some were alarmed at seeing him appear with only a few followers, covered with blood and sweat; but when he ran joyously up to the consul and told him that Corioli was taken, Cominius embraced him, and all the ranks took fresh courage, some because they heard, and others because they guessed the glorious news. They eagerly demanded to be led to battle. Marcius now enquired of Cominius how the enemy&#039;s line of battle was arranged, and where it was strongest. When the consul answered that he believed that the men of Antium, the proudest and bravest troops of the Volscians, were posted in the centre, he answered, &amp;quot;I beg of you, place us opposite to those men.&amp;quot; The consul, filled with admiration for his spirit, placed him there. As soon as the armies met, Marcius charged before the rest, and the Volscians gave way before his onset. The centre, where he attacked, was quite broken, but the ranks on either side wheeled round and surrounded him, so that the consul feared for his safety, and despatched the choicest of his own troops to his aid. They found a hot battle raging round Marcius, and many slain, but by the shock of their charge they drove off the enemy in confusion. As they began to pursue them, they begged Marcius, now weary with toil and wounds, to retire to the camp, but he, saying that &amp;quot;it was not for victors to be weary,&amp;quot; joined in the pursuit. The rest of the Volscian army was defeated, many were slain, and many taken.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; On the next day Lartius and the rest joined the consul. He ascended a rostrum, and after returning suitable thanks to Heaven for such unexampled successes, turned to Marcius. First he praised his conduct in the highest terms, having himself witnessed some part of it, and having learned the rest from Lartius. Next, as there were many prisoners, horses, and other spoil, he bade him, before it was divided, choose a tenth part for himself. He also presented him with a horse and trappings, as a reward for his bravery. As all the Romans murmured their approval, Marcius coming forward said that he gladly accepted the horse, and was thankful for the praise which he had received from the consul. As for the rest, he considered that to be mere pay, not a prize, and refused it, preferring to take his share with the rest. &amp;quot;One especial favour,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;I do beg of you. I had a friend among the Volscians, who now is a captive, and from having been a rich and free man has fallen to the condition of a slave. I wish to relieve him from one of his many misfortunes—that of losing his liberty and being sold for a slave.&amp;quot; After these words, Marcius was cheered more than he had been before, and men admired his disinterestedness more than they had admired his bravery. Even those who grudged him his extraordinary honours now thought that by his unselfishness he had shown himself worthy of them, and admired his courage in refusing such presents more than the courage by which he had won the right to them. Indeed, the right use of riches is more glorious than that of arms, but not to desire them at all is better even than using them well.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When the cheering caused by Marcius&#039;s speech had subsided, Cominius said: &amp;quot;Fellow soldiers, we cannot force a man against his will to receive these presents; but, unless his achievements have already won it for him, let us give him the title of Coriolanus, which he cannot refuse, seeing for what it is bestowed, and let us confirm it by a general vote.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Hence he obtained the third name of Coriolanus. From this we may clearly see that his own personal name was Caius, and that Marcius was the common name of his family, while the third name was added afterwards to mark some particular exploit, peculiarity, or virtue in the bearer. So also did the Greeks in former ages give men names derived from their actions, such as Kallinikus (the Victor), or Soter (the Preserver); or from their appearance, as Fusco (the Fat), or Gripus (the Hook-nosed); or from their virtues, as Euergetes (the Benefactor), or Philadelphus (the Lover of his Brethren), which were names of the Ptolemies: or from their success, as Eudaemon (the Fortunate), a name given to the second king of the race of Battus. Some princes have even had names given them in jest, as Antigonus was called Doson (the Promiser), and Ptolemy Lathyrus (the Vetch).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Romans used this sort of name much more commonly, as for instance they named one of the Metelli Diadematus, or wearer of the diadem, because he walked about for a long time with his head bound up because of a wound in the forehead.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Another of the same family was named Celer (the Swift), because of the wonderful quickness with which he provided a show of gladiators on the occasion of his father&#039;s funeral. Some even to the present day derive their names from the circumstances of their birth, as for instance a child is named Proculus if his father be abroad when he is born, and Postumus if he be dead. If one of twins survive, he is named Vopiscus. Of names taken from bodily peculiarities they use not only Sulla (the Pimply), Niger (the Swarthy), Rufus (the Red-haired), but even such as Caecus (the Blind), and Claudus (the Lame), wisely endeavouring to accustom men to consider neither blindness nor any other bodily defect to be any disgrace or matter of reproach, but to answer to these names as if they were their own. However, this belongs to a different branch of study.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When the war was over, the popular orators renewed the party-quarrels, not that they had any new cause of complaint or any just grievance to proceed upon; but the evil result which had necessarily been produced by their former riotous contests were now made the ground of attacks on the patricians. A great part of the country was left unsown and untilled, while the war gave no opportunities for importation from other countries. The demagogues, therefore, seeing that there was no corn in the market, and that even if there had been any, the people were not able to buy it, spread malicious accusations against the rich, saying that they had purposely produced this famine in order to pay off an old grudge against the people. At this juncture ambassadors arrived from the town of Velitrae, who delivered up their city to the Romans, desiring that they would send some new inhabitants to people it, as a pestilence had made such havoc among the citizens that there was scarcely a tenth part of them remaining alive.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The wiser Romans thought that this demand of the people of Velitrae would confer a most seasonable relief on themselves, and would put an end to their domestic troubles, if they could only transfer the more violent partizans of the popular party thither, and so purge the State of its more disorderly elements. The consuls accordingly chose out all these men and sent them to colonize Velitrae, and enrolled the rest for a campaign against the Volsci, that they might not have leisure for revolutionary plottings, but that when they were all gathered together, rich and poor, patrician and plebeian alike, to share in the common dangers of a camp, they might learn to regard one another with less hatred and illwill.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; But Sicinnius and Brutus, the tribunes of the people, now interposed, crying aloud that the consuls were veiling a most barbarous action under the specious name of sending out colonists. They were despatching many poor men to certain destruction by transporting them to a city whose air was full of pestilence and the stench from unburied corpses, where they were to dwell under the auspices of a god who was not only not their own, but angry with them. And after that, as if it was not sufficient for them that some of the citizens should be starved, and others be exposed to the plague, they must needs plunge wantonly into war, in order that the city might suffer every conceivable misery at once, because it had refused any longer to remain in slavery to the rich. Excited by these speeches, the people would not enrol themselves as soldiers for the war, and looked with suspicion on the proposal for the new colony. The Senate was greatly perplexed, but Marcius, now a person of great importance and very highly thought of in the State, began to place himself in direct opposition to the popular leaders, and to support the patrician cause. In spite of the efforts of the demagogues, a colony was sent out to Velitrae, those whose names were drawn by lot being compelled by heavy penalties to go thither; but as the people utterly refused to serve in the campaign against the Volscians, Marcius made up a troop of his own clients, with which and what others he could persuade to join him he made an inroad into the territory of Antium. Here he found much corn, and captured many prisoners and much cattle. He kept none of it for himself, but returned to Rome with his troops loaded with plunder. This caused the others to repent of their determination, when they saw the wealth which these men had obtained, but it embittered their hatred of Marcius, whom they regarded as gaining glory for himself at the expense of the people.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Shortly after this, however, Marcius stood for the consulship, and then the people relented and felt ashamed to affront such a man, first in arms as in place, and the author of so many benefits to the State. It was the custom at Rome for those who were candidates for any office to address and ingratiate themselves with the people, going about the Forum in a toga without any tunic underneath it, either in order to show their humility by such a dress, or else in order to display the wounds which they had received, in token of their valour. At that early period there could be no suspicion of bribery, and it was not for that reason that the citizens wished their candidates to come down among them ungirt and without a tunic. It was not till long afterwards that votes were bought and sold, and that a candidature became an affair of money. This habit of receiving bribes, when once introduced, spread to the courts of justice and to the armies of the commonwealth, and finally brought the city under the despotic rule of the emperors, as the power of arms was not equal to that of money. For it was well said that he who first introduced the habit of feasting and bribing voters ruined the constitution. This plague crept secretly and silently into Rome, and was for a long time undiscovered. We cannot tell who was the first to bribe the people or the courts of law at Rome. At Athens it is said that the first man who gave money to the judges for his acquittal was Anytus the son of Anthemion, when he was tried for treachery at Pylos towards the end of the Peloponnesian War, a period when men of uncorrupted simplicity and virtue were still to be found in the Forum at Rome.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Marcius displayed many scars, gained in the numerous battles in which for seventeen years in succession he had always taken a prominent part. The people were abashed at these evidences of his valour, and agreed among themselves that they would return him as consul. But when, on the day of election, he appeared in the Forum, escorted by a splendid procession of the entire Senate, and all the patricians were seen collected round him evidently intent upon obtaining his election, many of the people lost their feeling of goodwill towards him, and regarded him with indignation and envy; which passions were assisted by their fear lest, if a man of such aristocratic tendencies and such influence with the patricians should obtain power, he might altogether destroy the liberties of the people. For these reasons they did not elect Marcius. When two persons had been elected consuls, the Senate was much irritated, considering that it, rather than its candidate Marcius, had been insulted, while he was much enraged, and could not bear his disgrace with any temper or patience, being accustomed always to yield to the more violent and ferocious emotions as being the more spirited course, without any mixture of gravity and self-restraint, virtues so necessary for political life. He had never learned how essential it is for one who undertakes to deal with men, and engage in public business, to avoid above all things that self-will which, as Plato says, is of the family of solitude, and to become longsuffering and patient, qualities which some foolish people hold very cheap. Marcius, plain and straightforward, thinking it to be the duty of a brave man to bear down all opposition, and not reflecting that it is rather a sign of weakness and feebleness of mind to be unable to restrain one&#039;s passion, flung away in a rage, bitterly irritated against the people. The young aristocracy of Rome, who had ever been his fast friends, now did him an ill service by encouraging and exasperating his anger by their expressions of sympathy; for he was their favourite leader and a most kind instructor in the art of war when on a campaign, as he taught them to delight in deeds of prowess without envying and grudging one another their proper meed of praise.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; While this was the state of affairs at Rome, a large amount of corn arrived there, some of which had been bought in Italy, but most of it sent as a present from Sicily by Gelon the despot; which gave most men hopes that the famine would come to an end, and that the quarrel between the patricians and plebeians would, under these improved circumstances, be made up. The Senate at once assembled, and the people eagerly waited outside the doors of the senate house, expecting and hoping that prices would be lowered, and that the present of corn would be distributed gratis among them; and indeed some of the senators advised the adoption of that course. Marcius, however, rose and bitterly inveighed against those who favoured the people, calling them demagogues and betrayers of their own order, alleging that by such gratification they did but cherish that spirit of boldness and arrogance which had been spread among the people against the patricians, which they would have done well to crush upon its first appearance, and not suffer the plebeians to grow so strong by giving so much power to the tribunes of the people. Now, he urged, they had become formidable because every demand they made had been agreed to, and nothing done against their wishes; they contemned the authority of the consuls, and lived in defiance of the constitution, governed only by their own seditious ringleaders, to whom they gave the title of tribunes. For the Senate to sit and decree largesses of corn to the populace, as is done in the most democratic States in Greece, would merely be to pay them for their disobedience, to the common ruin of all classes. &amp;quot;They cannot,&amp;quot; he went on to say, &amp;quot;consider this largess of corn to be a reward for the campaign in which they have refused to serve, or for the secession by which they betrayed their country, or the scandals which they have been so willing to believe against the Senate. As they cannot be said to deserve this bounty, they will imagine that it has been bestowed upon them by you because you fear them, and wish to pay your court to them. In this case there will be no bounds to their insubordination, and they never will cease from riots and disorders. To give it them is clearly an insane proceeding; nay, we ought rather, if we are wise, to take away from them this privilege of the tribuneship, which is a distinct subversion of the consulate, and a cause of dissension in the city, which now is no longer one, as before, but is rent asunder in such a manner that there is no prospect of our ever being reunited, and ceasing to be divided into two hostile factions.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; With much talk to this effect Marcius excited the young men, with whom he was influential, and nearly all the richer classes, who loudly declared that he was the only man in the State who was insensible both to force and to flattery. Some of the elders, however, opposed him, foreseeing what would be the result of his policy. Indeed, no good resulted from it. The tribunes of the people, as soon as they heard that Marcius had carried his point, rushed down into the forum and called loudly upon the people to assemble and stand by them. A disorderly assembly took place, and on a report being made of Marcius&#039;s speech, the fury of the people was so great that it was proposed to break into the senate house; but the tribunes turned all the blame upon Marcius alone, and sent for him to come and speak in his own defence. As this demand was insolently refused, the tribunes themselves, together with the aediles, went to bring him by force, and actually laid hands upon him. However, the patricians rallied round him, thrust away the tribunes of the people, and even beat the aediles, their assistants in this quarrel. Night put an end to the conflict, but at daybreak the consuls, seeing the people terribly excited, and gathering in the forum from all quarters, began to fear the consequences of their fury. They assembled the senators and bade them endeavour, by mild language and healing measures, to pacify the multitude, as it was no season for pride or for standing upon their dignity, but if they were wise they would perceive that so dangerous and critical a posture of affairs required a temperate and popular policy. The majority of the senators yielded, and the consuls proceeded to soothe the people in the best way they could, answering gently such charges as had been brought against them, even speaking with the utmost caution when blaming the people for their late outrageous conduct, and declaring that there should be no difference of opinion between them about the way in which corn should be supplied, and about the price of provisions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As the people now for the most part had cooled down, and from their attentive and orderly demeanour were evidently much wrought upon by the words of the consuls, the tribunes came forward and addressed them. They said that now that the Senate had come to a better frame of mind, the people would willingly make concessions in their turn; but they insisted that Marcius should apologise for his conduct, or deny if he could that he had excited the Senate to destroy the constitution, that when summoned to appear he had disobeyed, and that finally he had, by beating and insulting the aediles in the market-place, done all that lay in his power to raise a civil war and make the citizens shed one another&#039;s blood. Their object in saying this was either to humble Marcius, by making him entreat the clemency of the people, which was much against his haughty temper, or else expecting that he would yield to his fiery nature and make the breach between himself and the people incurable. The latter was what they hoped for from their knowledge of his character.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Marcius came forward to speak in his defence, and the people stood listening in dead silence. But when, instead of the apologetic speech which they expected, he began to speak with a freedom which seemed more like accusing them than defending himself, while the tones of his voice and the expression of his countenance showed a fearless contempt for his audience, the people became angry, and plainly showed their disapprobation of what he said. Upon this, Sicinnius, the boldest of the tribunes, after a short consultation with his colleagues, came forward and said that the tribunes had condemned Marcius to suffer the penalty of death, and ordered the aediles to lead him at once to the Capitol, and cast him down the Tarpeian rock. When the aediles laid hold of him, many of the people themselves seemed struck with horror and remorse, and the patricians in the wildest excitement, called upon one another to rescue him, and by main force tore him from his assailants and placed him in the midst of themselves. Some of them held out their hands and besought the populace by signs, as no voice could be heard in such an uproar. At last the friends and relations of the tribunes, seeing that it was impossible to carry out their sentence on Marcius without much bloodshed, persuaded them to alter the cruel and unprecedented part of the sentence, and not to put him to death by violence, or without a trial, but to refer the matter to the people, to be voted upon by them. Upon this Sicinnius, turning to the patricians, demanded what they meant by rescuing Marcius from the people when they intended to punish him. They at once retorted, &amp;quot;Nay, what do you mean by dragging one of the bravest and best men in Rome to a cruel and illegal death?&amp;quot; &amp;quot;You shall not,&amp;quot; answered Sicinnius, &amp;quot;make that a ground of quarrel with the people, for we allow you what you demand, that this man be put on his trial. You, Marcius, we summon to appear in the forum on the third market-day ensuing, and prove your innocence if you can, as the votes of your countrymen will be then taken about your conduct.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The patricians were glad enough to terminate the affair in this way, and retired rejoicing, bearing Marcius with them. During the time which was to elapse before the third market-day (which the Romans hold on every ninth day, and therefore call them nundinae), they had some hope that a campaign against the people of Antium would enable them to put off the trial until the people&#039;s anger had abated through length of time and warlike occupations; afterwards, as they came to terms at once with the Antiates, the patricians held frequent meetings, in which they expressed their fear of the people, and considered by what means they could avoid delivering Marcius up to them, and prevent their mob orators from exciting them. Appius Claudius, who had the reputation of being the bitterest enemy of the people in Rome, gave it as his opinion that the Senate would destroy itself and ruin the State utterly if it permitted the people to assume the power of trying patricians and voting on their trials; while the older men, and those who were more inclined to the popular side, thought that this power would render the people gentle and temperate, and not savage and cruel. The people, they said, did not despise the Senate, but imagined that they were despised by it, so that this privilege of holding the trial would agreeably salve their wounded vanity, and, as they exercised their franchise, they would lay aside their anger.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Marcius, perceiving that the Senate, divided between their regard for himself and their fear of the people, knew not what to do, himself asked the tribunes of the people what it was that he was charged with, and what indictment they intended to bring against him at his trial. When they answered that the charge against him was one of treason, because he had attempted to make himself absolute despot in Rome, and that they would prove it, he at once rose, saying that he would at once defend himself before the people on that score, and that if he were convicted, he would not refuse to undergo any punishment whatever; &amp;quot;Only,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;do not bring forward some other charge against me, and deceive the Senate.&amp;quot; When they had agreed upon these conditions, the trial took place.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The tribunes, however, when the people assembled, made them vote by tribes, and not by centuries;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_27_27&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_27_27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[27]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; by which device the votes of rich respectable men who had served the State in the wars would be swamped by those of the needy rabble who cared nothing for truth or honour. In the next place, they passed by the charge of treason, as being impossible to prove, and repeated what Marcius had originally said before the Senate, when he dissuaded them from lowering the price of corn, and advised the abolition of the office of tribune. A new count in the indictment was that he had not paid over the money raised by the sale of the plunder after his expedition against Antium, but had divided it among his own followers. This last accusation is said to have disturbed Marcius more than all the rest, as he had never expected it, and was not prepared with any answer that would satisfy the people, so that the praises which he bestowed on those who had made that campaign with him only angered the far greater number who had not done so. At last the people voted. Marcius was condemned by a majority of the tribes, and was sentenced to perpetual banishment. After sentence was passed, the people displayed greater joy than if they had won a pitched battle, while the Senate was downcast and filled with regret at not having run any risks rather than allow the people to obtain so much power, and use it so insolently. Nor was there any need for distinctions of dress or anything else to distinguish the two parties, because a plebeian might be told at once by his delight, a patrician by his sorrow.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Marcius himself, however, remained unmoved. Proud and haughty as ever, he appeared not to be sorry for himself, and to be the only one of the patricians who was not. This calmness, however, was not due to any evenness of temper or any intention of bearing his wrongs meekly. It arose from concentrated rage and fury, which many do not know to be an expression of great grief. When the mind is inflamed with this passion, it casts out all ideas of submission or of quiet. Hence an angry man is courageous, just as a fever patient is hot, because of the inflamed throbbing excitement of his mind. And Marcius soon showed that this was his own condition. He went home, embraced his weeping wife and mother, bade them bear this calamity with patience, and at once proceeded to the city gates, escorted by the patricians in a body. Thence, taking nothing with him, and asking no man for any thing, he went off, accompanied by three or four of his clients. He remained for a few days at some farms near the city, agitated deeply by conflicting passions. His anger suggested no scheme by which he might benefit himself, but only how to revenge himself on the Romans. At length he decided that he would raise up a cruel war against them, and proceeded at once to make application to the neighbouring nation of the Volscians, whom he knew to be rich and powerful, and only to have suffered sufficiently by their late defeats to make them desirous of renewing their quarrel with Rome.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; There was a certain citizen of Antium named Tullus Aufidius, who, from his wealth, courage, and noble birth, was regarded as the most important man in the whole Volscian nation. Marcius knew that this man hated him more than any other Roman; for in battle they had often met, and by challenging and defying one another, as young warriors are wont to do, they had, in addition to their national antipathy, gained a violent personal hatred for one another. In spite of this, however, knowing the generous nature of Tullus, and longing more than any Volscian to requite the Romans for their treatment, he justified the verses,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;&#039;Tis hard to strive with rage, which aye,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Though life&#039;s the forfeit, gains its way.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He disguised himself as completely as he could, and, like Ulysses,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Into the city of his foes he came.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; It was evening when he entered Antium, and although many met him, no one recognised him. He went to Tullus&#039;s house, and entering, sat down by the hearth in silence, with his head wrapped in his cloak. The domestics, astonished at his behaviour, did not dare to disturb him, as there was a certain dignity about his appearance and his silence, but went and told Tullus, who was at supper, of this strange incident. Tullus rose, went to him, and inquired who he was and what he wanted. Then at length Marcius uncovered his face, and, after a short pause, said, &amp;quot;If you do not recognise me, Tullus, or if you do not believe your eyes, I must myself tell you who I am. I am Caius Marcius, who has wrought you and the Volscians more mischief than any one else, and who, lest I should deny this, have received the additional title of Coriolanus. This I cannot lose: every thing else has been taken from me by the envious spite of the people, and the treacherous remissness of the upper classes. I am an exile, and I now sit as a suppliant on your hearth, begging you, not for safety or protection, for should I have come hither if I feared to die, but for vengeance against those who drove me forth, which I am already beginning to receive by putting myself in your hands. If then, my brave Tullus, you wish to attack your foes, make use of my misfortunes, and let my disgrace be the common happiness of all the Volscians. I shall fight for you much better than I have fought against you, because I have the advantage of knowing exactly the strength and weakness of the enemy. If, however, you are tired of war, I have no wish for life, nor is it to your credit to save the life of one who once was your personal enemy, and who now is worn out and useless.&amp;quot; Tullus was greatly delighted with this speech, and giving him his right hand, answered, &amp;quot;Rise, Marcius, and be of good courage. You have brought us a noble present, yourself; rest assured that the Volscians will not be ungrateful.&amp;quot; He then feasted Marcius with great hospitality, and for some days they conferred together as to the best method of carrying on the war.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Rome meanwhile was disturbed by the anger of the patricians towards the plebeians, especially on account of the banishment of Marcius, and by many portents which were observed both by the priests and by private persons, one of which was as follows. There was one Titus Latinus, a man of no great note, but a respectable citizen and by no means addicted to superstition. He dreamed that he saw Jupiter face to face, and that the god bade him tell the Senate that &amp;quot;they had sent a bad dancer before his procession, and one who was very displeasing to him.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On first seeing this vision he said that he disregarded it; but after it had occurred a second and a third time he had the unhappiness to see his son sicken and die, while he himself suddenly lost the use of his limbs.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He told this story in the senate house, to which he had been carried on a litter; and as soon as he had told it, he found his bodily strength return, rose, and walked home.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The senators, greatly astonished, inquired into the matter. It was found that a slave, convicted of some crime, had been ordered by his master to be flogged through the market-place, and then put to death. While this was being done, and the wretch was twisting his body in every kind of contortion as he writhed under the blows, the procession by chance was following after him. Many of those who walked in it were shocked at the unseemliness of the spectacle, and disgusted at its inhumanity, but no one did anything more than reproach and execrate a man who treated his slaves with so much cruelty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At that period men treated their slaves with great kindness, because the master himself worked and ate in their company, and so could sympathise more with them. The great punishment for a slave who had done wrong was to make him carry round the neighbourhood the piece of wood on which the pole of a waggon is rested. The slave who has done this and been seen by the neighbours and friends, lost his credit, and was called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;furcifer&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, for the Romans call that piece of timber &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;furca&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;quot;a fork,&amp;quot; which the Greeks call &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;hypostates&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;quot;a supporter.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; So when Latinus related his dream to the senators, and they were wondering who the bad and unacceptable dancer could be who had led the procession, some of them remembered the slave who had been flogged through the market-place and there put to death. At the instance of the priests, the master of the slave was punished for his cruelty, and the procession and ceremonies were performed anew in honour of the gods. Hence we may see how wisely Numa arranged this, among other matters of ceremonial. Whenever the magistrates or priests were engaged in any religious rite, a herald walked before them crying in a loud voice &amp;quot;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Hoc age&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;quot; The meaning of the phrase is, &amp;quot;Do this,&amp;quot; meaning to tell the people to apply their minds entirely to the religious ceremony, and not to allow any thought of worldly things to distract their attention, because men as a rule only attend to such matters by putting a certain constraint on their thoughts.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It is the custom in Rome to begin a sacrifice, a procession, or a spectacle, over again, not only when anything of this kind happens, but for any trifling reason. Thus, if one of the horses drawing the sacred car called Thensa stumbles, or the charioteer takes the reins in his left hand, they have decreed that the procession must begin again. In later times they have been known to perform one sacrifice thirty times, because every time some slight omission or mistake took place.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Meanwhile Marcius and Tullus in Antium held private conferences with the chief men of the Volscians, and advised them to begin the war while Rome was divided by its domestic quarrels. They discountenanced this proposal, because a truce and cessation of hostilities for two years had been agreed upon: but the Romans themselves gave them a pretext for breaking the truce, by a proclamation which was made at the public games, that all Volscians should quit the city before sunset. Some say this was effected by a stratagem of Marcius, who sent a false accusation against the Volscians to the magistrates at Rome, saying that during the public games they meant to attack the Romans and burn the city. This proclamation made them yet bitterer enemies to the Romans than before; and Tullus, wishing to bring the business to a climax, induced his countrymen to send ambassadors to Rome to demand back the cities and territory which the Romans had taken from the Volscians in the late war. The Romans were very indignant when they heard these demands, and made answer, that the Volscians might be the first to take up arms, but that the Romans would be the last to lay them down. Upon this, Tullus convoked a general assembly, in which, after determining upon war, he advised them to summon Marcius to their aid, not owing him any grudge for what they had suffered at his hands, but believing that he would be more valuable to them as a friend than he had been dangerous as an enemy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Marcius was called before the assembly, and having addressed the people, was thought by them to know how to speak as well as how to fight, and was considered to be a man of great ability and courage. He, together with Tullus, was nominated general with unlimited powers. As he feared the Volscians would take a long time to prepare for the war, and that meanwhile the opportunity for attack might pass away, he ordered the leading men in the city to make all necessary preparations, and himself taking the boldest and most forward as volunteers, without levying any troops by compulsory conscription, made a sudden and unexpected inroad into the Roman territory. Here he obtained so much plunder that the Volscians were wearied with carrying it off and consuming it in their camp. However, his least object was to obtain plunder and lay waste the country; his main desire was to render the patricians suspected by the people. While all else was ravaged and destroyed, he carefully protected their farms, and would not allow any damage to be done or anything to be carried off from them. This increased the disorders at Rome, the patricians reproaching the people for having unjustly banished so able a man, while the plebeians accused them of having invited Marcius to attack in order to obtain their revenge, and said that, while others fought, they sat as idle spectators, having in the war itself a sure safeguard of their wealth and estates. Having produced this new quarrel among the Romans, and, besides loading the Volscians with plunder, having taught them to despise their enemy, Marcius led his troops back in safety.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; By great and zealous exertions the entire Volscian nation was soon assembled under arms. The force thus raised was very large; part was left to garrison the cities, as a measure of precaution, while the rest was to be used in the campaign against Rome. Marcius now left Tullus to determine which corps he would command. Tullus, in answer, said that as Marcius, he knew, was as brave a man as himself, and had always enjoyed better fortune in all his battles, he had better command the army in the field. He himself, he added, would remain behind, watch over the safety of the Volscian cities, and supply the troops with necessaries. Marcius, strengthened by this division of the command, marched to the town of Circeii, a Roman colony. As it surrendered, he did it no harm, but laid waste the country of Latium, where he expected the Romans would fight a battle in defence of their allies the Latins, who frequently sent to entreat their protection. But at Rome the people were unwilling to fight, and the consuls were just at the expiry of their term of office, so that they did not care to run any risks, and therefore rejected the appeals of the Latins. Marcius now led his troops against the Latian cities, Tolerium, Labici, Pedum, and Bola, all of which he took by storm, sold the inhabitants for slaves, and plundered the houses. Those cities, however, which voluntarily came to his side he treated with the utmost consideration, even pitching his camp at a distance, for fear they might be injured by the soldiery against his will, and never plundering their territory.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When at last he took Bollae, a town not more than twelve miles from Rome, obtaining immense booty and putting nearly all the adult inhabitants to the sword, then not even those Volscians who had been appointed to garrison the cities would any longer remain at their posts, but seized their arms and joined the army of Marcius, declaring that he was their only general, and that they would recognise no other leader. His renown and glory spread throughout all Italy, and all men were astonished that one man by changing sides should have produced so great a change. The affairs of Rome were in the last disorder, the people refusing to fight, while internal quarrels and seditious speeches took place daily, until news came that Lavinium was being invested by the enemy. This town contains the most ancient images and sacred things of the tutelary deities of Rome, and is the origin of the Roman people, being the first town founded by Aeneas.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Upon this a very singular change of opinions befel both the people and the Senate. The people were eager to annul their sentence against Marcius, and to beg him to return, but the Senate, after meeting and considering this proposal, finally rejected it, either out of a mere spirit of opposition to anything proposed by the people, or because they did not wish him to return by favour of the people; or it may be because they themselves were now angry with him for having shown himself the enemy of all classes alike, although he had only been injured by one, and for having become the avowed enemy of his country, in which he knew that the best and noblest all sympathised with him, and had suffered along with him. When this resolution was made known to the people, they were unable to proceed to vote or to pass any bill on the subject, without a previous decree of the Senate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Marcius when he heard of this was more exasperated than ever. He raised his siege of Lavinium, marched straight upon Rome, and pitched his camp five miles from the city, at the place called &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Fossae Cluiliae&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. The appearance of his army caused much terror and disturbance, but nevertheless put an end to sedition, for no magistrate or patrician dared any longer oppose the people&#039;s desire to recall him. When they beheld the women running distractedly through the city, the old men weeping and praying at the altars, and no one able to take courage and form any plan of defence, it was agreed that the people had been right in wishing to come to terms with Marcius, and that the Senate had committed a fatal error in inflicting a new outrage upon him, just at the time when all unkindness might have been buried. It was determined, therefore, by the whole city that an embassy should be despatched to Marcius, to offer him restoration to his own country, and to beg of him to make peace. Those of the Senate who were sent were relations of Marcius, and expected to be warmly welcomed by a man who was their near relation and personal friend. Nothing of the kind, however, happened. They were conducted through the enemy&#039;s camp, and found him seated, and displaying insufferable pride and arrogance, with the chiefs of the Volscians standing round him. He bade the ambassadors deliver their message; and after they had, in a supplicatory fashion, pronounced a conciliatory oration, he answered them, dwelling with bitterness on his own unjust treatment; and then in his capacity of general-in-chief of the Volscians, he bade them restore the cities and territory which they had conquered in the late war, and to grant the franchise to the Volscians on the same terms as enjoyed by the Latins. These, he said, were the only conditions on which a just and lasting peace could be made. He allowed them a space of thirty days for deliberation, and on the departure of the ambassadors immediately drew off his forces.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; This affair gave an opportunity to several of the Volscians, who had long envied and disliked his reputation, and the influence which he had with the people. Among these was Tullus himself, who had not been personally wronged by Marcius, but who, as it is natural he should, felt vexed at being totally eclipsed and thrown into the shade, for the Volscians now thought Marcius the greatest man in their whole nation, and considered that any one else ought to be thankful for any measure of authority that he might think fit to bestow. Hence secret hints were exchanged, and private meetings held, in which his enemies expressed their dissatisfaction, calling the retreat from Rome an act of treason, not indeed that he had betrayed any cities or armies to the enemy, but he had granted them time, by which all other things are won and lost. He had given the enemy a breathing time, they said, of thirty days, being no less than they required to put themselves in a posture of defence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Marcius during this time was not idle, for he attacked and defeated the allies of the Romans, and captured seven large and populous towns. The Romans did not venture to come to help their allies, but hung back from taking the field, and seemed as if paralysed and benumbed. When the term had expired, Marcius presented himself a second time before Rome, with his entire army. The Romans now sent a second embassy, begging him to lay aside his anger, withdraw the Volscians from the country, and then to make such terms as would be for the advantage of both nations. The Romans, they said, would yield nothing to fear; but if he thought that special concessions ought to be made to the Volscians, they would be duly considered if they laid down their arms. To this Marcius answered that, as general of the Volscians, he could give them no answer; but that as one who was still a citizen of Rome he would advise them to adopt a humbler frame of mind, and come to him in three days with a ratification of his proposals. If they should come to any other determination, he warned them that it would not be safe for them to come to his camp again with empty words.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When the ambassadors returned, and the Senate heard their report, they determined in this dreadful extremity to let go their sheet anchor. They ordered all the priests, ministers, and guardians of the sacred mysteries, and all the hereditary prophets who watched the omens given by the flight of birds, to go in procession to Marcius, dressed in their sacred vestments, and beseech him to desist from the war, and then to negotiate conditions of peace between his countrymen and the Volscians. Marcius received the priests in his camp, but relaxed nothing of his former harshness, bidding the Romans either accept his proposals or continue the war.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When the priests returned, the Romans resolved in future to remain within the city, repulse any assault which might be made on the walls, and trust to time and fortune, as it was evident that they could not be saved by anything that they could do. The city was full of confusion, excitement, and panic terror, until there happened something like what is mentioned in Homer, but which men as a rule are unwilling to believe. He observes that on great and important occasions&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Athene placed a thought within his mind;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and again—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;But some one of th&#039; immortals changed my mind,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
And made me think of what the folk would say;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Because he thought it, or because the god&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Commanded him to do so.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Men despise the poet, as if, in order to carry out his absurd mythological scheme, he denied each man his liberty of will. Now Homer does nothing of this kind, for whatever is reasonable and likely he ascribes to the exercise of our own powers, as we see in the common phrase—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;But I reflected in my mighty soul;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Thus spoke he, but the son of Peleus raged,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Divided was his soul within his breast;&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;and again—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;i8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;quot;But she persuaded not&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;The wise Bellerophon, of noble mind.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But in strange and unlikely actions, where the actors must have been under the influence of some supernatural impulse, he does speak of the god not as destroying, but as directing the human will; nor does the god directly produce any decision, but suggests ideas which influence that decision. Thus the act is not an involuntary one, but opportunity is given for a voluntary act, with confidence and good hope superadded. For either we must admit that the gods have no dealings and influence at all with men, or else it must be in this way that they act when they assist and strengthen us, not of course by moving our hands and feet, but by filling our minds with thoughts and ideas which either encourage us to do what is right, or restrain us from what is wrong.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; At Rome at this time the women were praying in all the temples, especially in that of Jupiter in the Capitol, where the noblest ladies in Rome were assembled. Among them was Valeria, the sister of the great Poplicola, who had done such great services to the State both in peace and war. Poplicola died some time before, as has been related in his Life, but his sister was held in great honour and esteem in Rome, as her life did credit to her noble birth. She now experienced one of the divine impulses of which I have spoken, and, inspired by Heaven to do what was best for her country, rose and called on the other ladies to accompany her to the house of Volumnia, the mother of Marcius. On entering, and finding her sitting with her daughter-in-law, nursing the children of Marcius, Valeria placed her companions in a circle round them, and spoke as follows: &amp;quot;Volumnia, and you, Virgilia, we have come to you, as women to women, without any decree of the Senate or instructions from a magistrate; but Heaven, it would appear, has heard our prayers, and has inspired us with the idea of coming hither to beg of you to save our countrymen, and to gain for yourselves greater glory than that of the Sabine women when they reconciled their husbands and their fathers. Come with us to Marcius, join us in supplicating him for mercy, and bear an honourable testimony to your country, that it never has thought of hurting you, however terribly it has been injured by Marcius, but that it restores you to him uninjured, although possibly it will gain no better terms by so doing.&amp;quot; When Valeria had spoken thus, the other women applauded, and Volumnia answered in the following words: &amp;quot;My friends, besides those sufferings which all are now undergoing, we are especially to be pitied. We have lost the glory and goodness of our Marcius, and now see him more imprisoned in than protected by the army of the enemy. But the greatest misfortune of all is that our country should have become so weak as to be obliged to rest its hopes of safety on us. I cannot tell if he will pay any attention to us, seeing that he has treated his native country with scorn, although he used to love it better than his mother, his wife, and his children. However, take us, and make what use of us you can. Lead us into his presence, and there, if we can do nothing else, we can die at his feet supplicating for Rome.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Having spoken thus, she took Virgilia and her children, and proceeded, in company with the other women, to the Volscian camp. Their piteous appearance produced, even in their enemies, a silent respect. Marcius himself was seated on his tribunal with the chief officers; and when he saw the procession of women was at first filled with amazement; but when he recognised his mother walking first, although he tried to support his usual stern composure, he was overcome by his emotion. He could not bear to receive her sitting, but descended and ran to meet her. He embraced his mother first, and longest of all; and then his wife and children, no longer restraining his tears and caresses, but completely carried away by his feelings.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When he had taken his fill of embraces, perceiving that his mother desired to address him, he called the chiefs of the Volscians together, and listened to Volumnia, who addressed him as follows:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;You may judge, my son, by our dress and appearance, even though we keep silence, to what a miserable condition your exile has reduced us at home. Think now, how unhappy we must be, beyond all other women, when fortune has made the sight which ought to be most pleasing to us, most terrible, when I see my son, and your wife here sees her husband, besieging his native city. Even that which consoles people under all other misfortunes, prayer to the gods, has become impossible for us. We cannot beg of heaven to give us the victory and to save you, but our prayers for you must always resemble the imprecations of our enemies against Rome. Your wife and children are in such a position, that they must either lose you or lose their native country. For my own part, I cannot bear to live until fortune decides the event of this war. If I cannot now persuade you to make a lasting peace, and so become the benefactor instead of the scourge of the two nations, be well assured that you shall never assail Rome without first passing over the corpse of your mother. I cannot wait for that day on which I shall either see my countrymen triumphing over my son, or my son triumphing over his country. If indeed I were to ask you to betray the Volscians and save your country, this would be a hard request for you to grant; for though it is base to destroy one&#039;s own fellow citizens, it is equally wrong to betray those who have trusted you. But we merely ask for a respite from our sufferings, which will save both nations alike from ruin, and which will be all the more glorious for the Volscians because their superiority in the field has put them in a position to grant us the greatest of blessings, peace and concord, in which they also will share alike with us. You will be chiefly to be thanked for these blessings, if we obtain them, and chiefly to be blamed if we do not. For though the issue of war is always doubtful, this much is evident, that if you succeed, you will become your country&#039;s evil genius, and if you fail, you will have inflicted the greatest miseries on men who are your friends and benefactors, merely in order to gratify your own private spite.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; While Volumnia spoke thus, Marcius listened to her in silence. After she had ceased, he stood for a long while without speaking, until she again addressed him. &amp;quot;Why art thou silent, my son? Is it honourable to make everything give way to your rancorous hatred, and is it a disgrace to yield to your mother, when she pleads for such important matters? Does it become a great man to remember that he has been ill treated, and does it not rather become him to recollect the debt which children owe to their parents. And yet no one ought to be more grateful than you yourself, who punish ingratitude so bitterly: in spite of which, though you have already taken a deep revenge on your country for its ill treatment of you, you have not made your mother any return for her kindness. It would have been right for me to gain my point without any pressure, when pleading in such a just and honourable cause; but if I cannot prevail by words, this resource alone is left me.&amp;quot; Saying this, she fell at his feet, together with his wife and children. Marcius, crying out, &amp;quot;What have you done to me, mother?&amp;quot; raised her from the ground, and pressing her hand violently, exclaimed, &amp;quot;You have conquered; your victory is a blessed one for Rome, but ruinous to me, for I shall retreat conquered by you alone.&amp;quot; After speaking thus, and conferring for a short time in private with his mother and his wife, he at their own request sent them back to Rome, and the following night led away the Volscian army. Various opinions were current among the Volscians about what had taken place. Some blamed him severely, while others approved, because they wished for peace. Others again, though they disliked what he had done, yet did not regard him as a traitor, but as a soft-hearted man who had yielded to overwhelming pressure. However, no one disobeyed him, but all followed him in his retreat, though more out of regard for his noble character than for his authority.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The Roman people, when the war was at an end, showed even more plainly than before what terror and despair they had been in. As soon as they saw the Volscians retreating from their walls, all the temples were opened, and filled with worshippers crowned with garlands and sacrificing as if for a victory. The joy of the senate and people was most conspicuously shown in their gratitude to the women, whom they spoke of as having beyond all doubt saved Rome. The senate decreed that the magistrates should grant to the women any mark of respect and esteem which they themselves might choose. The women decided on the building of the temple of Female Fortune, the expenses of which they themselves offered to subscribe, only asking the state to undertake the maintenance of the services in it. The senate praised their public spirit, but ordered the temple and shrine to be built at the public expense. Nevertheless, the women with their own money provided a second image of the goddess, which the Romans say, when it was placed in the temple was heard to say,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;A pleasing gift have women placed me here.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The legend says that this voice was twice heard, which seems impossible and hard for us to believe. It is not impossible for statues to sweat, to shed tears, or to be covered with spots of blood, because wood and stone often when mouldering or decaying, collect moisture within them, and not only send it forth with many colours derived from their own substance, but also receive other colours from the air; and there is nothing that forbids us to believe that by such appearances as these heaven may foreshadow the future. It is also possible that statues should make sounds like moaning or sighing, by the tearing asunder of the particles of which they are composed; but that articulate human speech should come from inanimate things is altogether impossible, for neither the human soul, nor even a god can utter words without a body fitted with the organs of speech. Whenever therefore we find many credible witnesses who force us to believe something of this kind, we must suppose that the imagination was influenced by some sensation which appeared to resemble a real one, just as in dreams we seem to hear when we hear not, and to see when we see not. Those persons, however, who are full of religious fervour and love of the gods, and who refuse to disbelieve or reject anything of this kind, find in its miraculous character, and in the fact that the ways of God are not as our ways, a great support to their faith. For He resembles mankind in nothing, neither in nature, nor movement, nor learning, nor power, and so it is not to be wondered at if He does what seems to us impossible. Nay, though He differs from us in every respect, it is in his works that He is most unlike us. But, as Herakleitus says, our knowledge of things divine mostly fails for want of faith.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Marcius returned to Antium, Tullus, who had long hated him and envied his superiority, determined to put him to death, thinking that if he let slip the present opportunity he should not obtain another. Having suborned many to bear witness against him, he called upon him publicly to render an account to the Volscians of what he had done as their general. Marcius, fearing to be reduced to a private station while his enemy Tullus, who had great influence with his countrymen, was general, answered that he had been given his office of commander-in-chief by the Volscian nation, and to them alone would he surrender it, but that as to an account of what he had done, he was ready at that moment, if they chose, to render it to the people of Antium. Accordingly the people assembled, and the popular orators endeavoured by their speeches to excite the lower classes against Marcius. When, however, he rose to speak, the mob were awed to silence, while the nobility, and those who had gained by the peace, made no secret of their good will towards him, and of their intention to vote in his favour. Under these circumstances, Tullus was unwilling to let him speak, for he was a brilliant orator, and his former services far outweighed his last offence. Indeed, the whole indictment was a proof of how much they owed him, for they never could have thought themselves wronged by not taking Rome, if Marcius had not brought them so near to taking it. Tullus, therefore, thought that it would not do to wait, or to trust to the mob, but he and the boldest of his accomplices, crying out that the Volscians could not listen to the traitor, nor endure him to play the despot over them by not laying down his command, rushed upon him in a body and killed him, without any of the bystanders interfering in his behalf. However, the most part of the nation was displeased at this act, as was soon proved by the numbers who came from every city to see his dead body, by the splendid funeral with which he was honoured, and by the arms and trophies which were hung over his tomb, as that of a brave man and a consummate general.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Romans, when they heard of his death, made no sign of either honour or anger towards him, except that they gave permission to the women, at their request, to wear mourning for him for ten months, as if they were each mourning for her father, her brother, or her son. This was the extreme limit of the period of mourning, which was fixed by Numa Pompilius, as has been related in his Life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The loss of Marcius was at once felt by the Volscians. First of all, they quarrelled with the Aequi, their friends and allies, and even came to blows with them; next, they were defeated by the Romans in a battle in which Tullus was slain, and the flower of the Volscian army perished. After this disaster they were glad to surrender at discretion, and become the subjects of Rome.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;COMPARISON_OF_ALKIBIADES_AND_CORIOLANUS&amp;quot;&amp;gt;COMPARISON OF ALKIBIADES AND CORIOLANUS.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As all the most memorable achievements of both Alkibiades and Coriolanus are now before us, we may begin our comparison by observing that as to military exploits, the balance is nearly even; for both alike gave proofs of great personal bravery and great skill in generalship, unless it be thought that Alkibiades proved himself the more perfect general because of his many victories both by sea and land. Both alike obtained great success for their native countries while they remained in command of their countrymen, and both succeeded even more remarkably when fighting against them. As to their respective policy, that of Alkibiades was disliked by the more respectable citizens, because of his personal arrogance, and the arts to which he stooped to gain the favour of the lower classes; while the proud ungracious haughtiness of Coriolanus caused him to be hated by the people of Rome. In this respect neither of them can be praised; yet he who tries to gain the favour of the people is less to blame than he who insults them for fear he should be thought to court them. Although it is wrong to flatter the people in order to gain power, yet to owe one&#039;s power only to terror, and to ill treat and keep down the masses is disgraceful as well as wrong.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; It is not difficult to see why Marcius is considered to have been a simple-minded and straightforward character, while Alkibiades has the reputation of a false and tricky politician. The latter has been especially blamed for the manner in which he deceived and outwitted the Lacedaemonian ambassadors, by which, as we learn from Thucydides, he brought the truce between the two nations to an end. Yet that stroke of policy, though it again involved Athens in war, rendered her strong and formidable, through the alliance with Argos and Mantinea, which she owed to Alkibiades. Marcius also, we are told by Dionysius, produced a quarrel between the Romans and the Volscians by bringing a false accusation against those Volscians who came to see the festival at Rome; and in this case the wickedness of his object increased his guilt, because he did not act from a desire of personal aggrandisement, or from political rivalry, as did Alkibiades, but merely yielding to what Dion calls the unprofitable passion of anger, he threw a large part of Italy into confusion, and in his rage against his native country destroyed many innocent cities. On the other hand, the anger of Alkibiades caused great misfortune to his countrymen; yet as soon as he found that they had relented towards him he returned cheerfully to his allegiance, and after being banished for the second time, did not take any delight in seeing their generals defeated, and could not sit still and let them make mistakes and uselessly expose themselves to danger. He did just what Aristeides is so much praised for doing to Themistokles; he went to the generals, although they were not his friends, and pointed out to them what ought to be done.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Marcius, again, is to be blamed for having made the whole of Rome suffer for what only a part of it had done, while the best and most important class of citizens had been wronged equally with himself, and warmly sympathised with him. Afterwards, although his countrymen sent him many embassies, beseeching his forgiveness for their one act of ignorance and passion, he would not listen to them, but showed that it was with the intention of utterly destroying Rome, not of obtaining his own restoration to it, that he had begun that terrible and savage war against it. This, then, may be noted as the difference between their respective positions: Alkibiades went back to the Athenian side when the Spartans began to plot against him, because he both feared them and hated them; but Marcius, who was in every respect well treated by the Volscians, could not honourably desert their cause. He had been elected their commander-in-chief, and besides this great power enjoyed their entire confidence; while Alkibiades, though his assistance was found useful by the Lacedaemonians, was never trusted by them, but remained without any recognised position, first in Sparta and then in the camp in Asia Minor, till he finally threw himself into the arms of Tissaphernes, unless, indeed, he took this step to save Athens, hoping some day to be restored to her.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As to money, Alkibiades has been blamed for receiving it discreditably in bribes, and for spending it in luxurious extravagance; while the generals who offered Marcius money as an honourable reward for his valour could not prevail upon him to accept it. This, however, made him especially unpopular in the debates about freeing the people from debt, because it was said that he pressed so hardly on the poor, not because he wished to make money by them, but purely through arrogance and pride. Antipater, in a letter to a friend on the death of Aristotle the philosopher, observes, &amp;quot;Besides his other abilities, the man had the art of persuasion.&amp;quot; Now Marcius had not this art; and its absence made all his exploits and all his virtues unpleasant even to those who benefited by them, as they could not endure his pride and haughtiness, which brooked no compeer. Alkibiades, on the other hand, knew how to deal on friendly terms with every one, and we need not therefore be surprised at the pleasure which men took in his successes, while even some of his failures had a charm of their own for his friends. Hence it was that Alkibiades, even after inflicting many grievous losses upon his countrymen, was chosen by them as commander-in-chief, whereas Marcius, when after a splendid display of courage and conduct he tried for the consulship which he deserved, failed to obtain it. The one could not be hated by his countrymen, even when they were ill treated by him; while the other, though admired by all, was loved by none.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Marcius, indeed, effected nothing great when in command of his own countrymen, but only when fighting against them, whereas the Athenians frequently benefited by the successes of Alkibiades, when he was acting as their commander-in-chief. Alkibiades when present easily triumphed over his enemies, whereas Marcius, although present, was condemned by the Romans, and put to death by the Volscians. Moreover, though he was wrongfully slain, yet he himself furnished his enemies with a pretext for his murder, by refusing the public offer of peace made by the Romans, and then yielding to the private entreaties of his mother and wife, so that he did not put an end to the enmity between the two nations, but left them at war, and yet lost a favourable opportunity for the Volscians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;If he was influenced by a feeling of duty towards the Volscians, he ought to have obtained their consent before withdrawing their forces from before Rome; but if he cared nothing for them, or for anything except the gratification of his own passion, and with this feeling made war upon his country, and only paused in the moment of victory, it was not creditable to him to spare his country for his mother&#039;s sake, but rather he should have spared his country and his mother with it; for his mother and his wife were but a part of Rome, which he was besieging. That he should have treated the public supplications of ambassadors and the prayers of priests with contempt, and afterwards have drawn off his forces to please his mother, is not so much a credit to her as a disgrace to his country, which was saved by the tears and entreaties of one woman, as though it did not deserve to survive on its own merits. The mercy which he showed the Romans was so harshly and offensively granted that it pleased neither party; he withdrew his forces without having either having come to an understanding with his friends or his foes. All this must be attributed to his haughty, unbending temper, which is in all cases odious, but which in an ambitious man renders him savage and inexorable. Such men will not seek for popularity, thinking themselves already sufficiently distinguished, and then are angry at finding themselves unpopular.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Indeed, neither Metellus, nor Aristeides, nor Epameinondas would stoop to court the favour of the people, and had a thorough contempt for all that the people can either give or take away; yet although they were often ostracised, convicted, and condemned to pay fines, they were not angry with their fellow countrymen for their folly, but came back and became reconciled to them as soon as they repented. The man who will not court the people, ought least of all to bear malice against them, reflecting that anger at not being elected to an office in the state, must spring from an excessive desire to obtain it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Alkibiades made no secret of his delight in being honoured and his vexation when slighted, and in consequence endeavoured to make himself acceptable to all with whom he had to do. Marcius was prevented by his pride from courting those who could have bestowed honour and advancement upon him, while his ambition tortured him if these were withheld.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These are the points which we find to blame in his character, which in all other respects was a noble one. With regard to temperance, and contempt for money, he may be compared with the greatest and purest men of Greece, not merely with Alkibiades, who cared only too little for such things, and paid no regard to his reputation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;LIFE_OF_TIMOLEON&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LIFE OF TIMOLEON.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It was for the sake of others that I first undertook to write biographies, but I soon began to dwell upon and delight in them for myself, endeavouring to the best of my ability to regulate my own life, and to make it like that of those who were reflected in their history as it were in a mirror before me. By the study of their biographies, we receive each man as a guest into our minds, and we seem to understand their character as the result of a personal acquaintance, because we have obtained from their acts the best and most important means of forming an opinion about them. &amp;quot;What greater pleasure could&#039;st thou gain than this?&amp;quot; What more valuable for the elevation of our own character? Demokritus says, that we ought to pray that we may meet with propitious phantasms, and that from the infinite space which surrounds us good and congenial phantasms, rather than base and sinister ones, may be brought into contact with us. He degrades philosophy by foisting into it a theory which is untrue, and which leads to unbounded superstition; whereas we, by our familiarity with history, and habit of writing it, so train ourselves by constantly receiving into our minds the memorials of the great and good, that should anything base or vicious be placed in our way by the society into which we are necessarily thrown, we reject it and expel it from our thoughts, by fixing them calmly and severely on some of these great examples. Of these, I have chosen for you in this present instance, the life of Timoleon the Corinthian, and that of Aemilius Paulus, men who both laid their plans with skill, and carried them out with good fortune, so as to raise a question whether it was more by good luck or by good sense that they succeeded in their most important achievements.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The state of affairs at Syracuse, before the mission of Timoleon to Sicily, was this. Dion had driven out the despot&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_28_28&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_28_28&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[28]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Dionysius, but was immediately afterwards slain by treachery, and those who, under Dion, had freed the Syracusans, quarrelled amongst themselves. The city, which received a constant succession of despots, was almost forsaken because of its many troubles. Of the rest of Sicily, one part was rendered quite ruined and uninhabited by the wars, and most of the cities were held by barbarians of various nations, and soldiers who were under no paymaster. As these men willingly lent their aid to effect changes of dynasty, Dionysius, in the twelfth year of his exile, collected a body of foreign troops, drove out Nysaeus, the then ruler of Syracuse, again restored his empire, and was re-established as despot. He had strangely lost the greatest known empire at the hands of a few men, and more strangely still became again the lord of those who had driven him out, after having been an exile and a beggar. Those then of the Syracusans who remained in the city were the subjects of a despot not naturally humane, and whose heart now had been embittered by misfortune:&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_29_29&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_29_29&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[29]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but the better class of citizens and the men of note fled to Hiketes, the ruler of Leontini, swore allegiance to him, and chose him as their general for the war. This man was nowise better than the avowed despots, but they had no other resource, and they trusted him because he was a Syracusan by birth, and had a force capable of encountering that of their own despot.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Meanwhile the Carthaginians came to Sicily with a great fleet, and were hovering off the island watching their opportunity. The Sicilians in terror wished to send an embassy to Greece, and ask for help from the Corinthians, not merely on account of their kinship with them, and of the many kindnesses which they had received from them, but also because they saw that the whole city loved freedom, and hated despots, and that it had waged its greatest and most important wars, not for supremacy and greed of power, but on behalf of the liberty of Greece. But Hiketes who had obtained his post of commander-in-chief with a view, not to the liberation of Syracuse, but the establishment of himself as despot there, had already had secret negotiations with the Carthaginians, though in public he commended the Syracusans, and sent ambassadors of his own with the rest to Peloponnesus: not that he wished that any assistance should come thence, but, in case the Corinthians, as was probable, should refuse their help because of the disturbed state of Greece, he hoped that he should more easily be able to bring matters round to suit the Carthaginian interest, and to use them as allies either against the Syracusan citizens, or against their despot. Of this treacherous design he was shortly afterwards convicted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When the ambassadors arrived, the Corinthians, who had always been in the habit of watching over the interests of their colonies, especially Syracuse, and who were not at war with any of the Greek States at that time, but living in peace and leisure, eagerly voted to help them. A General was now sought for, and while the government was nominating and proposing those who were eager for an opportunity of distinguishing themselves, a man of the people stood up and named Timoleon, the son of Timodemus, one who no longer took any part in politics, and who had no hope or thought of obtaining the post: but some god, it seems, put it into the man&#039;s mind to name him, such a kind fortune was at once shown at his election, and such success attended his actions, illustrating his noble character. He was of a good family, both his father Timodemus, and his mother Demariste being of rank in the city. He was a lover of his country, and of a mild temper, except only that he had a violent hatred for despotism and all that is base. His nature was so happily constituted, that in his campaigns he showed much judgment when young, and no less daring when old. He had an elder brother, Timophanes, who was in no respect like him, but rash, and inflamed with a passion for monarchy by worthless friends and foreign soldiers, with whom he spent all his time: he was reckless in a campaign, and loved danger for its own sake, and by this he won the hearts of his fellow-citizens, and was given commands, as being a man of courage and of action. Timoleon assisted him in obtaining these commands, by concealing his faults or making them appear small, and by magnifying the clever things which he did.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now in the battle which the Corinthians fought against the Argives and Kleoneans, Timoleon was ranked among the hoplites,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_30_30&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_30_30&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[30]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and his brother Timophanes, who was in command of the cavalry, fell into great danger. His horse received a wound, and threw him off among the enemy. Of his companions, some at once dispersed in panic, while those who remained by him, being a few against many, with difficulty held their own. When Timoleon saw what had happened, he ran to the rescue, and held his shield in front of Timophanes as he lay, and, after receiving many blows, both from missiles and in hand-to-hand fight, on his arms and body, with difficulty drove back the enemy and saved his brother.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When the Corinthians, fearing lest they might again suffer what they did once before when their own allies took their city, decreed that they would keep four hundred mercenary soldiers, they made Timophanes their commander.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But he, disdaining truth and honour, immediately took measures to get the city into his own power, and showed his tyrannical disposition by putting to death many of the leading citizens without a trial. Timoleon was grieved at this, and, treating the other&#039;s crime as his own misfortune, endeavoured to argue with him, and begged him to abandon his foolish and wicked design, and to seek for some means of making amends to his fellow-citizens. However, as he rejected his brother&#039;s advice, and treated him with contempt, Timoleon took Aeschylus, his kinsman, brother of the wife of Timophanes, and his friend the seer, whom Theopompus calls Satyrus, but Ephorus and Timaeus call Orthagoras, and, after an interval of a few days, again went to his brother. The three men now stood round him, and besought him even now to listen to reason, and repent of his ambition; but as Timophanes at first laughed at them, and then became angry and indignant, Timoleon stepped a little aside, and covering his face, stood weeping, while the other two drew their swords and quickly despatched him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When this deed was noised abroad, the more generous of the Corinthians praised Timoleon for his abhorrence of wickedness and his greatness of soul, because, though of a kindly disposition, and fond of his own family, he had nevertheless preferred his country to his family, and truth and justice to his own advantage. He had distinguished himself in his country&#039;s cause both by saving his brother&#039;s life, and by putting him to death when he plotted to reduce her to slavery. However, those who could not endure to live in a democracy, and who were accustomed to look up to those in power, pretended to rejoice in the death of the tyrant, but by their abuse of Timoleon for having done an unholy and impious deed, reduced him to a state of great melancholy. Hearing that his mother took it greatly to heart, and that she used harsh words and invoked terrible curses upon him, he went to her to try to bring her to another state of mind, but she would not endure the sight of him, but shut the door against him. Then indeed he became very dejected, and disordered in his mind, so as to form an intention of destroying himself by starvation; but this his friends would not permit, but prevailed on him by force and entreaty so that he determined to live, but alone by himself. He gave up all interest in public affairs, and at first did not even enter the city, but passed his time wandering in the wildest part of the country in an agony of mind.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Thus our judgments, if they do not borrow from reason and philosophy a fixity and steadiness of purpose in their acts, are easily swayed and influenced by the praise or blame of others, which make us distrust our own opinions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For not only, it seems, must the deed itself be noble and just, but also the principle from which we do it must be stable and unchangeable, so that we may make up our minds and then act from conviction. If we do not, then like those epicures who most eagerly seize upon the daintiest food and soonest become satiated and nauseate it, so we become filled with sorrow and remorse when the deed is done, because the splendid ideas of virtue and honour which led us to do it fade away in our minds on account of our own moral weakness. A remorseful change of mind renders even a noble action base, whereas the determination which is grounded on knowledge and reason cannot change even if its actions fail. Wherefore Phokion the Athenian, who opposed the measures of Leosthenes, when Leosthenes seemed to have succeeded, and he saw the Athenians sacrificing and priding themselves on their victory, said that he should have wished that he had himself done what had been done, but he should wish to have given the same counsel that he did give. Aristeides the Lokrian, one of the companions of Plato, put this even more strongly when Dionysius the elder asked for one of his daughters in marriage. &amp;quot;I had rather,&amp;quot; he said, &amp;quot;see the girl a corpse, than the consort of a despot.&amp;quot; A short time afterwards when Dionysius put his sons to death and insultingly asked him whether he were still of the same mind about the disposal of his daughter, he answered, that he was grieved at what had happened, but had not changed his mind about what he had said. And these words perhaps show a greater and more perfect virtue than Phokion&#039;s.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now Timoleon&#039;s misery, after the deed was done, whether it was caused by pity for the dead or filial reverence for his mother, so broke down and humbled his spirit that for nearly twenty years he took no part in any important public affair. So when he was nominated as General, and when the people gladly received his name and elected him, Telekleides, who at that time was the first man in the city for power and reputation, stood up and spoke encouragingly to Timoleon, bidding him prove himself brave and noble in the campaign.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_31_31&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_31_31&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[31]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;quot;If,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;you fight well, we shall think that we slew a tyrant, but if badly, that we murdered your brother.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;While Timoleon was preparing for his voyage and collecting his soldiers, letters were brought to the Corinthians from Hiketes plainly showing that he had changed sides and betrayed them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For as soon as he had sent off his ambassadors to Corinth, he openly joined the Carthaginians, and in concert with them attempted to drive out Dionysius and establish himself as despot of Syracuse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Fearing that the opportunity would escape him if an army and general came from Corinth before he had succeeded, he sent a letter to the Corinthians to say that they need not incur the trouble and expense of sending an expedition to Sicily and risking their lives, especially as the Carthaginians would dispute their passage, and were now watching for their expedition with a numerous fleet; and that, as they had been so slow, he should be obliged to make these Carthaginians his allies to attack the despot.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When these letters were read, even if any of the Corinthians had been lukewarm about the expedition, now their anger against Hiketes stirred them up to co-operate vigorously with Timoleon and assist him in equipping his force.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When the ships were ready, and everything had been provided for the soldiers, the priestesses of Proserpine had a dream that the two goddesses appeared dressed for a journey, and said that they were going to accompany Timoleon on his voyage to Sicily.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Hereupon the Corinthians equipped a sacred trireme, and named it after the two goddesses. Timoleon himself proceeded to Delphi and sacrificed to the god, and when he came into the place where oracles were delivered, a portent occurred to him. From among the various offerings suspended there, a victor&#039;s wreath, embroidered with crowns and symbols of victory slipped down and was carried by the air so as to alight upon the head of Timoleon; so that it appeared that the god sent him forth to his campaign already crowned with success. He started with only seven ships from Corinth, two from Korkyra, and one from Leukadia; and as he put to sea at night and was sailing with a fair wind, he suddenly saw the heavens open above his ship and pour down a flood of brilliant light. After this a torch like that used at the mysteries rose up before them, and, proceeding on the same course, alighted on that part of Italy for which the pilots were steering. The seers explained that this appearance corroborated the dream of the priestesses, and that the light from heaven showed that the two goddesses were joining the expedition; for Sicily is sacred to Proserpine, as the myth tells us that she was carried off there, and that the island itself was given her as a wedding present.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The fleet, encouraged by these proofs of divine favour, crossed the open sea, and proceeded along the Italian coast. But the news from Sicily gave Timoleon much concern, and dispirited his soldiers. For Hiketes had conquered Dionysius, and taken the greater part of Syracuse; he had driven him into the citadel and what is called the island, and was besieging and blockading him there, and urging the Carthaginians to take measures to prevent Timoleon from landing in Sicily, in order that, when the Greeks were driven off, he and his new allies might partition the island between themselves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The Carthaginians sent twenty triremes to Rhegium, having on board ambassadors from Hiketes to Timoleon charged with instructions as bad as his deeds. For their proposals were plausible, though their plan was base, being that Timoleon, if he chose, should come as an adviser to Hiketes and partake of his conquests; but that he should send his ships and soldiers back to Corinth, as the war was within a little of being finished, and as the Carthaginians were determined to oppose his passage by force if he attempted it. So the Corinthians, when they reached Rhegium, found these ambassadors, and saw the Carthaginian fleet cruising to intercept them. They were enraged at this treatment, and all were filled with anger against Hiketes, and with fear for the people of Sicily, who, they clearly saw, were to be the prize of the treachery of Hiketes and the ambition of the Carthaginians. Yet it seemed impossible that they should overcome both the fleet of the barbarians which was riding there, double their own in number, and also the forces under Hiketes at Syracuse, of which they had expected to be put in command.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Nevertheless Timoleon met the ambassadors and the Carthaginian admirals, and mildly informed them that &amp;quot;he would accede to their proposals, for what could he do if he refused them? but that he wished, before they parted, to listen to them, and to answer them publicly before the people of Rhegium, a city of Greek origin and friendly to both parties; as this would conduce to his own safety, and they also would be the more bound to stand by their proposal about the Syracusans if they took the people of Rhegium as their witnesses.&amp;quot; He made this overture to help a plot which he had of stealing a march upon them, and the leading men of the Rhegines assisted him in it, as they wished the Corinthian influence to prevail in Sicily, and feared to have the barbarians for neighbours. Accordingly they called together an assembly and shut the city gates, that the citizens might not attend to anything else, and then, coming forward, they made speeches of great length, one man treating the subject after another without coming to any conclusion, but merely wasting the time, until the Corinthian triremes had put to sea. The Carthaginians were kept at the assembly without suspecting anything, because Timoleon himself was present and gave them to understand that he was just upon the point of rising and making them a speech. But when news was secretly conveyed to him that the fleet was under way, and that his ship alone was left behind waiting for him, he slipped through the crowd, the Rhegines who stood round the bema&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_32_32&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_32_32&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[32]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; helping to conceal him, and, gaining the seashore, sailed off with all haste.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They reached Tauromenium in Sicily, where they were hospitably received by Andromachus, the ruler and lord of that city, who had long before invited them thither. This Andromachus was the father of Timaeus, the historian, and being as he was by far the most powerful of the legitimate princes of Sicily, ruled his subjects according to law and justice, and never concealed his dislike and hatred of the despots. For this reason he permitted Timoleon to make his city his headquarters, and prevailed on the citizens to cast in their lot with the Syracusans and free their native land.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; At Rhegium meanwhile, the Carthaginians, when the assembly broke up and Timoleon was gone, were infuriated at being outwitted, and became a standing joke to the people of Rhegium, because they, although they were Phoenicians, yet did not seem to enjoy a piece of deceit when it was at their own expense. They then sent an ambassador in a trireme to Tauromenium, who made a long speech to Andromachus, threatening him in a bombastic and barbarian style with their vengeance if he did not at once turn the Corinthians out of his city. At last he pointed to his outstretched hand, and turning it over threatened that he would so deal with the city. Andromachus laughed, and made no other answer than to hold out his own hand in the same way, now with one side up, and now with the other, and bade him sail away unless he wished to have his ship so dealt with.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Hiketes, when he heard of Timoleon&#039;s arrival, in his terror sent for many of the Carthaginian ships of war; and now the Syracusans began utterly to despair of their safety, seeing the Carthaginians in possession of the harbour, Hiketes holding the city, and Dionysius still master of the promontory, while Timoleon was as it were hanging on the outskirts of Sicily in that little fortress of Tauromenium, with but little hope and a weak force, for he had no more than one thousand soldiers and the necessary supplies for them. Nor had the cities of Sicily any trust in him, as they were in great distress, and greatly exasperated against those who pretended to lead armies to their succour, on account of the treachery of Kallippus and Pharax; who, one an Athenian and the other a Lacedaemonian, but both giving out that they were come to fight for freedom and to put down despotism, did so tyrannise themselves, that the reign of the despots in Sicily seemed to have been a golden age, and those who died in slavery were thought more happy than those who lived to see liberty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; So thinking that the Corinthian would be no better than these men, and that the same plausible and specious baits would be held out to lure them with hopes and pleasant promises under the yoke of a new master, they all viewed the proposals of the Corinthians with suspicion and shrank back from them except the Adranites. These were the inhabitants of a small city, sacred to Adranus, a god whose worship extends especially throughout Sicily. They were at feud with one another, as one party invited Hiketes and the Carthaginians, while the other sent for Timoleon to help them. And by some chance it happened that as each party strove to get there first, they both arrived at the same time; Hiketes with five thousand soldiers, whereas Timoleon altogether had no more than twelve hundred.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Starting with these men from Tauromenium, which is forty-two miles from Adranum, he made but a short march on the first day, and then encamped. On the next day he marched steadily forward, passed some difficult country, and late in the day heard that Hiketas had just reached the little fortress and was encamping before it. On this the officers halted the van of the army, thinking that the men would be fresher after taking food and rest; but Timoleon went to them and begged them not to do so, but to lead them on as fast as they could, and fall upon the enemy while they were in disorder, as it was probable they would be, having just come off their march, and being busy about pitching their tents, and cooking their supper. Saying this he seized his shield,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_33_33&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_33_33&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[33]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and led the way himself as to an assured victory; and the rest, reassured, followed him confidently. They were distant only about thirty furlongs. These were soon passed, and they fell headlong upon the enemy, who were in confusion, and fled as soon as they discovered their attack. For this reason no more than three hundred of them were slain, but twice as many were taken prisoners, and their camp was captured. The people of Adranum now opened their gates, and made their submission to Timoleon, relating with awe and wonder how, at the outset of the battle, the sacred doors of the temple flew open of their own accord, and the spear of the god was seen to quiver at the point, while his face was covered with a thick sweat.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; These portents, it seems, did not merely presage the victory, but also the subsequent events, of which this was the prosperous beginning. Immediately several cities sent ambassadors and joined Timoleon, as did also Mamercus the despot of Katana, a man of warlike tastes and great wealth, who made an alliance with him. But the most important thing of all was that Dionysius himself, who had now lost all hope of success, and was on the point of being starved out, despising Hiketes for being so shamefully beaten, but admiring Timoleon, sent to him and offered to deliver up both himself and the citadel to the Corinthians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Timoleon, accepting this unexpected piece of good fortune, sent Eukleides and Telemachus, Corinthian officers, into the citadel, and four hundred men besides, not all together nor openly, for that was impossible in the face of the enemy, who were blockading it, but by stealth, and in small bodies. So these soldiers took possession of the citadel, and the palace with all its furniture, and all the military stores. There were a good many horses, and every species of artillery and missile weapon. Also there were arms and armour for seventy thousand men, which had been stored up there for a long time, and Dionysius also had two thousand soldiers, all of whom he handed over to Timoleon with the rest of the fortress, and then, with his money and a few of his friends, he put to sea, and passed unnoticed through Hiketes&#039;s cruisers. He proceeded to the camp of Timoleon, appearing for the first time as a private person in great humility, and was sent to Corinth in one ship, and with a small allowance of money. He had been born and bred in the most splendid and greatest of empires, and had reigned over it for ten years, but for twelve more, since the time that Dion attacked him, he had constantly been in troubles and wars, during which all the cruelties which he had exercised on others, were more than avenged upon himself, by the miserable death of his wife and family, which are more particularly dwelt upon in the life of Dion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now when Dionysius reached Corinth, there was no one in Greece who did not wish to see him and speak to him. Some, who rejoiced in his misfortunes, came to see him out of hatred, in order to trample on him now that he was down, while others sympathised with him in his change of fortune, reflecting on the inscrutable ways of the gods, and the uncertainty of human affairs. For that age produced nothing in nature or art so remarkable as that change of fortune which showed the man, who not long before had been supreme ruler of Sicily, now dining at Corinth at the cook&#039;s shop, lounging at the perfumer&#039;s, drinking at the taverns, instructing female singers, and carefully arguing with them about their songs in the theatre, and about the laws of music. Some thought that Dionysius acted thus from folly, and indolent love of pleasure, but others considered that it was in order that he might be looked down upon, and not be an object of terror or suspicion to the Corinthians, as he would have been if they thought that he ill brooked his reverse of fortune, and still nourished ambitious designs, and that his foolish and licentious mode of life was thus to be accounted for.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; But for all that, certain of his sayings are remembered, which sufficiently prove that he showed real greatness of mind in adapting himself to his altered circumstances. When he arrived at Leukas, which, like Syracuse, was a Corinthian colony, he said that he was like a young man who has got into disgrace. They associate gaily with their brothers, but are ashamed to meet their fathers, and avoid them: and so he was ashamed to go to the parent city, but would gladly live there with them. Another time in Corinth, when some stranger coarsely jeered at the philosophic studies in which he used to delight when in power, and at last asked him what good he had obtained from the wisdom of Plato, &amp;quot;Do you think,&amp;quot; answered he, &amp;quot;that I have gained nothing from Plato, when I bear my reverse of fortune as I do.&amp;quot; When Aristoxenus, the musician, and some others asked him what fault he had found with Plato, and why, he answered that absolute power, amongst its many evils, was especially unfortunate in this, that none of a despot&#039;s so-called friends dare to speak their mind openly. And he himself, he said, had been by such men deprived of the friendship of Plato. A man, who thought himself witty, once tried to make a joke of Dionysius by shaking out his cloak, when he came into his presence, as is the custom before despots, to show that one has no concealed weapons; but he repaid the jest by begging him to do it when he left him, that he might be sure that he had not stolen any of his property.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Philip of Macedon once, when they were drinking together, made some sneering remark about the poetry and tragedies which Dionysius the elder had written, pretending to be at a loss to know how he found time for such pursuits; but Dionysius cleverly answered, &amp;quot;He wrote them during the time which you and I, and all who are thought such lucky fellows, spend over our wine.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Plato never saw Dionysius at Corinth, for he was dead at that time; but Diogenes of Sinope, when he first met him, said, &amp;quot;How unworthily you live, Dionysius.&amp;quot; Dionysius answered him, &amp;quot;Thank you, Diogenes, for sympathising with my misfortunes.&amp;quot; &amp;quot;Why,&amp;quot; said Diogenes; &amp;quot;do you suppose that I sympathise with you, and am not rather grieved that a slave like you, a man fit, like your father, to grow old and die on a miserable throne, should be living in luxury and enjoyment amongst us?&amp;quot; So, when I compare with these sayings of his the lamentations which Philistius pours forth over the daughters of Leptines, that they had fallen from the glories of sovereign power into a humble station, they seem to me like the complainings of a woman who has lost her perfumes, her purple dresses, or her jewels.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These details, I think, for readers who are at leisure, are not foreign to the design of biography, and not without value.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; If the fall of Dionysius seems strange, the good fortune of Timoleon was no less wonderful. Within fifty days of his landing in Sicily, he was master of the citadel of Syracuse, and sent back Dionysius to Peloponnesus. Encouraged by his success, the Corinthians sent him a reinforcement of two thousand hoplites and two hundred horse. These men reached Thurii, but there found it impossible to cross over into Sicily, as the Carthaginians held the sea with a great fleet. As it was necessary for them to remain there for a time, they made use of their leisure to perform a most excellent action. For the Thurians made an expedition against the Bruttii,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_34_34&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_34_34&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[34]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and meanwhile these men took charge of their city, and guarded it carefully and trustily as if it had been their own.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Hiketes meanwhile was besieging the citadel of Syracuse, and preventing corn from being brought by sea to the Corinthians. He also obtained two strangers, whom he sent to assassinate Timoleon, who, trusting in the favour shown him by the gods, was living carelessly and unsuspectingly among the people of Adranum. These men, hearing that he was about to offer sacrifice, came into the temple with daggers under their cloaks, and mingling with the crowd round the altar, kept edging towards him. They were just on the point of arranging their attack, when a man struck one of them on the head with his sword, and he fell. Neither the assailant nor the accomplice of the fallen man stood his ground, but the one with his sword still in his hand ran and took refuge on a high rock, while the other laid hold of the altar, and begged for pardon at Timoleon&#039;s hands if he revealed the whole plot. When assured of his safety he confessed that he and the man who had been killed had been sent thither to assassinate Timoleon. Meanwhile others brought back the man from the rock, who loudly declared that he had done no wrong, but had justly slain him in vengeance for his father, whom this wretch had killed at Leontini. Several of those present bore witness to the truth of his story, and they marvelled much at the ways of Fortune, how she makes the most incongruous elements work together to accomplish her purposes. The Corinthians honoured the man with a present of ten minae, because he had co-operated with the guardian angel of Timoleon, and had put off the satisfaction of his private wrong until a time when it saved the life of the general. This good fortune excited men&#039;s feelings so that they guarded and reverenced Timoleon as a sacred person sent by heaven to restore the liberties of Sicily.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When Hiketes failed in this attempt on Timoleon, and saw that many were joining him, he began to blame himself for only using the great Carthaginian force that was present by stealth, and as if he was ashamed of it, concealing his alliance and using them clandestinely, and he sent for Mago, their General, to come with all the force at his disposal. He sailed in with a formidable fleet of a hundred and fifty ships, and took possession of the harbour, disembarked sixty thousand troops, and encamped with them in the city of Syracuse, so that all men thought that the long-talked-of and expected subjugation of Sicily to the barbarian was imminent. For the Carthaginians during their endless wars in Sicily had never before taken Syracuse, but now, by the invitation of the traitor Hiketes, the city was turned into a barbarian camp. The Corinthians in the citadel were in a position of great danger and difficulty, as they no longer had sufficient provisions, because the harbours were blockaded, and they perpetually had to divide their forces for skirmishes and battles at the walls, and to repel every device and method of attack known in sieges.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Timoleon, however, relieved them by sending corn from Katana in small fishing-smacks and boats, which, chiefly in stormy weather, stole in through the triremes of the barbarians when they were scattered by the roughness of the sea. Mago and Hiketes, perceiving this, determined to take Katana, from which place the besieged drew their supplies, and they sailed from Syracuse with the best of their troops. The Corinthian Neon, the General in command of the besieged force, observing from the citadel that those of the enemy who were left behind kept careless guard, suddenly fell upon them, and, slaying some and routing the rest he made himself master of Achradina, which is the strongest and least assailable part of the city of Syracuse, which, as it were, consists of several towns.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Being now in possession of abundance of provisions and money, he did not leave the place, and go back to the citadel on the promontory, but fortified the circuit of Achradina and held it conjointly with the Acropolis, with which he connected its fortifications. A horseman from Syracuse brought the news of the capture of Achradina to Mago and Hiketes when they were close to Katana. Alarmed at the news they returned with all speed, having neither taken the city they went to take, nor kept the one which they had taken.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; It may be doubted whether these actions owe more to fortune than to courage and conduct; but the next event can only be ascribed to fortune. The Corinthian troops at Thurii were in fear of the Carthaginian triremes under Hanno which were watching them, and as the sea had for many days been excessively rough, in consequence of a gale, determined to march on foot through the Bruttii. Partly by persuasion and partly by force they made their way to Rhegium, while the sea was still very stormy. The Carthaginian Admiral, who no longer expected the Corinthians, and thought that he was waiting there to no purpose, persuaded himself that he had invented a masterpiece of deceit. He ordered his sailors to crown themselves with garlands, decked out his triremes with Greek shields and wreaths of palm, and set out for Syracuse. As he passed the citadel they cheered loudly, and with uproarious merriment called out to the garrison that they had come back after a complete victory over the Corinthians, hoping by this means to dispirit the besieged. But while he was playing these silly tricks the Corinthians had reached Rhegium, and as no one disputed their passage, and the cessation of the gale had made the straits singularly smooth and calm, they embarked in the passage boats and what fishing-smacks were to be found, and crossed over into Sicily, so easily and in such calm weather that they were able to make their horses swim alongside of the vessels and tow them by their halters.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As soon as they had crossed, Timoleon met them, and at once obtained possession of Messina, and, after reviewing them, marched on Syracuse at once, confiding more in his good fortune and his former successes than in the number of his troops, which amounted to no more than four thousand. When Mago heard of this march, he was much disquieted, and his suspicions of his allies were increased by the following circumstance. In the marshes round the city, into which runs much fresh water from springs and rivers which find their way into the sea, there was a great quantity of eels, which afforded plenty of sport for those who cared to fish for them; and the mercenary soldiers on both sides used to meet and fish whenever there was a cessation of hostilities. As they were all Greeks, and had no private grounds for hatred, they would cheerfully risk their lives in battle against each other, but during times of truce they conversed freely. So then, while engaged in fishing, they talked to one another, and admired the beauty of the sea, and the fine situation of the city. Then one of the Corinthian garrison said, &amp;quot;Can it be that you, Greeks as you are, should be endeavouring to betray to the barbarian so great and beautiful a city as this, and that you should be trying to establish these base and cruel Carthaginians nearer to our country? Rather ought you to wish that there were more Sicilies to act as bulwarks of Greece. Do you suppose that these men have gathered together their host from the pillars of Herakles and the Atlantic coast, and risked their lives at sea, merely to support the dynasty of Hiketes? He, if he had the spirit of a real prince, never would have turned out his brethren, and invited the enemy into his native land, but would have made terms with Timoleon and the Corinthians, and been honoured accordingly.&amp;quot; These words were noised abroad in the camp by the mercenaries, and gave Mago the pretext which he had long been waiting for, to abandon their cause on the plea of suspecting their fidelity. Wherefore, although Hiketes begged him to remain, and pointed out how far superior he was to the enemy, yet he, thinking that Timoleon&#039;s army surpassed his in courage and good fortune as much as his did in numbers, weighed anchor at once and sailed to Africa, letting Sicily slip through his fingers, to his great disgrace, for no assignable reason.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; On the next day appeared Timoleon with his troops in battle array. As soon as they learned their departure, and saw the harbour, they proceeded to mock at the cowardice of Mago, and they sent a crier round the city offering a reward to any one who would tell them to what place the Carthaginian force had run away. Nevertheless, Hiketes still showed a bold front, and did not relax his hold on the city, and, as the part which was in his possession was strong and hard of access, Timoleon divided his army, and himself led the assault on the most difficult side of the position, by the river Anapus, ordering another body, under Isias the Corinthian, to attack from Achradina. A third corps, consisting of the newly arrived reinforcement under Deinarchus and Demaretus were to attack Epipolae. The assault took place simultaneously on all sides. The speedy rout of Hiketes and capture of the city may be justly ascribed to the skill of the General; but the fact that not one of the Corinthians was killed or wounded is due to Timoleon&#039;s good fortune, which seemed to vie with his courage and try to make those who read of his exploits wonder at their good luck more than their merit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In a few days not only was all Sicily and Italy ringing with his fame, but throughout Greece his great successes were known, and the city of Corinth, which scarcely thought that the expedition had reached Sicily, heard at the same time that the troops were safe and victorious, so prosperously did affairs turn out, and with such speed did fortune publish the glory of his deeds.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Timoleon, having thus gained possession of the fortified citadel on the promontory, did not fall into the same snare as Dion, and was not moved to spare the place for the sake of its beautiful and costly architecture. Dion&#039;s jealousy of the people led him to distrust them, and proved his ruin; but Timoleon took a very different course. He made proclamation that any Syracusan who chose might come with a crowbar and take part in the destruction of the despot&#039;s castle. When they had all assembled, in order to mark that day and that proclamation as the real beginning of liberty, they not only destroyed and subverted the castle, but also the houses and tombs of the despots. Timoleon at once had the place levelled, and built upon it courts of justice, delighting the citizens by substituting a republic for a tyranny.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Having taken the city, he was now at a loss for citizens, for some had been killed in the wars and revolutions, and some had gone into exile to avoid the despots, so that the market-place of Syracuse was overrun with herbage so deep and thick that horses were pastured on it, while the grooms lay on the grass near them. The other cities, except a very few, had become the haunts of deer and wild boars, and persons at leisure used to hunt them with dogs in the suburbs and round the walls. None of those who had taken refuge in the various forts and castles would return to the city, as they all felt a dread and hatred of public assemblies and politics, which had produced the greater part of the tyrants under whom they had suffered. In this difficulty it occurred to Timoleon and the Syracusans to apply to the Corinthians, and ask them to send out fresh colonists from Greece. Otherwise, they said, the land must lie uncultivated, and, above all, they were looking forward to a great war with Africa, as they heard that on Mago&#039;s return the Carthaginians were so enraged at his failure, that, though he committed suicide to avoid a worse fate, they had crucified his dead body, and were collecting a great force, meaning next summer to invade Sicily.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When these letters from Timoleon reached them, together with ambassadors from the Syracusans, who besought them to take upon them the care of this their poor city, and once again become the founders of it, the Corinthians were not tempted by greed to take unfair advantages and seize the city for themselves, but first sent heralds to all the games held in honour of the gods throughout Greece, and to all places where people assembled, to proclaim that the Corinthians, having abolished despotism at Syracuse and driven out the despot, invite all Syracusans and other Sicilian Greeks who choose to go and dwell in the city under free institutions, receiving an equal and just share of the land. Next they sent messengers to Asia Minor and the islands, wherever they heard that most of the scattered bands of exiles had settled, and invited them all to come to Corinth, as the Corinthians would at their own expense furnish them with vessels and commanders and a safe convoy to Syracuse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By these proclamations Corinth gained great and well-deserved renown, seeing that she had forced Syracuse from its tyrants, saved it from the barbarians, and given back the country to its own citizens. The exiles, however, when assembled at Corinth found their numbers too small, and begged to be allowed to receive among them others from Corinth and the rest of Greece. When by this means they had raised their numbers to not less than ten thousand, they sailed to Syracuse. Many citizens from Italy and Sicily had already joined Timoleon, who, when he found their numbers (according to Athanis) amount to sixty thousand, divided the country among them, and sold the houses for a thousand talents, affording the original citizens the option of purchasing their own houses. At the same time, to relieve the financial distress of the State, with a view to the approaching war, he even sold all the statues. A vote of the assembly was taken about each one, and he was condemned, like a criminal on his trial. On this occasion they say that the Syracusans, though they condemned all the rest, decided on keeping that of the ancient prince Gelo, because they admired and respected him for his victory over the Carthaginians at Himera.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The life of Syracuse being rekindled by this influx of citizens from all quarters, Timoleon determined to set free the other cities also, and to exterminate the despots in Sicily. In the course of his campaigns against them he compelled Hiketes to renounce his alliance with the Carthaginians, to demolish his castle, and to live in Leontini as a private citizen. Leptines, the despot of Apollonia and of several smaller towns, fearing to be taken by him, surrendered. Timoleon spared his life, and sent him to Corinth, as he thought that it reflected credit upon his native city, that the despots of Sicily should be seen by all Greece living there as humble exiles. As for the soldiers whom he had in his pay, he determined not to keep them idle, but to support them by the plunder of an enemy&#039;s country. So while he himself returned to Syracuse, to superintend the reconstruction of the constitution, and to assist the lawgivers Kephalus and Dionysius in framing the best form of polity, he sent the troops under Deinarchus and Demaretus to subdue the western portion of the island, which had fallen into the hands of the Carthaginians. Here they induced several cities to revolt from the barbarians, and not only gained abundant pay and plunder for themselves from their conquests, but were able to furnish funds for the approaching war.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; During this time the Carthaginian forces sailed to Lilybaeum with seventy thousand men, two hundred ships of war, and a thousand transports carrying engines of war, four horse chariots, provisions, and other war material, as they meant no longer to use half measures, but at one swoop to drive the Greeks out of Sicily. Their force indeed was sufficient for the conquest of the Sikeliot Greeks even if they had not been weakened by their internal strife.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Hearing that their own part of the island was being ravaged, they at once in great anger marched to attack the Corinthians, under the command of Hasdrubal and Hamilcar. News of this quickly reached Syracuse, and the great numbers of the enemy caused such panic among the citizens, that, numerous as they were, Timoleon could only induce three thousand to get under arms and follow him. Besides these, there was the paid force, four thousand in number; and of these again about a thousand were overcome by their fears on the march, and went back, declaring that Timoleon could not be in his right senses, but must be insane to march with five thousand foot and a thousand horse to attack seventy thousand men, and to separate his force eight days&#039; journey from Syracuse, in a place where there was no hope of shelter for the fugitives or of honourable burial for the dead. Timoleon treated it as an advantage that these men disclosed their cowardice before the day of battle. He encouraged the rest, and led them with all haste to the river Krimesus, where he heard that the Carthaginians were concentrating.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; As he was mounting a hill, beyond which he expected to see the camp and army of the enemy, there met him some mules loaded with parsley. It occurred to the soldiers that this was a bad omen, for we generally use parsley for wreathing tombs; indeed from this practice arises the proverb, when a man is dangerously ill, that he is ready for his parsley. Wishing to rid them from this superstition and to stop their fears, Timoleon halted them, and made a suitable speech, pointing out that their crown of victory had come of its own accord into their hands before the battle, for this is the herb with which the Corinthians crown the victors at the Isthmian games, accounting it sacred and peculiar to their own country. For then parsley was used for the crown at the Isthmian games, as it is even to this day at those of Nemea, and the pine has only been lately introduced. So Timoleon, having addressed his soldiers, as has been said, first crowned himself with the parsley, and then his officers and men did so likewise. But the prophets perceiving two eagles flying towards them, one of whom carried a snake in its talons, while the other flew along with loud and inspiriting cries, pointed them out to the soldiers, who all began to pray and invoke the gods.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The time of year was the beginning of summer, near the solstice at the end of the month Thargelion.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_35_35&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_35_35&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[35]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A thick mist rose from the river, and all the plain was concealed in fog, so that nothing could be seen of the enemy, but only a confused murmur from the movement of that great host reached the hill. The Corinthians, when they had reached the summit, paused and piled their arms. Now the sun shone out, and the mist rose from the valley. Gathering together, it hung in clouds about the hill-tops, while below, the river Krimesus appeared, with the enemy crossing it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;First went the four-horse chariots in terrible pomp, all drawn up in battle array, while next to them followed ten thousand hoplites with white shields. These they conjectured to be native Carthaginians by the splendour of their equipments and their slow and orderly march. Following these came the other nations, turbulently and confusedly struggling across. Timoleon, seeing that the river kept off the mass of the enemy, and allowed them to fight with just so many as they chose, pointed out to his soldiers how the enemy&#039;s array was broken by the stream, some having crossed, and some being still crossing. He ordered Demaretus to take the cavalry and charge the Carthaginians, to prevent their having time to form in order of battle. But he himself marched down to the plain, having drawn up his force with the other Sicilian Greeks and a few strangers on each of the wings, but with his Syracusans and the best of the paid force under his own command in the centre.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For a short time he held back, watching the effect of the cavalry charge; but seeing that they were unable to come to blows with the Carthaginians because of the chariots which careered about in front of their ranks, and that they constantly had to fall back to avoid their array being broken, and then to make short rushes as occasion served, he himself took his shield, and called to the infantry to follow him and be of good cheer. It seemed to them that his voice was more than man&#039;s, and louder than was his wont, either from their faculties being strained by the excitement of the contest, or else because, as most of them believed, some god shouted with him. Quickly they raised their war-cry in answer, and begged him to lead them on and wait no longer. Ordering the cavalry to ride round the line of chariots and attack the infantry in flank, he closed up the foremost ranks, and with the trumpet sounding the charge, attacked the Carthaginians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; They manfully encountered his first assault, and being armed with iron cuirasses and brass helmets, and protected with large shields, they were able to withstand the thrust of the Greek spears. But when the struggle came to be decided with swords, where skill as well as strength was employed, there suddenly broke upon them from the mountains a terrible storm of thunder with vivid flashes of lightning. The mist, which had hitherto hung about the mountain peaks, now rolled down on to the field of battle, with violent gusts, hail, and rain. The Greeks received it on their backs, while the rain beat into the faces of the barbarians, and the lightning dazzled their eyes, as the storm swept violently along with frequent flashes from the clouds. These were great disadvantages, especially to inexperienced men, as the thunder and the pattering of the rain and hail on their armour prevented their hearing the commands of their officers. The Carthaginians, not being lightly equipped, but, as has been narrated, in complete armour, slipped on the muddy ground and were encumbered by the wet folds of their dress, which rendered them less active in the fight, and easily overcome by the Greeks, since when they fell in the slippery mud they could not rise again with their shields. The river Krimesus, which had been held up by the multitudes that were crossing it, was now swollen to a torrent by the rain, and the plain through which it runs, lying as it does under many steep glens and ravines, was now covered with streams not running in the ordinary channels, in which the Carthaginians stumbled and were hard bested.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At last, from the violence of the storm, and the Greeks having cut to pieces their front rank, a chosen body of four hundred men, the great mass turned and fled. Many were overtaken and slain on the plain, and many more perished in the river, while the light-armed troops prevented most of them from gaining the shelter of the mountains. It was said that among the myriads of slain there were three thousand citizens of Carthage—a great loss and grief to that city, for they belonged to the noblest and richest classes; nor do we ever hear of so many native Carthaginians having perished in any one battle before this, as they generally make use of Libyan, Spanish and Numidian troops, so that in case of defeat the loss falls upon other nations.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The Greeks discovered the rank of the dead by the richness of their spoil; for when they collected the booty no account was taken of iron or brass, such an abundance was there of silver and gold; for they crossed the river and captured the enemy&#039;s camp. Of the captives, the greater part were stolen by the soldiers, and sold privately, but a body of five thousand was brought into the common stock. Two hundred chariots also were taken. The most glorious and magnificent spectacle of all was the tent of Timoleon, round which booty of every kind was piled up in heaps, among which were a thousand corslets of exquisite workmanship, and ten thousand shields. As they were but few to gather the plunder of so many, and as they fell in with such riches, it was only on the third day that they managed to erect a trophy of their victory. Together with the despatch announcing his success, Timoleon sent home to Corinth the finest of the arms and armour, desiring to make his country envied by all men, when they should see, in that alone of all Greek cities, that the most important shrines were not adorned with Grecian spoils, nor with offerings obtained by the slaughter of men of their own race and blood, dismal memorials at best, but with spoils of the barbarian, whose inscriptions bore noble testimony to the justice, as well as the courage of the victors, telling how the Corinthians and their general, Timoleon, having freed the Greeks who dwell in Sicily from the yoke of Carthage, set up these thank-offerings to the gods.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After the victory he left the paid force in the enemy&#039;s country, to ravage and plunder the Carthaginian dominions, and himself proceeded to Syracuse. He now ordered out of the island those mercenary troops by whom he had been deserted before the battle; and even forced them to quit Sicily before sunset. These men crossed into Italy and perished there at the hands of the Bruttians, who broke their word to them and betrayed them. This was the penalty which Heaven imposed on them for their desertion. But Mamercus, the despot of Catana, and Hiketes, either through disgust at Timoleon&#039;s successes, or else fearing him as a man not likely to keep faith with despots, made an alliance with Carthage, as they said that the Carthaginians, unless they wished to be utterly driven out of Sicily, must send a competent force and a general. Gisco the son of Hanno sailed thither with seventy ships, and also with a force of Greek mercenary soldiers, whom the Carthaginians had never used before; but now they were full of admiration for the Greeks, as being the most warlike and invincible of men. Having effected a junction of their forces in the territory of Messina, they cut to pieces a body of four hundred foreign soldiers whom Timoleon sent against them; and in the Carthaginian dominion they laid an ambush near the place called Hietae, and cut off the hired troops of Euthymus the Leukadian. Both these circumstances made the good fortune of Timoleon more renowned. For these were some of the men who under Philomelus of Phokis and Onomarchus sacrilegiously took Delphi, and shared in the plunder of the temple. As all men loathed them and shrank from them as from men under a curse, they wandered about Peloponnesus until Timoleon, being unable to get any other soldiers, enlisted them in his service. When they reached Sicily, they were victorious in every battle which they fought where he was present. After the most important struggles of the war were over, they were sent to reinforce others, and so perished and came to nought; and not all at once, but piecemeal, as if their avenging fate had given way to Timoleon&#039;s good fortune for a season, lest the good should suffer from the punishment of the wicked. Thus the kindness of the gods towards Timoleon was no less seen and wondered at in his failures than in his successes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The people of Syracuse were much nettled by the insulting jests passed upon them by the despots. Mamercus, who plumed himself on his poems and tragedies, gave himself great airs after conquering the mercenaries, and when he hung up their shields as offerings to the gods, he inscribed this insolent elegiac couplet upon them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;These, with purple wrought, and ivory, gold, and amber,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;We with our simple shields conquered and laid in the dust.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After these events, while Timoleon was on a campaign in the direction of Kalauria, Hiketes invaded the Syracusan territory, did much damage and insult, and retired loaded with spoil, past the very walls of Kalauria, despising Timoleon, who had but a small force with him. He, however, let him pass, but then pursued with his cavalry and light troops. Hiketes, perceiving this, halted after crossing the river Damyrias, and drew up his troops along the farther bank to dispute the passage, encouraged to do so by the different nature of the ford, and the steepness of the hills on either hand. Now a strange rivalry and contest arose among Timoleon&#039;s captains, which delayed their onset. No one chose to let any one else lead the way against the enemy, but each man wished to be first; so that their crossing was conducted in a disorderly fashion, each man trying to push by and outstrip the rest. Hereupon Timoleon, wishing to choose the leaders by lot, took a ring from each. These he threw into his own cloak, mixed them up, and showed the first which he drew out, which happened to be engraved with the figure of a trophy of victory. When the young men saw this they raised a shout of joy, and would not wait for the rest to be drawn, but each man, as fast as he could, rode through the river and set upon the enemy. Their assault was irresistible; the enemy fled, all of them throwing away their shields, and with the loss of a hundred men.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Soon after this, while Timoleon was campaigning in the Leontine country, he took Hiketes alive, with his son Eupolemus, and Euthymus, the commander of his cavalry. The soldiers seized and bound them, and led them into Timoleon&#039;s presence. Hiketes and his son were put to death as despots and traitors; nor did Euthymus meet with compassion, though he was a man of renown in athletic contest, and of great personal bravery, because of a scoffing speech of which he was accused against the Corinthians. The story goes that he was addressing the people of Leontini on the subject of the Corinthian invasion, and told them that there was nothing to be alarmed at if&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Corinthian ladies have come out from home.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_36_36&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_36_36&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[36]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thus it is that most people seem to suffer more from hard words than hard deeds, and are more excited by insult than by actual hurt. What we do to our enemies in war is done of necessity, but the evil we say of them seems to spring from an excess of spite.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; On Timoleon&#039;s return the Syracusans brought the family and daughters of Hiketes before the public assembly for trial, and condemned them to death. And this, methinks, is the most heartless of Timoleon&#039;s actions, that for want of a word from him these poor creatures should have perished. He seems not to have interfered, and to have let the people give full vent to their desire to avenge Dion, who dethroned Dionysius. For Hiketes was the man who threw Dion&#039;s wife Arete alive into the sea, with her sister Aristomache and her little son, as is told in the Life of Dion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After this he marched against Mamercus at Catana. He beat him in a pitched battle near the river Abolus, routing him with a loss of two thousand men, no small part of whom belonged to the Phoenician contingent under Gisco. Hereupon, at the request of the Carthaginians, he made peace, stipulating that they should hold the country beyond the river Lykus, and that those who wished should be allowed to have it and go to reside at Syracuse, with their families and property, and also that they should give up their alliance with the despots. In despair at this Mamercus sailed to Italy, to try to bring the Lucanians against Timoleon and the Syracusans; but he was deserted by his followers, who turned their ships back, sailed to Syracuse, and surrendered Catana to Timoleon. Mamercus now was forced to take refuge in Messina with Hippo, the despot there. But Timoleon came and besieged it both by sea and land. Hippo endeavoured to escape on a ship, and was taken. The people of Messina, to whom he was delivered up, brought every one, even the boys from school, into the theatre, to witness that most salutary spectacle, a tyrant meeting with his deserts. He was put to death with torture; but Mamercus surrendered himself to Timoleon on condition that he should have a fair trial before the people of Syracuse, and that Timoleon should say nothing against him. When he was brought to Syracuse he was brought before the people, and tried to deliver a long premeditated speech to them, but meeting with interruptions and seeing that the assembly was inexorable he flung away his cloak and rushed across the theatre, striking his head against a stone step with the intention of killing himself. However he failed, and paid the penalty of his crimes by suffering the death of a pirate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; In this fashion the despotisms were put down by Timoleon, and the wars finished. The whole island, which had become a mere wilderness through the constant wars, and was grown hateful to the very natives, under his administration became so civilized and desirable a country that colonists sailed to it from those very places to which its own citizens had formerly betaken themselves to escape from it. For Akragas and Gela, large cities, which after the war with Athens had been destroyed by the Carthaginians, were now repeopled; the former colonists led by Megellus and Pheristus, from Elea on the south coast of Italy, and the latter by a party led by Gorgus, who sailed from Keos and collected together the former citizens.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When these cities were being reorganised Timoleon not only afforded them peace and safety, but also gave them great assistance, and showed so great an interest in them as to be loved and respected by them as their real Founder. The other cities also all of them looked upon him with the same feelings, so that no peace could be made by them, no laws established, no country divided among settlers, no constitutional changes made that seemed satisfactory, unless he had a hand in them, and arranged them just as an architect, when a building is finished, gives some graceful touches which adorn the whole.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; There were many Greeks, in his lifetime, who became great, and did great things, such as Timotheus, and Agesilaus, and Pelopidas, and Timoleon&#039;s great model, Epameinondas. But these men&#039;s actions produced a glory which was involved in much strain and toil, and some of their deeds have incurred censure, and even been repented of. Whereas those of Timoleon, if we except the terrible affair of his brother, have nothing in them to which we cannot apply, like Timaeus, that verse of Sophocles—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;stanza&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Ye gods, what Venus or what grace divine&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span&amp;gt;Took part in this.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For as in the poetry of Antimachus, and the paintings of Dionysius, the Kolophonians, we find a certain vigour and power, yet think them forced in expression, and produced with much labour, while the paintings of Nikomachus and the verses of Homer, besides their other graces and merits, have the charm of seeming to have been composed easily and without effort, so also the campaigns of Timoleon, when compared with the laborious and hardly contested ones of Epameinondas or Agesilaus, seem to have, besides their glory, a wonderful ease, which property is not so much to be attributed to good luck as to prosperous valour. He, however, ascribed all his successes to Fortune, for in writing to his friends at home, and in his public speeches to the Syracusans, he frequently expressed his thankfulness to this goddess, who, having determined to save Sicily, had chosen to ascribe to him the credit of doing it. In his house he built a chapel to Automatia,—the goddess under whose auspices blessings and glory came as it were of themselves. To her he offered sacrifices, and consecrated his house to her. He lived in a house which the Syracusans had bestowed upon him as a special prize for his successes as general, and also the most beautiful and pleasant country seat, where indeed he spent most of his leisure time with his wife and children, whom he had sent for from Corinth. For he never returned to Corinth, nor mixed himself up in the troubles of Greece, nor did he expose himself to the hatred of political faction, which is the rock upon which great generals commonly split, in their insatiate thirst for honour and power; but he remained in Sicily, enjoying the blessings of which he was the author; the greatest of which was to see so many cities, and so many tens of thousands, all made happy and prosperous by his means.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; But since, as Simonides says, all larks must have crests, and all republics sycophants, so two of the popular leaders, Laphystius and Demaenetus, attacked Timoleon. When Laphystius was insisting on his giving bail for some lawsuit, he would not permit the people to hoot at him or stop him; for he said that all his labours and dangers had been endured to obtain for every Syracusan the right of appealing to the laws. Demaenetus made many attacks in the public assembly on his generalship; but he made him no answer except to declare his thankfulness to the gods for having granted his prayer that he might see all Syracusans in possession of liberty of speech.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Though he confessedly had performed the greatest and most glorious actions of any Greek of his time, and though he had gained the glory of having alone done that which the orators in their speeches at great public meetings used to urge the entire nation to attempt, he was fortunately removed from the troubles which fell upon ancient Greece, and saved from defiling his hands with the blood of his countrymen. His courage and conduct were shown at the expense of barbarians and despots; his mildness of temper was experienced by Greeks; he was able to erect the trophies for most of his victories, without causing tears and mourning to the citizens; but nevertheless, within eight years, he restored Sicily to its native inhabitants, freed from the scourges which had afflicted it for so long a time and seemed so ineradicable. When advanced in years he suffered from a dimness of sight, which soon became total blindness. He had done nothing to cause it, and had met with no accident, but the disease was congenital, and in time produced a cataract. Many of his relatives are said in a similar fashion to have lost their sight when advanced in years. But Athanis tells us that during the war with Hippo and Mamercus, at the camp at Mylae, his eyesight became affected, and that this was noticed by all, but that he did not on that account desist from the siege, but persevered in the war, till he captured the two despots; but as soon as he returned to Syracuse he resigned his post of commander-in-chief, begging the citizens to allow him to do so, as the war had been brought to a happy conclusion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; That he endured his misfortune without repining is not to be wondered at; but one must admire the respect and love shown him when blind by the people of Syracuse. They constantly visited him, and brought with them any strangers that might be staying with them, both to his town and country house, to show them their benefactor, glorying in the fact that he had chosen to spend his life amongst them, and had scorned the magnificent reception which his exploits would have ensured him, had he returned to Greece. Of the many important tributes to his worth none was greater than the decree of the Syracusans that whenever they should be engaged in war with foreign tribes, they would have a Corinthian for their general. Great honour was also reflected upon him by their conduct in the public assembly; for, though they managed ordinary business by themselves, on the occasion of any important debate they used to call him in. Then he would drive through the market-place into the theatre; and when the carriage in which he sat was brought in, the people would rise and salute him with one voice. Having returned their greeting, and allowed a short time for their cheers and blessings, he would hear the disputed point debated, and then give his opinion. When this had been voted upon his servants would lead his carriage out of the theatre, while the citizens, cheering and applauding him as he went, proceeded to despatch their other business without him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Cherished in his old age with such respect and honour, as the common father of his country, Timoleon at length, after a slight illness, died. Some time was given for the Syracusans to prepare his funeral, and for neighbours and foreigners to assemble, so that the ceremony was performed with great splendour. The bier, magnificently adorned, and carried by young men chosen by lot, passed over the place where once the castle of Dionysius had been pulled down. The procession was joined by tens of thousands of men and women, whose appearance was gay enough for a festival, for they all wore garlands and white robes. Their lamentations and tears mingled with their praises of the deceased showed that they were not performing this as a matter of mere outward respect and compliance with a decree, but that they expressed real sorrow and loving gratitude. At last, when the bier was placed upon the pyre, Demetrius, the loudest voiced of the heralds at that time, read aloud the following:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The Syracusan people solemnise, at the cost of two hundred minae, the funeral of this man, the Corinthian Timoleon, son of Timodemus. They have passed a vote to honour him for all future time with festival matches in music, horse and chariot races, and gymnastics, because, after having put down the despots, subdued the foreign enemy, and recolonized the greatest among the ruined cities, he restored to the Sicilian Greeks their constitution and laws.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_37_37&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_37_37&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[37]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They buried him in the market-place, and afterwards surrounded the spot with a colonnade, and built a palastra in it for the young men to practise in, and called it the Timoleonteum; and, living under the constitution and laws which he established, they passed many years in prosperity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;LIFE_OF_AEMILIUS&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;LIFE OF AEMILIUS.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_38_38&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_38_38&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[38]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Most writers agree that the Aemilian was one of the most noble and ancient of the patrician families of Rome. Those who tell us that King Numa was a pupil of Pythagoras, narrate also that Mamercus, the founder of this family, was a son of that philosopher, who for his singular grace and subtlety of speech was surnamed Aemilius. Most of the members of the family who gained distinction by their valour, were also fortunate, and even the mishap of Lucius Paullus at Cannae bore ample testimony to his prudence and valour. For since he could not prevail upon his colleague to refrain from battle, he, though against his better judgment, took part in it, and disdained to fly; but when he who had begun the contest fled from it, he stood firm, and died fighting the enemy. This Aemilius had a daughter, who married Scipio the Great, and a son who is the subject of this memoir. Born in an age which was rendered illustrious by the valour and wisdom of many distinguished men, he eclipsed them all, though he followed none of the studies by which young men were then gaining themselves a reputation, but chose a different path. He did not practise at the bar, nor could he bring himself to court the favour of the people by the greetings, embraces, and professions of friendship to which most men used to stoop to obtain popularity. Not that he was by nature unfitted for such pursuits; but he considered it better to gain a reputation for courage, justice, and truth, in which he soon outshone his contemporaries.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;III.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The first honourable office for which he was a candidate was that of aedile, for which he was elected against twelve others, who, they say, all afterwards became consuls. When chosen a priest of the college of Augurs, whom the Romans appoint to watch and register the omens derived from the flight of birds, or the signs of the heavens, he so carefully applied himself to learning the ancient customs and religion of his ancestors, that the priesthood, hitherto merely considered as an empty title of honour and sought after for that reason only, became regarded as the sublimest craft of all, confirming the saying of the philosophers, that holiness consists in a knowledge of how to serve the gods. Under him everything was done with both zeal and skill. He neglected all other duties, when engaged upon these, neither omitting any part nor adding any, arguing with his companions, when they blamed him for his care about trifles, that though a man might think that heaven was merciful and forgiving of negligences, yet that habitual disregard and overlooking of such points was dangerous for the state, seeing that no one ever begins till some flagrant breach of the law to disturb the constitution, but those who are careless of accuracy in small things soon begin to neglect the most important. He was no less severe in exacting and maintaining military discipline than with religious observances, never forgetting the general in the demagogue, nor, as many then did, endeavouring to make his first command lead to a second by indulgence and affability to his troops, but, like a priest expounding mysteries, he carefully taught them everything requisite for a campaign, and, by his severity to the careless and disobedient, restored the former glory to his country; for he seemed to think victory over the enemy was merely a subordinate incident in the great work of disciplining his fellow-citizens.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When the Romans were at war with Antiochus the Great, and all their most experienced generals were employed against him, there arose another war in the west of Europe, in consequence of revolutionary movements in Spain. Aemilius was appointed commander to conduct this war, not with six lictors only, like ordinary generals, but twelve, so as to give him consular authority. He defeated the barbarians in two pitched battles, with a loss of nearly thirty thousand. The credit of this exploit belongs peculiarly to the general, who made such use of the advantage of the ground, and the ford over a certain river, as to render victory an easy matter for his soldiers. He also took two hundred and fifty cities, which opened their gates to him. Having established a lasting peace in his province he returned to Rome, not having gained a penny by his command. For he was careless of money-making, though he spent his fortune without stint; and it was so small, that after his death it hardly sufficed to make up the dower of his wife.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;V.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; He married Papiria, the daughter of Papirius Maso, a consular; and after living with her for a considerable time, divorced her, though he had by her an illustrious family, for she was the mother of the renowned Scipio, and of Fabius Maximus. No reason for their separation has come down to us, but there is much truth in that other story about a divorce, that some Roman put away his wife; and his friends then blamed him, saying, &amp;quot;Is she not chaste? is she not beautiful? is she not fruitful?&amp;quot; He, stretching out his shoe, said, &amp;quot;Is it not beautiful? is it not new? But none of you can tell where it pinches me. In fact, some men divorce their wives for great and manifest faults, yet the little but constant irritation which proceeds from incompatible tempers and habits, though unnoticed by the world at large, does gradually produce between married people breaches which cannot be healed.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;So Aemilius put away Papiria, and married again. By his second marriage he had two sons, whom he kept at home, but those by the former marriage he had adopted into the greatest and noblest families of Rome, the elder into that of Fabius Maximus, who had five times been consul, while the younger was treated by Scipio Africanus as his cousin, and took the name of Scipio.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of his two daughters, one married a son of Cato, the other Aelius Tubero, an excellent man, who supported his poverty more gloriously than any other Roman. There were sixteen in the family, all Aelii; and one small house and estate sufficed for them all, with their numerous offspring and their wives, among whom was the daughter of our Aemilius, who, though her father had twice been consul and twice triumphed, was not ashamed of the poverty of her husband, but was proud of the virtue that kept him poor. But nowadays brothers and kinsmen, unless their inheritances be divided by mountain ranges, rivers, and walls like fortifications, with plenty of space between them, quarrel without ceasing. These are the materials for reflection which history affords to those who choose to make use of them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Aemilius, when elected consul, marched against the sub-Alpine Ligurians, called by some Ligustines, a brave and spirited nation, and from their nearness to Rome, skilled in the arts of war. Mixed with the Gauls, and the Iberians of the sea coast, they inhabit the extremity of Italy where it dies away into the Alps, and also that part of the Alps which is washed by the Tuscan Sea, opposite the Libyan coast. At this time they took also to seafaring, and, sailing forth in small piratical ships, they plundered and preyed upon commerce as far as the columns of Heracles. On Aemilius&#039;s approach they opposed him, forty thousand strong; but he, with only eight thousand, attacked five-fold his own numbers, put them to rout, and having chased them into their fastnesses, offered them reasonable and moderate terms; for it was not the Roman policy utterly to exterminate the Ligurian race, but to leave them as an outwork to protect Italy against the constant movements of the Gaulish tribes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Trusting in Aemilius they surrendered all their ships and their cities into his hands. He did the cities no hurt, or at most destroyed the walls, and restored them to the owners, but he carried off all the ships, leaving them nothing larger than a six-oared boat; while he set free the numerous captives which they had taken both by sea and land, among whom were some Roman citizens. These were his glorious exploits in that consulship. Afterwards he frequently let his desire for re-election be seen, and once became a candidate, but as he failed and was passed over, he thenceforth remained in retirement, occupying himself with religious matters, and teaching his children not only the Roman education in which he himself had been brought up, but also the Greek, and that more carefully. For not only were the grammarians, philosophers, and orators Greek, but also the sculptors and painters, and the young men kept Greeks to manage their horses and hounds, and instruct them in hunting. Aemilius, unless hindered by public business, always was present at the exercises and studies of his sons, and was the kindest father in Rome.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; This was the period during which the Romans, who were at war with Perseus, King of Macedon, complained of their generals, whose ignorance and cowardice had led to the most disgraceful and ridiculous failure, and to the sustaining of much more loss than they inflicted. They, who had just driven Antiochus, called the Great, out of Asia Minor, beyond Taurus, and restricted him to Syria, making him glad to purchase peace at the price of fifteen thousand talents; who, a little before, had crushed Philip in Thessaly, and set free the Greeks from the power of Macedon; and who had also utterly subdued Hannibal himself, a man whose daring and immense resources rendered him far more dangerous an opponent than any king, thought that it was not to be borne that Perseus should wage war as if he were on equal terms with the Roman people, and that, too, with only the remnants of his father&#039;s routed forces; for they did not know that Philip, after his defeat, had greatly increased the power and efficiency of the Macedonian army. To explain which, I shall briefly relate the story from the beginning.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;VIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Antigonus, who was the most powerful of the generals and successors of Alexander, and who obtained for himself and his family the title of king, had a son named Demetrius, whose son was Antigonus, called Gonatas. His son again was named Demetrius, who, after reigning some short time, died, leaving a son Philip, a mere boy in years. Fearing disturbance during his minority, the Macedonian nobles made Antigonus, a cousin of the deceased, Regent and commander-in-chief, associating with him in this office the mother of Philip. Finding him a moderate and useful ruler, they soon gave him the title of king. He had the soubriquet of Doson, as though he were only a promiser, not a performer of his engagements. After this man, Philip came to the throne, and, while yet a boy, distinguished himself in all that becomes a king, so as to raise men&#039;s hopes that he might restore the empire of Macedon to its ancient glory, and be alone able to check the power of Rome, which now menaced the whole world. Defeated in a great battle at Scotussa by Titus Flamininus, he bent to the storm, surrendered all that he had to the Romans, and was thankful for mild treatment. Afterwards, chafing at his subordinate position, and thinking that to reign dependent on the pleasure of the Romans was more worthy of a slave who cares only for sensual pleasure, than of a man of spirit, he gave his whole mind up to preparations for war, and secretly and unscrupulously collected materials for it. Of the cities in his kingdom, he allowed those on the sea-coast and the main roads to fall into partial decay, so that his power might be despised, while he collected great forces in the interior. Here he filled all the outposts, fortresses, and cities with arms, money, and men fit for service, and thus trained the nation for war, yet kept his preparations secret. In his arsenals were arms for thirty thousand men; eight million medimni of corn were stored in his fortresses, and such a mass of treasure as would pay an army of ten thousand men for ten years. But before he could put all these forces in motion and begin the great struggle, he died of grief and remorse, for he had, as he admitted, unjustly put his other son Demetrius to death on the calumnies of one far worse than he was. Perseus, the survivor, inherited his father&#039;s hatred of the Romans with his kingdom, but was not of a calibre to carry out his designs, as his small and degraded mind was chiefly possessed by avarice. He is said not even to have been legitimate, but that Philip&#039;s wife obtained him when a baby from his real mother, a midwife of Argos, named Gnathaina, and palmed him off upon her husband. And this seems to have been one reason for her putting Demetrius to death, for fear that if the family had a legitimate heir, this one&#039;s bastardy would be discovered.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;IX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; However, low-born and low-minded though he was, yet having by the force of circumstances drifted into war, he held his own and maintained himself for a long time against the Romans, defeating generals of consular rank with great armies, and even capturing some of them. Publius Licinius, who first invaded Macedonia, was defeated in a cavalry engagement, with a loss of two thousand five hundred brave men killed, and six hundred prisoners. Perseus next by a sudden attack made himself master of the Roman naval station at Oreus, took twenty store ships, sunk the rest, which were loaded with grain, and took also four quinqueremes.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_39_39&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_39_39&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[39]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He fought also a second battle, in which he drove back the consular general Hostilius, who was trying to invade Macedonia near Elimiae; and when he tried to steal in through Thessaly, he again offered battle, which the Roman declined. As an accessory to the war he now made a campaign against the Dardans, as if affecting to despise the Romans and to be at leisure. Here he cut to pieces ten thousand of the barbarians, and carried off much plunder. He also had secret negotiations with the Gauls who dwell near the Ister, called Basternae, a nation of warlike horsemen, and by means of Genthius their king he endeavoured to induce the Illyrians to take part in the war. There was even a report that the barbarians had been induced by his bribes to march through the southern part of Gaul beside the Adriatic, and so invade Italy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;X.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The Romans, when they learnt all this, determined that they would disregard political influence in their choice of a general, and choose some man of sense and capable of undertaking great operations. Such a one was Paulus Aemilius, a man of advanced age, being about sixty years old, but still in full vigour of body, and surrounded by kinsmen, grown-up sons, and friends, who all urged him to listen to the appeal of his country and be consul. He at first treated the people with little respect, and shunned their eager professions of zeal, on the plea that he did not wish for the command; but as they waited on him daily, and called for him to come into the forum and shouted his name, he was at length prevailed upon. When a candidate, he seemed to enter the field not with a view to getting office, but to giving victory and strength in battle to his fellow-citizens; with such zeal and confidence did they unanimously elect him consul for the second time, not permitting lots to be cast for provinces by the two consuls, as is usual, but at once decreeing to him the management of the Macedonian war. It is said that when he was named general against Perseus, he was escorted home in triumph by the people &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;en masse&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, and found his daughter Tertia, who was quite a little child, in tears. He embraced her, and asked her why she was crying; and she, throwing her arms round him and kissing him, said, &amp;quot;Do you not know, father, that our Perseus is dead?&amp;quot; meaning a little dog which she had brought up, which was so named. Aemilius said, &amp;quot;May this bring good luck, my daughter: I accept the omen.&amp;quot; This story Cicero the orator tells in his book on Divination.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; It being the custom that the consuls-elect should return thanks, and make a gracious speech to the people from the rostrum, Aemilius called together the people and said that he had sought for his former consulship because he wanted office, but for this one because they wanted a general: wherefore he felt no gratitude towards them, but would lay down his consulship if they thought that they would succeed better in the war under some one else; but if they felt confidence in him, he asked them not to interfere with his acts as general, nor to gossip about him, but to furnish quietly what was wanted for the war; for if they tried to command their commander they would afford even a more sorry spectacle than they had already done. By these words he made the citizens stand greatly in awe of him, and gave them great expectations of what he would effect, while all rejoiced that they had passed over those who used to flatter them, and had chosen a general of independence and spirit. So much did the Roman people respect bravery and honour, because it led to conquests, and to making them masters of the world.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; I consider it to have been by divine favour that Aemilius Paulus on starting for his campaign met with such a fortunate and calm voyage, and so speedily and safely arrived at the camp; but as to the war itself, and his conduct of it, accomplished as it was partly by swift daring, partly by wise dispositions, by the valour of friends, confidence in the midst of dangers, and reliance on sound plans, I cannot tell of any glorious and distinguished exploit, which, as in the case of other generals, owed its success to his good fortune; unless, indeed, any one should count as good fortune for Aemilius the avarice of Perseus, which destroyed the great and well-founded hopes of the Macedonians in the war, and brought them to ruin by the meanness of their chief. At his request there came a force of Basternae, a thousand horse and ten thousand light troops who fought with them, all mercenary soldiers—men who knew nothing of tilling the soil, or of sailing the sea, who did not live from the produce of their flocks, but who studied one art and business solely, ever to fight and overcome their antagonists. So, when in the camp at Maedike, these men mixed with the king&#039;s troops, tall in their person, admirable in their drill, boastful and haughty in their defiance of the foe, they gave confidence to the Macedonians, and made them think that the Romans never could withstand their attack, but would be terrified at their appearance and march, outlandish and ferocious as it was. But Perseus, now that he had got such auxiliaries as these, and put his men into such heart, because he was asked for a thousand staters for each officer, became bewildered at the amount of the sum which he would have to pay, and his meanness prevailing over his reason, refused their offers, and broke off the alliance, as if he had been steward of his kingdom for the Romans rather than fighting against them, and had to give an exact account of his expenses in the war to his enemies; though he might have been taught by them, who had besides other war materials, a hundred thousand soldiers collected together ready for use. Yet he, when engaged in war with such a power as this, where such great forces were kept on foot to contend with him, kept doling out and sparing his money as if it were not his own. And still he was not a Lydian or Phoenician, but a man who from his descent ought to have had a share of the spirit of Philip and Alexander, who made all their conquests by the principle that empire may be gained by gold, not gold by empire. It used, indeed, to be a proverb that &amp;quot;It is not Philip, but Philip&#039;s gold that takes the cities of Greece.&amp;quot; Alexander, too, when beginning his Indian campaign, seeing the Macedonians laboriously dragging along the rich and unwieldy plunder of the Persians, first burned all the royal carriages, and then persuaded the soldiers to do the like with their own, and start for the war as light as if they had shaken off a burden. But Perseus, when spending his own money to defend himself, his children, and his kingdom, rather than sacrifice a little and win, preferred to be taken to Rome with many others, a rich captive, and show the Romans how much he had saved for them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; For not only did he dismiss the Gauls and break his word to them, but after inducing Genthius the Illyrian to take part in the war for a bribe of three hundred talents, he lodged the money with that prince&#039;s envoys, all counted, and let them put their seals upon it. Genthius then thinking that he had got what he asked, did a wicked and impious deed in seizing and throwing into prison some Roman ambassadors who were sent to him. Perseus, thinking that Genthius no longer needed money to make him hostile to Rome, since he had given him such a pledge of his hatred of it, and had involved himself in war with it by such a crime, deprived the poor man of his three hundred talents, and shortly afterwards looked calmly on while he and his family were plucked out of their kingdom, like birds out of a nest, by Lucius Anicius, who was sent with an army against him. Aemilius, when he came to contend with such a rival as this, despised him as a man, but was surprised at the force which he had at his disposal. These were four thousand cavalry, and of infantry soldiers of the Macedonian phalanx nearly forty thousand. Encamped by the sea-shore, near the skirts of Mount Olympus, on ground nowhere accessible, and strongly fortified by himself with outworks and defences of wood, Perseus lived in careless security, thinking that by time and expense he should wear out Aemilius&#039;s attack. But he, while he busied his mind with every possible mode of assault, perceiving that his army in consequence of its past want of discipline was impatient, and usurped the general&#039;s province by proposing all sorts of wild schemes, severely reprimanded the soldiers, and ordered them not to meddle with what was not their concern, but only take care that they and their arms were ready, and to use their swords as Romans should when their general should give the word. He ordered the night sentries to go on guard without their spears, that they might be more attentive and less inclined to sleep, having no arms to defend themselves against the enemy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The army was chiefly troubled by want of water; for only a very little bad water ran or rather dripped out of a spring near the sea. Aemilius perceiving that Olympus, immediately above him, was a large and well-wooded mountain, and guessing from the greenness of the foliage that it must contain some springs which had their courses underground, dug many pits and wells along the skirts of the mountain, which immediately were filled with pure water, which by the pressure above was driven into these vacant spaces. Yet some say that there are no hidden fountains of water, lying ready in such places as these, and say that it is not because they are dug out or broken into that they flow, but that they have their origin and cause in the saturation of the surrounding earth which becomes saturated by its close texture and coldness, acting upon the moist vapours, which when pressed together low down turn into water. For just as women&#039;s breasts are not receptacles full of milk ready to flow, but change the nutriment which is in them into milk, and so supply it, so also the cold places which are full of springs have no water concealed in them, nor any such reservoirs as would be needed to send out deep rivers from any fixed point, but by their pressure they convert the air and vapour which is in them into water. At any rate, those places which are dug over break more into springs and run more with water, in answer to this treatment of their surface, just as women&#039;s breasts respond to sucking, for it moistens and softens the vapour; whereas land which is not worked is incapable of producing water, not having the motion by which moisture is obtained. Those who argue thus have given sceptics the opportunity of saying, that if it be true, there can be no blood in animals, but that it gathers about wounds, and that the flow of blood is produced by the air, or some change which takes place in the flesh. They are proved to be wrong by those who sink shafts for mines, and meet with rivers in the depths of the earth, which have not collected themselves by degrees, as would be the case if they derived their origin from the sudden movements of the earth, but flow with a full stream. Also, when mountains and rocks are fissured by a blow, there springs out a gush of water, which afterwards ceases. But enough of this.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Aemilius remained quiet for some days, and it is said two such great hosts never were so near together and so quiet. After exploring and trying every place he discovered that there was still one pass unguarded, that, namely, through Perrhaebae by Pythium and Petra. He called a council of war to consider this, being himself more hopeful of success that way, as the place was not watched, than alarmed at the precipices on account of which the enemy neglected it. First of those present, Scipio, surnamed Nasica, son-in-law to Scipio Africanus, afterwards a leading man in the Senate, volunteered to lead the party which was to make this circuitous attack. And next Fabius Maximus, the eldest of the sons of Aemilius, though still only a youth, rose and spiritedly offered his services. Aemilius, delighted, placed under their command not so many troops as Polybius says in his history, but so many as Nasica himself tells us that he had, in a letter which he wrote to one of the princes of that region about this affair. He had three thousand Italians, besides his main body, and five thousand who composed the left wing. Besides these, Nasica took a hundred and twenty horse, and two hundred of Harpalus&#039;s light troops, Thracians and Cretans mixed. He began his march along the road towards the sea, and encamped near the temple of Herakles, as though he intended to sail round to the other side of the enemy&#039;s camp, and so surround him: but when the soldiers had supped, and it was dark, he explained his real plan to his officers, marched all night away from the sea, and halted his men for rest near the temple of Apollo. At this place Olympus is more than ten furlongs high: and this is proved by the epigram which the measurer wrote as follows:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;The height of Olympus&#039; crest at the temple of Pythian Apollo consists of (measured by the plumb line) ten stades, and besides a hundred feet all but four. It was Xenagoras, the son of Eumelus, who discovered its height. King Apollo, hail to thee; be thou propitious to us.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And yet geometricians say that neither the height of any mountain nor the depth of any sea is above ten stades (furlongs). However, Xenophanes did not take its altitude conjecturally, but by a proper method with instruments.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Here then Nasica halted. Perseus in the morning saw Aemilius&#039;s army quiet in its place, and would have had no idea of what was going on had not a Cretan deserter come and told him of the flank march of the Romans. Then he became alarmed, but still did not disturb his camp, but, placing ten thousand foreign mercenaries and two thousand Macedonians under the command of Milo, ordered him to march swiftly and occupy the passes. Now Polybius says that the Romans fell upon these men when they were in their beds, but Nasica tells us that a sharp and dangerous conflict took place upon the heights. He himself was assailed by a Thracian, but struck him through the breast with his spear. However, the enemy were forced back; Milo most shamefully fled in his shirt, without his arms, and Scipio was able to follow, and at the same time lead his forces on to level ground. Perseus, terrified and despairing when he saw them, at once broke up his camp and retreated. But still he was obliged either to give battle before Pydna, or else to disperse his army among the various cities of the kingdom, and so to await the Romans, who, being once entered into his country, could not be driven out without much slaughter and bloodshed. It was urged by his friends that he had a great numerical superiority, and that the troops would fight desperately in defence of their wives and families, especially if their king took the command and shared their danger. He pitched his camp and prepared for battle, viewed the ground, and arranged the commands, intending to set upon the Romans as soon as they appeared. Now the position both possessed a flat plain for the manoeuvres of the phalanx, which requires level ground, and also hills rising one above another offered refuges and means for outflanking the enemy to his light troops. Also two rivers, the Aeson and Leukus, which ran across as it, though not very deep at that season (late autumn), were expected to give some trouble to the Romans.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Aemilius, on effecting a junction with Nasica, marched in battle array against the enemy. When, however, he saw their position and their numbers, he halted in surprise, considering within himself what he should do. His young officers, eager for battle, rode up to him and begged him not to delay. Conspicuous among these was Nasica, excited by his successful flank march round Olympus. Aemilius smiled at them and answered, &amp;quot;I would do so if I were of your age, but many victories have shown me the mistakes of the vanquished, and prevent my attacking a body of men drawn up in a chosen position with troops on the march and undeployed.&amp;quot; He gave orders that those troops who were in front should gather together and appear to be forming in battle array, while those who were behind pitched their palisades and fortified a camp. Then by wheeling off men by degrees from the front line, he gradually broke up his line of battle, and quietly drew all his forces within the ramparts of his camp. When night fell, and after supper the army had betaken itself to sleep and rest, suddenly the moon, which was full and high in the heavens, became obscured, changed colour, and became totally eclipsed. The Romans, after their custom, called for her to shine again by clattering with brass vessels, and uplifting blazing faggots and torches. The Macedonians did nothing of the sort, but dismay spread over their camp, and they muttered under their breath that this portended the eclipse of their king. Now Aemilius was not unacquainted with the phenomena of eclipses, which result from the moon being at fixed periods brought into the shadow of the earth and darkened, until it passes the obscured tract and is again enlightened by the sun, yet being very devout and learned in divination, he offered to her a sacrifice of eleven calves. At daybreak he sacrificed twenty oxen to Herakles without obtaining a favourable response; but with the one-and-twentieth favourable signs appeared and portents of victory for them, provided they did not attack. He then vowed a hecatomb and sacred games in honour of the god, and ordered his officers to arrange the men in line of battle. But he waited till the sun declined and drew towards the west, that his troops might not fight with the morning sun in their eyes. He passed away the day sitting in his tent, which was pitched looking towards the flat country and the camp of the enemy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Some writers tell us, that about evening, by a device of Aemilius, the battle was begun by the enemy, the Romans having driven a horse without a bridle out of their camp and then tried to catch it, from which pursuit the battle began; but others say that Roman soldiers who were carrying fodder for the cattle were set upon by the Thracians under Alexander, and that to repel them a vigorous sortie was made with seven hundred Ligurians; that many on both sides came up to help their comrades, and so the battle began. Aemilius, like a pilot, seeing by the motion and disturbance of his camp that a storm was at hand, came out of his tent, and going along the lines of the infantry spoke encouraging words to them, while Nasica, riding up to the skirmishers, saw the whole army of the enemy just on the point of attacking. First marched the Thracians, whose aspect they saw was most terrible, as they were tall men, dressed in dark tunics, with large oblong shields and greaves of glittering white, brandishing aloft long heavy swords over their right shoulders. Next to the Thracians were the mercenaries, variously armed, and mixed with Paeonians. After these came a third corps, of Macedonians, picked men of proved courage, and in the flower of their age, glittering with gilded arms and new purple dresses. Behind them again came the phalanxes from the camp with their brazen shields, filling all the plain with the glittering of their armour, and making the hills ring with their shouts. So swiftly and boldly did they advance that those who were first slain fell two furlongs only from the Roman camp.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When the battle began, Aemilius came up, and found the front ranks of the Macedonians had struck their spear-heads into the Roman shields, so that they could not reach them with their swords. When also the other Macedonians took their shields off their shoulders and placed them in front, and then at the word of command all brought down their pikes, he, viewing the great strength of that serried mass of shields, and the menacing look of the spears that bristled before them, was amazed and terrified, having never seen a more imposing spectacle—and often afterwards he used to speak of that sight, and of his own feelings at it. At the time, however, he put on a cheerful and hopeful look, and rode along the ranks showing himself to the men without helmet or cuirass. But the Macedonian king, according to Polybius, having joined battle, was seized with a fit of cowardice, and rode off to the city on the pretext that he was going to sacrifice to Herakles, a god unlikely to receive the base offerings of cowards or to fulfil their unreasonable prayers; for it is not reasonable that he who does not shoot should hit the mark, nor that he who does not stand fast at his post should win the day, or that the helpless man should succeed or the coward prosper. But the god heard the prayers of Aemilius, for he prayed for victory whilst fighting, sword in hand, and invited the god into the battle to aid him. Not but what one Poseidonius, who says that he took part in these transactions, and wrote a history of Perseus in many volumes, says that it was not from cowardice, or on the pretext of offering sacrifice that he left the field, but that on the day before the battle he was kicked on the leg by a horse; that in the battle, though in great pain, and entreated by his friends to desist, he ordered a horse to be brought, and without armour rode up to the phalanx. Here as many missiles were flying about from both sides, an iron javelin struck him, not fairly with its point, but it ran obliquely down his left side, tearing his tunic, and causing a dark bruise on his flesh, the scar of which was long visible. This is what Poseidonius urges in defence of Perseus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Now as the Romans when they met the phalanx could make no impression upon it, Salovius, the leader of the Pelignians, seized the standard of his regiment and threw it among the enemy. The Pelignians, as the loss of a standard is thought to be a crime and an impiety by all Italians, rushed to the place, and a fierce conflict began there with terrible slaughter. The one party tried to dash aside the long spears with their swords, and to push them with their shields, and to seize them away with their very hands, while the Macedonians, wielding their spears with both hands, drove them through their opponents, armour and all: for no shield or corslet could resist their thrust. They then cast over their own heads the bodies of these Pelignians and Marrucini, who pressed madly like wild creatures up to the line of spears and certain death. When the first rank fell in this manner, those behind gave way: it cannot be said that they fled, but they retreated to a mountain called Olokrus. Poseidonius tells us that Aemilius tore his clothes in despair at seeing these men give ground, while the other Romans were confounded at the phalanx, which could not be assailed, but with its close line of spears, like a palisade, offered no point for attack. But when he saw that, from the inequalities of the ground, and the length of their line, the Macedonian phalanx did not preserve its alignment, and was breaking into gaps and breaches, as is natural should happen in a great army, according to the different attacks of the combatants, who made it bulge inwards in one place, and outward in another, then he came swiftly up, and dividing his men into companies, ordered them to force their way into the spaces and intervals of the enemy&#039;s line, and to make their attack, not in any one place all together, but in several, as they were broken up into several bodies. As soon as Aemilius had given these instructions to the officers, who communicated them to the men, they charged into the spaces, and at once some attacked the now helpless Macedonians in flank, while others got into their rear and cut them off. The phalanx dissolved immediately, and with it was lost all the power and mutual assistance which it gave. Fighting in single combats or small groups, the Macedonians struck in vain with their little daggers at the strong shields reaching to their feet carried by the Romans. Their light targets could ill ward off the blows of the Roman sword, which cut right through all their defensive armour. After a useless resistance they turned and fled.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; But the fight was a sharp one. Here Marcus, the son of Cato, Aemilius&#039;s son-in-law, whilst fighting with great valour let fall his sword. Educated as he had been in the strictest principles of honour, and owing it to such a father to give extraordinary proofs of courage, he thought that life would be intolerable for him if he allowed an enemy to carry off such a trophy from him, and ran about calling upon every friend or acquaintance whom he saw to help him to recover it. Many brave men thus assembled, and with one accord left the rest of the army and followed him. After a sharp conflict and much slaughter, they succeeded in driving the enemy from the ground, and having thus chased it, they betook themselves to searching for the sword. When at last after much trouble it was found among the heaps of arms and corpses, they were overjoyed, and with a shout assailed those of the enemy who still resisted. At length the three thousand picked men were all slain fighting in their ranks. A great slaughter took place among the others as they fled, so that the plain and the skirts of the hills were covered with corpses, and the stream of the river Leukus ran red with blood even on the day after the battle; for, indeed, it is said that more than twenty-five thousand men perished. Of the Romans there fell a hundred, according to Poseidonius, but Nasica says only eighty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; This battle, fraught with such important issues, was decided in a remarkably short time; beginning to fight at the ninth hour, the Romans were victorious before the tenth. The remainder of the day was occupied in pursuit, which being pressed for some fifteen (English) miles, it was late before they returned to their camp. All the officers on their return were met by their servants with torches, and conducted with songs of triumph to their tents, which were illuminated and wreathed with ivy and laurel; but the general himself was deeply dejected. The youngest of the two sons who were serving under him—his own favourite, the noblest of all his children in character—was nowhere to be found; and it was feared that, being high-spirited and generous, though but a boy in years, he must have become mixed up with the enemy, and so perished. The whole army learned the cause of his sorrow and perplexity, and quitting their suppers, ran about with torches, some to the tent of Aemilius, and some outside the camp to look for him among the corpses. The whole camp was filled with sorrow, and all the plain with noise, covered as it was with men shouting for Scipio—for he had won all hearts from the very beginning, having beyond all his kinsfolk the power of commanding the affections of men. Very late at night, after he had been all but given up for lost, he came in with two or three comrades, covered with the blood of the enemies he had slain, having, like a well-bred hound, been thoughtlessly carried along by the joy of the chase. This was that Scipio who afterwards took by storm Carthage and Numantia, and became by far the most famous and powerful of all the Romans of his time. So fortune, deferring to another season the expression of her jealousy at his success, now permitted Aemilius to take an unalloyed pleasure in his victory.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Perseus fled from Pydna to Pella, his cavalry having, as one would expect, all got safe out of the action. But when the infantry met them, they abused them as cowards and traitors, and began to push them from their horses and deal them blows, and so Perseus, terrified at the disturbance, forsook the main road, and to avoid detection took off his purple robe and laid it before him, and carried his crown in his hand; and, that he might talk to his friends as he walked, he got off his horse, and led him. But one of them made excuse that he must tie his shoes, another that he must water his horse, another that he must get himself a drink, and so they gradually fell off from him and left him, not fearing the rage of the enemy so much as his cruelty: for, exasperated by his defeat, he tried to fasten the blame of it upon others instead of himself. When he came to Pella, his treasurers Euktus and Eulaeus met him and blamed him for what had happened, and in an outspoken and unseasonable way gave him advice: at which he was so much enraged that he stabbed them both dead with his dagger. After this no one stayed with him except Evander a Cretan, Archedamus an Aetolian, and Neon a Boeotian. Of the common soldiers the Cretans followed him, not from any love they bore him, but being as eager for his riches as bees are for honey. For he carried great store of wealth with him, and out of it distributed among the Cretans cups and bowls and other gold and silver plate to the amount of fifty talents. But when he reached first Amphipolis, and then Galepsus, and had got a little the better of his fears, his old malady of meanness attacked him, and he would complain to his friends that he had flung some of the drinking cups of Alexander the Great to the Cretans by mistake, and entreated with tears those who had them to give back and take the value in money. Those who understood his character were not taken in by this attempt to play the Cretan with men of Crete, but some believed him and lost their cups for nothing. For he never paid the money, but having swindled his friends out of thirty talents, which soon fell into the hands of the enemy, he sailed with the money to Samothrace, and took sanctuary in the temple of the Dioskuri as a suppliant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The people of Macedon have always been thought to love their kings, but now, as if some main prop had broken, and the whole edifice of government fallen to the ground, they gave themselves up to Aemilius, and in two days constituted him master of the entire kingdom. This seems to confirm the opinion of those who say that these successes were owing to especial good fortune: and the incident of the sacrifice also was clearly sent from Heaven. For when Aemilius was offering sacrifice at Amphipolis, when the sacred rites had been performed, lightning came down upon the altar, and burned up the offering. But in its miraculous character and good luck the swiftness with which the news spread surpasses all these; for on the fourth day after Perseus had been vanquished at Pydna, while the people at Rome were assembled at a horse race, suddenly there arose amongst them a rumour that Aemilius had defeated Perseus in a great battle and had subdued all Macedonia. This report soon spread among the populace, who expressed their joy by applause and shouts throughout the city all that day. Afterwards, as the report could be traced to no trustworthy source, but was merely repeated among them vaguely, it was disbelieved and came to nothing; but in a few days they learned the real story, and wondered at the rumour which had preceded it, combining truth with falsehood.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; There is a legend that the news of the battle on the river Sagra in Italy against the natives was carried the same day into Peloponnesus, and that of the battle of Mykale against the Medes was so carried to Plataea. The victory of the Romans over the Latins under the exiled Tarquins was reported at Rome a little after it took place, by two men, tall and fair, who came from the army. These men they conjectured to have been the Dioskuri (Castor and Pollux). The first man who fell in with them as they stood in the forum, near the fountain, found them washing their horses, which were covered with sweat. He marvelled much at their tale of the victory; and then they are said to have smiled serenely and stroked his beard, which instantly changed from black to yellow, thus causing his story to be believed, besides winning for him the soubriquet of Ahenobarbus, which means &#039;brazen beard.&#039; But that which happened in our own time will make all these credible. When Antonius rebelled against Domitian, and a great war in Germany was expected, Rome was greatly disturbed till suddenly there arose among the people a rumour of victory, and a story ran through Rome that Antonius himself was killed, and that the army under him had been utterly exterminated. And this report was so clear and forcible, that many of the magistrates offered sacrifice for the victory. When the originator of it was sought for, as he could not be found, but the story when traced from one man to another was lost in the vast crowd as if in the sea, and appeared to have no solid foundation, all belief in it died away: but when Domitian set out with his forces to the war, he was met on the way by messengers with despatches describing the victory. The day of this success was the same as that stated by the rumours, though the places were more than two thousand five hundred (English) miles distant. All men of our own time know this to be true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Cnaeus Octavius, the admiral under Aemilius&#039;s orders, now cruised round Samothrace. He did not, from religious motives, violate Perseus&#039;s right of sanctuary, but prevented his leaving the island and escaping. But nevertheless Perseus somehow outwitted him so far as to bribe one Oroandes, a Cretan, who possessed a small vessel, to take him on board. But this man like a true Cretan took the money away by night, and bidding him come the next night with his family and attendants to the harbour near the temple of Demeter, as soon as evening fell, set sail. Now Perseus suffered pitiably in forcing himself, and his wife and children, who were unused to hardships, through a narrow window in the wall, and set up a most pititul wailing when some one who met him wandering on the beach showed him the ship of Oroandes under sail far away at sea. Day was now breaking, and having lost his last hope, he made a hasty retreat to the town wall, and got into it with his wife, before the Romans, though they saw him, could prevent him. But his children he had entrusted to a man named Ion, who once had been a favourite of his, but now betrayed him, and delivered them up to the Romans, thus providing the chief means to compel him, like a wild animal, to come and surrender himself into the hands of those who had his children. He felt most confidence in Nasica, and inquired for him, but as he was not present, after lamenting his fate, and reflecting on the impossibility of acting otherwise, he surrendered himself to Cnaeus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Now he was able to prove that he had a vice yet more sordid than avarice, namely, base love of life; by which he lost even his title to pity, the only consolation of which fortune does not deprive the fallen. He begged to be brought into the presence of Aemilius, who, to show respect to a great man who had met with a terrible misfortune, rose, and walked to meet him with his friends, with tears in his eyes. But Perseus offered a degrading spectacle by flinging himself down upon his face and embracing his knees, with unmanly cries and entreaties, which Aemilius could not endure to listen to; but looking on him with a pained and sad expression, said, &amp;quot;Wretched man: why do you by this conduct deprive fortune of all blame, by making yourself seem to deserve your mishaps, and to have been unworthy of your former prosperity, but worthy of your present misery? And why do you depreciate the value of my victory, and make my success a small one, by proving degenerate and an unworthy antagonist for Romans? Valour, however unfortunate, commands great respect even from enemies: but the Romans despise cowardice, even though it be prosperous.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; However, he raised him from the ground, and, having given him his hand, he entrusted him to Tubero, and then taking into his own tent his sons, sons-in-law, and most of the younger officers, he sat silent, wrapt in thought for some time, to their astonishment. Then he said, &amp;quot;Ought a man to be confident that he deserves his good fortune, and think much of himself when he has overcome a nation, or city, or empire; or does fortune give this as an example to the victor also of the uncertainty of human affairs, which never continue in one stay? For what time can there be for us mortals to feel confident, when our victories over others especially compel us to dread fortune, and while we are exulting, the reflection that the fatal day comes now to one, now to another, in regular succession, dashes our joy. Can we, who in less than an hour have trampled under our feet the successor of Alexander the Great, who was so powerful and mighty, and who see these kings who but lately were guarded by their tens of thousands of foot and thousands of horse, now receiving their daily bread from the hands of their foes, can we suppose that our present prosperity is likely to endure for all time? You, young men, be sure that you lay aside your haughty looks and vainglory in your victory, and await with humility what the future may bring forth, ever considering what form of retribution Heaven may have in store for us to set off against our present good fortune.&amp;quot; They say that Aemilius spoke long in this strain, and sent away his young officers with their pride and boastfulness well curbed and restrained by his words, as though with a bridle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After these events he sent the army into cantonments, to rest, and he himself set out to visit Greece, making a progress which was both glorious and beneficent; for in the cities to which he came he restored the popular constitutions, and bestowed on them presents, from the king&#039;s treasury, of corn and oil. For so much, they say, was found stored up, that all those who received it and asked for it, were satisfied before the mass could be exhausted. At Delphi, seeing a large square column of white marble, on which a golden statue of Perseus was to have been placed, he ordered his own to be placed there, as the vanquished ought to give place to the victors. At Olympia, as the story goes, he uttered that well-known saying, that Pheidias had carved the very Zeus of Homer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When ten commissioners arrived from Rome, he restored to the Macedonians their country to dwell in, and their cities free and independent, imposing upon them a tribute of a hundred talents, only half what they used to pay to their kings. He exhibited gymnastic spectacles of every kind, and gave splendid sacrifices and feasts in honour of the gods, having boundless resources for the purpose in the king&#039;s treasury; and in ordering and arranging each man&#039;s place at table, and saluting him according to his merit and degree, he showed such a delicate perception of propriety, that the Greeks were astonished that he should carry his administrative talent even into his amusements, and be so business-like in trifles. But he was always delighted that though many splendid things were prepared, he himself was the chief object of interest to his guests, and when they expressed their surprise at his taking such pains, he would answer that the same mind can array an army for battle in the most terrific fashion, or a feast in the most acceptable one. All men praised to the skies his generous magnanimity, because, when a great mass of gold and silver was collected from the king&#039;s treasury, he would not so much as look at it, but handed it over to the quaestors to be put into the public treasury. Of all the spoil, he only allowed his sons, who were fond of reading, to take the king&#039;s books; and when distributing prizes for distinguished bravery in action, he gave Aelius Tubero, his son-in-law, a silver cup of five pounds&#039; weight. This Tubero is he whom we said lived with fifteen other kinsfolk on a small farm, which supported them all. And that, they say, was the first piece of plate that ever was seen in the Aelian household, brought there by honourable valour; for before that neither they nor their wives used either gold or silver plate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; When he had settled all things properly he took leave of the Greeks, and reminding the Macedonians to keep by orderly and unanimous conduct the liberty which the Romans had bestowed upon them, he started for Epirus, as the Senate had passed a decree that the soldiers who had been present in the battle against Perseus should be gratified with the spoil of the cities of Epirus. Desiring therefore to fall upon them all at once and unexpectedly, he sent for ten of the chief men from each city, and ordered them to bring together, on a fixed day, all the gold and silver which they had in their houses and temples. With each party he sent, as if for this purpose, a guard of soldiers and a captain, who was to pretend that he came to seek for and receive the money. But when day broke, they all at the same time fell to sacking and plundering the cities, so that, in one hour, a hundred and fifty thousand people were reduced to slavery, and seventy cities plundered; yet from such ruin and destruction as this, there resulted no more than eleven drachmae for each soldier, while all mankind shuddered at this termination of the war, that a whole nation should be cut to pieces to produce such a pitiful present.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Aemilius, having performed this work, greatly against his real nature, which was kind and gentle, proceeded to Oricum, and thence crossed to Italy with his army. He himself sailed up the river Tiber in the king&#039;s own ship of sixteen banks of oars, adorned with the arms of the vanquished, and crowns of victory and crimson flags, so that all the people of Rome came out in a body as if to a foretaste of the spectacle of his triumphal entry, and walked beside his ship as she was gently rowed up the river. But the soldiery, casting longing glances at the king&#039;s treasure, like men who had not met with their deserts, were angry and dissatisfied with Aemilius; for this reason really, though the charge they openly put forward was that he was a harsh and tyrannical ruler: so they showed no eagerness for the triumph.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Servius Galba,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_40_40&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_40_40&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[40]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; an enemy of Aemilius, who had once commanded a legion under him, hearing this, plucked up spirit to propose openly that he should not be allowed a triumph. He disseminated among the soldiers many calumnies against their general, and so still more exasperately their present temper; next he asked the tribunes of the plebs for another day, as that day would not suffice for his speech, only four hours remaining of it. However, the tribunes bade him speak, and he, beginning a long and abusive speech, consumed all the time. At nightfall the tribunes dismissed the assembly. But the soldiers, now grown bolder, assembled round Galba, and, forming themselves into an organized body, again at daybreak occupied the capitol; for it was thither that the tribunes had summoned the people.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The voting began as soon as it was day, and the first tribe voted against the triumph. Soon the rumour of this spread to the rest of the people and to the Senate. Though the masses were grieved at the shameful treatment of Aemilius, they exhausted themselves in useless clamour, but the leading men of the Senate crying out one to another that what was going on was scandalous, encouraged each other to resist the licentious violence of the soldiers, who, if not restrained, were ready to use any kind of lawless violence to prevent Paulus Aemilius enjoying the reward of his victory. These men pushed the mob aside, and mounting to the capitol in a body, bade the tribunes stop the voting until they had said what they wished to the people. When voting ceased and silence was obtained, Marcus Servilius, a man of consular rank, who had challenged and slain twenty-three enemies in single combat, spoke as follows:—&amp;quot;What a commander Aemilius Paulus must be, you are now best able to judge, seeing with what a disobedient and worthless army he has succeeded in such great exploits; but I am surprised at the people&#039;s being proud of the triumphs over the Illyrians and Ligurians, and begrudging itself the sight of the king of Macedon brought alive, and all the glories of Philip and Alexander carried captive to the arms of Rome. Is it not a strange thing that on the unfounded rumour of this victory being circulated, you sacrificed to the gods, praying that you soon might behold this spectacle, yet now that the army has returned after a real victory, you refuse the gods the honour and yourself the pleasure of it, as if you feared to see the extent of your successes, or wished to spare the feelings of your captive enemy; though it would show a nobler feeling than pity for him, not to deprive your general of his triumph for a mean grudge. Your baseness has reached such a pitch that a man without a scar, with his body delicately nurtured in the shade, dares to speak about generalship and triumphs before us who have learned by so many wounds to judge of a general&#039;s vice and virtues.&amp;quot; As he spoke, he opened his clothes, and showed his breast with an incredible number of scars upon it; then turning to Galba, who had made some remarks not very decent &amp;quot;You laugh,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;at these other marks: but I glory in them before my countrymen, for I got them by riding, night and day, in their service. But come, bring them to vote; I will go amongst them and follow them all to the poll, that I may know those who are cowardly and ungrateful, and like rather to be ruled by a demagogue than by a true general.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; These words are said to have caused such remorse and repentance among the soldiers, that all the tribes voted Aemilius his triumph. It is said to have been celebrated thus. The people, dressed in white robes, looked on from platforms erected in the horse course, which they call the Circus, and round the Forum, and in all other places which gave them a view of the procession. Every temple was open, and full of flowers and incense, and many officials with staves drove off people who formed disorderly mobs, and kept the way clear. The procession was divided into three days. The first scarcely sufficed for the display of the captured statues, sculptures, and paintings, which were carried on two hundred and fifty carriages. On the following day the finest and most costly of the Macedonian arms and armour were borne along in many waggons, glittering with newly burnished brass and iron, and arranged in a carefully studied disorder, helmets upon shields, and corslets upon greaves, with Cretan targets, Thracian wicker shields and quivers mixed with horses&#039; bits, naked swords rising out of these, and the long spears of the phalanx ranged in order above them, making a harmonious clash of arms, as they were arranged to clatter when they were driven along, with a harsh and menacing sound, so that the sight of them even after victory was not without terror. After the waggons which bore the arms walked three thousand men, carrying the silver coin in seven hundred and fifty earthen vessels, each carrying three talents, and borne by four men. Others carried the silver drinking horns, and goblets and chalices, each of them disposed so that it could be well seen, and all remarkable for their size and the boldness of their carving.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; On the third day, at earliest dawn, marched the trumpeters, not playing the music of a march, but sounding the notes which animate the Romans for a charge. After them were led along a hundred and twenty fat oxen with gilded horns, adorned with crowns and wreaths. They were led by youths clad in finely-fringed waistcloths in which to do the sacrifice, while boys carried the wine for the libations in gold and silver vessels. After these came men carrying the gold coin, divided into vessels of three talents each like the silver. The number of these vessels was eighty all but three. Then came those who carried the consecrated bowl which Aemilius had made of ten talents of gold adorned with jewels, and men carrying the plate of Antigonus and Seleukus, and cups of Therikles-ware,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_41_41&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_41_41&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[41]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and all Perseus&#039;s own service of gold plate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Next came the chariot of Perseus with his armour; and his crown set upon the top of his armour: and then after a little interval came the captive children of the king, and with them a tearful band of nurses and teachers, who held out their hands in supplication to the spectators, and taught the children to beg them for mercy. There were two boys and one girl, all too young to comprehend the extent of their misfortune. This carelessness made their fallen state all the more pitiable, so that Perseus himself walked almost unnoticed; for the Romans in their pity had eyes only for the children, and many shed tears, while all felt that the sight was more painful than pleasing till the children were gone by.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Behind the children and their attendants walked Perseus himself, dressed in a dark-coloured cloak with country boots, seeming to be dazed and stupefied by the greatness of his fall. A band of his friends and associates followed him with grief-laden countenances, and, by their constantly looking at Perseus, and weeping, gave the spectators the idea that they bewailed his fate without taking any thought about their own. However, Perseus had sent to Aemilius asking to be excused the walking in procession; but he, as it seems in mockery of his cowardice and love of life, answered, &amp;quot;That was formerly in his own hands, and is now if he pleases.&amp;quot; Meaning that death was preferable to dishonour; but the dastard had not spirit enough for that, but buoyed up by some hope, became a part of his own spoils.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After these were borne golden crowns, four hundred in number, which the cities of Greece had sent to Aemilius with deputations, in recognition of his success. Next he came himself, sitting in a splendid chariot, a man worth looking upon even without his present grandeur, dressed in a purple robe sprinkled with gold, and holding a branch of laurel in his right hand. All the army was crowned with laurel and followed the car of the general in military array, at one time singing and laughing over old country songs, then raising in chorus the paean of victory and recital of their deeds, to the glory of Aemilius, who was gazed upon and envied by all, disliked by no good man. Yet it seems that some deity is charged with tempering these great and excessive pieces of good fortune, and skimming as it were the cream off human life, so that none may be absolutely without his ills in this life; but as Homer says, they may seem to fare best whose fortune partakes equally of good and evil.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; For he had four sons, two, as has been already related, adopted into other families, Scipio and Fabius; and two others who were still children, by his second wife, who lived in his own house. Of these, one died five days before Aemilius&#039;s triumph, at the age of fourteen, and the other, twelve years old, died three days after it; so that there was no Roman that did not grieve for him, and all trembled at the cruelty of fortune, which had burst into a house filled with joy and gladness, and mingled tears and funeral dirges with the triumphal paeans and songs of victory.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Yet Aemilius, rightly thinking that courage is as valuable in supporting misfortunes as it is against the Macedonian phalanx, so arranged matters as to show that for him the evil was overshadowed by the good, and that his private sorrows were eclipsed by the successes of the state, lest he should detract from the importance and glory of the victory. He buried the first child, and immediately afterwards triumphed, as we have said: and when the second died after the triumph, he assembled the people and addressed them, not so much in the words of one who needs consolation, as of one who would console his countrymen, who were grieved at his misfortunes. He said, that he never had feared what man could do to him, but always had feared Fortune, the most fickle and variable of all deities; and in the late war she had been so constantly present with him, like a favouring gale, that he expected now to meet with some reverse by way of retribution. &amp;quot;In one day,&amp;quot; said he, &amp;quot;I crossed the Ionian sea from Brundisium to Corcyra; on the fifth day I sacrificed at Delphi; in five more I entered upon my command in Macedonia, performed the usual lustration of the army; and, at once beginning active operations, in fifteen days more I brought the war to a most glorious end. I did not trust in my good fortune as lasting, because every thing favoured me, and there was no danger to be feared from the enemy, but it was during my voyage that I especially feared that the change of fortune would befall me, after I had conquered so great a host, and was bearing with me such spoils and even kings as my captives. However, I reached you safe, and saw the city full of gladness and admiration and thanksgiving, but still I had my suspicions about Fortune, knowing that she never bestows any great kindness unalloyed and without exacting retribution for it. And no sooner had I dismissed this foreboding about some misfortune being about to happen to the state, than I met with this calamity in my own household, having during these holydays had to bury my noble sons, one after the other, who, had they lived, would alone have borne my name.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;quot;Now therefore I fear no further great mischance, and am of good cheer; for a sufficient retribution has been exacted from me for my successes, and the triumpher has been made as notable an example of the uncertainty of human life as the victim; except that Perseus, though conquered, still has his children, while Aemilius, his conqueror, has lost his.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Such was the noble discourse which they say Aemilius from his simple and true heart pronounced before the people. As to Perseus, though he pitied his fallen fortunes and was most anxious to help him, all he could do was to get him removed from the common prison, called Carcer by the Romans, to a clean and habitable lodging, where, in confinement, according to most authors, he starved himself to death; but some give a strange and extraordinary account of how he died, saying that the soldiers who guarded him became angry with him, and not being able to vex him by any other means, they prevented his going to sleep, watching him by turns, and so carefully keeping him from rest by all manner of devices, that at last he was worn out and died. Two of his children died also; but the third, Alexander, they say became accomplished in repoussé work and other arts. He learned to speak and write the Roman language well, and was employed by the magistrates as a clerk, in which profession he was much esteemed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXVIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The most popular thing which Aemilius did in connection with Macedonia was that he brought back so much money that the people were not obliged to pay any taxes till the consulship of Hirtius and Pausa, during the first war between Antony and Augustus Caesar. This was remarkable about Aemilius, that he was peculiarly respected and loved by the people, though of the aristocratical party; and though he never said or did anything to make himself popular, but always in politics acted with the party of the nobles. Scipio Africanus was afterwards reproached with this by Appius. These were the leading men in the city, and were candidates for the office of Censor: the one with the Senate and nobles to support him, that being the hereditary party of the Appii; the other being a man of mark in himself, and one who ever enjoyed the greatest love and favour with the people. So when Appius saw Scipio coming into the forum surrounded by men of low birth and freed men, yet men who knew the forum, and who could collect a mob and by their influence and noise could get any measure passed, he called out, &amp;quot;O Paulus Aemilius, groan in your grave, at your son being brought into the Censorship by Aemilius the crier and Licinius Philonicus.&amp;quot; But Scipio kept the people in good humour by constantly augmenting their privileges, whereas Aemilius, though of the aristocratic party, was no less loved by the people than those who courted their favour and caressed them. They showed this by electing him, amongst other dignities, to the Censorship; which office is most sacred, and confers great power, especially in examining men&#039;s lives; for the Censor can expel a senator of evil life from his place, and elect the President of the Senate, and punish licentious young men by taking away their horses. They also register the value of property, and the census of the people. In his time they amounted to three hundred and thirty-seven thousand four hundred and fifty-two. He appointed Marcus Aemilius Lepidus President of the Senate, who four times already had enjoyed that dignity, and he expelled three senators, not men of mark. With regard to the Equites, he and his colleague Marcius Philippus showed equal moderation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;XXXIX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; After most of the labours of his life were accomplished, he fell sick of a disorder which at first seemed dangerous, but as time went on appeared not to be mortal, but wearisome and hard to cure.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At length he followed the advice of his physicians, and sailed to Paestum, in Italy. There he passed his time chiefly in the peaceful meadows near the sea-shore; but the people of Rome regretted his absence, and in the public theatre often would pray for his return, and speak of their longing to see him. When the time for some religious ceremony at which he had to be present approached, and he also considered himself sufficiently strong, he returned to Rome. He performed the sacrifice, with the other priests, the people surrounding him with congratulations. On the next day he again officiated, offering a thank-offering to the gods for his recovery. When this sacrifice was finished, he went home and lay down, and before any one noticed how changed he was, he fell into a delirious trance, and died in three days, having in his life wanted none of those things which are thought to render men happy. Even his funeral procession was admirable and enviable, and a noble tribute to his valour and goodness. I do not mean gold, ivory, and other expensive and vain-glorious apparatus, but love, honour, and respect, not only shown by his own countrymen, but also by foreigners. For of the Iberians, Ligurians, and Macedonians who happened to be in Rome, the strongest carried the bier, while the elder men followed after, praising Aemilius as the saviour and benefactor of their countries. For he not only during his period of conquest had treated them mildly and humanely, but throughout the rest of his life was always bestowing benefits upon them as persons peculiarly connected with himself. His estate, they say, scarcely amounted to three hundred and seventy thousand sesterces,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;FNanchor_42_42&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnote_42_42&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;fnanchor pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[42]&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; which he left to be shared between his two sons; but Scipio, the younger, consented to give up his share to his brother, as he was a member of a rich family, that of Africanus. Such is said to have been the life and character of Aemilius Paulus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;COMPARISON_OF_PAULUS_AEMILIUS_AND_TIMOLEON&amp;quot;&amp;gt;COMPARISON OF PAULUS AEMILIUS AND TIMOLEON.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;I.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; The characters of these men being such as is shown in their histories, it is evident that in comparing them we shall find few differences and points of variance. Even their wars were in both cases waged against notable antagonists, the one with the Macedonians, the other with the Carthaginians: while their conquests were glorious, as the one took Macedonia, and crushed the dynasty of Antigonus in the person of its seventh king, while the other drove all the despots from Sicily and set the island free. Unless indeed any one should insinuate that Aemilius attacked Perseus when he was in great strength and had conquered the Romans before, whereas Timoleon fell upon Dionysius when he was quite worn out and helpless: though again it might be urged on behalf of Timoleon that he overcame many despots and the great power of Carthage, with an army hastily collected from all sources, not, like Aemilius, commanding men who were inured to war and knew how to obey, but making use of disorderly mercenary soldiers who only fought when it pleased them to do so. An equal success, gained with such unequal means, reflects the greater credit on the general.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;b&amp;gt;II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; Both were just and incorruptible in their conduct: but Aemilius seems to have had the advantage of the customs and state of feeling among his countrymen, by which he was trained to integrity, while Timoleon without any such encouragement acted virtuously, from his own nature. This is proved by the fact that the Romans of that period were all submissive to authority, and carried out the traditions of the state, respecting the laws and the opinions of their countrymen: whereas, except Dion, no Greek leader or general of that time had anything to do with Sicilian affairs who did not take bribes: though many suspected than Dion was meditating making himself king, and that he had dreams of an empire like that of Sparta.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Timaeus tells us that the Syracusans sent away Gylippus in disgrace for his insatiable covetousness, and the bribes which they discovered that he received when in command. And many writers had dwelt upon the wicked and treacherous acts which Pharax the Spartan and Kallippus the Athenian committed, when they were endeavouring to make themselves masters of Sicily. Yet, what were they, and what resources had they, that they conceived such great designs: the one being only a follower of Dionysius when he was banished from Syracuse, the other a captain of mercenaries under Dion? But Timoleon, who was sent to the Syracusans as generalissimo at their own request and prayer, did not seek for command, but had a right to it. Yet when he received his power as general and ruler from them of their own free will, he voluntarily decided to hold it only till he should have expelled from Sicily all those who were reigning despotically. In Aemilius again we must admire this, that he subdued so great an empire and yet did not enrich himself by one drachma, and never even saw or touched the king&#039;s treasures, although he distributed much of them in presents to others. And still, I do not say that Timoleon is to be blamed for having received a fine house and estate; for there is no disgrace in receiving it by such means, though not to take it is better, and shows almost superhuman virtue, which cares not to take what is lawfully within its reach. Yet, as the strongest bodies are those which can equally well support the extremes of heat and cold, so the noblest minds are those which prosperity does not render insolent and overbearing, nor ill fortune depress: and here Aemilius appears more nearly to approach absolute perfection, as, when in great misfortune and grief for his children, he showed the same dignity and firmness as after the greatest success. Whereas Timoleon, though he acted towards his brother as became a noble nature, yet could not support himself against his sorrow by reason, but was so crushed by remorse and grief that for twenty years he could not appear or speak in the public assembly. We ought indeed to shrink from and feel shame at what is base; but the nature which is over-cautious to avoid blame may be gentle and kindly, but cannot be great.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr class=&amp;quot;c7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LONDON: PRINTED BY WM. CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED, STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnotes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3&amp;gt;FOOTNOTES&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_1_1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_1_1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[1]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; It has been thought desirable to give here Mr. Long&#039;s preface to the lives published by him, under the title of &amp;quot;Civil Wars of Rome.&amp;quot; The lives will be found in subsequent volumes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_2_2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_2_2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[2]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Cotton&#039;s Translation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_3_3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_3_3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[3]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; North&#039;s &#039;Plutarch,&#039; 1631, p. 1194.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_4_4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_4_4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[4]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; North&#039;s &#039;Plutarch,&#039; 1631, p. 1198.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_5_5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_5_5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[5]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Autochthones was the name by which the original citizens of Athens called themselves, meaning that they were sprung from the soil itself, not immigrants from some other country.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_6_6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_6_6&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[6]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The first cutting of the hair was always an occasion of solemnity among the Greeks, the hair being dedicated to some god. The first instance of this is in Homer&#039;s Iliad, where Achilles speaks of having dedicated his hair to the river Spercheius. The Athenian youth offered their hair to Herakles. The Roman emperor Nero, in later times, imitated this custom.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_7_7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_7_7&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[7]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Greek word &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c8&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: leos&amp;quot;&amp;gt;λεος&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; signifies people.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_8_8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_8_8&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[8]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Greek &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c8&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: rhome&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ῥομε&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; = strength.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_9_9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_9_9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[9]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The habit of erecting trophies on a field of battle in token of victory appears to have been originally confined to the Greeks, who usually, as in the text, lopped the branches off a tree, placed it in the ground in some conspicuous place, and hung upon it the shields and other spoils taken from the enemy. In later times the Romans adopted the habit of commemorating a victory by erecting some building on the field of battle. Under the emperors, victory was commemorated by a triumphal arch at Rome, many of which now exist. The Greek trophies were always formed of perishable materials, and it was contrary to their custom to repair them, that they might not perpetuate national enmities.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_10_10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_10_10&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[10]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Chthonian gods are the gods of the world below.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_11_11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_11_11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[11]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Romans termed these bundles of rods &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;fasces&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;. The derivation of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;lictor&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; from the Greek shows the utter ignorance of etymology prevailing among the ancients.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_12_12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_12_12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[12]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In the Spartan constitution there were two kings, who were believed to be descended from two brothers, Eurysthenes and Prokles, the two sons of Aristodemus. When the descendants of Herakles returned to Peloponnesus, and divided that country amongst them, Lacedaemon fell to the lot of Aristodemus, who left his two sons joint heirs to the monarchy. The kings of Sparta had little real power, and to this no doubt they owed the fact of their retaining their dignity when every other Hellenic state adopted a democratic form of government.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_13_13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_13_13&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[13]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; 14, 2, 7, 4, 1, make by addition 28; as 3, 2, and 1 make 6.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_14_14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_14_14&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[14]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; That is, by some one who was not a Greek.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_15_15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_15_15&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[15]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plutarch himself was a Boeotian.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_16_16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_16_16&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[16]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The punishment of excessive and unbroken prosperity was assigned by the Greeks to the goddess Nemesis. The idea of too great a career of success exciting the anger of the gods is common throughout the whole of ancient literature. A well-known instance is the story of Polykrates of Samos, as told by Herodotus. Amasis the king of Egypt, observing the unbroken good fortune of Polykrates, advised him voluntarily to sacrifice some of his treasures. Polykrates, following his friend&#039;s advice, cast his signet-ring into the sea. But the ring was swallowed by a fish, and the fish was caught and presented to the king, who thus recovered his ring. When Amasis heard of this, he refused to ally himself with Polykrates, thinking that such good fortune presaged a terrible disaster. Polykrates was put to death shortly afterwards by the Persians, who conquered his kingdom.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_17_17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_17_17&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[17]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Plato, Phaedrus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_18_18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_18_18&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[18]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Dorians of Boeotia and Peloponnesus were accounted the best infantry soldiers of Greece.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_19_19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_19_19&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[19]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Liv., xxii. 8, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;sq.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_20_20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_20_20&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[20]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c8&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: metoikikhon&amp;quot;&amp;gt;μετοικικὁν&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_21_21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_21_21&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[21]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; An office resembling that of a modern consul for a foreign nation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_22_22&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_22_22&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[22]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The ancient trireme was not habitable, like a modern ship of war. The crew always, if possible, landed for their meals, and when stationed at any place, drew the ship up on the beach and lived entirely on shore.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_23_23&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_23_23&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[23]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The Greeks attached great importance to the burial of the dead. The usual test of which party had won a battle was, which side after it demanded a truce for the burial of the dead. Here the possession of the dead bodies of the enemy is enumerated as one of the proofs of victory.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_24_24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_24_24&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[24]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A &amp;quot;harmost,&amp;quot; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;c8&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Greek: harmostes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἁρμοστες&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, was an officer sent from Sparta to administer a subject city. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#p97&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;See p. 97&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_25_25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_25_25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[25]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Probably consisting of corn and cattle, as Clough translates it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_26_26&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_26_26&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[26]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Peltasts were light-armed troops, so called because they carried light round shields instead of the large unwieldy oblong shield of the Hoplite, or heavy-armed infantry soldier. These light troops came gradually into favour with the Greeks during the Peloponnesian war, and afterward became very extensively used.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_27_27&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_27_27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[27]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; See the article &amp;quot;Comitia&amp;quot; in Dr. Smith&#039;s Dictionary of Antiquities.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_28_28&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_28_28&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[28]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; τυραννος, here and elsewhere translated &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;despot&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, means a man who had obtained irresponsible power by unconstitutional means.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_29_29&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_29_29&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[29]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Compare Tacitus, &amp;quot;eo immitior quia toleraverat.&amp;quot;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_30_30&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_30_30&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[30]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Heavy armed foot-soldiers, carrying a spear and shield.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_31_31&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_31_31&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[31]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; From these words, Grote conjectures that Telekleides was also present at the death of Timophanes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_32_32&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_32_32&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[32]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Bema, the tribune from which the orators spoke.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_33_33&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_33_33&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[33]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The shield of a General was habitually carried for him by an orderly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_34_34&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_34_34&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[34]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The natives of Southern Italy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_35_35&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_35_35&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[35]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; About May.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_36_36&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_36_36&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[36]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; A line in the Medea of Euripides. The point of the joke depends on the punctuation, but cannot be kept in translation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_37_37&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_37_37&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[37]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Grote.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_38_38&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_38_38&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[38]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; In Sintenis&#039;s text the chapter with which this life usually begins is prefixed to the Life of Timoleon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_39_39&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_39_39&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[39]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Ships of war with five banks of oars.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_40_40&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_40_40&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[40]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; He had been military tribune of the second legion in Macedonia. Liv. xlv. 35.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_41_41&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_41_41&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[41]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; This was a particular kind of pottery, originally made at Corinth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnote_42_42&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FNanchor_42_42&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;label&amp;quot;&amp;gt;[42]&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Little more than £3000.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
	<entry>
		<id>https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Plato/Republic&amp;diff=2836</id>
		<title>Texts:Plato/Republic</title>
		<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.learnliberally.org/w/index.php?title=Texts:Plato/Republic&amp;diff=2836"/>
		<updated>2025-12-26T19:45:01Z</updated>

		<summary type="html">&lt;p&gt;Robbie: Text replacement - &amp;quot;{{Top Texts}}&amp;quot; to &amp;quot;__NOTITLE__
{{Setup|tick=Where}}&amp;quot;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;div&gt;__NOTITLE__&lt;br /&gt;
{{Setup|tick=Where}}&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt;The Republic of Plato&amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Translated into English with Introduction, Analysis, Marginal Analysis, and Index&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;by Benjamin Jowett, M.A., Master of Balliol College, Regius Professor of Greek in the University of Oxford, and Doctor in Theology of the University of Leyden&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The third edition, revised and corrected throughout&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Oxford: At the Clarendon Press, M DCCC LXXXVIII&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Transcriber’s Note and List of Contents&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Several editions of Jowett’s translation of Plato’s &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; were published in his lifetime, and many since. This text attempts to capture all that is of value in the early versions. It is based largely on the third edition, “revised and corrected throughout,” of 1888, but incorporating the complete Stephanus numbering that is found only in a two-volume version published in 1908. Sources gratefully exploited include an earlier Project Gutenberg version (#1497), an html version at the Online Library of Liberty, the Internet Archive (file of the 1888 edition: &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;https://archive.org/details/a604578400platuoft&amp;quot;&amp;gt;a604578400platuoft.pdf&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; volume 1 of the 1908 edition, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.223394&amp;quot;&amp;gt;in.ernet.dli.2015.223394&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, volume 2, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.223395&amp;quot;&amp;gt;in.ernet.dli.2015.223395&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), reference material at Distributed Proofreaders, and Wikimedia Commons.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;!--Page numbers for the 1888 edition are given in-text printed in red. --&amp;gt;Stephanus numbers are given in the right margin. Sidenotes are given in the left margin. Things may be different on a small width screen: sidenotes and page numbers are removed, the Stephanus numbers are included in the body of the text in green. This means that most, but not all, internal cross-references should still work.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The 1888 edition does not have a Table of Contents. The following listing provides hyperlinks to distinct sections of the work.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4 class=&amp;quot;space-above&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Table of Contents&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;table class=&amp;quot;cen&amp;quot; summary=&amp;quot;table of contents&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#pref&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Preface&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot; colspan=&amp;quot;2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#intro&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;INTRODUCTION AND ANALYSIS.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#pagei&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;i&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;td&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Analysis and Introduction, Book I&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#iaI&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xvi&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;td&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Analysis and Introduction, Book II&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#iaII&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxv&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;td&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Analysis and Introduction, Book III&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#iaIII&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xxxix&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Analysis and Introduction, Book IV&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#iaIV&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;lvi&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Analysis and Introduction, Book V&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#iaV&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;lxix&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;td&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Analysis and Introduction, Book VI&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#iaVI&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;lxxx&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Analysis and Introduction, Book VII&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#iaVII&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;xcviii&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;td&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Analysis and Introduction, Book VIII&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#iaVIII&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;cxv&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;td&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Analysis and Introduction, Book IX&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#iaIX&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;cxxxv&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Analysis and Introduction, Book X&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#iaX&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;cxlvi&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;td&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Other Issues:&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#pageclxix&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;clxix&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;td&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;(I) the Janus-like character of the Republic&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#inI&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;clxx&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;td&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;(IIa) the paradoxes of the Republic:&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
the community of property&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#inII&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;clxxiv&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#inIIa&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;clxxv&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;td&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;(IIb) the community of families&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#inIIb&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;clxxix&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;td&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;(IIc) the rule of philosophers&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#inIIc&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;cxciv&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;td&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;(IId) the analogy of the individual and the State&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#inIId&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;cxcviii&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;td&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;(III) the subject of education&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#inIII&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;cc&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;td&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;(IV) differences between ancient and modern politics&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#inIV&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ccxi&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;td&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;(V) comparison of the Politicus and the Laws&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#inV&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ccxiv&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;td&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;(VI) influence exercised by Plato on his imitators&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#inVI&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ccxvii&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;td&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;(VII) nature and value of political ideals&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#inVII&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ccxxix&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;td&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;(VIII) nature and value of religious ideals&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#inIII&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ccxxx&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot; colspan=&amp;quot;2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#BookI&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Book I&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#page1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot; colspan=&amp;quot;2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#BookII&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Book II&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#page36&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;36&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot; colspan=&amp;quot;2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#BookIII&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Book III&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#page68&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;68&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot; colspan=&amp;quot;2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#BookIV&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Book IV&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#page107&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;107&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot; colspan=&amp;quot;2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#BookV&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Book V&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#page140&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;140&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot; colspan=&amp;quot;2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#BookVI&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Book VI&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#page180&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;180&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot; colspan=&amp;quot;2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#BookVII&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Book VII&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#page214&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;214&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot; colspan=&amp;quot;2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#BookVIII&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Book VIII&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#page247&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;247&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h1&amp;gt;The Republic of Plato&amp;lt;/h1&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Translated into English with Introduction, Analysis, Marginal Analysis, and Index&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;by Benjamin Jowett, M.A., Master of Balliol College, Regius Professor of Greek in the University of Oxford, and&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Doctor in Theology of the University of Leyden&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The third edition, revised and corrected throughout&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Oxford: At the Clarendon Press, M DCCC LXXXVIII&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To my former pupils in Balliol College and in the University of Oxford, who during forty-six years have been the best of friends to me, this volume is inscribed, in grateful recognition of their never failing attachment.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In publishing a third edition of the Republic of Plato (originally included in my edition of Plato’s works), I have to acknowledge the assistance of several friends, especially of my secretary, Mr. Matthew Knight, now residing for his health at Davôs, and of Mr. Frank Fletcher, Exhibitioner of Balliol College. To their accuracy and scholarship I am under great obligations. The excellent index, in which are contained references to other dialogues as well as to the Republic, is entirely the work of Mr. Knight. I am also considerably indebted to Mr. J. W. MacKail, Fellow of Balliol College, who read over the whole book in the previous edition, and noted several inaccuracies.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The additions and alterations both in the introduction and in the text, affect at least a third of the work.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Having regard to the extent of these alterations, and to the annoyance which is felt by the owner of a book at the possession of it in an inferior form, and still more keenly by the writer himself, who must always desire to be read as he is at his best, I have thought that some persons might like to exchange for the new edition the separate edition of the Republic published in 1881, to which this present volume is the successor. I have therefore arranged that those who desire to make this exchange, on depositing a perfect copy of the former separate edition with any agent of the Clarendon Press, shall be entitled to receive the new edition at half-price.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It is my hope to issue a revised edition of the remaining Dialogues in the course of a year.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2 class=&amp;quot;space-above&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;intro&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Introduction and Analysis.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagei&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
I&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NTRODUCTION.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; T&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;HE&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Republic of Plato is the longest of his works with the exception of the Laws, and is certainly the greatest of them. There are nearer approaches to modern metaphysics in the Philebus and in the Sophist; the Politicus or Statesman is more ideal; the form and institutions of the State are more clearly drawn out in the Laws; as works of art, the Symposium and the Protagoras are of higher excellence. But no other Dialogue of Plato has the same largeness of view and the same perfection of style; no other shows an equal knowledge of the world, or contains more of those thoughts which are new as well as old, and not of one age only but of all. Nowhere in Plato is there a deeper irony or a greater wealth of humour or imagery, or more dramatic power. Nor in any other of his writings is the attempt made to interweave life and speculation, or to connect politics with philosophy. The Republic is the centre around which the other Dialogues may be grouped; here philosophy reaches the highest point (cp. especially in Books &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#BookV&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;V&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#BookVI&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;VI&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#BookVII&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;VII&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) to which ancient thinkers ever attained. Plato among the Greeks, like Bacon among the moderns, was the first who conceived a method of knowledge, although neither of them always distinguished the bare outline or form from the substance of truth; and both of them had to be content with an abstraction of science which was not yet realized. He was the greatest metaphysical genius whom the world has seen; and in him, more than in any other ancient thinker, the germs of future knowledge are contained. The sciences of logic and psychology, which have supplied so many instruments of thought to after-ages, are based upon the analyses of Socrates and Plato. The principles of definition, the law of contradiction, the fallacy of arguing in a circle, the distinction between the essence and accidents of a thing or notion, between means and ends, between causes and conditions; also the division of the mind into the rational, concupiscent, and irascible elements, or of pleasures and desires into necessary and unnecessary—these &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and other great forms of thought are all of them to be found in the Republic, and were probably first invented by Plato. The greatest of all logical truths, and the one of which writers on philosophy are most apt to lose sight, the difference between words and things, has been most strenuously insisted on by him (cp. Rep. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage454A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;454 A&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Polit. 261 E; Cratyl. 435, 436 ff.), although he has not always avoided the confusion of them in his own writings (e.g. Rep. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage463E&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;463 E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). But he does not bind up truth in logical formulae,—logic is still veiled in metaphysics; and the science which he imagines to ‘contemplate all truth and all existence’ is very unlike the doctrine of the syllogism which Aristotle claims to have discovered (Soph. Elenchi 33. 18).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Neither must we forget that the Republic is but the third part of a still larger design which was to have included an ideal history of Athens, as well as a political and physical philosophy. The fragment of the Critias has given birth to a world-famous fiction, second only in importance to the tale of Troy and the legend of Arthur; and is said as a fact to have inspired some of the early navigators of the sixteenth century. This mythical tale, of which the subject was a history of the wars of the Athenians against the Island of Atlantis, is supposed to be founded upon an unfinished poem of Solon, to which it would have stood in the same relation as the writings of the logographers to the poems of Homer. It would have told of a struggle for Liberty (cp. Tim. 25 C), intended to represent the conflict of Persia and Hellas. We may judge from the noble commencement of the Timaeus, from the fragment of the Critias itself, and from the third book of the Laws, in what manner Plato would have treated this high argument. We can only guess why the great design was abandoned; perhaps because Plato became sensible of some incongruity in a fictitious history, or because he had lost his interest in it, or because advancing years forbade the completion of it; and we may please ourselves with the fancy that had this imaginary narrative ever been finished, we should have found Plato himself sympathising with the struggle for Hellenic independence (cp. Laws iii. 698 ff.), singing a hymn of triumph over Marathon and Salamis, perhaps making the reflection of Herodotus where he contemplates the growth of the Athenian empire—‘How brave a thing is freedom of speech, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageiii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;iii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; which has made the Athenians so far exceed every other state of Hellas in greatness!’ or, more probably, attributing the victory to the ancient good order of Athens and to the favour of Apollo and Athene (cp. Introd. to Critias).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Again, Plato may be regarded as the ‘captain’ (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;a)rchêgo/s&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἀρχηγός&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) or leader of a goodly band of followers; for in the Republic is to be found the original of Cicero’s De Republica, of St. Augustine’s City of God, of the Utopia of Sir Thomas More, and of the numerous other imaginary States which are framed upon the same model. The extent to which Aristotle or the Aristotelian school were indebted to him in the Politics has been little recognised, and the recognition is the more necessary because it is not made by Aristotle himself. The two philosophers had more in common than they were conscious of; and probably some elements of Plato remain still undetected in Aristotle. In English philosophy too, many affinities may be traced, not only in the works of the Cambridge Platonists, but in great original writers like Berkeley or Coleridge, to Plato and his ideas. That there is a truth higher than experience, of which the mind bears witness to herself, is a conviction which in our own generation has been enthusiastically asserted, and is perhaps gaining ground. Of the Greek authors who at the Renaissance brought a new life into the world Plato has had the greatest influence. The Republic of Plato is also the first treatise upon education, of which the writings of Milton and Locke, Rousseau, Jean Paul, and Goethe are the legitimate descendants. Like Dante or Bunyan, he has a revelation of another life; like Bacon, he is profoundly impressed with the unity of knowledge; in the early Church he exercised a real influence on theology, and at the Revival of Literature on politics. Even the fragments of his words when ‘repeated at second-hand’ (Symp. 215 D) have in all ages ravished the hearts of men, who have seen reflected in them their own higher nature. He is the father of idealism in philosophy, in politics, in literature. And many of the latest conceptions of modern thinkers and statesmen, such as the unity of knowledge, the reign of law, and the equality of the sexes, have been anticipated in a dream by him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The argument of the Republic is the search after Justice, the nature of which is first hinted at by Cephalus, the just and blameless &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageiv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;iv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; old man—then discussed on the basis of proverbial morality by Socrates and Polemarchus—then caricatured by Thrasymachus and partially explained by Socrates—reduced to an abstraction by Glaucon and Adeimantus, and having become invisible in the individual reappears at length in the ideal State which is constructed by Socrates. The first care of the rulers is to be education, of which an outline is drawn after the old Hellenic model, providing only for an improved religion and morality, and more simplicity in music and gymnastic, a manlier strain of poetry, and greater harmony of the individual and the State. We are thus led on to the conception of a higher State, in which ‘no man calls anything his own,’ and in which there is neither ‘marrying nor giving in marriage,’ and ‘kings are philosophers’ and ‘philosophers are kings;’ and there is another and higher education, intellectual as well as moral and religious, of science as well as of art, and not of youth only but of the whole of life. Such a State is hardly to be realized in this world and quickly degenerates. To the perfect ideal succeeds the government of the soldier and the lover of honour, this again declining into democracy, and democracy into tyranny, in an imaginary but regular order having not much resemblance to the actual facts. When ‘the wheel has come full circle’ we do not begin again with a new period of human life; but we have passed from the best to the worst, and there we end. The subject is then changed and the old quarrel of poetry and philosophy which had been more lightly treated in the earlier books of the Republic is now resumed and fought out to a conclusion. Poetry is discovered to be an imitation thrice removed from the truth, and Homer, as well as the dramatic poets, having been condemned as an imitator, is sent into banishment along with them. And the idea of the State is supplemented by the revelation of a future life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The division into books, like all similar divisions,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnoteintro1&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorintro1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; is probably later than the age of Plato. The natural divisions are five in number;—(1) Book I and the first half of Book II down to the paragraph beginning, ‘I had always admired the genius of Glaucon and Adeimantus,’ which is introductory; the first book containing a refutation of the popular and sophistical notions of justice, and concluding, like some of the earlier Dialogues, without arriving at any definite result. To this is appended a restatement of the nature of justice &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagev&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;v&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; according to common opinion, and an answer is demanded to the question—What is justice, stripped of appearances? The second division (2) includes the remainder of the second and the whole of the third and fourth books, which are mainly occupied with the construction of the first State and the first education. The third division (3) consists of the fifth, sixth, and seventh books, in which philosophy rather than justice is the subject of enquiry, and the second State is constructed on principles of communism and ruled by philosophers, and the contemplation of the idea of good takes the place of the social and political virtues. In the eighth and ninth books (4) the perversions of States and of the individuals who correspond to them are reviewed in succession; and the nature of pleasure and the principle of tyranny are further analysed in the individual man. The tenth book (5) is the conclusion of the whole, in which the relations of philosophy to poetry are finally determined, and the happiness of the citizens in this life, which has now been assured, is crowned by the vision of another.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnoteintro1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorintro1&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Cp. Sir G. C. Lewis in the Classical Museum, vol. ii. p. 1.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Or a more general division into two parts may be adopted; the first (Books I–IV) containing the description of a State framed generally in accordance with Hellenic notions of religion and morality, while in the second (Books V–X) the Hellenic State is transformed into an ideal kingdom of philosophy, of which all other governments are the perversions. These two points of view are really opposed, and the opposition is only veiled by the genius of Plato. The Republic, like the Phaedrus (see Introduction to Phaedrus), is an imperfect whole; the higher light of philosophy breaks through the regularity of the Hellenic temple, which at last fades away into the heavens (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage592B&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;592 B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). Whether this imperfection of structure arises from an enlargement of the plan; or from the imperfect reconcilement in the writer’s own mind of the struggling elements of thought which are now first brought together by him; or, perhaps, from the composition of the work at different times—are questions, like the similar question about the Iliad and the Odyssey, which are worth asking, but which cannot have a distinct answer. In the age of Plato there was no regular mode of publication, and an author would have the less scruple in altering or adding to a work which was known only to a few of his friends. There is no absurdity in supposing that he may have laid his labours aside for a time, or turned from one work to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagevi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;vi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; another; and such interruptions would be more likely to occur in the case of a long than of a short writing. In all attempts to determine the chronological order of the Platonic writings on internal evidence, this uncertainty about any single Dialogue being composed at one time is a disturbing element, which must be admitted to affect longer works, such as the Republic and the Laws, more than shorter ones. But, on the other hand, the seeming discrepancies of the Republic may only arise out of the discordant elements which the philosopher has attempted to unite in a single whole, perhaps without being himself able to recognise the inconsistency which is obvious to us. For there is a judgment of after ages which few great writers have ever been able to anticipate for themselves. They do not perceive the want of connexion in their own writings, or the gaps in their systems which are visible enough to those who come after them. In the beginnings of literature and philosophy, amid the first efforts of thought and language, more inconsistencies occur than now, when the paths of speculation are well worn and the meaning of words precisely defined. For consistency, too, is the growth of time; and some of the greatest creations of the human mind have been wanting in unity. Tried by this test, several of the Platonic Dialogues, according to our modern ideas, appear to be defective, but the deficiency is no proof that they were composed at different times or by different hands. And the supposition that the Republic was written uninterruptedly and by a continuous effort is in some degree confirmed by the numerous references from one part of the work to another.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The second title, ‘Concerning Justice,’ is not the one by which the Republic is quoted, either by Aristotle or generally in antiquity, and, like the other second titles of the Platonic Dialogues, may therefore be assumed to be of later date. Morgenstern and others have asked whether the definition of justice, which is the professed aim, or the construction of the State is the principal argument of the work. The answer is, that the two blend in one, and are two faces of the same truth; for justice is the order of the State, and the State is the visible embodiment of justice under the conditions of human society. The one is the soul and the other is the body, and the Greek ideal of the State, as of the individual, is a fair mind in a fair body. In Hegelian phraseology the state is the reality of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagevii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;vii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; which justice is the idea. Or, described in Christian language, the kingdom of God is within, and yet developes into a Church or external kingdom; ‘the house not made with hands, eternal in the heavens,’ is reduced to the proportions of an earthly building. Or, to use a Platonic image, justice and the State are the warp and the woof which run through the whole texture. And when the constitution of the State is completed, the conception of justice is not dismissed, but reappears under the same or different names throughout the work, both as the inner law of the individual soul, and finally as the principle of rewards and punishments in another life. The virtues are based on justice, of which common honesty in buying and selling is the shadow, and justice is based on the idea of good, which is the harmony of the world, and is reflected both in the institutions of states and in motions of the heavenly bodies (cp. Tim. 47). The Timaeus, which takes up the political rather than the ethical side of the Republic, and is chiefly occupied with hypotheses concerning the outward world, yet contains many indications that the same law is supposed to reign over the State, over nature, and over man.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Too much, however, has been made of this question both in ancient and modern times. There is a stage of criticism in which all works, whether of nature or of art, are referred to design. Now in ancient writings, and indeed in literature generally, there remains often a large element which was not comprehended in the original design. For the plan grows under the author’s hand; new thoughts occur to him in the act of writing; he has not worked out the argument to the end before he begins. The reader who seeks to find some one idea under which the whole may be conceived, must necessarily seize on the vaguest and most general. Thus Stallbaum, who is dissatisfied with the ordinary explanations of the argument of the Republic, imagines himself to have found the true argument ‘in the representation of human life in a State perfected by justice, and governed according to the idea of good.’ There may be some use in such general descriptions, but they can hardly be said to express the design of the writer. The truth is, that we may as well speak of many designs as of one; nor need anything be excluded from the plan of a great work to which the mind is naturally led by the association of ideas, and which does not interfere with the general purpose. What kind or degree of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageviii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;viii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; unity is to be sought after in a building, in the plastic arts, in poetry, in prose, is a problem which has to be determined relatively to the subject-matter. To Plato himself, the enquiry ‘what was the intention of the writer,’ or ‘what was the principal argument of the Republic’ would have been hardly intelligible, and therefore had better be at once dismissed (cp. the Introduction to the Phaedrus, vol. i.).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Is not the Republic the vehicle of three or four great truths which, to Plato’s own mind, are most naturally represented in the form of the State? Just as in the Jewish prophets the reign of Messiah, or ‘the day of the Lord,’ or the suffering Servant or people of God, or the ‘Sun of righteousness with healing in his wings’ only convey, to us at least, their great spiritual ideals, so through the Greek State Plato reveals to us his own thoughts about divine perfection, which is the idea of good—like the sun in the visible world;—about human perfection, which is justice—about education beginning in youth and continuing in later years—about poets and sophists and tyrants who are the false teachers and evil rulers of mankind—about ‘the world’ which is the embodiment of them—about a kingdom which exists nowhere upon earth but is laid up in heaven to be the pattern and rule of human life. No such inspired creation is at unity with itself, any more than the clouds of heaven when the sun pierces through them. Every shade of light and dark, of truth, and of fiction which is the veil of truth, is allowable in a work of philosophical imagination. It is not all on the same plane; it easily passes from ideas to myths and fancies, from facts to figures of speech. It is not prose but poetry, at least a great part of it, and ought not to be judged by the rules of logic or the probabilities of history. The writer is not fashioning his ideas into an artistic whole; they take possession of him and are too much for him. We have no need therefore to discuss whether a State such as Plato has conceived is practicable or not, or whether the outward form or the inward life came first into the mind of the writer. For the practicability of his ideas has nothing to do with their truth (v. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage472D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;472 D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;); and the highest thoughts to which he attains may be truly said to bear the greatest ‘marks of design’—justice more than the external frame-work of the State, the idea of good more than justice. The great science of dialectic or the organisation of ideas has no real content; but is only a type of the method or &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageix&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ix&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; spirit in which the higher knowledge is to be pursued by the spectator of all time and all existence. It is in the fifth, sixth, and seventh books that Plato reaches the ‘summit of speculation,’ and these, although they fail to satisfy the requirements of a modern thinker, may therefore be regarded as the most important, as they are also the most original, portions of the work.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — It is not necessary to discuss at length a minor question which has been raised by Boeckh, respecting the imaginary date at which the conversation was held (the year 411 &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; which is proposed by him will do as well as any other); for a writer of fiction, and especially a writer who, like Plato, is notoriously careless of chronology (cp. Rep. i. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage336A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;336&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, Symp. 193 A, etc.), only aims at general probability. Whether all the persons mentioned in the Republic could ever have met at any one time is not a difficulty which would have occurred to an Athenian reading the work forty years later, or to Plato himself at the time of writing (any more than to Shakespeare respecting one of his own dramas); and need not greatly trouble us now. Yet this may be a question having no answer ‘which is still worth asking,’ because the investigation shows that we cannot argue historically from the dates in Plato; it would be useless therefore to waste time in inventing far-fetched reconcilements of them in order to avoid chronological difficulties, such, for example, as the conjecture of C. F. Hermann, that Glaucon and Adeimantus are not the brothers but the uncles of Plato (cp. Apol. 34 A), or the fancy of Stallbaum that Plato intentionally left anachronisms indicating the dates at which some of his Dialogues were written.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The principal characters in the Republic are Cephalus, Polemarchus, Thrasymachus, Socrates, Glaucon, and Adeimantus. Cephalus appears in the introduction only, Polemarchus drops at the end of the first argument, and Thrasymachus is reduced to silence at the close of the first book. The main discussion is carried on by Socrates, Glaucon, and Adeimantus. Among the company are Lysias (the orator) and Euthydemus, the sons of Cephalus and brothers of Polemarchus, an unknown Charmantides—these are mute auditors; also there is Cleitophon, who once interrupts (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage340A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;340 A&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), where, as in the Dialogue which bears his name, he appears as the friend and ally of Thrasymachus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagex&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;x&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Cephalus, the patriarch of the house, has been appropriately engaged in offering a sacrifice. He is the pattern of an old man who has almost done with life, and is at peace with himself and with all mankind. He feels that he is drawing nearer to the world below, and seems to linger around the memory of the past. He is eager that Socrates should come to visit him, fond of the poetry of the last generation, happy in the consciousness of a well-spent life, glad at having escaped from the tyranny of youthful lusts. His love of conversation, his affection, his indifference to riches, even his garrulity, are interesting traits of character. He is not one of those who have nothing to say, because their whole mind has been absorbed in making money. Yet he acknowledges that riches have the advantage of placing men above the temptation to dishonesty or falsehood. The respectful attention shown to him by Socrates, whose love of conversation, no less than the mission imposed upon him by the Oracle, leads him to ask questions of all men, young and old alike (cp. i. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage328A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;328 A&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), should also be noted. Who better suited to raise the question of justice than Cephalus, whose life might seem to be the expression of it? The moderation with which old age is pictured by Cephalus as a very tolerable portion of existence is characteristic, not only of him, but of Greek feeling generally, and contrasts with the exaggeration of Cicero in the De Senectute. The evening of life is described by Plato in the most expressive manner, yet with the fewest possible touches. As Cicero remarks (Ep. ad Attic. iv. 16), the aged Cephalus would have been out of place in the discussion which follows, and which he could neither have understood nor taken part in without a violation of dramatic propriety (cp. Lysimachus in the Laches, 89).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — His ‘son and heir’ Polemarchus has the frankness and impetuousness of youth; he is for detaining Socrates by force in the opening scene, and will not ‘let him off’ (v. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage449B&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;449 B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) on the subject of women and children. Like Cephalus, he is limited in his point of view, and represents the proverbial stage of morality which has rules of life rather than principles; and he quotes Simonides (cp. Aristoph. Clouds, 1355 ff.) as his father had quoted Pindar. But after this he has no more to say; the answers which he makes are only elicited from him by the dialectic of Socrates. He has not yet experienced the influence of the Sophists like Glaucon and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Adeimantus, nor is he sensible of the necessity of refuting them; he belongs to the pre-Socratic or pre-dialectical age. He is incapable of arguing, and is bewildered by Socrates to such a degree that he does not know what he is saying. He is made to admit that justice is a thief, and that the virtues follow the analogy of the arts (i. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage333E&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;333 E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). From his brother Lysias (contra Eratosth. p. 121) we learn that he fell a victim to the Thirty Tyrants, but no allusion is here made to his fate, nor to the circumstance that Cephalus and his family were of Syracusan origin, and had migrated from Thurii to Athens.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The ‘Chalcedonian giant,’ Thrasymachus, of whom we have already heard in the Phaedrus (267 D), is the personification of the Sophists, according to Plato’s conception of them, in some of their worst characteristics. He is vain and blustering, refusing to discourse unless he is paid, fond of making an oration, and hoping thereby to escape the inevitable Socrates; but a mere child in argument, and unable to foresee that the next ‘move’ (to use a Platonic expression) will ‘shut him up’ (vi. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage487B&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;487 B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). He has reached the stage of framing general notions, and in this respect is in advance of Cephalus and Polemarchus. But he is incapable of defending them in a discussion, and vainly tries to cover his confusion with banter and insolence. Whether such doctrines as are attributed to him by Plato were really held either by him or by any other Sophist is uncertain; in the infancy of philosophy serious errors about morality might easily grow up—they are certainly put into the mouths of speakers in Thucydides; but we are concerned at present with Plato’s description of him, and not with the historical reality. The inequality of the contest adds greatly to the humour of the scene. The pompous and empty Sophist is utterly helpless in the hands of the great master of dialectic, who knows how to touch all the springs of vanity and weakness in him. He is greatly irritated by the irony of Socrates, but his noisy and imbecile rage only lays him more and more open to the thrusts of his assailant. His determination to cram down their throats, or put ‘bodily into their souls’ his own words, elicits a cry of horror from Socrates. The state of his temper is quite as worthy of remark as the process of the argument. Nothing is more amusing than his complete submission when he has been once thoroughly beaten. At first he seems to continue &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; the discussion with reluctance, but soon with apparent good-will, and he even testifies his interest at a later stage by one or two occasional remarks (v. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage450A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;450 A&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage450B&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). When attacked by Glaucon (vi. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage489C&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;489 C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage489D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) he is humorously protected by Socrates ‘as one who has never been his enemy and is now his friend.’ From Cicero and Quintilian and from Aristotle’s Rhetoric (iii. i. 7; ii. 23, 29) we learn that the Sophist whom Plato has made so ridiculous was a man of note whose writings were preserved in later ages. The play on his name which was made by his contemporary Herodicus (Aris. Rhet. ii. 23, 29), ‘thou wast ever bold in battle,’ seems to show that the description of him is not devoid of verisimilitude.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — When Thrasymachus has been silenced, the two principal respondents, Glaucon and Adeimantus, appear on the scene: here, as in Greek tragedy (cp. Introd. to Phaedo), three actors are introduced. At first sight the two sons of Ariston may seem to wear a family likeness, like the two friends Simmias and Cebes in the Phaedo. But on a nearer examination of them the similarity vanishes, and they are seen to be distinct characters. Glaucon is the impetuous youth who can ‘just never have enough of fechting’ (cp. the character of him in Xen. Mem. iii. 6); the man of pleasure who is acquainted with the mysteries of love (v. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage474D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;474 D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;); the ‘juvenis qui gaudet canibus,’ and who improves the breed of animals (v. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage459A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;459 A&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;); the lover of art and music (iii. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage398D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;398 D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage398E&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) who has all the experiences of youthful life. He is full of quickness and penetration, piercing easily below the clumsy platitudes of Thrasymachus to the real difficulty; he turns out to the light the seamy side of human life, and yet does not lose faith in the just and true. It is Glaucon who seizes what may be termed the ludicrous relation of the philosopher to the world, to whom a state of simplicity is ‘a city of pigs,’ who is always prepared with a jest (iii. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage398C&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;398 C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage407A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;407 A&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; v. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage450A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;450&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage451A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;451&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage468C&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;468 C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; vi. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage509C&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;509 C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; ix. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage586A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;586&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) when the argument offers him an opportunity, and who is ever ready to second the humour of Socrates and to appreciate the ridiculous, whether in the connoisseurs of music (vii. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage531A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;531 A&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), or in the lovers of theatricals (v. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage475D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;475 D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), or in the fantastic behaviour of the citizens of democracy (viii. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage557A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;557&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; foll.). His weaknesses are several times alluded to by Socrates (iii. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage402E&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;402 E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; v. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage474D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;474 D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage475E&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;475 E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), who, however, will not allow him to be attacked by his brother Adeimantus (viii. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage548D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;548 D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage548E&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). He is a soldier, and, like Adeimantus, has been &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexiii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xiii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; distinguished at the battle of Megara (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage368A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;368 A&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, anno 456?)… The character of Adeimantus is deeper and graver, and the profounder objections are commonly put into his mouth. Glaucon is more demonstrative, and generally opens the game. Adeimantus pursues the argument further. Glaucon has more of the liveliness and quick sympathy of youth; Adeimantus has the maturer judgment of a grown-up man of the world. In the second book, when Glaucon insists that justice and injustice shall be considered without regard to their consequences, Adeimantus remarks that they are regarded by mankind in general only for the sake of their consequences; and in a similar vein of reflection he urges at the beginning of the fourth book that Socrates fails in making his citizens happy, and is answered that happiness is not the first but the second thing, not the direct aim but the indirect consequence of the good government of a State. In the discussion about religion and mythology, Adeimantus is the respondent (iii. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage376A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;376&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;-398), but Glaucon breaks in with a slight jest, and carries on the conversation in a lighter tone about music and gymnastic to the end of the book. It is Adeimantus again who volunteers the criticism of common sense on the Socratic method of argument (vi. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage487B&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;487 B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), and who refuses to let Socrates pass lightly over the question of women and children (v. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage449A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;449&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). It is Adeimantus who is the respondent in the more argumentative, as Glaucon in the lighter and more imaginative portions of the Dialogue. For example, throughout the greater part of the sixth book, the causes of the corruption of philosophy and the conception of the idea of good are discussed with Adeimantus. At p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage506C&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;506 C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, Glaucon resumes his place of principal respondent; but he has a difficulty in apprehending the higher education of Socrates, and makes some false hits in the course of the discussion (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage526D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;526 D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage527D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;527 D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). Once more Adeimantus returns (viii. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage548A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;548&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) with the allusion to his brother Glaucon whom he compares to the contentious State; in the next book (ix. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage576A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;576&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) he is again superseded, and Glaucon continues to the end (x. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage621B&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;621 B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Thus in a succession of characters Plato represents the successive stages of morality, beginning with the Athenian gentleman of the olden time, who is followed by the practical man of that day regulating his life by proverbs and saws; to him succeeds the wild generalization of the Sophists, and lastly come the young disciples of the great teacher, who know the sophistical arguments &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexiv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xiv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; but will not be convinced by them, and desire to go deeper into the nature of things. These too, like Cephalus, Polemarchus, Thrasymachus, are clearly distinguished from one another. Neither in the Republic, nor in any other Dialogue of Plato, is a single character repeated.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The delineation of Socrates in the Republic is not wholly consistent. In the first book we have more of the real Socrates, such as he is depicted in the Memorabilia of Xenophon, in the earliest Dialogues of Plato, and in the Apology. He is ironical, provoking, questioning, the old enemy of the Sophists, ready to put on the mask of Silenus as well as to argue seriously. But in the sixth book his enmity towards the Sophists abates; he acknowledges that they are the representatives rather than the corrupters of the world (vi. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage492A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;492 A&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). He also becomes more dogmatic and constructive, passing beyond the range either of the political or the speculative ideas of the real Socrates. In one passage (vi. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage506C&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;506 C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) Plato himself seems to intimate that the time had now come for Socrates, who had passed his whole life in philosophy, to give his own opinion and not to be always repeating the notions of other men. There is no evidence that either the idea of good or the conception of a perfect state were comprehended in the Socratic teaching, though he certainly dwelt on the nature of the universal and of final causes (cp. Xen. Mem. i. 4; Phaedo 97); and a deep thinker like him, in his thirty or forty years of public teaching, could hardly have failed to touch on the nature of family relations, for which there is also some positive evidence in the Memorabilia (Mem. i. 2, 51 foll.). The Socratic method is nominally retained; and every inference is either put into the mouth of the respondent or represented as the common discovery of him and Socrates. But any one can see that this is a mere form, of which the affectation grows wearisome as the work advances. The method of enquiry has passed into a method of teaching in which by the help of interlocutors the same thesis is looked at from various points of view. The nature of the process is truly characterized by Glaucon, when he describes himself as a companion who is not good for much in an investigation, but can see what he is shown (iv. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage432C&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;432 C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), and may, perhaps, give the answer to a question more fluently than another (v. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage474A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;474 A&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; cp. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage389A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;389 A&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Neither can we be absolutely certain that Socrates himself &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; taught the immortality of the soul, which is unknown to his disciple Glaucon in the Republic (x. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage608D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;608 D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; cp. vi. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage498D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;498 D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage498E&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Apol. 40, 41); nor is there any reason to suppose that he used myths or revelations of another world as a vehicle of instruction, or that he would have banished poetry or have denounced the Greek mythology. His favourite oath is retained, and a slight mention is made of the daemonium, or internal sign, which is alluded to by Socrates as a phenomenon peculiar to himself (vi. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage496C&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;496 C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). A real element of Socratic teaching, which is more prominent in the Republic than in any of the other Dialogues of Plato, is the use of example and illustration (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;ta\ phortika\ au)tô=| prosphe/rontes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;τὰ φορτικὰ αὐτῷ προσφέροντες&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, iv. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage442E&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;442 E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;): ‘Let us apply the test of common instances.’ ‘You,’ says Adeimantus, ironically, in the sixth book, ‘are so unaccustomed to speak in images.’ And this use of examples or images, though truly Socratic in origin, is enlarged by the genius of Plato into the form of an allegory or parable, which embodies in the concrete what has been already described, or is about to be described, in the abstract. Thus the figure of the cave in Book VII is a recapitulation of the divisions of knowledge in Book VI. The composite animal in Book IX is an allegory of the parts of the soul. The noble captain and the ship and the true pilot in Book VI are a figure of the relation of the people to the philosophers in the State which has been described. Other figures, such as the dog (ii. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage375A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;375 A&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage375D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; iii. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage404A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;404 A&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage416A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;416 A&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; v. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage451D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;451 D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), or the marriage of the portionless maiden (vi. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage495A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;495&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage496A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;496&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), or the drones and wasps in the eighth and ninth books, also form links of connexion in long passages, or are used to recall previous discussions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Plato is most true to the character of his master when he describes him as ‘not of this world.’ And with this representation of him the ideal state and the other paradoxes of the Republic are quite in accordance, though they cannot be shown to have been speculations of Socrates. To him, as to other great teachers both philosophical and religious, when they looked upward, the world seemed to be the embodiment of error and evil. The common sense of mankind has revolted against this view, or has only partially admitted it. And even in Socrates himself the sterner judgement of the multitude at times passes into a sort of ironical pity or love. Men in general are incapable of philosophy, and are therefore at enmity with the philosopher; but their misunderstanding of him &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexvi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xvi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; is unavoidable (vi. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage494A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;494&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; foll.; ix. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage589D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;589 D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;): for they have never seen him as he truly is in his own image; they are only acquainted with artificial systems possessing no native force of truth—words which admit of many applications. Their leaders have nothing to measure with, and are therefore ignorant of their own stature. But they are to be pitied or laughed at, not to be quarrelled with; they mean well with their nostrums, if they could only learn that they are cutting off a Hydra’s head (iv. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage426D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;426 D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage426E&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). This moderation towards those who are in error is one of the most characteristic features of Socrates in the Republic (vi. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage499A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;499&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;–502). In all the different representations of Socrates, whether of Xenophon or Plato, and amid the differences of the earlier or later Dialogues, he always retains the character of the unwearied and disinterested seeker after truth, without which he would have ceased to be Socrates.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Leaving the characters we may now analyse the contents of the Republic, and then proceed to consider &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#end&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;(1) The general aspects of this Hellenic ideal of the State, (2) The modern lights in which the thoughts of Plato may be read&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p id=&amp;quot;iaI&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic I.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
A&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NALYSIS.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;b&amp;gt;BOOK I.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; ¶{{#counter: }} — The Republic opens with a truly Greek scene—a festival in honour of the goddess Bendis which is held in the Piraeus; to this is added the promise of an equestrian torch-race in the evening. The whole work is supposed to be recited by Socrates on the day after the festival to a small party, consisting of Critias, Timaeus, Hermocrates, and another; this we learn from the first words of the Timaeus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — When the rhetorical advantage of reciting the Dialogue has been gained, the attention is not distracted by any reference to the audience; nor is the reader further reminded of the extraordinary length of the narrative. Of the numerous company, three only take any serious part in the discussion; nor are we informed whether in the evening they went to the torch-race, or talked, as in the Symposium, through the night. The manner in which the conversation has arisen is described as follows:—&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage327A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Stephanus&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
327&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Socrates and his companion Glaucon are about to leave the festival when they are detained by a message from Polemarchus, who speedily appears accompanied by Adeimantus, the brother of Glaucon, and with playful violence compels them to remain, promising them not only &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexvii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xvii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; the torch-race, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage328A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;328&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;but the pleasure of conversation with the young, which to Socrates is a far greater attraction. They return to the house of Cephalus, Polemarchus’ father, now in extreme old age, who is found sitting upon a cushioned seat crowned for a sacrifice. ‘You should come to me oftener, Socrates, for I am too old to go to you; and at my time of life, having lost other pleasures, I care the more for conversation.’ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage329A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;329&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Socrates asks him what he thinks of age, to which the old man replies, that the sorrows and discontents of age are to be attributed to the tempers of men, and that age is a time of peace in which the tyranny of the passions is no longer felt. Yes, replies Socrates, but the world will say, Cephalus, that you are happy in old age because you are rich. ‘And there is something in what they say, Socrates, but not so much as they imagine—&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage330A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;330&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;as Themistocles replied to the Seriphian, “Neither you, if you had been an Athenian, nor I, if I had been a Seriphian, would ever have been famous,” I might in like manner reply to you, Neither a good poor man can be happy in age, nor yet a bad rich man.’ Socrates remarks that Cephalus appears not to care about riches, a quality which he ascribes to his having inherited, not acquired them, and would like to know what he considers to be the chief advantage of them. Cephalus answers that when you are old the belief in the world below grows upon you, and then to have done justice and never to have been compelled to do injustice through poverty, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage331A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;331&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and never to have deceived anyone, are felt to be unspeakable blessings. Socrates, who is evidently preparing for an argument, next asks, What is the meaning of the word ‘justice’? To tell the truth and pay your debts? No more than this? Or must we admit exceptions? Ought I, for example, to put back into the hands of my friend, who has gone mad, the sword which I borrowed of him when he was in his right mind? ‘There must be exceptions.’ ‘And yet,’ says Polemarchus, ‘the definition which has been given has the authority of Simonides.’ Here Cephalus retires to look after the sacrifices, and bequeaths, as Socrates facetiously remarks, the possession of the argument to his heir, Polemarchus….&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic I.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
I&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NTRODUCTION.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The description of old age is finished, and Plato, as his manner is, has touched the key-note of the whole work in asking for the definition of justice, first suggesting the question which Glaucon afterwards pursues respecting external goods, and preparing for &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexviii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xviii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; the concluding mythus of the world below in the slight allusion of Cephalus. The portrait of the just man is a natural frontispiece or introduction to the long discourse which follows, and may perhaps imply that in all our perplexity about the nature of justice, there is no difficulty in discerning ‘who is a just man.’ The first explanation has been supported by a saying of Simonides; and now Socrates has a mind to show that the resolution of justice into two unconnected precepts, which have no common principle, fails to satisfy the demands of dialectic.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic I.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
A&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NALYSIS.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; … &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage332A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;332&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;He proceeds: What did Simonides mean by this saying of his? Did he mean that I was to give back arms to a madman? ‘No, not in that case, not if the parties are friends, and evil would result. He meant that you were to do what was proper, good to friends and harm to enemies.’ Every act does something to somebody; and following this analogy, Socrates asks, What is this due and proper thing which justice does, and to whom? He is answered that justice does good to friends and harm to enemies. But in what way good or harm? ‘In making alliances with the one, and going to war with the other.’ Then in time of peace what is the good of justice? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage333A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;333&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;The answer is that justice is of use in contracts, and contracts are money partnerships. Yes; but how in such partnerships is the just man of more use than any other man? ‘When you want to have money safely kept and not used.’ Then justice will be useful when money is useless. And there is another difficulty: justice, like the art of war or any other art, must be of opposites, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage334A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;334&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;good at attack as well as at defence, at stealing as well as at guarding. But then justice is a thief, though a hero notwithstanding, like Autolycus, the Homeric hero, who was ‘excellent above all men in theft and perjury’—to such a pass have you and Homer and Simonides brought us; though I do not forget that the thieving must be for the good of friends and the harm of enemies. And still there arises another question: Are friends to be interpreted as real or seeming; enemies as real or seeming? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage335A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;335&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And are our friends to be only the good, and our enemies to be the evil? The answer is, that we must do good to our seeming and real good friends, and evil to our seeming and real evil enemies—good to the good, evil to the evil. But ought we to render evil for evil at all, when to do so will only make men more evil? Can justice produce injustice any more than the art of horsemanship &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexix&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xix&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; can make bad horsemen, or heat produce cold? The final conclusion is, that no sage or poet ever said that the just return evil for evil; this was a maxim of some rich and mighty man, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage336A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;336&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Periander, Perdiccas, or Ismenias the Theban (about &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 398-381)….&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic I.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
I&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NTRODUCTION.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Thus the first stage of aphoristic or unconscious morality is shown to be inadequate to the wants of the age; the authority of the poets is set aside, and through the winding mazes of dialectic we make an approach to the Christian precept of forgiveness of injuries. Similar words are applied by the Persian mystic poet to the Divine being when the questioning spirit is stirred within him:—‘If because I do evil, Thou punishest me by evil, what is the difference between Thee and me?’ In this both Plato and Khèyam rise above the level of many Christian (?) theologians. The first definition of justice easily passes into the second; for the simple words ‘to speak the truth and pay your debts’ is substituted the more abstract ‘to do good to your friends and harm to your enemies.’ Either of these explanations gives a sufficient rule of life for plain men, but they both fall short of the precision of philosophy. We may note in passing the antiquity of casuistry, which not only arises out of the conflict of established principles in particular cases, but also out of the effort to attain them, and is prior as well as posterior to our fundamental notions of morality. The ‘interrogation’ of moral ideas; the appeal to the authority of Homer; the conclusion that the maxim, ‘Do good to your friends and harm to your enemies,’ being erroneous, could not have been the word of any great man (cp. ii. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage380A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;380 A&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage380B&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), are all of them very characteristic of the Platonic Socrates.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic I.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
A&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NALYSIS.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; … Here Thrasymachus, who has made several attempts to interrupt, but has hitherto been kept in order by the company, takes advantage of a pause and rushes into the arena, beginning, like a savage animal, with a roar. ‘Socrates,’ he says, ‘what folly is this?—Why do you agree to be vanquished by one another in a pretended argument?’ He then prohibits all the ordinary definitions of justice; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage337A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;337&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to which Socrates replies that he cannot tell how many twelve is, if he is forbidden to say 2 × 6, or 3 × 4, or 6 × 2, or 4 × 3. At first Thrasymachus is reluctant to argue; but at length, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage338A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;338&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;with a promise of payment on the part of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexx&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xx&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; the company and of praise from Socrates, he is induced to open the game. ‘Listen,’ he says, ‘my answer is that might is right, justice the interest of the stronger: now praise me.’ Let me understand you first. Do you mean that because Polydamas the wrestler, who is stronger than we are, finds the eating of beef for his interest, the eating of beef is also for our interest, who are not so strong? Thrasymachus is indignant at the illustration, and in pompous words, apparently intended to restore dignity to the argument, he explains his meaning to be that the rulers make laws for their own interests. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage339A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;339&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;But suppose, says Socrates, that the ruler or stronger makes a mistake—then the interest of the stronger is not his interest. Thrasymachus is saved from this speedy downfall by his disciple Cleitophon, who introduces the word ‘thinks;’&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage340A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;340&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;—not the actual interest of the ruler, but what he thinks or what seems to be his interest, is justice. The contradiction is escaped by the unmeaning evasion: for though his real and apparent interests may differ, what the ruler thinks to be his interest will always remain what he thinks to be his interest.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Of course this was not the original assertion, nor is the new interpretation accepted by Thrasymachus himself. But Socrates is not disposed to quarrel about words, if, as he significantly insinuates, his adversary has changed his mind. In what follows Thrasymachus does in fact withdraw his admission that the ruler may make a mistake, for he affirms that the ruler as a ruler is infallible. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage341A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;341&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Socrates is quite ready to accept the new position, which he equally turns against Thrasymachus by the help of the analogy of the arts. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage342A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;342&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Every art or science has an interest, but this interest is to be distinguished from the accidental interest of the artist, and is only concerned with the good of the things or persons which come under the art. And justice has an interest which is the interest not of the ruler or judge, but of those who come under his sway.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Thrasymachus is on the brink of the inevitable conclusion, when he makes a bold diversion. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage343A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;343&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;‘Tell me, Socrates,’ he says, ‘have you a nurse?’ What a question! Why do you ask? ‘Because, if you have, she neglects you and lets you go about drivelling, and has not even taught you to know the shepherd from the sheep. For you fancy that shepherds and rulers never think of their own interest, but only of their sheep or subjects, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexxi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xxi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; whereas the truth is that they fatten them for their use, sheep and subjects alike. And experience proves that in every relation of life the just man is the loser and the unjust the gainer, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage344A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;344&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;especially where injustice is on the grand scale, which is quite another thing from the petty rogueries of swindlers and burglars and robbers of temples. The language of men proves this—our ‘gracious’ and ‘blessed’ tyrant and the like—all which tends to show (1) that justice is the interest of the stronger; and (2) that injustice is more profitable and also stronger than justice.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Thrasymachus, who is better at a speech than at a close argument, having deluged the company with words, has a mind to escape. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage345A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;345&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;But the others will not let him go, and Socrates adds a humble but earnest request that he will not desert them at such a crisis of their fate. ‘And what can I do more for you?’ he says; ‘would you have me put the words bodily into your souls?’ God forbid! replies Socrates; but we want you to be consistent in the use of terms, and not to employ ‘physician’ in an exact sense, and then again ‘shepherd’ or ‘ruler’ in an inexact,—if the words are strictly taken, the ruler and the shepherd look only to the good of their people or flocks and not to their own: whereas you insist that rulers are solely actuated by love of office. ‘No doubt about it,’ replies Thrasymachus. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage346A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;346&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Then why are they paid? Is not the reason, that their interest is not comprehended in their art, and is therefore the concern of another art, the art of pay, which is common to the arts in general, and therefore not identical with any one of them? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage347A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;347&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Nor would any man be a ruler unless he were induced by the hope of reward or the fear of punishment;—the reward is money or honour, the punishment is the necessity of being ruled by a man worse than himself. And if a State [or Church] were composed entirely of good men, they would be affected by the last motive only; and there would be as much ‘nolo episcopari’ as there is at present of the opposite….&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic I.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
I&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NTRODUCTION.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The satire on existing governments is heightened by the simple and apparently incidental manner in which the last remark is introduced. There is a similar irony in the argument that the governors of mankind do not like being in office, and that therefore they demand pay.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic I.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
A&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NALYSIS.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; … Enough of this: the other assertion of Thrasymachus is far &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexxii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xxii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; more important—that the unjust life is more gainful than the just. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage348A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;348&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Now, as you and I, Glaucon, are not convinced by him, we must reply to him; but if we try to compare their respective gains we shall want a judge to decide for us; we had better therefore proceed by making mutual admissions of the truth to one another.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Thrasymachus had asserted that perfect injustice was more gainful than perfect justice, and after a little hesitation he is induced by Socrates &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage349A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;349&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to admit the still greater paradox that injustice is virtue and justice vice. Socrates praises his frankness, and assumes the attitude of one whose only wish is to understand the meaning of his opponents. At the same time he is weaving a net in which Thrasymachus is finally enclosed. The admission is elicited from him that the just man seeks to gain an advantage over the unjust only, but not over the just, while the unjust would gain an advantage over either. Socrates, in order to test this statement, employs once more the favourite analogy of the arts. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage350A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;350&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;The musician, doctor, skilled artist of any sort, does not seek to gain more than the skilled, but only more than the unskilled (that is to say, he works up to a rule, standard, law, and does not exceed it), whereas the unskilled makes random efforts at excess. Thus the skilled falls on the side of the good, and the unskilled on the side of the evil, and the just is the skilled, and the unjust is the unskilled.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There was great difficulty in bringing Thrasymachus to the point; the day was hot and he was streaming with perspiration, and for the first time in his life he was seen to blush. But his other thesis that injustice was stronger than justice has not yet been refuted, and Socrates now proceeds to the consideration of this, which, with the assistance of Thrasymachus, he hopes to clear up; the latter is at first churlish, but in the judicious hands of Socrates is soon restored to good humour: &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage351A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;351&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Is there not honour among thieves? Is not the strength of injustice only a remnant of justice? Is not absolute injustice absolute weakness also? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage352A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;352&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;A house that is divided against itself cannot stand; two men who quarrel detract from one another’s strength, and he who is at war with himself is the enemy of himself and the gods. Not wickedness therefore, but semi-wickedness flourishes in states,—a remnant of good is needed in order to make union in action possible,—there is no kingdom of evil in this world.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexxiii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xxiii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Another question has not been answered: Is the just or the unjust the happier? To this we reply, that every art has an end and an excellence or virtue by which the end is accomplished. And is not the end of the soul happiness, and justice the excellence of the soul by which happiness is attained? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage354A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;354&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Justice and happiness being thus shown to be inseparable, the question whether the just or the unjust is the happier has disappeared.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Thrasymachus replies: ‘Let this be your entertainment, Socrates, at the festival of Bendis.’ Yes; and a very good entertainment with which your kindness has supplied me, now that you have left off scolding. And yet not a good entertainment—but that was my own fault, for I tasted of too many things. First of all the nature of justice was the subject of our enquiry, and then whether justice is virtue and wisdom, or evil and folly; and then the comparative advantages of just and unjust: and the sum of all is that I know not what justice is; how then shall I know whether the just is happy or not?…&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic I.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
I&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NTRODUCTION.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Thus the sophistical fabric has been demolished, chiefly by appealing to the analogy of the arts. ‘Justice is like the arts (1) in having no external interest, and (2) in not aiming at excess, and (3) justice is to happiness what the implement of the workman is to his work.’ At this the modern reader is apt to stumble, because he forgets that Plato is writing in an age when the arts and the virtues, like the moral and intellectual faculties, were still undistinguished. Among early enquirers into the nature of human action the arts helped to fill up the void of speculation; and at first the comparison of the arts and the virtues was not perceived by them to be fallacious. They only saw the points of agreement in them and not the points of difference. Virtue, like art, must take means to an end; good manners are both an art and a virtue; character is naturally described under the image of a statue (ii. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage361D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;361 D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; vii. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage540C&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;540 C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;); and there are many other figures of speech which are readily transferred from art to morals. The next generation cleared up these perplexities; or at least supplied after ages with a further analysis of them. The contemporaries of Plato were in a state of transition, and had not yet fully realized the common-sense distinction of Aristotle, that ‘virtue is concerned with action, art with production’ (Nic. Eth. vi. 4), or that ‘virtue implies intention and constancy of purpose,’ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexxiv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xxiv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; whereas ‘art requires knowledge only’ (Nic. Eth. vi. 3). And yet in the absurdities which follow from some uses of the analogy (cp. i. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage333E&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;333 E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage334B&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;334 B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), there seems to be an intimation conveyed that virtue is more than art. This is implied in the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;reductio ad absurdum&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; that ‘justice is a thief,’ and in the dissatisfaction which Socrates expresses at the final result.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The expression ‘an art of pay’ (i. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage346B&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;346 B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) which is described as ‘common to all the arts’ is not in accordance with the ordinary use of language. Nor is it employed elsewhere either by Plato or by any other Greek writer. It is suggested by the argument, and seems to extend the conception of art to doing as well as making. Another flaw or inaccuracy of language may be noted in the words (i. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage335C&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;335 C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) ‘men who are injured are made more unjust.’ For those who are injured are not necessarily made worse, but only harmed or ill-treated.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The second of the three arguments, ‘that the just does not aim at excess,’ has a real meaning, though wrapped up in an enigmatical form. That the good is of the nature of the finite is a peculiarly Hellenic sentiment, which may be compared with the language of those modern writers who speak of virtue as fitness, and of freedom as obedience to law. The mathematical or logical notion of limit easily passes into an ethical one, and even finds a mythological expression in the conception of envy (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;phtho/nos&amp;quot;&amp;gt;φθόνος&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;). Ideas of measure, equality, order, unity, proportion, still linger in the writings of moralists; and the true spirit of the fine arts is better conveyed by such terms than by superlatives.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘When workmen strive to do better than well,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
They do confound their skill in covetousness.’&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;right&amp;quot;&amp;gt;                      (King John, Act iv. Sc. 2.)&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The harmony of the soul and body (iii. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage402D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;402 D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), and of the parts of the soul with one another (iv. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage442C&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;442 C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), a harmony ‘fairer than that of musical notes,’ is the true Hellenic mode of conceiving the perfection of human nature.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In what may be called the epilogue of the discussion with Thrasymachus, Plato argues that evil is not a principle of strength, but of discord and dissolution, just touching the question which has been often treated in modern times by theologians and philosophers, of the negative nature of evil (cp. on the other hand x. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage610A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;610&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). In the last argument we trace the germ of the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexxv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xxv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Aristotelian doctrine of an end and a virtue directed towards the end, which again is suggested by the arts. The final reconcilement of justice and happiness and the identity of the individual and the State are also intimated. Socrates reassumes the character of a ‘know-nothing;’ at the same time he appears to be not wholly satisfied with the manner in which the argument has been conducted. Nothing is concluded; but the tendency of the dialectical process, here as always, is to enlarge our conception of ideas, and to widen their application to human life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p id=&amp;quot;iaII&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic II.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
A&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NALYSIS.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;b&amp;gt;BOOK II.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; ¶{{#counter: }} — Thrasymachus is pacified, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage357A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;357&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;but the intrepid Glaucon insists on continuing the argument. He is not satisfied with the indirect manner in which, at the end of the last book, Socrates had disposed of the question ‘Whether the just or the unjust is the happier.’ He begins by dividing goods into three classes:—first, goods desirable in themselves; secondly, goods desirable in themselves and for their results; thirdly, goods desirable for their results only. He then asks Socrates in which of the three classes he would place justice. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage358A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;358&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;In the second class, replies Socrates, among goods desirable for themselves and also for their results. ‘Then the world in general are of another mind, for they say that justice belongs to the troublesome class of goods which are desirable for their results only.&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;correction&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;quotation mark dropped out after 1st edition&amp;quot;&amp;gt;’&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Socrates answers that this is the doctrine of Thrasymachus which he rejects. Glaucon thinks that Thrasymachus was too ready to listen to the voice of the charmer, and proposes to consider the nature of justice and injustice in themselves and apart from the results and rewards of them which the world is always dinning in his ears. He will first of all speak of the nature and origin of justice; secondly, of the manner in which men view justice as a necessity and not a good; and thirdly, he will prove the reasonableness of this view.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ‘To do injustice is said to be a good; to suffer injustice an evil. As the evil is discovered by experience to be greater than the good, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage359A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;359&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the sufferers, who cannot also be doers, make a compact that they will have neither, and this compact or mean is called justice, but is really the impossibility of doing injustice. No one would observe such a compact if he were not obliged. Let us suppose that the just and unjust have two rings, like that of Gyges &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexxvi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xxvi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; in the well-known story, which make them invisible,&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage360A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;360&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and then no difference will appear in them, for every one will do evil if he can. And he who abstains will be regarded by the world as a fool for his pains. Men may praise him in public out of fear for themselves, but they will laugh at him in their hearts. (Cp. Gorgias, 483 B.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ‘And now let us frame an ideal of the just and unjust. Imagine the unjust man to be master of his craft, seldom making mistakes and easily correcting them; having gifts of money, speech, strength—&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage361A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;361&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the greatest villain bearing the highest character: and at his side let us place the just in his nobleness and simplicity—being, not seeming—without name or reward—clothed in his justice only—the best of men who is thought to be the worst, and let him die as he has lived. I might add (but I would rather put the rest into the mouth of the panegyrists of injustice—they will tell you) that the just man will be scourged, racked, bound, will have his eyes put out, and will at last be crucified [literally &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;impaled&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;]—and all this because he ought to have preferred seeming to being. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage362A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;362&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;How different is the case of the unjust who clings to appearance as the true reality! His high character makes him a ruler; he can marry where he likes, trade where he likes, help his friends and hurt his enemies; having got rich by dishonesty he can worship the gods better, and will therefore be more loved by them than the just.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I was thinking what to answer, when Adeimantus joined in the already unequal fray. He considered that the most important point of all had been omitted:—‘Men are taught to be just for the sake of rewards; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage363A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;363&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;parents and guardians make reputation the incentive to virtue. And other advantages are promised by them of a more solid kind, such as wealthy marriages and high offices. There are the pictures in Homer and Hesiod of fat sheep and heavy fleeces, rich corn-fields and trees toppling with fruit, which the gods provide in this life for the just. And the Orphic poets add a similar picture of another. The heroes of Musaeus and Eumolpus lie on couches at a festival, with garlands on their heads, enjoying as the meed of virtue a paradise of immortal drunkenness. Some go further, and speak of a fair posterity in the third and fourth generation. But the wicked they bury in a slough and make them carry water in a sieve: and in this life they &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexxvii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xxvii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; attribute to them the infamy which Glaucon was assuming to be the lot of the just who are supposed to be unjust.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ‘&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage364A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;364&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Take another kind of argument which is found both in poetry and prose:—“Virtue,” as Hesiod says, “is honourable but difficult, vice is easy and profitable.” You may often see the wicked in great prosperity and the righteous afflicted by the will of heaven. And mendicant prophets knock at rich men’s doors, promising to atone for the sins of themselves or their fathers in an easy fashion with sacrifices and festive games, or with charms and invocations to get rid of an enemy good or bad by divine help and at a small charge;—they appeal to books professing to be written by Musaeus and Orpheus, and carry away the minds of whole cities, and promise to “get souls out of purgatory;” and if we refuse to listen to them, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage365A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;365&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;no one knows what will happen to us.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ‘When a lively-minded ingenuous youth hears all this, what will be his conclusion? “Will he,” in the language of Pindar, “make justice his high tower, or fortify himself with crooked deceit?” Justice, he reflects, without the appearance of justice, is misery and ruin; injustice has the promise of a glorious life. Appearance is master of truth and lord of happiness. To appearance then I will turn,—I will put on the show of virtue and trail behind me the fox of Archilochus. I hear some one saying that “wickedness is not easily concealed,” to which I reply that “nothing great is easy.” Union and force and rhetoric will do much; and if men say that they cannot prevail over the gods, still how do we know that there are gods? Only from the poets, who acknowledge that they may be appeased by sacrifices. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage366A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;366&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Then why not sin and pay for indulgences out of your sin? For if the righteous are only unpunished, still they have no further reward, while the wicked may be unpunished and have the pleasure of sinning too. But what of the world below? Nay, says the argument, there are atoning powers who will set that matter right, as the poets, who are the sons of the gods, tell us; and this is confirmed by the authority of the State.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ‘How can we resist such arguments in favour of injustice? Add good manners, and, as the wise tell us, we shall make the best of both worlds. Who that is not a miserable caitiff will refrain from smiling at the praises of justice? Even if a man knows the better part he will not be angry with others; for he knows also that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexxviii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xxviii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; more than human virtue is needed to save a man, and that he only praises justice who is incapable of injustice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ‘The origin of the evil is that all men from the beginning, heroes, poets, instructors of youth, have always asserted “the temporal dispensation,” the honours and profits of justice. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage367A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;367&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Had we been taught in early youth the power of justice and injustice inherent in the soul, and unseen by any human or divine eye, we should not have needed others to be our guardians, but every one would have been the guardian of himself. This is what I want you to show, Socrates;—other men use arguments which rather tend to strengthen the position of Thrasymachus that “might is right;” but from you I expect better things. And please, as Glaucon said, to exclude reputation; let the just be thought unjust and the unjust just, and do you still prove to us the superiority of justice.’…&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic II.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
I&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NTRODUCTION.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The thesis, which for the sake of argument has been maintained by Glaucon, is the converse of that of Thrasymachus—not right is the interest of the stronger, but right is the necessity of the weaker. Starting from the same premises he carries the analysis of society a step further back;—might is still right, but the might is the weakness of the many combined against the strength of the few.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There have been theories in modern as well as in ancient times which have a family likeness to the speculations of Glaucon; e.g. that power is the foundation of right; or that a monarch has a divine right to govern well or ill; or that virtue is self-love or the love of power; or that war is the natural state of man; or that private vices are public benefits. All such theories have a kind of plausibility from their partial agreement with experience. For human nature oscillates between good and evil, and the motives of actions and the origin of institutions may be explained to a certain extent on either hypothesis according to the character or point of view of a particular thinker. The obligation of maintaining authority under all circumstances and sometimes by rather questionable means is felt strongly and has become a sort of instinct among civilized men. The divine right of kings, or more generally of governments, is one of the forms under which this natural feeling is expressed. Nor again is there any evil which has not some accompaniment of good or pleasure; nor any good &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexxix&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xxix&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; which is free from some alloy of evil; nor any noble or generous thought which may not be attended by a shadow or the ghost of a shadow of self-interest or of self-love. We know that all human actions are imperfect; but we do not therefore attribute them to the worse rather than to the better motive or principle. Such a philosophy is both foolish and false, like that opinion of the clever rogue who assumes all other men to be like himself (iii. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage409C&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;409 C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). And theories of this sort do not represent the real nature of the State, which is based on a vague sense of right gradually corrected and enlarged by custom and law (although capable also of perversion), any more than they describe the origin of society, which is to be sought in the family and in the social and religious feelings of man. Nor do they represent the average character of individuals, which cannot be explained simply on a theory of evil, but has always a counteracting element of good. And as men become better such theories appear more and more untruthful to them, because they are more conscious of their own disinterestedness. A little experience may make a man a cynic; a great deal will bring him back to a truer and kindlier view of the mixed nature of himself and his fellow men.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The two brothers ask Socrates to prove to them that the just is happy when they have taken from him all that in which happiness is ordinarily supposed to consist. Not that there is (1) any absurdity in the attempt to frame a notion of justice apart from circumstances. For the ideal must always be a paradox when compared with the ordinary conditions of human life. Neither the Stoical ideal nor the Christian ideal is true as a fact, but they may serve as a basis of education, and may exercise an ennobling influence. An ideal is none the worse because ‘some one has made the discovery’ that no such ideal was ever realized. (Cp. v. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage472D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;472 D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.) And in a few exceptional individuals who are raised above the ordinary level of humanity, the ideal of happiness may be realized in death and misery. This may be the state which the reason deliberately approves, and which the utilitarian as well as every other moralist may be bound in certain cases to prefer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Nor again, (2) must we forget that Plato, though he agrees generally with the view implied in the argument of the two brothers, is not expressing his own final conclusion, but rather &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexxx&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xxx&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; seeking to dramatize one of the aspects of ethical truth. He is developing his idea gradually in a series of positions or situations. He is exhibiting Socrates for the first time undergoing the Socratic interrogation. Lastly, (3) the word ‘happiness’ involves some degree of confusion because associated in the language of modern philosophy with conscious pleasure or satisfaction, which was not equally present to his mind.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Glaucon has been drawing a picture of the misery of the just and the happiness of the unjust, to which the misery of the tyrant in Book IX is the answer and parallel. And still the unjust must appear just; that is ‘the homage which vice pays to virtue.’ But now Adeimantus, taking up the hint which had been already given by Glaucon (ii. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage358C&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;358 C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), proceeds to show that in the opinion of mankind justice is regarded only for the sake of rewards and reputation, and points out the advantage which is given to such arguments as those of Thrasymachus and Glaucon by the conventional morality of mankind. He seems to feel the difficulty of ‘justifying the ways of God to man.’ Both the brothers touch upon the question, whether the morality of actions is determined by their consequences (cp. iv. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage420A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;420&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; foll.); and both of them go beyond the position of Socrates, that justice belongs to the class of goods not desirable for themselves only, but desirable for themselves and for their results, to which he recalls them. In their attempt to view justice as an internal principle, and in their condemnation of the poets, they anticipate him. The common life of Greece is not enough for them; they must penetrate deeper into the nature of things.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — It has been objected that justice is honesty in the sense of Glaucon and Adeimantus, but is taken by Socrates to mean all virtue. May we not more truly say that the old-fashioned notion of justice is enlarged by Socrates, and becomes equivalent to universal order or well-being, first in the State, and secondly in the individual? He has found a new answer to his old question (Protag. 329), ‘whether the virtues are one or many,’ viz. that one is the ordering principle of the three others. In seeking to establish the purely internal nature of justice, he is met by the fact that man is a social being, and he tries to harmonise the two opposite theses as well as he can. There is no more inconsistency in this than was inevitable in his age and country; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexxxi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xxxi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; there is no use in turning upon him the cross lights of modern philosophy, which, from some other point of view, would appear equally inconsistent. Plato does not give the final solution of philosophical questions for us; nor can he be judged of by our standard.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The remainder of the Republic is developed out of the question of the sons of Ariston. Three points are deserving of remark in what immediately follows:—First, that the answer of Socrates is altogether indirect. He does not say that happiness consists in the contemplation of the idea of justice, and still less will he be tempted to affirm the Stoical paradox that the just man can be happy on the rack. But first he dwells on the difficulty of the problem and insists on restoring man to his natural condition, before he will answer the question at all. He too will frame an ideal, but his ideal comprehends not only abstract justice, but the whole relations of man. Under the fanciful illustration of the large letters he implies that he will only look for justice in society, and that from the State he will proceed to the individual. His answer in substance amounts to this,—that under favourable conditions, i.e. in the perfect State, justice and happiness will coincide, and that when justice has been once found, happiness may be left to take care of itself. That he falls into some degree of inconsistency, when in the tenth book (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage612A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;612 A&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) he claims to have got rid of the rewards and honours of justice, may be admitted; for he has left those which exist in the perfect State. And the philosopher ‘who retires under the shelter of a wall’ (vi. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage496A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;496&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) can hardly have been esteemed happy by him, at least not in this world. Still he maintains the true attitude of moral action. Let a man do his duty first, without asking whether he will be happy or not, and happiness will be the inseparable accident which attends him. ‘Seek ye first the kingdom of God and his righteousness, and all these things shall be added unto you.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Secondly, it may be remarked that Plato preserves the genuine character of Greek thought in beginning with the State and in going on to the individual. First ethics, then politics—this is the order of ideas to us; the reverse is the order of history. Only after many struggles of thought does the individual assert his right as a moral being. In early ages he is not &amp;lt;em&amp;gt;one&amp;lt;/em&amp;gt;, but one of many, the citizen of a State which is prior to him; and he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexxxii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xxxii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; has no notion of good or evil apart from the law of his country or the creed of his church. And to this type he is constantly tending to revert, whenever the influence of custom, or of party spirit, or the recollection of the past becomes too strong for him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Thirdly, we may observe the confusion or identification of the individual and the State, of ethics and politics, which pervades early Greek speculation, and even in modern times retains a certain degree of influence. The subtle difference between the collective and individual action of mankind seems to have escaped early thinkers, and we too are sometimes in danger of forgetting the conditions of united human action, whenever we either elevate politics into ethics, or lower ethics to the standard of politics. The good man and the good citizen only coincide in the perfect State; and this perfection cannot be attained by legislation acting upon them from without, but, if at all, by education fashioning them from within.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic II.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
A&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NALYSIS.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; … Socrates praises the sons of Ariston, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage368A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;368&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;‘inspired offspring of the renowned hero,’ as the elegiac poet terms them; but he does not understand how they can argue so eloquently on behalf of injustice while their character shows that they are uninfluenced by their own arguments. He knows not how to answer them, although he is afraid of deserting justice in the hour of need. He therefore makes a condition, that having weak eyes he shall be allowed to read the large letters first and then go on to the smaller, that is, he must look for justice in the State first, and will then proceed to the individual. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage369A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;369&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Accordingly he begins to construct the State.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Society arises out of the wants of man. His first want is food; his second a house; his third a coat. The sense of these needs and the possibility of satisfying them by exchange, draw individuals together on the same spot; and this is the beginning of a State, which we take the liberty to invent, although necessity is the real inventor. There must be first a husbandman, secondly a builder, thirdly a weaver, to which may be added a cobbler. Four or five citizens at least are required to make a city. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage370A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;370&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Now men have different natures, and one man will do one thing better than many; and business waits for no man. Hence there must be a division of labour into different employments; into wholesale and retail trade; into workers, and makers of workmen’s &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexxxiii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xxxiii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; tools; into shepherds and husbandmen. A city which includes all this will have far exceeded the limit of four or five, and yet not be very large. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage371A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;371&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;But then again imports will be required, and imports necessitate exports, and this implies variety of produce in order to attract the taste of purchasers; also merchants and ships. In the city too we must have a market and money and retail trades; otherwise buyers and sellers will never meet, and the valuable time of the producers will be wasted in vain efforts at exchange. If we add hired servants the State will be complete. And we may guess that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage372A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;372&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;somewhere in the intercourse of the citizens with one another justice and injustice will appear.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Here follows a rustic picture of their way of life. They spend their days in houses which they have built for themselves; they make their own clothes and produce their own corn and wine. Their principal food is meal and flour, and they drink in moderation. They live on the best of terms with each other, and take care not to have too many children. ‘But,’ said Glaucon, interposing, ‘are they not to have a relish?’ Certainly; they will have salt and olives and cheese, vegetables and fruits, and chestnuts to roast at the fire. ‘’Tis a city of pigs, Socrates.’ Why, I replied, what do you want more? ‘Only the comforts of life,—sofas and tables, also sauces and sweets.’ I see; you want not only a State, but a luxurious State; and possibly in the more complex frame we may sooner find justice and injustice. Then &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage373A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;373&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the fine arts must go to work—every conceivable instrument and ornament of luxury will be wanted. There will be dancers, painters, sculptors, musicians, cooks, barbers, tire-women, nurses, artists; swineherds and neatherds too for the animals, and physicians to cure the disorders of which luxury is the source. To feed all these superfluous mouths we shall need a part of our neighbour’s land, and they will want a part of ours. And this is the origin of war, which may be traced to the same causes as other political evils. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage374A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;374&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Our city will now require the slight addition of a camp, and the citizen will be converted into a soldier. But then again our old doctrine of the division of labour must not be forgotten. The art of war cannot be learned in a day, and there must be a natural aptitude for military duties. There will be some warlike natures &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage375A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;375&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;who have this aptitude—dogs keen of scent, swift of foot to pursue, and strong of limb to fight. And &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexxxiv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xxxiv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; as spirit is the foundation of courage, such natures, whether of men or animals, will be full of spirit. But these spirited natures are apt to bite and devour one another; the union of gentleness to friends and fierceness against enemies appears to be an impossibility, and the guardian of a State requires both qualities. Who then can be a guardian? The image of the dog suggests an answer. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage376A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;376&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;For dogs are gentle to friends and fierce to strangers. Your dog is a philosopher who judges by the rule of knowing or not knowing; and philosophy, whether in man or beast, is the parent of gentleness. The human watchdogs must be philosophers or lovers of learning which will make them gentle. And how are they to be learned without education?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But what shall their education be? Is any better than the old-fashioned sort which is comprehended under the name of music and gymnastic? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage377A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;377&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Music includes literature, and literature is of two kinds, true and false. ‘What do you mean?’ he said. I mean that children hear stories before they learn gymnastics, and that the stories are either untrue, or have at most one or two grains of truth in a bushel of falsehood. Now early life is very impressible, and children ought not to learn what they will have to unlearn when they grow up; we must therefore have a censorship of nursery tales, banishing some and keeping others. Some of them are very improper, as we may see in the great instances of Homer and Hesiod, who not only tell lies but bad lies; stories about Uranus and Saturn, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage378A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;378&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;which are immoral as well as false, and which should never be spoken of to young persons, or indeed at all; or, if at all, then in a mystery, after the sacrifice, not of an Eleusinian pig, but of some unprocurable animal. Shall our youth be encouraged to beat their fathers by the example of Zeus, or our citizens be incited to quarrel by hearing or seeing representations of strife among the gods? Shall they listen to the narrative of Hephaestus binding his mother, and of Zeus sending him flying for helping her when she was beaten? Such tales may possibly have a mystical interpretation, but the young are incapable of understanding allegory. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage379A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;379&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;If any one asks what tales are to be allowed, we will answer that we are legislators and not book-makers; we only lay down the principles according to which books are to be written; to write them is the duty of others.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexxxv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xxxv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And our first principle is, that God must be represented as he is; not as the author of all things, but of good only. We will not suffer the poets to say that he is the steward of good and evil, or that he has two casks full of destinies;—or that Athene and Zeus incited Pandarus to break the treaty; or that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage380A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;380&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;God caused the sufferings of Niobe, or of Pelops, or the Trojan war; or that he makes men sin when he wishes to destroy them. Either these were not the actions of the gods, or God was just, and men were the better for being punished. But that the deed was evil, and God the author, is a wicked, suicidal fiction which we will allow no one, old or young, to utter. This is our first and great principle—God is the author of good only.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And the second principle is like unto it:—With God is no variableness or change of form. Reason teaches us this; for if we suppose a change in God, he must be changed either by another or by himself. By another?—but the best works of nature and art &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage381A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;381&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and the noblest qualities of mind are least liable to be changed by any external force. By himself?—but he cannot change for the better; he will hardly change for the worse. He remains for ever fairest and best in his own image. Therefore we refuse to listen to the poets who tell us of Here begging in the likeness of a priestess or of other deities who prowl about at night in strange disguises; all that blasphemous nonsense with which mothers fool the manhood out of their children must be suppressed. But &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage382A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;382&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;some one will say that God, who is himself unchangeable, may take a form in relation to us. Why should he? For gods as well as men hate the lie in the soul, or principle of falsehood; and as for any other form of lying which is used for a purpose and is regarded as innocent in certain exceptional cases—what need have the gods of this? For they are not ignorant of antiquity like the poets, nor are they afraid of their enemies, nor is any madman a friend of theirs. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage383A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;383&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;God then is true, he is absolutely true; he changes not, he deceives not, by day or night, by word or sign. This is our second great principle—God is true. Away with the lying dream of Agamemnon in Homer, and the accusation of Thetis against Apollo in Aeschylus….&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic II.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
I&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NTRODUCTION.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; In order to give clearness to his conception of the State, Plato proceeds to trace the first principles of mutual need and of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexxxvi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xxxvi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; division of labour in an imaginary community of four or five citizens. Gradually this community increases; the division of labour extends to countries; imports necessitate exports; a medium of exchange is required, and retailers sit in the market-place to save the time of the producers. These are the steps by which Plato constructs the first or primitive State, introducing the elements of political economy by the way. As he is going to frame a second or civilized State, the simple naturally comes before the complex. He indulges, like Rousseau, in a picture of primitive life—an idea which has indeed often had a powerful influence on the imagination of mankind, but he does not seriously mean to say that one is better than the other (cp. Politicus, p. 272); nor can any inference be drawn from the description of the first state taken apart from the second, such as Aristotle appears to draw in the Politics, iv. 4, 12 (cp. again Politicus, 272). We should not interpret a Platonic dialogue any more than a poem or a parable in too literal or matter-of-fact a style. On the other hand, when we compare the lively fancy of Plato with the dried-up abstractions of modern treatises on philosophy, we are compelled to say with Protagoras, that the ‘mythus is more interesting’ (Protag. 320 D).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Several interesting remarks which in modern times would have a place in a treatise on Political Economy are scattered up and down the writings of Plato: cp. especially Laws, v. 740, Population; viii. 847, Free Trade; xi. 916-7, Adulteration; 923-4, Wills and Bequests; 930, Begging; Eryxias, (though not Plato’s), Value and Demand; Republic, ii. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage369A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;369&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ff., Division of Labour. The last subject, and also the origin of Retail Trade, is treated with admirable lucidity in the second book of the Republic. But Plato never combined his economic ideas into a system, and never seems to have recognized that Trade is one of the great motive powers of the State and of the world. He would make retail traders only of the inferior sort of citizens (Rep. ii. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage371A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;371&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; cp. Laws, viii. 847), though he remarks, quaintly enough (Laws, ix. 918 D), that ‘if only the best men and the best women everywhere were compelled to keep taverns for a time or to carry on retail trade, etc., then we should knew how pleasant and agreeable all these things are.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The disappointment of Glaucon at the ‘city of pigs,’ the ludicrous description of the ministers of luxury in the more refined &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexxxvii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xxxvii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; State, and the afterthought of the necessity of doctors, the illustration of the nature of the guardian taken from the dog, the desirableness of offering some almost unprocurable victim when impure mysteries are to be celebrated, the behaviour of Zeus to his father and of Hephaestus to his mother, are touches of humour which have also a serious meaning. In speaking of education Plato rather startles us by affirming that a child must be trained in falsehood first and in truth afterwards. Yet this is not very different from saying that children must be taught through the medium of imagination as well as reason; that their minds can only develope gradually, and that there is much which they must learn without understanding (cp. iii. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage402A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;402 A&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). This is also the substance of Plato’s view, though he must be acknowledged to have drawn the line somewhat differently from modern ethical writers, respecting truth and falsehood. To us, economies or accommodations would not be allowable unless they were required by the human faculties or necessary for the communication of knowledge to the simple and ignorant. We should insist that the word was inseparable from the intention, and that we must not be ‘falsely true,’ i.e. speak or act falsely in support of what was right or true. But Plato would limit the use of fictions only by requiring that they should have a good moral effect, and that such a dangerous weapon as falsehood should be employed by the rulers alone and for great objects.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — A Greek in the age of Plato attached no importance to the question whether his religion was an historical fact. He was just beginning to be conscious that the past had a history; but he could see nothing beyond Homer and Hesiod. Whether their narratives were true or false did not seriously affect the political or social life of Hellas. Men only began to suspect that they were fictions when they recognised them to be immoral. And so in all religions: the consideration of their morality comes first, afterwards the truth of the documents in which they are recorded, or of the events natural or supernatural which are told of them. But in modern times, and in Protestant countries perhaps more than in Catholic, we have been too much inclined to identify the historical with the moral; and some have refused to believe in religion at all, unless a superhuman accuracy was discernible in every part of the record. The facts of an ancient &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexxxviii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xxxviii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; or religious history are amongst the most important of all facts; but they are frequently uncertain, and we only learn the true lesson which is to be gathered from them when we place ourselves above them. These reflections tend to show that the difference between Plato and ourselves, though not unimportant, is not so great as might at first sight appear. For we should agree with him in placing the moral before the historical truth of religion; and, generally, in disregarding those errors or misstatements of fact which necessarily occur in the early stages of all religions. We know also that changes in the traditions of a country cannot be made in a day; and are therefore tolerant of many things which science and criticism would condemn.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — We note in passing that the allegorical interpretation of mythology, said to have been first introduced as early as the sixth century before Christ by Theagenes of Rhegium, was well established in the age of Plato, and here, as in the Phaedrus (229–30), though for a different reason, was rejected by him. That anachronisms whether of religion or law, when men have reached another stage of civilization, should be got rid of by fictions is in accordance with universal experience. Great is the art of interpretation; and by a natural process, which when once discovered was always going on, what could not be altered was explained away. And so without any palpable inconsistency there existed side by side two forms of religion, the tradition inherited or invented by the poets and the customary worship of the temple; on the other hand, there was the religion of the philosopher, who was dwelling in the heaven of ideas, but did not therefore refuse to offer a cock to Æsculapius, or to be seen saying his prayers at the rising of the sun. At length the antagonism between the popular and philosophical religion, never so great among the Greeks as in our own age, disappeared, and was only felt like the difference between the religion of the educated and uneducated among ourselves. The Zeus of Homer and Hesiod easily passed into the ‘royal mind’ of Plato (Philebus, 28); the giant Heracles became the knight-errant and benefactor of mankind. These and still more wonderful transformations were readily effected by the ingenuity of Stoics and neo-Platonists in the two or three centuries before and after Christ. The Greek and Roman religions were gradually permeated by the spirit of philosophy; having lost their &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexxxix&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xxxix&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; ancient meaning, they were resolved into poetry and morality; and probably were never purer than at the time of their decay, when their influence over the world was waning.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — A singular conception which occurs towards the end of the book is the lie in the soul; this is connected with the Platonic and Socratic doctrine that involuntary ignorance is worse than voluntary. The lie in the soul is a true lie, the corruption of the highest truth, the deception of the highest part of the soul, from which he who is deceived has no power of delivering himself. For example, to represent God as false or immoral, or, according to Plato, as deluding men with appearances or as the author of evil; or again, to affirm with Protagoras that ‘knowledge is sensation,’ or that ‘being is becoming,’ or with Thrasymachus ‘that might is right,’ would have been regarded by Plato as a lie of this hateful sort. The greatest unconsciousness of the greatest untruth, e.g. if, in the language of the Gospels (John iv. 41), ‘he who was blind’ were to say ‘I see,’ is another aspect of the state of mind which Plato is describing. The lie in the soul may be further compared with the sin against the Holy Ghost (Luke xii. 10), allowing for the difference between Greek and Christian modes of speaking. To this is opposed the lie in words, which is only such a deception as may occur in a play or poem, or allegory or figure of speech, or in any sort of accommodation,—which though useless to the gods may be useful to men in certain cases. Socrates is here answering the question which he had himself raised (i. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage331C&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;331 C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) about the propriety of deceiving a madman; and he is also contrasting the nature of God and man. For God is Truth, but mankind can only be true by appearing sometimes to be partial, or false. Reserving for another place the greater questions of religion or education, we may note further, (1) the approval of the old traditional education of Greece; (2) the preparation which Plato is making for the attack on Homer and the poets; (3) the preparation which he is also making for the use of economies in the State; (4) the contemptuous and at the same time euphemistic manner in which here as below (iii. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage390A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;390&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) he alludes to the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Chronique Scandaleuse&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of the gods.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p id=&amp;quot;iaIII&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic III.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
A&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NALYSIS.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;b&amp;gt;BOOK III.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; ¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage386A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;386&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;There is another motive in purifying religion, which is to banish fear; for no man can be courageous who is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xl&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; afraid of death, or who believes the tales which are repeated by the poets concerning the world below. They must be gently requested not to abuse hell; they may be reminded that their stories are both untrue and discouraging. Nor must they be angry if we expunge obnoxious passages, such as the depressing words of Achilles—‘I would rather be a serving-man than rule over all the dead;’ and the verses which tell of the squalid mansions, the senseless shadows, the flitting soul mourning over lost strength and youth, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage387A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;387&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the soul with a gibber going beneath the earth like smoke, or the souls of the suitors which flutter about like bats. The terrors and horrors of Cocytus and Styx, ghosts and sapless shades, and the rest of their Tartarean nomenclature, must vanish. Such tales may have their use; but they are not the proper food for soldiers. As little can we admit the sorrows and sympathies of the Homeric heroes:—Achilles, the son of Thetis, in tears, throwing ashes on his head, or pacing up and down the sea-shore in distraction; or Priam, the cousin of the gods, crying aloud, rolling in the mire. A good man is not prostrated at the loss of children or fortune. Neither is death terrible to him; and therefore lamentations over the dead should not be practised by men of note; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage388A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;388&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;they should be the concern of inferior persons only, whether women or men. Still worse is the attribution of such weakness to the gods; as when the goddesses say, ‘Alas! my travail!’ and worst of all, when the king of heaven himself laments his inability to save Hector, or sorrows over the impending doom of his dear Sarpedon. Such a character of God, if not ridiculed by our young men, is likely to be imitated by them. Nor should our citizens be given to excess of laughter—‘Such violent delights’ are followed by a violent re-action. The description in the Iliad of the gods shaking their sides at the clumsiness of Hephaestus will not be admitted by us. ‘Certainly not.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Truth should have a high place among the virtues, for falsehood, as we were saying, is useless to the gods, and only useful to men as a medicine. But this employment of falsehood must remain a privilege of state; the common man must not in return tell a lie to the ruler; any more than the patient would tell a lie to his physician, or the sailor to his captain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In the next place our youth must be temperate, and temperance consists in self-control and obedience to authority. That is a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexli&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xli&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; lesson which Homer teaches in some places: ‘The Achaeans marched on breathing prowess, in silent awe of their leaders;’—but a very different one in other places: ‘O heavy with wine, who hast the eyes of a dog, but the heart of a stag.’ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage390A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;390&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Language of the latter kind will not impress self-control on the minds of youth. The same may be said about his praises of eating and drinking and his dread of starvation; also about the verses in which he tells of the rapturous loves of Zeus and Here, or of how Hephaestus once detained Ares and Aphrodite in a net on a similar occasion. There is a nobler strain heard in the words:—‘Endure, my soul, thou hast endured worse.’ Nor must we allow our citizens to receive bribes, or to say, ‘Gifts persuade the gods, gifts reverend kings;’ or to applaud the ignoble advice of Phoenix to Achilles that he should get money out of the Greeks before he assisted them; or the meanness of Achilles himself in taking gifts from Agamemnon; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage391A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;391&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;or his requiring a ransom for the body of Hector; or his cursing of Apollo; or his insolence to the river-god Scamander; or his dedication to the dead Patroclus of his own hair which had been already dedicated to the other river-god Spercheius; or his cruelty in dragging the body of Hector round the walls, and slaying the captives at the pyre: such a combination of meanness and cruelty in Cheiron’s pupil is inconceivable. The amatory exploits of Peirithous and Theseus are equally unworthy. Either these so-called sons of gods were not the sons of gods, or they were not such as the poets imagine them, any more than the gods themselves are the authors of evil. The youth who believes that such things are done by &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage392A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;392&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;those who have the blood of heaven flowing in their veins will be too ready to imitate their example.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Enough of gods and heroes;—what shall we say about men? What the poets and story-tellers say—that the wicked prosper and the righteous are afflicted, or that justice is another’s gain? Such misrepresentations cannot be allowed by us. But in this we are anticipating the definition of justice, and had therefore better defer the enquiry.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The subjects of poetry have been sufficiently treated; next follows style. Now all poetry is a narrative of events past, present, or to come; and narrative is of three kinds, the simple, the imitative, and a composition of the two. An instance will &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexlii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xlii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; make my meaning clear. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage393A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;393&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;The first scene in Homer is of the last or mixed kind, being partly description and partly dialogue. But if you throw the dialogue into the ‘oratio obliqua,’ the passage will run thus: &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage394A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;394&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;The priest came and prayed Apollo that the Achaeans might take Troy and have a safe return if Agamemnon would only give him back his daughter; and the other Greeks assented, but Agamemnon was wroth, and so on—The whole then becomes descriptive, and the poet is the only speaker left; or, if you omit the narrative, the whole becomes dialogue. These are the three styles—which of them is to be admitted into our State? ‘Do you ask whether tragedy and comedy are to be admitted?’ Yes, but also something more—Is it not doubtful whether our guardians are to be imitators at all? Or rather, has not the question been already answered, for we have decided that one man cannot in his life play many parts, any more than &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage395A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;395&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;he can act both tragedy and comedy, or be rhapsodist and actor at once? Human nature is coined into very small pieces, and as our guardians have their own business already, which is the care of freedom, they will have enough to do without imitating. If they imitate they should imitate, not any meanness or baseness, but the good only; for the mask which the actor wears is apt to become his face. We cannot allow men to play the parts of women, quarrelling, weeping, scolding, or boasting against the gods,—least of all when making love or in labour. They must not represent slaves, or bullies, or &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage396A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;396&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;cowards, drunkards, or madmen, or blacksmiths, or neighing horses, or bellowing bulls, or sounding rivers, or a raging sea. A good or wise man will be willing to perform good and wise actions, but he will be ashamed to play an inferior part which he has never practised; and he will prefer to employ the descriptive style with as little imitation as possible. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage397A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;397&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;The man who has no self-respect, on the contrary, will imitate anybody and anything; sounds of nature and cries of animals alike; his whole performance will be imitation of gesture and voice. Now in the descriptive style there are few changes, but in the dramatic there are a great many. Poets and musicians use either, or a compound of both, and this compound is very attractive to youth and their teachers as well as to the vulgar. But our State in which one man plays one part only is not adapted for complexity. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage398A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;398&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And when one of these polyphonous pantomimic gentlemen offers to exhibit &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexliii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xliii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; himself and his poetry we will show him every observance of respect, but at the same time tell him that there is no room for his kind in our State; we prefer the rough, honest poet, and will not depart from our original models (ii. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage379A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;379&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; foll.; cp. Laws, vii. 817).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Next as to the music. A song or ode has three parts,—the subject, the harmony, and the rhythm; of which the two last are dependent upon the first. As we banished strains of lamentation, so we may now banish the mixed Lydian harmonies, which are the harmonies of lamentation; and as our citizens are to be temperate, we may also banish convivial harmonies, such as the Ionian and pure Lydian. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage399A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;399&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Two remain—the Dorian and Phrygian, the first for war, the second for peace; the one expressive of courage, the other of obedience or instruction or religious feeling. And as we reject varieties of harmony, we shall also reject the many-stringed, variously-shaped instruments which give utterance to them, and in particular the flute, which is more complex than any of them. The lyre and the harp may be permitted in the town, and the Pan’s-pipe in the fields. Thus we have made a purgation of music, and will now make a purgation of metres. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage400A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;400&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;These should be like the harmonies, simple and suitable to the occasion. There are four notes of the tetrachord, and there are three ratios of metre, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;⁄&amp;lt;sub&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/sub&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;⁄&amp;lt;sub&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/sub&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;⁄&amp;lt;sub&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/sub&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, which have all their characteristics, and the feet have different characteristics as well as the rhythms. But about this you and I must ask Damon, the great musician, who speaks, if I remember rightly, of a martial measure as well as of dactylic, trochaic, and iambic rhythms, which he arranges so as to equalize the syllables with one another, assigning to each the proper quantity. We only venture to affirm the general principle that the style is to conform to the subject and the metre to the style; and that the simplicity and harmony of the soul should be reflected in them all. This principle of simplicity has to be learnt by every one in the days of his youth, and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage401A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;401&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;may be gathered anywhere, from the creative and constructive arts, as well as from the forms of plants and animals.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Other artists as well as poets should be warned against meanness or unseemliness. Sculpture and painting equally with music must conform to the law of simplicity. He who violates it cannot be allowed to work in our city, and to corrupt the taste of our citizens. For our guardians must grow up, not amid images of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexliv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xliv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; deformity which will gradually poison and corrupt their souls, but in a land of health and beauty where they will drink in from every object sweet and harmonious influences. And of all these influences the greatest is the education given by music, which finds a way into the innermost soul and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage402A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;402&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;imparts to it the sense of beauty and of deformity. At first the effect is unconscious; but when reason arrives, then he who has been thus trained welcomes her as the friend whom he always knew. As in learning to read, first we acquire the elements or letters separately, and afterwards their combinations, and cannot recognize reflections of them until we know the letters themselves;—in like manner we must first attain the elements or essential forms of the virtues, and then trace their combinations in life and experience. There is a music of the soul which answers to the harmony of the world; and the fairest object of a musical soul is the fair mind in the fair body. Some defect in the latter may be excused, but not in the former. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage403A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;403&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;True love is the daughter of temperance, and temperance is utterly opposed to the madness of bodily pleasure. Enough has been said of music, which makes a fair ending with love.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Next we pass on to gymnastics; about which I would remark, that the soul is related to the body as a cause to an effect, and therefore if we educate the mind we may leave the education of the body in her charge, and need only give a general outline of the course to be pursued. In the first place the guardians must abstain from strong drink, for they should be the last persons to lose their wits. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage404A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;404&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Whether the habits of the palaestra are suitable to them is more doubtful, for the ordinary gymnastic is a sleepy sort of thing, and if left off suddenly is apt to endanger health. But our warrior athletes must be wide-awake dogs, and must also be inured to all changes of food and climate. Hence they will require a simpler kind of gymnastic, akin to their simple music; and for their diet a rule may be found in Homer, who feeds his heroes on roast meat only, and gives them no fish although they are living at the sea-side, nor boiled meats which involve an apparatus of pots and pans; and, if I am not mistaken, he nowhere mentions sweet sauces. Sicilian cookery and Attic confections and Corinthian courtezans, which are to gymnastic what Lydian and Ionian melodies are to music, must be forbidden. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage405A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;405&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Where gluttony and intemperance prevail the town quickly fills &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexlv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xlv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; with doctors and pleaders; and law and medicine give themselves airs as soon as the freemen of a State take an interest in them. But what can show a more disgraceful state of education than to have to go abroad for justice because you have none of your own at home? And yet there &amp;lt;em&amp;gt;is&amp;lt;/em&amp;gt; a worse stage of the same disease—when men have learned to take a pleasure and pride in the twists and turns of the law; not considering how much better it would be for them so to order their lives as to have no need of a nodding justice. And there is a like disgrace in employing a physician, not for the cure of wounds or epidemic disorders, but because a man has by laziness and luxury contracted diseases which were unknown in the days of Asclepius. How simple is the Homeric practice of medicine. Eurypylus after he has been wounded &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage406A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;406&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;drinks a posset of Pramnian wine, which is of a heating nature; and yet the sons of Asclepius blame neither the damsel who gives him the drink, nor Patroclus who is attending on him. The truth is that this modern system of nursing diseases was introduced by Herodicus the trainer; who, being of a sickly constitution, by a compound of training and medicine tortured first himself and then a good many other people, and lived a great deal longer than he had any right. But Asclepius would not practise this art, because he knew that the citizens of a well-ordered State have no leisure to be ill, and therefore he adopted the ‘kill or cure’ method, which artisans and labourers employ. ‘They must be at their business,’ they say, ‘and have no time for coddling: if they recover, well; if they don’t, there is an end of them.’ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage407A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;407&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Whereas the rich man is supposed to be a gentleman who can afford to be ill. Do you know a maxim of Phocylides—that ‘when a man begins to be rich’ (or, perhaps, a little sooner) ‘he should practise virtue’? But how can excessive care of health be inconsistent with an ordinary occupation, and yet consistent with that practice of virtue which Phocylides inculcates? When a student imagines that philosophy gives him a headache, he never does anything; he is always unwell. This was the reason why Asclepius and his sons practised no such art. They were acting in the interest of the public, and did not wish to preserve useless lives, or raise up a puny offspring to wretched sires. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage408A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;408&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Honest diseases they honestly cured; and if a man was wounded, they applied the proper remedies, and then let him eat and drink what he liked. But &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexlvi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xlvi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; they declined to treat intemperate and worthless subjects, even though they might have made large fortunes out of them. As to the story of Pindar, that Asclepius was slain by a thunderbolt for restoring a rich man to life, that is a lie—following our old rule we must say either that he did not take bribes, or that he was not the son of a god.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Glaucon then asks Socrates whether the best physicians and the best judges will not be those who have had severally the greatest experience of diseases and of crimes. Socrates draws a distinction between the two professions. The physician should have had experience of disease in his own body, for he cures with his mind and not with his body. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage409A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;409&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;But the judge controls mind by mind; and therefore his mind should not be corrupted by crime. Where then is he to gain experience? How is he to be wise and also innocent? When young a good man is apt to be deceived by evil-doers, because he has no pattern of evil in himself; and therefore the judge should be of a certain age; his youth should have been innocent, and he should have acquired insight into evil not by the practice of it, but by the observation of it in others. This is the ideal of a judge; the criminal turned detective is wonderfully suspicious, but when in company with good men who have experience, he is at fault, for he foolishly imagines that every one is as bad as himself. Vice may be known of virtue, but cannot know virtue. This is the sort of medicine and this the sort of law which will prevail in our State; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage410A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;410&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;they will be healing arts to better natures; but the evil body will be left to die by the one, and the evil soul will be put to death by the other. And the need of either will be greatly diminished by good music which will give harmony to the soul, and good gymnastic which will give health to the body. Not that this division of music and gymnastic really corresponds to soul and body; for they are both equally concerned with the soul, which is tamed by the one and aroused and sustained by the other. The two together supply our guardians with their twofold nature. The passionate disposition when it has too much gymnastic is hardened and brutalized, the gentle or philosophic temper which has too much music becomes enervated. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage411A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;411&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;While a man is allowing music to pour like water through the funnel of his ears, the edge of his soul gradually wears away, and the passionate or spirited element is melted out of him. Too little &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexlvii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xlvii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; spirit is easily exhausted; too much quickly passes into nervous irritability. So, again, the athlete by feeding and training has his courage doubled, but he soon grows stupid; he is like a wild beast, ready to do everything by blows and nothing by counsel or policy. There are two principles in man, reason and passion, and to these, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage412A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;412&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;not to the soul and body, the two arts of music and gymnastic correspond. He who mingles them in harmonious concord is the true musician,—he shall be the presiding genius of our State.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The next question is, Who are to be our rulers? First, the elder must rule the younger; and the best of the elders will be the best guardians. Now they will be the best who love their subjects most, and think that they have a common interest with them in the welfare of the state. These we must select; but they must be watched at every epoch of life to see whether they have retained the same opinions and held out against force and enchantment. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage413A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;413&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;For time and persuasion and the love of pleasure may enchant a man into a change of purpose, and the force of grief and pain may compel him. And therefore our guardians must be men who have been tried by many tests, like gold in the refiner’s fire, and have been passed first through danger, then through pleasure, and at every age have come out of such trials victorious and without stain, in full command of themselves and their principles; having all their faculties in harmonious exercise for their country’s good. These shall receive the highest honours both in life and death. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage414A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;414&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;(It would perhaps be better to confine the term ‘guardians’ to this select class: the younger men may be called ‘auxiliaries.’)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And now for one magnificent lie, in the belief of which, Oh that we could train our rulers!—at any rate let us make the attempt with the rest of the world. What I am going to tell is only another version of the legend of Cadmus; but our unbelieving generation will be slow to accept such a story. The tale must be imparted, first to the rulers, then to the soldiers, lastly to the people. We will inform them that their youth was a dream, and that during the time when they seemed to be undergoing their education they were really being fashioned in the earth, who sent them up when they were ready; and that they must protect and cherish her whose children they are, and regard &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexlviii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xlviii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; each other as brothers and sisters. ‘I do not wonder at your being ashamed to propound such a fiction.’ There is more behind. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage415A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;415&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;These brothers and sisters have different natures, and some of them God framed to rule, whom he fashioned of gold; others he made of silver, to be auxiliaries; others again to be husbandmen and craftsmen, and these were formed by him of brass and iron. But as they are all sprung from a common stock, a golden parent may have a silver son, or a silver parent a golden son, and then there must be a change of rank; the son of the rich must descend, and the child of the artisan rise, in the social scale; for an oracle says ‘that the State will come to an end if governed by a man of brass or iron.’ Will our citizens ever believe all this? ‘Not in the present generation, but in the next, perhaps, Yes.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Now let the earthborn men go forth under the command of their rulers, and look about and pitch their camp in a high place, which will be safe against enemies from without, and likewise against insurrections from within. There let them sacrifice and set up their tents; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage416A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;416&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;for soldiers they are to be and not shopkeepers, the watchdogs and guardians of the sheep; and luxury and avarice will turn them into wolves and tyrants. Their habits and their dwellings should correspond to their education. They should have no property; their pay should only meet their expenses; and they should have common meals. Gold and silver we will tell them that they have from God, and this divine gift in their souls they must not &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage417A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;417&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;alloy with that earthly dross which passes under the name of gold. They only of the citizens may not touch it, or be under the same roof with it, or drink from it; it is the accursed thing. Should they ever acquire houses or lands or money of their own, they will become householders and tradesmen instead of guardians, enemies and tyrants instead of helpers, and the hour of ruin, both to themselves and the rest of the State, will be at hand.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic III.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
I&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NTRODUCTION.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The religious and ethical aspect of Plato’s education will hereafter be considered under a separate head. Some lesser points may be more conveniently noticed in this place.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 1. The constant appeal to the authority of Homer, whom, with grave irony, Plato, after the manner of his age, summons as a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexlix&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xlix&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; witness about ethics and psychology, as well as about diet and medicine; attempting to distinguish the better lesson from the worse (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage390A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;390&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), sometimes altering the text from design (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage388A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;388&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and, perhaps, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage389A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;389&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;); more than once quoting or alluding to Homer inaccurately (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage391A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;391&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage406A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;406&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), after the manner of the early logographers turning the Iliad into prose (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage393A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;393&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), and delighting to draw far-fetched inferences from his words, or to make ludicrous applications of them. He does not, like Heracleitus, get into a rage with Homer and Archilochus (Heracl. Frag. 119, ed. Bywater), but uses their words and expressions as vehicles of a higher truth; not on a system like Theagenes of Rhegium or Metrodorus, or in later times the Stoics, but as fancy may dictate. And the conclusions drawn from them are sound, although the premises are fictitious. These fanciful appeals to Homer add a charm to Plato’s style, and at the same time they have the effect of a satire on the follies of Homeric interpretation. To us (and probably to himself), although they take the form of arguments, they are really figures of speech. They may be compared with modern citations from Scripture, which have often a great rhetorical power even when the original meaning of the words is entirely lost sight of. The real, like the Platonic Socrates, as we gather from the Memorabilia of Xenophon, was fond of making similar adaptations (i. 2, 58; ii. 6, 11). Great in all ages and countries, in religion as well as in law and literature, has been the art of interpretation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 2. ‘The style is to conform to the subject and the metre to the style.’ Notwithstanding the fascination which the word ‘classical’ exercises over us, we can hardly maintain that this rule is observed in all the Greek poetry which has come down to us. We cannot deny that the thought often exceeds the power of lucid expression in Æschylus and Pindar; or that rhetoric gets the better of the thought in the Sophist-poet Euripides. Only perhaps in Sophocles is there a perfect harmony of the two; in him alone do we find a grace of language like the beauty of a Greek statue, in which there is nothing to add or to take away; at least this is true of single plays or of large portions of them. The connection in the Tragic Choruses and in the Greek lyric poets is not unfrequently a tangled thread which in an age before logic the poet was unable to draw out. Many thoughts and feelings mingled in his mind, and he had no power of disengaging or &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagel&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;l&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; arranging them. For there is a subtle influence of logic which requires to be transferred from prose to poetry, just as the music and perfection of language are infused by poetry into prose. In all ages the poet has been a bad judge of his own meaning (Apol. 22 B); for he does not see that the word which is full of associations to his own mind is difficult and unmeaning to that of another; or that the sequence which is clear to himself is puzzling to others. There are many passages in some of our greatest modern poets which are far too obscure; in which there is no proportion between style and subject, in which any half-expressed figure, any harsh construction, any distorted collocation of words, any remote sequence of ideas is admitted; and there is no voice ‘coming sweetly from nature,’ or music adding the expression of feeling to thought. As if there could be poetry without beauty, or beauty without ease and clearness. The obscurities of early Greek poets arose necessarily out of the state of language and logic which existed in their age. They are not examples to be followed by us; for the use of language ought in every generation to become clearer and clearer. Like &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;correction&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;amended from Shakespere&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Shakespeare&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, they were great in spite, not in consequence, of their imperfections of expression. But there is no reason for returning to the necessary obscurity which prevailed in the infancy of literature. The English poets of the last century were certainly not obscure; and we have no excuse for losing what they had gained, or for going back to the earlier or transitional age which preceded them. The thought of our own times has not out-stripped language; a want of Plato’s ‘art of measuring’ is the real cause of the disproportion between them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 3. In the third book of the Republic a nearer approach is made to a theory of art than anywhere else in Plato. His views may be summed up as follows:—True art is not fanciful and imitative, but simple and ideal,—the expression of the highest moral energy, whether in action or repose. To live among works of plastic art which are of this noble and simple character, or to listen to such strains, is the best of influences,—the true Greek atmosphere, in which youth should be brought up. That is the way to create in them a natural good taste, which will have a feeling of truth and beauty in all things. For though the poets are to be expelled, still art is recognized as another aspect of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageli&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;li&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; reason—like love in the Symposium, extending over the same sphere, but confined to the preliminary education, and acting through the power of habit (vii. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage522A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;522 A&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;); and this conception of art is not limited to strains of music or the forms of plastic art, but pervades all nature and has a wide kindred in the world. The Republic of Plato, like the Athens of Pericles, has an artistic as well as a political side.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There is hardly any mention in Plato of the creative arts; only in two or three passages does he even allude to them (cp. Rep. iv. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage420A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;420&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; Soph. 236 A). He is not lost in rapture at the great works of Phidias, the Parthenon, the Propylea, the statues of Zeus or Athene. He would probably have regarded any abstract truth of number or figure (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage529E&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;529 E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) as higher than the greatest of them. Yet it is hard to suppose that some influence, such as he hopes to inspire in youth, did not pass into his own mind from the works of art which he saw around him. We are living upon the fragments of them, and find in a few broken stones the standard of truth and beauty. But in Plato this feeling has no expression; he nowhere says that beauty is the object of art; he seems to deny that wisdom can take an external form (Phaedrus, 250 E); he does not distinguish the fine from the mechanical arts. Whether or no, like some writers, he felt more than he expressed, it is at any rate remarkable that the greatest perfection of the fine arts should coincide with an almost entire silence about them. In one very striking passage he tells us that a work of art, like the State, is a whole; and this conception of a whole and the love of the newly-born mathematical sciences may be regarded, if not as the inspiring, at any rate as the regulating principles of Greek art (cp. Xen. Mem. iii. 10. 6; and Sophist, 235, 236).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 4. Plato makes the true and subtle remark that the physician had better not be in robust health; and should have known what illness is in his own person. But the judge ought to have had no similar experience of evil; he is to be a good man who, having passed his youth in innocence, became acquainted late in life with the vices of others. And therefore, according to Plato, a judge should not be young, just as a young man according to Aristotle is not fit to be a hearer of moral philosophy. The bad, on the other hand, have a knowledge of vice, but no knowledge &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; of virtue. It may be doubted, however, whether this train of reflection is well founded. In a remarkable passage of the Laws (xii. 950 B) it is acknowledged that the evil may form a correct estimate of the good. The union of gentleness and courage in Book ii. at first seemed to be a paradox, yet was afterwards ascertained to be a truth. And Plato might also have found that the intuition of evil may be consistent with the abhorrence of it (cp. infra, ix. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage582A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;582&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). There is a directness of aim in virtue which gives an insight into vice. And the knowledge of character is in some degree a natural sense independent of any special experience of good or evil.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 5. One of the most remarkable conceptions of Plato, because un-Greek and also very different from anything which existed at all in his age of the world, is the transposition of ranks. In the Spartan state there had been enfranchisement of Helots and degradation of citizens under special circumstances. And in the ancient Greek aristocracies, merit was certainly recognized as one of the elements on which government was based. The founders of states were supposed to be their benefactors, who were raised by their great actions above the ordinary level of humanity; at a later period, the services of warriors and legislators were held to entitle them and their descendants to the privileges of citizenship and to the first rank in the state. And although the existence of an ideal aristocracy is slenderly proven from the remains of early Greek history, and we have a difficulty in ascribing such a character, however the idea may be defined, to any actual Hellenic state—or indeed to any state which has ever existed in the world—still the rule of the best was certainly the aspiration of philosophers, who probably accommodated a good deal their views of primitive history to their own notions of good government. Plato further insists on applying to the guardians of his state a series of tests by which all those who fell short of a fixed standard were either removed from the governing body, or not admitted to it; and this ‘academic’ discipline did to a certain extent prevail in Greek states, especially in Sparta. He also indicates that the system of caste, which existed in a great part of the ancient, and is by no means extinct in the modern European world, should be set aside from time to time in favour of merit. He is aware how deeply the greater part of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageliii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;liii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; mankind resent any interference with the order of society, and therefore he proposes his novel idea in the form of what he himself calls a ‘monstrous fiction.’ (Compare the ceremony of preparation for the two ‘great waves’ in Book v.) Two principles are indicated by him: first, that there is a distinction of ranks dependent on circumstances prior to the individual: second, that this distinction is and ought to be broken through by personal qualities. He adapts mythology like the Homeric poems to the wants of the state, making ‘the Phoenician tale’ the vehicle of his ideas. Every Greek state had a myth respecting its own origin; the Platonic republic may also have a tale of earthborn men. The gravity and verisimilitude with which the tale is told, and the analogy of Greek tradition, are a sufficient verification of the ‘monstrous falsehood.’ Ancient poetry had spoken of a gold and silver and brass and iron age succeeding one another, but Plato supposes these differences in the natures of men to exist together in a single state. Mythology supplies a figure under which the lesson may be taught (as Protagoras says, ‘the myth is more interesting’), and also enables Plato to touch lightly on new principles without going into details. In this passage he shadows forth a general truth, but he does not tell us by what steps the transposition of ranks is to be effected. Indeed throughout the Republic he allows the lower ranks to fade into the distance. We do not know whether they are to carry arms, and whether in the fifth book they are or are not included in the communistic regulations respecting property and marriage. Nor is there any use in arguing strictly either from a few chance words, or from the silence of Plato, or in drawing inferences which were beyond his vision. Aristotle, in his criticism on the position of the lower classes, does not perceive that the poetical creation is ‘like the air, invulnerable,’ and cannot be penetrated by the shafts of his logic (Pol. 2, 5, 18 foll.).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 6. Two paradoxes which strike the modern reader as in the highest degree fanciful and ideal, and which suggest to him many reflections, are to be found in the third book of the Republic: first, the great power of music, so much beyond any influence which is experienced by us in modern times, when the art or science has been far more developed, and has found &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageliv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;liv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; the secret of harmony, as well as of melody; secondly, the indefinite and almost absolute control which the soul is supposed to exercise over the body.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In the first we suspect some degree of exaggeration, such as we may also observe among certain masters of the art, not unknown to us, at the present day. With this natural enthusiasm, which is felt by a few only, there seems to mingle in Plato a sort of Pythagorean reverence for numbers and numerical proportion to which Aristotle is a stranger. Intervals of sound and number are to him sacred things which have a law of their own, not dependent on the variations of sense. They rise above sense, and become a connecting link with the world of ideas. But it is evident that Plato is describing what to him appears to be also a fact. The power of a simple and characteristic melody on the impressible mind of the Greek is more than we can easily appreciate. The effect of national airs may bear some comparison with it. And, besides all this, there is a confusion between the harmony of musical notes and the harmony of soul and body, which is so potently inspired by them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The second paradox leads up to some curious and interesting questions—How far can the mind control the body? Is the relation between them one of mutual antagonism or of mutual harmony? Are they two or one, and is either of them the cause of the other? May we not at times drop the opposition between them, and the mode of describing them, which is so familiar to us, and yet hardly conveys any precise meaning, and try to view this composite creature, man, in a more simple manner? Must we not at any rate admit that there is in human nature a higher and a lower principle, divided by no distinct line, which at times break asunder and take up arms against one another? Or again, they are reconciled and move together, either unconsciously in the ordinary work of life, or consciously in the pursuit of some noble aim, to be attained not without an effort, and for which every thought and nerve are strained. And then the body becomes the good friend or ally, or servant or instrument of the mind. And the mind has often a wonderful and almost superhuman power of banishing disease and weakness and calling out a hidden strength. Reason and the desires, the intellect and the senses are brought into harmony and obedience so as to form a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; single human being. They are ever parting, ever meeting; and the identity or diversity of their tendencies or operations is for the most part unnoticed by us. When the mind touches the body through the appetites, we acknowledge the responsibility of the one to the other. There is a tendency in us which says ‘Drink.’ There is another which says, ‘Do not drink; it is not good for you.’ And we all of us know which is the rightful superior. We are also responsible for our health, although into this sphere there enter some elements of necessity which may be beyond our control. Still even in the management of health, care and thought, continued over many years, may make us almost free agents, if we do not exact too much of ourselves, and if we acknowledge that all human freedom is limited by the laws of nature and of mind.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — We are disappointed to find that Plato, in the general condemnation which he passes on the practice of medicine prevailing in his own day, depreciates the effects of diet. He would like to have diseases of a definite character and capable of receiving a definite treatment. He is afraid of invalidism interfering with the business of life. He does not recognize that time is the great healer both of mental and bodily disorders; and that remedies which are gradual and proceed little by little are safer than those which produce a sudden catastrophe. Neither does he see that there is no way in which the mind can more surely influence the body than by the control of eating and drinking; or any other action or occasion of human life on which the higher freedom of the will can be more simple or truly asserted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 7. Lesser matters of style may be remarked. (1) The affected ignorance of music, which is Plato’s way of expressing that he is passing lightly over the subject. (2) The tentative manner in which here, as in the second book, he proceeds with the construction of the State. (3) The description of the State sometimes as a reality (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage389D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;389 D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage416B&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;416 B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), and then again as a work of imagination only (cp. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage534C&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;534 C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage592B&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;592 B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;); these are the arts by which he sustains the reader’s interest. (4) Connecting links (e.g. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage408C&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;408 C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; with &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage379A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;379&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), or the preparation (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage394D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;394 D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) for the entire expulsion of the poets in Book x. (5) The companion pictures of the lover of litigation and the valetudinarian (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage405A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;405&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), the satirical jest about the maxim of Phocylides (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage407A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;407&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), the manner in which &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelvi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lvi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; the image of the gold and silver citizens is taken up into the subject (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage416E&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;416 E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), and the argument from the practice of Asclepius (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage407A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;407&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), should not escape notice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p id=&amp;quot;iaIV&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic IV.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
A&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NALYSIS.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;b&amp;gt;BOOK IV.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; ¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage419A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;419&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Adeimantus said: ‘Suppose a person to argue, Socrates, that you make your citizens miserable, and this by their own free-will; they are the lords of the city, and yet instead of having, like other men, lands and houses and money of their own, they live as mercenaries and are always mounting guard.’ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage420A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;420&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;You may add, I replied, that they receive no pay but only their food, and have no money to spend on a journey or a mistress. ‘Well, and what answer do you give?’ My answer is, that our guardians may or may not be the happiest of men,—I should not be surprised to find in the long-run that they were,—but this is not the aim of our constitution, which was designed for the good of the whole and not of any one part. If I went to a sculptor and blamed him for having painted the eye, which is the noblest feature of the face, not purple but black, he would reply: ‘The eye must be an eye, and you should look at the statue as a whole.’ ‘Now I can well imagine a fool’s paradise, in which everybody is eating and drinking, clothed in purple and fine linen, and potters lie on sofas and have their wheel at hand, that they may work a little when they please; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage421A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;421&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and cobblers and all the other classes of a State lose their distinctive character. And a State may get on without cobblers; but when the guardians degenerate into boon companions, then the ruin is complete. Remember that we are not talking of peasants keeping holiday, but of a State in which every man is expected to do his own work. The happiness resides not in this or that class, but in the State as a whole. I have another remark to make:—A middle condition is best for artisans; they should have money enough to buy tools, and not enough to be independent of business. And will not the same condition be best for our citizens? If they are poor, they will be mean; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage422A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;422&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;if rich, luxurious and lazy; and in neither case contented. ‘But then how will our poor city be able to go to war against an enemy who has money?’ There may be a difficulty in fighting against one enemy; against two there will be none. In the first place, the contest will be &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelvii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lvii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; carried on by trained warriors against well-to-do citizens: and is not a regular athlete an easy match for two stout opponents at least? Suppose also, that before engaging we send ambassadors to one of the two cities, saying, ‘Silver and gold we have not; do you help us and take our share of the spoil;’—who would fight against the lean, wiry dogs, when they might join with them in preying upon the fatted sheep? ‘But if many states join their resources, shall we not be in danger?’ I am amused to hear you use the word ‘state’ of any but our own State. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage423A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;423&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;They are ‘states,’ but not ‘a state’—many in one. For in every state there are two hostile nations, rich and poor, which you may set one against the other. But our State, while she remains true to her principles, will be in very deed the mightiest of Hellenic states.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — To the size of the state there is no limit but the necessity of unity; it must be neither too large nor too small to be one. This is a matter of secondary importance, like the principle of transposition which was intimated in the parable of the earthborn men. The meaning there implied was that every man should do that for which he was fitted, and be at one with himself, and then the whole city would be united. But all these things are secondary, if education, which is the great matter, be duly regarded. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage424A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;424&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;When the wheel has once been set in motion, the speed is always increasing; and each generation improves upon the preceding, both in physical and moral qualities. The care of the governors should be directed to preserve music and gymnastic from innovation; alter the songs of a country, Damon says, and you will soon end by altering its laws. The change appears innocent at first, and begins in play; but the evil soon becomes serious, working secretly upon the characters of individuals, then upon social and commercial relations, and lastly upon the institutions of a state; and there is ruin and confusion everywhere. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage425A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;425&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;But if education remains in the established form, there will be no danger. A restorative process will be always going on; the spirit of law and order will raise up what has fallen down. Nor will any regulations be needed for the lesser matters of life—rules of deportment or fashions of dress. Like invites like for good or for evil. Education will correct deficiencies and supply the power of self-government. Far be it from us to enter into the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelviii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lviii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; particulars of legislation; let the guardians take care of education, and education will take care of all other things.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But without education they may patch and mend as they please; they will make no progress, any more than a patient who thinks to cure himself by some favourite remedy and will not give up his luxurious mode of living. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage426A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;426&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;If you tell such persons that they must first alter their habits, then they grow angry; they are charming people. ‘Charming,—nay, the very reverse.’ Evidently these gentlemen are not in your good graces, nor the state which is like them. And such states there are which first ordain under penalty of death that no one shall alter the constitution, and then suffer themselves to be flattered into and out of anything; and he who indulges them and fawns upon them, is their leader and saviour. ‘Yes, the men are as bad as the states.’ But do you not admire their cleverness? ‘Nay, some of them are stupid enough to believe what the people tell them.’ And when all the world is telling a man that he is six feet high, and he has no measure, how can he believe anything else? But don’t get into a passion: to see our statesmen trying their nostrums, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage427A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;427&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and fancying that they can cut off at a blow the Hydra-like rogueries of mankind, is as good as a play. Minute enactments are superfluous in good states, and are useless in bad ones.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And now what remains of the work of legislation? Nothing for us; but to Apollo the god of Delphi we leave the ordering of the greatest of all things—that is to say, religion. Only our ancestral deity sitting upon the centre and navel of the earth will be trusted by us if we have any sense, in an affair of such magnitude. No foreign god shall be supreme in our realms….&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic IV.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
I&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NTRODUCTION.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Here, as Socrates would say, let us ‘reflect on’ (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;skopô=men&amp;quot;&amp;gt;σκοπῶμεν&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) what has preceded: thus far we have spoken not of the happiness of the citizens, but only of the well-being of the State. They may be the happiest of men, but our principal aim in founding the State was not to make them happy. They were to be guardians, not holiday-makers. In this pleasant manner is presented to us the famous question both of ancient and modern philosophy, touching the relation of duty to happiness, of right to utility.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — First duty, then happiness, is the natural order of our moral ideas. The utilitarian principle is valuable as a corrective of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelix&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lix&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; error, and shows to us a side of ethics which is apt to be neglected. It may be admitted further that right and utility are co-extensive, and that he who makes the happiness of mankind his object has one of the highest and noblest motives of human action. But utility is not the historical basis of morality; nor the aspect in which moral and religious ideas commonly occur to the mind. The greatest happiness of all is, as we believe, the far-off result of the divine government of the universe. The greatest happiness of the individual is certainly to be found in a life of virtue and goodness. But we seem to be more assured of a law of right than we can be of a divine purpose, that ‘all mankind should be saved;’ and we infer the one from the other. And the greatest happiness of the individual may be the reverse of the greatest happiness in the ordinary sense of the term, and may be realised in a life of pain, or in a voluntary death. Further, the word ‘happiness’ has several ambiguities; it may mean either pleasure or an ideal life, happiness subjective or objective, in this world or in another, of ourselves only or of our neighbours and of all men everywhere. By the modern founder of Utilitarianism the self-regarding and disinterested motives of action are included under the same term, although they are commonly opposed by us as benevolence and self-love. The word happiness has not the definiteness or the sacredness of ‘truth’ and ‘right’; it does not equally appeal to our higher nature, and has not sunk into the conscience of mankind. It is associated too much with the comforts and conveniences of life; too little with ‘the goods of the soul which we desire for their own sake.’ In a great trial, or danger, or temptation, or in any great and heroic action, it is scarcely thought of. For these reasons ‘the greatest happiness’ principle is not the true foundation of ethics. But though not the first principle, it is the second, which is like unto it, and is often of easier application. For the larger part of human actions are neither right nor wrong, except in so far as they tend to the happiness of mankind (cp. Introd. to Gorgias and Philebus).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The same question reappears in politics, where the useful or expedient seems to claim a larger sphere and to have a greater authority. For concerning political measures, we chiefly ask: How will they affect the happiness of mankind? Yet here too we may observe that what we term expediency is merely the law of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelx&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lx&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; right limited by the conditions of human society. Right and truth are the highest aims of government as well as of individuals; and we ought not to lose sight of them because we cannot directly enforce them. They appeal to the better mind of nations; and sometimes they are too much for merely temporal interests to resist. They are the watchwords which all men use in matters of public policy, as well as in their private dealings; the peace of Europe may be said to depend upon them. In the most commercial and utilitarian states of society the power of ideas remains. And all the higher class of statesmen have in them something of that idealism which Pericles is said to have gathered from the teaching of Anaxagoras. They recognise that the true leader of men must be above the motives of ambition, and that national character is of greater value than material comfort and prosperity. And this is the order of thought in Plato; first, he expects his citizens to do their duty, and then under favourable circumstances, that is to say, in a well-ordered State, their happiness is assured. That he was far from excluding the modern principle of utility in politics is sufficiently evident from other passages; in which ‘the most beneficial is affirmed to be the most honourable’ (v. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage457B&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;457 B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), and also ‘the most sacred’ (v. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage458E&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;458 E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — We may note (1) The manner in which the objection of Adeimantus here, as in ii. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage357A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;357&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; foll., &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage363A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;363&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#BookVI&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;vi.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ad init., etc., is designed to draw out and deepen the argument of Socrates. (2) The conception of a whole as lying at the foundation both of politics and of art, in the latter supplying the only principle of criticism, which, under the various names of harmony, symmetry, measure, proportion, unity, the Greek seems to have applied to works of art. (3) The requirement that the State should be limited in size, after the traditional model of a Greek state; as in the Politics of Aristotle (vii. 4, etc.), the fact that the cities of Hellas were small is converted into a principle. (4) The humorous pictures of the lean dogs and the fatted sheep, of the light active boxer upsetting two stout gentlemen at least, of the ‘charming’ patients who are always making themselves worse; or again, the playful assumption that there is no State but our own; or the grave irony with which the statesman is excused who believes that he is six feet high because he is told so, and having nothing to measure with is to be pardoned for his ignorance—he is too &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelxi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lxi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; amusing for us to be seriously angry with him. (5) The light and superficial manner in which religion is passed over when provision has been made for two great principles,—first, that religion shall be based on the highest conception of the gods (ii. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage377A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;377&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; foll.), secondly, that the true national or Hellenic type shall be maintained….&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic IV.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
A&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NALYSIS.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Socrates proceeds: But where amid all this is justice? Son of Ariston, tell me where. Light a candle and search the city, and get your brother and the rest of our friends to help in seeking for her. ‘That won’t do,’ replied Glaucon, ‘you yourself promised to make the search and talked about the impiety of deserting justice.’ Well, I said, I will lead the way, but do you follow. My notion is, that our State being perfect will contain all the four virtues—wisdom, courage, temperance, justice. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage428A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;428&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;If we eliminate the three first, the unknown remainder will be justice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — First then, of wisdom: the State which we have called into being will be wise because politic. And policy is one among many kinds of skill,—not the skill of the carpenter, or of the worker in metal, or of the husbandman, but the skill of him who advises about the interests of the whole State. Of such a kind is the skill of the guardians, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage429A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;429&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;who are a small class in number, far smaller than the blacksmiths; but in them is concentrated the wisdom of the State. And if this small ruling class have wisdom, then the whole State will be wise.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Our second virtue is courage, which we have no difficulty in finding in another class—that of soldiers. Courage may be defined as a sort of salvation—the never-failing salvation of the opinions which law and education have prescribed concerning dangers. You know the way in which dyers first prepare the white ground and then lay on the dye of purple or of any other colour. Colours dyed in this way become fixed, and no soap or lye will ever wash them out. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage430A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;430&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Now the ground is education, and the laws are the colours; and if the ground is properly laid, neither the soap of pleasure nor the lye of pain or fear will ever wash them out. This power which preserves right opinion about danger I would ask you to call ‘courage,’ adding the epithet ‘political’ or ‘civilized’ in order to distinguish it from mere animal courage and from a higher courage which may hereafter be discussed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelxii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lxii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Two virtues remain; temperance and justice. More than the preceding virtues &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage431A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;431&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;temperance suggests the idea of harmony. Some light is thrown upon the nature of this virtue by the popular description of a man as ‘master of himself’—which has an absurd sound, because the master is also the servant. The expression really means that the better principle in a man masters the worse. There are in cities whole classes—women, slaves and the like—who correspond to the worse, and a few only to the better; and in our State the former class are held under control by the latter. Now to which of these classes does temperance belong? ‘To both of them.’ And our State if any will be the abode of temperance; and we were right in describing this virtue as a harmony which is diffused through the whole, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage432A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;432&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;making the dwellers in the city to be of one mind, and attuning the upper and middle and lower classes like the strings of an instrument, whether you suppose them to differ in wisdom, strength or wealth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And now we are near the spot; let us draw in and surround the cover and watch with all our eyes, lest justice should slip away and escape. Tell me, if you see the thicket move first. ‘Nay, I would have you lead.’ Well then, offer up a prayer and follow. The way is dark and difficult; but we must push on. I begin to see a track. ‘Good news.’ Why, Glaucon, our dulness of scent is quite ludicrous! While we are straining our eyes into the distance, justice is tumbling out at our feet. We are as bad as people looking for a thing which they have in their hands. Have you forgotten our &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage433A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;433&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;old principle of the division of labour, or of every man doing his own business, concerning which we spoke at the foundation of the State—what but this was justice? Is there any other virtue remaining which can compete with wisdom and temperance and courage in the scale of political virtue? For ‘every one having his own’ is the great object of government; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage434A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;434&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and the great object of trade is that every man should do his own business. Not that there is much harm in a carpenter trying to be a cobbler, or a cobbler transforming himself into a carpenter; but great evil may arise from the cobbler leaving his last and turning into a guardian or legislator, or when a single individual is trainer, warrior, legislator, all in one. And this evil is injustice, or every man doing another’s business. I do not say that as yet we are in a condition to arrive at a final conclusion. For the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelxiii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lxiii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; definition which we believe to hold good in states has still to be tested by the individual. Having read the large letters we will now come back to the small. From the two together a brilliant light may be struck out….&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic IV.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
I&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NTRODUCTION.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Socrates proceeds to discover the nature of justice by a method of residues. Each of the first three virtues corresponds to one of the three parts of the soul and one of the three classes in the State, although the third, temperance, has more of the nature of a harmony than the first two. If there be a fourth virtue, that can only be sought for in the relation of the three parts in the soul or classes in the State to one another. It is obvious and simple, and for that very reason has not been found out. The modern logician will be inclined to object that ideas cannot be separated like chemical substances, but that they run into one another and may be only different aspects or names of the same thing, and such in this instance appears to be the case. For the definition here given of justice is verbally the same as one of the definitions of temperance given by Socrates in the Charmides (162 A), which however is only provisional, and is afterwards rejected. And so far from justice remaining over when the other virtues are eliminated, the justice and temperance of the Republic can with difficulty be distinguished. Temperance appears to be the virtue of a part only, and one of three, whereas justice is a universal virtue of the whole soul. Yet on the other hand temperance is also described as a sort of harmony, and in this respect is akin to justice. Justice seems to differ from temperance in degree rather than in kind; whereas temperance is the harmony of discordant elements, justice is the perfect order by which all natures and classes do their own business, the right man in the right place, the division and co-operation of all the citizens. Justice, again, is a more abstract notion than the other virtues, and therefore, from Plato’s point of view, the foundation of them, to which they are referred and which in idea precedes them. The proposal to omit temperance is a mere trick of style intended to avoid monotony (cp. vii. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage528A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;528&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There is a famous question discussed in one of the earlier Dialogues of Plato (Protagoras, 329, 330; cp. Arist. Nic. Ethics, vi. 13. 6), ‘Whether the virtues are one or many?’ This receives an answer which is to the effect that there are four cardinal virtues &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelxiv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lxiv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; (now for the first time brought together in ethical philosophy), and one supreme over the rest, which is not like Aristotle’s conception of universal justice, virtue relative to others, but the whole of virtue relative to the parts. To this universal conception of justice or order in the first education and in the moral nature of man, the still more universal conception of the good in the second education and in the sphere of speculative knowledge seems to succeed. Both might be equally described by the terms ‘law,’ ‘order,’ ‘harmony;’ but while the idea of good embraces ‘all time and all existence,’ the conception of justice is not extended beyond man.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic IV.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
A&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NALYSIS.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; … Socrates is now going to identify the individual and the State. But first he must prove that there are three parts of the individual soul. His argument is as follows:—Quantity makes no difference in quality. The word ‘just,’ whether applied to the individual or to the State, has the same meaning. And the term ‘justice’ implied that the same three principles in the State and in the individual were doing their own business. But are they really three or one? The question is difficult, and one which can hardly be solved by the methods which we are now using; but the truer and longer way would take up too much of our time. ‘The shorter will satisfy me.’ Well then, you would admit that the qualities of states mean the qualities of the individuals who compose them? The Scythians and Thracians are passionate, our own race intellectual, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage436A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;436&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and the Egyptians and Phoenicians covetous, because the individual members of each have such and such a character; the difficulty is to determine whether the several principles are one or three; whether, that is to say, we reason with one part of our nature, desire with another, are angry with another, or whether the whole soul comes into play in each sort of action. This enquiry, however, requires a very exact definition of terms. The same thing in the same relation cannot be affected in two opposite ways. But there is no impossibility in a man standing still, yet moving his arms, or in a top which is fixed on one spot going round upon its axis. There is no necessity to mention all the possible exceptions; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage437A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;437&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;let us provisionally assume that opposites cannot do or be or suffer opposites in the same relation. And to the class of opposites belong assent and dissent, desire and avoidance. And one form &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelxv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lxv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; of desire is thirst and hunger: and here arises a new point—thirst is thirst of drink, hunger is hunger of food; not of warm drink or of a particular kind of food, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage438A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;438&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;with the single exception of course that the very fact of our desiring anything implies that it is good. When relative terms have no attributes, their correlatives have no attributes; when they have attributes, their correlatives also have them. For example, the term ‘greater’ is simply relative to ‘less,’ and knowledge refers to a subject of knowledge. But on the other hand, a particular knowledge is of a particular subject. Again, every science has a distinct character, which is defined by an object; medicine, for example, is the science of health, although not to be confounded with health. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage439A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;439&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Having cleared our ideas thus far, let us return to the original instance of thirst, which has a definite object—drink. Now the thirsty soul may feel two distinct impulses; the animal one saying ‘Drink;’ the rational one, which says ‘Do not drink.’ The two impulses are contradictory; and therefore we may assume that they spring from distinct principles in the soul. But is passion a third principle, or akin to desire? There is a story of a certain Leontius which throws some light on this question. He was coming up from the Piraeus outside the north wall, and he passed a spot where there were dead bodies lying by the executioner. He felt a longing desire to see them and also an abhorrence of them; at first he turned away and shut his eyes, then, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage440A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;440&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;suddenly tearing them open, he said,—‘Take your fill, ye wretches, of the fair sight.’ Now is there not here a third principle which is often found to come to the assistance of reason against desire, but never of desire against reason? This is passion or spirit, of the separate existence of which we may further convince ourselves by putting the following case:—When a man suffers justly, if he be of a generous nature he is not indignant at the hardships which he undergoes: but when he suffers unjustly, his indignation is his great support; hunger and thirst cannot tame him; the spirit within him must do or die, until the voice of the shepherd, that is, of reason, bidding his dog bark no more, is heard within. This shows that passion is the ally of reason. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage441A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;441&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Is passion then the same with reason? No, for the former exists in children and brutes; and Homer affords a proof of the distinction between them when he says, ‘He smote his breast, and thus rebuked his soul.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelxvi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lxvi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And now, at last, we have reached firm ground, and are able to infer that the virtues of the State and of the individual are the same. For wisdom and courage and justice in the State are severally the wisdom and courage and justice in the individuals who form the State. Each of the three classes will do the work of its own class in the State, and each part in the individual soul; reason, the superior, and passion, the inferior, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage442A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;442&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;will be harmonized by the influence of music and gymnastic. The counsellor and the warrior, the head and the arm, will act together in the town of Mansoul, and keep the desires in proper subjection. The courage of the warrior is that quality which preserves a right opinion about dangers in spite of pleasures and pains. The wisdom of the counsellor is that small part of the soul which has authority and reason. The virtue of temperance is the friendship of the ruling and the subject principles, both in the State and in the individual. Of justice we have already spoken; and the notion already given of it may be confirmed by common instances. Will the just state or the just individual &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage443A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;443&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;steal, lie, commit adultery, or be guilty of impiety to gods and men? ‘No.’ And is not the reason of this that the several principles, whether in the state or in the individual, do their own business? And justice is the quality which makes just men and just states. Moreover, our old division of labour, which required that there should be one man for one use, was a dream or anticipation of what was to follow; and that dream has now been realized in justice, which begins by binding together the three chords of the soul, and then acts harmoniously in every relation of life. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage444A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;444&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And injustice, which is the insubordination and disobedience of the inferior elements in the soul, is the opposite of justice, and is inharmonious and unnatural, being to the soul what disease is to the body; for in the soul as well as in the body, good or bad actions produce good or bad habits. And virtue is the health and beauty and well-being of the soul, and vice is the disease and weakness and deformity of the soul.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage445A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;445&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Again the old question returns upon us: Is justice or injustice the more profitable? The question has become ridiculous. For injustice, like mortal disease, makes life not worth having. Come up with me to the hill which overhangs the city and look down upon the single form of virtue, and the infinite forms of vice, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelxvii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lxvii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; among which are four special ones, characteristic both of states and of individuals. And the state which corresponds to the single form of virtue is that which we have been describing, wherein reason rules under one of two names—monarchy and aristocracy. Thus there are five forms in all, both of states and of souls….&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic IV.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
I&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NTRODUCTION.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; In attempting to prove that the soul has three separate faculties, Plato takes occasion to discuss what makes difference of faculties. And the criterion which he proposes is difference in the working of the faculties. The same faculty cannot produce contradictory effects. But the path of early reasoners is beset by thorny entanglements, and he will not proceed a step without first clearing the ground. This leads him into a tiresome digression, which is intended to explain the nature of contradiction. First, the contradiction must be at the same time and in the same relation. Secondly, no extraneous word must be introduced into either of the terms in which the contradictory proposition is expressed: for example, thirst is of drink, not of warm drink. He implies, what he does not say, that if, by the advice of reason, or by the impulse of anger, a man is restrained from drinking, this proves that thirst, or desire under which thirst is included, is distinct from anger and reason. But suppose that we allow the term ‘thirst’ or ‘desire’ to be modified, and say an ‘angry thirst,’ or a ‘revengeful desire,’ then the two spheres of desire and anger overlap and become confused. This case therefore has to be excluded. And still there remains an exception to the rule in the use of the term ‘good,’ which is always implied in the object of desire. These are the discussions of an age before logic; and any one who is wearied by them should remember that they are necessary to the clearing up of ideas in the first development of the human faculties.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The psychology of Plato extends no further than the division of the soul into the rational, irascible, and concupiscent elements, which, as far as we know, was first made by him, and has been retained by Aristotle and succeeding ethical writers. The chief difficulty in this early analysis of the mind is to define exactly the place of the irascible faculty (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;thumo/s&amp;quot;&amp;gt;θυμός&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;), which may be variously described under the terms righteous indignation, spirit, passion. It is the foundation of courage, which includes in Plato &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelxviii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lxviii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; moral courage, the courage of enduring pain, and of surmounting intellectual difficulties, as well as of meeting dangers in war. Though irrational, it inclines to side with the rational: it cannot be aroused by punishment when justly inflicted: it sometimes takes the form of an enthusiasm which sustains a man in the performance of great actions. It is the ‘lion heart’ with which the reason makes a treaty (ix. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage589B&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;589 B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). On the other hand it is negative rather than positive; it is indignant at wrong or falsehood, but does not, like Love in the Symposium and Phaedrus, aspire to the vision of Truth or Good. It is the peremptory military spirit which prevails in the government of honour. It differs from anger (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;o)rgê/&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ὀργή&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;), this latter term having no accessory notion of righteous indignation. Although Aristotle has retained the word, yet we may observe that ‘passion’ (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;thumo/s&amp;quot;&amp;gt;θυμός&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) has with him lost its affinity to the rational and has become indistinguishable from ‘anger’ (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;o)rgê/&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ὀργή&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;). And to this vernacular use Plato himself in the Laws seems to revert (ix. 836 B), though not always (v. 731 A). By modern philosophy too, as well as in our ordinary conversation, the words anger or passion are employed almost exclusively in a bad sense; there is no connotation of a just or reasonable cause by which they are aroused. The feeling of ‘righteous indignation’ is too partial and accidental to admit of our regarding it as a separate virtue or habit. We are tempted also to doubt whether Plato is right in supposing that an offender, however justly condemned, could be expected to acknowledge the justice of his sentence; this is the spirit of a philosopher or martyr rather than of a criminal.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — We may observe (p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage444D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;444 D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage444D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) how nearly Plato approaches Aristotle’s famous thesis, that ‘good actions produce good habits.’ The words ‘as healthy practices (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;e)pitêdeu/mata&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἐπιτηδεύματα&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) produce health, so do just practices produce justice,’ have a sound very like the Nicomachean Ethics. But we note also that an incidental remark in Plato has become a far-reaching principle in Aristotle, and an inseparable part of a great Ethical system.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There is a difficulty in understanding what Plato meant by ‘the longer way’ (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage435D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;435 D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; cp. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, vi. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage504A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;504&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;): he seems to intimate some metaphysic of the future which will not be satisfied with arguing from the principle of contradiction. In the sixth and seventh books (compare Sophist and Parmenides) he has given &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelxix&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lxix&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; us a sketch of such a metaphysic; but when Glaucon asks for the final revelation of the idea of good, he is put off with the declaration that he has not yet studied the preliminary sciences. How he would have filled up the sketch, or argued about such questions from a higher point of view, we can only conjecture. Perhaps he hoped to find some &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;a priori&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; method of developing the parts out of the whole; or he might have asked which of the ideas contains the other ideas, and possibly have stumbled on the Hegelian identity of the ‘ego’ and the ‘universal.’ Or he may have imagined that ideas might be constructed in some manner analogous to the construction of figures and numbers in the mathematical sciences. The most certain and necessary truth was to Plato the universal; and to this he was always seeking to refer all knowledge or opinion, just as in modern times we seek to rest them on the opposite pole of induction and experience. The aspirations of metaphysicians have always tended to pass beyond the limits of human thought and language: they seem to have reached a height at which they are ‘moving about in worlds unrealized,’ and their conceptions, although profoundly affecting their own minds, become invisible or unintelligible to others. We are not therefore surprized to find that Plato himself has nowhere clearly explained his doctrine of ideas; or that his school in a later generation, like his contemporaries Glaucon and Adeimantus, were unable to follow him in this region of speculation. In the Sophist, where he is refuting the scepticism which maintained either that there was no such thing as predication, or that all might be predicated of all, he arrives at the conclusion that some ideas combine with some, but not all with all. But he makes only one or two steps forward on this path; he nowhere attains to any connected system of ideas, or even to a knowledge of the most elementary relations of the sciences to one another (see &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a class=&amp;quot;c4 pginternal&amp;quot; href=&amp;quot;#pagecix&amp;quot;&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p id=&amp;quot;iaV&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic V.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
A&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NALYSIS.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;b&amp;gt;BOOK V.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; ¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage449A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;449&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;I was going to enumerate the four forms of vice or decline in states, when Polemarchus—he was sitting a little farther from me than Adeimantus—taking him by the coat and leaning towards him, said something in an undertone, of which I only caught the words, ‘Shall we let him off?’ ‘Certainly not,’ said Adeimantus, raising his voice. Whom, I said, are you &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelxx&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lxx&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; not going to let off? ‘You,’ he said. Why? ‘Because we think that you are not dealing fairly with us in omitting women and children, of whom you have slily disposed under the general formula that friends have all things in common.’ And was I not right? ‘Yes,’ he replied, ‘but there are many sorts of communism or community, and we want to know which of them is right. The company, as you have just heard, are resolved to have a further explanation.’ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage450A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;450&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Thrasymachus said, ‘Do you think that we have come hither to dig for gold, or to hear you discourse?’ Yes, I said; but the discourse should be of a reasonable length. Glaucon added, ‘Yes, Socrates, and there is reason in spending the whole of life in such discussions; but pray, without more ado, tell us how this community is to be carried out, and how the interval between birth and education is to be filled up.’ Well, I said, the subject has several difficulties—What is possible? is the first question. What is desirable? is the second. ‘Fear not,’ he replied, ‘for you are speaking among friends.’ That, I replied, is a sorry consolation; I shall destroy my friends as well as myself. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage451A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;451&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Not that I mind a little innocent laughter; but he who kills the truth is a murderer. ‘Then,’ said Glaucon, laughing, ‘in case you should murder us we will acquit you beforehand, and you shall be held free from the guilt of deceiving us.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Socrates proceeds:—The guardians of our state are to be watch-dogs, as we have already said. Now dogs are not divided into hes and shes—we do not take the masculine gender out to hunt and leave the females at home to look after their puppies. They have the same employments—the only difference between them is that the one sex is stronger and the other weaker. But if women are to have the same employments as men, they must have the same education—they must be taught music and gymnastics, and the art of war. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage452A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;452&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;I know that a great joke will be made of their riding on horseback and carrying weapons; the sight of the naked old wrinkled women showing their agility in the palaestra will certainly not be a vision of beauty, and may be expected to become a famous jest. But we must not mind the wits; there was a time when they might have laughed at our present gymnastics. All is habit: people have at last found out that the exposure is better than the concealment of the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelxxi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lxxi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; person, and now they laugh no more. Evil only should be the subject of ridicule.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage453A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;453&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;The first question is, whether women are able either wholly or partially to share in the employments of men. And here we may be charged with inconsistency in making the proposal at all. For we started originally with the division of labour; and the diversity of employments was based on the difference of natures. But is there no difference between men and women? Nay, are they not wholly different? &amp;lt;em&amp;gt;There&amp;lt;/em&amp;gt; was the difficulty, Glaucon, which made me unwilling to speak of family relations. However, when a man is out of his depth, whether in a pool or in an ocean, he can only swim for his life; and we must try to find a way of escape, if we can.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage454A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;454&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;The argument is, that different natures have different uses, and the natures of men and women are said to differ. But this is only a verbal opposition. We do not consider that the difference may be purely nominal and accidental; for example, a bald man and a hairy man are opposed in a single point of view, but you cannot infer that because a bald man is a cobbler a hairy man ought not to be a cobbler. Now why is such an inference erroneous? Simply because the opposition between them is partial only, like the difference between a male physician and a female physician, not running through the whole nature, like the difference between a physician and a carpenter. And if the difference of the sexes is only that the one beget and the other bear children, this does not prove that they ought to have distinct educations. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage455A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;455&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Admitting that women differ from men in capacity, do not men equally differ from one another? Has not nature scattered all the qualities which our citizens require indifferently up and down among the two sexes? and even in their peculiar pursuits, are not women often, though in some cases superior to men, ridiculously enough surpassed by them? Women are the same in kind as men, and have the same aptitude or want of aptitude for medicine or gymnastic or war, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage456A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;456&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;but in a less degree. One woman will be a good guardian, another not; and the good must be chosen to be the colleagues of our guardians. If however their natures are the same, the inference is that their education must also be the same; there is no longer anything unnatural or impossible in a woman learning music &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelxxii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lxxii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and gymnastic. And the education which we give them will be the very best, far superior to that of cobblers, and will train up the very best women, and nothing can be more advantageous to the State than this. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage457A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;457&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Therefore let them strip, clothed in their chastity, and share in the toils of war and in the defence of their country; he who laughs at them is a fool for his pains.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The first wave is past, and the argument is compelled to admit that men and women have common duties and pursuits. A second and greater wave is rolling in—community of wives and children; is this either expedient or possible? The expediency I do not doubt; I am not so sure of the possibility. ‘Nay, I think that a considerable doubt will be entertained on both points.’ I meant to have escaped the trouble of proving the first, but as you have detected the little stratagem I must even submit. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage458A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;458&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Only allow me to feed my fancy like the solitary in his walks, with a dream of what might be, and then I will return to the question of what can be.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In the first place our rulers will enforce the laws and make new ones where they are wanted, and their allies or ministers will obey. You, as legislator, have already selected the men; and now you shall select the women. After the selection has been made, they will dwell in common houses and have their meals in common, and will be brought together by a necessity more certain than that of mathematics. But they cannot be allowed to live in licentiousness; that is an unholy thing, which the rulers are determined to prevent. For the avoidance of this, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage459A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;459&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;holy marriage festivals will be instituted, and their holiness will be in proportion to their usefulness. And here, Glaucon, I should like to ask (as I know that you are a breeder of birds and animals), Do you not take the greatest care in the mating? ‘Certainly.’ And there is no reason to suppose that less care is required in the marriage of human beings. But then our rulers must be skilful physicians of the State, for they will often need a strong dose of falsehood in order to bring about desirable unions between their subjects. The good must be paired with the good, and the bad with the bad, and the offspring of the one must be reared, and of the other destroyed; in this way the flock will be preserved in prime condition. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage460A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;460&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Hymeneal festivals will be celebrated at times fixed with an eye to population, and the brides and bridegrooms will &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelxxiii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lxxiii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; meet at them; and by an ingenious system of lots the rulers will contrive that the brave and the fair come together, and that those of inferior breed are paired with inferiors—the latter will ascribe to chance what is really the invention of the rulers. And when children are born, the offspring of the brave and fair will be carried to an enclosure in a certain part of the city, and there attended by suitable nurses; the rest will be hurried away to places unknown. The mothers will be brought to the fold and will suckle the children; care however must be taken that none of them recognise their own offspring; and if necessary other nurses may also be hired. The trouble of watching and getting up at night will be transferred to attendants. ‘Then the wives of our guardians will have a fine easy time when they are having children.’ And quite right too, I said, that they should.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The parents ought to be in the prime of life, which for a man may be reckoned at thirty years—from twenty-five, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage461A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;461&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;when he has ‘passed the point at which the speed of life is greatest,’ to fifty-five; and at twenty years for a woman—from twenty to forty. Any one above or below those ages who partakes in the hymeneals shall be guilty of impiety; also every one who forms a marriage connexion at other times without the consent of the rulers. This latter regulation applies to those who are within the specified ages, after which they may range at will, provided they avoid the prohibited degrees of parents and children, or of brothers and sisters, which last, however, are not absolutely prohibited, if a dispensation be procured. ‘But how shall we know the degrees of affinity, when all things are common?’ The answer is, that brothers and sisters are all such as are born seven or nine months after the espousals, and their parents those who are then espoused, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage462A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;462&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and every one will have many children and every child many parents.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Socrates proceeds: I have now to prove that this scheme is advantageous and also consistent with our entire polity. The greatest good of a State is unity; the greatest evil, discord and distraction. And there will be unity where there are no private pleasures or pains or interests—where if one member suffers all the members suffer, if one citizen is touched all are quickly sensitive; and the least hurt to the little finger of the State runs through the whole body and vibrates to the soul. For the true &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelxxiv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lxxiv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; State, like an individual, is injured as a whole when any part is affected. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage463A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;463&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Every State has subjects and rulers, who in a democracy are called rulers, and in other States masters: but in our State they are called saviours and allies; and the subjects who in other States are termed slaves, are by us termed nurturers and paymasters, and those who are termed comrades and colleagues in other places, are by us called fathers and brothers. And whereas in other States members of the same government regard one of their colleagues as a friend and another as an enemy, in our State no man is a stranger to another; for every citizen is connected with every other by ties of blood, and these names and this way of speaking will have a corresponding reality—brother, father, sister, mother, repeated from infancy in the ears of children, will not be mere words. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage464A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;464&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Then again the citizens will have all things in common, in having common property they will have common pleasures and pains.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Can there be strife and contention among those who are of one mind; or lawsuits about property when men have nothing but their bodies which they call their own; or suits about violence when every one is bound to defend himself? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage465A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;465&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;The permission to strike when insulted will be an ‘antidote’ to the knife and will prevent disturbances in the State. But no younger man will strike an elder; reverence will prevent him from laying hands on his kindred, and he will fear that the rest of the family may retaliate. Moreover, our citizens will be rid of the lesser evils of life; there will be no flattery of the rich, no sordid household cares, no borrowing and not paying. Compared with the citizens of other States, ours will be Olympic victors, and crowned with blessings greater still—they and their children having a better maintenance during life, and after death an honourable burial. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage466A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;466&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Nor has the happiness of the individual been sacrificed to the happiness of the State (cp. iv. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage419E&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;419 E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;); our Olympic victor has not been turned into a cobbler, but he has a happiness beyond that of any cobbler. At the same time, if any conceited youth begins to dream of appropriating the State to himself, he must be reminded that ‘half is better than the whole.’ ‘I should certainly advise him to stay where he is when he has the promise of such a brave life.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But is such a community possible?—as among the animals, so &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelxxv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lxxv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; also among men; and if possible, in what way possible? About war there is no difficulty; the principle of communism is adapted to military service. Parents will take their children to look on at a battle, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage467A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;467&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;just as potters’ boys are trained to the business by looking on at the wheel. And to the parents themselves, as to other animals, the sight of their young ones will prove a great incentive to bravery. Young warriors must learn, but they must not run into danger, although a certain degree of risk is worth incurring when the benefit is great. The young creatures should be placed under the care of experienced veterans, and they should have wings—that is to say, swift and tractable steeds on which they may fly away and escape. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage468A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;468&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;One of the first things to be done is to teach a youth to ride.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Cowards and deserters shall be degraded to the class of husbandmen; gentlemen who allow themselves to be taken prisoners, may be presented to the enemy. But what shall be done to the hero? First of all he shall be crowned by all the youths in the army; secondly, he shall receive the right hand of fellowship; and thirdly, do you think that there is any harm in his being kissed? We have already determined that he shall have more wives than others, in order that he may have as many children as possible. And at a feast he shall have more to eat; we have the authority of Homer for honouring brave men with ‘long chines,’ which is an appropriate compliment, because meat is a very strengthening thing. Fill the bowl then, and give the best seats and meats to the brave—may they do them good! And he who dies in battle will be at once declared to be of the golden race, and will, as we believe, become one of Hesiod’s guardian angels. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage469A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;469&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;He shall be worshipped after death in the manner prescribed by the oracle; and not only he, but all other benefactors of the State who die in any other way, shall be admitted to the same honours.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The next question is, How shall we treat our enemies? Shall Hellenes be enslaved? No; for there is too great a risk of the whole race passing under the yoke of the barbarians. Or shall the dead be despoiled? Certainly not; for that sort of thing is an excuse for skulking, and has been the ruin of many an army. There is meanness and feminine malice in making an enemy of the dead body, when the soul which was the owner has fled—&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelxxvi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lxxvi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;like a dog who cannot reach his assailants, and quarrels with the stones which are thrown at him instead. Again, the arms of Hellenes should not be offered up in the temples of the Gods; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage470A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;470&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;they are a pollution, for they are taken from brethren. And on similar grounds there should be a limit to the devastation of Hellenic territory—the houses should not be burnt, nor more than the annual produce carried off. For war is of two kinds, civil and foreign; the first of which is properly termed ‘discord,’ and only the second ‘war;’ and war between Hellenes is in reality civil war—a quarrel in a family, which is ever to be regarded as unpatriotic and unnatural, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage471A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;471&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and ought to be prosecuted with a view to reconciliation in a true phil-Hellenic spirit, as of those who would chasten but not utterly enslave. The war is not against a whole nation who are a friendly multitude of men, women, and children, but only against a few guilty persons; when they are punished peace will be restored. That is the way in which Hellenes should war against one another—and against barbarians, as they war against one another now.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ‘But, my dear Socrates, you are forgetting the main question: Is such a State possible? I grant all and more than you say about the blessedness of being one family—fathers, brothers, mothers, daughters, going out to war together; but I want to ascertain the possibility of this ideal State.’ You are too unmerciful. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage472A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;472&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;The first wave and the second wave I have hardly escaped, and now you will certainly drown me with the third. When you see the towering crest of the wave, I expect you to take pity. ‘Not a whit.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Well, then, we were led to form our ideal polity in the search after justice, and the just man answered to the just State. Is this ideal at all the worse for being impracticable? Would the picture of a perfectly beautiful man be any the worse because no such man ever lived? Can any reality come up to the idea? Nature will not allow words to be fully realized; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage473A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;473&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;but if I am to try and realize the ideal of the State in a measure, I think that an approach may be made to the perfection of which I dream by one or two, I do not say slight, but possible changes in the present constitution of States. I would reduce them to a single one—the great wave, as I call it. &amp;lt;em&amp;gt;Until, then, kings are philosophers, or philosophers are kings, cities will never cease from ill: no, nor the&amp;lt;/em&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelxxvii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lxxvii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;em&amp;gt;human race; nor will our ideal polity ever come into being.&amp;lt;/em&amp;gt; I know that this is a hard saying, which few will be able to receive. ‘Socrates, all the world will take off his coat and rush upon you with sticks and stones, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage474A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;474&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and therefore I would advise you to prepare an answer.’ You got me into the scrape, I said. ‘And I was right,’ he replied; ‘however, I will stand by you as a sort of do-nothing, well-meaning ally.’ Having the help of such a champion, I will do my best to maintain my position. And first, I must explain of whom I speak and what sort of natures these are who are to be philosophers and rulers. As you are a man of pleasure, you will not have forgotten how indiscriminate lovers are in their attachments; they love all, and turn blemishes into beauties. The snub-nosed youth is said to have a winning grace; the beak of another has a royal look; the featureless are faultless; the dark are manly, the fair angels; the sickly have a new term of endearment invented expressly for them, which is ‘honey-pale.’ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage475A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;475&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Lovers of wine and lovers of ambition also desire the objects of their affection in every form. Now here comes the point:—The philosopher too is a lover of knowledge in every form; he has an insatiable curiosity. ‘But will curiosity make a philosopher? Are the lovers of sights and sounds, who let out their ears to every chorus at the Dionysiac festivals, to be called philosophers?’ They are not true philosophers, but only an imitation. ‘Then how are we to describe the true?’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — You would acknowledge the existence of abstract ideas, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage476A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;476&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;such as justice, beauty, good, evil, which are severally one, yet in their various combinations appear to be many. Those who recognize these realities are philosophers; whereas the other class hear sounds and see colours, and understand their use in the arts, but cannot attain to the true or waking vision of absolute justice or beauty or truth; they have not the light of knowledge, but of opinion, and what they see is a dream only. Perhaps he of whom we say the last will be angry with us; can we pacify him without revealing the disorder of his mind? Suppose we say that, if he has knowledge we rejoice to hear it, but knowledge must be of something which is, as ignorance is of something which is not; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage477A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;477&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and there is a third thing, which both is and is not, and is matter of opinion only. Opinion and knowledge, then, having distinct objects, must also be distinct faculties. And &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelxxviii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lxxviii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; by faculties I mean powers unseen and distinguishable only by the difference in their objects, as opinion and knowledge differ, since the one is liable to err, but the other is unerring and is the mightiest of all our faculties. If being is the object of knowledge, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage478A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;478&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and not-being of ignorance, and these are the extremes, opinion must lie between them, and may be called darker than the one and brighter than the other. This intermediate or contingent matter is and is not at the same time, and partakes both of existence and of non-existence. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage479A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;479&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Now I would ask my good friend, who denies abstract beauty and justice, and affirms a many beautiful and a many just, whether everything he sees is not in some point of view different—the beautiful ugly, the pious impious, the just unjust? Is not the double also the half, and are not heavy and light relative terms which pass into one another? Everything is and is not, as in the old riddle—‘A man and not a man shot and did not shoot a bird and not a bird with a stone and not a stone.’ The mind cannot be fixed on either alternative; and these ambiguous, intermediate, erring, half-lighted objects, which have a disorderly movement in the region between being and not-being, are the proper matter of opinion, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage480A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;480&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;as the immutable objects are the proper matter of knowledge. And he who grovels in the world of sense, and has only this uncertain perception of things, is not a philosopher, but a lover of opinion only….&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic V.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
I&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NTRODUCTION.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The fifth book is the new beginning of the Republic, in which the community of property and of family are first maintained, and the transition is made to the kingdom of philosophers. For both of these Plato, after his manner, has been preparing in some chance words of Book IV (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage424A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;424 A&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), which fall unperceived on the reader’s mind, as they are supposed at first to have fallen on the ear of Glaucon and Adeimantus. The ‘paradoxes,’ as Morgenstern terms them, of this book of the Republic will be reserved for another place; a few remarks on the style, and some explanations of difficulties, may be briefly added.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — First, there is the image of the waves, which serves for a sort of scheme or plan of the book. The first wave, the second wave, the third and greatest wave come rolling in, and we hear the roar of them. All that can be said of the extravagance of Plato’s proposals is anticipated by himself. Nothing is more admirable than the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelxxix&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lxxix&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; hesitation with which he proposes the solemn text, ‘Until kings are philosophers,’ &amp;amp;amp;c.; or the reaction from the sublime to the ridiculous, when Glaucon describes the manner in which the new truth will be received by mankind.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Some defects and difficulties may be noted in the execution of the communistic plan. Nothing is told us of the application of communism to the lower classes; nor is the table of prohibited degrees capable of being made out. It is quite possible that a child born at one hymeneal festival may marry one of its own brothers or sisters, or even one of its parents, at another. Plato is afraid of incestuous unions, but at the same time he does not wish to bring before us the fact that the city would be divided into families of those born seven and nine months after each hymeneal festival. If it were worth while to argue seriously about such fancies, we might remark that while all the old affinities are abolished, the newly prohibited affinity rests not on any natural or rational principle, but only upon the accident of children having been born in the same month and year. Nor does he explain how the lots could be so manipulated by the legislature as to bring together the fairest and best. The singular expression (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage460E&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;460 E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) which is employed to describe the age of five-and-twenty may perhaps be taken from some poet.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In the delineation of the philosopher, the illustrations of the nature of philosophy derived from love are more suited to the apprehension of Glaucon, the Athenian man of pleasure, than to modern tastes or feelings (cp. v. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage474A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;474&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage475A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;475&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). They are partly facetious, but also contain a germ of truth. That science is a whole, remains a true principle of inductive as well as of metaphysical philosophy; and the love of universal knowledge is still the characteristic of the philosopher in modern as well as in ancient times.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — At the end of the fifth book Plato introduces the figment of contingent matter, which has exercised so great an influence both on the Ethics and Theology of the modern world, and which occurs here for the first time in the history of philosophy. He did not remark that the degrees of knowledge in the subject have nothing corresponding to them in the object. With him a word must answer to an idea; and he could not conceive of an opinion which was an opinion about nothing. The influence of analogy led him to invent ‘parallels and conjugates’ and to overlook facts. To us &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelxxx&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lxxx&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; some of his difficulties are puzzling only from their simplicity: we do not perceive that the answer to them ‘is tumbling out at our feet.’ To the mind of early thinkers, the conception of not-being was dark and mysterious (Sophist, 254 A); they did not see that this terrible apparition which threatened destruction to all knowledge was only a logical determination. The common term under which, through the accidental use of language, two entirely different ideas were included was another source of confusion. Thus through the ambiguity of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;dokei=n, phai/netai, e)/oiken, k.t.l.&amp;quot;&amp;gt;δοκεῖν, φαίνεται, ἔοικεν, κ.τ.λ.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, Plato, attempting to introduce order into the first chaos of human thought, seems to have confused perception and opinion, and to have failed to distinguish the contingent from the relative. In the Theaetetus the first of these difficulties begins to clear up; in the Sophist the second; and for this, as well as for other reasons, both these dialogues are probably to be regarded as later than the Republic.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p id=&amp;quot;iaVI&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic VI.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
A&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NALYSIS.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;b&amp;gt;BOOK VI.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; ¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage484A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;484&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Having determined that the many have no knowledge of true being, and have no clear patterns in their minds of justice, beauty, truth, and that philosophers have such patterns, we have now to ask whether they or the many shall be rulers in our State. But who can doubt that philosophers should be chosen, if they have the other qualities which are required in a ruler? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage485A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;485&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;For they are lovers of the knowledge of the eternal and of all truth; they are haters of falsehood; their meaner desires are absorbed in the interests of knowledge; they are spectators of all time and all existence; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage486A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;486&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and in the magnificence of their contemplation the life of man is as nothing to them, nor is death fearful. Also they are of a social, gracious disposition, equally free from cowardice and arrogance. They learn and remember easily; they have harmonious, well-regulated minds; truth flows to them sweetly by nature. Can the god of Jealousy himself &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage487A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;487&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;find any fault with such an assemblage of good qualities?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Here Adeimantus interposes:—‘No man can answer you, Socrates; but every man feels that this is owing to his own deficiency in argument. He is driven from one position to another, until he has nothing more to say, just as an unskilful player at draughts is reduced to his last move by a more skilled opponent. And yet all the time he may be right. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelxxxi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lxxxi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; He may know, in this very instance, that those who make philosophy the business of their lives, generally turn out rogues if they are bad men, and fools if they are good. What do you say?’ I should say that he is quite right. ‘Then how is such an admission reconcileable with the doctrine that philosophers should be kings?’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage488A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;488&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;I shall answer you in a parable which will also let you see how poor a hand I am at the invention of allegories. The relation of good men to their governments is so peculiar, that in order to defend them I must take an illustration from the world of fiction. Conceive the captain of a ship, taller by a head and shoulders than any of the crew, yet a little deaf, a little blind, and rather ignorant of the seaman’s art. The sailors want to steer, although they know nothing of the art; and they have a theory that it cannot be learned. If the helm is refused them, they drug the captain’s posset, bind him hand and foot, and take possession of the ship. He who joins in the mutiny is termed a good pilot and what not; they have no conception that the true pilot must observe the winds and the stars, and must be their master, whether they like it or not;—such an one would be called by them fool, prater, star-gazer. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage489A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;489&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;This is my parable; which I will beg you to interpret for me to those gentlemen who ask why the philosopher has such an evil name, and to explain to them that not he, but those who will not use him, are to blame for his uselessness. The philosopher should not beg of mankind to be put in authority over them. The wise man should not seek the rich, as the proverb bids, but every man, whether rich or poor, must knock at the door of the physician when he has need of him. Now the pilot is the philosopher—he whom in the parable they call star-gazer, and the mutinous sailors are the mob of politicians by whom he is rendered useless. Not that these are the worst enemies of philosophy, who is far more dishonoured by her own professing sons when they are corrupted by the world. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage490A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;490&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Need I recall the original image of the philosopher? Did we not say of him just now, that he loved truth and hated falsehood, and that he could not rest in the multiplicity of phenomena, but was led by a sympathy in his own nature to the contemplation of the absolute? All the virtues as well as truth, who is the leader of them, took up their abode in his soul. But as you were observing, if we turn aside to view the reality, we see &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelxxxii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lxxxii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; that the persons who were thus described, with the exception of a small and useless class, are utter rogues.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The point which has to be considered, is the origin of this corruption in nature. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage491A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;491&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Every one will admit that the philosopher, in our description of him, is a rare being. But what numberless causes tend to destroy these rare beings! There is no good thing which may not be a cause of evil—health, wealth, strength, rank, and the virtues themselves, when placed under unfavourable circumstances. For as in the animal or vegetable world the strongest seeds most need the accompaniment of good air and soil, so the best of human characters turn out the worst when they fall upon an unsuitable soil; whereas weak natures hardly ever do any considerable good or harm; they are not the stuff out of which either great criminals or great heroes are made. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage492A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;492&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;The philosopher follows the same analogy: he is either the best or the worst of all men. Some persons say that the Sophists are the corrupters of youth; but is not public opinion the real Sophist who is everywhere present—in those very persons, in the assembly, in the courts, in the camp, in the applauses and hisses of the theatre re-echoed by the surrounding hills? Will not a young man’s heart leap amid these discordant sounds? and will any education save him from being carried away by the torrent? Nor is this all. For if he will not yield to opinion, there follows the gentle compulsion of exile or death. What principle of rival Sophists or anybody else can overcome in such an unequal contest? Characters there may be more than human, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage493A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;493&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;who are exceptions—God may save a man, but not his own strength. Further, I would have you consider that the hireling Sophist only gives back to the world their own opinions; he is the keeper of the monster, who knows how to flatter or anger him, and observes the meaning of his inarticulate grunts. Good is what pleases him, evil what he dislikes; truth and beauty are determined only by the taste of the brute. Such is the Sophist’s wisdom, and such is the condition of those who make public opinion the test of truth, whether in art or in morals. The curse is laid upon them of being and doing what it approves, and when they attempt first principles the failure is ludicrous. Think of all this and ask yourself whether the world is more likely to be a believer in the unity of the idea, or in the multiplicity of phenomena. And the world if not a believer &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelxxxiii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lxxxiii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; in the idea cannot be a philosopher, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage494A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;494&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and must therefore be a persecutor of philosophers. There is another evil:—the world does not like to lose the gifted nature, and so they flatter the young [Alcibiades] into a magnificent opinion of his own capacity; the tall, proper youth begins to expand, and is dreaming of kingdoms and empires. If at this instant a friend whispers to him, ‘Now the gods lighten thee; thou art a great fool’ and must be educated—do you think that he will listen? Or suppose a better sort of man who is attracted towards philosophy, will they not make Herculean efforts to spoil and corrupt him? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage495A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;495&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Are we not right in saying that the love of knowledge, no less than riches, may divert him? Men of this class [Critias] often become politicians—they are the authors of great mischief in states, and sometimes also of great good. And thus philosophy is deserted by her natural protectors, and others enter in and dishonour her. Vulgar little minds see the land open and rush from the prisons of the arts into her temple. A clever mechanic having a soul coarse as his body, thinks that he will gain caste by becoming her suitor. For philosophy, even in her fallen estate, has a dignity of her own—and he, like a bald little blacksmith’s apprentice as he is, having made some money and got out of durance, washes and dresses himself as a bridegroom and marries his master’s daughter. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage496A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;496&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;What will be the issue of such marriages? Will they not be vile and bastard, devoid of truth and nature? ‘They will.’ Small, then, is the remnant of genuine philosophers; there may be a few who are citizens of small states, in which politics are not worth thinking of, or who have been detained by Theages’ bridle of ill health; for my own case of the oracular sign is almost unique, and too rare to be worth mentioning. And these few when they have tasted the pleasures of philosophy, and have taken a look at that den of thieves and place of wild beasts, which is human life, will stand aside from the storm under the shelter of a wall, and try to preserve their own innocence and to depart in peace. ‘A great work, too, will have been accomplished by them.’ Great, yes, but not the greatest; for man is a social being, and can only attain his highest development in the society which is best suited to him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage497A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;497&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Enough, then, of the causes why philosophy has such an evil name. Another question is, Which of existing states is suited to her? Not one of them; at present she is like some exotic seed &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelxxxiv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lxxxiv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; which degenerates in a strange soil; only in her proper state will she be shown to be of heavenly growth. ‘And is her proper state ours or some other?’ Ours in all points but one, which was left undetermined. You may remember our saying that some living mind or witness of the legislator was needed in states. But we were afraid to enter upon a subject of such difficulty, and now the question recurs and has not grown easier:—How may philosophy be safely studied? Let us bring her into the light of day, and make an end of the inquiry.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In the first place, I say boldly that nothing can be worse than the present mode of study. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage498A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;498&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Persons usually pick up a little philosophy in early youth, and in the intervals of business, but they never master the real difficulty, which is dialectic. Later, perhaps, they occasionally go to a lecture on philosophy. Years advance, and the sun of philosophy, unlike that of Heracleitus, sets never to rise again. This order of education should be reversed; it should begin with gymnastics in youth, and as the man strengthens, he should increase the gymnastics of his soul. Then, when active life is over, let him finally return to philosophy. ‘You are in earnest, Socrates, but the world will be equally earnest in withstanding you—no more than Thrasymachus.’ Do not make a quarrel between Thrasymachus and me, who were never enemies and are now good friends enough. And I shall do my best to convince him and all mankind of the truth of my words, or at any rate to prepare for the future when, in another life, we may again take part in similar discussions. ‘That will be a long time hence.’ Not long in comparison with eternity. The many will probably remain incredulous, for they have never seen the natural unity of ideas, but only artificial juxtapositions; not free and generous thoughts, but tricks of controversy and quips of law;—&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage499A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;499&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;a perfect man ruling in a perfect state, even a single one they have not known. And we foresaw that there was no chance of perfection either in states or individuals until a necessity was laid upon philosophers—not the rogues, but those whom we called the useless class—of holding office; or until the sons of kings were inspired with a true love of philosophy. Whether in the infinity of past time there has been, or is in some distant land, or ever will be hereafter, an ideal such as we have described, we stoutly maintain that there has been, is, and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelxxxv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lxxxv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; will be such a state whenever the Muse of philosophy rules. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage500A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;500&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Will you say that the world is of another mind? O, my friend, do not revile the world! They will soon change their opinion if they are gently entreated, and are taught the true nature of the philosopher. Who can hate a man who loves him? Or be jealous of one who has no jealousy? Consider, again, that the many hate not the true but the false philosophers—the pretenders who force their way in without invitation, and are always speaking of persons and not of principles, which is unlike the spirit of philosophy. For the true philosopher despises earthly strife; his eye is fixed on the eternal order in accordance with which he moulds himself into the Divine image (and not himself only, but other men), and is the creator of the virtues private as well as public. When mankind see that the happiness of states is only to be found in that image, will they be angry with us for attempting to delineate it? ‘Certainly not. But what will be the process of delineation?’ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage501A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;501&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;The artist will do nothing until he has made a &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;tabula rasa&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; on this he will inscribe the constitution of a state, glancing often at the divine truth of nature, and from that deriving the godlike among men, mingling the two elements, rubbing out and painting in, until there is a perfect harmony or fusion of the divine and human. But perhaps the world will doubt the existence of such an artist. What will they doubt? That the philosopher is a lover of truth, having a nature akin to the best?—and if they admit this will they still quarrel with us for making philosophers our kings? ‘They will be less disposed to quarrel.’ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage502A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;502&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Let us assume then that they are pacified. Still, a person may hesitate about the probability of the son of a king being a philosopher. And we do not deny that they are very liable to be corrupted; but yet surely in the course of ages there might be one exception—and one is enough. If one son of a king were a philosopher, and had obedient citizens, he might bring the ideal polity into being. Hence we conclude that our laws are not only the best, but that they are also possible, though not free from difficulty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — I gained nothing by evading the troublesome questions which arose concerning women and children. I will be wiser now and acknowledge that we must go to the bottom of another question: What is to be the education of our guardians? It was &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelxxxvi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lxxxvi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; agreed that they were to be lovers of their country, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage503A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;503&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and were to be tested in the refiner’s fire of pleasures and pains, and those who came forth pure and remained fixed in their principles were to have honours and rewards in life and after death. But at this point, the argument put on her veil and turned into another path. I hesitated to make the assertion which I now hazard,—that our guardians must be philosophers. You remember all the contradictory elements, which met in the philosopher—how difficult to find them all in a single person! Intelligence and spirit are not often combined with steadiness; the stolid, fearless, nature is averse to intellectual toil. And yet these opposite elements are all necessary, and therefore, as we were saying before, the aspirant must be tested in pleasures and dangers; and also, as we must now further add, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage504A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;504&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;in the highest branches of knowledge. You will remember, that when we spoke of the virtues mention was made of a longer road, which you were satisfied to leave unexplored. ‘Enough seemed to have been said.’ Enough, my friend; but what is enough while anything remains wanting? Of all men the guardian must not faint in the search after truth; he must be prepared to take the longer road, or he will never reach that higher region which is above the four virtues; and of the virtues too he must not only get an outline, but a clear and distinct vision. (Strange that we should be so precise about trifles, so careless about the highest truths!) ‘And what are the highest?’ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage505A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;505&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;You to pretend unconsciousness, when you have so often heard me speak of the idea of good, about which we know so little, and without which though a man gain the world he has no profit of it! Some people imagine that the good is wisdom; but this involves a circle,—the good, they say, is wisdom, wisdom has to do with the good. According to others the good is pleasure; but then comes the absurdity that good is bad, for there are bad pleasures as well as good. Again, the good must have reality; a man may desire the appearance of virtue, but he will not desire the appearance of good. Ought our guardians then to be ignorant of this supreme principle, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage506A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;506&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of which every man has a presentiment, and without which no man has any real knowledge of anything? ‘But, Socrates, what is this supreme principle, knowledge or pleasure, or what? You may think me troublesome, but I say that you have no business to be always &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelxxxvii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lxxxvii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; repeating the doctrines of others instead of giving us your own.’ Can I say what I do not know? ‘You may offer an opinion.’ And will the blindness and crookedness of opinion content you when you might have the light and certainty of science? ‘I will only ask you to give such an explanation of the good as you have given already of temperance and justice.’ I wish that I could, but in my present mood I cannot reach to the height of the knowledge of the good. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage507A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;507&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;To the parent or principal I cannot introduce you, but to the child begotten in his image, which I may compare with the interest on the principal, I will. (Audit the account, and do not let me give you a false statement of the debt.) You remember our old distinction of the many beautiful and the one beautiful, the particular and the universal, the objects of sight and the objects of thought? Did you ever consider that the objects of sight imply a faculty of sight which is the most complex and costly of our senses, requiring not only objects of sense, but also a medium, which is light; without which the sight will not distinguish between colours and all will be a blank? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage508A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;508&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;For light is the noble bond between the perceiving faculty and the thing perceived, and the god who gives us light is the sun, who is the eye of the day, but is not to be confounded with the eye of man. This eye of the day or sun is what I call the child of the good, standing in the same relation to the visible world as the good to the intellectual. When the sun shines the eye sees, and in the intellectual world where truth is, there is sight and light. Now that which is the sun of intelligent natures, is the idea of good, the cause of knowledge and truth, yet other and fairer than they are, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage509A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;509&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and standing in the same relation to them in which the sun stands to light. O inconceivable height of beauty, which is above knowledge and above truth! (‘You cannot surely mean pleasure,’ he said. Peace, I replied.) And this idea of good, like the sun, is also the cause of growth, and the author not of knowledge only, but of being, yet greater far than either in dignity and power. ‘That is a reach of thought more than human; but, pray, go on with the image, for I suspect that there is more behind.’ There is, I said; and bearing in mind our two suns or principles, imagine further their corresponding worlds—one of the visible, the other of the intelligible; you may assist your fancy by figuring the distinction under the image &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelxxxviii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lxxxviii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; of a line divided into two unequal parts, and may again subdivide each part into two lesser segments representative of the stages of knowledge in either sphere. The lower portion of the lower or visible sphere will consist of shadows and reflections, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage510A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;510&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and its upper and smaller portion will contain real objects in the world of nature or of art. The sphere of the intelligible will also have two divisions,—one of mathematics, in which there is no ascent but all is descent; no inquiring into premises, but only drawing of inferences. In this division the mind works with figures and numbers, the images of which are taken not from the shadows, but from the objects, although the truth of them is seen only with the mind’s eye; and they are used as hypotheses without being analysed. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage511A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;511&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Whereas in the other division reason uses the hypotheses as stages or steps in the ascent to the idea of good, to which she fastens them, and then again descends, walking firmly in the region of ideas, and of ideas only, in her ascent as well as descent, and finally resting in them. ‘I partly understand,’ he replied; ‘you mean that the ideas of science are superior to the hypothetical, metaphorical conceptions of geometry and the other arts or sciences, whichever is to be the name of them; and the latter conceptions you refuse to make subjects of pure intellect, because they have no first principle, although when resting on a first principle, they pass into the higher sphere.’ You understand me very well, I said. And now to those four divisions of knowledge you may assign four corresponding faculties—pure intelligence to the highest sphere; active intelligence to the second; to the third, faith; to the fourth, the perception of shadows—and the clearness of the several faculties will be in the same ratio as the truth of the objects to which they are related….&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic VI.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
I&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NTRODUCTION.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Like Socrates, we may recapitulate the virtues of the philosopher. In language which seems to reach beyond the horizon of that age and country, he is described as ‘the spectator of all time and all existence.’ He has the noblest gifts of nature, and makes the highest use of them. All his desires are absorbed in the love of wisdom, which is the love of truth. None of the graces of a beautiful soul are wanting in him; neither can he fear death, or think much of human life. The ideal of modern &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagelxxxix&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;lxxxix&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; times hardly retains the simplicity of the antique; there is not the same originality either in truth or error which characterized the Greeks. The philosopher is no longer living in the unseen, nor is he sent by an oracle to convince mankind of ignorance; nor does he regard knowledge as a system of ideas leading upwards by regular stages to the idea of good. The eagerness of the pursuit has abated; there is more division of labour and less of comprehensive reflection upon nature and human life as a whole; more of exact observation and less of anticipation and inspiration. Still, in the altered conditions of knowledge, the parallel is not wholly lost; and there may be a use in translating the conception of Plato into the language of our own age. The philosopher in modern times is one who fixes his mind on the laws of nature in their sequence and connexion, not on fragments or pictures of nature; on history, not on controversy; on the truths which are acknowledged by the few, not on the opinions of the many. He is aware of the importance of ‘classifying according to nature,’ and will try to ‘separate the limbs of science without breaking them’ (Phaedr. 265 E). There is no part of truth, whether great or small, which he will dishonour; and in the least things he will discern the greatest (Parmen. 130 C). Like the ancient philosopher he sees the world pervaded by analogies, but he can also tell ‘why in some cases a single instance is sufficient for an induction’ (Mill’s Logic, 3, 3, 3), while in other cases a thousand examples would prove nothing. He inquires into a portion of knowledge only, because the whole has grown too vast to be embraced by a single mind or life. He has a clearer conception of the divisions of science and of their relation to the mind of man than was possible to the ancients. Like Plato, he has a vision of the unity of knowledge, not as the beginning of philosophy to be attained by a study of elementary mathematics, but as the far-off result of the working of many minds in many ages. He is aware that mathematical studies are preliminary to almost every other; at the same time, he will not reduce all varieties of knowledge to the type of mathematics. He too must have a nobility of character, without which genius loses the better half of greatness. Regarding the world as a point in immensity, and each individual as a link in a never-ending chain of existence, he will not think much of his own life, or be greatly afraid of death.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexc&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xc&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Adeimantus objects first of all to the form of the Socratic reasoning, thus showing that Plato is aware of the imperfection of his own method. He brings the accusation against himself which might be brought against him by a modern logician—that he extracts the answer because he knows how to put the question. In a long argument words are apt to change their meaning slightly, or premises may be assumed or conclusions inferred with rather too much certainty or universality; the variation at each step may be unobserved, and yet at last the divergence becomes considerable. Hence the failure of attempts to apply arithmetical or algebraic formulae to logic. The imperfection, or rather the higher and more elastic nature of language, does not allow words to have the precision of numbers or of symbols. And this quality in language impairs the force of an argument which has many steps.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The objection, though fairly met by Socrates in this particular instance, may be regarded as implying a reflection upon the Socratic mode of reasoning. And here, as at p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage506B&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;506 B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, Plato seems to intimate that the time had come when the negative and interrogative method of Socrates must be superseded by a positive and constructive one, of which examples are given in some of the later dialogues. Adeimantus further argues that the ideal is wholly at variance with facts; for experience proves philosophers to be either useless or rogues. Contrary to all expectation (cp. p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage497A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;497&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for a similar surprise) Socrates has no hesitation in admitting the truth of this, and explains the anomaly in an allegory, first characteristically depreciating his own inventive powers. In this allegory the people are distinguished from the professional politicians, and, as elsewhere, are spoken of in a tone of pity rather than of censure under the image of ‘the noble captain who is not very quick in his perceptions.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The uselessness of philosophers is explained by the circumstance that mankind will not use them. The world in all ages has been divided between contempt and fear of those who employ the power of ideas and know no other weapons. Concerning the false philosopher, Socrates argues that the best is most liable to corruption; and that the finer nature is more likely to suffer from alien conditions. We too observe that there are some kinds &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexci&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xci&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; of excellence which spring from a peculiar delicacy of constitution; as is evidently true of the poetical and imaginative temperament, which often seems to depend on impressions, and hence can only breathe or live in a certain atmosphere. The man of genius has greater pains and greater pleasures, greater powers and greater weaknesses, and often a greater play of character than is to be found in ordinary men. He can assume the disguise of virtue or disinterestedness without having them, or veil personal enmity in the language of patriotism and philosophy,—he can say the word which all men are thinking, he has an insight which is terrible into the follies and weaknesses of his fellow-men. An Alcibiades, a Mirabeau, or a Napoleon the First, are born either to be the authors of great evils in states, or ‘of great good, when they are drawn in that direction.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yet the thesis, ‘corruptio optimi pessima,’ cannot be maintained generally or without regard to the kind of excellence which is corrupted. The alien conditions which are corrupting to one nature, may be the elements of culture to another. In general a man can only receive his highest development in a congenial state or family, among friends or fellow-workers. But also he may sometimes be stirred by adverse circumstances to such a degree that he rises up against them and reforms them. And while weaker or coarser characters will extract good out of evil, say in a corrupt state of the church or of society, and live on happily, allowing the evil to remain, the finer or stronger natures may be crushed or spoiled by surrounding influences—may become misanthrope and philanthrope by turns; or in a few instances, like the founders of the monastic orders, or the Reformers, owing to some peculiarity in themselves or in their age, may break away entirely from the world and from the church, sometimes into great good, sometimes into great evil, sometimes into both. And the same holds in the lesser sphere of a convent, a school, a family.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Plato would have us consider how easily the best natures are overpowered by public opinion, and what efforts the rest of mankind will make to get possession of them. The world, the church, their own profession, any political or party organization, are always carrying them off their legs and teaching them to apply high and holy names to their own prejudices and interests. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexcii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xcii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The ‘monster’ corporation to which they belong judges right and truth to be the pleasure of the community. The individual becomes one with his order; or, if he resists, the world is too much for him, and will sooner or later be revenged on him. This is, perhaps, a one-sided but not wholly untrue picture of the maxims and practice of mankind when they ‘sit down together at an assembly,’ either in ancient or modern times.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — When the higher natures are corrupted by politics, the lower take possession of the vacant place of philosophy. This is described in one of those continuous images in which the argument, to use a Platonic expression, ‘veils herself,’ and which is dropped and reappears at intervals. The question is asked,—Why are the citizens of states so hostile to philosophy? The answer is, that they do not know her. And yet there is also a better mind of the many; they would believe if they were taught. But hitherto they have only known a conventional imitation of philosophy, words without thoughts, systems which have no life in them; a [divine] person uttering the words of beauty and freedom, the friend of man holding communion with the Eternal, and seeking to frame the state in that image, they have never known. The same double feeling respecting the mass of mankind has always existed among men. The first thought is that the people are the enemies of truth and right; the second, that this only arises out of an accidental error and confusion, and that they do not really hate those who love them, if they could be educated to know them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In the latter part of the sixth book, three questions have to be considered: 1st, the nature of the longer and more circuitous way, which is contrasted with the shorter and more imperfect method of Book IV; 2nd, the heavenly pattern or idea of the state; 3rd, the relation of the divisions of knowledge to one another and to the corresponding faculties of the soul.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 1. Of the higher method of knowledge in Plato we have only a glimpse. Neither here nor in the Phaedrus or Symposium, nor yet in the Philebus or Sophist, does he give any clear explanation of his meaning. He would probably have described his method as proceeding by regular steps to a system of universal knowledge, which inferred the parts from the whole rather than the whole from the parts. This ideal logic is not practised by him &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexciii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xciii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; in the search after justice, or in the analysis of the parts of the soul; there, like Aristotle in the Nicomachean Ethics, he argues from experience and the common use of language. But at the end of the sixth book he conceives another and more perfect method, in which all ideas are only steps or grades or moments of thought, forming a connected whole which is self-supporting, and in which consistency is the test of truth. He does not explain to us in detail the nature of the process. Like many other thinkers both in ancient and modern times his mind seems to be filled with a vacant form which he is unable to realize. He supposes the sciences to have a natural order and connexion in an age when they can hardly be said to exist. He is hastening on to the ‘end of the intellectual world’ without even making a beginning of them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In modern times we hardly need to be reminded that the process of acquiring knowledge is here confused with the contemplation of absolute knowledge. In all science &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;a priori&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;a posteriori&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; truths mingle in various proportions. The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;a priori&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; part is that which is derived from the most universal experience of men, or is universally accepted by them; the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;a posteriori&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; is that which grows up around the more general principles and becomes imperceptibly one with them. But Plato erroneously imagines that the synthesis is separable from the analysis, and that the method of science can anticipate science. In entertaining such a vision of &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;a priori&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; knowledge he is sufficiently justified, or at least his meaning may be sufficiently explained by the similar attempts of Descartes, Kant, Hegel, and even of Bacon himself, in modern philosophy. Anticipations or divinations, or prophetic glimpses of truths whether concerning man or nature, seem to stand in the same relation to ancient philosophy which hypotheses bear to modern inductive science. These ‘guesses at truth’ were not made at random; they arose from a superficial impression of uniformities and first principles in nature which the genius of the Greek, contemplating the expanse of heaven and earth, seemed to recognize in the distance. Nor can we deny that in ancient times knowledge must have stood still, and the human mind been deprived of the very instruments of thought, if philosophy had been strictly confined to the results of experience.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexciv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xciv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 2. Plato supposes that when the tablet has been made blank the artist will fill in the lineaments of the ideal state. Is this a pattern laid up in heaven, or mere vacancy on which he is supposed to gaze with wondering eye? The answer is, that such ideals are framed partly by the omission of particulars, partly by imagination perfecting the form which experience supplies (Phaedo, 74). Plato represents these ideals in a figure as belonging to another world; and in modern times the idea will sometimes seem to precede, at other times to co-operate with the hand of the artist. As in science, so also in creative art, there is a synthetical as well as an analytical method. One man will have the whole in his mind before he begins; to another the processes of mind and hand will be simultaneous.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 3. There is no difficulty in seeing that Plato’s divisions of knowledge are based, first, on the fundamental antithesis of sensible and intellectual which pervades the whole pre-Socratic philosophy; in which is implied also the opposition of the permanent and transient, of the universal and particular. But the age of philosophy in which he lived seemed to require a further distinction;—numbers and figures were beginning to separate from ideas. The world could no longer regard justice as a cube, and was learning to see, though imperfectly, that the abstractions of sense were distinct from the abstractions of mind. Between the Eleatic being or essence and the shadows of phenomena, the Pythagorean principle of number found a place, and was, as Aristotle remarks, a conducting medium from one to the other. Hence Plato is led to introduce a third term which had not hitherto entered into the scheme of his philosophy. He had observed the use of mathematics in education; they were the best preparation for higher studies. The subjective relation between them further suggested an objective one; although the passage from one to the other is really imaginary (Metaph. 1, 6, 4). For metaphysical and moral philosophy has no connexion with mathematics; number and figure are the abstractions of time and space, not the expressions of purely intellectual conceptions. When divested of metaphor, a straight line or a square has no more to do with right and justice than a crooked line with vice. The figurative association was mistaken for a real one; and thus the three latter divisions of the Platonic proportion were constructed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexcv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xcv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; There is more difficulty in comprehending how he arrived at the first term of the series, which is nowhere else mentioned, and has no reference to any other part of his system. Nor indeed does the relation of shadows to objects correspond to the relation of numbers to ideas. Probably Plato has been led by the love of analogy (Timaeus, p. 32 B) to make four terms instead of three, although the objects perceived in both divisions of the lower sphere are equally objects of sense. He is also preparing the way, as his manner is, for the shadows of images at the beginning of the seventh book, and the imitation of an imitation in the tenth. The line may be regarded as reaching from unity to infinity, and is divided into two unequal parts, and subdivided into two more; each lower sphere is the multiplication of the preceding. Of the four faculties, faith in the lower division has an intermediate position (cp. for the use of the word faith or belief, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;pi/stis&amp;quot;&amp;gt;πίστις&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, Timaeus, 29 C, 37 B), contrasting equally with the vagueness of the perception of shadows (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;ei)kasi/a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;εἰκασία&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) and the higher certainty of understanding (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;dia/noia&amp;quot;&amp;gt;διάνοια&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) and reason (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;nou=s&amp;quot;&amp;gt;νοῦς&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The difference between understanding and mind or reason (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;nou=s&amp;quot;&amp;gt;νοῦς&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) is analogous to the difference between acquiring knowledge in the parts and the contemplation of the whole. True knowledge is a whole, and is at rest; consistency and universality are the tests of truth. To this self-evidencing knowledge of the whole the faculty of mind is supposed to correspond. But there is a knowledge of the understanding which is incomplete and in motion always, because unable to rest in the subordinate ideas. Those ideas are called both images and hypotheses—images because they are clothed in sense, hypotheses because they are assumptions only, until they are brought into connexion with the idea of good.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The general meaning of the passage &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage508A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;508&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;–511, so far as the thought contained in it admits of being translated into the terms of modern philosophy, may be described or explained as follows:—There is a truth, one and self-existent, to which by the help of a ladder let down from above, the human intelligence may ascend. This unity is like the sun in the heavens, the light by which all things are seen, the being by which they are created and sustained. It is the &amp;lt;em&amp;gt;idea&amp;lt;/em&amp;gt; of good. And the steps of the ladder leading up to this highest or universal existence are the mathematical &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexcvi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xcvi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; sciences, which also contain in themselves an element of the universal. These, too, we see in a new manner when we connect them with the idea of good. They then cease to be hypotheses or pictures, and become essential parts of a higher truth which is at once their first principle and their final cause.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — We cannot give any more precise meaning to this remarkable passage, but we may trace in it several rudiments or vestiges of thought which are common to us and to Plato: such as (1) the unity and correlation of the sciences, or rather of science, for in Plato’s time they were not yet parted off or distinguished; (2) the existence of a Divine Power, or life or idea or cause or reason, not yet conceived or no longer conceived as in the Timaeus and elsewhere under the form of a person; (3) the recognition of the hypothetical and conditional character of the mathematical sciences, and in a measure of every science when isolated from the rest; (4) the conviction of a truth which is invisible, and of a law, though hardly a law of nature, which permeates the intellectual rather than the visible world.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The method of Socrates is hesitating and tentative, awaiting the fuller explanation of the idea of good, and of the nature of dialectic in the seventh book. The imperfect intelligence of Glaucon, and the reluctance of Socrates to make a beginning, mark the difficulty of the subject. The allusion to Theages’ bridle, and to the internal oracle, or demonic sign, of Socrates, which here, as always in Plato, is only prohibitory; the remark that the salvation of any remnant of good in the present evil state of the world is due to God only; the reference to a future state of existence, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage498D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;498 D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, which is unknown to Glaucon in the tenth book, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage608D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;608 D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and in which the discussions of Socrates and his disciples would be resumed; the surprise in the answers at &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage487E&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;487 E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage497B&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;497 B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; the fanciful irony of Socrates, where he pretends that he can only describe the strange position of the philosopher in a figure of speech; the original observation that the Sophists, after all, are only the representatives and not the leaders of public opinion; the picture of the philosopher standing aside in the shower of sleet under a wall; the figure of ‘the great beast’ followed by the expression of good-will towards the common people who would not have rejected the philosopher if they had known him; the ‘right noble thought’ that the highest &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexcvii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xcvii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; truths demand the greatest exactness; the hesitation of Socrates in returning once more to his well-worn theme of the idea of good; the ludicrous earnestness of Glaucon; the comparison of philosophy to a deserted maiden who marries beneath her—are some of the most interesting characteristics of the sixth book.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yet a few more words may be added, on the old theme, which was so oft discussed in the Socratic circle, of which we, like Glaucon and Adeimantus, would fain, if possible, have a clearer notion. Like them, we are dissatisfied when we are told that the idea of good can only be revealed to a student of the mathematical sciences, and we are inclined to think that neither we nor they could have been led along that path to any satisfactory goal. For we have learned that differences of quantity cannot pass into differences of quality, and that the mathematical sciences can never rise above themselves into the sphere of our higher thoughts, although they may sometimes furnish symbols and expressions of them, and may train the mind in habits of abstraction and self-concentration. The illusion which was natural to an ancient philosopher has ceased to be an illusion to us. But if the process by which we are supposed to arrive at the idea of good be really imaginary, may not the idea itself be also a mere abstraction? We remark, first, that in all ages, and especially in primitive philosophy, words such as being, essence, unity, good, have exerted an extraordinary influence over the minds of men. The meagreness or negativeness of their content has been in an inverse ratio to their power. They have become the forms under which all things were comprehended. There was a need or instinct in the human soul which they satisfied; they were not ideas, but gods, and to this new mythology the men of a later generation began to attach the powers and associations of the elder deities.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The idea of good is one of those sacred words or forms of thought, which were beginning to take the place of the old mythology. It meant unity, in which all time and all existence were gathered up. It was the truth of all things, and also the light in which they shone forth, and became evident to intelligences human and divine. It was the cause of all things, the power by which they were brought into being. It was the universal reason divested of a human personality. It was the life as well as the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexcviii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xcviii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; light of the world, all knowledge and all power were comprehended in it. The way to it was through the mathematical sciences, and these too were dependent on it. To ask whether God was the maker of it, or made by it, would be like asking whether God could be conceived apart from goodness, or goodness apart from God. The God of the Timaeus is not really at variance with the idea of good; they are aspects of the same, differing only as the personal from the impersonal, or the masculine from the neuter, the one being the expression or language of mythology, the other of philosophy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — This, or something like this, is the meaning of the idea of good as conceived by Plato. Ideas of number, order, harmony, development may also be said to enter into it. The paraphrase which has just been given of it goes beyond the actual words of Plato. We have perhaps arrived at the stage of philosophy which enables us to understand what he is aiming at, better than he did himself. We are beginning to realize what he saw darkly and at a distance. But if he could have been told that this, or some conception of the same kind, but higher than this, was the truth at which he was aiming, and the need which he sought to supply, he would gladly have recognized that more was contained in his own thoughts than he himself knew. As his words are few and his manner reticent and tentative, so must the style of his interpreter be. We should not approach his meaning more nearly by attempting to define it further. In translating him into the language of modern thought, we might insensibly lose the spirit of ancient philosophy. It is remarkable that although Plato speaks of the idea of good as the first principle of truth and being, it is nowhere mentioned in his writings except in this passage. Nor did it retain any hold upon the minds of his disciples in a later generation; it was probably unintelligible to them. Nor does the mention of it in Aristotle appear to have any reference to this or any other passage in his extant writings.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p id=&amp;quot;iaVII&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic VII.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
A&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NALYSIS.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;b&amp;gt;BOOK VII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; ¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage514A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;514&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And now I will describe in a figure the enlightenment or unenlightenment of our nature:—Imagine human beings living in an underground den which is open towards the light; they have been there from childhood, having their necks and legs chained, and can only see into the den. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagexcix&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;xcix&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; At a distance there is a fire, and between the fire and the prisoners a raised way, and a low wall is built along the way, like the screen over which marionette players show their puppets. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage515A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;515&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Behind the wall appear moving figures, who hold in their hands various works of art, and among them images of men and animals, wood and stone, and some of the passers-by are talking and others silent. ‘A strange parable,’ he said, ‘and strange captives.’ They are ourselves, I replied; and they see only the shadows of the images which the fire throws on the wall of the den; to these they give names, and if we add an echo which returns from the wall, the voices of the passengers will seem to proceed from the shadows. Suppose now that you suddenly turn them round and make them look with pain and grief to themselves at the real images; will they believe them to be real? Will not their eyes be dazzled, and will they not try to get away from the light to something which they are able to behold without blinking? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage516A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;516&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And suppose further, that they are dragged up a steep and rugged ascent into the presence of the sun himself, will not their sight be darkened with the excess of light? Some time will pass before they get the habit of perceiving at all; and at first they will be able to perceive only shadows and reflections in the water; then they will recognize the moon and the stars, and will at length behold the sun in his own proper place as he is. Last of all they will conclude:—This is he who gives us the year and the seasons, and is the author of all that we see. How will they rejoice in passing from darkness to light! How worthless to them will seem the honours and glories of the den! But now imagine further, that they descend into their old habitations;—in that underground dwelling they will not see as well as their fellows, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage517A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;517&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and will not be able to compete with them in the measurement of the shadows on the wall; there will be many jokes about the man who went on a visit to the sun and lost his eyes, and if they find anybody trying to set free and enlighten one of their number, they will put him to death, if they can catch him. Now the cave or den is the world of sight, the fire is the sun, the way upwards is the way to knowledge, and in the world of knowledge the idea of good is last seen and with difficulty, but when seen is inferred to be the author of good and right—parent of the lord of light in this world, and of truth and understanding in the other. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagec&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;c&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; He who attains to the beatific vision is always going upwards; he is unwilling to descend into political assemblies and courts of law; for his eyes are apt to blink at the images or shadows of images which they behold in them—he cannot enter into the ideas of those who have never in their lives understood the relation of the shadow to the substance. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage518A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;518&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;But blindness is of two kinds, and may be caused either by passing out of darkness into light or out of light into darkness, and a man of sense will distinguish between them, and will not laugh equally at both of them, but the blindness which arises from fulness of light he will deem blessed, and pity the other; or if he laugh at the puzzled soul looking at the sun, he will have more reason to laugh than the inhabitants of the den at those who descend from above. There is a further lesson taught by this parable of ours. Some persons fancy that instruction is like giving eyes to the blind, but we say that the faculty of sight was always there, and that the soul only requires to be turned round towards the light. And this is conversion; other virtues are almost like bodily habits, and may be acquired in the same manner, but intelligence has a diviner life, and is indestructible, turning either to good or evil according to the direction given. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage519A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;519&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Did you never observe how the mind of a clever rogue peers out of his eyes, and the more clearly he sees, the more evil he does? Now if you take such an one, and cut away from him those leaden weights of pleasure and desire which bind his soul to earth, his intelligence will be turned round, and he will behold the truth as clearly as he now discerns his meaner ends. And have we not decided that our rulers must neither be so uneducated as to have no fixed rule of life, nor so over-educated as to be unwilling to leave their paradise for the business of the world? We must choose out therefore the natures who are most likely to ascend to the light and knowledge of the good; but we must not allow them to remain in the region of light; they must be forced down again among the captives in the den to partake of their labours and honours. ‘Will they not think this a hardship?’ You should remember that our purpose in framing the State was not that our citizens should do what they like, but that they should serve the State for the common good of all. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage520A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;520&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;May we not fairly say to our philosopher,—Friend, we do you no wrong; for in other &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageci&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ci&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; States philosophy grows wild, and a wild plant owes nothing to the gardener, but you have been trained by us to be the rulers and kings of our hive, and therefore we must insist on your descending into the den. You must, each of you, take your turn, and become able to use your eyes in the dark, and with a little practice you will see far better than those who quarrel about the shadows, whose knowledge is a dream only, whilst yours is a waking reality. It may be that the saint or philosopher who is best fitted, may also be the least inclined to rule, but necessity is laid upon him, and he must no longer live in the heaven of ideas. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage521A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;521&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And this will be the salvation of the State. For those who rule must not be those who are desirous to rule; and, if you can offer to our citizens a better life than that of rulers generally is, there will be a chance that the rich, not only in this world’s goods, but in virtue and wisdom, may bear rule. And the only life which is better than the life of political ambition is that of philosophy, which is also the best preparation for the government of a State.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Then now comes the question,—How shall we create our rulers; what way is there from darkness to light? The change is effected by philosophy; it is not the turning over of an oyster-shell, but the conversion of a soul from night to day, from becoming to being. And what training will draw the soul upwards? Our former education had two branches, gymnastic, which was occupied with the body, and music, the sister art, which infused &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage522A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;522&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;a natural harmony into mind and literature; but neither of these sciences gave any promise of doing what we want. Nothing remains to us but that universal or primary science of which all the arts and sciences are partakers, I mean number or calculation. ‘Very true.’ Including the art of war? ‘Yes, certainly.’ Then there is something ludicrous about Palamedes in the tragedy, coming in and saying that he had invented number, and had counted the ranks and set them in order. For if Agamemnon could not count his feet (and without number how could he?) he must have been a pretty sort of general indeed. No man should be a soldier who cannot count, and indeed he is hardly to be called a man. But I am not speaking of these practical applications of arithmetic, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage523A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;523&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;for number, in my view, is rather to be regarded as a conductor to thought and being. I will explain &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; what I mean by the last expression:—Things sensible are of two kinds; the one class invite or stimulate the mind, while in the other the mind acquiesces. Now the stimulating class are the things which suggest contrast and relation. For example, suppose that I hold up to the eyes three fingers—a fore finger, a middle finger, a little finger—the sight equally recognizes all three fingers, but without number cannot further distinguish them. Or again, suppose two objects to be relatively great and small, these ideas of greatness and smallness are supplied not by the sense, but by the mind. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage524A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;524&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And the perception of their contrast or relation quickens and sets in motion the mind, which is puzzled by the confused intimations of sense, and has recourse to number in order to find out whether the things indicated are one or more than one. Number replies that they are two and not one, and are to be distinguished from one another. Again, the sight beholds great and small, but only in a confused chaos, and not until they are distinguished does the question arise of their respective natures; we are thus led on to the distinction between the visible and intelligible. That was what I meant when I spoke of stimulants to the intellect; I was thinking of the contradictions which arise in perception. The idea of unity, for example, like that of a finger, does not arouse thought unless involving some conception of plurality; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage525A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;525&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;but when the one is also the opposite of one, the contradiction gives rise to reflection; an example of this is afforded by any object of sight. All number has also an elevating effect; it raises the mind out of the foam and flux of generation to the contemplation of being, having lesser military and retail uses also. The retail use is not required by us; but as our guardian is to be a soldier as well as a philosopher, the military one may be retained. And to our higher purpose no science can be better adapted; but it must be pursued in the spirit of a philosopher, not of a shopkeeper. It is concerned, not with visible objects, but with abstract truth; for numbers are pure abstractions—the true arithmetician indignantly denies that his unit is capable of division. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage526A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;526&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;When you divide, he insists that you are only multiplying; his ‘one’ is not material or resolvable into fractions, but an unvarying and absolute equality; and this proves the purely intellectual character of his study. Note also the great power which arithmetic has of sharpening the wits; no other discipline is equally &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageciii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ciii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; severe, or an equal test of general ability, or equally improving to a stupid person.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Let our second branch of education be geometry. ‘I can easily see,’ replied Glaucon, ‘that the skill of the general will be doubled by his knowledge of geometry.’ That is a small matter; the use of geometry, to which I refer, is the assistance given by it in the contemplation of the idea of good, and the compelling the mind to look at true being, and not at generation only. Yet the present mode of pursuing these studies, as any one who is the least of a mathematician is aware, is mean and ridiculous; they are made to look downwards to the arts, and not upwards to eternal existence. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage527A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;527&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;The geometer is always talking of squaring, subtending, apposing, as if he had in view action; whereas knowledge is the real object of the study. It should elevate the soul, and create the mind of philosophy; it should raise up what has fallen down, not to speak of lesser uses in war and military tactics, and in the improvement of the faculties.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Shall we propose, as a third branch of our education, astronomy? ‘Very good,’ replied Glaucon; ‘the knowledge of the heavens is necessary at once for husbandry, navigation, military tactics.’ I like your way of giving useful reasons for everything in order to make friends of the world. And there is a difficulty in proving to mankind that education is not only useful information but a purification of the eye of the soul, which is better than the bodily eye, for by this alone is truth seen. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage528A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;528&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Now, will you appeal to mankind in general or to the philosopher? or would you prefer to look to yourself only? ‘Every man is his own best friend.’ Then take a step backward, for we are out of order, and insert the third dimension which is of solids, after the second which is of planes, and then you may proceed to solids in motion. But solid geometry is not popular and has not the patronage of the State, nor is the use of it fully recognized; the difficulty is great, and the votaries of the study are conceited and impatient. Still the charm of the pursuit wins upon men, and, if government would lend a little assistance, there might be great progress made. ‘Very true,’ replied Glaucon; ‘but do I understand you now to begin with plane geometry, and to place next geometry of solids, and thirdly, astronomy, or the motion of solids?’ Yes, I said; my hastiness has only hindered us.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageciv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;civ&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; ‘Very good, and now let us proceed to astronomy, about which I am willing to speak in your lofty strain. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage529A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;529&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;No one can fail to see that the contemplation of the heavens draws the soul upwards.’ I am an exception, then; astronomy as studied at present appears to me to draw the soul not upwards, but downwards. Star-gazing is just looking up at the ceiling—no better; a man may lie on his back on land or on water—he may look up or look down, but there is no science in that. The vision of knowledge of which I speak is seen not with the eyes, but with the mind. All the magnificence of the heavens is but the embroidery of a copy which falls far short of the divine Original, and teaches nothing about the absolute harmonies or motions of things. Their beauty is like the beauty of figures drawn by the hand of Daedalus or any other great artist, which may be used for illustration, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage530A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;530&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;but no mathematician would seek to obtain from them true conceptions of equality or numerical relations. How ridiculous then to look for these in the map of the heavens, in which the imperfection of matter comes in everywhere as a disturbing element, marring the symmetry of day and night, of months and years, of the sun and stars in their courses. Only by problems can we place astronomy on a truly scientific basis. Let the heavens alone, and exert the intellect.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Still, mathematics admit of other applications, as the Pythagoreans say, and we agree. There is a sister science of harmonical motion, adapted to the ear as astronomy is to the eye, and there may be other applications also. Let us inquire of the Pythagoreans about them, not forgetting that we have an aim higher than theirs, which is the relation of these sciences to the idea of good. The error which pervades astronomy also pervades harmonics. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage531A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;531&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;The musicians put their ears in the place of their minds. ‘Yes,’ replied Glaucon, ‘I like to see them laying their ears alongside of their neighbours’ faces—some saying, “That’s a new note,” others declaring that the two notes are the same.’ Yes, I said; but you mean the empirics who are always twisting and torturing the strings of the lyre, and quarrelling about the tempers of the strings; I am referring rather to the Pythagorean harmonists, who are almost equally in error. For they investigate only the numbers of the consonances which are heard, and ascend no higher,—of the true numerical harmony which is unheard, and is only to be found in problems, they have not even a conception. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; ‘That last,’ he said, ‘must be a marvellous thing.’ A thing, I replied, which is only useful if pursued with a view to the good.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — All these sciences are the prelude of the strain, and are profitable if they are regarded in their natural relations to one another. ‘I dare say, Socrates,’ said Glaucon; ‘but such a study will be an endless business.’ What study do you mean—of the prelude, or what? For all these things are only the prelude, and you surely do not suppose that a mere mathematician is also a dialectician? ‘Certainly not. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage532A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;532&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;I have hardly ever known a mathematician who could reason.’ And yet, Glaucon, is not true reasoning that hymn of dialectic which is the music of the intellectual world, and which was by us compared to the effort of sight, when from beholding the shadows on the wall we arrived at last at the images which gave the shadows? Even so the dialectical faculty withdrawing from sense arrives by the pure intellect at the contemplation of the idea of good, and never rests but at the very end of the intellectual world. And the royal road out of the cave into the light, and the blinking of the eyes at the sun and turning to contemplate the shadows of reality, not the shadows of an image only—this progress and gradual acquisition of a new faculty of sight by the help of the mathematical sciences, is the elevation of the soul to the contemplation of the highest ideal of being.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ‘So far, I agree with you. But now, leaving the prelude, let us proceed to the hymn. What, then, is the nature of dialectic, and what are the paths which lead thither?’ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage533A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;533&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Dear Glaucon, you cannot follow me here. There can be no revelation of the absolute truth to one who has not been disciplined in the previous sciences. But that there is a science of absolute truth, which is attained in some way very different from those now practised, I am confident. For all other arts or sciences are relative to human needs and opinions; and the mathematical sciences are but a dream or hypothesis of true being, and never analyse their own principles. Dialectic alone rises to the principle which is above hypotheses, converting and gently leading the eye of the soul out of the barbarous slough of ignorance into the light of the upper world, with the help of the sciences which we have been describing—sciences, as they are often termed, although they require some other name, implying greater clearness than opinion and less clearness than science, and this in our previous sketch &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecvi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cvi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; was understanding. And so we get four names—two for intellect, and two for opinion,—reason or mind, understanding, faith, perception of shadows—which make a proportion&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage534A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;534&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;—being : becoming :: intellect : opinion—and science : belief :: understanding : perception of shadows. Dialectic may be further described as that science which defines and explains the essence or being of each nature, which distinguishes and abstracts the good, and is ready to do battle against all opponents in the cause of good. To him who is not a dialectician life is but a sleepy dream; and many a man is in his grave before his is well waked up. And would you have the future rulers of your ideal State intelligent beings, or stupid as posts? ‘Certainly not the latter.’ Then you must train them in dialectic, which will teach them to ask and answer questions, and is the coping-stone of the sciences.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage535A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;535&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;I dare say that you have not forgotten how our rulers were chosen; and the process of selection may be carried a step further:—As before, they must be constant and valiant, good-looking, and of noble manners, but now they must also have natural ability which education will improve; that is to say, they must be quick at learning, capable of mental toil, retentive, solid, diligent natures, who combine intellectual with moral virtues; not lame and one-sided, diligent in bodily exercise and indolent in mind, or conversely; not a maimed soul, which hates falsehood and yet &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage536A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;536&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;unintentionally is always wallowing in the mire of ignorance; not a bastard or feeble person, but sound in wind and limb, and in perfect condition for the great gymnastic trial of the mind. Justice herself can find no fault with natures such as these; and they will be the saviours of our State; disciples of another sort would only make philosophy more ridiculous than she is at present. Forgive my enthusiasm; I am becoming excited; but when I see her trampled underfoot, I am angry at the authors of her disgrace. ‘I did not notice that you were more excited than you ought to have been.’ But I felt that I was. Now do not let us forget another point in the selection of our disciples—that they must be young and not old. For Solon is mistaken in saying that an old man can be always learning; youth is the time of study, and here we must remember that the mind is free and dainty, and, unlike the body, must not be made to work against the grain. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage537A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;537&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Learning should be at first a sort of play, in which the natural bent &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecvii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cvii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; is detected. As in training them for war, the young dogs should at first only taste blood; but when the necessary gymnastics are over which during two or three years divide life between sleep and bodily exercise, then the education of the soul will become a more serious matter. At twenty years of age, a selection must be made of the more promising disciples, with whom a new epoch of education will begin. The sciences which they have hitherto learned in fragments will now be brought into relation with each other and with true being; for the power of combining them is the test of speculative and dialectical ability. And afterwards at thirty a further selection shall be made of those who are able to withdraw from the world of sense into the abstraction of ideas. But at this point, judging from present experience, there is a danger that dialectic may be the source of many evils. The danger may be illustrated by a parallel case:—Imagine a person who has been brought up in wealth and luxury amid a crowd of flatterers, and who is suddenly informed that he is a supposititious son. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage538A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;538&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;He has hitherto honoured his reputed parents and disregarded the flatterers, and now he does the reverse. This is just what happens with a man’s principles. There are certain doctrines which he learnt at home and which exercised a parental authority over him. Presently he finds that imputations are cast upon them; a troublesome querist comes and asks, ‘What is the just and good?’ or proves that virtue is vice and vice virtue, and his mind becomes unsettled, and he ceases to love, honour, and obey them as he has hitherto done. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage539A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;539&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;He is seduced into the life of pleasure, and becomes a lawless person and a rogue. The case of such speculators is very pitiable, and, in order that our thirty years’ old pupils may not require this pity, let us take every possible care that young persons do not study philosophy too early. For a young man is a sort of puppy who only plays with an argument; and is reasoned into and out of his opinions every day; he soon begins to believe nothing, and brings himself and philosophy into discredit. A man of thirty does not run on in this way; he will argue and not merely contradict, and adds new honour to philosophy by the sobriety of his conduct. What time shall we allow for this second gymnastic training of the soul?—say, twice the time required for the gymnastics of the body; six, or perhaps five years, to commence at thirty, and then for fifteen &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecviii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cviii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; years let the student go down into the den, and command armies, and gain experience of life. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage540A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;540&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;At fifty let him return to the end of all things, and have his eyes uplifted to the idea of good, and order his life after that pattern; if necessary, taking his turn at the helm of State, and training up others to be his successors. When his time comes he shall depart in peace to the islands of the blest. He shall be honoured with sacrifices, and receive such worship as the Pythian oracle approves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ‘You are a statuary, Socrates, and have made a perfect image of our governors.’ Yes, and of our governesses, for the women will share in all things with the men. And you will admit that our State is not a mere aspiration, but may really come into being when there shall arise philosopher-kings, one or more, who will despise earthly vanities, and will be the servants of justice only. ‘And how will they begin their work?’ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage541A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;541&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Their first act will be to send away into the country all those who are more than ten years of age, and to proceed with those who are left….&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic VII.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
I&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NTRODUCTION.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; At the commencement of the sixth book, Plato anticipated his explanation of the relation of the philosopher to the world in an allegory, in this, as in other passages, following the order which he prescribes in education, and proceeding from the concrete to the abstract. At the commencement of Book VII, under the figure of a cave having an opening towards a fire and a way upwards to the true light, he returns to view the divisions of knowledge, exhibiting familiarly, as in a picture, the result which had been hardly won by a great effort of thought in the previous discussion; at the same time casting a glance onward at the dialectical process, which is represented by the way leading from darkness to light. The shadows, the images, the reflection of the sun and stars in the water, the stars and sun themselves, severally correspond,—the first, to the realm of fancy and poetry,—the second, to the world of sense,—the third, to the abstractions or universals of sense, of which the mathematical sciences furnish the type,—the fourth and last to the same abstractions, when seen in the unity of the idea, from which they derive a new meaning and power. The true dialectical process begins with the contemplation of the real stars, and not mere reflections of them, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecix&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cix&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and ends with the recognition of the sun, or idea of good, as the parent not only of light but of warmth and growth. To the divisions of knowledge the stages of education partly answer:—first, there is the early education of childhood and youth in the fancies of the poets, and in the laws and customs of the State;—then there is the training of the body to be a warrior athlete, and a good servant of the mind;—and thirdly, after an interval follows the education of later life, which begins with mathematics and proceeds to philosophy in general.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There seem to be two great aims in the philosophy of Plato,—first, to realize abstractions; secondly, to connect them. According to him, the true education is that which draws men from becoming to being, and to a comprehensive survey of all being. He desires to develop in the human mind the faculty of seeing the universal in all things; until at last the particulars of sense drop away and the universal alone remains. He then seeks to combine the universals which he has disengaged from sense, not perceiving that the correlation of them has no other basis but the common use of language. He never understands that abstractions, as Hegel says, are ‘mere abstractions’—of use when employed in the arrangement of facts, but adding nothing to the sum of knowledge when pursued apart from them, or with reference to an imaginary idea of good. Still the exercise of the faculty of abstraction apart from facts has enlarged the mind, and played a great part in the education of the human race. Plato appreciated the value of this faculty, and saw that it might be quickened by the study of number and relation. All things in which there is opposition or proportion are suggestive of reflection. The mere impression of sense evokes no power of thought or of mind, but when sensible objects ask to be compared and distinguished, then philosophy begins. The science of arithmetic first suggests such distinctions. There follow in order the other sciences of plain and solid geometry, and of solids in motion, one branch of which is astronomy or the harmony of the spheres,—to this is appended the sister science of the harmony of sounds. Plato seems also to hint at the possibility of other applications of arithmetical or mathematical proportions, such as we employ in chemistry and natural philosophy, such as the Pythagoreans and even Aristotle make use of in Ethics &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecx&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cx&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and Politics, e.g. his distinction between arithmetical and geometrical proportion in the Ethics (Book V), or between numerical and proportional equality in the Politics (iii. 8, iv. 12, &amp;amp;amp;c.).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The modern mathematician will readily sympathise with Plato’s delight in the properties of pure mathematics. He will not be disinclined to say with him:—Let alone the heavens, and study the beauties of number and figure in themselves. He too will be apt to depreciate their application to the arts. He will observe that Plato has a conception of geometry, in which figures are to be dispensed with; thus in a distant and shadowy way seeming to anticipate the possibility of working geometrical problems by a more general mode of analysis. He will remark with interest on the backward state of solid geometry, which, alas! was not encouraged by the aid of the State in the age of Plato; and he will recognize the grasp of Plato’s mind in his ability to conceive of one science of solids in motion including the earth as well as the heavens,—not forgetting to notice the intimation to which allusion has been already made, that besides astronomy and harmonics the science of solids in motion may have other applications. Still more will he be struck with the comprehensiveness of view which led Plato, at a time when these sciences hardly existed, to say that they must be studied in relation to one another, and to the idea of good, or common principle of truth and being. But he will also see (and perhaps without surprise) that in that stage of physical and mathematical knowledge, Plato has fallen into the error of supposing that he can construct the heavens &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;a priori&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; by mathematical problems, and determine the principles of harmony irrespective of the adaptation of sounds to the human ear. The illusion was a natural one in that age and country. The simplicity and certainty of astronomy and harmonics seemed to contrast with the variation and complexity of the world of sense; hence the circumstance that there was some elementary basis of fact, some measurement of distance or time or vibrations on which they must ultimately rest, was overlooked by him. The modern predecessors of Newton fell into errors equally great; and Plato can hardly be said to have been very far wrong, or may even claim a sort of prophetic insight into the subject, when we consider that the greater part of astronomy at the present day consists of abstract dynamics, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; by the help of which most astronomical discoveries have been made.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The metaphysical philosopher from his point of view recognizes mathematics as an instrument of education,—which strengthens the power of attention, developes the sense of order and the faculty of construction, and enables the mind to grasp under simple formulae the quantitative differences of physical phenomena. But while acknowledging their value in education, he sees also that they have no connexion with our higher moral and intellectual ideas. In the attempt which Plato makes to connect them, we easily trace the influences of ancient Pythagorean notions. There is no reason to suppose that he is speaking of the ideal numbers at p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage525E&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;525 E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; but he is describing numbers which are pure abstractions, to which he assigns a real and separate existence, which, as ‘the teachers of the art’ (meaning probably the Pythagoreans) would have affirmed, repel all attempts at subdivision, and in which unity and every other number are conceived of as absolute. The truth and certainty of numbers, when thus disengaged from phenomena, gave them a kind of sacredness in the eyes of an ancient philosopher. Nor is it easy to say how far ideas of order and fixedness may have had a moral and elevating influence on the minds of men, ‘who,’ in the words of the Timaeus, ‘might learn to regulate their erring lives according to them’ (47 C). It is worthy of remark that the old Pythagorean ethical symbols still exist as figures of speech among ourselves. And those who in modern times see the world pervaded by universal law, may also see an anticipation of this last word of modern philosophy in the Platonic idea of good, which is the source and measure of all things, and yet only an abstraction. (Cp. Philebus sub fin.).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Two passages seem to require more particular explanations. First, that which relates to the analysis of vision. The difficulty in this passage may be explained, like many others, from differences in the modes of conception prevailing among ancient and modern thinkers. To us, the perceptions of sense are inseparable from the act of the mind which accompanies them. The consciousness of form, colour, distance, is indistinguishable from the simple sensation, which is the medium of them. Whereas to Plato sense is the Heraclitean flux of sense, not &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; the vision of objects in the order in which they actually present themselves to the experienced sight, but as they may be imagined to appear confused and blurred to the half-awakened eye of the infant. The first action of the mind is aroused by the attempt to set in order this chaos, and the reason is required to frame distinct conceptions under which the confused impressions of sense may be arranged. Hence arises the question, ‘What is great, what is small?’ and thus begins the distinction of the visible and the intelligible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The second difficulty relates to Plato’s conception of harmonics. Three classes of harmonists are distinguished by him:—first, the Pythagoreans, whom he proposes to consult as in the previous discussion on music he was to consult Damon—they are acknowledged to be masters in the art, but are altogether deficient in the knowledge of its higher import and relation to the good; secondly, the mere empirics, whom Glaucon appears to confuse with them, and whom both he and Socrates ludicrously describe as experimenting by mere auscultation on the intervals of sounds. Both of these fall short in different degrees of the Platonic idea of harmony, which must be studied in a purely abstract way, first by the method of problems, and secondly as a part of universal knowledge in relation to the idea of good.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The allegory has a political as well as a philosophical meaning. The den or cave represents the narrow sphere of politics or law (cp. the description of the philosopher and lawyer in the Theaetetus, 172–176), and the light of the eternal ideas is supposed to exercise a disturbing influence on the minds of those who return to this lower world. In other words, their principles are too wide for practical application; they are looking far away into the past and future, when their business is with the present. The ideal is not easily reduced to the conditions of actual life, and may often be at variance with them. And at first, those who return are unable to compete with the inhabitants of the den in the measurement of the shadows, and are derided and persecuted by them; but after a while they see the things below in far truer proportions than those who have never ascended into the upper world. The difference between the politician turned into a philosopher and the philosopher turned into a politician, is symbolized by the two kinds of disordered eyesight, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxiii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxiii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; the one which is experienced by the captive who is transferred from darkness to day, the other, of the heavenly messenger who voluntarily for the good of his fellow-men descends into the den. In what way the brighter light is to dawn on the inhabitants of the lower world, or how the idea of good is to become the guiding principle of politics, is left unexplained by Plato. Like the nature and divisions of dialectic, of which Glaucon impatiently demands to be informed, perhaps he would have said that the explanation could not be given except to a disciple of the previous sciences. (Compare Symposium 210 A.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Many illustrations of this part of the Republic may be found in modern Politics and in daily life. For among ourselves, too, there have been two sorts of Politicians or Statesmen, whose eyesight has become disordered in two different ways. First, there have been great men who, in the language of Burke, ‘have been too much given to general maxims,’ who, like J. S. Mill or Burke himself, have been theorists or philosophers before they were politicians, or who, having been students of history, have allowed some great historical parallel, such as the English Revolution of 1688, or possibly Athenian democracy or Roman Imperialism, to be the medium through which they viewed contemporary events. Or perhaps the long projecting shadow of some existing institution may have darkened their vision. The Church of the future, the Commonwealth of the future, the Society of the future, have so absorbed their minds, that they are unable to see in their true proportions the Politics of to-day. They have been intoxicated with great ideas, such as liberty, or equality, or the greatest happiness of the greatest number, or the brotherhood of humanity, and they no longer care to consider how these ideas must be limited in practice or harmonized with the conditions of human life. They are full of light, but the light to them has become only a sort of luminous mist or blindness. Almost every one has known some enthusiastic half-educated person, who sees everything at false distances, and in erroneous proportions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — With this disorder of eyesight may be contrasted another—of those who see not far into the distance, but what is near only; who have been engaged all their lives in a trade or a profession; who are limited to a set or sect of their own. Men of this kind &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxiv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxiv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; have no universal except their own interests or the interests of their class, no principle but the opinion of persons like themselves, no knowledge of affairs beyond what they pick up in the streets or at their club. Suppose them to be sent into a larger world, to undertake some higher calling, from being tradesmen to turn generals or politicians, from being schoolmasters to become philosophers:—or imagine them on a sudden to receive an inward light which reveals to them for the first time in their lives a higher idea of God and the existence of a spiritual world, by this sudden conversion or change is not their daily life likely to be upset; and on the other hand will not many of their old prejudices and narrownesses still adhere to them long after they have begun to take a more comprehensive view of human things? From familiar examples like these we may learn what Plato meant by the eyesight which is liable to two kinds of disorders.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Nor have we any difficulty in drawing a parallel between the young Athenian in the fifth century before Christ who became unsettled by new ideas, and the student of a modern University who has been the subject of a similar ‘aufklärung.’ We too observe that when young men begin to criticise customary beliefs, or to analyse the constitution of human nature, they are apt to lose hold of solid principle (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;a(/pan to\ be/baion au)tô=n e)xoi/chetai&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἅπαν τὸ βέβαιον αὐτῶν ἐξοίχεται&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;). They are like trees which have been frequently transplanted. The earth about them is loose, and they have no roots reaching far into the soil. They ‘light upon every flower,’ following their own wayward wills, or because the wind blows them. They catch opinions, as diseases are caught—when they are in the air. Borne hither and thither, ‘they speedily fall into beliefs’ the opposite of those in which they were brought up. They hardly retain the distinction of right and wrong; they seem to think one thing as good as another. They suppose themselves to be searching after truth when they are playing the game of ‘follow my leader.’ They fall in love ‘at first sight’ with paradoxes respecting morality, some fancy about art, some novelty or eccentricity in religion, and like lovers they are so absorbed for a time in their new notion that they can think of nothing else. The resolution of some philosophical or theological question seems to them more interesting and important than any substantial knowledge of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; literature or science or even than a good life. Like the youth in the Philebus, they are ready to discourse to any one about a new philosophy. They are generally the disciples of some eminent professor or sophist, whom they rather imitate than understand. They may be counted happy if in later years they retain some of the simple truths which they acquired in early education, and which they may, perhaps, find to be worth all the rest. Such is the picture which Plato draws and which we only reproduce, partly in his own words, of the dangers which beset youth in times of transition, when old opinions are fading away and the new are not yet firmly established. Their condition is ingeniously compared by him to that of a supposititious son, who has made the discovery that his reputed parents are not his real ones, and, in consequence, they have lost their authority over him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The distinction between the mathematician and the dialectician is also noticeable. Plato is very well aware that the faculty of the mathematician is quite distinct from the higher philosophical sense which recognizes and combines first principles (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage531E&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;531 E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). The contempt which he expresses at p. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage533A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;533&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for distinctions of words, the danger of involuntary falsehood, the apology which Socrates makes for his earnestness of speech, are highly characteristic of the Platonic style and mode of thought. The quaint notion that if Palamedes was the inventor of number Agamemnon could not have counted his feet; the art by which we are made to believe that this State of ours is not a dream only; the gravity with which the first step is taken in the actual creation of the State, namely, the sending out of the city all who had arrived at ten years of age, in order to expedite the business of education by a generation, are also truly Platonic. (For the last, compare the passage at the end of the third book (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage415D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;415 D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), in which he expects the lie about the earthborn men to be believed in the second generation.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p id=&amp;quot;iaVIII&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic VIII.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
A&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NALYSIS.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;b&amp;gt;BOOK VIII.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; ¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage543A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;543&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And so we have arrived at the conclusion, that in the perfect State wives and children are to be in common; and the education and pursuits of men and women, both in war and peace, are to be common, and kings are to be philosophers and warriors, and the soldiers of the State are to live together, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxvi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxvi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; having all things in common; and they are to be warrior athletes, receiving no pay but only their food, from the other citizens. Now let us return to the point at which we digressed. ‘That is easily done,’ he replied: ‘You were speaking of the State which you had constructed, and of the individual who answered to this, both of whom you affirmed to be good; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage544A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;544&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and you said that of inferior States there were four forms and four individuals corresponding to them, which although deficient in various degrees, were all of them worth inspecting with a view to determining the relative happiness or misery of the best or worst man. Then Polemarchus and Adeimantus interrupted you, and this led to another argument,—and so here we are.’ Suppose that we put ourselves again in the same position, and do you repeat your question. ‘I should like to know of what constitutions you were speaking?’ Besides the perfect State there are only four of any note in Hellas:—first, the famous Lacedaemonian or Cretan commonwealth; secondly, oligarchy, a State full of evils; thirdly, democracy, which follows next in order; fourthly, tyranny, which is the disease or death of all government. Now, States are not made of ‘oak and rock,’ but of flesh and blood; and therefore as there are five States there must be five human natures in individuals, which correspond to them. And first, there is the ambitious nature, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage545A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;545&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;which answers to the Lacedaemonian State; secondly, the oligarchical nature; thirdly, the democratical; and fourthly, the tyrannical. This last will have to be compared with the perfectly just, which is the fifth, that we may know which is the happier, and then we shall be able to determine whether the argument of Thrasymachus or our own is the more convincing. And as before we began with the State and went on to the individual, so now, beginning with timocracy, let us go on to the timocratical man, and then proceed to the other forms of government, and the individuals who answer to them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But how did timocracy arise out of the perfect State? Plainly, like all changes of government, from division in the rulers. But whence came division? ‘Sing, heavenly Muses,’ as Homer says;—let them condescend to answer us, as if we were children, to whom they put on a solemn face in jest. ‘And what will they say?’ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage546A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;546&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;They will say that human things are fated to decay, and even the perfect State will not escape from this law of destiny, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxvii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxvii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; when ‘the wheel comes full circle’ in a period short or long. Plants or animals have times of fertility and sterility, which the intelligence of rulers because alloyed by sense will not enable them to ascertain, and children will be born out of season. For whereas divine creations are in a perfect cycle or number, the human creation is in a number which declines from perfection, and has four terms and three intervals of numbers, increasing, waning, assimilating, dissimilating, and yet perfectly commensurate with each other. The base of the number with a fourth added (or which is 3 : 4), multiplied by five and cubed, gives two harmonies:—the first a square number, which is a hundred times the base (or a hundred times a hundred); the second, an oblong, being a hundred squares of the rational diameter of a figure the side of which is five, subtracting one from each square or two perfect squares from all, and adding a hundred cubes of three. This entire number is geometrical and contains the rule or law of generation. When this law is neglected marriages will be unpropitious; the inferior offspring who are then born will in time become the rulers; the State will decline, and education fall into decay; gymnastic will be preferred to music, and the gold and silver and brass and iron will form a chaotic mass—&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage547A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;547&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;thus division will arise. Such is the Muses’ answer to our question. ‘And a true answer, of course:—but what more have they to say?’ They say that the two races, the iron and brass, and the silver and gold, will draw the State different ways;—the one will take to trade and moneymaking, and the others, having the true riches and not caring for money, will resist them: the contest will end in a compromise; they will agree to have private property, and will enslave their fellow-citizens who were once their friends and nurturers. But they will retain their warlike character, and will be chiefly occupied in fighting and exercising rule. Thus arises timocracy, which is intermediate between aristocracy and oligarchy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The new form of government resembles the ideal in obedience to rulers and contempt for trade, and having common meals, and in devotion to warlike and gymnastic exercises. But corruption has crept into philosophy, and simplicity of character, which was once her note, is now looked for only in the military class. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage548A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;548&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Arts of war begin to prevail over arts of peace; the ruler is no longer a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxviii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxviii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; philosopher; as in oligarchies, there springs up among them an extravagant love of gain—get another man’s and save your own, is their principle; and they have dark places in which they hoard their gold and silver, for the use of their women and others; they take their pleasures by stealth, like boys who are running away from their father—the law; and their education is not inspired by the Muse, but imposed by the strong arm of power. The leading characteristic of this State is party spirit and ambition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And what manner of man answers to such a State? ‘In love of contention,’ replied Adeimantus, ‘he will be like our friend Glaucon.’ In that respect, perhaps, but not in others. He is self-asserting and ill-educated, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage549A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;549&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;yet fond of literature, although not himself a speaker,—fierce with slaves, but obedient to rulers, a lover of power and honour, which he hopes to gain by deeds of arms,—fond, too, of gymnastics and of hunting. As he advances in years he grows avaricious, for he has lost philosophy, which is the only saviour and guardian of men. His origin is as follows:—His father is a good man dwelling in an ill-ordered State, who has retired from politics in order that he may lead a quiet life. His mother is angry at her loss of precedence among other women; she is disgusted at her husband’s selfishness, and she expatiates to her son on the unmanliness and indolence of his father. The old family servant takes up the tale, and says to the youth:—‘When you grow up you must be more of a man than your father.’ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage550A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;550&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;All the world are agreed that he who minds his own business is an idiot, while a busybody is highly honoured and esteemed. The young man compares this spirit with his father’s words and ways, and as he is naturally well disposed, although he has suffered from evil influences, he rests at a middle point and becomes ambitious and a lover of honour.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And now let us set another city over against another man. The next form of government is oligarchy, in which the rule is of the rich only; nor is it difficult to see how such a State arises. The decline begins with the possession of gold and silver; illegal modes of expenditure are invented; one draws another on, and the multitude are infected; riches outweigh virtue; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage551A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;551&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;lovers of money take the place of lovers of honour; misers of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxix&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxix&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; politicians; and, in time, political privileges are confined by law to the rich, who do not shrink from violence in order to effect their purposes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Thus much of the origin,—let us next consider the evils of oligarchy. Would a man who wanted to be safe on a voyage take a bad pilot because he was rich, or refuse a good one because he was poor? And does not the analogy apply still more to the State? And there are yet greater evils: two nations are struggling together in one—the rich and the poor; and the rich dare not put arms into the hands of the poor, and are unwilling to pay for defenders out of their own money. And have we not already condemned that State &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage552A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;552&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;in which the same persons are warriors as well as shopkeepers? The greatest evil of all is that a man may sell his property and have no place in the State; while there is one class which has enormous wealth, the other is entirely destitute. But observe that these destitutes had not really any more of the governing nature in them when they were rich than now that they are poor; they were miserable spendthrifts always. They are the drones of the hive; only whereas the actual drone is unprovided by nature with a sting, the two-legged things whom we call drones are some of them without stings and some of them have dreadful stings; in other words, there are paupers and there are rogues. These are never far apart; and in oligarchical cities, where nearly everybody is a pauper who is not a ruler, you will find abundance of both. And this evil state of society originates in bad education and bad government.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage553A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;553&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Like State, like man,—the change in the latter begins with the representative of timocracy; he walks at first in the ways of his father, who may have been a statesman, or general, perhaps; and presently he sees him ‘fallen from his high estate,’ the victim of informers, dying in prison or exile, or by the hand of the executioner. The lesson which he thus receives, makes him cautious; he leaves politics, represses his pride, and saves pence. Avarice is enthroned as his bosom’s lord, and assumes the style of the Great King; the rational and spirited elements sit humbly on the ground at either side, the one immersed in calculation, the other absorbed in the admiration of wealth. The love of honour turns to love of money; the conversion is instantaneous. The &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxx&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxx&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; man is mean, saving, toiling, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage554A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;554&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the slave of one passion which is the master of the rest: Is he not the very image of the State? He has had no education, or he would never have allowed the blind god of riches to lead the dance within him. And being uneducated he will have many slavish desires, some beggarly, some knavish, breeding in his soul. If he is the trustee of an orphan, and has the power to defraud, he will soon prove that he is not without the will, and that his passions are only restrained by fear and not by reason. Hence he leads a divided existence; in which the better desires mostly prevail. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage555A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;555&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;But when he is contending for prizes and other distinctions, he is afraid to incur a loss which is to be repaid only by barren honour; in time of war he fights with a small part of his resources, and usually keeps his money and loses the victory.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Next comes democracy and the democratic man, out of oligarchy and the oligarchical man. Insatiable avarice is the ruling passion of an oligarchy; and they encourage expensive habits in order that they may gain by the ruin of extravagant youth. Thus men of family often lose their property or rights of citizenship; but they remain in the city, full of hatred against the new owners of their estates and ripe for revolution. The usurer with stooping walk pretends not to see them; he passes by, and leaves his sting—that is, his money—in some other victim; and many a man has to pay the parent or principal sum multiplied into a family of children, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage556A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;556&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and is reduced into a state of dronage by him. The only way of diminishing the evil is either to limit a man in his use of his property, or to insist that he shall lend at his own risk. But the ruling class do not want remedies; they care only for money, and are as careless of virtue as the poorest of the citizens. Now there are occasions on which the governors and the governed meet together,—at festivals, on a journey, voyaging or fighting. The sturdy pauper finds that in the hour of danger he is not despised; he sees the rich man puffing and panting, and draws the conclusion which he privately imparts to his companions,—‘that our people are not good for much;’ and as a sickly frame is made ill by a mere touch from without, or sometimes without external impulse is ready to fall to pieces of itself, so from the least cause, or with none at all, the city falls ill and fights a battle for life or death. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage557A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;557&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And democracy comes into &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxxi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxxi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; power when the poor are the victors, killing some and exiling some, and giving equal shares in the government to all the rest.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The manner of life in such a State is that of democrats; there is freedom and plainness of speech, and every man does what is right in his own eyes, and has his own way of life. Hence arise the most various developments of character; the State is like a piece of embroidery of which the colours and figures are the manners of men, and there are many who, like women and children, prefer this variety to real beauty and excellence. The State is not one but many, like a bazaar at which you can buy anything. The great charm is, that you may do as you like; you may govern if you like, let it alone if you like; go to war and make peace if you feel disposed, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage558A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;558&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and all quite irrespective of anybody else. When you condemn men to death they remain alive all the same; a gentleman is desired to go into exile, and he stalks about the streets like a hero; and nobody sees him or cares for him. Observe, too, how grandly Democracy sets her foot upon all our fine theories of education,—how little she cares for the training of her statesmen! The only qualification which she demands is the profession of patriotism. Such is democracy;—a pleasing, lawless, various sort of government, distributing equality to equals and unequals alike.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Let us now inspect the individual democrat; and first, as in the case of the State, we will trace his antecedents. He is the son of a miserly oligarch, and has been taught by him to restrain the love of unnecessary pleasures. Perhaps I ought to explain this latter term:—&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage559A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;559&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Necessary pleasures are those which are good, and which we cannot do without; unnecessary pleasures are those which do no good, and of which the desire might be eradicated by early training. For example, the pleasures of eating and drinking are necessary and healthy, up to a certain point; beyond that point they are alike hurtful to body and mind, and the excess may be avoided. When in excess, they may be rightly called expensive pleasures, in opposition to the useful ones. And the drone, as we called him, is the slave of these unnecessary pleasures and desires, whereas the miserly oligarch is subject only to the necessary.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The oligarch changes into the democrat in the following manner:—The youth who has had a miserly bringing up, gets &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxxii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxxii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; a taste of the drone’s honey; he meets with wild companions, who introduce him to every new pleasure. As in the State, so in the individual, there are allies on both sides, temptations from without and passions from within; there is reason also and external influences of parents and friends in alliance with the oligarchical principle; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage560A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;560&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and the two factions are in violent conflict with one another. Sometimes the party of order prevails, but then again new desires and new disorders arise, and the whole mob of passions gets possession of the Acropolis, that is to say, the soul, which they find void and unguarded by true words and works. Falsehoods and illusions ascend to take their place; the prodigal goes back into the country of the Lotophagi or drones, and openly dwells there. And if any offer of alliance or parley of individual elders comes from home, the false spirits shut the gates of the castle and permit no one to enter,—there is a battle, and they gain the victory; and straightway making alliance with the desires, they banish modesty, which they call folly, and send temperance over the border. When the house has been swept and garnished, they dress up the exiled vices, and, crowning them with garlands, bring them back under new names. Insolence they call good breeding, anarchy freedom, waste magnificence, impudence courage. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage561A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;561&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Such is the process by which the youth passes from the necessary pleasures to the unnecessary. After a while he divides his time impartially between them; and perhaps, when he gets older and the violence of passion has abated, he restores some of the exiles and lives in a sort of equilibrium, indulging first one pleasure and then another; and if reason comes and tells him that some pleasures are good and honourable, and others bad and vile, he shakes his head and says that he can make no distinction between them. Thus he lives in the fancy of the hour; sometimes he takes to drink, and then he turns abstainer; he practises in the gymnasium or he does nothing at all; then again he would be a philosopher or a politician; or again, he would be a warrior or a man of business; he is&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘Every thing by starts and nothing long.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage562A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;562&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;There remains still the finest and fairest of all men and all States—tyranny and the tyrant. Tyranny springs from democracy much as democracy springs from oligarchy. Both arise &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxxiii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxxiii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; from excess; the one from excess of wealth, the other from excess of freedom. ‘The great natural good of life,’ says the democrat, ‘is freedom.’ And this exclusive love of freedom and regardlessness of everything else, is the cause of the change from democracy to tyranny. The State demands the strong wine of freedom, and unless her rulers give her a plentiful draught, punishes and insults them; equality and fraternity of governors and governed is the approved principle. Anarchy is the law, not of the State only, but of private houses, and extends even to the animals. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage563A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;563&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Father and son, citizen and foreigner, teacher and pupil, old and young, are all on a level; fathers and teachers fear their sons and pupils, and the wisdom of the young man is a match for the elder, and the old imitate the jaunty manners of the young because they are afraid of being thought morose. Slaves are on a level with their masters and mistresses, and there is no difference between men and women. Nay, the very animals in a democratic State have a freedom which is unknown in other places. The she-dogs are as good as their she-mistresses, and horses and asses march along with dignity and run their noses against anybody who comes in their way. ‘That has often been my experience.’ At last the citizens become so sensitive that they cannot endure the yoke of laws, written or unwritten; they would have no man call himself their master. Such is the glorious beginning of things out of which tyranny springs. ‘Glorious, indeed; but what is to follow?’ The ruin of oligarchy is the ruin of democracy; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage564A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;564&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;for there is a law of contraries; the excess of freedom passes into the excess of slavery, and the greater the freedom the greater the slavery. You will remember that in the oligarchy were found two classes—rogues and paupers, whom we compared to drones with and without stings. These two classes are to the State what phlegm and bile are to the human body; and the State-physician, or legislator, must get rid of them, just as the bee-master keeps the drones out of the hive. Now in a democracy, too, there are drones, but they are more numerous and more dangerous than in the oligarchy; there they are inert and unpractised, here they are full of life and animation; and the keener sort speak and act, while the others buzz about the bema and prevent their opponents from being heard. And there is another class in democratic States, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxxiv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxxiv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; of respectable, thriving individuals, who can be squeezed when the drones have need of their possessions; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage565A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;565&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;there is moreover a third class, who are the labourers and the artisans, and they make up the mass of the people. When the people meet, they are omnipotent, but they cannot be brought together unless they are attracted by a little honey; and the rich are made to supply the honey, of which the demagogues keep the greater part themselves, giving a taste only to the mob. Their victims attempt to resist; they are driven mad by the stings of the drones, and so become downright oligarchs in self-defence. Then follow informations and convictions for treason. The people have some protector whom they nurse into greatness, and from this root the tree of tyranny springs. The nature of the change is indicated in the old fable of the temple of Zeus Lycaeus, which tells how he who tastes human flesh mixed up with the flesh of other victims will turn into a wolf. Even so the protector, who tastes human blood, and slays some and exiles others with or without law, who hints at abolition of debts and division of lands, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage566A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;566&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;must either perish or become a wolf—that is, a tyrant. Perhaps he is driven out, but he soon comes back from exile; and then if his enemies cannot get rid of him by lawful means, they plot his assassination. Thereupon the friend of the people makes his well-known request to them for a body-guard, which they readily grant, thinking only of his danger and not of their own. Now let the rich man make to himself wings, for he will never run away again if he does not do so then. And the Great Protector, having crushed all his rivals, stands proudly erect in the chariot of State, a full-blown tyrant: Let us enquire into the nature of his happiness.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In the early days of his tyranny he smiles and beams upon everybody; he is not a ‘dominus,’ no, not he: he has only come to put an end to debt and the monopoly of land. Having got rid of foreign enemies, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage567A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;567&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;he makes himself necessary to the State by always going to war. He is thus enabled to depress the poor by heavy taxes, and so keep them at work; and he can get rid of bolder spirits by handing them over to the enemy. Then comes unpopularity; some of his old associates have the courage to oppose him. The consequence is, that he has to make a purgation of the State; but, unlike the physician who purges &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxxv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxxv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; away the bad, he must get rid of the high-spirited, the wise and the wealthy; for he has no choice between death and a life of shame and dishonour. And the more hated he is, the more he will require trusty guards; but how will he obtain them? ‘They will come flocking like birds—for pay.’ Will he not rather obtain them on the spot? He will take the slaves from their owners and make them his body-guard; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage568A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;568&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;these are his trusted friends, who admire and look up to him. Are not the tragic poets wise who magnify and exalt the tyrant, and say that he is wise by association with the wise? And are not their praises of tyranny alone a sufficient reason why we should exclude them from our State? They may go to other cities, and gather the mob about them with fine words, and change commonwealths into tyrannies and democracies, receiving honours and rewards for their services; but the higher they and their friends ascend constitution hill, the more their honour will fail and become ‘too asthmatic to mount.’ To return to the tyrant—How will he support that rare army of his? First, by robbing the temples of their treasures, which will enable him to lighten the taxes; then he will take all his father’s property, and spend it on his companions, male or female. Now his father is the demus, and if the demus gets angry, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage569A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;569&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and says that a great hulking son ought not to be a burden on his parents, and bids him and his riotous crew begone, then will the parent know what a monster he has been nurturing, and that the son whom he would fain expel is too strong for him. ‘You do not mean to say that he will beat his father?’ Yes, he will, after having taken away his arms. ‘Then he is a parricide and a cruel, unnatural son.’ And the people have jumped from the fear of slavery into slavery, out of the smoke into the fire. Thus liberty, when out of all order and reason, passes into the worst form of servitude….&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic VIII.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
I&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NTRODUCTION.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; In the previous books Plato has described the ideal State; now he returns to the perverted or declining forms, on which he had lightly touched at the end of Book iv. These he describes in a succession of parallels between the individuals and the States, tracing the origin of either in the State or individual which has preceded them. He begins by asking the point at which he digressed; and is thus led shortly to recapitulate the substance &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxxvi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxxvi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; of the three former books, which also contain a parallel of the philosopher and the State.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Of the first decline he gives no intelligible account; he would not have liked to admit the most probable causes of the fall of his ideal State, which to us would appear to be the impracticability of communism or the natural antagonism of the ruling and subject classes. He throws a veil of mystery over the origin of the decline, which he attributes to ignorance of the law of population. Of this law the famous geometrical figure or number is the expression. Like the ancients in general, he had no idea of the gradual perfectibility of man or of the education of the human race. His ideal was not to be attained in the course of ages, but was to spring in full armour from the head of the legislator. When good laws had been given, he thought only of the manner in which they were likely to be corrupted, or of how they might be filled up in detail or restored in accordance with their original spirit. He appears not to have reflected upon the full meaning of his own words, ‘In the brief space of human life, nothing great can be accomplished’ (x. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage608B&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;608 B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;); or again, as he afterwards says in the Laws (iii. 676), ‘Infinite time is the maker of cities.’ The order of constitutions which is adopted by him represents an order of thought rather than a succession of time, and may be considered as the first attempt to frame a philosophy of history.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The first of these declining States is timocracy, or the government of soldiers and lovers of honour, which answers to the Spartan State; this is a government of force, in which education is not inspired by the Muses, but imposed by the law, and in which all the finer elements of organization have disappeared. The philosopher himself has lost the love of truth, and the soldier, who is of a simpler and honester nature, rules in his stead. The individual who answers to timocracy has some noticeable qualities. He is described as ill educated, but, like the Spartan, a lover of literature; and although he is a harsh master to his servants he has no natural superiority over them. His character is based upon a reaction against the circumstances of his father, who in a troubled city has retired from politics; and his mother, who is dissatisfied at her own position, is always urging him towards the life of political ambition. Such a character may have had this origin, and indeed Livy attributes the Licinian laws to a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxxvii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxxvii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; feminine jealousy of a similar kind (vii. 34). But there is obviously no connection between the manner in which the timocratic State springs out of the ideal, and the mere accident by which the timocratic man is the son of a retired statesman.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The two next stages in the decline of constitutions have even less historical foundation. For there is no trace in Greek history of a polity like the Spartan or Cretan passing into an oligarchy of wealth, or of the oligarchy of wealth passing into a democracy. The order of history appears to be different; first, in the Homeric times there is the royal or patriarchal form of government, which a century or two later was succeeded by an oligarchy of birth rather than of wealth, and in which wealth was only the accident of the hereditary possession of land and power. Sometimes this oligarchical government gave way to a government based upon a qualification of property, which, according to Aristotle’s mode of using words, would have been called a timocracy; and this in some cities, as at Athens, became the conducting medium to democracy. But such was not the necessary order of succession in States; nor, indeed, can any order be discerned in the endless fluctuation of Greek history (like the tides in the Euripus), except, perhaps, in the almost uniform tendency from monarchy to aristocracy in the earliest times. At first sight there appears to be a similar inversion in the last step of the Platonic succession; for tyranny, instead of being the natural end of democracy, in early Greek history appears rather as a stage leading to democracy; the reign of Peisistratus and his sons is an episode which comes between the legislation of Solon and the constitution of Cleisthenes; and some secret cause common to them all seems to have led the greater part of Hellas at her first appearance in the dawn of history, e.g. Athens, Argos, Corinth, Sicyon, and nearly every State with the exception of Sparta, through a similar stage of tyranny which ended either in oligarchy or democracy. But then we must remember that Plato is describing rather the contemporary governments of the Sicilian States, which alternated between democracy and tyranny, than the ancient history of Athens or Corinth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The portrait of the tyrant himself is just such as the later Greek delighted to draw of Phalaris and Dionysius, in which, as in the lives of mediaeval saints or mythic heroes, the conduct and actions &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxxviii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxxviii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; of one were attributed to another in order to fill up the outline. There was no enormity which the Greek was not today to believe of them; the tyrant was the negation of government and law; his assassination was glorious; there was no crime, however unnatural, which might not with probability be attributed to him. In this, Plato was only following the common thought of his countrymen, which he embellished and exaggerated with all the power of his genius. There is no need to suppose that he drew from life; or that his knowledge of tyrants is derived from a personal acquaintance with Dionysius. The manner in which he speaks of them would rather tend to render doubtful his ever having ‘consorted’ with them, or entertained the schemes, which are attributed to him in the Epistles, of regenerating Sicily by their help.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Plato in a hyperbolical and serio-comic vein exaggerates the follies of democracy which he also sees reflected in social life. To him democracy is a state of individualism or dissolution; in which every one is doing what is right in his own eyes. Of a people animated by a common spirit of liberty, rising as one man to repel the Persian host, which is the leading idea of democracy in Herodotus and Thucydides, he never seems to think. But if he is not a believer in liberty, still less is he a lover of tyranny. His deeper and more serious condemnation is reserved for the tyrant, who is the ideal of wickedness and also of weakness, and who in his utter helplessness and suspiciousness is leading an almost impossible existence, without that remnant of good which, in Plato’s opinion, was required to give power to evil (Book i. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage352B&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;p. 352&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). This ideal of wickedness living in helpless misery, is the reverse of that other portrait of perfect injustice ruling in happiness and splendour, which first of all Thrasymachus, and afterwards the sons of Ariston had drawn, and is also the reverse of the king whose rule of life is the good of his subjects.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Each of these governments and individuals has a corresponding ethical gradation: the ideal State is under the rule of reason, not extinguishing but harmonizing the passions, and training them in virtue; in the timocracy and the timocratic man the constitution, whether of the State or of the individual, is based, first, upon courage, and secondly, upon the love of honour; this latter virtue, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxxix&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxxix&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; which is hardly to be esteemed a virtue, has superseded all the rest. In the second stage of decline the virtues have altogether disappeared, and the love of gain has succeeded to them; in the third stage, or democracy, the various passions are allowed to have free play, and the virtues and vices are impartially cultivated. But this freedom, which leads to many curious extravagances of character, is in reality only a state of weakness and dissipation. At last, one monster passion takes possession of the whole nature of man—this is tyranny. In all of them excess—the excess first of wealth and then of freedom, is the element of decay.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The eighth book of the Republic abounds in pictures of life and fanciful allusions; the use of metaphorical language is carried to a greater extent than anywhere else in Plato. We may remark, (1), the description of the two nations in one, which become more and more divided in the Greek Republics, as in feudal times, and perhaps also in our own; (2), the notion of democracy expressed in a sort of Pythagorean formula as equality among unequals; (3), the free and easy ways of men and animals, which are characteristic of liberty, as foreign mercenaries and universal mistrust are of the tyrant; (4), the proposal that mere debts should not be recoverable by law is a speculation which has often been entertained by reformers of the law in modern times, and is in harmony with the tendencies of modern legislation. Debt and land were the two great difficulties of the ancient lawgiver: in modern times we may be said to have almost, if not quite, solved the first of these difficulties, but hardly the second.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Still more remarkable are the corresponding portraits of individuals: there is the family picture of the father and mother and the old servant of the timocratical man, and the outward respectability and inherent meanness of the oligarchical; the uncontrolled licence and freedom of the democrat, in which the young Alcibiades seems to be depicted, doing right or wrong as he pleases, and who at last, like the prodigal, goes into a far country (note here the play of language by which the democratic man is himself represented under the image of a State having a citadel and receiving embassies); and there is the wild-beast nature, which breaks loose in his successor. The hit about the tyrant being a parricide; the representation of the tyrant’s life as &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxxx&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxxx&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; an obscene dream; the rhetorical surprise of a more miserable than the most miserable of men in Book ix; the hint to the poets that if they are the friends of tyrants there is no place for them in a constitutional State, and that they are too clever not to see the propriety of their own expulsion; the continuous image of the drones who are of two kinds, swelling at last into the monster drone having wings (see infra, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage573A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Book ix&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;),—are among Plato’s happiest touches.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There remains to be considered the great difficulty of this book of the Republic, the so-called number of the State. This is a puzzle almost as great as the Number of the Beast in the Book of Revelation, and though apparently known to Aristotle, is referred to by Cicero as a proverb of obscurity (Ep. ad Att. vii. 13, 5). And some have imagined that there is no answer to the puzzle, and that Plato has been practising upon his readers. But such a deception as this is inconsistent with the manner in which Aristotle speaks of the number (Pol. v. 12, § 7), and would have been ridiculous to any reader of the Republic who was acquainted with Greek mathematics. As little reason is there for supposing that Plato intentionally used obscure expressions; the obscurity arises from our want of familiarity with the subject. On the other hand, Plato himself indicates that he is not altogether serious, and in describing his number as a solemn jest of the Muses, he appears to imply some degree of satire on the symbolical use of number. (Cp. Cratylus, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;passim&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; Protag. 342 ff.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Our hope of understanding the passage depends principally on an accurate study of the words themselves; on which a faint light is thrown by the parallel passage in the ninth book. Another help is the allusion in Aristotle, who makes the important remark that the latter part of the passage (from &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;ô(=n e)pi/tritos puthmê\n, k.t.l.&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ὧν ἐπίτριτος πυθμὴν, κ.τ.λ.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) describes a solid figure.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnoteintro2&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorintro2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Some further clue may be gathered from the appearance of the Pythagorean triangle, which is denoted by the numbers 3, 4, 5, and in which, as in every right-angled &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxxxi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxxxi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; triangle, the squares of the two lesser sides equal the square of the hypotenuse (3&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; + 4&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; = 5&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, or 9 + 16 = 25).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnoteintro2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorintro2&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Pol. v. 12, § 8:—‘He only says that nothing is abiding, but that all things change in a certain cycle; and that the origin of the change is a base of numbers which are in the ratio of 4 : 3; and this when combined with a figure of five gives two harmonies; he means when the number of this figure becomes solid.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Plato begins by speaking of a perfect or cyclical number (cp. Tim. 39 D), i.e. a number in which the sum of the divisors equals the whole; this is the divine or perfect number in which all lesser cycles or revolutions are complete. He also speaks of a human or imperfect number, having four terms and three intervals of numbers which are related to one another in certain proportions; these he converts into figures, and finds in them when they have been raised to the third power certain elements of number, which give two ‘harmonies,’ the one square, the other oblong; but he does not say that the square number answers to the divine, or the oblong number to the human cycle; nor is any intimation given that the first or divine number represents the period of the world, the second the period of the state, or of the human race as Zeller supposes; nor is the divine number afterwards mentioned (cp. Arist.). The second is the number of generations or births, and presides over them in the same mysterious manner in which the stars preside over them, or in which, according to the Pythagoreans, opportunity, justice, marriage, are represented by some number or figure. This is probably the number 216.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The explanation given in the text supposes the two harmonies to make up the number 8000. This explanation derives a certain plausibility from the circumstance that 8000 is the ancient number of the Spartan citizens (Herod. vii. 34), and would be what Plato might have called ‘a number which nearly concerns the population of a city’ (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage588A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;588 A&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;); the mysterious disappearance of the Spartan population may possibly have suggested to him the first cause of his decline of States. The lesser or square ‘harmony,’ of 400, might be a symbol of the guardians,—the larger or oblong ‘harmony,’ of the people, and the numbers 3, 4, 5 might refer respectively to the three orders in the State or parts of the soul, the four virtues, the five forms of government. The harmony of the musical scale, which is elsewhere used as a symbol of the harmony of the state (Rep. iv. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage443D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;443 D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), is also indicated. For the numbers 3, 4, 5, which represent the sides of the Pythagorean triangle, also denote the intervals of the scale.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The terms used in the statement of the problem may be &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxxxii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxxxii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; explained as follows. A perfect number (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;te/leios a)rithmo/s&amp;quot;&amp;gt;τέλειος ἀριθμός&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;), as already stated, is one which is equal to the sum of its divisors. Thus 6, which is the first perfect or cyclical number, = 1 + 2 + 3. The words &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;o)/roi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ὄροι&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, ‘terms’ or ‘notes,’ and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;a)posta/seis&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἀποστάσεις&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, ‘intervals,’ are applicable to music as well as to number and figure. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Prô/tô|&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Πρώτῳ&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; is the ‘base’ on which the whole calculation depends, or the ‘lowest term’ from which it can be worked out. The words &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;duna/menai/ te kai\ dunasteuo/menoi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;δυνάμεναί τε καὶ δυναστευόμενοι&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; have been variously translated—‘squared and cubed’ (Donaldson), ‘equalling and equalled in power’ (Weber), ‘by involution and evolution,’ i.e. by raising the power and extracting the root (as in the translation). Numbers are called ‘like and unlike’ (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;o(moiou=nte/s te kai\ a)nomoiou=ntes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ὁμοιοῦντές τε καὶ ἀνομοιοῦντες&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) when the factors or the sides of the planes and cubes which they represent are or are not in the same ratio: e.g. 8 and 27 = 2&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; and 3&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;; and conversely. ‘Waxing’ (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;au)/xontes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;αὔξοντες&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) numbers, called also ‘increasing’ (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;u(pertelei=s&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ὑπερτελεῖς&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;), are those which are exceeded by the sum of their divisors: e.g. 12 and 18 are less than 16 and 21. ‘Waning’ (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;phthi/nontes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;φθίνοντες&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) numbers, called also ‘decreasing’ (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot; e)llipei=s&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἐλλιπεῖς&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) are those which succeed the sum of their divisors: e.g. 8 and 27 exceed 7 and 13. The words translated ‘commensurable and agreeable to one another’ (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;prosê/gora kai\ r(êta/&amp;quot;&amp;gt;προσήγορα καὶ ῥητά&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) seem to be different ways of describing the same relation, with more or less precision. They are equivalent to ‘expressible in terms having the same relation to one another,’ like the series 8, 12, 18, 27, each of which numbers is in the relation of 1&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;⁄&amp;lt;sub&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/sub&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; to the preceding. The ‘base,’ or ‘fundamental number, which has &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;⁄&amp;lt;sub&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/sub&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; added to it’ (1&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;⁄&amp;lt;sub&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/sub&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) = &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;⁄&amp;lt;sub&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/sub&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; or a musical fourth. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;A(rmoni/a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Ἁρμονία&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; is a ‘proportion’ of numbers as of musical notes, applied either to the parts or factors of a single number or to the relation of one number to another. The first harmony is a ‘square’ number (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;i)/sên i)sa/kis&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἴσην ἰσάκις&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;); the second harmony is an ‘oblong’ number (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;promê/kê&amp;quot;&amp;gt;προμήκη&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;), i.e. a number representing a figure of which the opposite sides only are equal. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;A)rithmoi\ a)po\ diame/trôn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Ἀριθμοὶ ἀπὸ διαμέτρων&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; = ‘numbers squared from’ or ‘upon diameters’; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;r(êtô=n&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ῥητῶν&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; = ‘rational,’ i.e. omitting fractions, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;a)r)r(ê/tôn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἀῤῥήτων&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, ‘irrational,’ i.e. including fractions; e.g. 49 is a square of the rational diameter of a figure the side of which = 5: 50, of an irrational diameter of the same. For several of the explanations here given and for a good deal besides I am indebted to an excellent article on the Platonic Number by Dr. Donaldson (Proc. of the Philol. Society, vol. i. p. 81 ff.).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxxxiii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxxxiii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The conclusions which he draws from these data are summed up by him as follows. Having assumed that the number of the perfect or divine cycle is the number of the world, and the number of the imperfect cycle the number of the state, he proceeds: ‘The period of the world is defined by the perfect number 6, that of the state by the cube of that number or 216, which is the product of the last pair of terms in the Platonic Tetractys&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnoteintro3&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorintro3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; and if we take this as the basis of our computation, we shall have two cube numbers (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;au)xê/seis duna/menai/ te kai\ dunasteuo/menai&amp;quot;&amp;gt;αὐξήσεις δυνάμεναί τε καὶ δυναστευόμεναι&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;), viz. 8 and 27; and the mean proportionals between these, viz. 12 and 18, will furnish three intervals and four terms, and these terms and intervals stand related to one another in the &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;sesqui-altera&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; ratio, i.e. each term is to the preceding as &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;⁄&amp;lt;sub&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/sub&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;. Now if we remember that the number 216 = 8 ×  27 = 3&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; + 4&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; + 5&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, and 3&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; + 4&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; = 5&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, we must admit that this number implies the numbers 3, 4, 5, to which musicians attach so much importance. And if we combine the ratio &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;⁄&amp;lt;sub&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/sub&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; with the number 5, or multiply the ratios of the sides by the hypotenuse, we shall by first squaring and then cubing obtain two expressions, which denote the ratio of the two last pairs of terms in the Platonic Tetractys, the former multiplied by the square, the latter by the cube of the number 10, the sum of the first four digits which constitute the Platonic Tetractys.’ The two &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;a(rmoni/ai&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἁρμονίαι&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; he elsewhere explains as follows: ‘The first &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;a(rmoni/a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἁρμονία&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;i)/sên i)sa/kis e(kato\n tosauta/kis&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἴσην ἰσάκις ἑκατὸν τοσαυτάκις&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, in other words (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;⁄&amp;lt;sub&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/sub&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; ×  5)&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; = 100 × &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;⁄&amp;lt;sub&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/sub&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;. The second &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;a(rmoni/a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἁρμονία&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, a cube of the same root, is described as 100 multiplied (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;α&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) by the rational diameter of 5 diminished by unity, i.e., as shown above, 48: (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;b&amp;quot;&amp;gt;β&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) by two incommensurable diameters, i.e. the two first irrationals, or 2 and 3: and (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;g&amp;quot;&amp;gt;γ&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) by the cube of 3, or 27. Thus we have (48 + 5 + 27) 100 = 1000 ×  2&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;. This second harmony is to be the cube of the number of which the former harmony is the square, and therefore must be divided by the cube of 3. In other words, the whole expression will be: (1), for the first harmony, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;400&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;⁄&amp;lt;sub&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/sub&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;: (2), for the second harmony, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;8000&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;⁄&amp;lt;sub&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/sub&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnoteintro3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorintro3&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The Platonic Tetractys consisted of a series of seven terms, 1, 2, 3, 4, 9, 8, 27.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The reasons which have inclined me to agree with Dr. Donaldson and also with Schleiermacher in supposing that 216 is the Platonic number of births are: (1) that it coincides with the description of the number given in the first part of the passage (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;e)n ô(=| prô/tô| ... a)pe/phêsan&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἐν ᾧ πρώτῳ … &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxxxiv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxxxiv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; ἀπέφησαν&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;): (2) that the number 216 with its permutations would have been familiar to a Greek mathematician, though unfamiliar to us: (3) that 216 is the cube of 6, and also the sum of 3&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, 4&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, 5&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;, the numbers 3, 4, 5 representing the Pythagorean triangle, of which the sides when squared equal the square of the hypotenuse (3&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; + 4&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt; = 5&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;): (4) that it is also the period of the Pythagorean Metempsychosis: (5) the three ultimate terms or bases (3, 4, 5) of which 216 is composed answer to the third, fourth, fifth in the musical scale: (6) that the number 216 is the product of the cubes of 2 and 3, which are the two last terms in the Platonic Tetractys: (7) that the Pythagorean triangle is said by Plutarch (de Is. et Osir., 373 E), Proclus (super prima Eucl. iv. p. 111), and Quintilian (de Musica iii. p. 152) to be contained in this passage, so that the tradition of the school seems to point in the same direction: (8) that the Pythagorean triangle is called also the figure of marriage (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;gamê/lion dia/gramma&amp;quot;&amp;gt;γαμήλιον διάγραμμα&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But though agreeing with Dr. Donaldson thus far, I see no reason for supposing, as he does, that the first or perfect number is the world, the human or imperfect number the state; nor has he given any proof that the second harmony is a cube. Nor do I think that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;a)r)r(ê/tôn de\ duei=n&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἀῤῥήτων δὲ δυεῖν&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; can mean ‘two incommensurables,’ which he arbitrarily assumes to be 2 and 3, but rather, as the preceding clause implies, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;duei=n a)rithmoi=n a)po\ a)r)r(ê/tôn diame/trôn pempa/dos&amp;quot;&amp;gt;δυεῖν ἀριθμοῖν ἀπὸ ἀῤῥήτων διαμέτρων πεμπάδος&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, i.e. two square numbers based upon irrational diameters of a figure the side of which is 5 = 50 ×  2.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The greatest objection to the translation is the sense given to the words &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;e)pi/tritos puthmê/n k.t.l.&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἐπίτριτος πυθμήν κ.τ.λ.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, ‘a base of three with a third added to it, multiplied by 5.’ In this somewhat forced manner Plato introduces once more the numbers of the Pythagorean triangle. But the coincidences in the numbers which follow are in favour of the explanation. The first harmony of 400, as has been already remarked, probably represents the rulers; the second and oblong harmony of 7600, the people.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And here we take leave of the difficulty. The discovery of the riddle would be useless, and would throw no light on ancient mathematics. The point of interest is that Plato should have used such a symbol, and that so much of the Pythagorean spirit should have prevailed in him. His general meaning is that divine creation is perfect, and is represented or presided &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxxxv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxxxv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; over by a perfect or cyclical number; human generation is imperfect, and represented or presided over by an imperfect number or series of numbers. The number 5040, which is the number of the citizens in the Laws, is expressly based by him on utilitarian grounds, namely, the convenience of the number for division; it is also made up of the first seven digits multiplied by one another. The contrast of the perfect and imperfect number may have been easily suggested by the corrections of the cycle, which were made first by Meton and secondly by Callippus; (the latter is said to have been a pupil of Plato). Of the degree of importance or of exactness to be attributed to the problem, the number of the tyrant in Book ix. (729 = 365 × 2), and the slight correction of the error in the number 5040÷12 (Laws, 771 C), may furnish a criterion. There is nothing surprising in the circumstance that those who were seeking for order in nature and had found order in number, should have imagined one to give law to the other. Plato believes in a power of number far beyond what he could see realized in the world around him, and he knows the great influence which ‘the little matter of 1, 2, 3’ (vii. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage522C&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;522 C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) exercises upon education. He may even be thought to have a prophetic anticipation of the discoveries of Quetelet and others, that numbers depend upon numbers; e.g.—in population, the numbers of births and the respective numbers of children born of either sex, on the respective ages of parents, i.e. on other numbers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p id=&amp;quot;iaIX&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic IX.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
A&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NALYSIS.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;b&amp;gt;BOOK IX.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; ¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage571A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;571&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Last of all comes the tyrannical man, about whom we have to enquire, Whence is he, and how does he live—in happiness or in misery? There is, however, a previous question of the nature and number of the appetites, which I should like to consider first. Some of them are unlawful, and yet admit of being chastened and weakened in various degrees by the power of reason and law. ‘What appetites do you mean?’ I mean those which are awake when the reasoning powers are asleep, which get up and walk about naked without any self-respect or shame; and there is no conceivable folly or crime, however cruel or unnatural, of which, in imagination, they may not be guilty. ‘True,’ he said; ‘very true.’ But when a man’s pulse beats temperately; and he has supped on a feast of reason and come to a knowledge of himself &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxxxvi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxxxvi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; before going to rest, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage572A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;572&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and has satisfied his desires just enough to prevent their perturbing his reason, which remains clear and luminous, and when he is free from quarrel and heat,—the visions which he has on his bed are least irregular and abnormal. Even in good men there is such an irregular wild-beast nature, which peers out in sleep.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — To return:—You remember what was said of the democrat; that he was the son of a miserly father, who encouraged the saving desires and repressed the ornamental and expensive ones; presently the youth got into fine company, and began to entertain a dislike to his father’s narrow ways; and being a better man than the corrupters of his youth, he came to a mean, and led a life, not of lawless or slavish passion, but of regular and successive indulgence. Now imagine that the youth has become a father, and has a son who is exposed to the same temptations, and has companions who lead him into every sort of iniquity, and parents and friends who try to keep him right. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage573A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;573&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;The counsellors of evil find that their only chance of retaining him is to implant in his soul a monster drone, or love; while other desires buzz around him and mystify him with sweet sounds and scents, this monster love takes possession of him, and puts an end to every true or modest thought or wish. Love, like drunkenness and madness, is a tyranny; and the tyrannical man, whether made by nature or habit, is just a drinking, lusting, furious sort of animal.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And how does such an one live? ‘Nay, that you must tell me.’ Well then, I fancy that he will live amid revelries and harlotries, and love will be the lord and master of the house. Many desires require much money, and so he spends all that he has and borrows more; and when he has nothing the young ravens are still in the nest in which they were hatched, crying for food. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage574A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;574&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Love urges them on; and they must be gratified by force or fraud, or if not, they become painful and troublesome; and as the new pleasures succeed the old ones, so will the son take possession of the goods of his parents; if they show signs of refusing, he will defraud and deceive them; and if they openly resist, what then? ‘I can only say, that I should not much like to be in their place.’ But, O heavens, Adeimantus, to think that for some new-fangled and unnecessary love he will give up his old father and mother, best and dearest of friends, or enslave them to the fancies of the hour! &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxxxvii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxxxvii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Truly a tyrannical son is a blessing to his father and mother! When there is no more to be got out of them, he turns burglar or pickpocket, or robs a temple. Love overmasters the thoughts of his youth, and he becomes in sober reality the monster that he was sometimes in sleep. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage575A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;575&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;He waxes strong in all violence and lawlessness; and is ready for any deed of daring that will supply the wants of his rabble-rout. In a well-ordered State there are only a few such, and these in time of war go out and become the mercenaries of a tyrant. But in time of peace they stay at home and do mischief; they are the thieves, footpads, cut-purses, man-stealers of the community; or if they are able to speak, they turn false-witnesses and informers. ‘No small catalogue of crimes truly, even if the perpetrators are few.’ Yes, I said; but small and great are relative terms, and no crimes which are committed by them approach those of the tyrant, whom this class, growing strong and numerous, create out of themselves. If the people yield, well and good, but, if they resist, then, as before he beat his father and mother, so now he beats his fatherland and motherland, and places his mercenaries over them. Such men in their early days live with flatterers, and they themselves flatter others, in order to gain their ends; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage576A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;576&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;but they soon discard their followers when they have no longer any need of them; they are always either masters or servants,—the joys of friendship are unknown to them. And they are utterly treacherous and unjust, if the nature of justice be at all understood by us. They realize our dream; and he who is the most of a tyrant by nature, and leads the life of a tyrant for the longest time, will be the worst of them, and being the worst of them, will also be the most miserable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Like man, like State,—the tyrannical man will answer to tyranny, which is the extreme opposite of the royal State; for one is the best and the other the worst. But which is the happier? Great and terrible as the tyrant may appear enthroned amid his satellites, let us not be afraid to go in and ask; and the answer is, that the monarchical is the happiest, and the tyrannical the most miserable of States. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage577A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;577&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And may we not ask the same question about the men themselves, requesting some one to look into them who is able to penetrate the inner nature of man, and will not be panic-struck by the vain pomp of tyranny? I will suppose that he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxxxviii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxxxviii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; is one who has lived with him, and has seen him in family life, or perhaps in the hour of trouble and danger.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Assuming that we ourselves are the impartial judge for whom we seek, let us begin by comparing the individual and State, and ask first of all, whether the State is likely to be free or enslaved—Will there not be a little freedom and a great deal of slavery? And the freedom is of the bad, and the slavery of the good; and this applies to the man as well as to the State; for his soul is full of meanness and slavery, and the better part is enslaved to the worse. He cannot do what he would, and his mind is full of confusion; he is the very reverse of a freeman. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage578A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;578&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;The State will be poor and full of misery and sorrow; and the man’s soul will also be poor and full of sorrows, and he will be the most miserable of men. No, not the most miserable, for there is yet a more miserable. ‘Who is that?’ The tyrannical man who has the misfortune also to become a public tyrant. ‘There I suspect that you are right.’ Say rather, ‘I am sure;’ conjecture is out of place in an enquiry of this nature. He is like a wealthy owner of slaves, only he has more of them than any private individual. You will say, ‘The owners of slaves are not generally in any fear of them.’ But why? Because the whole city is in a league which protects the individual. Suppose however that one of these owners and his household is carried off by a god into a wilderness, where there are no freemen to help him—will he not be in an agony of terror?—&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage579A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;579&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;will he not be compelled to flatter his slaves and to promise them many things sore against his will? And suppose the same god who carried him off were to surround him with neighbours who declare that no man ought to have slaves, and that the owners of them should be punished with death. ‘Still worse and worse! He will be in the midst of his enemies.’ And is not our tyrant such a captive soul, who is tormented by a swarm of passions which he cannot indulge; living indoors always like a woman, and jealous of those who can go out and see the world?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Having so many evils, will not the most miserable of men be still more miserable in a public station? Master of others when he is not master of himself; like a sick man who is compelled to be an athlete; the meanest of slaves and the most abject of flatterers; wanting all things, and never able to satisfy his desires; always in fear and distraction, like the State of which he is the representative. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage580A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;580&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxxxix&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxxxix&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; His jealous, hateful, faithless temper grows worse with command; he is more and more faithless, envious, unrighteous,—the most wretched of men, a misery to himself and to others. And so let us have a final trial and proclamation; need we hire a herald, or shall I proclaim the result? ‘Make the proclamation yourself.’ &amp;lt;em&amp;gt;The son of Ariston&amp;lt;/em&amp;gt; (&amp;lt;em&amp;gt;the best&amp;lt;/em&amp;gt;) &amp;lt;em&amp;gt;is of opinion that the best and justest of men is also the happiest, and that this is he who is the most royal master of himself; and that the unjust man is he who is the greatest tyrant of himself and of his State. And I add further—‘seen or unseen by gods or men.’&amp;lt;/em&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — This is our first proof. The second is derived from the three kinds of pleasure, which answer to the three elements of the soul—reason, passion, desire; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage581A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;581&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;under which last is comprehended avarice as well as sensual appetite, while passion includes ambition, party-feeling, love of reputation. Reason, again, is solely directed to the attainment of truth, and careless of money and reputation. In accordance with the difference of men’s natures, one of these three principles is in the ascendant, and they have their several pleasures corresponding to them. Interrogate now the three natures, and each one will be found praising his own pleasures and depreciating those of others. The money-maker will contrast the vanity of knowledge with the solid advantages of wealth. The ambitious man will despise knowledge which brings no honour; whereas the philosopher will regard only the fruition of truth, and will call other pleasures necessary rather than good. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage582A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;582&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Now, how shall we decide between them? Is there any better criterion than experience and knowledge? And which of the three has the truest knowledge and the widest experience? The experience of youth makes the philosopher acquainted with the two kinds of desire, but the avaricious and the ambitious man never taste the pleasures of truth and wisdom. Honour he has equally with them; they are ‘judged of him,’ but he is ‘not judged of them,’ for they never attain to the knowledge of true being. And his instrument is reason, whereas their standard is only wealth and honour; and if by reason we are to judge, his good will be the truest. And so we arrive at the result that the pleasure of the rational part of the soul, and a life passed in such pleasure is the pleasantest. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage583A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;583&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;He who has a right to judge judges thus. Next comes the life of ambition, and, in the third place, that of money-making.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxl&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Twice has the just man overthrown the unjust—once more, as in an Olympian contest, first offering up a prayer to the saviour Zeus, let him try a fall. A wise man whispers to me that the pleasures of the wise are true and pure; all others are a shadow only. Let us examine this: Is not pleasure opposed to pain, and is there not a mean state which is neither? When a man is sick, nothing is more pleasant to him than health. But this he never found out while he was well. In pain he desires only to cease from pain; on the other hand, when he is in an ecstasy of pleasure, rest is painful to him. Thus rest or cessation is both pleasure and pain. But can that which is neither become both? Again, pleasure and pain are motions, and the absence of them is rest; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage584A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;584&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;but if so, how can the absence of either of them be the other? Thus we are led to infer that the contradiction is an appearance only, and witchery of the senses. And these are not the only pleasures, for there are others which have no preceding pains. Pure pleasure then is not the absence of pain, nor pure pain the absence of pleasure; although most of the pleasures which reach the mind through the body are reliefs of pain, and have not only their reactions when they depart, but their anticipations before they come. They can be best described in a simile. There is in nature an upper, lower, and middle region, and he who passes from the lower to the middle imagines that he is going up and is already in the upper world; and if he were taken back again would think, and truly think, that he was descending. All this arises out of his ignorance of the true upper, middle, and lower regions. And a like confusion happens with pleasure and pain, and with many other things. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage585A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;585&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;The man who compares grey with black, calls grey white; and the man who compares absence of pain with pain, calls the absence of pain pleasure. Again, hunger and thirst are inanitions of the body, ignorance and folly of the soul; and food is the satisfaction of the one, knowledge of the other. Now which is the purer satisfaction—that of eating and drinking, or that of knowledge? Consider the matter thus: The satisfaction of that which has more existence is truer than of that which has less. The invariable and immortal has a more real existence than the variable and mortal, and has a corresponding measure of knowledge and truth. The soul, again, has more existence and truth and knowledge than the body, and is therefore more really satisfied and has a more &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxli&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxli&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; natural pleasure. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage586A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;586&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Those who feast only on earthly food, are always going at random up to the middle and down again; but they never pass into the true upper world, or have a taste of true pleasure. They are like fatted beasts, full of gluttony and sensuality, and ready to kill one another by reason of their insatiable lust; for they are not filled with true being, and their vessel is leaky (cp. Gorgias, 243 A, foll.). Their pleasures are mere shadows of pleasure, mixed with pain, coloured and intensified by contrast, and therefore intensely desired; and men go fighting about them, as Stesichorus says that the Greeks fought about the shadow of Helen at Troy, because they know not the truth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The same may be said of the passionate element:—the desires of the ambitious soul, as well as of the covetous, have an inferior satisfaction. Only when under the guidance of reason do either of the other principles do their own business &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage587A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;587&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;or attain the pleasure which is natural to them. When not attaining, they compel the other parts of the soul to pursue a shadow of pleasure which is not theirs. And the more distant they are from philosophy and reason, the more distant they will be from law and order, and the more illusive will be their pleasures. The desires of love and tyranny are the farthest from law, and those of the king are nearest to it. There is one genuine pleasure, and two spurious ones: the tyrant goes beyond even the latter; he has run away altogether from law and reason. Nor can the measure of his inferiority be told, except in a figure. The tyrant is the third removed from the oligarch, and has therefore, not a shadow of his pleasure, but the shadow of a shadow only. The oligarch, again, is thrice removed from the king, and thus we get the formula 3 × 3, which is the number of a surface, representing the shadow which is the tyrant’s pleasure, and if you like to cube this ‘number of the beast,’ you will find that the measure of the difference amounts to 729; the king is 729 times more happy than the tyrant. And this extraordinary number is &amp;lt;em&amp;gt;nearly&amp;lt;/em&amp;gt; equal to the number of days and nights in a year (365 × 2 = 730); and is therefore concerned with human life. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage588A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;588&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;This is the interval between a good and bad man in happiness only: what must be the difference between them in comeliness of life and virtue!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Perhaps you may remember some one saying at the beginning of our discussion that the unjust man was profited if he had the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxlii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxlii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; reputation of justice. Now that we know the nature of justice and injustice, let us make an image of the soul, which will personify his words. First of all, fashion a multitudinous beast, having a ring of heads of all manner of animals, tame and wild, and able to produce and change them at pleasure. Suppose now another form of a lion, and another of a man; the second smaller than the first, the third than the second; join them together and cover them with a human skin, in which they are completely concealed. When this has been done, let us tell the supporter of injustice &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage589A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;589&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;that he is feeding up the beasts and starving the man. The maintainer of justice, on the other hand, is trying to strengthen the man; he is nourishing the gentle principle within him, and making an alliance with the lion heart, in order that he may be able to keep down the many-headed hydra, and bring all into unity with each other and with themselves. Thus in every point of view, whether in relation to pleasure, honour, or advantage, the just man is right, and the unjust wrong.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But now, let us reason with the unjust, who is not intentionally in error. Is not the noble that which subjects the beast to the man, or rather to the God in man; the ignoble, that which subjects the man to the beast? And if so, who would receive gold on condition that he was to degrade the noblest part of himself under the worst?—who would sell his son or daughter into the hands of brutal and evil men, for any amount of money? And will he sell his own fairer and diviner part without any compunction to the most godless and foul? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage590A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;590&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Would he not be worse than Eriphyle, who sold her husband’s life for a necklace? And intemperance is the letting loose of the multiform monster, and pride and sullenness are the growth and increase of the lion and serpent element, while luxury and effeminacy are caused by a too great relaxation of spirit. Flattery and meanness again arise when the spirited element is subjected to avarice, and the lion is habituated to become a monkey. The real disgrace of handicraft arts is, that those who are engaged in them have to flatter, instead of mastering their desires; therefore we say that they should be placed under the control of the better principle in another because they have none in themselves; not, as Thrasymachus imagined, to the injury of the subjects, but for &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxliii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxliii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; their good. And our intention in educating the young, is to give them self-control; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage591A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;591&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the law desires to nurse up in them a higher principle, and when they have acquired this, they may go their ways.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ‘What, then, shall a man profit, if he gain the whole world’ and become more and more wicked? Or what shall he profit by escaping discovery, if the concealment of evil prevents the cure? If he had been punished, the brute within him would have been silenced, and the gentler element liberated; and he would have united temperance, justice, and wisdom in his soul—a union better far than any combination of bodily gifts. The man of understanding will honour knowledge above all; in the next place he will keep under his body, not only for the sake of health and strength, but in order to attain the most perfect harmony of body and soul. In the acquisition of riches, too, he will aim at order and harmony; he will not desire to heap up wealth without measure, but he will fear that the increase of wealth will disturb the constitution of his own soul. For the same reason &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage592A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;592&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;he will only accept such honours as will make him a better man; any others he will decline. ‘In that case,’ said he, ‘he will never be a politician.’ Yes, but he will, in his own city; though probably not in his native country, unless by some divine accident. ‘You mean that he will be a citizen of the ideal city, which has no place upon earth.’ But in heaven, I replied, there is a pattern of such a city, and he who wishes may order his life after that image. Whether such a state is or ever will be matters not; he will act according to that pattern and no other….&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic IX.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
I&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NTRODUCTION.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The most noticeable points in the 9th Book of the Republic are:—(1) the account of pleasure; (2) the number of the interval which divides the king from the tyrant; (3) the pattern which is in heaven.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 1. Plato’s account of pleasure is remarkable for moderation, and in this respect contrasts with the later Platonists and the views which are attributed to them by Aristotle. He is not, like the Cynics, opposed to all pleasure, but rather desires that the several parts of the soul shall have their natural satisfaction; he even agrees with the Epicureans in describing pleasure &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxliv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxliv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; as something more than the absence of pain. This is proved by the circumstance that there are pleasures which have no antecedent pains (as he also remarks in the Philebus), such as the pleasures of smell, and also the pleasures of hope and anticipation. In the previous book (pp. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage558A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;558&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage559A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;559&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) he had made the distinction between necessary and unnecessary pleasure, which is repeated by Aristotle, and he now observes that there are a further class of ‘wild beast’ pleasures, corresponding to Aristotle’s &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;thêrio/tês&amp;quot;&amp;gt;θηριότης&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;. He dwells upon the relative and unreal character of sensual pleasures and the illusion which arises out of the contrast of pleasure and pain, pointing out the superiority of the pleasures of reason, which are at rest, over the fleeting pleasures of sense and emotion. The pre-eminence of royal pleasure is shown by the fact that reason is able to form a judgment of the lower pleasures, while the two lower parts of the soul are incapable of judging the pleasures of reason. Thus, in his treatment of pleasure, as in many other subjects, the philosophy of Plato is ‘sawn up into quantities’ by Aristotle; the analysis which was originally made by him became in the next generation the foundation of further technical distinctions. Both in Plato and Aristotle we note the illusion under which the ancients fell of regarding the transience of pleasure as a proof of its unreality, and of confounding the permanence of the intellectual pleasures with the unchangeableness of the knowledge from which they are derived. Neither do we like to admit that the pleasures of knowledge, though more elevating, are not more lasting than other pleasures, and are almost equally dependent on the accidents of our bodily state (cp. Introduction to Philebus).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 2. The number of the interval which separates the king from the tyrant, and royal from tyrannical pleasures, is 729, the cube of 9. Which Plato characteristically designates as a number concerned with human life, because &amp;lt;em&amp;gt;nearly&amp;lt;/em&amp;gt; equivalent to the number of days and nights in the year. He is desirous of proclaiming that the interval between them is immeasurable, and invents a formula to give expression to his idea. Those who spoke of justice as a cube, of virtue as an art of measuring (Prot. 357 A), saw no inappropriateness in conceiving the soul under the figure of a line, or the pleasure of the tyrant as separated from the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxlv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxlv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; pleasure of the king by the numerical interval of 729. And in modern times we sometimes use metaphorically what Plato employed as a philosophical formula. ‘It is not easy to estimate the loss of the tyrant, except perhaps in this way,’ says Plato. So we might say, that although the life of a good man is not to be compared to that of a bad man, yet you may measure the difference between them by valuing one minute of the one at an hour of the other (‘One day in thy courts is better than a thousand’), or you might say that ‘there is an infinite difference.’ But this is not so much as saying, in homely phrase, ‘They are a thousand miles asunder.’ And accordingly Plato finds the natural vehicle of his thoughts in a progression of numbers; this arithmetical formula he draws out with the utmost seriousness, and both here and in the number of generation seems to find an additional proof of the truth of his speculation in forming the number into a geometrical figure; just as persons in our own day are apt to fancy that a statement is verified when it has been only thrown into an abstract form. In speaking of the number 729 as proper to human life, he probably intended to intimate that one year of the tyrannical = 12 hours of the royal life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The simple observation that the comparison of two similar solids is effected by the comparison of the cubes of their sides, is the mathematical groundwork of this fanciful expression. There is some difficulty in explaining the steps by which the number 729 is obtained; the oligarch is removed in the third degree from the royal and aristocratical, and the tyrant in the third degree from the oligarchical; but we have to arrange the terms as the sides of a square and to count the oligarch twice over, thus reckoning them not as = 5 but as = 9. The square of 9 is passed lightly over as only a step towards the cube.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — 3. Towards the close of the Republic, Plato seems to be more and more convinced of the ideal character of his own speculations. At the end of the 9th Book the pattern which is in heaven takes the place of the city of philosophers on earth. The vision which has received form and substance at his hands, is now discovered to be at a distance. And yet this distant kingdom is also the rule of man’s life (Bk. vii. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage540E&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;540 E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). (‘Say not lo! here, or lo! there, for the kingdom of God is within you.’) Thus a note is struck which prepares for the revelation of a future &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxlvi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxlvi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; life in the following Book. But the future life is present still; the ideal of politics is to be realized in the individual.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p id=&amp;quot;iaX&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic X.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
A&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NALYSIS.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;b&amp;gt;BOOK X.&amp;lt;/b&amp;gt; ¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage595A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;595&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Many things pleased me in the order of our State, but there was nothing which I liked better than the regulation about poetry. The division of the soul throws a new light on our exclusion of imitation. I do not mind telling you in confidence that all poetry is an outrage on the understanding, unless the hearers have that balm of knowledge which heals error. I have loved Homer ever since I was a boy, and even now he appears to me to be the great master of tragic poetry. But much as I love the man, I love truth more, and therefore I must speak out: and first of all, will you explain what is imitation, for really I do not understand? ‘How likely then that I should understand!’ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage596A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;596&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;That might very well be, for the duller often sees better than the keener eye. ‘True, but in your presence I can hardly venture to say what I think.’ Then suppose that we begin in our old fashion, with the doctrine of universals. Let us assume the existence of beds and tables. There is one idea of a bed, or of a table, which the maker of each had in his mind when making them; he did not make the ideas of beds and tables, but he made beds and tables according to the ideas. And is there not a maker of the works of all workmen, who makes not only vessels but plants and animals, himself, the earth and heaven, and things in heaven and under the earth? He makes the Gods also. ‘He must be a wizard indeed!’ But do you not see that there is a sense in which you could do the same? You have only to take a mirror, and catch the reflection of the sun, and the earth, or anything else—there now you have made them. ‘Yes, but only in appearance.’ Exactly so; and the painter is such a creator as you are with the mirror, and he is even more unreal than the carpenter; although neither the carpenter &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage597A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;597&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;nor any other artist can be supposed to make the absolute bed. ‘Not if philosophers may be believed.’ Nor need we wonder that his bed has but an imperfect relation to the truth. Reflect:—Here are three beds; one in nature, which is made by God; another, which is made by the carpenter; and the third, by the painter. God only made one, nor could he have made more than one; for if there had been two, there &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxlvii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxlvii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; would always have been a third—more absolute and abstract than either, under which they would have been included. We may therefore conceive God to be the natural maker of the bed, and in a lower sense the carpenter is also the maker; but the painter is rather the imitator of what the other two make; he has to do with a creation which is thrice removed from reality. And the tragic poet is an imitator, and, like every other imitator, is thrice removed from the king and from the truth. The painter imitates not the original bed, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage598A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;598&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;but the bed made by the carpenter. And this, without being really different, appears to be different, and has many points of view, of which only one is caught by the painter, who represents everything because he represents a piece of everything, and that piece an image. And he can paint any other artist, although he knows nothing of their arts; and this with sufficient skill to deceive children or simple people. Suppose now that somebody came to us and told us, how he had met a man who knew all that everybody knows, and better than anybody:—should we not infer him to be a simpleton who, having no discernment of truth and falsehood, had met with a wizard or enchanter, whom he fancied to be all-wise? And when we hear persons saying that Homer and the tragedians know all the arts and all the virtues, must we not infer that they are under a similar delusion? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage599A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;599&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;they do not see that the poets are imitators, and that their creations are only imitations. ‘Very true.’ But if a person could create as well as imitate, he would rather leave some permanent work and not an imitation only; he would rather be the receiver than the giver of praise? ‘Yes, for then he would have more honour and advantage.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Let us now interrogate Homer and the poets. Friend Homer, say I to him, I am not going to ask you about medicine, or any art to which your poems incidentally refer, but about their main subjects—war, military tactics, politics. If you are only twice and not thrice removed from the truth—not an imitator or an image-maker, please to inform us what good you have ever done to mankind? Is there any city which professes to have received laws from you, as Sicily and Italy have from Charondas, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage600A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;600&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Sparta from Lycurgus, Athens from Solon? Or was any war ever carried on by your counsels? or is any invention attributed to you, as there is to Thales and Anacharsis? Or is there any &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxlviii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxlviii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Homeric way of life, such as the Pythagorean was, in which you instructed men, and which is called after you? ‘No, indeed; and Creophylus [Flesh-child] was even more unfortunate in his breeding than he was in his name, if, as tradition says, Homer in his lifetime was allowed by him and his other friends to starve.’ Yes, but could this ever have happened if Homer had really been the educator of Hellas? Would he not have had many devoted followers? If Protagoras and Prodicus can persuade their contemporaries that no one can manage house or State without them, is it likely that Homer and Hesiod would have been allowed to go about as beggars—I mean if they had really been able to do the world any good?—would not men have compelled them to stay where they were, or have followed them about in order to get education? But they did not; and therefore we may infer that Homer and all the poets are only imitators, who do but imitate the appearances of things. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage601A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;601&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;For as a painter by a knowledge of figure and colour can paint a cobbler without any practice in cobbling, so the poet can delineate any art in the colours of language, and give harmony and rhythm to the cobbler and also to the general; and you know how mere narration, when deprived of the ornaments of metre, is like a face which has lost the beauty of youth and never had any other. Once more, the imitator has no knowledge of reality, but only of appearance. The painter paints, and the artificer makes a bridle and reins, but neither understands the use of them—the knowledge of this is confined to the horseman; and so of other things. Thus we have three arts: one of use, another of invention, a third of imitation; and the user furnishes the rule to the two others. The flute-player will know the good and bad flute, and the maker will put faith in him; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage602A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;602&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;but the imitator will neither know nor have faith—neither science nor true opinion can be ascribed to him. Imitation, then, is devoid of knowledge, being only a kind of play or sport, and the tragic and epic poets are imitators in the highest degree.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And now let us enquire, what is the faculty in man which answers to imitation. Allow me to explain my meaning: Objects are differently seen when in the water and when out of the water, when near and when at a distance; and the painter or juggler makes use of this variation to impose upon us. And &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxlix&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxlix&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; the art of measuring and weighing and calculating comes in to save our bewildered minds from the power of appearance; for, as we were saying, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage603A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;603&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;two contrary opinions of the same about the same and at the same time, cannot both of them be true. But which of them is true is determined by the art of calculation; and this is allied to the better faculty in the soul, as the arts of imitation are to the worse. And the same holds of the ear as well as of the eye, of poetry as well as painting. The imitation is of actions voluntary or involuntary, in which there is an expectation of a good or bad result, and present experience of pleasure and pain. But is a man in harmony with himself when he is the subject of these conflicting influences? Is there not rather a contradiction in him? Let me further ask, whether &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage604A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;604&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;he is more likely to control sorrow when he is alone or when he is in company. ‘In the latter case.’ Feeling would lead him to indulge his sorrow, but reason and law control him and enjoin patience; since he cannot know whether his affliction is good or evil, and no human thing is of any great consequence, while sorrow is certainly a hindrance to good counsel. For when we stumble, we should not, like children, make an uproar; we should take the measures which reason prescribes, not raising a lament, but finding a cure. And the better part of us is ready to follow reason, while the irrational principle is full of sorrow and distraction at the recollection of our troubles. Unfortunately, however, this latter furnishes the chief materials of the imitative arts. Whereas reason is ever in repose and cannot easily be displayed, especially to a mixed multitude who have no experience of her. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage605A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;605&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Thus the poet is like the painter in two ways: first he paints an inferior degree of truth, and secondly, he is concerned with an inferior part of the soul. He indulges the feelings, while he enfeebles the reason; and we refuse to allow him to have authority over the mind of man; for he has no measure of greater and less, and is a maker of images and very far gone from truth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But we have not yet mentioned the heaviest count in the indictment—the power which poetry has of injuriously exciting the feelings. When we hear some passage in which a hero laments his sufferings at tedious length, you know that we sympathize with him and praise the poet; and yet in our own &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cl&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; sorrows such an exhibition of feeling is regarded as effeminate and unmanly (cp. Ion, 535 E). Now, ought a man to feel pleasure in seeing another do what he hates and abominates in himself? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage606A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;606&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Is he not giving way to a sentiment which in his own case he would control?—he is off his guard because the sorrow is another’s; and he thinks that he may indulge his feelings without disgrace, and will be the gainer by the pleasure. But the inevitable consequence is that he who begins by weeping at the sorrows of others, will end by weeping at his own. The same is true of comedy,—you may often laugh at buffoonery which you would be ashamed to utter, and the love of coarse merriment on the stage will at last turn you into a buffoon at home. Poetry feeds and waters the passions and desires; she lets them rule instead of ruling them. And therefore, when we hear the encomiasts of Homer affirming that he is the educator of Hellas, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage607A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;607&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and that all life should be regulated by his precepts, we may allow the excellence of their intentions, and agree with them in thinking Homer a great poet and tragedian. But we shall continue to prohibit all poetry which goes beyond hymns to the Gods and praises of famous men. Not pleasure and pain, but law and reason shall rule in our State.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — These are our grounds for expelling poetry; but lest she should charge us with discourtesy, let us also make an apology to her. We will remind her that there is an ancient quarrel between poetry and philosophy, of which there are many traces in the writings of the poets, such as the saying of ‘the she-dog, yelping at her mistress,’ and ‘the philosophers who are ready to circumvent Zeus,’ and ‘the philosophers who are paupers.’ Nevertheless we bear her no ill-will, and will gladly allow her to return upon condition that she makes a defence of herself in verse; and her supporters who are not poets may speak in prose. We confess her charms; but if she cannot show that she is useful as well as delightful, like rational lovers, we must renounce our love, though endeared to us by early associations. Having come to years of discretion, we know that poetry is not truth, and that a man should be careful how he introduces her to that state or constitution which he himself is; for there is a mighty issue at stake—no less than the good or evil of a human soul. And it is not worth while to forsake justice and virtue &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecli&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cli&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; for the attractions of poetry, any more than for the sake of honour or wealth. ‘I agree with you.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And yet the rewards of virtue are greater far than I have described. ‘And can we conceive things greater still?’ Not, perhaps, in this brief span of life: but should an immortal being care about anything short of eternity? ‘I do not understand what you mean?’ Do you not know that the soul is immortal? ‘Surely you are not prepared to prove that?’ Indeed I am. ‘Then let me hear this argument, of which you make so light.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage609A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;609&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;You would admit that everything has an element of good and of evil. In all things there is an inherent corruption; and if this cannot destroy them, nothing else will. The soul too has her own corrupting principles, which are injustice, intemperance, cowardice, and the like. But none of these destroy the soul in the same sense that disease destroys the body. The soul may be full of all iniquities, but is not, by reason of them, brought any nearer to death. Nothing which was not destroyed from within ever perished by external affection of evil. The body, which is one thing, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage610A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;610&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;cannot be destroyed by food, which is another, unless the badness of the food is communicated to the body. Neither can the soul, which is one thing, be corrupted by the body, which is another, unless she herself is infected. And as no bodily evil can infect the soul, neither can any bodily evil, whether disease or violence, or any other destroy the soul, unless it can be shown to render her unholy and unjust. But no one will ever prove that the souls of men become more unjust when they die. If a person has the audacity to say the contrary, the answer is—Then why do criminals require the hand of the executioner, and not die of themselves? ‘Truly,’ he said, ‘injustice would not be very terrible if it brought a cessation of evil; but I rather believe that the injustice which murders others may tend to quicken and stimulate the life of the unjust.’ You are quite right. If sin which is her own natural and inherent evil cannot destroy the soul, hardly will anything else destroy her. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage611A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;611&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;But the soul which cannot be destroyed either by internal or external evil must be immortal and everlasting. And if this be true, souls will always exist in the same number. They cannot diminish, because they cannot be destroyed; nor yet increase, for the increase of the immortal must come from something &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; mortal, and so all would end in immortality. Neither is the soul variable and diverse; for that which is immortal must be of the fairest and simplest composition. If we would conceive her truly, and so behold justice and injustice in their own nature, she must be viewed by the light of reason pure as at birth, or as she is reflected in philosophy when holding converse with the divine and immortal and eternal. In her present condition we see her only like the sea-god Glaucus, bruised and maimed in the sea which is the world, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage612A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;612&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and covered with shells and stones which are incrusted upon her from the entertainments of earth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Thus far, as the argument required, we have said nothing of the rewards and honours which the poets attribute to justice; we have contented ourselves with showing that justice in herself is best for the soul in herself, even if a man should put on a Gyges’ ring and have the helmet of Hades too. And now you shall repay me what you borrowed; and I will enumerate the rewards of justice in life and after death. I granted, for the sake of argument, as you will remember, that evil might perhaps escape the knowledge of Gods and men, although this was really impossible. And since I have shown that justice has reality, you must grant me also that she has the palm of appearance. In the first place, the just man is known to the Gods, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage613A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;613&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and he is therefore the friend of the Gods, and he will receive at their hands every good, always excepting such evil as is the necessary consequence of former sins. All things end in good to him, either in life or after death, even what appears to be evil; for the Gods have a care of him who desires to be in their likeness. And what shall we say of men? Is not honesty the best policy? The clever rogue makes a great start at first, but breaks down before he reaches the goal, and slinks away in dishonour; whereas the true runner perseveres to the end, and receives the prize. And you must allow me to repeat all the blessings which you attributed to the fortunate unjust—they bear rule in the city, they marry and give in marriage to whom they will; and the evils which you attributed to the unfortunate just, do really fall in the end on the unjust, although, as you implied, their sufferings are better veiled in silence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage614A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;614&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;But all the blessings of this present life are as nothing when &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecliii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cliii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; compared with those which await good men after death. ‘I should like to hear about them.’ Come, then, and I will tell you the story of Er, the son of Armenius, a valiant man. He was supposed to have died in battle, but ten days afterwards his body was found untouched by corruption and sent home for burial. On the twelfth day he was placed on the funeral pyre and there he came to life again, and told what he had seen in the world below. He said that his soul went with a great company to a place, in which there were two chasms near together in the earth beneath, and two corresponding chasms in the heaven above. And there were judges sitting in the intermediate space, bidding the just ascend by the heavenly way on the right hand, having the seal of their judgment set upon them before, while the unjust, having the seal behind, were bidden to descend by the way on the left hand. Him they told to look and listen, as he was to be their messenger to men from the world below. And he beheld and saw the souls departing after judgment at either chasm; some who came from earth, were worn and travel-stained; others, who came from heaven, were clean and bright. They seemed glad to meet and rest awhile in the meadow; here they discoursed with one another of what they had seen in the other world. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage615A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;615&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Those who came from earth wept at the remembrance of their sorrows, but the spirits from above spoke of glorious sights and heavenly bliss. He said that for every evil deed they were punished tenfold—now the journey was of a thousand years’ duration, because the life of man was reckoned as a hundred years—and the rewards of virtue were in the same proportion. He added something hardly worth repeating about infants dying almost as soon as they were born. Of parricides and other murderers he had tortures still more terrible to narrate. He was present when one of the spirits asked—Where is Ardiaeus the Great? (This Ardiaeus was a cruel tyrant, who had murdered his father, and his elder brother, a thousand years before.) Another spirit answered, ‘He comes not hither, and will never come. And I myself,’ he added, ‘actually saw this terrible sight. At the entrance of the chasm, as we were about to reascend, Ardiaeus appeared, and some other sinners—most of whom had been tyrants, but not all—and just as they fancied that they were returning to life, the chasm gave a roar, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage616A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;616&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and then wild, fiery-looking men who knew the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecliv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cliv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; meaning of the sound, seized him and several others, and bound them hand and foot and threw them down, and dragged them along at the side of the road, lacerating them and carding them like wool, and explaining to the passers-by, that they were going to be cast into hell.’ The greatest terror of the pilgrims ascending was lest they should hear the voice, and when there was silence one by one they passed up with joy. To these sufferings there were corresponding delights.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — On the eighth day the souls of the pilgrims resumed their journey, and in four days came to a spot whence they looked down upon a line of light, in colour like a rainbow, only brighter and clearer. One day more brought them to the place, and they saw that this was the column of light which binds together the whole universe. The ends of the column were fastened to heaven, and from them hung the distaff of Necessity, on which all the heavenly bodies turned—the hook and spindle were of adamant, and the whorl of a mixed substance. The whorl was in form like a number of boxes fitting into one another with their edges turned upwards, making together a single whorl which was pierced by the spindle. The outermost had the rim broadest, and the inner whorls were smaller and smaller, and had their rims narrower. The largest (the fixed stars) was spangled—the seventh (the sun) was brightest—the eighth (the moon) shone by the light of the seventh—&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage617A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;617&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the second and fifth (Saturn and Mercury) were most like one another and yellower than the eighth—the third (Jupiter) had the whitest light—the fourth (Mars) was red—the sixth (Venus) was in whiteness second. The whole had one motion, but while this was revolving in one direction the seven inner circles were moving in the opposite, with various degrees of swiftness and slowness. The spindle turned on the knees of Necessity, and a Siren stood hymning upon each circle, while Lachesis, Clotho, and Atropos, the daughters of Necessity, sat on thrones at equal intervals, singing of past, present, and future, responsive to the music of the Sirens; Clotho from time to time guiding the outer circle with a touch of her right hand; Atropos with her left hand touching and guiding the inner circles; Lachesis in turn putting forth her hand from time to time to guide both of them. On their arrival the pilgrims went to Lachesis, and there was an interpreter who arranged them, and taking from her &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; knees lots, and samples of lives, got up into a pulpit and said: ‘Mortal souls, hear the words of Lachesis, the daughter of Necessity. A new period of mortal life has begun, and you may choose what divinity you please; the responsibility of choosing is with you—God is blameless.’ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage618A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;618&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;After speaking thus, he cast the lots among them and each one took up the lot which fell near him. He then placed on the ground before them the samples of lives, many more than the souls present; and there were all sorts of lives, of men and of animals. There were tyrannies ending in misery and exile, and lives of men and women famous for their different qualities; and also mixed lives, made up of wealth and poverty, sickness and health. Here, Glaucon, is the great risk of human life, and therefore the whole of education should be directed to the acquisition of such a knowledge as will teach a man to refuse the evil and choose the good. He should know all the combinations which occur in life—of beauty with poverty or with wealth,—of knowledge with external goods,—and at last choose with reference to the nature of the soul, regarding that only as the better life which makes men better, and leaving the rest. And &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage619A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;619&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;a man must take with him an iron sense of truth and right into the world below, that there too he may remain undazzled by wealth or the allurements of evil, and be determined to avoid the extremes and choose the mean. For this, as the messenger reported the interpreter to have said, is the true happiness of man; and any one, as he proclaimed, may, if he choose with understanding, have a good lot, even though he come last. ‘Let not the first be careless in his choice, nor the last despair.’ He spoke; and when he had spoken, he who had drawn the first lot chose a tyranny: he did not see that he was fated to devour his own children—and when he discovered his mistake, he wept and beat his breast, blaming chance and the Gods and anybody rather than himself. He was one of those who had come from heaven, and in his previous life had been a citizen of a well-ordered State, but he had only habit and no philosophy. Like many another, he made a bad choice, because he had no experience of life; whereas those who came from earth and had seen trouble were not in such a hurry to choose. But if a man had followed philosophy while upon earth, and had been moderately fortunate in his lot, he might not only be happy here, but his pilgrimage both from and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclvi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clvi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; to this world would be smooth and heavenly. Nothing was more curious than the spectacle of the choice, at once sad and laughable and wonderful; most of the souls only seeking to avoid their own condition in a previous life. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage620A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;620&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;He saw the soul of Orpheus changing into a swan because he would not be born of a woman; there was Thamyras becoming a nightingale; musical birds, like the swan, choosing to be men; the twentieth soul, which was that of Ajax, preferring the life of a lion to that of a man, in remembrance of the injustice which was done to him in the judgment of the arms; and Agamemnon, from a like enmity to human nature, passing into an eagle. About the middle was the soul of Atalanta choosing the honours of an athlete, and next to her Epeus taking the nature of a workwoman; among the last was Thersites, who was changing himself into a monkey. Thither, the last of all, came Odysseus, and sought the lot of a private man, which lay neglected and despised, and when he found it he went away rejoicing, and said that if he had been first instead of last, his choice would have been the same. Men, too, were seen passing into animals, and wild and tame animals changing into one another.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — When all the souls had chosen they went to Lachesis, who sent with each of them their genius or attendant to fulfil their lot. He first of all brought them under the hand of Clotho, and drew them within the revolution of the spindle impelled by her hand; from her they were carried to Atropos, who made the threads irreversible; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage621A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;621&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;whence, without turning round, they passed beneath the throne of Necessity; and when they had all passed, they moved on in scorching heat to the plain of Forgetfulness and rested at evening by the river Unmindful, whose water could not be retained in any vessel; of this they had all to drink a certain quantity—some of them drank more than was required, and he who drank forgot all things. Er himself was prevented from drinking. When they had gone to rest, about the middle of the night there were thunderstorms and earthquakes, and suddenly they were all driven divers ways, shooting like stars to their birth. Concerning his return to the body, he only knew that awaking suddenly in the morning he found himself lying on the pyre.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Thus, Glaucon, the tale has been saved, and will be our salvation, if we believe that the soul is immortal, and hold fast to the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclvii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clvii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; heavenly way of Justice and Knowledge. So shall we pass undefiled over the river of Forgetfulness, and be dear to ourselves and to the Gods, and have a crown of reward and happiness both in this world and also in the millennial pilgrimage of the other.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic X.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
I&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NTRODUCTION.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The Tenth Book of the Republic of Plato falls into two divisions: first, resuming an old thread which has been interrupted, Socrates assails the poets, who, now that the nature of the soul has been analyzed, are seen to be very far gone from the truth; and secondly, having shown the reality of the happiness of the just, he demands that appearance shall be restored to him, and then proceeds to prove the immortality of the soul. The argument, as in the Phaedo and Gorgias, is supplemented by the vision of a future life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Why Plato, who was himself a poet, and whose dialogues are poems and dramas, should have been hostile to the poets as a class, and especially to the dramatic poets; why he should not have seen that truth may be embodied in verse as well as in prose, and that there are some indefinable lights and shadows of human life which can only be expressed in poetry—some elements of imagination which always entwine with reason; why he should have supposed epic verse to be inseparably associated with the impurities of the old Hellenic mythology; why he should try Homer and Hesiod by the unfair and prosaic test of utility,—are questions which have always been debated amongst students of Plato. Though unable to give a complete answer to them, we may show—first, that his views arose naturally out of the circumstances of his age; and secondly, we may elicit the truth as well as the error which is contained in them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He is the enemy of the poets because poetry was declining in his own lifetime, and a theatrocracy, as he says in the Laws (iii. 701 A), had taken the place of an intellectual aristocracy. Euripides exhibited the last phase of the tragic drama, and in him Plato saw the friend and apologist of tyrants, and the Sophist of tragedy. The old comedy was almost extinct; the new had not yet arisen. Dramatic and lyric poetry, like every other branch of Greek literature, was falling under the power of rhetoric. There was no ‘second or third’ to Æschylus and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclviii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clviii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Sophocles in the generation which followed them. Aristophanes, in one of his later comedies (Frogs, 89 foll.), speaks of ‘thousands of tragedy-making prattlers,’ whose attempts at poetry he compares to the chirping of swallows; ‘their garrulity went far beyond Euripides,’—‘they appeared once upon the stage, and there was an end of them.’ To a man of genius who had a real appreciation of the godlike Æschylus and the noble and gentle Sophocles, though disagreeing with some parts of their ‘theology’ (Rep. ii. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage380A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;380&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), these ‘minor poets’ must have been contemptible and intolerable. There is no feeling stronger in the dialogues of Plato than a sense of the decline and decay both in literature and in politics which marked his own age. Nor can he have been expected to look with favour on the licence of Aristophanes, now at the end of his career, who had begun by satirizing Socrates in the Clouds, and in a similar spirit forty years afterwards had satirized the founders of ideal commonwealths in his Eccleziazusae, or Female Parliament (cp. x. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage606C&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;606 C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and Laws ii. 658 ff.; 817).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There were other reasons for the antagonism of Plato to poetry. The profession of an actor was regarded by him as a degradation of human nature, for ‘one man in his life’ cannot ‘play many parts;’ the characters which the actor performs seem to destroy his own character, and to leave nothing which can be truly called himself. Neither can any man live his life and act it. The actor is the slave of his art, not the master of it. Taking this view Plato is more decided in his expulsion of the dramatic than of the epic poets, though he must have known that the Greek tragedians afforded noble lessons and examples of virtue and patriotism, to which nothing in Homer can be compared. But great dramatic or even great rhetorical power is hardly consistent with firmness or strength of mind, and dramatic talent is often incidentally associated with a weak or dissolute character.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In the Tenth Book Plato introduces a new series of objections. First, he says that the poet or painter is an imitator, and in the third degree removed from the truth. His creations are not tested by rule and measure; they are only appearances. In modern times we should say that art is not merely imitation, but rather the expression of the ideal in forms of sense. Even adopting the humble image of Plato, from which his argument derives a colour, we should maintain that the artist &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclix&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clix&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; may ennoble the bed which he paints by the folds of the drapery, or by the feeling of home which he introduces; and there have been modern painters who have imparted such an ideal interest to a blacksmith’s or a carpenter’s shop. The eye or mind which feels as well as sees can give dignity and pathos to a ruined mill, or a straw-built shed [Rembrandt], to the hull of a vessel ‘going to its last home’ [Turner]. Still more would this apply to the greatest works of art, which seem to be the visible embodiment of the divine. Had Plato been asked whether the Zeus or Athene of Pheidias was the imitation of an imitation only, would he not have been compelled to admit that something more was to be found in them than in the form of any mortal; and that the rule of proportion to which they conformed was ‘higher far than any geometry or arithmetic could express?’ (Statesman, 257 A.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Again, Plato objects to the imitative arts that they express the emotional rather than the rational part of human nature. He does not admit Aristotle’s theory, that tragedy or other serious imitations are a purgation of the passions by pity and fear; to him they appear only to afford the opportunity of indulging them. Yet we must acknowledge that we may sometimes cure disordered emotions by giving expression to them; and that they often gain strength when pent up within our own breast. It is not every indulgence of the feelings which is to be condemned. For there may be a gratification of the higher as well as of the lower—thoughts which are too deep or too sad to be expressed by ourselves, may find an utterance in the words of poets. Every one would acknowledge that there have been times when they were consoled and elevated by beautiful music or by the sublimity of architecture or by the peacefulness of nature. Plato has himself admitted, in the earlier part of the Republic, that the arts might have the effect of harmonizing as well as of enervating the mind; but in the Tenth Book he regards them through a Stoic or Puritan medium. He asks only ‘What good have they done?’ and is not satisfied with the reply, that ‘They have given innocent pleasure to mankind.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He tells us that he rejoices in the banishment of the poets, since he has found by the analysis of the soul that they are concerned with the inferior faculties. He means to say that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclx&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clx&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; the higher faculties have to do with universals, the lower with particulars of sense. The poets are on a level with their own age, but not on a level with Socrates and Plato; and he was well aware that Homer and Hesiod could not be made a rule of life by any process of legitimate interpretation; his ironical use of them is in fact a denial of their authority; he saw, too, that the poets were not critics—as he says in the Apology, ‘Any one was a better interpreter of their writings than they were themselves’ (22 C). He himself ceased to be a poet when he became a disciple of Socrates; though, as he tells us of Solon, ‘he might have been one of the greatest of them, if he had not been deterred by other pursuits’ (Tim. 21 C) Thus from many points of view there is an antagonism between Plato and the poets, which was foreshadowed to him in the old quarrel between philosophy and poetry. The poets, as he says in the Protagoras (316 E), were the Sophists of their day; and his dislike of the one class is reflected on the other. He regards them both as the enemies of reasoning and abstraction, though in the case of Euripides more with reference to his immoral sentiments about tyrants and the like. For Plato is the prophet who ‘came into the world to convince men’—first of the fallibility of sense and opinion, and secondly of the reality of abstract ideas. Whatever strangeness there may be in modern times in opposing philosophy to poetry, which to us seem to have so many elements in common, the strangeness will disappear if we conceive of poetry as allied to sense, and of philosophy as equivalent to thought and abstraction. Unfortunately the very word ‘idea,’ which to Plato is expressive of the most real of all things, is associated in our minds with an element of subjectiveness and unreality. We may note also how he differs from Aristotle who declares poetry to be truer than history, for the opposite reason, because it is concerned with universals, not like history, with particulars (Poet. c. 9, 3).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The things which are seen are opposed in Scripture to the things which are unseen—they are equally opposed in Plato to universals and ideas. To him all particulars appear to be floating about in a world of sense; they have a taint of error or even of evil. There is no difficulty in seeing that this is an illusion; for there is no more error or variation in an individual man, horse, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclxi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clxi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; bed, etc., than in the class man, horse, bed, etc.; nor is the truth which is displayed in individual instances less certain than that which is conveyed through the medium of ideas. But Plato, who is deeply impressed with the real importance of universals as instruments of thought, attributes to them an essential truth which is imaginary and unreal; for universals may be often false and particulars true. Had he attained to any clear conception of the individual, which is the synthesis of the universal and the particular; or had he been able to distinguish between opinion and sensation, which the ambiguity of the words &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;do/xa, phai/nesthai, ei)ko\s&amp;quot;&amp;gt;δόξα, φαίνεσθαι, εἰκὸς&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and the like, tended to confuse, he would not have denied truth to the particulars of sense.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But the poets are also the representatives of falsehood and feigning in all departments of life and knowledge, like the sophists and rhetoricians of the Gorgias and Phaedrus; they are the false priests, false prophets, lying spirits, enchanters of the world. There is another count put into the indictment against them by Plato, that they are the friends of the tyrant, and bask in the sunshine of his patronage. Despotism in all ages has had an apparatus of false ideas and false teachers at its service—in the history of Modern Europe as well as of Greece and Rome. For no government of men depends solely upon force; without some corruption of literature and morals—some appeal to the imagination of the masses—some pretence to the favour of heaven—some element of good giving power to evil (cp. i. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage352A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;352&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), tyranny, even for a short time, cannot be maintained. The Greek tyrants were not insensible to the importance of awakening in their cause a Pseudo-Hellenic feeling; they were proud of successes at the Olympic games; they were not devoid of the love of literature and art. Plato is thinking in the first instance of Greek poets who had graced the courts of Dionysius or Archelaus: and the old spirit of freedom is roused within him at their prostitution of the Tragic Muse in the praises of tyranny. But his prophetic eye extends beyond them to the false teachers of other ages who are the creatures of the government under which they live. He compares the corruption of his contemporaries with the idea of a perfect society, and gathers up into one mass of evil the evils and errors of mankind; to him they are personified in the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclxii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clxii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; rhetoricians, sophists, poets, rulers who deceive and govern the world.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — A further objection which Plato makes to poetry and the imitative arts is that they excite the emotions. Here the modern reader will be disposed to introduce a distinction which appears to have escaped him. For the emotions are neither bad nor good in themselves, and are not most likely to be controlled by the attempt to eradicate them, but by the moderate indulgence of them. And the vocation of art is to present thought in the form of feeling, to enlist the feelings on the side of reason, to inspire even for a moment courage or resignation; perhaps to suggest a sense of infinity and eternity in a way which mere language is incapable of attaining. True, the same power which in the purer age of art embodies gods and heroes only, may be made to express the voluptuous image of a Corinthian courtezan. But this only shows that art, like other outward things, may be turned to good and also to evil, and is not more closely connected with the higher than with the lower part of the soul. All imitative art is subject to certain limitations, and therefore necessarily partakes of the nature of a compromise. Something of ideal truth is sacrificed for the sake of the representation, and something in the exactness of the representation is sacrificed to the ideal. Still, works of art have a permanent element; they idealize and detain the passing thought, and are the intermediates between sense and ideas.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — In the present stage of the human mind, poetry and other forms of fiction may certainly be regarded as a good. But we can also imagine the existence of an age in which a severer conception of truth has either banished or transformed them. At any rate we must admit that they hold a different place at different periods of the world’s history. In the infancy of mankind, poetry, with the exception of proverbs, is the whole of literature, and the only instrument of intellectual culture; in modern times she is the shadow or echo of her former self, and appears to have a precarious existence. Milton in his day doubted whether an epic poem was any longer possible. At the same time we must remember, that what Plato would have called the charms of poetry have been partly transferred &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclxiii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clxiii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; to prose; he himself (Statesman 304) admits rhetoric to be the handmaiden of Politics, and proposes to find in the strain of law (Laws vii. 811) a substitute for the old poets. Among ourselves the creative power seems often to be growing weaker, and scientific fact to be more engrossing and overpowering to the mind than formerly. The illusion of the feelings commonly called love, has hitherto been the inspiring influence of modern poetry and romance, and has exercised a humanizing if not a strengthening influence on the world. But may not the stimulus which love has given to fancy be some day exhausted? The modern English novel which is the most popular of all forms of reading is not more than a century or two old: will the tale of love a hundred years hence, after so many thousand variations of the same theme, be still received with unabated interest?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Art cannot claim to be on a level with philosophy or religion, and may often corrupt them. It is possible to conceive a mental state in which all artistic representations are regarded as a false and imperfect expression, either of the religious ideal or of the philosophical ideal. The fairest forms may be revolting in certain moods of mind, as is proved by the fact that the Mahometans, and many sects of Christians, have renounced the use of pictures and images. The beginning of a great religion, whether Christian or Gentile, has not been ‘wood or stone,’ but a spirit moving in the hearts of men. The disciples have met in a large upper room or in ‘holes and caves of the earth’; in the second or third generation, they have had mosques, temples, churches, monasteries. And the revival or reform of religions, like the first revelation of them, has come from within and has generally disregarded external ceremonies and accompaniments.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But poetry and art may also be the expression of the highest truth and the purest sentiment. Plato himself seems to waver between two opposite views—when, as in the third Book, he insists that youth should be brought up amid wholesome imagery; and again in Book x, when he banishes the poets from his Republic. Admitting that the arts, which some of us almost deify, have fallen short of their higher aim, we must admit on the other hand that to banish imagination wholly would be suicidal &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclxiv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clxiv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; as well as impossible. For nature too is a form of art; and a breath of the fresh air or a single glance at the varying landscape would in an instant revive and reillumine the extinguished spark of poetry in the human breast. In the lower stages of civilization imagination more than reason distinguishes man from the animals; and to banish art would be to banish thought, to banish language, to banish the expression of all truth. No religion is wholly devoid of external forms; even the Mahometan who renounces the use of pictures and images has a temple in which he worships the Most High, as solemn and beautiful as any Greek or Christian building. Feeling too and thought are not really opposed; for he who thinks must feel before he can execute. And the highest thoughts, when they become familiarized to us, are always tending to pass into the form of feeling.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Plato does not seriously intend to expel poets from life and society. But he feels strongly the unreality of their writings; he is protesting against the degeneracy of poetry in his own day as we might protest against the want of serious purpose in modern fiction, against the unseemliness or extravagance of some of our poets or novelists, against the time-serving of preachers or public writers, against the regardlessness of truth which to the eye of the philosopher seems to characterize the greater part of the world. For we too have reason to complain that our poets and novelists ‘paint inferior truth’ and ‘are concerned with the inferior part of the soul’; that the readers of them become what they read and are injuriously affected by them. And we look in vain for that healthy atmosphere of which Plato speaks,—‘the beauty which meets the sense like a breeze and imperceptibly draws the soul, even in childhood, into harmony with the beauty of reason.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — For there might be a poetry which would be the hymn of divine perfection, the harmony of goodness and truth among men: a strain which should renew the youth of the world, and bring back the ages in which the poet was man’s only teacher and best friend,—which would find materials in the living present as well as in the romance of the past, and might subdue to the fairest forms of speech and verse the intractable materials of modern civilisation,—which might elicit the simple principles, or, as Plato &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclxv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clxv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; would have called them, the essential forms, of truth and justice out of the variety of opinion and the complexity of modern society,—which would preserve all the good of each generation and leave the bad unsung,—which should be based not on vain longings or faint imaginings, but on a clear insight into the nature of man. Then the tale of love might begin again in poetry or prose, two in one, united in the pursuit of knowledge, or the service of God and man; and feelings of love might still be the incentive to great thoughts and heroic deeds as in the days of Dante or Petrarch; and many types of manly and womanly beauty might appear among us, rising above the ordinary level of humanity, and many lives which were like poems (Laws vii. 817 B), be not only written, but lived by us. A few such strains have been heard among men in the tragedies of Æschylus and Sophocles, whom Plato quotes, not, as Homer is quoted by him, in irony, but with deep and serious approval,—in the poetry of Milton and Wordsworth, and in passages of other English poets,—first and above all in the Hebrew prophets and psalmists. Shakespeare has taught us how great men should speak and act; he has drawn characters of a wonderful purity and depth; he has ennobled the human mind, but, like Homer (Rep. x. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage599A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;599&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; foll.), he ‘has left no way of life.’ The next greatest poet of modern times, Goethe, is concerned with ‘a lower degree of truth’; he paints the world as a stage on which ‘all the men and women are merely players’; he cultivates life as an art, but he furnishes no ideals of truth and action. The poet may rebel against any attempt to set limits to his fancy; and he may argue truly that moralizing in verse is not poetry. Possibly, like Mephistopheles in Faust, he may retaliate on his adversaries. But the philosopher will still be justified in asking, ‘How may the heavenly gift of poesy be devoted to the good of mankind?’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Returning to Plato, we may observe that a similar mixture of truth and error appears in other parts of the argument. He is aware of the absurdity of mankind framing their whole lives according to Homer; just as in the Phaedrus he intimates the absurdity of interpreting mythology upon rational principles; both these were the modern tendencies of his own age, which he deservedly ridicules. On the other hand, his argument that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclxvi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clxvi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Homer, if he had been able to teach mankind anything worth knowing, would not have been allowed by them to go about begging as a rhapsodist, is both false and contrary to the spirit of Plato (cp. Rep. vi. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage489A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;489 A&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; foll.). It may be compared with those other paradoxes of the Gorgias, that ‘No statesman was ever unjustly put to death by the city of which he was the head’; and that ‘No Sophist was ever defrauded by his pupils’ (Gorg. 509 foll.)….&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The argument for immortality seems to rest on the absolute dualism of soul and body. Admitting the existence of the soul, we know of no force which is able to put an end to her. Vice is her own proper evil; and if she cannot be destroyed by that, she cannot be destroyed by any other. Yet Plato has acknowledged that the soul may be so overgrown by the incrustations of earth as to lose her original form; and in the Timaeus he recognizes more strongly than in the Republic the influence which the body has over the mind, denying even the voluntariness of human actions, on the ground that they proceed from physical states (Tim. 86, 87). In the Republic, as elsewhere, he wavers between the original soul which has to be restored, and the character which is developed by training and education….&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The vision of another world is ascribed to Er, the son of Armenius, who is said by Clement of Alexandria to have been Zoroaster. The tale has certainly an oriental character, and may be compared with the pilgrimages of the soul in the Zend Avesta (cp. Haug, Avesta, p. 197). But no trace of acquaintance with Zoroaster is found elsewhere in Plato’s writings, and there is no reason for giving him the name of Er the Pamphylian. The philosophy of Heracleitus cannot be shown to be borrowed from Zoroaster, and still less the myths of Plato.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The local arrangement of the vision is less distinct than that of the Phaedrus and Phaedo. Astronomy is mingled with symbolism and mythology; the great sphere of heaven is represented under the symbol of a cylinder or box, containing the seven orbits of the planets and the fixed stars; this is suspended from an axis or spindle which turns on the knees of Necessity; the revolutions of the seven orbits contained in the cylinder are guided by the fates, and their harmonious motion produces &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclxvii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clxvii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; the music of the spheres. Through the innermost or eighth of these, which is the moon, is passed the spindle; but it is doubtful whether this is the continuation of the column of light, from which the pilgrims contemplate the heavens; the words of Plato imply that they are connected, but not the same. The column itself is clearly not of adamant. The spindle (which is of adamant) is fastened to the ends of the chains which extend to the middle of the column of light—this column is said to hold together the heaven; but whether it hangs from the spindle, or is at right angles to it, is not explained. The cylinder containing the orbits of the stars is almost as much a symbol as the figure of Necessity turning the spindle;—for the outermost rim is the sphere of the fixed stars, and nothing is said about the intervals of space which divide the paths of the stars in the heavens. The description is both a picture and an orrery, and therefore is necessarily inconsistent with itself. The column of light is not the Milky Way—which is neither straight, nor like a rainbow—but the imaginary axis of the earth. This is compared to the rainbow in respect not of form but of colour, and not to the undergirders of a trireme, but to the straight rope running from prow to stern in which the undergirders meet.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The orrery or picture of the heavens given in the Republic differs in its mode of representation from the circles of the same and of the other in the Timaeus. In both the fixed stars are distinguished from the planets, and they move in orbits without them, although in an opposite direction: in the Republic as in the Timaeus (40 B) they are all moving round the axis of the world. But we are not certain that in the former they are moving round the earth. No distinct mention is made in the Republic of the circles of the same and other; although both in the Timaeus and in the Republic the motion of the fixed stars is supposed to coincide with the motion of the whole. The relative thickness of the rims is perhaps designed to express the relative distances of the planets. Plato probably intended to represent the earth, from which Er and his companions are viewing the heavens, as stationary in place; but whether or not herself revolving, unless this is implied in the revolution of the axis, is uncertain (cp. Timaeus). The spectator &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclxviii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clxviii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; may be supposed to look at the heavenly bodies, either from above or below. The earth is a sort of earth and heaven in one, like the heaven of the Phaedrus, on the back of which the spectator goes out to take a peep at the stars and is borne round in the revolution. There is no distinction between the equator and the ecliptic. But Plato is no doubt led to imagine that the planets have an opposite motion to that of the fixed stars, in order to account for their appearances in the heavens. In the description of the meadow, and the retribution of the good and evil after death, there are traces of Homer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The description of the axis as a spindle, and of the heavenly bodies as forming a whole, partly arises out of the attempt to connect the motions of the heavenly bodies with the mythological image of the web, or weaving of the Fates. The giving of the lots, the weaving of them, and the making of them irreversible, which are ascribed to the three Fates—Lachesis, Clotho, Atropos, are obviously derived from their names. The element of chance in human life is indicated by the order of the lots. But chance, however adverse, may be overcome by the wisdom of man, if he knows how to choose aright; there is a worse enemy to man than chance; this enemy is himself. He who was moderately fortunate in the number of the lot—even the very last comer—might have a good life if he chose with wisdom. And as Plato does not like to make an assertion which is unproven, he more than confirms this statement a few sentences afterwards by the example of Odysseus, who chose last. But the virtue which is founded on habit is not sufficient to enable a man to choose; he must add to virtue knowledge, if he is to act rightly when placed in new circumstances. The routine of good actions and good habits is an inferior sort of goodness; and, as Coleridge says, ‘Common sense is intolerable which is not based on metaphysics,’ so Plato would have said, ‘Habit is worthless which is not based upon philosophy.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The freedom of the will to refuse the evil and to choose the good is distinctly asserted. ‘Virtue is free, and as a man honours or dishonours her he will have more or less of her.’ The life of man is ‘rounded’ by necessity; there are circumstances prior to birth which affect him (cp. Pol. 273 B). But within the walls of necessity there is an open space in which he is his own master, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclxix&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clxix&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and can study for himself the effects which the variously compounded gifts of nature or fortune have upon the soul, and act accordingly. All men cannot have the first choice in everything. But the lot of all men is good enough, if they choose wisely and will live diligently.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The verisimilitude which is given to the pilgrimage of a thousand years, by the intimation that Ardiaeus had lived a thousand years before; the coincidence of Er coming to life on the twelfth day after he was supposed to have been dead with the seven days which the pilgrims passed in the meadow, and the four days during which they journeyed to the column of light; the precision with which the soul is mentioned who chose the twentieth lot; the passing remarks that there was no definite character among the souls, and that the souls which had chosen ill blamed any one rather than themselves; or that some of the souls drank more than was necessary of the waters of Forgetfulness, while Er himself was hindered from drinking; the desire of Odysseus to rest at last, unlike the conception of him in Dante and Tennyson; the feigned ignorance of how Er returned to the body, when the other souls went shooting like stars to their birth,—add greatly to the probability of the narrative. They are such touches of nature as the art of Defoe might have introduced when he wished to win credibility for marvels and apparitions.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
 &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;hr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p id=&amp;quot;end&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
I&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;NTRODUCTION.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; ¶{{#counter: }} — There still remain to be considered some points which have been intentionally reserved to the end: (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#inI&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;I&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) the Janus-like character of the Republic, which presents two faces—one an Hellenic state, the other a kingdom of philosophers. Connected with the latter of the two aspects are (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#inII&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;II&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) the paradoxes of the Republic, as they have been termed by Morgenstern: (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#inIIa&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;α&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) the community of property; (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#inIIb&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;b&amp;quot;&amp;gt;β&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) of families; (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#inIIc&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;g&amp;quot;&amp;gt;γ&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) the rule of philosophers; (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#inIId&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;d&amp;quot;&amp;gt;δ&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) the analogy of the individual and the State, which, like some other analogies in the Republic, is carried too far. We may then proceed to consider (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#inIII&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;III&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) the subject of education as conceived by Plato, bringing together in a general view the education of youth and the education of after-life; (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#inIV&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;IV&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) we may note further some essential differences between ancient and modern politics which are suggested by the Republic; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclxx&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clxx&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#inV&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;V&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) we may compare the Politicus and the Laws; (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#inVI&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;VI&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) we may observe the influence exercised by Plato on his imitators; and (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#inVII&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;VII&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) take occasion to consider the nature and value of political, and (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#inVIII&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;VIII&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) of religious ideals.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p id=&amp;quot;inI&amp;quot;&amp;gt;I. Plato expressly says that he is intending to found an Hellenic State (Book v. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage470E&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;470 E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). Many of his regulations are characteristically Spartan; such as the prohibition of gold and silver, the common meals of the men, the military training of the youth, the gymnastic exercises of the women. The life of Sparta was the life of a camp (Laws ii. 666 E), enforced even more rigidly in time of peace than in war; the citizens of Sparta, like Plato’s, were forbidden to trade—they were to be soldiers and not shopkeepers. Nowhere else in Greece was the individual so completely subjected to the State; the time when he was to marry, the education of his children, the clothes which he was to wear, the food which he was to eat, were all prescribed by law. Some of the best enactments in the Republic, such as the reverence to be paid to parents and elders, and some of the worst, such as the exposure of deformed children, are borrowed from the practice of Sparta. The encouragement of friendships between men and youths, or of men with one another, as affording incentives to bravery, is also Spartan; in Sparta too a nearer approach was made than in any other Greek State to equality of the sexes, and to community of property; and while there was probably less of licentiousness in the sense of immorality, the tie of marriage was regarded more lightly than in the rest of Greece. The ‘suprema lex’ was the preservation of the family, and the interest of the State. The coarse strength of a military government was not favourable to purity and refinement; and the excessive strictness of some regulations seems to have produced a reaction. Of all Hellenes the Spartans were most accessible to bribery; several of the greatest of them might be described in the words of Plato as having a ‘fierce secret longing after gold and silver.’ Though not in the strict sense communists, the principle of communism was maintained among them in their division of lands, in their common meals, in their slaves, and in the free use of one another’s goods. Marriage was a public institution: and the women were educated by the State, and sang and danced in public with the men.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclxxi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clxxi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Many traditions were preserved at Sparta of the severity with which the magistrates had maintained the primitive rule of music and poetry; as in the Republic of Plato, the new-fangled poet was to be expelled. Hymns to the Gods, which are the only kind of music admitted into the ideal State, were the only kind which was permitted at Sparta. The Spartans, though an unpoetical race, were nevertheless lovers of poetry; they had been stirred by the Elegiac strains of Tyrtaeus, they had crowded around Hippias to hear his recitals of Homer; but in this they resembled the citizens of the timocratic rather than of the ideal State (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage548E&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;548 E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). The council of elder men also corresponds to the Spartan &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;gerousia&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;; and the freedom with which they are permitted to judge about matters of detail agrees with what we are told of that institution. Once more, the military rule of not spoiling the dead or offering arms at the temples; the moderation in the pursuit of enemies; the importance attached to the physical well-being of the citizens; the use of warfare for the sake of defence rather than of aggression—are features probably suggested by the spirit and practice of Sparta.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — To the Spartan type the ideal State reverts in the first decline; and the character of the individual timocrat is borrowed from the Spartan citizen. The love of Lacedaemon not only affected Plato and Xenophon, but was shared by many undistinguished Athenians; there they seemed to find a principle which was wanting in their own democracy. The &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;eu)kosmi/a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;εὐκοσμία&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; of the Spartans attracted them, that is to say, not the goodness of their laws, but the spirit of order and loyalty which prevailed. Fascinated by the idea, citizens of Athens would imitate the Lacedaemonians in their dress and manners; they were known to the contemporaries of Plato as ‘the persons who had their ears bruised,’ like the Roundheads of the Commonwealth. The love of another church or country when seen at a distance only, the longing for an imaginary simplicity in civilized times, the fond desire of a past which never has been, or of a future which never will be,—these are aspirations of the human mind which are often felt among ourselves. Such feelings meet with a response in the Republic of Plato.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But there are other features of the Platonic Republic, as, for example, the literary and philosophical education, and the grace &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclxxii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clxxii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and beauty of life, which are the reverse of Spartan. Plato wishes to give his citizens a taste of Athenian freedom as well as of Lacedaemonian discipline. His individual genius is purely Athenian, although in theory he is a lover of Sparta; and he is something more than either—he has also a true Hellenic feeling. He is desirous of humanizing the wars of Hellenes against one another; he acknowledges that the Delphian God is the grand hereditary interpreter of all Hellas. The spirit of harmony and the Dorian mode are to prevail, and the whole State is to have an external beauty which is the reflex of the harmony within. But he has not yet found out the truth which he afterwards enunciated in the Laws (i. 628 D)—that he was a better legislator who made men to be of one mind, than he who trained them for war. The citizens, as in other Hellenic States, democratic as well as aristocratic, are really an upper class; for, although no mention is made of slaves, the lower classes are allowed to fade away into the distance, and are represented in the individual by the passions. Plato has no idea either of a social State in which all classes are harmonized, or of a federation of Hellas or the world in which different nations or States have a place. His city is equipped for war rather than for peace, and this would seem to be justified by the ordinary condition of Hellenic States. The myth of the earth-born men is an embodiment of the orthodox tradition of Hellas, and the allusion to the four ages of the world is also sanctioned by the authority of Hesiod and the poets. Thus we see that the Republic is partly founded on the ideal of the old Greek &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;polis&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, partly on the actual circumstances of Hellas in that age. Plato, like the old painters, retains the traditional form, and like them he has also a vision of a city in the clouds.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There is yet another thread which is interwoven in the texture of the work; for the Republic is not only a Dorian State, but a Pythagorean league. The ‘way of life’ which was connected with the name of Pythagoras, like the Catholic monastic orders, showed the power which the mind of an individual might exercise over his contemporaries, and may have naturally suggested to Plato the possibility of reviving such ‘mediaeval institutions.’ The Pythagoreans, like Plato, enforced a rule of life and a moral and intellectual training. The influence ascribed to music, which to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclxxiii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clxxiii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; us seems exaggerated, is also a Pythagorean feature; it is not to be regarded as representing the real influence of music in the Greek world. More nearly than any other government of Hellas, the Pythagorean league of three hundred was an aristocracy of virtue. For once in the history of mankind the philosophy of order or &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;ko/smos&amp;quot;&amp;gt;κόσμος&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, expressing and consequently enlisting on its side the combined endeavours of the better part of the people, obtained the management of public affairs and held possession of it for a considerable time (until about &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B.C.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; 500). Probably only in States prepared by Dorian institutions would such a league have been possible. The rulers, like Plato’s &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;phu/lakes&amp;quot;&amp;gt;φύλακες&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, were required to submit to a severe training in order to prepare the way for the education of the other members of the community. Long after the dissolution of the Order, eminent Pythagoreans, such as Archytas of Tarentum, retained their political influence over the cities of Magna Graecia. There was much here that was suggestive to the kindred spirit of Plato, who had doubtless meditated deeply on the ‘way of life of Pythagoras’ (Rep. x. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage600B&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;600 B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) and his followers. Slight traces of Pythagoreanism are to be found in the mystical number of the State, in the number which expresses the interval between the king and the tyrant, in the doctrine of transmigration, in the music of the spheres, as well as in the great though secondary importance ascribed to mathematics in education.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But as in his philosophy, so also in the form of his State, he goes far beyond the old Pythagoreans. He attempts a task really impossible, which is to unite the past of Greek history with the future of philosophy, analogous to that other impossibility, which has often been the dream of Christendom, the attempt to unite the past history of Europe with the kingdom of Christ. Nothing actually existing in the world at all resembles Plato’s ideal State; nor does he himself imagine that such a State is possible. This he repeats again and again; e.g. in the Republic (ix. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a class=&amp;quot;c4 pginternal&amp;quot; href=&amp;quot;#stpage592A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;sub fin.&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), or in the Laws (Book v. 739), where, casting a glance back on the Republic, he admits that the perfect state of communism and philosophy was impossible in his own age, though still to be retained as a pattern. The same doubt is implied in the earnestness with which he argues in the Republic (v. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage472D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;472 D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) that ideals are none the worse because they cannot be realized in fact, and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclxxiv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clxxiv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; in the chorus of laughter, which like a breaking wave will, as he anticipates, greet the mention of his proposals; though like other writers of fiction, he uses all his art to give reality to his inventions. When asked how the ideal polity can come into being, he answers ironically, ‘When one son of a king becomes a philosopher’; he designates the fiction of the earth-born men as ‘a noble lie’; and when the structure is finally complete, he fairly tells you that his Republic is a vision only, which in some sense may have reality, but not in the vulgar one of a reign of philosophers upon earth. It has been said that Plato flies as well as walks, but this falls short of the truth; for he flies and walks at the same time, and is in the air and on firm ground in successive instants.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Niebuhr has asked a trifling question, which may be briefly noticed in this place—Was Plato a good citizen? If by this is meant, Was he loyal to Athenian institutions?—he can hardly be said to be the friend of democracy: but neither is he the friend of any other existing form of government; all of them he regarded as ‘states of faction’ (Laws viii. 832 C); none attained to his ideal of a voluntary rule over voluntary subjects, which seems indeed more nearly to describe democracy than any other; and the worst of them is tyranny. The truth is, that the question has hardly any meaning when applied to a great philosopher whose writings are not meant for a particular age and country, but for all time and all mankind. The decline of Athenian politics was probably the motive which led Plato to frame an ideal State, and the Republic may be regarded as reflecting the departing glory of Hellas. As well might we complain of St. Augustine, whose great work ‘The City of God’ originated in a similar motive, for not being loyal to the Roman Empire. Even a nearer parallel might be afforded by the first Christians, who cannot fairly be charged with being bad citizens because, though ‘subject to the higher powers,’ they were looking forward to a city which is in heaven.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p id=&amp;quot;inII&amp;quot;&amp;gt;II. The idea of the perfect State is full of paradox when judged of according to the ordinary notions of mankind. The paradoxes of one age have been said to become the commonplaces of the next; but the paradoxes of Plato are at least as paradoxical to us as they were to his contemporaries. The &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclxxv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clxxv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; modern world has either sneered at them as absurd, or denounced them as unnatural and immoral; men have been pleased to find in Aristotle’s criticisms of them the anticipation of their own good sense. The wealthy and cultivated classes have disliked and also dreaded them; they have pointed with satisfaction to the failure of efforts to realize them in practice. Yet since they are the thoughts of one of the greatest of human intelligences, and of one who had done most to elevate morality and religion, they seem to deserve a better treatment at our hands. We may have to address the public, as Plato does poetry, and assure them that we mean no harm to existing institutions. There are serious errors which have a side of truth and which therefore may fairly demand a careful consideration: there are truths mixed with error of which we may indeed say, ‘The half is better than the whole.’ Yet ‘the half’ may be an important contribution to the study of human nature.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p id=&amp;quot;inIIa&amp;quot;&amp;gt;(&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;α&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) ¶{{#counter: }} — The first paradox is the community of goods, which is mentioned slightly at the end of the third Book, and seemingly, as Aristotle observes, is confined to the guardians; at least no mention is made of the other classes. But the omission is not of any real significance, and probably arises out of the plan of the work, which prevents the writer from entering into details.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Aristotle censures the community of property much in the spirit of modern political economy, as tending to repress industry, and as doing away with the spirit of benevolence. Modern writers almost refuse to consider the subject, which is supposed to have been long ago settled by the common opinion of mankind. But it must be remembered that the sacredness of property is a notion far more fixed in modern than in ancient times. The world has grown older, and is therefore more conservative. Primitive society offered many examples of land held in common, either by a tribe or by a township, and such may probably have been the original form of landed tenure. Ancient legislators had invented various modes of dividing and preserving the divisions of land among the citizens; according to Aristotle there were nations who held the land in common and divided the produce, and there were others who divided the land and stored the produce in common. The evils of debt and the inequality of property were far greater in ancient than in modern &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclxxvi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clxxvi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; times, and the accidents to which property was subject from war, or revolution, or taxation, or other legislative interference, were also greater. All these circumstances gave property a less fixed and sacred character. The early Christians are believed to have held their property in common, and the principle is sanctioned by the words of Christ himself, and has been maintained as a counsel of perfection in almost all ages of the Church. Nor have there been wanting instances of modern enthusiasts who have made a religion of communism; in every age of religious excitement notions like Wycliffe’s ‘inheritance of grace’ have tended to prevail. A like spirit, but fiercer and more violent, has appeared in politics. ‘The preparation of the Gospel of peace’ soon becomes the red flag of Republicanism.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — We can hardly judge what effect Plato’s views would have upon his own contemporaries; they would perhaps have seemed to them only an exaggeration of the Spartan commonwealth. Even modern writers would acknowledge that the right of private property is based on expediency, and may be interfered with in a variety of ways for the public good. Any other mode of vesting property which was found to be more advantageous, would in time acquire the same basis of right; ‘the most useful,’ in Plato’s words, ‘would be the most sacred.’ The lawyers and ecclesiastics of former ages would have spoken of property as a sacred institution. But they only meant by such language to oppose the greatest amount of resistance to any invasion of the rights of individuals and of the Church.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — When we consider the question, without any fear of immediate application to practice, in the spirit of Plato’s Republic, are we quite sure that the received notions of property are the best? Is the distribution of wealth which is customary in civilized countries the most favourable that can be conceived for the education and development of the mass of mankind? Can ‘the spectator of all time and all existence’ be quite convinced that one or two thousand years hence, great changes will not have taken place in the rights of property, or even that the very notion of property, beyond what is necessary for personal maintenance, may not have disappeared? This was a distinction familiar to Aristotle, though likely to be laughed at among ourselves. Such a change would not be greater than some other changes through &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclxxvii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clxxvii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; which the world has passed in the transition from ancient to modern society, for example, the emancipation of the serfs in Russia, or the abolition of slavery in America and the West Indies; and not so great as the difference which separates the Eastern village community from the Western world. To accomplish such a revolution in the course of a few centuries, would imply a rate of progress not more rapid than has actually taken place during the last fifty or sixty years. The kingdom of Japan underwent more change in five or six years than Europe in five or six hundred. Many opinions and beliefs which have been cherished among ourselves quite as strongly as the sacredness of property have passed away; and the most untenable propositions respecting the right of bequests or entail have been maintained with as much fervour as the most moderate. Some one will be heard to ask whether a state of society can be final in which the interests of thousands are perilled on the life or character of a single person. And many will indulge the hope that our present condition may, after all, be only transitional, and may conduct to a higher, in which property, besides ministering to the enjoyment of the few, may also furnish the means of the highest culture to all, and will be a greater benefit to the public generally, and also more under the control of public authority. There may come a time when the saying, ‘Have I not a right to do what I will with my own?’ will appear to be a barbarous relic of individualism;—when the possession of a part may be a greater blessing to each and all than the possession of the whole is now to any one.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Such reflections appear visionary to the eye of the practical statesman, but they are within the range of possibility to the philosopher. He can imagine that in some distant age or clime, and through the influence of some individual, the notion of common property may or might have sunk as deep into the heart of a race, and have become as fixed to them, as private property is to ourselves. He knows that this latter institution is not more than four or five thousand years old: may not the end revert to the beginning? In our own age even Utopias affect the spirit of legislation, and an abstract idea may exercise a great influence on practical politics.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The objections that would be generally urged against Plato’s community of property, are the old ones of Aristotle, that motives &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclxxviii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clxxviii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; for exertion would be taken away, and that disputes would arise when each was dependent upon all. Every man would produce as little and consume as much as he liked. The experience of civilized nations has hitherto been adverse to Socialism. The effort is too great for human nature; men try to live in common, but the personal feeling is always breaking in. On the other hand it may be doubted whether our present notions of property are not conventional, for they differ in different countries and in different states of society. We boast of an individualism which is not freedom, but rather an artificial result of the industrial state of modern Europe. The individual is nominally free, but he is also powerless in a world bound hand and foot in the chains of economic necessity. Even if we cannot expect the mass of mankind to become disinterested, at any rate we observe in them a power of organization which fifty years ago would never have been suspected. The same forces which have revolutionized the political system of Europe, may effect a similar change in the social and industrial relations of mankind. And if we suppose the influence of some good as well as neutral motives working in the community, there will be no absurdity in expecting that the mass of mankind having power, and becoming enlightened about the higher possibilities of human life, when they learn how much more is attainable for all than is at present the possession of a favoured few, may pursue the common interest with an intelligence and persistency which mankind have hitherto never seen.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Now that the world has once been set in motion, and is no longer held fast under the tyranny of custom and ignorance; now that criticism has pierced the veil of tradition and the past no longer overpowers the present,—the progress of civilization may be expected to be far greater and swifter than heretofore. Even at our present rate of speed the point at which we may arrive in two or three generations is beyond the power of imagination to foresee. There are forces in the world which work, not in an arithmetical, but in a geometrical ratio of increase. Education, to use the expression of Plato, moves like a wheel with an ever-multiplying rapidity. Nor can we say how great may be its influence, when it becomes universal,—when it has been inherited by many generations,—when it is freed from the trammels &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclxxix&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clxxix&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; of superstition and rightly adapted to the wants and capacities of different classes of men and women. Neither do we know how much more the co-operation of minds or of hands may be capable of accomplishing, whether in labour or in study. The resources of the natural sciences are not half-developed as yet; the soil of the earth, instead of growing more barren, may become many times more fertile than hitherto; the uses of machinery far greater, and also more minute than at present. New secrets of physiology may be revealed, deeply affecting human nature in its innermost recesses. The standard of health may be raised and the lives of men prolonged by sanitary and medical knowledge. There may be peace, there may be leisure, there may be innocent refreshments of many kinds. The ever-increasing power of locomotion may join the extremes of earth. There may be mysterious workings of the human mind, such as occur only at great crises of history. The East and the West may meet together, and all nations may contribute their thoughts and their experience to the common stock of humanity. Many other elements enter into a speculation of this kind. But it is better to make an end of them. For such reflections appear to the majority far-fetched, and to men of science, commonplace.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p id=&amp;quot;inIIb&amp;quot;&amp;gt;(&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;b&amp;quot;&amp;gt;β&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) ¶{{#counter: }} — Neither to the mind of Plato nor of Aristotle did the doctrine of community of property present at all the same difficulty, or appear to be the same violation of the common Hellenic sentiment, as the community of wives and children. This paradox he prefaces by another proposal, that the occupations of men and women shall be the same, and that to this end they shall have a common training and education. Male and female animals have the same pursuits—why not also the two sexes of man?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But have we not here fallen into a contradiction? for we were saying that different natures should have different pursuits. How then can men and women have the same? And is not the proposal inconsistent with our notion of the division of labour?—These objections are no sooner raised than answered; for, according to Plato, there is no organic difference between men and women, but only the accidental one that men beget and women bear children. Following the analogy of the other animals, he contends that all natural gifts are scattered about indifferently among both sexes, though there may be a superiority of degree &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclxxx&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clxxx&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; on the part of the men. The objection on the score of decency to their taking part in the same gymnastic exercises, is met by Plato’s assertion that the existing feeling is a matter of habit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That Plato should have emancipated himself from the ideas of his own country and from the example of the East, shows a wonderful independence of mind. He is conscious that women are half the human race, in some respects the more important half (Laws vi. 781 B); and for the sake both of men and women he desires to raise the woman to a higher level of existence. He brings, not sentiment, but philosophy to bear upon a question which both in ancient and modern times has been chiefly regarded in the light of custom or feeling. The Greeks had noble conceptions of womanhood in the goddesses Athene and Artemis, and in the heroines Antigone and Andromache. But these ideals had no counterpart in actual life. The Athenian woman was in no way the equal of her husband; she was not the entertainer of his guests or the mistress of his house, but only his housekeeper and the mother of his children. She took no part in military or political matters; nor is there any instance in the later ages of Greece of a woman becoming famous in literature. ‘Hers is the greatest glory who has the least renown among men,’ is the historian’s conception of feminine excellence. A very different ideal of womanhood is held up by Plato to the world; she is to be the companion of the man, and to share with him in the toils of war and in the cares of government. She is to be similarly trained both in bodily and mental exercises. She is to lose as far as possible the incidents of maternity and the characteristics of the female sex.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The modern antagonist of the equality of the sexes would argue that the differences between men and women are not confined to the single point urged by Plato; that sensibility, gentleness, grace, are the qualities of women, while energy, strength, higher intelligence, are to be looked for in men. And the criticism is just: the differences affect the whole nature, and are not, as Plato supposes, confined to a single point. But neither can we say how far these differences are due to education and the opinions of mankind, or physically inherited from the habits and opinions of former generations. Women have been always taught, not exactly that they are slaves, but that they are in an inferior &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclxxxi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clxxxi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; position, which is also supposed to have compensating advantages; and to this position they have conformed. It is also true that the physical form may easily change in the course of generations through the mode of life; and the weakness or delicacy, which was once a matter of opinion, may become a physical fact. The characteristics of sex vary greatly in different countries and ranks of society, and at different ages in the same individuals. Plato may have been right in denying that there was any ultimate difference in the sexes of man other than that which exists in animals, because all other differences may be conceived to disappear in other states of society, or under different circumstances of life and training.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The first wave having been passed, we proceed to the second—community of wives and children. ‘Is it possible? Is it desirable?’ For as Glaucon intimates, and as we far more strongly insist, ‘Great doubts may be entertained about both these points.’ Any free discussion of the question is impossible, and mankind are perhaps right in not allowing the ultimate bases of social life to be examined. Few of us can safely enquire into the things which nature hides, any more than we can dissect our own bodies. Still, the manner in which Plato arrived at his conclusions should be considered. For here, as Mr. Grote has remarked, is a wonderful thing, that one of the wisest and best of men should have entertained ideas of morality which are wholly at variance with our own. And if we would do Plato justice, we must examine carefully the character of his proposals. First, we may observe that the relations of the sexes supposed by him are the reverse of licentious: he seems rather to aim at an impossible strictness. Secondly, he conceives the family to be the natural enemy of the state; and he entertains the serious hope that an universal brotherhood may take the place of private interests—an aspiration which, although not justified by experience, has possessed many noble minds. On the other hand, there is no sentiment or imagination in the connections which men and women are supposed by him to form; human beings return to the level of the animals, neither exalting to heaven, nor yet abusing the natural instincts. All that world of poetry and fancy which the passion of love has called forth in modern literature and romance would have been banished by Plato. The arrangements &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclxxxii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clxxxii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; of marriage in the Republic are directed to one object—the improvement of the race. In successive generations a great development both of bodily and mental qualities might be possible. The analogy of animals tends to show that mankind can within certain limits receive a change of nature. And as in animals we should commonly choose the best for breeding, and destroy the others, so there must be a selection made of the human beings whose lives are worthy to be preserved.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — We start back horrified from this Platonic ideal, in the belief, first, that the higher feelings of humanity are far too strong to be crushed out; secondly, that if the plan could be carried into execution we should be poorly recompensed by improvements in the breed for the loss of the best things in life. The greatest regard for the weakest and meanest of human beings—the infant, the criminal, the insane, the idiot, truly seems to us one of the noblest results of Christianity. We have learned, though as yet imperfectly, that the individual man has an endless value in the sight of God, and that we honour Him when we honour the darkened and disfigured image of Him (cp. Laws xi. 931 A). This is the lesson which Christ taught in a parable when He said, ‘Their angels do always behold the face of My Father which is in heaven.’ Such lessons are only partially realized in any age; they were foreign to the age of Plato, as they have very different degrees of strength in different countries or ages of the Christian world. To the Greek the family was a religious and customary institution binding the members together by a tie inferior in strength to that of friendship, and having a less solemn and sacred sound than that of country. The relationship which existed on the lower level of custom, Plato imagined that he was raising to the higher level of nature and reason; while from the modern and Christian point of view we regard him as sanctioning murder and destroying the first principles of morality.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The great error in these and similar speculations is that the difference between man and the animals is forgotten in them. The human being is regarded with the eye of a dog- or bird-fancier (v. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage459A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;459 A&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), or at best of a slave-owner; the higher or human qualities are left out. The breeder of animals aims chiefly at size or speed or strength; in a few cases at courage or temper; most often the fitness of the animal for food is the great desideratum. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclxxxiii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clxxxiii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But mankind are not bred to be eaten, nor yet for their superiority in fighting or in running or in drawing carts. Neither does the improvement of the human race consist merely in the increase of the bones and flesh, but in the growth and enlightenment of the mind. Hence there must be ‘a marriage of true minds’ as well as of bodies, of imagination and reason as well as of lusts and instincts. Men and women without feeling or imagination are justly called brutes; yet Plato takes away these qualities and puts nothing in their place, not even the desire of a noble offspring, since parents are not to know their own children. The most important transaction of social life, he who is the idealist philosopher converts into the most brutal. For the pair are to have no relation to one another, except at the hymeneal festival; their children are not theirs, but the state’s; nor is any tie of affection to unite them. Yet here the analogy of the animals might have saved Plato from a gigantic error, if he had ‘not lost sight of his own illustration’ (ii. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage375D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;375 D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). For the ‘nobler sort of birds and beasts’ (v. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage459A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;459 A&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) nourish and protect their offspring and are faithful to one another.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — An eminent physiologist thinks it worth while ‘to try and place life on a physical basis.’ But should not life rest on the moral rather than upon the physical? The higher comes first, then the lower, first the human and rational, afterwards the animal. Yet they are not absolutely divided; and in times of sickness or moments of self-indulgence they seem to be only different aspects of a common human nature which includes them both. Neither is the moral the limit of the physical, but the expansion and enlargement of it,—the highest form which the physical is capable of receiving. As Plato would say, the body does not take care of the body, and still less of the mind, but the mind takes care of both. In all human action not that which is common to man and the animals is the characteristic element, but that which distinguishes him from them. Even if we admit the physical basis, and resolve all virtue into health of body ‘&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;la façon que notre sang circule&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;,’ still on merely physical grounds we must come back to ideas. Mind and reason and duty and conscience, under these or other names, are always reappearing. There cannot be health of body without health of mind; nor health of mind without the sense of duty and the love of truth (cp. Charm. 156 D, E).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — That the greatest of ancient philosophers should in his regulations &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclxxxiv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clxxxiv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; about marriage have fallen into the error of separating body and mind, does indeed appear surprising. Yet the wonder is not so much that Plato should have entertained ideas of morality which to our own age are revolting, but that he should have contradicted himself to an extent which is hardly credible, falling in an instant from the heaven of idealism into the crudest animalism. Rejoicing in the newly found gift of reflection, he appears to have thought out a subject about which he had better have followed the enlightened feeling of his own age. The general sentiment of Hellas was opposed to his monstrous fancy. The old poets, and in later time the tragedians, showed no want of respect for the family, on which much of their religion was based. But the example of Sparta, and perhaps in some degree the tendency to defy public opinion, seems to have misled him. He will make one family out of all the families of the state. He will select the finest specimens of men and women and breed from these only.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yet because the illusion is always returning (for the animal part of human nature will from time to time assert itself in the disguise of philosophy as well as of poetry), and also because any departure from established morality, even where this is not intended, is apt to be unsettling, it may be worth while to draw out a little more at length the objections to the Platonic marriage. In the first place, history shows that wherever polygamy has been largely allowed the race has deteriorated. One man to one woman is the law of God and nature. Nearly all the civilized peoples of the world at some period before the age of written records, have become monogamists; and the step when once taken has never been retraced. The exceptions occurring among Brahmins or Mahometans or the ancient Persians, are of that sort which may be said to prove the rule. The connexions formed between superior and inferior races hardly ever produce a noble offspring, because they are licentious; and because the children in such cases usually despise the mother and are neglected by the father who is ashamed of them. Barbarous nations when they are introduced by Europeans to vice die out; polygamist peoples either import and adopt children from other countries, or dwindle in numbers, or both. Dynasties and aristocracies which have disregarded the laws of nature have decreased in numbers and degenerated in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclxxxv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clxxxv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; stature; ‘mariages de convenance’ leave their enfeebling stamp on the offspring of them (cp. King Lear, Act i. Sc. 2). The marriage of near relations, or the marrying in and in of the same family tends constantly to weakness or idiocy in the children, sometimes assuming the form as they grow older of passionate licentiousness. The common prostitute rarely has any offspring. By such unmistakable evidence is the authority of morality asserted in the relations of the sexes: and so many more elements enter into this ‘mystery’ than are dreamed of by Plato and some other philosophers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Recent enquirers have indeed arrived at the conclusion that among primitive tribes there existed a community of wives as of property, and that the captive taken by the spear was the only wife or slave whom any man was permitted to call his own. The partial existence of such customs among some of the lower races of man, and the survival of peculiar ceremonies in the marriages of some civilized nations, are thought to furnish a proof of similar institutions having been once universal. There can be no question that the study of anthropology has considerably changed our views respecting the first appearance of man upon the earth. We know more about the aborigines of the world than formerly, but our increasing knowledge shows above all things how little we know. With all the helps which written monuments afford, we do but faintly realize the condition of man two thousand or three thousand years ago. Of what his condition was when removed to a distance 200,000 or 300,000 years, when the majority of mankind were lower and nearer the animals than any tribe now existing upon the earth, we cannot even entertain conjecture. Plato (Laws iii. 676 foll.) and Aristotle (Metaph. xi. 8, §§ 19, 20) may have been more right than we imagine in supposing that some forms of civilisation were discovered and lost several times over. If we cannot argue that all barbarism is a degraded civilization, neither can we set any limits to the depth of degradation to which the human race may sink through war, disease, or isolation. And if we are to draw inferences about the origin of marriage from the practice of barbarous nations, we should also consider the remoter analogy of the animals. Many birds and animals, especially the carnivorous, have only one mate, and the love and care of offspring which seems to be natural is inconsistent &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclxxxvi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clxxxvi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; with the primitive theory of marriage. If we go back to an imaginary state in which men were almost animals and the companions of them, we have as much right to argue from what is animal to what is human as from the barbarous to the civilized man. The record of animal life on the globe is fragmentary,—the connecting links are wanting and cannot be supplied; the record of social life is still more fragmentary and precarious. Even if we admit that our first ancestors had no such institution as marriage, still the stages by which men passed from outer barbarism to the comparative civilization of China, Assyria, and Greece, or even of the ancient Germans, are wholly unknown to us.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Such speculations are apt to be unsettling, because they seem to show that an institution which was thought to be a revelation from heaven, is only the growth of history and experience. We ask what is the origin of marriage, and we are told that like the right of property, after many wars and contests, it has gradually arisen out of the selfishness of barbarians. We stand face to face with human nature in its primitive nakedness. We are compelled to accept, not the highest, but the lowest account of the origin of human society. But on the other hand we may truly say that every step in human progress has been in the same direction, and that in the course of ages the idea of marriage and of the family has been more and more defined and consecrated. The civilized East is immeasurably in advance of any savage tribes; the Greeks and Romans have improved upon the East; the Christian nations have been stricter in their views of the marriage relation than any of the ancients. In this as in so many other things, instead of looking back with regret to the past, we should look forward with hope to the future. We must consecrate that which we believe to be the most holy, and that ‘which is the most holy will be the most useful.’ There is more reason for maintaining the sacredness of the marriage tie, when we see the benefit of it, than when we only felt a vague religious horror about the violation of it. But in all times of transition, when established beliefs are being undermined, there is a danger that in the passage from the old to the new we may insensibly let go the moral principle, finding an excuse for listening to the voice of passion in the uncertainty of knowledge, or the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclxxxvii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clxxxvii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; fluctuations of opinion. And there are many persons in our own day who, enlightened by the study of anthropology, and fascinated by what is new and strange, some using the language of fear, others of hope, are inclined to believe that a time will come when through the self-assertion of women, or the rebellious spirit of children, by the analysis of human relations, or by the force of outward circumstances, the ties of family life may be broken or greatly relaxed. They point to societies in America and elsewhere which tend to show that the destruction of the family need not necessarily involve the overthrow of all morality. Wherever we may think of such speculations, we can hardly deny that they have been more rife in this generation than in any other; and whither they are tending, who can predict?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — To the doubts and queries raised by these ‘social reformers’ respecting the relation of the sexes and the moral nature of man, there is a sufficient answer, if any is needed. The difference about them and us is really one of fact. They are speaking of man as they wish or fancy him to be, but we are speaking of him as he is. They isolate the animal part of his nature; we regard him as a creature having many sides, or aspects, moving between good and evil, striving to rise above himself and to become ‘a little lower than the angels.’ We also, to use a Platonic formula, are not ignorant of the dissatisfactions and incompatibilities of family life, of the meannesses of trade, of the flatteries of one class of society by another, of the impediments which the family throws in the way of lofty aims and aspirations. But we are conscious that there are evils and dangers in the background greater still, which are not appreciated, because they are either concealed or suppressed. What a condition of man would that be, in which human passions were controlled by no authority, divine or human, in which there was no shame or decency, no higher affection overcoming or sanctifying the natural instincts, but simply a rule of health! Is it for this that we are asked to throw away the civilization which is the growth of ages?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — For strength and health are not the only qualities to be desired; there are the more important considerations of mind and character and soul. We know how human nature may be degraded; we do not know how by artificial means any improvement in the breed can be effected. The problem is a complex one, for if we &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclxxxviii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clxxxviii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; go back only four steps (and these at least enter into the composition of a child), there are commonly thirty progenitors to be taken into account. Many curious facts, rarely admitting of proof, are told us respecting the inheritance of disease or character from a remote ancestor. We can trace the physical resemblances of parents and children in the same family—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘Sic oculos, sic ille manus, sic ora ferebat’;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;but scarcely less often the differences which distinguish children both from their parents and from one another. We are told of similar mental peculiarities running in families, and again of a tendency, as in the animals, to revert to a common or original stock. But we have a difficulty in distinguishing what is a true inheritance of genius or other qualities, and what is mere imitation or the result of similar circumstances. Great men and great women have rarely had great fathers and mothers. Nothing that we know of in the circumstances of their birth or lineage will explain their appearance. Of the English poets of the last and two preceding centuries scarcely a descendant remains,—none have ever been distinguished. So deeply has nature hidden her secret, and so ridiculous is the fancy which has been entertained by some that we might in time by suitable marriage arrangements or, as Plato would have said, ‘by an ingenious system of lots,’ produce a Shakespeare or a Milton. Even supposing that we could breed men having the tenacity of bulldogs, or, like the Spartans, ‘lacking the wit to run away in battle,’ would the world be any the better? Many of the noblest specimens of the human race have been among the weakest physically. Tyrtaeus or Aesop, or our own Newton, would have been exposed at Sparta; and some of the fairest and strongest men and women have been among the wickedest and worst. Not by the Platonic device of uniting the strong and fair with the strong and fair, regardless of sentiment and morality, nor yet by his other device of combining dissimilar natures (Statesman 310 A), have mankind gradually passed from the brutality and licentiousness of primitive marriage to marriage Christian and civilized.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Few persons would deny that we bring into the world an inheritance of mental and physical qualities derived first from our parents, or through them from some remoter ancestor, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageclxxxix&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;clxxxix&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; secondly from our race, thirdly from the general condition of mankind into which we are born. Nothing is commoner than the remark, that ‘So and so is like his father or his uncle’; and an aged person may not unfrequently note a resemblance in a youth to a long-forgotten ancestor, observing that ‘Nature sometimes skips a generation.’ It may be true also, that if we knew more about our ancestors, these similarities would be even more striking to us. Admitting the facts which are thus described in a popular way, we may however remark that there is no method of difference by which they can be defined or estimated, and that they constitute only a small part of each individual. The doctrine of heredity may seem to take out of our hands the conduct of our own lives, but it is the idea, not the fact, which is really terrible to us. For what we have received from our ancestors is only a fraction of what we are, or may become. The knowledge that drunkenness or insanity has been prevalent in a family may be the best safeguard against their recurrence in a future generation. The parent will be most awake to the vices or diseases in his child of which he is most sensible within himself. The whole of life may be directed to their prevention or cure. The traces of consumption may become fainter, or be wholly effaced: the inherent tendency to vice or crime may be eradicated. And so heredity, from being a curse, may become a blessing. We acknowledge that in the matter of our birth, as in our nature generally, there are previous circumstances which affect us. But upon this platform of circumstances or within this wall of necessity, we have still the power of creating a life for ourselves by the informing energy of the human will.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There is another aspect of the marriage question to which Plato is a stranger. All the children born in his state are foundlings. It never occurred to him that the greater part of them, according to universal experience, would have perished. For children can only be brought up in families. There is a subtle sympathy between the mother and the child which cannot be supplied by other mothers, or by ‘strong nurses one or more’ (Laws vii. 789 E). If Plato’s ‘pen’ was as fatal as the Crèches of Paris, or the foundling hospital of Dublin, more than nine-tenths of his children would have perished. There would have been no need to expose or put out of the way the weaklier children, for they would have &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxc&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxc&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; died of themselves. So emphatically does nature protest against the destruction of the family.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — What Plato had heard or seen of Sparta was applied by him in a mistaken way to his ideal commonwealth. He probably observed that both the Spartan men and women were superior in form and strength to the other Greeks; and this superiority he was disposed to attribute to the laws and customs relating to marriage. He did not consider that the desire of a noble offspring was a passion among the Spartans, or that their physical superiority was to be attributed chiefly, not to their marriage customs, but to their temperance and training. He did not reflect that Sparta was great, not in consequence of the relaxation of morality, but in spite of it, by virtue of a political principle stronger far than existed in any other Grecian state. Least of all did he observe that Sparta did not really produce the finest specimens of the Greek race. The genius, the political inspiration of Athens, the love of liberty—all that has made Greece famous with posterity, were wanting among the Spartans. They had no Themistocles, or Pericles, or Aeschylus, or Sophocles, or Socrates, or Plato. The individual was not allowed to appear above the state; the laws were fixed, and he had no business to alter or reform them. Yet whence has the progress of cities and nations arisen, if not from remarkable individuals, coming into the world we know not how, and from causes over which we have no control? Something too much may have been said in modern times of the value of individuality. But we can hardly condemn too strongly a system which, instead of fostering the scattered seeds or sparks of genius and character, tends to smother and extinguish them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Still, while condemning Plato, we must acknowledge that neither Christianity, nor any other form of religion and society, has hitherto been able to cope with this most difficult of social problems, and that the side from which Plato regarded it is that from which we turn away. Population is the most untameable force in the political and social world. Do we not find, especially in large cities, that the greatest hindrance to the amelioration of the poor is their improvidence in marriage?—a small fault truly, if not involving endless consequences. There are whole countries too, such as India, or, nearer home, Ireland, in which a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxci&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxci&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; right solution of the marriage question seems to lie at the foundation of the happiness of the community. There are too many people on a given space, or they marry too early and bring into the world a sickly and half-developed offspring; or owing to the very conditions of their existence, they become emaciated and hand on a similar life to their descendants. But who can oppose the voice of prudence to the ‘mightiest passions of mankind’ (Laws viii. 835 C), especially when they have been licensed by custom and religion? In addition to the influences of education, we seem to require some new principles of right and wrong in these matters, some force of opinion, which may indeed be already heard whispering in private, but has never affected the moral sentiments of mankind in general. We unavoidably lose sight of the principle of utility, just in that action of our lives in which we have the most need of it. The influences which we can bring to bear upon this question are chiefly indirect. In a generation or two, education, emigration, improvements in agriculture and manufactures, may have provided the solution. The state physician hardly likes to probe the wound: it is beyond his art; a matter which he cannot safely let alone, but which he dare not touch:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘We do but skin and film the ulcerous place.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — When again in private life we see a whole family one by one dropping into the grave under the Ate of some inherited malady, and the parents perhaps surviving them, do our minds ever go back silently to that day twenty-five or thirty years before on which under the fairest auspices, amid the rejoicings of friends and acquaintances, a bride and bridegroom joined hands with one another? In making such a reflection we are not opposing physical considerations to moral, but moral to physical; we are seeking to make the voice of reason heard, which drives us back from the extravagance of sentimentalism on common sense. The late Dr. Combe is said by his biographer to have resisted the temptation to marriage, because he knew that he was subject to hereditary consumption. One who deserved to be called a man of genius, a friend of my youth, was in the habit of wearing a black ribbon on his wrist, in order to remind him that, being liable to outbreaks of insanity, he must not give way to the natural impulses of affection: he died unmarried in a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxcii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxcii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; lunatic asylum. These two little facts suggest the reflection that a very few persons have done from a sense of duty what the rest of mankind ought to have done under like circumstances, if they had allowed themselves to think of all the misery which they were about to bring into the world. If we could prevent such marriages without any violation of feeling or propriety, we clearly ought; and the prohibition in the course of time would be protected by a ‘horror naturalis’ similar to that which, in all civilized ages and countries, has prevented the marriage of near relations by blood. Mankind would have been the happier, if some things which are now allowed had from the beginning been denied to them; if the sanction of religion could have prohibited practices inimical to health; if sanitary principles could in early ages have been invested with a superstitious awe. But, living as we do far on in the world’s history, we are no longer able to stamp at once with the impress of religion a new prohibition. A free agent cannot have his fancies regulated by law; and the execution of the law would be rendered impossible, owing to the uncertainty of the cases in which marriage was to be forbidden. Who can weigh virtue, or even fortune against health, or moral and mental qualities against bodily? Who can measure probabilities against certainties? There has been some good as well as evil in the discipline of suffering; and there are diseases, such as consumption, which have exercised a refining and softening influence on the character. Youth is too inexperienced to balance such nice considerations; parents do not often think of them, or think of them too late. They are at a distance and may probably be averted; change of place, a new state of life, the interests of a home may be the cure of them. So persons vainly reason when their minds are already made up and their fortunes irrevocably linked together. Nor is there any ground for supposing that marriages are to any great extent influenced by reflections of this sort, which seem unable to make any head against the irresistible impulse of individual attachment.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Lastly, no one can have observed the first rising flood of the passions in youth, the difficulty of regulating them, and the effects on the whole mind and nature which follow from them, the stimulus which is given to them by the imagination, without feeling that there is something unsatisfactory in our method of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxciii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxciii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; treating them. That the most important influence on human life should be wholly left to chance or shrouded in mystery, and instead of being disciplined or understood, should be required to conform only to an external standard of propriety—cannot be regarded by the philosopher as a safe or satisfactory condition of human things. And still those who have the charge of youth may find a way by watchfulness, by affection, by the manliness and innocence of their own lives, by occasional hints, by general admonitions which every one can apply for himself, to mitigate this terrible evil which eats out the heart of individuals and corrupts the moral sentiments of nations. In no duty towards others is there more need of reticence and self-restraint. So great is the danger lest he who would be the counsellor of another should reveal the secret prematurely, lest he should get another too much into his power; or fix the passing impression of evil by demanding the confession of it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Nor is Plato wrong in asserting that family attachments may interfere with higher aims. If there have been some who ‘to party gave up what was meant for mankind,’ there have certainly been others who to family gave up what was meant for mankind or for their country. The cares of children, the necessity of procuring money for their support, the flatteries of the rich by the poor, the exclusiveness of caste, the pride of birth or wealth, the tendency of family life to divert men from the pursuit of the ideal or the heroic, are as lowering in our own age as in that of Plato. And if we prefer to look at the gentle influences of home, the development of the affections, the amenities of society, the devotion of one member of a family for the good of the others, which form one side of the picture, we must not quarrel with him, or perhaps ought rather to be grateful to him, for having presented to us the reverse. Without attempting to defend Plato on grounds of morality, we may allow that there is an aspect of the world which has not unnaturally led him into error.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — We hardly appreciate the power which the idea of the State, like all other abstract ideas, exercised over the mind of Plato. To us the State seems to be built up out of the family, or sometimes to be the framework in which family and social life is contained. But to Plato in his present mood of mind the family &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxciv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxciv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; is only a disturbing influence which, instead of filling up, tends to disarrange the higher unity of the State. No organization is needed except a political, which, regarded from another point of view, is a military one. The State is all-sufficing for the wants of man, and, like the idea of the Church in later ages, absorbs all other desires and affections. In time of war the thousand citizens are to stand like a rampart impregnable against the world or the Persian host; in time of peace the preparation for war and their duties to the State, which are also their duties to one another, take up their whole life and time. The only other interest which is allowed to them besides that of war, is the interest of philosophy. When they are too old to be soldiers they are to retire from active life and to have a second novitiate of study and contemplation. There is an element of monasticism even in Plato’s communism. If he could have done without children, he might have converted his Republic into a religious order. Neither in the Laws (v. 739 B), when the daylight of common sense breaks in upon him, does he retract his error. In the state of which he would be the founder, there is no marrying or giving in marriage: but because of the infirmity of mankind, he condescends to allow the law of nature to prevail.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p id=&amp;quot;inIIc&amp;quot;&amp;gt;(&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;g&amp;quot;&amp;gt;γ&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) ¶{{#counter: }} — But Plato has an equal, or, in his own estimation, even greater paradox in reserve, which is summed up in the famous text, ‘Until kings are philosophers or philosophers are kings, cities will never cease from ill.’ And by philosophers he explains himself to mean those who are capable of apprehending ideas, especially the idea of good. To the attainment of this higher knowledge the second education is directed. Through a process of training which has already made them good citizens they are now to be made good legislators. We find with some surprise (not unlike the feeling which Aristotle in a well-known passage describes the hearers of Plato’s lectures as experiencing, when they went to a discourse on the idea of good, expecting to be instructed in moral truths, and received instead of them arithmetical and mathematical formulae) that Plato does not propose for his future legislators any study of finance or law or military tactics, but only of abstract mathematics, as a preparation for the still more abstract conception of good. We ask, with Aristotle, What is the use of a man knowing the idea of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxcv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxcv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; good, if he does not know what is good for this individual, this state, this condition of society? We cannot understand how Plato’s legislators or guardians are to be fitted for their work of statesmen by the study of the five mathematical sciences. We vainly search in Plato’s own writings for any explanation of this seeming absurdity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The discovery of a great metaphysical conception seems to ravish the mind with a prophetic consciousness which takes away the power of estimating its value. No metaphysical enquirer has ever fairly criticised his own speculations; in his own judgment they have been above criticism; nor has he understood that what to him seemed to be absolute truth may reappear in the next generation as a form of logic or an instrument of thought. And posterity have also sometimes equally misapprehended the real value of his speculations. They appear to them to have contributed nothing to the stock of human knowledge. The &amp;lt;em&amp;gt;idea&amp;lt;/em&amp;gt; of good is apt to be regarded by the modern thinker as an unmeaning abstraction; but he forgets that this abstraction is waiting ready for use, and will hereafter be filled up by the divisions of knowledge. When mankind do not as yet know that the world is subject to law, the introduction of the mere conception of law or design or final cause, and the far-off anticipation of the harmony of knowledge, are great steps onward. Even the crude generalization of the unity of all things leads men to view the world with different eyes, and may easily affect their conception of human life and of politics, and also their own conduct and character (Tim. 90 A). We can imagine how a great mind like that of Pericles might derive elevation from his intercourse with Anaxagoras (Phaedr. 270 A). To be struggling towards a higher but unattainable conception is a more favourable intellectual condition than to rest satisfied in a narrow portion of ascertained fact. And the earlier, which have sometimes been the greater ideas of science, are often lost sight of at a later period. How rarely can we say of any modern enquirer in the magnificent language of Plato, that ‘He is the spectator of all time and of all existence!’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Nor is there anything unnatural in the hasty application of these vast metaphysical conceptions to practical and political life. In the first enthusiasm of ideas men are apt to see them &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxcvi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxcvi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; everywhere, and to apply them in the most remote sphere. They do not understand that the experience of ages is required to enable them to fill up ‘the intermediate axioms.’ Plato himself seems to have imagined that the truths of psychology, like those of astronomy and harmonics, would be arrived at by a process of deduction, and that the method which he has pursued in the Fourth Book, of inferring them from experience and the use of language, was imperfect and only provisional. But when, after having arrived at the idea of good, which is the end of the science of dialectic, he is asked, What is the nature, and what are the divisions of the science? He refuses to answer, as if intending by the refusal to intimate that the state of knowledge which then existed was not such as would allow the philosopher to enter into his final rest. The previous sciences must first be studied, and will, we may add, continue to be studied tell the end of time, although in a sense different from any which Plato could have conceived. But we may observe, that while he is aware of the vacancy of his own ideal, he is full of enthusiasm in the contemplation of it. Looking into the orb of light, he sees nothing, but he is warmed and elevated. The Hebrew prophet believed that faith in God would enable him to govern the world; the Greek philosopher imagined that contemplation of the good would make a legislator. There is as much to be filled up in the one case as in the other, and the one mode of conception is to the Israelite what the other is to the Greek. Both find a repose in a divine perfection, which, whether in a more personal or impersonal form, exists without them and independently of them, as well as within them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There is no mention of the idea of good in the Timaeus, nor of the divine Creator of the world in the Republic; and we are naturally led to ask in what relation they stand to one another. Is God above or below the idea of good? Or is the Idea of Good another mode of conceiving God? The latter appears to be the truer answer. To the Greek philosopher the perfection and unity of God was a far higher conception than his personality, which he hardly found a word to express, and which to him would have seemed to be borrowed from mythology. To the Christian, on the other hand, or to the modern thinker in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxcvii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxcvii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; general, it is difficult, if not impossible, to attach reality to what he terms mere abstraction; while to Plato this very abstraction is the truest and most real of all things. Hence, from a difference in forms of thought, Plato appears to be resting on a creation of his own mind only. But if we may be allowed to paraphrase the idea of good by the words ‘intelligent principle of law and order in the universe, embracing equally man and nature,’ we begin to find a meeting-point between him and ourselves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The question whether the ruler or statesman should be a philosopher is one that has not lost interest in modern times. In most countries of Europe and Asia there has been some one in the course of ages who has truly united the power of command with the power of thought and reflection, as there have been also many false combinations of these qualities. Some kind of speculative power is necessary both in practical and political life; like the rhetorician in the Phaedrus, men require to have a conception of the varieties of human character, and to be raised on great occasions above the commonplaces of ordinary life. Yet the idea of the philosopher-statesman has never been popular with the mass of mankind; partly because he cannot take the world into his confidence or make them understand the motives from which he acts; and also because they are jealous of a power which they do not understand. The revolution which human nature desires to effect step by step in many ages is likely to be precipitated by him in a single year or life. They are afraid that in the pursuit of his greater aims he may disregard the common feelings of humanity, he is too apt to be looking into the distant future or back into the remote past, and unable to see actions or events which, to use an expression of Plato’s ‘are tumbling out at his feet.’ Besides, as Plato would say, there are other corruptions of these philosophical statesmen. Either ‘the native hue of resolution is sicklied o’er with the pale cast of thought,’ and at the moment when action above all things is required he is undecided, or general principles are enunciated by him in order to cover some change of policy; or his ignorance of the world has made him more easily fall a prey to the arts of others; or in some cases he has been converted into a courtier, who enjoys &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxcviii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxcviii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; the luxury of holding liberal opinions, but was never known to perform a liberal action. No wonder that mankind have been in the habit of calling statesmen of this class pedants, sophisters, doctrinaires, visionaries. For, as we may be allowed to say, a little parodying the words of Plato, ‘they have seen bad imitations of the philosopher-statesman.’ But a man in whom the power of thought and action are perfectly balanced, equal to the present, reaching forward to the future, ‘such a one,’ ruling in a constitutional state, ‘they have never seen.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — But as the philosopher is apt to fail in the routine of political life, so the ordinary statesman is also apt to fail in extraordinary crises. When the face of the world is beginning to alter, and thunder is heard in the distance, he is still guided by his old maxims, and is the slave of his inveterate party prejudices; he cannot perceive the signs of the times; instead of looking forward he looks back; he learns nothing and forgets nothing; with ‘wise saws and modern instances’ he would stem the rising tide of revolution. He lives more and more within the circle of his own party, as the world without him becomes stronger. This seems to be the reason why the old order of things makes so poor a figure when confronted with the new, why churches can never reform, why most political changes are made blindly and convulsively. The great crises in the history of nations have often been met by an ecclesiastical positiveness, and a more obstinate reassertion of principles which have lost their hold upon a nation. The fixed ideas of a reactionary statesman may be compared to madness; they grow upon him, and he becomes possessed by them; no judgement of others is ever admitted by him to be weighed in the balance against his own.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p id=&amp;quot;inIId&amp;quot;&amp;gt;(&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;d&amp;quot;&amp;gt;δ&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) ¶{{#counter: }} — Plato, labouring under what, to modern readers, appears to have been a confusion of ideas, assimilates the state to the individual, and fails to distinguish Ethics from Politics. He thinks that to be most of a state which is most like one man, and in which the citizens have the greatest uniformity of character. He does not see that the analogy is partly fallacious, and that the will or character of a state or nation is really the balance or rather the surplus of individual wills, which are limited by the condition of having to act in common. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecxcix&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cxcix&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The movement of a body of men can never have the pliancy or facility of a single man; the freedom of the individual, which is always limited, becomes still more straitened when transferred to a nation. The powers of action and feeling are necessarily weaker and more balanced when they are diffused through a community; whence arises the often discussed question, ‘Can a nation, like an individual, have a conscience?’ We hesitate to say that the characters of nations are nothing more than the sum of the characters of the individuals who compose them; because there may be tendencies in individuals which react upon one another. A whole nation may be wiser than any one man in it; or may be animated by some common opinion or feeling which could not equally have affected the mind of a single person, or may have been inspired by a leader of genius to perform acts more than human. Plato does not appear to have analysed the complications which arise out of the collective action of mankind. Neither is he capable of seeing that analogies, though specious as arguments, may often have no foundation in fact, or of distinguishing between what is intelligible or vividly present to the mind, and what is true. In this respect he is far below Aristotle, who is comparatively seldom imposed upon by false analogies. He cannot disentangle the arts from the virtues—at least he is always arguing from one to the other. His notion of music is transferred from harmony of sounds to harmony of life: in this he is assisted by the ambiguities of language as well as by the prevalence of Pythagorean notions. And having once assimilated the state to the individual, he imagines that he will find the succession of states paralleled in the lives of individuals.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Still, through this fallacious medium, a real enlargement of ideas is attained. When the virtues as yet presented no distinct conception to the mind, a great advance was made by the comparison of them with the arts; for virtue is partly art, and has an outward form as well as an inward principle. The harmony of music affords a lively image of the harmonies of the world and of human life, and may be regarded as a splendid illustration which was naturally mistaken for a real analogy. In the same way the identification of ethics with politics has a tendency to give definiteness to ethics, and also to elevate and ennoble men’s &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecc&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cc&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; notions of the aims of government and of the duties of citizens; for ethics from one point of view may be conceived as an idealized law and politics; and politics, as ethics reduced to the conditions of human society. There have been evils which have arisen out of the attempt to identify them, and this has led to the separation or antagonism of them, which has been introduced by modern political writers. But we may likewise feel that something has been lost in their separation, and that the ancient philosophers who estimated the moral and intellectual wellbeing of mankind first, and the wealth of nations and individuals second, may have a salutary influence on the speculations of modern times. Many political maxims originate in a reaction against an opposite error; and when the errors against which they were directed have passed away, they in turn become errors.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p id=&amp;quot;inIII&amp;quot;&amp;gt;III.¶{{#counter: }} —  Plato’s views of education are in several respects remarkable; like the rest of the Republic they are partly Greek and partly ideal, beginning with the ordinary curriculum of the Greek youth, and extending to after-life. Plato is the first writer who distinctly says that education is to comprehend the whole of life, and to be a preparation for another in which education begins again (vi. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage498D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;498 D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). This is the continuous thread which runs through the Republic, and which more than any other of his ideas admits of an application to modern life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He has long given up the notion that virtue cannot be taught; and he is disposed to modify the thesis of the Protagoras, that the virtues are one and not many. He is not unwilling to admit the sensible world into his scheme of truth. Nor does he assert in the Republic the involuntariness of vice, which is maintained by him in the Timaeus, Sophist, and Laws (cp. Protag. 345 foll., 352, 355; Apol. 25 E; Gorg. 468, 509 E). Nor do the so-called Platonic ideas recovered from a former state of existence affect his theory of mental improvement. Still we observe in him the remains of the old Socratic doctrine, that true knowledge must be elicited from within, and is to be sought for in ideas, not in particulars of sense. Education, as he says, will implant a principle of intelligence which is better than ten &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecci&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cci&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; thousand eyes. The paradox that the virtues are one, and the kindred notion that all virtue is knowledge, are not entirely renounced; the first is seen in the supremacy given to justice over the rest; the second in the tendency to absorb the moral virtues in the intellectual, and to centre all goodness in the contemplation of the idea of good. The world of sense is still depreciated and identified with opinion, though admitted to be a shadow of the true. In the Republic he is evidently impressed with the conviction that vice arises chiefly from ignorance and may be cured by education; the multitude are hardly to be deemed responsible for what they do (v. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage499E&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;499 E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). A faint allusion to the doctrine of reminiscence occurs in the Tenth Book (&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage621A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;621 A&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;); but Plato’s views of education have no more real connection with a previous state of existence than our own; he only proposes to elicit from the mind that which is there already. Education is represented by him, not as the filling of a vessel, but as the turning the eye of the soul towards the light.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He treats first of music or literature, which he divides into true and false, and then goes on to gymnastics; of infancy in the Republic he takes no notice, though in the Laws he gives sage counsels about the nursing of children and the management of the mothers, and would have an education which is even prior to birth. But in the Republic he begins with the age at which the child is capable of receiving ideas, and boldly asserts, in language which sounds paradoxical to modern ears, that he must be taught the false before he can learn the true. The modern and ancient philosophical world are not agreed about truth and falsehood; the one identifies truth almost exclusively with fact, the other with ideas. This is the difference between ourselves and Plato, which is, however, partly a difference of words (cp. supra, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#pagexxxviii&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;p. xxxviii&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). For we too should admit that a child must receive many lessons which he imperfectly understands; he must be taught some things in a figure only, some too which he can hardly be expected to believe when he grows older; but we should limit the use of fiction by the necessity of the case. Plato would draw the line differently; according to him the aim of early education is not truth as a matter of fact, but truth as a matter of principle; the child is to be taught first simple religious truths, and then simple moral truths, and insensibly to learn the lesson of good manners and good taste. He &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageccii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ccii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; would make an entire reformation of the old mythology; like Xenophanes and Heracleitus he is sensible of the deep chasm which separates his own age from Homer and Hesiod, whom he quotes and invests with an imaginary authority, but only for his own purposes. The lusts and treacheries of the gods are to be banished; the terrors of the world below are to be dispelled; the misbehaviour of the Homeric heroes is not to be a model for youth. But there is another strain heard in Homer which may teach our youth endurance; and something may be learnt in medicine from the simple practice of the Homeric age. The principles on which religion is to be based are two only: first, that God is true; secondly, that he is good. Modern and Christian writers have often fallen short of these; they can hardly be said to have gone beyond them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The young are to be brought up in happy surroundings, out of the way of sights or sounds which may hurt the character or vitiate the taste. They are to live in an atmosphere of health; the breeze is always to be wafting to them the impressions of truth and goodness. Could such an education be realized, or if our modern religious education could be bound up with truth and virtue and good manners and good taste, that would be the best hope of human improvement. Plato, like ourselves, is looking forward to changes in the moral and religious world, and is preparing for them. He recognizes the danger of unsettling young men’s minds by sudden changes of laws and principles, by destroying the sacredness of one set of ideas when there is nothing else to take their place. He is afraid too of the influence of the drama, on the ground that it encourages false sentiment, and therefore he would not have his children taken to the theatre; he thinks that the effect on the spectators is bad, and on the actors still worse. His idea of education is that of harmonious growth, in which are insensibly learnt the lessons of temperance and endurance, and the body and mind develope in equal proportions. The first principle which runs through all art and nature is simplicity; this also is to be the rule of human life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The second stage of education is gymnastic, which answers to the period of muscular growth and development. The simplicity which is enforced in music is extended to gymnastic; Plato is aware that the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecciii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cciii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; training of the body may be inconsistent with the training of the mind, and that bodily exercise may be easily overdone. Excessive training of the body is apt to give men a headache or to render them sleepy at a lecture on philosophy, and this they attribute not to the true cause, but to the nature of the subject. Two points are noticeable in Plato’s treatment of gymnastic:—First, that the time of training is entirely separated from the time of literary education. He seems to have thought that two things of an opposite and different nature could not be learnt at the same time. Here we can hardly agree with him; and, if we may judge by experience, the effect of spending three years between the ages of fourteen and seventeen in mere bodily exercise would be far from improving to the intellect. Secondly, he affirms that music and gymnastic are not, as common opinion is apt to imagine, intended, the one for the cultivation of the mind and the other of the body, but that they are both equally designed for the improvement of the mind. The body, in his view, is the servant of the mind; the subjection of the lower to the higher is for the advantage of both. And doubtless the mind may exercise a very great and paramount influence over the body, if exerted not at particular moments and by fits and starts, but continuously, in making preparation for the whole of life. Other Greek writers saw the mischievous tendency of Spartan discipline (Arist. Pol. viii. 4, § 1 foll.; Thuc. ii. 37, 39). But only Plato recognized the fundamental error on which the practice was based.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The subject of gymnastic leads Plato to the sister subject of medicine, which he further illustrates by the parallel of law. The modern disbelief in medicine has led in this, as in some other departments of knowledge, to a demand for greater simplicity; physicians are becoming aware that they often make diseases ‘greater and more complicated’ by their treatment of them (Rep. iv. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage426A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;426 A&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). In two thousand years their art has made but slender progress; what they have gained in the analysis of the parts is in a great degree lost by their feebler conception of the human frame as a whole. They have attended more to the cure of diseases than to the conditions of health; and the improvements in medicine have been more than counterbalanced by the disuse of regular training. Until lately they have hardly thought of air and water, the importance of which was well understood by the ancients; as Aristotle remarks, ‘Air and water, being the elements &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pagecciv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;cciv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; which we most use, have the greatest effect upon health’ (Polit. vii. 11, § 4). For ages physicians have been under the dominion of prejudices which have only recently given way; and now there are as many opinions in medicine as in theology, and an equal degree of scepticism and some want of toleration about both. Plato has several good notions about medicine; according to him, ‘the eye cannot be cured without the rest of the body, nor the body without the mind’ (Charm. 156 E). No man of sense, he says in the Timaeus, would take physic; and we heartily sympathize with him in the Laws when he declares that ‘the limbs of the rustic worn with toil will derive more benefit from warm baths than from the prescriptions of a not over wise doctor’ (vi. 761 C). But we can hardly praise him when, in obedience to the authority of Homer, he depreciates diet, or approve of the inhuman spirit in which he would get rid of invalid and useless lives by leaving them to die. He does not seem to have considered that the ‘bridle of Theages’ might be accompanied by qualities which were of far more value to the State than the health or strength of the citizens; or that the duty of taking care of the helpless might be an important element of education in a State. The physician himself (this is a delicate and subtle observation) should not be a man in robust health; he should have, in modern phraseology, a nervous temperament; he should have experience of disease in his own person, in order that his powers of observation may be quickened in the case of others.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The perplexity of medicine is paralleled by the perplexity of law; in which, again, Plato would have men follow the golden rule of simplicity. Greater matters are to be determined by the legislator or by the oracle of Delphi, lesser matters are to be left to the temporary regulation of the citizens themselves. Plato is aware that &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;laissez faire&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; is an important element of government. The diseases of a State are like the heads of a hydra; they multiply when they are cut off. The true remedy for them is not extirpation but prevention. And the way to prevent them is to take care of education, and education will take care of all the rest. So in modern times men have often felt that the only political measure worth having—the only one which would produce any certain or lasting effect, was a measure of national education. And in our own more than in any previous age the necessity has been &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageccv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ccv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; recognized of restoring the ever-increasing confusion of law to simplicity and common sense.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — When the training in music and gymnastic is completed, there follows the first stage of active and public life. But soon education is to begin again from a new point of view. In the interval between the Fourth and Seventh Books we have discussed the nature of knowledge, and have thence been led to form a higher conception of what was required of us. For true knowledge, according to Plato, is of abstractions, and has to do, not with particulars or individuals, but with universals only; not with the beauties of poetry, but with the ideas of philosophy. And the great aim of education is the cultivation of the habit of abstraction. This is to be acquired through the study of the mathematical sciences. They alone are capable of giving ideas of relation, and of arousing the dormant energies of thought.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Mathematics in the age of Plato comprehended a very small part of that which is now included in them; but they bore a much larger proportion to the sum of human knowledge. They were the only organon of thought which the human mind at that time possessed, and the only measure by which the chaos of particulars could be reduced to rule and order. The faculty which they trained was naturally at war with the poetical or imaginative; and hence to Plato, who is everywhere seeking for abstractions and trying to get rid of the illusions of sense, nearly the whole of education is contained in them. They seemed to have an inexhaustible application, partly because their true limits were not yet understood. These Plato himself is beginning to investigate; though not aware that number and figure are mere abstractions of sense, he recognizes that the forms used by geometry are borrowed from the sensible world (vi. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage510A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;510&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage511A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;511&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). He seeks to find the ultimate ground of mathematical ideas in the idea of good, though he does not satisfactorily explain the connexion between them; and in his conception of the relation of ideas to numbers, he falls very far short of the definiteness attributed to him by Aristotle (Met. i. 8, § 24; ix. 17). But if he fails to recognize the true limits of mathematics, he also reaches a point beyond them; in his view, ideas of number become secondary to a higher conception of knowledge. The dialectician is as much above the mathematician as the mathematician is above the ordinary man (cp. vii. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage526D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;526 D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageccvi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ccvi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage531E&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;531 E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). The one, the self-proving, the good which is the higher sphere of dialectic, is the perfect truth to which all things ascend, and in which they finally repose.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — This self-proving unity or idea of good is a mere vision of which no distinct explanation can be given, relative only to a particular stage in Greek philosophy. It is an abstraction under which no individuals are comprehended, a whole which has no parts (cf. Arist., Nic. Eth., i. 4). The vacancy of such a form was perceived by Aristotle, but not by Plato. Nor did he recognize that in the dialectical process are included two or more methods of investigation which are at variance with each other. He did not see that whether he took the longer or the shorter road, no advance could be made in this way. And yet such visions often have an immense effect; for although the method of science cannot anticipate science, the idea of science, not as it is, but as it will be in the future, is a great and inspiring principle. In the pursuit of knowledge we are always pressing forward to something beyond us; and as a false conception of knowledge, for example the scholastic philosophy, may lead men astray during many ages, so the true ideal, though vacant, may draw all their thoughts in a right direction. It makes a great difference whether the general expectation of knowledge, as this indefinite feeling may be termed, is based upon a sound judgment. For mankind may often entertain a true conception of what knowledge ought to be when they have but a slender experience of facts. The correlation of the sciences, the consciousness of the unity of nature, the idea of classification, the sense of proportion, the unwillingness to stop short of certainty or to confound probability with truth, are important principles of the higher education. Although Plato could tell us nothing, and perhaps knew that he could tell us nothing, of the absolute truth, he has exercised an influence on the human mind which even at the present day is not exhausted; and political and social questions may yet arise in which the thoughts of Plato may be read anew and receive a fresh meaning.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The Idea of good is so called only in the Republic, but there are traces of it in other dialogues of Plato. It is a cause as well as an idea, and from this point of view may be compared with the creator of the Timaeus, who out of his goodness created &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageccvii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ccvii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; all things. It corresponds to a certain extent with the modern conception of a law of nature, or of a final cause, or of both in one, and in this regard may be connected with the measure and symmetry of the Philebus. It is represented in the Symposium under the aspect of beauty, and is supposed to be attained there by stages of initiation, as here by regular gradations of knowledge. Viewed subjectively, it is the process or science of dialectic. This is the science which, according to the Phaedrus, is the true basis of rhetoric, which alone is able to distinguish the natures and classes of men and things; which divides a whole into the natural parts, and reunites the scattered parts into a natural or organized whole; which defines the abstract essences or universal ideas of all things, and connects them; which pierces the veil of hypotheses and reaches the final cause or first principle of all; which regards the sciences in relation to the idea of good. This ideal science is the highest process of thought, and may be described as the soul conversing with herself or holding communion with eternal truth and beauty, and in another form is the everlasting question and answer—the ceaseless interrogative of Socrates. The dialogues of Plato are themselves examples of the nature and method of dialectic. Viewed objectively, the idea of good is a power or cause which makes the world without us correspond with the world within. Yet this world without us is still a world of ideas. With Plato the investigation of nature is another department of knowledge, and in this he seeks to attain only probable conclusions (cp. Timaeus, 44 D).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — If we ask whether this science of dialectic which Plato only half explains to us is more akin to logic or to metaphysics, the answer is that in his mind the two sciences are not as yet distinguished, any more than the subjective and objective aspects of the world and of man, which German philosophy has revealed to us. Nor has he determined whether his science of dialectic is at rest or in motion, concerned with the contemplation of absolute being, or with a process of development and evolution. Modern metaphysics may be described as the science of abstractions, or as the science of the evolution of thought; modern logic, when passing beyond the bounds of mere Aristotelian forms, may be defined as the science of method. The germ of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageccviii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ccviii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; both of them is contained in the Platonic dialectic; all metaphysicians have something in common with the ideas of Plato; all logicians have derived something from the method of Plato. The nearest approach in modern philosophy to the universal science of Plato, is to be found in the Hegelian ‘succession of moments in the unity of the idea.’ Plato and Hegel alike seem to have conceived the world as the correlation of abstractions; and not impossibly they would have understood one another better than any of their commentators understand them (cp. Swift’s Voyage to Laputa, c. 8&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnoteintro4&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorintro4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). There is, however, a difference between them: for whereas Hegel is thinking of all the minds of men as one mind, which developes the stages of the idea in different countries or at different times in the same country, with Plato these gradations are regarded only as an order of thought or ideas; the history of the human mind had not yet dawned upon him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnoteintro4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorintro4&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; ‘Having a desire to see those ancients who were most renowned for wit and learning, I set apart one day on purpose. I proposed that Homer and Aristotle might appear at the head of all their commentators; but these were so numerous that some hundreds were forced to attend in the court and outward rooms of the palace. I knew, and could distinguish these two heroes, at first sight, not only from the crowd, but from each other. Homer was the taller and comelier person of the two, walked very erect for one of his age, and his eyes were the most quick and piercing I ever beheld. Aristotle stooped much, and made use of a staff. His visage was meagre, his hair lank and thin, and his voice hollow. I soon discovered that both of them were perfect strangers to the rest of the company, and had never seen or heard of them before. And I had a whisper from a ghost, who shall be nameless, “That these commentators always kept in the most distant quarters from their principals, in the lower world, through a consciousness of shame and guilt, because they had so horribly misrepresented the meaning of these authors to posterity.” I introduced Didymus and Eustathius to Homer, and prevailed on him to treat them better than perhaps they deserved, for he soon found they wanted a genius to enter into the spirit of a poet. But Aristotle was out of all patience with the account I gave him of Scotus and Ramus, as I presented them to him; and he asked them “whether the rest of the tribe were as great dunces as themselves?”’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Many criticisms may be made on Plato’s theory of education. While in some respects he unavoidably falls short of modern thinkers, in others he is in advance of them. He is opposed to the modes of education which prevailed in his own time; but he can hardly be said to have discovered new ones. He does &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageccix&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ccix&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; not see that education is relative to the characters of individuals; he only desires to impress the same form of the state on the minds of all. He has no sufficient idea of the effect of literature on the formation of the mind, and greatly exaggerates that of mathematics. His aim is above all things to train the reasoning faculties; to implant in the mind the spirit and power of abstraction; to explain and define general notions, and, if possible, to connect them. No wonder that in the vacancy of actual knowledge his followers, and at times even he himself, should have fallen away from the doctrine of ideas, and have returned to that branch of knowledge in which alone the relation of the one and many can be truly seen—the science of number. In his views both of teaching and training he might be styled, in modern language, a doctrinaire; after the Spartan fashion he would have his citizens cast in one mould; he does not seem to consider that some degree of freedom, ‘a little wholesome neglect,’ is necessary to strengthen and develope the character and to give play to the individual nature. His citizens would not have acquired that knowledge which in the vision of Er is supposed to be gained by the pilgrims from their experience of evil.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — On the other hand, Plato is far in advance of modern philosophers and theologians when he teaches that education is to be continued through life and will begin again in another. He would never allow education of some kind to cease; although he was aware that the proverbial saying of Solon, ‘I grow old learning many things,’ cannot be applied literally. Himself ravished with the contemplation of the idea of good, and delighting in solid geometry (Rep. vii. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage528A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;528&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), he has no difficulty in imagining that a lifetime might be passed happily in such pursuits. We who know how many more men of business there are in the world than real students or thinkers, are not equally sanguine. The education which he proposes for his citizens is really the ideal life of the philosopher or man of genius, interrupted, but only for a time, by practical duties,—a life not for the many, but for the few.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Yet the thought of Plato may not be wholly incapable of application to our own times. Even if regarded as an ideal which can never be realized, it may have a great effect in elevating the characters of mankind, and raising them above the routine &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageccx&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ccx&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; of their ordinary occupation or profession. It is the best form under which we can conceive the whole of life. Nevertheless the idea of Plato is not easily put into practice. For the education of after life is necessarily the education which each one gives himself. Men and women cannot be brought together in schools or colleges at forty or fifty years of age; and if they could the result would be disappointing. The destination of most men is what Plato would call ‘the Den’ for the whole of life, and with that they are content. Neither have they teachers or advisers with whom they can take counsel in riper years. There is no ‘schoolmaster abroad’ who will tell them of their faults, or inspire them with the higher sense of duty, or with the ambition of a true success in life; no Socrates who will convict them of ignorance; no Christ, or follower of Christ, who will reprove them of sin. Hence they have a difficulty in receiving the first element of improvement, which is self-knowledge. The hopes of youth no longer stir them; they rather wish to rest than to pursue high objects. A few only who have come across great men and women, or eminent teachers of religion and morality, have received a second life from them, and have lighted a candle from the fire of their genius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The want of energy is one of the main reasons why so few persons continue to improve in later years. They have not the will, and do not know the way. They ‘never try an experiment,’ or look up a point of interest for themselves; they make no sacrifices for the sake of knowledge; their minds, like their bodies, at a certain age become fixed. Genius has been defined as ‘the power of taking pains’; but hardly any one keeps up his interest in knowledge throughout a whole life. The troubles of a family, the business of making money, the demands of a profession destroy the elasticity of the mind. The waxen tablet of the memory which was once capable of receiving ‘true thoughts and clear impressions’ becomes hard and crowded; there is not room for the accumulations of a long life (Theaet. 194 ff.). The student, as years advance, rather makes an exchange of knowledge than adds to his stores. There is no pressing necessity to learn; the stock of Classics or History or Natural Science which was enough for a man at twenty-five is enough for him at fifty. Neither is it easy to give a definite answer to any one who asks how he is to improve. For self-education consists in a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageccxi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ccxi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; thousand things, commonplace in themselves,—in adding to what we are by nature something of what we are not; in learning to see ourselves as others see us; in judging, not by opinion, but by the evidence of facts; in seeking out the society of superior minds; in a study of lives and writings of great men; in observation of the world and character; in receiving kindly the natural influence of different times of life; in any act or thought which is raised above the practice or opinions of mankind; in the pursuit of some new or original enquiry; in any effort of mind which calls forth some latent power.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — If any one is desirous of carrying out in detail the Platonic education of after-life, some such counsels as the following may be offered to him:—That he shall choose the branch of knowledge to which his own mind most distinctly inclines, and in which he takes the greatest delight, either one which seems to connect with his own daily employment, or, perhaps, furnishes the greatest contrast to it. He may study from the speculative side the profession or business in which he is practically engaged. He may make Homer, Dante, Shakespeare, Plato, Bacon the friends and companions of his life. He may find opportunities of hearing the living voice of a great teacher. He may select for enquiry some point of history or some unexplained phenomenon of nature. An hour a day passed in such scientific or literary pursuits will furnish as many facts as the memory can retain, and will give him ‘a pleasure not to be repented of’ (Timaeus, 59 D). Only let him beware of being the slave of crotchets, or of running after a Will o’ the Wisp in his ignorance, or in his vanity of attributing to himself the gifts of a poet or assuming the air of a philosopher. He should know the limits of his own powers. Better to build up the mind by slow additions, to creep on quietly from one thing to another, to gain insensibly new powers and new interests in knowledge, than to form vast schemes which are never destined to be realized. But perhaps, as Plato would say, ‘This is part of another subject’ (Tim. 87 B); though we may also defend our digression by his example (Theaet. 72, 77).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p id=&amp;quot;inIV&amp;quot;&amp;gt;IV. ¶{{#counter: }} — We remark with surprise that the progress of nations or &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageccxii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ccxii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; the natural growth of institutions which fill modern treatises on political philosophy seem hardly ever to have attracted the attention of Plato and Aristotle. The ancients were familiar with the mutability of human affairs; they could moralize over the ruins of cities and the fall of empires (cp. Plato, Statesman 301, 302, and Sulpicius’ Letter to Cicero, Ad Fam. iv. 5); by them fate and chance were deemed to be real powers, almost persons, and to have had a great share in political events. The wiser of them like Thucydides believed that ‘what had been would be again,’ and that a tolerable idea of the future could be gathered from the past. Also they had dreams of a Golden Age which existed once upon a time and might still exist in some unknown land, or might return again in the remote future. But the regular growth of a state enlightened by experience, progressing in knowledge, improving in the arts, of which the citizens were educated by the fulfilment of political duties, appears never to have come within the range of their hopes and aspirations. Such a state had never been seen, and therefore could not be conceived by them. Their experience (cp. Aristot. Metaph. xi. 21; Plato, Laws iii. 676–9) led them to conclude that there had been cycles of civilization in which the arts had been discovered and lost many times over, and cities had been overthrown and rebuilt again and again, and deluges and volcanoes and other natural convulsions had altered the face of the earth. Tradition told them of many destructions of mankind and of the preservation of a remnant. The world began again after a deluge and was reconstructed out of the fragments of itself. Also they were acquainted with empires of unknown antiquity, like the Egyptian or Assyrian; but they had never seen them grow, and could not imagine, any more than we can, the state of man which preceded them. They were puzzled and awestricken by the Egyptian monuments, of which the forms, as Plato says, not in a figure, but literally, were ten thousand years old (Laws ii. 656 E), and they contrasted the antiquity of Egypt with their own short memories.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The early legends of Hellas have no real connection with the later history: they are at a distance, and the intermediate region is concealed from view; there is no road or path which leads from one to the other. At the beginning of Greek history, in the vestibule of the temple, is seen standing first of all the figure of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageccxiii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ccxiii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; the legislator, himself the interpreter and servant of the God. The fundamental laws which he gives are not supposed to change with time and circumstances. The salvation of the state is held rather to depend on the inviolable maintenance of them. They were sanctioned by the authority of heaven, and it was deemed impiety to alter them. The desire to maintain them unaltered seems to be the origin of what at first sight is very surprising to us—the intolerant zeal of Plato against innovators in religion or politics (cp. Laws x. 907–9); although with a happy inconsistency he is also willing that the laws of other countries should be studied and improvements in legislation privately communicated to the Nocturnal Council (Laws xii. 951, 2). The additions which were made to them in later ages in order to meet the increasing complexity of affairs were still ascribed by a fiction to the original legislator; and the words of such enactments at Athens were disputed over as if they had been the words of Solon himself. Plato hopes to preserve in a later generation the mind of the legislator; he would have his citizens remain within the lines which he has laid down for them. He would not harass them with minute regulations, he would have allowed some changes in the laws: but not changes which would affect the fundamental institutions of the state, such for example as would convert an aristocracy into a timocracy, or a timocracy into a popular form of government.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Passing from speculations to facts, we observe that progress has been the exception rather than the law of human history. And therefore we are not surprised to find that the idea of progress is of modern rather than of ancient date; and, like the idea of a philosophy of history, is not more than a century or two old. It seems to have arisen out of the impression left on the human mind by the growth of the Roman Empire and of the Christian Church, and to be due to the political and social improvements which they introduced into the world; and still more in our own century to the idealism of the first French Revolution and the triumph of American Independence; and in a yet greater degree to the vast material prosperity and growth of population in England and her colonies and in America. It is also to be ascribed in a measure to the greater study of the philosophy of history. The optimist temperament of some great writers has &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageccxiv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ccxiv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; assisted the creation of it, while the opposite character has led a few to regard the future of the world as dark. The ‘spectator of all time and of all existence’ sees more of ‘the increasing purpose which through the ages ran’ than formerly: but to the inhabitant of a small state of Hellas the vision was necessarily limited like the valley in which he dwelt. There was no remote past on which his eye could rest, nor any future from which the veil was partly lifted up by the analogy of history. The narrowness of view, which to ourselves appears so singular, was to him natural, if not unavoidable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p id=&amp;quot;inV&amp;quot;&amp;gt;V. ¶{{#counter: }} — For the relation of the Republic to the Statesman and the Laws, and the two other works of Plato which directly treat of politics, see the Introductions to the two latter; a few general points of comparison may be touched upon in this place.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — And first of the Laws. (1) The Republic, though probably written at intervals, yet speaking generally and judging by the indications of thought and style, may be reasonably ascribed to the middle period of Plato’s life: the Laws are certainly the work of his declining years, and some portions of them at any rate seem to have been written in extreme old age. (2) The Republic is full of hope and aspiration: the Laws bear the stamp of failure and disappointment. The one is a finished work which received the last touches of the author: the other is imperfectly executed, and apparently unfinished. The one has the grace and beauty of youth: the other has lost the poetical form, but has more of the severity and knowledge of life which is characteristic of old age. (3) The most conspicuous defect of the Laws is the failure of dramatic power, whereas the Republic is full of striking contrasts of ideas and oppositions of character. (4) The Laws may be said to have more the nature of a sermon, the Republic of a poem; the one is more religious, the other more intellectual. (5) Many theories of Plato, such as the doctrine of ideas, the government of the world by philosophers, are not found in the Laws; the immortality of the soul is first mentioned in xii. 959, 967; the person of Socrates has altogether disappeared. The community of women and children is renounced; the institution of common or public meals for women (Laws vi. 781) is for the first time introduced &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageccxv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ccxv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; (Ar. Pol. ii. 6, § 5). (6) There remains in the Laws the old enmity to the poets (vii. 817), who are ironically saluted in high-flown terms, and, at the same time, are peremptorily ordered out of the city, if they are not willing to submit their poems to the censorship of the magistrates (cp. Rep. iii. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage398A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;398&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). (7) Though the work is in most respects inferior, there are a few passages in the Laws, such as v. 727 ff. (the honour due to the soul), viii. 835 ff. (the evils of licentious or unnatural love), the whole of Book x. (religion), xi. 918 ff. (the dishonesty of retail trade), and 923 ff. (bequests), which come more home to us, and contain more of what may be termed the modern element in Plato than almost anything in the Republic.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The relation of the two works to one another is very well given:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — (i) by Aristotle in the Politics from the side of the Laws:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ‘The same, or nearly the same, objections apply to Plato’s later work, the Laws, and therefore we had better examine briefly the constitution which is therein described. In the Republic, Socrates has definitely settled in all a few questions only; such as the community of women and children, the community of property, and the constitution of the state. The population is divided into two classes—one of husbandmen, and the other of warriors; from this latter is taken a third class of counsellors and rulers of the state. But Socrates has not determined whether the husbandmen and artists are to have a share in the government, and whether they too are to carry arms and share in military service or not. He certainly thinks that the women ought to share in the education of the guardians, and to fight by their side. The remainder of the work is filled up with digressions foreign to the main subject, and with discussions about the education of the guardians. In the Laws there is hardly anything but laws; not much is said about the constitution. This, which he had intended to make more of the ordinary type, he gradually brings round to the other or ideal form. For with the exception of the community of women and property, he supposes everything to be the same in both states; there is to be the same education; the citizens of both are to live free from servile occupations, and there are to be common meals in both. The only difference is that in the Laws the common meals are &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageccxvi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ccxvi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; extended to women, and the warriors number about 5000, but in the Republic only 1000.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — (ii) by Plato in the Laws (Book v. 739 B–E), from the side of the Republic:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — ‘The first and highest form of the state and of the government and of the law is that in which there prevails most widely the ancient saying that “Friends have all things in common.” Whether there is now, or ever will be, this communion of women and children and of property, in which the private and individual is altogether banished from life, and things which are by nature private, such as eyes and ears and hands, have become common, and all men express praise and blame, and feel joy and sorrow, on the same occasions, and the laws unite the city to the utmost,—whether all this is possible or not, I say that no man, acting upon any other principle, will ever constitute a state more exalted in virtue, or truer or better than this. Such a state, whether inhabited by Gods or sons of Gods, will make them blessed who dwell therein; and therefore to this we are to look for the pattern of the state, and to cling to this, and, as far as possible, to seek for one which is like this. The state which we have now in hand, when created, will be nearest to immortality and unity in the next degree; and after that, by the grace of God, we will complete the third one. And we will begin by speaking of the nature and origin of the second.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The comparatively short work called the Statesman or Politicus in its style and manner is more akin to the Laws, while in its idealism it rather resembles the Republic. As far as we can judge by various indications of language and thought, it must be later than the one and of course earlier than the other. In both the Republic and Statesman a close connection is maintained between Politics and Dialectic. In the Statesman, enquiries into the principles of Method are interspersed with discussions about Politics. The comparative advantages of the rule of law and of a person are considered, and the decision given in favour of a person (Arist. Pol. iii. 15, 16). But much may be said on the other side, nor is the opposition necessary; for a person may rule by law, and law may be so applied as to be the living voice of the legislator. As in the Republic, there is a myth, describing, however, not a future, but a former existence of mankind. The question is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageccxvii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ccxvii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; asked, ‘Whether the state of innocence which is described in the myth, or a state like our own which possesses art and science and distinguishes good from evil, is the preferable condition of man.’ To this question of the comparative happiness of civilized and primitive life, which was so often discussed in the last century and in our own, no answer is given. The Statesman, though less perfect in style than the Republic and of far less range, may justly be regarded as one of the greatest of Plato’s dialogues.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p id=&amp;quot;inVI&amp;quot;&amp;gt;VI. ¶{{#counter: }} — Others as well as Plato have chosen an ideal Republic to be the vehicle of thoughts which they could not definitely express, or which went beyond their own age. The classical writing which approaches most nearly to the Republic of Plato is the ‘De Republica’ of Cicero; but neither in this nor in any other of his dialogues does he rival the art of Plato. The manners are clumsy and inferior; the hand of the rhetorician is apparent at every turn. Yet noble sentiments are constantly recurring: the true note of Roman patriotism—‘We Romans are a great people’—resounds through the whole work. Like Socrates, Cicero turns away from the phenomena of the heavens to civil and political life. He would rather not discuss the ‘two Suns’ of which all Rome was talking, when he can converse about ‘the two nations in one’ which had divided Rome ever since the days of the Gracchi. Like Socrates again, speaking in the person of Scipio, he is afraid lest he should assume too much the character of a teacher, rather than of an equal who is discussing among friends the two sides of a question. He would confine the terms King or State to the rule of reason and justice, and he will not concede that title either to a democracy or to a monarchy. But under the rule of reason and justice he is willing to include the natural superior ruling over the natural inferior, which he compares to the soul ruling over the body. He prefers a mixture of forms of government to any single one. The two portraits of the just and the unjust, which occur in the second book of the Republic, are transferred to the state—Philus, one of the interlocutors, maintaining against his will the necessity of injustice as a principle of government, while the other, Laelius, supports the opposite thesis. His views of language and number are derived &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageccxviii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ccxviii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; from Plato; like him he denounces the drama. He also declares that if his life were to be twice as long he would have no time to read the lyric poets. The picture of democracy is translated by him word for word, though he had hardly shown himself able to ‘carry the jest’ of Plato. He converts into a stately sentence the humorous fancy about the animals, who ‘are so imbued with the spirit of democracy that they make the passers-by get out of their way’ (i. 42). His description of the tyrant is imitated from Plato, but is far inferior. The second book is historical, and claims for the Roman constitution (which is to him the ideal) a foundation of fact such as Plato probably intended to have given to the Republic in the Critias. His most remarkable imitation of Plato is the adaptation of the vision of Er, which is converted by Cicero into the ‘Somnium Scipionis’; he has ‘romanized’ the myth of the Republic, adding an argument for the immortality of the soul taken from the Phaedrus, and some other touches derived from the Phaedo and the Timaeus. Though a beautiful tale and containing splendid passages, the ‘Somnium Scipionis’ is very inferior to the vision of Er; it is only a dream, and hardly allows the reader to suppose that the writer believes in his own creation. Whether his dialogues were framed on the model of the lost dialogues of Aristotle, as he himself tells us, or of Plato, to which they bear many superficial resemblances, he is still the Roman orator; he is not conversing, but making speeches, and is never able to mould the intractable Latin to the grace and ease of the Greek Platonic dialogue. But if he is defective in form, much more is he inferior to the Greek in matter; he nowhere in his philosophical writings leaves upon our minds the impression of an original thinker.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Plato’s Republic has been said to be a church and not a state; and such an ideal of a city in the heavens has always hovered over the Christian world, and is embodied in St. Augustine’s ‘De Civitate Dei,’ which is suggested by the decay and fall of the Roman Empire, much in the same manner in which we may imagine the Republic of Plato to have been influenced by the decline of Greek politics in the writer’s own age. The difference is that in the time of Plato the degeneracy, though certain, was gradual and insensible: whereas the taking of Rome by the Goths stirred like an earthquake the age of St. Augustine. Men &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageccxix&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ccxix&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; were inclined to believe that the overthrow of the city was to be ascribed to the anger felt by the old Roman deities at the neglect of their worship. St. Augustine maintains the opposite thesis; he argues that the destruction of the Roman Empire is due, not to the rise of Christianity, but to the vices of Paganism. He wanders over Roman history, and over Greek philosophy and mythology, and finds everywhere crime, impiety and falsehood. He compares the worst parts of the Gentile religions with the best elements of the faith of Christ. He shows nothing of the spirit which led others of the early Christian Fathers to recognize in the writings of the Greek philosophers the power of the divine truth. He traces the parallel of the kingdom of God, that is, the history of the Jews, contained in their scriptures, and of the kingdoms of the world, which are found in gentile writers, and pursues them both into an ideal future. It need hardly be remarked that his use both of Greek and of Roman historians and of the sacred writings of the Jews is wholly uncritical. The heathen mythology, the Sybilline oracles, the myths of Plato, the dreams of Neo-Platonists are equally regarded by him as matter of fact. He must be acknowledged to be a strictly polemical or controversial writer who makes the best of everything on one side and the worst of everything on the other. He has no sympathy with the old Roman life as Plato has with Greek life, nor has he any idea of the ecclesiastical kingdom which was to arise out of the ruins of the Roman empire. He is not blind to the defects of the Christian Church, and looks forward to a time when Christian and Pagan shall be alike brought before the judgment-seat, and the true City of God shall appear…. The work of St. Augustine is a curious repertory of antiquarian learning and quotations, deeply penetrated with Christian ethics, but showing little power of reasoning, and a slender knowledge of the Greek literature and language. He was a great genius, and a noble character, yet hardly capable of feeling or understanding anything external to his own theology. Of all the ancient philosophers he is most attracted by Plato, though he is very slightly acquainted with his writings. He is inclined to believe that the idea of creation in the Timaeus is derived from the narrative in Genesis; and he is strangely taken with the coincidence (?) of Plato’s saying that ‘the philosopher &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageccxx&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ccxx&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; is the lover of God,’ and the words of the Book of Exodus in which God reveals himself to Moses (Exod. iii. 14) He dwells at length on miracles performed in his own day, of which the evidence is regarded by him as irresistible. He speaks in a very interesting manner of the beauty and utility of nature and of the human frame, which he conceives to afford a foretaste of the heavenly state and of the resurrection of the body. The book is not really what to most persons the title of it would imply, and belongs to an age which has passed away. But it contains many fine passages and thoughts which are for all time.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The short treatise de Monarchia of Dante is by far the most remarkable of mediæval ideals, and bears the impress of the great genius in whom Italy and the Middle Ages are so vividly reflected. It is the vision of an Universal Empire, which is supposed to be the natural and necessary government of the world, having a divine authority distinct from the Papacy, yet coextensive with it. It is not ‘the ghost of the dead Roman Empire sitting crowned upon the grave thereof,’ but the legitimate heir and successor of it, justified by the ancient virtues of the Romans and the beneficence of their rule. Their right to be the governors of the world is also confirmed by the testimony of miracles, and acknowledged by St. Paul when he appealed to Cæsar, and even more emphatically by Christ Himself, Who could not have made atonement for the sins of men if He had not been condemned by a divinely authorized tribunal. The necessity for the establishment of an Universal Empire is proved partly by a priori arguments such as the unity of God and the unity of the family or nation; partly by perversions of Scripture and history, by false analogies of nature, by misapplied quotations from the classics, and by odd scraps and commonplaces of logic, showing a familiar but by no means exact knowledge of Aristotle (of Plato there is none). But a more convincing argument still is the miserable state of the world, which he touchingly describes. He sees no hope of happiness or peace for mankind until all nations of the earth are comprehended in a single empire. The whole treatise shows how deeply the idea of the Roman Empire was fixed in the minds of his contemporaries. Not much argument was needed to maintain the truth of a theory which to his own &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageccxxi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ccxxi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; contemporaries seemed so natural and congenial. He speaks, or rather preaches, from the point of view, not of the ecclesiastic, but of the layman, although, as a good Catholic, he is willing to acknowledge that in certain respects the Empire must submit to the Church. The beginning and end of all his noble reflections and of his arguments, good and bad, is the aspiration ‘that in this little plot of earth belonging to mortal man life may pass in freedom and peace.’ So inextricably is his vision of the future bound up with the beliefs and circumstances of his own age.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The ‘Utopia’ of Sir Thomas More is a surprising monument of his genius, and shows a reach of thought far beyond his contemporaries. The book was written by him at the age of about 34 or 35, and is full of the generous sentiments of youth. He brings the light of Plato to bear upon the miserable state of his own country. Living not long after the Wars of the Roses, and in the dregs of the Catholic Church in England, he is indignant at the corruption of the clergy, at the luxury of the nobility and gentry, at the sufferings of the poor, at the calamities caused by war. To the eye of More the whole world was in dissolution and decay; and side by side with the misery and oppression which he has described in the First Book of the Utopia, he places in the Second Book the ideal state which by the help of Plato he had constructed. The times were full of stir and intellectual interest. The distant murmur of the Reformation was beginning to be heard. To minds like More’s, Greek literature was a revelation: there had arisen an art of interpretation, and the New Testament was beginning to be understood as it had never been before, and has not often been since, in its natural sense. The life there depicted appeared to him wholly unlike that of Christian commonwealths, in which ‘he saw nothing but a certain conspiracy of rich men procuring their own commodities under the name and title of the Commonwealth.’ He thought that Christ, like Plato, ‘instituted all things common,’ for which reason, he tells us, the citizens of Utopia were the more willing to receive his doctrines&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnoteintro5&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorintro5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. The community of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageccxxii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ccxxii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; property is a fixed idea with him, though he is aware of the arguments which may be urged on the other side&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnoteintro6&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorintro6&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;6&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. We wonder how in the reign of Henry VIII, though veiled in another language and published in a foreign country, such speculations could have been endured.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnoteintro5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorintro5&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; ‘Howbeit, I think this was no small help and furtherance in the matter, that they heard us say that Christ instituted among his, all things common, and that the same community doth yet remain in the rightest Christian communities’ (Utopia, English Reprints, p. 144).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnoteintro6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorintro6&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;6&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; ‘These things (I say), when I consider with myself, I hold well with Plato, and do nothing marvel that he would make no laws for them that refused those laws, whereby all men should have and enjoy equal portions of riches and commodities. For the wise men did easily foresee this to be the one and only way to the wealth of a community, if equality of all things should be brought in and established’ (Utopia, English Reprints, p. 67, 68).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — He is gifted with far greater dramatic invention than any one who succeeded him, with the exception of Swift. In the art of feigning he is a worthy disciple of Plato. Like him, starting from a small portion of fact, he founds his tale with admirable skill on a few lines in the Latin narrative of the voyages of Amerigo Vespucci. He is very precise about dates and facts, and has the power of making us believe that the narrator of the tale must have been an eyewitness. We are fairly puzzled by his manner of mixing up real and imaginary persons; his boy John Clement and Peter Giles, citizen of Antwerp, with whom he disputes about the precise words which are supposed to have been used by the (imaginary) Portuguese traveller, Raphael Hythloday. ‘I have the more cause,’ says Hythloday, ‘to fear that my words shall not be believed, for that I know how difficultly and hardly I myself would have believed another man telling the same, if I had not myself seen it with mine own eyes.’ Or again: ‘If you had been with me in Utopia, and had presently seen their fashions and laws as I did which lived there five years and more, and would never have come thence, but only to make the new land known here,’ etc. More greatly regrets that he forgot to ask Hythloday in what part of the world Utopia is situated; he ‘would have spent no small sum of money rather than it should have escaped him,’ and he begs Peter Giles to see Hythloday or write to him and obtain an answer to the question. After this we are not surprised to hear that a Professor of Divinity (perhaps ‘a late famous vicar of Croydon in Surrey,’ as the translator thinks) is desirous of being sent thither as a missionary by the High Bishop, ‘yea, and that he may himself be made Bishop of Utopia, nothing doubting that he must obtain this Bishopric with suit; and he counteth that a godly &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageccxxiii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ccxxiii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; suit which proceedeth not of the desire of honour or lucre, but only of a godly zeal.’ The design may have failed through the disappearance of Hythloday, concerning whom we have ‘very uncertain news’ after his departure. There is no doubt, however, that he had told More and Giles the exact situation of the island, but unfortunately at the same moment More’s attention, as he is reminded in a letter from Giles, was drawn off by a servant, and one of the company from a cold caught on shipboard coughed so loud as to prevent Giles from hearing. And ‘the secret has perished’ with him; to this day the place of Utopia remains unknown.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The words of Phaedrus (275 B), ‘O Socrates, you can easily invent Egyptians or anything,’ are recalled to our mind as we read this lifelike fiction. Yet the greater merit of the work is not the admirable art, but the originality of thought. More is as free as Plato from the prejudices of his age, and far more tolerant. The Utopians do not allow him who believes not in the immortality of the soul to share in the administration of the state (cp. Laws x. 908 foll.), ‘howbeit they put him to no punishment, because they be persuaded that it is in no man’s power to believe what he list’; and ‘no man is to be blamed for reasoning in support of his own religion&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnoteintro7&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorintro7&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;7&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.’ In the public services ‘no prayers be used, but such as every man may boldly pronounce without giving offence to any sect.’ He says significantly, ‘There be that give worship to a man that was once of excellent virtue or of famous glory, not only as God, but also the chiefest and highest God. But the most and the wisest part, rejecting all these, believe that there is a certain godly power unknown, far above the capacity and reach of man’s wit, dispersed throughout all the world, not in bigness, but in virtue and power. Him they call the Father of all. To Him alone they attribute the beginnings, the increasings, the proceedings, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageccxxiv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ccxxiv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; the changes, and the ends of all things. Neither give they any divine honours to any other than him.’ So far was More from sharing the popular beliefs of his time. Yet at the end he reminds us that he does not in all respects agree with the customs and opinions of the Utopians which he describes. And we should let him have the benefit of this saving clause, and not rudely withdraw the veil behind which he has been pleased to conceal himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnoteintro7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorintro7&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;7&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; ‘One of our company in my presence was sharply punished. He, as soon as he was baptised, began, against our wills, with more earnest affection than wisdom, to reason of Christ’s religion, and began to wax so hot in his matter, that he did not only prefer our religion before all other, but also did despise and condemn all other, calling them profane, and the followers of them wicked and devilish, and the children of everlasting damnation. When he had thus long reasoned the matter, they laid hold on him, accused him, and condemned him into exile, not as a despiser of religion, but as a seditious person and a raiser up of dissension among the people’ (p. 145).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Nor is he less in advance of popular opinion in his political and moral speculations. He would like to bring military glory into contempt; he would set all sorts of idle people to profitable occupation, including in the same class, priests, women, noblemen, gentlemen, and ‘sturdy and valiant beggars,’ that the labour of all may be reduced to six hours a day. His dislike of capital punishment, and plans for the reformation of offenders; his detestation of priests and lawyers&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnoteintro8&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorintro8&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; his remark that ‘although every one may hear of ravenous dogs and wolves and cruel man-eaters, it is not easy to find states that are well and wisely governed,’ are curiously at variance with the notions of his age and indeed with his own life. There are many points in which he shows a modern feeling and a prophetic insight like Plato. He is a sanitary reformer; he maintains that civilized states have a right to the soil of waste countries; he is inclined to the opinion which places happiness in virtuous pleasures, but herein, as he thinks, not disagreeing from those other philosophers who define virtue to be a life according to nature. He extends the idea of happiness so as to include the happiness of others; and he argues ingeniously, ‘All men agree that we ought to make others happy; but if others, how much more ourselves!’ And still he thinks that there may be a more excellent way, but to this no man’s reason can attain unless heaven should inspire him with a higher truth. His ceremonies before marriage; his &amp;lt;em&amp;gt;humane&amp;lt;/em&amp;gt; proposal that war should be carried on by assassinating the leaders of the enemy, may be compared to some of the paradoxes of Plato. He has a charming fancy, like the affinities of Greeks and barbarians in the Timaeus, that the Utopians learnt the language of the Greeks with the more readiness because they were originally of the same race with them. He is penetrated with the spirit of Plato, and quotes or adapts many &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageccxxv&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ccxxv&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; thoughts both from the Republic and from the Timaeus. He prefers public duties to private, and is somewhat impatient of the importunity of relations. His citizens have no silver or gold of their own, but are ready enough to pay them to their mercenaries (cp. Rep. iv. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage422A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;422&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage423A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;423&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). There is nothing of which he is more contemptuous than the love of money. Gold is used for fetters of criminals, and diamonds and pearls for children’s necklaces&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnoteintro9&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorintro9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnoteintro8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorintro8&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Compare his satirical observation: ‘They (the Utopians) have priests of exceeding holiness, and therefore very few’ (p. 150).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnoteintro9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorintro9&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; When the ambassadors came arrayed in gold and peacocks’ feathers ‘to the eyes of all the Utopians except very few, which had been in other countries for some reasonable cause, all that gorgeousness of apparel seemed shameful and reproachful. In so much that they most reverently saluted the vilest and most abject of them for lords—passing over the ambassadors themselves without any honour, judging them by their wearing of golden chains to be bondmen. You should have seen children also, that had cast away their pearls and precious stones, when they saw the like sticking upon the ambassadors’ caps, dig and push their mothers under the sides, saying thus to them—“Look, mother, how great a lubber doth yet wear pearls and precious stones, as though he were a little child still.” But the mother; yea and that also in good earnest: “Peace, son,” saith she, “I think he be some of the ambassadors’ fools”’ (p. 102).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Like Plato he is full of satirical reflections on governments and princes; on the state of the world and of knowledge. The hero of his discourse (Hythloday) is very unwilling to become a minister of state, considering that he would lose his independence and his advice would never be heeded&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnoteintro10&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorintro10&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;10&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. He ridicules the new logic of his time; the Utopians could never be made to understand the doctrine of Second Intentions&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnoteintro11&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorintro11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. He is very severe on the sports of the gentry; the Utopians count ‘hunting the lowest, the vilest, and the most abject part of butchery.’ He quotes the words of the Republic in which the philosopher is described ‘standing out of the way under a wall until the driving storm of sleet and rain be overpast,’ which admit of a singular application to More’s own fate; although, writing twenty years before (about the year 1514), &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageccxxvi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ccxxvi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; he can hardly be supposed to have foreseen this. There is no touch of satire which strikes deeper than his quiet remark that the greater part of the precepts of Christ are more at variance with the lives of ordinary Christians than the discourse of Utopia&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnoteintro12&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorintro12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnoteintro10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorintro10&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;10&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Cp. an exquisite passage at p. 35, of which the conclusion is as follows: ‘And verily it is naturally given … suppressed and ended.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnoteintro11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorintro11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; ‘For they have not devised one of all those rules of restrictions, amplifications, and suppositions, very wittily invented in the small Logicals, which here our children in every place do learn. Furthermore, they were never yet able to find out the second intentions; insomuch that none of them all could ever see man himself in common, as they call him, though he be (as you know) bigger than was ever any giant, yea, and pointed to of us even with our finger’ (p. 105).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnoteintro12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorintro12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; ‘And yet the most part of them is more dissident from the manners of the world now a days, than my communication was. But preachers, sly and wily men, following your counsel (as I suppose) because they saw men evil-willing to frame their manners to Christ’s rule, they have wrested and wried his doctrine, and, like a rule of lead, have applied it to men’s manners, that by some means at the least way, they might agree together’ (p. 66).&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The ‘New Atlantis’ is only a fragment, and far inferior in merit to the ‘Utopia.’ The work is full of ingenuity, but wanting in creative fancy, and by no means impresses the reader with a sense of credibility. In some places Lord Bacon is characteristically different from Sir Thomas More, as, for example, in the external state which he attributes to the governor of Solomon’s House, whose dress he minutely describes, while to Sir Thomas More such trappings appear simple ridiculous. Yet, after this programme of dress, Bacon adds the beautiful trait, ‘that he had a look as though he pitied men.’ Several things are borrowed by him from the Timaeus; but he has injured the unity of style by adding thoughts and passages which are taken from the Hebrew Scriptures.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The ‘City of the Sun’ written by Campanella (1568–1639), a Dominican friar, several years after the ‘New Atlantis’ of Bacon, has many resemblances to the Republic of Plato. The citizens have wives and children in common; their marriages are of the same temporary sort, and are arranged by the magistrates from time to time. They do not, however, adopt his system of lots, but bring together the best natures, male and female, ‘according to philosophical rules.’ The infants until two years of age are brought up by their mothers in public temples; and since individuals for the most part educate their children badly, at the beginning of their third year they are committed to the care of the State, and are taught at first, not out of books, but from paintings of all kinds, which are emblazoned on the walls of the city. The city has six interior circuits of walls, and an outer wall which is the seventh. On this outer wall are painted the figures of legislators and philosophers, and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageccxxvii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ccxxvii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; on each of the interior walls the symbols or forms of some one of the sciences are delineated. The women are, for the most part, trained, like the men, in warlike and other exercises; but they have two special occupations of their own. After a battle, they and the boys soothe and relieve the wounded warriors; also they encourage them with embraces and pleasant words (cp. Plato, Rep. v. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage468A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;468&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;). Some elements of the Christian or Catholic religion are preserved among them. The life of the Apostles is greatly admired by this people because they had all things in common; and the short prayer which Jesus Christ taught men is used in their worship. It is a duty of the chief magistrates to pardon sins, and therefore the whole people make secret confession of them to the magistrates, and they to their chief, who is a sort of Rector Metaphysicus; and by this means he is well informed of all that is going on in the minds of men. After confession, absolution is granted to the citizens collectively, but no one is mentioned by name. There also exists among them a practice of perpetual prayer, performed by a succession of priests, who change every hour. Their religion is a worship of God in Trinity, that is of Wisdom, Love and Power, but without any distinction of persons. They behold in the sun the reflection of His glory; mere graven images they reject, refusing to fall under the ‘tyranny’ of idolatry.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Many details are given about their customs of eating and drinking, about their mode of dressing, their employments, their wars. Campanella looks forward to a new mode of education, which is to be a study of nature, and not of Aristotle. He would not have his citizens waste their time in the consideration of what he calls ‘the dead signs of things.’ He remarks that he who knows one science only, does not really know that one any more than the rest, and insists strongly on the necessity of a variety of knowledge. More scholars are turned out in the City of the Sun in one year than by contemporary methods in ten or fifteen. He evidently believes, like Bacon, that henceforward natural science will play a great part in education, a hope which seems hardly to have been realized, either in our own or in any former age; at any rate the fulfilment of it has been long deferred.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There is a good deal of ingenuity and even originality in this &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageccxxviii&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ccxxviii&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; work, and a most enlightened spirit pervades it. But it has little or no charm of style, and falls very far short of the ‘New Atlantis’ of Bacon, and still more of the ‘Utopia’ of Sir Thomas More. It is full of inconsistencies, and though borrowed from Plato, shows but a superficial acquaintance with his writings. It is a work such as one might expect to have been written by a philosopher and man of genius who was also a friar, and who had spent twenty-seven years of his life in a prison of the Inquisition. The most interesting feature of the book, common to Plato and Sir Thomas More, is the deep feeling which is shown by the writer, of the misery and ignorance prevailing among the lower classes in his own time. Campanella takes note of Aristotle’s answer to Plato’s community of property, that in a society where all things are common, no individual would have any motive to work (Arist. Pol. ii. 5, § 6): he replies, that his citizens being happy and contented in themselves (they are required to work only four hours a day), will have greater regard for their fellows than exists among men at present. He thinks, like Plato, that if he abolishes private feelings and interests, a great public feeling will take their place.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — Other writings on ideal states, such as the ‘Oceana’ of Harrington, in which the Lord Archon, meaning Cromwell, is described, not as he was, but as he ought to have been; or the ‘Argenis’ of Barclay, which is an historical allegory of his own time, are too unlike Plato to be worth mentioning. More interesting than either of these, and far more Platonic in style and thought, is Sir John Eliot’s ‘Monarchy of Man,’ in which the prisoner of the Tower, no longer able ‘to be a politician in the land of his birth,’ turns away from politics to view ‘that other city which is within him,’ and finds on the very threshold of the grave that the secret of human happiness is the mastery of self. The change of government in the time of the English Commonwealth set men thinking about first principles, and gave rise to many works of this class…. The great original genius of Swift owes nothing to Plato; nor is there any trace in the conversation or in the works of Dr. Johnson of any acquaintance with his writings. He probably would have refuted Plato without reading him, in the same fashion in which he supposed himself to have refuted Bishop Berkeley’s theory of the non-existence of matter. If we &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageccxxix&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ccxxix&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; except the so-called English Platonists, or rather Neo-Platonists, who never understood their master, and the writings of Coleridge, who was to some extent a kindred spirit, Plato has left no permanent impression on English literature.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p id=&amp;quot;inVII&amp;quot;&amp;gt;VII. ¶{{#counter: }} — Human life and conduct are affected by ideals in the same way that they are affected by the examples of eminent men. Neither the one nor the other are immediately applicable to practice, but there is a virtue flowing from them which tends to raise individuals above the common routine of society or trade, and to elevate States above the mere interests of commerce or the necessities of self-defence. Like the ideals of art they are partly framed by the omission of particulars; they require to be viewed at a certain distance, and are apt to fade away if we attempt to approach them. They gain an imaginary distinctness when embodied in a State or in a system of philosophy, but they still remain the visions of ‘a world unrealized.’ More striking and obvious to the ordinary mind are the examples of great men, who have served their own generation and are remembered in another. Even in our own family circle there may have been some one, a woman, or even a child, in whose face has shone forth a goodness more than human. The ideal then approaches nearer to us, and we fondly cling to it. The ideal of the past, whether of our own past lives or of former states of society, has a singular fascination for the minds of many. Too late we learn that such ideals cannot be recalled, though the recollection of them may have a humanizing influence on other times. But the abstractions of philosophy are to most persons cold and vacant; they give light without warmth; they are like the full moon in the heavens when there are no stars appearing. Men cannot live by thought alone; the world of sense is always breaking in upon them. They are for the most part confined to a corner of earth, and see but a little way beyond their own home or place of abode; they ‘do not lift up their eyes to the hills’; they are not awake when the dawn appears. But in Plato we have reached a height from which a man may look into the distance (Rep. iv. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage445C&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;445 C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;) and behold the future of the world and of philosophy. The ideal of the State and of the life of the philosopher; the ideal of an education &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageccxxx&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ccxxx&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; continuing through life and extending equally to both sexes; the ideal of the unity and correlation of knowledge; the faith in good and immortality—are the vacant forms of light on which Plato is seeking to fix the eye of mankind.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p id=&amp;quot;inVIII&amp;quot;&amp;gt;VIII. ¶{{#counter: }} — Two other ideals, which never appeared above the horizon in Greek Philosophy, float before the minds of men in our own day: one seen more clearly than formerly, as though each year and each generation brought us nearer to some great change; the other almost in the same degree retiring from view behind the laws of nature, as if oppressed by them, but still remaining a silent hope of we know not what hidden in the heart of man. The first ideal is the future of the human race in this world; the second the future of the individual in another. The first is the more perfect realization of our own present life; the second, the abnegation of it: the one, limited by experience, the other, transcending it. Both of them have been and are powerful motives of action; there are a few in whom they have taken the place of all earthly interests. The hope of a future for the human race at first sight seems to be the more disinterested, the hope of individual existence the more egotistical, of the two motives. But when men have learned to resolve their hope of a future either for themselves or for the world into the will of God—‘not my will but Thine,’ the difference between them falls away; and they may be allowed to make either of them the basis of their lives, according to their own individual character or temperament. There is as much faith in the willingness to work for an unseen future in this world as in another. Neither is it inconceivable that some rare nature may feel his duty to another generation, or to another century, almost as strongly as to his own, or that living always in the presence of God, he may realize another world as vividly as he does this.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — The greatest of all ideals may, or rather must be conceived by us under similitudes derived from human qualities; although sometimes, like the Jewish prophets, we may dash away these figures of speech and describe the nature of God only in negatives. These again by degrees acquire a positive meaning. It would be well, if when meditating on the higher truths either of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;pageccxxxi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;ccxxxi&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; philosophy or religion, we sometimes substituted one form of expression for another, lest through the necessities of language we should become the slaves of mere words.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;¶{{#counter: }} — There is a third ideal, not the same, but akin to these, which has a place in the home and heart of every believer in the religion of Christ, and in which men seem to find a nearer and more familiar truth, the Divine man, the Son of Man, the Saviour of mankind, Who is the first-born and head of the whole family in heaven and earth, in Whom the Divine and human, that which is without and that which is within the range of our earthly faculties, are indissolubly united. Neither is this divine form of goodness wholly separable from the ideal of the Christian Church, which is said in the New Testament to be ‘His body,’ or at variance with those other images of good which Plato sets before us. We see Him in a figure only, and of figures of speech we select but a few, and those the simplest, to be the expression of Him. We behold Him in a picture, but He is not there. We gather up the fragments of His discourses, but neither do they represent Him as He truly was. His dwelling is neither in heaven nor earth, but in the heart of man. This is that image which Plato saw dimly in the distance, which, when existing among men, he called, in the language of Homer, ‘the likeness of God’ (Rep. vi. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage501B&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;501 B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;), the likeness of a nature which in all ages men have felt to be greater and better than themselves, and which in endless forms, whether derived from Scripture or nature, from the witness of history or from the human heart, regarded as a person or not as a person, with or without parts or passions, existing in space or not in space, is and will always continue to be to mankind the Idea of Good.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page1&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h2 class=&amp;quot;space-above&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The Republic.&amp;lt;/h2&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 id=&amp;quot;BookI&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Book I&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Persons of the Dialogue&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/h4&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;table class=&amp;quot;cen&amp;quot; summary=&amp;quot;participants in the dialgoue&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tbody&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OCRATES&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;who is the narrator&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;EPHALUS&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;G&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LAUCON&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;T&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;HRASYMACHUS&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;DEIMANTUS&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LEITOPHON&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td class=&amp;quot;left&amp;quot;&amp;gt;P&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OLEMARCHUS&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;td&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/td&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tr&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/tbody&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/table&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;center&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;And others who are mute auditors&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;ref&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;adnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The scene is laid in the house of Cephalus at the Piraeus; and the whole dialogue is narrated by Socrates the day after it actually took place to Timaeus, Hermocrates, Critias, and a nameless person, who are introduced in the Timaeus.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage327A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Ed. Steph.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
327&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic I.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OCRATES&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, G&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LAUCON&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Meeting of Socrates and Glaucon with Polemarchus at the Bendidean festival.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I went down yesterday to the Piraeus with Glaucon the son of Ariston, that I might offer up my prayers to the goddess&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook11&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; and also because I wanted to see in what manner they would celebrate the festival, which was a new thing. I was delighted with the procession of the inhabitants; but that of the Thracians was equally, if not more, beautiful. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage327B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;When we had finished our prayers and viewed the spectacle, we turned in the direction of the city; and at that instant Polemarchus the son of Cephalus chanced to catch sight of us from a distance as we were starting on our way home, and told his servant to run and bid us wait for him. The servant took hold of me by the cloak behind, and said: Polemarchus desires you to wait.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook11&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Bendis, the Thracian Artemis.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I turned round, and asked him where his master was.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There he is, said the youth, coming after you, if you will only wait.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OCRATES&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, P&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OLEMARCHUS&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, G&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LAUCON&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, A&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;DEIMANTUS&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, C&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;EPHALUS&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page2&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage327C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Certainly we will, said Glaucon; and in a few minutes Polemarchus appeared, and with him Adeimantus, Glaucon’s brother, Niceratus the son of Nicias, and several others who had been at the procession.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Polemarchus said to me: I perceive, Socrates, that you and your companion are already on your way to the city.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You are not far wrong, I said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But do you see, he rejoined, how many we are?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of course.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And are you stronger than all these? for if not, you will have to remain where you are.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;May there not be the alternative, I said, that we may persuade you to let us go?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But can you persuade us, if we refuse to listen to you? he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not, replied Glaucon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then we are not going to listen; of that you may be assured.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage328A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;328&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The equestrian torch-race.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Adeimantus added: Has no one told you of the torch-race on horseback in honour of the goddess which will take place in the evening?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;With horses! I replied: That is a novelty. Will horsemen carry torches and pass them one to another during the race?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, said Polemarchus, and not only so, but a festival will be celebrated at night, which you certainly ought to see. Let us rise soon after supper and see this festival; there will be a gathering of young men, and we will have a good talk. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage328B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Stay then, and do not be perverse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Glaucon said: I suppose, since you insist, that we must.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very good, I replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The gathering of friends at the house of Cephalus.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Accordingly we went with Polemarchus to his house; and there we found his brothers Lysias and Euthydemus, and with them Thrasymachus the Chalcedonian, Charmantides the Paeanian, and Cleitophon the son of Aristonymus. There too was Cephalus the father of Polemarchus, whom I had not seen for a long time, and I thought him very much aged. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage328C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;He was seated on a cushioned chair, and had a garland on his head, for he had been sacrificing in the court; and there were some other chairs in the room arranged in a semicircle, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page3&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; upon which we sat down by him. He saluted me eagerly, and then he said:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;EPHALUS&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OCRATES&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;You don’t come to see me, Socrates, as often as you ought: If I were still able to go and see you I would not ask you to come to me. But at my age I can hardly get to the city, and therefore you should come oftener to the Piraeus. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage328D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;For let me tell you, that the more the pleasures of the body fade away, the greater to me is the pleasure and charm of conversation. Do not then deny my request, but make our house your resort and keep company with these young men; we are old friends, and you will be quite at home with us.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I replied: There is nothing which for my part I like better, Cephalus, than conversing with aged men; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage328E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;for I regard them as travellers who have gone a journey which I too may have to go, and of whom I ought to enquire, whether the way is smooth and easy, or rugged and difficult. And this is a question which I should like to ask of you who have arrived at that time which the poets call the ‘threshold of old age’—Is life harder towards the end, or what report do you give of it?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage329A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;329&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Old age is not to blame for the troubles of old men.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I will tell you, Socrates, he said, what my own feeling is. Men of my age flock together; we are birds of a feather, as the old proverb says; and at our meetings the tale of my acquaintance commonly is—I cannot eat, I cannot drink; the pleasures of youth and love are fled away: there was a good time once, but now that is gone, and life is no longer life. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage329B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Some complain of the slights which are put upon them by relations, and they will tell you sadly of how many evils their old age is the cause. But to me, Socrates, these complainers seem to blame that which is not really in fault. For if old age were the cause, I too being old, and every other old man, would have felt as they do. But this is not my own experience, nor that of others whom I have known. How well I remember the aged poet Sophocles, when in answer to the question, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage329C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;How does love suit with age, Sophocles,—are you still the man you were? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The excellent saying of Sophocles.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Peace, he replied; most gladly have I escaped the thing of which you speak; I feel as if I had escaped from a mad and furious master. His words have often occurred to my mind since, and they seem as good to me now as at the time when he uttered them. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page4&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; For certainly old age has a great sense of calm and freedom; when the passions relax their hold, then, as Sophocles says,&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage329D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; we are freed from the grasp not of one mad master only, but of many. The truth is, Socrates, that these regrets, and also the complaints about relations, are to be attributed to the same cause, which is not old age, but men’s characters and tempers; for he who is of a calm and happy nature will hardly feel the pressure of age, but to him who is of an opposite disposition youth and age are equally a burden.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;It is admitted that the old, if they are to be comfortable, must have a fair share of external goods; neither virtue alone nor riches alone can make an old man happy.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I listened in admiration, and wanting to draw him out, that he might go on—&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage329E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Yes, Cephalus, I said: but I rather suspect that people in general are not convinced by you when you speak thus; they think that old age sits lightly upon you, not because of your happy disposition, but because you are rich, and wealth is well known to be a great comforter.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You are right, he replied; they are not convinced: and there is something in what they say; not, however, so much as they imagine. I might answer them as Themistocles answered the Seriphian who was abusing him and saying that he was famous, not for his own merits but because he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage330A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;330&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;was an Athenian: ‘If you had been a native of my country or I of yours, neither of us would have been famous.’ And to those who are not rich and are impatient of old age, the same reply may be made; for to the good poor man old age cannot be a light burden, nor can a bad rich man ever have peace with himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;May I ask, Cephalus, whether your fortune was for the most part inherited or acquired by you?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Cephalus has inherited rather than made a fortune; he is therefore indifferent to money.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Acquired! &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage330B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Socrates; do you want to know how much I acquired? In the art of making money I have been midway between my father and grandfather: for my grandfather, whose name I bear, doubled and trebled the value of his patrimony, that which he inherited being much what I possess now; but my father Lysanias reduced the property below what it is at present: and I shall be satisfied if I leave to these my sons not less but a little more than I received.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That was why I asked you the question, I replied, because I see that you are indifferent about money, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage330C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;which is a characteristic rather of those who have inherited their fortunes than of those who have acquired them; the makers &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page5&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; of fortunes have a second love of money as a creation of their own, resembling the affection of authors for their own poems, or of parents for their children, besides that natural love of it for the sake of use and profit which is common to them and all men. And hence they are very bad company, for they can talk about nothing but the praises of wealth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The advantages of wealth.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage330D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Yes, that is very true, but may I ask another question?—What do you consider to be the greatest blessing which you have reaped from your wealth?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The fear of death and the consciousness of sin become more vivid in old age; and to be rich frees a man from many temptations.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; One, he said, of which I could not expect easily to convince others. For let me tell you, Socrates, that when a man thinks himself to be near death, fears and cares enter into his mind which he never had before; the tales of a world below and the punishment which is exacted there of deeds done here were once a laughing matter to him, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage330E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;but now he is tormented with the thought that they may be true: either from the weakness of age, or because he is now drawing nearer to that other place, he has a clearer view of these things; suspicions and alarms crowd thickly upon him, and he begins to reflect and consider what wrongs he has done to others. And when he finds that the sum of his transgressions is great he will many a time like a child start up in his sleep for fear, and he is filled with dark forebodings. But &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage331A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;331&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to him who is conscious of no sin, sweet hope, as Pindar charmingly says, is the kind nurse of his age:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘Hope,’ he says, ‘cherishes the soul of him who lives in justice and holiness, and is the nurse of his age and the companion of his journey;—hope which is mightiest to sway the restless soul of man.’ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The admirable strain of Pindar.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;How admirable are his words! And the great blessing of riches, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage331B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;I do not say to every man, but to a good man, is, that he has had no occasion to deceive or to defraud others, either intentionally or unintentionally; and when he departs to the world below he is not in any apprehension about offerings due to the gods or debts which he owes to men. Now to this peace of mind the possession of wealth greatly contributes; and therefore I say, that, setting one thing against another, of the many advantages which wealth has to give, to a man of sense this is in my opinion the greatest. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page6&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;6&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;EPHALUS&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OCRATES&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, P&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OLEMARCHUS&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Justice to speak truth and pay your debts.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage331C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Well said, Cephalus, I replied; but as concerning justice, what is it?—to speak the truth and to pay your debts—no more than this? And even to this are there not exceptions? Suppose that a friend when in his right mind has deposited arms with me and he asks for them when he is not in his right mind, ought I to give them back to him? No one would say that I ought or that I should be right in doing so, any more than they would say that I ought always to speak the truth to one who is in his condition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage331D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;You are quite right, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But then, I said, speaking the truth and paying your debts is not a correct definition of justice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;This is the definition of Simonides. But you ought not on all occasions to do either. What then was his meaning?&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Quite correct, Socrates, if Simonides is to be believed, said Polemarchus interposing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I fear, said Cephalus, that I must go now, for I have to look after the sacrifices, and I hand over the argument to Polemarchus and the company.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Is not Polemarchus your heir? I said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To be sure, he answered, and went away laughing to the sacrifices.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage331E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Tell me then, O thou heir of the argument, what did Simonides say, and according to you truly say, about justice?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He said that the repayment of a debt is just, and in saying so he appears to me to be right.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I should be sorry to doubt the word of such a wise and inspired man, but his meaning, though probably clear to you, is the reverse of clear to me. For he certainly does not mean, as we were just now saying, that I ought to return a deposit of arms or of anything else to one who asks for it &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage332A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;332&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;when he is not in his right senses; and yet a deposit cannot be denied to be a debt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then when the person who asks me is not in his right mind I am by no means to make the return?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When Simonides said that the repayment of a debt was justice, he did not mean to include that case?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not; for he thinks that a friend ought always to do good to a friend and never evil. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page7&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;7&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OCRATES&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, P&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OLEMARCHUS&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage332B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;You mean that the return of a deposit of gold which is to the injury of the receiver, if the two parties are friends, is not the repayment of a debt,—that is what you would imagine him to say?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And are enemies also to receive what we owe to them?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To be sure, he said, they are to receive what we owe them, and an enemy, as I take it, owes to an enemy that which is due or proper to him—that is to say, evil.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Simonides, then, after the manner of poets, would seem to have spoken darkly of the nature of justice; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage332C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;for he really meant to say that justice is the giving to each man what is proper to him, and this he termed a debt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That must have been his meaning, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By heaven! I replied; and if we asked him what due or proper thing is given by medicine, and to whom, what answer do you think that he would make to us?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He would surely reply that medicine gives drugs and meat and drink to human bodies.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And what due or proper thing is given by cookery, and to what?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage332D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Seasoning to food.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And what is that which justice gives, and to whom?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;If, Socrates, we are to be guided at all by the analogy of the preceding instances, then justice is the art which gives good to friends and evil to enemies.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is his meaning then?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I think so.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Illustrations.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And who is best able to do good to his friends and evil to his enemies in time of sickness?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The physician.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage332E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Or when they are on a voyage, amid the perils of the sea?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The pilot.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And in what sort of actions or with a view to what result is the just man most able to do harm to his enemy and good to his friend?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In going to war against the one and in making alliances with the other.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But when a man is well, my dear Polemarchus, there is no need of a physician? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page8&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And he who is not on a voyage has no need of a pilot?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then in time of peace justice will be of no use?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I am very far from thinking so.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage333A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;333&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;You think that justice may be of use in peace as well as in war?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Like husbandry for the acquisition of corn?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Or like shoemaking for the acquisition of shoes,—that is what you mean?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And what similar use or power of acquisition has justice in time of peace?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Justice is useful in contracts,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; In contracts, Socrates, justice is of use.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And by contracts you mean partnerships?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Exactly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage333B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;But is the just man or the skilful player a more useful and better partner at a game of draughts?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The skilful player.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And in the laying of bricks and stones is the just man a more useful or better partner than the builder?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quite the reverse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then in what sort of partnership is the just man a better partner than the harp-player, as in playing the harp the harp-player is certainly a better partner than the just man?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In a money partnership.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, Polemarchus, but surely not in the use of money; for you do not want a just man to be your counsellor in the purchase or sale of a horse; a man who is knowing about &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage333C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;horses would be better for that, would he not?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And when you want to buy a ship, the shipwright or the pilot would be better?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then what is that joint use of silver or gold in which the just man is to be preferred?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;especially in the safe-keeping of deposits.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; When you want a deposit to be kept safely.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You mean when money is not wanted, but allowed to lie? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page9&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Precisely.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But not in the use of money: and if so, justice is only useful when money or anything else is useless.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; That is to say, justice is useful when money is useless?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage333D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;That is the inference.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And when you want to keep a pruning-hook safe, then justice is useful to the individual and to the state; but when you want to use it, then the art of the vine-dresser?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Clearly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And when you want to keep a shield or a lyre, and not to use them, you would say that justice is useful; but when you want to use them, then the art of the soldier or of the musician?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And so of all other things;—justice is useful when they are useless, and useless when they are useful?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is the inference.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage333E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Then justice is not good for much. But let us consider this further point: Is not he who can best strike a blow in a boxing match or in any kind of fighting best able to ward off a blow?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And he who is most skilful in preventing or escaping&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook12&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; from a disease is best able to create one?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook12&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Reading &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;phula/xasthai kai\ lathei=n, ou(=tos, ktl&amp;quot;&amp;gt;φυλάξασθαι καὶ λαθεῖν, οὗτος, κτλ&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A new point of view: Is not he who is best able to do good best able to do evil?&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And he is the best guard of a camp who is best able to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage334A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;334&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;steal a march upon the enemy?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then he who is a good keeper of anything is also a good thief?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That, I suppose, is to be inferred.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then if the just man is good at keeping money, he is good at stealing it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is implied in the argument.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then after all the just man has turned out to be a thief. And this is a lesson which I suspect you must have learnt out of Homer; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage334B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;for he, speaking of Autolycus, the maternal grandfather of Odysseus, who is a favourite of his, affirms that&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘He was excellent above all men in theft and perjury.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And so, you and Homer and Simonides are agreed that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page10&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;10&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; justice is an art of theft; to be practised however ‘for the good of friends and for the harm of enemies,’—that was what you were saying?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No, certainly not that, though I do not now know what I did say; but I still stand by the latter words.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage334C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Well, there is another question: By friends and enemies do we mean those who are so really, or only in seeming?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Justice an art of theft to be practised for the good of friends and the harm of enemies. But who are friends and enemies?&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Surely, he said, a man may be expected to love those whom he thinks good, and to hate those whom he thinks evil.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, but do not persons often err about good and evil: many who are not good seem to be so, and conversely?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then to them the good will be enemies and the evil will be their friends? True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And in that case they will be right in doing good to the evil and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage334D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;evil to the good?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Clearly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But the good are just and would not do an injustice?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then according to your argument it is just to injure those who do no wrong?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nay, Socrates; the doctrine is immoral.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then I suppose that we ought to do good to the just and harm to the unjust?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I like that better.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Mistakes will sometimes happen.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But see the consequence:—Many a man who is ignorant of human nature has friends who are bad friends, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage334E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and in that case he ought to do harm to them; and he has good enemies whom he ought to benefit; but, if so, we shall be saying the very opposite of that which we affirmed to be the meaning of Simonides.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, he said: and I think that we had better correct an error into which we seem to have fallen in the use of the words ‘friend’ and ‘enemy.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What was the error, Polemarchus? I asked.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We assumed that he is a friend who seems to be or who is thought good.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Correction of the definition.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
To appearance we must add reality. He is a friend who ‘is’ as well as ‘seems’ good, And we should do good to our good friends and harm to our bad enemies.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And how is the error to be corrected?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We should rather say that he is a friend who is, as well as &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page11&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; seems, good; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage335A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;335&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and that he who seems only, and is not good, only seems to be and is not a friend; and of an enemy the same may be said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You would argue that the good are our friends and the bad our enemies?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And instead of saying simply as we did at first, that it is just to do good to our friends and harm to our enemies, we should further say: It is just to do good to our friends when they are good and harm to our enemies when they are evil?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage335B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Yes, that appears to me to be the truth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But ought the just to injure any one at all?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Undoubtedly he ought to injure those who are both wicked and his enemies.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;To harm men is to injure them; and to injure them is to make them unjust. But justice cannot produce injustice.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; When horses are injured, are they improved or deteriorated?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The latter.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Deteriorated, that is to say, in the good qualities of horses, not of dogs?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, of horses.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And dogs are deteriorated in the good qualities of dogs, and not of horses?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of course.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage335C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And will not men who are injured be deteriorated in that which is the proper virtue of man?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And that human virtue is justice?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To be sure.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then men who are injured are of necessity made unjust?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is the result.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Illustrations.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But can the musician by his art make men unmusical?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Or the horseman by his art make them bad horsemen?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Impossible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And can the just by justice make men unjust, or speaking &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage335D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;generally, can the good by virtue make them bad?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Assuredly not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Any more than heat can produce cold?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It cannot.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Or drought moisture? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page12&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OCRATES&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, P&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OLEMARCHUS&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, T&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;HRASYMACHUS&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Clearly not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nor can the good harm any one?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Impossible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the just is the good?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then to injure a friend or any one else is not the act of a just man, but of the opposite, who is the unjust?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I think that what you say is quite true, Socrates.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage335E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Then if a man says that justice consists in the repayment of debts, and that good is the debt which a just man owes to his friends, and evil the debt which he owes to his enemies,—to say this is not wise; for it is not true, if, as has been clearly shown, the injuring of another can be in no case just.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I agree with you, said Polemarchus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The saying however explained is not to be attributed to any good or wise man.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then you and I are prepared to take up arms against any one who attributes such a saying to Simonides or Bias or Pittacus, or any other wise man or seer?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I am quite ready to do battle at your side, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage336A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;336&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Shall I tell you whose I believe the saying to be?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Whose?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I believe that Periander or Perdiccas or Xerxes or Ismenias the Theban, or some other rich and mighty man, who had a great opinion of his own power, was the first to say that justice is ‘doing good to your friends and harm to your enemies.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Most true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I said; but if this definition of justice also breaks down, what other can be offered?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The brutality of Thrasymachus.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage336B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Several times in the course of the discussion Thrasymachus had made an attempt to get the argument into his own hands, and had been put down by the rest of the company, who wanted to hear the end. But when Polemarchus and I had done speaking and there was a pause, he could no longer hold his peace; and, gathering himself up, he came at us like a wild beast, seeking to devour us. We were quite panic-stricken at the sight of him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He roared out to the whole company: What folly, Socrates, has taken possession of you all? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage336C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And why, sillybillies, do you knock under to one another? I say that if you want really to know what justice is, you should not only ask but &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page13&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OCRATES&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, T&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;HRASYMACHUS&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; answer, and you should not seek honour to yourself from the refutation of an opponent, but have your own answer; for there is many a one who can ask and cannot answer. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage336D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And now I will not have you say that justice is duty or advantage or profit or gain or interest, for this sort of nonsense will not do for me; I must have clearness and accuracy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I was panic-stricken at his words, and could not look at him without trembling. Indeed I believe that if I had not fixed my eye upon him, I should have been struck dumb: but when I saw his fury rising, I looked at him first, and was &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage336E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;therefore able to reply to him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thrasymachus, I said, with a quiver, don’t be hard upon us. Polemarchus and I may have been guilty of a little mistake in the argument, but I can assure you that the error was not intentional. If we were seeking for a piece of gold, you would not imagine that we were ‘knocking under to one another,’ and so losing our chance of finding it. And why, when we are seeking for justice, a thing more precious than many pieces of gold, do you say that we are weakly yielding to one another and not doing our utmost to get at the truth? Nay, my good friend, we are most willing and anxious to do so, but the fact is that we cannot. And if so, you people who know all things should pity us and not be angry with us.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage337A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;337&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;How characteristic of Socrates! he replied, with a bitter laugh;—that’s your ironical style! Did I not foresee—have I not already told you, that whatever he was asked he would refuse to answer, and try irony or any other shuffle, in order that he might avoid answering?&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Socrates cannot give any answer if all true answers are excluded.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Thrasymachus is assailed with his own weapons.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You are a philosopher, Thrasymachus, I replied, and well know that if you ask a person what numbers make up twelve, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage337B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;taking care to prohibit him whom you ask from answering twice six, or three times four, or six times two, or four times three, ‘for this sort of nonsense will not do for me,’—then obviously, if that is your way of putting the question, no one can answer you. But suppose that he were to retort, ‘Thrasymachus, what do you mean? If one of these numbers which you interdict be the true answer to the question, am I falsely to say some other number which is not the right one?—is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage337C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;that your meaning?’—How would you answer him?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Just as if the two cases were at all alike! he said. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page14&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;14&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OCRATES&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, T&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;HRASYMACHUS&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, G&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LAUCON&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Why should they not be? I replied; and even if they are not, but only appear to be so to the person who is asked, ought he not to say what he thinks, whether you and I forbid him or not?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I presume then that you are going to make one of the interdicted answers?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I dare say that I may, notwithstanding the danger, if upon reflection I approve of any of them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage337D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;But what if I give you an answer about justice other and better, he said, than any of these? What do you deserve to have done to you?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Done to me!—as becomes the ignorant, I must learn from the wise—that is what I deserve to have done to me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The Sophist demands payment for his instructions. The company are very willing to contribute.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; What, and no payment! a pleasant notion!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I will pay when I have the money, I replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But you have, Socrates, said Glaucon: and you, Thrasymachus, need be under no anxiety about money, for we will all make a contribution for Socrates.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage337E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Yes, he replied, and then Socrates will do as he always does—refuse to answer himself, but take and pull to pieces the answer of some one else.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Socrates knows little or nothing: how can he answer? And he is deterred by the interdict of Thrasymachus.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Why, my good friend, I said, how can any one answer who knows, and says that he knows, just nothing; and who, even if he has some faint notions of his own, is told by a man of authority not to utter them? The natural thing is, that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage338A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;338&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the speaker should be some one like yourself who professes to know and can tell what he knows. Will you then kindly answer, for the edification of the company and of myself?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Glaucon and the rest of the company joined in my request, and Thrasymachus, as any one might see, was in reality eager to speak; for he thought that he had an excellent answer, and would distinguish himself. But at first he affected to insist on my answering; at length he consented to begin. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage338B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Behold, he said, the wisdom of Socrates; he refuses to teach himself, and goes about learning of others, to whom he never even says Thank you.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That I learn of others, I replied, is quite true; but that I am ungrateful I wholly deny. Money I have none, and therefore I pay in praise, which is all I have; and how ready &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page15&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OCRATES&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, T&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;HRASYMACHUS&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I am to praise any one who appears to me to speak well you will very soon find out when you answer; for I expect that you will answer well.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The definition of Thrasymachus: ‘Justice is the interest of the stronger or ruler.’&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage338C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Listen, then, he said; I proclaim that justice is nothing else than the interest of the stronger. And now why do you not praise me? But of course you won’t.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Let me first understand you, I replied. Justice, as you say, is the interest of the stronger. What, Thrasymachus, is the meaning of this? You cannot mean to say that because Polydamas, the pancratiast, is stronger than we are, and finds the eating of beef conducive to his bodily strength, that to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage338D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;eat beef is therefore equally for our good who are weaker than he is, and right and just for us?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That’s abominable of you, Socrates; you take the words in the sense which is most damaging to the argument.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Not at all, my good sir, I said; I am trying to understand them; and I wish that you would be a little clearer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Well, he said, have you never heard that forms of government differ; there are tyrannies, and there are democracies, and there are aristocracies?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I know.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the government is the ruling power in each state?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Socrates compels Thrasymachus to explain his meaning.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage338E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And the different forms of government make laws democratical, aristocratical, tyrannical, with a view to their several interests; and these laws, which are made by them for their own interests, are the justice which they deliver to their subjects, and him who transgresses them they punish as a breaker of the law, and unjust. And that is what I mean when I say that in all states there is the same principle of justice, which is the interest of the government; and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage339A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;339&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;as the government must be supposed to have power, the only reasonable conclusion is, that everywhere there is one principle of justice, which is the interest of the stronger.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Now I understand you, I said; and whether you are right or not I will try to discover. But let me remark, that in defining justice you have yourself used the word ‘interest’ which you forbade me to use. It is true, however, that in your definition the words ‘of the stronger’ are added.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage339B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;A small addition, you must allow, he said. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page16&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Great or small, never mind about that: we must first enquire whether what you are saying is the truth. Now we are both agreed that justice is interest of some sort, but you go on to say ‘of the stronger’; about this addition I am not so sure, and must therefore consider further.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Proceed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;He is dissatisfied with the explanation; for rulers may err.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I will; and first tell me, Do you admit that it is just for subjects to obey their rulers?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I do.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage339C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;But are the rulers of states absolutely infallible, or are they sometimes liable to err?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To be sure, he replied, they are liable to err.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then in making their laws they may sometimes make them rightly, and sometimes not?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When they make them rightly, they make them agreeably to their interest; when they are mistaken, contrary to their interest; you admit that?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the laws which they make must be obeyed by their subjects,—and that is what you call justice?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Doubtless.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And then the justice which makes a mistake will turn out to be the reverse of the interest of the stronger.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage339D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Then justice, according to your argument, is not only obedience to the interest of the stronger but the reverse?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What is that you are saying? he asked.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I am only repeating what you are saying, I believe. But let us consider: Have we not admitted that the rulers may be mistaken about their own interest in what they command, and also that to obey them is justice? Has not that been admitted?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage339E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Then you must also have acknowledged justice not to be for the interest of the stronger, when the rulers unintentionally command things to be done which are to their own injury. For if, as you say, justice is the obedience which the subject renders to their commands, in that case, O wisest of men, is there any escape from the conclusion that the weaker are commanded to do, not what is for the interest, but what is for the injury of the stronger?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nothing can be clearer, Socrates, said Polemarchus. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page17&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;17&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OCRATES&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, C&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LEITOPHON&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, P&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OLEMARCHUS&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, T&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;HRASYMACHUS&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage340A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;340&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Yes, said Cleitophon, interposing, if you are allowed to be his witness.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But there is no need of any witness, said Polemarchus, for Thrasymachus himself acknowledges that rulers may sometimes command what is not for their own interest, and that for subjects to obey them is justice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Cleitophon tries to make a way of escape for Thrasymachus by inserting the words ‘thought to be.’&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yes, Polemarchus,—Thrasymachus said that for subjects to do what was commanded by their rulers is just.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, Cleitophon, but he also said that justice is the interest &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage340B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of the stronger, and, while admitting both these propositions, he further acknowledged that the stronger may command the weaker who are his subjects to do what is not for his own interest; whence follows that justice is the injury quite as much as the interest of the stronger.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But, said Cleitophon, he meant by the interest of the stronger what the stronger thought to be his interest,—this was what the weaker had to do; and this was affirmed by him to be justice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Those were not his words, rejoined Polemarchus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage340C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Never mind, I replied, if he now says that they are, let us accept his statement. Tell me, Thrasymachus, I said, did you mean by justice what the stronger thought to be his interest, whether really so or not?&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;This evasion is repudiated by Thrasymachus;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not, he said. Do you suppose that I call him who is mistaken the stronger at the time when he is mistaken?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I said, my impression was that you did so, when you admitted that the ruler was not infallible but might be sometimes mistaken.&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;who adopts another line of defence: ‘No artist or ruler is ever mistaken &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;qua&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; artist or ruler.’&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage340D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;You argue like an informer, Socrates. Do you mean, for example, that he who is mistaken about the sick is a physician in that he is mistaken? or that he who errs in arithmetic or grammar is an arithmetician or grammarian at the time when he is making the mistake, in respect of the mistake? True, we say that the physician or arithmetician or grammarian has made a mistake, but this is only a way of speaking; for the fact is that neither the grammarian nor any other person of skill ever makes a mistake in so far as he is what his name implies; they none of them err unless their skill fails them, and then they cease to be skilled artists. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page18&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;18&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OCRATES&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, T&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;HRASYMACHUS&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; No artist or sage or ruler errs at the time when he is what his name implies; though he is commonly said to err, and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage340E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;I adopted the common mode of speaking. But to be perfectly accurate, since you are such a lover of accuracy, we should say that the ruler, in so far as he is a ruler, is unerring, and, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage341A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;341&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;being unerring, always commands that which is for his own interest; and the subject is required to execute his commands; and therefore, as I said at first and now repeat, justice is the interest of the stronger.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Indeed, Thrasymachus, and do I really appear to you to argue like an informer?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And do you suppose that I ask these questions with any design of injuring you in the argument?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nay, he replied, ‘suppose’ is not the word—I know it; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage341B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;but you will be found out, and by sheer force of argument you will never prevail.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I shall not make the attempt, my dear man; but to avoid any misunderstanding occurring between us in future, let me ask, in what sense do you speak of a ruler or stronger whose interest, as you were saying, he being the superior, it is just that the inferior should execute—is he a ruler in the popular or in the strict sense of the term?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the strictest of all senses, he said. And now cheat and play the informer if you can; I ask no quarter at your hands. But you never will be able, never.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The essential meaning of words distinguished from their attributes.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage341C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And do you imagine, I said, that I am such a madman as to try and cheat, Thrasymachus? I might as well shave a lion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Why, he said, you made the attempt a minute ago, and you failed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Enough, I said, of these civilities. It will be better that I should ask you a question: Is the physician, taken in that strict sense of which you are speaking, a healer of the sick or a maker of money? And remember that I am now speaking of the true physician.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A healer of the sick, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the pilot—that is to say, the true pilot—is he a captain of sailors or a mere sailor?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A captain of sailors. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page19&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;19&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage341D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;The circumstance that he sails in the ship is not to be taken into account; neither is he to be called a sailor; the name pilot by which he is distinguished has nothing to do with sailing, but is significant of his skill and of his authority over the sailors.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Now, I said, every art has an interest?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For which the art has to consider and provide?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, that is the aim of art.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the interest of any art is the perfection of it—this and nothing else?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage341E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;What do you mean?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I mean what I may illustrate negatively by the example of the body. Suppose you were to ask me whether the body is self-sufficing or has wants, I should reply: Certainly the body has wants; for the body may be ill and require to be cured, and has therefore interests to which the art of medicine ministers; and this is the origin and intention of medicine, as you will acknowledge. Am I not right?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage342A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;342&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Quite right, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Art has no imperfection to be corrected, and therefore no extraneous interest.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But is the art of medicine or any other art faulty or deficient in any quality in the same way that the eye may be deficient in sight or the ear fail of hearing, and therefore requires another art to provide for the interests of seeing and hearing—has art in itself, I say, any similar liability to fault or defect, and does every art require another supplementary art to provide for its interests, and that another and another without end? Or have the arts to look only &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage342B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;after their own interests? Or have they no need either of themselves or of another?—having no faults or defects, they have no need to correct them, either by the exercise of their own art or of any other; they have only to consider the interest of their subject-matter. For every art remains pure and faultless while remaining true—that is to say, while perfect and unimpaired. Take the words in your precise sense, and tell me whether I am not right.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, clearly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Illustrations.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage342C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Then medicine does not consider the interest of medicine, but the interest of the body? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page20&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;20&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nor does the art of horsemanship consider the interests of the art of horsemanship, but the interests of the horse; neither do any other arts care for themselves, for they have no needs; they care only for that which is the subject of their art?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But surely, Thrasymachus, the arts are the superiors and rulers of their own subjects?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To this he assented with a good deal of reluctance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then, I said, no science or art considers or enjoins the interest of the stronger or superior, but only the interest of the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage342D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;subject and weaker?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He made an attempt to contest this proposition also, but finally acquiesced.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then, I continued, no physician, in so far as he is a physician, considers his own good in what he prescribes, but the good of his patient; for the true physician is also a ruler having the human body as a subject, and is not a mere money-maker; that has been admitted?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the pilot likewise, in the strict sense of the term, is a ruler of sailors and not a mere sailor?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage342E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;That has been admitted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And such a pilot and ruler will provide and prescribe for the interest of the sailor who is under him, and not for his own or the ruler’s interest?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He gave a reluctant ‘Yes.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The disinterestedness of rulers.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then, I said, Thrasymachus, there is no one in any rule who, in so far as he is a ruler, considers or enjoins what is for his own interest, but always what is for the interest of his subject or suitable to his art; to that he looks, and that alone he considers in everything which he says and does.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage343A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;343&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;When we had got to this point in the argument, and every one saw that the definition of justice had been completely upset, Thrasymachus, instead of replying to me, said: Tell me, Socrates, have you got a nurse?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The impudence of Thrasymachus.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Why do you ask such a question, I said, when you ought rather to be answering?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Because she leaves you to snivel, and never wipes your &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;21&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; nose: she has not even taught you to know the shepherd from the sheep.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What makes you say that? I replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Thrasymachus dilates upon the advantages of injustice,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage343B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Because you fancy that the shepherd or neatherd fattens or tends the sheep or oxen with a view to their own good and not to the good of himself or his master; and you further imagine that the rulers of states, if they are true rulers, never think of their subjects as sheep, and that they are not studying their own advantage day and night. Oh, no; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage343C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and so entirely astray are you in your ideas about the just and unjust as not even to know that justice and the just are in reality another’s good; that is to say, the interest of the ruler and stronger, and the loss of the subject and servant; and injustice the opposite; for the unjust is lord over the truly simple and just: he is the stronger, and his subjects do what is for his interest, and minister to his &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage343D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;happiness, which is very far from being their own. Consider further, most foolish Socrates, that the just is always a loser in comparison with the unjust. First of all, in private contracts: wherever the unjust is the partner of the just you will find that, when the partnership is dissolved, the unjust man has always more and the just less. Secondly, in their dealings with the State: when there is an income-tax, the just man will pay more and the unjust less on the same amount of income; and when there is anything to be &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage343E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;received the one gains nothing and the other much. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;especially when pursued on a great scale.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Observe also what happens when they take an office; there is the just man neglecting his affairs and perhaps suffering other losses, and getting nothing out of the public, because he is just; moreover he is hated by his friends and acquaintance for refusing to serve them in unlawful ways. But all this is reversed in the case of the unjust man. I am speaking, as before, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage344A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;344&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of injustice on a large scale in which the advantage of the unjust is most apparent; and my meaning will be most clearly seen if we turn to that highest form of injustice in which the criminal is the happiest of men, and the sufferers or those who refuse to do injustice are the most miserable—that is to say tyranny, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Tyranny.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;which by fraud and force takes away the property of others, not little by little but wholesale; comprehending in one, things sacred as well as profane, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage344B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;private &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page22&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;22&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and public; for which acts of wrong, if he were detected perpetrating any one of them singly, he would be punished and incur great disgrace—they who do such wrong in particular cases are called robbers of temples, and man-stealers and burglars and swindlers and thieves. But when a man besides taking away the money of the citizens has made slaves of them, then, instead of these names of reproach, he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage344C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;is termed happy and blessed, not only by the citizens but by all who hear of his having achieved the consummation of injustice. For mankind censure injustice, fearing that they may be the victims of it and not because they shrink from committing it. And thus, as I have shown, Socrates, injustice, when on a sufficient scale, has more strength and freedom and mastery than justice; and, as I said at first, justice is the interest of the stronger, whereas injustice is a man’s own profit and interest.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Thrasymachus having made his speech wants to run away, but is detained by the company.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage344D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Thrasymachus, when he had thus spoken, having, like a bath-man, deluged our ears with his words, had a mind to go away. But the company would not let him; they insisted that he should remain and defend his position; and I myself added my own humble request that he would not leave us. Thrasymachus, I said to him, excellent man, how suggestive are your remarks! And are you going to run away before you have fairly taught or learned whether they are true or not? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage344E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Is the attempt to determine the way of man’s life so small a matter in your eyes—to determine how life may be passed by each one of us to the greatest advantage?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And do I differ from you, he said, as to the importance of the enquiry?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You appear rather, I replied, to have no care or thought about us, Thrasymachus—whether we live better or worse from not knowing what you say you know, is to you a matter of indifference. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage345A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;345&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Prithee, friend, do not keep your knowledge to yourself; we are a large party; and any benefit which you confer upon us will be amply rewarded. For my own part I openly declare that I am not convinced, and that I do not believe injustice to be more gainful than justice, even if uncontrolled and allowed to have free play. For, granting that there may be an unjust man who is able to commit injustice either by fraud or force, still this does not convince me of the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page23&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;23&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; superior advantage of injustice, and there may be others who are in the same predicament with myself. Perhaps we may be wrong; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage345B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;if so, you in your wisdom should convince us that we are mistaken in preferring justice to injustice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The swagger of Thrasymachus.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And how am I to convince you, he said, if you are not already convinced by what I have just said; what more can I do for you? Would you have me put the proof bodily into your souls?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Heaven forbid! I said; I would only ask you to be consistent; or, if you change, change openly and let there be no deception. For I must remark, Thrasymachus, if you will &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage345C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;recall what was previously said, that although you began by defining the true physician in an exact sense, you did not observe a like exactness when speaking of the shepherd; you thought that the shepherd as a shepherd tends the sheep not with a view to their own good, but like a mere diner or banquetter with a view to the pleasures of the table; or, again, as a trader for sale in the market, and not as a shepherd. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage345D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Yet surely the art of the shepherd is concerned only with the good of his subjects; he has only to provide the best for them, since the perfection of the art is already ensured whenever all the requirements of it are satisfied. And that was what I was saying just now about the ruler. I conceived that the art of the ruler, considered as ruler, whether in a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage345E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;state or in private life, could only regard the good of his flock or subjects; whereas you seem to think that the rulers in states, that is to say, the true rulers, like being in authority.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Think! Nay, I am sure of it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then why in the case of lesser offices do men never take them willingly without payment, unless under the idea that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage346A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;346&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;they govern for the advantage not of themselves but of others? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The arts have different functions and are not to be confounded with the art of payment which is common to them all.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Let me ask you a question: Are not the several arts different, by reason of their each having a separate function? And, my dear illustrious friend, do say what you think, that we may make a little progress.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, that is the difference, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And each art gives us a particular good and not merely a general one—medicine, for example, gives us health; navigation, safety at sea, and so on?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;24&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage346B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And the art of payment has the special function of giving pay: but we do not confuse this with other arts, any more than the art of the pilot is to be confused with the art of medicine, because the health of the pilot may be improved by a sea voyage. You would not be inclined to say, would you, that navigation is the art of medicine, at least if we are to adopt your exact use of language?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Or because a man is in good health when he receives pay you would not say that the art of payment is medicine?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I should not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nor would you say that medicine is the art of receiving pay because a man takes fees when he is engaged in healing?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage346C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Certainly not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And we have admitted, I said, that the good of each art is specially confined to the art?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then, if there be any good which all artists have in common, that is to be attributed to something of which they all have the common use?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And when the artist is benefited by receiving pay the advantage is gained by an additional use of the art of pay, which is not the art professed by him?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He gave a reluctant assent to this.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage346D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Then the pay is not derived by the several artists from their respective arts. But the truth is, that while the art of medicine gives health, and the art of the builder builds a house, another art attends them which is the art of pay. The various arts may be doing their own business and benefiting that over which they preside, but would the artist receive any benefit from his art unless he were paid as well?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I suppose not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage346E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;But does he therefore confer no benefit when he works for nothing?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly, he confers a benefit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The true ruler or artist seeks, not his own advantage, but the perfection of his art; and therefore he must be paid.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then now, Thrasymachus, there is no longer any doubt that neither arts nor governments provide for their own interests; but, as we were before saying, they rule and provide for the interests of their subjects who are the weaker &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;25&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and not the stronger—to their good they attend and not to the good of the superior. And this is the reason, my dear Thrasymachus, why, as I was just now saying, no one is willing to govern; because no one likes to take in hand the reformation of evils which are not his concern without remuneration. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage347A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;347&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;For, in the execution of his work, and in giving his orders to another, the true artist does not regard his own interest, but always that of his subjects; and therefore in order that rulers may be willing to rule, they must be paid in one of three modes of payment, money, or honour, or a penalty for refusing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Three modes of paying rulers, money, honour, and a penalty for refusing to rule.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; What do you mean, Socrates? said Glaucon. The first two modes of payment are intelligible enough, but what the penalty is I do not understand, or how a penalty can be a payment.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You mean that you do not understand the nature of this &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage347B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;payment which to the best men is the great inducement to rule? Of course you know that ambition and avarice are held to be, as indeed they are, a disgrace?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And for this reason, I said, money and honour have no attraction for them; good men do not wish to be openly demanding payment for governing and so to get the name of hirelings, nor by secretly helping themselves out of the public revenues to get the name of thieves. And not being ambitious they do not care about honour. Wherefore necessity &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage347C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;must be laid upon them, and they must be induced to serve from the fear of punishment. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The penalty is the evil of being ruled by an inferior.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And this, as I imagine, is the reason why the forwardness to take office, instead of waiting to be compelled, has been deemed dishonourable. Now the worst part of the punishment is that he who refuses to rule is liable to be ruled by one who is worse than himself. And the fear of this, as I conceive, induces the good to take &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage347D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;office, not because they would, but because they cannot help—not under the idea that they are going to have any benefit or enjoyment themselves,&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In a city composed wholly of good men there would be a great unwillingness to rule.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; but as a necessity, and because they are not able to commit the task of ruling to any one who is better than themselves, or indeed as good. For there is reason to think that if a city were composed entirely of good men, then to avoid office would be as much an object of contention as to obtain office is at present; then we should &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page26&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;26&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; have plain proof that the true ruler is not meant by nature to regard his own interest, but that of his subjects; and every one who knew this would choose rather to receive a benefit from another than to have the trouble of conferring one. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage347E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;So far am I from agreeing with Thrasymachus that justice is the interest of the stronger.&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Thrasymachus maintains that the life of the unjust is better than the life of the just.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; This latter question need not be further discussed at present; but when Thrasymachus says that the life of the unjust is more advantageous than that of the just, his new statement appears to me to be of a far more serious character. Which of us has spoken truly? And which sort of life, Glaucon, do you prefer?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I for my part deem the life of the just to be the more advantageous, he answered.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OCRATES&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, G&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LAUCON&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, T&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;HRASYMACHUS&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage348A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;348&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Did you hear all the advantages of the unjust which Thrasymachus was rehearsing?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I heard him, he replied, but he has not convinced me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then shall we try to find some way of convincing him, if we can, that he is saying what is not true?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Most certainly, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;If, I said, he makes a set speech and we make another recounting all the advantages of being just, and he answers and we rejoin, there must be a numbering and measuring &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage348B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of the goods which are claimed on either side, and in the end we shall want judges to decide; but if we proceed in our enquiry as we lately did, by making admissions to one another, we shall unite the offices of judge and advocate in our own persons.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very good, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And which method do I understand you to prefer? I said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That which you propose.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Well, then, Thrasymachus, I said, suppose you begin at the beginning and answer me. You say that perfect injustice is more gainful than perfect justice?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage348C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Yes, that is what I say, and I have given you my reasons.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And what is your view about them? Would you call one of them virtue and the other vice?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A paradox still more extreme, that injustice is virtue,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I suppose that you would call justice virtue and injustice vice?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What a charming notion! So likely too, seeing that I affirm injustice to be profitable and justice not. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page27&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What else then would you say?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OCRATES&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, T&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;HRASYMACHUS.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The opposite, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And would you call justice vice?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No, I would rather say sublime simplicity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage348D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Then would you call injustice malignity?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No; I would rather say discretion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And do the unjust appear to you to be wise and good?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said; at any rate those of them who are able to be perfectly unjust, and who have the power of subduing states and nations; but perhaps you imagine me to be talking of cutpurses. Even this profession if undetected has advantages, though they are not to be compared with those of which I was just now speaking.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage348E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;I do not think that I misapprehend your meaning, Thrasymachus, I replied; but still I cannot hear without amazement that you class injustice with wisdom and virtue, and justice with the opposite.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly I do so class them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Now, I said, you are on more substantial and almost unanswerable ground; for if the injustice which you were maintaining to be profitable had been admitted by you as by others to be vice and deformity, an answer might have been given to you on received principles; but now I perceive that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage349A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;349&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;you will call injustice honourable and strong, and to the unjust you will attribute all the qualities which were attributed by us before to the just, seeing that you do not hesitate to rank injustice with wisdom and virtue.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You have guessed most infallibly, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then I certainly ought not to shrink from going through with the argument so long as I have reason to think that you, Thrasymachus, are speaking your real mind; for I do believe that you are now in earnest and are not amusing yourself at our expense.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I may be in earnest or not, but what is that to you?—to refute the argument is your business.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;refuted by the analogy of the arts.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage349B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Very true, I said; that is what I have to do: But will you be so good as answer yet one more question? Does the just man try to gain any advantage over the just?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Far otherwise; if he did he would not be the simple amusing creature which he is. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page28&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;28&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And would he try to go beyond just action?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He would not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And how would he regard the attempt to gain an advantage over the unjust; would that be considered by him as just or unjust?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The just tries to obtain an advantage over the unjust, but not over the just; the unjust over both just and unjust.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; He would think it just, and would try to gain the advantage; but he would not be able.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Whether he would or would not be able, I said, is not to the point. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage349C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;My question is only whether the just man, while refusing to have more than another just man, would wish and claim to have more than the unjust?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he would.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And what of the unjust—does he claim to have more than the just man and to do more than is just?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of course, he said, for he claims to have more than all men.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the unjust man will strive and struggle to obtain more than the unjust man or action, in order that he may have more than all?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We may put the matter thus, I said—the just does not desire more than his like but more than his unlike, whereas the unjust desires more than both his like and his unlike?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage349D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Nothing, he said, can be better than that statement.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the unjust is good and wise, and the just is neither?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Good again, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And is not the unjust like the wise and good and the just unlike them?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of course, he said, he who is of a certain nature, is like those who are of a certain nature; he who is not, not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Each of them, I said, is such as his like is?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Illustrations.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Very good, Thrasymachus, I said; and now to take the case of the arts: you would admit that one man is a musician and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage349E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;another not a musician?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And which is wise and which is foolish?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Clearly the musician is wise, and he who is not a musician is foolish.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And he is good in as far as he is wise, and bad in as far as he is foolish? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page29&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;29&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And you would say the same sort of thing of the physician?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And do you think, my excellent friend, that a musician when he adjusts the lyre would desire or claim to exceed or go beyond a musician in the tightening and loosening the strings?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I do not think that he would.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But he would claim to exceed the non-musician?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of course.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage350A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;350&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And what would you say of the physician? In prescribing meats and drinks would he wish to go beyond another physician or beyond the practice of medicine?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He would not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But he would wish to go beyond the non-physician?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The artist remains within the limits of his art:&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And about knowledge and ignorance in general; see whether you think that any man who has knowledge ever would wish to have the choice of saying or doing more than another man who has knowledge. Would he not rather say or do the same as his like in the same case?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That, I suppose, can hardly be denied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And what of the ignorant? would he not desire to have &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage350B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;more than either the knowing or the ignorant?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I dare say.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the knowing is wise?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the wise is good?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then the wise and good will not desire to gain more than his like, but more than his unlike and opposite?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I suppose so.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Whereas the bad and ignorant will desire to gain more than both?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But did we not say, Thrasymachus, that the unjust goes beyond both his like and unlike? Were not these your words?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They were.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;and similarly the just man does not exceed the limits of other just men.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage350C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And you also said that the just will not go beyond his like but his unlike? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page30&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;30&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then the just is like the wise and good, and the unjust like the evil and ignorant?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is the inference.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And each of them is such as his like is?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That was admitted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then the just has turned out to be wise and good and the unjust evil and ignorant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Thrasymachus perspiring and even blushing.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Thrasymachus made all these admissions, not fluently, as &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage350D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;I repeat them, but with extreme reluctance; it was a hot summer’s day, and the perspiration poured from him in torrents; and then I saw what I had never seen before, Thrasymachus blushing. As we were now agreed that justice was virtue and wisdom, and injustice vice and ignorance, I proceeded to another point:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Well, I said, Thrasymachus, that matter is now settled; but were we not also saying that injustice had strength; do you remember?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I remember, he said, but do not suppose that I approve of what you are saying or have no answer; if however I were to answer, you would be quite certain to accuse me of haranguing; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage350E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;therefore either permit me to have my say out, or if you would rather ask, do so, and I will answer ‘Very good,’ as they say to story-telling old women, and will nod ‘Yes’ and ‘No.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not, I said, if contrary to your real opinion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said, I will, to please you, since you will not let me speak. What else would you have?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nothing in the world, I said; and if you are so disposed I will ask and you shall answer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Proceed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then I will repeat the question which I asked before, in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage351A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;351&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;order that our examination of the relative nature of justice and injustice may be carried on regularly. A statement was made that injustice is stronger and more powerful than justice, but now justice, having been identified with wisdom and virtue, is easily shown to be stronger than injustice, if injustice is ignorance; this can no longer be questioned by any one. But I want to view the matter, Thrasymachus, in a different way: &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage351B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;You would not deny that a state may be &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page31&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;31&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; unjust and may be unjustly attempting to enslave other states, or may have already enslaved them, and may be holding many of them in subjection?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True, he replied; and I will add that the best and most perfectly unjust state will be most likely to do so.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I know, I said, that such was your position; but what I would further consider is, whether this power which is possessed by the superior state can exist or be exercised without justice or only with justice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;At this point the temper of Thrasymachus begins to improve. Cp. 5. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage450A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;450 A&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, 6. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage498C&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;498 C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage351C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;If you are right in your view, and justice is wisdom, then only with justice; but if I am right, then without justice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I am delighted, Thrasymachus, to see you not only nodding assent and dissent, but making answers which are quite excellent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is out of civility to you, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You are very kind, I said; and would you have the goodness also to inform me, whether you think that a state, or an army, or a band of robbers and thieves, or any other gang of evil-doers could act at all if they injured one another?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage351D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;No indeed, he said, they could not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But if they abstained from injuring one another, then they might act together better?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And this is because injustice creates divisions and hatreds and fighting, and justice imparts harmony and friendship; is not that true, Thrasymachus?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Perfect injustice, whether in state or individuals, is destructive to them.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I agree, he said, because I do not wish to quarrel with you.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How good of you, I said; but I should like to know also whether injustice, having this tendency to arouse hatred, wherever existing, among slaves or among freemen, will not make them hate one another and set them at variance and render them incapable of common action?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage351E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And even if injustice be found in two only, will they not quarrel and fight, and become enemies to one another and to the just?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They will.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And suppose injustice abiding in a single person, would your wisdom say that she loses or that she retains her natural power? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page32&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;32&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Let us assume that she retains her power.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yet is not the power which injustice exercises of such a nature that wherever she takes up her abode, whether in a city, in an army, in a family, or in any other body, that body is, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage352A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;352&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to begin with, rendered incapable of united action by reason of sedition and distraction; and does it not become its own enemy and at variance with all that opposes it, and with the just? Is not this the case?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And is not injustice equally fatal when existing in a single person; in the first place rendering him incapable of action because he is not at unity with himself, and in the second place making him an enemy to himself and the just? Is not that true, Thrasymachus?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And O my friend, I said, surely the gods are just?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Granted that they are.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage352B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;But if so, the unjust will be the enemy of the gods, and the just will be their friend?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Feast away in triumph, and take your fill of the argument; I will not oppose you, lest I should displease the company.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Recapitulation.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Well then, proceed with your answers, and let me have the remainder of my repast. For we have already shown that the just are clearly wiser and better and abler than the unjust, and that the unjust are incapable of common action; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage352C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;nay more, that to speak as we did of men who are evil acting at any time vigorously together, is not strictly true, for if they had been perfectly evil, they would have laid hands upon one another; but it is evident that there must have been some remnant of justice in them, which enabled them to combine; if there had not been they would have injured one another as well as their victims; they were but half-villains in their enterprises; for had they been whole villains, and utterly unjust, they would have been utterly incapable of action. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage352D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;That, as I believe, is the truth of the matter, and not what you said at first. But whether the just have a better and happier life than the unjust is a further question which we also proposed to consider. I think that they have, and for the reasons which I have given; but still &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page33&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;33&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I should like to examine further, for no light matter is at stake, nothing less than the rule of human life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Proceed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Illustrations of ends and excellences preparatory to the enquiry into the end and excellence of the soul.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I will proceed by asking a question: Would you not say that a horse has some end?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage352E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;I should.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the end or use of a horse or of anything would be that which could not be accomplished, or not so well accomplished, by any other thing?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I do not understand, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Let me explain: Can you see, except with the eye?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Or hear, except with the ear?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These then may be truly said to be the ends of these organs?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They may.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage353A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;353&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;But you can cut off a vine-branch with a dagger or with a chisel, and in many other ways?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of course.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And yet not so well as with a pruning-hook made for the purpose?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;May we not say that this is the end of a pruning-hook?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We may.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then now I think you will have no difficulty in understanding my meaning when I asked the question whether the end of anything would be that which could not be accomplished, or not so well accomplished, by any other thing?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage353B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;I understand your meaning, he said, and assent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;All things which have ends have also virtues and excellences by which they fulfil those ends.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And that to which an end is appointed has also an excellence? Need I ask again whether the eye has an end?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It has.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And has not the eye an excellence?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the ear has an end and an excellence also?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the same is true of all other things; they have each of them an end and a special excellence?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is so.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Well, and can the eyes fulfil their end if they are &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page34&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;34&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; wanting &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage353C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;in their own proper excellence and have a defect instead?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How can they, he said, if they are blind and cannot see?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You mean to say, if they have lost their proper excellence, which is sight; but I have not arrived at that point yet. I would rather ask the question more generally, and only enquire whether the things which fulfil their ends fulfil them by their own proper excellence, and fail of fulfilling them by their own defect?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I might say the same of the ears; when deprived of their own proper excellence they cannot fulfil their end?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage353D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And the same observation will apply to all other things?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I agree.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And the soul has a virtue and an end—the virtue justice, the end happiness.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Well; and has not the soul an end which nothing else can fulfil? for example, to superintend and command and deliberate and the like. Are not these functions proper to the soul, and can they rightly be assigned to any other?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To no other.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And is not life to be reckoned among the ends of the soul?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Assuredly, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And has not the soul an excellence also?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage353E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And can she or can she not fulfil her own ends when deprived of that excellence?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;She cannot.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then an evil soul must necessarily be an evil ruler and superintendent, and the good soul a good ruler?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, necessarily.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Hence justice and happiness are necessarily connected.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And we have admitted that justice is the excellence of the soul, and injustice the defect of the soul?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That has been admitted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then the just soul and the just man will live well, and the unjust man will live ill?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is what your argument proves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage354A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;354&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And he who lives well is blessed and happy, and he who lives ill the reverse of happy?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then the just is happy, and the unjust miserable? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page35&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;35&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;So be it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But happiness and not misery is profitable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of course.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then, my blessed Thrasymachus, injustice can never be more profitable than justice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Let this, Socrates, he said, be your entertainment at the Bendidea.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Socrates is displeased with himself and with the argument.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; For which I am indebted to you, I said, now that you have grown gentle towards me and have left off scolding. Nevertheless, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage354B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;I have not been well entertained; but that was my own fault and not yours. As an epicure snatches a taste of every dish which is successively brought to table, he not having allowed himself time to enjoy the one before, so have I gone from one subject to another without having discovered what I sought at first, the nature of justice. I left that enquiry and turned away to consider whether justice is virtue and wisdom or evil and folly; and when there arose a further question about the comparative advantages of justice and injustice, I could not refrain from passing on to that. And the result of the whole discussion has been that I know nothing at all. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage354C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;For I know not what justice is, and therefore I am not likely to know whether it is or is not a virtue, nor can I say whether the just man is happy or unhappy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page36&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 class=&amp;quot;space-above&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;BookII&amp;quot;&amp;gt;BOOK II.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage357A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Steph.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
357&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic II.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OCRATES&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, G&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LAUCON&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; W&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ITH&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; these words I was thinking that I had made an end of the discussion; but the end, in truth, proved to be only a beginning. For Glaucon, who is always the most pugnacious of men, was dissatisfied at Thrasymachus’ retirement; he wanted to have the battle out. So he said to me: Socrates, do you wish really to persuade us, or only to seem &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage357B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to have persuaded us, that to be just is always better than to be unjust?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I should wish really to persuade you, I replied, if I could.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The threefold division of goods.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then you certainly have not succeeded. Let me ask you now:—How would you arrange goods—are there not some which we welcome for their own sakes, and independently of their consequences, as, for example, harmless pleasures and enjoyments, which delight us at the time, although nothing follows from them?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I agree in thinking that there is such a class, I replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage357C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Is there not also a second class of goods, such as knowledge, sight, health, which are desirable not only in themselves, but also for their results?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly, I said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And would you not recognize a third class, such as gymnastic, and the care of the sick, and the physician’s art; also the various ways of money-making—these do us good but we regard them as disagreeable; and no one would choose them &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage357D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;for their own sakes, but only for the sake of some reward or result which flows from them?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There is, I said, this third class also. But why do you ask?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Because I want to know in which of the three classes you would place justice?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage358A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;358&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;In the highest class, I replied,—among those goods which &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page37&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;37&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; he who would be happy desires both for their own sake and for the sake of their results.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then the many are of another mind; they think that justice is to be reckoned in the troublesome class, among goods which are to be pursued for the sake of rewards and of reputation, but in themselves are disagreeable and rather to be avoided.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I know, I said, that this is their manner of thinking, and that this was the thesis which Thrasymachus was maintaining just now, when he censured justice and praised injustice. But I am too stupid to be convinced by him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Three heads of the argument:—1. The nature of justice: 2. Justice a necessity, but not a good: 3. The reasonableness of this notion.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage358B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;I wish, he said, that you would hear me as well as him, and then I shall see whether you and I agree. For Thrasymachus seems to me, like a snake, to have been charmed by your voice sooner than he ought to have been; but to my mind the nature of justice and injustice have not yet been made clear. Setting aside their rewards and results, I want to know what they are in themselves, and how they inwardly work in the soul. If you please, then, I will revive the argument of Thrasymachus. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage358C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And first I will speak of the nature and origin of justice according to the common view of them. Secondly, I will show that all men who practise justice do so against their will, of necessity, but not as a good. And thirdly, I will argue that there is reason in this view, for the life of the unjust is after all better far than the life of the just—if what they say is true, Socrates, since I myself am not of their opinion. But still I acknowledge that I am perplexed when I hear the voices of Thrasymachus and myriads of others dinning in my ears; and, on the other hand, I have &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage358D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;never yet heard the superiority of justice to injustice maintained by any one in a satisfactory way. I want to hear justice praised in respect of itself; then I shall be satisfied, and you are the person from whom I think that I am most likely to hear this; and therefore I will praise the unjust life to the utmost of my power, and my manner of speaking will indicate the manner in which I desire to hear you too praising justice and censuring injustice. Will you say whether you approve of my proposal?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Indeed I do; nor can I imagine any theme about which a man of sense would oftener wish to converse. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page38&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;38&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;G&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LAUCON&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage358E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;I am delighted, he replied, to hear you say so, and shall begin by speaking, as I proposed, of the nature and origin of justice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Justice a compromise between doing and suffering evil.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; They say that to do injustice is, by nature, good; to suffer injustice, evil; but that the evil is greater than the good. And so when men have both done and suffered injustice and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage359A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;359&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;have had experience of both, not being able to avoid the one and obtain the other, they think that they had better agree among themselves to have neither; hence there arise laws and mutual covenants; and that which is ordained by law is termed by them lawful and just. This they affirm to be the origin and nature of justice;—it is a mean or compromise, between the best of all, which is to do injustice and not be punished, and the worst of all, which is to suffer injustice without the power of retaliation; and justice, being at a middle point between the two, is tolerated not as a good, but as the lesser evil, and honoured by reason of the inability of men to do injustice. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage359B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;For no man who is worthy to be called a man would ever submit to such an agreement if he were able to resist; he would be mad if he did. Such is the received account, Socrates, of the nature and origin of justice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Now that those who practise justice do so involuntarily and because they have not the power to be unjust will best appear &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage359C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;if we imagine something of this kind: having given both to the just and the unjust power to do what they will, let us watch and see whither desire will lead them; then we shall discover in the very act the just and unjust man to be proceeding along the same road, following their interest, which all natures deem to be their good, and are only diverted into the path of justice by the force of law. The liberty which we are supposing may be most completely given to them in the form of such a power as is said to have been &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage359D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;possessed by Gyges, the ancestor of Croesus the Lydian&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook21&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook21&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The story of Gyges.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;According to the tradition, Gyges was a shepherd in the service of the king of Lydia; there was a great storm, and an earthquake made an opening in the earth at the place where he was feeding his flock. Amazed at the sight, he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page39&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;39&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; descended into the opening, where, among other marvels, he beheld a hollow brazen horse, having doors, at which he stooping and looking in saw a dead body of stature, as appeared to him, more than human, and having nothing on but a gold ring; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage359E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;this he took from the finger of the dead and reascended. Now the shepherds met together, according to custom, that they might send their monthly report about the flocks to the king; into their assembly he came having the ring on his finger, and as he was sitting among them he chanced to turn the collet of the ring inside his hand, when instantly he became invisible to the rest of the company and they began to speak of him as if he were no longer present. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage360A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;360&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;He was astonished at this, and again touching the ring he turned the collet outwards and reappeared; he made several trials of the ring, and always with the same result—when he turned the collet inwards he became invisible, when outwards he reappeared. Whereupon he contrived to be chosen one of the messengers who were sent to the court; where as soon as he arrived &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage360B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;he seduced the queen, and with her help conspired against the king and slew him, and took the kingdom. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The application of the story of Gyges.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Suppose now that there were two such magic rings, and the just put on one of them and the unjust the other; no man can be imagined to be of such an iron nature that he would stand fast in justice. No man would keep his hands off what was not his own when he could safely take what he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage360C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;liked out of the market, or go into houses and lie with any one at his pleasure, or kill or release from prison whom he would, and in all respects be like a God among men. Then the actions of the just would be as the actions of the unjust; they would both come at last to the same point. And this we may truly affirm to be a great proof that a man is just, not willingly or because he thinks that justice is any good to him individually, but of necessity, for wherever any one thinks that he can safely be unjust, there he is unjust. For &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage360D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;all men believe in their hearts that injustice is far more profitable to the individual than justice, and he who argues as I have been supposing, will say that they are right. If you could imagine any one obtaining this power of becoming invisible, and never doing any wrong or touching what was another’s, he would be thought by the lookers-on to be a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page40&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;40&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; most wretched idiot, although they would praise him to one another’s faces, and keep up appearances with one another from a fear that they too might suffer injustice. Enough of this.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook21&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook21&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Reading &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;Gu/nê| tô=| Kroi/sou tou= Ludou= progo/nô&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Γύνῃ τῷ Κροίσου τοῦ Λυδοῦ προγόνῳ&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage360E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Now, if we are to form a real judgment of the life of the just and unjust, we must isolate them; there is no other way; and how is the isolation to be effected? I answer: Let the unjust man be entirely unjust, and the just man entirely just; nothing is to be taken away from either of them, and both are to be perfectly furnished for the work of their respective lives. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The unjust to be clothed with power and reputation.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;First, let the unjust be like other distinguished masters of craft; like the skilful pilot or &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage361A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;361&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;physician, who knows intuitively his own powers and keeps within their limits, and who, if he fails at any point, is able to recover himself. So let the unjust make his unjust attempts in the right way, and lie hidden if he means to be great in his injustice: (he who is found out is nobody:) for the highest reach of injustice is, to be deemed just when you are not. Therefore I say that in the perfectly unjust man we must assume the most perfect injustice; there is to be no deduction, but we must allow him, while doing the most unjust acts, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage361B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to have acquired the greatest reputation for justice. If he have taken a false step he must be able to recover himself; he must be one who can speak with effect, if any of his deeds come to light, and who can force his way where force is required by his courage and strength, and command of money and friends. And at his side let us place the just man in his nobleness and simplicity, wishing, as Aeschylus says, to be and not to seem good. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The just to be unclothed of all but his virtue.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;There must be no seeming, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage361C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;for if he seem to be just he will be honoured and rewarded, and then we shall not know whether he is just for the sake of justice or for the sake of honours and rewards; therefore, let him be clothed in justice only, and have no other covering; and he must be imagined in a state of life the opposite of the former. Let him be the best of men, and let him be thought the worst; then he will have been put to the proof; and we shall see whether he will be affected by the fear of infamy and its consequences. And let him continue &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage361D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;thus to the hour of death; being just and seeming to be unjust. When both have reached the uttermost extreme, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page41&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;41&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; the one of justice and the other of injustice, let judgment be given which of them is the happier of the two.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OCRATES&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, G&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LAUCON&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Heavens! my dear Glaucon, I said, how energetically you polish them up for the decision, first one and then the other, as if they were two statues.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I do my best, he said. And now that we know what they are like there is no difficulty in tracing out the sort of life &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage361E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;which awaits either of them. This I will proceed to describe; but as you may think the description a little too coarse, I ask you to suppose, Socrates, that the words which follow are not mine.—Let me put them into the mouths of the eulogists of injustice: They will tell you that the just man who is thought unjust will be scourged, racked, bound—will have his eyes burnt out; and, at last, after suffering every kind of evil, he will be impaled: Then he will understand that he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage362A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;362&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;ought to seem only, and not to be, just;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The just man will learn by each experience that he ought to seem and not to be just.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; the words of Aeschylus may be more truly spoken of the unjust than of the just. For the unjust is pursuing a reality; he does not live with a view to appearances—he wants to be really unjust and not to seem only:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘His mind has a soil deep and fertile,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage362B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Out of which spring his prudent counsels.’&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook22&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook22&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In the first place, he is thought just, and therefore bears rule in the city; he can marry whom he will, and give in marriage to whom he will; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The unjust who appears just will attain every sort of prosperity.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;also he can trade and deal where he likes, and always to his own advantage, because he has no misgivings about injustice; and at every contest, whether in public or private, he gets the better of his antagonists, and gains at their expense, and is rich, and out of his gains he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage362C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;can benefit his friends, and harm his enemies; moreover, he can offer sacrifices, and dedicate gifts to the gods abundantly and magnificently, and can honour the gods or any man whom he wants to honour in a far better style than the just, and therefore he is likely to be dearer than they are to the gods. And thus, Socrates, gods and men are said to unite in making the life of the unjust better than the life of the just.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook22&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook22&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Seven against Thebes, 574.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;DEIMANTUS&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OCRATES&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage362D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;I was going to say something in answer to Glaucon, when &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page42&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;42&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Adeimantus, his brother, interposed: Socrates, he said, you do not suppose that there is nothing more to be urged?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Why, what else is there? I answered.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The strongest point of all has not been even mentioned, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Well, then, according to the proverb, ‘Let brother help brother’—if he fails in any part do you assist him; although I must confess that Glaucon has already said quite enough to lay me in the dust, and take from me the power of helping justice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;DEIMANTUS&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Adeimantus takes up the argument. Justice is praised and injustice blamed, but only out of regard to their consequences.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage362E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Nonsense, he replied. But let me add something more: There is another side to Glaucon’s argument about the praise and censure of justice and injustice, which is equally required in order to bring out what I believe to be his meaning. Parents and tutors are always telling their sons and their &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage363A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;363&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;wards that they are to be just; but why? not for the sake of justice, but for the sake of character and reputation; in the hope of obtaining for him who is reputed just some of those offices, marriages, and the like which Glaucon has enumerated among the advantages accruing to the unjust from the reputation of justice. More, however, is made of appearances by this class of persons than by the others; for they throw in the good opinion of the gods, and will tell you of a shower of benefits which the heavens, as they say, rain upon the pious; and this accords with the testimony of the noble Hesiod and Homer, the first of whom says, that the gods &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage363B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;make the oaks of the just—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘To bear acorns at their summit, and bees in the middle;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
And the sheep are bowed down with the weight of their fleeces&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook23&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook23&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;,’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;and many other blessings of a like kind are provided for them. And Homer has a very similar strain; for he speaks of one whose fame is—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘As the fame of some blameless king who, like a god,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Maintains justice; to whom the black earth brings forth&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage363C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Wheat and barley, whose trees are bowed with fruit,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
And his sheep never fail to bear, and the sea gives him fish&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook24&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook24&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The rewards and punishments of another life.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Still grander are the gifts of heaven which Musaeus and his son&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook25&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; vouchsafe to the just; they take them down into the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page43&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;43&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; world below, where they have the saints lying on couches at a feast, everlastingly drunk, crowned with garlands; their &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage363D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;idea seems to be that an immortality of drunkenness is the highest meed of virtue. Some extend their rewards yet further; the posterity, as they say, of the faithful and just shall survive to the third and fourth generation. This is the style in which they praise justice. But about the wicked there is another strain; they bury them in a slough in Hades, and make them carry water in a sieve; also while they are yet living they bring them to infamy, and inflict &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage363E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;upon them the punishments which Glaucon described as the portion of the just who are reputed to be unjust; nothing else does their invention supply. Such is their manner of praising the one and censuring the other.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook23&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook23&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Hesiod, Works and Days, 230.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook24&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook24&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Homer, Od. xix. 109.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook25&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook25&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Eumolpus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Men are always repeating that virtue is painful and vice pleasant.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Once more, Socrates, I will ask you to consider another way of speaking about justice and injustice, which is not confined to the poets, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage364A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;364&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;but is found in prose writers. The universal voice of mankind is always declaring that justice and virtue are honourable, but grievous and toilsome; and that the pleasures of vice and injustice are easy of attainment, and are only censured by law and opinion. They say also that honesty is for the most part less profitable than dishonesty; and they are quite ready to call wicked men happy, and to honour them both in public and private when they are rich or in any other way influential, while they despise and overlook &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage364B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;those who may be weak and poor, even though acknowledging them to be better than the others. But most extraordinary of all is their mode of speaking about virtue and the gods: they say that the gods apportion calamity and misery to many good men, and good and happiness to the wicked. And mendicant prophets go to rich men’s doors and persuade them that they have a power committed to them by the gods of making an atonement for a man’s own or his ancestor’s &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage364C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;sins by sacrifices or charms, with rejoicings and feasts; and they promise to harm an enemy, whether just or unjust, at a small cost; with magic arts and incantations binding heaven, as they say, to execute their will. And the poets are the authorities to whom they appeal, now smoothing the path of vice with the words of Hesiod;— &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page44&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;44&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘Vice may be had in abundance without trouble; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage364D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the way is smooth and her dwelling-place is near. But before virtue the gods have set toil&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook26&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook26&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;6&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;,’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;and a tedious and uphill road: then citing Homer as a witness that the gods may be influenced by men; for he also says:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘The gods, too, may be turned from their purpose; and men pray to them and avert their wrath by sacrifices and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage364E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;soothing entreaties, and by libations and the odour of fat, when they have sinned and transgressed&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook27&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;7&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;They are taught that sins may be easily expiated.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And they produce a host of books written by Musaeus and Orpheus, who were children of the Moon and the Muses—that is what they say—according to which they perform their ritual, and persuade not only individuals, but whole cities, that expiations and atonements for sin may be made by sacrifices and amusements which fill a vacant hour, and are equally at the service of the living and the dead; the latter &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage365A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;365&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;sort they call mysteries, and they redeem us from the pains of hell, but if we neglect them no one knows what awaits us.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook26&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook26&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;6&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Hesiod, Works and Days, 287.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook27&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook27&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;7&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Homer, Iliad, ix. 493.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The effects of all this upon the youthful mind.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; He proceeded: And now when the young hear all this said about virtue and vice, and the way in which gods and men regard them, how are their minds likely to be affected, my dear Socrates,—those of them, I mean, who are quickwitted, and, like bees on the wing, light on every flower, and from all that they hear are prone to draw conclusions as to what manner of persons they should be and in what way they &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage365B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;should walk if they would make the best of life? Probably the youth will say to himself in the words of Pindar—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘Can I by justice or by crooked ways of deceit ascend a loftier tower which may be a fortress to me all my days?’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For what men say is that, if I am really just and am not also thought just profit there is none, but the pain and loss on the other hand are unmistakeable. But if, though unjust, I acquire the reputation of justice, a heavenly life is promised to me. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage365C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Since then, as philosophers prove, appearance tyrannizes over truth and is lord of happiness, to appearance I must devote myself. I will describe around me a picture and shadow of virtue to be the vestibule and exterior of my &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page45&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;45&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; house; behind I will trail the subtle and crafty fox, as Archilochus, greatest of sages, recommends. But I hear some one exclaiming that the concealment of wickedness is often difficult; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage365D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to which I answer, Nothing great is easy. Nevertheless, the argument indicates this, if we would be happy, to be the path along which we should proceed. With a view to concealment we will establish secret brotherhoods and political clubs. And there are professors of rhetoric who teach the art of persuading courts and assemblies; and so, partly by persuasion and partly by force, I shall make unlawful gains and not be punished. Still I hear a voice saying that the gods cannot be deceived, neither can they be compelled. But what if there are no gods? or, suppose them to have no care of human things—why in either case &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage365E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;should we mind about concealment? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The existence of the gods is only known to us through the poets, who likewise assure us that they may be bribed and that they are very ready to forgive.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And even if there are gods, and they do care about us, yet we know of them only from tradition and the genealogies of the poets; and these are the very persons who say that they may be influenced and turned by ‘sacrifices and soothing entreaties and by offerings.’ Let us be consistent then, and believe both or neither. If the poets speak truly, why then we had better &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage366A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;366&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;be unjust, and offer of the fruits of injustice; for if we are just, although we may escape the vengeance of heaven, we shall lose the gains of injustice; but, if we are unjust, we shall keep the gains, and by our sinning and praying, and praying and sinning, the gods will be propitiated, and we shall not be punished. ‘But there is a world below in which either we or our posterity will suffer for our unjust deeds.’ Yes, my friend, will be the reflection, but there are mysteries and atoning deities, and these have great power. That is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage366B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;what mighty cities declare; and the children of the gods, who were their poets and prophets, bear a like testimony.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On what principle, then, shall we any longer choose justice rather than the worst injustice? when, if we only unite the latter with a deceitful regard to appearances, we shall fare to our mind both with gods and men, in life and after death, as the most numerous and the highest authorities tell us. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage366C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Knowing all this, Socrates, how can a man who has any superiority of mind or person or rank or wealth, be willing to honour justice; or indeed to refrain from laughing when he hears &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page46&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;46&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; justice praised? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;All this, even if not absolutely true, affords great excuse for doing wrong.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And even if there should be some one who is able to disprove the truth of my words, and who is satisfied that justice is best, still he is not angry with the unjust, but is very ready to forgive them, because he also &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage366D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;knows that men are not just of their own free will; unless, peradventure, there be some one whom the divinity within him may have inspired with a hatred of injustice, or who has attained knowledge of the truth—but no other man. He only blames injustice who, owing to cowardice or age or some weakness, has not the power of being unjust. And this is proved by the fact that when he obtains the power, he immediately becomes unjust as far as he can be.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The cause of all this, Socrates, was indicated by us at the beginning of the argument, when my brother and I told you how astonished we were to find that of all the professing &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage366E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;panegyrists of justice—beginning with the ancient heroes of whom any memorial has been preserved to us, and ending with the men of our own time—no one has ever blamed injustice or praised justice except with a view to the glories, honours, and benefits which flow from them. No one has ever adequately described either in verse or prose the true essential nature of either of them abiding in the soul, and invisible to any human or divine eye; or shown that of all the things of a man’s soul which he has within him, justice is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage367A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;367&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the greatest good, and injustice the greatest evil. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Men should be taught that justice is in itself the greatest good and injustice the greatest evil.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Had this been the universal strain, had you sought to persuade us of this from our youth upwards, we should not have been on the watch to keep one another from doing wrong, but every one would have been his own watchman, because afraid, if he did wrong, of harbouring in himself the greatest of evils. I dare say that Thrasymachus and others would seriously hold the language which I have been merely repeating, and words even stronger than these about justice and injustice, grossly, as I conceive, perverting their true nature. But I speak in this &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage367B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;vehement manner, as I must frankly confess to you, because I want to hear from you the opposite side; and I would ask you to show not only the superiority which justice has over injustice, but what effect they have on the possessor of them which makes the one to be a good and the other an evil to him. And please, as Glaucon requested of you, to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page47&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;47&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; exclude reputations; for unless you take away from each of them his true reputation and add on the false, we shall say that you do not praise justice, but the appearance of it; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage367C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;we shall think that you are only exhorting us to keep injustice dark, and that you really agree with Thrasymachus in thinking that justice is another’s good and the interest of the stronger, and that injustice is a man’s own profit and interest, though injurious to the weaker. Now as you have admitted that justice is one of that highest class of goods which are desired indeed for their results, but in a far greater &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage367D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;degree for their own sakes—like sight or hearing or knowledge or health, or any other real and natural and not merely conventional good—I would ask you in your praise of justice to regard one point only: I mean the essential good and evil which justice and injustice work in the possessors of them. Let others praise justice and censure injustice, magnifying the rewards and honours of the one and abusing the other; that is a manner of arguing which, coming from them, I am ready to tolerate, but from you who have spent your whole life in the consideration of this question, unless I hear the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage367E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;contrary from your own lips, I expect something better. And therefore, I say, not only prove to us that justice is better than injustice, but show what they either of them do to the possessor of them, which makes the one to be a good and the other an evil, whether seen or unseen by gods and men.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;DEIMANTUS&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OCRATES&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I had always admired the genius of Glaucon and Adeimantus, but on hearing these words I was quite delighted, and said: &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage368A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;368&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Sons of an illustrious father, that was not a bad beginning of the Elegiac verses which the admirer of Glaucon made in honour of you after you had distinguished yourselves at the battle of Megara:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘Sons of Ariston,’ he sang, ‘divine offspring of an illustrious hero.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Glaucon and Adeimantus able to argue so well, but unconvinced by their own arguments.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The epithet is very appropriate, for there is something truly divine in being able to argue as you have done for the superiority of injustice, and remaining unconvinced by your own arguments. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage368B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And I do believe that you are not convinced—this I infer from your general character, for had I judged only from your speeches I should have mistrusted you. But now, the greater my confidence in you, the greater is my &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page48&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;48&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; difficulty in knowing what to say. For I am in a strait between two; on the one hand I feel that I am unequal to the task; and my inability is brought home to me by the fact that you were not satisfied with the answer which I made to Thrasymachus, proving, as I thought, the superiority which justice has over injustice. And yet I cannot refuse to help, while breath and speech remain to me; I am afraid that there would be an impiety in being present when justice &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage368C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;is evil spoken of and not lifting up a hand in her defence. And therefore I had best give such help as I can.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Glaucon and the rest entreated me by all means not to let the question drop, but to proceed in the investigation. They wanted to arrive at the truth, first, about the nature of justice and injustice, and secondly, about their relative advantages. I told them, what I really thought, that the enquiry would be of a serious nature, and would require very good eyes. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage368D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The large letters.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Seeing then, I said, that we are no great wits, I think that we had better adopt a method which I may illustrate thus; suppose that a short-sighted person had been asked by some one to read small letters from a distance; and it occurred to some one else that they might be found in another place which was larger and in which the letters were larger—if they were the same and he could read the larger letters first, and then proceed to the lesser—this would have been thought a rare piece of good fortune.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, said Adeimantus; but how does the illustration &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage368E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;apply to our enquiry?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I will tell you, I replied; justice, which is the subject of our enquiry, is, as you know, sometimes spoken of as the virtue of an individual, and sometimes as the virtue of a State.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And is not a State larger than an individual?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It is.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Justice to be seen in the State more easily than in the individual.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then in the larger the quantity of justice is likely to be larger and more easily discernible. I propose therefore that we enquire into the nature of justice and injustice, first as &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage369A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;369&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;they appear in the State, and secondly in the individual, proceeding from the greater to the lesser and comparing them. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page49&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;49&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That, he said, is an excellent proposal.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And if we imagine the State in process of creation, we shall see the justice and injustice of the State in process of creation also.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I dare say.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When the State is completed there may be a hope that the object of our search will be more easily discovered.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage369B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Yes, far more easily.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But ought we to attempt to construct one? I said; for to do so, as I am inclined to think, will be a very serious task. Reflect therefore.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have reflected, said Adeimantus, and am anxious that you should proceed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The State arises out of the wants of men.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; A State, I said, arises, as I conceive, out of the needs of mankind; no one is self-sufficing, but all of us have many wants. Can any other origin of a State be imagined?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There can be no other.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage369C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Then, as we have many wants, and many persons are needed to supply them, one takes a helper for one purpose and another for another; and when these partners and helpers are gathered together in one habitation the body of inhabitants is termed a State.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And they exchange with one another, and one gives, and another receives, under the idea that the exchange will be for their good.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then, I said, let us begin and create in idea a State; and yet the true creator is necessity, who is the mother of our invention.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of course, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The four or five greater needs of life, and the four or five kinds of citizens who correspond to them.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage369D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Now the first and greatest of necessities is food, which is the condition of life and existence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The second is a dwelling, and the third clothing and the like.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And now let us see how our city will be able to supply this great demand: We may suppose that one man is a husbandman, another a builder, some one else a weaver—&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page50&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;50&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;shall we add to them a shoemaker, or perhaps some other purveyor to our bodily wants?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quite right.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The barest notion of a State must include four or five men.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage369E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Clearly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The division of labour.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And how will they proceed? Will each bring the result of his labours into a common stock?—the individual husbandman, for example, producing for four, and labouring four times as long and as much as he need in the provision of food with which he supplies others as well as himself; or will he have nothing to do with others and not be at the trouble of producing for them, but provide for himself alone &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage370A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;370&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;a fourth of the food in a fourth of the time, and in the remaining three fourths of his time be employed in making a house or a coat or a pair of shoes, having no partnership with others, but supplying himself all his own wants?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Adeimantus thought that he should aim at producing food only and not at producing everything.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Probably, I replied, that would be the better way; and when I hear you say this, I am myself reminded that we are &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage370B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;not all alike; there are diversities of natures among us which are adapted to different occupations.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And will you have a work better done when the workman has many occupations, or when he has only one?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When he has only one.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Further, there can be no doubt that a work is spoilt when not done at the right time?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No doubt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For business is not disposed to wait until the doer of the business is at leisure; but the doer must follow up what he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage370C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;is doing, and make the business his first object.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He must.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And if so, we must infer that all things are produced more plentifully and easily and of a better quality when one man does one thing which is natural to him and does it at the right time, and leaves other things.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Undoubtedly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The first citizens are:—1. a husbandman, 2. a builder. 3. a weaver, 4. a shoemaker. To these must be added:—5. a carpenter, 6. a smith, etc., 7. merchants, 8. retailers.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then more than four citizens will be required; for the husbandman will not make his own plough or mattock, or &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page51&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;51&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage370D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;other implements of agriculture, if they are to be good for anything. Neither will the builder make his tools—and he too needs many; and in like manner the weaver and shoemaker.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then carpenters, and smiths, and many other artisans, will be sharers in our little State, which is already beginning to grow?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yet even if we add neatherds, shepherds, and other herdsmen, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage370E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;in order that our husbandmen may have oxen to plough with, and builders as well as husbandmen may have draught cattle, and curriers and weavers fleeces and hides,—still our State will not be very large.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is true; yet neither will it be a very small State which contains all these.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then, again, there is the situation of the city—to find a place where nothing need be imported is wellnigh impossible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Impossible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then there must be another class of citizens who will bring the required supply from another city?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There must.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage371A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;371&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;But if the trader goes empty-handed, having nothing which they require who would supply his need, he will come back empty-handed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is certain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And therefore what they produce at home must be not only enough for themselves, but such both in quantity and quality as to accommodate those from whom their wants are supplied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then more husbandmen and more artisans will be required?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They will.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Not to mention the importers and exporters, who are called merchants?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then we shall want merchants?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We shall.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And if merchandise is to be carried over the sea, skilful &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage371B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;sailors will also be needed, and in considerable numbers?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, in considerable numbers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then, again, within the city, how will they exchange their &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page52&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;52&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; productions? To secure such an exchange was, as you will remember, one of our principal objects when we formed them into a society and constituted a State.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Clearly they will buy and sell.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then they will need a market-place, and a money-token for purposes of exchange.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The origin of retail trade.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage371C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Suppose now that a husbandman, or an artisan, brings some production to market, and he comes at a time when there is no one to exchange with him,—is he to leave his calling and sit idle in the market-place?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Not at all; he will find people there who, seeing the want, undertake the office of salesmen. In well-ordered states they are commonly those who are the weakest in bodily strength, and therefore of little use for any other purpose; their duty is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage371D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to be in the market, and to give money in exchange for goods to those who desire to sell and to take money from those who desire to buy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This want, then, creates a class of retail-traders in our State. Is not ‘retailer’ the term which is applied to those who sit in the market-place engaged in buying and selling, while those who wander from one city to another are called merchants?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage371E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And there is another class of servants, who are intellectually hardly on the level of companionship; still they have plenty of bodily strength for labour, which accordingly they sell, and are called, if I do not mistake, hirelings, hire being the name which is given to the price of their labour.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then hirelings will help to make up our population?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And now, Adeimantus, is our State matured and perfected?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I think so.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Where, then, is justice, and where is injustice, and in what part of the State did they spring up?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage372A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;372&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Probably in the dealings of these citizens with one another. I cannot imagine that they are more likely to be found any where else.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I dare say that you are right in your suggestion, I said; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page53&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;53&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; we had better think the matter out, and not shrink from the enquiry.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A picture of primitive life.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Let us then consider, first of all, what will be their way of life, now that we have thus established them. Will they not produce corn, and wine, and clothes, and shoes, and build houses for themselves? And when they are housed, they will work, in summer, commonly, stripped and barefoot, but &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage372B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;in winter substantially clothed and shod. They will feed on barley-meal and flour of wheat, baking and kneading them, making noble cakes and loaves; these they will serve up on a mat of reeds or on clean leaves, themselves reclining the while upon beds strewn with yew or myrtle. And they and their children will feast, drinking of the wine which they have made, wearing garlands on their heads, and hymning the praises of the gods, in happy converse with one another. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage372C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And they will take care that their families do not exceed their means; having an eye to poverty or war.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OCRATES&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, G&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LAUCON&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But, said Glaucon, interposing, you have not given them a relish to their meal.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True, I replied, I had forgotten; of course they must have a relish—salt, and olives, and cheese, and they will boil roots and herbs such as country people prepare; for a dessert we shall give them figs, and peas, and beans; and they will roast myrtle-berries and acorns at the fire, drinking in moderation. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage372D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And with such a diet they may be expected to live in peace and health to a good old age, and bequeath a similar life to their children after them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, Socrates, he said, and if you were providing for a city of pigs, how else would you feed the beasts?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But what would you have, Glaucon? I replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Why, he said, you should give them the ordinary conveniences of life. People who are to be comfortable are accustomed to lie on sofas, and dine off tables, and they should &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage372E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;have sauces and sweets in the modern style.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A luxurious State must be called into existence,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yes, I said, now I understand: the question which you would have me consider is, not only how a State, but how a luxurious State is created; and possibly there is no harm in this, for in such a State we shall be more likely to see how justice and injustice originate. In my opinion the true and healthy constitution of the State is the one which I have &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page54&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;54&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; described. But if you wish also to see a State at fever-heat, I have no objection. For I suspect that many will not be &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage373A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;373&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;satisfied with the simpler way of life. They will be for adding sofas, and tables, and other furniture; also dainties, and perfumes, and incense, and courtesans, and cakes, all these not of one sort only, but in every variety; we must go beyond the necessaries of which I was at first speaking, such as houses, and clothes, and shoes: the arts of the painter and the embroiderer will have to be set in motion, and gold and ivory and all sorts of materials must be procured.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage373B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;True, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;and in this many new callings will be required.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then we must enlarge our borders; for the original healthy State is no longer sufficient. Now will the city have to fill and swell with a multitude of callings which are not required by any natural want; such as the whole tribe of hunters and actors, of whom one large class have to do with forms and colours; another will be the votaries of music—poets and their attendant train of rhapsodists, players, dancers, contractors; also makers of divers kinds of articles, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage373C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;including women’s dresses. And we shall want more servants. Will not tutors be also in request, and nurses wet and dry, tirewomen and barbers, as well as confectioners and cooks; and swineherds, too, who were not needed and therefore had no place in the former edition of our State, but are needed now? They must not be forgotten: and there will be animals of many other kinds, if people eat them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage373D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And living in this way we shall have much greater need of physicians than before?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Much greater.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the country which was enough to support the original inhabitants will be too small now, and not enough?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quite true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The territory of our State must be enlarged; and hence will arise war between us and our neighbours.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then a slice of our neighbours’ land will be wanted by us for pasture and tillage, and they will want a slice of ours, if, like ourselves, they exceed the limit of necessity, and give themselves up to the unlimited accumulation of wealth?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage373E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;That, Socrates, will be inevitable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And so we shall go to war, Glaucon. Shall we not?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Most certainly, he replied. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page55&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;55&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then without determining as yet whether war does good or harm, thus much we may affirm, that now we have discovered war to be derived from causes which are also the causes of almost all the evils in States, private as well as public.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Undoubtedly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And our State must once more enlarge; and this time the enlargement will be nothing short of a whole army, which &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage374A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;374&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;will have to go out and fight with the invaders for all that we have, as well as for the things and persons whom we were describing above.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Why? he said; are they not capable of defending themselves?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;War is an art, and as no art can be pursued with success unless a man’s whole attention is devoted to it, a soldier cannot be allowed to exercise any calling but his own.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; No, I said; not if we were right in the principle which was acknowledged by all of us when we were framing the State: the principle, as you will remember, was that one man cannot practise many arts with success.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage374B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;But is not war an art?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And an art requiring as much attention as shoemaking?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quite true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the shoemaker was not allowed by us to be a husbandman, or a weaver, or a builder—in order that we might have our shoes well made; but to him and to every other worker was assigned one work for which he was by nature fitted, and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage374C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;at that he was to continue working all his life long and at no other; he was not to let opportunities slip, and then he would become a good workman. Now nothing can be more important than that the work of a soldier should be well done. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The warrior’s art requires a long apprenticeship and many natural gifts.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;But is war an art so easily acquired that a man may be a warrior who is also a husbandman, or shoemaker, or other artisan; although no one in the world would be a good dice or draught player who merely took up the game as a recreation, and had not from his earliest years devoted himself to this and nothing else? No tools will make a man a skilled workman, or master of defence, nor be of any use to him who has not learned how to handle them, and has never &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage374D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;bestowed any attention upon them. How then will he who takes up a shield or other implement of war become a good &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page56&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;56&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; fighter all in a day, whether with heavy-armed or any other kind of troops?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said, the tools which would teach men their own use would be beyond price.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the higher the duties of the guardian, I said, the more &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage374E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;time, and skill, and art, and application will be needed by him?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No doubt, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Will he not also require natural aptitude for his calling?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The selection of guardians.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then it will be our duty to select, if we can, natures which are fitted for the task of guarding the city?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It will.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the selection will be no easy matter, I said; but we must be brave and do our best.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage375A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;375&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;We must.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Is not the noble youth very like a well-bred dog in respect of guarding and watching?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What do you mean?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I mean that both of them ought to be quick to see, and swift to overtake the enemy when they see him; and strong too if, when they have caught him, they have to fight with him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;All these qualities, he replied, will certainly be required by them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Well, and your guardian must be brave if he is to fight well?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And is he likely to be brave who has no spirit, whether horse or dog or any other animal? Have you never observed &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage375B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;how invincible and unconquerable is spirit and how the presence of it makes the soul of any creature to be absolutely fearless and indomitable?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then now we have a clear notion of the bodily qualities which are required in the guardian.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And also of the mental ones; his soul is to be full of spirit?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But are not these spirited natures apt to be savage with one another, and with everybody else? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page57&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;57&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A difficulty by no means easy to overcome, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage375C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Whereas, I said, they ought to be dangerous to their enemies, and gentle to their friends; if not, they will destroy themselves without waiting for their enemies to destroy them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What is to be done then? I said; how shall we find a gentle nature which has also a great spirit, for the one is the contradiction of the other?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The guardian must unite the opposite qualities of gentleness and spirit.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; He will not be a good guardian who is wanting in either of these two qualities; and yet the combination of them &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage375D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;appears to be impossible; and hence we must infer that to be a good guardian is impossible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I am afraid that what you say is true, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Here feeling perplexed I began to think over what had preceded.—My friend, I said, no wonder that we are in a perplexity; for we have lost sight of the image which we had before us.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What do you mean? he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I mean to say that there do exist natures gifted with those opposite qualities.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And where do you find them?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Such a combination may be observed in the dog.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Many animals, I replied, furnish examples of them; our &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage375E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;friend the dog is a very good one: you know that well-bred dogs are perfectly gentle to their familiars and acquaintances, and the reverse to strangers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I know.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then there is nothing impossible or out of the order of nature in our finding a guardian who has a similar combination of qualities?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Would not he who is fitted to be a guardian, besides the spirited nature, need to have the qualities of a philosopher?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I do not apprehend your meaning.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage376A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;376&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;The trait of which I am speaking, I replied, may be also seen in the dog, and is remarkable in the animal.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What trait?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The dog distinguishes friend and enemy by the criterion of knowing and not knowing:&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Why, a dog, whenever he sees a stranger, is angry; when an acquaintance, he welcomes him, although the one has &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page58&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;58&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; never done him any harm, nor the other any good. Did this never strike you as curious?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The matter never struck me before; but I quite recognise the truth of your remark.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And surely this instinct of the dog is very charming;—&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage376B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;your dog is a true philosopher.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Why?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Why, because he distinguishes the face of a friend and of an enemy only by the criterion of knowing and not knowing. And must not an animal be a lover of learning who determines what he likes and dislikes by the test of knowledge and ignorance?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Most assuredly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;whereby he is shown to be a philosopher.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And is not the love of learning the love of wisdom, which is philosophy?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They are the same, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And may we not say confidently of man also, that he who &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage376C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;is likely to be gentle to his friends and acquaintances, must by nature be a lover of wisdom and knowledge?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That we may safely affirm.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then he who is to be a really good and noble guardian of the State will require to unite in himself philosophy and spirit and swiftness and strength?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Undoubtedly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;How are our citizens to be reared and educated?&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then we have found the desired natures; and now that we have found them, how are they to be reared and educated? Is not this an enquiry which may be expected to throw light &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage376D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;on the greater enquiry which is our final end—How do justice and injustice grow up in States? for we do not want either to omit what is to the point or to draw out the argument to an inconvenient length.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OCRATES&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, A&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;DEIMANTUS&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Adeimantus thought that the enquiry would be of great service to us.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then, I said, my dear friend, the task must not be given up, even if somewhat long.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Come then, and let us pass a leisure hour in story-telling, and our story shall be the education of our heroes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage376E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;By all means.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And what shall be their education? Can we find a better &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page59&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;59&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; than the traditional sort?—and this has two divisions, gymnastic for the body, and music for the soul.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Education divided into gymnastic for the body and music for the soul. Music includes literature, which may be true or false.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Shall we begin education with music, and go on to gymnastic afterwards?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By all means.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And when you speak of music, do you include literature or not?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I do.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And literature may be either true or false?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage377A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;377&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And the young should be trained in both kinds, and we begin with the false?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I do not understand your meaning, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You know, I said, that we begin by telling children stories which, though not wholly destitute of truth, are in the main fictitious; and these stories are told them when they are not of an age to learn gymnastics.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That was my meaning when I said that we must teach music before gymnastics.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quite right, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The beginning the most important part of education.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; You know also that the beginning is the most important &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage377B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;part of any work, especially in the case of a young and tender thing; for that is the time at which the character is being formed and the desired impression is more readily taken.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quite true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And shall we just carelessly allow children to hear any casual tales which may be devised by casual persons, and to receive into their minds ideas for the most part the very opposite of those which we should wish them to have when they are grown up?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We cannot.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Works of fiction to be placed under a censorship.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then the first thing will be to establish a censorship of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage377C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the writers of fiction, and let the censors receive any tale of fiction which is good, and reject the bad; and we will desire mothers and nurses to tell their children the authorised ones only. Let them fashion the mind with such tales, even more fondly than they mould the body with their hands; but most of those which are now in use must be discarded. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page60&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;60&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of what tales are you speaking? he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You may find a model of the lesser in the greater, I said; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage377D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;for they are necessarily of the same type, and there is the same spirit in both of them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very likely, he replied; but I do not as yet know what you would term the greater.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Homer and Hesiod are tellers of bad lies, that is to say, they give false representations of the gods,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Those, I said, which are narrated by Homer and Hesiod, and the rest of the poets, who have ever been the great story-tellers of mankind.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But which stories do you mean, he said; and what fault do you find with them?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A fault which is most serious, I said; the fault of telling a lie, and, what is more, a bad lie.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But when is this fault committed?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage377E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Whenever an erroneous representation is made of the nature of gods and heroes,—as when a painter paints a portrait not having the shadow of a likeness to the original.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said, that sort of thing is certainly very blameable; but what are the stories which you mean?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;First of all, I said, there was that greatest of all lies in high places, which the poet told about Uranus, and which was a bad lie too,—I mean what Hesiod says that Uranus did, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage378A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;378&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and how Cronus retaliated on him&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook28&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook28&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. The doings of Cronus, and the sufferings which in turn his son inflicted upon him, even if they were true, ought certainly not to be lightly told to young and thoughtless persons; if possible, they had better be buried in silence. But if there is an absolute necessity for their mention, a chosen few might hear them in a mystery, and they should sacrifice not a common [Eleusinian] pig, but some huge and unprocurable victim; and then the number of the hearers will be very few indeed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook28&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook28&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Hesiod, Theogony, 154, 459.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Why, yes, said he, those stories are extremely objectionable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;which have a bad effect on the minds of youth.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage378B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Yes, Adeimantus, they are stories not to be repeated in our State; the young man should not be told that in committing the worst of crimes he is far from doing anything outrageous; and that even if he chastises his father when he does wrong, in whatever manner, he will only be following the example of the first and greatest among the gods. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page61&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;61&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I entirely agree with you, he said; in my opinion those stories are quite unfit to be repeated.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The stories about the quarrels of the gods and their evil behaviour to one another are untrue.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Neither, if we mean our future guardians to regard the habit of quarrelling among themselves as of all things the basest, should any word be said to them of the wars in heaven, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage378C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and of the plots and fightings of the gods against one another, for they are not true. No, we shall never mention the battles of the giants, or let them be embroidered on garments; and we shall be silent about the innumerable other quarrels of gods and heroes with their friends and relatives. If they would only believe us we would tell them that quarrelling is unholy, and that never up to this time &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage378D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;has there been any quarrel between citizens; this is what old men and old women should begin by telling children; and when they grow up, the poets also should be told to compose for them in a similar spirit&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook29&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook29&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. But the narrative of Hephaestus binding Here his mother, or how on another occasion Zeus sent him flying for taking her part when she was being beaten, and all the battles of the gods in Homer—&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And allegorical interpretations of them are not understood by the young.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;these tales must not be admitted into our State, whether they are supposed to have an allegorical meaning or not. For a young person cannot judge what is allegorical and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage378E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;what is literal; anything that he receives into his mind at that age is likely to become indelible and unalterable; and therefore it is most important that the tales which the young first hear should be models of virtuous thoughts.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook29&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook29&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Placing the comma after &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;grausi/&amp;quot;&amp;gt;γραυσί&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, and not after &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;gignome/nois&amp;quot;&amp;gt;γιγνομένοις&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There you are right, he replied; but if any one asks where are such models to be found and of what tales are you speaking—how shall we answer him?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage379A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;379&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;I said to him, You and I, Adeimantus, at this moment are not poets, but founders of a State: now the founders of a State ought to know the general forms in which poets should cast their tales, and the limits which must be observed by them, but to make the tales is not their business.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, he said; but what are these forms of theology which you mean?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;God is to be represented as he truly is.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Something of this kind, I replied:—God is always to be represented as he truly is, whatever be the sort of poetry, epic, lyric or tragic, in which the representation is given.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Right. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page62&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;62&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage379B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And is he not truly good? and must he not be represented as such?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And no good thing is hurtful?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No, indeed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And that which is not hurtful hurts not?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And that which hurts not does no evil?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And can that which does no evil be a cause of evil?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Impossible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the good is advantageous?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And therefore the cause of well-being?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It follows therefore that the good is not the cause of all things, but of the good only?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage379C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Assuredly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;God, if he be good, is the author of good only.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then God, if he be good, is not the author of all things, as the many assert, but he is the cause of a few things only, and not of most things that occur to men. For few are the goods of human life, and many are the evils, and the good is to be attributed to God alone; of the evils the causes are to be sought elsewhere, and not in him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That appears to me to be most true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The fictions of the poets.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then we must not listen to Homer or to any other poet &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage379D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;who is guilty of the folly of saying that two casks&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘Lie at the threshold of Zeus, full of lots, one of good, the other of evil lots&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook210&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook210&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;10&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;,’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;and that he to whom Zeus gives a mixture of the two&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘Sometimes meets with evil fortune, at other times with good;’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;but that he to whom is given the cup of unmingled ill,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘Him wild hunger drives o’er the beauteous earth.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage379E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And again—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘Zeus, who is the dispenser of good and evil to us.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And if any one asserts that the violation of oaths and treaties, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page63&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;63&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; which was really the work of Pandarus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook211&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook211&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, was brought about by Athene and Zeus, or that the strife and contention of the gods was instigated by Themis and Zeus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook212&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook212&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, he shall not have our approval; neither will we allow our young men to hear the words of Aeschylus, that&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage380A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;380&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;‘God plants guilt among men when he desires utterly to destroy a house.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And if a poet writes of the sufferings of Niobe—the subject of the tragedy in which these iambic verses occur—or of the house of Pelops, or of the Trojan war or on any similar theme, either we must not permit him to say that these are the works of God, or if they are of God, he must devise some explanation of them such as we are seeking; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Only that evil which is of the nature of punishment to be attributed to God.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;he must say that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage380B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;God did what was just and right, and they were the better for being punished; but that those who are punished are miserable, and that God is the author of their misery—the poet is not to be permitted to say; though he may say that the wicked are miserable because they require to be punished, and are benefited by receiving punishment from God; but that God being good is the author of evil to any one is to be &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage380C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;strenuously denied, and not to be said or sung or heard in verse or prose by any one whether old or young in any well-ordered commonwealth. Such a fiction is suicidal, ruinous, impious.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook210&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook210&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;10&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Iliad, xxiv. 527.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook211&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook211&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Iliad, ii. 69.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook212&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook212&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Ib. xx.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I agree with you, he replied, and am ready to give my assent to the law.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Let this then be one of our rules and principles concerning the gods, to which our poets and reciters will be expected to conform,—that God is not the author of all things, but of good only.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That will do, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage380D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And what do you think of a second principle? Shall I ask you whether God is a magician, and of a nature to appear insidiously now in one shape, and now in another—sometimes himself changing and passing into many forms, sometimes deceiving us with the semblance of such transformations; or is he one and the same immutably fixed in his own proper image? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page64&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;64&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I cannot answer you, he said, without more thought.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Things must be changed either by another or by themselves.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Well, I said; but if we suppose a change in anything, that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage380E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;change must be effected either by the thing itself, or by some other thing?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Most certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And things which are at their best are also least liable to be altered or discomposed; for example, when healthiest and strongest, the human frame is least liable to be affected by meats and drinks, and the plant which is in the fullest vigour also suffers least from winds or the heat of the sun or any similar causes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of course.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage381A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;381&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And will not the bravest and wisest soul be least confused or deranged by any external influence?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the same principle, as I should suppose, applies to all composite things—furniture, houses, garments: when good and well made, they are least altered by time and circumstances.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage381B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Then everything which is good, whether made by art or nature, or both, is least liable to suffer change from without?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But surely God and the things of God are in every way perfect?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of course they are.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But God cannot be changed by other; and will not be changed by himself.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then he can hardly be compelled by external influence to take many shapes?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He cannot.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But may he not change and transform himself?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Clearly, he said, that must be the case if he is changed at all.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And will he then change himself for the better and fairer, or for the worse and more unsightly?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage381C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;If he change at all he can only change for the worse, for we cannot suppose him to be deficient either in virtue or beauty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, Adeimantus; but then, would any one, whether God or man, desire to make himself worse?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Impossible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then it is impossible that God should ever be willing to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page65&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;65&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; change; being, as is supposed, the fairest and best that is conceivable, every God remains absolutely and for ever in his own form.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That necessarily follows, he said, in my judgment.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage381D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then, I said, my dear friend, let none of the poets tell us that&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;‘The gods, taking the disguise of strangers from other lands, walk up and down cities in all sorts of forms&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook213&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook213&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;;’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;and let no one slander Proteus and Thetis, neither let any one, either in tragedy or in any other kind of poetry, introduce Here disguised in the likeness of a priestess asking an alms&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘For the life-giving daughters of Inachus the river of Argos;’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage381E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;—let us have no more lies of that sort. Neither must we have mothers under the influence of the poets scaring their children with a bad version of these myths—telling how certain gods, as they say, ‘Go about by night in the likeness of so many strangers and in divers forms;’ but let them take heed lest they make cowards of their children, and at the same time speak blasphemy against the gods.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook213&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook213&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Hom. Od. xvii. 485.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Heaven forbid, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But although the gods are themselves unchangeable, still by witchcraft and deception they may make us think that they appear in various forms?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Perhaps, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Nor will he make any false representation of himself.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Well, but can you imagine that God will be willing to lie, whether in word or deed, or to put forth a phantom of himself?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage382A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;382&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;I cannot say, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Do you not know, I said, that the true lie, if such an expression may be allowed, is hated of gods and men?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What do you mean? he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I mean that no one is willingly deceived in that which is the truest and highest part of himself, or about the truest and highest matters; there, above all, he is most afraid of a lie having possession of him. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page66&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;66&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Still, he said, I do not comprehend you.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage382B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;The reason is, I replied, that you attribute some profound meaning to my words; but I am only saying that deception, or being deceived or uninformed about the highest realities in the highest part of themselves, which is the soul, and in that part of them to have and to hold the lie, is what mankind least like;—that, I say, is what they utterly detest.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There is nothing more hateful to them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And, as I was just now remarking, this ignorance in the soul of him who is deceived may be called the true lie; for the lie in words is only a kind of imitation and shadowy image of a previous affection of the soul, not pure unadulterated &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage382C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;falsehood. Am I not right?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Perfectly right.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The true lie is equally hated both by gods and men; the remedial or preventive lie is comparatively innocent, but God can have no need of it.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The true lie is hated not only by the gods, but also by men?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Whereas the lie in words is in certain cases useful and not hateful; in dealing with enemies—that would be an instance; or again, when those whom we call our friends in a fit of madness or illusion are going to do some harm, then it is useful and is a sort of medicine or preventive; also in the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage382D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;tales of mythology, of which we were just now speaking—because we do not know the truth about ancient times, we make falsehood as much like truth as we can, and so turn it to account.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But can any of these reasons apply to God? Can we suppose that he is ignorant of antiquity, and therefore has recourse to invention?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That would be ridiculous, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then the lying poet has no place in our idea of God?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I should say not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Or perhaps he may tell a lie because he is afraid of enemies?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage382E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;That is inconceivable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But he may have friends who are senseless or mad?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But no mad or senseless person can be a friend of God.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then no motive can be imagined why God should lie?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;None whatever. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page67&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;67&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then the superhuman and divine is absolutely incapable of falsehood?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then is God perfectly simple and true both in word and deed&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook214&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook214&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;14&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; he changes not; he deceives not, either by sign or word, by dream or waking vision.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook214&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook214&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;14&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Omitting &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;kata\ phantasi/as&amp;quot;&amp;gt;κατὰ φαντασίας&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage383A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;383&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Your thoughts, he said, are the reflection of my own.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You agree with me then, I said, that this is the second type or form in which we should write and speak about divine things. The gods are not magicians who transform themselves, neither do they deceive mankind in any way.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I grant that.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Away then with the falsehoods of the poets!&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then, although we are admirers of Homer, we do not admire the lying dream which Zeus sends to Agamemnon; neither will we praise the verses of Aeschylus in which Thetis &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage383B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;says that Apollo at her nuptials&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;‘Was celebrating in song her fair progeny whose days were to be long, and to know no sickness. And when he had spoken of my lot as in all things blessed of heaven he raised a note of triumph and cheered my soul. And I thought that the word of Phoebus, being divine and full of prophecy, would not fail. And now he himself who uttered the strain, he who was present at the banquet, and who said this—he it is who has slain my son&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook215&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook215&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook215&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook215&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; From a lost play.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage383C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;These are the kind of sentiments about the gods which will arouse our anger; and he who utters them shall be refused a chorus; neither shall we allow teachers to make use of them in the instruction of the young, meaning, as we do, that our guardians, as far as men can be, should be true worshippers of the gods and like them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I entirely agree, he said, in these principles, and promise to make them my laws.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page68&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 class=&amp;quot;space-above&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;BookIII&amp;quot;&amp;gt;BOOK III.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage386A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Steph.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
386&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic III.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OCRATES&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, A&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;DEIMANTUS&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
The discouraging lessons of mythology.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;UCH&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; then, I said, are our principles of theology—some tales are to be told, and others are not to be told to our disciples from their youth upwards, if we mean them to honour the gods and their parents, and to value friendship with one another.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes; and I think that our principles are right, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But if they are to be courageous, must they not learn other lessons besides these, and lessons of such a kind as will take &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage386B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;away the fear of death? Can any man be courageous who has the fear of death in him?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And can he be fearless of death, or will he choose death in battle rather than defeat and slavery, who believes the world below to be real and terrible?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Impossible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The description of the world below in Homer.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then we must assume a control over the narrators of this class of tales as well as over the others, and beg them not simply to revile but rather to commend the world below, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage386C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;intimating to them that their descriptions are untrue, and will do harm to our future warriors.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That will be our duty, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then, I said, we shall have to obliterate many obnoxious passages, beginning with the verses,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘I would rather be a serf on the land of a poor and portionless man than rule over all the dead who have come to nought&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook31&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook31&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;We must also expunge the verse, which tells us how Pluto feared,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage386D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; ‘Lest the mansions grim and squalid which the gods abhor should be seen both of mortals and immortals&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook32&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook32&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.’ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page69&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;69&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And again:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘O heavens! verily in the house of Hades there is soul and ghostly form but no mind at all&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook33&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook33&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;!’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Again of Tiresias:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘[To him even after death did Persephone grant mind,] that he alone should be wise; but the other souls are flitting shades&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook34&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook34&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Again:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage386E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ‘The soul flying from the limbs had gone to Hades, lamenting her fate, leaving manhood and youth&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook35&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook35&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Again:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage387A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;387&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; ‘And the soul, with shrilling cry, passed like smoke beneath the earth&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook36&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook36&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;6&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And,—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;‘As bats in hollow of mystic cavern, whenever any of them has dropped out of the string and falls from the rock, fly shrilling and cling to one another, so did they with shrilling cry hold together as they moved&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook37&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook37&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;7&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage387B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Such tales to be rejected.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And we must beg Homer and the other poets not to be angry if we strike out these and similar passages, not because they are unpoetical, or unattractive to the popular ear, but because the greater the poetical charm of them, the less are they meet for the ears of boys and men who are meant to be free, and who should fear slavery more than death.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook31&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook31&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Od. xi. 489.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook32&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook32&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Il. xx. 64.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook33&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook33&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Il. xxiii. 103.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook34&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook34&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Od. x. 495.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook35&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook35&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Il. xvi. 856.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook36&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook36&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;6&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Ib. xxiii. 100.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook37&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook37&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;7&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Od. xxiv. 6.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Undoubtedly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Also we shall have to reject all the terrible and appalling names which describe the world below—Cocytus and Styx, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage387C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;ghosts under the earth, and sapless shades, and any similar words of which the very mention causes a shudder to pass through the inmost soul of him who hears them. I do not say that these horrible stories may not have a use of some kind; but there is a danger that the nerves of our guardians may be rendered too excitable and effeminate by them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There is a real danger, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then we must have no more of them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Another and a nobler strain must be composed and sung by us. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page70&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;70&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Clearly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage387D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And shall we proceed to get rid of the weepings and wailings of famous men?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They will go with the rest.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The effeminate and pitiful strains of famous men, and yet more of the gods, must also be banished.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But shall we be right in getting rid of them? Reflect: our principle is that the good man will not consider death terrible to any other good man who is his comrade.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes; that is our principle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And therefore he will not sorrow for his departed friend as though he had suffered anything terrible?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He will not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Such an one, as we further maintain, is sufficient for himself &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage387E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and his own happiness, and therefore is least in need of other men.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And for this reason the loss of a son or brother, or the deprivation of fortune, is to him of all men least terrible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Assuredly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And therefore he will be least likely to lament, and will bear with the greatest equanimity any misfortune of this sort which may befall him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he will feel such a misfortune far less than another.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then we shall be right in getting rid of the lamentations of famous men, and making them over to women (and not &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage388A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;388&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;even to women who are good for anything), or to men of a baser sort, that those who are being educated by us to be the defenders of their country may scorn to do the like.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That will be very right.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Such are the laments of Achilles, and Priam,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then we will once more entreat Homer and the other poets not to depict Achilles&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook38&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook38&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, who is the son of a goddess, first lying on his side, then on his back, and then on his face; then starting up and sailing in a frenzy along the shores of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage388B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the barren sea; now taking the sooty ashes in both his hands&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook39&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook39&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and pouring them over his head, or weeping and wailing in the various modes which Homer has delineated. Nor should he describe Priam the kinsman of the gods as praying and beseeching,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘Rolling in the dirt, calling each man loudly by his name&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook310&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook310&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;10&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.’ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page71&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;71&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Still more earnestly will we beg of him at all events not to introduce the gods lamenting and saying,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage388C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; ‘Alas! my misery! Alas! that I bore the bravest to my sorrow&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook311&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook311&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;and of Zeus when he beholds the fate of Hector or Sarpedon.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But if he must introduce the gods, at any rate let him not dare so completely to misrepresent the greatest of the gods, as to make him say—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘O heavens! with my eyes verily I behold a dear friend of mine chased round and round the city, and my heart is sorrowful&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook312&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook312&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Or again:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘Woe is me that I am fated to have Sarpedon, dearest of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage388D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;men to me, subdued at the hands of Patroclus the son of Menoetius&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook313&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook313&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For if, my sweet Adeimantus, our youth seriously listen to such unworthy representations of the gods, instead of laughing at them as they ought, hardly will any of them deem that he himself, being but a man, can be dishonoured by similar actions; neither will he rebuke any inclination which may arise in his mind to say and do the like. And instead of having any shame or self-control, he will be always whining and lamenting on slight occasions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook38&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook38&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Il. xxiv. 10.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook39&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook39&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Ib. xviii. 23.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook310&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook310&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;10&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Ib. xxii. 414.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook311&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook311&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Il. xviii. 54.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook312&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook312&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Ib. xxii. 168.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook313&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook313&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Ib. xvi. 433.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage388E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yes, he said, that is most true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I replied; but that surely is what ought not to be, as the argument has just proved to us; and by that proof we must abide until it is disproved by a better.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It ought not to be.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Neither are the guardians to be encouraged to laugh by the example of the gods.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Neither ought our guardians to be given to laughter. For a fit of laughter which has been indulged to excess almost always produces a violent reaction.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;So I believe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then persons of worth, even if only mortal men, must not be represented as overcome by laughter, and still less must such a representation of the gods be allowed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage389A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;389&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Still less of the gods, as you say, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then we shall not suffer such an expression to be used about the gods as that of Homer when he describes how&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘Inextinguishable laughter arose among the blessed gods, when they saw Hephaestus bustling about the mansion&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook314&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook314&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;14&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;On your views, we must not admit them. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page72&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;72&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook314&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook314&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;14&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Ib. i. 599.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On my views, if you like to father them on me; that we &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage389B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;must not admit them is certain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Our youth must be truthful,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Again, truth should be highly valued; if, as we were saying, a lie is useless to the gods, and useful only as a medicine to men, then the use of such medicines should be restricted to physicians; private individuals have no business with them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Clearly not, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then if any one at all is to have the privilege of lying, the rulers of the State should be the persons; and they, in their dealings either with enemies or with their own citizens, may be allowed to lie for the public good. But nobody else should &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage389C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;meddle with anything of the kind; and although the rulers have this privilege, for a private man to lie to them in return is to be deemed a more heinous fault than for the patient or the pupil of a gymnasium not to speak the truth about his own bodily illnesses to the physician or to the trainer, or for a sailor not to tell the captain what is happening about the ship and the rest of the crew, and how things are going with himself or his fellow sailors.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Most true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage389D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; If, then, the ruler catches anybody beside himself lying in the State,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘Any of the craftsmen, whether he be priest or physician or carpenter&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook315&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook315&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;,’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;he will punish him for introducing a practice which is equally subversive and destructive of ship or State.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook315&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook315&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;15&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Od. xvii. 383 sq.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Most certainly, he said, if our idea of the State is ever carried out&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook316&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook316&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook316&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook316&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;16&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Or, ‘if his words are accompanied by actions.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;and also temperate.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; In the next place our youth must be temperate?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Are not the chief elements of temperance, speaking &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage389E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;generally, obedience to commanders and self-control in sensual pleasures?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then we shall approve such language as that of Diomede in Homer,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘Friend, sit still and obey my word&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook317&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook317&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;17&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;,’ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page73&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;73&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;and the verses which follow,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘The Greeks marched breathing prowess&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook318&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook318&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;18&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
… in silent awe of their leaders&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook319&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook319&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;19&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;,’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;and other sentiments of the same kind.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook317&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook317&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;17&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Il. iv. 412.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook318&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook318&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;18&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Od. iii. 8.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook319&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook319&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;19&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Ib. iv. 431.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We shall.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What of this line,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘O heavy with wine, who hast the eyes of a dog and the heart of a stag&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook320&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook320&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;20&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;,’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage390A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;390&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and of the words which follow? Would you say that these, or any similar impertinences which private individuals are supposed to address to their rulers, whether in verse or prose, are well or ill spoken?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook320&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook320&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;20&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Ib. i. 225.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They are ill spoken.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They may very possibly afford some amusement, but they do not conduce to temperance. And therefore they are likely to do harm to our young men—you would agree with me there?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The praises of eating and drinking, and the tale of the improper behaviour of Zeus and Here, are not to be repeated to the young.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And then, again, to make the wisest of men say that nothing in his opinion is more glorious than&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage390B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; ‘When the tables are full of bread and meat, and the cup-bearer carries round wine which he draws from the bowl and pours into the cups&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook321&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook321&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;21&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;,’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;is it fit or conducive to temperance for a young man to hear such words? Or the verse&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘The saddest of fates is to die and meet destiny from hunger&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook322&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook322&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;22&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;?’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;What would you say again to the tale of Zeus, who, while other gods and men were asleep and he the only person &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage390C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;awake, lay devising plans, but forgot them all in a moment through his lust, and was so completely overcome at the sight of Here that he would not even go into the hut, but wanted to lie with her on the ground, declaring that he had never been in such a state of rapture before, even when they first met one another&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘Without the knowledge of their parents&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook323&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook323&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;23&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;;’ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page74&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;74&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The indecent tale of Ares and Aphrodite.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; or that other tale of how Hephaestus, because of similar goings on, cast a chain around Ares and Aphrodite&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook324&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook324&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;24&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook321&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook321&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;21&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Ib. ix. 8.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook322&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook322&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;22&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Ib. xii. 342.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook323&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook323&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;23&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Il. xiv. 281.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook324&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook324&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;24&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Od. viii. 266.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Indeed, he said, I am strongly of opinion that they ought not to hear that sort of thing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage390D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The opposite strain of endurance.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But any deeds of endurance which are done or told by famous men, these they ought to see and hear; as, for example, what is said in the verses,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘He smote his breast, and thus reproached his heart,&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Endure, my heart; far worse hast thou endured&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook325&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook325&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;25&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;!’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook325&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook325&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;25&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Ib. xx. 17.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the next place, we must not let them be receivers of gifts or lovers of money.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage390E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Certainly not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Neither must we sing to them of&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘Gifts persuading gods, and persuading reverend kings&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook326&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook326&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;26&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Condemnation of Achilles and Phoenix.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Neither is Phoenix, the tutor of Achilles, to be approved or deemed to have given his pupil good counsel when he told him that he should take the gifts of the Greeks and assist them&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook327&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook327&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; but that without a gift he should not lay aside his anger. Neither will we believe or acknowledge Achilles himself to have been such a lover of money that he took Agamemnon’s gifts, or that when he had received payment he restored the dead body of Hector, but that without payment he was unwilling to do so&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook328&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook328&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;28&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook326&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook326&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;26&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Quoted by Suidas as attributed to Hesiod.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook327&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook327&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;27&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Il. ix. 515.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook328&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook328&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;28&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Ib. xxiv. 175.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage391A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;391&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Undoubtedly, he said, these are not sentiments which can be approved.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Loving Homer as I do&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook329&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook329&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;29&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, I hardly like to say that in attributing these feelings to Achilles, or in believing that they are truly attributed to him, he is guilty of downright impiety. As little can I believe the narrative of his insolence to Apollo, where he says,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘Thou hast wronged me, O far-darter, most abominable of deities. Verily I would be even with thee, if I had only the power&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook330&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook330&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;30&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;;’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage391B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; or his insubordination to the river-god&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook331&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook331&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;31&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The impious behaviour of Achilles to Apollo and the river-gods; his cruelty.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; on whose divinity he is ready to lay hands; or his offering to the dead Patroclus &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page75&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;75&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; of his own hair&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook332&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook332&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;32&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, which had been previously dedicated to the other river-god Spercheius, and that he actually performed this vow; or that he dragged Hector round the tomb of Patroclus&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook333&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook333&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;33&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and slaughtered the captives at the pyre&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook334&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook334&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;34&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; of all this I cannot believe that he was guilty, any more than I can &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage391C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;allow our citizens to believe that he, the wise Cheiron’s pupil, the son of a goddess and of Peleus who was the gentlest of men and third in descent from Zeus, was so disordered in his wits as to be at one time the slave of two seemingly inconsistent passions, meanness, not untainted by avarice, combined with overweening contempt of gods and men.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook329&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook329&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;29&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Cf. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, x. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage595A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;595&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook330&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook330&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;30&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Il. xxii. 15 sq.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook331&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook331&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;31&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Ib. xxi. 130, 223 sq.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook332&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook332&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;32&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Il. xxiii. 151.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook333&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook333&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;33&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Ib. xxii. 394.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook334&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook334&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;34&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Ib. xxiii. 175.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You are quite right, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The tale of Theseus and Peirithous.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And let us equally refuse to believe, or allow to be repeated, the tale of Theseus son of Poseidon, or of Peirithous &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage391D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;son of Zeus, going forth as they did to perpetrate a horrid rape; or of any other hero or son of a god daring to do such impious and dreadful things as they falsely ascribe to them in our day: and let us further compel the poets to declare either that these acts were not done by them, or that they were not the sons of gods;—both in the same breath they shall not be permitted to affirm. We will not have them trying to persuade our youth that the gods are the authors of evil, and that heroes are no better than men—sentiments &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage391E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;which, as we were saying, are neither pious nor true, for we have already proved that evil cannot come from the gods.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Assuredly not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The bad effect of these mythological tales upon the young.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And further they are likely to have a bad effect on those who hear them; for everybody will begin to excuse his own vices when he is convinced that similar wickednesses are always being perpetrated by—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘The kindred of the gods, the relatives of Zeus, whose ancestral altar, the altar of Zeus, is aloft in air on the peak of Ida,’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;and who have&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘the blood of deities yet flowing in their veins&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook335&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook335&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;35&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And therefore let us put an end to such tales, lest they &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage392A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;392&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;engender laxity of morals among the young. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page76&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;76&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook335&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook335&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;35&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; From the Niobe of Aeschylus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By all means, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But now that we are determining what classes of subjects are or are not to be spoken of, let us see whether any have been omitted by us. The manner in which gods and demigods and heroes and the world below should be treated has been already laid down.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Misstatements of the poets about men.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And what shall we say about men? That is clearly the remaining portion of our subject.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Clearly so.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But we are not in a condition to answer this question at present, my friend.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Why not?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Because, if I am not mistaken, we shall have to say that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage392B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;about men poets and story-tellers are guilty of making the gravest misstatements when they tell us that wicked men are often happy, and the good miserable; and that injustice is profitable when undetected, but that justice is a man’s own loss and another’s gain—these things we shall forbid them to utter, and command them to sing and say the opposite.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To be sure we shall, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But if you admit that I am right in this, then I shall maintain that you have implied the principle for which we have been all along contending.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I grant the truth of your inference.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage392C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; That such things are or are not to be said about men is a question which we cannot determine until we have discovered what justice is, and how naturally advantageous to the possessor, whether he seem to be just or not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Most true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Enough of the subjects of poetry: let us now speak of the style; and when this has been considered, both matter and manner will have been completely treated.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I do not understand what you mean, said Adeimantus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage392D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then I must make you understand; and perhaps I may be more intelligible if I put the matter in this way. You are aware, I suppose, that all mythology and poetry is a narration of events, either past, present, or to come?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly, he replied. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page77&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;77&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And narration may be either simple narration, or imitation, or a union of the two?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That again, he said, I do not quite understand.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Analysis of the dramatic element in Epic poetry.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I fear that I must be a ridiculous teacher when I have so much difficulty in making myself apprehended. Like a bad speaker, therefore, I will not take the whole of the subject, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage392E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;but will break a piece off in illustration of my meaning. You know the first lines of the Iliad, in which the poet says that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage393A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;393&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Chryses prayed Agamemnon to release his daughter, and that Agamemnon flew into a passion with him; whereupon Chryses, failing of his object, invoked the anger of the God against the Achaeans. Now as far as these lines,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘And he prayed all the Greeks, but especially the two sons of Atreus, the chiefs of the people,’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;the poet is speaking in his own person; he never leads us to suppose that he is any one else. But in what follows he takes the person of Chryses, and then he does all that he can &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage393B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to make us believe that the speaker is not Homer, but the aged priest himself. And in this double form he has cast the entire narrative of the events which occurred at Troy and in Ithaca and throughout the Odyssey.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And a narrative it remains both in the speeches which the poet recites from time to time and in the intermediate passages?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quite true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage393C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Epic poetry has an element of imitation in the speeches; the rest is simple narrative.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But when the poet speaks in the person of another, may we not say that he assimilates his style to that of the person who, as he informs you, is going to speak?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And this assimilation of himself to another, either by the use of voice or gesture, is the imitation of the person whose character he assumes?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of course.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then in this case the narrative of the poet may be said to proceed by way of imitation?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Illustrations from the beginning of the Iliad.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Or, if the poet everywhere appears and never conceals &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage393D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;himself, then again the imitation is dropped, and his poetry becomes simple narration. However, in order that I may &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page78&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;78&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; make my meaning quite clear, and that you may no more say, ‘I don’t understand,’ I will show how the change might be effected. If Homer had said, ‘The priest came, having his daughter’s ransom in his hands, supplicating the Achaeans, and above all the kings;’ and then if, instead of speaking in the person of Chryses, he had continued in his own person, the words would have been, not imitation, but simple narration. The passage would have run as follows (I am no poet, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage393E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and therefore I drop the metre), ‘The priest came and prayed the gods on behalf of the Greeks that they might capture Troy and return safely home, but begged that they would give him back his daughter, and take the ransom which he brought, and respect the God. Thus he spoke, and the other Greeks revered the priest and assented. But Agamemnon was wroth, and bade him depart and not come again, lest the staff and chaplets of the God should be of no avail to him—the daughter of Chryses should not be released, he said—she should grow old with him in Argos. And then he told him to go away and not to provoke him, if he intended to get home unscathed. And the old man went away in fear and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage394A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;394&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;silence, and, when he had left the camp, he called upon Apollo by his many names, reminding him of everything which he had done pleasing to him, whether in building his temples, or in offering sacrifice, and praying that his good deeds might be returned to him, and that the Achaeans might expiate his tears by the arrows of the god,’—and so on. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage394B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;In this way the whole becomes simple narrative.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I understand, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Tragedy and Comedy are wholly imitative; dithyrambic and some other kinds of poetry are devoid of imitation. Epic poetry is a combination of the two.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Or you may suppose the opposite case—that the intermediate passages are omitted, and the dialogue only left.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That also, he said, I understand; you mean, for example, as in tragedy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You have conceived my meaning perfectly; and if I mistake not, what you failed to apprehend before is now made &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage394C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;clear to you, that poetry and mythology are, in some cases, wholly imitative—instances of this are supplied by tragedy and comedy; there is likewise the opposite style, in which the poet is the only speaker—of this the dithyramb affords the best example; and the combination of both is found in epic, and in several other styles of poetry. Do I take you with me? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page79&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;79&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said; I see now what you meant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I will ask you to remember also what I began by saying, that we had done with the subject and might proceed to the style.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I remember.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage394D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; In saying this, I intended to imply that we must come to an understanding about the mimetic art,—whether the poets, in narrating their stories, are to be allowed by us to imitate, and if so, whether in whole or in part, and if the latter, in what parts; or should all imitation be prohibited?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You mean, I suspect, to ask whether tragedy and comedy shall be admitted into our State?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A hint about Homer (cp. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;infra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage595A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;bk. x&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.)&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yes, I said; but there may be more than this in question: I really do not know as yet, but whither the argument may blow, thither we go.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And go we will, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage394E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Our guardians ought not to be imitators, for one man can only do one thing well;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then, Adeimantus, let me ask you whether our guardians ought to be imitators; or rather, has not this question been decided by the rule already laid down that one man can only do one thing well, and not many; and that if he attempt many, he will altogether fail of gaining much reputation in any?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And this is equally true of imitation; no one man can imitate many things as well as he would imitate a single one?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He cannot.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage395A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;395&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then the same person will hardly be able to play a serious part in life, and at the same time to be an imitator and imitate many other parts as well; for even when two species of imitation are nearly allied, the same persons cannot succeed in both, as, for example, the writers of tragedy and comedy—did you not just now call them imitations?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I did; and you are right in thinking that the same persons cannot succeed in both.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Any more than they can be rhapsodists and actors at once?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage395B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Neither are comic and tragic actors the same; yet all these things are but imitations.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They are so.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;he cannot even imitate many things.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And human nature, Adeimantus, appears to have been &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page80&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;80&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; coined into yet smaller pieces, and to be as incapable of imitating many things well, as of performing well the actions of which the imitations are copies.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quite true, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;If then we adhere to our original notion and bear in mind that our guardians, setting aside every other business, are to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage395C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;dedicate themselves wholly to the maintenance of freedom in the State, making this their craft, and engaging in no work which does not bear on this end, they ought not to practise or imitate anything else; if they imitate at all, they should imitate from youth upward only those characters which are suitable to their profession—the courageous, temperate, holy, free, and the like; but they should not depict or be skilful at imitating any kind of illiberality or baseness, lest from imitation they should come to be what they imitate. Did &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage395D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;you never observe how imitations, beginning in early youth and continuing far into life, at length grow into habits and become a second nature, affecting body, voice, and mind?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, certainly, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Imitations which are of the degrading sort.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then, I said, we will not allow those for whom we profess a care and of whom we say that they ought to be good men, to imitate a woman, whether young or old, quarrelling with her husband, or striving and vaunting against the gods in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage395E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;conceit of her happiness, or when she is in affliction, or sorrow, or weeping; and certainly not one who is in sickness, love, or labour.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very right, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Neither must they represent slaves, male or female, performing the offices of slaves?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They must not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And surely not bad men, whether cowards or any others, who do the reverse of what we have just been prescribing, who scold or mock or revile one another in drink or out of drink, or who in any other manner sin against themselves and their neighbours in word or deed, as the manner of such is. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage396A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;396&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Neither should they be trained to imitate the action or speech of men or women who are mad or bad; for madness, like vice, is to be known but not to be practised or imitated.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, he replied. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page81&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;81&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Neither may they imitate smiths or other artificers, or &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage396B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;oarsmen, or boatswains, or the like?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How can they, he said, when they are not allowed to apply their minds to the callings of any of these?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nor may they imitate the neighing of horses, the bellowing of bulls, the murmur of rivers and roll of the ocean, thunder, and all that sort of thing?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nay, he said, if madness be forbidden, neither may they copy the behaviour of madmen.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You mean, I said, if I understand you aright, that there is one sort of narrative style which may be employed by a truly &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage396C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;good man when he has anything to say, and that another sort will be used by a man of an opposite character and education.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And which are these two sorts? he asked.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Imitations which may be encouraged.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Suppose, I answered, that a just and good man in the course of a narration comes on some saying or action of another good man,—I should imagine that he will like to personate him, and will not be ashamed of this sort of imitation: he will be most ready to play the part of the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage396D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;good man when he is acting firmly and wisely; in a less degree when he is overtaken by illness or love or drink, or has met with any other disaster. But when he comes to a character which is unworthy of him, he will not make a study of that; he will disdain such a person, and will assume his likeness, if at all, for a moment only when he is performing some good action; at other times he will be ashamed to play a part which he has never practised, nor will he like to fashion and frame himself after the baser models; he feels the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage396E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;employment of such an art, unless in jest, to be beneath him, and his mind revolts at it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;So I should expect, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then he will adopt a mode of narration such as we have illustrated out of Homer, that is to say, his style will be both imitative and narrative; but there will be very little of the former, and a great deal of the latter. Do you agree?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly, he said; that is the model which such a speaker &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage397A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;397&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;must necessarily take.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Imitations which are to be prohibited.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But there is another sort of character who will narrate anything, and, the worse he is, the more unscrupulous he will be; nothing will be too bad for him: and he will be ready to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page82&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;82&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; imitate anything, not as a joke, but in right good earnest, and before a large company. As I was just now saying, he will attempt to represent the roll of thunder, the noise of wind and hail, or the creaking of wheels, and pulleys, and the various sounds of flutes, pipes, trumpets, and all sorts of instruments: he will bark like a dog, bleat like &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage397B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;a sheep, or crow like a cock; his entire art will consist in imitation of voice and gesture, and there will be very little narration.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That, he said, will be his mode of speaking.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These, then, are the two kinds of style?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Two kinds of style—the one simple, the other multiplex. There is also a third which is a combination of the two.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And you would agree with me in saying that one of them is simple and has but slight changes; and if the harmony and rhythm are also chosen for their simplicity, the result is that the speaker, if he speaks correctly, is always pretty much the same in style, and he will keep within the limits of a single harmony (for the changes are not great), and in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage397C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;like manner he will make use of nearly the same rhythm?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is quite true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Whereas the other requires all sorts of harmonies and all sorts of rhythms, if the music and the style are to correspond, because the style has all sorts of changes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is also perfectly true, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And do not the two styles, or the mixture of the two, comprehend all poetry, and every form of expression in words? No one can say anything except in one or other of them or in both together.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They include all, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage397D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The simple style alone is to be admitted in the State; the attractions of the mixed style are acknowledged, but it appears to be excluded.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And shall we receive into our State all the three styles, or one only of the two unmixed styles? or would you include the mixed?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I should prefer only to admit the pure imitator of virtue.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I said, Adeimantus, but the mixed style is also very charming: and indeed the pantomimic, which is the opposite of the one chosen by you, is the most popular style with children and their attendants, and with the world in general.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I do not deny it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But I suppose you would argue that such a style is unsuitable &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage397E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to our State, in which human nature is not twofold or manifold, for one man plays one part only? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page83&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;83&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes; quite unsuitable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And this is the reason why in our State, and in our State only, we shall find a shoemaker to be a shoemaker and not a pilot also, and a husbandman to be a husbandman and not a dicast also, and a soldier a soldier and not a trader also, and the same throughout?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage398A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;398&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The pantomimic artist is to receive great honours, but he is to be sent out of the country.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And therefore when any one of these pantomimic gentlemen, who are so clever that they can imitate anything, comes to us, and makes a proposal to exhibit himself and his poetry, we will fall down and worship him as a sweet and holy and wonderful being; but we must also inform him that in our State such as he are not permitted to exist; the law will not allow them. And so when we have anointed him with myrrh, and set a garland of wool upon his head, we shall send him away to another city. For we mean to employ for &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage398B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;our souls’ health the rougher and severer poet or story-teller, who will imitate the style of the virtuous only, and will follow those models which we prescribed at first when we began the education of our soldiers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We certainly will, he said, if we have the power.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then now, my friend, I said, that part of music or literary education which relates to the story or myth may be considered to be finished; for the matter and manner have both been discussed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I think so too, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage398C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Next in order will follow melody and song.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is obvious.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Every one can see already what we ought to say about them, if we are to be consistent with ourselves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OCRATES&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, G&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LAUCON&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I fear, said Glaucon, laughing, that the word ‘every one’ hardly includes me, for I cannot at the moment say what they should be; though I may guess.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;At any rate you can tell that a song or ode has three &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage398D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;parts—the words, the melody, and the rhythm; that degree of knowledge I may presuppose?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said; so much as that you may.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And as for the words, there will surely be no difference between words which are and which are not set to music; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page84&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;84&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; both will conform to the same laws, and these have been already determined by us?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Melody and rhythm.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And the melody and rhythm will depend upon the words?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We were saying, when we spoke of the subject-matter, that we had no need of lamentation and strains of sorrow?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage398E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And which are the harmonies expressive of sorrow? You are musical, and can tell me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The harmonies which you mean are the mixed or tenor Lydian, and the full-toned or bass Lydian, and such like.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These then, I said, must be banished; even to women who have a character to maintain they are of no use, and much less to men.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In the next place, drunkenness and softness and indolence are utterly unbecoming the character of our guardians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Utterly unbecoming.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The relaxed melodies or harmonies are the Ionian and the Lydian. These are to be banished.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And which are the soft or drinking harmonies?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage399A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;399&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The Ionian, he replied, and the Lydian; they are termed ‘relaxed.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Well, and are these of any military use?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quite the reverse, he replied; and if so the Dorian and the Phrygian are the only ones which you have left.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I answered: Of the harmonies I know nothing, but I want to have one warlike, to sound the note or accent which a brave man utters in the hour of danger and stern resolve, or when his cause is failing, and he is going to wounds or &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage399B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;death or is overtaken by some other evil, and at every such crisis meets the blows of fortune with firm step and a determination to endure; and another to be used by him in times of peace and freedom of action, when there is no pressure of necessity, and he is seeking to persuade God by prayer, or man by instruction and admonition, or on the other hand, when he is expressing his willingness to yield to persuasion or entreaty or admonition, and which represents him when by prudent conduct he has attained his end, not carried away by his success, but acting moderately and wisely &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage399C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;under the circumstances, and acquiescing in the event. These &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page85&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;85&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; two harmonies I ask you to leave; the strain of necessity and the strain of freedom, the strain of the unfortunate and the strain of the fortunate, the strain of courage, and the strain of temperance; these, I say, leave.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And these, he replied, are the Dorian and Phrygian harmonies of which I was just now speaking.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The Dorian and Phrygian are to be retained.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then, I said, if these and these only are to be used in our songs and melodies, we shall not want multiplicity of notes or a panharmonic scale?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I suppose not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then we shall not maintain the artificers of lyres with three corners and complex scales, or the makers of any other &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage399D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;many-stringed curiously-harmonised instruments?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Musical instruments—which are to be rejected and which allowed?&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But what do you say to flute-makers and flute-players? Would you admit them into our State when you reflect that in this composite use of harmony the flute is worse than all the stringed instruments put together; even the panharmonic music is only an imitation of the flute?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Clearly not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There remain then only the lyre and the harp for use in the city, and the shepherds may have a pipe in the country.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is surely the conclusion to be drawn from the argument.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage399E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The preferring of Apollo and his instruments to Marsyas and his instruments is not at all strange, I said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Not at all, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And so, by the dog of Egypt, we have been unconsciously purging the State, which not long ago we termed luxurious.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And we have done wisely, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then let us now finish the purgation, I said. Next in order to harmonies, rhythms will naturally follow, and they should be subject to the same rules, for we ought not to seek out complex systems of metre, or metres of every kind, but rather to discover what rhythms are the expressions of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage400A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;400&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;a courageous and harmonious life; and when we have found them, we shall adapt the foot and the melody to words having a like spirit, not the words to the foot and melody. To say what these rhythms are will be your duty—you must teach me them, as you have already taught me the harmonies. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page86&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;86&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Three kinds of rhythm as there are four notes of the tetrachord.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But, indeed, he replied, I cannot tell you. I only know that there are some three principles of rhythm out of which metrical systems are framed, just as in sounds there are four notes&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook336&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook336&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;36&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; out of which all the harmonies are composed; that is an observation which I have made. But of what sort of lives they are severally the imitations I am unable to say.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook336&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook336&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;36&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; i.e. the four notes of the tetrachord.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage400B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then, I said, we must take Damon into our counsels; and he will tell us what rhythms are expressive of meanness, or insolence, or fury, or other unworthiness, and what are to be reserved for the expression of opposite feelings. And I think that I have an indistinct recollection of his mentioning a complex Cretic rhythm; also a dactylic or heroic, and he arranged them in some manner which I do not quite understand, making the rhythms equal in the rise and fall of the foot, long and short alternating; and, unless I am mistaken, he spoke of an iambic as well as of a trochaic rhythm, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage400C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and assigned to them short and long quantities.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook337&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook337&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;37&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; Also in some cases he appeared to praise or censure the movement of the foot quite as much as the rhythm; or perhaps a combination of the two; for I am not certain what he meant. These matters, however, as I was saying, had better be referred to Damon himself, for the analysis of the subject would be difficult, you know?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook337&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook337&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;37&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Socrates expresses himself carelessly in accordance with his assumed ignorance of the details of the subject. In the first part of the sentence he appears to be speaking of paeonic rhythms which are in the ratio of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;⁄&amp;lt;sub&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/sub&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;; in the second part, of dactylic and anapaestic rhythms, which are in the ratio of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;⁄&amp;lt;sub&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/sub&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;; in the last clause, of iambic and trochaic rhythms, which are in the ratio of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;⁄&amp;lt;sub&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/sub&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; or &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;sup&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/sup&amp;gt;⁄&amp;lt;sub&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/sub&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Rather so, I should say.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But there is no difficulty in seeing that grace or the absence of grace is an effect of good or bad rhythm.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;None at all.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage400D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Rhythm and harmony follow style, and style is the expression of the soul.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And also that good and bad rhythm naturally assimilate to a good and bad style; and that harmony and discord in like manner follow style; for our principle is that rhythm and harmony are regulated by the words, and not the words by them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Just so, he said, they should follow the words.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And will not the words and the character of the style depend on the temper of the soul? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page87&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;87&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And everything else on the style?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Simplicity the great first principle;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then beauty of style and harmony and grace and good &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage400E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;rhythm depend on simplicity,—I mean the true simplicity of a rightly and nobly ordered mind and character, not that other simplicity which is only an euphemism for folly?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And if our youth are to do their work in life, must they not make these graces and harmonies their perpetual aim?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They must.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage401A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;401&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;and a principle which is widely spread in nature and art.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And surely the art of the painter and every other creative and constructive art are full of them,—weaving, embroidery, architecture, and every kind of manufacture; also nature, animal and vegetable,—in all of them there is grace or the absence of grace. And ugliness and discord and inharmonious motion are nearly allied to ill words and ill nature, as grace and harmony are the twin sisters of goodness and virtue and bear their likeness.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is quite true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage401B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Our citizens must grow up to manhood amidst impressions of grace and beauty only; all ugliness and vice must be excluded.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But shall our superintendence go no further, and are the poets only to be required by us to express the image of the good in their works, on pain, if they do anything else, of expulsion from our State? Or is the same control to be extended to other artists, and are they also to be prohibited from exhibiting the opposite forms of vice and intemperance and meanness and indecency in sculpture and building and the other creative arts; and is he who cannot conform to this rule of ours to be prevented from practising his art in our State, lest the taste of our citizens be corrupted by him? We would not have our guardians grow up amid images of moral deformity, as in some noxious pasture, and there &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage401C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;browse and feed upon many a baneful herb and flower day by day, little by little, until they silently gather a festering mass of corruption in their own soul. Let our artists rather be those who are gifted to discern the true nature of the beautiful and graceful; then will our youth dwell in a land of health, amid fair sights and sounds, and receive the good in everything; and beauty, the effluence of fair works, shall &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage401D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;flow into the eye and ear, like a health-giving breeze from a purer region, and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page88&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;88&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; insensibly draw the soul from earliest years into likeness and sympathy with the beauty of reason.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There can be no nobler training than that, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The power of imparting grace is possessed by harmony.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And therefore, I said, Glaucon, musical training is a more potent instrument than any other, because rhythm and harmony find their way into the inward places of the soul, on which they mightily fasten, imparting grace, and making the soul of him who is rightly educated graceful, or of him who &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage401E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;is ill-educated ungraceful; and also because he who has received this true education of the inner being will most shrewdly perceive omissions or faults in art and nature, and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage402A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;402&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;with a true taste, while he praises and rejoices over and receives into his soul the good, and becomes noble and good, he will justly blame and hate the bad, now in the days of his youth, even before he is able to know the reason why; and when reason comes he will recognise and salute the friend with whom his education has made him long familiar.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said, I quite agree with you in thinking that our youth should be trained in music and on the grounds which you mention.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Just as in learning to read, I said, we were satisfied when we knew the letters of the alphabet, which are very few, in all their recurring sizes and combinations; not slighting them &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage402B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;as unimportant whether they occupy a space large or small, but everywhere eager to make them out; and not thinking ourselves perfect in the art of reading until we recognise them wherever they are found&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook338&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook338&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;38&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook338&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook338&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;38&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Cp. &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;supra&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;, II. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage368D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;368 D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Or, as we recognise the reflection of letters in the water, or in a mirror, only when we know the letters themselves; the same art and study giving us the knowledge of both:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Exactly—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The true musician must know the essential forms of virtue and vice.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Even so, as I maintain, neither we nor our guardians, whom &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage402C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;we have to educate, can ever become musical until we and they know the essential forms of temperance, courage, liberality, magnificence, and their kindred, as well as the contrary forms, in all their combinations, and can recognise them and their images wherever they are found, not slighting &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page89&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;89&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; them either in small things or great, but believing them all to be within the sphere of one art and study.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Most assuredly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage402D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The harmony of soul and body the fairest of sights.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And when a beautiful soul harmonizes with a beautiful form, and the two are cast in one mould, that will be the fairest of sights to him who has an eye to see it?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The fairest indeed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the fairest is also the loveliest?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That may be assumed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the man who has the spirit of harmony will be most in love with the loveliest; but he will not love him who is of an inharmonious soul?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The true lover will not mind defects of the person.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; That is true, he replied, if the deficiency be in his soul; but if there be any merely bodily defect in another he will &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage402E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;be patient of it, and will love all the same.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I perceive, I said, that you have or have had experiences of this sort, and I agree. But let me ask you another question: Has excess of pleasure any affinity to temperance?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How can that be? he replied; pleasure deprives a man of the use of his faculties quite as much as pain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Or any affinity to virtue in general?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage403A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;403&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; None whatever.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Any affinity to wantonness and intemperance?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, the greatest.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And is there any greater or keener pleasure than that of sensual love?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No, nor a madder.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;True love is temperate and harmonious.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Whereas true love is a love of beauty and order—temperate and harmonious?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quite true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then no intemperance or madness should be allowed to approach true love?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage403B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;True love is free from sensuality and coarseness.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then mad or intemperate pleasure must never be allowed to come near the lover and his beloved; neither of them can have any part in it if their love is of the right sort?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No, indeed, Socrates, it must never come near them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then I suppose that in the city which we are founding you would make a law to the effect that a friend should use no other familiarity to his love than a father would use to his &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page90&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;90&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; son, and then only for a noble purpose, and he must first have the other’s consent; and this rule is to limit him in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage403C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;all his intercourse, and he is never to be seen going further, or, if he exceeds, he is to be deemed guilty of coarseness and bad taste.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I quite agree, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thus much of music, which makes a fair ending; for what should be the end of music if not the love of beauty?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I agree, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Gymnastic.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; After music comes gymnastic, in which our youth are next to be trained.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Gymnastic as well as music should begin in early years; the training in it should be careful and should continue through life. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage403D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Now my belief is,—and this is a matter upon which I should like to have your opinion in confirmation of my own, but my own belief is,—not that the good body by any bodily excellence improves the soul, but, on the contrary, that the good soul, by her own excellence, improves the body as far as this may be possible. What do you say?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I agree.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The body to be entrusted to the mind.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then, to the mind when adequately trained, we shall be right in handing over the more particular care of the body; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage403E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and in order to avoid prolixity we will now only give the general outlines of the subject.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very good.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That they must abstain from intoxication has been already remarked by us; for of all persons a guardian should be the last to get drunk and not know where in the world he is.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said; that a guardian should require another guardian to take care of him is ridiculous indeed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But next, what shall we say of their food; for the men are in training for the great contest of all—are they not?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage404A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;404&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And will the habit of body of our ordinary athletes be suited to them?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Why not?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The usual training of athletes too gross and sleepy.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I am afraid, I said, that a habit of body such as they have is but a sleepy sort of thing, and rather perilous to health. Do you not observe that these athletes sleep away their &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page91&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;91&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; lives, and are liable to most dangerous illnesses if they depart, in ever so slight a degree, from their customary regimen?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I do.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then, I said, a finer sort of training will be required for our warrior athletes, who are to be like wakeful dogs, and to see and hear with the utmost keenness; amid the many changes of water and also of food, of summer heat and winter &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage404B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;cold, which they will have to endure when on a campaign, they must not be liable to break down in health.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is my view.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The really excellent gymnastic is twin sister of that simple music which we were just now describing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How so?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Military gymnastic.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Why, I conceive that there is a gymnastic which, like our music, is simple and good; and especially the military gymnastic.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What do you mean?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;My meaning may be learned from Homer; he, you know, feeds his heroes at their feasts, when they are campaigning, on soldiers’ fare; they have no fish, although they are on &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage404C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the shores of the Hellespont, and they are not allowed boiled meats but only roast, which is the food most convenient for soldiers, requiring only that they should light a fire, and not involving the trouble of carrying about pots and pans.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And I can hardly be mistaken in saying that sweet sauces are nowhere mentioned in Homer. In proscribing them, however, he is not singular; all professional athletes are well aware that a man who is to be in good condition should take nothing of the kind.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said; and knowing this, they are quite right in not taking them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage404D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Syracusan dinners and Corinthian courtezans are prohibited.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then you would not approve of Syracusan dinners, and the refinements of Sicilian cookery?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I think not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nor, if a man is to be in condition, would you allow him to have a Corinthian girl as his fair friend?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page92&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;92&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Neither would you approve of the delicacies, as they are thought, of Athenian confectionary?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The luxurious style of living may be justly compared to the panharmonic strain of music.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; All such feeding and living may be rightly compared by us &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage404E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to melody and song composed in the panharmonic style, and in all the rhythms.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Exactly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There complexity engendered licence, and here disease; whereas simplicity in music was the parent of temperance in the soul; and simplicity in gymnastic of health in the body.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Most true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage405A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;405&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But when intemperance and diseases multiply in a State, halls of justice and medicine are always being opened; and the arts of the doctor and the lawyer give themselves airs, finding how keen is the interest which not only the slaves but the freemen of a city take about them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of course.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Every man should be his own doctor and lawyer.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And yet what greater proof can there be of a bad and disgraceful state of education than this, that not only artisans and the meaner sort of people need the skill of first-rate physicians and judges, but also those who would profess to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage405B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;have had a liberal education? Is it not disgraceful, and a great sign of want of good-breeding, that a man should have to go abroad for his law and physic because he has none of his own at home, and must therefore surrender himself into the hands of other men whom he makes lords and judges over him?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of all things, he said, the most disgraceful.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Bad as it is to go to law, it is still worse to be a lover of litigation.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Would you say ‘most,’ I replied, when you consider that there is a further stage of the evil in which a man is not only a life-long litigant, passing all his days in the courts, either as plaintiff or defendant, but is actually led by his bad taste to pride himself on his litigiousness; he imagines that he is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage405C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;a master in dishonesty; able to take every crooked turn, and wriggle into and out of every hole, bending like a withy and getting out of the way of justice: and all for what?—in order to gain small points not worth mentioning, he not knowing that so to order his life as to be able to do without a napping judge is a far higher and nobler sort of thing. Is not that still more disgraceful? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page93&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;93&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said, that is still more disgraceful.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Bad also to require the help of medicine.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Well, I said, and to require the help of medicine, not when a wound has to be cured, or on occasion of an epidemic, but &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage405D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;just because, by indolence and a habit of life such as we have been describing, men fill themselves with waters and winds, as if their bodies were a marsh, compelling the ingenious sons of Asclepius to find more names for diseases, such as flatulence and catarrh; is not this, too, a disgrace?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said, they do certainly give very strange and newfangled names to diseases.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In the time of Asclepius and of Homer the practice of medicine was very simple.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yes, I said, and I do not believe that there were any such &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage405E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;diseases in the days of Asclepius; and this I infer from the circumstance that the hero Eurypylus, after he has been wounded in Homer, drinks a posset of Pramnian wine well &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage406A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;406&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;besprinkled with barley-meal and grated cheese, which are certainly inflammatory, and yet the sons of Asclepius who were at the Trojan war do not blame the damsel who gives him the drink, or rebuke Patroclus, who is treating his case.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Well, he said, that was surely an extraordinary drink to be given to a person in his condition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The nursing of disease began with Herodicus.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Not so extraordinary, I replied, if you bear in mind that in former days, as is commonly said, before the time of Herodicus, the guild of Asclepius did not practise our present system of medicine, which may be said to educate diseases. But Herodicus, being a trainer, and himself of a sickly constitution, by a combination of training and doctoring found &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage406B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;out a way of torturing first and chiefly himself, and secondly the rest of the world.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How was that? he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By the invention of lingering death; for he had a mortal disease which he perpetually tended, and as recovery was out of the question, he passed his entire life as a valetudinarian; he could do nothing but attend upon himself, and he was in constant torment whenever he departed in anything from his usual regimen, and so dying hard, by the help of science he struggled on to old age.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A rare reward of his skill!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage406C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yes, I said; a reward which a man might fairly expect who never understood that, if Asclepius did not instruct his descendants in valetudinarian arts, the omission arose, not &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page94&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;94&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; from ignorance or inexperience of such a branch of medicine, but because he knew that in all well-ordered states every individual has an occupation to which he must attend, and has therefore no leisure to spend in continually being ill. This we remark in the case of the artisan, but, ludicrously enough, do not apply the same rule to people of the richer sort.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How do you mean? he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage406D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The working-man has no time for tedious remedies.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I mean this: When a carpenter is ill he asks the physician for a rough and ready cure; an emetic or a purge or a cautery or the knife,—these are his remedies. And if some one prescribes for him a course of dietetics, and tells him that he must swathe and swaddle his head, and all that sort of thing, he replies at once that he has no time to be ill, and that he sees no good in a life which is spent in nursing his disease to the neglect of his customary employment; and therefore &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage406E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;bidding good-bye to this sort of physician, he resumes his ordinary habits, and either gets well and lives and does his business, or, if his constitution fails, he dies and has no more trouble.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said, and a man in his condition of life ought to use the art of medicine thus far only.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage407A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;407&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Has he not, I said, an occupation; and what profit would there be in his life if he were deprived of his occupation?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quite true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But with the rich man this is otherwise; of him we do not say that he has any specially appointed work which he must perform, if he would live.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He is generally supposed to have nothing to do.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then you never heard of the saying of Phocylides, that as soon as a man has a livelihood he should practise virtue?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nay, he said, I think that he had better begin somewhat sooner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The slow cure equally an impediment to the mechanical arts, to the practice of virtue&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Let us not have a dispute with him about this, I said; but rather ask ourselves: Is the practice of virtue obligatory on &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage407B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the rich man, or can he live without it? And if obligatory on him, then let us raise a further question, whether this dieting of disorders, which is an impediment to the application of the mind in carpentering and the mechanical arts, does not equally stand in the way of the sentiment of Phocylides? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page95&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;95&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of that, he replied, there can be no doubt; such excessive care of the body, when carried beyond the rules of gymnastic, is most inimical to the practice of virtue.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;and to any kind of study or thought.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook339&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook339&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;39&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Yes, indeed, I replied, and equally incompatible with the management of a house, an army, or an office of state; and, what is most important of all, irreconcileable with any kind &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage407C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of study or thought or self-reflection—there is a constant suspicion that headache and giddiness are to be ascribed to philosophy, and hence all practising or making trial of virtue in the higher sense is absolutely stopped; for a man is always fancying that he is being made ill, and is in constant anxiety about the state of his body.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook339&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook339&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;39&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Making the answer of Socrates begin at &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;kai\ ga\r pro\s k.t.l.&amp;quot;&amp;gt;καὶ γὰρ πρὸς κ.τ.λ.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, likely enough.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Asclepius would not cure diseased constitutions because they were of no use to the State.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And therefore our politic Asclepius may be supposed to have exhibited the power of his art only to persons who, being generally of healthy constitution and habits of life, had &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage407D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;a definite ailment; such as these he cured by purges and operations, and bade them live as usual, herein consulting the interests of the State; but bodies which disease had penetrated through and through he would not have attempted to cure by gradual processes of evacuation and infusion: he did not want to lengthen out good-for-nothing lives, or to have weak fathers begetting weaker sons;—if a man was not able to live in the ordinary way he had no business to cure him; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage407E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;for such a cure would have been of no use either to himself, or to the State.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then, he said, you regard Asclepius as a statesman.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The case of Menelaus, who was attended by the sons of Asclepius.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Clearly; and his character is further illustrated by his sons. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage408A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;408&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Note that they were heroes in the days of old and practised the medicines of which I am speaking at the siege of Troy: You will remember how, when Pandarus wounded Menelaus, they&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘Sucked the blood out of the wound, and sprinkled soothing remedies&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook340&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook340&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;40&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;,’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;but they never prescribed what the patient was afterwards to eat or drink in the case of Menelaus, any more than in the case of Eurypylus; the remedies, as they conceived, were enough to heal any man who before he was wounded was &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page96&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;96&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage408B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;healthy and regular in his habits; and even though he did happen to drink a posset of Pramnian wine, he might get well all the same. But they would have nothing to do with unhealthy and intemperate subjects, whose lives were of no use either to themselves or others; the art of medicine was not designed for their good, and though they were as rich as Midas, the sons of Asclepius would have declined to attend them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook340&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook340&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;40&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Iliad iv. 218.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They were very acute persons, those sons of Asclepius.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The offence of Asclepius.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Naturally so, I replied. Nevertheless, the tragedians and Pindar disobeying our behests, although they acknowledge that Asclepius was the son of Apollo, say also that he was bribed into healing a rich man who was at the point of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage408C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;death, and for this reason he was struck by lightning. But we, in accordance with the principle already affirmed by us, will not believe them when they tell us both;—if he was the son of a god, we maintain that he was not avaricious; or, if he was avaricious, he was not the son of a god.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;All that, Socrates, is excellent; but I should like to put a question to you: Ought there not to be good physicians in a State, and are not the best those who have treated the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage408D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;greatest number of constitutions good and bad? and are not the best judges in like manner those who are acquainted with all sorts of moral natures?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I said, I too would have good judges and good physicians. But do you know whom I think good?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Will you tell me?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I will, if I can. Let me however note that in the same question you join two things which are not the same.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How so? he asked.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The physician should have experience of illness in his own person;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Why, I said, you join physicians and judges. Now the most skilful physicians are those who, from their youth upwards, have combined with the knowledge of their art &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage408E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the greatest experience of disease; they had better not be robust in health, and should have had all manner of diseases in their own persons. For the body, as I conceive, is not the instrument with which they cure the body; in that case we could not allow them ever to be or to have been sickly; but they cure the body with the mind, and the mind which has become and is sick can cure nothing. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page97&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;97&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is very true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage409A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;409&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;on the other hand, the judge should not learn to know evil by the practice of it, but by long observation of evil in others.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But with the judge it is otherwise; since he governs mind by mind; he ought not therefore to have been trained among vicious minds, and to have associated with them from youth upwards, and to have gone through the whole calendar of crime, only in order that he may quickly infer the crimes of others as he might their bodily diseases from his own self-consciousness; the honourable mind which is to form a healthy judgment should have had no experience or contamination of evil habits when young. And this is the reason why in youth good men often appear to be simple, and are &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage409B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;easily practised upon by the dishonest, because they have no examples of what evil is in their own souls.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said, they are far too apt to be deceived.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Therefore, I said, the judge should not be young; he should have learned to know evil, not from his own soul, but from late and long observation of the nature of evil in others: &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage409C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;knowledge should be his guide, not personal experience.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said, that is the ideal of a judge.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Such a knowledge of human nature far better and truer than that of the adept in crime.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yes, I replied, and he will be a good man (which is my answer to your question); for he is good who has a good soul. But the cunning and suspicious nature of which we spoke,—he who has committed many crimes, and fancies himself to be a master in wickedness, when he is amongst his fellows, is wonderful in the precautions which he takes, because he judges of them by himself: but when he gets into the company of men of virtue, who have the experience of age, he appears to be a fool again, owing to his unseasonable suspicions; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage409D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;he cannot recognise an honest man, because he has no pattern of honesty in himself; at the same time, as the bad are more numerous than the good, and he meets with them oftener, he thinks himself, and is by others thought to be, rather wise than foolish.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Most true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then the good and wise judge whom we are seeking is not this man, but the other; for vice cannot know virtue too, but a virtuous nature, educated by time, will acquire a knowledge &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage409E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;both of virtue and vice: the virtuous, and not the vicious, man has wisdom—in my opinion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And in mine also. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page98&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;98&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This is the sort of medicine, and this is the sort of law, which you will sanction in your state. They will minister to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage410A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;410&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;better natures, giving health both of soul and of body; but those who are diseased in their bodies they will leave to die, and the corrupt and incurable souls they will put an end to themselves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is clearly the best thing both for the patients and for the State.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And thus our youth, having been educated only in that simple music which, as we said, inspires temperance, will be reluctant to go to law.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Clearly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage410B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And the musician, who, keeping to the same track, is content to practise the simple gymnastic, will have nothing to do with medicine unless in some extreme case.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That I quite believe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The very exercises and tolls which he undergoes are intended to stimulate the spirited element of his nature, and not to increase his strength; he will not, like common athletes, use exercise and regimen to develope his muscles.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very right, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage410C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Music and gymnastic are equally designed for the improvement of the mind.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Neither are the two arts of music and gymnastic really designed, as is often supposed, the one for the training of the soul, the other for the training of the body.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What then is the real object of them?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I believe, I said, that the teachers of both have in view chiefly the improvement of the soul.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How can that be? he asked.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Did you never observe, I said, the effect on the mind itself of exclusive devotion to gymnastic, or the opposite effect of an exclusive devotion to music?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In what way shown? he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage410D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The mere athlete must be softened, and the philosophic nature prevented from becoming too soft&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The one producing a temper of hardness and ferocity, the other of softness and effeminacy, I replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said, I am quite aware that the mere athlete becomes too much of a savage, and that the mere musician is melted and softened beyond what is good for him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yet surely, I said, this ferocity only comes from spirit, which, if rightly educated, would give courage, but, if too much intensified, is liable to become hard and brutal. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page99&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;99&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That I quite think.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage410E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; On the other hand the philosopher will have the quality of gentleness. And this also, when too much indulged, will turn to softness, but, if educated rightly, will be gentle and moderate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And in our opinion the guardians ought to have both these qualities?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Assuredly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And both should be in harmony?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Beyond question.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage411A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;411&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And the harmonious soul is both temperate and courageous?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the inharmonious is cowardly and boorish?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Music, if carried too far, renders the weaker nature effeminate, the stronger irritable.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And, when a man allows music to play upon him and to pour into his soul through the funnel of his ears those sweet and soft and melancholy airs of which we were just now speaking, and his whole life is passed in warbling and the delights of song; in the first stage of the process the passion or spirit which is in him is tempered like iron, and made &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage411B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;useful, instead of brittle and useless. But, if he carries on the softening and soothing process, in the next stage he begins to melt and waste, until he has wasted away his spirit and cut out the sinews of his soul; and he becomes a feeble warrior.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;If the element of spirit is naturally weak in him the change is speedily accomplished, but if he have a good deal, then the power of music weakening the spirit renders him excitable;—on the least provocation he flames up at once, and is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage411C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;speedily extinguished; instead of having spirit he grows irritable and passionate and is quite impracticable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Exactly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And in like manner the well-fed athlete, if he have no education, degenerates into a wild beast.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And so in gymnastics, if a man takes violent exercise and is a great feeder, and the reverse of a great student of music and philosophy, at first the high condition of his body fills him with pride and spirit, and he becomes twice the man that he was. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page100&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;100&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And what happens? if he do nothing else, and holds no &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage411D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;converse with the Muses, does not even that intelligence which there may be in him, having no taste of any sort of learning or enquiry or thought or culture, grow feeble and dull and blind, his mind never waking up or receiving nourishment, and his senses not being purged of their mists?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And he ends by becoming a hater of philosophy, uncivilized, never using the weapon of persuasion,—he is like a wild &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage411E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;beast, all violence and fierceness, and knows no other way of dealing; and he lives in all ignorance and evil conditions, and has no sense of propriety and grace.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is quite true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And as there are two principles of human nature, one the spirited and the other the philosophical, some God, as I should say, has given mankind two arts answering to them (and only indirectly to the soul and body), in order that these &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage412A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;412&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;two principles (like the strings of an instrument) may be relaxed or drawn tighter until they are duly harmonized.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That appears to be the intention.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Music to be mingled with gymnastic, and both attempered to the individual soul.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And he who mingles music with gymnastic in the fairest proportions, and best attempers them to the soul, may be rightly called the true musician and harmonist in a far higher sense than the tuner of the strings.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You are quite right, Socrates.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And such a presiding genius will be always required in our State if the government is to last.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage412B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yes, he will be absolutely necessary.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Enough of principles of education: who are to be our rulers?&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Such, then, are our principles of nurture and education: Where would be the use of going into further details about the dances of our citizens, or about their hunting and coursing, their gymnastic and equestrian contests? For these all follow the general principle, and having found that, we shall have no difficulty in discovering them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I dare say that there will be no difficulty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very good, I said; then what is the next question? Must we not ask who are to be rulers and who subjects?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage412C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The elder must rule and the younger serve.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; There can be no doubt that the elder must rule the younger. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page101&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;101&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Clearly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And that the best of these must rule.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is also clear.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Now, are not the best husbandmen those who are most devoted to husbandry?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And as we are to have the best of guardians for our city, must they not be those who have most the character of guardians?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And to this end they ought to be wise and efficient, and to have a special care of the State?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage412D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Those are to be appointed rulers who have been tested in all the stages of their life;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And a man will be most likely to care about that which he loves?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To be sure.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And he will be most likely to love that which he regards as having the same interests with himself, and that of which the good or evil fortune is supposed by him at any time most to affect his own?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then there must be a selection. Let us note among the guardians those who in their whole life show the greatest &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage412E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;eagerness to do what is for the good of their country, and the greatest repugnance to do what is against her interests.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Those are the right men.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And they will have to be watched at every age, in order that we may see whether they preserve their resolution, and never, under the influence either of force or enchantment, forget or cast off their sense of duty to the State.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How cast off? he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I will explain to you, I replied. A resolution may go out of a man’s mind either with his will or against his will; with &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage413A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;413&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;his will when he gets rid of a falsehood and learns better, against his will whenever he is deprived of a truth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I understand, he said, the willing loss of a resolution; the meaning of the unwilling I have yet to learn.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Why, I said, do you not see that men are unwillingly deprived of good, and willingly of evil? Is not to have lost the truth an evil, and to possess the truth a good? and you &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page102&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;102&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; would agree that to conceive things as they are is to possess the truth?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he replied; I agree with you in thinking that mankind are deprived of truth against their will.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage413B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And is not this involuntary deprivation caused either by theft, or force, or enchantment?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Still, he replied, I do not understand you.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;and who are unchanged by the influence either of pleasure, or of fear,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I fear that I must have been talking darkly, like the tragedians. I only mean that some men are changed by persuasion and that others forget; argument steals away the hearts of one class, and time of the other; and this I call theft. Now you understand me?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Those again who are forced, are those whom the violence of some pain or grief compels to change their opinion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I understand, he said, and you are quite right.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage413C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;or of enchantments.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And you would also acknowledge that the enchanted are those who change their minds either under the softer influence of pleasure, or the sterner influence of fear?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said; everything that deceives may be said to enchant.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Therefore, as I was just now saying, we must enquire who are the best guardians of their own conviction that what they think the interest of the State is to be the rule of their lives. We must watch them from their youth upwards, and make them perform actions in which they are most likely to forget or to be deceived, and he who remembers and is not deceived &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage413D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;is to be selected, and he who fails in the trial is to be rejected. That will be the way?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And there should also be toils and pains and conflicts prescribed for them, in which they will be made to give further proof of the same qualities.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very right, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And then, I said, we must try them with enchantments—that is the third sort of test—and see what will be their behaviour: like those who take colts amid noise and tumult to see if they are of a timid nature, so must we take our youth amid terrors of some kind, and again pass them into pleasures, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage413E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and prove them more thoroughly than gold is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page103&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;103&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; proved in the furnace, that we may discover whether they are armed against all enchantments, and of a noble bearing always, good guardians of themselves and of the music which they have learned, and retaining under all circumstances a rhythmical and harmonious nature, such as will be most serviceable to the individual and to the State. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;If they stand the test they are to be honoured in life and after death.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And he who at every age, as boy and youth and in mature life, has come out of the trial victorious and pure, shall be appointed &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage414A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;414&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;a ruler and guardian of the State; he shall be honoured in life and death, and shall receive sepulture and other memorials of honour, the greatest that we have to give. But him who fails, we must reject. I am inclined to think that this is the sort of way in which our rulers and guardians should be chosen and appointed. I speak generally, and not with any pretension to exactness.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And, speaking generally, I agree with you, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage414B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The title of guardians to be reserved for the elders, the young men to be called auxiliaries.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And perhaps the word ‘guardian’ in the fullest sense ought to be applied to this higher class only who preserve us against foreign enemies and maintain peace among our citizens at home, that the one may not have the will, or the others the power, to harm us. The young men whom we before called guardians may be more properly designated auxiliaries and supporters of the principles of the rulers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I agree with you, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How then may we devise one of those needful falsehoods of which we lately spoke—just one royal lie which may &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage414C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;deceive the rulers, if that be possible, and at any rate the rest of the city?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What sort of lie? he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The Phoenician tale.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Nothing new, I replied; only an old Phoenician&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook341&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook341&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;41&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; tale of what has often occurred before now in other places, (as the poets say, and have made the world believe&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;correction&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;amended from ,)&amp;quot;&amp;gt;)&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; though not in our time, and I do not know whether such an event could ever happen again, or could now even be made probable, if it did.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook341&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook341&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;41&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Cp. Laws, 663 E.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How your words seem to hesitate on your lips!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You will not wonder, I replied, at my hesitation when you have heard.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Speak, he said, and fear not. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page104&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;104&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage414D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The citizens to be told that they are really autochthonous, sent up out of the earth,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Well then, I will speak, although I really know not how to look you in the face, or in what words to utter the audacious fiction, which I propose to communicate gradually, first to the rulers, then to the soldiers, and lastly to the people. They are to be told that their youth was a dream, and the education and training which they received from us, an appearance only; in reality during all that time they were being formed and fed in the womb of the earth, where they &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage414E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;themselves and their arms and appurtenances were manufactured; when they were completed, the earth, their mother, sent them up; and so, their country being their mother and also their nurse, they are bound to advise for her good, and to defend her against attacks, and her citizens they are to regard as children of the earth and their own brothers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You had good reason, he said, to be ashamed of the lie which you were going to tell.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage415A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;415&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;and composed of metals of various quality.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; True, I replied, but there is more coming; I have only told you half. Citizens, we shall say to them in our tale, you are brothers, yet God has framed you differently. Some of you have the power of command, and in the composition of these he has mingled gold, wherefore also they have the greatest honour; others he has made of silver, to be auxiliaries; others again who are to be husbandmen and craftsmen he has composed of brass and iron; and the species will generally be preserved in the children. But as all are of the same original stock, a golden parent will sometimes have a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage415B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;silver son, or a silver parent a golden son. And God proclaims as a first principle to the rulers, and above all else, that there is nothing which they should so anxiously guard, or of which they are to be such good guardians, as of the purity of the race. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The noble quality to rise in the State, the ignoble to descend.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;They should observe what elements mingle in their offspring; for if the son of a golden or silver parent has an admixture of brass and iron, then nature orders &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage415C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;a transposition of ranks, and the eye of the ruler must not be pitiful towards the child because he has to descend in the scale and become a husbandman or artisan, just as there may be sons of artisans who having an admixture of gold or silver in them are raised to honour, and become guardians or auxiliaries. For an oracle says that when a man of brass or iron guards the State, it will be destroyed. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Is such a fiction credible?—Yes, in a future generation; not in the present.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Such is the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page105&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;105&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; tale; is there any possibility of making our citizens believe in it?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage415D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Not in the present generation, he replied; there is no way of accomplishing this; but their sons may be made to believe in the tale, and their sons’ sons, and posterity after them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I see the difficulty, I replied; yet the fostering of such a belief will make them care more for the city and for one another. Enough, however, of the fiction, which may now fly abroad upon the wings of rumour, while we arm our earth-born heroes, and lead them forth under the command of their rulers. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The selection of a site for the warriors’ camp.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Let them look round and select a spot whence they can best suppress insurrection, if any prove refractory &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage415E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;within, and also defend themselves against enemies, who like wolves may come down on the fold from without; there let them encamp, and when they have encamped, let them sacrifice to the proper Gods and prepare their dwellings.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Just so, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And their dwellings must be such as will shield them against the cold of winter and the heat of summer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I suppose that you mean houses, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I said; but they must be the houses of soldiers, and not of shop-keepers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What is the difference? he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage416A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;416&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The warriors must be humanized by education.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; That I will endeavour to explain, I replied. To keep watch-dogs, who, from want of discipline or hunger, or some evil habit or other, would turn upon the sheep and worry them, and behave not like dogs but wolves, would be a foul and monstrous thing in a shepherd?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Truly monstrous, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage416B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And therefore every care must be taken that our auxiliaries, being stronger than our citizens, may not grow to be too much for them and become savage tyrants instead of friends and allies?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, great care should be taken.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And would not a really good education furnish the best safeguard?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But they are well-educated already, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I cannot be so confident, my dear Glaucon, I said; I am much more certain that they ought to be, and that true &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage416C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;education, whatever that may be, will have the greatest &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page106&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;106&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; tendency to civilize and humanize them in their relations to one another, and to those who are under their protection.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And not only their education, but their habitations, and all that belongs to them, should be such as will neither impair their virtue as guardians, nor tempt them to prey upon the other citizens. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage416D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Any man of sense must acknowledge that.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He must.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Their way of life will be that of a camp&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then now let us consider what will be their way of life, if they are to realize our idea of them. In the first place, none of them should have any property of his own beyond what is absolutely necessary; neither should they have a private house or store closed against any one who has a mind to enter; their provisions should be only such as are required by trained warriors, who are men of temperance and courage; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage416E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;they should agree to receive from the citizens a fixed rate of pay, enough to meet the expenses of the year and no more; and they will go to mess and live together like soldiers in a camp. Gold and silver we will tell them that they have from God; the diviner metal is within them, and they have therefore no need of the dross which is current among men, and ought not to pollute the divine by any &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage417A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;417&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;such earthly admixture; for that commoner metal has been the source of many unholy deeds, but their own is undefiled. And they alone of all the citizens may not touch or handle silver or gold, or be under the same roof with them, or wear them, or drink from them. And this will be their salvation, and they will be the saviours of the State. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;They must have no homes or property of their own.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;But should they ever acquire homes or lands or moneys of their own, they will become housekeepers and husbandmen instead of guardians, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage417B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;enemies and tyrants instead of allies of the other citizens; hating and being hated, plotting and being plotted against, they will pass their whole life in much greater terror of internal than of external enemies, and the hour of ruin, both to themselves and to the rest of the State, will be at hand. For all which reasons may we not say that thus shall our State be ordered, and that these shall be the regulations appointed by us for guardians concerning their houses and all other matters?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, said Glaucon.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page107&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 class=&amp;quot;space-above&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;BookIV&amp;quot;&amp;gt;BOOK IV.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage419A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage419E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Steph.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
419&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic IV.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
A&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;DEIMANTUS&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OCRATES&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
An objection that Socrates has made his citizens poor and miserable:&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; H&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ERE&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Adeimantus interposed a question: How would you answer, Socrates, said he, if a person were to say that you are making&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook41&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook41&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; these people miserable, and that they are the cause of their own unhappiness; the city in fact belongs to them, but they are none the better for it; whereas other men acquire lands, and build large and handsome houses, and have everything handsome about them, offering sacrifices to the gods on their own account, and practising hospitality; moreover, as you were saying just now, they have gold and silver, and all that is usual among the favourites of fortune; but our poor citizens are no better than mercenaries who are quartered in the city and are always mounting guard?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook41&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook41&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Or, ‘that for their own good you are making these people miserable.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage420A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;420&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;and worst of all, adds Socrates, they have no money.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yes, I said; and you may add that they are only fed, and not paid in addition to their food, like other men; and therefore they cannot, if they would, take a journey of pleasure; they have no money to spend on a mistress or any other luxurious fancy, which, as the world goes, is thought to be happiness; and many other accusations of the same nature might be added.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But, said he, let us suppose all this to be included in the charge.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage420B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; You mean to ask, I said, what will be our answer?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Yet very likely they may be the happiest of mankind.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; If we proceed along the old path, my belief, I said, is that we shall find the answer. And our answer will be that, even as they are, our guardians may very likely be the happiest of men; but that our aim in founding the State was not the disproportionate happiness of any one class, but the greatest happiness of the whole; we thought that in a State &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page108&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;108&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; which is ordered with a view to the good of the whole we should be most likely to find justice, and in the ill-ordered &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage420C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;State injustice: and, having found them, we might then decide which of the two is the happier. At present, I take it, we are fashioning the happy State, not piecemeal, or with a view of making a few happy citizens, but as a whole; and by-and-by we will proceed to view the opposite kind of State. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The State, like a statue, must be judged of as a whole.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Suppose that we were painting a statue, and some one came up to us and said, Why do you not put the most beautiful colours on the most beautiful parts of the body—the eyes ought to be purple, but you have made them black—to him &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage420D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;we might fairly answer, Sir, you would not surely have us beautify the eyes to such a degree that they are no longer eyes; consider rather whether, by giving this and the other features their due proportion, we make the whole beautiful. And so I say to you, do not compel us to assign to the guardians a sort of happiness which will make them anything but guardians; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage420E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;for we too can clothe our husbandmen in royal apparel, and set crowns of gold on their heads, and bid them till the ground as much as they like, and no more. Our potters also might be allowed to repose on couches, and feast by the fireside, passing round the winecup, while their wheel is conveniently at hand, and working at pottery only as much as they like; in this way we might make every class happy—and then, as you imagine, the whole State would be happy. But do not put this idea into our heads; for, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage421A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;421&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;if we listen to you, the husbandman will be no longer a husbandman, the potter will cease to be a potter, and no one will have the character of any distinct class in the State. Now this is not of much consequence where the corruption of society, and pretension to be what you are not, is confined to cobblers; but when the guardians of the laws and of the government are only seeming and not real guardians, then see how they turn the State upside down; and on the other hand they alone have the power of giving order and happiness to the State. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The guardians must be guardians, not boon companions.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;We mean our guardians to be true &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage421B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;saviours and not the destroyers of the State, whereas our opponent is thinking of peasants at a festival, who are enjoying a life of revelry, not of citizens who are doing their duty to the State. But, if so, we mean different things, and he is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page109&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;109&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; speaking of something which is not a State. And therefore we must consider whether in appointing our guardians we would look to their greatest happiness individually, or whether this principle of happiness does not rather reside in the State as a whole. But if the latter be the truth, then the guardians &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage421C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and auxiliaries, and all others equally with them, must be compelled or induced to do their own work in the best way. And thus the whole State will grow up in a noble order, and the several classes will receive the proportion of happiness which nature assigns to them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I think that you are quite right.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I wonder whether you will agree with another remark which occurs to me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What may that be?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage421D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; There seem to be two causes of the deterioration of the arts.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What are they?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Wealth, I said, and poverty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How do they act?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;When an artisan grows rich, he becomes careless: if he is very poor, he has no money to buy tools with. The city should be neither poor nor rich.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The process is as follows: When a potter becomes rich, will he, think you, any longer take the same pains with his art?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He will grow more and more indolent and careless?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the result will be that he becomes a worse potter?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes; he greatly deteriorates.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But, on the other hand, if he has no money, and cannot provide himself with tools or instruments, he will not work &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage421E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;equally well himself, nor will he teach his sons or apprentices to work equally well.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then, under the influence either of poverty or of wealth, workmen and their work are equally liable to degenerate?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is evident.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Here, then, is a discovery of new evils, I said, against which the guardians will have to watch, or they will creep into the city unobserved.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What evils?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage422A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;422&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Wealth, I said, and poverty; the one is the parent of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page110&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;110&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; luxury and indolence, and the other of meanness and viciousness, and both of discontent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But how, being poor, can she contend against a wealthy enemy?&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; That is very true, he replied; but still I should like to know, Socrates, how our city will be able to go to war, especially against an enemy who is rich and powerful, if deprived of the sinews of war.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There would certainly be a difficulty, I replied, in going &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage422B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to war with one such enemy; but there is no difficulty where there are two of them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How so? he asked.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Our wiry soldiers will be more than a match for their fat neighbours.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; In the first place, I said, if we have to fight, our side will be trained warriors fighting against an army of rich men.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And do you not suppose, Adeimantus, that a single boxer who was perfect in his art would easily be a match for two stout and well-to-do gentlemen who were not boxers?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Hardly, if they came upon him at once.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What, now, I said, if he were able to run away and then &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage422C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;turn and strike at the one who first came up? And supposing he were to do this several times under the heat of a scorching sun, might he not, being an expert, overturn more than one stout personage?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly, he said, there would be nothing wonderful in that.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And yet rich men probably have a greater superiority in the science and practise of boxing than they have in military qualities.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Likely enough.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then we may assume that our athletes will be able to fight with two or three times their own number?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I agree with you, for I think you right.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage422D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And they will have allies who will readily join on condition of receiving the spoil.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And suppose that, before engaging, our citizens send an embassy to one of the two cities, telling them what is the truth: Silver and gold we neither have nor are permitted to have, but you may; do you therefore come and help us in war, and take the spoils of the other city: Who, on hearing these words, would choose to fight against lean wiry dogs, rather than, with the dogs on their side, against fat and tender sheep?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is not likely; and yet there might be a danger to the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page111&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;111&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage422E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;poor State if the wealth of many States were to be gathered into one.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But many cities will conspire? No: they are divided in themselves.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But how simple of you to use the term State at all of any but our own!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Why so?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You ought to speak of other States in the plural number; not one of them is a city, but many cities, as they say in the game. For indeed any city, however small, is in fact divided into two, one the city of the poor, the other of the rich; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage423A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;423&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;these are at war with one another; and in either there are many smaller divisions, and you would be altogether beside the mark if you treated them all as a single State. But if you deal with them as many, and give the wealth or power or persons of the one to the others, you will always have a great many friends and not many enemies. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Many states are contained in one&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And your State, while the wise order which has now been prescribed continues to prevail in her, will be the greatest of States, I do not mean to say in reputation or appearance, but in deed and truth, though she number not more than a thousand defenders. A single State which is her equal you will hardly find, either &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage423B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;among Hellenes or barbarians, though many that appear to be as great and many times greater.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is most true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The limit to the size of the State the possibility of unity.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And what, I said, will be the best limit for our rulers to fix when they are considering the size of the State and the amount of territory which they are to include, and beyond which they will not go?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What limit would you propose?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I would allow the State to increase so far as is consistent with unity; that, I think, is the proper limit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage423C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Very good, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Here then, I said, is another order which will have to be conveyed to our guardians: Let our city be accounted neither large nor small, but one and self-sufficing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And surely, said he, this is not a very severe order which we impose upon them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The duty of adjusting the citizens to the rank for which nature intended them.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And the other, said I, of which we were speaking before is lighter still,—I mean the duty of degrading the offspring of the guardians when inferior, and of elevating into the rank &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage423D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of guardians the offspring of the lower classes, when naturally &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page112&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;112&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; superior. The intention was, that, in the case of the citizens generally, each individual should be put to the use for which nature intended him, one to one work, and then every man would do his own business, and be one and not many; and so the whole city would be one and not many.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said; that is not so difficult.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The regulations which we are prescribing, my good Adeimantus, are not, as might be supposed, a number of great principles, but trifles all, if care be taken, as the saying is, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage423E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of the one great thing,—a thing, however, which I would rather call, not great, but sufficient for our purpose.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What may that be? he asked.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Education, I said, and nurture: If our citizens are well educated, and grow into sensible men, they will easily see their way through all these, as well as other matters which I omit; such, for example, as marriage, the possession of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage424A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;424&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;women and the procreation of children, which will all follow the general principle that friends have all things in common, as the proverb says.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That will be the best way of settling them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Good education has a cumulative force and affects the breed.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Also, I said, the State, if once started well, moves with accumulating force like a wheel. For good nurture and education implant good constitutions, and these good constitutions taking root in a good education improve more and more, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage424B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and this improvement affects the breed in man as in other animals.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very possibly, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;No innovations to be made either in music or gymnastic.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then to sum up: This is the point to which, above all, the attention of our rulers should be directed,—that music and gymnastic be preserved in their original form, and no innovation made. They must do their utmost to maintain them intact. And when any one says that mankind most regard&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘The newest song which the singers have&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook42&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook42&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;,’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage424C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; they will be afraid that he may be praising, not new songs, but a new kind of song; and this ought not to be praised, or conceived to be the meaning of the poet; for any musical innovation is full of danger to the whole State, and ought to be prohibited. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Damon.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;So Damon tells me, and I can quite believe &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page113&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;113&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; him;—he says that when modes of music change, the fundamental laws of the State always change with them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook42&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook42&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Od. i. 352.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, said Adeimantus; and you may add my suffrage to Damon’s and your own.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage424D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then, I said, our guardians must lay the foundations of their fortress in music?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said; the lawlessness of which you speak too easily steals in.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I replied, in the form of amusement; and at first sight it appears harmless.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The spirit of lawlessness, beginning in music, gradually pervades the whole of life.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Why, yes, he said, and there is no harm; were it not that little by little this spirit of licence, finding a home, imperceptibly penetrates into manners and customs; whence, issuing with greater force, it invades contracts between man and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage424E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;man, and from contracts goes on to laws and constitutions, in utter recklessness, ending at last, Socrates, by an overthrow of all rights, private as well as public.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Is that true? I said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is my belief, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then, as I was saying, our youth should be trained from the first in a stricter system, for if amusements become &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage425A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;425&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;lawless, and the youths themselves become lawless, they can never grow up into well-conducted and virtuous citizens.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The habit of order the basis of education.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And when they have made a good beginning in play, and by the help of music have gained the habit of good order, then this habit of order, in a manner how unlike the lawless play of the others! will accompany them in all their actions and be a principle of growth to them, and if there be any fallen places in the State will raise them up again.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;If the citizens have the root of the matter in them, they will supply the details for themselves.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Thus educated, they will invent for themselves any lesser rules which their predecessors have altogether neglected.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What do you mean?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage425B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I mean such things as these:—when the young are to be silent before their elders; how they are to show respect to them by standing and making them sit; what honour is due to parents; what garments or shoes are to be worn; the mode of dressing the hair; deportment and manners in general. You would agree with me? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page114&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;114&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But there is, I think, small wisdom in legislating about such matters,—I doubt if it is ever done; nor are any precise written enactments about them likely to be lasting.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Impossible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It would seem, Adeimantus, that the direction in which &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage425C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;education starts a man, will determine his future life. Does not like always attract like?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To be sure.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Until some one rare and grand result is reached which may be good, and may be the reverse of good?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is not to be denied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And for this reason, I said, I shall not attempt to legislate further about them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Naturally enough, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The mere routine of administration may be omitted by us.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Well, and about the business of the agora, and the ordinary dealings between man and man, or again about agreements &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage425D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;with artisans; about insult and injury, or the commencement of actions, and the appointment of juries, what would you say? there may also arise questions about any impositions and exactions of market and harbour dues which may be required, and in general about the regulations of markets, police, harbours, and the like. But, oh heavens! shall we condescend to legislate on any of these particulars?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I think, he said, that there is no need to impose laws about &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage425E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;them on good men; what regulations are necessary they will find out soon enough for themselves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I said, my friend, if God will only preserve to them the laws which we have given them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And without divine help, said Adeimantus, they will go on for ever making and mending their laws and their lives in the hope of attaining perfection.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Illustration of reformers of the law taken from invalids who are always doctoring themselves, but will never listen to the truth.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; You would compare them, I said, to those invalids who, having no self-restraint, will not leave off their habits of intemperance?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Exactly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage426A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;426&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yes, I said; and what a delightful life they lead! they are always doctoring and increasing and complicating their disorders, and always fancying that they will be cured by any nostrum which anybody advises them to try. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page115&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;115&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Such cases are very common, he said, with invalids of this sort.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I replied; and the charming thing is that they deem him their worst enemy who tells them the truth, which is simply that, unless they give up eating and drinking and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage426B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;wenching and idling, neither drug nor cautery nor spell nor amulet nor any other remedy will avail.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Charming! he replied. I see nothing charming in going into a passion with a man who tells you what is right.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These gentlemen, I said, do not seem to be in your good graces.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Assuredly not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nor would you praise the behaviour of States which act like the men whom I was just now describing. For are there not ill-ordered States in which the citizens are forbidden &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage426C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;under pain of death to alter the constitution; and yet he who most sweetly courts those who live under this regime and indulges them and fawns upon them and is skilful in anticipating and gratifying their humours is held to be a great and good statesman—do not these States resemble the persons whom I was describing?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said; the States are as bad as the men; and I am very far from praising them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage426D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But do you not admire, I said, the coolness and dexterity of these ready ministers of political corruption?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Demagogues trying their hands at legislation may be excused for their ignorance of the world.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yes, he said, I do; but not of all of them, for there are some whom the applause of the multitude has deluded into the belief that they are really statesmen, and these are not much to be admired.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What do you mean? I said; you should have more feeling for them. When a man cannot measure, and a great many &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage426E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;others who cannot measure declare that he is four cubits high, can he help believing what they say?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nay, he said, certainly not in that case.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Well, then, do not be angry with them; for are they not as good as a play, trying their hand at paltry reforms such as I was describing; they are always fancying that by legislation they will make an end of frauds in contracts, and the other rascalities which I was mentioning, not knowing that they are in reality cutting off the heads of a hydra? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page116&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;116&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage427A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;427&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yes, he said; that is just what they are doing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I conceive, I said, that the true legislator will not trouble himself with this class of enactments whether concerning laws or the constitution either in an ill-ordered or in a well-ordered State; for in the former they are quite useless, and in the latter there will be no difficulty in devising them; and many of them will naturally flow out of our previous regulations.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage427B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; What, then, he said, is still remaining to us of the work of legislation?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nothing to us, I replied; but to Apollo, the God of Delphi, there remains the ordering of the greatest and noblest and chiefest things of all.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Which are they? he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Religion to be left to the God of Delphi.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The institution of temples and sacrifices, and the entire service of gods, demigods, and heroes; also the ordering of the repositories of the dead, and the rites which have to be observed by him who would propitiate the inhabitants of the world below. These are matters of which we are ignorant ourselves, and as founders of a city we should be &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage427C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;unwise in trusting them to any interpreter but our ancestral deity. He is the god who sits in the centre, on the navel of the earth, and he is the interpreter of religion to all mankind.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You are right, and we will do as you propose.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But where, amid all this, is justice? son of Ariston, tell me where. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage427D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Now that our city has been made habitable, light a candle and search, and get your brother and Polemarchus and the rest of our friends to help, and let us see where in it we can discover justice and where injustice, and in what they differ from one another, and which of them the man who would be happy should have for his portion, whether seen or unseen by gods and men.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OCRATES&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, G&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LAUCON&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Nonsense, said Glaucon: did you not promise to search &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage427E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;yourself, saying that for you not to help justice in her need would be an impiety?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I do not deny that I said so, and as you remind me, I will be as good as my word; but you must join.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We will, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Well, then, I hope to make the discovery in this way: &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page117&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;117&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I mean to begin with the assumption that our State, if rightly ordered, is perfect.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is most certain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And being perfect, is therefore wise and valiant and temperate and just.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is likewise clear.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And whichever of these qualities we find in the State, the one which is not found will be the residue?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage428A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;428&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Very good.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;If there were four things, and we were searching for one of them, wherever it might be, the one sought for might be known to us from the first, and there would be no further trouble; or we might know the other three first, and then the fourth would clearly be the one left.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And is not a similar method to be pursued about the virtues, which are also four in number?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Clearly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The place of the virtues in the State: (1) The wisdom of the statesman advises, not about particular arts or pursuits,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; First among the virtues found in the State, wisdom comes &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage428B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;into view, and in this I detect a certain peculiarity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What is that?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The State which we have been describing is said to be wise as being good in counsel?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And good counsel is clearly a kind of knowledge, for not by ignorance, but by knowledge, do men counsel well?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Clearly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the kinds of knowledge in a State are many and diverse?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of course.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There is the knowledge of the carpenter; but is that the sort of knowledge which gives a city the title of wise and good in counsel?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage428C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Certainly not; that would only give a city the reputation of skill in carpentering.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then a city is not to be called wise because possessing a knowledge which counsels for the best about wooden implements?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nor by reason of a knowledge which advises about brazen &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page118&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;118&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; pots, I said, nor as possessing any other similar knowledge?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Not by reason of any of them, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nor yet by reason of a knowledge which cultivates the earth; that would give the city the name of agricultural?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;but about the whole State.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Well, I said, and is there any knowledge in our recently-founded State among any of the citizens which advises, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage428D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;not about any particular thing in the State, but about the whole, and considers how a State can best deal with itself and with other States?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There certainly is.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And what is this knowledge, and among whom is it found? I asked.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It is the knowledge of the guardians, he replied, and is found among those whom we were just now describing as perfect guardians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And what is the name which the city derives from the possession of this sort of knowledge?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The name of good in counsel and truly wise.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage428E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The statesmen or guardians are the smallest of all classes in the State.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And will there be in our city more of these true guardians or more smiths?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The smiths, he replied, will be far more numerous.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Will not the guardians be the smallest of all the classes who receive a name from the profession of some kind of knowledge?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Much the smallest.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And so by reason of the smallest part or class, and of the knowledge which resides in this presiding and ruling part of itself, the whole State, being thus constituted according to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage429A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;429&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;nature, will be wise; and this, which has the only knowledge worthy to be called wisdom, has been ordained by nature to be of all classes the least.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Most true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thus, then, I said, the nature and place in the State of one of the four virtues has somehow or other been discovered.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And, in my humble opinion, very satisfactorily discovered, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Again, I said, there is no difficulty in seeing the nature of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page119&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;119&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; courage, and in what part that quality resides which gives the name of courageous to the State.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How do you mean?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage429B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;(2) The courage which makes the city courageous is found chiefly in the soldier.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Why, I said, every one who calls any State courageous or cowardly, will be thinking of the part which fights and goes out to war on the State’s behalf.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No one, he replied, would ever think of any other.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The rest of the citizens may be courageous or may be cowardly, but their courage or cowardice will not, as I conceive, have the effect of making the city either the one or the other.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;It is the quality which preserves right opinion about things to be feared and not to be feared.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The city will be courageous in virtue of a portion of herself which preserves under all circumstances that opinion &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage429C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;about the nature of things to be feared and not to be feared in which our legislator educated them; and this is what you term courage.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I should like to hear what you are saying once more, for I do not think that I perfectly understand you.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I mean that courage is a kind of salvation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Salvation of what?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of the opinion respecting things to be feared, what they are and of what nature, which the law implants through education; and I mean by the words ‘under all circumstances’ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage429D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to intimate that in pleasure or in pain, or under the influence of desire or fear, a man preserves, and does not lose this opinion. Shall I give you an illustration?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;If you please.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Illustration from the art of dyeing.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; You know, I said, that dyers, when they want to dye wool for making the true sea-purple, begin by selecting their white colour first; this they prepare and dress with much care and pains, in order that the white ground may take the purple hue in full perfection. The dyeing then proceeds; and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage429E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;whatever is dyed in this manner becomes a fast colour, and no washing either with lyes or without them can take away the bloom. But, when the ground has not been duly prepared, you will have noticed how poor is the look either of purple or of any other colour.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said; I know that they have a washed-out and ridiculous appearance. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page120&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;120&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Our soldiers must take the dye of the laws.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then now, I said, you will understand what our object was &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage430A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;430&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;in selecting our soldiers, and educating them in music and gymnastic; we were contriving influences which would prepare them to take the dye of the laws in perfection, and the colour of their opinion about dangers and of every other opinion was to be indelibly fixed by their nurture and training, not to be washed away by such potent lyes as pleasure—mightier agent far in washing the soul than any soda or lye; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage430B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;or by sorrow, fear, and desire, the mightiest of all other solvents. And this sort of universal saving power of true opinion in conformity with law about real and false dangers I call and maintain to be courage, unless you disagree.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But I agree, he replied; for I suppose that you mean to exclude mere uninstructed courage, such as that of a wild beast or of a slave—this, in your opinion, is not the courage which the law ordains, and ought to have another name.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage430C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Most certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then I may infer courage to be such as you describe?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Why, yes, said I, you may, and if you add the words ‘of a citizen,’ you will not be far wrong;—hereafter, if you like, we will carry the examination further, but at present we are seeking not for courage but justice; and for the purpose of our enquiry we have said enough.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You are right, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Two other virtues, temperance and justice, which must be considered in their proper order.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Two virtues remain to be discovered in the State—first, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage430D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;temperance, and then justice which is the end of our search.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Now, can we find justice without troubling ourselves about temperance?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I do not know how that can be accomplished, he said, nor do I desire that justice should be brought to light and temperance lost sight of; and therefore I wish that you would do me the favour of considering temperance first.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage430E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Certainly, I replied, I should not be justified in refusing your request.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then consider, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I replied; I will; and as far as I can at present see, the virtue of temperance has more of the nature of harmony and symphony than the preceding.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How so? he asked. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page121&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;121&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Temperance, I replied, is the ordering or controlling of certain pleasures and desires; this is curiously enough implied in the saying of ‘a man being his own master;’ and other traces of the same notion may be found in language.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No doubt, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The temperate is master of himself, but the same person, when intemperate, is also the slave of himself.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; There is something ridiculous in the expression ‘master of himself;’ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage431A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;431&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;for the master is also the servant and the servant the master; and in all these modes of speaking the same person is denoted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The meaning is, I believe, that in the human soul there is a better and also a worse principle; and when the better has the worse under control, then a man is said to be master of himself; and this is a term of praise: but when, owing to evil education or association, the better principle, which is also the smaller, is overwhelmed by the greater mass of the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage431B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;worse—in this case he is blamed and is called the slave of self and unprincipled.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, there is reason in that.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And now, I said, look at our newly-created State, and there you will find one of these two conditions realized; for the State, as you will acknowledge, may be justly called master of itself, if the words ‘temperance’ and ‘self-mastery’ truly express the rule of the better part over the worse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said, I see that what you say is true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Let me further note that the manifold and complex pleasures &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage431C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and desires and pains are generally found in children and women and servants, and in the freemen so called who are of the lowest and more numerous class.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Whereas the simple and moderate desires which follow reason, and are under the guidance of mind and true opinion, are to be found only in a few, and those the best born and best educated.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The State which has the passions and desires of the many controlled by the few may be rightly called temperate.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; These two, as you may perceive, have a place in our State; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage431D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and the meaner desires of the many are held down by the virtuous desires and wisdom of the few.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That I perceive, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then if there be any city which may be described as &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page122&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;122&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; master of its own pleasures and desires, and master of itself, ours may claim such a designation?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It may also be called temperate, and for the same reasons?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And if there be any State in which rulers and subjects will &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage431E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;be agreed as to the question who are to rule, that again will be our State?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Undoubtedly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the citizens being thus agreed among themselves, in which class will temperance be found—in the rulers or in the subjects?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In both, as I should imagine, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Do you observe that we were not far wrong in our guess that temperance was a sort of harmony?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Why so?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Temperance resides in the whole State.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Why, because temperance is unlike courage and wisdom, each of which resides in a part only, the one making the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage432A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;432&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;State wise and the other valiant; not so temperance, which extends to the whole, and runs through all the notes of the scale, and produces a harmony of the weaker and the stronger and the middle class, whether you suppose them to be stronger or weaker in wisdom or power or numbers or wealth, or anything else. Most truly then may we deem temperance to be the agreement of the naturally superior and inferior, as to the right to rule of either, both in states and individuals.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage432B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I entirely agree with you.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And so, I said, we may consider three out of the four virtues to have been discovered in our State. The last of those qualities which make a state virtuous must be justice, if we only knew what that was.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The inference is obvious.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Justice is not far off.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The time then has arrived, Glaucon, when, like huntsmen, we should surround the cover, and look sharp that justice does not steal away, and pass out of sight and escape us; for &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage432C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;beyond a doubt she is somewhere in this country: watch therefore and strive to catch a sight of her, and if you see her first, let me know.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Would that I could! but you should regard me rather as &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page123&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;123&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; a follower who has just eyes enough to see what you show him—that is about as much as I am good for.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Offer up a prayer with me and follow.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I will, but you must show me the way.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Here is no path, I said, and the wood is dark and perplexing; still we must push on.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage432D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Let us push on.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Here I saw something: Halloo! I said, I begin to perceive a track, and I believe that the quarry will not escape.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Good news, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Truly, I said, we are stupid fellows.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Why so?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Why, my good sir, at the beginning of our enquiry, ages ago, there was justice tumbling out at our feet, and we never saw her; nothing could be more ridiculous. Like people who go about looking for what they have in their hands—&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage432E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;that was the way with us—we looked not at what we were seeking, but at what was far off in the distance; and therefore, I suppose, we missed her.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What do you mean?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I mean to say that in reality for a long time past we have been talking of justice, and have failed to recognise her.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I grow impatient at the length of your exordium.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage433A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;433&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;We had already found her when we spoke of one man doing one thing only.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Well then, tell me, I said, whether I am right or not: You remember the original principle which we were always laying down at the foundation of the State, that one man should practise one thing only, the thing to which his nature was best adapted;—now justice is this principle or a part of it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, we often said that one man should do one thing only.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Further, we affirmed that justice was doing one’s own business, and not being a busybody; we said so again and again, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage433B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and many others have said the same to us.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, we said so.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then to do one’s own business in a certain way may be assumed to be justice. Can you tell me whence I derive this inference?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I cannot, but I should like to be told.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;From another point of view Justice is the residue of the three others.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Because I think that this is the only virtue which remains in the State when the other virtues of temperance and courage and wisdom are abstracted; and, that this is the ultimate &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page124&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;124&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; cause and condition of the existence of all of them, and while remaining in them is also their preservative; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage433C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and we were saying that if the three were discovered by us, justice would be the fourth or remaining one.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That follows of necessity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;If we are asked to determine which of these four qualities by its presence contributes most to the excellence of the State, whether the agreement of rulers and subjects, or the preservation in the soldiers of the opinion which the law ordains about the true nature of dangers, or wisdom and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage433D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;watchfulness in the rulers, or whether this other which I am mentioning, and which is found in children and women, slave and freeman, artisan, ruler, subject,—the quality, I mean, of every one doing his own work, and not being a busybody, would claim the palm—the question is not so easily answered.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly, he replied, there would be a difficulty in saying which.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then the power of each individual in the State to do his own work appears to compete with the other political virtues, wisdom, temperance, courage.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the virtue which enters into this competition is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage433E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;justice?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Exactly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Our idea is confirmed by the administration of justice in lawsuits. No man is to have what is not his own.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Let us look at the question from another point of view: Are not the rulers in a State those to whom you would entrust the office of determining suits at law?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And are suits decided on any other ground but that a man may neither take what is another’s, nor be deprived of what is his own?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes; that is their principle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Which is a just principle?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then on this view also justice will be admitted to be the having and doing what is a man’s own, and belongs to him?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage434A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;434&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Illustration: Classes, like individuals, should not meddle with one another’s occupations.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Think, now, and say whether you agree with me or not. Suppose a carpenter to be doing the business of a cobbler, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page125&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;125&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; or a cobbler of a carpenter; and suppose them to exchange their implements or their duties, or the same person to be doing the work of both, or whatever be the change; do you think that any great harm would result to the State?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Not much.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But when the cobbler or any other man whom nature &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage434B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;designed to be a trader, having his heart lifted up by wealth or strength or the number of his followers, or any like advantage, attempts to force his way into the class of warriors, or a warrior into that of legislators and guardians, for which he is unfitted, and either to take the implements or the duties of the other; or when one man is trader, legislator, and warrior all in one, then I think you will agree with me in saying that this interchange and this meddling of one with another is the ruin of the State.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Most true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Seeing then, I said, that there are three distinct classes, any meddling of one with another, or the change of one into &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage434C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;another, is the greatest harm to the State, and may be most justly termed evil-doing?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Precisely.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the greatest degree of evil-doing to one’s own city would be termed by you injustice?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This then is injustice; and on the other hand when the trader, the auxiliary, and the guardian each do their own business, that is justice, and will make the city just.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage434D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I agree with you.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;From the larger example of the State we will now return to the individual.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; We will not, I said, be over-positive as yet; but if, on trial, this conception of justice be verified in the individual as well as in the State, there will be no longer any room for doubt; if it be not verified, we must have a fresh enquiry. First let us complete the old investigation, which we began, as you remember, under the impression that, if we could previously examine justice on the larger scale, there would be less difficulty in discerning her in the individual. That larger &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage434E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;example appeared to be the State, and accordingly we constructed as good a one as we could, knowing well that in the good State justice would be found. Let the discovery which we made be now applied to the individual—if they agree, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page126&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;126&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; we shall be satisfied; or, if there be a difference in the individual, we will come back to the State and have another &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage435A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;435&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;trial of the theory. The friction of the two when rubbed together may possibly strike a light in which justice will shine forth, and the vision which is then revealed we will fix in our souls.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That will be in regular course; let us do as you say.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I proceeded to ask: When two things, a greater and less, are called by the same name, are they like or unlike in so far as they are called the same?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Like, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage435B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The just man then, if we regard the idea of justice only, will be like the just State?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He will.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And a State was thought by us to be just when the three classes in the State severally did their own business; and also thought to be temperate and valiant and wise by reason of certain other affections and qualities of these same classes?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And so of the individual; we may assume that he has the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage435C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;same three principles in his own soul which are found in the State; and he may be rightly described in the same terms, because he is affected in the same manner?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;How can we decide whether or no the soul has three distinct principles?&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Once more then, O my friend, we have alighted upon an easy question—whether the soul has these three principles or not?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;An easy question! Nay, rather, Socrates, the proverb holds that hard is the good.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, I said; and I do not think that the method &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage435D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;which we are employing is at all adequate to the accurate solution of this question; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Our method is inadequate, and for a better and longer one we have not at present time.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the true method is another and a longer one. Still we may arrive at a solution not below the level of the previous enquiry.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;May we not be satisfied with that? he said;—under the circumstances, I am quite content.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I too, I replied, shall be extremely well satisfied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then faint not in pursuing the speculation, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage435E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Must we not acknowledge, I said, that in each of us there &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page127&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;127&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; are the same principles and habits which there are in the State; and that from the individual they pass into the State?—how else can they come there? Take the quality of passion or spirit;—it would be ridiculous to imagine that this quality, when found in States, is not derived from the individuals who are supposed to possess it, e.g. the Thracians, Scythians, and in general the northern nations; and the same may be said of the love of knowledge, which is the special characteristic of our part of the world, or of the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage436A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;436&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;love of money, which may, with equal truth, be attributed to the Phoenicians and Egyptians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Exactly so, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There is no difficulty in understanding this.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;None whatever.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A digression in which an attempt is made to attain logical clearness.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But the question is not quite so easy when we proceed to ask whether these principles are three or one; whether, that is to say, we learn with one part of our nature, are angry with another, and with a third part desire the satisfaction &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage436B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of our natural appetites; or whether the whole soul comes into play in each sort of action—to determine that is the difficulty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said; there lies the difficulty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then let us now try and determine whether they are the same or different.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How can we? he asked.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The criterion of truth: Nothing can be and not be at the same time in the same relation.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I replied as follows: The same thing clearly cannot act or be acted upon in the same part or in relation to the same thing at the same time, in contrary ways; and therefore whenever this contradiction occurs in things apparently the same, we know that they are really not the same, but &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage436C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;different.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Good.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For example, I said, can the same thing be at rest and in motion at the same time in the same part?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Impossible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Still, I said, let us have a more precise statement of terms, lest we should hereafter fall out by the way. Imagine the case of a man who is standing and also moving his hands and his head, and suppose a person to say that one and the same person is in motion and at rest at the same moment&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page128&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;128&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;—to such a mode of speech we should object, and should &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage436D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;rather say that one part of him is in motion while another is at rest.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Anticipation of objections to this ‘law of thought.’&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And suppose the objector to refine still further, and to draw the nice distinction that not only parts of tops, but whole tops, when they spin round with their pegs fixed on the spot, are at rest and in motion at the same time (and he may say the same of anything which revolves in the same spot), his objection would not be admitted by us, because &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage436E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;in such cases things are not at rest and in motion in the same parts of themselves; we should rather say that they have both an axis and a circumference, and that the axis stands still, for there is no deviation from the perpendicular; and that the circumference goes round. But if, while revolving, the axis inclines either to the right or left, forwards or backwards, then in no point of view can they be at rest.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is the correct mode of describing them, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then none of these objections will confuse us, or incline us to believe that the same thing at the same time, in the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage437A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;437&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;same part or in relation to the same thing, can act or be acted upon in contrary ways.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not, according to my way of thinking.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yet, I said, that we may not be compelled to examine all such objections, and prove at length that they are untrue, let us assume their absurdity, and go forward on the understanding that hereafter, if this assumption turn out to be untrue, all the consequences which follow shall be withdrawn.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said, that will be the best way.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage437B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Likes and dislikes exist in many forms.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Well, I said, would you not allow that assent and dissent, desire and aversion, attraction and repulsion, are all of them opposites, whether they are regarded as active or passive (for that makes no difference in the fact of their opposition)?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said, they are opposites.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Well, I said, and hunger and thirst, and the desires in general, and again willing and wishing,—all these you would &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage437C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;refer to the classes already mentioned. You would say—would you not?—that the soul of him who desires is seeking &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page129&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;129&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; after the object of his desire; or that he is drawing to himself the thing which he wishes to possess: or again, when a person wants anything to be given him, his mind, longing for the realization of his desire, intimates his wish to have it by a nod of assent, as if he had been asked a question?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And what would you say of unwillingness and dislike and the absence of desire; should not these be referred to the opposite class of repulsion and rejection?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage437D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Admitting this to be true of desire generally, let us suppose a particular class of desires, and out of these we will select hunger and thirst, as they are termed, which are the most obvious of them?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Let us take that class, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The object of one is food, and of the other drink?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;There may be simple thirst or qualified thirst, having respectively a simple or a qualified object.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And here comes the point: is not thirst the desire which the soul has of drink, and of drink only; not of drink qualified by anything else; for example, warm or cold, or much or little, or, in a word, drink of any particular sort: but if the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage437E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;thirst be accompanied by heat, then the desire is of cold drink; or, if accompanied by cold, then of warm drink; or, if the thirst be excessive, then the drink which is desired will be excessive; or, if not great, the quantity of drink will also be small: but thirst pure and simple will desire drink pure and simple, which is the natural satisfaction of thirst, as food is of hunger?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said; the simple desire is, as you say, in every case of the simple object, and the qualified desire of the qualified object.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage438A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;438&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Exception: The term good expresses, not a particular, but an universal relation.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But here a confusion may arise; and I should wish to guard against an opponent starting up and saying that no man desires drink only, but good drink, or food only, but good food; for good is the universal object of desire, and thirst being a desire, will necessarily be thirst after good drink; and the same is true of every other desire.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he replied, the opponent might have something to say.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nevertheless I should still maintain, that of relatives some &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page130&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;130&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage438B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;have a quality attached to either term of the relation; others are simple and have their correlatives simple.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I do not know what you mean.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Illustration of the argument from the use of language about correlative terms.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Well, you know of course that the greater is relative to the less?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the much greater to the much less?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the sometime greater to the sometime less, and the greater that is to be to the less that is to be?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage438C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And so of more and less, and of other correlative terms, such as the double and the half, or again, the heavier and the lighter, the swifter and the slower; and of hot and cold, and of any other relatives;—is not this true of all of them?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And does not the same principle hold in the sciences? The object of science is knowledge (assuming that to be the true definition), but the object of a particular science is a &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage438D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;particular kind of knowledge; I mean, for example, that the science of house-building is a kind of knowledge which is defined and distinguished from other kinds and is therefore termed architecture.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Because it has a particular quality which no other has?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And it has this particular quality because it has an object of a particular kind; and this is true of the other arts and sciences?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Recapitulation&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Now, then, if I have made myself clear, you will understand my original meaning in what I said about relatives. My meaning was, that if one term of a relation is taken alone, the other is taken alone; if one term is qualified, the other is also qualified. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage438E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Anticipation of a possible confusion.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;I do not mean to say that relatives may not be disparate, or that the science of health is healthy, or of disease necessarily diseased, or that the sciences of good and evil are therefore good and evil; but only that, when the term science is no longer used absolutely, but has a qualified object which in this case is the nature of health and disease, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page131&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;131&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; it becomes defined, and is hence called not merely science, but the science of medicine.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I quite understand, and I think as you do.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage439A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;439&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Would you not say that thirst is one of these essentially relative terms, having clearly a relation—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, thirst is relative to drink.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And a certain kind of thirst is relative to a certain kind of drink; but thirst taken alone is neither of much nor little, nor of good nor bad, nor of any particular kind of drink, but of drink only?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then the soul of the thirsty one, in so far as he is thirsty, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage439B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;desires only drink; for this he yearns and tries to obtain it?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is plain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The law of contradiction.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And if you suppose something which pulls a thirsty soul away from drink, that must be different from the thirsty principle which draws him like a beast to drink; for, as we were saying, the same thing cannot at the same time with the same part of itself act in contrary ways about the same.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Impossible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No more than you can say that the hands of the archer push and pull the bow at the same time, but what you say is that one hand pushes and the other pulls.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage439C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Exactly so, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And might a man be thirsty, and yet unwilling to drink?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said, it constantly happens.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And in such a case what is one to say? Would you not say that there was something in the soul bidding a man to drink, and something else forbidding him, which is other and stronger than the principle which bids him?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I should say so.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage439D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The opposition of desire and reason.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And the forbidding principle is derived from reason, and that which bids and attracts proceeds from passion and disease?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Clearly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then we may fairly assume that they are two, and that they differ from one another; the one with which a man reasons, we may call the rational principle of the soul, the other, with which he loves and hungers and thirsts and feels the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page132&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;132&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; flutterings of any other desire, may be termed the irrational or appetitive, the ally of sundry pleasures and satisfactions?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage439E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yes, he said, we may fairly assume them to be different.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then let us finally determine that there are two principles existing in the soul. And what of passion, or spirit? Is it a third, or akin to one of the preceding?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I should be inclined to say—akin to desire.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The third principle of spirit or passion illustrated by an example.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Well, I said, there is a story which I remember to have heard, and in which I put faith. The story is, that Leontius, the son of Aglaion, coming up one day from the Piraeus, under the north wall on the outside, observed some dead bodies lying on the ground at the place of execution. He felt a desire to see them, and also a dread and abhorrence of them; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage440A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;440&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;for a time he struggled and covered his eyes, but at length the desire got the better of him; and forcing them open, he ran up to the dead bodies, saying, Look, ye wretches, take your fill of the fair sight.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have heard the story myself, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The moral of the tale is, that anger at times goes to war with desire, as though they were two distinct things.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes; that is the meaning, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And are there not many other cases in which we observe &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage440B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;that when a man’s desires violently prevail over his reason, he reviles himself, and is angry at the violence within him, and that in this struggle, which is like the struggle of factions in a State, his spirit is on the side of his reason;—&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Passion never takes part with desire against reason.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;but for the passionate or spirited element to take part with the desires when reason decides that she should not be opposed&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook43&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook43&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, is a sort of thing which I believe that you never observed occurring in yourself, nor, as I should imagine, in any one else?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook43&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook43&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Reading &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;mê\ dei=n a)ntipra/tein&amp;quot;&amp;gt;μὴ δεῖν ἀντιπράτειν&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, without a comma after &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;dei=n&amp;quot;&amp;gt;δεῖν&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage440C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Righteous indignation never felt by a person of noble character when he deservedly suffers.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Suppose that a man thinks he has done a wrong to another, the nobler he is the less able is he to feel indignant at any suffering, such as hunger, or cold, or any other pain which the injured person may inflict upon him—these he deems to be just, and, as I say, his anger refuses to be excited by them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But when he thinks that he is the sufferer of the wrong, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page133&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;133&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; then he boils and chafes, and is on the side of what he believes to be justice; and because he suffers hunger or cold &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage440D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;or other pain he is only the more determined to persevere and conquer. His noble spirit will not be quelled until he either slays or is slain; or until he hears the voice of the shepherd, that is, reason, bidding his dog bark no more.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The illustration is perfect, he replied; and in our State, as we were saying, the auxiliaries were to be dogs, and to hear the voice of the rulers, who are their shepherds.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I perceive, I said, that you quite understand me; there is, however, a further point which I wish you to consider.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage440E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; What point?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You remember that passion or spirit appeared at first sight to be a kind of desire, but now we should say quite the contrary; for in the conflict of the soul spirit is arrayed on the side of the rational principle.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Most assuredly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Not two, but three principles in the soul, as in the State.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But a further question arises: Is passion different from reason also, or only a kind of reason; in which latter case, instead of three principles in the soul, there will only be two, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage441A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;441&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the rational and the concupiscent; or rather, as the State was composed of three classes, traders, auxiliaries, counsellors, so may there not be in the individual soul a third element which is passion or spirit, and when not corrupted by bad education is the natural auxiliary of reason?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said, there must be a third.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I replied, if passion, which has already been shown to be different from desire, turn out also to be different from reason.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But that is easily proved:—We may observe even in young children that they are full of spirit almost as soon as they are born, whereas some of them never seem to attain to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage441B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the use of reason, and most of them late enough.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Excellent, I said, and you may see passion equally in brute animals, which is a further proof of the truth of what you are saying. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Appeal to Homer.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And we may once more appeal to the words of Homer, which have been already quoted by us,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘He smote his breast, and thus rebuked his soul&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook44&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook44&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;,’ &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page134&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;134&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage441C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; for in this verse Homer has clearly supposed the power which reasons about the better and worse to be different from the unreasoning anger which is rebuked by it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook44&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook44&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Od. xx. 17, quoted supra, III. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage390D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;390 D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The conclusion that the same three principles exist both in the State and in the individual applied to each of them.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And so, after much tossing, we have reached land, and are fairly agreed that the same principles which exist in the State exist also in the individual, and that they are three in number.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Exactly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Must we not then infer that the individual is wise in the same way, and in virtue of the same quality which makes the State wise?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage441D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Also that the same quality which constitutes courage in the State constitutes courage in the individual, and that both the State and the individual bear the same relation to all the other virtues?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Assuredly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the individual will be acknowledged by us to be just in the same way in which the State is just?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That follows, of course.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We cannot but remember that the justice of the State &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage441E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; consisted in each of the three classes doing the work of its own class?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We are not very likely to have forgotten, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We must recollect that the individual in whom the several qualities of his nature do their own work will be just, and will do his own work?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said, we must remember that too.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And ought not the rational principle, which is wise, and has the care of the whole soul, to rule, and the passionate or spirited principle to be the subject and ally?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Music and gymnastic will harmonize passion and reason. These two combined will control desire,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And, as we were saying, the united influence of music and gymnastic will bring them into accord, nerving and sustaining the reason with noble words and lessons, and moderating and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage442A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;442&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;soothing and civilizing the wildness of passion by harmony and rhythm?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quite true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And these two, thus nurtured and educated, and having &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page135&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;135&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; learned truly to know their own functions, will rule&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook45&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook45&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; over the concupiscent, which in each of us is the largest part of the soul and by nature most insatiable of gain; over this they will keep guard, lest, waxing great and strong with the fulness of bodily pleasures, as they are termed, the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage442B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;concupiscent soul, no longer confined to her own sphere, should attempt to enslave and rule those who are not her natural-born subjects, and overturn the whole life of man?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook45&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook45&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Reading &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;prostatê/seton&amp;quot;&amp;gt;προστατήσετον&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; with Bekker; or, if the reading &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;prostê/seton&amp;quot;&amp;gt;προστήσετον&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, which is found in the MSS., be adopted, then the nominative must be supplied from the previous sentence: ‘Music and gymnastic will place in authority over …’ This is very awkward, and the awkwardness is increased by the necessity of changing the subject at &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;têrê/seton&amp;quot;&amp;gt;τηρήσετον&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;and will be the best defenders both of body and soul.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Both together will they not be the best defenders of the whole soul and the whole body against attacks from without; the one counselling, and the other fighting under his leader, and courageously executing his commands and counsels?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The courageous.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And he is to be deemed courageous whose spirit retains &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage442C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;in pleasure and in pain the commands of reason about what he ought or ought not to fear?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Right, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The wise.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And him we call wise who has in him that little part which rules, and which proclaims these commands; that part too being supposed to have a knowledge of what is for the interest of each of the three parts and of the whole?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Assuredly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The temperate.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And would you not say that he is temperate who has these same elements in friendly harmony, in whom the one ruling principle of reason, and the two subject ones of spirit and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage442D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;desire are equally agreed that reason ought to rule, and do not rebel?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly, he said, that is the true account of temperance whether in the State or individual.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The just.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And surely, I said, we have explained again and again how and by virtue of what quality a man will be just.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is very certain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And is justice dimmer in the individual, and is her form different, or is she the same which we found her to be in the State? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page136&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;136&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There is no difference in my opinion, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The nature of justice illustrated by commonplace instances.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Because, if any doubt is still lingering in our minds, a few &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage442E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;commonplace instances will satisfy us of the truth of what I am saying.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What sort of instances do you mean?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;If the case is put to us, must we not admit that the just &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage443A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;443&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;State, or the man who is trained in the principles of such a State, will be less likely than the unjust to make away with a deposit of gold or silver? Would any one deny this?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No one, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Will the just man or citizen ever be guilty of sacrilege or theft, or treachery either to his friends or to his country?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Never.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Neither will he ever break faith where there have been oaths or agreements?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Impossible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No one will be less likely to commit adultery, or to dishonour his father and mother, or to fail in his religious duties?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No one.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage443B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And the reason is that each part of him is doing its own business, whether in ruling or being ruled?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Exactly so.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Are you satisfied then that the quality which makes such men and such states is justice, or do you hope to discover some other?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Not I, indeed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;We have realized the hope entertained in the first construction of the State.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then our dream has been realized; and the suspicion which we entertained at the beginning of our work of construction, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage443C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;that some divine power must have conducted us to a primary form of justice, has now been verified?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the division of labour which required the carpenter and the shoemaker and the rest of the citizens to be doing each his own business, and not another’s, was a shadow of justice, and for that reason it was of use?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Clearly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The three principles harmonize in one.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But in reality justice was such as we were describing, being concerned however, not with the outward man, but &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage443D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;with the inward, which is the true self and concernment of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page137&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;137&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; man: for the just man does not permit the several elements within him to interfere with one another, or any of them to do the work of others,—he sets in order his own inner life, and is his own master and his own law, and at peace with himself; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The harmony of human life.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and when he has bound together the three principles within him, which may be compared to the higher, lower, and middle notes of the scale, and the intermediate intervals—when he has bound all these together, and is no longer &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage443E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;many, but has become one entirely temperate and perfectly adjusted nature, then he proceeds to act, if he has to act, whether in a matter of property, or in the treatment of the body, or in some affair of politics or private business; always thinking and calling that which preserves and co-operates with this harmonious condition, just and good action, and the knowledge which presides over it, wisdom, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage444A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;444&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and that which at any time impairs this condition, he will call unjust action, and the opinion which presides over it ignorance.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You have said the exact truth, Socrates.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very good; and if we were to affirm that we had discovered the just man and the just State, and the nature of justice in each of them, we should not be telling a falsehood?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Most certainly not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;May we say so, then?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Let us say so.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And now, I said, injustice has to be considered.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Clearly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage444B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Injustice the opposite of justice.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Must not injustice be a strife which arises among the three principles—a meddlesomeness, and interference, and rising up of a part of the soul against the whole, an assertion of unlawful authority, which is made by a rebellious subject against a true prince, of whom he is the natural vassal,—what is all this confusion and delusion but injustice, and intemperance and cowardice and ignorance, and every form of vice?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Exactly so.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage444C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And if the nature of justice and injustice be known, then the meaning of acting unjustly and being unjust, or, again, of acting justly, will also be perfectly clear?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What do you mean? he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Analogy of body and soul.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Why, I said, they are like disease and health; being in the soul just what disease and health are in the body. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page138&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;138&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How so? he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Why, I said, that which is healthy causes health, and that which is unhealthy causes disease.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage444D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And just actions cause justice, and unjust actions cause injustice?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is certain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Health : disease :: justice : injustice.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And the creation of health is the institution of a natural order and government of one by another in the parts of the body; and the creation of disease is the production of a state of things at variance with this natural order?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And is not the creation of justice the institution of a natural order and government of one by another in the parts of the soul, and the creation of injustice the production of a state of things at variance with the natural order?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Exactly so, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then virtue is the health and beauty and well-being of the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage444E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;soul, and vice the disease and weakness and deformity of the same?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And do not good practices lead to virtue, and evil practices to vice?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Assuredly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage445A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;445&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The old question, whether the just or the unjust is the happier, has become ridiculous.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Still our old question of the comparative advantage of justice and injustice has not been answered: Which is the more profitable, to be just and act justly and practise virtue, whether seen or unseen of gods and men, or to be unjust and act unjustly, if only unpunished and unreformed?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In my judgment, Socrates, the question has now become ridiculous. We know that, when the bodily constitution is gone, life is no longer endurable, though pampered with all kinds of meats and drinks, and having all wealth and all power; and shall we be told that when the very essence of the vital principle is undermined and corrupted, life is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage445B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;still worth having to a man, if only he be allowed to do whatever he likes with the single exception that he is not to acquire justice and virtue, or to escape from injustice and vice; assuming them both to be such as we have described?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I said, the question is, as you say, ridiculous. Still, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page139&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;139&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; as we are near the spot at which we may see the truth in the clearest manner with our own eyes, let us not faint by the way.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage445C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Come up hither, I said, and behold the various forms of vice, those of them, I mean, which are worth looking at.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I am following you, he replied: proceed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I said, The argument seems to have reached a height from which, as from some tower of speculation, a man may look down and see that virtue is one, but that the forms of vice are innumerable; there being four special ones which are deserving of note.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What do you mean? he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;As many forms of the soul as of the State.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I mean, I replied, that there appear to be as many forms of the soul as there are distinct forms of the State.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How many?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage445D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; There are five of the State, and five of the soul, I said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What are they?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The first, I said, is that which we have been describing, and which may be said to have two names, monarchy and aristocracy, accordingly as rule is exercised by one distinguished man or by many.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But I regard the two names as describing one form only; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage445E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;for whether the government is in the hands of one or many, if the governors have been trained in the manner which we have supposed, the fundamental laws of the State will be maintained.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is true, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page140&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 class=&amp;quot;space-above&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;BookV&amp;quot;&amp;gt;BOOK V.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage449A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Steph.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
449&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic V.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OCRATES&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, G&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LAUCON&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, A&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;DEIMANTUS&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
The community of women and children.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;UCH&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; is the good and true City or State, and the good and true man is of the same pattern; and if this is right every other is wrong; and the evil is one which affects not only the ordering of the State, but also the regulation of the individual soul, and is exhibited in four forms.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What are they? he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage449&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage449B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I was proceeding to tell the order in which the four evil forms appeared to me to succeed one another, when Polemarchus, who was sitting a little way off, just beyond Adeimantus, began to whisper to him: stretching forth his hand, he took hold of the upper part of his coat by the shoulder, and drew him towards him, leaning forward himself so as to be quite close and saying something in his ear, of which I only caught the words, ‘Shall we let him off, or what shall we do?’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not, said Adeimantus, raising his voice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Who is it, I said, whom you are refusing to let off?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage449C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I repeated&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook51&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook51&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, Why am I especially not to be let off?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook51&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook51&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Reading &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;e)/ti e)gô\ ei)=pon&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἔτι ἐγὼ εἶπον&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The saying ‘Friends have all things in common’ is an insufficient solution of the problem.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Why, he said, we think that you are lazy, and mean to cheat us out of a whole chapter which is a very important part of the story; and you fancy that we shall not notice your airy way of proceeding; as if it were self-evident to everybody, that in the matter of women and children ‘friends have all things in common.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And was I not right, Adeimantus?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said; but what is right in this particular case, like everything else, requires to be explained; for community may be of many kinds. Please, therefore, to say what sort &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage449D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of community you mean. We have been long &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page141&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;141&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; expecting that you would tell us something about the family life of your citizens—how they will bring children into the world, and rear them when they have arrived, and, in general, what is the nature of this community of women and children—for we are of opinion that the right or wrong management of such matters will have a great and paramount influence on the State for good or for evil. And now, since the question is still undetermined, and you are taking in hand another &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage450A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;450&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;State, we have resolved, as you heard, not to let you go until you give an account of all this.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To that resolution, said Glaucon, you may regard me as saying Agreed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OCRATES&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, T&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;HRASYMACHUS&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And without more ado, said Thrasymachus, you may consider us all to be equally agreed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I said, You know not what you are doing in thus assailing me: What an argument are you raising about the State! &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The feigned surprise of Socrates.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Just as I thought that I had finished, and was only too glad that I had laid this question to sleep, and was reflecting how fortunate I was in your acceptance of what I then said, you ask me to begin again at the very foundation, ignorant of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage450B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;what a hornet’s nest of words you are stirring. Now I foresaw this gathering trouble, and avoided it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The good-humour of Thrasymachus.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; For what purpose do you conceive that we have come here, said Thrasymachus,—to look for gold, or to hear discourse?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, but discourse should have a limit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OCRATES&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, G&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LAUCON&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yes, Socrates, said Glaucon, and the whole of life is the only limit which wise men assign to the hearing of such discourses. But never mind about us; take heart yourself &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage450C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and answer the question in your own way: What sort of community of women and children is this which is to prevail among our guardians? and how shall we manage the period between birth and education, which seems to require the greatest care? Tell us how these things will be.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, my simple friend, but the answer is the reverse of easy; many more doubts arise about this than about our previous conclusions. For the practicability of what is said may be doubted; and looked at in another point of view, whether the scheme, if ever so practicable, would be for the best, is also doubtful. Hence I feel a reluctance to approach &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page142&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;142&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage450D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;subject, lest our aspiration, my dear friend, should turn out to be a dream only.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Fear not, he replied, for your audience will not be hard upon you; they are not sceptical or hostile.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I said: My good friend, I suppose that you mean to encourage me by these words.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A friendly audience is more dangerous than a hostile one.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then let me tell you that you are doing just the reverse; the encouragement which you offer would have been all very well had I myself believed that I knew what I was talking about: to declare the truth about matters of high &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage450E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;interest which a man honours and loves among wise men who love him need occasion no fear or faltering in his mind; but to carry on an argument when you are yourself only &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage451A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;451&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;a hesitating enquirer, which is my condition, is a dangerous and slippery thing; and the danger is not that I shall be laughed at (of which the fear would be childish), but that I shall miss the truth where I have most need to be sure of my footing, and drag my friends after me in my fall. And I pray Nemesis not to visit upon me the words which I am going to utter. For I do indeed believe that to be an involuntary homicide is a less crime than to be a deceiver about beauty or goodness or justice in the matter of laws&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook52&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook52&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. And that is a risk which I would rather run among enemies than among friends, and therefore you do well to encourage &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage451B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;me&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook53&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook53&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook52&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook52&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Or inserting &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;kai\&amp;quot;&amp;gt;καὶ&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; before &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;nomi/môn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;νομίμων&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;: ‘a deceiver about beauty or goodness or principles of justice or law.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook53&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook53&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Reading &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;ô(/ste eu)= me paramuthei=&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ὥστε εὖ με παραμυθεῖ&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Glaucon laughed and said: Well then, Socrates, in case you and your argument do us any serious injury you shall be acquitted beforehand of the homicide, and shall not be held to be a deceiver; take courage then and speak.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Well, I said, the law says that when a man is acquitted he is free from guilt, and what holds at law may hold in argument.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then why should you mind?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Well, I replied, I suppose that I must retrace my steps &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage451C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and say what I perhaps ought to have said before in the proper place. The part of the men has been played out, and now properly enough comes the turn of the women. Of them I will proceed to speak, and the more readily since I am invited by you. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page143&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;143&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For men born and educated like our citizens, the only way, in my opinion, of arriving at a right conclusion about the possession and use of women and children is to follow the path on which we originally started, when we said that the men were to be the guardians and watchdogs of the herd.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage451D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Let us further suppose the birth and education of our women to be subject to similar or nearly similar regulations; then we shall see whether the result accords with our design.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What do you mean?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;No distinction among the animals such as is made between men and women.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; What I mean may be put into the form of a question, I said: Are dogs divided into hes and shes, or do they both share equally in hunting and in keeping watch and in the other duties of dogs? or do we entrust to the males the entire and exclusive care of the flocks, while we leave the females at home, under the idea that the bearing and suckling their puppies is labour enough for them?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage451E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; No, he said, they share alike; the only difference between them is that the males are stronger and the females weaker.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But can you use different animals for the same purpose, unless they are bred and fed in the same way?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You cannot.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then, if women are to have the same duties as men, they &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage452A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;452&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;must have the same nurture and education?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The education which was assigned to the men was music and gymnastic.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Women must be taught music, gymnastic, and military exercises equally with men.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then women must be taught music and gymnastic and also the art of war, which they must practise like the men?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is the inference, I suppose.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I should rather expect, I said, that several of our proposals, if they are carried out, being unusual, may appear ridiculous.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No doubt of it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, and the most ridiculous thing of all will be the sight of women naked in the palaestra, exercising with the men, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage452B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;especially when they are no longer young; they certainly will not be a vision of beauty, any more than the enthusiastic &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page144&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;144&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; old men who in spite of wrinkles and ugliness continue to frequent the gymnasia.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, indeed, he said: according to present notions the proposal would be thought ridiculous.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But then, I said, as we have determined to speak our minds, we must not fear the jests of the wits which will be directed against this sort of innovation; how they will talk of women’s &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage452C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;attainments both in music and gymnastic, and above all about their wearing armour and riding upon horseback!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Convention should not be permitted to stand in the way of a higher good.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yet having begun we must go forward to the rough places of the law; at the same time begging of these gentlemen for once in their life to be serious. Not long ago, as we shall remind them, the Hellenes were of the opinion, which is still generally received among the barbarians, that the sight of a naked man was ridiculous and improper; and when first the Cretans and then the Lacedaemonians introduced the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage452D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;custom, the wits of that day might equally have ridiculed the innovation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No doubt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But when experience showed that to let all things be uncovered was far better than to cover them up, and the ludicrous effect to the outward eye vanished before the better principle which reason asserted, then the man was perceived to be a fool who directs the shafts of his ridicule at any other &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage452E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;sight but that of folly and vice, or seriously inclines to weigh the beautiful by any other standard but that of the good&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook54&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook54&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook54&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook54&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Reading with Paris A. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;kai\ kalou= ...&amp;quot;&amp;gt;καὶ καλοῦ …&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;First, then, whether the question is to be put in jest or in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage453A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;453&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;earnest, let us come to an understanding about the nature of woman: Is she capable of sharing either wholly or partially in the actions of men, or not at all? And is the art of war one of those arts in which she can or can not share? That will be the best way of commencing the enquiry, and will probably lead to the fairest conclusion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That will be much the best way.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Shall we take the other side first and begin by arguing against ourselves; in this manner the adversary’s position will not be undefended. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page145&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;145&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage453B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Why not? he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Objection: We were saying that every one should do his own work: Have not women and men severally a work of their own?&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then let us put a speech into the mouths of our opponents. They will say: ‘Socrates and Glaucon, no adversary need convict you, for you yourselves, at the first foundation of the State, admitted the principle that everybody was to do the one work suited to his own nature.’ And certainly, if I am not mistaken, such an admission was made by us. ‘And do not the natures of men and women differ very much indeed?’ And we shall reply: Of course they do. Then we shall be asked, ‘Whether the tasks assigned to men and to women should not be different, and such as are agreeable to their &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage453C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;different natures?’ Certainly they should. ‘But if so, have you not fallen into a serious inconsistency in saying that men and women, whose natures are so entirely different, ought to perform the same actions?’—What defence will you make for us, my good Sir, against any one who offers these objections?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is not an easy question to answer when asked suddenly; and I shall and I do beg of you to draw out the case on our side.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;These are the objections, Glaucon, and there are many &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage453D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;others of a like kind, which I foresaw long ago; they made me afraid and reluctant to take in hand any law about the possession and nurture of women and children.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By Zeus, he said, the problem to be solved is anything but easy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Why yes, I said, but the fact is that when a man is out of his depth, whether he has fallen into a little swimming bath or into mid ocean, he has to swim all the same.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And must not we swim and try to reach the shore: we will hope that Arion’s dolphin or some other miraculous help may save us?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage453E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I suppose so, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Well then, let us see if any way of escape can be found. We acknowledged—did we not? that different natures ought to have different pursuits, and that men’s and women’s natures are different. And now what are we saying?—that different natures ought to have the same pursuits,—this is the inconsistency which is charged upon us. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page146&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;146&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Precisely.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage454A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;454&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Verily, Glaucon, I said, glorious is the power of the art of contradiction!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Why do you say so?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The seeming inconsistency arises out of a verbal opposition.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Because I think that many a man falls into the practice against his will. When he thinks that he is reasoning he is really disputing, just because he cannot define and divide, and so know that of which he is speaking; and he will pursue a merely verbal opposition in the spirit of contention and not of fair discussion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he replied, such is very often the case; but what has that to do with us and our argument?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage454B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; A great deal; for there is certainly a danger of our getting unintentionally into a verbal opposition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In what way?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;When we assigned to different natures different pursuits, we meant only those differences of nature which affected the pursuits.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Why we valiantly and pugnaciously insist upon the verbal truth, that different natures ought to have different pursuits, but we never considered at all what was the meaning of sameness or difference of nature, or why we distinguished them when we assigned different pursuits to different natures and the same to the same natures.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Why, no, he said, that was never considered by us.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage454C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I said: Suppose that by way of illustration we were to ask the question whether there is not an opposition in nature between bald men and hairy men; and if this is admitted by us, then, if bald men are cobblers, we should forbid the hairy men to be cobblers, and conversely?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That would be a jest, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I said, a jest; and why? because we never meant when we constructed the State, that the opposition of natures should extend to every difference, but only to those &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage454D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;differences which affected the pursuit in which the individual is engaged; we should have argued, for example, that a physician and one who is in mind a physician&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook55&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook55&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; may be said to have the same nature.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook55&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook55&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Reading &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;i)atro\n me\n kai\ i)atriko\n tê\n psuchê\n o)/nta&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἰατρὸν μὲν καὶ ἰατρικὸν τὴν ψυχὴν ὄντα&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Whereas the physician and the carpenter have different natures?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page147&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;147&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And if, I said, the male and female sex appear to differ in their fitness for any art or pursuit, we should say that such pursuit or art ought to be assigned to one or the other of them; but if the difference consists only in women bearing &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage454E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and men begetting children, this does not amount to a proof that a woman differs from a man in respect of the sort of education she should receive; and we shall therefore continue to maintain that our guardians and their wives ought to have the same pursuits.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Next, we shall ask our opponent how, in reference to any &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage455A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;455&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of the pursuits or arts of civic life, the nature of a woman differs from that of a man?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That will be quite fair.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And perhaps he, like yourself, will reply that to give a sufficient answer on the instant is not easy; but after a little reflection there is no difficulty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, perhaps.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Suppose then that we invite him to accompany us in the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage455B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;argument, and then we may hope to show him that there is nothing peculiar in the constitution of women which would affect them in the administration of the State.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By all means.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The same natural gifts are found in both sexes, but they are possessed in a higher degree by men than women.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Let us say to him: Come now, and we will ask you a question:—when you spoke of a nature gifted or not gifted in any respect, did you mean to say that one man will acquire a thing easily, another with difficulty; a little learning will lead the one to discover a great deal; whereas the other, after much study and application, no sooner learns than he forgets; or again, did you mean, that the one has a body which is a good servant to his mind, while the body of the other is a hindrance to him?—would not these be the sort &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage455C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of differences which distinguish the man gifted by nature from the one who is ungifted?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No one will deny that.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And can you mention any pursuit of mankind in which the male sex has not all these gifts and qualities in a higher degree than the female? Need I waste time in speaking of the art of weaving, and the management of pancakes and preserves, in which womankind does really appear to be &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page148&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;148&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; great, and in which for her to be beaten by a man is of all &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage455D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;things the most absurd?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You are quite right, he replied, in maintaining the general inferiority of the female sex: although many women are in many things superior to many men, yet on the whole what you say is true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And if so, my friend, I said, there is no special faculty of administration in a state which a woman has because she is a woman, or which a man has by virtue of his sex, but the gifts of nature are alike diffused in both; all the pursuits of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage455E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;men are the pursuits of women also, but in all of them a woman is inferior to a man.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Men and women are to be governed by the same laws and to have the same pursuits.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then are we to impose all our enactments on men and none of them on women?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That will never do.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage456A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;456&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; One woman has a gift of healing, another not; one is a musician, and another has no music in her nature?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And one woman has a turn for gymnastic and military exercises, and another is unwarlike and hates gymnastics?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And one woman is a philosopher, and another is an enemy of philosophy; one has spirit, and another is without spirit?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is also true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then one woman will have the temper of a guardian, and another not. Was not the selection of the male guardians determined by differences of this sort?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Men and women alike possess the qualities which make a guardian; they differ only in their comparative strength or weakness.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Obviously.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage456B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And those women who have such qualities are to be selected as the companions and colleagues of men who have similar qualities and whom they resemble in capacity and in character?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And ought not the same natures to have the same pursuits?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They ought.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then, as we were saying before, there is nothing unnatural &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page149&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;149&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; in assigning music and gymnastic to the wives of the guardians—to that point we come round again.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The law which we then enacted was agreeable to nature, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage456C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and therefore not an impossibility or mere aspiration; and the contrary practice, which prevails at present, is in reality a violation of nature.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That appears to be true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We had to consider, first, whether our proposals were possible, and secondly whether they were the most beneficial?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the possibility has been acknowledged?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The very great benefit has next to be established?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quite so.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;There are different degrees of goodness both in women and in men.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; You will admit that the same education which makes a man a good guardian will make a woman a good guardian; for &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage456D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;their original nature is the same?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I should like to ask you a question.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What is it?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Would you say that all men are equal in excellence, or is one man better than another?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The latter.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And in the commonwealth which we were founding do you conceive the guardians who have been brought up on our model system to be more perfect men, or the cobblers whose education has been cobbling?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What a ridiculous question!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You have answered me, I replied: Well, and may we not &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage456E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;further say that our guardians are the best of our citizens?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By far the best.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And will not their wives be the best women?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, by far the best.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And can there be anything better for the interests of the State than that the men and women of a State should be as good as possible?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There can be nothing better.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage457A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;457&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And this is what the arts of music and gymnastic, when present in such manner as we have described, will accomplish? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page150&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;150&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then we have made an enactment not only possible but in the highest degree beneficial to the State?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then let the wives of our guardians strip, for their virtue will be their robe, and let them share in the toils of war and the defence of their country; only in the distribution of labours the lighter are to be assigned to the women, who are the weaker natures, but in other respects their duties are to be the same. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage457B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And as for the man who laughs at naked women exercising their bodies from the best of motives, in his laughter he is plucking&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘A fruit of unripe wisdom,’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;and he himself is ignorant of what he is laughing at, or what he is about;—for that is, and ever will be, the best of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The noble saying.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;sayings, &amp;lt;em&amp;gt;That the useful is the noble and the hurtful is the base.&amp;lt;/em&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Here, then, is one difficulty in our law about women, which we may say that we have now escaped; the wave has not swallowed us up alive for enacting that the guardians of either sex should have all their pursuits in common; to the utility &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage457C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and also to the possibility of this arrangement the consistency of the argument with itself bears witness.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, that was a mighty wave which you have escaped.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The second and greater wave.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yes, I said, but a greater is coming; you will not think much of this when you see the next.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Go on; let me see.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The law, I said, which is the sequel of this and of all that has preceded, is to the following effect,—‘that the wives of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage457D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;our guardians are to be common, and their children are to be common, and no parent is to know his own child, nor any child his parent.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said, that is a much greater wave than the other; and the possibility as well as the utility of such a law are far more questionable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I do not think, I said, that there can be any dispute about the very great utility of having wives and children in common; the possibility is quite another matter, and will be very much disputed. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page151&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;151&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage457E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I think that a good many doubts may be raised about both.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The utility and possibility of a community of wives and children.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; You imply that the two questions must be combined, I replied. Now I meant that you should admit the utility; and in this way, as I thought, I should escape from one of them, and then there would remain only the possibility.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But that little attempt is detected, and therefore you will please to give a defence of both.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Well, I said, I submit to my fate. Yet grant me a little &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage458A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;458&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;favour: let me feast my mind with the dream as day dreamers are in the habit of feasting themselves when they are walking alone; for before they have discovered any means of effecting their wishes—that is a matter which never troubles them—they would rather not tire themselves by thinking about possibilities; but assuming that what they desire is already granted to them, they proceed with their plan, and delight in detailing what they mean to do when their wish has come true—that is a way which they have of not doing much good &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage458B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to a capacity which was never good for much. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The utility to be considered first, the possibility afterwards.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Now I myself am beginning to lose heart, and I should like, with your permission, to pass over the question of possibility at present. Assuming therefore the possibility of the proposal, I shall now proceed to enquire how the rulers will carry out these arrangements, and I shall demonstrate that our plan, if executed, will be of the greatest benefit to the State and to the guardians. First of all, then, if you have no objection, I will endeavour with your help to consider the advantages of the measure; and hereafter the question of possibility.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have no objection; proceed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;First, I think that if our rulers and their auxiliaries are to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage458C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;be worthy of the name which they bear, there must be willingness to obey in the one and the power of command in the other; the guardians must themselves obey the laws, and they must also imitate the spirit of them in any details which are entrusted to their care.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is right, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The legislator will select guardians male and female, who will meet at common meals and exercises, and will be drawn to one another by an irresistible necessity.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; You, I said, who are their legislator, having selected the men, will now select the women and give them to them;—they must be as far as possible of like natures with them; and they must live in common houses and meet at common meals. None of them will have anything specially his or her own; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page152&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;152&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage458D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;they will be together, and will be brought up together, and will associate at gymnastic exercises. And so they will be drawn by a necessity of their natures to have intercourse with each other—necessity is not too strong a word, I think?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said;—necessity, not geometrical, but another sort of necessity which lovers know, and which is far more convincing and constraining to the mass of mankind.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True, I said; and this, Glaucon, like all the rest, must proceed after an orderly fashion; in a city of the blessed, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage458E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;licentiousness is an unholy thing which the rulers will forbid.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said, and it ought not to be permitted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then clearly the next thing will be to make matrimony sacred in the highest degree, and what is most beneficial will be deemed sacred?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage459A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;459&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Exactly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The breeding of human beings, as of animals, to be from the best and from those who are of a ripe age.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And how can marriages be made most beneficial?—that is a question which I put to you, because I see in your house dogs for hunting, and of the nobler sort of birds not a few. Now, I beseech you, do tell me, have you ever attended to their pairing and breeding?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In what particulars?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Why, in the first place, although they are all of a good sort, are not some better than others?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And do you breed from them all indifferently, or do you take care to breed from the best only?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;From the best.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage459B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And do you take the oldest or the youngest, or only those of ripe age?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I choose only those of ripe age.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And if care was not taken in the breeding, your dogs and birds would greatly deteriorate?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the same of horses and animals in general?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Undoubtedly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Good heavens! my dear friend, I said, what consummate skill will our rulers need if the same principle holds of the human species!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage459C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Certainly, the same principle holds; but why does this involve any particular skill? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page153&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;153&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Useful lies ‘very honest knaveries.’&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Because, I said, our rulers will often have to practise upon the body corporate with medicines. Now you know that when patients do not require medicines, but have only to be put under a regimen, the inferior sort of practitioner is deemed to be good enough; but when medicine has to be given, then the doctor should be more of a man.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is quite true, he said; but to what are you alluding?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I mean, I replied, that our rulers will find a considerable dose of falsehood and deceit necessary for the good of their subjects: &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage459D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;we were saying that the use of all these things regarded as medicines might be of advantage.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And we were very right.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And this lawful use of them seems likely to be often needed in the regulations of marriages and births.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How so?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Arrangements for the improvement of the breed;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Why, I said, the principle has been already laid down that the best of either sex should be united with the best as often, and the inferior with the inferior, as seldom as possible; and that they should rear the offspring of the one sort of union, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage459E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;but not of the other, if the flock is to be maintained in first-rate condition. Now these goings on must be a secret which the rulers only know, or there will be a further danger of our herd, as the guardians may be termed, breaking out into rebellion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;and for the regulation of population.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Had we not better appoint certain festivals at which we will bring together the brides and bridegrooms, and sacrifices &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage460A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;460&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;will be offered and suitable hymeneal songs composed by our poets: the number of weddings is a matter which must be left to the discretion of the rulers, whose aim will be to preserve the average of population? There are many other things which they will have to consider, such as the effects of wars and diseases and any similar agencies, in order as far as this is possible to prevent the State from becoming either too large or too small.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Pairing by lot.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; We shall have to invent some ingenious kind of lots which the less worthy may draw on each occasion of our bringing them together, and then they will accuse their own ill-luck and not the rulers. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page154&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;154&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To be sure, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage460B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The brave deserve the fair.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And I think that our braver and better youth, besides their other honours and rewards, might have greater facilities of intercourse with women given them; their bravery will be a reason, and such fathers ought to have as many sons as possible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the proper officers, whether male or female or both, for offices are to be held by women as well as by men—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage460C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;What is to be done with the children?&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The proper officers will take the offspring of the good parents to the pen or fold, and there they will deposit them with certain nurses who dwell in a separate quarter; but the offspring of the inferior, or of the better when they chance to be deformed, will be put away in some mysterious, unknown place, as they should be.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said, that must be done if the breed of the guardians is to be kept pure.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They will provide for their nurture, and will bring the mothers to the fold when they are full of milk, taking the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage460D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;greatest possible care that no mother recognises her own child; and other wet-nurses may be engaged if more are required. Care will also be taken that the process of suckling shall not be protracted too long; and the mothers will have no getting up at night or other trouble, but will hand over all this sort of thing to the nurses and attendants.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You suppose the wives of our guardians to have a fine easy time of it when they are having children.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Why, said I, and so they ought. Let us, however, proceed with our scheme. We were saying that the parents should be in the prime of life?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage460E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And what is the prime of life? May it not be defined as a period of about twenty years in a woman’s life, and thirty in a man’s?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Which years do you mean to include?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A woman to bear children from twenty to forty; a man to beget them from twenty-five to fifty-five.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; A woman, I said, at twenty years of age may begin to bear children to the State, and continue to bear them until forty; a man may begin at five-and-twenty, when he has passed the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page155&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;155&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; point at which the pulse of life beats quickest, and continue to beget children until he be fifty-five.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage461A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;461&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Certainly, he said, both in men and women those years are the prime of physical as well as of intellectual vigour.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Any one above or below the prescribed ages who takes part in the public hymeneals shall be said to have done an unholy and unrighteous thing; the child of which he is the father, if it steals into life, will have been conceived under auspices very unlike the sacrifices and prayers, which at each hymeneal priestesses and priest and the whole city will offer, that the new generation may be better and more useful than their &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage461B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;good and useful parents, whereas his child will be the offspring of darkness and strange lust.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the same law will apply to any one of those within the prescribed age who forms a connection with any woman in the prime of life without the sanction of the rulers; for we shall say that he is raising up a bastard to the State, uncertified and unconsecrated.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;After the prescribed age has been passed, more licence is allowed: but all who were born after certain hymeneal festivals at which their parents or grandparents came together must be kept separate.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; This applies, however, only to those who are within the specified age: after that we allow them to range at will, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage461C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;except that a man may not marry his daughter or his daughter’s daughter, or his mother or his mother’s mother; and women, on the other hand, are prohibited from marrying their sons or fathers, or son’s son or father’s father, and so on in either direction. And we grant all this, accompanying the permission with strict orders to prevent any embryo which may come into being from seeing the light; and if any force a way to the birth, the parents must understand that the offspring of such an union cannot be maintained, and arrange accordingly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That also, he said, is a reasonable proposition. But how &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage461D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;will they know who are fathers and daughters, and so on?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They will never know. The way will be this:—dating from the day of the hymeneal, the bridegroom who was then married will call all the male children who are born in the seventh and tenth month afterwards his sons, and the female children his daughters, and they will call him father, and he will call their children his grandchildren, and they &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page156&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;156&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; will call the elder generation grandfathers and grandmothers. All who were begotten at the time when their fathers and mothers came together will be called their brothers and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage461E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;sisters, and these, as I was saying, will be forbidden to inter-marry. This, however, is not to be understood as an absolute prohibition of the marriage of brothers and sisters; if the lot favours them, and they receive the sanction of the Pythian oracle, the law will allow them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quite right, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Such is the scheme, Glaucon, according to which the guardians of our State are to have their wives and families in common. And now you would have the argument show that this community is consistent with the rest of our polity, and also that nothing can be better—would you not?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage462A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;462&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yes, certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Shall we try to find a common basis by asking of ourselves what ought to be the chief aim of the legislator in making laws and in the organization of a State,—what is the greatest good, and what is the greatest evil, and then consider whether our previous description has the stamp of the good or of the evil?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By all means.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The greatest good of States, unity; the greatest evil, discord. The one the result of public, the other of private feelings.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Can there be any greater evil than discord and distraction &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage462B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and plurality where unity ought to reign? or any greater good than the bond of unity?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There cannot.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And there is unity where there is community of pleasures and pains—where all the citizens are glad or grieved on the same occasions of joy and sorrow?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No doubt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes; and where there is no common but only private feeling a State is disorganized—when you have one half of the world triumphing and the other plunged in grief at &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage462C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the same events happening to the city or the citizens?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Such differences commonly originate in a disagreement about the use of the terms ‘mine’ and ‘not mine,’ ‘his’ and ‘not his.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Exactly so.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And is not that the best-ordered State in which the greatest &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page157&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;157&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; number of persons apply the terms ‘mine’ and ‘not mine’ in the same way to the same thing?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quite true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The State like a living being which feels altogether when hurt in any part.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Or that again which most nearly approaches to the condition of the individual—as in the body, when but a finger of one of us is hurt, the whole frame, drawn towards the soul as a centre and forming one kingdom under the ruling power &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage462D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;therein, feels the hurt and sympathizes all together with the part affected, and we say that the man has a pain in his finger; and the same expression is used about any other part of the body, which has a sensation of pain at suffering or of pleasure at the alleviation of suffering.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, he replied; and I agree with you that in the best-ordered State there is the nearest approach to this common feeling which you describe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then when any one of the citizens experiences any good &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage462E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;or evil, the whole State will make his case their own, and will either rejoice or sorrow with him?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said, that is what will happen in a well-ordered State.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;How different are the terms which are applied to the rulers in other States and in our own!&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; It will now be time, I said, for us to return to our State and see whether this or some other form is most in accordance with these fundamental principles.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very good.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage463A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;463&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Our State like every other has rulers and subjects?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;All of whom will call one another citizens?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of course.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But is there not another name which people give to their rulers in other States?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Generally they call them masters, but in democratic States they simply call them rulers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And in our State what other name besides that of citizens do the people give the rulers?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage463B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; They are called saviours and helpers, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And what do the rulers call the people?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Their maintainers and foster-fathers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And what do they call them in other States?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Slaves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And what do the rulers call one another in other States? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page158&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;158&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Fellow-rulers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And what in ours?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Fellow-guardians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Did you ever know an example in any other State of a ruler who would speak of one of his colleagues as his friend and of another as not being his friend?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, very often.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the friend he regards and describes as one in whom &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage463C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;he has an interest, and the other as a stranger in whom he has no interest?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Exactly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But would any of your guardians think or speak of any other guardian as a stranger?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly he would not; for every one whom they meet will be regarded by them either as a brother or sister, or father or mother, or son or daughter, or as the child or parent of those who are thus connected with him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The State one family.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Capital, I said; but let me ask you once more: Shall they &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage463D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;be a family in name only; or shall they in all their actions be true to the name? For example, in the use of the word ‘father,’ would the care of a father be implied and the filial reverence and duty and obedience to him which the law commands; and is the violator of these duties to be regarded as an impious and unrighteous person who is not likely to receive much good either at the hands of God or of man? Are these to be or not to be the strains which the children will hear repeated in their ears by all the citizens about those who are intimated to them to be their parents and the rest of their kinsfolk?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage463E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Using the same terms, they will have the same modes of thinking and acting, and this is to be attributed mainly to the community of women and children.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; These, he said, and none other; for what can be more ridiculous than for them to utter the names of family ties with the lips only and not to act in the spirit of them?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then in our city the language of harmony and concord will be more often heard than in any other. As I was describing before, when any one is well or ill, the universal word will be ‘with me it is well’ or ‘it is ill.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage464A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;464&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Most true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And agreeably to this mode of thinking and speaking, were we not saying that they will have their pleasures and pains in common? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page159&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;159&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, and so they will.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And they will have a common interest in the same thing which they will alike call ‘my own,’ and having this common interest they will have a common feeling of pleasure and pain?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, far more so than in other States.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the reason of this, over and above the general constitution of the State, will be that the guardians will have a community of women and children?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That will be the chief reason.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage464B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And this unity of feeling we admitted to be the greatest good, as was implied in our own comparison of a well-ordered State to the relation of the body and the members, when affected by pleasure or pain?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That we acknowledged, and very rightly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then the community of wives and children among our citizens is clearly the source of the greatest good to the State?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And this agrees with the other principle which we were affirming,—that the guardians were not to have houses or &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage464C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;lands or any other property; their pay was to be their food, which they were to receive from the other citizens, and they were to have no private expenses; for we intended them to preserve their true character of guardians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Right, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;There will be no private interests among them, and therefore no lawsuits or trials for assault or violence to elders.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Both the community of property and the community of families, as I am saying, tend to make them more truly guardians; they will not tear the city in pieces by differing about ‘mine’ and ‘not mine;’ each man dragging any &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage464D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;acquisition which he has made into a separate house of his own, where he has a separate wife and children and private pleasures and pains; but all will be affected as far as may be by the same pleasures and pains because they are all of one opinion about what is near and dear to them, and therefore they all tend towards a common end.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And as they have nothing but their persons which they can call their own, suits and complaints will have no existence &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage464E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;among them; they will be delivered from all those quarrels of which money or children or relations are the occasion. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page160&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;160&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of course they will.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Neither will trials for assault or insult ever be likely to occur among them. For that equals should defend themselves against equals we shall maintain to be honourable and right; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage465A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;465&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;we shall make the protection of the person a matter of necessity.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is good, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes; and there is a further good in the law; viz. that if a man has a quarrel with another he will satisfy his resentment then and there, and not proceed to more dangerous lengths.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To the elder shall be assigned the duty of ruling and chastising the younger.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Clearly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nor can there be a doubt that the younger will not strike or do any other violence to an elder, unless the magistrates command him; nor will he slight him in any way. For there are two guardians, shame and fear, mighty to prevent him: shame, which makes men refrain from laying hands on &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage465B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;those who are to them in the relation of parents; fear, that the injured one will be succoured by the others who are his brothers, sons, fathers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is true, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then in every way the laws will help the citizens to keep the peace with one another?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, there will be no want of peace.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;From how many other evils will our citizens be delivered!&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And as the guardians will never quarrel among themselves there will be no danger of the rest of the city being divided either against them or against one another.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;None whatever.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I hardly like even to mention the little meannesses of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage465C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; which they will be rid, for they are beneath notice: such, for example, as the flattery of the rich by the poor, and all the pains and pangs which men experience in bringing up a family, and in finding money to buy necessaries for their household, borrowing and then repudiating, getting how they can, and giving the money into the hands of women and slaves to keep—the many evils of so many kinds which people suffer in this way are mean enough and obvious enough, and not worth speaking of. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page161&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;161&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage465D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yes, he said, a man has no need of eyes in order to perceive that.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And from all these evils they will be delivered, and their life will be blessed as the life of Olympic victors and yet more blessed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How so?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The Olympic victor, I said, is deemed happy in receiving a part only of the blessedness which is secured to our citizens, who have won a more glorious victory and have a more complete maintenance at the public cost. For the victory which they have won is the salvation of the whole State; and the crown with which they and their children are crowned is the fulness of all that life needs; they receive &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage465E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;rewards from the hands of their country while living, and after death have an honourable burial.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said, and glorious rewards they are.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Answer to the charge of Adeimantus that we made our citizens unhappy for their own good.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Do you remember, I said, how in the course of the previous &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage466A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;466&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;discussion&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook56&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook56&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;6&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; some one who shall be nameless accused us of making our guardians unhappy—they had nothing and might have possessed all things—to whom we replied that, if an occasion offered, we might perhaps hereafter consider this question, but that, as at present advised, we would make our guardians truly guardians, and that we were fashioning the State with a view to the greatest happiness, not of any particular class, but of the whole?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook56&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook56&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;6&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Pages &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage419E&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;419&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage420A&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;420&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; ff.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I remember.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Their life not to be compared with that of citizens in ordinary States.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And what do you say, now that the life of our protectors is made out to be far better and nobler than that of Olympic &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage466B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;victors—is the life of shoemakers, or any other artisans, or of husbandmen, to be compared with it?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;He who seeks to be more than a guardian is naught.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; At the same time I ought here to repeat what I have said elsewhere, that if any of our guardians shall try to be happy in such a manner that he will cease to be a guardian, and is not content with this safe and harmonious life, which, in our judgment, is of all lives the best, but infatuated by some youthful conceit of happiness which gets up into his head &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage466C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;shall seek to appropriate the whole state to himself, then he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page162&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;162&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; will have to learn how wisely Hesiod spoke, when he said, ‘half is more than the whole.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;If he were to consult me, I should say to him: Stay where you are, when you have the offer of such a life.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The common way of life includes common education, common children, common services and duties of men and women.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; You agree then, I said, that men and women are to have a common way of life such as we have described—common education, common children; and they are to watch over the citizens in common whether abiding in the city or going out to war; they are to keep watch together, and to hunt &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage466D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;together like dogs; and always and in all things, as far as they are able, women are to share with the men? And in so doing they will do what is best, and will not violate, but preserve the natural relation of the sexes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I agree with you, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The enquiry, I said, has yet to be made, whether such a community be found possible—as among other animals, so also among men—and if possible, in what way possible?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You have anticipated the question which I was about to suggest.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage466E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; There is no difficulty, I said, in seeing how war will be carried on by them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The children to accompany their parents on military expeditions;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Why, of course they will go on expeditions together; and will take with them any of their children who are strong enough, that, after the manner of the artisan’s child, they may look on at the work which they will have to do when they are grown up; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage467A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;467&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and besides looking on they will have to help and be of use in war, and to wait upon their fathers and mothers. Did you never observe in the arts how the potters’ boys look on and help, long before they touch the wheel?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I have.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And shall potters be more careful in educating their children and in giving them the opportunity of seeing and practising their duties than our guardians will be?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The idea is ridiculous, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There is also the effect on the parents, with whom, as with &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage467B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;other animals, the presence of their young ones will be the greatest incentive to valour.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is quite true, Socrates; and yet if they are defeated, which may often happen in war, how great the danger is! &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page163&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;163&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; the children will be lost as well as their parents, and the State will never recover.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True, I said; but would you never allow them to run any risk?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I am far from saying that.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Well, but if they are ever to run a risk should they not do so on some occasion when, if they escape disaster, they will be the better for it?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Clearly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage467C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;but care must be taken that they do not run any serious risk.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Whether the future soldiers do or do not see war in the days of their youth is a very important matter, for the sake of which some risk may fairly be incurred.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, very important.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This then must be our first step,—to make our children spectators of war; but we must also contrive that they shall be secured against danger; then all will be well.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Their parents may be supposed not to be blind to the risks of war, but to know, as far as human foresight can, what &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage467D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;expeditions are safe and what dangerous?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That may be assumed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And they will take them on the safe expeditions and be cautious about the dangerous ones?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And they will place them under the command of experienced veterans who will be their leaders and teachers?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very properly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Still, the dangers of war cannot be always foreseen; there is a good deal of chance about them?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then against such chances the children must be at once furnished with wings, in order that in the hour of need they may fly away and escape.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage467E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; What do you mean? he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I mean that we must mount them on horses in their earliest youth, and when they have learnt to ride, take them on horseback to see war: the horses must not be spirited and warlike, but the most tractable and yet the swiftest that can be had. In this way they will get an excellent view of what is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage468A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;468&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;hereafter to be their own business; and if there is danger they have only to follow their elder leaders and escape. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page164&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;164&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I believe that you are right, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The coward is to be degraded into a lower rank.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Next, as to war; what are to be the relations of your soldiers to one another and to their enemies? I should be inclined to propose that the soldier who leaves his rank or throws away his arms, or is guilty of any other act of cowardice, should be degraded into the rank of a husbandman or artisan. What do you think?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By all means, I should say.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And he who allows himself to be taken prisoner may as well be made a present of to his enemies; he is their lawful prey, and let them do what they like with him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage468B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The hero to receive honour from his comrades and favour from his beloved,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But the hero who has distinguished himself, what shall be done to him? In the first place, he shall receive honour in the army from his youthful comrades; every one of them in succession shall crown him. What do you say?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I approve.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And what do you say to his receiving the right hand of fellowship?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To that too, I agree.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But you will hardly agree to my next proposal.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What is your proposal?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That he should kiss and be kissed by them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Most certainly, and I should be disposed to go further, and say: &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage468C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Let no one whom he has a mind to kiss refuse to be kissed by him while the expedition lasts. So that if there be a lover in the army, whether his love be youth or maiden, he may be more eager to win the prize of valour.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Capital, I said. That the brave man is to have more wives than others has been already determined: and he is to have first choices in such matters more than others, in order that he may have as many children as possible?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Agreed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;and to have precedence, and a larger share of meats and drinks;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Again, there is another manner in which, according to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage468D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Homer, brave youths should be honoured; for he tells how Ajax&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook57&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook57&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;7&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, after he had distinguished himself in battle, was rewarded with long chines, which seems to be a compliment appropriate to a hero in the flower of his age, being not only a tribute of honour but also a very strengthening thing. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page165&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;165&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook57&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook57&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;7&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Iliad, vii. 321.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Most true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then in this, I said, Homer shall be our teacher; and we too, at sacrifices and on the like occasions, will honour the brave according to the measure of their valour, whether men or women, with hymns and those other distinctions which we were mentioning; also with&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage468E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; ‘seats of precedence, and meats and full cups&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook58&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook58&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;;’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;and in honouring them, we shall be at the same time training them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook58&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook58&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Iliad, viii. 161.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That, he replied, is excellent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I said; and when a man dies gloriously in war shall we not say, in the first place, that he is of the golden race?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To be sure.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;also to be worshipped after death.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Nay, have we not the authority of Hesiod for affirming that when they are dead&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage469A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;469&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; ‘They are holy angels upon the earth, authors of good, averters of evil, the guardians of speech-gifted men’?&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook59&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook59&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook59&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook59&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Probably Works and Days, 121 foll.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes; and we accept his authority.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We must learn of the god how we are to order the sepulture of divine and heroic personages, and what is to be their special distinction; and we must do as he bids?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By all means.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And in ages to come we will reverence them and kneel &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage469B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;before their sepulchres as at the graves of heroes. And not only they but any who are deemed pre-eminently good, whether they die from age, or in any other way, shall be admitted to the same honours.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is very right, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Behaviour to enemies.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Next, how shall our soldiers treat their enemies? What about this?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In what respect do you mean?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;First of all, in regard to slavery? Do you think it right that Hellenes should enslave Hellenic States, or allow others to enslave them, if they can help? Should not their custom be to spare them, considering the danger which there is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage469C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;that the whole race may one day fall under the yoke of the barbarians?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To spare them is infinitely better. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page166&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;166&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;No Hellene shall be made a slave.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then no Hellene should be owned by them as a slave; that is a rule which they will observe and advise the other Hellenes to observe.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly, he said; they will in this way be united against the barbarians and will keep their hands off one another.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Next as to the slain; ought the conquerors, I said, to take anything but their armour? Does not the practice of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage469D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;despoiling an enemy afford an excuse for not facing the battle? Cowards skulk about the dead, pretending that they are fulfilling a duty, and many an army before now has been lost from this love of plunder.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Those who fall in battle are not to be despoiled.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And is there not illiberality and avarice in robbing a corpse, and also a degree of meanness and womanishness in making an enemy of the dead body when the real enemy has flown away and left only his fighting gear behind him,—is not this &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage469E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;rather like a dog who cannot get at his assailant, quarrelling with the stones which strike him instead?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very like a dog, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then we must abstain from spoiling the dead or hindering their burial?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he replied, we most certainly must.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The arms of Hellenes are not to be offered at temples;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Neither shall we offer up arms at the temples of the gods, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage470A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;470&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;least of all the arms of Hellenes, if we care to maintain good feeling with other Hellenes; and, indeed, we have reason to fear that the offering of spoils taken from kinsmen may be a pollution unless commanded by the god himself?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Again, as to the devastation of Hellenic territory or the burning of houses, what is to be the practice?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;May I have the pleasure, he said, of hearing your opinion?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Both should be forbidden, in my judgment; I would take the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage470B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;annual produce and no more. Shall I tell you why?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Pray do.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;nor Hellenic territory devastated.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Why, you see, there is a difference in the names ‘discord’ and ‘war,’ and I imagine that there is also a difference in their natures; the one is expressive of what is internal and domestic, the other of what is external and foreign; and the first of the two is termed discord, and only the second, war. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page167&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;167&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is a very proper distinction, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage470C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And may I not observe with equal propriety that the Hellenic race is all united together by ties of blood and friendship, and alien and strange to the barbarians?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very good, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And therefore when Hellenes fight with barbarians and barbarians with Hellenes, they will be described by us as being at war when they fight, and by nature enemies, and this kind of antagonism should be called war; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Hellenic warfare is only a kind of discord not intended to be lasting.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;but when Hellenes fight with one another we shall say that Hellas is then in a state of disorder and discord, they being by nature friends; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage470D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and such enmity is to be called discord.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I agree.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Consider then, I said, when that which we have acknowledged to be discord occurs, and a city is divided, if both parties destroy the lands and burn the houses of one another, how wicked does the strife appear! No true lover of his country would bring himself to tear in pieces his own nurse and mother: There might be reason in the conqueror depriving the conquered of their harvest, but still they would &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage470E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;have the idea of peace in their hearts and would not mean to go on fighting for ever.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said, that is a better temper than the other.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And will not the city, which you are founding, be an Hellenic city?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It ought to be, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then will not the citizens be good and civilized?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, very civilized.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The lover of his own city will also be a lover of Hellas.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And will they not be lovers of Hellas, and think of Hellas as their own land, and share in the common temples?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Most certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And any difference which arises among them will be &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage471A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;471&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;regarded by them as discord only—a quarrel among friends, which is not to be called a war?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then they will quarrel as those who intend some day to be reconciled?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They will use friendly correction, but will not enslave or destroy their opponents; they will be correctors, not enemies? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page168&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;168&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Just so.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Hellenes should deal mildly with Hellenes; and with barbarians as Hellenes now deal with one another.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And as they are Hellenes themselves they will not devastate Hellas, nor will they burn houses, nor ever suppose that the whole population of a city—men, women, and children—are equally their enemies, for they know that the guilt of war is always confined to a few persons and that the many are their friends. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage471B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And for all these reasons they will be unwilling to waste their lands and rase their houses; their enmity to them will only last until the many innocent sufferers have compelled the guilty few to give satisfaction?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I agree, he said, that our citizens should thus deal with their Hellenic enemies; and with barbarians as the Hellenes now deal with one another.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then let us enact this law also for our guardians:—that they are neither to devastate the lands of Hellenes nor to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage471C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;burn their houses.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Agreed; and we may agree also in thinking that these, like all our previous enactments, are very good.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The complaint of Glaucon respecting the hesitation of Socrates.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But still I must say, Socrates, that if you are allowed to go on in this way you will entirely forget the other question which at the commencement of this discussion you thrust aside:—Is such an order of things possible, and how, if at all? For I am quite ready to acknowledge that the plan which you propose, if only feasible, would do all sorts of good to the State. I will add, what you have omitted, that your &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage471D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;citizens will be the bravest of warriors, and will never leave their ranks, for they will all know one another, and each will call the other father, brother, son; and if you suppose the women to join their armies, whether in the same rank or in the rear, either as a terror to the enemy, or as auxiliaries in case of need, I know that they will then be absolutely invincible; and there are many domestic advantages which might also be mentioned and which I also fully acknowledge: &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage471E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;but, as I admit all these advantages and as many more as you please, if only this State of yours were to come into existence, we need say no more about them; assuming then the existence of the State, let us now turn to the question of possibility and ways and means—the rest may be left. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page169&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;169&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage472A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;472&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Socrates excuses himself and makes one or two remarks preparatory to a final effort.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; If I loiter&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook510&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook510&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;10&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; for a moment, you instantly make a raid upon me, I said, and have no mercy; I have hardly escaped the first and second waves, and you seem not to be aware that you are now bringing upon me the third, which is the greatest and heaviest. When you have seen and heard the third wave, I think you will be more considerate and will acknowledge that some fear and hesitation was natural respecting a proposal so extraordinary as that which I have now to state and investigate.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook510&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook510&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;10&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Reading &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;straggeuome/nô|&amp;quot;&amp;gt;στραγγευομένῳ&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The more appeals of this sort which you make, he said, the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage472B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;more determined are we that you shall tell us how such a State is possible: speak out and at once.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Let me begin by reminding you that we found our way hither in the search after justice and injustice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True, he replied; but what of that?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I was only going to ask whether, if we have discovered them, we are to require that the just man should in nothing fail of absolute justice; or may we be satisfied with an approximation, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage472C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and the attainment in him of a higher degree of justice than is to be found in other men?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The approximation will be enough.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We were enquiring into the nature of absolute justice and into the character of the perfectly just, and into injustice and the perfectly unjust, that we might have an ideal. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;(1) The ideal is a standard only which can never be perfectly realized;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;We were to look at these in order that we might judge of our own happiness and unhappiness according to the standard &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage472D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;which they exhibited and the degree in which we resembled them, but not with any view of showing that they could exist in fact.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Would a painter be any the worse because, after having delineated with consummate art an ideal of a perfectly beautiful man, he was unable to show that any such man could ever have existed?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He would be none the worse.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage472E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Well, and were we not creating an ideal of a perfect State?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To be sure.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;(2) but is none the worse for this.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And is our theory a worse theory because we are unable to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page170&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;170&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; prove the possibility of a city being ordered in the manner described?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Surely not, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is the truth, I said. But if, at your request, I am to try and show how and under what conditions the possibility is highest, I must ask you, having this in view, to repeat your former admissions.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What admissions?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage473A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;473&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I want to know whether ideals are ever fully realized in language? Does not the word express more than the fact, and must not the actual, whatever a man may think, always, in the nature of things, fall short of the truth? What do you say?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I agree.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then you must not insist on my proving that the actual State will in every respect coincide with the ideal: if we are only able to discover how a city may be governed nearly as we proposed, you will admit that we have discovered the possibility which you demand; and will be contented. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage473B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;I am sure that I should be contented—will not you?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I will.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;(3) Although the ideal cannot be realized, one or two changes, or rather a single change, might revolutionize a State.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Let me next endeavour to show what is that fault in States which is the cause of their present maladministration, and what is the least change which will enable a State to pass into the truer form; and let the change, if possible, be of one thing only, or, if not, of two; at any rate, let the changes be as few and slight as possible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage473C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Certainly, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I think, I said, that there might be a reform of the State if only one change were made, which is not a slight or easy though still a possible one.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What is it? he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Socrates goes forth to meet the wave.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Now then, I said, I go to meet that which I liken to the greatest of the waves; yet shall the word be spoken, even though the wave break and drown me in laughter and dishonour; and do you mark my words.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Proceed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘Cities will never cease from ill until they are governed by philosophers.’&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I said: &amp;lt;em&amp;gt;Until philosophers are kings, or the kings and princes of this world have the spirit and power of philosophy, and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage473D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;political greatness and wisdom meet in one, and those&amp;lt;/em&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page171&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;171&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;em&amp;gt;commoner natures who pursue either to the exclusion of the other are compelled to stand aside, cities will never have rest from their evils,—nor the human race, as I believe,—and then only will this &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage473E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;our State have a possibility of life and behold the light of day.&amp;lt;/em&amp;gt; Such was the thought, my dear Glaucon, which I would fain have uttered if it had not seemed too extravagant; for to be convinced that in no other State can there be happiness private or public is indeed a hard thing.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;What will the world say to this?&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Socrates, what do you mean? I would have you consider that the word which you have uttered is one at which numerous persons, and very respectable persons too, in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage474A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;474&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;a figure pulling off their coats all in a moment, and seizing any weapon that comes to hand, will run at you might and main, before you know where you are, intending to do heaven knows what; and if you don’t prepare an answer, and put yourself in motion, you will be ‘pared by their fine wits,’ and no mistake.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You got me into the scrape, I said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And I was quite right; however, I will do all I can to get you out of it; but I can only give you good-will and good advice, and, perhaps, I may be able to fit answers to your questions better than another—that is all. And now, having &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage474B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;such an auxiliary, you must do your best to show the unbelievers that you are right.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I ought to try, I said, since you offer me such invaluable assistance. And I think that, if there is to be a chance of our escaping, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But who is a philosopher?&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;we must explain to them whom we mean when we say that philosophers are to rule in the State; then we shall be able to defend ourselves: There will be discovered to be some natures who ought to study philosophy and to be &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage474C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;leaders in the State; and others who are not born to be philosophers, and are meant to be followers rather than leaders.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then now for a definition, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Follow me, I said, and I hope that I may in some way or other be able to give you a satisfactory explanation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Proceed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Parallel of the lover.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I dare say that you remember, and therefore I need not remind you, that a lover, if he is worthy of the name, ought to show his love, not to some one part of that which he loves, but to the whole. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page172&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;172&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage474D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I really do not understand, and therefore beg of you to assist my memory.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The lover of the fair loves them all;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Another person, I said, might fairly reply as you do; but a man of pleasure like yourself ought to know that all who are in the flower of youth do somehow or other raise a pang or emotion in a lover’s breast, and are thought by him to be worthy of his affectionate regards. Is not this a way which you have with the fair: one has a snub nose, and you praise his charming face; the hook-nose of another has, you say, a royal look; while he who is neither snub nor hooked has &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage474E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the grace of regularity: the dark visage is manly, the fair are children of the gods; and as to the sweet ‘honey pale,’ as they are called, what is the very name but the invention of a lover who talks in diminutives, and is not averse to paleness if appearing on the cheek of youth? In a word, there is no &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage475A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;475&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;excuse which you will not make, and nothing which you will not say, in order not to lose a single flower that blooms in the spring-time of youth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;If you make me an authority in matters of love, for the sake of the argument, I assent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;the lover of wines all wines;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And what do you say of lovers of wine? Do you not see them doing the same? They are glad of any pretext of drinking any wine.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very good.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;the lover of honour all honour;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And the same is true of ambitious men; if they cannot command an army, they are willing to command a file; and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage475B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;if they cannot be honoured by really great and important persons, they are glad to be honoured by lesser and meaner people,—but honour of some kind they must have.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Exactly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Once more let me ask: Does he who desires any class of goods, desire the whole class or a part only?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The whole.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;the philosopher, or lover of wisdom, all knowledge.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And may we not say of the philosopher that he is a lover, not of a part of wisdom only, but of the whole?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, of the whole.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And he who dislikes learning, especially in youth, when &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage475C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;he has no power of judging what is good and what is not, such an one we maintain not to be a philosopher or a lover of knowledge, just as he who refuses his food is not hungry, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page173&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;173&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and may be said to have a bad appetite and not a good one?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Whereas he who has a taste for every sort of knowledge and who is curious to learn and is never satisfied, may be justly termed a philosopher? Am I not right?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage475D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Under knowledge, however, are not to be included sights and sounds, or under the lovers of knowledge, musical amateurs and the like.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Glaucon said: If curiosity makes a philosopher, you will find many a strange being will have a title to the name. All the lovers of sights have a delight in learning, and must therefore be included. Musical amateurs, too, are a folk strangely out of place among philosophers, for they are the last persons in the world who would come to anything like a philosophical discussion, if they could help, while they run about at the Dionysiac festivals as if they had let out their ears to hear every chorus; whether the performance is in town or country—that makes no difference—they are there. Now are we &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage475E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; to maintain that all these and any who have similar tastes, as well as the professors of quite minor arts, are philosophers?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not, I replied; they are only an imitation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He said: Who then are the true philosophers?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Those, I said, who are lovers of the vision of truth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is also good, he said; but I should like to know what you mean?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To another, I replied, I might have a difficulty in explaining; but I am sure that you will admit a proposition which I am about to make.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What is the proposition?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That since beauty is the opposite of ugliness, they are two?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage476A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;476&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And inasmuch as they are two, each of them is one?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True again.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And of just and unjust, good and evil, and of every other class, the same remark holds: taken singly, each of them is one; but from the various combinations of them with actions and things and with one another, they are seen in all sorts of lights and appear many?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And this is the distinction which I draw between the sight-&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page174&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;174&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;loving, art-loving, practical class and those of whom I am &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage476B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;speaking, and who are alone worthy of the name of philosophers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How do you distinguish them? he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The lovers of sounds and sights, I replied, are, as I conceive, fond of fine tones and colours and forms and all the artificial products that are made out of them, but their mind is incapable of seeing or loving absolute beauty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Few are they who are able to attain to the sight of this.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage476C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And he who, having a sense of beautiful things has no sense of absolute beauty, or who, if another lead him to a knowledge of that beauty is unable to follow—of such an one I ask, Is he awake or in a dream only? Reflect: is not the dreamer, sleeping or waking, one who likens dissimilar things, who puts the copy in the place of the real object?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I should certainly say that such an one was dreaming.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;True knowledge is the ability to distinguish between the one and many, between the idea and the objects which partake of the idea.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But take the case of the other, who recognises the existence &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage476D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of absolute beauty and is able to distinguish the idea from the objects which participate in the idea, neither putting the objects in the place of the idea nor the idea in the place of the objects—is he a dreamer, or is he awake?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He is wide awake.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And may we not say that the mind of the one who knows has knowledge, and that the mind of the other, who opines only, has opinion?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But suppose that the latter should quarrel with us and dispute our statement, can we administer any soothing &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage476E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;cordial or advice to him, without revealing to him that there is sad disorder in his wits?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We must certainly offer him some good advice, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Come, then, and let us think of something to say to him. Shall we begin by assuring him that he is welcome to any knowledge which he may have, and that we are rejoiced at his having it? But we should like to ask him a question: Does he who has knowledge know something or nothing? (You must answer for him.)&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I answer that he knows something. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page175&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;175&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Something that is or is not?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Something that is; for how can that which is not ever be known?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage477A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;477&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;There is an intermediate between being and not being, and a corresponding intermediate between ignorance and knowledge. This intermediate is a faculty termed opinion.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And are we assured, after looking at the matter from many points of view, that absolute being is or may be absolutely known, but that the utterly non-existent is utterly unknown?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nothing can be more certain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Good. But if there be anything which is of such a nature as to be and not to be, that will have a place intermediate between pure being and the absolute negation of being?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, between them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And, as knowledge corresponded to being and ignorance of necessity to not-being, for that intermediate between being and not-being there has to be discovered a corresponding &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage477B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;intermediate between ignorance and knowledge, if there be such?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Do we admit the existence of opinion?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Undoubtedly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;As being the same with knowledge, or another faculty?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Another faculty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then opinion and knowledge have to do with different kinds of matter corresponding to this difference of faculties?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And knowledge is relative to being and knows being. But before I proceed further I will make a division.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What division?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage477C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I will begin by placing faculties in a class by themselves: they are powers in us, and in all other things, by which we do as we do. Sight and hearing, for example, I should call faculties. Have I clearly explained the class which I mean?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I quite understand.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then let me tell you my view about them. I do not see them, and therefore the distinctions of figure, colour, and the like, which enable me to discern the differences of some things, do not apply to them. In speaking of a faculty I think &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage477D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;only of its sphere and its result; and that which has the same sphere and the same result I call the same faculty, but that which has another sphere and another result I call different. Would that be your way of speaking? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page176&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;176&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And will you be so very good as to answer one more question? Would you say that knowledge is a faculty, or in what class would you place it?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly knowledge is a faculty, and the mightiest of all faculties.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage477E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And is opinion also a faculty?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly, he said; for opinion is that with which we are able to form an opinion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And yet you were acknowledging a little while ago that knowledge is not the same as opinion?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Opinion differs from knowledge because the one errs and the other is unerring.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Why, yes, he said: how can any reasonable being ever identify that which is infallible with that which errs?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage478A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;478&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; An excellent answer, proving, I said, that we are quite conscious of a distinction between them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then knowledge and opinion having distinct powers have also distinct spheres or subject-matters?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is certain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Being is the sphere or subject-matter of knowledge, and knowledge is to know the nature of being?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And opinion is to have an opinion?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And do we know what we opine? or is the subject-matter of opinion the same as the subject-matter of knowledge?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nay, he replied, that has been already disproven; if difference in faculty implies difference in the sphere or &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage478B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;subject-matter, and if, as we were saying, opinion and knowledge are distinct faculties, then the sphere of knowledge and of opinion cannot be the same.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then if being is the subject-matter of knowledge, something else must be the subject-matter of opinion?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, something else.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;It also differs from ignorance, which is concerned with nothing.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Well then, is not-being the subject-matter of opinion? or, rather, how can there be an opinion at all about not-being? Reflect: when a man has an opinion, has he not an opinion about something? Can he have an opinion which is an opinion about nothing?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Impossible. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page177&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;177&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He who has an opinion has an opinion about some one thing?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And not-being is not one thing but, properly speaking, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage478C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;nothing?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of not-being, ignorance was assumed to be the necessary correlative; of being, knowledge?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then opinion is not concerned either with being or with not-being?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Not with either.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And can therefore neither be ignorance nor knowledge?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That seems to be true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Its place is not to be sought without or beyond knowledge or ignorance, but between them.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But is opinion to be sought without and beyond either of them, in a greater clearness than knowledge, or in a greater darkness than ignorance?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In neither.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then I suppose that opinion appears to you to be darker than knowledge, but lighter than ignorance?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Both; and in no small degree.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage478D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And also to be within and between them?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then you would infer that opinion is intermediate?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No question.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But were we not saying before, that if anything appeared to be of a sort which is and is not at the same time, that sort of thing would appear also to lie in the interval between pure being and absolute not-being; and that the corresponding faculty is neither knowledge nor ignorance, but will be found in the interval between them?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And in that interval there has now been discovered something which we call opinion?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There has.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage478E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then what remains to be discovered is the object which partakes equally of the nature of being and not-being, and cannot rightly be termed either, pure and simple; this unknown term, when discovered, we may truly call the subject of opinion, and assign each to their proper faculty,—&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page178&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;178&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the extremes to the faculties of the extremes and the mean to the faculty of the mean.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage479A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;479&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The absoluteness of the one and the relativeness of the many.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; This being premised, I would ask the gentleman who is of opinion that there is no absolute or unchangeable idea of beauty—in whose opinion the beautiful is the manifold—he, I say, your lover of beautiful sights, who cannot bear to be told that the beautiful is one, and the just is one, or that anything is one—to him I would appeal, saying, Will you be so very kind, sir, as to tell us whether, of all these beautiful things, there is one which will not be found ugly; or of the just, which will not be found unjust; or of the holy, which will not also be unholy?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage479B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; No, he replied; the beautiful will in some point of view be found ugly; and the same is true of the rest.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And may not the many which are doubles be also halves?—doubles, that is, of one thing, and halves of another?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quite true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And things great and small, heavy and light, as they are termed, will not be denoted by these any more than by the opposite names?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True; both these and the opposite names will always attach to all of them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And can any one of those many things which are called by particular names be said to be this rather than not to be this?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He replied: They are like the punning riddles which are &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage479C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;asked at feasts or the children’s puzzle about the eunuch aiming at the bat, with what he hit him, as they say in the puzzle, and upon what the bat was sitting. The individual objects of which I am speaking are also a riddle, and have a double sense: nor can you fix them in your mind, either as being or not-being, or both, or neither.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then what will you do with them? I said. Can they have a better place than between being and not-being? For they are clearly not in greater darkness or negation than not-being, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage479D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;or more full of light and existence than being.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is quite true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thus then we seem to have discovered that the many ideas which the multitude entertain about the beautiful and about &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page179&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;179&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; all other things are tossing about in some region which is half-way between pure being and pure not-being?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We have.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes; and we had before agreed that anything of this kind which we might find was to be described as matter of opinion, and not as matter of knowledge; being the intermediate flux which is caught and detained by the intermediate faculty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quite true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage479E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Opinion is the knowledge, not of the absolute, but of the many.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then those who see the many beautiful, and who yet neither see absolute beauty, nor can follow any guide who points the way thither; who see the many just, and not absolute justice, and the like,—such persons may be said to have opinion but not knowledge?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is certain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But those who see the absolute and eternal and immutable may be said to know, and not to have opinion only?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Neither can that be denied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The one love and embrace the subjects of knowledge, the other those of opinion? The latter are the same, as I dare say &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage480A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;480&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;you will remember, who listened to sweet sounds and gazed upon fair colours, but would not tolerate the existence of absolute beauty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I remember.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Shall we then be guilty of any impropriety in calling them lovers of opinion rather than lovers of wisdom, and will they be very angry with us for thus describing them?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I shall tell them not to be angry; no man should be angry at what is true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But those who love the truth in each thing are to be called lovers of wisdom and not lovers of opinion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Assuredly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page180&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 class=&amp;quot;space-above&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;BookVI&amp;quot;&amp;gt;BOOK VI.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage484A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Steph.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
484&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic VI.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OCRATES&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, G&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LAUCON&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; A&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ND&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; thus, Glaucon, after the argument has gone a weary way, the true and the false philosophers have at length appeared in view.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I do not think, he said, that the way could have been shortened.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;If we had time, we might have a nearer view of the true and false philosopher.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I suppose not, I said; and yet I believe that we might have had a better view of both of them if the discussion could have been confined to this one subject and if there were not many other questions awaiting us, which he who desires to see in what respect the life of the just differs &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage484B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;from that of the unjust must consider.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And what is the next question? he asked.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Surely, I said, the one which follows next in order. Inasmuch as philosophers only are able to grasp the eternal and unchangeable, and those who wander in the region of the many and variable are not philosophers, I must ask you which of the two classes should be the rulers of our State?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And how can we rightly answer that question?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Which of them shall be our guardians?&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Whichever of the two are best able to guard the laws and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage484C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;institutions of our State—let them be our guardians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very good.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A question hardly to be asked.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Neither, I said, can there be any question that the guardian who is to keep anything should have eyes rather than no eyes?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There can be no question of that.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And are not those who are verily and indeed wanting in the knowledge of the true being of each thing, and who have in their souls no clear pattern, and are unable as with a painter’s eye to look at the absolute truth and to that original &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage484D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to repair, and having perfect vision of the other world to order the laws about beauty, goodness, justice in this, if not &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page181&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;181&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; already ordered, and to guard and preserve the order of them—are not such persons, I ask, simply blind?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Truly, he replied, they are much in that condition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And shall they be our guardians when there are others who, besides being their equals in experience and falling short of them in no particular of virtue, also know the very truth of each thing?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There can be no reason, he said, for rejecting those who have this greatest of all great qualities; they must always have the first place unless they fail in some other respect.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage485A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;485&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Suppose then, I said, that we determine how far they can unite this and the other excellences.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By all means.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The philosopher is a lover of truth and of all true being.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; In the first place, as we began by observing, the nature of the philosopher has to be ascertained. We must come to an understanding about him, and, when we have done so, then, if I am not mistaken, we shall also acknowledge that such an union of qualities is possible, and that those in whom they are united, and those only, should be rulers in the State.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What do you mean?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Let us suppose that philosophical minds always love knowledge &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage485B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of a sort which shows them the eternal nature not varying from generation and corruption.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Agreed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And further, I said, let us agree that they are lovers of all true being; there is no part whether greater or less, or more or less honourable, which they are willing to renounce; as we said before of the lover and the man of ambition.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And if they are to be what we were describing, is there &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage485C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;not another quality which they should also possess?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What quality?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Truthfulness: they will never intentionally receive into their mind falsehood, which is their detestation, and they will love the truth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, that may be safely affirmed of them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;‘May be,’ my friend, I replied, is not the word; say rather ‘must be affirmed:’ for he whose nature is amorous of anything cannot help loving all that belongs or is akin to the object of his affections. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page182&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;182&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Right, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And is there anything more akin to wisdom than truth?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How can there be?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Can the same nature be a lover of wisdom and a lover of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage485D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;falsehood?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Never.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The true lover of learning then must from his earliest youth, as far as in him lies, desire all truth?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Assuredly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But then again, as we know by experience, he whose desires are strong in one direction will have them weaker in others; they will be like a stream which has been drawn off into another channel.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;He will be absorbed in the pleasures of the soul, and therefore temperate and the reverse of covetous or mean.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; He whose desires are drawn towards knowledge in every form will be absorbed in the pleasures of the soul, and will hardly feel bodily pleasure—I mean, if he be a true philosopher and not a sham one.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage485E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; That is most certain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Such an one is sure to be temperate and the reverse of covetous; for the motives which make another man desirous of having and spending, have no place in his character.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage486A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;486&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Another criterion of the philosophical nature has also to be considered.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What is that?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There should be no secret corner of illiberality; nothing can be more antagonistic than meanness to a soul which is ever longing after the whole of things both divine and human.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Most true, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In the magnificence of his contemplations he will not think much of human life.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then how can he who has magnificence of mind and is the spectator of all time and all existence, think much of human life?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He cannot.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage486B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Or can such an one account death fearful?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No indeed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then the cowardly and mean nature has no part in true philosophy? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page183&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;183&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Or again: can he who is harmoniously constituted, who is not covetous or mean, or a boaster, or a coward—can he, I say, ever be unjust or hard in his dealings?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Impossible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;He will be of a gentle, sociable, harmonious nature; a lover of learning, having a good memory and moving spontaneously in the world of being.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then you will soon observe whether a man is just and gentle, or rude and unsociable; these are the signs which distinguish even in youth the philosophical nature from the unphilosophical.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage486C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; There is another point which should be remarked.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What point?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Whether he has or has not a pleasure in learning; for no one will love that which gives him pain, and in which after much toil he makes little progress.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And again, if he is forgetful and retains nothing of what he learns, will he not be an empty vessel?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is certain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Labouring in vain, he must end in hating himself and his fruitless occupation? Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage486D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then a soul which forgets cannot be ranked among genuine philosophic natures; we must insist that the philosopher should have a good memory?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And once more, the inharmonious and unseemly nature can only tend to disproportion?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Undoubtedly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And do you consider truth to be akin to proportion or to disproportion?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To proportion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then, besides other qualities, we must try to find a naturally well-proportioned and gracious mind, which will move spontaneously towards the true being of everything.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage486E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Well, and do not all these qualities, which we have been enumerating, go together, and are they not, in a manner, necessary to a soul, which is to have a full and perfect participation of being? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page184&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;184&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage487A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;487&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; They are absolutely necessary, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Conclusion: What a blameless study then is philosophy!&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And must not that be a blameless study which he only can pursue who has the gift of a good memory, and is quick to learn,—noble, gracious, the friend of truth, justice, courage, temperance, who are his kindred?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The god of jealousy himself, he said, could find no fault with such a study.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And to men like him, I said, when perfected by years and education, and to these only you will entrust the State.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage487B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OCRATES&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, A&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;DEIMANTUS&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Nay, says Adeimantus, you can prove anything, but your hearers are unconvinced all the same.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Here Adeimantus interposed and said: To these statements, Socrates, no one can offer a reply; but when you talk in this way, a strange feeling passes over the minds of your hearers: They fancy that they are led astray a little at each step in the argument, owing to their own want of skill in asking and answering questions; these littles accumulate, and at the end of the discussion they are found to have sustained a mighty overthrow and all their former notions appear to be turned upside down. And as unskilful players of draughts are at last shut up by their more skilful adversaries and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage487C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;have no piece to move, so they too find themselves shut up at last; for they have nothing to say in this new game of which words are the counters; and yet all the time they are in the right. The observation is suggested to me by what is now occurring. For any one of us might say, that although in words he is not able to meet you at each step of the argument, he sees as a fact that the votaries of philosophy, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Common opinion declares philosophers to be either rogues or useless.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;when they carry on the study, not only in youth as a part of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage487D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;education, but as the pursuit of their maturer years, most of them become strange monsters, not to say utter rogues, and that those who may be considered the best of them are made useless to the world by the very study which you extol.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Well, and do you think that those who say so are wrong?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I cannot tell, he replied; but I should like to know what is your opinion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Socrates, instead of denying this statement, admits the truth of it.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Hear my answer; I am of opinion that they are quite right.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage487E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then how can you be justified in saying that cities will not cease from evil until philosophers rule in them, when philosophers are acknowledged by us to be of no use to them?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You ask a question, I said, to which a reply can only be given in a parable. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page185&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;185&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, Socrates; and that is a way of speaking to which you are not at all accustomed, I suppose.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;A parable.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I perceive, I said, that you are vastly amused at having plunged me into such a hopeless discussion; but now hear &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage488A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;488&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the parable, and then you will be still more amused at the meagreness of my imagination: for the manner in which the best men are treated in their own States is so grievous that no single thing on earth is comparable to it; and therefore, if I am to plead their cause, I must have recourse to fiction, and put together a figure made up of many things, like the fabulous unions of goats and stags which are found in pictures. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The noble captain whose senses are rather dull (the people in their better mind); the mutinous crew (the mob of politicians); and the pilot (the true philosopher).&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Imagine then a fleet or a ship in which there is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage488B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;a captain who is taller and stronger than any of the crew, but he is a little deaf and has a similar infirmity in sight, and his knowledge of navigation is not much better. The sailors are quarrelling with one another about the steering—every one is of opinion that he has a right to steer, though he has never learned the art of navigation and cannot tell who taught him or when he learned, and will further assert that it cannot be taught, and they are ready to cut in pieces any &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage488C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;one who says the contrary. They throng about the captain, begging and praying him to commit the helm to them; and if at any time they do not prevail, but others are preferred to them, they kill the others or throw them overboard, and having first chained up the noble captain’s senses with drink or some narcotic drug, they mutiny and take possession of the ship and make free with the stores; thus, eating and drinking, they proceed on their voyage in such manner as &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage488D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;might be expected of them. Him who is their partisan and cleverly aids them in their plot for getting the ship out of the captain’s hands into their own whether by force or persuasion, they compliment with the name of sailor, pilot, able seaman, and abuse the other sort of man, whom they call a good-for-nothing; but that the true pilot must pay attention to the year and seasons and sky and stars and winds, and whatever else belongs to his art, if he intends to be really qualified for the command of a ship, and that he must and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage488E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;will be the steerer, whether other people like or not—the possibility of this union of authority with the steerer’s art has never seriously entered into their thoughts or been made &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage489A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;489&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;part &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page186&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;186&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; of their calling&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook61&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook61&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. Now in vessels which are in a state of mutiny and by sailors who are mutineers, how will the true pilot be regarded? Will he not be called by them a prater, a star-gazer, a good-for-nothing?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook61&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook61&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Or, applying &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;o(/pôs de\ kubernê/sei&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ὅπως δὲ κυβερνήσει&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; to the mutineers, ‘But only understanding (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;e)pai+/ontas&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἐπαΐοντας&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;) that he (the mutinous pilot) must rule in spite of other people, never considering that there is an art of command which may be practised in combination with the pilot’s art.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of course, said Adeimantus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The interpretation.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then you will hardly need, I said, to hear the interpretation of the figure, which describes the true philosopher in his relation to the State; for you understand already.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then suppose you now take this parable to the gentleman who is surprised at finding that philosophers have no honour in their cities; explain it to him and try to convince him that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage489B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;their having honour would be far more extraordinary.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I will.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The uselessness of philosophers arises out of the unwillingness of mankind to make use of them.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Say to him, that, in deeming the best votaries of philosophy to be useless to the rest of the world, he is right; but also tell him to attribute their uselessness to the fault of those who will not use them, and not to themselves. The pilot should not humbly beg the sailors to be commanded by him—that is not the order of nature; neither are ‘the wise to go to the doors of the rich’—the ingenious author of this saying told a lie—but the truth is, that, when a man is ill, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage489C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;whether he be rich or poor, to the physician he must go, and he who wants to be governed, to him who is able to govern. The ruler who is good for anything ought not to beg his subjects to be ruled by him; although the present governors of mankind are of a different stamp; they may be justly compared to the mutinous sailors, and the true helmsmen to those who are called by them good-for-nothings and star-gazers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Precisely so, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The real enemies of philosophy her professing followers.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; For these reasons, and among men like these, philosophy, the noblest pursuit of all, is not likely to be much esteemed &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage489D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;by those of the opposite faction; not that the greatest and most lasting injury is done to her by her opponents, but by her own professing followers, the same of whom you &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page187&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;187&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; suppose the accuser to say, that the greater number of them are arrant rogues, and the best are useless; in which opinion I agreed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the reason why the good are useless has now been explained?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The corruption of philosophy due to many causes.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then shall we proceed to show that the corruption of the majority is also unavoidable, and that this is not to be laid to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage489E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the charge of philosophy any more than the other?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By all means.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And let us ask and answer in turn, first going back to the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage490A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;490&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;description of the gentle and noble nature. Truth, as you will remember, was his leader, whom he followed always and in all things; failing in this, he was an impostor, and had no part or lot in true philosophy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, that was said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Well, and is not this one quality, to mention no others, greatly at variance with present notions of him?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But before considering this, let us re-enumerate the qualities of the philosopher:&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And have we not a right to say in his defence, that the true lover of knowledge is always striving after being—that is his nature; he will not rest in the multiplicity of individuals &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage490B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; which is an appearance only, but will go on—the keen edge will not be blunted, nor the force of his desire abate until he have attained the knowledge of the true nature of every essence by a sympathetic and kindred power in the soul, and by that power drawing near and mingling and becoming incorporate with very being, having begotten mind and truth, he will have knowledge and will live and grow truly, and then, and not till then, will he cease from his travail.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nothing, he said, can be more just than such a description of him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;his love of essence, of truth, of justice, besides his other virtues and natural gifts.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And will the love of a lie be any part of a philosopher’s nature? Will he not utterly hate a lie?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage490C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; He will.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And when truth is the captain, we cannot suspect any evil of the band which he leads?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Impossible. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page188&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;188&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Justice and health of mind will be of the company, and temperance will follow after?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Neither is there any reason why I should again set in array the philosopher’s virtues, as you will doubtless remember that courage, magnificence, apprehension, memory, were his natural gifts. And you objected that, although no one could &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage490D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;deny what I then said, still, if you leave words and look at facts, the persons who are thus described are some of them manifestly useless, and the greater number utterly depraved; we were then led to enquire into the grounds of these accusations, and have now arrived at the point of asking why are the majority bad, which question of necessity brought us back to the examination and definition of the true philosopher.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage490E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Exactly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The reasons why philosophical natures so easily deteriorate.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And we have next to consider the corruptions of the philosophic nature, why so many are spoiled and so few escape spoiling—I am speaking of those who were said to be &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage491A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;491&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;useless but not wicked—and, when we have done with them, we will speak of the imitators of philosophy, what manner of men are they who aspire after a profession which is above them and of which they are unworthy, and then, by their manifold inconsistencies, bring upon philosophy, and upon all philosophers, that universal reprobation of which we speak.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What are these corruptions? he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;(1) There are but a few of them;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I will see if I can explain them to you. Every one will admit that a nature having in perfection all the qualities &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage491B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;which we required in a philosopher, is a rare plant which is seldom seen among men.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Rare indeed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And what numberless and powerful causes tend to destroy these rare natures!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What causes?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;(2) and they may be distracted from philosophy by their own virtues;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; In the first place there are their own virtues, their courage, temperance, and the rest of them, every one of which praiseworthy qualities (and this is a most singular circumstance) destroys and distracts from philosophy the soul which is the possessor of them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is very singular, he replied. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page189&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;189&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage491C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then there are all the ordinary goods of life—beauty, wealth, strength, rank, and great connections in the State—you understand &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;and also, (3), by the ordinary goods of life.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the sort of things—these also have a corrupting and distracting effect.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I understand; but I should like to know more precisely what you mean about them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Grasp the truth as a whole, I said, and in the right way; you will then have no difficulty in apprehending the preceding remarks, and they will no longer appear strange to you.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And how am I to do so? he asked.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage491D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Why, I said, we know that all germs or seeds, whether vegetable or animal, when they fail to meet with proper nutriment or climate or soil, in proportion to their vigour, are all the more sensitive to the want of a suitable environment, for evil is a greater enemy to what is good than to what is not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;(4) The finer natures more liable to injury than the inferior.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; There is reason in supposing that the finest natures, when under alien conditions, receive more injury than the inferior, because the contrast is greater.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage491E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And may we not say, Adeimantus, that the most gifted minds, when they are ill-educated, become pre-eminently bad? Do not great crimes and the spirit of pure evil spring out of a fulness of nature ruined by education rather than from any inferiority, whereas weak natures are scarcely capable of any very great good or very great evil?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There I think that you are right.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage492A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;492&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;(5) They are not corrupted by private sophists, but compelled by the opinion of the world meeting in the assembly or in some other place of resort.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And our philosopher follows the same analogy—he is like a plant which, having proper nurture, must necessarily grow and mature into all virtue, but, if sown and planted in an alien soil, becomes the most noxious of all weeds, unless he be preserved by some divine power. Do you really think, as people so often say, that our youth are corrupted by Sophists, or that private teachers of the art corrupt them in any degree worth speaking of? Are not the public who say these things &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage492B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the greatest of all Sophists? And do they not educate to perfection young and old, men and women alike, and fashion them after their own hearts?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When is this accomplished? he said. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page190&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;190&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When they meet together, and the world sits down at an assembly, or in a court of law, or a theatre, or a camp, or in any other popular resort, and there is a great uproar, and they praise some things which are being said or done, and blame other things, equally exaggerating both, shouting and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage492C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;clapping their hands, and the echo of the rocks and the place in which they are assembled redoubles the sound of the praise or blame—at such a time will not a young man’s heart, as they say, leap within him? Will any private training enable him to stand firm against the overwhelming flood of popular opinion? or will he be carried away by the stream? Will he not have the notions of good and evil which the public in general have—he will do as they do, and as they are, such will he be?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage492D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yes, Socrates; necessity will compel him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;(6) The other compulsion of violence and death.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And yet, I said, there is a still greater necessity, which has not been mentioned.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What is that?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The gentle force of attainder or confiscation or death, which, as you are aware, these new Sophists and educators, who are the public, apply when their words are powerless.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Indeed they do; and in right good earnest.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Now what opinion of any other Sophist, or of any private person, can be expected to overcome in such an unequal contest?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage492E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; None, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;They must be saved, if at all, by the power of God.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; No, indeed, I said, even to make the attempt is a great piece of folly; there neither is, nor has been, nor is ever likely to be, any different type of character which has had no other training in virtue but that which is supplied by public opinion&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook62&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook62&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;—I speak, my friend, of human virtue only; what is more than human, as the proverb says, is not included: for I would not have you ignorant that, in the present evil state of governments, whatever is saved and comes to good is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage493A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;493&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;saved by the power of God, as we may truly say.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook62&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook62&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Or, taking &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;para\&amp;quot;&amp;gt;παρὰ&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; in another sense, ‘trained to virtue on their principles.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I quite assent, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then let me crave your assent also to a further observation.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What are you going to say?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Why, that all those mercenary individuals, whom the many &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page191&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;191&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; call Sophists and whom they deem to be their adversaries, do, in fact, teach nothing but the opinion of the many, that is to say, the opinions of their assemblies; and this is their wisdom. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The great brute; his behaviour and temper (the people looked at from their worse side).&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;I might compare them to a man who should study the tempers and desires of a mighty strong beast who is fed &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage493B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;by him—he would learn how to approach and handle him, also at what times and from what causes he is dangerous or the reverse, and what is the meaning of his several cries, and by what sounds, when another utters them, he is soothed or infuriated; and you may suppose further, that when, by continually attending upon him, he has become perfect in all this, he calls his knowledge wisdom, and makes of it a system or art, which he proceeds to teach, although he has no real notion of what he means by the principles or passions of which he is speaking, but calls this honourable and that dishonourable, or good or evil, or just or unjust, all in accordance &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage493C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;with the tastes and tempers of the great brute. Good he pronounces to be that in which the beast delights and evil to be that which he dislikes; and he can give no other account of them except that the just and noble are the necessary, having never himself seen, and having no power of explaining to others the nature of either, or the difference between them, which is immense. By heaven, would not such an one be a rare educator?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Indeed he would.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And in what way does he who thinks that wisdom is &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage493D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the discernment of the tempers and tastes of the motley multitude, whether in painting or music, or, finally, in politics, differ from him whom I have been describing? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;He who associates with the people will conform to their tastes and will produce only what pleases them.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;For when a man consorts with the many, and exhibits to them his poem or other work of art or the service which he has done the State, making them his judges&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook63&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook63&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; when he is not obliged, the so-called necessity of Diomede will oblige him to produce whatever they praise. And yet the reasons are utterly ludicrous which they give in confirmation of their own notions about the honourable and good. Did you ever hear any of them which were not?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook63&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook63&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Putting a comma after &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;tô=n a)nangkai/ôn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;τῶν ἀνανγκαίων&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage493E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; No, nor am I likely to hear.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You recognise the truth of what I have been saying? Then &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page192&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;192&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; let me ask you to consider further whether the world will ever be induced to believe in the existence of absolute &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage494A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;494&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;beauty rather than of the many beautiful, or of the absolute in each kind rather than of the many in each kind?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then the world cannot possibly be a philosopher?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Impossible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And therefore philosophers must inevitably fall under the censure of the world?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They must.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And of individuals who consort with the mob and seek to please them?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is evident.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then, do you see any way in which the philosopher can &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage494B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;be preserved in his calling to the end? and remember what we were saying of him, that he was to have quickness and memory and courage and magnificence—these were admitted by us to be the true philosopher’s gifts.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The youth who has great bodily and mental gifts will be flattered from his childhood,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Will not such an one from his early childhood be in all things first among all, especially if his bodily endowments are like his mental ones?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And his friends and fellow-citizens will want to use him as he gets older for their own purposes?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No question.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage494C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Falling at his feet, they will make requests to him and do him honour and flatter him, because they want to get into their hands now, the power which he will one day possess.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That often happens, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And what will a man such as he is be likely to do under such circumstances, especially if he be a citizen of a great city, rich and noble, and a tall proper youth? Will he not be full of boundless aspirations, and fancy himself able to manage the affairs of Hellenes and of barbarians, and having got such &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage494D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;notions into his head will he not dilate and elevate himself in the fulness of vain pomp and senseless pride?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To be sure he will.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;and being incapable of having reason, will be easily drawn away from philosophy.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Now, when he is in this state of mind, if some one gently comes to him and tells him that he is a fool and must get &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page193&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;193&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; understanding, which can only be got by slaving for it, do you think that, under such adverse circumstances, he will be easily induced to listen?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Far otherwise.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And even if there be some one who through inherent &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage494E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;goodness or natural reasonableness has had his eyes opened a little and is humbled and taken captive by philosophy, how will his friends behave when they think that they are likely to lose the advantage which they were hoping to reap from his companionship? Will they not do and say anything to prevent him from yielding to his better nature and to render his teacher powerless, using to this end private intrigues as well as public prosecutions?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage495A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;495&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; There can be no doubt of it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And how can one who is thus circumstanced ever become a philosopher?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Impossible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The very qualities which make a man a philosopher may also divert him from philosophy.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then were we not right in saying that even the very qualities which make a man a philosopher may, if he be ill-educated, divert him from philosophy, no less than riches and their accompaniments and the other so-called goods of life?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We were quite right.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Thus, my excellent friend, is brought about all that ruin and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage495B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;failure which I have been describing of the natures best adapted to the best of all pursuits; they are natures which we maintain to be rare at any time; this being the class out of which come the men who are the authors of the greatest evil to States and individuals; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Great natures alone are capable, either of great good, or great evil.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and also of the greatest good when the tide carries them in that direction; but a small man never was the doer of any great thing either to individuals or to States.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is most true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And so philosophy is left desolate, with her marriage rite &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage495C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;incomplete: for her own have fallen away and forsaken her, and while they are leading a false and unbecoming life, other unworthy persons, seeing that she has no kinsmen to be her protectors, enter in and dishonour her; and fasten upon her the reproaches which, as you say, her reprovers utter, who affirm of her votaries that some are good for nothing, and that the greater number deserve the severest punishment. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page194&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;194&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is certainly what people say.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The attractiveness of philosophy to the vulgar.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yes; and what else would you expect, I said, when you think of the puny creatures who, seeing this land open to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage495D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;them—a land well stocked with fair names and showy titles—like prisoners running out of prison into a sanctuary, take a leap out of their trades into philosophy; those who do so being probably the cleverest hands at their own miserable crafts? For, although philosophy be in this evil case, still there remains a dignity about her which is not to be found in the arts. And many are thus attracted by her whose &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage495E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;natures are imperfect and whose souls are maimed and disfigured by their meannesses, as their bodies are by their trades and crafts. Is not this unavoidable?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Are they not exactly like a bald little tinker who has just got out of durance and come into a fortune; he takes a bath and puts on a new coat, and is decked out as a bridegroom going to marry his master’s daughter, who is left poor and desolate?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage496A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;496&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; A most exact parallel.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What will be the issue of such marriages? Will they not be vile and bastard?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There can be no question of it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The &amp;lt;i&amp;gt;mésalliance&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; of philosophy.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And when persons who are unworthy of education approach philosophy and make an alliance with her who is in a rank above them what sort of ideas and opinions are likely to be generated? &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook64&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook64&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;Will they not be sophisms captivating to the ear, having nothing in them genuine, or worthy of or akin to true wisdom?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook64&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook64&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Or, ‘will they not deserve to be called sophisms,’ ….&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No doubt, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Few are the worthy disciples:&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then, Adeimantus, I said, the worthy disciples of philosophy &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage496B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;will be but a small remnant: perchance some noble and well-educated person, detained by exile in her service, who in the absence of corrupting influences remains devoted to her; or some lofty soul born in a mean city, the politics of which he contemns and neglects; and there may be a gifted few who leave the arts, which they justly despise, and come to her;—or peradventure there are some who are restrained &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage496C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;by our friend Theages’ bridle; for everything in the life of Theages &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page195&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;195&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; conspired to divert him from philosophy; but ill-health kept him away from politics. My own case of the internal sign is hardly worth mentioning, for rarely, if ever, has such a monitor been given to any other man. Those who belong to this small class have tasted how sweet and blessed a possession philosophy is, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;and these are unable to resist the madness of the world;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and have also seen enough of the madness of the multitude; and they know &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage496D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;that no politician is honest, nor is there any champion of justice at whose side they may fight and be saved.Such an one may be compared to a man who has fallen among wild beasts—he will not join in the wickedness of his fellows, but neither is he able singly to resist all their fierce natures, and therefore seeing that he would be of no use to the State or to his friends, and reflecting that he would have to throw away his life without doing any good either to himself or others, he holds his peace, and goes his own way. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;they therefore in order to escape the storm take shelter behind a wall and live their own life.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;He is like one who, in the storm of dust and sleet which the driving wind hurries along, retires under the shelter of a wall; and seeing the rest of mankind full of wickedness, he is content, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage496E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;if only he can live his own life and be pure from evil or unrighteousness, and depart in peace and good-will, with bright hopes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said, and he will have done a great work before he departs.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A great work—yes; but not the greatest, unless he find &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage497A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;497&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;a State suitable to him; for in a State which is suitable to him, he will have a larger growth and be the saviour of his country, as well as of himself.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The causes why philosophy is in such an evil name have now been sufficiently explained: the injustice of the charges against her has been shown—is there anything more which you wish to say?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nothing more on that subject, he replied; but I should like to know which of the governments now existing is in your opinion the one adapted to her.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage497B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;No existing State suited to philosophy.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Not any of them, I said; and that is precisely the accusation which I bring against them—not one of them is worthy of the philosophic nature, and hence that nature is warped and estranged;—as the exotic seed which is sown in a foreign land becomes denaturalized, and is wont to be overpowered and to lose itself in the new soil, even so this growth &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page196&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;196&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; of philosophy, instead of persisting, degenerates and receives another character. But if philosophy ever finds in the State &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage497C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;that perfection which she herself is, then will be seen that she is in truth divine, and that all other things, whether natures of men or institutions, are but human;—and now, I know, that you are going to ask, What that State is:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No, he said; there you are wrong, for I was going to ask another question—whether it is the State of which we are the founders and inventors, or some other?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Even our own State requires the addition of the living authority.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yes, I replied, ours in most respects; but you may remember my saying before, that some living authority would always be required in the State having the same idea of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage497D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the constitution which guided you when as legislator you were laying down the laws.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That was said, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, but not in a satisfactory manner; you frightened us by interposing objections, which certainly showed that the discussion would be long and difficult; and what still remains is the reverse of easy.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What is there remaining?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The question how the study of philosophy may be so ordered as not to be the ruin of the State: All great attempts are attended with risk; ‘hard is the good,’ as men say.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage497E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Still, he said, let the point be cleared up, and the enquiry will then be complete.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I shall not be hindered, I said, by any want of will, but, if at all, by a want of power: my zeal you may see for yourselves; and please to remark in what I am about to say how boldly and unhesitatingly I declare that States should pursue philosophy, not as they do now, but in a different spirit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In what manner?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage498A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;498&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The superficial study of philosophy which exists in the present day.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; At present, I said, the students of philosophy are quite young; beginning when they are hardly past childhood, they devote only the time saved from moneymaking and housekeeping to such pursuits; and even those of them who are reputed to have most of the philosophic spirit, when they come within sight of the great difficulty of the subject, I mean dialectic, take themselves off. In after life when invited by some one else, they may, perhaps, go and hear a lecture, and about this they make much ado, for philosophy is not considered &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page197&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;197&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; by them to be their proper business: at last, when they grow old, in most cases they are extinguished more &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage498B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;truly than Heracleitus’ sun, inasmuch as they never light up again&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook65&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook65&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook65&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook65&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Heraclitus said that the sun was extinguished every evening and relighted every morning.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But what ought to be their course?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Just the opposite. In childhood and youth their study, and what philosophy they learn, should be suited to their tender years: during this period while they are growing up towards manhood, the chief and special care should be given to their bodies that they may have them to use in the service of philosophy; as life advances and the intellect begins to mature, let them increase the gymnastics of the soul; but when the strength of our citizens fails and is past civil and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage498C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;military duties, then let them range at will and engage in no serious labour, as we intend them to live happily here, and to crown this life with a similar happiness in another.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How truly in earnest you are, Socrates! he said; I am sure of that; and yet most of your hearers, if I am not mistaken, are likely to be still more earnest in their opposition to you, and will never be convinced; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Thrasymachus once more.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Thrasymachus least of all.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Do not make a quarrel, I said, between Thrasymachus and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage498D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;me, who have recently become friends, although, indeed, we were never enemies; for I shall go on striving to the utmost until I either convert him and other men, or do something which may profit them against the day when they live again, and hold the like discourse in another state of existence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You are speaking of a time which is not very near.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The people hate philosophy because they have only known bad and conventional imitations of it.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Rather, I replied, of a time which is as nothing in comparison with eternity. Nevertheless, I do not wonder that the many refuse to believe; for they have never seen that of which we are now speaking realized; they have seen only &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage498E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;a conventional imitation of philosophy, consisting of words artificially brought together, not like these of ours having a natural unity. But a human being who in word and work is perfectly moulded, as far as he can be, into the proportion and likeness of virtue—such a man ruling in a city which &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage499A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;499&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;bears the same image, they have never yet seen, neither one nor many of them—do you think that they ever did? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page198&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;198&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No indeed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No, my friend, and they have seldom, if ever, heard free and noble sentiments; such as men utter when they are earnestly and by every means in their power seeking after truth for the sake of knowledge, while they look coldly on the subtleties of controversy, of which the end is opinion and strife, whether they meet with them in the courts of law or in society.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They are strangers, he said, to the words of which you speak.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And this was what we foresaw, and this was the reason &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage499B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;why truth forced us to admit, not without fear and hesitation, that neither cities nor States nor individuals will ever attain perfection until the small class of philosophers whom we termed useless but not corrupt are providentially compelled, whether they will or not, to take care of the State, and until a like necessity be laid on the State to obey them&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook66&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook66&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;6&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; or until kings, or if not kings, the sons of kings or princes, are divinely &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage499C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;inspired with a true love of true philosophy. That either or both of these alternatives are impossible, I see no reason to affirm: if they were so, we might indeed be justly ridiculed as dreamers and visionaries. Am I not right?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook66&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook66&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;6&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Reading &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;katêko/ô|&amp;quot;&amp;gt;κατηκόῳ&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; or &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;katêko/ois&amp;quot;&amp;gt;κατηκόοις&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quite right.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Somewhere, at some time, there may have been or may be a philosopher who is also the ruler of a State.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; If then, in the countless ages of the past, or at the present hour in some foreign clime which is far away and beyond &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage499D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;our ken, the perfected philosopher is or has been or hereafter shall be compelled by a superior power to have the charge of the State, we are ready to assert to the death, that this our constitution has been, and is—yea, and will be whenever the Muse of Philosophy is queen. There is no impossibility in all this; that there is a difficulty, we acknowledge ourselves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;My opinion agrees with yours, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But do you mean to say that this is not the opinion of the multitude?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I should imagine not, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;O my friend, I said, do not attack the multitude: they will &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage499E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;change their minds, if, not in an aggressive spirit, but gently &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page199&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;199&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and with the view of soothing them and removing their dislike of over-education, you show them your philosophers as they really are and describe as you were just now doing &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage500A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;500&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;their character and profession, and then mankind will see that he of whom you are speaking is not such as they supposed—if they view him in this new light, they will surely change their notion of him, and answer in another strain&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook67&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook67&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;7&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;. Who can be at enmity with one who loves them, who that is himself gentle and free from envy will be jealous of one in whom there is no jealousy? Nay, let me answer for you, that in a few this harsh temper may be found but not in the majority of mankind.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook67&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook67&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;7&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Reading &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;ê)= kai\ e)a\n ou(/tô theô=ntai&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἦ καὶ ἐὰν οὕτω θεῶνται&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; without a question, and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;a)lloi/an toi&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἀλλοίαν τοι&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;: or, retaining the question and taking &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;a)lloi/an do/xan&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἀλλοίαν δόξαν&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; in a new sense: ‘Do you mean to say really that, viewing him in this light, they will be of another mind from yours, and answer in another strain?’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I quite agree with you, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage500B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The feeling against philosophy is really a feeling against pretended philosophers who are always talking about persons.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And do you not also think, as I do, that the harsh feeling which the many entertain towards philosophy originates in the pretenders, who rush in uninvited, and are always abusing them, and finding fault with them, who make persons instead of things the theme of their conversation? and nothing can be more unbecoming in philosophers than this.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;It is most unbecoming.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;For he, Adeimantus, whose mind is fixed upon true being, has surely no time to look down upon the affairs of earth, or &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage500C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to be filled with malice and envy, contending against men; his eye is ever directed towards things fixed and immutable, which he sees neither injuring nor injured by one another, but all in order moving according to reason; these he imitates, and to these he will, as far as he can, conform himself. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The true philosopher, who has his eye fixed upon immutable principles, will fashion States after the heavenly image.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Can a man help imitating that with which he holds reverential converse?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Impossible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the philosopher holding converse with the divine order, becomes orderly and divine, as far as the nature of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage500D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;man allows; but like every one else, he will suffer from detraction.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of course. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page200&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;200&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And if a necessity be laid upon him of fashioning, not only himself, but human nature generally, whether in States or individuals, into that which he beholds elsewhere, will he, think you, be an unskilful artificer of justice, temperance, and every civil virtue?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anything but unskilful.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And if the world perceives that what we are saying about &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage500E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;him is the truth, will they be angry with philosophy? Will they disbelieve us, when we tell them that no State can be happy which is not designed by artists who imitate the heavenly pattern?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They will not be angry if they understand, he said. But &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage501A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;501&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;how will they draw out the plan of which you are speaking?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;He will begin with a ‘tabula rasa’ and there inscribe his laws.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; They will begin by taking the State and the manners of men, from which, as from a tablet, they will rub out the picture, and leave a clean surface. This is no easy task. But whether easy or not, herein will lie the difference between them and every other legislator,—they will have nothing to do either with individual or State, and will inscribe no laws, until they have either found, or themselves made, a clean surface.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They will be very right, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Having effected this, they will proceed to trace an outline of the constitution?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No doubt.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage501B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And when they are filling in the work, as I conceive, they will often turn their eyes upwards and downwards: I mean that they will first look at absolute justice and beauty and temperance, and again at the human copy; and will mingle and temper the various elements of life into the image of a man; and this they will conceive according to that other image, which, when existing among men, Homer calls the form and likeness of God.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And one feature they will erase, and another they will put &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage501C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;in, until they have made the ways of men, as far as possible, agreeable to the ways of God?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Indeed, he said, in no way could they make a fairer picture.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The enemies of philosophy, when they hear the truth, are gradually propitiated,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And now, I said, are we beginning to persuade those whom &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page201&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;201&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; you described as rushing at us with might and main, that the painter of constitutions is such an one as we are praising; at whom they were so very indignant because to his hands we committed the State; and are they growing a little calmer at what they have just heard?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Much calmer, if there is any sense in them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage501D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Why, where can they still find any ground for objection? Will they doubt that the philosopher is a lover of truth and being?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They would not be so unreasonable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Or that his nature, being such as we have delineated, is akin to the highest good?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Neither can they doubt this.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But again, will they tell us that such a nature, placed under favourable circumstances, will not be perfectly good and wise if any ever was? Or will they prefer those whom we have rejected?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage501E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Surely not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then will they still be angry at our saying, that, until philosophers bear rule, States and individuals will have no rest from evil, nor will this our imaginary State ever be realized?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I think that they will be less angry.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;and at length become quite gentle.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Shall we assume that they are not only less angry but &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage502A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;502&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;quite gentle, and that they have been converted and for very shame, if for no other reason, cannot refuse to come to terms?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By all means, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;There may have been one son of a king a philosopher who has remained uncorrupted and has a State obedient to his will.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then let us suppose that the reconciliation has been effected. Will any one deny the other point, that there may be sons of kings or princes who are by nature philosophers?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Surely no man, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And when they have come into being will any one say that they must of necessity be destroyed; that they can hardly &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage502B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;be saved is not denied even by us; but that in the whole course of ages no single one of them can escape—who will venture to affirm this?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Who indeed!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But, said I, one is enough; let there be one man who has a city obedient to his will, and he might bring into existence the ideal polity about which the world is so incredulous.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, one is enough. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page202&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;202&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The ruler may impose the laws and institutions which we have been describing, and the citizens may possibly be willing to obey them?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And that others should approve, of what we approve, is no miracle or impossibility?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage502C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I think not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But we have sufficiently shown, in what has preceded, that all this, if only possible, is assuredly for the best.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We have.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Our constitution then is not unattainable.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And now we say not only that our laws, if they could be enacted, would be for the best, but also that the enactment of them, though difficult, is not impossible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very good.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And so with pain and toil we have reached the end of one subject, but more remains to be discussed;—how and by &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage502D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;what studies and pursuits will the saviours of the constitution be created, and at what ages are they to apply themselves to their several studies?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Recapitulation.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I omitted the troublesome business of the possession of women, and the procreation of children, and the appointment of the rulers, because I knew that the perfect State would be eyed with jealousy and was difficult of attainment; but that piece of cleverness was not of much service to me, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage502E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;for I had to discuss them all the same. The women and children are now disposed of, but the other question of the rulers must be investigated from the very beginning. We were saying, as you will remember, that they were to be lovers &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage503A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;503&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of their country, tried by the test of pleasures and pains, and neither in hardships, nor in dangers, nor at any other critical moment were to lose their patriotism—he was to be rejected who failed, but he who always came forth pure, like gold tried in the refiner’s fire, was to be made a ruler, and to receive honours and rewards in life and after death. This was the sort of thing which was being said, and then the argument turned aside and veiled her face; not liking to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage503B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;stir the question which has now arisen.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I perfectly remember, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, my friend, I said, and I then shrank from hazarding &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page203&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;203&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; the bold word; but now let me dare to say— &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The guardian must be a philosopher, and a philosopher must be a person of rare gifts&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;that the perfect guardian must be a philosopher.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said, let that be affirmed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And do not suppose that there will be many of them; for the gifts which were deemed by us to be essential rarely grow together; they are mostly found in shreds and patches.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage503C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; What do you mean? he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The contrast of the quick and solid temperaments.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; You are aware, I replied, that quick intelligence, memory, sagacity, cleverness, and similar qualities, do not often grow together, and that persons who possess them and are at the same time high-spirited and magnanimous are not so constituted by nature as to live orderly and in a peaceful and settled manner; they are driven any way by their impulses, and all solid principle goes out of them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;On the other hand, those steadfast natures which can &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage503D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;better be depended upon, which in a battle are impregnable to fear and immovable, are equally immovable when there is anything to be learned; they are always in a torpid state, and are apt to yawn and go to sleep over any intellectual toil.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quite true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;They must be united.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And yet we were saying that both qualities were necessary in those to whom the higher education is to be imparted, and who are to share in any office or command.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And will they be a class which is rarely found?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, indeed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage503E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;He who is to hold command must be tested in many kinds of knowledge.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then the aspirant must not only be tested in those labours and dangers and pleasures which we mentioned before, but there is another kind of probation which we did not mention—he must be exercised also in many kinds of knowledge, to see whether the soul will be able to endure the highest of all, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage504A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;504&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;or will faint under them, as in any other studies and exercises.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said, you are quite right in testing him. But what do you mean by the highest of all knowledge?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You may remember, I said, that we divided the soul into three parts; and distinguished the several natures of justice, temperance, courage, and wisdom?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Indeed, he said, if I had forgotten, I should not deserve to hear more. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page204&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;204&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And do you remember the word of caution which preceded the discussion of them&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook68&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook68&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook68&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook68&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Cp. IV. &amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#stpage435D&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;435 D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To what do you refer?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage504B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The shorter exposition of education, which has been already given, inadequate.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; We were saying, if I am not mistaken, that he who wanted to see them in their perfect beauty must take a longer and more circuitous way, at the end of which they would appear; but that we could add on a popular exposition of them on a level with the discussion which had preceded. And you replied that such an exposition would be enough for you, and so the enquiry was continued in what to me seemed to be a very inaccurate manner; whether you were satisfied or not, it is for you to say.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said, I thought and the others thought that you gave us a fair measure of truth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage504C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But, my friend, I said, a measure of such things which in any degree falls short of the whole truth is not fair measure; for nothing imperfect is the measure of anything, although persons are too apt to be contented and think that they need search no further.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Not an uncommon case when people are indolent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I said; and there cannot be any worse fault in a guardian of the State and of the laws.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The guardian must take the longer road of the higher learning,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The guardian then, I said, must be required to take the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage504D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;longer circuit, and toil at learning as well as at gymnastics, or he will never reach the highest knowledge of all which, as we were just now saying, is his proper calling.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What, he said, is there a knowledge still higher than this—higher than justice and the other virtues?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I said, there is. And of the virtues too we must behold not the outline merely, as at present—nothing short of the most finished picture should satisfy us. When little &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage504E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;things are elaborated with an infinity of pains, in order that they may appear in their full beauty and utmost clearness, how ridiculous that we should not think the highest truths worthy of attaining the highest accuracy!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A right noble thought&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook69&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook69&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;; but do you suppose that we &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page205&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;205&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; shall refrain from asking you what is this highest knowledge?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook69&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook69&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;9&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Or, separating &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;kai\ ma/la&amp;quot;&amp;gt;καὶ μάλα&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; from &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;a)/xion&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἄξιον&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, ‘True, he said, and a noble thought’: or &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;a)/xion to\ diano/êma&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἄξιον τὸ διανόημα&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; may be a gloss.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;which leads upwards at last to the idea of good.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Nay, I said, ask if you will; but I am certain that you have heard the answer many times, and now you either do not understand me or, as I rather think, you are disposed to be &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage505A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;505&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;troublesome; for you have often been told that the idea of good is the highest knowledge, and that all other things become useful and advantageous only by their use of this. You can hardly be ignorant that of this I was about to speak, concerning which, as you have often heard me say, we know so little; and, without which, any other knowledge &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage505B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;or possession of any kind will profit us nothing. Do you think that the possession of all other things is of any value if we do not possess the good? or the knowledge of all other things if we have no knowledge of beauty and goodness?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Assuredly not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But what is the good? Some say pleasure, others knowledge, which they absurdly explain to mean knowledge of the good.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; You are further aware that most people affirm pleasure to be the good, but the finer sort of wits say it is knowledge?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And you are aware too that the latter cannot explain what they mean by knowledge, but are obliged after all to say knowledge of the good?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How ridiculous!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage505C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yes, I said, that they should begin by reproaching us with our ignorance of the good, and then presume our knowledge of it—for the good they define to be knowledge of the good, just as if we understood them when they use the term ‘good’—this is of course ridiculous.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Most true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And those who make pleasure their good are in equal perplexity; for they are compelled to admit that there are bad pleasures as well as good.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And therefore to acknowledge that bad and good are the same?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage505D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There can be no doubt about the numerous difficulties in which this question is involved.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There can be none.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Further, do we not see that many are willing to do or to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page206&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;206&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; have or to seem to be what is just and honourable without the reality; but no one is satisfied with the appearance of good—the reality is what they seek; in the case of the good, appearance is despised by every one.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Every man pursues the good, but without knowing the nature of it.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Of this then, which every soul of man pursues and makes &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage505E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the end of all his actions, having a presentiment that there is such an end, and yet hesitating because neither knowing &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage506A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;506&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the nature nor having the same assurance of this as of other things, and therefore losing whatever good there is in other things,—of a principle such and so great as this ought the best men in our State, to whom everything is entrusted, to be in the darkness of ignorance?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I am sure, I said, that he who does not know how the beautiful and the just are likewise good will be but a sorry guardian of them; and I suspect that no one who is ignorant of the good will have a true knowledge of them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That, he said, is a shrewd suspicion of yours.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage506B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And if we only have a guardian who has this knowledge our State will be perfectly ordered?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The guardian ought to know these things.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Of course, he replied; but I wish that you would tell me whether you conceive this supreme principle of the good to be knowledge or pleasure, or different from either?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Aye, I said, I knew all along that a fastidious gentleman&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook610&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook610&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;10&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; like you would not be contented with the thoughts of other people about these matters.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook610&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook610&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;10&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Reading &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;a)nê\r kalo/s&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἀνὴρ καλός&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;: or reading &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;a)nê\r kalô=s&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἀνὴρ καλῶς&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, ‘I quite well knew from the very first, that you, &amp;amp;amp;c.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True, Socrates; but I must say that one who like you has passed a lifetime in the study of philosophy should not be &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage506C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;always repeating the opinions of others, and never telling his own.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Well, but has any one a right to say positively what he does not know?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Not, he said, with the assurance of positive certainty; he has no right to do that: but he may say what he thinks, as a matter of opinion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And do you not know, I said, that all mere opinions are bad, and the best of them blind? You would not deny that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page207&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;207&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; those who have any true notion without intelligence are only like blind men who feel their way along the road?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And do you wish to behold what is blind and crooked and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage506D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;base, when others will tell you of brightness and beauty?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OCRATES&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, G&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LAUCON&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Still, I must implore you, Socrates, said Glaucon, not to turn away just as you are reaching the goal; if you will only give such an explanation of the good as you have already given of justice and temperance and the other virtues, we shall be satisfied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;We can only attain to the things of mind through the things of sense. The ‘child’ of the good.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yes, my friend, and I shall be at least equally satisfied, but I cannot help fearing that I shall fail, and that my indiscreet zeal will bring ridicule upon me. No, sweet sirs, let us not &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage506E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;at present ask what is the actual nature of the good, for to reach what is now in my thoughts would be an effort too great for me. But of the child of the good who is likest him, I would fain speak, if I could be sure that you wished to hear—otherwise, not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By all means, he said, tell us about the child, and you shall remain in our debt for the account of the parent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage507A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;507&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I do indeed wish, I replied, that I could pay, and you receive, the account of the parent, and not, as now, of the offspring only; take, however, this latter by way of interest&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook611&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook611&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and at the same time have a care that I do not render a false account, although I have no intention of deceiving you.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook611&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook611&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;11&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; A play upon &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;to/kos&amp;quot;&amp;gt;τόκος&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, which means both ‘offspring’ and ‘interest.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, we will take all the care that we can: proceed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I said, but I must first come to an understanding with you, and remind you of what I have mentioned in the course of this discussion, and at many other times.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage507B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; What?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The old story, that there is a many beautiful and a many good, and so of other things which we describe and define; to all of them the term ‘many’ is applied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And there is an absolute beauty and an absolute good, and of other things to which the term ‘many’ is applied there is an absolute; for they may be brought under a single idea, which is called the essence of each.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page208&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;208&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The many, as we say, are seen but not known, and the ideas are known but not seen.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Exactly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage507C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And what is the organ with which we see the visible things?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The sight, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And with the hearing, I said, we hear, and with the other senses perceive the other objects of sense?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Sight the most complex of the senses,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But have you remarked that sight is by far the most costly and complex piece of workmanship which the artificer of the senses ever contrived?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No, I never have, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then reflect; has the ear or voice need of any third or &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage507D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;additional nature in order that the one may be able to hear and the other to be heard?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nothing of the sort.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No, indeed, I replied; and the same is true of most, if not all, the other senses—you would not say that any of them requires such an addition?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But you see that without the addition of some other nature there is no seeing or being seen?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How do you mean?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;and, unlike the other senses, requires the addition of a third nature before it can be used. This third nature is light.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Sight being, as I conceive, in the eyes, and he who has eyes wanting to see; colour being also present in them, still &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage507E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;unless there be a third nature specially adapted to the purpose, the owner of the eyes will see nothing and the colours will be invisible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of what nature are you speaking?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of that which you term light, I replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage508A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;508&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Noble, then, is the bond which links together sight and visibility, and great beyond other bonds by no small difference of nature; for light is their bond, and light is no ignoble thing?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nay, he said, the reverse of ignoble.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And which, I said, of the gods in heaven would you say was the lord of this element? Whose is that light which makes the eye to see perfectly and the visible to appear? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page209&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;209&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You mean the sun, as you and all mankind say.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;May not the relation of sight to this deity be described as follows?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage508B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Neither sight nor the eye in which sight resides is the sun?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The eye like the sun, but not the same with it.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yet of all the organs of sense the eye is the most like the sun?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By far the most like.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the power which the eye possesses is a sort of effluence which is dispensed from the sun?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Exactly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then the sun is not sight, but the author of sight who is recognised by sight?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And this is he whom I call the child of the good, whom the good begat in his own likeness, to be in the visible world, in &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage508C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;relation to sight and the things of sight, what the good is in the intellectual world in relation to mind and the things of mind:&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Will you be a little more explicit? he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Why, you know, I said, that the eyes, when a person directs them towards objects on which the light of day is no longer shining, but the moon and stars only, see dimly, and are nearly blind; they seem to have no clearness of vision in them?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage508D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Visible objects are to be seen only when the sun shines upon them; truth is only known when illuminated by the idea of good.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But when they are directed towards objects on which the sun shines, they see clearly and there is sight in them?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And the soul is like the eye: when resting upon that on which truth and being shine, the soul perceives and understands, and is radiant with intelligence; but when turned towards the twilight of becoming and perishing, then she has opinion only, and goes blinking about, and is first of one opinion and then of another, and seems to have no intelligence?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Just so.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage508E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The idea of good higher than science or truth (the objective than the subjective).&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Now, that which imparts truth to the known and the power of knowing to the knower is what I would have you term the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page210&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;210&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; idea of good, and this you will deem to be the cause of science&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook612&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook612&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and of truth in so far as the latter becomes the subject of knowledge; beautiful too, as are both truth and knowledge, you will be right in esteeming this other nature &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage509A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;509&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;as more beautiful than either; and, as in the previous instance, light and sight may be truly said to be like the sun, and yet not to be the sun, so in this other sphere, science and truth may be deemed to be like the good, but not the good; the good has a place of honour yet higher.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook612&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook612&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;12&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Reading &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;dianoou=&amp;quot;&amp;gt;διανοοῦ&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What a wonder of beauty that must be, he said, which is the author of science and truth, and yet surpasses them in beauty; for you surely cannot mean to say that pleasure is the good?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;God forbid, I replied; but may I ask you to consider the image in another point of view?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage509B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; In what point of view?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You would say, would you not, that the sun is not only the author of visibility in all visible things, but of generation and nourishment and growth, though he himself is not generation?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;As the sun is the cause of generation, so the good is the cause of being and essence.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; In like manner the good may be said to be not only the author of knowledge to all things known, but of their being and essence, and yet the good is not essence, but far exceeds essence in dignity and power.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage509C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Glaucon said, with a ludicrous earnestness: By the light of heaven, how amazing!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I said, and the exaggeration may be set down to you; for you made me utter my fancies.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And pray continue to utter them; at any rate let us hear if there is anything more to be said about the similitude of the sun.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I said, there is a great deal more.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then omit nothing, however slight.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I will do my best, I said; but I should think that a great deal will have to be omitted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I hope not, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage509D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; You have to imagine, then, that there are two ruling &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page211&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;211&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; powers, and that one of them is set over the intellectual world, the other over the visible. I do not say heaven, lest you should fancy that I am playing upon the name (&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;ou)rano/s, o(rato/s&amp;quot;&amp;gt;οὐρανός, ὁρατός&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;). May I suppose that you have this distinction of the visible and intelligible fixed in your mind?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I have.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The two spheres of sight and knowledge are represented by a line which is divided into two unequal parts.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Now take a line which has been cut into two unequal&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook613&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook613&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; parts, and divide each of them again in the same proportion, and suppose the two main divisions to answer, one to the visible and the other to the intelligible, and then compare the subdivisions in respect of their clearness and want of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage509E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;clearness, and you will find that the first section in the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage510A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;510&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;sphere of the visible consists of images. And by images I mean, in the first place, shadows, and in the second place, reflections in water and in solid, smooth and polished bodies and the like: Do you understand?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook613&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook613&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;13&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Reading: &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;a)/nisa&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἄνισα&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I understand.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Imagine, now, the other section, of which this is only the resemblance, to include the animals which we see, and everything that grows or is made.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very good.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Would you not admit that both the sections of this division have different degrees of truth, and that the copy is to the original as the sphere of opinion is to the sphere of knowledge?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage510B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Most undoubtedly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Next proceed to consider the manner in which the sphere of the intellectual is to be divided.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In what manner?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Images and hypotheses.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Thus:—There are two subdivisions, in the lower of which the soul uses the figures given by the former division as images; the enquiry can only be hypothetical, and instead of going upwards to a principle descends to the other end; in the higher of the two, the soul passes out of hypotheses, and goes up to a principle which is above hypotheses, making no use of images&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook614&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook614&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;14&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; as in the former case, but proceeding only in and through the ideas themselves.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook614&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook614&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;14&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Reading &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;ô(=nper e)kei=no ei)ko/nôn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ὧνπερ ἐκεῖνο εἰκόνων&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I do not quite understand your meaning, he said. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page212&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;212&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage510C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The hypotheses of mathematics.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then I will try again; you will understand me better when I have made some preliminary remarks. You are aware that students of geometry, arithmetic, and the kindred sciences assume the odd and the even and the figures and three kinds of angles and the like in their several branches of science; these are their hypotheses, which they and every body are supposed to know, and therefore they do not deign to give any account of them either to themselves or others; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage510D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;but they begin with them, and go on until they arrive at last, and in a consistent manner, at their conclusion?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said, I know.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;In both spheres hypotheses are used, in the lower taking the form of images, but in the higher the soul ascends above hypotheses to the idea of good.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And do you not know also that although they make use of the visible forms and reason about them, they are thinking not of these, but of the ideals which they resemble; not of the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage510E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; figures which they draw, but of the absolute square and the absolute diameter, and so on—the forms which they draw or make, and which have shadows and reflections in water of their own, are converted by them into images, but they are really seeking to behold the things themselves, which can only be seen with the eye of the mind?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage511A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;511&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; That is true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And of this kind I spoke as the intelligible, although in the search after it the soul is compelled to use hypotheses; not ascending to a first principle, because she is unable to rise above the region of hypothesis, but employing the objects of which the shadows below are resemblances in their turn as images, they having in relation to the shadows and reflections of them a greater distinctness, and therefore a higher value.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage511B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I understand, he said, that you are speaking of the province of geometry and the sister arts.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Dialectic by the help of hypotheses rises above hypotheses.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And when I speak of the other division of the intelligible, you will understand me to speak of that other sort of knowledge which reason herself attains by the power of dialectic, using the hypotheses not as first principles, but only as hypotheses—that is to say, as steps and points of departure into a world which is above hypotheses, in order that she may soar beyond them to the first principle of the whole; and clinging to this and then to that which depends on this, by successive steps she descends again without the aid of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page213&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;213&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage511C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;any sensible object, from ideas, through ideas, and in ideas she ends.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I understand you, he replied; not perfectly, for you seem to me to be describing a task which is really tremendous; but, at any rate, I understand you to say that knowledge and being, which the science of dialectic contemplates, are clearer than the notions of the arts, as they are termed, which proceed from hypotheses only: these are also contemplated by the understanding, and not by the senses: yet, because &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage511D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;they start from hypotheses and do not ascend to a principle, those who contemplate them appear to you not to exercise the higher reason upon them, although when a first principle is added to them they are cognizable by the higher reason. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Return to psychology.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And the habit which is concerned with geometry and the cognate sciences I suppose that you would term understanding and not reason, as being intermediate between opinion and reason.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Four faculties: Reason, understanding, faith, perception of shadows.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; You have quite conceived my meaning, I said; and now, corresponding to these four divisions, let there be four faculties in the soul—reason answering to the highest, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage511E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;understanding to the second, faith (or conviction) to the third, and perception of shadows to the last—and let there be a scale of them, and let us suppose that the several faculties have clearness in the same degree that their objects have truth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I understand, he replied, and give my assent, and accept your arrangement.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page214&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 class=&amp;quot;space-above&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;BookVII&amp;quot;&amp;gt;BOOK VII.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage514A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Steph.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
514&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic VII.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OCRATES&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, G&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LAUCON&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
The den, the prisoners; the light at a distance;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; A&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ND&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; now, I said, let me show in a figure how far our nature is enlightened or unenlightened:—Behold! human beings living in a underground den, which has a mouth open towards the light and reaching all along the den; here they have been from their childhood, and have their legs and necks chained so that they cannot move, and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage514B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;can only see before them, being prevented by the chains from turning round their heads. Above and behind them a fire is blazing at a distance, and between the fire and the prisoners there is a raised way; and you will see, if you look, a low wall built along the way, like the screen which marionette players have in front of them, over which they show the puppets.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I see.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;the low wall, and the moving figures of which the shadows are seen on the opposite wall of the den.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And do you see, I said, men passing along the wall carrying &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage514C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;all sorts of vessels, and statues and figures of animals &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage515A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;515&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;made of wood and stone and various materials, which appear over the wall? Some of them are talking, others silent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You have shown me a strange image, and they are strange prisoners.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Like ourselves, I replied; and they see only their own shadows, or the shadows of one another, which the fire throws on the opposite wall of the cave?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True, he said; how could they see anything but the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage515B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;shadows if they were never allowed to move their heads?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And of the objects which are being carried in like manner they would only see the shadows?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And if they were able to converse with one another, would they not suppose that they were naming what was actually before them&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook71&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook71&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page215&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;215&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook71&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook71&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Reading &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;paro/nta&amp;quot;&amp;gt;παρόντα&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The prisoners would mistake the shadows for realities.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And suppose further that the prison had an echo which came from the other side, would they not be sure to fancy when one of the passers-by spoke that the voice which they heard came from the passing shadow?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No question, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage515C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; To them, I said, the truth would be literally nothing but the shadows of the images.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is certain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And now look again, and see what will naturally follow if the prisoners are released and disabused of their error. At first, when any of them is liberated and compelled suddenly to stand up and turn his neck round and walk and look towards the light, he will suffer sharp pains; the glare will distress him, and he will be unable to see the realities of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage515D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;which in his former state he had seen the shadows; and then conceive some one saying to him, that what he saw before was an illusion, but that now, when he is approaching nearer to being and his eye is turned towards more real existence, he has a clearer vision,—what will be his reply? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;And when released, they would still persist in maintaining the superior truth of the shadows.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And you may further imagine that his instructor is pointing to the objects as they pass and requiring him to name them,—will he not be perplexed? Will he not fancy that the shadows which he formerly saw are truer than the objects which are now shown to him?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Far truer.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage515E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And if he is compelled to look straight at the light, will he not have a pain in his eyes which will make him turn away to take refuge in the objects of vision which he can see, and which he will conceive to be in reality clearer than the things which are now being shown to him?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;When dragged upwards, they would be dazzled by excess of light.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And suppose once more, that he is reluctantly dragged up a steep and rugged ascent, and held fast until he is forced into the presence of the sun himself, is he not likely to be &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage516A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;516&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;pained and irritated? When he approaches the light his eyes will be dazzled, and he will not be able to see anything at all of what are now called realities.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Not all in a moment, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He will require to grow accustomed to the sight of the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page216&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;216&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; upper world. And first he will see the shadows best, next the reflections of men and other objects in the water, and then the objects themselves; then he will gaze upon the light of the moon and the stars and the spangled heaven; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage516B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and he will see the sky and the stars by night better than the sun or the light of the sun by day?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;At length they will see the sun and understand his nature.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Last of all he will be able to see the sun, and not mere reflections of him in the water, but he will see him in his own proper place, and not in another; and he will contemplate him as he is.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He will then proceed to argue that this is he who gives the season and the years, and is the guardian of all that is in the visible world, and in a certain way the cause of all &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage516C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;things which he and his fellows have been accustomed to behold?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Clearly, he said, he would first see the sun and then reason about him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;They would then pity their old companions of the den.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And when he remembered his old habitation, and the wisdom of the den and his fellow-prisoners, do you not suppose that he would felicitate himself on the change, and pity them?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly, he would.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And if they were in the habit of conferring honours among themselves on those who were quickest to observe the passing shadows and to remark which of them went before, and &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage516D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;which followed after, and which were together; and who were therefore best able to draw conclusions as to the future, do you think that he would care for such honours and glories, or envy the possessors of them? Would he not say with Homer,&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poembox&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;poem&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;‘Better to be the poor servant of a poor master,’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;and to endure anything, rather than think as they do and live after their manner?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage516E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yes, he said, I think that he would rather suffer anything than entertain these false notions and live in this miserable manner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But when they returned to the den they would see much worse than those who had never left it.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Imagine once more, I said, such an one coming suddenly &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page217&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;217&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; out of the sun to be replaced in his old situation; would he not be certain to have his eyes full of darkness?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To be sure, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And if there were a contest, and he had to compete in measuring the shadows with the prisoners who had never &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage517A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;517&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;moved out of the den, while his sight was still weak, and before his eyes had become steady (and the time which would be needed to acquire this new habit of sight might be very considerable), would he not be ridiculous? Men would say of him that up he went and down he came without his eyes; and that it was better not even to think of ascending; and if any one tried to loose another and lead him up to the light, let them only catch the offender, and they would put him to death.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No question, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The prison is the world of sight, the light of the fire is the sun.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; This entire allegory, I said, you may now append, dear &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage517B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Glaucon, to the previous argument; the prison-house is the world of sight, the light of the fire is the sun, and you will not misapprehend me if you interpret the journey upwards to be the ascent of the soul into the intellectual world according to my poor belief, which, at your desire, I have expressed—whether rightly or wrongly God knows. But, whether true or false, my opinion is that in the world of knowledge the idea of good appears last of all, and is seen &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage517C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;only with an effort; and, when seen, is also inferred to be the universal author of all things beautiful and right, parent of light and of the lord of light in this visible world, and the immediate source of reason and truth in the intellectual; and that this is the power upon which he who would act rationally either in public or private life must have his eye fixed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I agree, he said, as far as I am able to understand you.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Moreover, I said, you must not wonder that those who attain to this beatific vision are unwilling to descend to human affairs; for their souls are ever hastening into the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage517D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;upper world where they desire to dwell; which desire of theirs is very natural, if our allegory may be trusted.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, very natural.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Nothing extraordinary in the philosopher being unable to see in the dark.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And is there anything surprising in one who passes from divine contemplations to the evil state of man, misbehaving &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page218&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;218&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; himself in a ridiculous manner; if, while his eyes are blinking and before he has become accustomed to the surrounding darkness, he is compelled to fight in courts of law, or in other places, about the images or the shadows of images &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage517E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of justice, and is endeavouring to meet the conceptions of those who have never yet seen absolute justice?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Anything but surprising, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage518A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;518&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The eyes may be blinded in two ways, by excess or by defect of light.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Any one who has common sense will remember that the bewilderments of the eyes are of two kinds, and arise from two causes, either from coming out of the light or from going into the light, which is true of the mind’s eye, quite as much as of the bodily eye; and he who remembers this when he sees any one whose vision is perplexed and weak, will not be too ready to laugh; he will first ask whether that soul of man has come out of the brighter life, and is unable to see because unaccustomed to the dark, or having turned from darkness to the day is dazzled by excess of light. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage518B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;And he will count the one happy in his condition and state of being, and he will pity the other; or, if he have a mind to laugh at the soul which comes from below into the light, there will be more reason in this than in the laugh which greets him who returns from above out of the light into the den.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That, he said, is a very just distinction.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The conversion of the soul is the turning round the eye from darkness to light.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But then, if I am right, certain professors of education must be wrong when they say that they can put a knowledge &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage518C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;into the soul which was not there before, like sight into blind eyes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They undoubtedly say this, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Whereas, our argument shows that the power and capacity of learning exists in the soul already; and that just as the eye was unable to turn from darkness to light without the whole body, so too the instrument of knowledge can only by the movement of the whole soul be turned from the world of becoming into that of being, and learn by degrees to endure the sight of being, and of the brightest and best of being, or &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage518D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;in other words, of the good.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And must there not be some art which will effect conversion in the easiest and quickest manner; not implanting &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page219&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;219&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; the faculty of sight, for that exists already, but has been turned in the wrong direction, and is looking away from the truth?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said, such an art may be presumed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The virtue of wisdom has a divine power which may be turned either towards good or towards evil.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And whereas the other so-called virtues of the soul seem to be akin to bodily qualities, for even when they are not &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage518E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; originally innate they can be implanted later by habit and exercise, the virtue of wisdom more than anything else contains a divine element which always remains, and by this conversion is rendered useful and profitable; or, on the other hand, hurtful and useless. Did you never observe the narrow &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage519A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;519&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;intelligence flashing from the keen eye of a clever rogue—how eager he is, how clearly his paltry soul sees the way to his end; he is the reverse of blind, but his keen eye-sight is forced into the service of evil, and he is mischievous in proportion to his cleverness?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But what if there had been a circumcision of such natures in the days of their youth; and they had been severed from those sensual pleasures, such as eating and drinking, which, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage519B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;like leaden weights, were attached to them at their birth, and which drag them down and turn the vision of their souls upon the things that are below—if, I say, they had been released from these impediments and turned in the opposite direction, the very same faculty in them would have seen the truth as keenly as they see what their eyes are turned to now.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very likely.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Neither the uneducated nor the overeducated will be good servants of the State.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yes, I said; and there is another thing which is likely, or rather a necessary inference from what has preceded, that neither the uneducated and uninformed of the truth, nor &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage519C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;yet those who never make an end of their education, will be able ministers of State; not the former, because they have no single aim of duty which is the rule of all their actions, private as well as public; nor the latter, because they will not act at all except upon compulsion, fancying that they are already dwelling apart in the islands of the blest.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then, I said, the business of us who are the founders of the State will be to compel the best minds to attain that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page220&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;220&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; knowledge which we have already shown to be the greatest of all—they must continue to ascend until they arrive at the good; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage519D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;but when they have ascended and seen enough we must not allow them to do as they do now.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What do you mean?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Men should ascend to the upper world, but they should also return to the lower.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I mean that they remain in the upper world: but this must not be allowed; they must be made to descend again among the prisoners in the den, and partake of their labours and honours, whether they are worth having or not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But is not this unjust? he said; ought we to give them a worse life, when they might have a better?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage519E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; You have again forgotten, my friend, I said, the intention of the legislator, who did not aim at making any one class in the State happy above the rest; the happiness was to be in the whole State, and he held the citizens together by persuasion and necessity, making them benefactors of the State, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage520A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;520&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and therefore benefactors of one another; to this end he created them, not to please themselves, but to be his instruments in binding up the State.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True, he said, I had forgotten.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The duties of philosophers.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Observe, Glaucon, that there will be no injustice in compelling our philosophers to have a care and providence of others; we shall explain to them that in other States, men &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage520B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of their class are not obliged to share in the toils of politics: and this is reasonable, for they grow up at their own sweet will, and the government would rather not have them. Being self-taught, they cannot be expected to show any gratitude for a culture which they have never received. But we have brought you into the world to be rulers of the hive, kings of yourselves and of the other citizens, and have educated you far better and more perfectly than they have been educated, and you are better able to share in the double duty. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Their obligations to their country will induce them to take part in her government.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage520C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Wherefore each of you, when his turn comes, must go down to the general underground abode, and get the habit of seeing in the dark. When you have acquired the habit, you will see ten thousand times better than the inhabitants of the den, and you will know what the several images are, and what they represent, because you have seen the beautiful and just and good in their truth. And thus our State, which is also yours, will be a reality, and not a dream &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page221&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;221&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; only, and will be administered in a spirit unlike that of other States, in which men fight with one another about shadows only and are distracted in the struggle for power, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage520D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;which in their eyes is a great good. Whereas the truth is that the State in which the rulers are most reluctant to govern is always the best and most quietly governed, and the State in which they are most eager, the worst.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quite true, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And will our pupils, when they hear this, refuse to take their turn at the toils of State, when they are allowed to spend the greater part of their time with one another in the heavenly light?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage520E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;They will be willing but not anxious to rule.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Impossible, he answered; for they are just men, and the commands which we impose upon them are just; there can be no doubt that every one of them will take office as a stern necessity, and not after the fashion of our present rulers of State.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, my friend, I said; and there lies the point. You &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage521A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;521&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;must contrive for your future rulers another and a better life than that of a ruler, and then you may have a well-ordered State; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The statesman must be provided with a better life than that of a ruler; and then he will not covet office.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;for only in the State which offers this, will they rule who are truly rich, not in silver and gold, but in virtue and wisdom, which are the true blessings of life. Whereas if they go to the administration of public affairs, poor and hungering after their own private advantage, thinking that hence they are to snatch the chief good, order there can never be; for they will be fighting about office, and the civil and domestic broils which thus arise will be the ruin of the rulers themselves and of the whole State.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Most true, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage521B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And the only life which looks down upon the life of political ambition is that of true philosophy. Do you know of any other?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Indeed, I do not, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And those who govern ought not to be lovers of the task? For, if they are, there will be rival lovers, and they will fight.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No question.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Who then are those whom we shall compel to be guardians? Surely they will be the men who are wisest about affairs of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page222&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;222&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; State, and by whom the State is best administered, and who at the same time have other honours and another and a better life than that of politics?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They are the men, and I will choose them, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage521C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And now shall we consider in what way such guardians will be produced, and how they are to be brought from darkness to light,—as some are said to have ascended from the world below to the gods?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;By all means, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The training of the guardians.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The process, I said, is not the turning over of an oyster-shell&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook72&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook72&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, but the turning round of a soul passing from a day which is little better than night to the true day of being, that is, the ascent from below&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook73&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook73&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, which we affirm to be true philosophy?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook72&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook72&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; In allusion to a game in which two parties fled or pursued according as an oyster-shell which was thrown into the air fell with the dark or light side uppermost.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook73&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook73&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Reading &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;ou)=san e)pa/nodon&amp;quot;&amp;gt;οὖσαν ἐπάνοδον&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quite so.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And should we not enquire what sort of knowledge has the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage521D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;power of effecting such a change?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;What knowledge will draw the soul upwards?&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; What sort of knowledge is there which would draw the soul from becoming to being? And another consideration has just occurred to me: You will remember that our young men are to be warrior athletes?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, that was said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then this new kind of knowledge must have an additional quality?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What quality?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Usefulness in war.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, if possible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Recapitulation.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; There were two parts in our former scheme of education, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage521E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;were there not?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;There were two parts in our former scheme of education, were there not?&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Just so.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There was gymnastic which presided over the growth and decay of the body, and may therefore be regarded as having to do with generation and corruption?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage522A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;522&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then that is not the knowledge which we are seeking to discover? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page223&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;223&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But what do you say of music, which also entered to a certain extent into our former scheme?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Music, he said, as you will remember, was the counterpart of gymnastic, and trained the guardians by the influences of habit, by harmony making them harmonious, by rhythm rhythmical, but not giving them science; and the words, whether fabulous or possibly true, had kindred elements of rhythm and harmony in them. But in music there was &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage522B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;nothing which tended to that good which you are now seeking.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You are most accurate, I said, in your recollection; in music there certainly was nothing of the kind. But what branch of knowledge is there, my dear Glaucon, which is of the desired nature; since all the useful arts were reckoned mean by us?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Undoubtedly; and yet if music and gymnastic are excluded, and the arts are also excluded, what remains?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Well, I said, there may be nothing left of our special subjects; and then we shall have to take something which is not special, but of universal application.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What may that be?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage522C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;There remains for the second education, arithmetic;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; A something which all arts and sciences and intelligences use in common, and which every one first has to learn among the elements of education.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What is that?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The little matter of distinguishing one, two, and three—in a word, number and calculation:—do not all arts and sciences necessarily partake of them?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then the art of war partakes of them?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To be sure.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage522D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then Palamedes, whenever he appears in tragedy, proves Agamemnon ridiculously unfit to be a general. Did you never remark how he declares that he had invented number, and had numbered the ships and set in array the ranks of the army at Troy; which implies that they had never been numbered before, and Agamemnon must be supposed literally to have been incapable of counting his own feet—how could he if he was ignorant of number? And if that is true, what sort of general must he have been? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page224&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;224&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I should say a very strange one, if this was as you say.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage522E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Can we deny that a warrior should have a knowledge of arithmetic?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly he should, if he is to have the smallest understanding of military tactics, or indeed, I should rather say, if he is to be a man at all.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I should like to know whether you have the same notion which I have of this study?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What is your notion?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;that being a study which leads naturally to reflection, for&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; It appears to me to be a study of the kind which we are &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage523A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;523&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;seeking, and which leads naturally to reflection, but never to have been rightly used; for the true use of it is simply to draw the soul towards being.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Will you explain your meaning? he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I will try, I said; and I wish you would share the enquiry with me, and say ‘yes’ or ‘no’ when I attempt to distinguish in my own mind what branches of knowledge have this attracting power, in order that we may have clearer proof that arithmetic is, as I suspect, one of them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Explain, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;reflection is aroused by contradictory impressions of sense.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I mean to say that objects of sense are of two kinds; some &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage523B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of them do not invite thought because the sense is an adequate judge of them; while in the case of other objects sense is so untrustworthy that further enquiry is imperatively demanded.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You are clearly referring, he said, to the manner in which the senses are imposed upon by distance, and by painting in light and shade.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No, I said, that is not at all my meaning.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then what is your meaning?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;When speaking of uninviting objects, I mean those which &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage523C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;do not pass from one sensation to the opposite; inviting objects are those which do; in this latter case the sense coming upon the object, whether at a distance or near, gives no more vivid idea of anything in particular than of its opposite. An illustration will make my meaning clearer:—here are three fingers—a little finger, a second finger, and a middle finger.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very good. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page225&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;225&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You may suppose that they are seen quite close: And here comes the point.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What is it?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;No difficulty in simple perception.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Each of them equally appears a finger, whether seen in the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage523D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;middle or at the extremity, whether white or black, or thick or thin—it makes no difference; a finger is a finger all the same. In these cases a man is not compelled to ask of thought the question what is a finger? for the sight never intimates to the mind that a finger is other than a finger.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And therefore, I said, as we might expect, there is nothing &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage523E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;here which invites or excites intelligence.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There is not, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;But the same senses at the same time give different impressions which are at first indistinct and have to be distinguished by the mind.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But is this equally true of the greatness and smallness of the fingers? Can sight adequately perceive them? and is no difference made by the circumstance that one of the fingers is in the middle and another at the extremity? And in like manner does the touch adequately perceive the qualities of thickness or thinness, of softness or hardness? And so of the other senses; do they give perfect intimations of such matters? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage524A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;524&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;Is not their mode of operation on this wise—the sense which is concerned with the quality of hardness is necessarily concerned also with the quality of softness, and only intimates to the soul that the same thing is felt to be both hard and soft?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You are quite right, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And must not the soul be perplexed at this intimation which the sense gives of a hard which is also soft? What, again, is the meaning of light and heavy, if that which is light is also heavy, and that which is heavy, light?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage524B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yes, he said, these intimations which the soul receives are very curious and require to be explained.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The aid of numbers is invoked in order to remove the confusion.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yes, I said, and in these perplexities the soul naturally summons to her aid calculation and intelligence, that she may see whether the several objects announced to her are one or two.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And if they turn out to be two, is not each of them one and different?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page226&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;226&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And if each is one, and both are two, she will conceive the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage524C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;two as in a state of division, for if there were undivided they could only be conceived of as one?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The eye certainly did see both small and great, but only in a confused manner; they were not distinguished.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The chaos then begins to be defined.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Whereas the thinking mind, intending to light up the chaos, was compelled to reverse the process, and look at small and great as separate and not confused.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Was not this the beginning of the enquiry ‘What is great?’ and ‘What is small?’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Exactly so.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The parting of the visible and intelligible.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And thus arose the distinction of the visible and the intelligible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage524D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Most true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;This was what I meant when I spoke of impressions which invited the intellect, or the reverse—those which are simultaneous with opposite impressions, invite thought; those which are not simultaneous do not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I understand, he said, and agree with you.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And to which class do unity and number belong?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I do not know, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Thought is aroused by the contradiction of the one and many.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Think a little and you will see that what has preceded will supply the answer; for if simple unity could be adequately perceived by the sight or by any other sense, then, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage524E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;as we were saying in the case of the finger, there would be nothing to attract towards being; but when there is some contradiction always present, and one is the reverse of one and involves the conception of plurality, then thought begins to be aroused within us, and the soul perplexed and wanting to arrive at a decision asks ‘What is absolute unity?’ This &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage525A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;525&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;is the way in which the study of the one has a power of drawing and converting the mind to the contemplation of true being.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And surely, he said, this occurs notably in the case of one; for we see the same thing to be both one and infinite in multitude?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I said; and this being true of one must be equally true of all number? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page227&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;227&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And all arithmetic and calculation have to do with number?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage525B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And they appear to lead the mind towards truth?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, in a very remarkable manner.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Arithmetic has a practical and also a philosophical use, the latter the higher.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then this is knowledge of the kind for which we are seeking, having a double use, military and philosophical; for the man of war must learn the art of number or he will not know how to array his troops, and the philosopher also, because he has to rise out of the sea of change and lay hold of true being, and therefore he must be an arithmetician.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And our guardian is both warrior and philosopher?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then this is a kind of knowledge which legislation may fitly prescribe; and we must endeavour to persuade those &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage525C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;who are to be the principal men of our State to go and learn arithmetic, not as amateurs, but they must carry on the study until they see the nature of numbers with the mind only; nor again, like merchants or retail-traders, with a view to buying or selling, but for the sake of their military use, and of the soul herself; and because this will be the easiest way for her to pass from becoming to truth and being.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is excellent, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I said, and now having spoken of it, I must add &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage525D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;how charming the science is! and in how many ways it conduces to our desired end, if pursued in the spirit of a philosopher, and not of a shopkeeper!&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How do you mean?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The higher arithmetic is concerned, not with visible or tangible objects, but with abstract numbers.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I mean, as I was saying, that arithmetic has a very great and elevating effect, compelling the soul to reason about abstract number, and rebelling against the introduction of visible or tangible objects into the argument. You know &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage525E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;how steadily the masters of the art repel and ridicule any one who attempts to divide absolute unity when he is calculating, and if you divide, they multiply&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook74&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook74&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, taking care that one shall continue one and not become lost in fractions. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page228&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;228&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook74&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook74&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Meaning either (1) that they integrate the number because they deny the possibility of fractions; or (2) that division is regarded by them as a process of multiplication, for the fractions of one continue to be units.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage526A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;526&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Now, suppose a person were to say to them: O my friends, what are these wonderful numbers about which you are reasoning, in which, as you say, there is a unity such as you demand, and each unit is equal, invariable, indivisible,—what would they answer?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They would answer, as I should conceive, that they were speaking of those numbers which can only be realized in thought.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then you see that this knowledge may be truly called &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage526B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;necessary, necessitating as it clearly does the use of the pure intelligence in the attainment of pure truth?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes; that is a marked characteristic of it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The arithmetician is naturally quick, and the study of arithmetic gives him still greater quickness.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And have you further observed, that those who have a natural talent for calculation are generally quick at every other kind of knowledge; and even the dull, if they have had an arithmetical training, although they may derive no other advantage from it, always become much quicker than they would otherwise have been.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage526C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And indeed, you will not easily find a more difficult study, and not many as difficult.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You will not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And, for all these reasons, arithmetic is a kind of knowledge in which the best natures should be trained, and which must not be given up.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I agree.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Let this then be made one of our subjects of education. And next, shall we enquire whether the kindred science also concerns us?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You mean geometry?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Exactly so.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage526D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Geometry has practical applications;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Clearly, he said, we are concerned with that part of geometry which relates to war; for in pitching a camp, or taking up a position, or closing or extending the lines of an army, or any other military manoeuvre, whether in actual battle or on a march, it will make all the difference whether a general is or is not a geometrician.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;these however are trifling in comparison with that greater part of the science which tends towards the good,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yes, I said, but for that purpose a very little of either geometry or calculation will be enough; the question relates &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page229&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;229&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; rather to the greater and more advanced part of geometry—&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage526E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;whether that tends in any degree to make more easy the vision of the idea of good; and thither, as I was saying, all things tend which compel the soul to turn her gaze towards that place, where is the full perfection of being, which she ought, by all means, to behold.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then if geometry compels us to view being, it concerns us; if becoming only, it does not concern us?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage527A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;527&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yes, that is what we assert.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yet anybody who has the least acquaintance with geometry will not deny that such a conception of the science is in flat contradiction to the ordinary language of geometricians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How so?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;They have in view practice only, and are always speaking, in a narrow and ridiculous manner, of squaring and extending and applying and the like—they confuse the necessities of geometry with those of daily life; whereas knowledge is the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage527B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;real object of the whole science.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then must not a further admission be made?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What admission?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;and is concerned with the eternal.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; That the knowledge at which geometry aims is knowledge of the eternal, and not of aught perishing and transient.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That, he replied, may be readily allowed, and is true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then, my noble friend, geometry will draw the soul towards truth, and create the spirit of philosophy, and raise up that which is now unhappily allowed to fall down.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Nothing will be more likely to have such an effect.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage527C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then nothing should be more sternly laid down than that the inhabitants of your fair city should by all means learn geometry. Moreover the science has indirect effects, which are not small.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of what kind? he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There are the military advantages of which you spoke, I said; and in all departments of knowledge, as experience proves, any one who has studied geometry is infinitely quicker of apprehension than one who has not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes indeed, he said, there is an infinite difference between them. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page230&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;230&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then shall we propose this as a second branch of knowledge which our youth will study?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Let us do so, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage527D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And suppose we make astronomy the third—what do you say?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Astronomy, like the previous sciences, is at first praised by Glaucon for its practical uses.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I am strongly inclined to it, he said; the observation of the seasons and of months and years is as essential to the general as it is to the farmer or sailor.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I am amused, I said, at your fear of the world, which makes you guard against the appearance of insisting upon useless studies; and I quite admit the difficulty of believing that in every man there is an eye of the soul which, when by &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage527E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;other pursuits lost and dimmed, is by these purified and re-illumined; and is more precious far than ten thousand bodily eyes, for by it alone is truth seen. Now there are two classes of persons: one class of those who will agree with you and will take your words as a revelation; another class &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage528A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;528&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to whom they will be utterly unmeaning, and who will naturally deem them to be idle tales, for they see no sort of profit which is to be obtained from them. And therefore you had better decide at once with which of the two you are proposing to argue. You will very likely say with neither, and that your chief aim in carrying on the argument is your own improvement; at the same time you do not grudge to others any benefit which they may receive.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I think that I should prefer to carry on the argument mainly on my own behalf.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Correction of the order.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then take a step backward, for we have gone wrong in the order of the sciences.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What was the mistake? he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;After plane geometry, I said, we proceeded at once to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage528B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;solids in revolution, instead of taking solids in themselves; whereas after the second dimension the third, which is concerned with cubes and dimensions of depth, ought to have followed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is true, Socrates; but so little seems to be known as yet about these subjects.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The pitiable condition of solid geometry.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Why, yes, I said, and for two reasons:—in the first place, no government patronises them; this leads to a want of energy in the pursuit of them, and they are difficult; in the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page231&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;231&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; second place, students cannot learn them unless they have a director. But then a director can hardly be found, and even &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage528C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;if he could, as matters now stand, the students, who are very conceited, would not attend to him. That, however, would be otherwise if the whole State became the director of these studies and gave honour to them; then disciples would want to come, and there would be continuous and earnest search, and discoveries would be made; since even now, disregarded as they are by the world, and maimed of their fair proportions, and although none of their votaries can tell the use of them, still these studies force their way by their natural charm, and very likely, if they had the help of the State, they would some day emerge into light.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage528D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yes, he said, there is a remarkable charm in them. But I do not clearly understand the change in the order. First you began with a geometry of plane surfaces?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And you placed astronomy next, and then you made a step backward?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The motion of solids.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yes, and I have delayed you by my hurry; the ludicrous state of solid geometry, which, in natural order, should have followed, made me pass over this branch and go on to &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage528E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;astronomy, or motion of solids.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then assuming that the science now omitted would come into existence if encouraged by the State, let us go on to astronomy, which will be fourth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Glaucon grows sentimental about astronomy.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The right order, he replied. And now, Socrates, as you rebuked the vulgar manner in which I praised astronomy &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage529A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;529&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;before, my praise shall be given in your own spirit. For every one, as I think, must see that astronomy compels the soul to look upwards and leads us from this world to another.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Every one but myself, I said; to every one else this may be clear, but not to me.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And what then would you say?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I should rather say that those who elevate astronomy into philosophy appear to me to make us look downwards and not upwards.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What do you mean? he asked. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page232&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;232&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;He is rebuked by Socrates,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; You, I replied, have in your mind a truly sublime conception of our knowledge of the things above. And I dare &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage529B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;say that if a person were to throw his head back and study the fretted ceiling, you would still think that his mind was the percipient, and not his eyes. And you are very likely right, and I may be a simpleton: but, in my opinion, that knowledge only which is of being and of the unseen can make the soul look upwards, and whether a man gapes at the heavens or blinks on the ground, seeking to learn some particular of sense, I would deny that he can learn, for &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage529C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;nothing of that sort is matter of science; his soul is looking downwards, not upwards, whether his way to knowledge is by water or by land, whether he floats, or only lies on his back.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;who explains that the higher astronomy is an abstract science.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I acknowledge, he said, the justice of your rebuke. Still, I should like to ascertain how astronomy can be learned in any manner more conducive to that knowledge of which we are speaking?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I will tell you, I said: The starry heaven which we behold is wrought upon a visible ground, and therefore, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage529D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;although the fairest and most perfect of visible things, must necessarily be deemed inferior far to the true motions of absolute swiftness and absolute slowness, which are relative to each other, and carry with them that which is contained in them, in the true number and in every true figure. Now, these are to be apprehended by reason and intelligence, but not by sight.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The spangled heavens should be used as a pattern and with a view to that higher knowledge; their beauty is like &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage529E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the beauty of figures or pictures excellently wrought by the hand of Daedalus, or some other great artist, which we may chance to behold; any geometrician who saw them would appreciate the exquisiteness of their workmanship, but he would never dream of thinking that in them he could find the true equal or the true double, or the truth of any &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage530A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;530&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;other proportion.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No, he replied, such an idea would be ridiculous.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And will not a true astronomer have the same feeling when he looks at the movements of the stars? Will he not think that heaven and the things in heaven are framed by the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page233&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;233&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Creator of them in the most perfect manner? But he will never imagine that the proportions of night and day, or of both to the month, or of the month to the year, or of the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage530B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;stars to these and to one another, and any other things that are material and visible can also be eternal and subject to no deviation—that would be absurd; and it is equally absurd to take so much pains in investigating their exact truth.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I quite agree, though I never thought of this before.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The real knowledge of astronomy or geometry is to be attained by the use of abstractions.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then, I said, in astronomy, as in geometry, we should employ problems, and let the heavens alone if we would approach the subject in the right way and so make the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage530C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;natural gift of reason to be of any real use.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That, he said, is a work infinitely beyond our present astronomers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I said; and there are many other things which must also have a similar extension given to them, if our legislation is to be of any value. But can you tell me of any other suitable study?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;No, he said, not without thinking.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Motion, I said, has many forms, and not one only; two of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage530D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;them are obvious enough even to wits no better than ours; and there are others, as I imagine, which may be left to wiser persons.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But where are the two?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There is a second, I said, which is the counterpart of the one already named.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And what may that be?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;What astronomy is to the eye, harmonics are to the ear.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; The second, I said, would seem relatively to the ears to be what the first is to the eyes; for I conceive that as the eyes are designed to look up at the stars, so are the ears to hear harmonious motions; and these are sister sciences—as the Pythagoreans say, and we, Glaucon, agree with them?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage530E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But this, I said, is a laborious study, and therefore we had better go and learn of them; and they will tell us whether there are any other applications of these sciences. At the same time, we must not lose sight of our own higher object.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What is that?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;They must be studied with a view to the good and not after the fashion of the empirics or even of the Pythagoreans.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; There is a perfection which all knowledge ought to reach, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page234&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;234&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and which our pupils ought also to attain, and not to fall short of, as I was saying that they did in astronomy. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage531A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;531&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;For in the science of harmony, as you probably know, the same thing happens. The teachers of harmony compare the sounds and consonances which are heard only, and their labour, like that of the astronomers, is in vain.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, by heaven! he said; and ’tis as good as a play to hear them talking about their condensed notes, as they call them; they put their ears close alongside of the strings like persons catching a sound from their neighbour’s wall&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook75&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook75&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;—one set of them declaring that they distinguish an intermediate note and have found the least interval which should be the unit of measurement; the others insisting that the two sounds have passed into the same—either party setting &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage531B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;their ears before their understanding.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook75&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook75&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Or, ‘close alongside of their neighbour’s instruments, as if to catch a sound from them.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You mean, I said, those gentlemen who tease and torture the strings and rack them on the pegs of the instrument: I might carry on the metaphor and speak after their manner of the blows which the plectrum gives, and make accusations against the strings, both of backwardness and forwardness to sound; but this would be tedious, and therefore I will only say that these are not the men, and that I am referring to the Pythagoreans, of whom I was just now proposing to enquire about harmony. For they too are in error, like the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage531C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;astronomers; they investigate the numbers of the harmonies which are heard, but they never attain to problems—that is to say, they never reach the natural harmonies of number, or reflect why some numbers are harmonious and others not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That, he said, is a thing of more than mortal knowledge.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;A thing, I replied, which I would rather call useful; that is, if sought after with a view to the beautiful and good; but if pursued in any other spirit, useless.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;All these studies must be correlated with one another.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Now, when all these studies reach the point of inter-communion &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage531D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and connection with one another, and come to be considered in their mutual affinities, then, I think, but not till then, will the pursuit of them have a value for our objects; otherwise there is no profit in them. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page235&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;235&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I suspect so; but you are speaking, Socrates, of a vast work.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What do you mean? I said; the prelude or what? Do you not know that all this is but the prelude to the actual strain which we have to learn? For you surely would not &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage531E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;regard the skilled mathematician as a dialectician?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Want of reasoning power in mathematicians.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Assuredly not, he said; I have hardly ever known a mathematician who was capable of reasoning.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But do you imagine that men who are unable to give and take a reason will have the knowledge which we require of them?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Neither can this be supposed.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage532A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;532&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Dialectic proceeds by reason only, without any help of sense.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And so, Glaucon, I said, we have at last arrived at the hymn of dialectic. This is that strain which is of the intellect only, but which the faculty of sight will nevertheless be found to imitate; for sight, as you may remember, was imagined by us after a while to behold the real animals and stars, and last of all the sun himself. And so with dialectic; when a person starts on the discovery of the absolute by the light of reason only, and without any assistance of sense, and perseveres &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage532B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;until by pure intelligence he arrives at the perception of the absolute good, he at last finds himself at the end of the intellectual world, as in the case of sight at the end of the visible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Exactly, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then this is the progress which you call dialectic?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The gradual acquirement of dialectic by the pursuit of the arts anticipated in the allegory of the den.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But the release of the prisoners from chains, and their translation from the shadows to the images and to the light, and the ascent from the underground den to the sun, while in his presence they are vainly trying to look on animals and plants and the light of the sun, but are able to perceive &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage532C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;even with their weak eyes the images&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook76&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook76&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;6&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; in the water (which are divine), and are the shadows of true existence (not shadows of images cast by a light of fire, which compared with the sun is only an image)—this power of elevating the highest principle in the soul to the contemplation of that which is best in existence, with which we may compare the raising of that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page236&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;236&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; faculty which is the very light of the body to the sight of that which is brightest in the material and visible world—this power is given, as I was saying, by all that study and pursuit &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage532D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of the arts which has been described.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook76&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook76&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;6&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Omitting &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;e)ntau=tha de\ pro\s phanta/smata&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ἐνταῦθα δὲ πρὸς φαντάσματα&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;. The word &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;thei=a&amp;quot;&amp;gt;θεῖα&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; is bracketed by Stallbaum.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I agree in what you are saying, he replied, which may be hard to believe, yet, from another point of view, is harder still to deny. This, however, is not a theme to be treated of in passing only, but will have to be discussed again and again. And so, whether our conclusion be true or false, let us assume all this, and proceed at once from the prelude or preamble to the chief strain&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook77&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook77&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;7&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, and describe that in like manner. Say, then, what is the nature and what are the divisions of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage532E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;dialectic, and what are the paths which lead thither; for these paths will also lead to our final rest.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook77&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook77&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;7&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; A play upon the word &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;no/mos&amp;quot;&amp;gt;νόμος&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, which means both ‘law’ and ‘strain.’&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage533A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;533&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The nature of dialectic can only be revealed to those who have been students of the preliminary sciences,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Dear Glaucon, I said, you will not be able to follow me here, though I would do my best, and you should behold not an image only but the absolute truth, according to my notion. Whether what I told you would or would not have been a reality I cannot venture to say; but you would have seen something like reality; of that I am confident.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Doubtless, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But I must also remind you, that the power of dialectic alone can reveal this, and only to one who is a disciple of the previous sciences.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of that assertion you may be as confident as of the last.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage533B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And assuredly no one will argue that there is any other method of comprehending by any regular process all true existence or of ascertaining what each thing is in its own nature; for the arts in general are concerned with the desires or opinions of men, or are cultivated with a view to production and construction, or for the preservation of such productions and constructions; and as to the mathematical sciences which, as we were saying, have some apprehension of true being—geometry and the like—they only dream about &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage533C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;being, but never can they behold the waking reality so long as they leave the hypotheses which they use unexamined, and are unable to give an account of them. For when a man knows not his own first principle, and when the conclusion &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page237&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;237&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; and intermediate steps are also constructed out of he knows not what, how can he imagine that such a fabric of convention can ever become science?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Impossible, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;which are her handmaids.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then dialectic, and dialectic alone, goes directly to the first principle and is the only science which does away with hypotheses in order to make her ground secure; the eye of &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage533D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the soul, which is literally buried in an outlandish slough, is by her gentle aid lifted upwards; and she uses as handmaids and helpers in the work of conversion, the sciences which we have been discussing. Custom terms them sciences, but they ought to have some other name, implying greater clearness than opinion and less clearness than science: and this, in our previous sketch, was called understanding. But why &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage533E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;should we dispute about names when we have realities of such importance to consider?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Why indeed, he said, when any name will do which expresses the thought of the mind with clearness?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Two divisions of the mind, intellect and opinion, each having two subdivisions.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; At any rate, we are satisfied, as before, to have four divisions; two for intellect and two for opinion, and to call the first division science, the second understanding, the third belief, and the fourth perception of shadows, opinion &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage534A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;534&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; being concerned with becoming, and intellect with being; and so to make a proportion:—&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;blockquote&amp;gt;&amp;lt;div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;As being is to becoming, so is pure intellect to opinion.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
And as intellect is to opinion, so is science to belief, and understanding to the perception of shadows.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/blockquote&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But let us defer the further correlation and subdivision of the subjects of opinion and of intellect, for it will be a long enquiry, many times longer than this has been.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage534B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; As far as I understand, he said, I agree.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And do you also agree, I said, in describing the dialectician as one who attains a conception of the essence of each thing? And he who does not possess and is therefore unable to impart this conception, in whatever degree he fails, may in that degree also be said to fail in intelligence? Will you admit so much?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said; how can I deny it?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;No truth which does not rest on the idea of good&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And you would say the same of the conception of the good? Until the person is able to abstract and define rationally the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page238&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;238&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage534C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;idea of good, and unless he can run the gauntlet of all objections, and is ready to disprove them, not by appeals to opinion, but to absolute truth, never faltering at any step of the argument—unless he can do all this, you would say that he knows neither the idea of good nor any other good; he apprehends only a shadow, if anything at all, which is given by opinion and not by science;—dreaming and slumbering in this life, before he is well awake here, he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage534D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;arrives at the world below, and has his final quietus.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In all that I should most certainly agree with you.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And surely you would not have the children of your ideal State, whom you are nurturing and educating—if the ideal ever becomes a reality—you would not allow the future rulers to be like posts&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook78&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook78&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;, having no reason in them, and yet to be set in authority over the highest matters?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;div class=&amp;quot;footnote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p class=&amp;quot;noind&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;fn&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;Footnotebook78&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#FnAnchorbook78&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;8&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;transl&amp;quot; title=&amp;quot;gramma/s&amp;quot;&amp;gt;γραμμάς&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, literally ‘lines,’ probably the starting-point of a race-course.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;/div&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly not.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then you will make a law that they shall have such an education as will enable them to attain the greatest skill in asking and answering questions?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage534E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yes, he said, you and I together will make it.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ought to have a high place.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Dialectic, then, as you will agree, is the coping-stone of the sciences, and is set over them; no other science can be &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage535A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;535&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;placed higher—the nature of knowledge can no further go?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I agree, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But to whom we are to assign these studies, and in what way they are to be assigned, are questions which remain to be considered.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, clearly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You remember, I said, how the rulers were chosen before?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The same natures must still be chosen, and the preference again given to the surest and the bravest, and, if possible, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage535B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;to the fairest; and, having noble and generous tempers, they should also have the natural gifts which will facilitate their education.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And what are these?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The natural gifts which are required in the dialectician: a towardly understanding; a good memory; strength of character;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Such gifts as keenness and ready powers of acquisition; for the mind more often faints from the severity of study &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page239&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;239&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; than from the severity of gymnastics: the toil is more entirely the mind’s own, and is not shared with the body.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage535C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Further, he of whom we are in search should have a good memory, and be an unwearied solid man who is a lover of labour in any line; or he will never be able to endure the great amount of bodily exercise and to go through all the intellectual discipline and study which we require of him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly, he said; he must have natural gifts.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The mistake at present is, that those who study philosophy have no vocation, and this, as I was before saying, is the reason why she has fallen into disrepute: her true sons should take her by the hand and not bastards.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What do you mean?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage535D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;industry;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; In the first place, her votary should not have a lame or halting industry—I mean, that he should not be half industrious and half idle: as, for example, when a man is a lover of gymnastic and hunting, and all other bodily exercises, but a hater rather than a lover of the labour of learning or listening or enquiring. Or the occupation to which he devotes himself may be of an opposite kind, and he may have the other sort of lameness.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;love of truth;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And as to truth, I said, is not a soul equally to be deemed &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage535E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;halt and lame which hates voluntary falsehood and is extremely indignant at herself and others when they tell lies, but is patient of involuntary falsehood, and does not mind wallowing like a swinish beast in the mire of ignorance, and has no shame at being detected?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;To be sure.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage536A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;536&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;the moral virtues.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And, again, in respect of temperance, courage, magnificence, and every other virtue, should we not carefully distinguish between the true son and the bastard? for where there is no discernment of such qualities states and individuals unconsciously err; and the state makes a ruler, and the individual a friend, of one who, being defective in some part of virtue, is in a figure lame or a bastard.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is very true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;All these things, then, will have to be carefully considered &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage536B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;by us; and if only those whom we introduce to this vast &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page240&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;240&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; system of education and training are sound in body and mind, justice herself will have nothing to say against us, and we shall be the saviours of the constitution and of the State; but, if our pupils are men of another stamp, the reverse will happen, and we shall pour a still greater flood of ridicule on philosophy than she has to endure at present.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That would not be creditable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Socrates plays a little with himself and his subject.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Certainly not, I said; and yet perhaps, in thus turning jest into earnest I am equally ridiculous.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In what respect?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage536C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I had forgotten, I said, that we were not serious, and spoke with too much excitement. For when I saw philosophy so undeservedly trampled under foot of men I could not help feeling a sort of indignation at the authors of her disgrace: and my anger made me too vehement.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Indeed! I was listening, and did not think so.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;For the study of dialectic the young must be selected.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But I, who am the speaker, felt that I was. And now let me remind you that, although in our former selection we &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage536D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;chose old men, we must not do so in this. Solon was under a delusion when he said that a man when he grows old may learn many things—for he can no more learn much than he can run much; youth is the time for any extraordinary toil.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Of course.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The preliminary studies should be commenced in childhood, but never forced.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And, therefore, calculation and geometry and all the other elements of instruction, which are a preparation for dialectic, should be presented to the mind in childhood; not, however, under any notion of forcing our system of education.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Why not?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage536E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Because a freeman ought not to be a slave in the acquisition of knowledge of any kind. Bodily exercise, when compulsory, does no harm to the body; but knowledge which is acquired under compulsion obtains no hold on the mind.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then, my good friend, I said, do not use compulsion, but &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage537A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;537&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;let early education be a sort of amusement; you will then be better able to find out the natural bent.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is a very rational notion, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Do you remember that the children, too, were to be taken &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page241&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;241&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; to see the battle on horseback; and that if there were no danger they were to be brought close up and, like young hounds, have a taste of blood given them?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I remember.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The same practice may be followed, I said, in all these things—labours, lessons, dangers—and he who is most at home in all of them ought to be enrolled in a select number.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage537B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; At what age?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The necessary gymnastics must be completed first.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; At the age when the necessary gymnastics are over: the period whether of two or three years which passes in this sort of training is useless for any other purpose; for sleep and exercise are unpropitious to learning; and the trial of who is first in gymnastic exercises is one of the most important tests to which our youth are subjected.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly, he replied.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;At twenty years of age the disciples will begin to be taught the correlation of the sciences.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; After that time those who are selected from the class of twenty years old will be promoted to higher honour, and the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage537C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;sciences which they learned without any order in their early education will now be brought together, and they will be able to see the natural relationship of them to one another and to true being.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said, that is the only kind of knowledge which takes lasting root.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I said; and the capacity for such knowledge is the great criterion of dialectical talent: the comprehensive mind is always the dialectical.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I agree with you, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;At thirty the most promising will be placed in a select class.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; These, I said, are the points which you must consider; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage537D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and those who have most of this comprehension, and who are most steadfast in their learning, and in their military and other appointed duties, when they have arrived at the age of thirty have to be chosen by you out of the select class, and elevated to higher honour; and you will have to prove them by the help of dialectic, in order to learn which of them is able to give up the use of sight and the other senses, and in company with truth to attain absolute being: And here, my friend, great caution is required.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Why great caution?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage537E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The growth of scepticism&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Do you not remark, I said, how great is the evil which dialectic has introduced? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page242&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;242&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;What evil? he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;The students of the art are filled with lawlessness.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Quite true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Do you think that there is anything so very unnatural or inexcusable in their case? or will you make allowance for them?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In what way make allowance?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;in the minds of the young illustrated by the case of a supposititious son,&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; I want you, I said, by way of parallel, to imagine a supposititious son who is brought up in great wealth; he &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage538A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;538&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;is one of a great and numerous family, and has many flatterers. When he grows up to manhood, he learns that his alleged are not his real parents; but who the real are he is unable to discover. Can you guess how he will be likely to behave towards his flatterers and his supposed parents, first of all during the period when he is ignorant of the false relation, and then again when he knows? Or shall I guess for you?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;If you please.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;who ceases to honour his father when he discovers that he is not his father.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Then I should say, that while he is ignorant of the truth &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage538B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;he will be likely to honour his father and his mother and his supposed relations more than the flatterers; he will be less inclined to neglect them when in need, or to do or say anything against them; and he will be less willing to disobey them in any important matter.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He will.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;But when he has made the discovery, I should imagine that he would diminish his honour and regard for them, and would become more devoted to the flatterers; their influence over him would greatly increase; he would now live after &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage538C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;their ways, and openly associate with them, and, unless he were of an unusually good disposition, he would trouble himself no more about his supposed parents or other relations.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Well, all that is very probable. But how is the image applicable to the disciples of philosophy?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In this way: you know that there are certain principles about justice and honour, which were taught us in childhood, and under their parental authority we have been brought up, obeying and honouring them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That is true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage538D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; There are also opposite maxims and habits of pleasure &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page243&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;243&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; which flatter and attract the soul, but do not influence those of us who have any sense of right, and they continue to obey and honour the maxims of their fathers.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;So men who begin to analyse the first principles of morality cease to respect them.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Now, when a man is in this state, and the questioning spirit asks what is fair or honourable, and he answers as the legislator has taught him, and then arguments many and diverse refute his words, until he is driven into believing that nothing is honourable any more than dishonourable, or &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage538E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;just and good any more than the reverse, and so of all the notions which he most valued, do you think that he will still honour and obey them as before?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Impossible.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And when he ceases to think them honourable and natural &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage539A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;539&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;as heretofore, and he fails to discover the true, can he be expected to pursue any life other than that which flatters his desires?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;He cannot.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And from being a keeper of the law he is converted into a breaker of it?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Unquestionably.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Now all this is very natural in students of philosophy such as I have described, and also, as I was just now saying, most excusable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said; and, I may add, pitiable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Therefore, that your feelings may not be moved to pity about our citizens who are now thirty years of age, every care must be taken in introducing them to dialectic.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage539B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Young men are fond of pulling truth to pieces and thus bring disgrace upon themselves and upon philosophy.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; There is a danger lest they should taste the dear delight too early; for youngsters, as you may have observed, when they first get the taste in their mouths, argue for amusement, and are always contradicting and refuting others in imitation of those who refute them; like puppy-dogs, they rejoice in pulling and tearing at all who come near them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said, there is nothing which they like better.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And when they have made many conquests and received &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage539C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;defeats at the hands of many, they violently and speedily get into a way of not believing anything which they believed before, and hence, not only they, but philosophy and all that &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page244&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;244&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; relates to it is apt to have a bad name with the rest of the world.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Too true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The dialectician and the eristic.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; But when a man begins to get older, he will no longer be guilty of such insanity; he will imitate the dialectician who is seeking for truth, and not the eristic, who is contradicting for the sake of amusement; and the greater moderation of his &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage539D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;character will increase instead of diminishing the honour of the pursuit.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;And did we not make special provision for this, when we said that the disciples of philosophy were to be orderly and steadfast, not, as now, any chance aspirant or intruder?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Suppose, I said, the study of philosophy to take the place of gymnastics and to be continued diligently and earnestly and exclusively for twice the number of years which were passed in bodily exercise—will that be enough?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage539E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Would you say six or four years? he asked.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The study of philosophy to continue for five years; 30–35.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Say five years, I replied; at the end of the time they must be sent down again into the den and compelled to hold any military or other office which young men are qualified to hold: in this way they will get their experience of life, and there will be an opportunity of trying whether, when they are drawn all manner of ways by temptation, they will stand firm or flinch.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage540A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;540&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; And how long is this stage of their lives to last?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;During fifteen years, 35–50, they are to hold office.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Fifteen years, I answered; and when they have reached fifty years of age, then let those who still survive and have distinguished themselves in every action of their lives and in every branch of knowledge come at last to their consummation: the time has now arrived at which they must raise the eye of the soul to the universal light which lightens all things, and behold the absolute good; for that is the pattern according to which they are to order the State and the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage540B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;lives of individuals, and the remainder of their own lives also; making philosophy their chief pursuit, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;At the end of that time they are to live chiefly in the contemplation of the good, but occasionally to return to politics.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;but, when their turn comes, toiling also at politics and ruling for the public good, not as though they were performing some heroic &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page245&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;245&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; action, but simply as a matter of duty; and when they have brought up in each generation others like themselves and left them in their place to be governors of the State, then they will depart to the Islands of the Blest and dwell there; and the city will give them public memorials and sacrifices &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage540C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;and honour them, if the Pythian oracle consent, as demigods, but if not, as in any case blessed and divine.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;You are a sculptor, Socrates, and have made statues of our governors faultless in beauty.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I said, Glaucon, and of our governesses too; for you must not suppose that what I have been saying applies to men only and not to women as far as their natures can go.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There you are right, he said, since we have made them to share in all things like the men.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage540D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Well, I said, and you would agree (would you not?) that what has been said about the State and the government is not a mere dream, and although difficult not impossible, but only possible in the way which has been supposed; that is to say, when the true philosopher kings are born in a State, one or more of them, despising the honours of this present world which they deem mean and worthless, esteeming above all things right and the honour &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage540E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;that springs from right, and regarding justice as the greatest and most necessary of all things, whose ministers they are, and whose principles will be exalted by them when they set in order their own city?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How will they proceed?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Practical measures for the speedy foundation of the State.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; They will begin by sending out into the country all the &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage541A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;541&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;inhabitants of the city who are more than ten years old, and will take possession of their children, who will be unaffected by the habits of their parents; these they will train in their own habits and laws, I mean in the laws which we have given them: and in this way the State and constitution of which we were speaking will soonest and most easily attain happiness, and the nation which has such a constitution will gain most.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, that will be the best way. And I think, Socrates, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage541B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;that you have very well described how, if ever, such a constitution might come into being. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page246&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;246&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Enough then of the perfect State, and of the man who bears its image—there is no difficulty in seeing how we shall describe him.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;There is no difficulty, he replied; and I agree with you in thinking that nothing more need be said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;  &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page247&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;h3 class=&amp;quot;space-above&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;BookVIII&amp;quot;&amp;gt;BOOK VIII.&amp;lt;/h3&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage543A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Steph.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
543&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;Republic VIII.&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt;&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
S&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;OCRATES&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;, G&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;LAUCON&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;.&amp;lt;br&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Recapitulation of Book V.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; A&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;smcap&amp;quot;&amp;gt;ND&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; so, Glaucon, we have arrived at the conclusion that in the perfect State wives and children are to be in common; and that all education and the pursuits of war and peace are also to be common, and the best philosophers and the bravest warriors are to be their kings?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That, replied Glaucon, has been acknowledged.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage543B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Yes, I said; and we have further acknowledged that the governors, when appointed themselves, will take their soldiers and place them in houses such as we were describing, which are common to all, and contain nothing private, or individual; and about their property, you remember what we agreed?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, I remember that no one was to have any of the ordinary possessions of mankind; they were to be warrior &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage543C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;athletes and guardians, receiving from the other citizens, in lieu of annual payment, only their maintenance, and they were to take care of themselves and of the whole State.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;True, I said; and now that this division of our task is concluded, let us find the point at which we digressed, that we may return into the old path.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Return to the end of Book IV.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; There is no difficulty in returning; you implied, then as now, that you had finished the description of the State: you said that such a State was good, and that the man was good &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage543D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;who answered to it, although, as now appears, you had more &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage544A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;544&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;excellent things to relate both of State and man. And you said further, that if this was the true form, then the others were false; and of the false forms, you said, as I remember, that there were four principal ones, and that their defects, and the defects of the individuals corresponding to them, were worth examining. When we had seen all the individuals, and finally agreed as to who was the best and who was the worst &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page248&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;248&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; of them, we were to consider whether the best was not also the happiest, and the worst the most miserable. I asked you what were the four forms of government of which &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage544B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;you spoke, and then Polemarchus and Adeimantus put in their word; and you began again, and have found your way to the point at which we have now arrived.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Your recollection, I said, is most exact.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then, like a wrestler, he replied, you must put yourself again in the same position; and let me ask the same questions, and do you give me the same answer which you were about to give me then.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, if I can, I will, I said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;I shall particularly wish to hear what were the four constitutions of which you were speaking.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage544C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;Four imperfect constitutions, the Cretan or Spartan, Oligarchy, Democracy, Tyranny.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; That question, I said, is easily answered: the four governments of which I spoke, so far as they have distinct names, are, first, those of Crete and Sparta, which are generally applauded; what is termed oligarchy comes next; this is not equally approved, and is a form of government which teems with evils: thirdly, democracy, which naturally follows oligarchy, although very different: and lastly comes tyranny, great and famous, which differs from them all, and is the fourth and worst disorder of a State. I do not know, do you? of any other constitution which can be said to have a distinct character. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage544D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; There are lordships and principalities which are bought and sold, and some other intermediate forms of government. But these are nondescripts and may be found equally among Hellenes and among barbarians.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he replied, we certainly hear of many curious forms of government which exist among them.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;States are like men, because they are made up of men.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Do you know, I said, that governments vary as the dispositions of men vary, and that there must be as many of the one as there are of the other? For we cannot suppose that States are made of ‘oak and rock,’ and not out of the human natures which are in them, and which in a figure &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage544E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;turn the scale and draw other things after them?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Yes, he said, the States are as the men are; they grow out of human characters.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then if the constitutions of States are five, the dispositions of individual minds will also be five? &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page249&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;249&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Him who answers to aristocracy, and whom we rightly &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage545A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;545&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;call just and good, we have already described.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;We have.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Then let us now proceed to describe the inferior sort of natures, being the contentious and ambitious, who answer to the Spartan polity; also the oligarchical, democratical, and tyrannical. Let us place the most just by the side of the most unjust, and when we see them we shall be able to compare the relative happiness or unhappiness of him who leads a life of pure justice or pure injustice. The enquiry will then be completed. And we shall know whether we ought to pursue injustice, as Thrasymachus advises, or &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage545B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;in accordance with the conclusions of the argument to prefer justice.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Certainly, he replied, we must do as you say.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The State and the individual.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; Shall we follow our old plan, which we adopted with a view to clearness, of taking the State first and then proceeding to the individual, and begin with the government of honour?—I know of no name for such a government other than timocracy, or perhaps timarchy. We will compare with this the like character in the individual; and, after that, &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage545C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;consider oligarchy and the oligarchical man; and then again we will turn our attention to democracy and the democratical man; and lastly, we will go and view the city of tyranny, and once more take a look into the tyrant’s soul, and try to arrive at a satisfactory decision.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;That way of viewing and judging of the matter will be very suitable.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;How timocracy arises out of aristocracy.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; First, then, I said, let us enquire how timocracy (the government of honour) arises out of aristocracy (the government &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage545D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;of the best). Clearly, all political changes originate in divisions of the actual governing power; a government which is united, however small, cannot be moved.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Very true, he said.&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;In what way, then, will our city be moved, and in what manner will the two classes of auxiliaries and rulers disagree among themselves or with one another? Shall we, after the manner of Homer, pray the Muses to tell us ‘how discord &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage545E&amp;quot;&amp;gt;E&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;first arose’? Shall we imagine them in solemn &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page250&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;250&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; mockery, to play and jest with us as if we were children, and to address us in a lofty tragic vein, making believe to be in earnest?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;How would they address us?&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage546A&amp;quot;&amp;gt;546&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; After this manner:—A city which is thus constituted can hardly be shaken; but, seeing that everything which has a beginning has also an end, even a constitution such as yours will not last for ever, but will in time be dissolved. And this is the dissolution:—In plants that grow in the earth, as well as in animals that move on the earth’s surface, fertility and sterility of soul and body occur when the circumferences of the circles of each are completed, which in short-lived existences pass over a short space, and in long-lived ones over a long space. &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sidenote&amp;quot;&amp;gt;The intelligence which is alloyed with sense will not know how to regulate births and deaths in accordance with the number which controls them.&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;But to the knowledge of human fecundity and sterility all the wisdom and education of your rulers will not attain; &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage546B&amp;quot;&amp;gt;B&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the laws which regulate them will not be discovered by an intelligence which is alloyed with sense, but will escape them, and they will bring children into the world when they ought not. Now that which is of divine birth has a period which is contained in a perfect number,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook81&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook81&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;1&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; but the period of human birth is comprehended in a number in which first increments by involution and evolution [&amp;lt;i&amp;gt;or&amp;lt;/i&amp;gt; squared and cubed] obtaining three intervals and four terms of like and unlike, waxing and waning numbers, make all the terms &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage546C&amp;quot;&amp;gt;C&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;commensurable and agreeable to one another.&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook82&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook82&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;2&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; The base of these (3) with a third added (4) when combined with five (20) and raised to the third power furnishes two harmonies; the first a square which is a hundred times as great (400 = 4 × 100),&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook83&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook83&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;3&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; and the other a figure having one side equal to the former, but oblong,&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook84&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook84&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;4&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; consisting of a hundred numbers squared upon rational diameters of a square (i.e. omitting fractions), the side of which is five (7 × 7 = 49 × 100 = 4900), each of them &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;pagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;page251&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;251&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt; being less by one (than the perfect square which includes the fractions, sc. 50) or less by&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a href=&amp;quot;#Footnotebook85&amp;quot; id=&amp;quot;FnAnchorbook85&amp;quot; class=&amp;quot;pginternal&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;sp&amp;quot;&amp;gt;5&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt; two perfect squares of irrational diameters (of a square the side of which is five = 50 + 50 = 100); and a hundred cubes of three (27 × 100 = 2700 + 4900 + 400 = 8000). Now this number represents a geometrical figure which has control over &amp;lt;span class=&amp;quot;stpagenum&amp;quot;&amp;gt;&amp;lt;html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;a id=&amp;quot;stpage546D&amp;quot;&amp;gt;D&amp;lt;/a&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/html&amp;gt;&amp;lt;/span&amp;gt;the good and evil of births. For when your guardians are ignorant of the law of births, and unite bride and bridegroom out of season, the children will not be goodly or fortunate. And though only the best of them will be appointed by their predecessors, still they will be unworthy to hold their fathers’ places, and when they come into po&lt;/div&gt;</summary>
		<author><name>Robbie</name></author>
	</entry>
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